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EDITSD BT
WILLIAM GUILD HOWARD
8BCBBTJLBT OF THX JumooiAamm
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VOL. XXXII. NO. 3 ^> I
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CONTENTS
/ PA0B
Uraei of Sir Joshua Reynolds. By ELBratr
^'HOMPSON, - 339-366
/
* of Shakeapeare's ContrtbutioH to 1 Henry
367-382
Henry David Gbay, . - - .
•ilus-Cressida Story from Chaucer to Shake-
^re. By HYDBft E. Holuks, ....
r den Zweck des Dramas in Deutschland im 16.
und 17. Jahrhundert. By Jos. E. Gillet,
, *— Hue de Rotelande's Ipom^don and Chretien de Troyes.
By Lucy M. Gay, - - - . - . .
A'IX. — The Sources of Chaucer's Parlement of Foule8. By
WiLLABD Edwabd Fabnham, 492-618
383-429
430-467
468-491
/'^ annual volume of the Publications of the Modem Language Aaaooior
r* of America is issued in quarterly instalments. It contains chiefly
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next meeting of the Central Division of the Association under the aik.,
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l^
'■? THE MODERN LANQUAQB ASSOCIATION OP
AMERICA FOR THE YEAR 1917
-B
arses of Siu
<^ouvBONi^^^^^* BO'^^''^ University^ Cambridge^ Mass.
. oy^um) HowABD, Harvard University, Oamhridge, Mass.
^^ VICB-PRBSIDSNTS
\iiN6T0N^ Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford Univ,, Oal,
Arthub C. L. Buowif, yorthtoesteni University, Evanston, IIU
Gael F. Katsbb, Hunter College, New York, N, Y,
CENTRAL DIVISION
^^j^^j^hairman, Thomas Eowabd Oliveb, University of Illinois, Urhana, lU.
Secretary, Bkbt E. Young, Vanderhilt University, Nashville, Tenn.
CDITORIAL COMMITTEE
^ of Ani^ixjjiLM. Guild Eowabd, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
^tides wlp bjjbj e^ Youwo, Vanderbilt University, NashvUle^ Tenn.
approved ^ Blakkmoee Evanb, Ohio State University, Colwnbus, 0.
contribute
lume Sj GiXHMSB I^ Hamilton, Cornell University, Ithaoa^ N. Y.
of the John Livinoston Lowes, Washington University, St, Louis, Mo.
contain
Th*
ar out;
each, f
TOllW^
Cd
Reqf
A
EXECUTIV COUNCIL
THS 0FFIGEB8 NAMED ADOVB AND
Oboeok 0. CuBME, Northwestern University, Svanston, lU.
Oliveb F. Smebson, Western Reserve Unipersiiy, CleveUtnd, 0.
James Geddbs, Jb., Boston University, Boston, Mass.
T. AXKiNflON Jenkins, University of Chicago, Chicago, lU*
John A. Lomax, Lee, Higginson and Co,, Chicago lU.
William Allan Nsilson, Smith College, Northampton, Mass.
Hugo K Sohiluno, University of California, Berkeley, CcX.
The
Yale^
next %
of the
Attenti>
especial
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THB
Modern Language Association
I
7
/
OP
AMERICA
EDITED BT
WILLIAM GUILD HOWARD
8B0ASTABT OF THE AflBOOIATION
VOL. XXXII
NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV
PUBUSHT QUABT^T BT THX ASSOOZAXIOir
PbINTED by J. H. FUBST COMPAWT
BALTIMOBB
1917
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CONTENTS
PAOB
I.— /Die Banning of Italian Influence in English Prose
Fiction. By Howabd J, Savage, - - - - l
n. — ^The Earliest Precursor of Our Present-Day Monthly
Miscellanies. By Dorothy Foster,— - - - 22
m.— Schiller's Tell and the VolksatUok,^ By Aoour Bubbb, 50
17. — ^A Type of Blank Verse Line Found In the Earlier
Elizabethan Drama. By F. O. Hubbard, - - 68
y. — ^Walter Map's De Nugia OuriaUum: Its Plan and Com-
position. By James Hinton, - - - • 81
VL — ^The Speculum Vitae: Addendum. By HwB Ehilt
Aixsif, 188
\^ Vn. — ^The Rise of a Theory of Stage Presentation in Eng-
land during the Eighteenth Century. By Lilt S.
Campbell, .- - - 163
Vm.— The B^^nings of Poetry. By Louise Pound, - - 201
IX. — ^The Dramas of George Henry Boker. By Arthur
Hobson Quinn, 238
X. — Lave Fayned and Unfayned and the English Anabap-
'"'*' tists. By E. Bbatriob Daw, - - - - 267
^^,^-^^The Debate on Marriage in the Oanterhwry Tale; By ^
^0^^^^y Henrt Barrett Hinoklet, 202 ^^^
S/'Xn* — Spenp^r, Lady Carey, and the OomplamU Volume. By
/ OiivER Farrar Emerson, 806
Xin.— The Legend of St. Wulfhad and St. RufBn at Stone
Priory. By Cordon Hall Gerould, - - - 828
XIV. — ^The Diicouraea of Sir Joshua Reynolds. By Elbert
N". S. Thompson, 839
-The Purport of Shakespeare's Contribution to 1 Henry .
VL By Henrt David Gray, - - - - 367
_he Troilus-Creesida Story from Chaucer to Shake-
speare. By Hyder E. Rollins, ■ - '^■■*- 383 ^
XVn. — ^t)l5CTHttlB^Zweck des Dramas in Deutschland im 16.
und 17. Jahrhundert. By Jos. E. Giluet, - - 430
XVm. — Hue de Rotelande'a lpom4don and Chretien de Troyes.
By LuoT M. Gat, 468
XTX. — ^The Sources of Chaucer's Parlement of FoiUee. By
y^ WiLLARD Edward Farnham, 492 "^^ —
^^'^ XX. — Balautttion'a Adventure as an Interpretation of the
Aloeaiia of Euripides. By Frederick M. Tjbdul, 610
XXI. — Charles Lamb, the Greatest of the Essayists. By W.
L. MaoDonald, 547
XXn.— The Theme of Death in Paradiae Loat. By John
Erskine, 673/^^ "
XXIII. — ^The Development of Brief Narrative in Modem French
Literature : A Statement of the Problem. By Hora-
tio E. Smith, 588
XXTV. — Sir Perceval and The Boyiah EmpMia of Finn. By
Roy Bennett Pace, 598
XXV. — ^The Lincoln Cordwainers' Pageant. By Hardin Craio, 605
XXVI.— The Early '* Royal-Entry." By Robert Withington, 616
J
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PUBLICATIONS
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Modern Language Association
OP
AMERICA
EDITED BT
WILLIAM GUILD HOWARD
tEC&BTiiBT 07 THX ASBOOIATIOir
VOL. XXXII, NO. 1
NBW^ SERIES. VOL. XXV. NO. 1
MARCH, iei7
PUBLIBHT QUABTEBLT BT THE ASBOOlATIOlf
At 39 EJBKLAN0 Stbebt, Gahbbidcuii, Mass.
Boston Postai. Distbiot
SXJBSOBIPTION PbICB $3.00 A TsAB; 6l56L| KUHBEBS $1.00
PbiKTD) BT J. n. FUBBT COMPANT
BALTDiOBB
Eoterd Noyember 7, 1002, at Boston, Ha«., M MOoad-dMi msttar
under Act of Oacgnm of lUrdi I, 1879.
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CONTENTS
I. — The Beginning of Italian Influence in English Proae Fiction.
By Howard J. Savage, 1-21
II. — ^The Earliest Precursor of Our Presoit-Day Monthly Miscel-
lanies. By DoEOTHY Foster, 22-68
III.— Schiller's Tell and the VolkastUck, By Adolf Busse, - 59-67
IV. — A l^pe of Blank Verse Line Foimd in the Earlier Elizabethan i
Drama. By F. G. HtJBBABD, 68-80
V. — ^Walter Map's De Nugia CuHaliuni: Its Plan and Cwnposi- )
tion. By James Hinton, - 81-132
Appendix. — Procedings of the Thirty-fourth Annual Meeting of the
Modern Language Association of America, hdd under
the auspices of Princeton University, at Princeton, N. J.,
December 27, 28, 29, 1916, and of the Twenty-second
Annual Meeting of the Central Division of the Associa-
ti(^, held under the auspices of the University of Chicago
and Northwestern University, at Chicago, 111., on ihe
same days, - i-lvi
The President's Address, Ivii-hccvii
The Chairman's Address, bcxviii-c
CONSTITXJTION, ci-civ
Officers of the Association for 1917 cv
The annual volume of the Publioationa of the Modem Language Associa-
tion of America is issued in quarterly instalments. It contains chiefly
articles which hav been presented at the meetings of the Association and
approved for publication by the Editorial Conunittee. Other appropriate
contributions may be accepted by the Committee. The first number of each
volume includes, in an Appendix, the ProcecUngs of the last Annual Meeting
of the Association and its Divisions; the fourth number of eaoh volume
contains a list of the members of the Association and its Divisions.
The first seven volumes of these Publications, constituting the Old Series,
ar out of print, but ar being reprinted. Volumes I to IV, inclusiv, at $3.00
each, ar now redy for delivery. All of the New Series, beginning with
volume VIII, may be obtaind of the Secretary. The subscription for the
current volume is $3.00. The price of single numbers is $1.00 each.
Copies of the Report of the Committee of Twelv on College Admission
Kequirements may be obtaind of the Secretary. The price is ten cents a copy.
All commimications shud be addrest to
William Guild Howard,
Secretary of the Association^
S9 Kirkland Street, Cambridge, Mass.
The next meeting of the Association wil be held under the auspices of
Yale University, at New Haven, Conn., December 27, 28, 29, 1917, and the
next meeting of the Central Division of the Association under the auspices
of the University of Wisconsin, at Madison, Wis., on the same days.
Attention is cald to the regulations printed on the third page of this cover,
especially to the amended no. 2.
.^
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*MAR2d 1917''
(P.4t^n:&^'>{
PUBLICATIONS
OF
Modern Lanpage Association of America
1917
Vol. XXXII, 1 New Series, Vol. XXV, 1
I.— THE BEGINNING OP ITALIAN INFLUENCE
IN ENGLISH PBOSE FICTION
*' The probationary period of translation . . . marks
the first stage in the development of prose fiction," writes
Professor J. W. H. Atkins,^ and inspection of even a few
Elizabethan novels will convince one that the type is not
indigenous to English soil. The use of tiie love affair, of
realism in the telling, of ordinary people in ordinary sur-
roxmdings, of the rival and the confidante, of even the
minor love affair, and of a plot with well marked stages and
characters influenced by events ^ would have been impos-
sible to English novelists without the example of their
Italian predecessors. Before Euphues or The Aduentwres
passed by Master F. I. or The Oolden Aphroditis can be
adequately accounted for, the contribution of Italy must be
studied, not alone through such collections as Painter^s
* Cambridge History of English Literature, Vol. m, Ch. xvi, " EUza-
bethan Prose Fiction," p. 390. Putnam's, N. T., 1911.
• Dr. Percy Waldron Long, " From Troilus to Euphues," Kittredge
Anmversary Papers, Boston, 1913, p. 367.
1
O
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2 HOWARD J. SAVAGE
Pallace of Pleasure (1566-67) and Fenton's Tragicall
Discourses (1567), but — and this is of more importance —
through single works outside collections, which were of suf-
ficient length and interest to bear the test of printing as
separate volumes.
In 1560 appeared The Ooodli History of the moste
noble & beautifvll Ladye Lucres of Scene in Tuslcan, and
of her louer Eurialus, verye pleasaunt and delectable vnto
the reder. ^ Copland may possibly have printed an edi-
tion as early as 1550. * At all events, the edition of J.
Kynge in 1560 was not the first. The date of the first
English version depends upon conjecture, but 1560, even
though it yield ten years, is sure. Lucres, so far as I
know, was the first English translation of an Italian
novella for its own sake, ^ and with it the influelice of
• In The Historie of PlaaidcLS, and other rare pieces, The Roxburghe
Club, 1873, with introduction by H. H. Gibbs. Lucres is one of the
"rare pieces." To it Professor Carleton Brown first called my at-
tention.
• Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum, s. v. Pius II,
G. 21. c. Esdaile, List of English Tales and Prose Romances printed
before 17^0, Bibliographical Society, 1012, lists this edition as un-
dated. Hazlitt, according to H. H. Gibbs ( Preface to the Roxburghe
CluVs reprint, p. vi) would date it "c. 1549," while "Lowndes men-
tions one by W. Copland, of 1547." As Gibbs suggests, this last date
is probably an error for 1567. Esdaile lists the edition of 1500 in
the British Museum (Huth. 51), which Gibbs also mentions on p. vi
as the property of Henry Huth. Jusserand, The English Novel in
the Time of Bhakespeare, trans. Elizabeth Lee, 1890, mentions (p.
82) "one before 1550," evidently without verification. Laneham's
Captain Cox possessed a copy of "Lucres and Eurialus" {Robert
Laneham'a Letter, Ed. Fumivall,.N. Y., Duffield, 1907, p. 30), which
Fumivall discusses at length as a " somewhat warm " story " for an
embryo Pope to have written" (Intro., pp. xxxixff.).
• Sir Thomas Elyot, The Boke Named the Govemour, Book n, Ch.
xn (Ed. Crofts, VoL n, pp. 132 ff.) rehearses the story of Titus and
Gisippus (Boccaccio, Decameron, Day 10, Novella viii) "to recreate
the redars which . . . desire varietie of mater " with " a right good-
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ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN ENGLISH PBOSE FICTION 8
Italy upon Elizabethan prose fiction may be said to have
b^un.
Before 1560, the only type of prose fiction largely
current in England was the medieval romanca The Greek
novel "represented in the work of lamblichus, Xenephon
of Ephesus, Heliodorus, Tatius, Chariton, . . . Eus-
tathius, and . . . Longus ^' ® had not touched Elizabethan
England, and its influence is negligible. In the diffusion
of the prose romance in English Caxton had been the
pioneer, with his editions of The Becuyell of the History
of Troye (1475?), the History of Jason (1477), Oodef-
froy of Bologne (1481), Beynart the Foxe (1481),
Charles the Orete of Fraunce (1485), Le Morte Bar-
ly example of frendship." Of this Wynkyn de Worde had printed
a rhymed version by William Walter. Elyot rendered through the
Latin of Beroaldo. Elyot's purpose is therefore half didactic. In
1556 two editions appeared of the Histoire de Aurelio et laahelle
. . . Historia di Aurelio e laaabella . . . Hisioria de Aurelio^ y de
Ysabela . . . The Historie of Aurelio and of leahell , , , In foure
langagiea, Frenche, lialien, Spanish, and Inglishe, Of this Miss
Mary Augusta Scott in her Elizabethan Translations from the Italian
{Publications of the Modem Language Association of America, Vol.
X) Part I: Romances, p. 260, writes, "The polyglot editions show
that Aurelia and Isabell was a favorite romance. It is attributed
to Jean de Flores, and was translated from the Spanish into Italian
by lielio Aletifilo and into French by G. Corrozet." This was un-
doubtedly a text-book to be used in acquiring foreign languages, and
its purpose was pedagogic.
•A. J. Tieje, The Critical Heritage of Fiction in 1519, Englische
Btudien, XLvn (1913), p. 416. Search in Miss Henrietta R. Palmer's
List of English Editions and Translations of Greek and Latin Clas-
sics printed before 1641, Bibliographical Society, 1911, and in the
Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum shows that Helio-
dorus was first englished in The Histoire of Chariolea and Theogenes,
which appeared in The Amorous and Tragical Tales of Plutarch,
^hereunto is annexed the History of Caricles and Theoginis . . .
translated by Ja, Sanferd, 1567; Longus, in Angell Day's Daphnis
and Chloe, 1687. Cetera desunt. Ovid's Narcissus was rendered
as verse in 1560.
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4 HOWARD J. SAVAGE
thur (1485), Blanchardine and Eglantine (1489), and
!Z%e Four Sons of Aymon (1489?). His example was
followed by De Worde, Pynson, and other printers, who
not only issued fresh editions of some of these romances,
but also struck out for themselves J Before 1660 I find
only two works which fall under the suspicion of being
original English fiction. The first, Of a Merchau [n] tes
Wyfe that afterwarde went LyJce a Ma[n] and becam a
greate Lorde and was Called Frederyhe of Jennen after-
warde (1618), was printed by J. Dusborowghe and re-
printed by both Pynson and Vele. The second was A
Lyttle Treatyse Called the Image of Idlenesse, contayn-
ynge certain matters moued between Walter WedlocJce
and Bawdin Bachelor , . . by Olyuer Oldwanton, and
dedicated to the Lady Lust^ (1658). The former was
* Among these romances and medieval stories Esdaile or Miss Pal-
mer lists the following pieces : De Worde, without date, Qesta Romor
norum; Joseph of Arimathea; TaleMine a/nd Orson (two other editions
by Copland) ; The Dystruccyon of Iherusalem by Vespazian a/nd
Tytus (another edition by Pynson, and one by De Worde, 1528);
Robert the Devil; 1499, Mandeville's Travels (other editions by
Pynson, N. D., De Worde, 1603, and East, 1568) ; c. 1499, The Thre
Kynges of Coleyne (1511, 1526, 1530); 1510, Kynge Appolyn of
Thyre; 1511, Ponthus (1548); 1512, The Knyght of the Bwanne
. . . Helyas (second edition by Copland) ; 1518, Olyuer of Oasftylle,
and . . . fayre Helayne daughter unto the Kynge of England. Pyn-
son, 1513, The Hy story e [of the] 8ege and Destruocyon of Troye
(Marshe, 1555; Paynell, 1553). Other printers, without date, Kyng
Wyllyam of Pdleme; Surdyt King of Ireland; Ye, vii Wyse Mobs-
ters of Rome; 1518, Virgilius (Copland, 1561); J. Duisbrowgh:
Anwarpe {sio), 1518?, Mary of Nemmegen; The Parson of Kalen-
borowe, 1520?; N. D., Arthur of Lytle Britain; The Boke of the Oyte
of Ladyes, 1521; Bemers, 1548?, The Castell of Love . . . whiche
boke treateth of the love betwene Leriano and Laureola (two other
editions, N. D.) ; 1551, More, Utopia; 1553, The Historic of Quintus
Ourtius, Conteyning the Aotes of the greate Alewander.
■The title curiously anticipates Fullwood's Inimie of Idleness
(1568), the first English letter-writer.
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ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN ENGLISH PBOSE FICTION 0
probably a translation of a Gterman chap-book ; the latter
may. have been a dialogue ; both may be dismissed with-
out oomment in view of the predominance of the medieval
romance in fiction before 1560. In that year the direct
influence of Italy began in Lucres.
This novel, written in 1444 by -^neas Sylvius Pic-
colomini, enjoyed extraordinary popularity. Of it we
may note before 1500 one manuscript and no less than
seventy-three European editions,® printed in Italy, Ger-
many, France, Holland, and Spain. By 1560 at least
seven more versions had appeared on the Continent. It
was undoubtedly one of the most read stories of the
whole Eenaissance.
^neas Sylvius Piccolomini, afterward Pope Pius II,
bom at Corsignano, the son of a noble of decayed estate,
proceeded in 1423 to the university at Siena,^^ where at
that time was lecturing Mariano de' Sozzini, professor of
jurisprudence, one of the torch-bearers of humanism. To
him the youth attached himself with the ardor of hero-
worship,^^ and for him, at Sozzini's request, he wrote
•In listing and checking editions I have used R. A. Peddie, Con-
spectus Inouniibulorumf Part I^ London, 1910, who enters a total of
sixty -two editions before 1600; Hain, Reportorium Bihliographioum,
1826; Coppinger, Supplement to Hadn's Reportorium, 1898; Esdaile,
English Tales and Romances; Gibbs's Preface to the Roxburghe Club's
reprint; Miss Scott's Elizabethan Translations from the Italia/n, i;
and the Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum, s. v.
Pius II. Mr. Peddie's total is by far the largest. Hain cites thirty-
six editions. M. Jusserand, The English Novel in the Time of Shake-
speare, p. 81, writes, " It went through twenty-three editions in the
fifteenth century, and was eight times translated." All these counts
are considerably under the actual number of editions.
"Cecilia M. Ady, Pius II., London, 1913, pp. 3, 8.
"Ady, p. 13. Compare -^neas Sylvius, De Viris Illustrihus,
BibUothek des Littera/risohen Vereins in Stuttgart, 1842, Vol. i, p. 27,
"De Mariano Socino Senensis," in which ^neas draws a most flat-
tering character of his old teacher.
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G HOWARD J. SAVAGB
De Duobus Amantihus, the original of Lucres. In 1432
the Emperor Sigismimd visited Siena, bringing in his
train one of his favorites, Count Gaspar Schlick, a Ger-
man nobleman, to whom Sylvius later became strongly
attached. ^^ More than a year before the Emperor's
arrival, iEneas had left Siena,^* but this evidently did
not prevent his hearing of the intrigue of the Count with
the wife of a Sienese gentleman;, for later in a letter to
the nobleman, which forms the preface to De Duobus
Amantihus, he delicately reminds him of his escapade.^*
That, as has been tentatively suggested, this amour should
have concerned the wife of Mariano de' Sozzini,^'^ is im-
possible for two reasons: first, -^neas from motives of
prudence would hardly have answered his teacher's re-
quest for a story with the tale of his wife's unfaithful-
ness, for the mere physical consequences would probably
have deterred even so prudential a spirit as the future
Pius II, however much the irony might have appealed
to him; and secondly, the younger man seems to have
been too sincerely devoted to his old master, even allow-
ing for the exaggerations of courtesy, to exhibit him in
" Creighton, History of the Papacy, Vol. n, p. 242; " At first ^neas
wished to play the part of Horace to a second Maecenas; but he soon
learned to change his strain, and adapt himself to the requirements
of his patron's practical nature." Schlick even gave his dependent a
place at his table.
"Ady, p. 13.
"Roxburghe Club's reprint of Lucres, Appendix, p. xxxiv: "Ideo
historiam hanc vt legas precor, et an vera scripscrim vidcas. Nee
reminisci te pudeat si quid huiusmodi non numquam euenerut tibi;
homo enim fueras, qui numquam sensit amoris ignes aut lapis aut
bestia est." Compare Voigt, Enea Silvio, pp. 299, 300.
"Zannoni, Per la atoria tU due ama/nti (Atti della R. Accademia
dei Lincei, serie iv, vol. vi, pp. 116-127, Rome, 1890) cited by Mrs.
Ady, Pius II, p. 16, n. 2.
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ITALIAN INFLUEIfCE IN ENGLISH PROSE FICTION 7
the horned role. That the name of the senrant Sosias,
whom in the story Lucretia finally makes her confidant,
resembles in appearance the Latin form Zodnus, cannot
be admitted as of weight in the identification. If, then,
one accept the Eurialns of the novel as Count Schlick,^®
Lucretia must remain unidentified.
Thus, tiiough the heroine be not the wife of Sozzini, the
situation of the novella has a definable basis of fact. But
a realistic situation does not make a realistic novel. It
is therefore necessary, first, to examine the plot, then to
determine how far iEneas Sylvius attempted to repro-
duce recorded events, and finally to see what means he
took to assure artistic verisimilitude.
The story of De Duohus Amantibus runs as follows : — ^'^
On the entry of the Emperor Sigismund into Si^ia, he was
greeted by a quartette of matrons, among whom the Lady Lucretia,
wife of Menelaus, to whom she had been married against her will,
excelled in beauty. With her the courtier Eurialus, a Franconian
noble, fell desperately in love, and she reciprocated his affection.
Midway between the Emperor's court and the house of Eurialus
stood the residence of the curmudgeon Menelaus, and Lucretia
from her windows prosecuted successfully her flirtation with the
courtier as he passed to and from the royal presence. One day
the Emperor, riding by with his train, jestingly thrust the bonnet
of Eurialus over his eyes with the remark, "Nee videbis . . . quod
amas; ego hoc spectaculo fruor." The lady, burning with love,
attempted to enlist the aid of her husband's servant Sosias, but
he, mindful of the honor of the house, rebuked her; whereupon
she threatened suicide. Sosias half-heartedly yielded, and he de-
clared her love to Eurialus so enigmatically that the knight failed
to understand him. At last Eurialus could endure his torment
no longer. He dispatched to Lucretia a letter, evidently written
at dictation by a professional scribe, in which he declared his
"CJompare Creighton, vol. n, p. 247, and also Rossi, Storia Lette-
furiti, " n Quattrocento," pp. 126-27.
" Condensed from the novella as reprinted in the Roxburghe Club's
Historic of Sir Pl<i8idas, pp. xxxvi, ff.
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8 HOWABD J. SAVAQB
love, but he sent it by a procuress. The cautious Lucretia spurned
the bawd and tore up the letter in her presence, but on the woman's
departure she collected the bits, read them, and covered them with
a thousand kisses. Thus b^^n their correspondence. Eurialus
was a little hindered by his ignorance of Italian; so he set dili-
gently to work to learn the language, a study in which love spurred
him on. An attempt on the part of Lucretia to arrange an in-
terview through the innocent connivance of her mother miscarried
because of the older woman's sudden suspicion.
At this juncture Eurialus was sent by the Emperor to Rome to
treat with the Pope in regard to the coronation, a mission
which kept him some two months. During this time Lucretia
languished, but on the return of her lover she regained her
spirits, in particular when Nysus, the friend of Eurialus, found
in an inn a room which had a window near Lucretia's chamber.
Thus the two lovers were enabled to snatch interviews and even
to exchange tokens. Sosias, seeing how public the affair was like
to become, decided to aid his mistress. With his aid Eurialus
disguised himself as a porter, one of a number engaged in putting
grain into the cellar, and thus made his way to his lady. Even
as he held her fast, Sosias knocked, with the word that Menelaui
had returned unexpected. With the husband came a scribe, Bertus,
on business connected with the city. Lucretia, quick of resource,
hid her lover in a closet. But certain papers which Menelaus had
to have were missing; they were probably in the very closet in
which Eurialus was hidden. By upsetting a box of jewels into
the street, Lucretia gained the time it took for her husband and
the scribe to recover them, and thus saved Eurialus. At last
the intruders departed and left the lovers to themselves. But
Eurialus was nervous; he found it impossible to enjoy his stay.
So he, too, went, clad in his porter's disguise, wondering what
the Emperor would say if he encountered his servant in those
garments.
Now appeared another follower of the Emperor, Pacorus, a
Pannonian, who by means of a note concealed in the stalks of
a bunch of violets sought to serve Lucretia. But she, both pru-
dent and true to Eurialus, informed Menelaus, who complained
to the Emperor. For a time Pacorus was silent. At length on
a winter's day he joined a group of young Sienese bloods snow-
balling with some ladies in their windows, and, cunningly en-
closing a note in wax and that in a snowball, he cast it into
Lucretia's room. But. unfortimately the snowball fell into the
fire, the wax melted, Menelaus read the missive, ''nouasque lites
excitauerunt quas Pacorus non excusatione sed fuga yitauit."
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ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN ENGLISH PBOSB FICTION 9
Meanwhile Menelaus was called away. Eurialus, in the hope
of seeing his lady, concealed himself in the stable, whence, after
being nearly pitchforked by Dromo, a servant feeding the horses,
he was rescued by the quick wits of Sosias; but this expedient
procured him only a scant hour with Lucretia, because Menelaus
returned. The lovers fell upon evil days. But Pandalus, a re-
lation of Menelaus, aided them, hoping thereby to gain political
advancement. Once more Menelaus was summoned away for the
night. According to agreement Eurialus, with his friend Achates
waiting outside, forced himself in at a door, only to have his lady
faint with joy in his arms. She soon revived, and they reaped
the f niits of love.
But the Emperor, being reconciled with the Pope, left Siena
for Home. Eurialus made the mistake of not informing Lucretia,
thinking to spare her feelings. In an exchange of letters she
begged her lover to take her with him, and he swore to return to
her. They parted. At Rome Eurialus was taken sick of a fever,
but he recovered in time to be knighted at the coronation. When
the Emperor moved to Perugia, the lover, too ill to accompany
him, stayed for a time in Rome, then returned to Siena. But he
could procure only a glimpse of his lady. Again they parted, this
time forever. Lucretia died of a broken heart. Eurialus was com-
pelled to follow the Emperor to Perugia, then to Ferrara, Mantua,
Tridentum, Constantia, and Basel, and into Hukigary and Bohemia.
He found no consolation till Sigismund gave him a beautiful girl to
wife,
Now in this plot one is surprised to observe the accuracy
with which ^Eneas Sylvius employed historical events.
Sigismund reached Siena in July, 1432.^® Here he de-
termined to remain till he could go to Kome to be crowned.
At every turn he was opposed by the Pope, Eugenius IV.
But Eugenius discovered that matters were going against
him and within the month he had renewed negotiations
with Sigismund.^^ Affairs dragged on with the attitude of
the Council at Basel becoming daily more troublesome. At
" Creighton, vol. n, p. 76. Pastor, History of the Popes, Ed. F. I.
Antrobus, London, 1902, vol. i, gives an account of these events so
unpolitical as to be almost useless in the present investigation.
* Creighton, History of tthe Papacy, vol. n, p. 76.
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10 HOWAED J. SAVAQB
Siena the position of Sigismimd, deserted by his allies,
was grown pitiable enough, but he was still determined
to pacificate Italy and to be crowned Emperor. Eugeniua,
wearying of the struggle, had already made overtures,
and about the end of March or the first of April, Sigis-
mund seems to have sent envoys to Rome for the purpose
of treating with the Pope. Of this embassy Eurialus,
that is. Count Schlick, may have been a member. On
April 7, 1432, the preliminaries of the coronation were
adjusted. ^^ Sigismund probably left Siena between May
9, the day on which he dispatched envoys to Basel urging
the Council to treat kindly the Papal legates, and May
19, two days before he entered Rome.^^ Among his six
hundred knights rode the disconsolate Eurialus, just part-
ed from bis Lucretia. On Whit Sunday, May 31, 1433,
Sigismund was crowned Emperor. Of the knights dub-
bed on the bridge of San Angelo by Sigismund in the
exercise of his new authority, one was his chancellor. Gas-
par Schlick.^^
The sununer Sigismimd spent in Rome with the Pope.
But toward the middle of August the Emperor became
aware that his presence was needed at Basel. Accordingly
on August 21 he set out. Eurialus, just recovering from
his fever, could not accompany him, and this opportunity
he snatched for his final parting with Lucretia, rejoining
the suite at Perugia. The route of the Emperor lay
through Rimini, Ferrara, Mantua, and thence to Basel,^^
where he arrived on October 11 and stayed till May 19,
1434.^* With Cardinal Capriano to Basel had gone his
new secretary iEneas Sylvius, whose relations with Count
Schlick probably began at this time.^^
••/ftid., p. 81. . «76t<i., p. 83. **Ihid.
** Ibid, " Ihid., p. 86. « Ibid., p. 76.
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ITALIAN INIXUENOB IN ENGLISH PBOSE FICTION 11
Later movements of the Emperor and his suite are
somewhat more uncertain. On account of trouble with
the Bohemians Sigismund and the envoys of the Council
met representatives of the country in Briinn in the early
summer of 1435. By this time it is possible that the
heart of Eurialus had sufficiently healed for him to
espouse the beautiful virgin proposed by Sigismund.^®
The Emperor appeared on July 1, two weeks after the
Bohemians and six after the men sent by the CoimciL
Undoubtedly this gathering is that which Eurialus at-
tended. As to the expedition into Hungary mentioned
in the novella less can be said with certainty. Trouble
in that country was intermittent from 1413 till 1437,
when the Empress Barbara instituted the conspiracy to
elevate Ladislas of Poland to the thrones of Bohemia and
Hungary. Sigismund, on discovering the plot, having as
one remaining ambition the securing of the throne of
Hungary to Albert, left Prague on November 11, 1437,^''
in an open litter accompanied by the Empress and the
Count of Cilly, and reached Znaym on November 21. On
this last journey Count Schlick as Imperial Chancellor
undoubtedly accompanied his master. Sigismund died
at Znaym on December 9, 1437. Schlick's disgrace and
downfall under Frederick III shortly preceded the
Chancellor's death in July, 1449. ^^
Thus, if the situation of the novella is based on fact,
the incidents, so far as they can be corroborated by his-
torical evidence, are no less precisely grounded. In that
"•Roxburghe Club, Appendix, p. Ixvi. If Eurialus reached Basel
after he had married, the order of the events in the novel is slightly
confused.
" Creighton, vol. n, p. 161.
»Ady, Pius II, p. 111.
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12 HOWARD J. SAVAGB
impression of circuiofitantiality which -^neas wished to
produce upon his patron he was no doubt successful.
Much the same can be said of his choice of episodes
and details, though here, of course, there can be no such
sure check. The exactness with which the location of
Menelaus's house is fixed with reference to the court and
the lodgings of Eurialus; the Emperor's jest; Sosias's
unusual declaration of Lucretia's love; the incident of
the bawd and Eurialus's first letter; his ignorance of
Italian; his nervousness and his inability to enjoy his
stay when at last left alone with his lady; the ingenuity
of Pacorus; the conventional picture of Sienese life in
winter; the saving of Eurialus in the stable from the
pitchfork of Dromo; tiie covetousness of Pandalus as a
motive for his betrayal of his cousin's honor, — ^these are
but a few of the means whereby -^neas strove to gain
verisimilitude. Nor is the character of Sigismund for-
gotten;^® if he had met Eurialus as a porter, he would
have made his servant the most miserable man in Siena.
That such a document, written in youth by Pope Pius
II, involving persons of high rank, and containing a
story exceptionally well told, should have been among*^
the first translations from the Italian novella into Eng-
lish prose is not surprising. As the names of the chief
characters show, it is a product of the humanism of the
Renaissance.*^ iEneas Sylvius twice visited England
'iEneas Sylvius, De Viria Illustrihua, p. 65: "Fuit autem Sigis-
mund . . . vasto animo . . . vini cupidus ... in Venerem ardens,
mille adulteriis criminosus . . . facilis ad veniam/' etc. For illus-
tration of some of these traits, cf . " De Barbara Imperatrice," p. 46.
Such a monarch would have chaflfed Eurialus immercifully.
""Elyot had, it will be recalled, rendered the tale of Titus and
Gisippus from one version of the Decameron for his Oovemour.
« Cf . Rossi, " II Quattrocento," Storia Letteraria d'ltdlia, Ed. Val-
lardi, Milano, 1897-98, vol. v, pp. 126-27.
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ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN ENGLISH PEOSE FICTION 18
in the autumn of 1435.'^ He also went once to Scot-
land. On his first visit to England his doings were mostly
diplomatic; in Scotland, whither he journeyed via Sluys
after returning to Bruges, not only was he well received
by James I, but on his return through England he suf-
fered shipwreck, hardship, threatened attack by the Scots
on the border, and other misadventures. His comments
on both England and Scotland are shrewd and detailed,
such, indeed, as might be expected from the diplomat-
realist of De Duohus Amantihus,^^ That, however, this
visit had aught to do with the selection of the novel for
translation into English is doubtful; the extraordinary
popularity of the work in other countries would have
been enough to attract a reader of Italian fiction who was
commercially inclined. Furthermore, some of -^neas's
eclogues had already reached England in the translations
of Alexander Barclay.
The exact text which the English translator of the
novel used is not identifiable; in any event, the edition
of 1567, as reprinted by the Koxburghe Club, was not
render^ from the Argentine edition of 1476, nor yet
from the version of 1490.^* But before 1550, the earliest
«• Ady, p. 41. Creighton, vol. n, pp. 236-239. Pastor, vol. i, p. 342,
gives the date s 1438. But in 1438 .^^eas accompanied the Bishop
of Novara to Vienna and suffered at Basel with the plague (Creigh-
ton, vol. n, p. 240). By 1438 he had passed from the Cardinal's
service.
"Creighton, vol. n, pp. 237 ff., citing .^hieas Sylvius, Episiolae,
czxvi; Ady, pp. 41, ff., relying on Commeniarii, Lib. i, p. 4, and the
EpistoUie, loc. oit For iOneas's impressions of James I, cf. De Viria
lUustrihus, pp. 46-47; of Henry V, ibid., pp. 40 ff.
"^The Latin versions of the story involved are (1) the Argentine
print (1476) of the Vienna MS. (1446), and (2) the edition of 1490.
(1) is reprinted in the Roxburghe Club's Appendix, pp. xxxiii, ff.,
with collations from (2). I have in part collated this version with
the English of 1567, which may have been a reprint of the edition of
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14
HOWABD J. SAVAGE
possible date for an English version, so far as we know,
there existed renderings in Italian,^^ German,^® Span-
ish,^'' and French.*® The field of choice for the English
translator was therefore texts in these four languages and
in Latin.
A comparison of The Goodli History of Lucres with
1660; there is no reason to think that it was a separate redaction.
A very few of the results of this collation may be tabulated as
follows:
1476
p. xxxvi : Vrbem . Se-
nas unde tibi et mihi
origo est, intranti, etc.
Ibid.: cophorum
Ihid,: (sicut nos dic-
imt^)
p. xxxvii: Lacking.
Ibid.: Lacking,
p. xl: postes
p. xli: Omits name or
pronoun.
p. xliv : Jason Medeam Jason Medeam
(cuius auxilio uigil- pit, etc.
em interemit draco-
nem, et uellus auream
asportuit ) reliquit, etc.
Ibid,: Adriane
p. liv: Pacoru« inter ea
Pannonius eques» do-
mo nobilis, qui cesar-
em sequebatur, ardere
Luscresiam cepit.
1490
English
Like 1446.
p. 113: Lacking.
tophorum
Ibid.: Tophore
Like 1446.
Ibid.: Lacking.
Et sic orpheus
sono
p. 115: Lacking.
cithare siluas ac
saxa
fert traxisse, etc.
Nunc auro illitis
nunc
Ibid.: Lacking
muricis, etc.
pisces
p. 119: poostes.
porcia Cathonis
p. 120: Perria.
Inserts Eurialus
p. 122: Uses pronoun.
dece- p. 128: Jason that
wanna the golden
flece by Medeas coun-
sell, forsoke her.
Ariadne
Like 1476.
rbid» : Tum anus, '
cipe," inquit.
Ibid.: Adriana.
p. 142: In the mean
tyme a knight, called
Pacorus, of a noble
House followinge the
Emperour, began to
loue Lucres, etc.
Re- Tum Anus, ' Respice,* p. 143 : Take the floure
inquit. madame quod ye oldc
wyf e, etc.
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ITALIAN INFLTJENOE IN ENGLISH PBOSB FICTION 15
De Duohus Amantibus, which in the accessible Latin
versions is unchanged, will show that the English trans-
lation differs from the original in certain rather impor-
tant particulars. For the most part the two plots are
identical until the close of the story. Here, however,
pp. liv-lv: Ille mestiu Omits domwn pergit Ibid.: goeth home,
domum pergit, vxor- to vwar. blameth hya wyf e, and
em ificrepat, domum fylleth all the house
que clamoribus implet, wythe noyse. And
negat se ream vxor, shee to the contrarye
remque gestam expo- denyeth that there is
nit, etc one faute in her, and
tellynge the hole tale,
bryngethe the olde
wyfe for wytnesse.
(Last six words in
neither Latin text.)
p. Ivi : Kec enim sine Like 1476. p. 146 : For I can slepe
te nox est mihi vlla no nyghts wtoute
iocunda, thee, eto.
p. Mi: sicut Mene- sicut Menelaus suasit, p. 147: At Menelaus
la.u8 suasit, in gratiM magistratus expulit. persuasion was putte
expulit. out by the Aldermen.
•PeUechet, 170; Peddie, p. 8, N. D.: Proctor, Indew, 5946; Peddie,
p. 8, N. D. : Hisioria di due amanti composto da Silvio Enea Pontifioe
Pio II, etc (Florentiae), N. D., Hain, 246: Proemio . . . Bopra la
hiatoria di due amanti: composia di papa Pio secundo (Rome? 1405?)
Brit. Mu8. Cat.: 2Enea>e SUpU HUitoria de dtue Amanti, Firena per
Francesco de Dino di lacopo, 1489; Hain, 247: Reichling, Appen-
dices ad Hainii'Coppingeri Reportorium; Peddie, p. 145, 1491, Bres-
cia: Historia de due Amanti . . . Bologna per Hercules Nani, H92,
Hain, 248; Peddie, p. 8: Epistole de dui amanti . . . Venestia, 1521,
other editions, 1531, 1554, Brit. Mus. Gat.
^Der durchlUchtigen hoohgehomen fUrstin vund frowen, froto
Kethervn^ hertzogin von Oaterrich, etc. c. 1477, Coppinger, 73: Strass-
burg, ISOO? Coppinger, 76; Peddie, p. 145: Enee Bilvii von der Lieh
Eurydli und Lucrezia, zu Augsburg, HIS, Hain, 241: Der durch-
leuchtigen hoch gebomen FUrstin und frawcn, frau katherinen Hert-
zogin von Osterreich, eto. 1477 [Esslingen], Hain, * 242, Brit. Mus.
Oat.: [Der dUrchlUchtigen hochgebomen fUrstin vnd frowen, froto
Ketherin€ hertzogin von Osterreich, etc.l . . . Mentz . . . 1478, Cop-
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16 HOWAKD J, SAVAGE
Eurialus, instead of being easily consoled by the beauti-
ful virgin given him by the Emperor, undergoes a far
harder fate. *^Whe[n] he knewe hys true louer to be
deed, meaued by extreme doloure [Eurialus] clothed him
in moumynge apparrell, and vtterly excluded all co[m]-
forte, and yet though the Emperoure gaue hym in manage
a ryghte noble and excellente Ladye, yet he neuer enioyed
after, but in conclusyon pitifully wasted his painful
lyfe.^'*® Such a violent change in the life and charac-
ter of the hero could not have depended upon a mis-
understanding of the Latin. It stands in direct contrast
to the realism of the novella. Aside from this, the most
important alteration in character concerns Dromo, the
hostler. In De Duohus Amantibvs he is a more or less
pinger, n, 74; Peddle, p. 146: Ein hUhsohe hiatori wm Luoreoia v6 den
zwey liehhdbend^ menachen . . . Augsburg . . . 1^91, Coppinger, n,
3550; Peddle, p. 8: Von den liehhabendS Euriolo vn Luoretia . . .
15S6, Brit, Mu8, Oat.: Ein . . . Hiatori, von moeyen Liehhahenden
Menaohen . . . N. von Weil . . . Wormha [1650?], Brit. Mua, Oa4.
" Euri<Uua y Lucreoic^ Scdamanoa, Oct. 18, 1496, Coppinger, m,
72a; Peddle, p. 8: Hiatoria muy veradera de doa amwntea Ettrialo
Franco y Lucreoio Beneaa . . . Seville, 1512, Brit. Mua. Oat.
** Enauyt liatoire dea deuw vraya amana ... a paria par michel le
noir, K. D., Ham, 245; , . . Oy fine le liure dea deum vraya amaia
. . . lyon par Oliuier Amoullet, N. D., Coppinger, 76: Hiatoire de
Eurialua et Luoreaae. Selon Pape pie 1492, Haln, 243; Peddle, p. 8,
N. D.; Coppinger, [1403]: Lyatoire de Eurialua et Luoreaae . . .
(verse), [1493?] Hain, 244; Peddle, p. 8, N. D.; Brit. Mua. Oat.
''Roxbiirghe Club reprint, p. 161. Compare JuBserand, Engliah
Novel in the Time of Bhakeapea/re, pp. 82, 83. The Latin text for
this pasage runs as follows (p. bnri) : "Quam vt obllsse veniB ama-
tor cognoult, magno dolore permotus lugubrem vestem receplt; nee
oonsola^ionem admisit, nisi postqua77» Cesar ex ducal i sanguine virgi-
nem slbl cum formosam turn castlsslmam atque prudentem matrlmo-
nlo iunxit.'' Savj-Ix)pez recognizes types of character In De Duobua
Ama/ntihua, and also a relation to Boccaccio in the name Pandaro.
(" II Filostrato di G. Boccaccio," Romania,Yo\. xxvn, p. 469). Volgt
had previously noted the resemblance to Boccaccio (Enea Bilvio,
p. 287.) So, too, had Rossi ("H Quattrocento," pp. 126-27).
\
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ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN ENGLISH PBOSB FICTION 17
conventional figure.*^ In Lucres he becomes a humorous
fellow of far greater interest. A type he may still be,
but he is essentially an English figure with his racy com-
plaining and his oaths/^ even though the suggestions
for both are to be found in the Latin. Of changes which
affect the milieu of the story, only a few can be noted.
iEneas Sylvius wrote of Siena as he knew it. The Eng-
lish translator wrote of it as a city of romance. It would
have been manifestly impossible for any translator to
make use of -^neas's references to the town as his birth-
place,*^ and they therefore are omitted. Furthermore,
the English version passes over certain moral reflections
which retard the plot,** and alters a few of the classical
allusions.** From all this, then, it may be seen that
one of the translators, whether he who rendered the
story into English or an intermediary from whose work
the English version was taken, made some attempt to
adapt the story to new readers. A collation of parts of
the available texts with a view to establishing the pres-
ence or absence of an intermediary version in, say, French,
has proved inconclusive.**^
But The Ooodli History of Lucres has a more impor-
tant bearing upon the technique of the Elizabethan novel.
So far as I know, it is the first story in Tudor England
in which the plot is organically dependent for its ad-
vancement upon the instrument of the letter. Elyot's
*• Roxburghe Club, Appendix, p. Ivi.
^^Roxburghe Club reprint, p. 146.
•For example, Appendix, p. xxxvi.
*For instance, the long disquisition on nobility and the frequent
scandal of its origin, Reprint, p. 162; Appendix, pp. Ix, f .
**Like that to Orpheus, p. xxxvi, which should appear on p. 115;
part of the allusion to Jason, p. xliv, which should occur on p. 128.
•JuBserand, p. 83, seems to be of the opinion that the English
translator rendered and adapted directly from the Latin.
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V
18 HOWABD J. SAVAGE
version of Titiis and Oisippus contains no epistles. The
Histoire of Avrelio and of Isabell I have not seen, but
its influence upon stories told for entertainment cannot
be large. The Goodli History of Lucres contains no less
than ten letters. The first, from Eurialus to Lucres^
makes known his love. The second, from Lucres in re-
ply, declares her chastity and is aimed at discouraging
her lover. In the third, Eurialus's first effort in Italian,
he assures her of his belief in her chastity, but begs that
she will allow him speech with her, so that he may " de-
clare hys mynde, that he coulde not by hys letters.^' In
the fourth. Lucres again refuses him, telling him that he
is not the first victim of her beauty, but with it she sends
a love token, a ring. The fifth is Eurialus's reaffirma-
tion of his love and devotion, with thanks for the ring.
Then, **after mani writings and answeres,'' Lucres replies
with the sixth letter in the series, in which she desires
him not to plead further, but with which she sends a
cross of gold. Eurialus in the seventh, somewhat daunt-
ed by her aloofness, begs her to receive him as a lover.
In the eighth she capitulates. "After thys were manye
letters wryten on both partyes.^' Their courtship then
progresses till Lucres discovers that Eurialus is to ac-
company the Emperor to Rome. At that she writes the
ninth letter of the series, upbraiding her lover for not
telling her and begging him to take her with him. He
replies in the tenth that he must go because honor com-
pels him, but bids her live and love him. Later they evi-
dently correspond again. These letters therefore hold
the beginning and the end of the lovers' relations.
Of the first three important English collections of
stories, Painter's Pallace of Pleasure (1566-67), Fenton's
Tragicall Discourses! (1567), and Pettie's Palace of Pet-
/Goosle
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ITATJA7T UfFLTJENCE IN ENGLISH PEOSE MOTION 19
tie his Pleasure (1576), all contain stories with letters.
Eight of Painter's hundred tales employ the epistle.^^
Each of these eight stories without exception has its
original in BandeUo.^^ Of Fenton's thirteen stories, aU
translated from BandeUo, eight have epistles, and two of
the eight contain interchanges of letters.*® So much for
^ Painter, PtUlace of Pleasure, E<L Jacobs, London, 1890, 4 vols.,
Tome I : Lucrece, in which " Lucrece sent a post to Rome to her
father and another to Ardea to her husband," but neither is given in
full (Vol. I, p. 23). In the Duchesse of Savoie, in which the
Duchess writes to Appian of her plight (p. 309); The Countess
of 8€Uusburie, in which King Edward writes to the Countess of his
love, which previously he had declared orally (Vol. i, p. 343).
Tome n: The Cowntess of CeUmt, in which the wicked Coiintess
proffers her love to Gaizzo by letter (Vol. ni, p. 61) ; Two Oentle-
men of Venice, in which the lovers send each other a sonnet, called
in the text, "a letter" (p. 129-130) ; The Lord of Virile, in which
Philiberto woos Zelia by letter (pp. 166-167) : Don Diego and Oin-
evra, in which by an epistle Ginevra declares her enmity and her
lover replies (pp. 244-245) . Again he protests his love (pp. 255, ff.) ;
The Lords of 'Socera, in which the mistress of the castle writes to
Lord Nicholas proposing that he visit her.
^'See Analytical Table of Contents, Vol. i, pp. Ixiii, ff.
*■ Certain Tragical Discourses of Bandello Translated into English
by Geffraie Fenton, Ed. R. L. Douglas, Tudor Translations, 2 vols.,
1889 : Discourse n, " Lyvyo writeth to Camilla," Vol. i, p. 121 ; Dis-
course m, Parthenope lays suit to the dissolute Pandora (Vol. i, pp.
138-39) ; when he has found her out and abandoned her, she writes
to him upbraiding him (Vol. i, pp. 147-48) ; Discourse v, Cornelio
writes to Plaudina, opening his addresses (Vol. i, pp. 198-99); she
replies, arranging for further correspondence (pp. 200-201). It later
appears (p. 204) that he has written ''sondrye letters." Afterwards
they exchange word by messenger (p. 212). At last Cornelio goes to
Milan, where it is his first care to ** send for an appoticarye whose
fidelitie he had erst proved in the enterchaunge and conveighe of
diverse letters betwene his ladie and hym." By this man he sent a
letter (not given verbatim) to apprise Plaudina of his coming (p.
228) ; Discourse vi, an abbot writes to the daughter of a goldsmith,
whom he is seducing (Vol. i, p. 257). Discourse vn, the Countess of
Celant (cf. Painter, Vol. in, p. 61) procures a fresh lover by a letter
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20 HOWABD J. SAVAGE
the earlier translationfl. Besides, five of Pettie's twelve
novels contain letters, and among these five there are
interchanges in three.*® Now the important fact which
unites Lucres, Painter, and Fenton is that the letters in
every case are from Italian sources. It may therefore be
said that the convention of the letter reached English
fiction from the Italian. *^^
Moreover, in the first stage of Elizabethan fiction, as
represented by Lucres, Painter, and Fenton, the letter
usually had two purposes: first, to begin a courtship;
secondly, to end it In the second stage, as represented
by Pettie, it has outgrown its rudimentary use and is
applied to other purposes, like offering and rejecting mar-
riage, giving warning of the attitude of unsympathetic
(Vol. n, pp. 30-31). DiacouTBe xi, Philiberto offers Zylia his love by
letter (Vol. n, pp. 181-82). Discourse xn, Perillo, having met Gar-
mosyna before, presses his suit by letter. She answers favorably.
(Vol. n, pp. 220 ff.) Discourse xni, when Diego's love for Geni-
vera grows cold, she reproaches him by letter (Vol. n, pp. 276, ff.).
Of. Painter, VoL m, pp. 224, f .
^A Petite Palace of Pettie his Pleasure, Ed. Gollancz, 2 vols.
King's Classics. loilius and Virginia: The lovers exchange letters,
he proffering, she rejecting marriage (Vol. i, pp. 151 ff.). Admetus
and Alcest: Alcest writes to Admetus, warning him that her father
has discovered their love (Vol. i, pp. 177, ff.). After consideration,
Admetus replies, pressing marriage (pp. 180-82). Curiatius and
Horatia: Curiatius (Vol. n, pp. 41-42) will absent himself eternally
from his queen, but she relents (pp. 42-43). Minos and Pasiphae:
Verecimdus seeks to seduce Minos's queen by letter (Vol. n, pp. 98-
90). Alexius: Alexius is used to write letters for his recreation,
addressing his wife. Here (VoL n, pp. 153, ff.) he writes her a moral
disquisition.
"* William Fullwood's Inimie of Idleness contains a series of love
letters for use as models. The rise of the letter in Elizabethan fiction
was undoubtedly contemporary with its rise in Elizabethan life.
Whether or not Mneaa Sylvius was endebted to a collection of letters
for the idea of the epistles in De Duobus Amantihus, I cannot say.
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ITALIAN INFLUENOB IN BNOIJ8H PBOSE FICTION 21
parents^ and even inculcating moral precepts."^ The uses
to which writers of later native fiction, like The Oolden
Aphroditis and Euphues, put the letter need not detain us
here ; the observation that the source is Italian is indubit-
able, and the course of artistic purpose as it evolved in
English, beginning with Lucres, gaining ground in Painter
and Fenton, and finally emerging variously in Pettie, is
dear.
HowAKD J. Savage.
" Painter, ed. Jacobs, vol. n, pp. 76, flf. The inculcation of moral
doctrine by means of the epistle was anticipated by Painter's use of
Guevara's Letters of Trajam,
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II.— THE EARLIEST PRECURSOR OP OUR PRES-
ENT-DAY MONTHLY MISCELLANIES
When the reader of to-day considers the English origins
of our monthly magazines of light literature, he seldom
thinks back beyond the Gentleman's Magazine (1731-).
The Tatter (1709-) and Spectator (1711-) he may regard
as aside from the direct line of development, as they are
not miscellanies. Yet in 1692 appeared in London a
monthly periodical that is fairly startling in its resem-
blance to the AtlanticSj the Harper's, the Smart Sets of our
^ day, — the Gentleman's Journal, which is, I believe, the
first notable English venture of its kind.
Previous periodicals for " divertisement " had been of
a different character and short-lived. During the reigns
of Charles II and James II, the gust for news, or for com-
ment upon the political and religious situation, had been so
great that when anything in lighter vein was attempted it
was apt to appear in the form of mock-news, and to depend
for its appeal on a satirical or burlesque handling of its
items and anecdotea Thus side by side with such genuine
news sheets as Mercurius Publicus (1680) and the True
Protestant Domestick Intelligence; or. News both from
City and Country (1680) were to be found Mercurius
Infemus (1680) and News from Parnassus (1680), both
of purely jocular intent.
But after William III came to the throne, and the plot
to re-establish James had been discovered and suppressed,
political and religious differences gradually ceased to in-
flame men's minds. There was no question of William's
attitude towards Protestantism, as there had been of
Charles's ; nor of William's policy towards France, for he
was fighting on the Continent as the heart and soul of the
22
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EARLIEST PBBCUBSOB OP MISCELLANIES 28
allied Protestant resistance against that tyrant and bully
of Enrope, Louis XIV; and he obviously derived his
power from the people, to whom he owed his throne. One
of the burning questions in James's reign had been the
origin of kingly authority, whether divine or popular. So
London in 1692, though feeling the effects of prosecuting
a war on the Continent, had a mind comparatively at rest
with respect to the domestic situation, and could relax her
vigilance over political and religious matters long enough
to take pleasure in periodicals that made no pretense to
being newspapers. Hence the rise of the Oerdleman's Jour-
ruU, catering to the coterie of the polite world of London,
and of the Athemmi Mercury, that extraordinary seven-
teenth-century Notes and Queries, appealing to all classes.
The Oentleman's Journal was conceived and carried on
by Peter Anthony Motteux. Motteux, bom in Normandy,
had in 1685 come to live in England. By 1692 he had
assimilated with remarkable completeness the English
idiom and English ways of thinking. In fact his allegiance
to France came to consist only in his appreciation of her
literature. He is best known by his excellent translations
of Rabelais, and Cervantes, and is a minor figure among
the English dramatists of his day.
During 1673-4 and 1678-9, Le Mercure Oalant had
come out monthly in Paris, a miscellany that owed its
popularity to the prominence it gave to court news and
gossip. It was the Town Topics of Paris, with light litera-
ture of a gallant kind, a few songs set to music, and a few
engraved illustrations interspersed. It was designed for
the smart set and they made many contributions to it.
Each number was in the form of a letter to a lady who had
left Paris for the provinces, but who wished to keep in
touch with the beaux esprits, her former acquaintance.
Motteux confesses in the first number of the Oentle-
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24 DOROTHY FOSTER
mans Journal for January, 1692, that this Mercure Oalant
, is the source of his inspiration. He too adopts the epis-
tolary form which is announced in his title, The Oentle-
man's Journal: or the Monthly Miscellany. By Way of
Letter to a Gentleman in the Country. Consisting of
News, History J Philosophy, Poetry, Musich, Translations,
&c. Each number begins like a personal letter to a corre-
spondent Thus the first number opens,
Sir,
Indeed you impose too hard a Task on me: Is it not enough that
I send you what ever news or new things I meet with to divert you
in your solitude, but you must oblige me to print my Letters?
You ought in conscience to have discharged me from my rash
promise. I know, you tell me, that this may redeem many glorious
Actions and ingenious pieces from obscurity, the first too particular
for our Gazettes, and the latter too short to be printed apart; that
a thousand things happen every day which the publlck would gladly
know: but must I acquaint the world with them, whoi so many
better pens might do it? I grant that from London, the Heart of
the Nation, all things circulating to the other parts, such news or
new things as are sent me may be conveyed every where, being
inserted in my Letter. . . and you tell me, that 'tis to be hop'd that I
shall have enough sent me to make the undertaking easie to me. . . .
But we live in so nice an age, that imless they [the readers] look upon
it with a kind eye, the unaccuracies of Style, and Faults which haste,
and my own incapacity must needs make very frequent in so long
a Letter, will hardly be indulged. However you have my word, and
tho you as it were racked it from me, you have no mercy, and I
must set up for a Journalist.
This letter form is kept up throughout each number.
Contributions are introduced with a sentence or so of edi-
torial comment. At the end Motteux signs himself,
I am, SIR,
Your most humble Servant,
P. M.
Motteux was not indebted to Le Mercure Oalant alone
for the epistolary model. It was a favorite form of the
day. In spite of the numbers and popularity of the news-
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EABLTEST PBBOTJBSOB OF MISCELLANIES 26
papers, news-letters, both printed and in manuscript, were
still for sale in London for country correspondence, with
space left at the beginning and end for the personal ad-
dress and private items of news, and with a vacant fourth
page destined to serve as the envelope. The earliest scien-
tific periodical, Philosophical Transactions (1665-), event-^
ually the official organ of the Eoyal Society, received and
printed many contributions in the form of letters.
Setting aside the letter form, the Oentleman's Journal is
strikingly modem in its make-up. Each number is a
quarto pamphlet of, usually, thirty-four pages, the outside
leaf being the title page.^
THE
Gentleman's Journal:
OR THE
MONTHLY
MISCELLANY.
By Way of
LETTER
TO A
Gentleman in the (X)UNTRY.
ConsiBting of
IfewB, History^ Philosophyy Poetry,
Mustek, Trcmalations, do.
JANUARY 1691/2.
Paulum sepultae distat inertiae
Celata virtus, non ego te meis
Ohartis inomatum sUeho:
Totve tuos patiar Idborea
Impune, Lolli, carpere lividas
Ohliviones, . . . Hor.
LONDON
Printed; And are to bQ sold by R, Baldwin, near the Owford Arms,
in Warwiclc-l(me. 1692.
^ Beginning with Vol. II a device appears in the center of the title
page, an oval lozenge, enclosing a hand holding a nosegay of flowers,
above which runs the motto, E PLURIBUS UNUM.
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26 DOROTHY FOSTER
On the reverse of this is a table of contents, with titles of
the articles, the number of the page on which each is to be
^ found, and the names of the contributors. Before this the
public knew that several hands went to the making of a
periodical, but they did not know, save in the case of
Philosophical Transactions, who the contributors were, or
what was the contribution of each. But there is plenty of
evidence, in these modem-seeming title pages, of the old
reluctance of the courtier or the man of mode, in the first
place to print, and, in the second place, to print under his
own name, his jeiix d' esprit. Frequent refuge is taken in
such vague designations as " By a Person of Honour,"
in pseudonyms such as Diogenes, Celadon, Urania, Ory-
thia, or in more revealing initials, as J. S. Esq., Sir T. D.,
Lady L — ce. The contributors number not only these
timorous poetasters but also professional men of letters
accustomed to publicity. Such are Mr. Nahum Tate, Mr.
Thomas Brown, Mr. Prior, Mr. Purcell, Sir Charles Sed-
ley, Mr. John Dennis, Mr. John Phillips, Mr. Congreve,
Mr. Southerne, Mr. Charles Gildon, Mr. Leibnitz. Some
verses are " said to be by Mrs. Behn." ^ But other worthy
names, too, appear without shame, known to readers of
to-day only through the pages of the Gentleman's Journal.
Motteux stated in his opening address to his correspond-
ent that he intended to be but the editor of others' verse
and prose. In the February number, 1692, he says,
" This is perhaps the onely Book of whose kind Eeception
the Authour may boast without incurring the imputation
of being vain, it being chiefly a Collection of other mens
Works.'' But in the March number he reminds his well-
wishers, " there is an absolute necessity of daily Supplies
of Wit," and addresses an epistle To the INGENIOUS,
saying,
•Oct., 1693.
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EABLIEST PBECUBSOB OP MISCELLANIES 27
I will only lay before you the necessity there is of a constant
Supply of Ingenious Prose and Poetry, to carry on the Undertaking.
And who can I ask it of, but of you? If you do not assist, what
will Foreign Nations think of the Qallantry and Wit of the English,
when a Design, like this, hath continued so long a time in France T
.... For my part, I am willing to be a Collector to the Muses,
a Clark, and an humble Servant to the Muses, as long as you their ^
Darlings will please to employ me, and the Bookseller will print.
Nay, you shall have my Hme, Ink and Paper into the Bargain:
And I think that's fair enough on Conscience, and that you had
best strike up with me, for there are but few, I doubt, such dis-
interested Writers in this Age.
Despite his provocative appeal and the warm welcome
given to his venture, Motteux did not find it easy to fill
his Journal, The diflSculty of getting contributions is
the burden of his introductory addresses to his correspond- ^
ent. He sums up the state of affairs in January, 1693:
^^ Everyone wishes its [the JoumaVs] welfare, but few
take care to promote it" To be sure, he limited the free-
dom of contributors by stating that " such things as any
ways reflect on particular Persons, or are either against
Religion, or good manners, he cannot insert/' * When he
had occasion to reject some proffered verses, he published
the following Advertisement:
Hie Ingenious are desired to continue to send what ever may be
properly inserted in this Journal, either in Verse or Prose, directing
it to the Publisher, or at the Latin Coffee-house, for the Author of
the Gentleman^s Journal, not forgetting to discharge the Postage.
An Ingenious Gentleman sent some Verses, which begin thus:
Had you been known when those of ancient years, &c.
And another sent one of Ovid's Epistles. If they please to let the
Author know where to write to them, he will acquaint them with his
Reasons for not inserting them.*
Many a time the necessity of making up for lack of con-
tributions had to be met by the editor. He writes in the ^
•Feb., 1«92. *May, 1692.
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28 DOEOTHY FOSTEB
last (December) number of his first year's issue, " For
tho' so many stronger hands have generously propt me up,
yet the Burthen has still been too heavy for any single
Capacity." At one time he proposes questions for dis-
cussion, hoping to stimulate his readers to " ingenious "
answers :
1. Which is the most useful of all ArtsT
2. Two Lovers being slighted, one of them leaves the Town where
his Mistress lives, in hopes to be freed from his Passion, but finds
no ease; The other cannot tear himself from what he loves, tho** he
believes that Absence would prove his Remedy, lis asked, who of
the Two loves most?*
But he gets so few responses that he says ruefully, this
will for the future make me take care not to raise a Spirit, without
being sure I can lay it, without the help of others.*
Two numbers he is forced to make up entirely by him-
self,— those for September, 1692, and July, 1693. This
he confesses in the former, adding, in regard to the usual
composition of the Journal, " Hitherto I have treated you
as much as I could at other Mens Cost," yet " ^Tis true
that, to fill up, I have all along added something of mine
own." Elsewhere he makes an appeal for more prose con-
tributions.®* A look at the title pages shows how much
must have come from Motteux's own pen, if we may as-
sume the greater part of the unsigned articles are his.
The effect of the Journal on its public was to produce
a flood of letters of appreciation and suggestion to the
editor. Motteux was overwhelmed at the thought of re-
plying to them.
For God's sake, let me be excused from answering of Letters, I
have enough to do with mj Monthly one, and tho' I do by it, as those
that have a mortal aversion to Physick, do by a bitter Purge, and
•January, 1693. •March, 1693. ••Feb., 1693.
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£ABLI£8T PBBCUB80B OF MISCBLLANIBS 29
delay it as long as I can, that is, to the latter end of the Month;
yet, at last, Nolens Volens, I put the Compulsory of Honour and
Obligation upon my lazy Nature, and then, like some of you, I write,
when by no means I can put it off longer/
But he is delayed now by indisposition, now by procras-
tination, so that his publisher has to remonstrate. " My
Bookseller .... tells me, that the uncertain times of
publishing this Journal, by no means conduce to his ad-
vantage,"® and he resolves to be more regular in the future.
His inability, however, to live up to his program is mani-
fest in 1694. He b^ins the year with a combined num-
ber for January and February, and later telescopes August
and September, as well as October and November, which
is the last number of the Journal in the British Museum.
It seems almost unnecessary to say that contributions
undoubtedly were not paid for. One could hardly offer
a guinea to " a Person of Honour " for occasional verses.
And it is a question how profitable the undertaking was
for Motteux himself.
A representative title page is that for January, 1693,
showing the kind of entertainment the Journal afforded.
THE CONTENTS
Introdwftion Page 1
A DUcourae of the true Beginning of the Year 2
On Time, by a Person of Quality 3
On Eternity, hy a Person of Quality 4
The Anatomy, hy N. Tate Esq; 6
The Widow hy Chance, a Novel 7
Verses hy Stephen Hervy Esq; 10
To a Young Lady on her Birth-day, hy Mr. H. Denne ih,
A Discourse on the Question, Whether Love is sooner lessened hy
the Cruelty of a Mistress, than hy her Kindness t 11 -
Yersea to Sylvia, hy Mr, J. Dennis 13
A Pindaric Ode, on His Majesty 14
» March, 1692. 'June, 1693.
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.\
30 DOEOTHY POSTBB
Death of Monsieur Pelisson 18
Admisaum of the Academiata of Nismes into the French Acudemy ib.
Of the Want of auch Bocietiea in England 19
To Corinna 20
An Italian Madrigal, and the aame in English ih.
To Celia, on New-Year'a Day ' ih.
De ParnassOy by Mr. Thomas Brown 21
On a Cock at Rochester, by Bir Charles Sedley ib.
A Diacowrae on Ounpotoder 22
A Latin Epigram on the laat ttoo Enigma* a, by a Peraon of Quality 23
Solutiona of the aame by Mr. H. DoUer ib.
An Enigma by Mr, 0. Salusbury, with Latin Notea on the aame 24
Another by Osiris ib.
One by Mr. Mitchell 25
An Account of the Impartial Oritick by Mr, Dennis, and of hia
Miacellaniea in Verae and Proae 26
An Epigram on the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset, by
Mr. B— y— ib.
Something concerning Burleaque ib.
Newa of Learning 27
Of New Playa 28
Veraea by a Lady of Quality ib,
A Bong aet by Mr. H. Purcell, the Worda by Mr. Congreve 29
A Bong aet by the aame Mr. Purcell, the Worda by Mr. Southeme 31
A Bong aet by Mr. Robert King, the worda by Mr, Salusbury 34
It is to be noted that Motteux starts out with an intro-
duction which is in form a letter but in subject-matter an
^ editorial, and usually concerned with the reception of the
Journal by the public, the difficulties of securing contri-
butions and of getting the number together on time, or
whatever comment Motteux may choose to make upon his
enterprise. He follows this with a timely article as here,
or with '' Stanza's by Mr. Prior," ® as an editor of to-day
might give prominence to a short poem by Mr. Kipling,
or he introduces some verse compliment to their Majes-
ties, such as '' Verses by Sir C. Sedley, on Her Majesties
Birth-day.*' ^^ Then, amidst numerous shorter prose and
•Feb., 1692. ^•May, 1692.
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SABXJDE8T FSEGUBSOB OF MISCEUJLNISS 31
verse selections, appear the following regular features:
a short story or "novel"; an essay or discussion, here
A Discourse on the Question, Whether Love is sooner les-
sened by the Cruelty of a Mistress, than by her Kindness;
a popular scientific article, as A Discourse on Gunpow-
der; oftentimes a second "novel"; the enigmas for the
month, with the solutions of those of the preceding num-
ber; News of Learning and Of Plays, i. e., announcements
of recent publications, and literary and dramatic criticism ;
finally, two or three songs with both words and music.
But Motteux himself has given an account of the con-
tents of his miscellany. In March, 1692, he tells us that
his publisher insisted on the need of an insinuating epistle
or preface to recommend " the Usefulness, the Benefit, the
Good, the Profit" of his collection, offering as an aid to
his eloquence The Compleat Secretary, The Pearl of Elo-
quence, A Help to Discourse, and several other jogs to wit.
Why! Sure the Book will do without all this Quack-like Cant,
Bald I? Hath it not already been placed amongst the Stray 'd Mares,
and LoBt Horses, at the End of the Ckusette^ that none within the
Dominion of the Four Seas may pretend to cause of Ignorance?
KoWy if they do not mind it, be it at their Peril, and let it stand
at their doors: What the Devil would they have to please them?
Here's Novels, and New-Town Adventures, for the Amorous and
Gayer Sort of Readers; here's Verses for the Poetical ones; Here's
Enigmas to puzzle half the Nation; Moral Stanzas and Odes, for
the Grave Dons; Philosophy, for the Sons of Wisdom; News for the
News-mongers, and Would-be-Politicians; and the Lord knows
what not, besides 3 or 4 Songs, with the Parts, by the greatest
Masters, worth each of them more than the price of the Book, and
every individual tittle spick and span new, with a likelihood to
have all Horace's Odes new done; for there is no less than three by
different hands in this, one Moral, the other Amorous, and the third
Jocose. So that if ever by some Fatality or other, ^e should lose
the Old Translations, these may help to set up a New English
Horace.
^The London Oaaetie,
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d25 DOBOTHY FOSTBB
This passage is indicative of the gallant and sprightly
way Motteux discharged his editorial duties. Through-
out, his gay, sympathetic, persuasive introductions to each
selection must have helped to stimulate the reader's ap-
preciation. Keeping up the fiction that each number is
a letter to a well-known correspondent, he assumes an in-
formal tone that is wholly delightful. For example,
" Whilst things like the following Stanza's made by Mr.
Prior shall be given or sent me, you may believe I shall
be prouder of making them publick than my own." ^^
He early recognizes the difficulties he has to overcome
in adhering to the letter form, and exclaims : " It is
impossible to keep any Order in a Letter, such as mine is.
I am oblig'd from serious matters to fall to some of a quite
different nature." ^* Because he desires to link piece to
piece, and so produce a kind of unity, he becomes in time
a master of easy editorial transitions. Thus he passes on
from some verses ending^
At once, by the divine enchanting Fair,
I'm burnt with Love, and frozen with Despair:
After all, the heat of Love is much like that of this season [August],
it rages for a while and the prevailing beams of the object set us,
as it were, on fire; but when it leaves us, and its feeble Rays are
duird by time and distance, we return to our native coldness. Lei
us leave then the Heat of Love for a while, to discourse of that of
the weather."
Then follows an essay. Of the Dog-Days.
But Motteux is best satisfied when he can group a num-
ber of selections on one theme. In the April, 1693 number
we are led from a drinking song, suggesting a little grate-
ful wetting of the inner man, to an Englishing of the 20th
Ode of Anacreon, in which the lover wishes he might turn
to a bath,
"Feb., 1692. "April, 1692. "August, 1692.
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KART.rF.ST FBECUBSOB OF MISCELLANIES 38
that 80 I might
(Not try to wash my Dear more white)
But someway add to her Delight.
Anacreon deair'd to be Changed into Water, Mr. J. 0. who made the
following Verses, wishes to be chang'd into a Golden Shower, and
envies the Happiness of the Bath, that embraced with Freedom his
insensible Charmer.
Then follows, To the Bath and Zelinda in it!
He comments : " Oh ! how many unhappy Mortals have
found that the sight of a Charming Nymph in a Bath has
been more pernicious to their ease than all the waters in
the World could be useful to their Health. Methinks I
hear one of these loving Wretches break out into such a
Complaint" Here is inserted a lover's rhyming appeal
to some hot springs to temper the coldness of his mistress;
after which Motteux remarks, " It may not be amiss after
these Verses to give you something concerning Baths, prin-
cipally at this time of the Tear when they are both pleas-
ant and necessary." An essay Of Baths follows.
Elsewhere ^* he produces a similar sequence on teeth,
and in another place ^* passes from "something very
pleasant about handsome Legs," to Of Dancing.
These selections would seem to indicate that most of the
verse of the Oenfleman's Journal is of a trifling nature.
Much of it is, short effusions by those unpractised in more
sustained writing, seldom of more than magazine quality.
But taken all together the verse of the Jovmal is quite
representative of the taste of the times, which was largely
formed by the prevailing reverraice for the classics and
their French imitations. Anacreon, Virgil, Martial, and
above all Horace, were translated or taken as models.
Verses in the vein of the Greek Anthology abound, as To
»Oct.-Nov., IfJW. "July, 1692.
3
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34 DOEOTHY FOSTER
Phillis by Mr. J. P.,^^ Celia's Power: by a Person of
Bonour,^^ To Amintas, by the Earl of E.,^® Verses to
Clorinda,^^ and short poems on such occasional snj^jects
as To a Young Lady upon her going out of Town, by Mr.
S.,21 The Parrot, an Elegy.^^ On Love by Mr. J. G.^*
indicates the chief theme of the verse makers.
Odes are frequent, pindaric or other, the pindaric
ode with its "pleasing irregularity" being as much in
fashion then as the sonnet sequence had been a century
earlier. In view of Dryden's more famous poem, the
pindaric Ode on St. Cecilia's Day 1692 is of interest, and
is by no means an unworthy example of the class. Here
is a stanza :
IV
With that sublime Celestial Lay
Dare any Earthly Sounds compare?
If any Earthly Music dare,
The noble ORGAN may.
From Heav'n its wondrous Notes were giv'n,
(Cecilia oft conversed with Heaven)
Some Angel of the Sacred Choire
Did with his Breath the Pipes inspire;
And of their Notes above the just Resemblance gave,
Brisk without Lightness, without Dulness grave.**
But a mere stanza never does justice to a pindaric ode.
We should expect to find in the age of the Hind and the
Panther fables in verse. Such is the Linnet and the Mag-
pyej^^ which gives rise to the following comment by Mot-
teux:
Fables have been ever valued by the Ingenious. In France Mon-
sieur de la Fontaine, esteem'd inimitable in his way, hath revived
them as much as that great Master of our Tongue, Sir Roger
"July, 1694. "June, 1693. « March, 1693.
"Aug.-Sept., 1694. «Oct.-Nov., 1694. •*Nov., 1692.
^•Oct.-Nov., 1694. "July, 1694. * Jan., 1692.
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SABLIEST PBBCUBSOB OF MISCELLANIES 86
L'Estrangey hath done lately among us; the Prose of the last, and
the Verse of the first being equally beautiful in their kind. We
had been waiting for Sir Roger's JBsop with all the impatience
imaginable, at last it hath seen the Light, and England may boast
now of the best Collection of Fables in the World.
The verse-essay, notable in the hands of Dryden then
and Pope later, is represented by An Epistolary Essay
to Mr. Dryden upon his Cleomenes,^^ which ends in prose.
Long you presided o're a knowing Age:
By the Town courted. Courted by the Stage.
What e*re you wrote, your Stamp Authentic made:
Wit then was something more than a meer Trade;
But the corrupted humor of the Age
Has broke through all the Fences of our Stage.
Yet you in pity to that Stage appear.
And give a fresh Example ev*ry year.
Were your Rules foUow'd, we no more should see
Danm'd Farce usurp the place of Comedy,
Nor thoughtless Words with a disjointed Tale,
Above an artful Plot and lofty Sense prevail.
Some few (and Taith they are but few) of Wit
At some Dull-whining Play unmov'd could sit,
See in the Boxes Tears in ev'ry Eye;
They saw Good Nature, and they wondered why.
But if some well-told Tragedy appear.
They may look round, and not behold one Tear.
Yet Oleomenes high Applause did find.
And your great Merit made 'em justly kind.
The dialogue, also popular at this time, takes verse form
in several instances, one being Strephon and Sylvia, A
Dialogue,^'^ and prose form in A Dialogue between Desire
and Pleasure.^^ And the character, so popular as a genre
by itself all through the century, appears in A Character
of a Fop in Verse, sent from Dublin.^® Another literary
fashion of the age is represented by a verse prologue by
••May, 1692. "^August, 1692. »Oct.-Nov., 1694.
*Aug.-Sept., 1694.
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86 DOBOTHY FOSTEB
Sir Charles Sedley to a comedy, The Wary Widow, Or Sir
Noisy Parrot.^^ The comedy of course is not given.
Some Latin verse is included, usually Englished at once
by the same or another hand. To volume in (1694) Mr.
Power contributed a series of striking passages from
Paradise Lost turned into Latin. In the January, 1693
number I find An Italian Madrigal, and the same in
English.
The enigmas seem to have given imf ailing delight. One
or two enigmas appear in each number, trivial verse, but
widely welcomed as wit sharpeners. In an essay Of
Enigma's Motteux writes,
Since there have been learned Princes, Poets and Philosophers,
Enigma's have been in request, there being nothing more natural to
man, than to offer and solve difficult Questions, affecting by that
some recommendation of wit above the rest.*^
The following is an enigma on a "News-letter, or a
Gazette " ;
Rome, and Qeneva I have join'd
My mighty voice the World alarms,
By fam'd events new life I find.
And make the Warrior run to Arms.
War, in my pow*r, and Peace I hold,
And Joy and Grief at once have brought;
Am scorn'd, like Virgins, when I'm old.
And, when I'm young, am, like 'em, sought.
My Father, Nature's eldest Son,
Conquers the wise, the bold, the strong.
My Mother swift as Air can run.
And is all over Ear and Tongue.
Whole Nations by me know their Fate,
In Magpy hue I fly about;
And, as I love or as I hate,
With a bold stroke an Army rout.*"
••Feb., 1693. "^Sept., 1692. "Sept., 1692.
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EABLIEST PBBCUBSOE OF MISCELLANIES 37
Readers sent in their solutions, sometimes in verse, and
had the satisfaction of seeing the names and often rhym-
ing guesses of successful solvers appear in print in the
next number. Thus, in the first number for 1694 : " The
Enigma's in my last are Air and Tyranny, the first solv'd
by Mr. George Herle, T. B., Eugenia, Mary D., both by
Mrs. H. Turner, Sylvia, N. E., J. Smith, and by a Lady
of Quality. . . . The second was solv'd by Mrs. Sarah
Barker, J. T., W. Blewet, and by Mr. De La Sale, Urania,
and Philomotteux."
Two or three songs with accompanying music are the
last feature of every number. They are usually amorous,
and in the admired " gallant " manner of the time, of the
type familiar to those acquainted with collections of Pur-
celFs Airs. That fashionable composer frequently appears
in the last pages of numbers of the Gentleman s Journal.
Others who provided music for some of the songs are Dr.
Blow, Mr. Frank, Mr. King, Mr. Akeroyde, and an Italian
songmaster, Signer Baptist. Representative is the follow-
ing set to Purcell's music :
Since from my dear, my dear, my dear
Since from my dear, my dear, my dear
My dear A stre a's Sight
I was 80 rude ly torn.
My Soul has never, never, never,
has never, never, never known De . . . light
Un . . . less it were to mourn, to mourn,
Un . . Jess, un . . . less it were to mourn;
But oh! a . . . las, a ... las with weep . . . ing Eyes,
and bleeding, bleeding Heart I lye;
Thinking on her, on her whose Ab . . . sence 'tis
That makes me wish to dye, dye, dye, dye.
Makes me, makes me, wish to dye, dye, dye."
There are a few songs of another nature, written by the
versatile Motteux himself, reflecting the amours of a lower
*= Dec., 1698.
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88 DOBOTHY FOSTEB
level of society. Such is Jenny and Jockey, a Scotch Song,
set to music by Mr. Ackeroyde.
Joo, Fair . . est Jenny, thou mun love me,
Jen. Trorh my Bonny Lad I do,
Joe, Gin thou saist thou dost ap . . prove me,
Dearest thou mun kiss me too.
Jen, Taak a kiss or two gud Jockey
But I dare give nene I trow,
Fie nay Pish be not im . luc . ky;
Wed me first and aw will doe.**
Much of this love poetry aims to voice a higher, a more
glorified, or a more fiery passion than had been simg in
earlier days by Wither, Suckling, and Lovelace. The fair
is a " Seraphic Creature," a " Sweet Angel," a " Heavenly
Bliss," a " dear Charmer," who puts her lover ^' to a thou-
sand pains." The raptures of passionate love are often
very frankly described. It is clear that the writers aimed
to be elegant, but to produce thrills at the same time by
treading on dangerous ground.
Many of the characteristics of eighteenth-century poetry
are already present in this minor verse of the late seven-
teenth century, because, in both cases, of the prevailing
pesudo-classical influence. Comparisons to Daphne, Apol-
lo, Jove, Venus are frequent. William III is " Britain's
Csesar," England is '^ Britannia," and France " Gallia " ;
young women are nymphs but not yet sylphs ; plague, fam-
ine, glory, fame, spring, summer, are personified, war is
spoken of as " Bellona," the sun as " Phoebus returning."
The Muses and the Graces are summoned to celebrate Her
Majesty's birthday. The tendency is to attach a descrip-
tive adjective to most nouns and a descriptive adverb to
many verbs, as in these lines :
••Jan., 1692.
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EABLIBST FBBOUBSOB OF HISCELLANIES 39
In yain the Am'rous Flute and soft Guitar
Jointly labour to inspire
Wanton Heat and loose Desire;
Whilst thy Chaste Airs do gently move
Seraphic Flame and Heavily Love."
Descriptions of war and naval engagements, however, are
more vigorous and direct than when it was thought poeti-
cal meanness to call things by their proper names. But
the tendency is to exalt realities by the aid of rhetorical
devices.
But all the poetry, as the colloquialism of Jenny and
Jockey bears witness, is not of this caste. It would be
strange if the seventeenth-century delight in burlesque
should not be represented. This is the vein chosen for
a retelling of the story of Orpheus and Eurydice.
Orpheus a One-ey'd limping Thracian,
Top-Crowder of the barbarous Nation,
Was Ballad-Singer by Vocation,
Who up and down the Country Strowling,
And with his Strains the Mob Cajoling,
Charm'd them as much as each Man knows
Our Modern Farces do our Beaux.
He had a Spouse yclep'd Euridice
As tight a Lass as ere our-eye-did-see. — ••
This last rhyme is worthy of Hvdihras, or the later In-
goldsby Legends, A similar treatment is given to the
myth of Actaeon and Diana. Love is by no means ethe-
realized in a vigorous and callous verse narrative of the
outcome of the relations between two gallants and a com-
mon mistress, The Two Friends,^^^ written confessedly in
imitation of La Fontaine.
The inclusion of this last, and of prose pieces on simi-
lar subjects, would seem to be violation of an early promise
"Nov., 1692. "June, 1692. •*» June, 1692.
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40 DOEOTHY FOSTEB
of Motteux's. In his first number he declares that he de-
signs his Monthly for ladies as well as gentlemen.
The fair Sex need never fear to be exposed to the blush, when
they honour this with a reading; 'tis partly writ for them, and I am
too much their Votary to be guilty of such a crime. There were
but few pretenders to Wit and Gallantry in France amongst the
Ladies, but made the Meroure Ckillant their darling, and tho I
do not pretend to copy after him in all things, yet this is no less
the Ladies Jowmal than the Gentleman's.
Ladies are constant contributors, and solvers of enig-
mas. One of them,^*^ taking exception to aspersions cast
on marriage, not by Motteux, wrote a letter to the editor
asserting her own happy married life, and signing herself
" Placidia." When the October number for 1693 appear-
ed, it bore the heading. The Lady's Journal, or the Monthr
ly Miscellany. Motteux begins:
Sir,
Since this Month's Collection chiefly consists of Pieces written
by Persons of the Fair Sex, I may justly call it the Lady's Jour-
nal. I intended to have own'd in an Epistle Dedicatory to them,
my sense of their generous encouragement in my Undertaking, and
you will find here something of that nature.
This Lady's Journal compares favorably with the num-
bers imder the usual title. Motteux contributes most of
the prose, and the ladies almost all the verse, which is per-
haps a shade more trifling than usual. Among others, " a
young Lady of Quality " contributes An Epitaph on her
Majesties Dog, Mrs. S — , An Essay on Modesty from the
French of Mad. de Scudery, " Orithya," some Verses, " a
Lady " lines To a Weeping Lover, and again " a Lady "
has composed the words for A Song set by Mr. J.
Franck.
The prose of the Journal, equally with the verse, is rep-
resentative of what was enjoyed in the 1690's.
»*Nov., 1693.
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BABJ-IEST PBECUESOB OF MISCELLANIES 41
The essay, established as a genre in English literature
by Bacon in 1597, had achieved distinction and become
popular after the Restoration with the appearance of Cow-
ley's graceful yet thoughtful Essays, and Dryden's bril-
liant adaptation of the form to literary criticism. Each
number of the Journal contained one or more essays
on such subjects as are indicated by the following titles:
Of Time,^^ Of Fasting,^"" On Envy,*'' The EqmlUy of
both Sexes asserted,*^ Of a Lottery of Maids and Batche-
lorsj,*^ Conjectures on the Origin of the word Blazon, hy
Mr. Leibniz,*' On Descartes's Philosophy.** A Dis-
course concerning the Ancients and the Modems*^ takes
up the much discussed question of the superiority of the
present to the past, or vice versa, that gave rise to Sir Wil-
liam Temple's Essay upon the Ancient and Modern Learn-
ing and to Swift's Battle of the Boohs. The latter immedi-
ately comes to mind on reading Of Modern Names made
Latin.*^ Here in a dream the author finds himself in the
Commonwealth of Learning, where he hears a dispute that
develops into the Ancients-versits-Modems controversy.
Some of the essays are in the form of arguments, as. That
Sighs are Marks of a greater Love than Tears,*'^ and
Which hath most Charms, Glory or Love? *^
Several prose allegories appear, such as The Birth of
Love and Friendship,*^ and A Description of the Kingdom
of Poetry, which begins:
The Kingdom of Poetry is large and well peopled, it borders on
one side on that of Painting, and on the other on that of Music:
It is divided into high and low, like several other Country s. . High
Poetry is inhabited by a sort of grave sower-look'd melancholy
"Nov., 1692.
-April, 1694.
-Aug., 1693.
•Feb., 1603.
-Dec., 1693.
«Aug., 1693.
-July, 1698.
-March, 1693.
- April, 1693.
« May, 1692.
-Feb., 1692.
-Dec., 1693.
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43 DOEOTHY FOSTER
people, who speak a language which is to the other Provinces as
Welsh to the English. The tops of all the Trees in High Poetry
shoot into the Clouds: Their Horses out-run the Wind; The men
are generally Heroes by profession, and will cleave you a Gyant
arm'd* Capapie, to the very Rump with a back stroke. As for the
women, if they have never so little beauty, there is no comparison
between them and the Sim. The Metropolis of this Province is
caird Epic Poem, 'tis built on a sandy and ungrateful soyl, which
hardly any take pains to Cultivate You can never come
out of Epic Poem, without meeting Fights and Murthers: but
when you pass through Romance, which is its Suburb, and bigger
than that Town, you are sure to meet at the end on't people full
of joy, and preparing for their Marriage, they are there very pas-
sionate Lovers, great Travellers, and tellers of Stories, and the most
beautiful and accomplished people in the World. . . Pindaric Ode is
a town seated on a very high ground, it yields a very beautiful
prospect, and irregularity in others a fault adds to its perfection."*
Strangely modem seem the scientific articles. A wave
of desire for an extension of knowledge in the direction
Bacon had pointed out followed the Eestoration. In
1662 the Royal Society had been chartered. Bishop
Sprat's History of the Royal Society helped to make known
its aims and win synipathy for them. Philosophical
Transactions and Philosophical Collections had put forth
in periodical form accounts of investigations at home and
abroad. By 1692 what had been the concern of a few had
become of general interest, and all who pretended to in-
tellectual alertness were eager to add to their scientific
information. Querists sent in scientific posers to be an-
swered by the omniscient editors of the Athenian Mercury.
Motteux, like editors of to-day, was meeting a genuinely
popular demand when he inserted An Account of the Na-
ture of Driness and Moistness,^^ A New System of the
Gravitation of Bodies,^^ Observation on the Figure of
Snow,^^ Of the Situation of the Bile cmd Pancreatic
"Jan., 1692. ~ Jan., 1692. "Feb., 1693.
"March, 1694.
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EABLIE8T PBBCUBSOB OF MI8CELLANIBS 43
Juice '^^ (contributed as a letter to Sir Theodore de Vaux),
An Account of a late flying Scorpion/^^ Of Diving by the
" learned Dr. B./' ^^ and a letter sent in by Mr. Kichard
Sault containing some mathematical propositions he had
received from " a very ingenious Gentleman out of the
Country." ^^ These were only occasionally v^ritten up by
Motteux himself, v^ho cotdd at necessity draw upon the
English or foreign scientific periodicals for such infor-
mation.
News of current events, promised in the original de-
scriptive title of the Journal, is to be found in the first
two numbers, but afterwards disappears save for a rare
and merely occasional comment, such as this in the number
for June, 1692:
The Consternation that the French are in, since they find that
their Loss is so considerable, and the Falsity of the Account that was
given of it at first, is very great. They are forc'd to quiet the
Spirits of the People, in giving them fabulous Accounts of their
Strength. [Then after he has been specific as to their exaggerations]
I leave you to judge how false all this is, and how weak
they must find themselves, since they have recourse to such notorious
Falsities, to quiet the minds of the People.
In two early numbers a department of mock-news ap-
pears, called the Lovers Gazette.
From the City of Beauty, the 18th of the Month of Courtship. The
States began their Sessions the 3d of this Instant. Sir Coquetting
Beau, High-Commissioner, made them a Speech full of soft Verses,
fiorid Words, and moving Expressions. The Lord of Charms, their
President, returned him an Answer much to his satisfaction; and it
was agreed, that the City should furnish two Millions of Ogles for
the War against Rebellious Hearts, and raise a Regiment of Allure-
ments for the Service of Love."
But mock-news was out of fashion. Probably a recogni-
tion of its dullness led to its discontinuance.
"April, 1694. "July, 1692. "March, 1692.
"March, 1694. "Sept., 1693.
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44 DOEOTHY FOSTER
Far more interesting are the literary announcements
and book reviews, news of learning that includes Contin-
ental as well as English items, and conmient on the con-
temporary drama. Here are appreciative notices of books
that all the world has now agreed to honor. Motteux as a
critic is one of the gentlest. Indeed, he seldom ventures
an adverse opinion of his own, but merely records an un-
favorable reception of a work. His forte lies in warm rec-
ommendation of, and generous enthusiasm for, the achieve-
ments of others. Thus :
We hope that Mr. Dryden will undertake to give us a Translation
of Virgil; 'tis indeed a most difficult work, but if any one can assure
himself of sucecss, in attempting so bold a task, 'tis doubtless the
Virgil of our Age, for whose noble Pen that best of Latin Poets seems
reserved."
Milton's Pa/radiae Lost is Reprinting with large Notes, to explain
the less obvious and common Words, Phrases, and Passages of that
most heavenly Poem.**
The second Volume of the Athenae Oxoniensea by that great Anti-
quary Mr. Wood of Oxford will appear very speedily.**
There is also a Book call'd Nouvelles Conversations de Morale, said
to be by the Famous Mademoiselle de Scudery, which hath lately seen
the light.**
Mr. Perrault, of the French Academy, hath very lately published
the Third Part of his Parallele des Andens d des Modemes, relating
only to Poetry.**
We have now the second Edition of Mr. Lock's Essay concerning
the human Understanding; carefully revised with the addition of a
whole Chapter of Identity, large Indices, and marginal Summaries,
and some Alterations in the Chapter of Power, which the Author
thought necessary. The first Edition of that great Work was uni-
versally esteemed by all Persons of eminent Learning; yet several
tho' highly sensible of his merit, have opposed him in some things;
and particularly in that part of his Book, in which he would prove
there are no innate Ideas or Principles in the Soul of Man, who is
said to acquire them as he grows up, either by the Sences or his
•March, 1694. '^May, 1692. **Dec., 1692.
•March, 1692. •"Aug., 1692.
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EABLIEST PBECUBSOB OF MISCELLANIES 45
Reflections on his own Operations. I am told that a French Physi-
cian has wrote a Book, now printing in Holland, in which he contra-
dicts Mr. Lock in this point; a little time will show us how he has
done it; if his Book is written with as much Judgment, Wit and
Exactness as his learned Adversary's, it will doubtless be very wel-
come to the World.**
Rapin's Reflections on Aristotle's Treatise of Poesy, Englished by
Mr. Rymer with his admirable Preface, is reprinted being very scarce
before,*
The Opera of which I have spoke to you in my former, hath at last
appear'd and continues to be represented daily; it is calPd, The
Fairy Queen. The Drama is originally Shakespears, the Music and
Decorations are extraordinary. I have heard the Dances commended,
and without doubt the whole is very entertaining.**
I need not say any thing of Mr. Congreve's Double-Dealer (the only
new Play since my last) after the Character which Mr. Dryden has
given of it.*'
Mr. Dryden has compleated a new Tragedy, intended shortly for
the Stage, wherein he has done a great unfortunate Spartan no less
justice than Roman Anthony met with in his All for Love, You who
give Plutarch a daily reading can never forget with what magnani-
mity (under all his tedious misfortunes) Cleomenes behaved him-
self in the Egyptian Court. This Hero, and the last scene of his Life,
has our best Tragic Poet chose for his fruitful Subject.**
The kind reception of Mr. Southeme's The Fatal Mar-
riage: or. The Innocent Advltery is commented on, and
the non-success of Mr. Settle's tragedy, The Ambitious
Slave: or. The Generous Revenge.^^
The " novel " or " adventure " easily makes the chief ap-
peal to a modem reader. It is the seventeenth-century form ^
of the short story. Over thirty-one appear in the Gentle-
man's Journal, all more or less alike. Only one owes any
inspiration to the heroic romances, the Grand Cyruses or
Clelies of the day. None are glorifications of primitive
man as is Mrs. Behn's Oroonoko. With but one exception "
they portray contemporary types, contemporary manners.
••May, 1694. ••May, 1692. "Feb., 1692.
•Dec., 1698. •^Nov., 1693. ••March, 1694.
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46 DOROTHY FOSTEB
For the most part they are localized in London or its
environs. Thus, in The Generous Mistress,''^ Richly and
Courtlove agree to meet at a tavern in the Strand, and
refer to The Buffalo's Head and Pawlet's in the Hay-
market as coffee-houses of familiar rendez-vous. Sophia,
in Love's Alchemy,''^ on a visit to London sends her maid
to see the tombs at Westminster. In The Friendly Cheat,''^
the story is laid " not far from old Verulam." The char-
acters of The Cure of Jealousy ^' live in the city of
Augusta, and take a trip to the Wells, stopping at the
Queen's Arms on the way. But The Picture : Or, Jealousy
Without a Cause ^* is about events supposed to occur
"in a considerable Town in the Netherlands," and the
heroes of The Lover's Legacy '^^ and Hypocrisy Out-done:
Or, The Imperfect Widow '^^ cross to Flanders. A few
are not localized at all. In The Noble Statuary '''^ events
are said to have taken place " somewhere in Albion," while
the civilization is not of the present but of a chivalric past.
The heroes and heroines are almost uniformly from the
upper middle class, although The False Friend: Or, The
Fatherless Couple '^^ and The Quakers Gambols ^® have to
do with a lower social stratum.
These " novels " are in the main composed of the same
stuff that was drawn upon for the plot of a contemporary
comedy. They hinge upon a love situation, usually involv-
ing intrigue. Some verses from the Journal sum up the
philosophy of life reflected in these stories :
The beauteous Sex were first for Love design'd,
And Nature will prevail in all we find;
Men will enjoy if Women will be kind.^*
'•Sept., 1693. "Dec., 1692. "May, 1692.
"March, 1692. "March, 1693. "Nov., 1693.
" Feb., 1692. '• June, 1693. •• Oct.-Nov., 1694.
"April, 1694. "Jan., 1692.
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EABLIEST PRECUKSOE OF MI8CEIXANIE8 47
When Motteux departs from this theme of perennial in-
terest in The Living Ghost: Or, The Merry Funeral,
which is an account of a practical joke, he comments at
the end : '^ Your Friends of the fair Sex will scarce pardon
me for relating an adventure wherein Love has no share.
A Novel or a Play, without it seldom pleases them." ^^
The stories fall into two well defined groups. The first
includes those, frequently coarse and unmoral^ where by
dint of trickery and duping the sharpest carries the day.
Here wives deceive suspicious or unsuspecting husbands,
or husbands, wives, in true Decameronian fashion. Such
are The Winter Quarters ^^ and The Cure of Jealousy.
The former, by the " Ingenious Mr. Fransham," is notably
conscienceless. The hero Captain Beau, "a Gentleman
equally qualified for Love and War," is in love with the
wife of Mr. Friendly, with whom he makes friends. Mr.
Friendly offers him rooms in his house, which Captain
Beau agrees to take, and to which he brings Mrs. Beau, his
wife (no other than his valet in disguise). Captain Beau
soon gains the love of Mrs. Friendly, who denies him
nothing. But the valet has also fallen in love with her and
meets with equal success, though without his master's
knowledge. In the spring the captain is ordered else-
where. Up to the last he hoodwinks Mr. Friendly, and
obtains favors from his wife. When they are exchanging
farewells, the valet, still masking as Mrs. Beau, says wag-
gishly to Mr. Friendly, ^' I must confess, that upon the
retiring of your Lady and Mr. Beau, I was a little ting'd
with Jealousy, well knowing the power of her Charms,
upon which I was very uneasy ; but I have been perform-
ing the part of a ghostly Father, and have brought her to a
serious Confession, which has given me a great deal of sat-
" Jaii.-Feb., IdM. - Oct.-Nov., 1694.
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48 DOEOTHY FOSTER
isfaction, since she averr'd with all imaginable sincerity,
that the Captain never went further towards the Homing
of Mr. Friendly than myself." The author comments,
" This report, without doubt, added much to the present
content of his (Mr. Friendly 's) mind, and made the part-
ing very satisfactory on all hands.''
In The Friendly Cheat ^^ two knights of lustful and
wanton courses fall in love with each others' wives, but, by
a friend to whom they confide all, they are brought to the
arms of their own wives whom they take for their mis-
tresses; thus the deceivers are again deceived. In The
Adventures of the Nightcap,^^ a husband whose suspicions
are aroused by a prying neighbor, discovers that the wearer
of his own nightcap is none other than his wife's sister,
just come up to town from the country. " The young Sis-
ter was of a wild, pleasant humor, and the Husband's
Night-Cap lying on the Toilet, she jocularly had clapped
it on her head, saying to her sister, That she would be her
Husband that day." Eevelations follow as to the prying
neighbor's own reputation. The Widow hy Chance ^^ re-
volves about the winning of a wager. At the end it is im-
possible to say from the sudden turn of affairs who has won
the stakes. The influence of Italian novelle or their
French imitations on this group is obvious.
The second group comprises the " novels " of a romantic
character, where interest centers in the course of a true love
that may be far from smooth, but that reaches a conclusion
satisfying to the reader's sense of poetic justice. Except
for the contemporary setting, these are not unlike romantic
noveUe, but occasionally a new note is introduced. At
least one. The Treacherous Guardian, is an approach to
the Richardsonian type of sentimental novel, while one or
two others have markedly sentimental moments.
•Feb., 1692. •• April, 1692. "Jan., 1693.
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BABI.IS8T PBECUBSOB OF MISCBLLANISS 49
Yet The Treacherous Otuirdia/n^^ is, after all, only
slightly suggestive of Richardson. The events related, and
the emphasis on the heroine's chastity, may be considered
Richardsonian, but the art of Richardson, the minute an-
alysis of the heroine's states of mind in her hours of trial,
and the outpouring of her soul in copious correspondence,
are all absent Constantia from her childhood has been
looked upon by her father Kindman as the prospective'
bride of Heartly, whom she loves. When she is of mar-
riageable age her father dies, leaving her to the care of a
guardian, Viperly. Heartly has a false friend, Richmore,
who takes base advantage of his introduction to Constantia
and conspires with Viperly to force her to receive him as
her husband. Viperly gives Richmore every opportimity to
violate Constantia's honor, concealing him in her bedroom.
She saves herself by seemingly consenting to the marriage.
She is forced to write her change of mind to Heartly, but
interlines the note with invisible ink, describing her plight.
Heartly comes at once to rescue her and so prevails with
Richmore that the latter comes to a sense of honor and re-
linquishes Constantia. Viperly, actuated by greed in the
first place, is forced to hand over to the lovers their estates,
up to this time in his keeping.
Love Sacrificed to Honor ®^ reveals a mingling of various
contemporary influences. Trueman discovers on his re-
turn from a long absence that his friend Sparkly has been
trifling with his own lady, Theodosia, so that her reputa-
tion has suffered. Meeting with Sparkly, he takes him to
a field and draws upon him. Sparkly's sword breaks,
whereupon he suddenly sees the evil of his ways and cries
out, " Pursue the advantage Heaven has giv'n you in the
defence of the Innocent and take my hated Life ! " True-
• April, 1698. "Oct., 1692.
4
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50 DOEOTHY FOSTEB
man refuses to do this on the ground " That Heaven who
gave it him should take it," whereat Sparkly by way of
reparation offers to marry Theodosia! Poor Trueman's
nice sense of honor forces him to agree to this arrangement.
The story ends : " But Trueman thought it not convenient,
at least, not very satisfactory, to be present at that Sol-
emnity, since he thus sacrificed his Love to his Mistresses
Honour." Sentimental is the characterization of the
wronged and virtuous Trueman, who refuses to take re-
venge when it is in his power, and sentimental the sudden
change of heart of Sparkly. Events lead up to a dilemma,
in novella fashion, but to such a dilemma as is of con-
stant recurrence in heroic romance and heroic drama,
where the hero is called upon to choose between love and
honor, with the inevitable recognition of the superior
claims of honor. The whole closes with a humorous touch
characteristic of Motteux.
The stories differ as to the naming or no-naming of the
characters. In several the characters have no names.
When they are named, the names indicate their prevailing
humor. Heroines such as Arabella ®® and Sophia,®® and a
hero. Franc. Jessamin,®** are exceptions.
Little emphasis is laid on characterization as such, the
name being evidently regarded as a sufficient index. For-
mal characterization such as we find at the beginning of
The Adventure of the Night-Cap ®^ is unusuaL Here the
two chief personages are described and contrasted, one of
them in as formal a manner as Earle might have painted
another She Precise Hypocrite for his collection of Char-
acters. The heroine is a beautiful young woman married
to a gentleman of estate. Her wit is greater than her
"June, 1693. "March, 1692. "May, 1692.
"April, 1692.
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BABLIEST PRBOUBSOB OF MISCELLAT^IES 61
beauty. " Her admirable good Humor, and free Conver-
sation, made her not only the Esteem, but Love of all rhat
knew her; and her Husband giving her all the Liberty
imaginable, she seldom wanted Visitants; the Park, the
Play, Musick-Meetings, Cards, Balls, were her daily En-
joyments." She has hosts of admirers.
However her facility of access and freedom, did not pass altogether
nncensured. Many said, That the Ear is not so freely lent, without a
design to win the Heart. And tedious Lectures were preached to
her upon this Text, by a She-Fri^id, of a Character quite opposite
to hers, who was a Woman of a grave and morose outside, handsom,
tho' somewhat declining; and who regarding with an Eye of pity all
those that draw on themselves the suspition of an intrigue, used to
affect a cautious, or rather superstitious Regularity, able to damp
the most presumptuous Addressers. There was no familiarity to be
had with her. The least freedom in Conversation would strike her
dumb. She was always as serious as a Hypocrite at Prayers, and ,
shunned all opportunities of appearing at publick places, unless it
were a Church. In short, the name of Precisian seem'd to be esteemed
by her beyond all other Enjoyments. She was not insensible to
pleasure for aU this, and how reserved soever she desired to be
thought, had her private hours, which she managed cimningly. But,
by a Maxim which hath its Followers as well as others, she was
persuaded that Scandal alone makes the Crime, and indeed the resem-
blance of Vertue pleased her much better than Vertue it self.
The use of dialogue varies in amount and naturalness.
Sometimes Motteux merely reports conversation in the
third person. Dialogue is apt to be more natural in the
" novels " of the first group, and all too frequently stifF
and melodramatic in the second. There is a general lim-
bering up when Motteux or one of his infrequent coadju-
tors becomes humorous. " Mr. E. S." in The Disappoint-
ment,^^ his burlesque of a heroic romance, aims at repro-
ducing the pert and lively conversation of a clever young
lady who rails, fashionably, at what she secretly admires,
"August, 1693.
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62 DOEOTHY FOSTBB
and seeks to satisfy a lover by mere sophistry. ^' 'Twas in
the Spring, when Eugenio, stolen from the noisy Town,
had retired to the Sweets and Felicities of a Rural Soli-
tude," where he, aged forty, falls in love with the lady
Albisinda, " one of the fairest works of the Creation," and
just seventeen. " The' generous Albisinda's descending
goodness " has this effect on Eugenio that " he was rapt up
into no lowest Heaven. In short, to Groves, to Grots, to
Shades and Bowers, to purling Streams and murmuring
Fountains, who handed the fair Albisinda but the blest
Eugenio ? " A Sebastian breaks into their paradise of Pla-
tonic devotion. At the news Albisinda breaks out with,
" Good Heaven, what Stars am I bom under, that I must
be forced to leave such Wit as Eugenie's, such truly de-
lightful Oonversation, to give Audience to the Imperti-
nence of Sebastian. . . . and what's worst of all, . . .
he comes to tire me with Love too, bold, sawcy, impudent
Love. 'Tis true he is of some Birth and Quality, and so
are half the Fops of London. And then he is young and
handsome ; so is my Lap-dog. And withal he has a great
many Acres, Dirt like himself. But what's all this to the
Charms of a Man of Wit," and she begs Eugenio's help in
the approaching torment. Eugenio, who declares his love,
is made happy by the maiden's favorable reception of it,
and has small fear of a rival, when he suddenly hears that
Albisinda and Sebastian are married. WTien he next sees
Albisinda he is overcome. But she chides him, "What
because I have married Sebastian, can that raise all this
Cloud ? Wo more for shame Eugenio. Yes, I have mar-
ried him ; the poor young Fool, a thing good enough for a
Bedfellow, the Master of my idle sleeping hours; and
much good may do him. No, my Eugenio, thy Right, thy
sacred Right is uninvaded. I reserve thee for my darling
Platonic."
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EABLIE8T PEE0UB80B OF MI8CELLANIB8 68
Situation, as can be seen from tlie preceding summaries,
is the prime consideration in these ^^ novels." They are
elaborated by characterization, description for the sake of
background, narration of previous events, only as much as
is necessary to lead up to the climactic situation. An end-
ing is then promptly made. Many are little more than
slightly expanded anecdotes. Very few have what can be
called a plot, developed by a series of sustained situations.
The two extremes are illustrated by The Relation of an
uncommon tho very true Adventure *' and by Love's Al-
chemy; Or, A Wife got ovi of the Fire.^^ The former is
stripped well nigh as bare of characterizing detail as the
telling will permit. A young don of one of the two uni-
versities and a young lady with a natural inclination to
learning become mutually attracted. She extols Platonic
love and he falls in with her ideas. After three years she
longs for something more substantial and begs him to give
up his college fellowship and marry her, as she has enough
for both. He is confounded, and leaves without a reply.
He soon sends his answer to her in verse, declaring his
unwillingness to change their relation of Platonic lovers.
She dies in six weeks of grief. He, broken-hearted, dies a
month after her. " This account," says Motteux, " I have
from the very person who carried the Letter, who is a
Reverend Divine." The original is scarcely more ex-
panded than the above summary.
Love's Alchemy is one of the most entertaining stories.
The %ure of Dulman suggests at once the immortal Tony
Lumpkin of She Stoops to Conquer. Sophia, a Canter-
bury belle, is designed by old Greedy, her father, for Dul-
man, her first cousin and her antipathy. " The unbred
Thing was as lewd as his Capacity would permit him, and
•April, 1692. ••March, 1692.
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64 DOEOTHY F08TEB
would at any time Club for a scurvy Debauch of Beer and
Brandy ; for Wine he could not endure, unless at another
Man's Cost. Gaming and Whoring were his other two
greatest Accomplishments, and he scorned to flinch or start
at All-Fours, or Putt; but would set you up whole Nights
and Days most devoutly with some Rascally Pot-Compan-
ion, or Drunken Tory-Rory, smoaking Strumpet. How-
ever, this was the Monster to whom our Virgin was to be
sacrificed ; and, in order to her better Accomplishments for
so rare a Match, she was sent to an Aunt of her's here in
Town, to learn to Sing, Dance, and so forth, as well as to
see the Court, the Playhouse and Fashions. From thence,
in five or six months, she was to return to her Father's
house, and then be led to the place of Execution." In
London she comes to know one Sightly who lodges in the
same house with her aunt. " He could talk sensibly on
any Subject, but Lrove, Chemistry, and Poetry, gave him
the greatest Elocution." Of course they fall in love with
one another. One evening he dines with Sophia and the
aunt when Dulman has come to town, and he sees how
cooUy Sophia treats her intended husband. " All Dinner
time Dulman's Mind ran on the merriment he promised
to himself with his Gang at the Hole in the Wall in Bald-
wyns Gardens ; and as soon as the Table was cleared, told
her, He was sorry that he was forced to leave her: But
truly he must go to see how his Horses were served, for
he would not trust any Servant in England to look after
them; ending with the old Proverb, The Master's Eye
makes the Horse fat. So, without more Compliment, he
left her, to go to much worse Beasts than those he men-
tioned. She could not forbear taking notice of his abrupt
and imcivil departure before Sightly, tho she confessed
Dulman's absence was what she most desired." Sightly at
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BABLIE8T PBEOUBSOB OF MISCELLAKISS 55
once declare his passion for her " with an Address . . .
so moving and effectual; that she had much ado to forbear a
discovery of hers for him at the first Parley." The aunt,
however, warns them that Sophia will lose her portion
if she marries without her father's consent. Still they
resolve to hazard alL But Sophia's woman betrays her
to her father, who comes posting up to town just in time
to break up the plans for immediate marriage. They see
him from the house in the early morning, and suspect they
have been betrayed. Sightly, with his wits about him,
sends Sophia and her aunt out the front door, while he
goes out at the back, promising to be in Kent before her,
but not before they have had time to vow eternal con-
stancy, " and so with a Kiss, a Si^, and a Tear, they bid
Farewel." Sightly passes "through as many Avenues as
an Alsatian that walks by day" to escape detection, and
orders his man to go on to the Horn at Gravesend with
the " baggage." " Mean while the Aunt and Neece were
seized by Greedy, who asked them. Whither they were go-
ing so early? To which his Sister returned. That they
designed for the Park, to take the morning's fresh Air.
Ay, ay, said the old Curmurgeon, I see you are both very
airy, but I hope that Canterbury Air will better agree
with my Daughter ; and so, said he, good, sweet, obedient
Daughter, pray get you ready for a march home. But
where is that generous Bridegroom of yours, that ad-
venturous Knight, that dares venture on you without my
leave, that is, without a farthing ? " So she is taken home.
Greedy soon hears of a famous alchemist who has ar-
rived in town, and goes to the Coffee-House to see him.
He is much taken with him, and brings him to his house,
where the alchemist apparently performs the experiment
of turning copper into gold by a sly insertion of gold in
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66 DOEOTHY FOSTEB
the crucible. This he buys of the alchemist, who returns
the money with the gold, begging Greedy to distribute it
among the poor. "Ay (said Greedy to himself) Nine shill-
ings will do as well for them, 'tis more than I owe them,
I'm sure, by the Parish-Book." Now Greedy has but
one desire, to keep the alchemist by him, and so he offers
him his daughter. Poor Sophia is dismayed at the smutty
person thrust upon her. "Madam, (said our Vulcan) can
you like me for a Husband ? Ah ! Sir, cryed she, If you
have not more Humanity than my Father, I am lost for-
ever, I cannot marry you. Then Madam, (returned he)
you must marry your own first Cousin. I confess. Sir,
(said she) were I at my own disposal, I should rather chuse
you than him — But — I am not." When they are by
themselves the alchemist shows her a ring, saying, "No
more denials, Madam, read there your destiny: She took
it and was startled by the Po'sie, when looking on him
wishfully, she found he was her very numerical London
Lover: My Sightly! (cry'd she) My Sophia! (he re-
ply'd). It was not then the accidental blackness of his
complexion that could frighten her from his arms. After
they had taken a chearful bait on a few kisses, he led her
on their Journey to happiness with this instruction, That
on the return of her Father she should consent, on condi-
tion that he gave the same Portion with her that he pro-
posed to Dulman." The cbnsent of the old man is quick-
ly won and the wedding comes off. After this event
Sightly casts off his disguise. He further reveals his
trickery about the gold to Greedy, who is discomfited on
all sides.
No real parallel can be drawn between the present-day
magazine and the Oentlenum's Journal in the matter
of an advertising section. Periodicals of the time differ
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EASLIEST PBECUBSOB OF MIBOELLANIBS 57
as to the presence of advertisements. Such a monthly
as the Journal might be expected to contain booksellers'
notices in the space left otherwise vacant at the end of a
number, but none are inserted except at the close of the
February, 1692 number, where three books are advertised.
Illustrations appear in Le Mercure Oalant. These are
of medals, of a triumphal arch, of a Cupid hovering over
a landscape and under a ribbon on which is written a
"posy;" he holds a fringed cloth marked like a sun-dial,
with an arrow stuck through the cloth for the pointer;
under it all are verses. Then there is a picture of Made-
moiselle in court dress. But there are no illustrations in the
Gentleman's Journal, save in connection with two scientific
articles. One on snow crystals is accompanied by draw-
ings of the crystals.*' Observations on a late Mock-Sun at
Paris ®^ by Mr. de la Hire, has a cut of that phenomenon.
Motteux had no such exalted idea of his performance
as Dunton had in bringing out the Athenian Mercury,
Motteux's object is confessed in his dedication of Volume
I to William, Earl of Devonshire : " My Journals aspire
no higher, than to attend your Lordship when you enter
into your Closet, to disengage your thoughts from the
daily pressure of Business,'' or when his lordship retires
to his country seat. So should the Journal be looked
upon, as agreeable pastime for an idle hour. It must
have been an invaluable adjunct to the drawing-rooms of
the circles for which it was designed, with its air of gal-
lantry, its preoccupation with the pseudo literary and
scientific interests of the world of fashion, its irreproach-
able list of contributors offering many an anonymity to be
guessed, its enigmas to be solved, and its songs to be war-
bled.
"March, 1694. ••July, 1694.
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58 DOEOTHY FOSTEB
To-day the Oentlemans Journal is a delight to turn to
for the light it throws on the literary tastes of its con-
temporary readers. But it is further significant as the
first magazine of light literature in English that offers a
real parallel to our own magazines of similar nature. And
it appeared seventeen years before the Taller and nineteen
years before the Spectator.
DoBOTHY Foster.
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III.— SCHILLER'S TELL AND THE VOLKSSTVCK
There seems to be universal agreement among Schiller's
critics that his last drama, Wilhelm Tell, means a serious
change of attitude toward the ideal which had guided the
poet in its predecessors. Some scholars candidly regret its
looseness of form, calling this a mistake which the poet
should have avoided. Others endeavor with all possible
pains to fit the play into the straight-jacket of the estab-
lished model, and to justify the poef s willful deviations
from the rules he himself had laid down. A third group
asserts with much praise that the poet has written a real
VolJcssiiich — i. e., in this case, a play for the people — ^by
choosing intentionally a popular style and form, and by
making a whole people the hero of his play.
In my opinion, these last interpreters express better than
any other group Schiller's real intentions, yet do not go far
enough. Tell is obviously a Volhsstuck, not only in the
general sense of the word as applied by these critics, but
also in the sense of close relationship to what is technically
known as a Volksduck in the history of German literature.
We know that even during the development of the Ger-
man drama to its classical magnitude and beauty in the
eighteenth century, the Volksstuch remained alive, and
really began to flourish, in spite of the watchword " l5^ber
Goethe hinaus," in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Its native soil was Austria, but Volksstucke were known
everywhere in Germany — particularly in the southern
states and Switzerland, where the many Tell plays of
which we have knowledge furnish proof of this fact.
These VoUcsstiicke were mostly plays of very inferior
workmanship. Their authors were frequently managers,
59
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60 ADOLF BUSSE
who wrote for their own troupes, and depended for their
very existence upon the success of their productions. They
had to satisfy the taste of the people to whom they catered.
They were not men sufficiently educated to search through
history or mythology for suitable material; if they ever
chose their plots from these fields of knowledge, they re-
lied mostly upon hearsay. Certain territories, however,
had their favorite heroes, or their traditional myths and
sagas, as the managers were shrewd enough to bear in
mind. The Swiss people did not grow tired of seeing their
popular hero Tell in an ever-increasing number of plays ;
neither did the German people in general ever weary of
the various forms of the Faust story in the puppet plays.
Besides these favorites, current events, accidents to which
the authors had been eye-witnesses, and reports of all sorts
of crimes furnished the greater number of acceptable
plots. Many of the plays that were produced on such
foundations were closely related to the notorious Haupt-
und Staatsaktionen. They had to be sentimental and
melodramatic in order to give the audience the expected
thrill and shudder. The plots were loosely constructed;
no rules were observed, for there were none. Vital points
and important turns of the plot were discussed in solilo-
quies. In the midst of the dialog, the author often let his
characters relate essential facts in narrative form. They
were also made to display as much coarse wit and sarcasm
as the author was capable of. Among the entertaining
features, the songs (Couplets) y adapted to the popular
taste, played a very prominent part, especially in Vienna,
where the audiences would occasionally join in the refrain.
The upper classes were often subjected to a good deal of
scolding for their extravagances or other shortcomings;
general remarks, or even rather long reflections about the
low morality of the times or the decadence of society,
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schillbb's tell and the volksstCck 61
were not at all uncominon. For, after all, the Volksstiick
did not merely wish to entertain, but attempted at times a
real uplifting of society. Naturally, this object could be
attained only in very small measure, and could be no
higher than the moral standard of the author.
Before comparing these plays with Schiller's Tell, we
ought to produce evidence that he was more or less famil-
iar with these pseudo-literary productions. W. v. Molo's
excellent, but somewhat fictitious, account of the poet's
youth might be quoted here; but it seems to be based
largely on the novelist's imagination. No definite asser-
tion is made that the poet had seen one or the other of the
Volksstucke. Nevertheless, in view of their popularity, it
is hardly possible that Schiller was entirely ignorant of
their existence. In an exhaustive study Roethe ^ has come
to the conclusion that Schiller must have consulted at least
the Umer Spiel, Bodmer^s scenes, " and the two plays of
Ambiehls " j regarding three other plays, he has not reach-
ed a definite opinion. Kettner ^ has disputed the correct-
ness of these conclusions. It seems, however, that Kettner
chiefly objects to Eoethe's citation of several passages in
Tell, written presumably under the influence of one or the
other of these plays. Eoethe evidently never intended to
maintain " dass die dramatische Technik des Tell auf die
primitive Stufe des Urner Spiels zuriickgleite." ® But in
view of the facts established by Eoethe there can no longer
be any doubt '^ dass Schiller sich mit Bewusstsein der Ma-
nier des alten Volksstiickes angepasst habe." ^
In fairness to Schiller, who was at the time of writing
Tell at the very height of his development as a dramatist
^Forachungen tsur deuUohen Philologie, Festgabe fUr Hildehra/ndt :
*'Die dramatischen Quellen des Schillerschen TeU," pp. 224-276.
*Marhacher Schillerhuch, m, pp. 64 ff.
»/W(f., p. 76. *Ihid,, p. 71.
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62 ADOLF BUSSE
of the best classical traditions, we must say that this for-
mulation of Eoethe's view does not do Schiller full justice.
It would be more nearly correct to say that he adopted
much of the form, style, and diction of the old Volksstiick,
but that with his artistic skill and his mastery of metrical
form he created a play which, in spite of many resem-
blances to the Volksstiicke, towers high above them all.
We may formulate our thesis thus: In his Tellj Schiller
gives to the Volksstiick his stamp of approval ; but by imi-
tating it, he raises it to a high artistic level.
That Schiller's Wilhelm Tell has many characteristics
in common with the Volksstiick can hardly be questioned.
The real plot opens with the thrilling account of a murder
committed by a husband defending the honor of his wife.
This is followed by the long exciting dispute over the res-
cue of Baumgarten. The same first act then brings an-
other sensational report of an Austrian atrocity, the blind-
ing of Heinrich von der Halden and the persecution of his
son Melchtal, to which is joined a lament over the state of
blindness. All these features are to be found in one or the
other of the Tell plays. The poet finds them useful for his
exposition, and even inserts among them one of his own
invention, the scene of the slater's accident. As bare facts
they are, no doubt, melodramatic in character and apt to
arouse the feelings of any audience, even one of more than
common education. But Schiller makes them subservient
to a higher purpose, namely, to show the oppression under
which a community of upright, unpretentious people is
suffering ; or, in more general terms, to expound the value
of that political freedom which guarantees to the individ-
ual the full enjoyment of his possessions, the security of
his family, and an independent choice of the means of
gaining a livelihood.
The play, abounds in similar scenes full of agonizing
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SGHrLLEB^S TELL AITD THE VOLKSST&OK 63
sitnations ; among them can be counted the apple-shooting
Bcene and the arrest of TeU, his escape, the pleading of
Armgart, and the killing of Gressler. In no other play
(with the exception of Wallensteins Lager) has Schiller
included so many scenes of an almost exclusively senti-
mental value, scenes that were intended to appeal to a
wider class of people than those who could appreciate Wair
lenstem, Maria Stuart, or the rest of his plays.
A further feature of Tell that has its analog in the
VoUcsstuck is the occurrence of three songs, one beginning
the first, the other the third, and the last ending the fourth
act. To be sure, the Rduber has a number of songs inter-
woven into the text, and the first and the last parts of the
Wailenstein trilogy have the well-known troopers' song
and the mournful elegy of Thekla. Only one of them,
however, can be considered as being of the type of the Tell
songs, namely, the cavalry song in Wallensteins Lager.
This is not surprising, since the spirit and the tone of the
two plays show a certain similarity. It seems, the poet
considered songs of this type essential means for creating
the proper atmosphere of informality that characterizes
the life of the common people. The first set of strophes,
der Kvhreigen and its variations, with their reflections on
the occupation of the singers, recalls at once the Schnader-
hiipfeln and the Couplets of the Volksstuck. The second
song is a genuine folk-song, and nothing more needs to be
said about its popularity: it has become a* favorite of Ger-
man youth. The third song, the funeral dirge of the
monks, has no direct bearing on the action ; it expresses in
very simple words the sentiment obviously shared by every
one who has witnessed the governor's last moments. All
three songs, therefore, do not represent in any way Schil-
ler's Gedankerdyrik, but in their simplicity, plain senti-
ment^ and directness of thought they excel any series of
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64 ADOLF BUSSS
lyrics that Schiller ever wrote. This is not to say that
Schiller stooped to imitate often vulgar songs of the Volks-
stiick, but that he raised the indispensable songs like the
other characteristics to a very high level and gave them
poetic and dramatic value.
An almost universal peculiarity of the Volksstuckis
that in it the characters are given symbolical names. In
this respect the poet had very little choice or freedom, in-
asmuch as his principal sources, Tschudi and J. Miiller,
furnished him with at least the most essential names and
personages. There is, however, the famous passage,
" War' ich besonnen, hiess' ich nicht der Tell 1 '', which
might be pressed into the argument at this point. Schil-
ler has this expostulation in common with the Urner
Spiel; that he adopted it shows that he considered it of
some value for the plot ; and the passage, if it really refers
to some obsolete meaning of the name Tell, as some com-
mentators say, may be cited as another instance of carry-
ing a Volksstuck element into the play. But it is hardly
necessary to make use of such petty details in order to
prove our thesis. If further proof is necessary, the long
narrative passages, Tell's extended soliloquy, the jubilant
greeting of the people and the Parricida action, or, in a
word, the whole much discussed fifth act, may be men-
tioned as further evidences of similarity in style and
structure. The contentions regarding the fifth act lead us
to the very crux of the problem, namely the technique of
the entire drama. The lack of unity of Schiller's Tell has
been deplored as much as it has been denied. But whether
we admit that three distinct plots are blended into one
action, or maintain that the variety of actions does not
interfere with the unity of the drama, we cannot deny that
the structure of the play does not show the careful plan-
ning and fitting of Schiller's other plays. If TeU were
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SGHELLBB's till and the VOLKSSXtCK 65
as rigorously symmetrical and r^ular as the Jungfrau
von Orleans or Maxia Stuart, it might no longer enjoy its
great popular favor. The very looseness not only of the
plot, but of the whole structure, a distinct element of the
VoVcsstuch, largely accounts for the extent of its popu-
larity.
Moreover, we must not forget that Schiller actually in-
tended to cater to the popular taste. He writes in 1803,
"Auch bin ich leidlich fleissig und arbeite an Wilhelm Tell,
womit ich den Leuten den Kopf wieder warm zu machen
denke. Sie sind auf solche Volksgegestande ganz verteu-
felt erpicht, und jetzt besonders ist von der schweizerischen
Freiheit desto mehr die Rede, weil sie aus der Welt ver-
schwunden ist." Similar statements we find in several
letters of 1804, especially in those addressed to Iffland,
to whom he writes that his play ^^ soil die Biihnen Deutsch-
lands erschiittem ; " Tell is being written " f iir das ganze
Publikum.'^ If Schiller was serious in regard to this in-
tention, what else could he mean than that he wished thor-
oughly to satisfy this public's taste? The whole public
included those people whose only intellectual food con-
sisted in Volkssiucke and Kalendergeschichten. Further
evidence that he actually wanted to please these people we
may find in statements of his such as that the Flurschiitz
Stiissi was supposed to occupy the place of the clown in
ttie old English tragedies. Did he ever consider introduc-
ing a similar figure in any of the other plays i The clown
was so dear to the people whom he thought to uplift that
even for the clown he tried to find a place and the possi-
bility of transformation into a nobler character.
*^an muss es wagen, bei einem neuen Stoff
die Form neu zu erfinden," said Schiller to Goethe, 26
July, 1800, when discussing the outline for the Jungfrau
von Orleans. In Tell he had " einen neuen Stoif " and a
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66 ADOLF BUSSB
new purpose^ and lie had the courage to find a new form.
Through Die Brwut von Messina he had found out that
classical traditions in the drama can be appreciated only
by a few select minds. The public in general was not
mature enough for the cesthetic subtleties of such a play.
But as a poet he had a mission to the whole public, and
he was seriously determined to fulfill this mission. The
classical form was his ideal ; that in spite of his yearning
for this ideal he could for a purpose temporarily turn away
from it, is all the more to his credit The outlines for
a new form were given in the Volksstuck; from it he does
not merely draw a few details and facts for his plot, but,
with the true instinct of an artist, he adopts the whole at-
mosphere. Thus, he does not vulgarize his classical
achievements; on the contrary, he elevates a vulgar and
coarse means of amusement to as high a level as he can
in a first and only attempt. Walzel* says; "Mit einer
bei seinem Temperament und seiner souveranen Biihnen-
beherrschimg doppelt wunderbaren Kraft der Einf iihlung
hat er dem Stoffe sein kiinstlerisches Gesetz abgelauscht."
The credit for having discovered and practised as one
of the first of his followers this artistic law belongs to
L. Anzengruber, the greatest Volksspieldichter of the nine-
teenth century. There can be no doubt that his plays have
many technical points in common with Tell; e. g., the pe-
culiar character of the soliloquies, the songs, and the nar-
rative passages, the use of the local atmosphere and set-
ting for the action, and the form in which characters are
described or delineated. Although Anzengruber never
mentioned special instances, he nevertheless acknowledged
more than once in general terms his indebtedness to Schil-
ler, and spoke of himself as being spiritually akin to the
'SchUler's Werke, Sftkular Ausg., Cotta, xvi, p. zxr.
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schillkb's tell and the voLissTOcr 67
great master. What else could that mean but that he had
discovered in Schiller and his Tell something that
strengthened his own artistic convictions and appeared to
him worthy of emulation in his VolJcsstiickef
To what extent, however, Schiller himself had con-
sciously worked out that artistic law of which Bulthaupt
speaks, is an open question — ^the more so, because it is
still an unsettled problem how far Schiller consciously and
intentionally attempted to apply to his own works the dra-
matic theories he had emphasized in his sesthetic writings.
It would be an interesting study to determine whether Tell
or the Jungfrau von Orleans is the more remote from
meeting these aesthetic requirements. So much is sure : the
two plays cannot be placed in one and the same category.
But if cat^orizing there must be, it seems to me far more
satisfactory, for sentimental reasons at least, to admit that
Schiller attempted in Tell a model VolksstUck in metrical
form, than to quibble over details and actions, just because
they cannot be fitted into the customary system of dra-
matic technique.
Adolf Busse.
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IV.— A TYPE OF BLANK VERSE LINE FOUND IN
THE EARLIER ELIZABETHAN DRAMA
Some time ago in an article on Locrine and Selimus ^
I showed the futility of discussing questions of the author-
ship and chronology of plays written between 1585 and
1596 on the evidence of parallel passages. I endeavored
to show that the occurrence of such parallels is much more
likely to be evidence of different authorship than of com-
mon authorship. If, now, this kind of evidence, by itself,
is to be considered of smaU value, where shall we look for
other evidence that may have more weight and certainty ?
I believe that something of significance can be found if
we search carefully for characteristics of style, — forms of
expression more or less rhetorical, peculiar arrangement
of terms, favorite collocations of words, devices to " bum-
bast out " the blank verse.
Evidence of this nature concerning only one charac-
teristic of style will, by itself, have very little weight,
but it is possible that by collecting evidence concerning
many characteristics and carefully collating it we may
reach conclusions that will have a reasonable degree of
certainty. Several years ago I made a study of one such
characteristic ; the results are set forth in an article. Repe-
tition and Pardllelism in the Earlier Elizabethan Dra-
ma;^ in the present paper I propose to examine another
characteristic, a certain type of blank verse line, and indi-
* Bhaketpeare Btudiea by Members of the Depariment of English of
the University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1916, pp. 31-36. Cf. SchrOer,
Ueber Titus Andronious, pp. 67 f ., 76 f.
' Publications of the Modem Language Association, xz, pp. 360-379.
68
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BLAirX VEBSB LINE IN ELIZABETHAN DRAMA 69
cate its bearing on some of the problems of authorship and
chronology.
It should be borne in mind that when we speak of the
style of any one of the group of dramatists called the prede-
cessors of Shakespeare the term does not imply definite and
unvarying characteristics for all his plays. The develop-
ment of dramatic writing proceeds with wonderful rapidi-
ty in the years in which these dramatists wrote, and this
is reflected very plainly in their work; the style is con-
stantly changing, and general statements with regard to
it will usually hold good for not more than two plays, in
some cases for not more than one play.*
I pass now to a description of the type of line to be
considered. Many readers of Tamburlaine have prob-
ably noticed the rather frequent occurrence in that play
of lines constructed on the model of the following:
The fainting army of that foolish king
I Tamb, n, iii, 11. 660.*
The naked action of my threatened end
I Tamb. m, ii, U. 1070.
The golden statue of their feathered bird
• I Tomb, IV, ii, U. 1649.
A line of this type consists of two symmetrical parts joined
by a preposition or conjunction. Each part consists of
an article or some other pronominal word, followed by
an adjective, which is in turn followed by a noun; this
may be formulated, pronominal word plus adjectwe plus
noun. The pronominal word may sometimes be wanting
or may be replaced by some other part of speech, without
changing the characteristic structure.
'Cf. BhakeBpeare Studies, p. 18.
* 7%e Works of Christopher Marlowe, edited by C. F. Tucker Brooke,
Oxford, 1910.
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70 F&AJfK a. HUBBABD
As great commander of this eastern world
I Tamh. n, vii, 11. 913.
From dangerous battle of my conquering love
I Tamh, Y, i, 11. 2223.
Ye holy priests of heayenly Mahomet
I Tamh. iv, ii, 11. 1446.
0, highest lamp of everliving Jove
I Tamh. v, i, U. 2071.
The most common connective between the halves of the
line is the preposition of, as in all the examples above;
other prepositions are used, but their use is comparative-
ly rare, except in a few plays.**
A doubtful battle toith my tempted thoughts
I Tamh. v, i, 11. 1933.
A thousand sorrows to my martyred soul
I Tamh. v, i, 11. 2166.
But perfect shadows in a sunshine day
Edw. II, V, i, U. 2013.
Next to the preposition of, the most common connec-
tive is the conjunction and.^
A sturdy felon and a base-bred thief
I Tamh. iv, iii, U. 1582.
0 happy conquest and his angry fate
n Tam^b. n, iii, U. 2968.
In comparatively few cases (42) the half lines are in
antithesis.
0 loyal father of a treaoheroue 8on
Rich. II, V, iii, 60.
Our happy conquest and his angry fate
n Tamh. n, iii, 11. 2968.
In six of these cases the same adjective is used in both
half lines.
• Qorhoduc, Jooasta, I Tamhurlaine.
* The conjunction or is rarely found ; only seven examples have been
noted, and they have been counted as eases with and.
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BLAlSrX VBBSB LINE IN ELIZABETHAN DBAMA 71
The savage captain of a aavage crew
Loorine, i, i, 134/
For oomnum cause of this our oommon weal
Joooita, m, i, 64.'
In six cases positive and negative adjectives emphasize
the antithesis.
A quiet aid of her unqiUet state
Jocaata, iv, iii, 56.
Thou trtuty guide of my so tn^ileee steps
Jooaaia, xn, i, 1.
The cases of antithetical construction are scattered among
a large nnmber of plays. In only one play are there
enough of them to give the effect of a characteristic of
style. In Jocasta, by Gkscoigne and Kinwelmersh, there
are eight examples; six of these have positive and nega-
tive adjectives, and one has the adjective repeated. All
of the examples, with one exception, are found in the
part of the play (Acts ii, m, v) written by Qascoigne ;
the exception, iv^ iii, 56 (quoted above) is substantially
a repetition of m, ii, 16.*
Lines of the general type discussed above (p. 69) are
found in the earlier non-dramatic blank verse, but their
occurrence is comparatively rare. I have examined all
the non-dramatic blank verse before 1585, with the ex-
ception of two pieces ; ^^ in only two cases has more than
one example been found. In Surrey's translation of the
second and fourth books of the ^neid there are seven
examples (and 2, of 2, other prepositions 3), all in the
'The Shakespeare Apoohrypha, edited by C. F. Tucker Brooke,
Oxford, 1908.
■ Supposes and Jocasta, edited by John W. Cunliffe, Boston, 1906.
•"Brings quiet end to this unquiet life."
*• Turbervile's HeroioaX Epistles of Ovid, and the 170 lines in Bar-
nabe Rich's Don Simonides. Cf . A. Sehrder, Ueher die Anfdnge des
Blankverses in England, AngUa, iv, pp. 6-9.
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72 FBANK 0. HUBBABD
second book. In Spenser's blank verse " sonets," in Van
der Noodt's Theatre, 1569, there are six examples {of 4,
other prepositions 2).
The English Senegan Plays
Other
Connective a/nd of prepo- Total
sitions
Qorboduo 10 32 17 69
Jooasta 2 21 12 36
The Spanish Tragedy 6 8 2 16
Misfortunes of Arthur 4 6 0 0
Wounds of Civil War 9 21 7 37
Tancred and CHsmunda 2 8 4 14
Loorine 2 21 0 23
Selimus 4 7 2 13
Titus Andronious 6 4 6 16
In the Senecan Plays, with a single exception,^^ the
occurrence of these symmetrical lines is a fairly well
marked characteristic. Considered with respect to this
characteristic, the plays fall into two groups. Oorhoduc,
Jocasta, The Wounds of Civil War, and Locrine have a
large number of examples; The Spanish Tragedy, Tan-
cred and Oismunda, Selimus, and Titus Andronicus have
a smaller number of examples, but more than other plays
that do not show Senecan characteristics.^^ Some of the
Senecan plays call for more special notice.
Oorhoduc
In the first English tragedy the number of these lines
(59) is greater than that found in any tragedy of later
date. Other early tragedies with a large number are Jo-
casta, 35, Tamburlaine I, 44, Tamburlaine II, 32, Wownds
of Civil War, 37. Oorhoduc is the joint production of
" The Misfortunes of Arthur^ with nine cases.
^ Tamhurladne is, of course, an exception to this statement.
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BLANK VEBSE LINE IN BLIZABSTHAN DBAMA 78
SackviUe and Norton; Acts i, u, and in are by Norton,
Acts IV and v by SackviUe. An examination of the distri-
bntion of these lines between the two authors shows that
Norton uses them more than twice as often as Sackville.^^
It is further noticeable that SackviUe has no lines with
and as the connective.
Jocasta
The facts concerning the joint authorship of this play
have been stated above (p. 71). The number of sym-
metrical lines in the play is 35; of these 19 are in the
part written by Gascoigne and 16 in that written by
Kinwelmersh. The percentage, however, is twice as great
for Kinwelmersh as for Gascoigne. Kinwelmersh seems
to be especiaUy fond of the type with the connective of;
his percentage of these lines is three times as great as
that of Gascoigne. I have already called attention to
Gascoigne^s fondness for antithesis.^*
Locrine, a play of the extreme Senecan type, rich in
aU maimer of florid rhetorical ornament, has 23 cases of
symmetrical lines. Some scholars hold that this play is
the work of Peele.^*^ The play of Peele's that is nearest
to Locrine in form and subject is The Battle of Alcazar,
but in this play the number of cases is only 12. There
is, then, nothing here to support the contention that Peele
is the author of Locrine; the evidence is rather against
it I have shown in another place *^ that the evidence
from a comparison of the plays with respect to repetition
and parallelism is of the same nature.
"In Norton's part the percentage is about 4% per cent.; in Sack-
ville's it is 2 per cent.
**S€e p. 71.
"See W. 8. Gaud, Modem Philology, i, pp. 400-422; P. E. Schel-
ling, Elusahethan Drama, n, p. 404.
^*Puh. Mod, La4ig, Amoo., zx, p. 847.
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74 FBANK a. HUBBABD
Selimus, a play showing characteristics of both Tambur-
laine and the Senecan plays, has 13 examples, about half
as many as Locrine shows. Qrosart ^'' has attempted to
show that Selimus is the work of Greene. The only play
of Greene's that uses the symmetrical line to any extent
is Alphonsus of Arragon, with 16 examples. With re-
spect, then, to this characteristic there is likeness be-
tween the plays.
The Misfortunes of Arthur, as noted above, has but a
small number (9) of these lines. This is noticeable, be-
cause the play has the general Senecan characteristics in
a very marked degree.
Lodge's Senecan play. The Wounds of Civil War, shows
a large number (37) of symmetrical lines. This is in
striking contrast with A Looking Glass for London and
Englamd, in which Lodge collaborated with Greene; here
only one example is found.
Mablowb
Other
Connective a/nd of prepo- Total
sitions
Tamburlame 1 14 19 11 44
Tamburlame II 6 24 3 32
FaustuM 3 6 0 8
Jew of Malta 0 3 0 3
EdtDord II 0 1 3 4
Massacre at Paris 0 2 3 6
Dido 2 0 3 6
The First Part of Tamburlaine has more examples
(44) of these symmetrical lines than any play examined
except Oorhoduc. That Marlowe was fond of this rhetori-
cal form when he wrote the play is shown not only by
this large number of lines, but also by the variety of con-
nectives that he used. In the Second Part of Tamburlaine
" Huth Library, Greene's Works, Temple Dramatists, BHimus.
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BLANK VEB8B LINE IN ELIZABETHAN DBAMA 76
the number of examples (32) is smaller; and it is to be
noticed further that three-fourths of these have the con-
nective of, in sharp contract with the variety of connectives
noted in the First Part.
In other plays of Marlowe such lines are rather rare, —
Faustus 8, Jew of Malta 3, Edward II 4, Massacre at
Paris 5, Dido 5. This fact probably indicates nothing
more than that this was one of many rather artificial
ihetorical forms used in Tamburlaine and abandoned in
the later plays. It is a good illustration of what was
said above ^® concerning the changing style of these dra-
matists, and shows plainly that we have here to do with
a characteristic of Marlowe^s earlier style. Marlowe
shows nearly twice as many examples as any other of the
predecessors of Shakespeare.^^
Ktd
Other
Connectiye and of prepo- Total
sitions
Spaniak Tragedy 5 8 2 15
Cornelia 3 3 4 10
BoUman and Perseda 0 4 16
[/erommo] 0 3 2 6
Of the plays with which Kyd's name is connected, the
Spanish Tragedy is the only one that has more than a
small number of examples. The First Part of Jeronimo
has only five examples, as against fifteen in the Spanish
Tragedy. This may be regarded as a small grain of cor-
roborative evidence in favor of the contention of those
who hold that The First Part of Jeronimo was not writ-
ten by Kyd.^^ It will be noticed that in respect to this
* See p. 69. " Marlowe 101, Peele 58, Greene 40, Kyd 35.
■•Cf. Boas, The Worke of Thomaa Kyd, Introduction, pp. zxzix-
xliv; Ward, A History of English Dramatio Literature^ i, pp. 308-9.
Thomdike, Mod. Lang. Notes, xvn, pp. 143-4.
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76 FBAKK G. HUBBABD
characteristic The Spanish Tragedy is in sharp contrast
with Tamburlaine; this fact may be interpreted as evi-
dence of its independence of Marlowe's play.
GteEENS
Other
Connective and of prepo- Total
sitions
Alphonaut of Arragon 5 7 4 16
OrUmdo Fwrioao 0 2 3 6
Friwr Bacon and Friar Bungay, .0617
Jamea rv 6 2 3 10
Looking GUua for London and
England 0 0 1 1
Pinner of Wakefield 0 0 1 1
In Greene's plays examples are rare, except in Al-
phonsTis of Arragon, where there are sixteen. This larger
number in Alphonsus of Arragon is probably due to the
strong influence of Tamburlaine upon that play.^^ The
number of examples in Greene's other plays is insignifi-
cant.
PSELB
Other
Oonnective a$%d of prepo- Total
sitions
Arraignment of Paris 0 4 2 6
Battle of Aloaear 1 7 4 12
Edward 1 1 6 8 9
David and Bethsahe 6 20 3 20
Old Wives' Tale 0 2 0 2
The most noticeable point in Peele's use of these sym-
metrical lines is the very large number (29) in David
and Bethsabe as compared with the number in his other
plays. It is possible that this comparatively large num-
ber of examples in David and Bethsahe may help to fix its
date. The play was printed in 1599, after Peek's death.
"^See Httbener, Der Einfluas von Marlowe^a Tamburlaine auf die
zeiigendeeiechen und folgenden Dramatiker, Halle, 1901, pp. 6-15.
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BLANK VEBSB LINE IN ELIZABETHAN DBAMA 77
Most authorities make no attempt to date its composition^
and of those that give a date only one, Fleay, gives a rea-
son for the date assigned. Bnllen says, " the date of its
composition is unknown." ^^ Fleay (Chronicle History,
u, p. 153) says, " May fairly be dated c. 1588. The sit-
uations in the play are strikingly suggestive of Elizabeth
and Leicester as David and Bathsheba, Uriah as Leices-
ter's first wife and Absalom as Mary Queen of Scots.
The disguise of political allusions by change of sex was
not unknown to the early stage." Oliphant Smeaton in
the introduction to his edition of The Arraignment of
Paris (Temple Dramatists) ^^ follows Fleay. Ward ^*
rejects Fleay's idea of political allusions in the play, but
suggests no date.^*^ " The diction of the play," he says,
" is suggestive of mature workmanship." Qummere ^* has
nothing to say concerning the date. Schelling^^ says,
" perhaps written as early as 1589," but gives no ground
for this conjecture. W. S. Gaud ^® says, " Peele's Ar-
raignment of Paris was published in 1584. David and
Bethsdbe, published in 1599, was probably written next."
We have, then, two dates assigned to the play, 1588, 1589.
The only ground given for either date is the wild conjec-
ture of Fleay noted above.
Let us consider now whether the large number of sym-
metrical lines in the play may have any pignificance as
evidence for determining the date. The large number
of such lines in Tamhwrlaine would lead us to expect to
"A. H. Bnllen, The Works of George Peele, London, 1S88, Intro-
duction, p. xli.
"Pp. x-xi.
** History of English Dramatic LfiteraitiMre, i, pp. 876-7.
* " The date of its composition is unknown."
"C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies, i, pp. 335-341.
"F. E. Schelling, Eliadbethan Drama, 1008, i, p. 42.
'^Modern Philology, i, p. 410, n. 2.
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78 FIUNK a. HUBBABD
find them in later plajs related to it in style and manner.
This we have seen to be the case in Greene's Alphonsus
of Arragon. Now the play of Peele's that is nearest in
style and manner to Tamburlaine is The Battle of Al-
cazar and after that Edward I, but these plays do not
show this characteristic so strongly as does David amd
Bethsai)e/^ which is not in the manner of Tamburlaine.
It is^ therefore^ a fair inference that David and Bethsdbe
is nearer to the date of Tamburlaine than either of the
other plays. Now The Battle of Alcazar was played at
least as early as 1592, possibly as early as 1589.^^ The
date of Edward I (printed 1593) is undetermined, but it
is, no doubt, close to that of The Battle of Alcazar. If,
then, David and Bethsdbe is nearer to Tamburlaine than
either of the other plays, its date must be about 1588
or 1589. It must be admitted that this is very slight
evidence upon which to determine the date of the play;
slight as it is, however, I think that it may be called
stronger than any other evidence yet brought forward.
Shaksspeabb's Histobioal Plays
Other
Connectiye a$id of prepo- Total
sitions
Richard III 8 23 4 35
Richard II 10 22 8 40
King John 8 26 6 40
I Henry IV 7 6 2 16
II Henry IV 2 4 4 10
Henry V 4 2 4 10
I Henry VI 0 9 2 11
// Henry VI 1 7 2 10
III Henry VI 0 2 13
{Contention} 0 2 2 4
[True Tragedyl 2 1 2 5
^DoMd and Bethsdbe, 20; The Battle of AUxutar, 12; Edward I, 9.
••BuUen, The Works of George Peele, i, Introd., p. zzxrii; The
Battle of AUxmar, Malone Society Reprint, Introd., p. t.
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BLANK VXBSB LINE IN ELIZABETHAN DRAMA 79
With respect to the use of the symmetrical lines^ the
historical plays of Shakespeare whose authorship is woll
established fall into two very distinct groups. Richard
III, Richard II, and King John have these lines in great
abundance; in this respect, in fact, they are surpassed
by only Tambvrlaine, Oorhoduc, and The Wounds of CivU
War.^^ On the other hand, / Henry IV, II Henry IV,
and Henry V show a comparatively small number. The
use of symmetrical lines, then, is a strongly marked charac-
teristic of Shakespeare's earlier historical plays.
It remains to consider the three parts of Henry VI.
Without entering into the bewildering mazes of the ques-
tion of the authorship of these plays, one may ven-
ture a brief statOTient of the case. First, there is fairly
general agreement that Shakespeare did not write the
First Part; second, the Second Part is a revision and
enlargement of an earlier play. The First Part of the
Contention betivixt the two Famous Houses of York and
Lancaster, and the Third Part a revision of an earlier
play, The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York; third,
the relation of the two earlier to the two later plays is
a matter of much dispute; fourth, over the question of
the authorship of both the earlier and later plays there
goes on an apparently interminable conflict of Shake-
speare scholars. Peele, Greene, and Marlowe are the
playwrights who are held to have shared with Shakespeare
the authorship of these plays, or to have produced them
without his collaboration, working either separately or
jointly in various combinations. To the solution of this
vexed question the present investigation may perhaps con-
tribute a small bit of significant evidence.
It has been shown above that the use of symmetrical
« Sea pp. 72, 74.
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80 FIUNK O. HUBBASD
lines is a strongly marked characteristic of Sheakespeare's
earlier historical plays. Now, in this respect, the three
parts of Henry VI show a striking difference from Rich-
ard III, Richard II, and King John. The three latter
plays have respectively 35, 40, and 40 cases; the three
parts of Henry VI have respectively 11, 10, and 3 cases.
In this respect also the second and third parts of Henry
VI agree with The Contention and The True Tragedy,
which have respectively 4 and 5 cases. The second and
third parts of Henry VI, then, and the two earlier plays
{Contention, True Tragedy) differ in a striking manner
from the earlier historical plays of Shakespeare with re-
spect to this characteristic; they agree, however, in this
respect, with the later plays of Peele, Greene, and Mar-
lowe.*^ Our bit of evidence, then, shows that these four
plays {II Henry VI, III Henry VI, Contention, True
Tragedy) are closer to the style of the later plays of Peele,
Greene, and Marlowe than to the earlier historical plays
of Shakespeare. Just how significant this evidence may
be, must be left to the judgment of those who are especi-
ally familiar with all the aspects of this long disputed
question.
Frank G. Hubbard.
»Cf. tables, pp. 74, 76.
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v.— WALTER MAFS DE NU0I8 CURIALIUM: ITS
PLAN AND COMPOSITION ^
Walter Map's De Nugia Curialiuin, which is preeervBd
in a unique manuscript of the latter part of the fourteenth
century,* has been twice edited; in 1850 by Thomas
Wright,' and in 1914 most admirably by Dr. Montague
Rhodes James,* It is apparent, even to the casual reader,
tliat the work was not written continuously from beginning
to end, but was redacted from fragments composed at
various times and at various degrees of leisure; both
editors, however, assume that Map himself arranged the
fragments and published the book substantially as it now
stands,' though Dr. James fully appreciates the formless-
of the work, and admits that '^ the plan .... is to
With precisely the purpose of seeking the plan I began
my study, as a consequence of which I am convinced that,
whether Walter Map had originally a plan, or not, the
crudities manifest in the disposition of materials are not
due to the author's slovenliness or mental incoherence so
much as to the fact that he never completed his editing, but
^ TUB Btady is a reviaion of a chapter in the thesis submitted by
me in 1915 for the degree of doctor of philosophy at Hanrard
UniTersity.
' MB. Bodley 851 ; on its age, sec Dr. James's edition of De Nugit
CuriaUufnj pp. v-ziii.
*Puhlicati(m9 of Camden Society, No. 50. Referred to hereafter
as DNO, Wright.
^Aneodota Owonienaia, Medieval and Modem Series, Fart ziv.
Referred to hereafter as dnc, James.
*DNC, Wright, pp. ix-xi, James, pp. zxiv-zxix.
*DNO, James, p. zzrii.
81
6
\
\
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82 JAMES HINTON
left his materiak fragmentary and unpublished ; such ar-
rangement as our text of the work may boast is due chiefly
to a later hand. It, therefore, becomes important first to
analyze critically the composition which has come down to
us. When we know surely what it is that we have, we can
better discern how it became so.
In analyzing the work, we should remember that we have
only one manuscript, and that dating from a time nearly
two centuries after the book was written. "^ In this manu-
script, the frequent rubrics give a specious impression of
finished and ordered composition, an impression that is
heightened in the printed texts by drawing these half-
marginal guides into the unequivocal position of chapter
headings. As a rule, however, they are without aiitiiority.
An indication of this is in the spelling of the autiior's
name, which occurs five times in the titles of De Nxvgis,^
and once elsewhere in the manuscript.* In all six instances
it appears as " Mahap,'' while in the text of De Nugis it is
" Map," ^® the only form ever used by the contemi)oraries
of Walter. *^ From this curious bit of evidence, I suspect
^ Dif o, James, p. vi.
• DNC, James, pp. 1, 40, 266, 267, 269.
*DNo, James, p. xi (ics. f. 118 y.) : "Apocalipsis Magistri Galteri
Mahap."
'«DNO, James, p. 246, U. 16, 21, 30; p. 247, 11. 3, 9, 17; p. 248, U.
3, 6, 16, 18.
"Giraldus Cambrensis r^^larly wrote "Mapus" (see indexes to
his Works in the Rolls Series). Hue de Rotelande (Ipom6don, ed.
KOlbing and Koschwitz, pp. vi-vii and 11), Map's Westbory charier
(Wright, haiUi Poems commonly attributed to Welter Mopes, p.
xxix), the 8t. Peter's charter (Cartularium 8. Petri Oloucestriae, t.
n, p. 146), the two Flaxley charters (A. W. Grawley-Boerey, Oartnh
lory of the Alley of Flamley, pp. 36, 162-63, 230-31), the entry in the
Close Rolls {RotuU Litterwrum Clausarum, ed. T. D. Hardy, 1833, v.
I, p. 106), the Pipe Rolls (see indexes to years 19, 24 and 31 Henry
II), the Magna Vita 8, Eugonis (ed. J. F. Dimoek, p. 280), and
Ralph de Dioeto (ed. Stabbs, ▼. n, p. 160) all giw "Map." The
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WAI.TBB map's be NUGIS OnBIALIUM 88
that the rubrication, and consequently, I think, the com-
pilation of Map's fragments were not accomplished until
some time after his generation; but I forbear to press the
point
The rubrication, furthermore, is often unsystematic,
even incorrect For example, in the first six columns of
the manuscript occur the following titles: Assimvlacio
Curie regis ad inf emium. CapUtdum primvm, De vnfemo.
ii, De TantcUo, De Sisipho. iiii, De Txione. v, De Ticio. vi,
De germinibus noctis. In Capitulum primum, however,
there is no reference to infemus; the court is tested by
definitions of tempus, gen/us, and fortuna. Furthermore,
the rubrics from De Tantalo on are mere sub-heads to De
inferno; and De germinibus noctis belongs to only the first
few lines of the long section that follows. Clearly these,
with exception of the first, were once no more than
marginal annotations, rubricated as chapter headings by a
later copyist In confirmation, it should be noticed that De
Yxione is intruded so as to break incorrectly the initial
sentence which belongs to that title.** Only the first of
these titles, therefore, is to be assigned to the original
rubricator, whether Map, or another; yet the chapter
numbering of the entire Distinciio follows from them.
Another instance of taking a marginal note as a new
chapter heading is Dist v, cap. iv, De Cnutone rege
Dacorum,^^ which irrationally breaks the romantic life of
Earl Gbdwin into two parts ; either the story should be sub-
same speUing is used for the Wormesley Maps (H. L. D. Ward,
Catalogue of Romances, ▼. i, pp. 736 ff.), and the contemporary Map
in the Liher Vitae of Durham (ed. Stevenson, p. 19). The erased
name in this last place is "Maph"; and the Inveeiio of Bothewald
gives the name " Walterum Mat " (Wright, Latin Poema, p. xxzy).
"dno, James, p. 4. Compare the same sentence on p. 250, IL 23-24.
" DNc, James, p. 210.
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84 jAJUxs HurroK
divided into all its episodes, or it should not be interrupted
at all. Likewise the rubrics Conclusio epistole premisse
and Finis epistole premisse *' are unwarrantably thrust
into the Epistle of Valerius, and numbered as dbapter
titles.
The contrary fault of insufficient rubrication is es-
pecially manifest, as would be expected of a flagging scribe,
in the last Distinctio. Following the title De primo
Henrico rege Anglorum et Lodowico rege Francorum^^ is
a medley of anecdotes about a variety of personages; the
title applies properly to none but the first anecdote. So it
is with the next title De morte Willelmi Rufi regis Anr
glorum.^'' The chapter runs on through an historical
sketch of subsequent English kings, and includes a di-
gression on the emperor Henry V. These two rubrics, to-
gether with De Cnutone rege Dacorum, may probably be
assigned to the later copyist. If so, the Distinctio origi-
nally must have been almost unbroken. The final chap-
ter,^® which purports to be a recapitulation of the intro-
ductory comparison of the court to hell, contains none of
the sub-titles found in the opening pages.
Attention has already been called to the misplacement of
the rubric De Yxione}^ A similar case is in Dist i, cap.
xxvi, Recapitulacio Orandimorvtensium^^ In both these
places Dr. James has restored the text with certainty. Not
unlike is the curious situation of Dist. v, cap. lUyDe origine
Oodwini comitis et eius moribus.^^ Immediately after this
title are some eighteen lines on prognostications of several
" DNC, James, pp. 157-68, Dist. iv, cap. iv-v.
^ DNC, James, p. 218, Dist. v, cap. v.
" DNC, James, p. 232, Dist. v, cap. vi.
" DNC, James, pp. 248-55, Dist. v, cap viL
^Cf. p. 83, above.
"DNOy James, p. 54. Possibly also Dist. i, cap. xz, p. 29.
"^DNO, JaacMS, p. 206.
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WALTBB map's DE NUOIB OXnEtlALIUM 85
capturee of Jerufialem^ after wbich. abruptly begins the
long story of Earl Godwin; there is no conceivable relation
between the two themes^ and no ingenious connection^
such as Map might have made. Obviously Map did not
write that title; if he had^ it would follow the exposition
of omenS; not preceda
The fragmentary passage on omens may have been com-
plete originally, and a leaf of the manuscript may have
been lost; but after the loss, and before the title was in-
serted, the whole passage must have been copied once,
running the fragment into the Godwin romance so closely
that the rubricator supposed it had some mysterious appro-
priateness to that context. Oddly enough, no one has since
complained of the incoherenca
Another curious instance is at the beginning of Dist iv,
where the titles run as follows: Prologus i, EpUogus it,
Dissiumo Vaierii ad Ruffinum philosophum ne vxorem
ducat Hi, Conclusio epistole premisse. Finis epistole
premisse v.*^ An inspection of the text will convince any-
one that the final lines of the chapter entitled Epilogus
were written expressly to introduce the Epistle of Valerius
when the author conceived the purpose of including that
earlier composition in De Nugis Curialium, and also that
he wrote at the same time the lines headed Finis epistole
premisse, in which he comments on the popular reception
accorded the Epistle, the disbelief in his authorship, the
general badness of contemporary judgment, and the par-
ticularly -reprehensible n^lect of the venerable Gilbert
Foliot, who. Map says, is still alive. This gives us a
terminus ad quern for the composition of the preceding
pages, February, 1187."
"DNO, James, pp. 138-159.
^Badulphug de Diceto, RpUs Series, v. ii, p. 47. dnc, James, p.
158 : '* GlUebertus Foliot nunc Lundunensis episcopus."
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86 JAMXS UVSfTOS
If, now, we look back, we find cause for surprise. In the
opening lines of the EpUogua, Map declares that he is
writing two years after the death, of Henry IT,^* that is,
about July, 1191. Thus we find a chapter (Dist. iv, cap.
ii), hitherto r^arded as a coherent unit, which was ap-
parently begun in July, 1191, and finished before Febru-
ary, 1187. There are two possible explanations of this
curious phenomenon: either Map himself fitted the two
compositions together when he wrote the 1191 passage, or
he intended those opening lines of cap. ii for a real epi-
logue, and they have been placed by accident where they
stand. In the former case. Map cannot be the author of
the title Epilogus, since it is absurd in such a position.
In the latter case, the text itself is badly confused.^*
There is one more instance of poor rubrication that
deserves notice. The title of Dist iv, cap. viii, reads:
Item de fantastids aparicionibus.^^ This title is like sev-
eral in Dist II, as follows : cap. xi, De aparicionibus fan-
tasticis, cap. xii to xvi. Item de eisdem aparicionibvs.^''
But in Dist iv, there is no such tale before the chapter
mentioned above, and, as I show later,^® the chapter in
Dist IV was written earlier than those in Dist n. Hence
the title must be referred to a copyist^*
In review, then, we have seen that Map's name is con-
sistently misspelled in the rubrics, that the rubrication in
general is unsystematic, irregular, unauthentic, that it has
**DNO, James, p. 141: " Verumtamen audita morie domini met
predict! regie post biennium ad puteal exsurgo."
*For the present I reserve my opinion on these alternatives; see
pp. 91 f., below.
" DNO, James, p. 173.
"DNC, James, pp. 72-80.
** See pp. 104, 111, below.
""Of course, if Map were editor, he might have written the title;
I rely on the other evidence that he was not editor of De Nugis.
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WAI.TEB map's db jstuqib cubialium 87
in two cases disguised tlie fragmentary obaracter of the
contents of the book^ unrelated materials being forced
under a single heading. It is apparent^ then^ that the titles
are in general devoid of authority, and further that the
text must originally have been rubricated so insufficiently
that we can hardly believe the author edited and pub-
lished it
Now that it is dear that the titles are not all authentic,
let me direct attention to one particular title, that of the
last chapter : RecapUulacio principii huius libri oh diver-
sUatem litere et non sententie^^ By italicizing repetitions
of phrase, Dr. James has made it easy to compare this
chapter with the composition that introduces De Nugis;
one finds that where the idea of the introduction is re-
produced the words are almost identical, but that the il-
lustrative matter, digressions, and so forth are often differ-
ent; in short, there is, the title notwithstanding, more di-
versity of sentencia than of litera.
I notice this inaccuracy of title because I doubt that ^lap
intended this composition as a recapitulation. As the book
stands now, the chapter has the place of an epilogue ; but
it fulfills the function of epilogue indifferently, for the
theme which it recapitulates has not been developed in the
work, but is confined to the introductory pages. It cannot
be said that De Nugis Curialium as a whole is concerned
with showing the wickedness and hardships of the court;
on the contrary, a large part of Dist v, as Dr. James ob-
serves, has for its " professed object to show that
modem times have produced heroes as remarkable as those
of antiquity." '^ These heroes are kings, counts, and
**DNO, James, p. 248.
"^DNo, James, p. xziz. This accurately describes the purpose of
diapters i, ii, and y; chapters iii and iv may be included.
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88 JAMBS HINTON
barons, many of whom Map had met during his courtly
life; a eulogy of them is not a good approach to a com-
parison of the court to helL It must be admitted tiiat
whoever put Map's fragments into their present order in-
tended to round out the work by making it end where it
had begun ; but, in view of the circumstances which I have
noted, the intention was unfortimate. I think this so-
called Recapitulacio is probably nothing but an early draft
of the composition that introduces the entire work.
There are other instances of repetition in De Nugis
Curialium,*^ The story of Edric Wilde and his son Alnod
is told at length in Dist ii, and summarized briefly in Dist.
IV, with an inconsistency as to the form of the tabu laid on
Edric.*' Likewise, the story of the Climiac monk who re-
embarked in temporal affairs and was slain is related in
Dist. I and Dist iv with inconsistencies of detail.^* There
is no reference in either case to the other narration of the
same incidents.
More remarkable is the repetition of the filU mortuae
story, which is in Dist. n and Dist. iv.'*^ In the former
place (p. 78, 1. 5) the words, " ille Britonum de quo su-
perius," refer unmistakably to the same story on pages
173-74. Here, it must be observed, pages 173-74 must not
only have been written before page 78, but must also have
been intended to precede page 78, so far as the author had
a plan of arrangement. If Map had edited his fragments
•■ Dist I, cap. xxvi, xxviii recapitulate cap. rvi, xvii (dno, James,
pp. 25-27, 54-56) ; and the battle of Brenneville is treated on pp. 218
and 228. But these repetitions are within the limits of one composi-
tion, either written continuously, or arranged by Map from bits
written at about the same time; the second occurrence in each case
refers explicitly back to the former.
"DNO, James, pp. 75-77, 176, Dist. n, cap. xii, Dist. iv, cap. x.
■•dno, James, pp. 19-20, 172-73, Dist. i, cap. xiv, Dist. iv, cap, viL
" Dist. n, cap. xiii, Dist. iv, cap. viii.
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WAI.TEB MAP^S DB NUQIB OUBIALIUM 89
and arranged them for publication in tbeir present order,
he surely would have deleted the misleading reference cited
above.
On page 59, there is another reference that should have
been deleted. After a series of accounts of various
religious orders. Map mentions the "Knights of St James,
adding: " de quibus superius sermo decessit^' There is,
however, no other mention of them in De Nugis Curialium,
and yet there is apparently no lacuna in the pages that
treat of the religious orders.** Unquestionably Map wrote
a chapter on the Knights of St James, and it has dis-
appeared. If Map wrote these accounts on separate sheets>
and never combined them into a continuous treatise, the
loss of exactly one chapter would not be surprising. After
the combination into one composition, it is unlikely that the
single chapter on the Knighte of St James could have
vanished without taking with it a part of one or two
other chapters. The chapter must have been lost before the
fragments were compiled ; yet the reference to it on page 59
was not removed, as Map would doubtless have done if he
had been the final editor of his work.
In De Nugis, moreover, there are several incomplete
chapters. The story of the Seneschal of France '^ barely
begins before it stops short, though there is nothing in our
manuscript to mark the lacuna. Similarly, the story of
Earl Gk)dwin breaks off in the very midst of a well-known
motive,** that of a death-letter altered to the hero's ad-
**The compoBition is not continuous between the several articles
thronghout cap. zvi-xxviii (dno, James, pp. 25-56) which deal witii
religious orders; with cap. xxviii, however, it becomes continuous,
and is so through p. 59 (cap. xxx), where the above mentioned
reference occurs.
"DNO, James, p. 102, Dist. n, cap. zxxi.
* DNO, James, p. 218, Dist. v, cap. iii-iv.
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y
90 JAMX8 Hnrrov
vantage; we have the tale complete in tiie Yita HaroldiV
At both these places, Dr. James infers that a leaf was lost
in the archetype of our manuscript. It may be so ; but is it
not curious that in both cases the lost leaf ended exactly at
the end of the chapter? For immediately after each of
these abrupt breaks, there follows a title and a new chapter.
The safer inference seems to be that two imperfect chap-
ters were allowed to take place in the edited De Nugis
CuriaUu/m.
Besides, it will be remembered that the first eighteen
lines after the title De origine Oodwmi comitis et eius
moribus are a fragment entirely unrelated to what fol-
lows,*® and equally so to what precedes. Was there a lost
leaf at the beginning of the Qodwin story as well as at the
end ? I do not think it a safe explanation. All these im-
perfect fragments, it may be noted, are unconnected with
their preceding context by any transitional device, and are
not clearly related in theme.
Again, the chapter De Androneo imperatore Constanti-
nopolUano^^ is probably imperfect. It looks as if Map
started to tell something about the mercenaries in Con-
stantinople, made a digression on the degeneracy of the
modem Greeks, and broke off without telling his anecdote.
Dr. James is doubtless correct in assigning this chapter to
a date after 1185 ; *^ and since in that year Andronicus was
assassinated, we should expect Map to have finished his
account of that adventurous life. As in the former cases,
this chapter is unlinked to its context; like them it is an
isolated fragment thrust incomplete into the book.
" Bee Walter de Gray Birch, Yita Haroldi (TAfe of King Harold),
pp. 13-16, F. Michel, Ohromque$ Anglo-Normanda, v. n, pp. 152-54.
^ See pp. 84 1, above.
^ DNo, James, pp. 85-87, Dlst. n, cap. xviii.
* DNOy James, p. xzv.
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WAIiTBB KAP't DB WUQJB OUBIALIUM 91
But of fill the evidence that Walter Map did not give De
Nugis Curialium its actual arrangement, I find the most
convincing in the first chapters of Dist. rv, which have al-
ready claimed some attention. The first chapter, entitled
Prologvs, begins as a prologue might well begin, but does
not lead up to anything; in fact its conclusion seems so
abrupt to Dr. James that he suspects aaother imperfect
chapter.*' It was written, Map tells us, in June, 1183.**
Chapter ii is entitled Epilogus; now this is a strange place
for an epilogue, but the chapter b^ins more like an
q)ilogue than any other in the booL It is necessary to
sunmiarize its contents.
Map declares that he has written " this little book " by snatches
(raptim) in the court of Henry n, constraining the unwilling
Muses. After the death of his master, he had mourned his loss for
two years, but now at last he has come to realize how blest he is in
his freedom from the arduous and distasteful duties of court at-
tendance. Here the word '' quiete " which he has used of his present
life strikes him as ironical, and he deplores the anarchy that had
foUowed Henry's death, declaring that literary lawlessness befits such
times; therefore he will no longer shrink from unworthy entrance
into the lists (the Muses cannot avenge themselves), and so he sends
forth his '' little book," well aware that the ungodly into whose
liands it will come will scorn it without reading it. But, he declares,
if it bdiooves him to jot down what occurs to him, he wiU insert
here a letter that he once wrote to a friend who was on the brink of
marriage.^
Thereupon he gives the Epistle of Valerius, which, as we
have noticed, is immediately followed with a passage,
obviously written at the time that the letter was first in-
serted in the De Nugis materials, in which Map mentions
^DNO, James, p. 140, note.
** Cf. DNO, James, p. xzv.
*DNO, James, p. 142, IL 11 ff.: " inuident priusquam
uideant. Incidencia uero si notare fas est, incidit. Amicum habui,
uirum uite philosophice, etc."
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92 JAMBS HINTON
Gilbert Foliot as alive, thou^ nearing the end of his
days.** In this place I will merely state that the subsequent
chapters as far, at least, as chapter xii (pp. 183-86) were
clearly arranged into their sequence by Map himself; a
detailed consideration will come later.
What, then, is the rationale of the arrangement of Dist
IV, cap. i-xii ? First comes a " Prologus '' that seems to
justify its title, but ends abruptly and leads up to nothing.
Next we have an " Epilogus " that begins epilogue-wise,
but somehow becomes an introduction to a long series of
chapters ingeniously linked together by the author. The
Prologus may be dismissed ; certainly it was not intended
as a prologue to this Distinctio.
The Epilogus is more puzzling. If Map had edited cap.
ii-xii, as they now stand, he could not have called cap. ii
an epilogue. If, on the other hand, it was not so entitled in
Map's manuscript, what scribe would have been mad
enough to designate " Epilogus '^ a chapter in the very
heart of the work ? Necessarily we must infer that Map
wrote the first part of the chapter as an epilogue to some-
thing, and himself inscribed the title above it. If he did
so, he cannot be held responsible for the inclusion in this
chapter of the paragraph that introduces the Epistle of
Valerius.
As soon as one comprehends this, one realizes that tihe
apparent continuity of this chapter is the result of chance,
not of design. The passage banning, " Incidencia uero
si notare fas est,'' *^ does not really cohere well with what
now precedes it, but might just as well follow some other
chapter in De Nugis Curialium. For example, let the
reader place it after Dist i, cap. xii (p. 19), and see how
^DNO, James, p. 159. Gilbert died in February, 1187.
*' DNO, James, p. 142, U. 12 ff.
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WALTBB map's DE NUGIS OUBIALIUM 98
well it fits. Hereafter I ehow reason for believing that it
probably belongs there.
Let ns review the evidence up to this point. Many of
the titles in De Nugis Curialvum are inserted by copyists ;
the deletion of these spurious titles would leave long pas-
sages inadequately divided into chapters, and would, in
general, reduce the rubrication to such irr^ularily as to
forbid the idea that the book was really edited. Two
stories are repeated without cross reference, and with inh
consistency of details. Another story appears twice with a
reference from the first occurrence to the second, as if that
preceded. Map refers to one chapter that was lost before
the present arrangement of his work. The BecapitvJacio at
the end of De Nugis is not what its title professes ; the title
is probably unauthentic, and the chapter was not intended
for the place it occupies. There are several incompleted
compositions in the book which are not satisfactorily ex-
plained away by supposing lost leaves in the archetype of
our manuscript In two chapters alien matter is quite
irrationally included. The first two chapters of Dist. iv,
though entitled Prologus and Epilogus, have no connection
whatever with the rest of the DisHnctio. Later we shall
find that there are other interruptions in the continuily of
the thought, other chapters and groups of chapters un-
connected with their context.
From all this it is evident that Walter Map left his
materiab in a fragmentary, at best half -edited, state, and
that they were put together by some compiler with little
effort to make them coherent. The book is not to be judged
as a finished work. To understand it more thoroughly, we
must ascertain, as far as possible, at what times the several
coherent fragments were written, to what extent, and in
what way, the author gave a partial order to his composi-
tion.
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94 J.AJCB8 HnrroK
In a few instances^ the date at which Map was writing
can be determined precisely from references to contempo-
rary events. In others, the limits, or a single limits of time
can be set These data can be supplemented by an analysis
of the book into fragments whose continuity of thou^t and
explicit transitions from topic to topic show either that
their composition was continuous, or that the chapters were
arranged in order by the author. I have analyzed the book
into twenty such fragments, some long, and some extremely
short. These I will now take up in the order in whidi they
stand in the mianuscript
Fbagmeutt I
Dist. I, cap. i-xii, pp. 1-19.^
The first eighteen pages of De Nugis Curialmm were
written consecutively just as they now stand, except for a
few interpolated lines which I shall consider shortly. Map
begins with a parody on St. Augustine: * "I am in the
court, I speak of the court, yet I know not, God knows,
what the court is." Thereupon he tests the meaning of the
term curia by definitions of tempus, germs, fortuna, and
infemus. The last affords the most pleasing analogies, and
accordingly Map elaborates the comparison at length, di-
gressing occasionally, but ever returning to the same theme.
His conclusion * is that the court has decided resemblances
to hell, but the King is not to blame, since only all-seeing
God can discern the hearts of men and so control them.
Hence all courts are unquiet, but the English court most
^ Page references are to Dr. James's edition of De KugU.
'See DNC, Wright, p. 1, note. St. Augustine, ConfessumB, id, 25;
Map quotes from memory freely, "In tempore sum et de tempore
loquor, ait Augustinus, et adiecit, nesdo quid sit tempus."
*DNO, James, p. 12, Wright, p. 14.
\
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WAIiTEB map's DB IHTaiS CUBIALIUH 95
harried and restless of all. Amid such disturbances, Map
protests, he is bidden to write ; a miracle is required of him.
But he b^ns the next chapter (cap. xi) with the words:
" Yet legends tell of one, and only one, court like this of
ours." * The story of King Herla follows.
This story is a sort of exemplum to cap the foregoing
dissertation. Its point of application comes properly at
the end. After recounting the last appearance of Herla's
host, which occurred in the first year of Henry II's reign.
Map concludes : Moreover, these phantom travellers ceased
from that hour, as if, to their own relief, they had turned
over to us the curse of perpetual wandering; it would; you
see, be better for you to enjoin silence on me, unless you
wish to hear how deplorable is the lot of a courtier ;
do you wish, though, to hear of some recent happenings f *
The next chapter (cap. xii) begins : " A King of
Portugal, who is now living and, after his fashion, still
reigning, etc'' ® The story of this king is followed by
further reflections on the wickedness and turbulence of
courts, especially that of England, which is "prooellosa
pre ceteris mater affliccionum et irarum nutrix," ^ and on
the impossibility of obtaining literary leisure in such sur-
roundings. Under protest. Map consents to his friend's
request, though contrasting his circumstances with the
favorable situations of three contemporary authors, Gilbert
Foliot, Bishop of London, Bartholomew, Bishop of Exeter,
and Baldwin, Bishop of Worcester: " Hii temporis huius
philosophi, quibus nichil deest, qui omni plenitudine
refertam habent residenoiam et pacem f oris, recte ceperunt^
finemque bonum consequentur. Sed quo mihi portus> qui
vix vaco vivere ? " •
*Difc, James, p. 13, 11. 13-14. ^dno, James, p. 17, 11. 31-32.
*DiTO, James, pp. 15-16. *dito, James, pp. lS-19.
*Difo^ James, p. 16, L 4.
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96 JAMBS Hnrroir
Throughout these eighteen pages the thought is perfectly
continuous. If Map had abeady written the stories of
King Heria and of the King of Portugal^ we must believe
he made them oyer at the time when he wrote the intro-
ductory composition, since the accompanying moralizations
continue directly the train of thought in the pages that
precede. The transitions^ so far, are natural and easy. At
the end of these eighteen pages, however, there is a break
in the thought; at that point a new fragment commences.
Throughout Fragment I, it is evident to the reader,
Map's point of view is consistently that of an actual mem-
ber of the court; ' and, since he tells us elsewhere that he
withdrew from court-life when Henry II died,^^ he must
have written this Fragment before July, 1189. Even more
precise limits are set by his reference to the three bishops
who were writing at the same time as he ; ^^ that reference
must have been made between August 10, 1180 and De-
cember 15, 1184."
*See particularly: bno, James, p. 1, 1. 6, "quod in curia sum";
p. 4, I. 11, ''Quis ibi cruciatus qui non sit hio multiplicatus?" also
n. 14, 18, 28; p. 8, 1. 16, p. 12, 11. 15 ff., Henry n, who is meant be-
yond doubt, is still alive; p. 13, 11. 1 ff.; p. 15, 11. 25-26, "anno primo
coronacionis nostri regis Henrici," surely must refer to the reigning
sovereign; p. 17, 11. 31-32, "Et tu inter has precipis poetari
discordias."
" DNO, James, p. 141, 11. 4-8.
" DNc, James, p. 18, IL 20-30.
"Gilbert Foliot was Bishop of London from April 28, 1163, until
his death, February 18, 1187 (Radulphus de Dioeto, ed. Stubbs, Rolls
Series, i, p. 309, n, p. 47, Benedictus, ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series, n, p. 5) ,
Baldwin was Bishop of Worcester from August 10, 1180, to De-
cember 16, 1184, when he became Elect of Canterbury; Dr. James's
date (p. xxiv) obviously refers to his consecration as archbishop,
not to his election (cf. Benedictus, i, p. 321, Annates MonasHoi, ed.
Luard, RoUs Series, i, p. 52, n, p. 241, iv, p. 384). Bartholomew
was Bishop of Exeter from 1161 until his death, December 15, 1184
(Dioeto, J^ p. 304, Annales Monastioi, i, p. 537, n, p. 243, iv, p. 386,
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WAIiTSB MAP^S D£ IfUOIS CUBIALIUM 97
I have taken pains to make it clear, first, that this Frag-
ment was written consecutively and in pursuance of a con-
tinnous train of thought, rather than pieced together, and,
secondly, that it was written not only before the death of
Henry II (1189), but before December 16, 1184, because
it contains a later interpolation of a few lines, which. mis-
led Dr. James as to the date at which the whole context was
composed/' In the very midst of the introductory com-
parison of the court to hell, comes the following passage:
.... venimptamen venatores haminum, quibus iudicium est datum
de nita uel de morte ferarum, mortiferi, comparacione quonim
MinoB est misericorB, Radamantus racionem amans, Eacus equanimis.
Nichil in his letum nisi letiferum. [Hos Hugo prior Selewude, iam
eleciua Linoolnie, reperit repulsos ab hostio thalami regis, quos ut
obiurgare uidit insolenter et indigne ferre, miratus ait: ''Qui uos?"
Responderunt : '' Forestarii sumus." Ait illis : '' Forestarii f oris
stent." Quod rex interius audiens risit, et exiuit obuiam ei. Cui
prior: "Vos tangit hec parabola, quod, pauperibus quos hii torquent
paradisum ingressis, cum forestariis foris stabitis.'* Rex autem hoc
▼erbum serium habuit pro ridiculo, et ut Salomon excelsa non abstulit,
forestarios non deleuit, sed adhuo nunc post mortem auam litant
coram Leuiatan cames hominum et sanguinem bibimt. Excelsa
Btruunt, que nisi Dominus in manu forti non destruxerit non
auferoitur.] Hii dominum sibi presentem timent et placant, Deum
quem non uident offendere non metuentes. Non dico quin multi
uiri timorati, boni et iusti nobiscum inuoluantur in ciu'ia, nee quia
aliqui sint n hac ualle miserie, indices misericordie, sed secimdum
maiorem et insaniorem loquor aciem.^*
Roger de Hoveden, ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series, n, p. 280, Stubbs, Regit-
trum Bacrum AngHoanum, p. 31). Dr. James's dates are not quite
accurate (p. xxiv).
" I infer that Dr. James is misled from the following facts: in his
table of ** notes of time " in De NugU (p. xxiv) he records none of the
indications that Henry n was alive except that on p. 16, IL 25-20,
which he qualifieB, " Possibly in Henry ifs lifetime "; he does record
the mention of Henry's death which occurs in the interpolated lines
here under consideration; and on p. xxviii he expresses his opinion
that Dist. IV iB the earliest part of De Nugia,
** DNO, James, p. 5, 1. 16 to p. 6, 1. 6.
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98 JAMES HINTON
Hugh was elect of Lincoln from May 24 to Sept^nber
21, 1186 ; " hence the incident here related happened at
least two years after Map wrote the passage referring to the
three literary bishops. Furthermore, the words, "nimc
post mortem suam [sc. Henrici II]," show that this anec-
dote was written after July, 1189. Since all indications in
the context lead to the conviction that it was written during
the lifetime of Henry II, we see that the tale of St Hugh
and the foresters must have been inserted, perhaps mar-
ginally, several years after the completion of Fragment I.
I have bracketed the interpolated lines. If one compares
the context with the corresponding part of the Recapir
tulacio ^* (Dist. v, cap. vii), it will be observed that the
words that here follow the interpolation are closely para-
phrased, though there is netting about foresters in the Re-
capittUacio. The bracketed lines may be omitted without
breaking the continuity of the thought
Thus we find that Fragment I, comprising the first
eighteen pages of De Nugis CuriaXium (Dist. i, cap. i-xii),
is a continuous and coherent composition, written between
August 10, 1180 and December 15, 1184. It purports to
be an introduction to the book which Map was planning,
and cannot be reasonably regarded otherwise. Since,
therefore, I show later that most of Dist iv, was written
about September, 1181, the time of composition of Frag-
^RadAilphus de Diceto, n, pp. 41-42, Benediotus, i, pp. 345» 353.
The same anecdote is found in Magna Vita B. HugorUs, Rolls Series,
p. 176.
^*DNC, James, p. 253, 11. 26 ff.: '* £t cum ipse fere solus m hao
valle miaerie iusticie sit minister acceptus, sub alis eius venditur et
emitur. Ipsi tamen fit a ministris iniquis reuerencia maior quam
Deo; quia quod ei non possunt abscondere recte facient inuit[at]i;
quod autem Deo manifestum sciunt, peruertere non verentur; Deus
enim serus est ultor, hie veloz. Non in onvnet loquor iudioea, ted tfi
maiorem et [in] insaniorem partem,**
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WALTEB MAP^S DE NUOI8 CUBIALIUM 99
m^it I may confidently be put between August 10, 1180,
and September, 1181.
Fbagmsnt II
Dist 1, cap. xiii-xiv, pp. 19-20
With cap. xii, the first fragment certainly ends.* Cap.
xiii, b^ns abruptly, without indicating any connection in
thought with the preceding chapter. On the other hand the
transition from cap. xiii to cap. xiv is explicit, and the
theme of these two chapters is identical ; each tells the story
of a monk who temporarily left the cloister. There is no
sort of connection between cap. xiv and what follows.
Fragment II, therefore, consists of only two chapters, Dist
I, cap. xiii and xiv.
