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PUBLICATIONS 


NARRAGANSETT    CLUB. 


{First  Series.) 

Volume     I . 


-".'•rr;  -r 


PROVIDENCE.    R.    I. 


MDCCCLXVl. 


^^ 


SUBSCRIBERS    EDITION. 


TWO   HUNDRED  COPIES. 


Entered   according   to   an  Aft    of    Congrefs,   in   the   year    1866, 
By   George  Taylor  Paine, 

FOR      THE      NARRAGANSETT      CLUB, 

In  the  Clerli's  Office   of  the   Diftrift   Court  of  the  United   States 
for  the  Diftrift  of  Rhode  Island. 


Providence  Prefs  Co.,  Printers. 


The  members  of  the  Narragansett  Club  defire  it  to 
be  underftood,  that  they  are  not  anlwerable  for  any  opinions 
or  obfervations  that  may  appear  in  their  pubhcations ;  the 
Editors  of  the  feveral  works  being  alone  refponlible  tor  the 
fame. 


V 


publishers'  preface. 


In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  for  the  public,  the 
Narragansett  Club  have  endeavored,  as  far  as  their  plan 
of  publication  and  other  circumftances  would  permit,  to 
reproduce  accurate  fac-Jimiles  of  the  original  editions. 

Delirous  of  preferving  the  written  thoughts,  and  in  a 
meafure  of  promulgating  the  opinions  of  the  founders  of 
Rhode  Illand,  they  have  endeavored  to  lighten  the  labors  of 
the  hiftorian  and  at  the  fame  time  fatisfy  the  faftidioufnefs 
of  any  bibliophilite. 

By  reftridling  the  publication  to  a  limited  edition  they  feel 
that  they  have  added  a  permanency  to  their  works,  which 
would  not  have  been  fecured  by  a  popular  and  cheaper 
edition,  the  reduction  in  coft  lelfening  alfo  the  inducements 
to  prefervation. 

Two  of  the  trafts  contained  in  this  volume  are  of  that 
controverfial  chara6ter  common  to  the  publications  of  our 
early  colonial  period.  The  "Letter"  of  "  Mafter  Cotton," 
though  not  ftridily  to  be  included  in  the  Narraganfett  Biblio- 
graphy, has  been  reprinted,  to  avoid  any  appearance  of  par- 


VI.  PUBLISHERS    PREFACE. 

tiality,  and  to  allow  the  arguments  of  the  two  celebrated 
divines  to  be  fairly  weighed.  The  reply  of  Mr.  Cotton  will 
be  found  in  the  fecond  volume. 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Club  provides  for  a  complete 
index  at  the  end  of  each  feries  of  their  publications.  The 
numbers  at  the  inner  upper  corners  conftitute  the  confecutive 
pagination  of  the  volume.  Thofe  on  the  outer  corners  are 
for  the  feparate  tradls.  The  page  numbers  of  the  original 
editions  are  included  in  brackets. 

November,  1866. 


CONTENTS. 


Biographical  Introduction.         .         .         .         . 

By  Reuben  Aldridge  Guild,  A.  M. 

Key  into  the  Language  of  America.  . 

Edited  by  James  Hammond  Trumbull,  A.  M. 

Letter  of  Mr.  John  Cotton.   .    .    .    . 
Mr.  Cotton's  Letter  Examined  and  Answered.  . 

Edited  by  Reuben  Aldridge  Guild,  A.  M. 


PAGE. 
I 

6i 

285 
313 


A 


Biographical   Introduction 


WRITINGS  OF  ROGER  WILLIAMS, 


Reuben  Aldridge  Guild. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  INTRODUCTION. 


OGER  WILLIAMS,  fays  Profeffor  Ger- 
vinus,  in  his  recent  Introduction  to  the 
History  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,' 
founded,  in  1636,  "a  fmall  new  fociety  in 
Rhode  liland,  upon  the  principles  of  entire 
liberty  of  confcience,  and  the  uncontrolled 
power  of  the  majority  in  fecular  concerns. 
The  theories  of  freedom  in  church  and  ftate, 
taught  in  the  fchools  of  philofophy  in  Europe,  were  here 
brought  into  pradlice  in  the  government  of  a  fmall  commu- 
nity. It  was  prophefied  that  the  democratic  attempts  to 
obtain  univerfal  fuffrage,  a  general  eledtive  franchife,  annual 
parliaments,  entire  religious  freedom,  and  the  Miltonian 
right  of  fchifm,  would  be  of  fhort  duration.  But  thefe  infti- 
tutions  have  not  only  maintained  themfelves  here,  but  have 
fpread  over  the  whole  union.  They  have  fuperfeded  the 
ariftocratic  commencements  of  Carolina  and  of  New  York, 
the  high-church  party  in  Virginia,  the  theocracy  in  Mafla- 
chufetts,  and  the  monarchy  throughout  America  ;  they  have 
given  laws  to  one  quarter  of  the  globe,  and,  dreaded  for  their 
moral  influence,  they  fland  in  the  back-ground  of  every 
democratic  ftruggle  in  Europe." 

1  Tranflated  from  the  German.   Poll  8vo.   Lond.   H.  G.  Bohn.    1853,  page  65. 


4  BIOGRAPHICAL  [4 

The  quotation  which  we  have  here  introduced,  taken 
from  the  work  of  a  diftinguirtied  European  fcholar  and 
ftatefman,  is  a  juft  tribute  to  Roger  Williams,  as  the  founder 
of  a  democratic  form  of  government  in  the  new  world. 
Nearly  two  centuries  have  now  elapfed  fince  he  palfed  from 
earth.  His  name  throughout  New  England  has  become  a 
houfehold  word,  and  everywhere  he  is  regarded  as  the  great 
apoftle  of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  But  no  monument 
has  ever  been  eredled  to  his  memory  ;  — no  "  ftoried  urn" 
or  fculptured  marble  points  the  ftranger  to  his  iinal  refting 
place,  or  commemorates  in  fitting  terms  his  virtues  and  his 
deeds.  Even  his  publilhed  works,  embodying  the  principles 
which  have  changed  public  opinion  and  revolutionized 
fociety,  have,  from  their  excelhve  rarity,  almofl:  ceafed  to 
be  extant.  The  ftudent  fearches  in  vain  for  their  titles  in 
the  catalogues  of  our  public  libraries,  while  the  very  exift- 
ence  of  moft  of  them  is  ignored  in  our  ordinary  biblio- 
graphical didlionaries  and  manuals. 

Within  a  comparatively  recent  period,  complete  copies  of 
the  original  editions  of  his  works  have  been  collected  in  the 
city  which  he  founded,  and  where  he  fpent  the  greater  part  of 
his  life.  They  now  grace  the  library  (helves  of  a  well  known 
merchant,  diftinguifhed  for  his  zeal  and  enterprife  in  matters 
of  this  kind  ;  and  they  enrich  the  literary  treafures  of  the 
Univerfity,  which  overlooks  "the  fpot  where  the  wandering 
exile  pitched  his  tent."  To  reproduce  thefe  works  in  an 
enduring  form,  and  thus  tranfmit  them  to  pofterity,  together 
with  his  colledted  letters,  now  fcattered  about,  or  publirtied 
in  various  hiftorical  feries  or  volumes,  is  furely  an  under- 
taking worthy  of  the  attention  of  the  fons  of  Rhode  Ifland. 
We  enter  upon  the  editorial  duties  of  the  talk  to  which  we 
are  invited  with   many   mifgivings,   confcious  of  imperfedt 


s] 


INTRODUCTION. 


qualifications,  and  burdened  with  profeffional  labors  and 
cares,  yet  cherifhing  the  hope  that  our  humble  endeavors  to 
perpetuate  the  name  of  the  founder  ot  the  State,  will  be 
received  with  favor  by  a  generous  public. 

The  life  of  Williams  has  been  fully  illuftrated  by  his 
biographers,  and  by  the  various  hiftorians  ot  the  period  in 
which  he  lived.  Knowles,  in  his  comprehenfive  "Memoir," 
publilhed  in  1834,  Gammell,  in  his  very  readable  "Life," 
publidied  ten  years  later,  Underbill,  in  his  "  Biographical 
Introduction  "  to  the  "  Bloudy  Tenent,"  republiihed  by  the 
"Hanferd  Knollys  Society"  in  1848,  Elton,  in  his  excellent 
"Life,"  publiflied  in  1852,  Staples,  in  his  "Annals  of  Provi- 
dence," and  Arnold,  in  his  elaborate  "  Hiftory  of  Rhode 
Illand,"  have  placed  on  record  nearly  all  that  we  can  now 
probably  know  of  the  perfonal  hiftory  of  this  diftinguifhed 
man.  The  compiling,  therefore,  of  a  brief  fketch  of  the 
leading  events  in  his  remarkable  career,  will  be  compara- 
tively an  eafy  tafk.  In  doing  this  we  gratefully  acknowledge 
our  indebtednefs  to  our  predecefTors,  and  freely  avail  our- 
felves  of  their  labors. 

According  to  the  traditions  that  have  been  preferved  con- 
cerning him,  Roger  Williams  was  born  in  the  year  1599,' 
in  an  obfcure  country  parifti,  amid  the  mountains  of  Wales. 


I  This  is  the  date  given  by  all  the 
biographers  of  Williams  except  Dr. 
Elton,  who  is  of  the  opinion  that  he  was 
born  in  1606.  This  latter  date,  how- 
ever, hardly  agrees  with  an  expreffion 
made  by  Williams  himfclf,  in  a  letter 
dated  July  21,  1679,  ^vhich  we  find  pub- 
lifhed  in  Backus's  Hiftory  ot"  New  Eng- 
land, (vol.  I,  page  421.)  "  Being  now," 
he  fays,  "near  to  fourlcore  years  of  age." 
He  would  hardly  have  ufed  this  expref- 
fion had  he  been  but  feventy-three  years 
old.      In    a  letter    to    John   Winthrop, 


written  in  1632,  he  ftates  that  he  had 
been  "  perfecuted  in  and  out  of"  his 
"  father's  houfe  thefe  twenty  years  ;" 
and  alfo,  if  we  rightly  interpret  his  mean- 
ing, that  he  was  at  the  time  of  writing  the 
above,  "  upwards  of  thirty  years  "  of  age. 
Adopting  Dr.  Elton's  date,  he  would  at 
this  time  have  been  but  twenty-fix  years 
old.  —  See  Elton's  Life,  pp.  9-13  ;  alfo 
Arnold's  Hiftory  of  Rhode  Ifland,  vol. 
I,  pp.  47-50,  and  Mafs.  Hift.  Collec- 
tions, 4th  feries,  vol.  6,  pp.  184-5. 


6  BIOGRAPHICAL  [6 

No  allufion  to  his  parents,  fo  far  as  we  know,  is  found  in 
any  of  his  writings  ;  but  he  has  left  on  record  a  lingle  fadt 
refpediing  his  early  years,  which,  from  the  want  of  other 
information,  is  of  great  value.  In  the  laft  of  his  publiHied 
works,  "  George  Fox  digg'd  out  of  his  Burrowes,"  he  fays, 
"  From  my  childhood,  now  about  three  fcore  years,  the 
father  of  lights  and  mercies  toucht  my  foul  with  a  love  to 
himfelf,  to  his  only  begotten,  the  true  Lord  Jefus,  to  his 
holy  Scriptures,  &c."  It  is  evident,  from  this  paffage,  taken 
in  connexion  with  other  circumftances,  that  his  parents 
were  religious,  and  that  he  was  brought  up  by  them  in  the 
fear  of  God,  and  taught  to  ftudy  and  reverence  the  Bible  as 
the  book  of  books,  and  the  only  foundation  for  religious 
belief  and  pradlice. 

From  his  birthplace  in  Wales,  we  trace  him  to  London, 
where  his  remarkable  fkill  as  a  reporter  gained  him  the 
favorable  notice  ot  the  firft  lawyer  ot  the  age.  In  a  note 
appended  by  Mrs.  Sadleir,  the  daughter  ot  Sir  Edward  Coke, 
to  one  of  Williams's  letters  to  herfelf,  (he  fays :  "  This  Roger 
Williams,  when  he  was  a  youth,  would,  in  a  fhort-hand, 
take  fermons  and  fpeeches  in  the  Star  Chamber,  and  prefent 
them  to  my  dear  father.  He,  feeing  fo  hopeful  a  youth, 
took  fuch  liking  to  him  that  he  fent  him  to  Sutton's  Hofpi- 
tal."'  It  was  a  propitious  circumftance  that  rendered  the 
author  of  the  "  Bill  of  Rights,"  and  the  defender  of  the 
Commons,  a  benefactor  of  the  youth  deftined  to  become 
the  advocate  of  free  principles  in  the  new  world. 

The  records  of  Sutton's  Hofpital,  London,  —  now  called 
the  Charter  Houfe  —  furnifli,  fays  Elton,  no  other  particulars 
than  the  following:  "That  Roger  Williams  was  eled:ed  a 
fcholar    of  that    Inftitution    June    25,    1621,  and    that  he 

t   Elton,  page  io8. 


7] 


INTRODUCTION. 


obtained  an  Exhibition  July  9,  1624."  This  magnificent 
inftitution  was  founded  by  Sir  Thomas  Sutton,  the  wealth- 
iefl  merchant  of  his  day,  in  161 1,  as  an  Hofpital,  Chapel 
and  School ;  which  Fuller  calls  "the  mafterpiece  of  Protef- 
tant  Englifh  charity."  It  is  under  the  diredlion  of  fixteen 
Governors,  who  generally  comprife  the  leading  officers  of 
State.  The  peniioners  of  the  Hofpital  are  eighty  in  number, 
who  each  have  a  feparate  apartment,  with  proper  attendance, 
and  are  allowed  about  twenty-five  pounds  a  year  for  clothes, 
&c.  The  number  of  its  fcholars  is  torty-four.  They  receive 
an  excellent  education,  as  the  many  diftinguiflied  men  it  has 
fent  forth,  from  the  beginning  down  to  the  prefent  time, 
may  teftify.  Thefe  fcholars,  when  properly  qualified,  are 
fent  to  the  Univerfity,  where  twenty-nine  exhibitions,  of  the 
value  of  eighty  pounds  per  annum,  are  provided  for  their 
fpecial  benefit.' 

Upon  the  completion  of  his  preparatory  ftudies  Williams 
was  admitted  to  one  of  the  Univerfities,  but  whether  Oxford 
or  Cambridge  cannot  now  be  pofitively  afcertained.  Dr.  Elton 
endeavors  to  fhow,  from  the  records  of  the  former  Univer- 
fity, that  he  was  entered  at  Jefus  College,  April  30,  1624. 
The  age,  however,  eighteen,  as  given  in  the  records  quoted, 
does  not  agree  with  the  generally  acknowledged  date  of  his 
birth.  Wood,  in  his  "  Athenae  Oxonienfes,"  fays,  moreover, 
"  But  of  what  Univerfity  the  faid  Williams  was,  if  of  any,  I 
know  not."  In  the  abfence  of  all  pofitive  evidence,  it 
might  be  thought  more  probable  that  he  received  his  edu- 
cation at  Cambridge,  where  Coke  himfelf  graduated,  and 
where,  indeed,  Puritan  fentiments  found  a  more  congenial 
home.^    Arnold,  in  his  hiftory  of  Rhode  Ifland,  is  decided 

I  Knight's  London,  vol.  2,  pp.    113-        '  Dyer's  Hiftoryofthe  Univerfity  and 
132.  Colleges  of  Cambridge,  vol.  2. 


8  BIOGRAPHICAL  [8 

on  this  point.  From  perfonal  inveftigations,  as  he  ftates,  he 
is  fatisfied  that  Williams  was  matriculated  a  peniioner  of 
Pembroke  College,  July  7,  1625,  and  that  he  took  the 
degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  January,  1626."  The  evidence 
adduced  in  fupport  of  this,  to  our  mind  at  leaft,  appears  con- 
cluiive.  That  he  received  a  liberal  and  thorough  education, 
according  to  the  tafte  of  that  early  period,  when  logic  and 
the  claffics  were  the  principal  ftudies  purfued,  his  publifhed 
writings  and  his  letters  abundantly  Ihow. 

Mr.  Williams  now  commenced  the  ftudy  of  the  law 
under  the  guidance  of  his  illuftrious  patron.  The  provi- 
dence of  God  may  here  be  feen  in  thus  leading  his  mind  to 
an  acquaintance  with  thofe  principles,  which  were  to  be  fo 
ufeful  to  him  in  future  lite,  as  the  legillator  of  an  infant 
colony.  He  foon,  however,  relinquiflied  this  purfuit  and 
entered  upon  the  ftudy  of  theology ;  a  fludy  which,  to  a 
heart  and  mind  like  his,  polfelfed  fuperior  attradlions.  He 
was  admitted  to  orders  in  the  ertablilhed  church,  and 
aflumed,  it  is  faid,  the  charge  of  a  parilh,  probably  in  the 
diocefe  of  the  excellent  Dr.  Williams,  then  Bifhop  of  Lin- 
coln, who,  as  is  well  known,  winked  at  the  Nonconformifts 
and  Puritans,  and  fpoke  with  keennei's  againft  fome  of  the 
ceremonies  inaugurated  by  James  and  his  advifers.  For  this 
he  was  afterwards  compelled  to  relign  the  feals  of  which  he 
was  Lord  Keeper,  and  at  length  he  was  fined,  fufpended  and 
imprilbned."  It  was  during  this  period  that  Williams  became 
acquainted  with  the  leading  emigrants  to  America ;  and  he 
appears  to  have  been  very  decided  even  then  in  his  oppofi- 
tion  to  the  liturgy,  the  ceremonies,  and  the  hierarchy  of  the 
eflablilhed  church.  In  his  "  Bloudy  Tenent  yet  more 
Bloudy,"  he  fays  :   "  Mafler  Cotton  may  call  to  mind  that 

1    Vol.  I,  pp.  47-50.  3   Marfden's  Early  Puritans,  p.  386. 


9] 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  difcufTer,  riding  with  himfelf  and  one  otherof  precious 
memory,  Mafter  Hooker,  to  and  from  Sempringham,  pre- 
fented  his  arguments  from  Scripture,  why  he  durlt  not  join 
with  them  in  their  ufe  of  Common  Prayer."  This  was  the 
celebrated  John  Cotton,  of  Bofton,  who  afterwards  became 
the  great  antagonift  of  WilHams  in  the  difculfion  of  matters 
pertaining  to  freedom  of  confcience.  It  is  probable  that  it 
was  upon  the  fubject  of  the  grievances  of  the  Puritans,  that 
he  had  the  interview  with  the  King,  of  which  he  fpeaks 
in  his  letter  to  Major  Mafon. 

The  year  1630  forms  an  era  in  the  hiftory  of  New  Eng- 
land. The  infatuated  Charles  had  decided  on  autocratic 
rule,  and  the  utterance  of  the  moft  arbitrary  principles  from 
the  pulpits  of  the  court  clergy  was  encouraged.  Docflrines 
subverfive  of  popular  rights  were  freely  taught,  and  the 
fermons  containing  them  were  publiflied  at  the  King's 
fpecial  command.'  Laud  had  recently  been  placed  in  the 
See  of  London,  and  the  temper  of  his  party  had  become  more 
perfecuting,  angry  and  exclulive.''  With  zeal  and  bitter 
hate  he  fought  to  extirpate  Puritanifm  from,  the  Church. 
The  Calvinillic  interpretation  of  the  articles  was  condemned, 
and  Davenant,  the  learned  and  exemplary  Bilhop  of  Salis- 
bury, was  fummoned  before  the  Privy  Council  for  maintain- 
ing the  dodtrines  of  predeftination,  in  a  fermon  which  he 
had  preached  before  his  Majefty  at  Whitehall.  Hall,  too, 
the  pious  and  eloquent  Bifliop  of  Exeter,  author  of  "Medi- 
tations upon  the  Old  and  New  Teftaments,"  which  ftill  con- 
ftitute  a  houfehold  volume,  was  llandered  and  difgraced  for 
his  want  ot  obfequioulhefs  to  the  Laudian  party.  The  Puri- 
tans were  Calvinifts,  while  the  Churchmen  were  Arminians  ; 
and,  as  if  to  give  the  former  proofs  of  the  lengths  to  which 

I   Underhill,  p.  8.  =  Marfden's  Early  Puritans,  p.  383. 

2 


lO 


BIOGRAPHICAL  [lO 


the  perfecuting  Bifliop  and  his  party  were  prepared  to  go, 
Alexander  Leighton,  a  Scotch  phylician  and  divine,  and 
father  of  the  celebrated  Archbifhop  of  Glafgow,  for  his 
"Plea  againft  Prelacy,"  was,  in  November  of  the  previous 
year,  committed  to  prifon  for  life,  by  the  High  Commiflion; 
degraded  trom  his  miniftry ;  lined  £10,000;  whipped, 
pilloried,  his  ears  cut  off,  his  nofe  flit,  and  his  face  branded 
with  a  hot  iron.  "Laud,"  fays  Neal,"  "pulled  off  his  cap 
while  this  mercilefs  fentence  was  pronouncing,  and  gave 
God  thanks  for  it."  From  this  ecclefiaftical  and  kingly 
tyranny,  Williams,  with  many  others,  determined  to  flee  to 
America.  On  the  ist  of  December,  accompanied  by  his 
wife  Mary,  a  moft  eftimable  lady,  who,  for  half  a  century, 
fliared  his  changing  fortunes,  he  embarked  at  Briftol,  in  the 
fhip  Lyon,  Captain  William  Peirce.  After  a  very  tempefl- 
uous  paffage  of  nearly  ten  weeks  they  arrived  at  Bofton, 
February  5,  1631. 

"He  was  then,"  fays  the  hiftorian  Bancroft,  "but  little 
more  than  thirty  years  of  age ;  but  his  mind  had  already 
matured  a  dodtrine  which  fecures  him  an  immortality  of 
fame,  as  its  application  has  given  religious  peace  to  the  Amer- 
ican world.  He  was  a  Puritan,  and  a  fugitive  from  English 
perfecution  ;  but  his  wrongs  had  not  clouded  his  accurate 
underftanding  ;  in  the  capacious  receffes  of  his  mind  he  had 
revolved  the  nature  of  intolerance,  and  he,  and  he  alone, 
had  arrived  at  the  great  principle  which  is  its  sole  effe<5lual 
remedy.  He  announced  his  difcovery  under  the  Ample 
propofition  of  the  fanctity  of  confcience.  The  civil  mag- 
-iftrate  fhould  reftrain  crime,  but  never  control  opinion ; 
fhould  punifli  guilt,  but  never  violate  the  freedom  of  the 
foul.   The  dodtrine  contained  within  itfelf  an  entire  reforma- 

I   Hiftory  of  the  Puritans,  vol.  2,   p.   210. 


Il]  INTRODUCTION.  II 

tion  of  theological  jurifprudence :  it  would  blot  from  the 
ftatute-book  the  felony  of  Nonconformity ;  would  quench 
the  fires  that  perfecution  had  fo  long  kept  burning ;  would 
repeal  every  law  compelling  attendance  on  public  worfliip; 
would  abolirti  tithes  and  all  forced  contributions  to  the 
maintenance  of  religion  ;  would  give  an  equal  protection 
to  every  form  of  religious  faith ;  and  never  fuffer  the 
authority  of  the  civil  government  to  be  enlifted  againft  the 
mofque  of  the  Mullulman  or  the  altar  of  the  fire-worfliip- 
per,  againft  the  Jewiili  fynagogue  or  the  Roman  cathedral." 
The  arrival  of  this  "godly  minifter"  is  duly  recorded  by 
Governor  Winthrop  in  his  Journal,"  and  appears  to  have 
occafioned  joy  to  the  churches  of  the  infant  Colony.  Many 
of  the  colonifts  had  known  him  in  England,  and  fo  highly 
did  they  efteem  him  for  his  learning,  piety,  and  gifts,  that 
in  a  few  weeks  he  was  cordially  invited  to  fettle  in  Bofton 
as  teacher,  Mr.  Wilfon  being  about  to  embark  for  home. 
This  flattering  invitation  he  declined.  In  a  letter  to  John 
Cotton,  of  Plymouth,  forty  years  afterwards,  he  fays :  "  Being 
unanimoufly  chofen  teacher  at  Bofton,  before  your  dear 
father  came,  divers  years,  I  confcientioufly  refufed,  and 
withdrew  to  Plymouth,  becaufe  I  durft  not  officiate  to  an 
unfeparated  people,  as  upon  examination  and  conference,  I 
found  them  to  be."^  So  impure  did  he  regard  the  eftab- 
liflied  church,  that  he  would  not  join  with  a  congregation, 
which,  although  driven  into  the  wildernefs  by  its  perfecuting 
fpirit,  retufed  to  regard  its  hierarchy  and  worldly  ceremonies 
as  portions  of  the  abominations  of  Anti-Chrift.  The  cruel- 
ties and  ecclefiaftical  oppreffions,  which  he  had  feen  in  his 

1  Vol.  I,  pp.  41,  42.  thor,  may  be  found   in   the    Proceedings 

2  The   entire    letter,    which   is   very     of  the    Mafs.    Hift.    Soc,    1855-8,  pp. 
interefting,  and  charafteriftic  of  the  au-      313-16. 


12  BIOGRAPHICAL  [l2 

native  land,  aroufed  his  honeft  indignation,  and  made  him, 
it  appears,  a  rigid  Separatift.  He,  therefore,  accepted  an 
invitation  to  Salem,  and  ihortly  entered  upon  his  duties  as 
teacher,  in  place  of  the  learned  and  catholic  Higginfon,  who, 
it  may  be  added,  was  in  feeble  health,  and  in  confequence, 
had  been  laid  aiide  from  active  fervice.  The  church  with 
which  Williams  thus  became  connected  was  the  oldeft  in  the 
Maifachufetts  Colony,  having  been  organized  on  the  6th  of 
Auguft,  1629,  "on  principles,"  lays  Upham,  "of  perfedl  and 
entire  independence  of  every  other  eccleliaftical  body."'  It 
was,  for  this  reafon,  therefore,  eminently  congenial  to  his 
own  independent  and  fearlefs  nature. 

But  immediately  the  civil  authority  interfered  to  prevent 
his  fettlement,  on  the  principle  afterwards  ellablilhed,  that 
"if  any  church,  one  or  more,  Ihall  grow  fchifmatical,  rend- 
ing itfelf  from  the  communion  of  other  churches,  or  Ihall 
walk  incorrigibly  and  obftinately  in  any  corrupt  way  of  their 
own,  contrary  to  the  rule  of  the  word ;  in  fuch  cafe,  the 
magiftrate  is  to  put  forth  his  coercive  power,  as  the  matter 
fliall  require."'  On  the  i  2th  of  April,  fays  Governor  Win- 
throp,  "at  a  Court  holden  at  Bofton,  upon  information  to 
the  Governor,  that  they  of  Salem  had  called  Mr.  Williams 
to  the  office  of  teacher,  a  letter  was  written  from  the  Court 
to  Mr.  Endicott  to  this  effect :  That  whereas  Mr.  Williams 
has  refufed  to  join  with  the  congregation  at  Bofton,  becaufe 
they  would  not  make  a  public  declaration  ot  their  repent- 
ance for  having  communion  with  the  churches  of  England, 
while  they  lived  there  ;  and  belides,  had  declared  his  opinion 
that  the  magiftrate  might  not  punifli  the  breach  of  the 
Sabbath,  nor  any  other  offence  that  was  a  breach  of  the  tirft 

I   Dedication  Sermon  preached  Nov.  2   Mather's  Magnalia,  Book  V,  Chap. 

16,  1826,  p.  52.  xvii. 


13]  INTRODUCTION.  I  3 

table  ;  therefore  they  marvelled  they  would  choofe  him  with- 
out advifing  with  the  Council ;  and  withal  deliring  that  they 
would  forbear  to  proceed  till  they  had  conferred  about  it." 
What  were  the  views  ot  Mr.  Williams  on  the  firlf  of  thefe 
points  cannot  now  perhaps  be  fully  known.  The  Puritans 
of  MaiTachufetts  Bay  had  never  formally  renounced  their 
connection  with  the  Church  of  England.  Though  oppofed 
to  a  portion  of  the  ritual,  and  grieved  at  the  corruptions  of 
the  mother  church,  none  of  them,  up  to  the  period  of  their 
leaving  that  country,  had  become  open  Separatifts ;  while 
fome,  even  at  the  moment  of  their  departure,  had  grate- 
fully acknowledged  themfelves  as  her  children.  Cotton 
Mather  relates  of  Higginfon,  that  when  taking  the  laft 
look  at  his  native  lliore,  in  1629,  he  exclaimed,  "Farewell, 
dear  England !  Farewell,  the  Church  of  God  in  England, 
and  all  the  Chrilfian  friends  there !  We  do  not  go  to  New 
England  as  Separatifts  from  the  Church  of  England,  though 
we  cannot  but  feparate  from  the  corruptions  in  it."'  Win- 
throp  and  his  allociates,  while  on  board  the  fleet  at  Yar- 
mouth, addrefled  a  farewell  letter  to  the  "reft  of  their 
brethren  in  and  of  the  Church  of  England,"  which  is  as 
beautiful  in  diction  as  it  is  admirable  for  its  affectionate 
pathos.''  They  had,  it  is  true,  dilfolved  all  connection  with 
the  church  at  home  by  coming  to  this  country  ;  but  they 
had  never  publicly  teffilied  their  repentance  for  the  previous 
exiflence  of  fuch  a  connection.  Cotton,  who  came  to  Bofton 
in  1633,  and  who  has  been  called  the  "Patriarch  of  New 
England,"  had  been  for  nearly  twenty  years  the  rector  of 
the  ancient  church  of  St.  Botolph's,  "perhaps,"  fays  Palfrey, 
"the    moft    fuperb    parifli    church    in    England;"   and  he 

I   Magnalia,  Book  III,  Part  II,  Chap. I.     Neal's  Hiftory  of  the   Puritans,  Vol.  2, 
1  Hutchinfon.  Vol.  I,  Append.  No.  I.     p.  206. 


14  BIOGRAPHICAL  [14 

remembered  with  pride  and  affection  its  ftately  fervice. 
Many  good  men  confidered  this  conformity  of  the  Puritans 
highly  cenfurable,  tending  to  fanction  the  corruptions  of 
the  EftabUHied  Church,  and  her  cruelties  and  opprelfions. 
It  is  not  furpriling  that  Williams,  having  telt  keenly  the 
intolerance  of  the  hierarchy,  and  being  already  inclined  to 
the  opinions  of  the  Anabaptifts,  who  were  open  and  avowed 
Separatifls,  Ihould  retufe  to  join  with  thofe  who  apparently 
connived  at  the  unfcriptural  requirements  of  the  Church, 
and  yielded  to  her  arrogant  demand  for  ablblute  fub- 
miffion.'  "  My  own  voluntary  withdrawing  from  all  the 
churches  refolved  to  continue  in  perfecuting  the  witnelfes 
of  the  Lord — preienting  light  unto  them — I  confels  it  was 
my  own  voluntary  act ;  yea,  I  hope  the  act  of  the  Lord 
Jefus,  founding  forth  in  me  the  blaft,  which  (liall,  in  his 
own  holy  feafon,  caft  down  the  ftrength  and  confidence  of 
thofe  inventions  of  men."" 

The  main  charge  contained  in  the  allegations  of  the 
Bofton  Court,  the  denial  of  the  power  of  the  magiftrate  to 
punifli  men  for  the  neglect  or  erroneous  performance  of 
their  duties  to  God,  is  one,  which,  at  this  day,  needs  no 
difcuflion.  Time  has  wrought  out  a  triumphant  vindica- 
tion of  the  great  principle,  both  in  this  country  and 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  that  man  is  accountable  to 
his  Maker  alone  for  his  religious  opinions  and  practices. 
On  this  point  we  may  be  allowed  to  quote  the  language  of 
Savage,  in  his  recent  edition  of  Winthrop.'  "All  who  are 
inclined  to  feparate  that  connection  ot  fecular  concerns  with 
the  duties  of  religion,  to  which  moft  governments,  in  all 
countries,  have  been   too  much    difpofed,   will   think  this 

1  Elton.      Page  16.  Anfvvered,  p.  3. 

2  Cotton's  Letter   Examined  and        3  Vol.  I,  p.  63. 


15]  INTRODUCTION.  I5 

opinion  of  Roger  Williams  redounds  to  his  praife.  The 
laws  of  the  firft  table,  or  the  four  commandments  of  the 
decalogue  firft  in  order,  fliould  be  rather  imprelfed  by  early 
education  than  by  penal  enadiments  of  the  legiilature ;  and 
the  experience  of  Rhode  Illand  and  other  States  of  our 
Union  is  perhaps  favorable  to  the  fentiment  of  this  earlieft 
American  reformer.  Too  much  regulation  was  the  error 
of  our  fathers,  who  were  perpetually  arguing  from  analo- 
gies in  the  Levitical  inftitutions,  and  encumbering  them- 
felves  with  the  yoke  of  Jewifli  cuftoms." 

The  church  at  Salem,  with  the  independence  which 
marked  its  origin,  difregarded,  it  appears,  the  meditated 
interference  of  the  General  Court,  and  on  the  i  2th  of  April, 
1 63  I,  the  fame  day  on  which  the  Court  was  held,  received 
Mr.  Williams  as  her  minifter.  "  She  thus,"  remarks  Prof. 
Knowles,  "confulted  her  duty  as  well  as  her  true  interefhs. 
Jel'us  Chrift  is  the  only  King  and  Legiilator  of  his  church. 
He  has  given  her  his  ftatute  book,  and  it  is  as  inconliftent 
with  her  duty,  as  it  ought  to  be  repugnant  to  her  feelings, 
to  permit  any  attempt  to  abridge  the  rights  which  her  Lord 
has  beftowed  on  her.  The  choice  of  her  paftors  and  teachers 
is  one  of  her  moft  facred  rights,  and  moft  important  duties. 
She  is  bound  to  exercife  this  high  privilege,  in  humble 
dependence  on  the  teachings  of  divine  wifdom,  but  with  a 
refolute  refinance  of  attempts,  from  any  quarter,  to  control 
her  election."  It  was  a  violation  of  this  lirfl:  principle  in 
church  organization  and  government  which  caufed  the 
reliftance  of  Williams  to  the  ecclefiaftical  powers,  and  led 
eventually  to  his  banilhment. 

To  the  civil  government  of  the  Colony  Mr.  Williams  was 
willing  to  yield  due  fubmillion,  but  he  could  not  tolerate  its 
interference  in  matters  that   pertained   folely  to   the  con- 


l6  BIOGRAPHICAL  |  1 6 

fcience.  On  the  i8th  of  the  following  May,  the  General 
Court  "ordered  and  agreed  that,  for  the  time  to  come,  no 
man  fhall  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  this  body  politic, 
but  fuch  as  are  members  of  fome  of  the  churches  within 
the  limits  of  the  fame."'  Thus  a  theocracy  was  ellablilhed. 
The  government  belonged  to  the  faints.  They  alone  could 
rule  in  the  commonwealth,  or  be  capable  of  the  exercife  of 
civil  rights.  "Not  only,"  fays  Williams,  "was  the  door  of 
calling  to  magiftracy  (hut  againll:  natural  and  unregenerate 
men,  though  excellently  litted  for  civil  offices,  but  alfo 
againft  the  beft  and  ableft  fervants  of  God,  except  they  be 
entered  into  church  ertate."'  This,  he  further  adds,  "was 
to  pluck  up  the  roots  and  foundations  of  all  common  fociety 
in  the  world,  to  turn  the  garden  and  paradife  of  the  church 
and  faints  into  the  field  of  the  civil  ftate  of  the  world,  and 
to  reduce  the  world  to  the  firft  chaos  or  conHifion."*  This 
unwife  law  the  Colony  afterwards  repealed,  becaufe  it  ren- 
dered church  memberfhip  fubfervient  to  political  objects, 
and  deftroyed  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  government. 
The  fettlement  of  Mr.  Williams  at  Salem  was  of  fliort 
continuance.  Difregardin^  the  wifhes  and  advice  of  the 
authorities  in  calling  him  to  be  their  minilter,  the 
church  had  incurred  the  dilapprobation  of  the  magiftrates, 
and  raifed  a  ftorm  ot  perfecution,  fo  that  for  the  lake  of 
peace,  he  withdrew  before  the  dole  of  fummer,  and  Ibught 
a  refidence  at  Plymouth,  beyond  the  jurifdiction  of  Malfa- 
chufetts  Bay.  Here,  fays  Governor  Bradford,  "  he  was 
freely  entertained  among  us,  according  to  our  poor  ability, 
exercifed  his  gifts  among  us,  and  after  Ibmetime  was  admit- 
ted a  member  of  the  church,  and  his  teaching  well  approved ; 

I   Palfrey's  New  England,  Vol.  i,  p.        2  Bloudy  Tenent  of  Perfecution,  Chap- 
345.  ters  cxv.  and  cxxxvii. 


ly]  INTRODUCTION.  1 7 

for  the  benefit  whereof  I  fhall  blefs  God,  and  am  thankful 
to  him  ever  for  his  Iharpeft  admonitions  and  reproofs,  fo 
far  as  they  agree  with  truth."  The  Pilgrims  who  came 
over  in  the  Mayflower,  had,  from  the  lirft,  manifefted  a 
more  hberal  fpirit  than  the  Puritans  who  fubfequently 
fettled  in  the  Bay.  Before  they  embarked  upon  their  peril- 
ous voyage,  they  had  relided  in  Holland,  and  had  thus 
become  entirely  alienated  from  the  eftablifhed  church  of 
England.  It  is  probable  that,  on  this  account,  the  views  of 
the  Separatifts,  were,  to  fay  the  leal't,  lefs  ofFenfive  to  them, 
than  to  their  brethren  of  Malfachufetts.  Mr.  Williams 
labored  in  the  miniftry  of  the  word  at  Plymouth  two  years; 
but  not,  it  would  I'eem,  without  proclaiming  thofe  princi- 
ples of  freedom,  which  had  already  made  him  an  object  of 
jealoufy.  For,  on  requefting  his  difmiffal  thence  back  to 
Salem  in  the  autumn  of  1633,  we  find  the  Elder,  Mr.  Brew- 
fter,  perfuading  the  Plymouth  church  to  relinquifh  com- 
munion with  him,  left  he  Ihould  "  run  the  lame  courfe  of 
rigid  Separation  and  Anabaptiftry  which  Mr.  John  Smith, 
the  Se-Baptift  at  Amfterdam  had  done."  The  very  men- 
tion, fays  Prof.  Gammell,  of  the  name  of  Anabaptifi  called 
up  a  train  of  phantoms,  that  never  failed  to  excite  the 
apprehenfions  of  the  early  Puritans. 

During  his  refidence  at  Plymouth,  Mr.  Williams  enjoyed 
favorable  opportunities  for  intercourfe  with  the  Indians, 
who  frequently  vifited  that  town.  It  appears,  too,  that  he 
made  excurfions  among  them,  to  learn  their  manners  and 
their  language,  and  thus  to  qualify  himfelf  to  promote  their 
welfare.  His  whole  life  indeed,  furniflies  evidence  of  the 
fincerity  of  his  declaration,  in  one  of  his  letters  :  "  My 
foul's  defire  was,  to  do  the  natives  good."  He  became 
acquainted  with  MafTafoit,  the  Sachem  of  the  Pokanokets, 
3 


l8  BIOGRAPHICAL  |l8 

and  father  of  the  famous  Philip.  He  alfo  formed  an  inti- 
macy with  Canonicus,  the  Narraganfett  Sachem.  He 
fecured  the  confidence  of  thefe  favage  chiefs,  by  acts  of 
kindnefs,  by  prefents,  and,  we  may  add,  by  ftudying 
their  language.  In  a  letter  written  many  years  afterwards, 
he  fays,  "God  was  pleafed  to  give  me  a  painful,  patient 
fpirit,  to  lodge  with  them  in  their  filthy,  fmoky  holes,  even 
while  I  lived  at  Plymouth  and  Salem,  to  gain  their  tongue." 
In  all  this  the  hand  of  Divine  Providence  may  be  clearly 
feen,  in  thus  fitting  him  to  become  an  inllrument  in  eftab- 
lirtiing  a  new  colony,  and  in  preferving  New  England  from 
the  fury  of  the  favages. 

Mr.  Williams  left  Plymouth,  probably  about  the  end  of 
Auguft,  1633,  and  returned  to  Salem  to  refume  his  min- 
ifterial  duties  in  that  place,  as  an  alTiftant  to  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Skelton,  whofe  declining  health  unfitted  him  for  his  work. 
Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Skelton,  in  Augufl,  1634,  he  was 
regularly  ordained  as  his  luccelfor,  notwithllanding  the 
oppofition  of  the  magiftrates.  He  was  highly  popular  as  a 
preacher,  and  the  people  became  ftrongly  attached  to  him 
and  to  his  miniftry.  Among  his  hearers  were  not  a  few  of 
the  members  of  the  church  at  Plymouth,  who,  after 
ineffectual  attempts  to  detain  him  there,  had  transferred 
their  refidence  to  Salem.  The  original  frame  work  of  the 
meeting  houfe  where  he  preached  is  ftill  preferved,  as  an 
object  of  interell  to  the  hiilorian  and  the  antiquary.  Who- 
ever vifits  Plummer  Hall  will  find  in  the  rear  of  that  inili- 
tution,  reffored  as  far  as  poffible  to  its  primitive  condition, 
the  quaint  ftructure,  which,  two  hundred  and  thirty  years 
ago,  refounded  with  the  eloquence  of  the  great  apoltle  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom. 

"  From  the  period  of  Mr.  Williams's  final  fettlement  as 


19]  INTRODUCTION.  IQ 

the  teacher  of  the  church  in  Salem,  may  be  dated,"  fays 
Prof.  Gammell,"  "the  beginning  of  the  controverfy  with 
the  clergy  and  Court  of  Malfachufetts,  which,  at  length, 
terminated  in  his  banifhment  from  the  Colony.  He  was 
furrounded  by  men,  both  in  eccleliaftical  and  civil  life, 
whofe  minds  were,  as  yet,  incapable  of  forming  a  concep- 
tion of  the  great  principle  of  fpiritual  freedom,  which  had 
taken  full  polfelfion  of  his  foul,  and  which  was  now  gradu- 
ally moulding  all  his  opinions,  and,  by  unleen  agencies, 
fliaping  the  deftiny,  which  the  future  had  in  ftore  for  him. 
He  believed  that  no  human  power  had  the  right  to  inter- 
meddle in  matters  of  confcience ;  and  that  neither  Church 
nor  State,  neither  Bifhop  nor  King,  may  prefcribe  the 
fmalleft  iota  of  religious  faith.  For  this,  he  maintained,  a 
man  is  refponlible  to  God  alone." 

"This  principle,  now  fo  familiar  and  well-eftablilhed, 
was,  in  all  its  applications,  entirely  at  variance  with  the 
whole  ftructure  of  fociety  in  the  Colony  of  Malfachufetts ; 
and  every  new  alfertion  of  it  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Williams, 
or  of  any  ot  the  doctrines  which  he  had  connected  with 
it,  was  fure  to  lead  him  into  new  collilion  with  the  author- 
ities. Hence  it  was,  that  every  exprellion  of  his  opinions 
feemed  to  be  herefy,  and  almoft  every  a6l  of  his  life  a  pro- 
teft  againft  the  legillation  and  the  cuftoms  of  the  people 
among  whom  he  lived.  His  preaching  was  faithful,  his 
doftrines  on  all  the  great  elfentials  of  Chriftian  faith  were 
found,  and  his  life  was  of  blamelefs  purity.  Yet  he  was  faft 
falling  beneath  the  ban  both  of  civil  and  eccleiiaftical  pro- 
fcription." 

He  was  "faithfully  and  refolutely  prote6ted,"  fays  Upham,' 

I   Life  of  Roger  Williams,  pp.  38-39.         2  Second  Century  Lecture  of  the  Firft 

Church,  page  43. 


20  BIOGRAPHICAL  [20 

"by  the  people  of  Salem,  through  years  of  perfecution  from 
without ;  and  it  was  only  by  the  perfevering  and  combined 
efforts  of  all  the  other  towns  and  churches  that  his  fepara- 
tion  and  banifliment  were  finally  effected."  *  '•■  "They 
adhered  to  him  long  and  faithfully,  and  flieltered  him  from 
all  affaults.  And  when  at  laft  he  was  fentenced,  by  the 
General  Court,  to  banifliment  from  the  Colony,  on  account 
of  his  principles,  we  cannot  but  admire  the  fidelity  of  that 
friendfliip,  which  prompted  many  of  the  members  of  his 
congregation  to  accompany  him  in  his  exile,  and  partake  of 
his  fortunes,  when  an  outcaft  upon  the  earth." 

Of  the  true  caufes  which  led  to  this  final  refult,  no 
account,  fays  Elton,'  can  be  relied  on  but  that  of  Governor 
Winthrop.  The  other  early  writers  were  fo  infiuenced  by 
prejudice,  that  they  exhibit  a  lamentable  want  o{  impar- 
tiality. Hubbard  remarks,  "They  paffed  a  fentence  of  ban- 
ifliment againft  him,  as  a  difturber  of  the  peace,  both  of  the 
Church  and  Commonwealth."  Cotton  Mather  fays,  "  He 
had  a  windmill  in  his  head."  All  the  minifl:ers  were  con- 
vened at  the  trial  of  Williams,  and  they  were  all  oppofed  to 
his  fentiments.  Hubbard  and  Mather  gathered  their  reports 
from  his  opponents.  Winthrop,  who  wrote  at  the  time, 
has  recorded  the  proceedings  in  his  journal.  His  account 
is  as  follows:  —  "In  April,  1635,  the  Court  fummoned 
Williams  to  appear  at  Bofl:on.  The  occafion  was,  that  he 
had  taught  publicly  that  a  magiftrate  ought  not  to  tender 
an  oath  to  an  unregenerate  man  ;  for  that  we  thereby  have 
communion  with  a  wicked  man  in  the  worfliip  of  God,  and 

I   Pages    27-33.      The     account    here  is    impartial    in  his  ftatements,  and   has 

given  of  the  banifhment  of  Roger  Wil-  availed  himlelf,  as  much  as  poffible,  of 

liams,  we  have  taken  mainly   from   Dr.  the  language  of  his  authorities. 
Elton's  recent  "  Life,"  &c.     The  writer 


21 


] 


INTRODUCTION. 


21 


caufe  him  to  take  the  name  of  God  in  vain.  He  was  heard 
before  all  the  minirters  and  very  clearly  confuted."  Wil- 
liams in  alluding  to  his  trial,  has  given  a  different  verfion 
refpedting  the  force  of  the  arguments  which  he  prefented.' 
It  appears  from  a  paffage  in  the  appendix  to  the  "  Hire- 
ling Miniflry  none  of  Chrift's,"  that  he  conlidered  taking 
an  oath  to  be  an  act  of  worlhip ;  "  that  a  Chriftian  might 
take  one  on  proper  occafions,  though  not  for  trivial  caufes — 
that  an  irreligious  man  could  not  fincerely  perform  this  adl 
of  worlhip  —  and  that  no  man  ought  to  be  forced  to  perform 
this  any  more  than  any  other  ad:  of  worfliip."  His  fingu- 
lar  views  of  the  nature  of  oaths,  it  appears,  were  formed 
before  he  left  England ;  probably  from  having  obferved  the 
light  manner  in  which  they  were  adminiflered  indiltrimi- 
nately  to  the  pious  and  profane.  In  his  reply  to  George 
Fox,  Mr.  Williams  declares,  that  he  has  fubmitted  to  the 
lofs  of  large  lums  "in  the  chancery  in  England,"  rather  than 
yield  to  the  offenlive  formality  of  killing  the  Bible,  holding 
up  the  hand,  &c.,  though  he  did  not  object  to  taking  the 


1  In  his  "  Mr.  Cotton's  Letter  Exam- 
ined and  Anl'wered,"  he  fays  :  — "  After 
my  public  trial  and  anfwers  at  the 
General  Court,  one  of  the  moft  emi- 
nent magillrates,  whofe  name  and  fpeech 
may  bv  others  be  remembered,  flood  up 
and  fpoke  :  'Mr.  Williams,'  faid  he, 
'holds  forth  thefe  four  particulars  ;  Firft, 
that  we  have  not  our  land  bv  patent  from 
the  King,  but  that  the  natives  are  the 
true  owners  of  it,  and  that  we  ought  to 
repent  of  fuch  a  receiving  it  by  patent  ; 
Secondly,  that  it  is  not  lawful  to  call  a 
wicked  perfon  to  fwear,  or  to  prav,  as 
being  actions  of  God's  worlhip ;  Thirdly, 


that  it  is  not  lawful  to  hear  any  of  the 
minillers  of  the  parifh  aflemblies  in  Eng- 
land ;  Fourthly,  that  the  civil  magis- 
trate's power  extends  only  to  the  bodies, 
and  goods,  and  outward  (late  of  men,  &c.' 
I  acknowledge  the  particulars  were  rightly 
fummed  up,  and  I  alfo  hope,  that,  as  I 
then  maintained  the  rocky  ftrength  of 
them  TO  MY  OWN  and  other  con- 
sciences'satisfaction.  Id,  thro^^rf' the 
Lord's  alTillance,  1  (hall  be  ready  for  the 
fame  grounds  not  only  to  be  bound  and 
banifhed,  but  to  die  alfo  in  New  England, 
as  for  mod  holy  truths  ot  God  in  Chrift 
Jefus." 


22  BIOGRAPHICAL  [22 

oath  without  them  ;  and  the  judges,  he  fays,  "told  me  they 
would  reft  in  my  teftimony  and  way  of  fwearing,  but  they 
could  not  difpenfe  with  me  without  an  ad:  of  parliament." 

There  is  reafon  to  believe,  however,  that  Williams's 
offence  refpedling  oaths  conlifted  not  fo  much  in  his  abftraft 
objeftions  to  their  ufe,  as  in  his  oppolition  to  what  is  known 
by  the  name  of  the  "Freeman's  Oath."  "The  magiftrates 
and  other  members  of  the  General  Court,"  fays  Mr.  Cotton, 
"  upon  intelligence  ot  fome  epifcopal  and  malignant  practi- 
ces againft  the  country,  made  an  order  of  Court  to  take 
trial  of  the  fidelity  ot  the  people,  not  by  impofing  upon 
them,  but  by  offering  to  them,  an  oath  of  fidelity,  that  in 
cafe  any  fliould  retufe  to  take  it,  they  might  not  betruft 
them  with  place  of  public  charge  and  command.".'  This 
oath  virtually  transferred  the  obligations  of  allegiance  from 
the  king  to  the  government  of  Malfachufetts.  Mr.  Cotton 
fays  that  the  oath  was  only  offered,  not  impofed ;  but  it  was, 
by  a  fubfequent  acft  of  the  Court,  enforced  on  every  man  of 
fixteen  years  of  age  and  upwards,  upon  the  penalty  of  his 
being  puniflied,  in  cafe  of  refufing  to  take  it,  at  the  difcre- 
tion  of  the  Court."  Mr.  Williams  oppofed  the  oath,  as 
contrary  to  the  charter,  inconfil'tent  with  the  duty  ot  Britifh 
fubjeds,  and  with  his  great  principle  of  unfettered  religious 
liberty.  His  oppofition  was  fb  determined,  that  "the  Court 
was  forced  to  defift  from  that  proceeding." 

The  controverfy  between  Mr.  Williams  and  the  civil  and 
ecclefiaftical  heads  of  the  Colony  was  becoming,  every  day, 
more  violent.  The  magiftrates  enacted  a  law,  requiring 
every  man  to  attend  public  worfliip,  and  to  contribute  to 
its  fupport,  which  was  denounced  by  Williams  as  a  violation 

I   "Tenent  Wafhed,"  pp.  28-29.  '   Backus,  vol.  1,  p.  62. 


23]  INTRODUCTION.  23 

of  natural  rights.  "No  one,"  faid  he,  "fhould  be  bound 
to  maintain  a  worfhip  againft  his  own  confent." 

In  July,  1635,  he  was  again  fummoned  to  Bofton,  to 
anfwer  to  the  charges  brought  againft  him  at  the  General 
Court,  which  was  then  in  feffion.  He  was  accufed  of  main- 
taining the  following  dangerous  opinions  :  —  "  Firft,  That 
the  magiftrate  ought  not  to  punifli  the  breach  of  the  tirft 
table,  otherwife  than  in  fuch  cafes  as  did  difturb  the  civil 
peace.  Secondly,  That  he  ought  not  to  tender  an  oath  to 
an  unregenerate  man.  Thirdly,  That  a  man  ought  not  to 
pray  with  Ibch,  though  wife,  child,  &c.  Fourthly,  That  a 
man  ought  not  to  give  thanks  after  facrament,  nor  after 
meat,  &c."'  The  minifters  were  requefted  by  the  magis- 
trates to  be  prefent  on  this  occalion,  and  to  give  their  advice. 
They  "  profelfedly  declared,"  that  Mr.  Williams  deferved  to 
be  banilhed  from  the  Colony  for  maintaining  the  dodlrine, 
"that  the  civil  magiftrate  might  not  intermeddle  even  to 
ftop  a  church  from  herefy  and  apoftafy ;"  and  that  the 
churches  ought  to  requeft  the  magiftrates  to  remove  him. 

The  tirft  two  of  the  above  charges  we  have  already  con- 
fidered.  The  reader  will  obferve  that  Governor  Winthrop 
has  candidly  acknowledged,  that  Roger  Williams  allowed  it 
to  be  right  for  the  magiftrate  to  puniih  breaches  of  the  tirft 
table,  when  they  difturbed  the  civil  peace  —  a  fact  which 
abundantly  proves  that  he  fully  admitted  the  juft  claims  of 
civil  government. 

The  third  charge  —  admitting  it  to  be  an  accurate  expres- 
fion  of  the  views  which  he  held — fliows  that  he  carried  to 
an  extreme  an  objection  ariting  from  the  praftice  in  Eng- 
land, where  many  who  united  in  the  petitions  in  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  were  notorioully  protligate.''    Williams's 

■   Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  162.  2  Knowles,  p.  69. 


X 


24 


BIOGRAPHICAL 


[24 


own  ftatement  of  the  opinions  he  entertained  on  two  of  the 
above  charges  was,  "that  it  is  not  lawful  to  call  a  wicked 
perfon  to  fwear,  or  to  pray,  as  being  adlions  of  God's  wor- 
fhip.'" 

With  refpedl  to  the  fourth  charge  —  "  that  a  man  ought 
not  to  give  thanks  after  facrament,  nor  after  meat"- — it  may 
be  remarked  that  Roger  Williams,  in  this  opinion,  anticipa- 
ted the  pradlice  of  many  enlightened  ChriiHans  of  the 
prefent  day,  who  confider  it  the  moft  fcriptural. 

It  may  now  almoll:  excite  a  fmile  that  charges  fuch  as 
thefe  fliould  be  brought  againft  a  man  as  crimes,  before  a 
civil  tribunal/  When  Williams  was  fummoned  before  the 
General  Court,  there  is  no  evidence  that  there  was  any 
examination  of  witnelfes,  or  any  hearing  of  counfel.  His 
"opinions  were  adjudged  by  all,  magiftrates  and  minifters, 
to  be  erroneous  and  very  dangerous  ;"  and,  after  long  debate, 
"time  was  given  to  him,  and  the  church  at  Salem,   to  con- 


■   Cotton's  Letter  Examined  and  An- 
fwered.  Chap.  3. 

2  Palfrey,  in  his  recent  "  Hiftorv  of 
New  England, "fays,  "he  was  not  charged 
with  herefy.  The  queftions  which  he 
raifed,  and  by  raifing  which  he  provoked 
oppofition,  were  quellions  relating  to 
political  rights  and  to  the  adminillration 
of  government."  *  *  *  "  For  his 
bufy  difaffeftion  he  was  punifhed,  rather 
he  was  difabled  for  the  mifchief  it  threat- 
ened, by  banidiment  from  the  jurifdic- 
tion."  Vol.  I,  pp.  414  and  418.  To 
every  candid  perfon  it  mull,  we  think, 
be  apparent,  that  the  true  caufe  for  the 
banifhment  of  Williams,  mav  be  found, 
not  in  his  oppofition  to  government,  but 
in  the  great  doftrine  of  which  his  whole 
life  was   an   illuftration,  that  the  civil 


POWER     HAS     NO    JURISDICTION    OVER    THE 

CONSCIENCE.  In  his  "  Mr.  Cotton's  Let- 
ter Examined  and  Anfwered,"  fpeaking 
of  the  corrupt  dodlrines  which  his  oppo- 
nent charged  upon  him,  as  tending  "  to 
the  diilurbance  of  both  civil  and  holy 
peace,"  Williams  fays  :  "  They  were 
publicly  fummed  up  and  charged  upon 
me,  and  vet  none  of  them  tending  to 
the   breach   of  holy   or  civil   peace,  of 

WHICH    I    HAVE  EVER    DESIRED    TO    BE    UN- 

FEiONEDLY  TENDER,  acknowledging  the 
ordinance  of  magiftracy  to  be  properly 
and  adequately  fitted  by  God  to  preferve 
the  civil  ilate  in  civil  peace  and  order, 
as  he  hath  alfo  appointed  a  fpiritual  gov- 
ernment and  governors  in  matters  per- 
taining to  his  worfhip  and  the  conlciences 
of  men." 


25]  INTRODUCTION.  25 

fider  of  thefe  things  till  the  next  General  Court,  and  then 
either  to  give  fatisfadtion  to  the  Court,  or  elfe  to  expedl  the 
fentence."  "The  interval,"  fays  Prof.  Gammell,  "we  may 
readily  imagine,  was  a  period  of  no  common  excitement 
among  the  churches  and  towns  of  MafTachufetts  Bay.  The 
contell  was  one  that  could  not  fail  to  awaken  the  deepeft 
intereft  among  men  entertaining  views  of  government  and 
religion  like  thofe  prevalent  among  the  early  Puritans.  On 
one  lide  was  arrayed  the  whole  power  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment, fupported  by  the  united  voice  of  the  clergy,  and  by 
the  general  fentiment  of  the  people ;  on  the  other,  was  a 
fingle  individual,  a  minifter  of  the  gofpel,  ot  diftinguifhed 
talents  and  of  blamelefs  life,  who  yet  had  ventured  to  alfert 
the  freedom  of  confcience,  and  to  deny  the  jurifdidtion  of 
any  human  authority  in  controlling  its  didlates  or  decifions. 
The  purity  of  the  churches,  and  the  caufe  of  found  doc- 
trine, were  thought  to  be  in  peril,  and  all  waited  with  eager 
expedtation  to  know  the  iffue  of  this  firft  fchifm  that 
had  fprung  up  among  the  Pilgrim  bands  of  New  Eng- 
land." 

Three  days  after  the  feffion  of  the  Court  above  men- 
tioned, as  Winthrop  informs  us,  the  "Salem  men  had  pre- 
ferred a  petition,  at  the  laft  General  Court,  for  fome  land 
in  Marblehead  Neck,  which  they  did  challenge  as  belong- 
ing to  their  town ;  but  becaufe  they  had  chofen  Mr. 
Williams  their  teacher,  while  he  had  flood  under  queftion 
of  authority,  and  fo  offered  contempt  to  the  magiftrates, 
&c.,  their  petition  was  refufed.  *  *  *  Upon  this,  the 
church  at  Salem  write  to  other  churches  to  admonifh  the 
magiftrates  of  this  as  a  heinous  (in,  and  likewife  the  depu- 
ties ;  for  which,  at  the  next  General  Court,  their  deputies 
were  not  received  until  they  fliould  give  fatisfaction  about 
4 


26  BIOGRAPHICAL  [26 

the  letter."'  Thus  they  refufed  to  Salem  a  civil  right,  as  a 
mode  of  puniiliing  the  church  for  adhering  to  their  paftor. 
Such  an  adl  of  flagrant  injuftice  forcibly  illuftrates  the  dan- 
ger of  a  union  between  the  civil  and  eccleliaftical  power ! 
After  the  banifliment  of  Williams,  the  land  in  queftion  was 
granted  to  the  people  of  Salem,  but  the  polfponement  was 
evidently  deiigned  to  induce  them  to  confent  to  his  removal. 
This  attack  upon  civil  liberty  induced  Williams,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  his  church,  to  write  "Letters  of  Admonition  unto 
all  the  Churches  whereof  any  of  the  magiflrates  were  mem- 
bers, that  they  might  admonifh  the  magiftrates  of  their 
injuftice;"  and  when  the  churches,  in  confequence  of  the 
threatening  of  the  magiflrates,  recanted,  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  his  own  church,  exhorting  them  to  withdraw  com- 
munion from  thefe  churches. 

Thefe  proceedings  of  Williams  and  his  church,  were 
followed  by  another  atrocious  violation  of  their  rights. 
The  deputies  of  Salem  were  deprived  of  their  feats  until 
apology  was  made  ;  and  the  principal  deputy,  Mr.  Endicott, 
was  imprifoned,  for  juflifying  the  letter  of  Williams.  The 
records  of  the  Court,  alfo  contain  the  following  remarkable 
decree,  which  illuflrates  the  inquilitorial  fpirit  of  that 
tribunal  :  "Mr.  Samuel  Sharpe  is  enjoined  to  appear  at  the 
next  particular  Court,  to  anfwer  for  the  letter  that  came 
from  the  church  at  Salem,  as  alfo  to  h'ing  the  names  of  thofe 
that  will  jujiijy  the  fame ;  or  elfe  to  acknowledge  his  offence, 
under  his  own  hand  for  his  own  particular."' 

The  next  General  Court  was  held  in  Odlober,  1635,  when 
Mr.  Williams  was  again  fummoned  for  the  lafl  time,  "  all 
the  minifters  in  the  Bay  being  defired  to  be  prefent ;"  and 
"Mr.  Hooker  was  chofen  to  difpute  with  him,  but  could 

I  Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  167,  note.  i  Savage's  Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  167,  note. 


7] 


INTRODUCTION.  27 


not  reduce  him  from  any  of  his  errors.  So,  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  Court  fentenced  him  to  depart  out  of  our  jurifdic- 
tion  within  fix  weeks,  all  the  minifters,  fave  one,  approving 
the  fentence."'  The  ad:  of  banifhment,  as  it  ftands  upon 
the  Colonial  Records,  is  in  thefe  words: — ^" Whereas  Mr. 
Roger  Williams,  one  of  the  elders  of  the  Church  of  Salem, 
hath  broached  and  divulged  new  and  dangerous  opinions 
againft  the  authority  of  magiftrates ;  as  alio  writ  letters  of 
defamation,  both  of  the  magiftrates  and  churches  here,  and 
that  before  any  convidlion,  and  yet  maintaineth  the  fame 
without  any  retradtion  ;  it  is,  therefore,  ordered  that  the 
faid  Mr.  Williams  fhall  depart  out  of  this  jurifdidlion  within 
fix  weeks  now  next  enfuing,  which,  if  he  negleil  to  perform, 
it  fhall  be  lawful  for  the  governor  and  two  of  the  magis- 
trates to  fend  him  to  fome  place  out  of  this  jurifdiftion,  not 
to  return  any  more  without  licenfe  from  the  court."  This 
cruel  and  unjuftifiable  fentence  was  pafTed  on  the  third  of 
November.'  Neal,  in  his  Hiftory  of  New  England, 
acknowledges  that  on  the  final  pafhng  of  the  adl,  "  the 
whole  town  of  Salem  was  in  an  uproar,  for  he  was  efleemed 
an  honefl,  difinterefted  man,  and  of  popular  talents  in  the 

1  Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  171.  other  Synods,  denied  all  mercy  to  thofe 

2  "  Perfeft  unity  of  faith  was  not  long  fuppofed  to  embrace  thefe  errors,  both 
preferved  in  the  MafTachufetts  Colony,  in  this  world  and  in  the  world  to  come, 
notwithftanding  the  banifhment  of  Roger  The  fubjefts  of  thefe  Iharp  contentions 
Williams ;  herefies  will  abound,  where  and  keen  animofities  confided  of  fine 
differences  of  opinion  are  deemed  here-  fpun  fubtleties,  and  ufelefs  metaphyfical 
fies.  Unity  of  faith  generally  confills  in  niceties,  from  the  knowledge,  belief,  or 
identity  of  verbal  propofitions  rather  difbelief  of  which,  men  could  be  made 
than  in  identity  of  belief.  In  1637,  a  neither  wifer  nor  better.  Many  worthy 
year  or  two  after  his  departure,  a  Synod  heretics,  who  could  not  underftand  what 
of  the  Congregational  Churches  of  the  was  intelligible,  or  believe  what  was 
Colony  was  convened  at  Cambridge,  incredible,  were  obliged  to  take  refuge 
which  foon  enumerated,  debated,  and  in  Rhode  Ifland."  Upham's  Dedication 
condemned  eighty-two  herefies,  and,  like  Sermon,  preached  Nov.  16,  1826,  p.  54. 


28  BIOGRAPHICAL  [28 

pulpit."  His  moft  bitter  opponents  confefled  that,  both  at 
Plymouth  and  Salem,  he  was  refped:ed  and  beloved  as  a 
pious  man  and  an  able  minifler. 

The  health  of  Mr.  Williams  was  greatly  impaired  by  his 
fevere  trials  and  exceffive  labors,  and  he  received  permillion 
to  remain  at  Salem  till  Spring.  But  complaints  were  foon 
made  to  the  Court  that  he  would  not  refrain,  in  his  own 
houfe,  from  uttering  his  opinions ^ — that  many  people,  "taken 
with  an  apprehention  of  his  godlinefs,"  reforted  there  to 
liflien  to  his  teachings  —  that  he  had  drawn  above  twenty 
perfons  to  his  opinion  —  and  that  he  was  preparing  to  form 
a  plantation  about  Narraganfett  Bay. 

This  information  led  the  Court  to  refolve  to  fend  him  to 
England,  by  a  lliip  then  lying  in  the  harbor  ready  for  fea. 
On  the  iith  of  January,  he  received  another  fummons  to 
attend  the  Court  ailembled  at  Bofton,  but  he  refufed  to 
obey  ;  his  anfwer  was  conveyed  to  the  magiftrates  by  "  divers 
of  the  people  of  Salem." 

The  magiftrates,  determining  not  to  be  defeated,  imme- 
diately fent  a  fniall  floop  to  Salem,  with  a  commilTion  to 
Captain  Underbill  to  apprehend  him  and  carry  him  on 
board  the  fliip  about  to  fail  to  England ;  but  when  the 
officers  "  came  to  his  houfe,  they  found  he  had  gone  three 
days  before,  but  whither  they  could  not  learn." 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  January,  1636,  the  coldeft 
month  of  a  New  England  winter,  that  he  left  his  home  and 
loved  ones  to  efcape  the  warrant  for  his  arreft.  The  late 
Hon.  Job  Durfee  in  his  "Whatcheer,"''  has,  with  a  poet's 
license,  graphically  defcribed  fome  of  the  fcenes  relating  to 
this  remarkable  event. 

1  Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  175.  on    this   poem,    from    the   pen   of  John 

2  The    London    Ecleftic    Review   for     Fofter,    a    few  ftanzas  of    which  poem 
July,  1838,  contains  an  eulogillic  critique     may  with  propriety  be  introduced  here. 


29j 


INTRODUCTION. 


29 


The  account  of  the  journey  of  Mr.  Williams  through  the 
wildernefs,  and  of  his  fubfequent  fettlement,  firfl:  at  Seekonk, 
and  afterwards  at  Providence,  may  beft  be  given  in  his  ow^n 
words.  In  a  letter  to  his  "honoured  deare  and  antient 
friend"  Major  Mafon,  of  Connecticut,  which  we  find  pub- 
lilTied  in  the  firfl  volume  of  the  Colledlions  of  the  Mafia- 
chufetts  Hiftorical  Society,  he  fays  :  "When  I  was  unkindly, 
and  unchriftianly,  as  I  believe,  driven  from  my  houfe,  and 
land,  and  wife,  and  children,  in  the  midft  of  a  New  England 
winter,  now  about  thirty-five  years  paft,  at  Salem,  that  ever- 


Midwinter  reigned  ;  and  Salem's  infant 

town. 
Where    late    were  cleft    the   forefts's 

Ikirts  away. 
Showed    its    low   roofs,    and    from    the 

thatching  brown. 
The  fheeted   ice   fent   back   the   fun's 

last  ray  ; 
The   fchool-boys   left   the   flippery  hil- 
lock's crown, 
So  keen  the  blall  came  o'er  the  eaftern 

bay. 
And  the   pale  fun  in  vapors   thick  went 

down. 
And  the  glafled  foreft  call  a  fombre  frown. 


On  this  drear  night  was  Williams  feated 

His    blazing    hearth,    his    family   be- 
fide. 
And  from   his   confort   often    buril    the 
figh. 
As    llill   her   taik  of  needle-work  flie 
plied  ; 
And,    from     the     lafhes    of    her    azure 
eye. 
She    often    bruflied    the    ftarting   tear 
afide — 
At  fpring's   approach  they  favage  wilds 

muft  try  : 
Such  was  the  fentence  of  ftern  bigotry. 


The  bufy  houfe-wife  guarded  well   the 
door, 
That  night  againft  the  gathering  win- 
ter ftorm — 
Did  the  rude  walls  of  all  the  cot  explore 
Where'er  the  fnow-guft  might  a  pafs- 
age  form  ; 
And  to  the  couch  of  age  and  childhood  bore 
With  anxious   care  the   mantle   thick 
and  warm  ; 
And  then  of  fuel  gathered  ample  ftore. 
And  bade  the  blaze  up  the  rude  chim- 
ney roar. 


Befide  the  good  man  lay  his  Bible's  fair 
Broad  open  page  upon  the  accuftomed 
ftand, 
And  many  a  meflage  had  he  noted  there. 
Of  Ifrael  wandering  the  wild  waftes 
of  fand. 
And  each  afTurance  had  he  marked  with 
care. 
Made   by  Jehovah   of    the    promifed 
land  ; 
And  from  the  facred  page  he  learned  to 

dare 
The  exile's  fate  in  wildernefs  afar. 


30  BIOGRAPHICAL  [30 

honored  Governor,  Mr.  Winthrop,  privately  wrote  to  me  to 
fteer  my  courle  to  the  Narraganfett  Bay  and  Indians,  for 
many  high  and  heavenly  and  public  ends,  encouraging  me, 
from  the  freenefs  of  the  place  from  any  Englifli  claims  or 
patents.  I  took  his  prudent  motion  as  a  hint  and  voice 
from  God,  and,  waiving  all  other  thoughts  and  motions,  I 
fteered  my  courfe  from  Salem  —  though  in  winter  fnow, 
which  I  feel  yet  —  unto  thefe  parts,  wherein  I  may  fay 
Petiiel,  that  is,  I  have  (etn  the  face  of  God. 

Whilft  pondered  he   the   facred  volume  "Till    Spring   we  gave;  and   thou  wall 

o'er,  not  to  teach 

And  often  told,  to  cheer  his  confort's  Thy  fentenced  faith  to  erring  men  the 

breaft,              "  while : 

How,  for   their  faith,  the   bleft  apoftles  But  to  depart,  or,  with  fubmifllve  fpeech, 

bore  Regain  the  church  and  leave  thy  doc- 

The  exile's  wanderings  and  the  dun-  trines  vile  ; 

geon's  peft.  Of     this     injunction     thou     committeft 

Aheavy  foot  approached  his  humble  door,  breach, 

And    open   wide  abrupt  an    entrance  And  Salem's  church  doft  of  her  faints 

prell  ;  defpoil  : — 

And  lowered  an  Elder  not  unknown  be-  Plan,  too,  'tis  rumored  by  the  mouth  of 

fore,  each. 

Strong  in  a   church   enfphered   in   civil  A  State,  where   Antichrift  himfelf  may 

power.  preach. 

"I  come,"  he  faid,  in  accents   hard  and  "From   fuch   a  (late  our   blefled   Elders 

ftern,  fee 

"The  Governor  and   Council's  word  Chrifl's   church,   e'en  here,  may   the 

to  bear  :  infeftion  fhare  ; 

They  are  aflembled,  and  with  deep  con-  'Tis    therefore   that    the    Council    now 

cern,  decree. 

Hear    thou   abuseft    their    indulgence  That  to  the  wildernefs  thou  (halt  not 

fair ;  fare  ; 

Thy  damned  creed,  with  horror  do  they  But   'tis   their  mandate,   hither  fent   by 

learn,  me. 
Still    thou   to   teach   thy  vifitors   doft  That    thou    to    Bofton    prefently    re- 
dare,  pair — 
Who,  fmitten  with  thy  fanftity,  difcern  A  fhip  there   waits,   now   ready  for  the 
Strange  godlinefs   in   thee,   and  from  us  fea, 

turn.    •  Homeward  to  bear  thy  herefy  and  thee." 


3l]  •  INTRODUCTION.  3  I 

"  I  firft  pitched,  and  began  to  build  and  plant  at  Seekonk, 
now  Rehoboth  ;  but  I  received  a  letter  from  my  ancient 
friend,  Mr.  Winslow,  then  Governor  of  Plymouth,  profefs- 
ing  his  own  and  others  love  and  refpedl  to  me,  yet  lovingly 
adviling  me,  fince  I  was  fallen  into  the  edge  of  their  bounds, 
and  they  were  loth  to  difpleafe  the  Bay,  to  remove  but  to 
the  other  fide  of  the  water  ;  and  then  he  faid  I  had  the  coun- 
try free  before  me,  and  might  be  as  free  as  themfelves,  and  we 
fhould  be  loving  neighbors  together.  Thefe  were  the  joint 
underftandings  of  thefe  two  wife  and  eminently  Chriftian 
Governors,  and  others,  in  their  day,  together  with  their 
counl'el  and  advice  as  to  the  freedom  and  vacancy  of  this 
place,  which  in  this  refped:,  and  many  other  providences  ot 
the  Moft  Holy  and  Only  Wife,  I  called  Providence. 

"Sometime  after,  the  Plymouth  great  Sachem,  Oufama- 
quin,"  upon  occafion,  affirming  that  Providence  was  his  land, 
and  therefore  Plymouth's  land,  and  fome  relenting  it,  the 
then  prudent  and  godly  Governor,  Mr.  Bradford,  and 
others  of  his  godly  council,  anfwered,  —  that  if,  after  due 
examination,  it  Ihould  be  found  true  what  the  barbarian 
faid,  yet  having,  to  my  lofs  of  a  harveft  that  year,  been  now 
—  though  by  their  gentle  advice  —  as  good  as  banifhed  from 

*  *  *  * 

Morn  eame  at  laft  ;  and  by  the  dawning  My  flint  and  fteel   to   yield   the  needful 

day,  fire — 

Our  Founder  rofe  his  fecret  flight  to  Food  for  a  week,   if  that   be  not  too 

take.  long  ; 

*  *                *                *  My  hatchet  too  —  its  fervice  I  require 

To  clip  my  fuel  defert  wilds  among; 
"Mary !"  ((he  woke,)  "prepare  the  meet     With    thefe   I  go   to   found,    in   forefts 
attire,  drear. 

My  pocket   compafs  and   my   mantle     A    State    where   none   fliall   periecution 
ftrong,  fear." 

^  I   Commonly  called  Maflafoit 


32  BIOGRAPHICAL  [32 

Plymouth  as  from  the  MafTachufetts,  and  I  had  quietly  and 
patiently  departed  from  them,  at  their  motion,  to  the  place 
where  now  I  was,  I  (hould  not  be  molefted  and  tolled  up 
and  down  again  while  they  had  breath  in  their  bodies. 
And  furely  between  thofe,  my  friends  of  the  Bay  and  Ply- 
mouth, I  was  forely  tolled,  tor  one  fourteen  weeks,  in  a 
bitter  winter  feafon,  not  knowing  what  bread  or  bed  did 
mean,  befide  the  yearly  lofs  of  no  fmall  matter  in  my  trading 
with  Englilh  and  natives,  being  debarred  from  Bofton,  the 
chief  mart  and  port  of  New  England.  God  knows  that 
many  thoufand  pounds  cannot  repay  the  loifes  I  have  fus- 
tained.  It  lies  upon  the  Mallachufetts  and  me,  yea,  and 
other  colonies  joining  with  them,  to  examine  with  fear  and 
trembling,  before  the  eyes  of  Haming  lire,  the  true  caufe  of 
all  my  forrows  and  fufferings.  It  pleafed  the  Father  of 
Spirits  to  touch  many  hearts  dear  to  him  with  fome  relent- 
ings ;  amongft  which  that  great  and  pious  foul,  Mr.  Wins- 
low,  melted,  and  kindly  vilited  me,  at  Providence,  and  put 
a  piece  of  gold  into  the  hands  of  my  wife  for  our  fupply." 

In  another  letter  Williams  adds  :  —  "It  pleafed  the  Moft 
High  to  direct  my  fteps  into  this  bay,  by  the  loving,  private 
advice  of  the  ever-honored  foul,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  the 
grandfather,  who,  though  he  were  carried  with  the  ftream 
for  my  banifliment,  yet  he  tenderly  loved  me  to  his  laft 
breath." 

From  the  foregoing  extradls  it  appears  that  Williams 
made  his  journey  from  Salem  by  fea,  coafting  probably  from 
place  to  place  during  the  "fourteen  weeks"  that  he  "was 
forely  toJJ'ed,"  and  holding  intercourfe  with  the  native  tribes 
whofe  language,  as  we  have  before  ftated,  he  had  acquired. 
This  is  not  the  view  that  has  generally  been  entertained, 
but  the  various  expreffions  which  he  himfelt  ufes  will  hardly 


33j  INTRODUCTION.  33 

admit  of  any  other  conftrudlion.'  "Mr.  Winthrop,"  he  fays, 
"privately  wrote  me  to  Jieer  tny  courfe  to  the  Narraganfett 
Bay."  "  I Jleered  tny  courfe  from  Salem."  Again,  "  It  pleafed 
the  Moft  High  to  direct  my  fteps  into  this  bay."  But  there 
is  one  paragraph  in  "  Cotton's  Letter  Examined  and 
Anfwered,"  which  feems  conclulive  on  this  point.  "  Had 
his  foul  (Cotton's)  been  in  my  foul's  cafe,  expofed  to  the 
miferies,  poverties,  neceffities,  wants,  debts,  hardfliips  oi fea 
and  latid,  in  a  banijhed  cojidition,  he  would,  I  prefume,  reach 
forth  a  more  merciful  cordial   to  the  afflidied." 

It  was  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  1636,  as  well  as  can 
now  be  afcertained,"  that  Roger  Williams  with  his  five  com- 
panions, embarked  in  his  canoe  at  Seekonk,  to  find  at  length 
a  refting  place  on  the  free  Ibil  of  Rhode  liland.  Tradition 
has  preferved  the  Ihout  of  welcome,  "  What  Cheer,  Netop," 
which  greeted  his  landing  at  "Slate  Rock."  After  exchang- 
ing friendly  falutations  with  the  Indians  they  again  embarked, 
and  purfuing  their  courfe  around  the  headland  of  Tock- 
wotten,  pafl^ed  what  are  now  called  India  and  Fox  points, 
and  entered  the  Mofliafuck  river.  Rowing  up  this  broad 
and  beautiful  iheet  ot  water,  then  bordered  by  a  denfe 
foreft,  their  attention  was  attracted  by  a  fpring  clofe  on  the 
margin  of  the  ftream.  Here  they  landed,  and  upon  the 
flope  of  the  hill  that  afcends  from  the  river,  commenced  a 
fettlement,  to  which,  in  gratitude  to  his  Supreme  Deliverer, 
Williams  gave  the  name  of  Providence.^ 

The  owners  of  the  foil  where  Williams  landed  were  his 
friends  Canonicus  and  Miantonomi.     Their  refidence  was 

I   Underhill,  page  24.     See  alfo  Gen.        2  Arnold,   vol.    i,   p.  41  ;     Knowles, 
Fefsenden's  account,  in  Benedift's  recent     pp.  102-5. 

Hiftory  of  the  Baptills,  page  448.  3  Arnold,  vol.  i,   p.  40;     Gammell, 

p.  64. 

S 


34  BIOGRAPHICAL  [34 

on  the  ifland  of  Canonicut,  in  the  Narraganfett  Bay,  about 
thirty  miles  fouth  of  Providence.  By  a  deed,  dated  March 
24th,  1638,  certain  lands  and  meadows  lying  "upon  the  two 
frelh  rivers,  called  Moofliaulick  and  Wanafquatucket,"' 
which  he  had  previoufly  purchafed,  were  made  over  to  him 
by  thefe  fachems.  They  alfo,  in  conlideration  of  his  "many 
kindnelfes  and  fervices "  to  them  and  their  friends,  freely 
gave  unto  him  all  the  land  lying  between  the  above-named 
rivers  and  the  Pawtuxet."  It  was  an  avowed  principle  with 
him,  that  the  Indians  were  the  lawful  owners  of  all 
the  lands  which  they  occupied,  and  in  this  his  firft  fettle- 
ment  he  negotiated  accordingly.  "I  fpared,"  he  fays,  "no 
coft  towards  them,  and  in  gifts  to  Oufamequin  (Malfafoit), 
yea,  and  all  his,  and  to  Canonicus,  and  all  his,  tokens  and 
prefents  many  years  before  I  came  in  perfon  to  the  Narra- 
ganfett ;  and  when  I  came,  I  was  welcome  to  Oufamequin, 
and  to  the  old  prince  Canonicus,  who  was  moft  fliy  of  all 
Englifli,  to  his  laft  breath.'"  "It  was  not,"  he  adds,  "thou- 
fands,  nor  tens  of  thoufands  of  money  could  have  bought  of 
him  (Canonicus)  an  Englifli  entrance  to  this  Bay." 

The  lands  which  Williams  thus  obtained  of  the  Indians, 
and  which,  as  he  juftly  remarks,  in  his  touching  letter  to 
the  town  of  Providence  in  1654,  were  his  "as  truly  as  any 
man's  coat  upon  his  back,"  he  reconveyed  to  his  alfociates 
in  an  agreement  made  on  the  8th  of  Auguft,  1638,  and 
afterwards  confirmed  in  what  appears  on  record  as  the 
"  Initial  Deed."  In  this  deed  he  fays,  "  By  God's  merciful 
affirtance,  I  was  the  procurer  of  the  purchafe,  not  by  moneys 
nor  payment,  the  natives  being  fo  fliy  and  jealous  that 
moneys  could  not  do  it ;  but  by  that  language,  acquaintance, 

J  Staples's  Annals  of  Providence,  p.  26.        '  Knowles,  p.  109. 


35]  INTRODUCTION.  35 

and  favor  with  the  natives,  and  other  advantages  which  it 
plealed  God  to  give  me  ;  and  I  alio  bore  the  charges  and 
venture  of  all  the  gratuities,  which  I  gave  to  the  great 
fachems,  and  other  fachems  round  about  us,  and  lay 
engaged  for  a  loving  and  peaceable  neighborhood  with 
them,  to  my  great  charge  and  travel."  "I  deiigned  it  might 
be,"  he  adds,  "for  a  Ihelter  for  perfons  diftrelfed  of  con- 
fcience ;  I  then,  conlidering  the  condition  of  divers  of  my 
diftrelfed  countrymen,  communicated  my  faid  purchafe 
unto  my  loving  friends,  John  Thockmorton,  William 
Arnold,  William  Harris,  Stukely  Weftcott,  John  Green, 
Senior,  Thomas  Olney,  Senior,  Richard  Waterman,  and 
others,  who  then  defired  to  take  llielter  here  with  me."' 

In  the  month  of  March,  1639,  Mr.  Williams,  whofe 
tendency  to  Baptift  views  had  long  been  apparent,  was  pub- 
licly immerfed."  His  method  of  planting  a  church,  now 
known  as  the  Firft  Baptift  Church  in  Providence,  and  the 
mother  of  eighteen  thoufand'  churches  of  like  faith  and 
order  throughout  the  Continent,  anfwers  perfecftly  to  the 
precedents  that  had  been  eftablillied  by  Smyth  and  Helwys 
in  Holland.  When  they  and  their  followers  became  Bap- 
tifts,  they  hefitated  to  alk  baptifm  of  the  Dutch  Anabap- 
tifts,  becaufe  they  did  not  in  all  points  agree  with  them  in 
opinion.  They  therefore  inftituted  baptifm  among  them- 
felves,  by  authorizing  certain  of  their  own  number  to  be 
adminiftrators  of  the  rite.*  So  in  Rhode  Ifland.  Mr.  Ezekiel 
Holliman,  a  gifted  and  pious   layman,  firft  baptized  Mr. 

1  Staples's  Annals  of  Providence,  pp.  twelve,  having,  according  to  the  Ameri- 
29-32  ;  Bartlett's  Colonial  Records,  vol.  can  Baptift  Almanac,  one  million  five 
I,  pp.  22-25.  hundred  and  feventy-feven  thoufand  and 

2  Winthrop,  vol.  i,  p.  293.   Knowles,  forty-two   communicants  or  members. 
Chap.  xiii.  4   Crofby's  Hiftory  of  the  Englifh  Bap- 

3  Eighteen  thoufand  four  hundred  and  tifts,  vol.  I,  pp.  91-8,  and  265-76. 


36  BIOGRAPHICAL  [36 

Williams,  who  in  turn  baptized  Holliman,  "and  fome  ten 
more."  The  names  of  thefe  twelve  original  members  are 
given  by  Benedidl  in  his  Hiftory  of  the  Baptifts."  Thus 
was  founded  the  oldeft  Baptift  Church  in  i\.merica,'  and, 
according  to  Backus,  the  fecond  in  the  Britifh  empire ;'  a 
church,  which,  for  two  hundred  and  twenty-feven  years,  has 
firmly  held  to  the  great  dodlrines  of  Regeneration,  Believer's 
Baptifm,  and  Religious  Liberty ;  and  which,  to-day,  is 
regarded  with  filial  pride  and  veneration,  by  the  large  and 
flourifliing  denomination  it  fo  worthily  reprefents. 

Mr.  Williams  did  not  long  retain  his  connexion  with  the 
church,  having  doubts,  it  appears,  in  regard  to  the  validity 
of  this  proceeding,  in  confequence  of  the  abfence  of  "a  visi- 
ble fucceflion"  of  authorized  adminiftrators  of  the  rite  of 
baptifm.  "In  a  tew  months,"  fays  Scott,  "he  broke  from 
the  Society,  and  declared  at  large  the  grounds  and  reafon  of 
it,  —  that  their  baptifin  could  not  be  right  becaufe  it  was 
not  adminiftered  by  an  apoftle."''  He  became  what,  in  the 
hiftory  of  New  England,  is  denominated  a  Set'ker ;  a  term, 
fays  Prof.  Gammell,   not  inaptly  applied   to   thofe  who,  in 

1  Roger  Williams,  Ezekiel  Holliman,  Rhode  Ifland,  vol.  i,  pp.  108  and  139- 
William  Arnold,  William  Harris,  Stuklv      40. 

Wcftcott,  John  Green,   Richard  Water-  3   According  to  Crofbv,  the  firil  dillinfl: 

man,  Thomas  James,  Robert  Cole,  Wij-  Particular    Baptift   Church   in    England 

liam    Carpenter,     Francis    Wefton    and  was  formed  in  London,   in   I633,  under 

Thomas  Olney.  the  paftcJral  care  of  the  Rev.  J.  Spilfbury. 

2  The  Firft  Baptift  Church  in  New-  It  appears,  however,  that  the  diftinguifh- 
port  claims  to  have  been  founded  in  ing  fentiments  of  the  Baptifts  had  long 
1638,  and  hence  that  it  is  the  oldeft  Bap-  been  prevalent  in  the  kingdom.  Taylor, 
till  Church  in  America.  This  claim  how-  in  his  Hiftory  of  the  Englifh  General 
ever  feems  without  foundation.  Win-  Baptifts,  ( vol.  I,  page  97,)  ftates,  that 
throp  fettles  the  fadl  of  the  formation  of  they  formed  diftinft  focieties,  and  had 
the  church  at  Providence  prior  to  March  regular  church  officers  twenty-five  years 
16,  1639,   while   the   town   of  Newport  prior  to   this  date. 

was  not  founded  until  May  I,  fix  weeks  4  Fox's  New  England  Fire  Brand 
afterward.       See    Arnold's     Hiftory    of     Quenched.     Part  H,  p.  24.7. 


37]  INTRODUCTION.  37 

any  age  of  the  church,  are  dilTatisfied  with  its  prevailing 
creeds  and  inftitutions,  and  feek  for  more  congenial  views 
of  truth,  or  a  faith  better  adapted  to  their  fpiritual  wants. 

Mr.  Williams,  it  is  true,  foon  terminated  his  ecclefiaftical 
relations ;  it  muft  not  however  be  inferred  that  there  was 
ill  feeling  engendered  in  confequence,  or  that  he  ceafed  to 
preach  the  gofpel.  He  continued  on  terms  of  the  clofeft 
intimacy  and  friendfliip  with  his  fuccelTor  in  the  miniftry, 
the  Rev.  Chad  Brown,  of  whom  he  fpeaks  in  one  of  his 
letters  as  "that  noble  fpirit  now  with  God,"  and  on  another 
occalion,  as  "  that  holy  man."  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Brad- 
ftreet,  written  very  near  the  clofe  of  his  life,  he  expreifes  a 
defire  to  have  the  difcourfes  which  he  had  preached  to  "the 
Scattered  Englifli  at  Narraganfett,  before  the  war  and  lince," 
printed  either  at  Bofton  or  Cambridge.  That  he  did  not 
undervalue  the  benefits  of  Chriftian  fellowfliip,  although, 
like  his  friends  Milton  and  Cromwell,  living  difconnedled 
with  any  particular  church,  and  "in  doubt  unto  which 
to  alfociate"  himfelf,  is  evident  from  his  writings.  In  his 
reply  to  George  Fox,  written  in  1676,  he  fays  : '  "After  all 
my  fearcn,  and  examinations,  and  confiderations,  I  faid,  I 
do  profels  to  believe  that  fome  come  nearer  to  the  firft 
primitive  churches,  and  the  inftitutions  and  appointments 
of  Chrift  Jefus  than  others ;  as  in  many  refpedls,  fo  in  that 
gallant,  and  heavenly,  and  fundamental  principle  of  the 
true  matter  of  a  Chriftian  congregation,  flock  or  fociety, 

viz.  ACTUAL  BELIEVERS,  TRUE  DISCIPLES  AND  CONVERTS,  LIV- 
ING STONES,  fuch  as  can  give  fome  account  how  the  grace 
of  God  hath  appeared  unto  them,  and  wrought  that  heav- 
enly change  in  them.  I  profefled  that  if  my  foul  could 
find   reft  in  joining   unto   any  of  the  churches   profefling 

>   George  Fox  digged  out  of  his  Burrowes,  p.  66. 


38  BIOGRAPHICAL  [38 

Chrift  Jefus  now  extant,  I  would  readily  and  gladly  do  it, 
yea  unto  themfelves  whom  I  now  oppoied." 

In  regard  to  what  is  known  as  the  diftinguifliing  fenti- 
ments  of  Baptifts  at  the  prefent  day,  viz.,  baptil'm  by  immer- 
fion,  Mr.  Williams,  it  appears,  did  not  change  materially 
his  views.  In  a  letter  which  we  find  publiflied  among  the 
Winthrop  papers,'  dated  Narraganfett,  9.  10.  1649,  he  fays: 
"At  Seekonk  a  great  many  have  lately  concurred  with  Mr. 
John  Clarke  and  our  Providence  men  about  the  point  of  a 
new  baptifm,  and  the  manner  by  dipping,  and  Mr.  John 
Clarke  hath  been  there  lately,  and  Mr.  Lucar,  and  hath 
dipped  them.      I  believe  their  practice   comes  nearer 

THE     FIRST     practice     OF     OUR     GREAT     FoUNDER     ChRIST 

Jesus  than  other  practices  of  religion  do."  This  was 
written,  it  will  be  remembered,  more  than  ten  years  after 
the  founding  of  the  Church  at  Providence. 

The  conftantly  increafing  number  of  fettlers  in  the  new 
Colony,  rendered  a  form  of  civil  government  necelTary. 
The  firll:  general  rules  for  their  guidance  of  which  we  have 
any  knowledge,  and  which  were  evidently  adopted  at  a  very 
early  period,  appear  in  the  form  of  an  agreement  between 
the  firft  fettlers  and  the  "new  comers,"  the  figners  thereto 
fubjedling  themfelves  to  obedience,  it  will  be  obferved, 
"only  in  civil  things.""  In  1640,  a  model  for  the  peace 
and  government  of  the  town  was  drawn  up,  of  which  the 
eifential  principles  were  democratic.  This  was  in  the  form 
of  a  report  prepared  for  this  purpofe,  and  was  figned  by 
thirty-nine  of  the  inhabitants,  or  freemen.  One  of  the 
prominent  articles  of  this  report  is  in  thefe  words,  "We 
agree,  as  formerly  hath  been   the   liberties  of  the  town,  fo 

I   Maffachufetts  Hillorical  Colleftions,        2  Staples's  Annals  of  Providence,  pp. 
Fourth  Series,  vol.  6,  p.  274.  39-44. 


39j  INTRODUCTION.  39 

ftill,  to  hold  forth  Hberty  of  confcience."  This  genuine 
Rhode  Ifland  docflrine  is  recognized  in  the  following  adl, 
palfed  at  Newport,  Sept.  17,  1641,  "It  is  ordered,  that 
the  law  of  the  laft  Court  made  concerning  liberty  of  con- 
fcience in  point  of  dodlrine,  is  perpetuated."'  The  law 
here  referred  to  is,  "That  none  be  accounted  a  delinquent 
for  dodlrine,  provided  it  be  not  diredtly  repugnant  to  the 
government  or  laws  eftabliflied."' 

Thus  liberty  of  confcience  was  made  the  bafis  of  all  early 
legillation.  In  the  original  code  of  laws  of  the  Colony, 
fays  Judge  Story,'  "we  read  for  the  firfl:  time,  lince  Chris- 
tianity afcended  the  throne  of  the  Csfars,  the  declaration, 
that  'confcience  rtiould  be  free,  and  men  fhould  not  be 
punilhed  for  worfhipping  God  in  the  way  they  were  per- 
fuaded  he  required,' — a  declaration,  which,  to  the  honor 
of  Rhode  Illand,  the  has  never  departed  from."  To  this 
day  the  annals  ot  both  city  and  State  have  remained  unful- 
lied  by  the  blot  ot  perfecution.  But  not  fo  with  the  neigh- 
boring colonies.  They  formed  in  1643,  a  League  or  Con- 
federation for  "mutual  protedtion  againft  the  depredations 
committed  by  the  natives,"  which  Rhode  Illand  was  not 
invited  to  join,  and  to  which  fhe  was  afterwards  refufed 
admittance.^  The  authorities  of  Malfachufetts,  not  fatislied 
with  having  driven  Williams  and  others  from  their  terri- 
tory, laid  claim  to  jurifdidlion  over  the  fettlements  in  Nar- 
raganfett  Bay,  as  in  the  cafe  of  Samuel  Gorton,"*  the  hiftory 
of  which  forms  a  melancholy  chapter  in  the  annals  of  New 
England.     For  thefe  and  other  reafons,   the  inhabitants  of 

I   Bartlett's   Colonial    Records,  vol.  i,        3  Arnold,  vol.  i,  p.  157. 
pp.  113  and  118.  4  Rhode  Ifland  Hiftorical  Colleftions, 

1  Difcourfe  before  the  EfTex  Hiftorical     vol.  z  ;  Arnold,  vol.  I,  pp.  163-99. 
Society  in  Commemoration  of  the   Firil 
Settlement  of  Salem. 


40  BIOGRAPHICAL  [40 

Rhode  Ifland  and  Providence  requested  Mr.  Williams  to 
proceed  to  England,  and  obtain  if  poffible  a  Charter,  defin- 
ing their  rights,  and  giving  them  independent  authority, 
freed  from  the  intrufive  interference  of  their  neighbors. 

Mr.  Williams  proceeded  to  New  York  to  embark  for 
England  —  for  notwithftanding  his  diftinguiflied  fervices  in 
allaying  Indian  ferocity,  and  preventing  by  his  perfonal 
influence  the  attacks  of  the  native  tribes  upon  the  fettle- 
ments  of  Malfachufetts,  he  was  not  permitted  to  enter  her 
territories,  and  to  fliip  from  the  more  convenient  port  of 
Bofton.  He  fet  fail  in  the  month  of  June,  1643.  Of  the 
incidents  of  his  voyage  he  has  left  no  record.  One  fact 
however  evinces  the  adlivity  of  his  mind,  and  exemplifies 
the  fentiment  fo  beautifully  exprelled  in  one  of  his  works  — 
"One  grain  of  time's  ineiiimable  fand  is  worth  a  golden 
mountain." '  His  leifure  hours,  during  the  voyage,  he 
employed  in  preparing  his  "Key  to  the  Indian  Lan- 
guages." "I  drew  the  materials,"  he  fays,  "in  a  rude 
lump,  at  fea,  as  a  private  help  to  my  own  memory ;  that  I 
might  not,  by  my  prefent  abfence,  lightly  lofe  what  I  had 
fo  dearly  bought  in  fome  few  years'  hardlhip  and  changes 
among  the  barbarians."  The  book  was  publilhed  foon 
after  his  arrival  in  England,  and  was  the  firft  work  ever 
written  on  the  language  and  cuftoms  of  the  American 
Indians. 

Mr.  Williams  arrived  at  London  in  the  midft  of  the  hor- 
rors of  a  civil  war.  Hampden,  the  pureft  and  nobleft  of 
the  popular  leaders,  had  been  ftricken  down  in  battle,  and 
the  fate  of  the  Englifh  monarchy  hung  fufpended  in  the 
balance.  By  an  ordinance  dated  Nov.  2,  1643,  the  afl^airs 
of  the  colonies  were  entrufted  to  a  board  of  Commiffioners, 

I   Elton,  page  65. 


4l]  INTRODUCTION.  4I 

or  rather  to  Robert  Earl  of  Warwick,  as  Chief  Governor 
and  Admiral  of  the  American  plantations,  who  was  affifted 
by  five  peers  and  twelve  commoners."  Prominent  among 
the  latter  was  Sir  Henry  Vane,  the  intimate  friend  of  Roger 
Williams,  and  his  illustrious  compeer  in  advocating  the 
doctrines  of  religious  freedom.  He  had  recently  returned 
from  Edinburgh,  where  he  had  rendered  important  fervice 
to  the  parliamentary  caufe  in  negotiating  the  celebrated 
"  Solemn  League  and  Covenant."  "  He  was,"  fays  Forfler,  at 
this  critical  period  in  the  nation's  hillory,  "the  moft  emi- 
nent ftatefman  of  an  age  remarkable  for  greatnefs  —  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  Englifh  Houfe  of  Commons." 
By  him  Williams  was  received  with  a  cordial  welcome,  and 
prefented  to  the  Commiffioners,  who  liftened  to  his  views 
with  marked  attention,  and  in  the  name  of  the  King, 
granted  him  the  charter  he  fought,  dated  March  14,  1644, 
giving  to  the  "  Providence  Plantations  in  the  Narraganfett 
Bay,"  full  power  to  rule  themfelves  by  any  form  of  govern- 
ment they  preferred. "^ 

With  this  charter  or  patent,  Mr.  Williams  returned  to 
America.  He  arrived  in  Bofton,  Sept.  17,  1644,  bringing 
with  him  a  letter^  from  fome  of  the  leading  members  of 
Parliament  to  the  Governor  of  Malfachufetts,  which  was 
the  means  of  his  landing  there  unmolefted,  notwithftand- 
ing    the    previous    harfh   proceedings   of    the    government 

■   Philip    Earl   of  Pembroke,    Edward  Bond,  Miles  Corbet,  Cornelius  Holland, 

Earl  of  Manchefter,   William    Vifcount  Samuel  Vaflal,  John  Rolles  and  William 

Say  and  Seal,  Philip  Lord  Wharton,  and  Spurllow,     Efquires,     members    of    the 

John    Lord    Roberts,   members    of    the  Houfe  of  Commons.    See  Hazard's  His- 

Houfe   of  Peers;     Sir   Gilbert    Gerard,  torical  Colleftions,  vol.  i,  p.  534. 

Knight  and  Baronet,  Sir  Arthur  Hazle-  2  Backus,  vol.    i,  p.    149;    Knowles, 

rig.  Baronet,    Sir    Henry   Vane,   Junior,  p.  198;   Arnold,  vol.  I,  p.  II4. 

Knight,  Sir  Benjamin  Rudyer,  Knight,  3   Knowles,  p.  200 ;  Gammell,  p.  122; 

John    Pym,   Oliver    Cromwell,   Dennis  Elton,  p.  74. 
6 


43  BIOGRAPHICAL  [42 

againft  hinl.  The  news  of  his  arrival  had  preceded  him, 
and  at  Seekonk  the  inhabitants  of  Providence  met  him  with 
a  fleet  of  fourteen  canoes,  to  welcome  his  return  and  con- 
vey him  in  triumph  to  his  home.  Eight  years  before  he 
had  firfl:  crofled  the  fame  river,  with  only  five  companions, 
in  a  fingle  canoe,  when  every  ftroke  of  the  paddle  removed 
them  further  and  further  from  the  fettlements  of  a  civilized 
people.  Now  were  alfembled  around  him  his  old  and  long- 
tried  friends,  who  together  had  bufl^eted  misfortune,  and  borne 
the  taunts  of  the  neighboring  colonies.  The  occalion  was 
one  that  might  well  have  caufed  his  eyes  to  gliften  with 
tears  of  joy,  and  his  heart  to  fwell  with  gratitude  to  that 
God  who  had  rewarded  his  pious  confidence,  and  fulfilled 
his  cherifhed  hopes. 

The  feveral  towns  of  the  Providence  Plantations  at  length 
agreed  on  a  form  of  government,  framed  in  accordance 
with  the  powers  granted  to  them  in  their  charter,  or  patent. 
It  was  adopted  in  a  general  alfembly  of  the  people  of  the 
Colony,  held  at  Portfmouth,  in  May,  1647.  In  the  a6t 
then  palfed  it  was  declared,  "that  the  form  of  government 
effablifhed  in  Providence  Plantations  is  democratical, 
that  is  to  fay,  a  government  held  by  the  free  and  voluntary 
confent  of  all,  or  the  greater  part  of  the  free  inhabitants."' 
The  laws  adopted  by  the  General  Alfembly  thus  convened, 
were  mainly  taken  from  thofe  of  England.  This  excellent 
code  concludes  with  thefe  memorable  words  :  "Thefe  are 
the  laws  that  concern  all  men,  and  thefe  are  the  penalties 
for  the  tranfgreffion  thereof,  which  by  common  confent  are 
ratified  and  eftablirtied  throughout  this  whole  Colony ;  and 
otherwife  than  thus  what  is  herein  forbidden,  all  men  may 
walk  as  their  confciences  perfuade  them,  every  one  in  the 

I   Bartlett's  Colonial   Records,  vol.  i,  pp.  156,  190. 


43]  INTRODUCTION.  43 

name  of  his  God.     And  let  the  Saints  of  the  Most 
High  walk  in  this  Colony  without  molestation  in 

THE  NAME  OF  JeHOVAH,    THEIR    GoD,    FOR   EVER  AND  EVER, 
&C.,  &C." 

The  limits  of  a  Biographical  Introdu(5lion  compel  us  to 
pafs  rapidly  in  review  fome  of  the  leading  events  in  the 
further  interefting  and  eventful  career  of  Roger  Williams. 
In  1645  he  was  inftrumental,  through  his  great  perfonal 
influence  among  the  Indians,  in  making  peace  between  the 
Narraganfetts  and  the  Mohegans,  thus  preferving  the  fettle- 
ments  of  New  England  a  fecond  time  from  a  general  war. 
He  was  chofen  Deputy  Prefident  of  the  Colony  in  1649, 
but  declined  the  honor,"  as  alfo  the  office  of  Governor,  to 
which  the  General  Alfembly,  in  a  letter  written  to  him 
three  years  later,  propofed  that  he  fhould  get  himfelf 
appointed,  in  order  to  "give  weight  to  the  government."' 
In  November,  165 1,  in  company  with  his  "loving  friend" 
John  Clarke,  of  Newport,  he  embarked  at  Bofton,  upon 
a  fecond  voyage  to  England,  to  procure  the  revocation 
of  Governor  Coddington's  commillion,  and  the  confirmation 
of  the  firft  charter.  It  was  during  this  vifit  that  three  of 
of  his  works  were  publiflied,  an  account  of  which  we  have 
referved  for  our  clofe.  He  enjoyed  the  hofpitality  of  Sir 
Henry  Vane,  fpending  many  weeks  at  Belleau,  his  beauti- 
ful country  refidence  in  Lincolnfliire ;  and  he  was  brought 
into  intimate  relations  with  Cromwell,  Milton,  Hutchinfon, 
and  other  kindred  fpirits.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Win- 
throp,  written  after  his  return,  he  fays :  "  It  pleafed  the 
Lord  to  call  me  for  fome  time,  and  with  fome  perfons,  to 
pradlise  the  Hebrew,  the  Greek,  Latin,  French  and  Dutch. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Council,  Mr.  Milton,  for  my  Dutch 

I   Arnold,  vol.  I,  pp.  225,  242. 


44  BIOGRAPHICAL  [44 

I  read  him,  read  me  many  more  languages."  This  extraft 
prelents  a  favorable  view  of  the  literary  acquirements  and 
taftes  of  Roger  Williams. 

Returning  to  Providence  in  the  fummer  of  1654,  he  at 
once  addrelfed  himfelf  to  the  work,  of  reftoring  union  among 
the  feveral  towns  of  the  Colony,  feparated  as  they  were  from 
each  other,  and  diftrafted  by  mutual  jealoulies,  and  feuds 
that  had  grown  inveterate  by  the  lapfe  of  time.  In  this 
difficult  undertaking,  in  which  he  was  aided  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  he  happily  fucceeded.  The  gov- 
ernment was  reorganized  upon  a  permanent  balis,  and  on 
the  1 2th  of  September,  1654,  he  was  chofen  Prelident,  or 
Governor.  This  pofition  he  occupied  three  years  and  eight 
months,  or  until  May,  1658,  when  he  retired  from  the 
office.  It  was  during  this  troubled  period,  that  the  New 
England  Commiffioners  attempted  to  force  Rhode  Illand, 
by  threats  of  exclulion  from  all  relations  of  intercourfe  and 
trade,  to  join  them  in  their  exertions  to  accomplifli  the 
extermination  of  the  Quakers.  In  this  they  lignally  failed. 
The  people  fondly  cheriflied  their  peculiar  opinions  in 
regard  to  "foul  liberty,"  in  the  maintenance  of  which  they 
had  encountered  the  perils  and  hardlhips  of  the  wildernefs; 
and  no  inducements  could  prevail  on  the  government  to 
adopt  other  than  a  liberal  policy,  even  towards  the  perfecu- 
ted  and  then  defpifed  Quakers. 

The  following  letter,  which  Mr.  Knowles'  has  quoted 
from  the  records  of  Providence,  finds  a  fitting  place  here, 
as  an  illuftration  of  the  views  of  Roger  Williams  refpecfling 
the  authority  of  government  and  the  duty  ot  citizens.  It 
was  addrelfed  to  the  town  during  his  Prefidency,  and  fets 
forth  the  principles  on  which  the  State  was  founded,  deny- 

I   Page  279. 


45j  INTRODUCTION.  45 

ing,  in  the  moft  explicit  manner,  that  he  had  ever  given 
the  flighteft  Tandlion  to  the  dodtrine  of  lawlefs  licenfe  fo 
prevalent  at  the  time  throughout  the  Colony.  The  letter 
itfelf  is  a  fufficient  vindication  of  his  fame  from  every  fuspi- 
cion  of  that  radicalifm,  which  his  enemies  have  feemed  to 
delight  in  charging  upon  him. 

"  That  ever  I  fliould  fpeak  or  write  a  tittle,  that  tends  to 
fuch  infinite  liberty  of  conlcience,  is  a  miftake,  which  I 
have  ever  difclaimed  and  abhorred.  To  prevent  fuch  mis- 
takes, I  at  prefent  (liall  only  propofe  this  cafe :  There  goes 
many  a  (hip  to  fea,  with  many  hundred  fouls  in  one  (hip, 
whofe  weal  and  woe  is  common,  and  is  a  true  pi(fture  of  a 
commonwealth,  or  a  human  combination  or  fociety.  It 
hath  fallen  out  fometimes,  that  both  Papifts  and  Proteftants, 
Jews  and  Turks,  may  be  embarked  in  one  fhip  ;  upon  which 
fuppofal,  I  affirm  that  all  the  liberty  of  confcience,  that  ever 
I  pleaded  for,  turns  upon  thefe  two  hinges ;  that  none  of 
the  Papifts,  Proteftants,  Jews,  or  Turks,  be  forced  to  come 
to  the  Ihip's  prayers  or  worfhip,  or  compelled  from  their 
own  particular  prayers  or  worfliip,  if  they  pradtise  any.  I 
further  add,  that  I  never  denied,  that,  notwithftanding  this 
liberty,  the  commander  of  this  Ihip  ought  to  command  the 
fliip's  courfe,  yea,  and  alfo  command  that  juftice,  peace,  and 
fobriety  be  kept,  and  practised,  both  among  the  feamen  and 
all  the  paflengers.  If  any  of  the  feamen  refufe  to  perform 
their  fervice,  or  palTengers  to  pay  their  freight ;  if  any  refufe 
to  help,  in  perfon  or  purfe,  towards  the  common  charges  or 
defence  ;  if  any  refufe  to  obey  the  common  laws  and  orders 
of  the  ftiip,  concerning  their  common  peace  or  prefervation ; 
if  any  (hall  mutiny  and  rife  up  againft  their  commanders 
and  officers ;  if  any  ftiall  preach  or  write  that  there  ought 
to  be  no  commanders  or  officers,   becaufe   all  are  equal  in 


46  BIOGRAPHICAL  [46 

Chrift,  therefore  no  mafters  or  officers,  no  laws  nor  orders, 
no  corredtions  nor  punilhments ;  I  fay,  I  never  denied,  but 
in  fuch  cafes,  whatever  is  pretended,  the  commander  or 
commanders  may  judge,  relift,  compel,  and  punilh  fuch 
tranfgrelfors,  according  to  their  deferts  and  merits.  This, 
if  ferioufly  and  honellly  minded,  may,  if  it  fo  pleafe  the 
Father  ot  Lights,  let  in  fome  light  to  fuch  as  willingly  fliut 
not  their  eyes." 

Concerning  the  clofing  years  of  the  life  of  this  truly 
excellent  man  we  know  but  little.  He  outlived  mofl 
of  his  contemporaries,  dying  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty- 
four,  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  intelledlual  faculties.  With 
ample  means  for  the  acqufition  of  wealth  in  his  earlier 
career,  he  was  compelled,  it  appears,  in  his  latter  days,  to 
endure  the  ills  of  poverty."  The  precife  date  of  his  death 
is  nowhere  mentioned.  It  muft  have  occurred  early  in 
1683,  for  Mr.  John  Thornton,  of  Providence,  writing  to 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Hubbard,  of  Boflon,  under  date  of  May 
loth,  of  this  year,  fays,  "The  Lord  hath  arrefted  by  death 
our  ancient  and  approved  friend,  Mr.  Roger  Williams,  with 
divers  others  here."  He  was  buried  under  arms,  "with  all 
the  folemnity,"  fays  Callender,  "the  Colony  was  able  to 
fhow."  His  remains  were  interred  in  a  fpot  which  he  him- 
felf  had  feledted,  on  his  own  land,  a  Ihort  diftance  from  the 
place  where,  forty-feven  years  before,  he  lirft  let  foot  in 
the  wildernefs.  The  place  is  now  an  orchard,  in  the  rear 
of  the  refidence  of  the  late  Mr.  Sullivan  Dorr.  On  the 
22d  of  March,  i860,  Mr.  Stephen  Randall,  a  defcendant 
of  Williams,  in  company  with  feveral  gentlemen  ot  liter- 
ary and  antiquarian  taftes,  caufed  his  remains,  "duft  and 
afhes,"  to  be  exhumed,  and  removed  to   the  North   Burial 

I   Knowles,  pp.  Ill   and  117;     Gammell,  p.  72. 


47]  INTRODUCTION.  47 

Ground  for  reinterment.  A  memorial  on  this  fubject,  dat- 
ing all  the  fadls  known  refpefting  his  burial,  and  the  partic- 
ulars of  his  reinterment,  was  read  before  the  Rhode  liland 
Hiftorical  Society,  on  the  i8th  of  May  following,  by  Zach- 
ariah  Allen,  LL.  D.  This  memorial  or  paper  was  after- 
wards printed.  Whether  the  public,  in  its  reverence  for 
the  life  and  character  of  Roger  Williams,  will  claim  his 
duft,  to  give  it  a  more  confpicuous  burial,  and  fome  monu- 
ment worthy  of  his  fame,  remains  a  problem  yet  to  be 
folved.  The  city  of  Providence,  and  the  State  of  Rhode 
liland,  in  gratitude  to  their  pious  founder,  (hould  take 
immediate  meafures  to  preferve  the  record  of  his  deeds  in 
fome  vilible  and  enduring  form. 

"  We  give  in  charge 
His  name  to  the  fvveet  lyre.     The  hilloric  mule. 
Proud  of  the  treafure,  marches  with  it  down 
To  lateft  time.     Let  Sculpture,  in  her  turn. 
Give  bond  in  Hone  and  ever-enduring  brafs. 
To  guard  it,  and  to  immortalize  her  truft." 

The  name  of  Roger  Williams  has  been  handed  down  to 
us  by  Puritan  writers  loaded  with  reproach.  He  is  defcribed 
by  Neal  as  a  rigid  Brownift,  precife  and  uncharitable ;  and 
of  the  moft  turbulent  and  boiilerous  palTions.  But  his 
writings  refute  the  firll:  charge,  and  his  condudl,  under 
circumftances  likely  to  aroufe  the  gentleft  fpirit,  contradidts 
the  fecond.'  Governor  Winthrop,  in  a  letter  to  him,  fays  : 
"Sir,  we  have  often  tried  your  patience  but  could  never 
conquer  it."'  He  fuffered  more  than  moll;  men  from  the 
llanders  of  thofe  who  fhould  have  been  his  friends.  Cod- 
dington  accufed   him  "as  a  hireling,  who   for   the   fake  of 

I   Marfden's  Early  Puritans,  p.  313.  i  Proceedings  of  MafT.  Hift.  Society, 

1855-8,  p.  314. 


48  BIOGRAPHICAL  [48 

money  went  to  England  for  the  charter."  Harris,  in  the 
long  and  angry  controverfy  between  them,  left  no  means 
untried  to  undermine  his  influence  with  thofe  for  whom  he 
had  fupplied  a  home,  when  the  gates  of  Malfachufetts  were 
clofed  againil  them."  And  even  Palfrey,  in  his  recent 
elaborate  "Hiftory  of  New  England,"' ftates  that,  for  many 
years  before  his  death,  "  he  can  fcarcely  be  faid  to  have  been 
prominent  in  the  view  even  of  his  own  little  public."  His 
life  as  a  whole  "cannot  be  called,  in  any  common  ufe  of 
the  terms,  a  fuccefsful  one,"  while  "his  official  life  was 
moftly  palfed  in  a  furious  turmoil." 