Map here declares that Hiimbert de Beaujeu was at that
time in conflict with his son.* But Humbert died in 1174.*
If these chapters, then, were written during his lifetime,
ihey cannot have been intended for De Nugis. It seems
rather likely that Map was mistaken, confusing Humbert
with some other Burgundian baron. If so, this Fragment
eannot be dated at all.
Fragment III
Dist 1, cap. XV, pp. 21-25
Fragment III consists of a single rather long chapter, a
lamentation over the capture of Jerusalem by Saladin. It
^Dr. James (p. xxvii) seems to force a connection: "The idea of
' making a good ead * by retiring from the court to Uve in peace»
suggests the stories of monks who left the cloister." There is in the
text no indication ot this; and since the ideas are directly contrary,
I do not feel the force of Dr. James's suggestion.
*DNO, James, p. 19, 11. 4-5.
' Art de vMfier les dates dee faite hietoriquee, etc., ed. Saint- AUais,
Paris, 1818-44, v. x, pp. 606-06.
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100 JAMSS HINTOK
has no mark of taransition between it and either contiguous
chapter, nor is it related in thought, but is a unit of com-
position, dissimilar in character to all the other chapters of
De Nugis Curialium. Apparently it was written very soon
after the news of Jerusalem's fall reached England, that
is, in October or November, 1187/ Evidently, then, this
Fragment belongs in its present place neither by virtue of
its time of composition, nor by logical connection. Such
conditions discredit the notion that Map himself edited and
published De Nugis Gvrialium.
FEAaMENT IV
Dist. I, cap. xvi-xxxii, pp. 26-63
Unlike the first three Fragments, the fourth Fragment
was not continuously written, but was pieced together from
a number of chapters which, though composed individually,
follow a common plan. Map apparently began a sort of
encyclopedia of religious orders; naturally the several
articles are not linked together by any transitional devices.
He wrote up the Carthusians (cap. xvi), the Grandi-
montensians (cap. xvii), the Templars (a long account,
now divided by several chapter titles, xviii-xxii, but per-
fectly continuous), the Hospitalers (cap. xxiii), and the
Cistercians (cap. xxiv). At this point is inserted a long
chapter entitled Incidencia magistri Gauteri Mahap de
monachia (cap. xxv, pp. 40-54), whidi, I believe, was not
originally intended for De Nugis Curialium, but was an
independent lampoon on the Cistercians, later taken into
^Oervaae of Canterbury, ed. Stubbs, RoUs Series, i, pp. 3SS'89,
says the news of the capture of Jerusalem reached the Pope before his
death, which befeU October 19, 1187, and "in brevi" the news of
both events came to England.
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WAI.TEB map's DS NITGIS 0UBIALIT7H 101
the De Nugis materials, as was the Epistle of Valerius; it
does not directly continue cap. xxiv, but is quite properly
placed where it stands.
The next chapter (cap. xxvi) recurs to the Grandimon-
tensian order, referring back explicitly to the former treat-
ment A similar ^^ recapitulation " of the Carthusians is
taken up in cap. xxviii. Between these two, there now
stands a brief article on the order of Sempringham, which
may have got out of place. If it were removed, we should
find that with cap. xxvi, Map began to write straight ahead
on whatever topic occurred, or was suggested to him by
what he had already written ; for cap. xxvi, begins, " Et hos
religionis cultus nouitas adiuuenit; est etiam alia, ut su-
pradictum est, Qrandimontensium secta," ^ and cap. xxviii,
begins, " Iterum, est alius modus, ut predictum est, in
Griseuoldano repertus.'^ *
In this chapter, as Dr. James observes, " there is a
marked and sudden break. After a single sentence about
the Carthusians, Map says in effect: ^ After all, all the
numerous ways of following the simple life in the externals
seem ineffective. King Henry dresses splendidly, but is
humble of heart' This mention of Henry II suggests the
topic of that King's zeal against heretics. Heretics are the
topic of the next few pages." • The chapters on heretic
sects (cap. xxix-xxxi) are followed by an anecdote of three
phenomenally pious hermits, which. Dr. James declares, is
" dragged in rather awkwardly." ' Truly it is so, but there
can be no doubt that Map alone is responsible; the con-
cluding words of the chapter on the Waldenses, "quia
oaritas perfeota que celestis est foras mittit timorem," ^
^ Diro, James, p. 64, U. 10-11.
' DNO, James, p. 5S, 11. 2-3.
* DNO, James, p. xrHiL
• Dif c, James, p. «2, IL lS-17.
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102 JAMSS HINTOir
suggested the hermits to ]!dap^ for he closes their story, and
the Distinctio, with the same Biblical quotation.®
In Fragment IV there are several indications of date.
The whole was composed in the lifetime of Henry II, who
is directly referred to as alive in three of the chapters.* In
one chapter Gilbert of Sempringham is aaid to be alive; ^
this moves the terminus back a few months, to February 3,
1189. The stories of the Templars must have been written
before the fall of Jerusalem, October 2, 1187, since Map,
commenting on their vow of poverty, declares that " they
are poor nowhere but at Jerusalem." • In view of Map's
affectionate r^ard for Gilbert Foliot, I do not believe he
would have mentioned his name, as he does,' in the year
1187 without expressing regret at the venerable man's
death, which came on February 18, 1187. That date, then,
may be taken for the latest limit of the composition. Cap.
XXV, mentions the capture and sack of Limoges, which oc-
curred in June, 1183 ; ^^ but I have already stated my belief
that this chapter may have been written independently of
the rest of Fragment IV. If so, we have no early limit for
the Fragment as a whole.
' DNO, James, p. 63, 1 .16.
*DNC, James, p. 55, 11. 9ff.; p. 56, 11. 10 ff., and U. 19 ff.; cap.
zxyi, zxviii, xrix.
^ DNc, James, p. 55, 1. 20.
'DNO, James, p. 30, 1. 15. A few lines below Map writes of the
loss of territory by the crusaders, but does not mention the loss of
Jerusalem.
*DNO, James, p. 39, 1. S.
''DNO, James, p. 47, 11. 3-10. Judged by the chroniclers. Map
exaggerates the looting, which was probably small compared with
that suffered at the hands of the Young Henry and Geffrey of
Britanny; no other event of Henry's reign, however, can be here
referred to. See Benedietua, Rolls Series, i, p. 303, Geoffrey of
Vigeoia in Labb6, Novae Bihliothecae, Paris, 1657, n, pp. 332-37, and
F. Marvaud, Histoire des vioomiet de Limogee, i, pp. 244-57.
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WAi-TEB map's de ntjgis cubialium 108
Fragment V
Dist n, cap. i-xvi, pp. 64-80
Distinctio n opens with a formal prologue, in which
Map contrasts the " victory of the flesh '' with the
" triumph' of the spirit." He declares that he has written
heretofore two instances of God's judgment and mercy,
which have not afforded delight, but rather have proved
tedious; his readers clamor for fables of the poets and the
like, but they shall be disappointed, for awhile at least,
since he proposes to relate first a few miracles. The two
instances of God's mercy and judgment cannot be identi-
fied in the preceding Fragment, or the preceding Dis-
tinctio. For this reason, and because there is absolutely
no explicit transition, I feel sure that this prologue begins
a new Fragment.^
Map proceeds with two miracles witnessed by himself
(cap. ii-iii), the second of which was wrought by Peter of
Tarentaise. Accordingly, Map relates other miracles of
Peter about which he had only heard (cap. iv-v). The
last of these was accomplished through confession and
penance; it suggests another miracle wrought by similar
means (cap. vi). So far, there is perfect continuity of
composition. The next chapter (cap. vii), De Luca
Hungaro, I believe, was inserted somewhat later; for the
present let me pass over it
Cap. viii, De indiscreia devotione Walenmum, which
alone of cap. ii-ix does not relate a miracle, catches up the
phrase, " zelum secundum scientiam," which Map had used
^Dr. James writes (p. xxviii) : "The story of three remarkable
hermits, dragged in rather awkwardly, leads over into Distinctio n,
whereof the first seven chapters deal with good men of his own time."
There is nothing, however, to indicate this connection ; formally the
breach is perfect.
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104 JAMES HINTON
in cap. vi,^ and begins thus : " In omni gente, ut alias
dicitur, qui timet Deum acceptus est ei. Rams in Walen-
sibus nostris est timor Dei secundum scienlmm/^ * Once
among the Welsh, Map recalls two miracles of wild Wales
(cap. ix-x), and then expressly abandons the topic of re-
ligious wonders for the more enticing field of Celtic legend
(cap. xi).* Probably soon after this he wrote cap. vii, De
Luca Hungaro, and inserted it just before the Welsh tales,
thus breaking the sole, and tenuous, link between that
series and the preceding.
In cap. xi, as we have noticed, Map turns to Celtic
legend and relates the story of Wastin and his fairy wife.
That leads on through a series of similar tales (cap. xi-xvi),
all dealing with fantasmata, as Map calls such supernatural
phenomena. All except cap. xiv, which, being a witch
story, is quite proper to its context, distinctly refer to eadi
other, or to the general topic of the series. The chapters
that follow, however, have not the slightest connection;
hence I take cap. xvi, as the end of Fragment V.
For this Fragment we can fix a terminus a quo at some
time in 1182, when Jean aux blanches mains became Arch-
bishop of Lyons." In addition to this, there is a reference
on p. 78 to a story now found in Dist rv, cap. viii.* It is
likely, therefore, that Fragment V was composed soon
after that chapter, while Map's recollection was dear.
Since I hereafter date that chapter (in Fragment XIV)
about September, 1181, we may infer that the present
Fragment was written very near its terminus a quo, that
is, within the year 1182.
•dwo, James, p. 68, H. 17-18. •dnc, James, p. 71, 11. 4-6.
^DNO, James, p. 72, 1. 24: "Aliud non miraculum sed portentum
Walenses refenmt. **
■dwc, James, p. 65, L 29: Cf. (jMlia Christiana, n, col. 1180.
•dno, James, p. 78, L 6: " et ille Britonum de quo saperins."
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WAXTBB map's BB NUGIS GUKIALniM 106
FBAaMBNTS VI, VII, VIII
Di&t n, cap. xvii, xviii, xix, pp. 81-85, 85-87, 87-89
The next three Fragments are the three stories of Gado,
of Andronicus, and of Gillescop. They are mutually uncon-
nected, and have no special appropriateness for the position
they occupy, since they are not related in subject, either to
each other, or to the adjacent Fragments, and futhermore
they are longer and more elaborate than the stories of Frag-
ment V, and of Fragment IX, which follows them. Only
one of them can be dated; Fragment VII (Andronicus
Comnenus), was written certainly after 1183, the date of
the last incident related, and probably after 1185, since
Lucius III appears to be no longer Pope.*
Fbaombnt IX
Dist n, cap. xx-xxx, xxxii, pp. 80-103
Fragment IX begins abruptly with some observations on
Welsh character. The composition is unbroken through
cap. xx-xxiii. The next four chapters (cap. xxiv-xxvii),
though not linked by transitional phrases, continue smooth-
ly the train of thought ; all the stories so far are of Wales.
The last mentioned chapter, however, relates a vampire
tale, introducing a topic of sufficient interest to divert Map
from the Welsh; he tells of another vampire on English
soil (cap. xxviii), then of a demonic manifestation of
which he had read " in the book of Turpin " (cap. xxix),
and finally of a harmless ghost (cap. xxx). I pass over
cap. xxxi, temporarily; cap. xxxii, is a brief epilogue:
^ DNo» James, p. zxr, note to p. 86, 1. 14 : " usque ad tempora Lueii
pape, qui Alezandro pape tercio sucoessit.'*
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106 JAMES HurroN
Siluam uobis et materiam, non dico fabularum, sed faminum appo-
no: cultui enim sermonum non intendo, nee si studeam consequar;
singuli lectores appoeitam niditatem ezculpant, ut eorum industria
bona facie prodeat in publicam. Venator vester sum, feras nobis
afferoy fercula facialis.
This is suitable enough for the short stories of Fragment
IX ; it is not appropriate to the whole of Dist. u, in which
we find the more elaborate stories of Gado, Andronicus, and
Gillescop.
In Fragment IX there are two notes of time: Gilbert
Foliot is said to be " nunc " Bishop of London/ and refer-
ence is made back to the time of Roger, Bishop of Wor-
cester.^ Thus the limits are set at August 9, 1179 and
February 17, 1187.
Fbagment X
Dist. n, cap. xxxi, p. 106^
Fragment X is the incomplete story of the Senesdial of
France, which in some way has slipped in after cap. xxx.
It has no relation to the preceding chapters, but, like the
lines on omens at the beginning of the story of Earl God-
win,* attained its position by accident.
Fbagment XI
Dist m, pp. 104-37
Fragment XI comprises the entire third Didinctio,
which in marked contrast to Dist n appears to have been
written in a leisurely and careful manner. It has unity
and balance beyond any other part of De Nugis Curialvum.
* DNO, James, p. 99, 11. 27-28.
' DNO, James, p. 100, 1. 19. cf. Bmedictua, i, p. 243, Dioeio, i, p. 432,
Annates Monastici, i, p. 62.
* See pp. 89 f ., above.
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107
A formal prologue introduces the romance of Sadius and
Gralo (cap. ii), which holds up to admiration the virtue of
loyalty in friendship. Over against it is expressly set^
the story of the envious disloyalty that disrupted the
friendship of Parius and Lausus (cap. iii). At the end
of that chapter Map declares that both those tales are of
ancient days ; he will now endeavor to please with anecdotes
of modem events.^ Accordingly he narrates the dire con-
sequences of Raso's injudicious confidence in his wife (cap.
iv), and balances against that • the more fortunate outcome
of Eollo's magnanimous trust (cap. v). Nothing but a
formal epilogue is lacking to make a perfectly symmetrical
book.
In the Prologue, Map says that men who are engaged in
the cares of state often delight to lay aside their burdens,
and bend to conversation with the humble, refreshing them-
selves with lights amusing talk; hence he hopes his book
will entertain.* From this, one would infer that he was
writing for someone of importance in state affairs, per-
haps for the King himself. A few lines below, however,
he refers to a request that he write a book, in almost
identical terms which he used in Fragment I of his friend
" Geoffrey's " request.*^ In the next chapter, moreover.
Map declares that Sadius was, in all respects, " qualem te
nelles fieri " ; • here he seems to be writing for a young lad
just approaching manhood. There is no doubt, however,
that the Prologue goes with the story of Sadius ; for it in-
troduces a key-note sentence, "Acetum in nitro qui cantat
^DNO, James, p. 122, H. 20-22. 'dno, James, p. 134, 1. 31.
' DNC, James, p. 130, 11. 19-20. * dno, James, p. 104, 11. 3-5.
*DNO, James, p. 104, U. 13-14: ''Scribere iubes posteris exempla
quibuB nel joctmditas excitetur nel ediflcetnr ethica." Cf. p. 18, 11.
16-16: " ut recitacio placeat et ad mores tendat instniccio."
* Dif 0, James, p. 106, IL 8-9.
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108 JAMBS HnrroN
carmina cordi pessimo/' that is re-echoed twice in the ro-
mantic tale that follows/ Perhaps if we knew who Geof-
frey was, the riddle of these apparently conflicting indica-
tions would be solved ; as matters stand, I can do nothing-
There is no other evidence of time in this Fragment.
Fragment XII
Dist. IV, cap. i, pp. 138-40
The so-called Prologvs to Dist. iv constitutes Fragment
XII. Whether it is in itself incomplete, as Dr. James
thinks,* or not, this chapter, which seems so like a real pro-
logue, does not connect with anything else in De Nugis
Curialium. Map wrote it, as he declares, in that eventful
month, June, 1183'; * evidently he did not find an oppor-
tunity to continue his composition at that time. The chap-
ter owes its position to the compiler.
Fbaomknt XIII
Dist. IV, cap. iia, p. 140 — ^p. 142, 1. 12
Fragment XIII consists of cap. ii, as far as the words,
" inuident priusquam uideant" (p. 142, 1. 12). I have
already shown the necessity for dividing this chapter into
two parts, the first of which is a genuine epilogue, and the
second an introduction to the Epistle of Valerius.^ The
epilogue portion, that is, Fragment XIII, was written two
years after the death of Henry 11,^ — about July, 1191.
^DNO, James, p. 104, 11. 19-20; p. 106, 1. 1; p. 122, 1. 18.
^ DNC, James, p. 140, note to 1. 25.
■dnc, James, p. 139, 11. 2-4, and p. xxv.
* See pp. 86 f., 91 f., above.
•dnc, James, p. 141, IL 4-6.
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WALTBB map's DX IHTOIS OUBIAUUM 109
Fbaombnt XIV
Dist IV, cap. iib— xvi, pp. 142-94
With the lines that introduce the Epistle of Valerius,^
b^ns Fragment XIV, which extends throughout the rest
of Dist IV. The Epistle, Map teUs us, was not originally
written for De Nugis Curialium/ and it had attained con-
siderable popularity before he began that work.* When
he decided to include the earlier composition in his new
book, he wrote the brief explanatory introduction,* and the
chapter that follows the Epistle/ in which he berates con-
temporary critics, especially those who had spoken ill of
Gilbert Foliot. At the end of the chapter, however. Map
suddenly declares that now those critics are beginning to
repent,* and says they deserve to undergo either the penalty
of Empedocles, or the penance of Eudo. Thus the story of
Eudo (cap. vi), is dragged in.
The story of Eudo, in its conclusion, raises the question
of unusual penances and of salvation under exceptional con-
ditions ; to illustrate this, Map tells about a monk of Cluny
who etigaged in military affairs, and died without regular
confession. The story begins, "Queri eciam potest de salute
monachi Cluniacensis.^' ^ The next chapter (cap. viii) be-
gins^ " Quia de mortibus quarum indicia dubia sunt incidit
oracio " ; ® the story (FUii Mortuae) is not very apt and
leads the author off to the entirely different subject of mar-
riages with supernatural beings. Cap. ix-xi continue that
topic, and cap. xii, which is explicitly linked to cap. xi,*
' DNO, James, p. 142, IL 12-30. * dnc, James, p. 167, IL 20-30.
*Ihid. *DNO, James, p. 172, 1. 3.
•dwo, James, p. 158, IL 7 ff. 'dno, James, p. 173, 1. 29.
• DifO, James, p. X42, IL 12-30. • dno, James, p. 183, IL 7-8.
• Ci^. T, pp. 158-59.
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110 JAMBS Hn^TON
although not of the same type as the preceding stories^ re-
counts a monstrous instance of necrophilia that may have
been, in Map's opinion, analogous to marriage with fairies
or other demonic creatures.
The connection of this with the next chapter (cap. xiii),
De Nicholcu) Pipe homine equoreo, is not so apparent; but
is nevertheless discernible. As the whirlpool in the Gulf
of Satalia suggested Charybdis to Map (p. 185, 1. 13), so
Charybdis suggested Nicolaus Pipe, who was associated
with the neighboring straits in medieval legend. ^^ Thus
Map goes from one wonder to another, until he is led away
to a new invective against the court, which ends: "Arise,
then, let us go hence, for amid the works of him whom we
renounced in baptism, we have no leisure to appease, or to
please, God. Here every man is either ^ marrying a wife,
or proving yokes of oxen.' Hearken how Salius shunned
such excuses." ^^
Accordingly we have the story of Salius (cap. xiv),
which repeats at its end, " He did not ^ marry a wife,' or
* prove oxen ' ^^ ; ^^ and cap. xv, makes from that text a
strikingly artificial induction: " But Alan Kebrit
married a wife under unfavorable auspices." ^* The story
of Alan rambles through the intrigues, murders, and wars
of two generations, and is at last given a pretense of unity
by the declaration that all these ills were the fruit of
avarice, which vice. Map proceeds, was also the seed of
dissension between Sceva and Ollo,^* whose story follows,
and ends Dist iv and, with it. Fragment XIV.
"•See F. Liebrecht, De8 Qervasius von TiXhwry Otia ImpericUia,
Hannover, 1866, pp. 11-12, H. Ullrich, Beitrage zur Gesohichte der
Taucheraage, Dresden, 1884, M^luainCf n, pp. 223-30, Schnorr's Archiv
fur Literaturgeachichie (1886), xiv, pp. 69-102, etc.
"DNC, James, p. 188, 11. 6-10. "dnc, James, p. 189, 11. 4-7.
" DNC, James, p. 197, 11. 14-19.
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WAI.TEB map's DE NITOIS CUBIALIXIM 111
ThuB^ throughout this miscellaneous composition, Frag-
ment XIV, we find a distinct thread of continuity, — con-
tinuity of such a curious sort that, I am convinced, it must
be the result of continuous composition under the guidance
of Walter Map's vagrant and unfettered fancy; I would
not willingly think that any man had taken pains to put
this patchwork together from independently written chap-
ters. Since it appears that cap. xi was written in Septem-
ber, 1181,** we may, therefore, take this as the date of com-
position for the entire Fragment XIV.
Fragment XV
Dist V, cap. i-ii, pp. 203-06
Fragment XV consists of the prologue to Dist v and the
anecdotes of Appollonides in cap. ii. In the prologue. Map
declares that the heroes of ancient days live in our memory
by virtue of the epics which celebrate their deeds, while
modem heroes are rewarded only with oblivion. Perhaps
our times, he says, have something not Unworthy of the
buskin of Sophocles; but authors are not honored, and
poetry declines. Caesar survives in the praises of Lucan,
Aeneas in those of Maro; the divine nobility of Charle-
magnes and Pepins is celebrated only in the vulgar
rhythms of mimes; and of present Caesars no one sings
at alL^
To supply the lack, Map apparently determined to show
by examples that there was epic material in the twelfth
century, if one would only look for it The chapter on
"Appollonides*^ affords a curious indication of the plan
'^DNC, JameSy p. 183, U. 2-5: "et nunc hodie a Romania electuB est
Lucius papa, etc"; hodie must, of course, refer to the arrival of
the news. The election was on September 1, 1181.
' PNC, James, p. 203.
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112 JAMBS HUSfTOlX
originally conceived for presenting these stories of his con-
temporaries. Appollonides is called a " King in the western
parts," who was known and hated by Walter Map.*
Obviously the name is fictitious; doubtless some Welsh
chief is meant, since the cattle-raid is more consonant with
the martial adventures of Wales than of any other nation
with whose rulers Map was acquainted well enough to feel
personal hatred.' At the end of the first anecdote, Map
exclaims : " Hoc ercle dictum et factum stilo dignum
Homeri censeo, et me tam el^anti materia indignum." *
Similar references to the theme of the prologue of this
Fragment are foimd also in Fragment XVIII.**
Feagment XVI
Dist. V, cap. iiia, p. 206, 1. 10— p. 207, L 3
Fragment XVI consists of the lines on the omens of the
several captures of Jerusalem, which have been included
erroneously in cap. iii of Dist v. These lines were pwA-
ebly written soon after the fall of Jerusalem, but long
enough thereafter for the memorial couplet * on that year
to become current, let us say, early in 1188.
'DKC, James, p. 205, 1. 4, p. 206, 1. 1.
* Dr. James, p. 269, suggests that Appollonides is " possibly Henry
n, " or some other "King (of England or France) contemporary
with Map." The reviewer in the Athenaeum (February 16, 1916,
p. 116) prefers William the Lion, or the Count of Flanders; and
Dr. Webb, in the Claaaical Review (xxix, pp. 121-23), prefers Richard
I. The difficulty with all these is in Map's words, "Hunc r^gem
uidi et noui et odi," and in the cattle-driving.
* DNC, James, p. 205, 11. 19-20.
*DNC, James, p. 226, 11. 30 ff.; p. 220, 11. 24-26.
^ DNC, James, p. 206, U. 16-16.
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WAI.TEB map's be NUGIS CUEIALIUM 113
Fragment XVII
Dist. V, cap. iiib-iv, pp. 207-18
Fragment XVII is the story of Earl Gbdwin. It was
probably not written as a part of Map's celebration of
modem heroes ; for elsewhere Map restricts modemitas to
the twelfth century/ It will be noticed, moreover, that in
Fragment XV Map distinguishes between the fate of the
great men of the earlier middle ages, and of those of his
own time: Aeneas had his Vergil, Caesar his Lucan,
Charlemagne a nameless mime, but Henry II has no one
to sing his praise. In Fragment XVIII, the incidents
related of Henry I, Louis VI, Louis VII, Theobald of
Blois, and others, are such as Map might have witnessed
himself, or have heard from someone who had witnessed
them. The story of Earl Godwin in this Fragment XVII,
however, is made up from a mass of tradition that had
assumed a thoroughly romantic character. It is, never-
theless, not improbable that Map put this Fragment (and
also Fragment XIX) together with the modem heroes
Fragments after he had lost his first enthusiasm for
demonstrating the epic quality of twelfth-century life.
Fragment XVIII
Dist V, cap. V, pp. 218-32
Fragment XVIII consists of the series of anecdotes
chiefly about Henry I, Louis VI, and Louis VII which are
found in Dist. v, cap. v. The composition is continuous,
and the entire chapter seems to have been written in one
' DT70, James, p. 59, 11. 17-19 : " Nostra dico tempora, modemitatem
banc, bonim ecilicet centum amiomm curriculum, cuius adhuo nunc
ultime partes extant."
8,
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114 JAMES HINTOIl^
piece. There are in it two references to the theme of the
prologue of Fragment XV; on page 220, lines 24-26,
" Meliori stilo plurimoque sermone dignus esset rex iste ;
sed de modemis est, nee ei fecit aiictoritatem antiquitas " ;
and on pages 226-27, " Hec forte frivola sunt et magnis
inepta paginis, sed meis satis apta scedulis, mihique uiden-
tur stilo meo maiora," By reason of these indications, I
feel sure that Fragments XV and XVIII were written at
ahout the same time, as a part of a single attempt to
celebrate contemporary heroes. This Fragment was clearly
written during the reign of Henry II ; ^ it cannot be dated
more precisely than that
Fragment XIX
Dist. Y, cap. vi, pp. 232-48
Fragment XIX consists of the sixth chapter of Dist. v,
which, I feel sure, was written at one time, after the death
of Henry II, probably as late as the year 1193.* It is thus
^DNOy James, p. 218, 11. 12-13: ^'Henricus rex Anglie, pater matris
eius Henrici qui nunc regnat"; cf. p. 219, 1. 3, p. 232, 11. 9-10 (Henry
n is meant, and must be alive, or he would not be mentioned thus
indefinitely).
*DNO, James, p. 237, IL 11-12; Map's statement that Henry n
reigned 36 years is incorrect, but the important point is that Henry
was dead, dno, p. 238, 11. 17-21, Geoffrey now Archbishop of York,
i. e. 1191, or later; the great quarrel with his canons came in 1193, cf.
Roger de Hoveden, Rolls Series, i, pp. 222-31. Difc, p. 241, 11. 9-14,
assassination of Conrad de Montferrat (April 28, 1192, cf. Radulphua
de Diceto, n, p. 104), and the accusations against Richard Cceur de
Lion. DNO, p. 241, 11. 15 ff. ; Dr. James, p. xsvi, declares, " Henry n
seems to be still living '': but I should say that " fuit ** in 1. Id sets
the time of composition after Henry's death, the subsequent present
tenses being pictorial, dno, p. 246, 11. 18 ff.; Dr. James p. xxvi,
thinks Greoffrey is " perhaps not yet Archbishop " ; but, p. 246, 1. 20,
"ut est pretactum" refers back to p. 238, where he was called
Archbishop.
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WAXTEB MAP^S BB NUOIB OUSIALIITM 116
the latest of all the compositions which compose De Nugis
Curialium. In tone it differs markedly from the pre-
ceding Fragment; for, so far from eulogizing contemporary
royalty, there is scarcely one royal personage imscathed in
this chapter. William Rufus is not unfairly termed
" regnm pessimus " ; ^ Stephen is ^* industria preclarus, ad
cetera fere idiota,*' * Henry IT has his faults plainly set
down, along with his virtues ; * and his favorite son,
(Jeoffrey fitz Eoy, is the object of the most insulting con-
tempt.' Matilda is characterized as " bonorum in medio
pessima," • and Eleanor has old scandals rudely revived.''
Only Henry I appears to have been admired thoroughly by
Walter Map,® though Henry II, despite his faults, is de-
clared to have been " in all respects lovable." • When Map
wrote this Fragment, he had forgotten the purpose that
animated him in writing Fragments XV and XV III.
Fragment XX
Dist. V, cap. vii, pp. 248-55
Fragment XX is the so-called Recapitulacio principii
huius libri, which I have already ^ declared to be probably
a first draft of the introductory composition of De Nugis,
Except for the title there is no explicit reference to Frag-
ment I, which we should expect if this were really a recapi-
tulation. It is clear that Fragment XX was written before
the death of Henry II,' therefore before Fragments XIII
' DNO» James, p. 232, L 12. * dko, James, p. 238, 1. 28.
' DNC, James, p. 236, L 25. 'dno, James, p. 237, IL 6-8.
* Difc, James, p. 241, 11. 15 ff. * dnc, James, pp. 234-36.
* DNO, James, pp. 238, 246-48. * dnc, James, p. 241, 1. 25.
^ See pp. 87 f., abore.
'DNO, James, pp. 248-49, Map still a courtier; so also, p. 251, L 5;
pp. 253-55, Henry n is referred to repeatedly in the present tense.
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116 JAMES HINTON
and XIX; hence this was certainly not Map's finishing
touch, and if Fragment XIII (" Epilogus") is really an
epilogue to De Nugis as a whole, it supplants the earlier
written Fragment XX. This Fragment, it appears
further, was written after the appointment of Ranulf de
Glanville as Chief Justice, which occurred about April,
1180.»
These twenty Fragments, as we have seen, vary greatly
in length and in character. Fragments X and XVI con-
sist merely of a few lines each, with which Map began a
chapter that he presumably never completed. Fragments
I, XVIII, XIX, and probably XIV, are continuous, but
miscellaneous, compositions of some length, and Fragment
XI is a well-balanced Distindio in its entirety. The other
Fragments range between these extremes.
In absence of any final arrangement by the author, all
that we can do further is to determine, as far as possible,
the order in which the several Fragments were composed,
and so shape our conception of how the work developed.
From what has been noticed of the casual manner in which
Map wanders from one topic to another even while he is
writing straight ahead, it is clear that he was not restrained
by a definite plan; he wrote willingly upon whatever oc-
curred to his mind, careless of the drift of his discourse.
Indeed he shows a marked tendency to repeat a phrase, or
a notion, that catches his fancy, and often makes such a
slight matter the starting point of a new train of thought.
Recurrences of phrases and ideas may, then, assist us in
grouping together some of the larger Fragments, and so,
perhaps, enable us to fix their dates more precisely.
•dno, James, p. 263, 1. 7; cf. Roger de Hoveden, n, p. 215, R. W.
Eyton, Court, Hotuehold and Itinerary of King Eenry n, p. 231.
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WALTEB map's DS NUOIS OUBIALIUM 117
The earliest date of oomposition that has been ^cactly
determined is September, 1181, when, I believe, the whole
of Fragment XIV was written.* It is probable, however,
that Fragment I, whose time limits are August 10, 1180,
and December 15, 1184, was actually written first; it is
such a formal introduction as an author would naturally
b^in with, and, since I have explained the misleading
indication of late composition in the brief interpolation,
there is nothing to forbid our believing Fragment I the
earliest thing written specifically for De Nugis Curidlivm.
Its earlier time limit, August 10, 1180, prevents us from
putting it long before Fragment XIV.
If, moreover, we assume that Fragments I and XIV
were both written at about the same time, we find confirma-
tion for that hypothesis. The conceit that Herla's court
• obtained rest by giving over the curse of ceaseless wander-
ing to the court of Henry II is briefly stated in Fragment
I (p. 16, 11. 25-30), and elaborated in Fragment XIV (p.
186, U. 17-19, 27 ff.).*' Likewise Fragment XIV contains
an elaboration of the tribute to Gilbert Foliot in Fragment
I (p. 18, U. 20-27, cf. p. 158, 1. 28— p. 159, 1. 19), <^ and in
the same connection in both Fragments Map expresses the
same opinion of contemporary judgment, and humorously
declines to purchase fame by dying (p. 18, IL 10-13, p. 158,
11. 10-11).^ Of less significance, but possibly worth adding,
a quotation from Ovid, " res est ingeniosa dare,'' is found
*Here and throughout the following discussion, the evidence for
the dating may be readily ascertained by reference to my analysis of
the Fragment in the preceding pages; hence I spare repetition in
footnotes.
* For the convenience of readers who happen to have only the old
edition of De NugU Curi<Uium, I will give references in footnotes to
Wright. DNC, Wright, p. 17, 11. 10-15, p. 180, IL 9-11, 18 ff.
•dnc, Wright, p. 19, IL 32 ff., p. 163, 11. 19 ff.
'DNO, Wright, p. 19, U. 24-26, p. 163, 11. 1-2.
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118 JAMX& hutton
in both these Fragments^ but not elsewhere in De Nugis
(p. 6, L 23, p. 202, 1. 13)/ Taken together, these echoes
of Fragment I in Fragment XIV furnish some ground for
thinking that the latter was written while the fancies of the
former still possessed the author's mind.
I am inclined even to surmise that Fragment XIV was
written directly after the completion of Fragment I. The
stories of King Herla end of the King of Portugal (Dist i,
cap. xi-xii) both proceed out of protestations that the author
is in no position to write a book ; he protests, and then says,
in effect: " But if you insist, I will add this," whereupon
we get another chapter. In the same manner the chapter
on the King of Portugal ends with a repetition of Map's
protestations, which concludes with the words, " Sed quo
mihi portus, qui vix vaco viuere? " ^ Fragment XIV be-
gins : " Incidentia vero si notare fas est, incidit." **
Something once preceded this opening; it was not Frag-
ment XIII, for that was not written until 1191. In the
nature of things we can only surmise; but I surmise that
Fragment XIV was written as a sequel to Fragment I.
Hence I date both Fragments about September, lluo.
I find it convenient to treat Fragments IV and V to-
gether, since each contains repetitions from the other and
from Fragments I and XIV. Fragment V has a termirms
a quo at some time in the year 1182. There is no certain
termimis a quo for Fragment IV, since Dist^ i, cap. xxv,
which was written after June, 1183, may very probably
have been inserted in the already completed Fragment, as
I have already admitted.
Let us consider the repetitions. In Fragment I and in
Fragment V there is a description of Pan which is dearly
•dno, Wright, p. 8, L 20, p. 194, 1. 21.
•dnc, James, p. 19, IL 1-2, Wright, p. 20, 11. 12-13.
"DNO, Jamea, p. 142, 11. 12-13, Wright, p. 142, U. 910.
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WAI.TEB map's DE NUGIS CUBIALIUM 119
made up of reminiscences from the comment of Servius on
the second eclogue of Vergil (p, 13, 11. 17-20, p. 79, 11. 28
ff.).^^ In Fragment I and in Fragment IV, there is, in
different context, but in the same incorrectly remembered
form, a phrase taken from Porphyrius's definition of geniLS
(p. 1, IL 13-14, p. 41, L 30)." In the same Fragments I
and IV Map advances the notion that hypocrites are al-
ways sad, and the godly joyous (p. 2, 1. 11, p. 63, 1. 15).**
There are in Fragments IV and V more frequent echoes
of Fragment XIV, as is natural if that was written later
than Fragment I. The phrase, "zelum secundum
scientiam," was persistently in Map's mind for awhile. It
is found in Fragment XIV (p. 171, U. 22-23), and in
Fragment V (p. 68, IL 17-18), which also has, *- timer
Domini secundum scientiam" (p. 71, 11. 5-6); and in
Fragment IV, I suspect. Map was thinking of it when he
wrote, "nescio quo zelo ductis" (p. 61, L 19)." The
phrase is not found again in the later Fragments. Further-
more, in Fragment V Map refers back to a story he had
related in Fragment XIV (p. 78, 1. 5, p. 173, 11. 29 ff.) ; "
"DNO, Wrigbt, p. 16, IL 2-6, p. 84, IL 3-6. Servius on Vergil, EcL
n, 31; ''Nam Pan deus est msticus in naturae similitudinem
formatus, unde et Pan dictus est, id est omne: habet enim comua in
radionim solis et comuum lunae similitudinem; rubet eius facies ad
aetheris imitationem; in pectore nebridem habet stellatam ad
stellarum imaginem; pars eius inferior hispida est propter arbores,
virgulta, feras; caprinos pedes habet, ut ostendat terrae soliditatem,
etc." This is quoted by medieval mythologists, cf. A. Mai, OUuMioi
Auctorea e Vatioama Oodioihua, in, pp. 46, 102. For tracing the
source of Map's description, I am indebted to Dr. James.
"dno, Wright, p. 2, 11. 1-2, p. 46, IL 10-11. See Wright's note on
p. 1, in which he shows how Map has confused two sentences in
Boethius's translation of Porphyrius.
-DNO, Wright, p. 3, 1. 1, p. 67, L 12.
"DNC, Wright, p. 165, 11. 34 ff., p. 72, 11. 20-21, p. 75, L 12, p. 65,
1. 26.
" DWC, Wright, p. 82, U. 12-13, p. 168, 11. 1-2.
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120 JAMES HmtoK
this is the only instance in De Nugis Curialium of a refer-
ence from one Fragment to another, and, I believe, it in-
dicates that Fragment V was written shortly after Frag-
ment XIV. In Fragment V is elaborated a story (Edric
Wilde) which had been sunmiarized in Fragment XIV
(pp. 75-77, 176) ; " and in the same Fragments Map dis-
plays interest in the theological explanation of fairies and
other such creatures (p. 80, 11. 2-5, p. 161, IL 20 ff.)." In
Fragments IV and XIV Map writes in similar vein con-
cerning each age's preference for some age before it (p. 61,
IL 19 ff, p. 158, 11. 21 ff ) ; but this is a commonplace.
It is not likely, however, that all these repetitions would
be found unless these Fragments were written within a
single period, when the author's mind was, so to speak, in
one phase. I will not attempt to say whether Fragment IV
or Fragment V is earlier; both were probably written in
1182, and Dist i, cap. xxv, was interpolated doubtless in
1183*. I append a table of the earliest Fragments of De
Nugis Curialium:
Frag. Date. Ck>iitentB. Dist Cap. Pag.
XX 1181 First draft of intro- v vU 248-65
duction.
I 1181 Sept. on. Introduction; King i i-xii 1-10
Herla; King of
PortugaL
XIV 1181 Sept. on. Valerius to Ruf- iv iib-xvl 142-202
finus; Eudo ;
Gluniac monk;
Filii Mortuae;
Henno cum Den-
tibus; Edric
Wilde; Gerbert;
Satalia legend;
Nicolaus Pipe and
Herlething; Sa-
Iiu8;AIanRebrit;
Sceva and Olio.
"DNC, Wright, pp. 79-82, 170.
"DNc, Wright, p. 84, 11. 7-9, p. 166, 11. 3 ff.
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WALTEB map's DE KUQIB OUBIALIUM 121
Frmg. Date. Ck>iitent8. Dist. Cap. Pag.
IV 1182 Monastic Orders; i xvi-xxxii 25-63
Heretic Sects;
Three Hermits.
▼ 1182 Miracles; Wastin; n i-xvi 64-80
Edric Wilde;
Filii Mortuae;
Witch; Paul and
Antony; Touma-
«^2^^ ment of LouYain.
•sxr* 1183 June Young King's iv i 138-40
Death.
Some of the remaining Fragments can be grouped by
reason of significant recurrences of phrases or ideas. I
have already called attention to references in Fragment
XVIII to the theme of the prologue to Fragment XV; ^'
both of these were written in honor of modem heroes, but
neither can be dated more precisely than before July,
1189.
In both Fragments IX and XVII Map makes a
curiously nice distinction between probitas and bonitas in
words so similar that , I am satisfied, one passage must be
definitely a repetition of the other.^* Fragment XVII is
undated; but Fragment IX was written between 1179 and
1187.
Especially interesting are the repetitions from Frag-
ment XI in Fragment XIII (" Epilogus "). In the pro-
"See p. 114, above.
^ DNO, James, p. 89 : " C?ompatriotae nostri Walenses, cum omnino
sint infideles ad omnes tam ad inuicem quam ad alios, probi tamen
sunt, non dico virtute boni vel viribus precipui, sed aoerbitate in-
pugnandi et acredine resistendi, sola scilicet improbitate probi."
pp. 208-09: "Non dico virum bonum, sed probum et improbum.
Gtoerositatis est filia bonitas, cuius habere summam dat sapiencia;
probitas autem tam est boni quam maU. Bonitas non nisi bonum,
probitas utrumque facit. Hunc autem non dico bonum, quia de-
generem scio, sed probum, quia strenuus in agendis, audaz in
periculis, in casus involans, etc." dno, Wright, pp. 94, 200.
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122 JAMES HINTOir
logue of Dist. ni Map writes : " Non enim fori lites aut
placitx)rum attempto seria; teatrura et arenam incolo
nudus pugil et inermis, quern in armatos obtrectancium
cuneos talem ultro misisti: teatrum tamen hoc et banc
arenam si Cato visitauerit aut Scipio uel uterque, vcniam
spero dum non distriete iudicent" ^^ In Fragment XIII,
tbe so-called Epilogus, after declaring tbat in sucb times
of anarcby as tbos© following Henry II's deatb, tbe laws
of art are tbemselves suspended, Map writes, " Quidlibet
ut libet agimus Redeat Cato id agetur quod
agitur," ^^ and a little later, " Ideo tutus et inermis ag-
gredior quod trepidabam." **
And, as tbese sentences echo tbose quoted from tbe pro-
logue^ so Map's next words ecbo another passage in Dist
III. In the Epilogus, be proceeds : " Tales nunc inueniat
libellus lectores ; bii me poetam f acient, sed non sic impii
legunt, non sic, et ideo misellum hunc uentilabunt, ut
puluerem; oderunt enim antequam audierint^ uilipendent
antequam appendant, inuident priusquam uideant/* *■ In
Fragment XI (Dist iii), at tbe end of tbe story of Parius
and Lausus, Map exhorts bis readers to extract wisdom
from his stories as bees do honey from both sweet and
bitter flowers ; then, with a revulsion of feeling, he bursts
forth, "Non sic impii, non sic, sed odenmt antequam
audierint, vilipendunt antequam appendant, ut sicut in
sordibus sunt sordescant adhuc/' **
Tbese sentences of the EpUogtis seem so much like con-
scious references to tbose in Dist. ni that one is tempted
to infer tbat Fragment XIII (Epilogvs) was designed for
the epilogue to tbat Distinctio (Fragment XI), Against
••dwo, James, p. 104. 11. 8-12; Wright, p. 107, IL 6-10.
"DNC, James, p. 141, 11. 26-28; Wright, p. 141, 11. 27-30.
"DNO, James, p. 142, 1. 8; Wright, p. 142, 1. 6.
"DNC, James, p. 142, IL 9-12; Wright, p. 142, IL 5-9.
■•dwo, Jam^, p. 130, 11. 16-18; Wright, p. 131, 11. 1-2.
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WALTBB map's DS NUGIB OURIALIUM
123
that inference, however, it must be urged that Dist ni is
ahnost the only Fragment of De Nugis Curialiwm that is
not lawlesalj written ; it is hard to conceive Map as writing
in r^ard to that particular composition, " Hunc • • . .
libelliun raptim annotaui scedulis." ^' Yet it may be noted
that Map writes deprecatingly in the Prologus to Dist.
in.** One thing is certain : the Epilogus was written at
least two years after the latest preceding Fragment of De
Nugis}'' Whether it was intended for an epilogue to the
whole book, or merely to Dist ni^ I do not think one can
pronounce with certainty.
I append a second table, arranging in a tentative chro-
nological order all the Fragments that can be dated
approximately:
Frmgment.
Date.
Dist. Cap.
(Contents.
XX 1181
V vU
First draft of intro-
duction.
I.
1181 Sept. on.
I i-xii
Introduction ; King
Her la; King of
Portugal
XIV
1181 Sept on.
IV iib-xvi
Valerius to RuflSnus;
Eudo; Cluniac
monk; Filii
Mortuae; Henno;
Edric; Gerbert;
Satalia; Nicolaus
Pipe; Herlething;
Rallu8;AlanRebrit;
Sceva and Olio.
IV
1182
1 xvi-XTxii,
Monastic orders, here-
tics; three hermits.
V
1182
U i-xvi
Miracles; Wastin;
Edric; PiUl
Mortuae; Witch;
Paul and Antony;
'*
Fames, p. 140, 1.
27; Wright, p. 140,
Louvain.
" DHO, 1
1.26.
"DNO, J
Fames, p. 104; Wright, p. 107.
v^ j^^i^-^. « ▲!.:_ isxAi.
oifO, James (and Wright), pp. 140-41: he declares ''this little
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124
JAMEB
HINTOir
Fragment.
Date.
DiBt
Cap.
Contents.
xn
1183 June
IV
i
Young King's Death.
vn
after 1185
n
xviu
Andronicus Comnenus.
°l
before 1187
n
xx-xxz
Welsh Tfeles; Vam-
pires, etc.
xvn J
before 1187
xxxu
Earl Godwin.
m
1187 Oct.
I
XV
Fall of Jerusalem.
XVI
1188
V
iiia
Omens of captures of
Jerusalem.
XV "^
before 1189 July
V
i-ii
Modem Heroes Pro-
logue; Appollonides.
XViU J
before 1189 July
V
V
Henry i, Louis vi, etc.
XI ">
before 1189 July
m
iv
Romantic Tales of
Sodius and Galo,etc.
xm J
about 1191 July
IV
iia
Epilogus.
XIX
1193
V
vi
English Kings.
Fragments ii, vi, viii^ and x, all very short, cannot be
dated even approximately.
In thus arranging these Fragments, I am fully aware
of the elements of uncertainty, and I do not insist on ac-
ceptance of my table in detail. The matter of prime im-
portance is that De Nugis Curialium is not a finished work.
I am confident that Fragments I, IV, V, XIV, and XX,
which comprise nearly three-fifths of the book, are the
earliest written, and date from the end of 1181 and from
1182, and that the other Fragments were written and
compiled at intervals thereafter, and, finally, that about
1193 Map wrote the last Fragment, and abandoned, for
the last time, all intention of welding his materials into a
coherent work.
Some of the Fragments were circulated among Map's
friends before, and doubtless after, he ceased writing on
De Nugis.^^ Probably some were lost in that way; and
book " was written in Henry n's reign, and that nou> he has mourned
Henry's death two years.
" DNO, James, p. 64 : " Duo premisi Dei misericordiam et iudicium
continencia, que non solum non delectant, sed tediosa simt, et ex-
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WAXTER MAP^B DE ITITGIS CUBIALITJM 125
the inchoate book never attained completion, was never
given to the world by its author. By some fortunate
chance, however, the Fragments which we have, passed into
hands that did not destroy them, but gave them a rude ar-
rangement, and suffered this edited form to be copied.
The opinion, that Map never published De Nv^is
Curialvam, is warranted by more than the mere probability
that Map would not have consented to the publication of
his work in such an unfinished state. There is no affirma-
tive evidence that De Nugis Curialium was known to
medieval men of letters, that is, none except the existence
of our unique manuscript So far as I know, Liebrecht
alone has pronounced De Nugis the source of a later
medieval tale, — the first novella of Ser Giovanni Fioren-
tino's II Pecorone; and he was, quite excusably, mistaken
in that.**
De Nugis is not mentioned by men who might have been
expected to show knowledge of it. For example, Map re-
lates a conversation he had with Louis le Jeune ; Giraldus
Cambrensis reports the bon mot uttered by Louis on that
occasion, but does not mention Map, or his book, as au-
thority for the story.'* Neither does he refer to De Nugis
elsewhere, although he tells a number of the same anecdotes
as are found therein. '^ Furthermore, the words which
pectanttir aicut expetuntur fabule poetamm, uel eamm simie; "
Wright, p. 68. These words plainly show that fragments of De Nugit
were submitted to friends while the book was in preparation. Frag-
m^its such as the Valerius, the Incidenoia de MotKichia, and possibly
aU Dist. m were not originally intended for De Nuffie, and circulated
independently perhaps.
''Felix Liebrecht, Zur Volkehunde, Heilbronn, 1879, pp. 43-45. I
hope soon to show that the true source of Ser Giovanni's novella is in
the Oemma Eooleeiaetioa (n, xii) of Giraldus.
"'DNO, James, p. 225; cf. Giraldus Cambrensis, De Inetruetione
Prituripum, iii, 30.
"^ 8ee Dr. James's marginal references to Giraldus.
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126 JAMES HINTOir
Giraldus declares Map spoke to him, "Multa, magister
Giralde, scripsistis, et multum adhuc scribitis; et nos multa
diximus. Vos scripta dedistis, et nos verba," if they do
not prove, at least give ground for suspecting that Map
was author of no published work Of the private trifles
written by Map for the entertainment of his friends, one,
the Epistle of Valerius, attained great popularity.
This epistle, however, was almost never connected with
Map's name, as it must have been if De Nugis had been
published. Nicholas Trivet, who was bom about a half
century after Map's death, and studied and taught at Ox-
ford,'* knew Map well enough by reputation to insert into
a mention of him, which he borrowed from Diceto, the
additional words, " de quo multa referunter jocunda " ; ^'
and this same Trivet wrote a commentary on the Epistle
of Valerius, in which he shows complete ignorance that
Valerius was Walter Map.'*
Dr. James is unable to find any traces of the use of De
Nugis in contemporary or later medieval writers, and de-
clares : " No English medieval library catalogue contains
an entry identifiable with the de Nugis. Neither Leland
nor Bale had ever seen it In short, its appearance in 1601
in the Bodleian Library seems to have been practically its
first introduction to anything that could be called a
pubUc.""
^Did, Nafl Biog,, voL Lvn, pp. 234-36.
^Annalea 9ex regum Angliae, ed. ThoB. Hog (Eng. Hist. Soc. 1845),
p. 157. On sources, cf. Gross, Bibliography of EngUih Hiiiory,
p. 305.
** DNo, James, pp. zxzv ff.
"dno, James, pp. ziii-xiy. In regard to Dr. James's citations:
Epistle 14 of Peter of Blois was doubtless written about 1176, soon
after Peter left the court to become Archdeacon of Bath; Map's
passage, as I have shown, was not wTitten until 1181, and was, I
believe, suggested by Peter's letter '' to his friends, the clerks of the
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WAI.TEB map's de nugis cijbialium 127
So much for the outcome of Map's labors. We may now
turn to a brief consideration of his original plan, or in-
tention. Certainly he b^an to write at the request of one,
Geoffrey/* whose identity is at present unguessed. Wright
declared that this Geoffrey requested Map "to write a
poem, the subject of which was to be, ' The sayings and
doings which had not yet been committed to writing/ Mapes
in answer proceeds to compile a work in prose, in which his
object seems to have been to show that it was impossible
for anyone involved in the troubles of the court to apply
himself to poetry with success ; but as he proceeds he seems
to have lost sight of his primary object, and goes on string-
ing together stories and legends which have no intimate
connection with the general subject." '^
I think Wright misinterprets both the request of Geoffrey
and the intention of Map. The request is stated as follows :
" Et me, karissime mi Galfride, curialem, (non dice face-
turn, — Puer sum, et loqui nescio, — sed dice,) in hac si vere
descripta curia religatum et ad banc relegatum hinc
phUosophari tubes, qui me Tantalum huius infemi fateor?
Quomodo possum propinare qui sicio ? Quiete mentis est
et ad unum coUecte poetarL Totam volunt et tutam cum
asfliduitate residenciam poete; et non prodest optimus cor-
poris et rerum status, si non fuerit interna pace tranquillus
animus: unde nee minus a me poscis miraculum, hino
scilicet hominem ydiotam et imperitum scrihere, quam si
ab alterius Nabogodonosor fomace nouos pueros cantare
iubeas."'® There is here no discrimination between
poetari, phUosophari, and scribere; they are, as Dr. James
King's chapel." Higden's reference is pretty surely to (Jeoflfrey of
Monmouth's Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford; its position in Higden's
list indicates as much.
"DNo, James, p. 13, 11. 1-11.
" DNo, Wright, p. X. " DNO, James, p. 13.
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128 JAMES HINTOir
declares, " synonymous and merely signify literary com-
position." ■•
This is evident from Map's use of the words, poeta and
poetari, elsewhere in De Nugis Curialium. A few pages
later, still addressing Greoffrey, Map writes : " Et tu . . .
inter has precipis poetari discordias ? Videris me calcari-
bus urgere Balaam quibus in uerba coegit asinam. Quibus
enim aliis possit quispiam induci stimulis in poesimf. . . .
Fiam tamen asinus per te, quod iubes." *® There is no
indication that Map is conscious of obeying Geoffrey only
in part
Later, when we cannot be sure that Map is addressing
Gteoflfrey, he writes : " Scribere iubes posteris exempla
quibus uel iocimditas excitetur uel edificetur ethica. Licet
impossibile mihi sit hoc mandatum, quod pauper poeta
nescit antra muaarum, etc." *^ Shortly thereafter. Map
urges his readers to obtain moral benefit from his stories,
adding: "Amator sapiencie quemlibet in aliquo poetam
approbat, et ab onmi pagina quam baiulauerit recedit doc-
cior." ** Still again, we read of Chaerulus, Cluvienus,
Bavius, and Maevius, and then: "Talium tempera sunt
poetarum .... Tales nunc inueniat libellus lectores ; hii
me poetam facient." *' And earlier in the book. Map had
written : " Video me iam illis factum in detraccionem, et
f abulam, ut Oluuieno me comparent poete, creta et carbone
use, insipido et ydiote scriptori. Hie ego sum certe; . . .
ineptum me faieor et insvlswm poetam/' ** In all these
places. Map applies the term poeta to himself as author of
this prose; it was a convention with him to assume the
need of inspiration of the Muses before he could write his
"• DNC, James, p. xxiv. *■ dno, James, p. 130.
•• DNO, James, pp. 17-18. • dno, James, p. 142.
^ DNO, James, p. 104. *^ dno, James, p. 53.
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WALTBB map's DE KUGIS OUSZAUUM 129
entertaining and moral tales, — a literary affectation, and
nothing more. Geoffrey doubtless asked Map, not for a
poem, but merely for a book.
I think that Wright was wrong also in crediting Map
with the design of writing a book of stories all of which
were to help prove that the court was no place for a "poet"
Map must have known that continued repetitions of his
protests would be inexpressibly tiresome; it is unjust to
him to suppose otherwise. His own statement of his pur-
pose is clear enough: "Materiam mihi tam copiosam
eligis, ut nullo possit opere superari, nullis equari labori-
bus; dicta scUicet et facta que nondum littere tradita sunt;
quecunque didici conspeccius habere miraculum ut recitacio
placeat et ad mores tendat instruccio. Meum'autem inde
propositum est nichil noui cudere, nichil falsitatis inferre;
sed quecumque scio ex uisu uel credo ex auditu pro uiribus
explicare." " Map here consents to Geoffrey's request, and
accepts the comprehensive subject proposed. Entertain-
ment and moral instruction are his aim, — miscere utile
dulci; his material is his own observation and experience:
Quicquid agunt homines, votmn, timor, ira, voluptas,
Gaudia, discurBus, nostri farrago libelli.
The title De Nugis CuriaUum is not inappropriate for
such a work. The court of Henry II was a little world ; a
courtier could not escape contact with human life in count-
less phases. All that Map writes, he writes from the obser-
vation of one who, before aU else, was a courtier of the
English King. Any other member of the royal household
with mind equally alert, with eyes equally quick to see,
and ears to hear, might have stored his memory with the
same impressions of the kaleidoscopic world.
Furthermore, the book is written for courtiers, if it is
* DNO, James, p. 18.
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130 JAMES HINTON
not exclusively about them. The prologue to Dist. ni is
addressed to one, Greoffrey, Henry II, or another, who is
engaged in the affairs of state.*® In the Epilogus (Dist iv,
cap. ii). Map declares that King Henry himself had urged
him to write " this little book." *^ In the prologue to Dist
Y, he addresses someone other than the King, but of suffi-
cient importance to be named together with him.*** These
various addresses merely show that a number of friends at
various times pressed Map to take up again the work which
he was known to have begun ; they may be held to afford
further proof that he did not finish, since, we may feel
sure, he would in that case have given the King first honor
of inspiring its composition, as he does in the Epilogue,
We have seen that Map allowed himself wide range in
the announcement of his subject It is fortunate that he
did so ; for, like his heroes, Gado and Triimein, he despised
narrow boundaries, and shows himself as restless in letters
as Gado was in adventure. Map, however, was well aware
of this discursive tendency ; in the opening pages he finds
himself digressing so far from his topic, the Court, as to be
deep in a discussion of the fabulous longevity of certain
animals, whereupon he remarks: " De curia nobis origo
sermonis, et quo iam deuenit ? Sic incidunt semper aliqua
que licet non multum ad rem, tamen differri nolunt, nee
refert, dum non atrum desinant in piscem, et rem poscit
apte quod instat." *® To this liberal principle Map adheres
throughout his work.
This waywardness is, indeed, not the least of his charms.
So long as he is interesting, one need not complain that he
follows no beaten paths, but leads us, at his whim, through
the courts of earthly kings, or into a fairy hill, in monkish
cloisters, or along the strand of Normandy, with Gado to
• DNc, James, p. 104. • dnc, James, p. 204, U. 7-10.
** Dwc, James, p. 140. •• dnc, James, pp. 3-4.
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WALTEE map's DE NUGIS CUEIALIUM 131
the farthest Indies, or with Gillescop into the icy seas of the
Scottish coast, with Gterbert from the woods of France to
the papal throne, and in a trice whisks us away mid the
splendors of Byzantine decadence and into pirate galleys
commanded by an incomparable shoemaker. The uncer-
tainty what scene will next claim attention is a delight, —
if one loves romance.
As a story-teller Map has decided merits. When once he
discards his Euphuistic balance and alliteration, puns,
conceits, and classical mythology, he is a spirited narrator,
' with a curt, rapid style, . and a natural felicity in words.
At times narration is not swift or vivid enough, and he
seizes on dramatic form with remarkable effect "^ He has
been denied power of characterization. But surely the
queen in Sadius and Oalo is not a puppet ; her soliloquy,'*
with its quick shifts of passion, alone would free Map from
the charge that he was not concerned with the emotional
life of his characters. Nor, do I think, could anyone but a
shrewd observer of human nature have written the few
lines that tell of the meeting of the lovelorn Kesus with his
scornful lady and her unsuspicious husband.'* There is
little of this in De Nugis Curialiunij but that little reveals
latent powers beyond the average medieval teller of tales.
There is, however, one qualification of a narrative artist
that Map does not give evidence of, — ability to construct.
Most of his stories consist of a single episode, even of a
single incident Most of them must have come to him
complete in plot; Map's only task was to relate them in an
attractive manner. When his source lacked unity. Map
does not improve matters; such a story is that of Alan
Rebrit,^ vivid indeed in some incidents, but as a whole
intolerably rambling.
** DNO, James, pp. 109-10, 20001. See also Map's description of his
own household, pp. 8-11. ** dno, James, pp. 106-08.
"DNC, James, p. 136, 11. Iff. "dno, James, pp. 189-97.
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132 JAMEB Hnrroir
The only story in De Nugis Curialmm that is compiled
from several sources is that of Earl Godwin (Dist v^ cap.
iii-iv). An examination of it shows Map's weakness in
combining sources so as to produce a narrative that should
have unity, proportion, and a definite artistic effect. He
could not reject the unsuitable; he could not maintain one
point of view, but must needs shift his sympathy with his
source, or his source with his sympathy.^^ The same dis-
position that is manifested in his sudden transitions from
one subject to another in the larger masses of his composi-
tion rules him also within the compass of this single story.
There is no indication that the author of this work was
capable of the sustained interest needed for such a work as
the vast and leisurely Lancelot
Leisureliness is, in fact, never a characteristic of Walter
Map. The nervous brevity and compactness of his best
stories impress one as the result, not of deliberate artistic
effort, but of a habit of terse, energetic expression. Learn-
ing and false wit sometimes obstruct progress, as true wit
often enlivens the way; but the author does not dally be-
cause he delights in lingering. He wrote stories well be-
cause he told stories well ; his best style has something of
the informality of speech. Despite his talk of the Muses,
he was not an ambitious author, but an amateur in letters,
whose sprightly conversation had brought upon him urgent
pleas for a book He lacked the incentive needed to finish
even so small a work. I think, however, we have not lost
greatly because his book remained inchoate ; its excellence
would never have been in its larger architecture, but in the
charm of its component parts.
James Hinton.
**I have analyzed this story, and compared its episodes with
historical, and quasi-historical, sources; the result I hope to publish
soon.
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
Modern Language Association
ov
AMERICA
EDITED BT '
WILLIAM GUILD HOWARD
8B0RSTABT OF THB ASBOOIATIDH
VOL. XXXII. NO. 2
NEW SERIBS, VOL. XXV. NO. 2
JUNE, 1917
PUBLXSHT QUABTEBLT BY THB ASSOOXATION
At 39 ElBKIAND STBEET/GAKBBID€aBy MASS.
Boston Postal Dibtbiot
SUBSOBIFTXOIT PeIOS $3.00 A TbAB; SiNOLB KuMBEBS $1.00
PSINTSD BT J. H. PUBST Ck)]iPANY
BALTZMOBB
Bnterd November 7. 1902, at Boston, Mass., aa second-claas matter
under Act of OooirreaB of March 8, 1879.
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CONTENTS
VI.— -The Speculum Viiae: AddendunL By Hope Emily Allkpt, 133-162
VII. — The Rise of a Theory of Stage Presentation in England
during the Eighteenth Century. By Lily B. Campbell, 163-200
Vni.— The Beginnings of Poetry. By Louise Pound, - - 201-232'
IX. — ^The Dramas of George Henry Boker. By Abthub
HoBSON QuiNN, 233-266
X. — Love Fayned and Unfayned and the English Anabaptists.
By E. Beatrice Daw, 267-291
XL — ^The Debate on Marriage in the Canterbury Tales. By
Henby Babbett Hincjbxby, 292-305
XII.— Spenser, Lady Carey, and the Complaints Volume. By
OuTEB Fabbab Emebson, 306-322
XIII.— The Legend of St. Wulfhad and St. Ruffin at Stone
Priory. By Gobdon Hall Gebould, - - - 323-337
The annual volume of the PuhUoations of the Modem Language Assookt-
tion of America is issued in quarterly instalments. It contains chiefly
articles which hav been presented at the meetings of the Association and
approved for publication by the Editorial Committee. Other appropriate
contributions may be accepted by the C(Hnmittee. The first number of each
volume includes, in an Appendix, the Prooedings of the last Annual Meeting
of the Association and its Divisions; the fourth number of eadi volume
contains a list of the members of the Association and its Divisions.
The first seven volumes of these Publications, constituting the Old Series,
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Vol. XXXII, 2 New Series, Vol. XXV, 2
VI.— THE SPECULUM VITAE: ADDENDUM
The present paper is intended to form a postscript to the
last section of my study of the authorship of the Pricle of
Conscience, published in 1910.^ In the earlier article
the traditional attribution of the poem to Richard Eolle,
the hermit of Hampole, was attacked, and in conclusion
a clue was followed which seemed to lead towards the
Speculwri Vitae, a similar Middle-English poem still un-
edited. A connection between the two poems had appar-
ently been built up by J. Ulbnann,^ in an elaborate analy-
sis of similar stylistic peculiarities found in both, and he
had used the evidence, thus apparently deduced, to tirge
the ascription (found in one copy of the Specvlum) to
RoUe, then always credited with the authorship of the
Prich of Conscience. Ullmann's conclusion as to the
common authorship of the two poems was used in the dis-
cussion as to the authorship of the latter by turning them
^ Studies in English and Comparative Literature, Radoliffe College
Monographs, No. 15, Boston and New York, pp. 116-170.
*^ngUsche Studien, vn, pp. 415 ft. The poem is described and the
firsl three hundred lines are quoted.
133
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134 HOPS EMILY ALLEN
about: since two other copies of the Spectdvm gave the
work to William of Nassington^^ it was suggested, when
RoUe's authorship of the Prick of Conscience seemed im-
possible, that the true author might be found in Nassing-
ton, who was possibly the author of the very similar
Spectdvm. However, since the latter work was not in
print, and had not at the time of writing been accessible
to me in manuscript, the discussion as to the connection
between the two works could only be incomplete and ten-
tative.
Since 1910, I have examined thirty-one manuscripts
of the Speculum,^ and other material connected with it
'The attribution runs as follows:
". . . pray specialy
For Freere Johan saule of Waldby,
That fast studyd day and nyght,
And made this tale in Latyne right. . . .
Prayes also wt deuoion
For William saule of Nassyngtone,
That gaf hym als f uUe besyly
Night and day to grete study
And made this tale in Inglys tonge/'
This ending is quoted from Reg. MS. 17 G. Tm in Warton-Hazlitt,
History of English Poetry, London, 1871, in, p. 116, n. 2. Hatton
ics. 19 gives substantiaUy the same. Both manuscripts belong to the
early fifteenth century. It may be noted that nine of the thirty-one
manuscripts of the poem which I have examined are imperfect at the
end, where an attribution would occur.
* I wish to thank here 'the owners of the manuscripts described for
the courtesy which I have everywhere received. I do not list the
copies of the Bpecvlum because a complete list wUl appear in the sec-
ond part of the Register of MiddU'English Poetry of Professor
Carleton Brown (Oxford University Press, Pt. i, 1917). I wish to
thank also the librarians of Syracuse, Ck>meU, and Columbia Uni-
versities, who have courteously allowed me access to their shelves at
various times. The notes made from manuscripts have unfortunately
not been read with the originals since they were taken in 1910 when
I held the fellowship of the Association of OoUegiate Alumnae. This
paper was " read by title " at the meeting of the Association in 1914.
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THE SPEOXTLUM VITAE: ADDENDUM 186
has been studied. The present paper therefore will set
forth the restdts of this research, and terminate the discus-
sions begun in the earlier one, in so far as they concern
the Speculum Vitae, and have in any way been altered by
the more complete evidence available in that connection,
since the first paper was written. The material here de-
scribed does not lead to complete conclusions as to the
origin of the Speculum VUde, but it is hoped that it will
be useful as far as it goes. The larger investigation, that
of the manuscripts of all the works of Bichard BoUe, and
of those of the Prick of Consciencey — ^to which it has been
subordinate, — ^will be presented in later papers, and will
complete the main discussion of the paper in 1910, as the
present paper is intended to complete that of the last
section.
A surprising result of the recent investigation of ma-
terial connected with the Speculum has been to discredit
completely the specific evidence on which TJllmann built
up his conclusions. It has been discovered that the classi-
fications of stylistic peculiarities which he applied to the
two poems were for the most part derived — sometimes
verbatim — from three studies of the style of Old-French
writers- These are: BenoU de Sainte-More. Evne
sprachliche urdersuchung ilber iderUitdt der verfasser
des " Roman de Troie " und der " Chronique des Dues de
Normandie/' by F. Settegast, — a study made in 1876
(several years before TJllmann's), also at Breslau; Der
801 Crestien's von Troies, by B. Qrosse, Franzoaische
Studien, i, pp. 127 ff. ; and OuUlaumej le clerc de Normarir
die, insbesondere seine Magdalenerdegende, by A. Schmidt,
Boehmer's Romanische Studien, rv, pp. 493 ff. Ullmann
sometimes refers to stylistic peculiarities in rom/mzen-
poesie similar to those with which he is concerned here,
but he cites no authorities, though his use of the authors
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136 HOPE EMILY ALLEN
just listed amounts sometimes to plagiarism. Since the
characteristics which he found that the two poems possessed
in common are thus discovered not to he peculiar to them,
no value of course remains in the use by Ullmann of these
similarities as a criterion of common authorship. The
relation of TJllmann's work to his sources will be illus-
trated in another paper, where it will form the basis for
another discussion. It must be said here, however, that
nothing has appeared to make the hypothesis of a common
authorship for the Speculum Vitae and the Prich of Con-
science untenable, though there is now no special evidence
on which this hypothesis may be grounded.
It must be said at once that the examination of the manu-
scripts of the Speculum has increased the imcertainty as to
its authorship. The name of William of Nassington has
not been found attached to more than the two copies
already known, and no name of another author has been
substituted. Nothing has been added to our information as
to this person, and he may or may not be the author of the
Speculum. It is also somewhat disconcerting to find that
the Latin prose Commentary on the Pater Noster of John
de Waldeby, Provincial of the Augustinian Friars in Eng-
land at the close of the fourteenth century, of which many
copies stiU exist, is not the source of the English poem.
This treatise is a long work of which the prologue b^ns
with the text: Septies in die laudem dioci tibu ... (a
beginning also quoted from a Commentary on the Pater
Noster ascribed by Tanner to " Thos. Colby.") *^ In Eeg.
MS. 7 B II and other copies of Waldeby's Paier Noster, his
Commentaries on the Angelical Salutation and the Creed
immediately follow, and the authorship of the latter is put
beyond all doubt by the appearance of a prefatory letter
" See A. G. Little, Initia operum latinorum, ManoheBter, 1904.
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM 137
addressed to Thomas, Abbot of St. Alban's, who, the letter
states, when at Tynemouth at the translation of the relics
of St. Oswin, had spoken of Waldeby's sermons delivered
at York. Some fame for this letter is apparent from its
inclusion in a "model letter-writer'' in Trinity College
Cambridge ms. 1285, f. 72b.
It may of course be possible that a second commentary
by Waldeby was the source of the SpeciUum. Consider-
able material exists for the study of his writings, and it is
evidently in confusion. He has apparently been confused
with his brother, the Archbishop of York, Eobert (v. D. N.
-B.), perhaps with a " Jean de Galles " who lived in London
in 1368,® and also perhaps with the famous Minorite of the
thirteenth century (as famous in France as in England),
Joannes Wallensis. For example, Lambeth ms. 352 con-
tains a copy of Waldeby 's Pater Noster already referred to,
under the title " Itinerarium Salutis.'' '^ An " Itinerar-
ium " is one of the three parts of the " Ordinarium " of the
Minorite (v. D. N. B.), and Haenel notes as, apparently,
a separate work, " loan. Wallensis itinerarium." ®
A lengthy list of the writings of the Augustinian can
be made out from the catalogue of books in the Austin
Friars' library at York, compiled in his lifetime,® perhaps
* See Hiatoire liit6raire de la France^ xxv, pp. 179 f. Perhaps this
is the Johannes V^ellis, Monk of Ramsey, who was one of the bitterest
opponents of Wycliflfe. See Fasciculi Ziza/niorum, Rolls Series, Lon-
don, 1858, pp. 113 et passim, and Monumenta FrancisoanOf Rolls
Series, London, 1858, p. 598. In the Fasciculi John de Waldeby is
evidently confused with his brother, when he is called Archbishop of
Dublin (p. 356).
* The work is found with the same title in Corpus Christi College
Cambridge ms. 317, and Laud Misc. MS. 296.
* Catalogi Librum Manuscript or um, Leipzig, 1830, p. 123.
*The Catalogue of the Tdhrary of the Augustinian Friars^ York,
ed. by M. R. James, in Fasciculus J. W. Clark Dioatus, Cambridge,
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138 HOPS EMILY ALLEN
during his residence there.^^ Some of these works are
unknown except for their mention here, but more could
certainly be found than are listed in the D. N. B.^^ It may
be noted that, in a ms. of Waldeby's Paier Noster quoted
from by M. Petit-Dutaillis, he is referred to as " Professor
of Holy Writ at Oxford," ^^ and he is called " Professor of
Holy Writ " in Lambeth ms. 352. Probably we cannot be
absolutely sure whether or no Waldeby had a connection
with the Speculum till the manuscripts of all his works are
worked over, and it is possible that " Joannes Wallensis "
may be found to be the author of the source. He died c.
1303, and his dates would therefore combine better with
Nassington's — ^who died in 1359 (if the identification
made in my former paper is correct) — than Waldeby's,
who died apparently in 1393.
An English prose Mirror is found in three copies, and,
as quotations made at the end of this paper will show, it is
evident from a superficial comparison with the Speculum
that they both render the same work. The Mirror throws
no light on the origin of the poem, and the relation of the
two is uncertain. A line-by-line comparison has not been
1909. Several entries occur here of a Comment on the Paier Noster
ascribed to Waldeby, some of which are followed by the same two
pieces as in the Re^. ms. ; but we have no means of knowing whether
they all refer to the same work.
" He is referred to as " Eboracensis " in Laud Misc. MS. 77.
" Laud Misc. MS. 77 of the early fifteenth century may specially be
pointed out as interesting for the study of Waldeby. Latin Ser-
mones Dominioalea are here followed by some English alliterative
verses, and a set of stories for preachers. The whole is entitled
Novum opus Dominicale. The date of composition is given as 1365.
(I quote from the catalogue.) The title Novum opus is applied in
the York catalogue to two works by Waldeby — a Doctrinale, and a
work De Sanctis (p. 77). The catalogue was compiled in 1372.
" ]6tudes d*hisitoire du moyen-Age, D^dices A CMriel Monod, Paris,
1896, pp. 884 flF. He quotes from Caius Coll. MS. 334.
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THE SPBCXTLUM VITAE: ADDENDUM 139
made^ but, failing that, a few observations can be bazarded
on the subject
It is possible that the Mirror is derived from the Specu-
lum, for, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, it was
the fashion in France, at any rate, to put out versions of old
poems in a " desrime " form,^* and there are even signs,
at that time, of a prejudice against verse as a vehicle not
sufficiently serious for truthful compositions.^* Against
this hypotiiesis must be put the fact that there seem to be
few traces of this fashion in England. Moreover, the be-
ginnings of the two works differ entirely, and the easiest
explanation for their divergence would be on the ground
of their being separate translations of the same original.
"Dte la fin du Xllle sidcle, on avait commence selon Pexpression
du temps, k ** desrimer " lee anciens poSmee francais {Hiatoire Lit-
Uravrcy xxm, p. 326).
^Warton quotes prologues of prose works which declare that
" Esioire rimee semhle mensunge" " Nuz oontea rymes n*en eai vtm"
(n, p. 137), and Froissart is quoted in the same strain (Le Prince
Noir, ed. F. Michel, London, 1863, p. x, n.). Professor G. L. Hamil-
ton has kindly pointed out similar statements in the following works :
a prose version of the Roman de Troie (A. Joly, Benoit de Sainte-
More et Le Roman de Troie, Paris, 1870, i, pp. 422, 423, n.) ; a version
of the PaeudO'Turpin {Romania, xvi, p. 61) ; a history of Philip Au-
gustus {op. oit,, VI, p. 405) ; a Beatiaire {Naticea et Eatraita, xxxm,
Pt. I, p. 22). He also points out the apology which the author of the
Anglo-Norman Romanz de tute ohevalerie (probably ''Master Eus-
tace") feels it necessary to make for his use of verse (P. Meyer,
Alexandre le Orand dona la liU4rature franoaiae du moyen dge, Paris,
1886, 1, p. 221, y. 43) . The reasons urged against the use of verse are
generally its use by minstrels, and its addition of extra words. Mas-
ter Eustace is an Englishman, but, aside from his work, the nearest
analogy to be found in England is the following, from the Dialogue
prefixed by Trevisa to his version of the Polyohronioon. The Lord
answers to the clerk, when asked whether he prefers a translation in
rhyme or prose^ ''In prose, for commonly prose is more clear than
rhyme, more easy and more plain to know and understand" (^Z-
teenth Century Proae and Verae, ed. A. W. Pollard, An EngUah
Qamer, vol. xn, p. 207).
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140 HOPS EMILY ALLEN
As will be seen later in the illustrative quotations, the
introduction of the Speculum contains two elements not
found in the Mirror, — namely, the declaration of the utili-
ty of its subject-matter, as compared to that of romances, —
a list of which is enumerated,^*^ — and the explanation of
the choice of the vernacular as the medium for the work.^®
" Innumerable examples of the same sort are to be found in Old
French and Anglo-Norman works, — "Combien de fois n'a-t-on pas
oppose les aventures des saints & celles des preux et des chevaliers ! "
(Petit de JuUeville, Histoire de la langue et de la littirature fran-
Qoise, Paris, 1896, i, p. 20). See for examples, Romania, xn, p. 147,
XVI, p. 66, Angier, Dialogues de 8t. Qrigoire, ed. T. Cloran, Strasburg,
1901, p. 14. English examples of the same kind are cited in V^arton,
n, pp. 122,125. Similar comparisons are made in sermons, — see quota-
tions from Robert de Sorbon and Gerald de Li^ge made by M. Ch. V.
Langlois in his article, '* L'^loquence sacr^ au Moyen-Age" (Revue
dee Deux Mondea, Jan. 1893, p. 190; multi iamen compaHuntur
Rolando et non Ohristo) ; and a Lollard tract in Camb. Univ. MS.
li. vi. 26, f. 131, — " But summam sei}?, I prieie l?ee leeue l?ees spechis
And telle me a mery tale of giy of warwyk, Beufiz of hamtoun, eij>er
of Sire ( ? ? ) , Robyn hod, ei)>er of summe wel f ai^nge man of here
condicioims and maners." The fact that Middle English literature
simply perpetuates in such examples a fashion begun in Anglo-
Norman appears from comparison of the thirteenth-century Passion
of Our Lord {EET8, No. 49, p. 37) with the Josaphat of the almost
contemporary Anglo-Norman Chardry [Altfranzosische Bihliothekf i,
p. 74) ; or the Middle English Mirrur and the Anglo-Norman Miroir
(see my article in Modem Philology, xrn, p. 741). These compari-
sons— like the prejudice against prose already mentioned — ^were
doubtless part of the competition of monastic writers with writers
of romantic fiction (as is noted by Miss Laura Hibbard, Romanic
Review, TV, p. 183). A reason for their popularity can be found in
the fondness that has been noted in the Middle Ages for all kinds of
catalogues. From this point of view the present examples come very
near to the second part of Sir Thopas, and our impression is con-
firmed that they represent an almost stereotyped form (see Chaucers
Sir Thopas, by J. Bennewitz, Halle, 1879, p. 16).
"A long tradition for such explanations existed in Old French,
Anglo-Norman, and Middle English, as will be shown in another
paper. Examples in which a Middle English work derived such an
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM 141
Both these motifs were what might be called fashionable
elements in the introductions to popular works during sev-
eral centuries ; they had been very frequent in French and
Anglo-Norman literature for laymen for generations be-
fore they passed into Middle English. The introduction of
the Mirror, on the other hand, is purely theological, — open-
ing as it does with the exposition of a text, — and it is such
as would be suitable to a Summa on the Pater Noster, —
which is the sort of work that we can imagine the source of
the Speculum to be. It may be useful as a clue for search-
ing out the direct source for that work. A motive can be
seen for substituting in a composition seeking to be popular
with laymen, the sprightly introduction, after a popular
manner, which is foimd in the poem, whereas no motive
can be seen for supplanting the introduction found in the
Speculum by that found in the Mirror.
As a matter of fact, several cases are to be noted in which
the reference to romances was interpolated into prologues
in which it was not originally present. The comparison with
a list of romances in the Cursor Mundi is inserted into one
group of the manuscripts of the PricTc of Conscience j^'^
one copy of the Bible of Qeffroi de Paris contains a pro-
logue contrasting the story of Roland with the Passion
(this is altogether the conunonest antithesis made),^® and
a lengthy example of the same sort is borrowed from the
Caiendrier of the Anglo-Norman Eaiif de Linham in an
Anglo-Norman poem on the Nine Daughters of the Devil.
element from the ADglo-Norman are the Mimir, already referred to,
and the Lamentation of Mary (see Modem Philology, loo, oit,, and
xrv, pp. 255-6).
" See my article on *' the Manuscript Evidence for the Authorship
of the Prick of Conscience," now under preparation.
" Les Traductions de la Bible en vers francais au moyen dge, par
J. Bonnard, Paris, 1884, p. 52.
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143 HOPS EMILY AIXEN
M. Meyer says of the interpolation ..." que je ne saurais
expliquer d'une maniere satisf aisante. . . . L'emprunt est
assurement singulier." ^* The extreme popularity of such
introductions seems sufficient reason for such an insertion ;
the lietuc communs found in edifying literature appear to be
as much the subject of fashions as the motifs of romances.
It would be natural therefore to explain the prologue of
the Speculum as an attempt to follow the current f addons,
and not necessarily an exact reproduction of its original.
However, the relation of the Speculum and Mirror cannot,
of QQurse, be settled in the present state of our knowledge.
The Speculum occurs in three copies ^^ with a title such
as, Liber de Pater Noster, and in fact it is, as has al-
ready been noted, a Summa on the Pater Noster which
we may expect to be the source. Though the direct source
has not been found, some clues can be given as to its ele-
ments. The exact outline and in some passages the exact
material is given in an anonymous Latin tract on the
Pater Noster existing in at least five copies. This work
has been noted, but its connection with the Speculum has
never before been recognized.^^ It apparently enjoyed
considerable authority, since, as is here pointed out for the
first time, the first part was used in the popular com-
pendium entitled the Speculum Spiritualium,^^ It has
" Romcmiaf xxix, p. 54.
■• LI. I. 8, McClean 130 (at the FitzwiHiam Museum, formerly " ics.
A " of Samuel W. Singer, as Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 22, 668 is " MS.
B "), and Bodl. MS. Eng. Poet. d. 6 (formerly the Corser MS.).
^ See infra, p. 166.
•"Cap. xxvn, Fol. Ixxvii. This work, of which partial copies at
least go back to the late fifteenth century (v. MS. Dd. iv, 64), was
printed by W. Hopyl in 1610 in Paris at the expense of William
Bretton, a London citizen. The work is confessedly designed pri-
marily for the use of contemplatives, and it quotes largely from the
English mystics. The author withholds his name, but it is given in
the Catalogue of the Library of 8yon Monastery (ed. Mary Bateson,
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THE SPECXTLUM VITAE: ADDENDUM 148
not been compared line by line with the SpectUvm, but it is
clear from sporadic comparisons throughout the text that
it gives a far briefer and more piirely theological treat-
ment of its subject than the SpectUum Vitae; the pictur-
esque passages giving glimpses of the familiar life of the
time are all lacking, but the relation of the po«n to the
tract is nevertheless unmistakable.
In the material in general the Middle-English SpectUvm
and Mirror stand very near to the famous Somme of Frfere
Lorens, the source of the Ayenbite of Inwit The Specur
lum has been said to be founded on the Somme, and again,
no complete comparison has been made; but enough has
been done ^* to show that the true relation is uncertain and
complicated. Parts are identical, as the quotations at the
end of this paper will prove, but again the Somme will
give only the sketch of what is found in the Speculum.
Much of the picturesque realism of the poem is derived
from the Somme,^* but, on the other hand, the best of such
Cambridge, 1898, p. 202) as ''Adam, monachus Garthusiensis." I
wish to thank the librarian of Union Theological Seminary for the
use of his copy — of which I learned through a reference by Professor
T. F. Crane in the Romaviio Repiew, vi, p. 220.
*The relation of the two works is pointed out in the description
of Addit. ics. 22, 283, in the catalogue of the manuscripts of the
British Museum. — ^A Middle English prose version by a ''knyght of
Kyng henrye, conqueroiire of Normandye," writing in 1451, is found
in the Bodl. MS. E. Mus. 23, with the curious title Auenture and
grace, which is thus explained: "per as I was not perfecte of the
langage of frensch by symple vndirstondyng of the langage, me-
thowght it was yertues I adventured to drawe it in to englisch, and
in many places ther I coude not englisch it, grace of the holy goste
)afe me englisch acordyng to the sentens, wich come of grace. 8o \»e
terete bygonn with aventure, and so folowid grace" (f. 261). Other
English versions are noted in the preface to the Ayenbite of Imoit
{EET8,No, 23).
■•For example, the accoimt of the "miracles of the Devil** who
sends a man into a tavern with his wits, and out without them (in
the account of Qluttony, MS. li. i. 26, f. 88b., Romania, xxiv, p. 68).
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144 HOPE EMILY ALLEN
material is new. In the prologue, as the quotations will
show, the Speculum uses the Somme less than the tract on
the Pater Koster, but the two latter for a few sentences
coincide. What may be the general relation between these
two sources is uncertain. There were a multitude of
Summae of their type circulating during the Middle Ages,
as has especially been shown by the studies made in the
effort to settle the source of Chaucer's Parsons Tale;^^
and the research that they have so far received has done no
more than disclose the problem of their history. The exact
particulars given in many manuscripts of the Somme, as
to the date and circumstances ^® of its composition, are very
definite, and one would expect plain sailing for the student
of this most famous of all mediaeval Summae for laymen ;
nevertheless, the origin and structure of the work are
actually involved in such obscurity that the best that can
be done at present is to state the problem, since, owing to
the relation which exists between the Speculum and the
Somme, it has some relation to our present enquiry as to
the origin of the f ormer.^"^
"See Radcliffe College Monographs, No. 12, The Sources of the
Parson's Tale, by Kate 0. Petersen, Boston, 1901, especially p. 80, n.
1 : R. E. Fowler, Une Source fro/nQaise des po^mes de Oower, Mieicon,
1905.
•• The book is said to have been compiled in 1279, by Frfere Lorens,
of the Order of Preachers, Confessor of the King, Philip, at whose
request the work was undertaken. Professor G. L. Hamilton has
pointed out to me the interesting note in the Revue des langues
romanes, LVi, pp. 20 f., which quotes the epitaph of Lorens. He is
thereby proved to have been tutor of the King's children as well as
confessor to the King, formerly Prior of the convent at Paris, and,
apparently, a native of Orleans. A reference to his Somme seems to
lie in the mention of his ethical teaching. His death is put between
1296 and 1300.
•^See Bulletin de la Soci^ti des anciens textes fran^ais, 1881, pp.
48-9; 1892, pp. 68flf.; Romania, xrv^, pp. 532 flf., xxrn, pp. 449 flf.,
zxvn, pp. 109 ff. C. Boser made a valuable study of the Provencal
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THE SPECXTLTJM VITAB: ADDENDUM 146
M. Paul Meyer, to whom we owe our principal informa-
tion on the subject of the Somme, as on so many other im-
portant questions of mediaeval literary history, has divided
the work into six parts,^® and since most of these parts
occur separately, he concludes that Frere Lorens's share in
the work was no more than the consolidation of separate
tracts, already old, and probably the composition of the
last member.^* A very puzzling element enters the situa-
tion from the appearance of a work very similar to the
Somme, but not identical with it, known as the Miroir du
Monde.^^ This work exists in an earlier and a later form,
and the latter, which is especially similar to the Somms,
even carries the same colophon as to the composition by
FrSre Lorens, at the request of the King in 1279.
texts Id Ronumia, xnv, pp. 66 ff., and planned an investigation of
the Somme and aU derivatives, but this enterprise was cut short by
death (op. dt., xxv, p. 338).
^Bulletin, 1892, Romania, xxm.
^Romania, xxm, p. 454. He refers (p. 450) to the part on the
Pater Nosier — ''Qui par le style se distingue assez bien de ce qui
prteMe, et de ce qui suit." It does not seem that M. Meyer*s argu-
ments for the composite origin of the Somme are conclusive, since
he nowhere points out a copy of a part which antedates the time of
Lorens. There is no reason why the latter might not have collected
his own work, originally published separately. The style of the
Somme is in general so unusuaUy vivacious for mediaeval theology
that a composite authorship is a little hard to accept.
^ Bulletin, 1802, Romania^ xxni. This work is in print, edited by
Felix Chavannes, La Mireour du Monde, Lausanne, 1845, M^moirea et
documents publics par la Sooi^t4 c^histoire de la Suisse romande.
The Somme of course is not in print, except in the Middle English
translation, the Ayenhite of Inwit, but large excerpts from the origi-
nal are published by R. W. Evers, Bei4rdge zur erkldrung und text-
kritik von Dan MicheVs Ayenbite of intoyt, Erlangen, 1888. Other
studies of the relation between the Somme and Ayenbite are to be
found in Englische Studien, i, pp. 379 ff., n, pp. 98 flf. Harvard Uni-
versity possesses a manuscript of the Somme, which was given by Dr.
Fumivall during his last illness, as a memorial to Professor Child.
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146 HOPE EMILY AIXEN
In the complex problem of the origin of the Somme and
its connections,^^ one or two details should be pointed out
as of interest for tibe problem of the origin of the Speculum
Vitae. A writer who has studied the various treatises just
mentioned in an investigation of the sources of Gtewer's
Mir our de UOmme, is of the opinion from the evidence
yielded by her research, that a Svmma from which both
Somme and Mirour were derived, existed in a more ex-
tended form than either derivative,*^ in which, it must be
noted, the references to the familiar life of the time would
be especially abundant. It is a pity that she was not
able to bring into her investigation the Speculum Vitae,
which shows a distinct relation to the French treatises,
but more realistic details than they. The question of a
lost prototype of the Somme has also been discussed in con-
nection with a peculiar Provengal text, — in which, it
should be noted, the construction follows that of the Specur
lum more closely than does the Somme, since it also
strengthens, though not by the same means, the connections
with the Pater ' Noster which bind the whole treatise
together.'® Again, the resemblance of title between the
"^M. Gh. V. Langlois writes in his Vie en France au moyen dge
d^apris quelquee moraliateM du tempe, Paris, lOOS, p. v.: "C'eet &
peine si les premiers trayaiix d'approche pour P^tude des sources de
la c^l^bre compilation intitule la Somme le roi . , . ont €t6 ex^
cut^."
* Fowler, op. oit,, pp. 32 ff. It may be remarked that Joannes Wal-
lensis, already mentioned, who was one of the most conspicuous figures
in the theological world in both England and France during the
thirteenth century, would be a most likely person to be the author
of such a work. He is already known to be the author of several
Summae, and A. G. Little, in his Orey Friare at Owford (Oxford,
1892, p. 149), notes that an exposition on the Pater Noster is some-
times assigned to the Minorite.
* Romania, xxiv, pp. 56 ff. This text begins with the Seven Deadly
Sins. It introduces the De quinque eeptenie of Hugo of St. Victor to
assist in forming the framework (p. 88).
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THE SPECULUM VITAB : ADDENDUM 147
two works makes it probable that the Speculum has used
the Miroir rather than the Somme, and it is to be noted
that some manuscripts of the Miroir contain a prologue
which is not printed by Chavannes.'* This may have been
used in the Speculum. It seems that the Miroir, as
printed, also omits the latter part of the work,**^ and,
altogether, the relation of the Speculum and Miroir cannot
be determined from the printed text of the latter. *• It
should be noted that all the French works here discussed
put the exposition of the Pater Noster at the middle or end
of the work, and they usually begin with the Ten Com-
mandments.*'' The Speculum, on the other hand, ex-
pounds the Pater Noster at the beginning, and uses it as
the frame to which the other subjects are linked, thus
giving the whole a continuity not found in the French
works, — ^for the lack of which they have been several times
criticised.*® It would appear that the Speculum and
Mirror derive their superior arrangement from the tract
on the Pater Noster, already mentioned, though in the
case both of lliis piece and of the French treatises it may
be that the relation is collateral, and it is even possible
that the English works represent the ultimate source, if
such existed, more fully than any other derivative.
In conclusion a word must be said as to the following
note, found in three copies of the poem:
•"See Bulletin, 1892, p. 70. n. 2.
• Fowler, p. 21.
** Hie general confusion can be illustrated by the case of the ewem-
plum regarding "Marion Torgan" used in the SpeouVum in the
account of the V^orks of Mercy (f. 115b). This is not present in the
tract on the Pater Noster, but it is found in the Somme (British
Museum Addit. ics. 28,162, f. 108b.— "Marie doingines"), though
not in the Miroir as printed. It is in the Mirror (f. 84).
''Romania, xxvi, p. 109.
* See Hiatoire Uii4raire, xxvu, p. 183, Rom^mia, xziv, p. 82.
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148 HOPE EMILY iXLEN
' Anno Domini Millesimo ccc^^o Ixxxiiijo, compilatio ista hoc modo
Cantabrigiae erat examinata; diun a quodam sacerdote ad ligandum
ibidem fuit posita a quibusdam scolaribus, diligenter erat iniuita,
atque perlecta, et cancellario Universitatis ejusque concilio prae-
sentata, propter defectus et haereses examinanda, ne minus litterati
populum per earn negligenter fallant, et in varios errores fallaciter
inducant. Tunc jussu cancellarii, coram eo et toto consilio universi-
tatis, per quatuor dies, cum omni studio et diligentia fuit examinata,
atque in omni collegio imdique comprobata, die quinto, onmibus doc-
toribus utriusque juris et magistris theologiae, cum caAellario, dicen-
tibus et affirmantibus cam de sacris legibus et libris divinis bene ac
subtiliter tractatam, et ex auctoritate omnium doctorum sacrae
paginae sapienter allegatam, id est affirmatam, necnon et fundatam.
Ideo quicimque fueris, o lector, banc noli contempnere, quia sine
dubio si aliqui defectus in ea inventi fuissent, coram Universitate
Cantabrigiae oombusta fuisset."*
Though no positive certainty can of course be attached
to such information, unsupported by other evidence, there
is nothing, on the other hand, to render it positively sus-
picions,^® unless it be the fact that the manuscripts con-
taining it aU belong to the early fifteenth century, and by
that time the suspicion with which vernacular religious
works were regarded on account of Lollardry was so great
that a note like the present one was practically useful as a
safe-conduct,^^ and therefore likely to be fabricated.
Claims like the present one were sometimes made fraudu-
■» Quoted from Bodl. ms. 446 as above by J. O. Halliwell, Thornton
Ronumoea, Camden Society, London, 1S44, pp. xxf. The same note
is foimd in Cambridge University ics. li. i. 36, and Caius College
MS. 160.
*It was accepted as authentic by C. H. Cooper (AnnaU of Cam-
bridge, Cambri^e, 1842-1908, i, p. 128; v, p. 260. I am unable to
trace the reference to the "Cambridge Portfolio**), and it is, on his
authority, made the basis of a statement in Old English Libraries,
by E. A. Savage ("The Antiquary's Books,'* London, 1911, p. 166).
** Books written " in the time of John Wydiffe or since *' were sub-
ject to examination, by the Constitutions of Archbishop Anmdel in
1408 (SM Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Briianniae, etc., London, 1737,
m, pp. 314-9; see also pp. 338, 366, 378).
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THE SPBGULUM vitae: abdekdum 149
lendy, merely for the sake of selling a book : for example,
" Sir John Mandeville " says that he showed his work to
the Pope at Eome, at a date when actually the Pope was at
Avignon.*^ Public examinations were, however, some-
times a fact, for Giraldus Cambrensis describes his own
reading of his Topography of Ireland before the Univer-
sity of Oxford for three days,^' and Bolandino of Padua
read his Chronicle in 1262 before the University of
Padua.** We may well believe that the conditions in the
nation brought about by the rise of Lollardry were such as
to make formal examinations of literary works especially
likely in 1384, even though we have nothing of the kind
testified to from other sources. This was the year of
Wycliffe's death, when the Wycliffite movement had become
definitely heretical, and its influence over the common peo-
ple through preaching and literary propaganda (which had
not yet been curbed) was probably at its height.**^ Under
these circumstances it would seem very natural that the
orthodox party in the church should authorise for laymen
a safe and attractive manual of religious instruction, like
the Speculum, and since Oxford was at the time a center
of heresy, it may have fallen on Cambridge to initiate
some of the propaganda of orthodoxy for the academic
world. The part which Cambridge played in the Wycliff-
ite controversy has not been investigated ; one of the ques-
tions asked by Archbishop Arundel at his visitation of
' The voiage amd trwcaile of Sir John MaundeviUe, Kt, ed. H. O.
HalliweU, London, 1839, pp. 314-5. This analogy was kindly pointed
out to me by Mr. O. O. Coulton.
i^e Rehu€ a $e Ge9tis, Bk. n, chap. 16, QiraJdi Camhreneis Opera,
ed. J. S. Brew^, London, 1861, Rolls Series, i, p. 72.
^See ConHon, Mediaeval Oarner, London, 1910, p. 268.
*Knyghton under the date, 1382, says that half the population
was Wycliffite {Ohromcon, Rolls Series, London, 1896, n, p. 186).
2
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150 HOPE EMILT ALLEN
1401 was as to the presence of heretics, and it has been
taken for granted that they were numerous, without any
positive evidence being brought forward on the matter.**®
But, however this case may be, it is evident that Cam-
bridge must have played a less important part in the
Wycliffite movement than Oxford, the home of Wycliffe,
and have been correspondingly more receptive of orthodox
measures.
From early times the Church had attempted to define
the sine qua non of a layman's proper religious knowledge,
and the regulations seem to have become more exact after
the fourth Council of the Lateran, in 1215, when special
ordinances were made for the instruction of the clergy.**'^
In England the basis of religious instruction for laymen
during the later Middle Ages was the Constitutions of
Archbishop Peckham of 1281,**® though similar stipula-
tions were made before this time ; ^* and several compila-
**See MuUinger, The University of Cambridge from the earliest
times to the Royal Injunctions of 1585, Cambridge, 1873, p. 258; see
also p. 271.
*' R. M. Woolley points out the large number of episcopal institu-
tions put out in England after this time {English Historical Review,
XXX, pp. 285 ff.).
*"Wilkins, i, pp. 51-61; also Gasquet, The Old English Bible and
other Essays, 2nd edit., London, 1908, p. 170. Four times a year, in
the vernacular, the Articles of the Faith, Ten Commandments, Two
Commandments, Seven Works of Mercy, Seven Deadly Sins, "and
their progeny," Seven Virtues, and Seven Sacraments were to be
preached. This statute is copied into many manuscripts, many of
which are listed in Martin's edition of Peckham's Letters (Rolls
Series, 1885, in, pp. cxxiiiflf.).
*• We find Roger de Weseham, " Bishop of Coventry and Lichfiejd,
and principal favourite of Robert Grosseteste," composing a treatise
for the use of his clergy which follows much the lines of the
later works (see Memoirs of the Life of Roger de Weseham^ by Sam-
uel Pegge, London, 1761, p. 57) . Grosseteste had laid down much the
same in 1237 (see Cobb, Alcuin Club Collections, xvni, p. 53, n. 3).
Stengel lists Anglo-Norman examples {Digby MS. 86, Halle, 1871,
pp. Iff.)
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM 151
tions for laymen distinctly mention the fact that they are
composed to fulfill the requirements of Peckham's ordi-
nance,*^^ and many more, — of which, as will appear from
extracts from the prologue printed below, the Speculium is
one — ^tacitly fulfill the scheme of the ecclesiastical ordi-
nances more or less closely. It is, in fact, to their relation
to these decrees that the group of subjects treated in the
Speculum and recurring in other treatises doubtless owe
their wide and continued dissemination, and the practical
usefulness which they served doubtless had its share in de-
veloping their arrangement into as compact and success-
fully didactic a compilation as possible. As we have seen,
the Speculum went farther towards unifying the whole
than its predecessors, and though it covered practically the
whole range of subjects required for lay instruction accord-
ing to Peckham's statutes, and more, yet it could be said to
fulfill merely the single requirement also made, that the
people should be taught the Lord's Prayer, an ordinance to
which the tract on the Pater Noster, and the Mirror di-
rectly refer, as well as the Speculum (see infra, i^]^, 158-9).
With the rise of LoUardry the Constitutions of Arch-
bishop Peckham took on still more importance, for by the
Constitutions of Archbishop Arundel of 1408, already
mentioned, vernacular preaching to laymen was rigidly
limited to the subjects there laid down.^^ It is possible —
"•See the Speculum Cfhristia/ni^ one of the most popular works of
the fifteenth century (of which, as it may be useful to note, the New
York Public Library possesses a copy in an early printed edition),
and the sermon of " Gaytring," compiled at the request of Archbishop
Thoresby of York in 1369 {EET8, No. 118). It is altogether proba-
ble that other similar works were also inspired from above.
*" The Lollards put out treatises built on the traditional framework
(see Arnold, Select English Works of Wyclif, Oxford, 1869-71, in),
and (though the question is of course uncertain because of the un-
certain date of the pieces) it may be that here, as in other cases, they
were availing themselves of an orthodox ordinance as a cloak.
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162 HOPS EMILY AIXEN
though on this subject we have no proof — ^that the practice
of putting books, both Latin and English, into parish
churches for " common use/' which is commonly recorded
during the last century and a haK before the Reformation,
made also part of the " Counter-Eeformation " which fol-
lowed Lollardry.^^ One of the most frequent of these
books was tlie PupUla Ocvli, a Latin manual of popular
religious instruction for the use of parish priests.^* The
authorship of this work is disputed, but it is generally
ascribed to John de Burgh, who, it must be noted, was
made Chancellor of the University of Cambridge in 1384,
and would therefore be the Chancellor referred to by the
note on the SpeculvmJ^^ At the time, therefore, to which
"See, for examples of such gifts. Savage, pp. 128 f. It may be
noted that Queen Isabel of France ordered the Somme placed in a
Paris chiirch for the use of the people (Warton-Hazlitt, in, p. 103).
" Savage, p. 132. In the few examples which he chooses for quota-
tion this book occurs four times.
"^Miss Mary Bateson states of the PupiUa^ without giving her
authority, that it ''may be by Grosseteste, Peter de Limoges, Jo-
hannes or Jo. de Burgo" (op, oii., p. 191, n. 6). The four copies
owned by Syon Monastery which she is describing are all anonymous,
and this seems to be the case with most manuscripts of the work.
Most writers on the subject accept the authorship of de Burgh, on the
strength of the edition printed in 1510 in Paris for W. Hopyl, at the
expense of Bretton (as was also the Speculum BpvrituaXium) , The
heading is quoted by Maskell as follows : " PupiUa oculi, omnibus
presbyteris prsecipue Anglicanis summe necessaria: per sapientissi-
mum divini cultus moderatorem, Johannem de Burgo, quondam almae
imiversitatis Cantabrigien. cancellarium: et sacre pagime profes-
soremi necnon ecclesisB de Colingam rectorem; compilata anno a
natali Dominico, M.ccc.lxxxv. In qua tractatur de septem sacra-
mentorum administratione, de decem prseceptis decalogi, et de reliquis
ecdesiasticorum officiis, quae oportet sacerdotem rite institutmn non
ignorare" {Monumenta Ritualia, London, 1847, m, p. Ixxix, n. 29).
He notes another edition in 1514. The continued authority of this
book appears also from the fact that it seems to have been used in
the Rationale of 1540-3 (see edition by C. S. Cobb, already cited, p.
6, n. 1). Maskell notes that a "Pupilla" is referred to as early as
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THE BPEOULUM YITAEl ADDENDUM 168
the note refers, not only was there a general situation
existing in England in which the examination of an Eng-
lish manual of popular religious instruction, built on the
frame-work furnished by Peckham, would be a suitable
measure, and may have taken place as the beginning of the
" Counter-Eeformation " of which we have evidence at a
later date, but the highest authority at Cambridge was
apparently showing a special interest in the orthodox teach-
ing of laymen. These facts do not, of course, prove the
validity of the note, but they suggest that it is worth
further investigation.
However far the Specuiwni Vitae may appear to us
to-day from the type of work to which an academic sanc-
tion would be granted, there can be no doubt that it repre-
sented some of the best theology of its time, worked over,
as it seems, by a compiler of some talent. The Somme, —
which it is hard to appreciate in the barbarous Kentish
dialect in which we have generally known it, — ^has received
1311 (ibid.); Oasquet notes a Pars oouli by William Pagula or
Walter Parker, of the middle of the fourteenth century (op. oit, pp.
170-3), and Savage refers to ''several books of this title" (p. 262).
A De Ooulo Morali, given to Grosseteste in many manuscripts, is de-
scribed by Martin (op, cit., pp. Ixzxi f.), and a reference to the de-
scription of the same work given by Little (op. oit,, p. 151) makes it
probable that it has been confused with the Pupilla by Miss Bateson.
A treatise on Prayer, not hitherto noted, exists in MS. 1053, of Trin-
ity College, Cambridge, with the title "Pupilla oculi interioris
hominis." It shows the influence strongly of Richard Rolle. — ^The
Pupilla Oouli is quoted from frequently by Rock (Church of Our
Fathers, ed. Hart and Frere, London, 1905). It would seem to offer,
for parish clergy, a very suitable equivalent to what the SpeotUum
offers for the direct use of the laity. If de Burgh is not the author
of the Pupilla, it is possible that an approbation of the work by him
may have been the cause of his connection. The authenticity of the
heading of Hopyl is to some extent substantiated by the fact that it
is certain that de Burgh became Chancellor of Cambridge in 1384
(see Cooper, i, p. 128).
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154 HOPE EMILY ALLEN
its just measure of praise from the best French scholars.
Quetif and fichard thought that with some alterations of
language it would be as popular today as ever ; ^^ M. Leo-
pold Delisle recognises it as "the manual of religious
morals which had the greatest vogue during the last three
centuries of the Middle Ages " ; ^® and M. Ch. V. Langlois
calls it " ^ the Imitation of Christ ' of the thirteenth cen-
tury,— of which several portions are certainly the master-
pieces of mediaeval edifying literature." **^ To the virtues
which it shares with the Somme — or the Miroir — the
Speculum has added from the tract on the Pater Noster,^®
or a conunon original, a superior structure, and from
some source unknown — or the invention of its compiler —
considerable realism of an amusing sort To the modem
student, in any case, whatever the circumstances of its
origin or whoever its author, it has great interest in offer-
ing a complete mirror of the orthodox medisBval instruc-
" Quoted in the HUtoire of Petit de JuUeviUe, n, p. 182.
" Recherches 8ur la lihrairie de Charles V, Paris, 1907, p. 236. He
is commenting on the set of illustrations which accompany the
Somme in many copies, and are an interesting sig^ of its ciirrency
among the rich.
" Loo, oit.
"It seems likely that this is an English production, though of
course nothing definite can be arrived at on the subject. The six
volumes of the Notices et extraits of B. Haur^u (Paris, 1890-3),
probably the richest treasury available of information on such mat-
ters, contain no reference to this work, and no manuscript has
turned up during a fairly extended perusal of catalogues of manu-
scripts in French libraries. M. Paul Meyer says {Bulletin, 1896, p.
43, n.) that there are several expositions of the Pater Noster in
French, " surtout " that of La Somme, and that at the beginxing of
the Sermons of Maurice de Sully (on which see Romania, xxm, p.
499). The Speculum uses an English proverb (" for men sayn on old
englis," f. 138), and refers to the King of England (f. 147). Such
references, however, could easily be added in the translation, and do
not necessarily mean anything as to the source.
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM 155
tion for laymen.^® By its attachment to the Pater Noster
of the whole theol(^ and ethics of the Church, as they
concerned laymen, it is a triumph of the mediaeval art of
hanging a universal theology to the exposition of texts, and
it would seem that its carefully articulated schematism ®^
solved the general problem of what might be called the
architechtonics of the Summa for laymen, — which was a
form of literature for which the ecclesiastical statutes kept
alive the demand, and to some extent fixed the elements.
The following parallel quotations will, it is hoped, illus-
trate the preceding statements.
The quotations from the Speculvmi are made from Ull-
mann's article, in which he uses ms. LI. i. 8, supplemented
by MS. li. I. 36, dated 1423 (one of the copies containing
the note as to the examination).
The quotations from the Mirror are made from Harl.
MS. 45, of the early fifteenth century, originally the book
of "Dame Margaret Brent." Two other copies of the
fiifteenth century exist in the Bodleian library, viz.: E.
Mus. 35, ff. 221-452^, and Rawl. ms. A. 356, both imper-
fect at the beginning.
The quotations from the tract on the Pater Noster are
made from Bumey ms. 356, of the early fifteenth century,
*• It is probably due to the superior quality of the elements out of
which the Speculum is compounded, rather than to any superior
talent in the compiler, that the Speculum is a work of distinctly
better quality than the Prick of Conscience.
'"The full intention operating in a work like the Speculum, with
its — ^to us — over-elaborate connections, cannot be understood unless
the mediaeval characteristic is understood which is signalised by M.
Langlois in the following : " C'a 4t4 Pune des manies du moyen kge
de croire fermement ft la valeur des machines intellectuelles et d'en
confectionner beaucoup: machines mn^motechniques, machines ft pen-
ser, machines ft prier, machines ft prficher" {L*4loquenoe saor^e,
p. 193).
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156 HOPE EMILY ALLEN
(ff. 8 ff.), in which it makes part of a compilation entitled
Flos Florum, referred to by Gasquet^ as a "manual in
twenty-five books, the first being on the Lord's Prayer." '^
The only other reference to the work is one made in Horst-
mann's Yorkshire Writers,^^ in which he notes the text in
Harl. MS. 1022, and gives it to Richard Rolle for no visible
reason. Other copies are Harl. ms. 1648, Addit. ms. 15,
237 — ^both at the British Museum — and ms. Eawl. C. 72,
ff. 137 ff.
The quotations from the Miroir are made from Cha-
vannes' edition. All the passages here quoted occur also
in the 8omme, in the text found in Addit. ms. 28, 162, of
the British Museum, — ^which is the manuscript of the work
here used.
The openings of the Speculum and Mirror are as
follows:
Speoulwn Mirror
"Almy^ty god in trinite/' . . . "Fore Mt is bo )>at all man-
— ^After the invocation, and an kynde in this world nys but in
apology for the author's imper- exile and wildemesse out of his
fections, he goes on: kyndely contre, or as is a pil-
*' I wame 30W f erst at J>e begyn- grym or a weyf aring man in a
nyng, Strang londe where he may in
I wil make no veyn spekyng no manere abide. But nedely
Of dedes of armes ne of amoiirs, euery day, euery houre^ and euery
Os don mynstreles and o)^r ges- tyme is passynge on his way."
tours, .... Our goal is one of two
)>at make spekyng in many a cities, Babylon or Jerusalem,
place which are in turn described and
Of Octouian and Isanbrace.'' . . interpreted with quotations from
(11. 35 f.) the Meditations of St. August-
— After a few similar lines and ine. "And for man may not
some accoimt of the edifying knowe in whiche of these two
^ Op. cit,, p. 175. He apparently neglects to observe that the notes
in Harl. ms. 1648, to which he refers (p. 173), are the same w<H:k.
•London, 1894, n, p. 157.
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THE SPBGXTLUM VITA£ : ADDENDUM
Iff?
substitute which he off ers, comes
the following:
"In English tonge I schal 30W
telle,
^ 3e wyth me so longe wil
dwelle.
Ko Latyn wil I speke no waste,
But English, )>at men vse mast."
(U. 61 f.)
An interesting discussion of this
subject follows; after which the
Speculum joins the Mirror, as
follows:
"And swyche a lessoun I schal
30W jeue,
)>at myrour of lyf to 30W may be,
In >e whiche ^e may al ^owre
lyf se.
First I wyl speke of )>e gret
profit
Of )7e Pater Noster, ]>at cometh
of it.
And of pe fruyt and dignyte
Of J'at pray^er, os men may se.
And specially of >e seuene ask-
ynges,
|>at on >e Pater Noster henges.
And of >e seuene ^yftes of )>e
holy gost,
I'at ]>e seuene. askynges may to
YS haste.
And of )>e seuene synnes, >at
most may smerte,
J>at )>e seuene 3yf tes putten out
of herte.
And specially of l^evertues seuene,
>at may be set in here stede
enene.
And of )>e seuene blessyd hedes,
To whiche >e seuene vertuwes
▼s ledes.
And of >e seuene medes aJle,
)>at of \>e blessedhedys schulde
faUe; (11. 92 f., pp. 4«8f.)
weyes he gop ynne ne whider-
ward he is, but he knowe what
is vertu, and what is synne.
Therfore )>is writyng is thus
made for lewed and menliche
lettred men and wymmen in
suche tonge as I'd can best vn-
derstonde. And may be deped
a myrour to lewde men and
wymmen, in whiche they may
see god J'orgh stedfast by leue,
and hem self >orgh mekenes, and
what is vertu, and what is synne.
. . . This writyng schal be
gynne with ]>at holy prayer )>at
criste him self made and taghte,
)>at is the Pater Noster, as the
gospel berith witnesse. And first
in this writyng shal be schewed
pe profyte and fruigt and pe
dignyte of the holy prayer, the
Pater noster. Afterward ]>e
seuen askynges >at ben in the
Pater noster. And pe seuen
^iftes of pe holy goost >at we
asketh )>erby. And >e seuen hede
synnes )>at tho seuen ^iftes put-
ten away. And )>e seuen ver-
tues >at the seuen ^iftes setten
in the stede of )>e seuen synnes.
And >e seuen blissedhedes J^at
the seuen vertues bringe)> vs to.
And also >e seuen medes )>at
bringeth to )>e seuen blissed-
hedis." (f. 8f.)
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158 HOPE EMILY ALLEN
The Somme and the Miroir, as has already been stated,
put the exposition of the Pater Noster towards the end of
the whole. The Miroir, however, (p. 30) bears some rela-
tion to the English works in stating its title at the begin-
ning, though in terms that bear them no special relation.
The tract on the Pater Noster, as has already been noted,
gives the arrangement found in the Speculum and Mirror.
It is headed by the following summary : " Hie incipit com-
pendiosus tractatus de utilitate orationis dominice, in quo
breuiter tractatur de vii peticionibus eiusdem. . . . Item
de vii donis spiritus sancti. . . . Item de vii peccatis mor-
talibus. . . . Item de vii virtutibus principalibus. . . .
Item de vii beatitudinibus et eorum meritis" (f. 8.).®^
Both the tract and the French treatises are used in the re-
mainder of the introduction, as the following quotations
will show:
Speculum Mirror
)>e Pater Noster first men lerys, Firste men scholen vndirstonde
For it is heued of alle prayeres. )>at )>e Pater Noster is heed of
It is a pray^er most suffysaunt all prayers, and >e moste suffi-
To alle )>e )>at it wyl hawunt, sant and most siker for this lyf
And most syker, wher we go, and )>at other. Wherfore eche
For |>i8 lyf and )>e to)>er al so; cristen man by comandement of
Where fore eche man, )>at has holy chirche schal lerne lyis
tane prayer. And who so wol not
Trewthe of baptesme at >e lerne hit he despiseth goddes
fount stane, lawe. And >erfore it is the
Irnt prayere schulde lere and firste thing of lettrure )>at is
entente taght to children. This prayer
"The Somme and Miroir (p. 248) make a similar concatenation of
subjects, but in the middle of the whole work. It should be noted
that the present list by no means exhausts the subjects of the Specu-
lum, for they include almost every category developed by mediaeval
schematicism. Some impression of its range may be gained by exami-
nation of its derivative, " The Desert of Religion " ( Herrig*s Archiv,
cxxvn, pp. 388 f ., where I point out the relation between the two
works, and ibid., csxxvi, pp. 58 ff., where the text is given).
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM
159
Thorow lioly chyrches comande-
ment;
And )>ei, )>at wyl nowt lere nor
knowe
)>at prayer, despysen goddes
lawe;
J>ere fore pe maner is to loke:
Whan a chyld ia set to boke,
pe Pater Noster he schal first
lere,
For it ismostpreciouseprayere;
pB,t lessoun good almyghty
Tawte hys dessiples specially;
pere fore may it be ryht calde
Codes prayere, os we it halde.
Where fore, )>at vnderstonden
wyle
)>is lessoun, os )>ei schulde be
skyle,
lyei schulde become bo)>e meke
and myld
And debonere, os ony chylde.
Swyche ben pe verray scoleres
ry3lit
Of oure wys maister, god al-
myght,
J>at, OS hys wysdom ofte hem
leres
And techeth hem os hys owne
scoleres.
But we may fynde many a man,
)>at pe naked lettre can
Of J>is prayere, l>at Cryst wrowt.
But pe vnderstondeng can J>ei
nowt;
)>ere fore hem thynketh, it
sauowreth pe lesse.
For )>ere Inne fele )>ei no swet-
nesse;
For lytel deuociown hauen l>ei
In pe Pater Noster, whan l>ei it
sey.
But who so vnderstonde it wylle,
A swete pray^ere may >ei fele.
(11. 113 ff.)
taghte oure lord ihesu crist to
his disciples and l>erfore it is
cleped goddes prayer. And who
so wil vnderstonde )>is prayer,
he scholde be meke and mylde
and debonaire; ffor such bel> the
verray scolers of oure lord god.
Many man conne pe naked lettre
of this prayer, but noght pe
vnderstondyng, and )>erfore it is
to hem sauorles. Wherfore pey
seyn hit with litel deuocion or
none. And so it is to hem litel
or no profite. But who so vnder-
stondith it wel, he schal fynde
J>erynne moche swetnesse and
perfite deuocion. (f.3b.)
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160
HOPB EMILY ALLEN
Pater Noster
Pater Nosier tanquam caput
omnium orationum euidenter ap-
probatiir. Quia ex sui virtute
quantum ad omnia nobis neces-
saria pro vita presenti et futura
petenda sufficere videtur. Quam
quidem orationem vnusquisque
christianus tam ex precepto
quam ex oonsilio ecdesie scire et
intelligere tenetur. Nam qui il-
1am orationum scire negligit,
doctrinam dei manifeste con-
tempnit. lodrco paruulus quum
de nouo ad librum apponitur,
primo adiscit Pater noster. Nam
istam lecdonem dominus noster
ihesus christus docuit discipulos
suos. Ideo merito dicitur ora-
tio dominica.
Vnde qui istam doclrinam scire
et intelligere voluerunt, erunt
humiles yt paruuli Tales enim
sunt veri scolares sapientissimi
domini nostri ihesu christi quos
de sui doctrina instruit et infor-
mat. Multi tamen mimdani lit-
teram istius orationis sciunt et
intelligunt, sed eius sentenciam
totaliter nesdunt. HU vero in
ea modicum senciimt saporem et
qui nullam deuocionis dulcedi-
nem sed qui bene et recte intelli-
gunt orationem predictam ipsam
ut mel m ore senciunt dulcissi-
(f.8)
MWoir
Quant on met un enfant &
Fescole, au commencement on li
aprent sa Patrenostre. Qui de
ceste dergie veut aprendre, de-
vidgne humble comme enfant.
Quer ft tiex escoliers aprent nos-
tre bon maistre Ihucrist ceste
clergie, qui est la plus b6le et la
plus pourfitable, quant on Pen-
tent, et la retient. Quer tel le
cuide bien savoir et entandre,
qui onques rien sot f ors Pescorce,
par dehors.
Cest la leitre qui bonne est;
mais poc vaut auregartdunojel
qui est par dedans si doux.
(p. 260)
In conclusion, some account will be given of the treat-
ment in the two English works of the " Ninth Branch of
Avarice," along with the very meagre references to the
same subject in the Pater Noster and the Miroir. As may
be guessed from the outline given below, this material,
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THE SPECULUM VITAE : ADDENDUM 161
wliich will be seen to be for the most part lacking in the
available sources, makes one of the very best portions of
the English poem and treatise, — in fact, it may be said to
be one of the most entertaining descriptions of the familiar
life of the time to be found in a Middle English theological
work.'^ It should be noted, however, that an apparent
abridgment of their treatment of Avarice is one of the
grounds for postulating a larger Summa behind the French
treatises.'*^ This ultimate source may therefore have been
responsible for the fuller descriptions found in the Eng-
lish derivatives.
The English works treat the subject at length under the
following heads:
the Mirror, " draw-
(1)
common women.
(2)
jugglers-
(3)
"faitours."
(4)
" snecke-drawers," (in
lacches
"), or "robert8men."««
(5)
harlots.
(6)
heralds.
(7)
champions.
(8)
"tollers."
(9)
hangmen. {Speculum,
**Part of this section of the poem was printed by Dr. Furnivall,
7fote9 and Queries, 4th Series, m, pp. 169, 189.
•Fowler, p. 88.
** Warton quotes a statute of Edward III (an. reg. 5) confirmed by
Richard II (on. reg, 7) against '' roberdesmen " and *' drawlacches "
(n, p. 271, n. 3).
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162
HOPE EMILY ALLEN
Pater Noater,
Malum artificium,
quo utuntur mere-
trices, ribaldi, his-
triones, theolena-
rii, ioculatores, et
huiusmodi.
(f. 16.)
Miroir,
A la deerraine
(tenth) branche de
convoitise apartien-
nent tous les mau-
vais mestiers que on
aprent et maintient,
pour gaaigner. Si
comme de ces fans
courretiers qui ne fl-
uent de gent engigi-
ner, et de cea cham-
pions qui s'entretuent
pour deniers, et ces
faus monoiers et de
ceus qui font les d^
et les chapiauB de
fleurs. (p. 151)
Somme.
La nouieme branche
dauarice est mauvaiz
mestier. En ce pe-
chent mult de genz
et en mout de mani-
eres; comme font ce
fols femes qui pour vn
pou de gaaing saban-
donent a pechie. Ausi
comme cil heraut et
cil champion et mout
dautres qui pour de-
niers ou por preu
temporel sabandon-
nent a mestier des-
honeste qui ne peut
estre faiz sanz pechie.
(Brit. MuB. Addit.
MS. 28, 162, f. 30)*'
Hope Emily Allen.
''It may be noted that the unidentified French treatise found in
a Christ Church fragment by F. Y. Powell {Modem Language Quar-
terly, n, p. 21 f.) is the Somme or Miroir. — ^A word should be said in
reference to the puzzling copy of the Speculum in Addit. ms. 22, 283
of the British Museum containing a couplet at the end giving
the title " Prikke of Consciaice," which was quoted in my former
article j(pp. 168-9). An examination of this manuscript and the
Vernon ms. of the Bodleian, which seems to be its prototype, shows
the soiirce of the lines in question. In the Vernon ms. the couplet
headed the Prick of Conscience, which there directly followed the
Speculum, The scribe of the copy inserted a new piece between the
two poems, and attached the rhymed title to the earlier, though it
belonged to the later.
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VII.— THE BISB OF A THEORY OF STAGE
PRESENTATION IN ENGLAND DURING
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Stage history has generally been regarded by the student
of the arts as a thing apart. It has been assumed that the
stage has developed its own art, influenced only by the art
of the stage in other lands or in other times. In general,
this assumption seems to me unjustified. Eather, the stage
should, I believe, be regarded as giving expression in its art
to the dominant artistic theory of the time. It is only in
its medium of expression that the art of the stage differs
from the other arts ; its fundamental artistic theory is that
held in common with the other arts. Certainly, it seems
to me, it is only in this fashion that one can account for the
changes in the theory of dramatic presentation that came
about within the compass of the eighteenth century. It is
my purpose in this paper, therefore, to show the develop-
ment of the theory of acting in England in the eighteenth
century, and to show that in its development the theory of
acting followed the general artistic theory of the day.
W'ith more or less accuracy the stage history of the eight-
eenth century may be divided into four periods : the first
extending from about 1690 to 1741 and characterized by
the following of tradition and by the acceptance of conven-
tionalized tone and gesture on the stage ; the second lasting
from 1741 to 1776, and marked by a revolt against the
ideas of the preceding period and by the use of imitative
acting; the third, from 1776 to 1782, serving as a transi-
tion period ; the fourth, persisting after 1782 through the
early years of the nineteenth century and distinguished by
the acceptance of the "grand style" on the stage. The
first period is the period of classicism; the second the
163
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164 LILT B. CAMPBELL
period of realistic romanticiBm ; the fourth the period of
the romanticism of the "grand style" and akin to the
classical romanticism of English literature.
It must be remembered that from 1660 through the
eighteenth century, all discussion relative to the manner
of stage delivery centered about two points: (1) the fol-
lowing of tradition in acting a character, and (2) the
style of declamation to be adopted in the delivery of trag-
edy. Strangely enough, the pervading idea of tragedy as
the teacher of morals, and comedy as the teacher of man-
ners seems so to have affected the theory of stage delivery
as to have made the natural delivery of comedy a matter
of course, while about the matter of tragic utterance a
continuous battle of critics and actors raged. It was in-
evitable, then, that the artistic theory of the time should
find expression in laws relative to these matters.
The Period of Classicism: The Acceptance of
Teadition
The zeal with which contemporary writers ascribed an
unvarying excellence to the post-Bestoration actors some-
times challenges skepticism. But the source of the at-
tributed excellence cannot be denied, once the major prem-
ise of the syllogism of critical judgment be allowed. It
was assumed that the author of plays knew how they
should be acted, and that his interpretation of his own
characters was not only the most accurate, but also the most
effective interpretation. According to this assumption,
the author knew not only how to interpret life in his dra-
mas, but also how to re-interpret these dramas in action.
Necessarily, then, the acting of a character should be
based upon the traditional following of the author's in-
structions to the first player of the part, and the closer
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STAGE PBESBNTATION IN ENGLAND 165
the imitation of the older actor by the younger, the better
was his presentation of the part. In this way we find
Downes accounting for the superior excellence of Better-
ton, in chronicling the 1662 performance of Hamlet:
The Tragedy of Hamlet; Hamlet being Perform'd by Mr. Betterton,
Sir WiUiam (having seen Mr. Taylor of the Blaok-FryarB CcHnpany
Act it, who being instructed by the Author Mr. Shakespeur) taught
Mr. BeHerton in every Particle of it; which by his exact Perform-
ance of it, gain'd him Esteem and Reputation, Superlative to all
other plays.*
Of Henry VIII y performed a little later, he adds:
The part of the Eling was so right and justly done by Mr. Better-
ton, he being Instructed in it by Sir WilHctm, who had it from Old
Mr. Lowen, that had his Instructions from Mr. Shakespear himself,
that I dare and will aver that none can, or will come near him in
this Age, in the performance of that part: '
Mrs. Betterton is said to have been famed for her act-
ing in Shakespeare's plays, particularly for her Ophelia,
of which character Sir William Davenant gave her some , ^
idea from his memory of the boy Ophelias who acted be- • '. '"
fore the civil wars.'
In the dialogue of James Wright, Historia Histrior^a,
the first edition of which was issued in 1699, we "find
furflier evidence of this theory. One of the characters,
Lovewit, declares that the actors of the present age are
(some few excepted) inferior t<) H^ct, Mohun, and others
of the preceding age. Trlieman replies that those were
again inferior to the players before the war — ^Lowin, Tay-
lor, Pollard, etc. Lovewit replies :
^RosciuB Anglicanue. A facsimile reprint of the rare original of
1708. Lcmdon, J. M. Jarvis and Son, 1886, p. 21.
•/Wd., p. 24.
'Thomas Davies, Dramatio Misoellamee (London, 1784), vol. in,
p. 126.
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166 LILT B. CAMPBELL
I am willing to believe it but cannot readily; because I have been
told, that those whom I mention'd, were bred up under the others of
your acquaintance, and foUow'd their manner of action, which is
now lost: So far, that when the question has been ask'd. Why these
players do not revive the Silent Wpman, and some others of Jon-
son's plays? (once of highest esteem), they have answered, Truly,
because there are none living who can rightly humour those parts;
for all who related to the Blackfriers, (where they were acted in
perfection) are now dead and almost forgotten.*
Colley Gibber gives an account of an affair of 1694 in
the playhouses which shows how far this theory of author-
ity in acting a part persisted. The Lincoln's Inn Fields
playhouse announced Hamlet for Tuesday. Drury Lane
thereupon announced Hamlet for Monday. In retaliation
Lincoln's Inn Fields proposed Hamlet also for Monday.
Drury Lane replied by putting on at six hours' notice the
play previously advertised for Lincoln's Inn Fields, The
Old Bachelor. Powell performed his part in imitation of
Betterton, who had the part at the other house, while the
then untried Gibber dressed, talked, and acted the part of
Alderman Fondlewife after the manner of Dogget at the
rival house. *^
The result of this theory of the necessary transmission
of the interpretation of the character from actor to actor
was that the interpretation became fixed, and that acting
was considered a matter of mere study. Thus Anthony
Aston in his Brief Supplement to Colley Cibber says of
Mrs. Verbruggen:
She was all art, and her acting acquired, but she dressed it so nice,
it looked like nature; there was not a look, a motion, but what were
all designed; and these at the same word, period, incident, were
♦In Dodsl^, A Select Collection of Old Plays (London, 1780),
vol. xn, p. 339.
•An Apology for the Life of Mr. Colley Cihher, Oomedi(m onS
Patentee of the Theatre Royal, Written by himself. (Ed. BeU-
chambers, London, 1822), pp. 208-215.
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STAGB PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 167
every night in the same character alike, and yet all sat charmingly
easy upon h«r.^
The immediate successor of Betterton in public esteem
was Barton Booth. Apparently, however, Booth ventured
to disregard tradition to a certain extent. Davies says of
him that he, "though a professed admirer of Betterton
almost to idolatry, had too much judgment to copy or
servilely imitate his action." "^ That he dared to study
and to interpret a character seems also to be implied in a
sketch by Aaron Hill : " Two advantages distinguished
him, in the strongest Light, from the rest of his Fraterni-
ty : He had Learning to understand perfectly whatever it
was his Part to speak: Judgment to know how far it
agreed with his Character." ®
These accounts, of course, may be interpreted as relat-
ing to new characters, characters in new dramas. But of
Antony Boheme, a follower of Booth, we find a more
definite account : " As he was an original actor and not an
auricular imitator, his manner of acting Lear was very
different from that of Booth." ®
However, the theory demanding the traditional acting
of a part and reckoning a mechanical knowledge of a part
as ability to act that part persisted alongside of these ap-
parent variations. The Life of Quin contains this de-
scription of the state of affairs in 1718 at the time when
Quin came on the stage:
Besides, the manager considered acting as a mere mechanical ac-
quisition, that nothing hut time could procure; and therefore, every
* Reprinted in Grolier Society Edition of CoUey Gibber. Of. voL
n, p. 321.
^ Dayies, I. c, vol. n, p. 278.
'Quoted in Thomas Betterton, The History of ^he English Stage
from the Retftoration to the Present Time (1741), p. 146.
» Davies, I. o., vol. n, pp. 276, 277.
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168 LILY B. OAMFBEIX
one in his company was to serve his apprenticeship before he
attempted being even a journeyman actor. This accounts for Quin's
remaining for a long time the mere scene drudge, the faggott of
the drama.^
Aaron Hill in his preface to Zara (1735) protested
against the " extraordinary concession " of the rulers of
the stage of that day " that actors must he twenty years
such, before they can expect to he masters of the air, and
tread, of the Stage.'' "
Such was the state of aflPairs when in 1741 there oc-
curred the two most important events of the eighteenth
century stage — ^the appearance of Macklin as Shylock, and
the appearance of Garrick as Richard III. Macklin
rescued Shylock from the comic interpretation earlier ac^
tors had given him, and in the face of much opposition
attained success in his presentation of the character as a
serious one. Garrick, too, re-interpreted Richard III.
And these two ventures apparently established the freedom
of interpretation on the stage, for the stage history of suc-
ceeding years is largely a chronicle of varied readings, di-
verse interpretations, and new excellences brought by the
increasing stream of actors.
Yet, ironically, these very actors seem to have estab-
lished in many cases new traditions. Macklin was "the
Jew that Shakespeare drew " to his generation, and the
public refused to see any one else play the character. They
likewise refused to see any other Falstaff than Quin.^^
And before Mrs. Abington quitted the stage. Miss Phillips,
afterward Mrs. Crouch, is said to have attended her per-
" The Life of Mr. James QtUn, Cotnedian, loith tJ^ History of the
Stage from TUs Commencing Actor to hie Retreat to Bath (London,
1766), p. 17.
'^Cf. Works (1760), vol. i, pp. 24-26.
" Davies, L o., vol. i, p. 232.
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8TAGB PEESBNTATION IN ENGLAND 169
formances regularly on an order, expecting thenceforth to
play after her manner.^'
A pupil of Macklin, Dr. or Sir John Hill, published in
1750 a book called The Actor, in which he discussed the
theory of traditional acting. He says :
We yet see those who, in the life-time of some of the old players
of jH'eat name, were allowed to be like them; and we see in Mr.
Garrick a person imlike to them all, and to every thing that has
gone before him ; none has ever disputed whether he or they deserved
the palm; and it is certain that he has formed himself by study, and
they by imitation.**
Later, in discussing the necessity for the actor's under-
standing the author's meaning, Hill says also:
It will be said, that imitation will supply the place of imderstand-
ing, and that having observed in what manner another pronoimces
any sentence, the performer may give it utterance in the same
cadence; an ear answering the purposes of understanding. Too many
players are of this opinion; but it is setting their profession very
low, it is reducing that to a mechanical art which was intended to
exert all the force of genius; but as it is contemptible, it is also
imperfect."
Hill continues his attack by questioning how mere imi-
tators can ever learn to act in new plays, and by instancing
the necessity for getting away from old errors and for per-
mitting new excellences. Where imitation rules, i3ie actor
shows that he is but repeating a schoolboy's lesson, the
meaning of which he has not taken pains to get, as might
be seen in The Siege of Damascus, then playing.
The public continued intermittently hostile to new in-
terpretations even so late as Mrs. Siddons's time, when she
made changes in the manner of acting Lady Macbeth in
1785. But from the time when Macklin and Garrick ap-
"W. J. Young, Memovra of Mrs, Crouch (London, 1806), vol. i,
p. 165.
^♦Ed. of 1756, p. 6. «/Md., p. 21.
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170 LILY B. CAMPBELL
peared in 1741, the right to re-interpretation was estab-
lished.
In general, then, we find the actors of the post-Eestora-
tion period tenaciously adhering to the doctrine of au-
thority in the matter of character-interpretation on the
stage. We find Booth and his follower, Boheme, depart-
ing from this following of tradition. Meanwhile, the
theory of traditional acting had resulted in a fixed inter-
pretation of characters and in a mechanical art of acting.
During the period when Quin was the leader of the stage
these characteristics persisted. With Garrick and Mack-
lin the right to go to nature herself, to re-interpret a play
in the light of life itself, was established. The theory was
formulated by Hill in his The Actor, and was not attacked,
in spite of occasional resentments on the part of tie public
where noticeable departures from accepted interpretations
were made.
The Period of Classicism : The Mode of Tragic
Delivery
Aside from the question of the traditional acting of a
part, the question of the mode of tragic delivery loomed
most important in eighteenth-century stage theory. As
I have said, the pervading idea of tragedy as the teacher
of morals, and comedy as the teacher of maimers seems to
have caused the theatrical world to accept the natural reci-
tation of comedy as a matter of course, while the mode of
tragic delivery offered constant ground for dispute.
The history of natural and artificial acting previous to
the Restoration is a matter which I shall not attempt to
discuss here. The post-Restoration actors, — Hart, Better-
ton, Mrs. Barry, Mrs. Saunderson (afterwards Mrs. Bet-
terton) particularly — ^were regarded, at least by their con-
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STAQB PEESBNTATION IN ENGLAIO) l7l
temporaries as sincere interpreters of nature. *• By
eighteenth-century critics and dabblers in theatrical his-
tory they were similarly regarded. Davies says that we
must suppose the actors of Shakespeare's time to have been
capable of the portrayal of the variety of action and pas-
sion revealed in his works.*^ The immediate followers
of these players must have been able likwise to " hold the
mirror up to nature."
When, therefore, there crept into use a mode of tragic
delivery totally at variance with all idea of natural speak-
ing, it is diflScult to say. Anthony Aston in his Brief
Supplement said of Mrs. Barry, " Neither she nor any of
the actors of those times had any tone in their speaking
(too much, lately, in use)." *® Yet in the preface to Dry-
den's The Fairy Queen, adapted from Shakespeare's The
Midsummer Night's Dream and published in 1692, occurs
this passage:
Sir WiUiam D'Avenant's Si^e of Rhodes, was the first opera we
ever had in England, no man can deny; and is indeed a perfect
opera, there being this difference only between an opera and a
tragedy, that the one is a story sung with proper action, the other
spoken. And he must be a very ignorant player, who knows not
there is a musical cadence in speaking; and that a man may as well
apeak out of tune as sing out of tune.
The inference here clearly is that even in Betterton's time
there was recognized a particular mode of speaking tragic
parts.
Downes in speaking of the actors playing after 1706
says of Wilks that he was
''Pepys, Gibber, Aston, and others of the lesser writers furnish
abundant evidence for this statement. Cf. Dibdin, A Complete His-
tory of the Stage, vol. x, pp. 230, 231, for a summary.
"Davies, I c, vol. i, pp. 33, 34.
"Aston, I c, p. 311.
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172 LILT B. OAMPBELL
Proper and Ck>mel7 in Person, of Graceful Port, and Mein and
Air; void of Affectation; his Elevation and Cadences just, C<Migruent
to Elocution; Especially in Gentile Comedy; not Inferior in Tragedy.
The Emission of his Words free, easy, and natural; Attracting
attentive silence in his Audience, (I mean the Judicious) except
where the Unnatural Rants, As
rie mount the aky,
And kick the 0 — ds like footballs as I fly:
As Poet D . . . rfy has it.
Which puts the Voice to such Obstreperous sitretoh,
Requires the Lungs of a Smith's BeUows to reach,^
The comment would seem, indeed, to indicate that Wilks
conformed to an ideal of utterance somewhat at variance
with that of mere natural delivery even in passages other
than tie " Unnatural Rants " which so over-taxed his
lungs. At least, the description, " his Elevation and Ca-
dences just. Congruent to Elocution," is suggestive.
Of Cibber, Downes says that he was equal to Mountfort
in certain characters and " not much Inferior in Tragedy,
had Nature given him Lungs Strenuous to his finisht
Judgment." And that Downes differentiated comic and
tragic delivery is certain from his description of Estcourt
who " laetificates his audience in comedy (Nature endow-
ing him with an easy, free, imaffected Mode of Elo-
cution)." ^^
Aaron Hill in his dedication to The FaiaZ Visionj acted
in 1716, spoke of the accustomed manner of the stage
as being a " horrible, theatric way of speaking." He pro-
tested that save in " Mr. Booth, who is, indeed, a just and
excellent tragedian, you should never hear so much as an
Endeavor at those thrilling breaks, and changes of the
voice." 2^
Yet Dibdin speaks of Booth as having " in some degree
"Downes, I. o., p. 61.
*HiU, I. 0., vol. I, pp. 148, 149.
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BTAOB FBBSEKTATION IN ENOLAKD 173
cramped nature by lacing the buskin too tight/' ^^ and
Cooke tells us that Macklin said of Booth that ^^ though
he repeated blank verse in the solemn articulate manner
of that day, there was a roundness and melody in his
voice which was remarkably pleasing." ^^
Apparently, then, this fashion of tragic delivery was
accepted during the decade preceding the opening of the
eighteenth century, though it seems probable that it had
been gradually introduced. As we elhall see later, it gained
definite authority during the years just previous to Gar-
rick's appearance, when Quin was dictator of the stage.
And whether it is significant or no, it is interesting to note
that the famous speech of Hamlet to the players, which
was used as a text by all later advocates of natural acting,
was not spoken on the stage from the death of Betterton
until the time when it was revived by Garrick.^'
To define this change and to trace the sources contribut-
ing to bring it about is, then, our immediate concern.
We saw that Aston spoke of toning words in describing
the habits of his day. Davies described the acting of the
generation preceding Qttrrick as characterized by " eleva-
tion of the voice, with a sudden mechanical depression of
its tones, calculated to excite admiration and to intrap
applause."^* Foote quotes Sir John Hill's On Stage
Recitation, which referred to "the recitative of the old
tragedy " and chronicled " the gestures forced, and beyond
all that ever was in nature, and the recitative was a kind
of singing." ^^ Murphy says that when Garrick came,
"Dibdin, I. o., voL iv, pp. 419, 420.
''W. Cooke, Memoirs of Charles Maoklm (1806), p. 16.
" Davies, I, c, vol. ni, p. 80.
^Thomas Davies, Memoirs of the Life of D<wid Oarrick, Esq.
(Lcmdon, 1780), vol. i, p. 40.
"WiUiam Cooke, Memoirs of Bamuel Foote, Esq. (1806), vol. i,
pp. 38, 39.
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174 LILY B. CAMPBELL
"tragedy roared in a most unnatural strain; rant was
passion; whining was grief; vociferation was terror, and
drawling accents were the voice of love/' ^*
Of Quin we find numerous descriptions that in a measure
reveal his style of declamation, Davies said of him that
though he was " a very natural reciter of plain and fami-
liar dialogue, he was utterly unqualified for the striking
and vigorous characters of tragedy." ^"^ He described also
Quin's manner of " heaving up his words, and his labored
action." ^® Elsewhere this same writer said of Quin in
Macbeth that he was "deficient in animated utterance,
and wanted flexibility of tone During the whole
representation he scarce ever deviated from a dull, heavy,
monotony." *® Cumberland described him thus : " With
very little variation of cadence, and in a deep, full tone,
accompanied by a sawing kind of action, which had more
of the senate than of the stage in it, he rolled out his hero-
ics with an air of dignified indifference." His Cato and
his Brutus were to be remembered with pleasure; his
Richard and his Lear were to be forgotten, according to
this author.*^ Kirkman described him as "stiff in his
manner and heavy in his deportm^it." ** He reported
Macklin as having thought Quin's declamation fine though
somewhat pompous. And of his Othello, Kirkman said that
" his person was clumsy, his declamation heavy, his pas-
* Arthur Murphy, The Life of David Oa^rrich, Esq. (London, 1801),
vol. I, p. 17.
•* Davies, Life of D, G., vol. i, p. 28.
"/bid., p. 40.
* Davies, Dram, Mis., vol. n, p. 133.
"Quoted in Joseph Knight, David Oarrick (London, 1894), pp.
62, 63.
"James Kirkman, Memoirs of the Life of Charles Macklin, Esq.
(London, 1799), vol. i, p. 469.
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STAGE PRESENTATION IN ENGLAND 176
sions bellowing, his emphasis affected, and his under
strokes growling.'' •*
That this recitative was used only in tragedy seems,
however, certain, Boaden, who could remember many of
the old players, and who knew the stage world of the late
eighteenth century intimately and hence knew the tra-
ditions of the stage, said:
I have always observed, that the comic actors delivered it [the
blank verse of Shakespeare, Fletcher, Jonson, and Massinger] with-
out an appearance of stiffness, and they appeared to be talking it as
their natural speech; while their tragic brethren, in the same play,
and in the same scene, assumed Burke's Falsetto invariably, and with
an air of superiority too, which the very attempt forfeited alto-
gether."
Only one reasoned-out definition of this monotony was
written, so far as I have been able to discover. Sir John
Hill in his The Actor of 1750 wrote of monotony:
Of this fault there are three distinct kinds. The one is an eternal
sameness of tone and pronunciation: this is the fault of only the
worst players, and always arises from their attempts at the declama-
tory manner. The second, is a sameness in the close of all periods;
this the old players seem to have been, in general, guilty of. The
third kind of monotony is, a repetition of the same accents and in-
flections, on all occasicms. This is too much the fault of the most
considerable of the present players.**
We may conclude, then, that late in the seventeenth
century and early in the eighteenth century there grew up
a new mode of tragic declamation; that it differentiated
tragedy from comedy in its delivery, elevating tragedy to
a more dignified, more pompous kind of utterance, the
conventions of w'hich were fixed. These conventions seem
••/W<i., vol. I, p. 328.
"* James Boaden, The Life of Mrs, Jordan (London, 1831), vol. n,
pp. 22, 23.
••Ed. of 1756, p. 246.
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176 MLY B. OAKPBEIX
to have related both to voice and to geflture. The words
were spoken with rhythmic utterance, and the voice was
elevated to a definite pitch. The gestures were formal,
grand, and dignified. But the distinguishing feature was
the acceptance of formalism and convention as consistent
with and even essential to the dignity of tragedy in just
the same way in whidi we accept the artificial gesttires,
walk, and other conventions of grand opera. Indeed, if
we could imagine grand opera recited or intoned rather
than sung, we should probably come near to picturing a
tragedy delivered in the time of Quin.
How this change came to be is uncertain, since no writer
of the time has told us anything of it. Two sources are,
however, conjectured for the change. The first source is
the French stage. The second is the compulsion of the
rhymed tragedies which were being produced at this time.
In a late thesis entitled Oarrick: A Cosmopolitan Actor,
by F. A. Hedgcock, this style of declamation is said to have
come from France, the influence of which country had been
felt in dramatic matters since the Restoration. Mr. Hedg-
cock says that Voltaire's definition of French tragedy as
^^conversation in five acts" had represented a state of
affairs necessarily influential in matters of stage delivery.
Many of the plays were in the rhyme and style of the
French classical drama, "which the actor, advancing to
the front of the stage, recited in rhythmic fashion with
conventional gestures and in absolute indifference to the
movements of his companions in the theatre." ^^ Knight,
also, in his David Oarrick attributed this change to French
influence.*®
That tragedies of the time were necessarily recited in
artificial fashion is found, too, as a doctrine oft repeated.
•Page 43. "Pages 26, 26.
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STAGB PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 177
Sir Jolin Hill said that monotony was often the fault of
the author in dosing the sense with the rhyme, and he
suggested that a remedy for the evil be found in run-on
lines, etc
Davies analyzed the relation much more closely. In
comparing a scene between Sporza and Francisco in Mas-
singer's Duke of Milan with a scene between Shakespeare's
John and Hubert, he says:
In Massinger, eloquent language and unbroken periods give eaay
assistance to the speaker, and calm and undisturbed pleasure to the
hearer: In Shakespeare, the abrupt hints, half -spoken meanings,
hesitating pauses, passionate interruptions, and guilty looks, require
the utmost skill of the actors while they alarm and terrify the
spectator."
Elsewhere Davies pointed out the fact that the increase
and decline of this intoning style of declamation might be
allied to the progress of dramatic history. He noted Dry-
den's heroic tragedies as the first in rhyme, and commented
on the beginning of natural diction irAU for Love, natural
diction being completely restored with Otway. Meanwhile,
among the revived plays popularity had first been granted
to Ben Jonson, then to Beaumont and Fletcher, and finally
to Shakespeare.^®
On the other hand, Kirkman makes this artificial fashion
of speaking the cause of Eowe's monotony and his jingling
rhymes at the end of the acts of The Fair Penitent^^
Whether in any case these relations of cause and effect
can ever be proved definitely, I very much doubt. But it
it certain that some relation must and does exist between
the style of dramatic writing and the style of acting. A
drama written in rhymed couplets cannot be spoken fit-
'^ Dram, Mis., vol. i, p. 61. "* Kirkman, I, c, vol. i, p. 347.
"•/WA, vol. in, pp. 164-190.
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178 LILY B. GAMTBELL
tingly in the broken and chatty fashion of ordinary dia-
logue. However, rather than make any attempt to differ-
entiate cause and effect, I should prefer to reckon both
plays and acting as manifestations of lihe classical theory
of tragedy prevalent at the time, a theory undoubtedly
influenced by the artificially created French classical
drama.
The Period of Realistic Romanticism
From some time about 1690 until 1741, this style of
acting, which we may fairly call classical, dominated the
English stage. The period of its dominance almost exactly
coincided with the period of the so-called classicism in
English literary history. But in the art of the stage as in
the other arts there were already at work during the period
of the greatest acceptance given to this classicism forces
which were to make for the dissolution of this school of
acting, forces which pointed to a romanticism on the stage
as definite and as well marked as the coming romanticism
of the other arts.
In 1716 in his dedication to The FcM Vision Aaron
Hill had protested against the customary maimer of speak-
ing on the stage as being opposed to nature. And as early
as 1725 Charles Macklin had made an unappreciated effort
to introduce the natural style of acting upon the stage.
He later described the result of his effort, " I spoke so
familiar. Sir, and so little in the hoity-toity tone of the
Tragedy of that day, that the Manager Rich told me I had
better go to grass for another year or two." Acting upon
this advice, he went to the provinces for a few years, but
1733 saw him established in London. When he returned,
he apparently had not lost faith in the justice of his cause,
and he continued to " speak so familiar " that he was not
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STAGE PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 179
given a chance to do mucli harm in the theatre for the next
few years.*^
Between the years 1734 and 1736, Aaron Hill, a person
of excellent theories and varied interests, issued a paper
known as the Prompter, in which he made critical com-
ment on the actors and acting of the time. In 1735 this
same Aaron Hill proposed to establish a school of acting
to be called a tragic academy. This school was to be under
the protection and supervision of a group of the literary
folk of the city, with Thomson, the author of The Seasons
as chief among them. The school was to be under the pa-
tronage of Frederick, Prince of Wales. But unfortunately
His Royal Highness declined the proposed honor, and the
tragic academy never materialized. NTevertheless, the pro-
posal is interesting, in the first place, because it shows
that the stage-folk and the literary coterie of the time were
making tentative efforts to work together in what was in-
tended as a scheme for reforming the stage practice of the
time; and in the second place, because it shows that there
was developing a new theory in regard to acting, and that
this theory was to be influenced by Thomson.*^
In 1738 David Garrick came up to London and very
soon formed a sincere friendship for the actor Macklin,
with whom he spent much time. These two must have
found opportunity for much converse on the subject of
acting, and it is impossible not to suppose that the younger
actor was influenced by the notions of natural acting dear
to the older one.
It was not until 1741 that the threatened revolt of the
theorists culminated in actual achievement, however. But
on February 14, 1741, Macklin made his famous appear-
^ William Cooke, Memoirs of CharlcB Macklin, Comedian (2nd
ed., 1806), pp. 12, 13.
*» Davies, Life of D. G^., vol. i, chap. xm.
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180 LILT B. CAMTBELL
ance in The Merchant of Venice, rescuing Shylock from
humorous treatment and attempting to present the charac-
ter realistically even in the matter of costume.*^ The new
presentation of this character was at once popular, and
through it Macklin became established as one of the great
actors of his time, his popularity finally resulting in his
coming into demand as a teacher of his art, as we shall see
later.
On October 19, 1741, the then unknown Garrick like-
wise made his appearance in Richard III at Goodman's
Fields Theatre. He, too, adopted the natural manner of
declaiming tragic verse. And it took. Blessed by the gods
with the divine fire of genius that had been denied to Mack-
lin, he at once caused a furore among critics and populace
that Macklin with the same methods had not been able to
produce. Macklin was elated, however, at the success of
his ideas as he saw them embodied in this young actor;
Gibber disapproved of the whole thing; Pope foresaw
triumph for the new interpretation, and Quin was startled
into the oft-told exclamation, " By G — d. Sir, if this young
fellow is right, then we have all been wrong." In general,
the players resented this encroachment upon the dignity
of tragedy and upon the conventional mode of its presenta-
tion. But all in vain. The hearers might be startled, or
incredulous, or hostile, or enthusiastic, or merely curious,
as their various temperaments decreed ; there could be no
doubt of the overwhelming popularity of the new style as it
was embodied in Garrick. As Garrick prophesied in his
reply to Quin's denunciation of the heresy, it came to be
not heresy but reformation.
Cooke in his Life of Macklin described the alteration
wrought by Garrick on this night as that of " changing an
^ Eirkman, {. o,, vol. i, pp. 253-266.
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STAGS PBBSBNTATION IN £NOLAin> 181
elevated tone of voice, a mechanical depression of its tones,
and a formal measured step in traversing the stage, into
an easy familiar maimer of speaking and acting." In a
day the new era of the stage art was begun; by a single per-
formance the new method of presenting tragedy was popu-
larized and its acceptance assured.^*
Early in 1742 Garrick threw down the gauntlet to " the
old school " by acting Bayes in the Duke of Buckingham's
Eehearaal, mocking the style of acting of all the principal
performers of the time (Quin excepted). ** It was fitting
to the eighteenth century that the vehicle of reform should
be ridicule, for it was in this fashion that the reactions
against heroic tragedy, against sentimental comedy, against
opera, against the later fad for elocution, all found ex-
pression; and Garrick found this travesty on the older
acting a potent force in securing the adoption of the new.
In 1742, also, Garrick went to Drury Lane as the great
attraction of that theatre. From this time the name of
Garrick is always to be associated with that of this play-
house.
In 1744, consequent to a quarrel between Macklin and
Garrick, Macklin withdrew to the Haymarket Theatre,
and there trained would-be actors, introducing them on
that stage. He thus became the first professional teacher
of acting in this period. His method was chiefly concerned
with breaking his pupils of their artificial habits of speak-
ing. He bade them first to speak a part as they would in
life if occasion required, then to pronounce the words in
*The account has been repeated with variations by every chroni-
cler of things theatric, but Cooke's description (cf. pp. 98, 99) is
particularly interesting, because it stresses Macklin's interest in the
success of Garrick.
44 John Genest, Some Account of the English Stage, from the
Restoration in 1660 to 1830 (Bath, 1832), vol. iv, pp. 20-22.
4
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182 LILY B. CAMPBELL
exactly the same tone and with exactly the same expression,
but to use more force, and to speak more loudly. He gave
also lectures on grace, which he rendered ridiculous by his
own awkward illustration of them, but which are import-
ant as indicating a new interest in stage deportment. In
this fashion Macklin worked out a real science of acting,
but a reconciliation with the managers and a consequent re-
turn to Drury Lane broke up the school. Meanwhile he
had had among his pupils the actor Foote and Dr. or Sir
John Hill.«
In 1746 Foote produced at the Haymarket his Diver-
sions of the Morning, further popularizing the ridicule of
the actors of the day. In this same year Aaron Hill wrote
The Art of Acting, Deriving rules for a new principle for
touching the passions in a natural maruner.
In 1747 Grarrick became manager of Drury Lane and
thus established the natural school of acting in a place of
supremacy. His professed desire as manager was to revive
dramatic poetry, particularly that of Shakespeare.
In 1748 Macklin, Garrick, and Mrs. Woffington "re-
solved to improve theatrical taste, and found a school of
Histrionic Science.'' They resolved to live together, to
act together, and to have one purse. But the one purse
proved the undoing of the scheme, and the world was de-
prived of this school also.*®
*o See especially Cooke, Macklm, pp. 148, 149, and Kirkman, I. o.,
vol. I, pp. 292-295.
*• Kirkman, I. o., vol. i, p. 316.
It is interesting to note that Davies records that Mrs. WoflSngton
went to Paris " to perfect herself in the grace and grandeur of the
French theatre," and that " here she was introduced to Mademoiselle
Bumeseil, an actress celebrated for natural elocution and dignified
action." But since Davies gives no clue to the date of this visit, its
significance cannot be estimated. Cf. Davies, Life of D, 0 vol i
p. 309. ' ' '
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STAGE PBESENTATION IN BNGLAin> 183
In 1748 Foote gave his Tea, extending the number of
the victims of his ridicule beyond the number previously
included in his Diversions of the Morning.
By 1750 Mrs. Horton, a popular actress of the pre-Gar-
rick period, was forced to resign many of her parts to
Mrs. WoflSngton and Mrs. Pritchard of the new or natural
school of elocution, in answer to the demands of the public.
The popularity of Mrs. Pritchard had meanwhile grown,
largely because she refused to follow the advice of Colley
Gibber to ''tone'^ her words, while Mrs. Bellamy and
Theophilus Gibber, by following this advice, had lost their
popularity.*''
In 1750 was first published Sir John HiU's The Actor,
which Knight in his Life of Oarrick says was translated
and adapted from Le Comedien of Sainte-Albine. The
work is interesting as being the expression of a pupil of
Macklin and is interesting in itself. Natural acting is
here advocated, acting in character insisted upon, the ne-
cessity of appropriate gesture emphasized, and the need
for a somewhat indefinitely defined sensibility in the actor
described.*®
In 1751 Macklin gave lectures to the public on elocu-
tion. In this same year he also coached a group of fashion-
ables for an amateur performance at Drury Lane.*® This
performance is significant in that it showed the school of
natural acting firmly established in public favor, tpid it
furthermore revealed an interest among the laity in acting
and elocution.
^ Davies, Dram, Mis., vol. i, pp. 40, 41.
*For a discussion of this source pamphlet see Knight, I c, p. 211.
^Macklin's popularity as a dramatic coach constantly increased
after this time. He was employed by various persons of high rank
and was engaged to instruct in elocution His Royal Highness, the
Duke of York. Cf. Kirkman, l. c, vol. I, pp. 332, 333, and 463.
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184 IXLT B. OAMPBSLL
In the Bummer of 1751 Garrick made a hasty trip to
Paris, where he became acquainted with the leaders of the
French stage.
In 1753 Hogarth, long a friend of Qurrick, published
his Analysis of Beauty, in which he discussed incidentally
the art of acting, and formulated for the first time the
theory of movement and gesture on the stage, showing the
need for variety in action and also the need for imity in
variety. The stress here laid on variety in action is con-
sistent with the emphasis which Garrick gave in his own
acting to the multiplicity and variety of detail.*^^
In 1754 Macklin retired from the stage for a time and
established a public-dinner at four and the British Inquisi-
tion afterward. At four he was head waiter at his own
public ; after dinner he was the lecturer and the leader of
the discussion relative to art and morals which formed the
" British Inquisition.^' Three times a week, too, from
ten till twelve in the morning, Macklin received would-be
actors, heard them, and pronounced authoritatively on
their prospects of histrionic success.*^^
In this connection it must always be remembered that
Macklin's teachings embodied the doctrines of imitative
acting and natural speech, and that these doctrines were
constantly being spread under his leadership of the " Brit-
ish Inquisition."
In 1757 Burke's Essay on the Sublime and the Beautir
fvl appeared, bringing into general discussion the relation
■•Hogarth (pp. 151-153) also gives expression to one of Qarrick's
favorite doctrines concerning the test of acting hy a foreigner, ignor-
ant of the language, who must base his judgment of the play upon
the movements of the characters. It will be shown later in this
paper that Qarrick delighted to submit his own acting to this test.
" Cooke, Macklin, pp. 199-209 and 212-214.
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STAGE PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 185
of the ugly and the sublime to the beautiful ; a discussion
which was found pertinent to the later discussion of stage
theory.
In 1759 Sir Joshua Eeynolds's three papers in the
Idler appeared. The important contributions of those
papers, as far as the stage was concerned, related to the
idea of mere genius as superior to, though not independent
of, rules ; the idea of mere imitation as drudgery and not
art ; the idea of the beautiful as the normal or at least the
most usual expression of nature.
In 1761 Kames's Elements of Criticism was published,
a work important as an att^npt to formulate the princi-
ples of criticism, but important here because it, like
Burke's Essay, attempted, though on different grounds, to
reconcile the ugly and the beautiful.
In 1763 Garrick went abroad, returning in 1765. His
return saw him perfected in his art, if we are to believe the
testimony of his biographers and his critics. Much of the
time on the Continent had been spent in France, where he
had renewed his friendship with French actors and artists,
and where his acting had made a profound impression in
the world of critics as well as among the less philosophical
of his audiences. *^^ Diderot had been advocating in France
the value of imitative action. In 1751 he had written his
famous letter on The Deaf and the Dumb. In 1760 he had
written to Voltaire concerning Clairon, advocating the
value of pantomime. In Garrick he saw his theories em-
bodied, and he felt them justified, as is shown in his Para-
doxe sur le Comedien, which took its point of departure
from a pamphlet by A. Sticoti, an Italian actor playing in
Paris, a pamphlet entitled OarricJc, ou les Acteurs anglais,
■Hedgcock, I, o., pp. 96-107.
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186 LILY B. CAMPBELL
which in turn is said to have been a translation, with addi-
tions, of Hill's The Actor.^^
The period from 1765 to 1776, or the period lasting
from the return from the Continent until his retirement
from the stage, was the period of Garrick's greatest acting
and of his greatest fame. During this time he was absolute
dictator of the stage, and the school of natural acting was
accepted for the most part without question.
Meanwhile, in 1768, the Royal Academy had been found-
ed and Sir Joshua Reynolds chosen as its first president.
On the occasion of the opening of the Academy in 1769,
Reynolds delivered his First Discourse. The fifteen Dis-
courses which he delivered between 1769 and 1790 herald-
ed yet another change in the realm of the arts. But his
Seventh Discourse, delivered in 1776, marked a crisis in
stage theory, for it was in this discourse that Reynolds pro-
nounced his theory of stage deportment.
The pronouncement of this new theory of art, together
with the retirement of Garrick from the stage, both events
of 1776, marked the period of yet another change in st^e
history. But it is necessary to return to our analysis of
the chronicle of events here given in order to see the trend
of stage affairs.
In general, the art theories of the time found expression
in the acting of Q^rrick and his school. Garrick had re-
belled against the methods of the " old school," against
formality and convention in declamation and in gesture,
"Pollock, W. H., The Paradoof of Acting, 1883, p. 1. Note.
Professor J. B^ier in Etudes Critiques, discusses a relevant ques-
tion under the title of Le " Paradowe aur le Com^dien*' Est-Il de
Diderot f In any case Diderot's Paradowe was, though writtai after
Garrick's visit, not published for many years, and hence had no im-
mediate effect on stage theory. It is of significance here because it
shows the acting of Garrick to have influenced rather than to have
been influenced by French ideals.
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STAGE PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 187
and his revolt was from the conventional to the natural.
But being natural meant to Garrick imitating nature.
Hogarth, who was Garrick's friend from the time when
Garrick went to Goodman's Fields until Hogarth's death,
is said to have memorized bit by bit an object which he
purposed drawing.*^* And apparently this was the exact
fashion of Garrick's preparation for acting. He observed
and memorized bit by bit any action he saw about him and
later repeated this action on the stage. The madness of
Lear, for instance, he is said to have imitated from the
madness of a father whose child fell from his arms into
the street below as he stood playing with it in the window.
This scene was a favorite one with Garrick for panto-
mimic representation also.^^
Primarily Garrick's interest was in imitative action —
in pantomime. And there are hundreds of tales told of
this interest. His delight was to make his face show all
the passions and emotions in turn, going quickly from
mirth to horror, and then reversing the order of the pre-
sentation and returning to mirth again. He amused his
friends by imitations of everything from wiggle-worms to
his enemies, according to more or less apocryphal stories.
He sat for Fielding's portrait after that author's death.
He was the bete noire of the artist who wanted to paint his
portrait, for if he was pleased to be in a teasing mood, he
was many different people in the course of an hour. Mrs.
Olive's famous exclamation, " Damn him ; he could act a
gridiron," is seemingly almost literally true. It is doubt-
ful whether such consummate imitative genius has ever
again been seen on the stage.^®
••Auatin Dobeon, William Hoga/rth (1891), pp. 17, 18.
"Davies, Life of D. O,, toI. n, p. 81. Tlie story is repeated by
all Garrick's biographers.
"Many of these tales are suggested in James Northcote, The Life
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188 LILY B. CAMPBELL
Yot Garrick's acting was criticized as being all bustle
and commotion, as wanting dignity and poise and reserve.
Macklin commented on Gkrrick's Lear, speaking of "his
strange manner of dying and griping [^] the carpet; his
writhing, straining, and agonizing; (all of whidh he has
introduced into the profession of acting)." ^'' But imita-
tive action was the business of the actor to Garrick, and
imitation of nature the function of art. Therefore any-
thing in nature could rightfully find its place in art ; the
ugly and the brutal could not be ignored but must be pre-
sented. The closer the imitation of nature in art, the
better the art
In declamation Garrick does not seem to have attained
so high a degree of excellence as in action, however. He
was criticized by his contemporaries for his halting speech,
for his failure to pay proper attention to stops and pauses,
for his seeming to prefer rhythm to sense in his decision
in such matters, for his hurried closing of a period, for
his lack of discriminating pronunciation of phrases, and
for his lack of judgment in the matter of pauses.*^® Like-
wise his pronunciation of certain words was criticized,
but of this fact notice will be taken later in this paper.
Boaden in his Memoirs of Mrs, Siddons quotes Mason's
comment, "For though no man did more to correct the
vicious taste of the preceding age in theatrical declamation
of Sir Joshua Reynolds, to the second edition (1819) of which woric
I have referred.
" Kirkman, {. c, toI. i, pp. 246-249 and 259, 260. See also James
Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs. Siddons (1827), vol. n, p. 169. Also
Boaden, Memoirs of the Life of John Philip Kemhle, Esq. (1826),
vol. I, p. 440. Incidental references to Oarrick's great weakness are,
however, numerous.
"That these criticisms were occasionally offered to Garrick him-
self by anonymous well-wishers is evident from the letters preserved
in the Garrick Oorrespondenoe. Cf. vol. i, pp. 109-111 particularly.
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STAGE PBESENTATION IN ENGLAND 189
than he did, so far, indeed, as to change the mode almost
entirely, yet this was not his principal excellence, and he
knew it; and therefore disliked to perform any part what-
ever, where expression of courvtenance was not more neces-
sary than recitation of sentiment." ^®
Of Garrick's acting we know much, but he does not seem
to have formulated his theories of acting as theories.
Writing to Powell and Henderson, giving them advice in
regard to acting, he warned them against neglect of study,
against being imperfect in their lines, and against yielding
to flattery, and he urged them to be constant in their atten-
tion to Shakespeare. No more.®^ Writing of Clairon in
1769, when she was in the zenith of her popularity in
France, he said that she was almost too definitely sure of
what she could do before she came on the stage. The great-
est strokes of genius, he asserted, are those which have not
been thought out by the actor until he is stimulated to them
by the presence of his audience.®^ And he pronounced
Racine unsuited to natural acting because of the very form
in which his plays are written, but a more definite formu-
lation of theory I have not been able to find.®^
The source of Garrick's ideas of natural acting is not
known. French influence was always felt in the English
theatre during this period, and as early as 1684 Baron
was waging a fight for natural acting at the Hotel de
Bourgogne.®* Yet, according to Mr. Hedgcock, whose work
I have already instanced, the French actors by Garrick's
time had not advanced so far as had Garrick himself.
■•Boaden, I. o., vol. n, p. 163.
**Cor., vol. I, pp. 177 and 500.
«* Ihid,, pp. 368, 869.
■Knight, L c, p. 214.
"For a history of the matter see Karl Mantzius, A History of
Theatrical Art (1905).
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190 LILY B. CAMPBELL
Garrick, indeed, enabled Diderot to point him out as an
example of his theories put into practice. But the actors
of the time in France seem rather to have been influenced
by Gamck than Gamck by them. Mr. Hedgcock thinks
this influence detrimental, however, for Gurrick's love of
pantomime and his marvelous exhibitions of pantomimic
action led French actors to over-do imitative acting and to
neglect justice of declamation in its favor.
In England Macklin had been the great precursor of
the school of natural acting, though he lacked the genius to
popularize and establish it Aaron HiU, too, was evi-
dently considering the matter of tragic declamation from
a new point of view. Garrick and Macklin had early in
Garrick's career formed a friendship that must have been
influential in determining his theory of acting. Where
Macklin in his turn caught the idea of natural acting, we
have no source of information. I am inclined to think,
however, that the interest in the drama of Thomson and
Young and others of the romantic poets, and the friendship
of Hogarth and Garrick, show that the stage was but em-
bodying the same great forces that were elsewhere revealed
in poetry and painting as well as in the philosophical criti-
cism of the time.
In general, this stage of romanticism in the theatre was
characterized, then, by revolt against the standards of a
previous age, against its conventions and its formality.
In its first stages the revolt was toward natural acting of
a realistic type. Imitation of the details of nature; in-
clusion of the ugly as well as the beautiful; emphasis on
action rather than on declamation were the three distinc-
tive marks of the period. But Sir Joshua Eeynolds proved
the prophet of yet another phase of romanticism.
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stage pbesentation in englaitd 191
Transition Forces
To understand the new forces that were at work in the
stage affairs of 1776, it is necessary to go back and to
trace a new interest that was just coming into an influen-
tial place after years of struggle on the part of one man,
Thomas Sheridan. It was a two-fold interest — an interest
in the propriety of speech and an interest in declamation
in and for itself.
Even before the time of Garrick, Quin is said to have
corrected mistakes into which Shakespeare had inadvert-
ently fallen in his use of language, to have changed and
modernized obsolete phrases, and to have restored to the
stage the proper pronunciation of many words. The value
of these contributions is irrelevant to the present discus-
sion; the fact of their showing an interest in the subject
of propriety in speaking is significant.
Macklin, too, in his early years came, through sad ex-
perience with his Irish brogue, to perceive the necessity
for proper pronunciation on the stage.
But with Thomas Sheridan the real study of the subject
commenced. In 1737, while Thomas Sheridan was in
Trinity College, Dublin, his friend. Dean Swift, inquired
concerning his studies. When he told the Dean that he
was not taught English and was not taught elocution, the
Dean replied, *^ Then, they teach you nothing." Inspired
by this comment, Sheridan began to think upon the subject
of education. Soon he became convinced that elocution
was the key to the reformation of the world and hence
should be made the foundation of education. He gave up
his pkns for school-teaching and adopted the stage forth-
with as his medium of instruction.®*
•*Jolm Watkins, Memoirs of the Public and Private Life of the
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192 LILY B. OAMPBELL
In 1743, therefore, Sheridan appeared in a Dublin
theatre. In 1744 he went to London, appearing at Covent
Garden. In 1744-45 he acted at Drury Lane, there gain-
ing the friendship of Pitt and Lyttleton. The next season
he and Garrick acted together in Dublin, Garrick at this
time encouraging Sheridan's idea of founding an oratori-
cal academy.
In 1751, as I have said above, Macklin coached the
fashionable amateur performance of Othello at Drury
Lane; it is evident, therefore, that by this time there must
have developed an aristocratic if not a popular taste for
dramatics and elocution.
In 1757 Sheridan delivered in Dublin an address on
elocution and commenced arrangements for an Hibernian
Academy, based on the educational principles in which he
believed.
In 1759 he gave in England a course of lectures on edu-
cation. In 1761 he gave another eight lectures on elocu-
tion. In these two sets of lectures he showed the necessity
for elocution as a means to making religion popular, l^al
argument conclusive, and morals effective. He further
indicated his hope of reviving in England the lost art of
oratory and at the same time of fixing the English lan-
guage, so that our best authors might not become anti-
quated.
In 1762 Foote gave his farce .of The Orators, in which
he burlesqued Sheridan's scheme, ridiculing in turn the
idea of training the Irish, Scotch, and Welsh in the proper
English pronunciations of words ; the idea of training pro-
Right Honorable R, B. Sheridan, toith a partioular Account of his
family and Connewions (3rd ed. London, 1818), vol. i, pp. 46 seq.
The facts hereafter recorded are the facts recorded in common by
all the biographers of the Sheridans.
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STAGS PBBSENTATION IN ENGLAND 193
f essional men in elocution ; and the idea of elocution as a
panacea for the evil in the world.
In 1762, also, Sheridan established in Edinburgh an
academy with elocution as its basic teaching. Enthusiasm
was said to run high over this academy in 1762, but when
Sheridan returned to Edinburgh in 1764, it had almost
totally disappeared.
In 1769 Sheridan gave at Footers theatre in London
" An Attic Evening's Entertainment," which was appar-
ently the first of the entertainments of recitation and music
so popular during the late eighteenth and the early nine-
teenth century.
In 1771 John Walker, a minor actor of the school of
Garrick, began to give lectures on elocution in various
parts of Great Britain.
In 1775 Sheridan gave more lectures on the art of read-
ing, which lectures, together with the earlier lectures on
elocution, were published in 1777 by Mr. Samuel Whyte
of Dublin, to whom Sheridan assigned them.
In 1774 had been announced in a pamphlet dedicated to
Garrick a pronouncing dictionary by John Walker. In
1775 appeared instead a rhyming dictionary, the pro-
nouncing dictionary failing to make its actual appearance
imtil 1791. In 1780, however, appeared instead a pro-
nouncing dictionary by Thomas Sheridan, prefaced by a
statement of his ideas of elocution as the basis of civil,
moral, and social reform, and including particular in-
structions to the unfortunate possessors of Scotch, Irish,
and Welsh brogues.
In 1780 and 1781 John Philip Kemble, then coming
into great popularity on the stage, followed Sheridan's ex-
ample and gave Attic Evenings,
In 1782 and 1783 Sheridan again gave lectures on elo-
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194 LILY B. CAMPBELL
cution and demonstrations of recitation in a public hall
in London and acquired a large following.
In 1785 Sheridan and Henderson, the greatest of the
followers of Garrick, gave readings likewise; and some-
time before 1796 Sheridan's and Henderson's Practical
Method of Reading and Writing English Poetry was
issued as "a necessary introduction to Dr. Enfield's
speaker."
In later years Mrs. Siddons, the sister of Kemble, and
the greatest actress of the English stage, gave many of
these evenings of readings.
The events here recorded reveal the new interests in
propriety of pronunciation and in declamation as a sepa-
rate art. These interests were largely developed, it is to
be observed, by two actors, Sheridan and Walker, and they
were continued by the influence of the leaders of the
legitimate stage — Kemble, Henderson, and Mrs. Siddons.
The Period of the Grajh) Style
In the changes in stage presentation after 1776 there
were three forces at work : the decline in the excellence .
of the school of Garrick ; the influence of Sheridan on the
London stage and his insistence on the matter of declama-
tion ; a new theory of art and hence of theatric representa-
tion. I
In regard to the first matter we have little direct in-
formation. But that the decline of the Garrick school was
generally recognized is implied in aU the records of the
time. Lord Northcote in his Memoirs of Reynolds gives
an anecdote illustrative of this fact. The Bishop of St.
Asaph, he reports, once asked Eeynolds why with all his
instruction Garrick had not made any excellent players.
Reynolds replied that the reason was found in the fact
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STAGE PEESENTATION IN BNGULNT) 196
that all of his pupils merely imitated Garrick, and that
mere imitators like all followers must always lag a step
behind.®^ In the OarricJe Correspondence collected by
Boaden is recorded a letter of 1769 from Mr. J. Sharp,
which gives expression to much the same idea. He writes
to Gbrrick, "I think you have spoiled as many actors as
Mr. Pope did poets, who studied the jingle of his versifi-
cation and got that only." ®*
The notable exception to the inadequacy of the follow-
ers of Garrick was found in Henderson, who through the
next decade shared honors with Kemble as the popular
tragedian of the times. Yet Henderson is said by Boaden
to have resembled Garrick, but not to have resembled the
school of Garrick.
As to the second force brought to bear upon the stage
practice of the time, the influence of Sheridan in the Lon-
don theatre, it is only necessary to record that Thomas
Sheridan became stage manager at Drury Lane when his
son, Richard Brinsley Sheridan, succeeded Garrick as
manager of that theatre in 1776. The period of his in-
cumbency was short, but he brought Mrs. Siddons to Lon-
don and gave her instruction and advice for which she con-
tinued to be grateful during her entire career. Sheridan's
interest in declamation I have already shown. That this
interest was strengthened in the stage world by his rule
and by his influence exercised through Mrs. Siddons and
the yoimger actors must be immediately evident.
The third influence I have noted was that of the chang-
ing theory of art. As I have -already indicated, Reynolds
in his Seventh Discourse, delivered in 1776, commented
on stage practice, applying the theories he had previously
enunciated in the Idler papers of 1759. Art, he said,
• Northcote, I, c, vol. i, p. 107. * Cor., vol. i, pp. 334, 335.
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196 LILY B. CAMPBELL
must not offend the eye by lack of harmony nor the ear
by inharmonious sounds. He continued :
We may venture to be more confident of the truth of this obeenra-
tion, since we find that Shakspeare, on a parallel occasion, has made
Hamlet recommend to the player a precept of the same kind, — ^nerer
to offend the ear by harsh sounds. 'In the very torrent, tempest,
and whirlwind of your passion,' says he, 'you must acquire and beget
a temperance that may give it smoothness.' And jet, at the same
time he very justly observes, 'The end of playing, both at the first,
and now, was, and is, to hold, as 'twere the mirror up to nature.'
No one can deny that violent passions will naturaUy emit harsh
and disagreeable tones; yet this great poet and critic thought that
this imitation of nature would cost too much if purchased at the
expense as he expresses it, of ' splitting the ear.' The poet and actor,
as well as the painter of genius, who is weU acquainted with all the
variety and sources of pleasure in the mind and imagination, has
little regard or attention to common nature, or creeping after com-
mon-sense. By overleaping those narrow bounds, he more effectually
seizes the whole mind, and more powerfully acc<»nplishes his pur-
pose. This success is ignorantly imagined to proceed from inatten-
tion to all rules, and a defiance of reason and judgment; whereas it
is in truth acting according to the best rules and the justest reason.
Art, Reynolds said, must raise and elevate nature. The
artist must elevate nature into the realm of the pleasure-
giving. The necessary elevation of art and the exclusion
of the ugly, save as it too could be elevated into the realm
of the pleasure-giving, then, mark the theory as it influ-
enced stage presentation. Reynolds instanced particularly
the play of Lear, seeming to criticise the pertormance of
Garrick even as Macklin had done.®''
In view, then, of the decline from the superior excellence
of Garrick's acting which marked the acting of his imme-
diate successors ; in view of the new prominence into which
the art of declamation had come through the influence of
^'Bosanquet in his History of Aesthetic comments on Reynolds's
Theory as an attempt " to dissociate the grand style from decorative
formalism and explain it with reference to a normal or central
'inclination of nature.'"
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STAGE PRESENTATION IN ENGLAND 197
Thomas Sheridan — an art in which Garrick was confes-
sedly inferior; and in view of the new theory of art,
especially as it was formulated by Sir Joshua Eeynolds,
the devoted friend of the Kembles, it is not surprising
that changes in the theory and practice of acting became
strikingly evident in 1782 and 1783, when Mrs. Siddons
and John Philip Kemble, her brother, took their places
as leaders of the London stage.
For a time competition between what was excellent in
the old school, in the person of Henderson, and what was
excellent in the new school, in the person of Kemble,
vied for supremacy.®* But Henderson's death in 1785
and Kemble's assumption of the management of Drury
Lane in 1788 marked the uncontested final superiority of
the new schooL Kemble represented the school of
grandeur, of elevated art ; Henderson the school of varied
action and natural utterance. Kemble gave expression to
theatric art as it was interpreted by Eeynolds ; Henderson
to theatric art as it had been practised by Garrick.®*
Kemble was a professed student of dramatic theory and
dramatic history. Furthermore he studied the art of his
time. Indeed, he formed the habit of making the rounds
of the studios of the artists of his time and of understand-
ing what their purposes were. Mrs. Siddons, too, became,
*" Percy Fitzgerald, The Oarriok Oluh, (p. 210) makes comment
<Hi the portraits of Henderson, saying they make him seem to have
had the rude methods of the conventional player in elocutionizing.
But such was not the contemporary judgment upon his acting.
''Boaden as the friend of the Kembles was perhaps their most
sympathetic interpreter. His comi^ent upon Henderson, too, is
significant. The difficulty he foimd in Henderson was that which
resulted from an effort to make natural on the stage what was writ-
ten as artificial dialogue. Dr. Johnson's Irene, for instance. The
Kembles were better able sympathetically to interpret this sort of
dialogue, he felt. Gf. MemoWs of Mrs. Biddans, vol. n, pp. 48, 40.
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198 LILY B. CAMPBELL
through her friend, the Honorable Mrs. Darner, interested
in sculpture, and some of her work is to-day to be seen in
the Garrick Club, I believe.''®
There were other contributory causes, moreover. The
new plays were not to be spoken as were Shakespeare's
plays, for their poetic style would be robbed of all charm
by too conversational a manner of delivery. Furthermore
the theatres were becoming larger, and the acoustics were
not good, so that the ordinary tones of voice could not be
heard, and any great variation in tone was impossible.
The large stage of the new theatres, particularly the stage
of the Italian Opera, which during the re-building of Drury
Lane was occupied by the actors, necessitated a greater
attention to motion and forbade informality.'^^
The final popularity of the school of Kemble, however,
was attributable to the glorious genius of Mrs. Siddons,
which was able to popularize this new school of theatric
art as the genius of (Jarrick had popularized the natural or
realistic school nearly fifty years earlier. To the wonder
of her acting there are innumerable tributes from her con-
temporaries. Hazlitt recorded:
The homage she has received is greats than that which is paid to
Queens. Hie enthusiasm she excited had something idolatrous about
it; she was regarded less with admiration than with wonder. She
raised Tragedy to the skies, or brought it down from thence.^
Mrs. Siddons's acting was of the ^^ grand style " advoca-
ted by Keynolds. It had in it much of the sublime. There
was no attempt in her acting slavishly to copy nature;
rather it was the medium for the interpretation of nature,
~ Boaden, Mrs, flf., vol. n, pp. 290, 291.
«7WA, pp. 284-290.
"William Hazlitt, The OoUeoied Works of, ed. Waller and Glover,
1903, voL vm, p. 312. An account of Mrs. Siddons published in
The Ewwmmer for June 16, 1816.
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STAaB PBB8BNTATION IN ENGLAND 199
a medium for rendering action more significant. It en-
nobled whatever it interpreted.
As I have said, this was the method of Kemble also, but
the genius of Mrs. Siddons was the force which made this
new school of acting the dominant one through the years
between 1782 and 1814, when Edmund Kean appeared on
the London stage. During this period propriety of speech
and elegance of declamation were emphasized. . The ugly
was no longer admitted as capable of artistic treatment
save as it was elevated into the realm of the pleasure-giv-
ing. Dignified and elevated acting, consciously interpreta-
tive rather than imitative, expressed the art of the stage.
The chronicle of theatric events during the eighteenth
century cannot but seem significant when viewed in the
light of the changes that were taking place in the other arts
during the same period. From 1690 till 1741, we find a
period of classicism, marked on the stage by formalism
and convention and the acceptance of tradition. That this
was the period of classicism in the other arts, every student
of the history of literature and painting and gardening
knows as a matter of course. And that the same artistic
principles were manifest in every artistic medium of the
time is at once recognized. After 1741 the stage experi-
enced its age of romanticism, expressing in its art the
same spiritual changes that modified or revolutionized the
other arts. In stage affairs this age of romanticism was
characterized by revolt against the classicism of the pre-
ceding age, by a renewed dependence on the older Eng-
lish dramatists, particularly Shakespeare, and by a new
conception of the relation between nature and art. Until
1776 this new romanticism was realistic, imitative. After
1776, and yet more definitely after 1782, the romanticism
was the classical romanticism, interpretative in method —
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200 LILY B. CAMPBELL
the romanticiflm of the " grand style/' Again the other
arts show a history exactly parallel with the history of
stage art. In English literature and in painting, as on the
English stage, the romanticism for the early years was a
realistic romanticism. Gradually it was modified to a
classical romanticism.
During this period all the arts found new interest in
constructive criticism, while with Burke, Kames, Hogarth,
and Eeynolds we find manifest the gradually evolving
theory of art which justified its changing principles. Thus,
as we see the romanticism of the early poets becoming
the classical romanticism of Keats and Shelley and Byron,
as we see the realism of Hogarth superseded in public
favor by the " grand style '^ of Reynolds, and the imitative
acting of Garrick yielding to the interpretative art of the
Kembles, we must inevitably conclude that the arts were
but manifesting through their different media the artistic
principles held in common by them all.
Lily B. Campbell.
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Vin.— THE BEGINNINGS OP POETRY
Certain [Indian] societies require that each member have a special
song; this 8<mg is generally of the man's own composition, although
scMnetimes these songs are inherited from a father or a near relative
who when living had been a member of the society. These individual
s<mgB are distinct from songs used in the ceremonies and r^arded
as the property of the society, although the members are entitled to
sing them on certain occasions. When this society holds its formal
meetings a part of the closing exercises consists of the simultaneous
singing by all the members present of their individual songs. Hie
result is most distressing to a listener, but there are no listeners
unless by chance an outsider is present, for each singer is absorbed
in voicing his own special song which is strictly his own personal
affair, so that he pays no attention to his neighbour, consequently
the pandemonium to which he contributes does not exist for him.
The forgoing paragraph from Miss Alice 0. Fletcher's
accoimt of Indian music ^ reads like a travesty of the ac-
cepted view of primitive song, its character and author-
ship. There is the familiar primitive "horde," engaged
in festal singing, without onlookers. Yet instead of col-
laborative composition, improvisation, and communal
ownership of the ensuing "ballad," we have individual
authorship and ownership, and individual singing. This
is the testimony of a specialist who has spent many years
among the people of whom she writes, studying and record-
ing their songs and their modes of composition. Easily
recognizable is the homogeneous primitive group, singing
in festal ceremony ; but this group does not conduct itself
^ The Study of Indian Music, Reprinted from the Proceedings of
the National Academy of Sciences, vol. i, p. 233. 1915.