A  life  fpent  in  the  enunciation  and  development  of  thofe 
principles  of  government,  which,  in  the  forcible  language 
of  Prof.  Gervinus,  "have  given  laws  to  one  quarter  of  the 
globe,"  and  in  the  pradlice  of  thofe  religious  principles, 
which  are  adopted  in  the  main  by  the  largeft  denomination 
of  Proteftant  Chriftians,  fave  one,  in  the  United  States,  may 
furely,  without  exaggeration,  be  called  a  "fuccefsful"  life. 
His  offence,  fays  Marfden,  was  this:  —  "He  enunciated,  and 
lived  to  carry  out,  the  great  principle  of  perfedl  toleration 
amongft  contending  parties  by  whom  it  was  equally  abhor- 
red." But  pofterity  has  rendered  him  juftice,  and  the 
founder  of  Rhode  Illand  will  be  held  in  grateful  and  ever- 
lafting  remembrance.  As  a  happy  illuftration  of  his  gen- 
eral views  of  life,  and  of  his  ChrilHan  temper  and  fpirit,  we 
clofe  this  Introduftion  with  a  fecond  extrad:  from  his  cele- 
brated letter  to  Major  Mafon  ;  written,  it  may  be  added,  in 
1670,  when  the  author  had  palfed  the  Pfalmift's  limits  of 
three  fcore  years  and  ten. 

"Alas!  sir,  in  calm,  midnight  thoughts,  what  are  thefe 
leaves  and  flowers,  and  fmoke  and  Ihadows,  and  dreams  of 

I  Arnold,  vol.  I,  p.  476.  a  Vol.  3,  p.  443. 


49j  INTRODUCTION.  49 

earthly  nothings,  about  which  we  poor  fools  and  children, 
as  David  laith,  difquiet  ourfelves  in  vain  ?  Alas !  what  is  all 
the  Tcuffling  of  this  world  tor,  but,  come,  ivill  you  fmoke  it  ? 
What  are  all  the  contentions  and  wars  ot  this  world  about, 
generally,  but  for  greater  diflies  and  bowls  of  porridge,  of 
which,  if  we  believe  God's  Spirit  in  Scripture,  Efau  and 
Jacob"  were  types  ?  Efau  will  part  with  the  heavenly  birth- 
right for  his  fupping,  after  his  hunting,  for  god-belly ;  and 
Jacob  will  part  with  his  porridge  tor  an  eternal  inheritance. 
O  Lord,  give  me  to  make  Jacob's  and  Mary's  choice,  which 
fliall  never  be  taken  from  me. 

"  How  much  fweeter  is  the  counfel  of  the  Son  of  God,  to 
mind,  lirft,  the  matters  of  his  kingdom,  —  to  take  no  care 
for  to-morrow,  —  to  pluck  out,  cut  otF,  and  tling  away,  right 
eyes,  hands,  and  feet,  rather  than  to  be  call:  whole  into  hell- 
fire  ;  to  coniider  the  ravens  and  the  lilies,  whom  a  heavenly 
Father  fo  clothes  and  feeds ;  and  the  counfel  of  his  fervant 
Paul,  to  roll  our  cares,  for  this  life  alto,  upon  the  moft  high 
Lord,  Steward  of  his  people,  the  eternal  God  ;  to  be  content 
with  food  and  raiment ;  to  mind  not  our  own,  but  every 
man  the  things  of  another ;  yea,  and  to  fuffer  wrong,  and 
part  with  that  we  judge  is  right,  yea,  our  lives,  and,  as  poor 
women-martyrs  have  laid,  as  many  as  there  be  hairs  upon 
our  heads,  for  the  name  of  God  and  the  Son  of  God  his 
fake.  This  is  humanity,  yea,  this  is  Chritlianity.  The  reft: 
is  but  formality  and  pidlure,  courteous  idolatry,  and  Jewifti 
and  Popifh  blalphemy  againft  the  Chriftian  religion,  the 
Father  of  fpirits,  and  his  Son  the  Lord  Jefus.  Betides,  fir, 
the  matter  with  us  is  not  about  thefe  children's  toys  of  land, 
meadows,  cattle,  government,  &c.  But  here,  all  over  this 
Colony,  a  great  number  of  weak  and  diftrelfed  fouls  are 
fcattered,  tiying  hither  from  Old  and  New  England ;  the 
7 


5©  BIOGRAPHICAL  [50 

Moft  High  and  Only  Wife  hath,  in  his  infinite  wifdom, 
provided  this  country  and  this  corner  as  a  flielter  for  the 
poor  and  perfecuted,  according  to  their  feveral  perfuafions. 
And  thus  that  heavenly  man,  Mr.  Haynes,  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  though  he  pronounced  the  fentence  of  my 
long  banifliment  againft  me,  at  Cambridge,  then  Newton, 
yet  faid  unto  me,  in  his  own  houfe  at  Hartford,  being  then 
in  fome  difference  with  the  Bay:  'I  think,  Mr.  Williams, 
I  murt  now  contefs  to  you,  that  the  moll:  wife  God  hath 
provided  and  cut  out  this  part  of  his  world  for  a  refuge  and 
receptacle  tor  all  forts  of  confciences.  I  am  now  under  a 
cloud,  and  my  brother  Hooker,  with  the  Bay,  as  you  have 
been  ;  we  have  removed  from  them  thus  far,  and  yet  they 
are  not  fatisfied.' 

"Thus,  fir,  the  king's  majefty,  though  his  father's  and 
his  own  confcience  favored  lord  bifliops,  which  their  father 
and  grandfather  King  James  —  whom  I  have  fpoke  with  — 
fore  againft  his  will,  alio  did,  yet  all  the  world  may  fee,  by 
his  majefty's  declarations  and  engagements  before  his  return, 
and  his  declarations  and  parliament  Ipeeches  fince,  and 
many  lliitable  actings,  how  the  Father  of  Ipirits  hath  mightily 
imprelfed  and  touched  his  royal  fpirit,  though  the  bilhops 
much  diflurbed  him,  with  deep  inclination  of  favor  and 
gentlenefs  to  different  confciences  and  apprehenfions,  as  to 
the  invifible  King  and  way  of  his  worihip.  Hence  he  hath 
vouchfafed  his  royal  promife  under  his  hand  and  broad  feal, 
that  no  perlbn  in  this  Colony  fliall  be  moleffed  or  quelfioned 
for  the  matters  of  his  confcience  to  God,  fb  he  be  loyal  and 
keep  the  civil  peace.  Sir,  we  muft  part  with  lives  and  land 
before  we  part  with  luch  a  jewel.  I  judge  you  may  yield 
fome  land  and  the  government  of  it  to  us,  and  we,  for  peace 
fake,  the  like  to  you,  as  being  but  I'ubjedls  to  one  king,  Sec, 


5l]  INTRODUCTION.  5I 

and  I  think  the  king's  majefty  would  thank  us,  for  many 
reafons.  But  to  part  with  this  jewel,  we  may  as  foon  do  it 
as  the  Jews  with  the  favor  of  Cyrus,  Darius  and  Artaxerxes. 
Yourfelves  pretend  liberty  of  confcience,  but,  alas !  it  is  but 
felf,  the  great  god  felf,  only  to  yourfelves.  The  king's 
majefty  winks  at  Barbadoes,  where  Jews,  and  all  forts  of 
Chriftian  and  antichriftian  perfualions  are  free ;  but  our 
grant,  fome  few  weeks  after  yours  fealed,  though  granted  as 
foon,  if  not  before  yours,  is  crowned  with  the  king's  extra- 
ordinary favor  to  this  colony,  as  being  a  baniflied  one,  in 
which  his  majefty  declared  himfelf  that  he  would  experi- 
ment, whether  civil  government  could  confift  with  fuch 
liberty  of  confcience.  That  his  majefty's  grant  was  ftartled 
at  by  his  majefty's  high  officers  of  ftate,  who  were  to  view 
it  in  courfe  before  the  fealing ;  but,  fearing  the  lion's  roar- 
ing, they  couched,  againft  their  wills,  in  obedience  to  his 
majefty's  pleafure. 

"  Some  of  yours,  as  I  heard  lately,  told  tales  to  the  arch- 
bifliop  of  Canterbury  ;  viz.,  that  we  are  a  profane  people, 
and  do  not  keep  the  Sabbath,  but  fome  do  plough,  &c.  But, 
firft,  you  told  him  not  how  we  fuft'er  freely  all  other  perfua- 
fions,  yea,  the  common  prayer,  which  yourfelves  will  not 
fuffer.  If  you  fay  you  will,  you  confefs  you  muft  fuffer 
more,  as  we  do. 

"You  know  this  is  but  a  color  to  your  defigns,  for,  ist. 
You  know  that  all  England  itfelf  (after  the  formality  and 
fuperftition  of  morning  and  evening  prayer)  play  away  their 
Sabbath.  2d.  You  know  yourfelves  do  not  keep  the  Sab- 
bath, that  is,  the  feventh  day,  &c. 

"You  know  that  famous  Calvin,  and  thoufands  more, 
held  it  but  ceremonial  and  figurative,  from  Coloflians  ii, 
6cc.,  and  vaniflied ;  and  that  the  day  of  worfliip  was  altera- 


52  BIOGRAPHICAL  [52 

ble  at  the  church's  pleafure.  Thus,  alfo,  all  the  Romanifts 
confefs,  faying,  viz.,  that  there  is  no  exprefs  fcripture,  firil, 
for  infant's  baptifms  ;  nor,  fecond,  for  abolilhing  the  feventh 
day,  inftituting  the  eighth  day  of  worfliip,  but  that  it  is  at 
the  church's  pleafure. 

"  You  know  that,  generally,  all  this  whole  Colony  obferve 
the  firft  day,  only  here  and  there  one  out  of  confcience, 
another  out  of  covetoufnefs,  make  no  confcience  of  it. 

"You  know  the  greateft  part  of  the  world  make  no  con- 
fcience of  a  feventh  day.  The  next  part  of  the  world, 
Turks,  Jews,  and  Chriftians,  keep  three  different  days  — 
Friday,  Saturday,  Sunday  —  for  their  Sabbath  and  day  of 
worfliip ;  and  every  one  maintains  his  own  by  the  longefl: 
fword. 

"  I  have  offered,  and  do,  by  thefe  prefents,  to  difcufs  by 
difputation,  writing  or  printing,  among  other  points  of 
differences,  thefe  three  politions  :  ist.  That  forced  worfliip 
ftinks  in  God's  noftrils.  2d.  That  it  denies  Chrill:  Jefus 
yet  to  be  come,  and  makes  the  church  yet  national,  figura- 
tive, and  ceremonial.  3d.  That  in  thefe  frames  about 
religion,  as  his  majefty,  his  father,  and  grandfather  have 
yielded,  there  is  no  other  prudent,  Chriffian  way  of  preferv- 
ing  peace  in  the  world,  but  by  permilfion  of  differing  con- 
fciences.  Accordingly,  I  do  now  offer  to  difpute  thefe  points 
and  other  points  of  difference,  if  you  pleafe,  at  Hartford, 
Boffon,  and  Plymouth.  For  the  manner  of  the  difpute  and 
the  difculTion,  if  you  think  fit,  one  whole  day  each  month 
in  fummer,  at  •  each  place,  by  courfe,  I  am  ready,  it  the 
Lord  permit,  and,  as  I  humbly  hope,  affiff  me. 

"It  is  laid,  that  you  intend  not  to  invade  our  fpiritual  or 
civil  liberties,  but  only,  under  the  advantage  of  firil  lealing 
your  charter,   to  right  the  privateers  that  petition  to  you. 


53]  INTRODUCTION.  53 

It  is  faid,  alfo,  that  if  you  had  but  Mifliquomacuck.  and 
Narraganfett  lands  quietly  yielded,  you  would  flop  at  Cow- 
efit,  &c.  Oh,  fir,  what  do  thefe  thoughts  preach,  but  that 
private  cabins  rule  all,  whatever  become  of  the  rtiip  of 
common  fafety  and  religion,  which  is  fo  much  pretended  in 
New  England  ?  Sir,  I  have  heard  further,  and  by  fome  that 
fay  they  know,  that  fomething  deeper  than  all  which  hath 
been  mentioned  lies  in  the  three  colonies'  breafts  and  conful- 
tations.  I  judge  it  not  fit  to  commit  fuch  matter  to  the  trufl: 
of  paper,  &c.,  but  only  befeech  the  Father  of  fpirits  to  guide 
our  poor  bewildered  fpirits,  for  his  name  and  mercy's  fake. 

"  Whereas  our  cafe  feems  to  be  the  cafe  of  Paul  appealing 
to  Cxfar  againft  the  plots  of  his  religious,  zealous  adverfa- 
ries.  I  hear  you  pafs  not  our  petitions  and  appeals  to  his 
majefly,  for  partly  you  think  the  king  will  not  own  a  pro- 
fane people  that  do  not  keep  the  Sabbath  ;  partly  you  think 
the  king  an  incompetent  judge,  but  you  will  force  him  to 
law  alfb,  to  confirm  your  firfl-born  Efau,  though  Jacob 
had  him  by  the  heels,  and  in  God's  holy  time  muft  carry 
the  birthright  and  inheritance.  I  judge  your  furmife  is  a 
dangerous  miflake ;  for  patents,  grants,  and  charters,  and 
fuch  like  royal  favors,  are  not  laws  of  England  and  acfls  of 
parliament,  nor  matters  of  propriety  and  meum  and  tiawi 
between  the  king  and  his  fubjedts,  which,  as  the  times  have 
been,  have  been  fometimes  triable  in  inferior  courts  ;  but 
fuch  kind  of  grants  have  been  like  high  offices  in  England, 
of  high  honor,  and  ten,  yea,  twenty  thoufand  pounds  gain 
per  annum,  yet  revocable  or  curtable  upon  pleafure,  accord- 
ing to  the  king's  better  information  or  upon  his  majefly's 
fight,  or  mifbehavior,  in  gratefulnefs,  or  defigns  fraudulently 
plotted,  private  and  diftindt  from  him. 

"Sir,  I  lament  that  fuch  defigns  fhould  be  carried  on  at 


54  BIOGRAPHICAL  [54 

fuch  a  time,  while  we  are  ftripped  and  whipped,  and  are 
ftill  under,  the  whole  country,  the  dreadful  rods  of  God,  in 
our  wheat,  hay,  corn,  cattle,  fliipping,  trading,  bodies,  and 
lives ;  when  on  the  other  fide  of  the  water,  all  forts  of  con- 
fciences,  yours  and  ours,  are  trying  in  the  bifhops's  pan  and 
furnace;  when  the  French  and  Romifli  Jefuits,  the  fire- 
brands of  the  world  for  their  god-belly  fake,  are  kindling 
at  our  back,  in  this  country,  efpecially  with  the  Mohawks 
and  Mohegans,  againft  us,  of  which  I  know  and  have  daily 
information. 

"  If  any  pleafe  to  fay,  is  there  no  medicine  for  this  mal- 
ady ?  Mull  the  nakednefs  of  New  England,  like  fome 
notorious  llrumpet,  be  prolfituted  to  the  blalpheming  eyes 
of  all  nations  ?  Muft  we  be  put  to  plead  before  his  majefty, 
and  confequently  the  lord  bilhops,  our  common  enemies, 
&c.?  I  anfwer,  the  Father  of  mercies  and  God  of  all  con- 
folations  hath  gracioufly  difcovered  to  me,  as  I  believe,  a 
remedy,  which,  if  taken,  will  quiet  all  minds,  yours  and 
ours ;  will  keep  yours  and  ours  in  quiet  polfefrion  and 
enjoyment  of  their  lands,  which  you  all  have  fo  dearly 
bought  and  purchafed  in  this  barbarous  country,  and  fo  long 
polfefsed  amongfi:  thefe  wild  lavages  ;  will  preferve  you  both 
in  the  liberties  and  honors  of  your  charters  and  govern- 
ments, without  the  leail  impeachment  of  yielding  one  to 
another ;  with  a  ftrong  curb  alfo  to  thofe  wild  barbarians 
and  all  the  barbarians  of  this  country,  without  troubling  of 
compromifers  and  arbitrators  between  you ;  without  any 
delay,  or  long  and  chargeable  and  grievous  addrefs  to  our 
king's  majefty,  whofe  gentle  and  ferene  fouls  muft  needs  be 
afflidled  to  be  troubled  again  with  us.  If  you  pleafe  to  afk 
me  what  my  prefcription  is,  I  will  not  put  you  oft^  to  Chris- 
tian  moderation,  or  Chriftian  humility,  or  Chriftian  pru- 


55]  INTRODUCTION.  ^^ 

dence,  or  Chriftian  love,  or  Chriftian  felf-denial,  or  Chriftian 
contention  or  patience.  For  I  delign  a  civil,  a  humane,  and 
political  medicine,  which,  if  the  God  of  heaven  pleafe  to 
blefs,  you  will  find  it  effeftual  to  all  the  ends  I  have  pro- 
pofed.  Only  I  muft  crave  your  pardon,  both  parties  of  you, 
if  I  judge  it  not  fit  to  difcover  it  at  prefent.  I  know  you 
are  both  of  you  hot ;  I  fear  myfelf,  alfo.  If  both  defire, 
in  a  loving  and  calm  fpirit,  to  enjoy  your  rights,  I  promife 
you,  with  God's  help,  to  help  you  to  them,  in  a  fair,  and 
fweet,  and  eafy  way.  My  receipt  will  not  pleafe  you  all. 
If  it  Ihould  fo  pleafe  God  to  frown  upon  us  that  you  fhould 
not  like  it,  I  can  but  humbly  mourn,  and  fay  with  the 
prophet,  that  which  mufi:  perilh,  mull  periOi.  And  as  to 
myfelf,  in  endeavoring  after  your  temporal  and  fpiritual 
peace,  I  humbly  defire  to  fay,  if  I  perilh,  I  perilh.  It  is 
but  a  lliadow  vanillied,  a  bubble  broke,  a  dream  finilhed. 
Eternity  will  pay  for  all. 

"Sir,  I  am  your  old  and  true  friend  and  fervant, 

R.  W." 


:o:- 


The  following  is  a  lift  of  the  writings  of  Roger  Williams, 
the  titles  being  arranged  in  chronological  order : 

A  Key  into  the  Language  of  America  :  or,  an  Help  to  the 

Language  of  the  Natives  in  that  part  of  America  called  New  England.  Together 
with  briefe  Obfervations  of  the  Cuftomes,  Manners  and  Worfhips,  Sec.  of  the 
aforefaid  Natives,  in  Peace  and  Warre,  in  Life  and  Death.  On  all  which  are 
added  Spirituall  Obfervations,  Generall  and  Particular,  by  the  Authour,  of  chiefe 
and  fpeciall  ufe  (upon  all  occafions)  to  all  the  Englifh  Inhabiting  thole  Parts; 
yet  plealant  and  profitable  to  the  view  of  all  men.  London,  printed  by 
Gregory  Dexter.      1643. 

This  work,  we  have  already  remarked,  was  written  at  fea, 
on  the  author's  firft  voyage  to  England.   It  comprifes  two  hun- 


56  BIOGRAPHICAL  [56 

dred  and  fixteen  fmall  duodecimo  pages,  including  preface 
and  table,  and  is  dedicated  to  his  "deare  and  well-beloved 
friends  and  country-men  in  Old  and  New  England."  It  is 
by  far  the  befl  known  of  Mr.  Williams's  works,  and  is  ftill 
of  the  higheft  authority  refpefting  the  fubjedl  of  which  it 
treats.  The  greater  part  of  it  has  been  republirtied  in  the 
third  and  fifth  volumes  of  the  firft  feries  of  the  Collections 
of  the  Mallachufetts  Hiftorical  Society.  It  is  alio  contained 
entire  in  the  firft  volume  of  the  Collecflions  of  the  Rhode 
Ifiand  Hiftorical  Society.  This  volume  was  printed  in 
1827,  from  a  manufcript  copy  of  the  "Key"  which  Zach- 
ariah  Allen,  LL.  D.,  had  recently  procured  from  the  Bod- 
leian Library  at  Oxford,  and  prefented  to  the  Society.  A 
copy  of  the  original  edition  is  in  in  the  Britilh  Mufeum,  and 
alfo  in  the  library  of  the  Mafiachuletts  Hiftorical  Society, 
the  latter  copy  fuppofed  by  Prof.  Knowles,  when  his  Memoir 
was  publirtied,  to  be  the  only  one  in  the  country.  Copies 
are  likewife  to  be  found  in  the  libraries  of  Harvard  College, 
Brown  Univerfity,  and  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at 
Worcefter.  A  merchant  of  Providence,  diftinguiflied  for 
his  zeal  in  collecting  books  pertaining  to  the  early  hiftory 
of  America,  has  five  copies  of  the  original  "Key,"  all  finely 
bound  and  in  excellent  condition. 

"This  fingular,  and,  as  it  has  been  reprefented,  exceed- 
ingly copious  and  verfatile  language  has  been  made,"  fays 
Prof.  Gammell,  "the  fubjed;  of  much  curious  inquiry  among 
the  philologifts  of  our  own  and  of  other  lands.  The  peo- 
ple who  fpoke  it  have  long  fince  vanidied  from  the  hills 
and  forefts  of  New  England ;  but  the  language  itfelf  has 
furvived  them  in  the  pious  though  humble  labors  of  their 
benefadtors.  Specimens  of  its  endlefs  words  and  its  unique 
ftrudture  are  ftill  to  be  found  in  the  '  Key,'  which  Williams 


S7] 


INTRODUCTION.  57 


wrote,  in  the  'Grammar'  of  John  Eliot,  and  efpecially  in 
the  few  fcattered  copies  that  remain  of  the  Indian  Bible, 
which  the  noble  minded  apofiile  toiled  away  the  befl:  years 
of  his  life  in  tranllating. 

Mr.  Cottons  Letter  Lately  Printed,  examined  and  anfwered. 

London.     Imprinted  in  the  yeere  1644. 

This  is  a  fmall  quarto  of  47  pages,  including  2  pages  to 
.the  "  Impartiall  Reader." 

The  Bloudy  Tenent,  of  Perfecution,  for  caufe  of  Confcience, 

dilcuffed,  in  a  Conference  betweene  Truth  and  Peace,  who,  in  all  tender  Affec- 
tion, prefent  to  the  High  Court  of  Parliament,  fas  the  Refult  of  their  Difcourfe,) 
thefe,  (amongil  other  Paflages)  of  highell  Confideration.  Printed  in  the  year 
1644. 

This  is  alfo  a  fmall  quarto,  comprifing  247  pages  of  text, 
belides  24  pages  of  table  and  introdudlion. 

Queries  of  higheft  confideration  propofed  to  Mr.  Tho.  Good- 
win, Mr.  Phillip  Nye,  Mr.  Wil.  Bridges,  Mr.  Jer.  Burroughs,  Mr.  Sidr.  Simp- 
fon,  all  Independents  ;  and  to  the  Commiffioners  from  the  Generall  .'\(rembly 
(fo  called)  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  upon  occafion  of  their  late  printed  Apol- 
ogies for  themfelves  and  their  Churches.  In  all  Humble  Reverence  prefented 
to  the  view  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Houfes  of  the  High  Court  of  Parlia- 
ment.    London.     Imprinted  in  the  yeare  1644. 

An  anonymous  pamphlet  of  1 3  pages. 
The    Bloody  Tenent  yet   more   Bloody  :     by  Mr.   Cottons 

endeavor  to  wafh  it  white  in  the  Blood  of  the  Lambe  ;  of  whofe  precious  Blood, 
fpilt  in  the  Blood  of  his  Servants  ;  and  of  the  Blood  of  Millions  i'pilt  in  former 
and  later  Wars  for  Confcience  fake,  that  moll  Bloody  Tenent  of  Perfecution  for 
caufe  of  Confcience,  upon  a  fecond  Tryal,  is  found  now  more  apparently  and 
more  notorioudy  guilty.  In  this  Rejoynder  to  Mr.  Cotton  are  principally, 
1.  The  Nature  of  Perfecution,  2.  The  Power  of  the  Civill  Sword  in  Spirituals 
Examined  ;  3.  The  Parliaments  permiffion  of  Diflenting  Confciences  Juftified. 
Alfo  (as  a  Teilimony  to  Mr.  Clarks  Narrative)  is  added  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Endi- 
cot  Governor  of  the  Maffachufetts  in  N.  E.  London,  Printed  for  Giles  Calvert, 
and  are  to  be  fold  at  the  black-fpread  Eagle,  at  the  Weft-End  of  Pauls,  1652. 
8 


58  BIOGRAPHICAL  [58 

A  fmall  quarto  of  373  pages,  including  the  introdudtion 
and  table  of  contents. 


The  Hireling    Miniftry  None  of   Chrifts,  or  a   Difcourfe 

touching  the  Propagating  the  Gofpel  of  Chrift  Jefus.  Humbly  Prefented  to  fuch 
Pious  and  Honourable  Hands,  whom  the  prefent  Debate  thereof  concerns.  Lon- 
don.     Printed  in  the  Second  Moneth.      1652. 

Small  quarto,  compriling  36  pages  of  text,  and  8  pages  of 
introductory  matter. 

Experiments  of  Spiritual  Life  and  Health,  and  their  Prefer- 

vatives  in  which  the  Weakell  child  of  God  may  get  Aflurance  of  his  Spiritual! 
Life  and  Bleflcdneffe,  and  the  Strongeil  may  finde  proportionable  Difcoveries  of 
his  Chriftian  Growth,  and  the  means  of  it.  London,  Printed,  in  the  Second 
Month,  1652. 

Small  quarto,   comprifing  59  pages  of  text,  and  10  pages 
of  introduftory  matter. 

The  laft  of  Mr.  Williams's  publiftied  works  is  entitled  : 
George'  Fox   Digg'd  out  of  his  Burrowes,  Or  an   Offer  of 

Difputation  on  fourteen  Propolalls  made  this  laft  Summer  1672  (fo  call'd)  unto 
G.  Fox  then  prefent  on  Rhode-Ifland  in  New-England,  by  R.  W.  As  alfo  how 
(G.  Fox  flilv  departing)  the  Difputation  went  on  being  managed  three  da^es  at 
Newport  on  Rhode-Ifland,  and  one  day  at  Providence,  between  John  Stubs,  John 
Burnet,  and  William  Edmundfon  on  the  one  part,  and  R.  W.  on  the  other.  In 
which  many  Quotations  out  of  G.  Fox  and  Ed.  Burrowes  Book  in  Folio  are 
alleadged.  With  an  Appendix  of  fome  fcores  of  G.  F.  his  fimple  lame  Anfwers 
to  his  Oppofites  in  that  Book,  quoted  and  replved  to.  Bofton.  Printed  by  John 
Fofter,  1676. 

A  quarto  of  335  pages. 

'   A  copy  of  this  book  in  the   Bofton     title  is   the   fame  as   the   one   which  we 
Athenaeum    has   "  G.   Fox  "    inftead    of     have  given  above. 
"  George  Fox."     In    other  refpefts  the 


59]  INTRODUCTION.  59 

We  have  thus  given  a  brief  lift  of  all  the  publifhed  writ- 
ings of  Roger  Williams,  which  are  known  to  be  extant. 
Several  of  his  treatifes,  and  among  them  the  eifay  concerning 
the  patent,  which  excited  the  difpleallire  of  the  magiftrates 
in  Malfachufetts  before  his  banifhment,  were  not,  it  is  pre- 
fumed,  printed.  In  his  letter  to  Governor  Bradftreet,  of 
Bofton,  dated  May  6,  1682,  he  fpeaks  of  a  colledfion  of 
heads  of  difcourfes  preached  to  the  "Scattered  Englilh  at 
Narraganfett "  which  he  had  reduced  to  writing  with  a  view 
to  publication.  Inquiry  has  been  made  for  thefe  difcourfes, 
but  the  moft  diligent  fearch  has  thus  far  failed  to  bring 
them  to  light.  In  the  preface  to  the  "  Key  into  the  Lan- 
guage of  America,"  the  author,  alluding  to  the  converlion 
of  the  Indians,  fays  :  "  I  fhall  further  prefent  you  with  a 
brief  additional  dilbourfe  concerning  this  great  point."  This 
was  doubtlefs  printed  at  the  time  Jn  a  pamphlet  form,  but 
no  mention  whatever  is  made  of  it  by  any  of  his  biogra- 
phers. A  copy  of  it  may  perhaps  be  found  among  the  great 
pamphlet  colled:ions  of  the  Bodleian  Library  or  the  Britilh 
Mufeum. 

The  Letters  of  Mr.  Williams  were  numerous,  as  he  held 
an  extenlive  correfpondence  with  the  leading  men  of  his 
day.  Many  of  thefe  Letters  have  been  publiihed  in  Knowles's 
Memoir,  Elton's  Life,  Staples's  Annals  of  Providence,  and 
the  Colleftions  of  the  Malfachufetts  and  Rhode  Ifland  His- 
torical Societies.  Others  are  I'cattered  about,  in  the  polfes- 
fion  of  individuals,  or  in  places  of  public  depofit.  A  large 
number  have  been  found  among  the  family  papers  of  his 
friend.  Governor  Winthrop.  Some  of  thel'e  have  recently 
been  printed  under  the  aulpices  of  the  Malfachufetts  His- 
torical Society,  forming  a  part  of  the  6th  volume,  4th  feries 
of  their  Colledlions.    They  number  in  all  65,  the  firft  being 


6o  BIOGRAPHICAL  [6o 

dated  at  Plymouth,  about  the  year  1632,  and  the  lad:  at 
Providence,  January  14,  1675.  It  is  earneftly  hoped  that 
the  Life,  Works  and  Correspondence  of  Roger  WilHams 
may  one  day  be  pubUflied  in  a  popular  and  attractive  form, 
and  circulated  broadcail:  throughout  the  land.  They  would 
thus  conftitute  a  "  monument "  to  his  genius  and  worth, 
more  enduring  than  "  ftoried  urn  "  or  fculptured  marble. 

R.  A.  G. 

Brown  University,  May  4,  1866. 


A    K  E  Y 


INTO   THE 


LANGUAGE    OF    AMERICA, 


EDITED    BY 


J.  Hammond  Trumbull. 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE. 


:o: 


OON  after  Mr.  Williams  arrived  in  New  Eng- 
land, he  began  to  apply  himfelf  to  the  ftudy  of 
the  Indian  language.  In  this  ftudy,  —  profe- 
cuted  with  his  characteriftic  ardor,  —  he  had 
already  made  confiderable  progrefs  before  his 
banifhment  from  MalTachufetts  in  1635.  His 
determination  to  eftablifli  his  refidence  within 
the  jurifdidtion  of  the  Narraganfett  fachems  was  influenced 
(as  he  declares,  in  a  letter,  written  in  1677,)  by  his  "foul's 
defire  to  do  the  natives  good,  and  to  that  end  to  learn  their 
language;"  and,  when  enumerating  the  peculiar  advantages 
he  enjoyed  in  negotiating  the  purchafe  of  Moofhaufick  from 
Canonicus  and  Miantunnomu,  he  fays,  "God  was  pleafed  to 
give  me  a  painful,  patient  fpirit  to  lodge  with  them  in  their 
filthy,  fmoky  holes,  [even  while  I  lived  at  Plymouth  and  Salem^ 
to  gain  their  tongue;"  fo  that,  at  his  firfl:  coming  to  Narra- 
ganfett, he  "could  debate  with  them  (in  a  great  meafure) 
in  their  own  language.""  Wood,  who  failed  for  England 
in  Auguft,  1633,  and  publifhed  his  New  England's  ProfpeSl, 

I   Knowles's  Memoir,  pp.  io8,  109. 


4  Editor's  Preface.  [64 

the  next  year,  in  London,  mentions  (part  2,  ch.  18,)  "one 
of  the  Englifli  preachers,"  who,  "in  a  fpeciall  good  intent 
ot  doing  good  to  their  [the  Indians']  foules,  hath  I'pent  much 
time  in  attaining  to  their  language,  wherein  he  is  fo  good  a 
proficient,  that  he  can  fpeake  to  their  underftanding,  and 
they  to  his;  much  loving  and  refpec^ting  him  for  his  love 
and  counfell.  It  is  hoped  [he  adds,]  that  he  may  be  an 
instrument  of  good  amongrt  them."  That  this  Englifli 
preacher  was  Roger  Williams  hardly  admits  of  doubt :  for 
John  Eliot,  the  good  "apoflle  of  the  Indians,"  did  not  begin 
his  labors  among  them  until  eleven  or  twelve  years  after 
Wood's  book  was  printed,  and  then,  "preached  to  them 
firfl  by  an  interpreter,"  till  "having  with  much  induftry 
learned  their  language,  he  tioiv  (wrote  Mr.  Cotton,  in  1647) 
preacheth  to  two  congregations  of  them,  in  their  own  lan- 
guage."" 

In  the  letter  already  quoted,  Mr.  Williams  refers  to  gifts 
made  by  him  to  Oufamequin  and  Canonicus,  "many  years' 
before  he  came  in  perfon  to  Narraganfett :"  and  in  his  deed 
to  his  alTociates,  in  1661,  he  mentions  "feveral  treaties  with 
Canonicus  and  Miantunnomu,"  in  1634  and  1635."  He 
muft  have  attained  a  refpedlable  proficiency  in  their  lan- 
guage before  his  fettlement  at  Providence  in  1636.  In  the 
autumn  of  that  year,  when  the  Narraganfett  lachems  vifited 
Boflon  and  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace,   the  governor  and 

1  Way  of  Congreg.  Churches  Cleared,  Long  Ifland  Indian,  taken  prifoner  in  the 

part  i.  p.  77.      He  had,  however,  "  ob-  Pequot  war,   1637,  and  placed  as  a  fer- 

tained  to  preach  to  them  in  their  own  vant  with  Richard  Collicott,  of  Dorches- 

language,"   before   December,    1646. —  ter.      Glorious  Progreffe,  &c.,    19,   in   3 

Winthrop.ii,  297,  303  :   comp.  Gookin's  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.  iv.  90. 

HiHor.Colleftions,in  I  Mai's.  Hift. Coll.,  2   Knowles,  109,  1 1  3  ;  Staples's  Annals 

i.  168.   Eliot's_yfr/?  interpreter,  whom  he  of  Providence,  30. 
employed  to  "teach  him  words,"  was  a 


65]  Editor  s  Preface.  5 

magiftrates  of  Maflachufetts,  "becaufe  they  could  not  well 
make  them  underrtand  the  articles  perfedtlv,  agreed  to  fend 
a  copy  ot  them  to  Mr.  Williams,  who  could  bell  interpret 
them  to  them."'  From  this  time,  until  the  clofe  of  the 
Pequot  war  in  1637,  his  fervices  as  an  interpreter,  and  in 
negotiation  with  the  Narraganfetts  and  their  allies,  were  in 
"conuant  requilition.  The  importance  of  thefe  fervices  can 
hardly  be  over-eftimated.  He  might  well  aver  that  he 
"had  his  lliare  of  fervice  to  the  whole  land  in  that  bufmefs, 
inferior  to  very  few  that  adled."''  Early  in  .1638,  after  a 
vilit  to  the  Narraganfett  fachems,  he  writes  to  his  friend 
Governor  Winthrop,  "good  news  of  great  hopes  the  Lord 
hath  fprung  up,  of  many  a  poor  Indian  foul  inquiring  after 
God.  I  have  convinced  hundreds  at  home  and  abroad  that 
in  point  of  religion  they  are  all  wandering,  &c."^  "Of  later 
times,"  —  as  he  tells  us  in  the  epiftle  introductory  to  the 
Key,  —  "out  ot  defire  to  attaine  their  language,  I  have  run 
through  varieties  of  intercourfes  with  them,  day  and  night, 
fummer  and  winter,  by  land  and  fea."  "Many  hundreds  of 
times,"  before  1643,  he  had  preached  to  "great  numbers  of 
them,"  to  their  "great  delight,  and  great  convictions,"  — 
and  this  not  only  among  the  Narraganfetts,  but  "with  all 
forts  of  Nations  of  them,  from  one  end  of  the  Country  to 
another."-* 

Yet,  although  he  fpoke  the  language  of  the  Narraganfetts 
and  neighboring  tribes,  with  eafe  and  accuracy  enough  to 
qualify  him  to  impart  religious  inftrudtion  as  well  as  to 
tranfadt  bulinefs  of  all  kinds,  and  to  maintain  friendly 
intercourle    with     them,    it    is    evident   that     he    had   not 

1  Winthrop,  i.  199.  3   4  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  vi.  225. 

2  Letter  to  Major  Mafon  (1670,)  in  i         4  Key,  Introd.,  and  ch.  xxi.,  p.    123. 
Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  i.  277. 


6  Editor's  Preface.  [66 

thoroughly  maftered  all  the  anomalies  of  Indian  grammar, 
and  that  he  had  not  given  much  attention  to  the  polyfyn- 
thetic  llrudture  which  charadlerizes  this  family  of  lan- 
guages and  renders  every  compound  word  a  new  puzzle  to 
thofe  who  have  previoully  been  familiar  only  with  infledled 
languages.  In  a  work  written  nearly  ten  years  after  the 
Key  was  printed,  he  argues  that  "  men  cannot  preach  to  the 
Indians  in  any  propriety  of  their  fpeech,"  without  infpira- 
tion." 

There  is,  in  fadl,  but  one  volume  in  which  the  peculiar- 
ities of  the  grammar  and  word-ftrufture  of  the  languages  of 
New  England,  —  the  middle  group  of  dialedls  of  the  Algon- 
kin-Lenape  family,- — are  adequately  prefented  or  can  be 
fuccefstully  ftudied,  and  that  is,  Eliot's  tranllation  of  the 
Bible.  Mr.  Du  Ponceau  juftly  charadlerized  this  as  "a  rich 
and  valuable  mine  of  Indian  philology,"  from  which  "a 
complete  grammar  and  didlionary  might,  with  labour  and 
perfeverance,  be  extradted.'"  It  merits  even  more  liberal 
eulogy,  —  as  a  marvellous  triumph  of  fcholarfliip,  achieved 
in  the  face  of  difficulties  which  might  well  have  appeared 
infurmountable.  In  few  words,  Eliot  has  told  the  fecret  of 
his  fuccefs :  "  Prayer  and  pains,  through  faith  in  Chrift 
Jefus,  will  do  any  thing."  With  this  alfurance,  he  entered 
upon  his  great  work,  and,  in  fpite  of  difadvantages  (not  the 
leaft  of  which  was  his  poverty,)  profecuted  it  to  the  end. 
And  it  may  be  doubted  if,  in  the  two  centuries  which  have 
elapfed  fince  the  Indian  Bible  was  printed,  any  tranflation 
of  the  facred  volume  has  been  made  from  the  Englifli  to  a 
foreign  tongue,  of  more  literal  accuracy  and  completenefs. 
If  a  different  impreffion  has  been  popularly  received,  flight 

I   Bloody  Tenent  more  Bloody.     See        a   Notes  on  Eliot's  Grammar,  p.  ix.,  in 
Knowles,  p.  328.  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  2d  Ser.  vol.  ix. 


67]  Editor's  Preface.  7 

ftudy  of  the  Indian  text  will  fuffice  to  remove  it.  Were 
the  lingular  excellence  of  this  work  rightly  appreciated, 
there  would  be  more  of  truth  in  Du  Ponceau's  declaration, 
(now,  unfortunately,  merely  a  rhetorical  flourirti,)  that  "the 
worldly  fame,  which  Eliot  did  not  feek,  awaited  him  at  the 
end  of  two  centuries."' 

Roger  Williams's  Key  has  a  value  of  a  different  kind,  and 
one  which  is  peculiar  to  itfelf.  However  deficient  as  a 
grammar,  (a  form  which  the  author  "  purpofely  avoided,  as 
not  fo  accommodate  to  the  benefit  of  all,")  of  its  excellence 
as  a  vocabulary  and  phrafe  book  there  can  be  no  queftion. 
It  has  preferved  for  us  juft  that  "propriety  of  the  [Indian] 
language  in  common  things"  which  was  not  to  be  attained 
"without  abundant  converting  with  them,  in  eating,  travel- 
ling and  lodging  with  them,"- — and  which  could  have  no 
place  in  Eliot's  tranllations  of  the  Bible  and  treatiles  on 
pra<flical  religion.  From  no  other  fource  can  we  learn  fo 
many  Indian  natnes,  general  and  I'pecific,  of  objedls  animate 
and  inanimate,  —  fo  many  words  and  phrafes  of  familiar 
fpeech,  and  which  were  moft  frequently  employed  by  the 
Indians  in  their  intercourfe  with  each  other.  It  is  in  fad: 
the  only  vocabulary  of  a  language  of  fouthern  New  England 
which  is  truflworthy,  or  tolerably  full.  And  this  fpecial 
value  is  enhanced  by  the  fadl  that  it  was  compiled  before 
the  language  of  the  Narraganfetts  had  been  elTentially  mod- 
ified by  intercourfe  with  the  Englifli,  or  by  the  influence  of 
Eliot's  and  other  printed  tranilations  into  the  Malfachufetts 
dialedl.  To  fuch  modification  all  unwritten  languages  are 
fubjedt,  and   the   Indian   languages  of  America  were,  from 

I   Notes  on  Eliot's  Grammar,  p.  i., —        2  Bloody    Tenent    more    Bloody,   (in 
in  I  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  ix.  Knowles,  p.  328.) 


8  Editor's  Preface.  [68 

their  ftrudlure,  peculiarly  fo.'  That  it  did  in  fad:  take  place 
in  New  England,  and  as  a  confequence  of  the  printing  of 
the  Indian  Bible,  is  not  doubtful,  —  though  we  have  no 
means  of  afcertaining  whether  or  not  it  extended  to  the 
Narraganfett  tribe.  Experience  Mayhew,  writing  from 
Martha's  Vineyard  in  1722,  ftates  that  the  language  of  that 
illand  and  that  of  Natick  were  then  "very  much  alike,"  but 
adds,  "indeed  the  difference  was  fomething  greater  than 
now  it  is,  before  our  Indians  had  the  ufe  of  the  Bible  and  other 
books  trajijlated  by  Mr.  Eliot ;  but  ftice  that,  the  ?noJi  of  the 
little  differences  that  were  betwixt  them  have  bceji  happily  lojl, 
and  our  Indians  fpeak,  but  efpecially  write,  much  as  thofe 
of  Natick  do."' 

The  differences  which  may  be  regarded  as  dialectical 
between  the  Narraganfett  language,  as  Mr.  Williams  pre- 
fents  it,  and  the  Natick  as  written  by  Eliot  and  his  contem- 
poraries, are  few  and  inconfiderable.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  point  to  any,  which  are  well  marked  and  conftant.  It 
muff  be  remembered  that,  while  the  Key  "is  framed  chief y 
after  the  Narraganfett  dialed!,"  Mr.  Williams  had  acquired 
his  knowledge  of  the  language  from  intercourfe  with  at 
leafl  three  independent  tribes,  —  during  his  refidence  at 
Plymouth,  Salem,  and  Providence  :  and  it  is  certain  that,  in 
fome  inflances,  he  has  admitted  words  which  are  7iot  in  the 
Narraganfett  dialed:.  For  example,  —  on  page  107,  (Chap, 
xvii.,)  where  he  remarks  upon  the  great  "variety  of  their 
dialeds  and  proper  fpeech  within  thirty  or  forty  miles  of 
each  other,"  he  gives  "  aniim,  a  dog,"  for  the   Coweft  (as  it 

1  See  Gallatin's  Synopfis,  (Trans.  Am.  an  important  contribution  to  the  matc- 
Antiq.  Soc,  ii.)  24 :  Max  Miiller's  Left,  rials  for  the  lludy  of  the  Indian  lan- 
on  Science  of  Language,  1st  Ser.,  6l,  62,  guages,  for  a  copy  of  which  I  am  indcbt- 
(Amcr.  ed.)  ed   to  J.   Wingate   Thornton,    Efq.,   of 

2  Ms.    Letter   to    Hon.  Paul    Dudley  ;  Bofton. 


6g\  Editor's  Preface.  g 

was,  alfo,  the  Natick)  form,  and  diftinguiflies  the  "  Narri- 
ganfet"  as  ay}m.  The  word  Narriganlet,  here,  and  elfe- 
where  in  the  Key,  contains  the  letter  r,  which  was  not  pro- 
nounced by  the  Narraganfetts  proper,  whofe  tribe-name 
Mr.  WilHams  (in  his  epiftle  introductory)  writes  Nanhig- 
garieuck.  So,  (on  pages  28,  29,  140,  142,)  the  words  nullo- 
gana,  my  wife ;  ivullogana,  a  [his]  wife ;  niiUbquafo,  my 
ward,  or  pupil,  —  appear,  by  the  prefence  of  the  /,  to  belong 
to  fome  other  dialed:  than  the  Narraganfett ;  probably,  to 
the  Nipmuck.  On  the  whole,  the  language  of  the  Key 
does  not  differ  more  widely  from  that  of  Eliot's  Bible,  than 
does  the  latter  from  the  Mallachufetts  Pfalter  and  tranfla- 
tion  of  John's  Gofpel,  printed  for  the  ufe  of  the  Indians  of 
Maifachul'etts  in  1709. 

To  many  readers,  the  "  brief  obfervations  of  the  cuftomes, 
manners  and  worihips,  &c.,  of  the  natives,"  conftitute  the 
moft  "pleafant  and  profitable"  portion  of  the  author's  work. 
Thefe,  fupplementing  what  he  terms  the  "implicite  dia- 
logues "  of  the  Key  proper,  are  of  great  value,  for  the 
information  they  fupply  refpediing  the  manners  and  cuftoms, 
the  condudl  and  charadler,  of  the  Indians  of  New  England, 
"in  peace  and  warre,  in  life  and  death."  They  have  been  fo 
often  and  fo  largely  drawn  upon  by  later  writers,  that  our 
obligations  to  their  author  are  almoft  loft  fight  of,  and  they 
are  held,  as  if  by  prefcription,  the  common  property  of 
hiftorians.  No  account  of  the  aborigines  of  America,  no 
hiftory  of  New  England  or  of  any  of  its  colonies,  would 
remain  tolerably  complete,  if  Roger  Williams's  contribu- 
tions were  withdrawn  from  its  pages.  Even  Cotton  Mather 
not  only  gave  a  good  word,  in  pafiing,  to  the  "little  rela- 
tion, with  obfervations,  wherein  (Mr.  \^i\\i-3L.m%)  fpirltualizes 
the  curiojities  ....  whereof  he  entertains  his  reader,"'  but 

1   Magnalia,  b.  vii.  ch.  z,  §8. 
Bz 


lO 


Editor  s  Preface.  [70 


condefcends  to  borrow  from  it,  without  acknowledgment, 
the  materials  for  the  beft  part  of  the  beft  chapter  in  his  Life 
of  John  Eliot :'  and  the  Key  has  perhaps  been  quoted  nearly 
as  often  through  the  Magnalia  as  Irom  the  pages  of  the 
original  edition,  or  its  reprints. 

Mr.  Williams  failed  for  England  early  in  the  fummer  of 
1643.  The  materials  of  the  Key  were,  as  he  informs  us, 
drawn  "in  a  rude  lump,"  at  fea,  as  a  help  to  his  own  mem- 
ory. Afterwards,  he  refolved  to  reduce  thefe  materials  into 
form  for  publication.  This  work  muft  have  been  accom- 
plifhed  before,  or  very  Ihortly  after,  his  arrival  in  London. 
The  volume  was  printed  before  Septeniber  7th,  —  the  date 
of  purchafe,  or  acquifition,  which  was  marked  by  Mr. 
Thomafon  on  the  copy  in  his  Colleftion,  which  is  now  in 
the  Britilh  Mufeum.'  It  is  in  fmall  oftavo,  (as  compared 
with  modern  ftandards,  octodecimo,)  and  contains  fourteen 
fheets,  making  224  pages,  inclulive  of  the  title-leat.  An 
error  in  the  pagination  makes  the  apparent  number  ot  pages 
lefs  by  eight,  than  the  aftual  number.^ 

1  Magnalia,  b.iii.  part  3, (pt. 3. )  Mather  3  Collation:  Title;  verfo  blank  (2 
himfelf  gave  fome  lludy  to  the  Indian  pp.)  "To  my  Deare  and  Welbeloved 
language,  and  made  a  dilplay  of  his  pro-  Friends,"  &c.  (12  pp.  fig.  A2-A7). 
ficiencv,  in  iundry  trandations  tor  the  '■  Direftions  for  the  ufe  of  the  language," 
ufe  of  the  praying  Indians.  Judging  from  (2  pp.).  "An  Helpe,"  &c.,  pp.  1-197, 
the  fpecimen  introduced  in  the  Appendix  Bl  to  refto  of  O7,  inclufive.  The  Table, 
to  his  India  Chriftiana,  ( BoHon,  1721,  verfo  of  O7  and  refto  of  08,  (2  pp.). 
pp.  52-55,)  there  is  nothing  furprifing  Licenfe,  verfo  of  08.  Errors  in  pagina- 
in  a  fadl  which  he  records  in  the  Mag-  tion  :  77,  mifprinted  69  ;  80,  mifprinted 
nalia,  —  that  having  once  "made  trial  of  86;  92-98,  page  numbers  tranfpofed,  94, 
this  Indian  language,"  in  the  way  of  95,  92,  93,  98,  and  96  and  97  omitted ; 
exorcifm,  he  found  that  the  Devils  "did  105-114,  repeated,  (H4-8,  and  I1-5.) 
feem  as  if  they  did  not   underjiand  it,"  In   the    prefent  edition,  this   fecond   or 

though   they  could   conftrue   his  "Latin  repeated  feries  of  page  numbers  (105  to 

Greek,  and  Hebrew,"  readily  enough.  114,  inclufive)  will  be  dillinguifhed,  for 

2  Savage's  N.  E.  Gleanings,  in  3  Mafs,  convenience  of  reference,  as  105^,  lo6^, 
Hiiiorical  Colleftions,  viii.  295.  &c. 


7 1  ]  Editor's  Preface.  1 1 

It  is  hardly  neceflary  to  mention  that  Gregory  Dexter, 
the  printer  ot'  this  Httle  volume,  came,  not  long  after  it  was 
publilhed,  to  Providence,  where  he  became  a  prominent 
citizen,  —  was  an  elder  ot  the  Baptift  church;  for  feveral 
years  town  clerk ;  prefident  of  the  main-land  towns  in 
1653  ;  the  "dear  and  faithful  friend"  of  Roger  V/illiams  ; 
and  at  his  death,  upwards  of  ninety  years  of  age,  left  an 
honored  name  to  numerous  defcendants.' 

In  1827,  when  the  Rhode  Illand  Hiftorical  Society  under- 
took to  reprint  the  Key,  in  the  firft  volume  of  their  Col- 
lections, the  only  copy  of  the  original  which  was  known  to 
be  in  this  country  was  in  the  library  of  the  Malfachufetts 
Hiftorical  Society.  From  another,  in  the  Bodleian  Library 
at  Oxford,  Zachariah  Allen,  Efq.,  had  procured  a  manu- 
fcript  copy,  and  this,  (after  collation  with  the  copy  in  Bos- 
ton,) was  employed  for  the  re-print.  Under  thel'e  circum- 
ftances,  without  the  opportunity  of  correcting  proofs  by  the 
printed  pages  of  the  firft  edition,  it  is  not  furpriling  that 
errors  found  their  way  into  the  edition  of  1827;  it  is  more 
furpriling,  perhaps,  that  the  errors  are  comparatively  fo  few. 
They  are  fufficiently  numerous,  however,  to  render  a  liter- 
ally accurate  reprint  delirable,  efpecially  to  ftudents  of  the 
Indian  languages. 

The  firft  edition  is  fufficiently  rare,  as  any  one  who  wifhes 
to  add  a  copy  to  his  collection  will  be  likely  to  difcover. 
Yet  it  is  no  longer  true  that  a  fingle  library  enjoys  the  pos- 

■   Thomas's   Hift.  of  Printing,   i.  418,  trade.      A  lift  of  books   printed   by  (or, 

419:    Hague's   Cent.    Difcourle,    1839;  ^°'' )    him,    may    be    feen     in    Herbert's 

Knovvles's  Memoir  of  R.  Williams,  253.  .Ames's   Typogr.    Antiquities,     1267-8, 

A^o^fr/ Dexter, who  came  from  Ipfwich,  and  in  Watt's  Bibliotheca.      He  was  liv- 

Co.  Suffolk,  began   bufinefs    in    London,  ing  in  1604.      Nichols's  Lit.  Anecdotes, 

as  a  printer  and   ftationer,   in    1589,  and  iii.   591. 
was  ot  good   repute   and   pofition   in   the 


12 


Editor's  Preface.  [72 


feffion  of  the  only  copy  on  this  fide  of  the  Atlantic.  Mr. 
Guild  (in  the  Biographical  Introduction,  p.  56,)  mentions 
the  fact  that  Jive  copies,  in  excellent  condition,  are  to  be 
found  in  one  private  library  in  Providence,  and  as  many 
more,  at  leafl:,  are  preferved  in  public  and  private  libraries  in 
this  country. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  the  diligence  of  collectors 
has  not  been  rewarded  by  the  difcovery  of  another  work 
which  Mr.  Williams  gave  to  the  prefs  at  nearly  the  fame 
time  with  the  Key ;  namely,  the  "  little  additional  difcourfe," 
in  which  (as  he  informs  us  at  the  end  of  the  Table  appended 
to  the  Key,)  he  had  "further  treated  of  thefe  Natives  of 
New  England,  and  that  great  point  of  their  Converfion." 
This  tract  is  alfo  mentioned  in  his  epiftle  introductory  to 
the  Key,  where  it  is  faid  to  have  been  written  in  refponfe 
to  what,  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  was  "the  great 
inquiry  of  all  men.  What  Indians  have  been  converted  ? 
What  have  the  Englifh  done  in  thofe  parts?  What 
hopes  of  the  Indians  receiving  the  knowledge  of  Chrift  ?" 
To  thefe  inquiries  a  new  intereft  had  recently  been  imparted 
by  the  appearance  of  New  England's  Firjl  Fruits,  lent  from 
Bofton  in  the  autumn  of  1642,  and  printed  in  London 
early  the  next  year,  which  contained'  that  relation  of  the 
converfion  of  Wequajlj  to  which  Mr.  Williams  alludes-' 
as  "of  late  in  print."  I  have  not  feen  a  copy  of  this 
additional  difcourfe  by  Mr.  Williams,  and  cannot  learn 
where  one  may  be  found  ;  nor  does  its  title  appear  in  any 
lift  of  his  publifhed  works.  Yet  it  is  quoted  by  Baylie,  the 
prefby terian  controverfialift,  in  A  Dijfuafive  from  the  Erroiirs 
of  the  Time,  (London,  1645,  410.)  in  fupport  of  his  charge 

I    Pages  5-7.  2   Epiftle  Introduftory  to  Key. 


J 2]  Editor's  Preface.  13 

againft  the  Independents  of  New  England,  that  they  neg- 
lected the  work  of  converfion, — "onely  Mafter  lVi//iaws,"  he 
adds,  —  "in  the  time  of  his  banifliment  from  among  them, 
did  elfay  what  could  be  done  with  thofe  defolate  fouls,"  &c. 
(p.  60);  and  among  the  "  teftimonies "  appended  to  the 
chapter  he  introduces  two  extracts  from  Mr.  Williams's 
difcourfe  "Of  the  Name  Heathen."  Thefe  extracts  will  be 
found  in  a  note  to  Chapter  xxi,  page  129,  of  this  volume. 
Mr.  Cotton,  in  the  firil  part  of  "  T^he  Way  of  Congregational 
Churches  cleared"  etc.,  written  in  reply  to  Baylie's  Dijjiia- 
Jive,  comments  upon  what  he  terms  "  Mr.  Williams  his 
invectives  againft  us,  which  yeeld  a  further  fupply  to  Mr. 
Baylie's  teftimonies."' 

One  fact  gives  to  this  "  Key  into  the  Language  of 
America"  a  peculiar  intereft,  by  aifociating  its  publication 
with  the  hiftory  of  the  colony  and  State  of  Rhode  Ifland. 
When  Mr.  Williams  returned  in  1644,  from  his  fuccefsful 
million  to  England,  he  brought  with  him  a  letter  to  the 
government  of  Malfachufetts,  figned  by  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland, Lord  Wharton,  and  other  members  of  the 
Parliament,  —  three  of  the  number  being  members  of  the 
Commiffion  for  Plantations.  In  this  letter,  his  "great 
induftry  and  travail  in  his  printed  Indian  labours,  ....  the 
like  whereof  [had  not  been]  feen  extant  from  any  part  of 
America,"  are  fpecially  mentioned  as  among  the  confidera- 
tions  which  influenced  Parliament  "  to  grant  unto  him  and 
friends  with  him,  a  free  and  abfolute  Charter  of  civil  gov- 
ernment for  thofe  parts  of  his  abode."-  He  had  indeed 
found  a  way  to  impart  to  his  materials  drawn  "in  a  rude 
lump,   at  fea,"  but  fo  "dearly  bought   in   fome   few   years 

■   Pages  68,  79.  2   Winthrop's  Journa],  ii.  193. 


•4 


Editor's  Preface. 


[74 


hardfliip  and  charges  among  the  barbarians,"  a  value  quite 
independent  of  that  which  they  may  have  for  the  compara- 
tive philologift  or  the  curious  reader.  He  had  made  them 
"pleafant  and  profitable  for  all,  but  efpecially  for  his  friends 
refiding  in  thofe  parts."  The  little  volume  rifes  in  dignity 
and  importance  when  we  recognize  in  it  one  of  the  agencies 
which  fecured  to  the  planters  on  Narraganfett  Bay  the  right 
of  felt-government  and  a  place  among  free  States. 

The  receipt  of  this  letter  by  Malfachufetts  may  not  have 
been  without  its  influence  in  promoting  meafures,  which 
were  about  this  time  initiated,  for  the  religious  inftruction 
of  the  Indians  in  that  colony.  Mr.  Williams  landed  at 
Bofton,  in  September,  1644.  Not  quite  two  months  after- 
wards, the  General  Court  of  Malfachufetts,  for  the  firft 
time,  gave  formal  encouragement  to  efforts  for  civilizing  the 
Indians,  and  empowered  the  feveral  county  courts  to  "take 
order  from  time  to  time  to  have  them  inftrudled  in  the 
knowledge  and  worlliip  of  God."'  Without  imputing  this 
awakened  activity  to  confiderations  of  mere  policy,  it  may 
be  conjedlured  that  the  lively  intereft  in  the  work  of  conver- 
fion,  which  had  been  manifelied  by  good  men  in  England, 
who  were  known  to  be  friendly  to  the  colony,  was  not  the 
lefs  likely  to  influence  the  adtion  of  the  General  Court 
becaufe  thefe  good  men  now  occupied  high  pofitions  in  the 
State,  and  had  power  to  give  or  withhold  charters  at  their 
pleafure,  and   to  nourifh  colonies  "tanquam  calore  et  rore 


I  Mafs.  Records,  ii.  84.  Odd!  v  enough  was  "not  fit  to  deprive  them  of  any  law- 
it  founds  now,  that  one  of  the  firll  mani-  ful  comfort  which  God  alloweth  to  all 
feftations  of  awakening  interell  in  the  men  by  the  ufe  of  wine"  and  a  confe- 
welfare,  temporal  and  fpiritual,  of  the  quent  permiflion  to  retailers,  "to  fell  alfo 
Indians,  was  the  conclufion  to  which  the  to  the  Indians,  fo  much  as  may  be  fit  for 
Court  arrived,  at  the  fame  feffion,  that  it  their  needful  ufe  or  refrefhing."    Ibid.  85. 


75]  Editors  Preface.  15 

coelefti "  of  parliamentary  favor.'  About  this  time,  too,  the 
churches  received  new  Hght.  Mr.  Cotton,  and  probably, 
moil:  of  the  Elders  of  the  Bay,  had  doubted,  —  as  did  Mr. 
Williams,  —  if  any  "  confiderable  number  of  men  out  of  the 
Church,  as  Pagans  be,  fliall  be  able  to  enter  into  the  church," 
till  the  feven  apocalyptic  plagues  be  fulfilled  and  the  fmoke 
of  the  temple  be  cleared.  (Rev.  xv.  8.)'  Mr.  Dunfter,  preli- 
dent  of  Harvard  College,  had  for  fome  years  much  ftudied 
"  the  plat-form  and  way  of  converfion  of  the  Natives,"  yet 
not  "without  oppolition,  as  fome  others  alfo  had  met  with," 
for  he  maintained  the  novel  doftrine  that  "  the  way  to 
inftrudl  the  Indians  muft  be  i?i  their  own  language,  not  Eng- 
lijhy^  Now,  the  churches  began  to  reproach  themfelves  "that 
they  had  not  endeavored  more  than  they  had  done"  the 
fpiritual  enlightenment  of  thefe  pagans,'*  hopelefs  as  the  tafk 
had  feemed,  and  although,  as  Cotton  Mather  afterwards  faid, 
"to  think  on  raifing  a  number  of  thele  hideous  creatures 
unto  the  elevations  of  our  holy  religion,  muft  argue  more 
than  common  or  little  fentiments  in  the  undertaker."'  There' 
was  no  want  ot  laborers  for  the  field.  Eliot  and  the  younger 
Mayhew  were  ready  to  devote  themfelves  to  the  work  ;  and 
to  this,  they  no  longer  were  without  encouragement. 

In  the  prefent  edition  of  the  Key,  it  has  been  the  defire 
of  the  Narragansett  Club  and  the  conifant  aim  of  the 
editor,  to  enfure  the  literal  accuracy  of  the  reprint,  —  even 
to  the  reproduction  of  typographical  errors  —  of  the  original. 

1  Anfwer  of  the  Gen.  Court  of  Mafs.  &c.,  3  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  iv.  15;  Hire- 
to  Samuel  Gorton's  petition,  1646.  Win-  ling  Minittry  none  of  Chrift's,  Knowles's 
throp,  ii.  298.  Memoir,   378. 

2  Cotton's  Way  of  Congr.  Churches  3   Lechford,  53. 

cleared,  pt.  i.,  p.  78.   Comp.  Lechford's        4  The  Day  Breaking,  &c,,  15. 
Plaine  Dealing,  21  :   The  Day-Breaking,        5  Magnalia,  Life  of  Eliot,  pt.  3. 


1 6  Editor  s  Preface.  [76 

Where  fuch  errors  have  been  difcovered  or  fufped:ed,  they 
have  been  pointed  out  in  the  notes.  The  accents,  which 
the  author  was  "at  the  paines  and  charges"  to  affix,  "becaufe 
the  Lite  of  all  Languages  is  in  the  Pronuntiation,"  —  have 
been  fcrupuloufly  retained,  —  except  in  fome  few  inftances 
where,  probably,  the  want  of  properly  accented  vowels  com- 
pelled the  printer  of  the  firft  edition  to  fublHtute  the  Greek 
circumflex  (  )  for  the  Romati  (")  which  is  generally  employed 
throughout  the  volume,  and  in  a  few  others  where  defedlive 
type  or  blurred  imprellions  make  it  impoffible  to  determine 
the  form  or  direilion  of  the  original  accent,  even  after  the 
collation  of  feveral  copies. 

The  page-numbers  by  which  references  to  the  Key  are 
made  in  the  notes,  are  thofe  of  the  firft  edition  which,  in 
this,  have  been  retained  m  brackets. 

J.  H.  T. 


Hartford,  Conn.,  June  12th  1866. 


A   Key  into  the 

LANGUAGE 

O  F 

AMERICA: 

0  R, 

An  help  to  the  Language  of  the  Natives  in   that 

part  of  America,   called 

NEW-ENGLAND. 

Together,  with  briefe  Obfervations  of  the  Cuftomes,  Man- 
ners and  Worfliips,  G?r.  of  the  aforefaid  Natives, 
in  Peace  and  Warre,   in  Life  and  Death. 

On  all  which  are  added  Spirituall   Obfervations,   Generall 
and  Particular  by  the  Authour,  of  chiefe  and 

fpeciall  ufe  (upon  all  occafions,)  to  all  the  Engli/h 

Inhabiting  thole   parts ;  yet  plealant 

and  profitable  to  the  view 

of  all  men : 


By    ROGER    WILLIAMS 

of  Providence  in  New- England. 

L  O  ND  O  N, 
Printed  by  Gregory  Dexter,  1643. 


To  ffiy  Deare  a?id  If^elbeloved  Friends  and  Counrey- 
men,  in  old  and  new  England. 


Prefent  you  with  a  Key ;  I  have  not  heard 

of  the  Hke,    yet   framed,   fince  it  pleafed 

God   to    bring   that   mighty    Continent   of 

America  to  Hght :   Others  of  my  Countrey- 

men  have  often,  and  excellently,  and  lately 

written  of  the  Coimtrey  (and  none  that   I 

know  beyond  the  goodnelfe  and  worth  of  it.) 

This  Key,  refpedls  the  Native  Language  of  it,  and  happily 

may  unlocke  fome  Rarities  concerning  the  Natives  them- 

felves,  not  yet  difcovered. 

I  drew  the  Materialls  in  a  rude  lumpe  at  Sea,  as  a  private 
helpe  to  my  owne  memory,  that  I  might  not  by  my  prefent 
abfence  lightly  lofe  what  I  had  fo  dearely  bought  in  fome  few 
yeares  hard/hip,  and  charges  among  the  Barbarians ;  yet 
being  reminded  by  fome,  what  pitie  it  were  to  bury  thofe 
Materialls  in  my  Grave  at  land  or  Sea ;  and  withall,  remem- 
bring  how  oft  I  have  been  importun'd  by  worthy  friends,  of 
all  forts,  to  afford  them  fome  helps  this  way. 

I  refolved  (by  the  affiftance  of  the  mojl  High)  to  caft  thofe 
Materialls  into  this  Key,  pleafant  and  profitable  for  All,  but 
fpeally  for  my  friends  reliding  in  thofe  parts : 


20 


To  the  Reader.  [80 


A  little  Key  may  open  a  Box,  where  lies  a  bunch  of  Keyes. 

With  this  I  have  entred  into  the  fecrets  of  thofe  Coun- 
tries, where  ever  Englijh  dwel  about  two  hundred  miles, 
betweene  the  French  and  Dutch  Plantations ;  for  want  of 
this,  I  know  what  grofle  mif-takes  my  felfe  and  others  have 
run  into. 

There  is  a  mixture  of  this  Language  North  and  South,  from 
the  place  of  my  abode,  about  fix  hundred  miles  ;  yet  within 
the  two  hundred  miles  (aforementioned)  their  Dialers  doe 
exceedingly  differ;'  yet  not  fo,  but  (within  that  compalTe) 
a  man  may,  by  this  helpe,  converfe  with  thoujcmds  of  Natives 
all  over  the  Countrey :  and  by  fuch  converfe  it  may  pleafe 
the  Father  of  Mercies  to  fpread  civilitie,  (and  in  his  owne 
moft  holy  feafon)  Chri/iianitie ;  for  one  Cajidle  will  light  ten 
thoujand,  and  it  may  pleafe  God  to  bleile  a  little  Leaven  to 
feafon  the  mightie  Lump  of  thofe  Peoples  and  Territories. 

It  is  expedled,  that  having  had  fo  much  converfe  with 
thefe  Natives,  I  fliould  write  fome  litle  of  them. 

Concerning  them  (a  little  to  gratifie  expedlation)  I  fliall 
touch  upon  foure  Heads  : 

Firft,  by  what  Names  they  are  diftinguiflied. 

Secondly,  Their  Originall  and  Dejcent. 

Thirdly,  their  Religion,  Manners,  Cujiomes,  Sec. 

Fourthly,  That  great  Point  of  their  Converjion. 

1  "There  is  no  doubt  *  *  *  that  the  N.  E.  Profpcft,  part  2,  chap.  18.  The 
Indians  from  Saco  river  to  the  Hudfon,  CommiHioners  of  the  U.  Colonies,  in  a 
fpoke,  though  with  many  varieties,  what  letter  to  the  Corporation  in  England  in 
may  be  confidered  as  the  fame  language,  1660,  affirm  that  the  Indian  language, 
and  one  of  the  moll  extenfively  fpoken  "generally,  throughout  the  whole  coun- 
amongft  thofe  of  the  Algonkin-Lenape  try  where  the  Englilh  have  to  do,  is  the 
family." — Gallatin's  Synopfis,  (Trans.  _/r;OT(',  though  differing  in  dialed;  yet  fo 
A.  A.  Soc.  ii.j  36.  Compare  Wins-  as  the  natives  well  underftand  and  con- 
low's  Good  Newes  from  N.  E.  (Young's  verfe  one  with  another."  Records  of 
Chron.  of  the  Pilgrims,  366.)     Wood's  Comm'rs. 


8i] 


To  the  Reader. 


21 


To  the  firft,  their  Names  are  of  two  forts  : 

Firft,  thofe  of  the  Englifli  giving  :  as  Natives,  Salvages, 
Indians,  Wild-men,  (fo  the  Dutch  call  them  Wilden)  Abergeny 
men,'  Pagans,  Barbarians,  Heathen. 

Secondly,  their  Names,  which  they  give  themfelves. 

I  cannot  obferve,  that  they  ever  had  (before  the  comming 
of  the  Englijh,  Frcjich  or  Dutch  amongft  them)  any  Names 
to  difference  themfelves  from  ftrangers,  for  they  knew  none ; 
but  two  forts  of  names  they  had,  and  have  amongft  them- 
felves. 

Firft,  generall,  belonging  to  all  Natives,  as  Ninnuock,^  Nin- 
nimifitmiiwock,*  Rniskeetompauwog,^  which  fignifies  Meti, 
Folke,  or  People. 

Secondly,  particular  names,  peculiar  to  feverall  Nations,  of 


a  "Thefe  in  the  Southerne  parts  be 
called  Pequants,  and  Narr/iganfetts  ;  thofe 
who  are  feated  Well-ward  be  called  Con- 
nectacuts,  and  Mouihacki :  Our  Indians 
that  live  to  the  North-ward  of  them  be 
called  Aberginians"  etc. — Wood's  N.E. 
Profpeft,  pt.  ii.   ch.  i. 

3  Nn'in,  [pi.]  nninnuog,  man,  men,  p. 
27,  port.  Quinnifs.  Ren,  pi.  renaxoazvk ; 
Pierlon's  Cat.  This  was  the  generic 
name, — homo.  Etymologically,  it  is  rela- 
ted to  the  pronouns  of  the  firft  perfon, 
ne'en  ;  to  the  demonftrative  particle,  ne ; 
and  to  the  affix  of  clafs,  kind,  or  refem- 
blance,  unnc  or  'ine,  "  fuch  as,"  "  of  the 
kind."'  It  fignifies,  primarily,  "one  like 
myfelf,"  "  fuch  as  I  am,"  or,  fuch  as  this 
is.  Hence,  native,  or  the  common,  as 
oppofed  to  foreign,  or  Jirange. 

4  MiJJinnin,  literally,  "  one  of  the 
many  :"  pi.  mijfmuzoock,  ( miffinninuog, 
Eliot,)  "  the  many,"  o[  7Zo)j.o\.     Here, 


the  word  is  compounded  with  nn'tn, — 
and  fignifies  Indian  people  not  of  the 
fpeaker's  tribe.  The  Indian,  like  the 
Greek,  and  the  modern  Chinaman,  by  the 
epithet  which  he  applied  to  other  tribes 
aflerted  the  fuperiority  of  his  own  :  and 
mijjinnin  fignified  not  only  one  of  an- 
other tribe,  but  any  inferior,  and  fo,  a 
captive,  or  bond  fervant. 

s  "  Skeetompauog,  men  ;"  p.  27,  port. 
Skeetambawg,  "perfons;"  Eanjketambawg, 
"  Indians."  Pierlon's  Catechifm.  Skee- 
tomp,  or  Enijkeetomp,  (zuojkctomp,  Eliot  ; 
fafketupe,  "  a  great  man,"  Wood  ; )  cor- 
refponds  to  the  Latin  vir,  and  is  the  word 
fometimes  tranflated  "a  Brave."  Its  prin- 
cipal root,  omp,  plu.  ompauog,  ( from  a 
primary  verb,  fignifying  to  ftand  ereil,) 
is  found,  with  dialectic  differences,  in  all 
the  languages  of  the  Algonkin  family  :  as 
in  the  Abnaki,  a'libe ;  Delaw.  lenape ; 
Cree,  napayoo,  (Howfe.) 


22 


To  the  Reader. 


[8: 


them  amongft  thetufehes,  as,  Nanhiggatieuck,''  Majfachuseuck, 
Caivafumscuck,''  Coivweseuck,^  ^intikoock^'  ^tmipieuck,  Pe- 
quttdog,'°  &CC. 

They  have  often  asked  mee,  why  we  call  them  Indians 

6  "  The  Nanohiggnneucks,  or  people  of 
Nanohigganfct."  E.  Window.  (Young's 
Chron.  of  the  Pilgrims,  285.)  Elfe- 
where  Mr.  Williams  writes  Nanihiggon- 
ficks,  Kiinhiggonjicks,  NarriganUt,  Nar- 
roganjet,  and  Kahigonficks.  See  4  Mafs. 
Hift.  Coll.,  vi.  189,  231,  232,  246,  &c. 
Relpefting  the  interchange  of  /,  n,  and 
r,  in  different  dialeds,  fee,  after,  p.  107, 
and  Eliot's  Indian  Grammar,  p.  2.  In  a 
depofition  made  in  1682,  Mr.  Williams 
faid  "  that  being  inquifitive  of  what  root 
the  title  or  denomination  Jsahiganlet 
fhould  come,"  he  heard  that  it  was  "  fo 
named  from  a  little  Ifland,  between  Put- 
tifquomfett  and  Mufquomacuk,  on  the 
fea  and  frelh  water  fide."  When  "about 
the  place  called  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,"  near 
Wakefield,  he  "  faw  it,  and  was  [after- 
wards.']  within  a  pole  of  it,  but  could 
not  learn  why  it  was  called  Nahiganfet." 
R.  I.  Hill.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  4.  It  maybe 
hardly  prudent  to  venture  a  conjefture  as 
to  the  fignification  of  a  name  whofe  origin 
Roger  Williams  failed  to  difcover  ;  yet  I 
may  perhaps  be  permitted  to  fuggeft,  that 
nai,  "  having  corners,"  —  and  naiag  or 
na'f^ag  (as  Eliot  writes  the  word,)  "a 
corner,"  or  "  angle,"  —  gave  the  name  to 
many  points  of  land  on  the  fea  coall  and 
rivers  of  New  England,  —  e.  g.  Nn^att 
Point,  in  Barrington  ;  Nayack,  in  South- 
ampton, L.  ].,  &c.;  —  that  Ka-ig-an-eog 
(or  Nahiganeuck')  would  fignify  "  the 
people  of  the  point,"  and  Na-ig-an-fet, 
the  territory  "about  the  point."  Pofliblv, 
one  of  the  iflands  in  Point  Judith  Pond 
may  have  received  this  name  ;  polTibly, 


one  of  the  many  indentations  or  points  of 
land  running  into  the  pond;  or,  polfibly, 
again,  the  gifjt  Point  (Judith)  and  the 
territory  immediately  north  of  it,  may 
have  once  been  the  principal  feat  of  the 
tribe,  whence  they  "  transferred  and 
brought  their  authority  and  name  into 
thofe  northern  parts." 

7  "  T  h  e  M  a  Ifa  c  h  u  fe  t  s  o  r  Maffachuseucks, 
for  fo  they  called  the  people  of  that 
place."  Winflow's  Good  Newes  from 
N.  E.  (Young's  Chron.  of  the  Pilgrims, 
285.  ,  —  Cazvafumseuck,  —  probably  the 
Wampanoags  or  Pokanokets,  whofe  prin- 
cipal village  was  at  Sowams  (Warren,) 
and  who  occupied  the  territory  "  from 
Sowanfett  river  to  Patucket  River,  (with 
Cau'sumictt  neck,)  which  is  y'  cheefe 
habitation  of  v'  Indeans  &  referved  [bv 
Plymouth]  for  them  to  dwell  upon."  — 
Bradford's  Hiflory  of  Plymouth,  373. 
Comp.  Davis's  Morton's  Mem.,  405  ; 
Feffenden's  Hill,  of  Warren,  27-30. 

8  The  Indians  of  Cowefet  (Eall  Green- 
wich). 

9  Thofe  who  lived  near  "  the  long 
river"  (quinnituk),  i.  e.,  at  Connedlicut. 

10  Pequttoog,  "  the  deftroyers,"  —  a 
name  given  by  the  neighboring  tribes,  to 
that  branch  of  the  Muhhekancew  or 
Mohegan  nation  which,  migrating  eail- 
ward,  from  the  Hudfon  valley  probably, 
had  occupied  the  territory  on  both  fides 
of  Miftick  river  and  extended  their  con- 
quefts  over  the  greater  part  of  eallern 
Connetticut.  —  See  Church's  Philip's 
War,  by  Dexter,  pt.  i.  p.  83,  note. 


83]  T'o  the  Reader.  .  23 

Natives,  Sec.  And  underftanding  the  reafon,  they  will  call 
themfelues  Indians,  in  oppolition  to  Eng/i/h,  &c. 

For  the  lecond  Head  propofed,  their  Original/  and  Dejcent. 

From  Adam  and  Noah  that  they  Ipring,  it  is  granted  on 
all  hands. 

But  for  their  later  Defcent,  and  whence  they  came  into 
thole  pars,  it  feemes  as  hard  to  finde,  as  to  finde  the  Well- 
head of  fome  frelh  Streame,  which  running  many  miles  out 
of  the  Coiintrey  to  the  fait  Ocean,  hath  met  with  many 
mixing  Streames  by  the  way.  They  fay  themfelves,  that 
they  \\2ivt  J'prung  and  groivne  up  in  that  very  place,  like  the 
very  trees  of  the  Wildernejfe. 

They  fay  that  their  Great  God  C awtantowwit"  created 
thofe  parts,  as  I  obferved  in  the  Chapter  of  their  Religion. 
They  have  no  Clothes,  Bookes,  nor  Letters,  and  conceive  their 
Fathers  never  had ;  and  therefore  they  are  ealily  perfwaded 
that  the  God  that  made  Englijh  men  is  a  greater  God,  becaufe 
Hee  hath  fo  richly  endowed  the  Englijh  above  themfelves : 
But  when  they  heare  that  about  lixteen  hundred  yeeres 
agoe,  Englarid  and  the  hihabitants  thereof  were  like  unto 
themfelves,  and  fmce  have  received  from  God,  Clothes,  Bookes, 
&CC.  they  are  greatly  affedled  with  a  I'ecret  hope  concerning 
themfelves. 

JVife  and  Judicious  men,  with  whom  I  have  difcourfed, 
maintaine  their  Originall  to  be  Northward  from  Tartaria : 
and  at  my  now  taking  iliip,  at  the  Dutch  Plantation,  it 
pleafed  the  Dutch  Governour,  (in  fome  difcourfe  with  mee 
about  the  Natives),  to  draw  their  Line  horn  Iceland,  becaufe 
the  name  Sackmakan  (the  name  for  an  Indian  Prince,  about 
the  Dutch)  is  the  name  for  a  Prince  in  Iceland. 

Other  opinions  I  could  number  up  :   under  favour  I  (hall 

'■   See  note  on  Maml,  ch.  xxi.  (p.  114^.) 


24  To  the  Reader.  [84 

prefent  (not  mine  opinion,  but)  my  Obfervations  to  the 
judgement  of  the  Wife. 

firll,  others  (and  my  felfe)  have  conceived  fome  of  their 
words  to  hold  affinitie  with  the  Hebrew. 

Secondly,  they  conftantly  annoint  their  heads  as  the  yeives  did. 

Thirdly,  they  give  Dowries  for  their  wives,  as  the  J  ewes  did. 

Fourthly  (and  which  I  have  not  fo  obferved  amongft  other 
Nations  as  amongft  the  "Jewes,  and  thej'e :)  they  conftantly 
feparate  their  Women  (during  the  time  of  their  monthly 
ficknelTe)  in  a  little  houfe  alone  by  themfelves  foure  or  five 
dayes,  and  hold  it  an  Irreligious  thing  for  either  Father  or 
Husband  or  any  Male  to  come  neere  them. 

They  have  often  asked  me  if  it  bee  fo  with  women  of 
other  ISfations,  and  whether  they  are  fo  Jeparated :  and  for 
their  pradlice  they  plead  Nature  and  Tradition.  Yet  againe 
I  have  found  a  greater  AJinity  of  their  Language  with  the 
Greek  Tongue. 

2.  As  the  Greekes  and  other  Nations,  and  our  felves  call 
the  feven  Starres  (or  Charles  Waine  the  Beare,)  fo  doe  they 
Mask  or  Paukunnawaw"  the  Beare. 

3.  They  have  many  ftrange  Relations  of  one  Wetucks,  a 
man  that  wrought  great  Miracles  amongft  them,  and  walk- 
ing upon  the  waters,  &c.  with  fome  kind  of  broken  Refem- 
blance  to  the  Sonne  of  God. 

Laftly,  it  is  famous  that  the  Sowwejl  [Sowaniu)  is  the  great 
Subjedl  of  their  difcourfe.  From  thence  their  Traditions. 
There  they  fay  (at  the  South-wejl)  is  the  Court  of  thtir  great 
God  Cautantouwit :  At  the  South-wejl  are  their  Forefathers 
foules ;  to  the  South-wejl  they  goe  themfelves  when  they 
dye  ;  From  the  South-wejl  came  their  Come,  and  Beanes  out 
of  their   Great   God  Cautdntowwits  field  :    and   indeed  the 

12  See  ch.  xii.  (p.  80.) 


85]  To  the  Reader.  25 

further  Northward  and  Wejiward  from  us  their  Corne  will 
not  grow,  but  to  the  Southward  better  and  better.  I  dare 
not  conjedlure  in  thefe  Vncertainties,  I  believe  they  are  loji, 
and  yet  hope  (in  the  Lords  holy  feafon)  fome  of  the  wildeft 
of  them  fliall  be  found  to  fliare  in  the  blood  of  the  Son  of 
God.  To  the  third  Head,  concerning  their  Religion,  Cus- 
tomes.  Maimers  6cc.  I  (hall  here  fay  nothing,  becaufe  in  thofe 
32.  Chapters  of  the  whole  Book,  I  have  briefly  touched 
thofe  of  all  forts,  from  their  Birth  to  their  Burialls,  and 
have  endeavored  (as  the  Nature  of  the  worke  would  give 
way)  to  bring  fome  fliort  Obfervations  and  Applications  home 
to  Europe  from  America. 

Therefore  fourthly,  to  that  great  Point  of  their  Converjion 
fo  much  to  bee  longed  for,  and  by  all  NeJV-EiigliJh  fo  much 
pretended,  and  I  hope  in  Truth. 

For  my  felte  I  have  uprightly  laboured  to  fuite  my 
endeavours  to  my  pretences :  and  of  later  times  (out  of 
delire  to  attaine  their  Language)  I  have  run  through  vari- 
eties of  Intercourfes  with  them  Day  and  Night,  Summer 
and  Winter,  by  Land  and  Sea,  particular  paffages  tending  to 
this,  I  have  related  divers,  in  the  Chapter  of  their  Religion. 

Many  folenme  difcourfes  I  have  had  with  -aW  forts  of  Nations 
of  them,  from  one  end  of  the  Countrey  to  another  (fo  farre 
as  opportunity,  and  the  little  Language  I  have  could  reach.) 

I  know  there  is  no  fmall  preparation  in  the  hearts  of  Mul- 
titudes of  them.  I  know  their  many  folemne  Confefsions  to 
my  felf,  and  one  to  another  of  their  loft  wandring  Conditions. 

I  know  ftrong  ConviBions  upon  the  Confciences  of  many 
of  them,  and  their  defires  uttred  that  way. 

I  know  not  with  how  little  Knowledge  and  Grace  of  Chrift 
the  Lord  may  fave,  and  therefore  neither  will  defpaire,  nor 
report  much. 
B4 


26 


To  the  Reader. 


[86 


But  fince  it  hath  pleafed  fome  of  my  Worthy  Country- 
meji  to  mention  (of  late  in  print)''  VVcquaJh,  the  Pcqut  Cap- 
ta'nie,  I  Ihall  be  bold  io  farre  to  fecond  their  Rchitiotis,  as  to 
relate  mine  owne  Hopes  of  Him  (though  I  dare  not  be  fo 
confident  as  others. '■' 

Two  dayes  before  his  Death,  as  I  pail  up  to  ^nnxbtkut 
River,  it  pleafed  my  worthy  friend  Mr.  Fenioick  whom  I 
vifited  at  his  houfe  in  Say-Brook  Fort  at  the  mouth  of  that 
River)  to  tell  me  that  my  old  friend  Wcqiiajfi  lay  very  fick : 
I  delired  to  fee  him,  and  Himlelfe  was  pleafed  to  be  my 
Guide  two  mile  where  VVequaJh  lay. 

Amongll  other  difcourfe  concerning  hhjicknejfe  and  Death 
(in  which  hee  freely  bequeathed  his  fon  to  Mr.  Fetncick)  I 
clofed  with  him  concerning  his  Soule :  Hee  told  me  that 
fome  two  or  three  yeare  before  he  had  lodged  at  my  Houfe, 
where  I  acquainted  him  with  the  Condition  of  all  ttiatikind, 
&  his  Own  in  particular,  how  God  created  Ma?:  and  All 
things :  how  Man  fell  from  God,  and  of  his  prefent  Eiitnity 


13  In  New  England's  Firll  Fruits, 
printed  in  London,  1643.  Reprinted  in 
I  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  —  In  a  letter 
to  Gov.  Winthrop  written  in  the  ipring 
of  1637,  before  the  fetting  forth  of  the 
expedition  againft  the  Pequots,  Mr.  Wil- 
liams had  recommended  as  guides,  "two 
Pequts,  viz.  Wequajh  and  Wuttackqui- 
ackommin,  valiant  men,  ....  who  have 
lived  thefe  three  or  four  years  with  the 
Nanhiggonficks."  In  a  fubfequent  letter, 
he  commends  "  Wequalh  the  Pequt 
guide,"  as  "  a  man  of  great  ufe."  J.Allyn 
mentions  his  fervices,  as  one  of  the  guides, 
in  the  march  to  Millick  fort,  and  calls 
him  "a  Pequot  captain,  who  was  revolted 
from  the   Pequots." — Mafs.  Hill.  Coll., 


3d  Ser.,  i.  161  ;  4th  Ser.,  vi.  189,  190; 
Winthrop,  ii.  74:  I.  Mather's  Relation, 
pp.  31,  47,  (Drake's  ed.  130,  169-70): 
Magnalia,  b.  vii.  c.  6.  §z. 

14  "  I  find  no  lefs  a  perfon  than  Mr. 
Thomas  Shepard,  of  Cambridge,  in  print 
reporting  his  death  with  fuch  terms  as 
thefe  :  'Wequalh,  the  famous  Indian  at 
the  River's  mouth,  ^Saybrook,]  is  dead, 
and  certainly  in  heaven  :  glorioully  did 
the  grace  of  Chrill  fhine  forth  in  his  con- 
verfation,  a  year  and  a  half  before  his 
death  ;  he  knew  Chrill,  he  loved  Chrill, 
he  preached  Chrill  up  and  down  ;  and 
then  fuffered  martyrdom  for  Chrill  ;'  " 
etc.  —  Magnalia,  (ut  fupra).  The  quo- 
tation is  from  N.  E.  Firll  Fruits,  p.  7. 


87]  1^0  tk^  Reader.  zj 

againft  God,  and  the  wrath  of  God  againft  Hifu  untill  Repejit- 
ance :  laid  he  your  words  words  were  never  out  of  tny  heart  to 
this  prejent ;  and  laid  hee  f»e  much  pray  to  J  ejus  Christ :  I  told 
him  fo  did  many  Etiglijh,  French,  and  Dutch,  who  had  never 
turned  to  God,  nor  loved  Him :  He  replyed  in  broken 
Englilh  :  Me  Jo  big  naughty  Heart,  me  heart  all  one  Jlone  ! 
Savory  exprefsions  uling  to  breath  from  compuntl  and  broken 
Hearts,  and  a  fence  of  inward  hard7iejfe  and  unbrokenneJJ'e.  I 
had  many  difcourfes  with  him  in  his  Life,  but  this  was  the 
fumme  of  our  laft  parting  untill  our  generall  meeting. 

Now  becaufe  this  is  the  great  Inquiry  of  all  men  what 
Indians  have  been  convertad  ?  what  have  the  Englijli  done 
in  thofe  parts  ?  what  hopes  of  the  Indians  receiving  the 
Knowledge  of  Chrift  ! 

And  becaufe  to  this  Queflion,  fome  put  an  edge  from  the 
boaft  of  the  Jeluits  in  Canada  and  Marylajid,  and  efpecially 
from  the  wonderfull  converlions  made  by  the  Spaniards  and 
Portugalls  in  the  WeJi-Indies,  befides  what  I  have  here 
written,  as  alfo,  belide  what  I  have  obferved  in  the  Chapter 
of  their  Religion  !  I  Ihall. further  prefent  you  with  a  briefe 
Additionall  dilcourfe  concerning  this  Great  Point,  being 
comfortably  perfwaded  that  that  Father  of  Spirits,  who  was 
gracioufly  pleafed  to  perfwade  Japhet  (the  Gentiles)  to  dwell 
in  the  Tents  of  Shem  (the  /ewes)  will  in  his  holy  feafon  (/ 
hope  approaching)  perfwade,  thefe  Gentiles  of  America  to 
partake  of  the  mercies  of  Europe,'^  and  then  lliall  bee  fulfilled 

15   Mr.  Cotton  fpoke  lefs  hopefally  :  as  to  a  forme    of  our    Religion,   and  to 

he  "  feared   Mr.  Williams  his  teftimony  hold    it,    howfoever    Mr.    Williams    did 

of  the  facility  of  fuch  a  converfion  of  the  promife  himfelf  greater  poflibilities."  — 

Indians  was  too  hyperbolical!  ;"  and  re-  Way    of   Cong.  Churches   cleared,    part 

lates  an  anecdote  or  two,  "to  (hew,  that  i.,  pp.    80,   81.      See,   after,   in   note  to 

though   a   forme   of   Chriftian    Religion  (ch.  xxi.)  p.  1 29  ,  an  extradl  from   Mr. 

may  be  profefled  amongll  Chrillians  with  Williams's    difcourfe    "  Of    the     Name 

fome  facility  :   yet  it  is  not  fo  eafie  a  mat-  Heathen  " 
ter  to  gaine  thefe  Pagan  Indians  fo  much 


28  To  the  Reader.  [88 

what  is  written,  by  the  Prophet  Malachi,  from  the  rifing  of 
the  Sunne  in  [Europe)  to  the  going  down  of  the  fame  ^in 
America)  my  Name  (hall  great  among  the  Gentiles.)  So  I 
defire  to  hope  and  pray, 

Tour  unworthy  Country-man 

Roger    Williams. 


■A 


Diredions  for  the   ufe  of  the 
Language. 


Didtionary  or  Grammer  way  I  had  conjt deration  of, 
but  purpojely  avoided,  as  tiot  Jo  accommodate  to  the 
Be?iejit  of  all,  as  I  hope  this  Forme  is. 

2.  A  Dialogue  alfo  I  had  thoughts  of,  but  avoided  for  brevi- 
ties fake,  and  yet  [with  no  fmall  paines)  I  have  fo  framed  every 
Chapter  and  the  matter  of  it,  as  I  may  call  it  am  Implicite 
Dialogue. 

3.  It  is  frarned  chiefly  after  the  Narroganfet  DialeSt,  becaufe 
moji  fpoken  in  the  Countrey,  and  yet  [with  attending  to  the 
variation  of  peoples  and  DialeSls)  it  will  be  of  great  ufe  in 
all  parts  of  the  Countrey. 

4.  Whatever  your  occaflon  bee  either  of  Travell,  Difcourfe, 
Trading  &c. 

turne  to  the  Table  which  will  direB  you  to  the  Proper  Chapter. 

5.  Becaufe  the  Life  of  all  Language  is  in  the  Pronuntiation, 
I  have  been  at  the  paines  and  charges  to  Caufe  the  Accents, 
Tones,  or  founds  to  be  affixed,  {which  fotne  underfand,  accord- 
ing to  the  Greeke  Language,  Acutes,   Graves,  Circumflexes) 

for  example,  in  the  fecond  leafe  in  the  word  Ewo  He :  the  found 

or  Tone  mujl  not  be  put  on  E,  but  wo  where  the  grave  Accent  is. 

In  the  fame  leafe,  in  the  word  Afcowequasfin,    the  found 

mujl  not  be  on  any  of  the  Syllables,  but  on  quaff,  where  the 

Acute  or  Jljarp  found  is. 


30  Diredlions  for  the  ufe  of  the  Language.  [90 

I?i  the  fame  leafe  in  t/je  wor^  Anspaumprmuntam,  t/jejoufit/ 
miijl  not  be  on  any  other  Jyllable  but  Maun,  where  the  Circum- 
flex or  long  founding  Accent  is. 

6.  The  Englifli  for  every  Indian  word  or  phrafe  fands  in  a 
Jlraight  line  direBly  againji  the  Indian  :  yet  fometimes  there 
are  two  words  for  the  fame  thing  {for  their  Laiiguage  is  exceed- 
ing copious,  and  they  have  five  or  fx  words  fometimes  for  one 
thing)  and  then  the  Englilli  fands  agaijif  them  both :  for 
example  in  the  fecond  leafe, 
Cowaunckamifli  G? 


Cuckquenamifli. 


/  pray  your  Favovr. 


AN 
Helpe   to   the   native   Language  of  that  part  of 

America  called  New-England. 

Chap.   I. 
Of  Salutation. 


Obfervation. 

SHe  Natives  are  of  two  forts,  (as  the  Eng- 
lifli  are.)  Some  more  Rude  and  Clownifh, 
who  are  not  fo  apt  to  Salute,  but  upon 
Salutation  relalute  lovingly.  Others,  and 
the  generall,  are  Jobcr  and  grave,  and  yet 
chearfull  in  a  meane,  and  as  ready  to  begin 
a  Salutation  as  to  Refalute,  which  yet  the 

Englifli  generally  begin,  out  of  delire  to  Civilize  them. 

2]     What  die  are  ^tX-O"^}  is  the  generall  falutatioji  of  all  Kjig- 

lijh  toward  them.      Netop  is  friend.'^ 

Netompauog  |  Friends. 

16   I.  e.  Afy  friend,  or  comrade.     The  ily, — my  kin/man.  Ahna.Y\,  niiitinbe,  "mon 

initial   n   reprcfents   the   pronoun  of  the  frere,  leu,  un  etranger  que  j'aime  comme 

firil    perfon.      Literally,    netomp,    (from  mon    frere."      Rale.       Nitompaog,  "  my 

netu  and   omp,')  fignified   a  man   born   in  friends."      Luke,  xii.  4. 
the  fame  houfe  with  me,  or,  of  my  fam- 


32 


Of  Salutation. 


92] 


They  are  exceedingly  delighted  with  Salutations  in  their 
own  Language. 


Neen,  Keen,  Ewo, 

Keen  ka  neen 

Afco  wequaflin 

Afco  wequallunniimmis 

Askuttaaquompsin  ? 

Afnpaumpmauntam 

Taubot  paumpmauntaman 

Cowaiinckamifli 


/,  you,  he. 
Tou  and  I. 

Good  morrow. 
How  doe  you  ? 

I  am  I'ery  well. 

I  am  glad  you  are  well. 

My  J'ervice  to  you. 


Obfervation. 

This  word  upon  fpeciall  Salutations  they  ufe,  and  upon 
fome  offence  conceived  by  the  Sacbit/i  or  Prince  againit  any: 
I  have  feen  the  party  reverently  doe  obeyfance,  by  ftroking 
the  Prince  upon  both  his  fliolders,  and  ufing  this  word, 

Cowaiinckamifli  & 


Cuckquenamifli 
Cowaunkamuck 
Afpaumpmauntam  fachim 
Afpaumpmauntam 

Committamus  ? 
Afpaumpmaiintamwock 

cummuckiaug  ? 
Konkeeteaug 

Taubot  ne  paumpmaunthettit 
Tiinna  Cowaum 
Tuckotefliana 
Yo  nowaum 
Nawwatuck  notefliem 
Mattaafu  notefliem 


/  pray  your  favour. 

He  Jalutes  you. 

How  doth  the  Prince  ? 

How  doth  your  Wife} 

How  doth  your  children  ? 

They  are  well. 

I  am  glad  they  are  well. 

Whence  come  you. 

I  came  that  way. 
I  came  from  farre. 
I  came  from  hard  by. 


[3 


93J 


Of  SalutatioTi. 


33 


Wetu 

Wetuomuck  notefliem 

Acawmuck  notefliem 

Otan" 

Otanick  notefliem 


An  Houfe. 

I  came  from  the  houfe. 

I  cafne  over  the  ivater. 

A  Towjie. 

I  came  from  the  Towne. 


Obfervation. 


In  the  Nariganfet  Countrey  (which  is  the  chief  people  in 
the  Land  :)  a  man  fliall  come  to  many  Townes,  fome  bigger, 
fome  lelfer,  it  may  be  a  dozen  in  20.  miles  Travell. 

4]  Obfervation. 

Acawmenoakit  Old  England,  which  is  as  much  as  from 
the  Land  on  f  other  fde  .•'*  hardly  are  they  brought  to  believe 
that  that  Water  is  three  thoufand  Englifli  mile  over,  or 
thereabouts. 


Tunnock  kuttome 
Wekick  nittome 
Nekick 

17  For  otanick,  to  or  at  the  town,  and 
tcekick  (a  few  lines  below,)  to  or  at  the 
houfe,  —  Eliot  wrote,  otanit,  wekit.  In 
the  Maflachufetts  or  Natick  dialeft,  the 
locative  affix  was  -it,  -at,  or  -ut ;  in  the 
Narraganfett,  it  appears  to  have  been 
-ick,  or  -uck.  This  diftinftion  was  not, 
however,  uniformly  obferved  by  Mr. 
Williams.  We  have,  for  example,  kei- 
saq-ut,\.o  Heaven, jzvozvannai-it  (^not-ick,^ 
to  the  fouthweft ;   p.  127. 

18  Ogkome,  on  the  other  fide ;  with 
the  locative  afiix,  ogkomit  (EL),  acaw- 
muck (R.  W.).  Comp.  ogkome  tomog- 
kon-it,  "  on  the  other  fide  of  the  flood," 

BS 


Whither  goe  you  ? 
To  the  houfe. 
To  77iy  houfe. 

Jo(h.  xxiv.  2.  So,  ogkome-ohke  (^—acaw- 
menoake, )  the  other-fide  land.  Abnaki, 
agarimena'kik,  "en  France."  Rale. — 
Quinnip.,  akkSmmuk  kathans,  "  over  the 
feas."  Pierfon's  Cat.  The  Powhatans 
called  the  eaftern  fliore  of  Virginia,  by 
the  name  which  it  yet  retains,  acawmuck 
(Accomac),  land  on  the  other  fide  of 
Chefapeake  Bay.  Agamenticus,  or  Aco- 
menticus,  the  Indian  name  of  York,  Me., 
had  perhaps  a  fimilar  origin, — as  "beyond 
the  river  "  (acawmen-tuk ) ,  to  tribes  living 
well  and  fouth  of  the  Pifcataqua,  or  north 
and  eaft  of  the  Saco. 


34 


Of  Salutation. 


[94 


Kekick 
Tuckowekin 
Tuckuttiin 
Matnowetuomeno 


To  your  houfe. 
Where  dwell  you  ? 
Where  keep  you  ? 
/  have  no  houfe. 


Obfervation. 


As  commonly  a  iingle  perfon  hath  no  houfe,  fo  after  the 
death  of  a  Husband  or  Wife,  they  often  break  up  houfe, 
and  hve  here  and  there  a  while  with  Friends,  to  allay  their 
excelTive  Sorrowes. 


Tou  wuttiin  ? 

Awanick  uchick 

Awaun  ewo  ? 

Tunna  limwock  ? 

Tunna  Wutfliauock 

Yo  nowekin 

Yo  ntiin 

5]  Eiu  or  Nniu  ? 

Nux 

Mat  nippompitammen 

Wefuonck 

TocketulTaweitch 

TaantulTawefe  ? 

Ntullawefe 

Matnowefuonckane 


Where  lives  he  ? 
Who  are  thefe  ? 
Who  is  that  ? 

Whence  cotne  they  ? 

I  dwell  here. 

I  live  here. 

Is  it  fo  ? 

Tea. 

I  have  heard  nothiiig. 

A  name. 

What  is  your  name  ? 

Doe  you  aske  tny  name  ? 

/  atn  called,  &c. 

I  have  no  name. 


Obfervation. 


Obfcure  and  meane  perfons  amongft  them  have  no  Names : 
Nullius  )iumeri,  &c.  as  the  Lord  Jefus  foretells  his  followers, 
that  their  Names  Ihould  be  caft  out,  Luk.  6.   22.  as  not 


95] 


Of  Saint  at  io7i. 


35 


worthy  to  be  named,  &c.  Againe,  becaufe  they  abhorre  to 
name  the  dead  (Death  being  the  King  of  Terrours  to  all 
naturall  men  :  and  though  the  Natives  hold  the  Soule  to 
live  ever,  yet  not  holding  a  Refurrecflion,  they  die,  and 
mourn  without  Hope.)  In  that  refped:  I  lay  if  any  of  their 
Sdchims  or  neighbours  die  who  were  of  their  names,  they 
lay  down  thofe  Names  as  dead. 
Nowannehick  nowefuonck      |  /  have  forgot  jny  Name. 

Which  is  common  amongft  fome  of  them,  this  being  one 
Incivilitie  amongil  the  more  [6]  rufticall  fort,  not  to  call 
each  other  by  their  Names,  but  Keen,  Tou,  Ewo  He,  &c. 


Tahena 

Tahoflbwetam 

Tahettamen 

Teaqua 

Yo  neepoufh 

Mattaplh 

Noon  Ih  em 

Nonanum 

Tawhitch  kuppee  yaiimen"' 

Teaqua  kunnaiinta  men 

Chenock  cuppeeyau  mis  ? 

Maifli-kitummayi'" 

Kitummayi  nippeeam 

Yo  Committamus  ? 

Yo  cuppappoof 

Yo  cummiickquachucks 

Yo  cuttaunis 


What  is  his  natne  ? 
What  is  the  name  of  it } 
What  call  yon  this  ? 
What  is  this  ? 
Stay  or  Jland  here. 
Sit  down. 

I  camwt. 

What  come  you  for  .? 
What  doe  you  fetch  ? 
When  catne  you  t 
Juji  even  now. 
I  came  juJl  now. 
Is  this  your  Wife  ? 
Is  this  your  Child} 
Is  this  your  Son  ? 
Is  this  your  Daughter  ? 


19   Kuppeeyaiimen    fhould    have     been         20   This    (hould    have     been    printed, 
printed  as  one  word.     So,  kunnauntamen ,     Ma'ijh,  kitummayi,  Juft,  even  now. 
and  cuppeeyaumis,  below. 


36 


Of  Salutation. 


[96 


Wunnetu 

Tawhich  neepouweeyean 

Pucqiiatchick  ? 

T  Tawhitch  mat  pe  titea- 
7J      yean  ?" 

Obi 
In  this  refpedl  they  are  rem 

invite  all  Strangers  in  ;  and  if 

occafion  they  requeft  them  to 

of  themfelves. 

Awaffifli 

Mattap{h  yoteg 

Tocketiinnawem 

Keen  netop  ? 

Peeyaufli  netop 

Petitees 

Kunniinni 

Kunniinnous 

Taubot  mequaun 
namean 

Taubotneanawayean 

Taubotne  aunanamean 


//  is  a  fine  Child. 
Why  Jland  you  ? 
Without  dorcs. 

Why  come  you  fiot  in  ? 

erv. 

arkably  free  and  courteous,  to 
any  come  to  them  upon  any 
come  in,  if  they  come  not  in 

Warme  you. 

Sit  Ay  the  fire. 

What  fay  you  ? 

Is  it  you  friend. 

Come  hither  friend. 

Come  in. 

Have  you  feene  me  ? 

I  have  feen  you. 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind 

remembrance. 
I  thank  you. 
I  thank  you  for  your  love. 


Obferv. 
I  have  acknowledged  amongft  them  an  heart  fenfible  of 
kindnelfes,  and  have  reaped  kindnelTe  again  from  many, 
feaven  yeares  after,  when  I  my  felfe  had  forgotten,  &c.  hence 
8]  the  Lord  Jefus  exhorts  his  followers  to  doe  good  for  evill : 
for  otherwife,  linners  will  do  good  for  good,  kindnelfe  for 
kindnelfe,  &c. 

21    Petiteayean  (hould  have  been  printed  without  divifion. 


97] 


Of  Salutation. 


37 


Cowammaunfli 

Cowammaunuck 

Cowammaus 

Cowautam  ? 

Nowautam 

Cowawtam  tawhitche  nip- 

peeyaumen 
Covvannantam 
Awanagufantowolh" 
Eenantowalli'^ 

Cutehanfliifliaumo 

Kiinnifhifhem  ? 

Nnifhifhem 

Naneefliaumo 

Nanfliwifliawmen 

Npiuckfhawmen 

Neefneechecktafhaumen 

Nquitpaufuckowafhawmen 

Comiflioonhommis 

Kuttiakewufhaumis 

Mefh  nomiflioonhommin 

9]  meflintiauke  wufhem 

Nippenowantawem 

Penowantowawhettuock 

Mat  nowawtau  hettemina 

Nummauchenem  ? 

Cummauchenem  ? 


/  love  you. 
He  loves  you. 
Tou  are  loving. 
Vnderjland  you  ? 
I  under/land. 

Doe  you  know  why  I  come. 

Have  you  forgot  te?i  ? 
Speake  Etiglijli. 
Speake  Indian. 

How  many  were  you  in  Com- 
pany ? 
Are  you  alone  ? 
I  ajn  alone. 
'There  be  2.  of  us. 
We  are  4. 
We  are  10. 
We  are  20.  &c. 
We  are  an  1 00. 
Did  you  come  by  boate  ? 
Came  you  by  land} 
I  came  by  boat. 
I  came  by  land. 
I  atn  of  another  language 
They  are  of  a  divers  language. 
We  underjland  not  each  other. 
I  am  f  eke. 
Are  you  fie  ke  ? 


3j  [/;7zfo;7toa'<JOT, he fpeaks (a language).  23  Een. — See  before,  note  3.  Comp. 
Eliot.  Imp.  ontaiivajh,  or  nntmwajh,  fpeak  Efkimaux,  innuk,  pi.  innuit,  men  (of  their 
thou.  Awanagus,  Englifhman,  (//'/.  fome  own  race.)  Nanticoke,  'ihn,  tin,  an  In- 
one  not  Indian,  a  ftranger.     See  p.  59.)  dian.     Gallatin's  Synopfis. 


38 


Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 


[98 


Tafhiickqunne  cummauche- 

naumis 
Nummauchemin  or 
Ntanneteimmin 
Sauop  Cummauchemin 
Mauchiih"*  or  anakifti 
Kuttannawfhefli 
Mauchei  or  anittui 
Kautanaudiant 
Mauchehettit  or 
Kautanawfliawhettit 
Kukkowetous 
Yo  Cowifli 
Hawiinfhech 
Chenock  wonck  cuppee- 

yeaumen  ' 


How  long  have  you  beenjicke  ? 

/  ivill  be  going. 

Tou  Jliall  goe  to  morrow. 

Be  going. 

Depart. 

He  is  gone. 

He  being  gone. 

When  they  are  gone. 

I  nvill  lodge  with  you. 

Do,  lodge  here. 

Farewell. 

When  will  you  be  here 

againe  ? 
My  friend  I  can  not  tell. 


Netop  tatta 

From  thefe  courteous  Salutations  Obferve  in  general!  : 
There  is  a  favour  of  civility  and  [10]  courtejie  even  amongft 
thefe  wild  Americans,  both  amongft  themfehes  and  towards 
Jlrangers. 

More  particular  : 

I .   The  courteous  Pagan  P^all  condemne 

Uncourteous  Engliftimen, 
Who  live  like  Foxes,  Beares  and  Wolves, 

Or  Lyon  in  his  Den. 

34  El.  Monchijh,  go  thou,  Luke  x.  37;  of  the  firft  fyllable  was  nafal.     It  is  fo 

monchek,  go  ye.   Matt,  xxviii.  19:    mon-  marked   by    Rale    in    the   correfponding 

chu,  he  goes.      (The   difference  of  dia-  Abnaki  verb,  nemantfi,  je  m'en  vas.) 
lefts  is  only  apparent.     The  long  vowel 


99] 


Of  Eating  and  Rntertaintnent. 


39 


2.  Let  none  fing  bleffings  to  their  Joules, 
For  that  they  Courteous  are: 

The  ivild  Barbarians  with  no  more 
Then  Nature,  goe  fo  farre : 

3.  If  Natures  Sons  both  wild  a7id  tame, 
Hufnane  and  Courteous  be  : 

How  ill  beconies  it  Sonnes  of  God 
To  want  Humanity  ? 


Chap.   II. 


Of  Eating  and 

AScumetesimmis  ? 
Matta  niccattuppiim- 
min 
Niccawkatone 
Mannippeno  ? 
Nip,  or  nipewefe'^ 
Namitch,  commetesimmin 
11]  Teaquacummeich 
Nokehick/' 

25  Nip,  {nippe.  El.)  water;  dimin., 
nip'ewefe,  a  little  water.  (The  verb  is  not 
exprefled.)  Eliot  ufes  another  form  of 
the  diminutive,  nipp'emes,  "a  little  water," 
I  Kings,  xvii.  lo.  —  Abn.  nehi :  Chip. 
neb  eh  ;  Cree,  nippu  (Howfe). 

26  Nmkhik  is  ufed  by  Eliot  for  "meal" 
(1  Chron.  12:  40,)  "flour,"  (Lev.  2: 
4,  5,  7,  &c.)  "ground  corn,"  (2  Sam. 
17:  19.)  It  is,  in  form,  a  verbal,  fig- 
nifying  "  made  foft,"  or  tender,  —  from 
nmhki  [it  is]  foft.  — "  Nocake,  (as  they 
call    it)   which   is    nothing    but    Indian 


Entertainment. 

Have  you  not  yet  eaten  ? 
I  am  not  hujigry. 

I  atn  thirjiie. 

Hare  you  no  water  ? 

Give  me  fome  water. 

Stay,  you  ?nuji  eat  fir Jl. 

What  will  you  eat  ? 

Parch' d  meal  which,  is  a  readie 

come  parched  in  the  hot  aflies ;  the 
afhes  being  lifted  from  it,  it  is  afterward 
beaten  to  powder,  and  put  into  a  long 
leatherne  bag,  trufled  at  their  backe  like 
a  knapfacke ;  out  of  which  they  take 
thrice  three  fpoonefulls  a  day,  dividing 
it  into  three  meales."  Wood's  N.  E. 
Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.  6.  See  alfo,  Gookin's 
Hill.  Coll.,  in  1  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  i.  i  50. 
S.  Wood's  Montauk  vocabulary  gives 
Teokeheag,  —  the  name  by  which  "roaft 
corn  pounded  "  is  ftill  known  in  eallern 
Connefticut. 


40 


Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 


[ 


loo 


very  wholefome  food,  which  they  eate  with  a  little  water, 
hot  or  cold  ;  I  have  travelled  with  neere  200.  of  them  at 
once,  neere  100.  miles  through  the  woods,  every  man  carry- 
ing a  little  Basket  of  this  at  his  back,  and  fometimes  in  a 
hollow  Leather  Girdle  about  his  middle  fufficient  for  a  man 
three  or  foure  dales  : 

With  this  readie  provifion,  and  their  Bow  and  Arrowes, 
are  they  ready  for  War,  and  travell  at  an  houres  warning. 
With  ■i.  fpoo7ifull  of  this  meale  and  a  Jpoonfull  of  water  from 
the  Brooke,  have  I  made  many  a  good  dinner  and  fupper. 


Aupiimmineanafh/' 
Aupiiminea-nawfaump. 


Msickquataih/' 

Manufqufsedafh. 

Nasaump."' 


The  parch' d  come. 
The  pared  vieale  boild  ivith 
•water  at  their  houfes,  which 
is    the   wholefoweji    diet    they 
have. 

Boild  come  whole. 
Beanes. 

A  kind  of  meale  pottage,  un- 
partch'd. 


27  JfpuminnhnaJh.'pirc'tiiA corn, {¥A\ot, 
in  1  Sam.  ij  :  17.)  From  appan,  apwoon, 
(he  bakes,  or  roafts,)  and  min,  pi.  min- 
neap?,  the  generic  noun,  fign.  fruit,  grain, 
or  berry.  Ahn. abimirtannar,  "blegroule." 
Rale.  In  this,  and  other  compounds  of 
minneaP),  we  difcover  the  origin  of  the 
much-corrupted  modern  name,  homony. 

2S  Derived,  apparently,  from  fukqut- 
tahham  (El.)  he  beats  it  to  pieces  (i.  e. 
Jhelh,  or  removes  it  from  the  cob);  inan. 
plur.  participial,  fukqultahkajh,  with  the 
indefinite  particle  «r'  prefixed,  "the  beat- 
en-to-pieces  [corn]."  The  name  is  re- 
tained, as  fuccotajh. — "They  feldome  or 


never  make  bread  of  their  Indian  come, 
but  feeth  it  whole  like  beanes,  eating 
three  or  foure  cornes  with  a  mouthfull  of 
fifh  or  flefh."  Wood's  N.  E.  Profpect, 
part  2,  ch.  6. 

29  "A'W/^JOT/,  pottadge."  Wood:  Mon- 
liaV,feaump,  "pounded  corn."  S.  Wood: 
Abnaki,  ntfanba'tin,  "fagamite."  Rale. 
The  root  is  faupae  (El.)  foft,  i.  e.  made 
foft  by  water  :  ^%  faupae  manoonjk,  "mor- 
tar," ///.  foftened  clay.  Genefis  11:3. 
Hence,  the  T>ulc\\fappaen  \^fepavin,fepon, 
Webfler],  "the  crufhed  corn  boiled  to  a 
pap."    Defcrip.  of  N.  Netherland,  167 1. 


lOlJ 


Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 


41 


From  this  the  E7iglijli  call  their  Satnp,  which  is  the  Indian 
corne,  beaten  and  boild,  and  eaten  hot  or  cold  with  milke 
or  butter,  which  are  [  1 2]  mercies  beyond  the  Natives  plaine 
water,  and  which  is  a  diHi  exceeding  wholefome  for  the 
Englijh  bodies. 


Puttuckqunnege. 
Puttuckqunnegunafli 

puttuckqui. 
Teagun  kuttiemaunch  ? 
Alfamme. 
Ncattup. 
Wunna  ncattup. 
Nippaskanauntum. 
Pautous  notatam. 
Sokenifli. 

Cofaume  fokeniimmis, 
Wuttattafli. 
Nquitchetammin. 
Quitchetafli. 
Saunqui  nip  ? 
Saunkopaugot.'° 
Chowhefu. 
Aquie  wuttattafh. 


A  Cake. 
Cakes  or  loves 

round. 
What  Jh all  I  drejj'e  for  you  ? 
Give  tne  to  eate. 
I  atn  hiingrie. 
I  am  very  hungry. 
I  a?n  abnojl  Jlarved. 
Give  me  drinke. 
Powre  forth. 

Ton  have  powred  out  too  much. 
Drinke. 
Let  me  tajle. 
Tafe. 

Is  the  water  coo[le] 
Cook  water. 
It  is  warme. 
Doe  not  drinke. 


30  Sonqui  (El.),  cold  ;  fonkipog  \_fonk- 
qui-pog],  cold  water,  Prov.  25  :  25  ;  "a 
cup  of  cold  water,"  Matt.  10:  42;  Mark 
9:  41.  Th4  form  given  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liams is  that  of  a  verb  in  the  fubjundlive, 
fonkipog-ot ,  "  water  when  it  is  cold." 
Comp.  mijhippagot,  "  much  water,"  John, 
3:  23.  -Pog  (-paug,  -pag,  -baug,  etc., 
as  varioufly  written,)  is  one  of  thofe  in- 
feparable  generic  nouns,  the  frequent  ufe 
B6 


of  which  is  a  prominent  charafteriftic  of 
the  Indian  languages.  The  radical  was 
p'a  or  fe,  which,  with  the  demonftrative 
and  definitive  tie  prefixed,  formed  the 
noun,  nippe,  nip  ;  water  ;  but  in  compound 
words,  another  derivative,  — pog,  was 
employed.  In  like  manner,  for  feip 
l^sepe,^  a  river,  was  fubftituted,  in  form- 
ing compound  words,  the  infeperable  gen- 
eric, -tuk.  (See,  after,  ch.  xvi.  p.  92.) 


42 


of  Eating  and  Entertaintiient. 


[102 


Aquie  waiimatous. 
Necawni  meich  teaqua. 
Tawhitch  mat  mechoan. 
I  3]  Wullaume  kufopita. 
Teaguun  nummeitch 
Mateag  keelitauano  ? 
Mateag  mecho  ewo. 
Cotchikefu  allamme. 
Cotchekiinnemi  weeyous. 
Metesittuck. 
Pautiinnea  mechimucks. 
Numwautous. 
Mihtukmechakick.'" 
ed  (living  between  three  and 


Doe  not  drinke  all. 
Firji  eat  Jometbing: 
Why  eat  you  not  ? 
It  is  too  hot. 
What/lmll  I  eate? 
Is  there  notlmig  ready  boy  Id '^ 
He  eats  notlmig. 
Cut  me  a  piece. 
Cut  me  fame  meat. 
Let  us  goe  eate. 
Bring  hither  fome  vi^lualls. 
Fill  the  dijh. 

Tree-eaters.    A  people  fo  call- 
bure  hundred  miles  Weft  into 


the  land)  from  their  eating  only  Mihtuchquajh,  that  is,  Trees  : 
They  are  Men-eaters,  they  fet  no  corne,  but  live  on  the  bark 
of  Chefnut  and  Wahiut,  and  other  fine  trees :  They  dry  and 
eat  this  bark  with  the  fat  of  Beafts,  and  fomtimes  of  men  : 
This  people  are  the  terrour  of  the  neighbour  Natives  ;  and 
yet  thefe  Rebells,  the  Sonne  of  God  may  in  time  lubdue. 


Mauchepweeean. 
Mauchepwucks. 
Mauchepwut. 
Paufliaqua  mauchepwut. 

31  Mihtuk  (mihtuck,  ch.  xvi.  p.  92,)  a 
tree  :  mech  {mcrch.  El.)  he  eats ;  particip. 
plur.  m'echakick  {mcechikig.  El.  )  The 
northern  Algonkins  are  faid  to  have  re- 
ceived from  the  Iroquois  the  contemptu- 
ous appellation  of  Adirondncks  (  Ratiron- 
/d^/),  "  tree-eaters."  See  Hill.  Maga- 
zine, iv  117,  369.  Poffibly  this  name, 
or   its   equivalent,   was   applied    by   the 


After  I  have  eaten. 
After  meales. 
When  he  hath  eaten. 
After  dinner. 

fouthern  tribes  of  New  England  to  the 
"  Taranteens,"  or,  fpecially,  to  the  Al- 
gonkins of  the  Ottawa  River  and  about 
Lake  Huron.  Yet,  by  defcribing  the 
"  tree-eaters"  as  cannibals,  and  "  the 
terror  of  the  neighbour  Natives,"  Mr. 
Williams  appears  to  have  identified  (or 
confounded)  them  with  the  Mohawks. 
See,  after,  p.  16. 


'03] 


Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 


43 


14]  Wayyeyant  maiichepwut 

Nquittmauntalh. 

Weetimoquat. 

Machemoqut. 

Weekan. 

Machippoquat. 

Aiiwuire  weekan. 

Askun. 

Noonat. 

Wusaume  wekilFu. 

Waumet  Taubi.^^ 

Wuttattumiitta. 

Neerneechahettit  taiibi. 

Mattacuckquaw. 

Mattaciicquair. 

MatcuttalVamiin  ? 

Keen  meitch. 


After  J  upper. 

Smell. 

It  fmells  fweet. 

It  Jl  inks. 

It  is  fweet. 

It  is  Jowre. 

It  is  fweeter. 

It  is  raw. 

Not  enough. 

Too  much  either  boy  led  or  rojied. 

It  is  enough. 

Let  us  drinke. 

Eenough  for  twentie  men. 

A  Cooke. 

Cooke  or  drejfe. 

Will  you  not  give  me  to  eate  ? 

I  pray  eate. 


They  generally  all  take  Tobacco ;  and  it  is  commonly  the 
only  plant  which  men  labour  in  ;  the  women  managing  all 
the  reft  :  they  fay  they  take  Tobacco  for  two  caufes ;  firft, 
againft  the  rheume,  which  cavfeth  the  toothake,  which 
they  are  impatient  of:  fecondly,  to  revive  and  refreih  them, 
they  drinking  nothing  but  water. 


15]  Squuttame. 

Petasinna,  or,Wuttammafin." 

32  The  two  words  (hould  be  feparated 
by  a  comma.  Waumet,  (  from  wame,  all, 
the  whole,)  when  all  is  [eaten]:  Taubi 
(^taupi,  tapi.  El.)  when  there  is  fufficient; 
enough. 

33  See  ch.  vi.  (pp.  44,  45.)  Wood's 
vocabulary  gives  "  oltommaocke,  tobacco;" 


Give  me  your  pipe. 
Give  mee  fome  Tabacco. 

"petta  finna,  give  me  a  pipe  of  tobaco." 
Wuttammauog,  (as  Mr.  Williams  writes 
it,  p.  45,)  the  name  of  "a  weak  tobacco, 
which  the  men  plant  themfelves,"  figni- 
fies,  literally,  "[what]  they  drink."  In 
the  firft  half  of  the  feventeeth  century, 
the  Englifh.aswell  as  the  Indians,  fpoke  of 


44 


Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 


fio4 


Ncattauntum,  or, 

Ncattiteam. 

MauchinaaHi  nowepiteafs. 

Nummalliackquneaumen. 

Mafhackquineaug. 

Aiicuck.^*' 

Mifliquockuk. 

Netop  kuttaifammini. 

Quamphafli  quaniphomiinea. 

Eippoquat, 

Teiiqua  afpiickquat  ? 

Nowetipo. 

Wenomeneafli. 

Waweecocks. 

Nemauanafli. 
Nemauaninnuit. 
Tackhummin. 
Tackhumiinnea. 
Pifliquehick. 

Nummauchip  nup  mauchep- 
ummin. 

"  drinking  "  tobacco,  when  we  (hould  fay 
(with  lei's  accuracy,  perhaps,)  "  fmok- 
ing."  Wood  writes,  "  coctop,  will  you 
drinke  Tobacco  ?"  In  Mourt's  Relation 
(Dexter's  ed,,  p.  94,)  Maffafoit  is  laid 
to  have  had,  hanging  behind  his  neck, 
"  a  little  bagg  of  Tobacco,  which  he 
dranke,  and  gave  us  to  drinke."  See 
Young's  Chron.  of  the  Pilgr.  Fathers, 
188,  note.  In  the  k\iWiV\,CDdame  \wut- 
tamme,  as  R.  Williams  would  have  writ- 
ten it,]  fign.  "  il  petune,"  he  takes  to- 
bacco ;  adaman,  "petun ;"  bitj'eneooi  \_=pet- 


I  long  fo?-  that. 

My  teeth  are  naught. 

Wee  are  in  a  dearth. 

We  have  no  food. 

A  Kettle. 

A  red  Copper  Kettle. 

Friend,  I  have  brought  you  this. 

Take  up  for  me  out  of  the  pot. 

It  is  fioeet. 

What  doth  it  tafe  of? 

I  like  this. 

Grapes  or  Ray  fins. 

Figs,  or  fome  Jiratige  fweet 

tueat. 
Provifon  for  the  way. 
A  fnapfacke. 
To  grind  come. 
Beat  me  parch' d  meale. 
Vnparch'd  meale. 

We  have  eaten  all. 


asinna,  R.  W.]  "  charge  le  calumet  pour 
moi."  — Rale. 

34  Ahkuhq,  and  Ohkuk,  Eliot  :  prima- 
rilv,  an  cartkern  velTel  ;  from  okke,  auke, 
earth.  —  "The  pots  they  feeth  their 
food  in,  which  were  heretofore,  and  yet 
are,  in  ufe  among  fome  of  them,  are 
made  of  clay  or  earth,  almoll  in  the  form 
of  an  egg,  the  top  taken  off.  The  clay 
or  earth  they  were  made  of  [foap-ftone, 
or  lleatite,]  was  very  fcarce  and  dear." 
Gookin's  Hill.  Coll.,  i  Mafs.  Hiftorical 
Coll.,  i.  151. 


'05] 


Of  Rating  and  Entertainment. 


45 


1 6]  Cowaump  ? 
Nowaump. 
Mohowaugfuck,  or  Mau- 

quauog,  from  moho  to 

eate.^^ 


Have  you  ejiough  ? 
I  have  enough. 

The  Canibals,  or.  Men-eaters, 
up  into  the  weji,  tivo,  three  or 
foure  hu7idred  miles  from  us. 
'They  icill  eate  you. 


Cummohucquock.^* 

Whomfoever   commeth   in   when  they  are  eating,  they 

offer  them  to  eat  of  that  which  they  have,  though  but  Httle 

enough  prepar'd  for  themfeh'es.      If  any  provilion  oi  fjh  or 

fejh  come  in,   they  make  their  neighbours  partakers  with 

them. 


35  Comp.  p.  13,  and,  after,  ch.  vi.  p. 
45  ;  ch.  vii.  p.  49.  Mr.  Williams  here 
gives  the  fignification  of  the  names  by 
which  the  Iroquois  (and  efpeciallv,  their 
eallernmoll  nation,  the  Kayingehaga,  or 
Ganegahaga,')  were  known  to  the  Indians 
of  New  England,  to  the  Englifh  and  the 
Dutch.  The  three  principal  Algonkin 
verbs  fignifying  "  to  eat,"  were,  as  writ- 
ten bv  Eliot,  (  I  )  mectfu,  intranfitive,  he 
eats,  !.  e.  takes  food,  [infinitive,  «rtV<'//OT- 
min,^.  186;  in  the  Delaware,  mitzin, 
Heckw.]  ;  (2)  meech,  tranfitive-inani- 
mate,  he  eats  vegetable  food,  or  any  thing 
which  has  not  life ;  and  (3)  mohwhou, 
moowhttu,  [mohozuau,  R.  W.]  trans. -anim. 
he  eats  that  which  lives,  or  has  life, — - 
or  that  which,  by  a  peculiarity  of  Indian 
grammar,  is  clafled  with  animate  beings. 
Thus  moj'xhau  locujis,  "  he  did  eat  lo- 
cufts,"  Mark  i.  6  ;  puppinafl>im  um-moh- 
who-uh,  the  beaft  he-devoured-him.  Gen. 
37,  20.  In  the  plural,  mohowaug  (moo- 
whauog.  El.,)  they  eat  what  lives,  or  has 
life.  ["  The  Mauquawogs  or  Mohowa- 
tvogs,  which  fignifies  men-eaters  in  their 
language."  —  R.  W.  in  letter  to  Win- 
throp,   4    Mafs.    Hift.    Coll.,   vi.    239.] 


Hence,  plainly  enough,  the  Englifh  name, 
Mohocks,  Mohau;ks  or  Mozvhacks,  for  that 
"  cruell  bloody  people  ....  very  Cani- 
balls  they  were,"  as  Wood  was  informed, 
—  "  fometimes  eating  on  a  man  one  part 
after  another  before  his  face,  and  while 
yet  living."  N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.M. 
Comp.  Joflelyn's  Voyages,  148.  —  The 
Dutch  form  of  the  name  was  Mahakuaas, 
and  by  contraftion,  Maquas.  A  writer 
in  the  Hirtorical  Magazine,  ii.  153,  has 
fuggelled  that  this  is  "  but  the  tranflation 
of  the  name  \Ganniagmari,  a  fhe-bear,] 
given  by  the  nation  to  themfelves ;" 
fince,  in  many  of  the  Algonkin  dialefts, 
"  Maqua  means  the  Bear :"  but  he  has 
overlooked  the  faft,  that,  in  other  dia- 
lers, the  fame  word  and  its  derivatives 
are  names  of  the  Wolf;  (lee  Gallatin's 
Vocabularies,  Trans.  A.  A.  Soc,  ii.  341;) 
and  the  probability  that  both  wolf  and 
bear  were  fo  called,  becaufe  they  are 
beafts  of  prey,  fleih-eaters,  mauquauog. 
[Rale,  s.  V.  "  Manger,"  gives  for  the 
Abnaki,  ne-mcoha'timk  megmak,  "  Je  mange 
1'  Iroquois."] 

3*   Noh  mahhukque,   "  he   that  eateth 
me,"  John  vi.  57. 


46  Of  Sleepe  and  Lodging.  [106 

If  any  ftranger  come  in,  they  prefently  give  him  to  eate 
of  what  they  have ;  many  a  time,  and  at  all  times  of  the 
night  (as  I  have  fallen  in  travell  upon  their  houfes)  when 
nothing  hath  been  ready,  have  thenifelves  and  their  wives, 
rifen  to  prepare  me  fome  refrelhing. 

The  obfervation  generall  from  their  eatitig,  &c. 
It  is  a  ftrange  truth  that  a  man  fliall  generally  finde  more 
free  entertainment  and  refreshing  amongft  thefe  Barbarians, 
then  amongft  thoufands  that  call  thenifelves  Chrijiians. 

17]       More  particular  : 

I    Courje  bread  and  water's  7noJi  their  fare, 

O  Englands  diet  fine  \ 
Thy  cup  runs  ore  with  plenteous  Jiore 

Of  ivholefotne  beare  ajid  wine. 

•  2   Sometimes  God  gives  them  Fifli  or  Flefli, 

Yet  they  re  content  without ; 
Atid  what  comes  in,  they  part  to  friends 
a?id  ftrangers  round  about. 

3   Gods  providence  is  rich  to  his. 

Let  none  diftruftfull  be  ; 
In  wildernelle,  in  great  diftrelfe, 

Thefe  Ravens  have  fed  tne. 

Chap.    III. 
Concerning  Sleepe  and  Lodging. 


NSowwuflikawmen 
Nkataquaum. 
Kukkovetous. 


/  am  weary. 
I  am  feepie. 
Shall  I  lodge  here  ? 


[07] 


Of  Sleepe  and  Lodging. 


47 


Yo  nickowemen  ? 
Kukkoweti. 
Wunnegin,  cowifh. 
Nummouaquomen. 
1 8]  Puckquatchick  nickou- 
emen. 


Shall  I  Jleepe  here  ? 
Will  you  Jleepe  here  ? 
Welcome,  Jleepe  here. 
I  will  lodge  abroad. 
I  will  Jleepe  without  the  the 
doores.  Which  I  have  knowne 


them  contentedly  doe,  by  a  fire  under  a  tree,  when  fome- 
times  Ibme  Englijli  have  (for  want  of  familiaritie  and  lan- 
guage with  them)  been  fearefull  to  entertaine  them. 

In  Summer-time  I  have  knowne  them   lye  abroad  often 
themfelves,  to  make  roome  for  ftrangers,  EngliJJi,  or  others. 


Mouaquomitea. 
Cowwetuck. 

Kukkouene  ? 

Cowweke. 

Cowwewi. 

Cowwewock. 

Askukkowene  ? 

Takitippocat. 

Wekitippocat. 

Wauwhautowaw  anawat,  & 

Wawhautowavog. 
and  lliouting  is  their  Alarmc 


Let  us  lye  abroad. 
Let  lis  Jleepe. 
Sleepe  you  .? 
Sleepe,  Jleepe. 
He  is  ajleepe. 
'They  Jleepe. 
Sleepe  you  yet  ? 
It  is  a  cold  night. 
\t  is  a  warme  night. 
Ther  is  an  alarme,  or,  there  is 
a  great  Jhouting :  Howling 
they  having  no   Drums  nor 


Trumpets  :  but  whether  an  enemie  approach,  or  fire  breake 
out,  this  Alarme  palfeth  from  houfe  to  houfe;  yea,  com- 
monly, if  any  Englifh  or  Dutch  come  amongft  them  they 
give  notice  of  ftrangers  by  this  figne ;  yet  I  have  knowne 
them  buy  and  ufe  a  Dutch  [19]  Trumpet,  and  knowne  a 
Native  make  a  good  Drum  in  imitation  of  the  RngliJh. 


Matannauke,  or  Mat- 
tannaukanafh 


A  jiner  fort  of  mats  to  feep 
on. 


48 


Of  Sleepe  and  Lodging. 


[io8 


Maskituafli 
Wuddtuckqunarti^ponam-auta 


Straw  to  ly  on. 
Let  us  lay  on  wood. 


This  they  doe  plentifully  when  they  lie  down  to  deep 
winter  and  lummer,  abundance  they  have  and  abundance 
they  lay  on  :  their  Fire  is  inftead  of  our  bedcloaths.  And 
fo,  themfelves  and  any  that  have  occafion  to  lodge  with 
them,  muft  be  content  to  turne  often  to  the  Fire,  if  the 
night  be  cold,  and  they  who  firll  wake  mufl:  repaire  the  Fire. 


Mauataunamoke 

Mauataunamiitta 

Toketuck 

Askuttokemis 

Tokifli,  Tokeke^' 

Tokiniih 

Kitumyai  tokean 

Ntunnaquomen 

Nummattaquomen 


Mend  the  fire. 

Let  us  mend  the  fire. 

Let  us  wake. 

Are  you  not  awake  yet. 

Wake  wake 

Wake  him. 

As  foone  as  I  wake. 

I  have  had  a  good  dream. 

I  have  had  a  bad  dream. 


When  they  have  a  bad  Dream  e,  which  they  conceive  to 
be  a  threatning  from  God,  they  fall  to  prayer  at  all  times  of 
the  night,  efpecially  early  before  day  :  So  Davids  zealous 
heart  [20]  to  the  true  and  living  God  :  At  midnight  will  I  rife, 
&c.  I  prevented  the  dawning  oj  the  day,  &cc.    Pfal.  119.  &c. 


Wunnakukkuffaquaum 

Peeyaiintam^' 

Peeyauntamwock 


Toufieep  much. 
He  prayes. 
They  pray. 


37   The  repetition  of  </,  in  the  firft  fyl-  wood   for  burning,   Prov.  xxvi.  20. 

lable  is  an  error  of  the  prefs.     See  the  38   Imperative,    Angular    and    plural  : 

fame  phrafe,  p.  33.     IVuttuk,  wuttuhqun,  tmkijb,  wake  thou  ;  tak'ek,  wake  ye.    El. 

a    branch    or    bough    (Eliot),  —  hence,  39   Peantam ;  ^\.  peantamaog.  El. 


109J  of  Sleepe  and  Lodging.  49 


? 


Tiinna  kukkowemis  Where Jlept you} 

Awaun  we[k]ick  kukkouemis     At  whofe  houfe  did  you  Jleep 

I  once  travailed  to  an  Hand  of  the  wildeft  in  our  parts, 
where  in  the  night  an  Indian  (as  he  laid)  had  a  viiion  or 
dream  of  the  Sun  (whom  they  worlhip  for  a  God)  darting 
a  Beame  into  his  Breaft  which  he  conceived  to  be  the  Mef- 
fenger  of  his  Death  :  this  poore  Native  call'd  his  Friends 
and  neighbours,  and  prepared  fome  little  retrelliing  for 
them,  but  himfelfe  was  kept  waking  and  Failing  in  great 
Humiliations  and  Invocations  for  10.  dayes  and  nights:  I 
was  alone  (having  travailed  from  my  Barke,  the  wind  being 
contrary)  and  little  could  I  fpeake  to  them  to  their  under- 
ftandings,  efpecially  becaufe  of  the  change  of  their  Dialed:, 
or  manner  of  Speech  from  our  neighbours ;  yet  fo  much 
(through  the  help  of  God)  I  did  fpeake,  of  the  True  and 
living  only  Wife  God,  of  the  Creation  :  of  Man,  and  his  fall 
21]  from  God,  &c.  that  at  parting  many  burfi:  forth,  Oh 
when  will  you  come  againe,  to  bring  us  foine  tnore  jiewes  of  this 
God} 

From  their  Sleeping  :   The  Obfervation  generall. 

Sweet  reft  is  not  conlind  to  foft  Beds,  for,  not  only  God 
gives  his  beloved  lleep  on  hard  lodgings  :  but  alfo  Nature 
and  Cuftome  gives  found  ileep  to  thel'e  Americans  on  the 
Earth,  on  a  Boord  or  Mat.  Yet  how  is  Europe  bound  to 
God  tor  better  lodging,  ^c. 

More  particular. 

I .    God  gives  them  feep  on  Ground,  on  Straw, 

on  Sedgie  Mats  or  Boord: 
When  Englijh  foftef  Beds  of  Downe, 
fome  times  no  feep  affoord. 
B7 


5° 


Of  their  Numbers. 


[ 


I  lO 


2.  y  have  knoivne  them  leave  their  Houje  and  Mat 
to  lodge  a  Friend  or  Jl ranger, 

IF  hen  "J  ewes  and  Chrijiians  oft  have  fent 
Chrift  Jefus  to  the  Manger. 

3.  'Fore  day  they  invocate  their  Gods, 
though  Many,  FalJ'e  and  New  : 

O  how  Jhould  that  God  worjhipt  be, 
who  is  but  One  and  True  ? 


22 

Chap. 

IIII. 

Of  their    Names.''' 

_^    NeeiTe 

One 
2. 

Nilh 

3- 

Yoh 

4- 

Napanna 

5- 

Qutta 

6. 

enada 

7- 

Shwofuck 

8. 

40  "Names,"  for  "Numbers,"  —  an 
error  of  the  original  edition. 

41  But  " pii'xfuck,  I,"  on  p.  25;  and 
"  n^uit  pawjuck,  100."  —  "Eliot  in  his 
Grammar,  gives  for  the  numeral  one,  only 
the  word  nequt,  correfponding  to  the 
Delaware  n'gutti  and  the  Narrag.  nquit. 
But  in  his  Bible  he  ufes  alio  the  word 
pafuk,  correfponding  to  the  Abnaki  peze- 
ka>  of  Father  Rale's  diftionarv,  and  the 
Narrag.  pawj'uck   of    Roger    Williams's 


Key."  Pickering,  in  Notes  to  El.  Gram- 
mar, xlv.  Cotton  (in  3  Mafs.  Hift. 
Coll.,  ii.  235,)  makes  this  queftionabje 
diftinftion  ;  "  nequt,  a  thing  that  is  paft  ; 
pafuk,  a  thing  in  being."  The  primary 
fignification  oi  nquit  feems  to  be,  firft  in 
order,  rather  than  in  time,  —  the  begin- 
ning of  a  feries  or  of  progreflion  not  yet 
completed  ;  while  pawjuek  is  non-conno- 
tative,  denoting  one  by  it/elf,  a  unit,  with- 
out reference  to  a  feries. 


1 1 1 


of  their  Numbers. 


5^ 


Paskiigit 
Piuck 

9- 

10. 

Piucknabna  quit 

1 1. 

Piucknab  neefe 

12, 

Piucknab  niih 

13' 

Piucknab  yoh 

H. 

Piucknab  napanna 
Piucknab  naqiitta 
Piucknab  enada 

15. 
16, 

Piucknabna  fhwofuck 

18, 

Piucknab  napaskiigit 

19' 

Neefneechick 

20, 

23]  Neefneechick  nab  na- 

quit,  &c. 
Shwinckeck 

21, 

3°' 

&c 

Swincheck  nab  naquit,  &c. 

3I' 

&c 

Yowinicheck 

40. 

Yowinicheck  nabnaqit,  &c. 
Napannetafliincheck 
Napannetalliinchek  nabna 

quit 
Quttatafliincheck 
Quttatafliincheck  nab  na  quit 

4I' 

50' 

5I' 

60, 
61, 

&c 

Enadatafhincheck 

70' 

Enadatalhincheck  nabna  quit 

7I' 

&c 

Swoafuck  ta  lliin  check 

80, 

Shwoafuck  ta  Ihincheck 

nebna  quit 
Paskugit  tafhincheck,  &c. 

81, 
90, 

&c 

Paskugit  tafhin  check  nabna 

quit  &c. 
Nquit  pawfuck 

9i> 

IOC 

52 


Of  their  Nwnbers. 


[i  12 


Nees  pawfuck 

200. 

Shweepawfuck 

300. 

24]  Yowe  pawfuck 

400, 

Napannetafhe  pawfuck 

500, 

Quttatalhe  pawfuck 

600, 

Enadatafliepawfuck 

700, 

Shoafucktartie  pawfuck 

800, 

Paskugit  tafliepawfuck 

900, 

Nquittemitt^mnug 

1000, 

Neefe  mittannug 

2000, 

Nifliwe  mittannug 

3000, 

Yowe  mittannug 

4000, 

Napannetafliemittannug 

5000, 

Quttataflie  mit  tannug 

6000 

Enadatafliemit  tannug 

7000, 

Shoafuck  ta  flie  mittannug 

8000, 

Paskugittalhemittannug 

9000, 

Piuckque  mittannug 
Neefneecheck  taflie  mit- 
tannug 

10000, 
20000, 

Shwinchecktafhe  mittannug 

30000, 

25]  Yowincheck  taihemit- 
tannug 

40000, 

Napannetafhincheck  taflie- 
mittannug 

50000. 

Quttatalhincheck  tafliemit- 

tannug 
Enadatalhincheck  taflie  mit- 

tannuck 

60000. 
70000. 

Shoafuck  tafliincheck  taflie 
mittannug 

80000. 

Paskugit   tafliincheck  taflie 
mittannug 

90000. 

1 1 


3] 


Of  their  Numbers. 


53 


Nquit  paufuckoemittan- 

^        ^  r.-,  I  ooooo. 

nug,  isc. 

Having  no  Letters  nor  Arts,  'tis  admirable  how  quick 
they  are  in  cafting  up  great  numbers,  with  the  helpe  of 
graines  of  Corne,  inftead  of  Europes  pens  or  counters. 

Numbers  of  the  mafcuHne  gender/'' 


Pawfuck 

I. 

Neefwock 

2.   Skeetomp  a  Mi 

Shiiog 
Yowock 

3- 

4.           f    Skeetom 

Napannetafiiog 
Quttafiiog 
Enada  tafiiog 

5.  as,    \     Paiiog, 

6.  Men. 

V 

7- 

Shoafuck  tafiiog 

8. 

26]  Paskugit  tafiiog 
Piuckfiiog 

9- 

10. 

Piuckfuog  nabnaquit 

1 1. 

Of  the 

Feminine  Gender. 

Pawfuck 

I 

Neenafh 

2 

Swinafh 

3 

41  The  two  great  claffes  of  nouns  here 
diftinguifhed  as  mafculine  and  feminine 
were  more  accurately  defignated  by  Eliot 
(Grammar,  9,)  animate  and  inanimate, 
and  by  the  French  miffionaries,  noble  and 
ignoble.  The  former  comprifed  all  ani- 
mate beings,  and  with  them,  the  ftars, 
and  various  objefts  (not  the  fame  in  every 
dialed):,)  which  were  held  in  peculiar 
efteem.  See  Gallatin's  Synopfis,  169, 
221,  225.  Thefe  form  the  plural,  in 
the   Mais,  and  Narrag.  dialedls,   in   -og. 


-ock,  or  -uck.  The  inanimate  nouns  have 
their  plural  in  -ajh.  Ohtomp,  a  bow, 
ajh'op,  a  net  for  fifh,  appeh,  a  fnare  or 
trap,  —  and  a  few  other  implements  of 
war  and  the  chafe  were  honored  with 
inclufion  in  the  firft  or  noble  clafs.  In 
the  Delaware  and  Chippeway,  graffes, 
trees  and  plants  (except  annuals)  were 
reckoned  as  animates  ;  in  the  Maffachu- 
fetts  and  Narraganfett,  as  inanimates. — 
Gallatin,  1.  c;  El.  Gram.  10,  and  Du 
Ponceau's  Notes,  xiii. 


54 


Of  their  relations  of  confanguinity. 


[114 


Yowiinnalh 

4 

Waucho 

Napannetafliinafh 

5     ^. 

Hill. 

QLittatafhinalh 

6    ^''" 

Wauchoalh 

Enadtadiinaih 

7 

Hills. 

Shoafucktafliinafli 

8 

Paskugittafhinafh 

9 

Piuckquataih 

10 

Piiickquatalh  nabn 

aquit. 

1 1 

From  their  Numbers,  Obfervation  General!. 

Let  it  be  conlidered,  whether  Tradition  of  ancient  Fore- 
fathers, or  Nature  hath  taught  them  Europes  Arithinaticke. 

More  particular  : 

1  Their  Braines  are  quick,  their  hands, 
Their  feet,  their  tongues,  their  eyes : 

27]    God  may  jit  objefts  in  his  time. 
To  thoje  quicke  faculties. 

2  Objefts  of  higher  nature  f/mke  them  tell. 
The  holy  number  of  his  Sons  Gofpel  : 

Make  them  and  us  to  tell  what  told  tnay  be ; 
But  Ji and  amazed  at  Eternitie. 


Chap.  V. 

Of  their  relations  o/confanguinitie  «W  affinitie,  or. 
Blood  and  Marriage. 


NNin-nninnuog, 
G?  Skeetomp-auog" 

43  See,  before,  notes  3  and  5. 


Man-)nen. 


1 1 


5] 


Of  their  relations  of  confanguinity. 


55 


Squaws-fuck."*  ■• 

Kichize,  &" 

Kichizuck.'*^ 

Homes,  i^ 

Homefuck 

Kutchinnu-** 

Kutchinnuwock. 

Wuskeene 

VVuskeeneefuck. 

Wenife^'  &> 

Wenifuck 

Mattauntum 

28]  Wafick 

Weewo,  <y 

MittLimmus/'  ^ 

Wullogana 

Noweewo, 

Nummittamus,  i£c. 

♦4  SquaaSyfqiias,  fquaus.  El.;  a  female, 
famina.  Efljqua,  Cotton.  —  Eliot  does 
not  ul'e  the  radical  generic,  J'qua,  except 
in  compound  words  :  V\i  fquhas  is  a  con- 
traftion  of fqua-oaas,  female-animal.  His 
Grammar,  p.  9,  gives,  "  mittiimwojjis,  a 
woman,"  i.  e.  mulier  and  uxor.  See 
below,  mittummus,  wife. 

45  "Chife  is  an  old  man,  and  Kiehchife 
a  man  that  exceedeth  in  age."  Window's 
Good  Newes,  in  Young's  Chron.  of 
Plymouth,  355.  Kutchijfu  and  kehchifu, 
[he  is]  old  ;  pi.  kutchifog,  kehchifog,  old 
men,  elders,  EL;  formed  from  kehche, 
chief,  principal,  with  the  animate  affix, 
-iffu.  This  word  charadlerized  old  age 
as  entitled  to  refpeft,  and  without  afl"o- 
ciating   the    idea   of  decrepitude   which 


Woman-women. 

An  old  7nan, 

Old  men. 

An  old  man. 

Old  men. 

A  jniddle-aged-man. 

Middle-  aged-  men. 

A  youth. 

Youths. 

An  old  wofjian. 

Old  women. 

Very  old  and  decrepit. 

An  Husband. 

A  Wife. 


My  Wife. 


belongs  to  mattauntam  and  homes.  See 
further,  Heckewelder's  notes  on  the  Del- 
aware words  for  "old,"  in  Notes  to  El. 
Gram.  (2  M.  H.  C.  ix.)  xvii. 

46  Lit.,  he  is  growing  old. 

47  Montauk,  weenai,  S.  Wood.  A  Ms. 
vocabulary  by  Prefident  Stiles  gives 
Wenygh  as  the  Narraganfett  word  for 
"woman."  Rale  has  minefwjjis,  "vielle," 
for  the  Abnaki.  I  have  not  ohferved  any 
correfponding  word  ufed  by  Eliot. 

48  The  dliubled  /  in  this  word  marks 
it  as  of  another  dialeft,  —  probably,  the 
Nipmuck.  See,  after,  ch.  xvii.  p.  107. 
So  too,  "nulloquaffo,  my  ward,  or  pupil," 
on  p.  29.  Both  words  are  found  again, 
—  the  former  with  the  prefix  of  the  firft 
perfon,  —  in  ch.  xxiii. 


56 


Of  their  relations  of  confanguinity. 


[ii6 


Ofli/' 
Nofli 
Cofh 
Cuttofo  ? 
Okafu,5°  & 
Witchwhaw 

49  No  word  in  Mr.  Williams's  vocab- 
ulary has  occafioned  more  dilcuflion  or 
given  more  trouble  to  philologills,  than 
this.  Dr.  Edwards,  in  his  Obfervations 
on  the  Muhhekaneew  Language  (p.  13), 
remarks,  that  "the  Mohegans  can  fay, 
my  father,  nogh,  —  thy  father,  kogh,  &c., 
but  they  cannot  lay  abfolutely,yrt/Z'<T. .  . 
If  you  were  to  lav  ogh,  which  the  word 
would  be,  it  ilripped  of  all  affixes,  you 
would  make  a  Mohegan  both  ftare  and 
fmile."  This  "contradiftion  between 
two  eminent  writers,"  —  Williams  and 
Edwards,  —  attrafted  the  attention  of  Du 
Ponceau.  See  his  Correfpondence  with 
Heckewelder,  pp.  403,  41 1  ;  and  Pick- 
ering's note  on  Edwards,  in  2  M.  H. 
Coll.,  X.  1 1 1 .  It  is  fomevvhat  remarkable 
that  in  all  the  difcuffion  which  this  pe- 
culiarity of  the  Indian  languages  has 
elicited,  no  one  appears  to  have  difcov- 
ered,  in  the  etymology  and  primary  fig- 
nification  of  the  word  tranflated  "father," 
the  reafon  zchy  it  cannot  be  ufed  without 
a  pronominal  prefix.  Striftly  confidered. 
Op  {wtch  or  wch,  as  Eliot  writes  it ),  is 
a  verb,  fignifying  to  come  out  of  or  pro- 
ceed from.  It  was  fometimes  ufed  as  a 
prepofition,  in  the  form  wuch'e  {wutch, 
ootch,  EL),  equivalent  to  the  Latin  e  or 
ex.  Confequently,  it  Aenots-A  filial  rela- 
tion, not  paternity.  With  the  pronomi- 
nal affixes,  —  nojh  {nmjh.  El.),  I-come- 
from  ;  cojii  {kwp)  thou-comell-from;  mjh- 


A  Father.   " 
My  father. 
Your  father. 
Have  you  afathee? 
A  mother. 


oh,  hc-comes-from-him.  Eliot  appears  to 
have  obferved  this  primary  fignitication 
of  the  word,  and  when  he  had  occafion 
to  trandate  "father,"  ufed  abfolutely  or 
without  a  pronoun,  he  fometimes  em- 
ployed the  paffwe  form  of  the  verb,  ivut- 
wjhimau,  he-Kho-is-proceeded-from,  or  from 
whom  [fome  one]  proceeds  ;  as  in 
Pfalms,  ciii.  i  3  ;  Prov.  iv,  l . — For  various 
forms  of  the  primary  verb,  fee,  in  Eliot's 
Bible,  John  viii.  23,  ncen  ncochai  wohku- 
maieu,  "  I  am  from  above  ;"  wahan  wtpoh, 
"the  wind  blowcth  (comes  from),  John 
iii.  8  ;  toh  viadchiil,  whence  he  came  from, 
Judg.  xiii.  6  ;  and  comp.  tunnawutfijniock, 
whence  come  they  .''     Key,  p.  4. 

5°  oka/oh,  his  mother,  the  mother  of; 
nokas,  ncokas,  my  mother.  El. —  Wiitcheh- 
wau,  her  mother.     Cotton. 

There  is  a  curious  relation,  —  which 
the  limits  of  this  note  permit  me  only  to 
fuggeft,  —  between  the  words  hr  father, 
mother,  and  earth ;  wjh,  mk-as,  and  aOke 
or  ohke.  From  the  verb  mentioned  in 
the  preceding  note,  fignifying  to  come 
out  of  or  from,  we  have,  under  the  regu- 
lar forms  of  Indian  grammar,  ajjh,  he 
comes  from,  i.  e.  is  produced  by,  aBively; 
cok-as,  the  pajjive  animate  producer,  or 
agent  of  produftion  ;  and  ohke,  earth  (pf), 
the  paffive  inanimate  producer  :  and  all 
thefe  are  related  to  the  radical  a,  —  the 
verb  of  motion,  in  its  moft  fimple  form. 


1 1 


7] 


Oi  their  relations. 


S7 


Nokace,  nitchwhaw 

Wuirefe'- 

Nilfese 

Papoos, 

Nippapoos,  & 

Nummiickiefe 

Nummuckquachucks'^ 

Nittaunis 

Non  anefe 

Muckquachuckquemefe 

Squafefe 

Weemat. 


My  viother. 
An  Vfickle. 
My  Vnckle. 
A  childe. 
My  childe. 

My  Jonne. 
My  daughter. 
A  Juckiyig  child. 
A  little  boy. 
A  little  girle. 
A  brother. 


They  hold  the  band  of  brother-hood  io  deare,  that  when 
one  had  committed  a  murther  and  fled,  they  executed  his 
brother  ;  and  [29]  'tis  common  for  a  brother  to  pay  the  debt 
of  a  brother  deceafed. 


Neemat 
Weticks,  Gf 
Weefummis 
Wematittuock 
Cutchafhematitin  ? 
Natoncks 

5'  "The  Mohegans  more  carefully 
diftinguilh  the  natural  relations  of  men 
to  each  other,  than  we  do,  or  perhaps 
any  other  nation.  They  have  one  word 
to  exprels  an  elder  brother,  another  to 
exprefs  a  younger  brother  ....  Nfafe  is 
my  uncle  by  my  mother's  fide  :  nucheh- 
que  is  my  uncle  by  the  father's  fide." 
Edward's  Obferv.,  i  i.  Comp.  Gallatin's 
Synopfis,  181-82.  Another,  and  more 
remarkable  peculiarity  of  moft  of  the 
American  languages  is  that  women  ufe 
B8 


My  brother. 
AJiJkr. 

They  are  brothers. 

How  many  brothers  have  you  ? 

My  coujin. 

different  words  from  men,  to  exprefs  the 
fame  degrees  of  relation.  See  Gallatin, 
257,  225,  264. 

52  Mukki,  a  child  ;  dimin.,  mukkies,  a 
little  child ;  mukkutchouks,  "a  man-child." 
Eliot.  Derived  from  a  word  fignifying 
bare,  without  covering  :  "muckucki,  bare, 
[faid  of  cloth]  without  wool."  Key,  p. 
152.  "Their  male  children  goe  ftarke 
naked  and  have  no  apron  until  they  come 
to  ten  or  twelve  yeeres  of  age."  page 
iio2. 


58  Of //>«>  relations.  [118 


Kattoncks 

Watoncks" 

Nulloqualb 

Wattonksittuock 

Kihtuckquaw'" 


Tour  coujin. 

A  coiijin. 

My  ward  or  pupill. 

They  are  coujms. 

A  virgin  marriageable. 


Their  Virgins  are  diftinguiflied  by  a  balhfull  falling  downe 
of  their  haire  over  their  eyes. 

Towiuwock  I  Fatherlejfe  children. 

There  are  no  beggars  amongfl:  them,  nor  fatherlelfe  child- 
ren unprovided  for. 

Tackqiuwock  |  Twins. 

Their  affeBio?is,  efpecially  to  their  children,  are  very 
ftrong  ;  fo  that  I  have  knowne  a  Father  take  fo  grievoufly 
the  lolfe  of  his  childe,  that  hee  hath  cut  and  ftob'd  himfelfe 
with  grief e  and  rage. 

This  extreme  affeBion,  together  with  want  of  learning, 
makes  ther  children  fawcie,  bold,  and  undutifull. 
30]  I  once  came  into  a  houfe,  and  requeiled  fome  water 
to  drinke  ;  the  father  bid  his  fonne  (of  fome  8.  yeeres  of 
age)  to  fetch  fome  water :  the  boy  refufed,  and  would  not 
ftir ;  I  told  the  father,  that  I  would  corredl  my  child,  if  he 
fliould  fo  difobey  me,  &c.  Upon  this  the  father  took  up  a 
fticke,  the  boy  another,  and  flew  at  his  father :  upon  my 
perfwafion,  the  poore  father  made  him  fmart  a  little,  threw 
down  his  ftick,  and  run  for  water,  and  the  father  confeffed 
the  benefit  of  correBion,  and  the  evill  of  their  too  indulgent 
aJf'eBions. 

53  I.  e.  kinfman,  or  kinj'woman.  Nu-  frere;  dit  le  pere  au  mari  de  fa  fille." 
tonkqs,  my  kinfwoman,  Prov.  vii.  4. —  54  Puella.  Compare  keegfquaw,  a  vir- 
Abn.  naJangw,  "dit-on  a  la  femme  de  fon     gin  or  maid  (virgo),  p.  138. 


1 1 


9] 


Of  the  Family  bufinejfes. 


59 


Obfervation  generall. 


From  their 
Relations 

In  the  mines  of  depraved  mankinde,  are  yet  to  be  founde 
Natures  diJiinBions,  and  Natures  affeSiions. 
More  particular  : 
T^he  Pagans  ivild  confejfe  the  bonds 

0/ married  chaftitie  : 
How  vild  are  Nicolaitans  that  hold 
Of  Wives  cotfimunitie  ? 

How  kindly  flames  of  nature  burne 

In  ivild  humanitie  ? 
Naturall  affeftions  who  wants,  is  fare 

Far  from  Chriftianity. 

3 1 J  Beji  nature's  vaine,  he's  bleji  that's  made 

A  new  and  rich  partaker 
Of  divine  Nature  of  his  God, 
And  blejl  eternall  Maker. 


Ch 


A  P. 


VI. 


Of  the  Family  and  bufineffe  of  the  Houfe. 
Wetuomuck 


yyEtu- 

Nekick 

55  JVetu  has  the  form  of  a  verb  in  the 
indicative,  which  may  be  nearly  tranfla- 
ted  by  he  is  at  home,  he  houfes.  Wek 
{week.  El.)  is  the  regularly-formed  fub- 
junftive  or  conditional  third  perfon  lin- 
gular of  this  verb,  —  when  (or  where') 
he  is  at  home,  ehez  lui.  The  locative 
affix  makes  weekit (YA.)  or  w'ekick,  at  or  in 


An  Houfe. 
At  home. 
My  houfe. 

his  home.  See  Eliot's  Grammar,  p.  il, 
where  the  word  wigwam  is  fhown  to  be 
a  corruption  o{"weekuwout  or  wekuwomut, 
in  his  houfe," — (which  is,  doubtlefs,  an 
error  of  the  prefs  for  "  in  their  houfe," 
as  the  word  has  the  plural  affix  ;)  wetuo- 
muck, as  Mr.  Williams  writes  it  above. 
Abn.  "wigaam,  cabane,  maifon."  (Rale.) 


6o 


Oi  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


[120 


Kekick 
Wk  ick^" 
Nickquenum. 


Tour  houfe. 
At  his  houfe. 
I  am  going  home ; 


Which  is  a  folemne  word  amongft  them  ;  and  no  man 
wil  offer  any  hinderance  to  him,  who  after  fome  abfence  is 
going  to  vilit  his  Family,  and  ufeth  this  word  Nicqiihtiwi 
(contefsing  the  fweetneffe  even  of  thefe  fliort  temporal! 
homes.)  * 


Puttuckakaun 

Puttcukakaunefe 

Wetuomemefe 


A  round  houfe. 

A  little  round  houfe. 

A  little  houfe ;  which  their 
women  and  maids  live  apart  in,  tour,  [32J  Hve,  or  lix  dayes, 
in  the  time  of  their  monethly  iicknelte,  which  cuftome  in 
all  parts  of  the  Countrey  they  ftriftly  obferve,  and  no  Male 
may  come  into  that  houfe. 


Nees  quttow" 

Shwiflicuttow 

Abockquolinafh 

Wuttapuiffuck^^ 

monly  men  get   and  fix,   and 


A  loTiger  houfe  with  two  f  res. 
With  three  f  res. 
The  mats  of  the  houfe. 
The  long  poles,  which   corn- 
then   the  women   cover  the 


houfe  with  mats,  and  line  them  with  embroydered  mats 
which  the  women  make,  and  call  them  Munnot auhana,^''  or 
Ha7igings,-V4\{\c\\  amongft  them  make  as  faire  a  (liow  as 
Hangings  with  us. 

56  For  wehich,  —  by  an  error  of  the  59  That  is,  bajket-work, — from  mun- 
prefs.  See  the  fame  word,  in  chap.  i.  note,  a  bafket  (p.  102). — "  Their  houfes 
(p.  3.)  were   double    matted,   for   as   they  were 

57  Neefe-fqiitta,  two-fire.  matted   without,    fo    were   they   within, 

58  Abn.  pkmahahk,  "  grofles  ecorces  a  with  newer  and  fairer  matts."  Mourt's 
cabaner  :"  abafiakwr,  "  les  perches  pour  Relation,  i  2. 

la  cabane."     Rale. 


121 


] 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


6i 


Note,  or  Yote"" 

Chickot  & 

Sqiitta 

Notawefe  &  chickautawefe 

Puck 

Puckillu 

Nippiickis 

Wuchickapeuck 


Fire. 

A  little  fire. 

Smoke. 

Smokie. 

Sftioke  troubleth  tne. 

Biirclmig  harke,   and  Chefnut 


barke  which  they  dreffe  finely,  and  make  a  Summer-cover- 
ing for  their  houfes. 

Cuppoquiittemin.  /  'will  divide  houfe  with  you, 

or  dwell  with  you. 

33]  Two  Famihes  will  live  comfortably  and  lovingly  in 
a  little  round  houfe  of  fome  fourteen  or  fixteen  foot  over, 
and  fo  more  and  more  families  in  proportion. 

/  am  cold. 

Let  us  make  a  fire. 
A  piece  of  wood. 
Lay  on  wood. 

Cut  f 07)16  wood. 

Let  us  make  a  good  fire. 

I  will  cut  wood. 

feems  to  be  compounded  of  ch'ehe,  fierce, 
violent,  and  ohteau,  a  verb  attributive. 
Sqiitta  appears  to  have  been  the  generic 
namt,  and  to  have  been  commonly  ufed 
in  many  of  the  Algonkin  dialefts.  See 
Gallatin's  Vocabularies;  Synopfis,  332. 
*'  Let  us  lay  on  wood.  See  note  37, 
p.  19. 


Niickqufquatch 

Nuckqufquatchimin 

Potouwafsiteuck 

Wudtuckqun 

Wudtiickquanafh 

Ponamauta'" 

Pawacomwufhefli 

Maumafhinnaunamauta 

Npaacomwufliem 

*°  For  note,  Eliot  has  nmtau  and  nm- 
teau  ;  for  fqtitta,  najhquttag,  [from  najh- 
tjuneau,  it  confumes,  deftroys,  rages  ;  re- 
lated to  napquttin,  a  deftruftive  ftorm,  a 
tempell.]  Cotton  gives  "  chikkoht  or 
nmtau,  fire;"  and  Eliot  has  the  verb, 
chikohteau,  it  burns,  (as,  nmtau  chikoht-op, 
the  fire  burned,     Ps.    39:   3,)   and  this 


62 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


122 


Afeneniefli 

Wonck,  & 

Wonkatack"^ 

Wonckataganafli  naus 

Netartiin  &  newuchalliinea, 

Wequanantafh*^ 

Wequanantig 

Wequanantiganalh 

Wekinan 

Awauo  ?"* 

Mat  Awawaniinno 

Unhappo  Kolh 

34]  Tuckiu  Sachim 

Mat-apeu 

Peyau 

Weche-peyau-keemat'^ 

Potawalli 

Potauntafli 

Peeyauog 

Wame,  paiifhe** 

Tawhitch  mat  peyayean 

Mefli  noonfliem  peeyaun  ?*' 

Mocenanippeeam 

*2  Wonk,  again,  once  more,  (encore'): 
onkatog,  another  ;  pa/uk  .  .  enkatog,  one  .  . 
the  other,  Deut.  21  :  15  ;  with  prefix  of 
third  pers.  fing.,  wonkntog. — Eliot.  On- 
hatuk,  befides.  Cotton.  Malta  wunk,  no 
more  ;  unkatak  mando,  another  God. — 
Peirfon's  Cat. 

63  This  has  the  form  of  a  verb  in  the 
imperative  (second  pers.  fing.),  and  the 
Englifh,  oppofite,  fhould  be  tranfpofed, 
—  "Light    a   fire;"     literally,     "make 


Fetch  fome  ftnall  Jlicks. 

More. 

Fetch  fotne  nior&. 

There  is  no  tiiore, 

A  light  fire. 

A  Candle,  or  Light. 

Candles. 

A  light  fire. 

Who  is  at  home  ? 

There  is  no  body. 

Is  your  father  at  home  ? 

Where  is  the  Sachim? 

He  is  not  at  home 

He  is  come. 

Tour  brother  is  come  with  him. 

Make  afire. 

Blowe  the  fire. 

They  are  come 

All-fome. 

Why  came,  or,  come  you  not. 

I  could  not  come. 

I  will  come  by  and  by. 

light  ;"  from  viequai,  light.  Wekinan 
( third  line  below, )  fignifies,  it  is  light,  or 
lighted,  —  "a  light  fire." 

^«  Lit.  "  Who  is  r"  or  "  Is  there  any 
one  .'" 

65   "  With-he-comes  thy-brother." 

**  That  is,  viame,  all  ;  paiifhe,  fome, — 
lit.,  a  part  ;  more  often,  half.  Eliot 
writes  pobjke  and  pabjhe. 

''7  The  mark  of  interrogation  is  mif- 
placed.    It  belongs  after  peyayean,  above. 


23] 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


63 


Afpeyau,  afquam 
Yo  aiitant  mefh  nippeeam 
And  then  they  point  with  the 
highth  they  keepe  account  ot 
and  Stars  by  night,  as  wee  doe 

Wiiskont  peyauog 

Teaqua  nauntick  ewo 

Yo  appitch  ewo 

Unhappo  kofli 

Unniugh 

Npepeyup  nawwot 

35 j  Tawhitch  peyauyean 

Teaguun  kunnaiintamun  ? 

Awiun  ewo  ? 

Nowechiume'^" 

Wecum,  naus 

Petiteauta 

Noonapiimmin  autalhehettit 

Taubapimmin 

Noonat 

Afquam 

Nairn,  namitch 

Moce,  unuckquaquefe 

Maifh,  kitummay 

Tuckiu,  tiyu 

Kukkekuttokawmen 

Nux 

Wuttammauntam 

Netop  notammauntam 

Cotammauntam 

^^   Lit.,  He  is  with  (accompanies)  me. 


He  is  not  come  yet. 
I  was  here  the  Sunne  fo  high. 
hand  to  the  Sunne,  by  whofe 
the  day,  and  by  the  Moone 
by  clocks  and  dialls,  &c. 

They  will  come. 

What  come  hee  for  ? 

Let  him  Jit  there. 

Is  your  father  at  home  ? 

He  is  there. 

I  have  long  been  here. 

Why  doe  you  come  ? 

What  come  y on  for  ? 

Who  is  that  ? 

He  is  tny  fervant. 

Call,  fetch. 

Let  us  goe  in. 

'There  is  not  roome  for  fo  many. 

Roome  enough. 

Not  enough. 

Not  yet. 

By  and  by. 

Injlantly. 

luji,  even  now. 

Where. 

Would  you  fpeake  with  him  ? 

Tea. 

He  is  bufie. 

Friend,  I  atn  bufe. 

Are  you  bufie  ? 


64 


Of  the  Family  bujinejj'es. 


[124 


Cotammifli 

Cotammumme 

Cotamme"^' 


/  hinder  you. 
You  trouble  me. 


36]      Obf.     They  are  as  full  of  bufinelfe,  and  as  impatient 
of  hinderance  (in  their  kind)  as  any  Merchant  in  Europe. 


Nqufsutam 

Notammehick  ewo 

Maumachiuafli 

Auquiegs 

Tuckiiuarti 

Wenawwetu 

Machetu 

Wenawetuonckon 

Kiiphafh 

Kuphommin 

Yeaufh 


/  atn  removing. 

He  hinders  me. 

Goods. 

Houjholdjiuffe. 

Where  be  they  ? 

Rich. 

Poore. 

Wealth. 

Shut  the  doore. 

To  Jhut  the  doore. 

Shut  doore  after  you. 


Obf.     Commonly  they  never  fliut  their  doores,  day  nor 
night ;  and  'tis  rare  that  any  hurt  is  done. 


Wunegin 

Machit 

Cowautam  ? 

Machaug 

Wunnaug'° 

Wunnauganafh 

Kunam 

Kunnamauog 


Well,  or  good. 
Naught,  or  evill. 
Do  you  underjland? 
No,  or  not. 
A  Tray. 
Trayes. 
A  Spoone. 
Spoones. 


*9   Plural  and  fingular  :  ^ua  trouble  me  ;  ^°   ^ttff»fl»^,  a  difh,  or  tray.    Eliot  and 

thou  troublert  me.  Cotton. 


12 


5] 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


65 


Obf.  In  fteed  of  (helves,  they  have  feverall  baskets, 
wherein  they  put  all  their  hou(hold-[37]  ftuffe  :  they  have 
fome  great  bags  or  facks  made  of  He?)ipe,  which  will  hold 
five  or  fixe  bulhells. 


Tackunck,  or, 
Weskhunck. 


Their  pounding  Morter. 


Obf.  Their  women  conftantly  beat  all  their  corne  with 
hand :  they  plant  it,  drefl'e  it,^"  gather  it,  barne  it,  beat  it, 
and  take  as  much  paines  as  any  people  in  the  world,  which 
labour  is  queftionlelfe  one  caufe  of  their  extraordinary  eafe 
of  childbirth. 


Wunnauganemefe 

Teaqua  cunnatinne 

Natinnehas 

Kekineas 

Machage  cunna  miteouwin  ? 

Wonckatack'- 

Tunnati 

Ntauhaunanatinnehommin. 

Ntauhaunanamiteouwin 

Wiafeck 

EiafTunck 

Mocotick 

Punnetunck 

Chauqock." 

7'  "Wherein  they  exceede  our  Eng- 
lifh  hu(band-men,"  ( fays  Wood,)  "  keep- 
ing it  fo  cleare  with  their  Clamme  fhell 
hoes,  as  if  it  were  a  garden  rather  than 
a  corne-field,  not  iuffering  a  choaking 
weede  to  advance  his  audacious  head 
above  their  infant  corne,  or  an  under- 
B9 


A  little  Tray. 

What  doe  you  loo ke  for  ? 

Search. 

See  here. 

Doe  you  find  nothing. 

Another. 

Where. 

I  cannot  looke  or  fear ch. 

I  cannot  find. 


A  Knife. 


mining  vvorme  to  fpoile  his  fpurnes."  — 
N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.  zo. 

72  Onkatog,  Eliot.  See  before,  p.  33, 
note  62. 

73  Chohquog,  Eliot ;  eteauffonl.  Cotton ; 
Pequot,  punniedunk,  wiyauzzege.  Stiles 
Ms.;   Montauk,  etchoffucke,  S.  Wood. 


66 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


[126 


38]  Obf.  Whence  they  call  Efjglijfi-}?ie?i  Chauquaquock, 
that  is,  Knive-ftien,  ftone  formerly  being  to  them  in  ftead  of 
Knives,  Awle-blades,  Hatchets  and  Howes. 


Namacowhe 
Cowiafeclc 
Wonck  Commefim  ? 
Matta  nowauwone 
Matta  nowahea 
Mat  meflinowahea 
Paiitous,  Pautauog''' 
Mauchatous 
Niautafli,  ^ 
Weawhufh. 


Lend  me  your  Knife. 

JVil  you  give  it  me  again  ? 
I  knew  7iothing. 

I  was  ijinocent. 
Bring  hither. 
Carry  this. 

Take  it  on  your  backe. 


Obf.  It  is  almoft  incredible  what  burthens  the  poore 
women  carry  of  Cor?ie,  of  Fijh,  of  Beanes,  of  Mats,  and  a 
childe  belides." 


Awaun 
Kekineas 
Squauntaumuck 
Awaun  keen  ? 
Keen  netop'"^ 
Pauquanamiinnea 

74  Imperat.  fingular  and  plural  :  paud- 
tajh,  paudtauwk.  El. 

75  "  In  winter  time  they  are  their 
hulbands  Caterers,  trudging  to  the  Clamm 
bankes  tor  their  belly  timber,  and  their 
Porters  to  lugge  home  their  V'enifon 
which  their  lazinefle  expofes  to  the 
Woolves  till  they  impofe  it  upon  their 
wives  flioulders.  .  .  .  The  young  Infant 
being   grealed    and    looted,    wrapt   in  a 


There  is  foine  body. 

Goe  arid  fee. 

At  the  doore. 

Who  are  you  ? 

Is  it  you. 

Open  me  the  doore. 

Beaver  (kin,  bound  to  his  good  behaviour, 
with  his  feete  up  to  his  bumme,  upon  a 
board  two  feete  long  and  one  foot  broadc, 
his  face  expofed  to  all  nipping  weather  ; 
this  little  Pafpouje  travells  about  with  his 
bare  footed  mother  to  paddle  in  the  Icie 
Clammbankes  after  three  or  foure  dayes 
of  age,"  &c.  Wood,  N.  E.  Profpect,  pt. 
2,  ch.  20. 

7'   Literally,  "  You,  my  friend  ?" 


27] 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


67 


Ohf.  Mofl:  commonly  their  houfes  are  open,  their  doore 
is  a  hanging  Mat,  which  being  lift  up,  falls  downe  of  it 
felfe ;  yet  many  of  them  get  Englijh  boards  and  nailes,  and 
make  artificial!  doores  and  bolts  themfelves,  and  [39]  others 
make  {lighter  doores  of  Burch  or  Chefniit  barke,  which  they 
make  fall:  with  a  cord  in  the  night  time,  or  when  they  go 
out  of  town,  and  then  the  laft  (that  makes  faft)  goes  out  at 
the  Chimney,  which  is  a  large  opening  in  the  middle  of 
their  houfe,  called  : 


Wunnauchicomock," 

Aniinema 

Neenkuttanniimous. 

Kuttannummi  ? 

Shookekineas 

Nummouekekineam 

Tou  auteg 

Tou  niickquaque 

Yo  naumwauteg 

Aquie 

Waskeche'' 

Naumatuck 

Auqunnifh 

Aukeeafeiu" 

Keefuckqiu 

Aumaunlh 

Ausauonfh 

Aumaunamoke. 

77  Wanahchikomuk,Y\.  (Hofea  xii.  3): 
Wunnachkemmuk,  Cotton.  From  Wanajh- 
que  and  komuk,  (El.)  "on  the  top  of  the 
houfe." 

78  Wojk'eche  (El.)    on   the  furface  or 


A  Chimney. 

Helpe  tne. 

I  will  helpe  you. 

Will  you  helpe  me? 

Behold  here. 

I  come  to  fee. 

Know  you  where  it  lies  ? 

How  much  ? 

Thus  full. 

Leave  off,  or  doe  not. 

On  the  top. 

In  the  bottome. 

Let  goe. 

Downeivards. 

Vpwards. 


Take 


away. 


face  ;    e.  g.   ut  wojkeche  ohke-it,  on  the 
face  of  the  earth. 

79  I.  e.  "  Earthwards  ;"  from  auke, 
{ohke,  El.)  earth.  Ohkeiyeu,  El.;  ohke- 
ieu.  Cotton. 


68 


Of  the  Fatnily  bujinejfes. 


[128 


Nanouwetea 

Naunouwheant 

Nanowwunemum 


A  Nurfe,  or  Keeper. 


I  looke  to,  or  keepe\ 

40]  Obf.  They  nurfe  all  their  children  themfelves ;  yet, 
if  fhe  be  an  high  or  rich  woman,  rtie  maintaines  a  Nurfe  to 
tend  the  childe. 


Wauchaunama 
Cuttatafliiinnas 


Keep  this  for  me. 
Lay  thefe  up  for  me. 

Obf.  Many  of  them  begin  to  be  furniflied  with  Englijh 
Cherts ;  others,  when  they  goe  forth  of  towne,  bring  their 
goods  (if  they  live  neere)  to  the  Etiglijh  to  keepe  for  them, 
and  their  money  they  hang  it  about  their  necks,  or  lay  it 
under  their  head  when  they  fleepe. 


Peewauqun 
Nnowauchaunum 
Kuttaskwhe 
Kuttailia,  & 
Cowauchaunum  ? 
Pokeflia,  G? 
Pokefhawwa. 
Mat  Coanichegane 
Tawhitch  ? 
Noonfliem  Pawtuck- 

quammin. 
Aquie  Pokediattous. 
Pokefhattouwin. 
Afsotu,  & 
Afsoko. 


Have  a  care. 

I  will  have  a  care. 

Stay  for  me. 

Have  you  this  or  that  ? 

It  is  broke. 

Have  you  no  hands  ? 
Why  afie  you  ? 
I  cannot  reach. 

Doe  not  breake. 
To  breake. 

Afoole. 


Obf.    They  have  alfo  amongft  them  naturall  fooles,  either 
fo  borne,  or  accidentally  deprived  of  reafon. 


29] 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


69 


41]  Aquie  afsokilTi 

Awanick'° 

Niautamwock 

Pauchewannauog 

Mattapeu  ©" 

Quflienawfui 

Moce  ntiinnan 

Cowequetiimmous 

Wunniteouin 

Wiinniteous,  or, 

Wiifsiteous. 

Wiiskont  nochemuckqun. 

Nickiimmat 

Siuckat 

Cummequavvname  ? 

Mequaunamiinnea 

Puckqiiatchick 

NilTawhocunck  ewo 

Kuffawhoki  ? 

Kuffawhocowoog. 

Tawhitch  kulTawhokiean  ? 

Sawwhufh, 

Sawheke 

Wuirauhemiitta 

42]  Matta  nickquehick 

Machage  nickquehickomina 

8°  Compare,  awaun  ewo  ?  who  is  that? 
(p.  4);  awauo?  who  is  at  home  ?  (p.  33); 
awaun,  there  is  fome  body  ;  awaun  keen? 
who  are  you?  (p.  38);  and  awanagus- 
antowojh,  fpeak  Englifh,  (p.  8);  Awaun- 
"S''/'  L^O""  -S"'^'  Englifhman,  (p.  59.) — 
Abnaki,  Acoennwts,  Francois.  (Rale.) — 
Awaun  (bowan.  El.)  was  the   interroga- 


Be  not  fooliJJ:). 
Sof?je  come. 

They  are  loden. 

A  ivotnan  keeping  alone  in  her 

tnonethly  JickneJJ'e . 
I  will  tell  him  by  and  by. 
I  pray  or  intreat  you. 
To  tnend  any  thing. 
Mend  this. 
Mend  this. 
I  floall  be  chidden. 
Eajie. 
Hard 

Do  you  retnetnber  me  ? 
Remember  fne. 
Without  doores. 
He  puts  me  out  of  doores. 
Doe  you  put  mee  out  of  doores  ? 
Put  them  forth. 
Why  doe  you  put  mee  out  ? 
Goe  forth. 

Let  us  goe  forth. 
I  want  it  not. 
I  want  nothing. 

tive  pronoun,  correfponding  to  the  Latin 
quis  ;  ufed  alfo  as  an  indefinitive  pronoun, 
with  the  force  of  aliquis  (alius  nefcio 
quis),  fome  unknown  one.  Awaun  ewo, 
what  fome  one  is  he  ?  Hence,  applied  to 
any  foreigner,  "  fome  one  "  not  a  native, 
or  of  the  fame  race  with  the  fpeaker. 
(See  p.  59,  poft.) 


7° 


Of  the  Faniily  bufineJJ'es. 


[130 


Ob.     Many  of  them 
perfons,  are  rich  ;   and 
they  want  nothing. 

Pawfawafli. 

Pawfunnummin. 

Cuppaufummunnalh 

Apilfumma. 

Paucotche 

Cutsfliitteous 

Tatagganifh 

Naponfli 

Wuche  machaug 

Puppuckihackhege 

Paupaqiionteg^' 

Mowafliuck'" 

Wauki 

Saumpi^' 

Aumpaniimmin 

Aiimpaniili 

Paufliiniimmin 

Pepenafh 

Nawwuttunfli 

Pawtawtees 


8"  Lit.,  that  which  is  (habitually) 
ufed  for  opening ;  the  opening-inllru- 
ment. 

*^  M(Bohpog,moujhag,'^\.  Black  met- 
al,—  from  m'owi,  black. 

*3  Saumpi  (fampwi,  EI.)  is  the  equiv- 
alent of  the  Latin  reSiui,  and  the  Eng- 
lifh  right:  fignifying,  primarily,  ilraight, 
direft,  and,  by  metonymy,  juft,  upright, 
right  in  aflion  or  conduit.  Ayimak  fampzoi 
mayajh,  make-ye  ftraight  paths,  (Hebr. 


naturally  Princes,  or  elfe  induftrious 
the  poore  amongft   them   will   fay. 


Drie  or  ayre  this. 

To  drie  this  or  that. 

Drie  thefe  things. 

JVanue  this  for  me. 

Already. 

WaJJi  this. 

Shake  this. 

Lay  downe. 

About  nothing. 

A  Box. 

A  Key. 

Iron. 

Crooked. 

Strait. 

To  undoe  a  knot. 

Vntie  this. 

To  divide  into  two. 

Take  your  choyce. 

Throw  hither. 


xii.  13);  fampwe  mayut,\mJlraight\\Ay, 
(Jer.  xxxi.  9);  in  the  right  way,  (Pfalm 
cvii.  7.)  The  form  of  the  adjeftive- 
animate  is  farnpwefu,  [he  is]  right,  juft, 
upright  ;  "  an  upright  man."  Job,  i.  I  ; 
or,  as  in  Luke  xiii.  13,  "ftraight,"  ereft. 
WtwQe.,  fampweujfeaen,  a  right  doer  ;  and 
the  caulative  verb,  fampvienehheau,  he 
makes  juft,  "juftifies;"  with  its  verbal, 
fampwenchhcttuonk,  being  -  made  -  juft, 
"  juftification."  (Rom.  v.  16.) 


i3i] 


Of  the  Fa??iily  bujinejfes. 


71 


Negautowafli 

Negauchhiiwafli 

43]  Nnegauchemifli 

Nowweta 

Mauo. 


Send  for  fmn. 
Send  this  to  him. 
Hee  fends  to  mee. 
No  matter. 
To  cry  and  bewaile  ; 


Which  bewailing  is  very  folemne  amongft  them  morning 
and  evening,  and  fometimes  in  the  night  they  bewaile  their 
loft  husbands,  wives,  childreu,  brethren  or  lifters,  &c.  Some- 
times a  quarter,  halfe,  yea,  a  whole  yeere,  and  longer,  if  it 
be  for  a  great  Prince. 

In  this  time  (unlefle  a  difpenfation  be  given)  they  count 
it  a  prophane  thing  either  to  play  (as  they  much  ufe  to  doe) 
or  to  paint  themfelves,  for  beauty,  but  for  mourning ;  or  to 
be  angry,  and  fall  out  with  any,  &c. 


Machemoqut 

Machemoqulfu 

Wiinnicklhaas 

Wunnick£han 

Nefick,  <£?  nafhoqua, 

Tetuplha 

Ntetupfliem 

Tou  aniickquaque  ? 

Wunnaftipiihan 

Tawhitch  wunnalhpifhayean 

Wuttufti 

Eneick,  or,  awwufle 

Nneickomafu,  ^  awwafTefe. 

44]  Wuttufhenaquaifli 

Yo  anaquayean. 

Mauks  maugoke'* 

84  Mauks,  (^magijh,  EI.)  give  thou  :  plu. 
maugoke,  [magak,)  give  ye.    Abn.  ne-meg- 


It  jVmcks. 

A  vile  or  Ji inking  perfon. 

Mingled. 

To  nmigle. 

A  Combe, 

To  fall  downe. 

I  fall  downe. 

How  big  ? 

To  fnatch  away. 

Why  fnach  you  ? 

Hitherward,  &  give  me. 

Further. 

A  little  further. 

Looke  hither. 

Looke  about. 

Give  this. 

hen,  je  donne.    This  verb  alfo  fignifies,  to 
fell,  i.  e.  to  give  one  thing  for  another. 


72 


Of  the  Family  bujinejfes. 


[132 


Yo  commeifli 

Qufsucqun-naukon 

Kuckquiraqun 

Kunnauki 

Nickattafh,  Jingular. 

Nickattammoke,  plur. 

Nickattamutta. 

Yowa. 

Ntowwaukaumen. 

Awawkawni. 

Yo  awautees. 

Yo  weque. 

Yo  nieihnowekefliem 

Ayatche,  ^^' 

Conkitchea. 

Ayatche  nippeeam. 

Paketafli. 

Npaketamunnafh. 

Wuttammafim.^' 

Mat  nowewuttammo 


/  nutll  give  you  this. 
Heavie,  light. 
Ton  are  heavie. 
Tou  are  light. 
Leave,  or  depart. 

Let  us  depart. 

Thus. 

I  ufe  is^^ 

It  is  ufed. 

Vfe  this. 

Thus  farre. 

I  ivent  thus  farre. 

Often. 

I  am  ofteti  here. 
Fli?ig  it  aivay. 
I  will  caji  him  away. 
Give  file  Tobaco. 
/  take  none. 


as 


Obf  Which  fome  doe  not,  but  they  are  rare  Birds  f^  for 
generally  all  the  men  throughout  the  Countrey  have  a 
Tobacco-bag,  with  a  pipe  in  it,  hanging  at  their  back  :  fome- 
times  they  make  fuch  great  pipes,  both  of  wood  and  Jlone, 
45]  that  they  are  two  foot  long,  with  men  or  beafts  carved, 
fo  big  or  mafsie,  that  a  man  may  be  hurt  mortally  by  one  of 

87   For  wuttammajln.    See  before,  note 


8s  So,  in  the  firft  edition  ;  for,  I  ufe 
it.  Auuiohteau,  he  ufes  (it),  e.  g.  auwoh- 
teaog  muttinnohkou,  thev  ufe  the  right 
hand  :  awjiohkon,  it  is  ufed,  i.  e.  habitu- 
ally made  ule  of  —  Eliot. 

8*  Adtiihjhe,  ahhut  tnhjhe,  uttwche,  as 
many  times  as,  as  often  as.     El. 


33.  P-  '5- 

88   <<  The    men    take    much    tobacco  ; 

but  for  boys   lb   to   do,    they   account  it 

odious."     Winllow's  Good  Newes  from 

N.  E.      Young  lavages   are   not   fo   well 

trained  now,  as  in  Winllow's  time. 


23] 


Of  f6e  Family  bujinejfes. 


73 


them  ;  but  thefe  comonly  come  from  the  Mauquduwogs, 
or  the  Men  eaters,  three  or  foure  hundred  miles  from  us  : 
They  have  an  excellent  Art  to  caft  our  Pewter  and  Brajfe 
into  very  neate  and  artiticiall  Pipes  :**'  They  take  their  Wut- 
tam7nz.uog  (that  is,  a  weake  Tobacco)  which  the  men  plant 
themfelves,''*  very  frequently ;  yet  I  never  fee  any  take  fo 
excefsively,  as  I  have  feene  men  in  Europe ;  and  yet  exceffe 
were  more  tolerable  in  them,  becaul'e  they  want  the  refrefh- 
ing  of  Beare  and  Wine,  which  God  hath  vouchfafed  Europe. 


Wuttammagon. 

Hopuonck.''' 

Chicks. 


A  Pipe. 
A  Pipe. 
A  Cocke,  or  Hen 


A 


name 


taken  from  the  Englifli  Chicke,  becaufe  they  have  no  Hens 
before  the  Englijh  came. 


*9  Narraganfett,  fays  Wood,  was  "the 
ftore-houle  of  all  iach  kind  of  wild  mer- 
chandize as  is  amongft  [the  Indians  of 
thofe  parts.]  From  hence,  [other  tribes] 
have  their  great  ftone- pipes,  which 
wil  hold  a  quarter  of  an  ounce  of  To- 
bacco, which  thev  make  with  lleele-drils 
and  other  inllruments  ;  fuch  is  their  in- 
genuity and  dexterity,  that  thev  can  im- 
itate the  Englifh  mold  fo  accurately,  that 
were  it  not  for  matter  and  colour  it  were 
hard  to  diftinguifh  them  ;  they  make 
them  of  greene,  &  fometimes  of  blacke 
ftone."  N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.  3. — 
Purchas,  after  defcribing  the  pipes  ufed 
by  the  Safquehanocks,  "three  quarters 
of  a  yard  long,  carved  at  the  great  end 
with  a  bird,  beare  or  other  device,  fuf- 
ficient  to  beate  out  the  braines  of  a  horfe," 
aflcs,  "and  how  many  AJJes'  braines  are 
beaten  out,  or  rather  Mens  braines 
fmoked  out  and  Afles'  braines  haled  in, 
by  our  lejfe  pipes  at  home  ?"  Pilgrimage 
(1613),  p.  640. 
Bio 


9°  Probably  Nicotiana  ruftica,  L.,  "the 
yellow  henbane  of  Gerard's  Herbal,  p. 
356,  well  known  to  have  been  long  in 
cultivation  among  the  American  favages, 
and  now  a  naturalized  relic  of  that  culti- 
vation in  many  parts  of  the  United 
States."  Prof.  Tuckerman,  in  note  to 
Joflelyn's  N.  E.  Rarities,  p.  54.  In  his 
Voyages  (p.  76),  Joflelyn  fays  "the  In- 
dians ufe  a  fmall  round  leafed  Tobacco, 
called  by  them,  or  the  Fifhermen,  Poke." 
Wood  tranflates  Pooke  by  "Colts-foote." 
The  name,  which  is  nearly  related  to,  if 
not  identical  with  puck  (p.  32),  pukut 
(EL),  fmoke,  was  perhaps  applied  to 
more  than  one  fpecies  of  plant  ufed  as  a 
lubftitute  for  Virginia  tobacco,  Nicotiana 
tabacum. 

91  Literally,  a  ^/rOT/J  -  inftrument. — 
Abn.  aidamangan,  "  calumet."      Rale. 

92  Uhpooonk,  and  plural  uhpumnkajh, 
"pipes  and  tobacco ;"  uiuttoohpowmweonijh, 
tobacco. — Cotton. 


74 


Of  the  Family  bufinejfes. 


[134 


Chicks  anawat. 

Neefquttonckquiru. 

Cunneefquttonckqufsimmin. 


Tihe  Cocke  crowes. 
A  babler,  or  prater. 
You  prate. 


Obf.     Which  they  figuratively  transferre  from   the  fre 
quent  troublefome  clamour  of  a  Cocke. 

46]  Nanotateem. 
Aquie  kuttiinnan. 
Aquie  mooihkifliattous. 


Teag  yo  augwhattick  ? 

Yo  augwhattous. 

Pemifquai 

Penayi. 

Nqufsutam. 


/  keepe  houfe  alone. 

Doe  7iot  tell. 

Doe  not  difclofe. 

What  hangs  there  ? 

Hang  it  there. 

Crooked,  or  winding. 

Crooked. 

I  remove  houfe :  Which  they 


doe  upon  thefe  occafions  :  From  thick  warme  vallies,  where 
they  winter,  they  remove  a  little  neerer  to  their  Summer 
fields  ;  when  'tis  warme  Spring,  then  they  remove  to  their 
fields  where  they  plant  Corne. 

In  middle  of  Summer,  becaufe  of  the  abundance  of  Fleas, 
which  the  duft  of  the  houfe  breeds,  they  will  Hie  and  remove 
on  a  fudden  from  one  part  of  their  field  to  a  trelh  place : 
And  fometimes  having  fields  a  mile  or  two,  or  many  miles 
afunder,  when  the  worke  of  one  field  is  over,  they  remove 
houfe  to  the  other  :  If  death  fall  in  amongft  them,  they 
prefently  remove  to  a  freih  place  :  If  an  enemie  approach, 
they  remove  into  a  Thicket,  or  Swampe,  unlelie  they  have 
fome  Fort  to  remove  unto. 

Sometimes  they  remove  to  a  hunting  houfe  in  the  end 
ot  the  yeere,  and  forfake  it  not  [47]  untill  Snow  lie  thick,  and 
then  will  travel  home,  men,  women  and  children,  thorow 
the  fnow,  thirtie,  yea,  fiftie  or  lixtie  miles ;  but  their  great 

93   Abn.    nekaji,  je   le   quitte  ;  je   vais  cabancr  ailleurs.      Rale. 


135]  O^  the  Fatnily  bujinejfes.  75 

remove  is  from  their  Summer  fields  to  warme  and  thicke 
woodie  bottomes  where  they  winter  :  They  are  quicke  ;  in 
halfe  a  day,  yea,  fometimes  at  few  houres  warning  to  be 
gone  and  the  houfe  up  eU'ewhere ;  efpecially,  if  they  have 
flakes  readie  pitcht  for  their  Mats. 

I  once  in  travell  lodged  at  a  houfe,  at  which  in  my  returne 
I  hoped  to  have  lodged  againe  there  the  next  night,  but  the 
houfe  was  gone  in  that  interim,  and  I  was  glad  to  lodge 
under  a  tree  : 

The  men  make  the  poles  or  ftakes,  but  the  women  make 
and  fet  up,  take  downe,  order,  and  carry  the  Mats  and 
houflioldftuffe."" 

Obfervation  in  general!. 

The  fociablenefle  of  the  nature  of  man  appeares  in  the 
wildell:  of  them,  who  love  focietie  ;  Families,  cohabitation, 
and  confociation  of  houfes  and  townes  together. 

48]  More  particular  ; 

1  How  bufte  are  the  fonnes  of  men  ? 
How  full  their  heads  and  hands  ? 

What  noyfe  and  tumults  in  our  owne. 
And  eke  in  Pagan  latids  ? 

2  Tet  I  have  found  lejfe  noyfe,  more  peace 
In  wilde  America, 

Where  wotnen  quickly  build  the  houfe. 
And  quickly  fnove  away. 

94  "And  as  it  is  their  hufbandsoccafion,  times  to  hunting-places,  after  that  to  a 
thefe  poor  teftonills  are  often  troubled  planting-place,  where  it  abides  the  long- 
like fnailes,  to  carrie  their  houfes  on  their  eft."  Wood's  N.  E.  Profpeil,  pt.  z, 
backs,  fometimes  to  fifhing-places,  other  chap.  19. 


76  Oi  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 

Englifli  and  Indians  /m/ie  are, 

hi  parts  of  their  abode  : 
Tet  both  Ji and  idle,  ////  God's  call 

Set  them  to  worke  for  God. 


[136 


Mat.  20.  7. 


Chap.  VII. 
O^  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 


UPpaquontup.'^ 
Nuppaquontup. 
Welheck.'*" 
Wuchechepiinnock. 

Muppacuck. 

49]  Obf  Yet  fome  cut  their  haire  round,  and  fome  as 
low  and  as  fhort  as  the  fober  Englijh ;  yet  I  never  faw  any 
fo  to  forget  nature  it  felte  in  fuch  excefsive  length  and  mon- 
ftrous  fafhion,  as  to  the  fliame  of  the  Englijh  Nation,  I  now 
(with  griefe)  fee  my  Countrey-men  in  England  are  degen- 
erated unto.'' 


The  head. 

My  head. 

The  hayre. 

A  great  bunch  of  hayre  bound 

up  behind. 
A  long  locke. 


95  0»/a/(the;?  was  nafal ;  Abn.®/(^,-) 
appears  to  have  been  the  generic  name 
for  head,  —  perhaps  not  ufed  except  in 
compound  words.  Eliot  has  mtippuhkuk, 
a  head  ;   3d  pers.,  uppuhhuk,  his  head. 

96  Eliot  ufes  zvejhagan  for  the  beard  of 
man,  and  generally,  for  hair  on  the  body 
or  limbs  of  man  and  animals ;  but  for 
the  hair  of  the  head,  meefunk  or  me- 
yaujfunk  ;   3d  perfon,  ummeefunk. 

97  The  author  of  "  The  Day-Breaking 
of  the  Gofpell  with  the  Indians,"  (writ- 
ten   in    1646,)  found  encouragement  in 


the  faft  that,  "  fince  the  word  hath  begun 
to  worke  upon  their  hearts,  they  have 
difcerned  the  vanitie  and  pride  which 
they  placed  in  their  haire,  and  have 
therefore  of  their  owne  accord  ....  cut 
it  modeftly,"  —  notwithllanding  "other 
Indians  did  revile  them,  and  call  them 
Rogues  and  fuch  like  fpeeches  for  cutting 
off  their  Locks,  and  for  cutting  their 
Haire  in  a  modell  manner  as  the  New- 
Englilh  generally  doe."  (p.  25.) — 3  Ms. 
Hill.  Coll.,  iv.  22. 


37] 


Oi  their  Perjons  and  parts  of  body. 


77 


Wuttip.'^  I  The  braine. 

Ob.  In  the  braine  their  opinion  is,  that  the  foule  (of 
which  we  fhall  Ipeake  in  the  Chapter  of  Religion)  keeps  her 
chiefe  feat  and  refidence  : 

For  the  temper  of  the  braine  in  quick  apprehenfions  and 
accurate  judgements  (to  fay  no  more)  the  mofl  high  and 
foveraign  God  and  Creator,  hath  not  made  them  inferiour 
to  Europeans. 

The  Maiiquauogs,'^'^  or  Men-eaters,  that  Hve  two  or  three 
miles  Weft  from  us,  make  a  delicious  monftrous  di(h  of  the 
head  and  brains  of  their  enemies ;  which  is  yet  no  barre 
(when  the  time  fliall  approach)  againft  Gods  call,  and  their 
repentance,  and  (who  knowes  but)  a  greater  love  to  the 
Lord  Jefus  ?   great  linners  forgiven  love  much. 


Mfcattuck.'°° 
Wuskeefuck-quafh."°' 
Tiyufti  kufskeefuck- 

quafli ? 
50]  Wuchaun.'"" 
Wuttovwog  guafh.'"^ 
Wutt6ne.'°'* 

9^  See  before,  note  9;.  Compare  with 
wutfip,  the  Abn.  mtep,  head,  and  ontup. 
El.  —  Cotton's  vocabulary  gives  zuaantam 
wuttup,  a  wife  brain  ;  mctUpp'eaJh,  brains. 

99   See  before,  p.  16,  note  35. 

'°°  Mujkodtuk,  El.;  3d  "pcrs., wujkodtuk, 
his  forehead.  —  Abn.  mejkategme.  Rale. 
In  this,  as  in  a  few  other  words  in  this 
chapter,  the  word  is  given  in  its  imper- 
fonal  form  ;  that  is,  inftead  of  a  perfonal 
pronoun,  it  has  the  imperfonal  and  indefi- 
nite m,  prefixed. 

■°-  MuJkefuk,"i:Vi.  Eye,  or  Face." 
El.  Gram.  lo.-Moh.  hkeefque,zye..  Edw. 


The  fore-head. 

Eye,  or  eyes. 

Can  you  not  fee,  or  where  are 

your  eyes  ? 
The  nojlrills. 
Eare,  eares. 
The  mouth. 

'Pt<\.  Jkeezucks,  eyes.  Stiles'  Ms.  Vocab. 
Abn.  tfifekm,  ceil  ;  netfifckw,  mon  ceH  ; 
nefifegcok,  ma  face.   Rale. 

'°^  Mutchan,  a  nofe  ;  3d  pers.  wutchan. 
El.  —  Abn.,  (3d  pers.)  ki'tan.     Rale. 

'°3  Mebtauog,  an  ear;  pi.  -ogwajh.  El. 
Gram.  10.  —  Abn.  mtaaakw  ;  3d  pers., 
CDtawakoa.  Rale. — Peq.  kuttuwannege,  [2d 
pers.]  "ear,  or  what -you -hear -by." 
Stiles'  Ms.  From  wahteau,  (El.)  he 
knows, underftands,  perceives ;  that  which 
knows,  or  underftands. 

i°4  Muttcon,  a  mouth  ;  3d  pers.,  wut- 
twn.  El. — Abn.  wdam.   Rale. 


78 


Oi  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 


[138 


Weenat/°5 

Wepit-teafli.'"' 

Pummaumpiteunck. 


The  tongue. 
Tooth,  teeth. 
The  tooth-ake. 


Obf.  Which  is  the  onely  paine  will  force  their  ftout 
hearts  to  cry ;  I  cannot  heare  of  any  difeafe  of  the  ftone 
amongft  them  (the  corne  of  the  Countrey,  with  which  they 
are  fed  from  the  wombe,  being  an  admirable  cleanfer  and 
opener  : )  but  the  paine  of  their  womens  childbirth  (of  which 
I  fliall  fpeake  afterward  in  the  Chapter  of  Marriage)  never 
forces  their  women  fo  to  cry,  as  I  have  heard  fome  of  their 
men  in  this  paine. 

In  this  paine  they  ufe  a  certaine  root  dried,  not  much 
unlike  our  Gi}iger.'°'' 


Sitchipuck. 

Quttuck. 

Timeqiiafsin. 


The  necke. 

The  throat. 

To  cut  off,  or  behead. 


which  they  are  mofl  skilfull  to  doe  in  fight :  for,  when  ever 
they  wound,  and  their  arrow  flicks  in  the  body  of  their  ene- 
mie,  they  (if  they  be  valourous,  and  pofsibly  may)  they  fol- 
low their  arrow,  and  falling  upon  the  perfon  wounded  and 
tearing  his  head  a  little  afide  by  his  Locke,  they  in  the 
twinckling  of  an  eye  [51]  fetch  off  his  head  though  but 
with  a  forry  knife. 


^°5  Meenan  ;  ^d  pers.,  zvffnan  ;  El. — 
Abn.  (by  fubftitution  of  r  for  »)  airtirm. 
Rale. — Del.  w'tlano.   Heckw. 

106  Meepit ;  ^i.  pers.  weepit.  Abn.  mipit. 

"'7jo(relyn  (N.  E.  Rarities,  174,)  fays 
the  powder  of  the  root  of  white  [green] 
hellebore  is  good  for  the  tooth-ache  :  but 
the  root  here  mentioned  was,  probably, 
that  of  the  Wake-robin,  or  Indian  turnip 


{Arum  triphsllum,  L.;  Arifiema  triphillum, 
Torr. ) — formerly  in  great  repute  for  the 
cure  of  tooth-ache. 

■°8  Abn.  net-tcmikmffan,  "Je  lui  coupe 
la  tete."  Rale. —  Tummigquohwou,  he  be- 
heads, cuts  off  the  head  of  (  Matt.  xiv. 
10);  tummehtham,\\i  cuts  (an  inanimate 
objeft, — as  a  tree).   Eliot. 


39] 


Oi  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 


79 


I  know  the  man  yet  living,'"'  who  in  time  of  warre  pre- 
tended to  fall  from  his  owne  campe  to  the  enemie,  proffered 
his  fervice  in  the  front  with  them  againft  his  own  Armie 
from  whence  he  had  revolted.  Hee  propounded  luch  plau- 
fible  advantages,  that  he  drew  them  out  to  battell,  himfelfe 
keeping  in  the  front ;  but  on  a  fudden,  fliot  their  chiefe 
Leader  and  Captaine,  and  being  (hot,  in  a  trice  fecht  off  his 
head,  and  returned  immediatly  to  his  own  againe,  from 
whom  in  pretence  (though  with  this  trecherous  intention) 
hee  had  revolted  :  his  adl  was  falfe  and  trecherous,  yet  herein 
appeares  policie,  ftoutneire  and  aftivitie,  &c. 


Mapannog. 
Wuppittene  enafli. 
Wuttah."° 
Wunnetu  nitta. 


The  breajl. 
Arme,  Artnes. 
The  heart. 
My  heart  is  good. 


Obf.  This  fpeech  they  ufe  when  ever  they  profefTe  their 
honelfie  ;  they  naturally  confefsing  that  all  goodnefTe  is  firft 
in  the  heart. 


Mifliquinafh. 
Mifhque,  neepuck.'" 

'°9  This  was  Sofo,  or  SafTawvvaw,  a 
Pequot  captain,  who  deferted  his  tribe 
and  joined  their  enemies  the  Narragan- 
fets.  He  afterwards  lived  on  the  traft 
which  was  claimed  by  both  tribes, — on 
the  eall  fide  of  Pawcatuck  River,  now 
the  townihip  of  Weilerly.  In  a  letter  to 
Gov.  Winthrop,  written  in  1637,  Mr. 
Williams  tells  how  "  Saflawwaw,  a  Pe- 
qut,  .  .  Miantunnomues  fpeciall  darling, 
and  a  kind  of  Generall  of  his  forces," 
firft  "  turned  to  the  Nanhiggonficks,  and 
againe  pretends  a  returne  to  the  Pequts, 
— gets  them  forth  the  laft  yeare  againft 
the  Nanhiggonficks.and  fpying advantage, 
flue  the  chiefe  Pequt  Captain  and  whips 


The  vaines. 
The  blood. 

of  his  head,  and  fo  againe  to  the  Nan- 
higgonfick."— 4  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  vi. 
198.  See  Potter's  Hift.  of  Narraganfet, 
(R.  I.  Hift.  Coll.  iii.)  243-48,  263: 
Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  iii.  275. — "  Cap- 
tain Sofo  "  was  living  in  1662. 

MO  Metah  \m''tah'\  El.;  3d  pers.,  wut- 
tah. — Moheg.  utoh,  Edw. — Del.  w^dee, 
Heckw. — Minfi,  uchdee.  Barton. 

'"  Mufqui,  m'j'qui,  (El.)  red:  hence, 
x.h.ewtvha.\,mufqueheonk,m\fqueheonk(¥A.), 
a  making  red,  rednefs,  blood ;  3d  perfon 
zvufqueheonk,  his  blood. — Neepuck  was 
perhaps  the  Mohegan  (Pequot)  word. 
It  correfponds  to  the  Abnaki,  neba'kkan- 
com,  my  blood  ;   3d  pers.  ta'gaiann. 


\ 


8o 


Of  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 


[140 


The  backe. 

My  back,  or  at  tiiy  back. 

Hand. 

Hands. 

Nayles. 

Ob.  They  are  much  dehghted  after  battell  to  hang  up 
the  hands  and  heads  of  their  enemies  :  (Riches,  long  Life, 
and  the  Lives  of  enemies  being  objedts  of  great  dehght  to 
all  men  naturall ;  but  Salomon  begg'd  VVifedome  before  thefe.) 


Uppufquan. 
Nuppufquannick. 
52J  Wunnicheke.'" 
Wunnickegannafli. 
Mokalfuck. 


Wunnaks. 
Apome,  Apomafli. 
Mohcont,  tafh. 
Wufsete,  tafli.'"3 
Wunnicheganafli. 
Tou  wuttinlin. 
Tou  nuckquaque. 
Wompefu,"" 
Mowefu,  Gf 
Suckefu. 


The  bellie. 

The  thigh,  the  thighs. 

A  legge,  legs. 

A  foot,  feet. 

The  toes. 

What  manner  of  maji  ? 

Of  what  bignejje  ? 

White, 

Blacke,  or  fwarfj/j. 


Obf.  Hence  they  call  a  Blackamore  (themfelves  are  taw- 
nie,  by  the  Sunne  and  their  annoyntings,  yet  they  are  borne 
white  :) 


Suckautacone, 

'"  Of  the  3d  pers.;  /'«  hand  :  wunnutch 
and  wunnutcheg.  El. — From  a  verb  which 
fignifies,  to  lay  hold  of,  to  feize  ;  particip. 
plu.,  neg  anitcheg,  they  who  lay  hold 
of,  the  takers-hold.  In  the  next  line, 
Wunnicke-  fhould  be  Wuuniche-. 

"3  Third  pers.,  zvuJJ'ect,  his  foot.  El. 
and  Cotton.  Abn.  cojtt. — Literally,  the 
doer,  i.  e.  the  worker:  noh  ajit  (Eliot), 
he  who  does  or  performs  any  thing. 


A  cole  blacke  man.^'^ 

"4  Wompi,  white  ;  in  the  animate  form, 
wompefu,  [he  is]  white.  See  El.  Gram- 
mar, 13. 

"5  Wood  (N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch. 
8)  tells  of  fome  Indians,  "who  feeing  a 
Black-more  in  the  top  of  a  tree,  looking 
out  for  his  way  which  he  had  loll,  lur- 
mifed  he  was  Abamacho  or  the  Devill, 
deeming  all  Devils  that  are  blacker  than 
themfelves." 


hi] 


Oi  their  Perfons  and  parts  of  body. 


8i 


For,  Sucki  is  black,  and  Wautacone,  one  that  weares  clothes, 
whence  Englifi,  Dutch,  French,  Scotch,  they  call  Waiitaco- 
nduog,  or  Coatmen. 


Cumminakefe. 

Minikefu. 

53]  Minioquefu. 

Cumminiocquefe. 

Qunnaiiquiru. 

Qunnauqfsitchick. 

Tiaquonquffu. 

Tiaquonqufsichick. 

Wunnetu-wock. 


Tou  are  Jlrong. 

Strong. 

Weake. 

Weake  you  are. 

A  tall  man. 

Tall  men. 

Low  and  Jhort. 

Men  of  lowe  feature. 

Proper  and  perfonall. 


The  generall  Obfervation  from  the  parts  of  the  bodie. 

Nature  knowes  no  difference  between  Europe  and  Ameri- 
cans in  blood,  birth,  bodies,  &c.  God  having  of  one  blood 
made  all  mankind,  ASls  17.  and  all  by  nature  being  children 
of  wrath,  Ephef.  2. 

More  particularly  : 

Boaji  not  proud  Euglifh,  of  thy  birth  &  blood. 
Thy  brother  Indian  is  by  birth  as  Good. 

Of  one  blood  God  fnade  Hi?n,  and  Thee  &  All, 
As  wife,  as  fair  e,  as  Jlrong,  as  perfonall. 

By  nature  wrath's  his  portio,  thine  no  more 

Till  Grace  his  foule  and  thine  in  Chrifi  reflore 

Make  fur e  thy  fecond  birth,  elfe  thou  JJjalt  fee. 
Heaven  ope  to  Indians  wild,  but  Jhut  to  thee. 


Bii 


82 


Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


[142 


54] 


Chap.   III.'"^ 
Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


Let  us  difcourfe,  or  tell  newes. 

What  newes  f 

Tell  fne  your  newes. 

I  will  tell  you  newes. 

When  I  have  do?te  telVmg  the 

newes. 
I  have  done  my  newes. 

Obf  Their  defire  of,  and  delight  in  newes,  is  great,  as 
the  Atheriians,  and  all  men,  more  or  leiTe ;  a  ftranger  that 
can  relate  newes  in  their  owne  language,  they  will  iHle  him 
Manittoo,  a  God. 


AUnchemokauhettittea. 
Tocketeaunchim  ? 
Aaunchemokaw. 
Cuttaunchemokous. 
Mautaunchemokou- 

ean. 
Cummautaunchemokous. 


Wutauncheocouoog."' 
Awaun  mefli  aunchemokau. 
Awaun  mefli  kuppittouwaw. 
Uppanaunchim. 
Cowawwunnaunchim. 
55]  Nummautanume. 
Nibuwufsanneme. 


/  will  tell  it  them. 

Who  brought  this  newes  ? 

Of  whom  did  you  he  are  it  ? 

Your  newes  is  true. 

He  tells  falfe  newes. 

I  have  fpo ken  enough. 

I  am  weary  with  fpeaking. 


Obf.  Their  manner  is  upon  any  tidings  to  lit  round 
double  or  treble  or  more,  as  their  numbers  be  ;  I  have  leene 
neer  a  thouland  in  a  round,  where  Ejiglijh  could  not  well 
neere  halfe  fo  many  have  fitten  :  Every  man  hath  his  pipe 
of  their  Tobacco,  and  a  deepe  lilence  they  make,  and  atten- 

116  For  VIII.  mark    is    fubftituted    above,)    marks  the 

"7  For  wutaunchemocouoog.     A  circum-     omiflion  of  m  following. 
flex  over  the  e  (for  which  a  long-vowel 


'43] 


Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


83 


tion  give  to  him  that  fpeaketh ;  and  many  of  them  will 
deliver  themfelves,  either  in  a  relation  ot  news,  or  in  a  con- 
fultation,  with  very  emphaticall  fpeech  and  great  aftion, 
commonly  an  houre,  and  fometimes  two  houres  together. 


Npenowauntawaumen. 

Matta  nippannawem 

Cuppannowem. 

Mattanickoggachousk. 

MatntiantaceSmpaw. 

Matntiantalampawwa. 

Achienonaumwem. 

Kukkita. 

Kukkakittous. 


/  cannot  J  peak  your  language. 
I  lie  not. 
Tou  lie. 

I  am  710  lying  fellow. 


I  fpeake  very  true. 
Hearken  to  me. 
I  heare  you. 

56]    Obf.   They  are  impatient  (as  all  men  and  God  himfelfe 
is)  when  their  fpeech  is  not  attended  and  lillened  to. 


Cuppittous. 

Cowautous. 

Machagenowautam. 

Matnowawtawatemina. 

Wunnaumwafli. 

Coanaumwem. 


/  imderjland  you. 

I  underjiand  not. 

Wee  undejland  not  each  other. 

Speake  the  truth. 

Tou  fpeake  true. 


Obf.  This  word  and  and  the  next,  are  words  of  great  flattery 
which  they  ufe  each  to  other,  but  constantly  to  their  Princes 
at  their  fpeeches,  for  which,  if  they  be  eloquent,  they 
efteeme  them  Gods,  as  Herod  among  the  lewes. 


Wunnaumwaw  ewo. 
Cuppannawautous. 
Cuppannawauti  ? 
Nippannawautunck  ewo. 
Micheme  nippannawautam. 


He  f peaks  true. 
I  doe  not  believe  you. 
Doe  you  not  believe  ? 
He  doth  not  believe  me. 
I  Jljall  ?iever  believe  it. 


84 


Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


[144 


Obf.  As  one  anfwered  me  when  I  had  difcourfed  about 
many  points  of  God,  of  the  creation,  of  the  foule,  of  the 
danger  of  it,  and  the  faving  of  it,  he  alfented ;  but  when  I 
fpake  of  the  rifmg  againe  of  the  body,  he  cryed  out,  I  iliall 
never  believe  this. 


57]  Pannouwa  awaun. 

awaun  keelitteouwin."' 
Tatta,  Pitch 

Nni,  eiu."' 

Mat  enano,  or,  mat  eano. 

Kekuttokaunta. 

Kuttokafli. 

Tawhitch  mat  cuttoan  ? 

Teaqua  ntiinnawem, 

or,  nteawem  ? 
Wetapimmin. 
Wetapwauwwas. 
Taupowaw."'° 
Enapwauwwaw,"" 

Eifsifsumo. 
Matta  nowawwauon, 

matta  nowahea. 
Pitchnowauwon. 
Wunnaumwauonck. 
Wunnaumwayean. 

"8  Literally,  "he-lies  fomebody:  fome- 
body  made  [it]." 

"9  Nnih,  it  is  (or,  was)  fo  ;  "it  came 
to  pafs."  El.  Ne  mos  nnih,  "it  mull 
needs  be  fo,"  Mark  xiii.  7.  Nenih,  'that 
is.'   Cotton.   Compare  Eiu  or  nniu.  Is  it 


Some  body  hath   made 

this  lie. 
I  cajinot  tell,  it  may  fo  come  to 

pafe. 
It  IS  true. 
It  is  not  true. 
Let  us  fpeake  together. 
Speake. 

Why  fpeake  you  not  ? 
What  fiould  I  fpeake  .^ 

To  ft  downe. 
Sit  and  talke  with  us. 
A  wife  fpeaker. 
He  fpeaks  Indian. 

/  k?iow  nothing  of  it. 

I  fiall  know  the  truth. 

If  he  fay  true. 

fo  .'  ch.  i.  p.  5. 

120  'c  Their  wife  men  and  old  men  .  . 
whom  they  call  taupowauog,  they  make 
folemne  fpeeches,"  etc.  p.  1  20. 

'21  Compare  "  eenantowajh,  fpeak  In- 
dian," p.  8,  ante.     See  notes  3  and  23. 


H5] 


Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


85 


Obf.  Canoiinicus,  the  old  high  Sachi??!  of  the  Nartganfet 
Bay  (a  wife  and  peaceable  Prince)  once  in  a  folemne  Oration 
to  my  felf,  in  a  folemne  alfembly,'-''  ufing  this  word,  faid,  I 
have  [58]  never  fuffered  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the 
Englijh  lince  they  landed  ;  nor  never  will :  he  often  repeated 
this  word,  JVutmaumwdyean,  Rnglijlmia?! ;  if  the  Englijhtnan 
fpeake  true,  if  hee  meane  truly,  then  Ihall  I  goe  to  my  grave 
in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  Englijh  and  my  pofteritie  fliall 
live  in  love  and  peace  together.  I  replied,  that  he  had  no 
caufe  (as  I  hoped)  to  queftion  EngliJJmians ,  Wim?muf?iwaiwnck, 
that  is,  faithfulnelfe,  he  having  had  long  experience  of  their 
friendlinefle  and  truftineife.  He  tooke  a  fticke  and  broke 
it  into  ten  pieces,  and  related  ten  inflances  (laying  downe 
a  fticke  to  every  inilance)  which  gave  him  caufe  thus  to 
feare  and  fay ;  I  fatisfied  him  in  fome  prefently,  and  pre- 
fented  the  reft  to  the  Governours  of  the  EiigHJIi,  who,  I 
hope,  will  be  far  from  giving  juft  caufe  to  have  Barbarians 
to  queftion  their  Wu7inaumwduonck,  or  faithfulneife. 
Tocketunnantum, 

What  doe  you  thinke  ? 

I  thinke. 

I  thinke  fo  to. 

That  is  my  thought,  or  opinion. 

I  thinke  not  fo. 


Tocketunaname, 
Tocketeantam  ? 
Ntunnantum, 
Nteantum. 
Nanick  nteeatum. 
Nteatammowonck. 
Matntunnantammen 
Matnteeantammen. 

'22  This  was  at  a  meeting  of  the  Nar- 
raganfett  fachems  and  their  council,  in 
Auguft,  1637,  —  when  Mr.  Williams 
charged  them  with  having  broken  their 
league  made  with  Maflachufetts  in  1636. 
In  a  letter  to  Winthrop,  giving  a  report 
of  this  conference,   Mr.  W.  wrote,   that 


the  fachems  anfwered  "that  (although 
they  would  not  contend  with  their 
friends)  yet  they  could  relate  many  par- 
ticulars, wherein  the  Englifh  had  broken 
(fince  thefe  wars)  their  promifes,"  &c. 
3  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  i.  162,  and  Knowles' 
Memoir,  p.  135. 


86 


Of  Dijcourfe  and  Newes. 


[146 


59]  Nowecontam, 

Noweeteantam. 

Coanaumatous. 


/  a}}2  glad. 


I  bell 


eve  you. 


Obf.  This  word  they  ufe  juft  as  the  Greeke  tongue  doth 
that  verbe,  ■^rczsuzo^  :  for  believing  or  obeying,  as  it  is  often 
ufed  in  the  new  Tejlame7it,  and  they  fay  Coa?indumatous,  I 
will  obey  you. 


When  they  are  here. 
JVhen  they  are  com. 


Yo  aphettit. 
Yo  peyahettit. 

This  Ablative  cafe  abfolute  they  much  ufe,'^^  and 
much  in  little ; 
Awaunagrfs,  fuck.''^  |  Rnglljfj-man,  men. 

This  they  call  us,  as  much  as  to  fay,  Thefe  ftrangers 
Waiitacone-nuaog.  |  Englijh)na?i,  7nen. 

That  is,  Coat-men,  or  clothed. 


com  pr  lie 


Chauquaqock."^ 
Wautaconisk. 

'=3  What  Mr.  Williams  calls  "this 
ablative  cafe  abfolute,"  Eliot  makes  the 
3d  perloii  plural  of  the  fuppofitive  [fub- 
junflive]  mood,  'when  the  adlion  is  only 
fuppofed  to  be  ;'  as,  "  if  it  be,  when  it  is,  it 
being,— and  this  third  fenfe  and  meaning 
of  this  mode  of  the  verb,  doth  turn  this 
mode  into  a  partieip/e,  like  an  adnoun, 
very  frequently." — Grammar,  19. 

'=4  See  before,  p.  41,  note  80.  The 
lall  fyllablc  of  this  word,  in  the  fingular, 
fhould  have  been  printed  -gus,  inilead  of 
-grfs.  Comp.  yJu<iinagus-iintozi.'tiJh,"iY>^3.'kt 
Englilh,"  p.  8. — When  the  approach  of 
Major  Malon  and  his  foldiers  was  difcov- 
ered  by  the  Pequots  in  the  fort  near 
Myilic,  the  alarm  was  given   by  the  cry 


Efiglijh-men,  properly 

fword-men. 
An  Englljl?  woman. 

"  Owanux  !  Owanux!  which  is  Englifh- 
men."  Mafon's  Narrative.  Elfewhere, 
the  word  is  written  Wanux  and  IVan- 
nocks.  I.  Mather's  Relation,  (Drake's 
ed.)  131,  168. 

'25  See  before,  p.  38.  Morton,  in  the 
N.  E.  Canaan,  (b.  iii.  ch.  5,)  queerly 
confounds  thefe  two  names :  "  The  Sal- 
vages of  the  Maffachufets  .  .  .  did  call 
the  Englifh  planters  Wotau-quenange 
\-auge  ?'\  which  in   their  language  figni- 

(\elh  /lubbers  or  Cut-throats A 

Southerly  Indian,  that  underftood  Eng- 
lifh well  .  .  .  callinge  us  by  the  name  of 
Wotoquanfawge ,  what  that  doth  fignifie, 
hee  faid  hee  was  not  able  by  any  de- 
monllration  to  exfirefle." 


'47] 


Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes. 


87 


Wautaconemefe. 
Waske  peyaeyan. 
Waske  peyahetit, 
Wautaconauog. 
Tawhitch  peyahettit 


An  EngliJJ)  youth. 
When  you  came  jirji. 
When  EngUJ}o-7nen  came 

why  come  they  hither  ? 


Obf.  This  queftion  they  oft  put  to  me  :  Why  come  the 
Engli/hmen  hither  ?  and  meafuring  others  by  themfelves ; 
they  fay,  It  is  becaufe  [60]  you  want  firing :  tor  they,  hav- 
ing burnt  up  the  wood  in  one  place,  (wanting  draughts  to 
bring  wood  to  them)  they  are  faine  to  follow  the  wood;  and 
{o  to  remove  to  a  frefli  new  place  for  the  woods  fake. 


Matta  mihtuckqunnunno  ? 

Milhiuneta(h, 

Maunetafh. 

Maunauog, 

WulTaumemaunauog 

Noonapiiock. 

Aumaumuwaw 
PaudHia. 

Wawwhawtowauog. 
Wauwhautowaw  anawat. 


Have  you  no  trees  ? 

Great  fiore. 

They  are  too  full  of 

people. 
They  have  not  roome  one  by 

another. 
A  mejfenger  comes. 

They  hollow. 
'Tis  an  Alar  me. 


Obf.  If  it  be  in  time  of  warre,  he  that  is  a  Mejfenger 
runs  fwiftly,  and  at  every  towne  the  Mejfenger  comes,  a  frefh 
Mejfenger  is  fent :  he  that  is  the  laft,  comming  within  a 
mile  or  two  of  the  Court,  or  chiefe  houfe,  he  hollowes  often 
and  they  that  heare  anfwer  him,  untill  by  mutuall  hollowing 
and  anfwering  hee  is  brought  to  the  place  of  audietice, 
whereby  this  meanes  is  gathered  a  great  confluence  of  peo- 
ple to  entertaine  the  newes. 


88  Of  Difcourfe  and  Newes.  [148 


61]  WufTuckwheke. 
Wufsiickwhonck. 


u4  letter  which  they  fo   call 
from   WufTuckwhommin, 


to  paint ;  for,  having  no  letters,   their  painting  comes  the 
neereft. 


Write  a  Letter. 
Make  me  a  Letter. 


Wufsiickquafli. 
WulTuckwheke,  yimmi."* 

Obf.  That  they  have  often  defired  of  me  upon  many 
occasions ;  for  their  good  and  peace,  and  the  Etiglijli  alfo,  as 
it  hath  pleafed  God  to  vouchfafe  opportunitie. 


Quenowauog. 
Tawhitch  quenawayean  ? 
Mucco. 
Tuckawnteawem  ? 


They  complaine. 
Why  co??iplaine  you  ? 
It  is  true  you  fay. 
Whatjhould  1  fay  to  it  ? 


The  general!   Obfervation  from  their 
Difcourfe  and  Newes 

The  whole  race  of  mankind  is  generally  infedted  with  an 
itching  defre  of  hearing  Newes. 

more  particular : 

I    Mans  rejllejfe  foule  hath  reftlejfe  eyes  and  cares. 
Wanders  in  change  offorrows,  cares  aiid fares. 
62]    Faine  would  it  (Bee-like)  ywri  by  the  ears,  by  the  eye 
Something  that  might  his  hunger  fatisfe : 
The  Gofpel,  or  Glad  tidings  onely  can. 
Make  glad  the  Englifli,  and  the  Indian. 

'^^  Ayimeb,  (El.)  make  thou  for  me. 


'49] 


Of  the  time  of  the  day. 


89 


Chap.    IX. 


Of  the  time  of  the  day. 

Obf.  f  I  iHey  are  puniluall  in  meafuring  their  Day  by  the 
M  Sumie,  and  their  Night  by  the  Moo?i  and  the  Starres, 
and  their  lying  much  abroad  in  the  ayre  ;  and  fo  living  in 
the  open  fields,  occafioneth  even  the  youngeft  amongft 
them  to  be  very  obfervant  of  thofe  Heavenly  Lights. 


Mautaubon,  Chichauquat 

wompan."' 
Aumpatauban. 
Tou  wuttixttan  ? 

Pafpiflia."' 
Nummattaquaw. 
Yahen  Pauihaquaw. 
Pawefliaquaw.'^^ 
Quttukquaquaw'^° 
Panicompaw.'^' 
63]  Nawwauwquaw. 
Yo  wuttuttan. 
Yahen  waiyauw. 

'=7  Mautaubon,  {mohtompan.  El.)  it  is 
morning, — as  oppofed  to  evening  :  i'ubj. 
mohtompog,  [when  it  is]  morning, — as  in 
Gen.  i.  5,  8.  Chichauquat  (Abn.  tfe- 
'kooat,  "  il  eft  jour,  jour  commence") 
day-break.  Wompart,  [from  viompi,  white, 
bright^  it  is  full  dav-Hght,  bright  day  : 
fubj.  viompag,  [when  it  is]  day-light ; 
"  brightnefs."   (Isa.  lix.  9.) 

'^s  Pajhpijhau,  (El.)  he  rifes,  burfts 
B12 


//  is  day. 

It  is  broad  day. 

How  high  is  the  Siitme  ?  that 

is,  What  is't  a  clocke  ? 
It  is  Sunne-rife. 
Fore-noone. 
Allmojl  7ioone. 
Noone. 
After  dinner, 

After-noone. 

The  Simne  thus  high. 

Alhnojl  Sunfet. 

forth,  blooms  (as  a  flower):  (ah],  pajh- 
pijhont,  [when  he  rifes,]  fun-rife. 

'=9  Pohjhequaeu  (El.)  Lit.,  it  is  half- 
way ;  from  pohjhe,  half.  Abn.  pajkmi. 
Rile. 

'3°  From  quttaeu,  he  goes  down,  finks, 
i.  e.  the  fun  declines :  quattukquohqua, 
afternoon.   Cotton. 

'3'  Lit.,  " he  Hands fidewife,"— "looks 
aflant." 


90 


Of  the  time  of  the  day. 


[150 


Wayaawi.'^' 
Wunnauquit:'" 
Poppakunnetch,'^'*  auchau- 

gotch. 
Tuppaco,'^^  © 
Otematippocat. 
Nanafliowatippocat.'^* 
Chouaeatch. 
Kitompaniflia. 
Yo  taunt  nippeean. 


The  Sun  is  fet. 
Evening. 
Darke  night. 

Toward  night. 

Midnight. 

About  Cockcroiving. 

Breake  of  day. 

The  fun  thus  high,  I  will  cotne. 

Obf.  They  are  puniluall  in  their  promifes  of  keeping 
time ;  and  fometimes  have  charged  mee  with  a  lye  for  not 
pundtually  keeping  time,  though  hindred. 


Yo  taunt  cuppeeyaumen 

Anamakeefuck.'" 

Sauop. 

Wufsaume  tatftia. 

Tiaquockaskeefakat. 

Quawquonikeefakat. 

Quawquonikeefaqiitcheas. 

'32  Wayau,  wayaiu,  the  fun  fets  ;  fubj. 
wayont,  [when  he  fets,]  fun-fet.  Eliot. — 
From  wauonu,  fubj.  waonit,  [when]  he 
goes  out  of  the  way,  is  loft. 

'33  Wunnonkou,  it  is  evening;  (fubj.) 
viunnonhmwk,  [when  it  is]  evening.  El. 
(Gen.  i.  5,  8,  &c.) 

'34  Lit.,  when  it  is  very  dark.  See 
below,  p.  64,  pauhiinnum,  {fohkeni,  pog- 
keni.  El.)  dark. — Delaw. //if,^f»aOT,  very 
dark.     Heckw. 