Compare a custom among the Karok, an Indian tribe of California
(Stephen Powers, Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol.
ra, p. 29, Washington, 1877).
201
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LOUISE POUND
in the way which literary historianfl have insisted that we
should expect.
The songs of primitive peoples have received much at-
tention in recent years, especially the songs of the Ameri-
can Indians. An immense amount ctf material has been
collected and made available; and this has been done in
a scientific way, with the help of countless phonographic
and other records. Instead of having to rely on the stray
testimonies of travellers, explorers, historians, and essay-
ists, the student of primitive poetry has now at his disposal
an amount of data unavailable to his predecessors. He
need not linger among the fascinating mysteries of roman-
tic hypotheses, but can supply himself with the carefully
observed facts of scientific record.^
'References of chief importance for the American Indians are
Frederick R. Burton, American Primitive Music, with especial atten-
tion to the songs of the Ojibways, New York, 1909; Natalie Curtis,
The Indian's Book, New York, 1900; and the following thorough
studies: Frances Densmore, Chippetoa Music, in Bulletins 45 (1910)
and 53 (1913) of the Bureau of American Ethnology; Alice C.
Fletcher, A Study of Omaha Indian Music, Papers of the Peahody
Museum, vol. vn. No. 5, 1893, Indian Btory and Bong, Boston, 1900,
The Hako: a Pawnee Ceremony, 22 Report (1904), Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology, and The Study of Indian Music quoted supra; James
Mooney, T?^ Qhost-Dance Religion, 14 Report, Bureau of Ethnology,
Part n, 1896. Excellent pieces of work are "Hopi Songs" and
"ZuJSi Melodies," by B. I. Oilman, published respectively in the
JourtMl of American Ethnology and- Archosology, vol. i, 1891 and
vol. v, 1908, but nothing is said in these regarding the composition or
presentation of the songs recorded.
Here also may be cited F. Boas, The Central Eskimo, Bureau of
American Ethnology, 1884-1885, Bongs and Dances of the Kunihiutl,
etc.. Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1888, Eskimo Tales and Bongs,
ihid., 1894 ; F. J. de Augusta, Zehn Araukaner Lieder, Anthropos, vi,
1911. Many references are cited later, especially books, studies, or
special articles dealing with South American, African, and Austral-
ian tribes.
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THE BSOINNINQfi OF POETBY 208
In this matter it cannot be valid to object that we should
not look among ITorth or South American Indians, or Eski-
mos for '^ beginnings." It cannot reasonably be said that
these tribes are too advanced, too highly civilized, to afford
trustworthy evidence as to aboriginal modes. As a matter
of fact, we can go little farther back, in the analysis of cul-
ture, than these peoples, if we are to stay by what can be
demonstrated. When we have learned what we can learn
from the primitive tribes on our own continent, in South
America, Africa, Australia, Oceania, we know pretty much
all that we can surely know. If we go to the prehistoric,
we are conjecturing, and we ought to label our statements
" conjecture." In general, gradations of " primitiveness "
among savage peoples are difficult to make. A social group
may show the simplest or least organized social structure,
and yet be relatively advanced in musical and artistic
talent Another group may show advance in social or-
ganization, yet be backward in song and story. And cer-
tainly even the most advanced of the Indian communities
(with the exception of civilized Mexico and Peru) are
every whit as primitive as the mediaeval peasant com-
munes, from whose supposed ways we are constantly asked
to learn as r^ards poetic beginnings.* If, as we are told,
prehistoric song-modes are reflected in the folk-dances and
festal throngs of mediaeval peasants and villagers, or in
the singing of nineteenth-century Corsican field laborers,
Styrian threshers, Gascon vintage choruses, Italian coun-
try-folk, Silesian peasants, Faroe Island fishermen, and
harvest-field songs everywhere,* they ought to be reflected
yet more in the song-modes of the American Indians.
• See F. B. Gummere, The Beginninga of Poetry, 1901, and The Pop-
ular BaUad, 1907.
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204 LOUISE POUND
n
" Communal ^' Authobship and Ownbeship
At the present time the accepted op orthodox view, t. e.,
among literary critics, hardly among anthropologists, con-
cerning the authorship of primitive song and the " begin-
nings of poetry " is reflected in such passages as the follow-
ing, from a recent work by Professor Richard Green
Moulton : ^
The primary element of literary form is the ballad dance, lliis
is the union of verse with musical accompaniment and dancing; the
dancing being, not exactly what the words suggest to modern ears,
but the imitative and suggestive action of which an orator's gestures
are the nearest survival. Literature, where it first appears spon-
taneously, takes this form: a theme or story is at once versified,
accompanied with music, and suggested in action. When the Israel-
ites triumphed at the Red Sea, Miriam " took a timbrel in her hands;
and all the women went out after her with timbrels and dances."
This was a ballad dance; it was a more elaborate example of the same
when David, at the inauguration of Jerusalem, ''danced before the
Lord with all his might." And writers who deal with literary origins
offer abimdant illustrations of folk-dances among the most diverse
peoples in an early stage of civilization.
In this passage and in his diagrams showing literary
evolution * Professor Moulton gives the " ballad dance '^
the initial position in the chronology of musical and liter-
ary history, characterizing it as the "primitive literary
form '' — ^the ballad dance, moreover, according to the usual
view, of the throng. Individual composition of and pri-
prietorship in song is of secondary development ; and when
this stage has been reached, " folk-song " has passed into
" artistry."
Better, let some passages from Professor Gummere's
• The Modem Btudy of IMertUure, Chicago, 1916. From Chapter i,
" The Elements of Literary Form."
•Ihid., pp. 18, 26.
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THE BEGINNINGS OP POBTBY 205
TJie Beginnings of Poetry be cited. Professor Gxunmere
is our leading scholar of the subject, and in view of his
learning, his immense bibliographical equipment, and his
years of attention to the matter, his words may well have
especial weight. Here are some characteristic sentences:
" Poetry begins with the impersonal, with commimal emo-
tion." '^ " The ballad is a song made in the dance, and so
by the dance. . . The conmiimal dance is the real source of
the song." ® ^^ The earliest ^ muse ^ was the rhythm of the
throng." • " Festal throngs, not a poet's solitude, are the
birthplace of poetry." ^^ " Overwhelming evidence shows
all primitive poetical expression of emotion to have been
collective." ^^ Let two quotations of greater length be
given:
As the savage laureate slips from the singing, dancing crowd, which
turns audience for the nonce, and gives his short improvisation, onlj
to yield to the refrain of the chorus, so the actual hahit of individ-
ual composition and performance has spnmg from the choral com-
position and performance. The improvisations and the recitative are
short deviations from the main road, beginnings of artistry, which
will one day become journeys of the solitary singer over pathless hills
of song, those " wanderings of thought " which Sophocles has noted ;
and the curve of evolution in the artist's course can show how rapidly
and how far this progress has been made. But the relation must not
be reversed; and if any fact seems established for primitive life, it is
the precedence of choral song and dance. . . .
Here it is enough to show that rhythmical verse came directly from
choral song, and that neither the choral song, nor any regular song,
could have come from the recitative."
It is natural for one person to speak, or even to sing, and for
ninety-nine persons to listen. It is also natural for a hundred per-
^The Beginnings of Poetry (1901), p. 139. Later, by Professor
Gummere, are The Popular Ballad (1907), and the chapter on Bal-
lads in the Cambridge History of English Literature (1908); but
these deal primarily with the English and Scottish ballads, not with
the origins of poetry.
•P. 321. "P. 212. "P. 93.
•P. 106. "P. 13.
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206 LOUISB POUND
sons, under strong emotion, to shout, sing, dance, in concert and as
a throng, not as a matter of active and passive, of give and take,
but in common consent of expression. The second situation . . .
must have preceded."
To come farther down in the history of song, a favorite
picture with Professor Gummere is of European peasant
folk in the Middle Ages, improvising " ballads " in song
and dance, and thus — ^by virtue of the simple homogeneous
character of their life — establishing a type of balladry
superior to, and having more vitality than, anything of
the kind having its origin in individual authorship. It is
*» Pp. 80, 81. In Professor Gummere's article on " The Ballad and
Communal Poetry," Child Memorial voliune {Harvard Studies and
Notes, etc., 1896), he says: "Spontaneous composition in a dancing
multitude — all singing, all dancing, and all able on occasion to im-
provise— ^is a fact of primitive poetry about which we may be as
certain as such questions allow us to be certain. Behind individuals
stands the human horde. ... An insistent echo of this throng . . .
greets us from the ballads." He adds communal poetry to Wundt's
(Ueher Ziele und Wege der Volkerpsychologie) three products of the
conmiunal mind, — speech, myth, and custom. ''Universality of the
poetic gift among inferior races, spontaneity or improvisation under
communal conditions, the history of refrain and chorus, the early
relation of narrative songs to the dance '* [the italics are mine] are
facts so well established that "it is no absurdity to insist on the
origin of poetry under communal and not under artistic conditions."
More difiSculty lies in "the assertion of simultaneofis composition.
Yet this diflBculty is more apparent than real."
Grosse, Anf&nge der Kunst (1894), ch. iz, finds the poetry of
primitive peoples to be egoistic in inspiration, and gives examples of
lyrics of various types which point to this. "Im AUgemeinen
tr> die Lyrik der Jllgervdlker einen durchaus egoistischen Cha-
rakter. Der Dichter besingt seine persdnlichen Leiden und Freuden;
das Schicksal seiner Mitmenschen entlockt ihm nur selten einen Ton."
For Professor Gummere's discussion and rejection of Grosse's view,
see The Beginnings of Poetry, pp. 381 flf.
For a present-day German view of primitive poetry, see Erich
Schmidt, " Die Anfange der Literatur," Die Kultur der Gegenwart,
Leipzig, 1906, i, pp. 1-27. For a French view, see A. van Gennep,
La Formation des L4gendes, Paris, 1910, pp. 210-211.
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THE BSOINNINQS OF POETBY 207
a long gap, that between aboriginal song and dance and
the English and Scottish ballads of the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries; yet it is a gap we are asked to bridge.
Undoubtedly, if that " most ancient of creative processes,"
the communal throng chorally creating its song from the
festal dance, existed among the mediseval peasants and
produced work of the high value of the English and Scot-
tish ballads, the same " ancient method " should prevail
among that yet more primitive people, the American
Indians.
That it is an absurd chronology which assimies that in-
dividuals have choral utterance before they are lyrically
articulate as individuals, seems — extraordinarily enough —
to have troubled very few. Did primitive man sing, dance,
and compose in a throng, while he was yet unable to do so
as an individual ? We are asked to believe this. Are we to
assume that he was inarticulate and without creative gift
till suddenly he participated in some festal celebration and
these gifts became his ? Professor Qummere cites as evi-
dence, so important as to deserve italics. Dr. Paul Ehren-
reich's statement concerning the Botocudos of South
America, '' They never sing without dancing, never dance
without singing, wad have hut one word to express both
song and danceJ^ ^* Much the same thing, save as r^ards
limitations of vocabulary, might have been said by a trav-
eller among the ancient Greeks, with whom dance was
generally inseparable from music and versa Nothing is
proved by this characteristic of the Botocudos, if it is a
characteristic; any more than anything is proved by the
fact that the far more aboriginal Akkas of South Africa ^"
^Ueher die Botoouden, Zeitsohrift fUr Ethnologie, XJX, pp. 30flf.
Quoted in The Beginnings of Poetry, p. 95. See note 40 infra,
" Some references for the Akkas are G. Burrows, On ihe Natives of
the Upper WeUe District of the Belgian Congo, Journal of the
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208 LOUISE P0UI7D
have songless danceS; or by the fact that danoelees songs —
a circumstance hard to fit into the accepted view of primi-
tive poetry — ^have been reported among the Andamanese,
the Australians^ the Maori of 2Tew Zealand, Semang
of Malaysia, Seri of Mexico, and Eskimo of the Arctic,
as well as among practically all North American tribes
that have been studied in detail.^^ "Purely the indi-
vidual does everything he can do, or chooses to do, as
an individual, before, or cont^aporary with, his ability
to do the same as a member of a throng. The testimo-
nies of travellers as to communal singing and dancing
Anthropological Institute (1889), xxvni; Sir H. JameSi Geographi-
cal Journal, xvn, p. 40, 1906; G. A. Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa,
N. Y., 1874, vol. n; H. von Wissmann, Meine Zweite Durchquerung
Aequaitorial-Afrikas, Frankfort, 1890; H. M. Stanley, In Darkest
Africa, N. Y., 1891; H. Schlichter, Pygmy Tribes of Africa, Scot.
Geog. Mag., vm, etc.
"According to the testimony of Misa Fletcher, in a letter to the
present writer, there are many songs sung by Indian societies in
which there is no dancing. 6uch songs are Bp(^en of as "Rest
Songs." In the account quoted at the opening of this paper, of the
simultaneous singing of individual songs by the members of a cer-
tain society as the closing act of a meeting, the members are sitting
as they sing. Their individual songs are, in a sense> credentials of
membership. Each song is strictly individual, and refers to a per-
sonal experience.
" In most societies," says Miss Fletcher, " as well as in the cere-
monies of the tribe, the songs are led by a choir, or by persons
officially appointed as leaders. The members of the society fre-
quently join in the song. I do not recall anyone performing a
dramatic dance and singing at the same time. While all dances are
accompanied by song, many songs are sung without dancing.
"Some of the dancing is not violent in action, the movement is
merely rhythm and swaying. In such dances, the dancers sing as
they move. Occasionally, as I recall, the song for a dance which is
dramatic and vigorous, bringing all the body into play, wiU be sung
by the choir (men and women seated about the drum). Some of the
people sitting and watching the dance may clap their hands in
rhythm with the drum. This, however, is playfulness by some pri-
vileged person and indicates enjoyment."
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THE BEOnmiNGS OF POETBY
among savage or peasant communities prove nothing at
all as to origins; certainly they do not prove that collective
poetic feeling and authorship preceded individual feeling
and authorship. Testimonies as to tribal song ought to
outnumber testimonies as to individual song, since the
spectator is chiefly interested in tribal ways. He would
be struck by and record tribal ceremonies, rituals, and
songs, where individual doings would escape attention or
seem unimportant. Besides, choruses would no doubt be
more numerous than solos, and bound up with more
important occasions; much as solo dances are infrequent,
among savage tribes, compared to mass dancing. To
reiterate, however, testimony no matter how great its
quantity, that savage peoples sing and dance in throngs,
or improvise while doing so, proves nothing as to the
priority of communal over individual feeling, authorship,
and ownership.
The evidence concerning primitive song which should
have greatest weight is not that of travellers and explorers,
interested chiefly in other things than song, but l3iat of
special scholars, who have recorded and studied available
material with a view to its nature, its composition, and its
vitality. Among these there seems to be neither doubt nor
divergence of opinion ; and their testimony is at variance
with the now established tradition of the literary historian.
I wish to make clear in advance that I have no desire
to deny the general social inspiration of song. In a broad
sense, all art is a social phenomenon — ^the romanticists to
the contrary. Song is mainly a social thing at the present '^
time, and it was yet more prevailingly social among our
remote ancestors. I wish rather to examine the following
specific hypotheses: the inseparableness of primitive dance,
music, and song; the simultaneous mass-composition of
primitive song; mass-ownership of primitive song; the
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210 LOUISE POUND
narrative character of primitive song; the non-existence of
the primitive artist. I also have strong doubts concerning
the birth of rhythmic or musical utterance from rhythmic
action, if this be conceived as a form of limb or bodily
motion.
In the following citations of illustrative material, I have
drawn primarily upon American Indian material. It is
this material, on the whole, which has been collected and
studied most carefully. Coming as it does from homogen-
eous primitive peoples, in the tribal state, having one stand-
ard of life, and as yet unaffected by the poetic modes of
civilization, it should have importance for the questions
\mder discussion. Parallel material available from South
America, Africa, Australia, and Oceania, yields, however,
the same evidence.
in
Individual Authobship and Owneeship
That American Indian song is of individual composi-
tion, not the product of group improvisation, much evidence
may be brought to support. It will be seen also, from the
illustrative material cited, that the Indian has a feeling of
private ownership in his song. It would be reasonable,
therefore, to assume that, as far back as we can go in primi-
tive society, there should be a sense of individual skill in
song-making, as of individual skill in running, hurling a
dart, leaping, or any other human activities. There is
something absiird in singling out musical utterance as the
one form of expression having only social origin or social
existence.
A large nimiber of Indian songs are said to have come
into the mind of the Indian when he was in a dream or a
trance (surely not a " communal " form of experience!).
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THE BEGINNINGS OF POETEY 211
Many of the Chippewa songs, for example, are classified as
" dream songs.'' Says Miss Densmore : ^^
Many Indian songs are intended to exert a strong mental influ-
ence, and dream songs are supposed to have this power in greater
degree than any others. The supernatural is very real to the Indian.
He puts, himself in communication with it by fasting or by physical
suffering. While his body is thus subordinated to his mind a song
occurs to him. In after years he belieyes that by singing this song
he can recall the condition under which it came to him — a condition
of direct communication with the supematuraL"
It is said that in the old days all the important songs were
"composed in dreams," and it is readily understood that the man
who sought a dream desired power superior to that he possessed.
A song usually came to a man in his "dream"; he sang this song
in the time of danger or necessity in the belief that by so doing he
made more potent the supernatural aid vouchsafed to him in the
dream. Songs composed, or received, in this manner were used on
the warpatii, in the practice of medicine, and in any serious under-
taking of life."
'Frances Densmore, Chippewa Muaio, i, n. Bulletin 46 (1910)
and 53 (1913), Bureau of American Ethnology. For examples see
I, pp. llSff., n, pp. 37 ff.
"•/Wd., I, p. 118.
" Ibid., n, p. 16. Compare also : " There is no limit to the num-
ber of these [ghost-dance songs] as every trance at every dance pro-
duces a new one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness em-
bodying his experience in the spirit world in the form of a song,
which is sung at the next dance and succeeding performance until
superseded by other songs originating in the same way. Thus a
single dance may easily result in twenty or thirty new songs " (James
Mooney, The Ghost Damce Religion, 14 Report, BurecM of Ethnology,
Part n, 1896, p. 952). Many trance songs from many tribes are
given pp. 953-1101.
For testimony from Australia, see A. W. Howitt, The Native
Tribes of South-East Australia, London, 1904. He says, p. 416, " In
the tribes with which I have acquaintance, I find it to be a common
belief that the songs, using that word in its widest meaning, as
including all kinds of aboriginal poetry, are obtained by the bards
from the spirits of the deceased, usually of their kindred, during
sleep, in dreams. . . The Birraark professed to rttoeive his poetic
inspiration from the Mrarts, as well as the accompanying dances,
which he was supposed to have seen first in ghost-land. ... In the
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212 LOUISB TOTJUTD
There is also testimony as to private ownership. ^^
The Chippewa have no songs which are the exclusive property of
families or clans. Any young man may learn his father's songs,
for example, by giving him the customary gift of tobacco, but he
does not inherit the right to sing such songs, nor does his father
force him to learn them.*^
Wte learn further that the healer combines music and
medicine. " If a cure of the sick is desired, he frequently
mixes and rolls a medicine after singing the song which
will make it effective." ^^ And that " The songs of a
Chippewa doctor cannot be bought or sold." ^*
So far as the two men who heard me were concerned, the argu-
ment was convincing, but there lingered even with them a reluctance
to help me with certain songs because they belonged to other per-
sons. Nearly all the Indians of my acquaintance recognize this pro-
prietary interest in songs. A has no right to sing B's songs; B did
not compose them, but they came down to him through his family,
or from some chief who fought him, and B alone should say whether
they might be given another.**
Miss Fletcher writes of the Omaha :
It would be a mistake to fancy that songs floated indiscriminately
about among the Indians, and could be picked up here and there by
any chance observer. Every song had originally its owner. It be-
Narrang-ga tribe there are old men who profess to learn songs and
dances from departed spirits. These men are called Gurildras. . . .
In the Yuin tribe some men received their songs in dreams, others
when waking." Specimen songs follow.
**An interesting seventeenth-century testimony is the following
from LeJeune's Relation, 1636: "Let us begin* with the feasts of the
Savages. They have one for war. At this they sing and dance in
turn, according to age; if the younger ones begin, the old men pity
them for exposing themselves to the ridicule of the others. Each
has his own song, that another dare not sing lest he give offense.
For this very reason they sometimes strike up a tune that belongs
to their enemies to aggravate them." — Jesuit Belations (lliwaites
ed.), voL iz, p. 111.
'^CTUppewa Muaio, i, p. 2. ^ Ihid., i, p. 20. ^fbid., p. 119.
"Burton, Ameriocm Primitive Mtmo, p. 118.
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THB BSGINNING8 OF POETBY 213
longed either to a society, secular or religious, to a certain clan or
political organization, to a particular rite or ceremony, or to some
individual. . . . The right to sing a song which belonged to an in-
dividual could be purchased, the person buying the song being taught
it by the owner.
These beliefs and customs among the Indians have made it possible
to preserve their songs without change from one generation to an-
other. Many curious and interesting proofs of accuracy of trans-
mittal have come to my knowledge during the past twenty years,
while studying these primitive melodies. . . . Close and continued
observation has revealed that the Indian, when he sings, is not con-
cerned with the making of a musical presentation to his audience.
He is simply pouring out his feelings, regardless of artistic effects.
To him music is subjective: it is the vehicle of communication be-
tween him and the object of his desire.*
Now a few testimonies as to individual authorship. A
first instance is from the songs of the Omaha. For the
complete story of this song, the reader is referred to the
account of Miss Fletcher:
At length the Leader stood up and said, "We have made peace,
we have come in good faith, we will go forward, and Wa-konMa
shall decide the issue." Then he struck up this song and led the
way; and as the men and women followed, they caught the tune, and
all sang it as they came near the, Sioux village."
"Alice C. Fletcher, The Indin in Story and Bong, pp. 116-117.
^Ihid., p. 22. The following passage from A Study of Omaha
Indian Mtuio, p. 25, by Alice C. Fletcher and Francis LaFlesche, also
throws light on the composition of certain Indian songs:
Like the Poo-g'-thun, the Hae-thu-ska preserved the history of its
members in its songs; when a brave deed was performed, the society
decided whether it should be celebrated and without this dictate no
man would dare permit a song to be composed in his honor. When
a favorable decision was given, the task of composing the song de-
volved upon some man with musical talent. It has happened that
the name of a man long dead has given place in a popular song to
that of a modern warrior; this could only be done by the consent of
the society, which was seldom given, as the Omahas were averse to
letting the memory of a brave man die. . . . the songs were trans-
mitted from one generation to another with care, as was also the
story of the deeds the song conuuemorated.
6
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214 LOUISB POUITD
Two instances from the Pawnee illustrate perfectly the
poet musing in solitude on the meaning of nature, — like a
sort of Pawnee Wordsworth !
The " Song of the Bird's Nest " commemorates the story
of a man who came upon a bird's nest in the grass:
He paused to look at the little nest tucked away bo snug and
warm, and noted that it held six eggs and that a peeping sound
came from some of them. While he watched, one moved and soon a
tiny bill pushed through the shell uttering a shrill cry. At once the
parent birds answered and he looked up to see where they were. They
were not far off; they were flying about in search of food, chirping
the while to each other and now and then calling to the little ones
in the nest. . . . After many days he desired to see the nest again.
So he went to the place where he had found it and there it was as
safe as when he had left it. But a change had taken place. It was
now full to overflowing with little birds, who were stretching their
wings, balancing on their little legs and making ready to fly, while
the parents with encouraging calls were coaxing the fledglings to
venture forth. "Ah!" said the man, "if my people would only learn
of the birds, and like them, care for their young and provide for
their future, homes would be full and happy, and our tribe strong
and prosperous."
When this man became a priest, he told the story of the bird's
nest and sang its song; and so it has come down to us as from the
days of our fathers."
The " Song of the Wren " was made by a priest who
noted that the wren, the smallest and least powerful of the
birds, excelled them all in the fervor of its song. " Here,''
he thought, " is a teaching for my people. Everyone can
be happy ; even the most insignificant can have his song of
thanks."
So he [the priest] made the story of the wren and sang it; and
''The Hako, A Paumee Ceremony, in 22nd Report, Bureau of
American Ethnology, Part n, p. 170. See also The India/n in Story
and Bong, p. 32.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF POETBT 215
it has been handed down from that day, — a day bo long ago no man *
can remember the time."
Instances testifying to individual not communal compo-
sition of song among the Chippewa are no less easily cited.
The following explanation of a certain song was given
by an Indian:
The song belonged to a certain man who sang it in the dances
which were held before going to war. When this man was a boy he
had a dream and in his dream he heard the trees singing as though
they were alive: they sang that they were afraid of nothing except
being blown down by the wind. When the boy awoke he made up
this song, in which he repeats what he heard the trees say. The true
meaning of the words is that there is no more chance of his being de-
feated on the warpath than there is that a tree will be blown down
by the wind.*
The singer stated that he composed this song himself when he was
a child. The circiunstances were as follows: His mother had gone
to a neighbor's, leaving him alone in the wigwam. He became very
much afraid of the owl, which is the particular terror of all small
Indians, and sang this song. It was just after sugar making and
the wigwams were placed together beside the lake. The people in
the othor wigwams heard his little song. The melody was entirely new
and it attracted them so that they learned- it as he sang. The men
* The Hako, pp. 171-172. See also The Indian in Story and Song,
p. 66.
See A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South^East Australia,
London, 1904, for instances of individual artistry among the Aus-
tralians. "The makers of Australian songs, or of the combined
songs and dances, are the poets, or bards, of the tribe, and are held in
great esteem. Their names are known in the neighboring tribes, and
their songs are carried from tribe to tribe, until the very meaning
of the words is lost, as well as the original source of the song. It is
hard to say how far and how long such a song may travel in the
course of time over the Australian continent,'' p. 414. See also Kur-
buru's song, composed and simg by a bard called Kurburu, p. 420,
etc Howitt refers to one man who composed (see Umbara's songs,
pp. 416, 423) when tossing about on the waves in a boat — ^not a very
** communal " method of composition.
^Chippewa Music, i, p. 126, No. 112: " Song of the Trees.''
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216 LOUISE poum)
took it up and used it in their moccasin games. For many years it
was used in this way, but he was always given the credit of its com-
position.**
The rhythm of this song is peculiarly energizing, and when once
established would undoubtedly have a beneficial physical effect. The
surprising feature of this case, however, is that the song is said to
have been composed and the rhythm created by the sick man him-
self.«
It is interesting to note that many Indian songs are com-
posed by women. The following are instances :
. . . They [the women] would gather in groups at the lodge of
the Leader of the war party, and in the hearing of his family would
sing a Wc-ton song, which should carry straight to the far-away war-
riors and help them to win the battle . . . The We^-ton song here
given was composed by a Dakota woman.**
It is said that the following [Chippewa] song was composed and
sung on the field of battle by a woman named Omiskwa^wegijigo^kwe
("woman of the red sky"), the wife of the leader, who went with
him into the fight singing, dancing, and urging him on. At last she
saw him kill a Sioux. Full of the fire of battle, she longed to play a
man's part and scalp the slain. Custom forbade that Chippewa
women use the scalping knife, although they carried the scalps in the
victory dance.
Song
at that time
if I had been a man
truly
a man
I would have seized.**
'•Hid,, p. 136, No. 121: "I am afraid of the Owl."
»*/6«J., p. 96, No. 79: "Healing Song." Compare also Franz
Boas on The Central Eskimo, Report Bureau of Ethnology, 1884-1885,
p. 049 : " Besides these old songs and tales there are a great number
of new ones, and, indeed, almost every man has his own tune and his
own song. A few of these become great favorites among the Eskimo
and are sung like our popular songs."
■* Fletcher, Indian Btory and Song, Weton Song, pp. 81, 85.
So also in the Omaha tribe: "We'tonwaan is an old and imtrans-
latable word used to designate a class of songs composed by women
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THE BEOn^NLR^GB OP POBTEY 217
Odjib^e [a Chippewa] stated that his wife's brother was killed
by the Sioux and that he organized a war party in return. The pur-
pose of the expedition was to attack a certain Sioux Tillage located
on an island in Sauk river, but before reaching the Tillage, the Chip-
pewa met a war party of Sioux, which they pursued, killing one man.
niere were nine Chippewa in OdjiVwe's party; not one was killed.
They returned home at once and Odjib^we presented the Sioux scalp
to his wife Dekum (" across ") who held it aloft in the victory dance
as she sung the following song.
OdjiVwe
our brother
brings back.**
Much further evidence of the composition of songs by
Indian women might be cited.^®
The preceding are specimen testimonies. They might
be added to indefinitely, and from other than Indian
sources. In accounts of African, Australian, or South
American tribes, one comes invariably upon the instance
of the individual who makes a song — ^very often in soli-
and sung exclusiTely by them." — ^Fletcher and LaFlesche, The Omaha
Tribe, 27th Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 421; cf. pp.
320-323 for other types of women's songs.
"Chippeioa Muaio, n, p. Ill, No. 31: " If I Had Been a Man."
••/WA, p. 121, No. 39: Song of De-kimi. ScTeral other songs
composed by De-kum are giTen.
* Compare Franz Boas, Ohvnook Lays, p. 224, Journal of American
Folk-Lore, 1888: "The greater part of those I haTe collected were
composed by women." He adds that for a great number of tunes the
" text is only a meaningless burden." For songs of the Kiowa com-
posed by a woman, see J. W. Mooney, The Ghost-Dance Religion, 14
Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Part n, 1896, pp. 1083, 1086, etc.
See also an article of interest by Alexander F. Chamberlain, Primi-
tive Woman as Poet, Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xvi { 1903 ) ,
pp. 207 ff.
R. H. Codrington writes of the Melanesians {The Melanesians:
Studies in Their Anthropology and Folk-Lore, Oxford, 1891, p. 334) :
'* A poet or poetess more or less distinguished is probably found in
eTery considerable Tillage throughout the islands; when some remark-
able eTent occurs, the launching of a canoe, a Tisit of strangers, or a
feast, song-makers are engaged to celebrate it and rewarded," etc
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218 LOUISE POUND
tude — and the song is recognised as his. The great mass
of primitive songs sung in communal or other gatherings
are either portions of religious rituals, didactic, or, still
oftener, magical in nature. Far from being improvised ^^
for the occasion, they are sedulously repeated verbatim, the
least deviation from the rote form being the occasion, not
infrequently, of an entire recommencement of the cere-
mony.
Songs composed and sung by individuals and songs sung
by groups of singers (or *' throngs," if you prefer) are to
be found in the most primitive of living tribes. That in
ike earliest stage there was group utterance only, arising
from the folk-d-ance, is fanciful hypothesis. That primi-
tive song is of group composition or collaboration, not in-
dividual composition, is quite as fanciful. Again, as far
•• Compare the testimony of Ramon Pane, concerning the Haytians,
in Ferdinand Columbus's Life of Christopher Oolumhus, ch. 14:
" They have all the superstitions reduced into old songs, and are di-
rected by them, as the Moors by the Alcoran. When they sing these,
they play on an instnunent made of wood. ... To that music they
sing those songs they have got by heart. The chief men play on it,
who learn it from their infancy, and so sing it according to their
custom."
Substantially the same account is given by Peter Martyr d'Anghre-
ra {De Orhe Novo, English trans, by MacNutt, New York, 1912, vol. i,
p. 172) : "When the Spanish asked whoever had infected them with
this mass of ridiculous beliefs, the natives replied that they received
them from their ancestors, and that they had been preserved from
time inmiemorial in poems which only the sons of chiefs were allowed
to learn. These poems are learned by heart, for they have no writ-
ing, and on feast days the sons of chiefs sing them to the people in
the form of sacred chants."
For the North American Indians, see, for example, Washington
Matthews, Navaho Legends, Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Bo-
ciety, 1897. An account of Navaho traditional songs is given pp.
23-27. See also note 273, p. 254, NiwaJio Music, by Prof. J. C. FUl-
more. Miss Fletcher gives similar testimony concerning Indian tra-
ditional lays.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF POETEY 219
back as we can go in the genesis of song<5raft, there are
impromptu songs, the spontaneous utterance of present
emotion, and there are traditional songs, survivals or
revivals of the songs of the past.'*'' Among primitive peo-
ples there is no such indissoluble connection between sing-
ing and dancing as the italicized observations of Dr.
Ehrenreich are supposed to imply. Neillier dancing nor
song is invariably " choric " in savage any more than in
civilized society. Solo dancing, for example, has been
reported among the Semang of Perak, the Kwai, and the
Andamanese, as well as among the American Indians and
numerous other peoples. As for solo singing, the citations
given speak for themselves.^® Even when the singing is
choral, it is by no means always dance-song, nor accompan-
ied by dancing. The Kaflirs are said to be fond of singing
lustily together, but, if we may trust the observation, " a
Kaffir differs from an European vocalist in this point,
namely, that he always, if possible, sits down when he
sings." ^® Surely these recumbent Kaffirs deserve italics
quite as much as Dr. Ehrenreich's Botocudos.*^
" Improvisation exists among the Obongo, Australian, Fijiian, An-
damanese, Zulu, Botocudo, and Eskimo tribes, as well as among the
North American Indians. Traditional songs persist among the Kwai,
Australian, Andamanese, Rock Vedda, Semang, Fijiian, Fuegian, and
Eskimo tribes, as well as among the North American Indians.
" See also citations in note 42.
•J. E. Wood, UnciviUfsed Races of the World (Amer. ed., Hartford,
1870), p. 208.
^ We really know very little concerning the songs of the Botocudos.
Dr. Ehrenreich's section dealing with them is very short, and he is
chiefly interested in other things than song. These are the speci-
mens he cites: — €^ang beim Tana. Chor: "Weib jung, stehlen
nichts." Ein Weib singt: "Ich, ich will nicht (stehlen)." "Der
H&uptling hat keine Furcht" — Zeitsohrifi fiir Eihnologie, vol. xrs,
pp. 33, 61.
Testimony concerning the songs of other BraziUan tribes may be
found in J. B. Steere's Narrative of a Visit to the Indian Tribes of
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220 LouiSB Ponin>
The conoeption of individual song can be shown to exist
among the very lowest peoples. Professor Gximmere's be-
lief is that human beings get together for rhythmic move-
ment, b^n to sing, and thus song is bom. But the same
savage tribes that sing in groups tell stories in which indi-
vidual songs appear. Among the myths of the wilder
tribes of Eastern Brazil, for example, (illustrated in 0
Selvagem, the well-known collection of Josei V. Couto de
Magalhaes), there are many in which the composition and
singing of songs by individuals form important incidents.
This fact shows plainly that the authors of these myths
were perfectly familiar with the conception of individual
composition. Granting the manifestations of primitive
singing and dancing throngs which seem so decisive to
Professor Oummere, they are capable of quite other
interpretations than those which he puts upon them.
the Purus River, Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1001,
pp. 363-393. The following are songs of the Hypurinfts (cannibals),
and are individualistic in character: "The leaf that calls my lover
when tied in my girdle" (Indian girl's song) ; "I have my arrows
ready and wish to kill you "; " Now no one can say I am not a war-
rior. I return victorious from the battle"; "I go to die, my enemy
shall eat me."
The following are some songs of the Paumari, a "humble cow-
ardly people who live in deadly fear of the Hypurinfts": "My
mother when I was little carried me with a strap on her back. But
now I am a man I don't need my mother any more"; "The Toucan
eats fruit in the edge of my garden, and after he eats he nngs";
"The jaguar fought with me, and I am weary, I am weary." The
following they call the song of the turtle: "I wander, always
wander, and when I get where I want to go I shall not stop, but
still go on."
Hunting songs of the Bakairl, of the Xingu river region, egoistic
in character, are cited by Dr. Max Schmidt, Indianer$tudien in
Zentralhraeilien, Berlin, 1905, pp. 421-424.
The " I " of these songs of South American tribes cannot always
be " racial." The context shows that, sometimes, at least, it must be
egoistic, as in the individualistic songs of the North American
Indians.
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THE BBGINNINGS OF POETBY 221
IV
The "Ballad" as the Eablibst Poetic Fobm
And now what truth is in the assumption that t3ie
ballad-dance is the germ from which emerged the three
separate arts, poetry, music, dance ? A passage by Profes-
sor Moulton, affirming this, has been cited, and this pas-
sage presents, without doubt, a view now widely accepted
in the United States.
Let us ask, first, in what sense the word " ballad " is
used by those who derive poetry from it. Does Professor
Moulton, for example, use the word ballad in its etymologi-
cal sense of " dance song," leaving undetermined the char-
acter of the words, whether meaningless vocables, purely
lyrical, or prevailingly narrative ? Usually the classifica-
tion " ballad " is employed of lyric verses having a narra-
tive element. By " ballad " we are supposed to mean a
narrative song, a story in verse, a short narrative told
lyrically. It is a loose usage which permits scholars to use
the word in the sense both of dance song and of lyrical nar-
rative, in the same work ; the ambiguity is unnecessary.*^
If ballad means something like dance song, or choral dance,
or folk-dance accompanied by improvisation and refrain,
the term ballad-dance is tautological ; for all ballads involve
dancing. One wishes for more precision. But this need
not detain us here.
In whichever sense the term ballad be used, it is some-
what rash to place the ballad dance so certainly at the
source of man's musical and poetical expression. We have
*In which sense, for example, does Professor G. P. Krapp {The
Rise of English Literary Prose, 1915, Preface) use " ballad " when he
writes, " Poetry of primitive origins, for example the ballad, often at-
tains a finality of form which art cannot better, but not so with
prose?"
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LOUISE POUKD
just seen that there is individual composition and singing,
song unaccompanied by dancing, and dance unaccom-
panied by song, as far down in the cultural scale as we
can go. Certainly if ballad means, as usually it does,
song^story, the ballad was not the earliest form of poetry;
and primitive people never danced to ballads. The earli-
est songs we can get track of are purely lyrical, not
narrativa The melody is the important thing; the words,
few in number and sometimes meaningless, are relatively
negligible. Moreover, these songs are on many themes, or
have many impulses beside festal dances. There are heal-
ers* songs, conjurers' songs, hunting songs, game-songs,
love songs, hymns, laments, victory songs, and lyrics of
personal feeling and appeal The lullaby is as old a lyric
form as we are likely to find. Who cares to aflSrm that
lullabies were imknown to our aboriginal ancestors ? Yet
the lullaby has nothing to do with the singing and dancing
throng! Nor has that other very early species, the medi-
cine man or healer's solos; nor have gambling or game
songs,*^ or love songs. Primitive labor songs are social,
^See Stewart Culin, Games of the North American Indian, 24
Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1907, for an account of singing in the
Moccasin or Hidden-BaU game, pp. 335 ff . Solo singing among the
Chippewa is mentioned, p. 341, among the Menmninee, p. 343, the
Miami, p. 344, the Seneca, p. 350, the Wyandot, p. 351, etc. See
also Edward Sapir, Bong Recitative in Paiute Mythology, Journal of
American Folk-Lore, 1910, p. 455, vol. xxm: "QeneraUy Indian
music is of greatest significance when combined with the dance in
ritualistic or ceremonial performances. Nevertheless the importance
of music in non-ceremonial acts — ^for instance in the hand-game
played by all the tribes west of the Rockies — should not be mini-
mized."
There are solo-singing Bantu, Zulu, Fuegian, etc., witch-doctors
and medicine men, as well as solo-singing North American Indian
medicine men and gamesters. See also, for some instances of solo
singing, H. A. Junod, Lea Ohantee et lea Oontea dea Ba-Rongc^ pp.
39, 44, etc., Lausanne, 1897; also G. Landtman, The Poetry of the
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THB BEGINNINGS OF POETBY 223
but they do not involve dancing, and they are not hallads.
The class that is nearest the real ballad, in that it is based
on happenings, or on the composer's experiences, is not by
any means the largest or the most important group for
primitive song. Songs of tiiis latter type may be suggested
by some event, or may present some situation; but they
tell no story in the sense of real telling. That demands
length, elaboration, completeness, beyond primitive
powers. If we try to fix chronology, it is most plausible
to begin with rhythmic action and with melody. Profes-
sor Oummere thinks that melody is bom of rhythmic ac-
tion. But vocal action of the singing type, i. e., melody,
may well be as instinctive in man as in birds. Action and
melody in singing may well have come together ; for song
interprets primarily feeling, emotion, not motion. In any
case, words came later than melody, and real narrative
later yet. As a lyrical species, the narrative song is a late,
not an early, poetical development. If we look at what
certain evidence we have, primitive songs are very brief,
the words are less important than the music, indeed they
need hardly be present; and they rarely tell a story. I
have found no case in which a primitive song tells a story
with real elaboration or completeness. Nor need Ihese
songlets -always have their origin in the choral — specifi-
cally in the improvisation and communal elaboration of a
festal dance. Why, then, apply the term ballad to the
brief and simple lyrical utterances^ often nothing more
than the repetition of a few syllables, or of one syllable,
Kiwai Papuant, Folk-Lore, vol. xxiv (1913), p. 308; Howitt, The
Native Trihea of South-Eaet Australia, pp. 275, 388, 396-399; James
Cowan, The Maoris of New Zealand, pp. 218, 219; E. H. Qomes,
Seventeen Tears Among the Bea Dyaks of Borneo, pp. 225, 226, 228,
as 'The song of mourning is among some tribes sung by a profes-
sional waller, generaUy a woman."
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224 LOUISE POUND
which — according to the evidence — ^makes up the great
body of primitive song ?
But it is time to bring up a few illustrations.
First place may well be given to the words of Miss Alice
Fletcher, who has had thirty-five years of acquaintance
with Indian music :
The word 'song' to our ears, suggests words arranged in metrical
form and adapted to be 'set to music/ as we say. The native word
which is translated 'song* does not suggest any use of words. To the
Indian, the music is of primal importance, words may or may not
accompany the music. When words are used in a song, they are
rarely employed as in a narrative, the sentences are not apt to be
complete. In songs belonging to a reUgious ceremony the words
are few and partake of a mnemonic character. They may refer to
some symbol, may suggest the conception or the teaching the symbol
stands for, rarely more than that. Vocables are frequently added
to the word or words to eke out the musical measure. It sometimes
happens that a song has no words at all, only vocables are used to
float the voice. Whether vocables alone are used or used in con-
nection with words, they are never a random collection of syUables.
An examination of hundreds of songs shows that the vocables used
faU into classes; one class is used for songs denoting action, an-
other class for songs of a contemplative character, and it is also
noted that when once vocables are adapted to a song they are never
changed but are treated as if th^ were actual words.^*
She writes elsewhere to the same effect:
In Indian song and story we come upon a time when poetry is not
yet differentiated from story and story not yet set free from song.
We note that the song clasps the story as part of its being, and the
story itself is not fully told without the cadence of the song. . . .
The difference between spontaneous Indian melodies and the composi-
tions of modern masters would seem to be not one of kind but of
degree. . . . Many Indian songs have no words at aU, vocables only
being used to float the voice.^*
The investigator of Ojibway song also finds the melody
"•The study of Indian MuHo, 1916, pp. 231-232.
** Indian Story and Song, pp. 121, 124, 125.
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THE BSOINNINGS OF POETRY
to be more important than tiie words, and has nothing to
say of an inevitable relation between dancing and song:
His [the Ojibway] poetry is not only inseparable but indistin-
goishable from music. . . . Amcmg all civilized peoples the art of
expression through verse is one thing, and the art of expression
through modulated tones is quite another, linked though they often
are by the deliberate intent of the composer, and always associated
in the popular mind; in the Ojibway conception the two arts are
not merely linked inseparably, they are fused in one. . .^^
Hie Ojibway is more gifted in music than in poetry; he has
wrought out a type of beautiful melody, much of it perfect in form;
his verse, for the most part, has not emerged from the condition of
raw mat6rial.4<t
He does sing his new melody to meaningless syllables, tentatively
correcting it here and there, but meantime experimenting with words
that convey meaning; and the probability is that the precise senti-
ment of the words finally accepted is established by rhythmic con-
siderations, those that fall readily into the scheme of accents appeal-
ing to him as the most suitable vehicle for the melody.^?
The melody and the idea are the essential parts of a Mid4 song.
Sometimes only one or two words occur in a song. . . . Many of the
words used in a Midd song are unknown in the conversational Chip-
pewa of the present time.^^
A number of Chippewa songs, as transcribed, have no words. Some
of these songs originally may have had words and in a limited num-
ber of love songs the words partake so much of the nature of a
soliloquy that they cannot conveniently be translated and given with
the music. The words of most of the Chippewa songs are few in
number and suggest rather than express the idea of the song. Only
in the love songs and in few of the Mid4 songs are the words con-
tinuous.«»
^ Burton, Atnerican Primitive Music, p. 106.
^/Md., p. 172.
*'/6id., p. 173.
* Frances Densmore, Chippewa Musio, i, 1910, pp. 14, 15.
^rbid,f n, 1913, p. 2. Similarly Washington Matthews, Journal
of Amerioan Folk-Lore, 1894, p. 186, writes of traditional songs
among the Navahos, "One song consists almost exclusively of mean-
ingless or archaic vocables. Yet not one syllable may be forgotten
or misplaced."
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LOUISE POUND
Such evidence may be multiplied indefinitely.*^^ The
brevity of Indian songs is striking. Many have few words,
some one word, and some no words. The songs of other
savage peoples show the same characteristic. There are
one-word traditional poems among the African Kwai, and
two-word traditional poems of the Botocudos and the Es-
kimos. These are not narrative songs, and they need not
be dance songs; for savage peoples do not always dance
their verses. They are not, theii, " ballads." Nor need
they have any relation to choral improvisation.
Literary historians have dwelt too much, it seems to me,
on the festal throng and communal improvisation and the
folk-dance, when dealing with the " beginnings of poetry,"
until the whole subject has been thrown out of focus. The
term ballad might well be left out of account altogether
and reserved for the lyric species, appearing late in liter-
ary history, the " epic in little," or " short narrative told
lyrically" exemplified in the conventional ballad collec-
tions. If we are to mean by ballads narrative songs like
those of the middle ages, or narrative songs wherever they
appear, we should certainly cease placing the ballad at the
source of primitive poetry. It is not proved that tiie bal-
lad, in any sense, came first, or even that choral songs pre-
ceded solos. It is likely enough that choral song and solos
co-existed from the beginning, or even that solos preceded,
for all that can be certainly known. The assumption that
group power to sing, to compose songs, and to dance, pre-
cedes individual power to do these things,^^ is fatuously
""It is obvious to the student of n^gro songs that these songs
tend to retrograde to the simple repetition of phrases rather than
to assume a narrative type.
"Erich Schmidt ("Anfftnge der Literatur/' p. 9, in KuUur der
Gegenwart, Leipzig, 1906, i) writes: . . . schon well keine Idasse
nur den einfachsten Satz unisona improvisieren kann und alle roman-
tischen Schw&rmereien von der urheberlos singenden '' Volksseele "
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THE BEGINNINGS OF POETBT 227
speculative. It rests neitter on " overwhelming evidence "
nor on probability. The individual ought to be able to
engage in rhythmic motion^ to compose tunes, and then to
evolve words for these tunes, at least as early as he is able
to do these things along with others of his kind. And let
it be said again that it is safer to aflSrm that the primitive
lyric, whether individual or choral, is not the ballad but
the song — ^more strictly, the songlet.
Improvisation and Folk-Song
From the preceding discussion, it seems clear that it is
time to instil caution into our association of the primitive
festal throng improvising and collaborating, and hypo-
thetical throngs of peasants or villagers collaborating in
the creation of the English and Scottish popiilar ballads.
Primitive song and the mediaeval ballads are separate
phenomena, with a tremendous gulf in time and civiliza-
tion between. No doubt some of the choral improvisations
of savage peoples found or find permanence, as is the case
with individual improvisations, and also with songs
thought out in solitude — or '^ dreamed " in the Indian
way. But such songs — consisting of a few words, or a
few lines monotonously repeated — are quite a different
eitel Dunst sind, muss sich Sondervortrag iind Massenausbruch sehr
frfih gliedem. Einer schreit zuerst, einer singt und springt zuerst,
die Menge macht es ihm nach, entweder treuUch oder indem sie bei
unartikulierten Refrains, bei einzelnen Worten, bei wiederkebrendoi
Sfttzen beharrt.
In this connection, since it deserves to be cited somewhere, may
be quoted a passage from Ton Humboldt: "The Indians pretend that
-wh&k the araguatos [howling monk^s] fill the forests with their
howling, there is always one that chaunts as leader of the chorus." —
A. Yon Humboldt, Travels in the Equinootial Regions of America,
Bohn edition, vol. u, p. 70.
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LOUISE POUITO
thing from improvisations of length, having a definite
narrative element, and high artistic value as poetry. Most
primitive improvisations are no tax on the memory, and
hardly, in view of their brevity, on the creative power.^*
A singer with a good voice and a turn for melody might
succeed, whether he could compose words very well or not.
But when it is affirmed that improvising folk-throngs
created the literary type appearing in the English and
Scottish ballads of the Child collection, pieces like " The
Hunting of the Cheviot," the Robin Hood pieces, " Sir
Patrick Spens," " Lord Randal," etc., the affirmation is
pure — and not too plausible — conjecture. We have to do
with long, finished narratives, obeying regular stanzaic
structure, provided with rhyme, and telling a whole story
— ^pretty completely in older versions, more reducedly in
the later. To assume that ignorant uneducated people
composed these, having the power to do so just because
they were ignorant and uneducated — ^that is quite a differ-
ent thing, and it finds no support in the probabilities.
Of late years a considerable number of pieces composed
by groups of imleamed people whose community life
socialized their thinking have been made available to stu-
dents of folk song, namely American cowboy and lumber-
man songs, and negro spirituals. It is hardly likely that
human ability has fallen greatly since the middle ages ; yet
**In the field of primitive ritual Bong there are many feats of
memory that are quite wonderful. Long years are required for an
Indian to become a really adept renderer of tribal rituals. See,
for examples of verbal length, in the 27th Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, the ritual song of 39 lines on p. 42, or that
of 50 lines on pp. 571-572, at the bottom very nobly poetic. Similar
examples are to be found ii^ other tribes. Also there is something
remotely analogous to ballad structure in such ritual songs as are
giv^i on pp. 206-242 of The Eako. But these ritual songs are not
improvisations; nor are they of ''communal" rendering.
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THE BBGINNINGS OF POETBY 229
when we see what is the best that communal composition
can achieve now, and are asked to believe what it created
some centuries ago, the discrepancy becomes unbeliev-
able.'* The American pieces which, according to their
collectors, have been communally composed, or at least
emerged from the ignorant and unlettered in isolated re-
gions, afford ample testimony in style, structure, quality,
and technique to the fact that the English and Scottish
popular ballads could not have been so composed, nor their
type so established. In general, real communalistic or
peoples' poetry, as we can place the finger on it, composed
in the collaborating manner emphasized by Professor Gum-
mere and Professor Kittredge, is crude, structureless, in-
cdierent, and lacking in striking and memorable qualities.
There are now many collections of American folk-song,
made in many States. In these collections, the pieces of
memorable quality are exactly those for which folk-com-
position can not be claimed. The few rough improvisa-
tions which we can identify as emerging from the folk
themselves — ^which we actually know to be the work of un-
lettered individuals or throngs — are those farthest from
the Child ballads in their general characteristics and in
their worth as poetry. Nor is t!here a single instance of
such an improvisation developing into a good piece, or
becoming, as time goes on, anything like a Child ballad..
Yet they emerged from throngs no less homogeneous, per-
haps more homogeneous than the mediaeval peasants and
villagers.
The most homogeneous groups in the world are doubt-
less the military groups ; yet war and march songs are al-
•• See my New-World Anahguea of the English tmd Boottish Popvr
Jar Ballads, the Mid-West Quarterly, April, 1916. Also The Sovtth
western Cowboy Bongs and the English and Boottish PoptUar Ballads,
Modem Philology, October, 1913.
7
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230 LOUISE POUND
ways appropriated, never composed by the soldiers. The
examples afforded by the war for the Union are still
familiar ; the favorite song developed by the Cuban war ^*
was adapted from a French-Creole song; and we know
the origin of the songs popular among the soldiers in the
present European war. If the " homogeneity '' theory has
any value, it ought to find illustrations in army life. And
do prisoners in stripes and lock step ever invent songs?
Gh-anting the "communal conditions'^ theory, our peni-
tentiaries should be veritable fountains of song and bal-
ladry. As a matter of fact, the most famous of prison
ballads is the masterpiece of an accomplished poet, —
Wilde's " Ballad of Heading Gaol."
Another thing shown by modem collections of folk-song
is Ihat the songs preserved among the folk are nearly cer-
tain not to be those composed by them. Those they make
themselves are just about the first to die. Usually some
special impetus, some cause for persistence or popularity,
is to be detected for the pieces that live. And tiie striking
or memorable qualities, or the special mode of diffusion,
necessary to bring vitality are just what tiie genuine
" communal '' folk-pieces do not and cannot have.
The test of subject-matter should also be taken into ac-
count, when we are considering the likelihood that some
process akin to the processes of primitive choral song and
dance — continued through untold centuries among villag-
ers and peasants — ^produced the Child ballads. Perhaps
I may be permitted to quote my own words here :
. . . The real communal pieces, as we can identify them, deal with
the life and the interests of the people who compose them. They
do not occupy themselves with the stories and the lives of the class
above them. The cowboy pieces deal with cattle trails, barrooms,
broncho riding, not with the lives of ranch-owners and employers;
»♦ Joseph T. Miles, "A Hot Itoe in the Old Town Ttanight."
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THE BEGINNINGS OF POETBY 231
and the negro piece deals with the boll weevil, not with the adven-
tures of the owners of the plantations. Songs well-attested as emerg-
ing from the laboring folk throngs of the Old- World deal with the
interests of factory life or agricultural life, or with the adventures
of those of the social class singing or composing the songs. What
then must we think of the English and Scottish ballads, if the people
composed them? Their themes are not at all of the character to
be expected. They are not invariably on the work, or on episodes
in the life of the ignorant and lowly. Would they have had so great
vitality or have won such currency if they had dealt with labourers,
ploughmen, spinners, peasants, common soldiers, rather than with
aristocrats? The typical figures in the ballads are kings and prin-
cesses, knights and ladies, — ^Eing Estmere, Toung Beichan, Young
Hunting, Lord Randal, Earl Brand, Edward, Sir Patrick Spens,
Edom o'Gordon, Lord Thomas and Fair Annet, Lady Maisry, Proud
Lady Margaret, or leaders like the Percy and the Douglas. We
learn next to nothing concerning the humbler classes from them;
less than from Froissart's Chronicles, far less than from Chauc^.
The life is not that of the hut or the village, but that of the bower
and the halL Nor is the language parallel to that of the cowboy
and negro pieces. It has touches of professionalism, stock poetic
formulae, alliteration, traces of the septenar meter. It is not rough,
flat, crude, in the earlier and undegenerated versions; instead there
is much that is poetic, telling, beautiful. It is for its time much
nearer the poetry coming from professional hands than what might
be expected from medinval counterparts of 71^ Old OhuhoUn Trail
and The BoU Weevil, No doubt there existed analogues of these
pieces, i. e., songs which were sung by and were the creation of ignor-
ant and unlettered villagers; but we may be certain that these
medieval analogues were not the Child ballads."
On the whole, the type of the medifleval hallad, with
choral refrain, is more likely to have emerged from medise-
val music — ^to have been determined by the kind of melo-
dies which prevailed, the lyrical treatment given them, or
the type of dance they accompanied — ^than to be the amaz-
ingly persistent legacy of the dance-songs of primitive
man. It is far less likely that primitive man established the
lyrical species we now call ballad ^^ than that this species
■ The Mid-West Quwrterly, April, 1916, pp. 179-180.
" Of '' incremental repetition," often emphasized as inherited from
primitive poetry, and held to be the surest proof of the oommunal
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232 L0TJI8B POUND
derived from the aristocratic song, or dance, or minstrel
modes, of the mediseval bower and the hall. The English
and Scottish ballads should no longer be inevitably re-
lated to primitive singing and dancing throngs, improvi-
sing and collaborating. We can not look upon creations
of such length, structure, coherence, finish, artistic value,
adequacy of expression, as emerging from the communal
improvisation of simple uneducated folk-throngs. This
view might serve so long as we had no clear evidence be-
fore us as to the kind of thing that the improvising folk-
muse is able to create. When we see what is the best the
latter can do, under no less favorable conditions, at the
present time, we remain skeptical as to the power of the
mediaeval rustics and villagers. The mere fact that the
mediaeval throngs are supposed to have danced while they
sung, whereas modem cowboys, lumbermen, ranchmen, or
negroes do not, should not have endowed the mediaeval
muse with such striking superiority of product.
The subjects, the authorship and composition of primi-
tive song, and the authorship and composition of the Eng-
lish and Scottish popular ballads, are distinct; and, for
both, the tmqualified aflSrmation of "communal" origin
should no longer be made.
Louise Pouin).
origin of the ballad type, Mr. John Robert Moore {The Influm^oe of
Tranamiaaion on the Englieh Ballade, Modem Language Review, n,
1916, p. 398) writes: '' Unfortunately ... the facts seem to make
Uttle provision for the theory; for it is the simple ballads which
most often have the fixed refrain, and the broadsides which exhibit
the most marked use of incremental repetition. Furthermore, when
oral tradition adds a refrain to an original printed broadside, it is
only a simple refrain, without the structural device otf accretion
which Professor Gummere considers so characteristic" . . .
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IX.— THE DRAMAS OF GEORGE HENRY BOKER
Notwithgtanding the pre-eminence of Oeorge Henry
Boker in our dramatic literature before the Civil War, an
eminence not seriously threatened in America except by
Bobert Montgomery Bird, no accurate account of his life
has been published and nowhere is available even a trustr
worthy statement of the productions of his plays.^ Several
of his dramas remain unpublished in manuscript and even
their existence is known apparently to but few. I shall
not attempt here to go into detail concerning his life, but
will endeavor to give the facts concerning his plays that
have come to li^t in the course of my examination of the
Boker manuscripts kindly placed at my disposal by Mrs.
George Boker, the daughter-in-law of the dramatist.
George Henry Boker was bom in Philadelphia on Octo-
ber 6, 1823. His father, Charles S. Boker, was president
of the Girard ^National Bank, and the lawsuit which re-
sulted from his son's determination to protect his father's
memory from slander culminated in 1882 in the produc-
tion of the elegy The Booh of the Dead, in which the elder
Boker's detractors are pilloried. Boker graduated from
Princeton CoU^e in 1842 and studied law with John Sar-
geant in Philadelphia, but never practised it. He married
in 1844 Miss Julia Mandeville Eiggs of Georgetown,
D. C, and after foreign travel determined to write. His
first publication in book form was The Lesson of Life and
Other Poems, published in 1848. The title poem is an
ethical discourse in blank verse and Ihere is nothing of
real significance among the early poems. None of them
^ Since this was written, a brief statement concerning the dates of
his plays has been published by the present writer in his Repreaenta-
five Ameriown Plays, New York, 1917.
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234 ABTHIJB HOBSOK QUINN
was reprinted in the collected edition of 1856. The son-
nets give only a slight promise of Boker's later power as a
sonnetteer, although it is interesting to note that from the
beginning they were written in the Italian form. The
translations oi Athelstan's Victory at Brunanburh and of a
few lines from Beowulf show his early appreciation of
the structure as well as of the poetical qualities of Old
English.
His first play, Calaynos, was published in 1848. It was
first produced in London at the Sadlers Wells Theatre on
May 10, 1849 ^' without the author's consent and with con-
siderable alteration. In this version Samuel Phelps played
Calaynos and G. R. Dickenson, Oliver. The cast as given
in the copy printed in London, n. d., is as follows :
Calaynos Mr. Phelps
Don Luis Mr. H. Marston
Don Guzman Mr. Belford
Don Miguel Mr. Harrington
Don Lopez Mr. Harris
Oliver Mr. G. R. Dickenson
Soto Mr. Hoskins
First Usurer Mr. Franks
Second Usurer
Baltazar Mr. WiUdns
Pedro Mr. C. Fenton
Friar Gil Mr. H. Melton
Forester
Guests, Nobles, Attendants, Servants, Usurers, etc.
Donna Alda Miss Cooper
Martina Mrs. H. Marston
Calaynos was first played in this country at the Wlalnut
Street Theatre, Philadelphia, Monday, January 20, 1851,^
and ran for nine nights, James E. Murdoch taking the
^ This date of the production of the play is based on a written
statement by Mr. Boker, found among the MSS.
' Statement of receipts from Walnut Street Theatre, Bc^er mss.
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THE DBAMAS OF GEOBGB HBNBY BOEEB 235
part of Calaynos. It was played in Chicago August 19tli
and 23d, 1851, by Murdoch, who also produced it three
nights in Baltimore and in Albany. In Durang's History
of (he Philadelphia Stage, under date of December 1,
1851, appears this statement:
December let, the tragedy of Oalayno$, written by G. H. Boker,
Esq., of Philadelphia, was revived, in which Mr. G. R. Dickenson,
a popular actor from Saddler's Wells Theater, made his first appear-
ance in America as Oliver, having played it originally at the above
theater, when it was first produced at London; Mr. Couldock as
Galaynoe.*
Mr. Couldock was during that season a regular member
of the stock company of the Walnut Street Theatre.
It was revived April 13, 1855 at the Walnut Street
Theatre, Philadelphia, by E. L. Davenport.*
There is also evidence in the typewritten copy of 1886
that Lawrence Barrett was seriously considering the re-
vival of Calaynos, since he has outlined a cast, including
himself as Calaynos, and there are marked throughout
the play the cuts and rearrangements that were to prepare
it for the stage.
It is interesting to compare the changes made by Phelps,
as reflected in the London edition, with those made by
Barrett. The plot of Calaynos must, however, be outlined
as given in the edition of 1848.
The main theme of the tragedy is the dislike of the
Spaniards for Moorish blood.
Calaynos is a wealthy nobleman who lives at a distance frcnn the
capital and is summoned by the king to Seville. His wife, Dofia
Alda, wishes to ^o with him but he does not allow her to do so, so
her maid, Martina, tries to make her more discontented than she is,
and Calaynos is warned by Oliver, his Secretary, and by Friar Gil
not to go to Seville, as they feel that wrong will come of it. In Act
•Charles Durang, History of the Philadelphia Stage, 1749-1S55,
Third Series, Chapter cxn.
* Durang, op. oit,, Third Series, Chap. czxn.
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236 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINN
n, which takes place in Seville, Don Luis, a spendthrift^ is intro-
duced and Galaynos, who is his friend, helps him to pay his creditors,
believing him to be an honorable man. Oliver tries to trip up Don
Luis and his creditors but does not succeed. Oalaynos brings Don
Luis home to -his Castle in Act m and he falls in love with Dofta
Alda and attempts to seduce her. Martina and Soto, Don Luis'
servant, strike up a flirtation also. Don Luis hears of Calaynos'
Moorish taint and uses it to try to persuade Alda to leave him. Don
Luis persuades her to meet him in the grand hall of the palace at
two o'clock, and she is so overcome at the thought of her husband
having Moorish blood in him that she swoons and he carries her off.
In the last Act Dofia Alda returns after some months to die at the
Castle. Calaynos goes to Seville and challenges Luis and kills him
in a duel, Calaynos being wounded to death in the duel and Oliver
coming in in time to see him die.
Phelps and Barrett cut the play differently. Phelps
simply cut out sections of several lines and apparently
with less care. Barrett cut lines with more individual
discrimination, apparently paying less attention to the
poetic worth than to the stage value and the importance
of the person who is speaking. For example, in one of
Martina's speeches in Act i. Scene i, describing the court,
Barrett cut out eigjit of the eighteen lines, while Phelps
played it entire. This scene has good lines, but is more
descriptive than dramatic.^
Among the Boker mss. is a copy of the London reprint,
revised by Boker, with Scene ii and Scene iii of Act v re-
written in Boker's hand. The 1848 edition had concluded
with a duel between Calaynos and Don Luis in a field.
Boker took the idea of ending the play in the banquet hall
from the last scene of the London edition, and has altered
it considerably. In all the published editions, however,
the original scene is preserved. This copy possesses cer-
tain interest, since it was the acting version used by Mur^
doch in the revival in 1851 in Philadelphia.
•P. 26, ed. of 1848.
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THE DBAMA8 OF OSOBGS HBNBT BOKBB 237
In 1886 Boker revised his plays, evidently with the in-
tention of publication, but the 1891 edition was printed
from the old plates. In this revision, Calaynos was rather
extensively dianged, and the form was improved from the
point of view of dramatic effectiveness. The opening
scene between Pedro and Baltazar is omitted in Act i.
In Act n Calaynos and Don Luis meet more effectively, as
Calaynos is recognized by Don Luis, who is brought before
the Court on a criminal charge, and who recognizes Calay-
nos and is saved by him. In Act lu the scene between
Calaynos and Oliver, which Phelps had omitted, is also
left out in this 1886 revision. Calaynos tells Don Luis
that he is a Moor, and this makes the latter's perfidy great-
er. In Act rv^ the opening scene between Don Luis and
Soto is omitted. Then Don Luis and Soto plan to meet
Alda at night. They do this without the appointment
found in the earlier version.
In Act V Alda dies on the stage instead of off it. Act vi
is made up of Scene ii and Scene iii of Act v. The scene
moves more successfully on account of some omissions.
The revellers come out of the banquet hall and Calaynos'
followers encircle them. Calaynos forces Don Luis to
fight and the end is shortened and seems to be more effec-
tive. These changes are, of course, of most value as show-
ing Boker's development in the art of dramatic construc-
tion, since the play in the final revision is more effective
than in the published form.
The next play to be written was Anne BoUyn. A title
was filed in the copyright ofiice September 28, 1849, and
the book itself on January 2, 1850. Boker intended the
play for the stage. In a letter to Richard Henry Stoddard •
•R. H. Stoddard, Otorge Hmry Boker, in lAppinootfs Mttgamne,
vol. XLV, p. 857 (June 1890).
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238 ARTHUB HOBSON QUINN
on September 5^ 1849, he states that he has had overtures
from the Haymarket Theatre for the play and that he in-
tends sending early sheets to London. He had assurances,
too, from Charlotte Cushman that she would bring it out
in this country, provided she believed her powers adapted
to it.
There are among the manuscripts separate ^^ parts"
for the characters in Anne Boleyn, and the play was evi-
dently being considered favorably by some producing mana-
ger. It was, however, not performed and it is doubtful
whether it would have had success upon the stage. The
central theme, that of a girl-queen attacked by a group of
cold-blooded noblemen who conspire to ruin her through
exciting the king's jealousy, and who are aided by King
Henry the Eighth's infatuation for Jane Seymour, is
dramatic, surely; for we have the strong motive of self-
preservation in conflict with the motive of love and that
of ambition. The difficulty lies in the fact that there is
no real sympathy for Anne ; for no matter how false Henry
the Eighth or how base Jane Seymour may be, the thought
remains with us that strict justice is being meted out to
Anne for her earlier conduct toward Katherine.
From the point of view of dramatic structure, too, the
play is not the equal of Caiaynos, to say nothing of the
plays that were to come. There is too much monologue
and dialogue, and the defense of Anne is weakened by
being delivered after the trial is over. She does not rise
to even the greatness of remorse when the visions of Kath-
erine, of More, and of others rise to torment her. The
only flashes of inspiration come in the first scene of the
Fourth Act, when Sir Henry Norris defies the king in his
efforts to corrupt him, and in the soliloquy of Thomas
Wyatt, in the second scene of the same Act, beginning
" O coming shape of English liberty.'^
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THE DBAMAS OF OEOBGE HBIOLY BOKEB 239
The Betrothal was the third play to be written and the
second to be placed upon the stage. It was composed
probably about February, 1850, and was first played at
the Walnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia, on September
25, 1850, where it ran for ten nights.^
It was revived in Philadelphia next year; for in Dur-
ang's ® history we read :
December 6th [1851], Mr. Craddock's benefit — a revival of the
popular play of The BetrotJ^al, writt^i especially for Mr. E. A. Mar-
shairs theater by G. H. Boker, Esq., and performed during the last
season with as briUiant success as ever greeted any production with-
in the walls of the edifice.
It was played at the Broadway Theatre, New York,
from November 18 to November 30, 1850 • inclusive, with
the exception of November 24th, and again from Decem-
ber 30, 1850 to January 3, 1851 • inclusive. No record
has been found of the first cast but that in New York was
as follows :
Marquis di Tiburzzi, a decayed nobleman Mr. Fredericks
Count JuraniOy a wealthy nobleman Mr. F. Conway
Salvatore, his kinsman Mr. Richings
Marzio, a wealthy merchant Mr. Couldock
Pietro Rogo, his friend Mr. Whiting
Pultiy servant to Marzio Mr. Davidge
Costanza, Daughter to the Marquis Mme. Ponisi
Filippia, her cousin Mrs. Abbot
Marchioness di Tiburzzi Mrs. Hield
As Marshall was manager of both the Walnut Street
Theatre and the Broadway Theatre at this time, this cast
probably contained some of the original players.
In TJie Betrothal, which is a romantic comedy in blank, verse, the
main plot centers upon the efforts of the Marchioness di Tiburzzi to
* Boker icss.
' Durang's History of the Philadelphia Stage, Third Series, Chapter
cxn.
' Boker icss.
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240 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINIT
many her daughter, Costanza to Marzio, a rich merchaaty to aid in
restoring the family fortunes. Count Juranio falls in love with
Costanza and she with him, but she refuses to break her word, given
to marry Marzio. Salvatore, Juranio's friend, has Marzio watched
and also challenges him and proves his cowardice. The Marquis
who has agreed to the marriage only because he believed Costanza in
love with Marzio, begins to suspect that he has been deceived. Marzio
bribes his servant, Pulti, to poison Juranio and Salvatore at the be-
trothal feast, but Pulti tells Salvatore and it is arranged that the
apparent poison shall be put in Marzio's own glass. He betrays
himself under the influence of the drug and Salvatore catches him
in his own trap, winning Costanza for Juranio and Filippia f<ff
himself.
The play is a definite improvement on Anne Boleyn and
Calaynas. It moves more quickly and there is a sense of
the characters dominating the situation^ especially in the
last Acty which makes for real drama. The long solilo-
quies are not so conspicuous and in the dialogues the lan-
guage becomes more natural. An example of the verse
from Act iii, Scene i will show these qualities of style:
Juranio. Costanza di Tiburzzi, ere I go.
Listen. I love you with a single heart.
I do confess much folly in the deeds
To which love drew me. Hidden by yon bower —
While peeping buds unfolded into flowers —
Wbile infant leaves imcurled their tiny scrolls.
And, full-grown, basked them in the mellow sun —
While all creation was an active hymn
Of ceaseless labor to approving God —
I have stood idly, though the dear time sped.
Waiting to catch the faintest glimpse of you.
Then, happy with that treasure of my sense.
Have hied me home, to flll my waking thoughts
With growing fancies; or, through fleeting night
Made my dreams golden with the memory
Of what had blessed my day. I cover nothing:
I have no skill nor wish to circumvent you.
You know the mystery of my presence here;
You know the secret of my love, — ah! yes;
You knew it ere I spoke it. You can lift,
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THE DRAMAS OF GEOBGE HENBT BOKBB 241
By oonfirmation of your former words,
A sinking heart to rapture. Speak, 0, speak!
My fate hangs on your mercy!
Durang speaks of l!he likeness of the play to Love's
Sacrifice of LovelL There is, however, little in common
between the two plays. There is more similarity between
The Betrothal and Nathaniel Parker Willis's play Tortesa
the Usurer, played in 1839. But there is not enough like-
ness in any case to affect the originality of The Betrothal.
For diaracter drawing, expression, and dramatic effective-
ness, it is surpassed only by Leonor de Qvaman and Fran-
cesca da Rindtd.
The Betrothal was played in England in 1853. In a
letter from Boker to Stoddard,^** October 9, 1853, an ao-
count is given of its performance and its reception:
I have read the Times notice of The Betrothal, It is honey to
most of the other newspaper criticisms. So far as I can gather the
facts from private letters, the play, to begin with, was very badly
played: the English playwriters had raised the hue and cry against
it. "Ham-string him! Slay him! Cut him down!" was the uni-
versal cry of my brother dramatists. Notwithstanding, and taking
the accounts of my enemies for authority, the play was imusually
successful with the audience on that most trying occasion, the first
night. This only added to the gall of my brother dramatists, and
increased their exhibition of it in the newspapers; so that after two
nights of success with the audience, the manager was so terrified by
the howl of the press, and by the furious personal applications that
he withdrew the play to save himself. I believe I have stated the
strict truth, ergo, the play still stands a monument of English in-
justice. Mark you, it was not prejudice that caused the catastro-
phe; it was fear lest I should get a footing on their stage, of which
Oalayno9 had given them timely warning.
The next play to be performed has never been printed.
It exists in manuscript in three forms. There is an auto-
graph manuscript, undated, with the title All the World
a Mask. A copy, not in Boker's hand, but vrith auto-
^Lippineotfs Maga0me, vol. XLV, p. 8S6.
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242 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINN
graph notes, has a printed title page, bearing the title.
" The Worid a Mask, a Comedy, Phila-, 1851. Entered
according to Act of Congress in the year, 1851, by George
H. Boker.'' There is also a typewritten copy with the
title Under a Mask, dated 1886.
Since Boker^s autograph statement refers only to his
printed plays, even he did not mention The World a Mask
as having been performed. The evidence, however, is
clear. Among the manuscripts is an account of the re-
ceipts of the play when performed at the WUnut Street
Theatre, Philadelphia, for a run of eight nights, beginning
April 21, 1851.
The scene of The World a Mask is laid in London in
1851.
The dramatis personcB are:
Sir Hugh Blumer
^l^^^^M His Nephews
Rylton /
Femwood
Gkmrish
Lord Row
Captain Fleet, An Adventurer
Raby, A Clergyman
Matthew, Servant to Sir Hugh
Teresa Crispo, Passing as Countess di Crespo
Lucy Willbury, Betrothed to Rylton
Lady WiUbury, her Mother
Miss Qfu'rish, Sister to Garrish
Betsy, Sir Hugh's Chambermaid
Guests, Officers, Servants, etc.
Sir Hugh Blumer has two nephews, Rylton and GMldove. He
intends to make Rylton his heir and Galldove, who is the villain of
the piece, plans to bring discredit upon Rylton and does so by leading
him to a gambling house and arranging for a quarrel between him
and a gambler. Teresa Crispo who is passing as the Countess di
Crespo, and is apparently Galldove's mistress, aids him in his
schemes, although now and then she balks at them. Galldove's plans
go to pieces in the last Act on the confession of Captain Fleet, whom
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THE DBAHAS OF GEOBGE HBNBY BOEEB 243
he had bribed to quarrel with Rylton at the gaming house. Femwood
is the force that brings about the disclosure. He suspects Galldove
all along and is kept from disclosing his plans by his promises to
Teresa. Femwood turns out to be Teresa's brother. The minor char-
acters, such as Gkmrish, who blurts out whatever he feels like saying;
his sister, Miss Garrish, who has conspired with Lord Row to win
5,000 pounds from Garrish on Lord RoVs promise that he will marry
her, are not closely woven into the main plot.
There is some clever conversation at times, and the play
gives one the impression that it would act better than it
reads, but it cannot be considered to be a step forward in
dramatic technique. It is written in prose, with occasional
changes into blank verse, and, therefore, Boker's great
ability in the construction of dramatic verse was of no
avail. The play proved, too, that social satire, which is
its basis, was not his forte. He did not fail, however, on
the side in which so many of our American playwrights
have failed; his people seem like ladies and gentlemen.
His failure lay in the lack of epigram and point, in lack
of interest in the dialogue. Boker could not trifle. He is
best w'hen he is in earnest, and that he himself recognized
the comparative mediocrity of The World a Mask is appar-
ent in his omission of it from his edition of 1856.
The Podesta's Daughter, called by Boker a " dramatic
sketch," is simply a dialogue and is not in any real sense
dramatic. It was written in 1851 and published in 1852,
with other poems, lyric and narrative, all of which have
been reprinted in the collected edition.
The Widow's Marriage, which was written in 1852,
was accepted by Marshall, the manager of the Walnut
Street Theatre, according to a letter written by Boker,
October 12, 1852, to Stoddard,^^ but he was unable to find
any actress to impersonate Lady Goldstraw. That the
play was seriously considered is proven by the copy of the
" Lippincoif8 Magatfim, vol. XLV, p. 863.
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244 ABTHUB HOBSON QUIKN
manuscript made by William H. Beed, copyist of Ihe
Walnut Street Theatre, in 1852.
It is a comedy in blank verse laid in England at the time
of George II. The plot is largely concerned with a trick
played upon a vain old widow, Lady Qoldstraw, who thinks
she is married to Lord Buffler and who through his treat-
ment of her sees how foolish she has been. She therefore
retires and lets her daughter, Madge, have her own oppor-
tunity for happiness. The play is an interesting one to
read, and a good actress might have made something out
of Lady Qoldstraw. Here, as before, however, it is in the
more serious passages that Boker does his best work. The
description of a true hero, put in the mouth of Sir William
Travers, in Act n. Scene ii, is an example in point :
Tftirerv. And heroes now,
Are heroes proven by the knocks they take? —
Is blood the only livery of renown?
I knew a sickly artisan, a man
Whose only tie to life was one pale child,
His dead wife's gift Yet, for that single tie
He bore a life that would have blanched the face
Of armed Hector; bore the hopdess toil,
That could but scrape together one day's food;
Bore the keen tortures of a shattered frame.
Hie sneer of pride, the arrogance of wealth;
All the dread curses of man's heritage.
Summed in one word of horror — ^poverty! —
Ay, bore them with a smile. And aU the time.
His ears were full of whispers. In his hand.
The common tools of work turned from thdr use.
And hinted— death 1 The river crossed his path.
Sliding beneath the bridge so lovingly,
And murmuring— death ! Upon hid very hearth
Hie tempter sat, amid the flaming coals,
And talked with him of —death ! A thousand ways
Lay open, for his misery to escape;
Yet there he stood, and labored for his child,
Till Heaven in pity took the twain together. —
He was a hero!
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THB DBAMAB OF OEOSOS HSNBY BOKEB 245
Boker returned next to tragedy. On November 14,
1852, he wrote to Stoddard :
I, prolific I, have finished a tragedy Leonor de Chufman. Her his-
tory you will find in Spanish chronicles relating to the reign of
Alphonso XII of Castile, and his son Peter the Gruel. There are
no such subjects for historical tragedy on earth as are to be found
in the Spanish history of that period. I am so much in love with
it that I design following up Leonor de Ctwsman by Don Pedro.**
Leonor de Ouznum was played first at the Walnut Street
Theatre, Philadelphia, Monday, October 8d, 1853, and
ran for six nights until October 8th, inclusive, with the
following cast: "
Don Pedro, King of Castile and Leon Mr. Perry
Bon Enriqu^ Cond6 de Traatamara,
oldest son of Dofia Leonor Mr. Wheatleigh
Don Fadriqu^y Master of Santiago,
Twin brother to Don Enrique Mr. Wallis
Don Tello, another son to Dofia Leonor Mr. Hacknut
Don Juan Alonso de Albuquerque, Prime
Minister to Don Pedro Mr. Adams
Don Juan Nufies de Lara, Lord of Biscayne and
a preeumptire heir to the crown Mr. Young
Don Fernando Manuel de Villena, his
Nephew, Brother to Dofia Juana Mr. Eytinge
Alonso Ckn'onel, Governor of Medina Sidonia Mr. McDonough
Gafiedo, his liegeman and friend Mr. France
Priest, Chaplain to Dofia Leonor Mr. Anderson
Ambassador, from the rebel Don Juan Manuel Mr. Boswell
Page, attending on Don Pedro Mr. J. Sefton
Dofia Maria de Portugal, MoUier to Don Pedro Mrs. DuiBeld
Dofia Leonor de Guzman, Mistress to King
Alfonso Miss J. Dean
Dofia Juana Manuel de ViUena, Sister to
Don Fernando Mrs. Clarke
Courtiers, Ladies, Elnights, Soldiers, Citizens, Attendants.
^ IAppinooti*8 Magazine, vol. XLV, p. 864.
^ Boker icsa
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246 ABTHUB HOBSON QUU^K
According to Durang ^* it was received with *^ warm
approbation " and was only interrupted by the engagement
of Edwin Forrest
Boker in a letter to Stoddard ^^ on October 9th, 1853,
said:
You need not be anxious about "Leonor," we had her out last
Monday, and she was as successful as you or I could hope for.
Miss Dean, so far as her physique would admit, played the part
admirably, and with a full appreciation of all those things which
you called its beauties. Dofia Maria (the queen) was also well done;
but Albuquerque and the other male characters, with the exception
of Don Pedro, damnably. For all this the tragedy was triumphant, —
well noticed by the press, and increasing in public favor up to its
last night. I feel nothing but gratitude towards you for your part
in the business, as it has certainly put my reputation at least one
step forward. "Leonor" will be brought to New York during Miss
Dean's next engagement there, in November next, if nothing should
happen to prevent it.
It was played at the Broadway Theatre, New York,
April 24, 25, 26, 1853,^« to houses considerably better
even than in Philadelphia. Madame Ponisi played Dona
Maria in New York.
Leonor de Ouzmcm is a tragedy laid in Castile, a.d.
1350. The play is concerned with the succession to the
throne consequent upon the death of King Alfonso XII.
In the first Act the court of Leonor de Guzman is shown,
and is represented as being the center of power in Spain.
Of her sons, Don Enrique, Don Fadrique, and Don Telle,
the first two are returning from war and bring news of the
death of King Alfonso. At once the courtiers fall away
from her and flock to Seville, where Queen Maria, the
mother of the new King, Don Pedro, is staying. They
^History of the Philadelphia Stage, Third Series, Chapter ozxvi.
" Lippincotfa Magasrine, vol. XLV, p. S66.
* Boker icss.
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THE BBAMAS OF GEOSOS HENBY BOEEB 247
are both under the admonition of Don Juan Albuquerque^
the prime minister.
From here on the play is largely a study of the efforts
of this man to retain power for Don Pedro and himself
against Leonor and Don Enrique^ and of Queen Maria to
obtain revenge on Leonor. Queen Maria finally kills
Leonor, and there is a sub-plot concerning the love of Dona
Juana Miinuel de Villena and Don Enrique. They are
married through a trick of Leonor.
Leonor is represented as being a woman of noble charac-
ter who had devotedly loved the King and who had been
a power in Spain. The sympathy of the vmter is with
her generally, although one cannot help appreciating the
emotions of the Queen who allows all other feelings to be
wrapped up in her jealousy and desire for revenge. An
evidence of this is given in Act n^ Scene ii.
Doiia Maria, Don Pedro, pardon me.
The open insult of my feUow-queen —
She who was reigning while I staid at home,
To rock your cradle, and to suckle you —
Moved me a little. And besides, my liege^
There are some years of suffering on my brow.
Pray, mark my lady's, it is very smooth —
And some harsh lines of silver in my hair.
While hers is glossy with untroubled ease.
The rose has burned to ashes on my face; —
Yet lives again in her transparent chetk.
She can go through, her fingers and record
A loving chUd upon each dainty tip;
I have but one, and he forgets to love!
The most marked advance in Leonor de Ouzman lies
in the character drawing. Don Albuquerque, Dona Maria,
and Dona Leonor are real people and real Spaniards. The
Queen's jealousy of the prime minister's hate for Leonor
is a strikingly effective invention of Boker's. So all
powerful is her desire for revenge that she cannot share
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ABTHUB HOBSOK QUIHK
it with anyone. The influence of a ceady and unacrupu-
louB mind is well shown in the character of D<m Albuquer-
qu6, and the title role gave a good opportunity to a clever
actress to make sympathetic a noble figure.
Before Leonor de Ovaman had been put on the stage,
Boker had started his masterpiece. In a letter to Stoddard
on March 3d^ ISSS,^*^ he tells of his method of work. He
wrote Franceaca da Rvmini, a play of twenty-^ht hun-
dred lines, in three weeks. It was composed literally at
white heat. He thought about the work all day and smoked
a great deal after he b^an composing at nine o'clock in
the evening. At four o'clock in the morning he would re-
tire for about five hours' sleep. He came to his writing
with the plan perfectly matured, so that the rapid com-
position was only the fruition of a long period of prepa-
ration.
Francesca da Rimini was performed for the first time
at the Broadway Theatre, New York, on September 26th,
1855."
The cast as given in Brown's History of the New York
8ta>ge is evidently incorrect in several instances, and that
given in Ireland's Records of the New York Stage is not
complete. It is certain, however, that Lanciotto was played
by E. L. Davenport, Paolo by M. Lanergan, Francesca by
Mme. Ponisi, and Eitta by Miss Manners. It was first
played in Philadelphia at the Walnut Street Theatre on
October 10, 1855, Mrs. John Drew acting Francesca. It
was repeated on October 11, 12, and 18.
Francesca da Rimini was revived by Lawrence Barrett
in 1882, the original performance taking place at Haver-
^ Lippincoift Magastine, voL XLV, p. S64.
^ Boker icss. According to Brown's History of the New York
Stage (vol. i, p. 403), the play held the boards till October 5th.
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THE DBAMAS OF GEOBGE HENBT BOKEB 249
ly*8 Theatre, Philadelphia, September 14. The program
of this performance, which is inserted in Mr. Barrett's
acting copy of the play, is as follows :
HAYOILT'S THKilim
FABEWELL OF MB. BABBITT
(PoBitively his last appearance this season.)
Supported by Mr. Lonis James and an Excellent Company.
''VBAlfOESOA DA VSMim**
A Tragedy in Six Acts, by Hon. George H. Boker.
OAST OF OHABACTEBS
Landotto ) ,, , . . . ^ (Mr. Lawrence Barrett
Paolo [Malatesta's Sons j Mr. Otis Skinner
Malatesta, Lord of Rimini and
Head of the Guelphs Mr. Ben. G. Rogers
Gnldo da Polenta, Lord of Ravenna and
Head of the Ghibelins Mr. F. G. Mosley
Pep4, Malatesta's Jester Mr. Louis James
Bishop, Friend to Guido Mr. Charles Rolf e
Ren4, a Troubadour Mr. Percy Winter
Laoentio^ ) « . , , ^ , f Mr. Errol Dunbar
Torelli, l^rfends to Paolo | Mr. Albert T. Riddle
Captain Mr. Homer Cope
Messenger Mr. €(arrie Davidson
Servant Mr. Robert Sutton
Franoesca, Guido'a Daughter Miss Marie Wainwright
Ritta, her maid Miss Josie Batchelder
Lords, Ladies, Knights, Priests, Pages, Soldiers, etc.
Mr. Barrett continued this play in his repertoire ior
a number of seasons. In 1885 some changes were made in
the cast^ Mr. F. 0. Mosley taking Mr. Skinner's place as
Paolo, Mr. B. G. Sogers changing from Malatesta to
Ghiido, and Miss Eose France playing Bitta.
On August 22, 1901, Mr. Otis Skinner again revived
the play at the Grand Opera House, Chicago. It was
played throughout the country during the season of 1901-
02, the principal cities in whidi it appeared being Kew
York, Philadelphia, Boston, Washington, Baltimore, New
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250 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINN
Orleans, Memphis, St. Louis, Minneapolis, St. Paul,
Cleveland, Cincinnati, Buffalo and Detroit
The Paolo and Francesca story has been a favorite theme
for treatment. Beginning with Dante's description of his
meeting with the lovers in his Fifth Canto, human sym-
pathy has often been directed toward the unhappy love
story of the brother and the wife of Gianciotto, the lord of
Eimini, who loved each other and who died by his hand.
Boker was the first to write in English a play which
would make the injured husband the central figure with-
out lessening our interest in the lovers. To do this he had
of course to modify the actual historical facts ; but more
important, he had to create by the power of imagination
what Francesca called the noblest heart in Eimini. It
lies outside of the scope of the article to make a compara-
tive study of Boker's play and the dramatic treatments of
the story that followed his, but there can be no question
that in English at least, it is surpassed by no other version.
The spectator who witnesses Stephen Phillips's Paolo and
Francesca is presented with a poetic spectacle in whidi the
characters belong to no especial time or place. Driven on
by fate, they are puppets, not themselves determining
factors in the action. Boker places us in the midst of me-
diaeval Italy. The character of Paolo, young, handsome,
loveworthy, but a bit of a coxcomb, is contrasted through
his own actions and words with Lanciotto, a warrior, mis-
shapen in body but sensitive to a d^ree, and with a love
for his brother that embodies not only natural affection
but also admiration for that physical perfection that has
been denied him. Delicately, too, does Boker depict that
craving for affection on the part of a man no longer young
which, when made concrete by being centered upon a
young and beautiful woman, becomes one of the most real
motives of life and of art. Delicately, too, is Francesca
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THS DBAMAS OF OEOBaE HENBY BOKEB 251
introduced to ub, not a mere receptive character as in
Phillips's play or in Leigh Hunt's earlier narrative ver-
sion, but alive and with a great capacity for love. She is
ready to love Lanciotto, and when eihe mistakes his deputy,
Paolo, for him, she gives her heart. Her girlish attempt
to hide her pain, when she discovers how she has been
duped, is of the essence of drama, for the words seem
wrung out of her soul :
I'm glad I kept my heart safe, after all.
There was my cunning. I have paid them back
. . .On my faith,
I would not live another wicked day,
Here in Ravenna, only for the fear
That I should take to lying, with the rest.
Ha! Hal it makes me merry, when I think
How safe I kept this little heart of mine!
Those who have seen Franceses da Bindrd upon the
stage will hardly forget the scene in the third Act when
Francesca discovers the cheat and when Lanciotto, mis-
construing her apparent willingness to go on with the
marriage, believes that she is banning to care for him.
Almost at once, however, he is led to suspicion by the
jester, Pep6. Pepe^s motive is revenge for insults oflfered
him by Lanciotto and by Paolo. He is a human instru-
ment and a natural one, by which the catastrophe is
brought about. In Hunt's version the murmurs of Fran-
cesca in her sleep bring about the revelation. In Phil-
lips's, the prophecies of a blind nurse, aided somewhat by
the jealousy of Giovanni's cousin, are the means to the
end. The nurse of Phillips is probably due to a suggestion
in Poker's play, that a nurse in the Malatesta family has
prophesied that some day the blood of Guide da Polenta
would mingle with theirs. Boker only uses this super-
natural suggestion in its proper place, the background.
Pep6 is human and he is mediaeval. He acts quickly, too.
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252 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINN
and he helps the action on. Lanciotto's absence is natur*
ally accounted for by the incursion of the Ghibellines, and
thus the way is left open for the great love scene between
Paolo and Francesca. The Francesca of Boker has been
at times criticized for the active part she takes in sending
Bitta away, who scents danger, but Francesca is very
human, and, therefore, more appealing. The contrast be-
tween the love of Paolo, that is shot through with remorse,
and the love of Francesca, that goes joyfully on without
thinking of the cost, is masterly.
The final scene rises even beyond this one in dramatic
effectiveness. As Boker wrote it and as it was first played
it was in the garden. Paolo has decided that he will go
away. Francesca reminds him in words that reflect the
maturity that sin's experience has brought to her what
waits for her in the future, if he leaves her, a pledge for
the security of her native land, to the caresses of an un-
loved husband. Then Lanciotto enters and after begging
them to deny the charge that Pep6 has brought to him,
kills Francesca and then Paolo. Then when the two
fathers rebuke him he defends himself:
Lmnoioifo, Can howling make this sight more terrihlef
Peace 1 You disturh the angels up in heaven,
While they are hiding from this ugly earth.
Be satisfied with what you see. You two
Began this tragedy, I finished it.
Here, hy these bodies, let us reckon up
Our crimes together. Why how still they lie!
A moment, since, they walked, and talked, and kissed!
Defied me to my face, dishonored me!
They had the power to do it then; but now,
Poor souls, who'll shield them in eternity f
Father, the honor of our house is safe:
I have the secret. I will to the wars.
And do more murders, to eclipse this one.
Back to the battles; there I breathe in peace;
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THE BBAMAS OF OEOBOE HENBT BOKEB 253
And I will take a soldier's honor back, —
Honor! what's that to me now? Ha! ha! ha!
(Laughing)
A great thing, father! I am very ill.
I killed thy son lor honor: thou mayst chide.
0 €k>d ! I cannot cheat myself with words !
1 loved him more than honor — ^more than life —
niis man, Paolo— this stark, bleeding corpse!
Here let me rest, till God awake us all!
The printed version of Francesca da Rimini represents
Boker's judgment of the best form of the play for read-
ing purposes. It has never been put on the stage exactly
as it has been printed. Among the manuscripts is a com-
plete autograph manuscript of the play as it now appears
in the collected edition. From this was copied in 1853
an acting version, and some very interesting changes were
made, partly by Boker himself. There are also some tenta-
tive fragments of Act i and Act ii and a manuscript, with
alterations by Boker, of the acting version used by Mr.
Barrett in 1882. In this last the speeches of Lanciotto
are indicated by cues ; so that it is impossible to tell how
severely they were cut.
The acting version of 1853 omits Act i. Scene i in the
printed version. There is a note in Boker's hand, on the
manuscript to this effect:
When Lanciotto is the prominent part, omit the whole of the
following scene (Scene i, Act i) and begin the play at Scene 2nd,
Act I.
If this scene were played, this change would begin the
play in Ravenna instead of in Rimini and would center
the interest on Francesca, since the scene is concerned with
the disclosure of Guide to her that Lanciotto is on the
way. The reason for this change is not now apparent.
Boker had written Leonor de Ouzman for Miss Dean, and
it may be that he had had her in mind when he was
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254 ABTHUB H0B80N QUINIT
writing Francesca da Rimini. The fact that he named
the play as he did, and that among the fragments there
is a different beginning for the second Act> which repre-
sents Francesca among her ladies and gives her the open-
ing speech, would make such an explanation reasonable.
As the play is printed, Francesca does not come on until
the Second Act The acting version of 1882 begins with
the usual Act i^ Scene i, but it is somewhat cut
All through the play the acting version of 1853 seems
to make for dramatic effectiveness, though sometimes the
poetry is sacrificed. The Second Act begins with a scene
in a grand Hall in Bavenna, instead of before the gates of
the city, as is the case in the corresponding scene in the
printed version. The first scene in Act Second, it will be
remembered, had been transferred to the first Act. The
speeches are much cut and Francesca's departure from
the stage ends the scene, Eitta's speech being omitted to
the advantage of the stage effectiveness. Quite a good
deal of the conversation, especially between Guide and
Bittfl, is omitted in both stage versions. The Second Act
ends, in the printed version, with a soliloquy of Paolo
after he has had a conversation with Francesca about
Lanciotto. In the acting version of 1882 the Act ends
with this scene, but there is a general spectacle, everybody
is brought on, and the curtain falls with the words "On
to Rimini." In the acting version of 1853, what is usually
Act III Scene i is put into Act n and the Act ends with a
brief scene in which Pep6 touches Lanciotto on the hump.
This scene was omitted altogether in the 1882 version.
Both acting versions conmience the third Act with the
scene in the grand square, which is the second scene in
the printed version. It is somewhat cut, and both stage
versions leave out Francesca's last speech — a mistaken
economy.
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THB DRAMAS OF GEOBOE HENBT BOEEB 266
In the Fourth Act, the acting version of 1853 has a new
ending to the first scene, written in the manuscript by
Boker's own hand, which brings on Rene and the trouba-
dours who give Lanciotto advice to proceed with the wed-
ding. This scene was used also in 1882.
The most curious change occurs in the acting version
of 1853 in the last act The entire first scene, between
Paolo and Francesca in the garden, is omitted, although
the usual mark in the autograph manuscript indicates
only that the scene was to be cut. The 1882 version kept
this scene. In the scene at Lanciotto's camp there is a
long speech inserted in the 1853 acting version, which
does not appear anywhere else. It emphasizes the motive
of family pride. Another long speech is inserted in the
third scene, after Lanciotto has discovered the lovers.
One change is such an improvement that it mi^t be
noticed.
The printed version makes Lanciotto say:
Dost thou see
Yon bloated spider — ^hideous as myself —
GUmbing aloft to reach that wavering twig?
When he has touched it one of us must die.
The acting version of 1853 reads:
Dost thou see
Ton duskj cloud that slowly steals along,
Like a shrewd thief upon a travelleri
To blot the glory of the jocund moon?
When it has dimmed the luster of the edge
She'll shrink behind it to avoid the sight,
She else might see on this disfigured earth.
When it has crossed her, one of us, who now
Is touched to wonder by her radiance.
Shall gaze upon her with an altered face —
As pale and cold and vacant as her own.
It is the opinion of Mr. Otis Skinner, who acted Paolo
in 1882 and Lanciotto in 1902, that the changes made in
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256 ABTHUB HOBSON QUINir
both Mr. Barrett's and liifl versions were necessary for
stage effect. The explanations which Mr. Skinner has
been good enough to give me seem justified. Yet there
are shrewd comments in Boker's own hand on the acting
version of 1882 which were accepted as correcting the
stage manager's judgm^it.
The autograph manuscript of The Bamkmpt is dated
1853. Whether it preceded or followed Francesca in
actual composition it is not possible to decide^ as Boker
does not mention it in his memoranda and no published
account has any reference to it. It is a prose melodrama^
laid apparently about 1850 — at least the manuscript bears
the inscription " Time and Scene, the Present" The main
theme has to do with the retiim of James Shelvill, who
passes under the name of Shorn, and who has been so em-
bittered by bad treatment that he has returned to avenge
himself upon his former associates. He tries to ruin Ed-
ward Giltwood^ who had befriended him, and he also
tries to seduce Amy Qiltwood, over whom he has a hold
through knowledge of a former theft which she had com-
mitted. The intervention of Paul Tapeley, a wealthy
lawyer, who lends Amy Giltwood enough money to pay
off her husband's indebtedness, makes the play end happily.
The play is certainly the poorest written by Boker.
The language is stilted and the prose at times runs into
a curious kind of blank verse, as though the author had
not been quite certain in which mediimi he had been in-
tending to write it There is a certain cleverness in the
way in which the web is woven about Amy and the method
used to persuade her husband of her guilt. But the char-
acters are not clearly established and the motives are not
well worked out
Konigsmark, published in 1869, but written in all
probability before 1857, while a verse drama of interest.
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THE BSAMAS OF OEOBGE HEKBY BOKEB 267
was not acted and could hardly have been intmded for
the stage. It is laid in Hanover in 1694 and is a tragedy,
dealing with the revenge of the Oountess von Platen, the
mistress of the Elector, upon Konigsmari^, a Colonel of
the Guards who had been in love with her and who has
transferred his affections to Sophia, the ill-used wife of
Prince George, the Elector's eldest son, afterwards Gteorge
the First of England.
With Konigsmark, the first period of Poker's dramatic
activity came to an end. During the next few years he
turned his attention more definitely to lyric poetry. Al-
ready in the 1856 edition of his collected plays and poems
he gave evidence of his ability as a sonnetteer. We are
concerned in this study only with his dramatic work ; but
tiiere is no doubt that, in this country at least, Poker's
soimets have never been accorded their proper position.
His sonnets on public affairs, especially the one entitled
To Louis Napoleon, and his love sonnets form a group
worthy of comparison with those of any sonnet writer in
English except the very greatest. In 1864 his Poems of
the War were published, containing his touching Dirge
for a Soldier, on the death of Philip Kearney, and his
stirring Black Regiment, written to celebrate the charge
of the colored troops at Port Hudson.
He did not limit his activity on the Union side to writ-
ing poetry. He took an active part in the formation of
the Union League of Philadelphia and used his great social
influence to combat the undercurrent of sympathy with
the Confederacy which prevailed in many of the older
families in that city. On November 3d, he was appointed
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to
Turkey, and was transferred to the Eussian Mission Janu-
ary 18, 1876, although he was not actually relieved of his
duties' at Constantinople until May 1, 1875. His services
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258 ABTHUB HOBSOI7 QUINK
as Minister to Bufisia lasted until January 15^ 1878.
These public services having been completed, he turned
his attention again to the stage. The revival of Francesca
da Bimini in 1882 undoubtedly encouraged him. First
he returned to CcUaynos and endeavored to adapt it to suit
Mr. Barrett Beference has already been made to this
revision, which was, however, not put on the stage. Boker
next turned to a different tiieme and wrote two plays upon
the story of the fall of Pompeii. One of these, Nydia, is
dated on l3ie title page 1885, and there is a note stating:
This play was b^^un on the twenty-sixth day of February, and
finished on the twenty-first of April, 1885. My engagements were
such that I could not work during at least one third of that time,
nor did I work more than three hours each day.
OlaxLcus, the longer play, is dated 1886. It is more
than a revision, it is an entire rewriting of Nydia. While
Nydia includes ninety-three typewritten pages, Olaucua
has oneTiundred and seventy-seven. Nydia seems to be
the stage version. According to the memory of Mrsw George
Boker, the play was written for Mr. Barrett. It was evi-
dently submitted to him, as l3iere are manuscript notes in
Boker's handwriting of which the first is especially inter-
esting:
I have stricken out all the talk about the lion; because, after
finishing the play, I found that the lion really had no part in the
story.
The "cuts" throughout the play are conjectural, and subject to
your approval. If you find anything cut out by me which, in your
opinion had better remain in, do not hesitate to restore it.
Both plays follow the main incidents of Bulwer's Last
Days of Pompeii, leaving Olinthus and the Christians out.
The Cast of characters in Nydia includes:
Glaucus, a rich Athenian
Arbaces, an Egyptian Prince
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THB BSAMAS OF OEOBGE HSNBY BOEEB 259
CalenuB, A Prince of Isis
Apaecides, a neophyte of Isis
Burbo, a Publican
Clodins, a friend of Glaucus
SaUust,
Praetor,
Quaestor,
Aedile,
Nydon, a Gladiator
Scoros, a slaye of lone
Dromo, a slave of Arbaces
Nuntius
lone,
Nydia,
Noblemen, Lictors, Gladiators, Attendants, Slaves,
Citizens, et cetera."
The mutual love of Glaucus and lone, Nydia's passion
for Glaucus, the rescue of lone from the house of Arbaces,
the Egyptian, through Nydia's agency, the arrest of Glau-
cus on the charge of the murder of Apaecides, Tone's
brother, the conviction of Glaucus and his sentence to
death in the amphitheatre, the eruption of Vesuvius, all
are woven into a really dramatic poem, which in the case
of Nydia at least is eminently suited for stage presenta-
tion.
In Nydia the blind girl dies at the end of the play,
after having confessed to her love for Glaucus. In Glau-
cus, she together with Glaucus and lone are seen sailing
away in safety.
Boker's plays owe nothing to the language of Bulwer.
The stilted artificial style in which The Last Days of Pom-
peii is written is changed into vigorous and flexible blank
verse.
*llie characters of Quaestor, Aedile, Scoros, Drcmo, or Nuntius,
are not included in Olauoua, Saphax, a freedman, and Dudas, a
Boman gentleman, are omitted from Nydia, but form part of the
list of characters in Glaucua,
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Since neither play has been published^ some examples
of the verse will be appropriate :
The first is from the Second Act of Nydicu lone and
Nydia are together in lone's house. lone has told Nydia
tike loves her.
Nydia, Ay, that I understand, without my eyes.
Love, love, is not that something like to sight!
I often think it is another sense.
lone. It is the vision of the gods. Right, girl!
Love is another sense.
Nydia, Or why should I, —
Blind as I am, love you, love GlaucusT hate —
(Enter Arbaces from behind, unobs^red)
Oh! how I hate! one person, with a fire
Almost as hot as love is — ^Hist! I hear
An evil footstep.
Arhiioes. (Advancing) It is only mine.
Nydia, Cat, treacherous cat! (Aside. She shrinks apart.)
lone, Arbaces, when you come
Into my house, I pray you, that henceforth.
You have yourself announced. Remember, too,
I am a child no longer.
Arb€U)e9. Sad am I
At all these changes. Twas but yesterday —
So seems it in the hurried flight of time —
I held you in my arms, or taught your feet
Their first few steps. You and Apaeoides
Will ever seon my childroi.
lone, Pardom me:
(My wish was not to wound you.
Arhaoea, Dear lone.
Why have you lost your confidence in me!
lone. But have If
Arhaoee, Yes; witness your new-made friend.
This wandering Greek; Witness your handmaid here,
A public flower girl, a common slave.
Likewise his gift, now your companion, lliese.
These unwise acts, were all, all contrary
To my advice.
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THE BBAMAS OF GEOBGE HENBY BOE3:B 261
lone, . Come hither, Njdia.
Lay your cheek close to mine, twine both your arms
About my neck; now kiss me <m the mouth,
Free citizen of Rome. Mark it, my Lord;
Thus, thus, I think of her.
(Kisses Nydia)
Arhacea, A fond mistake.
lone. Grant that as possible. Were she not pure, —
Tea, pure as I am, — ^would she dare do that?
Tou may be deep in all the ways of man.
But ah! you know not woman.
Arhaees. Haply so.
Let these two kittens play: Why should I care!
(Aside)
The other matter is more serious.
It is the common tattle of the town
That Glaucus, an Athenian fop, a man —
lone. Beware!
Arhaees. — ^Who owes the little fame he has
To his successes with your sex, is here
Daily, or, as he boasts before the world.
When e'er he pleases, or has idle time.
Nydia. That is a lie!
ArJxHfee. I do not say this thing
Of my own knowledge. Is it scandal?
lone. Which, —
His coming, or his boast?
Arhaoee. Say both.
lone. Since when
Took I o(Hnpanions as the world prescribed?
Tou know the freedom of a woman's life
In Greece, my country, where each woman stands
As guardian of her honor. There no bars
Shut up her virtue, at a man's behest.
As in your Egypt. As for Glaucus —
Arhaoee. Well?
lone. He is most welcome to my house and me
At any seemly hour. That much is truth.
That he has ever boasted of my favor.
In any manner to discredit me.
Is not alone untrue, but more than false —
Impossible.
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ABTHUB HOBSON QUINN
This shows the dramatic quality of his conversation.
Another passage, this time from Olaucus, will show the
depth and sweep of the poetry. Glaucus and lone have
just parted and Nydia comes upon him while he is think-
ing upon his happiness :
Qlauou8. Can you ask?
Nydia, Ah! then, 'tis not for all, this happiness.
Thank heaven that gave it to you 'tis so far.
So very far ahove the common lot,
Nor does it always come at love's command:
Sweet though his gifts be to the fortunate.
They seem like curses of the angry gods,
Like the hot arrows of Hyperion's wrath.
When poured into a heart that cannot share
Its blessings with another, love for love.
Glaucus, These are strange thoughts to fill your youthful brain:
Whence were they gathered?
Nydia, From the tree of life.
We who pass under, shake its fatal fruit.
Ripened or rotten, at our startled feet.
A child may do that. Once I knew a maid.
Humble as I am, and she loved a king! —
0 not a king with sceptre, crown and throne,
The common frippery of royal state.
But a real king, by nature bred and crowned.
And so acknowledged by a subject world.
Olauous. She flew too high.
Nydia, But why has love his wings,
Unless to soar with? Ah! my lord, you talk
Like all the world; but not like Glaucus.
0lauous, True.
But of the maiden?
Nydia, I forgot the girl.
Lost in the splendor of the man she loved.
Her passion was the secret of her breast:
She dared not tell it to an earthly thing.
Lest gossip echo, from her hollow cave^
Should spread her story to the jeering land.
0 no, she whispered to the mystic skies,
Distant and voiceless, — ^to her mother's soul,
Silent as death, that stood between their lives, —
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THE BBAMAS OF aSOBGE HENBT BOKBB 263
The bitter story which she knew too well.
Nothing was pitiful. The raging clouds,
With thunder upon thunder, shouted, fool!
Her mother's voice, as fine and thin as scmgs
Sung to an ailing infant, murmured, fool!
And her own heart — ^there was the hopeless pang —
Muttered forever, fool, and fool, and fool!
It is to be regretted that Boker did not publish the com-
plete edition of his works which he was evidently prepar-
ing in 1886. For it he had revised Calaynos, had prepared
Nydia and Olaucus, had revised All the World a Mask
under the title of Under a Mask, and The Bankrupt under
the title of A Commercial Crisis. It is to be hoped that in
the near future the three first at least may be printed.
Olaucus was the last of Boker's plays to be written.
He died January 2, 1890, in Philadelphia and the interest
excited by his death brought forth enough demand for his
work to warrant another reprinting of the edition of 1856
and of the Poems of the War. No attempt was made, how-
ever, to bring the collected edition up to date.
In the attempt to explain why Boker has not received
his proper position in our literature, two reasons have been
most frequently presented. The first is that he treated
foreign material too exclusively. This criticism, in the
light of the existence of Hamlet and The Merchant of
Venice, seems to be beside the point. After an examina-
tion of The Bankrupt, the only play in which he treated
native conditions, and which is by far the poorest, we may
be thankful that Boker knew where his own strength lay.
Nor is the other commonplace of criticism that there
was no financial encouragement for American playwrights
in Boker's time as applicable to him as it was to some
others, nor was it so true of his stage royalties as of his
profits as a poet from his published works.
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264 ABTHUB H0B80N QUINN
Boker seems to have received a royalty of five per cent,
on the gross receipts of each night's performance. State-
ments from the treasurers of the theatres show payments
as follows:
Oalaynoa —
Philadelphia," Feb. '51, nine nights $194.08
Albany, '51, three nights 17.00
Baltimore, '51, three nights 30.00
Chicago, two nights 5.80
$246.88
The Betrothal-^
Philadelphia, 1850, ten nights $155.92
New York, 1850, twelve nights 185.82
New York, 1851, five nights 65.38
Philadelphia, 1851, five nights 43.47
$460.59
The World a Mask —
Philadelphia, 1851, eight nights $138.10
Leonor de Ouzman —
Philadelphia, 1853, six nights $83.33
New York, 1854, three nights 75.76
$169.09
Total $994.56
These figures omit at least two series of performances of
Gdlaynos and all of Francesca da Rimini. It would seem
fair to estimate his total royalties from plays up to the
time of their publication in 1856 at $1,500, and this with-
out any risk to himself. The accounts seem to have been
rendered promptly and no reductions made for theatrical
charges. Let us see on the other hand how he fared with
the publishers.
We find no accounts for his earlier volumes, though a
contract with Carey and Hart, of Philadelphia, shows that
Boker shared here equaUy the expenses and the profits of
** Figures for Philadelphia performances in December 1851 and
in April 1855 are not available.
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THB BBAMAS OF OBOBGE HENBY BOEEB 265.
the publication of Anne Boleyn. The profits of this play
and of Codaynos must have been slight, since only five hun-
dred copies were printed.
The complete edition of the Plays and Poems of 1856
was published with Ticknor and Fields, of Boston. Boker
paid for the stereotyping of the plates, for any volumes
furnished to him, and received twenty cents royalty on
each set of two volumes, Ticknor and Fields paying for
paper, binding, press work, and other expenses. No roy-
alty was paid to him on about one hundred copies sent to
editors of various journals. We have not found complete
statements of all the receipts and sales, but from those we
have, we learn that the stereotyping of the plates cost him
$844.82. There is no indication what his royalties on the
first edition were, but under date of April 27, 1859, we
find a statement of his royalties for the second edition as
follows:
G. H. Boker, Esq.: in acct. with Hcknor and Fields, Dr.
For amount of enclosed bill $104.51
Or.
1867.
April 30, By copyright on 450 Plays and Poems. . $90.00
April 1, 1859 copyright on 50 Plays and Poems . . . 10.00
$100.00
$ 4.61
100 copies given to Editors
500 copies sold as above
400 copies on hand
It had, therefore, cost him $4.61 to print the second
edition, and while, of course, most of the "enclosed bill"
was for copies he had sent friends, we can easily estimate
that, counting in the receipts from his royalties for the
first edition at a liberal figure, he must have been a loser
by more than five hundred dollars for his trouble in pub-
lishing his plays at all. When we compare this return,
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266 ABTHUB HOB80N QUINN
or lack of it, with the stage royalties on his plays, it is
hardly the American playwright but rather the American
poet who has a right to complain of lack of appreciation.
To be sure, he still had the plates, but he also still had the
rights to his plays, and years afterwards under Lawrence
Barrett's management, Francesca brought him in, at times,
two hundred dollars a week.^^
It is perhaps idle to speculate upon the reasons which
have led to the failure to appreciate Bokear's significant
contributions to our dramatic literature. One explanation
might be supplied by those who have been privileged to
scrutinize the obituary notice read at the Union League
Club of Philadelphia, which in recounting his services to
mankind, placed the establishment of that institution at
the head of the list, and after mentioning his career as his
country's representative abroad, concluded by remarking
that he had also written some poems and dramas, which
was all the more to his credit, since his fintmcial circum-
stances were such that he was under no necessity to do it I
His work came at a time when a fashion was passing, and
his work was of that fashion. The long run, the drama-
tization of popular novels, and the star system ; the influ-
ence of Boucicault, who was the concrete representative of
all three, and added to these the disturbed conditions of
the Civil War kept people from reading his plays. No
one who reads them fails to recognize their worth. With
the great increase in the interest in our native drama, it
is hoped that Boker will at last come into his own.
Abthur Hobson Quinn.
" Letter from the office of the Star Theatre, New York, to Mr.
Boker, October 1, 1883.
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X.—LOVB FAYNED AND UNFAYNED AND THE
ENGLISH ANABAPTISTS
The discovery by Mr. Arundell Eedaile of the fragmen-
tary morality Love Fwyned and Unfwyned ^ has contribu-
ted to the history of English drama a document of peculiar
interest. The play can, I believe, lay claim to unique
significance -as reflecting a phase of religious controversy
otherwise unrepresented in the drama. Although the frag-
mentary character of the material renders analysis diffi-
cult, the 243 extant lines contain evidence on the basis of
which the play may be characterized as an allegorical de-
fense of the sect of Anabaptists. It seems further to re-
flect, in one aspect, the influence of a group with which
the Anabaptists had certain affinities, — ^the Family of
Love.
The fragment has been preserved on the guard-leaves of
an old volume, the Sermones Discipuli of Johannes He-
rolt^ The handwriting, according to Sir F. F. Warner,
belongs to the early years of the seventeenth century. As
is noted in the foreword to the edition, the manuscript has
the appearance of a first draft of an original composition
rather than a copy, since the alterations made by the
scribe are such as suggest the hand of the author rather
than that of a copyist.' Moreover, the blank pages of an
* Published by the Malone Society, Oollectiana, i, i (1909), pp.
16-25.
'A collection of discourses "de tempore et de Sanctis"; the copy
in which the play is preserved belongs to the edition of 1492 (Strass-
burg). It is in the possession of the British Museum (editor's
foreword, p. 16).
'Typical examples of such alterations are the substitution in the
first line of fire, which rhymes with desire in v. 2, for flame, which
267
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B. BBATBIOB DAW
old book would serve more naturally as a surface for scrib-
bling a first draft than as a means of conserving a piece
of literature that someone valued enough to wish to copy.
Nothing in the content of the play is at variance with the
conclusion that the date of the manuscript represents the
period of composition. Love Fayned and Unfayned may
then be regarded^ at least provisionally^ as belonging to
the first decades of the seventeenth century.
With respect to the type of plot^ the play belongs in the
Conflict of Vices and Virtues group.* The neutral charac-
ter, Feloship, is wrought upon successively by the forces
of good, Love Unfayned and Familiaritie, and those of
evil, Love Fayned and Falshode. Feloship is found, at
the point at which the extant portion of the play begins,
longing to meet with one whom he calls ^^my hertes
desyre.'^ Familiaritie assures him that he will find a guide
in Love Unfayned, who enters forthwith. In answer to
Feloship's request for aid " against my deadlie foe,^^ Love
Unfayned agrees to direct him, and utters a long discourse
on his own nature and qualities, based on various passages
in the New Testament.^ Feloship promises to follow Love
has been written and Btnick out; and the Bubstitution of oeleetiaU,
in V. 124, for heavetU (flic), which has also been written and crossed
out. It is impossible to determine from the condition of the MB.
whether we have to do with a composition originally incomplete^
or a fragmentary text; the volume has been rebound, and has lost
its original end-papers and fly-leaves (editor's foreword, p. 16).
*I make use of the convenient terminology of Mr. R. L. Ramsay,
ed. Skelton, Magnyfyomce, EETS, Ext. Ser., voL zovm, Introd.,
p. cxlviii.
'This speech and others of Love Unfayned are very much in the
vein of the text-besprinkled utterances of some of the characters in
Luaty Juventua; cf. the speeches of Good Ck>unsel (Haelitt-Dodsley,
Old Plays, 1874, vol. n, pp. 49-60 and 93) and the speech of Knowl-
edge {ihid., p. 56). An even closer parallel is offered by the dis-
courses of Charytie in King Dariug (Brandl, Quellen dea toeltUohen
Dramas in England vor Shakespeare, Strassburg, 1898, pp. 36d-8M).
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LOVE FAYNBD AND TJNFAYNED 269
Unf ayned and Familiaritie ; and the three depart together,
piously rejoicing. At this point Falshode enters, and,
addressing the audience, proceeds to sing the praises of
his own cleverness, and the advantages accruing to those
who follow in his footsteps. Suddenly catching himself
up with '^hat, do I prate here V^ he states that he has
come to speak with Feloship, who has apparently failed
to keep the tryst. Discomfited by the disappointment,*
he is consoled by the assurances of Love Fayned, who en-
ters opportunely, that they will win Feloship back into
their power. Feloship arrives at this point praising Qod
for having brought him to his present virtuous state. Fals-
hode and Love Fayned make a combined attack upon his
resolution, asserting that Familiaritie and Love TJnfayned
are crafty hypocrites, whose only motive in seeking for
his company is to get possession of his goods. Feloship,
completely won over, expresses his gratitude to them for
'The situation which represents the Vice as chagrined hy the
failure of another character to keep an appointment with him occurs
also in Lusty Jwoentus and King Darius, The opening lines of
Falshode's first speech are in fact a fairly close parallel to the fol-
lowing speech of Iniquitie, in King Darius: —
How now, my masters, how goeth the world now?
I came gladly to talk with you.
But softe, is there nobody here?
Truly, I do not lyke this geare.
(Brandl, op, oit., p. 362)
Hie same device is used in Lusty Juventus, where Fellowship (in
this case a bad character) says: —
I marvel greatly where Friendship is.
He promised to meet me here ere this time.
I beshrew his' heart that his promise doth miss.
(Hazlitt-Dodsley, voL n, p. 79)
It seems not unlikely that the author of Love Fayned and TJnfayned
was acquainted with these two plays; he is at least proved to have
been familiar with the comic conventions of the Morality stage.
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270 B. BBATSIOB DAW
opening his eyes. At the suggestion of Love Fayned that
they sing in celebration of their agreement^ all join in a
lyric.^ They then depart to banquet, being prepared, ac-
cording to Feloship, to " spare no pence." The triumph-
ant speech of Love Fayned —
Be Bure then I shall allways prevaile—
is the last line of the extant portion of the play.
The piece follows Morality tradition, clearly enough, in
regard to structure. As to purpose, it may be readily
classified with the drama of Protestant controversy on the
basis of certain obvious allusions. A definitely anti-
Papist temper is indicated by the speech of Falshode
(v. 217) :—
I reigne as an Imperiall magyatrate at rome.
Further evidence of the same kind is found in the oath
"by the masse" which is constantly in the mouths of
Falshode and Love Fayned (pp. 89, 109, 113, 115, 119,
122, 132), in contrast to the pious evangelical utterances
of Love TJnfayned and Familiaritie. The bounds may,
however, be drawn more narrowly within the general area
of Dissent, by a comparison of certain passages in the*
play with the characteristic features of the Anabaptist
movement in England. Such a comparison has led me to
the following interpretation of the action: Feloship, type
of the man desirous of some religious affiliation, is brought
to a state of virtue by the Anabaptists, represented by Love
Unfayned. The latter is supported in his arguments by
Familiaritie, who stands for the Familist doctrine of
spiritual love. Feloship ultimately succumbs to the joint
forces of the Papacy and the Church of England, personi-
^ Stage direction *' cantant."
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LOVE FAYNED AND UNFAYNED 271
fied in Falshode and Love Fayned,® who have made com-
mon cause against their oommon enemy^ Anabaptism.
Before attempting to establish this interpretation^ it
will be well to indicate briefly the course of the Anabaptist
movement in England,® and the attitude taken toward it by
the authorities. Although a few sporadic cases of the here-
sy come to light previous to the reign of Elizabeth/^ the
• *' Falshode " certainly stands for the Church of Rome (cf . ▼. 217 ) ,
and " Love Fayned " is a fitting title for the Church that had, from
a dissenting point of yiew, only pretended reform.
*A bibliography for the history of Anabaptism on the Continent
will be found in the Cambridge Modem History, vol. n; see also
Karl Kautsky, Oommwnam in Central Europe before the Reforma-
turn, translated by J. L. and E. J. Milliken, London, 1892, ch. v.
For the history of the English Anabaptists, the standard work of
reference is Mr. Champlin Burrage's The Early English Dissenters
in the Light of Recent Research, Cambridge, 1912. In this work,
tht Anabaptists are discussed with special reference to their religious
dogma; the matters of their social theory and standards of living,
points with which the present article is specially concerned, are not
touched upon. An article by Mr. Richard Heath, The Anabaptists
and their English Descendants, Contemporary Review, vol. ux, pp.
389-407, contains valuable references, but disregards chronology in
its arrangement of data.
"John Foxe records that in 1535 ten Dutchmen "counted for
Anabaptists " were burned in London and other English cities {Acts
a/nd Monuments, London, 1684, vol. n, p. 270, col. 1; the Registers
of London cited as authority). Mr. A. F. Pollard, citing Acts of
the P. C, 1552-54, pp. 131-138, states that in these years " there was
a sect newly sprung up in Kent," and that ecclesiastical authorities
regarded Knox as "a great confounder of these Anabaptists" {Pol,
Hist, of Eng,, N. Y., 1910, vol. vi, p. 68). Strype records that in
1560 Archbishop Parker served on a commission "empowered to
correct and punish" the Anabaptists {Life and Acts of Matthew
Parker, Oxford, 1821, vol. i, p. 54) ; and the Articles of the Convo-
cation of 1552 condemn the Anabaptist theory of property {Litur-
gies of King Edioard VI, Parker Soc., vol. xiv, pp. 536, 548). All
recent historians agree that at this time the popular signification
of the term "Anabaptist" was extremely vague, a circumstance
which renders much of the testimonial evidence on the subject some-
what elujiive.
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272 B. BBATSICB DAW
Anabaptists did not achieve a collective importance until
after her accession.^^ She issued a proclamation against
them in 1568, ordering '^ all manner of persons bom
either in forreigne parts^ or in her Majesties dominions^
that have conceaved any manner of such heretical opinions
as the Anabaptists do hold," to leave the realm within
twenty days.^^ In 1575, according to Archbishop Parker,
" great nimibers of Anabaptists were taken." ^' The sect
made slow headway, but persisted. Mr. Padelford has
proved, it would seem beyond dispute, that the Anabaptists
are the object of Spenser's attack in the allegory of Arte-
gall and the giant (F. Q., Bk. v. Canto. 2, st. 29-54), and
the satirical narrative of the Fox and the Ape (M. H. T.
w. 129-149).^* The first definitely organized congrega-
tions of Anabaptists in England appear in the early years
of the seventeenth century.^^ The Anabaptists now begin
to be articulate as a group ; pamphlets in defense of their
doctrines appear in increasing numbers, and hostile re-
" Cf. Strype, lAfe and AoU of John Whitgift, Oxford, 1822, vol. i,
pp. 71-73.
" Strype, Life and Acts of Archhiahop Orindal, Oxford, 1821, pp.
180-101. The proclamation is referred to also by Camden, Huctory
of the Mo$i Renowned and Yiotorioiis Princess EUzaheth, London,
1688, Bk. I, p. 48.
*» Strype, Parker, vol. n, p. 424. Mr. Pollard (op, oit., p. 866)
states that in 1575 Guar as spoke of the presence of Anabaptists in
London; and that on July 22 of the same year two Flemish Ana-
baptists were burnt at Smithfield.
^"Spenser's Arraignment of the Anabaptists," Jour. Eng. and
Ger, Phil., voL xn, pp. 434-448.
^ Cf. Burrage, op. oit., vol. i, p. 251. The first English Anabaptist
congregation to be settled in England was that led by lliomas
Helwys and John Murton, according to Mr. Burrage. Its monbers
had previously belonged to an English Anabaptist group in Holland,
but established themselves in London about 1611-1612. Mr. Burrage
believes that other congregations nuiy have been organized in various
counties prior to 1620.
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LOVE FATinaSD Aim UKFAYNED 273
sponses are drawn forth.^* Evidence of the growing
strength of the sect, and of the suspicion with which it was
regarded by the aristocracy, is to be found at numerous
points in the Autobiography of D^Ewes. He writes in
eulogy of the king's efforts, in 1617, to suppress Ana-
baptism; ^'' and again in 1625 lie commends the king's
"care to maintain the doctrine of England pure and
simple" against various "blasphemous Anabaptists.''^*
That the sect achieved a degree of power regarded as
dangerous, is suggested by D'Ewes' statement that in 1628
" tlyB Duke of Buckingham procured himself to be elected
Chancellor of the ITniversity of Cambridge by the Ar-
minian party, or enemies of Gbd's grace and providence
which till of late years have called themselves Anabap-
tists." ^* It is not necessary here to follow further the
history of the movement, which gains in strength and
undergoes numerous modifications during the Civil War
and Protectorate. In the heated sectarianism of that
period, the elements of various religious groups were dis-
engaged and recombined, and the identity of the Ana-
baptists became merged with that of new denominations
that had taken rise within their own ranks.^^
An interpretation of Love Fayned and Unfayned as
an Anabaptist document would, it is seen, meet no difii-
cultiee of chronology. The period to which the ms. of
^Gf. Burrage, op. dt., vol. i, pp. 251-260, for titles of works
appearing between 1611 and 1624.
^ Ed. HaUiwell, London, 1845, vol. i, pp. 07-08.
""/Md., pp. 264-265.
^Ihid., pp. 388-880. He had written in 1620 (of. vol. i, p. 142)
that "no Anabaptistical or Pelasgian heresies against God's grace
and providence were then stirring " at Cambridge.
** inie question of the later developments of Anabaptism and of its
relation to the tenets of the modem Baptists and Quakers, is dis-
cussed by Mr. Burrage and Mr. Heath.
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274 B. BEATBICE DAW
the play belongs is a time when the Anabaptist movement
was beginning to define itself somewhat positively, and
the Anabaptists were suflSciently in the foreground of pub-
lic affairs to be on the defensive. A kind of precedent
for the expression of their views in dramatic form (or an
approximation to dramatic form) was, moreover, not lack-
ing; one of the most widely-known of the doctrinal pam-
phlets, A Description of what Ood hath predestined conr
cermng Man, is described, by the author of a hostile reply,
as " A Dialogue,^^ and a work by the Anabaptist leader
Murton is entitled Objections answered in Dialogue
Form.^^ Let us turn, then, to a consideration of the prin-
ciples and manner of life of the Anabaptists.
The basic Anabaptist doctrines are recorded by Bernard
Rotmann, one of the pioneers of the sect on the C!ontinent,
in the Restitution rechter und gesunder christlicher
lehre,^^ first printed at MUnster in 1534. Herein are
presented the Anabaptists' interpretation of the Fall, In-
carnation and Redemption; their objections to infant
baptism; their belief in their organization as the true
Church of Christ, in justification by works, and in com-
munity of property ; and their views as to the Eucharist^
the rights of husband and wife in marriage, the future
kingdom of Christ on earth, the proper attitude toward
civil authorities, and the use of the sword. It is with the
social theories expressed in Chap, xvni, "Van Leeff-
liker gemeinschap der Hilligen,'' that we shall be chiefly
"^Cf. Burrage, op. oit,, vol. i, pp. 267, 258. An attack upon the
Anabaptists through the medium of drama, such as Bale's indictment
in Kynge Joha/n (Manly, Bpeoimena, vol. i, p. 616, yt. 2591-2596),
might moreover have called forth a response in kind.
■• Ed. Max Niemeyer, in Neudruoke deutacher Litteraturtcerke de9
XVI, und XVII, Jahrhunderta, No. 77-78 {Flugachriftm am der
Reformaiionazeit, No. vm, Halle, 1888).
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LOVE FAYN^ AND UNFATNED 275
concerned, as Love Fayned and Unfayned does not at any
point touch upon matters of religious dogma. ^* Various
documents which present, from both hostile and sympa-
thetic points of view, the character and customs of the
Anabaptists, offer further material for comparison with
the play.
The central point in establishing the Anabaptist charac-
ter of Love Fayned and Unfayned rests upon the passages
which have to do with Feloship's property. According to
Love Fayned and Falshode, the other two characters in-
tend to strip Feloship of his possessions and reduce him to
b^gary. "A beggar they do tearme youe" (v. 155)
Falshode taunts Feloship; and adjures him further (v.
170) :—
Must youe give to ye beggars aU that youe have?
Love Fayned describes the habitual operations by which
they get possession of wealth (w. 184-195) : —
Marke me nowe adayes yf there be an heire of lande
howe they practyse by falshode to have yt out of his hande
well yf youe should study familiaritie to please
where youe be a gentleman should not be worth two p(ease)
oh they will cap hime and sugred words render
they will seme as that much your selfe they do tender
all is to have your lands in theyre possession
which yf the may attayne by any condicion
then may ye go alone wyth a flea in youre ear
yender goeth the ayre of lyn ye may se by his geare.
let him packe as a begger ynto the beggers shoole
such ys the end of everye foole.
Feloship's reply shows that it is his r^ard for his pos-
sessions which has been appealed to (w. 202-203) : —
I se my lande might have come from himdreth to penc0
they would have Intysed me to suche expenc^.
"A possible exception is a vague reference to justification by
works, to be considered later.
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276 E. BBATBIOB DAW
Love Unfayned and Familiaritie would apparently have
constrained Feloship to give his property completely into
their hands. Translated, this situation seems to illustrate
the Anabaptist principle which denied the right of private
ownership.
This tenet, which excluded from the community of the
elect all who refused to give their possessions into a com-
mon fund,** was the object of early *' and persistent hos-
tility. The voice of the Church was lifted up against it
repeatedly. Bishop Hooper, in the Articles concerning
Christian Religion, writes : "Item, that the doctrine v^ the
Anabaptists . . . farming all manner of goods and chattels
to be in common . . . and such other like doctrines and their
sects are very pernicious and damnable.*' *• Thomas
R(^rs, who makes frequent reference to Anabaptist
heresies, attacks the principle in his exposition of Article
38 : " The riches and goods of Christians as touching the
right, title and possession of the same are not common
... Of another mind are the Anabaptists."*^ Bullinger
also preached against them: "But because there is no
small number of that furious sect of Anabaptists, which
deny this propriety of several possessions, I will by some
evident testimonies of scripture declare that it is both
••Cf. Reatitutum, p. 71.
"Perhaps the earliest recorded charge is a statement in the
Hereaiea Condemned in 15S0 (cited by Mr. Heath, op, oU,, p. 401)
to the effect that the Anabaptists said, " The woorst Turke lyving
hath as much right to my goodes as his nede, as my own household
or I myselfe."
^ Later Writinge of Bishop Hooper, Parker Society, vol. zxvn,
p. 121. For other expressions of Bishop Hooper on this point, see
the same volume, pp. 42, 76 (noted also by Mr. Padelford, op. oit,),
** Rogers, The OmthoKo Doctrine of the Ohuroh of EngUmd, an
Empoeition of the Thirty-Nifte Articles: Parker Soc., voL XLV, p.
362. See also p. 355, and the references to Bale, Mystery of Ini-
quity (Geneva, 1545), on p. 358.
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LOVE FAYNED AND UITFAYNED 277
allowed and ratified of all.'^ *® There is a corroborative
passage in the Histovre des Andbaptides of Pere Ca-
troTi,^® a volume which, although not a primary authority,
may be cited, since it is based on the works of contempora-
ries of the Anabaptists. The author states that the Ana-
baptists caUed themselves apostles because ^^ ils abandon-
naient leurs femmes, leurs enf ans, & leurs professions,
pour courir $a et la sans souliers, sans bourse & sans ar-
gent ; qu'ils . . . voulaient que toutes choses f ussent com-
munes."
It is Uai necessary to pile up instances '® of th'* opposition
aroused by this revolutionary principle. Tiat the Ana-
baptists, like Love Unfayned and Familiaritie, were sus-
pected of self-interest is less easy to establish except under
the general fact that they were repeatedly branded " hypo-
crites" on various grounds. Whitgift refers to their
" hypocrisy and straitness of life," saying that they " pre-
tended all their doings the glory of Qod, the edifying of
the Church, and the purity of the (JospeL" '^ Pere Ca-
trou, referring to the Anabaptists' practices in 1608, con-
" Bullinger, Deoadet, Parker Soc., vol. ix, p. 18.
^HiBtovre dea Anabapiiate^t Oimtenami lew DoaMne, let DiveneM
Opinioftt qui let divtMent en pUmeun $eoie», let trouhUa qu'Ua ant
oauaias d enfin tout oe qui ^eat pa8%4 de plus oonaidSrable d leur
4gard depuia Van 1621, juaquea d pr^aent. The work gives the
history of Anabaptism on the Ck>ntinent from 1521 to about 1640
(the last date mentioned in the bo<^). Editions were issued in 1605
(Paris) and 1690, 1700, 1702 (Amsterdam). The references given
in this study are from a copy of the edition of 1700, " A Amsterdam,
ches Jaques Desbordes, devant le Ck>mptoir de Cologne, MDCG,"
owned by the Library of the University of Pennsylvania. Hie pas-
sage cited above is found on p. 6.
** One may refer also to a tract entitled A Warning for England,
Harleian Miao,, vol. v, p. 259. Mr. Padelford's paper, referred to
above, deals almost wholly with this point.
''Strype, Whitgift, vol. i, p. 73. This passage, and others from
the Life of Whitgift, are referred to also by Mr. Padelford, op. oit,
10
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278 E. BBATSIOB DAW
aiders that they upheld oommunity of possessions as a bait
for the masses. ^^ Pour attirer la Populace^ ils mettoient
leurs biens en communaute, & f aisoient provisicm d'une
quantity de ble, dont ils nourrissoient les pauvres^ ce que
ne contribuent pas peu 2l Taccroissement de leur Parti." **
It is hardly possible that the upholders of a theory of the
equalization of property should have escaped the accusa-
tion of greed."
The allusions made by Falshode to the appearance and
mien of his opponents, are to be explained also by refer-
ence to earlier and contemporary characterizations of the
Anabaptists. He advises Feloship
Marke there wede ds there ptid^ensed holynes.
they would make one believe they were men of greate godlines.
Their " wede " appears to have been, if not actually beg-
garly, at least so uniformly simple and plain as to mark
them out from the rest of the world. " They were humbly
clad in coarse cloth and broad felt hats," says Johannes
Qesler, who, according to Keller, knew the St. Gall Ana-
baptists personally.** The Histoire des Anabaptistes de-
scribes thus the so-called " Emissaries " sent out by the
Anabaptists of Moravia: —
Ces Emissaires .... Bcavoient Tart de gagner les Esprits par une
Saintetd apparente, —
quite literally a "pretensed holynes." Again, a few
lines later: —
'*H%8t des Anah., p. 251.
" It is interesting in this connection to note the attitude of Strype,
who might have been Whitgilt as far as ecclesiastical antipathies
were concerned. He entertains just such suspicions of the Puritan
reformers: ''and perhaps . . . they had their eye upon the revenues
of the Church" {Whiigift, vol. i, p. 57).
** Keller, Ein Apoatel der Wiedert&ufer, p. 65; cited by Mr. Heath,
Oontemp, Rev., vol. ux, p. 396. The work of Keller has not been
accessible for me.
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LOVE FAYl!nSD AITD UNPAYNBD 279
A les voir, on les auroient pris pour des Saints, tant ils faitoient
paroltre de modestie ei de pi^U. On les voyait ayec des habits
eztrtaionent simples, un baton h la main, la vue baisste, A la
douceur peinte sur la visage, faisant paroltre une patience A une
bontd toute extraordinaire. Et c'^tait par tout ce beau dehors qu'ils
s'introduisent chez les personnes les' plus riches, & les attiroient dans
leur society"
This statement would seem to cover exactly the situation
of Feloship, who is classed among "personnes les plus
riches," and who, according to a hostile view of the mat-
ter, is being deceived by " douceur peinte sur la visage."
Testimony from a pamphlet called Mock-Majesty, or the
Siege of Munster,^^ is useful here. The author states
that Satan, the spirit animating the Anabaptists, has been
obliged, after the ruin of his hopes by the disaster at
Munster, to plan more subtle means to gain his ends.
He that will undertake to inveagle, and draw men into snares,
must by no means affect empire and command, much less act the
tyrant. This being detested alike by all men, and all eyes being
broad open to obsenre and interpret, whereto such counsels tend,
they must go to work by more subtle means, as it were by-paths,
if they intend their designs shall obtain their wished-for issue, and
take effect.
Among these " subtle means " are mentioned : —
a sordid and uncouth attire, a behaviour of the countenance to
composedness and austerity; . . . with an outward profession . . .
of extraordinary humility in thonselves. By these means, indeed,
and by such close policy as this, even wise men have been over-
reached."
^Hi9t, dea Anab., p. 250.
^ Mooh-Majeaiy, or the Siege of Munater, London, printed for
J. S. and L. G. 1644; reprinted in the Harleian MisoeUony, vol. v,
pp. 455-478.
"Harl. Mi80,, vol. v, p. 471. The use of the word "policy" in
the passage quoted is especially interesting, as the term is used by
the adversaries of Anabaptism in the play. Love Fayned advises
Falshode (v. 135):—
We must worke by poUicyes for to converte his mynde.
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280 B. BBATBIOB DAW
Certain other points in the speech of Falshode are
difficult to explain except as shafts originally directed
against the Anabaptists^ caught and sent back by the
dramatist
Thoughe some man should say that of wealthe thowe hast plentye
thowe must allwayes f ayne that thy purse ys but emptye,
uttered by Falshode (w. 95-96) in the course of his eulo-
gy of deceit, reads like a paraphrase of some such indict-
ment as Bishop Whitgif t's : " That they '^ (the Anabap-
tist?) "could not teach truly, because they had great
livings, and lived wealthily and pleasantly.'^ ^® Again,
the cryptic lines that follow immediately: —
I praye ye what man goeth throwe the wode
but he that can play two faces in one hode, —
can be explained on no other ground, so far as I can see,
except as echoing a charge against Anabaptist methods of
propaganda. The Histoire des Andbaptistes gives signifi-
cant testimony here. About Pentecost, the author states,
(in discussing affairs in 1600), it was customary to send
out from various Anabaptist centres emissaries who should
spread the faith in new fields. The procedure of the emis-
saries was as follows : —
De peur d'etre decouverts, ils ne prenoient pas la route ordinaire,
mais ils passoient par des lieuz 6cartez, dans dea hois'* & dans des
montagnes, dont ils connoissoient tons les passages.^
"Strype, Whtigift, vol. i, p. 71. This accusation is of course at
variance with the direct testimony elsewhere adduced as to the
simple way of life of the Anabaptists.
** Italics mine.
^HUi, de% Anab,t p. 250. The passage has reference to the prac-
tices of Anabaptists in Moravia, but the methods of the parent sect
on the Continent would naturally be communicated to the groups in
England. The title of the first edition of the Hist, dea Andb.
(Paris, 1695) indeed contains the phrase "tant en All^nagne &
Hollande, qu'Angleterre."
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LOVE FAYNBD AND UNPAYNED 281
One notes also that the good characters in the play
exhibit a marked hostility toward mirth per se, which
corresponds to the attitude toward the pleasures of life
repeatedly attributed to the Anabaptists. That the wicked
characters in the play should have all the fun is of course
quite in the Morality tradition ; but in this case the fun
is of such an innocuous and stiff-kneed sort as to indicate
an uncommonly staid bias on the part of the author. The
speech of Love Fayned to Falshode (v. 10) : —
Be mery, man, let lamentationB pass, —
might not in itself carry an indictment of merrymaking,
were it not for the fact that the good characters obvious-
ly avoid such expressions. The banqueting revel, too, to
which the two wicked characters carry off Feloship after
their victory, seems much too tame a prospect to call forth
reproach from any but the most ascetic. The author's
point of view harmonizes completely with that attributed
to the Anabaptists *^ by Whitgift. " They earnestly cried
out against pride and gluttony, &c. They spake much
of mortification; they pretended great gravity; they
sighed; they seldom or never laughed; they were very
austere in reprehending."^^ Again, in Mode Majesty,
we find mentioned among their Machiavellian methods,
" a hanging of the head with dejected looks, frequent
fastings." Bullinger disapproved their extreme aus-
terity: " This " (the legitimacy of reasonable pleasures)
** It is true that this characteristic fits equally well the " Psalm-
singing Puritan," but this circumstance hardly warrants the con-
sideration of a possible Puritan source for the play. A Puritan of
the less genial type who was sympathetic with the stage, would
be an anomaly.
•Strype, Whitgift, vol. i, p. 73. The Bishop adds, "They talk
gloriously," a phrase applying well enough to the Evangelical fer-
vour of Love Unfayned's address to Feloship (w. 25-60).
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282 S. BBATBIOB DAW
"do I somewhat more largely declare, because of the
Anabaptists, and certain senseless Stoics and other new
sprung up hypocrites, the Carthusian monks, who with
most tragical outcries condemn all allowable pleasures and
lawful delights/' ^»
A further significant difference between the good and
evil characters appears in their manner of address.
Familiaritie addresses Love TJnf ayned as " loving brother ''
(v. 8) ; the latter uses the same term in greeting him
(v. 13) ; and later (v. 6%), Familiaritie speaks to
" brother love unf ayned." ^* They address one another
as " Feloship," " Familiaritie," etc., always without pre-
fix. Falshode, on the other hand announces his en-
trance with a "God save ye, my masters!" (v. 21) ad-
dressed to the audience. Later he addresses the hero as
" Master Feloship " (v. 140) ; and Love Fayned calls
Feloship "syr" (v. 144). Whitgift again supplies us
with testimony as to Anabaptist ^^ usage. " They gave
honour and reverence to none. And they used to speak
to such as were in authority without any signification of
honour. Neither would they call men by their titles, and
answered churlishly." ^*
It seems probable further that the speech of Love
Fayned in reference to Love ITnfayned and Familiaritie
(w. 158-159):—
^Bullinger, DeoadeSf Parker Soc., vol. iz, pp. 57-58.
** It is true that Falshode calls Love Fayned " deare brother," but
he uses the term in an obviously mocking spirit. Love Fayned like-
wise speaks scornfully of "love vnf ayned, that brother."
^ With certain groups of Puritans, also, the usual mode of address
was "sister" and "brother" (cf. Trevelyan, England Under the
Stuarts, Oxford, 1904, p. 65).
^•Strype, Whitgift, vol. i, p. 72; cf. also Life and Acts of John
Aylmer, Oxford, 1821, p. 17. Rogers states that "the Anabaptists
condemn all superiority among men, saying, that every man should
be equal for calling" (Parker Soc., vol. zlv, p. 830).
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LOVE FATWED AHD UNFAYITED
hange the slaves hang them yf they come in my wa(ye)
what do I force withe my sword theme to slaye? —
is an indirect medium for the protest of the Anabap-
tists against persecution. One of the charges brought
against them by Bishop Whitgift is that they "com-
plained much of persecution, and braced that they de-
fended their cause not only with words but with the
shedding of blood/' *^
A final detail, perhaps of less certain significance, may
be added. Love TJnf ayned's statement that he is continu-
ally occupied with good works (v. 38) : —
in labors good to spend my time I love do never cease, —
may reflect the Anabaptist dogma of justification by
works.*^ Frequent charges were brought against the Ana-
baptists on this head ; Bogers classes the sect among false
believers who " teach that man is justified ... by works
without faith.'' *•
Love Fayned and Unfayned, then, bears out in a nimi-
ber of respects the hypothesis of Anabaptist authorship ;
the speeches of the good characters reflect Anabaptist prin-
ciples, and those of the evil characters echo accusations
against the sect. One characteristic of the play, how-
ever, leads us to infer an auxiliary influence. This char-
acteristic is the .insistent stress, in the play, upon the
idea of spiritual love, which becomes an especially posi-
tive emphasis in the speeches of Love Unfayned. The
* Strype, Whitgift, vol. i, p. 72.
* Of. Restitution, eh. iz.
^Oatholio Doctrine, Parker Soc., vol. XLV, p. 63; he refers to
Bale, Mystery of Iniquity, p. 53. Bale perhaps has the Anabaptists
in mind also in the attack upon certain '* hypocrites " who believe in
"will-works," found in OodPs Promi8e$ (ed. Hazlitt-Dodsley, Old
Play 9, 1874, vol. i, p. 822). Cf. also Padelford, op. oit,, pp. 445-446.
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284 E. BBATBIOB DAW
frequent repetition of the word " love " indicates that the
conception had, in the playwright's mind, the directing
force of a dogma. It is true that a belief in ^Hoving
the brotherhood" was a fundamental Anabaptist doc-
trine, but it is with a contemporary group that the doc-
trine of love is put forward as the all-important and all-
embracing tenet. This group is the Family of Love, or
Familists.*^® With these, love is literally the "blessed
word"; it appears in the titles of almost all the works
of Henry Nicholas, the founder,**^ and serves as a nuclear
term for much of the expression of Familist faith. " The
fundamental doctrine of H. N.," ^^ in the words of Mr.
Thomas, " and that which was the reason of the existence
of the sect was that of love." ^^ The manner in which
the phraseology of Familist mysticism helped to give the
conception the semblance of a definite creed is illustrated
by the following extracts (cited by Mr. Thomas) from
A Figure of the True and Spiritv/U Tabernacle, one of
the works of Nicholas that circulated in England in
translation.
" The Love is the Light of the world "; " the Love is the gracious
word of the Lord, or bread of Life, which is come to us out of
heaven. For the Love is essentially of the very true good, the head-
sum of the commandment and the bond of perfection. Through
which Love the secret Treasures of God the Father and the abundant
Kiches of his spiritual and heavenly goods be revealed." . . . ''For
the end, or the perfection of all things (namely the chief sum of aU
*For the history of the Familist movement, see the mon<^graph
of Mr. A. C. Thomas, The Family of Love, or PamiUsU, Haverford
College Studies, No. 12 (1893), and Burrage, op, oit., vol. i, ch. vm.
*^Cf. the article by Miss G. Fell Smith in the Dictionary of
National Biography; a list is there given of the works of Nicholas,
with the English titles of such as were translated.
■ Nicholas is often referred to as " H. N.," the signature which he
appended to most of his writings.
•• Op, 01*., p. 88.
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LOVE FAYWBD AJSTD UKFAYNED 286
good, or all what one can name for righteousnesB and truth) that
is the Love: Yea, all what is to he known or understood of the
godly things, that is the Love." **
There is obviously nothing in these generalizations that
is at variance with Anabaptist theology, since they mer^
ly embody one of the tenets of Christian belief, " God
is love/' This belief, however, the followers of Nicholas
had made, in a sense, distinctively their own by reiterating
it until it became the characteristic formula of the group.
It is, I believe to some such explicit and positive force
as that supplied by Familist doctrine that we must refer
the striking emphasis on " spiritual love " in the play we
are considering.
The conclusion that Familist thought influenced the
play in this respect involves, again, no chronological dif-
ficulties, as the Familist movement in England was prac-
tically contemporaneous with the rise of Anabaptism.
The Familists appear first in English records of 1552-
55,*^^ but they seem not to have come into public notice
until 1575. Strype states that " about this time a Sect
that went by tiie name of the Family of Love began to
be taken notice of," ^^ and it is in this year that they
presented to Parliament "An Apology for the Service of
Love and the people that own it, commonly called the
Family of Love.'' To this was appended "A Brief Re-
hearsal of the Belief of the Good-willing in England
which are named the Family of Love, With the Con-
fession of their upright Christian Religion against the
"/WA, p. 33.
^Ibid., pp. 16-17.
" Annals of the Reformastion, London, 1725, vol. n, p. 375: Baker's
Chronicle has no record of Familists in England until "the 23d
year of Elizabeth," and states that in this year several of H. N.'s
books were "by Proclamation commanded to be burnt" {Chronicle
of the Kings of England, London, 1769, p. 367 ) .
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286 B. BSATBICB DAW
false Accusation of their Against-speakers." '^^ Camden
speaks of them as ** troubling the peace of the Church "
in 1580, naming certain of their works which were then
circulating in England ;'^^ and in the same year bills for
the suppression of the Familists were passed in the House
of Commons.*® A petition which they presented to
James in 1604 •^ indicates that there was some agita-
tion against them at this time; but not until 1645 do
they again come into prominenca In this year the
preaching of a man named Bandal appears to have added
numbers to the sect.*^ Strype states, probably in ref-
erence to this situation, that the Familists ^^ appeared
again openly in the Time of the Anarchy in the last
age." ^^ He speaks of them as extinct in his own day:
" For, I remember, a Gentleman, a great admirer of that
Sect witiiin less than twenty years ago, told me that
there was then but one of the Family of Love alive, and
he an old man." ••
Although the religious sentiment characteristic of the
followers of Nicholas is reflected in Love Fayned and
Unfayned, the author of the play cannot have been a
convinced and consistent Familist. To establi^ a com-
plete set of differentia is, of course, practically out of
the question, on account of the confused use of terms in
the controversy of the period. •* Any one sect may be
" Strype, AnnaU, vol. n, pp. 375-377.
^History of Elietab^h, p. 48.
^CommanB Journals, vol. i) pp. 128-130; cited by Miss Smith.
* Fuller, Ohurdh History of Britain, London, 1868, vol. m, p. 239.
•* Strype, AnntUs, vol. n, p. 600.
•/M<J., vol. I, p. 378.
*" Ihid,, Vol. I, p. 378. The date of the first edition of the Annals
is 1709-08, so that the last Familist known to Strype would have
been an old man in 1688.
^Strype affirms that Anabaptists sheltered themselves under tiie
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LOVE FAYNED ANB UNFATKED 287
charged with certain incidental errors of another; for
example, the writer of a pamphlet which appeared in
1579 says that Familism was ^^ the most pestiferous and
deadly heresy of all other. Because there was not al-
most any one particular erroneous and schismatical Fan-
tasy, whereof the Family of Love had not borrowed one
branch or other thereof/' •* The extent to which the
Familists practised the principle of communistic owner-
ship is, in particular, difficult to define on account of
conflicting testimony. One of the indictments listed in
flie Apology of 1575 is that " they desired that all Men's
goods should be in common." Rogers accuses ihem on
the same grounds; he finds authority in an antagonistic
pamphlet which appeared in London in 1579, entitled
A Displaying of the Family of Love,^^ and also in H.
N.'s Spiritual Land of Peace.^'^ The principle of com-
munity of goods is, on the other hand, not included in
the Rehearsal of Belief appended to the Apology, and
hence would seem not to have been actively defended by
the English Familists. On one point, however, there is
unequivocal evidence, on the basis of which we may bar
from consideration a possible Familist origin for the
play. The Family of Love as a body, never spoke out
against the Church of Rome; they exhibited, in fact, a
passive, quasi-sympathetic attitude toward the Papacy.
Their attitude is perhaps exaggerated by the Bishop of
Winchester, in "certain notes" made by him on H.
N.'s Evangelivm Regni, but his comment is significant:
name of the Familists {AfmaU, vol. ii, p. 379), and in the petition
referred to above, the Familists showed resentment at having been
classed in popular opinion with the Anabaptists.
• Strype, Awnals, vol. n, p. 877.
•Rogers, Catholic Doctrine, Parker Soc., vol. XLV, p. 366.
•'/WiJ., p. 364.
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288 E. BBATBICB DAW
And although the author had not set to his name, yet it should
seem to be some friar's doing or some other that favoured the
Church of Rome. . . . The Pope he calleth the CfJUef Anointed, the
Chief Bishop, the High Priest who hath his being in the most holy
Sanctuary of true and perfect Holiness, most holy Father.*"
Rogers speaks of *'tlie half -Papists, the Family of
Love";*® and a hostile pamphlet entitled A Confutor
iion of Certain Articles (a response to the Eva/ngelium
Regni) accuses them of sympathy for the rites and cere-
monies of the Church of Rome.''® One may note, final-
ly, the case of one Anthony Randal, an English minister
deposed in 1681 for his Familist sympathies. Although
he " neither approved of the Romish Church, nor yet of
this of ours," he "held it not lawful to speak a word
against either." ''^ No orthodox member of the Family
of Love could have penned such a reference to the Pope
as Falshode's self-characterization,
I reigne as an Imperiall magystrate at Kome,
and the numerous mocking allusions to the mass.
Love Fayned and Unfayned cannot then be regarded
as reflecting a point of view consistently Familist.
Nevertheless, the correspondence between the emphasis
upon love in the play and the tenor of Familist literature
must be taken into consideration. The character Famili-
aritie,.too, must be accounted for; the name is difficult
to explain except as a derivative of "Family." "^^ It may
" Strype, Annals, vol. n, p. 589.
^Cath, Doct., Parker Soc., vol. xlv, p. 187.
*• Strype, Annals, vol. n, p. 598.
~/Wd., p. 421.
" It may be weU to note the difference between the significance
of the name Familiaritie in this play, and the use of the same term
by the editor of Lyndesay's Three Estates (EETS, vol. xxxvn) to
render Homeliness of the original. Hameliness, a kind of boisterous
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LOYB VAYTSnBSD AND UNFAYNED 289
be noted further that a precedent for dramatic expres-
sion existed in Familist as well as in Anabaptist litera-
ture; there is extant an English translation of a work
by H. N. entitled Comedia, A Work in Byrne Corir
tayning An Enterlude of Myndes witnessing the Man's
Fall from Ood and Christ, Translated out 0/ the Base-
Almayne into English;''^ and the Apology of 1575 is
" set forth dialogue-wise, between the Citizen, the Coun-
try-man and an Exile." ''^ Inferences from all the data
that have been presented can only be reconciled under
the hypothesis that the author of Love Fayned and Un-
fayned was an eclectic dissenter, wholly sympathetic with
Anabaptist principles of Separatism and communism, but
impregnated with the mystic spiritual teachings of the
Family of Love.
Such a point of view is well within the possibilities.
For the type of composite religious sympathy that I
have described, there is, in fact, a striking historic illus-
tration. One of the well-known controversialists of the
period, Edmond Jessop, was at some time previous to
1623 an Anabaptist; but, as we learn from his own state-
ment, he leaned strongly toward Familist principles even
while in the Anabaptist camp. In the Discovery of the
wanton, is a character diametrically opposite to the pious homiUst
Familiaritie.
That the name Familiaritie has reference to one of the lesser
** Families " of the period — ^the Family of the Mount, the Family of
the EssentiaUsts, etc. — is wholly improbable. The peculiarities of
these minor sects (cf. Strype, Annals, vol. i, pp. 379-380) are not
reflected in Love Fayned and Unfayned.
"A copy is owned by the Bodleian Library; Miss Smith {loe, oit,)
gives the catalogue number as MS. Bodl. M257. Greizenach, Ge-
sehiohte dea nev^eren Dramae, Halle, 1903, vol. m, pp. 527-628, has
a brief note on the content of the play. He refers to Nicholas,
however, as a " Wiedertftuf er."
'* Strype, Annals, vol. n, p. 376.
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290 B. BSATSIOB DAW
Errors of the English Anabaptists, publifihed soon after
his re-conversion to the Church of England, he records
thus his former divided convictions:
When I walked with the Anabaptists, . . . th<High strangely de-
luded, yet was I kept by the power and providence of Qod from
being seduced and led into that destroying and irrecoverable way
of death before mentioned, namely the Familists, though very nigh
unto it, having one foote entred therein whiles I walked with the
Anabaptists aforesaid."
A somewhat plausible case for Jessop's authorship
could indeed be constructed, even with due allowance
made for the temptations of coincidence. The sugges-
tion does no violence to history or probability. Jessop
was not without proselytizing zeal while he " walked with
the Anabaptists/' for he seems to have personally spread
propaganda. According to Mr. Burrage, a letter which
was sent out at some time previous to 1623 by a London
Anabaptist, who sought by this means to convert certain
of his friends to Anabaptism, was in all probability writ-
ten by Jessop.'^^ The fact that he is not known to have
written dramas counts for little, for the author of the
play in question is plainly trying a prentice hand. The
circumstance that the play, though intended for the
stage,'''' was apparently never acted, bears out the sug-
gested theory, if we assume that Jessop returned to con-
formity before his heretical drama saw the light The
strongest argument for his authorship is the absence of
competitors; no other controversialist of the period ex-
hibits (so far as I know) a like Janus-faced character
in his religious sympathies. In any event, the historic
authenticity of his case lends support to the hypothesis
*• Burrage, op. oii., vol. i, p. 266.
"/Wd., pp. 266-266.
" Cf. YY. 75-76, the opening lines of Falshode's first speech : —
God save ye, my rmuters, god save ye this blessed day
Why stare ye at me thus I wene ye be come to see a play.
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IX>VB FAYNBD AlTD UNFAYNED 291
I have submitted as to the type of religious motive which
inspired Love Fayned and Unfuyned.
The locality to which the play is to be assigned is a
matter that must for the present be left open. If the
reference to "sainct quintan's hall'' which occurs in
the course of Falshode's invective against " ye beggars "
could be identified, the play could of course be satisfae--
torily localized.''® Failing that, we can only place it
generally in the eastern counties, where the Anabaptists
and Familists flourished in greatest nimibers. Proba-
bilities would be in favor of a home near London, the
center of Anabaptist activities.
Lave Fayned and Unfayned has, I believe, established
a claim to more than superficial interest. Its most ob-
vious appeal is, perhaps, that of the literary curiosity,
for in form and temper the play is an anachronism; its
ragged lines and naively inconsequential incident con-
nect it with the period of rudimentary technique, and
its allegorical polemics reflect none of the large splendors
of the contemporary stage. But its real significance is
not summed up in its reversion to lype. Viewed in its
social bearings, the play stands in direct relation to its
age, and. illumines from a new angle some of the ob-
scurer aspects of the intellectual life of its generation.
E. Bbatbicb Daw.
** Unless the phrase is an obsolete by-word, ''sainct quintan's"
must be a correctional institution or almshouse. The name does
not, however, appear in Stow's Survey of London, Camden's Bfitan-
nia, or Harrison's Detoription of England, although all these works
mention numerous charitable and correctional institutions. Dug-
dale does not list it among the monastic hostels. It may be one of
the numerous unnamed almshouses recorded by Baker in the Ohron-
iole among the ''pious works" which he enumerates for each suc-
cessive reign. The tradition of charitable treatment of vagrants
is associated with St. Quintin, Bishop of Arvergne and Bovergne;
cf. Surius, De Prohatia Banotorum Vitia, Cologne, 1618, vol. iv,
pp. 816-317.
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XI.— THE DEBATE ON MAEEIAGE IN THE
CANTERBURY TALES
Scholars have always recognized that there is a large
degree of appropriateness in the assignment of the various
Canterbury Tales to their respective tellers, and in a few
cases an appropriateness also to the situation. Recently
there have been determined efforts to extend the applica-
tion of these principles as far as possible. Conspicuous
among these is the position asserted with great emphasis
and confidence by Professor Kittredge,^ who would have
us believe that Groups D, E, and F of the Canterbury
Tales constitute a " complete and highly finished " " act "
in Chaucer's " Human Comedy f that the Wife's Prologue
is a fling at the Clerk ; that this gentleman finds it " gall
and wormwood " and in his Tale and Envoy makes a de-
liberate and a studied reply; that during the Merchants
Tale the Wife is "still in the foreground," and even
" holds the centre of the stage " ; and that the Franklin,
by a process that is " manifestly deliberate," carries the
debate to " a triumphant conclusion by solving the prob-
lem."
The facts on which this theory is supposed to rest may
be summarized as follows: The Wife commends matri-^
mony; she asserts the sovereignty of wife over husband;
she gives several flings at the ill-natured remarks that
clerks have made about women, and mentions that her own '
fifth husband was a clerk of Oxford; she tells the story '
of a husband who had his own wish simply by letting his ^
^Ohauoer^t Discussion of Marriage^ in Modem Philology, ix, pp.
436-467 (April, 1912) ; Ohauoer and his Poetry (Harvard University
Press, 1916), pp. 185-210.
292
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MABBIAGE IN THE OANTEBBUEY TALES 293
wife have hers ; and she gives a discourse on " gentillesse."
Chaucer's Clerk of Oxford tells the story, after the clerk
Petrarch, of an exceedingly submissive wife, whose virtues
he commends, and in conclusion he recites an ironical
poem bidding wives make their husbands miserable. The
Merchant declares that this is just what his wife has done
to him, and he tells the story of a wife who, when caught
in the very act of adultery, succeeded in making her hus-
band believe that she was devotedly faithful to him. This
Tale incorporates a debate on marriage between Placebo
and Justinus, the friends of the wronged husband, and
another as to the worth of women between Pluto and Pro-
serpine. The Merchant also echoes the language of the
Wife of Bath, and once explicitly refers to her in the fol-
lowing terms :
But lat 118 waden out of this mateere.
The Wyf of Bath, if ye han understonde,
Of mariage which ye have on honde/
Declared hath ful wel in litel space.
When the Merchant has finished, Our Host remarks that
he, too, could say something of personal domestic troubles,
but he cannot trust the discretion of the ladies present.
The Franklin tells the story of a married couple who
practiced mutual sovereignty and subjection, a story which
he introduces with a discourse on " gentillesse,'' wherein
he mentions the praise which clerks have bestowed upon
the virtue of patience. Last of all, Professor Lowes has
shown that the Wife^s Prologue and the Merchant's Tale
both indisputably borrow ideas from the Mvroir de Mari-
age of Eustache Deschamps.
The order and date of the Tales in question receive no
discussion from Professor Kittredge, who argues thruout
' iohioh ye hwoe on honde. Surely this refers only to the fact that
January^ contrary to the advice of Justinus, has chosen to marry.
11
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294 HBNBY BABBETT HINCKLEY
as if all these Tales were written after the Canterbury
Tales had been planned, and as if they were intended to
stand in order as in the Oxford Chaucer. For the sake of
simplicity I shall make the same assumption as to the dates
of composition, except that I must register a doubt wheth-
er the Clerk's Tale was not written much earlier than 1384
and the Clerk's Envoy later, possibly much later, than his
Tale. As to the order in which the Tales should stand,
the eight manuscripts printed by Dr. Fumivall all give
the parts of Group D in the same order. And there is
no doubt that the Tales of Clerk and Merchant, both of
which refer to the Wife of Bath, should come later than
D. As to the position of Group F there is room for se-
rious doubt.^ It might precede D and E, it might come
between them, or it might follow them. If we were bound
to co-ordinate F with D and E, we should do well to put
F before D. Then the sorrows of Dorigen, which are
exquisitely portrayed, would naturally lead the Wife " to
speke of wo that is in mariage ;" and the Wife's discourse
on " gentillesse," which she declares to be independent of
birth or fortune, is better fitted by its more argumentative
tone to follow than to precede the sermon of the Franklin,
who clearly believes that *^ gentillesse " is not unconnected
with birth and station,* but who assumes rather than as-
serts this position. But let us turn to the sequence of
Wife and Clerk, as to the nature of which I believe Pro-
fessor Kittredge to be seriously in error.
* Certain manuscripts give the Endlmk of the Merchant and the
Headlink of the Squire as a continuous whole, and even designate it
as the ** Squire's Prolog." There is no time-note in Group F except
when the Squire remarks:
I wol mat taryen yow, for it is pryme,
and even from this I am unable to draw any inference. Certain other
manuscripts place the Bquire'a Tale before Group D.
*F, 692-694.
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MABRIAGE IN THE CANTBEBUBY TALES 295
Between Wife and Clerk come the Tales of Friar and
Snmmoner. ^ These rascals begin to quarrel just before the
Wife begins her Tale. The Sununoner declares that be-
fore the company reaches Sittingbourne he will tell a story
or two at the expense of tiie Friar. When the Summoner
has finished his Tale he has amply fulfilled his threat, and
he announces that the Pilgrims have almost come to town.
That Our Host, in introducing the Clerk, makes absolute-
ly no reference or allusion either to Sittingbourne or to
the Summoner is strong presumptive evidence that Chau-
cer did not intend the Clerk's Tale immediately to follow
the Summoner's. Let us remember that there were to
have been upwards of a hundred and twenty Tales in all.
Group D ends abruptly, and this is in itself no slight argu-
ment that the ClerVs Tale was not intended to answer the
Wife of Bath.
Professor Kittredge treats the Wife's Prolog and Tale
as a polemic on matrimony. It is easy to believe with
him and Professor Lounsbury that in her heart she de-
spises celibacy,** yet formally, at least, she is in accord
with Saint Paul; and I find her far less bent on heresy
and schism than on looking for a sixth husband. It would
be an exaggeration to call her garrulous and frequently
naive discourse a marriage advertizement. Yet it strong-
ly partakes of that nature. She b^ns by arguing that
there is no reason why she should not take a sixth husband.
She states her terms and conditions ; she gives her history ;
she quotes the testimony of five husbands as to the satisfac-
tion she has given. She announces that she is ready for a
'Kittredge, Chauoer and H%9 Poetry^ p. 186. Lounsbury, Studies
«n Oha/wser, vol. n, p. 626 : " No one is imposed upon by her contempt
tuous concession that marriage is inferior to virginity, or by her
perfect willingness to admit the superiority of a state which she has
not the slightest desire to share."
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296 HBNBY BABEETT HINCKLBT
Bixth. The rough story of her bullying her husbands
seems later to impress her as likely to frighten the game,
and accordingly toward the end of her Prolog and all
thru her Tale she assumes a more assuring tone. " Wo-
vnen are as gentle as lambs, and a child can lead them
if you only let them have their way." That is the moral
of her Tale. Finally she gives us a long discourse on
" gentillesse," a discourse which experience has perhaps
taught her to be a good decoy when hunting for husbands.*
This interpretation has at least the merit of covering,
not too closely, the whole of her harang, both Prolog and
Tale^ and giving to them a certain much needed unity.
Her defence of matrimony is of surpassing interest. In the
words of Professor Lounsbury " it embodies the protest of
human nature " against monkish doctrine. But this is a
mere detail of her talk. Her flings at clerks and the
bitter things they have said about women are equally a
detail, overwhelmed in the flood of her volubility. If her
fifth husband was a clerk of Oxford, so too was the rascal-
ly hero of the Miller's Tale. If Chaucer had intended
his own Clerk of Oxford to be sensitive, this should have
been made absolutely clear in one or both cases.
It is not enough to say, with Professor Kittredge, that
the Clerk's Tale " contains no personal allusions." Until
we reach the casual reference to " the Wyves love of Bath "
the Clerk's Tale is absolutely and demonstrably unco-ordi-
nated with the Wife of Bath. On three points the Clerk
is essentially in agreement with the Wife. He believes
* In the lyrio poetry of the Ck>ntment, and eepecially in that of Por-
tugal, a pilgrimage is frequently represented as a pretext for meeting
one's lover. See Jeanroy, Let Origines de la PoSUe Lyrique en France
au Moyen Age, ed. 1889, pp. 163 ff. The same custom doubtless ex-
isted in England. But it is a trifle pedantic to appeal to literary
parallels. Occasions supposedly religious are in actual life still
made a pretext for love-making.
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MABBIAGE IN THE CAKTBBBUBY TALES 297
in marriage ; "^ he asserts that the character of the child is
not determined by its parentage ; ® and he expressly de-
clares that, whatever clerks may say to the contrary, wom-
en surpass men in humility and in loyalty:
Men speke of Job, and moost for his humblesse.
As derkes, whan hem list, konne wel endite, •
Namely of men, but as in soothfastnesse,
Thogh clerkes preise wommen but a lite,
Ther kan no man in humblesse hym acquite
As wommen kan, ne kan been half so trewe
As wommen been, but it be falle of newe.*
If there were the slightest co-ordination, up to this point,
between the Tales of Clerk and Wife, we should certain-
ly have found here an allusion, or more than an allu-
sion, to the Wife of Bath, whose want of " humblesse " I
need only mention, and whose loyalty was not of such a
nature as to prevent her from engaging a fifth husband
before her fourth was dead. The grave and gentle irony
of the words " but it be falle of newe " is inadequate to
serve as an allusion. It serves rather to mark how utter-
ly oblivious of the Wife of Bath are both Chaucer and the
Clerk when this point is reached.
But we may go further. It is not even Griselda's posi- f <
tion as a wife that is intended to interest us. The moral
of her story has nothing to do with matrimony. It may
be a mere coincidence that the four Canterbury Tales
which are written in rime royal are all of them religious, ^
but there can be no doubt that the sentiment of the Clerk's
I^dle is profoundly so. Wte are even reminded that in the
humble circumstances of her birth, Griselds resembled
Christ himself:
But hye €rod som tyme senden kan
His Grace into a Utel oxe stalle.^
*E, 83-84. 'E, 156168. •£, 932-938. «E, 206-207.
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298 HENBT BABBETT HINCKLBT
On different occasions both Griselda and her father imi-
tate or employ the language of Job.^^ In her own eyes,
Griselda is always first and foremost, not a wife, but a
serf.^^ And when Chaucer or the Clerk, whichever you
will, has solemnly insinuated that the patience of Griselda
surpassed that of Job himself, we are the more prepared
for the explanation that her Tale is intended* to typify the
submission of the true Christian to God. It is this re-
ligious significance which commended the story to Petrarch
— ^ and to some of his contemporaries, and which still renders
it to some modern readers a beautiful and a touching
thing.
Boccaccio, however, had ignored the religious and alle-
gorical possibilities of the story. With downright com-
mon sense he called the conduct of the Marquis " a piece
of sheer stupidity,'* una matta bestialita; and Sercambi,
who, despite his protestations, followed Boccaccio, called
the nobleman "a fool," uno matto.^^ Chaucer, in his
^^eart of hearts, was very clearly of the same opinion. Ac-
cordingly the English poet wrote a little poem, sparkling
awith brilliant and airy mockery, and bidding wives be as
— xmlike Griselda as possible. Nowhere does this little
poem mention the Wife of Bath, nor echo her language.
It is difficult to believe that it was originally intended to
caricature her. The problem was how to get it into the
mouth of Chaucer's Clerk, a serious and edifying young
man, who loved Aristotle more than " robes riche or fithele
or gay sautrye; " and who, in response to a request for
"E, 871-872; E, 902-903; see also E, 654-655.
" I owe this penetrating suggestion to Professor E. T. McLaughlin
of Yale University.
He is now deed and nayled in his cheste,
I prey to God so yeve his soule restel
"See Raiier, NoveUe InedUe di Oiovanm Seroamhi, p. 401.
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MABBIAGE IN THB CANTEBBUBT TALES 299
" flom mery thyng of aventures," had given the company
a Tale that is anything but merry. It occurred to Chau-
cer that the Clerk might explain that he wishes to ^^ stinte
of emestful matere," and recite, " for the Wyves love of
Bath," a poem which is thus made incidentally to carica-
ture to some extent the lady of Bath while it mainly
satirizes the story of Griselda. The real co-ordination be-
tween the Tales of Wife and Clerk is thus reduced to the
three verses:
For which heere, for the Wyves love of Bathe, —
Whoa lyf and al hire secte Qod maTnteyne
In heigh maistrie, and ellee were it scathe.
That this and the following Envoy are later additions to
the original Tale is rendered a yet more probable conclu-
sion by the fact that four of the best manuscripts, includ-
ing the two very best of all, preserve at the end of the Erir
voy what appears to have been the ending of the Tale
before the Envoy was written.^*
I find no evidence for Professor Kittredge's assertion
that the Clerk was rigidly orthodox, or that he was espe-
cially interested in celibacy. Theology is not mentioned
as one of his studies. He exhibits not the slightest inter-
est in ecclesiastical discipline. The extremely high re-
spect which he expresses for women marks him as a man ^
of distinctly amiable virtues. Furthermore, he is a man
of travel as well as of study. By Petrarch he has been
treated with distinguished consideration, and obviously he
shows an innocent vanity in introducing the company to
his illustrious friend. To suppose that he finds " gall and
^An excellent scholar, whom I am not authorized to name, calls
my attention to the fact that in seven of Dr. Fumivall's reprints
the rubric is Lenvoye de Chawier. Ms. Dd. 4.24 omits the rubric
but gives the word Auctor in the margin. It is Chaucer and not
the Clerk of Oxford whose voice we recognize in the Envoy,
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300 HBNBT BABBETT HINCKLBT
wormwood '^ in the words of the Wife of Bath^ and after
long dissembling, attacks her with "smiling urbanity"
and " in mordant irony " is to suppose things hardly con-
^ sistent one with another, to miss the airy lightness of the
Envoy — ^which is perfectly good-humored — and gratuitous-
ly to d^rade the Clerk.
But the Envoy is undoubtedly made the means of in-
troducing the Merchant's Tale. The Merchant has no
feeling for the religious significance of the Clerk's Tale.
Like the Envoy, he thinks of the story of Griselda only as
^ story of married life, and he has little faith in women
who seem meek and patient like Griselda. In a sense,
therefore, he takes issue with the Clerk, and to this extent
Group E gives us a debate. But by no means does it
follow that the Wife of Bath holds "the centre of the
stage,'* or even that she is " in the for^round." Rather
does all literary perspective disappear.
For in spite of brilliant details, the Merchant's Tale
is very inartistically told. It is nearly as much out of
character for the Merchant as the Clerk's Envoy is for the
Clerk. For tho the Merchant, in his Headlink, begins
with words of great bitterness about women, the misogyny
of his Tale itself is not consistently maintained. The
tyrannous jealousy of January, the husband, is depicted
in terms that transfer a large share of our sympathy to
\May, the young wife, whose error, we are naively assured,
^s only that she took compassion on a handsome yoimg
man who was languishing for love of her. A long eulogy
of matrimony loses not a little of its intended effect of
^ irony because the irony is long sustained without being
obvious. A passage repeating the language and ideas of
the Wife of Bath leads us to expect that May, the wife,
is going to play the bully, whereas she skillfully main-
tains, everywhere, the outward appearance of a submissive
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MABBIAGE IN THS OANTBSBUBT TALES 301
and a devoted wife. The reference to the Wife of Bath
is 80 introduced that there is serious doubt who is speaking
in propria persona, Chaucer, The Merchant, or Justinus
the friend of January. It is made ahnost the most strikA
ing lapse from dramatic propriety in the entire Camter- \
bury Tales. It is introduced indolently and pedantically, ^
as if to save time and labor, rather than to co-ordinate the
Tale with the Wife of Bath. And to whatever degree the
Merchant repeats ideas from the Wife's Prolog he does
not take issue with her. So far from keeping the Wife
of Bath " in the for^round," or in " the centre of the
stage," the Merchant's Tale serves rather to show that, for
the moment, there is neither foreground nor center to
hold. Literary perspective, in fact, disappears.
The Franklin's Tale is very beautifully co-ordinated
with the Squire's. The story of the " f aucoun peregrine "
is expressive of great sensibility and compassion, far more
so than the Wife's discourse on " gentillesse," which is dis-
tinctly argumentative. Not only does the Squire actually
use the words gentU, gentillesse, some nine or ten times,^**
but he is telling a tale of courtly love and tender sensi-
bility. Surely there is every reason to suppose that the
Franklin is entirely candid when he appears to take his
cue from the Squire, even for his introductory discourse
on "gentillesse." For in fact, the Franklins Tale is
barely if at all co-ordinated with anything that precedes
the Squire's. The mere mention of sovereignty and serv-
ice hardly reminds us of the Wife of Bath; neither does
the mention of the praise which clerks have given to pa-
tience inevitably recall the Clerk of Oxford. And there
is absolutely nothing that has as yet been tortured into a
reference or allusion by the Franklin to the Merchant.
"Namely in w. F, 426, 462, 479, 483, 506, 517, 646, 620, and 622.
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302 HENBT BABBETT HIKCKLET
On the other hand the Franklin is in a number of ways
coordinated with the Squire, and if some of these are
subtle or even fortuitous, others are deliberate and unmis-
takable, and the import of the whole is not open to a
doubt Whichever of the four chief (Characters of the
Franklin's Tale may appear to us the most generous, there
— Ts no doubt that Aurelius and Dorigen are the most
prominent. And Aurelius, as Professor Kittredge ingen-
iously points out, is a young squire with just such graces
and accomplishments as Chaucer's pilgrim Squire pos-
sesses, and as the Franklin wishes his own son to acquire.
The story of Aurelius is now used as a compliment to the
pilgrim Squire, and indirectly to his father, the pilgrim
Knight. On previous occasions we may believe, if we will,
that Aurelius has been held up as an example to the
Franklin's graceless son. Hence the heart-felt eloquence
of the beautiful little discourse on mutual subjection and
forbearance.
ifsTor does this exhaust the exquisite adjustment of the
Franklin's Tale alike to the character of the teller and to
the situation. Whether by accident, by instinct, or by de-
sign, the Franklin chooses the very happiest moment and
method to introduce himself to the attention of his social
superiors. I find it difficult to believe that he is at the
same time thinking of the Wife of Bath.
The Franklin confesses with r^ret that he has never
studied Marcus TuUius Cicero, a name whose luster Pe-
trarch had recently renewed. But Chaucer seems at least
to have heard of Cicero's treatise on " gentillesse," the
De Amicitia, though he may have confused it with the
De Beneficiis of Seneca when he bade Scogan " thenke on
Tullius Kyndenesse." If we may take the beautiful dis-
course on mutual forbearance and subjection as an at-
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MASBIAOE IN THE CANTEBBUEY TALES 808
tempt on the part of Chaucer or the Franklin to give us a
medieval De Amicitia, the Franklin's reference to Cicero
is explained. And, indeed, I know of no reason why we
should not so understand the Franklin's sermon, even tho
the Franklin emphasizes Christian and medieval virtues,
and includes and even emphasizes marriage as a form of
friendship.
Certainly it is a mistake to regard the Franklin's ser- ^
mon as primarily concerned with matrimony. There is
a long passage of twenty-six lines ^* in which women, love,
and friendship are mentioned, but never marriage. Dori^
gen and Aurelius are unmarried one to another. The
Franklin is obviously interested in the Squire, in his own
son and in " gentillesse." He does not mention his own J
wife, nor does he evince any pre-occupation with matri- ''^
mony. And certainly he cannot be said to bring a debate
on matrimony to a "triumphant conclusion" so long as
his Tale is followed in any degree of proximity by Uie
Second Nurffs Tale of the unconsummated marriage q| "
Saint Cecilia, which might easily be drawn into the de-
bate by just such processes of reasoning as those by which
the debate itself has been constructed.
It is not the least defect of Professor Kittredge's in-
terpretation of Groups D, E, and F that he makes the
Clerk and the Franklin surprize the reader by entering
the debate quite as truly — or as hypothetically — as they
surprize the Canterbury Pilgrims. An author or a play-
wright may surprize his characters as much as he pleases,
but the moment he begins to surprize the reader or the
spectator he begins to destroy the literary or dramatic illu-
sion which it is his business to create. But this subject
has been so competently treated by such writers as Messrs.
"F, 761-786.
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304 HBNBT BABBETT HINCELBT
William Archer and Brander Matthews ^''^ that I gladly
excuse myself from discussing it further, and I summarize
my conclusions as follows:
The debate on, or discussion of, matrimony, amounts to
this: Both Wife and Merchant discuss matrimony, delib-
erately, formally, and fully, but without taking issue one
with another ; and the Merchant takes issue with the Clerk,
not so much as to matrimony as concerning the sincerity
and virtue of women. The Merchant also incorporates
— in his Tale two debates, one on matrimony, the other as to
the worth of women.
On the other hand the Wife's Prolog and Tale find their
most imifying theme neither in heresy, in schism, nor even
in polemic, but in the Wife's practical search for a sixth
husband. The Clerk is interested in matrimony merely
because it typifies the Christian life. His Tale is de-
monstrably unco-ordinated with the Wife's talk until we
reach a casual allusion to the Wife at the very end. The
^.Clerk's Envoy was originally written to satirize the story
of Griselda, and not to caricature the Wife of Bath. It
"V^illiam Archer, Play-Making, a Manual of Craftsmanship, pp.
201-234; Brander Matthews, A Study of the Drama,
I will add that Chaucer recognizee the principle, and makes ex-
quisite use of it in the Knighfs Tale, hy adding to Boccaccio's story
an appeal twice made hy Venus to her " father " Saturn, who twice
assures her that ultimately she shall have her way. We are thus
prepared for diyine intervention, and the sudden miracle by which
Arcite is mortally wounded in the very hour of victory makes no dis-
cord in our imaginations.
A friend who has read my proofs contributes the following sug-
gestion: "Apropos of surprize you might refer to Kittredge {8hak-
spere, Oambr., 1916, p. 19): 'In his exposition fihakspere always
follows the established Elizabethan method, which was, to make every
significant point as clear as daylight, and to omit nothing that the
writer regarded as of importance. However much the dramatis
personae mystify each other, the audience is never to be perplexed:
it is invariably in the secret.*"
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MABBIAGE IN THE CANTEBBUBT TALES 305
is not in character for the Clerk. The Merchant's Tale
is out of character for the teller, and mentions the Wife
of Bath in such a way as to destroy literary perspective
rather than to place the Wife in a foreground or cen-
ter. The position of Group F with reference to D and
E is uncertain. If it had to be related to D — ^which it
does not — ^we should do well to place F before D rather
than after E. The Franklin evinces no interest in any
individual pilgrims except Our Host, the Squire, and
possibly by implication the Kjiight. He discusses mar-
riage only as a form of friendship. His Tale cannot
said to terminate any discussion of marriage so long as it
is followed in any degree of proximity by the Second
Nun's Tale. In fact, Groups D, E, and F, taken in their
entirety, are far from constituting a " complete and highly
finished " " act " in " Chaucer's Human Comedy."
Henby Babbett Hinckley.
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XII.— SPENSER, LADY CAEEY, AND THE
COMPLAINTS VOLUME
The proposal of Dr. P. W. Long to connect Lady Carey
with the Amoretti of Spenser/ interesting as it is, has
perhaps not met with universal acceptance. It seems to
rest on too slender a thread of evidence for overthrow of
the traditional and more natural explanation of the son-
nets as belonging to Spenser's own courtship. Without
debating that question, however, so far as Dr. Long's sug-
gestion rests upon a public promise of Spenser to " dis-
play " " in ampler wise " his " good will " to Lady Carey,^
I propose another explanation of how that promise was
fulfilled. In addition I shall attempt a somewhat fuller
examination than has hitherto been made of Spenser's
volume called Complaints.
The first three books of the Faerie Queene were regis-
tered vnth the Stationers' Company Dec. 1, 1589, though
the explanatory letter to Raleigh, printed at the end of the
volume, was not written until Jan, 23, 1590. The book
appeared sometime after March 25 of the latter year, since
the date 1590 on the title-page indicates a time after the
begiiming of the new year in the Elizabethan age. Now
the very next work of Spenser to be printed, and doubtless
the earliest to which he set his hand after the Faerie
Queene was issued, was one dedicated to Lady Carey, the
graceful MuiopotmoSj or Fate of the Butterflie. This
we know, because the Muiopotmos was included in the
Complaints volume, entered for publication Dec. 29, 1590,
* Mod. Lang. Rev,, m, p. 257.
*To Lady Carew (Carey), one of the dedicatory sonnets to the
Faerie Queene (1590).