'35  Pohkenit  tipukmk,  "  in  the  dark 
night."  Eliot.  (From  pohkcni  and  ttip- 
paco.") — Abn.  tan'rii  edatji  tebi'kat,  quel 


Come  by  the  Smine  thus  high. 

This  day. 

To  morrow. 

It  is  too  late. 

A  f)ort  day. 

A  long  day. 

Long  dayes. 

temps  de  la  nuit .'  Rale. — Del.  tpocu. 
Heckw. — Cree,  tibbijkoio,  it  is  night. 
Howfe. — Chip,  t'ebekah-doobun,  (pret.) 
it  was  night.  Jones,  (in  John  xiii.  30.) — 
The  etymology  of  this  word  is  not  clear, 
but  it  appears  to  fignify  the  feafon  of 
darkncfs  (generally)  ;  between  evening 
and  morning  twilight. 

'36  That  is,  midway  {nunafl:aue.  El.) 
of  the  darknefs.  Eliot  ufes  noetipuhkok, 
(noeu,  in  the  middle  of.)  Abn.  nanai- 
tcbi'kat.      Rale. 

'37  See,  after,  (ch.  xii.)  p.  79,  Kie- 
fuck, — and  note  155. 


1 5 1  j  Of  the  time  of  the  day.  9 1 


64]  Nquittakeefiquockat, 

Nquittakeefpiimmiflien. 

Paukiinnum. 

Wequai. 

Wequafliira.'^' 


Ojie  dayes  walke. 

Darke. 

Light. 

Moon-light. 


The  generall  ohfervation  from  their  time  of  the  day. 

The  Sunne  and  Moone,  in  the  ohfervation  of  all  thefonnes 
of  }?ie)i,  even  the  wildeft  are  the  great  Directors  of  the  day 
and  ?iight ;  as  it  pleafed  God  to  appoint  in  the  firft  Creation. 

More  particular. 

1  The  \ndLi2in?,fnd  the  ^wnfo  fweet. 
He  is  a  God  they  fay ; 

Giving  them  Light,  and  Heat,  and  Fruit, 
And  Guidance  all  the  day. 

2  They  have  no  helpe  of  Clock  or  Watch, 
*■       And  Sunne  they  overprize. 

Having  thofe  artificiall  helps,  the  Sun, 

We  unthatikfully  defpife.  {tnore  bright 

God  is  a  Sunne  and  Shield,  a  thoufand  titnes 
Indians,  or  Englifh,  thongh  they  fee. 
Yet  how  few  prife  his  Light  ? 

'38  From  wequai,  with  the  affix  (^-Jh')      of  derogation,   or   inferiority  ;  light-?/^'. 


92 


Of  the  feafon  of  the  Teere. 


[152 


65] 


Chap.   X. 
Of  the  feafon  of  the  Teere. 


NQuittaqunnegat. 
Neefqiinnagat. 
Shuckqunockat. 
Yowunnockat,  &c. 
Piuckaqunnagat. 
Piuckaqunnagat  nabnaquit. 
Piuckaqunnagat  nab 

neeze,  &c. 
Neefneechektafliuck 

qunnockat. 
Neefneechektafliuck 

qunnockat-nabnaquit,  &c. 
Sequan.'^' 
Aukeeteamitch. 

'39  There  was  no  divifion  of  the  In- 
dian year  exaftly  correfponding  to  our 
fomewhat  arbitrary  aflignment  of  the 
months  to  four  feafons  of  equal  length. 
The  comparifon  of  early  vocabularies 
fliows  that  (befides  the  names  given  to 
the  thirteen  lunar  months)  fix  feafons, 
at  leart,  were  recognized,  which  were 
defignated  as  follows : — 

1.  Seed-time:  aukcetcAmitch,'ii\ih].  ■^A 
pers.  from  aukcetcam  (^ohketcam,  El.)  he 
plants,  or  prepares  the  ground.] — Abn. 
kikii'i  -kiz.a>s,  lowing  month,  April  ;  ncoke- 
kehigai-kizcBS,  covering  month,  May. 

2.  Early    fummer :   Jcquan    [fummer. 


One  day. 

2  dayes. 

3  dayes. 

4  dayes. 

I  o  dayes. 

I I  dayes. 

I  2  dayes. 

20  dayes. 

21  dayes. 
The  Spring. 
Spring,  or  Seed- time. 

El.;  fpring,  R.  W.  and  Cotton.]  Abn. 
sigcDiin,  le  printems.  Rale.  Cree,  ukzvun, 
Howfe. 

3.  Summer:  neepun.  Ahn. ni'pen.  Cree, 
nepin.   Dela.  w//>/i^»ir,  midfummer.  Holm. 

4.  Harveft-time  :  niinriozva,  and  ( in  the 
fubjunftive)  anouant,  p.  102,  pott:  nin- 
miuwact,  fall,  Cott.  From  nunacu,  it  [the 
corn]  dries,  grows  dry. 

5.  Fall  of  the  leaf ;  beginning  of  cold: 
taquonck,  from  tahki  {lohkoi.  El.)  it  is 
cold.  Cree,  tuckicakin,  "  it  is  autumn," 
Howfe.      Abn.  tiigaafiga. 

6.  Winter  :  popon.  El. — Poponae,  Cott. 
Abn.  pebmn.     Cree,  pepoon. 


53] 


The  feafons  of  the  Teere. 


93 


Neepun,  & 

Quaqiilquan. 

Taquonck. 

Papone. 

Safequacup. 

66]  Yo  neepunnacup. 

Yo  taquonticup. 

Papapocup. 

Yaunedg. 

Nippauus."*" 

Munnannock. 

Nanepaufhat. 

NqnitpawfuckenpaCius. 

Neefpaufuck  npauus. 

Shwe  paufuck  npauus,  &c. 

Neefneahettit. 

Shwinneahettit, 

Yowinneahettit,  &c. 


Slimmer. 

Fall  of  leaf  and  Autiimne. 

W'mter. 

This  Spring  lajl. 

This  Summer  laji. 

This  Harveji  laji. 

Winter  lajl. 

The  lajl  yeere. 

The  Sunne. 

The  Moone. 

1  Moneth. 

2  Motieths. 

3  Moneths. 

2  Moneths. 

3  Moneths. 

4  Moneths. 


Obf.  They  have  thirteen  Moneths  according  to  the  fev- 
erall  Moones ;  and  they  give  to  each  of  them  lignificant 
names 


as 


141 


Sequanakeefwufli. 

Neepunnakeefwufli. 

Taquontikeefwufli. 

'4°  See,  after,  (ch.  xii.)  note  157. 

'4>  Rale  (s.  V.  Lune)  gives  the  Abnaki 
names  of  the  months  with  their  fignifi- 
cations,  nearly  as  follows:  —  January, 
Great-co/i/ month  ;  February,  Fijh-month; 
March,  \_End-of-']JiJhing  month ;  April, 
Herring  month, — alfo,  Souiing  month  ; 
May,  Covering  month,  (when  corn  is 
planted);    June,    Hoeing    month ;    July, 


Spring  jnoneth. 
Siwwier  tnoneth. 
Harvejt  ?noneth. 

Berry  month, — alfo,  Ee!mox\\.h.  ;  Auguil, 
Great-fun  (or.  Long-day)  month;  Sep- 
tember, Acorn  month  ;  Odlober,  Thin- 
ice  month,  (when  the  margins  of  the 
dreams  freeze);  November,  Beaver-cnteh- 
ing  month  (when  holes  are  made  in  the 
ice  and  watched  for  beaversj;  December, 
Long-moon  month. 


94 


The  feafons  of  the  Teere. 


[154 


Paponakeefwufh,  &c. 
Nquittecautummo. 
Tafliecautummo  ? 
Chafliecautummo"'" 

cuttappemus  ? 
Neefecautummo. 
Shwecautummo. 
67]  YowecautLimmo. 
Piukquecautummo. 
Piuckquecautiimmo, 

nabnaquit,  &c. 

Obf.  If  the  yeere  proove  drie,  they  have  great  and  fol- 
emne  meetings  from  all  parts  at  one  high  place,  to  fupplicate 
their  gods,  and  to  beg  raine,  and  they  will  continue  in  this 
worlhip  ten  dayes,  a  fortnight ;  yea,  three  weekes,  untill 
raine  come. 


Winter  inoneth,  &c. 

1  Teere. 

Hoiv  fnany  yeeres  ? 
How  jnaiiy  yeeres  fiiice  you 
were  borne  f 

2  Teere. 

3  Teere. 

4  Teere. 

10  Teere. 

1 1  Teere,  &c. 


Tafhinafli  paponafli  ? 
Ahauqurtiapapone. 
Keefqufli  keefuckquai.'" 
Naukocks  nokannawi. 


How  mmiy  whiter s  ? 
A  JJ.uirpe  w  if  Iter. 
By  day. 
By  night. 


Generall  Obfervation  /ro;«  their  Seafons 
of  the  Teere. 

The  Sunne  and  Moone,  and  Starres  and  feafons  of  the 
yeere  doe  preach  a  God  to  all  the  fonnes  of  men,  that  they 
which  know  no  letters,  doe  yet  read  an  eternal!  Power  and 
God-head  in  thefe  : 

M=  For  Chajhe-  read  Tajhe-,  as  in  the     al,)  when  it  is  day  :  kcefuckquai,  it  is  day, 
line  above.  or,  this  day.      So,  below,  naukocks,  fubj.; 

'43  Keefqujh,  (fubjunctive  or  condition-     nokannawi,  indicat.  pres. 


^55] 


Of  Travel/. 


95 


More  fpeciall. 

1  T&e  Sun  ^W  Moone  an^  Stars  doe  preach. 
The  Dayes  ayid  Nights  Jou/id  out : 

68]        Spring,  Summer,  Fall,  ^W  Winter  eie 
Each  Moneth  a/id  Yeere  about. 

2  iSo  that  the  wildeftyOTW^-j-  of  men 
Without  exciife  JIhiU  fay, 

Gods  r'lghieoxxi  fe}ite7ice  paf  on  us, 
[In  dreadful!  Judgetnent  day.) 

Iffo,  what  doome  is  theirs  that  fee. 
Not  onely  Natures  light ; 
But  Sun  o/' Righteoufneire,  yet  chofe 
To  Free  in  darkef  Night  ? 


Chap.   XI. 


Of  Travell. 

Mayi.''"  Away. 

Mayiio  ?  Is  there  a  way  ? 

There  is  no  way. 
A  little  way. 
A  great  path. 
A  fone  path. 

Obf.  It  is  admirable  to  fee,  what  paths  their  naked 
hardned  feet  have  made  in  the  wildernelfe  in  moft  ftony  and 
rockie  places. 

'44  Maf,  plur.  ma-^ajh.  El.  Formed  place],  with  the  indefinite  ni' ,  prefixed  ; 
from  the  luppofitive  (fubjunftive)  of  the  "where  any  body  goes."  May  ne  ayoi, 
verb  au,  aui,  he  goes  to,  or  towards  [a     'the  way  I  [may]  take.'  Job.  23:  10. 


ayi."" 
Mayiio? 

Mat  mayaniinno. 

Peemayagat. 

Mifhimmayagat. 

Machipfcat. 


96 


Of  Travel!. 


[156 


Nnatotemuckaun. 

Kunnatotemous. 

Kunnatotemi  ? 

69]  Tounifliin  meyi  ? 

Kokotemiinnea  meyi 

Yo  ainfliick  meyi. 

Kukkakotemous. 

Yo  cummittamayon. 

Yo  chippachaulin. 

Maiichatea. 

Mauchafe. 


/  will  aske  the  way. 

I  will  inquire  of  you. 

Doe  you  ajke  me  ? 

Where  lies  the  way  ? 

Shew  me  the  way. 

There  the  way  lies. 

I  will  Jhew  you. 

There  is  the  way  you  mujl  goe. 

There  the  way  divides. 

A  guide. 

Be  my  guide. 


Obf.  The  wilderneiTe  being  fo  vail:,  it  is  a  mercy,  that 
for  a  hire  a  man  fliall  never  want  guides,  who  will  carry 
provifions,  and  fuch  as  hire  them  over  the  Rivers  and 
Brookes,  and  lind  out  otten  times  hunting-houfes,  or  other 
lodgings  at  night. 


Anoce  wenawafli. 

Kuttannoonfli. 

Kuttaiinckquittaunch. 

Kummuchickonckquatous. 

Tocketaonckquittiinnea. 

Cummauchanilh. 

Yo  aunta, 

Yo  cuttaunan. 

Yo  mtiinnock. 

Yo  nmunnatch. 

70]  Cowechaufh, 

Wetafli. 

Cowechaw  ewo. 

Cowechauatimmin. 

Wechauatittea. 


Hire  him. 

I  will  hire  you. 

I  will  pay  you. 

I  will  pay  you  well. 

What  wil  you  give  tiie? 

I  will  C07iduB  you. 

Let  us  goe  that  way. 

Goe  that  way. 

The  right  hand. 

The  left  hand. 

I  will  goe  with  you. 

Goe  along. 

He  will  goe  with  you. 

I  will  goe  with  you. 

Let  us  accompany. 


S7] 


Of  Travel!. 


97 


Taubot  wetayean.  |  I  thanke  you  for  your  cotnpany. 

Obf.  I  have  heard  of  many  EtigliP:)  loft,  and  have  oft 
been  loft  my  felfe,  and  my  felfe  and  others  have  often  been 
found,  and  fuccoured  by  the  Indians. 


Pitchcowawwon. 

Meftinowawwon. 

Nummauchemin, 

Ntanniteimmin. 

Mammauchetuck. 

anakiteunck. 
Memauchewi  anittui. 
Meinauchegufliannick. 
Anakugufliannick. 
Tunnockuttome 
Tunnockkuttoyeaim 
Tunnockkuttinlhem. 
Nnegonfliem. 
Cuppompaifti. 
Negonihefh. 
Mittummayaucup. 
71]  Cummattanifti. 
Cuppahimmin. 
Tawhich  quaunqua  quean  ? 
Nowecontum  piimmilhem. 
Konkenuphlhauta. 
Konkenuppe. 

Micheme  nquaunquaquemin 
Yo  ntoyamauftiem. 


Ton  will  lofe  your  way. 
I  lojl  my  way. 
I  will  be  going. 

Let  us  be  going. 
He  is  gone. 

They  are  gone. 
They  are  gone. 

Whither  goe  you  ? 

I  will  goe  before. 

I  will  Ji ay  for  you. 

Goe  before. 

The  way  you  went  before. 

I  will  follow  you. 

Stay  for  7ne. 

Why  doe  you  run  fo  ? 

I  have  a  mind  to  travell. 

Let  us  goe  apace. 

Goe  apace. 

I  have  run  alwayes. 

I  goe  this  pace. 


Obf.     They  are  generally  quick  on  foot,  brought  up  from 

the  breafts  to  running  :  their  legs  being  alfo  from  the  wombe 

ftretcht  and  bound  up  in  a  ftrange   way  on   their   Cradle 
B.3 


98 


Of  Travell. 


[158 


backward,  as  alfo  annointed  ;'^'  yet  have  they  fome  that  excell : 
fo  that  I  have  knowne  many  of  them  run  betweene  foure- 
fcoure  or  an  hundred  miles  in  a  Summers  day,  and  back 
within  two  dayes  :  they  doe  alfo  practice  running  of  Races; 
and  commonly  in  the  Summer,  they  delight  to  goe  without 
flioes,  although  they  have  them  hanging  at  their  backs  : 
they  are  fo  exquilitely  skilled  in  all  the  body  and  bowels  of 
the  Countrey  (by  reafon  of  their  huntings)  that  I  have  often 
been  guided  twentie,  thirtie,  fometimes  fortie  miles  through 
the  woods,  a  ftreight  courl'e,  out  of  any  path. 


72]  Yo  wuche. 
Tounuckquaque  yo  wuche 
Yo  aniickquaque. 
Yo  anuckquaquefe. 
Waunaquefe. 
Aukeewufliauog. 
Milhoon  homwock. 
Naynayoumewot.'" 
Wunnia,  naynayoiimewot. 


From  hence. 

H01V  far  from  hence? 

So  farre. 

So  little  away. 

A  little  way. 

They  goe  by  land. 

They  goe  or  come  by  water. ^''^ 

A  Horfe. 

He  rides  on  Horfe-back. 


Obf.  Having  no  Horfes,  they  covet  them  above  other 
Cattell,  rather  preferring  eafe  in  riding,  then  their  profit  and 
belly,  by  milk  and  butter  from  Cowes  and  Goats,  and  they 
are  loth  to  come  to  the  Englijli  price  for  any. 

Afpummewi  |  He  is  tiot  gotie  by. 


MS  See  note  75. 

'46  That  is,  "  by  canoe  "  (^mijhoori). 
See,  after,  p.  108. 

"■♦7  Nahniiisfum'ooadt,  a  horfe,  a  crea- 
ture that  carries.  Cotton.  Eliot,  in  his 
tranllation  of  the  Bible,  transferred  the 
Englifh  word,  horfe  (plur.  horfcfog);  but 
he  writes  noh  nammukqut  horfefoh,  he  who 


rides  [is  carried  upon]  a  horfe  ;  nammuk- 
qutchcg  and  naycumukqutchcg,  horfemen, 
riders.  Amos  ii.  15;  2  Sam.  i.  6;  Ezk. 
x.xiii.  6.  The  name  is  regularly  formed 
from  the  verb  niiycumau,  naamau  (EI.), 
he  carries  upon  his  back  ( an  animate  bur- 
den); nayeutam,  he  carries  (fomething 
inanimate). 


59] 


Of  Travell. 


99 


Aspummevvock 
Awanick  payanchick 
Awanick  negonfliachick  ? 
Yo  cuppummelicommin. 
Cuppi-machaug. 


They  are  not  gone  by. 

IF  ho  come  there  ? 

Who  are  theje  before  us  ? 

Crojfe  over  mto  the  way  there. 

Thick  ivood :  a  Swamp. 


Obf.  Thefe  thick  Woods  and  Swamps  (like  the  Boggs 
to  the  Irijh)  are  the  Refuges  for  Women  and  children  in 
Warre,  whil'ft  the  [73]  men  fight. '■'^  As  the  Country  is  won- 
drous full  ot  Brookes  and  Rivers,  fo  doth  it  alfo  abound  with 
frefli  ponds,  fome  of  many  miles  compalle. 


Nips-nipfafli'« 

Weta :  wetedg 

Wuifaumpatammin 

Wulfaum  patamoonck. 

Wuttocekemin 

Toceketuck 

Tou  wuttauquslin  ? 

Yo  ntaiiquslin 

Kunniifli. 

KuckqiilTuckqun 

Kunnaukon 

Pafuckquifli 

'4S  The  Pequots  had  a  place  of  refuge 
in  "a  marvellous  great  and  fecure  fwamp" 
fome  miles  weft  of  their  fort  at  Miilick, 
"which  they  called  Ohomowauke,\\')n.\c\i 
fignifies  owl's  nell,  and  by  another  name, 
Cuppacommock  \_kuppi-komuk~\,  which  fig- 
nifies a  refuge,  or  hiding  place,  as  I  con- 
ceive." R.  W.  in  letter  to  Winthrop, 
1639,  3  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  i.  160.  Eliot 
writes  the  lame  word  kuppohkomuk,  and 
kuhpohkomuk ;  as  in  Deut.  xvi.  21. 

'49  Nips,  a  diminutive  of  Nippc,\va.teT; 


Pond :   Ponds. 

The  Woods  on  fire. 

To  view  or  looke  about. 

A  ProfpeB. 

To  wade. 

Let  us  wade. 

How  deepe? 

Thus  deep. 

I  will  carry  you. 

Tou  are  heavy. 

Tou  are  light. 

Rife. 

a  fmall  body  of  water;  "  pool,"  John  5: 
2,  4,  7.  Eliot  wrote  nippiffe,  nufpiffc,  and 
nips, —  and  ulually  combines  the  word 
with  the  generic  name,  -pog :  nippiffepog, 
a  Handing  pool  or  lake,  "ftanding  water," 
Ps.  107:  35.  Y\MX-a\,nuppefaJ):,nippefaJh; 
nuppijfepagwajh.  El.  —  Peq.  nuppfawaug, 
pond.  (  Stiles,  Ms. ) — Water  at  refi  was 
exprelFed  by  the  generic  name  (ufed  onlv 
in  compound  words,)  -pog,  otherwil'e 
written,  -paug,  -baug,  -bog,  etc. — See  be- 
lore,  p.  I  2,  note  30. 


lOO 


Of  Travel!. 


[160 


Anakifli :   maiichifli  : 

Quaquifli 

Nokuskauatees 

Nockuskauatitea 

Neenmefhnockuskaw. 


Goe. 
Runne. 
Meet  him. 
Let  us  fueet. 
I  did  meet. 


Obf.  They  are  joyfull  in  meeting  of  any  in  travell,  and 
will  ftrike  fire  either  with  Hones  or  Hicks,  to  take  Tobacco, 
and  difcoLirfe  a  little  together. 


74]  Mefli  Kunnockqus 

kauatimmin  ? 
Yo  Kuttauntapimmin. 
Kulfackquetuck. 
Yo  appittuck 
Nilfowanis 
Nilfowanifhkaumen 
Nickquifaqus 
Ntouagonnaufinniimmin 


Did  you  tnect  ? 

&'c. 

Let  us  rejl  here. 

Let  us  Jit  doivne. 

Let  us  Jit  here. 


I  am  weary. 
I  am  lame. 
We  are  dijlrejl 

undone,  or  in  mijery. 

ObJ\  They  ufe  this  word  properly  in  wandring  toward 
Winter  night,  in  which  cafe  I  have  been  many  a  night  with 
them,  and  many  times  alfo  alone,  yet  alwayes  mercifully  pre- 
ferved. 


Teano  wonck  nippeeam 

Mat  Kunnickanfli 

Aquie  Kunnickatlhafli. 

Tavvhitch  nickatfliiean  ? 

Wuttanho'=° 

Yo  lifh  Wuttanho 

■S"  Anwohhou.  Eliot. — 3d  person  ■:cut- 
anwohhou,  his  ftafF.     Lit.,  '  that  \vhereby 


/  It'///  be  here  by  and  by  againe. 

I  will  not  leave  you. 

Doe  not  leave  me. 

Why  doe  you  fot Jake  me} 

AJiaffe. 

UJe  thisjiaffe. 

he  rells  himfelf ;'  regularly  formed  from 
the  verb  anwohjin,  he  rells,  takes  his  reft. 


i6i] 


Of  Travell. 


lOI 


75]  Obf.  Sometimes  a  man  fhall  meet  a  lame  man  or  an 
old  man  with  a  Staffe  :  but  generally  a  StafFe  is  a  rare  light 
in  the  hand  of  the  eldeft,  their  Conftitution  is  fo  ftrong,  I 
have  upon  occalion  travelled  many  a  fcore,  yea  many  a  hun- 
dreth  mile  amongll  them,  without  need  of  iHck  or  ftaffe, 
for  any  appearance  of  danger  amongft  them  :  yet  it  is  a  rule 
amongft  them,  that  it  is  not  good  for  a  man  to  travell  with- 
out a  Weapon  nor  alone. 


Taquattin 
Auke  taquatilia 
Seip  taquattin. 
Nowannefin 
nippittakiinnamun. 


Frojl. 

The  ground  is  frozen. 
The  River  is  frozen. 
I  have  forgotteti. 
I  muji  goe  back. 


Obf.  I  once  travailed  with  neere  200  who  had  word  of 
neere  700.  Enemies  in  the  way,  yet  generally  they  all 
refolved  that  it  was  a  fliame  to  feare  and  goe  back.'^' 


Nippaniflikokommin 
NpulTago. 
kommin'^^ 

'5'  This  was  in  September,  1638, 
when,  at  the  requeft  of  Miantunnomu, 
Mr.  Williams  accompanied  him  and  his 
councillors  to  the  conference  with  the 
magiflrates  of  Conneflicut,  at  Hartford. 
Of  this  journey  and  its  refults,  Mr.  Wil- 
liams gave  a  full  report  in  a  letter  to  Gov. 
Winthrop  —  printed  in  3  Mafs.  Hift. 
Coll.,  i.  173-77  (and  in  Knowles's  Me- 
moir, 157-60).   On  their  way,  the  Nar- 

raganfetts  were  "  advertifed that 

about  fix  hundred  and  fixty  Pequots, 
Mohegans  and  their  confederates  .  .  lay 
in  way  and  wait  to  flop  Miantunnomu's 
paflage    to    Connefticut,    and    divers   of 


/  have  let  fall 
fotnething. 


them  threatned  to  boil  him  in  a  kettle." 
'■  This  tidings  being  many  ways  con- 
firmed," Mr.  Williams  and  the  Englifli- 
men  who  were  with  him  adviled  the 
Narraganfetts  to  return:  "  but  Miantun- 
nomu and  his  council  refolved  .  .  .  that 
not  a  man  fhould  turn  back,  refolving 
rather  all  to  die." — See  another  reference 
to  this  journey,  ch.  xxix.  p.  177,  poll. 

'52  This  fhould  have  been  printed  as 
one  word,  Npujfagokommin.  The  former 
of  thefe  two  verbs  fignifies  "  I  let  fall 
fomething  ;"  the  latter,  "  I  let  fall  fome- 
thing  into  [a  pit,  a  ditch,  or  the  like]  : 
both  implying  mifchance. 


I02 


Of  Travcll. 


[162 


Mattaafu 
Nauwot. 
Nawwatick 
Ntaquatchuwaumen 
76]  Taguatchowalh 
Waumlu 
MauLinfliefli 
Mauanifliauta 
Tawhitch  cheche 
qunnuwiiyean  ? 
Aquie  chechequnniiwafli 
Chechequnnuwachick 
Chechequnnittin 
Kemineantuock 


A  little  way. 
A  great  way. 
Farre  of  at  Sea. 
I  goe  up  hill. 
Goe  up  hill. 
Downe  hill. 
Goe  Jloivly  or  gently. 
Let  us  goe  gently. 
Why  doe  you  rob  7ne  ? 


Doe  not  rob  }ne. 

Robbers. 

There  is  a  Robbery  committed. 

They  murder  each  other. 

Obf.  If  any  Robbery  fall  out  in  Travell,  between  Perfon 
of  diverfe  States,  the  offended  State  fends  for  Juftice,  If  no 
JulHce  bee  granted  and  recompence  made,  they  grant  out  a 
kind  of  Letter  of  Mart  to  take  fatisfaftion  themfelues,  yet 
they  are  carefull  not  to  exceed  in  taking  from  others,  beyond 
the  Proportion  ot  their  owne  lolfe. 


Wuskont  awaun 
nkemineiucqun. 


I  feare  fome  will  murther 
tnee. 


Obf.  I  could  never  heare  that  Murthers  or  Robberies  are 
comparably  fo  frequent,  as  in  parts  of  Europe  amongft  the 
Englilh,  French,  &c. 


67]  Cutchachewufsimmin. 

Kiskecuppeeyaumen 

Cuppeeyaumen 

Muckquetu 

Cummummuckquete. 

Cullafaqus 


Tou  are  almoji  there. 

l^ou  are  a  little  Jhort. 

Now  you  are  there. 

Sivft. 

Tou  are  fvift. 

You  are  fow. 


'63] 


Their  Travell. 


103 


SafTaqufliauog 

Cuttinneapiimmifliem 

Wuttineapummufliauta. 

Keeatfliauta. 

Ntinneapreyaumen'" 

Acouwe 

Ntackowvvepeyaun.""* 

Cunimautuffakou. 

Kihtummayi-wullauhumwi. 

Pittvickifh. 

Pittucketuck. 

Ponewhufli. 


They  are  Jlow. 
Will  you  paff'e  by  ? 
Let  us  pa[]'e  by. 
I  come  for  no  bufi7ies. 

hi  va'me  or  to  no  purpofe. 

I  have  lojl  my  labour. 

You  have  mijl  him. 

He  went  juji  now  forth. 

Goe  back. 

Let  us  goe  back. 

Lay  doivne  your  burthen. 


78]  Generall  Ohfervations  of  their  Travell. 

As  the  fame  Sun  fliines  on  the  WildernelTe  that  doth  on 
a  Garden !  lb  the  fame  faithfull  and  all  fufficient  God, 
can  comfort-  feede  and  fafely  guide  even  through  a  defolate 
howling  WildernelTe. 

More  particular. 

God  makes  a  Path,  provides  a  Guide, 
And  feeds  in  W ilderneffe  ! 

1  His  glorious  Name  while  breath  remaines, 
O  that  I  may  confejfe. 

Loji  fuany  a  time,  I  have  had  no  Guide, 

2  No  Houfe,  but  hollow  Tree! 
In  for  my  VViriter  night  710  Fire, 

No  Food,  no  Company : 

■53  The  r  in   this  word   is  mifprinted  'S4  In  this    word,   -owvve-  (hould  be 

for  e ;   and  the  Englifh  phrafe  which  be-     -owwe-,  or  -ouwe-:  nut-acouwe-peyaun,  I 
longs  to  it  is  put  oppofite  Keeatjhauta.  in-vain  come. 


I04 


The  heavenly  Lights. 


[164 


hi  him  I  have  found  a  Houfe,  a  Bed, 
3  A  'Table,  Conipariy : 
No  Cup  Jo  bitter,  but's  7!iade  fweet. 
When  Go'dfiall  Sweetning  be. 


79]  Chap.  XII. 

Co7icerning  the  Heavens  a?id  Heavenly  Lights, 


Keefuck'" 
Keefucquiu.'^^ 
Alike,  Aukeeafeiu. 
Nippawus.'" 
Keeluckquand.'^' 

{Obf.)   By  which   they  ack 
for  a  God  or  divine  power 
Munnannock. 
Nanepaufliat,'"  & 
Munnannock. 
Wequafliim."" 

'55  Kefuk,  EL— Dela.  Gifchuch,  Hkw. 
— Abn.  kizms,  Rale.  This  word,  which 
is  related  to  the  anim.  verb  kezhcau,  'he 
gives  life  to',  makes  alive,  (and  by  which 
Eliot  trandates  the  verb  "  creates,")  fig- 
nifies  primarily,  the  Sun,  as  the  fource 
of  light  and  heat;  (2)  the  vifible  hea- 
vens, calum ;  (3)  the  fpace  of  a  day, 
"  one  fun."  See  Du  Ponceau,  in  Notes 
to  Eliot's  Grammar,  viii.  The  final  k 
was  a  ftrong  guttural,  kh,  or  y_. 

'st  The  lame  word,  miiprinted  Kee- 
fuckqiu,  on  p.  39,  ante,  is  there  tranfla- 
ted   "  upwards :"   as   aukeafeiu  {ohkeiycu. 


The  Heavens. 

Heavefnvard. 

Dow?nvards. 

The  Sun. 

A  name  of  the  Sun. 

nowledge  the  Sun,  and   adore 

A  na}ne  of  the  Sun. 
The  Moone. 
A  light  Moone. 

El.)  fignifies  cnrthwzxA,  and  down\\ZTA%. 
Kefukquieu,  El. 

■57  Nepauz,  EI.  Both  Eliot  and  Wil- 
liams ufe  the  fame  word  for  "  month." 
See  " Neefpaufuck  npauus,  2  moneths,"  p. 
65,  ante. 

'sS  From  keefuck  and  anit  (or,  with  the 
imperfonal  prefix,  manit),  "Sun-god." 
See  p.  117;  and  p.  1 1 4-,  note  268. 

'59  Kancpauz-Jhad,  nancpaujhadt,  and 
ncpauz.Jhad,  El. — Abn.  kizm  (fun,  moon, 
month,)  and  nibankizws. 

160  "Light-ifh."  See  before,  note  138 
(p.  64). 


[65]  The  heavenly  Lights.  105 


Pafhpifhea.-'^- 
Yo  wuttiittan. 


The  Moone  is  up. 
So  high. 

Obf  And  fo  they  ufe  the  fame  rule,  and  words  for  the 
courfe  of  the  Moone  in  the  Night,  as  they  ufe  for  the  courfe 
of  the  Sun  by  Day,  which  wee  mentioned  in  the  Chapter 
of  the  Houre,  or  time  of  the  Day  concerning  the  Sunnes 
rifing,  courfe,  or  Sunne  fetting. 


86*]  Yo  Ockquitteunk. 

Paulhefui. 

Yo  wompanammit. 


A  new  Moo7ie. 
Half  Moone. 


Obf.  The  Moone  fo  old,  which  they  meafure  by  the 
fetting  of  it,  efpecially  when  it  fliines  till  Wompan,  or  day. 

Anockqus :   anockfuck."^'         |  A  Starre,  Starves. 

Obf.  By  occalion  of  their  frequent  lying  in  the  Fields 
and  Woods,  they  much  obferve  the  Starres,  and  their  very 
children  can  give  Names  to  many  of  them,  and  obferve  their 
Motions,  and  they  have  the  fame  words  for  their  rifing- 
courfes  and  fetting,  as  for  the  Sun  or  Moone,  as  before. 

Mosk  or  Paukimawaw  the  great  Beare,  or  Charles  Waine, 
which  words  Mosk  or  Paukihinawwdw  lignifies  a  Beare, 
which  is  fo  much  the  more  obfervable,  becaufe,  in  moft 
Languages  that  ligne  or  Conftellation  is  called  the  Beare. '*^ 

*  So,  in  the  firft  edition  ;  for  80.  the  bear."  Edw.  Winflow's  Good  Newes 

'<"  It  rifes.   Com'p."  pafpipa,\\.n  (an-  from  N.  E.  (Young's  Chron.of  the  Pil- 

rife,"  p.  62,  ante,  and  note  128.  grims,    366.)  —  Quinnip.    Awhuffufe,    a 

'''  Anogqs,    pi.   anogqsog.   El.  (Gram-  bear ;    A-zvauh-sufs,   Urfa   major.   Stiles, 

mar,  8,  9.) — anogqs.  Cotton.  Ms. — The  epithet  paukunawaw  charac- 

163  "  They  know  divers  of  the  ftars  by  terized  the   conftellation,  as  well  as  the 

name;  in  particular  they  know  the  north  bear,  as  a 'night  walker,' — pobkenaiau, 

ilar,  and   call  it  majke,  which  is  to  fay,  "  he  goes  when  it  is  dark." 
B14 


io6 


Of  the  Heavenly  Bodies. 


[i66 


Shwifhcuttowwauog 

Mifliannock."'' 

Chippapuock.'^'^ 


The  Golden  Metewand:^'' 
The  morning  Starre. 
The  Brood-hen,  &€. 


Genera//  Obfervations  of  the  Heauen/y  Bodies. 

The  wildeft  fons  of  Men  heare  the  preach-[8i]ing  of  the 
Heavens,  the  Sun,  Moone,  and  Starres,  yet  not  feeking  after 
God  the  Maker  are  juftly  condemned,  though  they  never 
have  nor  defpife  other  preaching,  as  the  civihz'd  World  hath 
done. 

More  particu/ar. 

When  Sun  doth  rife  t/ie  Starres  doe  fet, 

Tet  t/jere's  no  need  of  Lig/jt, 
God Jhines  a  Sunne  7noJl  glorious, 

W/jen  Creatures  all  are  Night. 


The  very  Indian  Boyes  can  give. 

To  tnany  Starres  their  name. 
And  Jinow  their  Courfe  and  t/jerein  doe, 
2.  Exce//  the  Englifh  tame. 


'^4  The  three  ftars  in  the  belt  of  Orion. 
Eliot,  in  Job  xxxviii.  31,  and  Amos  v. 
8,  gives  ajpjhquttauog  as  a  name  of  the 
Pleiades  (or  "  the  Brood-hen,"  as  this 
group  was  anciently  defignated);  but 
Mr.  Williams's  application  of  the  name 
is  more  probably  correft,  Jhiuijhcutto'w- 
wauog  fignifying  "  three  fires,"  or  a  long 
wigwam  in  which  there  are  three  fires. 
See  before,  p.  3  2,  neifquttoto  and  jhwijh- 


cuttoiv,  "  di  houfe  with  two  fires,"  and 
"  with  three  fires." 

'^s  Mifl.-'iinoggu!,  Eliot ;  mijhc-anogqs, 
the  great  liar. 

■66  Literally,  "  they  fit  apart,"  or  are 
feparated  from  others  ;  nearly  tranflated 
by  "grouped."  Pres.  Stiles's  Ms.  vo- 
cabulary gives,  for  the  Quinnipiac, 
"  m^nukqh-uiuk,  or  m'nup-wuk,  the  (even 
ftars." — See  note  164. 


[67]  Oi  the  Weather.  107 

3   Englifli  and  Indians  none  enquire, 
Whofe  hand  thefe  Candles  hold : 
lob.  35.   Who  gives  thefe  Stars  their  Natnes  hitnfelf 
More  bright  ten  thouf and  fold. 


82]  Chap.  XIII. 

Of  the  Weather. 


TOcke  tulsinnammin 
keefuck  ? 
Wekineaiiquat. 
Wekinnauquocks. 
Tahki,  or  tatakki. 
Tahkees. 


What  thinke  you  of  the 

Weather  ? 
Faire  Weather. 
When  it  is  faire  weather. 
Cold  weather. 
Cold, 


Obf.  It  may  bee  wondred  why  fince  New-Rngland  is 
about  I  2.  degrees  neerer  to  the  Sun,  yet  fome  part  of  Win- 
ter it  is  there  ordinarily  more  cold  then  here  in  England : 
the  reafon  is  plaine :  All  Hands  are  warmer  then  maine 
Lands  and  Continents,  England  being  an  Hand,  Englands 
winds  are  Sea  winds  which  are  commonly  more  thick  and 
vapoury,  and  warmer  winds:  The  A^or-/^^  wind  (which 
occafioneth  New-England  cold)  comes  over  the  cold  frozen 
Land,  and  over  many  millions  of  Loads  of  Snow  :  and  yet 
the  pure  wholfomnefle  of  the  Aire  is  wonderfull,  and  the 
warmth  of  the  Sunne,  fuch  in  the  fharpeft  weather,  that  I 
have  often  feen  the  Natives  Children  runne  about  ftarke 
naked  in  [83]  the  coldeft  dayes,  and  the  Indians  Men  and 
Women  lye  by  a  Fire,  in  the  Woods  in  the  coldeft  nights, 
and  I  have  been  often  out  my  felfe  fuch  nights  without  fire, 
mercifully,  and  wonderfully  preferved. 


io8 


Of  the  leather. 


[i68 


Taiikocks. 

Kaufitteks. 

KulTiittah. 

Nuckqusquatch  nnoonakom. 

Nickqufsittaunum. 

Mattauqus. 

Mattaquat. 

Ciippaquat. 

Sokenun.'^'  anaquat.'*^ 

Anamakeefuck  fokenun. 

Sokenitch. 

Sochepoj  or  Cone.'^ 

Animanaukock- 

Sochepo. 
Sochepwutch. 
MifliLinnan. 
Pauqui  pauquaquat."'"" 
Nnappi.''' 
Nnappaqnat. 
Topu. 

84]  Mifsittopu. 
Capat.''^ 
Neechipog. 

■67  Sokanon,Y\.;fa>}renon,Qonox\;  Abn. 
fmgherniin.  An  imperfonal  verb,  fign. 
primarily,  "  it  pours  out."  With  an 
anim.  igeM,fokenum,  he  pours ;  nujfokun, 
"  I  cauie  it  to  rain,"  Exod.  ix.  18. 

'**  0/7»»i'ya<»?,  raining,  Cott.  Onkquoh- 
quodt,  "lowering,"  Matt.  xvi.  3. 

'^9  Koon,  fnow,  Eliot  and  Cott.;  but 
Eliot  has  muhpme  kefukod,  a  inowy  day  ; 
and  Cotton,  muhpmwi,  muhpco,  'it  Inows.' 

'7°  Pokquhe,  open,  clear  ;  pohkok,  that 
which  is  clear;  clear  fky  (Hebr.  xi.  12); 


Cold  iveather. 
Hot  iveather. 
It  is  hot. 
I  am  cold. 
I  fiveat. 
A  cloud. 
It  is  over-caji. 

Raifie. 

It  will  raine  to  day. 

When  it  raiyies. 

Snow. 

It  will  fnow  to  night. 

When  it  fnowes. 

A  great  raine. 

It  holds  up. 

Drie. 

Drie  weather. 

Afrojl. 

A  great  Froji. 

Ice. 

The  Deaw. 

pohkohquodt,  when  it  is  clear,  clear 
weather. — Eliot. 

■7'  Nanabpi,  nunobpe  (Eliot),  nunnapi 
(Cott.),  dry,  by  nature  or  inherently ;  e. 
g.  "dry  land,"  (Gen.  i.  9,  lo,)  as  op- 
pofed  to  water.  Nunohtae,  dry,  become 
dry, — as,  nunohtae  mehtug,  a  dry  tree. 
Is.  Ivi.  3.  [After  Nnappi,  in  the  text, 
for  Nnappaqnat  read  Nndppaquat.'] 

'7^  Kuppadt,  kuppad.  El.  Literally, 
[when  it  is]  denfe  or  clofed  up  ;  from 
kuppi,  thick,  clofed.  Hopped. 


i69] 


Of  the  leather. 


109 


Michokat. 

Michokateh.'" 

Miffuppaugatch. 

Cutfhauftia. 

Neimpauog. 

Neimpauog  peskhomwock. 


A  Thaw. 

When  it  thaives. 

When  the  rivers  are  open. 

The  Lightning. 

Thunder. 

Thunderbolts  are  fijot. 


Ohf.  From  this  the  Natives  conceiving  a  confimilitude 
between  our  Guns  and  Thunder,  they  call  a  Gunne  Peskutick, 
and  to  difcharge  Peskhommin'''  that  .is  to  thunder. 

Obfervation  generall  of  the  Weather. 

That  Judgement  which  the  Lord  Jefus  pronounced  againft 
the  Weather-wife  (but  ignorant  of  the  God  of  the  weather) 
will  fall  moft  juftly  upon  thofe  Natives,  and  all  men  who 
are  wife  in  Naturall  things,  but  willingly  blind  in  fpirituall. 

Englifli  and  Indians  //>i'V  a  Storme, 

and  fee  ke  a  hiding  place  : 
O  hearts  ofjlone  that  thinke  and  dreame, 

Th'  everlajling  formes  t' out-face. 


85] 


Proud  filthy  Sodomeyizw  the  Sunne, 
Shine  ore  her  head  mof  bright. 

The  very  day  that  turn  d  fe  was 
To  fiticking  heaps,  fore  night. 


■for 


'73  By   an    error  of  the    prefs,  • 
Michokateh. 

'74  This  word  fignifies,  primarily,  to 
burft  in  pieces,  with  noife.  Pajkuhkom 
(El. ),  he  burfts  or  breaks  it ;  papkjheau, 
it  burfts  with  violence,  explodes. — Abn. 
ne-pejkam,   I   fire  a  gun ;   aaoenni  pejkak. 


who  (hoots .'  pmjkcoiafm,  [the  gun]  burfts. 
Rale. —  For  'thunder'  (or  the  impers. 
verb,  'it  thunders')  Eliot  has  padtoh- 
quohhan ;  which  correfponds  with  the 
Moh.  pautquauhan  (Edw.);  Abn.  pedan- 
ghiagm  ;  Delaware,  peelhacquon  (Hecke- 
welder.) 


no 


Of  the  Winds. 


[170 


How  many  millions  now  alive. 
Within  Jew  yeeres  Jloall  rot  ? 

O  blejl  that  Soule,  whofe  portion  is. 
That  Rocke  that  changeth  not. 


Chap.   XIV. 


Of  the  Winds. 


'      ^   Waupanafli. 
Tafhinafh  waupanafli 


The  Wind. 

The  Winds. 

Mow  many  winds  are  there  ? 


Obf.  Some  of  them  account  of  feven,  fome  eight,  or 
nine ;  and  in  truth,  they  doe  upon  the  matter  reckon  and 
obferve  not  onely  the  foure  but  the  eight  Cardinal!  winds, 
although  they  come  not  to  the  accurate  divilion  of  the  32. 
upon  the  32.  points  of  the  compalTe,  as  we  doe. 

Naniimmatin,  <&?  Sunnadin. 
Chepewefsin.''* 
Sachimoachepeweilin. 
86]  Nopatin.'" 
Nanockquittin. 

'75  Waban  (£!.■);   wapan  (Cott.). 

■76  Wut'hepwoiycu,  to,  from  or  at  the 
eafl  ;  wutchepwojh,  the  eaft  wind  ;  Eliot. 
Thefe  words,  like  Chcpewefl'm,  above, 
appear  to  be  derived  from  Ch'epie,  the 
bad  fpirit,  to  whom  the  cold  north-eaft 
may  have  been  afligned,  as  was  the  pleas- 
ant foivaniu  (fouth-well)  to  the  good 
Kautantowwit. 


The  North  wind. 
The  North  eajl. 
Strojig  North  eajl  wind. 
The  Eaji  wind. 
The  South  eajl  wind. 

'77  Perhaps  this  Ihould  have  been 
printed  Wopatin,  or  Wopatin,  —  from 
wompan,  the  dawn.  (^See  before,  p.  62, 
and  note  157.)  The  Mafs.  Pfalter  fub- 
ftitutes  wompanniyeu,  eailerly,  for  wutch- 
cpwoiyeu,  which  Eliot  had  ufed.  Comp. 
"  Wompanand,  the  Eaftern  God,"  page 
1 16,  pott. 


[/I] 


Of />6^  Winds. 


1 1 1 


Touwiittin. 
Paponetin''^ 
Chekefu'" 
Chekefitch 

Tocketunnantum  ? 
Tou  pitch  wuttin  ? 
Nqenouhick  wuttin 
Yo  pitch  wuttin 

Sauop. 
Pitch  Sowwanifhen. 


South  wind. 
Wejl  wind. 
The  Northwejl. 
When  the  wind  blowes 

Northwejl. 
What  thinke  you  ? 
Where  wil  the  wind  be  ? 
I  Jl ay  for  a  wind. 
Here  the  wind  will  be  to 

f nor  row. 
It  will  be  Southweji. 


Obf.  This  is  the  pleafingeft,  warmeft  wind  in  the  Cli- 
mate, mofl  defired  of  the  Indiajis,  making  faire  weather 
ordinarily ;  and  therefore  they  have  a  Tradition,  that  to  the 
Southwell:,  which  they  call  Sowwaniu,  the  gods  chiefly  dwell ; 
and  hither  the  foules  of  all  their  Great  and  Good  men  and 
women  goe. 

This  Southwell  wind  is  called  by  the  New-Englifi,  the 
Sea  turne,  which  comes  from  the  Sunne  in  the  morning, 
about  nine  or  ten  of  the  clock  Southeaft,  and  about  South, 
and  then  ftrongeft  Southwell  in  the  after-noone,  and  towards 
night,  when  it  dies  away. 

It  is  rightly  called  the  Sea  turne,  becaufe  the  wind  corh- 
monly  all  the  Summer,  comes  [87]  off  from  the  North  and 
Northwefl  in  the  night,  and  then  turnes  againe  about  from 
the  South  in  the  day  :  as  Salotnon  fpeaks  of  the  vanitie  of  the 
Winds  in  their  changes,  Ecclef.  i.  6. 


Mifliaupan 


A  great  wind. 


'7^  From  paf one  (popon,  E].);  winter-     kejitch    is     in     the     future-conditional; 
wind.  when  it  fliall  blow,  &c. 

'79  From  ch'ek'e,  violent,  forcible.    Chi- 


I  12 


Of  the  Winds. 


[172 


Mifliitafliin 

Wunnagehan,  or, 

Wunnegin  waiipi 

Wunnegitch  wuttin 

Mattagehan 

Wunnagehatch 

Mattagehatch 

Cowunnagehiickamen. 

Cummattagehuckamen. 

Nummattagehiickamen. 


A  Jiorttie. 
Faire  wind. 

When  the  wind  is  faire. 
A  crojje  wind. 
When  the  wind  comes  fair. 
When  the  wind  is  crojfe. 
Toil  have  a  faire  wind. 
The  wind  is  againjl  you. 
The  wijid  is  agaiyiji  tnee. 


Generall  Obfervations  of  the  Winds. 

God  is  wonderfully  glorious  in  bringing  the  Winds  out  of 
his  Treafure,  and  riding  upon  the  wings  of  thofe  Winds  in 
the  eyes  of  all  the  fonnes  of  men  in  all  Coafts  of  the  world. 

More  particular : 

I    Englifli  and  Indian  both  obferve. 
The  various  blajls  o/^wind  : 
88]  And  both  I  have  heard  in  dreadful!  formes 

Cry  out  aloud,  I  have  frm  d. 

But  wheyi  the  formes  are  turnd  to  calmes. 

And  feas  grow  fnooth  and  fill : 
Both  turne  [like  Swine)  to  wallow  in. 

The  flth  of  former  will. 

'Tis  not  a  forme  on  fea,  or  fore, 

'Tis  not  the  Word  that  can  ; 
But  'tis  the  Spirit  or  Breath  of  God 

That  t/iuf  renew  the  ma7i. 


'73] 


Of  Fowle. 


113 


Chap.   XV. 
Of  Fowle. 


NPefhawog 
Puffekesefuck.''" 
Ntauchaumen. 
Auchaui. 
Pepemoi. 
Wompiffacuk.''' 
Wompfacuckquauog 
89]  Neyhom,  mauog. 
Paupock,  suog. 
Aunckuck,  quauog. 
Chogan,  euck. 

>8o  Pupfinjhaas,  bird,  fowl,  (avis,')  El. 
Puppinujkaog,  fowls,  Mafs.  Pfalter.  Pfuk- 
fes,  a  little  bird,  (Eliot  Gram,  g );  plur. 
pfukfefog.  PiJ/'ukj~t-mej'og,\yeTY  i-mAl]  birds, 
Cott. — Pihn.  Jipjis-ak,  oifeaux. 

»8i  Wompfikuk,  tvompujjikwk  ( Eliot)  ; 
■zvompfukook  (  Cott. );  tvobfacuck  (  E.  Wins- 
low).  From  zuompiand  w uffukqun ,  white- 
tail. — "  The  Eagles  of  the  Countrey  be 
of  two  forts,  one  like  the  Eagles  that  be 
in  England,  the  other  is  fomething  big- 
ger, with  a  great  white  head  and  white 
tail :  thefe  be  commonly  called  Gripes." 
Wood,  N.  E.  Profpeft,  part  i.  chap.  8. 
Gripe  was  an  old  Englilh  name  for  the 
Erne  or  White-tailed  Eagle  ( Halice'etus 
albicilla);  and  was  naturally  transferred 
by  Englifh  colonifts  to  our  nearly-related 
fpecies,  the  Bald  Eagle  (  H.  leucocephnlus, 
Aud.) 

'82  The  word  oppofite  is  plural.  This 
ihould  be  "  Eagles." 
B.5 


FoiiDle. 

I  goe  a  fowling  or  hunthig. 

Hee  is  go?ie  to  hunt  ov  fowle. 

He  is  gone  to  fowle. 

An  Eagle. 

Eagle."^- 

Turiies. 

Partridges. '^^ 

Heath-cocks.'^* 

Black-bird,  Black-birds. 

■'3  Ortyx  virginianii,A\iA.  The  Ameri- 
can partridge,  or  Quni/ot'  New  England. 
Pahpahkpaas,  and  pohpohquj/u,  partridge  ; 
in  Pfal.  cv.  40,  pnjhpwhquttog,  quails ; 
elfewhere,  chwhchcowaog,  quails:  El. — 
Pequot,  popoquateece,  quail  ;  cutquaufs, 
partridge  ;  Stiles.  —  Montauk,  apacus, 
partridge ;  ohocotces,  quail  ;  S.  Wood 
(but  qu  .') 

'84  Tetrao  cupido,  Wilfon  ;  Pinnated 
Groufe,  Prairie  Hen  ;  "  formerly  .  .  fo 
common  on  the  ancient  bufhy  fite  of  the 
city  of  Bofton,  that  laboring  people  or 
fervants  ftipulated  with  their  employers, 
not  to  have  the  Heath-Hen  brought  to 
table  oftener  than  a  few  times  in  the 
week."  Nuttall's  Ornithol.  i.  800. — 
"  Heath-cockes  and  Partridges  be  com- 
mon ;  he  that  is  a  hufband,  and  will  be 
ftirring  betime,  may  kill  halfe  a  dozen 
in  a  morning."  N.  E.  Profpeft,  part  i. 
chap.  8. 


1 1 4  Of  Fowle.  1 1 74 

Ohf.  Of  this  fort  there  be  millions,  which  are  great 
devourers  of  the  hidian  corne  as  foon  as  it  appeares  out  of 
the  ground ;  Unto  this  fort  of  Birds,  efpecially,  may  the 
myfticall  Fowles,  the  Divells  be  well  refembled  (and  fo  it 
pleafeth  the  Lord  Jefus  himfelfe  to  obferve,  Matth.  13. 
which  myfticall  Fowle  follow  the  fowing  of  the  Word,  and 
picke  it  up  from  loofe  and  carelelfe  hearers,  as  thefe  Black- 
birds follow  the  materiall  feed. 

Againft  the  Birds  the  hidiam  are  very  carefull,  both  to 
fet  their  corne  deep  enough  that  it  may  have  a  ftrong  root, 
not  fo  apt  to  be  pluckt  up,  (yet  not  too  deep,  left  they  bury 
it,  and  it  never  come  up:)  as  alfo  they  put  up  little  watch- 
houfes  in  the  middle  of  their  fields,  in  which  they,  or  their 
biggeft  children  lodge,  and  earely  in  the  morning  prevent 
the  Birds,  &c. 


Kokokehom,'*' 

Ohomous. 
Kaukont  tuock."^ 


An  Owle. 
Crow,  Crowes. 


Obf.  Thefe  Birds,  although  they  doe  the  corne  alfo  fome 
hurt,  yet  fcarce  will  one  Na-  [90]  tive  amongft  an  hundred 
wil  kil  them,  becaufe  they  have  a  tradition,  that  the  Crow 
brought  them  at  firft  an  Ijidia?i  Graine  of  Corne  in  one  Bare, 
and  an  hidian  or  French  Beane  in  another,  from  the  Great 
God  Kautcintouwits  field  in  the  Southweft  from  whence  they 
hold  came  all  their  Corne  and  Beanes. 

'^sKoshkcokhaus  and   mhamaus ;  kchche  iana),  and  ho,  ho  ho  h'o  for  that  of   the 

kmhkaikh/ius,  a  great  owl;  weewees,  the  little  Screech  Owl  (S.  n^via,  Gmelin), 

fcreech    owl,    Eliot.     Thefe    names  all  Man.   of  Ornithol.,   i.    138. — hhn.  ka- 

appear    to   be    onomatopoetic.     Nuttall  kosknfm,  chat-huant.  Rale. 
writes  ^ko  ko,   ko  ko  ko,   and   'ko-koh,   for  '*''  Onomatopoetic.     Konkontii,   Eliot, 

the  call  of  the   Cat-Owl   (Stryx   virgin-  Kongkont,  Cott. — Abn.  ktirii'kiirii'iiiefcos. 


1/5] 


Of  Fowle. 


115 


Honckj-honckock,'^' 
Wompatuck-quauog. 
Wequafli-fliauog.'*" 
Munnucks  -munnuckfuck. 
Quequecum  -mauog.'*^ 


Gooje,  Geefe. 

Swans,  Swans. 
Brajits,  or  Brantgeefe. 
Ducks. 


Obf.  The  Indians  having  abundance  of  thefe  forts  of 
FoLile  upon  their  waters,  take  great  pains  to  kill  any  of  them' 
with  their  Bow  and  Arrowes ;  and  are  marvellous  delirous 
of  our  Englijh  Guns,  powder  and  fhot  (though  they  are 
wifely  and  generally  denied  by  the  Efiglijh)  yet  with  thofe 
which  they  get  from  the  French,  and  fome  others  [Dutch 
and  E?iglijh)  they  kill  abundance  of  Fowle,  being  naturally 
excellent  markf-men  ;  and  alfo  more  hardned  to  endure  the 
weather,  and  wading,  lying,  and  creeping  on  the  ground,  &c. 

I  once  faw  an   exercife  of  training  of  the  Englijh,  when 
all  the  Englijh  had  mift  the  mark  [91]  fet  up  to  flioot  at,  an 
Indian  with  his  owne  Peece  (deliring  leave  to  fhoot)  onely 
hit  it. 
Kitfuog."°  I  Connorants. 

Obf.  Thefe  they  take  in  the  night  time,  where  they  are 
afleepe  on  rocks,  off  at  Sea,  .and  bring  in  at  break  of  day 
great  ftore  of  them  : 


'87  Peq.  Kohunk,  Stiles.  The  Grey 
or  Canada  Goofe  (Anfcr  Canadenjis,  L.) 
—  Wompatuck  {wompbotuk,  Cott.),  from 
wompi,  white,  was  doubtlefs  the  Snow 
Goofe  {^A.  hyperboreus,  Bonap.) — Dela- 
ware, waepack  kaak,  white  goofe ;  ntte- 
rack  kaak,  grey  goofe  ;   Holm. 

'8S  So  Eliot,  in  Levit.  xi.  i8. 

'89  Onomatopoetic,  —  but  formed  as  a 
verb;  '  they  quack-quack.'  Stiles  gives 
(Peq.)  ' ungowa-ums,  old  wives,'  [Anas 


glacialii,)  another  name  of  the  fame 
charafter.  That  fpecies  is  called  ^hah- 
ha-tvay,  by  the  Crees,  and  in  Canada, 
caccawce.   Nuttall's  Ornithol.  ii.  455. 

'9°  Kuts,  kuttis,  and  kuttuhfu,  Eliot. — 
Joflelyn  (Voyages,  102)  defcribes  the 
Indian  manner  of  taking  the  "cormo- 
rant, (hape,  or  fharke  "  [fhag],  by  night, 
"  upon  fome  rock  that  lyes  out  in  the 
fea."  See,  alfo.  Wood's  N.  E.  Profpeft, 
pt.  i.  ch.  8. 


ii6 


Of  Fowle. 


[176 


Yo  aquechinock. 
Nipponamouoog. 


There  they  fivi?n. 
I  lay  nets  for  them. 


Ob.  This  they  doe  on  Oiore,  and  catch  many  fowle  upon 
the  plaines,  and  feeding  under  Okes  upon  Akrons,  as  Geefe, 
Turkies,  Cranes,  and  others,  &c. 


Ptowei. 

Ptowewufliannick 

Wunnup,-palli 

Wunniippanick  anawhone 

Wuhockgock  anwhone 

Wuskowhan 

Wuskowhanannuaog 

Wuskowhannanaukit 


//  is  fed. 

They  are  fled: 
Wing,  Wings: 
Wing-fot:">' 
Body-Jhot: 
A  Pigeon: 
Pigeons: 


Pigeon  Countrie:''' 

Obf  In  that  place  thefe  Fowle  breed  abundantly,  and 
by  reafon  of  their  delicate  Food  (efpecially  in  Strawberrie 
time  when  they  pick  up  whole  large  Fields  of  the  old 
grounds  ot  the  Natives,  they  are  a  delicate  fowle,  and 
becaufe  of  their  abundance,  and  the  facility  [94]  of  killing 
of  them,  they  are  and  may  be  plentifully  fed  on. 

Sachitn :  a  little  Bird"*^  about  the  bigneffe  of  a  fwallow, 


'91  That  is,  hit  or  wounded  in  the 
wing  :  hna-jjkone,  wounded  ( p.  1 80,  poll ). 

"9^  This  was  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  Nipmuck  country,  in  what  is  now 
Worceller  county,  Mafs.  The  petty 
tribe  which  occupied  it  (  Wufquowkan- 
anaukits,  Roger  Williams  called  them) 
were  "  the  turthermoft  Neepnet  men," 
next  neighbors  to  the  Wunnajkoivatuch- 
oogi,  or  Showatucks.  See  Mr.  Williams's 
Letters  to  Winthrop,  in  4  Mafs.  Hill. 
Coll.,  vi.  188,  193,  194,  197. 

'93  Probably  the  King-bird  (  Tfrannu! 
intrepidus,  VieilL).  Prof.  Tuckerman,  in 


a  note  to  JofTelyn's  N.  E.  Rarities,  p. 
10,  identifies  the  bird  here  defcribed 
with  "  the  little  black  hawk  "  mentioned 
by  Wood  (N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  i.  ch.  8) 
and  Joflelyn  (Voyages,  95),  which  was 
fo  "highly  prized  by  the  Indians,  who 
wear  them  on  their  heads,"  that  it  was 
"accounted  of  worth  fufficient  to  ran- 
fome  a  Sagamour."  But  is  it  probable 
that  two  fo  accurate  obfervers  as  Wood 
and  lofl'elyn  would  agree  in  defcribing 
the  king-bird  as  a  "black  hawk,"  —  or 
that  a  bird  fo  common  as  this  fpecies, 
would  be  fo  highly  valued  .' 


I  jj]  Of  Fowle.  117 

or  lefTe,  to  which  the  Indians  give  that  name,  becaufe  of  its 
Sachim  or  PrinceHke  courage  and  Command  over  greater 
Birds,  that  a  man  (hall  often  fee  this  fmall  Bird  purfue  and 
vanquiih  and  put  to  flight  the  Crow,  and  other  Birds  farre 
bigger  then  it  felfe. 
Sowwanakitauwaw  —They  go  to  the  South  ward. 

That  is  the  faying  of  the  Natives,  when  the  Geefe  and 
other  Fowle  at  the  approach  of  Winter  betake  themfelves, 
in  admirable  Order  and  difcerning  their  Courfe  even  all  the 
night  long. 
Chepewaukitauog  —They  fly  Northward. 

That  is  when  they  returne  in  the  Spring.  There  are 
abundance  of  linging  Birds  whofe  names  I  have  little  as  yet 
inquired  after,  &c. 

The  Indians  oi  Martins  vineyard,  at  my  late  being  amongft 
them,  report  generally,  and  confidently  of  fome  Hands,  which 
lie  off  from  them  to  Sea,  from  whence  every  morning  early, 
certaine  Fowles  come  and  light  amonglf  them,  and  returne 
at  Night  to  lodging,  which  Hand  or  Hands  are  not  yet  dis- 
covered, though  probably,  by  other  Reafons  they  give,  there 
is  Land,  &c. 
95]  Taunek-kauog.''* 
Wufhowunan."^^ 


Crane,  Cranes. 
The  Hawke. 


Which  the  Indians  keep  tame  about  their  houfes  to  keepe 
the  little  Birds  from  their  Corne. 

'94  Tiinnag  ind  SaJfadt,'EA\ot.  —  Abn.  ing  to  battle."    (Manual,  ii.  35.) — Tanne 

taregan,  plur.  -nk.     The  name,  in  both  ontowaonk,  a  hoarfe  [harfli]  voice.    Cot- 

dialefts,  was  derived  from  the  loud  and  ton  ;  Abn,  tarokkwefa>,  il  jappe,  il  hurle. 

piercing  cry  peculiar  to  the  genus,  efpe-  Rale. 

cially  to  the  Grus  americana  or  Whoop-  '9S  Eliot  tranflated  hawk,  by  quanunon 

ing   Crane,  —  which,   fays    Nuttall,  has  (Levit.  xi.  16),  OT<7/?;-^ffa«»«  (Job.  xxxix. 

been    "not    unaptly    compared    to    the  zd),  lYvdi  owobfiaog  {Yit\xt.  yiw.  15.). 
v.-hoop  or  yell  of  the  favages  when  rufli- 


ii8  OiFowle.  [178 

The  generall  Obfervation  of  Fowle. 

How  fweetly  doe  all  the  feverall  forts  of  Heavens  Birds, 
in  all  Coafts  of  the  World,  preach  unto  Men  the  prayfe  of 
their  Makers  Wifedome,  Power,  and  Goodnelfe,  who  teedes 
them  and  their  young  ones  Summer  and  Winter  with  their 
feverall  fuitable  forts  of  Foode  :  although  they  neither  fow 
nor  reape,  nor  gather  into  Barnes  ? 

More  particularly  : 

IfWirds  that  Jieither  fow  nor  reape. 

Nor  for  e  up  ajiy  food, 
Cofifantlyf?ui  to  them  and  theirs 

A  ?naker  kind  and  Good ! 

If  f nan  provide  eke  for  his  Birds, 

In  Yard,  in  Coops,  in  Cage. 
And  each  Bird  fpends  in  fongs  and  Tunes, 

His  little  time  and  Age ! 

What  care  will  Man,  what  care  will  God, 
92]  For's  wife  and  Children  take  ? 

Millions  of  Birds  and  Worlds  will  God, 
Sooner  then  His  for  fake. 


179] 


Of  the  Earth,  and  Fruits  thereof. 


119 


Chap.    XVI. 
Of  the  Earth,  and  the  Fruits  thereof,  &c. 


A 


like,"*  & 


Sanaukamuck.."' 
Nittauke 

Niirawnawkamuck. 
Wuskaukamuck. 
Aquegunnittearti. 
Mihtiick-quafli."' 
Pauchautaqun  nesafli. 
Wunnepog-guafli. 
Wattap. 
Seip."^ 
Toyusk. 
Sepoese/°° 
Sepoemefe. 
Takekum. 
Takekummuo  ? 
93]  Sepuo  ? 
Toyusquaniio. 

"96  Obif,  El.  —  Abn.  ii.  —  Dela.  i7ii, 
akhi.     See  p.  28,  note  50. 

'97  Land  enclofed  and  cultivated ;  a  field 
or  garden. 

'9S  Mehtug,  mchtugq,  matug.  El.  The 
initial  m  does  not  belong  to  the  root, 
which  in  compound  words  is  found  as 
uhtug  or  'htug,  the  generic  name  of  tree 
or  wood. 

'99  Seip,  feep,  fepu,  El.  —  Moh.  Sepoo, 
Edw.  —  Abnaki,  Sipai.  The  root  figni- 
fies  ♦  ftretched  out,'  'extended'  (in  time 
or  fpace);   hence,  'a    ftream.'     The    in- 


Earth  or  Land. 

My  Land. 

New  ground. 
Fields  icorne  out. 
Trees.    , 

Branch,  Branches. 
Leafe,  leaves. 
A  root  of  Tree. 
A  River. 
A  bridge. 
A  little  River. 
A  little  Rivelet. 
A  Spring. 
Is  there  a  Spring. 
Is  there  a  River  ? 
Is  there  a  Bridge. 

fcparable-generic  name  for  'river'  or 
•  llream  '  was  tuk,  denoting  water  in  mo- 
tion, as  pog  or  p'lug  denoted  water  at  reft 
('  lake  '  or  '  pond  '  j.  The  verb  tukhm  was 
nearly  equivalent  to  the  l^Mn  ftuiluatur. 
Eliot  has  the  plural,  tukkaog,  waves. 
[Abn./fg'a),  a  wave.]  This  generic,  Hecke- 
welder  writes,  for  the  Delaware,  hittuck, 
and  trandates  it  ( incorreftly )  as  'a  rapid 
ftream.'  Trans.  Hill.  &  Lit.  Com.  Am. 
Phil.  Soc,  i.  33. 

200  Sepuefe/fepuus,  a  brook.  El.    A  di- 
minutive, iromfeip. 


1 20  Of  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof.  [  1 80 

Obf.  The  Natives  are  very  exadl  and  pundluall  in  the 
bounds  of  their  Lands,  belonging  to  this  or  that  Prince  or 
People,  (even  to  a  River,  Brooke)  &c.  And  I  have  knowne 
them  make  bargaine  and  fale  amongft  themfelves  for  a  fmall 
piece,  or  quantity  of  Ground  :  notwithftanding  a  linfull 
opinion  amongft  mauy  that  Chriftians  have  right  to  Heath- 
ens Lands  :  but  of  the  deluiion  of  that  phrafe,  I  have  fpoke 
in  a  difcourfe  concerning  the  Indians  Converlion/°°* 


Paugautemisk/"' 

Wompimifti. 

Wompiminearti.^ 


An  Oake. 

A  Cbes7iut  Tree. 

Chejnutts. 


A  Wallnut  Tree. 
WaUniit. 


Obf.     The  Indians  have  an  Art  ot  drying  their  Chefnuts, 
and  io  to  preferve  them  in  their  barnes  for  a  daintie  all   the 
yeare. 
Anauchemineafti.  |  Akornes. 

Thefe  Akornes  alfo  they  drie,  and  in  cafe  of  want  of 
Corne,  by  much  boyling  they  make  a  good  diHi  of  them  : 
yea  fome  times  in  plentie  ot  Corne  doe  they  eate  thefe 
Acornes  for  a  Novelty. 
Wulfoquat. 
Wulfwaquatomineug.""' 

Of  thefe  VVallnuts  they  make  an  excellent  |  98  ]  Oyle  good 
for  many  ufes,  but  efpecially  for  their  annoynting  of  their 
heads.  And  of  the  chips  of  the  Walnut-Tree  (the  barke 
taken  oft)  fome  Rfiglijh  in  the  Countrey  make  excellent 
Beere  both  for  Taft,  ftrength,  colour,  and  in  oftenlive  open- 
ing operation  : 

200*  See  Preface  to  this  edition,  p.  12.  (pi.  minneafli)  ufed   only    in    compound 

3o>   A^o/zw/V,  an  oak.  El.     Pobhuhtimis,  words,  fignifies  a  fmall  fruit, — berry,  nut, 

white  oak  ;  •wefattimh,  red  [yellow]  oak.  or  grain. 

Cotton.  ^°3  Ifuffcahqutittominajh,  walnuts.  Cott. 

202   ff^ompi  minneajh,  white-nuts.— Ahn.  Quinnip.   woos-quiit,   walnut  tree;    Peq. 

wanhimin-ar.       The   generic   name   min,  wijhquuts.   Stiles. 


i8i] 


Of  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof. 


121 


Safaunckapamuck. 

Mi(liquawtaick/°^ 

C6waw-efuck/°' 

Wenomesippaguadi. 

Miciickaskeete. 

Tataggoskitualh. 

Maskitualh, 

Wekinafh-quarti. 

Manisimmin. 

Quiruckomineanug/ 

Wuttahimnea(h/°' 


The  SallafraiTe  Tree. 
The  Cedar  tree. 
Pine-young  Pine. 
The  Vine-Tree. 
A  Medow. 
Afrefi  Medow. 
Grajfe  or  Hay. 
Reed,  Reedes. 
To  cut  or  ?noiv. 
The  Cherry  Tree. 
Strawberries. 


Obf  This  Berry  is  the  wonder  of  all  the  Fruits  growing 
naturally  in  thole  parts  :  It  is  of  it  felfe  Excellent :  fo  that 
one  of  the  chiefeft  Doctors  of  Rnglajid  was  wont  to  fay,  that 
God  could  have  made,  but  God  never  did  make  a  better 
Berry;  In  fome  parts  where  the  Natives  have  planted,  I 
have  many  times  feen  as  many  as  would  fill  a  good  fliip  within 
few  miles  compalfe  :  the  hidians  bruife  them  in  a  Morter, 
and  mixe  them  with  meale  and  make  Strawberry  bread. 


99]  Wuchipoquame- 
neafli. 


A  kind  ofjharp  Fruit 
like  a  Barbary  in  tajl. 


Sasemineajh'°^  another  Iharp  cooling  Fruit  growing  in  frefli 
Waters  all  the  Winter,  Excellent  in  conferve  againft  Feavers. 


"■t  Mijhqui  and  uhtug,  red-wood. — 
Abn.  mesjhajk,  '  pin  rouge.'  The  red 
cedar,   Juniperus  virginiana. 

="5  Kw,  kcBwa.  El.  —  Abn.  km'e.  Di- 
minutive, kcBwau'eJ'f,  or  kwaefe,  a  fmall 
(or,  young)  pine.  With  the  locative 
affix,  kcoa'es-it  (Narr.  cowawes-uck),  'at 
the  young  pine  place,'  or  '  fmall  pine 
place.'  Several  localities  in  New  Eng- 
land have  retained,  in  forms  more  or  lefs 
corrupted,  this  appellation. — The  Indian 
name  of  the  tree,  like  the  Englifli  pine 
B16 


(i.  e.  pin  tree)  was  taken  from  its  point- 
ed leaves  ;  kous,  a  thorn,  briar,  or  '  hav- 
ing a  (harp  point.' 

2°*  That  \'i"^onziTn\\.-^ quffukque-min. 

207  Ifuttahminneoh,  a  ftrawberry.  Cot. 

2°8  5^,  four;  fafi  (very  four)  -min- 
neajh  (berries).  The  fruit  defcribed  is 
probably  the  cranberry,  Vaccinium  mac- 
rocarpum.  Ait.  "  They  are  good  to  al- 
lay the  fervour  of  hot  difeafes."  Jofle- 
lyn,  N.  E.  Rar.  66. 


122 


Of  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof. 


[182 


Grapes. 

Strawberry  leaves. 
Violet  leaves. 
I  goe  to  gather. 
He  or  they  gather. 
Clime  the  tree. 
I  clime. 
Come  downe. 
I  cotne  doivjie. 
Hurtle-berries. 


Wenomeneafh. 

Wuttahimnasippaguafli. 

Pefliauiuafli. 

Nummoiiwinneem. 

Mowinne-auog. 

Atauntowaih. 

Ntauntawem. 

Punnouwafh, 

Npunnowaumen. 

Attitaalli. 

Of  which  there  are  divers  forts  fweete  like  Currants,  fome 
opening,  fome  of  a  binding  nature. 

Saiitaajlf^  are  thefe  Currants  dried  by  the  Natives,  and  fo 
preferved  all  the  yeare,  which  they  beat  to  powder,  and 
mingle  it  with  their  parcht  meale,  and  make  a  delicate  difli 
which  they  cal  Sautduthig  ;"°  which  is  as  fweet  to  them  as 
plum  or  fpice  cake  to  the  Eiiglijh. 

They  alfo  make  great  ufe  of  their  Strawberries  having 
fuch  abundance  of  them,  making  Strawberry  bread,  and 
having  no  other  [100]  Food  for  many  dayes,  but  the  Eng- 
lijh  have  exceeded,  and  make  good  Wine  both  of  their 
Grapes  and  Strawberries  alfo  in  fome  places,  as  I  have  often 
tafted. 


Ewachim-neafh.'" 
Scannemeneafli.-" 

^°9  Rale  gives  fa'tar,  "  bluets  frais, 
fans  etre  fees ;"  and  Jikifa'tar  for  the 
dried  berries.  Sattai-kixas,  berry  month, 
was  the  Abnaki  name  tor  July,  when 
"les  bluets  font  meurs." 

2'°  Comp.  " Ifattonancifc,  the  bread." 
Wood's  Vocabulary. 

211  ••  Mavs,  which  our  Indians  call 
cwachim."  Window's  Good  Newes  from 


Come. 
Seed-Come. 

N.  E. — Eliot  ufes  the  fingular,  vieatch- 
imin,  for  the  plant,  or  corn  in  the  field  ; 
the  plural,  wenlchiminneajh,  for  the  corn 
when  gathered. — Pequot,  wewautchcmins. 
Stiles.  l\.\\v\.  Jkaman-nar .  Del.  chafqueem, 
Heckw. 

2'2  Wujkannem,  pi.  -inncajh,  feed,  feeds; 
'feed  corn'  (Gen.  47  :  19,  23);  Eliot. 
A  b  n .  Jkamwn-nar. 


183J  Oi  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof.  123 

Wompifcannemeneafh.  |  White  feed-come. 

Obf  There  be  diverfe  forts  of  this  Corne,  and  of  the 
colours;  yet  all  of  it  either  boild  in  milke,  or  buttered,  if 
the  ufe  of  it  were  knowne  and  received  in  England  (it  is  the 
opinion  of  fome  skillfull  in  phyiick)  it  might  fave  many 
thoufand  lives  in  England,  occaiioned  by  the  binding  nature 
ot  Englijh  wheat,  the  hidian  Corne  keeping  the  body  in  a 
conftant  moderate  loofenefl'e. 


Aukeeteaumen. 

Quttaunemun. 

Anakaufu. 

Anakausichick. 

Aukeeteaumitch. 

Aukeeteahettit. 

Nummautaukeeteaumen. 

Anaskhommin. 


To  platit  Corne. 
To  plajit  Corfie. 
A  labourer. 
Labourers. 
Planting  time. 
When  they  set  Corne. 
I  have  done  phmting. 
To  how  or  break  up. 


Obf.  The  Women  fet  or  plant,  weede,  and  hill,  and 
gather  and  barne  all  the  corne,  and  [loi]  Fruites  of  the 
field  :  Yet  fometimes  the  man  himfelfe,  (either  out  of  love 
to  his  Wife,  or  care  for  his  Children,  or  being  an  old  man) 
will  help  the  Woman  which  (by  the  cuftome  of  the  Coun- 
trey,)  they  are  not  bound  to. 

When  a  field  is  to  be  broken  up,  they  have  a  very  loving 
fociable  fpeedy  way  to  difpatch  it  :  All  the  neighbours  men 
and  Women  forty,  fifty,  a  hundred  &c,  joyne,  and  come  in 
to  help  freely. 

With  friendly  joyning  they  breake  up  their  fields,  build 
their  Forts,  hunt  the  Woods,  ftop  and  kill  fifli  in  the  Rivers, 
it  being  true  with  them  as  in  all  the  World  in  the  Affaires 
of  Earth  or  Heaven  :  By  concord  little  things  grow  great, 
by  difcord  the  greateft  come  to  nothing  Concordia  parvce  res 
crefcunt,  Difcordid  tnagnce  dilabuntnr. 


124 


Of  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof. 


[184 


Andskhig-anafli. 
Anaskhomwock. 
Anaskhommonteamin, 
Anaskhomwautowwin. 


H01V,  Howes. 
They  how. 
They  break  for  vie. 
A  breaking  up  How. 


The    Indian   Woiiien    to    this   day    (notwithrtanding   our 
Howes,  doe  ufe  their  naturall  Howes  of  Ihells  and  Wood. 


102]  Monaskunnemun. 

Monaskunnummautowwin. 

Petarcunnemun. 

Kepeniimmin  & 

Wuttunnemun. 

Niinnowwa.""' 

Anouant. 

Wuttunnemitch-'"' 

Ewachim. 
Paufinnummin. 


To  weede. 

A  weeding  or  broad  How. 

To  hill  the  Corfie. 

To  gather  Come. 

Harvejl  time. 
At  harvejl. 
When  harvejl  is 

in. 
To  dry  the  come. 


Which   they  doe  carefully  upon  heapes  and   Mats  many 
dayes,  before  they  barne  it  up,  covering  it  up  with   Mats  at 
night,  and  opening  when  the  Sun  is  hot. 
Sokenug."'^  |  A  heap  of  come. 

ObJ'.  The  woman  of  the  family  will  commonly  raife 
two  or  three  heaps  of  twelve,  fifteene,  or  twentie  bulhells  a 
heap,  which  they  drie  in  round  broad  heaps ;  and  if  ihe 
have  helpe  of  her  children  or  friends,  much  more. 


Pockhommin. 
Npockhommin. 
Cuppockhommin  ? 
Wuskokkamuckomenealh. 
Nquitawannanalh. 


To  heat  or  thrajh  out. 
I  am  threjhing. 
Doe  you  thrajh  ? 
New  ground  Corne. 
Ofie  basket  J ull. 


='3  Literally,    "it    is    dry;"  nunnaeii,  in."     Ne   u-uttinnumun,    that    which    is 

El.    See   before,   p.   6;,   and   note    139.  llored  ;   a  ftore,  Pfal.  144:   13. 
Anoiiiuit,  (fuhjunft.)  "when  it  is  dry."  ^'5  "That   which    is   poured  out."  — 

214  <<  When   it   is   ilored  "  or   "taken  Qom'p.fekenun,  (rain,)  p.  83. 


i85] 


Of  the  Earth  and  Fruits  thereof. 


125 


Munnote,-tafli/'* 

103]  Mauleck. 

Peewalick. 

Wuiraumepewafick. 

Pokowannanalli. 

Neefowannanalh. 

Shoanafh. 

Yowanannafli. 

Anitta(h.=" 

Waweekanafli. 

Tawhitch  quitche 

mauntamen  ? 
Auqiinnafh. 
Necawnaiiquanafh. 


Basket,  Baskets. 

A  great  one. 

A  little  one. 

Too  little. 

Halfe  a  basket  full. 

Two  /baskets  full. 

Three. 

Foure,  &c. 

Rotteti  come. 

Sweet  come. 

Why  doe  you  smell  to  it  F 

Barnes. 
Old  bames. 


Askutafquajlo,  their  Vine  aples,  which  the  Englijlj  from 
them  call  SquaJJoes"^  about  the  bignelTe  of  Apples  of  feverall 
colours,  a  fweet,  light  wholefome  refrefliing. 


='6  Manoot,  pi.  manmtajh.  El.  Menotn, 
Wood.  Perhaps  from  nwtin-at,  to  lift 
or  take  up  a  burden.  "  Thefe  bafkcts  be 
ot  all  fizes  trom  a  quart  to  a  quarter,  in 
which  they  carry  their  luggage."  N.  E. 
Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.  20. 

2'7  Subj.  3d  pers.  fing.,  anit,  [when  it 
is]  corrupted,  rotten,  fpoiled  ;  inanimate 
plur.  anit-tap.  Curioufly  enough,  this 
is  the  fame  word  which,  in  the  fingular, 
with  the  indefinite  particle  (ot')  pre- 
fixed, has  been  tranflated  God.  —  It  de- 
notes, primarily,  that  which  furpafles,  is 
{anue^  more  than  the  common,  or  the 
normal.  AJhq,  not  yet,  —  hence,  unripe  ; 
anit,  when  it  is  more  than,  —  hence, 
rotten. 

218  «« In  fummer,  when  their  come  is 
fpent,  Ifquouterfquajhes  is  their  beft  bread, 
a  fruite  like  a  young  Pumpion."  Wood, 
N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2.  ch.  6.    "Squafties, 


but  more  truly  fquonterfquajhes;  a  kind  of 
melon,  or  rather  gourd;  for  they  often 
degenerate  into  gourds.  .  .  .  But  the  yel- 
low fquafh  —  called  an  apple-fquaih  (be- 
caufe  like  an  apple),  and  about  the  big- 
nefs  of  a  pome-water  —  is  the  bell  kind." 
Joffelyn,  N.  E.  Rar.  57.  Eliot  has  afia- 
tafq,  plural  ajkwtafqunjh,  "  cucumbers  " 
(Numb.  xi.  5);  quonooafq,  a  gourd  ;  mo- 
najkoatafquajh,  melons,  SiC—Afq,  pi.  afquujh 
was  a  generic  name,  fignifying  that 
which  might  be  eaten  green  or  raw ; 
i^iijke.  El.;  ajhun,  p.  14,  ante;)  and  was 
applied,  probably,  to  all  the  Cucurbita- 
ces  or  melon-like  fruits.  [Abn.  Jhie,  raw ; 
ajkitamek  ona'faaae,  "melon  d'eau,  i.  e. 
qu'on  ne  fait  pas  cuire."  Rale. —  Okhojke- 
t'iimuk,  '  water-melon,  or  a  raw  thing.' 
Cott.]  The  Englifh,  adopting  the  plural 
afquajl^  as  a  noun  in  the  fingular,  formed 
a  new  plural,  fquafti-es. 


I  26  0(  the  Earth  and  Fruit  thereof.  [  1 86 

Uppakumineafli.  |  The  feed  of  them. 

The  Obfervation  geiicrall  of  the  Fruits 
of  the  Earth. 

God  hath  not  left  himfelfe  without  wit-  in  all  parts  and 
coafts  of  the  world ;  the  raines  and  fruitfull  feafons,  the 
Earth,  Trees,  Plants,  &c.  filling  mans  heart  with  food  and 
gladnelfe,  witnelfeth  againil,  and  condemneth  man  for  his 
unthankfulnelle  and  unfruitfulnelfe  towards  his  Maker. 

104]  More  particular : 

Yeeres  thoufands  fnce,  God  gaue  conwiand 

{as  we  in  Scripture  find) 
That  Earth  and  Tret?,  &  P\AntsJ/jou/d  />ring 

Forth  fruits  each  in  his  kind. 

The  Wilderneffe  remembers  this. 

The  wild  and  howling  land 
Anfwers  the  toy  ling  labour  of\ 

^he  wildef  Indians  hand. 

But  tnan  forgets  his  Maker,  who, 

Fram'd  hitn  iti  Right eoufncjj'e. 
A  paradife  in  Paradife,  now  worfe 

Then  Indian  wilderneffe. 


87j 


Of  Beajh,  &c. 
Chap.  XVII 


1 27 


Enalhimwock/" 
NetasLiog. 


Of  Beajh,  &c. 


Beajis. 
Cattell. 


Obf.     This  name  the  Indiatis  give  to  tame  Beaits,  yea, 
and  Birds  aUb  which  they  keepe  tame  about  their  houfes : 


Wolves. 

A  blacke  Wolfe. 

Beaver,  Beavers. 


1 05  J  Muckqualhim-wock." 
Moattoqus. 
Tummock  quaCiog  1 
Noofup  V  pauog. 

Siimhup.  j 

Obf.  This  is  a  Beaft  of  wonder ;  for  cutting  and  draw- 
ing of  great  pieces  of  trees  with  his  teeth,  with  which, 
and  flicks  and  earth  I  have  often  feen,  faire  ftreames  and 
rivers  damm'd  and  flopt  up  by  them  :  upon  thefe  ftreams 
thus  damm'd  up,  he  builds  his  houfe  with  Tories,  wherein 
he  fits  drie  in  his  chambers,  or  goes  into  the  water  at  his 
pleafure. 

Mifhquafhim. 
Pequawus. 

"9  P uppinnjhim-wog,  a  beaft,  beafts. 
El.  The  inleparable-generic,  employed 
to  form  compound  names,  was  -uajhim 
{-ooajhim,  -ojhim.  El.) 

^^°  Mukquopim,  mummugquojhim.  El. 
—  Peq.  mucks.  Stiles.  —  Alfo,  nattcohqus, 
wolf,  (Mafs.  Pfalter,  John  X.  12):  nattio- 
qufsliog,  wolves.  Cotton.     Joffelyn  men- 


A  red  Fox. 
A  gray  Fox. 

tions  two  kinds  of  wolves,  —  "one  with 
a  round  ball'd  foot,  and  are  in  (hape  like 
mungrel  maftifFs;  the  other  with  aflat 
foot.  Thefe  are  liker  grey-hounds;  and 
are  called  deer-wolfs,  becaufe  they  are 
accuftomed  to  prey  upon  deer."  N.  E. 
Rar.  15.  —  Wood's  vocabulary  has  On- 
toquos,  a  wolf. 


128 


Of  Beajh,  &c. 


[i88 


Oif.  The  Indians  fay  they  have  black  Foxes,  which 
they  have  often  feene,  but  never  could  take  any  of  them  : 
they  fay  they  are  Manittooes,  that  is,  Gods  Spirits  or  Divine 
powers,  as  they  fay  of  everything  which  they  cannot  com- 
prehend. 


Aufup-pannog. 
Nkeke,  nkequock. 
PulTough. 


Racoone,  Racoones. 
Otter,  Otters. 
The  wildcat. 


Ockqutchaun-nug."^  A  wild  beaft  of  a  reddifli  haire  about 
the  bignelTe  of  a  Pig,  and  rooting  like  a  Pig ;  from  whence 
they  give  this  name  to  all  our  Swine. 


1 06]  Miihanneke-quock. 
Anequs  anequulfuck/" 
Wautuckques. 

Obf.    They  have  a  reverend  efteeme  of  this  Creature,  and 
conceive  there  is  fome  Deitie  in  it."^ 


Squirrill,  quirrils. 

A  little  coloured  Squirril. 

The  Conie. 


Attuck,  quock,"'' 
Noonatch  noonatchaug. 

"'  The  woodchuck,  or  ground-hog. 
(^ArSlomys  monitx,  Linn.) 

>"  Abn. /;;7//t»/;y'a;,'fuifle'(Rale").  The 
ground  or  ftriped  fquirrel,  or  chipmunk, 
(  Tamias  Lyjleri,  Ray,)  which  the  French 
called yai^",  "  parceque  leur  poll  ell  raye 
en  longueur  de  rouge,  de  blanc  et  de 
noir,  a  peu  pres  comme  les  Suifles  de  la 
Garde  du  Pape."  (Charlevoix,  Nouv. 
France,  iii.  134.) 

223  Mohtukquasog,  and  (Prov.  xxx.  26) 
oghojhquog,  conies.  El. — -Abn.  mattagco, 
ejfw,  'lievre.'  —  In  one  of  the  Indian  tra- 
ditions of  the  Deluge,  the  hare  has  the 
part  which  the  fcriptural  narrative  as- 
figns  to  the  dove.  See  Joflelyn's  Voy- 
ages, 135.  Heckewelder  ftates  that  the 
Delaware  and  Mohican   Indians  would 


Deere. 


never  eat  the  rabbit  or  the  ground-hog 
[Del.  nocharauorful^  "  for,"  faid  they, 
"they  did  not  know  but  that  they  might 
be  related  to  them  :"  and  he  gives  a  tra- 
dition, common  to  the  Delawares,  Mo- 
hicans and  Iroquois,  that  'in  the  begin- 
ning, men  dwelt  in  the  earth  ;'  that,  in 
procefs  of  time,  one  of  their  number  ac- 
cidentally finding  his  way  to  the  furfacc, 
brought  back  fo  favorable  a  defcription 
of  it,  that  they  "concluded  it  bell  for 
them  all  to  come  out;"  but  "that  the 
ground-hog  would  not  come  out,  but  had 
remained  in  the  ground  as  before."  Hill. 
Account  of  the  Ind.  Nations,  242-45. 

^^4  Ahtuk,  ahtuhq  ;  plural  ahtuhquog  ; 
El.    Ottuck,  Wood. 


89] 


Of  Beasts,  &c. 


129 


A  faison. 

A  young  Bucke. 

A  great  Bucke. 

A  Doe. 

A  little  young  Doe. 

A  Horfe. 

Cowes. 

Goats. 


Swine. 


Moofquin. 

Wawwunnes. 

Kuttiomp  &  Paucottauwaw. 

Aunan  quuneke. 

Qunnequawefe. 

Naynayoumewot."' 

Cowfnuck/^ 

Goatefuck. 

Hogfuck. 

Pigfuck. 

Ol^f.     This  Termination  Juci,  is  common  in  their  lan- 
guage ;  and  therefore  they  adde  it'''  to  our  Englijh  Cattell, 
not  elfe  knowing  what  names  to  give  them  ; 
Anum/'*  I  A  Dog. 

Yet  the  varietie  of  their  Dialeds  and  proper  fpeech  within 
thirtie  or  fortie  miles  each  of  [107]  other,  is  very  great,  as 
appeares  in  that  word, 

Aniim,  The  Cowwefet 

Ayim,    The  Narriganfet 

Arum,  The  ^nnippiuck 

Alum,    The  Neepmuck 
So  that  although  fome  pronounce  not  L,  nor  R,  yet  it  is 
the  moft  proper  Dialedl  of  other  places,  contrary  to  many 
reports."' 

2^5  See  before,  p.  72,  note  146. 

"^  So,  Abn.  kaws,  pi.  kaajaok.  Eliot 
transfers  the  Englifh  word  •  cow  '  (as  in 
Levit.  22:  28),  and  for  'young  cow' 
(Is.  7:  21)  forms  the  diminutive,  cow- 
ijhinne. 

=27  To  form  a  plural.  So,  "  Ox,  Oxefog, 
Horfe,  Horfefog."   El.  Gram.  9. 

=28  Signifying,  "He  lays  hold  of,"  or 
"  holds  fall.'" 

B17 


Dialed. 


229  "  Thefe  confonants  (/,  n,  r,)  have 
fuch  a  natural  coincidence,  that  it  is  an 
eminent  variation  of  their  dialefts.  We 
Majfachufetts  pronounce  the  n.  The 
Nipmuck  Indians  pronounce  /.  And  the 
Northern  Indians  pronounce  r.  As  in- 
(lance :  We  fay  Aniim  (um  produced), 
A  Dog.  Nipmuck,  Aliim.  Northern, 
Arum.  So  in  moft  words."  El.  Gram. 
2.    "  An   attention  to    thefe    eftabliflied 


130 


Of  Beajts,  &c. 


[190 


EnewaOiim. 

Squafliim. 

Mo6f-ioog/^° 

Askug. 
Moaskug. 
Sefek/^" 
Natiippwock. 
Teaqua  natuphettit  ? 
Natuphettitch  yo 
fanaukamick. 


y4  Male. 

A  Female. 

'The  great  Oxe,  or  rather  a 

red  Deere. 
A  Snake. 
Black  Snake. 
Rattle  Snake. 
They  feed. . 
What  p.Hjll  they  eat  ? 
Let  them  feed  on  this 

ground. 


The  generall  Obfervation  of  the  Beajh. 

The  Wildernefle  is  a  cleere  refemblance  of  the  world, 
where  greedie  and  furious  men  perfecute  and  devoure  the 
harmlelfe  and  innocent  as  the  wilde  hearts  purfue  and 
devoure  the  Hinds  and  Roes. 

108]  More  particular. 

I    The  Indians,  Wolves,  yea.  Dogs  and  Swine, 
I  have  hiowne  the  Deere  devoure, 
Gods  children  are  f wee t  prey  to  all; 
But  yet  the  end  proves  fowre. 


differences  is  indifpenfable  to  a  juft  com- 
parifon  of  the  various  dialcfts,  and  the 
ufeful  application  ot  fuch  comparifons  to 
the  purpofes  of  philology  ;  and  it  will 
enable  us  to  deteft  affinities,  where  at 
firll  view  there  may  be  little  or  no  ap- 
pearance of  any  refemblance,"  Picker- 
ing's Notes  on  Rades'  Diftionary,  Mem. 
Amer.  Acad.  (N.  S.)  i.  571. 

230  "  The  Moofe-deer,  which  is  a  very 
goodly  creature,  —  fome  of  them  twelve 
foot    high."    Joflelyn,   N.    E.    Rar.    19. 


"  There  be  not  many  of  thefe  in  the 
Majfachufcts  ba-f,  but  forty  miles  to  the 
North-eaft  there  be  great  ilore  of  them." 
Wood,  N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  I.  ch.  6. 
In  one  place  (i  Kings,  iv.  23)  Eliot 
ufes  the  plur.  mwsiog,  for  "  fallow  deer." 
Ahn.  mas,  mascok,  'orignal.'  (See,  after, 
p.  1 1  2",  moofe.') 

'3'  Eliot  wr'nesfefekq,  for  "adder"  and 
"viper:"  •p\.  fefequaog,  Ps.  cxl.  3.  The 
name  is  onomatopoetic.  Comp.  fefekai, 
"  he  peeped  "  [as  a  bird].  Is.  x.  14. 


191]  Oi  tbe  Sea.  131 

2  For  though  Gods  children  lofe  their  lives. 
They  Jhall  tiot  looje  an  haire  ; 

But  Jljall  arife,  and  judge  all  thofe. 
That  now  their  ludges  are. 

3  New- England's  wilde  beajls  are  not  fierce. 
As  other  wild  beajls  are  : 

Some  men  are  not  fo  fierce,  and  yet 
From  mildtiejfe  are  they  farre. 


Chap.   XVIII. 
Of  the  Sea. 


'Vr'VT'Echekum 
'      ▼    Kitthan/^-' 
Paumpagufsit. 


The  Sea. 

The  Sea-God,  or,  that  name 
which  they  give  that  Deitie  or  Godhead  which  they  con- 
ceive to  be  in  the  Sea. 

Obf.  Mijljobn  an  Indian  Boat,  or  Canow  made  of  a  Pine 
or  Oake,  or  Chefnut-tree  :  I  have  feene  a  Native  goe  into 
the  woods  with  his  hatchet,  carrying  onely  a  Basket  of  Corne 
109]  with  him,  &  ftones  to  ftrike  iire  when  he  had  feld  his 
tree  (being  a  chefitnit)  he  made  him  a  Httle  Houfe  or  llied  of 
the  bark  ot  it,  he  puts  fire  and  followes  the  burning  of  it 

^32  Kehtoh,  keihtoh ;  with  indef.  affix,  coaft,   to   the   ocean,  as   the  great  "pro- 

kehtohhan ;  pi.  kchtehannajh.  El.    [From  ducer  "  of  their  ftaple  food, — fifh  ;    from 

kehte  (great,  chief,  pre-eminent)?  kehtm,  wutchckcn  (Eliot),  'it  yields,    produces, 

it  is  great.]     Wechekuni  was   perhaps  a  brings  forth.'  I  have  not  found  this  name 

name  given   by  the   Indians  of  the  fea-  in  the  writings  of  Eliot  or  Cotton. 


32 


Of  the  Sea,  &c. 


[192 


with  fire,  in  the  midfl:  in  many  places  ;""  his  corne  he  boyles 
and  hath  the  Brook  by  him,  and  fometimes  angles  for  a  little 
fifh;  but  fo  hee  continues  burning  and  hewing  untill  he 
hath  within  ten  or  twelve  dayes  (lying  there  at  his  worke 
alone)  finifhed,  and  (getting  hands,)  lanched  his  Boate  ;  with 
which  afterward  hee  ventures  out  to  filh  in  the  Ocean. 
Miflioonemefe.  |  A  little  Canoiv. 

Some  of  them  will  not  well  carry  above  three  or  foure : 
but  fome  of  them  twenty,  thirty,  forty  men. 


Wunnauanounuck. 
Wunnauanounuckquefe. 


A  Shallop. 
A  Skiffe. 


Obf.  Although  themfelves  have  neither,  yet  they  give 
them  fuch  names,  which  in  their  Language  fignifieth  carry- 
ing Velfells. 


Kitonuck. 

Kitonuckquefe. 

Mifhittouwand. 

Peewafu. 

PaugautemifTaund. 

110]  Kowawwaund. 

WompmilTaund. 

Ogwhan. 

Wuskon-togwhan. 

Cuttunnamiinnea. 

Cuttunnummutta. 

Cuttiinnamoke. 

Cuttannummous. 


A  Ship. 

A  little  Jl)ip. 

A  great  Canow. 

A  little  one. 

An  Oake  Canow. 

A  pine  Canow. 

A  cbefnut  Canow. 

A  boat  adrift. 

It  will  go  adrift. 

Help  me  to  launch. 

Let  us  launch. 

Launch. 

I  will  help  you. 


233  "  Their  C<j;7;75j^j  be  made  either  of  out-fides    with   ftone-hatchets :    [or  of] 

Pine-trees,  which   before  they  were  ac-  thinne  Birch-rines,  clofe-ribbed  on   the 

quainted  with  £n^///^  tooles,  they  burned  in-fide  with  broad   thinne   hoopes,"  &c. 

hollow,    fcraping     them    fmooth     with  Wood's  New  England  Profpeft,  part  2. 

Clam-fhels  and  Oyfter-ftiels,  cutting  their  chap.  17. 


'93] 


Of  the  Sea,  &c. 


133 


Wiitkunck. 

Namacouhe  comiflioon. 

Pautousnenotehunck. 

Comifhoonhom  ?"^^ 

Chemofh-chemeck. 

Mauminikifli  & 

Maumanetepweeas. 

Sepakehig. 

Sepagehommauta. 

Wunnagehan. 

Obf.  Their  owne  reafon  hath  taught  them,  to  pull  ot  a 
Coat  or  two  and  fet  it  up  on  a  fmall  pole,  with  which  they 
will  faile  before  a  wind  ten,  or  twenty  mile,  &c. 


A  paddle  or  Oare. 
Lend  me  your  Boate. 
Bring  hither  my  paddle. 
Goe  you  by  water  ? 
Paddle  or  row. 
Pull  up,  or  row  lujiily. 

A  Sayle. 

Let  us  faile. 

We  have  a  fair e  wind. 


Wauaiipunifh. 

Wuttautnifh. 

Nokanifh. 

Paketenifli. 

Nikkoflikowwaiimen''" 

in]  Nquawu  pfliawmen. 

WulTaume  peche- 

pauflia. 
MaumaneeteantafT, 

''y>  Comp.  "  niijhoon  homwock,  they  goe 
or  come  by  water."  p.  72,  ante. 

=35  In  a  letter  to  Gov.  Leverett,  in 
1675,  Mr.  Williams  mentions  his  ufe  of 
this  verb,  figuratively,  in  a  converfation 
with  a  Narraganfett  fachem  (  Nananaw- 
tanu,  or  Canonchet, )  when  difluading 
him  from  an  alliance  with  Philip  againll 
the  Englifh  :  "I  told  him  and  his  men 
(being  then  in  my  Canow  with  his  men 
with  him)  y'  Philip  was  his  Caw  kakin- 


Hoyfe  up. 

Pull  to  you. 

Take  it  downe. 

Let  goe  or  let  fie. 

JVe  fljall  be  drown  d. 

We  overfet. 

The  Sea  comes  in  too 

faft  upon  us. 
Be  of  good  courage. 

namuk,  y'  is  Looking  Glafle  [fee  p.  157, 
poll]:  he  was  deafe  to  all  Advice  and 
now  was  overfet :  Coojh  kouzv  awi,  and 
catcht  at  euery  part  of  y'  Countrey  to 
faue  himfelfe,  but  he  (hall  neuer  get 
alhoare  &c.  He  anfwered  me  in  a  con- 
fenting  confidering  way,  Phillip  CooJh 
cotvwai."  Here  the  verb  is  in  the  indie, 
pres.  3d  pers.  fing.;  in  the  text  above, 
it  is  in  the  ist  pers.  plural. — Abnaki, 
nekajkanaie,  'Je  tourne  en  canot.' 


34 


Of  the  Sea,  &c. 


[194 


0/^f.  It  is  wonderfull  to  fee  how  they  will  venture  in 
thofe  Canoes,  and  how  (being  oft  overfet  as  I  have  my  felfe 
been  with  them)  they  will  fwim  a  mile,  yea  two  or  more 
fafe  to  Land  :  I  having  been  neceffitated  to  paife  waters 
diverfe  times  with  them,  it  hath  pleal'ed  God  to  make  them 
many  times  the  inil:ruments  of  my  prefervation  :  and  when 
fometimes  in  great  danger  I  have  queftioned  fafety,  they 
have  faid  to  me  :  Feare  not,  if  we  be  overfet  I  will  carry 
you  fafe  to  Land. 


Paupaiituckquafh. 

Kinnequaif. 

Tiackomme  kinniquaff. 

Kunnofnep. 

Chowwophommin. 

Chouwophalh. 

Touwopskhommke. 

Milhittafliin. 

Awepeflia. 

Awepu. 

Nanoiiwafliin. 

Tamoccon. 

112]  Nanafliowetamoccon 

Keefaqiifliin. 

Taumacoks. 

Mifliittommockon. 

Maiichetan  &  skat. 

Mittaeskat. 

Awanick  Paudhuck  ? 


Ho/d  loater. 

Steere. 

Steere  right. 

A  Killick,  or  Anchor. 

To  cajl  over-board. 

Caji  over-board. 

Caji  anchor. 

It  is  ajiorme. 

It  caulmes. 

A  calme. 

A  great  cauhne. 

Floud. 

Walfc  Floiid. 

H/^/6  water. 

Vpon  the  Floud. 

A  great  Floud. 

Ebb. 

Alow  Ebb. 

Who  comes  there  ? 


Obf.  I  have  knowne  thirty  or  forty  of  their  Canowes 
fill'd  with  men,  and  neere  as  many  more  of  their  enemies 
in  a  Sea-fight. 


195]  Oi  the  Sea.  135 


Caupauflieis. 

Caupaufliauta. 

Wufsehepofli. 

Askepunilh. 

Kfpiinfli  fif  Kfpunemoke. 

Mauminikilh. 

NeeneCuthomwock. 

Kekuthomwufliannick. 


Goe  aJJjoare. 
Let  us  goe  ajhore. 
Heave  out  the  water. 
Makefajl  the  Boat. 
Tie  itfajl. 
Tie  it  hard. 
Now  they  goe  off. 
They  are  go7ie  already. 


Ge?ierall  Obfervations  of  the  Sea. 

How  unfearchable  are  the  depth  of  the  Wifedome  and 
Power  of  God  in  feparating  from  Europe,  AJia  and  Africa 
fuch  a  mightie  vaft  continent  as  America  is  ?  and  that  for  fo 
113]  many  ages  ?  as  alfo,  by  fuch  a  Wefterne  Ocean  of  about 
three  thoufand  of  Englijh  miles  breadth  in  palfage  over  ? 

More  particular : 

They  fee  Gods  woTiders  that  are  call'd 

Through  dreadfull  Seas  to  paffe. 
In  tearing  winds  and  roaring  feas. 

And  cabnes  as  f moot h  as  glaffe. 

I  have  in  Ruvopes  Jhips,  oft  been 

In  King  of  terrours  hand ; 
Whe7i  all  have  cri'd,  Now,  now  we  finck, 

Tet  God  brought  fafe  to  land. 

Alone  '?nongJi  Indians  in  Catwes, 

Sometime  ore-turn  d,  I  have  been 
Halfe  inch  frofn  death,  in  Ocean  deepe, 

Gods  wonders  I  have  feene. 


136 


Of  Fip  and  Fip. 


[196 


Chap.   XIX. 


Of  Fijh  and  Fijhing. 


N 


Amaus,-fuck/^'^ 
Pauganaut,  tamwock. 


FiJh,  FiJJjes. 

Cod,  Which  is  the  firft  that 


comes  a  httle  before  the  Spring. 

1 14]  C^innamaug-fuck."^'         |  Lampries,  The  firft  that  come 

in  the  Spring  into  the  frefli  Rivers. 


Aumsuog,'^'  &  Munna- 

whatteaug. 
Mifsiickeke-kequock.'"'' 


A  Fiji:)  fomeiv hat  like  a 

Her7-'nig. 
BaJJ'e.     The  hidians  (and  the 


Englijh  too)  make  a  daintie  difli  of  the  IJppaqubiitup,  or  head 
of  this  Firti ;  and  well  they  may,  the  braines  and  fat  of  it 
being  very  much,  and  fweet  as  marrow.*''^ 


=3*  Narnohs,  El.  Niimas,  Cott. —  Abn. 
names.  The  infeparable  generic,  ufed 
in  compound  words,  was  -amaug  or 
-amag.  [See  after,  page  106",  the  verb 
auniaui,  he  fifties  ;  pi.  aurnauog.'\  Hecl;e- 
welder  obferves  that  the  names  ot  tifhes, 
in  the  Delaware  language,  "  generally 
end  in  meek."  Correfp.  with  Duponceau, 
410. 

^37  That  is,  plural,  pauganautamwock, 
or  (in  Eliot's  notation)  -amauog. — Cot- 
ton gives  pakonnotam,  a  haddock  ;  anijh- 
Timog,  codfifh. — Ahn.  nakamegw,  'moruc;' 
with  which  perhaps  correfponds  "noci- 
comquocke,  a  codfifh,"  of  Wood's  vocab- 
ulary. 

=^38  That  is,  Long-fijh. 

=39  Aumfuog  {ommis-fuog,  Cott.  Peq. 
umpfuauges.  Stiles.  Abnaki,  anm/oo-iik,) 
Alewives,  Alof/i  vcrnalis,  Mitch. 

240  Munnawhatteaug,  ['fertilizers  :'  mun- 
noquohteauog {E,\.),  'they  manure,'  or  en- 


rich the  earth  ;]  now  corrupted  to  Mc»- 
hadc7i  (Aloj'a  mi-nhadcn,  Mitch.),  known 
alfoas  Bony-fifh,  Hard-heads,  Mofs-bunk- 
ers,  &c.  The  Indian  name  was  alfo  given, 
perhaps,  to  the  Herring  (  Clupca  eiongata) 
and  the  Alewife,  —  both  which  fpecies 
were  uled  for  manuring.  See  (Dexter's) 
Mourt's  Relation,  132,  and  note  414. 
In  the  northern  parts  of  New  England, 
the  Bony-fifh  is  commonly  called  Pau- 
hagen,  —  from  an  Abnaki  word  \_pakkik- 
kann,  "on  engraifTe  la  terre  ;"  whence, 
pakangan-ak,  "  petits  poiifons  ;"]  having 
nearly  the  fame  fignification  with  the 
Narraganfett  name. 

^4'  The  llriped   Bafs,   Labrax  lineatus. 

242  "  The  Bafle  ...  is  a  delicate,  fine, 
fat,  fafl  fifh,  having  a  bone  in  his  head, 
which  contains  a  favvcerfull  of  marrow 
fweet  and  good,  pleafant  to  the  pallat, 
and  wholfome  to  the  ftomack."  Wood's 
N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  1.  ch.  9. 


=  97] 


Of  the  Sea,  ^c. 


37 


Kaupoih-fhauog.'"  |  Sturgeon. 

Obf.  Divers  part  of  the  Countrey  abound  with  this  Fifh; 
yet  the  Natives  for  the  goodneife  and  greatnelfe  of  it,  much 
prize  it,  and  will  neither  furnifli  the  Etiglijh  with  fo  many, 
nor  fo  cheape,  that  any  great  trade  is  like  to  be  made  of  it, 
until!  the  Englijl:)  themfelves  are  fit  to  follow  the  fifhing. 

The  Natives  venture  one  or  two  in  a  Canow,  and  with  an 
harping  Iron,  or  fuch  like  Inftrument  fticke  this  filh,  and  fo 
hale  it  into  their  Canow ;  fometimes  they  take  them  by  their 
nets,  which  they  make  ftrong  of  Hemp. 

Aftiop/""  I  Their  Nets.  Which  they  will 

fet  thwart  fome  little  River  or  Cove  wherein  they  kil  Balfe 
(at  the  fall  of  the  water)  with  their  arrows,  or  fliarp  flicks, 
efpecially  if  headed  with  Iron,  gotten  from  the  EjigliJJj,  &c. 


105^]  Aucup. 

Aucppawefe. 

Wawwhunnekefuog.''" 

Mifhquammaiiquock^''* 

Ofacontuck/" 


243  K'oppop  and  hajk'ohat,  Cott.  Abn. 
kabajpe,  plural  -fak.  "  The  Scale-fenc'd 
Sturgeon,"  Wood  calls  him  (N.  E.  Pros- 
peft,  1.  c);  and  the  Indian  appellative 
is  nearly  equivalent,-from  kuppi,  'clofed,' 
'  (hut  in, '-impenetrable  to  the  fifh-fpear. 

=4-t  Hajhahp,  hajhah,  EL;  ajhap,  (pi.) 
ajhappog,  Cott.  This  word  is  ufed  by 
Eliot  for  "flax,"  "tow,"  "a  fifh  net," 
and  (Job  viii.  14;  Is.  li.x.  5)  for  a  fpi- 
der's  web.  (Comp.  ajhappoch,  hemp,  p. 
164,  poft.l  It  may  have  been,  prima- 
rily, a  generic  name  for  vegetable  fibre 

B18 


A  little  Cove  or  Creeke. 
A  very  little  one. 
Mackrell. 
Red  fish,  Salmon. 
A  fat  fioeet  fifi,  fomething 
like  a  Haddock. 

or  fibrous  material  ;  fpecially  appropria- 
ted to  the  Indian  hemp  (Apocynum  can- 
nabinum,  Mich.);  thence  transferred  to 
nets,  lines  and  ropes  made  from  that  or 
other  fibrous  plants. 

^45  Plural.  The  name  may  fignify 
very  plump  or  fat ;  literally,  'very  well- 
bodied.'  Wunnogkefu  (Eliot)  he  is  fat ; 
wauwunnockoo,\\.\%  [very]  fat, p.  167, poll. 

^46  Mijhqui  {m'fgiii),  red;  -amaug.dtti. 

247  This  fpecies  cannot  be  certainly 
identified.  It  may  be  the  Pollack,  the 
Whiting,  or  the  Cuflc. 


138 


Of  their  nakednejfe  and  clothing. 


[198 


Breame. 


Mifhcup-pauog/'*' 
Sequanamauquock/'*' 

Obf.  Of  this  fifli  there  is  abundance  which  the  Natives 
drie  in  the  Sunne  and  fmoake ;  and  fome  Englijh  begin  to 
fah,  both  wayes  they  keepe  all  the  yeere ;  and  it  is  hoped  it 
may  be  as  well  accepted  as  Cod  at  a  Market,  and  better,  if 
once  knowne. 
Taut-auog/=° 
Neefliaiiog 
SalTammauquock 
Nquitteconnauog.'^" 
Tatackommmaiiog/'^ 
Potop  -pauog/" 


Sheeps-heads. 

Et'/es. 


Porpufes. 
Whales : 


Which  in  fome 


248  This  name  has  been  variously  ab- 
breviated and  corrupted,  to  M'cup,'  Mcup- 
paug,' and 'porgy.'  Joflelyn  names  the 
Porgee  in  his  lill  of  American  fiih.  N. 
E.  Rarities,  30. 

=49  That  is,  Early-lummer  fifh ;  fc- 
qunne-amaug. 

^y  The  plural,  tautniiog  ('tautog')  has 
been  adopted,  inllead  of  the  fingular, //iw/, 
as  the  popular  name  ;  and  was  latinized 
by  Dr.  Mitchell,  with  more  than  ulual 
infelicity,  as  a  fpecilic  name  for  the  La- 
bru!  tiiutogii  i^L.  Amcricanus,  Bloch). 

»5"  Nquitticonnau  (nequttika,  Cott.), 
plur.  nquitteconnaiiog,  '  they  go  one  by 
one,'  or  fingly.  'Ncejhau  (Pequot,  ncejh. 
Stiles),  plur.  necjhauog,  'they  couple,' or 
'go  in  pairs.''  Comp.  Abn.  niffmcoak,  '  ils 
font  maries  '  (Rale).  In  the  former  name 
we  have  a  trace  of  the  belief  once  uni- 
verfal  —  as  old  at  leall  as  the  days  of 
Ariftotle,  and  which  not  even  Sir  Tomas 
Browne  ventured  to  rejeft  as  a  'vulgar 
error' — that  the  eel  was  without  dis- 
tinftion  of  fex.     The  name  oi  '  neejhaw 


eel'  is  Hill  retained  for  a  fpecies  or  vari- 
ety which  is  occafionallv  taken  in  the 
fait  ponds  of  Martha's  Vineyard,  and 
which  Dr.  Storer  fuppofed  to  be  the 
Silver  Eel  (  Mur,rnii  argcntca,  Le  Sueur). 
Rep.  on  Fifhes  of  Mafs.,  p.  158.  I  can- 
not fay  whether  or  not  any  peculiarity 
in  the  habits  of  this  fpecies  dillinguinies 
it  from  the  common  •  fingle  going  '  eel : 
but  the  Lamprt-^s{^Petronf^z.on  Amcricanus, 
Le  Sueur,)  might  with  ilrii;ing  appro- 
priatenels  be  named  '  necjhauog,'  for  they 
ufually  go  in  pairs,  aid  each  other  in 
conilrufting  their  breeding  places,  and 
give  frequent  evidences  of  mutual  attach- 
ment.    See  Storer's  Report,  p.  196. 

252  From  tattagkom  (Eliot),  'he  keeps 
ftriking,'  or  beats  [the  water.]  —  The 
third  m  was  doubtlefs  inferted  by  a  mis- 
take of  the  printer. 

=53  P(utaop,pmtab, potab.  El.;  pmtab-aog 
(pi.)  Cott. — Abn.  pmdcbe. — From  pmtau, 
'he  blows.' — "Anno  Dom.  1668,  the  17 
of  July,  there  was  one  of  them  thrown 
up  on  the  (hore  between  If'intcr-harbour 


:99] 


Of  Fifies. 


139 


places  are  often  caft  up  ;  I  have  feene  fome  of  them,  but  not 
above  fixtie  foot  long  :  The  Natives  cut  them  out  in  feverall 
parcells,  and  give  and  fend  farre  and  neere  for  an  acceptable 
prefent,  or  dilh. 


Mifeefu. 

Poquelu. 

Waskeke. 

106'']  Wufsuckqun. 

Aumauog. 

Ntaumen. 

Kuttaumen  ? 

Nnattuckqunnuwem. 

Aumachick, 

Natuckqunnuwachick. 

Aumaui. 

Awacenick  kukkattineanau- 

men  ? 
Afliaunt-teaug. 
Opponenauhock. 
Sickilfuog/" 

Obf.  This  is  a  fweet  kind  of  flielfifli,  which  all  Indians 
generally  over  the  Countrey,  Winter  and  Summer  delight  in ; 
and  at  low  water  the  women  dig  for  them  :   this  li(h,  and  the 


The  ivhole. 
The  halfe. 
The  ivhalebojie. 
A  taile. 

They  are  jiishiiig: 
I  am  fishing. 
Doe  you  Jish  ? 
I  goe  ajishing. 

Fishes''* 

He  is  gone  to  Jish. 
What  doe  you  Jish  for  ? 

Lobjiers. 

Oy/iers. 

Clams. 


and  Cape-porpus  ....  that  was  five  and 
fifty  foot  long."  Joflelyn,  Voyages,  p. 
104. 

=54  A  mifprint,  for  Fijhers.  Aumaui 
(omaeu.  El.)  he  fifhes,  "he  is  gone  to 
fifh  :"  [Abn.  anmc,  he  fifhes :]  participial, 
plur.  aumachick  (neg  omacheg.  El.)  they 
who  fifh,  fifhers.  So,  nattwhquinnua'enin, 
3  fifherman,  Cott. — Comp.  nmlamogqua- 
onk,  a  draught  of  fifh,  Ei.  (Luke  v.  9.) 


=35  Sultkifsuogy  Cott.  Peq.  Suchfazuaug, 
Stiles.  The  fpecies  defcribed  is  the 
Mya  arenaria,  or  Long  Clam  ;  the  name 
being  derived  (vom  fuhq  (El.)  ipittle  ; 
fohqiffu,  he  fpits  or  fquirts.  "  When  the 
tide  ebs  and  flowes,  a  man  running  over 
thefe  Clamm  bankes  will  prefently  be 
made  all  wet,  by  their  fpouting  of  water 
out  of  thofe  imall  holes."  Wood,  N.  E, 
Profpeft,  pt.  I,  ch.  9. 


140  Of  Fijhes.  [200 

naturall  liquor  of  it,  they  boile,  and  it  makes  their  broth  and 
their  Nafalimp  (which  is  a  kind  of  thickned  broth)  and  their 
bread  feafonable  and  favory,  in  ftead  of  Salt :  and  for  that  the 
Englijh  Swine  dig  and  root  thefe  Clams  wherefoever  they 
come,  and  watch  the  low  water  (as  the  Indian  women  do) 
therefore  of  all  the  Englijh  Cattell,  the  Swine  (as  alfo  becaufe 
of  their  filthy  difpofition)  are  [loy""]  mofl:  hatefuU  to  all  Na- 
tives, and  they  call  them  filthy  cut  throats,  &c. 


A  Horfe-Jish. 


Sequnnock.*'^ 
Poquauhock.'" 

Obj:  This  the  EngliHi  call  Hens,  a  little  thick  fliel-fiilh, 
which  the  Indians  wade  deepe  and  dive  for,  and  after  they 
have  eaten  the  meat  there  (in  thofe  which  are  good)  they 
breake  out  of  the  ihell,  about  halte  an  inch  of  a  blacke  part 
of  it,  of  which  they  make  their  Suckauhockp*  or  black  money, 
which  is  to  them  pretious. 

Meteauhock/"  |   The  Periwinckle.      Of  which 

they  make  their  Wompam,  or  white  money,  of  halfe  the  value 
of  their  Suckiiwhock,  or  blacke  money,  of  which  more  in 
the  Chapter  of  their  Coyne. 

256  "  Horfc-foot  OT  affcs-hoof."  ]o{[e\yx\.  on  Invcrtebr.  of  Mafs.,  30;  );  but  I  think 

Limulus  polyphcmui,  L. — From  fcquannc-  it  more  probable  that  the   name  belongs 

hogki,  '  lummer-fhell-fifh  '  ?  to  one  or  both   of  the   fpecies  of  Pyrulu 

^57  Peq.   p'guiiughhiiug.   Stiles.    [Abn.  which  have  retained  the  name  of '  peri- 

pekwe,  plur.  pekmakak,  '  huitres.'    Rale.]  winkle  '  on  the  coall  of  New  England, — 

The  fignification  appears   to   be,   either  P.  carica  and  P.  camiliculala.      The  zuom- 

'  thick   fhell '   or   '  tightly   clofed    fhell.'  pan     was     made    "  out    of    the     inmoft 

(Venus    mercennria,    L.)       Now    called  wreaths"  of  the  fhell,  or  "of  the  Hem 

«  round  clam,'  or  '  quahaug.'  or  Hock,   when   all   the   fhell   is   broken 

=sS  Sucki-hogki,  black  [or  rather,  dark-  off."   (N.  E.  Profp.  ii.  c.  3;  and,  after, 

colored]  fliell.     See  after,  pp.  144,  147.  p.  144.)  —  The   name  was   perhaps  de- 

^i'>  Some    have    fuppoled   this    to    be  rived   from   mehtauog   (Abn.   metaaaka), 

Buccinum  undatum,  L.     (Gould's  Report  an  ear:   '  Ear-fhaped  fhell.' 


20I 


] 


Of  Fifies. 


141 


Cummenakifs, 

Cummenakiiramen, 

Cummuchickinneanawmen  ? 

Nummenakifs. 

Nummuchikineanawmen. 

Machage. 

Aumanep, 

Aumanapeafh. 

108"']  The  Natives  take  exceeding  great  paines  in  their  fifh- 
ing,  efpecially  in  watching  their  feafons  by  night ;  lb  that 
frequently  they  lay  their  naked  bodies  many  a  cold  night  on 
the  cold  fhoare  about  a  fire  of  two  or  three  fticks,  and  oft  in 
the  night  fearch  their  Nets ;  and  Ibmetimes  goe  in  and  flay 
longer  in  frozen  water. 


Have  you  taken  Jiore  ? 

I  have  taken  Jiore. 
I  have  killed  mafiy. 
I  have  caught  none. 
A  fishing- line. 
Lines. 


Hoquaun  aunafh/^ 

Peewaficks. 

Maumacocks. 

Nponamouoog. 

Npunnouwaumen. 

MihtLickquafliep. 

Kunnagqunneiiteg. 

Onawangonnakaun. 

Yo  onawangonnatees. 

Moamitteaiig. 


halfe  as  big  as  Sprats,  plentifull  in  Winter. 
Paponaumsiiog.'''" 


Hooke,  hookes. 

Little  hookes. 

Great  hookes. 

I  Jet  nets  for  thetn. 

I  goe  to  fearch  tny  nets. 

An  Eele-pot. 

A  greater  fort. 

A  baite. 

Baite  with  this. 

A  little  fort  of  fijh. 


260  That  is,  Hoquuun  \uhquan,  uhquoan, 
EL],  plur.  hoquaunajh. 

''"  This  name  has  been  corrupted  to 
Mummackog, — now  popularly  applied  to 
feveral  fpecies  of  fmall  fifh  ;  moil  com- 
monly, perhaps,  to  the  Ornamented 
Minnow  {^Hytirargira  ornata,  Le  Sueur). 


A  winter  fiflo,  which   comes 

=*=  That  is,  pap'one-aumfuog,  '  winter 
fmall-fifh.'  Rale,  (s.  v.  Poiflbns)  names 
apconanmefca-ak,  '  petits,  de  la  mer,'  — 
which  may  be  the  fame  fpecies  here  de- 
fcribed,  —  the  '  Froft  fifh  '  or 'Tom  Cod' 
of  our  markets  {Gadui  \_Morrhua\  tom- 
codus,  Mitchell). 


142  Of  Fi/h,  Si^c.  [202 

up  in  the  brookes  and  rivulets ;  fome  call  them  Froft  fifh, 
from  their  comming  up  from  the  Sea  into  frefli  Brookes,  in 
time  of  froft  and  fnow. 

Qunofuog/'''  I  A  frcjh  jip  ;   which    the  In- 

dians break  the  Ice  in  frefli  ponds,  when  they  take  alfo  many 
other  forts  :  for,  to  my  knowledge  the  Countrey  yeelds  many 
forts  of  other  fifli,  which  I  mention   not. 

1 09']  The  general!  Obfervation  of  Fifi. 

How  many  thoufands  of  Millions  of  thofe  under  water, 
fea-Inhabitants,  in  all  Coafts  of  the  world,  preach  to  the 
fonnes  of  men  on  fliore,  to  adore  their  glorious  Maker  by 
prefenting  themfelves  to  Him  as  themfelves  (in  a  manner) 
prefent  their  lives  from  the  wild  Ocean,  to  the  very  doores 
of  men,  their  fellow  creatures  in  New  England. 

More  Particular. 

What  Habacuck  o?ice /pake,  mine  eyes 

Have  often  feene  mojt  true, 
'The  greater  Jijhes  devour e  the  lejjl', 

And  cruelly  purfue. 

Forcing  them  through  Coves  and  Creekes, 

To  leape  on  driejl  fand^ 
To  gafpe  on  earthie  eletnent,  or  die 

By  ivildeji  Indians  hand. 

Chrijis  little  ones  }?iuji  hutited  be 

Devour  d\  yet  rife  as  Hee. 
And  eate  up  thofe  which  now  a  while 

Their  fierce  devour ers  be. 

263  ^nnofu,  'he  is  long.'  Peq.  quun-  Lahontan  ;  (whence,  majkinonge  or  mus- 
noofe,  '  pickerel,  or  longnofe.'  Stiles,  Ms.  kclunjck,  the  'great  kinonge'  of  the  St. 
Abn.  kconwfe,  'brochet.'   Algonk.  kinongc,     Lawrence  and  the  northern  lakes. 


203]  Of  their  nakednejfe  and  clothing.  143 

110=]  Chap.  XX. 

Of  their  nakednejfe  and  clothing. 


PAuskefu/'"' 
Pauskesitchick 
Nipposkifs. 


Naked. 

Naked  men  and  women. 

I  am  naked. 


They  have  a  two-fold  nakednefle : 

Firft  ordinary  and  conftant,  when  although  they  have  a 
Beafts  skin,  or  an  Engliih  mantle  on,  yet  that  covers  ordina- 
rily but  their  hinder  parts  and  all  the  foreparts  from  top  to 
toe,  (excep  their  fecret  parts,  covered  with  a  little  Apron, 
after  the  patterne  of  their  and  our  firft  Parents)  I  fay  all  elfe 
open  and  naked. 

Their  male  children  goe  ftarke  naked,  and  have  no  Apron 
untill  they  come  to  ten  or  twelve  yeeres  of  age  ;  their  Female 
they,  in  a  modeft  blufh  cover  with  a  little  Apron  of  an  hand 
breadth  from  their  very  birth. 

Their  fecond  nakednelfe  is  when  their  men  often  abroad 
and  both  men  and  women  within  doores,  leave  off  their  hearts 
skin,  or  Englifli  cloth,  and  fo  (excepting  their  little  Apron) 
are  wholly  naked  ;  yet  but  few  of  the  women  but  will  keepe 
their  skin  or  cloth  (though  [iii'']  loofe)  or  neare  to  them 
ready  to  gather  it  up  about  them. 

Cuftome  hath  ufed  their  minds  and  bodies  to  it,  and  in  fuch 
a  freedom  from  any  wantonnelfe,  that  I  have  never  feen  that 
wantonnelfe  amongft  them,  as,  (with  griefe)  I  have  heard  of 
in  Europe. 


Nipposkenitch 
Nipposkenick  ewo. 


/  a77i  rob'd  of  ?ny  coat. 
He  takes  away  my  Coat. 


264  Pojkeu,  naked  ;    anim.  adj.  pojkijju,    fitcheg,  the  naked  ;   literally,  '  they  when 
(he   is)  naked ;    participial    (pi.)  pojke-     naked.'   Eliot. 


144 


Of  their  nakednejfe  and  clothing. 


204 


Acoh/'= 

Tummockquafhunck. 

Nkequafliunck. 

Mohewonck. 

Natoquafliunck. 

Mifhannequafliunck. 

Neyhommauafliunck 


Their  Deere  skin. 

A  Beavers  coat. 

An  Otters  coat. 

A  Rakoone-skin  coat. 

A  Wolues-skin  coat. 

A  Squirrill-skin  coat. 

A  Coat  or  Manlte,  curioufly 


made  of  the  faireft  feathers  of  their  Neyhonimaiiog,  or  Turkies, 
which  commonly  their  old  men  make ;  and  is  with  them  as 
Velvet  with  us. 


Maunek  :  nquittiafliiagat/ 

Caudnifli. 

Ocquafli. 

Neefaftiiagat. 

Shwifliiagat. 

Piuckquafliiagat. 


An  Englijh  Coat  or  Mantell. 

Put  off. 

Put  on. 

Two  coats. 

Three  coats. 

Ten  coats,  &c. 


Obf.  Within  their  skin  or  coat  they  creepe  [112']  con- 
tentedly, by  day  or  night,  in  houfe,  or  in  the  woods,  and 
fleep  foundly  counting  it  a  felicitie,  (as  indeed  an  earthly  one 
it  is ;  Intra  pellicularn  quetnque  tenere  fiiam.  That  every  man 
be  content  with  his  skin. 


Squaus  aiihaqut.'*' 
Muckiis  aiihaqut. 
Petacaus. 
Petacawfunnefe. 
Autah  Gf  autawhun. 
Caukoanafli. 


a  Wo7na7is  Mantle. 
A  childs  Mantle, 
an  Englijl}  Wajlecoat. 
a  little  wajlecoat. 
Their  apron. 
Stockins. 


=*S  Hogkm,  it  clothes,  or  covers  ;  fpas-  '^  Monak,  (El.)  cloth  ;   in  compound 

sive)  he  is  clothed  :   fuppos.  agquit,  when  words,  -onak,  -inagk ;  2iS,  tvomponak,  white 

he    is   covered;  ne  agquit,    that    which  cloth,  Deut.  22:    17;   mfquoniigk,'LCZT\cl 

covers,  or  clothes.   El.     Comp.  ocquajh,  cloth.  Numb.  4:  8. 

'  put  on,' and  d^^iiij^a/, 'mantle,'  (below).  ^7  See  note  265. 


20 


5\ 


Of  Fijh,  &c. 


145 


Nquittetiagattafh. 

Mociifsinafs,  & 
Mockufsinchals. 


a  paire  ofjiockins. 

Shooes. 


Obf.  Both  thefe.  Shoes  and  Stockins  they  make  of  their 
Deere  skin  worne  out,  which  yet  being  excellently  tann'd  by 
them,  is  excellent  for  to  travell  in  wet  and  fnow ;  for  it  is  fo 
well  tempered  with  oyle,  that  the  water  cleane  wrings  out ; 
and  being  hang'd  up  in  their  chimney,  they  prefently  drie 
without  hurt  as  my  felfe  hath  often  proved. 


Too  little. 
Big  enough, 
a  Hat  or  Cap. 

The  skin   of  a  great   Beajl 


Noonacominafli. 

Taubac6mina(h. 

Saunketippo,  or, 

Afhonaquo. 

Moofe. 

as  big  as  an  Ox,  fome  call  it  a  red  Deere. 

1 1  3']  WufTuckhofu.  Paifited. 

They  alfo  commonly  paint  thefe  Moofe  and  Deere-skins  for 
their  Summer  wearing,  with  varietie  of  formes  and  colours. 
Petouwafsinug.  |   Their  Tobacco-bag, 

which  hangs  at  their  necke,  or  flicks  at  their  girdle,  which 
is  to  them  in  ftead  of  an  Englifh  pocket. 

Obf.  Our  Englifli  clothes  are  fo  ftrange  unto  them,  and 
their  bodies  inured  fo  to  indure  the  weather,  that  when  (upon 
gift  &c.)  fome  of  them  have  had  EngliJI:)  cloathes,  yet  in  a 
{howre  of  raine,  I  have  feen  them  rather  expofe  their  skins 
to  the  wet  then  their  cloaths,  and  therefore  pull  them  off, 
and  keep  them  drie. 

Obf.     While  they  are  amongft  the  Englijh  they  keep  on 
the  Englifi  apparell,  but  pull  of  all,  as  foone  as  they  come 
againe  into  their  owne  Houfes,  and  Company. 
B19 


146  Of  their  NakedneJJe  and  C loathing.  [206 

Generall  Obfervations  of  their  Garments. 

How  deep  are  the  purpofes  and  Councells,  of  God  ?  what 
fhould  bee  the  reafon  of  this  mighty  difference  of  One  mans 
children  that  all  the  Sonnes  of  men  on  this  fide  the  way  (in 
Europe,  Kjia  and  Kfrica,  fliould  have  fuch  plenteous  clothing 
for  Body,  for  Soule !  and  the  reft  of  Adams  fonnes  and 
Daughters  on  [i  H""]  the  other  fide,  or  America  (fome  thinke 
as  big  as  the  other  three,)  lliould  neither  have  nor  defire 
clothing  for  their  naked  Soules,  or  Bodies. 

More  particular : 

O  what  a  Tyrant's  Cujlome  long. 

How  doe  fnefi  tnake  a  tuJJj, 
At  what's  in  ufe,  though  ne're  fo  fowle  : 

Without  once  jJoame  or  blufi  ? 

Many  thouj and  proper  Men  and  JVomen, 

I  have  fe en  met  in  one  place : 
Almoji  all  naked,  yet  not  one. 

Thought  want  of  clothes  dif grace. 


Ifraell  was  naked,  wearing  cloathes  ! 

The  bejl  clad  Englifli-man, 
Not  cloth' d  with  Chriji,  more  naked  is : 

Then  naked  Indian. 


ExoJ 
32- 


207| 


Oi  their  Religion. 
Chap.    XXI. 


'47 


Of  Religion,  the  foule,  &c. 


M 


Anit-manitto- 

wock/'* 


Gody  Gods. 


1 15]  Obf.  He  that  queftions  whether  God  made  the  World, 
the  Indians  will  teach  him.  I  muft  acknowledge  I  have 
received  in  my  converfe  with  them  many  Confirmations  of 
thole  two  great  points,  Heb.  1 1.  6.  viz: 

1.  That  God  is. 

2.  That  hee  is  a  rewarder  of  all  them  that  diligently  feek 
him. 

They  will  generally  confelTe  that  God  made  all :  but  then 
in  fpeciall,  although  they  deny  not  that  Eriglijh-tncms  God 
made  Englijh  Men,  and  the  Heavens  and  Earth  there !  yet 


26S  JfJ,2n)t  (pi.  mtinittoog,  or  -mog.  El.) 
may  be  nearly  tranflated  by  '  that  which 
furpafl'es,'  or  '  that  which  is  extraordi- 
nary.' It  is  formed  by  prefixing  the 
indefinite  and  imperfonal  particle  'm  to 
the  lubjunftive  participle  (anit)  of  a  verb 
which  fignifies  'to  furpafs,'  to  be  more 
than.  Comp,  anittap,  'rotten,'  p.  103, 
and  fee  note  217.  \^Anue,  which  is  an 
imperfonal  form  of  the  fame  verb  (in 
the  indie,  prefent, )  was  the  fign  of  the 
comparative  degree,  and  is  reckoned  by 
Eliot  among  'adverbs  of  choofing,'  and 
tranflated,  'more,  rather.'  Gram.  15,21.] 
On  a  fubfequent  page  (118)  Mr.  Wil- 
liams fays  that  the  Indians  were  accus- 
tomed, "  at  the  apprehenfiun  of  any  ex- 
cellency in  men,  women,  birds,  beafts, 
fifti,  &c.,  to  cry  out  Manittoo,  that  is,  it 
is  a  God:"  and  fo,  he  tells  us  (p.  105, 


ante, )  "  they  fay  of  every  thing  which 
they  cannot  comprehend."  Lahontan 
fimilarly  defines  Manitou  as  a  name  given 
by  the  Savages  "  to  all  that  furpalfes 
their  Underllanding  and  proceeds  from 
a  caufe  that  they  cannot  trace."  Voyages 
(Engl.  ed.  1703)  ii.  29.  In  compound 
words, -rt»//(  or -/i»(/)  was  em  ployed,  with- 
out the  prefix  ;  e.  g.  'Sq'auanit,  the  Wo- 
man's God,'  '  Wompanand,  the  Eaftern 
God,'  p.  116.  With  the  prefix,  it  fig- 
nifies, fome  perfon,  or  thing,  which  is 
more  than  or  beyond  the  ordinary.  The 
form  manittoo,  manittoo,  or  manitou,  is 
that  of  the  verb-fubftantive  (El.  Gram. 
15,  16):  'he,  or  it,  is  man'it.'  "We  fay 
God  is :  the  Indian  of  this  is  Mannitaim. 
The  two  firll  fyllables  ftand  for  God: 
the  latter  affert  his  exijience."  Exper. 
Mavhew,  Ms.  Letter. 


148  Of  their  Religion.  [208 

their  Gods  made  them   and  the  Heaven,   and   Earth  where 

they  dwell. 

Nummusquaunamuckqun  God  is  angry  with  me  ? 

manit. 

Obf.  I  have  heard  a  poore  Indian  lamenting  the  loffe  of 
a  child  at  break  of  day,  call  up  his  VVite  and  children,  and 
all  about  him  to  Lamentation,  and  with  abundance  of  teares 
cry  out !  O  God  thou  haft  taken  away  my  child !  thou  art 
angry  with  me :  O  turne  thine  anger  from  me,  and  fpare 
the  reft  of  my  children. 

If  they  receive  any  good  in  hunting,  filliing,  Harveft  &c. 
they  acknowledge  God  in  it. 

Yea,  if  it  be  but  an  ordinary  accident,  a  fall,  &c.  they  will 
fay  God  was  angry  and  did  it,  [116]  musquc'mtwn  7nanit  God 
is  angry.      But  herein  is  their  Mifery. 

Firft  they  branch  their  God-head  into  many  Gods. 

Secondly,  attribute  it  to  Creatures. 

Firft,  many  Gods :  they  have  given  me  the  Names  of 
thirty  feven,'''"*  which  I  have,  all  which  in  their  folemne 
Worfhips  they  invocate  :   as 

Kautanto'W'iait'''°  the  great   South-JVeJi  God,   to   to  whofe 

^  In  the  winter  of  1637-8,  Mr.  Wil-  =7°  See  the  author's  addrefs  'To  the 

liams,  after  a  vifit  to  Canonicus  and  Mi-  Reader,'  pp.  24-25  of  this  edition.  "As 

antunnomu,  wrote   to   Gov.  Winthrop  :  they   conceive  of  many  divine   powers, 

"  I  find  what  I  could  never  heare  before,  fo  of  one  whom  they  call  Kkhian,  to  be 

that  they  haue  plenty  of  Gods  or  divine  the  principal  and  maker  of  all   the  reft, 

powers  :   the  Sunn,  Moone,  Fire,  Water,  and  to  be  made  by  none."   E.  Winflow's 

Snow,  Earth,  the  Deere,  the  Beare,  &c.  Good  Newes  from  N.  E.  ( Young's  Chr. 

are    divine    powers.      I    brought    home  of  the   Pilgr.  355).     In   the   Delaware, 

lately  from  the  Nanhiggonficks  the  names  "gelannitowit    means    God,"     Heckew. 

of  38  of  their  Gods,  all   thev  could  re-  Correlp.  422.    Eliot  ufMsWy  trunsfers  the 

member,  &  had   I  not  with  fcare  &  cau-  word   '  God,'   without   tranflation  ;    but 

tion  withdrew,   they  would   have  fallen  in  Gen.  xxiv.  7,  he  has  'Jehovah  Kcil:- 

to  worlhip  O  GW,  (as  they  fpcakc)  one  tannW   for  'the   Lord   God.'     Kchtc  or 

day  in  7,"  &c.     4  Mafs.  Hift.  Coll.,  vi.  keibtc  fignifies  '  chief,  fuperior,  greatell:' 

225.  kciht-amt,  the  grcateft  man'il. 


209] 


Of  the  Sea,  &c. 


149 


Houfe  all  foules  goe,  and  from  whom  came  their  Corne, 
Beanes,  as  they  fay. 


Wompanand. 

Chekefuwand. 

Wunnanameanit 

Sowwanand. 

Wetuomanit. 


The  Eajierne  God. 
The  Wejlerne  God. 
The  Northerne  God. 
The  Southerne  God. 
The  houfe  God. 

Even  as  the  Papifts  have  their  He  and  Shee  Saint  Proted:- 
ors  as  St.  George,  St.  Patrick,  St.  Denis,  Virgin  Mary,  ice."''' 


The  Womans  God. 
The  Childrens  God. 


Squauanit. 
Muckquachuckquand. 

Obf.  I  was  once  with  a  Native  dying  of  a  wound,  given 
him  by  fome  murtherous  Knglijh  (who  rob'd  him  and  run 
him  through  with  a  Rapier,  from  whom  in  the  heat  of  his 
wound,  he  at  prefent  efcaped  from  them,  but  [117]  dying  of 
his  wound,  they  fuffered  Death  at  new  Plyfiiouth,  in  Neiv- 
Rngland,^^'  this  Native  dying  call'd  much  upon  Muckqua- 
chuckquand,^^^ which  of  other  Natives  I  underftood  (as  they 


^7'  Thomas  Mayhew,  writing  in  1652, 
fays  of  the  Indians  of  Martha's  Vine- 
yard,—  "They  had  their  Men-Gods, 
Women-Gods,  and  Children-gods,  their 
Companies,  and  Fellowfhip  of  gods,  or 
Divine  Powers,  guiding  things  amongil 
men,  befides  innumerable  more  feigned 
gods  belonging  to  many  Creatures,  to 
their  Corn  and  every  Colour  of  it :"  &c. 
Tears  of  Repentance,  &c.  in  3  Mais.  Hill. 
Coll.,  iv.  zoi. 

'^^  A  full  account  of  this  murder  of  a 
Narraganfett  Indian,  in  the  fummer  of 
1638,  by  tour  runaway  fervants  from 
Plymouth,  was  given  by  Mr.  Williams, 
in  a  letter  to  Gov.  Winthrop,  printed  in 


3  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  i.  171-73,  (and 
repr.  Knowles,  153-56).  Winthrop 
makes  mention  of  it  (i.  267)  under  date 
of  Augull  3,  1638  ;  and  Bradford  records 
the  particulars  of  the  crime  and  of  the 
trial  and  execution  of  the  murderers. 
Hill,  of  Plymouth,  362-65.  "  The  In- 
dians fent   for   Mr.  Williams   and   made 

a  greeveous  complainte But  Mr. 

W.  pacified  them,  and  tould  them  they 
ihould  fee  juftice  done  upon  y"  offenders; 
and  wente  to  y°  man,  and  tooke  Mr. 
James,  a  phifition,  with  him."  See  alfo, 
Williams's  letter  to  Winthrop,  Aug.  14, 
1638,  in  4  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  vi.  249. 
=73  Muckquachucks-an'tt.     See  note  52. 


150  Oi  their  Religion.  [ 


210 


believed)  had  appeared  to  the  dying  young  man,  many  yeares 
before,  and  bid  him  when  ever  he  was  in  diilrelfe  call  upon 
him. 

Secondly,  as  they  have  many  of  thefe  fained  Deities :  fo 
worfliip  they  the  Creatures  in  whom  they  conceive  doth  reft 
fome  Deitie  : 


Keefuckquand. 
Nanepaufhat. 
Paumpagusfit. 
Yotaanit. 


The  Siin  God. 
The  Moone  God. 
The  Sea. 
The  Fire  God 


Suppofing  that  Deities  be  in  thefe,  &c. 

When  I  have  argued  with  them  about  their  Fire-God  : 
can  it  fay  they  be,  but  this  fire  muft  be  a  God,  or  Divine 
power,  that  out  of  a  ftone  will  arife  in  a  Sparke,  and  when 
a  poore  naked  Indian  is  ready  to  ftarve  with  cold  in  the 
Houfe,  and  efpecially  in  the  Woods,  often  laves  his  life,  doth 
dreife  all  our  Food  tor  us,  and  it  it  be  angry  will  burne  the 
Houfe  about  us,  yea  if  a  fpark  fall  into  the  drie  wood,  burnes 
up  the  Country,  (though  this  burning  of  the  Wood  to  them 
they  count  a  [118]  Benefit  both  for  deftroying  of  vermin, 
and  keeping  downe  the  Weeds  and  thickets  ?) 

Prcejentem  narrat  qucelibet  herba  Deuin, 

Every  little  GraJJ'e  doth  tell. 

The  Jons  of  Men,  there  God  doth  dwell. 

Belides  there  is  a  generall  Cuftome  amongft  them,  at  the 
apprehenfion  of  any  Excellency  in  Men,  Women,  Birds, 
Beafts,  Fifti,  &c.  to  cry  out  Manittoo,  that  is,  it  is  a  God,  as 
thus  if  they  fee  one  man  excell  others  in  Wifdome,  Valour, 
ftrength,  Adfivity  &c.   they  cry  out  Manittoo  A   God  :    and 


2 1 1  ]  Of  their  Religion.  1 5 1 

therefore  when  they  talke  amongft  themfelves  of  the  Eng- 
lijh  fliips,  and  great  buildings,  of  the  plowing  of  their  Fields, 
and  efpecially  of  Bookes  and  Letters,  they  will  end  thus : 
Ma7iittdwock:'"'  They  are  Gods  :  Ciinwmjiittbo,  you  are  a  God, 
&c.  A  ftrong  Convidlion  naturall  in  the  foule  of  man,  that 
God  is;  filling  all  things,  and  places,  and  that  all  Excellencies 
dwell  in  God,  and  proceed  from  him,  and  that  they  only  are 
blelfed  who  have  that  Jehovah  their  portion. 
Nickommo.  |  A  Feaji  or  Dance. 

Of  this  Feafl  they  have  publike,  and  private  and  that  of 
two  forts. 

Firft  in  ficknelfe,  or  Drouth,  or  Warre,  or  Famine. 
119]  Secondly,  After  Harveft,  after  hunting,  when  they 
enjoy  a  caulme  of  Peace,  Health,  Plenty,  Profperity,  then 
Nickommo  a  Feaft,  efpecially  in  Winter,  for  then  (as  the 
Turke  faith  of  the  Chriftian,  rather  the  Antichrillian,)  they 
run  mad  once  a  yeare)  in  their  kind  of  Chriflmas  feafting.''" 


Powwaw/'^ 
Powwauog. 


A  Prieji. 
Priejls. 


^14  See   note   268,  on  Mamt  and  Ma-  a  great  fire  that  they  make  in   the  midft 

nittao.     The  common  ufe  by  the  Indians  of  the   houfe,    and    there    confumed   to 

of  thefe  words,  and  their  application,  by  afhes."      Winflow's  Good   Newes   from 

'general  cuftom,'  to   every  thing   excel-  N.  E.  (Young's  Chron.  of  the  Pilgrims, 

lent,  or  extra-ordinary,  hardly  authorize  358-9.) 

the  inference  which  Mr.  Williams  drew,  'i''  Pauzuau-og,  El.     This  name   was 

of  belief  in  an  omniprefent  Deity.  common  to  feveral  North  American  dia- 

27s  "  The  Nanohigganfets  exceed  in  lefts.  Its  etymology  is  uncertain  :  but 
their  blind  devotion,  and  have  a  great  it  is  obvioufly  related  to  taupowau-og, 
fpacious  houfe,  wherein  only  fome  few  "  their  wife  men  and  old  men,  of  which 
(that  are,  as  we  may  term  them,  prieils)  number  their  priefts  are  alfo,"  (p.  120, 
come.  Thither,  at  certain  known  times,  poll:  comp.  taupowaw,  '  a  wife  fpeaker,' 
refort  all  their  people,  and  offer  almoll  p.  57,  ante). — Cree,  tapzvayoo,  he  true- 
all  the  riches  they  have  to  their  gods,  as  fays,  fpeaks  the  truth.  Howfe. — Chip, 
kettles,  fkins,  hatchets,  beads,  knives,  ke-thpwa,  thou  true-fpeakeft.  Jones  (in 
&c.,  all  which  are  call  by  the  priefls  into  John  iv.  17). 


152  Oi  their  Religion.  '  [212 

OSf.  Thefe  doe  begin  and  order  their  fervice,  and  Invo- 
cation of  their  Gods,  and  all  the  people  follow,  and  joyne 
interchangeably  in  a  laborious  bodily  fervice,  unto  fweating, 
efpecially  of  the  Prieft,  who  fpends  himfelfe  in  llrange  Antick 
Geftures,  and  Adlions  even  unto  fainting. 

In  fickneffe  the  Prieft  comes  clofe  to  the  fick  perfon,  and 
performes  many  ftrange  Adlions  about  him,  aud  threaten  and 
conjures  out  the  ficknelfe.  They  conceive  that  there  are 
many  Gods  or  divine  Powers  within  the  body  of  a  man  :  In 
his  pulfe,  his  heart,  his  Lungs,  &c. 

I  confelfe  to  have  moft  of  thefe  their  cuftomes  by  their 
owne  Relation,  for  after  once  being  in  their  Houfes  and 
beholding  what  their  Worfliip  was,  I  durft  never  bee  an  eye 
witnelfe,  Spedlatour,  or  looker  on,  leaft  I  [120]  fliould  have 
been  partaker  of  Sathans  Inventions  and  Worftiips,  contrary 
to  Epjbef.  5.  14/" 

^fi  over- Seer  a  fid  Orderer  of 

their  WorJInp. 
I  will  order  or  overfee. 


Nanouwetea. 

Neen  nanowwiinnemun. 


They  have  an  exadl  forme  of  King,  Prieft,  and  Prophet, 
as  was  in  Ifrael  typicall  of  old  in  that  holy  Land  of  Canaan, 
and  as  the  Lord  lefus  ordained  in  his  fpirituall  Land  of  Ca- 
naa7i  his  Church  throughout  the  whole  World :  their  Kings 
or  Governours  called  Sachimaiiog^''^  Kings,  and  Atauskowaug^'''* 
Rulers  doe  govern ;  Their  Priefts,  pertorme  and  manage 
their  Worftiip  :  Their  wife  men  and  old  men  of  which 
number  the  Priefts  are  alfo,)  whom  they  call  Taupowaiiog'^ 

=77  For Epl's.  5.  1 1, probably:  "And have  '7^  See  after,  p.  132. 

no  fellowfhip  with  the  unfruitful  works  'n  ^ Ataujhawaw-whuog.^  p.  132. 

of  darknefs  but  rather  reprove  them."  ^^  See,  before,  p.  57,  note  120. 


213]  Oi  their  Religion.  153 

they  make  folemne  fpeeches  and  Orations,  or  Ledlures  to 
them,  concerning  Religion,  Peace,  or  Warre  and  all  things. 
Nowemaiilitteem.  |  I  give  aivay  at  the  Wor-Jhip. 

He  or  (he  that  makes  this  Nickbmmo  Feaft  or  Dance, 
befides  the  Feafting  of  fometimes  twenty,  fifty,  an  hundreth, 
yea  I  have  feene  neere  a  thoufand  perfons  at  one  of  thefe 
Feafts)  they  give  I  fay  a  great  quantity  of  money,  and  all 
fort  of  their  goods  (according  to  and  fometimes  beyond  their 
Eftate)  [121 J  in  feverall  fmall  parcells  of  goods,  or  money, 
to  the  value  of  eighteen  pence,  two  Shillings,  or  thereabouts 
to  one  perfon .-  and  that  perfon  that  receives  this  Gift,  upon 
the  receiving  of  it  goes  out,  and  hollowes  thrice  for  the 
health  and  profperity  of  the  Party  that  gave  it,  the  Mr.  or 
Miftris  of  the  Feaft. 


Nowemacaunafli. 

Nitteauguafti. 

Nummaumachiuwafh 


lie  give  thefe  thi)igs. 
My  money. 
My  goods. 

Obf.  By  this  Feafting  and  Gifts,  the  Divell  drives  on  their 
worfhips  pleafantly  (as  he  doth  all  falfe  worftiips,  by  fuch 
plaufible  Earthly  Arguments  of  uniformities,  univerfalities. 
Antiquities,  Immunities,  Dignities,  Rewards,  unto  fubmitters, 
and  the  contrary  to  Refufers)  fo  that  they  run  farre  and  neere 
and  aske 


Awaun.  Ndkommit  ? 
Nkekinneawaumen. 
Kekineawaiii. 


Who  inakes  a  Feajl  ? 

I  goe  to  the  Feaji. 

He  is  gone  to  the  FeaJi. 

They  have  a  modeft  Religious  perfwafion  not  to  difturb 
any  man,  either  themfelves  Englijh,  Dutch,  or  any  in  their 
Confcience,  and  worftiip,  and  therefore  fay  : 


Aquiewopwauwafh. 
Aquiewopwadwock. 
B20 


Peace,  hold  your  peace. 


154 


Oi  their  Religion. 


[214 


122]  Peeyauntam. 
Peeyaiintamwock. 
Cowwewonck/^' 


He  is  at  Prayer. 
They  are  praying. 
The  Soule, 


Derived  from  Cowwene  to  fleep,  becaufe  fay  they,  it  workes 
and  operates  when  the  body  fleepes.  Michachunck'^'  the  foule, 
in  a  higher  notion,  which  is  of  affinity,  with  a  word  fignify- 
ing  a  looking  glaffe,  or  cleere  refemblance,  fo  that  it  hath 
its  name  from  a  cleere  fight  or  difcerning,  which  indeed 
feemes  very  well  to  fuit  with  the  nature  of  it. 


Wuhock^'' 
Nohock:  cohock. 
Awaunkeefitteoiiwincohock . 
Tunna-awwa  com- 
mitchichunck- 

kitonckquean  ? 
An.  Sowanakitauwaw. 


The  Body. 

My  body,  your  body. 
Who  made  you  ? 
Whether  goes  your  foule 
when  you  die  ? 

It  goes  to  the  South-  Wejl. 


Obf.  They  beleive  that  the  foules  of  Men  and  Women 
goe  to  the  Sou-weft,  their  great  and  good  men  and  Women 
to  Cautdntowwit  his  Houfe,  where  they  have  hopes  (as  the 
Turkes  have  of  carnall  Joyes):  Murtherers  thieves  and  Lyers, 
their  Soules  (fay  they)  wander  reftlelfe  abroad. 

Now  becaufe  this  Book  (by  Gods  good  pro-  [i  23]  vidence) 
may  come  into  the  hand  of  many  fearing  God,  who  may 


='■  Koueu,  iouzueu  (El.)  he  fleeps ; 
infinit.  koum-at,  to  deep  ;  verbalj  kou'e- 
onk,  kaulonk,  a  fleeping  ;   fleep. 

=*^  Quinnip.  M'tttachonkq,  foul  ;  Peir- 
fon. — Poiribly,  Mr.  Williams  was  mis- 
taken as  to  the  affinity  of  this  word  with 
one  'fignifying  a  looking  glafs.'  See, 
after,   p.    157,   two   words  trandated  'a 


looking  glafs.' — Eliot  tranflates  foul  by 
najh'auonk,    lit.    'a   breathing'  (^spiritui, 

'^i  This  has  the  pronominal  affix  of 
the  3d  perfon  ;  his  body.  —  Muhhog,  El., 
mohhog,  Cott.,  the  body  (of  man  or  an- 
imal); xVe.  felf:  muhhog,  my  body,  my- 
felf,  El. — Abn.  n'baghe,  my  body. 


215] 


Of  their  Religion. 


155 


alfo  have  many  an  opportunity  of  occafionall  difcourfe  with 
fome  of  thefe  their  wild  brethren  and  Sifters,  and  may  fpeake 
a  word  for  their  and  our  glorious  Maker,  which  may  alfo 
prove  fome  preparatory  Mercy  to  their  Soules ;  I  fliall  pro- 
pofe  fome  proper  exprefsions  concerning  the  Creation  of  the 
World,  and  mans  Eftate,  and  in  particular  theirs  alfo,  which 
from  my  felfe  many  hundreths  of  times,  great  numbers  of 
them  have  heard  with  great  delight,  and  great  convidtions : 
which  who  knowes  (in  Gods  holy  feafon)  may  rife  to  the 
exalting  of  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift  in  their  converlion,  and 
falvation  ? 


Netop  Kunnatote- 

mous. 
Natotema: 
Tocketunnantum  ? 
Awaun  Keeliteouwin 

Keefuck  ? 
Auke  Wechekom  ? 
Mittauke. 

Some  will  anfwer  Tattd  I  cannot  tell,  fome  will  anfwer 
Matiittowock  the  Gods. 


Friend,  I  will  aske  you  a 

^ejiion. 
Speake  on. 
What  thinke  you  ? 
Who  77iade  the  Heavens  ? 

"The  Earth,  the  Sea  ? 
The  World. 


Tafuog  Manittowock. 
124]  Maunaiiog  Milhauna- 

wock. 
Netop  machage. 
Paufuck  naiint  manit. 
Cuppifsittone. 
Cowauwaunemun. 


How  fnany  Gods  bee  there  ? 
Many,  great  many. 


Friend,  not  fo. 

There  is  onely  one  God. 

You  are  fnijiaken. 

Tou  are  out  of  the  way. 

A  phrafe  which  much  pleafeth  them,  being  proper  for 
their  wandring  in  the  woods,  and  limilitudes  greatly  pleafe 
them. 


156 


Oi  their  Religion. 


[216 


Kukkakotemous,  wachit- 

quafliouwe. 
Kuttaunchemokous. 
Paufuck  naiint  manit  keefit- 

tin  keefuck,  &c. 
Napannetafliemittan  nauge- 

cautiimmonab  nflique/*'' 
Naiigom  naiint  wukkelittin- 

nes  wame  teagun. 
Wuche  mateag. 
Quttatafliuchuckqunnacauf- 

keefitinnes  wame. 
Nquittaqiinne. 
Wuckeefitin  wequai. 
Neefqunne. 
Wuckeefitin  Keefuck. 
125]  Shuckqunne  wuckeefitin 

Alike  ka  wechekom. 
Yoqunne  wuckkeelitin  Nip- 

paiius  ka  Nanepaufliat. 
Neenafli-mamockiuwafli 

wequanantiganafli. 
Ka  wame  anockfuck. 
Napannetartiuckqunne 

Wuckeelittin  pulluckfee- 

fuck  wame. 
Keefuckquiuke. 
Ka  wame  namaufuck. 

Wechekommiuke. 
Quttatafliukqunne  wuckkee- 

littin  penalhimwock  wame 


/  will  tell  you,  prcfently. 

I  will  tell  you  newes. 
One  onely  God  made  the 

Heavens,  &c. 
Five  thoufand  yeers  agoe 

and  upwards. 
He  alone  made  all  things. 

Out  of  nothing. 

Infix  dayes  he  made  all 

things. 
The  fir Jl  day  Hee  made  the 

Light. 
The  fecond  day  Hee 
tnade  the  Firmament. 
The  third  day  hee  made 

the  Earth  and  Sea. 
The  fourth  day  he  made  the 

Sun  and  the  Moon. 
Two  great  Lights. 

Aiid  all  the  Starres. 
The  fifth  day  hee  made  all  the 
Fowle. 

In  the  Ayre,  or  Heavens. 
And  all  the  Fijh  in  the 

Sea. 
The  fix th  day  hee  rnade  all  the 

Beafis  of  the  Field. 


^*4  Read,  Napannetajbi  mittannaugc  cautummo  nab  njhque. 


217] 


Oi  their  Religion. 


^57 


Wuttake  wuche  wuckeefittin, 

paufuck  Enin,  or,  Enef- 

keetomp."'^ 
Wuche  mifliquock. 
Ka  wefuonckgonnakaCmes 

Adam,  tuppautea  miili- 

quock. 
I  26]  Wuttake  wuche, 
Cawit  miOiquock. 
Wuckaudnummenes  manit 

peetaugon  wuche  Adam. 
Ka  wuche  peteaugon. 
Wukkeelitinnes  paufuck 

fquaw. 
Ka  pawtouwiinnes  Adamuck. 
Nawont  Adam  wuttunna- 

waun  nuppeteagon  ewo.'^^ 
Enadatafliiickqunne,  aquei. 
Nagau  wuche  quttatafhiick- 

qune  anacaufuock  EngHfh- 

manuck. 
Enadatartiuckqunnockat 

taubataumwock. 


Lq/l  of  all  he  made  one 
Man 

Of  red  Earth, 
And  caird  him  Adam, 
or  red  Earth. 

Then  afterward,  while  Adam, 

or  red  Earth  Jlept. 
God  tooke  a  rib  from  Adam, 

or  red  Earth. 
And  of  that  rib  he  made  One 

woman. 

And  brought  her  to  Adam. 
When  Adam  f aw  her,  he  f aid. 

This  is  my  bone. 
The  f event h  day  hee  rejied. 
And  therefore  Englijhmen 

workejix  dayes. 

On  the  f event h  day  they 
praife  God. 


Obf.  At  this  Relation  they  are  much  fatisfied,  with  a 
reafon  why  (as  they  obferve)  the  Englijh  and  Dutch,  &c. 
labour  fix  dayes,  aud  reft  and  worfliip  the  feventh. 

Befides,  they  will  fay,  Wee  never  heard  of  [127]  this 
before :  and  then  will  relate  how  they  have  it  from  their 
Fathers,  that  Kautdntowwit  made  one  man  and  woman  of  a 


28s  That  is  :  homo,  or  vir.  See  before,  ^^^  When-he-faw   Adam  he-faid  my- 

notes  3  and  5.  rib  this  (or,  (he.) 


158 


Oi  their  Religion. 


[218 


ftone,  which  dilliking,  he  broke  them  in  pieces,  and  made 
another  man  and  woman  of  a  Tree,  which  were  the  Foun- 
taines  of  all  mankind. 

They  apprehending  a  vaft  difference  of  Knowledge  be- 
tweene  the  Englijh  and  themfelves,  are  very  obfervant  of  the 
EtigliJIj  lives  :  I  have  heard  them  fay  to  an  Englifhman  (who 
being  hindred,  broke  a  promife  to  them)  You  know  God, 
Will  you  lie  Englilhman  ?''' 


Netop  kihkita. 
Engliflimannuck, 
Dutchmannuck,  keenouwin 

ka  wame  mittaukeuk- 

kitonckquehettit. 
Mattux  fwowannakit 

auog, 
Michichonckquock. 
Wame,  ewo  pawfuck'^' 
Manit  wawontakick. 
Ewo  manit  waumaufachick 

ka  uckquflianchick. 
Keefaqut  auog. 
I  28]  Micheme  weetean- 

tamwock. 
Naugom  manit  wekick. 
Ewo  manit  mat  wauontakick. 


Hearken  to  mee. 

EngUjh-vien. 

Dutch  men,  and  you  and 

all  the  world,  when  they 

die. 
Their  foules  goe  7iot  to  the 

Southwejl. 

All  that  hiow  that  one 

God 
That  love  andfeare 

Him. 
Tlxy  goe  up  to  Heaven. 
They  ever  live  in  joy. 

hi  Gods  owne  Houfe. 

They  that  know  not  this  God. 


2S7  "  It   being   an   ordinary  and   com-  =**  The  order   of  this  and   the   lines 

mon   thing   with    our   neighbours,   [the      following  is:     All    this   one   God   they- 


Narraganfetts,]  if  they  apprehend  any 
fhew  ot  breach  of  promile  in  my  felfe, 
thus  to  objeft :  doe  you  know  God,  and 
will  you  lye?  &c." — R.  Williams  to 
Gov.  Winthrop,  1638  ;  in  4  Mai's.  Hill. 
Coll.,  vi.  227. 


who-know,  this  God  they-who-love  and 
they-who-fear,  to  heaven  they-go,  forev- 
er they-fweet- mindcd-are  ['jieetcantam- 
wock),  of-him  God  in-his-houle.  This 
God  not  they-who-know,  &c. 


21 


9] 


Qi  their  Religion. 


159 


Matwaumaufachick. 
Mat  ewo  uckquihanchick. 
Kamootakick. 
Pupannouwachick. 
Nochifquauonchick. 
Nanompanifsichick, 
Kemineiachick. 
Mammaiifachick. 
Nanifquegachick. 
Wame  naumakiauog. 
Micheme  mauog. 
Awaun  kukkakote- 


mogwunnes 


? 


Manittoo  wiiiruckwheke. 


That  love. 

Andfeare  him  ?iot. 

Thieves. 

Lyers. 

Vncleane  perfons. 

Idle  perfons. 

Murtherers. 

Adulterers. 

Oppreffors  or  fierce. 

They  goe  to  Hell  or  the  Deepe. 

They  Jhall  ever  lament. 

Who  told  you  fo  f 

Gods  Booke  or  Writing. 


Obf.  After  I  had  (as  farre  as  my  language  would  reach) 
difcourfed  (upon  a  time)  before  the  chiefe  Sachitn  or  Prince 
of  the  Countrey,  with  his  Archpriejls,  and  many  other  in  a 
full  Alfembly ;  and  being  night,  wearied  with  [  1 29]  travell 
and  difcourfe,  I  lay  downe  to  reft ;  and  before  I  ilept,  I  heard 
this  palfage : 

A   ^nnihticut   Indian   (who   had  heard    our    difcourfe) 
told    the    Sachitn  Miantunnomu,'^''   that    foules  went   up   to 


'^  In  the  firft  edition,  the  o  of  the  pe- 
nult has  a  mark  which  refembles  a  Greek 
circumflex.  This  mark  could  not  readily 
be  reproduced,  and  the  name  is  printed 
above  with  o, — as  on  page  132,  poll. — 
The  forms  under  which  this  name  has 
been  written  are  all  but  innumerable. 
Roger  Williams  ulually,  if  not  always, 
wrote  Miiintunnomu.  Callender  (Hill. 
Difcourfe,  Elton's  ed.  p.  57)  dated  that 
"  in  all  the  manufcripts "  the  fpelling 
was    "  Myantonomy,    or    Miantonome, 


or  Miantonomu  ;"  but  Mr.  Williams, 
whofe  authority  is,  to  fay  the  leall,as 
good  as  any  of  'all  the  manufcripts,' 
wrote  u  inllead  of  0  in  the  third  fylla- 
ble,  and  doubled  the  n  between  the  vow- 
els of  the  third  and  fourth  fyllables. 
The  principal  accent  was  unquellionably 
on  the  penult,  but  the  found  of  the  pe- 
nultimate vowel  is  not  fo  certainly  de- 
termined. The  impreflion  which  I  have 
received,  from  the  collation  of  various 
forms  of  the  name  occurring  in  contem- 


i6o  Of  their  Religion.  [220 

Heaven/^  or  downe  to  Hell  ;  For,  faith  he,  Our  fathers  have 
told  us,  that  our  foules  goe  to  the  Southivejl. 

The  Sachi??i  anfwered.  But  how  doe  you  know  your  felfe, 
that  your  foules  goe  to  the  Southweji ;  did  you  ever  fee  a 
foule  goe  thither? 

The  Natiue  replyed ;  when  did  he  (naming  my  felfe)  fee 
a  foule  goe  to  Heaven  or  Hell  ? 

The  Sachim  againe  replied  :  He  hath  books  and  writings, 
and  one  which  God  himfelfe  made,  concerning  mens  foules, 
and  therefore  may  well  know  more  then  wee  that  have  none, 
but  take  all  upon  truft  from  our  forefathers. 

The  faid  Sachivi,  and  the  chiefe  of  his  people,  difcourfed 
by  themfelves,  of  keeping  the  Engliflimans  day  of  worfliip, 
which  I  could  ealily  have  brought  the  Countrey  to,^'"  but 
that  I  was  perfwaded,  and  am,  that  Gods  way  is  firft  to  turne 
a  foule  from  it's  Idolls,  both  of  heart,  worfliip,  and  conver- 
fation,  before  it  is  capable  of  worfliip,  to  the  true  and  living 

porary  manufcripts,   is,   that   the   fecon-  "  For   our   Nezv- England  parts,   I  can 

dary  accent  was  on   the  lecond  fyllable  ;  fpeak  it  confidently,   I    know  it   to  have 

that  the  vowels   of  the  firll,   third  and  been    eafie    for    myfelf,   long    ere   this, 

laft  fyllables  were  obfcure  and  unaccen-  to  have  brought  many  thoufands  of  thefe 

ted  ;  and  that  the  vowel  of  the  penult  natives,  yea,  the  whole  Countrey  to  a 

was  nafal,   more   nearly   reprelentcd   by  far  greater  Antichriltian  converfion,  than 

the  French  on  than  by  the  Englifli  o.  ever  was  heard  of  in  America.      I  could 

29°  A  negative  is  omitted  here  :   "that  have   brought    the    whole   Countrev   to 

foules  went  not  up  to  Heaven,"  or  "that  have  obferved  one  day  in  feven  :'  I  adde, 

he  did  not  believe  that  foules  "  &c.,  ap-  to  have  received  Baptifme,  to  have  come 

pears  to  be  the  fenfe  required.  to  a  Hated  Church  meeting,  to  have  main- 

=9"  See  an  extraft  from  Williams's  let-  tained  PrieiU,  and  Forms  of  Prayer,  and 

ter  to  Winthrop,  in   note    269,  and  his  a  whole  form  of  Antichriftian  Worfhip, 

addrefs  'To  the  Reader,'  p.  27  (of  this  in  life  and  death."   p.  10. 
edition)  and  note    15.     The  following  "Wo  be  to  me,  if  I  call  that  conver- 

extrafls  from  the   loll  '  Dilcourfe  of  the  fion  to  God,  which    is   indeed   the    fub- 

^zme  Hfat/jen,'   which   are   taken   from  verfion  of  the  fouls  of  millions  in  Chris- 

Baylie's  '  DilTuafive  from  the  Errours  of  tendom,  from  one   falle   worfhip  to  an- 

the  Time'   (Lond.    1645),   have    been  other."  p.    11.       (Baylie,   ut   fupfa,    p. 

already  referred  to,  in  the  preface  ( p.  13.)  69.) 


22l] 


Oi  their  Religion. 


i6i 


God,  according  to  i  Thef.  i.  9,  You  turned  [130]  to  God 
from  Idolls  to  ferve  or  worfhip  the  living  and  true  God.  As 
alfo,  that  the  two  firft  Principles  and  Foundations  of  true 
Religion  or  Worfhip  of  the  true  God  in  Chrift,  are  Repent- 
ance from  dead  workes,  and  Faith  towards  God,  before  the 
Dodlrine  of  Baptifme  or  wafhing  and  the  laying  on  of  hands, 
which  containe  the  Ordinances  and  Praftiles  of  worfhip  ; 
the  want  of  which,  I  conceive,  is  the  bane  of  million  of 
foules  in  England,  and  all  other  Nations  profefsing  to  be 
Chriftian  Nations  who  are  brought  by  publique  authority 
to  Baptifme  and  fellowfhip  with  God  in  Ordinances  of  wor- 
fhip, before  the  faving  worke  of  Repentance,  and  a  true 
turning  to  God,  Heb.  6.  2. 


Netop,  kitonckquean  kun- 

niippamin  micheme. 
Micheme  cuppauqua 

neimmin. 
Cummufquaunamiickqun 

manit. 
Cuppauquaniickqun 
Wuche  cummanittowock 

manauog. 
131]  Wame  pitch  chickauta 

mittauke. 


Friend,  iv hen  you  die  you  perijh 

everlajlingly. 
You  are  everlajlingly 

undone. 
God  is  angry  with  you. 

He  'Will  dejlroy  you. 
For  your  many  Gods. 

The  whole  world  fiall  ere  long 
be  burnt. 


Obf.  Upon  the  relating  that  God  hath  once  deftroyed 
the  world  by  water  ;  and  that  He  will  viiit  it  the  fecond 
time  with  confuming  fire  :  I  have  been  asked  this  profitable 
queftion  of  fome  of  them.  What  then  will  become  of  us  ? 
Where  then  fhall  we  be  ? 


Manit  anawat, 

Cuppittakiinnamun 

wepe  wame. 
B21 


God  commandth. 
That  all  men  now 
repent. 


1 62  Oi  their  Government  and  lujlice.  [222 

The  generall  Obfervation  of  Religion,  &c. 

The  wandring  Generations  of  Adams  loft  pofteritie,  hav- 
ing loft  the  true  and  living  God  their  Maker,  have  created 
out  of  the  nothing  of  their  owne  inventions  many  falfe  and 
fained  Gods  and  Creators. 

More  particular  : 

Two  forts  of  men  fiall  naked  Jiand. 

Befote  the  burning  ire  2  Thef.  i.  8. 

Of  him  that  Jliortly  Jhall  appear e^ 

In  dreadfull Jiaffiing  fre. 

Fir  ft,  millions  know  not  God,  nor  for 
His  knowledge,  care  to  feeke  : 
132]  Millions  have  knowledge ftore,  but  in 

Obedience  are  not  tneeke. 

If  woe  to  Indians,  Where  fiall  Turk, 

Where  Jljall  appeare  the  lew  ? 
O,  where  Jljall ftand  the  Chriftian  falfe? 

O  bleffed  then  the  True. 

Chap.  XXII. 

Of  their  Government  and  Juftice. 


achim-mauog.''' 
Sachimauonck, 


King,  Kings. 

A  Kingdome  or  Monarchie. 


292  Fequot,  funjum  ;  'HdiVr.  faunchem  ;  fachem  wilYifagamore.  The  former  was 
Stiles. — Sagamore, zY\ng;  J'achem,  Mem;  a  fubftantive,  or  verbal;  the  latter  rep- 
Wood. — Abn.  fangman,  capitaine;  ne-  refents,  probably,  the  3  pers.  fing.  indie. 
fangmarii,  je  fuis  capitaine  ;  Rale. — Del.  of  the  trans,  verb  which  Eliot  writes 
fagkimau,  he  is  a  chief;  Heclcw.  A  fonkqhuau  and  johkau-au,  'he  prevails 
comparilon  of  thefe  feveral  forms  of  the  over,'  'has  the  maftery  of.'  (Compare 
fame    word    eftabliflies   the    identity  of  fontim,  mafter.   El.) 


22 


3] 


Of  their  Government . 


163 


Obf.  Their  Government  is  Monarchical!/''  yet  at  prefent 
the  chiefeft  government  in  the  Counrey  is  divided  betweene  a 
younger  ^S'^c'Z'/w,  Miantunnomu,  and  an  elder /SiZfy^/w,  Caunoii- 
nicus,  of  about  fourefcore  yeeres  old,  this  young  mans  Uncle; 
and  their  agreement  in  the  Government  is  remarkable  : 

The  old  Sachim  will  not  be  offended  at  what  the  young 
Sachitn  doth  ;  and  the  young  Sachim  will  not  doe  what  hee 
conceives  will  difpleafe  his  Uncle. 


133]  Saunks/'* 

Saunckfquuaog. 

Otan,-nafh. 

Otanick. 

Sachimmaacommock'" 


The  ^een,  or  Sachi?ns  Wife. 

^ueenes. 

The  towne,  townes. 

To  the  towne. 

A  Princes  houfe,  which  ac- 


cording to  their  condition,  is  farre  different  from  the  other 
houfe,  both  in  capacity  or  receit ;  and  alfo  the  fineneffe  and 
quality  of  their  Mats. 

Lord,  Lords. 

A  Wife  man  or  Counfellour. 

Wife  7nen. 

Tour  will  fiall  be  law. 


Ataiiskawaw-wauog.'"'* 
Wauontam."" 
Wauontakick. 
Enatch''*  or  eatch  Keen 
anawayean. 

293  "  Their  fachems  cannot  be  all 
called  kings,  but  only  fome  few  of  them, 
to  whom  the  reft  refort  for  protedlion, 
and  pay  homage  unto  them.  .  .  .  Of  this 
fort  is  Maffajfowat  [Maifafoit],  our  friend, 
and  Conanacus  of  Nanohigganfet,  our  fup- 
pofed  enemy."  E.  Winflow's  Good 
Newes  from  N.  E.  (in  Young's  Chron. 
of  Plymouth,  360-61.) 

=94  Sonkfq.fonkifq,  El. — Saunck  fquauh. 
Stiles. — A  contraiiion  of fauni /qua,  i.  e. 
fachem  fquaw.  Xf^i-befo/ii/qlgTeztl'aunk- 
fqua]  'queen;'  Either  i.  9,  11,  15. — 
"  The  fqua-fachem,  for  fo  they  call  the 


Sachem's  wife,  gave  us  friendly  enter- 
tainment." Winflow's  Good  Newes  from 
N.  E.;   ut  fupra,  317. 

295  "T\\it  fachimo  comaco,  for  fo  they 
call  the  fachim's  place,  though  they  call 
an  ordinary  houfe  zuiteo."  Ibid. 

=96  See  before,  p.  I  20. 

297  Waantam,  [he  is]  wife.  El.  Gram. 
16,  24:  fuppos.  3d  pers.  fing.  ivaantog; 
particip.  ■^\\x.zuaantogig{wau6ntakick),  the 
wife. 

=93  Ne  naj,  fo  be  it ;  •  even  fo,'  Matt, 
xi.  26.  The  3d  pers.  fing.  imperative,  of 
nnib,  or  nnano,  {nni,  p.  57,  ante,)  'it  is  fo.' 


164 


Oi  their  Government. 


[224 


Enatch  neen  anowa. 
Ntinnume. 
Ntacquetunck  ewo. 
Kuttackquetous. 


Let  my  ivord Jland. 
He  is  my  man. 
He  is  my  Ju/yje£l. 
I  ivill  JubjeB  to  you. 


Obf.  Belide  their  general!  fubjedlion  to  the  higheft  Sa- 
chinis,  to  whom  they  carry  prefents  :  They  have  alfo  partic- 
ular Proteftors,  under  Sachims,  to  whom  they  alfo  carry 
prefents,  and  upon  any  injury  received,  and  complaint  made, 
thefe  Protedlors  will  revenge  it. 

/  will  revenge  it. 
I  'will  revenge  you. 
A  Court  or  meeting. 
Come  to  the  meeting. 
Let  us  meet. 


Ntannotam. 

Kuttannotous. 

I  34]  Miawene. 

Wepe  cummiawene 

Miawetuck. 

Wauwhautowafh. 

Miawemucks. 

Miawehettit. 


Call  a  meeting. 
At  a  7neeting. 
When  they  meet. 


Obf.  The  Sachims,  although  they  have  an  abfolute  Mon- 
archie  over  the  people  ;  yet  they  will  not  conclude  of  ought 
that  concernes  all,  either  Lawes,  or  Sublides,  or  warres,  unto 
which  the  people  are  averfe,  and  by  gentle  perfwalion  can- 
not be  brought. 


Peyautch  naugum. 
Petiteatch. 
Mifliaiintowafh. 
Nanantowafti. 
Kunnadsittamen  wepe. 
Wunnadfittamiitta. 
Neen  pitch-nnadsittamen. 
Machilfu  ewo. 


Let  himfelfe  come  here. 

Let  him  come. 

Speake  out. 

Speake  plaine. 

You  7nujl  ifiquire  after  this. 

Let  us  f each  into  it. 

I  ivill  inquire  into  it. 

He  is  naught. 


22 


5] 


Oi  their  Government. 


165 


Cuttiantacompav\^wem. 
Cuttiantakiskquawquaw. 
Wepe  cukkummoot."'''' 
Mat  meflinawmonafli 
135]  Mat  mefh  nummam- 

menafh. 
Wepe  kunnifliqueko 

cummiskifsawwaw. 


Tou  are  a  lying  fellow. 
You  are  a  lying  looinan. 
Tou  have  Jlole. 
I  did  not  fee  thofe  things. 
I  did  not  take  them. 

You  are  fierce  atid  quar- 
relfotne. 


Obf  I  could  never  difcerne  that  excefTe  of  fcandalous 
fins  amongft  them,  which  Europe  aboundeth  with.  Drunk- 
enefle  and  gluttony,  generally  they  know  not  what  finnes 
they  be ;  and  although  they  have  not  fo  much  to  reftraine 
them  (both  in  refpeft  of  knowledge  of  God  and  Lawes  of 
men)  as  the  Englijh  have,  yet  a  man  fhall  never  heare  ot  fuch 
crimes  amongft  them  of  robberies,  murthers,  adulteries,  &c. 
as  amongft  the  Englifi  :^°°  I  conceive  that  the  glorious  Sunne 


299  In  Oftober,  1 67;,  Mr.  Williams, 
writing  to  Gov.  Leveret,  reports  a  con- 
verfation  which  he  had  with  Nananaw- 
tunu  (Canonchet),  to  difluade  him  from 
taking  part  with  Philip  in  hoilility 
to  the  Engliih :  "  I  tould  the  young 
Prince  ...  all  their  war  is  Commootin ; 
they  have  Commootind  our  Howies,  our 
Cattell,  our  Heads  &c.,  and  y'  not  by 
their  Artillerie  but  our  Weapons." — 
Plym.  Col.  Records  x.  App.  p.  455. — 
Kommmto,  kummo/to  (El.),  he  fteals. 

300  «<  On  longer  acquaintance  and  more 
experience,  he  feems  to  have  altered  his 
opinion  of  them;  as  appears  by  fome 
expreflions  in  a  manufcript  of  his,  vet 
remaining.  'The  diilinftion  of  drunken, 
and  fober,  honeft  fachems,  is  (favs  he) 
both  lamentable  and  ridiculous  ;  lament- 
able, that  all  Pagans  are  given  to  drunk- 


ennefs  ;  and  ridiculous,  that  thofe  (of 
whom  he  was  fpeaking)  are  excepted. 
It  is  (fays  he)  notorioufly  known,  what 
confciences  all  Pagans  make  ot  lying, 
llealing,  whoring,  murdering,'  &c.  25th 
6th  mo.  1658."— Callender's  Hill.  Dis- 
courfe,  140. 

Writing  to  the  Commiffioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  Oftober  5,  1654,  to 
difluade  them  from  interfering  in  the 
quarrel  between  the  Narraganfetts  and 
the  Indians  of  Long  Ifland,  he  calls  upon 
them  to  confider  "if,  for  the  fake  of  a 
few  inconfiderable  Pagans  and  Beails 
wallowing  in  Idlenes,  Stealing,  Lying, 
Whoring,  Treacheries,  Witchcrafts, 
Blalphemies  and  Idolatries, — all  that  the 
gracious  hand  of  the  Lord  hath  fo  won- 
derfully planted  in  this  Wildernes  fliould 
be  deftroyed." — Plym.  Records,  x.  442. 


1 66 


Of  their  Government. 


[226 


of  fo  much  truth  as   Ihines  in  England,  hardens  our  Englijh 
hearts  ;  for  what  the  Sunne  fofteneth  not,  it  hardens. 


Tawhitch  yo  enean  ? 
Tawhitch  cummootoan  ? 
Tawhitch  nanompaniean  ? 
Wewhepapunnoke. 
Wepe  kunnifhaCimis. 
Wepe  kukkemineantin. 
Saiaumitauwhitch. 
Upponckquittauwhitch. 

^36] 


Why  doe  you  Jo  ? 

Why  doe  you  Jleale  ? 

Why  are  you  thus  idle  or  bafe  ? 

Bind  him. 

Tou  kild  Imn. 

You  are  the  murtherer. 

Let  him  be  ivhipt. 

Let  Imn  be  imprijoned. 

Let  him  die. 

Let  them  die. 

Kill  him. 

Shoot  him. 


Nippitch  ewo 
Nipliettitch. 
Niir-Nilfoke.^"- 
Piim-pummoke. 

Obf.  The  moft  ufuall  Cuftome  amongft  them  in  execu- 
ting punifliments,  is  for  the  Sachim  either  to  beat,  or  whip, 
or  put  to  death  with  his  owne  hand,  to  which  the  common 
fort  mofl:  quietly  I'ubmit :  though  fometimes  the  Sachim  fends 
a  fecret  Executioner,  one  oi  his  chiefelf  Warriours  to  fetch 
of  a  head,  by  fonie  fudden  unexpected  blow  of  a  Hatchet, 
when  they  have  feared  Mutiny  by  publike  execution. 


Kukkeechequaubenitch. 

Nippansinnea. 

Uppansinea-ewo. 

Matmefhnowaiiwon. 

NNnowauntum. 

Nummachieme. 

Aumaiinemoke. 


T^ou  /hall  be  hanged. 
I  am  itinocent. 
Ht'  is  innocefit. 
I  knew  nothing  of  it. 
I  am  forry. 
I  have  done  ill. 
Let  it  pajfe,  or  take 
away  this  accufation. 


3°"  Imperat.  2d  pers.  fing.  and  plural ;     '  he  kills,'  or  '  he  is  killed,'  —  the  aftive 
nuJh,nuJhcok,YA.  Indie.  (3d  pers.) //r^/^^ji^,     and  pafTivc  having  the  fame  form. 


227]  Of  Manage.  167 

Konkeeteatch  Let  hbn  live. 

Ewo. 
Konkeeteahetti  L,et  them  live. 

137]  Obfervat  ion  general  I,  of  their  Governtiient. 

The  wildeft  of  the  fonnes  of  Men  have  ever  found  a  necef- 
sity,  (for  prefervation  of  themfelves,  their  FamiHes  and  Pro- 
perties) to  cafl:  themfelves  into  fome  Mould  or  forme  of 
Government. 

More  particular : 

Adulteries,  Murthers,  Robberies,  Thefts, 
I    JVild  Indians  punijh  thefe  ! 
And  hold  the  Scales  of  lujiice  fo. 
That  710  man  farthing  leefe. 

When  Indians  heare  the  horrid  filths, 

2   Of  Irhh,  Englilh  Men, 
The  horrid  Oaths  and  Murthers  late. 

Thus  fay  thefe  Indians  then. 

We  weare  no  C baths,  have  many  Gods, 

And  yet  our  fnnes  are  lejfe : 
You  are  Barbarians,  Pagans  wild. 

Tour  Land's  the  Wilderneffe. 

138]  Chap.  XX  1.^°' 

Of  Marriage. 


\/'\7Uskene. 
V     V   Keegfquaw. 

302  So,  in  the  firft  edition;  for  XXIII. 


A  young  man. 

A  Virgin  or  Maide. 


i68 


Of  Mariage. 


[228 


Segauo. 

Segousquaw. 

Wuirenetam. 

Nofenemuck. 

Wuffenetuock,'"'* 

Awetawatuock. 


A  Widdower. 

A  Widdoii). 

He  goes  a  woo'mg. 

He  is  my  fo7ine  in  Law. 

They  make  a  ttiatch. 


Obf.  Single  fornication  they  count  no  lin,  but  after  Mar- 
iage (which  they  folemnize  by  confent  of  Parents  and  pub- 
lique  approbation  pubhquely)  then  they  count  it  hainous 
for  either  of  them  to  be  falfe. 


Mammaufu. 

Nummam  mogwun  ewo. 

Palle  nochifquauaw. 


An  adulterer. 
He  hath  wronged  tny  bed. 
He  or  She  hath  cotnmitted 
adultery. 


Obf.  In  this  cafe  the  wronged  party  may  put  away  or 
keepe  the  party  offending :  commonly  if  the  Woman  be 
falfe,  the  offended  Husband  will  be  Iblemnely  revenged  upon 
139]  the  offendor,  before  many  witnelfes,  by  many  blowes 
and  wounds,  and  if  it  be  to  Death,  yet  the  guilty  relifts  not, 
nor  is  his  Death  revenged. 


Nquittocaw. 
Neefocaw. 
Sfhocowaw. 
Yocowaw. 


He  hath  one  Wife. 
He  hath  two  Wives. 
He  hath  three. 
Foure  Wives,  &c. 


Their  Number  is  not  flinted,   yet  the   chief  Nation  in 

303*  The  reciprocal  form  of  the  verb  El.)  for  wetau-attu-og,  the  reciprocal  of 

a'ff^''^<'«',  he  marries  (' goes  a  wooing' ):  wetauomau  (El.)    'he   takes  a  wife'  or 

«'a/??«-/V/a-i»f,  they  marry  one  the  other,  '{he    takes  a  hulband  ;'    literally,   'they 

So,  below,  Awetawatuock  {weetauadteog,  houfe  together.' 


229] 


Of  Mariage. 


169 


the  Country,  the  Narriganfets  (generally  have  but  one 
Wife.3°^ 

Two  caufes  they  generally  alledge  for  their  many  Wives. 

Firft  defire  of  Riches,  becaufe  the  Women  bring  in  all 
the  increafe  of  the  Field,  &c.  the  Husband  onely  fifheth, 
hunteth,  &c. 

Secondly,  their  long  fequeftring  themfelves  from  their 
wives  after  conception,  untill  the  child  be  weaned,  which 
with  fome  is  long  after  a  yeare  old,  generally  they  keep  their 
children  long  at  the  breafl: : 


Committamus. 

Coweewo. 
TahanawatuPta  fliin- 

commaugemus. 
Napannetafliom 

paugatafh. 
Qutta,  enada  fhoa- 
140]  flick  ta  fhompaugatafli 


Tour  Wife. 

How  much  gave  you  for 

her  ? 
Five  fat  ho7}ie  of  their 

Money. 
Six,  or  f even,  or  eight 

Fatho/ne. 


If  fome  great  mans  Daughter  Piuckquompaugatafh,  ten 
fathome. 

Obf  Generally  the  Husband  gives  thefe  payments  for  a 
Dowrie,  (as  it  was  in  Ifraell)  to  the  Father  or  Mother,  or 
guardian  of  the  Maide.  To  this  purpofe  if  the  man  be  poore, 
his  Friends  and  neighbours  doe  pwmneniimmin  teduguajh,  that 
is  contribute  Money  toward  the  Dowrie. 


303  Edward  Winflow,  when  he  vifited 
Corbitant,  the  petty  fachem  of  Matta- 
puyft,  (in  Swanzey)  "took  occafion  to 
tell  them  ...  of  the  ten  commandments  ; 
all  which  they  liftened  to  with  great  at- 
tention, and  liked  well  of;  only  the 
B22 


feventh  commandment  they  excepted 
againft,  thinking  there  were  many  in- 
conveniences in  it,  that  a  man  (hould  be 
tied  to  one  woman."  —  Good  Newes 
from  N  E.  (Young's  Chron.  of  Ply- 
mouth, 325.) 


I/O 


Of  their  Mariage. 


[230 


Nummittamus. 

Nullogana. 

Waumaufu. 

Wunnekefu. 

Maanfu. 

Muchickehea. 

Cutchafliekeamis  ? 

Nquittekea. 
Neefekea. 


My  Wife. 

Loving. 

Proper. 

Sober  and  chajl. 

Fruifull. 

How  many  children 

have  yon  had} 

I  have  had  one. 

Two,  &c. 


Obf.  They  commonly  abound  with  Children,  and  increafe 
mightily  ;  except  the  plauge  fall  amongft  them,  or  other  leffer 
fickneiTes,  and  then  having  no  meanes  of  recovery,  they  perifli 
wonderfully. 


Katou  eneechaw. 
141]  Neechaw. 
Paugcotche  nechauwaw. 
Kitummayi-mes-nechaw. 


She  is  falling  into  TravelL 
She  is  in  TravelL 
She  is  already  delivered. 
She  was  juji  now  delivered. 


Obf.  It  hath  pleafed  God  in  wonderfull  manner  to  mod- 
erate that  curfe  of  the  forrowes  of  Child-bearing  to  thefe 
poore  Indian  Women  :  So  that  ordinarily  they  have  a  won- 
derfull more  fpeedy  and  eafie  Travell,  and  delivery  then  the 
Women  o'i  Europe :  not  that  I  thinke  God  is  more  gracious 
to  them  above  other  Women,  but  that  it  followes,  Firfl  from 
the  hardnelfe  of  their  conftitution,  in  which  refpedl  they 
beare  their  forrowes  the  ealier. 

Secondly  from  their  extraordinary  great  labour  (even  above 
the  labour  of  men)  as  in  the  Field,  they  fuftaine  the  labour 
of  it,  in  carrying  of  mighty  Burthens,  in  digging  clammes 
and  getting  other  Shelfifli  from  the  Sea,  in  beating  all  their 
corne  in  Morters  :   Sec.     Moll:  of  them  count  it  a  (hame  tor 


23^] 


Oi  their  Marriage. 


171 


a  Woman  in  Travell  to  make  complaint,  and  many  of  them 
are  fcarcely  heard  to  groane.  I  have  often  knowne  in  one 
Quarter  of  an  houre  a  Woman  merry  in  the  Houfe,  and  de- 
Hvered  and  merry  againe :  aud  within  two  [  1 42]  dayes  abroad, 
and  after  foure  or  five  dayes  at  worke,  &c. 


Noofawwaw. 

Noonfu  Nonannis. 

Wunnunogan. 

Wunnunnoganafli. 

Munnunnug.^"" 

Aumaiinemun. 


A  Nurfe. 
A  fucking  Child. 
A  breaji. 
Breajls. 
Milke. 

To  take  from  the  breaji, 
or  Weane. 


Obf  They  put  away  (as  in  Ifraell)  frequently  for  other 
occafions  befide  Adultery,  yet  I  know  many  Couples  that 
have  lived  twenty,  thirty,  forty  yeares  together. 


Npaketam. 

Npakenaqun. 

Aquiepaketafli. 

Aquiepokefliattous 

Awetawatuonck. 

Tackquiuwock. 

Towiu-uwock.^"' 

3°4  Eliot  and  Cotton  wrote,  for 'milk,' 
fogkodtunk  and  fogk'odonk  [a  participial, 
from  the  verb  fobkodtinnum,  fignifying, 
'  what  is  drawn  forth  'j  ;  but,  properly, 
the  application  of  that  word  was  re- 
ftrifted  to  the  milk  of  animals.  Cot- 
ton's "Milk  for  Babes"  was  trandated, 
as  '  Meninnunk  ivutch  Mukkiefog,''  and  in 
the  quotation  on  its  title-page,  from  I 
Peter,   ii.    2,  meninnunnue  (adjeftive)   is 


/  will  put  her  away. 
I  am  put  away. 
Doe  not  put  away. 
Doe  not  break  the  knot 

of  Marriage. 
Twins. 
Orphans. 

fubftituted  for  fogkodtungane  of  Eliot's 
yeTfion.-Munnunnug  [^m^nmnuk']  is  a  verb- 
al, from  nmnau,  '  he  fucks.'  With  the 
prefix  of  the  3d  perfon,  it  becomes  wun- 
niinnug,  —  whence,  wunnunogan,  a  breaft. 
3°s  Touzvies,touies  ;  plur.  -efog  ;  Eliot. 
A  diminutive  from  toueu,  pi.  touieog,  to- 
wieog,  they  are  left  alone,  deferted. — 
[Whence,  alfo,  touoh-komuk,  a  defert,  or 
folitary-place,  '  the  wildernefs.'  EL] 


1/2  Of  their  Mariage.  [232 


Ntouwiu. 

Wauchaunat.^°* 

Wauchauamachick. 

Nulloquafo.'"' 

Peewauqun. 


/  am  an  Orphane. 

A  Guardian. 

Guardiatis. 

My  charge  or  Pupill,  or  Ward. 

Looke  well  to  him  &c. 


[143]  Generall  Obfervations  of  their  Mariage. 

God  hath  planted  in  the  Hearts  of  the  Wildeft  of  the 
fonnes  of  Men,  an  High  and  Honourable  efteeme  of  the 
Mariage  bed,  infomuch  that  they  uniVerfally  fubmit  unto  it, 
and  hold  the  Violation  of  that  Bed,  Abominable,  and  accord- 
ingly reape  the  Fruit  thereof  in  the  abundant  increafe  of 
pofterity. 

More  Particular. 

When  Indians  heare  that  Jhne  there  are, 

{That  Men  the  Papijls  call) 
Forbidding  Mariage  Bed  and  yet. 

To  thoujand  VVhore  domes  fall: 

They  aske  iffuch  doe  goe  in  Cloaths, 

And  whether  God  they  hiow  f 
And  when  they  heare  they're  richly  clad, 

know  God,  yet  praBice  fo. 

No  fure  they're  Beajis  not  men  {fay  they,) 

Mens  Jliame  and  foul e  dif grace. 
Or  men  have  tnixt  with  BeaJls  and  fo, 

brought  forth  that  ?nonJtrous  Race. 

306   ^d^cy^awOT,  he  keeps,  or  takes  care  3=7  The  prefence  of  /  in  this  word, — 

of;   fuppos.    3d  person  fing.  wadchanuk,  as  in  Nullogana,  p.  140,  and  in  Palli,  p. 

when    he    keeps   a   keeper.    See   Eliot's  138, — fhows  it  to  belong   to  fome  other 

Grammar,  25-27.  dialeft  than  the  Narraganfett. 


233I  Oi  their  Coyne.  173 


144]  Chap.  XXVI."^ 

Concerning  their  Coyne. 

THe  Indians  are  ignorant  of  Europes  Coyne ;  yet  they 
have  given  a  name  to  ours,  and  call  it  Moneajh  from  the 
Efiglijh  Money. 

Their  owne  is  of  two  forts  ;  one  white,  which  they  make 
of  the  ftem  or  ftocke  of  the  Periwincle,  which  they  call 
Meteauhock,^'^  when  all  the  fliell  is  broken  off:  and  of  this 
fort  fix  of  their  fmall  Beads  (which  they  make  with  holes  to 
ftring  the  bracelets)  are  currant  with  the  Englijh  for  a  peny. 

The  fecond  is  black,  incling  to  blew,  which  is  made  of 
the  fhell  of  a  fifh  which  fome  EngliJJj  call  Hens,  Poquau- 
hock,  and  of  this  fort  three  make  an  Englijlo  peny. 

They  that  live  upon  the  Sea  fide,  generally  make  of  it, 
and  as  many  make  as  will. 

The  Indians  bring  downe  all  their  forts  of  Furs,  which 
they  take  in  the  Countrey,  both  to  the  Indians  and  to  the 
Englijh  for  this  Indian  Money :  this  Money  the  Englijh, 
French  and  Dutch,  trade  to  the  Indians,  fix  hundred  miles  in 
feverall  parts  (North  and  South  from  New-  [145]  England) 
for  their  Furres,  and  whatfoever  they  fi:and  in  need  of  from 
them  :   as  Corne,  Venifon,  &c. 

Nquittompfcat. 

Neefaiimfcat. 

Shwaiimfcat. 


1  peny. 

2  pence. 

3  pence. 

3°8  For  XXIV.  So  in  the  firft  edition.  309  See  before,  notes  257  and  259. 


174 


Of  their  Coyne. 


[234 


Yowomfcat. 
Napannetafliaumfcat. 
Quttatafliaumfcat,  or 

quttauatu. 
Enadatafliaiimfcat. 
Shwoaluck.  tafliaumfcat. 
Paskugittafliaumfcat. 
Piuckquaiimfcat. 
Piuckquaiimfcat  nab  naquit. 
Piuckquaiimfcat  nab  nees,  &c 


4  pence. 

5  pence. 

6  pence. 

7  pence. 

8  pence. 

9  pence. 

I  o  pence. 

I I  pence. 
1 2  pence. 


Obf.     This  they  call  Neen,  which  is  two  of  their  ^ttau- 
atues,  or  fix  pence. 


3  quttauatues. 
2'"  4  quttauatues. 
2"'  6'^'  5  quttauatues. 


6" 
6"- 


Piukquaumfcat  nab  naihoa-        i  S"^' 

fuck,  which  they  call  Shwin. 
Neefneecheckaiimfcat 

nab  yoh,  or,  yowin. 
Shwinchekaumfcat,  or 

napannetafliin. 
146]  Shwinchekaumfcat. 
Yowinnchekaiimfcat 

nab  neefe. 
Yowinncheckaumfcat 

nabnaflioafuck. 
Napannetafliwincheck- 

aumfcat  nab  yoh. 
Quttatalhincheck 

aumfcat,  or,  more  commonly 

ujed  Piiickquat. 

Obf.     This  Piiickquat  being  fixtie  pence,  they  call  Nquit- 
tompeg,  or  nquitnijhcdufu,  that  is,  one  fathom,  5  fliillings. 

This  one  fathom  of  this  their  ftringed  money,  now  worth 
of  the  Englifli  but  five  Ihillings  (fometimes  more)  fome  few 


6  quttauatues. 

7  quttauatues. 

8  quttauatues. 

9  quttauatues. 


10  quttauatues,  or, 
10  fix  pences. 


'■35] 


Oi  their  Coyne. 


^7S 


yeeres  fince  was  worth  nine,  and  fometimes  ten  fhillings  per 
Fathome :  the  fall  is  occalioned  by  the  fall  of  Beaver  in 
E7igland\  the  Natives  are  very  impatient,  when  for  Englifli 
commodities  they  pay  fo  much  more  of  their  money,  and 
not  underftanding  the  caufe  of  it ;  and  many  fay  the  Englifli 
cheat  and  deceive  them,  though  I  have  laboured  to  make 
them  underftand  the  reafon  of  it. 

ID  fliil.  2  Fathom. 


147]  Neefaumpaiigatuck. 
Shwaumpaugatuck. 
Yowompaugatuck,  &c. 
Piuckquampaugatuck 

or,  Nquit  paufck. 
Neefpaufuckquompaugatuck 
Shwepaufuck. 
Yowe  paufuck,  &c. 
Nquittemittannau- 

ganompaugatuck. 
Neefemittannug,  &c, 
Tafliincheckompaugatuck  ? 


15  fliil.  3  Fathom. 
20  fliil.  4  Fathom. 
50  fliil.  10  Fathome. 

5  lib'  20  Fathome. 
30  Fathome. 

40  Fathome,  or,  10. 
pounds.^'" 

How  jnany  Fathom  ? 


Obf.     Their  white  they  call   Wompam   (which    fignifies 
white):   their  black  Suckduhock  [Sucki  lignifying  blacke.)^" 


3'°  This  fhould  Hand  oppofite  to  "  To'we 
paufuck,  Sec."  'Nquittemittannaugan,hc., 
fignifies, "  1 000  Fathoms,  or  250  pounds;" 
Neefemittannug,  &c.,  2000  Fathoms. 

3>'  Sucki  (here  and  eliewhere  tranfla- 
ted  'black,'J  fignifies 'dark-colored.'  The 
fuckaiikock,  '  dark-colored  fhell,'  was  pur- 
ple or  violet ;  or,  as  Mr.  Williams  wrote, 
p.  144,  'black  inclining  to  blue.'  Joffe- 
lyn  (Voyages,  142)  defcribes  Indian 
money  as  "  of  two  forts,  blew  beads  and 
white  beads :"  and  Lechford  ( Plaine 
Dealing,  50)  fpeaks  of  the  "  blew  and 
white  wampom." — Hock  {hogki,  hackee,) 


was  the  generic  affix  for  '  fhell ;'  derived 
from  hogkm,  '  it  covers  '  (as  a  garment.) 
See  note  265.  When  uled  feparately, 
it  has  the  pronominal  prefix  of  the  3d 
perfon,  wuhhogki  (El.),  wohhogke  (Cot.); 
pi.  wuhhogkiaflj,  ufed  alfo  for  '  fcales  '  of 
a  fifh.  —  Meteauhock  [mehtauog-hogki  ? 
ear-fhaped  fhell  ?]  from  which  wompam, 
or  white  money,  was  made,  was  proba- 
bly Pyrula  carica  or  P.  canaliculata.  Say, 
—  which  are  popularly  known  as  'peri- 
winkles.' (See  before,  p.  107-.)- — ffom- 
pam  was  the  name  of  the  white  beads 
colle^ively ;  when  llrung  or  wrought  in 


176 


Of  their  Coyne. 


[236 


Both  amongft  themfelves ;  as  alfo  the  Englirti  and  Dutch, 
the  blacke  peny  is  two  pence  white ;  the  blacke  fathom 
double,  or,  two  fathom  of  white. 


Wepe  kuttaflawompatimmin 
Suckaiihock,  naufake- 

fachick.^"* 
148]  Wauompeg,  or  Wau- 

ompefichick-mefim 
AfTawompatittea. 
Anawfuck.^" 
Meteauhock. 
Suckauanaufuck. 
Suckauaskeefaquafh.' 


Change  my  money. 
The  blacke  money. 

Give  me  white. 

Come,  let  us  change. 

Shells. 

The  Periwinckle. 

The  blacke  J]:)ells. 

The  blacke  eyes,  or 


that  part  of  the  ihel-fifli  called  Poquauhock  (or  Hens)  broken 

out  neere  the  eyes,  of  which  they  make  the  blacke. 

Puckwheganafh  G? 

Miickfuck. 

Papuckakiuafli. 


Awle  blades. 


Britle,  or  breaking. 


Which  they  defire  to  be  hardened  to  a  britle  temper. 

Obf.  Before  ever  they  had  Awle  blades  from  Europe,  they 
made  Ihift  to  bore  this  their  lliell  money  with  ftone,  and  fo 
fell  their  trees  with  ftone  fet  in  a  wooden  ftaff,  and  ufed 
woden  howes :  which  fome  old  &  poore  women  (teartull  to 
leave  the  old  tradition)  ufe  to  this  day. 


Natouwompitea. 

Nnanatouwompiteem, 

Natouwompitees. 

girdles,  they  conftituted  zcauompcg  {wam- 
pompeage,  of  Wood  and  other  early  w'x- 
ters).  For  Suckaiihock,  Wood  writes  Mozv- 
hackecs  [from  jricoi,  'black,'  hogki,  'fhell.'] 
3"*  This  lail  word  perhaps  belongs  to 


A  Coyner  or  Minter. 
I  cannot  coyne. 
Make  money  or  Coyne. 

a  northern  dialeft.  In  the  Abnaki,  nef- 
feghek  fignilies  '  black  '  and  ijfak, '  (hells.' 

3"  Anna,  a  fhell.    Cott. 

3>3  From  _/«r/f;  and  wujkeefuckquajh  {^. 
49)  '  eyes.' 


237] 


Oi  their  Coyne. 


^77 


Puckhummin. 

Puckwhegonnautick. 
149]  Tutteputch  anawlin. 
they  doe  on  flones. 
Qufsuck-anafli.^'" 
Cauompsk. 
Nickautick. 

Enomphommin. 

Aconaqunnauog. 

Enomphommin. 

Enomphofachick. 

Sawhoog  &  Sawhofachick.'"^ 

Naumpacouin. 

Obf.  They  hang  thefe  ftrings  of  money  about  their  necks 
and  wrifts ;  as  aUb  upon  upon  the  necks  and  wrifls  of  their 
wives  and  children. 

Machequoce.  |  A  Girdle :  Which  they  make 

curioully  of  one  two,  three,  foure,  and  five  inches  thickneffe 
and  more,  of  this  nioney  which  (fometimes  to  the  value  of 
ten  pounds  and  more)  they  weare  about  their  middle  and  as 
a  fcarfe  about  their  fhoulders  and  breafts. 


To  bore  through. 
The  Aisle  blade  Jlicks. 
To  J  moot  h  them,  which 

Stone,  Stones. 
A  Whetfione. 
A  kinde  of  wooden  Pincers 

or  Vice. 
To  thread  or  Jlring. 
Thread  the  Beads. 
Thread,  or  Ji ring  thefe. 
Strung  ones. 
Loofe  Beads. 
To  hang  about  the  necke. 


3'4  ^uffiik-quannjh, Toc\is;  huJJ'un-\h.is- 
ja»-]/2/^,  rtones.  El.  Grammar,  lo.  The 
former  word  is  derived  from,  or  rather 
is  identical  with  quffucqiin  'heavy,'  (p. 
44.) — For  compound  words,  the  infep- 
arable-generic  w^as  -ompJkysQcV,  or  Hone  ), 
often  contrafted  to -^yi'.-  kenompsq  \kcneh- 
ompJk'\,  a  Iharp  llone  ;  cauompjk,  a  whet- 
Hone,  &c.  So,  puttuckqui-ompjk,  '  the 
round  rock ' — with  the  locative-affix, /a/- 
tuckqui-ompjk-ut,  —  a  well  known  bound 
or  land-mark  on  the  weft  fide  of  Narrow 
River,  half  a  mile  northeaft  from  the 
B23 


Tower  Hill  church  in  South  Kingston 
(Potter's  Hirt.  of  Narraganfet,  p.  304) 
which  gave  a  name  to  the  '  Pettiquani- 
fcut  Purchafe,'  and  to  the  river.  (Wil- 
liams wrote  this  name,  Puttuckquomfcut, 
and  Puttaquomfcut.~) 

3'5  Si-ahwhoog,  '  they  are  fcattered,'  El. 
From  this  word,  the  Dutch  traders  gave 
the  name  oi fewan  or  zeewand  [the  par- 
ticiple, feahwhoun,  fcattered,  loofe,]  to 
all  (hell  money  :  juft  as  the  Englifh  called 
all  peag,  or  ftrung  beads,  by  the  name  of 
the  white,  wampom. 


178  Oi  their  Coyne.  [238 

Yea  the  Princes  make  rich  Caps  and  Aprons  (or  fniall 
breeches)  of  thefe  Beads  thus  curiouily  ftrung  into  many 
formes  and  figures :  their  blacke  and  white  finely  mixt  to- 
gether. 

150]  Ohfervations  genera//  of  t/jcir  Coyne. 

The  Sonnes  of  men  having  loft  their  Maker,  the  true  and 
onely  Treafure,  dig  downe  to  the  bowels  of  the  earth  for 
gold  and  filver;  yea,  to  the  botome  of  the  Sea,  tor  (hells  of 
fiflies,  to  make  up  a  Treafure,  which  can  never  truly  inrich 
nor  fatisfie. 

More  particular : 

I    T/je  Indians  ^r/xd'  not  Engliih  go/i/. 

Nor  Englifli  IndiansyZv//.- 
Eac/j  in  /jis  p/ace  ivi//  pajj'e  for  oiigiit. 

What  ere  men  buy  or  fe//. 

Englifli  and  Indians  a// pajfe  hence. 

To  an  etertia//  p/ace. 
Where  J/je/s  nor  fineji  go/d's  worth  ought. 

Where  noug/jt's  worth  oug/jt  but  Grace. 

This  Coyne  the  Indians  /znow  not  of, 
W/jo  /iJiowes  /jow  foone  they  )nay  ? 

The  Englifli  knowing  prize  it  Jiot, 
But  fingt  /ike  droJJ'e  away. 


'39] 


Of  Buying  and  felling. 


179 


SA 


Chap.  XXV. 
Of  buying  and  felling. 


ANaqulhauog,  or 
Anaqulhanchick 
Anaqulhento. 
Cuttaflia  ? 
Cowachaunum  ? 
Nitaflia. 
Nowachaunum. 
Nquenowhick. 
Nowekineam. 
Nummachinammin. 
Maunetafh  nquenowhick. 
Cuttattauamirti. 
Nummouanaquilli. 
Mouanaqufhaiiog, 


Traders. 

Let  us  trade. 

Have  you  this  or  that  ? 

I  have. 

I  want  this,  &c. 

I  like  this. 

I  doe  not  like. 

I  ivaiit  tnajiy  things. 

I  ivili  buy  this  of  you. 

I  come  to  buy. 

Chaptnen. 


Mouanaqurtianchick. 

Obf.  Amongft  themfelves  they  trade  their  Corne,  skins, 
Coates,  Venifon,  Fifli,  &c.  and  fometimes  come  ten  or 
twenty  in  a  Company  to  trade  amongft  the  E?iglijh.^'^ 

They  have  feme  who  follow  onely  making  of  Bowes, 
feme  Arrowes,  fome  Diflies,  and  [152]  (the  Women  make 
all  their  earthen  Velfells)  fome  follow  hlhing,  fome  hunt- 


315  Wood  fays  of  the  Narraganfetts  — 
"the  moll  numerous  people  in  thofe 
parts,  the  moll  rich  alio,  and  the  moll 
induilrious" — that  "they  employed  moll 
of  their  time  in  catching  of  beavers, 
otters  and  mufqualhes,"  which  they 
traded  for  Englilh  commodities,  "  of 
which  they  make  a  double  profit,  by 
felling   them    to    more   remote   Indians, 


who  are  ignorant  at  what  cheape  rates 
they  obtaine  them,  in  comparifon  of  what 
they  make  them  pay.  .  .  .  The  Pequants 
call  them  Women-like  men  ;  but  being 
uncapable  of  a  jeare,  they  rell  fecure 
under  the  conceit  of  their  popularitie, 
and  feeke  rather  to  grow  rich  by  Indus- 
trie, than  famous  by  deeds  of  chevalry." 
N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2.  ch.  3. 


i8o 


Of  their  Trading. 


[240 


ing :   moft  on  the  Sea-fide  make  Money,  and  ftore  up  fhells 
in  Summer  againft  Winter  whereof  to  make  their  money. 

/  have  bought. 


Nummautanaqiifli. 

Cummanohamin  ? 

Cummanohamoufli. 

Nummautanohamin 

Kunnauntatauamifli. 

Comaunekunniio  ? 

Koppocki. 

WalHippi.^" 

Suckinuit. 

Mifliquinuit. 

Wompinuit. 


Have  you  bought  ? 

I  will  buy  of  you. 

I  have  bought. 

I  come  to  buy  this. 

Have  you  any  Cloth  ? 

Thick  cloth. 

Thin. 

Black,  or  blackijh. 

Red  Cloth. 

White  Cloath. 


Obf.     They  all   generally  prize  a  Mantle  of  Etigliflj  or 
Dutch  Cloth  before  their  owne  wearing  of  Skins  and  Furres, 
becaufe  they  are  warme  enough  and  Lighter. 
Wompequayi.  |  Cloth  inclining  to  ivhite. 

Which  they  like  not,  but  defire  to  have  a  fad  coulour 
without  any  whitifh  haires,  fuiting  with  their  owne  naturall 
Temper,  which  inclines  to  fadnefle. 


Etouwawayi.'"^ 

Muckucki. 

153]  Checheke  maiitllia. 

Qunnafcat. 

Tiockqufcat. 

Wuir. 

Aumpacunnifh. 

Tuttepacunnifh. 


JVollie  on  both  fides. 
Bare  icithout  Wool. 
Long  lajling. 
Of  a  great  breadth. 
Of  little  breadth. 
The  Edge  or  lijl. 
Open  it. 
Fold  it  up. 


3'7   Wo£abpe,  waffahbe.  El.    WuJfSppi,  3"S  Aeetawe,  ehtai,  'on  both  fides.'  El. 

Cott.     Abn.  (B<j/i^f,  '  mince  en  plat.' —     Ehtaikenag,   'two   edged,'    [both -fides- 
Rale,  fharp,]  Prov.  v.  4. 


24l] 


Of  their  Trading. 


181 


Mat  Welhegganiinno. 

Tanogganiih/'' 

Wiiskinuit. 

Tanocki,  tanockflia. 

Eatawus. 

Quttaunch. 

Audta^-'" 

CuppdiniiJJ:)^^"  I  will  pay  you, 
from  the  EfigliJJj  word  pay. 
Tahenaiiatu  ? 
Tummock  cummeinfh. 
Teauguock  Cummeinfli. 
Wauwunnegachick. 

Obf.  They  have  great  difference  of  their  Coyne,  as  the 
Englifh  have;  fome  that  will  not  paife  without  Allowance, 
and  fome  again  made  of  a  Counterfeit  (hell,  and  their  very 
154]  black  counterfeited  by  a  Stone  and  other  Materialls  :^" 
yet  I  never  knew  any  of  them  much  deceived,  for  their 
danger  of  being  deceived  (in  thefe  things  of  Earth)  makes 
them  cautelous. 


There  is  no  Wool  on  it. 

Shake  it. 

New  Cloth. 

It  is  tome  or  rent. 

It  is  Old. 

Feele  it. 

A  paire  of  f mall  breeches 

or  Apron. 

which  is  a  word  newly  made 

What  price  ? 
/  will  pay  you  Beaver. 
I  will  give  you  Money. 
Very  good. 


Cofaiimawem. 
KuttiackquiTauwaw. 
Aquie  iackqulfaume. 
Aquie  WulTaumowafli. 
Talhin  Commefim  ? 

3'9  Mifprinted,  for  Tutaggtinijh.  See 
before,  p.  42. —  Tattauwohteajh  (EL). 

3^°  Autah  and  iititawhun,  p.  \\z^. — 
Adtahvjhunajh  (plu.j  'breeches.'  Ezek. 
44:  18.  Comp.  Adtahtau  (  El. )  '  it  hides, 
or  conceals  ;'  adtahtauun,  hidden. 


You  aske  too  much. 

You  are  very  hard. 

Be  not  fo  hard. 

Doe 'not  aske  fo  niuch. 

How  much  Jhall  I  give  you  ? 

i"  Kuppaumujh  \_Kup-paum-uJh'\  —  El. 
Gram.   28. 

3^^  Joflelyn  fays,  they  work  their  bead 
money  "  out  of  certain  fhells,  lo  cunning 
that  neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can  counter- 
feit."  Voyages,  p.  142. 


l82 


Oi  their  Trading. 


[242 


Kutteaug  Commeinfli. 
Nkeke  Commeinfli. 
Coanombuquffe 
Kuttairokakomme. 


/  u-ill  give  you  your  Money. 
I  itjiil  give  you  an  Otter. 
Tou  have  deceived  7ne. 


Obf.  Who  ever  deale  or  trade  with  them,  had  need  of 
Wiledome,  Patience,  and  FaithfulnelTe  in  dealing :  for  they 
frequently  fay  Cuppannaivcm,  you  lye,  CuttaJJokakomme,  you 
deceive  me. 


Mifquefu  Kunukkeke 

Yo  aiiv^^ulfe  Wunnegin 

Yo  chippaiiatu. 

Augaufaiiatu. 

Muchickauatu. 

155]  Wuttunnaiiatu. 

Wunifliaiinto. 

Aquie  neefquttonck  qufsifli. 

Wuche  nquittompfcat. 


Tour  Otter  is  reddij]:>. 

This  is  better. 

This  is  of  another  price. 

It  is  Cheap. 

It  is  deare. 

It  is  worth  it. 

Let  us  agree. 

Doe  ?iot  make  adoe. 

About  a  penny. 


They  are  marvailous  fubtle  in  their  Bargaines  to  fave  a 
penny ;  And  very  fufpicious  that  Englijh  men  labour  to  de- 
ceive them  .•  Therefore  they  will  beate  all  markets  and  try 
all  places,  and  runne  twenty  thirty,  yea,  forty  mile,  and  more, 
and  lodge  in  the  Woods,  to  iiwt  lix  pence. 


Cummammenafli 

nitteaiiguafli  t 
Nonanum. 
Noonfliem. 

Tawhitch  nonanumean  ? 
machage  nkockie. 
Tafliaumskullayi 

commelim  ? 


Will  you  have  my  Mo- 
ney} 
I  ca?inot. 

Why  can  you  not  ? 
I  get  7iothing. 
How  many  fpayis  ii%ill  you 
give  me  ? 


243] 


Oi  their  Trading. 


183 


Neefaumfquflayi. 
Shwaumfcullayi. 
Yowompfcuirayi. 
Napannetafliaumfcuffayi. 
Quttatafliaumfkus  Sayi. 
156]  Endatafliaumfcuffayi. 
Enadatafliaumskuttonayi. 
Cowenaweke. 


Two  f pans. 
Three  J  pans. 
Foiire  Spans. 
Five  [pans. 
Six  f pans. 
Seven  /pans. 
Seven  J  pans . 
Tou  are  a  rich  man. 


Obf.  They  will  often  confeffe  for  their  owne  ends,  that 
the  Englifli  are  richer  and  wifer,  and  valianter  then  them- 
felves  ;  yet  it  is  for  their  owne  ends,  and  therefore  they  adde 
Nanolie,  give  me  this  or  that,  a  difeafe  which  they  are  gen- 
erally infed:ed  with  :  fome  more  ingenuous,  fcorne  it ;  but  I 
have  often  feene  an  hidian  with  great  quanties  of  money 
about  him,  beg  a  Knife  of  an  Englifli  man,  who  happily 
hath  had  never  a  peny  of  money. 


Aketafli  -tamoke.^'^ 

Nowannakefe. 

Cofaiimakefe. 

Cunnoonakefe. 

Shoo  kekineafs. 

Wunetu  nitteaug. 

Mamattilfuog  kutteauquock. 

Tafliin  melh  commaug  ? 

Chichegin. 

Anaskunck. 

Maumichemanege. 

Cuttatuppaiinamum. 


Tell  my  money. 

I  have  mif-told. 

You  have  told  too  much. 

Tou  have  told  too  little. 

Looke  here. 

My  money  is  very  good. 

Your  Beads  are  naught. 

How  much  have  you  given  ? 

A  Hatchet. 

A  Howe. 

A  Needle. 

Take  a  )?ieafure. 


323  Ogketam,  he  counts,  reckons;  im-  late  the  Englilh,  'he  reads  or  '  ipells,' 
perat.  fing.  ogketajh,  plur.  ogketmk.  El.  i.  e.  reckons  the  letters.  Jofh.  viii.  34; 
The  fame  verb  was  employed  to  trans-     Jer.  xxxvi.  6. 


1 84 


Oi  their  Trading. 


[244 


157]  Tatuppauntuhommin. 

Tatuppauntiiock. 

Netatup. 

Kaukak.ineamuck.^"'' 

Pebenochichauquanick. 


To  weigh  with  fcales. 
They  are  aweighing. 
It  is  all  one. 


A  Looking  Glajfe. 


Obf.  It  may  be  wondred  what  they  do  with  GlafTes,  hav- 
ing no  beautie  but  a  fwarfifli  colour,  and  no  drefsing  but 
nakedneire ;  but  pride  appeares  in  any  colour,  and  the  meaneft 
dreffe  :  and  belides  generally  the  women  paint  their  faces 
with  all  forts  of  colours. 


Cummanohamogunna. 
Cuppittakunnemous. 
Cuppittakunnami. 
Cofaumpeekunne- 

mun. 
Cummachetannakiinnamous. 
Tawhitch  cuppitta- 

kunamiean  ? 
Kutchicheginafh, 

kaukinne  pokefliaas. 
Teano  waskilhaas. 

3=4  See  before,  p.  122.  Williams,  in 
a  letter  to  Gov.  Leverctt,  (before  cited, 
note  235,)  repeating  a  converfation  had 
with  Nananavvtunu,  in  1675,  fays  :  "  I 
told  him  .  .  .  y'  Philip  was  his  Cazuka- 
kinnamuk,  y'  is  Looking  Glafle." — Eliot, 
for  '  looking  glafs,'  has  pcpctuiutcbitchunk- 
quonh.  This  is  a  verbal,  fignifying  'very 
deceiving,'  or  '  very  deceptive  ;'  or,  as  a 
noun,  'that  which  very  much  deceives.' 
From  the  fame  verb  comes  pupannouiva- 
ch'uk,  'liars,'  p.  128,  ante.  Experience 
Mayhew,  in  a  letter  to   the   Hon.  Paul 


They  will  buy  it  of  you. 
Take  your  cloth  againe. 
Will  you  ferve  niefo? 
Ton  have  tore  me  ojf  too 

little  cloth. 
I  have  torn  it  off  for  you. 
Why  doe  you  turne  it  upon 

tny  hatid  ? 
Tour  Hatchets  will  be 

foone  broken. 
Soone  gapt. 

Dudley,  written  in  1722,  (for  a  copy  of 
which  I  am  indebted  to  J.  Wingate 
Thornton,  Elq.,  of  Bofton,)  gives,  in 
illuftration  of  '  the  Indian  way  of  com- 
pounding words,'  one  of  ivicnts-tvio  fyl- 
liiblcs,  which  fignifies  '  Our  we!l-(killed 
looking-glals  makers  :'  N up-pahk-nuh-ti- 
pc-pc-nau-v;ut-chut-chuh-qu6-ka-nch-cha-e- 
nin-nu-mun-no-nok!  One  can  hardly /aoit 
at  it  without  Hammering.  With  a  lan- 
guage permitting  the  conllruftion  and 
ule  of  luch  compounds  as  this,  the  '  man 
of  few  words'  might  yet  be  loquacious. 


245] 


Of  their  Trading. 


185 


Natouafliockquittea. 
Kuttattaiiamilh  aiike 
158J  Toundckquaque  ? 
Wuche  wuttotanick 

Plantation. 
Nifsekineam. 

Indianfuck  fekineamwock. 
Noonapuock  naugum 
Cowetompatimmin. 
Cummaugakeamirti. 
Aquie  chenawaufilli. 


A  Smith. 

I  would  buy  land  of  you. 

Hoiv  tnuch  ? 

For  a  To'w?ie,  or, 

/  have  no  tninde  to  feeke.^'^* 

The  Indians  are  not  ivilling. 

They  ivarit  roome  themjelves. 

We  are  friends. 

I  will  give  you  land. 

Be  not  churlijh. 


Generall  Oblervation  o/' Trade. 

O  the  infinite  wifedome  of  the  moft  holy  wife  God,  who 
hath  fo  advanced  Europe  above  America,  that  there  is  not  a 
forry  Howe,  Hatchet,  Knife,  nor  a  rag  of  cloth  in  all  America, 
but  what  comes  over  the  dreadfull  Atlantick  Ocean  from 
Europe :  and  yet  that  Europe  be  not  proud,  nor  America  dif- 
couraged.  What  treafures  are  hid  in  fome  parts  of  America, 
and  in  our  New  EtigUjh  parts,  how  have  foule  hands  (in 
fmoakie  houfes)  the  firft  handling  of  thofe  Furres  which  are 
after  worne  upon  the  hands  of  Queens  and  heads  of  Princes.? 

159]  More  particular : 

I    Oft  have  I  heard  thefe  Indians  y^_y, 

Thefe  Englifli  will  deceive  us. 
Of  all  that's  ours,  our  lands  and  lives. 

In  th'  end  they  will  bereave  us. 

3=5*  Mifprinted, — for  'to  fell.'     The  neam,  'he  refufed,' Gen.  37:  35.)  In  the 

Indian  word,  however,  fignifies  merely,  next    following    phrafe,  the   lame  verb 

'Irefufe;'  primarily, 'I  diflike.'   (Seke-  occurs,  in  the  plural, — '  are  not  willing.' 
B24 


1 86  Oi  Debts  2inA  Trujiing.  [246 

2  So  fay  they,  whatfocver  they  buy, 
[Though  J  mall)  which  Jheices  they  re  Jim 

Of  Jir angers,  fear eful I  to  be  catcht 
By  fraud,  deceipt,  or  lie. 

3  Indians  and  Engliiliyi'^r*'  deceits, 
Tet  williTig  both  to  be 

Deceiv'd  and  couzen'd  of  precious  foule. 
Of  heaven,  Eternitie. 


Cij'AP.  XXVI. 

Of  Debts  and  Trujling. 


I  have  not  mojiey  enough. 

Truji  me. 

I  li'ill  owe  it  vou. 


NOonat. 
NoonamautuckqiKiwhe. 
Kunnoonamautuckquaulh. 

160]  Obf  Thev  are  very  delirous  to  come  into  debt,  but 
then  he  that  trurts  them,  mull  I'uftaine  a  twofold  lolfe  : 

Firft,  of  his  Commoditie. 

Secondly,  of  his  cuftome,  as  I  have  found  by  deare  expe- 
rience :  Some  are  ingenuous,  plaine  hearted  and  honeft  ;  but 
the  mofi:  never  pay  unlelfe  a  man  follow  them  to  their  fev- 
erall  abodes,  townes  and  houfes,  as  I  my  felfe  have  been  forc'd 
to  doe,  which  hardfliip  and  travells  it  hath  yet  pleafed  God 
to  fweeten  with  fome  experiences  and  fome  little  gaine  of 
Language. 


Nonamautuckquaheginafli. 
Nofaumautackquawhe. 
Pitch  nippautowin. 


Debts. 

I  am  much  in  debt. 

I  will  bring  it  you. 


247] 


Of  Debts  and  Trujiing. 


187 


Chenock  naquombeg 
cuppauutiin  nitteauguafli. 
Kunnaiimpatous, 
Kukkeeskwhulh. 
Keeskwhim  teaug  mefin. 
Tawhitch  peyauyean 
Nnadgecom. 
Machetu. 

161]  Nummacheke. 
Melh  nummauchnem. 
Nowemacaunafli  nit- 
teauquafli. 


IVhen 

Will  you  bring  mee  my  money  ? 

I  ivill  pay  yon. 

Pay  me  my  ??7oney. 
Why  doe  you  come  ? 
I  come  for  debts. 
A  poore  man. 
I  am  a  poore  fuan. 
I  have  beejijicke. 
I  ivas  faine  to  Jpend  my 
tnoney  in  my  Jicknejfe. 

Obf.  This  is  a  common,  and  as  (they  think)  moft  fatis- 
fying  anfwer,  that  they  have  been  fick  :  for  in  thofe  times 
they  give  largely  to  the  Priefts,  who  then  fometimes  heales 
them  by  conjurations  ;  and  alfo  they  keepe  open  houfe  for 
all  to  come  to  helpe  to  pray  with  them,  unto  whom  alfo 
they  give  money. 


Mat  noteaugo. 
Kekinea(h  nippetunck.''^ 
Nummache  maiiganafli. 
Mat  coanaumwaumis.'"' 
Kunnampatowin  keenowwin 
Machige  wuttamauntam. 
Machige  wuttammauntam- 

moock. 
Micheme  notammaiintam. 
162]  Mat  nickowemen 

naukocks. 


/  have  no  money. 

Looke  here  in  my  bag. 

I  have  already  paid. 

Ton  have  not  kept  your  word. 

Tou  mujl  pay  it. 

He  minds  it  not. 

They  take  no  care  about 

paying. 
I  doe  alwayes  mind  it. 
I  cannot  Jleep  in  the  night 

for  it. 


326  Pitunck  {petunk,  EL),  a  bag, — lit-  327  '  Notyou-fpeak-true-to-me.'  Com- 

erally,  'what  it  is  put  into;'  from  petau-     pare  "  wunnaumwhycan,  if  he  fay  true." 
un,  he  puts  it  into.  p.  57,  ante. 


1 88  Oi  Debts  znA  Trujiing.  [248 

Generall  Obfervations  of  their  debts. 

It  is  an  univerfall  Difeafe  of  folly  in  men  to  defire  to  enter 
into  not  onely  neceirary,  but  unnecefTary  and  tormenting 
debts,  contrary  to  the  command  of  the  only  wife  God  :  Owe 
no  thing  to  any  man,  but  that  you  love  each  other. 