306
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SPEN8EE, LADY CABBY, AlfD THE COMPLAINTS 307
and becaiise the poem was actually printed in that year,
that is before March. 25, 1591, as shown by the separate
title-page. The time of composing the Muiopotmos is
even more restricted if the latest interpretation be ac-
cepted, that recently proposed by Miss Jessie M. Lyons
with ^ much semblance of reason.' The reference of the
poem to the Raleigh-Essex rivalry at court places its com-
position between Jan. 23, 1590, when Spenser finished his
explanatory letter to Raleigh, or perhaps the time when
he had finished seeing the first part of the Faerie Queene
through the press, and the exposure of Essex's marriage,
with the consequent anger of the queen, that is in the sum-
mer of that year.* The final appearance of the Muiopot-
mos at the end of the volume of Complaints will be dis-
cussed later. Let me here note another relation of part
of the Comphdnts volume to Spenser's promise and its
fulfilment.
It has been generally assumed that the words ^^ these
fewe leaves " in Spenser's dedicatory letter to Lady Carey
*Puhlieation8 of the Mod. Lang. Asa*n, xxxi, p. 90. Miss Lyons
might have strengthened her case for the date by the relation of the
Muiopotmos to the dedicatory sonnet to Lady Carey accompanying
the Fcterie Queene. I trust also that this paper will show added
reasons for considering the date 1590 on the MuiopotmoB title-page
to be correct.
^The exact date of Essex's marriage to the widow of Sir Philip
Sidney must be inferred from the birth of their first child, Robert,
who was christened Jan. 22, 1591. The exposure of the marriage
by the pregnancy of the Countess Essex may well have been in the
summer of 1590, for we are told that by the middle of October she
was publicly waited on as the new countess. By Nov. 24 Essex was
again in " very good favor." — LiveB of the EarU of EBsew, by W. B.
Devereux, i, pp. 210-12.
The secrecy of the marriage is attested by Watson's dedication of
the English Eglogue upon the Death of Walaingham to Lady Frances
Sidney, although it could scarcely have appeared ^ before she had
become the Countess of
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308 OLIVES FABRAB EMEB80N
apply to the Muiopotmos alone. Yet Spenser can be shown
to have had a larger purpose in arranging with that poem
the three Visions, as he called them, which complete the
Complaints. Indeed, it may be fully established that
he linked the four poems together, and related them all
to Lady Carey. I suggest that this was ample fulfilment
of his public promise in the Faerie Queene sonnet.
The three Visions following the Muiopotmos are the
translations of Bellay and Marot, together with an origi-
nal series by Spenser himself. The first two are revised
but still early versions of what is believed to be the first
printed work of Spenser, the translations for Van der
Noodt's Theatre for Worldings. The third is also re-
garded as early work, but was probably composed some-
what later than the first two. Perhaps it is Spenser's
substitute for the four soimets by Van der Noodt himself,
which the young poet had also translated from the French
for the Theatre. This third poem, the Visions of the
Worlds Vanitie, was placed immediately after the Muiopot-
mos in the Complaints, and given a direct reference to
Lady Carey in the last lines of the first sonnet. Speaking
of the visions he says:
Such as they were (faire Ladie) take in worth.
That when time serves, may bring things better forth.'
This may possibly be a modification of another ending in
an earlier form, since the last sonnet of the series closes
with a more general application :
'That these lines may suggest a further purpose to honor Lady
Carey, as Dr. Long thinks (see his article above cited), is no reason
for believing the Muiopotmos and the following Visions are not a
fulfilment of the promise in the dedicatory sonnet of the Faerie
Queene. Besides, as Mr. J. C. Smith points out {Mod. La/ng. Rev.,
V, p. 276), the same promise of "other more worthie labour" was
made to Lady Compton and Monteagle, — a promise never fulfilled so
far as we know, — and something like it to Lady Strange.
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■^
SPENSBB, LADT CABST^ AlfD THE COMPLAINTS 309
And ye, that read these mines tragical!,
Leame by their losse to love the low degree;
For he that of himselfe is most secure,
Shall finde his state most fickle and unsure.
But there is more significant evidence of Spenser's in-
tention to link the following Visions with the Mviopotmos,
and relate the whole to Lady Carey. In the original form
of the English Theatre these translations are found in the
order Visions of Petrarch called Epigrams, Visions of Bel-
lay called Sonets, and the four Visuyns of Van der Noodt
himself. In the Complaints Spenser's Visions of the
Worlds Vanitie precede, displacing Van der Noodt's poems
entirely, and are followed by the Visions of Bellay and
Visions of Petrarch. Marofs envoy to the latter, which
Spenser had formerly translated word for word, would
naturally have concluded the series. Yet not only did
Spenser rearrange the several pieces, but he made the
greatest change in this envoy, by displacing Marot's lines
with an entirely new soimet of his own. Moreover, this
new envoy is equally appropriate to both the Muiopotmos
and the three Visions, while it is also directed to the same
" f aire Ladie," who can be no other than Lady Carey her-
self. In other words this is Spenser's own envoy to the
series of four poems which dose the Complaints, and binds
them together with direct reference to her to whom the
first is specifically dedicated.
The relationship of this last sonnet in the Petrarch
Visions has been curiously obscured by editors and critics.
In the first Quarto it is not numbered at all, and is thus
set off by itself, as it should be always, in spite of the Folio
number 7 which seems to make it a part of the preceding
series. Unfortunately most editors have followed the
Folio, not the Quarto reading. Critics, too, have been
18
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810 OUVEB VAMRAM EMKB80V
themBelves misled or have farther misled their read^^
ThuB Sidney Lee, writing of Spen8er''8 second form of the
Visions of Petrarch, said:
Hie expwuioii ... of the four lines of the Freodi enroj into
fourteen lines, &uls in any material req>ect to diffarentimte tlie
Knglirfi and French rendmngs of Petrardi's ode.*
In his edition of Sp^iser, Dodge is equally at fault when
he says (p. 125) of the revised form of the Visions:
The objeet ci the youthful poet . . . was apparently not to better
his translation, but, for merely artistie ^eet, to torn the irregular
ff*f»^«« of the Petrarch group and the blank T&9e poems of the Bel-
lay group into formal sooneis.*
Dodge does not even mention what is certainly noteworthy,
that two of the Petrardi Visions were already English
(or Surrey) sonnets, and thus so far as we know the earli*
est sonnets of any form which Spenser wrote. Again, De
Selincourt underrates the importance of Spenser's envoy
by merely saying:
In place of the quatrain which in 15((9 closed the series he now
added a sonnet of his own rhyme scheme (abab bcbc cdcd ee).*
The position of this last sonnet in relation to the pre-
ceding series will be best understood from some description
* Elizabethan SonneU, i, p. xxxtL Sir Sidn^ was no more exact
in reference to Spenser's VisionM of BeUay on the foregoing page.
He there speaks of "fifteen of the Frenchman's sonnets . . . ren-
dered by Spenser while a schoolboy," instead of eleven, later in-
creased to fifteen by four new translations when the TitUms were
reyised.
* Compare also p. 764 of Dodge's Spenser for a similar statement.
* Spenser's Poetical Works, Introd., p. Xxxi. Nor does De Selin-
court recognize the two English sonnets among the Visions of Pe-
trarch, but says of Spenser's revised version: ** The latter needed less
manipulation [as compared with the blank verse Visions of Bellayl,
for he had rhymed them in the earlier version." May I add that
it is also strangely inept to introduce the anachronism ** sonnets of
Shakespearian form " in writing of Spenser's early work.
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SPENSEB, LuADT CABBY, AND THE COMPLAINTS 311
of the first Quarto. That booklet consists of twenty-three
sheets folded into ninety-two pages, with signatures run-
ning through an Elizabethan alphabet. That is, no J is
used and V does duty for TJ, V, and W. The Ruines of
Time, with the preliminary matter, fills the sheets having
the signatures ABCD, sixteen (unnumbered) pages. The
next twenty-four pages, signatures EFGHIK, include the
Teares of the Muses and Virgiis Gnat with title-page and
dedication. Then come, with their title-pages and dedica-
tions, the Prosopopoia and Ruines of Rome, filling signa-
tures LMNOPQRS, thirty-two pages, and the longest part.
The Muiopotmos and the three Visions occupy signatures
TVXYZ, twenty pages. Thus each of these four parts
fills a multiple of four pages, while each also has its sepa-
rate title-page and dedication, so that each is to all intents
a separate booklet.
To bring about this result some accommodation in pag-
ing was clearly made. The Contents of the whole book
was printed on the reverse of the principal title-page, while
the reverse of every other title-page is blank. The dedica-
tory letter to Lady Strange is crowded upon one page,
Spenser's signature being placed in very small type, and
the next poem b^ns on the following (left-hand) page,
the only poem so arranged. To bring the third part into
thirty-two pages the Ruines of Rome sonnets are much
crowded together. Most of the pages have two sonnets
and part of another, sometimes only a single line, while
aU the other sonnets of the volume are arranged two to
the page. On the other hand, the fourth part is somewhat
spread out in order to fill the last twenty pages. In ad-
dition to the blank reverse of the title-page, a blank (left-
hand) page occurs after the Muiopotmos, and the last two
pages are entirely blank. The Visions are printed two
sonnets to a page, except the fifteenth of the Visions of
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312 OLIVEB FABRAB BMEBSON
Bellay and the last one in the book, each of which oc-
cupies a page by itself.
There is here almost immistakable evidence that the
Complaints is made up of four booklets, each of which
might have been issued separately without disturbing the
arrangement of a single page. The last part, containing
the Muiopotmos and attendant Visions, was certainly so
issued if the date 1590 on the title-page is to be trusted.
This seems the more certain because, if the book had
been printed as one from the beginning, there would surely
have been no crowding in parts two and three when there
were three extra pages in part four which might have been
used. An exact parallel to such separate publication of the
four booklets is the Daphnaida, also printed in 1591.
That poem fills just six sheets, twenty-four pages, with the
reverse of the title-page and the last page blank. In other
words, the Daphnaida is a booklet exactly equal in size to
the second in the Complaints voluma®
To return to the argument of this paper. The position
of the last sonnet in the Complaints volume is clear indi-
cation that it was not a part of the Petrarch sonnet series.
It occurs alone under the heading of the last printed page,
'In some partieulars the Harvard Library copy, which I have
used, differs from any examined by De S6lincourt {Minor Poems of
Spenser, Introd.)- It usually agrees with the Huth Quarto where
that differs from the Bodleian Library copy, which De S6lincourt
made the basis of his text. It disagrees with the Huth Quarto and
agrees with the Bodleian in reading 'crime,' not 'raine' {Teares of
the Muses, 435). It differs from both in reading 'Viminal' (Ruines
of Rome, 56), not 'Vimnial' with the Bodleian Quarto, or 'Vimi-
nail' with the Huth Quarto; and in 'attempted.* {Muioptomos,
346), not 'attempted,' with the Bodleian, or 'attempted' with the
Huth Quarto. These different readings in different copies of the
Quarto of course show that there were different impressions of the
whole or parts of the Complaints, and add force to the suggestion
that the four booklets may have appeared separately.
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SPENSBB, LADY CABBY^ AND THB COMPLAINTS 313
with no number before it in the Quarto, as abeady men-
tioned. The break from one page to another made un-
necessary such space as would probably have preceded
this envoy, if it had stood on a page with another sonnet;
or such paragraph marks as Spenser used in a similar case
when he set off the two stanzas following the first vision
in the Buines of Time (lines 589-602). Why Spenser
did not call it "L'envoy", as in the case of those at the end
of the Buines of Time and Buines of Borne, we do not
know. Perhaps it was just because this last sonnet is not
an envoy to the poem immediately preceding, but rather
belongs to the whole series of four poems. In any case
it should not be numbered with the Petrarch Visions, or
be so placed as to be confused with that piece.
Further evidence that Spenser's envoy is not a part of
the Petrarch Visions is found in both its form and content
As already noted it is not an English sonnet, the form
Spenser had first learned to use. That form he had also
continued to use in the revised Visions of Bellay and Vi-
sions of Petrarch, as well as in the Buines of Borne based
on Bellay. Then Spenser developed his distinctive sonnet
form (abab bcbc cdcd ee), which he commonly employed
thereafter. ^^ The latter is the form in the Visions of the
Worlds Vanitie, in the dedicatory sonnet to Virgils Onat,
^ He used the English form twice, possibly three times, afterwards.
The eighth sonnet pf the Amoretti is in that from, and the twentieth
might be claimed for it, though it is possibly a Spenserian sonnet
with imperfect rimes. Spenser's commendatory sonnet Upon the
Hiatarie of George Oaatriot is also of the English form. Hie envoy
at the end of the Ruinea of Rome is partly an English sonnet, partly
a Spenserian, the scheme being abab cdcd dede ff. Can this be the
intermediate experiment which led Spenser from the Surrey type to
his own distinctive rime scheme? Hie chronology of Spenser's poems
would seem to justify this conjecture.
I do not here take account of the sonnet Dr. Long thinks he has
discovered in Oolm Clout, 466-479.
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314 OLIVBB FABBAK EMEBSON
both regarded as early work, in the dedicatory sonnets to
the Faerie Qiieene, and in the Am^oretti, with the exception
already mentioned. Between the writing of the last two
works, that is in 1590, Spenser must have composed this
envoy to the four poems which conclude the Complaints.
It is a distinctly late sonnet and unrelated in form to the
poem with which it is placed.
The content shows even more conclusively that this new
sonnet was a true envoy to the four poems preceding. The
Marot envoy of the translation from Petrarch asks his
" song " to say to his patron that the " six visions " contain
a " sweete request," which it is to " yelde,"
Ere it be long within the earth to rest.
Now Marofs envoy could scarcely be more radically
changed than it has been by Spenser. The emphasis upon
this tickle trusties stat*
Of vaine worlds glorie,
is peculiarly characteristic of Spenaer, and peculiarly ap-
propriate to the Mmopotmos and following Visions. To
the first it is even more concretely applicable in relation
to the Ealeigh-Essex rivalry at court, the last and best in-
terpretation of the allegory, it seems to me. The first qua-
train thus sums up the vaniias vanitatum which is the
persistent note of all the poems. If it be said that it is
the dominant note of some others of the Complaints, it
may be answered that it is not the note in the same d^ree
of any other series of four pieces.
The second quatrain, with its intense feeling in
I wish I might this wearie life forgoe,
aptly fits this period in Spenser's career. At the sugges-
tion of Ealeigh he had returned to England, with high
hopes of some recognition at court that he might settle
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SPENSEB, LADY CABBY, AND THE COMPLAINTS 315
down to complete, in congenial surroundings, his great
poem. The disappointment that had attended his depart
ture for Ireland in 1580, voiced with such strong emotion
in the dedicatory sonnet to YirgUs Onat, was temporarily
forgotten. Yet a new and keener disappointment was to
be his even in the moment of his apparent success. He
was to wait more than a year for some tangible recognition
of his great genius, since the parsimony or partisanship of
Burghley delayed his patent for a pension imtil Febru-
ary, 1591."
Finally the sestet of the sonnet envoy is as clearly devot-
ed in its entirety to her who had so recently become his
engaging patroness, to whom he had dedicated the Muio-
potmoSy and with whom he had linked the Visions of the
Worlds Vanitie by the close of the first sonnet in that poem.
Thus only one of the four poems does not contain a dis-
tinct reference to Lady Carey, while the last reference to
her in Spenser's last sonnet, as can scarcely be doubted,
is the envoy to the new booklet he had completed in her
honor. The conclusion seems inevitable that these last
four poems of Spenser's Complaints, bound together as
they are by dedication and envoy to Lady Carey, formed
no unworthy fulfilment of Spenser's promise to exalt her
name, as made in the dedicatory sonnet to the Faerie
Queene. If this be so, it is wholly unnecessary to assume,
as Dr. Long has done in his argument for Lady Carey as
the lady of the Amoretti, that the latter must be the real
completion of Spenser's purpose.
But it may be asked why, if such honor was intended
"With the sentiment expressed in this second quatrain compare
Spenser's autobiographic allusions in JRuinea of Time, 446-8, also a
clear reference to Burghley's unappreciativeness, and the more spe-
cific complaint of himself in Daphnaida, 33-36, both passages written
in this year of waiting.
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316 OLIVBB FABBAB EMEBSOIT
for Lady Carey, the booklet did not appear at the begin-
ning of the Complaints volume ? The point is somewhat
complicated by the uncertainly as to Spenser's part in ar-
ranging that volume, and by the statement of the publisher
Ponsonby that he had collected some of the pieces. The
latter's reference to the matter will be considered in a
later paragraph. Here it will be fair to assume that
Spenser probably would have issued the Lady Carey por-
tion of the Complaints first — ^perhaps prepared so to issue
it independently as shown by the date 1590 on the title-
page — and then attempt to account for its final appear-
ance at the last of the volume.
We can only conjecture how the idea of the Complaints
developed in Spenser's mind. Yet the success of the
Faerie Queene may reasonably have suggested a new vol-
ume made up of poems of earlier composition. To print
such a volume would have been doing what many a writer
has since done. In such a book the new Muiopotmos and
the three Visions would naturally have found a first place,
if the former had not yet been published. Such an ar-
rangement might later have been altered for one or more
of several reasons. For example the Muiopotmos would
have been appropriate to the Raleigh-Essex rivalry only be-
fore Essex had lost the favor of Elizabeth, that is before
the summer of 1590. For as soon as Essex had lost and
Raleigh had regained the queen's favor, the Lady Carey
portion of the Complaints would have lost its appropriate-
ness, either as an independent issue or as the first part
of a new volume. ^^
" The subject of the MuiopotmoB may have been in Spenser's mind
even before 1590. One of the first topics of conversation between
Spenser and Raleigh in Ireland must have been the Essex rivalry
and Raleigh's virtual exclusion from the court circle. Even then
it is not likely the poem was composed before Spenser's visit to
England.
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SPENSKB, LADY CABBY, AND THE COMPLAINTS 317
Still another and perhaps more cogent reason may ac-
count for the place of the Lady Carey portion of the Com-
pladnts. Scarcely had Spenser prepared his series of
poems in Lady Carey's honor before another urgent claim
was made upon him, owing to an unforeseen circum-
stance. He was importuned to honor another of his
friends, and one more important because a national figure.
In 1590 the publication of an imauthorized edition of
Sidney's Arcadia revived the memory of one always dear
to Englishmen as the finest example of their best manhood.
The new interest in Sir Philip Sidney was doubtless the
reason why Spenser's friends upbraided him — ^to use his
own words — ^f or not having " shewed anie thankefull re-
membrance towards him or any of them," ^' that is the
Dudley family, to which his patron Leicester had also be-
longed. " Whome chiefly to satisfie," he continues, " or
els to avoide that fowle blot of unthankefulnesse, I have
conceived this small poem," the Worlds Ruines as he called
it, or the Ruines of Time as it is now named.^* This new
occasion, then, may have been the deciding reason for
placing the Ruines of Time first among the Complaints
and putting the Muiopotmos and the Visions in another
position*^'
"Dedicatory letter to Bwnes of Time.
'^It must be remembered that in the opening lines to Aeirophel
Spenser had given a reason for not printing that poem in honor of
Sidney. It was designed, he tells us, " not to please the living but
the dead/' and intended only for those '' shepheards " who mourned
with him the loss of a friend. Nor did he actually print the poem
until two of the elegies had been published or entered for publication.
Besides, he was now including Sidney in the larger plan of praising
all the deceased members of the Dudley house.
"Before the end of 1590 Spenser felt called upon for another
commemorative poem, the third new one of the year. On August 13,
1590, the wife of his friend Arthur Gorges had died, and for her
Spenser composed his DaphnaXda. It was dedicated on what most
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318 OLIVBB FABBAB EMBBSON
On the other hand, if Spenser was not responsible for
the final arrangement of the Complaints volume, Ponson-
by would have been equally influenced by the Sidney re-
vival, especially as he had himself printed the Arcadicu
Besides, another circumstance had added still further to
Sidney's fame, and may have influenced Ponsonby. With-
out doubt because Sidney's name had been revived by
the Arcadia, three editions of Sidney's Astrophel and
Stella quickly followed in 1591, the year of Spenser's Com-
plaints. No one of these three editions was entered in
the Stationers' Register, but it is not unreasonable to be-
lieve the first of them appeared early in the year, and not
unlikely before the Complaints. This new-blown trumpet
in Sidney's honor would then have been an added reason
why Ponsonby himself may have placed the Ruines of
Time first in the new Spenser volume. In either case,
therefore, whether Spenser or Ponsonby finally arranged
the volume, there seems ample reason for the first piece of
the book, and for the consequent displacement of the Lady
Carey portion.
As was noted above, there is an apparent conflict be-
tween the idea that Spenser himself arranged the Com-
plaints and the statement of Ponsonby the publisher in his
advertisement " To the Gentle Reader." Is it possible
to smooth out this apparent inconsistency? The known
facts regarding the Complaints volume may be briefly
critics believe to have been Jan. 1, 1591, though such a dating in
Spenser's time would ordinarily have meant Jan. 1, 1592, nearly a
year after he left England. Perhaps the date at the end of the
letter of dedication is a mere printer's error for 1590, the figures
'naught' and 'one' often looking alike in handwriting. Why Pon-
sonby, who printed the poem separately in 1591, did not gather it
into the Oomplainta volume we do not know. Perhaps he had not
found it in time, or some arrangement may have been made for its
independent issue.
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SPENSBB, LADY CABBY^ AND THE COMPLAINTS 319
given. It was entered with the Stationers' Company De-
cember 29, 1590, while Spenser was probably still in
England. This " probably " could be made " certainly "
if we were sure that Spenser's dating of the Daphnatda
dedication meant January 1, 1591, New Style. In any
case Spenser would probably have remained in London im-
til the patent for his pension was issued in February, 1591.
Thus he would probably have been responsible for such
of the Complaints as Ponsonby entered in December,
1590.
Here I can but suggest that the volume first proposed
by Spenser may have included only the last four poems.
Even Ponsonby's entry in the Stationers' Register reads :
"A booke entytuled Complaintes conteyninge sondrye
small Poemes of the worlds vanity." This would admir-
ably apply to the Muiopotmus and three Visions, while the
last expression could not as well apply to the longer poems
of the Complaints, especially Virgils Onat, Prosopopoia,
or the Teares of the Muses. On the other hand, if the vol-
ume at first included only the last four poems, that would
be another reason for the date 1590 on the one title-page,
while the three others bear the date 1591, when Spenser
was presumably back in Ireland. Or Spenser may have
originally intended to honor the three ladies of the Spencer
of Althorpe family, who had now claimed him as a rela-
tive, and assisted him to some extent, as shown by the dedi-
catory letters to the Teares of the Muses and Mother
Hvhherds Tale. In that case the Muiopotmos and its ac-
companying poems would probably have appeared first,
followed by those addressed to Lady Strange and Lady
Compton and Monteagle. Either of these arrangements
of the poems may have been disturbed by the changed rela-
tions of Essex and Ealeigh, or by the new interest in Sid-
ney.
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320 OLIVES FABBAB EMEB80N
Whatever Spenser's own plan, Ponsonby's statement in
" The Printer to the Gentle Eeader " must be considered.
It reads:
I have Bithence endevoured bj all good meanes (for the bett^ en-
crease and accomplishment of your delights) to get into my handes
such smale poemes of the same authors; as I heard were disperst
abroad in sundrie hands, and not easie to bee come by, by himself e;
some of them having bene diyerslie imbeziled and purloyned from
him, since his departure over sea.*
Now, remembering that the Complaints volume, or most
of it, was not printed imtil Spenser had left England, we
may still accept Ponsonby's statement. Spenser had cer-
tainly arranged the last four poems. He had dedicated
the Teares of the Muses and Mother Rubherds Tale to
Lady Strange and Lady Compton. He had written and
dedicated the Ruines of Time. On the other hand, the
gathering of all these for issuance in book form may have
been done by the publisher. Or if all these had been put
in Ponsonby's hands by Spenser himself, the former would
still have been responsible for obtaining the Ruines of
Rome and Yirgils Gnat. Thus Ponsonby may have se-
cured from two to four or possibly five of the Complaints,
and, as noted in his advertisement, was still looking for
other poems, which he proposed to the reader to publish
" for your favour sake." In any case the statement of Pon-
sonby need not be explained away or distrusted, as has
sometimes been done. Nor is it at variance with Spenser's
being in London when the Complaints was entered for
publication, although he had left England before any but
the last four poems, those written or arranged for Lady
Carey, had been printed.
* The meaning, not quite clearly expressed, must be " not easy to
be obtained from him, partly because he had lost some of them while
in England, partly because of his departure over sea."
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BPBNBEB, LADY CABBY, AND THE COMPLAINTS 821
Before leaving Spenser's volume some accotmt should
be taken of the curious suggestion in the Dictionary of
National Biography (article Elizabeth Carey), that " some
of the renderings of Petrarch [that is, in the Petrarch
Visions^ . . . may be from Lady Carey's pen." The
conjecture rests upon a sentence in Nash's dedicatory let-
ter, prefixed to Terrors of the Night and addressed to
Elizabeth, daughter of Sp^iser's Lady Carey. Of the
latter Nash says: "Into the Muses society her selfe she
hath lately adopted, and purchast divine Petrarch another
monument in England." Yet Nash's words scarcely war-
rant the interpretation put upon them above, or at least
may be explained in a simpler fashion. They need mean
no more than rather extravagant flattery, based on Spen-
ser's dedication of the Muiopotmos to Lady Carey and his
combining with it the Visions of Petrarch, " another mon-
ument in England." Nash's Terrors of the Night was
printed in 1594, and surely " lately " was accurate enough
for a book printed three years before. Besides, there is
here some support for one of the contentions of this paper.
With the Quarto edition of Spenser's Complaints before
him — and he could have had no other — Nash must have
recognized the reference to Lady Carey in the sonnet fol-
lowing the Visions of Petrarch, and thus have been led
to emphasize her connection with them. His " Muses so-
cietie" may refer to this specific connection, or even to
the fact that the volume also contained the well-known
Teares of the Muses. In any case the conjecture of the
writer in the Diet, of Nat. Biog. seems unsupported.
The purpose of this paper is to show that, some years
before writing the Amoretti, Spenser fulfilled the promise
he made to Lady Carey in a sonnet accompanying the
Faerie Queene. He did this by dedicating to her in the
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322 OLIYEB FABBAB BMBBSOIT
same year his Muiopotmos, probably newly composed for
her, and uniting with it, by an allusion in the first and
especially by a new envoy at the close, three of his early
Visions, making a complete booklet in her honor. This
booklet was perhaps printed separately from the rest of
the Complaints, not only because of the date on the title-
page, but because the arrangement in the larger Quarto
shows separate printing to have been possible without dis-
turbing the paging in any particular. It follows, there-
fore, that we need not look for the fulfilment of Spenser's
promise to the Amoretti, as has been done, or to any
other later work of the poet.
This paper also suggests some probable reasons why
the Lady Carey portion of the Complaints, first pub-
lished as shown by the date on the title-page, was later
displaced from the initial position, either by the revival
of Sidney's fame in 1590 and the consequent writing of
the Buines of Time at the urging of Spenser's friends,
or by the changed relations of the Kaleigh-Essex rivalry
at court Besides, some fuller exainination of the Com-
plaints volume has been made, showing how it consists
of four independent booklets, each of which, like the
Daphnaxda to which they bear the closest likeness, might
have been separately issued and perhaps was so. Finally,
it attempts to reconcile Spenser's part in arranging the
Complaints, or a portion of it, with the part claimed for
himself by the publisher Ponsonby.
Oliveb Fabbab Emebson.
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XIII.— THE LEGEND OP ST. WULFHAD AND ST.
EUFFIN AT STONE PEIOEY
In a recently published volume I have referred ^ to the
curious relationship that subsists between the legend of
St Wulfhad and St. EuflSn,^ which is known to us through
the Cottonian ms. Nero C. XII, and a set of verses dealing
with the founders and benefactors of Stone Priory in Staf-
fordshire, which has been preserved by Dugdale in the
Monasticon.^ In my Saints' Legends I had not the space
to present in detail the evidence by which these two docu-
ments are connected, nor to discuss freely the interesting
problems that they suggest. The evidence is of such a
character, and the problems involved are so novel, that a
further consideration of the matter seems desirable.
Interbelation of the Documents
The legend, with which we may begin our examination,
is unfortunately extant in a somewhat fragmentary state
only. So little remains of the first seventy lines that they
cannot well be reconstructed. Except for the light they
might have thrown on the archaeological question presently
to be discussed, the loss cannot, however, be greatly de-
plored. The legend is very rudely fashioned in fifteenth-
century alliterative verse, for the most part rhyming in
couplets, but occasionally using a convenient rhyme more
freely or falling back on shameless assonance. It has
^Baintf^ Legends, 1916, pp. 273-276.
' Ed. HoTBtmaim, Altengl Leg., N. F., pp. 308-314.
•Ed. 1846, VI, pp. 230-231.
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324 OOSDOlfT HALL GBBOULD
neither literary pretensions nor literary merit. In most
ways, moreover, it has slight historical or hagiographieal
value, for the information it gives about St. Wulfhad and
his brother was taken from the ornate Latin Passio,^ still
extant, which is presumably the " cronakle '^ mentioned in
V. 155.
The legend is a precious document simply and solely
because of its origin and use at Stone Priory, where it was
written or painted upon a " table " on the epistle side of
the choir. There is evidence of this in the poem itself.
And hys broder Ruffyn, >at withe hym is shiynede infere^
As thys tabyU maket mensyon that ys wryltyn here.
And all that on this tabull redes, god grante them hys grace.
(w. 379381)
The position of the tablet is curiously restricted to the left
side of the choir by two references in the legend to a couple
of other "tables" similarly placed within the church.
The first of these seems to have been inscribed with the
names of the lords who came from Normandy with Wil-
liam the Conqueror.
Whos names be writyn in a tabull on the right syde the qweer.
(V. 318)
The second, with which we are more nearly concerned, is
described thus :
How the lordes of Stafforde fowndyd >i8 place, >e sothe if ye will
here,
Here-by in a tabull is writtyn all the processe infere. (w. 351-352)
Since the first tablet is said to have been placed on the
right side of the choir, and the second to have been " here-
by " the one on which the legend was inscribed, it seems
*B. H. L. 8735. Printed by Dugdale, vi, pp. 226-230, from MS.
Cott. Otho A. XVI, and thence in A. BB, lUL. v, pp. 575-581.
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LBGEin> OF ST. WtTLFHAD AND ST. BUFFIN
clear that llie latter must have been situated, as I have
said, on the epistle side.*^
Oddly enough, the inscription on the tablet that hung,
or was affixed, near the legend is the document preserved
by Dugdale. How he obtained this account of the re-
establishment of Stone after the Conquest, and of its sub-
sequent history, I do not know. He says of it simply:
" The Copie of the Table that was hanging in the Priorie
of Stone, at the time of the Suppression of the same, in
the xxix. yeare of the Kaigne of our Soveraign Lord Bang
Henry the VIIL'' The verses — ^in the same metre and in
the same slipshod style as the legend — ^begin thus:
All manner of men, that lust for to here
How this Monasterie was founded here,
Read out this Table, that here it is written,
And all this matter so may ye witten.
8aint Armemild that good woman.
Saint Wolfad's mother this place first began.
Who soe lust to witt what wise, and why,
Read over this other Table that here is written by.
And all the whole matter there shall ye finde
In the life of Saint Wolfade and nothing left behinde;
But who that . . . canons began here first to dwell.
In this present Table here shall you here tell.
However Dugdale may have obtained his copy of this
inscription, the reference to the " other table,'' with its
l^end of St. Wulfhad, is explicit. The two sets of verses,
though they have been preserved to us by entirely different
channels, were beyond question once placed side by side in
the Priory Church at Stone; and they were expressly de-
signed to complement one another in the information they
' When I wrote the paragraph about the legend in Samia' Legends,
1 had not, in my blindness, made out the reference to the list of
Norman lords, and so placed the account of the founders on the right
of the choir.
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GORDON HALL OBBOULD
gave about the local legend and the history of the foun-
dation.
As far as the latter is concerned, the tablet of benefactors
is naturally of more value than its companion; and its
record is of very considerable worth by way of supplement
to the evidence concerning Stone Priory that survives in
charters and other documents from the twelfth century to
the sixteenth. Unfortunately the text printed by Dug-
dale is obviously very far from perfect,® which leads to a
probably unjustified distrust of the chronicle as a whole.
The accoimt of the relationship of the powerful Stafford
line to the Priory seems, in point of fact, to be entirely
worthy of trust.
There was, as is pointed out in both the legend and the
memorial " table," a religious foundation on the site of
Stone Priory as early as the seventh century, endowed by
Eormengild, the mother of Wulfhad and Kuffin. Evi-
dently it had fallen upon evil days before the Norman
Conquest ; and there is little reason to doubt the statement
of the founders' tablet as to conditions at that time:
That two nunns and one preest lived in this place, (t. 16)
Thus reduced, it was attacked by the Norman lord of the
manor, Enisan de Walton, who killed the little remnant of
the establishment, either wishing to have it for himself or,
as the memorial tablet more specifically says :
Because his sister should have this church thoe. (v. 20)
This Enisan seems to have been the son of the Emaldus
(or Arnold) ^ who held the manor of Walton at the time
* Aside from obvious modernizations, the relations to the Priory of
Nicholas de Stafford and his son Edmund (w. 93-110) are reversed
in the text as we have it.
* See R. W. Eyton, in CoUectione for a Efistory of Btaffordahire fty
the WilUam Bait ArohaeologuxU Society, u, p. 200.
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LEGEND OF ST. WULFHAD AND ST. BTJFFIN 327
of the Domesday survey of 1085-6, in which Stone is not
directly mentioned, being covered by the entry for Wal-
ton.® This omission from the Domesday Book is, again,
indirect evidence that the shrine of Wulfhad and KuflSn
was neither wealthy nor illustrious at that day. Enisan,
like Arnold, acknowledged the overlordship of Robert de
Stafford, the chief landholder of the county.®
The two documents that we are considering agree in
ascribing the re-establishment of Stone as a priory to Eni-
san's deed of violence; and they enable us to fix the date of
the foundation more exactly than can be done by means
of any charters extant. Both of them state that Gteoffrey
de Clinton, who was chamberlain of Henry I, was at that
time building " the abbey of Kenelworthe." Now the sec-
ond charter of Kenilworth Priory, which was founded by
Geoffrey, was witnessed by Simon, Bishop of Worcester,
who was consecrated in 1125.^*^ It must have been
erected, accordingly, not far from that date. Since Stone
Priory was ceded to Kenilworth between 1130 and 1135,
as we shall presently see, we cannot be far wrong in believ-
ing that Enisan established it between 1125 and 1130.
In only one particular do the legend and the memorial
tablet disagree, or seem to disagree. The legend says that
Enisan, when he had repented of his crime because of
sickness, went to Geoffrey de Clinton ^^ for advice. Geof-
* ** Ipse Rotbertus (de Stadford) tenet Waletone et Emaldus de eo."
• See W. H. R. Curtter, in Victoria County History of Staffordshire,
p. 222. Robert de Toeni assumed the style of de Stafford, though it
was not till a century and a half later that his descendant Ralph
(1299-1342) became Earl of Stafford.
*• See Le Neve's Fasti Eoclesiae Anglica^iae, ed. T. D. Hardy, 1854,
m, p. 49, and Stubbs, Registrwn Sacrum AngUcanum, 1897, p. 44.
" The text reads " Glentone " and " Glentam,'' which are corrup-
tions. Enisan reads " Ensam,'' it may be noted.
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328 GORDON HALL GEBOULD
frey, who was " nye cosyn " to Enisan,^^ advised him to
restore Stone and to found there " a howse of chanons in
worshipe of sent Wolfade." This Enisan did, and was
healed. Thus the legend. The founders' tablet, after re-
marking that Enisan's sister, for whose sake he had sacked
the church, " soon died and himself great vengeance had,"
goes on to say that Robert de Stafford went to Geoffrey de
Clinton for counsel in the matter, and that he himself es-
tablished the canons at Stone. At first sight, this looks like
a rather startling discrepancy between the two inscriptions,
the more marked because they refer to one another and
were actually once set side by side in the Priory church.
As a matter of fact, however, I believe that the disagree-
ment is only apparent, and of no real significance. If it
be true that Enisan was ill, and thought his affliction the
result of his misdeeds, what more natural than that his
overlord should be his emissary to Geoffrey de Clinton?
What more natural than that the part played by Eobert
should be stressed on the founders' tablet, which simi-
marized the connection of the entire Stafford line with
Stone Priory, while Enisan's role in re-establishing the
house was properly emphasized in the legendary inscrip-
tion? There is no real contradiction between the two
statements ; nor have we any reason to doubt the credibility
of the essential evidence.^^ This question of the founda-
tion has a bearing upon the authorship of the two inscrip-
tions, a matter that we must shortly consider.
Although Enisan de Walton was the actual founder of
the house of Augustinian canons,^* which replaced the
^ Of this relationship I find no other mention, and see no way to
test the accuracy of the statement.
"The skepticism of R. W. Eyton, place cited, seems to me quite
misdirected.
^ By a stupid lapse, not easy to forgive, I wrote Carthusian instead
of Augustinian in Baintt* Legends, p. 274.
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LEGEND OF ST. WTTLFHAD AND ST. BUFFIN 329
'»
earlier foundation at Stone, the Staffords were the great
patrons of the Priory from the beginning. Down to the
fifteenth century most of the earls were buried there, and
the hereditary interest of the family in the house seems
never to have lapsed. It was Robert de Stafford, accord-
ing to the founders' tablet (w. 37-38), who sent one of the
canons to Eiome to arrange for the canonization of Wulf-
had.^** Furthermore, Eobert's son Nicholas was a party
to the cession of Stone to Kenilworth Priory by Enisan de
Walton and his son Arnold. In this transaction Geoffrey
de Clinton also appeared, paying Arnold fifty pounds and
a palfrey, and Enisan a " pallium grisimi " and a palfrey.
Nicholas de Stafford had to give assent to the transfer as
the overlord of Enisan. The two charters in question can
be dated within a few years. The Stafford charter was
given in the reign of Henry I, and Enisan's was witnessed
by Roger, Bishop of Chester. Now, Roger de Clinton was
consecrated Bishop of Lichfield, Coventry, and Chester on
December 22, 1129, while Henry I died in 1135. The
charters must thus be dated between 1130 and 1135.^®
It is interesting to note, as a confirmation of the general
credibility of the English inscriptions at Stone, that the
"According to the legend (w. 364-370) and the Latin Pa88io
{Monaaticon vi, p. 230), St. Wulfhad*B head was left by the canon
at Viterbo, on his way home. The Latin particularizes that it was
deposited at the churdi of St. Laurence there. It does not appear bt
the very full lists of relics belonging to the Cathedral of S. Lorenzo,
to be found in P. Cristofori, Le Tombe dei Papi in Viterbo, 1887, pp.
234-237. The Latin account implies, though it does not expressly
say, that the risit of canonization took place soon after the Benedic-
tine Revival. This does not agree with the English statements, and
it is inherently improbable.
^ Both of them are to be found in the Monaaticon vi, pp. 231-232.
For Roger de Clinton, see LeNeve's Fasti, ed. Hardy, i, p. 644, and
Stubbs, Registrum, p. 226. Stubbs failed to note that Roger was not
enthroned until 1130.
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330 GOBDON HALL OEBOULD
Stafford charter expressly states that it was placed " super
altare " there, while the founders' tablet remarks of Nich-
olas:
And to this place did many benefits sekerlie,
As bj his charters appeareth apertlie. (yv. 51-52)
Apparently the writer of the inscription had seen the char-
ter in its place above the altar. Later — ^very much later —
Eobert de Stafford, a great-great-great-grandson of the
original Robert, made Stone free of ETenilworth, as it re-
mained until its destruction during the reign of Henry
The question now arises whether the two inscriptions
that we have been discussing were composed by the same
hand. The cross-references between them, which I have
already instanced, make it clear that they must have been
put into position at about the same time. If I am right
in believing that their slightly varying accounts of the
establishment of the Augustinians at Stone were due to a
natural difference of stress, there seems to be no reason
for doubting that they were written by the same man.
Their timibling metre is the same; and such characteris-
tics of versification and phrasing as they boast — ^literary
style they have none, as I have said — ^indicate a common
^^The statement in A Survey of Staffordshire ... by Sampson
Erdeswick Esq., ed. T. Harwood, 1844, p. 36, note, to the effect that
Ernaldus de Walton forfeited Stone to the King, who then granted it
to Robert de Stafford, is apparently based on the legend, yy. 349-350,
which, however, refers to Arnold's property at large. Robert, the
grandson of the original Robert, seems to have swallowed up his
vassaFs forfeited lands and thus to have come into a more direct
patronage of Stone Priory, though the title to it was clearly vested
in the Canons of Eenilworth. See G. Wrottesley, in Colleotiona . .
hy the WiUiam Salt Arch. Soo. i, p. 178, for the record of a fine
due by Arnold in 31 Henry I. The Priory Church fell in 1749. The
state of the ruins in 1909 is described by F. Parker, Collections . . .
hy the William Salt Arch. Soc,, New Ser., xn, p. 106.
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LEGEND OF ST. WULFHAD AND ST. EUFFIN 331
authorship. TJnfortTinately the copies in which they are
preserved are so imperfect that the application of linguis-
tic tests is out of the question.
Whether or no the verses on the two tablets were writ-
ten by the same man, as seems to me certain, they must
have been made at practically the same time. The cross-
references would otherwise be inexplicable. The approxi-
mate date at which they were set up is fortunately made
clear in the closing lines of the founders' inscription, which
read:
And his brother sir Hugh, the lord Bouchier,
Is buried in the south side of this quier,
Besides his father earle Hugh, as you may see,
In a fayre new tombe here buryed is hee.
Now, Hugh de Stafford, Lord Bourchier, died in 1420.^®
If we allow a sufficient time for the making of his tomb,
the period during which it could be called new would cer-
tainly not pass the middle of the century. Indeed, since
the last Earl of Stafford mentioned in the record (w. 147-
156), Lord Bourchier's brother Edmund, was killed at the
Battle of Shrewsbury in 1403, it seems probable that 1426
would be a nearer approximation to the date than 1450.
II
The Question op Mural Display
As we have already seen, the verses that we are study-
ing were in some manner or other inscribed on tablets in
the choir of the church at Stone Priory. On the other
side of the choir was a third tablet inscribed with the
names of the lords " which camme frome Normandy "
with "Willam Bastarde." If we may believe Dugdale,
which appears safe, these "tables" were "hanging" in
" See Dugdale, Baronage, i, p. 174.
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332 OOBDON HALL OEBOTJLD
the church. Three questions at once suggest themselves.
Why were the tablets set up? What was their nature?
Was it customary to employ sets of verses like these for
mural display ?
The first question is, of course, not difficult to answer.
The canons of Stone took this means of informing all and
sundry — the laity of the neighborhood, the pilgrims who
came to the shrine of St. Wulfhad, and perhaps their own
successors — ^with regard to the history of the establishment
and the saint in whose honor it was founded. Anyone
who could read at all would thus be enabled to learn with-
out much effort everything he needed to know about the
Priory.
The nature of the tablets, on the other hand, is a more
difficult question. There is no indication in the two surviv-
ing inscriptions as to whether they were written on wood
or engraved on metal, nor yet how they were affixed to the
walls of the choir. Were they, moreover, in the choir it-
self or in the ambulatory outside? To resolve this prob-
lem, one needs to be better informed than anyone seems to
be at present with regard to the use of long inscriptions on
the walls of mediaeval buildings. Some years ago, Miss
Hammond drew attention to the question ^^ and illus-
trated some of its aspects by pointing out that at least four
of Lydgate's poems were designed for mural display. The
Life of St. George and the Falls of Seven Princes, which
she printed,^® were certainly used in this way, while the
Dance Macabre and Bycome and Chichevache ^^ were in-
" E. P. Hammond, " Two Tapestry Poems by Lydgate," Engl. Btud.,
xun, pp. 10-26.
**The 8t, George may also be read in H. N. MacGracken, The
Minor Poems of John Lydgate, 1911 (EETS. cvn), pp. 146-154.
'^The former inedited as yet, tbe latter accessible in J. 0. Halli-
well, Minor Poems of Lydgate, 1840 (Percy Soc. n), pp. 129-135.
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LEGEND OF BT. WULFHAD AND ST. BUFFIN 333
tended for a similar pul^ose. To this list should proba-
bly be added A Prayer to St, Thomas of Canterbury (first
edited by MacCracken),^^ which seems to have been meant
as a votive offering to the saint.
As Miss Hammond says :^^ " It is not uncommon, in
the representations of tapestry which remain to us, to see
the descriptive quatrain of the versifier woven by the hand
of the tapestrymaker into the margin of his work." All
of us have seen these explanatory embroiderings ;^* and
we are all familiar with similar descriptive indications in
old paintings. The use of inscriptions on wood and stone,
in every age and country, needs no illustration. The point
is, as Miss Hammond remarks, that " if we are to believe
some of the texts yet existing, a poem of considerable
length could be painted or stitched, stanza by stanza, along
with the scenes depicted by the artist ;" or, I should add,
could equally well be used in a window or on a tablet like
those at Stone Priory.
As a matter of fact, it seems to me that Miss Hammond
was mistaken in calling Lydgate's St. Oeorge a " tapestry
poem." It is designated in the mss. " pe devyse of a
steyned halle," " made with pe balades at pe request of
f>armorieres of Londoun ; " and it must thus have been in-
tended for painting rather than weaving. The same seems
to be true of Bycome and Chichevache, as Miss Hanamond
notes, where " portreyed " is the word constantly used to
indicate the figures that were to illustrate the text. It
seems to me improbable, moreover, that the Dance Mor
cabre was designed for tapestry. Its length, for one thing,
^Work cited, pp. 140-143.
"P. 10.
•*Mi88 Hammond's quotations (p. 21) from the lists of the tapes-
tries of Charles VI of France and of Henry V of England are inter-
esting and valuable.
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334 GOBDON HALL GBROULD
makes the supposition unlikely: the expense would have
been prohibitive. The Falls of Seven Princes, on the
other hand, might well have been intended to accompany
tapestry portraits of the ill-fated great men who were
briefly celebrated in it.
That poems of no inconsiderable length were actually
used in tapestry, as Miss Hammond says, there is no ques-
tion. To the evidence she has presented may be added
that of the series given in 1531 to the church of St Kemi
at Rheims, in which the life of St. Remigius is related in
one hundred and sixty-two verses. ^^ Such an elaborate
use of verse in tapestry must have been, however, com-
paratively rare, since the beautiful fabrics so intricately
woven were always costly: a luxury for the rich and the
powerful.
The same must be said of another use of verse in medise-
val buildings — in stained glass — in which poems of any
great length could not have beeen employed without add-
ing vastly to the expense of production. Two striking in-
stances of the custom of so using verse have, however, come
to my attention. One is from Peterborough. In the
Monasticon^^ are to be found eighty verses, in short
rhymed couplets, printed by Dugdale from ms. Cotton
Claudius A. V., which are superscribed : " Historia de
fundatione hujus coenobii, el^antissime in fenestris vi-
treatis, ex occidentali parte claustri ibidem depicta fuit,
cum Anglicanis hisce carminibus argumentum ejusdem
illustrantibus." This poem, a very crude production, re-
lates briefly the story of Wulfhad and Ruffin, and of the
foundation of Peterborough by their father Wulfhere in
expiation for their murder. The other illustration of the
" See M. Sartor, Lea Tapiaaeriea de Reims, 1912, pp. 137-158.
"I, p. 377.
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LEGEND OF ST. WULFHAD AND ST. BUFFIN 335
Tise of rather long poems in windows comes from St.
Albans, and likewise from the Monasticon,^'^ In the ac-
count of that great monastery, there are printed two sets
of Latin verses from ms. Laud 697, one of ninety-six lines
from the windows of the cloister and one of forty-eight
from the windows of the library. Both Peterborough and
St Albans were, of course, rich Benedictine houses that
could afford to furnish instruction expensively while they
patronized the arts. Only under such conditions would
narratives in glass have been possible.
Wealthy, too, no doubt, were the patrons — or custom-
ers— for whom Lydgate made his pictorial poems. The
length of at least three out of the five sets of verses ^® men-
tioned above would have made their inscription in any
medium a matter of considerable difficulty and expense.
Less extravagant than tapestry or stained glass, because
done in a medium easier to manipulate, would doubtless
have been mural paintings like those for the citizens of
London to whom Lydgate furnished Bycome and Chiche-
vache. Even more readily within the range of slender
purses, however, would have been mural inscriptions with
no pictorial illustration at all. Such, evidently, were the
"tables" at Stone Priory, which seems never to have
known great worldly prosperity in spite of its powerful
patrons.
To be sure, tablets might also be articles of great value
when gilded and enamelled. An inventory of the ob-
jects in St. George's Chapel, Windsor, made by one Walter
Almaly in 1384, illustrates this f act.^® Of one " tabula ''
»n, pp. 246-248.
" 8t, Charge has 246 lines. Dance Macabre 672, Byoome a/nd Chiche-
vache 133, A Prayer to 8t Thcmaa 120, and Falls of Seven Princes
49.
"Printed in the Monasiicon, vi, p. 1364, from an Ashmole ms.
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336 GOBDON HALL GSBOULD
there described more definite information would be very
much to our purpose. " Item una tabula lignea stans
super parvum altare in parte boreali, ex opposite summo
altari, cum platis et imaginibus cupreis deauratis, conti-
nens passionem S. Gleorgii." I take it, though I do not
feel certain of the fact, that this was a martyrdom in
words and not merely in pictured scenes. If so, it must
have been a luxurious example of something more crudely
accomplished at Stone.
More nearly resembling the tablets there, would have
been the one at Wirkesop Priory, Notts., if I am right in
believing that some verses preserved in the Monasiicon ^^
were actually set up as an inscription. They consist of
twenty-nine English stanzas in rhyme royal interspersed
with bits of Latin, and they were made not long after
1410, as is shown by one of the inserted Latin epitaphs.
They served as a guide to the tombs in the church, telling
where various benefactors were buried, precisely as did the
verses on the founders' tablet at Stone. The author, who
was by no means an accomplished poet, named himself in
stanza 28:
This processe one Pigote brevely thus saith.
If any can say more, it is corrigible;
To there better avise I me bequeath.
We cannot be sure that these verses were really inscribed
on a tablet ; but from their resemblance to those at Stone
we have good reason to suppose that they were. In any
case, they were quite clearly kept in the church for consul-
tation.
From the evidence that I have presented, which is
merely illustrative and by no means exhausts the possibili-
ties of investigation, it is evident that the use of rather
••vT, pp. 122-124: "Ex vet. pergam. MS. pcnfes .... Talbot de
Grafton, in Com. Wigom. arm. a. 1587."
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LEGEND OF ST. WULPHAD AND ST. BUFFIN 337
long poems for mural display was not at all uncommon
during the later Middle Ages. The founders' memorial
inscription at Stone with its one hundred and sixty-two
lines, and the legend of St. Wulfhad with its three hun-
dred and eighty-two, could have been put on tablets quite
as easily as some of the other poems we have noticed could
have been employed in mural decoration. It is not clear
to me whether the tablets at Stone were wooden, though I
incline to think so from the fact that the Priory was never
rich. In that case, the verses must have been painted on
a "background of another color — a comparatively simple
procedure. The necessary size of tablets so made has led
me to wonder whether they may not have been affixed in
the aisle outside the choir rather than in the choir itself;
but this is mere hypothesis. The important facts we
know : two sets of verses were inscribed in such a manner
that they could be read by everyone, and they were so
placed in public view in accordance with a well-marked
custom of the times.
In conclusion, I should like to add that it seems to me
not improbable that a good many late mediaeval poems,
legends and narratives of a moralizing tendency, were in-
tended for pictorial illustration on the walls of buildings.
More evidence with regard to the matter would be wel-
come, particTilarly as it might enable us to understand
certain qualities of handling that are not very clear at
present. Incidentally it is interesting to observe that
verse would not have been used in tapestry, in painting, or
in glass, nor would tablets have been set up for people to
read, until a knowledge of reading was fairly common.
Perhaps that is why most of the examples I have collected
come from the fifteenth century.
GoBDON Hall Gebotjld.
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THX
Modern Language Association of America
1917
Vol. XXXII, 3 New Series, Vol. XXV, 3
XIV.— THE DISCOURSES OF SIE JOSHUA
REYNOLDS
The Discourses of Sir Joshua Reynolds formulate a the-
ory of painting which elevates that art to a kinship with
the then more firmly established art of poetry. On the
ground that painting is no mere handicraft, the great pres-
ident of the Royal Acad^ny recommended to his pupils
" not the industry of the hands, but of the mind," and in-
sisted that a successful painter " stands in need of more
knowledge than is to be picked off his palette.'' ^ This
general assertion is then amplified, in one of the most sig-
nificant passages of the lectures. " Every man,*' Reynolds
continued, " whose business is description, ought to be tol-
erably conversant with the poets, . . . that he may imbibe
a poetical spirit, and enlarge his stock of ideas. He ought
not to be wholly unacquainted with that part of philoso-
phy which gives an insight into human nature. . . . He
ought to know something concerning the mind, as well as
a great deal concerning the body of man."
^ Ditcourses, vn, pp. 91-92.
839
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340 ELBEET N. S. THOMPSON
To attain this degree of general culture, the young artist
was warned not to sacrifice excellence in the technique of
his own particular art ; reading should be only " the fav-
ourite recreation of his leisure hours." But this actual
study could be supplemented, without sacrifice of time, by
"the conversation of learned and ingenious men." " There
are many such men in this age," Reynolds declared, who
" will be pleased with communicating their ideas to artists,
when they see them curious and docile, if they are treated
with that respect and deference which is so justly their
due." ^ Through such help the young student may indi-
rectly acquire the learning that he needs for the formation
of a " rational and systematic taste."
It is chiefly this suggestion of means that gives a touch
of personality to the painter's words. Reynolds's prede-
cessor, Jonathan Richardson, had mapped out an even
more formidable course of study for the young artist.
Reynolds, however, speaks from actual experience. Is not
this suggestion virtually an admission of what he himself,
with his meagre schooling, had learned through converse
with friends in the London clubs? At the Turk's Head
Tavern on Fleet Street he often saw one such man of let-
ters claim respect and deference as his due. It may be
that Reynolds in these words slyly alluded to the dictator-
ial ways of his friend, Johnson, which are so wittily
travestied in one of the painter's Dialogvss. But in all
seriousness Reynolds acknowledged his friend's aid.
" Whatever merit they may have," he once remarked of
his lectures, " must be imputed, in a great measure, to the
education which I may be said to have had under Dr.
Johnson. I do not mean to say, though it certainly would
be to the credit of these Discourses if I could say it with
•/Wd., p. 92.
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DISCOUBSES OF SIB JOSHUA BEYNOLDS 341
truth, that he contributed even a single sentiment to them;
but he qualified my mind to think justly." ^ This admis-
sion is virtually confirmed by Burke, who wrote to Malone :
" You state very properly how much Keynolds owed to the
writings and conversation of Johnson ; and nothing shows
more the greatness of Sir Joshua's parts than his taking
advantage of both, and making some application of them to
his profession." *
Neither Burke, then, nor any other member of the liter-
ary club would have been surprised to hear Johnson ex-
claim, as he once did, " I think I might as well have said
this myself." ^ In fact, the voice of Johnson is often audi-
ble in the Discourses. Reynolds, for example, has no pa-
tience with artists who attend " to times and seasons when
the imagination shoots with the greatest vigour, whether at
the summer solstice or the vernal equinox." ® A reader
of Johnson remembers that Milton's " vein never happily
flowed but from the Autumnal Equinox to the Vernal,"
and that " a man may write at any time, if he will set
himself doggedly to it." ® Similarly, the positive dicta in
Rdsselas on the choice of life are mildly reflected in Rey-
nolds's words, ^' they proceed upon a false supposition of
life ; as if we possessed not only a power over events and
circimistances, but had a greater power over ourselves
than I believe any of us will be found to possess." '' Or,
again, after reading Johnson's harsh judgment of Lycidas
for its pastoral fiction, one will find an especial interest
in Reynolds's opinion: " It appears to me, that such con-
duct is no less absurd, than if a plain man, giving a rela-
* Boswell's Life, ed. O. B. Hill, m, p. 420.
*rbid., I, p. 2S4, n.
*Ihid., IV, p. 370.
^Discouraes, vn, p. 93. Boswell, i, p. 236.
' Diaoovraea, xn, p. 176. Baaaelaa, chaps, xvi, zx.
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342 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSON
tion of real distress occasioned by an inundation accom-
panied with thunder and lightning, should, instead of
simply relating the event, take it into his head, in order
to give a grace to his narration, to talk of Jupiter Plu-
vius, or Jupiter and his thunder bolts, or any other figura-
tive idea." ® So the firmer thread of Johnson's thought
is woven with Eeynolds's own opinions. Consequently, the
statement is often made that the great dictator aided the
painter very materially in the composition of the Dis-
courses.
This view has usually been accepted without challenge
by all who remember Reynolds's inadequate literary train-
ing and his greater deftness with the brush than with the
pen. The painter, however, expressly declared that he re-
ceived no such assistance. Johnson may have composed
the dedication to the king for the edition of 1778, but be-
yond that he could hardly go. He knew so little of the
theory of painting that he wondered at its affording ma-
terial for a treatise so large as Richardson's, and, if stories
by Hawkins and Mrs. Piozzi are to be trusted, he felt no
aesthetic pleasure in the art.® His serious judgment, one
fancies, was expressed in the single statement, " painting.
Sir, can illustrate, but cannot inform." In this terse
declaration is embraced all that critics like Lord Shaftes-
bury, du Bos, and James Harris had written on the limita-
tion of painting to a single moment of time and a well-
known subject.*® But a trained artist like Reynolds could
go on to demonstrate how painting, even under this limi-
tation, can graphically portray what poetry elaborates. So
'Diaoouraet, ziv, p. 221.
•Boswell, I, pp. 149, n., 421, n., iv, p. 370.
"Shaftesbury, A Notion of the HUtoriodl Dromght or Tablature
of the Judgment of Hercules, ed. 1714, pp. 6-13; da Bos, R^fleanons
Critiques sur la Poiaie et aur la Peinture, chap, xm; Harris, A
Discourse on Music, Painting, and Poetry, chaps, n, iv, v.
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DISCOUBSES OF SIB JOSHXTA BETNOLBS 848
in general painting was willing to take over from the more
solidly grounded art much of its fundamental theory.
Nevertheless, the particular application of that theory to
painting was work of which the unappreciative literary
men were incapable. Keynolds alone could have elab-
orated the Discourses.
There were many men in England and France then
busy with the problems that Reynolds discussed. The
" art of painting " during the sixteenth century in Italy,
and later in France and England, had been systematized
and codified almost as frequently and extensively as the
" art of poetry.'' There were the painters themselves, like
Leonardo da Vinci, interested mainly in technique, yet
not unmindful of deeper, aesthetic problems; there were
the speculative philosophers, who laid down precise rules
for others to follow ; and, in Scotland, a group of philoso-
phers, partly under French influence, was working on the
problem of the beautiful in its relations to art and life.
Eeynolds belonged to no one party. In habits of thought
he was too philosophical to be merely a technician; yet
his relation to painting was too actual to leave him merely
a theorist. Breadth of view and soundness of judgment
are happily combined in the Discourses.
Without his bent for abstract speculation, Reynolds
might have fixed the attention of the Academicians on
principles of technique, for he was familiar with the most
important treatises on the art. He supplied critical notes
for Mason's translation of du Fresnoy's De Arte Graph
ica; he quoted from de Piles, who translated and aug-
mented the poem of du Fresnoy, as well as from Leonardo.
Dryden's interesting Parallel of Poetry and Painting,
***Lrf. was known to Eeynolds. Still more influential
was Richc^^^,g ^^^y ^ ^J^^ Theory of Painting; for
the author was^n^^tt^e^.i^-law of Reynolds's first teacher,
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344 ELBEBT K. S. THOMPSON
and his book roused in the young painter his first devo-
tion to the art. Finally, Reynolds had his own experi-
ence and his own note books to draw from, had he wished
to discuss pedantically the theory of painting.
Reynolds, however, was distrustful of such mechanical
rules. Regarding art not as a mere handicraft, but as the
expression of the mind addressed to the mind, he probed
deeper than other painters had done. The eighth Dis-
course, in fact, apparently bids defiance to some well es-
tablished rules. Actually, the lecturer did not wish to
create in his pupils a disrespect for authority ; his aim was
to show how, over and above rule, there is a fixed reason
for all sound theory, and how a student who possesses " an
intimate acquaintance with the passions and affections of
the mind, from which all rules arise," can safely disr^ard
at times the letter of the law. So his chief concern was
to establish a broad theory of the nature and object of his
art. ' ■'!
Although Reynolds faced his problem in this spirit, he
was not lured into the fruitless speculations of many
philosophers who lacked his long and rigorous training.
He could recognize the close alliance of the arts, without
cursorily relegating painting, as Batteux had done, to a
complete dependence on poetry.^^ Horace's phrase, "ut
pictura poesis," had been often misinterpreted, to the ut-
ter confounding of the arts ; but Reynolds never lost sight
of the distinctive elements of painting, even in these lec-
tures that aim to establish a common ground for the two
arts.^^ These distinctions were not first drawn by him.
Lord Shaftesbury had explained how a painter is re-
stricted to a single moment in a continuous action, and
" Lea Beauw Arts RSduits d un iw6me Principe, Pari» * * \iat'
''Haa W g, TTnwara P.ihli^niinnjt Modem l^«f " , q^.!. ^^ *^'
vols, xxn, XXIV, and edition of Laokoon, N*^ J-ork, 1910.
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DISCOUSSES OF SIB JOSHUA BETNOLDS 345
Abb6 du Bos and James Harris had shown that a painter
should confine himself to subjects marked chiefly by fig-
ure and color, to actions that can be well depicted in a
single moment, to emotions not too subtle, and to subjects
fairly well known. Eeynolds barely alludes to such dis-
tinctions ; for they impressed him as too obvious to merit
much discussion. Still, he never surrendered the individ-
ual rights of painting. " No art/' he declared, " can be
grafted with success on another art," and a painter, he in-
sisted, must acquire independently his own "genius of
execution.'^ In other words, painting has its own distinc-
tive mode of appeal, its own metier.*' So he held aloof
from the subtle refinements of the philosophers, as he
avoided also the mechanical analysis of the painters, in
the belief that, where speculation goes on unchecked, art
must remain at a standstill
One finds, therefore, in the Discourses, both a recogni-
tion of the fundamentd principles common to the arts
and a confident insistence on the autonomy of painting.
In the higher social life of London Keynolds moved, a
self-made man, among aristocrats and noblemen, with no
trace of cringing. The same sincere modesty and inde-
pendence mark his criticism. He approached his subject
with some diffidence. A painter, whose main occupation
has been " the use of the pencil and the palette,'' experi-
ences, he felt, some difficulty in expounding " the interior
principles " of the art. Poets, on the contrary, " are nat-
urally writers of prose," and " may be said to be practis-
ing only an inferior department of their own art, when
they are explaining and expatiating upon its most refined
principles." ** Hence he stood ready to learn from
Joni*^^ Burke, Beattie, or any critic who had vital
■ DisooureeM,
Xm, p. Q06.
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346 ELBEBT N. 8. THOMPSON
ideas. But he still valued what they lacked — the power
of execution ; " one short essay written by a painter will
contribute more to advance the theory of our art, than a
thousand volumes such as we sometimes see." ** So he
avoided the pitfalls of useless speculation^ as he avoided
subservience to rule. Instead of the latter, he trusted to
his own skill and experience ; instead of the former, he ac-
cepted the theories that his own reason and the judgment
of his literary friends sustained. With such ample sup-
port he could modestly boast : " We shall have nothing to
unlearn. ... As far as they [the painters] have yet pro-
ceeded they are right. With us the exertions of genius will
henceforward be directed to their proper objects." ^^
Beynolds's fundamental position regarding painting is
well expressed in the words: " All arts having the same
general end, which is to please, and addressing themselves
to the same faculties through the medium of the senses;
it follows that their rules and principles must have as
great affinity as the different materials and the different
organs or vehicles by which they pass to the mind will
permit them to retain."^* Many others, on the authority
of Horace's " ut pictura poesis," had held the same view.
Dryden, for example, had quoted from Philostratus the
words, " the art of painting has a wonderful affinity with
that of poetry." Lord Shaftesbury, too, had affirmed that
" in a real history-painter, the same knowledge, the same
study, and views are required, as in a real poet," and that
for success the painter must " apply himself to the study
of moral and poetic truth."^^ Eeynolds sensibly modifies
this opinion by the saving qualification at the close, in
^Di800ur»€8, XV, pp. 229-230.
»/Wd., I, p. 4. -/Wd., vn, p. i^
"nrv^on Pq^77gi_o^ KcF, ^ 124. fihaf*****'^' Judgmmt of
Hercules, p. 43.
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DISCOUBSBS OF SIB JOSHUA EEYNOLDS 347
whicli one sees again his talent with the brush checking a
natural taste for generalization. But the painter could not
lose sight of the likeness of the arts. In a later lecture he
asserted : " The great end of all those arts is to make an
impression on the imagination and the feeling." Or, in
other words, " art aims to produce a pleasing effect on the
mind."^® Hence poets and painters alike are advised to
study " the history of the mind " thoroughly, in order to
comprehend the scope and mission of their art. To a con-
sideration of these general principles, on which all the
arts rest, the Discourses are mainly devoted.
The first established principle of eighteenth-century
literary criticism that Eeynolds applied to painting is,
> study the masters of old. Pope had compressed the pre-
cept in a few terse couplets:
Tou, then, whose judgment the right course would steer,
Elnow well each ancient's proper character; ....
Be Homer's works your study and delight,
Read them by day, and meditate by night;
Thence form your judgment, thence your maxims bring.
And trace the Muses upward to their spring.
Eeynolds preached often on the same text.^® " Those
great masters who have travelled the same road with suc-
c«3S,'^ he declared, " are the most likely to conduct others."
For, as he understood it, "in the studj^ol^wr art, as in
the study of all arts^jQUu^^^-^ig^The result of our own
observation^-^^^^'^^'^'^^^^®^^ and that not a little,
jx — tjirect of the example of those who have studied the
same nature before us." So Reynolds insisted on imita-
tion for beginners, and even recommended the same course
to advanced students, in the belief that out of imitation
grow variety, originality of invention, and even genius.
^Discownea, xm, p. 206; vn, p. 108.
^EsBoy on Oriticiam, 11. 118-127. Diaoouraea, ii, p. 14; xiv, p.
211; VI, p. 72.
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348 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSON
Eeynolds, however, Kved in an age whose classicism
had outgrown its nonage. During the first years of the
Eenaissance, scholars were passionately engrossed in
claiming their new inheritance. Then, after the period
of acquisition had passed, followed a generation that
blindly observed the rules derived from the classics.
Finally, in the time of Boileau, these rules were found
to be valid only as they comport with the higher law of
universal reason, and critics shook off the old, slavish de-
pendence on rule to follow reason as their surest guide.
Poussin rendered the same service to painters. This saner
acceptance of tradition is the message of the Discourses.
Reynolds admitted that youth may " be too much led away
by great names," and " too much subdued by overbearing
authority." He realized, also, that ceaseless copying for
the painter is " a delusive kind of industry," which can
lead no farther for him, than ceaseless translation for the
dramatist, toward a " suflScient knowledge of the appear-
ances of nature, the operations of the passions, and the in-
cidents of life." Nevertheless, he believed the well-advised
study of the masters to be ever necessary. " The mind is
but a barren soil ; a soil which is soon exhausted, and will
produce no crop, or only one, unless it be continuously
fertilized and enriched with foreign matter." ^^
In short, Ke^noldc'q attitude toward rule resembles close-
ly that of the sounder critics. Tto he^nner should yield
" implicit obedience to the Rules of Art, as w^.^i^-gjig^ jjy
the practice of the great masters." Later, these rules muj
be dispensed with, or at times even violated, by artists
who have become masters themselves. As warrant for
this concession, Reynolds quoted from Pope the phrase,
" To snatch a grace beyond the reach of art." But, even
*• Diaoouraes, xiv, p. 211; n, p. 14; vi, p. 76.
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DISCOUESBS OF SIB JOSHUA BBYNOLDS 849
in this freer creation, the painter is never to forget the
necessity for painful exactness. Such discipline would
reduce the mediocre artist to mere imitation. That, how-
ever, need not be the result; for " the daily food and nour-
ishment of the mind of an artist is found in the great
works of his predecessors." Or, as Eeynolds again ex-
pressed the thought, "the habit of contemplating and
brooding over the ideas of great geniuses, till you find
yourself warmed by the contact, is the true method of
forming an artist-like mind." Here is play for genius.^^
In the literary criticism of the eighteenth century this
fundamental rule, copy the ancients, was supplemented by
another, follow nature. They seem at first incompatible.
But the Georgian critics used the word " nature " as a
synonym of truth and reason, and their second precept
meant that the poet must read, beneath the accidental de-
tails belonging to a subject, the fundamental truths that
bring out its relationship to unchanging human laws.
Good workmanship and sanity were the lessons they
stressed. But these qualities were found by them chiefly,
if not exclusively, in the classics. So the two principles
merged, and Pope could frame, as variants of the same
idea, the two injunctions : ^^
Be Homer's works your study and delight,
and
First foUoj^ii-^-*^^''^*^ y®^ judgment frame
standard, which is still the same.
the harmony of the two principles the succeeding
couplets insist:
But when t' examine ev'ry part he came.
Nature and Homer were, he found, the same.
*^ DUcourBes, i, p. 4; xn, pp. 186-187.
"^««ay on Criticism, 11. 68-73, 130-136. Cf. Discouraet, m, p. 28;
VI, p. 78; ni, pp. 22, 23, 27; xm, pp. 197, 200.
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350 ELBEBT N. 8. THOMPSON
Eeynolds simply repeated the doctrine. On one occa-
sion he said : " I know but of one method of shortening
the road; this is, by a careful study of the works of the
ancient sculptors." In a later discourse he again de-
clared : " The great use of studying our predecessors is,
to open the mind, to shorten our labour, and to give us the
result of the selection made by those great minds of what
is grand or beautiful in nature. . . . The highest beauty
of form must be taken from nature; but it is an art of
long deduction and great experience to know how to
find it."
A gifted painter like Eeynolds would experience some
difficulty in maintaining harmony between the two prin-
ciples. Where he made his greatest successes he seems to
have forgotten the guidance of the ancients, to have fol-
lowed nature in the modem sense, using the accidental de-
tail, not the universal form. Several times he employed
the word "nature" in this sense. But theoretically he
turned in the other direction. He constantly reminded
his listeners that they must overlook the accidental feat-
ures of their subjects. " Nature herself is not to be too
cloaely copied;" particular truths must yield to general
truths ; ^ i«aitation is the means and not the end of art"
Eeynolds believed that even poetry deviates from nature,
since the diction, xl^ytHm, and even the sentiments of
poetry are not found in real hit?, ti^ q still greater degree
the graphic arts neglect the minor truths ox x^.^. ,-^ ^^^^^
to stress the grand ideas that their subjects represent; Wx,
painter's main concern is not literal truth, but ideal
beauty. So to seize the essential, the enduring, is to follow
nature.
The painter, therefore, must learn to transcend the
actual, material world and realize the ideal forms that
critics then accepted as " the source, and end, and test of
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DIBCOTJBSBS OF SIB JOSHUA BBYNOLDS 351
art" For all natural objects, Keynolds argued, are
marred by blemishes. It rests witb the artist, then, to cor-
rect nature, or, instead of copying exactly any object as
it is, to create an ideal form that is free from the defects
of actuality. Reynolds insisted that there is such an arch
type for objects of every class, and that the artist can sense
it by resort to the creative imagination. This ideal beauty
never loses its appeal, and it alone can bestow on art a
permanent value. Hence the painter, he urged, "must
divest himself of all prejudices in favour of his age or coun-
try; he must disr^ard all local or temporal ornaments,
and look only on those general habits which are every-
where and always the same ; he addresses his works to the
people of every country and every age, he calls upon pos-
terity to be his spectators.'' ^*
The doctrines of the ideal form and universal truth
are as old as Plato and Aristotle. From his early teacher,
Zachariah Mudge, " the wisest man '' he ever knew, Rey-
nolds had imbibed Plato's teaching, and the theory of the
ideal had become an artist's commonplace through the
teaching of du Fresnoy, Dry den, Bellori, and other critics.
Richardson, for example, believed that actual nature was
no more fit in a picture than plain narrative in a poem.
" Nature," he asserted, " must be the Foundation, That
must be seen at the Bottom ; But Nature must be Rais'd ;
and Improv'd, not only from what is Commonly seen, to
what is but Rarely, but even yet higher, from a Judi-
cious, and Beautiful Idea in the Painter's Mind." ^* To
this teaching the early writers on aesthetics gave their
approval. Charles Batteux insisted that the artist, instead
" DUcowrsea, m, p. 31. Compare this passage with the paragraph
from Rasselaa quoted below, and note the verbal similarities.
** Eaaay on PcMiting, ed. 1715, p. 162. Essay on the Art of Oriti-
oiam, ed. 1710, p. 30.
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352 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSON
of copying nature, must create, from all that he has seen,
an ideal form transcending nature.^*^ In England Alex-
ander Gerard had taught the same in his Essay on Taste*^^
And, finally, Buffier believed that every species has "a
fixed or determinate form, towards which all nature
tends," but which no object in nature ever equals in beauty
or perfection,^
Keynolds was acquainted with Plato's work, with Rich-
ardson's treatise, and almost certainly with Buffier's and
Harris's. It is significant, then, that he falls back for au-
thority upon one of his literary friends. The passage just
quoted from the third Discourse bears a striking verbal
resemblance to the following words from Rasselas: " The
province of poetry is to describe nature and passions,
which are always the same," and the " business of the poet
is to examine, not the individual, but the spebies; to re-
mark general properties and large appearances. He does
not number the streaks of the tulip, or describe the dif-
ferent shades in the verdure of the forest ; he is to exhibit
in his portraits of nature such prominent and striking
features, as recall the original to every mind, and must
neglect the minute discriminations." So also in his treat-
ment of man, the poet " must divest himself of the preju-
dices of his age and country ; he must consider right and
wrong in their abstracted and invariable state; he must
disregard present laws and opinions, and rise to general
and transcendental truths, which will always be the
same." ^® Reynolds takes these words of the philosopher,
Imlac, as virtually the text of the third lecture. And at
the close of the fourth, the same thought is repeated:
* Le$ BeoAUo Arts, p. 27.
»• Ed. 1759, pp. 63, 143.
" TraAH dee PremUrea Y&nUSf i, chap, xin; n, f liap. xiv
^R€M8ela8f chap. x. See above, p. 351.
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DISCOUBSES OF SIB JOSHUA REYNOLDS 353
" The works, whether of poets, painters, moralists, or his-
torians, which are built upon general nature, live forever ;
while those which depend for their existence upon par-
ticular customs and habits, a partial view of nature, or the
fluctuations of fashion, can only be coeval with that which
first raised them from obscurity."
For the attainment of such universal truth the eigh-
teenth century could prescribe only rigid exclusion of un-
essentials, careful selection of salient details, and compact
organization. Poems were then written to expound some
central thought Because the Traveller is built around a
plain and sound philosophic truth, Johnson preferred it
to the Deserted Village^ with its greater charm of detail.
And he himself preached in the Vanity of Human Wishes
on the same text that he later used for Rasselas. He val-
ued the same sort of unity in painting. In BoswelFs pres-
ence Barry once was praised because his canvases were
designed " to illustrate one great maxim of moral truth,
viz., that the obtaining of happiness depends upon culti-
vating the human faculties." ^® To this type of painting
Lord Shaftesbury had given the name tablature — "a
single piece, comprehended in one view, and formed ac-
cording to one single intelligence, meaning, or design." ^^
HjB recommended sucb concentration especially for his-
torical painting, in which " the unity of design must with
more particular exactness be preserved, according to the
just rules of poetic art." Thus artists, poets, and philoso-
phers were in substantial agreement that only by such
unifying processes can art express and interpret the eter-
nal aspects of life.
In exactly the same spirit, Eeynolds insisted on sim-
••BoBweU, IV, p. 269, n.
^Judgment of Hercules, ed. 1714, p. 4.
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354 ELBBBT N. 8. THOMPSON
plification and generalization.*^ " The smblime," he de-
clared, "impresses the mind at once with one great idea ;
it is a single blow ;'' for in matters of taste " many little
things will not make a great one." The painter succeeds
according to " the grandeur of his ideas." He must there-
fore " overlook the accidental discriminations of nature,"
in order to " exhibit distinctly, and with precision, the
general forms of things." Using almost the words of John-
son quoted above, he concluded : " He will permit the
lower painter, like the florist or collector of shells, to ex-
hibit the minute discriminations, which distinguish one
object of the same species from another ; while he, like the
philosopher, will consider nature in the abstract, and rep-
resent in every one of his figures the character of its spe-
cies."
Beynolds, carrying this opinion still further, believed
that such centralization is more necessary for the painter
than for the poet. The painter " has but one sentence to
utter, but one moment to exhibit." *^ He must therefore
select that moment which expresses most forcefully the
leading truth he sees. To depict David biting his lip as
he hurls the stone from the sling, or Alexander as a man
of mean stature, is for graphic art sheer falsification. The
poet may offset such accidental or disparaging details with
others more impressive; but the painter can depend on a
single impression only, and must be therefore "well
studied in the analysis of those circumstances which con-
stitute dignity of appearance in real life." Thus the ordi-
nary painter works under severe limitations. But the
genius, who sees how " a greater quantity of truth may be
said to be contained and expressed in a few lines or
'^ Diacourseg, iv, p. 46; m, pp. 24, 35, 33.
'^ Dieoouraet, iv, p. 40.
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DISCOUBSEB OF SIB JOSHUA EEYNOLDS 355
touches, than in the most laborious finishing of the parts/'
rises above all restrictions to the comprehension of ulti-
mate truth.^*
Painting, consequently, like poetry, is the product of
the mind, and great painting, of the whole mind, active in
interpretation and expression. Indeed, Keynolds asserted
that the value of any work of art can be measured either
by the mental labor exacted of the creator, or by the men-
tal pleasure experienced by the observer. Hence it is im-
possible in the pursuit of art to neglect the study of the
mind ; for to " those precepts in the mind, those opera-
tions of intellectual nature . . . everything that aspires
to please must be proportioned and accommodated." •*
Such an assertion seems at variance with the prevalent
idea that art is created by genius and appreciated by taste,
and that both operate with " entire exemption from the
restraints of rules," imcontrolled by " reason, precept, or
experience." *' From this view Eeynolds dissented. Like
Gerard and Blair, he distinguished genius from taste only
in that it has " added to it a habit or power of execution."
And although genius is commonly supposed to work in-
tuitively, and although tastes, according to the old prov-
erb, " are not to be disputed," Eteynolds denied that they
are so the victims of caprice. He defined genius as " the
comprehension of a whole," or the " taking of general
ideas only," and taste as " that act of mind by which we
like or dislike, whatever be the subject." Addison had
designated taste ^^ that faculty of the soul, which discerns
the beauties of an author with pleasure, and the imperfec-
tions with dislike." •• Eeid, following this suggestion,
spoke of " that power of the mind by which we are capa-
" Ihid., XI, p. 171. ••/WA, vni, p. 120. »/Wd., vn, p. 95.
" Ibid^ XI, p. 160. Speoiator Papen, no. 409.
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356 ELBEBT N. 8. THOMFSOIT
ble of discerning and relishing the beauties of nature, and
whatever is excellent in the fine arts." ^'^ Reynolds's
fundamental idea, then, was strictly in accord with cur-
rent aesthetics — taste is a power of the mind and not the
free play of whim.
Thus Reynolds led up to his doctrine that painting is
an art whose " foundations are laid in solid science."
Taste is simply a mental appreciation of truth in the rep-
resentation of life. Where art deals with concrete, visible
objects, the truth or falsity of that representation is ab-
solutely demonstrable; a geometrical proof could not be
more certain. But even where art seeks to represent
ideas, of which no such plain demonstration can be ex-
pected, there is still a certain degree of fixity of opinion.*®
If the opinions represented are not fantastical, if they
have gained a wide and lasting acceptance, taste on these
matters, too, can be called stable or determined. Even on
purely imaginative work opinions of men concur. For
after all, " invention, strictly speaking, is little more than
a new combination of those images which have been pre-
viously gathered and deposited in the memory." The
same idea is expressed again in a later lecture. " As the
imagination is incapable of producing anything originally
of itself, and can only vary and combine those ideas with
which it is furnished by means of the senses, there will be
necessarily an agreement in the imaginations, as in the
senses of men."'® Hence Reynolds concluded " that the
real substance ... of what goes under the name of taste,
is fixed and established in the nature of things; that there
are certain and regular causes by which the imagination
^EBBays on the Intellectual Powers of Man, "Of l^te," 1786.
Akenside took the same view in PleoBureB of Imagination, 1744.
•• DiBcourseB, vn, p. 91.
•fWd., n, p. 13; vn, pp. 107-109.
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DISCOURSES OF SIB JOSHUA BEYNOLDS 357
and passions of men are affected, and that the knowledge
of these causes is acquired by a laborious and diligent in-
vestigation of nature, and by the same slow progress as
wisdom or knowledge of every kind."
Modem philosophers had already turned their attention
to the questions here broached by Reynolds, and in the cur-
rent treatises on sesthetics the essential points of his argu-
ment are found. In 1757, for example, Hume published
Of the Standard of Taste, in which he tried to show that
the principles of taste are universal and nearly, if not en-
tirely, the same in all men. The general rules of art, he
argued, are founded on experience and the observation of
the common sentiments of human nature; even the imag-
ination can handle only those ideas that are furnished by
the senses. This was the accepted teaching of British em-
piricism. Similarly, Gerard believed that the judgment,
as well as the senses, is a determining factor in taste ; good
sense, he asserted, is essential for good taste.*^ This opin-
ion was accepted by Thomas Reid, who explained how our
judgments on the beauty of objects are partly instinctive
and partly rational, and how the rational element can be
specified and accounted for.*^ Of these discourses on
taste, apparently, there was at the time no end. The
author of a paper in the Connoisseur sarcastically remark-
ed that " taste is at present the darling idol of the polite
world, and the world of letters " ; but he, too, accepted the
prevailing idea that " taste consists in a nice harmony be-
tween the fancy and the judgment." *^
Of all the essays on taste, however, that of Edmund
Burke, prefixed in 1757 to the Philosophical Inquiry into
the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beaviiful, in-
^EBsay <m Taste, p. 105.
^Essays on the Intellectual Powers, "Of Taste," 1786.
•No. 120, 1766.
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358 BLBBBT N. 8. THOMPSON
fluenced Reynolds most directly. Reynolds defined taste
as " that act of the mind by which we like or dislike, what-
ever be the subject." Burke applied the term to " that fac-
ulty or those faculties of the mind, which are affected
with, or which form a judgment of, the works of imagina-
tion and the elegant arts." On this basis Reynolds argued
that taste is subject to reason and judgment, and is no var-
iable and uncertain quality. " Our art," he insisted, " like
all the arts which address the imagination, is applied to a
somewhat lower faculty of the mind, which approaches
nearer to sensuality : but through sense and fancy it must
make its way to reason ; for such is the progress of thought,
that we perceive by sense, we combine by fancy, and dis-
tinguish by reason." *• Burke had already argued that
man knows external objects only through the senses, the
imagination, and the judgment, and that through all these
media uniform ideas are derived. The senses, first of all,
must convey very similar impressions to all normal men.
The same is true of the imagination, whidi " is incapable
of producing anything absolutely new," but which " can
only vary the disposition of those ideas which it has re-
ceived from the senses." Consequently, he argued, " there
must be just as close agreement in the imaginations as in
the senses of men." Equally uniform is the judgment,
which deals with the manners, characters, actions, and de-
signs of men. If there be any certainty in morality and
the science of life, there must also be uniformity here. So
Burke and Reynolds are in perfect agreement that taste
is not a distinct faculty, but is dependent largely on reason
and judgment
This short essay on taste, more directly than the Inquiry,
determined Reynolds's thought. Certain ideas from the
^ DttootirsM, iz^ p. 144.
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BISOOUBSBS OF SIB JOSHUA BEYNOLDS 869
latter work are recognized in the Discourses'^^ Reynolds,
like Burke, grants that the poet may express his meaning
" with a certain degree of obscurity," and calls attention to
the same sublime traits in Milton's picture of Eve that
Burke had noted in the portrait of Satan. Furthermore,
Burke might have dictated the words, " I fear we have but
very scanty means of exciting those powers over the imag-
ination whidi are so very considerable and refined a part
of poetry." On other matters Reynolds's opinions do not
coincide with those of the Inquiry. Burke does not regard
poetry as a strictly imitative art ; for " words have no sort
of resemblance to the ideas for which they stand." Rey-
nolds, on the contrary, ranks them both among the imita-
tive arts. Nor would Reynolds confine painting to the
lower sphere of the beautiful, and deny it a place with
poetry in the realm of the sublime. He is also more chary
than Burke in recognizing novelty as a legitimate source
of beauty. In general, then, Reynolds seems to have gath-
ered from Burke's sesthetics only a few general thoughts,
which he could have acquired in conversation with his
friends, and not the grasp of the philosophy as a whole.
After all, he was chiefly a busy artist, believing that, " if
we were obliged to enter into a theoretical deliberation on
every occasion, before we act, life would be at a stand, and
art would be impracticable." ^'^
It is impossible to tell how intimately Reynolds knew
these philosophical works. In the eighth Discourse he
remarked that " a complete essay or inquiry into the con-
nection between the rules of art, and the external and
immutable dispositions of our passions, would be going at
*• Ibid., vn, p. 93 ; vm, p. 139. Inquiry, n, sects. 3-6. See also W. G.
Howard, Burke tMiong the Forerunners of Leasing, PuhlicaiionSf
Modem Language Aaaooiaiion, xxn, pp. 608-632.
^Diacouraea, xm, p. 196.
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360 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSO]!^
once to the foundation of criticism." When this lecture
was printed, the author apologized in a footnote for for-
getting at the time the " admirable treatise " of his friend
Burke. Hence one might infer that he had studied it but
casually, if at all, and that he was stiU less familiar with
the work of du Bos, Glerard, Buffier, Lord Shaftesbury,
and others. No one, of course, would question Keynolds's
statement that he had given careful attention to " the
opinions of others " in the preparation of the addresses.^®
But this view of taste, and the relation between the arts,
and the basis of all arts, were possibly among the lessons
chiefly learned in conversation with the willing and help-
ful friends he gratefully mentioned. His interest in these
problems of aesthetics, and his knowledge of them, were
mainly owing to Burke, Johnson, Beattie, and others in his
circle of intimate acquaintance.
The direct influence of Johnson and Burke has been
fully shown. From one friend Reynolds borrowed even
the phrasing of some of his most essential thought ; from
the other he derived ideas on taste and beauty. Johnson's
influence was more immediate, if Northcote's testimony is
to be credited. After giving proof of Reynolds's author-
ship of the lectures, he tells of having seen the painter's
manuscripts bearing corrections and suggestions in John-
son's handwriting. This would account for some of the
verbal correspondences noted above. Burke's influence
was less direct. Like Johnson, he had helped to " brush
the cobwebs " from Reynolds's mind ; but, although he fur-
nished stimulant, he never, according to Northcote, lent a
helping hand in the actual composition. Other influences
came from sources more remote. Chief among them were
the Reflexions Critiques of the Abbe du Bos, and the
^/M(f., XV, p. 230.
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BISCOUBSBS OF SIB JOSHUA REYNOLDS .361
Traits des Premieres VerUes of Claude BuflSer. Du Boa's
work was quoted by Akenside in the first edition of Pleas-^
ures of Imagination in 1744, and was translated into Eng-
lish in 1780; but before that its most original teachings
were borrowed by Keid, Beattie, and Akenside. Thus the
attention of Reynolds would be drawn to du Bos and Buf-
fier ; but from both he derived only the larger thought that
he could have learned orally from his friends.
In one of the three papers contributed in 1759 to the
Idler, Reynolds expounded his theory of beauty. " Every
species of the animal as well as the vegetable creation may
be said to have a fixed or determinate form, towards which
^N'ature is continually inclining." In this norm resides
the beautiful. Buffier^s idea is the same.*^ Reynolds
then continued: " So it wiU be found that perfect beauty
is oftener produced by Nature than deformity; I do not
mean than deformity in general, but than any one kind of
deformity." This theory, with the illustration of the
human face accompanying it, comes from the apparent
paradox of Buffier : " Beaute me semble done consister en
ce qui est au meme temps de plus commun et de plus rare,
dans les choses de memo espece." So beauty consists in
the avoidance of the accidental, and the reproduction of the
" invariable general form which Nature most frequently
' produces, and always seems to intend in her productions."
This conception of beauty depends directly on Buffier's
belief in a " sens commun," which was his chief contribu-
tion to philosophical speculation. Common sense, as he
conceived it, is " that disposition or quality which nature
has placed in all men, or in the majority of men, to enal)le
them, when they have arrived at the age and use of reason,
to form a common and uniform judgment with respect
* IdleVf no. 82 ; Traii4 dea PremUres VMUa, chap. xm.
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362 SLBSBT N. 8. THOMPSON
to objects different from tlie internal sentiment of their
own perception, which judgment is not the consequence
of any anterior principle." *® From this sense men learn
that there are other beings in" the world, that there is some-
thing not arbitrary called truth, and that what is gener-
ally believed by men of all ages is true. Although the fac-
ulty is not possessed in equal degree by all men, neverthe-
less the great first truths, of which a taste for art is one,
are apprehended by all normal men.
BuflBer's assumption of a " sens commun " was adopted
by Reid, Beattie, Hugh Blair, and other Scotch philoso-
phers. Even before Buffier the idea had been suggested.
In the seventeenth century Lord Herbert of Oherbury
, developed the doctrine almost as fully as Buffier.*® Addi-
son declared that painting, poetry, and oratory should de-
rive their laws from the " general sense and taste of man-
kind, and not from the principles of those arts them-
selves." ^^ Possibly Addison, like Daniel Webb some years
later, had in mind the words of Cicero, " All men, by a
kind of tacit feeling, without art or science, distinguish, in
both cases, what is right from what is wrong." '^^ Cicero
thought it remarkable that the judgment of individuals
on works of art should vary so little. So again Reynolds
was simply voicing a common sentiment when he said:
" The principles of these are as invariable as the former,
and are to be known and reasoned upon in the same man-
ner, by an appeal to common sense deciding upon the
common feelings of mankind." ^^
*■ Ihid,f chap. V.
*De Veritaie, ed. 1624, p. 2.
'^Spectator Papers, no. 29, 1711.
" De Oratare, i, 3, c. 196, 197. Inquiry into the Beauties of Paint-
ing, p. 17.
^ Discoursee, vn, p. 107.
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DISOOUBSES OF SIB JOSHUA BEYNOLDS 868
Because Reynolds dealt mainly with these broad aesthet-
ical theories, it is hard to mark positively the sources from
which he drew. For example, one might take the painter's
assertion liiat the mind's " search after truth in the more
serious duties of life '^ rests upon the same basis as the
taste for beauty in man's '^ lighter amusements/' and find
in it proof of Lord Shaftesbury's influence. But Aken-'
side, also, had proclaimed, on the authority of Socrates,
the interrelation of beauty and truth. ^* Or again, Rey-
nolds's disparagement of coloring might be related to the
statement of Lord Shaftesbury : " The pleasure [from
colors] is plainly foreign and separate. ... It is always
best, when the colours are most subdued, and made sub-
servient." *** But such correspondences hardly indicate
direct borrowing; many of them are natural to the subject
or characteristic of the age. Reynolds asserted, " What
has pleased, and continues to please, is likely to please
again." Several years later Hugh Blair ended his chap-
ter on taste with these words translated from the Latin:
" Time overthrows the illusions of opinion, but estab-
lishes the decisions of nature." But through what chan-
nels the thought came to the two men no one can deter-
mine, or need determine. If such testimony be valid, a
hundred citations could be made to convict Iteynolds of
widespread plagiarism.
Significantly, however, the painter's friends thought
more highly of the originality of the Discourses. Dr. Beat-
tie wrote in his diary : " This day I had a great deal of
conversation with Sir Joshua Reynolds, on critical and
philosophical subjects. I find him to be a man, not only
of excellent taste in painting and poetry, but of an en-
'^ Pleasures of Imagination, i, p. 375, n., 1744.
^ Judgment of Hercules, last page.
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364 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSON
larged understanding, and truly philosophical mind. His
notions of painting are not at all the same with those
that are entertained by the generality of painters and
critics." ^^ Evidently, Beattie did not accuse Eeynolds
of pilfering from his work. Nor could Burke have re-
garded Eeynolds as a common borrower when he wrote to
Malone: " He was a great generalizer, and was fond of
reducing everything to one system, more, perhaps, than
the variety of principles which operate in the human
mind, and in every human work, will properly endure."
Burke, who knew Reynolds best, was doubtless right.
The Discourses seem to be the work of a thinker prone to
generalize. Burke attributed this habit partly to Rey-
nolds's nature and partly to the influence of Mudge, who
taught Reynolds Plato and encouraged a love for specula-
tion. Hence Reynolds was naturally interested in all that
he heard or read of Lord Shaftesbury, du Bos, and Buf-
fier, and entered eagerly into conversation with Johnson,
Burke, Beattie, and otiier men of letters who were con-
cerned with the general problems of art. But Reynolds
never professed to speak with authority on deep problems
of philosophy. " Perhaps the most perfect criticism," he
modestly admitted, "requires habits of speculation and
abstraction, not very consistent with the employment
which ought to occupy and the habits which ought to pre-
vail in a practical artist." ^^ Away from his easel, Rey-
nolds was habitually so deferential toward others that it
is easy to speak slightingly of the Discourses. Philoso-
phers of his own time, however, were apt to praise them.
Beattie quoted at length from two of the addresses, and
Dugald Stewart cited with commendation several of the
" Quoted from the biography by Sir William Forbes, p. 358.
■• Diacouraea, xni, p. 196.
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DISOOTJBSES OF SIB JOSHUA EEYNOLDS 365
painter's theories. These were not essentially new to the
author. They were the broad, well-established ideas that
philosophy and criticism then stressed. Reynolds's first
interest in them was due to his friends in London, but
he handled them as his own. The Discourses express the
convictions of a broad and philosophic mind.
Inconsistencies in Reynolds's statements can easily be de-
tected; for the first paper in the Idler appeared in 1759,
and the last address was delivered in 1790. Moreover,
the artist did not always practise what he preached.
Nevertheless, there is a general uniformity in his teach-
ing.'^^ He insists ever on obedience to the " higher tribu-
nal [reason], to which those great masters themselves must
submit, and to which indeed every excellence in art must
be ultimately referred." The painter may resort to the
various devices known to dramatists and poets — contrast,
novelty, simplicity, repose. But he must remember that
no trick can be safely carried to excess, and that reason
must dominate all. This reason prescribes to the painter
an ideal beauty. " The beauty of which we are in quest
is general and intellectual ; it is an idea that subsists only
in the rain J ;. the sight never beheld it, nor has the hand
expressed it ; it is an idea residing in the breast of the art-
ist, which he is always labouring to impart, and which he
dies at last without imparting." The same holds of other
arts. Their first aim may be to gratify the senses; but
no art can rest content there. They are forced on to *' the
idea of general beauty and the contemplation of general
truth." Art deals with matter higher than can be found in
actual nature, and to that level the mind must be raised.
The arts, so conceived and so executed, will " raise the
thoughts and extend the views of the spectator." Thus
Tbid,, vm, p. 119; IX, pp. 143-144.
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366 ELBEBT N. S. THOMPSON
the effects of art "may extend themselves imperceptibly
into public benefits^ and be among the means of bestowing
on whole nations refinement of taste ; which, if it does not
lead directly to purity of manners, obviates at least their
greatest depravation, by disentangling the mind from ap-
petite, and conducting the thoughts through successive
stages of excellence, till that contemplation of universal
rectitude and harmony which began by Taste, may, as it
is exalted and refined, conclude in Virtue."
Elbebt N. S. Thompson.
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XV.— THE PURPORT OP SHAKESPEARE'S
CONTRIBUTION TO 1 HENRY VI
There is a fairly general agreement among the critics
that the First Part of Henry the Sixth was not originally
written by Shakespeare, but was revised by him, that it
is the play which Henslowe recorded as " new " on March
3, 1591/2, and frequently enough thereafter to attest that
it was one of the most popular pieces of the day, and that
it was this same popular piece to which Nashe referred
in the always quoted passage in Pierce Penilesse (1592) :
" How would it have ioyed braue Talbot (the terror of the
French), to think that after he had lyen two hundred
yeare in his Toomb, he should triumph againe on the
Stage and haue his bones new embalmed with the teares
of ten thousand spectators at least (at several times) who
in the Tragedian that represents his person imagine they
behold him fresh bleeding." There seems no sufficient rea-
son for doubting these natural conjectures. The play was
included in the First Folio, which indicates that it was
at least in part Shakespeare's work ; it was not mentioned
by Meres, which seems to imply that it was not fundamen-
tally his ; ^ it was acted by Lord Strange's company, which
would accord with its being revised rather than originally
written by Shakespeare.* It is such a play as, judging by
the other notable successes of the time, would be im-
mensely popular; and it answers perfectly to Nashe's
reference.
It is further agreed, though with less unanimity among
*See " The Authorship of Tiiua Andronieus," FlUgel Memorial Vol-
ume, p. 115.
•/Wd., p. 123, n.
867
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368 HENBY DAVID QBAT
the critics, that Shakespeare's hand may be found in the
Temple Garden scene (II, iv), where the plucking of the
red and white roses marks the beginning of the struggle
between Richard Plantagenet and Somerset; in the scene
following, where the historical situation is elaborately
stated for the formal instruction of the audience ; in some
of the Talbot scenes (IV, ii-vii), and perhaps in the woo-
ing of Margaret (V, iii). The rest of the play is most
often assigned to Greene, with traces of Peele, Nashe, and
even of Marlowe here and there. The evidence is based,
as is customary, upon the individual critic's perception of
Shakespeare's superior genius, and upon the detection of
certain words and phrases which are found in Greene or
some one of the others, but not elsewhere in Shakespeare.
The use of double endings and other tests are less fre-
quently applied.
Though my belief in the cogency of these tests is always
most tentative, I do not by any means feel that they can
be wholly ignored. Like all statistics, they present an ap-
pearance of scientific accuracy, and hence are particularly
dangerous in the hands of a clever manipulator. The most
abused of all is the "parallel passage" test, which in-
cludes the once-used word and reminiscent phrase; for
here we have often an array of factitious evidence based
on a tenuous hypothesis.^ The most reliable of the tests
" I quote from Mr. H. C. Hart's Arden Edition of the play before
us the first four reminders of Spenser which he finds. Of course
these are not to show Spenser's authorship but his influence, since
Spenser is naturaUy not a candidate; but let the reader compare
these with the first four in any list by which Greene's authorship of
one play or another has been " established " :
I, i, 11-13: His arms spread wider than a dragon's wings; His
sparkling eyes replete with wrathful fire More daezled and drove
hOfOk his enemies. Compare with Faerie Queene, I, xi, 14-18: "His
blazing eyes, like two bright shining shields, Did burne with wrath
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Shakespeare's contbibution to 1 henby vi 369
seems to me that of the double ending, for the difference
between Shakespeare and the others is here very great,
and personal opinion cannot alter it. Greene in the five
plays known to be his has a sum total of thirty-five double
endings; Shakespeare in his first five plays has over
twelve hundred. Peele never rises as high as three per
cent, in any play, taken in its entirety, and Marlowe never
as high as four per cent. ; when, therefore, we find twenty-
three per cent, in the Temple Garden scene, and seven-
teen per cent, in the Talbot scenes (IV, ii-iv), and at the
same time the tone and manner of Shakespeare, we do
not guess, but we know (humanly speaking) that these
scenes are his.*
and sparkled living fyre. As two broad Beacons . . . warning give
that enemies conspyre. ... So flamed his eyne with rage and rancor-
ous yre. . . . Then with his waving wings displayed wyde."
I, i, 64: burst his lead and rise from death. Compare with Shep-
heards Calendar, June: " Nowe dead he is and lyeth wrapt in lead."
And idem, October: ** all the worthies liggen wrapt in leade."
I, i, 104: laments . . . bedew King Henry's hearse. Compare
Faerie Queene, III, i, 16: "they did lament . . . And all the while
salt teares bedeawd the hearers cheaks."
I, i, 124: Here, there, and everywhere, enrag*d he flew. Compare
Fcterie Queene, III, i, 66: "Wherewith enrag'd she fiercely at them
flew . . . Here, there, and everywhere, about her swayd Her wrath-
ful Steele."
^An indication of authorship which I have not seen mentioned
might perhaps be found in Shakespeare's remarkable adjective group-
ings. Thus we have:
" Shall lay your stately and air-braving towers "
" Thou ominous and fearful owl of death "
" Lo, there thou stand'st, a breathing valient man "
" Shall see thee withered, bloody, pale, and dead "
" O, negligent and heedless discipline "
" But rather, moody -mad and desperate stags "
— all these in a scene of fifty-six lines ( IV, ii ) . I have never found
in Greene or Peele a grouping of words which requires of us a sudden
expansion of the imagination, — of adjectives each appropriate but
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370 HBNBY DAVID OKAY
With this nucleus before us, we have a clear lead for
determiniiig what else in this drama Shakespeare must
have written. Of course the absence of double endings
does not in the least coimt against his authorship^ as their
presence in profusion implies it; for Shakespeare's habit
in this particular varies. The opening scene of the Gomr
edy of Errors has less than three per cent, of double
endings, and the scene following has twenty-one per cent.
The first act of King John has over twelve per cent., while
the other acts range from two to four per cent. It will
be evident to anyone at a glance that there is reason for
this. In the former case, Aegeon's narrative is much
more formal than what follows, just as in the latter case
the Bastard's lively impudence contrasts with the re-
mainder of the tragedy. When we turn, therefore, from
the plucking of the roses in the Temple Garden to the
recitative explanations and exhortations of the dying Mor-
timer, we come upon a Shakespearean scene where the
double endings are few. But that this scene belongs to
Shakespeare has been the opinion of most critics, and the
proof of it, in want of any indication to the contrary, lies
in the fact that it depends upon the Temple Garden scene,
to which it makes a direct reference.*
not belonging together until combined in a line of great poetry.
Hamlet's
" — why the sepulchre . . .
Hath oped his ponderous and marble jaws"
gives us this perfect combination of dissimilars; but when in the
play before us we read
"This speedy and quick appearance argues proof" (V, iii, 8),
we have a combination of words which it is not at all necessary to
attribute to Shakespeare!
* The scanning here of Henry as a trisyllable required in the line
" Long after this, when Henry the Fifth " (II, iv, 82)
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SHAKESPEAEE's CONTBIBUTION to 1 HENBY VI 871
What else is there in this play which depends upon the
scenes which we have found to be Shakespeare's ? There
is not the least difficulty in discovering the answer to this
question. In the Temple Garden scene, Vernon is one of
those who pluck a white rose with Plantagenet; in act
III, scene iv, and in act IV, scene i, we find Vernon con-
tinuing this quarrel of the roses with Basset, a follower
of Somerset. Basset does not appear in the Temple Gar-
den scene, but it is Shakespeare's way to carry a discus-
sion down and on in this manner. Do these new portions
suggests another interesting test which has been too often overlooked
Though this is not Shakespeare's usual way, still he has the line
" So stood the state when Henry the Sixth "
in Richard III (II, iii, 16), and the same pronunciation of the name
is frequently required in the second and third parts of Henry VI, as
it is in both parts of the Contention. Note, for example :
" Crowned by the name of Henry the Fourth " {2 Henry VI, II, ii, 23)
and
" Resigned the crown to Henry the Fourth " {S Henry VI, I, i, 1390) .
Sometimes both pronunciations occur in the same passage:
" You told not how Henry the Sixth hath lost
All that which Henry the Fifth had gotten **
(5 Henry VI, HI, iii, 89, 9).
In the present play we have the line
"O my good lords and virtuous Henry" (III, i, 76)
which would tell against the claim of any dramatist who used the
name frequently and always as a dissyllable. But such a test, if it
should count at all, must be used with extreme caution. In this play,
Gloucester is scanned as a trisyllable in act I, scene iii (four times).
Peele has the name twenty times in Edward I, and always with only
two syllables; his claim to I, iii, which was made for him by Fleay,
would therefore look doubtful. But Marlowe has tmperess ten times
in Tttmhurlaine to emj^reae four times, and emperess occurs frequently
in the non-Shakespearean portions of Titus Andronicua; yet it would
be most hasty to suspect Marlowe on this count. Shakespeare has
children over a hundred times as a dissyllable, and as a trisyUable
just once {Errors, V, i, 360). Often such words may be scanned in
either way.
3
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372 HBNBY DAVID QBAY
seem to be in Shakespeare's style? The first is a brief
bit, not particularly characteristic, though there is nothing
in it which suggests that it could not be his ; the second
bears the strongest evidence of Shakespeare's work. ® The
King is here the same King Henry that we find in the
additions to the second and third parts of Henry VI, and
that we find nowhere else in this drama.^ But what is
most important is that it is in this scene that Shakespeare
gives us the clue by whidi we may discover the extent and
the significance of his contribution to the play. This clue
is contained in King Henry's lines:
That for a toy, a thing of no regard.
King Henry's peers and chief nobility
Destroyed themselves and lost the realm of France (IV, i, 145-8).
We find this same attitude elsewhere in Shakespeare, no-
tably in the closing lines of King John:
This England never did, nor never shall
Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror,
But when it first did help to wound itself.
Now these her princes are come home again.
Come the three comers of the world in arms,
And we shall shock them. Nought shall make us rue,
If England to itself do rest but true.
Now if Shakespeare's revision of the play is to be found
in a series of scenes which are wholly devoted to t3ie work-
ing out of an idea, and that idea is itself eminently char-
• I note the following adjective groupings, which I offer for exactly
what they are worth and no more:
" With other vile and ignominious terms "
"For though he seem with forged quaint conceit
To set a gloss upon his bold intent "
" When for so slight and frivolous a cause "
" With this immodest clamorous outrage '*
" In France, amongst a fickle, wavering nation "
* Unless momentarily in act III, scene i.
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SHAKESPEABE's CONTBIBUTION to 1 HENBY VI 378
acteristic of Shakespeare, the assumption seems to me
unescapable that these scenes were written — ^not revised —
by him, and that by incorporating this idea he sought to
give an essential unity and significance to the old drama.
For it should not be forgotten — as it too often is — ^that
what would appeal to a man like Henslowe when he had
one of his plays revised, was not that the crumpled lines
should be ironed out nor yet that some of the scenes should
be decorated with all the graces of a Shakespeare's style,
but that new features should be added, — ^new episodes, new
ideas, even, — so that in reviving the play he could adver-
tise it as something essentially different from what it was
before.
Shakespeare's contribution to 1 Henry YI, so far as we
have now followed it, consists, then, of II, iv, where the
quarrel of the roses is first introduced, II, v, where Mor-
timer gives the historical background of this quarrel,
III, iv, from line 28 on, and IV, i, from line 78 to the
end of the scene, wherein the quarrel has spread farther
among the followers of these hostile lords, and the King
shows the far-reaching evils which were destined to result
from it. The next three scenes, which have already by
common consent been assigned to Shakespeare, show the
defeat of Talbot as directly due to the quarrel between
Somerset and Richard Plantagenet, now Duke of York.
York puts the blame on Somerset:
A plague upon that vinain Somerset,
That thus delays my promised supply
Of horsemen, that were levied for this siege! . . .
We mourn, France smiles; we lose, they daily get;
AU long of this vile traitor Somerset.
Somerset, in turn, puts the blame on York :
This expedition was hy York and Talbot
Too rashly plotted. . . .
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374 HBNEY DAVID OBAY
York set him on to fight and die in shame,
That, Talbot dead, great York might bear the name.
And Sir "William Lucy, who goes as messenger to each in
turn, places the blame on both:
Thus, while the vulture of sedition
Feeds in the bosom of such great commanders,
Sleeping neglection doth betray to loss
The conquest of our scarce cold conqueror.
That ever living man of memory,
Henry the Fifth. Whiles they each other cross.
Lives, honours, lands, and all hurry to loss.-
There is no reason why the remaining Talbot scenes,
which are written almost wholly in couplets, should be by
Shakespeare. The death of Talbot was an essential part of
the old play ; and even if these couplets were written by
a later hand, there is not the slightest indication that that
hand was Shakespeare's.
There is another quarrel of the fiobles in this play —
that between Gloucester and Winchester. It begins in the
opening scene, is continued in scene iii, then jumps to
act III, scene i, and there ends — except for an " aside "
of Winchester at the close of V, i. Though so much is
made of this quarrel, and its dire effects upon England
are hinted at, yet the play shows no evil results arising
from this dissention. The King effects a mere nominal
reconciliation between the two, and Exeter predicts ter-
rible things to follow, but nothing happens. In the scenes
relating to this quarrel I find some evidence of Shake-
speare's work. In the two important scenes which show
the beginning of the quarrel and its culmination (I, i, and
III, i), there is a certain eloquence and majesty for which
one will look in vain through the pages of Greene and
Peele. There is something Marlowesque in the opening
lines and in other bits ; but I think that Marlowe himself
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SJBAKESPEABe's contribution to 1 HBNBY VI 876
cannot be read into this drama. The Shakespearean tone
shows most plainly in the opening forty lines of act III.
I confess that I was puzzled and annoyed that Shake-
speare's language and his meter should so manifestly ob-
trude themselves in a scene which I had not the faintest
desire to give to him, and which, indeed, soon grew quite
away from him. But my case was hopeless. Starting with
the scene as Shakespeare's, it would not remain his; and
turning from the close of it back to the opening, it was at
once and unmistakably his again.
Now I hold that it is not sufficient for one who concerns
himself with matters of this sort to announce that here or
there the hand of Shakespeare is apparent, and not be
troubled as to what bearing this may have upon his rela-
tion to the play in its entirety.® We have seen that Shake-
peare's contribution to this drama, where it is most evi-
dent, consists in the complete working out of a single idea ;
that this idea is one which finds expression in his later
work; and no one will deny that in most of the scenes
there is not the faintest evidence of his workmanship. He
may have taken the trouble to straighten out some of the
lines or remove some of the crudities ;. of that we can know
nothing. It is certain that he left much that was crude
and raw, I presume because it was theatrically effective.®
• In Mr. Hart's edition, to which I have already referred, he atatea
of act I, scene iv : " This scene is by Shakespeare. Nashe seems to
have assisted" (Introduction, p. xv). Now since Nashe was not
Mr. Bernard Shaw, his complimentary allusion to the play prac-
tically rules him out from any claim to part authorship in it; and
there is no particular evidence of him anyway, so far as I can see.
Of Shakespeare in this scene I am able to find no trace in any par-
ticular. I resent being told without qualification and without argu-
ment that it is Shakespeare's.
*It may be argued that this indicates collaboration rather than
revision; but revision is precisely what is evident in the very scenes
I am now considering.
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376 HXiatY DAVID OBAY
Now if we venture an opinion that Shakespeare revised
the opening scenes of the first and third acts, we must ask
ourselves whether there is any particular reason why this
should be the case.
It was natural enough that Shakespeare should begin
his revision at llie beginning of the piece, rewriting and
correcting for a scene or two. In the (^pening scene he
found the beginning of the quarrel between Winchester
and Gloucester, and at once, unless this was a part of the
original drama, related it to the loss of the French cities
which the Messenger reports:
Emeter. How were they lost? What treachery was used?
l9t MesBenger: No treachery, but want of men and money.
Amongst the soldiers this is muttered.
That here you maintain several factions.
And whilst a field should be dispatched and fought,
You are disputing of your generals. . . .
But the crucial scene of this quarrel is act III, scene i ;
and Shakespeare, I believe, intended to make this scene
his own, for the first part of it is in his best style of this
period. Who can doubt the authorship of Winchester's
opening speech? —
Com'st thou with deep premeditated lines.
With written pamphlets studiously devised,
Humphrey of Gloucester? If thou canst accuse,
Or aug^t intend'st to lay unto my charge,
Do it without invention, suddenly;
As I with sudden and extemporal speech
Purpose to answer what thou canst object.
But in this scene the King effects a reconciliation between
these quarreling lords. I think I detect Shakespeare's
hand again, in the lines which save this quarrel for later
developments:
Winche$ter, Well, Duke of Gloucester, I will yield to thee;
Love for thy love and hand for hand I give.
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SHAKESPEABE^S CONTRIBUTION TO 1 HENRY VI 877
Gloucester [Aside]. Ay, but I fear me, with a hollow heart. —
See here, my friends and loving countrymen.
This token serveth for a flag of truce
Betwixt ourselves and all our followers.
So help me €rod, as I dissemble not!
Win. [Aside]. So help me €rod, as I intend it not!
But (if I read the evidence of the text aright) Shake-
speare soon saw that nothing could really be done with
this dispute between the King's uncle, who was the Lord
Protector, and his great^uncle, the Cardinal. These char-
acters were introduced throughout the rest of the play in
a way that allowed for no new development of the action ;
nor did Holinshed provide him with any material to in-
corporate.
But a quarrel between Somerset and Richard Plantage-
net, who later in the play becomes regent of France, was
possible ; for in Holinshed we read that the Duke of York
" so disdeined of Edmund, duke of Summerset ^^ (being
cousine to the King,) that by all meanes possible he sought
his hinderance, as one glad of his losse, and sorie of his
well dooing: by reason whereof, yer the. duke of Yorke
could get his dispatch, Paris and diuerse other of the
cheefest places in France were gotten by the French
king." ^^ Holinshed records more of the hostility of these
two nobles and of their accusing each other of treason; ^^
though he gives no source for the Temple Garden scene
and the subsequent quarrel between Vernon and Basset,
nor does he connect any quarrel of the nobles with the
death of Talbot.
If, then, Shakespeare abandoned the quarrel between
Winchester and Gloucester in favor of one between York
^ Boswell-Stone shows that Edmund not John Beaufort is referred
to {8Kak8per^B HoUnahed, p. 218).
" Jhid., p. 252. " Ihid,, p. 287.
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378 UENBY DAVID QBAT
and Somerset, which he worked out in the way I have al-
ready indicated, we may see not only the exact limits of
his contribution to this drama, but also just what his
method of work was when he was given this play to re-
vise. This method does not at all correspond with that
which he is commonly supposed to have employed in re-
vising the second and third parts of Henry VI; but of
that I trust I shall have something to say at a later time.
The only other scene in this play which has been fre-
quently attributed to Shakespeare, is that of the wooing
of Margaret. This episode is structurally imrelated to tibe
Shakespearean portions, but it also has distinctly the ap-
pearance of being the work of a reviser rather than of the
original writer of the drama. Wfe must examine the evi-
dence.
The arguments in favor of Shakespeare's authorship
are (1) that it is not unworthy of him, and (2) that this
episode is what gives a unity to the Henry VI trilogy,
Shakespeare, as the creator of the Margaret of S and S
Henry VI and Richard III, here introducing her and
" making her his own." This latter argument appears to
me negligible because it implies Shakespeare's authorship
of the " Contention " dramas on which £ and 3 Henry VI
were based, and some consistency in the character of Mar-
garet herself. No one claims the former ; and anyone can
see that the coy Margaret of 1 Henry VI bears no resem-
blance to the stormy Queen who finally looms so malignant
a force in Shakespeare's Richard III. The girl was not
mother to the woman in this case.
Now the Margaret story involves the first and last scenes
of act V, as well as the actual wooing in scene iii ; and we
note that the King in these scenes is not at all like Shake-
speare's King Henry. The wooing scene itself does not
seem to me at all in Shakespeare's manner; and though
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SHAKESPEABe's CONTBIBUTION to 1 HENBY VI 379
good enough, perhaps, is by no means beyond the power
of the man who wrote the Margaret scenes in Friar Bacon
and Friar Bungay. Indeed it has the same loitering in-
directness which is characteristic of Greene in every play
he wrote. Strongly reminiscent of James IV are Suffolk's
introspective asides:
Fond man, remembet that thou hast a wife;
Then how can Margaret be thy paramour? . . .
There all is marred; there lies a cooling card." . . .
And yet a dispensation may be had.
The lines:
She's beautiful and therefore to be wooed;
She is a woman, therefore to be won,
occur, with variations, five times in Greene, and once in a
non-Shakespearean passage in TUils Andronicus. I can
find nothing in the scene which strongly suggests Shake-
speare.
Should Greene be credited with more than the three
scenes I have indicated ? His manner and particularly his
diction have been pointed out by various critics in almost
every scene of the play, with the customary straining of
this much abused " test." It should be noted, however,
that there is a fundamental discrepancy in the play which
is not removed by taking away the portions which I have
now assigned to Shakespeare and to Greene. The drama
as we see it with these complications and certain other
scenes to be considered later set aside, is a crude but vig-
orous chronicle of disputes and broils designed to please
an honest fight-loving audience. It runs as follows: 1.
The English learn of the loss of French cities and agree
to regain them. Winchester quarrels with Gloucester. 2.
The English win. " Joan la Pucelle '' comes to the aid
"''Not again in Shakespeare. . . Greene made it a sort of hall-
mark of his work" (Hart, p. xix).
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380 HENRY DAVID OBAT
of the French and establishes her claim tb be snpemat-
urally aided. 3. Gloucester's serving-men in blue coats
and Winchester's men in tawny coats have a lively row
which the Mayor of London pacifies. 4. Talbot and Salis-
bury before Orleans. Salisbury is shot from the wall and
killed. 6. Talbot fights with Joan. She abruptly leaves
him to "go victual Orleans/' and enters the town with
soldiers. 6. The French, with Joan to help them, are vic-
torious. 7. Talbot retakes Orleans. The French leap over
the walls in their shirts and nm away. 8. Winchester and
Gloucester quarrel again, and their men enter in skirmish
with bloody pates. The King makes them agree to be
friends. 9. Joan in disguise, with four soldiers, takes
Rouen by strategem, and taunts Talbot and the others
from the wall. The English reenter the town. Sir John
Fastolfe runs away. Bedford dies contented when he sees
the English are victorious. 10. Joan wins over the Duke
of Burgundy. 11. The King praises Talbot and makes
him Earl of Shrewsbury. 12. The King is crowned in
France, the Governor of Paris taking oath. Talbot shames
Fastolfe for his cowardice. They learn of Burgundy's re-
volt and the King sends Talbot after him. 13. Talbot and
his son are killed. Sir William Lucy is permitted to take
away their bodies. 14. The French expect to win, now
that Talbot is slain. 15. But the English capture Joan
and send her off to execution. 16. The French come to ask
on what conditions they may have peace. They are told :
That, in regard King Henry gives consent,
Of mere compassion and of lenity.
To ease your country of distressful war,
And suffer you to breathe in fruitful peace.
You shall become true liegemen to his crown;
And, Charles, upon condition thou wilt swear
To pay him tribute and submit thyself,
Thou shalt be placed as viceroy under him,
And still enjoy thy regal dignity.
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SHAKESPKABf/s CONTBIBUTION to 1 HEKBY VI 381
After some hesitation, Charles and his party give signs
of fealty.
Surely here was entertainment at which Christopher
Sly would never have dozed off. A Shakespeare who made
away with such good stuff as this would never be en-
trusted to revise another play. Now all these scenes which
I have here set down as belonging to what appears to me
the original draft of *^ harey vj," treat Joan of Arc with
a fair amount of dignity and respect, and they always
give her the name of Joan la Pucelle, or simply Pucelle.
The word is regarded obviously as a proper noun:
ExceUent PuceUe, if thy name be so (i, ii, 110).
Hius Joan la Pucelle hath performed her word (i, vi, 3).
Speak, Pucelle, and enchant him with thy words (m, iii, 40).
But in act V, scene iv, where she is shovm as contemptible
and vile, she is called Joan of Arc, though " la Pucelle "
is always retained in the stage directions. This is the form
which occurs again in the scene where Talbot is invited
to visit the Countess of Auvergne ; and this episode of the
Countess is the first place in which we distinctly feel the
presence of a new hand at work. There is no warrant in
the early part of the drama for the later outrageous treat-
ment of Joan of Arc.
Was Oreene the reviser or collaborator who is respon-
sible for this horror ? There is nothing improbable about
it, and there are one or two things which seem to make it
likely. Before her shameless and disgusting confession
Joan repudiates her peasant father as casting a slur upon
her '* noble birth " in- very much the same way that Eada-
gon repudiates his peasant father in A Looking-Olass for
London and England.^^ The contributory scene where
^ For a proof that this scene is by Oreene and not by Lodge, see
my " Greene as a Collaborator " in Modem Language Notes, Decem-
ber, 1915.
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382 HENRY DAVID OBAY
Joan is deserted by her "fiends," who walk about and
shake their heads, is for all the world in Greene's man-
ner; ^*^ and the episode of the Countess has his characteris-
tic " smartiness " in the turning of the tables.
But unless he was responsible for the sentimental cou-
plets in the Talbot scenes (IV, v-vii), which he was both
natural enough a poet and artificial enough a dramatist
to have done, this seems to mark the extent of his connec-
tion with this drama. The fundamental scheme of l3ie
play as outlined above is quite unlike him; and there is
every reason to assume that the man who wrote the " Pu-
celle " scenes did not write the " Joan of Arc '' scenes,
as we may call them for convenience.
Who this original author may have been, it seems to me
almost impossible to determine. Somewhat to my regret,
I do not find the slightest indication that it was Peele.
Any of a dozen men whose names we have never heard of
might have done it, for all that we can tell. Perhaps the
reminders of Greene which, various critics have noted
throughout the play are sufficient to warrant the assump-
tion that he made a thorough revision of the whole piece.
If he did so, and if even then the play was given to
Shakespeare for additional improvements, I think that
every feature of the play as it now stands would be well
accounted for. And if this happened shortly after Greene
had himself revised Shakespeare's Titus Andronicua
(which is my personal conviction), we have a sufficient
explanation of his jealous hostility.
Henry David Gray.
" In each of Greene's plays there is some introduction of the super-
natural. He has devils in Friar Bacon and the Loohmg-Olass, fairies
and antics in James IV, Venus and the Muses in Alphonsus, and a
dance of Satyrs in Orlando, The minister who acted the pinner's
part himself did not introduce this element in Oeorge-a-Oreene.
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XVI,— THE TEOILUS-CEESSIDA STORY FROM
CHAUCER TO SHAKESPEARE
Viewed from any angle Shakespeare's Troilus and Cres-
sida is an unattractive play. The heroine is a wanton.
Ulysses reads her at a glance and finds
language in her eye, her cheek, her lip.
Nay, her foot speaks; her wanton spirits look out
At every joint and motive of her body.*
He sets her down at once as " a daughter of the game/'
and at every opportunity the foul-mouthed Thersites cor-
roborates this description. ** They say Diomedes keeps a
Trojan drab," he monologizes, " and uses the traitor
Calchas his tent. I'll after ; " ^ and in the rather awkward
scene in which Cressida's perfidy is revealed to Troilus,
he gleefully whispers : *^ Any man may sing her, if he can
take her cliff. She's noted." * Even in this scene, however,
Shakespeare is not devoid of sympathy ; Cressida's qualms
of conscience as she pins on Diomedes the sleeve Troilus
had given her, as she feels herself yielding, are touching.
Yet Cressida is a woman of loose morals, and Troilus him-
self, though irreproachable as a warrior, in his relations
with her hardly warrants one's sympathy. There is no
mistaking the sensuality of his desires when for the first
time he is to meet her alone :
I am giddy; expectation whirls me round.
The imaginary relish is so sweet
That it enchants my sense: what will it be.
When that the watery palates taste indeed,
Love's thrice repured nectar T*
* IV, V, 54 ff. • V, ii, 10.
»v, i, 104. *ni, ii, 19 ff.
883
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Cressida^ too, knows what to expect from the visit
Pandams describes her as blushing and fetching her
"wind so short, as if she were afraid with a sprite;." ^
but it is to be feared that her agitation arose less from
modesty and timidity than from a sense of elation at hav-
ing at last caught a lover of exalted rank. She is not at
all shocked by her uncle's disgustingly coarse jests nor by
his efforts to hurry the assignation. Of course Eliza«
bethan audiences were not repelled by such scenes, and
Shakespeare himself saw no particular moral significance
in them, as is proved by the plots of All's Well and Meas-
ure for Measure; nevertheless, there is no other scene
in all his plays so frankly sensuous as this. Nothing can
be more different than his treatment and Chaucer's of the
morning after the lovers' meeting. In Chaucer one thinks
lof the ardent devotion of the lovers ; in Troilus and Cres-
sida the details are so coarsened that one thinks only of
the animal nature of their love. In the play Pandarus has
been joking boisterously with Cressida (an incident bor-
rowed from Chaucer, although in the poem Troilus is not
present during this scene), when a knock is heard at the
door. After the conversation that then takes place (IV,
ii, 36-40), Troilus may protest as much as he wishes about
the purity of his love for Cressida, but we cannot help feel-
ing that his animal nature is most deeply stirred by her
loss.
Since its surreptitious publication in 1609 and its ad-
mission, apparently as an afterthought, into the First Fo-
lio, Troilus and Cressida has always been a puzzle. It
seems hardly necessary to enumerate the widely divergent
theories that have been advanced to explain Shakespeare's
purpose in writing the play. The two most striking theo-
ries, that the play was Shakespeare's contribution to the
•in, ii, 32.
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THE T^OILUS-CBESSIDA STORY 385
war of the theatres and that it was a deliberate vulgariza-
tion of the Greek and Trojan heroes and of Cressida
caused by Shakespeare's jealousy of the rival poet, Chap-
man, are not now generally believed. But a peculiar view
is still held by almost all critics. A Chaucerian scholar's
comment will serve as well as any : Shakespeare has ap- '
preached the love story ^' in a spirit of bitter cynicism and
blackest pessimism. The love story ... is merely dis-
gusting ... To crown all, the final worthlessness of
Cressida, and the breaking heart of Troilus, are inter-
preted to us by the syphilitic mind of Thersites, whose
whole function in the play is to defile with the foulness of
his own imagination all that humanity holds high and
sacred. ... It remains one of the puzzles of criticism that
such a work should ever have proceeded from the great
soul of Shakespeare." •
Is this true? Did Shakespeare himself debase the
story ? Does he pursue Cressida, as other critics have said,
with relentless hatred? Dr. Small briefly hinted at the
reason for the loose character of Shakespeare's Cressida,''
but Professor Tatlock, almost alone among editors and '
commentators, has, I think, correctly analyzed the play. !
He writes : " Shakespeare came to the material of this play,
then, precisely as he came to that of the English historical
plays, finding incidents and characters largely fixed before-
hand, and too intractable to be greatly modified, even had
he wished to modify them. It is as a historical play, in ^
the Elizabethan sense, that it should be regarded; often
serious, sometimes verging on the tragic, but pervaded
with comedy." ®
• R. K. Root, The Poetry of Chaucer, pp. 104-106.
^The Stage Quarrel, p. 155.
" TroUua and Cressida, Tudor edition, pp. xix-xx. In articles on
'* The Siege of Troy in Elizabethan Literature, Especially in Shake-
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386 HYDEE E. EOLLIlirS
This is almost the whole secret of the play, and my own
remarks may, in the main, seem to be only a reinforcement
of Professor Tatlock's conclusions. The history of Troilus
and Cressida and Pandams from Chancer to Shakespeare
has not before been traced, however, although this is almost
essential for a genuine understanding of what Shakespeare
tried to do, of what indeed he did do, and it reveals also
facts of some importance in regard to Henryson and
Chaucer. When Sir Sidney Lee writes in 1916: "At one
point the dramatist diverges from his authorities with
notable originality. Cressida figures in the play as a heart-
less coquette; the poets who had previously treated her
story . . . had imagined her as a tender-hearted, if frail,
beauty, with claims on their pity rather than on their
scorn. But Shakespeare's innovation is dramatically effec-
tive, and deprives fickleness in love of any false glam-
our " ; ® or when an editor of Miss Porter's experience can
write as late as 1910, " Shakespeare evolves his own name
[Cressida]. He seems to use Caxton's form as a whole,
prefaced by Chaucer's initial letter," ^® surely it is time to
consider the history of the love story and the lovers.
speare and Heywood " {Puhlioationa of the Modem Language Asso-
oicution of America, vol. xxx, pp. 673-770) and "The Chief Problem
in Shakespeare'' {Sewanee Review, April, 1916), which aj^^eared
after the present article was completed, Professor Tatlock has even
more clearly and convincingly developed this view, and has also
called attention to the relation of Heywood's Iron Age to Shake-
speare's play.
*A Life of WilUam Bliakeapeare (1916), p. 370.
^'^Troilua and Cressida, First Folio edition, p. 131. It may be
remarked that the two title-pages to the First Quarto run "The
Historic of Troylus and Cresaeida" and "The Famous Historic of
Troylus and Cresseid," the spelling used in the Edinburgh, 1593,
edition of Henryson's Testament of Oresseid. Shakespeare's favor-
ite form, if indeed he had a favorite, was Cressid, and this had been
used for years before he wrote. Even in mss. of Chaucer's own
poems the name is found with the spelling " Orisseyde," " Cres^de,"
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA STOBY 887
It was quite in a spirit of prophecy that Chaucer's
Criseyde lamented:
Alias! for now is clene a-go
My name of trouthe in love, for ever-mol
For I have falsed oon, the gentileste
That ever was, and oon the worthieste!
Alias, of me, un-to the worldes ende,
Shal neither been y-writen nor y-songe,
No good word, for thise bokes wol me shende,
O, rolled shal I been on many a tonge!
Through-out the world my belle shal be ronge."
Some thirty years after she had thus bewailed her fate,
Lvdgate, translating Guido at the command of Prince
Hal, Bad to retell her story. He did so with some diffi-
dence, referring his readers to his master Chaucer for
a complete and accurate account. T-yjgfl^^ A/^dft^ pnf.]j^JTi^
to the story, but he was in thorough sympathy with his
Cryseyde"' bitterly reproved Uuldo fot his slanders" oT
WWRin in general, and tried to excuse Cryseyde in par-
ticular because Nature had made her variable."^^ She also
escaped Tiarsh words f rdffT'tte' "aiittor oi tLe^Laud Troy
Book (about 1400), who indeed may have known her only
through Guido, and who usually calls her Bryxeida or
Brixaida. But when the author tells us that Diomedes
struck down Troylus and sent his horse to "Cresseide,
t5at fair woman. That sumtyme was Troyle lemman," *^
he perhaps had Chaucer's Criseyde in mind.
"Criseida," "Greseide." In this article the speUing used by the
authors who are quoted is retained.
" Bk. V, St. 151-162.
"In H. Bergen's edition of the Troy Book (E. E.T.S., 1906-1910)
the story may be followed in Bk. n, 11. 4676-4762, Bk. m, 11. 3664-
3754, 4077-4263, 4343-4448, 4619-4669, 4820-67, Bk. iv, 2132-77,
2401-2779.
'^L. 9063 (ed. Wttlfing, E.E.T.S., 1902-03). The main events of
the story occur at 11. 9065-92, 13427-38, 13543-64, 14857 ff.
4
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Nor does Caxton's Becuyell (1474) concern us, save
that in his history of Troylus and Breseyda he, like Lyd-
gate, referred all readers, Shakespeare presumably among
them, to Chaucer for further details. Calchas, he writes,
'* had a passing fayr doughter and wyse named breseyda/
Chaucer in his booke that he made of Troylus named her
creseyda " ; ^* and again, " Ther was neuer seen so moche
sorowe made betwene two loners at their departyng/ who
that lyste to here of alle theyr loue/ late hym rede the
booke of troyUus that chawcer made/ wherin he shall fynde
the Btorye hooll/ whiche were to longe to wryte here." ^^
During the sixteenth century the story seems to have
been constantly on men's tongues, though few people could
comprehend the spirit of high comedy and irony in which
Chaucer had written. Of the characters as he portrayed
them, Pandarus was by far the most dramatic, but natur-
ally enough Pandarus quickly developed into a low comedy
figure. On Twelfth Night, 1515/6, at Eltham, Cornish
and the Children of the Chapel Royal acted the Story of
Troylous and Pandor. Cornish himself, " clad in mantle
and bishop's surcoat, took the role of Calchas. The chil-
dren acted the roles of Troilus, Cressid, Diomed, Pandor,
Ulysses, and others not named . . . Chaucer's ' Criseyda
in widowes habite blak ' remained in the account of the
furnishings as ' Kryssyd imparylled lyke a wedow of
onour, in blake sarsenet and other abelements for seche
mater.' " ^® Pandar, the go-between, had probably, even
^« Ed. H. 0. Sommer, voL n, p. 601.
^Ihid>, p. 604. These aUusions are not in Miss Spurgeon's Fwe
Hundred Yearn of Chaucer Critioiem and Allueion, Unless her book
is directly referred to, it may be assumed that other allusions to
Chaucer noted in this article are not there printed.
^G. W. Wallace, Evolution of the Englieh Drama up to Shake-
epeare, Berlin, 1912, p. 48.
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TH£ TBOILUS-CBES8IDA 8TOBY 889
I in this early play, degenerated into a clown. There was no
other way in which to treat him. Not long afterward,
Nicholas Grimald, according to Bale, wrote a Latin com-
edy, Troilus ex Chaucero, of which, however, there is no
other record ; ^^ and in The Rare Triwnphes of Loue and
Fortune, which was " plaide before the Queenes most ex-
cellent Maiestie" about 1582 and published seven years
later, the first of the plays given before the gods was that
of " Troilus and Cressida," at the conclusion of which
Mercury says :
Behold, how Troilus and Gressida
Cries out on Love, that framed their decaj."
How these plays treated Cressid it is useless to speculate.
But in the popular literature of the early Tudor period she
became a staple comparison while her uncle's name was
becoming a common noun. Peculiarly enough, Cressid
was often glorified as the highest type of a sweetheart, —
U ^ Miss Spurgeon, toI. i, p. 95.
" Dodsley-Hazlitt's Old Playe, vol. vi, p. 166. This play reminds
one of the Troilus-Cressida burlesque — over which wars of words
have been waged — in HUtriomaatiw, Nobody, I believe, has noticed
that the latter is closely paralleled by this passage in Samuel
Rowlands's The Letting of Bvmovra Blood in the Head-Vaine . . .
At London, Printed by W. White for W. P. 1600, signs. E ft-E 2
(Hunterian Cldb edition, vol. i, pp. 66-67) :
My hartes deare blood sweete Cis, is thy carouse.
Worth all the Ale in Gammer Ouhhine house:
I say no more affaires call me away,
My Fathers horse for prouender doth stay.
Be thou the Lady Creesit-light to mee.
Sir Trollelolle I will proue to thee.
Written in haste: farewell my Cowslippe sweete.
Pray lets a Sunday at the Ale-house meete.
The early date of Evmovra Blood makes this passage of much
importance in connection with the supposed allusion in Eiitruy-
moitiw to Shakespeare's Troilus.
«
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/as a complaisant damsel who "yielded grace" to her
lover's importunities, and who was worthy of emulation.
One could almost suspect that, tired with Chaucer's long-
drawn-out narrative, certain readers stopped at the great
climax in the third book of the Troilus and went on their
way, blissfully unaware of Criseyde's later perfidy. Jcdm
Skelton's poem, " To my lady Elisabeth Howarde "
(1523), uses Creisseid as a convenient means of compli-
menting Lady Elisabeth's beauty,^® but the exaltation of
Cressid as a model mistress really begins with TotteVs
Miscellany (1557), where an unknown author is repre-
sented by a poem caUed "A comparison of his loue with
the f aithf uU and painful loue of Troylus to Creside/' *^
He had evidently read Chaucer carefully through the third
book, for he borrows Chaucer's details freely. He telk
how Troilus fell in love with Creside at first sight, how
he was so hopelessly smitten that " euery ioye became a
wo," and how
His chamber was his common walke,
Wherin he kept him se[c]retely.
He made his bedde the place of talke.
If the author had read all of the Troilus, he disr^arded
the tragic denouement for effect. After Creside had
granted her lover's wish, he says, she loved him faithfully
and studied " his whole minde full to content." He con-
cludes by imploring his mistress
To graiint me grace and so to do,
As Creside then did Troylus to.
And set me in as happy case,
As Troylus with his lady was.
" Works, ed. A. Dyce, 1865, vol, n, p. 208. Cf. Miss Spurgeon, voL
I, p. 74.
"^Arber's reprint, pp. 192- 104. There were eight editions of this
misoellaiiy by 1687.
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THE TROILUS-CBESSIDA STORY 391
As a model lover Oresseda was depicted by William
Elderton, the first noteworthy professional ballad-writer.
In " The panges of Lone and loners fittes," his first known
baDad, published on March 22, 1559/60, Elderton threw
in a number of stock comparisons to romance and story,
and wrote of Cresseda :
Knowe ye not, how Troylus
Lanquished and lost his joje,
With fittes and fevers mervailous
For Cresseda that dwelt in Troye;
Tyll pytie planted in her brest,
Ladle ! ladle !
To slepe with him, and graunt him rest,
My dear ladle."
William Fulwood, a merchant-tailor who wrote a bitter
though coarsely humorous satire on Elderton, published in
1568 The Enimie of Idlenesse, perhaps the first " complete
letter-writer " in English. " The fourth Booke. Oonteyn-
ing sundrie Letters belonging to love" contains a model
poetical letter alluringly entitled " A constant Lover doth
expresse His gripyng griefes, which still encrease," ^* the
first few verses of which show a knowledge of Chaucer's
story:
As Troylus did neglect the trade of Lovers skilfull lawe.
Before such time that Cresseid faire with fixed eyes he sawe,
and then plunges into a series of conventional compari-
sons— " But sith I lacke some such a f riende as he of Pan-
dor had . . .'' and the like. The " letter ^' concludes with
the plea :
»J. P. Collier's Old Ballads, p. 26 (Percy Society, toI. i). Th«
hallad is reprinted also in H. L. GoUmann's Ballads and Broadsides^
Roxburghe Club, 1912, p. HI.
''ATailable to me only as reprinted (pp. 72-73) in Paul Wolter's
WilUa^ Fullwood, Diss. Rostock, Potsdam, 1907.
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Therfore graunt grace, as Cresaida, did unto Troylus true:
For as he had hir love by right, so thine to me is due.
I Oressida must have been held up as a worthy example by
/ many yoimg lover-writers, for the Enimie of Idlenesse
went through eight editions by 1598.
The early Elizabethan poets, particularly Turbervile
and Gascoigne, and ballad-mongers^® of a much later
period were fond of thus exalting Cressida. Poetic license,
or licentiousness, was their only excuse, for her reputation
had long been hopeless. In 1501 Gavin Douglas** cas-
ually referred to " Trew Troilus, vnf aithf ull Oressida," as
if these epithets had abeady become stereotyped ; and in
Philip Sparrow (1507) Skelton ^^ summarized Chaucer's
story, scoffed even at Troilus, and harshly expressed the
general opinion of Oressida and Pandar :
For she dyd but fayne;
The story telleth playne . . .
Thus in conclusyon.
She brought hym in abusyon;
In emest and in game
She was moch to blame;
Disparaged is her fame,
And blemysshed is her name,
In maner half with shame;
Troylus also hath lost
On her moch loue and cost.
And now must kys the post;
Pandara, that went betwene.
Hath won nothing, I wene . . .
Yet for a speciall laud
He is named Troylus baud.
Of that name he is sure
Whyles the world shall dure.
*• See A HandfuU of Pleasant Delights, 15S4, Spenser Society edi-
tion, pp. 45, 66; Richard Johnson's Crown Garland of Golden Rosea,
1612, Percy Society Publications, vol. vi, pp. 62, 67.
•* The Palioe of Honour, Works, ed. J. Small, 1874, voL i, p. 23.
» Works, ed. Dyce, 1865, voL i, pp. 84-86,
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THE TROrLUS-OBESSIPA STOBT 393
In the hands of " vulgar makers " Chaucer's story lent
itself admirably to burlesque. Skelton's own " doings "
(which, Puttenham gravely assures us, were always ridicu-
lous) could only have added to Cressid's ill fame. But
worse was to come.
In 1565 a professional versifier wrote a coarsely humor-
ous ballad on the lovers, which is preserved in a Bodleian
Library manuscript, famous because it contains the older
version of " Chevy Chase." *^ The ballad follows Chaucer
in every particular: Troilus thinks his heart is so per-
fectly under control that no beauty can allure him, but one
day at church he sees Cressyd. What a lurch did the sight
^ Songs and Ballads . . . Edited from a MS. in the Ashmolean
Museum bj Thomas Wright, Roxburghe Club, 1S60, pp. 196-107.
The ballad is also reprinted in voL xxxi, pp. 102-105, of the old
Shakespeare Society Papers hj Halliwell-Phillipps as well as in his
edition of Troilus (Folio Shakespeare, vol. zn, p. 307). This is
almost certainly the ''baUett intituled 'the history of TroiluSi
Whose throtes [♦. e., troth] hath Well bene tryed'" which was
registered for publication by T. Purfoote in 1565-66 (Arber's Tftm-
soript, Tol. I, p. 300).
Another ballad on Troilus and " Cressus," preserved in the Peroy
Folio M8,, ed. Hales and Fumivall, vol. m, pp. 301-302, depends
solely on Chaucer's poem. It b^ins:
Cressus: was the ffairest of Troye,
whom Troylus did loue!
the Knight was kind, & shee was coy,
no w<»rds nor worthes cold moue,
till Pindaurus [!] soe playd his part
that the Kmght obtained her hart
the Ladyes rose destroyes:
[They] held a sweet warr a winters night
till the enuyous day gaue light;
which, darkness louers ioyes.
It is most surprising that Henryson's story was not worked into
many lugubrious moralizing ballads of the type so dear to Eliza-
bethan readers. One of these is mentioned on p. 24, below; and
probably there were others not now preserved.
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give his heart I He is dismayed, a:nd seeks the help of her
uncle Pandarus. Pandar tells Cressyd that Troilus is
dying for her love, though the young warrior nevertheless
goes to the battlefield and gives the Greeks " many a lusty
thwake-a." Cressyd, caught at her uncle's house by a rain-
storm, is forced to pass the night there. Troilus goes to
her chamber with Pandar, but is too tongue-tied to speak.
He kneels by the bed, but Pandar places him in it, blows
out the light, and leaves the two together. In the morning
he returns.
"In faythe, old iinkell," then quoth she,
"Yow are a frend to tnist-a."
Then Troylus lawghed, and wat you why?
For he had what he lust-a.
Halliwell-Phillipps first commented on the resemblance of
the ballad to Shakespeare's play. That resemblance is un-
mistakable, particularly in the characterization of
Troilus,^''^ who both in ballad and in drama is frankly sen-
sual. It is by no means improbable that Shakespeare had
heard this ballad simg about the streets of London,^^ and
that alone would have given him a distaste for the love
story: ballad-mongers and ballad-singers had made it
coarse and farcical, and no Elizabethan poet would gladly,
or willingly, have treated a theme which they had popular-
ized and befouled.
Robert Henryson's Testament of Cfeseyde was pub-
lished in Thynne's 1532 edition ^® of Chaucer, introduced
" Cf . especially Troilus and Cressida, iv, ii, 36-40.
*I have observed that one of the ballads in this MS. was r^s-
tered in October, 1664, and yet was printed under Richard Johnson's
name in his Oroton (ktrland, 1612. The ballad on Troilus and
Gressida could easily have been in circulation in Shakespeare's day.
"The quotations in this article are from Thynne's text (as nor-
malized in Gregory Smith's Henryson, vol. m, pp. 177-198), because
this was long the only text known in England. Otherwise the Scot-
tish text (1693) would be preferable.
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THE TBOILUS-CEBSSIDA STOBY 896
with the statement that " Thus endeth the fyfth and laste
booke of Troylus : and here f oloweth the pytef ul and dolor-
ous testament of f ayre Creseydc," and concluding, " Thus
endeth the pyteful and dolorous testament of fayre Ore-
seyde: and here f oloweth the legende of good women."
The poem was probably written in the last quarter of the
fifteenth century. The earliest record of it is in the table
of contents of the British Museum ms. Asloan, circa 1515,
but the portion of the ms. which contained the poem is lost,
and Thynne's is the earliest extant text. Perhaps Thynne
did not intend it to be taken as Chaucer's work — Chaucer,
indeed, is several times mentioned in the poem — ^but it
was reprinted in all editions of Chaucer down to Urry's
(1721), was attributed to him by Bale, Leland, and Tan-
ner (1748), and was even included among his poems in
Chabners's Worhs of the English Poets (ISIO).^^' The
oldest extant separate text is that published by Henry
Charteris at Edinburgh in 1593. Six years after this, one
of Francis Thynne's Animadversions on Speght's Chaucer
was: "yt wolde be good that Chaucer's proper woorkes
were distinguyshed from the adulterat, and suche as were
not his, as the Testamente of Cressyde " ; ®^ but in his
1602 edition Speght not only ignored this advice but in-
serted the following passage at the beginning of Chaucer's
poem (folio 143) : " In this excellent Booke is shewed the
foment loue of Troylus to Creiseid, whome hee enioyed for
a time : and her great vntruth to him againe in giuing her
selfe to Diomedes, who in the end did so cast her off, that
she came to great miserie. In which discourse Chaucer
liberally treateth of the diuine purueiaunce."
■•Henrjson's Works, ed. Gregory Smith, Scottish Text Society,
vol. I, p. xlvflf.
"Miss Spurgeon, vol. i, pp. 164-155.
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396 HTDSB E. Boixms
Chaucer had confined himself to the tragi-comedy of
Troilus, but the Scottish poet, on a cold winter night when
he was reading the story "written by worthy Chaucer
glorious," ^* perceived that inherent in the theme there was
a real tragedy of Criseyde, a tragedy suggested by her own
adjuration:
And thou, Simoys, that as an arwe clere
Thonigh Troye rennest ay downward to the see,
Ber witnesse of this word that seyd is here,
That thilke day that ich imtrewe be
To Troilus, myn owene herte free.
That thou retome bakwarde to thy weUe,
And I with body and soule sinke in helle! "
The continuation of the story, as Henryson wrote it, is the
most artistic, the most powerful handling made by any
poet after Chaucer. Animated no doubt by a desire to
warn " worthy women '^ to " mynge nat your loue with
false disception," he nevertheless wrote a genuinely dra-
matic poem, powerful in its delineation of character, grip-
ping in the inevitability of its denouement, and yet marked
by the same sympathetic comprehension of the character
of Creseyde that had made Chaucer pity her. The story
could hardly end as Chaucer left it. There the ghost of
Troilus looks down from the clouds upon the comedie hu-
maine in which he had played such an unfortunate role
and laughs at the pitiableness of his efforts and those of the
living Trojans. But what of Criseyde ? Was she true to
Diomed ? Could so sensual a man be true to her ? Or was
not his infatuation a mere whim caused by a desire of
showing his superiority to her Trojan lover? Henryson's
beautiful story answers all these questions in a manner
"The aUusions to Chaucer in the Testament are, of course, in
Mise Spurgeon's book (voL i, p. 56).
" Troilxia and Criseyde^ Bk. iv, st. 222.
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THE TBOrLUa-CRBSSIDA STOBY 897
that is beyond praise — ^with the sure touch of an artist.
But in doing so he rang Criseyde's " bell " so loudly that
it reverberated to the time of Shakespeare, and forever
damned her as a loose woman.
The Diomedes Chaucer portrayed could not possibly
have been true to Oriseyde: once he had gained her body,
once he had triumphed over the lover Troilus, Oriseyde
could no longer attract him. Henryson knew this. And
he was entirely unfamiliar with the courtly-love rules that
had motivated Chaucer's treatment of Criseyde, but in-
stead regarded her as a wanton even in her relations with
Troilus and as the kept mistress of Diomedes.** Accord-
''So thought also Sir Francis Kinaston, who oirod 1635 b^an to
translate Troilus into Latin and pointed out that the ** Sixt & Last
Booke of Troilus and Creseid" was not by Chaucer but by "Mr.
Robert Henderson," — surprising news to most of his contemporaries.
"This Mr Henderson/' he said, "wittily obseruing that Chaucer in
his 5th booke had related the death of Troilus, but made no mention
what became of Creseid, he learnedly takes vppon him in a fine
poeticall way to expres the punishment &> end due to a false vncon-
stant whore, which commonly terminates in extreme misery" (G.
Smith's Henryson, vol. i, p. ciii; cf. also Miss Spurgeon, vol. i,
p. 207). Both Henryson and Kinaston were quite modem in their
attitude toward Cressid.
Ballad-mongers naturally took an unfavorable view of Cressid's
relations with Troilus. So "A Ballade in Praise of London Pren-
tices, and What They Did at the Cock-Pitt Playhouse" (Collier's
Hist. Eng. Dramatio Poetry, 1879, vol. i, p. 387), of the date of
March, 1616/7, tells us that
King Priam^s robes were soon in rags,
And broke his gilded scepter;
False Cressid's hood, that was so good
When loving Troylus kept her. . . .
The ballad, if genuine, perhaps throws some light on the way in
which actors played the part of Cressid. The author of "A New
Ballad of King Edward and Jane Shore," 1671 {Rowhurghe Ballads,
vol. vm, p. 424), is quite as imcomplimentary to "young Troyalus "
as his predecessors were to Cressid.
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398 HYPEB E. BOLLIN8
ingly, he tells us that it was not long before Diomedes tired
of Creseyde and drove her out. It grieves him to be forced
to admit that
Than desolate she walked yp and downe.
As, some men sayne, in the courte as commune."
FinaDy she returns to Calchas. Going into a private ora-
tory of the temple, she bitteriy reproaches Venus and
Cupid for the evils they have sent on her; and falling
asleep, dreams that her case is being tried by the gods, that
Venus is demanding punishment for her impiety, that the
gods decree her offence punishable by leprosy. Cynthia
and Saturn descend to deliver the verdict. And a fearful
one it is !
Thy christal eyen menged with blode I make;
Thy voice so clere, vnplesaunt, he^, and hace;
Thy lusty lere ouerspred with spottes blake,
And limipes hawe appering in thy face;
Where thou comest, eche man shal flye the place;
Thus shalte thou go beggyng fro house to hous,
With cuppe and clapper lyke a lazarous."
Creseyde awakes to find that her dream has come true.
She leaves the temple secretly with her father, and goes to
the " spyttel house," where only a few lepers recognize her.
She moans and cries, but finally is reconciled to begging.
One day Troilus, riding by, is reminded by her terrible
eyes of his lost lady-love, and impetuously pours money
and jewels into her dish. Creseyde is frantic with grief.
Feeling death approaching, she requests one of the lepers
to carry her ruby ring to Troilus and to tell him of her un-
happy end. When Troilus receives the ring and hears the
message, he is filled with agony. But, alas ! what can he
do ? She has been untrue to him — ^he can only furnish the
«L1. 76-77. "LI. 337-343.
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THE TBOrLUS-OBBSSIDA STOBY 399
grave in which the lepers have hastily biiried her with a
splendid monument and think of her ! A beautiful and a
pitiful story!
It should be obvious that most readers took the Testor
ment for Chaucer's own work. In the third and fourth
lines Henryson does say, "whan I began to write this
tragedy/' but that statement could easily be overlooked be-
cause of what follows, and besides the poem was unsigned.
It was a stormy, cold night, Henryson says ; I mended the
fire, took a drink to arm me from the cold, opened a book
written by glorious Chaucer, in which I read the story of
fair Creseyde and Troilus, — of how Troilus nearly died
of grief when he was forsaken. And then
To breke my filepe another queare I toke.
In whiche I founde the fatal desteny
Of fayre Creseyde, whiche ended wretchedly.
Who wot if al that Chaucer wrate was trewe?
Nor I wotte nat if this narration
Be authorysed, or forged of the newe.
Of some poete, by his inuention."
This " other queare " could easily have been mistaken for
a continuation of the story by Chaucer. Perhaps in the
verses just quoted Henryson was trying to give that im-
pression.*® At any rate, the stanza form, the smoothly
flowing verse (which probably sounded smoother and more
regular to the Elizabethan ear than did Chaucer's own),
the attitude towards the characters, — ^these might well have
been thought Chaucer's. And the inevitability of Henry-
son's denouement, even though it necessitated the resur-
"Ll. 61-67.
"* Professor Skeat thought that these lines threw some doubt on
Henryson's authorship. Cf. his Ohauoerian cmd Other Pieces, p. 522.
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400 KYDEB E. BOLLINS
rection of Troilus, should have removed all doubts of the
authenticity of the poem.
Henryson mtade his Creseyde a life-like, suffering wo-
man, struck down in the height of her folly by inexorable
retribution. For authors and for readers up to 1600 Hen-
ryson's Cressid was the Cressid ; but lacking his sympathy,
they regarded her as a light-of-love who finally paid for her
faithlessness and unchastity by leprosy. The influence of
Henryson on the story was immense. He completely di-
verted it from the channel in which Chaucer had left it;
but, nevertheless, every mention of Cressid as a leper, at
least to 1600, is an allusion to Chaucer. People thought
they were reading Chaucer: nobody had ever heard of
Robert Henryson, schoolmaster.
Nor did Elizabethan writers have any idea of the origin
of the Cressid myth, although many of them knew Boccac-
cio's " tragedies." A ballad roistered at Stationers' Hall
in 1664-65 and preserved in a Bodleian Library manu-
script ^® begins.
In Bocae an Guydo I rede and fynde,
Thatt wemen of verrey nature and kynde,
Be Bubtyll and nnstedfaste of mynde,
but shows no knowledge of Guido's or Boccaccio's Cressid.
George Turbervile translated some of Boccaccio's tales,
constantly quotes him, and mentions him in connection
with Chaucer, but knew Troilus and Cressid only as they
appeared in Chaucer's works. In his Epitaphes, Epir
grams. Songs and Sonets (1567) Turbervile devotes a
poem to the story of Briseis, Chryseis, and the Wrath of
** Registered, I have observed, under the title of its refrain, "I
wiU say nothing," in 1564-65 (Arber's Transoript, voL i, p. 270) ;
printed in Thomas Wright's Songs and Ballads, Roxburghe Club,
1860, p. 163.
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THE TBOILUS-OBESSIDA STOBY 401
Achilles ; ^*^ if he had actually read the Iliad, he must have
observed that a Pandarus plays an important role in Books
iv-v and that Briseis, in Book xix, is described as a Trojan
widow. But Turbervile, though deeply impressed by
Chaucer's and Henryson's narratives, perceived no connec-
tion between Briseis and Cressid, and probably derived his
information about Achilles, Briseis, and Chryseis, only
from Ovid's Epistles, which, in 1567 (or earlier), he had
translated. His poems are literally full of allusions to
the Troilus-Cressida story, which he constantly uses in his
doleful love ditties, as a fearful warning to obdurate and
faithless mistresses. On one occasion '^ Finding his Mis-
tresse vntrue, he exclaimeth thereat " ^^ as follows:
FareweU thou Bhamelesse shrew,
faire Gresides heire thou art:
And I Sir Trojlus earst haue been,
as prooueth by my smart.
Hencefoorth beguile the Greekes,
no Troyans will thee trust:
I yeeld thee vp to Diomed,
to glut his filthie lust.
But the Henryson story was always in Turbervile's
mind. " The Lover in utter dispaire of his Ladies retume,
* In J. P. Collier's reprint of the Epitaphes, pp. 223-226. On p. 10
occurs this little known allusion to Chaucer and Boccaccio:
Pause, pen, a while therefore,
and use thy woonted meane:
For Boccas braine, and Chancers quill
in this were foyled cleane.
Of both might neither boast
if they did live againe;
For P[yndara]. would put them to their shifts
to pen hir Tertues plaine.
/ / ** In Tragical Tales, translated by Tvrhervile, In time of his
^troubles, 1587 (Edinburgh reprint, 1837, p. 330). The Tales, as I
shall prove elsewhere, was first printed in 1574-75.
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402 HTDEB B. BOLLIN8
in eche respect compares his estate with Troylus," a poem
in the Epitaphes (p. 249), brims with allusions to Chau-
cer's own poem but concludes with this characteristic
passage, which borrows both details and phrases from
OSenryson :
But though my fortune frame awrie,
And I, dispoylde hir companie,
Must waste the day and night in wo,
Fol: that the gods appointed so,
I naytheiesse will wish hir well
And better than to Cresid fell:
I pray she may have better hap
Than beg hir bread with dish and clap,
As shee, the sielie miser, ^ did,
When Troylus by the spittle rid.
God shield hir from the lazars lore,
And lothsome leapers stincking sore.
And for the love I earst hir bare
I wish hir as my selfe to fare.
The poet was not always so charitable. " To his cruel Mis-
tresse," *^ at another time, he frankly remarks:
^Ihid., p. 369. On p. 334 we read: *
When Cresid clapt the dish,
and Lazer-like did goe:
She rewde no doubt that earst she did
the Troyan handle so.
And might she then retirde
to beuties auncient tbwre:
She would haue stucke to Priams sonne,
of faithful loue the floure.
But fond, too late she found
that she had been too light:
And ouerlate bewaild that she
forewent the worthy knight.
So in the Epitaphea, 1667 (Collier's reprint, pp. 108-100) :
Let Creside be in coumpt
and number of the mo.
Who for hir lightnesse may presume
with falsest on the row;
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA STORY 403
And if I may not haue
the thing I would enioy:
I pray the gods to plague thee
as they did the dame of Troy.
I meane that Creside coy
that linkt her with a Greeke:
And left the lusty Troyan Duke,
of all his loue to seeke.
And so they wil, I trust,
a mirror make of thee:
That beuties darlings may beware,
when they thy scourge shal see!
f The enormous popularity of Turbervile's poems, doggerel
j though most of them are, helped to make the name of Cres-
sid odious, or worse, comical.
Thomas Howell's " The britlenesse of thinges mortall,
and the trustinesse of Vertue," a poem in spasmodic rime
royal published in his Newe Sonets, and pretie Pamphlets
(circa 1570),^^ is so important for this discussion and so
Else would she not have left
a Trojan for a Greeke.
But what? by kinde the cat will hunt;
hir father did the like.
There are similar long allusions on pp. 64, 56-57. The Epitaphes
was. issued in ?1565, 1567, 1570, 1579, 1584. Turbervile had a
brother and various nephews and cousins named Troilus (Hutchins,
History and Antiquities of Dorset, 3rd edition, voL i, pp. 130, 201 ) ,
but whether there were likewise Cressids in the family, the record
telleth not!
•Originally licensed in 1567-68, but no copy of the first edition
remains. The present edition claims to be " newly augmented, cor-
rected and amended. Imprinted at London in Flete-streete, at the
signe of S. lohn Euangelist, by Thomas ColwBll." GolwelPs last
license (for a ballad) was secured in July, 1571 (Arber's Transcript,
vol. I, p. 444) ; he is last heard of in a marginal note beside the
entry of a book he had registered in 1568-9 : " solde to Benyman,
19 Junij 1673" (Arber, vol. i, p. 378); so that Howeirs Netoe
Sonets probably appeared about 1570. Grosart, reprinting the sec-
pnd edition, does not attempt to date it. Miss Spurgeon, vol. i,
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404 HTDEB S. BOLLINS
inaccessible as to deserve quotation. Four stanzas of the
poem deal with Cressid :
Where is faire HeUnes bewtie now be come,
Or Creased eke whom Troylua long time serued,
Where be the decked daintie Dame of Rome,
That in Aurelius time so flourished:
As these and many mo are vanished,
So shall your youth, your f auor, and your grace.
When nothing els but vertue may take place.
To vertue therf ore do your selues applie.
Gale Oressids lyfe vnto your youthly minde.
Who past her time in Troye most pleasauntly
Till falsinge faith to vice she had inclinde
For whiche to hir suche present plagues were sinde.
That she in Lazers lodge her life did ehde.
Which wonted was most choysly to be tende.
Hir comly corpes that Troylus did delight
All puft with plages full lothsomly there lay:
Hir Azxu-de values, her Cristall skinne so whight.
With Purple spots, was falne in great decay:
Hir wrinkeled face once fayre doth fade away.
Thus she abode plagde in midst of this hir youth.
Was forst to b^ for breaking of hir truth.
After having thus paraphrased Henryson, the last stanza,
with unconscious irony, continues the denunciation with
an imitation of Chaucer^s phraseology :
Lo here the ende of wanton wicked Ufe,
Lo here the fruit that Sinne both sowes and reapes;
Lo here of vice the right rewarde and knife.
That cutth of cleane and tombleth downe in heapes.
All such as treadeth Cresids cursed steps,
Take heede therefore how you your youthes do spende.
For vice bringes plagues, and vertue happie ende.^
p. 100, merely refers to the work under its original date. But cf.
Herbert-Ames, Typographical Antiquities, n, p. 932.
**The Poems of Thomas Howell, ed. A. B. Grosart, pp. 121-122.
Cf. Chaucer's TroUus, Bk. v, st. 262, 265.
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THE TBOILUS-OBESSIDA STOBY 405
In 1581 Howell published his Denises, for his owne
exercise, and his Friends pleasure,*^ and there included
this poem, changing the title to ^^Kuine the rewarde of
Vice/' considerably recasting all the verses, and adding a
stanza. It is very probable that Shakespeare knew How-
ell's Denises, and he could hardly have accused Howell of
writing maliciously of Cressid. It cannot be insisted too
often that readers of the Testament thought they were
reading Chaucer. " Chancers woorkes bee all printed in
one volume," John Fox wrote in 1670, " and therfore
knowen to aU men." ^® But if all men had read that vol-
ume, they also had the idea of Cressid that Howell has here
George Gascoigne was fascinated by the Troilus-Cressid
story, and refers to it with persistent and monotonous re-
iteration. The Posies (1575), his ungainly collection of
plays and poems, mentions the lovers on nearly every
page ! Miss Spurgeon ^"^ quotes these verses from " Dan
Bartholmew his first Triumphe " :
Thj brother Troylua eke, that gemme of gentle deedes,
To thinke howe he abused was, alas, mj heart it bleedes!
He bet about the bushe, whiles other caught the birds,
Whome crafty Oreaaide mockt to muche, yet fed him still with
words.
And God he knoweth, not I, who pluckt hir flrst-sprong rose,
Since LoUius and Chaucer both make doubt ypon that glose.
The mention of LoUius is important as showing that Gas-
coigne had read TroUns with some care but that he knew
nothing of its source in Boccaccio, — a fact which, in the
light of his knowledge of Italian, is a bit surprising. Miss
^In Grosart's edition. A separate edition was edited by Sir
Walter Raleigh, Oxford, 1906.
^Mis8 Spurgeon, toI. i, p. 105.
•'/Wrf., p. 110.
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406 HYDEB E. ROLLINS
Spurgeon omits the four lines that directly follow those
above :
But this I knowe to well, and lie to farre it felte.
How Diomede vndid his knots, & caught both brooch and belt.
And how she chose to change, and how she changed still,
And how she dyed leaper-like, against hir louers will.
Gascoigne's information about Cressid's imchastity, then,
came primarily from the Testament. Henryson's Cre-
seyde's last words were :
''0 Diomede! thou hast both broohe & belte,
Whiche Troylus gaue me in tokenyng
Of his trewe loue " — & with that worde she swelte,**
•LI. 570-581. The belt is Henryson's addition. The Scottish
poet Wedderburne {Bannat^e M8., 1568, ed. Hunterian Club, vol.
IV, p. 761; Sibbald's Chron, Scot. Poetry, vol. in, p. 236), following
both Henryson and Chaucer, piles an alarming assortment of ar-
ticles on the weapon of Diomedes:
God wait quhat wo had Troyelus in deid,
Quhen he beheld the belt, the broch and ring,
Hingand vpoun the speir of Diomeid,
Quhilk Troyellus gaif to Cresseid in luve taikning.
This last line is almost an exact quotation of Henryson, 11. 500-501
(quoted above). But Wedderburne, like his English contempo-
raries, thought he was quoting Chaucer. In this same poem there
is a stanza (unnoticed by Miss Spurgeon) in wjiich he summarizes
the Miller's Tale.
The limits of this article necessarily preclude an attempt to trace
the story through the Scottish poets. A remarkable poem, "The
Laste Epistle of Creseyd to Troyalus," attributed to William Fowler
{Works, vol. I, pp. 379-387, ed. H. W. Meikle, 1«14), should be
mentioned, however. This aims to finish Henryson's poem, and does
so by borrowing his situation and retelling the whole story of the
Testament plus details presumably from Lydgate and certainly from
Chaucer. The date of this poem is, I should guess, about 1603,
when Fowler came to London with Que«n Anne. (The second vol-
ume of Meikle's edition has not appeared, and he has not expressed
his opinion.) At any rate, Fowler was unaware of, or totally
unimpressed by, Shakespeare's play.
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THE TROILUS-CRE8SIDA STORY 407
and this explains the persistent allusions in Elizabethan
poems to " brooch and belt"
In " Dan Bartholmewes Dolorous discourses " Gas-
coigne writes :
I found naught else but tricks of Creaaides kinde,
Which playnly proude that thou weart of hir bloud.
I found that absent Troylua was forgot,
When Dyatnede had got both brooch and belt,
Both gloue and hand, yea harte and all, Grod wot.
When absent Troylus did in sorowes swelt,**
and then concludes by imitating Chaucer's epilogue to the
Troilus: »<^
Lo, here the cause for why I take this paync!
Lo, how I loue the wight which me doth hate!
Lo, thus I lye, and restlesse rest in Bathe. . . ."
In another passage Gascoigne remarks :
And saye as Troylua sayde, since that I can no more.
Thy wanton wyll dyd wauer once, and woe is me therefore,"
almost an exact rendering of Henryson's lines (591-592).
Such examples, and more could easily be cited, show clear-
ly that Gascoigne made no distinction between Chaucer's
poem and Henryson's. On the contrary, they prove that,
at least from Gascoigne's point of view, his allusions to
Cressid's leprosy are allusions to Chaucer.^^
George Whetstone, in the Roche of Regard (1576), was,
I
[ ^Complete Poems, ed. Hazlitt, vol. i, p. 114.
■•Bk. V, St. 262, 266. Cf. Howell, p. 404, supra,
•»Hazlitt*s ed., vol. i, p. 115.
■/M<f., vol. I, p. 90. Henryson's lines are:
Sigheng ful sadly, sayde, "I can no more;
She was vntrewe, and wo is me therfore!"
"Similar allusions may be found in Hazlitt *s edition, vol. i, pp.
54, 55, 92, 98, 101, 105-106, 133, 139, 140, 363, 493, 495, and else-
where.
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408 HTDEB E. BOLLmS
perhaps even more than Gascoigne, influenced by Henry-
son, and is extremely severe on poor Cressid, frankly an-
nouncing in his preface ** To all the young Gentlemen of
England" that in Cressids Complaint, the title of one
poem in the first division of his book, " the subtilties of a
courtisan discovered may forwame youth from the com-
panie of inticing dames." " The Argument for Cressids
complaint," quoted below, shows to what a sad state Hen-
ryson's poem had brought the reputation of Cressid, mak-
ing her, in Whetstone's eyes, a strumpet even while she
was carrying on her love affair with Troilus :
The inconstancie of Cressid is so readie in every mans mouth,
as it is a needelesse labour to blase at full her abuse towards yong
Troilus, her frowning on Syr Diomede, her wanton lures and love:
neverthelesse, her companie scorned, of thousandes sometimes sought,
her b^gerie after braverie, her lothsome leprosie after lively beau-
tie, her wretched age after wanton youth, and her perpetuall infamie
after violent death, are worthy notes (for others heede) to be re-
membred. And for as much as Cressids heires in every comer live,
yea, more cunning then Cressid her selfe in wanton exercises, toyes
and inticements, to forewarne all m&i of such fllthes, to persuade
the infected to fall from their follies, and to rayse a feare in dames
imtainted to otfend, I have reported the subtile sleites, the leaud
life, and evill fortunes of a courtisane, in Cressid [s] name; whom
you may suppose, in tattered weedes, halfe hungerstarved, miserably
arrayde, with scabs, leprosie, and mayngie, to complaine as fol-
loweth.**
In the complaint itself, which ironically enough is writ-
ten in rime royal, Cressid frankly admits that she was
always a wanton, that she deliberately enticed Troilus and
was all the while prostituting her body to other Trojans.
She refers to " Syr Chaucer " ^^ (which shows that Whet-
stone wrote the piece with Chaucer's Criseyde in mind),
but borrows all her woes (including, of course, " the brooch
'^Rooke of Regard, J. P. Collier's reprint, p. 36.
''Ibid., p. 39 (Miss Spurgeon, vol. i, p. 113).
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA 8T0EY 409
and belt *' which Diomedes got) from Henryson. Where
Creseyde has said :
This leper loge take for thy goodly hour,
And for thy bedde take nowe a bonch of stro ;
Far wayled wyne and meates thou had tho,
Take mouled breed, pirate, and syder sour:
But cuppe and clapper, nowe ia al ago,"
Whetstone's Cressid cries, —
Glad is she now a browne breade crust to gnawe.
Who, deintie once, on finest cates did frowne;
To couch upon soft seames a pad of straw.
Where halfe misllkt were stately beds of downe:
By neede enforst, she begs on every clowne
On whom but late the best would gifts bestow;
But squemish then, God dyld ye, she said no."
The Epilogue imitates Chaucer's conclusion in the same
fashion as Howell and Gascoigne had earlier done :
Loe! here the fruits of lust and lawlesse love,
Loe! here their faults that vale to either vice;
Loe! ladyes, here their falles (for your behove)
Whose wanton willes sets light by sound advice.
Here lords may learn with noble dames to match;
For dunghill kyte from kinde will never flye. . . ."
Surely if Dr. Fumivall had read Cressids Complaint he
would never have said that we owe Shakespeare a grudge
for debasing Chaucer's beautiful story! The grudge, if
one be owed, must be against Henryson, while Shakespeare
I deserves our thanks for pulling Cressid partly out of the
mire in which Henryson's followers had placed her.
"Ll. 433-437.
" Collier's reprint, p. 40. Thomas Deloney's ballad of " Jane
Shore" {Works, ed. F. O. Mann, p. 304, st. 9-11) seems to be imitat-
ing both Whetstone and Henryson, though the resemblance is prob-
ably accidental. Whetstone has other allusions to Cressid on
pp. 134, 279. Cf. also his mention of Achilles and Briseis on p. 140.
" Collier's reprint, p. 91.
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410 HYDEB E. BOLLINS
Sabia, in Common Condiiioiis (before 1576), replies to
Nomides's question, " What constancy in Creseda did rest
in eiiery thinge ? " thus :
How fajthfull was Deomedes one of the Qreekishe crew
Though Troilus therin was iust yet was hee found vntrewe.
And so betweene those twaine, and fortunes luckles hap,
Shee was like Lazor faine to sit and beg with dish and clap."
The allusions were no doubt understood and appreciated
by every audience. From 1575 to 1585 poetical miscel-
lanies, under fantastic and verbose titles, swarmed; and
Cressid's name monotonously appears in them, along with
that of Helen, as a fearful example. Cressid, however, i^'
only once referred to in The Paradyse of daynty devises
(1576) : there a certain K. L. has occasion to illustrate his
remarks by the story of Medea and Jason. He then
writes:
Vnto whose grace yelde he, as I doe offer me,
Into your hands to haue his happ, not like hym for to be:
But as kyng Priamus [ ?8onne] , did binde hym to the will,
Of Cressed false whiche hym forsoke, with Diomed to spill.
So I to you commende my faithe, and eke my ioye,
I hope you will not bee so false, as Cressed was to Troye :
For if I bee vntrue, her Lazares death I wishe,
And eke in thee if thou bee false, her clapper and her dishe.*
The Oorgious Gallery of gallant Inuerdions (1578) is
crowded with allusions to Henryson's Cressid. One lover,
who is quite as ungallant as R. L., " writeth to his Lady a
desperate Parewell," and remarks :
Thy fawning flattering wordes, which now full falce I finde,
Perswades mee to content my selfe, and turne from Cressids kinde.
** Common CondUions, ed. Tucker Brooke, 1915, 11. 801, 820-823.
See also 1. 1281.
•• " Beyng in Loue, he complaineth," J. P. Collier's reprint of
1578 edition of the Paradyse, p. 132. There were eight editions by
1600.
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THE TEOILITS-CBESSIBA STOBY 411
And all the sorte of those: that vse such craft I wish
A speedy end, or lothsome life, to Hue with Lasara dish."
Another lover, exhorting " his Lady to bee constant," re-
minds her that
The fickle are blamed:
Their lightiloue shamed,
Theyr foolishnesse doth make them dye:
As well,
Can Cresaid beare witnesse,
Fordge of her owne distresse,
Whom Leprosy paynted
And penury taynted."
!More intelligent use of Henryson's narrative is made by
A poors Knight his Pallace of pnuate pleaswres (1579),
an elaborate allegory. Morpheus escorts the poor knight
to the Vale of Venus, where among other unfortunate
lovers he sees Troilus and Cressid :
And as I pryed by chauncoj I 8a w a damsell morne,
With ragged weedes, and Lazers spots, a wight to much forlorne.
Quoth Morpheus doost thou see, wheras that caytiffe lyes,
Much like the wretched Crocodill, beholde now how shee cryes.
That is Pandare his Nice, and Calcaa only childe,
By whose deceites and pollicies, young Troylus was beguilde.
Shee is kept in afSiction where many other are,
And veweth Troylus lying dead, vpon the Mount of Care.
Shee wepte, shee sighed, she sobd, for him shee doth lament.
And all too late, yet to to vaine, her facte shee doth repent:
How could that stedfast knight, (quoth I) loue such a dame?
Morpheus replied in beauty bright, shee bare away the fame:
Till that shee had betrayd, her Troylus and her dere,
And then the Gods assigned a plague, and after set her here.**
" Sign. C b ( Three Collections of English Poetry, ed. Sir Henry
Ellis, London, 1845).
*'Sign. £ iii h {ibid,) Similar allusions may be found at signs.
B ii 6, B iii, E ii &, F iii 6, G iv &, H ii, K iii 6, and elsewhere.
"Sign. B iiii b (Ellis's Three Collections). The phrase " Pandor
his Neece " is used again at sign. D ii 6, and of course comes only
from Chaucer's story.
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412 ^ HYDEB E. BOLIJNS
The poor knight, indeed, seems to have read the Testament
of Creseyde with more attention than most of his fellow
writers. He noticed, for instance, that while Creseyde had
bequeathed her " corse and caryoun With wormes and with
toodes to be rent," she had also said :
My spirite I leaue to Diane, wher she dwelles,
To walke with her in waste wodes & welles; ^
aiid accordingly, in another poem, he puts her in the train
of Diana. Cupid's army approaches, and Desire is sent to
demand Diana's surrender. This is refused. Desire re-
turns to Cupid, and is ordered to ambush the maidens. He
does so, and " when as worthy Troylus came, how could
Dame Cressid fight ? '' But this was no prelude to a happy
reunion in the Other World. The poor knight was too
prejudiced for that, and hastened to add:
But rather then Dame Cressid would, so quickly seeme as dead,
Shee vowed her selfe from Troylus true, to flattering Diomede,
So that the periured Orecian, or els the Troyan knight,
Should haue Dame Cressid vnto loue, yea hoth if so it might.*"
In " lustice and Judgement, pleaded at Beauties Barre,"
the poor knight devotes five stanzas (in rime royal) to
Cressid.^® All the gods and Venus sit beside Beauty, and
after Helen has been condenmed and led away, Troilus
offers his bill of complaint against Cressid. Diomedes tries
•* Ll. 577-678. «• Sign. D iii 5.
•• Signs. F-F 5. Cf . also sign. I iii. In W. A.'8 SpeoiaU Remedie
against the furious force of Uiwlesse Loue, 1579 (reprinted in Ellis's
Three Collections) , sign. F ii h, there is a rather interesting reference
to Cressid :
What madnesse then remaines, in mens vnruly mindes,
to feede one fruits of value desire, ye which so soone vntwindesC?]
For wher is now become, dame Cressids glorious hue,
whose passing port, so much did please, young Troilus ey^ tovewt
W. A., of course, is alluding to the leprosy story.
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THE TBOILUS-OBESSIDA STOBY 413
to defend her, but is routed by Troilus; Calchas offers
" glistering gobs of gold " if Beauty will spare her ; but
Beauty would not
giue eare, vnto the tale hee tolde,
But iudged her which was the Prophets daughter
A Leper vile, and so shee liued after.
Here a new twist hafe been given to the story, though the
author was indebted to Henryson for his idea. He has
simply paraphrased the description of Creseyde's dream as
given by the Scottish poet.
On June 23, 1581, Edward White licensed " A proper
ballad Dialoge wise betwene Troylus and Cressida," which
was probably, I think, a reprint of a ballad in two parts —
"A Complaint" (by "Troilus") and "A Beplye" (by
" Cressida ") — ^that had been published in the 1580 edi-
tion of the Paradyse of daynty deuises,^'' The " Com-
plaint " is a bitter attack in which Troilus laments that
Cressida's " gadding moode " calised her to be unfaithful.
" If she in Troy had tarryed still," the ballad-writer makes
Troilus say.
She had not knoune the Lazars call,
With cuppe & clap her almes to winne:
Nor how infective scabbe and scall,
Do cloth the Lepre Ladies skinne : •
She had no such distresse in Troy,
But honor, favour, wealth, and ioy.
In the " Replye " Cressida denies that a '^ gadding moode,
but forced strife " took her from Troy : if Troilus had only
made her his wife, they might have lived happily together.
As it is, she a'sks for pity, not blame ; and grieves because
" Edited by Sir E. Brydges, 1812, pp. 100-102. Published also in
Gascoigne's Poems, ed. W. C. Hazlitt, vol. n, pp. 331-333.
"This absurd phrase may come from Henryson, 1. 464: "a leper
lady rose, and to her wende."
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414 IIYDEE E. ROLLINS
Troilus is " blazing " her " plague to make it more." In
the Testament Troilus is profoundly touched by the resem-
blance of the leper to Cressid, and almost dies of grief
when he discovers that the leper tras Cressid. Such a pro-
duction as this ballad, then, keeps neither to the spirit of
Henryson nor of Chaucer, but the ballad-writer waJs reflect-
ing the popular idea of the unfortunate woman.
*' The Louer complaineth the losse of his Ladie," a bal-
lad by I. Thomson in A Handeftdl of pleasant delites
(1584),^® combines details from the Troilus atid the Tes-
tament in this fashion :
If Venus would grant vnto me,
such happinesse:
As she did vnto TroyluSf
By help of his friend P<uidarus,
To Creasids loue who worse.
Than aU the women certainly :
That euer lined naturally.
Whose slight falsed faith, the storie saitb,
Did breed by plagues, her great and sore distresse,
For she became so leprosie,
That she did die in penurie:
Because she did transgresse.^
The " storie " to which Thomson refers was, of course, the
six books of TroUus and Criseyde as printed by Thynne.
Robert Greene, in Euphues his censure to Philautu^
(1687), introduces Iphigenia, Briseis, and Cressida, as
three Greek ladies who frequently meet with Cassandra,
•• That the Handfull of Pleasant Delights first appeared in 1566, as
an entry in the Stationers' Registers for that year (Arber's Tran-
script, vol. I, p. 313) would naturally lead one to expect, and that
most of the ballads printed in the 1584 Handfull had actually been
published before 1566, I have attempted to prove in an article pres-
ently to appear in the Journal of English and Oermanic Philology.
'♦ A Handefull, etc., Spenser Society edition, p. 32. Henryson does
not mention Pandarus.
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA STORY 416
Polyxena, Andromache, and the Greek and Trojan war-
riors to discuss philosophy and literature, — all these per-
sonages being sublimely unconscious that the works they
are discussing were not to be written for hundreds of years.
Mr. C. H. Herford has suggested '^^ that this anachronism
may have led Shakespeare into putting Aristotle's phi-
losophy in Hector's mouth. Certainly in the Winter's
Tale Shakespeare followed Greene by giving Bohemia a
sea-ijoast — an error that aroused the scornful ridicule of
Ben Jonson. In the " third discourse " Greene speaks of
'' Cressida, who all that night had smoothered in hir
thoughts the perfection of TroUiLs/' ''^ but a rematk of his
Orlando Furioso, —
Why strumpet, worse than Mars his trothlesse loue.
Falser than faithles Cressida: strumpet thou shalt not scape, — ^
shows that his opinion of Cressida was hardly favorable.
With WUlobie His Avisa. Or The true Picture of a
modest Maid, and of a chast and constant wife (1694) we
come close to Shakespeare. In her " Second Temptation
. . . after her marriage by Ruffians, Roysters, young Gen-
tlemen, and lustie Captaines, which all shee quickly cuts
off," the impossible Avisa, out-Susaning Susanna, delivers
this crushing retort to her tempters :
Though shamelesse Callets may be foimd;
That Soyle them selves in common field ;
And can carirc the whoores rebound,
To straine at first, and after yeeld:
Tet here are none of Creaeds kind,
In whome yo\i shall such fleeting find.'*
''In his Works of Shakespeare (1902), vol. ni, pp. 359-60.
" Greene's Prose Works, ed. A. B. Grosart, vol. vi, p. 233.
" Historie of Orlando Furioso, Malone Society reprint, 11. 1065-66.
For similar sliu's see Greene's "Never Too hate, 1590, Prose WorkSy
ed. Grosart, vol. vrn, pp. 26, 69, 68.
" Ed. Charles Hughes, 1904, Canto xviii, p. 51.
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416 HTDEB E. ROLLINS
Willobie himself then assailed the constant dame, only to
be told in " Avisa', her last reply/^
Assure your selfe, you know my mind,
My hart is now, as first it was,
I came not of dame Chrysiedes kind.^
To the Avisa is added a poem called " The praise of a con-
tented mind,'^ in which Willobie shows that Henryson was
his chief authority for the Cressid story. He writes:
For carelesse Crysed that had gin, her hand, her faith and hart,
To Troilus her trustie friend, yet falsely did depart:
And giglotllke from Troye towne, to Grecians campe would goe,
To Diomede, whom in the end, she found a faithless foe.
For having sliu'd the gentle slip, his love was tumd to hate.
And she a leaper did lament, but then it was too late.
Now foolish fancie was the cause, this Crysed did lament,
For when she had a faithfull friend, she could not be content.**
Sir Sidney Lee '^'^ believes that Shakespeare was the Mr.
W. S., an old player, referred to in the Avisa; but whether
or not this be true, Shakespeare probably noticed the book
because he was actually mentioned by name in the prefa-
tory verses. His opinion of Cressida was exactly the same
as that of Master Willobie.
By 1596, the year in which Thomas Heywood's Iron
Age seems to have first been played,''® Cressid's features
" Ed. Hughes, p. 133, Canto Lxxn.
^* Ibid,, pp. 138-139. The third verse is a rendering of Henryson's
" And go among the grekes early and late. So gyglotlyke, takyng thy
foule plesaunce " (U. 82-83) . The ugly phrase in the first half of the
fifth line is also used hy Gascoigne, Poems, ed. Hazlitt, vol. i, p. 105.
^ Life of Shakespeare (1916), pp. 219-221.
" Troy was entered in Henslowe's Diary (ed. Greg, vol. n, p. 180)
as a new play on June 22, 1596, and was performed five or six times
during June and July {ihid.y vol. i, p. 42). Greg {ibid., vol. n, p.