More  particular : 

/  have  heard  ingenuous  Indians y^_y. 

In  debts,  they  could  not  Jlcepe. 
Hoiv  far  ivorj'e  are  fuch  Englifli  then. 

Who  love  in  debts  to  keepe  ? 

If  debts  oj  pounds  caufe  rejilejfe  nights 

In  trade  with  man  and  wan, 
Hoiv  hards  that  heart  that  millions  owes 

To  God,  and  yet  JJeepe  can  ? 

Debts  paid,  fleep's  Jweet,  /ins  paid,  deat/fs  fweet. 
Death' s  night  theji  s  turjid  to  light ; 

Who  dies  injinnes  imp  aid,  that  Joule 
His  light's  eternall  night. 


163]  Chap.   XXVII. 

Of   their    Hunting,    &c. 

T  7"^  7Ee  fhall  not  name  over  the  feverall  forts  of  Beafts 
V     V   which  we  named  in  the  Chapter  of  Beafts. 

The  Natives  hunt  two  wayes : 

Firft,  when  they  purfue  their  game  (efpecially  Deere,  which 
is   the  generall   and    wondertull   plenteous    hunting   in   the 


H9] 


Of  their  Hunting. 


189 


Countrey  :)  I  fay,  they  purfue  in  twentie,  fortie,  fiftie,  yea, 
two  or  three  hundred  in  a  company,  (as  I  have  feene)  when 
they  drive  the  woods  before  them. 

Secondly,  They  hunt  by  Traps  of  feverall  forts,  to  which 
purpofe,  after  they  have  obferued  in  Spring-time  and  Sum- 
mer the  haunt  ot  the  Deere,  then  about  Harveft,  they  goe 
ten  or  twentie  together,  and  fometimes  more,  and  withall 
(if  it  be  not  too  farre)  wives  and  children  alfo,  where  they 
build  up  little  hunting  houfes  of  Barks  and  Rulhes  (not  com- 
parable to  their  dwelling  houfes)  and  fo  each  man  takes  his 
bounds  of  two,  three,  or  foure  miles,  where  hee  fets  thirty, 
forty,  or  fiftie  [164]  Traps,  and  baits  his  Traps  with  that 
food  the  Deere  loves,  and  once  in  two  dayes  he  walks  his 
round  to  view  his  Traps. 


Ntauchaumen. 

Ncaattiteam  weeyous.'"' 

Auchautuck.'"' 

Nowetauchaumen. 

Aniimwock. 

Kemehetteas. 

Pitch  nkemehetteem 

Pumm  pdmmoke. 

Uppetetoua. 

Ntaumpauchaumen. 

Cutchafliineanna  ? 

Nneefnneanna. 


I  goe  to  hmit. 

I  lotigfor  Venifoji. 

Let  us  hu7it. 

I  iinll  hunt  'with  you. 

Dogs. 

Creepe. 

I  will  creepe. 

Shoote. 

A  7nan  JJjot  accidentally. 

I  come  from  hunting. 

How  many  have  you  kild 

I  have  kild  two. 


328  Jf-'eeyous  {weyaus,  plu.  -fog,  Eliot),  or  fowle,'  p.  88,  ante,  Adchaeu,  he 
flefh,  meat.  AJkeyaus  [ajkun-zvey/ius'\  ra.vf  hunts;  anim.  tranfit.,  iJd'i-/'/?;?^^,  he  hunts 
flerti ;  Kejittiie  wesaus,  '  (oiAtn  ^e^.^  I  (animals,  or  live  game);  EI.  [Related 
Sam.  ii.  15.  Related  to  Has  (Eliot),  an  to  ahcku,  (or  perhaps,  the  lame  word,) 
animal,  a  living  creature.  —  PCon.  iios,  he  ftrives,  exerts  himfelf,  is  diligent: 
flefh  ;  Jhemakw,  raw  flefh.  ahchue,  'do  thv  diligence,'  exert  your- 

329  See  'Aucbaui,  he  is  gone  to  hunt  felf,  i  Tim.  iv.  9.] 


190 


Of  their  Hunting. 


[250 


Shwinneanna. 

Nyowinneanna. 

Npiuckwinneanna. 

Nneefneechedttalhinneanna. 

Nummouafliawmen. 

Ape  hana. 

Alhappock."" 

Mafaunock. 

Wuskapehana. 

Eataiibana. 


T:hree. 

Foure. 

Ten,  &c. 

Tiventie. 

I  goe  to  fet  Traps. 

Trap,  Traps. 

Hctnpe. 

Fiaxe. 

New  Traps. 


Old  Traps. 

Obf.  They  are  very  tender  of  their  Traps  where  they  lie, 
and  what  comes  at  them;  for  [165]  they  fay,  the  Deere 
(whom  they  conceive  have  a  Divine  power  in  them)  will 
foone  fmell  and  be  gone. 


Npunnowwaumen. 
Nummishkommin. 


/  inujl  goe  to  fny  Traps. 
I  have  found  a  Deere ; 

Which  fometimes  they  doe,  taking  a  Wolfe  in  the  very 
acft  of  his  greedy  prey,  when  fometimes  (the  Wolfe  being 
greedy  of  his  prey)  they  kill  him  :  fometimes  the  Wolfe 
having  glutted  himfelfe  with  the  one  halfe,  leaves  the  other 
for  his  next  bait ;  but  the  glad  hidian  finding  of  it,  prevents 
him. 

And  that  wee  may  fee  how  true  it  is,  that  all  wild  crea- 
tures, and  many  tame,  prey  upon  the  poore  Deere  (which 
are  there  in  a  right  Embleme  of  Gods  perl'ecuted,  that  is, 
hunted  people,  as  I  obferved  in  the  Chapter  of  Beails  accord- 
ing to  the  old  and  true  faying : 

Imbelles  Dama  quid  niji  prada  Junius  ? 

330  See  AJhop,  nets,  p.  114,  ante,  and  fome  planted  by  the  Englifh."  N.  E. 
note  244. — "This  land  likewife  afFoards  Protpeft,  pt.  I.  c.  5.  Eliot  writes, //<»/!?'- 
Hempe   and    Flax,  fome   naturally,   and      a^/,  and  (^pl.^ /'/j/?'(j^/()f 'flax.' Ex.  ix.  3  I. 


251]  Oi  their  Hunti?ig.  191 

To  harmlefTe  Roes  and  Does, 
Both  wilde  and  tame  are  foes.) 

I  remember  how  a  poore  Deere  was  long  hunted  and 
chafed  by  a  Wolfe,  at  lall:  (as  their  manner  is)  after  the  chafe 
of  ten,  it  may  be  more  miles  running,  the  ftout  Wolfe  tired 
out  the  nimble  Deere,  and  feafing  upon  it,  [166]  kill'd  :  In 
the  a6t  of  devouring  his  prey,  two  Englijh  Swine,  big  with 
Pig,  pail:  by,  alfaulted  the  Wolte,  drove  him  from  his  prey, 
and  devoured  fo  much  of  that  poore  Deere,  as  they  both 
furfeted  and  dyed  that  night. 

The  Wolfe  is  an  Embleme  of  a  fierce  blood-fucking  per- 
fecutor. 

The  Swine  of  a  covetous  rooting  worldling,  both  make  a 
prey  of  the  Lord  Jefus  in  his  poore  fervants. 

Ncummootamiickqun 
natoqus. 


The  Wolfe  hath  rob'd 


me. 


Obf.  When  a  Deere  is  caught  by  the  leg  in  the  Trap, 
fometimes  there  it  lies  a  day  together  before  the  Indian  come, 
and  {o  lies  a  pray  to  the  ranging  Wolfe,  and  other  wild  Beafts 
(moft  commonly  the  Wolfe)  who  feafeth  upon  the  Deere 
and  robs  the  Indian  (at  his  firft  devouring)  of  neere  halfe  his 
prey,  and  if  the  Indian  come  not  the  fooner,  hee  makes  a 
fecond  greedie  Meale,  and  leaves  him  nothing  but  the  bones, 
and  the  torne  Decj-e-skins,  efpecially  if  he  call  fome  of  his 
greedy  Companions,  to  his  bloody  banquet. 

Upon  this  the.  Indian  makes  a  falling  trap  czWtA  Suwiuckhig, 
(with  a  great  weight  of  ftones)  and  fo  fometimes  knocks  the 
Wolfe  [167]  on  the  head,  with  a  gainefull  Revenge,  efpe- 
cially if  it  bee  a  blacke  Wolfe,  .whofe  Skins  they  greatly 
prize. 


192 


Oi  their  Huntmg. 


252 


//  is  leane. 
It  is  fat. 
It  is  Jhveet. 
It  fmells  ill. 
It  is  putrified. 
Halfe  a  Deere. 
A  whole  Deere. 

A  Buck. 

A  young  Buck. 

A  Doe. 

A  Fawtie. 

Thus  thick  of  fat. 
I  hunt  Venifoti. 
I  hunt  a  Squirrill. 
I  hunt  a  Beare,  &c. 
The  hinder  part  of  the  Deere. 
Thigh :  Thighes. 
Shoulder,  Jhoulders  : 
A  bone. 
A  taile. 

Their  Rutting  time. 
To  divide. 
Let  us  divide. 

This  they  doe  when  a  Controverfie  falls  out,  whofe  the 
Deere  fhould  bee. 


NanowwufTu."' 

Wauwunnockoo."^ 

Weekan. 

Machemoqut. 

Anit."^ 

Poquefu 

Poskattuck  Gf  MilTesu. 

Kuttiomp. 

Paucottaiiwat. 

Wawiinnes. 

Qunneke. 

Aunan."* 

Moosqin. 

Yo  afipaiigon 

Noonatch,  or,  attuck  ntiyu. 

Miflianneke  ntiyu. 

Paukunnawaw"'  ntio. 

WulFeke. 

Apome-ichafli. 

Uppeke-quock. 

Wuskan. 

Wuirdckqun 

168]  Awemanittin. 

PauihinCimmin. 

Paufliinummauatittea. 


33'   Onouwujfu,  El.  onauviufsiie,  Cott. 

332  Wunnogkquieu,  wunnoghm,  Eliot. 
\_Wunne-hogk(B,  well-bodied,  well  cov- 
ered ;   in  good  condition.] 

333  See  Anittajh,  'rotten  corn,' p.  103, 
and  note  227. 


334  Aunan  '  a  Doe.'  '  A  Fawne  '  fhould 
have  been  printed  oppofite  to  Moofqin 
\_Mo6fquin\  in  the  next  line.  See  before, 
p.  106. 

335  See  p.  80,  and  note  196. 


2^3]  OUheir  Huntirig.  I93 

Caxxskafhunck,  I  T^f^^  Deere  skin. 

Obf  P(xn,pom  :  a  tribute  Skin  when  a  Deere  (hunted  by 
the  Indians,  or  Wolves)  is  kild  in  the  water.  _  This  skin  is 
carried  to  the  Sachim  or  Prince,  within  whole  territory  the 

Deere  was  flaine."'^ 

Ntaumpowwu(haumen.  |  I  come  from  bunting. 

General!  Oblervation  of  their  hunting. 
There  is  a  blelsing  upon  endeavour,  even   to   the  wildeft 
Indians ;   the  Quggard  rofts  not  that  which  he  tooke  in  hunt- 
ing, but  the  fubftance  of  the  diligent  (either   in  earthly  or 
heavenly  affaires)  is  precious,  Prov.  25. 
More  particular : 
Great  pains  in  hunting  tU  Indians  Wild, 

And  eke  the  Englifli  tame  ; 
Both  take,  in  woods  arid  for  reft  s  thicke. 
To  get  their  precious  game. 
169]       "   Pleafure  and  Profit,  Honour  fa  If e, 
[The  izwrdl's  great  Trinitie) 
Drive  all  men  through  all  wayes,  all,  times. 

All  weathers,  ivet  and  drie. 
Pleafure  and  Profits  Honour,  fweet, 

Eternall,  fure  and  true. 
Laid  up  in  God,  with  equall  paines  ; 
Whofeekes,  who  doth  purfue  ? 

336  "Every  Sachim  knoweth   how  far  thereof."      Good    Newes    from    N     E. 

the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  own  coun-  (Young  s  Chron.  ot   Plymouth.  36^2  . 

trv  extendeth  ;   and  that  is  his  own  pro-  See    Winthrops    Journal,     n.     .20-21 

pX    nheritanc'e.  ...  In  this  circuit  who-  IPumpom  is  derived  from  tummunum    he 

foever  hun  eth.  if  thev  kill  any  venifon.  offers,  or  devotes  ;  Paumfaurnun  (  or  pum- 

br  ng   him   his    fee;  which   is   the   fore  pummun,  .  frequentauve,)  he  habHually, 

parts  of  the  fame,  if  it  be  killed  on  the  or  by  cuftom,  offers   >t.     Comp.  uf-pau- 

land    but  if  in   the  water,  then  the  (kin  paumen-uh.  Numb.  vni.  21. J 

8^5 


194  Of  their  Gaming.  [254 

Chap.  XXVIII. 

Oi  their  Gaming,    &c. 

THeir  Games,  (like  the  EngliJJj)  are  of  two  forts;  private 
and  publike  : 

Private,  and  fometimes  publike  ;  A  Game  like  unto  the 
Englijh  Cards ;  yet,  in  ftead  of  Cards  they  play  with  ftrong 
Rujhes.''' 

Secondly,  they  have  a  kinde  of  Dice  which  are  Plumb 
ftones  painted,  which  they  caft  in  a  Tray,  with  a  mighty 
noyfe  and  fweating  :"'*  Their  publique  Games  are  folemnized 
with  the  meeting  of  hundreds;  lometinies  thoufands,  and 
conlill  of  many  vanities,  none  of  which  I  duril  ever  he  pre- 
fent  at,  that  I  might  [170]  not  countenance  and  partake  of 
their  folly,  after  I  once  faw  the  evill  of  them. 

Ahanu."' 


Hee  laiighes. 


337  '«  They  have  two  forts  of  games, 
one  called  Puim,  the  other  Hubbub,  not 
much  unlike  Cards  and  Dice,  being  no 
other  than  Lotterie.  Puim  is  50.  or  60. 
fmall  Bents  of  a  foote  long  which  they 
divide  to  the  number  of  their  ganiellers, 
fhuffling  them  firll  betweene  the  palmcs 
of  their  hands;  he  that  hath  more  than 
his  fellow  is  fo  much  the  forwarder  in 
his  game:  many  other  llrange  whim- 
ieyes  be  in  this  game  ;  which  would  be 
too  long  to  commit  to  paper."  Wood, 
pt.  2.  ch.  14. 

338  "  Hubbub  is  five  fmall  Bones  in  a 
fmall  Imooth  Tray,  the  bones  bee  like  a 
Die,  but  fomething  flatter,  blacke  on  the 
one  fide  and  white  on  the  other,  which 
they  place  on  the  ground,  againll  which 
violently  thumping  the  platter,  the  bones 
mount  changing  colours  with  the  windy 


whiflcing  of  their  hands  too  and  fro; 
which  aftion  in  that  fport  they  much 
ufe,  fmiting  themlelves  on  the  breaft, 
and  thighs,  crying  out.  Hub,  Hub,  Huh ; 
they  may  be  heard  play  at  this  game  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  off.  The  bones  being 
all  blacke  or  white,  make  a  double 
game  ;  if  three  be  of  a  colour  and  tw'o 
of  another,  then  they  aftoard  but  a  fin- 
gle  game  ;  four  of  a  colour  and  one  dif- 
fering is  nothing."  &c.  Ibid.  The  Ab- 
nakis  (Rale,  s.  v.  Jouer,)  played  this 
game  with  fight  fuch  dice  or  counters. 
When  the  black  and  white  turned  up 
4  and  4,  or  5  and  3,  the  player  made  no 
count ;  for  6  and  2,  he  counted  four,  for 
7  and  I,  ten,  and  when  all  eight  were 
of  one  color,  twenty. 

339  Ahbanu,  Cott.   Hahanu  and  Ahanu, 
Eliot. 


255.! 


Of  their  Gaming. 


195 


Why  doe  you  laugh  ? 

They  are  merry. 

We  are  danciiig. 

They  are  playiyig  or  dancing. 

A  Bable^'"  to  play  with. 

They  are  at  Cards,  or 

telling  of  Rufhes. 
Their  playiyig  Rujljes. 
I  am  a  telling,  or  coun- 
is  a  kind  of  Arithmatick. 


Tawhitchahanean, 

Ahanuock. 

Nippauochaumen. 

Pauochauog. 

Pauochautowwin. 

Akcfuog."' 

Pifsinneganafli.^''^ 

Ntakefemin. 

ting  ;   for  their  play 

Obf.  The  chiefe  Gamefters  amongft  them  much  defire 
to  make  their  Gods  lide  with  them  in  their  Games  (as  our 
Englifh  Gamefters  fo  farre  alfo  acknowledge  God)  therefore 
I  have  feene  them  keepe  as  a  precious  llione  a  piece  of  Thun- 
derbolt,'''^ which  is  like  unto  a  Chryflall,  which  they  dig  out 
of  the  ground  under  fome  tree,  Thunder-fmitten,  and  from 
this  ftone  they  have  an  opinon  of  luccelfe,  and  I  have  not 
heard  any  of  thefe  prove  lofers,  which  I  conceive  may  be 
Satans  policie,  and  Gods  holy  Juftice  to  harden  them  for 
their  not  rifing  higher  from  the  Thunderbolt,  to  the  God 
that  fend  or  flioots  it. 


171]  Ntaquie  akefamen. 

34°  Bauble. 

i*'  Literally,  'They  are  counting.' 
Ogkefuog,  El.  The  anim.  intrans.  form 
of  the  verb  ogketam,  he  counts,  or  reck- 
ons. See  note  323. 

34'  Abnaki,  Pejpniganar,  '  les  pailles, 
avec  quoi  on  joue.'   Rale. 

343  "  That  which  is  by  fome  called 
the  rain-ftone  or  thunder-bolt,  was  by 
the  antients  termed  Ceraunia  .  .  Bootius 
{de  Gemmis,  lib.  2,  cap.  261)  reports 
that  many  perfons  worthy  of  credit,  af- 


/  will  leave  play. 


firmed  that  when  houfes  or  trees  had 
been  broken  with  the  thunder,  they  did 
by  digging  find  fuch  floncs  in  the  places 
where  the  ftroke  was  given.  Neverthe- 
lefs,  that  fulminous  Hones  or  thunder- 
bolts do  always  defcend  out  of  the  clouds, 
when  iuch  breaches  are  made  by  the 
lightning,  is  (as  I  laid)  a  vulgar  error." 
I.  Mather's  Remark.  Providences  (repr. 
1856)  p.  81.  —  Foffil  belemnites  and  all 
aerolites  were  formerly  called  thunder- 
bolts or  thunder-ftones,  in  England. 


196 


Of  their  Gaming. 


[256 


Nchikofsimunnafh. 

Wunnaugonhommin"'' 

Afauanafli.'^' 


Puttuckquapuonck. 


346 


/  will  burne  my  Rufljes. 

To  play  at  dice  in  their  Tray. 

The  painted  Pliwibjlones 

which  they  throw. 
A  Playing  Arbour. 


Obf.  This  Arbour  or  Play-houfe  is  made  of  long  poles 
fet  in  the  earth,  foure  fquare,  fixteen  or  tvventie  foot  high, 
on  which  they  hang  great  ftore  of  their  ftringed  money, 
have  great  ftakings,  towne  againft  towne,  and  two  chofen 
out  of  the  reft  by  courfe  to  play  the  Game  at  this  kinde  of 
Dice  in  the  midft  of  all  their  Abettors,  with  great  fliouting 
and  folemnity  :  belide,  they  have  great  meetings  of  foot-ball 
playing,^''^  onely  in  Summer,  towne  againft  towne,  upon 
fome  broad  fandy  fhoare,  free  from  ftones,  or  upon  fome  foft 
heathie  plot  becaufe  of  their  naked  feet,  at  which  they  have 
great  ftakings,  but  feldome  quarrell.' 


348 


Pafuckquakohowauog 
Cukkummote  wepe. 


They  meet  to  foot-ball. 
Tou  Jleale ;  As  I   have 


oft 


en 


told  them  in  their  gamings,  and  in  their  great  lofings(when 
they  have  ftaked  and  loft  their  money,  clothes,  houfe, 
corne,  and  themfelves,  (if  lingle  perfons)  they  will  confelfe  it 
172]  being  weary  of  their  lives,  and  ready  to  make  away 
themfelves,  like  many  an  Engliflj  man  :  an  Embleme  of  the 
horrour  ot  confcience,  which  all  poore  linners  walk  in  at  laft. 


344  Wunnaug,  a  tray,  p.  36. 

345  Abnaki,  Ejjeasan-nr,  '  les  grains  du 
jeu  du  plat.'   Rale. 

34''  Puttuchqui-appuonk,  '  round  fitting- 
place  ;'  although  Ibmctimes  built  '  four 
fquare,'  as    appears  from  the  text. 

347  "  Their  Goales  be  a  mile  long 
placed  on  the  fands  which  are  as  even 
as  a  board  ;  their  ball  is  no  bigger  than 
a  hand-ball,  which  fometimes  they  mount 


in  the  Aire  with  their  naked  feete,  fome- 
times it  is  fwayed  by  the  multitude;" 
&c.— Wood's  N.  E.  Profpea,  1.  c. 

348  t'  When  they  play  country  againft 
country,  there  are  rich  Goales,  all  be- 
hung  with  Wampompeage,  Mowhackies, 
Beaver  (kins,  and  blackc  Otter  (kinnes. 
It  would  cxccedc  the  beleefe  of  many  to 
relate  the  worth  of  one  Goale,  where- 
fore it  fliall  be  namelefs."  Ibid. 


257]  Oi  their  Gaming.  197 

when  they  fee  what  wofull  games  they  have  played  in  their 
life,  and  now  find  themfelves  eternall  Beggars. 

Keefaqi'mfiamun,^*"  Another  kinde  of  folemne  publike  meet- 
ing, wherein  they  lie  under  the  trees,  in  a  kinde  of  Religious 
obfervation,  and  have  a  mixture  of  Devotions  and  fports : 
But  their  chiefeft  Idoll  of  all  for  fport  and  game,  is  (if  their 
land  be  at  peace)  toward  Harveft,  when  they  fet  up  a  long 
houfe  called  i>unnekatnuck.  Which  fignifies  Lo7ig  houje,  fome- 
times  an  hundred,  fomtimes  two  hundred  foot  long  upon  a 
plaine  neer  the  Court  (which  they  call  Kitteickauick)  where 
many  thoufands,  men  and  women  meet,  where  he  that  goes 
in  danceth  in  the  fight  of  all  the  reft ;  and  is  prepared  with 
money,  coats,  fmall  breeches,  knifes,  or  what  hee  is  able  to 
reach  to,  and  gives  thefe  things  away  to  the  poore,  who  yet 
muft  particularly  beg  and  fay,  Coweqiietmnmoiis,  that  is,  / 
befeech  yoii :  which  word  (although  there  is  not  one  common 
beggar  amongft  them)  yet  they  will  often  ufe  when  their 
richeft  amongft  them  would  fain  obtain  ought  by  gift. 

173]  General!  Obfervations  of  their  Sports. 

This  life  is  a  Ihort  minute,  eternitie  followes.  On  the 
improvement  or  dif-improvement  of  this  Ihort  minute, 
depends  a  joyfull  or  dreadtull  eternity  ;  yet  (which  I  tremble 
to  thinke  of)  how  cheape  is  this  invaluable  Jewell,  and  how 
many  vaine  inventions  and  foolidi  paftimes  have  the  fonnes 
of  men  in  all  parts  of  the  world  found  out,  to  pafi"e  time  & 
poft  over  this  ftiort  minute  of  life,  untill  like  fome  pleafant 
River  they  have  paft  into  7iiare  ttiortuum,  the  dead  fea  of 
eternall  lamentation. 

349  Perhaps  from /fty'ac/f^ai^jj',  the  Sun  "mixture   of  devotions  and  fports,"  is 

God, — or  from  kcj'ukun  (which   has  the  not  a  bad  defcription  of  an  old-fafhioned 

fame  radical,)  '  it  is  ripe,  mature.'— "A  '  Thankfgiving   Day,'  —  though   not    of 

Icind  of  folemn  public  meeting,"  with  a  the  llriftell  puritan  type. 


198 


Of  their  Warre,  &c. 


[258 


74] 


More  particular : 

1  Our  Englifh  Gamejiers  fcorne  to  Jiakc 
Their  clothes  as  Indians  do. 

Nor  yet  themf elves,  alas,  yet  both 
Stake  Joules  and  loje  them  to. 

2  O  fear  full  Games  !  the  divell  Jlakes 
But  Strawes  and  Toyes  and  TraJJ:>, 

{For  what  is  All,  compard  with  Chrijl, 

But  '^Dogs  meat  and  Swines  waflj  ?  *P^j'-.3-  ^■ 

ax'joa'/.a 

3  Man  Jlakes  his  leicell-darling  Joule, 
[His  owne  tnojl  wretched  foe) 

Ventures,  and  loj'eth  all  in  J'port 
At  one  mojl  dreadjull  throw. 


Chap.   XXIX 


Of  their  Warre,  ci?r. 


AQuene. 
Nanoiiefliin,  Gf 
Awepu. 
Chepewefs,  ©" 
Mifliittafliin."" 


Peace. 

A  peaceable  calme  ;   for 
Awepu  lignifies  a  calme. 

A  Northern  Jiorme  of 
warre,  as  they  wittily 


fpeake,   and  which   England  now  wofully  feeles,  untill  the 
Lord  Jefus  chide  the  winds,  and  rebuke  the  raging  feas. 


Nummufquantum. 
Tawhitch  mufquawnamean  ? 


/  atn  angry. 

Why  are  you  angry  ? 


35°  Chepewejpn,   the  North-call  wind  blows:    M//I&/'/4/2'/»,  a  ftorm,  pp.  85,  87. 


^59] 


Of  their  Warre,  ^c. 


199 


Aquie  mufquantafli. 
Chachepiiru,  nifliquetu. 
Tawhitch  chachepifettit 

nifhquehettit  ? 
175]  Cummufquaunamuck. 
Matwauog."" 
Matwauonck. 
Cnmmufqnaiinamifli 
Cummufquawname  ? 
Miskifauwaw. 
Tawhitch  niskquekean  ? 
Ntatakcommuckqun  ewo. 
Nummokokunitch 
Ncheckequnnitch. 
Mecautea. 
Mecauntitea. 
Mecadnteafs. 
Wepe  cummecaiitch. 
Juhettitea.'^' 
Juhetteke. 

incouragement  which  they  ufe 
in  warre ;  for  they  ufe  their 
and  trumpets. 

Awaun  necawni  aum 

piallia  ? 
Nippaketatunck. 
Nummefliannantam 
NummayaOntam. 


Ceafe  from  anger. 
Fierce. 

■  Why  are  they  fierce? 

He  is  angry  with  you. 

Souldiers. 

A  Battle. 

I  am  angry  with  you. 

Are  you  angry  with  tne  ? 

A  quarreljome  fellow. 

Why  are  you  fo  fierce  ? 

He  fir  lie  ke  mee. 

I  am  robbed. 

A  fighter. 

Let  us  fight. 

Fight  with  Imn. 

Tou  are  a  quarreller. 

Let  us  fight. 

Fight,  Which  is  the  word  of 
when  they  animate  each  other 
tongues  in  iliead  of  drummes 


PFho  drew  the  fir fi  bow, 
or  Jhot  the  firfifiot  ? 

He  J/:)ot  firfi  at  me. 

I  f come,  or  take  it  indig- 
nation. 


351  M<j/£»<7a,  an  enemy  ;  pi.  matwaog,     makes  war,   engages   in   battle;    verbal, 

Eliot.  aseutehen,   a   warrior,    one    who    fights. 

3S»  Ayeuwehteau,    and     aseuhteau,    he     El. — Moh.  oioteet,  he  who  fights.   Edw. 


200 


Of  their  Warre,  &c. 


[260 


176]  Oi>f.  This  is  a  common  word,  not  only  in  warre,  but 
in  peace  alfo  (their  fpirits  in  naked  bodies  being  as  high  and 
proud  as  men  more  gallant)  from  which  fparkes  of  the  lulls 
of  pride  and  pafsion,  begin  the  flame  of  their  warres. 


Whauwhautowaw  anowat. 

Wopwawnonckquat. 

Amaiimuwaw  paiidflia. 

Keenomp         ]       .       ,„ 
A/f  -   1  r  pauog."^ 

Muckquomp  j  ^       ^ 

Negonfliachick. 

Kuttowonck. 


There  is  an  Alarum. 
An  hubbub. 
A  MeJJ'enger  is  come. 
Captaines,  or  Valiant 

men. 
Leaders. 
A  Trumpet. 
A  Drumme. 


Popowuttahig. 

Obf.  Not  that  they  have  fuch  of  their  owne  making  ; 
yet  fuch  they  have  from  the  French:  and  I  have  knowne  a 
good  Drumme  made  amongfl:  them  in  imitation  of  the  Eng- 
lijh. 


Quaquawtatatteaug 

Machippog 

Caiiquat  -tafh."'' 

Oniittug. 

Peikcunck.^" 

Saupuck. 

Matit. 

Mechimu. 

177]  Mechimuaili. 

Shottalh. 


They  traine. 

A  ^iver. 

Arrow,  Arrowes. 

An  halfe  Moone  in  war. 

A  Gunne. 

Powder. 

Vnloden. 

Loden. 

Lode  it. 

Shot ;   A  made  word  from  us, 


353  Kenompae,  valiantly,  Cott. —  Abn.  headed  with  brafle,  others  with  Harts 
ne-kinanbai,  I  am  brave. — Mugwomp,  a  home,  and  others  with  Eagles  clawes." 
captain.    El.  Mourt's  Relation  (Dexter's  ed.)  55,  and 

354  Kiuhkquodt,  kiiunkquodl,  an  arrow,  note  190. 

Eliot.   [Literally,  'That  which  is  (harp  3ss  See  before,  p.  84,  and  note  174. 

at    the    end.']     "  Some    whereof   were 


26l] 


Of  their  Warre,  Gfr. 


20 1 


though  their  Gunnes  they  have  from  the  French,'^^^  and  often 
fell  many  a  fcore  to  the  Englijh,  when  they  are  a  little  out 
of  frame  or  Kelter. 


Pummeniimmin  teauquafli. 
Askwhitteafs. 
Askwhitteachick. 
Askwhitteaug. 


To  contribute  to  the  warres. 

Keep  watch. 

The  Guard. 

Is  is  the  Guard. 


Obf.  I  once  travelled  (in  a  place  conceived  dangerous) 
with  a  great  Prince,^"  and  his  Queene  and  Children  in  com- 
pany, with  a  Guard  of  neere  two  hundred,  twentie,  or  thir- 
tie  fires  were  made  every  night  for  the  Guard  (the  Prince 
and  Queene  in  the  midft)  and  Sentinells  by  courfe,  as  exadt 
as  in  Europe ;  and  when  we  travelled  through  a  place  where 
ambuilies  were  fufpefted  to  lie,  a  fpeciall  Guard,  like  unto  a 
Life-guard,  compalfed  (fome  neerer,  fome  farther  of)  the 
King  and  Queen,  my  felfe  and  fome  Efiglijh  with  me. 

They  are  very  copious  and  patheticall  in  Orations  to  the 
people,  to  kindle  a  Hame  of  wrath.  Valour  or  revenge  from 
all  the  Common  places  which  Commanders  ufe  to  infift  on. 


178]  Wefaffu 
CowefalT. 

Tawhitch  wefafean  ? 
Manowefalf. 
Kukkiishickquock. 
Nofemitteiinckquock 
Onamatta  cowauta 
Niickqufha. 


Afraid. 

Are  you  afraid? 
Why  fare  you  ? 
I  fare  jione. 
They  fare  you. 
They  fy  from  us. 
Let  us  purfue. 
I  fare  him. 


356  "They  [the  eaftern  Indians]  have  they  fay,   for  beaver)."     Wood,   N.  E. 

guns  which   they  dayly  trade   for  with  Profpeft,  ii.  c.  2. — See,  before,  p.  90. 
the  French,  (who  will  fell   his  eyes,   as         357  See  page  75,  ante,  and  note  151. 
B26 


202 


Of  their  Warre,  ^c. 


[262 


WufTemo-wock. 

Npauchippowem 

Keesauname. 

Npiimmuck. 

Chenawausu. 

Waumausu. 

Tawhitch  chenawaufean  ? 

Aumansk. 

Waukaunofint."^ 
Cupfliitteaug. 
Aumanskitteaug. 
Kekadmwaw. 
Nkekaumuck  ew6. 
Aquie  kekaiimowafli. 


He  flies,  they  Jlie. 

I  jiie  for  fuccour. 

Save  »ie. 

I  atti  Jhot. 

Churlijh. 

Lo'vi?ig. 

Why  are  you  churliJJj  ? 

A  Fort. 

They  lie  iyi  the  way. 
They  forti fie. 
A  /corner  or  mocker. 
He  J'corties  771  e. 
Doe  7iot  J'co7-7ie. 


Obf.  This  mocking  (between  their  great  ones)  is  a  great 
kindling  of  Warres  amongft  them  :  yet  I  have  known  fome 
of  their  chiefefl:  fay,  what  fliould  I  hazard  the  lives  of  my 
179]  precious  Subjedls,  them  and  theirs  to  kindle  a  Fire, 
which  no  man  knowes  how  tarre,  and  how  long  it  will 
burne,  for  the  barking  of  a  Dog  ? 
Sekineam. 
Nilfekineug. 
Nummanneug. 
Sekinneauhettuock. 
Maninnewauhettuock. 
Nowetompatimmin 

Wetompachick. 

358  Manjk,  a  fort,  place  of  refuge, 
ftrong-hold ;  Wonhonous,  a  fort.  Eliot. 
Wokoonoos,  'a  fence,'  Cotton. — "  Thefe 
Forts,  fome  be  fortie  or  fiftie  foote  fquare, 
erefted  of  young  timber  trees,  ten  or 
twelve   foote    high,     rammed     into  the 


/  ha-ce  710  77ii7id  to  it. 
He  likes  7iot  77ie. 
He  hates  77ie. 

They  hate  each  other. 
We  are  Frie7ids. 
Friends. 

ground,  with  undermining  within,  the 
earth  being  call  up  for  their  fhelter 
againll  the  dilchargemcnts  of  their  ene- 
mies ;  having  loope-holcs,"  &c.  N.  E. 
Profpefl,  pt.  2,  ch.  13. — Ahndi)>.\,aa'kan- 
rwzen,  'fort,  fortrefle.' 


263J 


Of  their  Warre,  Gfc. 


203 


Nowepinnatimin. 
Nowepinnachick. 

Nowechufettimmin. 
Nechufe  ewo 
Wechufittuock. 
Nweche  kokkewem 
Chickauta  wetu. 


We  joyjic  together. 

My  Companions  in  War. 

or  AJociats. 
We  are  Cotifederates. 
This  is  my  AJfociate. 
They  joyne  together. 
I  will  be  tnad  with  him. 
An  houfe  Jired. 

Once  lodging  in  an  Indian  houfe  full  of  people,  the  whole 
Company  (Women  efpecially)  cryed  out  in  apprehenfion  that 
the  Enemy  had  iired  the  Houfe,  being  about  midnight :  The 
houfe  was  fired  but  not  by  an  Enemy :  the  men  ran  up  on 
the  houfe  top,  and  with  their  naked  hands  beat  out  the  Fire : 
One  fcorcht  his  leg,  and  fuddenly  after  they  [180]  came  into 
the  houfe  againe,  undauntedly  cut  his  leg  with  a  kniie  to 
let  out  the  burnt  blood. 


Yo  anawhone 

Mifsinnege 

Nummifsinnam  ewo. 

Waskeiuhettimmitch. 

Nickqueintonckquock 

Nickqueintouoog. 

Nippauquanauog. 

Queintauatittea. 

Kunnauntatauhuckqun. 

Pauquana. 

Pequttoog  pauquanan.'^"" 

359  A  printer's  error;  for  'Captive.'  (See  note  lo.)  Eliot  gives,  as  the  anim. 
MiJJin,  a  captive  ;  mijfmo,  he  is  made  trans,  verb,  pagwanau,  pagiianau,  he  de- 
captive  (Gen.  xiv.  14);  num-mijjineeu,\  Ilroys,  (him  or  them);  intnn?,.  pagwoh- 
am  a  captive  (Is.  xlix.  21);  El.  —  Seethe  teau,  paguateau,h.£  dellroys,  is  a  deftroy- 
Addrel's  'To  the  Reader,'  note  4.  er, — in  the  plural, ^^^^/(■(j^ijsg,  they  dellroy. 

360  «  The     Dellroyers   are   dellroyed.'  From    this  verb  are   derived  the  various 


There  I  am  wounded. 

A  C apt aine. '■'''' 

This  is  my  Captive. 

At  beginning  of  the  fight. 

They  come  againjl  us. 

I  will  make  Warre  upon  thefu. 

I  will  dcjiroy  them. 

Let  us  goe  againjl  them. 

He  comes  to  kill  you. 

There  is  a  Jlaughter. 

The  Pequts  are  Jlaine. 


/ 


204 


Oi  their  VVarre,  &c. 


264 


Who  have  the  ViSlory. 
How  many  are Jla'me  ? 
'T1V0  are  Jlaine  ? 
Ten  arc  Jla'me. 


Awaun  Wuttiinnene  ? 
Tafliittawho  ? 
Neeftawho. 
Piuckqunneanna. 

Ohf.  Their  Warres  are  farre  lelTe  bloudy,  and  devouring 
then  the  cruell  Warres  of  Europe  ;  and  feldome  twenty  flaine 
in  a  pitcht  field ;  partly  becaufe  when  they  fight  in  a  wood 
every  Tree  is  a  Bucklar. 

When  they  fight  in  a  plaine,  they  fight  [181]  with  leap- 
ing and  dancing,  that  feldome  an  Arrow  hits,  and  when  a 
man  is  wounded,  unlelfe  he  that  fhot  followes  upon  the 
wounded,  they  foone  retire  and  lave  the  wounded  :  and  yet 
having  no  Swords,  nor  Guns,  all  that  are  flaine  are  commonly 
flain  with  great  Valour  and  Courage :  for  the  Conquerour 
ventures  into  the  thickeft,  and  brings  away  the  Head  of  his 
Enemy. 


Nilf-nilfoke. 

Kiinnifli 

Kunnilhickqun  ewo. 

Kunnifliickquock. 

Siuckilfuog.^"' 

Nickummilfuog. 

Nnickummaunamauog. 

Neene  nuppamen. 

Cowaiinckamifli. 

Kunnanaumpasiimmifh. 

forms  of  the  name  which  was  given  by 
other  tribes,  and  by  the  Englifh,  to  the 
conquerors  of  eaftern  Connefticut,  —  a 
branch  of  the  Muhhekanecw  or  Mohi- 
can nation:  Pequanti  (Wood);  Pckoath 
and  Pckods  (Winth.);  Pcquts,  Pcquttoog 
(R.  W.),  &c. 


Kill  kill. 

I  will  kill  you. 

He  will  kill  you. 

They  will  kill  you. 

They  are  Jlout  men. 

They  are  Weake. 

I  Jhall  eajily  vanquijlo  them. 

I  am  dying  ? 

garter,  quarter. 

Mercy,  Mercy. 

3''>  Comp.  Siiickat,  'hard'  [i.  e.  diffi- 
cult], p.  41,  ante.  SiogkuJ/'u,  is  the  anim. 
adjeftive  from  Jiogkc  (El.)  hard :  kus- 
fiogkus,  thou  art  a  hard  man,  (  Matt.  xxv. 
24).  The  root  is  fee,  fiog,  'four,'  —  or 
rather,  unpleafant  to  the  tafte.  Comp. 
A.  S.  forghe  ;  Englifh,  fore,  forrow,  four. 


265] 


Oi  their  Warre,  &c. 


205 


Kekuttokaunta, 

Aquetuck. 

Wunnifliaunta. 

Cowammaunfli. 

Wunnetu  nta. 

TuppauntaHi. 

182]  Tuppauntamoke. 

Cummequaunum 
cummittamusfuf- 
fuck  ka  cummuckiaug. 

Eatch  keen  anawayean. 

Cowawwunnauwem. 

Cowauontam. 

Wetompatitea. 


Let  us  parky. 

Let  us  ceafe  Armes. 

Let  us  agree. 

I  love  you. 

My  heart  is  true. 

Coujider  what  ^fay. 

Doe  you  all  conjider. 

Rei?ief/iber  your  Wives, 

and  Childrefi. 

Let  all  be  as  you  fay. 
You  fpeake  truly. 
Toil  are  a  wife  man. 
Let  us  make  Friends. 


Ge?ierall  Obfervations  of  their  Warres. 

How  dreadfull  and  yet  how  righteous  is  it  with  the  moft 
righteous  Judge  of  the  whole  World,  that  all  the  generations 
of  Men  being  turn'd  Enemies  againft,  and  fighting  againft 
Him  who  gives  them  breath  and  Being,  and  all  things, 
(whom  yet  they  cannot  reach)  fliould  llab,  kill,  burne,  mur- 
ther  and  devoure  each  other  ? 

More  Particular. 

The  Indians  count  of  Men  as  Dogs, 

1  //  is  no  Wonder  then  : 

They  teare  out  one  another s  throats  ! 
But  now  that  Englifli  Meii, 

183]  That  boaf  t he mf elves  Gods  Children,  and 

2  Members  of  Chriji  to  be,) 

That  they  Jhould  thus  break  out  iti  fames. 
Sure  'tis  a  Myfery! 


206 


Of  their  Painting. 


[266 


Rev. 
2.  6. 


Thefecondfcald  Myjiery  or  red  Horfe, 
Whofe  Rider  hath  power  and  will. 

To  take  away  Peace  from  Earthly  Mefi, 
They  mujl  Each  other  kill. 


Chap.  XXX. 


Of  their  paintings. 

1.  'TT^Hey  paint  their  Garments,  &c. 

2.  A   The  men  paint  their  Faces  in  Warre. 

3.  Both  Men  and  Women  for  pride,  6cc. 


Worn  pi 

M6wi-fucki.^*= 

Mfqui. 

Welaui^''^ 

Askaski.^'^ 

Peihaui.^'^ 


White. 

Black. 

Red 

Yellow. 

Greene. 

Blew,  &c. 


Obf  lVu?ind}}i^^  iheir  red  painting  which  they  [184]  mofl: 
delight  in,  and  is  both  the  Barke  of  the  Pine,  as  alfo  a  red 
Earth. 

362  Moot  (El.)  black;  fiicki,  dark-col- 
ored, inclining  to  black. 

363  Wecfoc,  yellow  ;  Wecfioe,  the  gall  ; 
Wcfogkon,  bitter.  Eliot.  So,  Abn.  wifi, 
'  fiel  ;'  wifanaiigw,  he  is  painted  yellow. 
Comp.  Greek  yo).ri  and  '//■.o'lj  ',  A.  Sax. 
gealla,  gall  ;  \eakwe,  yellow. 

3^4  It  is  not  eafy  to  determine  whether 
the  primary  meaning  of  the  radical,  ajh, 
or  ajhq,  was  green,  or  immnturc.  It  is 
found  in  ajkiin,  'it  is  raw,'  (ajhe,  EL); 
afq,  aJhq,  and  iij'quam,  '  not  yet ;'  majheht 
\_m'iijk-eht,   the  green,]  '  grafs  ;'  ajkunhq 


(El.)  'a  green  tree;'&c.;  and  perhaps 
in  wtijke,  wejke  (Abnaki  mjkis,  'young,' 
and  alio  'new.' 

31^5  Comp.  pejhauiunfl.\  '  violet  leaves  ' 
(p.  99).  Eliot  has  pep?iiu,  more  often 
with  pronominal  prefix,  up-pejhau,  'a 
flower;'  •^\.  pejheionajh ;  and  the  verb, 
pejhauau,  '  it  bloflbms  ;'  but,  mnoi,  (in 
comp.  words  ano,)  for  'blue.' — Abnaki, 
pctidians,  'violette;'   titiens,  '  bleue.' 

s'*  Abn.  aramann,  'vermilion,  pein- 
ture.'  Rale.  —  From  zvunne,  wne,  good, 
handfome. 


i6j\ 


Of  their  Painting. 


207 


Mirtiquock.  Red  Earth. 

Metewis.^''  Black  Earth. 

From  this  Metewis  is  an  Indian  Towne  a  day  and  a  halfes 
Journey,  or  lelle  {Wejl,  from  the  MaJJ'achufets)  called  Mete- 
wtniejick. 
Wulfuckhofu.  I  A  painted  Coat. 

Of  this  and  Wujfiickwheke,  (the  Englilh  Letters,  which 
comes  neerell:  to  their  painting  I  fpake  before  in  the  Chap- 
ter of  their  clothing. 


Aunakefu.^""^ 
Aunakeuck. 
Tawhitch  aunakean  ? 
Cheskhofli. 
Cummachiteouwunafli 

kuskeefuckquafli. 
Mat  pitch  cowahick 
Manit  keeliteonckqus.^'^ 


He  is  painted. 

They  are  painted. 

Why  doe  you  paint  your  f elf e  ? 

Wipe  off. 

Tou  fpoile  your  Face. 

The  God  that  jvade  you 
will  not  know  you. 


Generall  Obfervatiojis  of  their  paintings. 

It  hath  been  the  foolifli  Cuftome  of  all  barbarous  Nations 
to  paint  and  figure  their  Faces  and  Bodies  (as  it  hath  been 
to  our  fhame  and  griefe.  wee  may  remember  it  of  fome  ot 
our  Fore-Fathers  in  this  Nation.)  How  much  then  are  we 
bound  to  our  moft  holy  Maker  [185]  for  fo  much  knowl- 
edge of  himfelfe  revealed   in   fo   much  Civility  and  Piety  ? 


3*7  Plumbago,  or  graphite,  probably. 
In  1644,  John  Winthrop,  Jun.,  had  a 
grant  of  "  the  hill  at  Tantoufq,  about  60 
miles  weftward  [from  Bofton],  in  which 
the  black-leade  is."  Mafl".  Col.  Rec.  ii. 
82.  This  was  in  or  near  Sturbridge, — 
now  'the  moft  important  locality '  of 
that  mineral,   in  Maflachufetts.     Hitch- 


cock's Geol.  Report,  220. 

36S  Artogku,  he  paints,  [pi.  anogkuog, 
they  paint.]  El.  Aunakefu  \_anogkefu\  has 
the  form  of  the  adjec.  animate. 

369  Eliot  would  have  written  :  Mat 
pijij  kmwahik  manit  \_noh'\  kezhikquean,  'not 
will  he-know-thee  God  [who]  he-mak- 
eth-thee.' 


2o8 


OfSicknefe. 


[268 


and  how  fliould  we  alfo  long  and   endeavor  that  Amtrica 
may  partake  of  our  mercy  ; 

More  particular : 

Truth  is  a  Native,  naked  Beauty  ;  but 
Lying  Inventions  are  but  Indian  Paints, 

2  DiJJembling  hearts  their  Beautie's  but  a  Lye, 
Truth  is  the  proper  Beauty  of  Gods  Saints. 

Fowle  are  the  Indians  Haire  and  painted  Faces, 
2  More  foule  fuch  Haire,  fuch  Face  in  Krael. 

England  y^  calls  her  f elf e,  yet  there's 

A.h(o\on\s  foule  Haire  and  Face  o/' Jefabell. 

Paints  will  not  bide  Chrijls  wafnng  Flames  of  fire, 
Fained  Inventions  will  not  bide  fuch  formes : 

O  that  we  may  prevent  him,  that  betimes. 

Repentance  Teares  may  wa/h  of  all  fuch  Formes. 

Chap.    XXXI. 


Of  Sickneje. 


NUmmauchnem"° 
Mauchinaui. 
186]  Yo  Wuttunsin 
Achie  nummauchnem. 
Noonfliem  metesimmin. 
Mach  ge"'  nummetesimmin. 

370  Kummauchcnim,  p.  9,  ante.  'Num- 
mahchinam.  El.  (l  Sam.  xxx.  13:)  3d 
pers.  mahch'mau,  '  he  is  fick.'  This  verb 
is  nearly  related  to  mahtsheau  (El.)  'it 
walles  away,' •  fails,' 'decays  :'  and  the 


/  am  fick. 

He  is  fick. 

He  keepes  his  Bed. 

I  am  very  fick. 

I  cannot  eate. 

I  eate  nothing. 

fame  radical  may  be  found  in  mauchetan, 
'ebb'  tide  (p.  112),  and  in  mahtfuwae, 
'  confuming  '  (faid  of  fire),  Deut.  iv.  24. 
37'  Machagc.  The  a  efcaped  the  pref  s, 
in  the  firft  edition. 


269] 


Of  Sicknefe. 


209 


Tocketufsinammin  ? 
Pitch  nkeeteem  ? 
Niskeefaqufli  mauchinaafh. 
NculTawontapam. 
Npummaumpiteunck"'' 
Nchefammattam, 
Nchefammam. 


What  think  you  ? 
Shall  I  recover  ? 
My  eyes  faile  me. 
My  head  akes. 
My  Teeth  ake. 
I  am  in  paine. 


Obf.  In  thefe  cafes  their  Mifery  appeares,  that  they  have 
not  (but  what  fometimes  they  get  from  the  Englijl:))  z  raifin 
or  currant  or  any  phylick,  Fruit  or  fpice,  or  any  Comfort 
more  than  their  Corne  and  Water,  &c.  In  which  bleeding 
cafe  wanting  all  Meanes  of  recovery,  or  prefent  refrefliing  I 
have  been  conftrained  to,  and  beyond  my  power  to  retrefh 
them,  and  I  beleeve  to  fave  many  of  them  from  Death,  who 
I  am  confident  perifh  many  Millions  of  them  (in  that  mighty 
continent)  for  want  of  Meanes. 


Nupaqqontup 
KiispifTem. 
187]  Wauaupunifli 
Nippaquontup. 
Nchefamam  nsete. 
Machage  nickowemen 
Nnanotilfu. 

Wame  kulTopita  nohock. 
Ntatupe  note  or  chickot. 


Bind  my  head. 

Lift  up  my  head. 

My  Foot  is  fore. 
I Jleep  not. 
I  have  a  Feaver.^" 
My  body  burnes. 
I  am  all  on  Fire. 


372  See   page    50.     Mr.    Williams  has  the  fame  hour.'     Abn.  nanmtfefai,  he  has 

prefixed  the  pronoun  to  a_/a^y?<j;7//Vt',  and  quartan  or  tertian  fever,  or   that  which 

not  to  the  correfponding  verb.    The  lit-  always   comes   at   the   fame  hour.   Rale, 

eral   rendering  therefore   is  '  My  tooth-  Abnaki,   kesifco,  kejide,   he   has   a   fever  ; 

ache;'  not,  '  My  teeth  ache.'  literally,   he   is   hot,  feverilh, — whether 

yii  An  intermittent  i&vtT.   The  verb  de-  the    malady   be    idiopathic    or   fympto- 

notes  that  which  'continues  to  return  at  matic. 
B27 


2IO 


Of  Sicknefe. 


[270 


Yo  nteatchin. 
Ntatuppe  wunnepog. 
Puttuckhumma. 
Paiitous  nototcunmin. 


I  Jhake  for  Cold. 
I  Jhakc  as  a  Icafe. 
Coier  trie. 
Reach  me  the  drinke. 


Obf.  Which  is  onely  in  all  their  extremities,  a  little  boild 
water,  without  the  addition  of  crum  or  drop  of  other  com- 
fort :   O  Englands  mercies,  &c. 

What  ayles  he  ? 


Tahaspunayi  ? 
Tocketuspanem  ? 
Tocketuspunnaiimaqun  ? 
ChaiTaqiiniin  ? 
Nnanowweteem. 


What  aile  you  ? 
What  hurt  hath  he  done  to  you  ? 
How  long  hath  he  beenjick  ? 
/  am  going  to  vijit. 

Obf.  This  is  all  their  refrefliing,  the  Vifit  [  1 88]  of  Friends, 
and  Neighbours,  a  poore  empty  vifit  and  prefence,  and  yet 
indeed  this  is  very  folemne,  unlelfe  it  be  in  infedlious  dis- 
eafes,  and  then  all  forfake  them  and  flie,  that  I  have  often 
feene  a  poore  Houfe  left  alone  in  the  wild  Woods,  all  being 
fled,  the  living  not  able  to  bury  the  dead  :  fo  terrible  is  the 
apprehenlion  of  an  inledlious  difeafe,  that  not  only  perfons, 
but  the  Houfes  and  the  whole  Towne  takes  flight."* 


Nummockquefe. 
Mockquefui 
Wame  wuhock- 

Mockquefui. 
Mamaskilhaui. 
Mamaskilhauonck. 
Mamaskifhaumitch. 

37<  Bradford's  account  of  the  ravages 
made  by  fmall-po.x  in  the  Indian  villages 
on  Connefticut  river,  and  otthe  milera- 
ble  condition  of  the  fufferers,  is  horribly 


/  have  a  five  I  ling. 

He  is  f welled. 

All  his  body  is  f we  lied. 

He  hath  the  Pox. 
The  Pox. 

The  laji  pox.^'' 

graphic.      Hill,  of  Plymouth,   pp.   325, 
326.     See  alfo,  Winthrop,  i.  119,  120. 
375  That  is,  when  it  lall  prevailed  ;  in 
the  winter  of  1633-34. 


27l] 


Of  Sicknejfe. 


21  I 


Wefauafhaui."* 

Welauafhauonck. 

Wefauafliaumitch. 


He  hath  the  plague. 

The  plague. 

The  great  plague. 


Obf.  Were  it  not  that  they  live  in  fweet  Aire,  and  remove 
perfons  and  Houfes  from  the  infedled,  in  ordinary  courfe  of 
fubordinate  Caufes,  would  few  or  any  be  left  alive,  and  fur- 
viving. 


Nmunnadtommin. 

Nqiinnuckquus. 

Ncupfa. 

189]  Npockunnum. 

Npockquanammen. 

Pefuponck. 

Npefuppaumen. 

Pefuppauog. 


/  vofnit. 

I  af}j  lame. 

I  am  deafe. 

I  am  blmd. 

My  difeafe  is  I  know  not  what. 

An  Hot-houje. 

I  goe  to  fweate. 

They  are  fweating. 


Obf.  This  Hot-houfe  is  a  kind  of  little  Cell  or  Cave,  fix 
or  eight  foot  over,  round,  made  on  the  fide  of  a  hill  (com- 
monly by  fome  Rivulet  or  Brooke)  into  this  frequently  the 
men  enter  after  they  have  exceedingly  heated  it  with  ftore 
of  wood,  laid  upon  an  heape  of  fi:ones  in  the  midle.  When 
they  have  taken  out  the  fire,  the  fiiones  keepe  ftill  a  great 
heat :  Ten,  twelve,  twenty,  more  or  leffe,  enter  at  once  rtarke 
naked,  leaving  their  coats,  fmall  breeches  (or  aprons)  at  the 
doore,  with  one  to  keepe  all :   here  doe  they  fit  round  thefe 


376  From   JVefaui,    yellow,    with    the 
affix  (/h)  of  derogation  or  bad  quality  : 

•  he  is  badly  yellow.'  "Some  old  Indians, 
that  were   then   youths  [in   the   time  of 

•  the  great  plague  'j  fay  that  the  bodies 
all  over  were  exceeding  •yellow  (defcrib- 
ing  it  by  a  yellow  garment  they  fhowed 
me),  both   before   they  died   and   after- 


wards." Gookin's  HilL  Coll.  i  M.  H. 
C.  i.  148. — Eliot  ufed  Weefaupaonkzw^ 
Wefojhaonk,  for  any  peftilential  or  infec- 
tious difeafe.  So,  weefojhau,  fhe  was  fick 
of  a  fever.  Matt.  8:  14.  He  ufed  alfo 
Enninnehonk,  for  'plague,'  'peflilence,'  or 
other  contagious  difeafe,  as  in  Levit.  13: 
44,46;   Numb.  1 1  :  33;  Jer.  29:  I7,&c. 


212 


Of  Sickneffe. 


[272 


hot  ftones  an  houre  or  more,  taking  Tobacco,  difcourfing,  and 
fweating  together;  which  fweating  they  ufe  tor  two  ends  : 
Firft,  to  cleanfe  their  skin  :  Secondly,  to  purge  their  bodies, 
which  doubtlefle  is  a  great  meanes  of  preferring  them,  and 
recovering  them  from  dil'eal'es,  efpecially  from  the  French 
difeafe,  which  by  fweating  and  fome  potions,  they  perfedlly 
and  fpeedily  cure  :  when  they  come  torth  (which  is  matter 
of  admiration)  I  have  feene  [190]  them  runne  (Summer  and 
Winter)  into  the  Brooks  to  coole  them,  without  the  leaft:  hurt. 


Mifquinearti. 
Mfqui,  neepuck. 
Nfauapaufhaumen. 
Matux  puckquatchick 

auwaw. 
Powwaw. 
Maunetu. 
Powwaw  nippetea. 
Yo  Wutteantawaw. 


The  vaines. 

Blood. 

I  have  the  bloody  Flixe."^ 

He  cannot  goe  to  Jlool. 

Their  Priejl. 

A  Conjurer, 

The  priejl  is  curing  him. 

We  is  ading  his  Cure. 


Obf.  Thefe  Priefts  and  Conjurers  (hke  Simon  Magus)  doe 
bewitch  the  people,  and  not  onely  take  their  Money,  but 
doe  moll:  certainly  (by  the  help  ot  the  Divell)  worke  great 
Cures,  though  moft  certaine  it  is  that  the  greateft  part  of 
their  Priefts  doe  meerely  abufe  them  and  get  their  Money, 
in  the  times  of  their  ficknelfe,  and  to  my  knowledge,  long 
for  lick  times  :  and  to  that  end  the  poore  people  llore  up 
Money,  and  fpend  both  Money  and  goods  on  the  Powwa.ws, 
or  Priefts  in   thefe  times,  the  poore  people  commonly  dye 

377  Not  an   error  of  the   prefs.     The  See  Proceed.  Mafs.  Hill.  Soc.  1860-62, 

name  of  the  difeafe  was  formerly  fo  writ-  pp.  380,  385. — 'Dylenterie,  The  bloudie 

ten.      Dr.  Stafford,  a  London  phyfician,  Fiix.'    Colgrave   (161  I  j;   and    fo,  Min- 

gave  Gov.  Winthrop   a  prefcription,  in  flieu  (1627J. 
1643,  for  the  cure  of  '  y"  Bloodie  Flix.' 


273]  Oi  Sicknejfe.  213 

under  their  hands,  for  alas,  they  adminifter  nothing  but 
howle  and  roare,  and  hollow  over  them,  and  begin  the  fong 
to  the  rell  of  the  People  about  them,  who  all  joyne  (like  a 
Quire)  in  Prayer  to  their  Gods  for  them. 


191]  Maskit  ponamiin. 

Maskit"' 
Cotatamhea. 


Give  vie  a  Plaijler. 
Give  me  fome  phyjicke 
Drinke. 


Both  which  they  earneflly  defire  of  the  Englijh,  and  doe 
frequently  fend  to  my  felfe,  and  others  for,  (having  experi- 
mentally found  fome  Mercy  of  that  kind  (through  Gods 
blelTing)  from  us. 


Nickeetem. 
Kitummayi  nickeekon. 


/  am  recovered. 

I  am  juji  now  recovered. 


Generall  Obfervation  of  their  Jicknejfe. 

It  pleafeth  the  mofi:  righteous,  and  yet  patient  God  to 
warne  and  fummon,  to  try  and  arraigne  the  univerfall  race 
of  Adams  fonnes  (commonly)  upon  Beds  of  (icknelfe  before 
he  proceed  to  execution  of  Death  and  Judgement :  BlefTed 
thofe  foules  which  prevent  Judgement,  Death  and  licknelfe 
to,  and  before  the  evill  dayes  come,  Arraigne,  and  Judge 
themfelves,  and  being  fick  for  Love  to  Chrill:,  find  him  or 
feek  him  in  his  Ordinances  below,  and  get  unfained  Alfur- 
ance  of  Eternall  enjoyment  of  Him,  when  they  are  here  no 
more. 

More  particular  ; 
One  Jlep  twix't  Me  and  Death,  [twas  Y)-3iw\.d.sfpeech,) 

I    And  true  ofjick  Folks  all : 
Mans  Leafe  it  fades,  his  Clay  houfe  cracks  ; 
Before  it's  dreadfull  Fall. 

378  Maskehtu,  Moskehtu,   and    fEzek.     ally,  herbs,  or,  made  of  herbs. — Comp. 
47  :  12)  Mahjhith,  medicine  (El.);  liter-     maskituajh,  'grafs  or  hay  '  p.  98. 


214 


0{  their  Death  and  Buriall,  &c. 


[274 


Like  Grajfhopper  the  Indian  leapes, 

2   T///  blajis  ofjicknejj'e  rife  : 
Nor  foule  7ior  Body  Phyjick  hath. 

Then  Soule  and  Body  dies. 

O  happy  Englifh  who  for  both. 

Have  precious  phyfcks  fore  : 
How  fjou/d  [when  Chrif  hath  both  refrefit. 

Thy  Love  and  zeale  be  tnore  ? 


Chap.  XXXII. 


Of  Death  and  Buriall,  &c. 


As  Pummifsin. 
Neene. 
Paiiiawut  kitonckquewa. 
193J  Chachewunnea. 
Kitonckquei.""^ 
Nipwi  maw.'^ 
Kakitonckqueban. 
Sequttoi. 
He   hath  fome  dead  in  his 


He  is  not  yet  departed. 
He  is  drawing  on. 
He  cannot  live  /ong. 
He  is  neere  dead. 
Hee  is  dead. 
He  is  gone. 

They  are  dead  and  gone. 
He  is  in  blacke  ;  That  is, 
loufe  (whether  wife  or  child 


G?(r.)  for  although  at  the  firft  being  ficke,  all  the  Women 
and  Maides  blacke  their  faces  with  foote  and  other  black- 
ings ;  yet  upon  the  death  of  the  ficke,  the  father,  or  husband, 
and  all  his  neighbours,   the  Men  alfo  (as  the  Englijh  weare 

379  Comp.    hitonckqu'ean,    when     thou  ///?' Wjy/>,  he  fhall  die  ;   710I:  nupuk,hcv,'Yio 

diell,  p.  122;   k'ltonakqufhettit, -when  \}\f:y  is  dead,  a  dead  man.    El.  —  Mhzv  is  pcr- 

die,  p.  127.  haps  for  rfOT/itV,  d;OT<JC/:(  (EI. )  he  departeth, 

38°  Nuppco,  and  nup,  he  dies,  is  dead;  he  goes  away,  is  gone. 


275] 


Of  Death  and  Buriall,  ^c. 


215 


blacke  mourning  clothes)  weare  blacke  Faces,  and  lay  on  foote 
very  thicke,  which  I  have  often  feene  clotted  with  their  teares. 
This  blacking  and  lamenting  they  obferve  in  moft  dole- 
full  manner,  divers  weekes  and  moneths  ;  yea,  a  yeere,  if  the 
perfon  be  great  and  publike. 


Sequt. 

Michemefliawi. 

Mat  wonck  kunnawmone. 

Wunnowaiintam 

Wulloalin. 

Nnowantam,  nloalin. 


Soote. 

He  is  gone  for  ever. 

Tou  Jhall  never  fee  him  more. 

Grieved  and  in  bitter- 

jieje.  _ 
/  am  grieved  for  you. 


Obf  As  they  abound  in  lamentations  for  the  dead,  fo 
they  abound  in  confolation  to  [  194]  the  living,  and  vifit  them 
frequently,  uiing  this  word  Kutchimmoke,  Kiitchlmmoke,  Be  of 
good  cheere,  which  they  exprelfe  by  ftroaking  the  cheeke  and 
head  of  the  father  or  mother,  hufband,  or  wife  of  the  dead. 


Chepafsotam.^^' 

38'  Chepeck,  the  dead, — fubj.  partici- 
ple of  chippeu,  he  is  feparated,  or  apart. 
As  an  adjeftive,  chippe  (El.)  i'eparated, 
fet  apart ;  chippe  ayeuonk,  the  feparate 
place,  Ezek.  xli.  13  ;  chepiohke  and  che- 
piohk'amuk  ( by  which  Eliot  tranflates 
'hell'  and  'hades,')  the  place  of  fepa- 
ration.  So,  chepaffotdm  \_chippe-fintim. 
El.]  a  dead  chief  or  leader  :  chepafquaw, 
a  dead  woman. 

The  fame  word  ( chippe,  chepi)  was 
ufed  for  'ghoft,'  '  fpeftre,'  'evil  fpirit,' 
— and  was  fometimes  by  the  Englifli 
tranflated  'Devil,'  as  another  name  for 
Hobbamoco.  Joflelyn  fays  (Voyages,  133) 
"Abbamocho  or  Cheepie  many  times  fmites 
them  with  incurable  difeafes,"  &c. — 
Heckewelder     explains     the    Delaware 


The  dead  Sachim. 

word  Tfchipey,  fometimes  incorreflly 
ufed  by  tranflators  for  "  the  foul  or 
fpirit  in  man,"  as  fignifying,  fpeflre, 
fpirit  or  ghoft,  and  having  "  fomething 
terrifying  about  it."  "They  call  the 
place  or  world  they  are  to  go  to  after 
death,  Tfchi-pcyach-gink,  or  Tfchipeyhack- 
ing  [=  Chepi-ohke,  El.]  the  world  of 
fpirits,  fpeftres  or  ghofts ;  where  they 
imagine  are  various  frightful  figures. 
None  of  our  old  converted  Indians  (he 
adds)  would  fuffer  the  word  Tfchipey  to 
be  made  ufe  of  in  a  fpiritual  fenfe."  2 
Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  X.  147. 

Eliot  gives  "Mattanit,  The  Devil. 
Plur.  Mattannittoog"  (Gram,  g);  and 
employs  this  word  in  his  bible-tranfla- 
tion.     Thomas  Mayhew  (writing   from 


2l6 


Of  Death  and  Buriall,  ^c. 


[276 


Mauchauhom.'"- 
Mauchauhomwock 

Chepeck. 
Chepafquaw. 
Yo  apapan.^"^ 
Sachimaupan. 


The  dead  man. 
The  dead. 


A  dead  woman. 

He  that  was  here. 

He  that  was  Prince  here. 


Obf.  Thefe  exprefsions  they  ufe,  becaufe,  they  abhorre 
to  mention  the  dead  by  name,  and  therefore,  if  any  man 
beare  the  name  of  the  dead  he  changeth  his  name ;  and  if 
any  ftranger  accidently  name  him,  he  is  checkt,  and  if  any 
wilfully  name  him  he  is  fined  ;  and  and  amongfl:  States,  the 
naming  of  their  dead  Sachims,  is  one  ground  of  their  warres  ; 
fo  terrible  is  the  King  of  Terrors,  Death,  to  all  naturall  men. 

Aquie  miflialh,  aquie  Doe  not  natne. 

mifliommoke. 
Cowewenaki. 


Pofakiinnamun. 

195]  Aukuck  ponamun. 

Wefquaubenan. 


Ton  wrong  viee,  to  wit, 

in  7iatning  my  dead. 
To  bury. 

To  lay  in  the  earth. 
To  wrap  up,  in  winding  mats 


or  coats,  as  we  fay,  winding  flieets 

Mockuttajuit,  One  of  chiefeft  efteeme,  who  winds  up  and 

mahcbe-amviog,  they 


Martha's  Vineyard,  in  1652,)  fays,  that 
the  Indiansaccojnted  the  Devil, "the  ter- 
ror of  the  Living,  the  god  of  the  Dead, 
under  vvhofe  cruel  power  and  into  whole 
deformed  likenefs  they  conceived  them- 
felves  to  be  tranflated  when  they  died  ; 
for  the  fame  word  they  have  for  Devil, 
they  ufe  alfo  for  a  DeaJ  Man,  in  their 
Language."   3  M.  H.  C.  iv.  202. 

3S2  «  fie  has  gone.'  Mahche  (the  auxili- 
ary  of  the   preterite)  and   hommin  {wm. 


El.)   he  goes :   pi. 
have  gone. 

3S3  Appu  (El.)  primarily,  'he  fits;' 
hence,  '  remains  ;'  ufed  for  iievtt,  '  abi- 
deth,'  I  John,  iii.  14.  Comp.  mat-apci, 
'  he  is  not  at  home,'  p.  34,  ante.  In  the 
pail  tenfe,  apip,  he  fat,  he  wai ,-  condi- 
tional, apapan.  In  Ifaiah  xxiii.  13,  Eliot 
ufes  this  verb  (fame  mood  and  tenfe)  in 
the  plural,  yeug  matta  apupan-eg,  they 
who   were  not.     It   often   fupplied   the 


77] 


Of  Death  and  Buriall,  &c. 


217 


buries  the  dead,  commonly  fome  wife,  grave,  and  well  de- 
fcended  man  hath  that  office. 

When  they  come  to  the  Grave,  they  lay  the  dead  by  the 
Grave's  mouth,  and  then  all  fit  downe  and  lament ;  that  I 
have  feen  teares  run  downe  the  cheekes  of  ftoutefi:  Captaines, 
as  well  as  little  children  in  abundance  i^*''  and  after  the  dead 
is  laid  in  Grave,  and  fometimes  (in  fome  parts)  fome  goods 
call:  in  with  them.  They  have  then  a  fecond  great  lamen- 
tation, and  upon  the  Grave  is  fpread  the  Mat  that  the  party 
died  on,  the  Difli  he  eat  in  ;  and  fometimes  a  faire  Coat  of 
skin  hung  upon  the  next  tree  to  the  Grave,  which  none  will 
touch,  but  I'utfer  it  there  to  rot  with  the  dead  :^*=  Yea  I  faw 
with  mine  owne  eyes  that  at  my  late  comming  forth  of  the 
Countrey,  the  chiefe  and  moft  aged  peaceable  Father  of  the 
Countrey,^'*"  Caunounicus,  having  buried  his  fonne,  he  burn'd 

want  of  the  fubftantive-verb  proper;  as 
in  Gen.  iii.  9,  toh  kutapin  ?  where  art 
thou?  and  in  John  viii.  58,  Negonne  onk 
Abrabamwi  nutapip,  'Before  Abraham 
was  /  am:''  on  which  phrafe,  and  the 
perplexity  it  occafioned  to  Meifrs.  Du- 
ponceau,  Heckewelder,  Pickering  and 
Davis,  fee  the  Notes  to  Eliot's  Gram- 
mar (2  Mafs.  Hill.  Coll.,  ix. )  xxvi-ix, 
and  xxx-xliv. 

354  «'The  glat  of  their  griefe  being  paft, 
they  commit  the  corpes  of  their  diceafed 
friends  to  the  ground,  over  whofe  grave 
is  tor  a  long  time  fpent  manv  a  briny 
teare,  deepe  groane,  and  lriJh-\\\.^  bowl- 
ings, continuing  annuall  mournings  with 
a  blacke  ftiffe  paint  on  their  faces." 
Wood,  N.  E.  Profpeft,  pt.  2,  ch.  19. 

355  The  Indians  (Wood  tells  us)  be- 
lieved that  "  at  the  portall  of  their  Ely- 
zian  Hofpitall,  lies  a  great  Dogge,  whofe 
churlifh  fnarlings  deny  a  Pax  intrantibus 
to  unworthy  intruders:    Wherefore  it  is 

B28 


their  cuftome,  to  bury  with  them  their 
Bows  and  Arrows,  and  good  (lore  of 
their  Wampompeage  zwdi  Mozvhackies ;  the 
one  to  affright  that  affronting  Cerberus, 
the  other  to  purchafe  more  immenfe  pre- 
rogatiues  in  their  Paradife."  N.  E.  Prof- 
peft,  pt.  2,  ch.  19. — Comp.  Winflow's 
Good  Newes  from  N.  E.  (  Young's  Chr. 
of  Plymouth,  363). 

3S6  In  this  place,  occafion  may  be  taken 
to  corredl  an  error  in  the  Preface  (p.  10), 
where  it  is  faid  that  "  Mr.  Williams 
failed  for  England  early  in  the  fummer 
of  1643."  In  this  ilatement  I  followed 
Profeifor  Knowles  (  Memoir  of  R.  W. 
195),  Dr.  Elton  (Life  of  R.  W.,  60), 
Judge  Staples  (Annals  of  Prov.,  5 1 ),  Mr. 
Arnold  (Hift.  of  R.  I.,  i.  113)  — and 
had  the  countenance  of  Mr.  Bancroft, 
who  fays  (i.  425)  that  Williams  arrived 
in  England  "not  long  after  the  death  of 
Hampden,"  that  is,  after  June  24th.  Yet 
a  more   careful   examination   than  I  had 


2l8 


Of  Death  and  Buriall,  Gfc. 


[278 


his  owne  Palace,  and  all  his  goods  in  it,  (amongft  them  to  a 
great  value)  in  a  follemne  remembrance  of  his  fonne,  and  in 
a  kind  of  humble  Expiation  to  the  Gods,  [196]  who  (as 
they  believe)  had  taken  his  fonne  from  him. 


7"^^  ^^-wfr^// Obfervation  of  their  Dead. 

O,  how  terrible  is  the  looke  the  fpeedy  and  ferious  thought 
of  death  to  all  the  fons  of  men  ?  Thrice  happy  thofe  who 
are  dead  and  rifen  with  the  Sonne  of  God,  for  they  are  paft 
from  death  to  life,  and  fliall  not  fee  death  (a  heavenly  fweet 
Paradox  or  Ridle)  as  the  Son  of  God  hath  promifed  them. 


previoudy  made  of  the  original  authorities 
on  which  thefe  writers  apparently  relied, 
convinces  me  that  V/illiams's  emharca- 
tion  at  Manhatan  was  early  in  the  Jpring 
of  1643, — certainly,  before  the  end  of 
March.  It  is  true  that  Winthrop  (ii. 
97)  under  the  date  of  June  20,  mentions 
the  pacification  of  the  Long  Ifland  In- 
dians, effefled  "  by  the  mediation  of 
Mr.  Williams,  who  was  then  there  to  go 
in  a  Dutch  fhip  for  England  :"  but  this 
is  introduced  at  the  clofe  of  an  account 
of  hollilities  between  the  Dutch  and  In- 
dians from  their  beginning,  in  February, 
to  their  termination  (^by  a  covenant  of 
peace  with  the  River  Indians)  in  April. 
Mr.  Williams  himfelf.  in  a  letter  to 
the  Maflachufetts  Court,  Oft.  5,  1654, 
has  enabled  us  to  approximate  more 
nearly  to  the  date  of  his  failing.  He 
fays  that  while  at  Manhatan,  he  •"  faw  the 
firll  breaking  forth  of  the  Indian  War 
which  the  Dutch  begun,"  and  that  be- 
fore the  fhip  in  which  he  had  taken  paf- 
fage  weighed  anchor,  "  bowries  were  in 
flames,  Dutch   and   Englifh  were  (lain," 


&c.  [See  this  letter,  printed  from  the 
original,  in  Appendix  to  Plymouth  Col. 
Records,  r.  438-442.]  From  other 
fources,  we  know  that  the  war  was  be- 
gun by  the  mafl'acre  in  cold  blood  of 
fome  hundred  and  twenty  Indians  at 
Pavonia  and  Corker's  Hook,  by  Dutch 
foldiers,  on  the  night  of  February  JJ; 
that  within  a  week  afterwards,  the  In- 
dians made  terrible  retaliation,  on  Dutch 
and  Englifh  ;  that  the  Long  Idand  In- 
dians made  propofitions  for  peace,  as 
early  as  Feb.  22  (March  4,  N.  S.),  and 
that  a  treaty  with  them  was  concluded 
March  }^,  and  another  with  the  River 
Indians,  April  }^.  See  Brodhead's  Hill. 
of  R.  York,  i.  350-59;  DeVries,  in  2 
N.  y.  Hirt.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  1 13-119; 
Broad  Advice,  in  fame  volume,  255,  256. 
Dr.  Palfrey,  in  a  note  to  his  Hiftory  of 
N.  England,  i,  609,  alludes  to  Williams's 
departure  as  "fome  fix  months"  before 
Mrs.  Hutchinfon's  death  in  September, 
1643, — and  thereby  indicates  his  diffcnt 
from  the  authorities  referred  to  in  the 
firft  part  of  this  note. 


279]  Of  Dezth  and  BurizW,  &c.  219 

More  particular : 
T/}e  Indians y^^y  lAeir  bodies  die. 

Their foules  they  doe  not  die; 
Worfe  are  then  Indians^'af/6,  as  hold 

The  foules  mor  tali  tie. 

Our  hopelejfe  Bodie  rots,  J  ay  they. 

Is  gone  eternally, 
Englifh  hope  better ,  yet  fome' s  hope 
Proves  endlejfe  mtferie. 

Two  Worlds  of  men  Jhall  rife  and  Jl and 
'Fore  Chrifis  tfiojl  dreadful  I  bar  re  ; 

Indians,  and  Englilh  naked  too. 
That  now  tnojl  gallant  are. 

197]  True  Chrijl  mojl  Glorious  then  Jhall  make 

New  Earth,  and  Heavens  New  ; 
Falfe  Chrijls,falfe  Chrijiians  then  Jli all  quake, 
O  blejfed  then  the  True. 

Now,  to  the  moft  High  and  mofl  Holy,  Immortall,  Invifi- 
ble,  and  onely  Wife  God,  who  alone  is  Alpha  and  Omega, 
the  Beginning  and  the  Ending,  the  Firjl  and  the  Laji,  who 
Was  and  Is,  and  is  to  Come ;  from  Whom,  by  Whom,  and  to 
Whom  are  all  things  ;  by  Whofe  gracious  afiiftance  and  won- 
dertuU  fupportment  in  fo  many  varieties  of  hardship  and 
outward  miferies,  I  have  had  fuch  converfe  with  Barbarous 
Nations,  and  have  been  mercifully  afsifted,  to  frame  this 
poore  Key,  which  may,  (through  His  Blefsing)  in  His  owne 
holy  feafon)  open  a  Doore  ;  yea.  Doors  of  unknowne  Mercies 
to  Us  and  Them,  be  Honour,  Glory,  Power,  Riches,  Wif- 
dome,  GoodnelTe  and  Dominion  afcribed  by  all  His  in  Jefus 
Chrift  to  Eternity,  Amen. 

FINIS. 


wmmmmm^mmmmt^wmmmmm 


The  Table. 


Chap.  Page, 

I.  /^^F  Salutatmi. 

II.  V_>/ Of  Eating  and  Entertainment. 

III.  Of  Slecpe. 

IV.  Of  //'('/r  Numbers. 

V.  Of  Relations  of  Confanguinity,  &c. 

VI.  Of  Houje,  Family,  &c. 

VII.  Of  P./;-/j?/'Body. 

VIII.  Oi' Di/courfe  and  Newes. 

IX.  Of  ■T/wf'  o/'  /A'  Jay. 

X.  Of  Seajons  of  the  Ye  ere. 

XI.  Of  Tr^w//. 

XII.  Of //6t' /6tvzTv«/j' Lights. 

XIII.  Of //j6' Weather. 

XIV.  Of //6^  Winds. 

XV.  Of  Fowle. 

XVI.  Of  Mf  Earth  arid  Fruits  thereof. 

XVII.  Of  5^^y/.r  and  C«//d'//. 

XVIII.  Of //6^  Sea. 

XIX.  Of  Eijh  and  F//Zv>;^. 

XX.  Of  their  Nakednefj'e  and  Clothing. 

XXI.  Oi  their  Religion,  Soule,  &c. 

XXII.  Of  their  Government. 
XXIII. Of //6f/r  Marriages. 
XXlY.Oi  their  Coyne. 


I 

31 

lO 

39 
46 

22 

50 

27 

54 

31 
48 

59 
76 

54 
62 

65 

68 

82 
89 
92 

95 

79 

104 

82 

85 
88 

107 

1 10 

113 

92 

119 

104 

127 

108 

131 

113 

136 

1 10 

H3 

114 

132 

147 
162 

138 

167 

144 

173 

The  Table. 
Chap.  Pag. 

XXF.  Of  their  Trading. 

XXVI.  Of  their  Debts  and  Trufting. 

XXFIL  Of  their  Hunting. 

XXVIII.  Of  their  Sports  and  Gaming. 

XXIX.  Oi  their  Warres. 

XXX.  Of  their  Paintings. 

XXXI.  Of  their  Sickneffe. 
XXXII:  Of  their  Death  and  Buriall  : 


I  have  further  treated  of  thefe  Natives  of  New-England, 
and  that  great  point  of  their  Converjion  in  a  Httle  additional! 
Difcourfe  apart  from  this. 


*j*  In  the  foregoing  Table,  the  fee-  and  references  in  the  Preface  and  notes 
ond  column  of  page-numbers  refers  to  the  are  made  by  the  pages  of  the  Jirjl  edi- 
pages   of  this  edition :    but  all   citations     tion. 


151 

179 

159 

186 

163 

188 

169 

194 

174 

198 

183 

206 

185 

208 

192 

214 

T  Have  read  over  thefe  thirty  Chapters  of  the 
American  Language,  to  me  wholly  uuknowne^ 
and  the  Obfervations,  thefe  I  conceive  inoffenfve; 
and  that  the  IVorke  may  conduce  to  the  happy  end 
intended  by  the  Author. 

lo.  Langley. 


Printed   according    to   this    Licence ;     and    entred    into 
Stationers  Hall. 


LETTER 


JOHN     COTTON, 


ROGER  WILLIAMS'S    REPLY, 


EDITED    BY 


Reuben  Aldridge  Guild. 


INTRODUCTORY   REMARKS. 


:o: 


N  the  year  i  643,  there  appeared  in  London 
a  Uttle  quarto  pamphlet  of  thirteen  pages, 
entitled,  "A  Letter  of  Mr.  John  Cottons," 
&c.  This  letter,  which  is  here  reprinted, 
appears  to  be  part  of  a  fomewhat  extended 
correfpondence  between  Cotton  and  Wil- 
liams, and  the  beginning  of  a  long  con- 
tinued controverfy.  It  is  printed,  it  will  be  obferved,  almoil: 
entire  in  the  "  Reply,"  Mr.  Williams  giving  it  paragraph  by 
paragraph,  and  adding  thereto  his  remarks  and  reafonings. 
At  the  time  of  its  publication,  the  author  was  "Teacher  of 
the  Church  in  Bofton,"  and,  it  may  be  added,  one  of  the 
moft  diftinguifhed  fcholars  and  divines  in  New  England.  A 
few  fadts  refpedting  his  early  career,  we  have  compiled  from 
the  various  biographies  of  him  extant. 

The  Rev.  John  Cotton  was  born  in  Derby,  England,  on 
the  4th  of  December,  1585.  His  father,  Roland  Cotton, 
was  a  Puritan  lawyer  of  honorable  defcent,  whofe  family, 
as  tradition  reports,  had  been  unjuftly  "  deprived  of  great 
revenues."  At  the  date  which  we  have  indicated,  the  con- 
flid:  between  the  two  adverfe  elements  of  the  Englifh  Reform- 


4  IntroduBory  Remarks.  [288 

ation  had  not  yet  paffed  its  firft  great  crifis.  There  were 
no  known  "  Dillenters,"  in  the  modern  Englifli  ufe  of  that 
word,  but  ahnoft  everywhere  there  were  "  Non-conformifts," 
the  fpiritual  defcendants  of  WycUffe  and  the  Lollards,  pray- 
ing and  laboring  for  a  purer  and  more  thorough  reformation, 
which  fliould  bring  the  church  of  England  into  a  full  agree- 
ment with  the  pureif  churches  on  the  continent.  Of  this 
latter  clafs  were  the  parents  of  the  youthful  Cotton.  His 
tirll;  lelfons  were  from  the  "  Geneva  Bible,"  fo  popular  at  this 
time  among  Proteftants.  The  difcourfes  to  which  he  often 
liftened  by  the  fireiide,  were  upon  practical  religious  themes 
or  difputed  queftions  in  theology.  Under  thefe  influences, 
and  with  fuch  training  as  the  grammar  fchool  in  his  native 
town  afforded,  he  was  fitted  for  the  Univeriity;  and  at  the 
early  age  of  thirteen  he  was  admitted  to  Trinity  College  in 
Cambridge. 

Of  the  two  ancient  Univerfities  in  England,  Cambridge, 
rather  than  Oxford,  was  at  this  period  the  home  and  centre 
of  Puritan  influence.  Here  Cranmer,  and  Ridley  and  Lati- 
mer had  been  educated ;  and  here  through  Cranmer's  influence, 
Martin  Bucer,  the  reformer  of  Strafburg,  had  been  placed  in 
the  chair  of  theology.  Here  too.  Bacon,  and  Milton,  and 
Newton,  and  Coke,  the  patron  of  Roger  Williams,  and  a  hoft 
of  the  leading  Puritans  in  Church  and  in  State  received  their 
academic  training.  Cotton's  Ifanding  in  his  college  was  fuch 
that,  according  to  his  biographers,  he  would  have  obtained 
a  fellowlhip  had  not  the  ele(flion,  for  financial  reafons,  been 
deferred.  On  this  account,  perhaps,  he  removed  from  Trinity 
College  to  Emmanuel,  then  recently  founded.  Here  he 
obtained  a  fellowfliip,  and  here  he  refided  many  years,  ffudy- 
ing,  difputing  and  teaching,  honored  with  various  academical 
diftindtions,  and  regarded  by  his  friends  everywhere  as  one 


289 1  IntrodudJory  Remarks.  5 

of  the  moft  famous  young  men  in  his  day.  He  was  chofen 
head  ledlurer  by  the  college  authorities,  and  engaged  as  tutor 
to  many  fcholars,  who  afterwards  became  dillinguifhed  in 
the  various  walks  of  literary  and  profeffional  life.  It  was 
while  engaged  in  thefe  congenial  employments  that  the  influ- 
ences of  home  and  of  parental  training  became  maniteft. 
His  mind  underwent  a  thorough  and  radical  change.  He 
renounced  his  worldly  felt-righteous  views  and  became  an 
humble  follower  of  Jefus. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-fix,  leaving  the  Univerfity  which  had 
been  his  home  for  thirteen  years,  he  entered  upon  his  duties 
as  paftor  of  the  ancient  church  of  St.  Botolph,  in  the  town 
of  Boflon,  Lincolnlliire.  Here  his  labors  were  extraordinary, 
for,  in  addition  to  other  vocations,  he  generally  preached  four 
lecflures  in  the  courfe  of  a  week,  to  crowds  of  eager  hearers. 
His  efforts  to  advance  the  fpiritual  welfare  of  his  charge 
refulted  in  a  general  reformation  throughout  the  town.  The 
voice  of  profanity  was  huflied,  and  the  great  leading  truths 
of  the  gofpel  were  received  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
He  remained  in  Boflon  twenty  years,  and  was  univerfally 
admired  as  a  preacher  and  beloved  as  a  man.  It  was  during 
this  period  that  he  became  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
leading  families,  who,  under  the  guidance  ot  Winthrop,  emi- 
grated, in  the  year  1630,  to  America.  Many  of  thefe  fami- 
lies were  from  his  own  immediate  parifh  and  vicinity.  It 
was  in  honor  of  the  place  where  he  had  fo  long  and  fo  fuc- 
cefsfully  preached,  that  the  metropolis  of  New  England 
received  its  name.  During  this  period  he  alfo  formed  the 
acquaintance  of  him,  who,  in  matters  pertaining  to  freedom 
of  confcience,  was  to  be  his  great  antagonift.  From  a  paf- 
fage  in  the  "  Bloudy  Tenent  yet  more  Bloudy,"  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  Mr.  Williams  was  the  paftor  of  a  church 


6  IntroduSlory  Remarks.  [290 

fomewhere  in  his  neighborhood,  and  that  even  then  they 
ufed  to  difculs  together  the  points  which  afterwards  formed 
the  principal  fubjefts  of  their  controverfial  works. 

At  length  the  government  of  the  Englilli  Church  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Bilhop  Laud,  and  divifions  arofe  among  the 
parifhioners  of  St.  Botolph.  Mr.  Cotton  was  cited  to  appear 
before  the  High  Comminion  Court  and  Hed  to  London. 
Here  for  a  time  he  remained  concealed,  and  at  length  he 
embarked,  with  his  wife,  for  the  "afylum  of  the  perlecuted 
and  the  opprelfed."  After  a  palfage  of  eight  weeks  he  landed 
at  Boflon,  Wednelday,  Sept.  4,  1633,  in  company  with  Mr. 
Hooker,  and  Mr.  Stone;  which  "glorious  triumvirate,"  fays 
the  quaint  Mather,  "coming  together,  made  the  poor  people 
in  the  wildernefs  to  laj^  That  the  God  of  heaven  had  fup- 
plied  them  with  what  would  in  fome  fort  anfwer  their  three 
great  necelfities  :  Cotton  for  their  clothing,  Hooker  for  their 
firtiing,  and  Stone  for  their  building."  "  In  all  its  generations 
of  worth  and  refinement,  Bofton,"  fays  the  historian  Palfrey, 
"has  never  feen  an  alfembly  more  illullrious  for  generous 
qualities  or  for  manly  culture,  than  when  the  magillirates  of 
the  young  Colony  welcomed  Cotton  and  his  fellow  voyagers 
at  Winthrop's  table."  In  the  month  of  Ocflober  following 
his  arrival,  Mr.  Cotton  was  effablillied  the  "teacher  of  the 
church  in  BofT:on,"  as  colleague  with  Mr.  Wilfbn,  who  was 
paflor.  To  this  office  he  was  fet  apart  on  a  day  of  fpecial 
farting  and  prayer,  with  the  impofition  of  hands.  He  con- 
tinued his  relations  with  this  church  until  his  death,  in  1652, 
a  period  of  nineteen  years.  His  hiflory  during  this  time  is 
the  hiffory  of  the  Colony.  Such  was  his  influence  in  eftab- 
lilhing  the  order  of  the  churches,  and  in  moulding  and 
directing  f'ocial  and  political  affairs,  that  he  has  not  unjuftly 
been  called  the  "patriarch  of  New  England."    To  his  won- 


29 1  ]  IntroduBory  Remarks.  7 

derful  gifts,  his  piety  and  learning,  we  may  afcribe  in  a  large 
degree  the  great  moral  power  which  he  thus  wielded.  To 
this  may  alio  be  added  the  lignal  lacritices  he  had  himfelf 
made  for  the  caufe  of  truth.  When  he  came  to  the  new 
country,  he  left  behind  him  family  connexions  ot  refpedla- 
bility  and  worth  ;  the  friendHiip  of  the  rich,  the  learned,  and 
the  great ;  and  the  profpedl  ot  fpeedy  preferment  in  the 
Church,  on  condition  of  "  conformity."  He  exchanged  his 
comfortable  home  in  a  populous  town,  where  he  dwelt  in 
honor,  for  a  rude  fettlement  in  the  wildernefs  ;  and  the  ftately 
gothic  edifice  of  St.  Botolph,  where  liftening  crowds  hung 
from  week  to  week  upon  his  lips,  for  a  wretched  ill  con- 
ftrudled  meeting  houfe,  having  mud  walls  and  a  thatched 
roof.  All  thefe  things  tended  doubtlefs  to  give  him  fway 
over  the  minds  ot  the  people,  who  always  liftened  to  his 
teachings  with  deference,  and  who  were  ready  to  fay  with 
the  ancient  Hebrews  to  their  Lawgiver,  "All  that  the  Lord 
hath  fpoken  will  we  do." 

"  In  his  controverfy  with  Mr.  Williams,"  fays  Allen,"  "he 
found  an  antagonifl,  whofe  weapons  were  powerful  and 
whofe  caufe  was  good ;  while  he  himfelf  unhappily  advoca- 
ted a  caufe  which  he  had  once  oppofed,  when  futfering  per- 
fecution  in  England.  He  contended  tor  the  interference  of 
the  civil  power  in  fupport  of  the  truth,  and  to  the  objeftion 
of  Mr.  Williams,  that  this  was  infringing  the  rights  of  con- 
fcience,  the  only  reply  that  could  be  made  was,  that  when  a 
perfon,  after  repeated  admonitions,  periifled  in  rejefting  and 
oppofing  fundamental  points  of  dodlrine  or  worfliip,  it  could 
not  be  from  conlcience,  but  againft  confcience,  and  there- 
fore that  it  was  not  perfecution  for  caufe  of  confcience  for  the 
civil  power  to  drive  luch  perfons  away,  but  it  was  a  wife 

'    American  Biographical  Diftionary. 


8  IntroduBory  Remarks.  [292 

regard  to  the  good  of  the  church ;  it  was  putting  away  evil 
from  the  people." 

The  Letter,  which  is  here  reprinted,  was  written  foon 
after  the  baniihment  of  Williams,  although  not  publilhed 
until  a  later  period.  In  it  the  author  claims  that  perfons 
who  are  godly  fliould  be  received  into  the  church,  even 
though  they  do  not  fee  and  difcountenance  all  the  "pollu- 
tions in  church-tellowlliip,  miniilry,  worfliip  and  govern- 
ment." Mr.  Cotton  was  in  theory  a  Nonconformift  ;  never- 
thelefs  he  loved  the  ftately  fervice  and  the  communion  of 
the  Ellablilhed  Church,  although  he  rejedf  ed  its  popifli  cere- 
monies and  worldly  ufages.  His  antagonift,  on  the  contrary, 
believed  it  to  be  an  anti-Chriftian  church,  and  hefitated  not 
in  declaring  that  its  rights  fliould  be  aboliflied,  its  miniftry 
forfaken,  and  its  communion  abjured.  He  advocated  the 
entire  feparation  of  Church  and  State,  and  the  moft  abfolute 
freedom  of  confcience  in  all  religious  concernments.  The 
two  were  therefore  reprefentative  men,  the  reprefentatives  of 
two  great  religious  bodies,  or  oppoling  parties.  Mr.  Cotton 
belonged  to  the  Puritans,  who,  in  New  England,  in  its  early 
periods,  became  Congregationalifl:s — in  Old  England,  during 
the  Commonwealth,  chietiy  Prefbyterians.  Mr.  Williams 
was  a  Separatift,  or  Nonconformift,  both  in  theory  and  in 
pradlice.  His  opinions  in  matters  of  church  government 
coincided  rather  with  the  views  and  opinions  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, and  of  the  Sectaries,  as  they  were  fbmetimes  called 
under  Cromwell,  efpecially  of  the  Baptifls,  from  that  time 
down  to  the  prefent  day. 

From  theaddrefs  "to  the  impartial!  reader"  in  the  following 
Reply,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Cotton's  letter  was  not  publiflied 
by  Williams  himfelf,  but  by  fome  friend,  who,  unknown  to 
him,  had  procured  a  copy  and  thus   made   it   public.     Mr. 


293]  IntroduBory  Remarks.  9 

Cotton  in  his  "  Reply  to  Mr.  Williams,  his  Examination," 
publifhed  in  1647,  thus  fpeaks  of  the  Letter.  "But  how  it 
came  to  be  put  in  print,  I  cannot  imagine.  Sure  I  am  it 
was  without  my  privity  :  and  when  I  heard  of  it,  it  was  to 
me  unwelcome  news,  as  knowing  the  truth  and  weight  of 
Pliny's  fpeech,  Aliud  ejl  fcriberie  uni,  aliiid  omnibus.  There 
be  who  think  it  was  publilhed  by  Mr.  Williams  himfelf,  or 
by  fome  of  his  friends,  who  had  the  copy  from  him.  Which 
latter  might  be  the  more  probable,  becaufe  himfelf  denieth 
the  publifliing  of  it :  and  it  fticketh  in  my  mind  that  I 
received  many  years  ago,  a  refutation  of  it,  in  a  brotherly  and 
ingenuous  way,  from  a  ftranger  to  me,  but  one,  as  I  hear, 
well  affedied  to  him,  Mr.  Sabine  Starefmore.  To  whom  I 
had  long  ago  returned  an  anfwer,  but  that  he  did  not  diredl 
me  where  my  letter  might  find  him.  But  I  do  not  fufpedl 
Mr.  Starefmore,  nor  Mr.  Williams  himfelf  to  have  publifhed 
it ;  but  rather  fome  other,  unadvifed,  Chriftian,  who,  having 
gotten  a  copy  of  the  letter,  took  more  liberty  than  God 
alloweth,  to  draw  forth  a  private  admonition  to  public  notice 
in  a  diforderly  way." 

Mr.  Williams,  it  will  be  obferved,  fpeaks  of  his  opponent  as 
an  "excellent  and  worthy  man,"  whom,  for  "his  perfonal 
excellencies"  he  truly  honored  and  loved;  neverthelefs  he 
charges  him  with  the  guilt  of  his  banifhment.  Mr.  Cotton's 
defence  of  his  own  courfe  of  condudl  appears  to  us  unworthy 
of  his  ufual  candor,  betraying  a  mind  ill  at  eafe,  and  pain- 
fully confcious  of  unjuft  and  unkind  dealings  towards  a 
former  friend  and  companion  in  tribulation. 

The  original  edition  of  Williams's  Reply  to  Cotton, 
like  moft  ot  the  author's  produd:ions,  may  be  included  in 
that  clafs  of  books  which  Clement,  in  his  "  Bibliotheque 
Curieufe,"  denominates  excejjively  rare.     Mr.  J.  Carter  Brown 

Cz 


lo  IntroduElory  Remarks.  [294 

has  two  copies.  Mr.  J.  Wingate  Thornton,  of  Bofton,  has  alfo 
a  copy,  "  clean  and  fair  as  when  it  came  from  the  prefs." 
Copies  are  to  be  found  in  the  Ubraries  of  Brown  Univerfity, 
Yale  College,  and  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at 
Worcefter.  A  copy  is  alfo  to  be  found  in  the  Bodleian 
Library  at  Oxford,  and  another  in  the  library  of  the  Britifli 
Mufeum.  From  this  latter  copy  the  Hanferd  Knollys  Society 
publidied,  in  1848,  a  handfome  reprint,  as  an  appendix  to 
"The  Bloudy  Tenent  ot  Perfecution." 

R.  A.  G. 

Brown  University,  Oftobcr  15,  1866. 


^ 


^ 


A 

LETTER 


OF 


m 


Mr.  JOHN  c  0  rroNs 

Teacher  of  the  Church  in  BoJio?i, 


IN 


•9^ 


•^ 


^ 


S^ 


a: 


NEW-ENGLAND, 

TO 

Mr.  IFILLUMS  a  Preacher  there. 

Wherein  is  {hewed, 

That  thofe  ought  to  be  received  into  the 

Church  who  are  Godly,  though  they  doe 

not  fee,  nor  expreflely  bewaile  all  the 

pollutions  in  Church-fellowfhip, 

Minijlery,  WorJJjtf,  Government. 


Imprimatur,  'John  Bachiler. 


Printed  at  London  for  Benjamin  Allen.  1643. 


^ 


^f^^fZ?V2?fg?^f2?^f2?f2?flff^5S?fS?^ 


Letter  of  Mr.  John  Cottons^  Teacher  of  the 
Church  in  Bojion,  in  New  England. 


Beloved  in  Chrijl, 

Hough  I  have  Httle  hope  (when  I  confider 
the  uncircumcifion  of  mine  owne  Hps,  Exod. 
6.  12.)  that  you  will  hearken  to  my  voyce, 
who  hath  not  hearkened  to  the  body  of  the 
whole  Church  of  Chrift  with  you,  and  the 
teftimony,  and  judgement  of  fo  many  Elders 
and  Brethren  of  other  Churches,  yet  I  truft 
my  labour  will  be  accepted  of  the  Lord ;  and  who  can  tell 
but  that  he  may  bleffe  it  to  you  alfo,  if  (by  his  helpe)  I 
indevour  to  fhew  you  the  fandineffe  of  thofe  grounds,  out  of 
which  you  have  banilhed  yours  from  the  fellowfliip  of  all 
the  Churches  in  thefe  Countries.  Let  not  any  prejudice 
againfl:  my  perfon  (I  befeech  you)  foreftall  either  your  affec- 
tion or  judgement,  as  if  I  had  haftened  forward  the  fentence 
of  your  civill  banirtiment ;  for  what  was  done  by  the  Mag- 
iflrates,  in  that  kinde,  was  neither  done  by  my  counfell  nor 
confent,  although  I  dare  not  deny  the  fentence  pafTed  to  be 
righteous  in  the  eyes  of  God,  who  hath  faid  that  he  that 
with-holdeth  the  Corne  (which  is  the  flaffe  of  life)  from  the 
people,  the  multitude  fhall  curfe  him,  Prov.  ii.  26.  how 
much  more  fhall  they  feparate  fuch  from  them  as  doe  with- 
hold and  feparate  them  from  the  Ordinances,  or  the  Ordi- 
nances from  them  (which  are  in  Chrift  the  bread  [2]  of  life.) 
And  yet  it  may  be  they  palfed  that  fentence  againfl  you  not 


14  Cotton's  Letter.  [298 

upon  that  ground,  but  for  ought  I  know,  upon  your  other 
corrupt  dod:rines,  which  tend  to  the  difturbance  both  of  civill 
and  holy  peace,  as  may  appeare  by  that  anfwer  which  was 
fent  to  the  Brethren  of  the  Church  of  Sakffi,  and  to  your 
felfe.  And  to  fpeake  freely  what  I  thinke,  were  my  foule 
in  your  foules  flead,  I  fliould  thinke  it  a  worke  of  mercy  of 
God  to  banifli  me  from  the  civill  fociety  of  fuch  a  Common 
wealth,  when  I  could  not  injoy  holy  fellowfhip  with  any 
Church  of  God  amongft  them  without  fin.  What  fliould 
the  Daughter  of  Zioti  doe  in  Babell?  why  Ibiould  flie  not 
haften  to  flee  from  thence  ?  Zach.  2.  6,  7. 

I  fpeake  not  thefe  things  (the  God  of  Truth  is  my  witnes)  to 
adde  affliction  to  your  afflidtion,  but  (if  it  were  the  holy  will  of 
God)  to  move  you  to  a  more  ferious  fight  of  your  fin,  and  of 
the  juftice  of  Gods  hand  againft  it.  Againft  your  corrupt  Doc- 
trines, it  pleafed  the  Lord  Jefus  to  fight  againft  you  with  the 
fword  of  his  mouth  (as  himfelfe  fpeaketh,  Kev.  2.  16.)  in 
the  mouthes  and  teftimonies  of  the  Churches  and  Brethren. 
Againft  whom,  when  you  over-heated  your  felte  in  reafon- 
ing  and  difputing  againft  the  light  of  his  truth,  it  pleafed 
him  to  ftop  your  mouth  by  a  fuddaine  difeafe,  and  to  threaten 
to  take  your  breath  from  you.  But  you  in  ftead  of  recoyl- 
ing  (as  even  Balaam  offered  to  doe  in  the  like  cafe)  you  chofe 
rather  to  perfift  in  your  way,  and  to  proteft  againft  all  the 
Churches  and  Brethren  that  ftood  in  your  way  :  and  thus 
the  good  hand  of  Chrift  that  fliould  have  humbled  you,  to 
fee  and  turne  from  the  errour  of  your  way,  hath  rather  hard- 
ned  you  therein,  and  quickned  you  onely  to  fee  failings  (yea 
intolerable  errours)  in  all  the  Churches  and  brethren,  rather 
then  in  your  felfe.  In  which  courfe  though  you  fay  you  doe 
not  remember  an  houre  wherein  the  countenance  ot  the  Lord 
was  darkned  to  you,  yet  be  not  deceived,  it  is  no  [3]  new 


299]  Cotton's  Letter.  15 

thing  with  Satan  to  transforme  himfelfe  into  an  Angell  of 
light,  and  to  cheare  the  foule  with  faU'e  peace,  and  with 
flaihes  of  counterfeit  confolation.  Sad  and  wofull  is  the 
memory  of  Mailer  Smiths  ftrong  conlblations  on  his  death- 
bed, which  are  fet  as  a  Seale  to  the  grofle  and  damnable 
Arminianifme  and  Enthufiafmes  delivered  in  the  confeffion 
of  his  faith,  prefixed  to  the  flory  of  his  life  and  death.  The 
countenance  of  God  is  upon  his  people  when  they  feare  him, 
not  when  they  prefume  of  their  owne  ftrength  ;  and  his  con- 
folations  are  found  not  in  the  way  of  prelidence  in  errour, 
but  in  the  wayes  of  humility  and  truth. 

Two  ftumbling  blockes  (I  perceive  by  your  letter)  have 
turned  you  off  from  fellowfliip  with  us.  Firft,  the  want  of 
fit  matter  of  our  Church.  Secondly,  difrefpedt  of  the  fepa- 
rate  Churches  in  England  under  afflidbions,  who  doe  our 
felves  praftife  feparation  in  peace. 

'  For  the  firft,  you  acknowledge  (as  you  fay)  with  joy  that 
'godly  perfons  are  the  vifible  matter  of  thefe  Churches,  but 
'yet  you  fee  not  that  godly  perfons  are  matter  fitted  to  con- 
'  ftitute  a  Church,  no  more  then  trees  or  Quarries  are  fit  mat- 
'ter  proportioned  to  the  building. 

Anfw.  This  exception  feemeth  to  mee  to  imply  a  contra- 
diction to  it  felfe,  for  if  the  matter  of  our  Churches  be  as 
you  fay  godly  perfons,  they  are  not  then  as  trees  unfelled,  or 
ftones  unhewen.  Godlinelfe  cutteth  men  downe  from  the 
former  roote,  and  heweth  them  out  of  the  pit  of  corrupt 
nature,  and  fitteth  them  for  fellowfhip  with  Chrift  and  with 
his  people. 

'You  objedt,  firft,  a  neceflity  lying  upon  godly  men  before 
'  they  can  be  fit  matter  for  Church  fellowfliip,  to  fee,  bewaile, 
'repent,  and  come  out  of  the  falfe  Churches  [4]  miniftry, 
'worfliip  and  government,  according  to  Scripturs,  IJa.  52. 


1 6  Cotton'' s  Letter.  [3 


00 


'II,  2.  Cor.  6.  17.  Revel.  18.  4.  And  thofe  this  to  be  done 
'  not  by  a  locall  remoovall  or  contrary  prad:ife,  &c.  but  by  a 
'deliverance  of  the  loule,  underftanding,  minde,  confcience, 
'judgement,  will  and  affeftions. 

Arijiv.  I.  We  grant  it  is  not  locall  remoovall  from  former 
pollutions,  or  contrary  pradlife,  that  fitteth  us  for  fellowfhip 
with  Chrifl:  and  his  Church,  but  that  it  is  necefTary  alfo  that 
we  doe  repent  of  luch  termer  pollutions  wherein  we  have 
beene  defiled  and  inthralled. 

Wee  grant  further  that  it  is  likewife  necefTary  to  Church- 
fellowfhip,  we  fliould  fee  and  difcerne  all  llich  pollutions  as 
doe  fo  farre  enthrall  us  to  Anticrift,  to  feparate  us  from 
Chrifl. 

But  this  we  profeffe  unto  you,  that  wherein  we  have 
reformed  our  pradlife,  therein  have  we  endeavoured  unfain- 
edly  to  humble  our  Ibules  for  our  former  contrary  walking. 
If  any  through  hypocrifie  are  wanting  herein,  the  hidden 
hypocrifie  of  fome  will  not  prejudice  the  finceritie  and  faith- 
fulnefle  of  others,  nor  the  Church  ellate  of  all. 

And  that  we  doe  (by  the  grace  of  Chrifl:)  fee  and  difcerne 
all  fuch  pollutions  as  doe  fb  farre  enthrall  us  to  Antichrifl  as 
to  feparate  us  from  Chriff ;  your  felfe  doth  acknowledge  in 
acknowledging  the  vifible  members  of  thefe  Churches  to  be 
godly  perfbns ;  for  godly  perfbns  are  not  fb  enthralled  to 
Antichrifl:,  as  to  feparate  them  from  Chrifl,  elfe  they  could 
not  be  godly  perfons. 

Ayijw.  2.  We  deny  that  it  is  necefTary  to  Church  fellow- 
fhip  (to  wit,  fo  necefTary  as  that  without  it,  a  Church  cannot 
be)  that  the  members  admitted  thereunto  fhould  all  of  them 
fee,  exprefTely  bewaile  all  the  [5]  pollutions  which  they  have 
beene  defiled  with  in  the  former  Church-fellowfhip,  minis- 
tery,  worfliip,  government.    If  they  fee  and  bewaile  fo  much 


301]  Cotton's  Letter.  17 

of  their  former  pollutions  as  did  enthrall  them  to  Antichrift, 
as  to  I'eparate  them  from  Chrift,  and  be  ready  in  preparation 
of  heart,  as  they  fliall  fee  more  light,  fo  to  hate  more  and 
more  every  falfe  way,  we  conceive  it  is  as  much  as  is  necef- 
farily  required  to  feparation  from  Antichrift,  and  to  fellow- 
{hip  with  Chrift  and  his  Churches.  The  Churches  of  ludea 
admitted  many  thoufands  Jewes  that  believed  on  the  name 
of  Chrift,  although  they  were  ftill  zealous  of  the  Law,  and 
faw  not  the  beggerly  emptinelTe  of  Mofes  his  ceremonies, 
A61.  21.  20.  And  the  Apoftle  P^z^/ diredteth  the  Romans 
to  receive  fuch  unto  them  as  are  weake  in  the  faith,  and  fee 
not  their  liberty  from  the  fervile  difference  of  meats  and 
dayes,  but  ftill  lie  under  the  bondage  of  the  Law,  yea  he 
wilheth  them  to  receive  fuch  upon  this  ground,  becaufe 
Chrift  hath  received  them,  Rom.  14.  i.  to  6. 

Say  not,  there  is  not  the  like  danger  of  lying  under  bon- 
dage to  Mofes  as  to  Antichrift,  for  even  the  bondage  under 
Mofes  was  fuch,  as  if  they  continued  in  after  inftrudlion  and 
convidtion,  would  feparate  them  from  Chrift,  Gal.  5.  2.  And 
bondage  under  Antichrift  could  doe  no  more. 

Anfnv.  3.  To  the  places  of  Scripture  which  you  obje6t, 
Ifa.  52.  II.  2  Cor.  6.  17.  Revel.  18.  4.  we  anfwer,  two  of 
them  make  nothing  to  your  purpofe,  for  that  of  Efay  and 
the  other  of  the  Revelation,  fpeake  of  locall  feparation,  which 
your  felte  knoweth  we  have  made,  and  yet  you  fay  you  doe 
not  apprehend  that  to  be  fufficient.  As  for  that  place  of  the 
Corinths,  it  onely  requireth  comming  out  from  Idolaters  in 
the  fellowfliip  of  their  Idolatry.  No  marriages  were  they 
to  make  with  them  :  no  feafts  were  they  to  hold  with  them 
in  the  Idols  Temple :  no  intimate  familiaritie  were  they  to 
6]  maintaine  with  them  :  nor  any  fellowftiip  were  they  to 
keepe  with  them  in  the  unfruitfull  workes  of  darknelfe  ;  and 
C3 


4 


1 8  Cotton's  Letter.  [302 

this  is  all  which  that  place  requireth.  But  what  makes  all 
this  to  prove  that  we  may  not  receive  luch  perfons  to  Church- 
fellowfhip  as  our  felves  confelle  to  be  godly,  and  who  doe 
profeffedly  renounce  and  bewaile  all  knowne  linne,  and  would 
renounce  more  if  they  knew  more,  although  it  may  be  they 
doe  not  yet  fee  the  utmoft  skirts  of  all  that  pollution  they 
have  fometimes  beene  defiled  with  ;  as  the  Patriarchs  faw 
not  the  pollution  of  their  Polygamie.  But  that  you  may 
plainely  fee  this  place  is  wreffed  belides  the  Apoftles  fcope, 
when  you  argue  from  it  that  fuch  perfons  are  not  fit  matter 
of  Church-fellowfliip,  as  are  defiled  with  any  remnants  of 
Antichrillian  pollution ;  nor  fuch  Churches  any  more  to  be 
accounted  Churches,  as  doe  receive  fuch  amongft  them  ;  Con- 
fider  I  pray  you,  were  there  not  at  that  time  in  the  Church 
oi Corinth  fuch  as  partaked  with  Idolaters  in  their  Idols  Tem- 
ples ?  and  was  not  this  the  touching  of  an  uncleane  thing  ? 
and  did  this  finne  rejedl  thefe  members  from  Church  fellow- 
fliip  before  convicSlion  ?  or  did  it  evacuate  their  Church 
eftate  for  not  carting  out  of  fuch  members  ? 

2.  Your  fecond  objeftion  is  taken  from  the  confeffion  of 
'finnes  made  by  "Johns  Difciples,  and  the  profelyte  Gentiles 
'before  admilTion  into  Church-fellow  (hip,  Matth.  3.  6.  AB. 
'19.  18.  whence  you  gather  that  Chriftian  Churches  are  con- 
'ftituted  of  fuch  members  as  make  open  and  plaine  confef- 
*fion  of  their  finnes  ;  and  if  any  finnes  be  to  be  confelfed  and 
'lamented,  (Jewilh,  or  Paganilh)  then  Antichriflian  drunk- 
'enneffe,  and  whoredome  much  more,  of  all  fuch  as  have 
'drunke  of  the  whores  cup,  or  but  fipt  of  it.  And  therefore 
'as  perfons,  though  godly,  are  not  made  fit  for  the  Church, 
'if  open  drunkennelfe  or  whoredome  lie  upon  [7]  them,  yea 
'or  but  one  adt  of  either,  untill  conviction,  true  repentance, 
*  confeffion,  and  renunciation  of  their  wayes  be  difcerned : 
'fb  here. 


303]  Cotton's  Letter.  19 

And  yet  as  if  you  had  grafped  more  then  you  could  hold, 
you  let  fall  fome  part  of  what  you  had  aitumed,  and  doe 
grant,  that 

'Such  a  confeffion  and  renunciation  is  not  abfolute  necef- 
*fary  to  the  admiffion  of  members,  (though  the  want  of  it 
'be  a  grievous  offence)  if  the  fubftance  of  true  repentance  be 
'difcerned. 

Anfw.  I.  If  fuch  a  confeffion  and  renunciation  be  not  of 
abfolute  neceffity  to  the  admiffion  of  members  when  the  fub- 
ftance of  true  repentance  is  difcerned,  then  fuch  Congrega- 
tions may  be  true  Churches  (by  your  owne  confeffion)  who 
doe  admit  for  their  members  fuch  godly  perfons  as  doe  pro- 
felTe  and  hold  forth  the  fubftance  of  true  repentance  ;  for  fuch 
perfons  profeffing  their  repentance  for  all  their  knowne  and 
open  linnes,  doe  withall  profelfe  their  readineife  to  repent  of 
and  forfake  whatfoever  further  finnes  fliall  be  difcovered  to 
them. 