180) thinks that this was an earlier and shorter part of the Iron
Age, which was later expanded into a two-part play. The Iron Age
was first published in 1632 ; in the preface to the two parts Hey wood
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA STOBY 41'7
were fixed, so that no writer could possibly have further
degraded her. And it was probably the success of this play
that caused Henslowe to order another, on a similar theme,
from Dekker and Chettle. On April 7, 1599, he loaned
them three pounds " in eameste of ther boocke called
Troyeles & creasse daye," ^® and on April 16 twenty shill-
ings " in pte of payment of ther boocke called Troyelles &
cresseda/^ ®^ The play is not extant, but among the Hen-
slowe papers there is a rough plot of a Troilus-Oressida
play which may have been this one. A section of it runs
thus:
Enter Cressida wth Beggars, pigg Stephen, mr Jones his boy
& mutes to them Troylus, & Deiphobus k proctor exeunt,"^ —
wrote that they had been ''often (and not with the least applause,)
Publickely Acted by two Companies, yppon one Stage at once." lliis
performance may have been given during the autumn of 1597, when
from October 11 to November 5 Pembroke's and the Admiral's men
played together at the Rose. Fleay {Biographical Chrowiolet vol. i,
p. 2S5) believed this, but Greg (Diary ^ vol. n, p. 180) denies it.
Nevertheless, among the inventory of properties owned by the Ad-
miral's men (Heywood's company) on March 10, 1597/8, there was a
"great horse with his leages" {Hen9lou>e Papers, ed. Greg, p. 118),
a property absolutely necessary for the second part of the Iron Age
and very probably used for it during the performances of the preced-
ing winter. Heywood's Golden Age, Silver Age, and Braaen Age
seem to have been first performed on March 5, 1594/6, May 7, 1595,
and May 23, 1596 {Dairy, ed. Greg, vol. n, p. 175; Fleay, Biog. Ohron.,
vol. I, pp. 283-284, and History of the Stage, p. 114) ; and it seems
highly probable that the Iron Age immediately followed these. The
best discussion of the date of the Iron Age is that in Professor Tat-
lock's "Siege of Troy," PMLA., vol. xxx, pp. 707-719. He decides
(p. 719) that "an earlier date for Iron Age than for Shakespeare's
Troilus (1601-02) is favored by some of [the] evidence and opposed
by none of it."
*• Henslowe's Diary, ed. Greg, vol. i, 104.
"* Ibid. The play of Agamem/non which was entered on May 26 and
May 30, 1599 {ibid,, p. 109), Greg {iUd., vol. n, p. 202) does not
believe to have been the same as the Dekker-Chettle Troilua,
" Henslowe Papers, ed. Greg, p. 142.
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418 HYDE|l E. BOLMNS
enough to show that Henryson's poem had decidedly col-
ored the plot.
Heywood probably got most of his material from Lyd-
gate, though he also knew the Iliad and from it took his
Thersites. But he has a number of remarkable deviations
from Lydgate's narrative, many of them due, no doubt, to
his knowledge of Homer. He seems not to have known
Chaucer's Troilus,^^ but the final scene in which his Cres-
sid appears is taken from Henryson's poem. " Panders "
is once used as a common noun,®® but Pandarus is nowhere
mentioned ; and while Troilus is exalted to a position al-
most equal to that of Hector (as in Chaucer and Lydgate),
the chronology of the love story is hopelessly muddled, and
the characterization of Cressid is absurd. The outline of
the story will indicate many points of resemblance between
the Iron Age and Shakespeare's play.®*
Troilus appears in the first scene of Act I, Paii; I, where
*■ But in his Troia Briianioa, 1609 (note to Canto xi, p. 254), Hey-
wood refers to the story of Troilus and Cressida written by "the
reuerent Poet Chaucer."
* Pt. n, Act V {Plays, ed. Pearson, vol. iii, p. 428) .
** It is altogether improbable that, as almost all critics have said,
Shakespeare took his Thersites directly from Chapman's lUad. In-
stead he must have been chiefly influenced by Heywood's play, or by
an older play which they both used. Perhaps he knew John Hey-
wood's ( ? ) interlude of Thersites, which was printed by Tyndale,
1552-1563; and certainly the scenes in which this Thersites abuses
his old mother are as disgusting from the modern point of view and
as amusing from the Elizabethan point of view as anything said by
Shakespeare's Tliersites. Shakespeare also knew Thersites from
Arthur Golding's translation of the Metamorphoses (1567). The
epigram on Thersites in Bastard's Ohrestoleros (Spenser Society
reprint, p. 28), which was published in April, 1598, some time before
Chapman's Ilictd first appeared, probably was suggested by the popu-
larity of the Thersites in Heywood's Iron Age. Shakespeare's Ther-
sites, like his Pandar, was intended to be purely a comic figure. See
Hey wood's comments on Thersites in his Pleasant Dialogues an<f
Dramas, 1637 (no pagination or signatures).
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THE TBOILUS-CEESSEDA STOBY 419
Antenor is reporting his ill success at securing " Aunt
Hesione " from the Greeks. Paris then secures permission
to sail for Greece and steal Helen. The remainder of the
act deals with his reception in Greece, the rape of Helen,
and the arming of the Greeks for pursuit. Thersites ap-
pears in the first Grecian scene, " rayling " bitterly, call-
ing Helen an " asse," predicting that Menelaus will soon
wear horns, and otherwise disporting himself for the de
lectation of the groundlings. In Act II Troilus and Cres-
sida are seen mutually pledging eternal faithfulness.
Meanwhile Helen has been joyfully received into Troy,
and the Greek hosts have encamped before the walls. Cal-
chas then flees. Hector vows vengeance on him, but not a
word is said of Cressid. After a skirmish or two. Hector
steps between the ranks, offering to stake the outcome of
the war on single combat. Ulysses suggests that the Greek
champion be determined by lot. In the combat that fol-
lows. Hector refuses to fight to the bitter end because Ajax
is his cousin. Priam then invites the Greek kings to a
banquet.
Act III opens with the banquet. Hector graciously wel-
comes his cousin, calmly listens to Achilles's predictions of
how and where he will be killed, and seems imaware that
Calchas is present whispering to Cressid. Presently the
father and daughter have this ridiculous conversation:
0<U, In one word this Troy shaU be sackt and spoiFd,
For 80 the gods haue told mee, Greece shall conquer,
And they be ruin'd, leaue then imminent perill,
And flye to safety.
Cres, From Troilttsf
CaL From destruction, take Diomed and Hue,
Or Troilus and thy death.
Cres. Then Troilus and my mine.
CaL Is Cresid mad?
Wilt thou forsake thy father, who for thee
And for thy safety hath forsooke his Countrey?
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420 HYDER E. ROLLINS
Cres. Must then this City perish?
Cal, Troy must fall.
Cres, Alas for Troy and Troilus.
Cal. Loue Eling Diotned
A Prince and valiant, which made Emphasis
To his Imperiall stile, line Diomeds Queene,
Be brief e, say quickly wilt thou? is it done?
Cres, Diomed and you i*le follow, Troilus shim.
She has hardly ceased speaking when a quarrel begins be-
tween Diomed and Troilus, from which we learn that
Diomed has already captured Troilus's horse and sent it
as a gift to Cressid. The banquet breaks up in confusion.
Nothing is told of Cressid's departure or of the grief of
Troilus, but soon after, in a brief scene, Troilus fights Dio-
medes, knocks off his helmet, and when the Greek has fled,
apostrophizes his sweetheart as ^^ false Cresida," and irra-
tionally closes the scene by exclaiming :
My Steede hee got by sleight, I this [the helmet] by force.
I'le send her this to whom hee sent my horse.
In Act IV Diomedes and Troilus enter " after an
alarum'' for a four-line scene, in which the Trojan de-
clares, '^ I'le live to loue [Cressid] when thy life is past."
Achilles now treacherously surrounds Hector with his Myr-
midons, kills him, and drags the corpse at the tail of his
horse, thus upsetting all mediseval legend and no doubt
preparing for the similar incident in Shakespeare's play.
Troilus is likewise surrounded and killed by Achilles ; but
the villainous Greek is shortly afterward enticed to Troy
and shot by Paris. Act V ends with the suicide of Ajax
and an epilogue by Thersites.
In Part II Cressid fares badly, probably not so much
because Heywood had any bitterness for her as because iii^
thousand and one details he crowded into his play pre-
vented his giving close attention to making her consistent
and realistic. Heywood is notably poor in motivating
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THE TROrLUS-CBESSIDA STORY 421
women characters: the ease with which Mrs. Frankford, in
his masterpiece, yields to WendoU, is sufficient proof of
this defect ; but his presentation of Cressid is nothing short
of ridiculous.
In the first act (among a dozen other scenes) Diomedes
remarks to Sinon: " Goe with me to my Tent, this night
we4e reuell With beauteous Cressida*" Sinon reproaches
Diomed for loving her, and when Diomed says, " Shee is
both constant, wise, and beautifull," replies in a speech
that is decidedly reminiscent of Henryson:
She's neither constant, wise, nor beautifull,
He prooue it Diomed: foure Elements
Meete in the structure of that Creasida,
Of which there's not one pure : she's compact
Meerely of blood, of bones and rotten flesh,
Which makes her Leaproua.
When Diomedes protests, Sinon offers to prove his state-
ment. Cressida approaches, Diomedes steps aside, and
Sinon accosts her. I am going to meet Diomedes, she tells
him, and lead him with kisses to his tent ; he is a fair and
comely personage, whom I love as my life. " Personage ? "
says Sinon, " ha, ha. I prithee looke on me, and view me
well. And thou wilt find some difference." She scorns him,
but listens when he begs her to leave her lover and come
with him. He tells her that Diomedes has a queen in
Etolia who will kill her. For a moment she wavers.
" Love me, Cressid," says Sinon ; " come kiss me," and this
amazing creature replies:
Well, you may vse your pleasure;
But good Synon keep this from Diomed,
The whole change takes place in fifty lines. Diomed
then appears, justly banishes her from his sight, and leaves
her lamenting her betrayal. Penthesilea enters, hears her
grievance against Sinon, and promises to avenge her (a
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422 HYDEB £• BOLLINS
promise, however, that is not fulfilled), while Creesid pre-
sumably goes straight to Troy. A last glimpse of her
comes when, the wooden horse having brought the Greeks
into the city, she and Helen are running wildly to escape.
Says Helen :
Death, in what shape soeuer hee appearee
To me is welcome, lie no longer shun him;
But here with Cresida abide him: here,
Oh, why was Hellen at the first so faire.
To become subiect to so foule an end?
Or how hath Cresida beauty sinn'd 'gainst Heauen,
That it is branded thus with leprosiet
Cressid answers:
I in conceit thought that I might contend
Against Heauens splendor, I did once suppose,
There was no beauty but in Creaids lookes.
She does not mention Troilus or her own double falsily,
and with this speech she passes from the play. Heywood
seems to have brought her in here only because she was
always written of and thought of as a leper: having thus
satisfied the Elizabethan mania for " historical accuracy,"
he was content to let her pass, sure that his alidience could
finish out her story. And so he carries his lumbering play
through two more acts until he has brought all the Greek
kings, Helen, Thersites, and Sinon to their violent deaths.
The resemblances between the Iron Age and Troilus and
Cressida are striking, and one must decide that Shake-
speare was influenced by the earlier play or that both he
and Heywood used a common source.
i There is really no problem in regard to Shakespeare's
I attitude towards the three major characters of the love
story. In the third act of Troilus ®* he makes Pandar say :
" If ever you prove false to one another, since I have taken
"III, ii, 205 ff.
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THE TROILUS-CRESSIDA STORY 423
such pains to bring you together, let all pitiful goers-be-
tween be called to the world's end after my name ; call them
all Panders; let all constant men be Troiluses, all false
women Cressids, and all brokers — between Pandars! say,
Amen." All say " Amen '' in a scene that must have been
irresistibly comic, for Pandarus had simply stated a fact.
At that very moment Troilus was the name for a constant
lover, " Cressid's kind " was the ordinary euphemism for
" harlot,'^ *^ pander " had become a common noun. Shake-
speare, then, had little choice in the matter ; he was obliged
to portray these three characters as time and tradition had
fixed them.
Dr. Small was wrong in saying that Shakespeare " adopts
the character of Pandarus from Chaucer without change,'' ®®
and Miss Porter equally wrong in maintaining that " Chau-
cer turned [Pandarus] into a trusty, true-hearted old
uncle, and Shakespeare re-created [him] in a gay, gross,
shrewd, and worldly courtier-type peculiarly his own, de-
spite the nucleus of the older su^estion " ; ^'^ for there is
nothing whatever of the courtier-type, no individuality
whatever, about Shakespeare's Pandarus. He is merely a
type of the pimp that Elizabethans were accustomed to see
prowling about the streets or in Paul's. Shakespeare saw
in him a good part for a low comedian ; he made Pandar a
buffoon, the butt of the play, but did not try to raise him
from common " noundom." That would have been a hope
less task; and Shakespeare adjusted his characterization
to the noun, just as the writers of the Moralities had tried
to present characters that would fit such names as Sim-
. plicity, Perseverance, or Fraud. " Pander " had become
a generic name early in the century, and by Shakespeare's
k
■• The Stage-Quarrel, p. 155.
" Troilus and Cresaida, First Folio ed., p. 138.
\y
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424 HYDEB E. BOLUNS
day it was necessary to use some qualifying word or phrase
when the individual Pandarus was meaiit Thomas Lodge,
for instance, wrote in the preface to his Wits Miserie
(1596) : " Earthly Deuils in humane habits, . . . wait on
your tasters when you drinke . . . and become Panders
if you hire them,'' and later : " Behold another more hain-
ous spirit . . . who . . . must to Poules presently to
meet with his Pandare.^^ ®® But when he wished to make
a distinct allusion to the legendary character Pandarus he
wrote: " [Cousenage] is the excellent of her age at a' ring
& a basket : & for a baudie bargain, I dare turne her loose
to CHAUCERS Pddare:'^ The noun "pander" is
used five times in Eastward Ho (1603), a play in which
Tamberlaine, Hieronimo, and Hamlet are burlesqued; and
it seems very probable that if Shakespeare's contemporaries
had seen any individuality in his characterization of the
go-between, Jonson and his collaborators would have bur-
lesqued Shakespeare's Pandar instead of using his name
only as a class designation.
Even before he wrote Troilus and Cressida Shakespeare
had followed the fashion in regard to the three figures of
the love story. " Marry, sir," Ford tells Falstaff, " we'll
bring you to Windsor, to one Master Brook, that you have
cozen'd of money, to whom you should have been a pan-
der." ®® " Troilus," says Benedick, was " the first em-
ployer of panders " ; ®^ while Bourbon cries : " And he
" Lodge's Work8, Hunterian Club ed., vol. iv, pp. 5-6, 67.
•• Ihid., p. 44. So in Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman Hater, 1607,
one of the characters is called Pandar (the common noun), and has
quite as much individuality as Shakespeare's Pandarus. ''Sir Pan-
darus, be my speed ! " they make him exclaim when the proper noim
is meant. Cf . the poetical description of " A Pander " in Rowlands's
KfMve of Oluhs, 1609, sign. A4 (Hunterian Club ed., vol. n, p. 7).
•• Merry Wives, v, v, 176.
" Muck AdOy V, ii, 31.
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THE TBOILUS-CEESSIDA STOEY 425
that will not follow Bourbon now, Let him go hence, and
with his cap in hand, Like a base pandar, hold the chainber
door." ®^ But when Chaucer's Pandarus is meant, a spe-
cific reference is necessary. Says Pistol, " Shall I Sir
Pandarus of Troy become, And by my side wear steel ? " ®^
"I am Cressid's uncle," Lafeu remarks as he presents
Helena to the King, " That dare leave two together ; fare
you well." ®*
Rosalind names Troilus as " one of the patterns of
love," ^® Petruchio calls his puppy Troilus,^* and Lorenzo,
reminiscent of Chaucer, tells Jessica,
In such a night as this . . .
Troilus methinks mounted the Troy an walls,
And sighed his soul toward the Grecian tents,
Where Cressid lay that night.*'
But poor Cressida fared worse. " Would not a pair of
these have bred, sir ? " asks the Clown when Viola has
given him a piece of money. " I would play Lord Pan-
darus of Phrygia, sir, to bring a Cressida to this Troilus."
Viola answers, " I understand you, sir. 'Tis well begg'd " ;
and in his reply the Clown goes straight back to Henryson :
" The matter, I hope, is not great, sir, begging but a beg-
gar. Cressida was a beggar." ®^ These words must have
had much point, for the audiences that were seeing Twelfth
Night had only a short time before seen the Iron Age, in
which Cressida is smitten with leprosy, and the Dekker-.
Chettle Troilus, in which she comes on the stage with al
swarm of beggars. It would have been nothing short of
marvelous if Shakespeare had had any other conception of
" Henry F, iv, v, 14. ** Taming of the ShreiCy iv, i, 153.
"• Merry Wives, i, iii, 83. *" Merchant of Venice, v, i, 6.
** AlVs Welly n, i, 100. ** Tirelfth Night, m, i, 55 flf.
•■ A8 You Like /*, iv, i, 97.
w/
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426 HYDEE E. BOLLINS
her. And it is Pistol who d^rades the poor woman to the
depths where Whetstone, Howell, and Willobie had already
shoved her. Jealous of the attentions Nym is paying to
Mrs. Pistol, the irate husband cries out:
O hound of Crete, think'st thou my spouse to get?
No ! to the spittal go.
And from the powdering-tub of infamy,
Fetch forth the lazar kite of Cressid's kind,
Doll Tearsheet she by name.**
No such conception of Cressid appears in TroUus and
Cressida, Did Shakespeare intentionally avoid it?
[ It is almost certain that Shakespeare thought the Testa-
' ment to be Chaucer's own work. In the play, no doubt
through the medium of Speght's 1598 edition, he borrows
liberally from Chaucer's poem, and I think it highly proba-
ble that Alexander's remark about Ajax (I, ii, 15) — " He
is a very man per se. And stands alone " — ^was suggested
by a phrase Shakespeare found in the *' sixth book " of the
TroUvs — " O fayre Cresside the flour and A per se of
Troy and Grece " — and that originally he wrote, " He is
a very A per 5e." ^^^ Cressida's petulant remark to Dio-
•• Henry V, n, i, 76.
^••In 1748 John Upton, in his Observations on Shakespeare (Miss
Spurgeon, vol. i, p. 397), wrote: "Plausible as this reading ["he is
a very man per se "] appears, it seems to me originally to come from
the corrector of the press. For our poet I imagine made use of
Chaucer's expression [t. e., Henryson*s "A per se"], from whom he
borrowed so many circumstances in the play.*' Upton was right, I
think; and if he confused Chaucer and Henry son in 1748, surely it
was not surprising for Shakespeare to do this in 1600 and to borrow,
perhaps unconsciously, the phrase which he had read in Chaucer's
works.
According to the New English Dictionary, Henryson first used the
phrase. It came early to be a commonplace among the Scotch poets —
see, for example, Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, vol. in, pp.
169, 187, 361, 363, 496; Ovde and Qodlie Ballatis, ed. A. F. Mitchell,
p. 147 — but was not especially common in England before 1600. In
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THE TBOILUS-CBBSSrOA STOEY 427
medes (V, ii, 89 f.), " 'Twas one's that lov'd me better
than you will/' is unquestionably a reference to Henry-
son's story ; and when she finally surrendered to Diomedes,
crying, "Ay, come — O Jove! — do come. I shall be
plagvfd^^ (V, ii, 105), her hearers must surely have
thought of the Testament But one can only marvel — as
Dryden, who knew almost nothing of the history of the
story, did for other reasons — at the ending of the play
which leaves both Troilus and Cressida alive.
Dr. Georg Brandos found in _Shake82eare's_attitude to-
wards Cressida " passionate heat and hatred," " boundless
bitterness." " His mood is the more remarkable in that he
in no wise paints her as unlovable or corrupt ; she is merely
a shallow, frivolous, sensual, pleasure-loving coquette . .
Shakespeare has aggravated and pointed every circum-
stance until Cressida becomes odious, and rouses only
aversion. One is astounded by the bitterness of the hatred
he discloses." ^^^ In the light of the history of the love \
story, the remarkable thing really is that Shakespeare \
dealt with her so mildly, for the subject of the play must
have been extremely distasteful to him. Certainly he has
no apparent bitterness towards Cressida : he does not pun- .
ish her as did Henryson ; he does not ma:ke her a common \
harlot as did Henryson, Whetstone, Howell, and the rest ;
nor does he make her the wholly contemptible creature of \
Turbervile's Tragical Tales, 1587 (Edinburgh reprint, 1837, p. 297),
occur the lines :
That famous Dame, fayre Helen, lost her hewe
When withred age with wrinckles chaungd her cheeks.
Her louely lookea did loathsomnesse ensewe.
That was the A per se of all the Greekes.
The fact that Turbervile was so fond of referring to the Henryson
story, as well as the context of the above lines, makes it practically
certain that he borrowed the phrase from Henryson.
^WUliQ^n Shakespeare (English translation), London, 1898, pp.
193-194.
\/
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428 HTDEB £. BOLLINS
Heywood's or the miserable leprosy-stricken b^gar of the
Dekker-Chettle play.
When one considers also the other arguments that have
been advanced by critics, it seems probable that in 1599
Shakespeare's play was ordered by the Chamberlain's com-
pany to compete with the two Troy plays of the Admiral's
men, that for some reason it was not finished and " clapper-
clawed with the palms of the vulgar " but was put aside
for a year or two, and that the last few scenes, the work of
another hand with slight revisions by Shakespeare, wera
added for the performance about 1602. For it is almost
incredible that, with his knowledge of Henryson, his pre-
conceived ideas of the character of Cressid and the reward
of her treachery, and his respect for what the public
\ wanted, Shakespeare should have ended his play without
at least punishing Cressid. How can the present ending
have pleased his audiences? Even the groundlings, how-
ever much delighted with Thersites and Pandar, surely
were dissatisfied when the play abruptly dropped the lead-
ing characters instead of carrying them on to the logical
and traditional denoiwmerd. What American audience
would care to see Uncle Tom's Cabin if no Little Eva ap-
peared in the cast or if Eliza failed to cross the ice?
Sha:kespeare, if he wrote all the play, wrenched the f amilr
iar story as violently in one direction as Dryden later did
in another; neither version could have been satisfactory
in 1602.
Apart from the absurd mercenary puff in the preface to
the quarto of 1609, this " Commedie " received no con-
temporary praise. ^Vhen Mr. John Munroe published the
Shdkspere Allusion-Booh in 1909, he could point out only
three references to Troilus and Cressida before 1650; two
of these — Dekker's mention in The Wonderful Year
(1604) of " false Cressida," which is purely conventional
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THE TBOILUS-CBESSIDA STORY 429
but as much an allusion to his own play as to Shake-
speare's, and a line in Marston's Dutch Courtesan (1605),
" Sometimes a fall out proves a falling in,'' which is said
to be an imitation of Pandar's " Falling in after falling
out may make them three " — do not seem to me to be allu- /
sions to Shakespeare. Of the sixteen allusions given for
the years 1660-1700, one is a remark in Collier's Short
View that " Shakespear makes Hector quote Aristotle's
philosophy," another Dryden's discussion of the play in
the preface to his revision of it, six are quotations inserted
in Cotgrave's English Treasury (1655), and the other
eight are matter-of-fact statements in Langbaine's work on
the dramatic poets. Shakespeare had no influence what-
ever on the Troilus-Cressida story. He himself never
again referred to Troilus or Cressida or Pandar ; and al-
though their story was not so popular in the seventeenth
as in the sixteenth century, yet there are bountiful allu-j
sions up to 1640 to the constancy of Troilus, the falsity
and leprosy of Cressid.
When in 1679 Dryden resurrected the play, refurbished ■ ^
it, and invented Cressida's constancy, he found himself
chiefly pleased by the characters Pandar and Thersites. ■
Furthermore, although he declared that " the original
story was written by one LoUius, a Lombard, in Latin
verse, [and was] intended, I suppose, a satire on the incon-
stancy of women," he saw no bitterness or satire, no jeal-
ousy, no debasement of the classical heroes, but only early
experimentation, in Shakespeare's TroUus and Cressida.
As that play stands, indeed, Cressida has been decidedly
pulled out of the mire in which Henryson's followers had
placed her. Yet we could feel surer that Shakespeare was
responsible for all of the play if he had punished Cres- \
sida, — if in portraying her he had unmistakably shown \
bitterness and hatred.
Hydbb E. Rollins.
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XVII.— UBER DEN ZWECK DBS DRAMAS IN
DEUTSCHLAND IM 16. UND 17.
JAHEHTJNDERT
Als Vorbediirfnis fiir das Studium der deutschen Dra-
maturgie in ihrer historischen Entwicklung erscheint ein
tJberblick der wichtigsten asthetischen Anschauungen zu-
vorderst unentbehrlich. Statt jedoch dazu die Hilfe der
historischen Asthetik einzumfen, wird in dieser Arbeit
der Versuch gewagt, den asthetischen Hintergrund aus
den Ausserungen zeitgenossischer Dramatiker heranszu-
forschen und neu zu beleben. Der Hilferuf an die As-
thetik ware hier iibrigens unbeachtet verklungen, denn die
Geschichte der Asthetik hat bis jetzt fast ausschliesslich
das an sich Wertvolle und Interessante, oder das Hi-
storisch-bedeutende beriicksichtigt. Andererseits zieht die
angewandte Asthetik der litterarischen Kunstform, nam-
lich die Kritik, meistens nur die Benifskritiker und
kaum je das Massenpublikum in ihre Betrachtung hinein.
Eine kiilturgeschichtliche Asthetik, ebensosehr bemiiht, die
pathetisch-niichtemen Ideale des Biirger- oder Yolks-
dramas darzustellen, gibt es bis heute noch nicht. Und
doch batten solche Studien fiir die Asthetik, wie fiir die
Litteraturgeschichte, ohne Zweifel ihren Nutz. Deshalb,
und mehr noch, weil das Material bei den Yorarbeiten zu
einer Geschichte der deutschen Dramaturgic leicht er-
reichbar war, ist f olgender Yersuch entstanden.
Selbst in Zeitaltem regen intellektuellen Lebens fallt
es dem Kritiker schwer, den asthetischen Hintergrund
mit Sicherheit zu bestimmen. TJmso schwerer gestaltet
sich die Aufgabe fiir Perioden, in denen, wie im Deutsch-
land des 16. Jahrhunderts, die Theologie das Leben be-
430
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DEE ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 431
herrschte, oder wie im 17. Jahrhundert, das Land, d«n
Ej-ieg anheimgef alien, oder aber an den Folgen der Ver-
heerung siechend, litterariscli erschopft darniederlag.
Aber selbst aus dem triiben asthetischen Hintergrund des
16. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland losen sich, unbestimmt
jedoch wahmehmbar, folgende Fragen heraus: Was ist
ein Drama ? Wozu soil es dienen ? Mit welchen Mitteln
erreicht es das ihm gesteckte Ziel? — also Fragen iiber
Wesen, Zweck und Wirkungsmittel des Dramas.
Diese Fragen in ikrer Samtlichkeit zu behandeln war der
erste Schritt.^ Zunachst, bei erspriesslich wachsendem Ma-
terialvorrat, wurde es moglich die einzelnen Punkte abzu-
sondem irnd genauer zu bestimmen, bis endlich ein jeder,
in seiner historischen Entwicklimg, verfolgt werden
konnte.
Die Frage vom Wesen des Dramas samt dem eng damit
verflochtenen Problem von den Wirkungsmitteln desselben
werden in kurzem an anderm Orte behandelt.^ Die vor-
liegende Arbeit beabsichtigt die Frage vom Zweck des
Dramas zu untersuchen, mit dem Yerstande, dass von den
speziellen Zwecken des Schuldramas nicht die Rede sein
wird.* Der terminus ad quem ist die Erscheinung von
Gottscheds Critische Dichtkunst vor die Deutschen, im
Jahre 1730.
Die Grundfarbe des imbestimmten Bildes, aus dem wir
verstandlicb-zusammenhangende Ziige herauszulesen ver-
suchen werden, ist einformig und Farbenschema sowie
Formenperspektiv der einzelnen Ziige werden zum Teil
* Cf. Da8 Ziel des Dramas in Deutschland vor Oottached, Vortrag
gehalten in der Oesellschaft fUr Deutsche Litteratur, in Berlin, am
18. Juni 1913. Abgedmckt in Modem Philology, Bd. xn, 8. 481 flf.
• Modem Philology.
'Eine absonderliche Arbeit ttber den Zweck des Schuldramas wird
spftter erschein^.
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432 JOS. E. GILLET
durch sie bedingt. Es ist die Didaktik^ tausendfaltig,
alles-umfaBsend, alles-durchdringend.
Das Mittelalter lebt sich aus im 16. Jahrhundert. Die
Vorherrschung des Didaktischen lag in der Natur einer
Zeit, wo ein Dichter wie Fischart samtliche Errungen-
schaften der Kunst, keinesw^ mit Hinsicht auf ihre
asthetische Wirkung, sondem lediglich wegen des ethi-
schen Nutzens ihres Inhaltes, zu wiirdigen und anzu-
preisen wusste. Schwer driickte die Didaktik auf einem
2feitalter, das einer ^nrfrtortJbersetzung dreizehn Seiten
iiber die Pflichten der Hebammen als Erklarung einer
einzigen Stelle beizugeben vermochte.* Im 16. Jahr-
hundert ist die Biihne durchaus emst. Im Vordergrund
steht die Lehre, wie schon aus den Titeln der Drucke
hervorgeht : " Darinn angezeigt wird . . ." ; " In welli-
chem erlemet wird . . ." ; " Dienlichen wie man ...'';
usw. Greff betont wiederholt, " das mans [nicht] fiir
narrenspiel halten solle," oder dass man nicht glauben
solle, "Das wir woltn toll und thoricht sein'' und dass
'^es sey kein narren weis."^ Vielmehr ist die Mission
eines Dramatikers eine wiirdige, erhabene. Auch Cul-
man protestiert, man moge die Schauspieler in seinem
Drama Von der widtfrojw nicht fiir " spielleut " halten,
" die narrenteidung bringen fiir." Denn er behauptet,
sein Tun sei " gottlich und recht." * Dem Publikum
wird oft aufs Herz gedriickt, man solle
nit ein spott vnd ein schimpff druss machen.*
«Zu in, 3 in Steph. Kiccius' tbersetzimg, 1582 Terfaset, 1613
gedruckt. Cf. Mangold, Studien zu den dlteaten Buhnenverdeut-
aohungen des Terenz, Halle, 1912.
'Aulularia, 1535; Andria, 1536; Judith, 1536.
* 1544, ap. Zellweker, Prolog und Epilog im deuiaohen Drama,
Wien n. Leipzig, 1906, S. 69.
*Zach. Bletz(7), AntichriBtapieU, Luzern, 1549 au^f. Reoschels
Abdruck, "V*8. 34. Dieser Vers wurde u. a. an Stelle dea ursprting-
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DEB ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 433
Wohl im Glegenteil:
Dann die tragedj ist nit ein
fasznachspiel oder sonst ein schertz
beregt [sic] ein yegklicher sein hertz
zu sondrem auffmercken.*
Selbst Fastnachtsspiele gingen voll unumwundenen
Ernstes auf Belehrung auB. Selbflt die komiBchen Par-
tieen in Lud. HoUonius' Somnium vitue humanae (1606)
sollen lehrhaf t wirken :
Sonet wird etwas doch auch zu lehr
Und Zier des Spiels eingeflihrt beyher.
Aber das Volk war offenbar nicht iminer einverstanden
mit dem Schulfuchs, fiir den die "Lehr" zugleich die
" Zier " des Dramas war, und muss dies auch oft unzwei-
deutig gezeigt haben. Mit milder Sehnsucht spricht ja
der alte Notarius Ayrer :
Wer euch nun wollt von dem Anfang
Noch lang bis her zu dem Ausgang ^
Aus der Geschicht was ntttzlichs lehren,
So thftt ihr im doch nicht zuhOren,
Denn ihr hort kurze Predigt gem,
Wann die Bratwtirst desto Iftnger wHm.*
Bei dem protestantischen Dramatiker wird die Drama-
tupgie fast zu einer Weihe. Als man deshalb dem Nao-
georg vorwarf, Tragoedienschreiben sei eines Theologen
unwiirdig, entgegnete er: "Cur autem dedeceat profes-
sionem meam ? Si Theologiae officium est docere pietatem
lichen Textes gesetzt. S. auch Josias Murers Belaegerung der Stat't
Babylon, 1560; Lucas Mai, Von der wunderharlichen Vereinigung
gottlioher Qerechtigkeit und Barmherzigkeit, Wittenb., 1662.
• Seb. Wild, Passionsspiel, 1566.
• Opua theatricum, 1618, S. 322. Auch Dam. Lindtner, der Bearbei-
ter von Naogeorgs Esther ( 1607 ) , beklagt sich bitter, dass man jetzt
mehr Geschmack an weltlichen als an geistlichen Sachen finde.
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434 JOS. E. GILLET
uenunque Dei cultmn, & uitam Deo plaoentem bonaque
opera tradere, atque e religione reprehendere impietatem,
fakumque cultus uitamque prauam, haec omnia quoque
nostris insirnt Tragoediis, & eflScatius quodammodo do-
centur." *^
Leider war diese hohe Auffassung nur allzu oft mit
einem grenzenlosen Vertrauen in der tlberzeugungskraft
der direkten, imumwundenen Moralisierung verbnnden.
Wie dieses schon im Drama des Mittelalters allgemeine
Sitte war, ist bekannt. Auch wie selbst Hans Sachs, der
doch einsieht, dass Fastnachtspiele hauptsachlich belu-
stigen sollen, die seinigen mit der Bemerkung herausgibt,
dass sie auch " nit allein kurtzweilig, Sondern anch niitz-
lich zelesen [sind], weyl vast yedes stiick mit einer ange-
henckten lehr beschlossen ist." ^^ In Thomas Bircks Co-
media von den Doppelspielem ^^ findet sich ein ansfiihr-
liches Register, in Indexform, der im Stiick enthaltenen
guten Lehren! Es muss einem jeden auffallen, wie un-
verschamt didaktisch im 16. Jahrhundert fiir die ver-
schiedensten Zwecke geeifert wird: fiir die Reinheit der
Ehe, fiir Kinderzucht, selbst fiir Kriegskunst. Ambrosius
Papes David victus et victor (1602) beabsichtigt nam-
lich den jungen Biirgem und Gtjsellen " Vorbereitungen
zimi Kriege, Ausfalle der Feinde und Niederlagen auf
beiden Seiten '^ vorzufiihren.^® Christ. Bachmann aus
Leipzig sucht die Komoedie dadurch zu rechtfertigen,
dass sie alles lehren kann. Frischlin habe Theologie ge-
lehrt in seinem Phasma, Ayrer, Jurisprudenz in seinem
Processum juris. Man konnte auch wohl Heilkunde
'• Iu4as lacariotes, 1562.
^ Qedichte, Nttrnberg, 1558, Bd. i, Vorrede.
"Tiibingen, 1590.
"Cf. Holstein, Die Reformation im Spiegelhilde der dramatieohen
Diohtung, Halle, 1886, S. 98.
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DEB ZWEOK D£S DRAMAS Uf DEUTSCHLAND 435
lehren: ^^ In medicina herbas loquentes aliquis in scenam
introducere posset." Unterdessen begniigt dieser Theo-
retiker sich damit, eine Comoedia nova z\x verfassen,
Melcmcholicus geheissen, "exhibens ingenium, proprie-
tates, mores, virtutes, vitia ac quaecunque ad illos homi-
nes pertinere videntnr, qui temperamenti sunt Melan-
cholici " (1611). Seine Siinde sei ihm leicht!
Nun mag letzteres ein Schuldrama sein, und auf den
Schulbrettem werden wir wennmoglich noch Schlimmerem
begegnen. Aber selbst in Pastoralen im 17. Jahrhundert
wurde Didaktik offen angepriesen. Die G^lehrsamkeit
der Hirten, wie man weiss, ist nicht selten erstaunlich.
Die lehrhafte All^orie beherrschte die Biihne. Schul-
dramen extremer Art waren hier nur zu leicht anzuf iihren,
aber selbst " der Spate " (Caspar von Stieler) meinte in
der Vorrede seines Lustspieles Willmttt (1680), wo nur
Begriffe auftreten: "Es konte auch iede Person ein Ge-
wisses Merk haben/ wann es nicht zu schulfiichsisch her-
aus kame. Auf dergleichen Art konten nun alle andere
Lehrschriften/ gleich der Ethica alhier/ in Schauspielen
vorgestellet werden/ Herr Harsdorfer hat in seinen Gte-
sprachspielen unter anderm den Versuch mit der Gram-
matica und Oratoria getan/ es ware auch wol moglich die
theoreticas disciplinas/ ja aogar die vier facultaten auf
den Schauplatz zu bringen/ und durch den Ausgang iedes
Spiels den rechten Zweck einer ieden Disciplin vorstellen.''
Wie Stieler sagt, hatte Harsdorfer in seinen Oesprdch-
spielen versucht, dem vorherrschenden didaktischen Ha:iige
eine eigene dramatische Ausdrucksf orm zu schaffen. Man
weiss, mit welchen unglaublichen antiquarisch-gelehrten
Einleitungen die Lohenstein und Hoffmannswaldau ihren
Dramen Gewicht beizusetzen versuchten, eine Sitte, welche
Opemlibrettisten, Feind, Praetorius, Konig und andere.
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436 JOS. E. GILLET
wohl zur Veredlimg ihrer leichten Ware, mit oft erstaim-
lichem Fleisse nachalimten.**
« « «
Der Einfluss der Didaktik sei also nicht imterschatzt.
Wenn im Bewusstsein eines jeden Lesers der Gedanke fest-
liegt, dass besondere Zwecke in jeder Hinsicht dem Haupt-
zweck dienstbar sind, dann erst wird es sicli lohnen, jene
weiter au imtersuchen. Die besonderen Zwecke lassen
sich in folgende Absciinitte einteilen: (i) Sittenlehre, (ii)
Lebensweisheit, (in) Selbstkenntnis, (iv) Glanben, (v)
Erziehung des gemeinen Mannes, (vi) Erhaltung des
Standesbewusstseins, (vii) Politik.
I. SlTTEinJfiHBB
Noch ganz allgemein gehalten erscheint die Absicht,
durch das Drama die sittliche Hebung der Znschauer zu
bewirken. Im Donaueschinger Passionsspiel hat man
"das register des lidens Jhesn Christi unsers behalters,
zu spriichen gesetzt, in mass das man das der welt zu gut
und andacht spillen mag.'' ^^ In der Egerer Passion wird
der Zuschauer angemahnt:
secht die figur mit Fleisze an,
das da von gepessert werdt frau und man."
Die Mahnung erscheint berechtigt, wenn man annimmt,
dass " alle Comedien und Tragedien/ zu nichts anders
geschriben seind/ als ein yedlicher gelerter leycht erkendt/
dann zu besserung des lebens/ und zu vermeydimg alles
ubermuts.'' ^^ Es schimmert hier schon durch, nament-
"S. z. B. Feinds Dido, 1707, oder sein DesideriuSf KdfUg der
Longoharden, 1709.
" Froning, Das Drama dea Mittelaltera, D. N. L., S. 277.
"Hrsg. V. Milchsack, Stuttg. Litt. Ver., Nr. 106.
" Job. Kolros, 8pyl von Funfferlay hetraohtnilssen, 1635.
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DEB ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 437
lich in den letzten Worten, dass der Zweck des Dramas
nichts weniger sein konnte als das Begriinden einer Welt-
anschauung. Wenn auch die Erfassung eines solchen
Zieles die geistigen Krafte der meisten Dramatiker iiber-
triflft, so tritt jedoch der Gedaiike, getragen vom reforma-
torisch-humanistischen Gteiste, nicht selten in Hinsicht auf
die Tragodie, hervor.
Meistens ist die Mahnung ganz unbestimmt:
Das man der Dugent hangte an
Die laster w5lte faren lan.^
Oder dass
. . . das menschliche Geschlecht
AUzeit geleitted wtbrde recht/
Durch mancherley Mittel und Weg/
Auff den Einigen Rechten Steg
Der Tugend und Vorsichtigkeit."
Fast immer wird als Inb^riff aller Weisheit die christ-
liche Glaubenslehre datgestellt. Wir sollen:
pie ad divini verbi regulam
vitam moresqne nostros formare.*
" Vitam moresque " ; bin und wieder wird hervorgehoben,
dass der Zweck des Dramas nicht bloss sei, " das man sich
darinne spiegle," sondem auch " das man sein leben dar-
nach stell." ^* Die Zuschauer sollen '^ gebessert und er-
bauet" werden,^^ aber auch
" G. Binder, Acolastua, 1536.
^Wolfh. Spangenberg, Teuiache Argumenta Oder InhcUt der
Tragoedien/ dea Orieohiachen Poeten Euripidie: genand Hecuba.
Strassb., 1605.
•• Aeg. Hunnius, Joseph, Tl. i, 1584, 1586, 1614. 8pftter citiert von
J. C. Merck, Vom erhUrmlichen Untergang unnd Verderhen Sodomae
(ans dem Lateinischen des Andreas Saurius), Ulm, 1617.
" CI. Stephani, Hietoria von einer Kdnigin aue Lamparden, 1551.
Cf. auch J. Funckelins Bpyl von Lazaro, 1552.
"J. Rist, AUer-EdeUte Beluetigung, 1665, S. 181.
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438 JOS. S. OILLBT
Ein jeder wird gelehrt durch das Comddispielen
Worauf in seinem than er weiBlich solle zielen."
Oder mit den Worten J. C. Mannlings: eine Komodie
wird "zu einer Nach-Folg© w^en eines Tugendhafften
Lebens und Thuns vorgestellet" ^* Gottsched gibt der
vorherrschenden Ansicht dreier Jahrhimderte Ausdmck,
wo er sagt : " Die gantze Fabel hat nur eine Haupt-Ab-
sicht: nehmlich einen moralischen Satz." ^^
Hans Sachs und iiberhaupt die Verf asser von Fatetnacht-
spielen stehen der Wirklichkeit naher. Ihre Anmah-
nungen haben einen unmittelbaren, greifbaren Zweck:
Ir lieben christen all gemein
last euch das spiel ein wamung sein,
Nit Bolch grosc sfindt und unrecht thut."
^' Wie Hans Sachs selbst seinen TJmgang mit den Musen
als ein kraftiges Wehrmittel gegen die Laster der Welt
betrachtet, so soUen auch seine Werke f iir den Horer und
Leser eine ahnliche Wirkung haben." Seine " Moral ist
niichtem, hausbacken, auf das nachste gerichtet und zieht
alles in seine etwas tagtagliche, aber tUchtige Sphare." ^'^
Im Verband mit dieser Neigung steht die Absicht in ge-
wissen Dramen, die Zuschauer und Leser gegen spezifische
Siinden zu wamen. " Stichus Plautinus pudicitiam ac
maritalem fidem etiam in sinistra fortuna servandam esse
docens " ist der Titel einer Werlerschen Ausgabe.*® Als
Gengenbach seine Oouchmatt (1516) schrieb, hatte er eine
bestimmte Absicht. Denn man hatte
*• G. F. Seufferheld, Der Nahrende Joseph, 1687.
•• Der Europaeische Helicon, Alten Stettin, 1704, S. 176.
" Critische Dichtkunsty 1730, S. 573.
«• KeUer-GStze, Nr. 70.
"Lier, Studien z, Gesoh. d. Niumherger Faatnaohtapieis, i, Nflm-
berg, 1889, S. 38.
■• 1612. Ap. Buchwald, Oreff, Leipzig, 1907, S. 38.
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DEB ZWEOK DEB DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 439
kftrtzlich lassen vszgan
ein gedicbt vnd das auch trucken Ian
wie das vnkeuschheit sy kein slindt.
Gegen solche Lehren will er nachdriicklichen Protest ein-
legen und sein Stiick verfolgt deshalb einen ganz speziellen
Zweck : den Kampf gegen sexuelle Ausschreitnngen, " wi-
der den Eebruch vnd die siind der vnkiischheit." Vor
" iinmassiger Lieb " warnten nicht nur die vielen
Ehestandsdramen, sondem auch, wie z. B. Stephani be-
hauptet, etwa der Eumbchus! ^® Als Chph. Stiimmel,
der Geselle von Willichius' Sohnen sein a:usserordentlich
beliebtes Stiick Stvdentes (1.549) schrieb, dann geschah
dies nicht bloss mit dem Zweck, das Studentenleben dem
Philister vorzuf iihren, sondem mit den praktisch-ethischen
Ansichten, denen sein Frennd und Gonner schon friiher
Ausdruck g^eben hatte : " Quoniam adolescentuli amasii
ab amore vilissimo scortorum ad legitimum matrimonium
fere pelliciuntur, & reuocantur, ut honestam vitam vivant,
resque familiares curent, genusque vitae certum institu-
ent." ^^ Das war aber nicht der Hauptzweck. Die Ke-
formation, mit Luther an der Spitze, war iiberschwenglich
gewesen in ihrem Lob des heiligen Ehestandes. Die Ehe-
standsdramen, nainentlich die Tobiasdramen, gingen sehr
haufig iiber die Biihne, wodurch in den protestantischen
Universitatsstadten, namentlich unter den Studenten, eine
Unzahl iibereilter Eheschliessungen veranlasst wurde.®^
Eben dagegen richtete sich Stiimmel, als er betonte, dass,
mit Bezug auf die Ehe : " hoc volo, ut aperte & honeste cum
consensu Parentum utriusque partis hoc contrahatur/' ®^
"HS. tJbers. von Andria und Eunuchus, 1654, ap. Creizenach,
Gesoh. d, n. Dramas, Halle a. S., Bd. m (1903), S. 411.
" Willichius, Commentaria ad Artem Poeiicam HoratU, 1545, S. 14 f .
" Cf. Creizenach, I. c, Bd. n, S. 171.
" Studentes.
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440 JOS. B. aiLLBT
Die Absicht anderer Komodien vom Studentenleben war
iiberhaupt der Sittenverwilderung bei den Studenten em
Ende zu machen.'*
Noch tiefer wurde ins alltagliche Leben eingegriffen,
als Greff die Meinung aussprach : " Und ist kein spiel so
klein noch so geringe/ man kan und sol was darans ler-
nen/ wie man sieh hiiten sol/ itzt f iir hurerey und unziich-
tiger lieb/ itzt fiir fressen/ sauffen/ spielen/ und der-
gleiehen ^' und dabei die Sitte riihmt, " wie in dem Nidder-
landt/ fast alle Sontage " Spiele aufgefiihrt werden, " da-
mit manch Gottes lesterung/ mancher todtschlag/ sauflFen/
fressen und viel ubels verbleiben kondte." ** Es befleis-
sigten sich dann auch die Dramaturgen absichtlich fiir
die Fastnacht Schauspiele zu verfertigen, um damit ihre
Mitbiirger vor dem Anlass zur Siinde zu schiitzen, z. B.
Birck in Basel,®* Peter Jordann in Koln,*® Ackermann in
Zwickau ®^ und andere. Leseberg meint, durch die Auf-
fiihning seines Stiiekes sollen namentlich " die Spectanten
aus der Qemein/ von dem unmassigen Fressen und
Sauffen abgehalten werden." '® Und nicht nur die Spec-
tanten, konnte man hinzufiigen, sondem auch bisweilen
die Akteure. Es war auch, wie es scheint, ein nicht un-
gewohnliches Argument zu Gunsten des Dramas, dass
durch Mitwirken bei dramatisehen Auffiihrungen vor
VoUerei \md anderen Ausschweifungen bewahrt wurde.
Aber schon Lucas Mai beschwert sich dariiber, dass die
Mitspieler nur Gelegenheit suchen, " Was zubekomen/
das zum schlemmen thet." •* Und ein geistliches Gut-
"Cf. E. Schmidt, Komddien vom Studentenleben, Leipzig, ISSO.
( Stttmmel, Wichgref, Schoch, Picander.)
■• Aulularia-iih,, 1535. Cf. auch Greff s Spiel von den ertzvdtem,
" Judith ; Beel, 1535. " Tobias.
** Joseph, 1540. ^ Jesus Duodecennis, 1610.
• Von der umnderbarlichen Vereinigung uaw., 1562.
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DEE ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 441
achten vom Jahre 1582 weigert das herkommliche Argu-
ment gelten zu lassen^ denn die Akteure batten sich das
vorige Mai " wie die Bestien betrunken." *^ Hans Rudolf
Manuel liess sein Weinspiel auffiihren:
Nit
Das man drin leer flpilen und suffen,
Sunder wie ich ttch vor gseyt hab.
Das man dardurch soil sehen an,
Wie eg eim so ttbel anstadt,
Der mit solchem Ulben umbgadt.*^
Und auch R. Gualtherus' Ndbal wurde auf die Biihne
gebracht, um vor der Trunksucht zu wamen.^^ Ahnliche
praktische, konkrete Zwecke verfolgten aucb eine Menge
biblischer Dramen, deren Hauptpersonen als Vertreter
irgend einer spezifischen Tugend oder eines spezifischen
Lasters erscheinen: Isaak als Muster des kindischen Gle-
horsams, Susanna als Vorbild der ehelichen Treue, Joseph
als Beispiel der mannliehen Keuschheit, Absolon als Ver-
korperung der ^^Hoffahrt" und dgl. mehr.
Mit dem 16. Jahrhundert scheint die Auffassung vom
Drama als Kampfmittel gegen grosse soziale Schaden ver-
schwunden zu sein. Zwar behauptet Rotth am Ende des
17. Jabrhunderts, dass man auf der Biibne gegen " Fres-
sen/ Sauffen/ TVHicbem/ Courte Sire [sic] " usw. wamen
konne. Docb erklart er selber, dieses "geboret alleine
vor eine Satyram " d. h. nicbt in eine Komodie oder Tra-
^Besprochen von M. Koch, Zach. /. veigl, Litgesoh. u, Renaiss.
Lit., Bd. xm (1899), S. 202 flf. Schon bei Alt, Theater und Kirche,
1846, S. 491.
« 1548. Odingas Ausg., S. 64.
^ t)b. V. Seb. Griibel, 1669 aufgef. Cf. auch das gegen die " Sauflf-
brtider " gerichtete Zwischenspiel in W. Spangenbergs Verdeutschung
von Hirtzwigs Bahasar, 1609 imd Hammes, Daa Zuoisch^enspiel im
deutachen Drama, Berlin, 1911, S. 109.
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442 JOS. E. aiLLBT
godie.** tJbrigens waren die Sitten zu gaiant geworden,
dass man auf der Biihne die demokratischen Laster des
Pobels hatte bestreiten wollen.
II. Lebensweisheit
Wie soil nun die Verbesserang der Sitten erreicht wer-
den? Mittelbar durch bessere Kenntnis des Lebens, der
Tugenden, welche als Exempel dargestellt werden, der
Laster, die als Absehreckung dienen sollen. Hierauf be-
ruhte die grosse Beliebtheit des Terenz. Schon in mittel-
alterlichen Terenz-Handschriften wird hervorgehoben,
dass man in seinen Komodien lemen konne, was man im
Leben zu tun und zu vermeiden habe, eine Ansicht, welche
das 16. Jahrhundert voUig teilte. Die Nordlinger Schiller
soUten aus dem Terenz namlich '^nit allein die Worte,
sondem auch den Sinn und die Sitten der Menschen "
kennen lernen.** Aus einer Komodie lerne man, sagt
Hans Nythart " was gut ist zegebrauchen, und das Bosz
zemeiden,"**^ oder " zu pflantzin tugend und vermeydung
laster." Job. Murmelius fasst den Gedanken in ein He-
xasticbon :
Hinc licet amplecti rectos pravoeque cavere,
Cum videt eventus mens utriusque viae ....*•
Und Friedrich Nausea citierte den Grammatiker Dona-
tus: "quid in uita sit utile, quid contra euitandum disci-
*• Vollstdndige dmtache Poesie, Leipzig, 1688, 8. 71. Er melnt
hier natdrlich ein satirisches Drama.
*• NOrdlinger Schulordnung, 1521; cf. J. MftUer, Vor- und fruh-
reformatorische Schulordnungen, Zschoppau, 1885-1886, S. 218.
"* Eunuch-iihers., 1486.
*Vor Ant. Tunnicius' Ausg. von Reuchlins Scaenica progymnas-
mata, Daventriae, 1513, cit. in Holstein's Ausgabe von Reuchlins
Komddien, Halle, 1888, S. 57.
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DER ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 443
tur." *^ Joachhn Greff beteuert, dass " jdermenniglich
aus solchen Oomedijs und Spektakeln lernen solt und
kondt/ was jderman wol odder iibel anstiindt/ was gut
odder bos/ was loblich und ehrlich/ widderumb was
schendlich und unehrlich were." ^* Was ihm Clemens
Stephani nachredet. Er beabsichtigt :
.... das das Volck darinn solt sehen
Was einen nit wol an wolt stehen:
Denn man sich drin wie in spiegel
Was einem wolsteht oder ubel
Was wol ansteht/ sol man annemen
Desz aber sol man sich schemen.^
Job. Criiginger verspricht Belehrung hieriiber, wie man
das "leben nach gutem beyspiel richten/ vor bosem aber
sich hiiten " sollte.^^ Birck erklarte sich zufrieden, wenn
seine Dramen seinen Zoglingen eine richtige Auffassung
der Gterechtigkeit beigebracht batten : " operae pretium
aliquod facere mihi visus sum, si de perplexis causis per
lusum disceret decemere, et tum demum iustitiae pulchre
consultimi esse, si aequitas iuris rigorem emendaret." ^^
Umfassend dargestellt, sei der Zweck der Komodie, nach
Agricola: "ut ex propositis communium morum & euen-
tuum immanorum paradigmatic commonefacti rectius
iudicaremus de negotijs hominum omniimi." ^^ Hans
Sachs hat den dritten, ausschliesslich dramatischen Band
^ Primordia, 1521, 17ro. Cf. Aeli Donati . . . Oommentum Te-
renti, ed. P. Wessner, Leipzig, 1902, Bd. i, S. 22.
"* Aulularia-m,, 1535.
*• Von einer Mulnerin und jren Pf<irherr, 1568. Cf. auch L. Cul-
mans Spiel von der auffrur der Erham wether zu Rom, 154( ?), "aus
dem ein jeder lernen kund/ Was im wol oder ubel anstund . . ." und
Job. Sanders' Johannes der Tdufer, 1588, aus dem man leme "was
wol oder ubel elm jeglichen in sein stande und beruff anstebet."
•• Lazarus, 1543. " Susanna, 1537.
"Andrwt-tJbers., 1544; Witeb., 1602.
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444 JOS. B. eiLLBT
seiner Werke (1561) in drei Teile zerlegt Und zwar
enthalt " Der ander theil weltlich, alt Histori, ausz den
Poetn vnd Geschichtschreibem, die zu anreitzung der gu-
ten Tugendt^ vnnd zu abschneidnng der schendlichen
laster dienstlich sind." Es mag notig gewesen sein, letz-
teres nachdriicklich zu wiederholen, denn es geht jetzt
schlimm zu in der Wtelt, meint Andreas Qttszmann:
Eines sucht Reichtumb mit Betrug/
Der Ander buhlt/ was nicht hat fug/
Das Dritt vergiszt der Wohltat bald/
Das Vierdte leugt/ treugt mannigfalt."
Obwohl man sich viel mit dem Drama beschaftigt, den
moralischen Zweck scheint man nur zu gem zu iibersehen.
Diesbeziiglich driickt Joseph Goezius seine Entriistung
aus : Es wird mehr auf das Ausserliche gesehen " als auflF
den Nutz der Comodien/ in welehen . . . angedeutet
seyn/ beydes unsers Lebens Tugenden/ der wir uns hoch-
lich befleissen/ und die Gebrechen/ die wir als Schandmal
ablegen/ vermeiden und fliehen sollen." ^* Nicht nur der
Ermunterung soil die Komodie dienen, sondern durch sie
sollen uns gezeigt werden : " virtutimi cultores & vitiorum
asseclae, eorundumque proemia ac poenae illustratae." ^
Der Herausgeber der Englischen Comoedien und Tragoe-
dien vom Jahre 1630 beteuert, dass sein " intent darmit
gewesen, gleich lebendige Exempel der Lust fiirzustellen,
damit wir lernen, sehen imd erkennen, welcher maszen
wir imser Leben Biirgerlich, ziichtig und erlich, zu er-
haltung allerhand Tugenden, und meidung den Liisten
anrichten sollen.'' ^^ Hist verf asst seine Dramen " nicht
'*Jo8ephus Tragicomicus, 1603. '^Joseph, 1612.
"0. Bmlovius, Nehuctidnezar, 1615.
^ Lieheskampf, 1630. Wie W. Richter (Lieheskampf 1630 vnd
Schanibuhne 1670, Berlin, 1910) nachgewiesen hat, findet sich eine
sehr Ohnliche SteUe in der Einleitung zum deutschen Amadis, der
zu Ende dea 16. Jahrhunderts erschien.
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DEB ZWECK DBS DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAin> 445
nup etwan zur Lust, sondem die bose Weltart und die
gegenwartigen Zeiten fiirzustellen, auch die ruchlosen
Menschen von den verfluchten Siindenwegen abzufiihren."
Wenn hier das praktische Fordem der Lebenskenntnis
anf einer Stufe erscheint mit der kiinstlerischen, selbst-
lohnenden Aufgabe, die "gegenwartigen Zeiten fiirzu-
stellen," so deutet dies auf ein fiir jene 2feit ausserordent-
lich scharf es Bewnsstsein. In dieser Hinsicht bildet Bist
natiirlieh eine Ausnahme. Am Ende des 17., wie am
Ende die 15. Jahrhunderts, ging die landlanfige Anff as-
sung in Bestimmtheit nieht iiber Kotths Formel hinaus:
Der Zweck des Schauspiels ist, " dasz entweder die Zu-
schauer die Fehler und Tugenden des gemeinen mensch-
lichen Lebens gleichsam spielweise erkennen und sich
bessern lemen oder doch sonst zu einer Tugend auffge-
muntert werden." **''
III. Selbstkenntnis
Mehrere Kritiker fassen mit dem Individualismus des
Protestanten den mittelbaren Zweck ins Auge, Selbst-
kenntnis, als deren naturgemasse Folge die Besserung der
Sitten im allgemeinen betrachtet wird. So meint der
Zurcher Jorg Binder, die Komodie sei ein " Spiegelglasz,"
in welchem " alle Glydmasz " ersehen wurden, auch " was
hiibsch als [d. h. oder] wiist am menschen sy." '^^ Johann
Criiginger gibt dieser Gesinnung schlagenden Ausdruck,
indem er hervorhebt, wie sie als eine christliche, oder
viehnehr protestantische, Reaktion gegen die vermeint-
liche Haltung der Alten dem Theater gegeniiber, erscheint.
Wahrend "der alten Comicorum geticht doch nur den
mensdien eusserlich im leben vnd sitten informieren," ist
das Drama der neuen Zeit ein Kunstwerk, in dem " sich
"L. 0^ 16S8, Bd. in, S. 130. •• Aoote«*ti«-t)berB., 1536.
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446 JOS. B. GIIXBT
der mensch wie in einem klarem hellen lautern Spiegel
innerlich besichtiget." ^^ Eine ahnliehe Haltung, je-
doch ohne die evangelische Tendenz, mag Wolfgang
Schmeltzls gewesen sein, der von den antiken Spielen
sagte, dass
darausz gsehen gelemt vil
was htibsch, Mszlich am menschen sey.*"
Am schonsten wird das Ziel von Clemens Stephani dar-
gelegt : Es sollen " dem Volk Comediae vorgehalten [wer-
den], auf das 6i sich ires lebens erinnem miigen." *^
Vertief ung des Bewusstseins wird also bezweckt, eine Art
Andaeht des gewohnlichen Lebens, ein biederes Parallel
zum yp&Oc aeavrSv der hoheren Philosophie. Lebensweis-
heit, meint Jorg Wickram, ist bedingt durch Menschen-
kenntnis :
welcher der welt lauff well erkennen,
desz schimpfes mag er wol wamemen
Yon einer person zu der andem,
wie sich das elter thut verwandem."
Der Englische Komodiant Eobertus Browne bemerkte in
seinem Gesuch vom 26. Mai 1606 an den Frankfurter Rat,
dass '^bis dahin noch kein Mensch dnrch sein nnd seiner
Gtesellen Spiel geargert, vielmehr zum Bespiegeln seiner
Schwachheit und zum Ausiiben aller Tugenden angereizt
sei." ®^ Sogar der Opemverteidiger Barthold Feind be-
hauptet von den Schauspielen, dass in denselben '^ einem
fremde Personen einen Spiegel der Selbst-Erkenntnis vor-
halten." «*
• Tragddia von Herode und Johanne dem Tauffer, Zwickau, 1545.
^Comedia des verlomen Sons, Wien, 1645.
^ EunuchuS'iiheTB,, 1664.
"Die Zehen alter der Welt, Stuttg. Lit. Ver., S. 232.
"Ap. E. Mentzel, Oeach. d. Schauspielkunat in Fr. a. M., 1882,
6. 63.
*^Die Romisohe Unruhe. Oder: Die EdelmUthige Octavia, Hamb.,
1706.
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DEB ZWEOK DBS DBAMAS IN DEUTSGHLAND 447
IV. Deb Glauben
Dem Mittelalter gait als Hauptzweck des Dramas, das
heidnische Volk zum Glauben zu bekehren, den Neo-
phyten zu belehren, den Glaubigen im Glauben zu starken,
die Kirche und ihre Lehre g^en die Angriffe der Feinde
zu schiitzen. Im Winter 1204 wurde in Riga ein Ludvs
prophetarum omatissimum vorgefiihrt " um den Heiden
die Grundbegriffe des Christentums zur Anschauung zu
bringen. Der Stoff sei zuerst den anwesenden Neophyten
und Heiden durch einen Dolmetscher auseinandergesetzt
worden." ^^ Wie es der Englander St. Aethelwold aus-
driickte, wird man es auch in Deutschland wohl aufge-
fasst haben: die Grablegung des Herrn ware also drama-
tisch vorgestellt worden " ad fidem indocti vulgi ac neo-
fitorum corroborandam." ®^ " Got gebe," sagte der Pro-
klamator im Alsfelder Passionsspiel,^''
Got gefbe, dasz mer das spiel szo triben,
das mer got domidde eren
und alle sunder und sunderyn sich bekeren,
die disze horen und sehen.
Man weiss, wie sich der Judenhass in zahlreichen Passions-
spielen der Mittelalters geaussert hat, in den Disputa-
tionen zwischen Ecclesia und Syncigoga oder Christiana
und Judaia, in Vor- und Nach-spielen, mit Augustinus
als Leiter der Debatte und die Propheten als Protago-
nisten der " neuen ee." ^® Welchen ausgiebigen Gebrauch
die Reformation spater vom Drama als Waffen des Glau-
"Greizenach, I, c, Bd. i, S. 64.
** Regularis Concordia, vor 979. Of. Chambers, The Medieval Stage,
Bd. n, S. 808.
•* 1501-1507 in dieser Fassung aufgeftUirt, Froning, I, a, n, S. 569.
"Spftter selbst in Fastnachtspielen, Keller Nr. 106 u. a. Ci
L. Wirth, Oeter- und Paesionapiele, Halle, 1889, S. 34 f.
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448 JOS. E. OILLBT
bens, zur Abwehr und zum Angriff gemacht hat, ist auch
zur Gteniige bekannt. Auf diese Streitdramen, deren
Zweck deutlich istj wollen wir also nicht eingehen.®® Der
Praxis war Luther mit der Theorie vorgegangen: "Und
mag sein," schrieb er, " dasz si [die Juden] solche Qe-
dichte gespielet haben, wie man bei ims die Passion spie-
let und anderer Heiligen Geschichte, damit sie ihr Volk
und die Jugend lehreten, als in einem gemeinen Bilde
oder Spiel, Gott vertrauen, fromm sein und alle Hilfe und
Trost von Gott hoffen in alien Noten wider alle Feinde.'^ ^"^
G^wisse Dramen soUen beitragen zur Starkung im
Glauben. L. Culmans Spiel Von der Witfrau (1544)
hatte sogar den spezifischen Zweck, dass Witwen und
Waisen
irs ellends ein ffirbild heten,
damit eie ihren glauben sterken.
Greffs Lazarus bezweckt die " sterckung des hochsten und
notigsten Artickels vnsers heiligen Christlichen glaubens
von der letzten Aufferstehung.'^ ^^ Ambrosius Pape betont,
dass in seinem Krippenspiel das Wort Gottes den Unge-
lehrten bekannt gemacht wird und den andem durch das
Beispiel eingepragt. ''^ Der Dudesche Schlomer " strafet,
wamet und trostet sehr/' ^* was, nach Georg Mauricius zu
urteilen, zur Zeit sehr notwendig war:
Begegnt nieht heutigs Tags m hand
Der ChristUchn Kirchen der Zustand?
••Man braucht hier nur auf Holsteins Buch hinzuweisen.
" Vorrede zu Buch Judith in der Bibeltlbersetzung von 1634. Erste
GesamtauBgabe seiner deutschen Bibel im selben Jahre. Walch, Bd.
XIV, S. 83; hHufig von Dramatikem citiert, noch im 17. Jahrhundert
von J. S. Mittemacht, Der UnglUokselige Boldat usw., Leipzig, 1662.
"Wittenb., 1545.
" Nativitaa Ohrieti, Magdeb., 1682, Puer n.
"Frankfurter Nachdruck C, 1590. Boltes Ausgabe.
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DEE ZWECK DES DEAMAS IN DEUT8CHLAND 449
Welchr der Teufel mit Macht zusetzt/
Tyranneii wider sie verhetzt.
Da kUmpt der Tttrck/ der Antichrist/
Der Teufl mit seiner Muttr da let
Da regn sich Ketzr und Rottaigeist/
Des Judas Kuss man sich auch bfieisst.'^
Von katholischer Seite wurde spater auch geeifert, be-
sonders von den Jesuiten. Der am Anfang de8 17. Jahr-
hunderts in Tyrol tatige Arzt Guarinoni dachte wohl an
die Jesuitendramen, als er bezengte, dass " In den gewal-
tigen und auszerbaulichen Schau- und Horspielen . . .
eine solche Kraft und Nachdruck [ist], dasz sie nicht
allein die Rechtglaubigen, sondem auch die Widersacher
und allerlei Sectische von weitem herzuziehen.'' ''^ Den
Nutzen der dramatischen Auffiihrung mit Hinsicht auf
die " propaganda fides," meinte der Braunschweiger Su-
perintendent Polycarp Leyser " verstehen unsere Wider-
sacher/ die Jesuiten gar wol/ welche nicht allein mit
leren/ lesen/ schreiben und predigen/ die arme jugend/
und andere jre Zuhorer schendlich verfiiren/ sondem auch
viel imd offt Comoedias, und dieselbige mit grosser pomp
und pracht halten/ in welchem sie jren Unglauben \md
Abgotterey dem gemeinen Mann also fiirgetragen fiir
Augen steUen/ und ins hertz einbilden/ das es jnen her-
nacher nimmermehr/ oder ja mit grosser miihe heraus
genomen werden kan. Warumb thun denn wir/ so das
reine unverfelschte Wort Gottes haben/ dasselbige nicht
auch/ damit wir ja auf alle mittel und wege dem Herm
Christo die Leute zufiiren machten." ''^ Leisers Entrii-
'*Haman, 1607.
'"ISIO. Ap. Janns^-Pastor, Geach, d. deutachen VoUces, Bd. vn,
S. 124.
"An den Leser, in Fr. Dedekinds Der Christliche Ritter, neue
Ausg., 1590.
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150 JOS. E. aiLLBT
stung hatte seinen Wilderhall bei Martin Hinckart/^ der
bemerkt, " dasz uns die Kinder der Finsternisz/ die Jesui-
ten/ mit jhrem auch in diesem Stiick besonderem Fleisz
unnd Eyf er allein excitiren kondten/ sonderlich den lieben
Lutherwm in dem FaD inn gebiihrende Acht zu nehmen
und zu retten/ alldieweil derselbe bey jhnen fast alle Jahr
ein mal oder etliche in jhren 8(Uyris unnd Teufelszge-
tichten allermeist muss herhalten unnd iiberbiicken."
Natiirlich war die Opposition am heftigsten bei den pro-
testantischen Schulmannem. Als der Rektor der Andreas-
schule zu Hildesheim, M. Hch. Godeken, imi Erlaubnis
bat, eine " Comoedia publica " aufzufiibren, gab er als
Qrund, u. a. dass " man sich auff solchen Schlag den
vermeinend Kunstreichen und Scharfsinnigen Jesuiten
beqwemlich zuwider setzen konnte, oder jo ihn etwas nach-
kommen, wo nicht zuvor." '^^ Das 17. Jabrhundert sab
keine Anderung in der Haltung des protestantischen
Schultums; es wurde stetig geeifert gegen die strotzende
Jesuitenbiihne, die als "nimis obscena" dargestellt
wurde.''® 'Wer halt mehr von Comedien, als die Herm
Jesuiten? " war die Frage noch im Jahre 1675.^®
Diese Vorliebe fiir das Drama lasst sich leicht erklaren.
Schon Johannes Major sagte, dass die Spiele bisweilen
mehr bewegten als die offentliche Predigt.®^ Eine ver-
kappte Predigt also, aber mit weit grosserem Eindringungs-
vermogen. Wo die Predigt Himderte erreiehte, zog das
^Der Eislehische OhriatUc^e Ritter, 1613. Cf. auch F. H. F!ay-
derus, Ludovioua Bigamua, 1626.
"Gaedertz, Archivalische Nachrichten iiher die TheaierzusiUnde
von Hildesheim, 1888, S. 7 ff.
*»Um 1667. Cf. Nessler, Dramaturgie der Jesuiten Ponia/MAS, Do-
nattLs und Masenius, Progr., Brixen, 1905, S. 21.
^ AlamodMches Interim, S. 664.
■*Cf. Holfltein, Die Reformation usw., S. 24.
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DEB ZWECE D£S DBAMAS IN DEUTSOHLAND 451
Drama seine Tausende heraiL Wo dem Ihirchsclmitte-
prediger immer ein gewisser Unwillen begegnete^ f and das
Drama ein aufgewecktes, gespanntes Publikum, dem die
Moral samt den schlagenden Darstellungen bis tief in die
Seele drang. Man weiss, welche auffallende Ahnlich-
keiten zwischen gewissen Passionsspielen ®^ und den
gleichzeitigen Predigten besteht.®* Wer aber der Predigt
nicht znhoren will, muss anderswie erreicht werden. Sagt
doch Birck:
Man Bicht dich in der kircben nitt,
Verachten das ist nur dein eitt.
Der Pfarrer schreit sich haiser gar,
Der leer nimbstu gar wenig war;
Du sprichBt: ich kan es nit version.
Was soil ich in der kirchen thon?
Dieweil du dann bist also toll.
Das du den Handel nit fast wol
Verfassen kanst, was doch disz sey,
Das man nennet AbgOtterey,
80 wend wir dir das zaigen an
Das dusz must freylicb wol verstan,
Mit deinen augen mustus seben,
Ja greyffen, mercken, gantz erspeben."*
In Hinsicht auf eben solche Zustande suchte Leonhard
Culman seine Mitbiirger anzuregen, " Qottes wort vnd
leere, guote sitten, der toUen welt vnd vngezogenen jugent,
fiir [zu] tragen mit predigen, gesengen, reymen, liedem,
spriichen, spilen der Comedien, Tragedien etc. Ob vil-
leycht die das predigen nicht horen, noch sonst zucht ley-
den woUen, durch Spiel oder gesenge mochten erworben
'^ Z. B. duB Ahfelder,
"Cf. Proning, L c. (Bd. n), 8. 565. Direkte Benutzung von Pre-
digten in Dramen dee 16. und 17. Jabrbunderts ist aucb keine Selten-
beit. S. z. B. die SUndenfalldramen von Lucas Mai (1561) imd O.
Mauricius d. X. (1609). Of. Holstein, I. 0., S. 80.
**Beel, ap. Creizenacb, Bd. m, S. 320.
8
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452 JOS. B. enxsT
werden,'' ^^ Obwohl mitunter behauptet wurde, dass der
religiose Zweck dee Dramas durch Gottesdienst imd Pre-
digt besser erreicht werde als durch Schauspiele,®^ so bUeb
doch die " augenscheinliche Predigt und Conterfdbt . . .
der Predigten " ®^ ein beliebtes Subsitut fiir die Kanzel
und Johann Siemer konnte noch am Ende des 17. Jahr-
hunderts bezeugen^ und Gottsched wiederholen : ^^ die
kostlichsten Prediger kamen vom Theatre.''
Ein bedeutender Vorzug des Dramas bestand darin,
dass auf der Eanzel nicht alle Arten des Tadels zulassig
oder moglich waren. Auch dort gabe es eine Art De-
corum. Hans von Bute erklart den Eeiz der Biihne toil-
weise hieraus:
.... das man durch disen fund
In Bchimpff wysz zeyg die laster an
Das man sunst nicht dOrftt understan."
In der Handschrift des Lucerner Weltgerichtsspiels *•
steht geschrieben:
Die frommen allien hendts vil brucht.
So d menschen etwan gfftlt vnnd gstrucht
endw&ris von den rechtten wftgen,
dae inexk doch kein mendsch torfft sfigen
** Brief von Dr. Wenceslaue Link an den Pf arrer Petrua Pithonius,
13. Martij 1630. Gedruckt am Schluse von Culmans Spiel Wie ein
sunder fsuor Buoaz bekart tourde, Nttmb.^ 1539, ap. Goedeke, Every-
man, EomuUie und Hekaeiua, Hanover, 1S66, S. 220.
"'So von Placotomus, 1564. Of. Creizenach, Bd. m, S. 370.
" Hans Pfister, vor Zyrls Joseph, in der Auag. von Job. Schlaysz,
Tab., 1593.
"Wie Noe vom wm Uherwunden durch ein jUngsten Sun Cham
geeohmMht ubw., Bern, 1546.
''Um 1549. Ms. 169 Ula Bl. a, an einer Stelle, die epftter durch
ein darttbergeklebtes Papier mit neuem Text verdeckt wurde; cf.
Reuschel, Die deuteohen Weltgeriohieepiele dee MitieUUiere, usw.,
Leipzig, 1906, S. 66 ff.
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DBB ZWEOK D£S DRAMAS IN DBUTSOHLAND 453
noch zu vnderwysen ynderstan,
w511ten dan mit bluttiger longen zwan:
hannd des die wysten gnommen acht,
deshalb die laster in spills wys gmacht. . . .
Nikodemus Frischlin wusste wohl, man konne " mores
maloB in Comoedia sic taxare ut nemo eeset, qui in illis se
perBtrictum esse iure possit dicere." ®® Es konnten also
die Dramatiker " moderare suis affectibus ipsi, £t tamen
hoc habitu, quae voluere loqui.'' ®^ Dem Dramatiker
wurde ja " ein freier Spruch und Sinn " gewahrt.®* Auch
ware es dem Schauspiel moglich, besonders in der "ga-
lanten Zeit/' ein Publikum zu erreichen, das iiberhaupt
von Pritschmeistem nichts wissen woUte, das sicb aber
der Moral einer " politischen Cantzel," wie sie die Schali-
biihne darstellte, nicht unzuganglich zeigen mochte.®*
Und schlieeslich^ es gab gewisse Q^enstande^ die nun
einmal in der Kirche nicht behandelt werden konnten.
" Wurde das wohl einen Prediger kleiden, wenn er sagte:
Es ist nicht fein/ dasz die Studenten ihre Biicher ver-
setzen; Es ist abgeschmackt^ dasz das Frauenzimmer
Schminck-Pflastergen auf ihre Bruste leget; Es ist nicht
gesund/ dasz man 5. 6. Loth Caffee zu einer Kanne
nimtut und dergleichen." ®^ Wenn sich auch ein Abra-
ham a Santa Clara oder ein Schupp um solche Decorums-
gesetze wenig gekiimmert hatte, fiir viele "vornehmen"
Prediger der "galanten Zeit" m8gen sie uniiberkomm-
liche Schranken gewesen sein.
•Hild€gard%8 Magna, Ttibingen, 1583 (1597).
^Epigramm von Joh. Major zu J. Sanders' Joluumes, 1688.
■Schottel, Friedma-Sieg, 1648.
' Uraprung der Rdmischen Monarchic, in einem Singespiele, 1684.
*Picander, i. e. Henrici, TeuUohe So?iaU'8p%ele, 1726.
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454 JOS. E. GHXET
V. EbZIEHUNG DBS GEMEIKEN MaKNES
Es war die Abeicht der Reformatoren, daBS ihr Werk
vor allem dem niederen Volke zu Gute kommen sollte. Die
Pfl^e des Schuldramas befriedigt© den BeJiarf an an-
schaulichem moralischen Unterricht fiir die Schuljugend.
Fiir die Hebung der von der Wiasenschaf t abgeeclinittenCTi
Volksschichten, wo nur die wenigsten durch das gedruckte
Buch erreicht warden, bestrebten sich namentlich eine
Anzahl Dramatiker, die, nicht voUig dem Bann der aristo-
kratischen Humanisten-Idealen erliegend, mehr im Gteiste
Luthers an die Arbeit zogen. Hinen war die Hebung des
gemeinen Mannes ein bis jetzt in der Literaturgeschichte
nur wenig betonter, jedochmitgrossterHingabeverfolgter
Zweck. Zwar nicht ausschliesslich. •^^ aber doch vorwie-
gend durch das Drama.
Joachim Greff, obwohl er sich als gelehrter Humanist
f iihlt, bedauert, dass " der gemeine man/ . . . fast wenig/
solche Comedias imd Spektakel dieser meinung lesen und
anhoren/ als seien solche Comedien vns zu gut geschrieben
und angericht" Er erklart aber nachdriicklich, er schreibe
seine Stucke damit sie " jnn sonderheit aber vom ge-
meinen man/ verstanden/ gelesen und angehort mochten
werden." ®® So wurde es auch bei den Alten gemacht
"Von klugen/ weisen leuten/ von den hochberhiimpten
Poeten " aber auch " von unsem lieben vorfharen " " dem
gemeinen volck zu nutz und zu gut/' Was das Altertum
betrifft, kann dies Lienhart Culman bestatigen :
Zu Fasznacht zeit jr wist ja wol
Da pflegt man teutech spill zu halten
** Waekemagel-Martln, Cfegoh. d. d. Lift, Basel, 1879-1894, 2te Aufl.,
Bd. n, S. 77, erwfthnt z. B. R&tselsammlungen "zum Kutzen des
gemeinen Mannes" herausgegeben.
•* AuliUaria-iiheTB., 1535.
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DEB ZWEGE DES DRAMAS IN DEUTBOHLAND 455
Das gschach auch etwan bei den alten
Man thets z gfallen dem gmeynen man
Der Bunst nit gar vH mores kan."*
Paulus Rebhun schreibt mit ahnlicher Absicht. Nur, bo
meint er, soUen die Stiicke auch auf die Biiline gebracht
werden. Seine Pflicht babe er voUbracht^ indem er das
Drama aus Licht gab, jetzt aber will er auch " wie zuvor
nachmals ermahnet haben, alle die, so solcherley nutze
Spiel anzurichten tiiglich vnd forderlich mogen sein, sie
wollen es nu auch an ihrem fleis vnd arbeit nicht erwinden
lassen, vnnd dises geticht mit offentlichem Schawspil auch
fiir den gemeinen man bringen." ®® Solche Spiele, meint
Criiginger,®* seien fiir die einfachen Menschen dasBelbe,
wie Puppen fiir die Kinder. Thiebold Gart schrieb seinen
Joseph im voUen Bewusstsein seiner Absicht :
Zu gfallen vnser Oberkeyt,
Und dir zu fnimmen gmeyner mann.
Er weiss, die Gelehrten werden eben deshalb fiir sein
Drama kein Interesse zeigen, aber:
Wir handt den nutz der spectatom
Ftirs lob gesucht der hoch doctom.***
Bis ins 17. Jahrhundert sind dergleichen demokratische
Absichten zu verzeichnen.^^^
Unter der Bezeichnung ''gemeiner Mann" sind natiir-
lich nicht ausschliesslich die niederen Volksschichten, son-
^Von der auffrur der Erham tceiher zu Rom, 164(?).
••Vor Hans Tyrolfs tJbers. des Pammachiua, Bolte und Schmidts
P€nnm€U)hiuS'A\iBg.
** Lazarus, 1543.
^^Joeephy Strassburg, 1559. Hrsg. v. E. Schmidt, El§d$9Uohe
lAteraturdenhm&ler, n, StrassI)., 1880.
^Cf. Rebhun, Susanna, 1535; L. St5ckel, Susawna, 1559; H. Bachs,
Werke, Vorrede zum n. Bde., 1560; G. Mauricius, Oomoedia von dem
8chulwesen, Leipz., 1560; A. Q^ssmann, Josephus Tragicomious, 1610.
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456 JOS. E. OILLBT
dern auch die Ungelehrten und iiberhaupt des Lateins Un-
kundigen zu veretehen. Hire Zahl war nicht gering, denn
Arnold Glaser meint, dass man "viel fronuner Leute
findet/ bey dem Adel/ Kauffleuten und Biirgem/ welche
der Lateinischen Sprache unerf ahren sind." ^®* Ihnen zu
Gut wurden vielfach die lateinischen Schulkomodien,
welche ihre Sohne vielleicht auf die Biiline bringen half en,
iibersetzt. Hierin lag ein wichtiger Beriihrungspunkt des
gelehrten mit dem volkstiimlichen Element im Drama.
Greff bearbeitet den Lazarus des Sapidus Deutsch fiir die
" simpeln, einf altigen Leute " und Hans Sachsens reizen-
des Spiel von Adams Kindem (1553) ist:
Ein oomedi und lieblich gedicht,
Das ursprtinglich hat zugericht
Im Latein Philippus Melanchthon,
Und nun ku gut dem gemeinen man
Auch in teuteche sprach ist gewendt.
So wird dann Heinrich Mollers Ndbal ^^* iibersetzt, " das
auch die gemeine biirgerschafft, im latein wol, vbel oder
nicht erfaren, darzu auch frawens personen . . • sich
sampt jrem thim gleich als in einem spiegel besehen
mochten." Und so wurde eine ganze Reihe von Dramen
mit jener ausgesprochenen Absicht aus dem Lateinischen
" einfaltig in deutsche Reime verfasset." *®* Fanden sich
in einem deutschen Stiicke schwierige Ausdriicie, die von
*• tubers, von Nik. Priechlins Phasma, 1698.
^^ 1564, ap. Bolte, Das Danziger Theater im. 16. u. 17. Jh,, Hamb.,
Leipz., 1895, 8. 5.
^ Of. H. Zi^lera Vom opffer der HeiUgen drey KMhUg, Ingolstadt,
1555, tlb. V. Wolfg. Herman, Saltzburg, 1557; Mart. Hayneodus ver-
deutschte nicht nur seinen Almansar (deutsch 1582) sondem auch
Beinen Hans Pfriem, 1582. (Lat. Momoeoapue eive Haneoframea,
1581.) Nik. Frischlins Phtisina wurde von Arnold Glaser Iibersetzt,
Greifswald, 1593. S. auch A. Gassmanns Joaephus Tragioomicue,
1610.
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BEB ZWECK DBS DRAMAS IN DEUTSOHLAND 457
Ungebildeten achwerlich verstanden wiirden, so wurden
diese bisweilen erlautert. So erklart Martin Kinckart ^^^
die symbolischen Lateinischen Namen :
dasz . . . auch der gmeine maun
Ton handel moege was yeraian.
AhnKche Riicksicht, noch weiter getrieben, zeigte spater
Job. Rist, der dem ungebildeten Publikum zu Gut, wie
er selber sagt, Zwischenspiele in seinen Perseus hinein-
schob, obwohl er wusste, dass er damit den " legibus Tra-
goediarum '' zuwider handelte. Er babe aber " dem ge-
meinen Manne (als der mit solcben und dergleichen pes-
sirlichen Auffziigen am aUermeisten sich belustiget) vor-
nemlich . . . gratificiren und dienen woUen/' ^^^
Auch die Schulbehorden zeigten dem grossen Publikum
gegeniiber eine zuvorkommende Haltung, jedocb teilweise
au« eigenniitzigen Griinden. Harsdorfer gab wohl einer
selbst zu seiner Zeit noch gangbaren Meinung Ausdruc^,
wo er mit Bezug auf das Schuldrama schrieb : " Es ist ver-
antwortlich/ dasz man sich des Nechsten Neigung nach
bequemen/ und denen/ welche theils nicht lesen woUen/
theils nicht lesen konnen/ die Liebe zur Tugend/ durch
ein lebendiges Gemahlde aufstellet/ vor- und einbildet
. . . Der Nutz ist zu betrachten sowol/ bey den Zusehem
und Zuhorem/ als bey den spielenden Knaben." ^^^
VT. EbHALTITNO des STANDESBBWUSSTSEmS
Die Standesverhaltnisse des Mittelalters spiegeln sich
nur unbetrachtlich in der dramatischen Poesie. Im 16.
Jahrhundert werden gelegentlich die einzelnen Stande von
^Der Eislehische OhrUiliohe Riiier, 1613.
^Hamb., 1634.
^ Trickier, 1660, Bd. n, S. 72 f.
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458 JOS. B. GILLBT
Narren gegeisselt ; ^^® dann wieder verfolgt ein gauzes
Drama diesen Zweck. Gengenbachs Nollhart (1517)
handelt
von etlichen etenden dyser waelt,
der sich doch keiner me recht helt
Geizstlich waeltlich, ritter, knecht,
Vnd dar zuo auch als froettsch geschlecht.
Hiermit verwandt, jedoch ohne die Breite der Anlage und
ohne die beissende Wucht der Satire, vielmehr oft nach
kleinbiirgerlichem Ideal zugeschnitten, fast reaktionnar,
und dennoch konstruktiv, erscheint die Auffaseung Lu-
thers und seiner Geistesverwandten.
Besonders aus der Komodie soil gelemt werden, meint
Greff, wie ein jeder sich nach seinem Stand verhalten soil :
"... Bistu ein knecht/ odder hast einen andem standt
an dir/ der mit dienst verbunden ist/ so solstu vleissig
auffmercken/ wie dieser oder jener fromer knecht/ inn
dieser oder einer andern Comedien/ seinem herm vleissig
dienet/ wie er seinem herm seinen schaden mit aUem vleis
verhiitet. Also weiter mit alien etenden und perso-
nen." ^^^ Man sol " lemen und erkennen/ aller stende
in der gantzen welt ampt und eigenschafft" und das
" leben darnach richten und anstellen." Aus dergleichen
Ausserungen mehr als den herkommlichen didaktischen
Zweck herauslesen woUen, konnte hyperkritisch erscheinen.
Man hore jedoch Melanchthon und Luther. Der "pre-
ceptor Gtermaniae " redet von der Tragoedie: " Saepe . . .
Graecorum consilium valde admirer, qui initio Tragoe-
dias populo proposuerunt, nequaquam vt vulgo existimatur,
tantum oblectationis causa, sed multo magis, vt rudos ac
feres aniraos, consideratione atrocium exemplorum & ca-
^^Z. B. in G. RoUenhagens Beari)eitung von Lonemanne Laatarua,
1590, in.
*•• Aululwria-HheTB,, 1536.
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DEB ZWECK DBS DBAMA8 IN DBUTSCHLAND 469
suiun flecterent ad moderationem & frenandas cupidita-
tes." ^^^ Weniger als Abwehr oder repressives Mittel,
mehr als positives, bildendes Element fasste Luther den
gewiinschten Zweck des Dramas auf. " Comedien zu spie-
len soil man umb der Knaben in der Schule willen nicht
wehren " entgegnete er anf eine Frage des Job. Cellarius,
u. a. weil " dort fiirgestelt werden solche Personen, da-
durch die Leute unterrichtet, und ein Iglicher seines
Ampts und Standes erinnert und vermahnet werde, was
einem Ejiecht, Herm, jungen Gesellen und Alten gebiihre,
wohl anstehe und was er thun soil, ja, es wird darinnen
fiirgehalten und fiir die Augen gestellt aller Dignitaten
Grad, Aempter und Gebiihre, wie sich ein Iglicher in sei-
nem Stande halten soil im ausserlichen Wandel." Nun
konnte man hieraus bloss schliessen, das Drama sei in
Luthers Ansicht eine Art Anschauungsunterricht der
Etiquette, etwas wie ein verherrlichtes "Biichlein vom
Zutrinken,'* ein Grobianus ohne die Satire. Es liegt aber
doch etwas Tief eres darin, das nicht iibersehen werden darf .
Horchen wir Luther weiter zu : ^' Zudem werden darinnen
beschrieben imd angezeigt die listigen Anschlage und
Betrug der bosen Balge ; desgleichen, was der Aeltern und
jungen Knaben Ampt sei, wie sie ihre Kinder und junge
Leute zum Ehestande ziehen und halten, wenn es Zeit mit
ihnen ist, und, wie die Kinder den Aeltern gehorsam sein,
imd freien soUen. . ." Ob hierin ein sozial-wichtiger
Punkt beriihrt wird? Zweifellos, wenn man sich erin-
nert, das nach Luthers Ansicht " Polizeien und Weltliche
Regiment . . . nicht bestehen [konnen] ohn den Ehe-
Btand. Eheloser Stand, der Colibat und Hurerei sind der
Regiment und Welt Pestilenz und Gift." ^^^ Aber, so wie
^ 1545. Cf. auch schon G. Simlers Auag. von Reudilins Sergiua,
1513.
^Tischreden, Werke, Eriangen, Bd. m, S. 336 f.
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460 JO£L B. aiLLET
der letzte Abschnitt iiber die Ehe, so sind auch die andem
Stellen Luthers von sozialer Bedeutimg durchdrungeiu
Dass Luthers Ansichten auch von seinen Zeitgenossen
80 verstanden wurden, zeigt das Beispiel Greffs, eines
nahen Gteistesverwandten. Die oben angef iihrte Stelle aus
Greff ist konkreter als diejenige Luthers und lasst keinen
Zweifel iibrig, dass im Drama nicht nur der " ausserliche
Wandel," sondem auch die geistige Haltung der ver-
schiedenen Stande ihren respektiven Verhaltnissen g^en-
iiber bestinunt werden sollte. Greff denkt in grossen sozi-
alen Abschnitten. In seinem Zacheus (1546) betont er,
dass unter dem Namen " Zollner '' im Personenverzeichnis
auch begriffen seien " Gleittleutte/ Rendtmeister/ Schos-
ser/ Voigte/ alle Amtuerweser/ Verleger/ Factor/ Schaff-
ner/ Vorsteher/ Kauffleutte/ alle hantirer und handler/
ia alle handtwerckger." So konnte das Drama in sozialer
Hinsicht einen erstarrenden Einfluss ausuben, wo es Erge-
bung predigte in die bestehenden Verhaltnisse/ Hier
tritt also, wenn auch nicht sehr deutlich ausgesprochen,
der Gedanke des Dramas als beruhigender, besanftigender
Faktor im Staate hervor, verschiedentlich nach den Per-
sonlichkeiten gefarbt, peinlich konkret bei Greff, huma-
nistisch bei Melanchthon, real-politisch bei Luther.
Zur besseren Begriindung dieser Ansichten seien einige
weitere Beispiele hervorgehoben. In den Dramen von
den ungleichen Kindem Evas wird die TJngleichheit der
Stande inmier als eine gottliche Einrichtung dargestellt.
Bei alledem wurde die reizende L^ende natiirlich von
verschiedenen Dramatikern verschieden behandelt, von
Sachs z. B. mit all der Arglosigkeit und tJberzeugung
seiner N'atur, von Weise aber schon mit tieferem Bewusst-
sein und mit sozialen Anklangen. Und Knaust verflocht
die Geschichte ja in seine Tragedta von Verordnung der
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DEB ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DBUTSCHLAND 461
Stdnde oder Regvnyent.^^^ Joh. Aal wendet sich an alle
Stande: Priester, Fiirsten und Herren, Vater tind Mutter,
Frauen und Jungf rauen, alle konnen aus seinem Joharmes-
Drama (1549) ihren Nutzen ziehen:
In summa, es ist kein stand noch stat
Der Bit mag nemmen wysen rat
Und gnte leer U88 disem epil.
Joh. Schuward teilt seinen Hausteuffel^^^ aktenmassig
"nach den fiimembsten stenden der menschen" ein.*^*
Joh. Sanders untemahm es " aller Stende Verriickung,
Verkerungen und TJnordnungen, so in dieser letzten Zeit
der Satan gewaltiglich anrichtet ab[zu]mahlen und fiir
augen [zu] stellen." Es werden dort "die ruehlosen
Weltkinder fur Siinden und Untugend und Miszbrauch
ihres Standes und Amtes gewamet und zu wahrer Busz,
christlichen Tugenden und rechtmasziger Fiihrung ihres
Berufes und Amtes vennahnet und gereizet." Auch sind
seine Personen Vertreter grosserer Qruppen in der Gtesell-
schaft. "Herr Fastus ist das Bild eines unbestandigen
Wendheikens [Manteldrehers], Herodes reprasentiert
einen heuchlischen Tyrannen, Herodias ein unziichtig
gottlos Weib, Johann von Gaza und Jost von Emahus
einen gottseligen frommen Adel, Gk>lret von Vitremund
und Simon von Thatwalde einen gottlosen epikuiischen
Adel, Centurio einen fiirstlichen 'Hof rat und so fortan." *^**
In seiner Komodie gegen das Wiirfel- und Kartenspiel
^ 1639. ttber Behandlungen dieser von Melanchthon an den
Grafen von Wied mitgeteilten Legende 8. Michel, Kna/Mi, Berlin,
1903, 8. 26 ff. und Bolte, Stuttg. Lit Ver., Bd. omo, 8. 403 ff.
"•Eialeben, 1666, ap. Bolte, Wickram-Ausg., Bd. vi, 6. Izziz.
^So handelt Akt i. von Lehrem und Zuhdrem, n. von Obrigheit
und Uniertanen, in. von Mann und Weib, iv. von Eliem und Kindem,
V. von Strafe und Belohming, ( /)
«Magd., 1688.
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462 JOB. £. aiLLBT
woUte Thomas Birck auch " der Welt Lauff in aUen dreyen
Standen" darstellen.^^® Joh. Yetzeler gab Wickrams
Tobias neu heraus, " darin zn lehmen haben alte und junge
Leuth, wie sich ein jeder in seinem Beruf und Stand ver-
halten" soil. Und den 123 Actores sind " mit jren Standen
auch jren eygenen Namen " ^ vorgedruckt.^^^ Samuel
Israel zeigt uns, wie durch das Drama " alle Stend in der
Wfelt/ sampt jrem Vorhaben . . . uffgefiihrt und gewie-
sen werden." ^^® Noch im Jahre 1610 erschien ein Kurtz-
weiligs Fassnacht Spiel, vom favlen, eigensinnigen Dienst-
gesinde^^^ ein Beweis dafiir, dass die Vorechrift, der
Knecht soUe vom Drama lernen, wie er sich gegen den
Meister zu betragen habe, noch immer buchstablich be-
herzigt wurde. Wolfhart Spangenberg schrieb ein Drama
vom Glilckstoechsel, "ein kurzweilig Spiel, von dryen
jhres Standes Uberdriissigen Personen, eim Bawren,
Landsknecht vnd Pfaffen: Vnd wie es jedem nach seim
Anschlag ergangen." ^^^ Die typische Vertretung der ver-
schiedenen Stande, wie etwa im Luzerner Antichristspiel
von 1549 ^^^ heranzuziehen, ware iiber unsere Aufgabe
hinausgreifen. Aber es muss auch echon aus den oben
angefiihrten Stellen vollkommen deutlich sein, dass die
Biihne auf das Standesbewusstsein tief einzuwirken im
Stande war, und zwar in doppelter Fassung: gewisser-
massen vertiefend, erweiternd, namentlich in den essentiell-
mittelalterlichen Massendramen ; aber verengend, erstar-
rend in den biirgerlich-angehauchten Beruf s- und Standes-
dramen. Moistens war jedoch die Tendenz konservativ
"•1590. Ob hier auch Georg Mauricius' Kom5die Von allerlei
Si&nden zu nennen wftre, weiss ich nicbt.
"M609. Zuerst 1606.
^Susanna, Bagel, 1607, Widmung, 1606.
"»Von Job. Steurlein, Scbleusing^i.
^Ntirnb., 1613.
"^In der grossen (^erichtflscene.
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DEB ZWECK DE3 DBAMAS IN DBUTSCHLAND 463
und wurde die InstandhaltuBg der bestehenden Verhalt-
nisse, die Erhaltung des Standesbewusstseins erstrebt.
Bemerkenswert ist die Tatsache, dass oft die Komodie
als besonders f iir solche zugleich sozial-wichtige und docb
fast hausliche Zwecke geeignet dargestellt wurde. Wie
letzteres aus der Definition der Komodie hervorgeht, und
wie z. B. Luthers Tendenzen eigentlich nur die tiefere
Auffassung althergebrachter Ansichten iiber den Stoff der
Komodie bilden, wiirde sich herausstellen bei einer Unter-
suchung des Begriffs Komodie, fiir die hier jedoch nicht
die Stelle ist.
VII. POLITIK
Schon im Mittelalter gab es politische Dramen. Die
politische Bedeutung des Tegemseeer Antickristspiels Vom
romischen Reiche deutscher Nation braucht nicht betont zu
werden. Spater wird haufig gegen die Tiirkengefabr ge-
eifert, sogar in Fastnachtsspielen.^^^ Jakob Lochner
schrieb zwei Tiirkenstiicke (1496, 1502), letzteres das
Spedacvium . . . m qtu) Christianissimi reges aduersv/m
truculentissimos Turchos consilium ineunt* Ausserdem
gibt 68 von ihm ein Spiel iiber die politische Lage nach
der Schlacht bei Guinegate (1513). Wimpheling schrieb
einen Dialog De hello Thurcico (1498). Bircks Judith
(um 1540) soil ein Beispiel sein " rei publicae recte insti-
tutae, Unde discitur, quomodo arma contra Turcam sint
capienda.'' Zieglers Swmson (1547) wurde dargestellt
" ad exemplum quomodo speranda sit divina ultio et vic-
toria contra Turcas,'' und Hier. Linck schrieb ein Drama
de praeparatione ad Bellum Twcicum}^^ All diesen
^Der TUrken Vastnaohtapiel, Keller, Bd. i, 8. 288 flf.; Rosenpiat,
Keller, Nr. 39.
^ 1557. HS. in Wien. Cf. Gerstenberg, Zur Oeaohichte des TUrken-
Bohau^piele, i, Meppen, 1902. t)ber ein Tllrkenstlick Qeorg Btfmiches
8. Goedeke, Qrundriss, Bd. n, S. 898.
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464 JOS. s. anxBT
Drarnen lag hauptsach|ich Glaubenseifer zu Grunde, aber
ihre Erscheinung war zugleich nicht ohne Belang fiir die
intemationale Politik.
In der Schweiz kam rege Teilnahme der Burger an der
mit den Verhaltnissen Europas oft eng verwebten Politik
der EidgenoBsenschaft auf der volksbeliebten Biiline oft
eindrucksvoll zur Oeltung, Die verschiedenen Tellen-
spiele, an denen sich die Schweizer seit Ruffs Etter Heim
(1514) ergotzt haben, brauchen wir nicht noch einmal
aufzuzahlen.^^* Es wird in der Schweiz nicht nur geei-
fert fiir die Lauterung der Sitten, die Instandhaltung der
alten Eomertugend (Bullingers Lucretia), aondem auch
gegen die Annahme fremdlandischer Pensionen, den Ein-
tritt schweizerischer Burschen in fremde Heere.*^^
Auch die inneren Verhaltnisse werden beriihrt. Nicht
selten beschaftigt sich das Drama mit den grossen natio-
nalen Zeitereignissen oder mit den politischen Verhalt-
nissen grosser Gruppierungen innerhalb des Deutschen
Eeiches. Den Bauernkrieg, den Herman Schottenius
schon 1526 darzustellen versucht hatte {Ludus martius)
wurde ein Jahrhundert spater von Martin Einckart wieder
auf die Buhne gebracht "nicht allein Comoedienweise,
sondem auch als ein richtiges und lustiges Compendium
Historicum ordentlich verf asset vnd zugerichtet : Vnd der
jetzigen sicheren Welt, zum nothwendigen Lehr- un War-
nungsspiegel Beym instehenden seculo vor Augen gestel-
let." ^** Auffallend ist dabei, dass auch in diesen Dramen
fast ausnahmslos eine konservative, wenn nicht reaktionaro
Gtesinnung zu Tage tritt. Wenn es auch unverneinbar
^Cf. R. J. Hodel, Vaterl&ndiechea Volkstheater und Featapiele in
der Schweits, Diss., Bern, 1907.
^ Ober die AuffQhrung einer Judith in Sfis, 1554, and ihre Wirkung
B. Creizenach, Bd. m, 8. 344, Anm 1.
*^Monetariu9 $€ditio9U9, 1626.
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DEB ZW£OK D£S DEAMA8 IN DSUTSOHLAND 465
ist, dass in Deutschland die Biiline nicht etwa wie in
Frankreich ^^"^ als Werkzeug zur Beherrschung der Massen
verwendet wurde/^® so lasst sich doch eine Tendenz in
diesem Sinne beobachten. Im Verband mit der iinver-
kennbar konservativen Riehtung, die sich in der Betonung
der Standesunterschiede aussert, wird die Lage noch deut-
licher. Es sei hierbei nochmals anf Melancbthons Ausse-
rung hingewiesen und es sei nochmals betont, wie ana ihr
viel weniger der Sittenlehrer spricht, ak der Staatsmann.
Gengenbachs Nollhart ^^® fiihrt die politischen Machte
der Zeit und darunter auch die Juden auf . Ein Hildes-
heimer Fastnachtsspiel ^*^ " verspottet die Adeligen dee
Bistums, die sich im vorhergehenden Jahre gegen gewisse
Finanzmassr^ehi aufgelehnt hatten." Heinrich £naust
benutzte die Geschichte von Kain und Abel als Grundlage
seiner Tragoedi von Verordnung der Stdnde oder Begi-
menty^^^ wo Kain das Bild geben soil "der wiisten und
greulichen Leute die im Papsttum und neulich bei den
Bauem und Wiedertaufern gesehen worden." Wolfgang
Schmeltzls Samuel und SavX soil zeigen, " dass alle hohe
gewaltige Monarchien von Gott eingesetzt und geordnet,
die grossen machtigen Potentaten und Herren zu straf en,
Recht wider Gewalt aufzurichten, auch wider dieselbigen
sich niemand setzen, verachten noch emporen solle/' ^*^
Ofters empfiehlt bei Hans Sachs der Herold Gehorsam
gegen die Behorden. Im Mudus Scaevola bindet er
^ Cf . Picot, Les moralitis politiqueB. Bull, de la boc. du prot. fr.,
Bd. XXZYI.
^Man weiss wie Ludwig XII Gringores Jeu du Prinoa dea 8ot»
benutzte um den Volksgeist gegen den Pabst Julius 11 aufzuregen.
Cf. Petit de Juleville, Le tlUAtre en France, Paris, 1901, S. 64 f.
"•1546 aufgefflhrt.
"• Der Soheveoloih, 1620 aufgef ., ap. Creizenach, I. c, Bd. m, S. 243.
"» Wittenberg, 1539.
««Wien, 1661; cf. Holstein, I a, SS. 81, 91.
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466 JOS. B. aiLLBT
seinen Mitbiirgem aufs Herz, ihre Steuer wiUig zu be-
zahlen. Der Niimberger Bat konnte denn auch nicht
umhin, die Auffiihnmg des Dramas zu gestatten " well vyl
gute argument vnd ursachen wider die beflchwerungen der-
gleichen aufflagen darjnn auf die pan gebracht werden^
die alien Oberkeiten zu guten gedeutet werden mii-
gen.'' ^^* Dramen, in denen die Obrigkeit angegriffen
wurde, sind nur selten zur AufFiihrung oder sogar ans
Licht gekommen, was bei der Wachsamkeit der Behorden
mit Betracht auf Stiicke, die sich etwa auf bestehende
Zustande beziehen konnten/^* leicht zu erklaren iet
Revolutionnare Dramen sind also kaum zu erwarten.
Ausnahmsweise erscheint eine Tragoedia Von emem Unge-
rechten Bichter/ Wie derselbe . . . ewig verdampt war-
den}^^ aber meistens wird bloes in verdeckter Weise,
etwa in einem JS^Aer-drama auf die Pflicht hingewiesen,
" dass niemand sin gwalt oder wolstand missbruche/ sun-
der demiitig sye." ^®* Oder in ein Susa/rmar^-piA eine
Scene eingeschoben " ad depingendum indicium iniqui-
tatem/' jedoch "extra argumentum/' wie Eebhun be-
schwichtigend hinzufiigt^*''
SOHLUSBBETBAOHTUNO
Beim tJberblick obiger Zeilen lasst sich folgendes be-
merken: Die zahlreichen Belege zeigen eine auffallende
innere Abnlichkeit, in einzelnen Fallen sogar wortliche
tJbereinstimmung. Diesem Sachverhalt liegt einerseits
eine noch fast mittelalterliche Einheitlichkeit des Den-
"• 1653, ap. Creizenach, Bd. in, S. 435.
"•Cf. Hampe, ap. Creizenach, Bd. in, S. 439.
"•Madgeburg o. J.
"• JoBiae Murer, Hester, 1567.
*" Susanna, n, i. Deutsch 1636 aufgeftlhrt.
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DER ZWECK DES DRAMAS IN DEUTSCHLAND 467
kens, anderseits aber auch wohl die erstarrende Wirkung
der Tradition zu Grunde. In zwei Worten lasst sich die
ganze Lage zusammenf assen : Moral und Didaktik. Diese
bezieht sich auf Methode und Absicht; jene, entweder
abstrakt oder konkret angehaucht, verteilt ihre Mahnungen
zwischen Individuum, Familie und Staat.
Die meisten unserer Bel^e entstammen dem 16. und
dem Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts und nur verhaltnis-
massig wenige gehoren dem ausgehenden 17. oder dem 18.
Jahrhundert an. Tatsachlich ist die Herrschaft von
Moral und Didaktik iiberhaupt auf das 16. Jahrhundert
beschrankt. Im folgenden Jahrhundert, vielleicht schon
unter Einfluss der Englischen Komodianten und spater
durch die Einwirkung Italiens und Frankreiehs b^nnt
namlich der Zerstorungsprozess der Didaktik, indem die
Wirkungsmittel des Dramas eine voUige TTmwandlung
untergehen. Dem Nutzen wird die Belustigung zur Seite
gestellt, zuerst als blosse Zugabe, dann aber, etwa seit Opitz,
als gleichberechtigt, bis endlich, am Anfang des 18. Jahr-
hunderts, die Belustigung an die Herrscherstelle tritt.
Damit war auch der Didaktik ihr Ende bereitet, denn
Didaktik als Methode und Belustigung als Ziel sind unver-
einbar. TJnsere Belege werden deshalb seit Opitz immer
sparlicher. Trotzdem ware ihre Bedeutung noch leicht
zu uberschatzen, wenn hier nicht ausdriicklich darauf
hingewiesen wiirde, dass in den spateren Ausserungen der
Wachzligler oder der vereinzelte Reaktionnar zur Rede
kommt.
Jos. E. GlLLET.
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XVIII.— HUE DB EOTELANDE^S IPOMEDON AND
CHEETIEN DE TEOYES
Kolbing in hie work on the Ipomedon of Hue de Kote-
lande finds in this charming romance of the latter half of
the twelfth century the " tendenz, characterzeichnung und
handlung," * that class it unmistakably with the romances
of the Bound Table, and recognizes most particularly
upon it the influence of the Charetie and the Yvain of
Chretien de Troyee.^
On account of the close relations between France and
England at this time, one is easily led to believe that an
English poet, writing in French, must have known Chre-
tien, who was then charming the courts of France, and,
knowing him, must have followed in his tracks. Resem-
blances may indeed be pointed out between the works of
Chretien and Ipomedon, just as resemblances have been
noted * between the former and the romances of antiquity.
All these works followed each other so closely in the
period between 1150 and 1190 that they are to a degree
the' product of the same civilization, and resemblances
are inevitable. But that Hue de Rotelande, before he
wrote his Ipomedon, ever read the Charetie or Yvain
of Chretien de Troyes, seems to me inconceivable.
Born perhaps in Rhuddlan in the north of Wales, hav-
ing at any rate a house near Hereford* and acquainted
^ Ipomedon, in drei engliachen hearheitungen, Eugen EOlbing,
Breslau, 1SS9, p. xxviii (A).
*Hue de Rotelande's Ipom4don, ein franedtiaoher ahenteuerroman,
herauBgegeben von E. KOlbing und E. Kosohwitz, p. vi (B).
*€kuston Paris, Journal des SavanU, July, 1902; Edmond Faral,
Ovide et quelques souroeM du Roman d^EnSat, Romania, 1911, pp.
233 f.
«/p., 11. 6346, 8940, 10569.
468
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IPOM^DON Ain> OBXtriES DB TB0YE8 469
with the . country rotmd about that border town, Hue
would seem to have needed but an example to inspire in
him a desire to embody in his own work some of the
I^ends of his home land, so successfully exploited by
Chretien de Troyes. In Ipomedon, however, there are
none of the paraphernalia peculiar to the romances of
the Itound Table^ no terrestrial paradises, no land from
which none who enters ever returns, no fairy mistresses,
no love philters, no love madness, no sword bridges or
phantom beasts, no perilous beds wi1& flaming swords
descending, no storm-producing fountains, none of the
other-world phenomena,*^ of which Tvain and the Charette,
of all the works of Chretien, are particularly full.
That the Ipomedon is of about the same length as
Thebes, and that twenty of the names of the personages
are drawn from it, proves necessarily nothing. But it
is difficult for us to see in the court of Meleager in Ipo-
medon " ein seitenstiick zu der des konigs Artus in Oarlion
oder Quarradigant." • There is no reference in Ipome-
don to Arthur or any of his famous knights. Arthur, as
he is depicted by Chretien, is very much a figure-head,
acting occasionally as umpire, but doing no fighting him-
self. Meleager, on the contrary, not only takes part in
'If, as Ward among others thinks, {Cat, of Rom, y. i, pp. 736 ff.)
Hue were acquainted with a LonoeHot by his friend Walter Map
(cf. /p., 11. 7173 ff.), it would seem strange that none of this other-
world material crept into his Ipomedon, Some of it seems insep-
arable from a Lancdot story. The nearest approach to it in
Ipom6don is the virtue attributed to the sapphire on the cover of
the cup Ipomedon gave to Gapaneus, and the stone in the ring
given to Ipom^on l^ his mother. Of the former it is said that It
cured people of felons (/p., L 2933; cf. Mussafia, Bulla oriiioa del
ietto del Ipomddon, p. 46), and of the latter that it staunched the
blood from a wound (/p., IL 9781 ff.). It was common thruout the
middle ages to attribute peculiar virtues to precious stones.
'KSlbing (A), pp. xxviHff.
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470 LUOY M. GAY
the tourney in person, but is worsted by the hero.'' Be-
sides; it is to the court of the duchess of Calabria, and
not to Meleager's that Ipomedon goes to learn ajfeUe-
ment,^ and he is knighted ^ by his father in his own home
in Apulia.
Nor does Capeneus remind us of Chretien's Gauvain,
that incomparable hero with whom the battle is at best in-
decisive.^® Capaneus suflFers defeat on each of the three
days of tourney. On the third day he would have been
killed by Ipom6don if the king had not rescued him.
Ipomldon, after he had unhorsed him runs him down:
Gil remeint a pie en la place.
Ipom6don ben le requert,
Od le pi2 del destrer le fert,
Ke lea paumes ferri al terre (11. 6258 ff.).
The king, seeing this, comes up.^*
D'ire esteit pale e teint e pers;
Ipom^on fert en travers, etc. (11. 6267 f.).
Ipomedon turns from Capaneus to strike the king, and
the king is so frightened that,
De Tautre part la redne vire,
Tant cum post tendre le cheval,
Unk[e] puis ne lui donna estal (11. 6280 ff.).
And our poet facetiously adds:
Je ne di pas li reis fuist
Mes d'aler s'en grant semblant fist (11. 6283 ff.).
»/p., 11. 6096 ff.
•/p., 11. 211-220; 11. 245-284.
•/p., 11. 1737 ff.
"•Gf. Ereo, 11. 2289 ff.; (Jlig^, U. 4951 ff.; YwMm, IL 6237 ff.; Char.
1. 5973; Pero. 1. 5548; Kdlbing, A, p. zxiz.
"^Cf. OHg^B, H. 4860 ff.; "N'i flerent pas ne dui ne trcd; Qu'adoM
n'estolt us ne cofltume."
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IPOMSDON AND CH&£tI1CN D£ TBOTS8 471
The seneBchal CaeminuB is indeed like Key in being
enjvrivs and ctistimiers de mesdire}^
But in the romantic literature of the day antedating
Chretien, the seneschal bore this character.^' Besides,
Caeminus is not the official raiUer of Chretien and is not
mentioned as leading the gibes at Ipomedon when he
plays the coward. Mocking at Ipomedon was a family
affair in which even the king takes part^*
The seneschal in the Ipomedon plays a less promi-
nent role than the chamberlain/^ Thoas, for whom there
is no counterpart in Chretien, the word chamberlenc ^* it-
self being seldom used by him. This word with the office
for Which it stands seems to have flourished particularly
on Englifiih soil.
It is Thoas ^^ that Hue says could talk as well as a cer-
tain man of his acquaintance at Hereford boasting of his
valiant deeds at the siege of Rouen.^®
Ipomedon's mestre and constant companion, Tholomeus,
and the messenger, Egeon, the curleUj}^ a word unfamiliar
"/p., U. 602iand 5027.
"Cf. Annette B. HopldnB, The influenoe of Waoe on the Arthurian
Romancee of Orestien de Troies, pp. 93 ff., and La folie de Trietan
d*0»ford, S. des A. T., v. LVi, U. 715 ff.
»*/p., 11. 3121 flf; 1. 4465.
''6ene8chal8 and chamberlainB appear in Thihee: U. 782, 2918,
3256, etc.
^In Perc, 1. 4500, there is a passing reference to a chamberlain.
"The name Thoas is the only one common to Ghr^ien's works
and to Ipom4don. In the Oharette, Thoas is pointed out in the
tourney as the knight carrying a shield made in London (1. 5842).
As Chretien usee the word but this once, it is probable that Hue
recalled it from Troie, where a Thoas plays a prominent rdle (1. 358,
etc).
"/p., 1. 5349. IponUdon was written therefore after 1174, date
of the siege. Hue's protector of whom he speaks as living at the
close of his later romance, Pratieikuia, died in 1191.
"•/p., U. 2272, 2309, etc., cf. Eniae, 1. 3899.
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472 LUOT M. CULT
to CIir6tien^ play roles conspicuously strange to Arthurian
romance.
The whole setting of the story owes nothing to Chretien.
The atmosphere of the poem according to his standard is
uncourtly, not to say plebeian. The launde ^^ with its
woods and river, the cite ^* where the heroine is ostUee, the
hunting scenes ^^ no less enthusiastically drawn than the
tourney under the dungeon,^* moors,** herdmen** and
husting,** the lover walking in the Spring forest and sing-
ing *^ for the mere joy of living, above all the humor pre-
vading the whole is distinctively English in spite of the
French dress and foreign setting.
In particular, Kolbing would have Hue's making
Ipomedon dru la reine due to ^^ den inneren Einfluss
von Crestien's Chevalier de la Charette/* *® If the
story were indeed as it is represented by M. Bardoux *•
in his work on Walter Map, this might possibly be claim-
ed. M. Bardoux, attempting evidently to follow Ward,*^
after translating into Latin Ward's citation from Ipome-
don in which Hue says that Walter Map ** knew the art
"LL 674 flf. "L. 322.
^ Speaking of Henry II, Salzmann {EngUah Nation under Henry
II, p. 216) saya in his recent yoliune (1914) : '*When he went out
of England, whether for peaceful cause or war, his hawks and
hounds and huntsmen followed hitn."
"L. 2618. »L. 8942. "L. 2721.
>«L. 2684. "L. 6336. "B, p. 6; cf. A, p. 29.
•J. Bardoux, De Walterio Mappio, Paris, 1900, p. 167.
"Ward, Co*, of Rom., i, p. 734.
*^Sommer's arguments that Hue may not refer to the Walter
Map, archdeacon of Oxford, seem quite unconvincing (cf. Vulffote
Version of Arthurian Romances, y. i, p. 11 n.). It is natural to
suppose that a man who said of himself: marohio swn Walensibus
{De Nugis Curialium, Dist. n, ch. 23) and who was a public char-
acter before our poem was written (/&., ed. Wright, p. 6), should
have been known to Hue. This has nothing to do with the question
of Map's authorship of a Lancelot, AU that Hue says here, is in
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IPOM^DON AND CHBixiEN D£ TBOYES 473
of lying as well as he, continues : " Haec porro singularem
inter Ipomedonta et Lancellotum similitudinem declarant.
Etenim Ipomedon, Ducissae Calabrienis amore captus,
ab iUius eponso impetrant ut Dominae pocula ministret,
cui brevi est in deliciis. Indictis, quorum Meleager,
Ducissae conjux, particeps fieret, ludicris certaminibus,
Ipomedon tanta virtute depugnat ut tribus diebus e
praelio victor reoedat, prima die alba arma gestans, albo
equo insidens; secunda, fulvis armis instructus, fulvo
vectus equo; tertia, nigra arma ferens, nigro usus equo.
Tum Ducissae, ut illi se detegat triplicem armaturam et
tres equos mittit." It would scarcely seem that M. Bar-
doux had read Ipomedon, for the duchess of Calabria,
with whom the hero is in love, has no husband until at
the close of the story she marries Ipomedon. The whole
poem is written to show the vicissitudes of the court-
ship in the good English fashion of the novel, and when
they are finally married, the poet distinctly states that
she was a virgin:
Je quit k'ele out sun vu tenu,
Kar deak'aduno pucele fu;
effect: '^ou think I am telling an improbable tale. I mean always
to tell the truth, but if I fail to do so sometimes, there are others
who do, too. Take, for example, Walter Map. Tou, dear listener,
you teU the truth always, of course (*Ne quit pas que nul de vus
mente,' 1. 7186)." Whether Map wrote a Lcmcelot or not, the part
of the Ipomedon just preceding these words might naturally have
reminded Hue that Map also had told a tale of a young man whc^
in spite of all the blandishments and even taunts of a queen, had
not yielded to her love and had finally vindicated his prowess.
Disguised in another's armor, he had vanquished a giant {De Nugis,
Dist. m, ch. 2). As internal evidence shows that parts of the
De Nugis were written as early as 1181, it is quite possible that
Hue knew this story of Sadiue and Cfalo. (Cf. Hinton, Walter
Map'e De Nugia Curialium, Puh, M. L. A., Mch., 1917, pp. 106
and 131.)
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474 LUCY M. GAY
Chescun de cez ad bieo garde
A autre sa virginity (11. 10500 ff.).
Meleager is not the husband of the duchess of Calabria,
but king of Sicily and her uncle.*^ It is to this uncle's
court** that Ipomedon goes incognito when he hears of
the proposed tourney in which he, who shows himself the
bravest, is to marry his beloved. Knowing that her uncle
would certainly go, he plane to accompany him. For bet-
ter concealment of his identity, he proposes to play the
role of dru la reine^^ Immediately on arriving, he asks
Meleager's permission to do this and the permission is
granted. He is to serve her at table, escort her to and
from her room morning and evening and give her the kiss
of salutation.** Pretending he cared nothing for the
tourney but only for the himt and his duties to the queen,
but going to the tourney each day while his mestre leads
the hunt, he does fight first in white armor, then in red
and then in black, but contrary to the statement of M.
Bardoux, he sends the whit« horse he rode the first day
to Meleager:
Cest blanc, ke j'oi le premer jur,
Dunez al rei, vostre seignur { 1. 6663 f . ) .
The red one he sends to the queen :
A la reine rcdunez
De meie part cest deatrer sor ( 1. 6639 f . ) .
The black horse he sends to Capaneus, nephew and heir
presumptive of Meleager.**
Cest neir dunez Capaneus (1. 6671).
It is the horse of Meleager, won in the tourney,
"Ll. 49-103. ••L. 3071. *L1. 73-80.
"LI. 2618 ff. »L1. 3005 ff.
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IPOMEDON AND CHBBTIBN DE TROYBS 475
Sis destrerB fut un veirs liarz (1. 5096).
that he last sends to his " Fidre," the duchess.
Un en i ad, ke fut le rei.
Celui redunez de part mei
A la fiere k'il est mut bon (1. 6675 fP.).
Nothing is said of what became of the armor he wore.
There is no pretense of love on the part of Ipomedon for
the queen during the two months he spent as her dm.
Ne li vint pas a volente
K'il ja mes d'autre seit ame
Ne quert autre amer en sa vie (H. 3087 ff.).
The queen might have loved him and made him her dru
in reality, it is said, if he had shown knightly prowess.
In fact, in spite of this fault, the next to the last night
he was to escort her to her room, giving her the nightly
kiss as per agreement with the king, the poet writes:
Sis druz en la chambre la meine
Si la besa de bon' estraine;
Cument k'il fust a la reine ^
Fust le beser bone medecine
Mes 11 le prist trestut a gas" (11. 5500 ff.).
Here we have then in the Ipomedon the hero in the
course of his love story covering seven years, playing for
two months the role of dru la reine without any love for
her, and simply to win another woman, while at the open-
ing of the Charette, Lancelot is the accepted lover of
Queen Guinivere.
It is curious to note that the word dru is not found in
the Charette. Lancelot is never called the dru la reine.
After Erec, in which it is said that the hero made Enide
" Cf . 11. 10369 f . : A vostre uncle pus a Palerme Vendi veissie
pur lanteme.
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476 LUOT M. OAT
s'amie et sa drue,^^ the word apparently lost caste with
him. It is hi^y improbable therefore that the role of
dru la reine was suggested to Hue by the Charette. If, as
Marie de France says, any beautiful lady waa looked upon
as peculiarly unfortunate if she did not have a dru,^^ the
creation of the role of dru la reine would require little
inventive genius. ^
The greatest novelty in the Charette waa exactly the
depiction of a love that made the lover insensible to
shame *^ and disgrace *^ and even to physical pain,** that
held life itself not too dear a price to pay for a frown of
displeasure ** of the loved one, that set the beloved on a
pedestal and worshipped before her as before an altar.*^
It is this that would certainly have caught the fancy of a
fellow poet. But there is no hint of such a love in
IpomedofL Even after the tourney, when the hero has
every right to claim the Fiere and is assured that she will
die if he leaves her again,*^ he goes off without speaking
to her and remains away a year longer.*® Chretien's
cortaisie of love ''^ as shown in the Charette, he had not
learned :
"jBrec, L 2439. We find the word once again in Pero^ L 897S:
Gktuyain teUs his sister that Grinomalanz claims her as his drue.
** Si bele dame tant mar fust
s'ele n'amast u dru n'eUst!
Que devendreit sa curteisie,
s'ele n'amast de druSrier {Equitan, 11. 83 ff.)
"* Charette, 11. 4387 flf. ♦•/ft., IL 4670 f.; IL 4734 ff.
*/d., 11. 6686 ff. -/p., 1. 6313.
•75., U. 4667 ff. -L. 7224.
"^ Charette, 11. 4356 ff.
^M. Bardoux says after a brief r6sum6 of the prose Lancelot,
still comparing it with IpomSdon: "Bic in utramque fabulam in-
ducuntur duae mulieres, et ambae famosi bellatoris amorem sibi
consiliare conantur" {De Walterio Mappio, p. 167). Any novice in
Arthurian Uterature knows that it is Lancelot who tries to win
and keep the love of Guinivere and not vice versa.
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IVOUtDON AND CHBETIBN DB TEOYE8 477
Mout est qui aimme obeiasaiiz (Char,, 1. 3816).
It is no tale of courtly love that we have in Ipomedon,
but the tale of a man in love with a maid whom he intends
to marry when he is ready. To his host, who, after the
tourney, urges him to stay and marry the Fidre, he re-
plies in effect that when a young man marries, he " set-
tles down " as a rule and nothing more is heard of him :
Jombles horn sui e bachelor,
De femme aveir ne del haster;
Li jomble, ki trop co desirent,
S'un en amende, mil empirent (11. 6647 ff.).
Hue's mestre had indeed told him on learning of his
love for the Fidre :
J'en ai joie ke viis amez,
Kar a tuz jurz meulz en valdrez,
Kar cU, ki aime par amur,
De plus conquert pris et yalur,
E'il se peine d'estre tut dis
Plus francs, plus pruz, de meulz apris (U. 1693 ff.)*
But this is in Ipomedon simple embroidery and not the
very woof of the story as in Chretien. This conception
that^a knight improved when he had a lady-love a amie
ou a fwme to fight for is so thoroly exploited by Chretien
that one is apt to jump to the conclusion that in this at
any rate there is evidence that Hue de Eotelande was ac-
quainted with him. In essence, the idea is, of course, as
old as thought, but we find the same development of it
elaborated by Chretien a common-place in the literature
of his day.
It has perhaps not been suflSciently noted that not only
women with their inspiring love, but the three days'
tourney and the knights wearing armor of a single color,
are already in Geoffrey of Monmouth : " Quicumque ergo
famosus probitate miles in eadem erat, unius coloris vesti-
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478 LUCY M, GAY
bus atque armis utebatur. Facete etiam muliereB con-
similia indumenta habentur, nullius amorem habere digna-
bantur nisi tertio in militia approbatus esset. Eflficieba-
tur ergo castae mulieres, et milites armors illarum
meliores" (lib. ix, p. 13). "Refecti tandem epulis,
diversi diversos ludos composituri campos extra civitatem
adeunt. Mox milites simulacrum praelii ciendo, eques-
trem ludum componunt: mulieres in edito murorum as-
picienteS; in furiales amoris flammas amore joci irritant.
. . . Consumptis ergo primis in hunc modum tribus
diebus" (lib. ix, p. 14)."
In Thebes, on the walls of the tent of Polinic^, are
painted among other things :
Li cembel et les envaies
Que danzel font por lor amies (U. 2941 ff.).
Ismeine recognizes Aton,
A la manche del cidaton
Que il aveit por conoissance,
and points him out to her sister :
Co est AtoB que jo la vei
Veez com broche a eel tomeil
Sor tote rien amer le dei.
Car tot ico fait il por mei (11. 4461 ff.).*»
In Eneas, the doctrine is distinctly stated: Lavinia,
speaking of her love for the hero, says:
*Much importance has been placed (cf. Vulg. Version of Art.
Rom. V. I, p. 11, n.) on the fact that in the prose Lancelot and in
Ipom^dofij the knights on the three successive days fight in armor
of the same different colors. But after Geoffrey, given a motive
for disguise, the amount of invention required of a poet to make
his hero fight in different colored armor each day, is reduced to a
minimum, and, had Hue had our Lancelot before him, we may
credit him with wit enough to have at least changed the colors.
•Cf. also TMhe9, 11. 6000 f.; 9081 ff.; 3S47ff.; 4147 ff., etc.
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IPOMfiDON AND CHRETIEN DE TROYES 479
Gar ainz que la bataille Beit,
Li voil primes faire saveir;
S'en iert plus fiers al mien espeir.
Se de m'amor est a 86ur,
Molt Ten trovera oil plus dur;
Molt en prendra grant hardement,
SHI sot onkes d'amor neient (11. 8756 ff.).
Kolbing seems to think that even generosity as one of
the chief characteristics of the knight, must be looked for
in the romances of the Eound Table : " Wenn eine der
ersten eigenschaften, die den Artusritter zieren sollen, die
freigebigkeit ist, so wird gerade diese vom dichter dem
Ipom6don nachgeriihmt," etc.*^^ But generosity was after
prowess the crowning virtue of even the heroes of the
Chansons de geste. In Thebes also, Ipomedon is larges
mesureement,^^ and in the lament ^^ of the people over
the death of Aton, largesse is the first of his virtues ex-
tolled : three quarters of the lament is devoted to it.
That Ipomedon in Hue's poem gives a mantle ^^ to the
butler, and that he Mvlt out done et despendu has no dis-
tinctive bearing on the subject. The significant point is
that the mantle is given by Ipomedon to d servant of the
house that he enters, and no mention is made of any
mantle's being given to him by his hosts. In Kolbing's
reference, Ipomedon is, to be sure, but a youth, but later
on in the story, after he has been knighted and goes to
Meleager's court, no mantle is given him on his arrival.*^*
On the contrary, it is he who gives to Capaneus, assign-
ed by the king to take him to a hotel, a wonderful cup,
and keeps him to the dinner for which he himself pro-
vides.'^'^ In Chretien, not only is a knight royally enter-
••Kttlbing, A, p. 28. "K81bing, A, p. 28.
«L1. 7275 flf. "LI. 2887 ff.
•LI. 6313-6356. "LI. 2901 ff.
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480 LUCY M. OAT
tained on his arrival at a caatle, but a f reeh mantle *• ia
given him, often of escarlate, the most expensive doth of
the day.*^^
It is the same with courtoisie and with prouesse.^^ Proz
et corteis is a common qualification of the heroes of
Thebes.^^ Nor were the Theban heroes lacking in social
courtesy :
Poliniote que corteis fist,
Qui sa m%re par la main prist,
La la mena ou li reis gist:
Li reis se lieye, si rassisti
Pues la baisa, et les puceles
Demande lor de lor noveles (11. 4099 ff.).
When the daughter of Daires begs for mercy for her
father, the king is so smitten with her beauty that for
love of her he grants what he had refused his barons, and
one of these in indignation says to the others:
.... Issi vait d'amie
D'amors et de chevalerie.
Se YOB le tenez a folie
II le tient a grant corteisie (11. 8545 ff.).
Even the giving of a horse won in the tourney •** by a
knight to his lady is not peculiar to Arthurian romance.
In Thebes we read that Parthonopeus gave the horse he
won from Itier to a youth and said:
"Cf. Quicherat, Hist, du Costume m France, p. 180.
"Char,, 11. 1022, 1671, 4600; Yvain, 11. 232, 1884, 5429.
"KOH)ing, A, pp. 28 ff.
"LI. 271, 359, 994, etc.; cf. Troie, 11. 6353 ff., etc.
**It should be noted that while the word tomei is oommonlj
used in TMhes as a synonymn of battle, con^bat, reference is made
to the tomei of pleasure: cf. 11. 6167 f.
Et o la joie que il ont
A la cite tomeier voni.
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IPOMia>ON AND CHBiTIBN DE TBOYES 481
" Amis," fait il, " alez m'en tost
As pucelea que sont en Tost,
£t o le frein et o la sele,
Le presentez a la pucele
Que a la pofpre inde vestue
Tot senglement a sa char nue:
Par ceste enseigne mant m'amie
For 16 ai fait chevalerie" (11. 4365 ff.).
Covrtoisie in its broader sense, also as including all the
graces with which a knight should be endowed, is nota-
bly different in Ipomedon and in Chretien's works. There
is no knight errantry, properly speaking, in Ipomedon.
The only approach to it is when, disguised as a fool, the
hero accompanies Ismeine back to Calabria and defends
her on the journey from various assaults.^^ He wins his
spurs mainly in war.^^ The help he gave cum soldeer to
Atreus, king of France, against the duke of Lorraine is
described •• at some length.
Half the poem is concerned with the tourney and the
hunt, whereas the tourney in Chretien is but an episode.^*
It is quite a different affair also from the elegant social
event described by the Champagne poet. No mention is
made of pretty loges de fust ^^ for the women. Meleager's
queen did not even attend *• the tournament. The only
woman mentioned as watching the fray was the heroine,
who did so from the estres ^'^ of her dongun. The royal
tent is adorned with the eagle and carbuncle as in Thebes.^^
The word glaive is used for lance. Chr6tien does not use
«L1. 8211 flf. "LI. 1771 flf; U. 7236 flf.
•LI. 7284-7636.
•'Ereo, U. 2135-2266; CUg^, IL 4629-4985; Char., 11. 6596-6078;
Pero,, IL 4980-5550.
•Cf. OligSa, 1. 3265; Ohar., 11. 5600 flf.
-/p., U. 3151 f. "76., 3602.
•r^dftw, 11. 2953, 4065, etc.; cf. /p., U. 3291 flf; Pero,, 1. 625,
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482 LUCY M. OAT
the word after Erec.^^ Freseaux, a word not in Chre-
tien's vocabulary, were used not only to lace sleeves and
helmets, but to fasten the banner to the lanceJ^ The
knights are rallied by the blowing of horns as in a battle.^^
In the Charette, the herald runs crying : " Or est venuz
qui aunera." ^*
After unhorsing his opponent, Ipomedon runs him
down with the piz del destrer,''^ as when fighting in
earnest. Lancelot, when he has unhorsed his enemy,
alights himself to fight with the sword.^* On each of the
three days the tourney in Ipomedon d^enerates into a
veritable battle:
Ore comence mut dur estur,
Trebuchent e murent plusur,
E meint la boielle i traine
E meint la cervele i espant,
Li vif i regrettent les morz,
Grans dole i ad e descumforz, etc., (11. 38S5 ff.).
In the tourneys in Chretien, no mention is made of any
one's being killed. When the contest between Gauvain
and Cliges lasts longer than king Arthur deems fitting, he
puts an end to the tournament entirely :
Que eanz querele et sanz halne
N'afiert bataille n'anhatine
A nul prodome a maintenir" (Clig^t, 11. 4969 flf.).
••/p., U. 3636, 3664, 3948, 4631, 4662-4668; cf. Fdrster in Glos.
to Ereo, 1. 2874, and Th^hea, 1. 9066.
"/p., 11. 422, 2268, 2732, 3170, etc., 10203; cf. TMhea, 1. 6322.
"/p., 1. 6832; TlUhea, 1. 9499. "L. 6260; cf. 1. 9662.
"Cfcctr., 11. 6983, 6582, 6691. '* CJuir., 11. 860 ff.
"Cf. 11. 4820 ff. and 11. 6163 ff.
'*The impression one receives in reading the account of the tour-
ney in IponUdon, is exactly the same as that which M. Jusserand
says that he received from reading the ffiatoire de Oisillaume le
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IPOM^DON AND CHB^TIBN DE TBOTSS 483
Ipomedon furnishes indeed an interesting commentary
to the decree promulgated about the time of its composi-
tion by Henry II, forbidding^'' tournaments on the
ground of their mortality.
Hue, contrary to Chretien, insists upon the learning
and intellectual acumen of his hero :
Li vadlet oncor sot assez,
£ si fut il mult bien lettrez
De plus agu engin serra
Une reison, melz entendra (11. 203 ff.).
Even a song, sung by Ipom6don, was of his own mak-
ing: "Un chaunt, k'il out fet, vet chantant" (1. 2721).
Hue's hero therefore fulfilled to the letter the require-
ments for corteisie of his compatriot, Robert of Ho:
¥iz, j'entent oe a corteisie
Ke horn sache chevalerie,
E qu'il sache bien chevauchier
E bien eslessier sun destrier,
E sache si versefier
Ke rien ne mette sanz mestier,
E de chiens sache la mestrie,
Des oiseaus e de venerie,
E bel parout e seit mesurable
A respundre, e puis bien estable (11. 1105 ff).
MariohaX, "celle d'une vaillance, d'un entrain, d'un m^ris de la
mort et des coups, d'une f^ocit6 inconsciente, d'une joie d6bordante
qui nous rapprochent fort pr^s des races primitives h^roiques et
sauvages" {Lea Bporta dona Vancienne France, Revue de Porta,
16 mai, 1900, p. 307). M. Jusserand judges of the tourney in the
twelfth century by Guillaume: '^Les dames * * * ne sont men-
tionn^es que bien rarement. On n'efit su qu'en faire A oette date,
ni oti les mettre" (Fb., p. 309). Tet Chretien was Guillaume's con-
temporary. May it not well be that Guillaume and Hue reflect
conditions in England, and that the tourney in France should be
judged more by Chretien T
^Oe^a HenrM II. Benedict of Peterborough, p. 226, A. D.
Mar. 19, 1179.
10
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484 LUOT M. OAT
The descriptions of physical beauty and dress, the di-
agnoses of love-sicknesS; and the monologues in Ipomedon,
suggest naturally Chretien's work. But all this was ma-
terial that Chretien had at hand in the works of his im-
mediate predecessors and contemporaries. One of the
reasons of his popularity lay undoubtedly in the dexter-
ous manner in which he made use of it. He does not
simply say as the authors of Thebes, and Troie, that his
heroine's hair was ** Plus reluisanz que n'est fins ors." ^**
In the Charette "^^ he makes Lancelot rhapsodize over the
golden hue of the combings in the queen's comb, on
the finding of which he almost faints. In Yvain, it is
when Laudine is tearing her hair in grief for the death
of her husband that he finds opportunity, in order to en-
hance the pity of it, to dwell on the beauty of her hair,
*' Qui passent or, tant par reluisent" ^^ In Cliges, the
whole body of Soredamors is the dart of love, her hair
being the feathers that sped it/' " si colore, Con
s'il ierent d'or ou dore.'' ®^ Hue de Eotelande has none
of these subtleties. The descriptions of physical beauty in
Ipomedon are similar to those in the romances of anti-
quity, descriptions made according to models given in the
rhetorics of the schools.®^ There is at least one feature in
the description of the Fiere, found in part also in
Thebes,^^ which follows more closely the Latin sources
cited by M. Faral for Eneas than the Eneas itself. The
Latin lines of the descriptio forme pvlcrititdmis:
''TfUbes, 1. 3822; Troie, 1. 6450.
'•LI. 1397-1606.
•« Yv(Un, 1. 1463.
"0%^, 1. 786.
*Cf. Edouard Faral in Romania, 1011, pp. 183 ff.
" TMhes, n. 8431 f.: *'Levres groBsetes par mesure, Por Men baisier
lea fist nature."
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IFOMEDON AND OHRBTISN DB TBOTBS 485
Oris honor rosei suspirat ad oscula, risu
Succincto modica lege labella tument,
and the lines from the elegy of Maximien:
Flammea dilezi modicumque tumentia labra
Quae mihi gestanti basia plena darent,
are so closely rendered by Hue that it seems as if he must
have known these originals. His heroine had a
.... bouche od simple ris
Les levres un poi eBpessettes,
Pur ben beser aukes grossettes (11. 2246 ff.),
and of his hero he says :
la bouche si bien lui sist,
Tuz jors vus fust vis, k'ele offrist
A beiser dame ou dameisele;
Tant par esteit vermeille e bele (11. 411 ff.).
In the two we have all the points of the Latin models,
the rosy, laughing lips, somewhat full, made for kissing.
Chretien has the little, laughing mouth, 'Ma bochete
riant," ®* but the words levres,^^ grossettes, and espes-
settes do not appear in any of his descriptions.
As for the symptoms of love-sickness, the author of
Eneas, following Ovid's inspiration, or Ovid himself,®^
**CUg4s, 1. S21; c£. En4a8, 1. 3997.
"In Perceval, 1. 7129, Uvre is used in describing the ronoin that
Gauvain rode.
**The Art d*Amur is definitely mentioned: Ip., 1. 1565. Were it
not also for Hue's frequent allusions to the Scriptures, to the wise
man and his "tens,'* and to the fool and his folly, we should be
tempted to see an allusion to Ovid {Are Amatoria, i, 505: " Sed tibi
nee ferro placeat torquere capillos/' etc.) in lines 2972 ff.: '' . . . de
tresces cure n'aveit. Mut eime plus a tumeer, Ee de ses chevous a
planier." Cf. William of Malmesbury (A. D. 1128) : "But this
decency (of men in cutting their hair) was not of long continuance:
for scarcely had a year expired, ere all who thought themselves
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488 LUOT M. OAT
might have offered Hue sufficient instructioii in their diag-
nosis.^*^ His heroine even turns black ^^ before she f aints,
a symptom unnoted by Chretien. As Lavinia, in Eneas ^^
and Melior in Partenopetis de Blois,^^ the Fidre has diffi-
culty in pronouncing the name of the one she loves. Ko
parallel of these scenes ^^ is found in Chretien. Love
strikes the lady with his dart^^ Her heart leaves her body
and goes away with her lover,** but the wandering heart
is already in Eneas.
Few of the many •* adages of love in Ipomedon, in the
turning of which Hue is an expert, are found in Chretien :
courtly relapsed into their former vice: they vied with women in
length of locks and wherever they were defective put on false tresses;
forgetful or rather ignorant of the saying of the apostle: 'If a
man nurture his hair, it is a shame/ " Cf. also, Romamia, 1915, p.
14, Ban8 et Matidre by Wm. A. Nitse.
" Cf. Faral, Romania, 1911, pp. 214 ff. In the text of the Edlbing
and Koschwitz edition we find all the symptoms, noted by M. Faral,
except yawning (cf. En4a8, 11. 1231, 7923, 8077; Clig^M, L 886).
But I believe Hue did say his heroine yawned. Lines 1099*1100
read: ''A tel dolour la nuit travaille, Sovent torne, sovent bataille."
The variant of hataiUe in MS. B is hadle after which the editors
have put an exclamation point. At the time of the publication of
their text, yawning had not perhaps been noted as a symptom
of love.
•/p., 1. 1464; En^aa, 1. 1324.
"^n^M, 11. 8551ff.
^Pari^opeuM de Bloia, IL 7240 ff.
"^KQlbing calls attention to the parallel in Part^nopeua but does
not mention that in EfUaa. Yet if either was Hue's model, it was
surely the latter. He uses the same two crucial words as the auth<»r
of En4aB. His heroine aospira after each syllable and the confi-
dante was obliged to asemhler the parts of the name {En4a», 11.
8554, 8559; /p., IL 1497, 1502). In Part^nopeua, in attempting to
pronounce her lover's name, Mdlior "Balbie I'a en sanglotant"
(L 7247).
"/p., L 8781.
••/p., 11. 1299-1315; EfUas, 11. 8350 ff.
•«L1. 764 f., 895 f., 1698 ff., 4306 ff., 6716 ff., 8006 f.
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IPOMiDOir AND OHSfiriBK DB TB0TS8 487
Tost est Toil la ou est ramur,
Le dei la, ou Ten sent dolur (IL 799 f.)*
Dount savrai bien ke saimz dolur
Ne puit Tern pas tenir amur (11. 1233 f.).
Mout par est dous Tentrer d'amur,
Mes poy et poy crest la docour
Si douoement, ainz que Ten saehe,
Qe tut le quoer del ventre arache (11. 1261 ff.)*
Tus jurz ala issi et vait
Ke femme plus sun quer crera
Ke mul autre, u amer vodra (IL 238Cff.).
Both the author of Eneas and Benoit de St. Maure had
embroidered upon the theme :
Tote autre rien puet horn danter
Mes amour n'est james dauntee.**
There ie no savor of Chretien's manner in Hue's de-
lightful elaboration which follows the lines of that in
Troie,^'' tho poetically so superior.
Mut ad grant valur amur fine,
Ki set danter rei e reine
E prince e due, cunte e barun;
Vers lui ne valt sens ne resun.
Ke valut Adam sa beauts?
Ke valut David sa bunt^T
Ke valut le sens Salemun?
Ke valut la force Sancunt
Adam par femme fut veneu,
David par femme fut desceu.
Salemun refut engign4,
E Sancun a femme boisd:
Quant force ne vaut, ne beauts
Sens ne eointise ne bunt^
E qe vaudra dune cuntre amur?
Certes, ren nule al chef de tur!
(/p., 11.0003 ff.).
"Cf. En^a9, IL 08851.
••/p., 11. 764 f; EfUaa, 11. 8«33ir.
"LI. 18041 if.
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488 LUCY IC OAT
The language of Ipomedon confirms the impression of
the content. Whether or not it be held with Mussafia that
Hue followed •* the usage of the best continental poets,
" unico anglonormannismo un esempio di -un : un," ^^ it
still remains true that the language of Hue differs too
widely from Chretien's to make it seem plausible that he
knew much of the French writer. Numerous rimes in
Ipomedon such as tnalveis : curteis (1757, &c) by the side
of malveise : eise, 8621, malveis : engres, 9686 ; hameis :
rets, 2154, as well as mes (-mais) : hameis, 1488, Ac ;
ireez: pardunez, 8869 ; bachUer : ^^^ bordeier, 623 may be
explained not as anglo-normanisms, but as simply due to
change of suflSx,^^^ but Chretien does not allow himself
such liberties for the sake of rime. Once only ^^* Chrfitien
rimes vos: dos but similar rimes are numerous and r^ular-
ly used in Ipomedon.^^^ According to Forster, there is
** Sulla oritica del tetto del romaneo in franoese antioo IponMan,
p. 21.
■•/&., n. 3; c£. B^dier, Le Trittan de Thomas, v. n, p. 22, n. 11;
''On Bait pourtant que le ProietUaut d'Huon de Eotelande n'offre
pas une seule rime non francaise."
^Mussafia failed to notice 11. 6647-8 hacheler : hosier.
^Mussafia, SitUa oritica, p. 22, n. 1; p. 23 and p. 23, n. 2. Such
rimes as turcheiae : rioheise, 2924 ; riohesoe : prue»ce, 3493, might
have been included here. There is at least one rime, which probably
escaped the notice of Mussafia, impossible to explain in this way.
Speaking of Amphion, the poet says: '^E mut resteit pruz e curteis
[E] mut Bout des anciens lais,'' U. 1964 f. That it is indeed lais
we have here, is evident by referring to Th^hea where we read:
" Nous osteron tutes les pierres Que Amphyon, vostre harpierres, As-
sembla ci par artimaire E par la force de gramaire Et par le chant
de sa viele," IL 9321 ff. {Rom, de TMhet, v. n, Appendioe n).
Mussafia overlooked probably also; oruei : naael, 7097 by the side
of iel : ontd, 4083, etc. {8uUa oritioa, p. 21, lo.)
"^Ereo, 1. 3437 (F5rster's ed., 1909, p. 34).
"•Ftw ; ambedeu$, 6966; vus : delitua, 7196; vub : orgeiUus, 5978,
etc.; cf. 8255, 7674, 8602, 9605, etc.; cf. pruM : iresUWy 1592, 1759,
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IPOMEDON AND CHB^TIEN DE TEOYBS 489
only one word in Chretien's vocabulary in which it can
be shown by the rime that ui was a rising diphthong:
luite : ^^^ comfite : ipocrite. Ipomedon offers many such
rimes,^^^
The rime femme : regne, found only in Erec ^^^ of
Chretien's work, is found repeatedly ^*^^ in Ipomedon.
Other imperfect rimes, such as Chretien does not use
after Erec, are found: grisolites: amatistes; ^*^® vermeilles:
esteilles {-etoUes) ; ^^^ Palerme : lanteme-^^^
Chretien uses regularly va/^^ third singular of the
present of aller. Hue vait, Chretien's imperfect of eatre
is iere. Hue's ere.^^^ The Norman imperfect of first con-
jugation verbs is used by Hue: portout: ovi.^^^
The style of the Ipomedon strengthens the conviction
reached by a study of its language and content. Contrary
to Chretien's habit, Hue orients the reader at the outset,
not only in regard to the names, but in regard to the an-
tecedents of his principal characters.
etc.; prust: dulz, 2241, etc.; parout (pr. subj. of parler) : dewolt
{=de8veut), 1957, etc.
^Cf. FSrster's Clig^s, ed. 1910, note to 1. 3363.
^Amis : enuys, 9476; quit {oogito) : dit, 6107, 1997, 2887, etc.;
quit: petit, 2436; qudaaei fremisse, 4882; outr: $<Ullir, 9583, etc.
The rime nuyt: mut, 1266, would be an anglo-normanism ; cf. Le
Trietan de Thomas, v, n, p. 16, § 9.
'••L. 1911; cf. FCrster'a Ereo, p. 36.
**'L1. 447, 1909, 2363, 3909, etc.; cf. also Loheregne: femme,
I. 7269.
'••/p., 2822; Ereo, 6807.
**/p., 2675, 4486; cf. Erec. 4973.
"•L. 10367.
^Erec., via : trova, 2671; Ip. vait : fait, 1336, 2157; trait : vait,
2386, Ac.
^Ereo, iere I ohiere 3326; Ip, ere: emperere 346; frere: ere, 1716,
7271.
"•L. 1623; cf. 11. 1696, 2653, 3302, Ac.
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490 LUOY U. GAT
Anaphora,^^* Beldom practised by Chretien, is con-
spicious in Ipomedon as in the romances of antiquity.
There are also various reminders of transposed par-
allelisms ^^'^ of which Mr. Warren finds but three ex-
amples ^^* in Chr6ti«i:
Conge demande si s'en vait
Onques deyant nel fet aveit"'
Onques mes cong6 demaunda (11. 923 ff.).
Kar ren ne valt lunge favele,
Ne favele ne lung sermun (U. 7192f.).
Une bere fet si Ten porte
A Tost en porte sun seignur (U. 9030 f.)*
There is also an effective lyric repetition ^^® where the
rime word alone is different :
E mort trebuche le vassal
E mort trebuche le cheval (11. 6887 f.)*
Mr. Warren sees in the fact, as he claims, that only
ten per cent.^^® of the couplets in Ipomedon are broken,
a reaction against the influence of Chretien, while in my
"*/p., 11. 4587 flf.; 4823 ff.; 8741 ff.; 9329 ff.; 9576 ff.; 10886 ff.
Gf. TMhes, 11. 46, 65 ff. (seven lines beginning with Tant,), 2953,
3829 ff,. &c. KClbing seeks a paraUel for this feature of Hue's style
in Part4nopeu8 de Blois.
"•F. M. Warren, Mod, PhU., in, pp. 22 f.
^One from Perceval might have been added:
Si com li fos le devisa
Si com li fos devin6 Tot
Bien fu voirs li devins au sot (1. 4276 ff.).
Ad despendu mult largement
Mult out done et despendu (LI. 663, 666).
"'Cf. Mussafia, Sulla oriiica, p. 23, 5o.
"•Warren, Mod. PM., m, p. 21.
^Mod. PhU,, IV, p. 672.
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IPOM^DON AND CBXtriEN DB TBOYES 491
opinion Hue was but following the example of Eneas, or
of Thebes ^^^ with which he connects his own work.^*^
From this study, it would appear that if Hue de Eote-
lande was acquainted with Chretien de Troyes before he
wrote Ipomedon, he could have known him but slightly
and in his earlier work.
LuoY M. Gay.
^ It has perhaps not been sufficiently noted (ef. Warren, Mod. Phil,,
IV, p. 666; Paul Meyer, Rom,, tyyitt, p. 16; Bormuom, Bom. ForaoK,
XXV, p. 320) that parts of TMbes-ict, 11. 2083-26S0) offer abun-
dant examples of the so-called new technique of the octosyllabic
couplet, the breaking up of the unity of the line as well as the
couplet, and the effective use of dialog.
«/p., 1. 10540.
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XIX.— THE SOURCES OF CHAUCEE^S PARLEMENT
OF FOULES
Theories offering interpretations of Chaucer's Parle-
metii of Fovles based upon the orthodox belief that the
central incident of the poem is in some way connected
with a royal marriage have at least refused to do loyal
service at one prominent point. No theory of historical
allegory has yet explained in a wholly satisfactory manner
the outstatiding fact that the Parlement of Fovles is artis-
tically a well rounded poem, and yet contains an unfin-
ished story. Why does not the f ormel eagle choose her
mate after our interest has been aroused in liie pleadings
of her lovers ?
Compliments to monarchs are not wont to go half -paid.
We may draw upon history to show that Anne of Bohemia
actually did make delay in her choice of a husband, but
we are constrained to admit that Chaucer could have
made a compliment to his king and queen more complete
than that supposed to lie in this poem, had he so chosen.
Many of the points against the acceptance of an histori-
cal allegory have been adduced by Professor Manly. ^
The sponsors of allegorical interpretation have had trou-
blous questions to answer, whether they have sought to
identify principal bird characters in the Parlement with
John of Gaunt and Blanche of Lancaster,* with Enguer-
rand de Couci and Isabel Plantagenet,* with King Rich-
ard II of England, Anne of Bohemia, William of Bavaria,
*Pe3t8chHft fur Lorenz Morsbach, Btudien tur Engliachen PhUo-
logie, L (1913), pp. 279 ff.
•Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, note ver. 1920; Morley, English Writers, v,
pp. 154 ff.
* Saturday Review, Apr. 16, 1871.
492
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chauceb's pablbmbnt of fottleb 498
and Friedrich, Margrave of Misnia,* or with Richard,
Anne^ King Charles VI of France, and Friedrich of
Misnia.^ Often trouble has appeared in the matter of
a plausible date for the poem which would allow historical
interpretation. Even after 1381 had come to be regarded
as a probable date of composition, and the historical alle-
gory had been arranged accordingly, Professor Manly
offered internal evidence for the date of 1382/
Only too little has been found in literary sources which
might obviate some of the difficulties met in the explana-
tion of the Parlement of FovXes. By some the De Planctu
Naturae of Alanus de Insulis has been thought a source
sufficient to suggest to Chaucer the story of love arguments
by the birds. Professor Skeat says, " And the fourth part,
11. 295 to the end, is occupied with the real subject of the
poem, the main idea being taken, as Chaucer himself tells
us, from Alanus de Insulis.^' "^ But as a matter of fact,
Chaucer is silent as to the idea of his story. In his only
mention of Alanus he merely adknowledges a debt to him
for a description and perhaps for a setting:
And right as Aleyn, in the Pleynt of Kinde,
Devyseth Nature of aray and face,
In swich aray men mighten hir ther finde. (11. 316-18)
This is, of course, no more than a casual statement by
Chaucer that his figure of Nature has the appearance of
Nature as described by Alanus.® But in any case, we
*Koch, Chodtcer Essays (Chaucer Society), pp. 400 ff
'Emerson, Modem Philology, vm, pp. 45 ff.; Modem Language
Notes, XXVI, pp. 109 ff.; Moore, Modem Language Notes, xxvi,
pp. Sff.
^Studien zur Englisehen Philologie, L, pp. 288 ff.
^Skeat's OJtauoer, i, p. 67.
'Skeat's error is noticed by Sypherd, Studies in Chaucer's Hous
of Fame (Chaucer Society), 1907, p. 26.
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494 WILLABD EDWASD FABNHAM
cannot say that Chancer extracted the central incident of
the Parlement from the work of Alanns. The passage
in question from the Planctus * merely describes the robe
of !N'ature as perpetually changing in hue^ and as having
on it ^' as a picture fancied to the sight " a parliament in
which there are various birds. There is no hint of a court
being held by these birds before Nature, and of a love
story such as Chaucer's there is not the slightest trace.
The most we call say is that Chaucer takes some inspi-
ration from Alanus for his description of Nature, and
for his list of birds, in which he has made maliy changes ;
beyond this he does not seem to have used Alanus.
Since no sufficient source has thus far been suggested
for the part of the poem dealing with the birds and their
loves,*^ we are left with two most likely possibilities:
Chaucer is making his story out of whole cloth to fit
historical characters, as many all^gorists would have us
believe, or he is following a source which for some reason
we have not been able to identify. Certain peculiarities
in the telling of the tale and in its ending would make
more or less unlikely another possibility, namely, that
Chaucer is merely telling in spirited manner an imaginary
dream without all^orical or conventional meaning.
However, there are sources for the central incident
of the Parlement, which were extant and certainly within
Chaucer's reach at the time he wrote, and which throw
* Anglo-Latin Bcairioal Poets, e<L T. Wright, n, p. 437; quoted by
Skeat in his Cha/uoer, i, p. 74; translated by Douglas M. Moffat
(Tale Studies in Engliah, xzxvi, pp. 11 ff.).
^*An admitted source for certain characteristicB of the central
incident of the Parlement and its general framework la the French
love-vision poetry (see Sypherd, Siudiee in Chaucer's Houe of Fame,
pp. Iff., and pp. 20 ff.). Likewise the Court-of-Love poetry may
have furnished hints for birds (see Manly, work cited, p. 285). But
here again can be found no suggestion of the ftory itself.
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CHAUCEB^S PART.BMENT OF VOULE8 496
light on each essential detail af the birds' love storj.
Many of the puzzling things about the poem^ and especially
the indecisive ending of its storj^ may find explanation
in the conventional features of a widespread and very
ancient folk-tale. The fact that this tale has almost noth-
ijng to do with bird characters in its appearances outside
Chaucer need not make trouble when comparisons come to
be made.
Space will permit here only a brief indication of the
characteristics and importance of the many versions of
The Contending Lovers, as I shall name the folk-tale, ver-
sions whose interrelations and probable relation to Chau-
cer's poem I am now working upon and hope to pre-
sent in detail at a later time. However, it will be best
to summarize at some length a story which is perhaps
closest of all to Chaucer, both in date of composition,
and in plot.
The first riovella in II Paradiso degli Alberti, a col-
lection of noveUe and discussions with a novelistic frame-
work, is Delia Origine di Prato.^^ Wesselofsky has as-
signed II Paradiso degli Alberti to Giovanni da Prato
on external and internal evidence,^^ and dates it with
some exactitude by means of the numerous references to
historical characters and happenings in the work. It
was written, he thinks, in the first years of the fifteenth
century, but has to do with events which took place in
1389.** Wesselofsky calls the work "ima specie di ro-
" /{ ParadUo degU Alherti . . . . di Giovanni da Praia, del eodice
autografo e anonimo delta Riccardiama a oura di Aleewndro WeaBeU
ofsky, Bologna, 1867, n, pp. 08-171.
^Ibid,, I, U, pp. 81 ff.
^Ihid,, 1, i, pp. 24 ff. ; also pp. 220 ff. The "^ dates between which "
Wesselofsky establishes as 1379 and 1415 by references to the death
of two well known men.
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496 WILLABD EDWARD FABI^HAM
manzo, ossia m^lio un tessuto di novelle e di ragionamenti
che ebbero luogo svlV ultimo scorcio del secolo XIV, ai
quali Tautore che li ricordo, giovine allora ed imberbe
(come si vede dal brano sopracitato del proemio a stampa),
confessa egli stesso aver preso parte insieme con molte
altre persone, tutte storiche, che in quel tempo illustra-
vano la repubblica e lo studio di Firenze." ^*
There can be little question that the first tale, with
which we are to deal, came from matter traditional in
Italy, as will appear later, and this will have an impor-
tant bearing on the possibility of Chaucer's having ob-
tained it. If we accept the present place in Chaucer
chronology of The Parlement of Foules, we cannot suppose
that Chaucer could have come into contact with the
Paradiso itseK, since Wesselofsky's arguments that the
action of the latter must have taken place in 1389 seem
very cogent.^*^ But Chaucer would not have had to get
hold of the Paradiso itself in order to come by the material
under consideration.
The tale runs as follows:
Ulysses on his Trojan expedition captures the city of Pidasonta.
Among his captives are a beautiful maiden, "una fanciulla d'et& e^
di anni o circa a quatordici, di mirabile istiflcanza e divina bel-
lezza/' and other ''donne e donzelle." Ulysses asks the girl who
she is, and she says that her father was the valorous Pidasio, her
mother Melissea, a nymph of the Wood of Ida, and that her own
name is Melissa. She is sad because of the loss of father and
mother, and prays the gods to help her to forget former happy times.
Moved by her tears, and perceiving that she is indeed descended
from the immortal gods, Ulysses tells her he wiU make her not a
servant, but a " consorte " with his Penelope. He marries her and
liberates the prisoners. Melissa bears a beautiful girl child to
Ulysses, but her happiness is short-lived, for she dies soon after-
"/W<f., I, i, p. 23.
»/W<J., I, i, pp. 221 ff.
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chauoeb's pablsmsnt of foules 4&7
ward. As a last request she asks Ulysses to give the (laughter her
own name, Melissa.
Melissa, the daughter, becomes a most beautiful maiden while
Ulysses is besieging Troy. When Ulysses and his companions reach
Circe*s island, Circe, jealous of the beautiful Melissa, enchants her
by a potion, and turns her into a sparrow-hawk.^ In her new
shape Melissa rises and flies to Fiesole. Through a mishap she falls
into a river, and in her exhausted condition begins a struggle against
the water that has every promise of ending in her death.
But the gods are kind to Melissa. Camerio, king of a princi-
pality among the Etruscan powers, has chosen four young men
named Laerte, Celio, Settimio, and Resio to help him in a certain
religious ceremony. Riding by the river at the head of the caval-
cade of young men, Laerte suddenly sees the bird and calls out to
his companions that she should be rescued. Celio plunges into the
stream and saves her. Settimio comments on her beauty and ad-
jures his fellows to take good care of her. At this point Resio
apparently does nothing for the little sparrow-hawk.
Celio places Melissa in his breast, and the company proceeds
onward to the village of Como, where Prato now stands. Here
at an " allogimento" Celio takes the bird from his breast, and
Resio, pitying her condition, asks the host for something to revive
her. Meanwhile, however, some ''ninfe" come down from the
nearby mountain, and from these Resio obtains flowers. One of
these is a marigold, and when the sparrow-hawk sees it, she takes
it In her beak and is at once disenchanted. She stands before the
wondering youths as the divinely beautiful maiden that she was
before her unfortunate meeting with Circe.
Melissa modestly thanks the young men for her disenchantment,
and does not forget to return pious thanks to the gods. Without
delay all four youths fall violently in love with her.
Who shall have her for his own? The problem is much more
serious than it might be, because all the lovers are of equal nobili-
ty, and none has an advantage over another in this respect. ''Et,
perch^ ciascuno di loro era d^alto legnaggio e somma potenza, tanto
fu la cosa pid di pericolo e grave." Indeed, the young men are
known throughout Italy for their goodness and nobility. The
argument grows heated. Laerte lays flrst claim to Melissa as
having seen her flrst, but his companions are nothing slow at argu-
ing their own claims. Each points out that he haa done something
^ The Italian has " isparvieri." This seems only a diance re-
semblance to any bird in the Parlemeni of Foule§,
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498 WILLABD BDWABD VASJSTKAM
indispensaible. Laerte then argues for a settlement by arms, and
fiercely says he will prove his right to Melissa with sword in
hand. The others readily accept this challenge and prepare to
fight.
Meanwhile Melissa laments at length her fate, because she is
apparently about to be the cause of strife among four young nobles
to whom she wishes no harm. She addresses the immortal gods
and reviews her past misfortunes. She concludes, "Che magiore
dolore a me essere puote, che dinanze alia mia tristissima vista,
per mia propria cagione i valorissimi giovani, e me sommamente
amando, in tanta confusions veggia moriref Then she begs her
lovers to kill her, rather than kill themselves for her sake. Her
lament and her plea shame the youths, and they put up their arms.
The tension is broken by an old man from among the people of
the neighborhood, who addresses the young men respectfully, as
one of low degree to his betters, and ventures to suggest that the
inhabitants of that particular region had found a means of settling
disputes. There is a temple where appeals to Jove accompanied by
sacrifices are wont to be successful. Jove will act as a mediator.
All repair to this temple, where each suitor calls on his chosen
deity for aid in the controversy. Melissa invokes Jove as the judge.
Then to the wonder of all present Jove gathers his cotirt, with
Minerva and Venus by his side.
Saturn, a "frigido e antichissimo vecchio," appears, and announces
that he argues for Settimio.
The Aboument of Satubn fob Settimio. — Settimio's case is clear-
ly defined. Man is formed of two "nature," the intellect and the
body. One is common to the gods, the other to wild-beasts. Settimio
has above all else this greatest of gifts, intellect. His act in
counselling his friends to take good care of the sparrow-hawk
showed prudence, foresight, intellect. What the others did in res-
cuing and disenchanting Melissa was largely due to chance. Where-
fore, considering his royal stock, his noble intellect, and certain
gifts he possesses useful in agriculture (which Saturn says is
"dear to me and to you, o gods"), Melissa should go to Settimio.
Mars, " il rubicondo e ferocissimo," announces that he is to argue
for Laerte.
The Aboument of Mabs fob Laebte.— >The cause of the " valoris-
simo" Laerte is just and most worthy of consideration, notwith-
standing the good argument in favor of Settimio just given. Things
are conceived by the intellect, but carried out by the body. Laerte
bravely and foresightedly rode in front of his friends to meet all
that should happen. He saw the sparrow-hawk first, and as the
first to adTocate her resone from the waters, she owes most to him.
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CHAUOBB'S PABLBMENT OF FOULES 499
Moreover, Meliesa is of noble fighting stock, since she is the daugh-
ter of Ulysses, and so is Laerte the royal offspring (''prole reale")
of moi glorious in arms. Laerte has the qualities necessary to make
a ruler of the earth. In conclusion: ''Adunche, o iddii immortali,
judicate e vedete il mio Laerte come pit! degno per condizione e
discendimento di sangue, e per influenzia nostra, per pit! essercizio
nobile e dottissimo in quello."
Apollo, '' il grazioso vago e imberbe/' with a laurel wreath about
his brow and a lyre in his right hand, acts as lawyer for Resio,
and like a lawyer he refers to those who have argued before as
"nostri aversari."
The Abgttmext or Apollo for Resio. — Considering Resio's mind
and body, who is so insensate that he would ever grant Melissa to
another suitor? Of the four yoimg men, Resio'^ is the most fair and
pleasing. Moreover, he has the power of seeing into the future,"
and of touching the divine chords of the lyre. He is a poet. As a
matter of fact, it was Resio who actually restored Melissa to her
original form when the others were almost ready to abandon her.
" If you honor Resio, o gods, he can honor you in song and poetry.
Therefore, give Melissa to him."
Mercury, who is characterized as " Peloquente," with his serpent
rod in hand, stands before the court to present Cello's case. Mercury
is much more oratorical than the other advocates.
The Abgument op Mebcuby fob Celio. — ^Who was it if not Celio
who took Melissa from the river and cared for her? He loves her
with the purest of flames, and demands her as his just right.
"Quftli possono essere li cagioni che negata li sia? Certo nulle
appreso alle leggi umane e divine.'' Among his accomplishments
are eloquence, the art of writing and interpreting, and the knowl-
edge of diverse nations and their languages.
The Judgment. — ^After the arguing is over Jove declares that if
there were more than one Melissa, surely each of these estimable
young men would merit one of her. But since Melissa is after all
only one maiden, he will turn her case over to his "figliuole" Venus
and Minerva. Supported by Minerva, Venus judges that Melissa
shall choose for herself the suitor she deems most pleasing, since
love is an important consideration.
"This and other strange professions or accomplishments which
are attributed to the lovers, and yet seem to play no part in the
story, will be better understood when the folk-tale behind the
Paradiao is examined. Many are apparently petrifled features of
the old tale.
11
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500 WILLABD EDWABD VABNHAM
4
The gods agree to this judgment, and look to the maid for her
decision. Here the story ends strangely. We know that Melissa
does make a choice, hut we have no hint as to which lover she takes.
Not a word does the author venture in explanation, moreover. He
says that there is feasting over the happy event, and that the gods
are present at the nuptials, but who the brid^room is he does not
choose to say.
Here is a tale into which one cannot go far without
finding obvious resemblances to the Parlement of Fovles.
An important point at which the two stories touch is
at the holding of love pleadings before a judge. The
arguments are extremely well schemed in the Italian
tale. How schematic the arguments are in Chaucer's
poem appears most plainly perhaps when a short abstract
of them is made:
The fowl royal, highest in degree, whose rank itself
is an argument in favor of his being granted the formel.
(11. 415-551)
1. He may not live long without the formel.
2. None loves her as he does.
8. Never in future will he cease to serve her.
The second tercel, " of lower kinde." (U. 449-462)
1. He loves as well as the first tercel.
2. HiB service has been already shown in the past,
and the formel will not have to depend merely
upon promises for the future. He has served
longer than any.
3. He will never cease to love.
The third tercel. (11. 463-483)
1. He cannot vaunt long service, but he is convinced
that the true lover may do more real serving in a
half-year than some lovers in a great while.
2. His love is truest.
8. He will never cease to love.
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OHAUOEB^S PABLBMENT OV FOULES 601
In both the Parlement of Fovles and in the Pwradiso
story the arguments are given as carefully and with as
much formality as though they were being presented in
an actual court of law. The appearance of the gods as
pleaders or advocates in the Paradiso story makes the simi-
larity here to legal procedure yet more striking.
The pleading is so well done in both tales, in fact, that
each of the suitors appears to have undeniable claims
to the object of his desire, and the judge despairs of
making any decision. Here begins to make itseK plain
the real point of that type of tale to which both the Eng-
lish and Italian works belong. The judge cannot reach
any decision, and the girl or f ormel eagle, when the matter
is given over to her, evidently does make a decision, but
what it is the author does not choose to tell us. Such a
tale is, of course, a hoax, intended all along to provoke
discussion among the readers or hearers, after great in-
terest has been aroused in the claims of the lovers. Pro-
fessor Mainly, without venturing to suggest any source
for this particular class of hoax tale, has shown how the
Parlemeni of Fovles might be compared to a modern
tale like Stockton's The Lady or the Tiger.^^
I summarize here what seem to be the important points
of resemblance between the Parlement and the Paradiso:
I. Three or four suitors have one object of affection.
n. The suitors and the loved one are all very obviously
of noble rank.
III. A court is convened, of which the judge represents
the guiding hand of worldly a'ffairs. Nature or Jove.
IV. The claims of each suitor are presented with for-
mality and completeness.
'•Work cited, p. 287, note 4.
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502 WILLARD KDWABD FABNHAK
V. Eaoh argumesat is apparentlj of equal weight with
the others. In both stories much is said about service,
though in the PaHement of Fovles this is indetfinite service
suggesting courtly love ideals, and in the Parodiso tale
it is service of a more material character.
VI. A proposal to settle the dispute by arms oceur&
VIL An audience is present at the pleading and takes
some part in the holding of the court.
YIU. The judge is greatly perplexed and asks counsel
IX. The girl or formel eagle is given the privil^e of
deciding the dispute according to her own fancy.
X. After all the arguing, we are left with no knowl-
edge of the decision, although we are justified in inferring
from both stories that some decision is made.
Such an array of resemblances do not come from mere
chance similarities between the tales of Giovanni da
Prato ^® and Chaucer, even though at first blush the love
story of the Parlement appears to be different in character
from that in the Paradiso. The Italian tale is a more or
less conventional " foundation story '* into which a folk-
tale has been woven, and the essential points of relation-
ship between Chaucer and Giovanni become even clearer
when the general folk-tale which lies behind the two tales
is examined.
The Contending Lovers, which has been knovni to schol-
ars by other and often confusing names, has a venerable
position in folk-lore, for its ancestry is r^stered at an
early period in India, birthplace of many stories which
have been appropriated by Europe. It reaches European
countries, Italy apparently among the first, through Persia
^I adopt for convenience the assignment of authorship made by
Wesselofsky, whose arguments have not been chaUenged, so far as I
know.
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ohauobb's pablbmbkt ov foules 503
and Araina, following a usual route of migration for
folk-tales travelling from Ori^it to Ocoidait. The story
is one of love rivaliy' and lias very marked characteristics
which make it easily possible to identify the various ver^
sions. Yet there are so many different distinct types and
so much intermixture between the types, as well as so
mudi admixture of features from other folk-tales, that
investigators who have contributed to our knowledge of
the story have usually been content to deal with only one
or two types, perhaps for an immediate purpose which
did not require a comprehensive treatment of the tale as
a whole. In fact, it has never yet been pointed out that
all the types constitute divisions of one common and well
defined folk-tale th^ne.
Benfey,^ Wtesselofsky,^! Olouston,^* D'Anoona,** Koh-
ler,^* Ohauvin,^* Basset,^* and Cosquin *^ have written con-
cerning different types of the tale or have collected cita-
tions to versions. Benfey has dealt with the migration
from Orient to Occident of what may be called the Rescue
type,*® and his Ausland essay embodies not only the first
'^Daa Mardhen von den "Menschen mit den ixmnderbatrein Eigen-
eohaften" seine Quelle und seine Verbreitung, Ausland, xu (1868),
pp. 969 ff., Kleiners Sohriften, n, lii, pp. 94 ff.
»J7 Paradiso degli Alherti, i, ii, pp. 238 ff.
'^ Popular Tales and Fictions, 1887, i, pp. 277 ff.
^Siudj di Oritica e Btoria Letteraria, Bologna, 1912 (Refvised and
enlarged edition), n, pp. ISOff.
**Kleinere Schriften, i, pp. 438 ff.
■ BihUographie des ouvrages Arahes, 1892-1909, vi, p. 133, note 3 ;
vni, p. 76.
^ Revue des Traditions PopulaAres, vn (1892), p. 188, note 4.
"Revue des Traditions Populaires, xxxi (1916), pp. 98 ff. and
145 ff.
"8ee p. 508, below, for a scheme of claasiflcation. Perhaps the
most familiar version of the Rescue type is Grimm 129, Die vier
kunstreicJ^en BrUder. For very close analogues to Grimm see Fr.
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504 WILIASD EDWABD FABNHAM
scholarly treatment of The Contending Lovers, but is also,
of course^ a dassic expression of some of his general
theories of folk-tale transmission. Wesselofsky's notes
are in many ways admirable; as in Benfey many tales
are given at some length, and there is also in Wesselof sky
material which Benfey had been nnable to use. These
two are the only studies which aim to organize and com-
pare versions at length, the other scholars mentioned con-
fining themselves to brief presentations of material or to
bibliographical notes. When it is considered that the
work of both Benfey and Wesselofsky is over a half -cen-
tury old, that they do not deal with all of the many well-
represented lypes of the story, and that since their time
a large number of versions have become accessible to the
student, it becomes plain that a new study and organiza-
tion of the material is most desirable. As has been re-
marked, it will be impossible to do more in llie present
paper than indicate all too sketchily the scope of The
Contending Lovers and its importance in connection with
Chaucer.
A summary covering most versions of the story may be
made as follows:
Woeate, Zeit. fUr D, Myth., i, p. 338; Pan! S^mot, Oontea Popu-
lairea de la Haute-Bretagne, 1880, No. 8, pp. 53 ff; Georg Widter
und Adam Wolf, Jahrhuch fUr Rom, und Eng, Lit,, vn, p. 30; A.
H. Wratislaw, Sixty Folk-Talea, 1889, No. 9, pp. 55 ff.; H. Parker,
Village Folk-Tales of Oeylon, 1910, No. 82, n, pp. 33 ff. These all
have striking similarities to the German tale. Because Grimm 129
is so familiar, and because Benfey naturally gives it an important
place in his essay, the mistake is sometimes made of considering it
representative of all versions of The Contending Lovers. However,
it is well to keep in mind that the tale in Grimm has gone far from
the simpler Oriental versions, and shows much probable admixture
from general folk-lore. With its highly skilled lovers and rescue
accomplished by means of the ship, it is representative only of one
class of versions, not of the whole tale.
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chauceb's pablbment of foules 605
Three or more youths (sometimes as many as seven)
fall so violently in love with the same maiden that no
one will give way to another. The young men usually
perform an important service for the maid, often by means
of highly skilled arts or professions, to the accomplish-
ment of which each lover makes an indispensable contri-
bution. However, the suitors may have claims resting
on nobility or on general excellence and worth. The ques-
tion naturally arises, " Who has earned the maid for his
wife ? " There is a dispute, and very often a judge in
some guise, perhaps the father of the girl, hears each
lover state his case in turn. Sometimes the judge in his
perplexity allows the maiden to choose for herself. In
any case, the normal tale concludes with no lover chosen,
and the problem still unsolved. The Contending Lovers
is thus essentially a problem or hoax tale, and one of its
rightful adjuncts is the lack of a definite decision among
the lovers.
The earliest recorded versions are four tales in the San-
skrit Vetdlapanchavinsati (Twenty-five Tales of a De-
mon), of which the Qivadasa recension was proba:bly made
in the sixth century A. D.,^® and these undoubtedly repre-
sent old Indian folk-tales which, so far as we know, are the
originals of versions in many other collections of Oriental
'"The tales in question are the second, fifth, sixth, and seventh
of the collection. A text of the VetHlapanohavinaati has been con-
stituted by Uhle, based largely on the Civadfisa redaction {Die
Vet&lapancavinQatika, Leipzig, 1881). However, the tales are to
be found translated directly from the Sanskrit only in scattered
places. It is convenient to use the Hindi version of the work known
as the Bait&l Pachisi, which is translated from the Sanskrit and has
in turn been translated into English by W. Burckhardt Barker
(Hertford, 1855) and into German by Hermann Oesterley (Leipzig,
1873). See pp. 65 ff., 133 ff., 143 ff., and 157 ff. of Barker's trans-
lation.
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506 WILLABD EDWABD FABITBCAM
tales.®® The hoax or problem characteristic is almost
always emphasized by the frameworks into which the
stories are fitted. In the Vetalapanchavinsati a Vetala
or demon tells the tales to a rajah, and in each case he
does not reveal which lover is rewarded with the hand
of the maiden. His purpose is to dra'w the rajah into a
discussion and to make him guess the proper decision.
The chief types of The Contending Lovers are already
well-defined in the Orient,*^ though after the tale has
travelled westward many more subdivisions appear, owing
to extensive adulteration from the folk-lore with which
it comes in contact. But although our tale is now popular
in most European countries and in other lands besides,'^
** 8ee the VetAla tales as they appear incorporated into the twelfth
century Sanskrit compilation KathH-Sarit'Sdgara, tr. C. H. Tawneyj
1884, n, pp. 242 ff. and i, pp. 498 ff.; for other Oriental versions,
some of them quite different from those of the VetlUapcmchavinaati,
see Vedala Cadd, tr. B. G. Babington, 1831 (Miscellaneous Trams-
lations from Oriental Languages , Vol. i), tales 2, 4, and 5; B.
Jfllg, KalmUckische Marchen, 1866, No. 1, pp. 5ff.; B. Jiilg, Mango-
lische Mdrchen-Sammlungf 1868, pp. 238 ff.; Baron Lescailler, Le
Trdne Enchants (the Persian Senguehassen^Battissi, which is re-
lated to an old Sanskrit collection known as the Sinhdsana-dv&trin-
sati) 1817, I, pp. 177 ff.) ; Tooti Nameh, or Tales of a Parrot (the
Persian Tati NUma), tr. for J. Debrett, 1801, pp. 49 ff., 113 ff.,
and 122 ff.; W. A. Clouston, The Booh of Bindibad (the Persian
Sindihad Ndma), 1884, pp. 106 ff.; Galland, Les Mills et Une Nuits,
1881, X, pp. 1 ff.
"Each of the four tales in the Vetala collection represents a dis-
tinct type.
"A cursory glance over titles cited will give some idea of how
widespread it is. I have been able to gather some more or less
out-of-the-way versions which have not hitherto been cited. It is an
interesting fact that The Contending Lovers is a favorite in Africa.
See, for example, George W. Ellis, Negro Culture in West Africa,
1914, pp. 211 ff. and 201 ff. See also R. E. Dennet, Folk-Lore of
the Fjorty 1898, No. 3, pp. 33 ff. and No. 16, pp. 74 ff.; C. Velten,
Mdrchen und Erzdhlungen der Suahedi, 1898, p. 71; Henri A. Junod,
Les Chants et les Contes des Ba-Ronga de la BaAe de Delagoa, 1897,
No. 27.
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ohaucxb's fablbmsnt of foules 607
and has taken on many new characteristics, it still remains
above all a problem tale with an indecisive ending. When
a decisive ending does apepar, it is plainly a corruption.
Sometimes the problem is left with only an inferred invi-
tation to the audience to solve it, but again the teller may
put the question definitely.**
Curiously enough, no emphasis has ever been laid on
the very pronounced and important problem characteristic
of The Contending Lovers. Neither Benf ey nor "Wfesselof-
sky stresses this as a distinguishing feature, and The Con-
tending Lovers has frequently been confused with other
folk-tales which were never problem stories. It is true
that among the many outside influences which show effects
upon our tale, especially after it has reached Europe, are
the tale of The Skilfvi Compcmions and tales of brothers
who go out into the world to seek their fortunes, for in
Europe the lovers are often skilled in arts or professions
and often brothers. The relationships here are exceed-
ingly complicated, but there is conclusive evidence that
The Skilful Companifm is in origin quite distinct from
The Contending Lovers, and that it was originally not
a problem tale, but existed alone and unconnected with
any tale of lovers.**
"Straparola in a tale (/ piaoevoU NoUi, night vn, fable 5) closely
taken from Mor linns (see HieronynU Morlvni, Parthenapei,' Novellae,
Foihulae, Comoedia, 1856, No. i;xxx, pp. 156 ff.) has the following
conclusion (tr. W. G. Waters, 1894, p. 73) :
** But with regard to the lady, seeing it was not possible to divide
her into three parts, there arose a sharp dispute between the broth-
ers as to which one of them should retain her, and the wrangling
over the point to decide who had the greatest claim to her was very
long. Indeed, up to this present day it is still before the court:
wherefore we shall each settle the cause as we think right, while
the judge keeps us waiting for his decision."
** Exhaustive proof would be too lengthy, but it may be suggested
that from old times tales have existed about artisans or skilful
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508 WILLABD EDWABD FABNHAIC
According to the services performed or to the basis of
contention by the lovers for the maiden's hand, the ver-
sions of The Contending Lovers divide into six clearly
marked types. I indicate a scheme for classification.'^*^
The Caste Type.^^ No services are performed for the
princess, but her lovers, who are four, present in turn
before her father claims based on unapplied accomplish-
ments, comeliness, and general excellence. The caste of
brothers who go out into the world and contend with one another
for fortune, but in which no girl is the reward. (See Benfey, Pant-
aoTiatantra, 1859, n, pp. 150 ff., Der kluge Feind; material men-
tioned by Wesaelofsky, II Parctdiso, i, ii, p. 246; Benfey, Kleinere
Schriften, u, iii, pp. 132 ff., the second part of the Aualand essay.)
It may be also suggested that in many ancient versions of The
Contending Lovers and in some more modern versions the love
service is dependent slightly or not at all upon skill or professions
possessed by the lovers. Vet(llapanoh€uvin8afti 7 has a contention
where emphasis is laid upon caste and general excellence, and
where no service is performed by means of skilled accomplishments,
though there is some mention of these. The second tale of the
same collection tells of a girl who was restored to life by the
faithful services of her suitors, who neither are artisans nor profess
skill. In this connection it is well to note that exceedingly little
skill and nothing of artisanship enters into the services performed
by the young men in II Paradiso degli Alberti,
"Of necessity I give here only a very brief description of types
together with examples from among versions of the tale. I hope
to follow this scheme in making a detailed study of The Contending
Lovers aAd in carrying out closer comparisons with other folk-
tales and with the Pa/rlement of FouXes than it is possible lo make
in this paper.
"This is represented in the Orient, but so far as I know does
not exist as a separate type in Europe, although its influence is
sometimes seen in other types. See Vetilapanchavinsati 7 {Baitdl
PaoMsi, tr. Barker, pp. 175 flf.), where one lover can make a won-
derful cloth, one understands the language of animals, one is ac-
quainted with the Shastras, and one can discharge an arrow which
will hit what is heard though not seen; also see Kathd-Sarit'SHgarOf
tr. Tawney, n, pp. 275 flf. and i, pp. 498 flf., which are practically
the same tale.
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chaxtoee's paklbmen^t of foules 509
the suitors is important when merit comes to be considered.
Neither father nor daughter is able to choose the most
deserving.
The Resuscitation Type.^'' This type has three or four
well-bom lovers, whose claims to the maid may vary.
However, each youth must contribute some service toward
the resuscitation of the loved one, who is often a princess,
and who may be dead or mortally ill. The services may be
skilled, or unskilled and fortuitous.
The Gifts Type.^^ Three youths, usually princes, fall
"See Vetdlapanchavinsti 2 (tr. V. Henry, Revue dea Traditiona
Populaires, I, 1886, pp. 370 flf.) in which one lover renders love
service by allowing himself to be burned upon the maid's pyre, one
guards her ashes, and one travels and accidentally finds a magic
formula which is the means of resuscitation; see also as repre-
sentatives of the type Senguehassen-Battisaiy tale 10, part 3 (tr.
Lescailler, Le Trdne EnchcmUy 1817, i, pp. 199 ff.); Rev. E. M.
Geldart, Folk Lore of Modem Greece, 1884, pp. 106-25 (first tale
told by the casket) ; Charles Swynnerton, Indian Nights' Eriter-
tainment, 1892, i, p. 228; H. Parker, Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon,
1910, No. 74, I, pp. 378 ff,; H. Parker, same work. No. 82, n, pp. 39-9
(variant A) ; H. Parker, same work, No. 82, n, pp. 42-3 (variant
C) ; P. Macler, Revue dea Traditions Populairea, xxm (1908), No.
1, pp. 327 ff.; R. E. Dennett, Folk-Lore of the Fjort, 1898, No. 3,
pp. 33-4.
"The Oriental prototype is represented by the first part of the
tale of Prince Ahmed and the Fay Pari-Banou in the Arabic
Thouaand and One Nighta (Galland, ed. 1881, x, pp. 1 ff.), in which
one lover buys a magic flying carpet, one a telescope, and one a
magic apple, one smell of which cures a person on the point of
death. The youths are thus enabled to see the princess mortally
ill, to reach her, and to cure her. The versions are very numerous,
but show surprisingly little variation. See Gherardo Nerucci, Sea-
aanta Novelle Popolari Montaleai, 1880, No. 40, pp. 335 ff.; Chris-
tian Schneller, Mdrchen und Bagen OAia Walachtirol, 1867, No. 14;
J. G. von Hahn, Oriechiache und Albaneaiache Mdrchen, 1864, No. 47,
I, pp. 263 ff. ; Rev. W. Henry Jones and Lewis Kropf, The Folk-Talea
of the Magyara, 1889, pp. 155 ff.; Madam Csedomille Mijatovics,
ed. Rev. W. Denton, Serbian Folk-Lore, 1874, pp. 230 ff.; John T.
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510 WILLABD EDWABB FABNHAIC
in love with one maid and are sent out into the world
to get wonderful gifts in competition for her hand. By
means of the gifts they are able to resuscitate the princess,
who is discovered to be dead or on the point of deatli.
The Rescue Type.^^ The suitors vary in number from
three to seven, and also vary greatly in character, thou^
they are most frequently skilled in special arts. Each
young man contributes something to the rescue of a maid-
en from a monster, demon, magician, or powerful king.
There are many versions, whidi, especially in Europe,
tend to subdivide as follows :
Versions with the incident of the ship.*®
Naak«, Slavonio Fairy Tales, 1874, pp. 194 ff.; G. Stier, Unga/risdhe
Sagen und Mdrohen, 1850, No. 9, pp. 61 ff.; Friedrich S. Erauss,
Tausend Bagen und Maerchen der 8ud8lafi>en, 1914, No. 63, i, pp.
196 ff.; F. H. Groome, Oypsy Folk-Tales, 1899, No. 13, pp. 63 ff.;
Fernan Caballero, tr. J. H. Ingram, Spanish Fairy Tales, 1881, pp.
22 ff . ; OonsigUeri Pedroso, tr. Miss Henriqueta Monteiro, Portuguese
Folk-Tales, 1882, No. 23, pp. 94 ff.; Adeline Rittershaus, Die Neu-
isVkndisohen Volksmdrchen, 1902, No. 43, pp. 183 ff.; Mrs. A. W.
Hall, loela/ndio Fairy Tales, 1897 (T), pp. 19 ff.; J6n Arnason, tr.
Powell-Magntisson, Icelandic Legends, 1866, pp. 348 ff.; M. Long-
worth Dames, Balochi Tales, Folk-Lore, TV (1893), No. 12, pp. 206
ff.; George W. Ellis, Negro Culture in West Africa, 1914, No. 18,
pp. 200 ff.; Henri A. Junod, Les Chants et les Contes des Ba-Ronga
de la Bate de Delagoa, 1897, No. 27; G. Velten, Md^hen und Brzdh-
lungen der Suaheli, 1898, p. 71 (the tale being here given in dia-
lect; it is summarized by Gosquin, Revue des Traditions PofntUUres,
xxxr, p. 103).
"For Oriental prototypes see Vetdlapanchavinswti 6 (tr. Benfey,
Kleinere Bchriften, n, iii, pp. 96 ff.), in which the suitors are a
man of supreme knowledge, a possessor of a magic chariot, and a
wondrously accurate marksman; see also Benguehassen-Battissi, tale
10, part 1 (tr. Lescailler, Le Trdne Enchants, 1817, i, pp. 188 ff.) ;
TUti Nama 22 {Tooti Nameh, tr. for Debrett, 1801, pp. 113 ff.) ;
W. A. Clouston, The Book of Bindihad, 1884, pp. 106 ff.
**Here the youths always reach the captive princess by means
of a ship, which one of their number is usually skilful enough to
build. See tale from /{ NovelUno, text of Giovanni Papanti, Cata-
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CHAXJCBB^S FABLSMENT OF FOULES 511
Yereions with the incident of the tower.^^
Misoellaneoufl versions.**
logo dei Novellieri Italiani in Proaa^ 1871, No. 23, i, pp. 44 ff.>
HieronymuB Morlinus No. 79 {Parihenopei, NovelUie, Fabukte, Co-
moedia, 1855, pp. 156 ff.) ; Giovanni Francesco Straparola, / PicLoe-
voli Notti, night vn, fable 5; Gian Battista Basile, II Pentamerone,
V, 7; Domenico Comparetti, Novelline Popolari Italiaaie, 1876, No.
19, I, pp. 80 flf.; Greorg Widter iind Adam Wolf, Volksmdrchen atis
Venetien, Jahrbuch fiir Romanische und Engliaohe Literatur, vn,
p. 30; A. H. Wratislaw, Sixty Folk-Tales, 1880, No. 9, pp. 55 ff.;
Joseph Wenzig, Westalawischer Marohen8oha4z, 1857, pp. 140 ff.;
Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Kinder- und HimamUrchen, No. 129;
Friedrich Woeste, Z^taohrift fur Deutsche Mythologie, i, p. 338;
Paul S^billot, Oowtea PoptUairee de la Haute-Bretagne, 1880, No. 8,
pp. 53 ff.; F. M. Luzel, Contes Populaires de Baaae-Bretc^gne, 1887,
No. 9, m, pp. 312 ff.; Svend Grundtvig, Daneke FoUceaeventgr,
1881, No. 17, pp. 210 ff.; H. Parker, Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon,'
1910, No. 82, n, pp. 33 ff.
^When the demon or monster pursues, the princess is hidden
by the suitors in a tower or palace which one of their number can
erect at a moment's notice. The number of lovers is large, usually
seven. See Laura Gk>nzenbach, BieiUanisohe M&rchen, 1870, No. 45, i,
pp. 305 ff.; Giuseppe Pitrfe, Novelle Popolari Toscani, 1886, No. 10,
I, pp. 66 ff.; Giuseppe Pitrfe, same work, i, pp. 71 ff.; Giuseppe
Pitrfe, Fiabe Novelle e Raoconti Popolari Bioiliani, 1875, i, pp. 196
ff.; Giuseppe Pitrft, same work, i, p. 197; Auguste Dozon, Contes
Alhtmais, 1881, No. 4, pp. 27 ff.; Gustav Meyer, Albaniscke MOrchen,
1881, No. 8, pp. 118 ff.; Friedrich S. Krauss, 8<igen und MUrohen
der Sudslaven, 1883, No. 32, i, pp. 120 ff.; I. Jagid, Aus dem Sildsla-
visohen Mdrchensohatz, Arohiv fUr Slavisohek Philologie, y (1881),
No. 46, pp. 36 ff.; Lton Pineau, Contes Populaires Orecs de, Uisle
de Lesbos, Revue des Traditions Populaires, xn (1897), pp. 201 ff.;
Rev. E. M. Geldart, Folk Lore of Modem Greece, 1884, pp. 106 ff.
(third tale told by the casket).
*See Friedrich S. E^uss, Sagen und MSrohen der SUdslaven,
1883, No. 33, pp. 124 ff.; A. M. Tendlau, Fellmeiers Abende, MUr-
Chen und Oesohiohten aus grauer Vorzeit, 1856, n, pp. 16 ff.; Rein-
hold K5hler, Jtihrbuch fUr romaniscJie und engUsche Literatur,
vn (1866), pp. 33 ff.; E. Aymonier, Tewtes Enters, premiere s^rie,
1878, p. 44; J. A. Decourdentanche, Revue des Traditions Populaires,
XIV (1899), pp. 411 ff.; M. D. Charnay, Revue des Cours Litt^raires
de la France, 1865, p. 210, Souvenirs de Madagascar.
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512 WILLAED EDWARD FABNHAM
The Creation Type.*^ Three or four youths, usually
artisans and men of skill, togetiier create a woman out of
wood and other materials, and then dispute about her
possession.
The Head Type.** No services are performed and the
type is quite different from other types of The Contending
Lovers. The controversy grows out of a mistake made by
a woman, who, after the heads of her husband and his
friend have been cut off, mixes the heads in her excite-
ment at being given supernatural power to replace them,
And puts them on the wrong bodies. The argument is
thus really between two members of the husband's body
as to their rights to the wife.
Anomalous Versions.*^
*»See Tuti Ndma 6 {Tooti Nameh, tr. for Debrett, 1801, pp. 49
ff.), in which the disputants are a goldsmith, a carpenter, a tailor,
and a hermit; see also Senguehwaen-Battisai, tale 10, part 4 (tr. Lea-
cailler, Le Trone Enchants, 1817, i, pp. 205 ff.) ; B. Jttlg, MongoUsche
Mdrchen-Sammlung, 1868, pp. 238 ff. ; Rev. E. M. Geldart, Folk Lore
of Modem Greece, 1884, pp. 106 ff. (the second tale told by the
casket); Theodor Benfey, Pa/ntschatantra, 1859, i, pp. 491 ff.; F.
Macler, Revue des Traditions Populairea, xxui (1908), pp. 333 ff.;
H. Camoy, La Tradition, v (1891), pp. 326 ff.; Ren6 Basset, Revue
d€8 Traditions Populaires, xv, p. 114; Albert Socin, Diwan aus
Centralarahien, 1900 {Ahhandlungen der philologisoh-historischen
Classe der KonigL Sachs. Oesellschaft der Wissenschafien) , Teil n.
No. 107, p. 126; Belkassem ben Sedira, Cours de Langue Ka^le,
1887, pp. 225 ff.; Ferdinand Hahn, Blioke in die Oeisteswelt der
Heidnischen Kols, 1906, No. 13, pp. 24 ff.; M. Longworth Dames,
Bdloohi Tales, Folk-Lore, m (1892), pp. 524 ff.. No. 6.
**This type is apparently known in popular literature only in
the Orient. See Vetalapanchavinsati 6 (tr. Benfey, Orient und
Occident, i, 1862, pp. 730ff.) ; TUti N&ma 24 {Tooti Nofneh, tr.
for Debrett, 1801, pp. 122 ff.) ; Senguehassen-Battissi, tale 10, part 2
(tr. Lescailler, Le Tr&ne Enchants, 1817, i, pp. 194 ff.).
* Sometimes in these versions mere feats of skill are performed
by the lovers instead of service benefiting the maid. See Novella
del Fortunato nuovamente stampata, Livomo, 1869 (carefully sum-
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chaxtceb's paklbmjjnt of foules 513
It is to be taken for granted that in all these tales a
heated dispute between the lovers for the possession of
their loved one, and an indecisive conclusion, are usual
things. Frequently there is an arbiter before whom the
youths carry their cases. He may be simply the father
of the girl or he may be a real judge and the court scene
may be highly elaborated.*® Frequently, too, the maiden
is given the right to choose for herself. This feature is
not confined to any one type of version,*'^ and is so striking
that it helps greatly to mark a tale as a true member of
The Contending Lovers. It is, of course, highly important
for comparison with the right of choice as manifested in
the Parlement of Foules.
marized by R. Kohler, Kleinere Sohriften, n, pp. 590 flf.); G. F.
Abbot, Mctoedonian Folklore, 1903, p. 264; Friedrich Kreutetoald,
tr. P. Lowe, Ehstnische Marohen, 1869, No. 3, pp. 32 ff.; E. Cosquin,
Contes populairea de Lorraine, No. 69, pp. 184 flf.; R. E. Dennet,
Folk-Lore of the Fjort, 1898, No. 16, pp. 74 flf.; George W. Ellis,
Negro Culture in West Africa, 1914, No. 27, pp. 211 flf.
^Even folk-tales much less sophisticated than the Paradiso
version may have an elaborate court scene. See the highly inter-
esting Breton tale given by F. M. Luzel, Contes Populaires de Basse-
Bretagne, 1887, No. 9, ni, pp. 312 flf.
^ The right of choice is definitely given the maiden in the following
versions, which are of the Caste, Resuscitation, Rescue, and Gifts
types: Vetalapanchavinsati 7, H. Parker, ViUage Folk-Tales of
Ceylon, 1910, No. 74, i, pp. 378 flf.; F. M. Luzel, Contes Populaires
de Basse-Bretagne, 1887, No. 9, m, pp. 312 flf.; Auguste Dozon,
Contes Alhanais, 1881, No. 4, pp. 27 flf.; Gustav Meyer, Alhanische
Marchen, 1881, No. 8, pp. 118 flf.; Svend Grundtvig, Danske Folkae-
ventyr, 1881, No. 17, pp. 210 flf.; Joseph Wenzig, Westslaunscher
Marchenschatz, 1857, pp. 140 flf.; Friedrich S. Krauss, Tausend
Sagen und Maerohen der Siidslaven, 1914, No. 63, i, pp. 196 flf.;
F. H. Groome, Oypsy Folk-Tales, 1899, No. 13, pp. 53 flf.; Feman
Gaballero, tr. J. H. Ingram, Spanish Fairy Tales, 1881, pp. 22 ff.;
Consiglieri Pedroso, tr. Miss Henriqueta Monteiro, Portuguese Folk-
Tales, 1882, No. 23, pp. 94 ff.; C. Velten, MUrchen und Erzdhlungen
der Buaheli, 1898, p. 71 (summarized by Cosquin, Revue des Tradi-
tions Populaires, xxxi, p. 103). These are, of course, exclusive
of versions in the Parctdiso and the Parlement of Foules.
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514 WILLABD XDWABD FABNHAM
i The doee siinilarities between the Parlement and the
Paradise have already been pointed out. But the Parl&-
ment shows definite relationship to The Contending Lovers
as a whole by the nobility of the characters and the im-
portance rank plays in the dispute,*® the pleading before
a judge, the perplexity of the judge, the granting of the
choice, and finally by the aU-important indecisive con-
clusion. Obviously the story in the Parlement is greatly
changed and sophisticated by Chaucer or some other
teller before him. The characters become birds and the
tale is told in highly dramatic instead of narrative form.
Chaucer pretends to happen upon a group of bird lovers
pleading their causes, and is more interested in their
pleadings and in the court scene generally than in the
previous history of their loves. Chaucer elaborates one
part of the folktale which gives him a chance to show his
genius at its best, and slights the rest.
What changes Chaucer himself made and where he got
his inspirations for them are very complicated quejtions.
We do not know in just what form he found the tale. But
it is possible and also consistent with what we know of
Chaucer's artistic ability that he himself changed the
lovers into birds, using material from a nimiber of possi-
ble sources,*® and that he made the service of the lovers
correspond to ideas of love service expressed in the ten^
of Courtly Love, with which Chaucer was, of course,
wholly familiar. The latter change, as well as a general
tendency to refine and elevate the story, would account
•Cf. the Caste type of our tale eq>eeiall7.
* Hints for bird characters may have come to Chaucer from many
sources besides the De Pla/notu Naturae of Alanus de Insulis. Pro-
fessor Manly has suggested Mme interesting possible sources (work
cited, p. 285). But I am hoping to show that there are many more
poflsible points of contact between the Parlemet¥f and the bird-lore
of folk-tales or more sophisticated literature.
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CHAXTOBB^S PABLBMENT OP FOULES 515
for a fluppreeaion of tiie artisan or professional element,
if, indeed, it appeared at all in Cliaticer^s source.
It is to be kept in mind that a problem such as that ad-
vanced in The Contending Lovers would be apt to suggest
immediately to Chaucer the popular and many-sided
questione d' amove of the Middle Ages, and that the char-
acter of the qvsstioni would be apt to influence any pre-
sentation of the folk-tale in a courtly or polished form.
The Contending Lovers is truly an unsophisticated ques-
tione d^wmore evolved by the folk long before the Middle
Ages, and Chaucer could not but see the similarity. Pro-
fessor Manly has indicated the presence in the Parlement
of all the necessary elements to m^e a demande d' amours
or questione Xamore, and although the questione is fre-
quently of two branches, he finds cases in which three
lovers please a lady equally well and she does not know
what to do.^^ But the questioni made no secret about put-
ting the direct question, and inviting to discussion. Chau-
cer apparently follows a version of our folk-tale where
no question is openly put because it is thought that the
problem is sufficiently plain.
As to where Chaucer found the version of the folk-tale
which constitutes the nucleus of the ParlemerU, aiid as to
the exact form it bore, we can do no more than surmise.
Fortunately, however, the sophisticated tale from the Pwror
diso forms a highly important if incomplete connecting
link between the simplest shape of the folk-tale and Chau-
cer's redaction, which is the most sophisticated of all, and
therefore hardest to recognize in its new dressings. The
Paradiso also points to Italy as the probable place where
Chaucer obtained his version. GKovanni's tale was written
in Chaucer's own time, drawn certainly from literary tra-
••Work cited, pp. 2S3ff.
12
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516 WILLABD EDWABD FABI7HAM
ditions or folk-lore fairly well known in Italy. We are
not surprised to find that several years before the Paradiso
was written, a much simpler version of The Contending
Lovers was recorded in II Novellino.^^ This is of the
Rescue type and is not nearly so close to Chaucer in char-
acter as the Paradiso, but it helps to demonstrate for me-
dieval Italy the popularity of the tale in various forms.
Since Chaucer had been to Italy and was already greatly
under the spell of its literature at the time he wrote the
Parlement, we are not going too far in hazarding that he
may very possibly have read or obtained an Italian manu-
script in which The Contending Lovers appeared. It is
also possible, of course, that he may have heard the tale
related. At any rate, the wide popularity of the story
would make possible Chaucer's finding it somewhere.
In the light of The Contending Lovers, theories offering
historical interpretation for the Parlement must inevitably
be reconsidered. Almost every important element in the
central incident of the poem has been paralleled to ele-
ments in the folk-tale. The nobility of the suitors and
the emphasis on rank, the judge, the audience and its par-
ticipation, the giving over of the decision to the formel
herself, and the peculiar conclusion witjiout a decision, all
these and other things besides are easily explained if we
will simply look at them as conventions in a distinct type
of tale. We do not have to ransack history to find royalty
that wiU fit the bird characters, unless we choose to do so.
However, to say that Chaucer was not naif enough to
see that his story might be applied by his courtly readers
to contemporary happiness at court would be carrying
reconsideration of allegorical theories too far. For in spite
"Text by Giovanni Papanti, Oatalogo dei NopelUeri ItaUani in
Proaa, 1S71, No. 23, i, pp. 44 ff. The version is incomplete owing
to lacunae in the manuscript.
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ohaxtoee's paelbmbnt of poules 617
of its undeniable shortcomings whicJi have been so ably
pointed out by Professor Manly,^^ the allegorical theory
in its latest form makes some parts of the Parlement fit
historical facts with a degree of neatness and plausibility.
In fact, interpretation by allegory and interpretation by
sources are not mutually exclusive. Chaucer may in^
every detail of his love story be following sources, and yet/
have in mind the marriage of Richard and Anne, or, in-j
deed, some other marriage in royalty which is not nowv
known to us. Historical characters have often been^
changed to fit the Parlement, and they may be again.
Yet, according to our present knowledge, the all^orical
theory can only be regarded as superimposed upon the
non-allegorical theory, and as unnecessary to a plausible
and entirely satisfactory interpretation of the poem. The
constructing of a tale by an author for the exigencies of an
occasion, when the events and characters are shaped es-
pecially to fit real happenings and persons, is one thing;
but the telling of a conventional tale, even though its con-
ventions are happily adapted at certain places to all^ori-
cal interpretation, is quite another thing. Furthermore,
both The Contending Lovers and the questioni d'wmore
present general love problems to provoke interested discus-
sion, not love problems which necessarily involved actual
persons in the society of the day. It is a grave question
whether the ordinary medieval reader, knowing the ex-
tremely popular questioni d'amore, and perhaps acquaint-
ed with The Contending Lovers, would see in the Parle-
ment more than a fanciful story of bird lovers whose in-
decisive conclusion invited him to a debate upon a neat
general love problem.
In conclusion we may summarize the following salient
points regarding interpretation:
■Work cited.
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518 WILLABD EDWABD FABIfTHAM
I. The all^orical theory, explaining the situation in
the Parlement wholly by historical events, and taking
small account of sources, is untenable.
II. The non-allegorical theory offers a simple and
plausible explanation for every detail by appealing to
sources. It furnishes a less strained interpretation in
scmie ways than the other theory, and is in any case en-
titled to first consideration.
III. A composite of the two theories is possible and of-
fers an interpretation consistent with Chaucer's character.
But in the combined theory, allegory, according to our
present knowledge, must take a secondary place, because
Chaucer does not make allegorical intent plain beyond all
possibility of doubt, and because at points allegory does
not explain certain things which an appeal to sources will
explain.
An attempt has been made to demonstrate the relation-
ship of the Parlement of FouLes to a general cycle of folk-
tales. But as so often happens when a search is made for
a source in literature so fluid as a folk-tale, it has been
impossible to discover the version identical with the one
which appears in the author. Perhaps the manuscript, if
it was a manuscript, from which Chaucer obtained The
Contending Lovers is to remain forever unfound. What
may and what may not come to our knowledge in the
future to throw further light on the Parlement, either in
the way of more possible sources or in the way of more
historical fact fortifying an allegorical interpretation, it
is, of course, impossible to foretell.^
WrLLABD Edwabd Farnham.
** Since this paper was first written I have carried out on a
larger scale a study of the material here presented or indicated and
have submitted it as a dissertation to Harvard University in par-
tial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of
philosophy.
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THX
Modern Language Association of America
1917
Vol. XXXII, 4 New Sebies, Vol. XXV, 4
XX.—BALAUSTI0W8 ADVENTURE AS AN INTEE-
PEBTATION OF THE AL0E8TI8 OF EUEIPIDES
Balaustion's Adventure was first published in 1871.
From that time until the present scholars have differed in
opinion as to whether the poem misrepresents the Alcesiis
of Euripides, which it aims to interpret, and, if so, to
what extent. The particular criticisms directed against
Browning's interpretation have to do almost exclusively
with his treatment of the characters- 6f Admetus and
Heracles. He makes Admetus selfish and cowardly;
Heracles, essentially noble. Did Euripides think of them
so? Professor Eichard G. Moulton, writing for the
Brovming Society Papers in 1891, took exception to
Browning's treatment of Admetus. He called BdUmstionfs
Adventure "a beautiful misrepresentation of the origi-
nal." " Browning," he said, " has entirely misread and
misinterpreted Euripides' play of Alcestis/' ^ . . . " The
character he has read into the actions of Admetus is op-
posed to the view of him taken by all the personages of the
^Broummg Society Papers, Part xm, p. 148.
519
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520 FBEDEBICK M. TISDEL
story, gods, heroes, men; is opposed to the author's own
intimations through the mouth of the Chorus; is counte-
nanced only by the one personage whom all the rest in-
cluding Alcestis hold guilty of the selfishness Browning
has ascribed to Admetus." * Verrall criticises Browning^s
interpretation of Heracles. He insists that the Heracles
of Euripides is not the godlike helper of mankind which
Browning would have us believe him to be, but a mere
" drunken athlete adventurer," a burlesque figure.
" Since," says he, " the Heracles of Euripides, as the ex-
positors agree, is in fact semi-comic and liable to much
just contempt. Browning simply made another, envelop-
-V ing and dressing, literally as well as figuratively, the origi-
nal in robes, trappings, and appurtenances, material and
moral, of which in the Greek play there is not the slight-
est suggestion." • Sidney Colvin says : " In taking from
the most modem-minded of the great Athenian dramatists
an example of which the qualities are not specifically or
in the highest sense Hellenic, Mr. Browning has still
further de-Hellenized it, has made Euripides work from
the ethical standpoint of a different age, has rewritten the
play as it might coherentiy and comprehensively have been
meant, but as it was not actually meant." * Professor
Lawson adds : " Mr. Browning's keen, alert critical pow-
ers have thrown many a brilliant cross-light on this per^
plexing littie drama . • . but it is impossible to accept
his version of the Qreek play as a finality." **
These are typical examples of the criticisms directed
against Browning's version and represent fairly well the
prevailing opinion for twenty-five years after the publi-
*iWd., p. 166.
'Verrall, Euripides the BatumaUBt, p. 16.
*Fortn, Rev., xvi, p. 490.
'Amer, Joum. of Philol., xvn, p. 206.
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BALAUSTION^S ADVENTXTBE AJUTD THE AI.CBSTIS 621
cation of BdUmsHonfs Adventv/re, I wish to show, how-
ever, that more modem classical scholarship has, in the
main, justified Browning's interpretation of Admetus,
and that, in the case of Heracles, the facts are more in
favor of Browning's interpretation than certain scholars
are yet ready to admit. The minor modifications which
the poet has made for artistic purposes do not interfere
with the essential troth of his interpretation.
The case of Admetus is now so nearly settled that the
details of the argument need not be presented here. It
is enough to quote the conclusions of the scholars. It is
true that as late as 1894 Way maintained that Admetus
was a noble character; that he was in the right in respect
to the motif and incidents of the play ; that he reaped tiie
reward of a just man.® According to Way's view, Ad-
metus was a hospitable man, who embodied for the Greeks
"the virtues, not only of a modem philanthropist, but
also of the enlightened diplomatist." '^ He could not de-
cline the boon of the gods. That would have been " not
false delicacy merely, but impiety." " The special pathos
of the situation," says Way, " lay in this, that the sacri-
fice of a young and happy woman was forced upon her by
the cowardly selfishness, not of her husband, but of a
miserable old man; that Admetus should not have found
a substitute at all would have been monstrous. . . . All
the respectable characters of the play have nothing but
sympathy for him." ® This, as I have said, had been the
prevailing opinion during the twenty-five years since the
publication of Balaustiovfs Adventure. Scholars like
Paley, who realized that Admetus was far from perfect, felt
that his virtue of hospitality redeemed his character and
'Way, Ewripides tn EngUah Verse, l, p. 421.
'Way, I, p. 422. 'Way, i, p. 423.
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622 FREDEBICK M. TI8DEL
justified hxB reward. Indeed^ Paley considered the centra]
idea of the play to be that "disinterested hospitality
never fails of its reward."® Since 1894, however, the
classical scholars have come more and more to interpret
Euripides otherwise. In the year after Way's transla-
tion appeared, Verrall, who objected to Browning's inter-
pretation of Heracles, defended the poet's view of Ad-
metus. He insisted that Euripides' play makes plain the
selfishness and cowardice of Admetus.^^ Among other
things he pointed out that the king himself is aware of
his own baseness, since he says:
I shall not bear
On those companions of my wife to look.
And, if a foe I have, thus shaU he scoff:
' Lo there who basely livethi dared not die,
But whom he wedded gave, a coward's ransom,
And 'scaped from Hades. Count ye him a man?
He hates his parents, though himself was loth
To die.' «
Verrall goes so far as to insist that Euripides did not
mean to allow Admetus the virtue of real hospitality,
since he makes the Chorus blame him for deceiving his
friend and causes Heracles himself to upbraid him for his
unfriendly treatment.^^ Mahaffy, though not so extreme
as Verrall, recognizes the weakness in the character. It
is, he thinks, with consunmiate art that Euripides, in this
far subtler than any of his imitators, has made the hus-
band a somewhat weak and selfish, though otherwise ami-
able and hospitable person.^* Ebeling points out the sig-
nificance of the scene between Pheres and Admetus. If
Admetus is an idealized character, this scene is totally
•Note on AlcettU, v. 1147. "Way, w. 962 ff.
*• Verrall, pp. llff. "Verrall, pp. 34, 39, 40.
» Gk. Class. Lit., I, Part n, p. 108.
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BALAUSTION's ADVBNTTTBB Ain> THE ALOBSTIB 628
out of place. It could hardly have been introduced just
to please a contentious and argument-loving audience^
without regard to the unity of the play. The play pre-
sents, Ebeling says, " a copiticism of the character of the
traditional Admetus which revealed how base he had been
in allowing his wife, Alcestis, to die for him." ^* " Euri-
pides plainly found fault with Admetus' lack of manli-
ness and subjected him to severe criticism; but he let
Admetus learn a great lesson, which reformed him in the
end." ^^ Earle maintains that the popular character of
Admetus among the Athenians appears to have been 'that
of a typical coward, citing in evidence lines of the familiar
table-song:
*ASfiiJTov Xrfyoi/, & kralp€y fiadoDv rots aya0oif^ <f>{\ei
T&v ieCK&v S' air^ov, yvoif9 Sri BeiX&v 6\(yrf xa/3i9.^*
And Augustus T. Murray supports Earle's contention by
quoting Thesmo., 193-97, where Aristophanes in ridicul-
ing Euripides puts him in the position of Admetus and
quotes Pheres' words against him.^''
Perhaps the most complete summary of the case is that
of Augustus T. Murray. He thinks the heroic idealiza-
tion of Admetus misrepresents Euripides for the following
reasons:
1. Such an assumption is imnatural. Euripides of-
fers us in the Tauric Iphigenia a situation that is close-
ly parallel, and his treatment shows how far he was from
feeling that it was the duty of a noble youth to allow a
loving woman to die for him.
2. The character of Admetus was not thus understood
^Amer, PhU, Asboo. Trans. (1898), pp. 65-6.
"•Ibid., p. 83.
^ Earle, Aloe8ti», p. xxviii.
** Studies in Honor of BasU L, Qildertleeive, p. 333.
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624 FREDERICK M. TI8DEL
by that Greek of the Greeks, Aristophanes; but, on the
contrary, his parodies show that he read it as we do
{Themno., 193-97).
3. The idealized view seems to be absolutely untenable
in the face of the sc^ie with Fheres.
4. A sympathetic study of the earlier scenes of the play
leads to the same conclusion. Alcestis herself sees through
Admetus.
5. Euripides plainly means us to see a change in Ad-
metus' character during the course of the play (w. 145,
2461, 336, 897 fF., 929 E, 940, 965 fF., 1068).'8
The most recent word upon the subject is by Gilbert
Murray in the introduction to his poetic translation of
Alcestis (1915). He agrees exactly with Browning:
Euripides seems to have taken positiye pleasure in Admetua . . .
True, Admetus is put to obylous shame, pubUcly and helplessly.
The Chorus makes discreet comments upon him. The handmaid is
outspoken about him. One feels that Alcestis herself, for aU her
tender kindness, has seen through him. FinaUy, to make things
quite clear, his old father fights him openly, teUs him home^truth
upon home-truth, tears away all his protective screens, and leaves
him with his self-reepect in tatters. It is a fearful ordeal for Ad-
metus, and after his first fury, he takes it weU ... I think that
a careful reading of the play wiU show an almost continuous pro-
cess of self -discovery and self -judgment in the mind of Admetus.
He was a man who blinded himself with words and beautiful saiti-
ments; but he was not thick-skinned or thidc-witted. He was not
a brute or a cynic. And I think he did learn his lesson — not com-
pletely and forever, but as well as most of us learn such lessons.^
Unquestionably modem scholarship supports Brown-
ing's interpretation of Admetus as essentially coorrect
That does not mean, however, that Browning took no
liberties with Euripides' version to suit his own artistic
purposes. Euripides makes the Chorus speak in sympathy
»/l>ui, pp. 333ff.
"Gilbert Murray, AloMtU, p. xii.
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balaustion's adventubb and the alcestis 525
and praise for Admetus throughout the play, and empha-
sizes the virtue of hospitality, which he embodies. Brown-
ing, however, in order to bring out more clearly the base-
ness of Admetus and his subsequent repentance, condenses
and sometimes ignores the expression of sympathy and
praise on the part of the Chorus, and, without eliminating
the hospitality motif, makes it less prominent. A care-
ful comparison of Browning's text with the original makes
clear his method. I cite examples.
1. Vv. 142-46:
©€. Kol ^&<rap eliretv Koi Oavovaav &Tt aoi.
Xo, KaX TTok hv ainhi^ Karddvot re koX fiXdiroi ;
Oe. rjSri TrpoiHairrjfi iari xal yjtvxoppayei,
Xo. & rXijfwVf ota^ 0I09 &v a^aprdvu^,
86. oCtt® tJS' oTZe Beavrdrrj^, irplv hv TrdOrf,
Hand. She Uveth, and is dead; both may'st thou say.
Cho. A7 so? how should the same be dead and alive?
Hand. Even now she droopeth, gasping out her Ufe.
Cho. Noble and stricken — ^how noble she thou losest.
Hand. His depth of loss he knows not ere it come. (Way)
"Call her dead, call her living, each style serves,"
The matron said, " though grave-ward bowed, she breathed;
Nor knew her hiuft>and what the misery meant
Before he felt it: hope of life was none.'' (Browning)
Browning condenses the dialogue and quietly omits
line 145, which is a clear expression of sympathy and
respect for Admetus.
2. Vv. 226-30:
' II fiLX> Trairal (f>€Vy Trairal <f>€u • la) la>.
& iral <b4priT0^y oT ^/oo-
fcur 8dfiapTo^ <ra^ arcpck.
'llfux* ^ «f*« ical <r<l>aya^ rdSe,
Kat irKiov fj fipdx^ B^prjp
ovpavUp TreXdaacu;
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526 FBEDBBICK M. TI8DBL
Cho. 6. Woe's me! woe's met — ^lei the woe-dirge ring!
Ah, scion of Pheres, alas for thy lot, for love's long sever-
Cho. 7. For such things on his sword might a man not fall.
Or knit up his throat in the noose 'twixt the heaven and
the earth that quivereth. (Way)
So the song dwindled to a mere moan.
How dear the wife, and what her husband's woe. (Browning)
Again the expreBsion of sympathy is in part suppressed.
3. Vv. 369-70:
Xo. secu fiffv iyol> aoi irivOo^; a>9 <^/Xo9 >/>TX^
Xwrpov awolaoD rijaSe ' Kai yap a^la.
Cho. Tea, I withal wiU mourn, as friend with friend.
With thee for ttiis thy wife, for she is worthy. (Way)
Browning omits this passage entirely.
4. Vv. 861-935:
These lines of lamentation interpersed with sympathetic
remarks by the Chorus are reduced about one-half by
Browning and much of what is left is quoted indirectly.
5. Vv. 601-4:
TO ycip evyevh iic^dperou irph^ alB&,
iv T0I9 ayaOolai Se irdm^ iveariv ao^laa. ayafuu •
w/»09 S' €/ia i^^xS' Odpao^ ffCTcu
Oeoaefirj <f>&Ta xeBvd irpd^eiv.
For to honour's heights are the high-hom lifted.
And the good are with truest wisdom gifted;
And there broods on my heart bright trust unwaning
That the god-reverer shall yet be blest. (Way)
The beet men ever prove the wisest too;
Something instinctive guides them still aright.
And on each soul this boldness settled now,
That one, who reverenced the GkKls so much,
Would prosper yet: (or — ^I could wish it ran —
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baxaustion'b ADVEH^TUBB AN1> thb aloestib 627
Who Yaierate the Gods i' the main will still
Practioe things honest though obscure to judge).
(Browning;
These lines at the end of a passage in praise of the ho8<
pitality of Admetus seem to imply that his future good
fortune is a recompense for his behavior as a host. Brown-
ing suggests a different sentiment and perhaps the Ghreek
will bear Browning's interpretation. At any rate Blake-
ney, in his edition of Alcestis, affirms that KeBva irpd^eip
involves a double reference in Greek — " to fare well "
and " to do well." ^^ Browning gives the further impres-
sion that the new optimism of the Chorus comes not be-
cause they think the virtue of Admetus will be rewarded,
but because they have caught " contagion from the mag-
nanimity '' of Heracles.
Admetos' private grief
Shrank to a somewhat pettier obstacle
I' the way o' the world; they saw good days had been,
And good days, peradyenture, still might be.*'
6. Vv. 840-2:
Bei ydp fie a&acu rriv Oavovaav aprlto^
ywaixa Kck topS* aidi^ iSpva-ai Sofiov
" AXKYjCTiVy *AS/ii}Ty 0^ inrovpyrjaai xapti/.
For I must save this woman newly dead,
And set Alcestis in this house again,
And render to Admetus good for good. (Way)
For that son must save now
The just-dead lady: ay, establish here
I' the house again Alkestis, bring about
Comfort and sucoor to Admetus so! (Browning)
Way's translation implies the idea of compensation:
"Note to w. 604-6.
*^ BakM9ti<m'8 Adventure, w. 1261-4.
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528 FBEDEBICK M. TI8DEL
Browning avoids that interptretation. The Greek does not
necessarily convey the idea of compensation.
By such slight condensations and changes Browning has,
perhaps, made his treatment of Admetus less sympathetic
than Euripides intended, especially in the early part;
whereas he always emphasizes the weakness and selfishness
of the man. The Athenian audience would have more re-
spect for Admetus than modem readers of Bdlaustion's
Adventure have, but Browning has not transformed the
character nor essentially misrepresented it
The case of Heracles is not so simple. Scholars have
seen in the Heracles of the Alcestis everything from the
burlesque figure of the satyr-plays to the wonder-working
demi-god of epic tradition. And the difference of opinion
still exists. Many still think that Browning took un-
warranted liberties with the Greek play, transforming the
character of Heracles by reading into it much that is not
suggested by Euripides. It will not suff ce, therefore, as
it does in the case of Admetus, to quote the conclusions
of the scholars. We must go into the details of the argu-
ment.
The best approach to the subject is through the original
material upon which Euripides worked. Wilamowitz-
Moellendorff, who has studied elaborately the l^ends of
Alcestis and Heracles, reproduces as follows the old epic
traditions that made up the Alcestis story:
In seiner pflege wuchs der sohn der Koronis, Aflklepios, auf, lemte
die krftfte der wurzeln des waldes, alle die lind^i silfte der krilater
und manchen heilkrHftigen zaiiberspruch. So wird er erwachsen ein
helfender arzt, yielen ziim s^en, die siech waren Ton wunden und
krankheit. Aber seine kunst verf tthrte ihn, die scliranken der mensch-
heit zu durclibrechen, er erweckte gestorbene. Daftlr zerschmetterte
ihn Zeus mit dem donnerkeil, und dem tode Terfiel, der des todes
rechte gektlrzt hatte. Wieder brauste der j&he zom des Apollon
auf, der den sohn an seiner eigenen UeblingsBt&tte, in Delphi, er-
Rchlagen sah. Ohnmftchtig wider den himmliBchen vater, traf er
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BALAUSTIOI^'S ABVENTUBB AND THB ALOESTIS 629
doBBen Bohuldlose diener, die flchmiede dea donnerkeiles. Aber die
ewigen weltgeseize Bind nicht nur grausam, sie Bind auch gerecht,
und blutschuld musB auoh ein gott BfUmen wie die menBchen. Wol
wendete LetoB fflrbitte die yerstoBsung in den Tartaros von Apollons
haupte, aber aus dem himmel ward er yerstoBsen und musste ein
groBsee jahr knechteBdienste bei einem Bterbliohen tun. So kam er
zu Admetos von Pherai und weidete ihm Beine herden, am ufer deB
boebeiflchen sees, da wo er einst KoroniB f and, Koronis begrub. Ad-
metos war ein milder herr, und dea gOttlichen birten gnade liesB die
herden wunderbar gedeihen. Er spannte auch die wilden tiere dea
Pelionwaldes unter AdmetoB* joch, als dieaer aich die braut auB dem
nahen lolkoB holte, die ihr yater nur dem freier zu geben gelobt
hatte, der mit Bolohem geepanne k&me. Wieder ertQnt^i hochzeitB-
lieder ttber d^n boebeischen Bee, und PhoiboB, der den iBchya er-
Bchlagen, Btand B^gnend dem AdmetoB zur Beite. Und doch wandelte
Bich der aegen in flucb. Die grimme berrin yon Pherai (/S/u^) welche
Koronia tOtete, aandte d^n Admetoa ein grftaalichea zeichen ihrea
grolleB, weil er ihr zu opfem yergeaaen hatte. Ein kn&uel achlangen
fand er im brautgemache. Apollon deutete den willen der echwester:
sie forderte dea br&utigama leben, und nur zur annahme einea er-
aatzea vermochten aie die bitten dea brudera zu beatimmen. Aber
wo diesen eraatz finden? Ala der entacheidende tag herankam, da
yeraagten aich yater und mutter, auf der achwelle dea grabea; nur
Alkeatia, die blOhende gattin, gab fUr Admetoa ihr junges leben bin.
So hatte aich daa schlangenzeicben im brautgemache doch erf ttllt. Und
wieder ward ein blOhendea, plOtzlich aua dem leben lieber hoffnungen
dahingerafftea weib zu grahe getragen, wieder ein opfer der Artemia.
Die grausamkeit der gottheit iat nicht ewig. Ala zauberkxmat den
bann dea todea brechen wollte, schritt Zeus aelbat ein : als die gatten-
liebe Bidi aelbat dahingibt, demtttigen ainnes der gewalt der gOttin
aich beugend, da achreitet die g5ttliche gnade ein. Die herrin dea
totenreichea (auch eine /3/>t/u6 oder yielmehr wieder die ppifui>)
aandte Alkeatia wieder zimi lichte empor. Apollon ist gereinigt,
Artemia iat yerslShnt, geaegnet yon alien menachen leben AdmetoB und
Alkestia in glfick und frieden, und in dem geachlechte yon helden daa
ihnen entatammt, lebt der gOttlidie a^en fort bia auf dieaoi tag."
This account contains no comic or burlesque elements
and Heracles does not appear at all. Comic elements,
however, were introduced before Euripides treated the
subject. Aeschylus in Eumenides, 723 f., refers to the
^ PhiMogiache Unterauohungen, jx, pp. 70 ff.
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680 FBEDEBICK M. TISDEL
story that the escape of Admetus from death by the sub-
stitution of another victim had been secured by Apollo
from the Fates by cajoling them after he had succeeded in
making them drunk.^* There was also a more or less
comicy perhaps burlesque play on the story of Alcestis by
Phrynichus. The play is lost, but Euripides borrowed
from it, among other things, the figure of Thanatus, if
we are to believe the note which Servius made on Aeneid,
rv, 694 : " Alii dicunt Euripidem Orcum in scenam in-
ducere, gladiiun ferentem, quo crinem Alcesti abscindat,
Euripidem hoc a Phrynicho antique mutuatuncL^* ^* Pre-
sumably, too, Heracles was there to fight with Thanatus,
though we cannot be entirely sure. Wilamowitz so af-
firms : " Thanatos in euripideischem oostiim und sein
ringkampf mit Heracles sind fur Phrynichus direct be-
zeugt, die trunkenheit der moiren indirect durch Aisch.
Eum. 723." ^^ Unfortunately, however, Wilamowitz does
not give the direct evidence, and Bergk affirms that the
Heracles episode was the invention of Euripides.^* Ebe-
ling argues at length to the same effect.^'' Still, GKlbert
Murray, writing in 1915, is of the opinion that Heracles
was a character in Phrynichus' play.^® But whether he
appeared in Phrynichus or not, he certainly had for the
Athenians a burlesque and satyric as well as an heroic
aspect. Before Euripides wrote the Alcestis the tragic
character of Heracles had not been developed. He had
found a place in epic and lyric poetry, and occasional ref-
** Browning has treated this phase of the subject in the introduc-
tion to Parleyinga with Men of Importance in their Day.
■♦Cited by Weil in Aloeate, p. 5.
'^ PhUologische Unterguohungen, jx, p. 66, note.
" Bergk, Orieoh, Lit.-G^wh,, in, p. 498.
"Amer. PhU, Aatoo. Trane. (1898), pp. 66 ff. See also Weil,
Alcestef p. 5.
** Murray, Aloeatia, p. x.
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balaubtioit'b adventueb and the ajlcbstis 681
erences to his heoroio deeds occur in early tragedies. In
the Prometheus of Aeschylus he appears in person to free
the hero; but Ixagedians seem never to have treated him
for his own sake. He was, however, a familiar figure in
satyr-plays and in comedy. Originally, he was a Dorian
hero, who became the reputed ancestor of the royal house
of Sparta. He appears only as a stranger in the group of
Homeric heroes. He embodied the two ideas of physical
strength and the full enjoyment of life. He lacked the
intellectual graces so loved by the Athenians. It was, per-
haps, natural for the Athenians to consider him at times
stupid, gluttonous, a drunken reveller. Indeed, as we
shall presently see, they had the clue for such a treatment
from the Dorians themselves. At any rate, Heracles be-
came a comic or grotesque figure in prose tales, in satyr-
plays, and in comedy. In this matter no one has disputed
the conclusions of Wilamowitz: "In lonien stand man
dem ganzen dorischen wesen so fern, dass man die Hera-
klessage einfach als einen prachtigen erzahlungsstoif
hinnahm und sich an ihr belustigte. . . . Dass er . . .
gleichzeitig in Athen auf der biihne ernsthaft gar nicht
darstellbar ist, ist eine eben so merkwiirdige wie augenf al-
lige tatsache."^* And again: "Die Heraklessage fallt
fiir das emsthafte drama aus. Das ist um so bemerkens-
werter, als das satyrspiel den dorischen helden zum
gegendstande seiner burlesken spasse nimmt." '^ " Fanden
sie (die Athener) nun den dorischen helden, gerade in der
zeit, wo der stammesgegensatz sich verscharfte, bei seinen
landsleuten zu einer burlesken figur degradiert." *^ He
further aflSrms : " Dass wir aber nicht etwa dessen geist-
und gemiit- und humorvolles drama auf Hesiods anr^ung
" Wilamowitz-Moellendorflf, Euripides' Herakles, pp. 97-8.
•/Wd., p. 98. "/MA, p. 100.
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532 FBEDEBIOK M. TI8DEL
zuriickf iihren diirfen, lehrt am besten der g^ensatz der
stimmung. Die betrunkenen Mairen^ der betrunkene
Herakles^ der plumpe Thanatos gehoren in eine andere
sphaere als Koronig^ AsklepioB und die fiirbitte der Leto;
das sind dramatisch, nicht epischstofflich wirkfiame motive,
die Euripides von Phrynichoe, ans dem burlesken drama,
aufgenommen hat." ^^ Jebb points out that Aristophanes
(Pax, 741 ff.) speaks of Heracles as having become a stock
character in Attic comedy, and claims credit for having
discarded him.*® " Several comedies on Heracles,'' says
Jebb, " are known by their titles T)r by fragments. He
was also a frequent figure in satyr dorama. Sophocles
wrote Heracles ad Taenarum, a salyr-play on the descent
into Hades. Ion of Chios and Achaeus wrote each a
satyr-play called Omphdle, depicting Heracles in servitude
to the Lydian task-mistress. In Ion's piece, he performed
prodigies with a 'triple row of teeth,' devouring not
merely the flesh prepared for a burnt offering but the
wood and coals on which it was being roasted." He was
commonly Tepresented as a voracious glutton.
For if you were to see him eat, you would
Be frighten'd e'en to death; his jaws do creak,
His throat with long deep-soimding thunder rolls,
His large teeth rattle^ and his dpg-teeth crash,
His nostrils hiss, his ears with hunger tremble.**
There seems to be no doubt that Heracles, considered
dramatically, came into the hands of Euripides as a bur-
lesque, satyric figure ; and to this must be added the fur-
ther fact that Euripides' Alcestis was performed as the
fourth play in a tetralogy, a place usually taken by a
" PhUol. Untersuchvngen, DC, p. 66.
"* Jebb, The TradMmae of Sophoolea, Intro., p. xzi.
**Athenaeus, Deipnoeophista (tr. by C. D. Young), n, p. 648,
(Book z).
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balaustion's advbntube and the aloestib 533
satyr-play. It is natural^ therefore, that many scholars
should see in the Heracles of Euripides the typical
voracious, drunken, burlesque satyr-figure. But caution
is necessary here. In the study of sources, we must not
forget that to great artists origins furnish a point of de-
parture rather than a point of airrival. Scholars seem to
have forgotten this in the case of Euripides. Yet it was
never his method to leave characters just as he found them.
He often changed them into something very different
from the originals. Indeed, he is universally recognized
as the great humanizer of stock characters among the
Greeks. He did just this with Heracles: he humanized
him. And in doing so he lifted him almost entirely out
of the burlesque. An unprejudiced reading of the play
substantiates this. Moreover, his entire treatment of the
Heracles myth in other plays confirms it To be sure,
the Heracles of the Alcestis is dull: Ulysses would never
have been so imposed upon by Admetus. He may also be
lacking at times in delicacy and tact. He is, nevertheless,
an essentially noble character. On his first appearance,
he is a little abrupt and breezy, but by no means a clown.
Gilbert Murray recognizes this when he offers us the fol-
lowing stage direction upon the first appearance of
Heracles: ^^ As the song ceases there enters a stranger,
walking strongly, but travel-stained, dusty, and tired. The
lion-skin and club show him to be Heracles.'* ^^ When
interrogated by the Chorus, he says:
Thou say'st: such toil my fate imposeih still,
Harsh evermore, uphlllward straining aye,
If I must still in hattle close with sons
(Gotten of Ares; with Lykaon first,
And Kyknus then: and lo, I come to grapple —
The third strife this — ^with yon steeds and their lord.
"Murray, AlceatiSf p. 27.
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634 FBEDEBICK M. TI8DEL
Bui neTer man ehall see Alkmene's child
Quailing before the hand of any foe.**
This is unquestionably the world-weary hero, who toils
for the good of humanity, the Heracles of the old heroic
tradition. Lawton says of the passage : '^ Heracles' words
sound quite like a sigh of repining over his hard earthly lot
and may remind us how thoroughly human a figure he is in
this drama." •^
Presently, when Heracles sees Admetus in mourning,
he has enough fine feeling to decide to seek hospitality
elsewhere, and remains in the house only on the earnest
solicitation of his host, who assures him that no person of
consequence in the household is dead. To be sure, he
carouses in the guest-chamber. He is not satisfied witii
what is set before him, but calk for what he desires. He
binds his head with myrtle, drinks deeply, and sings dis-
cordantly. He advises the servant to get what fun he
can out of life and commends him to the worship of the
goddess of love. And all this is in sharp contrast to the
lamentations going on at the same time over the death
of Alcestis. But at the worst this Herades is very mild
compared with the drunken athlete adventurer of the
satyr-plays, devouring with triple rows of teeth both the
burnt offering and the coals on which it was being roast-
ed, clashing his jaws, gnashing his grinders, snorting
through his nostrils, and sending blasts of wind roaring
through his gullet. Moreover, his revelling is done in igno-
rance, and Euripides takes care to have it done off the
stage. Even the account of it is put into the mouth of a
servant who misunderstands the hero, and whose words
will, therefore, not be taken by the audience at full value.
"Way, Aloestia, w. 499 ff.
•* Amer. Jour, of Philol, xvn, p. 52.
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balaustion'b adventubb ani> the algestis 535
As soon as Heracles understands the truth, he is at once
serious, even mortified at the position in which he has
inadvertently been placed and bursts out with the follow-
ing fine words :
0 much enduring heart and soul of mine
Now show what son the Lady of Tiryns bare,
Elektiyon's child Alkmene, unto Zeus.
For I must save the woman newly dead.
And set Alcestis in this house again.
And render to Admeius good for good.
1 go. The sable-yestured King of Corpses,
DeAth, wiU I watch for, and shall find, I trow.
Drinking the death-draught hard beside the tomb.
And if I lie in wait, and dart from ambush.
And seize, and with my arms* coil compass him,
None is there shall deliver from mine hands
His straining sides, or e'er he yield his prey.
Yea, though I miss the quarry, and he come not
Unto the blood-clot, to the sunless homes
Down wiU I fare to Kore and her King,
And make demand. I doubt not I shall lead
Alcestis up, and give to my host's hands,
VTho to his halls received, nor drave me thence.
Albeit smitten with affliction sore,
But hid it, like a prince, respecting me.
Who is more guest-fain of ThessaliansT
Who in aU HeUas?— O he shaU not say
That one so princely showed a base man kindness."
This is certainly not burlesque, and the dramatic effect
of the scene as a whole is hardly comic. Patin, following
Villemain, aptly compares the situation with the scene
in Shakespeare's Borneo and Juliet, when the musicians,
brought by Paris to play at the wedding, sound their light
music and afterwards jest with Peter, though Juliet lies
dead in a neighboring room.*® In the final situation, also,
when Heracles (returns with Alcestis, the tone of the scene
»Vv. 837-860.
"* Patin, etudes aw les trctffiquea greca, i, p. 216.
2
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636 FREDBBICK M. TI8DEL
is not the tone of burlesque. It is rather the tone we find
in Shakespeare's Wintet^s Tale, when Hermione is re-
stored to Leontes.
But, we are told, the audience must have had in mind
the sal^-like Heracles. Perhaps so, but they might equal-
ly well have had in mind the heroic Heracles of epic tra-
dition. When he appeared in the Prometheus of Aeschy-
lus, he could hardly have been taken as a comic figure. But
even the satyr Heracles as a resurrection hero would not
come with any shock of surprise to the Athenian audience.
Gilbert Murray pertinently says : " To understand Hera-
cles in this scene, one must first remember the traditional
connection of Satyrs (and therefore of Satyric heroes)
with the reawakening of the dead Earth in spring and the
return of hiunan souls to their tribe. Dionysus was, of
all the various Kouroi, the one most widely connected with
resurrection ideas, and the Satyrs are his attendant de-
mons, who dance magic dances at the return to life of
Semele and Persephone. Heracles himself, in certain of
his ritual aspects, has similar functions. See J. E. Har-
rison, Themis, pp. 425 f., 365 ff., or my Four Stages of
Oreek Religion, pp. 46 f . This tradition explains, to
start with, what Heracles — and this particular sort of
revelling Heracles — ^has to do in a resurrection scene." *^
Finally it is hard to find any artistic unity and harmony
in the play considered as a whole, unless Heracles is a
prevailingly heroic character. John Jay Chapman thinks
of the play as delightful comedy throughout,*^ but his in-
terpretation is more ingenious than convincing. Verrall
considers the play a thoroughgoing rationalistic criticism
of the old legends, Euripides not intending us to believe,
*• Murray, Alcestia, Note to w. 1008 ff.
<" Chapman, Oreek Stvdim.
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BAIAUBTIOI^S ADVENTURE AND THE ALOEBTIB 687
even dramaticallj; in the rescue of Alcestis from Death.
She waS; he thinks, the victim of some kind of nervous
catalepsy and came to herself just as Heracles arrived at
the tomb.^^ But^ so far as I know, Verrall is alone in
this belief. If the play is to be taken seriously at all, and
as something more than a rationalistic argument, Heracles
must be thought of as performing an heroic role by rescu-
ing Alcestis from Death and rewarding the hospitality of
Admetus. Only enough of the burlesque Heracles is re-
tained to make the character acceptable to the Athenian
audience, and to furnish the dramatic contrasts. Of
course, Euripides did not actually believe the resurrection
of Alcestis an historic fact. But we constantly accept as
true for the purposes of the drama what we do not accept
as true in fact. Surely we ought to give Euripides credit
for intending the only thing which makes his play a great
piece of dramatic art.
I have stated that scholars have taken more pains to
point out the burlesque origins of the dramatic Heracles
than to emphasize his heroic role in Euripides' play, but
I do not wish to imply that his heroic character has been
entirely ignored. Paley said long ago : " The character
of Heracles . . . was designed to give a certain spirit
and energy to the somewhat tame action of the play . . .
and there is no reason why we should be displeased at the
part taken by the honest hero. He personifies the bon-
vivwat, the cheerful, benevolent, disinterested friend of
mankind. We are touched at this distress when he finds
that he has unconsciously misbehaved in a house of mourn-
ing; and we are delighted at the generous and unexpect-
ed amends he makes by restoring Alcestis from the
grave." *• " The dignity of the language, too, which is
' Verrall, Ewrvpide^ the RaiwnaUaty pp. 106 ff.
•Paley, Bisripide9, i, p. 240.
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638 FBEDBBIGK M. TI8DEL
purely tragic^ should lead us to doubt whether the poet
really intended to associate the idea of the ludicrous with
the account of Heracles' doings and sayings over the fes-
tive board." ** Earle^ in his edition of the play, says:
^^ Heracles is the type of the higher animal nature, not
over-fine, but, on the other hand^ without a grain of mean-
ness or pettiness in his composition." ^^ Jerram writes:
'^ In this play Heracles appears to great advantage in
comparison with his true satyric character." *• W. L.
Hadley, in summarizing the play, remarks, '^ The servant
ia followed by the boisterous demi-god himself, merry in-
deed, but not in the intoxicated state the mortified hench-
man would have. us believa" *'' Way calls him " the in-
carnation of manliness and high courage." *® And GKlbert
Murray, though he speaks of the heroic words of Heracles
quoted above as ^'a fine speech, leaving one in doubt
whether it is the outburst of a real hero or the vaporing
of a half -drunken man," *® also speaks of him as " half-
way on his road from the roaring reveler of the satyr-
play to the suffering and erring deliverer of tragedy." ^^
These remarks, however, are largely incidental admis-
sions of latent nobility. The point I have tried to make
is that Heracles is more than half-way on his heroic road.
Euripides consciously eliminated from the play, as far as
practicable considering its position in the tetralogy, the
burlesque elements in Heracles' character, and emphasized
his old heroic qualities as helper and rewarder of mankind,
**I6t<i., p. xiv.
*»Earle, Euripides* Alceaiis (1894), p. xxv.
*• Jerram, Euripides' Aloesiis (1896), p. xviL
«* Hadley, The Aloeatie of Euripides (1896), p. xviii.
^ Way, Euripides in English Verse, i, p. 423.
•Murray, Alcestis, p. 78 (note to w, 837 ff.).
•/Wd., p. xir.
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BAULUSTION'b ADVBNTUBE JlSTD thb alcbbtis 689
thus presenting him in a distinctly heroic role. Brown-
ing's interpretation is, therefore, essentially correct*^^
But again the caution is necessary that origins furnish
to genius a point of departure rather than a point of ar-
rival. Browning never left anything just as he found it.
He delighted to range through literature and history, to
seize upon some individual, historical or fictitious, and to
represent the essential truth as to character and situation,
at the same time modifying hoth character and situation
to suit his own artistic aims. The character of Heracles
is no exception. According to Browning, Heracles is
moved to action not so much by the wish to reward Ad-
metus for his hospitality as by his desire to help a friend.
He is the spirit, not of compensation, but of seK-sacrifice.
He is the heroic helper of mankind, willing to risk his
life, if need be, in the service of others, not merely a man
who is willing to pay for a good meaL Both motives are
in the Greek play, but there is doubt as to which is the
prevailing one.*^^ Browning, however, has left us no doubt
*^ Since the writing of this paper, J. A. K. Thomeon's The Greek
Traditum has oome to my notice. In the chapter entitled " Alcestis
and her Hero/' he says: ''What Euripides does is to soften down
the grotesque elements of the story until we just feel that they are
there, lurking possibilities of laughter, giving a faintly ircmio but
extraordinarily human quality to the pathos of the central situstion "
(p. 135) . . . "The drunkenness of Heracles is a very mild affair
. . . Heracles is a very attractive character. He is a big jovial
man, with a great deal of good sense and kindly feeling under that
rough lion-skin of his. He is that at all times; but he is something
more. One of the finest things in the play is the revelation, ai the
call of an extreme danger, of the heroic strain in this imassuming
son of the god. We are made to feel that the roistering mood of
the feast was but the mask of a more permanent mood, a kind and
cheerful stoicism, accepting, though fully conscious, the burden of
its duty" (p. 138). . . "Euripides has made us accept that trans-
figuration as natural, inevitable. This is great art" (p. 139).
""Verrall's contention, already alluded to, that Euripides did not
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540 FBEDEBICK M. TISDEL
in the matter. He dearly makes light of the hospitality
moHf and emphasizes the self-sacrificing spirit of Herac-
les. He does this not merely by taking advantage of every
interpretation of ^e text favorable to this idea, as we have
already seen, but goes out of his way to shower noble
epithets upon the hero, which do not appear in the play.
For example:
The irreflistible and wholesome heart
O* the hero— more than all the mightiness
At labor in the limbs that, for man's sake,
Labored and meant to labor their life long."
Heracles, who held his life
Out on his hand, for any man to take.**
Glad to g^ve
Poor fledi and blood their respite and relief
In the interval twixt fight and fight again —
All for the world's {
The magnanimity
O* the man whose life lay on his hand so light.
As up he stept, pursuing duty stilL"*
Out from the labor into the repose
Ere out again and over head and ears
r the heart of labor, all for love for man."
All eares and pains took wing and flew
Leaving the hero ready to b^gin
And help mankind."
Tliis great benevolence."
Gladness be with thee, Help^ of our world."
.... rage to suffer for mankind.*^
Browning's purpose in thus emphasizing the motive of
seK-sacrifice and subordinating the motive of reward for
make Admetus truly hospitable and that Heracles upbraided him
to the last with his unfriendly behavior, is left doubtful by a careful
reading of the play.
"Vv. 1065 ff. "Vv. 1246 ff. "V. 1779.
"Vv. 1076 ff. "Vv. 1724 ff. "V. 1917.
"Vv. 1216 ff. "Vv. 1766 ff. "V. 192L
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balaustioit'b adventubb and the aloestib 541
hospitality is not far to seek. He thought in this way to
give a finer unity to his poem. The Greek play has a
double interest, interest in the virtue of seK-sacrifice and
interest in the virtue of hospitality. To be sure the two
parts of the play are united by Admetus, tie pivotal char-
acter, since his selfishness leads to the self-sacrifice of Al-
cestis and his hospitality leads to her restoration by Hera-
cles. Still, with the double motive the total impression
of tie play is two-fold and disturbing. Browning has
made seK-sacrifice the ruling motive throughout;, self-
sacrifice for the sake of family ties on the part of Alcestis,
self-sacrifice for the sake of humanity on the part of Hera-
cles. At the same time th^ character interest of the play
is centralized in a single group contrast, the selfishness and
egotism of Admetus being in contrast on the one hand with
the self-sacrifice of Alcestis and on the other with the seK-
f oi^tfulness of Heracles.
Perhaps the Athenian audience saw in the Alcestis more
glorification of the virtue of hospitality — one of the chief
virtues of the Greeks — than the modem reader sees in
Bakmstion's Adventure. Also, the Greek may have con-
nected Heracles more distinctly with the satyr-traditions
than modem readers of Browning do. But this, I submit,
is quite as much a difference in what the Greek and the
Englishman read into a production as a difference in what
the author has put there. Browning neither misread nor
misinterpreted his original. Admetus is still hospitable
and rises to moral dignity through his repentance. Hera-
cles still has traces of his comic origin. He is neitier
grotesque nor coarse, but he is always merry and light-
hearted. Browning has even eliminated largely the world-
weariness which, we have seen, Euripides emphasized at
tie hero's introduction. Browning just thought he saw a
weakness in the double motive of the play and sought to
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542 FBEDSBIOK M. TISDEL
better it without doing violence to Euripides' fundamental
conception.
But the last word has not yet been said. Even though
Browning did not change the fundamental conception of
Euripides, Balmistion's Adventure is nevertheless not a
Greek poem; it belongs distinctly to nineteenth-century
England. And how so ? Not because Browning did vio-
lence to the Greek play itself, but because he put it into
a romantic setting, which makes the final and total impres-
sion distinctly modem. Here is where Browning's cre-
ative power appears.
The suggestion for the romantic setting came from a
passage in Plutarch's Life of Nicias, which tells of &e
popularity of Euripides among the Sicilians:
Some (Athenians) there were who owed their preservation to
Euripides. Of all the Grecians, his was the muse whom the Sicilians
were most in love with. Fronv everj stranger that landed in their
island, they gleaned every small spedmen or portion of his work,
and communicated it with pleasure to each other. It is said that,
on this occasion, a nundi)er of Athenians, upon their return home
(from the expedition against Syracuse) went to Euripides and
thanked him in the most respectful manner for their obligations
to his pen; some haying been enfranchised for teaching their masters
what they remembered of his poems, and others haying got refresh-
ment when they were wandering about, after the battle, for singing
a few of his yerses. Nor Is this to be wondered at, since they tell
us that when a ship from. Otunus, which happened to be pursued by
pirates, was going to take shelter in one of their ports, the Sicilians
at first refused to admit her; upon asking the crew whether they
knew any of the verses of Euripides, and being answered in the
affirmatiye, they receiyed both them and their vessel."
Browning has enlarged this into a brilliant description
of the Greek world in the fifth century — ^the enmity of
Athens and Sparta, the ill-fated expedition against Syra-
cuse, the fame of Euripides, his character and life — and
•Plutarch's Lives (ed. by Langhorn, 1860), m, p. 86.
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baulustion'b advbntubb and the alobstib 548
has put the entire account into the mouth of a young girl,
Balaustion, who is imagined as being in the boat pursued
bj the pirates. In telling to some companions how she
gave to the Syracusans an interpretative recital of the
play, oke surrounds it with an atmosphere of sentiment
which is Victorian English rather than classic Greek. She
loves the play. It is to her that " strangest^ saddest, sweet-
est song," by which she saved her life and won a husband.
" But hear the play itself," she says :
'TiB the poet speaks;
But if I, too, should try and speak at times,
Leading my love to where your love, perchance,
Climbed earlier, found a nest before you knew—
Why, bear with the poor climber, for love's sake;
Look at Bacchion's beauty opposite,
The temple with the piUars at the porch!
See you not something besides masonry t
What if my words wind in and out the stone
As yonder ivy, the €k>d's parasite t
Though they leap all the way the pillar leads.
Festoon about the marble, foot to frieze,
And serpentiningly enrich the roof.
Toy with some few bees and a bird or two, —
What thent The column holds tiie oomice up."
Exactly. Balaustion's Adventure is a genuine Greek
building covered with romantic ivy.
After Hie recital of the play, however, Balaustion goes
further; she adds a new and modem interpretation of the
story. Admetus is not the weak and selfish king that
Euripides pictured, but a hero-king throughout. The
music that Apollo made as he tended the flocks and herds
had wrought melodious wisdom into the heart of Admetus
till he vowed to rule —
solely for his people's sake
Subduing to such end each lust and greed.**
•Vv. 343«. •*Vv. 2461-2.
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544 FBEDEBIOK M. TISBEL
When^ his work not half accomplished^ he is condemned to
die^ he thus laments :
O prodigality of life, hUnd waste
I' the world, of power profuse witiiout the will
To make life do its work, deserve its day!
My ancestors pursued their pleasure, poured
The blood o' the people out in idle war.
Or took occasion of some weary peace
To bid men dig down deep or build up high,
€lpend bone and marrow that the king might feast
Entrenched and buttressed from the Tulgar gaze.
Yet they all lived, nay, lingered to old age:
As though Zeus loved that they should laugh to soom
The vanity of seeking other ends
In rule than just the rulers' pastime. They
• Lived; I must die."
Then Alcestis tells him she has abeady arranged to die
for him, that he may pursue to the end his great work.
With romantic fervor quite unlike the Alcestis of Euri-
pidee, who never indulges in romantic love, she says:
So was the pact concluded that I die,
And thou live on, live for thyself, for me,
For all the world. Embrace and bid me hail.
Husband, because I have the victory —
Am heart, soul, head to foot, one happiness.**
And when he refuses to accept her sacrifice, she continues:
O thou Admetus, must the pile
Of truth on truth, which needs but one truth more
To tower up in completeness, trophy-like,
Emprise of man, and triumph of the world,
Must it go over to the ground again
Because of some faint heart or faltering hand
Which we, that breathless world about tiie base.
Trusted should carry safe to altitude,
Superimpose o' the summit, our supreme
Achievement, our victorious coping-stcme?
•Vv. 1476-89. ••Vv. 2644-48.
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balaustion'b advbnttjbb and the axcbstis 545
Shall thine. Beloved, prove the hand and heart
That fail again, flinch backward at the truth
Would cap and crown the structure this last time —
Precipitate our monumental hope
And strew the earth ignobly yet once more? ....
Would'st thou, for any joy to be enjoyed
For any sorrow that thou mightst escape,
Unwill thy will to reign a righteous king?
Nowise! And were there two lots, death and life, —
Life, wherein good resolve should go to air,
Death, whereby finest fancy grew plain fact
I' the reign of the survivor, — life or death?
Certainly death, thou choosest. Here stand I
The wedded, the beloved one: hadst thou loved
Her who less worthily could estimate
Both life and death than tiiou? ....
Shall Admetus cmd Alkestis see
Good alike, and alike choose, each for each.
Good, — and yet, each for other, at the last
Choose evil? What? thou soimdest in my soul
To depths below the deepest, reachest good
In evil that makes evil good again.
And BO allottest to me that I live
And not die — ^letting die not thee alone,
But all true life that lived in both of us?
Look at me once ere thou decree the lot!
Therewith her whole soul entered into Ms,
He lodced the look back, and Alkestis died.**
Her spirit passes immediately into Hades ; but, because
the power of her soul has gone into the soul of Admetus,
and made him doubly strong, Persephone believes herself
cheated and sends Alcestis back:
Hence, thou deceiver! This is not to die.
If, by the very death that mocks me now.
The life, that* s left behind and past my power.
Is fonnidably doubled. ....
Two souls in one were formidable odds:
And BO, before the embrace relaxed a whit,
The lost eye opened, still beneath the look.**
•'Vv. 2571-2614. "Vv. 2682 IT.
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546 FBBDEBICK M. TISDEL
Tliis added interpretation is Hioronglily modem in eenti-
ment^ thorougUy Victorian, a modem reaction on Hie
ancient classic It does not show poor scholarship or in-
adequate literary interpretation. It does not pretend to be
Euripidean. It is what a poet of one race and time in-
spires in a poet of anoHier race and time, an illustration of
the " vital push " of poetry, creative through the centuries.
As Browning himseK says:
Ah, that brave
Bounty of poets, the one royal race
That ever waa, or ever will be, in this world!
They give no gift that bounds itself and ends
I' the giving and the taking; tiieirs so breeds
I' the heart and soul o' the taker, so transmutes
The man who only was a man before,
That he grows godlike in his turn, can give —
He also: share the poet's priyil^ge,
Bring forth new good, new beauty, from the old.**
Fbedebiok M. Tisdbl.
•Vv. 2416-25.
/
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XXI.— CHARLES LAMB, THE GREATEST OF THE
ESSAYISTS ^
It has been the custom of historians of literature to dis-
cuss essays as if there were no essential difference between^
say the Essays of Bacon and those of Macaulay^ or be-
tween the Spectator and the Essays in Criticism. In his
recent book, The English Essay and Essayists, a work
which, however comprehensive, leaves much to be desired
on the score of adequacy of treatment. Professor Walker
makes a distinction between " essays par excellence " and
compositions on scientific, philosophical, historical, or criti-
cal subjects, which agree with the former, " only in being
comparatively short and in being more or less incomplete."
Lamb's essays he considers the best example of the " lit-
erary form ; " yet when he comes to discuss the Essays of
Elia he does not attempt to show wherein these pieces dif-
fer from the compositions of Elia's contemporaries or suc-
cessors. Every reader is vaguely conscious of a difference
of hind between the essays of various writers ; for example,
between those of Macaulay, Stevenson, Carlyle, etc., and
the pieces by Hazlitt or Charles Lamb; and it is part of
the intention of the following paper to indicate the nature
of this difference. Gtenerally speaking, the secret lies in
the fact that Lamb carried on the traditions of the Eng-
lish essay, the tradition that found its first conscious
spokesman in Bacon, was afterwards perpetuated in the
periodical essays of the eighteenth century, and found its
fullest, if not its latest, expressions in the Essays of Elia.
^The remarks on the early history of the essay are a condensa-
tion of Chapter i, of The Beginnings of the English Essay (Univer-
sity of Toronto Studies) by the present writer.
547
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548 W. L. MAODONAIJ)
A brief history of the essay from its beginning will
help to show Lamb's position amongst the essayists. In
the first place, it must be noticed that the essay b^an,
and for a quarter of a century flourished, as a pretty dis-
tinct form. Bacon introduced it into English under its
present name. Comwallis,^ Robert Johnson,* Tuval,® and
the author of Horae Svisedvae^ published collections
which are now unknown except to the specialist. The
numerous writings of more recent date bearing the gen-
eral title have made the essay extremely hard to define,
^ but such was not the case in the first half of the sixteenth
century. The custom of essayists, their statements about
their own writings, and the definition given by at least
one schoolmaster for the guidance of pupils in essay-writ-
ing, enable us to distinguish the essay from the mass of
pamphlet literature of that time. It is a "short dis-
course " in prose written in a leisurely manner and in an
urbane, non-controversial spirit, in which are developed,
according to a plan more or less vague, "undigested"
thoughts on such conmionplace subjects as ignorance, jus-
tice, hate, love, pride, humility, etc. The style, usually
aphoristic and epigrammatic, is enlivened by illustration
and anecdote generally drawn from classical literature.
While the purpose is usually diversion, there is frequently
present a more or less didactic tone. Sometimes the com-
monplaces are the personal experience or feelings of the
writer, a feature which is specially noticeable in Mon-
taigne's Essais and the compositions of Comwallis and
^ Eaaayes, in two parts, 1631.
* EawUes, or Rather Imperfect Offers, 1607.
' Vade Meoum, 1620.
« Published in 1620.
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GBBATEBT OF THB BBBAYIBT8 549
Cowley. In Eacon's Essays even, there is a great deal of
this autobiographical element, — ^much more than appears
on the surface.
Hanj difficulties are met in applying this description
to the actual compositions of acknowledged essay-writers,
and the most obvious difficulty lies in the fact that it takes
no account of the " critical " essay. Custom seems to have
decided that literature is the theme par excellence for the
essay. Moreover, when literature is the subject, the ortho-
dox, dispassionate essay " mood " is frequently displaced
by a pardonable enthusiasm. Several of the early essay-
ists shook tentatively the boughs of the tree of criticism.
Bacon's Of Discourse treats of the arts of conversation,
and Of Masques and Triumphs deals with the rules for the
proper presentation of two forms of entertainment more
or less connected with literature. John Stephen's essay
Of Poetry (1615) suggests Sidney's Defence in many
places. Comwallis's Of Essay es and BooJces touches upon
almost every kind of literature in the author's usual des-
ultory manner, and Felltham ^ rambles over the same
ground, pausing here and there to examine hastily the
questions of literary criticism made current by Sidney's
Defence. To these children of the Eenaissance, such sub- 1
jects were the commonplaces of conversation. Nothing
lay nearer the hearts of these fireside philosophers than
the " Bookes " which they loved, and which frequently
furnished the occasion of their essays, as they generally
supplied them with illustrative anecdote.
The pieces just mentioned are all contained in books
of essays. There is here no question of Dryden's Essay of
Dramatic Poesy or of Sidney's Apologie, all such perform-
ances lying quite beyond the scope of the present discus-
^Be%olve9, 1623.
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\
660 W. L. MAODOI^AU)
sion. Professor Walker lias gone astray in seeking for
" Anticipations of the Essay " in Hie pamphlet literature
of the Elizabethan period. Professor Gregory Smith's
Elizabethan Critical Essays, from which he seems to have
drawn most of his material for the chapter^ are in no sense
essays, except in the loosest of modern applications of the
term. There is as much similarity between the urbanity
of the essayists and the spirit of Gosson's School of Abuse
as there is between the sweet reasonableness of Newman's
Apologia and the venom of Milton's pamphlet on Divorce.
Anticipations tiere were, of course, but they are to be
sought in the place to which Eacon pointed, the Morals of
Plutarch and the Epistolae of Seneca ; in the classical dis-
courses of John of Salisbury and the half -paganized moral
sermons of the mediaeval theologians.
The conditions which produced the eighteenth-century
periodicals led to a change of tc^ie in the essay, but the
instrument remained essentially the same. What we know
as the English Eenaissance, had run its course in England
in matters of literature as well as in religion and politics.
Men of letters no longer wrote for the delectation of some
few who, like themselves, were steeped in classical lore.
The readers for whom they wrote were no longer men of
the stay-at-home kind who took a quiet delight in the
pagan speculations of a belated stoic philosopher. Their
home was the club, the dining-hall, the coffee-house; their
subjects of conversation, the last new play, the last book
of poetry, the latest fashion, and the latest scandaL Fur-
thermore, the appeal of writers was no longer to men
alone. Women had taken their place not only on the stage
but amongst the playwrights themselves. In putting for-
ward his project of an academy for women, Defoe express-
ed his contempt for the barbarism of his so-called civilized
country in denying the advantages of education to the
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GBEATEST OF THE EBSAYIBTB 651
female sex. The number of pamphlete, letters^ and books
dealing with the deportment and the conversation proper
to young ladies, testifies to the growing importance attach-
ed by men of letters to women readers.
Steele and Addison provided the vehicle to supply the
demand created by this new reading public. As Greene
says, " Literature suddenly doflFed its stately garb of folio
or octavo and stepped abroad in the light and easy dress
of pamphlet and essay." The garb had changed, but the
essay thus brought into being is not essentially different
from ^e older essay of Bacon and Cowley. The subjects
are still the commonplaces of life; but instead of being
treated in the abstract, as was generally ^e custom with
the older essayists who wrote for men of learning like
themselves, they are presented in the concrete. Instead
of a philosophical discourse " Of Petticoats," we see the
offending garment brought into the Tatler^s Court and
gravely banished from the world of fashion. " Of Pre-
cedence," "Of Country Manners," "Of False Delicacy,"
etc., are no longer shown "with their several parts or
kindes, with their distinctions, the several causes, ad-
juncts, and effects of each sort and kinde." We see, in-
stead, a group of country gentlemen acting in a way sug-
gestive of the noli episcopari of ecclesiastical procedure;
a typical fox-hunting squire, representative of an ignorant
gentry who are the greatest enemies of the King and Gov-
ernment ; and a linen draper condemned to the loss of his
tongue because he talks of such suggestive things as
" linen " and " smocks " in the presence of a lady of
quality. The purpose of Steele and Addison is frankly
different from that of the earlier essayists. Not for di-
version simply do they write, but " to banish vice and ig-
norance out of the territoricB of Great Britain." The
tone of the periodical essays is therefore generally satirical
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552 W. L. MACDONALD
in contrast with that of the normal essay of the earlier
period; but there is noticeable the same classical reserve
and detachment as is present in the compositions of Cow-
ley, Comwallis, and Kobert Johnson. Bickerstaff and the
Spectator always preserve the bearing of a dispassionate
observer, of one who is more grieved than angered by the
petty foibles of his fellow countrymen. It is to be further
noted that controversial subjects as such have no more
place in the Toiler and Spectator than tiey have in the
early essay. Strong adherent as Addison was of the parly
of the Kevolution, he never allowed his political prejudices
to lead him into the errors of violence and temper that so
often disgrace the pamphlets of his time. The fate of the
Guardian, if not of the Toiler, is a warning to the writer
who forsakes the quiet walks of the literary essay for the
rocky path of the political pamphlet. Throughout the
history of the essay contemporary events and controversial
questions have been excluded. The Tatter and Spectator
were the product of the time of Marlborough wars, but
how often do the victories of the British arms form topics
for discussion in the daily essay? Lamb was an accom-
, plished essayist when England was at deatli grips with
, Napoleon, but I recall only a single mention of Bona-
parte's name in any of his writings. So it is with re-
ligious controversy. Bacon writes dispassionately "Of
Religion *' at a time when people were thinking much more
of differences that separated the sects than of the common
bond of fellowship between them.
But again an exception must be made where it is a
matter of literary criticism. Writing about a book he
loves or dislikes, as the case may be, the essayist is bound
to throw aside his characteristic reserve and appear as an
ardent advocate or prosecutor. It was so with the Renais-
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OHABLES LAMB, GREATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 563
sance scholars who cultivated the poise and reserve of their
classical masters. Even Sir Philip Sidney, a typical
product of the Eenaissance, wrote with enthusiasm of
Chevy Chase and with scorn of OorbodiLc. In the garb of
essayists, though not of the kind which affects this dis-
cussion closely, Dryden and Temple actually took part in
the literary controversy which received its quietus in
Swift's Battle of the Books. Addison has given up for
the time being the role of a detached critical observer, to
assume that of an advocate. It does not concern us here to
discuss Addison's critical essays any further than to note
that they glance backward to classical models and classi-
cal canons of poetry, that their appeal is to the learned
reading public, and that incidentally the writer enforces,
even in the Milton papers, his strictures on extravagance
in language and conduct.
Steele and Addison have generally been accepted as
typical "Augustan" essayists. In taking leave of the
century it is only necessary to mention Qt)ldsmith and
Johnson as later representatives. The Citizen of the World
is in no way inferior to the more famous Spectator, but
why are the Rambler and Idler now read only from a
sense of duty? Is the explanation not found in the fact
that Johnson's essays are, generally speaking, a reversion
to type ? Here we have the old subjects treated abstract-
ly in the manner of Bacon and Comwallis. It is not
enough to say that the style is ponderous. So too is the
style of Gibbon and Burke, in a sense, but their subjects
are never commonplace. Through Addison, Steele, and
Goldsmith we have become accustomed to seeing the foibles
and weaknesses of mankind treated in a light, playful
fashion; Johnson's attempts to be free and airy usually
suggest the effect of a rigadoon played on a trombone. The
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554 W. L. JICAO DONALD
ponderous style lends itself more fitly to the serious and
abstract, but the day for that kind of essay passed when
the curtain was rung down upon ^^ Aphoristic " essayists.
n
Nature and destiny combined to make an essayist of
Charles Lamb, as they had combined to make an historian
of Gibbon. He says himself that had it not been for an
impediment in his speech he should have entered the pul-
pit; the same defect, "even more than certain personal
disqualifications," may have prevented him from going
on the stage ; his duties as clerk until the age of fifty, and
his noble solicitude for his afflicted sister, left him little
leisure for prolonged literary effort. On the other hand,
these very circumstances forced him to seek expression in
the shorter compositions that have made his name famous.
But apart altogether from the conditions in which his life
was passed, Lamb's genius was suited for the essay. What-
ever virtues Rosamond Oray and John WoodvU possess,
they unquestionably show that the author was deficient in
constructive powers as well as in capacity for character
drawing in story and drama. For one kind of character
sketching he had, as will be shown later, a peculiar felicity,
.but this aptitude merely points with other finger-posts
along the highway of the essay.
To get a complete idea of Lamb the essayist, attention
must not be centered entirely upon the Elia collections.
No doubt these contain what Lamb considered the best
of his contributions to the London Magazines, but it is
difficult to understand some of the omissions. When, for
instance, he saw fit to include On the Artificial Comedy
of the Last Century and Barrenness of the Imaginative
Faculty, why did he not reprint On the Tragedies of
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CHABLES LAMB^ GBEATEST OF THB ESSAYISTS 655
Shakespeare, written in 1811, as he did the Bachelor's
Camplamt, written in the same year ? Edax on Appetite,
Hospita on Immoderate Indulgence, and On the Custom
of Hissing at the Theatres, not to mention a dozen other
pieces which are now included in the Miscellaneous Prose,
are all worthy of a place in, the collection which will be
Lamb's passport on the day of Judgment
" My Essays," wrote Lamb to his publishers, " want no
preface; they are all preface. A preface is nothing but
a talk with the reader; and they do nothing else." This
is exactly the attitude of all the earlier essayists. !N'othing
in Lamb— not even the autobiographical element — ^is so
suggestive of Montaigne as the jovial contempt he fre-
quently shows for any sort of unity in his essays. They
are, as all the older essays professed to be, only " imperfect
offers, loose sallies of the mind, irr^ular or undigested
pieces," ® that " rather glaunce at all things with a run-
ning conceit, than insist on any with a slowe discourse." ^
In Praise of Chvnvney Sweepers, is a good example of
what an essay subject may become, — a mere starting point
from which various related or unrelated ideas may be de-
veloped. With the exception of the last two pages, the
Praise is so attenuated as to be as near nil as can be. The
text, Old China, is again a mere starting point, the real
subject of the piece being the joys of easy poverty as
against the cares of affluence. Like Montaigne and Com-
wallis, Lamb refuses to " chain himself to the head of
his chapter." In the very last lines the original situation,
the imaginary theme, is recalled as a joke by the essayist.
Of course, an author who indulges in such vagaries may
write at ojiy length according to his mood, the allotted
space, or the fecundity of his mind. Montaigne writes a
• Johnson's Dictionary, * Tuval, Vade Meoum,
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556 W. L. MAO DONALD
couple of pages on the subject That the House of Parley is
Dangerous, a page on Idleness, sixty on Vanity, and seven-
ty Upon Some Verses of Virgil. But Montaigne was not
writing for a magazine, and Lamb was; consequently the
latter had to set some limit to his digressions other than
that fixed by the fertility of his brain. But there is ample
evidence that he approached his subject in just the same
way as Montaigne. Professor Walker's statement that
the essays of Lamb and Montaigne " could under no cir-
cumstances expand into treatises; they are complete in
themselves/' is meaningless or wrong, or else the critic
is insisting upon the formality of the treatise. Take for
example one of the essays just mentioned. In Praise of
Chimney Sweepers is evidently an expansion of a short
paper entitled A Sylvan Surprise published as Table Talk
in the Examiner ten years earlier. Rejoicings Upon the
New Year's Condng of Age, one of the sprightliest of all
the Elia essays, is an expanded form of the Fable for
Twelfth Day printed in 1802. Furthermore, two para-
graphs in the Rejoicings were expanded into separate pa-
pers which appeared a couple of years later. One of these
delightful passages in the longer piece must be quoted:
" Order being restored — ^the young lord (who, to say
truth, had been a little ruffled, and put beside his oratory)
in as few, and yet obliging words as possible, assured them
of entire welcome; and, with a graceful turn, singling out
poor TwerUy^irUh of February, that had sate all this
while mumchance at the sideboard, begged to couple his
health with that of the good company before him — ^which
he drank accordingly ; observing, that he had not seen his
honest face any time these four years, with a namiber of
endearing expressions besides. At the same time, remov-
ing the solitary Day from the forlorn seat which had been
assigned him, he stationed him at his own board, 8ome\
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CHABLSS LAMBy GBBATE8T OF THE ESSAYISTS 657
whea*e between the Oreek Calends and Loiter Lammas."
This is the kernel of the Bem^arkable Correspondent
(1825) which complains of the neglect that Honeys Every-
day Booh has shown toward Leap-year's day; it begins
" Sir, — ^I am the youngest of Three hundred and sixty-
six brethren — ^there are no fewer of us — who have the
honour, in the words of the good old Song, to call the Sun
our Dad/' The other instance is the dispute between the
Twelfth of August and the Twenty-Third of April which
forms the basis for The Hvmble Petition of an Unfortu-
nate Day in Hone's Everyday Boole two years later.
It is readily seen that most of the pieces which appear
in Elia as Popular Fallacies are just the kind of fancies
that Lamb might have expanded into essays. As a matter
of fact two or three of these compositions are in Lamb's
happiest style and are in no way different from the Essays.
Numbers XII to XVI contain some of the best work of
Elia. The last, " The Pleasures of Sulkiness " is much
in the style of Montaigne, only here Lamb is poking fun
at himself, laying bare, in the manner of Mr. Arnold Ben-
nett, the little, mean, kinks that sometimes tend to warp
the most generous soul. One of the Fallacies (that a de-
formed person is a Lord) was published as a separate
piece under the title A Popular Fallacy. Characters of
Dramatic writers, contemporary with Shakespeare, which
are not essays in themselves, are best considered as the
kernels of essays, rough and ready thoughts occasioned by
Lamb's reading, which might have been expanded into
real " critical essays."
That Lamb, both consciously and imconsciously, mod-
elled his vmtinga on those of the old masters of English
prose there is ample evidence. He has the characteristic
attitude of the essayists toward what is old. His prede-
cessors of the seventeenth century were never tired of
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658 W. L* MAGDONAU)
quoting the classics; Lamb is constantly quoting the old
English classics. The names of Sir Thomas Browne,
Fuller, Butler, Marvel, Shakespeare, and the old dramat-
ists are those which most often appear in the essays, and
quotations from their writings are to be found in abund-
ance. Classical references of course are numerous, but
as has been pointed out, the general reading public of
LamVs day was no longer the kind to respond to such an
appeal; moreover. Lamb was thoroughly convinced that
his own native English contained stores as rich as any to
be found in the literature of Greece and Rome. Not only
in the matter of literature does this respect for antiquity,
or the antiquated, and neglect of the contemporary appear.
The passing of the sun-dial, the change in readers, who
no longer read for pleasure as they did thirty years ago,
the deterioration in acting, the decay of beggars and
schoolmasters, are all subjects of complaint, though of
course the complaint must be taken only half seriously.
Attention has already been called to the fact that there is
but one distinct reference to the Napoleonic wars in all
the essays — a fact that is more easily understood in 1917
than it would have been three years ago. References to
contemporaries like Hunt, Hazlitt, and Coleridge fall in
a different category, being inevitable in autobiographical
essays.
Lamb carries on the tradition of Bacon and Addison,
yet in a sense he is greater than either. Elia's aphorisms
are frequently as wise as Bacon's, but they are not so close-
ly packed together as to form the tissue of the essay. One
always feels that Bacon has something very wise to say,
that the proper thing to do is to listen attentively. Lamb,
on the other hand, frequently startles his readers by some
profound observation in the midst of seemingly trivial ^
talk. Frequently it is apparent that Lamb has little or
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GHABLSS I^AMB^ GBBATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 559
nothing to say, and then he performs the tour de force of
holding his reader by saying nothing in a clever, interest-
ing way. The Convalescent is an instance. Contrast with
this the very next piece On The Sanity of True Oerdus.
The former is spun out of mere nothing; in the latter the
essayist grapples with a real text. Did Bacon ever sound
more profound depths of wisdom than Lamb on the sub-
ject of oaths {Imperfect Sympathies) or ceremony (Bache-
lor's Complaint) ? Whether the answer is " Yes " or
" No/' there are few readers that will not find Lamb's of-
fering more acceptable than Bacon's. The latter teaches
ex cathedra, the former inveigles us into the ways of
wisdom.
Like Bacon, Lamb occasionally talks in abstract terms, as
for example in Sta^fe Illusion; more frequently, however,
the subject is opened in a general way and illustrated by
an interesting anecdote, much in the manner of Fuller's
Holy and Profane State. Examples of this kind of essay
are Witches and Other Night Fears, The Old and New
Schoolmaster and The Two Races of Men. But one can-
not say that Lamb has any particular method of treatment
He uses every method. In fact, it is Lamb's versatility,
his protean temper, his facility of surprise both in indi-
vidual pieces and in successive essays, that make the Es-
says of Elia supreme amongst their kind. One critic has
described the literary essay as being " moulded by some
central mood — whimsical, serious or satirical." The ad-
jective " serious " of this description applies suitably to
Bacon's essays, individually and in mass ; " satirical " to
the Tatler and Spectator; " whimsical " applies with spe-
cial force to the essays of Lamb. Its application, however,
should be in a sense somewhat different from that in which
the critic seems to use it. Instead of meaning " odd," let
it mean " according to the whim of the moment," and the
c
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660 W. L. MACDONAU)
term becomee more significant than either serious or satiri-
cal, because more inclusiva Lamb is a " whimsical " es-
sayist in both senses of the word. What could be more
fantastical than the AtUobiography of Mr. Munden, Be-
joicing upon the New Year's Coming of Age, Boast Pig,
and the Bemarkdble Correspondent? Tombs of the Abhey
is in a serious vein throughout. None of the other essayists,
excepting Steele occasionally, writes with such pathos as
permeates Dream Children and underlies The Wedding.
The nice balance preserved between the light and the pa-
thetic in the last named essay is an instance of the danger
in declaring that one special mood gives the key to any
individual composition of Lamb's, When we speak of
satire we think of Lamb in relation to the eighteenth-cen-
tury periodical essayists. Like Addison's, the satire of
Lamb is always light, never vindictive or canine, as is
usually the case in Hazlitt's essays. In the Imperfect Symr
pathies the writer suggests that perhaps the imperfection
is in himself. On the Custom of Hissing at the Theatres,
Hospita on the Immoderate Indulgence of the Pleasures
of the Palate, Edax on Appetite, A Vision of Horns, and
others, are very much in the style of the TcAler and Spec-
tator. The essay last named immediately suggests Addi-
son's Vision of Justice in form and substance, but as com-
pared with the latter is crude and ineffective. Addison's
infallible decorum allows him to handle a delicate subject
in such a way that only the humor of the satire is impress-
ed upon the reader. Lamb is not always decorous, and in
this instance there is something repulsive, a lack of nice
taste, which probably persuaded him to omit the piece
from the Elia collection.
Epigram and aphorism, the stock in trade of the older
essayists, are abundantly present everywhere in Lamb, but
in using them the nineteenth-century writer has improved
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0HABLS8 JjAMBj GBBATEST OF THE BSSATISTS 661
upon his masters. Lamb's purpose is to entertain his
readers, not to provide an exercise in mental gymnastics.
Bacon parades his witticisms and profound general truths
in massed battalions. Lamb's method is to lead them out
in extended order — a more effective if less imposing ar-
rangement. The occasional epigram gives a fillip to the
intellect and raises the commonplaje to a higher plane
without forcing the mind to be constantly on the alert.
The usual way with Lamb, as vTith all essayists, is to open
up the subject with a striking statement that immediately
arrests attention. " The human species," thus he b^ns
The Two Races of Men, " according to the best theory I
can form of it, is composed of two distinct races, the men
ivho borrow and the men who lend/' " I have no ear — "
are the opening words of A Chapter on Ears. Wealth of
allusion, apt metaphor and simile are qualities of style
that every prose writer requires who wishes to be inter-
esting. Lamb's felicity in this respect is too obvious to
be insisted upon here ; every critic of the essayist has dis-
cussed these elements of his style. The peculiar effect of
Lamb's style is best expressed in the word " unexpected-
ness." He can be grave and gay, dignified and playful,
grandiose and simple, rhetorical and pathetic in successive
compositions and sometimes in the same essay. The style
is as whimsical as the mood which produces it, and the
exact correspondence of the two constitutes the special
charm of Lamb's essays. In this respect he is far superior-
to all his predecessors. Bacon seldom if ever unbends.
The eighteenth-century periodical writers, to whom Lamb
is much more nearly allied, are always dignified. To ap-
ply a phrase of Mr. Chesterton's, their style never plays
the fool, though it sometimes takes a holiday. One never
finds in the Spectator, the Tatler, or the Citizen of the
World the delightful abandonment, the breathless hilarity
v^
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662 W. L. MACDONALD
of Poor BeUUions, The Praise of Chimney Sweepers^ A
Chapter on Ears, and the Autobiography of Mr. Munden.
To appreciate the full range of Lamb's power one should
read in succession a series like the following; any one of
the list given, Old China, Rejoicings upon the New Team's
Coming of Age, The Tragedies of Shakespeare, Samty of
True Oenius, and Dream Children.
The seventeenth-century " character " is a form nearly
related to the essay. The decade which saw the first edi-
tion of Bacon's Essays witnessed the appearance of Casau-
bon's Latin translation of Theophrastus's Characters. The
normal character is a brief composition consisting of sen-
tentious, epigrammatic, often paradoxical statements, de-
fining and describing a person or thing not as an individual
but as representative of a class. The essential difference
from the essay lies in the concrete treatment of the char-
acter and the satirical mood of the writer. But this has
reference to the normal type of both character and essay.
Frequently the two forms exchange garb to such an ex-
tent that the reader, if not Ite writer, is at a loss to dis-
tinguish between them. This tendency towards fusion is
well illustrated by the titles of many of the earlier char-
acter-books: Characters upon Essays,^ Essays wnd Charade-
ters of a Prison,^ Characters or Essays of Persons, Trades
and Places,^^ etc
As a writer of characters in the seventeenth-century
meaning of the word. Lamb is an adept. But just as he
was too versatile an essayist to conform to any particular
mould, so in character writing he is too great an adept to
confine himself to any form or any particular mood. Sym-
pathy with his fellow-men and his kindly nature would
" Nicholas Breton, 1616 • Gtefray Mynshul, 1618.
""R. M." Miorologia, OharaoterB, etc., 1629.
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0BEATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 663
not allow him to indulge in the mordant, satirical humor
that ordinarily gives pungency to the seventeenth-century
character. Moreover, interest in the life around him for-
bade his dwelling on the abstract qualities of a class when
he saw only the concrete eccentricities of an individual.
At the same time Lamb does write characters of the older
kind. His versatility is amazing. Nothing makes greater
demand upon the " sheer wit " of an author than a char-
acter sketch that consists only of happy epigrams; and
nothing of the same length in all Elizabethan and Jacobean
literature is more clever than the first three paragraphs
of Poor Relations. At the end of the first he seems to
gasp for breath to utter an adequate "apology to your
friends.'' And so for two more pages he seems to chal-
lenge the whole field of character writers — ^Earle, Over-
bury, Butler, and the rest, to do their worst — or best — and
he will meet them on any field with their own weapons.
And to round off the piece he gives the pathetic " in-
stance " of " Poor W— " of Christ's college, and " the
mysterious figure of an aged gentleman clothed in neat
black " whom the author remembered to have seen at his
father's table every Saturday. Such a closing recalls the
manner of Thomas Fuller's Holy and Profane State, but
again with a difference. Lamb using instances from his
own experience. Fuller drawing them from history. In
only one character does Lamb show the bared teeth of the
satirist, — ^in The Oood Clerh, which is otherwise very
reminiscent of his beloved Fuller. The Character of an
Undertaker, appended to the essay On Burial Societies, is
entirely in the style of Earle; Tom Pry and Tom Pry's
Wife in the " Lepus " papers recall similar pieces in the
Spectator and Tatler. In My Relations Lamb draws the
portrait of his " aunt " and his " cousin," James Elia, in
the humorous manner and loving spirit of the Sir Roger
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564 W. L. MAC DONALD
de Coverley papers. The Oentle Oiantess and A Gharac"
ter (of Egomet) are more in the modem style of character
sketches. The delightful Convalescent is a diaracter in
Lamb's style only.
As has been remarked above, Rosamond Gray and John
WoodvU prove pretty conclusively that Lamb lacked the
capacity for showing the gradual development of character
through action and conflict. His genius was not suited to
such a task. Ko character excepting that of Bridget Elia
recurs in the essays^ and it seems entirely improbable that
Lamb had the intention of giving any sort of unity to the
Elia pieces by this device. Yet the Bridget essays inevit-
ably suggest the Jenny Bickerstaff nimibers of the Tatter
and the Sir Roger papers of the Spectator. Whether there
was intention or not on the part of Lamb in following the
lead of the eighteenth-century masters, it is obvious that
Bridget Elia is much more shadowy as a character than
either Jenny Bickerstaff or Sir Roger de Coverley.
The autobiographical element in the Essays of Elia has
often been discussed. For the purpose of this article it is
necessary to allude to it only in a general way. The per-
sonal element in Lamb's essays shows similarity to, and
difference from, the same feature in Montaigne's. Given
the key, one can re-construct a great part of Lamb's life
from Elia. How much could one reconstruct of Mon-
taigne's life from his writings ? The latter writes of what
he sees, feels, thinks, and reads ; Lamb does all that, but
also talks frankly of many incidents of his life. The
names that one meets in reading Montaigne are those of
celebrities, and Montaigne usually speaks of them as such.
Lamb talks of famous men of old and of the present, but
he also has a great deal to say of his friends and acquaint-
ances. In Lamb's work Coleridge is not so much a great
English poet as a close friend of the author; hence there is
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OHABLES I.AMB, GEKATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 565
a double interest when the names of Coleridge, Hunt,
Boyle, and Hazlitt occur. To quote from S. C, Hill's in-
troduction to the second series of the Essays of Elia : " In
LamVs writings, as in Montaigne's, the subject is the
writer himself — ^not, however, the mere individual Lamb,
but Lamb as he was connected with his numerous friends,
as his sympathy identified him with the inhabitants of the
great city in which he lived/' In other words, Lamb bet-
ters the instruction of his masters where the autobiograph-
ical as well as where most of the other elements of the
essay are concerned.
Many of Lamb's essays are not in the dispassionate es-
say mood. Frequently the mdignatio saeva is merely af-
fected, as for instance when he makes his bachelor's com-
plaint against the display of married happiness, or when
he warms his wrath against the " sea-charmed emigrants "
from town who, trained in the pit of the London concert
haUs, pretend to find a pleasure in the music of the waves
— ^because it is the fashion. But in Readers against the
Oram his anger, if not white hot, is genuine, because the
offence is simulated, half-hearted, empty loyalty to a sov-
ereign who, according to Lamb's way of thinking, de-
mands whole-souled allegiance or none at all. And this
brings us to the subject of Lamb's literary criticism, not
the excellence or limitations of it, — ^that has been treated
often enough already, — ^but its place in Lamb's essays.
When the question is one that concerns literature or any
allied subject in which Lamb has a special interest, paint-
ing or acting, he never pretends to assume a detached at-
titude,— ^that is one of the reasons why his remarks are so
readable. On the Oenius and Character of Hogarth was
written quite frankly for the purpose of combating the
" vulgar notion " respecting the artist. The Tragedies of
Shakespeare was inspired by the inscription to Garrick in
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566 W. L. HACDONALD
the Abbey which practically puts the actor on a par with
the dramatist This aroused Lamb's ire and became the
occasion of one of the most famous passages in literary
criticism. But Lamb overstated his own case and was led
by his passion into uttering a paradox. The same thing
happened in the essay On the Artificial Comedy of the
Last Century. Lamb loved paradox; he loved to shock
conventionality. " I like a smuggler/* he says in The Old
Margate Hoy, " he is the only honest thief He does not
approve of the crusade against Beggars^ ^^ the oldest and
honourablest form of pauperism." Frequently whole pas-
sages give the effect of paradox, although he is not stat-
ing paradoxes. Poptdar Fallacies witness to the same
predilection for the unpopular side. So in the two famous
critical pieces mentioned above, he has just been led to
utter a paradox and afterwards forced to bolster his thesis
with special pleadings. For while there is much truth in
every part of these two essays, the total impression that
remains after seeing a good performance of one of Shake-
speare's tragedies is that they are fitted for presentation on
the stage ; and after reading many of the comedies of the
eighteenth century, one is forced to conclude that the dra-
matists of that period did take delight in shocking the
ordinary views of morality.
m
The claims of most of the essayists since Lamb to pre-
cedence may be disposed of without much discussion. By
the accident of 1776, if for no other reason, Washington
Irving, Emerson, and Oliver Wendell Holmes are dis-
qualified from running. Macaulay, Carlyle, and Matthew
Arnold belong to another category of essayists. Their
work is nearly all critical or biographical, and the com-
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CHABLB8 LAMB^ GBBATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 667
pletenees and finisk of the separate pieces belie the real
significance of the general title they bear. Moreover, in
each case the attitude and the spirit of the writer are f ai
removed from those of the traditional essayist Macaulay
proves his point by mercilessly beating down his oppo-
nents with the sledge-hammer blows of his argument.
Carlyle poses as a preacher, and not a very happy one.
He is generally in a rage with an unbelieving or, worse
still, an unthinking generation; and though the passion
may be justified and generally does credit to the writer,
it militates against his claims as an essayist. In matters
of criticism Arnold " settles hoti's business, dead from the
waist down.'' Ipse dixit. " There nis no more to ssLjeJ^
But Arnold really does not call for consideration here at
all, as his essays make no claim to be other than critical.
Of all the nineteenth-century essayists who challenge
Lamb's position, William Hazlitt deserves first considera-
tion of his claims. If one wished to avoid the issue, the
thesis that Lamb was the ^^ last " of the essayists might be
defended on the ground of chronology, the collected edi-
tions of Hazlitt being slightly earlier than those of Lamb.
But the two writers are really contemporaries and should
be judged as such. In one respect, Hazlitt is the greater
essayist; page for page his writings contain more of wis-
dom than Lamb's. In this sense Bacon is the greatest of
all the essayists. But it has been pointed out that aphor-
ism and epigram may be carried too far, and the combined
effect of Hazlitt's rather saturnine genius and epigram-
matic style is one of depression, if not fatigue, when sev-
eral of his essays are read in succession. On the Knowl-
edge of Character contains a significant passage ; " What
is it to me that I can write these Table-Talks ? It is true
I can, by a reluctant effort, rake up a parcel of half-f or-
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568 W. L. HAODONAIJ)
gotten observationB, but they do not float on the surface of
mj mind^ nor stir it with any sense of pleasure^ now even
of prida Others have more property in them than I have :
fliey msLj reap the benefit^ I have only had the pain."
This is a far remove from Lamb's '^ make-shift papers "
or " talks '' with the reader. Lamb's words, of course, are
not to be taken too literally; but it is hard to conceive any
of his essays as being the slow product of '^ reluctant ef-
fort.'' Hazlitt's remarks on men and things are almost
always caustic. The " singularity " of the views advanced
in Promeihev^ Unbotmd is the object of several pages of
bitter sarcasm. The amende honorable which he sees fit to
make is an equally bitter arraignment of the "finished
common-place " of Mr. Canning's Liverpool speech. Lamb
once wrote a sharp letter to Southey, reproaching him for
an imjustifiable censure of the irreligion of parts of the
Essays. All of this letter that Lamb considered as repre-
sentative of Elia was the part which displayed the least
personal animus — The Tombs in the Abbey. In the es-
say, On Vvlgwrity and Affectation, Hazlitt goes out of his
way to " make an example " of one who had seen fit to
condemn his dramatic criticisms. Such " gall in the ink,"
while it lends poignancy to the words, detracts from the
pleasure of reading the essays as a whole, and points to a
real limitation in Hazlitt as an essayist With all his wis-
dom, epigram, and paradox, he lacks the versatility of his
contemporary. He writes de omnibus rebiLS et qwibusdam
aliis, he chats in an extremely interesting and informal
way, generally instructive and always stimulating, but he
cannot write in all moods and all styles. In all but a very
few essays like Beading Old Boohs, one misses the effect
of sunshine and blue sky, the effect, say, of such pieces as
Lamb's Mockery End and Captain Jackson.
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OHASLBS LAMB, GBEATEST OF THB ESSAYISTS 669
Ko one would claim for Leigh Hunt a place amongst essay-
ists as high as that of his contemporary Lamb. Hunt's repu-
tation has inevitably suffered from the effects of his enor-
mous journalistic activity. He produced too much to produce
much that is good, and when accoimt is taken of the fact
that his abilities at best were only mediocre — ^at least as
compared with those of his brilliant contemporaries — ^flie
position he holds amongst essayists is easily explained.
Nearly all the critics try to be as charitable with Hunt as
they can be with justice, simply because he was, like " The
Man in Black " in the Citizen of the World, " tolerably
good-natured without the least harm in him.'' The sub-
jects he treats are commonplace, and it must be said his
treatment is generally commonplace, sprightly perhaps,
but still conmionplace. His essays give in die bulk the
impression of triviality, dilettantism, diffuseness, even
padding. This does not mean diat there are not good
things to be found, but that much reading is necessary to
discover something that is worth whila Hunt should be
read in a " pretty " edition. The collection, for example,
edited by Arthur Symons and illustrated by H. M. Brock
has this great advantage, that if one tires of the reading
one may turn with pleasure to the pictures. Hazlitt's
opinion that Leigh Hunt " inherits more of the spirit of
Steele than any man since his time," if true, means only
that the English Essay had outgrown the garb of the
TaMer, or that Isaac Bickerstaff had become a mere shade
amongst English essayists.
Many are inclined to think that Stevenson's fame will
rest upon his essays. Whether this estimate is true or not,
he must always be ranked very high amongst English es-
sayists; posterity will ultimately have to decide as to the
relative excellence of his novels and essays. The question
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670 W. L. MAODONAU)
to be considered here is whether as an essayist he ranks as
high as Charles Lamb^ whether after all he is an essay-
ist in the same sense as Lamb. In the first place^ Steven-
son's essays are usually much longer than Lamb's^ and
as a^ rule the compositions of the former have an approxi-
mate uniformity in this respect The contents include a
fairly large variety of subject matter, yet the bulk of the
literary and biographical pieces is relatively much greater
than in the case of Lamb's essays. These are small points^
and yet they have a real bearing on the question of ihe
total impression made by the collections of the two essay-
ists. A cursory glance at the table of contents indicates
a difference between the two. When the essays themselves
are examined simply as ^' essays," several marked differ-
ences appear. As against the ^^ crude, unlicked, incondite
things " of Lamb the essays of Stevenson at once impress
the reader as being elaborate, complete, finished pieces.
Such a comparison does not necessarily imply disparage-
ment of the one, nor undue praise of the other. Who shall
decide which displays the greater " art " as an essayist t
The artist who wrote Kidnapped is utterly incapable of
dashing off for the press a few casual remarks, wise thou^
they be, on some casual subject The " gossip " on Eo-
mance and the '^ gossip " on a novel of Dumas's are in-
formal only in name. The impression of impromptu is
** never gained from reading an essay by Stevenson. He
nails himself down to his subject and seldom if ever al-
lows himself to digress. He is even chary of illustrative
anecdote, and never abandons himself to the mood of the
moment When a reader picks up a volume of Steven-
son's essays, he knows pretty well that he will be adequate-
ly repaid for half an hour's reading, but he knows also
that his delight will be the disciplined, chastened pleas-
ure derived from reading a lyric or a drama. Contrast
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CHABLES liAMB^ GBBATEST OF THE ESSAYISTS 571
with this the pleasure one gets from ihe unexpectednees of
Lamb's essays, from reading, say A Chapter on Ears and
then Dream Children. The individual reader must say,
of course, which kind of pleasure he prefers and thus de-
cide which is his favorite essayist ; but Stevenson's is not
the way of the traditional essay, the essay of Bacon, of
Cowley, of Addison, and Lamb. Besides, there is in
Stevenson too much of the participant in life's contests
and too Kttle of the spectator to admit him to full com-
munion with the masters.
When mention is made of The Bounddbovi Papers, the
nineteentii-century collections that seriously challenge com-
parison with Elia are about exhausted. " In tiiese essay-
kins," says Thackeray, " I have taken leave to egotise. I
cry out about the shoes which pinch me, and, as I fancy,
more naturally and pathetically than if my neighbour's
corns were trodden under foot" And while the Round-
abouts treat of almost every conceivable subject in the
desultory style of Montaigne, the sentence just quoted
gives on the whole the keynote of the collection. The
shoes do pinch whoever wears them, and however natural-
ly and pathetically the vn'iter may talk of the discomfort,
Thackeray the essayist is always the same as Thackeray
the novelist. The " essaykins " are for the most part of
a piece with the philosophical digressions one meets so
frequently in all Thackeray's novels ; somewhat more ex-
panded, of course, and furnished with an occasion or text
to give each a sort of unity. " All claret would be port if
it could." ... "In literature, in politics, in the army,
the navy, the church, at the bar, in the world, what an
immense quantity of cheap liquor is made to do service
for better sorts ! " The quotations taken from the two es-
says hardly do justice to the collection as a whole, in
which there is a great deal in Thackeray's best style, —
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572 W. L. ICACDONAXD
allusion, wit, wisdom, pathos; but the total effect of read-
ing the Roundabout Papers is the same as that produced
by reading the novels, a feeling of depression.
In the foregoing discussion an attempt has be^i made
to show in outline that the English essay has had an al-
most unbroken career as a literary form from the time of
Bacon to the late nineteenth century, and in particular
that the Essays of Elia are lineal descendants of ances-
tors that flourished in the seventeenth and the eighteenth
centimes. And not only are Lamb's essays in the main
current of what may be called the " literary essay," but
preced^ace may fairly be claimed for them over any other
similar collection in English. Lamb used all styles of
essay-writing, and in the words of Johnson's epitaph on
Goldsmitii, he touched nothing which he did not adorn.
In skilful handling of the materials with which essayists
have worked, aphorism, epigram, character-writing, liter-
ary criticism, etc., he has proved himself second to none,
and in versatility, whether of style, mood, or wit, superior
to all the rest.
W. L. MacDonald.
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XXII.— THE THEME OF DEATH IN PARADISE
LOST
The theme of Milton's epic, we are told at the begin-
ning of the poem, is man's disobedience, which brought
death into the world. If there is a central doctrine in
Paradise Lost, it would seem to be that death is the in-
evitable result of sin. The voice of God declares with
severe emphasis that man, once become sinful.
To expiate Ms treason hath naught left.
But to destruction sacred and devote,
He with his whole posterity must die.^
Death, then, is peculiarly Satan's gift to man; when the
devil entered Paradise, he came, we are told, " devising
death to them who lived." ^ Yet in the last two books of
the epic Milton apparently contradicts himself; he tells
us that death is not a curse but a comforter, not the gift
of Satan but the gift of God. That the new account of
death should lack none of the authority which the earlier
doctrine enjoyed, he puts it also into the mouth of Gh>d:
I, at first, with two fair gifts
Created him [man] endowed — ^with Happiness
And Immortality; that fondly lost,
TJaAs other served but to eternize woe.
Till I provided Death; so Death becomes
His final remedy.*
To this contradiction between tie earlier and the later ac-
counts of death in Paradise Lost, this paper would call at-
tention.
A parallel contradiction might be noticed in the earlier
* Paradise Loitt, m, 207 sq, ■ Ibid., TV, 197.
•/Wd., XI, 59 sq.
573
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574 JOHN EBSKINB
and the later accounts of sin. For tie greater portion of
his epic Milton holds that sin is the essential product of
evil, the very child of the devil, and that therefore it can
produce nothing but further sin, and death at last Yet
at ihe end of the poem, after Michael has foretold tiie
blessed age when Earth shall be all Paradise, far happier
than the first Eden, it seems to have crossed Milton's
thought that perhaps we should have lost something, had
our original parents clung to their innocence; perhaps we
should have lost some spiritual benefit, which no saint
would be without* Adftm raises this question —
Full of doubt I stand.
Whether I should repent me now of sin
By me done and occasioned, or rejoice
Much more that much more good thereof shall spring —
To God more glory, more good-will to men
From God — and over wrath grace shaU abound.'
The idea that sin may serve a good purpose in affording
divine mercy something to work on, is unfortunately not
imknown to theology, but Milton means more than this ugly
paradox. He is expriessing a doubt whether what is called
sin may not prove to be, here in earthly fortunes, a life-
giving benefaction. When Adam confides this doubt to
Michael, we expect the archangel to straighten out the
remarks into something like orthodoxy; but apparently
the heavenly messenger shares Adam's sentiments.
This contradiction in Milton's accounts of death and
of sin is here stated somewhat sharply j it is obvious that
the illustrations take on a certain exaggeration when iso-
lated from the whole text. It is obvious also that the
terms need defining. The death that follows Satan's dis-
obedience, for example, can hardly be identical with the
* Of. Kenyon's speech in The Marble Faun, ch. L.
' ParadUe Lost, xn, 473 eg.
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THE THBKB OF DEATH IN FABADISB LOST 575
death that follows Adam's sin, for there is no prospect
that Satan will cease to exist. Milton has fortunately
made clear for us in his treatise on Christian Doctrine
what he means by Sin and by Death. He there enumer-
ates the four degrees of death recognized by theologians.^
The first degree ^'comprehends all those evils which lead
to deadi, and which it is agreed came into the world im-
mediately upon the fall of man" — such evils, he con-
tinues, as guiltiness, terrors of conscience, the loss of di-
vine favor, " a diminution of the majesty of the human
coimtenance, and a conscious degradation of the mind."
The second degree is spiritual death — ^that is, loss of
innate righteousness, loss of understanding to discern the
chief good, and loss of liberty to do good. These two de-
grees of death are defined in the Christian Doctrine as
applying to man, but in Paradise Lost their effects are
traced more relentlessly in Satan, the majesty of whose
countenance is gradually diminished, whose mind is con-
sciously degraded, and who at last is without understand-
ing to discern the chief good. But the death with which
Adam and Eve are threatened, and which Milton allows to
obscure the spiritual decay in their characters, is the
third degree of death,^ the dying of the soul as well as of
the body. Milton's opinion is well known, that the soul
perishes with the body,® and that at the resurrection all
men are to be "made alive" again quite literally, the
righteous for inmiortal happiness, and the wicked for the
fourth and last degree of death — everlasting torment.
* Chapter zn. * Chapter xni.
' Milton seems to have made the acquaintance of this idea in Cal-
vin's Payohopofinyohia (Opera, ed. Baton, Cunit£, Reuse, vol. v, p.
168), a tract written in 1534 ugainai the idea. The doctrine had
been taught by certain of the early Anabaptists, whom Calvin felt it
necessary to answer.
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676 JOHir EBSKno
Even with these definitions^ however^ the contradiction
remains between the theory that all degrees of deadi are
the result of sin, and God's announcement that the third
degree of death, the sleep of the soul between this life
and the resurrection, is his merciful gift, man's last
remedy.
The definition of sin in the Christian Doctrine • seems
at first less important than the discussion of death, but it
suggests certain reflections on Paradise Lost which per-
haps explain the contradictory accounts of death there
given. Sin is defined as disobedience, as transgression of
law; and two kinds of sin are noticed — ^that which is
comimon to all men, and that which is personal to each
individual. Personal sin, however, flows from the general
guiltiness of the race, and every later form of wrongs
doing is traceable to the first disobedience in Eden. We
sometimes forget that Paradise Lost illustrates " all our
woe " as well as Ae single cause of it, and that Milton was
committed by his program to a portrayal not only of the
act in which all men with Adam sinned and died, but
also of some personal acts in which sinful individuals
disclose their ruined disposition. We sometimes fail to
observe that whereas Adam and Eve before the fall repre-
sent the whole race allegorically, he standing as a symbol
for all his sons and she for all her daughters, after the
fall they are two individuals, suffering the consequences
of a particular sin which they alone committed, and rep-
resenting the race not allegorically but poetically, as Mac-
beth or Oedipus represents it. Milton marks the differ-
ence by the forms of address which Adam and Eve use
toward each other. As Miss Barstow has pointed out,*®
•Chapter xi.
^ Mar jorie Barstow, " Milton's Use of the Forms of Epic Address,"
Modem Language Notes (February, 1916), xxxi, p. 120.
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THB THBMS OF DEATH IN FABADISE LOST 577
before the fall ihey address each other in phrases which
reflect what Milton conceives to be the nnivereal relation
of man and woman — " Daughter of God and Man," ^*
" O thou for whom and from whom I was formed," ^^ " My
author and disposer," ^* but after tie fall, when they are
become individuals, they call each other simply " Adam "
and " Eve." But the change goes deeper than the form of
address. The critics of Paradise Lost who find Adam and
Eve somewhat tiresome and insipid, have probably not
read Ae latter part of the epic; for the moment Milton
treats these two characters as individuals rather than as
symbolic types, he confesses by implication that to him
also the all^orical Adam was a bore, and he spends some
effort to give Eve her rights. Her first impulse on eat-
ing the apple is to " keep the (5dds of knowledge in her
power," ^* to be a match at last for that all but omniscient
man ; but immediately reflecting that when she is extinct,
God may create another Eve in her place, she resolves
that Adam must share with her in bliss or woe. When
Adam, out of magnanimous love, has eaten the apple, de-
termined to die with her, and when he realizes what the
sacrifice has cost, he upbraids her in highly individual
terms, though still, it must be confessed, with a thought
of the superfluousness of woman in general. If his own
personality is most revealed in that outburst of vn*ath and
scorn, the character of Eve is discovered in her advice to
cheat death ; ^* if all their children are to die, she says,
they must have no children — perhaps it were best to com-
mit suicide at once. Though Adam hesitates to follow
this counsel, giving Hamlet's reason, that beyond the cer-
tain sleep of death there may be uncertain adventures,
« Paradiee Lo$t, iv, 660. *• /Wd., ix, 820.
" Ihid,, IV, 440. » lUd., X, 986.
"/W(J., IV, 636.
r
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578 JOHN EssKune
yet his admiration for the advice is smcere and un-
orthodox.
Milton, then, treats Adam and Eve before the fall as
epic characters, who represent the race in a great crisis;
but after the fall he treats them as actors in a drama, who
reap the results of their past decisions. In the early
drafts of his masterpiece, he planned a drama with epic
elements; the epic which he finally wrote, however, proved
in its best moments to be a drama. What he says of death
in the epic part of the story comes with propriety from the
mouth of God, whose will, in the beginning of the poem, is
illustrated on earth; but what he says of death after the
fall might better have been put, not in the speech of God
nor of Michael, but in the words of Adam and Eve, since
it is the reflection of their dramatic experience. It is
natural for Adam, conscious of the loss of happiness, to
look on death as a release, but we are shocked when the
sentiment proceeds as an epic statement from the deity.
When Adam sees that all is not lost, that through the
love of God the race may be saved for a second and nobler
innocence, it is dramatically fitting that he should be
rather proud than otherwise of his sin, which brings about
the benefit; but we are surprised that Michael, the epic
messenger, permits such demoralizing comfort. (How ex-
clusively dramatic the epic becomes when once Adam and
Eve are individualized, is clear when we creflect how easily
the epic machinery might be spared — ^the scenes in heaven,
the angelic messengers — and how much the important
passages would gain if they were converted into a frank-
ly dramatic form./ In many of the conversations between
Michael and Adam, Adam is really arguing with himself,
though one side of the meditation happens to be external-
ized in the archangel. The scene in which Adam has his
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THS THBKB OF DEATH TK FABADI8B LOST 679
first sight of death^^^ is cast in the epic maimer; ostensi-
bly Michael is revealing to him the future, the will of
heaven. But the effect of the scene is dramatic; we are
interested not in the prophecy of Cain and Abel, but in the
adjustment of Adam's character to the world before him.
The scene, therefore, is essentially a monologue, such as
Hamlet might have spoken — ^the sequence of ideas by
which man, starting in horror from his first sight of death,
concludes at last that death is a release, a remedy. Mich-
ael is not necessary to the episode. Adam's first reaction
is of horror at the si^t of death; his second reaction is
of horror at loathsome forms of life ; his third reaction is
of resignation, after seeing the penalties of even the gent-
lest end, old age — ^the penalties of lost strength, of lost
beauty, of blunted senses, of pleasure and cheerfulness
foregone. He says at the real end of die monologue —
Henceforth I fly not death, nor would prolong
Life mnch— bent rather how I may be qvdt,
Fairest and easiest, of this cumbrous charge.
The famous comment which Michael makes in reply is
usually read as an epic speech, a voice from heaven of
warning or direction; to ascribe the words to Michael
was, however, only Milton's concession to the epic machin-
ery he thought he ought to use. The comment is but a
more sententious phrasing of that.resignation which Adam
had already mastered, after first clinging to life and
then loathing it —
Nor love thy life, nor hate, but what thou livest
Live well."
That Milton intended to differentiate between Adam
and Eve as types and the same characters as individuals,
» Ibid., XI, 461 9q. " Ibid., XI, 649.
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580 JOHN EBSKINS
seems evident from the different forms of address they
use toward each other ; but we wonder if he realized how
dramatic his epic became. He may not have been con-
scious of the extent to which he changed his original
scheme^ nor of the contradictions he was setting up in the
treatment of sin and of death. It was probably with him as
with so many other great poets — ^the theme which he an-
nounced proved but a point of departure^ what he finally
developed was his own nature, and his nature was greater
than his theme. The significance of the contradiction in
the accounti^ of death and of sin is that in tEelater ao-
counts the larger Milton speaks, the poet rather than the
theologian. /When he was preparing "his epic for the press,
presumably when he was finishing the last books, he had
arrived at an independence in religion which would make
the story of Eden distasteful to him.^® Virtue is obedi-
ence, sin is disobedience, says Adam. But obedience to
what? The mature Milton was accustomed to obey his
own conscience before any ordinance; when he defined
sin ^^ as transgression of the law, he hastened to say that
" by law is here meant in the first place, that rule of con-
science which is innate, and engraven in the minds of
men." Evidently his epic theme would embarrass him,
in so far as it turned upon obedience to a kind of police
regulation. But Milton was also, to the end of his days,
a renaissance spirit, loving this world as a scene for action,
for chivalric virtues; the beautiful paradise which he
drew, he may have believed in historically, but he never
desired that kind of sequestration for himself. fSome
"See Paul Chauvet, La Religion de MUtm, Paris, 1909. Also
Margaret Lewis Bailey, MUton and Jakob Boehme, New York, 1914,
Chapter iv.
^Christian Doctrine, Chapter xi.
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THB THBMS OF BSATH IN FABADISS LOST 681
/passages in the fourth book doubtless represent genuine
ideals, yet in the main it is not unfair to saj that Milton's
true paradise, his ideal world, does not figure in the poem
until Adam and Eve are about to be driven from Eden.
If he had remained chiefly a theologian, he would have
terminated the poem in a decent melancholy, considering
what the race, according to the theologian, had lost; but
as a matter of fact, when once the sin is fairly committed,
the epic becomes appreciably livelier, more liberal, more^-
sympathetic, more hopeful, — and Milton feels free to
identify himself with his characters. Though he has di-
minished the grandeur of Satan's countenance, to show
the effect of sin, he cannot bring himself to make the man
and the woman less beautiful. God annoimces that they
are not to leave Paradise disconsolate, and they indeed go
out in excellent spirits, except for the inconvenience, as
Eve laments,^^ of leaving the home one is accustomed to.
But for the world before them they had nothing but zest.
At last they were to travel and to see life — in short, to
have a renaissance career^j^^^ere speaks the Milton of the
Areopagitica: " I cannot praise a fugitive and cloistered 1
virtue, unexercised and imabreathed, that never sallies cut '
and seeks her adversary, but slinks out of the race, where
that immortal garland is to be run for, not without dust
and heat.^
/if these contradictory accounts of death and of sin in
Paradise Lost can be thus reconciled with Milton's char-
acter, it is unnecessary to reconcile them with each other.
They arise apparently from the double representation of
Adam and Eve as all^orical types and as individuals.
Imagining them as individuals, Milton allowed his genu-
ine ideals to govern the portrait The theologian in him
Taradise Lo$t, xi, 268 99.
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682 JOHN EBSEINB
was persuaded that death was a curse^ the result of sin;^
but the poet in him uttered his true opinion, after a long
and exhausting life, that death is a heaven-sent release.
From this conviction he did not again vary; he merely
elaborated it in Samson Agonisies.
John Ebskinb.
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XXIII.— THE DEVELOPMENT OP BRIEF NARRA-
TIVE IN MODERN FRENCH LITERATURE:
A STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Brief narrative, at first thought, connotes the abridged
fiction of low grade with which American magazines are
now saturated; but as soon as the term is used to cover the
whole field in modem literature, it calls to mind a genre
which, under various names, has risen to a position of
dignity in many places in the world and has worthily en-
gaged the attention of literary historians, particularly
in America and in Germany.
The chief features in the development of the form in the
United States and England have been discussed at length,
and there is now a definitive record, with abundant biblio-
graphical apparatus, of its evolution.^ Poe is looked upon
as the pioneer, and his perpetually quoted definition
(1842) has set a standard for the majority of the prac-
titioners of the art in the English language. The form
suggests, for America, such experts as Hawthorne, Bret
Harte, and Henry James ; in England it does not gain the
attention of writers of the fiirst magnitude until near the
end of the century, in the persons of Stevenson and Kip-
ling.
The German Novelle has been subjected to even closer
scrutiny, as appears from a recent monograph by Prof es-
* Cf. Brander Matthews, The PhUoaophy of the Short-Story, New
York, 1901; H. S. Canby, The Short Story, New York, 1902; BUbs
Perry, A Study of Prose Fiction, Boston, 1902; O. S. Baldwin,
American Short Stories, New York, 1909; H. S. Canby, The Short
Story in English, New York^ 1909; C. A. Smith, The American Short
Story, Boston, 1912.
5 583
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584 HOEATIO B. SMITH
sor Mitchell,* wherein he reviews the territory from the
first noteworthy attempt at a definition, that of the broth-
ers Schlegel, through Goethe and Tieck to Spielhagen and
Paul Heyse.
Both types, it has been demonstrated, are essentially
different from the novel, as regards narrative concentra-
tion, and they vary from each other chiefly in that the
American form aims **to produce a single narrative ef-
fect with the greatest economy of means that is consistent
with the utmost emphasis," * while the Novdle, although
it likewise requires a high degree of unity, is far less re-
stricted and does not need to be superlatively compact
Now it is amazing that there exists no similar history
of the practice and theory of the French conte and nouvelle.
France possesses an impressive brief-narrative literature,
the product of a corresponding period, yet, except for
casual references and a few special articles,* the problem
of its development has not been considered.
It is for such a^ investigation that a plan is here offer-
ed and certain landmarks indicated which may prove use-
ful guides.
Those literary historians, for the most part Americans,
who have glanced at the subject, are inclined to choose
the neighborhood of 1880 as a point of departure. With
this there is no reason to disagree, as will presently be
shown, provided it is realized that these critics are delib-
erately looking at the matter from a special angle. They
are writing from the point of view of the American short-
^EeyBe OMd his predecessors in the theory of the Novelle, Frank-
furt, 1916.
• OlaTton Hamilton, Materials and Methods of Fiction, New York,
1908, p. 173.
^Gf. a list of these in my article on Balzao and the Bhort-Btory,
Modem Philology, xn, p. 72, note 2.
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THE BBIBF NABBATIVS IN MODERN FBENCH 586
fltory and they mean that a type of narrative identical with
this began to develop in France about 1830. An exami-
nation of the field bo conducted is worth while and must
be taken into account in the present article, where, to avoid
confusion, the expression " short-story " will be used only
in application to the distinctive American type or to the
French form which exactly corresponds to it.
But whoever considers the mass of brief-narrative lit-
erature in modem France will discover a multitude of
pieces of merit that stand outside of these limits, and
obviously, in a complete history, these may not be ne-
glected.
With the angle of vision widened, it becomes necessary
to include an earlier period, to look back into the preced-
ing century. Indeed, Professor Hart, in an article on the
fahliauxj^ connects modem brief narrative with the Mid-
dle Ages, and no doubt the ultimate record must contain
a summary of the antecedents of the modem conte and
nouvelle which shall be as inclusive as this. The notable
developments, however, hardly extend beyond the last hun-
dred and fifty years.
A pioneer theorist, perhaps the earliest, is Marmontel,
writing in the supplement to Diderof s Encyclopedie in
1776. The novelty of his view will stand out by contrast
if one first glances at the brief-narrative criticism found
in the original edition of the Encyclopedie (1754 is the
date of the volume in question). The comment here is
both meagre and uncertain. IFAlembert, describing conte,
fable, and roman as synonyms, affirms " que conte est une
histoire f ausse et courte . . . ou une fable sans but moral ;
et ronum un long conte/' • And Diderot, supplying the
■ The Narrative Art of the Old French Fahlianw, Kittredge Anni-
versary Papers, Boston, 1913.
*VoL IV, p. 111. D'Alembert continues: ''On dit les fahlea de
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586 HOBATIO B. SMITH
compariflon of conte and fahle, in the department of BeUea-
Lettres, underlines the shapelessness of the former :
II 7 a cette difference entre le ootUe et la fable que la fahle ne
contient qu'un seul et unique fait, renfermd dans un certain espace
ddtennin^, et achev^ dans un seul temps . . . au lieu qu'il n'j a
\ians le oowte ni unite de temps, nl unite d'action nl unite de lieu.'
Marmontel^ on the other hand, writes with precision,
and, contrary to his predecessors, insists upon a degree of
unity and beKeves there is an essential distinction between
roman and conte. He contends that
un recit qui ne serait qu'un enehatnement d'avoitures, sans cette
tendance commune qui les reunit en un point et les reduit a Tunite,
ce recit serait un roman et ne serait pas un conte.*
This remark must be emphasized, for it is apparently the
first suggestion ever made that the difference between ex-
tended and brief narrative should be more than a matter
of lengtL Professor Matthews, more than one hundred
years later, appears to be the first critic to make the dis-
tinction for American and English literature,® while in
Laf ontaine, les oantea du mteie auteur, les oantes de Madame d'Au-
noy, le roman de la princesse de Cl^es. Conte se dlt aussi des
histoires plaisantes, vraies ou fausses, que Ton fait dans la conver-
sation. Fahle, d'un fait liistorique donne pour vrai, et reoonnu pour
faux; et roman, d'une suite d'aventures singuUeres reellement ar-
rivees a qnelqu'mL"
^ Id,, ibid. The definition is not written by Diderot, but pro-
vided by him as editor. It goes on : ''La fable est souvent un mono-
logue ou une sctee de comedie; le ooii^e est une suite de comedies
enchatnees les unes aux autres. Lafontaine excelle dans lee deux
genres, quoiqu'il ait quelques fables de trop, et quelques oontee trop
longs."
'Nouveau dietionna4re povr servir de supplement ww diction-
nairee dee soienoee, etc., Paris, 1776, n, p. 569. The article is to be
found, enlarged and revised, in Marmontel's EUmenU de LiU4ra-
twre {(Euvres compUtee, Paris, 1818, xn, pp. 621 ff.).
* Op, cit, p. 77. Professor Matthews points out indeed that '' there
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THE BBIEF NABRATIVB IN MODERN VBBNOH 587
the case of €termany the first significant differentiation of
Roman and Novelle is found in an essay on the subject by
Mundt, dating 1838.^® Marmontel has the prior claim by
half a century.^^
It may not be implied that he has a carefully elaborated
theory comparable to Mundt's or to Professor Matthews's.
Instead of developing the idea contained in the above
quotation, Marmontel turns at once to other phases of
narration.^^
Yet, in the preface to his own Conies moroAix}^ and in
a few of these stories, he does ireveal some of the possi-
is little doubt that Poe felt it [the difference], even if he did not
formulate it in set terms/'
"Cf. Mitchell, op. cit,, pp. 40-41.
"An article published the same year in the Biblioth^ue vmver-
seUe des Romans (Paris, Lacombe, octobre, 1776, p. 11) refers to
" le genre des Nouyelles ou petite Romans." And in the preceding
year the Diacaurs pr^lirnvmUre of this collection (juiUet, 1776, p. 21)
affirms that both contes and nouvelles are ** Romans abr^^." I find
no suggestion of any distinction at this period between oonte and
nouvelle.
^In the initial paragraph Marmontel presents his philosophy of
the oonie: " Le conte est k la com^die ce que F^op^ est k la tra-
g6die, mais en petit, et void pourquoi: Taction comique n'ayant ni
la m6me importance, ni la m^ne chaleur d'int^rM que Taction tra-
gique, elle ne saurait nous attacher aussi longtemps lorsqu'elle est
en simple r^it. Les grandes choses nous semblent dignes d'etre
amends de loin, et d'etre attendues avec une longue inquietude; les
choses familidree fatigueraient bientOt Pattention du lecteur, si au
lieu d'agacer l^rement sa curiosity par de petites suspensions, eUes
la rebutaient par de longs Episodes. II est rare d'ailleurs, qu'une
action comique soit assez riche en incidents et en details, pour don-
ner lieu ft des descriptions 4tendues et & de longues sctoes.'' This
and other remarks In the article should be thoughtfully considered
in the light of whatever information may later be gathered as to
the status of brief narratiye in MarmonteTs period.
^(Euvres complHea, m, pp. ix-xvi. Two items in this preface
seem to contain in embryo theories afterwards evolved in Germany.
The view of Spielhagen that brief narrative by its nature is not
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588 HOBATIO B. SMITH
bilitiee of his definition. The core of each of his narra-
tives, obviously enough, is a moral: each, he tells us, is
meant to express one truth, to bring out one characteristic
of human nature. He describee his conception in the
case of a story named II le fallait as follows:
On ne dit pas assez aux jeunes homines combien ponr eux les lois
de la probite sont s^y^res, et dans quel labyrinthe de m&lheur et de
honte nn seal pas au-deHl des bomes du yrai, du juste et de llion-
ndte se trouve quelquefois les avoir engages. Je vais en donner un
ezemple.^
From the point of view of technique the advantage of this
procedure, of setting out invariably with one preconceived
object, lies in the resultant singleness of effect. In this
particular story, for example, the unily is deep-seated.
Thanks to what Marmontel would call "une tendance
conunune," a central idea, the events are amalgamated,
and the result is a narrative totality equidistant from
anecdote and novel.^*^
adapted to dealing with the development of character, is already
suggested in Marmontel's remark (ziii-xiv) : "II est des caractftres
qui, pour dtre prtisent^s dans toute leur force, exigent des c(Mnbinai-
sons et des d^veloppements dont un conte n'esi pas susceptible. . ."
And the device later conceived by Tieck of having as a turning point
in a Novelle an event simple and likely to happen any day, yet, in
the circumstances, of special consequence, is foreshadowed in the
statement (p. xiv) : " A la v6rit4 des caract^res j'ai voulu joindre la
simplicity des moyens, et je n'ai gudre pris que les plus familiers.
Ainsi un serin me sert ft d^tromper et ft gu^rir une femme de
Taveugle passion qui TobsMe; ainsi, quelques traits changes ft un
tableau r^concUient deux 6poux. . . ."
** (Ewores complies, vi, p. 1.
"Other stories of this order are le Mart 8ylphe and les Rivaum
d^eux-mimeB, In many cases, on the other hand, the promise of the
method is not realized. Gf. the story called Heuretiaemewtf wherein,
Marmontel explains (vol. ni, p. x), he tried "de faire voir ft quoi
tient le plus souvent la vertu d'une honnftte femme, et combien
sa faiblesse doit la rendre indulgente pour les fautes mfimes qu'elle
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THE BBIEF NABBATIVB IN MODERN FBENOH 689
It is to tales like this that one may apply, with point,
the remark made by Marmontel's publisher in a notice to
the collection known as Nouveaux contes moraux:
Une fiction de peu d'6tendue, r^guli^rement conduite, ayant un
but moral, et formte . . . d'une suite d'dv^nements naturels, em-
prunt^ de la vie commune, ne pr^sente pas sans doute le m^rite
d'une aussi grande difficult^ vaincue qu'im grand roman, otl la
naissance, les progr^s, les effets des passions sont mis sous nos yeux,
od sont en action un grand nombre de caract^res, et otl la multitude
et la vari^td des 6v6nements et de leurs causes r^veillent et exercent
tous les genres de sentiments; mais c'est aussi un m^ite de dessiner
aveo y4rit^ plusieurs caracttees dans un cadre plus resserrd, de faire
naitre Tint^rdt dans un r^it peu 6tendu.^
As literature Marmontel's stories are intolerable, and it is
impossible to subscribe to the publisher's not disinterest-
ed encomium. Yet, if structure alone be considered, it is
likely that Marmontel was decidedly influential in intro-
ducing a special type of narrative, of a unity distinct
from that of the novel, where a few characters act within
prescribed limits.
This notice dates from 1801, two years after Marmon-
tePs death. The narrative concentration which it outlines
is strikingly illustrated a few years later in Adolphe, by
Benjamin Constant (1806).^^ This story, according to
the author, was written " dans I'unique pensee de con-
a su 6viter.'' The result is merely a string of anecdotes, of instances
where a lady nearly succumbs to temptation. Observe also that in
his definition of c(mie Marmontel selects, as examples of stories
with a " tendance commune," Jooonde and la Fiancee du roi de Chirhe
(referring presumably to La Fontaine's versions of these), narra-
tives which have no more unity than Heureusement, That is to say,
in these cases Marmontel did not carry his definition to its possible
consequences.
" (Euvrea computes, iv, pp. 243-244.
" Completed in 1806 but not published until 1816. Of. RLR, 1898,
p. 229.
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590 HOBATIO B. SMITH
vaincre deux ou trois amiB . . . de la possibility de don-
ner une sorte d'interet i un roman dont les personnages
86 reduisaient k deux^ et dont la situation serait toujours
la memo." ^® Although there were other motives, not
here acknowledged, for the writing of Adolphe, the remark
continues to be of interest. A perusal of Adolphe reveals
expert composition, sharp focussing of attention upon the
single theme, and even leaves the reader convinced of its
propinquity to the later developed short-story type.^®
A comment parallel to that of Constant is found in the
preface to Balzac's Argow le pirate (1824).^® Balzac de-
sires the reader to observe the essential simplicity of his
story and explains:
En gto^ral Pon ne se tire d'affaire dans la composition d'tin roman
que par la multitude des personnages et la Yari4t6 des situations, et
Ton n'a pas beaucoup d'exemples de romans ft deux ou trois per-
sonnages, restreints ft une seule situation.*^
The performance falls short of the plan ; Argow le pirate
is diffuse. The conception, however, is precisely Con-
stant's and not remote from Marmontel's, and suggests an
aspect of the problem, namely the question of the influence
upon brief narrative of the condensed novel, which requires
further investigation.
^Adolphe, Paris, 1864, pp. 29-30 (Preface de la troiu^me 4diti<m).
^Cf. Professor Lanson on the composition of Adolphe: ''Ri^i de
plus classique que ce roman ft deux personnages, oft les sobres indi-
cations de cadre et de milieu laissent la crise morale s'^taler large-
ment" {Hiatoire de la liiUrature francaise, Paris, 1908, p. 978).
*• Of. Lovenjoul, Eietoire des oeuvree de Balzac, Paris, 1888, p. 266.
' *^VoL I, p. 15. Balzac had apparently not read Adolphe at this
time (cf. Le Breton, Baleao, Paris, 1905, p.. 76), for he adds that
'' dans ce genre, Caleb WiUiama, le chef-d'ceuvre du o^ldbre €k)dwin,
est, de notre ^poque, le seul ouvrage que Ton connaisse. . . ." Con-
stant also was acquainted with Caleb Williams, but seems to have
been more interested in the author's political theories than in his
fiction (cf. RLR, 1898, p. 210).
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THB BBIEF NABBATIVB IN MODEBN FBENGH 691
By 1830, it has been stated, there are signs of the de-
velopment of a French form comparable to the American
short-story. Merimee and Gautier have been accredited,
by the American critics, with pioneer work: Professor
Canby says that the former " in such a story as Mateo
Falcone (1829) had illustrated the art of single eflfect in
a short story before Poe's first tale was published," ^* and
Professor Baldwin considers Gautier's la Morte amoureuse
(1836) the first genuine short-story in France, and sums
up with the remark : " it is safe to put forward as a work-
ing hypothesis that the new form was invented by France
and by America, and by each independently for itself." ^^
In general the American view, which is ofiFered merely
as a hypothesis, is acceptable, although evidence can be
adduced that suggests a revision of details. It can be
demonstrated, for example, that Gautier's activities in
this field begin not with la Morte amoureuse but as early
as 1831.^* And the remark of Balzac, quoted above, to
the efiFect that there is a peculiar virtue in a narrative
wherein there are only a few characters, restricted to a
single situation, later bore fruit in his own work in the
"Canby, Study of the Short Story, New York, 1913, p. 45. Cf.
Lauvri^re, Po€, Paris, 1904, p. 646: "L'^ergique laconisme de la
nouveUe avait 4t6 port6 par M§rim4e ft un haut degr6 de perfection
avant que Poe qui en profita peut-6tre ne Vedt remis en vogue."
" Op. oit., Intro., p. 34.
** At the commencement of Gkiutier's literary career, in 1S31, stands
a story, la Cafetidre, which in conception if not in execution is quite
comparable to the Poe type, and between this date and 1836 there
are four others which may be said to approach the short-story and
which offer interesting and canclusive evidence that during this
period of five years Gautier was advancing, consciougly or not, to-
ward the form finally achieved. Of. OnuphriuB; Omphale; the story
of a youth and a griaette inserted in Soua la table; and the story
without name published by Lovenjoul, Hietoire dee ceuvres de Th4o-
phile Gautier f Paris, 1887, vol. i, pp. 8-11. The last two are little
more than amplified anecdotes, but they have the short-story stamp.
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592 HOBATIO B. SMITH
form of three tales, une Passion dans le desert (1830),
Jesus-Christ en Flandre (1831), and la Grande Breteche
(1832), which may be classified aS) in the American sense,
short^tories.^*^
The essential fact, however, remains as stated; in the
neighborhod of 1830 there is a notable advance. Unhappi-
ly for the historian, neither Merimee nor Balzac nor
Gautier makes any declaration during this period that
illuminates his processes, and, curiously enough, no sooner
is the form launched than its originators, except Merime,
abandon it. And Merimee persistence is intermittent.^*
So the complete history of the genesis of the form must
determine what other men, if any, wrote short-stories in
this period, up to about 1840. Anything before that
point may probably be stamped as an independent French
product. At the beginning of the next decade are pub-
lished the first translations of the work of Poe (1841).'^
The American becomes more and more widely known in
France, in 1846 appears an important critical estimate of
his works,^® in 1848 begin the translations by Baudelaire,
and in 1857 Baudelaire reproduces the famous Poe defini-
tion. Therefore, as the century advances the influence of
Poe must be taken more and more into account.
To return, however, to the three writers who relinquish-
ed tJiis type, the French short-story, after creating it, it
is found that they also wrote brief narrative of another
'"Gf. the article on Balzac and the shont-story, referred to above,
p. 584, note 4.
'^L'AhlS Aulain (1846) is short-story though certainly not con-
ventional, and la Ohamhre hleue (1866), toute proportion gwrdSe,
suggests 0. Henry.
"Ci, Retinger, le Oonte fantastique dans le romantiame francaia,
Paris, 1909, p. 33, note. On French translations of Poe cf. also
Lauvriftre, op, cit,, and Morris, Cooper et Poe d*apr^8 la critique
franoaiee du dix-neuvi^me siMCy Paris, 1912.
^ Revue dee Deux Mondea, 16 octobre, 1846.
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THE BBLEF NABBATIVE IN MOBBBN FRENCH S93
stamp, much more reminiscent of the theory presented by
Marmontel. Balzac's la Femme dbandonnee (1832) is
an example of a number of narratives that are without the
compactness necessary from Poe's point of view and that,
as a result of developing a more elaborate structure about
a single nucleus, nevertheless achieve a unity quite as
artistic.^®
Here too these men were more given to practice than to
theory. Gautier, however, on one occasion offers uncon-
sciously a useful clue. In Arria Marcella (1852) he
stops short to remark that he is presenting " le simple
recit d'une aventure bizarre et peu croyable, quoique
vraie," ^^ and it can easily be proven that this purely
casual statement is nearly identical with Goethe's famous
definition of the Novelle: " Was ist eine Novelle anders
als eine sich ereignete unerhorte Begebenheit ? " ^^ There
is no evidence that Gautier was inspired by the German,^^
and the words that so neatly correspond to Goethe's, and
in addition so well epitomize his own processes, appear to
be a felicitous accident.
But, taken in conjunction with the observable practice
of the three Frenchmen, this remark leads to the sugges-
tion that, alongside of the French short-story, there is
developing another distinctive type of brief narrative that
may approach the German Novelle. The idea is presented
without emphasis, since it would be unfortunate to ap-
praise the French product constantly according to a f or-
** Other instances in his work are Adieu (1830) and le Sucoule
(1833). Of. Gautier's NtUt de OUopdtre (1838), le Roi CandaiUe
(1844), Arria Maroella (1852), etc.; M^rimge's Tamango (1829),
le Vaee 4iru8que (1830), U Viccolo di Madama Luorezia (1846), etc.
*^ Rovums et oontee, Paris, Charpentier, p. 273.
^ Geaprdehe mit Eokermann, 29. Jan., 1827.
"^ There are a few casual references to Goethe in Gautier's works.
Of. Eisioire de Vari dramatique, Paris, 1869, i, p. 193; iv, p. 337.
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594 HOBATIO E. SMITH
eign standard. Yet, properly restricted, the ccHnparifloii
may prove useful.
A pause and a glance backward at brief narrative be-
fore 1850 now reveal the facts in fairly correct perspec-
tive. Marmontel is a pioneer, and the distinction he fore-
shadowed between extended and brief narrative is vital.
After Marmontel there is no swift advance until about
1830, when two forms b^n to develop, one comparable
for singleness of effect and superlative concision to the
American short-story, another unified but far less restrict-
ed and comparable in some respects to the German Novelle.
Both are contained in germ in Marmontel, although they
can hardly be a direct outgrowth.
From the middle of the century on, currents and cross-
currents intermingle. It is not likely that the two varie-
ties of brief narrative progress steadily along parallel
lines ; there must be at times amalgamation, the introduc-
tion of new elements, perhaps the creation of other varie-
ties. An interesting variation is found in le Procurateur
de Jvdee, by Anatole France,'^ wherein, as with Poe, the
tendency of every word is to the one pre-established de-
sign,^* but wherein, contrary to the practice of Poe and
that of the French short-story writers, the tendency is de-
liberately and consistently the reverse of direct. Foreign
influences have to be weighed, that of Poe, as has been sug-
gested, that of the Gtermans, whose Novelle theories culmi-
nate in the definition of Paul Heyse published in 1871,
that of the Russians.**^ Conditions of periodical publica-
••The flret story in the collection entitled VEtui de nacre.
»*Cf. Poe's definition, Works, New York, CroweU, 1902, xi, p. 108.
"Cf. Baldwin, op. cit. Intro., p. 34, note: "It would be interest-
ing, for instance, to determine whether M^rimde learned anything in
form from Poushkin."
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THE BBLEF NABBATIVX IN MODERN VBBNOH 596
tion are presumably a factor, as they are, for example, in
the United States.^®
The problem of terminology also presents itself. In
Germany Navelle now designates a recognized type, in
America short-story has been given a similar function,
but it is still an embarrassing question as to what French
narratives are to be denominated contes and what nouveUes.
One solution, not perhaps definitive, has been given by
Ferdinand Brunetiere, who writes, apropos of Balzac:
The nauvelle differg from the oonte in that it always claimfl to be
a picture of ordinary life; and it differs from the novel in that it
selects from ordinary life, and depicts by preference and almost ex-
clusively, those examples of the strange, the rare and the extra-
ordinary which ordinary life does in spite of its monotony never-
theless contain. It is neither strange nor rare for a miser to make
all the people about him, including his wife and children, victims of
the passion to which he is himself enslaved; and this is the subject
of Eugenie Qrumdet, . . . But for a husband, as in La Or<vnde
Bretiohe, to wall up his wife's lover in a closet, and that before her
very eyes; and, through a combination of circumstances in them-
selves quite out of the ordinary, for neither one of them to dare or
to be able to make any defense against his vengeanoe — that is cer-
tainly somewhat rare! **
The fantastic, BrunetiSre continues, is to be treated in
the conte, not in the nouvelle.
** Of. G. A. Smith, op. eit,, pp. 39-40. Gkiutier sometimes meets the
requirements of the feuUleton system with conspicuous success, as in
Avatar, where it may be argued that the restraint imposed by this
method of publication induced throughout a high degree of narra-
tive control.
"JJonof^ de Balzao, Little French Masterpieces, G. P. Putnam's
Sons, 1903, Intro., pp. xiv-xv. Brunetiere further explains the
scope of the nouvelle with the statement that, in general, " all those
things in life which are out of the usual run of life, which happen
on its ma/rgin and are so beside yet not outside it; aU that makes
its surprises, its differences, its stariUngnesa, so to speak — all this
is the province of the nouvelle, bordering on that of the novel yet
distinct from it. Out of the oommon every-day life you cannot
really make nouveUes, but only novels — ^miniature noveb, when they
are brief, but still novels."
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596 HOBATIO B. SMITH
The distinction is lucid and interesting. Yet equally
clean-cut, and quite at variance, is the distinction made
by the American critics viewing the French field, who
identify conte with short-story and allege that a notweUe
is merely a novelet, that is, a condensed novel.®®
The entanglement becomes even worse upon inspection
of the six stories of the Balzac volume for which Brune-
tiere writes the above-quoted introduction. All six are,
in BrunetiSre's sense, nouvelles. On the other hand, the
history of their publication ®® shows that four of them
were not classified, that the fifth, le Requisitiormaire, ap-
peared in the first edition of Romans et contes phUoso-
phiques and presumably was considered by Balzac a conte,
while the sixth, le Chef-dfcmvre inconnu, was first pre-
sented by Balzac with the subtitle, donte fanidstique.
Conte fantastique, it is remembered, is precisely the term
which Brunetiere says is not applicable.*^ Furthermore,
if the narratives are looked at with the eyes of the Ameri-
can critics, two of them are contes,^^ but not the two so
styled by Balzac himself.
It is vain to risk making confusion doubly confounded
by suggestions of reform in nomenclature until there is a
clearer conception of what one is attempting to name, and
at best the final choice may be arbitrary, for it can hardly
be hoped that any system will square with the facts of the
practice of the art and also with the terminology of the
practitioners.*^
"Cf. Hamilton, op. 0%%.^ p. 169, especially: "The difference la
merely that the novelet (or nouveUe) is a work of less extent, and
covers a smaller canvas, than the novel (or roman)" Of. Matthews,
op, cit,f p. 65; Baldwin, op, cit., Intro., pp. 30-31.
*Cf. Lovenjoul, Histoire dea CBuvrea de Baleae, pp. 32, 146, 147,
178, 183, 184.
^ Observe also that Gautier calls Bpiriie a nouveUe fantastique,
^ Une Passion dans le dSsert and la Cfrande Bretdohe,
^■Cf., for example, Flaubert's Trios contes (published in 1877). The
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THE BBIE7 NABBATIVB IN MODEBN FEENCH 597
Ultimately there will present itself the interesting and
elusive problem of the relation of French brief narrative
to the French genius. In the case of the American type of
story, Professor Alphonso Smith points out that " it has a
brief intensity that harmonizes with the national temper.
It moves ... to its conclusion — ^it does its work — ^with
an economy of details, with a definiteness of purpose, with
an eflSciency of means that find a quick response from the
average American reader." ^® What of the French tales ?
Do they similarly correspond to the Gallic love of pre-
cision ? The short-story, it has been observed,** often ful-
fills the requirements of the three unities of the French
classical stage. Does that characteristic of the French
national mind which has made it cherish the formality of
the imities, and the symmetry of la piece bien faite, mean
that it feels a ready sympathy for brief narrative liius
prescribed ? ^^ Answers to this and to a multitude of other
questions must depend upon an exact and critical investi-
gation of the whole subject.
HoEATio E. Smith.
narrative methods in the first two, un Oceur simple and SoA/nt Julien
VHospitalier, are far from conventional, but, in the slight degree that
ordinary terms apply, they are condensed rofMms, The third,
H6rodias, is precisely what Bruneti^re would call a nouvelle,
« Op. oit.y pp. 41-42.
*• Matthews, op, oit., p. 16.
^The relation of brief narrative to the drama has been carefuUy
developed, in the case of the Novelle, by Spielhagen {Beitrage zwr
Theorie imd Techmk dea Romtma, Leipzig, 1883). The principle,
enunciated by Poe for the short-story, that a peculiar totality of
effect results from a single, uninterrupted presentation of a piece of
literature, is applied by Strindberg to the drama, as in The Outldw,
"a single well-built act . . . taking an hour for its performance"
(Preface to Miaa Julia, Plays, second series, tr. by BjOrkmann, p.
107). Examination of the French field may reveal parallel resem-
blances. Of., for example, the stories and the one-act plays of Villiers
de risle Adam.
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XXIY.— SIR PERCEVAL AND THE BOYISH
EXPLOITS OF FINN
The relations between the English romance, Sir Perce-
val, and its counterparts in French, German, and Welsh
have been frequently and extensively investigated.^ Ef-
forts have been made also to show connections between the
story of Perceval (especially the boyhood portion) and
various other stories — ^the " Fair Unknown " (Libeaus
Desconus) group, the romance of Fergus, the lai of Tyolet,
and the Irish tales of CuchuUin.*
Another Irish story which has not, it seems to me, re-
ceived the attention it merits in this connection is The
Boyish Exploits of Firm. The resemblances between it
and the English romance were first pointed out by Alfred
Nutt in 1881.3 He believed The Boyish Exploits to be a
fifteenth-century composition ; * and he repeated this be-
* For bibliog. see V^ells, Manual of Writings in M. B. (New Haven,
1016), pp. 71-74, 772-3. To this add: Martin, ed. of Parzival (Halle,
1000-1003), vol. n; Herts, Die Sage v. P. u. d. Oral (in his trans,
of Wolfram's Parssitxd, 6tattgart, 6th ed., 1011, pp. 413-550), and
Rosenhagen, Naohtrdge {ibid,, pp. 551-572) ; Voretzsoh, Einf, in d.
Stud. d. altfranz. Lit, (Halle, 2nd ed., 1013), pp. 322-345; Foerster,
Wdrterhuoh zu Kristian (Halle, 1014), einL, pp. 145-202.
'For reference on Lib, Des,, see Wells, p. 772; on all four, see
Voretzsch. On Pergua, see also Heinzel, rev. of Martin's ed., in Zt,
f, d, oest, Qym., zxiv (1873), pp. 156-167. Marquardt's Der Binfluw
Kriatians auf den Roman 'Fergus* (diss. GUyttingen, 1006), although
the most extended study of this romance, is unfortunately of little
value. Innumerable other possilAe connections are suggested in
Ch^nberlain's The OhUd and Childhood in Folk-Thought (N. Y.
and Lond., 1806), esp. chap, xxiv, "The Child as Hero, Adventurer,
etc.", a book written from the point of view of anthropology rather
than that of literary origins. The bibHog. (pp. 40Jidl2^) is valuable.
**'The Aryan Expulsion-and-Retum Formula," l^olk-Lore Record,
IV, pp. 1-44.
*Ibid., p. 16.
698
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THB BOYISH EXPLOITS OF FINN 599
lief in 1888, 1891, and 1910/ This late date was sup-
ported in long arguments by 2Sminer in 1890 and 1891 ; ®
and it has been generally accepted by students of the story,
including d'Arbois de Jubainville, Newell, Miss Paton,
Miss Weston, and Professors Schofield and Griffith.'^
Belief in a much earlier date was expressed (entirely
without reference to possible connections with Sir Perce-
vai) by O'Donovan in 1858, by Miss Eleanor Hull in
1906, and more recently by John MacNeill and Kuno
Meyer.® Nutt only a short time before his death twice
intimated that he was then inclined to accept the earlier
date.®
The evidence of the manuscript, Bodleian Laud 610, is
as foUows.^^ Inside the cover is pasted a slip, dated 1673,
stating that the manuscript is copied from older and now
'Studies Leg, H. G. (1888), p. 168; The Fiona, ed. CampbeU
(1891), "Bibl. Notes," p. 284; FoUo-Lore, xxi (1910), p. 400.
•G. G, A., 1890, 2, pp. 621 ff.; "Kdt Beitrftge," Z. /. d. A., xxxv
(1891), pp. Iff.
M'Arbois, E88<U d*un catalogue (1883), pp. xxxviii, 174; Newell,
Leg. H. G. (1902), pp. 88, 92; Paton, Fairy Myth, of Arth, Rom.
(1903), p. 181; Weston, Leg, Sir P, (1906), i, p. xix. Schofield
does not refer to The Boyish Exploits; but he would hardly take the
fifteenth-century Lay of the Great Fool as evidence for the existence
of such stories in early Celtic if he knew an earlier story embodying
BubstantiaUy the same features. (See his Eng. Lit. Norm. Oonq.
to Chaucer, p. 228.) Griffith, although he mentions The Boyish Ex-
ploits several times, makes clear his acceptance of a late date by
saying: " I have made no inquiry into Old Irish literature." (Sir
P. of G., Diss. Chicago, 1911, preface.)
•O'Donovan, Tra/ns. Oss. Soc, iv, p. 284; Hull, Teasi-Book of Irish
Lit., I, p. 244; n, pp. 26, 43; MacNeiU, Duanaire Finn, I. T. B.
(1908), p. xxix; Meyer, Z. f. c. P., vn (1909-10), p. 624; Fianaigeoht,
R. L A., T. L. 8., XVI (1910), p. xxviii.
•Folk-Lore, xxi (1910), p. 110; Arnold's Study of Celtic Lit.
(1910), p. 166.
^* This account of the MS., which I have not seen, is based on Todd,
Proo. R. I. A., n (1840), pp. 336 ff.
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600 BOY BBHinSTT PAX3B
not extant documents^ including the ^^ Psalter of CasheL^
This psalter was compiled by Bishop Cormac, who died in
903. On folio 86a appears a gloss stating that this copy
was made in 1463^ the date accepted as the time of com-
position by If utt and Zimmer^ and, as I have indicated, by
most subsequent writers.
It is generally agreed that evidence is required to dis-
prove the statement of a manuscript or an early printed
book as to its origin. When Arthur Brooke in the preface
to his poem, Bomeus and Juliet, tells us that he ^^ saw the
same argument lately set forth on the stage/' we do not
deny his assertion merely because no play filling the bill
is extant When the Doctor's tale of Chaucer names Livy
as its source, we deny the assertion when we discover that
the Doctor's version differs frcHn Livy's in an important
particular, and follows the version given in the Roman de
la Rose. The claim of Laud 610 that it is a copy of much
older documents should be accepted unless evidence to dis-
prove is presented. Aside from this fact, and from the
fact that Zimmer's argument for the confusion of two
psalters ^^ is far from convincing, the only evidence of
date is linguistic. Now there is no more uncertain occu-
pation than the dating of early Irish documents; ^^ and
there are probably not more than three or four living men
who would venture an opinion on the subject. Two of
these, as indicated above, have examined The Boyish Ex-
ploits: MacNeill accepts the date of Bishop Cormac —
tenth century ; Meyer assigns it to the twelfth century.
When we see, then, that The Boyish Exploits is at least
"Z. /. d. A., XXXV, pp. 119 ff.
» On the Bubject of dating, see Nutt, Z. f, o. P., n (1898-9), p. 320;
Meyer, King and Hermit (1901), p. 6, n. 1; Brown, Mod. PhiL, vn
(1909-10), p. 204; Nutt, Folk-Lore, xxi (1910), pp. 239-240; Cross,
Mod Phil, X (1912-13), p. 292.
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THB BOYISH BZPLOITS OF FINN 601
as old as any story yet cited in studies of 8vr Perceval}^
and is possibly older than any^ the seven incidents com-
mon to the two become of some significance.^* I shall set
these incidents down very briefly.
iNonnDiT I — ^]>Bath of the Failter
Camall, Finn's father, fell in And now is Peroyvell the wighte
battle (ISO)" Slayne in batelle and in fygfate.
( 161-2) »
By itseK tiiis incident would hardly deserve notice. The
Irish version, however, is at least as near the English as
any yet cited.
Incident II— The Foreet Rearing
Finn was carried into the for- Perceval was carried by his
est by two "heroines/' and se- mother (with one maid) and
cretly reared. (ISl) reared. (16dff.)
The differences here are more striking than the resem-
blances; but they are not so great as in many parallels
given by Nutt and by Professor Woods to bring Sir Perce-
val imder certain folk-lore formulas.^® In view also of
^For approximate dates see Griffith, op. oii,^ pp. 1-3; Schofield,
op, oit,, App. I (pp. 45S-466).
"Cf. Brown, Iktcmm, p. 120: "A student of Uterary origins early
learns that, altho incidents suryive and may safely be used to trace
a source, the name of the hero of any particular incident changes
with considerable facility.''
" Text and trans, of The Boyish ExploiU in Trans. Oaa, Boo,, Vf
(CVDonovan) ; text (Meyer) in -R. C v (1881-3), and trans. (Meyer)
in Eriu, 1 (1004). Figures under the Finn incidents refer to pages
in Eriu, 1. Figures under Bir Perceval incidents refer to lines in
the edition of the romance by Campion and Holthausen (HeideU>erg,
1913).
"Nutt, F.-L. Bee., iv; Woods, "A Reclassification of the Perceval
Romances," P. M, L, A,, n. s. xx (1912), pp. 624-567. The subject
of "formulas" seems to me to be sadly overworked; see, for in-
stance, Heyman, Btudiea on the Havelok-Tale (dis&, Upsala, 1903),
p. 92; 6choepperle, Tristan and Isolt (Frankfort and Lond., 1913),
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602 BOY BBinsnSTT FAOS
the widespread occurrence of the " forest rearing " theme,
it need not be stressed here beyond observing that The
Boyish Exploits is probably earlier than any story yet
found containing this feature.
Incident m— The Hero's Early Piowess in Huniiiig
Finn cuts off at a shot the Perceval shot small birds
feathers and wings of a duck on (217), and harts and hinds
the lake. (182) (218); and
So wele he lemede hym to schote,
]>er was no beste, )>at welke one
tote.
To fle fro hym was it no bote,
When )>at he wolde hym have.
(221-4)
The treatment of Perceval's skill in hunting seems to me
the natural procedure for an author who had the
Finn story before him. Perceval first shoots birds^ as
does Finn in his first chase; but instead of repeating the
fantastic details of the Irish story, the romancer merely
makes a general statement of the boy's proficiency.
INGTOBNT IV— Catching Wild Animals
Finn's nurses lament that they Perceval sees a group of wild
cannot get one of a herd of wild horses, catches the " biggest,"
deer. Finn catches two '' bucks," and rides to his mother on it.
and brings them to the women. (326-348)
(183-4)
In the two aspects of incidents iii and iv, expertness in
shooting, and agility in catching wild animals, The Boy-
ish Exploits is the only old story offering parallels.
I, pp. 206, 214, 221, 223; n, p. 280; nearly the whole of Deutschbein,
Studien eur Bagmgeaohichte Englanda (0(5then, 1906). All such
attempts at classification should be considered in the light of Win-
disch's caution in Daa kelt. Brit, hia ssu K, A, (Leipzig Ahhandl^
1912), pp. 198-9.
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THS BOYISH EXPIiOITS OF FINN 608
Iif omsiTT V— Suspecting the Hero's Identity
The King of Bantry, with Arthur says that if the hero
whom Finn has taken military were well dressed, he would re-
service, is so much impressed by semble the elder Perceval (645-
Finn's deeds, that he says: "If 548); and again:
Gumall had left a son, one would The kyng bi-holdes )>e vesage free,
think thou wast he.'' (184) And ever more trowed hee
pat )>e childe soholde bee
Sir Percevell son. (585-588)
This incident, which has not, so far as I have discovered,
been noted, appears to me one of the most striking paral-
lels. Here, moreover, as in incident m (expertness in
hunting), Sir Perceval contains just the sort of thing to
be expected of a writer who was elaborating and improving
the Irish narrativa
iNcmENT VI — Discovery of the Wailing Woman
Finn ''heard the wail of a Perceval hears near by as if a
woman," who lamented that her woman were crying. He finds a
''only son had been slain by a woman bound to a tree by her
tall, very terrible warrior." husband, the Black Knight, who
(185) has wrongly accused her of in-
fidelity. (1817-1866)
As in incident n the difference here is more striking than
the similarity. The kernel in both is clearly the solitary
woman who had been in some way wronged; and this
seems to make unjustifiable Professor Griffith's conclusion
that "the story of a Suspected Lady" (italics mine)
" was incorporated into the framework to make the tale of
Perceval," "
iNdDENT Vn — Avenging of the Wronged Woman
Finn pursues and kills the Perceval conquers the Black
"terrible warrior." (185) Knight. (188M932)
In both cases the hero avenges the woman who has been
wronged.
»Griffith,op. oil., p. U4L
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604 EOT BBITNETT PAOB
ArFBXDix TO iKooanBHT yn
The Hero IgiuNrantly AvengeB his Father
The warrior killed by Finn Perceval, in slaying the Bed
proves to be "the Grey One of Kni^t, who had taken Arthur's
Luachair, who had dealt the first cup, slays also (without know-
wound to Cumall in the battle ing it) his fatiier's slayer,
of Cnucha." (185) (141-144, 653-560, 601-624, 629-
640, 680-692, 700)
In incident vn the story and the romance appear to part
company — ^Finn slays the wrong-doer, Perceval only van-
quishes him. In the romance, it should be noted, the
death of the Black Knight was not essential ; it was essen-
tial only that he be brought to confess his error and be
reconciled to his lady. If, moreover, we turn back to
Perceval's first personal combat, we find an explanation
of the variation in incident vii. In his adventure with
the Red Knight Perceval had already accomplished what
Finn accomplishes in his only personal combat; viz., had
avenged, though unintentumaily and ignorantly, his father.
In view, then, of these facts: (1) that The Boyish
Exploits of Finn is certainly older than the English
romance; (2) that it contains these seven incidents in
common with the romance; (3) that the incidents occur
in the same order in both narratives; and (4) that three
of the incidents (iv, v, vi) are found in no other story of
the Perceval group — ^in view of these facts I think we have
reason to believe that the Irish story was known to the
writer of the romance, and that it was not improbably
used by him.
Hot Bbitnett Pace.
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XXV.— THE LINCOLN COEDWAINBRS' PAGEANT
In determining whether the Lincoln mystery plays were
processional like those of York and Chester or were acted
on a fixed stage, it is important to know whether the St.
Anne^s Day Sights, about which there is a considerable
amount of information, were merely floats or real plays.
They are regarded as plays by Mr. Chambers ^ and by Mr.
A. F. Leach.^ A recently discovered account book of the
Lincoln Cordwainers' Company, preserved in the Free
Public Library,^ indicates what part the Cordwainers took
in the St. Anne's day celebration and what the nature of
the spectacle was. The Cordwainers were to maintain
and send forth annually in the procession of St. Anne's
day a pageant, called the Pageant of Bethlehem. This
was not a play, and there is no evidence to show that they
were responsible for a play at any season of the year.
Their entries of expenses indicate a very different form of
dramatic activity from that of the Weavers of Coventry
and other companies in that city where the companies
maintained plays.* The following is a transcript of the
entries in the Cordwainers' account book which refer to
the dramatic activities of the company:
* E. K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage, n, pp. 377-9.
' Some English Plays and Playen in the " Fumivall Miscellany,"
1901, pp. 224 ff.
* This document I was able to see and transcribe through the kind-
ness of Mr. Corns, the librarian.
* Thomas Sharp, Dissertation on the Coventry Mysteries, 1825, pp.
13ff.; The Presentdtion in the Temple, a Pageant as originally repre-
sented hy the Corporation of the Weavers of Coventry, Abbotsford
Club, 1836, pp. 20 ff.; or the writer's Two Coventry Corpus Chrieii
Plays, 1902, App. n, where the records from Sharp are republished.
605
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606 HABDIN OBAIO
Folio 1 : The outhe to bd geven to the graceman at his eleooione . • .
and at saint Anne even or day, I shalbe personally at the dressyng
and arayng of the pageaunt of Bethelem and awaitt of the sam in
the tym of procession' of the gild of the said saint Anne for the
worshipe of this citie, and when the said procession is donne, the(n)
I shall helpe to vnaray and yndress the «dd pageant agayn.
The outhe of an outhrother or suster: I shalbe redy yeerly to goo in
procession with the graceman, the brether and susters of the frater-
nite from the chappell of saint Thomas of the hy Brige in Lincoln
vnto the cathedrall churche of Lincoln and ther to offer on farthyng
as custom is.
F. 2: The outhe to be geven to the wardens of this gild. ... I
shall helpe to dresse and redresse the pageaunt of Bethelem at saint
Anne tyd and to goo in procession in saint Anne gild with master
graceman from the place accustomed to the moder churche of Lincoln
and so doune aga(i)n. I shalbe redy to goo with master graceman
and helpe him to gether the collect money and brotherhod of euery
brother and suster, whenas he shall command.
The outhe to be geven to the Dean of this gild. ... I shalbe per-
sonally at the dressyng and redressyng of the pageaunt of Bethelem
with master graceman at saint Anne tyd and to await the earn with
master graceman except seiknes or disseis lett me.
F. 3: Inventorie. Itm. on vestment, albe and ammes to the sam,
and all other thyngs hoU to the sam belongyng, of the gyfte of
Thomas Stowe graceman in the year of our lord m cccc xixth. Itm.
on lynen awter clothe of ij yerd« long.*
The pageant of Bethelem. It. iijre \jnen clothes stened for damask
warks for bethelem. It. a gret hed gilded set with vii beames and vii
glasses for the sam, and on long beame for the mouthe of the said hed.
It. iijre greatt stars for the sam with iijre glasses and a cord for the
same steris. It. ij angells with sensers for the sam. It. on cage
for to ber dowes In.
ACCOUNTS.*
1527. Expenses necessarie. It. soluii pro le pageants Rome de
Bethelem in ecclesia frairum carmilitorum iiijd. It. soli, pro uno
jantaculo facto pastoribos in prooessione gilds soncte Anne vjd. It.
■Written precession and usually below.
•The latter entry is crossed out; both of course belong to the
strictly religious activity of the gild.
*The usual headings in each annual computus are in node po-
taoiania, stipendia ofjUoiorum, obit, fact, hoc annOy and ewpent. neoes-
sar. (or "other expenses"). The items concerning the pageant are
under the last mentioned heading.
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THE LINCOLN OOBDWAINBBS' PAGEANT 607
BolL pro Tna corda ad dominationem le pageaunt jd; et le iakHa et pro
vno speculo jd oh; siimma iijd ob. It. soli, pro emendacione brachij
yniuB angeli jd. ... It. sol. pro vna p0ma( ?) le cage iiijd.
1628. Alie expenses necessarie. It. soli, pro oorda ad le pageant
de Bethelem yjd. It. sol. pro faccione de handill le wyndows de la
pageant jd. It. sol. in expensis pro le pageaunt de Bethelem xixd.
(f. 22b) It. soli, pro le pageaimts Rome iiijd.*
1629. (f. 29b) Alie expenses necesaarie. It. pro portacione de la
pageaunt de Bethelem in precessions scMtcte Anne, ultra omnes
denorios collectos pro eodem xid oh,
1630. (f. 38) Alie expenses necessaHe. It. soli, pro portacione
de Bethlem xd.* It. soli, pro le pageaunt de Bethelem standonte ad
Whitfrerie iiijd. It. pro le taks et seruicia jd oh,
1631. (f. 46) Alii expenses necessarie. It. soli, pro emendacione
de le pageaunt de Bethlem ijd. It. soli, pro clauis ad idem opus jd.
It. soli^fim pro pane et servicia portantibus de le pageaunts vijd oh.
It. BoWiwn pro le pageaunt Room iiijd. It. soli. portantt5iis eiusdam
le pageaunt iiijd.
1632. (f. 64) Other expenses. It. paid for bryngyng vp th^
pageaunt of Betheleem at saint Anne messe xijd. It. paid in expenses
for the plaiers ijd. It. paid to the plaiers above all that was gath-
ered viijd." It. for naills to the pageaunt jd. It. for the Rome of
the pageaunt standyng iiijd.
1633. (f. 60) Expenses necessarie. It. for mendyng the pageaunt
of Bethleem ijd. It. for shepperds deners at yjd. It. for ij gallons
ayell and a penyworth breed iiijd. It. for taks to the pageaunt oh.
... It. for the pageaunt stondyng in the Whiet freris iiijd. It. paid
for a lynen [cloth] to the pageaunt ijd.
1634. (f. 66b) Expenses necessarie. It. mendyng the pageaunt ijd
oh. It. for the sheperds dener vid. It. for ij potts aiell xiijd. It.
* An item in this list " ad le pypera in die proceaaionia iiijd " prob-
ably refers to a procession on the day of St. Crispin and St. Crispi-
anus.
* The following item for this year stands after the expense for St.
Anne's day and before the payment for rent: ''It. soli, coco nostro
iiijd. It. soli, certis de players in aula nostra ad cenam vjs iiijd.'*
^This entry is probably to be r^arded as a record of a special
play like that given in the hall two years before; but since it says
the players instead of certain players, it may indicate that a general
levy for the Corpus Chriati play, falling short in the sum of viijd,
was made up out of the common funds.
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608 HABDnr obaio
for wyn to the prest x« jd. It. for breid ijd. It. for stranre id/^
It. for the dener of the gyld day viij«. It. for ij dossyn trend&ers, etc
1535. (f. 78b) Expenses necessarie. . . . It. to the shepperds
and 6 pageaunt berars iiijd. ... It. for weshyng of clothes this
yeer iijd.**
1536. (f. 70) Expenses necessarie. It. paid to iij sheppards at
saint Anne gyld xviijd. It. paid to vj berars of the pageaunt in the
sam gild xviijd. It. for bred and ayell spent in the mynster the sam
tym Yjd, It. for takytts to the pageaunts jd?*
1537. (f. 86) Allocatiofiee. It. soli, pro emendadone unius ale
angeli jd. It. soli, pro emendadone de pageant de Betheleem xriijd.
It. Bohtum pro ijobus speculis de le pageaunt iiijd. It. soli, pro le
tynfoul pro le paynttyng faciei verniculi iijcf oh. It* soli, pro vna
oorda diete le pageaunt iiijd. It. soli, pro pane et servicia data
portarijs dicte le pageaunt in die Saint Anne iiijd It. Boli.
pastori&ue et portarijs de le pageaunt prediote x + d non allocatur.
1539. (f. 05b) Alte expenses. It. for mendyng the pageaunt of
Bethelem and cord yd. It. for costs and charges to the mynster with
the pageaunt of saint Anne day xiijd. It. to the bell ryngers ijd.
It. to the mynstrells iiijd.^ It. for the pageaimi standyng in the
whitt freris iiijd.^
1540. (f. 00) It. payd for mendyng the pageant viijd. It. paid
for beryng the pageant yd. It. for bred and idlle to the berrars of
the sam ijd. It. for a cord to the padgayn iiijd.*^
1542. (f. 100) It. for bearyng ypp the paygaonte of Saint Anne
"The last three entries may or may not refer to St. Anne's day.
They are followed in the account by these entries : '* It. paid to the
porter iiijd."
**This entry may not refer to the pageant.
" The following ^itries seem also to refer to the ceremonies at the
minister or to the pageant : " It. for weshyng the awlbe and amee that
the prest syngs in iijd. It. for a pottyll wyn geven to Master Sap-
ootts iiijd. ... It. for weshyng herd clothes and towells vjd. It. for
bred and wyn to said prest vid."
^ The last two entries are not necessarily to be connected with the
St. Anne's day procession, since the entries in these lists of miscel-
laneous expenses seem to have no fixed arrangement.
"Following this entry are these: "It. for gloves viijd. It. for
mendyng the angells of the hersse ijd."
"There is no entry for 1541 which refers to the pageants. The
entry "It. to the waits iiijd" evidently does not.
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THE LINCOLN COBDWAINBBS' PAGEANT 609
day and the mom aftur xzd. It. for brede and ayle to the pagiaunt
berers at the mynster ijd,^
1642 (?) (f. 112b) It. for beryng vp the pageant of bethelem yjd.
It. for kyddfl xxd, bred and aill at mynster at Saint Anne tyd ij —
Bimima zzijcl.^
After f. 112b there are no further entries referring to
the pageant until f. 121 when the following undated entry
occurs. The gild had leased its house and distributed its
funds in 1545. It is obvious from an order of the secret
council, found in Corp. Min. Bks., iii^ f. 110, that the
year is 1554:
1564. (f. 121) layng out for the pachagan at Saint Annes.
Pamentfi. It. pade to Spede the earner for makyng of the paghan
iiJB \}d. It. pade for nails and drynke to the carvars iijd. It. pade
to Wyllfam Lyttyll for panttyng ther off; the hed and the stares ij«.
It. pade to the skepherds on sant An daye xviijci. It. pade for drynk
to the berers of the pagane M}d.
1666. Layyng owt for the paggane the nyxte yere after. It. pad
to the iij shepAerdes on Sant Anedaye xviijA It. pade to the berers
off the paggan on Santanedaye ijs. It. payde for takxe id. It. in
aUe id. It. for howsrowme for the paggane to Jhonsone iijd.
Then follows a statement of rent apparently due the
gild from one William Potter and the following list:
Paments. It. pade in the seconde and thurde yere off owre sof-
ferand lawarde and ladye kynge and qweyne [Philip and Mary] off
Eyngland, ffransse, larlande, napylls and so forth, etc. It. pade to
Roberto Jonsone on Schant Anesdaye laste paste for the rowme off
the paggyene all the yere a-fore paet« iiijd. It. pade for berynge of
the paggane of Sant Anes daye last to yj felows ijs. It. for a corde
to the flterrys iiij<J. It. pade for taks and pacthrede ijd. It. pade
for drynke and brede to tJte berars viijd.
^ This entry is cancelled and apparently repeated on f. 112b.
'^The entries which follow probably have no ccnmeotion with St.
Anne's tide: " It. for cheis xinjd, for iiij dessyn tayks to Xpofer
brampsten iiij — gumma ts ijd. It. for ij doseyn bred and halff ijs
yj<2. It. to James Lovday for lyghtyng candylls at mynster iiijd.
It. to the mynstrelU iijd/'
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610 HABDnr ORAIQ
The gild resumes its normal activity with the fourth
year of Queen Elizabeth, but there is no further mention
of the Pageant of Bethlehem.
It is evident that the Cordwainers presented in dumb-
show a spectacle of the Angels and the Shepherds. The
invoice given at the front of the book and the entry of
1654 of the reconstruction of the pageant at the time of
the Marian reaction show what their stage properties were.
They had a pageant to which belonged cloths stained da-
mask, apparently to represent the walls of Bethlehem, a
great gilded figure head set with seven beams (of light?),
and seven glasses, apparently over the beams, and one
long beam for the mouth of the head ; three stars with three
glasses and a cord belonging to them, and, finally, two
inanimate angels with censers. The cage to put doves in
seems also to belong to the pageant. The scene was proba-
bly limited to the angels and the shepherds, since there are
no other characters, such as Joseph and Mary, who would
have appeared had it been a regular nativity play or even
an elaborate piece of dumbshow. It is to be observed also
that this is the composition of a somewhat similar spectacle
in the Dublin procession which is described as " The
8hep[er]dis, with an angel syngying Gloria in excelsis
Deo.'' ^'^ Note also in connection with the use of a cord
and a star in these entries the well-known entry in the
Churchwardens' accounts of St. Nicholas, Yarmouth, be-
tween 1462 and 1612, for " making a new star," " leading
the star," " a new balk line to the star and riving the
same." ^® One is reminded also of the picture from
Heures a Lusaige de Rome,^^ where the shepherds rest
amid their flocks and look upwards at two angels beneath
" Chambers, n, p. 364. *■ Chambers, n, p. 399.
»Cf. Mr. A. W. Pollard, English Miracle Plays (1909), p. 31.
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THB LINCOLN COEDWAINBBs' PAGEANT 611
canopies, with a figure head between them, and bear in their
hands a scroll with the words, Gloria in alti8mai\_s\ Deo
in terra p[(w;]. The shepherds at Lincoln were real per-
sons, possibly real shepherds, but there are no other
characters; also no payments to actors, no rehearsals, no
mention of plays except on two special occasions at the
dinner of the gild, and no evidence that regular expenses
for a play were incurred at any other season of the year.
The St. Anne's day expenses are too slight and too definite
to refer to the performance of a play, and there can be
no reasonable doubt that the business of the Cordwainers
on St. Anne's day, during the years for which we have
their records, was to present a mere pageant or float to be
drawn through the streets from the Chapel of St. Thomas
upon the High Bridge to the minster upon the hill. What
happened at the minster cannot be definitely told from
these accounts. Each outbrother and sister offered a far-
thing there; there was no doubt a general offering ako.
The proximity in the records of the reward given to the
priest for singing seems to indicate that the Cordwainers
had a special religious service at the cathedral at the time
of the procession. The bearers of the pageant and prob-
ably the shepherds had bread and ale there. The Cord-
wainers' accoimt book gives no further information; this
must be sought in the records of the Cathedral Chapter.