Anf.  2.  When  you  judge  that  godly  perfons  are  not  mat- 
ter fitted  for  the  Church,  untill  firft  they  be  illuminated  and 
convinced  of  the  finfulneffe  of  every  fipping  of  the  whores 
cup ;  you  take  away  with  the  one  hand  what  you  granted 
with  the  other,  and  withall  you  impofe  a  burthen  upon  the 
Church  of  Chrift,  which  Chrift  never  required  at  their  hands 
nor  yours. 

For  we  deny  that  it  is  neceffary  to  the  admiffion  of  mem- 
bers that  every  one  fliould  be  convinced  of  the  finfulnefle  of 
every  fipping  of  the  Whores  cup,  for  every  fipping  of  a  drunk- 
ards cup  is  not  finfull ;  and  though  the  cup  of  the  whore  doe 
more  intoxicate  the  mind  then  the  drunkards  cup  doth  the 
body,  yet  you  know  bodily  drunkennefi'e  and  [8]  whore- 
dome  are  fuch  notorious  and  groffe  finnes  that  no  man  that 
hath  any  true  repentance  in  him,  cannot  but  bee  convinced 


20  Cotton's  Letter.  [3^4 

of  the  finfulnefle  of  them,  and  of  the  neceffity  of  repentance 
of  them  in  particular.  But  the  Whores  cup  being  a  myf- 
tery  of  iniquity,  the  fmfulneife  of  it,  is  nothing  fo  evident 
and  notorious  as  that  every  true  repentant  foule  doth  at  firft  dif- 
cerne  the  fihhinelTe  of  it :  and  therefore  as  thofe  three  thou- 
fand  Jewes  and  Profelytes  were  admitted  into  the  fellovvfliip 
of  the  firll:  Chrillian  Church,  when  they  repented  of  their 
murther  of  Chrift,  although  they  never  faw  nor  confelfed  all 
the  fuperftitious  leavenings  wherewith  the  Pharifees  had 
bewitched  them,  A£l.  2.  37  to  47.  (o  doubtlelfe  may  fuch 
godly  perfons  be  admitted  into  the  fellowfhip  ot  our  Churches, 
who  doe  truely  repent  and  contelfe  their  greateft  and  moll 
notorious  fins,  although  they  be  not  yet  convinced  of  every 
paifage  of  Antichriftian  fuperftition,  wherewith  they  have 
beene  defiled  in  their  tormer  walkings. 

The  Difciples  of  yolm  (whom  you  inftance  in)  did  indeed 
confelfe  their  finnes,  the  Publicans  their  finnes,  the  Souldiers 
theirs,  the  People  theirs,  but  yet  it  doth  not  appeare  that 
they  confelfed  their  Pharifaicall  pollutions,  but  rather  the 
notorious  finnes,  incident  to  their  callings,  as  did  alio  thofe 
Gentiles  of  whom  you  fpeake,  A£t.  19.  18,  19.  Conjurers 
confelfed  their  curious  Arts,  and  others  their  deeds,  but 
whether  all  their  deeds,  is  not  exprelfed. 

Anfw.  3.  But  to  fatisfie  you  more  fully  (and  the  Lord 
make  you  willing  in  true  meekenelfe  ot  Spirit  to  receive 
fatisfadlion)  the  body  of  the  members  whom  we  receive,  doe 
in  generall  profelfe,  the  reafon  of  their  comming  over  to  us 
was,  that  they  might  be  freed  from  the  bondage  of  fuch  hu- 
mane inventions  and  ordinances  as  their  loules  groaned  under, 
for  which  alio  they  protelfe  their  hearty  forrow,  fo  far  as 
9]  through  ignorance  or  infirmity  they  have  beene  defiled. 
Belides,  in  our  daily  meetings,  and  elpecially  in  times  of  our 


305]  Cotton's  Letter.  zi 

folemne  humiliations,  we  generally  all  of  us  bewaile  all  our  >^ 
former  pollutions,  wherewith  we  have  defiled  our  felves,  and 
the  holy  things  of  God,  in  our  former  Adminiftrations  and 
Communions,  but  wee  rather  choofe  to  doe  it,  than  to  talke 
of  it,  and  wee  cannot  but  wonder  how  you  can  fo  boldly  and 
refolutely  renounce  the  Churches  of  Chrift,  for  negledl  of 
that,  which  you  know  not  whether  they  have  neglefted  or 
no,  and  before  you  have  admonillied  us  of  our  lintulnelfe  in 
fuch  negledl,  if  it  be  found  amongft  us. 

ObjeB.  3.  Your  third  Objeftion  is  taken  from  Hag.  2.  i  3, 
'14,  1 5.  a  place  which  you  deiire  may  be  thoroughly  weighed, 
'and  that  the  Lord  would  hold  the  fcales  himfelfe.  The 
'  Prophet  there  tels  the  Church  of  the  Jewes,  that  if  a  per- 
*fon  uncleane  by  a  dead  body,  touch  holy  things,  thofe  holy 
'things  become  uncleane  unto  him,  and  fo,  faith  he,  is  this 
'  Nation,  and  fo  is'  every  worke  of  their  hands,  and  th  *■  which 
'they  offer  there  is  uncleane.  And  this  (as  you  nceive) 
'argueth  that  even  Church  Covenants  made,  and  iinances 
*pra6lifed  by  perfons  polluted  through  fpiritua'  jeadneffe 
'and  filthineffe  of  Communion,  they  become  v  eane  unto 
'them,  and  are  prophaned  by  them. 

Anfw.  Now  furely  if  your  felfe  had  hearkened  to  your 
owne  defire,  and  had  throughly  weighed  the  Scripture,  and 
had  fuffered  the  Lord  to  have  held  the  fcales  himfelfe,  you 
would  never  have  alledged  this  place  to  your  purpofe.  Your 
purpofe  was  to  prove  that  Churches  cannot  be  conftituted 
by  fuch  perfons  as  are  uncleane  by  antichriflian  pollutions, 
or  if  they  be  fo  conftituted,  they  are  not  to  be  communica- 
ted with,  but  feparated  from  :  To  prove  this  you  alledge  this 
place  ;  when  the  Prophet  acknowledgeth  the  whole  Church 
ot  the  Jewes  to  be  uncleane,  and  yet  neither  denyeth  them 
to  be  a  Church  truely  conftituted,  nor  ftirreth  up  himfelfe 
or  others  to  feparate  from  them. 


22  Cotton's  Letter.  [306 

If  you  fay,  why  but  they  were  uncleane  ?  I  Anfwer,  be  it 
fo,  but  were  they  therefore  no  Church  truely  conftituted,  or 
to  be  feparated  from  ?  yea  did  not  Haggai  and  Zachary  them- 
felves  communicate  with  them,  and  call  others  alfo  to  come 
out  of  Babell  to  communicate  with  them,  even  whilft  Jofiua 
the  High  Prieft  was  ftill  polluted  with  his  unclean  garments, 
Zac.  2.  6,  7.  with  6.  3.  8.  3.  But  if  indeed  you  deiire  to 
know,  what  upon  due  weighing  of  the  place,  I  conceive  to 
be  the  meaning  of  it,  you  fliall  tinde  it  to  be  this  ;  The  occa- 
lion  of  the  words  arife  [  10]  from  a  worldly  diftemper,  which 
the  time  grew  upon,  all  forts  of  the  members  of  that  Church, 
who  were  lb  farre  carryed  away  with  care  of  their  owne 
outward  accommodations,  that  while  every  man  looked  to 
his  owne  houle,  and  the  I'eiling  of  it,  the  Temple  of  the  Lord 
and  the  building  thereof  was  generally  negledled  of  them  all, 
Prince,  Priefl,  aud  People,  whence  it  was  that  God  neither 
delighted  in  their  fpirituall  fervices,  nor  in  their  bodily 
labours,  but  left  them  without  a  blelTing  in  both,  Hiigg.  i. 
6.  to  II.  Now  to  cleare  the  juiHce  of  Gods  procoeding 
againft  them  in  that  cafe,  he  alledgeth  a  lecondable  law  for 
it,  out  of  Mofes ;  The  former  is  written  in  Levit.  6.  27. 
where  the  Law  faith,  that  a  garment  touching  any  holy  flefh 
of  the  lin  offering  Ihould  be  holy.  But  if  the  garment  which 
toucheth  holy  fleih  (hall  touch  other  things,  as  the  perfon 
that  weareth  it,  or  any  pottage,  or  Bread,  or  wine,  or  any 
touch  of  other  common  thing,  the  thing  touched  is  not 
thereby  hallowed  by  the  touch  of  fuch  a  garment. 

Againe,  there  was  another  Law,  that  wholbever  touched 
any  uncleane  body,  Ihould  be  uncleane  I'even  dayes,  and  if  in 
that  time  hee  touched  the  Tabernacle,  or  the  holy  things 
thereof,  they  (hall  be  uncleane,  Nutiib.  19.  13.  Now  (to 
apply  thefe  Lawes  to  the  fcope  of  the  Prophet)  the  touch  of 


307]  Cotton's  Letter.  23 

a  dead  body  did  type  out  either  fellowfliip  with  dead  workes, 
as  Ephef.  5.  1 1,  or  dead  perfons,  2  Cor.  6.  14,  15,  16,  17.  or 
dead  world,  Gcil.  6.  14.  but  of  thele  three,  it  was  the  dead 
world  wherewith  Prieft  and  Prince  and  all  the  people  were 
at  that  time  generally  defiled,  in  that  they  tooke  more  care 
and  paines  for  worldly  conveniences,  then  for  the  Lords  holy 
Ordinances.  Whereupon  according  to  the  anfwer  of  the 
Prieft,  agreeable  to  the  Law,  the  Prophet  pronounceth  them, 
in  the  fight  of  the  Lord,  all  to  be  uncleane. 

From  both  thefe  Lawes,  and  the  Interpretation  of  them 
by  the  Prieft,  and  the  application  of  them  by  the  Prophet, 
it  appeareth  that  there  were  two  forts  of  thefe  people,  and 
both  uncleane.  Some  that  did  not  touch  the  holy  flefli,  or 
offerings,  but  on  the  outfide  of  their  garments  onely,  to  wit, 
in  bodily  prefence  (and  the  body  is  but  the  garment  of  the 
Soule)  I  Cor.  5.  4.  and  fuch  were  all  the  Hypocrites  amongft 
them :  Others  were  fincere,  as  worfl:iipping  God  in  firme 
Truth,  as  Zorobabell,  Jehofhiia,  and  many  more,  but  yet  now 
defiled  with  touching  a  dead  body,  that  is,  with  laying  hold 
on  a  dead  world,  their  worldly  accommodations,  which  made 
their  hearts  and  hands  flow  or  dead  to  fet  forward  the  Tem- 
ple worke,  and  in  this  condition  [11]  both  forts,  their  per- 
fons, their  oblations,  their  bodily  labours,  were  all  uncleane, 
and  found  neither  acceptance  nor  blefling  from  the  Lord, 
till  the  Lord  ftirred  up  the  Spirits  of  them  all  to  addrelfe 
themfelves  more  ferioufly  to  the  Temple  worke.  Hag.  i .  1 2, 

This  I  take  to  be  the  true  and  genuine  meaning  of  the 
place,  which  if  you  apply  to  the  point  in  hand,  will  reach 
nothing  neare  to  your  purpofe.  Hypocrites  in  the  Church, 
and  godly  Chriftians  themfelves,  whilft  they  attend  to  the 
the  world  more  then   to  the  things  of  God,  their  perfons, 


24  Cotton's  Letter.  [308 

their  labours,  their  civill  oblations  are  all  uncleane  in  the 
light  of  God  ;  therefore  the  Church  of  Chrift  cannot  be  con- 
ftituted  of  fuch,  or  if  it  doe  confift  of  fuch,  the  people  of  God 
mull:  feparate  from  them.  You  might  well  have  gathered, 
therefore,  the  Church  of  Chrifl:  and  the  members  thereof 
mull  feparate  themfelves  from  their  hypocrifie,  and  inordi- 
nate love  of  this  world,  or  elfe  they  and  their  duties  will  ftill 
be  uncleane  in  the  fight  ot  God,  notwithrtanding  their 
Church  eftate.  This  colledlion  tendeth  to  edification,  the 
other  to  diffipation  and  delfrudlion  of  the  Church,  and  of 
them  that  wrell  blood  in  Head  of  milke  from  the  breafts  of 
holy  Scripture. 

The  fecond  flumbling  blocke  or  offence  which  you  take 
*at  the  way  of  thefe  Churches  is,  that  you  conceive  us  to 
'walke  betwixt  Chrift  and  Antichrift. 

'Firft,  in  pradlifing  feparation  here,  and  not  repenting  of 
*our  preaching  and  printing  againft  it  in  our  owne  country. 

*  Secondly,  in  reproaching  your  felfe  at  Salem  and  others 
'for  feparation. 

'Thirdly,  in  particular,  that  my  felfe  have  conceived  and 
'fpoken,  that  feparation  is  a  way  that  God  hath  not  prof- 
'pered,  as  if  (fay  you)  the  truth  of  the  Churches  way  depended 
'upon  countenance  of  men,  or  upon  outward  peace  and  lib- 
'erty. 

Anfiv.  I .  In  ftead  of  halting  betwixt  Chrift  and  Antichrift, 
wee  conceive  the  Lord  hath  guided  us  to  walke  with  an  even 
foote  betweene  two  extreames ;  fo  that  we  neither  defile  our 
felves  with  the  remnant  of  pollutions  in  other  Churches,  nor 
doe  wee  for  the  remnant  of  pollutions  renounce  the  Churches 
themfelves,  nor  the  holy  ordinances  of  God  amongft  them, 
which  our  felves  have  found  powerfull  to  our  falvation.  This 
moderation,  fo  farre  as  we  have  kept  it  in  preaching  or  print- 


309]  Cotton's  Letter.  25 

ing,  wee  fee  no  caufe  to  repent  of,  but  if  you  fliew  us  caufe 
why  we  fhould  repent  of  it,  wee  fliall  delire  to  repent  that 
we  repented  no  fooner. 

12]  2.1  know  no  man  that  reproacheth  Salem  for  their 
Reparation,  nor  doe  I  beleeve  that  they  doe  feparate.  How- 
foever  if  any  doe  reproach  them  for  it,  I  thinke  it  a  finne 
meet  to  be  cenfured,  but  not  with  fo  deepe  a  cenfure  as  to 
excommunicate  all  the  Churches,  or  to  feparate  from  them 
before  it  doe  appeare  that  they  doe  tolerate  their  members 
in  I'uch  their  caufeleffe  reproachings.  Wee  confelfe  the  errours 
of  men  are  to  be  contended  againft,  not  with  reproaches,  but 
the  fword  of  the  Spirit ;  but  on  the  other  fide,  the  failings  of 
the  Churches  (if  any  be  found)  are  not  forthwith  to  be 
healed  by  feparation.  It  is  not  Chirurgery,  but  Butchery, 
to  heale  every  fore  in  a  member  with  no  other  medicine  but 
abfcifiion  from  the  body. 

3.  For  my  felfe,  I  acknowledge  the  words  which  you  men- 
tion, that  the  way  of  feparation  is  not  a  way  that  God  hath 
profpered.  But  you  much  miftake,  when  you  thinke  I  fpeake 
it  for  want  of  their  outward  countenance,  peace  and  liberty. 
The  truth  is,  they  finde  more  favour  in  our  native  country 
then  the  way  ot  reformation  wherein  we  walke,  which  is 
commonly  reproached  by  the  name  of  Puritanifme.  The 
meetings  of  the  Separatifts  may  be  knowne  to  the  Officers 
in  the  Courts  and  winked  at,  when  the  Conventicles  of  the 
puritans  (as  they  call  them)  £hall  be  hunted  out  with  all  dili- 
gence, and  purfued  with  more  violence  then  any  law  will 
juftifie.  But  I  faid  that  God  had  not  profpered  the  way  of 
feparation,  becaufe  he  hath  not  bleffed  it  either  with  peace 
amongft  themfelves,  or  with  growth  of  grace ;  fuch  as  err- 
ing through  fimplicitie  and  tendernelTe  of  confcience  have 
growne  in  grace,  have  growne  alfo  to  difcerne  their  lawfull 
C4 


26  Cotton's  Letter.  [3^° 

liberty  to  returne  to  the  hearing  of  the  word  from  Enghfh 
Preachers. 

ObjcSl.  But  this  (you  feare)  is  to  condemne  the  witnelfes 
of  Jefus  (the  feparate  Churches  in  London  and  eH'ewhere) 
and  our  jealous  God  will  viiit  us  for  fuch  arrerages,  yea  the 
curfe  of  his  Angel  from  Mcroz.  will  fall  upon  us,  hecaufe  we 
come  not  torth  to  helpe  Jehovah  againft  the  mighty,  we 
pray  not  for  them,  wee  come  not  at  them,  (but  at  Pariflies 
frequently)  yea  we  reproach  and  cenfure  them. 

Atijiv.  The  Lord  Jefus  never  delivered  that  way  of  fepa- 
ration  to  which  they  beare  witneife,  nor  any  ot  his  Apoliles 
after  him,  nor  ot  his  Prophets  before  him.  So  farre  as  in 
that  way  they  hold  or  pradtife  any  holy  truths,  wee  beare 
witneife  to  them  both  in  our  profelfion  and  pradtife.  The 
Angels  curfe  in  this  cafe  (wee  blelfe  God)  we  doe  not  feare, 
becaufe  we  doe  come  forth  (according  to  the  meafure  of 
grace  given  us)  to  helpe  the  Lord  againlf  the  mighty,  although 
we  doe  not  come  forth  to  helpe  them  againll  Jehovah.  It 
is  not  to  [13]  helpe  Jehovah,  but  Satan  againll  him,  to  with- 
draw the  people  of  God  from  hearing  the  voyce  ot  Chrift 
which  is  preached  in  the  evidence,  and  limplicity,  and  power 
of  his  Spirit  in  lundry  Congregations  (though  they  be  Par- 
iflies) in  our  native  Country.  \n  which  relped:,  though  our 
people  that  goe  over  into  England,  choole  rather  to  heare  in 
fome  of  the  Pariflies  where  the  voyce  of  Chrifl:  is  litted  up 
like  a  trumpet,  then  in  the  feparated  Churches  (where  Ibme 
of  us  may  ipeak  by  experience  we  have  not  tound  the  like 
prefence  of  Chrifl:,  or  evidence  of  his  Spirit)  do  not  you  mar- 
vaile,  or  flumble  at  it :  Chrifts  flieepe  heare  his  voyce.  If 
any  carelelfely  heare  at  randome,  making  no  difference  be- 
twixt the  voyce  of  Chrift  and  the  voyce  of  ftrangers,  or  if 
they  fliall   ftoope  to  any  defilements  of  themfelves,   that  fo 


3 1 1  ]  Cotton  'j  Letter.  27 

they  may  heare  a  good   Preacher ;  as  I  know  none  fuch,  fo 
neither  doe  any  of  us  approve  them  in  fo  doing. 

That  wee  doe  not  pray  for  the  feparate  Churches  by  name, 
it  is  becaufe  we  cannot  pray  in  faith  for  a  bleffing  upon  their 
fenaration,  which  we  fee  not  to  be  of  God  nor  to  be  led  to 
him.  If  any  reproach  them,  I  will  not  goe  about  to  excufe 
it,  onely  they  may  doe  well  to  confider,  whether  they  alfo 
have  not  reproached  others. 

If  there  bee  fo  many  feparate  Churches  in  London  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  Kingdome  (as  you  write)  it  is  little  com- 
fort to  the  true  fervants  of  Chrift  to  heare  that  either  fuch 
inventions  of  men  are  multiplyed,  as  like  flumbling  blockes 
doe  turne  any  well  minded  men  out  of  the  way,  or  that  fuch 
men  being  defirous  of  reformation,  fliould  flumble,  not  onely 
at  the  inventions  of  men,  but  for  their  fakes  at  the  ordinances 
of  the  Lord ;  which  appeareth  the  more  evidently,  becaufe 
they  feparate  not  onely  from  hearing  the  word  in  all  the 
Parilhes,  but  alfo  from  fellowfliip  (as  your  felfe  fay)  both  of 
the  Church  oi  Plymouth,  and  of  that  whereof  Mafter  Lathorpe 
was  Faftor,  and  yet  they  refufe  all  the  inventions  of  men, 
and  choofe  to  ferve  the  Lord  in  his  owne  Ordinances  onely. 
Now  truely  Sir,  (to  ufe  your  owne  words)  I  feare  this  newes 
pleafeth  not  the  Lord  Jefus,  and  therefore  the  more  inwardly 
forry  I  am,  that  it  pleafeth  you  rather  to  returne  to  them, 
not  to  helpe  the  Lord  againft  the  mighty,  to  wit,  either 
againft  the  high  Prelates,  or  againft  the  inventions  of  men, 
as  you  fuppofe,  for  that  you  might  have  done  here,  or  in 
Plymouth,  or  in  Mafter  Lathorpes  Congregation ;  but  to  helpe 
erring  though  zealous  foules  againft  the  mightie  Ordinances 
of  the  Lord,  which  whofoever  ftumble  at  Ihall  be  broken  ; 
for  whofoever  will  not  kilfe  the  Sunne,  (that  is,  will  not 
heare  and  imbrace  the  words  of  his  mouth)  fliall  perifh  in 
their  way,  Pjal.  2.  1  2. 

FINIS. 


M"*'  Cottons 

LETTER 

Lately   Printed, 

EXAMINED 

AND 

ANSWERED: 

By    Roger   Williams  of  Providence 

In 

NEW-ENGLAND. 


LONDON, 

Imprinted  in  the  yeere  1 644. 


o 


To  the  Impartiall  Reader: 

THis  Letter  I  acktiowledge  to  have  received  from 
Mr.  Cotton  [whom  for  his  perjonall excellencies 
I  truly  honour  and  love.)  Tet  at  fuch  a  titne  of  my 
dijlrejjed  icandrings  amongjl  the  Barbarians,  that 
being  dejiitute  of  food,  of  cloths,  of  time  I  referved  it 
[though  hardly,  amidjl  fo  many  barbarous  diJiraBioTis) 
and  afterward  prepared  an  Anfwer  to  be  returned. 

hi  the  Interim,  fotne  Friends  being  tnuch  grieved,  Mr  Cottons 
that  one,  pub  likely  acknowledged  to  be  godly  ajid  dearely  reluaancy  in 
beloved,'  Jljould  yet  be  fo  expofed  to  the  mercy  of  a7i]^^„\j]  ff,g 
bowling  Wildernejfe  /«  Frojl  arid  Snow,   &c.     Mr.  way  ofperfe- 
Cotton  to  take  off  the  edge  of  Cenfure  from  himfelfe,^""""' 
frofejl  both  in  fpeech  and  writing,  that  He  was  ?io 
procurer  of  tny  J  or  rows. 

Some  Letters  then  paji  between  us,  in  ivhich  I 
proved  ayid  expreft,  that  if  I  had  perijhcd  in  that  f  ar- 
row full  Winters  fight ;  only  the  blood  of  fefus  Chrif 
could  have  wajhed  him  from  the  guilt  of  mine.  ^„  ^„,i,erci- 

H/j-  finall  Anfwer  was,  had  you  perijhed,  your  full  fpeech 
blood  had  beene  on  your  owne  head ;  it  was  your  fnne^f?.  "  '""'"' 
to  procure  it,  arid  your  for  row  to  fujfer  it.' 

'  "From  firll  to  laft  of  my  knowledge  perfecution.     Nor  did   1   ever  fee  caufe 

of  him  here,  I  cannot  fee,  nor  fay,  what  to  doubt,  but   that   in  fome   cafes,  (fuch 

ground  he  had  of  fuch   teftimony  as  he  as  this  of  his,)   banifhment  is  a  lawful 

giveth,  of  himfelf,  as  of  one  pui/ie/y  ac-  and  juft  punifhment;   if  it  be  in  proper 

knowledged  to  be  godl'j  and  dearly  belov-  fpeech   a   punifhment  at   all    in   fuch   a 

ed."     Mafter  John   Cotton's  Anfwer   to  country  as  this,  where  the  jurifdiftion 

Mailer   Roger   Williams,   page  5.  (Pub-  (whence  a  man  is  banilhed)  is  but  fmall, 

lilhed  in  1647.)  and   the   country  round   about  it,  large 

'  "I   did   never  believe   that   the  fen-  and   fruitful;    where   a   man   may   make 

tence  pafTed  againll  him  was  an  act  of  his  choice  of  variety   of  more  pleafant 


32 


To  the  Impart iall  Reader. 


[316 


this  letter. 


Times  of  en- 
quirie  after 
Chrijl. 


Here  I  confejfe  I  Jlopt,  and  ever  Jince  fupprejl  mine 
Anfwer ;  waiting  if  it  might  p/eafe  the  Father  of 
mercies,  more  to  mollijie  and  J  often,  and  render  more 
humane  and  mercifull,  the  eare  and  heart  of  that 
[otherwife]  excellent  and  worthy  man. 
Gods  wifedome      It  cannot  710W ,  be  jtilily  ofen/ive,  that  finding  this 

inthefe.ifon      ^    ..        ^    ifi      il  /    /•    .  r  '/  v     r 

of  puhlijhing  I-^tter  pub  like  [^by  wboje  procurement  1  know  not)  I 
alfo  prefcnt  to  the  fame  pub  like  view,  my  formerly 
intended  Anfwer. 

I  rejoice  in  the  goodtiejfe  arid  wifdome  of  him,  who 
is  the  Father  of  lights  and  mercies,  in  ordering  the 
feafon  both  of  7uine  owne  prefent  opportunity  of  An- 
fwer :  As  alfo,  and  efpe daily  of  fuch  Protejlations 
and  Refolutiojis  of fo  tnany  fearing  God,  to  feeke  what 
JVorJhip  a7id  Worjhippers  are  acceptable  to  him  in 
lefus  Chrijl. 

Mine  owne  eares  were  glad  and  late  Witneffes  of 
an  heavenly  Speech  of  one  of  the  mojl  eminent  of  that 
high  AJfembly  0/' Parliament ;  viz.  why  Ihould  the 
Labours  of  any  bee  fuppreft  if  fober,  though  never 
fo  different  ?  We  now  profelfe  to  feek  God,  we 
delire  to  fee  light,  &c. 

Times  when         J  ^fig^  there  is  a  time  when  God  will  not  be  founds 

feekmz  of  God    ,  ,  /-     ;    /  ■  ;     t-> 

comes  too  late,^hougb  men  Jeek  htm  early  rrov.  i. 

There  is  a  time  when  Prayer  and  Fajling  comes 
too  late,  Jer.  14. 

There  is  a  feeking  of  the  God  of  Ifrael  with  a 
fumbling  block,  according  to  which  God  giveth  his 
Ifrael  an  anfwer,  Ezek.  i  3. 

and  profitable  feats  than  he  leaveth  be-  a  confinement  as  an  enlargement,  where 
hind  him.  In  which  refpeft  haniftiment  a  man  doth  not  fo  much  lolc  civil  comforts 
in   this   country  is  not  counted  fo  much     as  change  them."   Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  8. 


A  golden 
f pec  eh  of  a 
Parliament 
man. 


317]  To  the  Impartial!  Reader.  33 

Lajily,  there  is  a  Proud  rejufall  of  the  tnind  of 
God,  returned  in  Anfiver  by  the  Prophet  Jer.  42. 

Love  bids  me  hope  for  better  things  :    Gods  promife 
affures  us,  that  his  people  returning  from  Captivity,  Z^k^rl'the'on 
-Hjatl  feek  him,  and  pray,  and  find  him,  when  they  /y  fee  ken  of 
feek  him  with  their  whole  heart,  Jer.  27.   And  Gods  Chrift  lefus. 
Angel  comforts  thofe  againjl  all  fares  that  feeke 
lefts  that  was  Crucified,  Mark  16. 

Thy  foul  fo  prof  per  [who  ever  thou  art)  Worthy 
Reader,  as  with  thy  whole  heart  thou  fee keji  that  true 
Lord  lefus,  who  is  holynejj'e  it  fife,  and  requires  a 
Spirituall  and  holy  Bride  like  to  himfelfe,  the  pure  and 
fpotlejje  Lambe.  Hee  alone  as  he  is  able  to  fave  thee  Chrift  lefus 
to  the  lit  mojl  from  thy  fins  and  for  r  owes  by  his  Blood.  '"I\"f  J''' ^''' 
So  hath  hee  brought  his  Fathers  Councell,  from  his\heth, 
Bofome,  and  every  foule  is  bound  [on  paine  of  et email 
Paines)  to  attend  alone  his  Lawes  and  Ordinances, 
Commatids  and  Statutes,  Heb.  7.  Adts  3. 

That  Lord  lefus,  who  purpofely  chofe  to  defend  of  "^^'Z  '7''/j'^ 
meane  and  infer iour  Parents,  a  Carpenter,  &c.  humilit"  'Jnd 

Who  difiained  ?iot  to  enter  this  World  in  a  Stable,  flfc-deniall. 
atnongjl  Beajls,  as  unworthy  the  fociety  of  Men  : 
Who  pajl  through  this  World  with  the  efleeme  of  a 
Mad  man,  a  Deceiver,  a  Conjurer,  a  Tray  tor  againjl 
Ccefar,  and  defitute  of  an  houfe  wherein  to  ref  his 
head:  Who  made  choice  of  his  firjl  ajid  great  eft  E?n- 
baffadours  out  of  Fifier-tnen,  Tent-makers,  &c.  and 
at  lajl  chofe  to  depart  on  the  f  age  of  a  piajfull  Jlja}?ie- 
full  Gibbet. 

If  him  thou  fee keJi  in  thefe  fearching  times,  fnak'Jl 
him  alone  thy  white  and  foule  s  beloved,  willing  to  fol- 
low and  be  like  him  in  doing,  in  fuffring  :  although 


34  To  the  Impart  tall  Reader.  [s^^ 

Seekers  of      thou  Jitid'Jl  hu7i  tiot  hi  the  rejlaurattoti  of  his  Ordi- 
^/'JiZlkZ'  n^fices,  according  to  hisjirjl  Patter  tie. 
anfwere.  Yet  Jh alt  thou  fee  hitfi,  raigne  with  him,  eternally 

2  Theff.  I.     admire  him,  and  enjoy  him,  when  he  Jljortly  comes  in 

famingfre  to  burne  up  milliojis  of  ignorant  and  dif- 

obedient. 

Your  moft  Vnworthy  Countrey-man 

Roger  Williams. 


M"*   Cottons   Letter 

Examined  and  Anfwered. 


CHAP.  I. 


Mr.  Cotton. 


EL  O  FED  In  Chrifi. 

Anficer.  Though  I  humbly  de- 
fire  to  acknowledge  my  felte  un- 
worthy to  be  beloved  and  moft  of 
all  unworthy  of  the  name  of  Chrift, 
and  to  be  beloved  for  his  fake :  yet 
lince  Mr.  Cotton  is  pleafed  to  ufe 
fuch  an  affed:ionate  compellation  and  teftimoniall 
expreffion  to  one  fo  aftlidled  and  perfecuted  by  Him- 
felfe  and  others  (whom  for  their  perfonall  worth 
and  godlinelfe  I  alfo  honour  and  love.)  I  defire  it 
may  be  ferioully  reviewed  by  Himfelfe  and  Them, 
and  all  men,  whether  the  Lord  Jefus  be  well  pleafed 
that  one,  beloved  in  him,  fliould  (for  no  other  caufe, 
then  Ihall  prefently  appeare)  be  denyed  the  com- 
mon aire  to  breath  in,  and  a  civill  cohabitation  upon 
the  fame  common  earth  ;  yea  and  alfo  without 
mercy  and  humane  compasfion  be  expofed  to  win- 
ter miferies  in  a  howling  Wildernes  ? 

together,  l^c.      I  am  informed  it  wai  the  Speech  of  an  honourable  Knight 
ment  :    What,  Chrijl  perfecutc  Chrift  in  New  England  ? 


A^jnonjlrous 
Paradox, 
thatGodschil- 
dren  jl:ould 
perfecute 
Gods  children 
and  that  they 
that  hope  to 
live  eternally 
together  zvith 
Chrift  lefus 
in  the  hea- 
vens ftpould 
not  fuffer 
each  other  to 
live  in  this 
common  aire 
of  the  Parlia- 


36  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [320 

Mr.  Cotton  And  I  aske  further,  Whether  (fince  Mr.  Cotton  elfe- 
'more  ifght,  where  profelleth  to  exped:  farre  greater  hght  then 
muji  {accord- yet  fhines)  upon  the  fame  grounds  and  practife,  if 
jtohisu'ayQ^^-^^  Jefus  in  any  of  his  Servants  (hall  be  pleafed 
tkn)  pcrfe-  to  hold  forth  a  further  light,  Chrill  Jefus  himfelfe 
cute  chrij}  fliall  finde  the  Mercy  and  Humanity  of  a  civill  and 
brhJit  '^    temporal]  life  and  being  with  them  ? 

Mr.  Cotton.  Though  I  have  little  hope  (when  I 

coniider  the  uncircumciiion  of  mine  own  lips)  that 

you  will  hearken  to  [2]  my  voice,  who  have  not 

hearkned  to  the  body  of  the  whole  Church  oi  Chrijl 

with  you,  and  the  teftimony  and  judgement  of  fo 

many  Elders  and  Brethren  ot  other  Churches!  Yet  I 

truft  my  labour  will  be  accepted  of  the  Lord,  and 

who  can  tell  but  that  he  may  blelTe  it  to  you  alfo, 

if  (by  his  help)  I  endeavour  to  (liew  you  the  fandines 

of  thofe  grounds,  out  of  which  you  have  banilhed 

your  felf  from  the  fellowihip  of  all  the  Churches 

in  thefe  Countries. 

Wiii.worfl:ip      Aujw.  Firll  I  acknowledge  it  an  holy  Charadier 

^over  whh the*^^  '^^'^  heavenly  Spirit,  to  make  ingenuous  true  ac- 

glittcring      knowledgement  of  an  uncircumcifed  lip  :   yet  that 

jhcw  ofHu-   difcerning  Spirit,  which  God  gracioufly  vouchfafeth 

to  them  that  tremble  at  his  word,  Ihall  not  only  find, 

that  not  only  the  will  worlhips  of  men  may  be 

painted  and  varnillied  over  with  the  glittering  ihew 

Spirituall     of  humility,  Colojf.  2.  but  alfo  Gods  dearell  lervants 

pride  may      (eminent   for  humility  and   meeknes)   may  yet  be 

thefcmeofa  troubled  with  a  fwelling  of  fpirituall  pride  out  of 

mans  Hu-      the  Very  fence  of  their  humility  :   It  pleafed  God  to 

mtlity.  g-yg  Paul  himfelfe  preventing  phyfick  againft  this 

diilemper,  in  the  midll  of  Gods  gracious  revelation 


3  2 1  ]  examined  and  anfwered.  37 

to  him.   And  what  an  humble  argument  doth  David ^"'"'^''y'""/^ 
ufe,  when  himfelf  advifed  by  Nathan,  went  about "„j-ft("„'l  L 
an  evill  work  out  of  an  holy  intention,  to  wit,  a  work  zvUl-worflyip, 
of  willworfliip,  in  building  the  Temple  unbidden  P'^^Tf'""'"^ 
-Behold  I  dwell  in  an  hoiije  of  cedars,  but  the  Ar-ke  of 
God  in  a  te}it,  2  Sam.  7.    Humility  is  never  in  feafon 
to  fet  up  fuperrtition,  or  to  perfecute  Gods  children. 

CHAP.  II. 

Secondly  I  obferve  his  charge  againfl  me,  for  not 
hearkning  to  a  twofold  voice  of  Chrift  :  firft  of  the 
whole  Church  of  Chrift  with  me.' 

Unto  which  I  anfwere,  according  to  my  con- 
fcience  and  perfwafion.   I  was  then  charged  by  Office 
with  the  feeding  of  that  flock  :   and  when  in  the 
apprehenlion  ot  fome  publike  evils,  the  whole  Coun-  publike  fim 
trey  profeft  to    humble  it   felfe  and  feek   God,    \the  caufe  of 
endeavoured  (as  a  faithfull  Watchman  on  the  walls ^'^  '.'"    "' „ 
to  found  the  Trumpet  and  give  the  Alarum:   'Sl'li^ be faithfuih 
upon  a  Faft  day,  in  faithfullnes  and  uprightnelfe  (y^s'^'fi"''':'^'''''^ h 
then  and  ftill  I  am  perfwaded)  I  difcovered  1 1  pub-  ij;auhmen. 
like  fins,  for  which  I  beleeved  (and  doe)  it  pleafed 
God  to  inflidl,  and  further  to  threaten  publike  calam- 
ities.    Moft  of  which  1 1  (if  not  all)  that  Church 
then  feemed  to  alfent  unto  :   untill  afterward  in  my 
troubles  [3]  the  greater  part  of  that   Church,  was 
fwayed  and  bowed  (whether  for  feare  of  perfecution 
or  otherwife)  to  fay  and  pradlife  what  to  my  knowl- 
edge, with  fignes  and  groans  many  of  them  mourned 
under. 

3  That  is,  of  the  Church  at  Salem,  of  which  Mr.  Williams  was  then  the  pallor. 


38  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [3 


22 


Colcif.  4.  J  know  the  Church  of  Colojfe  muft  fay  to  Archip- 

to'cod   "na   /'"■''»  Take  heed  to  thy  Minijlry,  &c,  which  he  may 

Afrf»(/Z'Oi^^/' negligently  and  proudly  refufe  to  hearken  to:   But 

^c-^r^'^j'    ^^^  "^y  ^^^*^  ^^  conlidered,  and  the  word  of  the  Lord 

will  give  re-  examined,  and  the  difference  of  my  cafe  will  fliine 

joycirtg  in d,iy  ioYth,  and  my  faithfullnes  and  uprightnes  to  God 

ludzemen't"'  ^""^  ^^  foules  of  that  people  will  witnelfe  for  me, 

when  my  foule  comes  to  Hczcchiahs   cafe  on   his 

death  bed,  and  in  that  great  day  approaching. 

For  my  not  hearkning  to  the  fecond  voice,  the 

teftimony  of  fo  many  Elders  and  Brethren  of  other 

Churches  (becaufe  I  truely  efteem  and  honour  the 

perfons  of  which  the  New-Englifli  Churches  are 

The  Popijh    conftituted.)     I  will  not  anfwere  the  argument  of 

argument      numbers  and  multitudes  againft  One,  as  we  ufe  to 

titudes"'    ^nl'were  the  Popifh  univerfalitie,  that  God  fomtimes 

ftirs  up  one  Elijah  againft  800.''  oi Baals  Priefts,  one 

Micaiah  againft  400.  oi  Ahabs  Prophets,  one  Atha- 

na/ius  againft  many  hundreth  of  Arrian   Bifliops ; 

one  lolm  Hus  againft  the  whole   Councel  of  Con- 

Jlance ;  Luther  and  the  2  Witneftes  againft  many 

David  and    thoufands  &c.   Yet  this  I  may  truly  fay,  that  David 

the  Princes    himfclf  and  the  Princes  of  IJracl  and  30  thoufind 

"fand^f'lfra'ei^f^'^^h  Carrying  up  the  Arke,  were  not  to  be  heark- 

a  type 0/ Gods  ned  to,  nor  followed  in   their  (as  I   may  fay)  holy 

bejifervants  rejovcines  and  Triumphines,  the  due  Order  of  the 

reformtn?  *"^^.  .^^. 

yet  not  after  Lord,  yet  being  wanting  to  their  holy  intentions  and 

the  due         affedlions,  and  the  Lord  at  laft  fending  in  a  fad  ftop 

and  breach  of  Vzzah,  amongft  them  [Perez  Fzzah) 

as  he  hath   ever  yet  done,  and  will  doe  in  all  the 

4  This  fhould    be    four    hundred    and     including  the  "prophets  of  the  groves," 
fifty.     See    i  Kings,   xviii.    19-22: — or     eight  hundred  and  fifty. 


323]  exaftiined  and  anfwered.  39 

Reformations  that  have  been  hitherto  made  by  his 
Davids,  which  are  not  after  the  due  Order.     To 
which  purpofe,  it  is  maintained  by  the  Papifts  them- 
felves,  and  by  their  Councels  that  Scripture  only  muft 
be  heard :   yea  one  Scripture  in  the  mouth  ot  one 
limple  Mechannick  before  the  whole  Councel.  By  ^'  excellent 
that  only  do  I  defire  to  ftand  or  fall  in  triall  or"^{p°^jJ^ 
judgement :   For  all  fJeffj  is  grajje,  and  the  beaut  ie  of  concerning 
fejh  (the  moft  wifeft,'  holieft,  learnedft)  is  but  the  ^'"P'-"-^- 
jiowre  or  beautie  of  graJJ'e,  only  the  word  of  fehovah 
Jlandeth  faji  for  ever. 

4]  CHAP.  III. 

Thirdly  Mr.  Cotton  endeavoureth  to  difcover  the 
fandines  of  thofe  grounds  out  of  which  (as  he  faith) 
I  have  baniflied  my  felfe,  &c. 

I   anfwere,   I   queftion   not  his  holy  and  loving 
intentions  and  affedlions,  and  that  my  grounds  feem 
fandie  to  himfelfe  and  others.     Thofe   intentions  ^"""^ ''"f'V 
and  arreilions  may  be  accepted  (as  his  perfon)  v^iVa  feaions  in 
the  Lord,  as  David  oi\ns,  defires  to  build  the  V.ox^^'"^' P^''P'^' 
a  Temple,  though  on  fandy  grounds.    Yet  Mr.  Cot-  "qJJ  ^^^'  '' 
tons  endeavours  to  prove  the  firm  rock  of  the  truth  their  indev- 
of  Tefus  to  be  the  weak  and  uncertain  fand  of  mans'""',^f"''''^,., 

•  1      r      /I      11  ■  ,-i  11  1-11  and  burn  like 

mvention  thole  Ihall  perilh  and  burn  like  hay  or  jjubbie,  ^c. 
ftubble.    The  rockie  ftrength  of  thofe  grounds  Ihall 
more  appeare  in  the  Lords  feafon,  and  himfelfe  may 
yet  confelfe  (o  much,  as  fince  he  came  into  New 
Englandht  hath  confeft  the  fandines  of  the  gronnAs  grounds  feem- 
of  many  of  his  pradlifes  in  which  he  walked  in  Old  ed  fandie  to 
England,  and  the  rockinelTe  of  their  grounds  that^.^  q^^"^'^'' 
witnelled  againfl  them  and  himfelf,  in  thofe  prac-  land,  which 


40 


Mr.  COTTONS  Letter 


[324 


now  he  con-   tifes,  though   for  that  time  their  grounds  feemed 

fi-Jeth  to  be   .       :.      ^      P.  ^ 

rocku.  landie  to  him. 

When  my  felfe  heretofore  (through  the  mercy  of 
the  moft  high  difcovered  to  himfelf  and  other  emi- 
nent fervants  of  God,  my  grounds  againft  their  uling 
Mr.  Cotton  of  the  Common  Prayer  ;  my  grounds  feemed  fandie 
/haJf/to^^  them,  which  fince  in  New  Englajid  ^\t.  Cotton' 
praaife  Com-  hath  acknowledged  rockie,  and  hath  {^^n  caufe  fo 
mon  Prayer :.Q  Dubliih  to  the  world  in  his  Difcourfe  to  Mr.  Ball, 

but  fince  hath  •     n    r  .   t?  x'  n  ^ 

turitrn         againlt  let  rorms  or  rrayer.^ 

againft  it.  But  bccaufc  the  Reader  may  aske  both  Mr.  Cot- 

ton and  me,  what  were  the  grounds  ot  fuch  a  (tn- 
tence  of  Baniflmient  againft  me,  which  are  here 
called  fandie,  I  fliall  relate  in  briefe  what  thofe 
grounds  were,  fome  whereof  he  is  pleafed  to  dif- 
culfe  in  this  Letter,  and  others  ot  them  not  to 
mention. 

After  my  publike  triall  and  anfwers  at  the  gen- 
erall  Court,  one  of  the  moft  eminent  Magiftrates 
(whofe  name  and  fpeech  may  by  others  be  remem- 
bred)  ftood  up  and  fpake: 

Mr.  Williams  (faid  he)  holds  forth  thefe  4  par- 
ticulars ; 

Firft,  That  we  have  not  our   Land  by  Pattent 


The  4  par- 
ticular 
Grounds  of 
my  Sentence 


s  "The  truth  is,  I  did  not  publifli  defire  to  hear  our  judgment  of"  it.  At 
that  difcourle  to  the  world,  much  lefs  his  requcft  I  drew  up  a  fliort  anfwcr, 
did  I   fee  caufe   to   publifh   it  upon   the     and  fcnt  one  copy  of  it  to  the  knight. 


grounds  he  fpeaiceth  of.  A  brief  dif- 
courfe in  defence  of  fet  forms  of  prayer 
was  penned  by  Mr.  Ball,  much  briefer 
than  that  which  fince  is  put  forth  in 
print.  That  brief  difcourfe  a  religious 
knight  fent  over,  (whether  to  myfelf  or 
to  a  gentleman  of  note  then  dwelling  in 
my   houfe,   I   remember  not)   but   with 


and  another  to  Mr.  Ball,  divers  years 
ago.  How  it  came  (in  procefs  of  time) 
to  be  publifhed  to  the  world,  or  by 
whom,  I  do  not  know."  Cotton's  An- 
fwer.  p.  23.  An  abllraft  of  the  dilcourfe 
to  which  allufion  is  here  made,  is  given 
by  Hanbury  in  his  "Memorials  relating  to 
the  Independents  or  Congregationalills." 


325]  examined  and  anfwered.  41 

from  the  King,  but  that  the  Natives  are  the  true?^-^""'^- 
owners  of  it,  and  that  we  ought  to  repent  of  fuch''""  " 
a  receiving  it  by  Pattent. 

Secondly,  That  it  is  not  lawfull  to  call  a  wicked 
nerfon  to  Sweare,  to  Pray,  as  being  adlions  of  Gods 
Worship. 

5]      Thirdly,  That  it  is  not  lawfull  to  heare  any  of 
the  Minifters  of  the  Parifli  Alfemblies  in  England. 

Fourthly,  That  the  Civill  Magiftrates  power 
extends  only  to  the  Bodies  and  Goods,  and  outward 
ftate  of  men,  ^c. 

I  acknowledge  the  particulars  were  rightly  fum- 
m'd  up,  and  I  alfo  hope,  that,  as  I  then  maintained 
the  Rockie  ftrength  oi  them  to  my  own  &;  other 
confciences  latisfadlion  fo  (through  the  Lords  aslifl- 
ance)  I  fhall  be  ready  for  the  fame  grounds,  not 
only  to  be  bound  and  banifhed,  but  to  die  alfo,  in 
New  Rnghmd,  as  tor  moft  holy  Truths  of  God  in 
Chrift  Jefus. 

Yea  but  (faith  hee)  upon  thofe  grounds  you  ban- 
ifhed your  felfe  from  the  fociety  ot  the  Churches 
in  thefe  countries. 

I  anfwer,  if  Mr.  Cotton  mean  my  owne  voluntary 
withdrawing  trom  thofe  Churches  refolved  to  con- 
tinue in  thofe  evils,  and  perfecuting  the  witnelTes  Chriji  lefus 
of  the  Lord  prefenting  lig-ht  unto  them,  I  con  felfe -^'^^'''^/.'"^ 
It  was  mine  owne  voluntary  act ;  yea,  1  hope  the  his  wUneffes. 
adl  of  the  Lord  Jefus  founding  forth  in  me  (a  poore 
defpifed  Rams  horn)   the  blaft  which   fliall  in  his 
owne  holy  feafon  caft  down   the  ftrength  and  con- 
fidence of  thofe  inventions  of  men  in  the  worfhip- 
ping  of  the  true  and  living  God.     And  laftly,  his 
C6 


42  Mr.  COTTONS  L^/Ze-r  [326 

ad:  in  inabling  me  to  be  faithfull  in   any  meafure 
to  fuffer  fuch  great  and  mighty  trials  for  his  names 
fake.     But  if  by  banilhing  my  felfe  he  intend  the 
The  Dragons 2,(^  of  civill  banilliment  from   their  common  earth 
LamlTlip" " ^^^  aire,  I  then  obferve  with   griefe  the  language 
of  the  Dragon  in  a  lambs  lip.   Among  other  expref- 
lions  of  the  Dragon  are  not  thefe  common   to  the 
Gotis children wix.ne^<is  ot  the  Lord  Jefus  rent  and  torne  by  his 
^'^''-^''^^''''^'"''"  perfecutions  ?     Goe  now,  fay  you   are  perfecuted, 
their  enemiesjovi  are  perfecuted  for  Chrift,  fuffer  for  your  con- 
to  be  the  au- {c'yQixce. :   No,  it  is  your  fchifme,  herelie,  obftinacie, 
'own  perfecu-  ^^  Divill  hath  deceived  thee,  thou  haft  juftly  brought 
tion.  this  upon    thee,   thou   haft  baniftied   thy  felfe,  &c. 

Inftances  are  abundant  in  io  many  bookes  of  Mar- 
tyrs, and  the  experience  ot  all  men,  and  therefore  I 
fpare  to  recite  in  fo  ftiort  a  treatife. 

Secondly,  if  he  mean  this  civill  adl  of  banifhing, 

why  ftiould  he  call  a  civill  fentence  from  the  civill 

State,  within  a  few  weeks   execution   in  lb  Iharp  a 

A  National!  time  of  Nciv  Englatids  cold.     Why  ftiould  he  call 

Church  the  this  a  banifliment   from  the   Churches,  except   he 

Jilent  Com-  (^\^^^\y  coufelfe,  that  the  frame  or  conftitution  of 

won  weal  or  ^      J  '  . 

world  fi-       their  Churches  is  but  implicitly  National*"  (which 

'  "  The  fundamental  error  of  our  an-  magiftrate  to  take   care   ot  religion,  and 

cellors,  an  error  which   began  with  the  to  improve  his  civil  authority  for  obferv- 

very  fettlement  of  the  colony,  was  a  doc-  ing  the  duties  commanded  by  it.'  They 

trine,  which  has  fince  been  happily  ex-  not  only  tolerated  the  civil  power  in  the 

ploded.     I  mean  the  neceflity  of  a  union  suppreffion  of  herefy,  but  they  demanded 

between   Church   and   State.       To   this  and  enjoined  it.     They  preached  it  in 

they  clung   as   the   ark   of  their   fafety.  the  pulpit    and    the    fynod.     It    was  in 

They   thought  it  the  only   fure  way  of  their  clofet   prayers,  and   in  their  public 

founding    a     Chriftian     commonwealth.  legiflation.     The  arm  ot  the  civil  gov- 

Thev  maintained   that 'Church   govern-  ernment    was     conllantly    employed    in 

mentand  Civil  government  mav  very  well  fupport  ofthedenuciationsot  the  Church; 

Hand  together,  it   being  the  duty  of  the  and    without   its   forms,   the   Inquifition 


327J 


examined  and  anfwered. 


43 


yet  they  profelTe  [6]  againft)  for  otherwile  why  was^^'^'^v  (onfeji 
I  not  yet  permitted  to  hve  in  the  world,  or  Com-/j„  tile  ail 
mon-weale,  except  for  this  reafon,  that  the  Qovcv-one. 
men  weale  and  Church  is  yet  but  one,  and  hee  that 
is  banillied  from  the  one,  mufl:  necellarily  bee  ban- 
ilhed  from  the  other  ahb. 

CHAP.  IV. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Let  not  any  prejudice  againft  my 
perfon,  I  befeech  you,  foreftall  either  your  affedtion 
or  judgement,  as  if  I  had  hafted  forward  the  fen- 
tence  of  your  civill  banilliment  ;  tor  what  was  done 
by  the  Magiftrates  in  that  kind,  was  neither  done 
by  my  counfell  nor  confent.' 

Anfw.  Although  I  delire  to  heare  the  voyce  o^Perjhutorsof 

y^      ■,    r  n  11  ■     r     •  mem  bodies 

God  from  a  Itranger,  an  equall,  an  inreriour,  yea  an  ffij^,^^  ^^ 
enemy;  yet  I  obferve  how  this  excellent  vi\iiVL  CTiW-Tiei'erdotheje 

exifted  in  fubllance,  with  a   full  fliare  of     that  if  our  labor  was   in   vain,  we  could 

not  help  it  but  mull  fit  down.  Andvou 
know  they  are  generally  fo  much  incen- 
fed  againft  his  courfe,  that  it  is  not  your 
voice,  nor  the  voices  of  two,  or  three 
more,  that  can  fufpend  the  fentence." 
Cotton's  Aniwer.  p.  39, 

s  "  But  the  truth  is,  the  love  and  honor 
which  I  have  always  Ihowed  ( in  fpeech 
and  writing)  to  that  excellently  learned 
and  holv  man,  your  father,  have  been  fo 
great,  that  I  have  been  cenfured  by  divers 
for  it.  God  knows,  that,  for  God's  fake, 
I  tenderly  loved  and  honored  his  perlbn, 
as  I  did  the  perfons  of  the  magiftrates, 
miniilers  and  members  whom  I  knew  in 
Old  England,  and  knew  their  holv  affec- 
tions, and  upright  aims,  and  great  felf- 
denial,  to  enjoy  more  of  God  in  this 
wildernefs."  Letter  from  Williams  to 
John  Cotton  of  Plymouth.  See  Proceed- 
ings of  Mafs.  Hift.  See.  for  March,  1858. 


its  terrors  and  violence."  Judge  Story's 
Dilcourfe  in  commemoration  of  the  firft 
Settlement  of  Salem,  page  55. 

7  "  Whereupon  the  magiftrates  being 
to  aifemble  to  the  next  General  Court, 
at  New-Town,  intending,  as  appeared 
by  the  event,  to  proceed  againll  him  ; 
and  one  of  the  magiftrates  of  our  town 
being  to  go  thither,  acquainted  me  that 
it  was  likely  Mr.  Williams  his  caufe 
wo.ild  then  be  ifllied,  and  aflced  me  what 
I  thought  of  it.  Truly,  faid  I,  I  pity 
the  man,  and  have  already  interceded 
for  him,  whilft  there  was  any  hope  of 
doing  good.  But  now  he  having  refufed 
to  hear  both  his  own  church  and  us, 
and  having  rejefted  us  all  as  no  churches 
of  Chrift,  before  any  conviftion,  we 
have  now  no  more  to  fay  in  his  behalf, 
nor  hope  to  prevail  for  him.  We  have 
told  the  Governor  and  magiftrates  before. 


44 


Mr.  COTTONS  Lf//fr 


[328 


mens  foules 


An  excellent 
ohfcrvation 
of  a  worthy 
Parliament 
man. 


Gods  children 
are  not fo  free 
in  perfecuting 
Gods  child- 
ren as  perfe- 
cutors,  whofe 
profejjed  na- 
ture y  trade 
it  is. 


M.  Cotton 
by  teaching 
perfccution 
cannot  but 
confent  to 
it,  W<-. 


not  but  confelle  how  hard  it  is  for  any  man  to  doe 
good,  to  Ipeak  effediually  to  the  I'oule  or  confcience 
of  any  whofe  body  he  afriid:s  and  perfecutes,  and 
that  onely  for  their  foule  and  confcience  fake.  Hence 
excellent  was  the  obfervation  of  a  worthy  Gentle- 
man in  the  Parliament  againft  the  Bilhops,  viz. 
That  the  Billiops  were  farre  from  the  pradlice  of 
the  Lord  Jefus,  who  together  with  his  word  preached 
to  the  loules  of  men,  Ihewed  their  bodies  fo  much 
mercie  and  loving  kindnelfe  :  whereas  the  Biihops 
on  the  contrary  perfecute,  ^c. 

Now  to  the  ground  from  whence  my  prejudice 
might  arife,  he  profelfeth  my  banilhment  proceeded 
not  with  his  counfell  or  confent.  I  anfwer,  I  doubt 
not  but  that  what  Mr.  Cotton  and  others  did  in  pro- 
curing my  forrowes,  was  not  without  fome  regret 
and  reluftancie  of  confcience  and  affeftion  (as  like 
it  is  that  David  could  not  procure  Vriiahs  death, 
nor  Afa  imprifon  the  Prophet  with  a  quiet  and  free 
confcience.)  Yet  to  the  particular  that  Mr.  Cotton 
confented  not,  what  need  he  being  not  one  of  the 
civill  Court?  But  that  hee  councelled  it  (and  fo 
confented,)  befide  what  other  proofe  I  might  pro- 
duce, and  what  himfelfe  here  under  exprelTeth,  I 
(hall  produce  a  double  and  unanfwerable  teftimony. 

Firll,  hee  publickly  taught,  and  teacheth  (except 
lately  Chrift  Jefus  hath  taught  him  better)  that  body- 
killing,  foule-killing,  and  State-killing  dodlrine  of 
not  permitting,  but  perfecuting  all  other  confciences 
and  wayes  of  worlhip  but  his  own  in  the  civill  State, 
and  fo  confequently  in  the  whole  [7]  world,  if  the 
power  or  Empire  thereof  were  in  his  hand. 


329]  examined  and  anfwered.  45 

Secondly,  as  at  that  fentence  divers  worthy  Gen- 
tlemen durft  not  concurre  with  the  reft  in  fuch  a  ^'',-  Couon 
courfe,  lb  Ibme  that  did  conlent,  have  folemnly  ^^i-  isfa'd  the  con- 
tified,  and  with   teares,  iince  to  my  felte  conleired, /^''•»f'^"'/ 
rhar  thev  could  not  in  their  foules-have  been  brought  •'''"''^'■'"^ 

J  1        r  11  n  r       ^       qucjhonea, 

to  have  confented  to  the  fentence,  had  not  Mr.  Cot-  whether per- 
ton  in  private  given  them  advice  and  counfell,  prov- A^/"''/'"' 
ino;  it  juft  and  warrantable  to  their  conlciences.       Zere'Jaw- 

I  delire  to  bee  as  charitable  as  charity  would  have /a//, 
me,  and  therefore  would  hope  that  either  his  mem- 
ory faild  him,  or  that  elfe  he  meant  that  in  the  very 
time  of  fentence  pafsing  he  neither  counfelled  nor 
confented  (as  hee  hath  Iince  faid,  that  he  withdrew 
himfelfe  and  went  out  from  the  reft)  probably  out 
of  that  relu6tation  which  before  I  mentioned  ;  and 
yet  if  fo,  I  cannot  reconcile  his  owne  exprefsion  : 
for  thus  hee  goes  on. 

CHAP.  V. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Although  I  dare  not  deny  the  fen- 
tence palled  to  be  righteous  in  the  eyes  of  God,  who 
hath  faid,  that  he  that  with-holdeth  the  come  (which 
is  the  ftaffe  ot  life)yro///  the  people,  the  multitude  Jhall 
curfe  him,  Prov.  1 1.  26.  how  much  more  fliall  they 
feparate  fuch  from  them,  as  doe  withold  and  fepa- 
rate  them  from  the  ordinances,  or  the  ordinances 
from  them  (which  are  in  Chrift  the  bread  of  life.) 

Anfw.  I  delire  to  informe  the   Reader  why  it /'ra.  n.  z6. 
pleafeth  Mr.  Cotton  to  produce  this  Scripture.    One  '^^-"^  ^"'i'  , 

r  T^-r  •  1  -\  It-     ■  n  ""''' produced 

or  our  Uilputes  was  concernmg  the  true  Mmiltery  ^y  a/^.  Cot- 
appointed  by  the  Lord  Jefus.     Another  was  con- '""'o  prove 


46  Mr.  COTTONS  L^/r^r  I330 

my  hanip-  cerning  the  fitnelfe  and  qualification  of  fuch  perfons 
"difcuffid  '^^  have  right  (according  to  the  rules  of  the  Gofpel) 
to  choofe  and  enjoy  fuch  a  true  Minillery  of  the 
Lord  Jefus.  Hence  becaufe  I  profelfed,  and  doe, 
againfl:  the  office  of  any  miniftery  but  fuch  as  the 
Lord  Jefus  appointeth,  this  Scripture  is  produced 
againft  me. 

Secondly,  let  this  be  obferved  for  fatisfadlion  to 

many,  who  enquire  into  the  caufe  of  my  fufferings, 

Mr.  Cotton   that  it   pleafeth   Mr.  Cotton  onely  to   produce  this 

fattsfies  all    Scripture  for  iuflifving  the  fentence  as  righteous  in 

men  concern-     .       ^  r  r^     i     •         i    •  i  i   ■    r   i-n- 

ing  the  chief  the  eyes  or  (jod,  implymg  what  our  chier  dirrerence 
caufe  of  my  was,  and  confequently  what  it  was  for  which  I 
^^Jj^^'^"'-  chiefly  fuffered,  to  wit,  concerning  the  true  Min- 
the  Lord  is  iftry  of  Chrill  Jefus.  But  to  the  Scripture,  let  the 
the  fouls  corn,  ^QQ^Ae.  curfe  fuch  [8]  as  hoord  -up  corporall  or  fpir- 
■^^^J^y;./',/ ituall  corn  ;  and  let  thofe  be  blelfed  that  fell  it :  will 
cording  to  the  It  therefore  follow,  that  either  the  one  or  the  other 
Tofd"'^''"'  "^^y  lawfully  bee  fold  or  bought  but  with  the  good 
will,  confent  and  authority  of  the  true  owner  ?' 

Doth  not  even  the  common  civill  Market  abhorre 
and  curfe  that  man,  who  carries  to  market  and 
throws  about  good  corn,  againlf  the  owners  mind 
and  expreife  command,  who  yet  is  willing  and 
defirous  it  (hould  bee  fold  plenteoufiy,  if  with  his 
confent,  according  to  his  order,  and  to  his  honell 
and  reafonable  advantage  ?  This  is  the  cafe  ot  the 
To fome parts  irut.  and  falfe  Miniftery.  Far  bee  it  from  my  foules 
the  y^pojil"  thought  to  ftop  the  fweet  ftreams  of  the  water  of 

were  forbtd-     .<?  .r  r     n       ^         \   •    r\ 

den  to  preach,  life,  Irom  flowing  to  refrefli  the  thirfty,  or  the  bread 

9  "The  fcope  of  my  letter  was,  not     but  to  convince  the  iniquitie  of  his  fep- 
to  confirm  the  equitie  of  his  baniftiment,     aration."     Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  41. 


331]  examined  and  anfwered.  47 

of  life  from  feeding  hungry  foules :   And  yet  I  would  ""'^from 
not,  and  the  Lord  lefus  would  not  that  one  drop  ov°J^'jj°^/j' 
one  crum,  or  grain  Ihould  be  unlawfully,  diforderly,#/^^  </«/?, 
or  prodigally  difpofed  of:   for,  from  the  fcorners,  ^'^• 
'^on.tradidlers,  defpifers,  perfecuters,  &c.  the  Apoftles 
melfengers  of  the  Lord  lefus,  were  to  turne  and  to 
fliake  off  the  duft  of  their  feet :   yea,  it  pleafed  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  to  forbid  the  Apoftles  to  preach 
at  all  to  fome  places,  at  fome  times :   fo  that  the 
whole  difpofe  ot  this  fpirituall  corn,  tor  the  perfons 
felling,  their  qualifications,  commifsions  or  callings, 
the  quantities  and  qualities  of  the  corne,  the  ^^'ice  ji; the  LorJs 
for  which,  the  perfons  to  whom,  the  place  where,  "'''""c/^  ^« 
and  time  when  the  great  Lord  of  the  harveft  muft-^^  thl^Lorjf 
exprelfe  his  holy  will   and  pleafure,   which   va\xi\.oniinance. 
humbly  and  faithfully  be  attended  on. 

In  which  regard  Mr.  Cotton  deals  moft  partially: 
for  would  Mr.  Cotton  himfelf  have  preached  in  Old, 
or  will  hee  in   New  Rjigland  with  fubmifsion  but 
to  fome  few  ceremonies,  as  the  felling  of  this  fpirit- 
uall corn  in  a  white  Coat,  a  Surplice  ?   Did  hee  not^.''-  ^'"f" 
rather  choofe  (which  I  mention  to  the  Lords  and  j;„g  rather 
Mr.  Cottons  honour)  to  have  ftiut  up  his  facks  mouth,  to  fell  no 
to  have  been  filenced  (as  they  call  it)  and  imprif-;^^'^"^^^^  ^^ 
oned,  then  to  fel  that  heavenly  corn  otherwife  then  yeel'd  to  fome 
as  he  was  perfwaded  the  Lord  appointed  ?  yea  hath ' 
hee  not  in  New  England  refufed  to  admit  the  child- 
ren of  godly  parents  to  baptifm,  or  the  parents  thein- 
felves  unto  the  fellowfliip  of  the  Supper,  untill  they 
came  into  that  order  which  he  conceived  was  the 
Order  of  the  Lords  appointing  ? 

Againe  (to  defcend  to  humane  courfes)  doe  not 


ceremonies 


48  Mr.  COTTONS  Lf/Z^-r  [332 

all  civill  [9]  men  throughout  the  world,  forbid  all 
Ineifill  building,  planting,  merchandizing,  marrying,  exe- 
lawfuil  h'u't^  ^^^^'^'^  of  Jurtice  ;  yea,  all  a(!;l:ions  of  peace  or  warre, 
what  is  ac-  but  by  a  true  and  right  Comniislion,  and  in  a  right 
^^''jf^;^^^;;'""' Order  ?  Is  it  not,  in  this  prefent  ftorm  oi  Engl  and s 
In  England  forrows.  One  of  the  greateft  Qua?ries  in  all  the  King- 
now  not  per-  Jom,  who  are  the  true  Officers,  true  Commanders, 
a"lfo  tr'ul" au-^'^'^^  Jufticcs,  true  Commiffioncrs ;  which  is  the  true 
/Z'or/zc,/',  an- Scale  ?  And  doubtles  as  Truth  is  but  One,  fo  but 
true  officers.  ^^  ^^j^^  ^^^^  jj.  'j^j-ye^  ^^d  ought  to  be  fubmittcd  to, 

and  the  contrary  refiited ;  although  it  iliould  be 
granted  that  the  ()thcersqueflioned  and  their  adlions 
were  noble,  excellent  and  beyond  exception. 

I  judge  it  not   here  feafonable   to   entertaine  the 
difputc  ot  the  true  power  and  call  oi  Chrifts  Min- 
ifterie  :   I  Ihall  only  adde  a  word  to  this  Scripture, 
as  it  is  brought   to  prove  a  righteous  fentence  of 
The  curfe  of  Baniflimcnt  on  my  felfe  or  any  that  plead  againft  a 
et  of  old,  is    f^llti  office  of  Minifirie.     Tis  true  in  the  Nationall 
fpirituall      Church  of  7/r^(^/(the  then  only  Church  and  Nation 
f'irit'ualiaa  "^  God)  he  that  did  ought  preflimptuoufly  was  to 
'ting  of  in  the  he  accurfed  and  to  be  put  to  death,  IJcut  i  5.  a  figure 
church  of    of  the  Ipirituall  putting  to  death  an  obflinate  linner 
chriftian      ^^^  ^^  Church  of  Chrift,  who  refufing  to  heare  the 
ifrael  now.    voicc  of  Chrifl,  is  to  be  cut  off  from   Chrifl  and 
Chriftians,  and  to  be  effeemed  as  an  Heathen,  that 
is,  a  Gentile  or  Publican  Math.  18.     Hence  confe- 
quently  the  not  felling,  or  the  withholding  of  Corne 
prefumptuoufly  was  Death  in  Ifrael :   But  Mr.  Cot- 
ton cannot  prove  that  every  wilfull  withholding  of 
Corne,  in  all  or  any  State  in  the  world,  and  that  in 
time  of  plenty,  is  death  :   for  as  for  Banifhment,  we 


333]  examined  and  anfwered.  49 

never  heare  of  any  fuch  courfe  in  Ifrael.  And  {^q- Such  as  are 
ondly,  leaft  of  all  can  he  prove,  that  in  all   civill!j/^^/J„-^,/; 
States  of  the  world,  that  man  that  pleadeth  againft/^^j^/W/W 
a  falfe  Miniftrie,  or  that  being  able  to  preach  Chrift,  3  "f'll 
:nd-doiibting  of  the  true  way  of  the  Miniftrie  fince  Urd,  and  yet 
the  Aportacie  of  Antichrift   dares   not   praftife  a/^'^'''"''^"'' 
Miniftrie.      Or  that   many  excellent   and   worthy  ^^^^^'"'^^^^ 
Gentlemen,  Lawyers,  Phylitians  and  others  (as  well»o/ /o^^^/a/ 
guifted  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Scripture,  and  fur-'"  "'^f'V'^ 
nilhed  with  the  gifts  of  tongues  and  utterance,  as 
moft  that  profelfe  the  Miniftry,  and  yet  are  not 
perfwaded  to  fell  fpirituall   corne,  as  queftioning 
their  true  Calling  and  Commifiion.   I  fay,  Mr.  Cot- 
ton doth  not,  nor  will  he  ever  prove  that  thefe  or 
any  of  thefe  ought  to  be  put  to  Death  or  Banifh- 
ment  in   every  Land   or   Countrey.'°    The  felling 
10]  or  withholding  of  fpirituall  corne,  are  both  oi Spiriiua/l  of- 
a  fpirituall  nature,  and  therefore  muft  necelTarily  '^^  /„Y%aTk  to 
a  true  parallell  beare  relation  to  a  fpirituall  curk.''  a fpiritual 
Paul  wifliing  himfelfe  accurfed  from  Chrift  for  h.h""M^- 
Countrey  mens  fake  [Rom.  9.)  he  fpake  not  of  any 
temporall  death  or  baniftiment.     Yet  neerer,  being 
fitly  qualified  and  truly  called  by  Chrift  to  the  Min-  ^^  baJjhed 
iftrie,  he  cries  out  (i  Cor.  9.)  tVoe  to  7ne  if  I  preachor  kUd  by 
not  the  Gofbel:  yet  did  not  P^«/ intend,  that  there- ^''"Y"'' '';/ 

r  I         ,<,  -'      -  ^  ^  ,  , .  preaching  the 

tore   the   Roman  Nero,  or  any  fubordmate  power  Go/pel. 

10  "  He  therefore  that  fhall  withdraw  or  merit  ilill  Standeth  unfhaken."     Cotton's 

feparate  the  corne  from  the  people,  or  Anfwer,  p.  44. 

the  people  from  the  corne  ;  the  people  '■  "  If  men   hinder   the   enjoyment  of 

have  jull  caufe  to  feparate  either  him  from  fpirituall  good   things,   may  they  not  be 

themfelves,     or    themfelves    from    him.  hindered    from    the    enjoyment   of   that 

And  this  proportion  will  hold  as  well  which   is   lefTe,    Carnall   good    things  ?" 

in  fpirituall   corne  as   bodily  :   the  argu-  Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  46. 


so  Mr.  COTTOlSiS  Letter  [334 

under  him  in  Corinth,  rtiould  have  either  baniflied 
or  put  Paul  to  death,  having  committed  nothing 
againft  the  civill  State  worthy  of  fuch  a  civill  pun- 
ifliment :  yea  and  Mr.  Cotton  himlelfe  feemeth  to 
queftion  the  fandines  of  fuch  a  ground  to  warrant 
fuch  proceedings,  for  thus  he  goes  on. 

CHAP.  VI. 

Mr.  Cotton.  And  yet  it  may  be  they  palTed  that 
fentence  againft  you,  not  upon  that  ground  :  but 
for  ought  I  know,  for  your  other  corrupt  Dodirines, 
which  tend  to  the  dillurbance  both  of  civill  and 
holy  peace,  as  may  appeare  by  that  anfvvere  which 
was  fent  to  the  Brethren  of  the  Church  of  Salem 
M.  cotton     and  your  felfe. 

htmjcife  ig-  \  anfwere,  it  is  no  wonder  that  fo  many  having 
caufe  of  mi  bin  demanded  the  caufe  of  my  fuffrings  have 
fufferings.  anfwered,  that  they  could  not  tell  for  what,  lince 
Mr.  Cotton  himfelfe  knows  not  dilHnftly  what  caufe 
to  afligne  :  but  faith,  it  may  be  they  palfed  not  that 
fentence  on  that  ground,  ^c.  Oh,  where  was  the 
waking  care  of  fo  excellent  &  worthy  a  man,  to  fee 
his  brother  and  beloved  in  Chrill:  fo  attiifted,  he 
knows  not  diftinftly  for  what." 

He  alleadgeth  a  Scripture,  to  prove  the  Sentence 
righteous,  and  yet  concludeth  it  may  be  it  was  not 

13"  I  fpent  a  great  part  of  the  Summer  of  conviftion,    and   fatisfaftion   in    that 

in  feeking  by  word  and  writing  to  fatisfy  point  alfo,  as  God  brought  to  my  hand  ; 

his  fcruples  in  the  former  particulars ;  whereof  this  very    Letter,    (which    he 

untill  he  rejefted   both  our  callings,  and  examineth  and  anfwereth)  is  a  pregnant 

our  Churches.     And  even  then  I  ceaied  and  evident  demonftration."      Cotton's 

not  to  follow  him  ftill,  with  fuch  meanes  Anfwer,  p.  47. 


335]  examined  and  anfwered.  5 1 

for  that,  but  for  other  corrupt  Doftrines  which  he 
nameth  not,  nor  any  Scripture  to  prove  them  cor- 
rupt, or  the  fentence  righteous  for  that  caufe.     O 
that  it  may  pleafe  the  Father  of  lights  to  awaken 
both  himfelf  and  other  of  my  honoured  Countrey- 
men,  to  fee  how  though  their  hearts  wake  (in  refpeft 
of  perfonall  grace  and  hfe  of  Jefus)  yet  they  lleep, 
infenlible  of  much   concerning  the  purity  of  the 
Lords  worfliip,  or  the  forrows  of  fuch  whom  they  ftile 
Brethren,  and  beloved  in  Chrift,  afflifted  by  them. 
But  though  he  name  not  thefe  corrupt  Doilrines, 
a  little  before  I  have,  as  they  were  publikely  fum- 
med  up  and  charged  upon  me,  and  yet  none  of  them 
tending  to  the  breach  of  holy  [11]  or  civill  peace, 
of  which  I  have  ever  defired  to  be  unfainedly  ten-  CivUl peace 
der,  acknowledging  the  Ordinance  of  Magiftracie ''''''' """^'^ 
to  be  properly  and  adequately  fitted  by  God,  to  '^'^^-  bleffe/ordl- 
ferve  the  civill  State  in  civill  peace  and  order:   2Snances  of 
he  hath  alfo  appointed  a  fpirituall  Government  and      " 
Governours  in   matters  pertaining   to   his  worlhip 
and  the  confciences  of  men,  both  which  Govern- 
ments, Governours,  Laws,  Offences,   Punifhments, 
are  Elfentially  diftindl,  and  the  confounding  of  them 
brings  all  the  world  into  Combuftion.     He  addes  : 


CHAP.  VII. 

Mr.  Cotton.  And  to  fpeak  freely  what  I  think, 
were  my  foule  in  your  foules  ftead,  I  fliould  think 
it  a  worke  of  mercy  of  God  to  Banifh  me  from  the 
civill  focietie  of  fuch  a  Commonweale,  where  I 
could  not  enjoy  holy  fellowlhip  with  any  Church 


52  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [336 

of  God  amongft  them  without  fin  :  What  fliould 
the  daughter  of  Sion  do  in  Babel,  why  fliould  Ihe 
not  haften  to  flee  from  thence  ? 

Anf.   Love  bids  me  hope  that  Mr.  Cotton  here 
intended  me  a  Cordial],'^  to  revive  me  in  my  for- 
rows :  yet  if  the  ingredients  be  examined,  there  will 
appeare  no  lelfe,  then   Diflionour  to  the  name  of 
God,  Danger  to  every  civill  State,  a  miferable  Com- 
fort to  my  felfe,  and  contradidlion  within  it  felfe. 
J  land  (an-        For  the  laft  flrft.   If  he  call  the  Land  Babel  myf- 
not  be  Babel,  tJcally  (which  he  mull  needs  doe  or  els  fpeak  not 
Church  of    to  the  point,  how  can  it  be  Babel,  and  yet  the  Church 
Chriji.         of  Chrift  alfo  ? 

Secondly,  it  is  a  dangerous  Dodlrine  to  affirme  it 
a  mifery  to  live  in  that  State  where  a  Chrillian  can- 
not enjoy  the  fellowfhip  of  the  publike  Churches 
of  God  without  linne.      Do  we   not  know  many 
Famous  ck'illiiLmons  ftates  wherin  is  known  no  Church  of  Jefus 
St'"es  where QYix'id}   Did  not  God  Command  his  people  to  pray 
of  lefus        for  the  peace  of  the  materiall  Citie  oi  Babel  {"Jer. 
Chrijl.         27.)  and  to  feek  the  peace  of  it  though  no  Church 
of  God  in  Babel,  in  the  form  and  Order  of  it  ?    Or 
did  Sodome,  /Egypt,  Babel,  lignifie  material  Sodome, 
Egypt,  Babel,  Rev.  11.  8.  &  18.  4? 
Atrue church      There  was  a  true  Church  of  Jefus  Chrift  in  mate- 
'■Ll^^"' ■       riall  Babel,  (i  Pet.  5.  13.)   Was  it  then  a  mercy  for 
materiall      "^  the  inhabitants  of  Babel,  to  have  been  banilhed, 
Y>ab-jlon.       whom  the  Church  of  Jefus  Chrift  durft  not  to  have 

■3  "I  intended  not  a  cordial!  of  confo-  the  rigour  of  his  indignation  againft  the 

lation  to   him,  (^ for   I   did   not   conceive  difpenfation  of  divine  jullice."    Cotton's 

his  fpirit  at  the  prefent  prepared  for  it;)  Anfwcr,  p.  48. 
but  I  intended  only  a  conviiVion,  to  abate 


337]  exmnined  and  anfwered.  53 

received  to  holy  fellowfliip  ?  Or  was  it  a  mercy  for 
any  perfon  to  have  been  baniflied  the  City,  and 
driven  to  the  miferies  of  a  barbarous  wildernes,  him 
and  [12]  his,  if  fome  barre  had  layn  upon  his  con- 
fcicnce,  that  he  could  not  have  enjoyed  fellowfliip 
with  the  true  Church  of  Chrifl  ? 

Thirdly,  for  my  felfe,  I  acknowledge  it  a  blelfed 
gift  of  God  to  be  inabled  to  fuffer,  and  fo  to  be  ban-  The  mercy  of 
Hhed  for  his  Names  lake:   and  vet  I  doubt  not  to"/!'"'" ^'"'^ 

1  TK  IT  y^  1     •  r    K-  1    1     1  1   "'ft"!^  jrom 

aihrm,  that  Mr.  Lotto?i  himlelre  would  have  counted  ot(y-<-''«  of  a 
it  a  mercy,'^  if  he  might  have  pra6tifed  in  Old  Eng-  fp'''''"''^^  ""■ 
land  what  now  he  doth  in  New,  with  the  injoyment  '"^^" 
of  the  civill  peace,  fafetie  and  proteftion  of  the  State. 
Or   fliould   he   dilfent   from    the   New   Englifli 
Churches,  and  joyn  in  worfliip  with  fome  other  (as 
fome  few  yeares  lince  he  was  upon  the  point  to  doe 
in  a  feparation  from  the  Churches  there  as  legall)'^ 
would  he  count  it  a  mercy  to  be  pluckt  up  by  the 
roots,  him  and  his,  and  to  endure  the  lolfes,  diffrac- 
tions,  miferies  that  doe  attend  fuch   a  condition.  ?    1"  j  f^ 

1-111  1      1         T^  1  England  for 

The  truth  is,  both  the  mother  and  the  Daughter  the  Countries 

■4  "  The  queftion  is  if  I  coald  not  enjoy  in  confequence  had  thoughts,  as  he  him- 

the  fellowfliip  of  publick  Churches  with-  felfe  Hates,  "  not  of  a  leparation  from  the 

out  finne,  (as  in  thofe  days  I  could  not)  Churches,    as    legall,    (whom   we    truly 

whether  then  I  would  account  it  a  mercy  embraced   and   honoured  in    the    Lord) 

to  be  removed?  verily,  I  doe  fo  account  but   of  a  remooval   to   New   Haven,   as 

it,  and   blefle   the  Lord  from  my  Soule  being  better   known    to   the  pallor,  and 

for  his  aboundant  mercy   in   forcing  me  fome  others  there,  than   to  luch  as  were 

out  thence,  in  fo  fit  a  feafon."    Cotton's  at   that   time  jealous   of  me   here."      A 

Anfwer,  p,  49.  timely  perception  of  Mrs.  Hutchinfon's 

's   Mr.  Cotton  was  at  one  time   fome-  errors  led  him  to   renounce   her  fellow- 

what  inclined  to   Antinomianifm,  favor-  fhip  and  he  remained  at  Bofton.    Cotton's 

ing,    with    Governor    Vane    and    many  Anfwer,  p.  50;  Mather's  Magnalia,  IIL 

prominent    members    of  the   Churches,  21;   Knowles's  Life  of  Roger  Williams, 

the  opinions  of  Mrs.  Hutchinlbn.     He  p.  140. 


54  '  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [338 


and civiii go- Q\^  and  New  Endand,  for  the  Countries  and  Gov- 

vernment  in-  t         j  i  /^  •  i  i 

comparable,  ernments  are  Lands  and  uovernments  incomparable: 
And  might  it  pleale  God  to  perfwade  the  mother  to 
permit  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  her  daugh- 
ter to  enjoy  their  confcience  to  God,  after  a  partic- 
ular Congregational!  way,  and  to  perfwade  the 
daughter  to  permit  the  inhabitants  of  the  mother 
Old  England  to  walke  there  after  their  confcience 
of  a  Parifliionall  way,  (which  yet  neither  mother 
nor  daughter  is  perfwaded  to  permit.)  I  conceive 
Mr.  Cotton  himfelfe,  were  he  feated  in  Old  England 
againe,  would  not  count  it  a  mercy  to  be  banilhed 
from  the  civil  ftate. 
Mr.  Cotton  And  therfore  (laftly)  as  he  cafts  diflionour  upon 
not  having      ^^    ^^         £  q^j   ^^  j^^^j^^  j^j^^^  ^j^^  Author  of  fuch 

felt  the  mije-  .    '  ,  .       , 

-/V/o/'o/^jT^,  cruell  mercy,  lo  had  his  loule  been  in  my  loules 
■an  bee  no  cafe,  expofcd  to  the  miferies,  poverties,  neceffities, 
inhem.  ^'  wants  debts,  hardOiips  of  Sea  and  Land,  in  a  ban- 
ifhed  condition  ;  he  would  I  prefume,  reach  forth 
a  more  mercifull  cordiall  to  the  atfliciled.  But  he 
that  is  defpifed  and  afflifted  is  like  a  lamp  defpifed 
in  the  eyes  of  him  that  is  at  eafe :  lob. 

CHAP.  VIII. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Yea  but  he  fpeaks  not  thefe  things  to 
adde  afflidlion  to  the  aff  lifted,  but  it  it  were  the  holy 
will  of  God  to  move  me  to  a  ferious  fight  of  my 
finne,  and  of  the  juftice  of  Gods  hand  againft  it  : 
Againft  your  corrupt  Doctrines  it  pleaied  the  Lord 
Jefus  to  right  againft  you  with  the  fword  of  [13]  his 
mouth,  as  himfelfe  f'peaketh  Rev.  2.  in  the  mouthes 


339]  examined  and  anfwered,  55 

and  teftimonies  of  the  Churches  &  Brethren,  againft 
whom  when  you  overheat  your  felfe  in  reafoning 
and  difputing,  againft  the  Hght  of  his  truth,  it  pleafed 
him  to  ftop  your  mouth  by  a  fudden  Difeafe,  and 
to  threaten  to  take  breath  from  you  :  But  you  inftead 
of  recoihng  (as  even  Balaam  offered  to  doe  in  the 
like  cafe)  chofe  rather  to  perfift  in  the  way,  and 
proteft  againft  all  the  Churches  and  brethren  that 
ftood  in  your  way  :  and  thus  the  good  hand  of  Chrift 
that  (hould  have  humbled  you  to  fee  and  turn  from 
the  error  of  your  way,  hath  rather  hardned  you 
therin,  and  quickned  you  only  to  fee  failings  (yea 
intollerable  errors)  in  all  the  Churches  and  brethren, 
rather  then  in  your  felfe. 

Anfwer.  In  thefe  lines,  an  humble  and  difcern- 
ing  fpirit  may  efpie :  Firft  a  glorious  juftification 
and  boafting  of  Himielfe  and  others  concurring 
with  him.  Secondly,  an  unrighteous  and  unchari- 
table cenfure  of  the  afflid:ed. 

To  the  firft  I  fay  no  more,  but  let  the  light  o<lTbe  i^"- 
the  holy,  lanthorne  of  the  word  of  God  difcover  and  q^^^  ^{^j 
try  with  whom  the  fword  of  Gods  mouth  (that  \?,muftalonetry 
the   teftimony  of  the   holy  Scripture,   for   Chrift,  ^^^^-^5^^'^ 
againft  Antichrift)  abideth.     And  whether  my  iQ\.i /word  of 
and  fuch  poore  Witnelfes  of  Jefus  Chrift  in  Old  and  '^"^^  mouth. 
New   Rngland.      Low-Countries,  &c.   defiring  '^^ofGod.'^"' 
meeknes  and  patience  to  teftifie  the  truth  of  Jefus,  Whether 
againft  all  talfe  callings  of  Minifters,  &c.     Or  Mr.  ^^kf///"" 
Cotton  (however  in  his  perfon  holy  and  beloved)  or  the  an- ' 
fwimming  with  the  ftream  of  outward  credit  andA'^'"*'''/^''- 
profit,  and  fmiting  with  the  fift  and  fword  of  ^^^- iik"ji  tl  ^' 
fecution  fuch  as  dare  not  joyn  in  worfhip  with  him ;  Balaam. 


56  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [340 

I  fay,  whether  of  either  be  the  WitnefTes  of  Chrift 
Jefus,  in  whofe  mouth  is  the  fword  of  his  mouth, 
the  fword  oi  the  Spirit,  the  holy  word  of  God,  and 
whether  is  moll:  Hke  to  Balaam  ? 

To  the  fecond  his  cenfure.      It  is  true,  it  pleafed 
rr,,      r       God  by  excesfie  labours  on  the  Lords  dayes,  and 

y  he  anjwer-    ,     .         -^  ,  '  . 

ers  profefiion  thrice  a  Week  at  Sa/etji,  by  labours  day  and  night  in 
concerning     ^ly  pjeld  with  my  own  hands,  for  the  maintenance 
which  Mr.    of  "^y  charge  ;  by  travells  alfo  by  day  and  night  to 
Cof(on  up-    goe  and  return  from  their  Court  (and  not  by  over- 
'^''""^■"''^-'"■"- heating  in  difpute,  divers  of  themfelves  confesfmg 
publikely  my  moderation)  it  pleafed  God  to  bring 
me  neare  unto  death,  in  which  time  (notwithftand- 
ing  the  mediating  teftimony  of  two  skillfull  in  Phy- 
fick)  I  was  unmercifully  driven  from  my  [14]  cham- 
ber to  a  Winters  flight.      During  my  ficknes,  I 
humbly  appeale  unto  the  Father  of  Spirits  for  wit- 
nes  of  the  upright  and  conftant  diligent  fearch  my 
fpirit  made  after  him,   in   the  examination  of  all 
paifages,  both  my  private  difquifitions  with  all  the 
chief  of  their  Miniflers,  and  publike  agitations  of 
points  controverted  :     and   what    gracious    fruit    I 
reaped  from  that  iicknes,  I  hope  my  Ibule  ihall  never 
forget.     However  I  mind  not  to  number  up  a  cata- 
logue of  the  many  cenfures  upon   Gods  fervants  in 
the  time  of  Gods  chaflil'ements  and  vilitations  on 
them,  both  in  Scripture,   Hiilory  and  experience. 
, .  Nor  retort  the  many  evills  which  it  pleafed  God  to 

Scripture,  hi-,     .  j-  i   •    r  i'  r 

flory.expcri-  brmg  upon  lome  chief  procurers  of  my  lorrows, 
encecanwit-  nor  upon  the  whole  State  immediately  after  them, 
ties  tie  cen-   ^}^j(,}^  many  of  their  own  have  obferved  and  reported 

Jures  upon  J  .  i-i-ii 

Godifervantst.o  me  :   but  I  commit  my  caule  to  him  thatjudgetn 


34 1  ]  examined  and  anfwered.  57 

Righteouily,  and  yet  refolve  to  pray  againft  their ''' "'-"■''"'#'- 
Evils,  PJal.  141. 

CHAP.  IX. 

Mr.  Cotton.  In  which  courfe  though  you  fay 
you  doe  not  remember  an  houre,  wherein  the  coun- 
tenance of  the  Lord  was  darkned  to  you ;  yet  be 
not  deceived,  it  is  no  new  thing  with  Sathan  to 
transform  himfelfe  into  an  Angel  of  light,  and  to 
cheare  the  foule  with  falfe  peace,  and  with  fla(hes 
of  counterfeit  confolation  :  Sad  and  wofull  is  the 
memorie  of  Mr.  Smiths  ftrong  confolation  on  his 
death-bed,  which  is  fet  as  a  feale  to  his  grofle  and 
damnable  Arminianifme,  and  Enthufiafme  delivered 
in  the  confesfion  of  his  Faith,"^  prefixed  to  the  Storie 
of  his  life  and  death.  The  countenance  of  God  is 
upo7i  his  people  when  they  feare  him,  not  when 
they  prefume  of  their  own  flirength  and  his  confo- 
lations  are  not  found  in  the  way  of  prefidence  and 
error,  but  in  the  wayes  of  humilitie  and  truth. 

Anf.     To   that  part  which   concerns  my  felfe, 

'*  This  confeffion  may  be  found  in  Crof-  Commiffion  Court  he  removed,  in  1606, 

by's  Hillory  of  the  Englifh  Baptifts,  vol.  with    Mr.    Robinfon,    Mr.    Clifton   and 

2,  Appendix,  No.  i.    The  "Story  of  his  others,  to  Holland,  and  fettled  at  Amfter- 

life  and  death"   however   we   have   not  dam.     Here  he  was  led  to  adopt  Baptift 

been  able   to  find.      Neither  Crofby  nor  fentiments,and  to  found  a  Baptill  Church, 

Taylor  nor  Ivimey  make  any  allufion  to  in  confequence  of  which,  he  was  treated 

it  in  their  works.  "T^he  Rev.  John  Smith,  by  the  other  minillers  of  the  feparation 

or  Smyth  as  the  name  is  more  commonly  with   great  afperity.      From   expreflions 

written,    was    one    of   the   difciples    of  quoted    by    Ivimey    and    Taylor,    from 

Robert  Brown  from  whom  the  Brownifts  Bifhop  Hall  and  other  writers,  it  is  evi- 

derived  their  name.      He  had  previoufly  dent  that   Mr.  Smyth   was   confidered   a 

been  a  beneficed  miniiler  in  the  Church  perfon  of  great  confequence  in   his  day, 

of  England,  at  Gainfborough,  in  Lincoln-  and  that   his   difciples    were   numerous, 

(hire.       Being    harraiTed    by    the    High  He  died  about  the  year  1610. 
C8 


58  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [342 

the  fpeech  hath  reference   either  to  the   matter  of 
juftification,  or  elfe  matter  of  my  afflidlion  for  Chrift, 
of  both  which  I  remember  I  have  had  difcourfe. 
^foule  at  For  the  firft  I  have  expreft  in  fome  conference 

peace  with     ^^s  Mr.  Cottoji  himfelfe  hath  aUb  related  concerning 
endu're^lrelt  fon^e,  with  whom  I  am  not  worthy  to  be  named) 
combats  con-  that  after  firil  maniteflations  of  the  countenance  of 
cermngfan-  Qq^^  reconciled  in   the   blood  of  his  Son  unto  my 
foule,  my  queftions  and  trouble  have  not  been  con- 
cerning my  reconciliation  and  peace  with  God,  but 
concerniHj^^  fandlilication  [15]  and  fellowfhip  with 
the  holines  of  God,  in  which  refpedl  I  defire  to  cry 
(with  Paul)  in  the  bitternes  of  my  fpirit,  O  wretched 
man  that  I  am,  who  Jh all  deliver  ?iie  from  the  body  of 
this  death ! 

Secondly,  it  may  have  reference  to  fome  confer- 
ence concerning  affliction  for  his  Names  fake,  in 
which   refped:  I  delire  to  acknowledge  the  faith- 
fullnes  of  his  word  and  promife,  to  be  with  his  in  6 
troubles  and  in  7,  through  fire  and  water,  making 
good  1 00  fold  with  perfecution,  to  fuch  of  his  fer- 
vants  as  fuffer  ought  tor  his  names  lake  :   and  I  have 
Affliaion  for^^^^  and  muft  lay,  and  all  Gods  witneffes  that  have 
CAr//?/^^/.  borne  any  paine  or  lolfe  for  Jefus,   muft  fay,  that 
fellowship  with  the  Lord  Jefus  in  his  fufferings  is 
tweeter  then  all  the  fellowfliip  with  tinners,  in  all 
the  profits,  honours,  and  plealures  of  this  prefent 
evill  world.     And  yet  2  things  I  delire  to  fpeak  to 
Two  cautions  all    men    and   my   felfe.   Let  every  man  prove  his 
for  any  m     ^Qfke,   Gal.  6.  and  then  (hall  he  have  reioycinv  in 
forconfcicnce.  himfelfe,  and  not  in  another.     Secondly,  if  any  man 
love  God,  that  foule  knows  God,  or  rather  is  known 


343]  examined  and  anjwered.  59 

of  God  [1  Cor.  8.)   Selfe-love  may  burn  the  bodie, 
but  happy  only  he  whofe  love  alone  to  Chrift  con- 
flrains  him  to  be  like  unto  him,  and  fufFer  with  him. 
To  that  which  concerneth  Mr.  Smith,  although  I 
knesv  him  not,  and  have  heard  of  many  points,  in  ^''-  ^"'''^ 
which  my  confcience  tells  me,  it  pleafed  the  Lordf/'^J'^^'^^'^ 
to  leave  him  to  himfelfe  ;  yet  I  have  allb  heard  by  Cotm  and 
fome  (whole  teftimonie  Mr.  Cotton  will  not  earilie^^'^^''^^'^^^*ft 
refufe)  that  he  was  a  man  fearing  God :"'  and  I  a.mi„/ome 
fure  Mr.  Cotton  hath  made  fome  ufe  of  thofe  prin-  '^-''"gi- 
ciples  and  arguments  on  which  Mr.  Smith  and  others 
went,  concerning  the  conftitution  of  the  Chriftian 
Church.     The  infinite  compasfions  of  God,  which  Go<h  infinite 
lay  no  fin  to  Davids  charge  but  the  fin  of  ^riiah/^llf'f^/^'ofe 
I  King.  15.  have  gracioufly  comforted  the  foules  oi whofe  hearts 
his  on  their  death-bed,  accepting  and  crowning  their '^"f  "^''fs'^i 
«/'r;^,^///^j'andy^//,^/z///«cj,  and  pasfing  by  what  other- '^'  ^ 
wife  is  grievous  and  offenfive  to  him.     And  indeed 
from    the   due   confideration   of  that    infi:ance,    it 
appeares  that  no  fin  is  comparably  fo  grievous  in 
Gods  Davids,  as  a  treacherous  fiaughter  of  the  faith- 
full,  whom  we  are  forced  to  call  beloved  in  Chri/l:  ^,     ,.  . 
That  opmion   m   Mr.  Cotton  or  any,  is  the   mou.  of  putting 
grievous  to  God  or  man,  and  not  comparable  to  any  ^^''•'''h  to 
that  ever  Mr.  Smith  could  be  charged  with.      It  ''^^  ^.iien' of  all 
true,  the  countenance  and  confolations  of  God  are  opinions. 

'7  "  As  for  Mailer   Smith   he   llandeth  principles,  and  arguments, (as  this  Exam- 

and  falleth  to  his  own  Mailer;  whilllhe  iner  faith  I   have)  it   is  more   than    my 

was  preacher  to  the  citie  of  Lincolne,  he  felfe  know  ;  for  I  have  not  been  acquaint- 

wrought  with   God  then;   what  tempta-  ed  with  fundry  of  his  writings,  as  being 

tions  befell  him  after,  by  the  evill  work-  difcouraged  with   that  one,  wherein   he 

ings  ot  evill  men,  and  fome  good   men  maketh   originall  finne  an   idle  name." 

too,  I  choofe  rather  to   tremble  at   than  Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  58. 
difcourfe  of.     If  I  had  made  ufe  of  his 


6o  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [344 

w,'**^      found  [16]  in  the  wayes  of  humilitie  and  truth,  and 

/Inquiry     '^Sathan  transformeth  him  like  to  an  Angel  of  light 

were  double,  in  a  Counterfeit  of  both  :   In  which  refpedl  I  delire 

^l.'""ffr'  to  isoorke  out  fahatmi  ivith  fcare  and  tretnhlhig,  and 

pondering  in  to  doc  nothing  in  the  affaires  of  God  and  his  VVor- 

all the  aff.iirs  ^-{x-^^  but  (like  the  weights  of  the  Sandluarie)  with 

Of    ""  ^'o''- ^JQ^fi^i^,  care,  diligejice  and  cofi/idcration,  above  all  the 

affaires  of  this  vanifhing  life.     And  yet  Chrijh  con- 

folations  are  fo  fweet,   that  the  foule  that   tafteth 

them  in  truth,  in  fuffering  for  any  truth  of  his,  will 

not  eafily  part  with  them,  though  thoufands  are 

deceiv'd  and  deluded  with  counterfeits. 

CHAP.  X. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Two  ftumbling  blocks  (I  perceive) 
have  turned  you  off  from  Fellowfliip  with  us.  Firfl 
the  want  ot  fit  matter  of  our  Church.  Secondly, 
difrefped:  of  the  Separate  Churches  in  Etigland  wndcv 
afflidlion,  our  lelves  pradfifing  Separation  in  peace. 

For  the  firft,  you  acknowledge,  as  you  fay,  with 
joy,  that  godly  perfons  are  the  vifible  members  of 
thefe  Churches,  but  yet  you  fee  not  that  godly  per- 
fons are  matter  fitted  to  conititute  a  Church,  no 
more  then  Trees  or  Qiiarries  are  fit  matter  propor- 
tioned to  the-  building.  This  exception  feemeth  to 
me  to  imply  a  contradiction  to  it  felfe,  for  if  the 
matter  of  the  Churches  be  as  you  fay  godly  perfons, 
they  are  not  then  as  Trees  unfeld,  and  Stones 
unhewen  :  godlinefie  cutteth  men  downe  from  the 
former  root  and  heweth  them  out  of  the  pit  of  cor- 
rupt nature,  and  fitteth  them  for  fellowlhip  with 
Chrijl,  and  with  his  people. 


345  J  exa?riined  and  anfwered.  6i 

You  objecfl,  firft,  a  necefsity  lyi7ig  upon  godly  tnen 
before  they  cati  be  Jit  matter  for  Church  felloujhip,  to 
fee,  bewaile,  repent,  and  come  out  of  the  fa  If e  churches, 
worjljip,  minijlry,  governtnent,  according  to  Scriptures 
Ifa.  62.  II.  2  Cor.  6.  17.  and  this  is  to  be  done  ?iot 
By  a  locall  removall  or  contrary  praBife,  but  by  a 
deliverance  of  the  foule,  underjianding,  will,  judgement 
and  affcBion. 

Arif.  Firft  we  grant  that  it  is  not  locall  removall 
from  former  pollution,  nor  contrary  praftife,  that 
fitteth  us  for  fellowfliip  with  Chrift,  and  his  Church, 
but  thas  it  is  necelfary  alfo  that  we  repent  of  fuch 
former  pollutions  wherewith  we  have  been  defiled 
and  inthralled. 

We  grant  further,  that  it  is  likewife  necelfary  to 
Church  fellowlliip,  we  fliould  fee  and  difcerne  all 
fuch  pollutions,  as  do  [1 7]  fo  farre  inthrall  us  to 
Antichrift  as  to  feparate  us  from  ChrilT: :  But  this 
we  protelfe  unto  you,  that  wherin  we  have  reformed 
our  practice,  therein  have  we  endeavoured  unfeign- 
edly  to  humble  our  foules  for  our  former  contrary 
walking :  if  any  through  hypocrilie  are  wanting 
herein,  the  hidden  hypocrifie  of  fome  will  not  pre- 
judice the  finceritie  and  faithfullnelfe  of  others,  nor 
the  Church  eftate  of  all. 

Anfiv.  That  which  requireth  Anfwere  in  this 
palTage,  is  a  charge  of  a  feeming  contradidtion,  to 
wit.  That  perfo7is  ?nay  be  godly,  and  yet  not  fitted  for 
Church  ejlate,  but  remaine  as  Trees  and  ^tarries 
unfeld,  &c.  Contrary  to  which  it  is  affirmed,  that 
godly  perfons  cannot  be  fo  itithr ailed  to  Antichrifi,  as 
to  feparate  them  from  Chrifi. 


62  Mr.  COTTONS  L^//^r.  [346 

For  the  clearing  of  which  let  the  word  of  Truth 
be  rightly  divided,  and  a  right  diftindlion  of  things 
applyed,  there  will  appeare  nothing  contradidlorie, 
but  cleare  and  fatisfadtorie  to  each  mans  confcience. 
The jiate  of       Firft  then  I  diftinguilh  of  a  godly  perfon   thus: 
fn  eroff}  /hs  ^^  ^ome  afts  of  lin  which  a  godly  perfon  may  fall 
into,   during  thofe  afts,   although    before    the    all 
fearching  and  tender  eye  of  God,  and  alfo  in  the 
eyes  of  fuch  as  are  godly,  fuch  a  perfon  ramaineth 
ftill  godly,  yet  to  the  eye  of  the  world  externally 
fuch  a  perfon  feemeth  ungodly,  and  a  iinner.  Thus 
Noah   in   his    Drunkenneife ;   thus  Abraham,  Lot, 
Samfon,  yob,  David,  Peter,  in   their  lying  whore- 
domes,  curlings,  Murther,  denying  and  forfwearing 
of  Chrift  Jefus,  although  they  loft  not  their  inward 
fap  and  root  of  life,  yet  fuffred  they  a  decay  and 
Godly perfons  {■s\\  of  leafc,  and  the  rtiew  of  bad  and  evill  Trees. 
erojje  'ihis      -^^  fuch  a  cafe  Mr.  Cotton  will  not  deny  that  a  godly 
are  to  ex-     perfon  falling  into  drunkennes,  whoredome,  delib- 
prejfe  repent- ^^^^Q  murther,  denying  and  forfwearing  of  Chrift, 
they  can  be    the  Church  of  Chrift  cannot  receive  fuch  perfons 
admitted  to    into  Church-fellowftiio,  before  their  fiijht  ot  hum- 
e  cmrcj.    j^j^  bewailing  and  confeffing  of  fuch  evills,  notwith- 
ftanding  that  love  may  conceive  there  is  a  root  of 
godlines  within. 
Godschildren      Secondly  Gods  children  [Cant.  5.)  notwithftand- 
long  ajleep  'n\^n  ^  principle  of  fpiriuall  life  in  their  foules,  vet 

refpea  of  °  i    i.  j    •      ^        i         ^  •  j   ,i  •         \ 

Godsworjhip,^^^  lul  d  mto  a  long  contmued  lleep  m  the  matters 

though  alive  of  Gods  worfhip  :    /  /leep,  though  my  heart  ivaketh. 

'"fCh^'/f"  "^^^  heart  is  awake  in  fpirituall  life  and  grace,  as 

concerning  perfonall  union  to  the  Lord  Jefus,  and 

confcionable  endeavours  to  pleafe  him  in  what  the 


347]  examined  and  atifwered.  63 

heart  is  convinced:  [18]  yet  afleep  in  refpedl  of 
abundant  ignorance  and  negligence,  and  conle- 
quently  groffe  abominations  and  pollutions  of  Wor- 
Ihip,  in  which  the  choifeft  fervants  of  God,  and 
molt  faithfuU  Witneiles  of  many  truths  have  lived 
in  more  or  lefTe,  yea  in  maine  and  fundamental! 
points,  ever  fince  the  Apoftacie. 

Not  to  inftance  in   all,   but  in   fome  particulars  ^^'■- C"'''"' 
which  Mr.  Cotton  hath  in  new  £«^/tfW  reformed.  ^JJ^^'J^f" 
I  earneftly  befeech  himfelf  &  all,  wel  to  ponder  howwi-a;  thou- 
far  he  himfelf  now  profelleth  to  fee,  and  praftice,  that  f""^^  of  Gods 
which  fo  many  thoufands  of  godly  perfons  of  high^'^^'- "^^ 
note  in  all  ages  (fince  the  Apoftacie)  faw  not:   h.?, have  not 

Firft  concerning  the  nature  of  a  particular  Church,  ^'^"' 
to  confill  only  of  holy  and  godly  perfons. 

Secondly,  of  a  true  Miniftrie  called  by  that  Church. 

Thirdly,  a  true  VVorlhip  free  from  Ceremonies, 
Common- Prayer,  ^c. 

Fourthly,  a  true  Government  in  the  hands  only 
of  fuch  Governours  and  Elders,  as  are  appointed  by 
the  Lord  Jel'us.  Hence  Gods  people  not  feeing  their 
Captivitie  in  thefe  points,  muft  firft  necelfarily  be 
inlightened  and  called  out  from  fuch  Captivitie, 
before  they  can  be  nextly  fitted  and  prepared  for 
the  true  Church,  Worihip,  Miniftrie  ^c. 

CHAP.  XI. 

Secondly,  this  will  be  more  cleare  if  wee  confider  jhe  lews  of 
Gods  people  and  Church  of  old  the  Jewes,  cz^ii- "''^ '"'^e type 
vated  in  material!  Babel,  they  could  not  pofsibly  "j^y^  "^^  ^^_ 
build  Gods  Altar  and  Temple  at  Jerufalem,  \xv\ti\\  tar  and  Tem- 


64  Mr.  COTTONS  Z.^//^r  [348 

pie  in  Babel,  the  yoke  and  bonds  of  their  captivity  were  broke, 
mujlcoJe  '^aiid  they  fet  free  to  return  with  the  veffels  of  the 
/ar/Z-.y/Z^tv?  Lords  houfe,  to  fet  up  his  worfliip  in  Jerufalem,  as 
build  at  hru-^^  fee  in   the  Bookes  of  Ezr^,  Nehemia,  DanicL 

jalem.  ■     n-  tt  -ia-  /^i  ^ 

Gods  my/lical tiaggai,  &c.  Hence  in  the  Antitype,  Gods  people 
^r<7c/;» //^<- the  fpiritual  and  myfticall  Jewes,  cannot  pofsibly 
alfo"c!m"  ered:  the  Altar  of  the  Lords  true  worlhip,  and  build 
forth  of  Babel\}[v^  Temple  of  his  true  Church,  without  a  true  fight 
before  they     of  their  fpirituall  bondage  in  refpeft  of  Gods  wor- 

can  butld  the  ^   .  ,^  ,    'f,  ,   \,  t    /•       ^i      -a 

Temple  at     "iip.  ^nd  a  power  and   itrength  rrom  Jelus  Cnrilt 
lerufaiem.     to  bring  them  out,  and  carry  them  through  all  diffi- 
culties in  fo  mighty  a  work.     And  as  the  being  of 
Gods  people  in  materiall   Babell,  and  a  necellity  of 
their  comming  forth  before  they  could  build  the 
Temple,  did  not  in  the  leaft  deny  them  to  be  Gods 
people  :   no  more  now  doth  Gods  people  being  in 
mylHcal  Babel  [Rev.  18)  [19]  nor  the  necefsity  of 
their  comming  forth,  hinder  or  deny  the  godlinelfe 
of  their  perfons,  or  fpirituall  life  within  them. 
Luther  and        Thirdly,  how  many  famous  fervants  of  God,  and 
other  famous  witnelfcs  of  Tefus  lived  and  died  and  were  burnt  for 

witneffisvery       .  \  r    i    r  r     ■  i  -n       i-     i      ■ 

^ro//;- fo//<-f/- Other  truths  or  Jelus,  not  leeing  the  evill  or  their 
ning  Gods  Antichriffian  calling  of  Bilhops,  &c.  How  did 
wrj.np,        famous  Luther  himfelf  continue  a  Monk,  fet  forth 

though  emi-  .  ' 

nentfor  per-  the  German    Malfe,  acknowledge  the    Pope,   and 

fonall grace,  j^gj^j  other  grolfe  abominations  concerning   Gods 

worfliip,  notwithftanding  the  life  of  Chrill  Jefus  in 

him,  and  wrought  in  thoulands  by  his  means. 

Mr.  Cotton        Fourthly,  Mr.  Cotton  muff  be  requefled  to  remem- 

refufthgodly^^^  his  own  praftice  (as  before)  how  doth  he  refufe 

perjons  ex-  .  ^  ..  ^ .  ,-  ,-         i  j 

cept  they  bee  to  receive  perfons  eminent  for  perfonal  grace  and 
convinced  of  godlinelfe,  to  the  Lords  Supper,  6c  other  privileges 


349]  examined  and  anfwered.  65 

of  Chriftians  (according  to  the  profefsion  of  t\itir  their  Church 
Church  eftate)  until  they  be  convinced  of  the  necef-  ^''^^^"'""■ 
fity  of  making  &  entring  into  a  Church  covenant 
with  them,  with  a  confefsion  of  faith,  &c.  and  if 
any  cannot  bee  perfwaded  of  fuch  a  covenant  and 
confefsion  (notwithftanding  their  godhnelfe,  yet) 
are  they  not  admitted. "'* 

Laftly,  how  famous  is  that  paflage  of  that  folemne 
queftion  put  to  Mr.  Cotton  and  the  reft  of  the  new  ^J- ^'"°" 
Enghfli  Elders,  by  divers  of  the  minifters  of  old^  £/,/^;-^ 
England  (eminent  for  perfonall  godlinelfe,  as  Mr.refufe  to  per- 
Cotton  acknowledgeth)  viz.   Whether  they  might  ^^™fj^ 
be  permitted  in   new  England  to  enjoy  their  con- people  of  ou 
fciences  in  a  Church  eftate  different  from  the  New  EngianJ  to 
Englilh  :  unto  which  Mr.  Cotton  and  the  New  Eng-  EjiaUndinot- 
lifli  Elders  returne  a  plain  negative,  in  effe6l  \\\w%withftanding 
much,  with  the  acknowledgment  of  their  worth  and  ,  /""-^^ 

.  ,      .  11-1  r  '"''""  godttnes 

godhnes  above  their  owne,  and  their  hopes  01  agree- ^^,,1,^  his 
ment  ;'^  Yet  in  conclufion,  if  they  agree  not,  (which  0^")  'fthey 
they  are  not  like  to  doe)  and  fubmit  to  that  way  o^^h^"c'hur"b- 
Church-fellowfliip  and   Worfliip  which   in    New  /e/Uzvjhip. 
England  is  fet   up,   they   can    not  only   not    enjoy 
Church-fellowftiip  together,  but  not  permit  them 
to  live  and  breath  in  the  fame  Aire  and  Common- 
weale  together,  which  was  my  cafe ;  although  it 
pleafed  Mr.  Cotton  and  others  moft  incenfed,  to  give 

'^  "  It  is  not  becaufe  I  thinke  fuch  per-  drawne  up  nor  fent  by  me,  nor  (for  ought 

fons  are  not  fit  matter  for  Church-ellate;  I  know)  by  the  other  elders  here,  though 

but  becaufe   they  yet  want   a  fit  forme,  publifhed    by   one   of  our   elders   there, 

requifite    to    Church-eftate."      Cotton's  However,  the    fubftance  of  that   anfwer 

Anfwer,  p.  63.  (not    which    Mr.    Williams   rehearfeth, 

19  "The  anfwer  to  that   queftion,  and  but  which    Mr.  Madder  returned)  doth 

to  all  the  other  thirty-two  queftions,  were  generally  fuite  with  all  our  minds,  as  I 

drawne  up  by  Mr.  Madder,  and  neither  conceive."     Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  63. 
C9 


66  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [350 

my  felfe  a  teftimony  of  godlines,  G?<:/°  And  this  is 
the  reafon,  why  although  I  confeife  with  joy  the 
care  ot  the  New  Englilh  Churches,  that  no  perfon 
be  received  to  Fellowfhip  with  them,  in  whom 
they  cannot  firft  difcerne  true  Regeneration,  and 
the  Xiie^  of  Jefus  :  yet  I  faid  and  llill  aftirm,  that 
godhe  and  regenerate  perfons  [20]  (according  to  all 
the  former  inflances  and  reafons)  are  not  fitted  to 
conlHtute  the  true  Chriftian  Church,  untill  it  hath 
pleafed  God  to  convince  their  foules  of  the  evill  of 
the  falfe  Church,  Miniltry,  Worihip,  &c.  And 
Godly  perfons  ^\[]^Q^^\^  I  confelfe  that  godly  perfons  are  not  dead 

livinz  trees     ,  , .  9         _,  i        i      i  i  ■    •  n  i 

tg  living  but  livmg  1  rees,  not  dead,  but  hving  btones,  and 
jiones.yet  need  no  new  Regeneration  (and  fo  in  that  refped: 
nee  muc      negj  ^o  felling  nor  digeing  out)  vet  need  they  a 

hewing  and  .  1-/^1     ^    ■    •  1  1  i  in 

cutting  to      mighty  worke  of  Gods  Spirit  to  humble  and  auiame 

bring  them    them,  and  to  caufe  them   to   loath   themfelves  for 

tr°ue  worpip.^^'^'^  Abominations  or  iHncks  in  Gods  noftrils  (as 

it  pleafeth  Gods  Spirit  to  fpeak  of  falfe  Worfhips :) 

Hence  Ezek.  43.  i  1.      Gods  people  are  not  fit  for 

Gods  Houfe,  untill  holy  Ihame  be  wrought  in  them, 

for  what  they  have  done.      Hence  God  promileth 

to  caufe  them  to  loath  themfelves,  becaufe  they  have 

The  eomminghroken  him  with  their  whoriili  hearts,  Ezek.  6.  9. 

forth  of faljj  p^^^  hence  it  is  that  I  have  known  fome  precious 

«»i/f;//<j' (tf/ godly  hearts  confelfe,   that   the  plucking  ot  their 

/•/  were)  of    fouls  out  from  the  Abominations  of  falfe  worfhip, 

regeneration  j^^^}^  ^^^^  ^  fecond  kind  of  Regeneration.      Hence 

to  Goas  peo-  .  -i-i^^i-  ■  i- 

pie.  was  It   that   it  plealed   God   to  lay  concerning  his 

2°  "  Neither  doe  I  remember  that  he  nefle,  I  leave  it  to  him  who  is  the  fearcher 
hath  any  caufe  to  fay  that  I  gave  him  a  of  hearts;  I  neither  attclled  it,  nor  de- 
teftimony  of  godlinefle.      For  his  godli-      nied  it."      Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  65. 