As to the procession itself, a good deal of interesting
information can be gained from the minute books of the
municipal corporation, which begin with 1511 and contain
acts of the Common Council, the Secret Council, and the
Court Leet. Most of the entries with which we are con-
cerned are summarized in the Historical MSS. Commission,
14th Report, App. vm. Every man and woman being
able within the city was required to be a brother or
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612 HABDnr oraig
sister in St. Anne's gild and to pay 4d. at the least.^® Alao
every man in his degree must wait upon the mayor in the
procession on St Anne's day to the worship of the city
under pain of 4d.^^ To every occupation within the city
was assigned a pageant which they were regularly ordered
to apparel and bring fortL These orders had by 1511
become routine matters and are quite generaL^^ The
mimicipal corporation had an interest in the sights botb
because of the i^egulation demanded in so extensive an
affair in the community and because of the close connec-
tion which existed between the mayor and council and
the gild of St. Anne. The aldermen were themselves held
responsible for one part of the pageant They were re
quired to furnish crimson silk gowns for the " kings " in
the procession, must send forth a servant with a rochet
upon him bearing a torch to be carried in the procession
about the sacrament, and must themselves under penalty
wait upon the mayor.^' Likewise those who had occupied
the oflSce of sheriff, who were known as sheriff peers, were
required to give their attendance upon the mayor on St
Anne's day and to wait at the hall imtil he came thither,
also to have a person in an " honest gown " going in the
procession among the prophets.^* The objective point of
the procession was the minster. In 1524 every man was
ordered to give his attendance, so that " Mr. Maier be at
the Mynster by x of the bell." ^^ Constables and under-
^Entries of Common Council 1611-1641 ("White Book"), f. 97,
1619.
" F. 179, 1524.
"F. 97b, 1619; f. 116, 1620; f. 144, 1622, etc.
"F. 81, 1518; f. 107, 1620; f. 142b, 1621; f. 129, 1623; f. IW,
1624; f. 179b, 1624; f. 189, 1626; f. 198, 1627.
••F. 131b, 1621; f. 169, 1623; f. 179b, 1624; etc.
» F. 169.
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THE LINCOLN OOfiDWAINBBS' PAGEANT 613
ocmstables were required to wait upon the pageants upon
St. Anne's day by seven of the clock, both to keep the
people from the array and to take heed of such as wore
garments in the proceesion.^^ Every mayor in the year
following his mayoralty became graceman of St. Anne's
gild, and the two persons that had been his sheriffs became
wardens of the gild to help the graceman in his business,
particularly, in the matter of gathering money from the
brethren and sisters.^'' The corporation enacted special
legislation on various matters concerning the gilds and
procession. One of those is the well-known act of 1521 ^®
in which the council decreed, after it had been represented
to them by the acting graceman of the gild that owing to
the plague in the city he is unable to get such garments
and other ^^ honourments " as should be in the pageants,
that Mr. Alanson should be instantly desired to borrow a
gown of my Lady Powes " for one of the Maryes and
thother Mary to be arrayed in the cremesyng gown of vel-
vet that longyth to the same gild." Another is the act of
1539, which also reveals a feature of the procession, direct-
ing a large door to be made in the late schoolhouse that the
pageants may be set in and every pageant to pay 4d. and
" Noy schyppe xijd." ^®
What happened at the minster can be determined with
some clearness from chapter acts and accounts preserved
there; but space is at this time lacking to go into it They
apparently did not perform the Corpus Christi play. En-
tries for 1473, 1474, 1475, in the accounts, show that the
Corpus Christi play was acted at the feast of Corpus
Christi, and this is probably to be understood in the case
"F. 42b, 1615; f. 81, 151S; f. 131b, 1631; f. 198, 1627.
"F. 160b, 1623.
*F. 132. »F. 276.
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614 HABDnr oraio
of other entries. Accounts for 1482, 1489, show that the
Sights of St Anne were put forth in the same year with
the Pater Noster play; those for 1486, 1487, show that
they could accompany the Corpus Christi play. These
same correspondences are also indicated by the Cord-
wainers' accounts given above in comparison with the cor-
poration minutes. It is also significant that cathedral
computi for 1482 indicate that the Pater Noster play
lasted for two days.
As to the manner of acting the^play, certain considera-
tions would indicate that it was not processional. It was
evidently not managed by the municipal corporation, but
by the Corpus Christi gild. It is, however, impossible to
see how, if the individual plays were acted at various
stations round about the city, they could have been policed
vdthout the intervention of the mayor and his brethren.
At Coventry and York there is much legislation referring
to the location of the stations at which the plays were acted
processionally. There is none at Lincoln. It is further-
more very doubtful if there would have been two sets of
pageant vehicles in the city, and the Cordwainers certainly
did not participate in any other dramatic festival besides
the St. Anne's day sights. They paid rent regularly for
their pageant standing in the White Friars until the order
of 1639 to the effect that the stuff belonging to St. Anne's
gild was to be laid in the chapel of the bridge, and the
pageants stored in the late schoolhouse ; the payments for
rent then cease. Further indications that the Lincoln play
was stationary will come from the cathedral accounts.*^
■•An entry given by Mr. A. P. Leach, "History of Lincolnshire
Schools," in the Victoria County History of Linoolnahire, n, p. 464,
indicates that there was a stationary play also at Louth in Lincoln-
shire: " Paid to Mr. €k>odalI for certain money by him laid out for
the furnishing of the play played in the market stede on Corpus
Christi Day, the year before my entering (1555-6)."
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THE LINCOLN OOfiDWAIKBBS^ PAGEANT 616
The Corpus Christi play at Lincoln was thus entirely
distinct from the St. Anne's day sights. That the two
were once united, or that the St Anne's day sights were
based upon the Corpus Christi play, cannot reasonably be
doubted when the relation of the plays and the procession
at places like York and Chester is taken into consideration
together with the whole series of entries referring to the
plays and pageants at Lincoln. This state of affairs seems,
in some measure, to agree with the hypothesis that the
so-caUed Coventry Mysteries or Hegge plays are the lost
Lincoln cycle, since the Coventry Mysteries were once evi-
dently a processional play, but, in the form preserved, were
obviously acted on a stationary stage.^^
Habdin Cbaig.
" See the present writer's letter to the AthencBum, August 16, 1913,
and to the Nation, October 8, 1913; also his Note on the Home of
Ludua Ooventriae, published with An Inquiry into the Composition
and Structure of Ludua Ooventriae, by Miss Esther L. Swenson, The
University of Minnesota Studies in Language and Literature, No. 1,
1914; Miss Swenson's article is also important.
7
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XXVL— THE EARLY « EO YAL-ENTEY '^
Many, if not mostj of the writers on early pageantry
state that the first pageantio "royal-entry" at London
took place in 1236, when Queen Eleanor of Provence ar-
rived at her new capitaL It is the purpose of this paper
to show that there had been elaborate "royal-entries"
before that date, and that the first pageantic "royal-
entry " did not occur until sixty-two years after this cere-
mony. The best way to do this, is to make a survey of
the " royal-entries " of the thirteenth century.
It was in connection with this method of honoring their
rulers that the English people developed pageantry most
notably between the early years of the thirteenth century ^
and the reign of Queen Elizabeth; therefore the begin-
nings of pageantry in connection vdth the " royal-entry "
are not only interesting in themselves, but historically
important. The splendor which surrounded aU ceremonies
involving the king was great, long before 1200; Wend-
over's account of the coronation of Kichard I in 1189 ^ is
a clear picture of the kind of thing that took place. But
there was no pageantry, in the true sense of a procession
with floats and characters representing figures of histori-
cal, allegorical, or symbolical significance. The mayor and
citizens, it is true, often took part in these celebrations,
riding to meet the king outside of the city and escorting
him joyfully to the palace; golden gifts were offered, and
the walls of the houses were decked with costly tapestries.
*Floreg Eistoriarum, i, pp. 164 f.; copied by Matthew Paris {Hia-
toria Minor, n, pp. 6f.; Ohromoa Majora, n, p. 848). Cf. Strutt,
Mawi^era and Customs, n, p. 59.
616
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THE BABLT " BOYAlrBNTBT '* 617
But pageantry in its strict sense was still confined to the
Church and folk.
In 1207 the Emperor Otho visited London ; the city was
elaborately decorated, but there is nothing in the account
which we have that leads us even to suspect pageantry.^
In 1209, Henry Fitz-Alwin, of the Drapers* Company,
became the first Lord Mayor of London; and the proces-
sion to Westminster, which in the seventeenth century
developed into elaborate pageantry, and which to this day
is a feature of London civic life, b^an. These shows did
not become pageantic until the sixteentii century: the
modem show is descended from this procession on one side,
and the Midsummer Watch on the other.
What is often called " the first example of pageantry
in the proper sense " — as Chambers phrases it — ^is found
in the year 1286, w'hen Eleanor of Provence rode through
London on her way to her coronation. The authority for
assuming pageants on this occasion is a passage from
Stow^s Survey; but a reference to Stow^s authority, Mat-
thew Paris, gives us a statement that is ambiguous at best.
Paris tells us how the streets were cleaned, the city orna-
mented with flags, banners, diaplets, hangings, candles
and lamps, — and " quibusdam prodigiosis ingeniis et por-
*Aimdle9 L<md., i, p. 13: '' . . . in cuius adventu tota oivitaa
Londonise induit solempnitatem pallia et aliis ornamentis circum-
omata." Cf. alao £. K. Chambere, The MedUBvdl Stage, Oxford,
1908, n, p. 166, n. 5.
In Ohrdtien de Troyea' romance Twain (linee 2310, 2340 f.), is an
interesting medieval account of citizens welcoming a king. To be
sure, the king is Arthur, and the citizens live in a land which cannot
be located on & map of this world; but we may presume that Ghr^
tien took his description of the streets hung with tapestries, the
dancing folk, and other '' features," from the life of the ^me. There
is nothing pageantic in this welcome; but we must not forget that
the description is probably taken from the life of the mid-twelfth
century.
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618 BOBEBT WITHmOTOH
tentis." * Much bb I should like to do so^ I cannot agree
with those writers who see here a union of pageantry and
" royal-entry/' The matter cannot, of course^ be definitely
proved, one way or the other; but had there been real
pageantry in 1236, it is not likely that we should find no
other established instance of it before 1298 ; for there were
plenty of other opportunities for its use.
Although there is no mention of pageants in Matthew
Paris^s account of the arrival of the Count of Flanders in
1289, the extract from his history noted below, is interest-
ing as showing the usual method of preparing for the entry
^Ohron. Maf,, jn, p. 336. Giles, in his translation (i, p. 8),
renders this ''with wonderful devices and extraordinary representa-
tions,'' which again is ambiguous. There may have been pageantry
on this occasion; representations may refer to ndracle plays; but
this interpretation is not necessary. That it is unlikely, seems to
be shown by the fact that no other example of a pageantie " royal-
entry " occurs before 1298.
The oft-quoted passage from Stow is this: ''of triumphant Shewes
made by the citizens of London, yee may read in the yeere 1236.
tiie 20. of Henrie the third, Andrew Bockell then beeing Maior, how
Blianor . . . riding through the Citie of [Londcm] towards West-
minster, there to bee crowned Queene of England, the CHtie was
adorned with edlkes, and in the night with Lamps, Cressets . . .
besides many Pageants and strange deuices there presented. . , .*'
Stow, Survey (1618), p. 147; cf. Hone, Ancient Mysteries Described,
p. 234; Taylor, Glory of Regality, p. 251; Chambers^ op. oit,, n, p.
167; etc.
Miss Strickland, in her Lives of the Queens of England, i, p. 247
(referring to Matthew Paris) notes that the citizens "prepared all
sorts of costly pageantry to grace the coronation f estivaL" It should
be pointed out that her use of the word pageantry is extremely
loose; (cf. ibid,, i, pp. 41, 42, 43, 121, etc.). The same caution may
be extended to Mr. Richard Davey (cf. The Pagea/rit of London (2
vols.), London, 1906, i, p. 96) and many other writers, who use the
word rather in a sense of "gorgeous procession " than in its stricter
meaning. We must be on our guard against this too-general use
of the word.
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THE EABLY " EOTAlrBITTBT '* 619
of a noble guest.^ The citizens wore their festal gowns^
and there was evidently a procession.
In 1243, Beatrice, Countess of Provence, came to Lon-
don. The city was cleaned and decorated by order of the
king; but again Matthew Paris fails to mention page-
antry.*^ The same author records the return of Henry III
from France, the same year ; again, there is no pageantry
in the technical sense.®
A great procession took place in 1247, when Henry re-
ceived from the Patriarch of Jerusalem some drops of the
Precious Blood. Matthew Paris was present on this occa-
sion, and wrote an account of the whole proceedings.'' The
* Ohron. Maj,, jn, p. 617 : " De ciduB advoita cum rex certificaretuT
secns qnam deceret IstabunduB occmrlt venienti, pneoipitque cives
Londonienses in adventu ejus onmeB tnmcos et sterquilinia lutmn
qttoque et omnia offendicula a plateiB feBtinanter amovere; ciyeeque
festiyia vestibus omatos, in equis eidem comiti gratanter occurrere
faleratifl. In quo facto, rex multorum sibilum movit et cachinnum."
' Op. oii., TV, p. 261 f . ; '' Venit autem in apparatu magno et fas-
tigio pomposa nimis; . . . jussit rex civitatem Londoniarum cor-
tinis aulais et diversis aliis omamentis decorari a ponte uaque West-
monasterium, stipitibus, luto et omni eluvie et offendiculo procul a
yisn tranaeuntium elongate." Giles translates this passage: "She
came in great state, and with very pompous pageantry/' etc. This
is the free xae of the word; there is no reason to suppose that the
citLsens furnished pageants.
This entry of the Ck>untess is noted in Arohaeotogia, L, p. 492,
note d. The property inventoried in the Cathedral Church of St.
Paul (tbid., p. 402) included "rubeus strictus cum longis avibus et
leonibus, de dono Comitissae Provinclae."
* Paris, Ohron, Maj., iv, p. 255. Pompa inania gloria stands in
the margin.
^Ibid,, TV, p. 644. (The account begins on p. 640). Cf. also Ann.
Lond., I, p. 44 {auh cmno 1246) : ''dominus rex cum honorabili pro-
cessione dictum sanguinem recepit." Floree Hiai,, n, pp. 343 f., con-
tains an account of this ceremony, which Davey {Pageant of London,
I, p. 115), calls " one of the most picturesque pageants " of the reign
of Henry III — ^using the word carelessly.
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620 BOBXBT WITHnrOTOH
clergy, naturally, took a prominoit part in this oeremony;
the king, in humble raiment, carried the yase containing
the Blood of Christ from St Paulas to the church at West-
minster. It is interesting to note that the civic autiioritieB
apparently had no place in this procession, which was a
Church affair distinctly.®
In 1252, Alexander HE of Scotland married the dau^-
ter of Henry III at York. Qreat feasting is recorded.
Later, pageantry plays a part in celebrating royal nuptials,
but not yet.* In 1255, on the eve of St Andrew^s Day,
Henry returned from Gascony. Again London was
adorned, and the king was conducted to the palace of
Westminster with enthusiastic pomp. Though there is
splendor, there is not — as yet — pageantry in its true
sense.^^ London was again decorated by the king^s order
on the occasion of liie visit of the King and Queen of
Scotland in 1256 ; but Paris does not mention pageants.^^
"Says Mwtthffw Paris (op. oit, tv, pp. 641 f.) : ''Quo et ipse rex
venit, et cum summo honore et rever^itia ac timore aoeipiens iUud
yasculum cum thesauro manorato, tulit iUud ferens in propatulo
supra faciem suam, iens pedes, liabens humilem habitnm, sciUcet
pauperem capam sine caputio, pnecedentlbus vestitis prsedictisy sine
pausatione, usque ad ecclesiam Westmonasterii, qua dlstat aJb eocle-
Aa sanoti PauU ciroiter uno miliari. . . . Nee adhue cessabat domi-
nuB rex, quin indeffesus ferens illud yas, ut prius, circuire[t] eccle-
siam, r^iam, et thalamos suos." ThU -was no pompa kiani$ gloria!
* Matthew Paris, op, oit,, v, pp. 266 f . The splendor and extrava-
gance of the marriage banquets are remarked on, pp. 269 f.
^ Matthew Paris, op. oit., v, p. 627 : " Quo die a magnatUras Ang-
li» quamplurimus et civibus Londoniensibus, civitate L<mdoniarum
nobiliter adomata, est receptus, et usque ad reglam Westmonast^-
alem cum magno pompa et applausu est perduotus."
^Ihid., V, pp. 673, 674. It is interesting to note that the Fifth
Episode of the Chester Pageant of 1910 showed the visit of Prince
Ifidward and Princess Eleanor to that city in 1266 {Booh of the
Chester Pageant, p. 49). No pageants— in the old^ sense— were
reproduced.
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THE EABLY " BOYAIrBNTBY " 621
Nor does there seem to have been any pageantry when
Edward I was crowned in 1274 ; ^^ although on his return
from France, " a clero et populo est receptus cum gaudio
maximo et honore/^ ^*
In 1298 we find, for the first time in a " royal-entry,^*
pageantry in the strict sense of the word, when the Fish-
mongers celebrated the Battle of Falkirk, won by Edward
I. Perhaps this is not strictly a " royal-entry," — ^I can
find no mention of the king being present, — ^but it is closely
related to royalty ; at any rate, it is not a religious pageant,
nor a folk-festival. " The Cytezyns of London hearyng
tell of this great Victorye made great solempnyty euery
one accordyng to his crafte & in especyall the fyshmongers
which wth solempne processyon passed through the cytye
havyng f yrst 4 storions ^* gylded caryed on 4 horses and
after 4 horses caryed 4 samons ^'^ of sylver and after xlvi
knyghtis all armed vppon luces of the water ^* and St.
Magnus among the rest wth a thowsand horsemen passed
to leaden hall And tliis they dyd on St. Magnus Day in
honor of the Kyngis Victorye.*' ^'^
^Bee Ann, Lond., i, p. 84; Flores Hist., m, p. 44; Riahanger,
Ohronioa et Annates, p. 84. Matthew of Westminster is quoted by
J. G. Nichols, London Pageants, p. 10, as his authority for saying
that on the king's return from abroad (2 August 1274) "the streets
were hung with rich cloths . . . the Aldermen and Burgesses lol
the city threw out of their windows handfuls of gold and silver to
signify their great gladness at his safe return, and the conduits ran
plentifully with wine. ..." I cannot find the basis for these
remarks in Matthew of Westminster. Cf. Fairholt, Lord Mayor's
Pageants, pt. i, p. 2.
''Rishanger, p. 83. If this shows pageantry, make the most of itl
*• Sturgeons.
^ Salmons.
^"A trade-mark common enough in later Lord Mayor's Shows.
"The Chronicle of Dunmow, (in HarL MS. 630, fols. 2-13; this
paragraph is on fol. 7b), cited by Stow, Annals, p. 207. Ghamben,
op, oit,, n, p. 167, says that he could not identify Stow's authority
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622 BOBEBT WITHUfrOTON
This show is particularly important as giving ns the
first " triumph " in which animals — or, to be more exact,
fishes — are used with a trade signification. The reason
for the presence of St. Magnus is obvious ; we cannot tell
whether he was impersonated by a living rider, or was an
image, borne by riders; if the former, he probably shows a
development from the latter.
The thirteenth-century '^ royal-entry " contained much
splendor, but — ^until the last years — ^no pageantry in the
strict sense of the word. Whether or not Edward were
present at this civic celebration of 1298, the fishes, armed
knights,^® and St. Magnus appeared in his honor j the occa-
sion was not a folk-holiday, and may be considered the
equivalent of a royal-entry.
By the fourteenth century this ceremony was in a fair
(abbreviated Ohro, Dun.), By referring to the first place where
Stow uses it — ^namely on p. 170 of his AnnaU — ^I discovered the name
of the chronicle written oat in full. Thomson, Chron. Lond. Bridge,
p. 101, describes the MS.; it ''is now to be foimd only in a small
qnarto volume in the Harleian Library of Manuscripts, no. 630,
article n, page 2a. It consists of a misoeUaneous collection of notes,
in the handwritings of Stow, Camden, and perhaps Sir Henry Savile;
transcribed upon old, stained and worn-out paper/'
Of., also, on this 1298 show, Herbert, History of the Livery Com-
ponies, i, pp. 89 f.; Chambers, n, p. 167; Davidson, English Mystery
Plays, p. 86 (who says that in 1293 — obviously a misprlnt-^the
London guilds held a procession with what appear to have been
moving pageants indicative of trade, to welcome Edward I on his
return from Scotland) ; J. G. Nichols, Lond. Pag., p. 6. All these
writers go back to Stow.
Fairholt, op. cit., pt. i, pt. 8, calls this " the earliest exhibition of
shows or pageants connected with the city trades or companies.''
I have found no earlier purely civic pageantry.
" These may have been real ; but as they rode " luces of the wat^ "
they were probably, at the most, members of the guild, (who may
also have been members of the watch,) and strongly suggest pageant-
knights, whose patent of knighthood was ephoneraL
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TH w BAKLY
way to become pageantic ; and, in fact, it developed quickly
from this germ, until little more than a hundred years
later, John Lydgate was writing words to go with the spec-
tacidar shows with which royal visitors to London were
r^aled.
BOBEBT WiTHINGTON.
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APPENDIX
Pbooedings of the Thibty-foubth Annual
Meeting of the Modern Language
Association of Amebic a
held under the auspices of
Princeton University, at Princeton, N. J.
December 27, 28, 29, 1916,
and of the
Twenty-second Annual Meeting of the Central
Division of the Association
held under the auspices of the
University of Chicago and Northwestern
University, at Chicago, III.
on the same days
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THE MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
OF AMERICA
MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION
The thirty-fourth annual meeting of the Modebn Lan-
guage Association of Amebica was held under the aus-
pices of Princeton Universily at Princeton, N. J., Decem-
ber 27, 28, 29, 1916, in 'accordance with the foUoing
invitation:
Pbinoeton UNiVEBSirr
Princeton, N. J.
February 21, 1016.
My dear Profeaaor Howard:
On behalf of our Modem Language Department of the University
I wish to extend to the Modern Language Association of America a
very hearty invitation to meet in Princeton next December. We
should feel it indeed a great privilege to welcome the members of the
Association to our Princeton campus.
With warmest r^;ards,
Faithfully yours,
John Gbieb Hibbbn.
To
Pbofbssob Wm. G. Howard,
Cambridge, Mass.
The sessions wer held at McCosh Hall. The President
of the Association, Professor James Douglas Bruce, of
the University of Tennessee, presided at all, except as
hereinafter noted.
FIRST SESSION, WEDNESDAY, DECEBIBER 27
The meeting was cald to order at 2.45 p. m.
The Secretary of the Association, Professor W. G. How-
ard, presented as his report volume xxxi of the Pvblica-
iii
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IV MODBBir LANOUAGB A8SOOIATION
tions of the Association, and the same was nnanimusly
accepted.
The Tresurer of the Association, Professor W. G.
Howard, presented the foUoing report:
A. CURRENT RECEITS AND EXPENDITURES
Receits
- $ 630 61
Balance on hand
, December 22
, 1916,
-
From Members,
for 1909,
$ 3 00
« «
" 1910,
3 00
(( «
" 1913,
6 00
it a
" 1914,
61 00
t( «
" 1915,
201 00
(( it
« 1916,
3,220 70
it it
" 1917,
222 10
« «
" Life,
111 00
<( «
of the Amer.
Philol.
Assn., -
for Publ. I-XXX, -
24 00
From Libraries,
$ 60 90
(( «
" XXXI, -
226 10
« u
" XXXII, -
X, - - . -
93 15
For Publ. I-XX
$ 201 47
" XXXT,
-
37 90
$3,861 80
380 15
For Reprints, from Publ. XXX, • $ 8 00
« XXXI, 313 61
239 37
321 61
For Corrections, 13 90
From Advertizers, in Publ. XXX, - $ 127 50
" " XXXI, 67 00
Interest, Permanent Fund, - • $ 246 07
" Current Funds, - 32 05
194 50
278 12
$5,279 85
$5,909 96
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PBOOBDmGfl FOB 1916
EXPBITDITUBES
To Secretary-TreBurer,
for Salary, ^ 760 00
" Printing, .... 90 93
" Stationery, ... - 3 80
" Boxes, 36 10
" Bond, 12 60
" Postage^ - - - - 205 25
" Expressage, .... 19 21
$1,116 79
To J. A. Lomaz,
for Stationery and Postage, ... - 6 00
To A, R. Hohlfeld, Chairman, .... 10 60
To G. N. Henning, Delegate, .... 5 00
To W. A. Neilson, Managing Trustee, - - 115 00
To Secretary, Central Division,
for Salary, $ 100 00
" Stationery, .... 13 25
" Clerical Servises, - - - 17 50
130 76
For Program, Central Division, - - ■ 103 45
Subscriptions retumd, 5 40
For Publications, XIII-XXIII, ... 12 00
For Reprinting Procedings, 1884, 1885, - - 101 87
For Publications, XXXI, 1, - - $ 816 13
XXXI, 2, - - 772 92
XXXI, 3, - - 952 21
XXXI, 4, - - 916 56
3,466 82
For Program, Thirty-fourth Annual Meeting, - 136 03
For Exchange, 8 02
$5,207 73
Balance on hand, Dec. 23, 1916, ... 702 23
$5,909 96
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vi MODBBN LAirOUiU^B ASSOCIATION
B. INVESTED FUNDS
Bright Fund (Eutaw Savings Bank),
Principal, Dec. 22, 1916, - - - . $1,867 28
Interest, April 1, 1916, - - - - 74 60
$1,941 88
▼on Jagemann Fund (Cambridge Savings Bank),
Principal, Dec. 22, 1915, .... $1,309 89
Interest, July 27, 1916, - - - - 56 23
1,366 12
Total, Dec. 23, 1916, $3,308 00
The President of the Association appointed the f olloing
oommittees:
To nominate oflScers: Professors H. A. Todd, H. E.
Greene, C. B. Wilson.
To audit the Tresurer's accounts: Professors G. M.
Priest, F. B. Luquiens, C. S. Northup.
On resolutions: Professors B, P. Bourland, R. H.
Fife, Jr.
The Secretary spoke of the gratifying growth of the
Association in number of members and in financial re-
sources, and suggested means of stil further accelerating
this growth.
The Secretary red the f olloing proposed
Abtiolbs of Agbeement
BETWEEN
The Modebn Language Association of Amebica
AND
The Philological Association of the Paoifio Coast
I. Any member of the Philological Association of the Pacific
Coast for whom the Tresurer of said Association shal on or before
the fifteenth day of March pay to the Tresurer of the Modem Lan-
guage Association of America the sum of two dollars and fifty
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FBOCEDINGS POB 1916 vii
cents ($2.50) shal be admitted to full membership in the said Mod-
em Language Association of America and shal hav for that year
and for any subsequent year in which said sum is paid as aforesaid
all the privil^es pertaining to membership in the Modern Language
Association of America, including the right to hold ofSs, to partici-
pate in meetings, to submit articles for publication, to receiy the
Puhlioationa of the Modem Language Association of America, to
hay his name printed in the list of members of the same, and to
share equitably in any other benefits that may accrue to members
of said Modem Language Association of America.
II. Any member of the PhUological Association of the Pacific
CJoast for whom the Tresurer of said Association shal after the
fifteenth day of March pay to the Tresurer of the Modem Language
Association of America the sum of two dollars and fifty cents
($2.50) shal be admitted to full membership in the said Modem
Language Association of America and to all the privil^es thereof, ex-
cept that his name shal not in that year be printed in the list of
members of the Modem Language Association of America, nor in
any other year in which payment is not made as aforesaid before
the fifteenth day of March.
III. If at any future time the annual payment of three dollars
now required by Article III of the Ck)nstitution from every member
of the Modem Language Association of America not a Life Member
or an Honorary Member shal be increast or diminisht, the sum of
two dollars and fifty cents provided in Articles I and II above shal
be increast or diminisht in the same ratio; otherwise this Agree-
ment shal terminate.
IV. This Agreement shal terminate upon one year's notis given
by' either party to the other; otherwise it shal continue in full force
and virtue.
On motion of the Secretary it was unanimusly Besolvd:
that this meeting
(1) Approves the proposed Articles of Agreement between the
Modem Language Association of America and the Philological As-
sociation of the Pacific Coast.
(2) Recommends to the Executiv Coimcil the making of such
Amendments to the Constitution as may be necessary to carry said
Articles of Agreement into effect.
(3) Authorizes the Secretary-Tresurer in 1918 and 1919 to ex-
tend to the members of the Philological Association of the Pacific
Coast the privileges that wil be secured to them by the adoption of
the aforesaid Articles of Agreement; provided, however, that such
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VUl MODEBN LAKGUAOB ASSOOIATION
extension of priyilege shal not constitute a right, that said memben
of the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast shal not be ad-
mitted to full membership in the Modern Language Association of
America until the C<mstitution is amended accordingly, and that
in the years 1918 and 1919 the members of the Philological Associ-
ation of the Pacific Coast to whom the aforesaid privileges ar grant-
ed shal hav their names printed in a list appended to the list of
members of the Modem Language Association of America under
the rubric ''Members of the Philological Association of the Pacific
Coast affiliated with the Modem Language Associati<m of America".
In connection with the amendment of the Constitution
necessary to carry the forgoing Agreement into effect
the Secretary pointed out that members of the varius local
societies of teachers might welc(»n the opportunity for
an affiliation with the Association that shud afford them,
on favorable terms^ participation in some of the privil^es
of membership ; and on his motion it was unanimusly
Resolvd: that this meeting recommends to the Executiv
Council the foUoing addition to Article III of the Con-
stitution :
Members of other societies of scolars or teachers may be ad-
mitted either to membership in the Association, or to affiliation with
the same, upon such terms as the Executiv Council shal from time
to time determin. Members of other societies so admitted to mem-
bership in the Association shal hav aU the rights and privileges
pertaining thereto; persons admitted to affiliation with the Associa-
tion shal hav such rights and privileges as may be mutuaUy agreed
upon, but not the right to vote or to hold offis in the Association.
On motion of the Secretary the thanks of the Association
wer unanimusly exprest to Professor G. M. Priest for rep-
resenting the Association at the celebration of the one
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of Rut-
gers College.
Professor C. H. Grandgent askt leav to introduce on
the foUoing day a motion concerning the use of a fonetie
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PBOOBDINGS FOB 1916 ix
alf abet in the teaching of languages ; and permission was
redily granted.
Professor F. B. Luquiens moved that a committee of
five be appointed by the Chair to revise the recommenda-
tions made in 1910 concerning a course of study in Span-
ish. The motion was unanimusly adopted, and the Chair
appointed to this committee Professors J. D. M. Ford, E.
R. Greene, J, P. W. Crawford, F. B. Luquiens, R. H.
Eeniston.
The reading of papers was then begun.
1. "The Dramas of Qoorge Henry Boker." By Pro-
fessor Arthur Hobson Quinn, of the University of Penn-
sylvania.
[An investigation of the manuscripts of George Henry Boker, in
the possession of his family, establishes dates and circumstances of
production of Oalaynoa, The Betrothal, All the World a Mask, Leo-
nor de Chtssman, and Francesca da RinUm, and brings to light three
other plays, never publisbt. These and other data establish his
claim to be considerd as a practical playwright. — Twenty- five min-
utet.l
2. "The Literary Criticism of John Wilson." By
Professor Carrie Anna Harper, of Mount Holyoke College.
[A study of the more than 2000 pages of literary criticism written
by John Wilson (Christopher North) for Blacktoood^a Ma^aaine,
I. Classification. II. Caracterization. III. Treatment of contempor-
aries. Wilson's phrasing of the relations between critic and author
is brutal, but his actual criticism is usually encomium. He valued,
in both classical and contemporary criticism, the portrayal of hu-
man emotions. His work is frankly personal. It shud be sharply
differentiated from Jeffrey's. — Fifteen minutes,}
3. "Der Unterschied in Schillers imd Kants Auffas-
sung von der Ethik, dargel^ aus ihren Werken." By
Professor Anton Appelmann, of the University of Ver-
mont.
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X MODERN UlNQVABB ASSOCIATION
[Kant: Pflicht Bchlieszt Freundschaft aus. Des Menschen em-
piriBcheB Wesen ist radikal bOse, die Sinnlichkeit unterBchiedsloB
yerwerflich. Schiller: Die sinnliche und geistige Natur bilden har-
monische Einheit, dargestellt in 8ch(5ner Sittlichkeit. Eants Frei-
heitsbegriff ist abstrakt; der Schillers, ein objdctiy-realer Prozesz.
Kant: Das Schdne ist form- und kOrperlos, ein abstraktee Etwas,
nur dem Verstande definierbar. Schiller: Es ist der Schein der dar-
gestellten fibersinnlichen Idee, und die ftsthetische Erhebung ist kein
unbestimmtes Lustgeflihl, sondem Erhebung zur konkreten sittlichen
Idee. — Twenty-five minutes.l
4. "The Analytic Syntax and Some Problems of Ger-
manic Philology." By Dr. Alexander Green, of the Johns
Hopkins University.
[This paper presented the salient features of the analytic syntax,
discust the relativ advantages of the formal and of the functional
classification of syntactical expressions, and investigated the ap-
plicability of the formal method to problems of Germanic Philology.
Especial consideration was given to ways and means in which such
a system can elucidate moot questions of syntax in the trans-
lational literature of €k>thic, OHG, and Ags. — Twenty minutes,]
5. "The Ingenu of Voltaire." By Professor Shirley
Gale Patterson, of Dartmouth College.
[The romana of Voltaire hav not receivd the scolarly attrition
that their reputation implies. In this paper the prooMis of their
satiric technique wer studied as evidenced in the little-red Ingenu,
The history of the composition of the tale. The source of the prin-
cipal situation of the story, and of fugitiv ideas in it. Voltaire is
not to be charged with plagiarism, tho his borroings ar evident. —
Twenty mviwttea,'] •
At seven o'clock in the evening of Wednesday, Decem-
ber 27, members of the Association dined together in
Procter Hall, The Graduate College. President John
Grier Hibben of Princeton University presided and wel-
comd the gathering. At half-past eight o'clock the Presi-
dent of the Association, Professor James Douglas Bruce,
deliverd in Procter Hall an address entitled "Eiecent Edu-
cational Tendencies."
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FBOCEDINGS FOB 1916 xi
SECOND SESSION, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 28
The session began at 9.45 a. m.
On behalf of Professor John William Cunliffe, Chair-
martj the Secretary presented the foUoing report of the
Committee on the Eeproduction of Erly Texts:
The Committee on the Reproduction of Early Tests, while re-
gretting the delay in the publication of the facsimiles of the Caed-
mon and Cotton Nero MSB., encourages subscribers to have faith
that they will yet appear. Professor Israel GollancE, who has charge
of both facsimiles on behalf of the British Academy and the Early
English Text Society, writes: "1 hope at least Cotton Nero will be
issued in reasonable time: both are ready."
J. W. CUNLIFPB,
Chairman.
On motion of the Secretary the report was accepted
and the committee continued.
On behalf of the Trustees of the Permanent Fund the
Secretary reported for Professor W. A. Neilson, Managing
Trustee, that the Fund amounted December 22, 1916, to
$6,765, an increase of $115 in 1916.
For the Committee on the Coll^ate Training of Teach-
ers of Modem Foren Languages Professor Carl F. Kayser
reported as f oUoes :
December 23, 1916.
To the Modem Language Assooiatum of America
Aaeemhled in lie Thirty-fourth Annual
Meeting at Princeton, N, J,
Your Committee on the Collegiate Training of Teachers of Modem
Foreign Languages begs to report that, in accordance with the trend
of the discussion of its Preliminary Report at the Union Meeting
at Cleveland in 1915 and in pursuance of the action of the Associa-
tion then taken (Proceedings for 1915, p. xix), it has prepared its
final report which is herewith presented.
In its final form the Report is a comprehensive document of about
30,000 words which, on account of its length, it is evidently im-
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Xll MODEBN LANQUAGE A880CIATIOK
poBsible to bring before the entire Association except in printed form.
Before printing, the Report as it now stands is to be revised once
more, most carefully, in regard to all matters of form, as well as in
regard to a few matters of minor detail, as e. g. a table of contents,
certain bibliographies, and a brief simmmry at the end, for which
there was not sufficient time at present.
We do not submit a document that calls for any specific action,
nor one that commits the Association or any of its members to any
specific policy. If as a result of certain sections of our report such
action should be proposed at subsequent meetings of the Association,
we should consider that as one indication that our Report was bear-
ing fruit.
In support of our method of procedure we desire to quote the dos-
ing paragraph frcmi the letter which accompanied our Preliminary
Report of last year:
<*Your committee, if asked to prepare a final report along the lines
indicated in the present preliminary one, will not invite this Asso-
ciation to commit itself by a formal vote to any definite set of reso-
lutions or recommendations. For we feel that by proceeding in this
freer and less dogmatic manner we can best serve a cause in which
we apparently are all deeply interested, yet not always of one mind
in regard to the best methods of attaining the object sought."
In presenting our final Report we desire to express the hope that
the Association, if it accepts it, will authorize the Committee to
proceed to have it printed, without expense to the Association, thru
one of the regular firms in our field (to be sold at cost), and pre-
viously, if that proves feasible, thru the U. S. Bureau of Education.
Respectfully submitted.
On behalf of the Ckmmiittee,
A. R. HOHLFELD,
Chairman.
On motion of Professor C. H. Grandgent it was nnani-
musly Voted: that the report of the Committee on the Col-
legiate Training of Teachers of Modem Foren Languages
be accepted, and that the recommendation to print the final
report in the manner stated be approved.
On motion of Professor C. H. Grandgent it was unani-
mnalj Resolvd:
(1) That elementary linguistic instruction, whether in a foren
language or in English, should include effectiv training in pronunci-
ation.
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FBOCEBiNGS FOB 1916 xiii
(2) That, as an aid to such training, a simple fonetio alfal>et,
similar to the one which this Association helpt to devise and in 1905
formally approved, should be generally accepted for the notation of
the sounds of English speech.
(3) That carefully organized experiments in the teaching of the
mother tung by a fonetic method ar highly desirable.
Professor G. M. Priest reporting for the auditing com-
mittee that the Tresurer's accounts had been found correct,
it was unanimusly Voted i that the Tresurer^s report be
accepted.
The reading of papers was then resumed.
6. ''Sir Perceval and The Boyish Exploits of Firm/'
By Professor Eoy Bennett Pace, of Swarthmore College.
[The Irish story cald The Boyish EwploiU of Finn has long been
known as a parallel to the English romance, 8vr Perceval, Because
of its supposed late date, its value in throing light on the origin of
the Perceval story has not been recognized. When it is viewd as
a composition certainly as erly as the twelfth century, and perhaps
as erly as the tenth, the seven features which it has in common with
Bvr Perceval giv it a greater interest, and form an additional bit of
evidence favoring the theory of Celtic origin. — Ten minuies,'\
7. "The Return to Nature in English of the Eighteenth
Century." By Professor Cecil A. Moore, of Trinity Col-
lege, North Carolina.
[Thru a comparativ study of philosophy and poetry, this article
attempted to sho that the so-cald "return to nature" is not merely
a revival of erlier literary practis, but that some of the most poetic
details of our modem conception of nature ar due to the popular
imitation of Augustan philosophy. — Twenty minutesJ\
8. "Accentual Structure of Isolable English Phrases."
By Professor Fred Newton Scott, of the University of
Michigan.
[A study of the accentual rhythms of English prose based on a
prosodic analysis of 2500 idiomatic phrases and an equal number
of titles of prose fiction. — Ten minuiee.']
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ZIV MODBSN LANOUAOS ASSOOIATIOIT
9. ^TToung Germany in its Belations to Great Britain."
By Professor John Whyte, of New York University.
[Admiration for British politics, but reoognition of some weak-
nesses and distrust of foren policies. Attribution of the high rank
of British literature to vigorus national life. Desire for such a
life in Qermany as the basis of a literature to counteract Romantic
extraTagances. Esteem for certain caracteristics of the Briton, tho
to all, except Mundt, he is unattractiv and unoongeniaL — Fifteen
mmutee,]
10. "The Attitude of the Augustans towards Milton."
By Professor Baymond D. Havens, of the University of
Bochester.
[An examination of the English writers from Dryden to Jc^m-
son shoes that, contrary to the receivd opinion, nearly every one
admired Paradiee Lost, and many wer enthusistic over it; that a
considerable number wrote blank verse, and that most wer favorably
inclined towards it The bearing of these facts upon our concep-
tion of the neo-classicists, the ''romantic revolt," etc. — Twenty mm-
utes.}
11. "Poetry of the Cow Camp and the Cattle Trail"
By Professor John A. Lomax, of the University of Texas.
[Ck>wboy8 ar fond of reciting verse as wel as singing songs. Much
of this verse is anonymus, as ar the songs. Nearly all of it is im-
bued with action, and many a fragment possesses real power. In
the mass it reflects the spirit of the big West. — Thirty nUnuitea.]
At two o'clock in the afternoon of Thursday, December
28, there was a meeting of the Concordance Society.
THIRD SESSION, THURSDAY, DECEBfBER 28
The session began at 2.45 p. m.
The reading of papers was continued.
12. ^TTotes sur un domaine inexplore de recherches.**
By Professor Albert Schinz, of Smith College.
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PBOOXDINQS FOB 1916 XV
[De quelques ouvrages parcourus ces derni^res ann^es (Adams, Jef-
ferson and the University of Virginia; Smyth, Edition de FrankUn;
Mima, Edition du Voyage de Moreau de BoMii-M&ry; Jusserand,
With Amerioane, past and present, etc.) il resBort avec Evidence que
nos connaissances des rapports des pens^es francaise et am^ricaine
avant et pendant la p^riode tout importante de la Revolution, sont
& la fois incompletes et impr^cises. Quant aux p^iodes d'aprte la
Rdvolution, tout, ft peu pr^s, reste ft faire. On a souvent conclu du
fait qu'on avait ^tabli certains rapports de pens^ avec TAngleterre
et TAllemagne, qu'il n'en existait point avec la France. En rtelit^,
il y a promesse d'une bonne moisson. Exemples et suggestions. A
remarquer que les dociunents et testes s<mt ft port^e de chacun —
Thirty tninutee,]
This paper was discust by Professor Gustave Lanson.
13. "The Theme of Death in Paradise Lost" By
Professor John Erskine, of Columbia University.
[The moral significance of deth as announced at the beginning of
the epic and as illustrated allegorically at the end of Book II. Why
Milton did not devote himself to a consistent exposition of this
theme. His more humane accoimt of deth and his less orthodox
opinion of sin at the close of the poem. — Fifteen minutes.}
During the reading of this paper and to the end of the
session Professor C. B. Wilson occupied the chair.
14. " The gracioso in the plays of Lope de Vega." By
Mr. Angelo Lipari, of the University of Toronto.
[The elements of comedy: traces to be found in most dramatic
works. — ^Ancient mimes. — ^The Latin slave. — The Italian lastzi and
la oommedia delV arte, — ^The Spanish 5o6o and simple, — La Fran-
oesilla and Lope's claim to the invention of the gracioso, — ^Lope's
development of the typical' yrooio^o. — ^Brief analysis of la figwra del
donayre in some of his principal plays taken from different periods.
— Caracteristics of Lope's gracioso* — ^The rdle he plays. — Twenty-five
minutes,]
15. "According to the Decorum of these Daies." By
Dr. David Klein, of the College of the City of New York.
[Five gentlemen of the Inner Temple collaborated in a play en-
titled Gismond of Sdleme and presented it before the Queen in 1568.
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ZVl MpDEBN ULNQVABB AS800IATI0S
In 1501 one of the five, Robert Wilmot, publisht a reviflion of the
work under the name Tanored and CHsmund, the title page affirm-
ing that the play was "newly revived and polished according to the
decorum of these dales." A comparison between the two versions
throes light on the development of the art of the theater during an
interval of a quarter of a century. — Ten minutea.'l
16. "The Genesis of Buy BUs:' By Professor H.
Carrington Lancaster^ of Amherst College.
[In establishing the sources of Ruy Blae scolars hav overlookt
Victor Hugo's testimony as to how the idea of the play first came
to him. The credibility of his evidence. The information it givs
as to the manner in which Hugo used his known sources in the com-
position of this play. — Fifteen minutea.l
17. "Allegories of Courtly Love in the Pastoral Come-
dies of Lyly." By Dr. Percy W. Long, of Harvard Uni-
versity.
[Not only in Endimion, but in Midas and Love's Metamorphosis,
ar found hitherto unstated all^ories of courtly love. The increas-
ing completeness of these coincides with lessening definitness of per-
sonal allusion, and affords a means of substantiating the conjectural
order of the pastoral comedies. — Fifteen minutes.}
Owing to the lateness of the hour the reading of this
paper was omitted.
At half past four in the afternoon of Thursday, Decem-
ber 28, there was a meeting of the American Dialect So-
ciety.
From five to six o'clock in the afternoon of Thursday,
December 28, members of the Association wer reoeivd
by President and Mrs. Hibben at Prospect.
At half past seven o'clock in the evening of Thursday,
December 28, the ladies of the Association dined together
at the Nassau Inn.
At eight o'clock in the evening of Thursday, December
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PBOOSDiNGS FOB 1916 xvii
28, the gentlemen of the Association wer entertaind at
a smoker at the Nassau Club.
They wer addrest by Mr. McCready Sykes.
FOURTH SESSION, FRIDAY, DECEBfBER 29
The session began at 9.50 a. m.
On behaU of the committee on nominations Professor
H. A. Todd reported the f olloing nominations :
For President: Professor Kuno Francke, of Harvard
University.
For Vice-Presidents : Professor Oliver M. Johnston, of
Leland Stanford Jr. University ; Professor A. 0. L. Brown,
of Northwestern University ; Professor Carl F. Kayser, of
Hunter College of the City of New York.
The report was unanimusly accepted and the nomi-
nees wer declared elected to their several oflSces for the
year 1917.
On behalf of the committee on resolutions Professor B.
P. Bourland reported as felloes:
The Modem Language Association of America offers its sincere
thanks to all those who hav contributed by their hospitality to the
success of the present meeting. In particular, to President and
Mrs. Hibben, who hay opend their home for the reception of the
members of the Association; to the House Committee of the Nassau
Club, who hav put the commodius quarters of the Club at the dis-
posal of the Association; to Chairman Collins and the members of
the Local Committee, who hay been tireless in their exertions and
most happy in the results they hay achievd; and to the Uniyersity
and the community of Princeton, which hay spared no effort to make
the stay of the members of the Association plesant and the meet-
ing successful. To each and all of these the Modem Language As-
sodation of America offers this expression of harty gratitude.
10
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XVlll MODEBN LANGUAGE ASSOOIATION
It was thereupon unanimusly
Besolvd: that the forgoing report be adopted and the
thanks of the Association exprest accordingly.
For Honorary Membership in the Association the Ex-
ecutiv Council nominated Michele Barbi, University of
Messina, and Alfred W. Pollard, of the British Museum.
On motion of Professor F. N. Scott these distinguisht
f oren scolars wer unanimusly elected Honorary Members.
Professor J. P. Hoskins briefly cald the attention of
the Association to the new Modem Language Journal.
On behalf of the ladies of the Association the Secretary
presented the f oUoing communications :
I. The women members of the Association wish to express their
thanks to the authorities of Princeton University and especiaUy to
Professor GolUns and Mrs. Spaeth for the generus hospitality ex-
tended to them on the evening of December 28.
Maby V. Young,
ISABBLLE BBONK,
Henbietta von Elknzb,
Oomtnittee,
II. The women members of the Association at their meeting on
December 28 elected as their representativs for the year 1917 the fol-
loing: Professors Mary V. Young, IsabeUe Bronk, Luise Haesslcr,
Marian P. Whitney, and Latira E. Lockwood. It is suggested that
these persons act as an auxiliary committee to be consulted on quea-
ticms relating to the arrangements made for the women members of
the Association at the next meeting.
At the suggestion of the Secretary the President ap-
pointed the ladies mentiond in the second communication
a committee of the Association for the purpose indicated.
On motion of Professor H. S. Canby it was unanimusly
Besolvd: that it is the sense of this meeting that the Seo-
retary be requested to provide, if it be practicable, an op-
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PBOOBDINGS FOB 1916 xix
portunity at the next meeting of the Association for the
discussion of pedagogical problems.
At the request of Professor W. G. Hale, Chairman, it
was unanimusly Voted: that the representation of this
Association upon the committee on grammatical nomen-
clature be continued.
The reading of papers was thereupon resumed.
18. "Three Phases of English Poetry." By Pro-
fessor William EUery Leonard, of the University of Wis-
consin.
[An attempt to co-ordinate the familiar phenomena and tradi-
tional definitions of three caracteristic movements from 1700 to the
present time (Rationalism, Romanticism, Evolutionism) under a
somewhat less familiar formulation, which emphasizes poetry as a
document in the history of the philosophic interpretation of life and
the world. — Twenty minutes.l
19. "The Marriage Group in the Canterbury Tales."
By Mr. Henry Barrett Hinckley, of Northampton, Massa-
chusetts.
[Group D is undoutedly folloed by Group E, but the position of
Group F is absolutely uncertain. If we wer bound to co-ordinate it
with D and E, we shud do wel to place it before D rather than after
E. D breaks off abruptly, and the intended gaps between D and £,
and between E and F, ar immesurable. F cannot conclude a de-
bate on matrimony so long as F is folloed by G. The Prolog and
Tale of the Wife of Bath find their most unifying theme in the Wife's
preoccupation with husband-hunting. Clerk and Merchant ar not
primarily concemd with the Wife or her contentions. The Frank-
lin's introduction deals primarily with frendship, of which matri-
mony is treated as a form. — Fifteen minutes,}
During the reading of this paper and to the end of the
session Professor C. B. Wilson occupied the chair.
20. "Friedrich Lienhards Literaturbetrachtung." By
Dr. Friedrich Schoenemann, of Harvard University.
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XX MODERN LANOUAOS ASSOCIATION
[Ft. Lienhard (geb. 1865), ein echtdeutscher Dichtor ana dem
Elsass. ElsAsflisches in seiner Kunst. — Sein Begriff der Heimat-
kunai. Seine eigenen Leistungen als HeimatkHnstler wurd^i karz
erUlutert an den dramatischen Dichtungen: MUnchhauten, TiU
Eulenspiegel, Wiela/nd der Schmied, iind an OherUn, Roman outf der
Bevolutumesteit im EUt^es, — ^Was una seine Literaturbetraehtung sein
kann. Die Wege nach Weimar, Neue Ideale, — Der Einsiedler und
tern Volk (1914). — Twenty minutee^
21. "The Table as a Poetic Oenre in English." By
Professor M. EUwood Smith, of Syracuse University.
[Critical conception in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenl^
centuries: Sidney, Bacon, D'Avenant, Butler, Dryden, Blackmore, and
Dennis. Confusion of Universal and Allegoric, Fable and Plot. Ten-
dency carried out in Bodmer and Breitinger's Hauptgattung. Qoethe^s
comment. Consideration of such fables in English as hav poetic
merit. — Twenty -five minutes,]
22. "Bichard Wagner and the German Philologists."
By Professor Paul B. Pope, of Cornell University.
[Wagner's indetedness to the erlier philologists, especially the
Grimms, v.d. Hagen, San Marte, Lucas, and Gdrree. Numerus
passages in Wagner's voluminus autobiographical writings as wel
as evidence obtaind by comparing Wagner's texts with their sources
attest this obligation. Wagner's thoro study of technical philologi-
cal treatises. His eclecticism. Mistaken theories and etymologies
of philologists furnish Wagner with motifs of the highest artistic
worth. — Twenty-five rnvnutea,]
FIFTH SESSION, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 29
The session began at 2.45 p. m.
The reading of papers was continued.
23. "The Legend of St. Wulfhad and St. Euffin at
Stone Priory." By Professor Gordon Hall Gerould, of
Princeton University.
[This fifteenth-century legend is shown to be the complement of a
fragment in verse, printed by Dugdale, which recounts the his-
tory of Stone Priory. Tho separately preservd, the documents refer
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PBOOEBINGS FOB 1916 Xxi
to one another and to ihm use as inscriptions on the walls of the
priory church. The evidence they furnish as to the use of poems
of Bfone length in mural display is of c<msiderable importance. —
Fifteen minutes,'^
24. "Maupassant's Sources." By Dr. Olin H. Moore,
of the University of lUinois.
[Episodes borroed from Flaubert. Obligations to Paul Bourget.
Influence of Foe and Daudet. New materials on the use of the
nauvellea in the composition of the romans, Tolstoi's strictures
upon the moral value of Maupassant's works, and possible light on
this subject from a study of the development of the noitveUe*. —
Twenty minutea.}
During the reading of this paper and to the close of the
session Professor B. P. Bourland occupied the chair.
25. "Shakespeare and the. Censor of Great Britain."
By Dr. Evert Mordecai Clark, of the University of Texas.
[A discussion of the Shakespearean criticism which appeard in
the Censor papers of 1715-17, and an attempt to sho that, as a dra-
matic critic, Lewis Theobald, self-styled "Censor of Great Britain,"
was essentially un- Augustan; that he was alredy Shakespeare's most
effectiv champion in 1716, ten years before the appearance of Shake-
epeare Restored, — Twenty minutes.}
26. "The Development of Brief Narrative in Modem
French Literature: a statement of the Problem." By Dr.
Horatio E. Smith, of Yale College.
[Literary historians hav diligently studied the American and
English short story, and the German Novelle, but not the correspond-
ing French forms. Here appears to be a promising field for investi-
gation. A survey of the territory, from the non-committal state-
ments in the Enoyolop4die (1754) and the pioneer definition of Mar-
montel (1776) to Brunetitee's distinction between oonte, nouvelle,
and roman (1903). — Twenty-five minutes,}
27. "French Literature and Science." By Dr. Wil-
liam H. Scheifley, of the University of Pennsylvania.
[The unparalleld development of science between 1840 and 1880 led
enthusiasts like Renan, Taine, and Zola to draw far-reaching oon-
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XXU MODSBN LANOUAGB ABSOOIATIOK
elusions, which appeald to the masses. But after a rapid triumph
in literature, criticism, philosophy, and religion, the new cult, upon
failing to keep its "promises," was derided hj such men as Brune-
tiftre, Tolstoy, and Bourget. In the literary reaction, professional
representativs of science — ^particularly doctors — ar pitilessly sat-
irized and ridiculed for the discredit of their "new idoL" — Tu>etUy
minutes.}
At 4.30 p. m. the Association adjumd.
PAPERS RED BY TITLE
The foUoing papers, presented to the Association, wer
red by title only:
28. "The Rhythm of Prose and Free Verse." By Professor Clar-
ence E. Andrews, of the Ohio State University.
[Free verse must not be haphazard. Prose, having no rhythmical
or metrical pattern, permits greater variety of tempo, emphasis, and
pitch. The emotional effect of "rhythmical prose" depends pri-
marily upon the sense of the passage, not upon the rhythm. Bhytluni-
cal prose and free verse ar the same in principle. Writers of free
verse may therefore lem from masters of prose to choose appropriate
subjects, to vary the length of phrase and the flo of rhythm, to em-
ploy suggestiv rhythms, and to regulate lines according to sense.]
20. "Benavente's El Marido de la TSllea and its French Proto-
types." By Dr. Courtney Bruerton, of Dartmouth College.
[The efforts of the Spanish press to find local allusions in Sefior
Benavente's El Marido de la Tallest — ^which describes the rivalry of
a great actress and her husband— disclosed the fact that the play
derived from Lemattre*s Flipote, and, thru the latter, from Daudet's
Un Manage de chanteun. Neither play has caught the charm of
Daudet's story, altho Benavente has succeeded better than Lemattre,
both in caracterization and in technique.]
30. "The Poetry of Francisco de la Torre." By Professor J. P.
Wickersham Crawford, of the University of Pennsylvania.
[The purpose of this paper is to indicate the influence of the
Italian Petrarchists and Neo-Ijatin poets upon the verse of Fran-
cisco de la Torre. The influence of the Neo-Platonic conception of
Love upon his poetry and his position among the Spanish poets of
thA sixteenth century ar also considerd.]
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PBOOEDiNOS FOB 1916 xxiii
31. "LOVE FAYNED AND UNFAYNED: An Anabaptist Apo-
logia." By Miss £. Beatrice Daw, of Bryn Mawr College.
[The fragmentary Morality Love Fayned and Unfayned, recently
discoverd by Mr. Arundel Esdaile, holds a unique place in the drama
of religius controversy of the later Elizabethan period in that it ap-
pears to be the only known instance of dramatic expression on the
part of the sect of Anabaptists. Numerus allusions in the play
connect it with Anabaptist principles; e. g., hostility toward the
Establisht Church and the Papacy, denial of the right of private prop-
erty, opposition to mirth and amusements, insistence upon sim-
plicity in dress and manner of address. The play also contains ref-
erences to Anabaptist methods of propaganda and to contemporary
persecution of the sect. A certain amount of influence from an-
other sect of communist mystics, the Family of Love, is also trace-
able, but there ar grounds for believing that the authorship of the
play does not fall within this group. Love Fayned and Unfayned
is signiflcant as indicating the wide range of the controversial dra-
ma of the period, which has attracted into its activity the compara-
tivly obscure sect of the Anabaptists.]
32. "The Influence of the Revelations of pseudo-Methodius in
Middle English Writings, together with a Middle English Metrical
Version." By Miss Charlotte D'Evelyn, of Bryn Mawr College.
[The Revelations of pseudo-Methodius, a seventh-century world-
history and prophecy, originally written in Greek, became, in Latin
translation, one of the most widely quoted authorities of the Middle
Ages. In England the work was known almost exclusivly in a
much abridgd version. It is this short text which was cited in the
Cursor Mundi and in Capgrave's Chronicle, and which appeard in
three independent English translations. The unique metrical trans-
lation, a stanzaic version of the fifteenth century (975 lines), is
here presented, together with a copy of the short Latin text.]
33. 'The Indebtedness of Restoration Comedy to English Comedy
Before 1642." By Mrs. Mary Wakefield Dickson, Ph. D., of RadclifTe
College.
[Restoration comedy was produced in imitation, not of Moli^e,
but of old English plays revived in London in the erly years of the
Restoration. Molifere furnishes incident and caracters, aiding the
English dramatist to make a varied play, but in design, in theme,
and in spirit Restoration drama foUoes English models. Dryden
takes the witty duel of. sex from Fletcher, Wycherley the antithesis
of the wit and the wud-be-wit from Jonson; Ether^^ combines
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XXIV HODEBN LANOUAOB ASSOCIATION
these and produces the first finisht ccnnedy of manners in The Man
of Mode. Restoration dialog begins in an imitation of Fletcher
and Shakespeare by Dryden and Etherege, is gradually refined upon
by Etherege, and attains perfection in Congreve. The prolific hack
writers of the period produce decadent comedy of intrigue in imi-
tation of Brome and his schooL Precedent for every feature of
Restoration comedy can be found in the elder dramas; notably,
Shirley's Lady of Pleasure affords an interesting approximation to
the type. What is new is the manner in which the Restoration
dramatist adapts old materials to an imitation of the life of his
own times.]
34. "Spenser, Lady Carey, and the Complaints Volume." By
Professor 0. F. Emerson, of Western Reserve University.
[Spenser's promis to exalt the name of Lady Carey in his s(HUiet
accompanying the Faerie Queens, The solution connecting that
promis with the Amoreiti. Another proposed. The ccmiposition,
arrangement, and publication of the Complamts voluine. Spenser's
part in preparing that volimie and new circumstances affecting his
original plan.]
35. 'Trimary Sources for Chaucer's Parlement of Foules." By
Mr. Willard Edward Famham, of Harvard University.
[The story of bird lovers and their pleading for a formel, which
is the central incident of the Parlement of Foules, seems almost cer-
tainly connected with a widespred folk tale of contending lovers
who perform sends, plead for the loved one, but ar granted no de-
cision by a much perplext judge. As a type the tale is a hoax. Closest
to the Parlement and similar even in minute essential details is the
story of the founding of Prato incorporated in II Paradiso degli
Alherti, written supposedly by Giovanni da Prato very shortly after
Chaucer. Historical allegory is unnecessary to explain the Parle-
ment in the light of comparisons with this type of folk tale.]
36. "The Higher Aim of Comparative Literature." By Dr. Louis
Sigmund Friedland, of the College of the City of New York.
[In the large assemblage of modem studies, each aims at a syn-
thesis. The synthesis of Comparativ Literature is a spiritual cme.
A nation's literature is a revelation of its true spiritual self. The
comparison of these revelations discovers that they ar essentially
alike. Literature wipes out boundaries and swallbes distances. It
reveals the mind of man in its true universality. Yet it foretels
no dedening uniformity.
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FBOOEDINOS FOB 1916 ZXV
Nationalism, and the higher aim of Comparativ Literature. Each
nation thinks itself the center of the imiverse — a Ptolemaic con-
ception. Ck>mparatiY Literature — ^in its higher synthesis — ^is the
Newtonian theory of nations. Ck)mparativ Literature and the dash
of cultures. America, a nation actually international and interracial
(Dewey), can best convey the great message of Comparativ Liter-
ature. In our cuntry the higher synthesis of Comparativ Literature
must be the animating thought of all teachers of literature. It
shud becom the vital inspiration of all literary instruction.]
37. " Tlayeng in the Dark' during the Elizabethan Period." By
Professor Thornton Shirley Graves, of Trinity College, North Caro-
lina.
[This paper is a reply to a recent production by Mr. W. J. Law-
rence, and establishes the fact that performances wer frequently
begun in the Elizabethan public theaters at such late hours of the
afternoon as to make imperativ the employment of more or less
artificial light. Further evidence is advanced to prove that plays
wer sometimes given at night in the regular London playhouses
during the lifetime of Shakespeare, and reasons ar presented why
these performances occurd most frequently on Sunday.]
38. "Free Rhythm in German Poetry." By Professor Louise
MaUinckrodt Kueffner, of Vassar College.
[The present development of free rhythm in America is ascribed
to contemporary French influence. TancrMe de Visan points to the
influence on French poetry of the free rhythms of Novalis. But free
rhythm in Germany began with Klopstock. Brief analysis of free
rhythms as found in Klopstock, Goethe, H^lderin, Novalis, M5rike,
Heine. Revival of free rhythm since Nietzsche.]
39. "Development in the Political Thinking of Milton." By Pro-
fessor Jesse F. Mack, of Hillsdale College.
[The political principles of Milton wer not born full fledgd. His
interpretations changed with the shifting of events. He enterd the
Puritan struggle a moderate monarchy man; he became a Repub-
lican, an Oliverian, and at the end a doctrinaire advocate of a sort
of electiv aristocracy. These changes ar due not so much to a far-
reaching questioning and revision of former theories, as to personal
antagonisms. He shoes little facility in returning upon himself and
in noting wherein he may hav faild.]
40. "The Constructive Element in the Satire of Dean Swift."
By Dr. Harvey W. Peck, of the University of Texas.
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XXYl MODSBN LANGUAjOB A8800IATION
[Hie satire of Jonathan Swift is based upon positiv ethical ideas.
The fact that these ideas wer presented negativly and with unique
humor has caused critics to lose sight of their consistent and serius
caracter. Swift's misanthropy may hav been due in some mesure
to his despair of persuading men to accept his doctrines. Hie serius
nature of Swift's satire is shown by his repeated diatribes against
intemperance, the social evil, and war, and his indirect advocacy of
temperance, self-control, hygiene, eugenics, and international frend-
ship. The general philosophical principles that he attackt may be
sumd up as naturalism, individualism, and nationalism; and those
he commended, as rationalism or humanism and internationalism.
Despite his personal bitterness. Swift may be regarded as a con-
structiv ethical teacher, representing a positiv and ocnnmon-sense
type of Christianity, which, in its stress upon the physical and
material basis of welfare, anticipates strikingly many of the carae-
teristic social movements of the 20th century.]
41. 'The Troilus-Cressida Story from Chaucer to Shakespeare."
By Mr. Hyder E. Rollins, of Harvard University.
[The reputation of Chaucer's Criseyde was hopelessly ruind by
Henryson's Testament of Oreaeyde, but this poem was publisht in
every edition of Chaucer from 1535 to 1721, and was up to Shake-
speare's time, as innumerable references in plays, poems, miscel-
lanies, and broadside ballads prove, thought to be Chaucer's own
work. In his erlier plays Shakespeare has the usual contemptuus
references to Cressida, but in his TraUut and Oressida, as ihe history
of the love story shoes, insted of being bitterly hostil to h^, he
pulld her slightly out of the mire In which Henryson's folloers had
placed her. He added nothing to the caracterization of Pandar.
The history also throes some light on Shakespeare's purpose in
writing the play and on its peculiar ending.]
42. '^History of Spanish Literary Criticism in the United States."
By Mr. M. Romera-Navarro, of the University of Pennsylvania.
[This study is divided into three parts: 1. A discussion of the
precursors of the Hispanist movement in the United States, includ-
ing Washington Irving, Prescott, Ticknor, Longfellow, and Lowell;
2. The Hispanist Society of America; 3. Contemporary historians,
biographers, critics, commentators, poets, translators, and travellers
who hav contributed to Spanish literary history or to an apprecia-
tion of " cosas de Espafia " in the United SUtes.]
43. "The Beginning of Italian Influence in English Prose Fic-
tion." By Professor Howard J. Savage, of Bryn Mawr College.
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PBOOEBiNos FOB 1916 xxvii
[The Goodli History of Lucres, wMch had appeard by 1560, a
translation of ^neas Sylvius's De Duohus Atnantihus, one of the
most popular noveUe of the Renaissance, is, so far as we kno, the
first rendering of an Italian novella for its own sake into English
prose. .£neas based his story very exactly upon the Sienese amours
of Sigismund's chancellor, Gaspar Schlick. Beginning with this tale,
the influence of Italian stories brought the literary convention of the
letter into Elizabethan prose fiction.]
44. "Significance of the First Scene in the French Realistic
Drama." By Dr. William H. Scheifley, of the University of Penn-
sylvania.
[Altho Augier and Dumas fils foUoed the classical tradition of
revealing a part of the plot in the opening scene, they wer hamperd
by their predilection for anecdoted conceits, and parallel plots. Hie
rapid, unobstructed action demanded by our materialistic age com-
peld Beoque and the younger realists to omit all digressions, incor-
porating stil more of their plot in the first scene, since it is here
that condensation counts most. Folloing a principle of Diunas fils,
contemporary French realists keep the denouement constantly in
mind.]
45. ^'Chansons de geste and the Homeric problem." By Professor
William P. Shepard, of Hamilton College.
[Despite many close resemblances long since recognized, no detaild
comparison between the Qreek and the French 4pop4es has been
attempted since the discovery of new archeological evidence in Crete
and the A^ean has modified opinions of the Homeric world on the
one hand, and since M. B^dier's reserches hav revised our concep-
tion of the chansons on the other. In this paper, an attempt is made
to indicate and discuss some analogies in respect to questions of
(a) textual criticism and dialect; (6) cultural and social condi-
tions, conscius or unconscius archeising, expurgation, etc.; (c) geo-
graphical and historical backgroimd; (d) analytical criticism of
content, contradictions, incoherencies and interpolations; {e) unity
or multiplicity of authorship. A discussion of the value of these
analogies, and a final parallel.]
46. "The Place of Middle High German in the College Curricu-
lunL" By Professor Lilian L. Stroebe, of Vassar College.
[The great variety of opinion apparent in college programs. Is MHO
an undergraduate or a post-graduate study? Is Gothic or OHG pre-
requisit? How much knolege of general linguistic development can
students be presumed to hav? Methods of teaching MHG. The
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XXVlll MODSBN LANOUAjOE ASSOCIATION
most important phase of the study. Importance of etymology and
semantics. How much MHG ought a high school teacher of German
tokno?]
47. "The Glossed Boeoe de Consolation of Jean de Meung: Medi-
eval Prolegomena to French Classic Rationalism." By Dr. Maud
Elizabeth Temple, of Hartford, Connecticut.
[This work, represented in a fine manuscript, apparently unique,
tho similar to some other glost yersions, is the chief philosophic
model and source of supply for the School of Neo-Victorine thinkers
in the erly fifteenth century. Intimate resemblances in the inter-
pretation given by the Gloss to the ideas of Gerson, culminating in
the IntemeUe ConBolation, and resembluices to the Latin style and
temper of Pierre d'Ailly, incline me to believ that the Gloss is his
work, or that of one of his immediate teachers or disciples. By an
ingenius manner of etymological, rather than allegorical, interpre-
tation, it recalls the comments of Chrysostom, and peculiarly pre-
dicts the mood of the Renaissance. Its psychology is Neo-Platonic,
Realist-Nominalist, and as this finds its expression in the French
vernacular, it anticipates the cardinal aspects of French Classic
Rationalism.]
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PBOOSDINGS FOB 1916 XXXX
MEETING OF THE CENTRAL DIVISION
The twentjHsecond annual meeting of the Central
Division of the Modebn Lanouaos Association of
America was held at Chicago^ Illinois^ under the auspices
of the University of Chicago and of Northwestern Uni-
versity, December 27, 28, 29, 1916.
The sessions wer held in the assembly rooms of the Fort
Dearborn Hotel, Van Buren and La Salle Streets, Chi-
cago; in the Eeynolds Club, University of Chicago ; and in
Northwestern University Law Bilding, Lake and Dear-
bom Streets, Chicago. The Chairman of the Division,
Professor William Henry Hulme, of Wtestem Reserve
University, presided.
The attendance at the meeting was large. The raster
shoed the names of 240 delegates and visitors. The
attendance at the luncheon at the University of Chicago
was given as 182, at the smoker 179, and at the luncheon
given by Northwestern University 165. The foUoing in-
stitutions wer represented by three or more persons: Uni-
versity of Chicago 37, University of Illinois 19, Univer-
sity of Indiana 6, University of Iowa 7, University of
Kansas 5, Lewis Institute (Chicago) 3, University of
Michigan 6, University of Minnesota 9, University of
Nebraska 3, Northwestern University 15, Ohio State Uni-
versity 3, University of Texas 3, Vanderbilt University
3, University of Wisconsin 29.
Every member on the program, with one exception, was
able to be present and read his paper.
The Executiv Conmiittee of the Division held its annual
meeting December 27 at 11 a. m. and prepared its report,
which was acted on at the final business session.
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XXX MODSBN LANOUAOB A8SOOIATION
The folloing local committees wer in charge of the
arrangements: University of Chicago, Professors T. A.
Jenkins, Percy H. Boynton, and Charles Goettsch ; North-
western University, Professors E. P. BaiDot, J. T. Hat-
field, B. S. Crane.
FIRST SESSION, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27
Indian Room, Fort Dearborn Hotel
The meeting was cald to order at 2 p. m.
The Secretary of the Division, Professor B. E. Young,
of Vanderbilt University, presented a brief report, re-
viewing the work of the year. Discussing plans for the
future, he red suggestions from Secretary Howard r^ard-
ing ways and means of increasing the membership and
revenues of the Association, and urged the cooperation of
all members. The report was approved.
The Chairman stated that he wud announce the com-
mittees on Thursday morning.
The Chairman gave notis that all meetings wud be
opend on time and that readers of papers wud be held
strictly to time allotments.
Professor T. A. Jenkins, of the University of Chicago,
made announcements for the local committees on enter-
tainment.
The reading of papers was then begun.
1. '' Historical Poetry of the Hundred Years' War.''
By Professor Henry Raymond Brush, of the University
of North Dakota.
[Froissart mentions the work of varius jongleurs in connection
with events with which he is concernd. Of these poems there exists
no complete list. Some ar found only in manuscript form. This
paper litfted and summarized this material, so far as disooverd, also
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FSOCEDINGS FOB 1916 XXxi
cald attention to interesting popular misconceptions which the poems
reveaL — Fifteen nUnutes.]
2. " The Balladfl of ' Schir Ginkertoun ' and ' Schir
Andro Wode/ " By Professor Charles Bead Baskervill,
of the University of Chicago.
['' Gynkertoun," which Lyndsay {Complaynt, 1629) cald the
favorit tune of James V., was probably the air for the ballad of
" Schir Ginkertoun " preservd in Schir Oinkertounie OwUmd,
(1780). Internal evidence indicates that this ballad is very old, for
in it is found conventional fraseology of the old traditional ballads,
and its opening seems to reflect the auhiidee. The garland contains
another ballad cald " Schir Andro Wode: His Battell wi Schir Stevin
Bull," which records a sea battle of 1490 between the Scotch and
English, perhaps a Scotch counterpart of the famous ** Sir Andrew
Barton." — Twenty minutes,]
3. "Cervantes in Germany." By Professor Oscar
Burkhardy of the University of Minnesota.
[This paper was offerd as a tribute to the memory of Cervantes.
It aimd to review the history of the erly introduction of Cervantes'
works into Germany, with special reference to his noveUu ewem"
plarea. — Ten mvnutes,]
4. " Claramonte's Deste Agua no bebere and Lope's
Estrella de SeviHan'^ By Professor Edgar S. Ingraham^
of Ohio State University.
[In his introduction to Lope's Medico de au honra Mentedes y
Pelayo says that Claramonte's Deete Agua no heherS is a patchwork
of three comedias of Lope and El Burlador de SevUla. Deete Agua
has little or nothing in common with these plays, but has a number
of points in common with the Estrella de SeviUa. Is there any
possibility that Lope was acquainted with Claramonte's work? —
Fifteen minutes,1
5. " Poe and the Critic: The first English publication
of The Raven/' By Dr. Lewis Chase, of the University
of Wisconsin.
[This paper was intended as a chapter of a history of British opin-
ion of Poe. The coltuns of this obscure jumal hav been searcht, it is
believd for the first time, for its contemporary references to Poe,
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XZXU HODBBN LANOUAOE ASSOCIATION
which ar here recorded. The chief discovery is the story and text
of the first English publication of The R<pven, — Fifteen mimutee.li
6. " The B^nnings of Poetry.'' By Professor Louise
Pound, of the University of Nebraska.
[The hypothesis of ''communal" authorship and ownership of
primitiv song and the assumpticm that the ballad is the "primitlY
literary form" wer ezamind in the light of evidence now available
in scientific studies of the songs of primitiv tribes, especially the
s(mgs of the North American Indians. — Twenty minutes.]
This paper was discust by Professors GJeorge Morey
Miller, of Wabash College, Albert Harris Tolman, of the
University of Chicago, Hugh A. Smith, of the University
of Wisconsin, and G^eorge Pullen Jackson, of the Univer-
sity of North Dakota.
7. " Gk)ethe and Marlowe." By Professor Otto Heller,
of Washington University.
[A comparison of "Faust" and "The Tragical History of Dr.
Faustus." A number of unnoticed similarities between the versions
wer adduced and the critical question of direct influence of Mar-
lowe's tragedy upon Groethe was reopend. In the light of the new
evidence, the hypothesis was advanced that, contrary to existing
scolarly opinion, Goethe was familiar with the first dramatic version
of the theme. — Fifteen minutea,]
This paper was discust by Professors Alexander R.
Hohlfeld, of the University of Wisconsin, James Taft
Hatfield, of Northwestern University, and the author.
At eight o'clock in the evening of Wednesday, December
27, the members of the Association assembled in the audi-
torium of the Fort Dearborn Hotel, to hear the address of
the Chairman of the Division, Professor William Henry
Hulme, of Western Reserve University, upon the subject,
" Scolarship as a Bond of International Union." After
this address there was an informal reception, in which the
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psocEDiNos FOB 1916 xxxiii
officers of the Division, the members of the local com-
mittees, and their wives, assisted in receiving.
SECOND SESSION, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 28
University of Chicago, Remolds Club
The session began at 9.30 a. m.
The Secretary red the proposed articles of agreement
between the Modem Language Association of America and
the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast and the
resolutions thereto pertaining, with the explanatory memo-
randa of Secretary Howard. This presentation was for
the information of members, and action upon the mesure
was not taken up until the business meeting of the fol-
loing day.
The Chairman appointed the foUoing committees:
To nominate officers : Professors A. R. Hohlf eld, T. A.
Jenkins, A. C. L. Brown, J. F. Eoyster, Kenneth Mc-
Kenzie.
On place of meeting: Professors Karl Young, Otto
Heller, R. P. Jameson.
On resolutions: Professors Edwin Mims, Colbert
Searles, Ernst Voss.
The Chairman recognized Professor Carl Schlenker, of
the University of Minnesota, who presented a plan for the
establishment of a modem language scolarship society
under the auspices of the Division. Professor Colbert
Searles, of the same faculty, and Professor Hugh Allison
Smith, of the University of Wisconsin, discust this pro-
posal. Upon motion, the matter was referd to the folloing
committee: Professors Carl Schlenker, E. P. Baillot, Lou-
ise Pound, B. J. Vos, H. A. Smith.
11
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XXXIV MODEEN LANGUAQB ASSOCIATION
Professor Alexander R. Hohlfeld, of the University of
Wisconsin, presented, as chairman, the report of the Com-
mittee on the Collegiate Training of Teachers of Modem
Foren Languages, summarizing the voluminus findings of
the committee in a brief statement, and filing the report
for publication. Professor Hohlfeld's statement was
identical with that made in his name at Princeton by Pro-
fessor Kayser (cf. supra, p. xi).
Upon the motion of Professor William Albert Nitze,
of the University of Chicago, the report was accepted and
the committee congratulated upon its work.
The reading of papers was then begun.
8. " From Don Garcie to Le Misanthrope/' By Pro-
fessor Casimir Zdanowicz, of the University of Wisconsin.
[Lines of Le Misanthrope alredy to be found in Don Cfaroie, ritten
before Moli^re's marriage, hav been used to disprove apparent refer-
ences in the former to the autiior's own domestic relations. This
paper attempted to sho this argument not valid and to trace a grad-
ual change in the author's point of view. — Fifteen minutes.]
9. "A New Version of the Peregrinus." By Professor
Karl Young, of the University of Wisconsin.
[The Peregrinus was a liturgical play presented on Easter Monday.
Some six versions of this play hav alredy been publisht. The unpub-
lisht version under consideration is more comprehensiv in content
than any of those publisht hitherto. — Ten minutes,]
10. " The Value of the Old English Ritten Record as
Linguistic Evidence." By Professor James Finch Roystev,
of the University of Texas.
[Too scant consideration has been given the unrecorded colloquial
speech of the Old English period as a source from which words and
constnictiooB that appear in ritten form first in Middle English ar to
be derived. Filological dependence upon the formal literature of the
nineteenth century wud lead to many false judgments concerning the
nature of the language of the last century. — Fifteen mtmi^es.]
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PKOCEDINGS FOB 1916 XXXV
11. '^Anthero de Quental, a victim of le mal du
siecle/' By Professor E. W. Olmsted, of the University
of Minnesota.
[Like Vigny, Quental was of an aristocratic and intellectual fam-
ily. His inherited predisposition toward self-analysis, filosofy, mys-
ticism, and asceticism. His sympathy with humanity caused him to
renounce his fortune and go to Paris to share the lot of the unprivi-
leged. There he found life no less grave a problem on the lower social
levels. His helth became impaird; the mal du sUcle overwhelmed
him; and he sought escape by suicide. His pessimism the result of
the folloing fases: an attempt to solv the riddle of the universe; a
protest against a cruel God; a final acceptance of this sorry God as
one of man's creation. This paper traced in the poetic work of this
Portuguese the development of this filosofy of life. — Fifteen minutea.]
12. " Traces of the Wars of Liberation in the Second
Part of Goethe's Faust." By Professor Julius Goebel, of
the University of Illinois.
[A satisfactory interpretation of the episode containd in 11. 9419-
9481 of Faust II has not been offerd by commentators. This paper
attempted to sho by dociunentary proof and inner evidence that the
lines in question originated in 1813 and reflect Goethe's much-
disputed patriotic attitude during the wars of liberation. — Tvoenty
minutes.l
This paper was discust by Professors A. E. Hohlfeld,
of the University of Wisconsin, Starr Willard Cutting, of
the University of Chicago, and the author.
13. "Sources of Rivas' El moro exposito: Some Sug-
gestions of Sir Walter Scott." By Professor Arthur L.
Owen, of the University of Kansas.
[Tho his subject is the celebrated legend of the Siete Infantes de
Lara, Rivas has slight recourse to the Ballads or to the Crdnica
general, taking his material largely from later plays by Lope and
others, and supplying details from imagination. Suggestions of
Scott's Ivcmhoe appear in the tournament scenes ; some parallel pas-
sages.— Fifteen minwtes.]
The members of the Association and visitors wer enter-
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XXXVl MODBEN LANaUAOE ASSOCIATION
taind at luncheon at twelv thirty o'clock Thursday by the
University of Chicago in Hutchinson Commons.
THIRD SESSION, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 28
This session was devoted to three departmental meet-
ings, representing the English, Grermanic, and Romance
languages and literatures. Subjects of importance to the
advancement of instruction constituted the program of the
respectiv sections. A definit sequence of work from year
to year wil be attempted in these meetings. All the ses-
sions wer held in Reynolds Club, University of Chicago,
at 2 p. m.
English
Chairman — Professor Edwin Mims, of Vanderbilt Uni-
versity.
14. "Freshman English Once More." By Professor
Frederick A. Manchester, of the University of Wisconsin.
The discussion was led by Professor J. M. Thomas, of
the University of Minnesota. Others who spoke wer Pro-
fessors R. A. Law, of the University of Texas, G. M.
Miller, of Wabash College, and Karl Young, of the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.
The Chairman appointed the folloing committee on the
standard course in first-year English: Professors Man-
chester, Thomas, and F. W. Scott, of the University of
Illinois.
Geemanic Langfaoes
Chairman — Professor Otto Heller, of Washington Uni-
versity.
15. " Some Questions in Regard to Graduate Work in
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PBOCBBINGS FOB 1916 XXXvii
German." By Professor Edward Henry Lauer, of ti.e
State University of Iowa.
[A compilation of statistics from seven leading institutions of the
Middle West, shoed that less than one per cent, of students who enter
the beginning German courses in the university, elect German as
their major subject. This field is, then, neglected in our efforts to
develop advanced students. It can be cultivated, if we arrange our
college work with that end in view. Such an arrangement wud aim
to develop advanced students on the basis of imiversity training
only. It wud not do violence to the proper correlation of high school
and college work, and it wud not interfere with the adequate prepara-
tion for secondary school teaching. A curriculum of such nature was
suggested.]
The paper was discust by Professor B. J. Vos, of Indi-
ana University.
16. "Translation in the Classroom." By Professor
Bayard Quincy Morgan, of the University of Wisconsin.
[Translation in the classroom. Success of the direct method.
Danger of going to extremes. Merits of translation as a disciplinary,
literary, esthetic, and practical exercise. We shud be slo to abolish
it wholly from the classroom.]
The discussion was opend by Professor James Taft
Hatfield.
17. " Die Technik der direkten Methode." By Pro-
fessor A. Kenngott, State Normal School, La Crosse, Wis.
The foUoing points wer emfasized:
[ ( 1 ) A good practical foundation is essential. Both vocabulary
and grammar shud be taught in the new language and without the
aid of translation, as the term " Direct Method " indicates — ^meaning
that it aims to connect directly and without any intermediary values
the foren word with the mind picture of what it represents. If the
pupils once find out that the English equivalent is given in addition
to the explanation in the new language, they will pay but little
attention to the latter.
(2) The pupils' vocabulary must be bilt up gradually, syste-
matically, and very cautiously; one thing must gro out of the other
in a natural, easy way, so that they will not be confused.
(3) The grammar-translation method givs too much grammar
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XXXVlll MODEBN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
which the pupils cannot digest. Grammar is a means to an end;
it must be a help to the pupils, not a handicap. Our High School
pupils ar no filologists — they ar in school to learn a new language,
not an overwhelming mass of grammatical rules and exceptions of a
new language.
Grammar is very important and necessary, but it must be practical
grammar, closely connected with the work, not theoretical grammar.
Grammatical rules shud not be given as such by the teacher, but the
pupils shud be led to discover themselvs the often recurring r^^lari-
ties which make the rules.
(4) Many Universities and Normal Schools do not prepare the
prospectiv teachers to teach. They giv out teachers* certificates and
diplomas, but do not train in special methodology. The study of lit-
erature and filology alone does not make successful teachers.
(6) Above everything else, the sphere of intet-est of the pupils
must be considerd. The work must not be made too easy, but it
must be made interesting.
(6) The Direct Method, in sharp contrast with the monotony of
the translation method, offers wonderful resources for word explana-
tion, a welth of stimulating variety. It brings real life into the
teaching of a living language, borroing from all the provinces of
human activity.]
18. " The Correlation of Scandinavian Courses with
the Work of Other Departments." By Professor George
T. Flom, of the University of Illinois.
[The speaker emfasized the close relationship between a group of
Scandinavian courses and certain courses in English and Crerman, and
urged a more definit correlation of these in the presentation of the
subject to students than has been the practis hitherto. The reader
urged especially the desirability- of some form of cooperation in the
elementary language courses in Norwegian and Swedish and English
freshman and sofomore work with Scandinavian students coming from
homes where Scandinavian is spoken. The method of instruction in
the Scandinavian language for the ends of such correlation was
briefly outlined.]
Romance Languages
Chairman — Professor Colbert Searles, of the Univer-
sity of Minnesota.
Secretary — Professor David Hobart Carnahan, of the
University of Illinois.
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PEOOBDIITGS FOB 1916 XXxix
Professor W. A. Nitze explaind the organization and
plan of the new Modem Langtuige Journal, and made a
request on behalf of the editors for articles of the folloing
nature : 1. Problems of the class-room, and their solution.
2. Expository articles, dealing with new methods. 3. Re-
views of books, and other critical articles.
Professor Thomas E. Oliver, of the University of Illi-
nois, on behalf of the committee appointed in 1914 to
plan the program of the Romance Sectional meetings for
1916, 1917, and 1918, stated that the program for 1916,
as printed, constituted the first portion of the committee's
report. The committee further recommended the adop-
tion of a definit policy for future meetings, whereby prob-
lems of the second, third, and fourth undergraduate, as
wel as those incident to graduate study, shud be discust in
sequence. Whenever definit results are obtaind, they shal
be publisht in the Modem Language Journal as the expres-
sion of this section. While other topics ar not necessarily
to be excluded from the programs whenever any special
need arises, yet in the main this definit policy shud be
foUoed, if progress is to be made.
On motion of Professor Nitze the report was adopted,
and on motion of Professor Kenneth McKenzie the com-
mittee was continued. The reading of papers was then
begun.
19. " Preparation for College Work in Languages : A
Comparison of Conditions in the East and in the Middle
West.'^ By Professor Kenneth McKenzie, of the Uni-
versity of Illinois.
[In the East, the preparatory schools and the High Schools adapt
their programs to meet the college requirements. The result is that
language work begins erly, and the students enter college with several
years of ' preparation in modem languages, and often with a knoledg
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Xl MODEBN LANQUAGB ASSOOIATION
of Latin. In the West, more students enter college without haying
studied any foren language; consequently, the elementary classes ar
very large, and fewer students reach the stage where they can do
advanced work. The speaker urged the requirement by all colleges
and universities of at least one modem foren language for entrance,
and two for graduation.]
This paper was discust by Professors G. D. Morris and
R. P. Jameson.
20. " The Direct Method : Summary of the Results in
a Questionnaire Addrest to One Hundred and Forty Mem-
bers of the Modem Language Association." By Professor
Mark Skidmore, of the University of Kansas.
[The paper shoed the existence of a growing demand for a greater
use of the spoken language in the classroom, and a possible accept-
ance of the direct method by all teachers, if understood in the sense
of a progressiv eclecticism.]
This paper was discust by Professors E. W. Ohnsted,
H. A. Smith, A. Coleman, W. A. Nitze, and J. D. Fitz-
Gerald.
21. " Practical Fonetics in Elementary French.'^ By
Professor A. Coleman, of the University of Chicago.
[Pronunciation is most effectivly taught by imitation plus simple
but accurate fysiological analysis of the formation of the sounds.
Each sound in the vowel triangle is demonstrated and practist in its
relation to the others. The more difficult consonants ar constantly
contrasted with the sounds of English. Three class periods suffice to
present the essentials, which ar developt and reviewd thruout tiie
year. Fonetic symbols ar helpful.]
22. "A Standard Course for First-Year College
French.'' By Professor Barry Cerf, of the University of
Wisconsin.
[To meet the needs of the present-day student, language shud be
taught in such a way as to make the most of its disciplinary value;
intensiy translation rather than eztensiv; application of a few
selected grammatical principles in composition and oral drill; knol-
edg of a fonetic alfabet and rules governing pronunciation. Wher-
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PEOCBDINGS FOB 1916 xli
ever possible, sections shud be divided on the basis of attainment;
attention given to the best students with a view to passing them
directly from the first to the third year.]
This paper was discust by Professors Eugenie Galloo,
A. Coleman, H. A. Smith, E. W. Olmsted, and Mr. H. E.
Atwood.
23. "A Standard Course for First- Year Spanish."
By Professor John D. Fitz-Glerald, of the University of
Illinois.
[The uneven preparation of students in the West makes standard-
ization difficult. Two standard courses ar already publisht in this
cuntry; the course outlined by the College Entrance Board, and the
course for the California schools entitled: "A Four Years' course in
French and Spanish for Secondary Schools." The speaker recom-
mended that a trial be made in the Middle West of one of these
courses rather than that another new course be laid out. The teach-
ing of Castilian was recommended.]
This paper was discust by Professors B. E. Young,
Kenneth McKenzie, E. W. Olmsted, and H. A. Smith.
Professor B. E. Young moved that the meeting recom-
mend that Castilian be adopted as the standard pronuncia-
tion of Spanish. Upon a statement from Professor Ken-
neth McKenzie that a questionnaire on this subject was
being circulated, the motion was withdrawn, with the
request that the subject be brought up at the next meeting.
Professor E. W. Olmsted moved that three conmiittees,
of from three to five members, be appointed by the Chair-
man to prepare and submit at the meeting in 1917 stan-
dard courses for first year college courses in French, Ita-
lian, and Spanish. Professor H. A. Smith moved the fol-
loing amendment: That, for the subject of French, the
committee be instructed to present the report in form for
publication. The amendment and the original motion
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Xlii MODERN LANQUAGB ASSOOIATION
wer both carried. The Chairman appointed the folloing
committees:
For French : Professors A. Coleman, Barry Cerf, Mark
Skidmore.
For Italian: Professors A. Marinoni, E. H. Wilkins,
and Miss Ruth Shepard Phelps.
For Spanish: Professors John D. Fitz-Gerald, E. W.
Olmsted, Arthur L. Owen.
The members of the Association and their guests wer
entertaind Thursday evening at nine o'clock by the two
universities at a smoker in the grillroom of the Fort Dear-
bom Hotel. The ladies wer invited. Professor T. A.
Jenkins pusht the tide of eloquence along, while Profes-
sor J. T. Hatfield led the choir. Among the speakers wer
Professors J. F. Eoyster ; Tom Peete Cross, Henri David,
and Philip Schuyler Allen, of the University of Chicago.
A special offering was a " Hans Sachs playlet " by Pro-
fessors Ernst Feise and Bayard Quincy Morgan, of the
University of Wisconsin, and Arthur M. Charles, of Earl-
ham College.
FOURTH SESSION, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 29
The session began at 9.30 a. m., in Booth Hall, North-
western University Law Bilding.
The Secretary presented the report of the Executiv
Committee. Approval of the articles of agreement with
the Philological Association of the Pacific Coast was re-
commended. The report presented the necessity of in-
creasing membership, in view of the increasing expense of
our Publications, and urged immediate activity thruout the
Central Division. The Committee recommended setting
aside forty minutes for discussion of ways and means of
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PB0CEDING8 POB 1916 xliii
improving the caracter of the programs of meetings and
increasing the general interest. Upon motion, the Secre-
tary cast the ballot of the Division for the report.
The Chairman declared the meeting open for forty min-
utes for discussion of methods of improving the program.
Speakers wer limited to five minutes each. The foUoing
members participated in the debate: Professors F, G.
Hubbard, Hohlfeld, Morgan, Smith, and Goodnight, of
University of Wisconsin; McKenzie, Oliver, and Carna-
han, of the University of Illinois ; Jenkins, Cutting, Nitze,
and Wilkins, of University of Chicago; W. W. Florer,
of the University of Michigan; E. P. Baillot, George O.
Curme, and Arthur C. L. Brown, of Northwestern Uni-
versity; Mims and Young of Vanderbilt University; J.
M. Thomas, of University of Minnesota; Louise Pound,
of University of Nebraska ; Guide H. Stempel, of Indiana
University.
Expressions for and against change in the caracter of
the program wer fairly balanced. Suggestions wer offerd
as f oUoes :
By Professor Jenkins: That the colloquium of the program of
1914 be made a permanent feature.
By Professor Cutting: That economy of time might be eflfected by
presenting short abstracts of papers of less general interest.
By Professor Nitze: That one session be devoted to a program con-
sisting of three or four subjects of general interest presented by
members doing special work in certain lines.
By Professor Morgan: That the program consist of fewer papers
by more representativ men.
By Professor Smith: A motion that one session be devoted to three
sectional programs carrying the more technical papers in English,
German, and Romance Languages.
The motion of Professor Smith was adopted, with the
foUoing amendment proposed by Professor Hohlfeld:
That the Executiv Committee, moreover, take under advisement
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Xliv MODEBN LAKGUAaS ASSOOIATIOIT
the general question of the caracter and arrangement of the annual
programs of meetings and report thereon at the next meeting of the
Division.
Professor Carl Schlenker, Chairman of the committee
on the modern language scolarship society, asked for more
time for consideration and the committee was continued
until 191Y.
The Committee on time and place of the next meeting
reported, thru Professor Karl Young, Chairman, in favor
of accepting the invitation of the University of Wisconsin
to meet at Madison. The report of the committee was
accepted. The dates wer left to the Executiv Committee.
On behalf of the nominating committee Professor Hohl-
f eld presented the f olloing nominations :
Chairman: Professor Thomas Edward Oliver, Univer-
sity of Illinois.
Secretary: Professor Bert Edward Young, Vanderbilt
University.
Executiv Committee: Professors Read Baskervill, of the
University of Chicago, Eduard Prokosch, of the University
of Texas, Everett Ward Olmsted, of the University of
Minnesota, and the Chairman and Secretary ex officio.
On motion of Professor Jenkins, the Secretary was in-
structed to cast the ballot of the Association for the report,
and these persons wer declared unanimusly elected to
their several oflSces for the year 191Y.
On motion, the nominees for honorary membership,
Professor Michele Barbi and Alfred W. Pollard, Esq., wer
unanimusly indorst by the Division.
Professor James Taft Hatfield presented a petition to
the Honorable the Secretary of State of the United States
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PEOOEDINGS FOB 1916 xlv
of America, requesting the Department of State to use
its frendly oflSces toward securing the unimpeded freedom
of importation of foren printed works for scientific and
educational purposes. This petition was indorst.
Professor E. H. Wilkins moved that the representation
of the Association upon the Joint Committee on Gram-
matical Nomenclature be continued; and the motion was
unanimusly adopted.
The reading of papers was then resumed.
24. "A Problem in the Interpretation of Dante."
By Professor Kenneth McKenzie, University of Illinois.
[A discussion of different systems of interpreting the first canto
of the Inferno in relation to the rest of the Divina Commedia. Is
it justifiable to assume consistency of method in all parts of the
poem and to make all Dante's works conform to a single symbolic
system? — Fifteen mmutes.]
25. " Concerning the Ritings of the Jena Burschen-
schafter and American Fysician, Robert Wesselhoeft.'^
By Professor Starr Willard Cutting, of the University of
Chicago.
[Robert Wesselhoeft, one of the influential members of the erliest
German Burachenschaftf foimded at Jena in 1815, came to America
in 1840 and achievd a national reputation as a fysician between that
time and his deth in Germany in 1851. This paper discust the occa-
sion, the polemic tendency, the style, and the historical significance
of his German and English publications. — Fifteen minutes.]
26. " The Wonder-flower That Came to St. Brendan.^'
By Professor Arthur C. L. Brown, of Northwestern Uni-
versity.
[The Brendan legend ordinarily begins with either a wonder navi-
gator or a marvelus book prolog. Recently a version has been dis-
coverd with a wonder-flower prolog. From Proserpine's abduction
by Dis to the ballad of Hind Etin the story of the wonder-flower is
scatterd over the erth. What is the origin of the wonder-flower in
this new prolog? — Fifteen mim^tcsJ]
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Xlvi MODEEN LANQUAQB ASSOCIATION
27. "Hints of the Social Drama of Dumas fils and
Augier in the Plays of Scribe/' By Professor Charles
Edmund Young, of Beloit Collie.
[Dumas fils is comm<Hil7 considerd the creator of the social drama,
or piece d th^e, so popular in France since 1850. The purpose of
this paper was not to attempt to discredit this view, but to sho that
certain plays of Scribe contain material that foreshadoes this type
of play. — Ten minutes.]
In the unavoidable absence of the reader, an outline of
his paper was given by the Secretary.
28. "Lessing's Feeling for Classic Ehythm." By
Professor James Taft Hatfield, of Northwestern Univer-
sity.
[An investigation of Lessing's utterances in regard to ancient
meters shoes that his comprehension of them was conventional and
limited. — Fifteen minutes.]
The members of the Division and their frends wer en-
tertaind at luncheon at twelv o'clock by Northwestern
University in the same bilding.
FIFTH SESSION, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 29
Booth Hall, Northwestern University Law Bilding
The Division was cald to order at 2 p. m.
Lists of the special committees appointed by the sections
of English and of Eomance Languages wer red.
Professor Mims, Chairman of the Committee on Reso-
lutions, presented the foUoing resolutions, which wer
unanimusly adopted by a rising vote:
Resolvdf That the members of the Central Division of the Modern
Language Association desire to express their appreciation of the hos-
pitality of their colleags of the University of Chicago and North-
western University. Especially ar we grateful to the local corn-
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PKOCEDINGS FOB 1916 xlvii
mittees on arrangements for their foresight in planning every detail
of the meeting.
The reading of papers was then resumed.
29. *^ Notes on Some Plays of Shakespeare in the
Light of Their Cronology." By Professor Robert Adger
Law, of the University of Texas.
[Difficuties encoimterd in the analysis of Romeo and Juliet, The
Winter'8 TcUe, and certain erlier comedies wer explaind in part by
comparison with other works of Shakespeare composed about the
same time and treating similar themes. — Fifteen minutes. "l
30. ''Emilia Oalotti in Goethe's WeHher/' By Pro-
fessor Ernst Feise, of the University of Wisconsin.
["Emilia Galotti lag auf dem Pulte aufgeschlagen " {Werther),
This passage is according to commentators of Goethe's Werther
taken over, without apparent reason, from Kestner's report on the
deth of young Jerusalem. The fact seems all the more surprising
since (Goethe declared in a letter to Herder: "Emilia Galotti ist
auch nur gedacht . . . darum bin ich dem Stiick nicht gut." This
paper attempted to prove a deeper relation between the problems of
Emilia Oalotti and Werther. — Ten minutes.]
The paper was discust by Professors Curme and Cut-
ting.
31. '* Voltaire and Optimism." By Professor A.
Coleman, of the University of Chicago.
[It is generally held that Voltaire's views on optimism, largely
influenced by Pope, underwent a pronounced change about 1755.
It is desirable to determin what presuppositions lie behind his opin-
ions on this subject, both before and after this date. — Fifteen min-
utes.]
32. " The Place of Boissy's Frangais a Londres in the
Development of French Thought in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury." By Professor C. F. Zeek, Jr., of Southern Meth-
odist University, Dallas, Texas.
[Before the Fran^ais d Londres (1727), the English wer hardly
known in French literature. Voltaire's Lettres anglaises appeard
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only 1734; Pr6vost*8 Le Pour et ContrCf 1732-40; Destouches'B Bo^tiet
anglaises, 1745. While Muralt's Lettres sur les AngUUs et let
Francais did appear two years erlier (1725), his influence was lim-
ited, as he was a Protestant and rote only letters. Le FrtmcaU d
Londres was first to treat English sympathetically; often playd at
Com^die Francaise until 1790. This sympathy for the English soon
developt into activ admiration on the part of comic riters, and this
in turn was a factor in the development of the esprit philosaphique
on the stage. — Ttoelv minutes.]
The paper was discust by Professors J. L. Borgerhoff,
of Western Reserve University, T. E. Oliver, and B. E.
Young.
33. "Ziele und Aufgaben der nenhochdeutschen
Sprachforschung." By Professor Ernst Voss, of the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.
[The chief aim of the linguistic investigations in modem high
German to determin the factors at work in the formation and de-
velopment of the modem literary language fr<nn the fifteenth to the
middle of the eighteenth century; a review of the work acoomplisht,
the methods employd, and the problems to be solvd, and an appeal
to younger American Germanists to help in their solution, so that at
last the history and grammar of this important period may be ritten.
— Fifteen minutes,]
The paper was discust by Professor Cutting.
34. " The Development of Shelley's Views on Reli-
gion between 1813 and 1818." By Professor S. F. Gin-
gerich, of the University of Michigan.
[The period between 1813 and 1818, from the riting of Queen Mob
to the riting of the first act of Prometheus Unbound, witnest not
only the expansion of Shelley's literary powers from juvenility to
complete maturity, but also a development of his spiritual and re-
ligius nature, markt chiefly by a change from destructiv to oonstruc-
tiv views. Evidence of this development in his letters, poems, and
other documents of the period. — Fifteen minutes,]
35. " The Eelation between the Plays of Benavente
and His Dramatic Criticism." By Dr. John Van Home,
of the State University of Iowa.
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[The development of Benavente's dramatic career from his erly
plays of aristocratic society, thru his political and problem dramas,
to the more moral productions of recent years, was illustrated by
references from his periodical ritings. — Ttoelv fninntes,]
The paper was discust by Professor E. W. Olmsted.
36. " A New Viewpoint of Qrillparzer^s Das goldene
VHess." By Dr. Heinrich 0. Keidel, of Ohio State Uni-
versity.
[Grillparzer's two aims: (1) To sho the contrast between civiliza-
tion (Jason) and barbarism (Medea) ; (2) to take from Kindermord
the traditional shock. The critics unanimusly take Medea's part,
but the halo they bestow on her is undeservd. Jason's action was
inevitable because of his nature and situation; his morality was
sheer self-preservation. Medea acts in stubbornness and petty ego-
tism. The critics' siding with this barbarus woman seems unmo-
tivated.— Fifteen minutet,^
The Central Division adjumd at 5 p. m.
PAPERS RED BT TITLE BEFORE THE CENTRAL DIVISION
37. ** On the Present State of the Locus Question." By Professor
Thomas Atkinson Jenkins, of the University of Chicago.
[Nearly every Romance scolar of prominence has delt with the
French development of Latin loouB, The problem is triple: Why is
the i>ost-tonic retaind? What is the relation of lieu to ilueot Why
did lieu part company with feu and jeut Reworking a paper pre-
sented to this Association in 1894 (see Whitney Memorial Volume,
p. 117), an explanation is attempted on the basis of a comparison
with the O. Fr. forms of Lat. oaecua and scgui^, ascribing the resolu-
tion of ^ to u as conditioned upon the presence of the s of flexion.]
38. "Berthold von Chiemsee and the Pre-Lutheran Bibles." By
Professor William F. Luebke, of the State University of Iowa.
[The numerus Scriptural passages in TewtscTie Theologey (1528)
sho little resembance to the pre-Lutheran Bibes. Berthold appar-
ently made his own translations, but certain agreements with the
group Z— Oa (Zainer, ca. 1476 to Silvanus Otmar, 1618) lead us to
assume that Berthold had in his possession one of these Bibles, but
that he did not consult in it writing his Tewtsohe Theologey.}
n
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39. "A Consideration of the Structure of Shakespeare's Tragedies
as Regards Turning Point." By Professor D. H. Bishop, University
of Mississippi.
[No commonly accepted term for caracterizing an ess^itial point
in the structure of tragedy, variusly described as "turning point/'
** crisis," " climax." Turning point is proposed, as oriaia and dinuuc
ar not used consistently even by single riters. The importance of
this i>oint as an organic element in the structure of tragedy has not
been adequately recognized; hence wide variation in the location of
this essential point. Aristotle's law of " beginning, middle, and end,"
with its corollary of "necessary or probable sequence," applies to
Shakespeare and affords guidance toward an agreement upon turn-
ing point. This is not a defense of mecanical analysis. Turning
point exists because of an organic law operating in caracter, and it
is located with regard to caracter. Subjectiv and objectiv turning
points may not coincide. Application to Shakespeare's tragedies.]
40. "Un peu d'ordre dans la jeimesse orageuse de Destouches."
By Professor Henri David, of the University of Chicago.
[La vie du po^te comique N^ricault Destouches jusqu'ft son depart
pour TAngleterre n'a pas encore fait Tobjet d'lm travail critique.
Telle qu'elle est rapports dans les articles de dictionnaire, ouvrages
d'histoire litt^aire, prefaces aux oeuvres dramatiques et sources, elle
offre des obscurit^s et des contradictions, les unes accidentelles, les
autres voulues. Le but de cette 6tude est de mettre fin k ces incerti-
tudes. L'auteur croit avoir r^ussi & fixer quelques dates et faits
importants et d^montrd que I'^rivain ne fut pas soldat, conmie lui
et les siens Pont pr^tendu, mais com^ien, malgr^ tout ce qui a
4t6 fait i>our le nier aprte que Destouches eut 6t6 diplomate et
anobli.]
41. "Spanish-American Spanish?" By Professor John D. Fite-
Gerald, of the University of Illinois.
[The demand for " Spanish-American Spanish." Impossibility of
defining this term, for there is no such thing. The eighteen kinds of
Spanish talkt in Spanish- America hav points in common, as different
from Castilian, but not enuf points in common and too many diverg-
encies to warrant speaking of Spanish-American Spanish as a lin-
guistic entity. Nativs of these cun tries can brand almost infallibly na-
tivs of any other Spanish-American cuntry. We North Americans find
it natural for foreners to lem English-English, rather than Ameri-
can-English; similarly we shuld lem Castilian, the language of the
motherland, which is acceptable in all Spanish-American cuntries.
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Our only safety in using words which hav one sense in Castilian and
others in varius Spanish-American cuntries, is to use those words in
the meaning given in the dictionary of the Spanish Royal Academy.
On this foundation, residence in the cimtry wil soon put. one a/u
courant of local usages.]
42. " Der Zweck des Dramas in Deutschland in den Anschauungen
des Sechzehnten und Siebzehnten Jahrhunderts.*' By Dr. J. E. Gil-
let, of the University of Illinois.
[This paper describes the conceptions about the aim of the drama
in general (excluding the school drama) prevailing in Grermany
during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These conceptions
ar groupt under the following hedings: (1) Das Didaktisohe;
(2) Sittenlehre; (3) Lehenaweisheit ; (4) Selhatkenntnis ; (5) Olodi'
hen; (6) Erziehung des gemeinen Mannes; (7) Erhaltwng des Stem-
desheiousstseins ; (8) Politik, imnere und dxissere Verhdltnisse,}
43. " The * Cowleyan ' Ode in Restoration Satire." By Professor
Virgil L. Jones, of the University of Arkansas.
[After publication of Cowley's "Odes" (1656) the "Pindarick"
ode became a stcmdard verse, second only to the heroic couplet in
extent of employment. Widely used by the Restoration satirists for
two reasons: Ease of composition and suitability for ironical treat-
ment of object of satire. The uses made of it by Butler, Oldham,
and Otway ar striking.]
44. "Jean Gerson's Sermon on the Passion, Ad Deum Vadit," By
Professor David Hobart Carnahan, of the University of Illinois.
[This sermon, preacht at Paris in 1402, has hitherto been accessi-
ble in its original form only in an imreliable incunabulum of 1507
( Bib. Nat. R^erve, v^lins 949 ) . The two translations, one in Latin
(Ellies Dupin, Antwerp, 1706), the other in modem French (Jean
Darche, Paris, 1874), ar inaccurate. A forthcoming critical edition
of the sermon, based mainly on MS. Bib. Nat. 24841, fonds francais,
wil giv, together with the text, a study of its literary caracter,
sources, and language. As the sermon is a good representativ of the
transitional epoc between old and middle French, it contains some
lexical peculiarities worthy of note.]
45. "Erase Rhythm a Matter of Pitch." By Professor A. R.
Morris, of Parsons College.
[From an analysis of the spoken frase it wud appear that frase
rhythm is markt and determind not by pause, as suggested by Lanier,
nor by sense stress, as suggested by the Coleridge school, but by a
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lii MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
recurring circumflex or tune. In verse the number of frase units in
a given line may vary with different readings without a change in
meter; in prose the frase becomes the dominating unit, and prose
rhythm becomes in consequence a matter of frase rhythm determind
by pitch.]
46. ''The L^;end of Judith and Holofemes in Spanish Litera-
ture." By Professor John D. Fitz-(Jerald and Leora A. Fitz-Qerald,
of the University of Illinois.
[An examination shoes considerable material in Spanish literature
dealing with this legend. It was so influential in the art of many
cuntries that one is surprised to find that in general it exerted so
small an influence on literature. The material alredy available in
Spanish includes an anon3rmus verse translation of the Book of Ju-
dith from the Vulgate; a cantata performd in a Barcelona convent;
a sacred musical drama in two acts performd in Madrid; a half
dozen ballads in an erly chap-book; a ballad by Lorenzo de SeptU-
veda; and a historic drama in four acts, in verse, publisht in the
middle of the last century, etc. The influence of this legend in
Spain.]
47. " B(Uau8tion*8 Adventure as an Interpretation of the Aloeatis
of Euripides." By Professor Frederick M. Tisdel, of the University
of Missouri.
[Browning's interpretation of Admetus and of Heracles is what
Euripides intended. In the case of Admetus, classical scolarship has
come largely to accept Browning's view. As regards Heracles,
scolars ar not agreed; evidence brought to sho in this case also
Browning's interpretation correct. The burlesque, satiric Heracles
of dramatic tradition was to Euripides a point of departure, not a
point of arrival. He eliminated most of the burlesque elements and
made the caracter heroic. The romantic setting makes Balaustum'g
Adventure a modem poem.]
48. " What is * Dramatic ' ? " By Professor George F. Reynolds,
of Indiana University.
[Because drama is intended for production before an audience, its
caracteristic element must be something which holds the attention
of persons in crowds. Typical crowds analyzed to sho that this car-
acteristic element is not surprise, nor even suspense, but expectation
( anticipation of the more rather than the less clearly foreseen ) . This
expectation may be excited not only by stories of conflict according
to the formula, but also by stories of impending event, thus demon-
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PEOCEDINGS FOB 1916 liii
strating a hitherto unrecognized form of dramatic structure, illus-
trated in a number of plays.]
49. "The Relation between Parents and Children in Nineteenth-
Century French Literature." By Dr. William H. Scheifley, of the
University of Pennsylvania.
[The severe parental discipline of the Middle Ages in France was
relaxt only shortly before the Revolution. The decline of Catholic
disciplin, Rousseau, democracy, all tended to make the nineteenth
century " le aUcle de Venfant" Poets, novelists, and dramatists vied
in their cult of the child as the hope of the future. Fortunately, the
crisis which thretend family life in the closing century, owing to
parental indulgence, did not develop, as is evident from the splendid
bearing of the yung French soldier in the war.]
60. " The Historical Point of View in English Literary Criticism
and the Beginnings of Romanticism." By Professor George Morey
Miller, of Wabash Collie.
[The historical point of view in literary criticism has assumed a
conunanding importance in recent years, because it has tended
toward the increase of historical tolerance and sympathies, and the
development of "a relativ esthetic, varying from age to age, from
cuntry to cuntry." The serins study of literary criticism is so new
that certain statements and implications of some of the investigators
in the new field call for qualification. The historical point of view
had been given definit expression even before the middle of the
eighteenth century. Contrary to the conventional view about the
general relation of criticism and literature, it seems probable that
the historical point of view in criticism stood in a causal relation
to some fases of romanticism.]
61. "The Cruelty of Christian and Saracen as Judged by the
Chansons de Geste" By Professor Mark Skidmore, of the University
of Kansas.
[Greater weight shud be given the testimony of the Cha/nsons de
geste than to that of other occidental poetry of the same period; on
the testimony of the Christian poets, whom we might expect to favor
their own people, the Saracen is less cruel.]
52. " The Beauchamp Tragedy in American Literature." By Pro-
fessor Hubert Gibson Shear in, of Occidental College.
[Details of the triple tragedy at Frankfort, Ky., in 1826, involv-
ing Solomon P. Sharp, attorney-general and frend of John C. Cal-
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honn, slain by Jeroboam C. Beauchamp, a lawyer's apprentice of
Bloomfield, Ky., to avenge the honor of hia bride, Anne Cook. Con-
temporary accounts: Newspapers, printed reports of the trial, the
" Hon. E. Everett " copy in the Boston Public Library, Becmohamp'a
Confession, Oodey^a Lady's Book, folk songs yet current. Literary
reworkings of the story, 1834-1842: Chivers, Clason, Hoffman, Poe,
Mary E. MacMiehael, Simms. An attempt to define the angle from
which each viewd his sources.]
63. " Some Current Errors in Fonetic Interpretation and Tran-
scription." By Professor Robert J. Kellogg, of James Millikin Uni-
versity.
[Recent experiments sho all speech sounds a composit of fysiolog^-
cal and fonetic factors and essentially difthongal or gliding in carac-
ter. These aspects disappear in fonetic transcription. Analysis of
speech into " sounds " is not intuitiv, but rests on naive or scientific
reflection. This has led to errors in fonetic interpretation and tran-
scription, some of which persist in current fonetic alfabets. Hiese
errors ar partly correctable on the basis of present knolege, but for
some a fuller experimental analysis is needed. A thoroly equipt lin-
guistic and fonetic laboratory shud be establisht for solution of
linguistic and fonetic problems.]
64. " Chaucer and the Roman d*Eneas" By Professor John Liv-
ingston IjOwcs, of Washington University.
[A presentation of the evidence for Chaucer's use of the Roman
d'Eneaa, in conjunction with the ^neidy in the Legend of Dido and
the House of Fame, and of its further employment in the Troilus.^
66. "Chaucer and the Ovide Moralist** By Professor John Liv-
ingston liowes, of Washington University.
[In the Legend of Philomela Chaucer supplemented the narrativ
of the Metamorphoses by drawing upon the so-called Philomela, in-
cluded in the Ovide moralist, and attributed to Chretien de Troyes.
The paper also discusses evidence at present available, pending access
to the manuscripts, for Chaucer's use of the Ovide moralist elsewhere
in his work, and opens up the question of his probable use of French
translations of others of the classics with the Latin originals.]
56. " The House of Fame and the Romances." By Professor John
Livingston Lowes, of Washington University.
[A study of the influence of the French romances, especially those
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PEOCBDINGS FOB 1916 Iv
which deal with classical materials, upon certain elements of the
castle of Fame, as Chaucer describes it.]
57. " Hebbel and the Devil." By Dr. Maximilian Josef Rudwin,
of the University of Illinois.
[The Devil plays an important r6le in Hebbel. In his appreciation
of the Devil, Hebbel sivpasses his contemporaries and predecessors.
His intimacy with the Devil is due to his education, his dramaturgi-
cal theories, but above all to a deep spiritual afiSnity. His Devil is
popular, not filisofical. A filosofical view of Satan is found only in
Michel Angelo.]
68. "An Instance of Milton's Debt to Greek Filosofy." By Pro-
fessor Edward Chauncey Baldwin, of the University of Illinois.
[The idea of matter passing from a lower to a higher plane thru
successiv stages of spiritual evolution a favorit one with Milton. It
appears in origin a combination of Aristotle's idea of a genetic series
with Plotinus's more idealistic conception of the relation of human
souls with the world-soul.]
59. " The Eco Device in Literature." By Mr. Elbridge Colby, of
the University of Minnesota.
[The use of an actual verbal eco in literature dates from the Greek
anthology and the Byzantin period. It first appears in Western Eu-
rope in the Italian, in Guarino, Tebaldeo, Tasso, Poliziano. Thence
it spred, usually as a complement of pastoral poetry. In England,
after its introduction in The Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth Castle
(1575), it got into drama, being used for humorus effect, as a terror
device, and as a reflection of fatalistic, introspectiv ideas. It was
distinctly an irregular and artificial type, and, since the advent of
"the classical rule" of the eighteenth century, has almost died out
except in vers de aociitiy where its use is doutless related to similar
occurrences in Elizabethan sonnets and other lyric poems of courtly
compliment. Its strangest manifestation, however, is its appearance
in German war poems of the present.]
60. "The Doomsday Play in England." By Professor Hardin
Craig, of the University of Minnesota.
[The play of the last judgment is combined on the Continent with
the play of Antichrist. The two plays probably arose together. In
England the Doomsday play is independent; the Chester cycle alone
shoes them together. We hav in this and in other features of that
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Ivi • MODEBN LAIfQUAGE ASSOCIATION
cycle an indication of the method of cycle-bilding and of the relativ
dates of cycles.]
61. " The Three Tartuffea of Molitee.'' By Professor Bert Edward
Youngy of Vanderbilt University.
[The development of Tartuffe in Molifrre's hands from the simple
form of 1664 to the complex form of 1667 and the stil more complex
form of 1660. An attempt to separate the original form from the
final, and to trace the changes and their reasons. The "adoucisse^
ments " and " retranchements '' made by Moli^re to placate the cabal.
The adventitius caracter of varius scenes. The changes in the
denouement. The variations in literary style in the play marking
the stages. The expansicm of Moli^re's dramatic genius in the riting
of this play.]
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THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS
Dei-ivebd on Wednesday, December 27, 1916, at
PbINOETON, N". J., AT THE ThIBTY-FOUETH
Annual Meeting of the Modern Lan-
guage Association of Amebica
By James Douglas Bbuoe
recent educational tendencies
It is a matter of common experience that in a period of
growth the spirit of change which gives energy to some
great movement often overleaps the boimds of beneficent
action and threatens to become an agency of destruction
with respect to the society or institutions which it has done
so much to reform. We see examples of this on every side
in the history of political and social progress, and in the
educational situation of the present day we appear to be
confronted with the same familiar phenomenon. A hun-
dred years ago the old system of classical education held a
virtually undisputed sway, but, as all the world knows, in
the course of the nineteenth century there arose two condi-
tions which caused a profound modification of that system.
In the first place, the enormous social changes which we
sum up in the phrase, '* the growth of democracy," brought
into our schools and colleges millions of young people for
whom the older training was obviously unsuited. In the
second place, the immense development of the natural sci-
ences, and later of social and economic science, increased
the fund of knowledge to such a degree that a process of
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Iviii MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
selection in regard to the subjects which should be taught
in the schools was forced upon us. Then came the inevi-
table readjustment with its consequent conflicts — first, the
warfare which science waged against the classics in its en-
deavor to gain recognition in the scheme of education;
secondly, the advance of the modern languages against the
same enemy through the breaches in his stronghold which
science had made. For many years these two particular
conflicts engaged the attention of the educational world be-
yond all others. But, for different reasons in the two cases,
both of these contests have in the progress of time been in a
large measure settled. Apart from the Zeitgeist which
gave to the natural sciences an overwhelming numerical
superiority, teachers of the classics came to recognize that
the compulsory recruits in their classes who had no apti-
tude for this branch of studies were a source of weakness
rather than of strength, and that, after all, the field was
large enough for division between the rival claimants.
Moreover, after winning the essentials of victory, as is
so often the case, a spirit of tolerance descended upon the
victor, and he became cognizant of the merits of his recent
foe — especially as compared with new foes that in the
meanwhile had sprung into existence. Thus pleas for the
study of the classics from men of science are by no means
unheard of. Indeed, I know of no plea for classical
studies more moving in respect to both logic and elo-
quence than that of the late Henri Poincar^, the eminent
French mathematician and astronomer. As regards the
contest between the ancient and modem languages, in
this instance, too, victory rested with the newcomer, who
by departing from mere Sprachlehrer empiricism and
adopting something of the rigorous discipline which
distinguished the classical monopolists, had rendered him-
self worthy of sharing in the old inheritance. But here,
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on consolidating the position he had won, the victor per-
ceived what had naturally escaped him in the excitement
of the onslaught, namely, that the interests of the two
branches of linguistic and literary study were in a consid-
erable measure identical. For not only did the modem
literatures develop out of those of antiquity — and in the
case of the Neo-Latin languages there is, of course, a simi-
lar relation of linguistic derivation — so that for any true
comprehension of the former a knowledge of the latter was
requisite, but experience soon proved that the overthrow
of the authority of the classics in the educational scheme
tended to weaken measurably all along the line the general
position of literary studies in the higher sense, as dis-
tinguished from purely practical linguistic instruction.
But whilst these battles between the natural sciences
and the classics, on the one hand, and between the classics
and the modem languages, on the other, were being fought
out to the conclusions which I have indicated, the spirit
of change had not ceased its activities, and a new move-
ment which involved momentous issues for all three of
the above-mentioned disciplines, and indeed for all the
various branches of learning that are included in our
schemes of study, was gathering strength. It is only, how-
ever, in its reaction from tradition that the new move-
ment can be compared with those that I have just touched
on; for it does not propose a new subject of study to share
with older subjects a place in the educational program or
perhaps supplant one of these older subjects. To be sure,
as we shall see, it would eliminate some of those that are
there; but, in general, the movement in question is con-
cerned mainly with methods — a word which in happier
days passed by the ear as harmlessly as most words in the
vocabulary, but at the present time must fill every teacher
with anxiety and fear, whenever it is heard. This new
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Ix MODBEN I-ANGTJAOE ASSOCIATION
movement, which has made itself felt for many years past
in educational discussion and practice, has recently foimd
perhaps its frankest and most definite expression in Mr.
Abraham Flexner's paper, A Modem School, published by
the Greneral Education Board. Now, it would not befit
this occasion for me to take up, in detail, all the elimina-
tions of subjects from the scheme of studies, and radical
innovations in the methods of teaching those that are left,
which are proposed in this paper and in other current
works of a similar tendency. The mathematicians, who
fare worst of all in the new program, will no doubt have
something to say for themselves — only even a layman may
be allowed to remark that if the schools of the past had
admitted only the modicum of mathematics which is to be
admitted in the schools of the future — ^viz., the elements
of arithmetic and about one-fourth of the geometry now
taught, and that in a form adapted strictly to what are
called practical needs — ^it is hard to see how the physical
sciences, which in their mechanical applications would cer-
tainly seem to possess the saving grace of being practical,
could have had any existence. Similarly, in r^ard to his-
tory, which comes closer home to us. Since we know from
our own experience that the greatest works of literature
are mainly the creations of past generations, and that some
of the very greatest of them, indeed, are the products of
a very distant past, we may be permitted to doubt whether,
after all, the assumption of the modem school is just —
viz., that the historic facts concerning these same genera-
tions are useless — or in other words, that the achievements
of former ages in the political and social fields and the
history of these achievements have no interest or value for
us. Moreover, apart from such matters, discussions of the
kind I have referred to embrace many questions that do not
directly affect the members of this Association except as
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PSOGEDINGS FOB 1916 1x1
they affect the whole American people — ^viz., the question
of the extent to which the needs of vocational instruction
should govern the arrangement of courses in the schools,
the question of the merits of the much-debated Gary plan,
etc. To be sure, the spirit that runs through the discussions
of these questions on the part of the advocates of the so-
called modem school and the point of view which deter-
mines the decision of such advocates are the same as in the
case of the questions which more immediately concern us,
and what I shall have to say of the latter will necessarily
have an indirect bearing on the former. It should be said,
too, that even the questions which I shall deal with are dis-
cussed in such writings as primarily school questions — in
particular, as problems of the high school — but apart from
the fact that the spirit which dominates school organiza-
tion is sure soon to dominate the colleges also, the colleges
derive their students from the schools, and they have ac-
cordingly a vital interest in these matters ;. for the charac-
ter of the work which is set them to do will be determined
by the decisions which are adopted in the schools.
Now, what are the principles that imderlie so many of
the changes which have actually been introduced into the
school curriculum in different places throughout the coun-
try, and which are to be standardized for the whole coun-
try, if the ideas which are expressed in the above-men-
tioned publication of the General Education Board meet
with general acceptance from educational authorities ? Ob-
viously, I should say : First, utilitarianism ; secondly, the
principle that any scheme of study that does not abolish
difficulty stands self-condemned. When stated baldly thus,
this criticism, which is, of course, far from being new, al-
ways calls forth disclaimers on the part of the promoters
of the new system. Mr. Flexner, himself, has already an-
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ticipated these charges. But what other inference can an
examination of their own pronouncements yield ?
For example, it is a fundamental thesis of the new
school that, to employ Mr. Flexner's own words, " mental
discipline is not a real purpose " (of education). The pu-
pil's " education will be obtained from studies that serve
real purposes," declares the same expert. Now, at first
sight such a statement as this would seem, after all, to
leave us still somewhat in the dark ; for if we take the word
" real " at its face value, there are few who would dispute
the validity of such an assertion. But when we come to
press the interpretation of the adjective, an examination
of the context in this paper on the Modem School makes
it plain that the author gives to the meaning of the word
a very limited extension — in fact, that, in spite of his pro-
tests to the contrary, it is synonymous with " utilitarian."
That this is the natural sense in which it should be taken
is apparent from the enthusiastic approval of the scheme
by whole-hearted advocates of a utilitarian system. For
example, shortly after the appearance of Mr. Flexner's
paper, one of the New York journals published an inter-
view with a former president of the School Board of that
city, who, in expressing his cordial approbation of the new
scheme, declares that it can only be criticised on the groimd
that it does not go far enough. — ^Why, he asks, should the
pupils in Oshkosh and Keokuk be wasting their valuable
time in useless languages and history ? What they ought to
be learning in their schools, he says, is the cheapest way
of getting their potatoes to the Chicago market. So in
these unhappy cities it is proposed that not only the body
but the mind shall live by potatoes. And, no doubt, the
systems would soon be extended to cities with more eupho-
nious names.
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One need not resort, however, to this utterance of an
enfant terrible, if we may venture to apply such a term to
the President of a School Board, to see that a " real " pur-
pose in the new plan is nothing at bottom but a utilitarian
purpose. " The extent to which the history and literature
of the past are utilized," says Mr. Flexner, " depends not
on what we call the historic value of this or that perform-
ance or classic, but on its actual pertinency to genuine
need, interest, or capacity." Some light is thrown on the
meaning of " genuine need " by the words that follow im-
mediately after. " In any case the object in view would be
to give children the knowledge they need, and the power
to handle themselves in otir own world. Neither historic
nor what are called purely culttiral claims would alone be
regarded as compelling." And the illumination grows
when we read a little further on in the course of the au-
thor^s unsparing condemnation of the literature which is
generally taught in the schools at the present time — in-
cluding, I presume, Macbeth, L' Allegro, II Penseroso, etc.,
which are among the college entrance requirements —
" Nothing is more wasteful of time or in the long run more
damaging to good taste than unwilling and spasmodic at-
tention to what history and tradition stamp as meritorious
or respectable in literature; nothing more futile than the
make-believe by which children are forced to worship as
^ classics ' or * standards ' what in their hearts they revolt
from, because it is ill-chosen or ill-adjusted. The historic
importance or inherent greatness of a literary document
furnishes the best of reasons why a mature critical student
of literature or literary history should attend to it; but
neither consideration is of the slightest educational cogen-
cy in respect to a child at school." The reading should be
selected solely to the end that the pupil's " real interest in
books [what kind, it is not said] may be carried as far
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and as high as is for him possible " — ^under these condi-
tions, whatever else might happen, there might at leaat
exist '^ some connection between the school's teaching and
the child's spontaneous out-of-school reading."
Now, in part the criticism implied in these words is
beside the mark ; for teachers of English literature, which,
we suppose, is the literature that the writer has especially
in view, undoubtedly have it as their prime object to create
in their pupils a " real interest in books." — It may be that
their selections are at times faulty. As a matter of fact,
to take, for example, the list of books which make up the
college entrance requirement reading in English literature,
there have been modifications of this list from time to
time in the past, and no one would maintain that the cur-
rent list is as final and immutable as the laws of the Medes
and Persians. But have the authorities charged vnth such
matters been right in confining their selections to the Eng-
lish classics — or, to use the critic's phrase, to those works
in our language which history and tradition have stamped
as meritorious or respectable? For here is the kernel of
the criticism. Let us for a moment look at the matter
from the point of view of the teachers of English litera-
ture, in particular, although the principle involved is of
course a general one that applies to the teaching of for-
eign literatures as well. Various reasons, however, render
the latter not so favorable a vantage ground for discussion.
— For example, to judge by the lists of Gterman and
French reading in our school and college catalogues, the
keen air of the classics of these languages is tempered for
young lungs by the injection of many specimens of con-
temporary humor and sentiment for which no one would
be hardy enough to predict inmiortality. But there is a
justification here, of course, — at least, up to a certain
point — for the inclusion of writings of this kind in the
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modem language program; for, after all, in the acquisi-
tion of a foreign tongue the practical side must be given
consideration — it is desirable that the pupil should learn
the language of contemporary every-day life and that when
brought into business or social intercourse with Germans,
for example, he should not be limited to the vocabulary and
phraseology, say, of Don Carlos or WUhelm Meister.
Looking at the question, then, from the point of view of
English literature, why should we not draw our selections
from the works which, in the rather singular phrase of
the writer, history and tradition have stamped as meri-
torious or respectable — from Shakespeare, from the re-
markable body of fiction which the nineteenth century pro-
duced, from the great lyrical poetry of the different pe-
riods of English literature, and so on, from other writings
equally meritorious and respectable? It is a question of
choosing on the one hand from what history and tradition
have approved, and, on the other, from what they have re-
jected, or from the current literature of our own day.
Now, the critics of the prevailing system are not so much
in love with the past that they would have us adopt for read-
ing what previous generations have devoted to oblivion.
So the real choice is as between the standard masterpieces
of English literature and the literature of current produc-
tion. Insofar as the advocates of the new school would
admit certain English classics, perhaps, to their plan of
reading, there would be no occasion for debate, but, in gen-
eral, such criticisms as I have quoted above show that this
is so far from being their purpose that the reading of the
classics is the main burden of their complaint Conse-
quently, the essential choice, I repeat, is between standard
English literature and current production, with regard to
which, it would seem, moreover, no discrimination is to
be exercised. Well, despite the implications of the criti-
13
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Ixvi MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
oism with which we are dealings it will probably appear
to most of us that the reading of the poetry, fiction, his-
tory, etc., which have approved themselves to the tastes of
more than one generation has advantages, after all. To
offer a defence of such a statement would seem, at first
blush, to be a work of supererogation — an insult to the
Muses, who were once supposed to be the guardians of cul-
ture— ^but inasmuch as this view has been strongly chal-
lenged by men who exercise, perhaps, the most powerful
influence in the American school world of to-day, it is worth
while facing the problem squarely and testing the reality
of these advantages.
In the first place, the greatest literary productions —
that is to say, the most perfect masterpieces of expression
in the realms of the imagination, feeling, and reason —
belong to the past. I do not suppose that even our edu-
cational critics would demur to this proposition. But if
this is true, why should not these masterpieces constitute
the most fitting material for the training of the tastes of
our pupils ? Certainly, in the domain of science, no one
would think of putting before a class of students any but
the best ascertained results of scientific research, and in
the practical trades the same principle, of course, holds
good. To be sure, there is a difference in science, inas-
much as science deals with positive knowledge, and knowl-
edge is progressive, so that even the greatest masterpieces
of scientific literature, like Newton's Principia or the
memoir in which Mendel formulated his principles of
heredity, are not fitted for elementary instruction in sub-
sequent generations, since, despite their position in the
historical development of science, to say nothing of their
diflSculty, in the course of years they necessarily fall short
of representing the highest reach of knowledge in the par-
ticular subject concerned. On the other hand, a master-
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piece of literature, like a masterpiece of art, is subject to
no such limitatioii, and it retains its absolute value
throughout the ages. But, as we have seen from a passage
quoted above, the champions of the new program reply:
This may be true enough from the standpoint of the ma-
ture student of literature, but what about the immature
pupil in school or even college ? Before giving an answer
to this objection from the theoretical point of view; I may
say that in practice I do not believe that there is any such
general aversion on the part of pupils to the reading of
standard literature prescribed by the schools as is implied
in these criticisms. We cannot, of course, expect perfec-
tion in any arrangement of himian origin. At least, I
have never heard of such perfection being attained, save
in the untried plans of educational theorists. Individual
books may be ill-selected; the manner in which the stu-
dent^s reading of the selected books is tested may be ill-
judged j teachers may not, always, be competent; and
there are still other adverse circumstances which may be
responsible for unsatisfactory results; but it is the ex*-
perience, doubtless, of every teacher of literature, who is
not hopelessly incompetent, to have confronted classes
that have started their literature courses with little taste
for poetry — ^to take the most extreme case — ^but have end-
ed by acquiring a taste for it; and similarly in regard to
prose fiction and the other elements of required reading.
To be sure, not every pupil, even imder the most efficient
teaching, will prove thus responsive; but, after all, we
have no right to lay upon the teacher the blame for the
defects of nature, and there comes a time when this much
harried person may well take his stand upon the motto of
Coleridge: IntelligibUiaj non inteUectum, adfero — ^i. e. " I
do not supply you with intelligence, but with things for
the intelligence to apprehend." Teachers, however, must,
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Ixviii MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
of course, accept responsibility for implanting in the
minds of the majority of their pupils an interest that was
not there before, and, I repeat, that the record is not one
of such wholesale failure as is charged in the criticism of
the prevailing system of instruction.
Let us look at the matter now from the theoretical point
of view — ^that is, from the point of view of the purpose
of this branch of education, which, I take it, is the culti-
vation of the mind — the cultivation of the faculties of
imagination, feeling, and reason, as I have observed above.
Now, how could this purpose be served, if our students
were delivered over to indiscriminate reading? It stands
to reason that the great majority of such pupils, if left to
themselves, would not be clamoring at the loan-desks for
Shakespeare, Milton, Scott, and the rest. There would be
a rush for the best-sellers, or, perhaps, in most cases, some-
thing even worse than the best-sellers. To sanction such
a state of things would be equivalent to a betrayal of the
trust with which school and college authorities are charged,
and so far as the instructors most immediately affected
are concerned, it would mean an abdication of one of their
most essential functions. One wonders, indeed, why un-
der this plan the schools should give courses in literature
at all, for the pupils would be as bereft of direction, as if
they had never seen a school-house. Under these condi-
tions, to be sure, there would certainly exist that conneo-
tion between the school's teaching and " the child's spon-
taneous out-of -school reading '' which our critics desiderate,
but the connection would be established by the teacher's
virtually accepting for the school " the child's spontaneous
out-of-school reading." This plan, it is presumed, too,
would have the effect of developing in the child a " real
interest in books," as far as his capacity permits. But
there are books and books, and we do not see what concern
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the teacher has in encouraging the reading of books un-
less they possess a real excellence — ^unless they serve the
purpose of developing and refining the powers which I
have indicated above. In what sense can any other kind
of reading be said to have an educational value ? And if
the teacher does not supply the guidance in the choice of
what is excellent, who is to perform this function? Ob-
viously, the suggestion to renounce substantially the read-
ing of selections from standard literature is prompted by
the desire to evade a difficulty — the difficulty which is,
of course, greatest at the start, of interesting pupils in
the writings of other ages than our own, of turning them
from current trivialities or sensationalism, of which most
of their reading consists, if they read at all, to works of
permanent quality, and, in the case of the greatest mas-
terpieces, to initiate them into an atmosphere of high se-
riousness, to use Aristotle's phrase. But to overcome this
difficulty is precisely the teacher's task, and, if he evades
it, he is yielding the field to those influences which it is
his special duty to combat.
Now, every one will grant that volimtary reading, if it
is of the right kind, is likely to be more fruitful of good
than any system of prescribed reading that could be de-
vised. Doubtless, in nearly all cases the inspiration which
eminent men in the past have received from books has
come through voluntary reading and often of the most
desultory character. But it is safe to maintain that such
inspiration, wherever it was felt, was rarely derived from
ephemeral productions, but rather from some work or
works of the same general nature as those that are com-
monly studied in our classes — ^that is, from some great
English poem or poems ; and so on with fiction, biography,
and the rest. One may say on this subject of voluntary
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reading what Wordgworth says in his Ode to Duty of con-
duct in general:
Serene will be our days and bright
And happy will our nature be,
Whai love is an unerring light.
And joy its own security.
But this golden age lies in the distant future^ and
we have to make our arrangements for the imperfect
present and for the average of our pupils; and it is only
in exceptional cases that pupils in school or college
have this natural preference for good reading. In view
of the family influences and general social conditions under
which the vast majority of human beings grow up, there is,
of course, nothing surprising in this; and then we know
that even where such influences and conditions are most
favorable, it is only a small percentage of the young people
who are so graced by nature in these matters as to turn
instinctively to what is good.
Inherent excellence, then, is the prime justification
for the limitation of the prescribed reading to standard
literature, which consists, of course, in the main, of cre-
ations of other decades than the one in which we are
now living; and the fact that history and tradition have
approved such writings does not prejudice us against
them, rather it raises in our minds a strong presumption
in their favor that out of the productions of the past,
which have been infinite in number, these alone should
have escaped the insatiable maw of Time, Still fur-
ther, however, we cannot r^ard the diflSculties which,
in varying degrees, attach to the understanding of such
works as a drawback to their educational usefulness. In
the first place, as already intimated, it is not a bad thing
that in school or college class-room, where habits of appli-
cation and concentration are to be developed, if they
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are ever developed at aU, everything should not prove
smooth sailing, and that the pupil should not be sure of
arriving at his goal by simply letting himself drift. One
would not, of course, create artificial difficulties merely
as mental hurdles for the student to jump over, but it is
an altogether wholesome exercise, if in the reading of
some great masterpiece of the past he is compelled from
time to time to grapple with unfamiliar modes of thought
or expression such as he is sure to encounter in works
of this character. Certainly, life outside of the class-
room affords no support to the view that to develop one's
powers one should avoid all difficulty. And again, aside
from the intellectual discipline which the effort of over-
coming such obstacles imparts, there is the liberalizing
influence of the new views of the life of man which the
student has won by his effort — of the latent capacities and
variety of human nature and art. It is no small thing to
be delivered from the bondage of the present and to be
made an heir of all the ages instead of being confined to
the small section of human experience and production
which is spanned by our own lives or those of our con-
temporaries. Even if the great works of the past were
not of supreme artistic excellence, they would still have
in no small degree this claim as instruments of enlight-
enment, that only by their study can we obtain any true
estimate of the range of the human mind in envisaging
the phenomena and problems of life and in giving the
most effective expression to all that it has thought or felt
in the process.
But, as has already been intimated, this view of our
relations to the past meets with little favor from the edu-
cational modernists. It is not so much with a kindled
imagination as with aversion that they fix their eyes upon
that " dark backward and abysm of Time." This is, in a
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Ixxii MODERN ULNGUAGB ASSOCIATION
large measure, implied in Mr, Flexner's discussions. Let
us listen now to Professor John Dewey's more explicit
declarations on the subject. In his recent work entitled
Democracy and Education he remarks :
An individual can live only in the present. The present is not
just something which comes after the past; much less something
produced by it. It is what life is in leaving the past behind it.
The study of past products will not help us understand the present
because the present is not due to the products but to the life of
which they were the products. A knowledge of the past and its
heritage is of great significance, when it enters into the present,
but not otherwise. And the mistake of making the records and
remains of the past the main material of education is that it
cuts the vital connection of present and past, and tends to make
the past a rival of the present and the present a more or less futile
imitation of the past. Under such circumstances culture becomes
an ornament and a solace; a refuge and an asylum. Men escape
from the crudities of the present to live in its imagined refinements,
instead of using what the past offers as an agency for ripening
these crudities.
As will be observed, in the last clause of the passage
which I have just quoted the writer concedes a limited
possible value to the study of the past, and in the para-
graph which follows he grants that it constitutes " a great
resource for the imagination ;" but the whole drift of the
passage, as of the entire book from which it is taken, to
say nothing of innumerable other recent works of a sim-
ilar tendency, is to decry the study of the past. Literature
is the main product of the past with which the members
of this Association are concerned, but since the cause of
literary studies is here connected with a general attitude
towards the life and achievements of the generations that
have gone before us, and since the whole question is one of
fundamental importance in our conceptions of education,
perhaps I may be permitted to make a few remarks as to
the wider considerations that are suggested by Professor
Dewey's words.
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Now, however deeply as individuak we may be com-
mitted to the study of the past, as students of literature,
history, or what not, there is little danger at the present
day of our falling into the sterility of a Chinese ancestor-
worship. If means are discovered of quickening through
education in the schools our powers of observation — a
matter on which President Eliot of Harvard has laid
so much stress — none of us are rendered unhappy. Only
we are not so easily convinced, perhaps, as the educational
modernists that such means have been attained. In gen-
eral, one may say that no man of the present age is likely
to withhold his sympathy from any effort to impart to
pupils a keener and more penetrating insight into the
workings of nature. Most of us would doubtless r^ard
it as an error from every point of view to give a too purely
utilitarian direction to such studies in the schools. But
in making claims for the study of the past, we do not
wish to set up any opposition to a genuine study of ex-
ternal nature. To be sure, many of us still hold to the
conviction that the study of humanity through literature
and history has a more direct bearing on the formation
of character than is the case with the study of external
nature, and that, after all, the formation of character
is the highest concern of education. But, leaving this
question aside, how can we accept Professor Dewey's dic-
tum that " a knowledgj^ of the past and its heritage is of
great significance when it enters into the present, but
not otherwise " ? Manifestly we have here a narrowly util-
itarian spirit which would give delight to the enemies of
literary and historical, or indeed of liberal, studies of
any kind everywhere. For even if we put upon this utter-
ance the most favorable interpretation, the principle which
it implies would chill the pursuit of any study Whatever.
If in their investigation of nature or of life in any of its
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manifeBtations the men of the past had had to check the
ardor of intellectual curiosity from time to time, by ques-
tioning themselves as to its utility for the present moment,
how far would the human race have advanced in tiie ac-
quisition of knowledge and the consequent expansion of
its power t As a matter of fact, as we aU know, the full
reach of investigation or speculation can rarely be real-
ized even by the leaders in such matters. For example,
when Pasteur began his investigations into the processes
of fermentation, he had no idea that he would end by
revealing to the world the causes of most diseases, and so
equip us with the means of combatting the ^^ painful fam-
ily of Death" with an efficacy hitherto unknown. Sim-
ilarly, the scholars who laid the foundations for modem
historical science in the first part of the nineteenth cen-
tury could not foresee the profound influence which the
results of the new methods in conjunction with those
of the natural sciences were destined to exercise on men's
religious beliefs, and consequently on the whole atmos-
phere which determines the solution of modem social
problems. Surely the principle by which the great men
of the past have actually been inspired — ^namely, that
the pursuit of truth was a thing desirable for its own
sake — ^was not only a nobler ideal than that which is set
before us in the words of Professor Dewey which I have
quoted above, but is infinitely more fruitful of beneficent
results, even of a practical kind. But even if the validity
of Professor Dewey's principle were granted, it would still
remain to determine what part of the past enters into the
present and what does not. The educational modernists,
we imagine, would take the view that it was a very small
part ; the rest of the world would say that it was a very
large part — ^indeed, that biologically, intellectually, and
morally we are what the past has made us, and this asser-
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tion one may make^ despite a full recognition of the fact
that there is a vital principle in us which will lead to
still further growth. So the dictum of Professor Dewey,
like the analogous one of Mr. Flexner, even if accepted,
would leave us pretty much where we were.
It seems plain, then, that this attitude towards the
past and consequently towards all the studies that relate
to the past is determined by a spirit of narrow utilitarian-
ism. Now, as a next step, one may inquire what is it
that has given such ideas their commanding influence
in the educational theories of our time? Obviously, I
should say, the subordination of all the forces of educa-
tion to the solution of the great social problem of the
age — namely, the improvement of the conditions of life
for the great masses of mankind. How far the modern-
ist leaders are willing to go in this subordination will
appear with sufficient clearness from the following state-
ments of Professor Dewey in another of his books, pub-
lished last year, entitled The Schools of Tomorrow. After
advocating throughout this work the principles of educa-
tion which are exemplified in certain schools, notably at
Gary, Indiana, he goes on to argue that there should not
be different schools in the public school system to suit
the respective needs of people who are differently cir-
cumstanced. For, he says, " it is fatal for a democracy to
permit the formation of fixed classes,'' and the power to
prevent this evil rests more with our public school system
than with any other agency. It is not sufficient, he de-
clares, that the pupils of different social classes should
be brought into contact with one another in the schools.
" The subject-matter and the methods of teaching,'* to
quote his own words, " must be positively and aggressively
adopted to the end " — ^that is, of obliterating the differences
which have sprung from the varying conditions under
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which the individual pupils have grown up. He goes on
to say : " There must not be one system for the children
of parents who have more leisure and another for the
children of those who are wage-earners. The ^physical
separation forced by such a scheme, while unfavorable to
the development of a proper mutual sympathy, is the
least of its evils. Wbrse is the fact that the over bookish
education for some and the over * practical ' education for
others brings about a division of mental and moral habits,
ideals and outlook."
So it is to be a crime against democracy, if everybody
is not forced through precisely the same educational mill,
and human beings are to be standardized like everything
else in our age. One would like to put upon these sen-
tences some such construction as was put by Matthew
Arnold on a certain utterance of Lord Shaftesbury, the
great philanthropist of the last century. On the appear-
ance of Seeley's Ecce Homo, in which the life of Christ
was approached in a manner that was not altogether ortho-
dox, Lord Shaftesbury pronounced it " the vilest book that
was ever vomited from the jaws of hell." Matthew Ar-
nold remarked, however, that this was merely Lord Shaftes-
bury's way of saying that he did not like Ecce Homo.
Similarly, one might be inclined to say that in using the
language which I have just quoted Professor Dewey simply
meant to affirm that he was greatly interested in the ele-
vation of the masses. But evidently he is expressing the
deliberate convictions that result from his attitude to-
wards educational questions in general. All education is
to be subordinated to the solution of the social problem.
Now, there is no one who does not recognize, of course,
that this is a vast problem, and we, men and women, whose
lives are devoted to the business of education, are willing
to co-operate with the oliier forces of society in further-
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PBOCEDINGfl FOB 1916 IxXVli
ing a solution of it, or anything approaching a solution
of it. We overlook the complete n^ation of liberty
which is here proposed in the name of democracy, for
we have become accustomed to that. But vast as the
social problem is, many of us will maintain that there is
something vaster still, and that is the problem of the
development of the human spirit in all of its capacities.
Despite the consistent drift of Professor Dewey's teach-
ings and those of other authorities who exercise such a
powerful influence in shaping the educational system of
the country, the two problems are not identical. There
are w'hole realms of thought, feeling, and imagination
which stand in no immediate relation to the social problem.
The energies which find their expression in scientific in-
quiry, or in poetry, or in music, or art, have no direct
bearing on that problem, and yet surely these are mat-
ters with which education is concerned. Moreover, ul-
timately even those who from their circumstances are
compelled to set themselves in their education more lim-
ited aims will profit, each according to the degree of
his opportunity, from the fruits of such energies as I
have just indicated. Then, too, one may say that life,
after all, is not wholly made up of bringing help to one's
neighbors. We have our own inner lives, also, and we
are indirectly perhaps performing the best service to so-
ciety, if we, each of us, make the most of the talents
which nature has committed to us. Now, if this is the
case, it would be a grave error for the schools to re-
strict themselves to such aims as the amelioration of the
condition of especial classes or the democratization of
society, according to some individual theory of what a
democracy should be. In these matters as in all things
let us avoid the " falsehood of extremes."
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IxXViii MODBBN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
THE CHAIRMAN'S ADDRESS
Delivebd on Wednesday^ Deoembeb 27, 1916, at Chi-
cago, Illinois, at the Twenty-second Annual
Meeting of the Centbal Division of the
Modern Language Association
OF Amebioa
By William Henby Hulme
scholarship as a bond OP international union
If I had to choose a ^* text " which should best set forth
my theme, it would be the following passage from the
third book of Paradise Elegained:
They err, who count it glorious to subdue
By conquest far and wide, to overrun
Large countries, and in fields great battles win,
Qreat cities by assault: what do these worthies,
But rob and spoil, bum, slaughter, and enslave
Peaceable nations, neighboring or remote.
Made captive, yet deserving freedom more
Than those their conquerors, who leave behind
Nothing but ruin wheresoe'er they rove.
And all the flourishing works of peace destroy;
Then swell with pride, and must be titled gods.
Great benefactors of mankind, deliverers.
Worshipped with temple, priest, and sacrifice!
One is the son of Jove, of Mars the other;
mi conqueror Death discover them scarce mesa,
Rolling in brutish vices and deform'd.
Violent or shameful death their due reward.
But if there be in glory aught of good.
It may by means far different be attain'd.
Without ambition, war, or violence;
By deeds of peace, by wisdom eminent,
By paiienee, temptranee.
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While I am concerned this evening especially with the
sentiment contained in the last half dozen lines of this
remarkable passage^ written more than two centuries ago
by one of the great poets of England and the world, the
thought of the whole applies with striking fitness to the
situation as it has existed in Europe for more than two
years. How clearly Milton here sets forth the uselessness
and wickedness of war, and suggests the ease and simplici-
ty by which nations might settle all their quarrels and
strife,
By deeds of peace, by wifidom eminent,
By patience, temperance.
The events of recent years show with peculiar force how
fickle and fragile the ties of friendship are which bind
nation to nation ; how much national friendships and the
peace of the world are contingent on the whims, ignorance,
and wickedness of designing politicians and diplomats;
how easy it is for men otherwise noble and honorable to
lose their world-perspective and all sense of justice and
righteousness in the face of merely national and local
crises ; how difficult it is under the restrictions of national
and patriotic obligations, for any question of general or
universal moral significance that transcends the narrow
and fast limits of purely national interests to receive an
impartial hearing from the best and most considerate
leaders of public opinion. One of the worst effects of this
most horrible of all wars is the degradation and debase-
ment which public opinion is suffering under ruthless
military oppression. I mean to say, that those leaders of
society who would everywhere if they could give voice to
the noblest sentiments and finest feelings of the different
belligerent nations are so muzzled and gagged and blind-
folded and dazed mentally and spiritually by soulless mili-
tary methods, that either they do not know what to think.
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or they dare not give public expression to their real opin-
ions. For supposed or assumed reasons of military ex-
pediency, the press is censored beyond all possibility of
recognition; newspapers and other publications of one
belligerent nation are not allowed to circulate in another,
— or only in a censored and garbled form. The people
of one country are thus not only ignorant of the real con-
ditions, sentiments, and feelings of another people with
whom they happen through no fault of their own to be
at war, but they are often led by means of vicious gov-
ernmental politics to believe what is the exact opposite of
the truth, and to give their support to policies which are
subversive of every principle of human justice and virtue.
Under normal conditions, in well ordained, civilized
society the strongest men in intellect and personality be-
come leaders; they mould and direct the thoughts, opin-
ions, and feelings of the masses, and they are honored and
respected for their ability and power. But under military
despotisms, such as those which at present control the des-
tinies of the great nations of Europe, there is no longer
any independence of mind and spirit, except insofar as it
is subservient to the needs of barbarous war and held in
check by them. Men with the brightest minds, greatest
culture, and highest scholarly attainments have been vir-
tually reduced to the ranks of the non-thinking multitude.
Writers and speakers who dare express opinions which,
however true and just they may be in the eyes of the
world, criticise in any way the actions of military gov-
ernments and leaders, though these may tend to destroy the
very foundations of righteousness and justice, are made to
suffer the extreme penalties of martial law. And yet
these noble men and women are wholly sincere and honest
in what they think and say and write. They are not mor-
ally more perverted and reprehensible now than they were
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before the war, when their opinions and words received
the respect and admiration of the worlds tho their con-
clusions are less worthy of consideration. In a certain
sense, they must of course eventually suiFer greatly and
lose prestige in the oppressive atmosphere of the narrow
intellectual and spiritual prison which an unnecessarily
severe military censorship has built up around them. The
mind usually grows weak and diseased if forced to lie idle,
just as does a sound arm long worn in a sling; or if it is
compelled to perform its functions under unnatural and
constantly restrained conditions, it is sure to become
warped and illiberal. Its processes must be free and
unobstructed, if its conclusions are to command respectful
admiration and be authoritative.
War then — and the present one particularly — strikes the
severest blow at the very foundations of true scholarship,
not only by destroying the most suitable and promising
materials for its future development, but also by limiting
and discouraging its devotees in the proper exercise of
their essential rights and inherent privileges. It is there-
fore our duty in a special sense to uphold with all our
energies the dignities and privileges of scholarship every-
where in the world, and to condemn on every occasion
any attempt to undermine and destroy its power and in-
fluence. For scholarship has always been peaceable and
peace-loving. The growth of scholarly methods of thought
and investigation, and the increase of scholarly incentives
and ideals, form the most promising basis for lasting uni-
versal peace.
Eecent events show that few considerations in the realm
of diplomacy and international law except selfish inter-
ests have any influence in determining the relations that
may exist at any time among the governments of nations.
So long as this state of affairs continues, there can be
14
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little hope of any lasting peace in the world. And such
conditions will probably continue to control the fate of
nations in the future^ until some more human and ideal
basis of international friendships is discovered. Inter-
national conferences, national leagues of peace, and arbi-
tration courts, are, to be sure, not without value as means
for attaining the much desired end ; for they by their con-
stant agitations keep the minds of the people fixed upon
the goal. But so far the splendid theoretical structures
erected for furthering the cause of universal peace and
brotherhood have all collapsed imder the least pressure
of national selfishness, as easily as the child's toy house
of cards falls at the slightest touch of its small hand.
According to a recent political writer:
Admirable and far-sighted plans for securing a peaceful interna-
tional order have been before the world for 300 years. M. Emeric Crucfi
submitted hia plan, which included liberty of commerce throughont
all the world, as early as 1623. Following the peace of Utrecht, the
Abb^ de St. Pierre developed his plan, which included mediation,
arbitration, and an interesting addition to the effect that any sover-
eign who took up arms before the union of nations had declared war,
or who refused to execute a regulation of the Union or a judgment
of the Senate, was to be declared an enemy of European society.
The Union was then to make war upon him until he should be dis-
armed or until the regulation or judgment should be executed. Some
twenty years earlier William Penn had produced his quaint and reaUy
extraordinary plan for the peace of Europe, in which he, too, pro-
posed to proceed by military power against any sovereign who refused
to submit his claims to a proposed diet, or parliament, of Europe, or
who refused to abide by and to perform any judgment of such a body.
All these plans, like those of Kousseau, Bentham, and Kant, which
came later, as well as William Ladd's elaborate and carefully con-
sidered essay on a (Congress of Nations, published in 1840, were
brought into the world too soon. They were the fine and noble
dreams of seers which it is taking civilized men three centuries and
more to begin effectively to realize.*
' Cosmos,' in New York Times, December 0, 1016.
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It is open to serious question whether the world is even
yet ready for the formation of such a peace league as shall
be of lasting, binding force. The numerous peoples of the
world are still controlled too much by national considera-
tions,— ^they are in fact as yet too little informed about
one another's peculiar traits and qualities and rights.
They need to be brought into more intimate relations of
mutual friendship and comity than heretofore. They must
be better informed and instructed about international
problems of all kinds. Above everything else, the people
of one nation must be brought to understand that their
own right to exist ceases to be a right, nationally speaking,
if that means the breaking down of the rights and tradi-
tions of other nations with equal or similar privileges. In
other words, they must come to believe and feel that con-
quests of territory for purposes of national expansion which
violate the inherent rights of other independent, civilized
nations, belong to the Dark Ages of the past and can no
longer be tolerated. We are, I hope, gradually reaching
that stage in the process of national development w'hen
we shall no longer feel it to be the all important thing for
our children to be narrowly patriotic. They should be-
come, even if we have not become, citizens of the world
in the true sense. They should early be taught to think
and feel that all civilized nations are composed of human
beings who have as much right to life and happiness on
earth as they themselves. The world is so large and the
opportunities for individual and national growth are so
infinite in variety, that the surplus population of every
over-crowded nation should find ample room in it for ex-
pansion, not as colonies of the mother-country, but as
integral parts of whatever national organization they hap-
pen for reasons of advantage and convenience to become
identified with.
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There would, indeed, seem to be no really practical
basis — a basis determined by mutual arrangements in the
field of practical politics and diplomacy — ^for tie devel-
opment and stabilizing of the theories of most ardent
peace advocates, because of the fact perhaps that the
principles which favor the national development of one
country may be, and frequently are, most potent elements
of national decadence in another. The wisest statesmen
and diplomats often find themselves powerless, however
much it may seem wise and good, internationally speaking,
to resist the evident demands of national well-being, and
to meet half way proposals of other nations looking to-
ward the establishment of international comity. Tariff
and customs laws often add to the prosperity of one nation
and to the poverty of another ; immigration r^ulations are
frequently highly advantageous to one nation, whereas the
same laws may be oppressive and unjust to another; the
currency laws which are particularly suited to a country
rich in mineral wealth, would be unendurable in one poor
in mineral resources. A country with an extensive sea-
board and nimierous fine harbors must evidently have a
different system of shipping regulations from one which is
almost or wholly cut off from such facilities; and a coun-
try that is thickly populated and prosperous in various
manufacturing industries, must certainly have not only a
different code of domestic laws from that of a sparsely set-
tled agricultural country, but also different kinds of laws
and regulations for the successful guidance of its external
relations. Especially are the religious and social customs
and traditions of would-be friendly nations often so diame-
trically opposed, as to make harmonious relations between
any two of them almost a matter of impossibility.
Many of these and other national characteristics and
differences are, however, f requentiy emphasized unneoes-
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sarilj ; and national self-interests are almost always exag-
gerated by the statesmen and diplomats who have them in
their keeping. Numerous conciliatory compromises and
unselfish adjustments might be made by ^ne nation for
the good of another and of the world, without any material
loss to itself. But so long as national spirit, patriotism,
and loyalty to one's own country are placed above all
other human interests and considerations, the most en-
ergetic efforts for lasting peace in the world will be of lit-
tle avail. The standards of national morality must be
raised to a loftier plane than they have hitherto reached.
Individuals and nations must he brought to see that the
welfare of the whole world frequently requires much na-
tional self-denial and sacrifice. They must, in fact, be
made to realize tiiat patriotism — love of mother country —
is not necessarily the highest civic and religious virtue.
There occasionally come times in the history of nations
when the love and the welfare of humanity are to be
placed far above the love of country, — especially if the
interests of country, national interests, are clearly op-
posed to the interests of humanity. We need most of all
an instructed, enlightened public opinion in the interna-
tional, as well as the national sense. And until a strong
public opinion and an abiding sense of the moral respon-
sibility of nations to the demands of universal welfare
have become dominant elements in all national political
and social systems, the threatening cloud of war will con-
tinue to lower in the clear sky of peace.
But how can this national, that is, international public
opinion best be fostered and most consistently and rapidly
developed ? There evidently is now and always has been
something radically wrong with a}l national methods of
creating and instructing a public opinion of the highest
character. The press is, perhaps, or might easily become
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the most practicable and powerful instrument in the pro-
cesses of international education. The press, however,
wiU itself have first to be educated away from the peculi-
arly narrow national standards and ideals which it has so
far usually followed and glorified, before it can become a
real leader of this world-wide propaganda of the future.
We must, indeed, have a daily press that shall create
and form public opinion, rather than one which follows
blindly every wave of popular opinion and sentiment
In the opinion of lovers of peace and opponents of war
in this country, the continuous warnings in the daily
and other papers about the necessity of national prepared-
ness and the possibility of attacks in the future from
better equipped and more efficient foes — to mention just
one point — are certainly not contributory to a genuine
sentiment of peace and good-will in the world, — ^they
should indeed be felt to be contradictory of the essen-
tial principles of the truest, most modem civilization.
How far, one is constantly asking oneself, as one reads
the most prominent headlines in the daily papers about
the importance of strengthening our national defenses and
adopting the newest weapons in our army and navy, have
we of the twentieth century advanced beyond the barbaric
standards of medieval robber barons, if we must constantly
be armed to the teeth and always have more and better
weapons than every other nation which may possibly make
war on us in the dim future? Is efficiency in war-like
preparation and in ruthless and destructive methods of
waging war really going to be the measure of the highest
civilization in the coming generations ?
The next most effective means for producing the neces-
sary international public opinion of the future should be
primary and secondary education. But here again too
much emphasis is apt to be laid upon the inculcation in
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our schools of narrow national ideas of patriotism. The
ideals of the schools in this respect must be essentially
modified, so that our boys and girls may have impressed
upon their minds not merely patriotic sentiments, but the
higher conception that all nations are brothers (or sisters)
of one great human family. It is in institutions for the
encouragement and promotion of higher education, no
matter where they are located, that we usually find the
liveliest centres for the distribution of cosmopolitan ideas,
and accordingly for the instruction of public opinion along
international lines. International unity, a cosmopolitan
interest in humanity, and some form of universal brother-
hood constitute a goal toward which all nations of the world
should tend in the future, even with the slightest prospects
of attaining it, the
one far-oflf divine event.
To which the whole creation moves.
Now, the spread of knowledge, the scattering of the
dark clouds of ignorance and superstition, the growth
among nations of high and higher educational standards
and ideals, seem to point out one of the easiest roads to
the goal in question. The basis of scholarly attainment
along any line must be a generous supply of good educa-
tional facilities, which may be entirely, or largely, prac-
tical and national. But true scholarship, the finest flower
of all educational preparation, is perhaps the least national,
the least selfish, and the most humane of all vocations. Its
main concern is the search for and discovery of truth;
and truth knows no selfish or national barriers and re-
strictions. True scholars have since the Dark Ages been
allowed by universal consent to transcend all barriers,
break down all traditions, and sever all bonds, in their
attempts to gain this most precious treasure of the world
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of mind and spirit. National difitinctiona and individual
peculiarities have vanished before their studies and re-
searches like mountain mists before the warming, drying
rays of the bright sun.
There were undoubtedly scholars and scholarship in the
world long before the dawn of the Eenaissance. But in
those earlier days learning was confined to the favored few
and limited to a narrow range of subjects. It was the
occupation of cloistered monks in leisure hours, and was
probably taken up in most cases to while away the tedium
and idleness of monastic life. The vocation of the priest
and his limited library and laboratory facilities made it
necessary for him to confine his studies mainly to theology
and philosophy. There was no incentive to the study of
language and literature, and dabbling in science was usu*
ally under the ban of the Church. After the passing of
ancient Rome, about all the learning of the times was
kept in the Church, and for many centuries of medieval
Christianity the schools were almost entirely under the con-
trol of the Church, which took good care that its youth
learned little about things of purely secular interest Zeal
for scholarship as such was unknown. About all the
truth that could be known was perverted theological truth.
Truth was then not beauty, nor was beauty allowed to be
truth or a joy forever. And the Church was unwilling
that the truth should make the people free. Though
the language of the Church was Greek in the East and
Latin in the Wtest, the study of classical literature was.
forbidden, because of the fear that knowledge of their
beauty might demoralize by its purely secular and pagan
character.
Yet there was in spite of all this, more of world unity
of a certain kind in those early years of Christianity than
there has ever been since. For Christianity, which was
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in the second five hundred years of its existence the
most powerful force in medieval civilization, was mainly
unified in spirit ; and the different Christian nations of the
world spoke and wrote for the most part a common lan-
guage. And a common religious faith and a common
language are among the most potent factors of national or
international unity. Moreover, national rivalry and jeal-
ousy had not yet arisen, or were in their infancy. Light
always means growth in the spiritual and intellectual
world, as well as in that of organic life. And growth
brings conscious strength, which is in turn followed by the
desire to exercise that strength. Little by little the desire
for knowledge and the love of truth penetrated the souls
of a few of the more highly favored individuals of the
later Middle Ages, until the bonds of the Church and the
unity of religious interests were no longer strong enough
to keep them confined. Meanwhile, tribes and nations be-
gan to be differentiated in various ways from one another,
and to become conscious national entities. Vernacular
languages gradually usurped the place and most of the
functions of the common language of Christianity. These
differentiations were accompanied by the strengthening of
the ties of nationality and patriotism, frequently at the
cost of loyalty and devotion to the common mother Church.
So modem scholarship had its origin at a momentous
time in the history of the world. The three hundred
years from 1300 to 1600 witnessed the passing of the old
and the coming of the new in Church and state. The
literatures of Greece and Rome were revived, and those
of some half-dozen modem nations developed to a pitch
of art and power only a little inferior, if any, to the best
of the ancient classics. But the life-giving power of every
one of these modem literatures was drawn in the main
from classical sources. And what a wonderful world of
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human and spiritual relationships was opened up by the
rediscovery of the long hidden and virtually forgotten
literature of Greece and Eome! When Italians and
French and English and Qormans were first permitted
through the scholarly activities of the humanistic move-
ment to become familiar with the beautiful and inspiring
thoughts of the ancient Greek and Eoman poets, the effect
upon the life of those peoples was inmiediate. Their lead-
ing thinkers and teachers were soon lifted out of their tra-
ditional surroundings and methods of thought and feeling
by discovering that other nations in former ages had wor-
shipped exquisite conceptions of beauty and lofty ideals
of character. In the epics of Homer and Virgil and the
dramas of Euripides and Terence they found the thrilling
inspiration of beautiful thoughts, beautiful language, and
noble characters. Greek and Eoman philosophy suggested
to those eager students of the new old literatures the pos-
sibility of real himian justice, human sympathy, and the
brotherhood of man. The horizon of their hitherto dark
world was thus brightened and broadened, the intensity
of their feelings deepened and strengthened, and their con-
ceptions of justice and mercy were gradually elevated to
a higher realm of human emotions.
Throughout the period of the Middle Ages, himian bro-
therhood and international comity and comradeship in the
modem sense were virtually unknown. It was on the
whole an age of intense selfishness and brutality, even
among so-called Christian peoples. To the rude and vig-
orous nations of that period the idea of contest and con-
quest seems to have been all-important They were al-
most continually at war and gloried in it. The years of
peace that came occasionally were looked upon mainly as
times favorable to prepare for war. War and carnage,
destruction of human life and property, were in most
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cases undertaken and practised as an end in themselves.
There was little or no regard for man as an individual.
The value of individual character and individual respon-
sibility was not appreciated. Man as man was nothing
but a very small and unnecessary cog in one of the nu-
merous insignificant wheels of the rather complex ma-
chine of medieval civilization.
But in the very dawn of the Eenaissance emphasis be-
gan to be laid more on the really human elements in the
lives of nations and individuals. The hard intellectuality
of medieval scholasticism was gradually softened by the
revival of language and literary studies. Schools were
rapidly multiplied and radical changes made in their cur-
ricula. The tyranny and corruption of the Church be-
came unbearable as the light of the new learning began
to flash upon the souls of men. Literature became im-
mensely more interesting because of the growing intensity
of its genuine himian qualities. The conventional, soul-
less medieval allegories were bit by bit filled to the burst-
ing point with the energy and exuberance of human spir-
its. Poets like Boccaccio and Chaucer showed a knowledge
of and sympathy with man hitherto unheard of. Nothing
in English or any other literature previous to Shakespeare
is so full of purely human interest as the Canterbury
Tales, and was at the same time so much affected by the
broad scholarship of the Italian Eenaissance. The Prolog
is probably the most remarkable gallery of splendid human
portraits, sympathetically drawn from life, that the lit-
eratures of the world contain. It introduces to the reader
men and women from about every class of the complex
society of England in the fourteenth century. But Chau-
cer without the stimulus and inspiration of French and
Italian learning and literary models would have been an
impossibility. The variety of his poetical forms and
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subjects, the wealth of illustrative materials, the beauty
of his diction and imagery and language and style came
mostly from French and Italian sources. His philoso-
phy of life too was largely colored and determined by the
Romavnt of the Rose and Boethius. When Chaucer
makes the Clerk of Oxford
teUe a tale which tiiat I
Lemed at Padowe of a worthy derk,
As preved by his wordes and his werk.
He is now deed and nayled in his cheste,
I prey to god so yeve his soule reste!
Fraunceys Petrark, the laureate poete,
Highte this clerk, whos rethoryke sweete
Enlumined al Itaille of poetrye,
we have, says Legouis, " the first ray of the Benaissance
lighting upon an English imagination." The first great
poet of English literature, therefore, owes his greatness
largely to the fact that literature and learning were be-
coming in his day in a measure cosmopolitan.
From Chaucer to Shakespeare learning in Europe took
long and rapid strides. And the wealth of inspiring sub-
jects and illustrative materials, resulting entirely from
the revival of learning, which was open to the poets of
England at the close of the sixteenth century, as com-
pared with the paucity of these intellectual and spiritual
stimuli in the beginning of the fourteenth century, is truly
astounding. During these three hundred years the Eng-
lish people emerged from a state of isolated semi-barbarism
to one of almost cosmopolitan enlightenment The spread
of classical learning, the development of printing, and the
growth of religious reform were the main instruments
in this wonderful transformation. I speak of English
conditions, particularly, because I know more about them
than about those of the other great European nations, and
because England, though the last of them to feel and en-
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joy the full force of the htimanistic movement, accepted
its teaching! — ^literary, political, and ethical — more en-
tirely perhaps than any other nation. It may also be said
with truth, I think, that fewer distinctly medieval char-
acteristics lingered on in the political and social sys-
tem of England in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies than in that of any nation of Europe. If, indeed,
the changes wrought by the Renaissance in Italy, France,
and Germany had been as deep and far-reaching as tliey
were in England, might not the modem world probably
have been spared the devastating horrors of most of its
great wars?
While humanism was not altogether responsible for
the growth of democracy and liberalism in the politics of
England, its influence was certainly strongly felt along
all lines of intellectual and spiritual development. From
the mid-years of the seventeenth century on, in England
and among Continental peoples, there are definite indica-
tions that scholarship counted for more in shaping the des-
tinies of nations than it ever had counted before. Gov-
ernment officials whose duty it was to look after foreign
relations were occasionally, as in the case of John Milton,
among the greatest scholars of their time. It was, more-
over, in these years that the tradition arose in England
which required every gentleman to be in the broadest
sense ar scholar and to spend considerable time in travel-
ing and study on the Continent in order to complete and
round out his education. Thus the men who were to be
the leaders in national affairs were given opportunities
for familiarizing themselves with the peculiarities of Con-
tinental society and governments, and coming to a juster,
more humane appreciation of socild and political princi-
ples and institutions very different from their own.
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It is, indeed, this tendency of modem scholarly pur-
suits to take men out of themselves, out of the narrow
social circles in which they would otherwise continually
move, that we may find the greatest benefits to mankind.
Ignorance and superstition and prejudice have always
been the main sources of the error and evil and misery of
the world. But these qualities disappear, vanish, before
the light of learning. The scholarly attitude of mind de-
mands a careful consideration of all the obtainable facts
bearing on any particular point before a just conclusion
may be reached. And this attitude of mind has no doubt
in many cases played a great part in the development of
the modem system of international relationships. Na-
tions, as individuals, usually find each other agreeable or
disagreeable according as they know more or less about
each other's character and personality, strength and weak-
ness. Education not only " forms the common mind," but
it broadens, expands the range of human sympathy. The
more our hearts and minds and sympathies are enlarged,
the less narrowly national and patriotic and selfish we be-
come.
In a practical way, scholarship has performed won-
ders in the matter of drawing nations closer together
during the last one himdred years. The studies of history,
philology, philosophy, and science have in that time all
ceased to be national — ^have become international. How
much have history and philology done, working along
ethnical, anthropological lines, to familiarize people every-
where with the close kinship of nations in language, laws,
political and social institutions, as well as in racial quali-
ties, character, and temperament! And the sciences of
biology and geology have revealed the marvelous unity
and harmony that exist among all the creatures and ob-
jects of animate and inanimate nature. The names of
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many of the famous scholars of the past have become in
the international sense household words. The Grimm
brothers not only created the science of comparative gram-
mar, but they opened up a great new world of folk-lore
and fable, in whict millions and millions of children
from every part of the story-loving universe have dreamed
and reveled for almost a century and will continue to do
so to the end of time. The study of ancient and medieval
mythology from the comparative point of view has under
the guidance of such scholars as Miillenhoff, Meyer, and
Bugge laid students in every part of the world under the
greatest obligations. The debt of the world to the epoch-
making discoveries in the field of science which Charles
Darwin made and described is incalculable. The names
and fame of those inspiring teachers and eminent scholars
Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris have reached and helped
students of medieval literature in every comer of the
globe.
But these are only a few of the names of our greatest
scholars, whose work has done so much toward binding
the minds and hearts of the nations together into what in
the future will prove to be an indissoluble union. The
noble work is still going on. But it progresses slowly
and silently for the most part. The number of true sdiol-
ars is steadily increasing from year to year. A larger and
larger proportion of the people of civilized nations is all
the time coming under the formative and determining
power of scholarly influences. And it is not alone the
great scholars in the strict sense who have worked, prob-
ably in most cases unconsciously, towards the bringing
about of universal lasting peace. Eeally great men in
every walk of life, who are often scholars by nature, es-
pecially great poets and artists, — all men indeed who have
" dipped into the future far as human eye could see," have
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XOVl MODBBN LANOUAXiX ASSOOIATIOIT
had visioni of ^^ all the wonder that would be/' Dante and
Shakespeare and Milton and Gk)ethey two of whom at least
were great scholars as well as great poets^ were all inter-
national rather than national in outlook and in the gen-
eral tone of their best^ most permanent work. The noblest
poetry each of them wrote is that which makes the broad-
esty most universal appeal. Indeed, the greatest poetry,
the finest art, and the deepest science, could hardly be
simply nationaL Gt)ethe says in one of his inimitable
bits of conversation, that science and art belong to the
world, and that all national barriers must vanish before
their onward march — " denn Wissenschaft und Kunst
gehoren der Welt an, und vor ihnen verschwinden die
Schranken der Nationalitat"
Of all possible ways and methods of bringing the na-
tions of the world into closer relations of friendship and
mutual good will, scholarsihip is perhaps the least selfish
in its outlook and immediate effects. The true scholar
should be and usually is less affected by purely selfish
considerations than individuals of any other sphere of hu-
man activities. His interests more than those of any one
else are mainly in the realm of mind and spirit. His con-
ceptions of the principles of life, character, and society
have been formed for the most part by the close study of
the history, languages, literatures, scientific developments,
and philosophical theories of other nations of the world
besides his own. He represents more nearly than any othev
human being the finer breath and spirit of things. His
life more than that of any other is likely to be spent in
closest communion with the best mental and spiritual pro-
ducts of all the ages. He should be and generally is less
impelled to action by purely practical considerations than
other people are. The practical world indeed constantly
refers to the scholar in a derogatory manner, as a theo-
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PEOCEDINGS FOB 1916 XCvii
rist, an idealist. But witii Emerson ^* I reject the abusive
application of the term practical to the lower activities "
of life. " Let us hear no more of the practical men," he
says, " or I will tell you something of them — ^this, namely,
that the scholar finds in them unlooked-for acceptance of
his most paradoxical experience." The scholar is in truth
the great idealist of human society; and how much the
politics of the world is now in need of a few thousand great
leaders who might justly be called idealists! He reads
more broadly and usually thinks more deeply about the
many problems that concern the highest life of man. He
is less ambitious in a selfish way for rank and station in
life. He is less likely to covet great riches and the life
of luxury they bring. He is generally the most progres-
sive member of society. He believes in moving on and
helping the world to move on. He does not hold to the
old because it is old, nor grasp at the new because of its
novelty. He is .always ready to " ring out the old " or
" ring in the new," if he- is convinced that the confines of
truth will thus be extended. Jealousy and pride, both
personal and national, are more usually restrained by the
scholar and made to adapt themselves to the best interests
of his fellowmen, than by others. " The society of lettered
men," says Emerson, "is a university which does not bound
itself with the walls of one cloister or college ; but gathers
in the distant and solitary student into its strictest amity.
. . . As in coming among strange faces we find that the
love of letters makes us friends, so in strange thoughts,
in the worldly habits which harden us, we find with some
surprise that learning and truth and beauty have not let
us go ; that the spiritual nature is too strong for us ; that
those excellent influences which men in all ages have called
the Mtise, or by some kindred name, come in to keep us
warm and true."
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XCVlll MODERN LAironA0E ASSOGIATIOK
If then the ^' office of the scholar is to cheer^ to raise,
and to guide men by showing them facts amidst appear-
ances," how admirably is he adapted to the great work
of harmonizing the strident notes that grate on the sen-
sitive souls of a discordant world. Scholarship and the
scholar have already accomplished much in the right di-
rection. This work of unifying moves, indeed, like the
mills of the gods, but it moves just as surely. Again I
say, if we look back over the past and see what has been
done by students of comparative philology and literature,
comparative history, and the sciences in bringing the past
down to the present, in making the most remote as familiar
as the most closely situated, and in establishing strong
friendships among numerous of the choicest spirits of tiie
most vridely separated nations, we must feel that the magic
touch of scholarship has almost succeeded in making '^ tlie
whole world kin." And many of us feel, no doubt, in spite
of most discouraging prospects in many quarters of the
world, that . — y
The old order is^lHNifMigy^yielding place to 41» new
and that
God fulfils himself in many ways,
Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.
These promising results are being obtained through a mul-
tiplicity of strong but subtly working forces. The dis-
semination of the printed results of scholarly work in
every part of the world ; the migration of special students
from the universities of one country to those of another;
the formation of learned societies of all kinds, to which
distinguished foreign scholars are frequently elected ; tie
establishing of international scholarships, fellowships, or
other foundations, and very recently, a mutual interchange
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FBOCEDIHOS FOB 1916 Zcix
of professors and lecturers among several of the great na-
tions,— these are some of the means and methods by which
scholarship has gradually been compassing the hoped-for
fruition of world-wide comity and universal brotherhood.
But no one of these instrumentalities that are quietly
bringing about international good will and banishing na-
tional prejudices, is destined to have such rich results, it
seems to me, as the study of modem languages and lit-
eratures. No other studies so broaden and himianize the
mind of the student, by familiarizing him wifli the
thoughts and emotions, the hopes and ideals of tiie various
nationalities of the world. In no other way can the stu-
dent so easily and naturally be brought into sympathetic
relations with foreign conceptions of government, society,
and religion. The members of this and similar associa-
tions have, therefore, in their keeping to a certain extent
the determination of universal peace conditions in the
world of the future. We and our students and their stu-
dents are and will be continually preparing the way for
closer union and cooperation of the most intimate intellect-
ual and spiritual interests of the whole world, — ^not by any
conventional and supposedly binding laws, constitutions,
and treaties, which are liable to be broken any moment by
the demands of national selfishness, but by silent and
almost imperceptible influences, working in the main un-
consciously, but continuously and ubiquitously towards a
common end and aim. If in the future it may only be
possible to curb and smother the tendency evident in some
quarters of recent years to violate the implied pledges of
friendship between nation and nation by the insidious in-
troduction into our scholarly relations of the political
propaganda of a wholly narrow, selfish, and vicious na-
tionalism and false patriotism, we shall indeed eventually
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0 MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
be able to rejoice that we have succeeded in bringing about
the grand "parliament of man, the federation of the
world," of which one of the great poets of England long
ago dreamed. And then we can really believe and say
with him
So the whole round earth is every way
Bound by gold chains about the feet of GknL
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PBOCEDINGS FOE 1916 CI
CONSTITUTION OF THE MODERN LANGUAGE
ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
Adopted on the Twenty-ninth of Decbi^beb, 1903
Amended on the Twenty-ninth of Decembeb, 1915
The name of this Society shal be The Modem Language
Association of America.
II
1. The object of this Association shal be the advance-
ment of the study of the Modem Languages and their
Literatures thru the promotion of f rendly relations among
scolars, thru the publication of the results of investigation
by members, and thru the presentation and discussion of
papers at an annual meeting.
2. The meeting of the Association shal be held at such
place and time as the Executiv Council shal from year to
year determin. But at least as often as once in four
years there shal be held a Union Meeting, for which some
central point in the interior of the cuntry shal be chosen.
Ill
Any person whose candidacy has been approved by the
Secretary-Tresuror may become a member on the pay-
ment of three dollars, and may continue a member by
the payment of the same amount each year. Persons who
for twenty years or more hav been activ members in good
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CU MODEBN LAKOUAOB ASSOCIATION
and regular standing maj^ on retiring from activ servis
as teachers, be continued as activ members without further
payment of dues. Any member, or any person eligible to
membership, may become a life member by a single pay-
ment of forty dollars or by the payment of fifteen dollars
a year for three successiv years. Persons who for fifteen
years or more hav been activ members in good and r^ular
standing may become life members upon the single pay-
ment of twenty-five dollars. Distinguisht foren scolars
may be elected to honorary membership by the Association
on nomination by the Executiv Council. But the number
of honorary members shal not at any time excede forty.
IV
1. The oflScers and governing boards of the Association
shal be: a President, three Vice-Presidents, a Secretary-
Tresurer; an Editorial Committee consisting of the Sec-
retary of the Association (who shal be Chairman ex officio),
the Secretaries of the several Divisions, and three other
members ; and an Executiv Council consisting of the af ore-
mentiond oflScers, the Chairmen of the several Divisions,
and seven other members.
2. The President and the Vice-Presidents shal be
elected by the Association, to hold oflSs for one year.
8. The Chairmen and Secretaries of Divisions shal be
chosen by the respectiv Divisions.
4. The other officers shal be elected by the Association
at a Union Meeting, to hold oflSs until the next Union
Meeting. Vacancies occurring between two Union Meet-
ings shal be fild by the Executiv Council.
1. The President, Vice-Presidents, and Secretary-
Tresurer shal perform the usual duties of such oflBoers.
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PBOOBDINQS FOB 1916 CUi
The Secretary shal, furthermore, hav charge of the Pub-
lications of the Association and the preparation of the
program of the annual meeting.
2. The Executiv Council shal perform the duties
assignd to it in Articles II, IH, IV, VII, and VIII; it
shal, moreover, determin such questions of policy as may
be referd to it by the Association and such as may arise
in the course of the year and call for immediate decision.
3. The Editorial Committee shal render such assis-
tance as the Secretary may need in editing the Publications
of the Association and preparing the annual program.
VI
1. The Association may, to further investigation in
any special branch of Modem Language study, create a
Section devoted to that end.
2. The officers of a Section shal be a Chairman and a
Secretary, elected annually by the Association. They
shal form a standing committee of the Association, and
may ad to their number any other members interested in
the same subject.
vn
1. When, for geografical reasons, the members from
any group of States shal find it expedient to hold a
separate annual meeting, the Executiv Council may ar-
range with these members to form a Division, with power
to call a meeting at such place and time as the members of
the Division shal select ; but no Division meeting shal be
held during the year in which the Association holds a
Union Meeting. The expense of Division meetings shal
be borne by the Association. The total number of Divi-
sions shal not at any time excede three. The present
Division is hereby continued.
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CIV MODEKN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION
2. The members of a Division shal pay their dues to
the Tresurer of the Association, and shal enjoy the same
rights and privileges and be subject to the same conditions
as other members of the Association.
8. The officers of a Division shal be a Chairman and
a Secretary. The Division shal, moreover, hav power to
create such committees as may be needed for its own
business. The program of the Division meeting shal be
prepared by the Secretary of the Division in consultation
with the Secretary of the Association.
vin
This Constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote
at any Union Meeting, provided the proposed amendment
has reoeivd the approval of two-thirds of the members of
the Executiv Council.
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PEOCEDUTQS FOB 1916 CV
OFFICERS OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR 1917
Pretident,
KUNO FRANCKE,
Harvard Univertity, Cambridge, Mast.
' Viee-PrenderUSj
OLIVER M. JOHNSTON, ARTHUR C. L. BROWN.
Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stafford Northrcestem University, Evanston, HI.
University, Cal.
CARL F. KAYSER.
Bitnter College, New York, N. Y.
Secretary' TremreTy
WILLIAM GUILD HOWARD,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
CENTRAL DIVISION
Chairman, Secretary,
THOMAS EDWARD OLIVER, BERT E. YOUNG,
Univernty (^Illinois, Urbana, III. Vanderbilt University, NashvilU, Tmn.
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
W. G. HOWARD,' B. E. YOUNG,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Vanderbilt University^ Nashville, Tenn,
M. BLAKEMORE EVANS, GEORGE L. HAMILTON,
Ohio Slate University, Columbus, O. Cbmell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
JOHN LIVINGSTON LOWES,
Washington University, St. Louis, Mo.
EXECUTIV COUNCIL
THE OFFICBBS NAMED ABOVE AND
GEORGE O. CURME,
Northu^estem University, JEvanston, HI.
OLIVER F. EMERSON, JOHN A. LOMAX,
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 0. University qf Texas, Austin, Tex.
JAMES GEDDE8, Jb., WILLIAM ALLAN NEILSON,
Boston University, Boston, Mass. Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
T. ATKINSON JENKINS, HUGO K. SCHILLING,
University of Chicago, Chicago, III. University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
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AOTB OF THE BXBOUTIV OOUNCrL CVll
ACTS OF THE EXECUTIV COUNCIL
I. In accordance with proposition of date January 22,
1917, Voted:
1. That the Council recommend to the Carnegie
Institution of Waflhington the granting to
Professor J. A. Lomax of an annual subven-
tion of two thousand dollars for two years
beginning January 1, 1918.
2. That the invitation of Tale University to hold
the next annual meeting under its auspices
be accepted.
II. In accordance with a proposition of date March 15,
1917, Voted:
That the Council recommend the amendment of
Article III of the Constitution by the addition
of the folloing provisions: Members of other
societies of scolars or teachers may be admitted
eitier to membership in the Association, or to
affiliation with the same, upon such terms as
the Executiv Council shal from time to time
determin. Members of other societies so ad-
mitted to membership in the Association shal
hav all the rights and privileges pertaining
thereto ; persons admitted to affiliation with the
Association shal hav such rights and privileges
as may be mutually agreed upon, but not the
right to vote or to hold offis in the Association.
W. G, HOWABD,
Secretary.
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OVUl MODEBN LANOUAGB ASSOOIATIOK
MEMBERS OF THE MODERN LANGUAGE
ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
including membebs of the central division of the
Association
NameB of Life Members ar printed in small capitals
Adams, Arthur, Professor of English and Librarian, Trinity College,
Hartford, Conn.
Adams, Edwabd LAKBABBag, Assistant Professor of French and Span-
ish, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1333 Washte-
naw Ave.]
Adams, John Chester, Assistant Professor of English and Faeolty
Adviser in Undergraduate literary Activities, Yale Univer-
sity, New Haven, Conn.
Adams, Joseph Quincy, Jr., Assistant Professor of English, Cornell
University, Ithaca, N. Y. [169 Goldwin Smith HaU]
Adams, Warren Austin, Professor of German, Dartmouth College,
Hanover, N. H.
Adler, Frederick Henry, Professor of German, Wisconsin State
Normal School, Oshkosh, Wis.
Albaladejo, Jos6, Instructor in Spanish, Indiana University, Bloom-
ington, Ind. [331 S. Grant St.]
Alberti, Christine, Head of the French Department, Allegheny High
School, North Side, Pittsburgh, Pa. [818 W. North Ave.]
Albright, Evelyn May, Instructor in English, University of Chicago,
Chicago, IlL [122r E. 67th St.]
Alden, Earle Stanley, Acting Associate Professor of English, Denison
University, Granville, O.
Alden, Raymond Macdonald, Professor of English, Leland Stanford
Jr. University, Stanford University, CaL
Alderman, William E., Instructor in English, University of Wiscon-
sin, Madison, Wis. [1216 W. Washington Ave.]
Alexander, Luther Herbert, Instructor in Romance iJanguages,
Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Alexis, Joseph Emanuel Alexander, Assistant Professor of Swedish
and Ctermanic Languages, University of Nebraska, Linodn,
Neb. [1465 Garfield St.]
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LIST OF MBMBBB8 eiZ
Allen, Beverly fiprague, Assistant Professor of English, New York
University, New York, N. Y. [University Heights]
Allen, Clifford Gilmore, Associate Professor of Homanic Languages,
Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, CaL
Allen, Edwabd Abohtbatj), Professor Emeritus of the English Lan-
guage and Literature, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
AUen, F. Sturges, Springfield, Mass. [83 St. James Ave.]
Allen, Hope Emily, Kenwood, Oneida, N. Y.
Allen, Iiouis, Assistant in Romance Languages, University of Illinois,
Urbana, 111. [1002 W. California Ave.]
Allen, Philip Schuyler, Assistant Professor of German Literature,
University of Chicago, Chicago, IlL [1508 E. 61st St, Jack-
son Park Sta.]
Allen, William Henry, College Representative, F. C. Stechert Co.,
35 W. 32d St., New York, N. Y.
Almstedt, Hermann, Professor of Germanic Languages, University of
Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
Altroochi, Rudolph, Assistant ProfesBor of Komanee Languages, Uni-
versity of Chicago, Chicago, HI. [6756 Blackstone Ave.]
Amos, Flora Ross, Assistant Professor of English, College for
Women, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 0.
Anderson, Frederick Pope, Instructor in Spanish and Italian, Yale
College, New Haven, Conn. [277 Dwight St.]
Andrews, Albert LeRoy, Instructor in German and Scandinavian,
Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Andrews, Clarence Edward, Assistant Professor of English, Ohio
State University, Columbus, O. [232 W. 0th Ave.]
Arbib-Costa, Alfonso, Instructor in Romance Languages, College of
the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [500 W. 144th St.]
Armstrong, Edward C, Professor of the French Language, Princeton
University, Princeton, N. J.
Arnold, Frank Russell, Professor of Modem Languages, State Agri-
cultural College, Logan, Utah.
Arnold, Morris LeRoy, Professor of English Literature, Hamline
University, St. Paul, Minn. [2628 Park Ave., Minneapolis,
Minn.]
Aron, Albert W., Instructor in German, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [24 Lathrop St.]
Ashley, Edgar Louis, Associate Professor of German, Massachusetts
Agricultural College, Amherst, Mass.
Atkinson, Geoffroy, New York, N. Y. [434 W. 120th St]
Atwood, Harry Elkins, Instructor in Romance Languages, University
of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn. [226 Folwell Hall]
Austin, Herbert Douglas, Princeton, N. J.
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eK ICODEBN LANOUAOX ASSOOIATIOlf
Aydelotie, Frank, Professor of English, Maasftchusetta Insiitiite of
Technology, Cambridge, Mass.
Ayer, Charles Carlton, Professor of Bomance Languages, UniTarslty
of Colorado, Boulder, CoL
Ayres, Harry Morgan, Assistant Professor of English, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [Westport, Conn.]
Babbitt, Irving, Professor of French Literature, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [6 Kirkland Boad]
Babcock, Charlotte Farrington, Instructor in English, Simmona Col-
lege, Boston, Mass.
Babcock, Earle Brownell, Professor of Eomanoe Languages and lit-
eratures. New York University, University Heights, Neiw York,
N. Y.
Babson, Herman, Professor of Qerman and Head of the Department
of Modem Languages, Purdue University, West Lafayetie, Ind.
Bach, Matthew G., Instructor in German, Teachers' College, Colum-
bia University, New York, N. Y. [Fumald Hall]
Bachelor, Joseph Morris, Assistant Professor of English Literature,
Cornell College, Mt. Vernon, la.
de Bacourt, Pierre, Lecturer in Romance Languages and Literatures,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Bagster-Collins, Elijah William, Associate Professor of Qerman,
Teachers' College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Baillot, Edouard Paul, Professor of Romance Languages, North-
western University, Evanston, IlL
Baker, Asa George, In Charge of Editorial Work, G. k C. Merriam
Co., Publishers of Webster's Dictionaries, Springfield, Mass.
Baker, Fannie Anna, Head of the Department of Modem Languages,
Fort Smith High School, Fort Smith, Ark. [615 N. 16th St.]
Baker, Franklin Thomas, Professor of English, Teachers' College,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [626 W. 120th St.]
Baker, George Pierce, Professor of Dramatic Literature, Department
of English, Harvard University, Cambridge^ Mass. [196 Brat-
tle St.]
Baker, Thomas Stockham, Head Master, Tome School for Boys, Jacob
Tome Institute, Port Deposit, Md.
Baldensperger, Femand, Professeur & la Sorlxmne, Paris, France.
[Columbia University, New York, N. Y.]
Baldwin, Charles Sears, Professor of Rhetoric, Columbia University,
New York, N. Y.
Baldwin, Edward Chaunoey, Assistant Professor of English Litera-
ture, University of Illinois, Urbaiia, HL [1002 S. lineoln
Ave.]
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LIST OF liJCMBBBS 0X1
Baldwin, Thomas Whitfield, Professor and Head of the Department
of English, Muskingum College, New Concord, O.
Ballard, Anna Woods, Teachers' College, Columbia University, New
York, N. Y.
Barba, Preston Albert, Assistant Professor of Glerman, Indiana Uni-
y^sity, Bloomington, Ind. [512 N. Indiana Aye.]
Barbour, Lizzie M., Superintendent of Schools, BrownsyiU^ Tex.
Bargy, Henry, Professor of French, Hunter College of the City of
New York, New York, N. Y.
Barlow, William M., Assistant in German, Commercial High School,
Brooklyn, N. Y.
Barney, Winfield Supply, Professor of Romance Languages, Penn-
sylyania Collie, Gettysburg, Pa. [108 Carlisle St.]
Bamicle, Mary Elizabeth, New London, Conn. [182 Broad St.]
Barrow, Sarah Field, Instructor in English, College for Women,
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 0.
Barrows, Sarah T., Assistant Professor of German, Ohio State Uni-
versity, Columbus, O.
Barry, Phillips, Cambridge, Mass. [83 Brattle St.]
Barstow, lyfarjorie Iiotta, Instructor in English, Connecticut College
for Women, New London, Conn.
Babtlett, Mrs. David Lewis, Baltimore, Md. [16 W. Monument
St.]
Barton, Francis Brown, Instructor in Romance Iianguages, Univer-
sity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
BaskerviU, Charles Read, Associate Professor of English, University
of Chioago, Chicago, 111.
Bass, Clare Reynolds, Professor of Romance Languages and Litera-
tures, Western College for Women, Oxford, 0.
Bates, Madison Clair, Professor of English, South Dakota State Col-
lege of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, Brookings, S. D.
Batt, Max, Professor of Modern Languages, North Dakota Agricul-
tural College, Fargo, N. D.
Battin, Benjamin F., Professor of German, Swarthmore College,
Swarthmore, Pa.
Baugh, Albert C, Instructor in English, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, Pa. [638 S. 54th St.]
Baum, Paull Franklin, Instructor in English, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [148 Brattle St.]
Baumgartner, Milton D., Professor of Germanic Languages, Butler
College, Indianapolis, Ind.
Baur, Mrs. Grace van Sweringen, Professor of Germanic Iianguages,
Univerdty of Colorado, Boulder, Col. [901 University Ave.]
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CXll ICODEBN LAKGUAOB ASSOOIATION
Baur, William F., ABsistant Professor of Germanic Languages, Uni-
versity of Ck>lorado, Boulder, CoL [901 University Ave.]
Baxter, Arthur H., Associate Professor of Romance Languages,
Amherst College, Amherst, Mass.
Beach, Joseph Warren, Assistant Professor of English, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn. [801 University Ave., S. E.]
Beall, Mrs. Emilie, Teacher of French, German, and Spanish, High
School of Commerce, Columbus, O. [420 14th Ave.]
Beam, Jacob N., Princeton, N. J.
Bean, Helen Alice, Fairfield, la. [202 K. Main St.]
Bear, Maud Cecelia, Instructor in Liatin and German, Belief onte High
School, Bellefonte, Pa.
Beatty, Arthur, Assistant Professor of English, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis. [1824 Vilas St.]
Beatty, Joseph Moorhead, Jr., Instructor in English, Goucher Col-
lege, Baltimore, Md. [2102 N. Charles St.]
de Beaumont, Victor, Associate Professor of the French Ijanguage
and Literature, University of Toronto, Toronto^ Canada. [78
Queen's Park]
Beck, Jean Baptiste, Associate Professor of Medieval French Litera-
ture and Head of the Department of French, Bryn l^wr Col-
lege, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [227 Roberts Road]
Becker, Ernest Julius, Principal, Eastern High School, Baltimore,
Md.
Bedford, Frances Elizabeth, Dean of Women, Palmer Collie, Al-
bany, Mo.
Bek, William G., Professor of German, University of North Dakota,
Grand Forks, N. D. [Box 1233, University, N. D.]
Belden, Henry Marvin, Professor of English, University of Missouri,
Columbia, Mo. [811 Virginia Ave.]
Belknap, Arthur Train, Professor of English and Acting President,
Franklin College of Indiana, Franklin, Ind. [225 S. For-
sythe St.]
Bender, Harold H., Assistant Professor, Preceptor in Modem Lan-
guages, Princeton University, Princeton, K. J.
Benham, Allen Rogers, Professor of English, University of Wash-
ington, Seattle, Wash.
Benson, Adolph Burnett, Instructor in German, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [18 College St.]
Berdan, John Milton, Assistant Professor of English, Yale Univer-
sity, New Haven, Conn.
Bergeron, Maxime L., Instructor in French, College of the City of
New York, New York, N. Y.
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LIST OF MJSMBBBS OXUl
Bembaum, Ernest, Professor of English, University of Illinois, Ur-
bana. 111. [706 Gregory Place]
Bemkopf , Margarete, Head of the German Department, Yonkers High
School, Yonkers, N. Y. [503 W. 121st St., New York, N. Y.]
Di B^THUinD, Baron Fbancois, Louvain, Belgium. [34 rue de
B^riot]
Betz, Frederick, Head of the Modem Language Department, Eadt
High School, Rochester, N. Y.
Betas, €k>ttlieb Augustus, Instructor in Germanic Languages and
Literatures, Barnard Ck>llege, Columbia Uniyeraity, "New Yoric,
N.Y.
B^at, Andr6, Instructor in French and Spanish, University of South
Carolina, Columbia, S. C.
Bigelow, Eleanor, Radcliife College, Cambridge, Mass. [0 Welling-
ton Terrace, Brookline, Mass.]
Billetdouz, Edmond Wood, Associate Professor of Romance iMn-
guages, Rutgers College, New Brunswick, N. J. [324 Linoofai
Ave.]
Bishop, David Horace, Professor of the English Language and Litera^
ture, University of Mississippi, Oxford, Miss. [Universitj,
Miss.]
Black, Matthew Wilson, Instructor in English, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Blackburn, Bonnie Rebecca, Associate Professor of Modem Languages,
James Millikin University, Decatur, 111. [1251 W. Main St.]
Blackwell, Robert Emory, President and Professor of English, Ran-
dolph-Macon College, Ashland, Va.
Blake, Harriet Manning, Head of the English Department, The Bald-
win School, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Blanchard, Frederic Thomas, Assistant Professor of English, The
Rice Institute, Houston, Tex.
BuLU, Max Fbsdbioh, Professor of Germanic lianguages and Litera-
tures, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
Blayney, Thomas Lindsay, Professor of the German I^anguage, The
Rice Institute, Houston, Texas. [Yoakum Boulevard]
Blondheim, David Simon, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
University of Illinois, Urbana, 111. [University Club]
Bloomfield, I^eonard, Assistant Professor of Comparative Philology
and German, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
Bloimt, Alma, Associate Professor of English, Michigan State Nor-
mal College, Ypsilanti, Mich. [712 Ellis St.]
de Boer, Josephine Marie, Instructor in French, Junior College, Hib-
bing, Minn. [428 Lincoln St.]
8
Digitized by
Google
CXIY MODEBN LANGUAaE ASSOCIATION
Boesohe, Albert Wilhelm, Professor of Qerman, Cornell UniT^vity,
Ithaca, N. Y.
Bohm, Erwin Herbert, Instructor in German and French, Penn^l-
vania College, Gettysburg, Pa. [133 N. Washington St.]
B5hme, Traugott, Instructor in the Germanic languages and Litera-
tures, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Boll, Helene Hubertine, Instructor in G^erman, The B. M. C. Durfee
High School, Fall River, Mass.
Bond, Otto Ferdinand, Instructor in Romance Languages, University
of Texas, Austin, Tex. [3202 West Ave.]
Bonilla, Rodrigo Huguet, Instructor in Romance lianguages, Uni-
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [709 S. I2th St]
Bonnell, John Kester, Instructor in English, U. S. Naval Academy,
Annapolis, Md. [233 Prince George St.]
Bocker, John Manning, Associate Professor of English, University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Borgerhoif, J. L., Professor of Romance Languages, Western Reserve
University, Cleveland, 0.
Borgman, Albert Stephens, Cambridge, Mass. [42 Kirkland St.]
Bothne, Gisle C. J., Head Professor of Scandinavian Languages and
Literatures, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Boucke, Ewald A., Professor of German, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Bourland, Benjamin Parsons, Professor of Romance Languages,
Adelbert College of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Ronton, Archibald Lewis, Professor of English, Dean of the College
of Arts and Pure Science, New York Unlvon^ty, University
Heights, New York, N. Y.
Bowen, Abba Willard, Professor of (German, Peru State Normal
School, Peru, Neb.
Bowen, Benjamin Lester, Professor of Romance Languages, Ohio
State University, Columbus^ O. [776 E. Broad St]
Bowen, Edwin Winfield, Professor of I^atin, Randolph-Macon College,
Ashland, Va.
Bowen, James Vance, Professor of Modem lianguages, Mississippi
Agricultural and Mechanical Coll^;e, Agricultural CjoUege,
Miss.
Bowen, Ray Preston, Assistant Professor of Romance lianguages,
Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. [624 Ostrom Ave.]
Bowman, James Cloyd, Associate Professor of English, Iowa State
College, Ames, la. [119 Lynn Ave.]
Boyer, Clarence Valentine, Instructor in English, University of
Illinois, Urbana, IlL
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MEMBEB8 CZT
Boynton, Percy Holmes, Associate Professor of English, Uniyersity
of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
Boysen, Johannes Lassen, Instructor in Qerman, University of Texas,
Anstin, Tez.
Bradford, Eugene F., Instructor in English, Syracuse University,
Syracuse, N. Y. J524 Ostrom Ave.]
Bradshaw, S. Ernest, Professor of Modem Languages, Furman Uni-
versity, Greenville, S. C.
Brandon, Edgar Ewing, Vice-President and Dean, Miami University,
Oxford, 0.
Brandt, Hermann Carl Georg, Professor of the €terman Language
and Literature, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y.
Braun, Wilhelm Alfred, Associate Professor of Germanic Languages
and Literatures, Barnard College, Director of the Deutsches
Haus, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Brede, Charles F., Professor of German, Northeast Manual Training
High School, Philadelphia, Pa. [1087 N. 13th St.]
Brewer, Edward Vere, Instructor in Carman, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [3 Clement Circle]
Brewer, Theodore Hampton, Professor of English literature, Uni-
versity of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla.
Brewster, ]>orothy. Instructor in English, Extension Teaching, Co-
lumbia University, New York, N. Y.
Brewster, William Tenney, Professor of English and Provost of Bar-
nard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Briggs, Fletcher, Professor of Modem Languages, Iowa Stale Col-
lege, Ames, la. [Station A]
Briggs, William Dinsmore, Associate Professor of English, Iceland
Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal.
Bkoht, James Wilson, Professor of English Philology, Johns Hop-
kins University, Baltimore, Md.
Bristol, Edward N., Henry Holt ft Co., 10 W. 44th St., New York,
N. Y.
Brodeur, Arthur Gilchrist, Instructor in English Philology, Univer-
sity of Califomia, Berkeley, CaL [2617 Virginia St.]
Bronk, Isabelle, Professor of the French Language and Literature,
Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa.
Bronson, Thomas Bertrand, Head of the Modem Language Depart-
ment, Lawrenceville School, Lawrenoeville, N. J.
Bronson, Walter C, Professor of English Literature, Brown Univer-
sity, Providence, R. I.
Brooke, C. F. Tucker, Assistant Professor of Ifinglish, Yale Univer-
sity, New Haven, Conn. [726 Yale Station]
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Google
OZn ICODSBN LAirOUAaX ABSOOIATIOir
Brooks, Neil 0., ABsisUnt Profeflior of G«niian, UnlTorBity of Illi-
nois, Urbana, IlL
Broughton, Leslie Nathan, Assistant Professor of English, Cornell
University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Brown, Arthur C. L., Professor of Knglish, Northwestern UaiTtfsitjr,
Evanston, IlL [625 Ck>lfax St.]
Brown, Calvin S., Professor of Modem Languages, University of
Mississippi, University, Miss.
Brown, Carleton F., Professor of English, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn. [416 8th Ave., S. E.]
Brown, Emmett, Superintendent of City Schools, Cleburne, Tex.
Brown, Frank Clyde, Professor of English, Trinity CoU^ge, Durham,
N. C. [410 Guess St.]
Brown, Frederic ^^Us, Professor of Modem Languages, Bowdoin
Coll^[e, Brunswick, Me.
Brown, George Henry, Assistant Professor of Romance Iianguages,
Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y.
Brown, Harold Gibson, Instructor in English, U. S. Naval Academy,
Annapolis, Md. [217 Hanover St.]
Brown, Kent James, Associate Professor of German, University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Brown, Bollo Walter, Professor of Rhetoric and Composition, Wabai^
College, Crawfordsville, Ind. [607 S. Water St.]
Brownfield, Lilian Buson, Professor of English Literature, and Dean,
Lake Erie College, Painesville, O.
Brace, Charles A., Professor of Romance Languages, Ohio Stale
University, Columbus, O. [1981 Indianola Ave.]
Bruce, James Douglas, Professor of the English Language and Lit-
erature, University of Tennessee, Enoxville, Tenn. [712 W.
Main Ave.]
Bruerton, Courtney, Instructor in French, Dartmouth College, Han-
over, N. H.
Bnmer, James Dowden, Head of the Department of English, Ken-
tucky Normal School, Richmond, Ky.
Bruns, Friedrich, Assistant Professor of German, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [2880 Rowley Ave.]
Brush, Henry Raymond, Professor of Romance Languages, University
of North Dakota, Grand Forks, N. D. [607 Walnut St.]
Brash, Murray Peabody, Collegiate Professor of French, Johns Hop-
kins University, Baltimore, Md.
Bryan, Eva May, Associate in French, State Normal and Industrial
College, Gveensboro, N. O.
Bryan, William Frank, Associate Professor of English, Northwestern
University, Evanston, IlL [624 Clark St.]
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF mnniBUfl cxru
BijaaxXf Lyman Lloyd, InBiruetor in Rhetoric, Universiiy of Michi*
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [2011 Qeddea Ave.]
Buchanan, Milton Alexander, Professor of Italian and Spanish, Uni-
yersity of Toronto, Toronto, Canada. [88 Wells Hill Ave.]
Buck, Arthur Ela, Asaociate Professor of the Qermaa Language and
Literature, Grinnell College, Grinnell, la. [1008 Park St.]
Buck, Gertrude, Professor of English, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie,
N. Y. [112 Market St.]
Buck, Miriam, Instructor in English, Baylor University, Waco, Tez.
[1824 6. 0th St]
Buck, Philo Melvin, Jr., Professor of Rhetoric, Universitj of
Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. [1825 Pepper Ave.]
Buckingham, Mabt H., Boston, Mass. [00 Chestnut St.]
Buell, Llewellyn Morgan, Instructor in English, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [352 Temple St.]
Buffum, Douglas Labaree, Professor of Romance languages, Prince-
ton University, Princeton, N. J. [60 Hodge Road]
Bulger, Charles, Professor of the German Language and Literature,
Municipal University, Akron, O.
Burchinal, Mary Caoy, Head of the Department of Foreign Iian-
gnagee, West Philadelphia High School for Girls, 47th and
Wabiut Sts., Philadelphia, Pa.
Burd, Henry Alfred, Instructor in English, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [11 S. Warren St.]
Burke, Charles Bell, Professor of English, University of Tennessee,
Enoxville, Tenn. [1635 Laurel Ave.]
Burkhard, Oscar Carl, Assistant Professor of German, University
of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Burnet, Percy Bentley, Director of Modem Languages, Manual
Training High School, Kansas City, Mo. [3751 Flora Ave.]
Burnett, Arthur W., Henry Holt ft Co., 19 W. 44th St., New York,
N. Y.
Bumham, Josephine May, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Kansas, l4iwrence, Kas. [1645 Massachusetts Ave.]
Bursley, Philip E., Instructor in Romance Languages, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Burton, George Iiewis, Culpeper, Va.
Burton, John Marvin, Professor of Modem Languages, Millsaps Col-
lege, Jackson, Miss.
Busey, Robert Oscar, Assistant Professor of German, Ohio State
University, Columbus, O. [2090 Inka Ave.]
Bush, Stephen Hayes, Professor of Romance Languages, University
of Iowa, Iowa City, la.
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Google
OXVIU liODSBN LAlfaUAaX ABSOOIATIOir
BuBhee, Alice Huntington, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Wellesl^
Collie, Welleeley, Mass.
Busse, Paul Gustav Adolf, Aasooiato Professor of Gemuui, Hunter
College of tlie City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Butler, Pierce^ Professor of English, Newoomb College, New Orleans,
La.
Cabot, Stephen Perkins, Headmaster, St. George's School, Newport,
K. L
Cady, Frank William, Professor of English, Middlebury Collie, Mid-
dlebury, Vt. [6 Storrs Ave.]
Cairns, William B., Assistant Professor of American Literature,
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [2010 Madison St.]
Caldwell, Harold Van Yorx, Listructor in English, Ohio Wesleyan
University, Delaware, O. [233 N. Washington St.]
Callaway, Morgan, Jr., Professor of English, University of Texas,
Austin, Tex. [1104 Guadalupe St.]
Camera, Amerigo Ulysses N., Instructor in Romance ILanguages,
Supervisor of Instruction in the Academic Department, Col-
lege of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Cameron, Ward Griswold, Iiecturer in French, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, N. S.
Campbell, Charles B., Professor of Modem Languages, Agricultural
and Mechanical College of Texas, College Station, Tex.
Campbell, Gertrude Hildreth, Instructor in English, Smith College,
Northampton, Mass. [10 West St]
Campbell, James Andrew, Professor of German, Knox College, Gales-
burg, IlL
Campbell, Killis, Associate Professor of English, University of
Texas, Austin, Tex. [2301 Rio Grande St.]
Campbell, Lily B., Instructor in English, University of Wiseonsim,
Madison, Wis. [419 Stirling Place]
Campbell, Osoab James, Jb., Assistant Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [15 E. Oilman St.]
Campbell, Thomas Moody, Professor of German, Randolf^-Maeon
Woman's Collie, Lynchburg, Va. [227 Princeton St.]
Canby, Henry Seidel, Assistant Professor of English, Sheffield Sei-
entifio School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [106 East
RockBoad]
Canfield, Arthur Graves, Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [000 E. University
Av«.]
Cannon, Lee Edwin, Professor of German, Hiram College, Hiram, 0.
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MSMBEBS CXIX
Garhart, Paul Worthington, ABsistant Editor, O. and C. Merriam
Co., Myrick Building, Springfield, Mass.
Garmer, Garl Lamson, Instructor in English, University of Rochester,
Rochester, N. Y.
Oamahan, David Hobart, Associate Professor of Romance Lan-
guages, University of Illinois, Urbana, IlL
Gabnbqib, Andbsw, New York, N. Y. [2 £. 91st St.]
Gamoy, Albert Joseph, Research Professor in the Glassies, Univer*
sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Garpenter, Fred Donald, Instructor in Carman, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Gonn. [386 Norton St.]
Gabpenteb, Fredesio Ives, Ghicago, 111. [5533 Woodlawn Ave.]
Garpenter, Jennette, Professor of the English Language and litera-
ture, Iowa State Teachers' College, Gedar Falls, la. [412
W. 8th St.]
Garr, Muriel Bothwell, Instructor in English, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis. [419 Sterling Place]
Garruth, William Herbert, Professor of Comparative Literature,
Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, GaL
Garson, Lucy Hamilton, Professor of English, Montana State Normal
Gollege, Dillon, Mont.
Gary, Esther Gelia, Instructor in Romance Languages, Gonnecticut
Gollege for Women, New liondon, Gonn.
Gas^s, Lilia Mary, Professor of Romance Languages, University of
Texas, Austin, Tex.
Gaskey, John Homer, Instructor in English, Baylor University, Waco,
Tex. [1028 S. 6th St.]
Gast, Gottlob C., Instructor in German, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [1610 Madison St.]
Gave, Gharles Elmer, Instructor in German, Oakland Technical High
School, Oakland, Gal. [2630 Benvenue Ave., Berkeley, Gal.]
Gerf, Barry, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, University
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1911 Monroe St.]
Gestre, Gharles, Professor of English, University of Bordeaux, Bor-
deaux, France. [Colonial Club, Cambridge, Mass.]
Chamberlain, May, Assistant Professor of Germanic Languages and
Literatures, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. [Station A]
Ghamberlin, Willis Arden, Professor of the German Language and
Literature, Denison University, Granville, O.
Chandler, Edith Beatrice, Professor of Modem Languages, Highland
Park College, Des Moines, la.
Chandler, Frank Wadleigh, Professor of English and Comparative
Literature, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, University of
Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 0. [323 Warren Ave., Clifton, Cin-
cinnati]
Digitized by
Google
QXK liODSBN lANaUAOB ASSOCIATION
Ghapin, George Scott, AssiBtant Professor of Bomance Langoaf es,
Ohio State University, Columbus^ 0.
Chapman, Percy Addison, Instructor in Modem Languages, Princeton
University, Princeton, N. J. [6 A Holder Hall]
Gbarles, Arthur M., Professor of German and Frenoh, Earlham Col-
lege, Richmond, Ind.
Chase, Lewis, Acting Assistant Professor of English, University of
Bochester, Bochester, N. Y.
Chaae^ Stanley P., Assistant Professor of English, Union Collage,
Schenectady, N. Y. [14 N. Church St]
Chatfield-Taylor, Hobart C, Lake Forest, Ul.
Cheever, liouisa Sewall, Associate Professor of the English Lan-
guage and literature. Smith Collie, Northampton, Mass.
[Chapin House]
Chenot, Anna Ad^e, Instructor in French, Smith College, Northamp-
ton, Mass. [36 Bedford Terrace]
Chenery, Winthrop Holt, Associate Professor of Bomanic I^anguages,
Washington University, St. Louis, Mo.
Cherington, Frank Barnes, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. [Ill
Middle Hall]
Cheskis, Joseph I., Instructor in Bomance Languages, State Univer-
sity of Iowa, Iowa City, la.
Cheydleur, Frederic D., Instructor in French, Williams College,
WUliamstown, Mass.
Child, Clarence Griffin, Professor of English, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [4237 Sansom St]
Childs, Francis Irane, Assistant Professor of English, Dartmouth Col-
lege, Hanover, N. H.
Chinard, Gilbert, Professor of French, Universily of California, Ber-
keley, CaL
Church, Henry Ward, Professor of Modem Languages, Monmouth
College, Monmouth, HI. [1011 E. Boston Ave.]
Church, Howard Wadsworth, Instructor in German, Phillips Acad-
emy, Andover, Mass. [30 Bishop Hall]
Churchill, George Bosworth, Professor of English Literature, Am-
herst College, Amherst, Mass.
Churchman, Philip Hudson, Professor of Bomance Languages, Clark
College, Worcester, Mass. [20 Institute Boad]
Clapp, John Mantell, Professor of English, Lake Forest Coll^;e,
Lake Forest, 111.
Clark, Eugene Francis, Assistant Professor of German, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, N. H.
Clark, Evert Mordecai, Instructor in English, University of Texas,
Austin, Tex. [University Station]
Digitized by
Google
LI8T OF MSMBBB8 CXXl
Clark, Thatcher, Head of the Department of French, School of
EtMcal Culture, 63d St. and Central Park West, New York,
N. Y.
Clark, Thomas Arkle, Professor of Rhetoric and Dean of Men, Uni-
versity of lUlnois, Urbana, 111. [928 W. Green St.]
Clarke, Charles Cameron, Professor of French, Sheffield Sdentilie
6chool, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [264 Bradley
St.]
Cobb, Bruce B. B., Superintendent of City Schools, Waco, Tex.
Cobb, Charles W., Associate Professor of Mathematics, Amherst
College, Amherst, Mass. [Mt. Doma]
Cobum, Nelson Francis, Instructor in Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Coffman, George Raleigh, Professor of English, University of Mon-
tana, Missoula, Mont.
Cohen, Helen Louise, Chairman of the Department of English, Wash-
ington Irving High School, New York, N. Y. [38 W. 93d St.]
CoHN, AooLPHS, Emeritus Professor of the Romance Languages and
Literatures, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Colby, Elbridge, Instructor in Rhetoric, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn.
Coleman, Algernon, Assistant Professor of French, University of
Chicago, Chicago, 111. [5706 Blackstone Ave.]
Collier, Elizabeth Brownell, Assistant Professor of English, Hunter
College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [282 De
Kalb Ave., Brooklyn]
CoUings, Harry T., Professor of German, Pennsylvania State College,
State College, Pa. [308 S. Burrows St.]
Collins, George Stuart, Professor of German and Spanish, Poly-
technic Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Collins, Vamum Lansing, Professor of the French Language and
Literature, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
CoLLiTZ, Hermann, Professor of Germanic Philology, Johns Hopkins
University, Baltimore, Md.
Colton, Molton Avery, Instructor in Modem Languages, U. S. Naval
Academy, Annapolis, Md.
GolviUe, William T., Carbondale, Pa.
Colwell, William Arnold, Professor of the German Language and
Literature, Adelphi College, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Comfort, William Wlstar, President, Haverford College, Haver-
ford, Pa.
Compton, Alfred D., Assistant Professor of English, College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Digitized by
Google
eXZU ICODSBN LANOUAOB ASSOOIATIOlf
Conant, Grace Patten, Professor of English, The James Millilrin
University, Decatur, IlL
Oonant, Martha Pike, Associate Professor of Enylish Literatmt,
Wellesley College, Wellesley, liiass.
Conklin, Clara, Professor of Romance Languages and Literatures,
Uniyersity of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb.
Conrow, Qeorgianna, Assistant Professor of French, Vassar Ooll^ge,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Cons, Louis, Associate in Romance Languages, Bryn Mawr College,
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Cook, Albert Stanburrough, Professor of the English Language and
Literature, Yale Uniyersity, New Haven, Ccmn. [210 Bishop
St.1 .1
Cool, Charles Dean, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1607 Adams St.]
Cooper, Clyde Barnes, Associate Professor of English, Armour In-
stitute of Technology, Chicago, 111.
Cooper, Lane, Professor of the English Language and Literature,
Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Cooper, William Alpha, Professor of German, Leland Stanford Jr.
University, Stanford University, Cal.
Corbin, William Lee, Associate Professor of English, Wells College,
Aurora, N. Y.
Corley, Ames Haven, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Yale Coll^^
New Haven, Conn. [1007 Yale Station]
CoBNKLSON, Chables Abthub, Profcssor of English Literature^ Wa-
bash College, Crawfordsville, Ind.
Corwin, Robert Nelson, Professor of German, Yale University, New
Haven, Conn. [247 St. Ronan St]
Cory, Herbert Ellsworth, Assistant Professor of English, University
of California, Berkeley, CaL [2558 Buena Vista Way]
Costa, Louis Philip, Assistant in Romance Languages, University of
Illinois, Urbana, IlL
Coues, Robert Wheaton, Assistant in English, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [266 Chestnut Hill Ave., Boston]
Covington, Frank Frederick, Jr., Assistant in English, SheflBield Sci-
entific School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [156
Grove St.]
Cowper, Frederick Augustus Grant, Assistant Professor of Romance
Languages, Universily of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [609
Leonard St.]
Cox, John Harrington, Professor of English Philology, West Vir-
ginia University, Morgantown, W. Va. [188 Spruce St.]
Digitized by
Google
X
UBT OF MSMBBB8 CZXUi
Cimig, Hardin, Professor of English, University of Minnesota, Min-
neapolis, Minn, [c/o Camp Quartermaster, Camp Dodge, la.]
Orane, Ronald Salmon, Assistant Professor of English, Northwestern
University, Evanston, 111. [1823 Wesley Ave.]
Crathorne, Eatherine Layton (Mrs. Arthur K), Champaign, 111.
[1113 a 4th St]
Crawford, Angus MoD., Principal, Emerson Institute, 1740 P St.
N. W., Washington, D. C.
Crawford, Douglas, Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. [2039
Sherman Ave.]
Crawford, James Pyle Wickersham, Professor of Romanic I/anguages
and Literatures, University of Pennsylvania, Philadephia, Pa.
Crawshaw, William Henry, Dean and Professor of English Litera^
ture, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y.
Creek, Herbert Le Sourd, Associate in English, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, IlL
Croissant, De Witt C, Professor of English, George Washington
University, Washington, D. C.
Croll, Morris William, Assistant Professor of English, Princeton
University, Princeton, N. J. [6 North Reunion Hall]
Crook, Mrs. Martha Itoescher, Professor of German, Denver Univer-
sity, Denver, Col. [P. 0. Box 913]
Crosby, William Anderson, Instructor in English, Massachusetts In-
stitute of Technology, Cambridge, Mass. [41 Addington
Road, Brookline, Mass.]
Cross, Samuel H., Instructor in German, Adelbert College of Western
Reserve University, Cleveland, O. [1886 E. 97th St.]
Cross, Tom Peete, Associate Professor of English and Celtic, Univer-
sity of Chicago, Chicago, 111. [Virginia Beach, Va.]
Cross, Wilbur Lucius, Professor of English, Dean of the Graduate
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [24 Edgehill
Road]
Crowell, Asa Clinton, Associate Professor of Germanic Languages
and Literatures, Brown University, Providence, R. I. [6(J
Oriole Av., East Side Sta.]
Crowne, Joseph Vincent, Assistant Professor of English, College of
the Ci^ of New York, New York, N. Y.
Cm, Robert Loyalty, Assistant Professor of French, Hunter College
of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
CuHiJFrB, John Whjjah, Professor of English and Associate Di-
rector of the School of Journalism, Columbia University, New
York, N. Y.
Curme, George Oliver, Professor of Germanic Philology, Northwest-
em University, Evanston, IlL [629 Colfax St.]
Digitized by
Google
OZXLY MODEBN LANGUAGX AMOOIiiTIOlf
Cunry^ Walter Clyde, Iiuiinictor in English, Vanderbilt Univemty,
Naahville, Tenn.
CtirtisB, George C, Instructor in English, University of ArkansaSy
Fayetteville, Ark.
Curts, Paul Holroyd, Associate Professor of German, Wesl^an Uni-
versity, Middletown, Conn.
Cuahman, John Houston, Instructor in English, Syracuse Universi^,
Syracuse, N. Y. [788 Ostrom Ave.]
Cushwa, Frank William, Professor of English, Phillips Exeter Aead-
emy, Exeter, N. H.
Cutting, Starr Willard, Professor and Head of the Department •!
Germanic Languages and Literatures, University of Qiieago,
Chicago, IlL
Daland, Rev. William Clifton, President and Professor of Engliih
and Biblical Literature, Milton College, Milton, Rock Co., Wis.
Damon, Lindsay Todd, Professor of English, Brown University, Prov-
idence, R. I.
Dana, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Cambridge, Mass. [105 Brattle
St]
Daniels, Francis Potter, Assistant Professor of Modern lAnguagee,
Missouri School of Mines, RoUa, Mo.
Danton, George Henry, Professor of German, Tsing Hua CoU^ge^
Peking, China.
Darby, Arleigh lice, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, West
Virginia University, Morgantown, W. Va.
Dargan, Edwin Preston, Associate Professor of French Literature,
University of Chicago, Chicago, HL
Dargan, Henry McCune, Instructor in English, University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
I>arling, Eugene A., Paterson, N. J. [384 Van Houten St.]
Damall, Frank Mauzy, Professor of English, University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, Tenn. [420 W. Main Ave.]
Damall, Henry Johnston, Professor of G^ermanie Languages, Univer-
sity of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tenn.
David, Henri Charles-Edouard, Assistant Professor of French litera-
ture, University of Chicago, Chicago, IlL [5469 Dorchester
Ave.]
Davidsen, Hermann Christian, Assistant Professor of Germaa, Cor-
nell University, Ithaca, N. Y. [Highland Ave.]
Davies, James, Instructor in German, University of Minnesota* BCln-
neapolis, Minn.
Davies, William Walter, Professor of the German Language, Okia
Wesleyan University, Delaware, 0.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
UBT OF HEMBBB8 CZXf
DftTif, Edward Zi^ler, AsBUiant Professor of G^erman, University
of Pennsylyania, Philadelphia, Pa. [424 N. 34th St.]
Davis, Edwin Bell, Professor of Romance Languages, Rutgers Ck)llege,
New Brunswick, K. J. [145 College Ave.]
Davis, Henry Campbell, Professor of the English Language and
Rhetoric, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S. C. [2732
Divine St.]
Davis, John Jarves, Associate Professor of Modem Languages, Vir-
ginia Polytechnic Institute, Blacksburg, Va.
Davis, William Hawl^, Professor of English and Publie Speaking,
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. [4 Page St.]
Davis, William Rees, Professor and Head of the Department of Eng-
lish, Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash.
Daw, Elizabeth Beatrice, Instructor in English, Smith College, North-
ampton, Mass. [103 South St.]
Daw, M. Emily, Instructor in English, New Jersey State Normal
School, Trenton, N. J. [142 N. Clinton Ave.]
Dearborn, Ambrose CoUyer, Henry Holt & Co., 19 W. 44th St., New
York, N. Y.
Deering, Robert Waller, Professor of (Germanic Languages and Lits-
ratures, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. [2931
Somerton Road, Mayfield Heights, Cleveland]
De Forest, John Bellows, Instructor in French, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale Universi^, New Haven, Conn. [1019 Yale
Station]
Delamarre, Louis, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, Col-
lege of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [237 Tecumseh
Ave., Mt. Vernon, N. Y.]
De Moss, W. P., Instructor in English, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [219 Clifford Ct.]
Denkinger, Emma Marshall, Jamaica Plain, Mass. [46 St. John St.]
Denney, Joseph Villiers, Professor of English and Dean of the College
of Arts, Philosophy, and Science, Ohio State University,
Columbus, O.
Denton, George Bion, Instructor in English, Northwestern Univer-
sity, Evanston, 111. [749 Sherman Ave.]
D'Evelyn, Charlotte, Fellow in English, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn
Mawr, Pa.
DeWalsh, Faust Charles, Instructor in German and Supervisor of
German Instruction in Townsend Harris Hall, College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Dewey, Malcolm Howard, University of Chicago, Chicago, HI. [6655
Blackstone Ave.]
Digitized by
Google
OXXYl MODSBN LAKGUAGS ASSOOIiiTIOir
Dey, William Morton, Professor of Romance Longaagee, UniTsrst^
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Diehl, Frank, Professor of Qerman and Biblical Literature, Waynes-
burg College, Waynesburg, Pa. [33 8. Cumberland St.]
Diekhoff, Tobias J. C, Professor of G^erman, University of MicMgan,
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Dingus, Leonidas Eeuben, Professor of G^erman, Richmond College,
Richmond, Va.
Dodge, Daniel Kilham, Professor of the English Language and
Literature, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
Dodge, Robert Elkin Neil, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [15 W. Gorham St.]
Doemenburg, Emil, Professor of German, Ohio University, AthenSy O.
Domenico, Vittorini, Instructor in Italian, Princeton University,
Princeton, N. J.
Dondo, Mathurin Marius, Assistant Professor of French, Smith
College, Northampton, Mass.
Doniat, Josephine C, Teacher of French and Grerman, Carl Schurz
High School, Chicago, 111.
Donnelly, Lucy Martin, Professor of English, Bryn Mawr OoUq^
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Donoho, William Stanton, Associate Professor of English, College
of Industrial Arts, Denton, Tex.
Dooley, Mabel, Instructor in English, University of Wisconsin, Madi-
son, Wis. [419 Sterling Place]
Douay, Gaston, Professor of French, Washington University, 61
Louis, Mo.
Douglass, Philip Earle, Instructor in Modem Languages, United
States Naval Academy, Annapolis, Md.
Dow, Louis Henry, Professor of French, Dartmouth College, Hanover,
N. H.
Downer, Charles Alfred, Professor of Romance lAngoages, Collq^
of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Doyle, Henry Grattan, Instructor in Romance iJanguages, George
Washington University, Washington, D. C. [1846 U St,
N. W.]
Drummond, Robert Rutherford, Bangor, Me. [36 3d St.]
]>udley, Louise, Professor of English, Ijawrence College, Appleton,
Wis. [656 Park Ave.]
Dunlap, Charles Graham, Professor of English literature, Univer-
sity of Kansas, I/awrence, Kas.
]>unn, Esther Cloudman, Acting Director of the Work in English
Composition, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MEMBERS CXXVU
Diiim, Joseph, Professor of Celtic Languages and Lecturer in Bo-
mance Languages, Catholic University, Washington, D. 0.
Durham, Willard Higley, Assistant Professor of English, Sheffield
Scientific School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [1819
Tale Station]
Dutton, George Burwell, Assistant Professor of English, Williams
College, Williamstown, Mass.
Dye, Alexander Vincent, Assistant General Manager, Phelps, Dodge
& Co., Douglas, Ariz.
van Dyke, Henry, Professor of English Literature, Princeton Uni-
versity, Princeton, N. J.
Easthum, lola Kay, Professor of German, Wheaton College, Norton,
Mass.
Easter, De la Warr B., Professor of Romance Languages, Washing-
ton and Lee University, Lexington, Va.
Eastman, Clabencb Willis, Professor of the German Language and
Literature, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass.
Eberhardt, Edward Albert, Jefferson City, Mo.
Edwards, Murray French, Major, Adjunct in German, Virginia
Military Institute, Lexington, Va.
Effinger, John Robert, Professor of French and Acting Dean of the
College of Literature, Science, and the Arts, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Eisenlohr, Berthold A., Professor of German, Ohio State University,
Columbus, O.
Eiserhardt, Ewald, Professor of German, University of Rochester,
Rochester, N. Y. [146 Harvard St.]
Elliott, George Roy, Professor of English Literature, Bowdoin Col-
lege, Brunswick, Me.
Ellis, Harold Milton, Professor of English, Trinity College, Durham,
N. C. [520 S. Duke St.]
Elson, Charles, Kane, Pa. [316 Chase St.]
Emerson, Oliver Farrar, Professor of English, Western Reserve Uni-
versity, Cleveland, 0. [1910 Wadena St., East Cleveland]
Emery, Fred Parker, Professor of English, Dartmouth College, Han-
over, N. H.
Engel, Elmer Franklin, Professor of German, University of Kansas,
Lawrence, Kas*
Ernst, Adolphine B., Assistant Professor of German, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Erskine, John, Professor of English, Columbia University, New
York, N. Y.
Digitized by
Google
OXZYUl MODBBV JjANaVAOE ASSOOIATIOlf
Erwin, Edward James, Afleistant Professor of E^lish, University of
Mississippi, University, Miss. [P. 0. Box 233]
Escher, Erwin, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [268 Crown St.]
Essinger, Anna, Instructor in Qerman, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [Deutsches Haus, 501 N. Henry St]
Evans, Marshall Blakemore, Professor of Qerman, Ohio State Uni-
versi^, Columbus, 0.
Evers, Helene M., Teacher of French, Evanston Township Hi^
School, Evanston, 111. [1127 Hinman Ave.]
Ewart, Frank Carman, Professor of Romanic Languages, Colgate
University, Hamilton, N. T.
Eyster, John Bates, Head of the Department of German, Ethical
Culture School, New York, N. Y. [6027 Liebig Ave.]
Fahnestock, Edith, Assistant Professor, Acting Head of the Depart-
ment of Spanish, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Fairchild, Arthur Henry Rolph, Professor of English, University of
Missouri, Columbia, Mo. [708 Maryland Place]
Fairchild, J. R., American Book Co^ 100 Washington Sq., New York,
N. Y.
Fansler, Dean Spruill, Assistant Professor of English, Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N. Y.
Farley, Frank Edgar, Professor of English, Simmons College, Boston,
Mass.
Farnham, Willard Edward, Instructor in English, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Famsworth, William Oliver, Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Farr, Hollon A., Assistant Professor of Qerman, Yale University,
New Haven, Conn. [351 White Hall]
Farrand, Wilson, Head Master, Newark Academy, Newark, N. J.
Fsrrar, Thomas James, Professor of Germanic Languages, Wash-
ington and Hiee University, Lexington, Va.
Faulkner, William Harrison, Professor of (Germanic Languages, Uni-
versity of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. [Box 228]
Faurot, Albert A., Associate Professor of Modem l4uiguages. Rose
Polytechnic Institute, Terre Haute, Ind.
Faust, Albert Bebnhabdt, Professor of German, Cornell University,
Ithaca, N. Y. [Cornell Heights]
Faust, Mary Cosette, Teacher of English, Southern Methodist Uni-
versity, Dallas, Tex.
Fay, Charles Ernest, Professor of Modem Languages, Tufts College,
Tufts College, Mass.
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Google
LIST OF MEMBEBS CXXIY
Fay, Percival Bradshaw, Assistant Professor of Romanic Philology,
University of California, Berkeley, Cal. [2508 Hilgard Ave.]
Feise, Richard Ernst, Madison, Wis. [1011 Edgewood Ave.]
Feraru, L4on, Instructor in Romance Languages, Extension Teach-
ing, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [286 Haven Ave.]
Ferguson, Agnes B., Professor of German, Momingside College, Sioux
Ci^, la. [3909 Orleans Ave.]
Ferguson, John De Lancey, Assistant Professor of English, Heidel-
berg University, Hffin, 0. [216 Jefferson St.]
Ferren, Harry M., Professor of Grerman, Allegheny High School,
North Side, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Ferrin, Dana Holman, The Century Co., 623 S. Wabash Ave., Chi-
cago, ni.
Ficken, Hilbert Theodore, Professor of Gkrman, Baldwin-Wallace
College, Berea, O.
Fife, Robert Hemdon, Jr., Professor of German, Wesleyan Univer-
sity, Middletown, Conn. [347 High St.]
Files, Oeorge Taylor, Professor of Germanic I^ang^uages, Bowdoin
Collie, Brunswick, Me.
Fisher, John Roberts, Professor of Modem Languages, Randolph-
Macon College, Ashland, Va.
Fiske, Christabel Forsyth, Associate Professor of English, Vassar
College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Fite, Alexander Green, Instructor in French, University of Wiscon-
sin, Madison, Wis. [425 N. Orchard St.]
Fitz-Gerald, John DrisooU, Professor of Spanish, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, HI.
Fitzgerald, Mrs. Sara Porter, Houston, Tex. [7 La Morada Apts.]
Fnz-HuGH, Thomas, Professor of Latin, University of yirginia»
University, Va.
Fletcher, Jefferson Butler, Professor of Comparative Literature,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [112 E. 22d St.]
Fletcher, Robert Huntington, Professor of English Literature, Grin-
nell College, Grinnell, la. [Hanover, N. H.]
Fletcher, Priscilla, Assistant Professor of English Literature, Hun-
ter College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Flom, George Tobias, Associate Professor of Scandinavian Languages,
University of Illinois, Urbana, HI.
Florer, Warren Washburn, Assistant Professor of German, UniTer-
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [910 Olivia Ave.]
Flowers, Olive, Teacher of French and Spanish, West High School,
Columbus, O. [115 S. 17th St.]
9
Digitized by
Google
OZZZ MODBBK LANGUAGB ASSOOIATION
Foersier, Norman, ABSOciate Professor of English, University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Fogel, Edwin Miller, Assistant Professor of German, University ef
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Fogg, Miller Moore, Professor of Khetorio, University of Nebraska,
Lincoln, Nd[>.
Fontaine, Camille, Assistant Professor of Romance Langosgee, Co-
lumbia University, New York, N. Y.
Ford, Daniel, Assistant Professor of Rhetoric, University of Min-
nesota, Minneapolis, Minn. [315 4th St., S. E.]
Ford, J. D. M^ Professor of the French and Spanish Languages,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [9 Riedesel Ave.]
Ford, R. Clyde, Professor of Modem Languages, State Normal Col-
lege, Ypdlanti, Mich.
Forman, Elizabeth Chandlee (Mrs. H. B.), Haverford, Pa.
Foreythe, Robert Stanley, Listructor in English, Adelbert College of
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Fortier, Edward Joseph, Assistant Professor of French, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [Hamilton HaU]
Fossler, Laurence, Head Professor of the Qermanie Languages and
Literatures, University of Nd[>raska, Lincoln, Nd[>.
Foster, Dorothy, Associate Professor of English Literature, Mount
Holyoke College, So. Hadley, Mass.
Foster, Finley Melville, Instructor In English, Delaware College,
Newark, Del. [P. 0. Box 264]
Foster, Frances Allen, Instructor in English, Carleton College, North-
field, Minn. [717 E. 2d St.]
Foster, Irving Lysander, Professor of Romance Languages, Pennsyl-
vania State College, State College, Pa.
Fowler, Thomas Howard, Professor of German, Wells College, Au-
rora, N. Y.
Fox, Charles Shattuck, Professor of Romance Languages, Lehigh
University, South Bethlehem, Pa. [330 Wall 6t, Bethlehem]
Fbanoee, Kuno, Professor of the History of German Culture,
Emeritus, and Honorary Curator of the Germanic Museum,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [3 Berkeley Place]
Frank, Colman Dudley, Head of the Department of Romance Lan-
guages, De Witt Clinton High School, 59th St. and Tenth Ave.,
New York, N. Y.
Franklin, George Bruce, Professor of English, Colby Collie, Water-
ville, Me.
Frantz, Frank Flavins, Professor of Romance Languages, Universi^
of Tennessee, Enoxville, Tenn.
Digitized by
Google
LIBT OF MBMBXB8 CXZZl
Freemaiiy Clarence Campbell, Professor of English, Transylvania
Coll^re, Lexington, Kj, [515 W. 3d St.l
Frelin, Jules Theophile, Assistant Professor of French, Uniyendty of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
French, George Franklin, Instructor in Modem Languages, Phillips
Academy, Andover, Mass. [12 School St.]
Fr«ni6h, John Calvin, Associate Professor of English, Johns Hopkins
University, Baltimore, Md. [3002 N. Calvert St.]
French, Mrs. W. F. (M. Eatherine Jackson), Detroit, Mich. [282
Dexter Boulevard]
French, Robert I>udley, Instructor in English, Yale College, New
Haven, Conn. [67 Bishop St.]
Friedland, Louis Sigmund, Instructor in the English Language and
Literature, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Fries, Charles Carpenter, Assistant Professor of English, Bucknell
University, Jjewisburg, Pa.
Friess, Charlotte L., Instructor in German, Hunter College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y. [70 Momingside Drive]
Froelicher, Hans, Professor of German, Goucher College, Baltimore,
Md.
Fuentes, Ventura P., Assistant Professor of Spanish, College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Fuess, Claude Moore, Instructor in English, Phillips Academy, An-
dover, Mass. [183 Main St]
Fulton, Edward, Associate Professor of English, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, IlL
Furst, J. Henry, J. H. Furst Co., 23 S. Hanover St., Baltimore, Md.
Gkdloo, Eug^e, Professor of Romance Ijangnages and Literatures,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
Galpin, Stanly Leman, Professor of Romance Languages, Trinity
College, Hartford, Conn.
Gambrill, Louise, In charge of the French Department, Brookline
High School, Brookline, Mass. [264 Brookline Ave., Boston,
Mass.]
Gardner, Edward Hall, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1924 KendaU Ave.]
GardnCT, May, Assistant Professor of Romance languages and Litera-
tures, University of Kansas, I/awrence, E^as.
Garver, Milton Stahl, Instructor in French, Sheffield Scientific School,
Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [811 Yale Station]
Gaston, Charles Robert, Tint Assistant in English, Richmond Hill
High School, New York, N. Y. [215 Abingdon Road, Rich-
mond mn, N. Y.]
Digitized by
Google
trXKll HODSBN LANaXTAGX ASSOOIiiTIOlf
Gaalt, Pierre, Instructor in French, Elizabeth Duncan High School,
Yonkerg, N. Y. [97 EUiott Ave.]
Gauss, Christian, Professor of Modem Languages, Princeton Uni-
versity, Princeton, N. J.
Gaw, Mb8. Ralph H., Top^a, Kas. [1321 Filmore St.]
Gay, Lucy Maria, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [216 N. Pinckney St]
Gayley, Charles Mills, Professor of the English Language and Literar
ture, University of CaMfomia, Berkeley, CaL
Gemibs, Jambb, Jb., Professor of Romance Languages, Boston Uni-
versity, Boston, Mass. [20 Fairmount St., Brookline, Mass.]
Geissendoerfer, John Theodore, Instructor in Modem lianguages,
Wartburg Academy, Waverly, la.
Gerig, John liawrence. Associate Professor of Celtic, Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N. Y.
Gerould, Gordon Hall, Professor of English, Princeton University,
Princeton, N. J.
Gideon, Abram, Newspaper Representativ, Simplified Spelling Board,
New York, N. Y. [9 Franklin Ave., Yonkers, N. Y.]
Gilbert, Allan H., Instmctor in English, Comell University, Ithaca,
H. Y. [202 Miller St]
Gilbert, Donald Monroe, Instructor in Romance Languages, West
Virginia University, Morgantown, W. Va.
Gildersleeve, Virginia Crocheron, Dean and Professor of English,
Bamard College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Gillet, Jos^h Eugene, Assockite in Comparative Literature and
German, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111. [313 University
Hall]
Gingerich, Solomon Francis, Assistant Professor of English, Uni-
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [617 Elm St]
Gingrich, Gertrude, Professor of the German language and Litera-
ture, University of Wooster, Wooster, O. [637 Coll^^ Ave.]
Glascock, Clyde Chew, Assistant Professor of Modem Languages,
The Rice Institute, Houston, Tex.
Goddard, Eunice Rathbone, Instructor in German, Hie Bryn Mawr
School, Baltimore, Md. [1028 Cathedral St]
Goddard, Harold Clarke, Professor of English, Swarthmore College,
Swarthmore, Pa.
Goebel, Julius, Professor of Germanic Languages, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, IlL
Goettsch, Charles, Associate Professor of Gennanio Philology, Uni-
versity of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
Good, John Walter, Professor of Education and English Bible, Mus-
kingum College, New Concord, O.
Digitized by
Google
UBT OF MBMBBB8 CZZZIU
Qoodale, Ralph Hinsdale, ABsistant ProfesBor of English, Hiram
College, Hiram, O.
Goodnight, Scott Holland, Associate Professor of Qerman, Dean of
Men, Director of the Summer Session, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [2130 West Lawn Ave.]
Goodyear, Nolan A., Assistant Professor of Modern Languages,
Emory College, Oxford, Ga.
Gordon, Mark Dee, Professor of German and Head of the Department
of Modem Languages, Eureka College, Eureka, IlL
Gordon, Robert Ejiy, Toronto, Ont. [162 St. George St.]
Gorham, Maud Bassett, Instructor in English, Swarthmore College,
Swarthmore, Pa.
Gorman, Frank Thorpe, Instructor in Spanish, University of Pitta-
burgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Graham, Walter James, Instructor in English, Adelbert College of
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Gbaitdqutt, Chables Hall, Professor of Romance Languages, Har-
vard University, Cambridge, Mass. [107 Walker St.]
Graves, Isabel, Associate Professor of English, The Temple Univer-
sity, Philadelphia, Pa.
Graves, Thornton Shirley, Professor of English, Trinity College,
Durham, N. C.
Gray, Charles Henry, Profeaaor of Englicdi, Tufta College, Tufta Col-
lege, Mass. [97 Talbot Ave.]
Gray, Claudine, Assistant Professor of French, Hunter College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Gray, Henry David, Assistant Professor of English, Leland Stan-
ford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal.
Gray, Jesse Martin, Instructor in German, Columbia University,
New York, N. Y. [410 Hamilton HaU]
Green, Alexander, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
Greene, Ernest Roy, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. [3 Occam Ridge]
Greene, Herbert Eveleth, Collegiate Professor of English, Johns Hop-
kina University, Baltimore, Md. [1019 St. Paul St.]
Greenfield, Eric Viele, Assistant Professor of German, Purdue Uni-
versity, West Lafayette, Ind.
Greenlaw, Edwin, Professor of English, University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C.
Greenough, Chester Noyes, Professor of English, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Maaa. [26 Quincy St.]
Greever, Gustavus Garland, Associate Professor of English, Indiana
University, Bloomington, Ind.
Digitized by
Google
CXZXiy HODSBN LANGUAGE A8800IATI0V
Grendon, Felix, ABsistant Professor of English, College of the City
of New York, New York, N. Y.
Griebsch, Max, Director, National German-American Teachers' Semi'
nary, 558-568 Broadway, Milwaukee, Wis.
GriiBn, James O., Professor of German, Leland Stanford Jr. Univer-
sity, Stanford University, CaL
Griffin, Nathaniel Edward, Assistant Professor, Preceptor In English,
Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. [14 N. Dod Hall]
Griffith, Dudley David, Assistant Professor of English, Grinnell Col
lege, Grinnell, la. [1022 Park St.]
Griffith, Kate, Assistant Professor of German, Baylor University,
Waco, Tex. [1422 S. 8th St.]
Griffith, Reginald Harvey, Associate Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Texas, Austin, Tex. [University Staticm]
Griffith, Thomas Morris, Instructor in English, Cass Tedinical High
School, Detroit, Mich. [178 W. Perry Ave.]
Grimm, Karl Josef, Professor of the German Language and litera-
ture, Penn9ylvania College, Gettysburg, Pa.
Gronow, Hans Ernst, Assistant Professor ol German, University of
Chicago, Chicago, IlL
Grflnbaum, Gustav, Associate in Romance Languages, Johns Hop-
kins University, Baltimore, Md.
Gbxtbneb, Gubtav, Professor of German, Yale University, New Havoi,
Conn. [146 Lawrance Hall]
Gnunmann, Paul H., Professor of Modem German Literature, Di-
rector of the School of Fine Arts, University of Nebraska,
Lincoln, Neb. [1967 South St.]
Gnbelmann, Albert Edward, Assistant Professor of German, Yale
College, New Haven, Conn. [806 Yale Station]
Gu^rard, Albert lAoHf Professor of the History of Fr«ich Culture,
The Rice Institute, Houston, Tex.
Guerlac, Othon G., Assistant Professor of French, Cornell University,
Ithaca, N. Y. [3 Fountain Place]
Guitner, Alma, Professor of German, Otterbein University, Wester-
ville, O. [75 W. College Ave.]
Gummere, Francis B., Professor of English literature, Haverford
College, Haverford, Pa.
Gurd, Patty, Instructor in Fr^ch, Smith College, Northampton,
Mass. [125 State St.]
Gutkneoht, Louise L., Instructor in Modem Languages, J. Bow^
High School, Chicago, 111. [1024 Belden Ave., No. Halsted
Station]
Guyer, Foster Erwin, Assistant Professor of Freneh, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, N. H.
Gwyn, Virginia Perdval (Mrs. H. B.), Kenilworth, HI.
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MBMBEBS CXXXV
Hadsell, Sardis Roy^ Professor of English, University of Okla]ioma»
Korman, Okla. [204 S. Santa Fe Aye.]
Ha«rtel, Martin H., Assistant Professor of Qerman, University ei
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Haessler, Luise, Assistant Professor of German, Hunter College of
the Ci^ of New York, New York, N. Y. [100 Momingside
Drive]
Hale, Edward E., Professor of English, Union College, Schenec-
tady, N. Y.
Hale, Wm. Gardner, Professor of Itatin, University of Chicago, Chi-
cago, HL
Hall, Edgar A., Professor of English, Adelphi College, Brooklyn,
N. Y. [266 Monroe St.]
HaU, John LessUe, Professor of the English Language and Litera-
ture, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va.
Haller, William, Instructor in English, Barnard College, Columbia
Universi^, New York, N. Y.
Halley, Albert Roberts, Head of the Department of Modem Lan-
guages, High School, Savannah, Ga. [730 E. 40th St.]
Hamilton, George Livingstone, Professor of Romance Languages,
Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. [316 Fall Creek Drive]
Hamilton, Grace W., Teacher of French and German, Fryeiburg Acad-
emy, Fryeburg, Me.
Hamilton^ Theodore Ely, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
Ohio State Universi^, Columbus, O.
Hammond, Eleanor Prescott, Chicago, 111. [1357 E. 57th St]
Handschin, Charles Hart, Professor of German, Miami University,
Oxford, O.
Hanbt, John Louis, Professor of English Philology, Head of the
Department of English, Central High School, Philadelphia, Pa.
Hanford, James Holly, Associate Professor of English, University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Happel, Albert Philip, Instructor in Romance Languages, University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Hardy, Ashley Kingley, Associate Professor of German and Instruc-
tor in Old English, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Harper, Carrie Anna, Associate Professor of English Literature,
Mount Holyoke College, So. Hadley, Mass.
Harper, George McLean, Professor of English, Princeton University,
Princeton, N. J.
Habbis, Chables, Professor of German, Western Reserve University,
Cleveland, 0. [2466 Kenilworth Road, Euclid Heights]
Harrison, Frederick Browne, Master in Tome School, Jacob Tome In-
stitute, Port Deposit, Md.
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Google
CXXXVl MODEEN LANGUAOB ASSOOIATION
Harrison, John Smith, Professor, and Head of the Department of
English, Butler College, Indianapolis, Ind. [323 N. Audnbon
Road]
Harry, Philip Warner, Associate Professor of Romance Languagw
and Literatures, Colby College, Waterrille, Me.
Hart, Walter Morris, Associate Professor of English Philology, Uni-
versity of California, Berkeley, Cal. [2255 Piedmont Ave.]
Hartenberg, Richard W., Regular Teacher, Chicago Public High
^hools, Crane Technical High School, Chicago, 111.
Hartmann, Jacob Wittmer, Assistant Professor of the German Lang-
uage and Literature, College of the City of New York, New
York, N. Y. [468 W. 153d St.]
Harvitt, Helen J., Assistamt in French, Teadiers' College, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [192 Hooper St., Brooklyn,
N. Y.]
Harwell, Robert Ritchie, Professor of Greek and Instructor in Ger-
man, Austin College, Sherman, Tex. [912 Cleveland Ave.]
Hastings, Harry Worthington, Assistant Professor of English, New
York State College for Teachers, Albany, N. Y.
Hastings, William Thomson, Assistant Professor of English, Brown
University, Providence, R. I. [13 John St.]
Hatfield, Jambs Taft, Professor of the German lianguage and
Literature, Northwestern University, Evanston, III.
Hatheway, Joel, Head of the Department of Modem Languages, High
School of Commerce, Boston, Mass.
Hauhart, William F., Assistant Professor of German, University ol
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [914 Hill St.]
Haussmann, John Fred, Instructor in German, University of Wiscon-
sin, Madison, Wis. [531 State St]
Havens, George R., Jr., Professor of Romance Languages, Indiana
University, Bloomington, Ind.
Havens, Raymond Dexter, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Rochester, Rochester, N. Y. [Camp MacArthur, Waco,
Tex.]
Hayden, Philip Meserve, Instructor in Spanish, Columbia University,
New York, N. Y. [Hamilton Hall]
Heaton, H. C, Assistant Professor of Romance lianguages. New York
University, New York, N. Y. [University Heights]
Heffner, Roe-Merrill Secrist, Instructor in German, Worcester Poly-
technic Institute, Worcester, Mass.
Heiss, John, Associate Professor of German, Purdue University,
West Lafayette, Ind. [403 University St.]
Held, Felix Emil, Associate Professor of German, Miami University,
Oxford, 0. [110 University Ave.]
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Google
LIST OF MEMBERS CXXXVll
Heller, Otto, Professor and Head of the Department of the German
Language and Literature, Washington University, St. Louis,
Mo.
Helmholtz-Phelan, Mrs. Anna Augusta, Assistant Professor of Ehet-
orio^ University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Hemingway, Samuel Burdett, Assistant Professor of English, Tale
College, New Haven, Conn.
Hempl, George, Professor of Germanic Philology, Leland Stanford Jr.
University, Stanford University, Cal.
H^nin, Benjamin Louis, Professor of Romance Languages, High
School of Commerce, 157 W. 66th St., New York, N. Y.
Henning, George Neely, Professor of Romance Languages, G«orgt
Washington University, Washington, D. C.
Henry, Laura Alice, Teacher of German, West High School, Minne-
apolis, Minn. [217 8th Ave., S. £.]
Henrfquez-Urefia, Pedro, Instructor in Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of (Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Hermannsson, Halld6r, Curator of the Icelandic Collection and
Lecturer in Scandinavian, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Herrick, Asbury Haven, Instructor in German, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. L34 Maple Ave.]
Herrington, Hunley Whatley, Acting Assistant Professor of English,
Washington University, St. Louis, Mo.
Hersey, Frank Wilson Cheney, Instructor in English, Harvard Uni-
versity, Cambridge, Mass. [61 Oxford St.]
Hbbykt, William Addison, Associate Professor of the Germanic Lan-
guages and Literatures, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Heuser, Frederick W. J., Assistant Professor of the Germanic Lan-
guages and Literatures, Coliunbia University, New York, N. Y.
Heusinkveld, Arthur Helenus, Instructor in English, Hope Collegt,
Holland, Mich. [Lock Box 104]
Hewett, Watebhan Thomas, Professor Emeritus of the German
Language and Literature, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Hewitt, Theodore Brown, Assistant Professor of German, Yale Uni-
versity, New Haven, Conn. [216 West Rock Ave.]
Heyd, Jacob Wilhelm, Professor of German, State Normal School,
First District, Kirksville, Mo.
Hibbard, Laura Alaudis, Associate Professor of English Literature,
Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass.
Hill, Herbert Wynford, Professor of the English Language and Lit-
erature, University of Nevada, Reno, Nev.
Hill, Hinda Teague, Professor of Ronuunce Languages, State Normal
College, Greensboro, N. 0.
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Google
CXXXVIU MODERN LANGUAGB ASSOOIiiTIOlf
Hilly John, Aflsociaie Professor of Spanish^ Indians UniTortity,
Bloomington, Ind.
Hill, Murray Gardner, Instructor in English, Adelbert College, Wttl-
em Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Hill, Raymond Thompson, Assistant Professor of French, Yale Uni-
versi^. New Haven, Ck)nn.
Hills, Elijah Clarence, The Hispanic Society of America, (K)6 W.
166th St., New York, N. Y.
Hinckley, Henry Barrett^ New Haven, Conn. [88 Grove St.]
Hinsdale, Ellen C, Professor of the German Language and Litera-
ture, Mount Holyoke College, So. Hadley, Mass.
Hinton, James, Professor of English, Emory College, Oxford, Ga.
HochdOrfer, K. F. Richard, Professor of Modem Languages, Witten-
berg College, Springfield, O. [The Elbridge]
HoDDEB, Mrs. Alfred, Baltimore, Md. [33 Mt. Vernon Place, East]
Hogue, Edith, Instructor in German, Knox College, Gkdesburg, IlL
Hohlfeld, Alexander R., Professor of German, University of Wiscon-
sin, Madison, Wis.
Holbrook, Richard Thayer, D. C. Heath & Co., New York, N. Y.
[200 Columbia Heights, Brooklyn]
Hollander, Lee M., Instructor in Gennan, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. [202 Forest St.]
Holt, Josephine White, Head of the Department of Romance Lan-
guages, John Marshall High School, Richmond, Va. [114 N.
3d St.]
Hopkins, Amiette Brown, Associate Profeiaor of Kngllrfi, Goueher
College, Baltimore, Md.
Hopkins, Edwin Mortimer, Professor of Rhetoric and the English
Language, University of Kansas, I/awrence, Kas.
Homicdc, John, Instructor in Romance Languages, Dartmouth Col-
lege, Hanover, N. H. [25 School St.]
Homing, Lewis Emerson, Professor of Teutonic Philology, ^ctoria
College, Toronto, Canada.
Hosic, James Fleming, Professor and Head of the Department of
English, Chicago Normal College, Chicago, 111.
Hoskins, John Preston, Professor of the Germanie Languages and
Literatures, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. [22
Banket]
Hospes, Mrs. Cecilia Lizsette, Teacher of German, MeKinley High
School, St. Louis, Mo.
House, Ralph Emerson, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
University of Chicago, Chicago, HI. [662 W. 160th St, New
York, N. Y.]
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Google
UBT OF MEMBBRfl CXXXIZ
HouBe» Roy Temple, Professor and Head of the Department of Qer-
man. State University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla. [321 W.
Symmes St.]
HowABD, William Guuj), Assistant Professor of German, Harrard
Uniyersity, Cambridge, Mass. [39 Kirkland St.]
How*, Thomas Carr, President, Butler College, Indianapolis, Ind*
[30 Audubon Place]
Howe, Will David, Professor of English, Indiana University, Bloom-
ington, Ind.
Hoyt, Prentiss Cheney, Professor of English, Clark College, Worces-
ter, Mass. [940 Main St.]
Hubbard, Frank Gkiylord, Professor of English, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis. [2006 Monroe St.]
Hubbard, Louis Herman, Superintendent of Schools, Belton, Tex.
Hobbell, Jay Broadus, Associate Professor of English, Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, Tex.
Hubert, Merton Jerome, Assistant Professor of French and Italian,
University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 0.
Hughes, Mrs. Charlotte Cond4, Tutor in Komance Languages and
liiteratures. Grand Rapids, Mich. [20 North Collie Ave.]
Hughes, Helen Sard, Fellow in ISnglish, University of Chicago, Chi-
cago, UL [5700 Blackstone Ave.]
Hulbert^ James Root, Assistant Professor of English, University •f
Chicago, Chicago, 111. [Faculty Exchange]
Hulme^ William Henry, Professor of English, College for Women,
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Humphr^s, Wilber R., Assistant Professor of English, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1435 Cambridge Road]
Hunt» Theodore Whitefield, Professor of English, Princeton Univer-
sity, Princeton, N. J.
Hurlburt^ Albert Francis, Instructor in Romance languages. Uni-
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [513 Elm St.]
Hutchins, Henry Clinton, Assistant Professor of English, Throop In-
stitute of Technology, Pasadena, Cal. [843 S. El Molino Ave.]
Htdc, Jakes Hazbn, New York, N. Y. [23 W. 60th St.]
Imbert, Louis, Instructor in Romance Languages, Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N. Y. [508 Hamilton Hall, Columbia Uni-
versity]
Ingraham, Edgar Shugert, Professor of Romance Languages, Ohie
State University, Columbus, O.
Digitized by
Google
Cxl MODERN LANGUAGB ASSOOIATIOIT
Jaok, William Shaffer, Atlantic City, N. J. [142 S. Maryland Ave.]
Jackson, George Pullen, Assistant Professor of German^ University
of North Dakota, University, N. D. [813 Belmont Are.,
Grand Forks, N. D.]
Ja6n, Kam6n, Professor of Spanish, U. S. Military Academy, West
Point, N. Y.
von Jagemann, H. C. G., Professor of Germanic Philology, Harrard
University, Cambridge, Mass. [113 Walker St.]
Jameson, Russell Parsons, Associate Professor of Romanic Languages,
Oberlin College, Oberlin, O. [162 S. Cedar Ave.]
von Janinski, Edward Richard, Instructor in German, Municipal Uni-
versity Akron, 0.
jEinaNS, T. Atkinson, Professor of French Philology, UniTenitj of
Chicago, Chicago, Dl. [824 E. 58th St.]
Jenney, Adeline Miriam, Huron, S. D.
Jenney, Florence G., Instructor in German, Vassar College, Pough-
keepsie, N. Y.
Jensen, Gerard Edward, Instructor in English, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [333 N. Owen Ave., Lansdowne,
Pa.]
Jbbsbn, Kabl Detlev, Professor of German Literature, Bryii Mawr
Collie, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Johnson, Amandus, Instructor in Scandinavian and German, Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [Box 39, College Hall]
Johnson, Carl Wilhelm, Assistant Professor of German, Williams
College, Williamstown, Mass.
Johnson, Henry, Professor of Modern Languages, Bowdoin CoUege,
Brunswick, Me.
Johnson, Herman Patrick, Adjunct Professor of English Literature,
University of Virginia, University, Va. [Box 164]
Johnson, William Savage, Associate Professor of English Literature,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
Johnston, Oliver Martin, Professor of Romanic Languages, Leland
Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal.
Jonas, Johannes Benoni Eduard, Head of the Department of German,
DeWitt Clinton High School, New York, N. Y. [60 Turner
Ave., Riverside, R. I.]
Jones, Frederick M., Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. [P. 0. Box 944]
Jones, Harry Stuart Vedder, Assistant Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Illinois, Urbana, HI.
Jones, Howard Mumford, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Montana, Missoula, Mont.
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Google
LIBT OF MEMBBB8 Cxli
Jones, Raymond Watson, Assistant Professor of German, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, K. H.
Jones, Richard Foster, Instructor in English, Western Reserve Uni-
versity, Cleveland, 0.
Jones, Virgil Laurens, Professor of English, University of Arkansas,
FayetteviUe, Ark. [728 W. Maple St.]
Jordan, Daniel, Assistant Professor of the Romance Languages and
Literatures, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Jordan, Mary Augusta, Professor of the English Language and Liter-
ature, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. [Hatfield House]
Joslin, Richard Carleton, Instructor in French and Spanish, Worces-
ter Polytechnic Institute, Worcester, Mass.
Judson, Alexander Corbin, Instructor in English, University of
Texas, Austin, Tex.
Eanunan, William Frederic, Assistant in German, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [Box 39, College Hall]
Kaufman, Joseph Paul, Instructor in English, Yale College, New
Haven, Conn. [61 Pendleton St.]
Kayser, Carl F., Professor of the German Language and Literature,
Hunter CoU^fe of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
[71 E. 87th St.]
Keep, Robert Porter, Instructor in German, Miss Porter's School,
Farmington, Conn.
Keidel, George Charles, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
Keidel, Heinrich C, Superintendent, Elizabeth Duncan School, Tarry-
town, N. Y. [692 S. Broadway]
Keith, Oscar L., Professor of Modern Languages, University of
South Carolina, Columbia, 3. C. [1618 University Place]
Keller, May Iiansfleld, Professor of English and Dean, Westhampton
Collie, Richmond, Va.
Keller, William J., Assistant Professor of German, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [306 Prospect Ave.]
Kellogg, Robert James, Professor of Modem languages, James
Millikin University, Decatur, HI. [1033 W. Wood St.]
Kelly, Edythe Grace, Teacher of French and Spanish, High School,
East Orange, N. J. [64 Ely Place]
Keniston, Ralph Hayward, Assistant Professor of Romance Lan-
guages, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. [1 East Ave.]
Kennedy, Mary Stewart, Associate Professor of the English language
and Literature, Hunter College of the City of New York, New
York, N. Y. [Ill St. James Place, Brooklyn]
Kenngott, Alfred, Professor and Head of the Department of Modern
Languages, Wisconsin State Normal School, La Crosse, Wis.
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Google
Cxlii MODEBF LAKGUAGB A88O0IATION
Eenyon, Herbert Alden^ Assistant Professor of Romance Langoages,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1103 Ferdon
Road]
Kenyon, John Samuel, Professor of the English Language, Hiram Col-
lege, Hiram, O.
Keppler, Emil A. C, Tutor in Germanic Languages and Literatures,
College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [176 W.
72d St.]
Kern, Alfred Allan, Ptofeaaor of English, Millsaps Coll^^ Jaekiem,
Miss.
Kerr, William Alexander Robb, Professor of Modem Languages,
and Dean of the Fkumlty of Arts and Sciences, Uniyersity of
Alberta, Edmonton South, Alberta, Canada.
Kind, John Louis, Associate Professor of German, Uniyersity of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [414 N. Liyingston St.]
King, James Percival, Professor of German, Uniyersity of Roehesi«r,
Rochester, N. Y.
King, Robert Augustus, Professor of German, Wabash College, Craw-
fordsyille, Ind.
Kip, Herbert Z., Professor of German, Ooiineoti«it College lor
Women, New London, Conn.
KmsEDOB, Geobge Ltman, Professor of English, Haryard Uniyer-
sity, Cambridge, Mass. [8 Hilliard St.]
Kittredge, Rupert Earle Loring, Professor of French, Trinity Col-
lege, Uniyersity of Toronto, Toronto, Canada.
Klaeber, Frederick, Professor of Comparatiye and English Philology,
Uniyersity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Klain, Zora, Instructor in German, Pennsylyania State College, State
Coll^fe, Pa.
KLiiif, David, Instructor in English, College of the City of New
York, New York, N. Y.
yon Klenze, Camillo, Professor of the German Language and Litera-
ture, CoU^fe of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [786
Riyerside Driye]
yon Klenze, Henriette Becker (Mrs. Camillo), New York, N. Y.
[736 Riyerside Driye]
Kline, Earl Kilbum, Professor of Modem IJanguages, Uniyersity of
Wyoming, Laramie, Wyo.
Klocksiem, Arthur Charles, Listructor in German, Adelbert College
of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 0. [10611 Green-
lawn Ave.]
Knickerbocker, William Edwin, Instructor in Romance Languages,
College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y. [400 Con-
vent Ave.]
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Google
LIST OF HXMBXB8 Cxlui
Knoepfler, John Baptist, Profeaeor and Head of the Department of
German and French, Iowa State Teachers' College, Cedar
Falls, la.
Enowlton, Edgar Colby, Harvard University, Cambridge, Maes. [26
Conant Hall]
Eolbe, Parke Rexford, President, Municipal University of Akron,
Akron, O.
Roller, Armin Hajman, Instructor in German, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, 111. [1110 8. 3d St., Champaign, 111.]
Eotz, Theodore Franklin, Instructor in German, Ohio State Univer-
sity, Columbus, 0. [100 W. Frambes Ave.]
Kracher, Francis Waldemar, Assistant Professor of the German l4kn-
guage and Literature, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la.
[405 N. Linn St]
Krapp, George Philip, Professor of English, Columbia University,
New York, N. Y.
Kranse, Carl Albert, Head of the Modem Language Department,
Jamaica High School, Jamaica, New York, N. Y. [1087 A
Prospect Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.]
Ej-ehbiel, August Robert, Instructor in German, State University of
Iowa, Iowa City, la.
Kroeh, Charles F., Professor of Modem Languages, Stevens Institute
of Technology, Hoboken, N. J.
Krowl, Harry C, Associate Professor of English, College of the City
of New York, New York, N. Y.
Krummel, Charles A., Assistant Professor of German, Ohio Wesleyan
University, Delaware, O. [P. O. Box 86]
Kmse^ Henry Otto, Associate Professor of German, University of
Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
Eueffher, Louise Mallinckrodt, Assistant Professor of German, Vassar
College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. [69 W. 11th St., New York, N. Y.]
Kuhl, Emest Peter, Instructor in Rhetoric, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn. [030 17th Ave., S. E.]
Euhne, Julius W., Associate Professor of Romance Languages,
Miami University, Oxford, 0.
Kuhns, Oscar, Professor of Romance Languages, Wesleyan Univer-
sity, Middletown, Conn.
Kullmer, Charles Julius, Professor of German, Syracuse University,
Syracuse, N. Y. [505 University Place]
Ktimmerle, Katharine Emilie, Assistant Instructor in German,
Hunter College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Kunz, Katherine, Instructor in (German, Hunter College of the City
of New York, New York, N. Y. [502 W. 113th St.]
Knrrelmeyer, William, Associate Professor of German, Johns Hop-
kins University, Baltimore, Md. [2120 Maryland Ave.]
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Cxliv MODERN LANOITAOE ASSOOIATION
Lagoardia, Cincinnati Qiovanni Battista, Instructor in Modem Lan-
guages, U. S. Naval Academy, Annapolis, Md. [Naval Acad-
emy OfiSoers' Mess]
Laguardla, Garibaldi, Instructor in Modem Languages, U. S. Naval
Academy, Annapolis, Md.
Lambert, Marcus Bacliman> Allentown, Pa. [1816 Fairmont St.]
Lambuth, David, Assistant Professor of English, Dartmouth Collie,
Hanover, N. H.
Lancaster, Henry Oarrington, Professor of Romance Languages, Am-
herst College, Amherst, Mass.
Lang, Henry R., Professor of Romance Philology, Tale Universitj,
New Haven, Conn. [176 Yale Station]
Lange, Carl Frederick Augustus, Professor of (xennan. Smith Col-
lege, Northampton, Mass.
Langley, Ernest F., Professor of French, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Cambridge, Mass.
de La Rochelle, Philippe, Head of the Modern Language Department,
Clark School, New York, N. Y., and Professor of French, New
Rochelle Collie, New Rochelle, N. Y. [374 Central Park
West]
Larwill, Paul Herbert, Professor of Romance Languages, Kenyon
College, Gambler, 0.
Lathrop, Henry Burrowes, Associate Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [427 N. Butler St.]
Laubscher, Gustav George, Professor of Romance Languages, Ran-
dolph-Macon Woman's College, Lynchburg, Va.
Lauer, Edward Henry, Assistant Professor of German, (State Uni-
versity of Iowa, Iowa City, la. [702 Iowa Ave.]
Lavertu, Francis Itouis, Head of the Modern Language Department,
Hill School, Pottstown, Pa.
Law, Robert A., Associate Professor of English, University of Texas,
Austin, Texas. [2614 Salado St.]
Lawrence, William Witherle, Professor of English, Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, N. Y.
Leach, Henry Goddard, Secretary, The American-Scandinavian Foun-
dation, 25 W. 45th St., New York, N. Y.
Learned, Henry Dexter, Instructor in German, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Leavenworth, Clarence Eldredge, Acting Professor of Romance Lan-
guages, Wabash College, Crawfordsville, Ind.
Lecompte, Irville Charles, Professor of Romance IJanguages, Univer-
sity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Le Due, Alma de L., Instructor in French, Barnard College, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y.
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Google
LIST OF lOBMBEBS CXlv
Ledyard, Caroline S. (Mrs. Edgar M.), Salt Lake City, Utah. [1111
Third Ave.]
Lee, Alfred 0., Assistant Professor of Modem Languages, Univer-
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [904 Church St.]
licnsner, Herman Julius, Supervisor of German, Cleveland, 0. [1438
Alameda Ave., Lakewood, C]
Leonard, Arthur Newton, Professor of German, Bates College, Lewis-
ton, Me. [12 Abbott St.]
Leonard, William EUery, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Lessing, Otto Eduard, Professor of German, University of Illinois,
Urbana, IlL
Levi, Moritz, Professor of French, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, Mich.
Lewis, Charlton Miner, Professor of English Literature, Yale Uni-
versity, New Haven, Conn.
Lewis, Edwin Herbert, Professor of English, and Dean of the Fac-
ulty, Liewis Institute, Chicago, 111. [Station D]
Lewis, Mary Delia, Instructor in English, Smith College, Northamp-
ton, Mass. [Haven House]
liibby, Alice M., Professor of English Literature, Western College
for Women, Oxford, O.
Licklider, Albert Harp, Assistant Professor of English Literature,
Williams College, Williamstown, Mass.
Lieder, Frederick William Charles, Instructor in German, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass. [7 Wadsworth House]
Lillehei, Ingebrigt, Instructor in Eomance I^anguages, University of
Iowa, Iowa City, la.
Lincoln, (George Luther, Instructor in Romance Languages, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass. [2000 Commonwealth Ave.,
Boston, Mass.]
Lindsay, Julian Ira, Watertown, Mass. [56 Commonwealth Road]
Lipari, Angelo, Lecturer in Italian and Spanish, University of To-
ronto, Toronto, Canada.
Livingston, Albert Arthur, Professor of Romance Iianguages, Western
University, London, Ont., Canada.
Lockert, Charles Lacy, Jr., Assistant Professor of English, Eenyon
College, Gambler, O.
liookwood, Francis Cummins, Professor and Head of the Department
of English, University of Arizona, Tucson, Ariz.
Lockwood, Laura E., Associate Professor of English, Wellesley Col-
lege, Wellesley, Mass. [8 Norfolk Terrace]
Logtman, Henry, Professor of English Philology, University of
Ghent, Ghent, Belgium. [343 boulevard des Hospices]
10
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Google
Czlvi MODSBI? LAlfGUAGS AS800IATI0N
LoiseauZy LouIb Auguste, AMOciate Professor of French, Barnard
College, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Lomax, John Avery, with Lee, Higginson & Co., The Rodcery, Chi-
cago, HI.
Long, Orie William, Assistant Professor of German, Williams Col-
lege, Williamstown, Mass.
Long, Percy Waldron, Instructor in English, Harvard Univwsity,
Cambridge, Mass. [Warren House]
Longden, Henry Boyer, Professor of the German Language and
Literature, De Pauw University, Greenoaatle, Ind.
Lorens, Charlotte Marie, Assistant Professor of German, Iowa State
Teachers' College, Cedar Falls^ la.
Lotspeich, Claude Meek, Associate Professor of German, University
of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O.
Lowe, William Charles, Professor of German, Syracuse University,
Syracuse, N. Y. [728 Ackerman Ave.]
Lawts, John liivingston. Professor of English, Washington Univer-
sity, St. Louis, Mo.
Luabke, William Ferdinand, Assistant Professor of German, Stata
University of Iowa, Iowa City, la.
Luker, Benjamin Franklin, Instructor in French, l4tfayette College,
Easton, Pa.
Luquiens, Frederick Bliss, Ptrofessor of Spanish, Sheffield Scientlflc
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [97 Canner St]
Lussky, Cteorge Frederic, Instructor in German, University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis. [512 N. Henry St.]
Lustrat, Joseph, Professor of Romance Iianguages, University of
Georgia, Athens, Ga.
Lyon, Charles Edward, Professor of German, Clark College, Wor-
cester, Mass. [8 Trowbridge Road]
Lyons, Jessie M., Las Cruoes, N. M. [R. F. D.]
McClelland, George William, Assistant Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [College Hall, U. of P.]
MaoClintock, lAnder, Instructor in Romance Languages, Swarth-
more College, Swarthmore, Pa.
MaeClintock, William D., Professor of English, University of CSd-
cago, Chicago, IlL [5629 Iiezington Ave.]
ICaoCbaobjbn, Hknbt Noble, President, Vaasar College, Poughkaepsie^
N. Y.
MeCulloch, Rufus William, Instructor in English, University of
Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MeCully, Bruce, Professor of English, State College of Washington,
Pullman, Wash*
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Google
IiIST OV IfBlfBEBg Gzlvii
MeOuieheoii, Roger Philip, Associate Professor of English, Denison
Uniyersity, Granville, 0. [1200 Massachusetts Ave., Cam-
bridge, Mass.]
MaoDonald, Wilbert L., Professor of English, Uniyersity of New
Brunswick, Fredericton, N. B. [503 Boliyar St., Peterboro,
Ont.]
Mack, Jesse Floyd, Professor of English, Hillsdale College, Hillsdale,
Mich.
Maokall, Leonard Leopold, Hon. Member, (Georgia Historical Society,
Foreign Member, Bibliographical Sodefy of Lcmdoo. [420
Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y.]
Mackensie, Alastair St. Clair, President, Lenox College* Hopkin-
ton, la.
MoKenzeb, Kenneth, Professor of Romance Langoages, University
of lUinois, Urbaaa, IlL
Mackenzie, William Roy, Associate Professor of English, Washington
University, St. Louis, Mo.
McKibben, George Fitch, Professor of Romance Languages, Denison
University, Granville, O.
MacKimmie, Alexander Anderson, Associate Professor of French,
Massachusetts Agricultural Collie, No. Amherst, Mass.
McEjiight, George Harley, Professor of English, Ohio State Univer
sity, Columbus, 0.
McLaughlin, William Aloysius, Assistant Professor of French, Uni
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [513 Elm St.]
McLean, Charlotte Frelinghuysen, Lebanon Valley College, Annville,
Pa.
MaoLean, Malcolm Shaw, Instructor in English, Northwestern Uni
versity, Evanston, 111. [620 Hinman Ave.]
McLeod, Malcolm, Assistant Professor of English, Cam^e Institute
of Technology, Pittsburgh, Pa.
McLucas, John Sherwood, Professor of English, Universily of Colo-
rado, Boulder, Col.
MadMartin, Jane, Teacher of German, Hartford Public High School,
Hartford, Conn. [28 Gray St.]
McMaster, Albert Marian Cohn, Instructor in Modem Languages,
United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, Md. [86 Duke of
Gloucester St.]
MaoVeagh, Lincoln, Henry Holt & Co., 10 W. 44th St., New York,
N. Y.
Madison, Elisa Gertrude, Dean of Women in Bowman Hall and In-
structor in English, Cornell College, Mt. Vernon, la.
Mahr, August Carl, Instructor in German, Sheffield Sdentlfio School,
Yale University, New Haven, C<mn.
Digitized by
Google
Czlviii KODBBir LAHrOUAaB abbooiatiov
Manoheeter, Frederick A., Assistant Professor of English, UniTertity
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Manley, Edward, Englewood High School, Chicago, HI. [6100 Lex-
ington Aye.]
Manly, John Matthews, Professor of English, University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.
Manthey-Zom, Otto, Associate Professor of Qerman, Amherst Col-
lege, Amherst, Mass.
Mants, Harold Ehner, Instructor in French, Department of Extension
Teaching, and Lecturer in Barnard Collie, ColumMa Unirer-
sity. New York, N. Y. [1 W. 100th St.]
Marcou, Philippe Belknap, Paris, France. [28 qnai d'Orltens]
Marden, Charles Carroll, Professor of Spanish, Princeton Uniyersity,
Princeton, N. J.
Marinoni, Antonio, Professor of Bomance Languages, Uniyersity of
Arkansas, Fayetteville, Ark.
Maridey, Marion Emsley, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Mass. [10
Appleby Boad, Wellesley, Mass.]
Marquardt, Carl Eugene, Assistant Professor of Qerman, Pennsyl-
yania State College, State College, Pa. [118 Hamilt<m St]
Marsh, Geoige Linnsus, Extension Associate Professor of English,
Uniyersity of Chicago, Chicago, IlL
Maryin, Bobert B., Head of the Department of Qerman, Commercial
High School, Brooklyn, N. Y. [826 Marqr Aye.]
Mason, James Frederick, Professor of Bomance Languages and lit-
eratures, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Mason, John Edward, Philadelphia, Pa. [251 S. 44th St.]
Mason, Lawrence, Assistant Professor of English, Yale College, New
Haven, Conn. [604 Chapel St.]
Matthaei, Daniel H. G., Instructor in Qerman, All^heny College,
Meadville, Pa.
Matthews, Bbandeb, Professor of Dramatic Literature (English),
Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [387 W. 87th St.]
Maxcy, Carroll Lewis, Professor of Bhetoric, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass.
Maxfield, Ezra Kempton, Acting Assistant Professor of English, Uni-
yersity of Bochester, Bochester, N. Y. [13 Birch Crescent]
Mayfield, Qeorge Radford, Assistant Professor of Qerman, Vanderbilt
Uniyersity, Nashville, Tenn. [Kissam Hall]
Maynadier, Qustavus H., Instructor in English, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [24 Fairfax Hall]
Maynard, William Doty, Instructor in Bomance Languages, Uni-
versity of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. [1862 Station A]
Digitized by
Google
^^
LIST OF MXMBBB8 exUx
Hatdt William Edward, Professor of ike English Language, Wes-
leyan Uniyersity, Middletown, Conn.
Header, Clarence Linton, Professor of General Liaguistics, in charge
of instruction in Russian, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,
Mich. [1941 Geddes Ave.]
Medici de Solenni, Qino V., Instructor in Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyo.
Metmeit, Frederick William, Professor of Oerman, University of
Washington, Seattle, Wash. [4705 Sixteenth Ave., N. E.]
Meniel, Ernst Heinrioh, Professor of Germanic Languages and Lit-
eratures, Smith College, Northampton, Mass.
Mercier, Louis Joseph Alexander, Instructor in French, EUurvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.
Meredith, J. A., University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Merrill, March, Professor of Romance Languages, University of South
Dakota, Vermillion, S. D.
Meiealf, John Calvin, Dean, and Professor of English, Riehmond
College, Richmond, Va.
Metzenthin, Rev. Ernst C. P., Instructor in German, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [813 W. Lehigh Ave.]
Miles, Louis Wardlaw, Assistant Professor of English, Prinoetoa
University, Princeton, N. J.
Miller, Douglass Wood, Instructor in English and Public Speaking,
University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho. [226 E. Ist St.]
Miller, Frances H., Jefferson City, Mo. [310 Washington St.]
Miller, George Morey, Professor and Head of the Department of Eng-
lish, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho. [103 S. Polk St.]
Miller, John Richardson, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [24
Conant Hall]
Miller, Raymond Durbin, Associate Professor of English, University
of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. [Fallston, Md.]
lOms, Edwin, Professor of English, VanderbiH University, Kashville,
Tenn.
Ifitchell, Robert MeBumey, Assistant Professor of Germanic Lan-
guages and Literatures, Brown University, Providence, R. I.
[144 Congdon SI]
Moffatt, J. S., Jr., Instructor in English, University of North Caro-
lina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Mookerjee, H. C, Assistant Professor of English, Calcutta Univer-
sity, Calcutta, India. [Moghul Garden House, 1 and 2 Dehi
Serampore Road]
Moore, Cecil Albert, Professor of English, Trinity Collie, Durham,
N. C. [827 University Ave., S.E., Minneapolis, Minn.]
Digitized by
Google
CL KODBBlf I^Alf aUAOB ASBOOIiiTIOir
Moore, CUurenoe King, Profe«or of Bomanoe Laognagti^ UniTinily
of RocheBter, Rochester, N. T.
Moore, Olin Harris, Associate in Romance Languages^ Uniyeraity
of Illinois, Urbana, IlL [UniTersity Olab]
Moore, Robert Webber, Professor of the German Language and Litera-
ture, Colgate Uniyersity, Hamilton, N. Y.
Moore, Samuel, Associate Professor of EngUsh, UniTsraity of Michi-
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1503 Cambridge Road]
Moraud, Marcel, Lecturer in French, Uniyersiity of Toronto, Toronto,
Ont
More, Robert Pattison, Assistant Professor of Qerman, Ldiigh Uni-
yersity. South Bethlehem, Pa.
Morgan, Bayard Quincy, Assistant Professor of (German, Uniyersity
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1710 Adams St.]
Morgan, Charlotte E., Instructor in English, Mrs. Randall-ldtelyer'^
Classes (Miss Dayidge's Classes), New York, N. Y. [1178
Bushwick Aye., Brooklyn, K. Y.]
Morgan, Stella W., Instructor in English, Uniyersity of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.
Moriarty, William Daniel, Assistant Professor of English, Uniyer-
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1212 Rooseyelt Aye.]
Morley, Sylyanus Qriswold, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Uni-
yersity of California, Berkeley, Cal. [2535 Etna St.]
Morris, Amos Reno, Professor of English, Parsons College, Fair-
field, la.
Morris, George Dayis, Associate Professor of Frendi, Indiana Uni-
yersity, Bloomington, Ind.
Morris, John, Professor of Germanle I languages, Unirersity of
Georgia, Athens, Ga.
Morse, Edward L. C, Principal, Phil. Sheridan School, Chicago, HI.
[7650 Saginaw Are.]
Moseky, Thomas Addis Emmet, Professor of Rcnnanoe lAngnages and
Literatures, Washington and Jefferson Collie, Washington,
Pa.
Mosher, William Eugoie, Professor of the German Language and
Literature, Oberlin College, Oberlin, 0.
MoTT, Lswis F., Professor of the English Language and Liitratore,
College of the City of Kew York, New York, N. Y.
Motten, Roger Henwood, Professor of English, Colorado College,
Colorado Springs, Col.
Moyse, Charles Ebenezer, Professor of the English Laaguage and
Literature, and Dean of the Faculty of Arts, MeGill Unirsr-
sity, Montreal, Canada.
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MXMBXS8 oli
Muldiopadliyay, Rama Prasad, Care of Hon. Jusiioe Sir Asatosh
Mookerjee, Kt., G. 8. I., Bhowaaipur, Calouita, India. [77
RiiBsa Road, N.]
Hnlflnger, George Abraham, Professor of the (German Language and
Literature, AU^heny College, Meadyille^ Pa.
Ifuroh, Herbert Spencer, Assistant Professor, Preceptor in English,
Princeton Uniyersity, Princeton, N. J. [1-A Campbell Hall]
Ifnrray, William Henry, Assistant Professor of Modem Languages,
Tuck School, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Mniterer, Frederick Gilbert, Professor of German, Indiana State
Normal School, Terre Haute, Ind. [667 Oak St.]
Myers, Clara lionise. Associate Professor of English, College for
Women, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O.
Myers, Walter R., Assistant Ptofessor of German, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Myrick, Arthur B., Professor of Romance Languages, University of
Vermont, Burlington, Vt. [86 Williams St.]
Nadal, Thomas William, Dean and Ptofessor of English, Olivet Col-
lege, Olivet, Mieh.
Nason, Arthur Huntington, Professor of English and Director of the
University Press, New York University, Instructor in English,
Union Theological Seminary, New York, N. Y. [P. 0. Box 84,
University Heights]
Neef, Francis J. A., Assistant Professor of German, Dartmouth Col-
lie, Hanover, N. H.
Neff, Theodore Lee, Assistant Professor of French, University of
Chicago, Chicago, 111.
Neidig, William J., Chicago, HI. [1156 N. Dearborn St.]
Neilson, William Allan, President, Smith Collie, Northampton,
Mass.
Nelson, Clara Albertine, Professor of Romance languages, Ohio Wes-
leyan University, Delaware, O.
Nettleton, George Henry, Professor of English, Yale University, New
Haven, Conn.
NswooMBB, Chables Bebbt, Acting Professor of French and Spanish,
Richmond College, Richmond, Va.
Newport, Mrs. Clara Price, Assistant Professor of German, Swarlh-
more College, Swarthmore, Pa.
Niohols, Charles Washburn, Assistant Ptofessor of Rhetorie, Uni-
versity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Nichols, Edwin Bryant, Professor of Romance Languages, DePavw
University, Greencastle, Ind. [529 Anderson St.]
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Google
Clii KODBBF LA17GUAOB ASSOOIATIOIT
Nioolaj, Clara Leonora, Teacher of Latin, Bomanoeb and GennaB«
Ruth HargroTe Institute, Eej West, Fla.
Nita^ William Albert, Professor and Head of the Department of
Romance Langriiages, Uniyersity of Chicago, Chicago, IlL
[1220 E. 56th St.]
Noble, Charles, Professor of the English Language and Rholorio^
QrinneU CoU^re, Grinnell, la. [1110 West St.]
Nolle, Alfred Henry, Instructor in Qermanic Languages, University
of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
Nollen, John S., President, Lake Forest College, Lake Forest, IlL
Nordmeyer, Heinrich Waldemar, Instructor in German, Uniyersity
of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
Northrop, George Norton, Assistant Ptofessor of English, Unirer-
sity of Minnesota, IkOnneapolis^ Minn. [2213 Grand Ato.]
NoBTHUP, Clask SuTHKBLAifD, Assiat%nt Professor of English, Cor-
nell Uniyersity, Ithaca, N. T. [407 Elmwood Aye.]
Northup, George Tyler, Associate Professor of Italian and Spanish,
Uniyersity of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
Nykerk, John Bemardes, Professor of the English Language and
Literatiu*e, Hope College, Holland, Mich.
O^onnor, Horace William, Instructor in English (in charge of Fresh-
man Composition), Indiana Unlversily, Bloomington, Ind.
Odebrecht, August, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, Denl-
son University, Granville, 0.
Ogden, Phillip, Professor of Romance Languages, Untvorsity of Cla-
cinnati, Cincinnati, 0.
OTiCary, Raphael Domuui, Professor of English, University of Kan-
sas, Lawrence, Eas. [1106 Louisiana St.]
dinger, Henri C^sar, Instructor in Romance lianguages, New York
University, New York, N. Y. [University Heights]
OuvKB, Thomas Edward, Professor of Romance l4mguages. Univer-
sity of Illinois, Urbana, HI. [912 W. California Ave.]
Olmsted, Everett Ward, Professor and Head of the Department of
Romance Languages, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis,
Minn. [2727 Lake of the Isles Blv'd]
Olthouse, John W., Adjunct Professor of French and German, College
of Wooster, Wooster, 0. [703 Quinby Ave,]
Orts y Gonzalez, Juan, Professor of Spanish, Vanderbilt University,
Nashville, Tenn, [1 West Avenue, Campus]
Osgood, Charles Grosvenor, Professor of Engli^, Princeton Univer-
sity, Princeton, N. J.
Osthaus, Carl Wilhelm Ferdinand, Professor of German, Indiaaa
Univorsity, Bloomington, Ind. [417 S. Fess Avo.]
Digitized by
Google
LIST 07 MXMBIBS diii
Otis, William Bradley, Assistant Professor of English, College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Ott, John Henry, Professor of the English Language and Literature,
Collie of the Northwestern University, Watertown, Wis.
Owes, Arthur Leslie, Associate Professor of Romance Languages,
Uniyersity of Kansas, Lawrence, Eas.
Owen, Daniel Edward, Assistant Profesor of English, University of
Pomsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [322 6. 43d St.]
OwKK, Edwabd Thomas, Emeritus Professor of French and Lin-
guistics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [614 State
St.]
Owen, Ralph Woodland, Eau Claire, Wis. [1501 State St.]
Pace, Roy Bennett, Assistant Professor of English, Swarthmore
College, Swarthmore, Pa.
Padelford, Frederick Morgan, Professor of English, University of
Washington, Seattle, Wash. [University Station]
Pagi^ Oubtis HiDDEir, Professor of the English l4uiguage and Litera-
ture, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Paine, Henry Gallup, Secretary, Simplified Spelling Board, 18 Old
Slip, New York, N. Y.
Palmblad, Harry Victor Emmanuel, Professor of Modem Languages,
Carthage College, Carthage, IlL [503 Walnut St.]
Palmeb, Abthxtb Hubbell, Professor of the €^erman Language and
Literature, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [221 Everit
St]
Palmer, Earle Fenton, Assistant Professor of English, College of the
" City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Palmer, Philip Mason, Professor of Oerman, Lehigh University, So.
Bethlehem, Pa.
Panaroni, Alfred Q., Instructor in Romance Languages, College of
the City of New Yoik, New York, N. Y.
Panooabt, Hbnbt SPAOKiCAif, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, Pa.
[Spring Lane]
Park, Clyde William, Associate Professor of English, University of
Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 0.
Parker, Eugene Fred, Instructor in Romance Languages, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.
Parrott, Thomas Marc, Professor of English, Princeton University,
Princeton, N. J.
Parry, John Jay, Instructor in English, University of Illinois,
Urbana, 111. [706 Gregory Place]
Passarelli, Luigi A., Instructor in Romance Languages and litera-
tures. University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 0.
Digitized by
Google
Oliv ICODBBK LAKaXTAGB A8SO0IATIOK
Patch, Howard Rollin, Lecturer in Bngliah Philology, Bryn Kawr
College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Paton, Lucy Allen, Cambridge, Mass. [Strathcona Hall, Charlea
River Boad]
Patterson, Arthur Sayles, Professor of French, Syracuse Unlvenlty,
Syracuse, N. Y. [416 University Place]
Patterson, Frank Allen, Assistant Professor of English, Cohunbia
University, New York, N. Y.
Patterson, Shirley Gale, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Patterson, William Morrison, Instructor in English, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [610 W. 116th St.]
Patton, Julia, Assistant in English, Teachers' College, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [417 W. 120th St.]
Paul, Harry Gilbert, Associate Professor of the English Language
and Literature, University of Illinois, Urbana, HL [713 W.
Oregon St.]
Payne^ Leonidas Warren, Jr., Associate Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Texas, Austin, Tex. [2104 Pearl St]
Payne, Philip West, Denver, Col. [1310 S. York St.]
PKABSOir, OALvm WAseoN, Professor Emeritus of the German Lan-
guage and Literature, Beloit College, Beloit^ Wis. [Walling-
ford, Pa.]
Peck, Harvey Whitefield, Instructor in English, University of Texas,
Austin, Tex. [803 W. 31st St.]
Peck, Mary Gray, Geneva, N. Y. [R. P. D. 2]
Peck, Walter Edwin, Head of the English Department, New Rochelle
High School, New Rochelle, N. Y. [26 Coligny Ave.]
Peebles, Rose Jeffries, Assistant Professor of English, Vaasar Col-
lie, Poughkeepeie, N. Y.
Peiroe, Walter Thompson, Assistant Professor of Romance Lan-
guages, Ohio State University, Columbus, 0.
Pellissier, Adeline, Assistant Professor of French, Smith College,
Northampton, Mass.
Pendleton, Charles S., Assistant Professor of English, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Pbnniman, Josiah Habicab, Vice-Provost, Professor of English
Literature, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
[4326 Sansom St.]
Pepper, Charles Robertson, Professor of French and Latin, Austin
College, Sherman, Tex.
Percival, Milton, Assistant Professor of English, Ohio State Univer-
sity, Columbus, 0.
Digitized by
Google
U8T or HXMBBX8 oIt
P«rlitB, Lin*, ProfesAor and Head of the Department of Langnagee,
College of Industrial Arts, Denton, Tex.
Perrin, Ernest N06I, Long Lake, Hamilton Co., N. T.
Pnumr, Mabhhatj, Livingston, Professor of Germanic Languages,
Boston Uniyersity, 688 Boylston St., Boston, Mass.
Perry, Bliss, Professor of English Literature, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [6 Clement Circle]
Perry, Henry Ten Eyck, Listruotor in English, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [1338 Yale
Station]
Pettengill, Ray Waldron, Instructor in German, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [60 Martin St.]
Phelps, Ruth Shepard, Assistant Professor of Italian, University of
liiinnesota, Minneapolis, Minn. [Sanford Hall]
Phelps, William Lyon, Professor of English Literature, Yale Univer-
sity, New Haven, Conn.
Phillipp, Louis Samuel, Preceptor in Modem Languages, Mercers-
burg Academy, Mercersburg, Pa. [P. 0. Box 112]
Phinney, Chester Squire, Fellow in Germanics, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [3459 Wahiut St.]
Pierce, Frederick Erastus, Assistant Professor of English, Sheffield
Scientific School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [402
Edgewood Ave.]
Plimpton, George A., Ginn ft Co., 70 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y.
Plummer, Willis Jordan, Instructor in Spanish, University of Minne-
sota, Minneapolis, Minn. [224 Folwell Hall]
Poll, Max, Professor of German, University of Cincinnati, Cincin-
nati, 0.
Pope, Paul Russel, Professor of German, Cornell University, Ithaca,
N. Y.
Porterfleld, Allen Wilson, Instructor In Germanic lianguages and
Literatures, Barnard CoU^^, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y.
Potter, Albert Knight, Professor of English, Brown University, Provi-
dence, R. I. [212 Waterman St.]
Pound, liouise. Professor of the English Ijangtiai^e, University of
Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. [1632 L St.]
Powell, Chilton Iiatham, Instructor in English, Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity, Baltimore, Md. [Stony Run Lane, University Park-
way]
Powell, Park, Instructor in Romance Languages, University of Illi-
nois, Urbana, 111.
Prettyman, Cornelius William, Professor of German, Dickinson Col-
lege, Carlisle, Pa.
Digitized by
Google
Clvi ICODBBN LAKOUAGB ASSOOIATIOlf
Prioe, William R.» State Inspector of Modem Laagaagea, Albanj,
N. Y.
Priest, George Madison, Professor of Qermanic Languages and Lit-
eratures, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
Prokosch, Eduard, Professor of Germanic Languages^ Univenlty of
Texas, Austin, Tex.
Pugh, William Leonard, Professor of English, Wofford College, Spar-
tanburg, S. C. [141 Ck)llege Place]
Pumpelly, Laurence, Assistant Professor of Bomanoe Languages
and Literatures, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.
Purin, Charles M., Associate Professor of (German, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
PuTZKEB, Ajjbin, Professor Emeritus of German Literature, UniTw-
sity of California, Berkeley, Cal.
Quinn, Arthur Hobson, Dean of the College, and Professor of Eng-
lish, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Raggio, Andrew Paul, Professor and Head of the Department of
Spanish and Italian, University of Maine, Orono^ Me. [180
Main St.]
Ramey, Robert, Assistant Professor of English, University of Okla-
homa, Norman, Okla. [430 College Ave.]
Ramsay, Robert Lee, Associate Professor of English, University of
Missouri, Columbia, Mo. [320 Eeyser Ave.]
Rand, Albert Edward, Assistant Professor of (German, Brown Uni-
versity, Providence, R. L
Rankin, James Walter, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
Ransmeier, John Christian, Professor of German, Tulane University
of liouisiana. New Orleans, La. [St. Charles Ave.]
Raschen, John Frederick Louis, Professor of the German lianguage
and Literature, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Raymond, Frederic Newton, Associate Professor of Rhetoric, Univer-
sity of Kansas, Iiawrence, Eas. [808 Illinois St.]
Raymond, William 0., Instructor in English Literature, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1317 Forest Court]
Rea, John Dougan, Professor of English, Earlham College, Rkli-
mond, Ind.
Read, William A., Professor of the English Language and Literature,
Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, La. [340 liafayette
St.]
Reed, Albert Cranberry, Professor of English Literature, Louisiana
State University, Baton Rouge, La. [74(1 Boyd Ave.]
Digitized by
Google
UBT OF MEMBEBW clvii
Reed, Edward Bliss, Assistant Professor of English Literatorey Yalt
Uniyersity, New Haven, Conn. [Yale Station]
Reed, Frank Otis, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Reed, William Howell, AsslBtani Professor of Modem Languages,
Tufts Ck)llege, Tufts College, Mass. [P. 0. Box 54]
Rest, Byron Johnson, Professor of English, Williams College, Wil-
liamstown, Mass.
Reeves, William Peters, Professor of the English Tianguage and Lit-
erature, Kenyon College, (Gambler, 0.
Reichard, Harry Hess, Instructor in Qerman, Atlantic City High
School, Atlantic City, N. J. [16 N. Sovereign Ave.]
Reid, Elizabeth, Professor of German, Huron College, Huron, 6. D.
[718 Illinois St.]
Reinhard, John ReveU, Ambulance Service, U. S. A.
Reining, Charles, Instructor in Qerman, Iieland Stanford Jr. Univer-
sity, Stanford University, CaL
Remy, Arthur Frank Joseph, Associate Professor of Germanic Phil-
ology, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Renaud, A. Etienne Bernardeau, Professor of Romance Ijanguages,
University of Denver, Denver, Col. [University Park]
Rendtorff, Karl Gustav, Professor of German, Iieland Stanford Jr.
University, Stanford University, Cal. [318 liincoln Ave.,
Palo Alto]
Reynolds, George Fullmer, Associate Professor of English, Indiana
University, Bloomington, Ind. [718 University St.]
Rice, John Pierrepont, Assistant Professor of Romance Ijanguages,
Williams College, Williamstown, Mass.
Rice, Richard Ashley, Professor of English Literature, Smith Col-
lege, Northampton, Mass.
Richards, Alfred Ernest, Professor and Head of the Department of
English, New Hampshire State College, Durham, N. H.
Richardson, Henry Brush, Instructor in French, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [Box 762, Yale
Station]
Richter, Kurt E., Instructor in German, College of the City of New
York, New York, N. Y. [2730 Creston Ave., Bronx, N. Y.]
Ridenour, Harry Lee, Assistant Professor of English, Pennsylvania
State College, State College, Pa. [248 S. Allen St.]
Riemer, Guido Carl Leo, Professor of Modem Languages, i^ucknell
University, Lewisburg, Pa.
Rinaker, Clarissa, Instructor in English, University of Illinois, Ur-
bana, lU.
Digitized by
Google
dviii icoDSBir LAxreuAaB ABsociATioifr
RUtine, Frank Humphrej, Profeiaor of the English Luiguage and
Literature, Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y.
Robinson, Fbed Nobbib, Professor of English, Harvard UniTenilgr,
Cambridge, Mass. [Longfellow Park]
Rookwood, Robert Everett, Instructor in French, Columbia UniTer-
sity. New York, N. Y.
Rodenbaeck, Louise, Instructor in German^ Karlham College, Rich-
mond, Ind. [416 College Ave.]
Roe, Frederick William, AMistant Dean, and Assistant Professor of
English, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [2015 Van
Hise Ave.]
Roedder, Edwin Carl, Associate Professor of German Philology, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1614 Hoyt St.]
Roessler, Erwih William, Head of the Modem Iianguage Dq^Mrtment,
High School of Commerce, 155 W. 65th St., New York, N. Y.
Rollins, Hyder Edward, Aspermont, Tex.
Romera-Navarro, Miguel, Instructor in Spanish, University ci Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Root, Robert KiUmm, Professor of English, Prinoet<m University,
Princeton, N. J.
Rose, R. Selden, Instructor in Spanish, University of California,
Berkeley, CaL
Rosenberg, S. L. Millard, Professor of Romance lianguages, Girard
College^ Philadelphia, Pa.
Rould, Jules Claude, Instructor in Frendi, Dartmouth College, Han-
over, N. H. [5 W. South St.)
Roulston, Robert Bruce, Associate in Gterman, Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity, Baltimore, Md.
Rourke, Conetanoe Mayfield, Grand Rapids, Mich. [Ill Luton Ct.]
RouTH, James, Associate Pvofessor of English, Tulane University
of Louisiana, New Orleans, La.
Royalty, Margaret Glenn, Supernumerary of All Grades, Public
Schools, Gatesville, Tex.
Royster, James Finch, Professor of English, University of Texas,
Austin, Tex.
Rudd, Robert Barnes, Instructor in English, Dartmouth Coll«fe,
Hanover, N. H.
Rudwin, Maximilian Josef, Instructor in German, University of
niinois, Urbana, 111.
Runge, Ralf T., Instructor in German, New York University, New
York, N. Y. [University Heights]
Ruutz-Rees, Caroline, Head Mistress, Rosemary Hall, Greenwich,
Conn.
Digitized by
Google
UST OF MKMBEIW dix
Sa^er, Armin L,, Instructor in German, South Philadelphia High
School, Philadelphia, Pa. [122 S. d3d St.]
de Salvio, Alfonso, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, North-
western University, Evanston, UL [1116 Davis St.]
Samare, Emile S., Professor of Modem Languages, Mt. St. Mary*s
Collie, Emmitsburg, Md.
Sampson, Martin Wright, Professor of English, Cornell Universitj,
Ithaca, N. Y.
Sanders, Mary Shipp, Assistant Professor of English, Southwestern
University, Georgetown, Tex. [1516 S. College St.]
Sanderson, Robert Louis, Assistant Professor of French, Yale Uni-
versity, New Haven, Conn.
Sandison, Helen Estabrook, Instructor in English, Vassar College,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
de Santo, Vincenzo, Instructor in Romance languages, Univeraitj
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Sarauw, Christine, Reader in French and German, Bryn Mawr Col-
lege, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [Low Buildings]
Sargent, Mrs. Margarete L., Professor of German and French, Texas
Christian University, Fort Worth, Tex. [614 S. Hender-
son St.]
Savage, Henry Lyttleton, Instructor in English, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [Gravers liane, Chestnut Hill]
Savage, Howard James, Associate Professor of Rhetoric, and Bi-
rector of the Work in English Composition, Bryn Mawr Col-
lege, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [Cartref, 6]
Scarborough, Dorothy, Instructor in Extension Teaching (in Eng-
lish), Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [150 Madison
Ave., Tompkinsville, Staten Island, N. Y.]
Schappelle, Benjamin Franklin, Assistant Professor of Romanic
Languages, University of Nevada, Reno, Nev. [606 Lake St.]
Scheifley, William H., Instructor in French, University of Pennsyl-
vania, Philadelphia, Pa. [College Hall, U. of P.]
Schelling, Felix E., Professor and Head of the Department of Eng-
lish, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [Col-
lege Hall, University of Pennsylvania]
Sdienok, Eunice Morgan, Associate in French, Bryn Mawr Colltge,
Bryn Mawr, Pa. [Low Buildings]
Soberer, Peter J., Director of Geiman, Public Schools, Indianapolis,
Ind.
Sohevill, Rudolph, Professor of Spanish, Head of the Department
of Romanic Languages, University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
Schilling, Hugo Karl, Professor of the German Language and Litera-
ture, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 12316 Le Conte
Ave.]
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Google
dz MODEBN LANOUAGB AflSOOIATIOir
Sohindler, Mathilde, Instroeior in French, VMsar CoUflge, Poos^-
keep&ie, N. Y.
Sohins, Albert, Profeaior of the French Luigiuge and literature,
Smith College, Northampton, Mass.
Schlatter, Edward Bunker, Aiaiatant Profeaior of Bomanoe Lan-
guagei, University of Wisoonsin, Madison, Wis. [2250 Be-
gent St]
Schlenker, Carl, Professor of German, Unlyenity of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn. [614 Bkventh Are^ S. E.]
Schmidt, Friedrich Georg Qottlob, Professor of the Qerman lan-
guage and Literature, UniTersity of Oregon, Eugene, Ore.
[609 E. 14th Ave.]
Schmidt, Gertrud Charlotte, Head of the Qerman Department, Miss
Wrighf 8 School, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [631 Montgomery Ave.]
Schmidt, Lydia Marie, Instructor in German, University High School,
Chicago, IlL
Schmitt, Bertram Clarence, Instructor in English, Uniyen^ of
Pennsylvania, Philadeli^iia, Pa.
Schoenemann, Friedrich, Instructor in German, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [3 Avon St.]
Schoepperle, Gertrude, Associate in English, University of Illinois,
Urbana, IlL
Sohohkld, Wiluak Henbt, Professor of Cranparative Literature,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Hotel Somerset*
Boston, Mass.]
Scholl, John William, Assistant Professor of German, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [917 Forest Ave.]
Sdiols, Karl W. H., Instructor in German, University of Pemi^yl-
vania, -Philadelphia, Pa. [24 Morgan House^ U. of P.]
Schrag, Andrew D., Associate Professor of German, University of
Nebraska, Lincobi, Neb. [Station A]
Schreiber, Carl F., Assistant Professor of German, She&ld Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [479 Whalley
Ave.]
Schulz, Gustav Frederick, Tutor in Public Speaking, College of the
City of New York, New York, N. Y.
Schultz, John Richie, Professor of English, Allegheny College, Mead-
ville, Pa. [326 Prospect St]
Schutz, Alexander Herman, Instructor in Modem lAnguages, Uni-
versity of Mississippi, University, Miss. [P. O. Box 125]
Schwabs, Henry Otto, Instructor in German, Univerrity of Michi-
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [819 S. SUte St.]
Schwander, Elise Neuen, Associate Professor of Romance Languages,
University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas. [1824 liouisiana St.]
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Google
LIST OF MBMBBB8 clxi
SooTT, Charles Payson Gublbt, Editor, Tonken, N. Y. [49
Arthur St.]
Scott, Franklin William, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Illinois, Urhana, IlL
Seott, Fred Newton, Professor of Rhetoric, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich. [1361 Washtenaw Ave.]
Scott, Mary Angusta, Professor of the English Language and Litera-
ture, Smith Ck)llege, Northampton, Mass.
Searles, Colbert, Professor of Romance Languages, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
SeBoyar, Gerald Edwin, Instructor in English, The College of
Wooster, Wooster, 0. [912 College Ave.]
Segall, Jacob Bernard, Professor of French, University of Maine,
Orono, Me.
Sehrt, Edward H., liecturer in Teutonic Philology, Bryn Mawr Col-
lege, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Seiberth, Philipp, Assistant Professor of German, Washington Uni-
versity, St. Louis, Mo.
Semple, Lewis B., Teacher of English, Bushwick High School,
Brooklyn, N. Y. [66 St. James Place]
Seronde, Joseph, Assistant Professor of French, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Severy, Ernest Elisha, Care of the Library, Simmons College,
Abilene, Tex.
Seymour, Arthur Romeyn, Associate in Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Illinois, Urbana, 111. [909 Nevada St.]
Seymour, Clara Gertrude, Editorial Staff, The Survey, 112 E. 19th
St., New York, N. Y.
Shackford, Martha Hale, Associate Professor of English literature,
Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. [7 Midland Road]
Shafer, Robert, Instructor in English, U. S. Naval Acad^ny, Anna-
polis, Md. [8 State Circle]
Shanks, Lewis Piaget, Assistant Professor of Romance LangoageSt
University of Penni^lvania, Philadelphia, Pa,
Shannon, Edgar Finley, Professor of English, Washington and lies
University, licsdngton, Va,
Shaw, Esther Elizabeth, Associate Professor of English, Lake Erie
College, Painesville, 0..
Shaw, James Eustace, Professor of Italian and Spanish, University
of Toronto, Toronto^ Ont.
Shearin, Hubert Gibson, Professor of English, Occidental College,
Los Angeles, Cal.
Sheffield, Alfred Dwight, Instructor in Rhetoric and Composition^
Wellesley Collie, Wellesley, Mass. [60 Shepard St., Cam-
bridge, Mass.]
11
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Google
cbdi MODSBir laitoxtaob association
8HKLD0N, Edwabd Stevsits, Professor of Rommnce Philology^ Har-
vard University, Gambridgey Mass. [11 Frauds Ave.]
Shelly, Percy Van I>yke, Assistant Professor of English, University
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
leopard, Grace Florence, Assistant Professor of English, WlieaioB
College, Norton, Mass.
Shepard, William Pierce, Professor of Romance Languages, Hamil-
ton College, Clinton, N. T.
Sherbnm, George Wiley, Instructor in English, University of Chi'
cago, Chicago, 111. [Faculty Exchange, University of Chicago]
Sherman, Lucius A., Professor of the English Language and Liteni-
ture, University of Nebradca, Lincoln, Ndi>.
Sherman, Stuart Pratt, Professor of English, University of lUineii^
Urbana, lU. [1016 W. Nevada St.]
Shulters, John Raymond, Assistant in Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of Illinois, Urbana, IlL [309 University Hall]
Shumway, Daniel Bussier, Professor of German Philology, Univer*
sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Shute, Henry Martin, Instructor in German, Phillips Exeter Aead«
emy, Exeter, N. H.
Sibley, Robert Pelton, Professor of the English Language and Litera-
ture, lake Forest College, Lake Forest, DL
Sievers, John Frederick, D. G. Heath ft Co., 231-246 W. 39th St,
New York, N. Y.
Sills, Kenneth Charles Morton, Dean and Professor of Iiatin, Bow-
doin College, Brunswick, Me.
Silvercruys, Robert, Instructor in Romance Languages, University
of Wiscimsin, Madison, Wis. [University Club]
Simonds, William Edward, Professor of English Literature and Dean,
Ejiox College, Galesburg, HI.
Sdconton, Jambs Snodgrass, Professor Emeritus of the French Lan-
guage and Literature, Washington and Jefferson College^
Washington, Pa.
Sirich, Edward Hinman, Instructor in Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Siak, Benjamin Franklin, Superintendent of Schools, Vernon, Tex.
Sissen, liouis Eugene, Associate Professor of English, University of
Kansas, Iiawrence, Kas. [1236 liouisiana St.]
Skidmore, Mark, Assistant Profess^ of R<Mnanoe lisnguages. Univer-
sity of Arizona, Tucson, Ariz. [R. F. D. I]
Sldllings, Everett^ Professor of German, Middkbury College, Mid-
dlebury, Vt. [133 Main St.]
Skinner, Prescott Orde, Professor of the Romance IJanguages, Dart-
mouth College, Hanover, N. H.
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Google
LIST OF MSMBBB8 clxiii
Skipp, Henry John, Instructor in Carman, High School of Com-
merce, New York, N. Y. [166 W. 66th St.]
Slater, John R., Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature, Uni-
versity of Rochester, Rochester, N. Y.
Smart) Walter Kay, Professor of English, Armour Institute of
Technology, Chicago, 111. [1634 E. 66th Place]
Smith, Charles Alphonso, Professor and Head of the Department of
English, U. 6. Naval Academy, Annapolis, Md.
Smith, Edward Laurence, Professor of Modem Languages and Dean,
Delaware College, Newark, Del.
Smith, Fbank Clifton, Gurleyville, Conn.
Smith, Hamilton Jewett, Instructor in English, University of Hli-
nois, Urbana, IlL [706 Gregory Place]
Smith, Horatio Elwin, Assistant Professor of French, Yale Collie,
New Haven, Conn. [837 Orange St.]
Smith, Hugh Allison, Professor of Romance Languages, University
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [16 Prospect Ave.]
Smith, Loru Hamah, Instructor In English, West Texas State Nor- *
mal College, Canyon, Tex.
Smith, Mahlon Ellwood, Associate Professor of English and Di-
rector of the Summer School, Syracuse University, Syracuse,
N. Y. [200% Waverly Ave.]
Smith, Reed, Professor of English, University of South Carolina,
Columbia, S. C.
Smith, Richard R., Manager, College Department, The Maomillan
Company, 66 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y.
Smith, Stanley Astredo, Assistant Professor of French, Iieland Stan-
ford Jr. University, Stanford University, CaL [340 Embar-
cadero Road, Palo Alto]
Smith, Thomas Vemor, Professor and Head of the Department of
English, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, Tex. [P. 0.
Box 61, T. C. U. Station]
Smith, Winifred, Assistant Professor of English, Vassar College,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y. [3 Randolph Ave.]
Smyser, William Emory, Professor of English, Ohio Wesleyan Uni-
versity, Delaware, 0.
Snavely, Ouy Everett, Professor of Romance lisngnages, Allegheny
CoUege, Meadville, Pa. [688 Baldwin St.]
Snell, Ada L. F., Associate Professor of English, Mount Holyoke
College, South Hadley, Mass.
Snow, Francis Woolson, Instructor in Modem Languages, United
States Naval Academy, Annapolis, Md.
Snyder, Alice Dorothea, Instructor in English, Vassar CoUegei
Pouj^ikeepiie, N. Y.
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Google
Clxiv MODEBK LAI^GUAOS ASSOOIATIOIT
Snyder, Edward Douglas, Assistant Professor of English, Haverford
College, Haverford, Pa.
Snyder, Henry Nelson, President and Professor of English, Wofford
** College, Spartanburg, S. C
Soto, Rafael A., Assistant in Romance Languages, University of
Illinois, Urbana, 111. [901 W. Nevada St.]
Spaeth, J. Duncan, Professor of English, Princeton University,
Princeton, N. J.
Spalding, Mary Caroline, Professor of English, Wilson College,
Chambersburg, Pa.
Spanhoofd, Arnold Werner, Head of the Modem Language Depart-
ment in the High and Manual Training Schools^ Washingt(»,
D. C. [2016 Hillyer Place, N. W.]
Spanhoofd, Edward, Head of the Department of German, 8t.'PauPs
School, Concord, N. H.
Spaulding, John Austin, Assistant Professor of Modem Languages,
Worcester Polytechnic Institute, Worcester, Mass. [Tewks-
bury Centre, Mass.]
Spencer, Matthew Lyle, Professor of English, Lawrence College,
Appleton, Wis.
Spiers, Alexander Guy Holbom, Associate Professor of French,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Spingabn, Joel Elias, New York, N. Y. [9 W. 73d St.]
Spooner, Edwin Victor, Instractor in French, Phillips Exeter Acad-
emy, Exeter, N. H.
Squire, William Lord, Instractor in English, Trinity College, Hart-
ford, Conn.
Staaf, Oscar Emil, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Add-
bert College of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 0.
Staib, Bibd, Instractor in English, College of the City of New York,
New York, N. Y.
Stanton, Amida, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Kansas, Iiawrence, Kas.
Starck, Adolf Ludwig Taylor, Instractor in German, &nith College,
Northampton, Mass. [32 Paradise Road]
Stathers, Madison, Professor of Romance languages. West "^r-
ginia University, Morgantown, W. Va.
Steadman, John Marcellus, Jr., Instructor in English, University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. O.
Steeves, Harrison Ross, Assistant Professor of English, CohunUa
University, New York, N. Y.
Steinke, Martin W., Instractor in German, Swarthmore College,
Swarthmore, Pit.
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Google
LIST OF MSMBBBS clxV
Stempel, Giiido Hennaim, Associate Professor of Comparative Phi-
lology, Indiana University, Bloomington, Ind. [723 S. Park
Ave.]
Sterling, Sosan Adelaide, Assistant Professor of Grerman, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [109 W. Washington Ave.]
Stevens, Alice Porter, Associate Professor of Qerman, Mount Holy-
oke College, So. Hadley, Mass.
Stevens, Clarence Dimick, Assistant Professor of English, Univer-
sity of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O.
Stevens, Ernest Nichols, Assistant to the Editor-in-Chief, Ginn and
Company, 15 Ashburton Place, Boston, Mass.
Stevens, Henry Harmon, Watertown, N. Y. [227 Ten Eyck St.]
Stevenson, OUa, Professor of German, Marshall College, Hunting-
ton, W. Va.
Stewart, Morton Collins, Assistant Professor of German, Union
College, Schenectady, N. Y.
Stewarty Robert Armistead, Instructor in Homance Languages, Johns
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
Stewarty William Kilbome, Professor of German and Instructor in
Comparative Literature, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H.
Stqddabd, Fkaitcis Hovet, Professor Emeritus of the English Ijan-
guage and Literature, New York University, University
Heights, New York, N. Y. [22 W. 68th St.]
Stokes, Melmoth Young, Jr., Instructor in English, Southern Meth-
odist University, Dallas, Tex.
Stoll, Elmer Edgar, Professor of English, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minn. [504 Fifth St., S. K]
Stone, Herbert King, Instructor in Romance Languages, Grinnell
CoUege, Grinnell, la. [1022 Park St.]
Stork, Charles Wharton, Philadelphia, Pa. [liOgan, P. O.]
Stowell, William Averill, Associate Professor of Romance Languages,
Amherst College, Amherst, Mass.
Strauss, Louis A., Professor of English, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich. [1601 Cambridge Road]
fftreubel, Ernest J., Assistant Professor of German, Brooklyn Poly-
technic Institute, Brooklyn, N. T. [86 Livingston St.]
Stroebe, Lilian L., Associate Professor of German, Vassar College,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Struck, Henriette, Assistant Professor of German, Vassar College,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
Stnink, William, Jr., Professor of English, Cornell University,
Ithaca, N. Y. [107 Lake St.]
Stuart, Donald Clive, Assistant Professor, Preceptor in Modem Lan-
guages, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. [Western
Way]
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Google
Clxvi MODBBN LAI7GUAGB ASSOOIATION
Stuff, Frederick Ames, Professor of English Literature^ University oi
Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb. [Station A]
Sturtevant, Albert Morey, Assistant Professor of German and Scan-
dinavian, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas. [924 Loui-
siana St.]
Super, Ralph Clewell, Associate Professor of Modem Languages,
Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y.
Supple, Edward Watson, Instructor in French and Spanish, Sheffield
Scientific School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [1926
Yale Station]
Swain, Aiillicent A., Instructor in English, College for Women, West-
ern Reserve University, Cleveland, O. [36 Beersford Road,
East Cleveland]
Swiggett, Qlen Lievin, Special Collaborator in Commercial Education,
Bureau of Education, Washington, D. C.
Sypherd, Wilbur Owen, Professor of English, Delaware College,
Newark, Del.
Taft, Arthur Irving, Assistant Professor in English, Oberlin College,
Oberlin, 0. [&8 E. Lorain St.]
Talamon, Ren6, Instructor in French, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, Mich.
Tatlock, John Strong Perry, Professor of Tlnglish Philology, Leland
Stanford Jr. University, Stanford University, Cal.
Tatlob, Ascheb, Assistant Professor of German, Washington Uni-
versity, St. Ifouis, Mo.
Taylor, George Bingham, Instructor in French and Spanish, The
Tome School, Port Deposit, Md.
Taylor, Marion Iiee, Assistant Teacher of German^ Bushwidc High
fichool, Brooklyn, N. Y. [66 Orange St.]
Taylor, Robert liongley. Professor of Romance Languages, Williams
College, Williamstown, Mass.
Telleen, John Martin, Assistant Professor of English, Case School
,of Applied Science, Cleveland, 0.
Temple, Maud Elizabeth, Instructor in French, Mount Holyoke Col-
lege, So. Hadley, Mass.
Teter, Dwight Hall, Professor and Head of the Department of Ro-
mance Languages, Fairmount State Normal School, Fair-
mount, W. Va.
Thaler, Alwin, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass* [30 Weld
Hall]
Thayer, Harvey Waterman, Assistant Professor, Preceptor in Modem
Languages, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. [12 Nas-
sau St]
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
LIST OF MBMBEBS olxvii
l^hMjer, Mary Rebecca, Infltnictor in English, Vaasar College, Pongb*
keepsie, N. T.
Tliieme, Hugo Paul, Professor of French, Uniyersity of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich. [3 Qeddes Heights]
Thomas, Calvin, Professor of the Germanic Languages and Litera-
tures, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Thomas, Daniel Lindsey, Professor of English, Central University,
Danville, Ey.
Thomas, Joseph Morris, Professor and Head of the Department of
Rhetoric, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Thomas, May, Assistant Professor of German, Ohio State University,
Columbus, 0. [233 W. Eleventh Ave.]
Thcmipson, Elbert N. S., Assistant Professor of English Literature,
State University of Iowa, Iowa City, la. [714 Iowa Ave.]
Thompson, Everett Edward, Editor, American Book Co., 100 Wash-
ington Sq., New York, N. Y.
Thompson, G^arrett William, Professor and Head of the Department
of German, University of Maine, Orono, Me.
Thompson, Guy Andrew, Professor of English Literature, University
of Maine, Orono, Me.
Thompson, Harold William, Instructor in English, New York State
College for Teachers, Albany, N. Y.
Thompson, Stith, Instructor in English, University of Texas, Austin,
Tex.
Thormeyer, Bertha, Instructor in G^erman, Manual Training High
School, Indianapolis, Ind. [93 Butler Ave.]
Thomdike, Ashley Horace, Professor of English, Columbia Univer-
sity, New York, N. Y.
Thurber, Charles H., Ginn & Co., 16 Ashburton' Place, Boston, Mass.
Thurber, Edward Allen, Professor of English, Colorado College, Colo-
rado Springs, Col. [921 N. Nevada Ave.]
Thumau, Harry Conrad, Professor of German, University of Kansas,
Ijawrence, Kas. [1424 Tennessee St.]
Tilley, Morris Palmer, Associate Professor of English, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1015 Ferdon Road]
Tinker, Chauncey B., Professor of English Literature, Yale Univer-
sity, New Haven, Conn. [38 Vanderbilt Hall]
Tisdel, Frederick Monroe, Associate Professor of English, University
of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. [1316 Keiser Ave.]
Titsworth, Paul E., Professor of Modem Languages, Alfred Univer-
sity, Alfred, N. Y.
Todd, Hknby Alfbbd, Professor of Romance Philology, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y.
Todd, T. W., Professor of German, Washburn College, Topeka, Kas.
Digitized by
Google
Clxviii MODSSN LANGUAGB ASSOCIATION
Tolmtn, Albert Harrifl^ Professor of Bnglish literature, University
of Chicago, Chicago, HI. .
Towles, Oliver, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Toy, Walter Dallam, Professor and Head of the Department of Ger-
manic Languages and Literatures, University of North Caro-
lina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Traver, Hope, Professor of English, Mills College, Oakland, Oal.
Trebein, Bertha K, Professor of German, Agnes Scott College,
Decatur, Ga.
Trent, William Peterfleld, Professor of English Literature, Columbia
University, New York, N. Y. [139 W. 78th St.]
Tressmann, Conrad, Instructor in German, University of Washingtcm,
Seattle, Wash.
Trubreoq, Paule Anne, Head of the French Department, Miss Porter's
School, Farmington, Conn.
Trusoott» Frederick W., Professor of Germanic Languages, West
Virginia University, Morgantown, W. Va,
Tucker, Samuel Marion, Professor of English, Polytechnic Institute
of Brooklyn, 86 Livingston St., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Tufts, James Arthur, Professor of English, Phillips Exeter Academy,
Bxeter, N. H.
Tupper, Frederick, Professor of the English Language and Lit-
erature, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt.
Tupper, James Waddell, Professor of English Literature, Lafayette
College, Easton, Pa,
Tuifc, Milton Haight, Professor of the English Language and Litera-
ture, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y.
Turrell, Charles Alfred, Professor of Romance Languages, University
of Arizona, Tucson, Ariz.
Tweedie, William Morley, Professor of the English Language and
Literature, Mount Allison College, Sackville, N. B.
Umphrey, George Walla!ce, Associate Professor of Spanish, Univer-
sity of Washington, Seattle, Wash.
Underwood, Charles Marshall, Jr., Assistant Professor of Romance
Languages, Simmons College, Boston, Mass. [15 Upland Road,
Cambridge, Mass.]
Underwood, George Arthur, Instructor In French, Smith College,
Northampton, Mass. [123 Elm St.]
von Unwerth, Frida, Assistant Professor of Grerman, Hunter Col-
lege of the City of New York, New York, N. Y,
Upham, Alfred Horatio, Professor of English, Miami University,
Oxford, 0. [316 E. Church St.]
Digitized by
Google
LIST 07 MBMBBB8 clxix
Uppvally Axel Johan, Assistant Professor of German^ Clark €k>lleige,
Worcester, Mass. [31 Benefit SI]
Upson, William Ford, Professor of Modern Languages, Tusculnm
College, Greeneville, Tenn.
Uterhart, Henry Ayres, New York, N. Y. [27 Cedar St.]
Utter, Robert Palfrey, Associate Professor of English, Amherst
College, Amherst, Mass.
Van Doren, Carl, Head Master of the Brearley School, Associate in
English, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Van Home, John, Instructor in Romance Iianguages, University of
Illinois, Urbana, 111. [700 W. Nevada St.]
Vatar, Charles-Dominique, Associate in Modem French Literature
and in Italian, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Vaughan, Herbert Himter, Assistant Professor of Romance Iian-
guages, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Vestling, Axel E., Professor of German, Carleton College, Northfield,
Mi nil,
Viets, Howard Thompson, Instructor in Rhetoric, University of Min-
nesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Villavaso, Ernest Joseph, Associate Professor of Romance L>anguages,
University of Texas, Austin, Tex. [3105 Ihival St.]
Vogel, Frank/ Professor of German, in charge of the Department of
Modem Iianguages, Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
Cambridge, Mass. [06 Robinwood Ave., Jamaica Plain, Mass.]
Vollmer, Clement, Instructor in German, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, Pa. [13 Graduate House, U. of P.]
Vos, Bert John, Professor of German, Indiana University, Blooming-
ton, Ind.
Voss, Ernst Karl Johann Heinrich, Professor of German Philology,
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [175 Nelson Ave.]
Voss, John Henry, Associate Professor of German, University of
Oklahoma, Norman, Okla.
Vreeland, Williamson Updike, Professor of Romanic Languages,
Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
Wade, Ira 0., Richmond, Va. [607 N. 22d St.]
Wagner, Charles Philip, Professor of Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Wahl, Gbobge Mobitz, Professor of the German Language and Lit-
erature, Emeritus, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass.
Wait, William Henry, Professor of Modern Iianguages, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Wales, Julia Grace, Instructor in English, Universify of Wiseontin,
Madison, Wit.
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clzX MODBBN LASraUAGS ASSOOIATIOir
Wftlker, Edith, Spur, Tex.
Walker, Francis Cox, Assistant Professor of English, Washingtcm
University, St. Louis, Mo. [156 Princess St., St John, N. B.]
Walter, Hermann, Professor of Modem Languages, MoQill Univer-
sity, Montreal, Canada.
Walz, John Aibbboht, Professor of the Qermaa Language and
Literature, Harvard University, Camhridge, Mats. [42 Gar-
den St.]
Wann, Harry Vincent, Professor of Romance Languages, Indiana
State Normal School, Terre Haute^ Ind. [424 S. 5th St]
Wann, Louis, Instructor in English, University of Wisconsin, Madi-
son, Wis. [1710 Jeffers<m St]
Wannamaker, Olin Dantaler, Professor of English, Southern Metho-
dist University, Dallas, Tex.
Ward, William P., Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
Ware, John Nottingham, Professor of Romance Languages^ Univer-
sity of the South, Sewanee, Tenn.
Waibin, Ebkdebiok M<»ii8, Professor of Modem Laiguage% Yale
' University, New Haven, Conn.
Warshaw, Jacob, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. [721 Missouri Ave.]
Waterhouse, Francis Asbury, Instructor in Romance Languages, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [403 S. 41st St]
Watt, Homer Andrew, Assistant Professes of English, New T<tfk
University, New York, N. Y. [34 Carlton St, East Orange,
N. J.]
Wanchope, George Armstrong, Professor of English, University of
South Carolina, Columbia, S. C. [6 Campus]
Waxmah, Samuel Montefiore, Assistant Professor of Romance Lan-
guages, Boston University, Boston, Mass.
Weaver, Raymond Melbourne, Columbia University, New Yoric, N. Y.
[Livingston Hall]
Weber, Hermann Julius, Associate Professor of German, University
of California, Berkeley, Cal. [1811 I*a Loma Ave.]
Weber, Rolf Felix, Instructor in G^erman, The Rice Institute Hous-
ton, Tez.
Webster, Clarence Mertown, Fellow in English, University of Michi-
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich, [c/o Mrs. Henry Olapp, Hampton,
Conn.]
Wkbsteb, Kenneth G. T., Assistant Professor of English, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass. [Gerry's Landing]
Weeks, Raymond, Professor of Romance Languages and Literatures,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Digitized by
Google
UST OF inCTifBIBRS clxxi
Weigand, Hermann J., Instructor in German, UniverBity of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Weigel, John Conrad, Instructor in Qerman, University of Chicago,
Chicago, 111.
Wells, Edgab Huidekopeb, Boston, Mass. [16 Hereford St.]
Wells, John Edwin, Professor and Head of the Department of Eng-
lish, Connecticut College for Women, New London, Conn. [77
VauxhaU St.]
Wells, Leslie C, Professor of French and Spanish, Clark College,
Worcester, Mass.
Wemaer, Robert Maximilian, Cambridge, Mass. [8 Prescott St.]
Webneb, Aoolph, Emeritus Professor of the German lianguage and
Literature, College of the City of New York, New York, N. Y.
[401 West End Ave.]
Wesenberg, T. Griffith, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [929
Massachusetts Ave.]
Wesselhoefty Edward Karl, Professor of German, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
West^ Henry Titus, Professor of German, Kenyon College, Gam-
bler, 0.
Weston, (3eorge Benson, Instructor in Romance Languages, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass. [21 Craigie St.]
Weygandt, Cornelius, Assistant Professor of English, University ef
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Wharey, James Blanton, Adjunct Professor of English, University
of Texas, Austin, Tex.
Wharton, J. Herman, Assistant Professor of English, Syracuse Uni-
versity, Syracuse, N. Y. [421 Clarendon St.]
Whioher, George Frisbie, Associate Professor of English, Amherst
Con^^ Amherst, Mass.
Whipple, Thomas King, Instructor in English, Union Collie,
Schenectady, N. Y.
Whitoomb, Selden Lincoln, Associate Professor of English Litera-
ture, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
White, Florence Donnell, Assistant Professor of French, Vaasar Col-
lege, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
White, Harold E., Professor of English Literature, Northwestern
College, Naperville, 111.
White, Horatio Stevens, Professor of German, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass. [29 Reservoir St.]
Whiteford, Robert N., Head Professor of English, University of
Toledo, Toledo, 0. [2416 Warren St.]
Whitelock, G^eorge, Counsellor at Law, Baltimore, Md. [1407 Con-
tinental Trust Building]
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Google
Clxxii MODSSN LANaUAQB ASSOOIiLTIOir
Whiteeide, Donald Grant, Instructor in Engliah, College of the Ci^
of New York, New York, N. Y.
Whitman, Charles Huntingdon, Professor of English, Bntgers Col-
lege. New Brunswick, N. J. [116 linooln Ave., Highland
Park, N. J.]
Whitmore, Charles Edward, Instructor in English, Harvard Uni-
versity, Cambridge, Mass. [10 Remington St.]
Whitney, Mabian P., Professor of German, Vassar CoU^^e, Pou^-
keepsie, N. Y.
Whittem, Arthur Fisher, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [9 Vincent St.]
Whoriskey, Richard, Professor of Modem I^anguages, New Hamp-
shire State College, Durham, N. H.
Whyte, John, Assistant Professor of German, New York University,
New York, N. Y. [University Heights]
Widtsoe, Osborne J. P., Professor and Head of the Department of
£kigli8h, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah. [382
Wall St.]
Wiehr, Josef, Associate Professor of (German, Smith College, North-
ampton, Mass.
Wightman, John Roaf, Professor of Romance Languages, Oberlin
College, Oberlin, O.
Wikel, Howard Henry, Instructor in German, Purdue University,
Lafayette, Ind. [113 South St., West Lafayette]
Wilkens, Frederick H., Associate Professor of German, New York
University, University Heights, Bronx, New York, N. Y.
Wilkins, Ernest Hatch, Professor of Romance Languages, University
of Chicago, Chicago, IlL
Wilkins, I^awrence A., In charge of instruction in Modem Languages
in the High Schools of New York City, 600 Piu>k Ave^ New
York, N. Y.
Williams, Blanche Colton, Assistant Professor of English, Hunter
College of the City of New York, Instructor in Short^tory
Writing, Extension Teaching, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. [612 W. 112th St.]
Williams, Cecil Heyward, Instractor in German, Sheffield Seientiflo
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [122 Canner St.]
Williams, Charles Allyn, Associate in German, University of Illinois,
Urbana, 111. [712 W. Nevada St.]
Williams, Cora Alice, Instructor in English and Modem Languages,
Simmons College, Abilene, Tex. [640 Cedar St.]
Williams, Edwin Bucher, Fellow in Romanics, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. [828 N. 24th St., Reading, Pa.]
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MSMBBB8 clxxiii
WilliaiDB, Grace S., ABSOciate ProfeBeor of Romance Langnagea,
Goucher College, Baltimore, Md.
Williams, Peyton W., Montgomeiy, Ala.
Williams, Stanley T., Instructor in English, Yale University, New
Haven, Conn. [119 D St., N". E., Washington, D. C]
Williamson, Edward John, Professor of Modem Languages and
Literatures, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y.
Williamson de Visme, Henri Pierre, Directeur de PEcole du Chftteau
de Soisy, Soisy-sous-Etiolles, Seine et Oise, France.
Wilson, Charles Bundy, Professor and Head of the Department of
the German Language and Literature, State University of
Iowa, Iowa City, la. [323 N. Capitol fit.]
Wilson, George Pickett, Instructor in English, Agricultural and
Mechanical College of Texas, College Station, Tex.
Winchester, Caleb Thomas, Professor of English Literature, Wes-
leyan University, Middletown, Conn.
Windom, William Hutcheson, Headmaster, Windom and McNeale
School for Boys, Washington, D. C. [1723 De Sales St.]
van Winkle, Cortlandt, Instructor in English, Sheffield Scientific
School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [Box 781 Yale
Station]
Winkler, Max, Professor of the Grerman language and literature.
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Winter, Calvert Johnson, Assistant Professor of Romance Languages,
University of Kansas, lAwrence Kas.
Winton, George Peterson, Instructor in Spanish, Vanderbilt Univer-
sity, Nashville, Tenn. [1203 17th Ave., So.]
Wise, George Chester, Principal, Intermountain Institute, Weiser,
Idaho.
Wisewell, George Elias, Assistant in Romance Languages, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [433 W. Gilman St.]
WiTHiNOTON, Robert, Assistant Professor of English, Smith College,
Northampton, Mass.
Witimann, Elisabeth, Instructor in French and German, Doane Col-
lege, Crete, Neb. [Box 532]
Wolfe, Howard Webster, Professor of Modem Languages, Trinity
University, Waxahachie, Tex.
Wolff, Samuel Lee, Instructor in English, Extension Teaching,
Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [90 Momingside
Drive]
Wo(M>, Fbanoib Asbuby, Professor of Germanic Philology, Univer-
sity of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
Wood, Henry, Professor of German, Johns Hopkins University, Bal-
timore, Md. [109 North Ave., W.]
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Google
Clxxiv MODEBN LAHaUAGE ASSOCIATION
Woodbrldge, Benjamin Mather, Adjunct Professor of Bomanoe Lan-
guages, University of Texas, Austin, Tex.
Woods, Geoige Benjamin, Professor of English, Garleton College,
Northfield, Minn.
Worthington, Hugh S., Professor of Romance Languages, Sweet Briar
Collie, Sweet Briar, Va.
Wright, Arthur Silas, Professor of Modem Languages, Case School
of Applied Science, Cleveland, 0.
Wright, Charles Baker, Professor of English Literature and Rhet-
oric, Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vt.
Wbioht, Chables Henbt Conrad, Professor of the French Language
and Literature, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [5
Buckingham Place]
Wright, Ernest Hunter, Assistant Professor of English and Com-
parative Literature, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Wright, Thomas G., Instructor in English, Sheffield Scientific School,
Yale University, New Haven, Conn. [846 Orange St.]
Wylie, liaura Johnson, Professor and Head of the Department of
English, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. [1 12 Market St.]
Yost, Clemens Andrew, Instructor in €torman, Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass.
Young, Bert Edward, Professor of Romance Languages, VanderUli
University, Nashville, Tenn.
Young, Bertha Kedade, Assistant Professor of English, University of
Cincinnati, Cincinnati, 0. [The Maplewood, Clifton]
Young, Charles Edmund, Professor of Romance Languages, Beloit
College, Beloit, Wis.
Young, Kakl, Professor of English, University of Wisconsin, Madi-
son, Wis.
Young, Mary Vance, Professor of Romance IJanguages, Mouni Holy-
oke College, So. Hadley, Mass.
Young, William Foster, President, Benjamin H. Sanborn & Co., 623
S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, HI.
Zdanowicz, Casimir Douglass, Assistant Professor of Romanes Lan-
guages, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [Army Y. M.
C. A. Bldg., 302, Military Branch, Chattanooga, Tenn.]
Zeek, Charles Franklyn, Jr., Associate Professor of French, Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, Tex.
Zeitlin, Jacob, Associate in English, University of Illinois, Urbana,
HI.
Zembrod, Alfred Charles, Professor of Modem Languages, Univer-
sity of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky. [456 W. 4th St]
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF MXMBXBS clxXV
Zeppenfeld, Jeannett^ Professor of German, Franklin College, Frank-
lin, Ind.
Zinnecker, Weal^ Daniel, Ingtmetor In German, Cornell Unlyersity,
Ithaca, N. T. [707 £. State St]
Zucker, Alfred Edoard, Instructor in German, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
Zwierzina, Konrad, Ord. Professor fflr deutsehe Sprache und litera-
tur an der Universitilt, Gras, Austria. [Zinsendorfgasse 19]
[1409]
Digitized by
Google
Clxxvi IfODEBN LANaUAQE ASSOCIATION
LIBRARIES
Subscribing to the Publications of the
Association
Akron, O.: Library of the Municipal University of Akron
Albany, N. Y.: New York State Library
Ames, la.: Library of Iowa State College
Amherst, Mass. : Amherst College Library
Ann Arbor, Mich. : General Library of the Uniyersity of Michigan
Austin, Texas : Library of the University of Texas
Baltimore, M<L: Eno£h Pratt Free Library
Baltimore, Md.: Goucher Collie Library
Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Library
Baltimore, Md.: Library of the Peabody Institute
Baton Rouge, La.: Hill Memorial Library, Louisiana 6tate Univer-
sity
Beloit, Wis. : Beloit College Library
Berkeley, Cal. : Library of the University of California
Berlin, Germany: Englisches Seminar der Universitfit [Dorotheen-
strasse 6]
Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Library
Bonn, Germany: Englisches Seminar der Universitftt
Boston, Mass. : Public Library of the City of Boston
Boulder, Col.: Library of the University of Colorado
Brooklyn, N. Y.: Adelphi College Library
Brooklyn, N. Y.: Brooklyn Public Library
Bryn Mawr, Pa. : Bryn Mawr College Library
Buffalo, N. Y. : Buffalo Public Library
Buffalo, N. Y.: Library of the University of Buffalo [Niagara
Square]
Burlington, Vt. : Library of the University of Vermont
Cambridge, Eng.: University Library
Cambridge, Mass.: Child Memorial Library
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Library
Cambridge, Mass.: Radcliffe College Library
Cedar Rapids, la. : Coe College Library
Chambersburg, Pa. : Wilson College Library
Chapel Hill, N. C: Library of the University of North Carolina
Charlottesville, Va.: Library of the University of Virginia
Chicago, 111. : General Library of the University of Chicago
Chicago, HI.: Newberry Library
Digitized by
Google
SUBSCRIBING LIBBASIES clzxvii
Cineiimatiy O.: Library of the University of Cinoimiati {Burnet
Woods Park]
Cleveland, O. : Adelbert College Library
Columbia, Mo.: Library of the University of Missouri
Columbus, O.: Ohio State University Library
Concord, N. H.: New Hampshire State Library
Crawfordsville, Ind<: Wabash College Library
Dallas, Tex.: Library of Southern Methodist University
Davidson, N. C.: Union Library
Decorah, Iowa: Luther College Library
Detroit, Mich.: The Public Library
Easton, Pa.: Van Wickle Memorial Library, Lafayette College
Edmonton South, Alberta, Canada: Library of the University of
Alberta
Emporia, Kan.: Library of the State Normal School
Eugene, Ore.: University of Oregon Library
Evanston, UL: Northwestern University Library
GainesviUe, Fla.: Library of the University of Florida
Giessen, (Germany: Grossherzogliche Universitilts-Bibliothek
Granville, 0.: Denison University Library
Graz, Austria: K. E. Universit&ts-Bibliothek
Halifax, Nova Scotia: Dalhousie College Library
Hanover, N. H.: Dartmouth Collie Library
Hartford, Conn.: Watkinson Library
Houston, Tex.: The Wm. Rice Institute Library [P. O. Box 17]
Iowa City, la.: Library of the State University of Iowa
Irvington, Ind.: Bona Thompson Memorial Library
Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Library
Knoxville, Tenn.: University of Tennessee Library
Laramie, Wyo.: University of Wyoming Library
lidpzig, Germany: Englisches Seminar der Universit&t
Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Library
London, England: London Library [St. James Square, 8. W.]
Louisville, Ky.: Library of the University of Louisville
Lynchburg, Va.: Library of the Randolph-Macon Woman's College
Lyons, France: Biblioth^ue de I'Universitd [18 quai Claude Ber-
nard]
Madison, Wis.: Library of the University of Wisconsin
Manchester, England: The John Ry lands Library
Manchester, England: Library of the Victoria University
Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Library
IdKnneapolis, Minn.: Minneapolis Athenaeum
Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota Library
lfissouIa,Mont.: University of Montana Library
1»
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cbnmii modbbn LAHouAas assooiatioit
Munich, Germany : KOnigliche Hof- nnd tStaats-Bibliothek
KashTille, Tenn.: Library of the Peabody College for Teachers
NashyiUe, Tenn.: Vanderbilt University library
Kew Haven, Conn.: Tale University Library
New Orleans, La.: H. 8<^hie Newoomb Memorial Library [1220
Washington Ave.]
New York, N. Y.: Columbia University Library
New York, N. Y.: Library of New Yoric University [Univerrity
Heights]
New York, N.Y.: New York PubUc Library [476 Fiftb Ave.]
New Yoric, N. Y.: University Chib Library [Fifth Ave. and 54th
St]
Norman, Okla. : Library of the University of Oklahoma
Northampton, Mass.: Smith Cbllege Library
Northfield, Minn.: Scoville Memorial Library, Carleton College
Northfield, Minn.: St. Olafs College Library
Oberlin, O. : Oberlin College Library
Orono, Me. : University of Maine library
Oxford, Ga.: Emory College Library
Oxford, O.: Library of Miami University
Peoria, 111.: Peoria Public Library
Painesville, 0.: Murray Library of Lake Erie College
Philadelphia, Pa.: Free Library [13th and Locust Sts.]
Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Library
Pittsburgh, Pa.: Carnegie Library
Poughkeepsie, N. Y.: Library of Vassar College
Princeton, N. J. : Princeton University Library
Providence, R. I. : Library of Brown Univermty
Providence, R. L: Providence Public Library [Washington St.]
Pullman, Wash.: Library of the State College of Washington
Rennes, France: Biblioth^ue de PUniversit^
Beno, Nev.: University of Nevada Library
Rochester, N. Y.: Library of the University of Rochester [Prinee
St]
Rock Hill, S. C: Carnegie Library of Winthrop Normal and Indus-
trial College
Rome, Italy: Biblioteca Nazionale
Sacramento, Cal. : State Library of California
St Louis, Mo.: Library of Washington University
St Paul, Minn.: Hamline University Library
St. Paul, Minn.: Macalester College Library
St Paul, Minn.: St Paul Public Library
Salt Lake City, Utah: University of Utah Library
Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington library
Digitized by
Google
SXTBSCJEtlBINa LIBRABIEB clxxix
Sioux City, la.: Library of Moniingside Ck>lleg6
Bouth Bethlehem, Pa.: Lehigh University Library
Stanford University, Cal.: Leland Stanford Jr. University Library
Swarthmore, Pa. : Swarthmore College Reading Room
Sydney, Australia: University Library
Syracuse, N. T.: Library of ^acuse University
Tallahassee, FUl: Library of the Florida State College for Women
University, Miss. : Library of the University, of Mississippi
Urbana, 111.: Library of the University of Illinois [University
Station]
Walla Walla, Wash.: Library of Whitman College
Washington, D. C: Library of the Catholic University of America
Wellesley, Mass.: Wellesley College Library
Williams, Ariz. : Williams Public Schools
Williamstown, Mass. : Library of Williams College
Woreester, Mass.: Free Public Library
[129]
Digitized by
Google
CIXZX MODEHN LANaUAQS ASSOOIATIOir
HONORARY MEMBERS
K. YON Bahdeb, UniTenity of Ldpng
WnxT Bang, Uniyeraity of Louvain
'Mrcmmx Babbi, University of MeeslnA
Joseph BtiaasB^ ColMge de Fnuioe, Paris
HsNBT Bbadlet, Oxford, England
Aloib L. Bbaitdi^ University of Berlin
W. Bbaunb, University of Heidelberg
Febdinajid Bbuitot, University of Paris
KoNBAD BxTBDAOH, Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin
Bknudeito Cbogi^ Naples, Italy
Fbanobsoo lyOviDiOy University of Naples
Fbanoesoo FLAMua, University of Pisa
Chablbs Habold Hebvobd, University of Manchester
Alvbed Jeanbot, University of Paris
Otto Jespebsen, University of Copenhagen
J. J. JussEBAin), French Ambassador, Washington, D. 0.
Fb. Kluoe, University of Freiburg
EuGEif KtaNEicAjfir, University of Breslan
GusTAVE LAN SON, University of Paris
Sidney Lee, University of London
Abel Leibano, Ck>ll^ de France
Ram6n MenAndez Pidal, University of Madrid
Paul Meteb, Ecole des Chartes, Paris
W. METEB-LteKi^ University of Bonn
Ebnesto MoNAd, University of Rome
Fbitz Neumann, University of Heidelberg
Adolt Nobeen, University of Upsala
Ebistoiteb Ntbop, University of Copenhagen
H. Paul^ University of Munidi
Alfbed W. Poixabd, British Museum, London
Pio Rajna, R. Istituto di Studi Superior!, Florence
GusTAV RoBTHS, University of Berlin
Geoboe Saintsbubt, University of Edinburgh
August Saueb, University of Prague
Edwabd Schboedeb, University of G(Sttingen
H. SoHUOHABOT, University of Gras
Eduabd Sievebb, University of Leipzig
JOHAN Stobm, University of Christiania
Antoinb Thomas, University of Paris
Fbanoesoo Tobbaoa, University of Naples
[40]
Digitized by
Google
BOLL OF MBMBBB8 DECEA8T clzzzi
ROLL OF MEMBERS DECEAST
J. T. Akebs, Central College, Biehmond, Ky. [1909]
Obaziado L Asooli, Biilan, Italy [1907]
Eltb^ Ayduonst, Bueknell University, Lewisburg, Pa. [1908]
T. Whitino Bancboft, Brown University, Providence, R, I. [1890]
Dayid Lewis Babtlbtt, Baltimore, Md. [1899]
Gbobob Alonzo Babtixtt, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
[1908]
W. M. Baskebvill, Vanderbilt University, KashvUle, Tenn. [1899]
AuzAifDEB Mblvilub Bkli^ Washington, D. C. [1906]
A. A. Bloombkboh, liafayette College, Easton, Pa. [1906]
EBKDEBicaL Augustus Bkauit, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
[1916]
Daioel G. Bbinton, Media, Pa. [1899]
Fbank Egbebt Bbtaitt, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kas.
[1910]
SoPHUS Bugoi^ University of Christiania [1907]
Fbank Bosooe Butleb, Hatbome, Mass. [1905]
Gb(»ge Riob Cabfbnteb, Columbia University, New York, N. T.
[1909]
Joseph W. Cabb, University of Maine, Orono, Me. [1909]
Henbt Leland Chafmak, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. {1913]
Chabum Choixbt, West Virginia University, Morgantown, W. Va.
[1903]
J. SooTT Clabx, Northwestern University, Evanston, IlL [1911]
Peteb Aldbn Claassen, Florida State College for Women, Talla-
hassee, Fla. [1916]
Palmes Cora, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
[1911]
Henbt Cohen, NorthweBtem University, Evanston, IlL [1900]
WnxiAM Cook, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [1888]
Adelaide Cbapset, Bocbester, N. T. [1914]
Susan R. Cutleb, Chicago, 111. [1899]
A. N. VAN Daell, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston,
Mass. [1899]
Albssandbo lyANOONA, University of Pisa [1914]
Bdwabd Gbaham Daves, Baltimore, Md. [1894]
Digitized by
Google
Clzxxii MODEBir ULKaUAGX UBSOOIATIOM
W. Deutboh, St. Louis, Mo. [1898]
Bbnxst August Eggkbs, Ohio State University, (Tohuiiliiis, O. [1903]
A. Marshall Elliott, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md«
[1910]
Fbanois R. Faya, Golumhian University, Washington, D. C. [1890]
Wkndelin Foebsteb, University of B<»m [1916]
ALOflK FoBnsB, Tulane University of Louisiana, New Orleans, La.
[1914]
Willlam Hbnbt Fbaseb, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ont. [1910]
Fbedkbiok Jamss Fubkivall^ London, England [1910]
William Eeztdaix Qillett, New York University, New Toik, N. Y«
[1914]
liKiOH R. Gbbgob, McGill University, Montreal, Canada [1912]
Qustav GbObkb, University of Strassburg [1911]
Thaoheb Howland Guild, University of Illinois, Urbana^ IlL [1914]
L. Habel, Norwich University, Northfield, Vt. [1880]
Jamsb Albebt Habbison, University of Virginia, Cterlottssvills^ Va.
[1911]
Charles Edwabd Habt, Rutgers College, New Bmnswidc, N. J.
[1916]
Jambs Mobgan Habt, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. T. [1910]
B. P. Hasdeu, University of Bucharest [1908]
RuDOUP Hatm, University of Halle [1901]
RiOHABD Heinzel, University of Vienna [lOOfr]
Gbobqb a. Hench, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mieh. [1809]
John Bell Hennkmak, University of the Soutii, Sewaaee, Te&n.
[1908]
Rudolf Htldkhbanp, University of Leipzig [1894]
Juizs Adolfhs Hobiqand, Boston, Mass. [1900]
JuiiAN Huoubnin, University of Louisiana, Baton Bouge^ Ija.
[1901]
Thomas Hums, University of North Carolina, Chapel HUl^ K. C.
[1912]
Ebnbst Iloen, College of the City of New York, New Yoiic, N. Y.
[1917]
Andbew Inobaham, Cambridge, Mass. [1905]
Edwabd S. Jotnes, University of South Carolina, Columhia, & C.
[1917]
J. KabgA, Princeton College, Princeton, N. J. [1892]
GuSTAF E. Kabsten, University of Illinois, Urbana, IlL [1908]
F. L. Kendall^ Williams Collie, Williamstown, Mass. [1893]
Chablbs W. Kent, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. [1917]
Paul Osoab Eebn, University of Chicago, Chicago, HI. [1908]
EuGEN KOlbino, University of Breslau [1899]
Digitized by
Google
BOLL OF MEMBEB8 DE0EA8T clxsziii .
Albert floEDEBiOK KxnmsxEiNEB) Lidiana Univerflity, Bloomingtoii,
Ind. [1917]
Ghbibtian LABSKNy Utah Agriouliural College, Logan, Utah [1913]
Mabion Dexteb Ijcabned, Univerflitjr of Pennsylvania, Pliiladelphia,
Pa. [1917]
BuoENS Lbseb, Lidiana Uniyerslty, Bloomingtooa, Ind. [1916]
J. L^YT, Lexington, Mass. [1891]
August I/Odkhan, Michigan State Normal School, Ypsilanti, lUeh.
[1902]
JuLBS LoiSEAU, New York. [1890]
James Bussell Lowell^ Cambridge, Mass. [1891]
J. LuQUiENS, Tale University, New Haven, Conn. [1899]
Albebt Benedict Ltkan, Baltimore, Md. [1907]
Thomas MoCabb, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [1891]
J. G. B. MoElbot, University of Penn^lvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
[1899]
Edwabd T. MoLauohijn, Tale University, New Haven, Conn. [1893]
jAMEd Maonie, University of North Dakota, Grand Forks, N. D.
[1909]
Edwabd H. Maoux^ Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa. [1907]
Fbangis Am>RBW Maboh, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. [1911]
John E. Matzex, Leland Stanford Jr. University, Stanford Univer-
sity, CaL [1910]
Maboeuno Men:0indsz t Pelato, University of Madrid [1912]
liOUis Emil Mengeb, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. [1903]
Chabuds Walteb Mesloh, Ohio State University, Columbus, O.
[1904]
Geoboe Henbt Meteb, University of Illinois, Urbana, IlL [1915]
Jakob Minob, University of Vienna [1912]
Samuel P. Molenasb, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,
Pa. [1900]
Edwabd Patson M(»ton, Chicago, IlL [1914]
James Augustus Henbt Mubbat, Oxford, England [1915] .
James 0. Mubbat, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. [1901]
Adolf Mussafia, University of Vienna [1905]
Abthub Sampson Napieb, University of Oxford, England [1916]
Bennett Hubbabd Nash, Boston, Mass. [1900]
C. K. Nelson, Brookville, Md. [1890]
W. N. Nevin, Lancaster, Pa. [1892]
William Wells Newell, Cambridge, Mass. [1907]
Amalie Ida Fbances Nix, St. Paul, Minn. [1913]
CoNBAD H. Nobdbt, Coll^c of the City of New York, New York,
N. Y. [1900]
Fbanoesoo Nov ATI, University of Milan, Italy [1916]
Digitized by
Google
Clxxziy MODBBN ULNGUAGS ASSOOIATIOIT
Fbdxkbiok Cubbt Obtbaudxb, Uniyersity of TexMS, Aastin, Tex.
[1013]
C. P. Otib, MassachuBetto Institate of Teohnologyy Boston^ Mbjb.
[1888]
Qaston Pabis, Coll^ de France, Paris, France [1903]
W. H. PKBKUfBON, Uniyersity of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.
[1808]
Hkbbebt T. Polahd, Harvard UnirerBity, Cambridge, MasB. [1906]
Samuel Pobtkb, Qallaudet College, Kendall Green, Waahington,
D. C. [1901]
Feanobs BoABDMAif Squibb Pottbb, UniTcrsity of Minnesota, llln-
neapolis, Minn. [1914]
Mubbat Anthokt Pottbb, Harvard University, Cambridge, MasB.
[1915]
F. ToBK PowKLL, University of Oxford, Oxford, England [1904]
Rsinft DB PoTKZf-BBLUSLB, University of Chicago, Chicago, IlL
[1900]
Thomas R. Pbics, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [1903]
Stlvbbteb Pbimbb, University of Texas, Austin, Tex. [1912]
EuoEN Reinhabd, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. [1914]
Lewib a. Rhoadbb, Ohio State University, Columbus, O. [1910]
HBiniT B. BiCHABDSON, Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. [1906]
Chabubb H. Boss, Agricultural and Mechanical College, Auburn,
Ala. [1900]
Ouvb Rumbst, Westfleld, N. T. [1912]
Mabt J. T. Sauhdkbb, Randolph-Macon Woman's College, College
Paik, Va. [1914]
M. BoHtsLK Db Vebb, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.
[1898]
Jakob Sohipfeb, University of Vienna [1915]
Ebigh Schmidt, University of Berlin [1913]
0. SBn>BN8nGKKB, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
[1894]
Jambs W. Shebidan, College of the City of New York, New York,
N. Y. [1902]
Walteb William Skeat, University of Cambridge, England [1912]
Max Sohbaueb, New York, N. Y. [1890]
GiXN Habwood Spanolbb, Harvard University, Cambridge. Mass.
[1916]
Cablo ]jBoi?abdo Sfebanza, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
[1911]
F. R. Stewgel, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. [1890]
Oabltdit Beeoheb Stbtbon, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vt.
[1912]
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OABOinns 6TB0NG, Portland, Ore. [1908]
Hebmanh SuomsB, University of Halle-Wlttenberg [1014]
Henbt Sweet, Oxford, England [1012]
Fbedebiok Hbnby Sykbs, Cambridge, Mass. [1017]
H. TALLiOHEr, Austin, Tex. [1804]
Adoxj* Tobleb, University of Berlin [1010]
BuDOLP ToKBO, Jb., Columbia University, New York, N. T. [1014]
HiBAH Albebt Yanob, University of Nashville, Nashville, Tenn.
[1006]
E. L. Walteb, University of liiohigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. [1808]
Kabl Weinhold, University of Berlin [1001]
Cabia Wenokebaoh, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. [1002]
HdLftNB Wenckebach, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass. [1888]
Maboabet M. Wickham, Adelphi College, Brooklyn, N. Y. [1808]
R. H. WnuB, Chatham, Va. [1000]
Edwik Campbell Woollet, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
[1016]
Chablbs F. Wogdb, liehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. [1012]
RICBL4BD Paxtl Wt^LBXB, University of Leipzig [1010]
Casihib Zdaitowicz, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. [1880]
JuLnni ZuFiTZA, University of Berlin [1805]
[145]
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INDEX
Paob
Procedings of the Thirty^ourth Annual Meeting of the
Modem Language Association of America, held under
the auspices of Princeton University, at Princeton, K.
J., and of the Twenty-second Annual Meeting of the
Central Division of the Association, held at Chicago,
Illinois, under the auspices of the University of Chicago
and of Northwestern University, December 27, 28, 29,
1016.
Letter of Invitation, iii
Report of the Secretary, iii
Report of the Tresurer, iv
Appointment of Committees, vi
Articles of Agreement between the Modern Language Asso-
ciation of America and the Philological Association of
the Pacific Coast, vi
Proposed Addition to Article HI of Constitution, • • viii
1. The Dramas of George Henry Boker. By Abthub Hob-
son QuiNW, - - - ^ - - - - ix
2. The Literary Criticism of John Wilson. By Cabbib
Anna Habpeb, ix
3. Der Unterschied in Schillers imd Slants Auffassung von
der Ethik, dargelegt aus ihren Werken. By Anton
Affelmann, ix
4. The Analytic Syntax and Some Problems of Germanic
Philology. By Alezandeb Gbeen, .... x
5. The IngSnu of Voltaire. By Shibley Gale Pattebson, x
Address of Welcom. By President John Gbieb Hibben, - x
Address by the President of the Association:
'^Recent Educational Tendencies." By James Douo-
LAB Bbuob, X
Report of the Committee on the Reproduction of Erly Texts, xi
Report of the Committee on the Collegiate Training of
Teachers of Modem Foren Languages, ... xi
Resolutions on Teaching the Mother Tung by a Fonetic
Method, xii
clxxxyii
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dxxxviii index
Report of the Auditing Committee, xiii
6. Bir Perceval and the Boyish E»ploit9 of Fnm. Bj Rot
Bbnnstt Paok, xiii
7. The Return to Nature in England of the Eighteenth
Century. By Cbcul A. Moobb, .... xiii
8. Accentual Structure of Isolable EngliBh Phrases. By
Fbkd Newton Scott, xiii
9. Toung Germany In its Relations to Great Britain. By
John White, xir
10. The Attitude of the Augustans towards Milton. By
Raymond D. Havens, xir
11. Poetry of the Cow Camp and the Cattle Trail. By Jobn
A. LOMAZ, xiv
Meeting of the Concordance Society, xir
12. Notes BUT un domaine inexplortf de recherches. By Al-
BEBT SouiNZ, -- xir
13. The Theme of Death in Paradiee Loet. By John
Ebskinb, XT
14. The graoioeo in the plays of Lope de Vega. By AN<nLO
LiPABI, XT
16. "According to the Decorum of these Dales." By David
Klein, - xt
16. The Genesis of Ruy Blae. By H. Cabbington Lan>
0A8TEB, -.-.--.-- xri
17. Allegories of Courtly Love in the Pastoral Comedies of
Lyly. By Pbbct W. Long, .... xvi
Meeting of the American Dialect Society, .... xvi
Report of the Committee on Nominations, - - - xvii
Resolution of Thanks, xvii
Elections to Honorary Membership in the Association, - xviii
18. Three Phases of English Poetry. By Whuak Eixqey
Lbonabd, xix
19. The Marriage Group in the Oanierhury Tdlee. By Hknbt
Babbbtt Hinoklet, xix
20. Friedrich Lienhards Literaturbetrachtung. By Fbibd-
BIOH SOHOENEMANN, xlx
21. The Fable as a Poetic Chnre in English. By M. Ell-
wood Smith, xx
22. Richard Wagner and the German Philologists. By
Paul R. Pope, xx
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INDEX dxxxix
23. The Legend of Si. Wulfhad and St RuJSbi at Stone
Priory. By Qobdon Hall Gebould, ... xx
24. Maupassant's Sources. By Olin H. Moobb, - - zxi
25. Shakespeare and the Censor of Great Britain. By Bvkbt
MCSDBOAI ClABK, ....... Tr\
26. The Development of Brief Narratiye in Modem French
literature: a statement of the Problem. By Hora-
tio E. SidXH, - - - xxi
27. French Literature and Sci^ce. By William H.
QoHxaixi, ^....... xzi
Papers red by title, -----.-- xxil
Merteng ov ths Central Division
Sessions, attendance^ and reports, zxix
Report of the Secretary, zzx
1. Historical Poetry of the Hundred Tears' War. By
Hbnry Raticond Brush, zzx
2. The Ballads of '* Schir Qinkertoun " and *' Schir Andro
Wode." By Charles Read Baseervill^ - -rrri
3. Cervantes in Germany. By Oscar Burkhard, - - zzzi
4. Claramonte's Defiie Agua no heher4 and Lope's Eairella
de BwUla, By Edgar a Ingrahah, - - - zzzi
6. Poe and the Oritio: The first English publication of The
Raven, By Lewis Chase, zzzi
6. The B^^nnings of Poetry. By Louise Pound, - - zzzii
7. Goethe and Marlowe. By Otto Heller, - - - zzzii
Address of the Chairman of the Central Division:
"Scholarship as a Bond of International Union." By
William Henry Hulmb, -mtW
Appointment of Committees, zzziv
8. From Don Garoie to Le Miaanthrope. By Casimir
Zdanowioz, zzziv
9. A New Version of the Peregrimu, By Karl Toung, - zzziv
10. The Value of the Old English Ritten Record as Lin-
guistic Evidence. By Jambs Finoh Royster, - zzziv
11. Anthero de Quental, a victim of le mal du eiMe. By E.
W. Olmsted,
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cxc
imysx
12. Traces of the Wftrs of Liberation in the Seocmd Part of
Goethe's Fauat. By Julius Goebml, -
13. Sources of Rlvas' El moro eapdsito: Some SuggesticmB
of Sir Walter Scott. By Abthub L. Owkit, -
Departmental Meetings,
English:
14. Freshman English Once More. By Fbedebigk A. MAjs-
0HESTE8, ---------
(Germanic Languages:
15. Some Questions in Regard to Graduate Work in German.
By Edwaed Hbnby Laueb, xzxri
16. Translation in the Classroom. By Bayabd Quinot
MOBQAN, zzzvii
17. Die Technik der direkten Methode. By A. Esnkqott, xxzvii
18. The Correlation of Scandinayian Courses with the Work
of Other Departments. By Geobgb T. Func, - zzzriii
Romance Languages:
19. Preparation for College Work in Languages: A Com*
parison of Conditions in the East and in the Ididdle
West. By Kenneth MoEbnzib, .... «««!«
20. The Direct Method: Simunary of tiie Results in a Quei-
tionn<Ure Addrest to One Hundred and Forty Mem-
bers of the Modem Language Association. By
Mark Skidmobb, xl
21. Practical Fonetics in Elementary French. By A. Cole-
man, .,---. ^ - - - xl
22. A Standard Course for First-Year College French. By
Babby Cebf, xl
23. A Standard Course for First-Year Spanish. By John D.
Fitz-Gerald, - xli
Appointment of Committees, ...... xli
Report of the Executiv Committee, xlii
Discussion of Methods of Improving the Program, - - xliii
Report of the Nominating Committee, .... xliy
Honorary Membership, xliv
24. A Problem in the Interpretation of Dante. By Ejen-
NETH McEeNZIB, .-.--.. xIt
26. Concerning the Ritings of the Jena Burchenschafter and
American Fysiclan, Robert Wesselhoeft. By Stabs
WiLLABD CUTTINO, xIt
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INDEX
OXCl
26. The Wonder-flower That Came to St. Brendan. By
Abthub C. L. Bbown, xlv
27. Hints of the Social Drama of Dumas fils and Augier in
the Plays of Scribe. By Charles Edmund Youno, xlvi
28. Lessing's Feeling for Classic Rhythm. By Jahss Taft
Hatfield, xlvi
Resolution of Thanks, xlvi
29. Notes on Some Plays of Shakespeare in the Light of
Their Cronology. By Robert Adgeb Law, - - xlvii
30. EmiUa Oaloiti in Goethe's Werther. By Ebnst Fbise, xlvii
31. Voltaire and Optimism. By A. Coleman, - - xlvii
32. The Place of Boissy's Francois d Londrea in the Develop-
ment of French Thought in the Eighteenth Cen-
tury. By C. F. Zeek, Jr., - - ^ - - xlvii
33. Ziele und Aufgaben der neuhochdeutschen Sprachfor-
schung. By Ernst Voss, xlviii
34. The Development of Shelley's Views on Religion between
1813 and 1818. By S. F. Ginoerioh, - - - xlviii
35. The Relation between the Plays of Benavente and His
Dramatic Criticism. By John Van Horne, - xlviii
36. A Kew Viewpoint of Grillparzer's Das goldene Vliess,
By Heinbioh C. Ekidel, xlix
Papers Red by Title, xlix
Address of the President of the Association:
" Recent Educational Tendencies." By James Douglas
Bruce, Ivii
Address of the Chairman of the Central Division:
"Scholarship as a Bond of International Union." By
William Hbnrt Hulmb, Ixxviii
Constitution of the Association, ci
Officers of the Association, cv
Acts of the Executiv Council, cvii
Members of the Association, ....... ^viii
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