35 1 ]  examined  and  anfwered.  67 

peoples  returne  from  their  Material!  Captivitie  (a 
figure  of  our  Spiritual!  and  myif  icall)  that  theyjhould 
not  fay  Jehovah  liveth,  who  brought  them  frotn  the 
land  of  ^gy^t  (a  type  of  lirft  converfion  as  is  con- 
ceived) but  Jehovah  liveth  who  brings  them  from  the  Return  from 
land  of  the  North  (a  type  of  Gods  peoples  return''^''"'''"'"''''/ 
from  fpirituall  bondage  to  contufed  and  invented 
Worlhips.) 


CHAP.  XII. 

Now  wheras  Mr.  Cotton  addeth,  That  godly  per- 
fons  are  not  fo  inthrall'd  to  Antichrift  as  to  feparate 
them  from  Chrift,  elfe  they  could  not  be  godly 
perfons. 

I  anfwere,   this   comes  not  neare  our  QuelHon, 
which  is  not  concerning  perfonal  godlines  or  grace 
of  Chrill:,  but  the  godlines  or  Chriftianitie  ot  Wor- 
ship.    Hence  the  Scripture  holds  forth  Chrift  Jefus 
firft  perfonally,  as  that  God-Man,  that  One  Medi-  Chriji  confi- 
atour  between  God  and  man,  the  Man  Chrift  Jefus,  ^''^^^^''^^. 
whom   all   Gods   people   by  Faith   receive,   and  \r\pe'rfonalh,'i^ 
receiving   become  the  Sons   of  God,   lohn    i.    i^../"  Gods  people 
although  they  yet  fee   not  the  particular  wayes  oi'j^"/i^j 
his  Worlhip.     Thus  was  it  with  the  Centurion,  thcfrom  him. 
Woman  ot  Canaan,  Cornelius,  and  moft,  at  their 
firft  converfion. 

Secondly,  the  Scripture  holdeth   forth  Chrift  as 
Head  ot  his   [21]    Church,  Ibrmed  into  a  Body  oi Secondly,  as 
worftiippers,  in  which  refpeft  the  Church  is  called  ^"f'^  "-^ ''"'"  , 
Chrijl,  I  Cor  12.  12.  and   the  defcription  of  C/6r///y2, /^^  y/^/>^;j 
is  admirably  fet  forth  in  10  feverall  parts  of  a  n\z.n?,l°ft  '^^'^  ''^- 


68  Mr.  COTTONS  L^//^r  [352 

fentfrom  his  bodie,  fitting  and  fiaiting  to  the  vifible  profesfion  of 
poujc.         Chrift  in  the  Church  Cmit.  5. 

Now  in  the  former  refpedl:  Antichrift  can  never 

fo   inthral   Gods  people  as  to  feparate  them  from 

Chrift,  that  is,  from  the  life  and  grace  of  Chrift, 

although   he  inthrall    them    into    never    fo  grolfe 

Abominations  concerning  Worlhip  :   for  God  will 

not  loofe  His  in  Egypt,  Sodome,  Babel,  His  Jewels 

are  moft  precious  to  him  though   in   a   Babilonifli 

dunghill,  and   his   Lillie   fweet  and   lovely  in  the 

Wildernes  commixt  with  Briars.    Yet  in  the  fecond 

Gods  people    fefpeft,  as  Chrift  is  taken  for  the  church,  I  conceive 

cnnnoi ferve  that   Autichrift    may   feparate   Gods  people   from 

"ff'-Chrijif^^^-^^^^   that  is  from  Chrifts  true  vifible  Church  and 

ana  the  true  '.  •      a /r       /^  i  •       rir  mi  i 

together.  Worlhip.  This  Mr.  Cotton  himlelre  will  not  deny 
it  he  remember  how  little  a  while  it  is  fince  the 
falfehood  of  a  National,  Provincial,  Diocefan  and 
Pariftiionall  Church,  &c.  and  the  truth  of  a  partic- 
ular Congregation,  confifting  only  of  holy  perfons 
appeared  unto  him. 

The  Church      The  Papifts  Queftion  to  the  Proteftant  viz.  Where 

before  Lu-  loas yow  Chufch  befoi-e  Luther  '^  is  thus  well  anfwered, 
to  wit.  That  fince  the  Apoftacie,  Truth,  and  the 

Revel.  13.  holy  City  (according  to  the  Prophecie  Revel.  1 1  & 
13.)  have  been  troden  under  foot,  and  ihe.  ivhole 
earth  hath  wondred  after  the  Beaft  :  yet  God  hath 
ftir'd  up  Witnelfes  to  Prophecie  in  Sackcloth  againft 
the  Beaft,  during  his  42  tnoneths  reigiie :  yet  thofe 
Witnefies  have  in  their  Times,  more  or  lefie  lub- 
mitted  to  Antichrift,  and  his  Church,  Worfhip, 
Miniftrie,  &c.  and  fo  confequently  have  been  igno- 
rant of  the  true  Chrift,  that  is,  Chrift  taken  for  the 


353]  examined  and  anfwered.  69 

Church  in  the  true  profeflion  of  that  holy  Way  of 
Worfhip,  which  he  himfelfe  at  firft  appointed. 


CHAP.  XIII. 

^"  Mr.  Cotton.  Secondly,  we  deny  that  it  is  neceifary 
to  Church  fellowfhip  (that  is  fo  necelTary  that  with- 
out it  a  Church  cannot  be)  that  the  Members 
admitted  thereunto  fliould  all  of  them  fee  and 
exprefly  bewaile  all  the  Pollutions  which  they  have 
been  defiled  with  in  the  former  Church-fellowlliip, 
Miniftry,  Worfliip,  Government,  &c.  if  they  fee  and 
bewaile  io  much  of  their  former  pollutions,  as  did 
inthrall  them  to  Antichrift,  [22]  fo  as  to  feparate 
them  from  Chrift,  and  be  readie  in  preparation  of 
heart,  as  they  Ihall  fee  more  Light,  fo  to  hate  more 
and  more  every  falfe  way  ;  we  conceive  it  is  as  much 
as  is  necelfarily  required  to  feparate  them  from  Anti- 
chrift, and  to  fellowfliip  with  Chrift  and  his  Church- 
es. The  Church  of  Chrift  admitted  many  thoufand 
Jewes  that  beleeved  on  the  name  of  Chrift,  although 
they  were  ftill  zealous  of  the  Law,  and  faw  not  the 
beggarly  emptines  of  Mofes  his  ceremonies.  Ads 
21.  20.  and  the  Apoftle  Paul  diredleth  the  Romans 
to  receive  fuch  unto  them  as  are  weake  in  the  faith, 
and  fee  not  their  libertie  from  the  fervile  difference 
of  Meats  and  Dayes;  but  ftill  lie  under  the  bondage 
of  the  Law ;  yea  he  wiflieth  them  to  receive  fuch 
upon  this  ground,  becaufe  Chriji  hath  received  them, 
Rom.  14.  to  the  fixt. 

Say  not  there  is  not  the  like  danger  of  lying  under 
bondage  to  Mofes  as  to  Antichrift,   for  even   the 


-JO  Mr.  COTTO^^  Letter  [354 

bondage  under  Mofes  was  fuch,  as  if  continued  in 
after  inftrucflion  and  conviftion,  would  feparate  them 
from  Chriji,  Gal.  5.  2.  and  bondage  under  Anti- 
chrifi:  could  doe  no  more. 

Atif.   Here  I  delire  3.  things  may  be  obferved : 
Mr.  Cotton        Y'iyH  Mr.  CottoHs  owu  coufeslion  of  that  two-fold 
'tTueln'IfJfe^^^^'^^  ellate,  worlhip,  &c.  the  former  falfe,  or  elfe 
conjJitut'ion  of  why  to  be  fo  bewailed  and  forfaken  ;   the  fecond 
the  church,    j-j-ue,  to  be  imbraced  and  fubmitted  to. 

Secondly,  his  own  confeflion  of  that  which  a  little 
confefsing  to  before  he  would  make  lb  odious  in  me  to  hold,  viz.. 
hold  what  hecxSxiX  Gods  people  may  be  fo  farre  inthralled  to  Anti- 
cenfureth  in  ^)^^-^a   ^g  to  feparate  them  from    Chrill: :   for  faith 

the  anjwerer.  t'i  -ii  •^      r  •    ^      •     r 

he.  It  they  lee  and  bewaile  fo  much  ot  their  former 

pollutions,  as  did  inthrall  them   to  Antichrift,  fo  as 

to  feparate  them  from  Chrift." 

Fallacie  in         Thirdly  I  obferve  how  eafilie  a  foule  may  wander 

Mr.  Cottons  in  his  generalls,  for  thus  he  writes,  Though  they 

gentra  s.       ^^^  ^^^  ^^y  ^^^,  pollutio7is  whercwith   they  have  been 

deriled  in  the  former  Church-tellowlbip.     Again, 

if  they  fee  fo  much  as  did  inthrall  them   to  Anti- 

A  godly  per-  chrilf,  and  feparate  them  from  Chrift.    And  yet  he 

Jon  remaining  v     i  i   •  -    i  ;/     /  ;;      •  i 

<7  OTm/^^r  «/rt  exprelleth  nothing  or  that  all  the  pollutions,  nor  what 
falfe  Church, Jo  much  is  as  will  feparate  them  from  Chrifh.   Hence 

2'  "My  words  out  of  whichhegathcieth  Antichriil,  as  to  feparate  them  utterly 
this  obfervation,  are  mifreported  ;  and  from  Chrill,  both  as  head  of  the  vifible 
the  contradiftion  arifeth  from  his  mifrc-  and  invifible  church  alio.  But  godly 
port,  not  from  mv  words.  For  God's  perfons  cannot  be  lo  enthralled  to  Anti- 
people  and  godly  peribns  are  not  all  one.  chrill  as  to  ieparate  them  from  Chrill, 
Any  Church  members  may  be  called  as  the  head  of  the  invifible  Church ; 
God's  people,  as  being  in  externall  cove-  though,  as  I  faid  before,  they  may  be 
nant  with  him,  (  Pfal.  8i  :  ll.)  and  vet  feparated  from  him,  as  the  head  of  the 
they  are  not  always  godlv  perfons.  vifible  Church."  Cotton's  Aniwer,  p.  71. 
God's  people  may   be   fo  enthralled   to 


355]  examined  and  anfwered.  ji 

upon  that  former  diftinftion   that  Chrift  in  w{(\h\t"  '^^''^'"  " 
Worfhip  is  Chrift  :   I  demaund.  Whether  if  a  godly^/^^  'crti^ 
perfon   remaine  a  member   ot  a   falilv  conftituted 
Church,  and  fo  confequently  (in  that  refpedl)  [23]  of 
a  fnU'e  Chrift,  whether  in  vilible  worfhip  he  be  not 
feparate  from  the  true  Chrift  ? 

Secondly,  I  aske,  Whether  it  be  not  abfolutely  Separation 
necelfarv  to  his  uniting  with  the  true  Church,  that-'^"'".-;?^^^ 
is.  With  Chrilt  m  true  Chnftian  VVorihip,  that  ht  /uuly  necef- 
fee  and  bewaile,  and  abfolutely  come  out  from  that-/'"7  -^cA""^ 
former  falfe  Church  or  Chrift,  and  his  Miniftrie, .  'CI '^'!'',i5 

"  ^  '  twion  to  toe 

Worlhip,  zsc.  before  he  can  be  united  to  the  Xxn&true. 
Ifrael,  muft  come  forth  of  Egypt  before  they  can  . 

facrifice  to    God   in   the   Wildernes.     The  Jewes  on  or/epara- 
come  out  of  Babel  h^loxo.  they  build  the  Temple  in'/<"'  "f  the 
lerujalem  :  The  husband  of  a  woman  die,  or  ftie  ^^^^rUin  the 
legally  divorced,  before  ftie  can  lawfully  be  maried  iJo/atrous 
to  another;  the  graft  cut  oft"  from   one,  before  it'^"'^ j^'-'etteJ 
can  be  ingrafted  into  another  ftock  :   The  K.ing- ^^^l^oreitcan 
dome  of  Chrift,  (that  is  the  Kingdome  of  the  Saints,  be  prefented 
Dan.  2.  &  7.)  is   cut  out  of  the   mountain  of  the'/P"^'' 

/     '  If  jus    dS  d 

Romane  Monarchic.    Thus  the  Corinthians  i  Cor.  chaft' virgin 
6.  9,  10,  II.  uniting  with  Chrift  Jefus,   they  wtx^'""'  f^"  '^^^"ft 
wallied  from  their  Idolatrie,  as  well  as  other  fins  :  owne  moll 
Thus   the  Theffalonians   turned  from  their   \do\s,holy  inftitu- 
before  they  could  ferve  the  living  and  true  God,  i 
Thejf.  I.  9.  and  as  in   Paganifme,  fo  in  Antichrif- 
tianifme,  which  feparates  as  certainly  (though  more 
fubtilly)  from  Chrift  Jefu.  » 


ttons. 


72  Mr.  COTTON SZ^f/Zer  [356 

CHAP.  XIV. 

Yea  but  it  is  faid,  that  Jewes  weake  in  Chrif- 
Difference     ti^n  liberties,  and  zealous  for  Moles  Law  they  were 

between  Gods        i  ■       j 

own  holy  in.  to  be  received. 

jiitutions  to  I  anfwer,  2  things  muft  here  carefully  be  minded  : 
'an/'sTl'ns  ^^^^  although  bondage  to  Mofes  would  feparate 
p,iganijh  or  froHi  Chrift,  yet  the  difference  muft  be  obferved 
^»/;Vi'r;/?M«  between  thofe  Ordinances  of  Mo/t'j- which  it  pleafed 
He' Gentiles  God  himfelte  to  ordain  and  appoint,  as  his  then 
as  concerning  ov\y  Worlliip  in  the  world,  though  now  in  the 
'^^ '""""*'' '^comming  of  his  Son,  he  was  pleafed  to  take  away, 

commtng  •   i       /-  i  •   •  i  i  i  r  -i         i 

forth  of  them. y^^  With  lolemnitie ;  and  on  the  other  nde  the 
Inftitutions  and  Ordinances  of  Antichrift,  which 
the  Devill  himfelfe  invented,  were  from  lirft  to  laft 
never  to  be  received  and  fubmitted  to  one  moment, 
nor  with  fuch  folemnitie  to  be  laid  down,  but  to  be 
abhor'd  and  abominated  lor  ever. 

The  Nationall  Church  of  the  Jewes,  with  all  the 

^  eomparifon  fliadowifli   typicall   Ordinances  c^"  Kings,   Priefts, 

lewifhand    Prophets,  Temple,  Sacrifices  were  as  a  lilver  can- 

Chrifian  or-  dleftick,  on  which  the  light  of  the  Knowledge  of 

dinances.       Qq^  and  of  the  Lord  Jefus  in  the  type  and  fliadow 

was  fet  up  fliined.  That  Silver  Candleftick  it  pleafed 

[24]  the  moft  holy  and  only  wife  to  take  away,  and 

in  ftead  therof  to  fet  up  the  Golden  Candlefticks 

of  particular  Churches  [Revel,  i.)  by  the  hand  of 

the  Son  of  God  himfelfe :   Now  the  firft  wzs/i/ver 

(the  pure  will  and  mind  of  God,  but  intended  only 

for  a  feafon  :)  the  fecond  of  a  more  precious  lajlmg 

nature,  a  Kingdome  not  to  be  Jh  a  ken  (that  is  abolillied 

as  the  former)  Heb.  i  2.  28. 


357]  examined  and  anfwered.  73 

Therefore  Secondly,   obferve   the   difference   of 
Time  (which  yix.  Cotton  himfelfe  confeffeth)  after  „^^/////j'„^ 
Inftrud:ion  and  Convidlion  (faith  he)  Mofes  'L2.W  time prethus 
was  deadly  and  would  feparate  from  Chrift,  ther-  ""'^  ''fi' ."' 

-  ,         •'  .  ,  r         ,  ill      another  time 

tore,  there  was  a  time  when  they  were  not  deadly,  ^^-^^^r^  ^^a" 
and  did  not  feparate  from  Chrift,  to  wit  untill  Mofes  deadly. 
was  honourably  fallen  afleep,  and  lamented  for  (as 
I  conceive)  in  the  type  and  figure  30.  dayes  [Deut. 
34.)    Therefore  at  one  feafon    (not  for   Timothies 
weake  confcience,  but  for  the  Jews  fake)  Paul  cir- 
cumcifed  Timothy  :  at  another  time  when  the  Jews 
had  futficient  inftruftion,  and  obftinately  would  be 
circumcifed,  and  that  neceffarily  to  falvation,  Pau/ 
feafonably   cries   out,    that  ty  they  were  circumcifed qj^^^^^^^^'^-' 
Chriji  Jhould profit  thetn  nothing.  Gal.  5.    Hence  t.\\e.communica- 
Chriftians  at  Ephefus  converfed  with   the  Jewifh'''"''.'l''t^ 
Synagogue,  untill  the  Jews  contradicted  and  h\af- gogues  until 
phemed,  and  then  were  fpeedilie  feparate  by  Paul,  the  Jews  con- 
Afts  19.     But  to  apply  Paul  obferved  a  Vow,  ^nd.J.^;lf'ilf^ 
the  ceremonies  of  it,  circumcifed  Timothy,  &c.  iriny  t^e.  then  they 
therefore  a  mefenger  of  Chriji  now  (as  Paul)  goe  tofip'"'''teJ. 
Majfe,  pray  to  Saints,  perform  pennance,  keep  chrift- 
mas  and  other  Popifh  Feafts  and  Fafts,  ^c. 

Againe,  is  there  fuch  a  time  allowed  to  any  man, 
uniting  or  adding  himfelfe  to  the  true  Church  now, 
to  obferve  the  unholy  holy  dayes  of  Feafting  and 
Fafting  invented  by  Antichrift  ?  yea  and  (as  Paul 
did  circumcilion)  to  praftife  the  Popifti  Sacraments  ? 
I  doubt  not,  but  if  any  member  of  a  true  Church.  ^ i^^^church 
or  alfembly  of  Worfliippers,  fhall  fall  to  any  Pagan->//w^  into 
ifli  or  Popifti  praftife,  he  muft  be  inftruded  and""^^'^"^""'"''^ 
convinced,  beiore  Excommunication  :  but  the  Kiudi.- prefently  to 

Cio 


74  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [358 

be  txeommu-  fjon  is,  Whether  ftill  obferving  and  fo  praftifing,  a 
perfon  may  be  received  to  the  true  Chriftian  Church, 
as  the  Jewes  were,  although  they  yet  pradiil'ed 
Mofes  ceremonies. 

Thefe  things  duly  pondred  (in  the  feare  and  pref- 
ence  of  God)  it  will  appeare  how  vain  the  allega- 
tion is,  from  that  tender  and  honourable  refped:  to 
Not  one  de-   Gods   Ordinances   now   vanifliing    [25 1    from    the 
gree  of  fight  Tg^gg   ^^^  their  weake  confciences  about  the  fame, 

of,  or  Jorrow  ^  ,        r  ^  n      i  •  • 

for  ^ntichri-  to  prove  the  lame  tendernes  to  batnans  mventions, 
fiian  abomi-  and  the  confcienccs  of  men  in   the  renouncing  of 
I'l'/J^-f'^^i''  P^gamcal],  Turkifh,  Antichriilian  ;  yea  and  I  adde 
cutting  off    Judaical   Worfliips  now,  when   once  the   time  of 
from  the falfe^}^^y^  full  vanifliing  was  come. 
to  the  true         To  conclude,  although   I    prefcribe  not  fuch  a 
C/;'x^r f^,  M-nieafure  of  fight   of,  or  forrow  for   Antichriftian 
"n>h'^i^c'"''  -A^bominations  (I  fpeake  in  refpeft  of  degrees,  which 
it  pleafeth  the  Father  of  Lights  to  difpence  varioully 
to  one  more,  to  another  lelfe)  yet  I  beleeve  it  abfo- 
lutely  neceffary  to  fee  and  bewaile  fo  much  as  may 
amount  to  cut  off  the  foule  from  the  falfe  Church 
(whether  National,  Parilhional,  or  any  other  l^illy 
conllituted  Church)  Minilfrie,  Worfliip  and  Gov- 
ernment of  it. 

CHAP.  XV. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Anf  3.  To  places  of  Scripture  which 
you  objeft,  Ifa.  52.  1 1.  2  Cor.  6.  17.  Revel.  18.  4. 
We  anfwere,  two  of  them  makes  nothing  to  your 
purpofe  :  for  that  of  IJ'aiah,  and  the  other  of  the 
Revelation,  fpeak  of  locall  feparation,  which  your 
felfe  know  we  have  made,  and  yet  you  fay,  you  doe 


359]  examini^  and  anf were d.  75 

not  apprehend  that  to  be  lufficient.  As  for  that 
place  of  the  Corinths,  it  only  requireth  comming 
out  from  Idolaters  in  the  Fellowfliip  of  their  Idol- 
atry. No  mariages  were  they  to  make  with  them, 
no  Feafts  were  they  to  hold  with  them  in  the  Idolls 
Temple ;  no  intimate  familiaritie  were  they  to  main- 
taine  with  them,  nor  any  Fellowfhip  were  they  to 
keep  with  them  in  the  unfruitfull  works  of  dark- 
nes,  and  this  is  all  which  that  place  requireth.  But 
what  makes  all  this  to  prove,  that  we  may  not 
receive  fuch  perfons  to  Church  fellow  (hip,  as  your 
felfe  confelfe  to  be  godly,  and  who  doe  profelfedly 
renounce  and  bewail  all  known  fin  and  would 
renounce  more  if  they  knew  more,  although  it  may 
be  they  do  not  fee  the  utmoft  skirts  of  all  that  pol- 
lution they  have  fomtimes  been  defiled  with  ;  as  the 
Patriarchs  faw  not  the  pollution  of  their  Poligamie: 
But  that  you  may  plainly  fee  this  place  is  wrefi:ed 
befide  the  Apofi:les  fcope,  when  you  argue  from  it, 
that  fuch  perfons  are  not  fit  matter  for  Church  fel- 
lowfliip, as  are  defiled  with  any  remnants  of  Anti- 
chriftian  pollution,  nor  fuch  Churches  any  more  to 
be  accounted  Churches,  as  do  receive  fuch  amongft 
them.  Confider  I  pray  you,  were  there  not  at  that 
time  in  the  Church  of  Corinth,  fuch  as  partook 
with  the  [26]  Idolaters  in  the  Idolls  temple?  And 
was  not  tnis  the  touching  of  an  uncleane  thing  ? 
And  did  this  fin  rejedl  thefe  members  from  Church 
fellowfliip  before  convidtion  ?  Or  did  it  evacuate 
their  Church  efl:ate  for  not  cafting  out  fuch  members  ? 
Anf.  The  Scriptures  or  writings  oi  truth  are  thofe 
heavenly  righteous y^^/t-j-,  wherin  all  our  contraver- 


76  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [360 

fies  muft  be  tried,  and  that  blelfed  Starre  that  leads 

all  ih.o(t  fou/es  to  Jefus  that  leek.  him.     But  Taith 

Mr.  Cotton  two  of  thofe  Scriptures  alledged  by  me 

{IJa.  52.  II.  Revel.  18.  4.  which  I  brought  to  prove 

a  necej/itie  of  leaving  the  falfe,  before  a  joyning  to 

the  true   Church)  they  fpeake  oi  locall  feparation, 

which  (faith  he)  your  felfe  know  we  have  made. 

Mr.  Cotton       Yox  that  locall  and  typicall  feparation  from  Baby- 

\oth  cminrs  ^''"»  -fA-  S^-  I   could  not  Well  have  beleeved  that 

forth  of  Ba-  Mr.  Cottoti  or  any  would  make  that  comming  forth 

'''""'^■"foi  Babel  in  the  antitype,  Rev.  i  8  4.  to  be  locall  and 

Type  and  An-  .  -' r    '.  t_         . 

titype  to  ice  materiall  alio.      What  civill  State,  JNation  or  Coun- 

locall.  trey  in   the  world,  in   the  antitype,  muft   now  be 

called  Babel?  certainly,  if  any,  then  Babel  it.  felfe 

properly  lb  called  :   but  there  we  find  (as  before)  a 

true  Church  of  Jefus  Chrift,  i  Pet.  5. 

ifitlocallBa-      Secondly,  if  Babel  be  locall  now,  whence  Gods 

bcl,  then  'Jz/J' people  are  called,  then  muft  there  be  a  locall  luJea, 

"ludel  and     ^  Land  ot  Canaan  alfo,  into  which  they  are  called  ; 

Temple,  tjfc  and   where   lliall   both   that  Babel  and  Canaan  be 

CoOTy^f/  of  found  in   all   the  commings  forth   that  have  been 

material/, but^'^^^^  from  the  Church  of  Rome  in  thefe  laft  times? 

myjiicall.       But  Mr.  Cottoti  having  made  a  locall  departure  from 

Old  England  in  Europe,  to  New  England  m  America, 

can  he  fatisfie  his  owne  foule,  or  the  foules  of  other 

men,   that  he  hath  obeyed  that  voice,  come  out  of 

Babel  my  people,  partake  not  of  her  Jins,  &c.     Doth 

The  Lord  le-he  count  the  very  Land  oi  Englajid  literally  Babel, 

fw  hath  bro- ^^^  fo  confequcntlv  y^p-r/»/ and  Sodome,  Revel.  11. 

difference  of  8.  and  the  Land  of  new  England  fudea,  Canaan  ?  &c. 

places  and         The  Lord  Jefus  [John  4.)  clearly  breaks  down  all 

persons.        difference  of  places,  and  ABs  i  o.  all   difference  of 


361]  examined  and  an/wered.  jj 

perfons  ;  and  for  my  felfe,  I  acknowledge  the  Land 
of  England,  the  civill  Laws,  Government  and  peo- 
ple of  England,  not  to  be  inferiour  to  any  under  ^  Chief ejl 
heaven.    Only  2  things  I  Ihall  humbly  fuggeft  untOy^J;^^^f,;^j"'' 
my  deare  Countrymen  (whether  more  high  and  hon-againft  Eng- 
ourable  at  the  helme  of  Government,  or  more  infe-  '''""^" 
riour,   who  labour  and  faile  in  this   famous  Ship 
of  Englands    Common    Wealth)    as    the    greatelf 
27]  caufes,  fount aines  and  top  roots  of  all  the  Indig-  ^,  ^ 
nation   of  the   moft   High,   againft  the  State  "indi partuulan  1 
Countrey  :   Firfl:  that  the  whole  Nation  and  Gen-A^^'^  ^^ 
erations  of  Men  have  been   forced  (though  unre- ^^^'^j  ^j^'^' 
generate  and  unrepentant)  to  pretend  and  2.^ui'ne,  proof  of. 
the   name   of   Chrift  Jefus,  which    only   belongs, 
according  to  the  Inftitution  of  the  Lord  Jefus,  to 
truely  regenerate  and  repenting  fpules.     Secondly, 
that  all  others  dijfentitig  from  them,  whether  Jewes 
or     Gentiles,    their    Countrymen    efpecially    (for 
ftrangers  have  a  Libertie)  have  not  been  permitted 
civill  cohabitation  in  this  world  with  them,  but  have 
been  dijirejfed  and  perfecuted  by  them." 

But  to  returne,   the  fumme  of  my  Contraverfie 
with  Mr.  Cottoti  is.  Whether  or  no  that  falfe  Wor- 
fliipping  of  the  true  God,  be  not  only  a  JpirituallJ.''^f''"^^''''J- 
guilt  liable  to  Gods  fentence  and  plagues,  but  alfo  worjhip  ilmt 
an  habit,  frequently  compared  in  the  Prophets,  and^'"'''^^  ^«' " 

"  "The  two  caufes  of  God's  indigna-  of  obilinacy  againft  confcience  and  fedu- 

tion  againft  England,  which  he  fuggefteth  cers,  to  the   perdition  of  foules,   and   to 

are  worthy  due  confidcration   and  atten-  the  difturbance  of  civill  and  church  peace; 

tion.      I  would  rather  fay  amen  to  them,  but  only  of  fuch  Diifenters  as  vary  either 

than  weaken  the  weight  of  them.    Only  in  matters  of  lefie  weight,  or  of  funda- 

I  fliould  fo  aflent   to  the   letter  as  not  to  mentall,  yet  not  out  of  wilfull  obftinacy, 

moove  for  a  toleration  of  all  Diifenters.  but   out   of  tenderneffe   of  confcience." 

Diifenters  in  fundamentalls,  and  that  out  Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  89. 


78  Mr.  COTTONS  Lf/z^r  [362 

guiltyaniinotRev.  \J.  to  a  fpirit  and  difpofition  of  fpiritual  drunk- 
""yf"'   "'    ennelfe  and  whoredome,  a  Ibule  fleep  and  a  Ibule 

an  habit  or  '  r  _ 

difpofition  of  ficknelie  :    So   that  as  by  the  change  or  a  chaire, 
fpiritual fiecp  q\^2,xv^)qx  or  bed,  a  lick  or  lleepie  man,  whore  or 

whoredome,       i  i  i  i  111  •  1 

^^^„^^^„^^^^  drunkard  are   not   changed,  but   they  remaine  the 

l^e.  fame  ftill,  untill   that  difpolition  of  iicknes,  lleepi- 

nelfe  drunkennes,  whoredome  be  put  off,  and  a  new 

habit  of  fpirituall   heahh,   watchfullnes,   fobrietie, 

chaftitie  be  put  on. 


CHAP.  XVI. 

Now  concerning  that  Scripture,  2  Cor.  6.  Mr. 
Cotto7i  here  confelleth  it  holdeth  forth  5.  things  : 
That  the  repenting  Corinthians  were  called  out  in 
from  the  unrepenting  : 

Firft,  in  the  Fellowfliip  of  their  Idolatrie. 

2.  From  making  Mariages  with  them. 

3.  From  Feafting  in  their  Idols  temples. 

4.  From  intimate  Familiaritie  with  them. 

The  benefites      5.   From  all  Fellowfliip  in   the  imfruitfull  works 

oftherepen.  oi  darkties. 

tm^  tnghp,  yt     ,-     r  r  1  1  •  t^        i-/i 

their  coming  ^"J-  ^^  regenerate  and  truely  repentmg  hnghlh 
forthfrom  thus  comc  forth  from  the  unregenerate  and  unre- 
^"'2v^"^'^'"penting,  how  would  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jefus  be 
tbofe  former  fanftified,  the  jealoulie  of  the  Lord  pacified,  their 
5  particulars  own  foules  cleanfed,  judgements  prevented,  yea  and 

mentioned  by  ,  n  •  ?  1  11  •       • 

Mr.  Cotton,  o"^  good  mcanes  practiled  toward  the  convmcmg 
and  faving  of  the  foules  of  fuch,  from  whom  in 
thefe  particulars  they  depart,  and  dare  not  have 
Fellowfhip  with  :  efpecially  when  in  all  civill  things 
they  walke  unblameably  in  quiet  and  helptull  cohab- 


363]  examined  and  anjwered.  79 

itation,  righteous  and  faithful!  dealing,  and  chear- 
28]  full  fubmisfion  to  civill  Lawes,  Orders,  Levies, 
Cuftomes,  &c. 

Yea  but  Mr.  Cotton  demands,  What  makes  all 
this  to  prove  that  godly  perfons  who  profelledly 
renounce  all  known  finne,  may  not  be  received  to 
Church  fellowfliip,  although  they  fee  not  the  utmoft 
skirts  of  their  Pollution,  as  the  Patriarchs  faw  not 
the  pollution  of  their  Poligamie. 

yinf.   I   repeat  the  former  diftindlion  of  godly  The  Jins  of 
perfons,  who  poffiblv  may  live  in  ungodly  pradlices  ^'"^^^Z*^"^.^'^ 
(efpecially  of  falfe  worfliip)  and  then  according  to  y^pmed  to  be 
Mr.  Cottons  own  interpretation  of  this  place  to  th.c  of  ignorance, 
Corinthians,  they  come  not  forth.     And   I  adde,  if^'^;'^'""''^^V'»'-^ 

•  -       1     •  n    •        1  r  1  ■    y  negligence, 

there  be  any  voice  ot  Chrift  m  the  mouthes  of  m%  and  yet  igno- 
Witneifes  againft  thefe  linnes,  they  are  not  then  oi''^"''  ^''"'' 
Ignorance,  but  of  Negligence,  -indi  J pirituali bar dnesj^f^^n^^ 
againft  the  wayes  ot  Gods  feare,  againft  IJa.  63.  &c. 
Moreover,  our  queftion  is  not  of  the  uttnoji  skirts 
of  Pollution,  but  the  fubftance  of  a  true  or  falfe  Bed 
of  Worlhip    Cant,  i.  16.  in  refpedl  of  comming  out 
of  the  falfe,  before  the  entrance  into  the  true.  And 
yet  I  beleeve  that  Mr.  Cotton  being  to  receive  a  per- 
fon  to  Church  tellowfhip,  who  formerly  hath  ht&w  a  cafe  put  to 
infamous  for  corporall  Whoredome,  he  would  not  ^^''-  Cotton. 
give  his  confent  to   receive  fuch   an  one,  without 
found   Repentance  for  the  filthines  of  her   skirts 
[Lament.  1.)  not  only  in  aftuall  whoredomes,  Xiwl^" '""f  °^ 

■\r      •  1-/101  r^    n  \  more  Jbame 

alio  m  whonfli  Speeches,   Geftures,  Appearances,  frr  wbore- 
Provocation.     And  why  ftiould  there  be  a  greater '^"'"^ ''^''"'/ 


an  husbands 
bed,  then  a- 

oi fpiritual &c  foul'Whorcdiomt,  againft  the  chaftitie^rt/V//^^-^^-/ 


ftridlnes  for  the  skirts  of  common  whoredom,  thenl"/''^^^" J 


8o  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [364 

ofGodi  taor- of  Gods  Worfliip  ?  And  therfore  to  that  inftance  of 
■^'f-  the  Fathers  Poligamie,  I  anfwer :   Firft  by  obferv- 

ing  what  great  fins  godly  perfons  may  posfibly  live 
and  long  continue  in,  notwithftanding  godlinelfe  in 
the  root.  Secondly  I  aske  if  any  perfon,  of  whofe 
godlines  Mr.  Cot.  hath  had  long  perfwafion,  (hould 
beleeve  and  maintaine  (as  queftionles  the  Fathers 
had  grounds  fatisfying  their  confciences  for  what 
they  did)  that  he  ought  to  have  many  Wives,  and 
nf  cafe  of  accordingly  fo  pradtifed  ;  I  fay,  I  aske  whether  Mr. 
Polygamy,  or  Qotton  would  reccivc  fuch  a  godly  perfon  to  Church 
X'^/'^/X'r/f  ^'^^'°^^^^P  ^  y^^  I  ^^^t.  whether  the  Church  of  the 
Jewes  (had  they  feen  this  evill)  would  have  received 
fuch  a  Profelite  from  the  Gentiles,  and  when  it  was 
feen,  whether  any  perfons  fo  pradtiling  would  have 
been  fuffred  amongft  them  :  But  laftly,  what  was 
29]  this  perfonall  finne  of  thefe  godly  perfons  ?  was 
it  any  matter  of  Gods  worlhip,  any  joyning  with  a 
falfe  Church,  Miniftry,  Worfliip,  Government, 
from  whence  they  were  to  come,  before  they  could 
confliitute  his  true  Church,  and  enjoy  his  Worfliip, 
Minifl:ery,  Government,  &c. 

Mr.  Cotton  concludeth  this  palfage  thus.  The 
Church  of  Corinth  had  fuch  as  partook  with  Idola- 
ters in  their  Idolls  temple,  and  was  not  this  (faith 
he)  touching  of  an  uncleane  thing,  and  did  this  rejed: 
thefe  members  from  Church  tellowfliip  before  con- 
viction ;  and  did  it  evacuate  their  Church  eftate, 
for  not  cafliing  out  of  fuch  members? 

yinf.  This  was  an  uncleane  thing  indeed,  from 
which  God  calls  his  people  in  this  place,  with  glo- 
rious promifes  of  receiving  them  :   and  Mr.  Cotton 


365]  examined  and  anfwered.  8 1 

confeileth  that  after  convid:ion,  any  member  obfti- 
nate  in  thefe  unclean  touches,  ought  to  be  rejedted, 
for,  faith  he,  did  this  fin  rejedl  thefe  members  from 
Church  fellowlhip  before  conviftion  ? 

And  upon  the  fame  ground  that  one  obftinatel' /'^''^''^ 
perfon  ought  to  be  rejected  out  of  Church  ^^'^^^■>"on  that  it  i'm 
upon  the  fame  ground,  if  a  greater  company  ox  a  multitude-. 
Church  were  obftinate  in  fuch  uncleane  touches, '^''""C  "'(^ 
and  fo  confequently  in  a  rebelHon  againft  Chrift, /^,^^^/j^j^^^ 
ought  every  found  Chriftian  Church  to  rejedl  them,'^^  litflroycd. 
and  every  found  member  to  withdraw  from  them. 

And  hence  further  it  is  cleare,  that  if  fuch  unclean  ObjUnade 
touches  obl1;inately  maintained  (as  Mr.  Cotton  con-^^^^  wiUkeet 
felfeth  and  praftifeth)   be  a  ground  of  rejection  oiout from 
a  perfon  in  the  Church,  queftionlelfe  it  is  a  <?xowx\^'°'"'!"'""'"   , 

f      .  ,  .         '  ^       ,  .  °  with  the  Lord 

or  rejection  when  luch  perlons  are  to  joyne  unto  je/us  in  his 
the  Church.  And  if  obftinacie  in  the  whole  Church  Church. 
after  convidlion  be  a  ground  for  fuch  a  Churches 
rejedtion,  queftionlelfe  fuch  a  Church  or  number 
of  perfons  obftinate  in  fuch  evills,  cannot  congregate 
nor  become  a  true  conftituted  Church  of  Jefus 
Chrift. 

The  greatert  queftion  here  would  be.  Whether  The  church 
the  Corinthians  in  their  firft  conftitution  were  fepa- -.'C'^^"'"'^' 
rate  or  no,  from  fuch  Idoll  Temples  ?  and  this  Mr.  church j'epa- 
Cotton  neither  doth  nor  can  deny  ;  a  Church  eftate  rate  from 
being  a  ftate  of  mariage  unto  Jefus  Chrift,  and  ^'^  chV/]  virgin 
Paul  profelfedly  faith,   he  had  efpoujed  them  as  a  to  Cbriji. 
chajl  virgin  to  Chriji  lejus,  2  Cor.  1 1 . 


Cii 


82  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter.  [366 

CHAP.  XVII. 

Mr.  Cotton  proceeds  to  anfwer  fome  other  allega- 
tions which  [30]  I  produced  from  the  confeslion  of 
finne   made  by  lohns  Difciples,   and  the   Profelite 
Gentiles  before  they  were   admitted   into   Church 
fellowfhip,  Mat.  3.  6.  ABs  19.  18.   Unto  which  he 
returneth  a  3  fold  anfwere :   The  firft  is  grounded 
upon  his  apparent  miftake  of  my  words  in  a  grant 
of  mine,  viz.  Such  a  confeflion  and  renunciation  is 
not  abfolutely  neceflary,   if  the  fubftance  of  true 
repentance  be  difcerned.   Whence  (faith  he)  accord- 
ing to  your  own  confeflion,  fuch  perfons  as  have  the 
fubftanceof  true  Repentance  maybe  a  true  Church. 
I  anfwere,  it  is  cleare  in  the  progrelfe  of  the  whole 
7befubjl,!nceconivzy&r{\e,  that  I  ever  intend  by  the  fubftance  of 
of  true  gene-^^^j^^  Repentance,  not  that  gencrall  grace  of  Repent- 
tance  in  all  ance,  which  all  Gods  people  have  {■as  Luther  a  Monk, 
Goils  chii-     and  going  to,  yea  publilhing  the  German   Maife, 
drcn,  though   ^    j^^f   famous  Billiops  bumt  for  Chrift  in  Qu. 

living  in  ma-  .  \   i  t  •       n  r  r^ 

ny  groffc  abo- Manes  dayes)  but  that  lubftance  of  Repentance  for 
minationsof  t^ofg  f^ifg  wayes  of  Worfliip,  Church,  Miniftry,  Gfc. 
MMjirL^'M'^  which  Gods  people  have  lived,  although  the  con- 
fefling  and  renouncing  of  them  be  not  fo  particu- 
larly expreft,  and  with  fuch  godly  forrow  and  indig- 
nation as  fome  exprelfe,  and   may  well   become : 
And  indeed  the  whole  fcope  ot  that  caution  was  for 
Not  the  fame  Q\iX\9i\-SiW  moderation,  and  gentlenes  toward  the  fev- 
meafure  and  gj-^n    forts   of  Gods    people,   profeffmg    particular 

degrees  of  re-  r         1      •     r   •    •         11  •    •  11  1 

pintance  in    repentance  for  their  ipintuall  captivity  and  bondage, 
"11.  during  which  captivitie  alfo  I  readily  acknowledge 

the  fubftance  of  repentance,  and  of  all  the  graces  of 

Chrift  in  generall. 


367]  examined  and  anfwered.  83 

In  his  fecond  Anfwere  Mr.  Cotton  faith,  I  grant  Mr.  Cotton. 
with  the  one  hand,  and  take  away  with  the  other, 
for  he  denies  it  neceffary  to  the  admiflion  of  mem- 
bers, that  every  one  fliould  be  convinced  of  the  fin- 
fullnes  of  every  lipping  of  the  Whores  cup,  for  (faith 
he)  every  lipping  of  a  drunkards  cup  is  not  linfull. 

Anf.  Firft  he  doth  not  rightly  aledge  my  words,  ^"'"'^  ^"^^ 
for  a  little  before  he  confelfeth,  my  words  to  be  ^^'^^'t'hTwhoref 
Antichriftian  drunkennelfe  and  whoredome  is  to  he  cup  and  fame 
confefi:  of  all  fuch  as  have  drunk  of  the  Whores  cup,  ^i^' J'P'' y^J 
or  but  lipt  of  it.     In  which  words  I  plainly  diftin- 
guilh  between  fuch  as  have  drunk  deeper  of  her 
cup,  as  Papifts,   Popilli  Priefts,  &c.  and  fuch  as  in 
comparifon  have  but  lipt,  as  Gods  own  people,  who 
yet  by  fuch  lipping  have  been  fo  intoxicated,  as  to 
praftife  fpirituall  v/horedome  againft  Chrift  in  fub- 
mitting  to  falfe  Churches,  Miniftrie,  Worlhip,  Gfc. 
3 1  ]      Secondly,,  whereas  he  faith  every  lipping  of  a 
drunkards  cup  is  not  linfull. 

I  anfwere  :  neither  the  leaft  lipping,  nor  conftant 
drinking  out  of  the  cup  which  a  drunkard  ufeth  to 
drinke  in,  is  linfull :  but  every  drunken  lip  (which 
is  our  queftion)  is  queftionlelTe  linfull,  and  fo  con- 
fequently  to  be  avoyded  by  the  fober,  whether  the 
cup  of  corporall  or  fpirituall  drunkennes. 

CHAP.  XVIII. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Yea  but  (faith  he)  the  3000.  Jewes  Mr.  Cotton. 
were  admitted  when  they  repented  of  their  mur- 
thering  of  Chrift,  although  they  never  faw  all  the 
fuperftitious  leavenings  wherwith  the  Pharifees  had 


84 


Mr.  COTTONS  Lf//^r 


[368 


bewitched  them  :  and  fo  no  doubt  may  godly  per- 
fons  now,  although  they  be  not  yet  convinced  of 
every  paffage  of  Antichriftian  fuperftition,  &r.  and 
that  upon  this  ground,  that  fpirituall  whoredome 
and  drunkennelfe  is  not  fo  foon  difcerned  as  cor- 
porall. 

I  anfvver,  it  is  not  indeed  fo  ealily  difcerned,  and 
yet  not  the  lelfe  linfull,  but  infinitly  tranfcendent, 
as  much  as  fpirituall  fobriety  exceeds  corporall,  and 
the  bed  of  the  moft  high  God,  exceeds  the  beds  of 
men,  who  are  but  duft  and  aflies. 

Secondly,  I  anfwere  the  converted  Jews  although 

they  faw  not  all  the  leavenings  of  the  Pharifes,  yet 

tern  for  all  they  mourncd  for  killing  ot   Chrift,  and  embraced 

Chrijliai 
now. 


The  fir  ft 
Chriftians 
the  bejl  pat 


him  in  his  Worfliip  Miniftry,  Government,  and 
were  added  to  his  Church  :  and  O  that  the  leafl: 
beames  of  light  and  fparkles  of  heat  were  in  mine 
owne,  and  others  foules,  which  were  kindled  by 
the  holy  Spirit  of  God  in  thofe  famous  converts  at 
the  preaching  of  Peter,  ABs  2.  The  true  Chrift 
now  in  his  Worlliip,  Miniftrie,  ^c.  being  difcerned 
The  power  of  2s\dL^  repentance  for  perfecuting  and  killing  of  him, 
true  rfp''"-    being  expreft,  there  necelfarilv  follows  a  withdraw- 

tance  for  kil- .  p  r  '  »,•     -n  ,  tit       ,i   •  ,-     i 

ling  of  Chrift  ing  irom  the  Church,  Miniltry  and  VVorlhip  or  the 
falfe  Chrift,  and  fubmiffion  unto  the  true  :  and  this 
is  the  fumme  and  fubftance  of  our  contraverfie. 

Concerning  the  confeflion  of  finnes  unto  Io/jn,  he 
grants  the  Difciples  of  lo/j/i  confeft  their  fins,  the 
Publicans  theirs,  the  Souldiers  theirs,  the  people 
theirs,  but  faith  he,  it  appeares  not  that  they  con- 
feft their  Pharifaicall  pollution. 


Mr.  Cotton. 


369]  examined  and  anfwered.  85 

And  concerning  the  confeffion  A£is  19.  18.  he 
faith  it  is  not  exprefl:  that  they  confeft  all  their  deeds. 

Anf.  If  both  thefe  confeft  their  notorious  fins, 
(as  Mr.  Cotton  [32]  exprelfeth)  why  not  as  well  their 
notorious  finnes  againil  God,  their  Idolatries,  Super- 
ftitious  Worfliips,  ?Sc.  Surely  throughout  the  whole 
Scripture,  the  matters  of  God,  and  his  Worfliip  are 
firft  and  moft  tenderly  handled  ;  his  people  are  ever 
defcribed  by  the  title  of  his  Worihippers,  and  his 
enemies  by  the  title  of  Worfliippers  of  falfe  gods, 
and  worfliipping  the  true  after  a  falfe  manner ;  and 
to  prove  this  were  to  bring  forth  a  candle  to  the 
bright  Ihining  of  the  Sun  at  noon  day. 

CHAP.  XIX. 

His  third  anfwere  is  :  But  to  fatislie  you  more  Mr.  Cotton. 
fully  (and  the  Lord  make  you  willing  in  true  meek- 
neife  of  Spirit  to  receive  fatisfaftion)  the  body  of 
the  members  doe  in  generall  profeffe,  that  the  rea- 
fon  of  their  coming  over  to  us  was,  that  they  might 
be  freed  from  the  bondage  of  humane  Inventions 
and  Ordinances,  as  their  foules  groaned  under,  for 
which  al  fo  they  profelTe  their  hearty  forrow,  fo 
farre  as  through  ignorance  or  infirmitie  they  have 
bin  defiled.  Befide,  in  our  daily  meetings,  and  fpe- 
cially  in  the  times  of  our  folemne  Humiliations,  we 
generally  all  of  us  bewaile  all  our  former  pollutions, 
wherewith  we  have  defiled  our  felves  and  the  holy 
things  of  God,  in  our  former  adminiftrations  and 
communions  :  but  we  rather  choofe  to  doe  it  then 
talke  of  it ;   and  we  can   but  wonder  how  you  can 


86 


Mr.  COTTONS  Letter 


[37c 


Anfwer. 


How  can  a 
Joule  truly 
oppofe  Anti- 
chr'tjl,  that 
endures  not 
to  have  his 
name  quef- 
tioned. 


fo  boldly  and  refolutely  renounce  all  the  Churches 
of  God,  for  negledt  of  that  which  you  know  not 
whether  they  have  negledted  or  no,  and  before  you 
have  admonilhed  us  of  our  fintullnes  in  luch  negledl, 
if  it  be  found  amongft  us. 

I  anfwer  (with  humble  defires  to  the  Father  of 
Lights,  for  the  true  meeknes  and  wifdome  of  his 
Spirit)  here  is  mention  of  humane  Inventions  and 
Ordinances,  and  defiling  themfelvs  and  holy  things 
of  God  in  former  Adminiftrations,  and  Commun- 
ions, and  yet  no  mention  what  fuch  Inventions  and 
Ordinances,  what  fuch  Adminiftrations  and  Com- 
munions were :  We  rather  choofe  to  doe  it  (faith 
he)  then  to  talke  of  it,  which  makes  me  call  to 
mind,  an  expreffion  of  an  eminent  and  worthy  per- 
fon  amongft  them  In  a  folemne  conference,  viz. 
What  7ieed  we  Jpeake  of  Antichriji,  can  we  not  enjoy 
our  liberties  without  i?iveighing  againjl  Antichriji  ?  &c. 

The  truth  is,  I  acknowledge  their  witnes  againrt 
Ceremonies  and  Bifhops,  but  that  yet  they  fee  not 
the  evill  of  a  Nationall  Church  (notwithftanding 
they  conftitute  only  particular  [33]  and  indepen- 
dant]  let  their  conftant  pradlice  fpeake,  in  ftill  joyn- 
ing  with  fuch  Churches  and  Minifters  in  the  Ordi- 
nances of  the  Word  and  Prayer,  and  their  Perfecu- 
ting  ot  my  felfe  for  my  humble  and  faithfull,  and 
conftant  admoniihing  of  them,"'  of  fuch  unclean 


=3  "  It  is  one  notable  falfehood  to  fay 
that  he  did  conilantly  admonifh  either 
our  Elders  or  churches  ot  luch  an  offence; 
much  leile  humbly  and  faithfully.  If 
he  did  fo  admonish  us,  where  are  his 
witneffes  ?    His  letters  ?    His  meflingers 


fent  to  us  ?  Befides  it  is  another  falfehood, 
and  no  leffe  palpable,  that  we  did  perfe- 
cute  him  for  luch  admonifhing  of  us.  It 
hath  been  declared  above,  upon  what 
grounds  the  fentence  of  his  banilhment 
did  proceed ;  whereof  this  admonition 


371]  examined  and  an/wered.  87 

walking  between  a  particular  Church  (which  they  Mr.  Cotton 
only  profelTe  to  be  Chrifts)  and  a  Nationall,  which  '^"'{"(/""S  ": 
Mr.  Cotton  profelfeth  to  feparate  from."*  H'"//  chur'h 

But   how   could   I   poflibly   be   ignorant,  (as   he^^'/.K'  hah!- 
feemeth   to  charge  me)  of  their  ftate,  when  being  ^^f^;^''^^'"'''*'''* 
from  firft  to  laft  in  fellowihip  with  them,  an  Officer 
amongft  them,  had  private  and  publike  agitations 
concerning  their  ftate  and   condition,  with   all  or  imposfiblefor 
moft  cf  their  Minifters,  and  at  lafl  fuffred  for  {\xc\\t>'''  ""f^c^er 

dV.  1  I  •/-•  r  Tir-  to  be  itnorant 

moniKons  to    them,   the   milerie   01  a    Vvmters^^;.^,;;r 

Banifhment  amongft  the  Barbarians  :   and  yet  faith  'churcheftate 

he.  You   know   not  what  you   have   done,  neither '"^^'"•p/""' 

1  -11  /-  -     r   11  pretcndeth. 

have  you  admonilhed  us  or  our  Imrullnes. 

CHAP.  XX. 

Mr.  Cotton.  A  third  Scripture  which  I  produced  M'--  Cotton. 
was  Haggai  2.  13,  14,  15.  defiring  that  the  place 
might  be  throughly  weighed,  and  that  the  Lord 
might  pleafe  to  hold  the  fcales  himfelfe,  the  Prophet 
•there  telling  the  Church  of  the  Jewes,  that  if  a 
per/on  unclean  by  a  dead  body  touch  holy  things,  thofe 
holy  things  become  uncle a7ie  unto  thefn  ;  and  fo  faith 
he  is  this  Nation,  and  fo  is  every  work  of  their 
hands  and  that  which  they  offer  is  uncleane :  whence 
I  infer'd,  that  even  Church  Covenants  made,  and 
Ordinances  practiced  by  perlbns  polluted  through 
fpirituall  deadnes,  and  filthines  of  Communion,  fuch 

(which  he  pretendeth")  wasnone  of  them;  England   in    hearing   of   the    word    and 

neither   did   they   perfecute   him   at  all,  prayer  doth  not  argue  our  Church  com- 

who  did  fo  proceed  againll  him."     Cot-  munion  with  the  pariih  churches  in  Eng- 

ton's  Anfwer,  p.  loi.  land,    much     leil'e     with     the    nationall 

^  "Ourjoyning  with  the  minifters  of  Church."    Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  loi. 


88  Afr.  COTTONS  Letter  [372 

Covenants  and  Ordinances  become  uncleane  unto 
them,  and  are  prophaned  by  them. 

Mr.  Cotton  anfwers,  Your  purpofe  was  to  prove 
that  Churches  cannot  be  conftituted  by  fuch  perlons 
as  are  unclean  by  Antichriftian  pollutions,  or  if  they 
be  lo  conftituted  they  are  not  to  be  communicated 
with,  but  feparated  from:  But  the  Prophet  acknowl- 
edgeth  the  whole  Church  of  the  Jews  to  be  unclean, 
and  yet  neither  denies  them  to  be  a  Church  truly 
conftituted,  nor  ftirs  up  himfelfe  or  others  to  fepa- 
rate  from  them. 

Anf.  I  acknowledge  the  true  conftitution  of 
the  Church  of  the  Jews,  and  affirm  that  this  their 
true  conftitution  was  the  reafon  why  they  were  not 
The  Church  to  be  feparated  from  :  for  being  |  34]  a  Nationall 
al^ltioTall  Church,  ceremoniall  and  typicall  their  Excommu- 
Cburch  truly  n\z-AX\ox\  was  either  putting  to  death  in,  or  captivitie 
conftituted,    q^,.  q£  ^^^  ccremoniall  Canaan.    Hence  SalmanalTars 

thcrfore  not  .  ,  _,   .,  .  ,-     i  •     t         j     • 

tobeefepa-    carrymg  the  10  1  ribes  captive  out  01  this  Land,  is 
rated  from,    faid  to  be  the  cafting  of  them  out  of  Gods  fight,  2 

Kings  I  J.  which  was  their  Excommunication. 
Death  and         Accordingly  in  the  particular  Chriftian  Churches, 
captk'ity  in    Chrift    Tefus  cuts  off"  by  fpirituall   death,  which  is 

the  nationall  ^^  •'         .        .  J      ^  ,-   ,  •  r 

church  tsped  Excommunication,  or  for  want  of  due  execution  or 
out  Spiritual  Juftice  by  that  Ordinance  in  his  Kingdome,  he  fells 
"^ff^' ^^""l^the  Church  into  fpirituall  captivitie,  to  confufed 
particular.  (Babylonilh)  Lords,  and  Worlhips,  and  fo  drives 
them  out  of  his  fight. 

Now  from  the  confequent  of  this  place  in  Haggai, 
mine  argument  flands  good ;  and  Mr.  Cotton  here 
acknowledgeth  it,  that  holy  things  may  be  all  uncleane 
to  Gods  people,  when  they  lie  in  their  uncleannes. 


373]  examined  and  anfwered.  89 

as  this  people  did.     Thofe  Scriptures,  Levit.  1 6.  &  Ceremoniall 
Numbers  i  o.  which  difcourfe  of  typicall  and  Cere-  ""'f""''!'' 

•    11  1  ,-r      1  1  111  tn  the  natto- 

moniall  uncleanneile,  he  acknowledgetn  to  type  o\x\.naii  church 
in  the  Gofpel  the  Morall  uncleannes  either  of  dead'yp'''^  <""  "">- 
works,  Ephef.  5.  1 1.  or  dead perfons,  2  Cor.  6.  14.  or^^yr.  //,^"' 
dead  world.  Gal.  6.  14.  and  in  this  place  oi  Haggai, particular. 
he  acknowledges   that   Gods   people.    Prince    and 
people,  were  defiled  by  worldlines,  in  which  con- 
dition (faith  he)  their  oblations,  their  bodily  labours, 
were  all   uncleane,  and  found  neither  acceptance 
nor  bleffing  from  the  Lord. 

Therfore  faith  he  afterward :  In  the  Church 
godly  Chriftians  themfelves,  while  they  attend  tc 
the  world  more  then  to  the  things  of  God,  are 
uncleane  in  the  light  of  God  :  therfore  the  Church 
cannot  be  constituted  of  fuch  ;  or  if  it  be  conftitute 
of  fuch,  the  people  of  God  muft  feparate  from  them. 
And  laftly,  he  faith,  the  Church  of  Chrift  and 
members  therof  muft  feparate  themfelves  from  their 
hypocrifie,  and  worldlynes,  els  they  and  their  duties 
will  be  unclean  in  the  fight  of  God,  notwithftand- 
ing  their  Church  eftate. 

Ayif.  What  have  I  more  fpoken  then  Mr.  Cot- 
ton himfelfe  hath  uttered  in  this  his  explication  and 
application  of  this  Scripture  ?  As 

Firft,  that  godly  perfons  may  become  defiled  and 
unclean  by  hypocrifie  and  worldlines. 

Secondly,  while  they  lie  in  fuch  a  condition  of 
uncleannes  [35J  all  their  off^erings,  perfons,  labours  Mr.  Cottons 
are  unclean  in  the  fight  of  God,  and  have  neither''"'" '""■^'^A'- 

„o  '_  on  concerning 

acceptance  nor  blelhng  from   hmi  :  but   they  anda«cA'd»  wor- 
C12 


90  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [374 

jhips  even  of  their  duties  are  unclean  in  his  fight,  notwithftand- 
godlyperfons.{^^  their  Church  eftate. 

Thirdly,  the  Church  of  Chrift  cannot  be  con- 
ftituted  of  fuch  godly  perfons,  when  defiled  with 
fuch  worldlinefTe. 

Fourthly,  the  Church  confifting  of  fuch  worldly 
perfons  (though  otherwife  godly  and  Chriftian)  the 
people  of  God  mull:  feparate  from  them. 
Inferences         Thefe  are  Mr.  Cottons  owne  expreife  words  which 

from  Mafter  :     n -r      . 
Cottons granti^^^^^^  • 

Firft  my  former  diftinftion  of  godly  perfons  in 
their  perfonall  refpedl,  between  God  and  themfelves; 
and  yet  becoming  ungodly  in  their  outward  defile- 
ments. 

Secondly,  they  juftifie  my  aflertion  of  a  neceffitie 
of  cleanfing  from  Antichriftian  filthines  and  com- 
munions with  dead  works,  dead  worfliips,  dead 
perfons  in  Gods  worfliip,  if  the  touches  of  the  dead 
world,  or  immoderate  love  of  it  doe  fo  defile,  as 
Mr.  Cotton  here  affirmeth. 

Thirdly,  if  (as  he  faith)  the  Church  cannot  be 
conftituted  of  fuch  godly  perfons  as  are  defiled  by 
immoderate  love  of  the  world,  much  lelle  can  it  be 
conftituted  of  godly  perfons  defiled  with  the  dead 
Inventions,  Worfhips  Communions  of  unregenerate 
and  ungodly  perfons. 

Fourthly,  he  juftifies  a  feparation  from  fuch 
Churches,  if  fo  conftituted,  or  fo  conftituting, 
becaufe  though  worldlines  be  Adulterie  againll:  God, 
y antes  4.  yet  not  comparable  to  fpirituall  Adultery 
of  a  falfe  bed  of  Worlhip,  Miniftrie,  &c. 


375]  exajTuned  and  anfwered.  91 

CHAP.  XXI. 

Mr.  Cotton  proceedeth.  The  fecond  ftumbling 
block  or  offence  which  you  have  taken  at  the  way 
of  thefe  Churches,  is  that  you  conceive  us  to  walk 
between  Chrift  and  Antichrift.  Firft  in  prad:iling 
reparation  here,  and  not  repenting  of  our  preach- 
ing and  Printing  againft  it  in  our  own  Countrie. 
Secondly,  in  reproaching  your  felfe  at  Salem,  and 
others  for  feparation.  Thirdly  in  particular,  that 
my  felfe  have  conceived  and  fpoken,  that  feparation 
is  a  way  that  God  hath  not  profpered  :  yet  fay  you, 
the  truth  of  the  Churches  way  depends  not  upon 
the  countenance  ot  men,  or  upon  outward  peace 
and  liberty. 

Unto  this  he  anfwers,  that  they  halt  not,  but 
walke  in  the  [36]  mid'il:  of  2  extreames,  the  one  of 
being  defiled  with  the  pollution  of  other  Churches, 
the  other  of  renouncing  the  Churches  for  the  rem- 
nant of  Pollutions. 

This  moderation  he  (with  ingenuous  moderation) 
profeffeth  he  fees  no  caufe  to  repent  of,  &c. 

Anf.  With  the  Lords  gracious  affiftance,  we  fliall 
prove  this  middle  walking  to  be  no  lelfe  then  halt- 
ing, for  which  we  fhall  Ihew  caufe  of  repentance, 
befeeching  him  that  is  a  Prince  and  a  Saviour  to 
give  repentance  unto  his  IJrael,  ABs,  5.  3. 

Firft  Mr.  Cotton  himfelfe  confelfeth,  that  no 
Nationall,  Provinciall,  Diocefan,  or  Parifh  Church 
(wherin  fome  truly  godly  are  not)  are  true  Churches. 
Secondly,  he  praftifeth  no  Church  eftate,  but  fuch 
as  is  conftituted  only  of  godly  perfons,  nor  admit- 


92  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [376 

teth  any  unregenerate  or  ungodly  perfon."^  Thirdly, 
he  contelTeth  a  Church  of  Chrift  cannot  be  confti- 
tuted  of  fuch  godly  perfons,  who  are  in  bondage  to 
the  inordinate  love  of  the  world.  Fourthly,  if  a 
Church  confift  of  fuch,  Gods  people  ought  to  fepa- 
rate  from  them. 
Mr.  Cotton  Upon  thefe  his  owne  confeflions,  I  earneftly 
r;»r/f«««/«£5fbefeech  Mr.  Cottofi  and  all  that  feare  God  to  pon- 

mmceth  the      .         .  ,  r       \  11  •   1  r 

roote,  maffe  der  how  he  can  lay  he  walks  with  an  even  root 
/jW/a^y/tf/rff  between  2  extreams,  when  according  to  his  own 
"■^/^'.'"'"r confeffion,  Nationall   Churches,   PariOi   Churches, 

of  national  /^i  i  i-  i       -         n  -  • 

churches,  yea  a  Church  conitituted  ot  godly  perfons  given  to 
which  he  ac-  inordinate  love  ot  the  world,  are  falfe  and  to  be  fep- 
i"l^^^^'_zrzt.ed  from  :  and  yet  he  will  not  have  the  Parilh 
erate.  not  yet  Church  to  be  feparated  from,  for  the  remnant  of 
born  again,    pollution   (I   conceive  he  meaneth    ceremonies   & 

by  naming      C,.^  ^^  •it         i-  i  i 

onely  a  rem-  Bilhops)    notwithltanding   that   he   alio   acknowl- 

nant  of  pollu- tdgeih,  that  the  generality  of  every  Parilh  in  £«^- 

/tfWconfirteth  of  unregenerate  perfons,  and  of  thou- 

fands  inbondaged,  not  only  to  worldlines,  but  alfo 

ignorance,  fuperftition,  fcoffing,  fwearing,  curling, 

whoredome,  drunkenneife,  theft,  lying.     What  are 

2.  or  3.  or  more  ot  regenerate  and  godly  perfons  in 

fuch  communions,  but  as  2  or  3  Roles  or  Lillies  in 

The  ejhiteof2i  wildemelfe  .''  a  few  grains  of  good  corne  in  a  heap 

the  godly      q£  chaffe  .?  a  few  fheep  amone  heards  of  Wolves  or 

mingled  with  „      .  ,.  .-  •    •  1 1  \    n       i  r   r^  -,  i  •     i 

the  ungodly    owine,  or  (it  more  civiU)  nocks  ot  Goats  .^  a  httle 

in  worjhips.  good  dough  fwallowed  up  with  a  whole  bulhell  of 

leaven  1  or  a  little  precious  gold  confounded  and 

=5  "And  fure  I  am,  we  looke  at  infants     that  all  of  them  are  regenerate,  or  truly 
as  members   of  our   Church,   (as   being     godly."     Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  108. 
foedurally  holy)  but  I  am  flow  to  beleeve 


377]  exammed  and  anfivered.  93 

mingled  with  a  whole  heap  of  drolTe  ?  The  Searcher 

of  all  Hearts  knowes  I  write  not  this  to   reproach 

any,  knowing  that  my  felfe  am  by  nature  a  child  of 

wrath,  and  that  the  father  of  mercies  fliews  ttiercy 

37]  to  whofji  and  when  he  will :   but  for  the  Name  The  jhue  of 

of  Chrifl:  Jefus,  in  loving  faith fulhies  to  my  Co^^-7^l\i"f"ihJir 

trymens  foules,  and  defence  oi  truth,  I  remember  my  covered  unto 

worthy  adverfary  of  that  ftate  and  condition,  from  '^■''■''"• 

which    his   confellions   fay   he    muft   feparate,   his 

pradiife  in  gathering  of  Churches  feemes  to  fay  he 

doth  feparate ;  and  yet  he  profeffeth  there  are  but 

fome  remnants  ot  pollution  amongfl:  them  for  which 

he  dares  not  feparate/'' 

CHAP.  XXII. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Secondly  (faith  he)  I  know  no  man 
that  reproacheth  Salem  for  their  feparation,  nor  doe 
I  beleeve  that  they  doe  feparate,  howfoever  if  any 
do  reproach  them  for  it,  I  think  it  a  fin  meet  to 
be  cenfured,  but  not  with  fo  deep  a  cenfure  as  to 
Excommunicate  all  the  Churches,  or  to  feparate 
from  them  before  it  doe  appeare  that  they  doe  tol- 
lerate  their  members  in  fuch  their  caufeles  reproach- 
ings  :   We  confeffe  the  errors  of  men  are  to  be  con- 

26  «  Yor  he  knoweth  we  wholly  avoyde  thofe  notorious  evills  (which  he  nameth) 

nationall,  provinciall,  and   diocefan  gov-  llill  continuing  in  the   parifhes,  worldli- 

ernment  of  the   churches   by  Epifcopall  nefle,    ignorance,    fuperftition,    fcoffing, 

authority.      He  knoweth  alio  we  avoyde  fwearing,  curfing,  whoredome,  drunken- 

their  prefcript  liturgies,  and  communion  nefle,  theft,  lying,  I  may  adde  alfo  mur- 

with  openly   fcandalous   perfons   in   any  ther,    and   malignity   againft   the   godly, 

church    order.       He   knoweth   likewife,  fufFered    to    thrull   themfelves    into    the 

(or  at  leall  may  know)  that   it   is  a  con-  fellowfhip   of  the   churches,   and   to    fit 

tinuall  forrow  of  heart,  and  a   mourning  downe   with   the    Saints  at    the    Lord's 

of  our  foules,  that  there  is  yet  fo  much  of  table."   Cotton's  Anlwer,  p.  109. 


94  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [378 

tended  againft,  not  with  reproaches,  but  the  Sword 
of  the  Spirit :  but  on  the  other  fide,  the  fayUngs  of 
the  Churches  are  not  forthwith  to  be  healed  by 
feparation.  It  is  not  chyrurgery  but  butcherie  to 
heale  every  fore  in  a  member  with  no  other  but 
abfcifion  from  the  body. 

^nf.  The  Church  of  Salem  was  known  to  profes 
feparation,  and  was  generally  and  publikely  reproach- 
ed (and  I  could  mencion  a  cafe  wherin  Ihe  was  pun- 
iflied)  for  it  implicitly/' 

Mr.  Cotton  here  confefleth  thefe  2  things,  which 

Mr.  Cotton   (I  leave  to  himfelfe  to  reconcile,  with  his  former 

feemesto  tee  profeffion    here  and  elfewhere    againft  feparation. 

yet  agiii'tiji     Fifft  (faith  he)  if  any  reproach  them  for  feparation 

Separation,     it  is  a  fin   meet  to  be   cenfured.      Secondly,   the 

Churches  themfelves  may  be  feparated  from,  who 

tolerate  their  members  in  fuch  caufeles  reproach- 

ings.     In  thefe  later  paifages  he  feems  (as  in  other 

his  confeffions  and  pradtifes  mentioned)  to  be  for  it, 

fenfible  of  fliame,  difgrace  or  reproach  to  be  caft  on  it. 

Mr.  Cottons       \  grant  with  him  the  failings  of  Churches  are  not 

Tons^ire/af-^^^^^^'^^^   to  be  healed  by  feparation,  yet  himfelf 

/cient  an-     withiu  a  few  Hncs  confelfeth  there  is  a  lawfull  fep- 

fwen  to  him-  aration  from  Churches,  that  doe  but  tollerate  their 

members  m  cauleles  reproaches. 

I  confelfe  alfo  that  it  is  not  chyrurgerie  but  butch- 
erie, to  heale  every  fore  with  no  other  medicine  but 

'7  Mr.  Williams  probably  refers  to  the  had  chofen  Mr.  Williams  their  teacher, 

refufal  by  the  General  Court  to  liften  to  while  he  Hood  under  quellion  of  authority 

a  petition   from   Salem   relative   to  feme  and  fo  offered  contempt  to  the  magillrates, 

land    in   Marblehead   Neck  which   was  &c.  their  petition  was  refufed."  The  land 

claimed  as  belonging  to  that  town.    But  in  queilion  was  granted  to  Salem  after  Mr. 

according   to  Winthrop,  "  bccaufe  they  Williams  was  baniftied.    Knowlcs,  p.  70. 


379]  examined  and  anfwered.  95 

with  abfcifion  from  the  body :  yet  himfelfe  con- 
felTeth  before,  that  even  Churches  of  godly  perfons 
muft  be  feparated  from,  for  immoderate  [38]  world-  Not  for  a 
lines  :  And  again  here   he  confelfeth  they  may  he.-^""  oftnfir. 
leparated  from,  when  they  tolerate  their  members ^sr^y?,.  ar^<2»- 
in  fuch  their  caufeles  reproachings.     Befide,  it  is^';'"^.?/""^- 
not  every  fore  of  iniirmitie  or  ignorance,  but  ^^  Jper/L^itobe 
Ulcer  or  Gangrene  of  Obftinacy,  for  which  I  main-  cut  of. 
tained  that  a  perfon  ought  to  be  cut  off,  or  a  Church 
feparated  from.    But  if  he  call  that  butcherie,  con- 
fciencioufly  and  peaceably  to  feparate  from  a  fpirit- 
uall  communion  of  a  Church  or  focietie,  what  fhall  Mr.  Cotton 
it  be  called  by  the  fecond  ^^^;;^  the  Lord  Jefus'^^^'^^^f  f-^, 

/      1  •  11  J      n      rL-  \         ofcruelt-jboth 

(who  gives  names  to  all  creatures  and  all  aclionsj  to  againjl  con- 
cut  off  perfons,  them  and  theirs,  branch  and  root, '"^'"''^ /'"'' 
from  any  civill  being  in  their  territories ;  and  con- y°^^"/-J" ^S'^' 
fequently  from   the  whole  world  (were  their  terri-tbem, yet  cries 
tories  fo  large)  becaufe  their  confciences  dare  not  "If  "S"'"/ 
bow  down  to  any  worlhip,  but  what  they  beleeve^;,^^  oy-a'^^^ 
the  Lord  Jefus  appointed,  and  being  alfo  otherwife/''«'<'''"'^ '" 
fubjedt  to  the  civill  Hate  and  Laws  thereof/^  l/cfri^!^ 

CHAP.  XXIII. 

Thirdly,  wheras  I  urged  a  fpeech  of  his  own,  viz. 
that  God  had  not  profpered  the  way  of  feparation, 
and  conceives  that  I  underflood  him  of  outward 
profperitie.     He  affirms  the  Puritans  to  have  been 

^^  "His  baniftiment  proceeded  not  againft  the   churches,   whereof  the  magiftrates 

him    or   his   for  his  own  refufall  of  any  were    members,    for    deferring    to    give 

worfhip,    but    for    feditious     oppofition  prefent  anfwer   to    a  petition  of  Salem, 

againll  the  Patent,  and  againll  the  oath  of  who  had  refufed   to  harken   to  a  lawfull 

fidelity  offered  to  the  people  ;"  *  *  *  he  motion  of  theirs."    Cotton's  Anfwer,  p. 

"alfo  wrote  letters  of  admonition  to  all  113. 


96  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [380 

worfe  ufed  in  Englatid  then  the  Separatift,  &  thus 

writes :    The   meeting  of  the   Separatifts   may  be 

known  to  the  Officers  in  Court  and  winked  at, 

when  the  Conventicles  of  the  Puritans  (as  they  call 

them)  lliall  be  hunted  out  with  all   diligence,  and 

purfuedwith  more  violence  then  any  Lawcanjuftifie, 

Anf.   Doubtles  the  contraverlie  of  God  hath  bin 

GoJs  contro-  great  with  this  Land,  that  either  of  both  have  been 

I'crftcforpcr-  ^^  violently  purfued  and  perfecuted  :   I  beleeve  they 

are  both   the  WitneiTes  of  feverall   truths  of  Jefus 

Chrift,  againft  an  impenitent  and  unchriftian  pro- 

feffion  of  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jefus. 

The fuffrings      Now  for  their  fuffrings :   As  the   Puritans  have 

ti/is' and"p'u-^^^  Comparably  fuffred,  (as  but  feldome  congrega- 

riians  in       ting  in  feparate  alfemblies  from   the  common)  fo 

Er,gi<2nd com-Y^^^Q  uot  any  of  them  fuffred   unto  death  for  the 

Mr.'vdtilL   way  of  Non-contormitie  to  Ceremonies,  G^c.   Indeed 

Mr.  Prnry,  the  worthy  witnes  Mr.  Fdall"'  was  neere  unto  death 

^Mr^G7''-7'  ^^^  ^^^  witnes  againft  Biftiops  and  Ceremonies  :  but 

wood.  Mr.  Penry,  Mr.  Barrow,   Mr.  Green'wood^°  followed 

^9  John  Udal,  an  eminent  nonconfor-  friends.  Penry  became  the  chief  man- 
mill  divine  of  the  fixteenth  century.  He  ager  of  a  Puritan  prcfs.  Barrow  was  the 
had  been  frequently  filenced  and  impri-  leader  of  the  Independents  or  Brownifts, 
foned,  and  at  lall  was  condemned  to  die  likewife  called  after  him,  Barrowifts. 
for  writing  a  book  entitled  "The  Demon-  "Between  the  years  I  580  and  1593," 
ftration  of  Difcipline."  His  death  occur-  fays  Underhill, "the  Brownillsmultiplied 
red  while  in  confinement,  in  the  latter  greatly  ;  fo  much  fo,  that  Sir  Walter 
part  of  the  year  I  592.  Hopkins's  "Puri-  Raleigh  Hated  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
tans  and  Queen  Elizabeth."  Underhill  perhaps  foniewhat  at  random,  that  there 
ftates  that  Udal  had  beenaTutorto  Queen  were  not  lefs  than  twenty  thoufand  of 
Elizabeth  in  the  learned  languages,  but  them.  Thev  were  divided  into  feveral 
we  find  no  mention  of  this  fact  by  Hop-  congregations  in  Norfolk,  Eflex,  and 
kins,  or  by  Strype  in  his  "Annals."  London.       Mr.  Henry  Barrow  and  Mr. 

3°  Udal,  Penry,  Barrow  and  Greenwood  John  Greenwood,  were  at  this  time  two 

had  been  fellow  Collegians  at  Cambridge  of   their    moll    eminent    minifters.      In 

Univerfity,  and  they  were  very  intimate  1586,  they  were  fummoned  before  Arch- 


381]  examined  and  anfwered.  97 

the  Lord  Jefus  with  their  Gibbets  on  their  fhoul- 
ders,  and  were  hanged  with  him  and  for  him,  in 
the  way  of  feparation  :  many  more  have  been  con- 
demned to  die,  baniflied  and  choaked  in  prifons,  I 
could  produce  upon  occafion. 

39]      Again,  I  beleeve  that  there  hardly  hath  ever  Fe'^  ""fi'f"- 
been  a  confcientious  Seperatift,  who  was  not  firft  ^tiflsbutjrj} 
Puritan :  for  (as  Mr.  Can  hath  unanlwerably  proved)^'  were  Puri- 
the  grounds  and  principles  of  the   Puritans  again  ft '"''•'• 
Bilhops  and  Ceremonies,  and  prophanes  of  people 
profefling  Chrift,  and  the  neceflitie  of  Chrifts  flock  The  Non- 
and  difcipline,  muft  necelfarily,  if  truely  followed, '■"■^/"''f'^^-' 

11  ^  ■     r  r  •         c  /•!_  grounds  in- 

lead  on  to,  and  inrorce  a  leparation  rrom  lucn  ^'i^'^^i>,  forcefepara- 
worfliips,  and  Worfhippers,  to  feek  out  the  true/'o». 
way  of  Gods  worftiip  according  to  Chrift  Jefus. 

But  what  fhould  be  the  reafon,  (fince  the  fepara- 
tift  witnelfeth  againft  the  root  of  the  Church  con- 
ftitution  it  lelfe,  that  yet  he  ftiould  find  (as  Mr.  Cot- 
ton faith)  more  favour  then  the  Puritan  or  Non- 
conformift  ? 

Doubtles  the  reafons  are  evident :   Firft  moft  of  3/^^  ^,^^ 
Gods  fervants  who  out  of  fight  of  the  ignorance, /^/^-^'-^/'o'^?/' 

bifhop  Whitgift.  For  a  time  releafed  policy  and  power  had  blinded  to  the  true 
on  bond,  they  continued  their  zealous  nature  of  the  Kingdom  of  Chrift."  Hif- 
labors,  and  were  again  committed  to  the  torical  Introduftion  to  "  The  Broadmead 
Fleet  in  1588.  After  fufFering  much  Records."  p.  xxxviii. 
injuftice  and  cruelty,  during  five  years  3'  In  "A  Neceflitie  of  Separation  from 
confinement  in  gaol,  they  were  executed  the  Church  of  England  proved  by  the 
at  Tyburn,  in  the  year  1593.  About  Nonconformifts'  Principles,"  &c.  "By 
fix  weeks  after,  Mr.  John  Penry,  for  the  John  Canne,  Paftor  of  the  Ancient  En- 
fame  crime,  forfeited  his  life  upon  the  glifli  Church  in  Amfterdam,"  1634,  4to. 
fcaffbld.  The  fidelity  and  loyalty  to  the  pp.  264.  This  important  work  was  re- 
queen  of  thefe  fufferers  for  caufe  of  con-  publifhed  in  1849  by  the  Hanferd  Knol- 
fcience  are  beyond  all  queftion  ;  their  lys  Society.  The  author  had  been  a 
ignominious  deaths  were  a  facrifice  to  the  minifter  in  the  Eftablifhed  Church,  and 
unholy  zeal  of  prelates,  whom  worldly  was  a  man  of  varied  and  extenfive  learning. 
C13 


98  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [382 

the  lower  fort  unbeliefe  and  prophanes  of  the  body  of  the  Nationall 

Church,  have  feparated  and  durft  not  have  longer 

fellowfliip  with  it ;   I  fay  moft  of  them  have  been 

poore  and  low,  and  not  fuch  gainfull  cuftomers  to 

the  Bifliops,  their  Courts  and  Officers. 

The  poverty       That  Worthy  inftrument  of  Chrifts  praife  Mr. 

of  Mr.  Ainf-  Airifworth^"  during  fome  time  (and  fome  time  of 

^l^'-Noni:      ^'^  great  labours  in  Holland)  lived  upon  9.  d.  per 

formijis  /.rff^week  with  roots  boiled,  ?s!c.    Wheras  on  the  other 

been  afiire  flje  fuch  of  Gods  fervants  as  have  been  Non-con- 

BijlopL  ^'  formifts  have  had  faire  eftates,  been  great  perfons, 

have  had  rich  livings  and  benefices,  of  which  the 

Bifhops  and  theirs  (like  greedie  Wolves)  have  made 

the  more  defirable  prey. 

The  Separa-       Secondly,  it  is  a  principle  in  nature  to  preferre  a 

tip  have      profelfed  enemie,  before  a  pretended  friend.     Such 

been profef/ear  '  i         ^  i        i  11       r>-n 

enemies,  but  ^s  have  leparated,  nave  been  lookt  at  by  the  isilhops 
the  Puritans  and  theirs,  as  known  and  profeifed  enemies  :  wheras 
'thinzs^pro-    ^^^  Puritaus  profeft  fubjedlion,  and  have  fubmitted 
feffed friends t.o  the  Bilhops,  their  Courts,  their  Officers,  their 
^■^^4/^'^^ '"  Common    Prayer  and   Worfliips,  and  yet  (as  the 
Bifliops  have  well  known)  with  no  greater  affediion, 
then  the  Ifraelites  bare  their  Egyptian  cruel  Task- 
mafters. 
Mr.  Cotton.       He  faith,  God  hath  not  profpered  the  way  of  Sep- 
aration with  peace  amongft  themfelves  and  growth 
of  Grace. 

3'  Henry  Ainfworth,  the  moft  eminent  perfecutions.     In  the  earlier  part  of  his 

of  the    Brownifts,   and   the   author  of  a  exile,  in  common  with  Johnlon  and  the 

very  learned  Commentary  on  the  Penta-  other  Scparatifts,  he  was  expofed  to  great 

teuch  and  Canticles,  and  alio  of  Annota-  pecuniary  ftraits  and  difficulties.   He  died 

tions    on    the    Pfalms.     He   joined   the  in  1622. 
Brownifts  in    1590,  and  fliared  in  their 


383]  examined  and  anfivered.  99 

Anf.  The  want  of  peace  may  befall  the  trueft 
Churches  of  the  Lord  Jefus  at  Antioch,  Corinth, 
Galatia,  who  were  exercifed  with  great  diftradlions. 
Secondly,  it  is  a  common  character  of  a  falfe  Church, 
maintained  by  the  Smiths  and  Cutlers  Shop,  [40]  to^/"^^ 
enjoy  a  quiet  calme  and  peaceable  tranquility,  none  ^ J^'^'^^  J^-^^_ 
daring  for  feare  of  civill  punifhment,  to  c[\i.&{Won,  fent  greater 
obied:,  or  differ  from  the  common  roade  and  cuf-  '^t'^°''gh  faife 
tome.    Thus  nngs  that  great  Whore  the  Antichril- ,/v  true 
tian   Church,  Revel.  18,/  Jit  as  a  ^een,   atn   no  spoufi  of 
Widow,  fee  no  forrow,  while  Chrifts  deareft  com-     "•'    ^''^' 
plaines,  Jlie  is  forfaken,fits  weeping  as  a  Widow,  Lam. 
I.     Thirdly,  Gods  people  in  that  way,  have  fom- 
times  long  enjoyed  fweet  peace  and  foul  content- 
ment in  England,  Holland,  New  England,  and  other 
places,  and  would  not  have  exchanged  a  day  of  fuch 
an  holy  and  peaceable  harmonic  for  thoufands  in 
the  Courts  of  Princes,  feeing  no  other,  and  in  lin- 
ceritie  feeking  after  the   Lord  Jefus.     And  yet  I 
humbly  conceive,  that  as  D^w^  with  the  Princes  ^j'^^  ^^^^j^ J 
and  30  thoufand  Ifraelites,  carrying  the  Ark  on  the.  infnit  fweet- 
Ihoulders  of  the  Oxen,  leaped  and  danced  with  great  ""."""'^.^'"'^ 
rejoycing,  untill   God  fmote  Vzzah  for  his  Error '^y/j^^-^ '/^u 
and   Diforder,  and  made  a  breach,  and  a  teaching '■o^^'^union. 
Monument  of  Perez  Vzzah,  the  breach  of  Vzzah :  l[[l'l"^ 
So  in  like  manner  all  thofe  celebrations  of  the  fpirit-  and  mujl  be 
uall  Arke  or  Ordinances,  which  yet  I  have  know,  "'""''^  "^^ 
although  for  the  prefent  accompanied  with  g"^^^^ to  make^tLm 
rejoycing  and  tryumphing ;  yet,  as  they  have  not  celebrate  the 
been  after  the  Due  Order,  fo  have  they  all  met  with  ^^"^^^'^^''^J' 
and  ftill  muft  a  Perez  Vzzah,  breaches  and  Divifions,  according  to 
untill  the  Lord  Jefus  difcover,  dired:  and  incourage'*'*^  »'■'<'<''■• 


loo  Mr.  COTTONS  Lefter  [384 

his  fervants  in  his  own  due  holy  Order  and  appoint- 
ment.    And  for  growth  in  Grace,  notwithftanding 
that  amongft  all  forts  of  Gods  Witneifes,  fome  falfe 
"^any  ^''''^'•- brethren  creep  in  as  cheaters  and  fpies,  and  Judalfes, 
«iwL?)i  Gl'iidi'1^0"0"''i"g  the  name  of  Chrift  Jefus,  and  betray- 
people.  ing  his  Witneifes  :   yet  Sathan  himfelfe  the  accufer 

of  the  Saints,  cannot  but  confelfe  that  multitudes  of 
Gods  Witneifes   (reproached   with    the    names   of 
Browniifs,  and  Anabaptifts)  have  kept  themfelves 
from  the  error  ot  the  wicked,  and  grow   in   grace 
and  knowledge  of  the  Lord  Jefus,  en  devouring  to 
Multitudes  o/clenfe  themfelves  from  all  filthines  both  of  fefi  and 
gracious  and  fptrtt,  a7id  to  finijh  hoHues  171  the  feare  of  God.   I  will 
oy  perjons   ^^^  niake  odious  and  envious  compariions,  but  delire 

that  have  /-      /       t-         ;  • 

profejfed  Se-  that  all   that  naf/ie  the  name  of  the  Lord  lejus  may 
pcration        depart  wholly  and  for  ever  from  iniquity. 

CHAP.  XXIIII. 

M.  Cotton,        Laftly  he  addeth.  That  fuch  as  erring  through 

fimplicitie  and  tendernes,  have  grown  in  grace,  have 

grown  alfo  to  difcern  their  lawfull  liberty  in  the 

hearing  of  the  Word  from  Englilh  preachers.^' 

41]  ^nf  I  will  not  queilion  the  uprightnes  of  fome, 

ba'ck-jliders^'^^  havc  goue  back  from   many  truths  of  God 

from  St  para- y^\\ich.   they  havc  protei]ed :   yet  mine  own  expe- 

I'ortfurfrorr,^-^^^^^  of  A  lorts  who  have  backiliden,  I  ihall  report, 

grace.  for  a  warning  to  all  into  whoie  hands  thele  may 

33  ««  This  I  fpeak  with   refpeft   to  Mr.  courfe  to  approve  and  defend,  the  lawful 

Robinfon,  and  to   his   church,   who,   as  liberty   of  hearing   the   word   from   the 

he  grew  to  many  excellent  gifts  both  of  godly  preachers  of  the  parilhes  in  Eng- 

grace  and  nature,  fo  he  grew  to  acknowl-  land."     Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  123. 
edge,  and  in  a  judicious  and   godly  dif- 


385]  examined  and  anfwered.  loi 

come,  to  be  like  Antipas  {Revel.  2.)  ^.fait/jfull  wit- 
nejfe  to  the  death,  to  any  of  the  truths  of  the  Lord 
Jefus,  which  he  fhall  pleafe  to  be  truft  them  with : 

Firft  I  have  known  no  fmall  number  of  fuch  torn  ^""'^  ^"'i^- 
to  abfolute  FamiHfme,  and  under  their  pretences  '^'^ toFammme. 
great  raptures  of  Love,  deny  all  obedience  to,  or 
feeking  after  the  pure  Ordinances  and  appointments 
of  the  Lord  Jefus. 

Secondly,  others  have  laid  the  raines  upon  x}[\&  Some  to  pro- 
necks  of  their  confciences,  and  like  the  Dog,  lickt^'^'"'^' 
up  their  vomit  of  former  loofnes  and  prophanes  of 
lip  and  life ;  and  have  been  fo  farre  from  growing 
in  grace,  that  they  have  turned  the  grace  ot  God 
into  wantonnes. 

Thirdly,  others  backfliding  have  loft  the  beautie  5;,^^ /^  ^,.r- 
and  ihining  of  a  tender  confcience  toward  God,  and 7'"''^"''',?  "f 
of  a  mercifull  compaflion  toward  men,  becomming"'  ''''' 
moft  fierce  perfecutors  of  their  own  formerly  fellow 
witnelles,  and  of  any  other  who  have  differed  in 
confcience  from  them. 

Laftly,  others  although  preferved  from  Familifme,  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 
prophanes  and  perfecuting  of  others,  yet  the  leafe^aZ/Z-zV^  in 
of  their  Chriftian  courfe  hath  withered,  the  \zter  f°''^''"'J"j, 
beautie  and  favour  of  their  holines  hath   not  been"'* 
like   their   former ;  and   they  have  confeft   &  do, 
their  fin,  their  weaknes,  their  bondage,  and  wifh 
they  were  at  liberty  in  their  former  freedom  :   and 
fome  have  gone  with  little  peace,  but  forrow   to 
their  graves,  confeffing  to  my  felfe  and  others,  t/jat 
God  never  profpered  them  in  foule  or  body,  Jince  they 
fold  away  his  truth,  which  once  they  had  bought 
and  made  profeffion  of  it  never  to  fell  it. 


I02  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter  [386 

CHAP.  XXV. 

Mr.  Cotton.  Yea  but  (faith  he)  they  have  grown  to  difcern 
their  lawfull  libertie,  to  return  to  the  hearing  of  the 
Word  from  EngHfh  preachers. 

Anf.  Here  I  might  ingage  my  felfe  in  a  contra- 
verfie,  which  neither  this  Treatife  will  permit;  nor 
is  there  need,  fince  it  hath  pleafed  the  Father  of 
lights  to  ftirre  up  the  fpirit  of  a  faithfull  Witnes  of 

Mr  Cans     j^jg  ^^.^^.j^  j^^  ^j^j^  particular,  Mr.  Cann,  to  make  a 

anjzver  to  .  ^  .  . 

Mr.  Robin-   large  and  faithfull  reply  to  a  Book,  Printed  in  Mr. 
fans  Liberty  42I  Kobitilons  name,  tending:  to  prove  fuch  a  law- 

of  hearing,      r  11    t  "u  ,. 

■'         ^     full  Liberty.^^ 

For  fuch  excellent  and  worthy  perfons  whom  Mr. 

Cotton  here  intends  by  the  name  of  Engliili  preach- 

Mr  Cottons   ers,  I  acknowledge  my  felfe  unworthy  to  hold  the 

confejsion      candle  to  them :  yet  I   fhall  humbly  prefent  what 

concerning       ,  ^       „  ,.-,-'-  -    —    ,     .  -'    '    .       , 

the  minijlry.  Mr.  LottoH  hmilelre  proreileth  m  3  particulars  : 

Firft  concerning  this  title  Engliih  preachers. 

Secondly,  hearing  the  Word  from  fuch  Engliili 
preachers. 

Thirdly,  the  lawfull  calling  of  fuch  to  the  Min- 
iftry  or  fervice,  according  to  Chrill:  Jefus. 

For  the  firfl  he  acknowledgeth,  that  the  ordinarie 
7ro(//£V£c,  Minifters  of  the  Gofpel  are  Paftors,  Teachers,  Bidi- 
oioaaxahn,  ^ps^  Overfeers,  Elders,  and  that  their  proper  worke 
TzpeaS'ijTe-  ^^  ^^  ^"^^^  ^'^'^  govern,  a  truly  converted,  holy  and 
poi.  godly  people,  gathered  into  a  flock  or  Church  eftate, 

34  Mr.  Robinfon's  book  was  publifhed  Divine,  Mr.  John  Robinfon,  iate   Pallor 

nine  years  after  his  death.    It  was  entitled  to  the  Engliih  Church  ot  God  in  Leyden, 

"Of  the   Lawfulnes  of  Hearing   of  the  and  Printed  Anno   1634."    Mr.  Canne's 

Minifters   in   the   Church   of   England:  work   in    reply    was    entitled   "A   Stay 

penned  by  that  Learned   and  Reverend  againft  Straying."     4to.  1639. 


387]  examined  and  an/wered.  103 

and  not  properly  preachers  to  convert,  beget,  make  Matth.  28. 
Difciples,  which  the  Apoftles  and  Evangelifts  y>vo- l^'^^V^''"'' 
feffedly  were.     Now  then  that  man  that  profeffeth 
himfelfe  a  Minifter,  and  profeifeth  to  feed  a  Flock, 
or    Church,   with    the   Ordinances  of  Word   and 
Prayer,  he  muft  needs  acknowledge  that  his  proper 
worke  is  not  to  preach   for  converfion,  which  is 
moft  prepofterous  amongft  a  converted   Chriftian  ^''^'"''^''■'■^ 
people,  fed  up  with  Ordinances  in   Church  eftate :  "farre  dif- 
So  that  according  to  Mr.  Co/Zowj  confeflion  Englifh/^rf»/. 
preachers  are,  not  Paftors,  Teachers,  Bifhops,  Elders, 
but  preachers  of  glad  news  (Evangelifts)  men  fent 
to  convert  and  gather  Churches  (Apoftles)  embaf- 
fadors,  trumpeters  with  Proclamation  from  the  King 
of  Kings,   to   convert,  fubdue,  bring  in   rebellious 
unconverted,  unbeleeving,  unchriftian  foules  to  the 
obedience  and  fubjed:ion  of  the  Lord  Jefus. 

I  readily  confelle  that  at  the  Paftors  (or  Shep-  Converfion 
heards)  feeding  of  his  flock,  and  the  Prophets  proh-'"  ".P''""^ 
ecymg  m  the  Church,  an  unbeleever  commg  m  is 
convinced,  falls  on  his  face  and  acknowledgeth  God 
to  be  there :  yet  this  is  accidentall  that  any  unbe- 
leever (hould  come  in  ;  and  the  Paftors  worke  is  to 
feed  his  Flock,  ASls  20.  and  prophecie  is  not  for 
unbeevers,  but  for  them  that  beleeve,  to  edefie, 
exhort  and  comfort  the  Church,    i  Cor.  14.  3.  22. 

I  alfo  readily  acknowledge  that  it  hath  pleafed  ■f''/'"""''^ 
God  to  work  a  perfonall  repentance  in  the  hearts ^'^^^'^^''J^ 
of  thoufands  in  Germanie,  England,  Low  Countries,  thoufands  by 
France,  Scotland,  Ireland,  &cc.     Yea  and  [43]  who^"-^^/^^/""^ 
knows  but  in  Italy,  Spain,  Rome,  not  only  by  fuch  Zinifiries. 
men,  who  decline   the  name  of  Bifliops,  Priefts, 


104 


Mr.  COTTONS  Letter 


[388 


Deacons  (the  conftituted  Miniftry  of  £«^/tf«</ hith- 
erto) but  allb  by  fuch  as  have  owned  them,  as  Luther 
remaining  a  Monke,  and  famous  holy  men  remain- 
ing and  burning  Lord  Bidiops.  But  all  this  hath 
been  under  the  notion  of  Minifters  feeding  their 
flocks,  not  of  preachers  fent  to  convert  the  uncon- 
verted and  unbeleeving. 

This  palfage  I  prefent  for  2  Reafons :  Firfl:  becaufe 
fo  many  excellent  and  worthy  perfons  mainly  preach 
"sl'ephc'ard  as^or  converfion,  as  conceiving  (and  that  truly)  the 
to  a  convert(d\iodiy  of  the  people  of  England  to  be  in  a  naturall 
and  unregenerate  eftate :  and  yet  account  they  them- 
felvs  fixed  and  conllant  Officers  and  Minifters  to 
particular  Pariflies  or  congregations,  unto  whom 
they  alfo  adminifter  the  holy  things  of  God,  though 
fometimes  few,  and  fometimes  none  regenerate  or 
new  borne  have  been  found  amongft  them  :  which 
is  a  matter  of  high  concernment  touching  the  Name 
of  the  Lord  Jefus  Chrift,  and  the  foules  of  men. 
Secondly,  that  in  thefe  great  Earthquakes,  wherein 
it  pleafeth  God  to  fliake  foundations,  civill  and 
fpirituall,  fuch  a  Miniftry  of  Chrift  Jefus  may  be 
fought  after,  whofe  proper  worke  is  preaching,  for 
converting  and  gathering  of  true  penitents  to  the 
fellowfliip  ot  the  Son  of  God. 


7a  preach 
mttinly  for 
converfion  of 
that  people, 
to  whom  a 
man  Jiands 


people  and 
Flock  of 
Chrift,  a 
dangerous 
diforder. 


Gods  people 
muft  feeke 
after  a  min- 
iftry fent  by 
Chrift  to 
convert. 


CHAP.  XXVI. 

Mr,  Cotton.  The  fecond  thing  which  Mr.  Cotton  himfelfe 
hath  profeft  concerning  Englifti  preachers  is,  that 
although  the  Word,  yet  not  the  Seales  may  be 
received  from  them  :   becaule  (faith  he)  there  is  no 


389]  examined  and  anfwered.  105 

communion  in  hearing,  and  the  Word  is  to  be 
preached  to  All,  but  the  feales  he  conceives  (and 
that  rightly)  are  prophaned  in  being  difpenfed  to 
the  ungodly,  ^c. 

Anf.     Mr.  Cotton  himfelfe  maintaineth,  that  the  ^^-'^  """"''- 
difpeniing  of  the  Word  in  a  Church  eftate,  is  ChriftsXv)'!/,^^ 
feeding  of  his  flock  Cant.  i.  8.  Chrifts  kiffing  of  hiso'ord' ?<ja^^/ 
Spoufe  or  Wife,  Cant.  i.  2.  Chrifts  embracing  of  his  l^^^/^^-"""^^ 
Spoufe  in   the  mariage  bed,   Cant.    i.   16.   Chrifts 
nuriing  of  his  children  at  his  wives  breft,  Cant.  4. 
and  is  there  no  communion  between  the  Shepheard 
and  his  Sheep  ?  the  Husband  and  his  Wife  in  chaft 
kilfes  and  embraces,  and  the  Mother  and  her  Child 
at  the  breft  ? 

Befide  he  confelleth,  that  that  Fellowship  in  the 
Gofpel,  Phil.  I.  3.  is  a  fellowfliip  or  communion 
in  the  Apo6tles  doftrine,  communitie,  breaking  of 
bread,  and  prayer,  in  which  [44]  the  firft  Church 
continued,  ABs  2  46.  All  which  overthrows  that 
Dodtrine  of  a  lawfull  participation  of  the  Word 
and  Prayer  in  a  Church  eftate,  where  it  is  not  law- 
full  to  communicate  in  the  breaking  of  bread  or 
feales." 

CHAP.  XXVII. 

Thirdly  concerning  the  lawfull  Commifflon  or 
calling  of  Englifh  preachers. 

3S  "  If   this   be  all    the   conclufion   he  I  deny,  a  man  to  participate  in  a  church- 

ftriveth   for,   that    participation   of   the  eftate,  where  he  partaketh  onely  in  hear- 

word  and  prayer  is  not  lawfull  in  a  church  ing  and  prayer,  before  and  after  fermon  ; 

eftate,  where  it   is  not   lawfull   to   com-  and  joyneth  not   with   them,   neither  in 

municate  in  the  feales,  I  fhall  never  con-  their  covenant,  nor  in  the  feales  of  the 

tend  with  him  about  it.    But  this  is  that  covenant."    Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  129. 
C  1  4 


io6 


Mr.  COTTONS  Letter 


[390 


-'^''^'^'^'"^,  calling  from  a  particular   Church,  that   they  were 


Eminent  Mi-      Mr.  Cottoti  himfelfe  and  others  moft  eminent  in 

"'prsfoac-^^^  England   have   freely   confeft,  that   notwith- 

£w?^W,/)ro-itanding  their  rormer  proiemon  or  Miniflry  in  Old 

feffe  them-     Y.iiglajid,  yet  in  New  E«^A7W(untill  they  receive  a 

Chrijliiins  in 

newEngland.  but  private  Chriftians. 

Secondly,  that  Chrift  Jefus  hath  appointed  no 
other  calling  to  the  Miniftrie,  but  fuch  as  they 
praftice  in  New  England,  and  therfore  confequently 
that  all  other  which  is  not  from  a  particular  Con- 
gregation of  godly  perfons,  is  none  of  Chrifts.'* 

As  firll:  a   calling  or  commifiion   received  from 


Falfe  callings 
or  commifsi 
om  for  the 
Minijlry. 


the  Bifhops. 

Secondly  from  a  Parifh  of  naturall  and  unregen- 
erate  perfons. 

Thirdly,  from  fome  few  godly  perfons,  yet  remain- 
ing in  Church  fellowfliip  after  the  Pariih  way. 

Laftly,  the  eminent  gifts  and  abilities  are  but 
Qualifications  fitting  and  preparing  for  a  call  or 
Offce,  according  to  i  Tivi.  '\.  Tit.  i.  All  which 
premifes  duly  confidered,  I  humbly  defire  of  the 
Father  of  Lights,  that  Mr.  Cotton,  and  all  that  feare 
God  may  try  what  will  abide  the  firie  triall  in  this 
particular,  when  the  Lord  Jefus  fliall  be  revealed  in 
Jiaming  Jire,  &c. 

CHAP.  XXVIII 

M.  Cotton.        The  clofe  of  his  Lettet  is  an  Anfwer  to  a  pafiage 
of  mine,  which  he  repeateth  in  an  Objedlion  thus: 

36  "Wee  arc  not  fo  mafterly  and   per-  carried  on  according  to  the  letter  of  the 

emptory  in   our  apprehenfions  ;   and  yet  rule,  the  more  glory  (hall  we  give  unto 

(with  lubmillion )  we  conceive,  the  more  the  Lord  Jefus,  and   procure   the   more 

plainly  and  cxaftly  all  church  aftions  are  peace    to    our    conlciences,   and   to  our 


39 1  ]  examined  and  anjwered.  1 07 

But  this  you  feare  is  to  condemn  the  witnelTes  of 
Jefus  (the  Separate  Churches  in  London,  and  elf- 
where)  and  our  jealous  God  will  vilit  us  for  fuch 
arrearages :  yea  the  curfe  of  the  Angel  to  Meros  will 
fall  upon  us,  becaiife  we  come  twt  forth  to  help  "Jeho- 
vah  againjl  the  tnighty  :  we  pray  not  for  them,  we 
come  not  at  them  (but  at  Parilhes  frequently)  yea 
we  reproach  and  cenfure  them. 

To  which  he  anfwereth,  that  neither  Chrift  nor 
his  Apoftles  after  him,  nor  Prophets  before  him  ever 
delivered  that  way.  That  they  feare  not  the  Angels 
curfe,  becaufe  it  is  not  to  help  lehovah  but  Sathan, 
to  withdraw  people  from  the  Pariflies  [45]  where 
they  have  found  more  prefence  of  Chrilf,  and 
evidence  of  his  Spirit  then  in  feparated  Churches : 
That  they  pray  not  for  them  becaul'e  they  cannot 
pray  in  faith  for  a  blefling  upon  their  Separation  : 
and  that  it  is  little  comfort  to  heare  of  feparate 
Churches,  as  being  the  inventions  of  men,  and  blames 
them  that  being  delirous  of  Reformation,  they  flum- 
ble  not  only  at  the  inventions  of  men,  but  for  their 
fakes  at  the  Ordinances  of  the  Lord,  becaufe  they 
feparate  not  only  from  the  Parifhes,  but  from  the 
Church  at  Plymouth,  and  of  that  wherof  Mr.  Lathrop 
was  Paftor,^'  who  (as  he  laith)  not  only  refufe  all  the 

churches,  and   referve   more   purity  and  iller  in    1633.     In   this   Society   feveral 

power  to  all  our  adminiilrations."     Cot-  perfons,   finding    that   the   congregation 

ton's  Anfwer,  p.  132.  kept  not  to  its  firfl  principles  of  fepara- 

37  "  There  was  a  congregation  of  prot-  tion,  and  being  alfo  convinced  that  bap- 

eilant  Dilfenters  of  the  Independent  per-  tifm  was  not  to  be  adminiftered  to  infants 

fuafion  in  London,  gathered   in  the  year  but  to  fuch  as  profefled  faith   in   Chrift, 

1616,  of  which    Mr.  Henry  Jacob   was  defired  that  they  might  be  difmifled  from 

the  firft  pallor;  and  after  him  fuccecded  that   Communion,  and   allowed   to  form 

Mr.  John  Lathrop,  who  was  their  min-  a  dillinft  congregation   in    fuch  order  as 


io8  Mr.  COTTO'NS  Letter  [392 

inventions  of  men,  but  choofe  to  ferve  the  Lord  in 
his  own  Ordinances.  Only,  laftly  he  profelleth  his 
inward  forrow  that  my  felf  helpe  erring,  though 
zealous  foules  againft  the  mighty  Ordinances  of  the 
Lord,  which  whofoever  ftumhle  at  ihall  be  broken, 
becaufe  whofoever  will  not  kille  the  Sonne  (that  is. 
The  garden  will  not  heare  and  embrace  the  words  ot  his  mouth) 

chCS   of   both  1        /•     T  T  -\  /I  }-^  II  1  •  C 

old  and  new       -^^{J  ■  However  Mr.  Lotton  beleeves  and  writes  or 
Teftamcnt,    this  Doiut,  yet   hath   he   not   duly  conlidered   thefe 

planted  with  r  n         •  •       \ 

an  hedge  or    foUowmg  particulars  : 

waiioffepa-       Firft  the  taithfull  labours  of  many  Witneffes  of 
'■'"•'"•  f'-°j'    lefus  Chriji,  extant  to  the  world,  abundantly  prov- 
ing, that  the  Church  of  the   Jews   under   the  Old 
Teftament  in  the  type,  and  the  Church  of  the  Chrif- 
tians  under  the  New   Teftament    in  the   Antitype, 
were  both  feparate  from  the  world  ;  and  that  when 
they  have  opened   a  gap  in    the   hedge   or  wall  of 
When  Gods  Separation  between  the  Garden  of  the  Church  and 
people  neglea  ^^^^  Wildernes  of  the  world,  God  hath  ever  broke 

to  maintain  .        ,      , 

that  hedge  or  do-wn  the  wzW  it  felfe,  removed   the   Candleftick, 

wall,  God     ^^_  a^^  made  his  Garden  a  Wildernelfe,  as  at  this 

his  garden     ^'^J •     And   that   therfore  if  he  will  ever  pleafe  to 

into  a  wilder- reHort  his  Garden  and  Paradice  again,  it  muft  ot 

»#••  neceflitie  be  walled  in  peculiarly  unto  himfelte  from 

the  world,  and  that  all  that  ihall  be  faved  out  of  the 

world  are  to  be  tranfplanted  out  of  the  Wildernes  of 

world,  and  added  unto  his  Church  or  Garden. 

was  moll   agreeable  to   their  own  I'enti-  was   conllituted   Sept.    12,    1633,  under 

ments."     The  foregoing  extraft,  quoted  the  paftoral  care  of  John  Spilfbury.    This 

from    VVm.    Rifiin's   manufcript   hv   Ivi-  Separation   of  Baptills    from    ProtelUnt 

mey,  in  his  hillory  of  the   Englilh  Bap-  Diflcnters,  is  what  Cotton  doubtlefs  refers 

tills,  gives  the  origin  of  the  firll  Baptill  to  in  his   letter. 
Church    in  London,   which   it  appears. 


39  3  J  ex  amine  a  ana  anfwered.  109 

Secondly,  that  all  the  grounds  and  principles  lead-  '^^'"  ^<>"<:on- 
ing  to  oppofe  Birtiops,  Ceremonies,  Common  Prayer, {^^^^j^/^^_ 
proftitution   of  the   Ordinances   of  Chrift   to  \\\q  ceffarih  in- 
ungodly  and   to   the  true    pradife  of  Chrilb   o\vx\-f'"''f'' ^'f- 

/^     1-  1  -r     -1  \      r  T     •       •  ]    ''"'""'  of  the 

Ordmances,  doe  neceliarily  (as  berore  1   intimated,  church  from 
and  Mr.  Cann  hath  fully  proved)  conclude  a  fepara- ''^'''  unckan 
tion  of  holy  from  unholy,  penitent  from  impenitent,  ^,,'^y_,y 
godly  from  ungodly,  ^c.  and  that  to  frame  any  other 
building  upon  [46]  fuch  grounds  and  foundations, 
is  no  other  then  to  raife  the  form  of  a  fquare  houfe 
upon  the  Keele  of  a  Ship,  which  will   never  prove 
a  foul  faving  true  Arke  or  Church  of  Chrift  Jelus, 
according  to  the  Patterne. 

Thirdly  the  multitudes  of  holy  and  faithfull  men 
and  women,  who  lince  Q^  Maries  dayes  have  wit- 
nelfed  this  truth  by  writing,  difputing,  and  in  I'uffring  The  ^reat 
loffe  of  goods  and  friends,  in  imprifonwents,  banifl}-f"ff^''''"gf<"' 
ments,  death,  &c.  I  confelfe  the  Nonconformifts  have''"  ""'^^' 
fuffred  alfo  :  but  they  that  have  fuffred  for  this  caufe, 
have  farre  exceeded,  in  not  only  witnefling  to  thofe 
grounds  of  the  Non-conformifts  but  to  thofe  Truths 
alfo,  the  unavoidable  conclulions  of  the  Non-con- 
formifts principles. 

Fourthly,  what  is  that  which  Mr.  Cotton  and  fo 
many  hundreths  fearing  God  in  New  England  walk 
in,  but  a  way  of  feparation  ?     Of  what  matter  doe  -^^'■-  Cottons 
they  profelfe  to  conftitute  their  Churches,  but  of  1.^4/L/ Irar- 
true  godly  perfons  ?     In  what  form   doe  they  caft  tUe  offepa- 
this  matter,  but  by  a  voluntary  uniting,  or  adding  '^"""  mNew 
of  fuch  godly  perfons,  whom  they  carefully  examine, 
and  caule  to  make  a  publike  confesjion  oi  Jinne,  and 
profejfion  of  their  knowledge,  and  grace  in  Chrift  ? 


I  lO 


Mr.  COTTONS  Lf//fr 


[394 


Mr.  Cotton 
allowing  lib- 
ertie  to  fre- 
quent thofe 
parijhes  in 
OldEngland: 
which  parijh- 
es he  himfetfe 
perfecutes  in 
NetvEngland 


A  great  mij- 
tery  in  the 
efcapingof  the 
crojje  of 
Chrijl. 


Nay,  when  other  Englifh  have  attempted  to  fet  up 
a  Congregation  after  the  Parilliionall  way,  have 
they  not  been  iuppreft  ?  Yea  have  they  not  pro- 
feffedly  and  lately  anfwered  many  worthy  perfons, 
whom  they  account  godly  Minillers  and  people, 
that  they  could  not  permit  them  to  live  in  the  fame 
Common-wealth  together  with  them,  if  they  fet 
up  any  other  Church  and  Worrtiip  then  what  them- 
felvs  pradlife  V^  Let  their  own  foules,  and  the  Ibules 
of  others  ferioully  ponder  in  the  teare  of  God,  what 
fliould  be  the  Reafon  why  themfelves  fo  pradliling, 
fliould  perfecute  others  for  not  leaving  open  a  gap 
of  Liberty  to  efcape  perfecut'ion  and  the  Croife  of 
Chriff,  by  frequenting  the  Pariihes  in  Old  Etigland, 
which  Pariihes  themfelves  perfecute  in  New  Eng- 
land, and  will  not  permit  them  to  breath  in  the 
common  aire  amongft  them. 

Fifthly,  in  the  Pariihes  (which  Mr.  Cotton  holds 
but  inventions  of  men)^'  however  they  would  have 
liberty  to  frequent  the  Worfliip  of  the  Word,  yet 
they  feparate  from  the  Sacraments  :  and  yet  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Cottons  own  principles  (as  before)  there 


33  "  Our  praftife  in  fupprefling  fuch  as 
have  attempted  to  fet  up  a  Parifhionall 
way,  I  never  heard  ot'luch  a  thing  here 
to  this  day.  And  if  any  fuch  thing  were 
done,  before  my  coming  into  the  Coun- 
trey,  I  do  not  think  it  was  done  by 
forcible  compulfion,  but  by  rationall 
conviftion."  Cotton's  Anfwer,  p.  139. 
It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  dii'claimer 
with  fafts. 

39  "It  is  an  untruth,  that  Mr.  Cotton 
holdeth  the  Parifhes  to  be  but  inventions 
of  men  ;   for    though    I    hold    that   the 


receiving  of  all  the  inhabitants  in  the 
Parifh  into  the  full  fcllowfhip  of  the 
church,  and  the  admitting  of  them  all 
unto  the  liberty  of  all  the  ordinances,  is 
an  humane  corruption,  (and  fo  if  he  will 
an  humane  invention  ;)  yet  I  doe  not 
hold,  nor  ever  did,  that  their  pariihes 
were  onely  an  humane  invention.  For 
I  beleeve  the  Lord  Jefus  hath  the  truth 
of  his  churches,  and  minillery,  and  wor- 
(hip  in  them,  notwithftanding  the  inven- 
tions of  men  luperaddcd  to  them."  Cot- 
ton's Anfwer,  p.  140. 


395]  examined  and  anfwered.  1 1 1 

is  as  true  Communion  in  the  Miniftration  of  the 
word  in  a  Church  eftate,  as  in  the  feales  :  What 
myftery  fhould  be  in  this,  but  that  here  alfo  the 
Crolfe  or  Gibbet  of  Chrift  may  [47]  be  avoyded  in 
a  great  meafure,  if  perfons  come  to  Church,  &c. 

Laftly,  however  he  faith,  he  hath  not  found  fuch 
prejence  of  Chriji,  and  evidence  of  his  Spirit  in  fuch 
Churches,  as  in  the  Parifhes :  What  (hould  be  the.  jh^  ^ew 
reafon   of  their   great  rejoycings  and  boaftings  oiEngHjh 
their  own  Separations  in   New  England,  infoniuch  ^^^J^'^^y^^^  , 
that  fome  of  the  moil  eminent  amongft  them  haveyW^  to  bee 
affirmed,  That  even  the  Apoftles  Churches  were^^'fff/i^ 
not    lo    purer    burely  11    the    lame   JNew   it.w^\in gd by  the 
Churches  were  in   Old   England,   they  could  not^/"/^"- 
meet  without  Perfecution,  which  therfore  in  Old 
England  they   ovoid,   by   frequenting   the   way  of 
Church-worihip  (which  in  New  England  they  Per- 
fecute)  the  Parifhes. 

Upon  thefe  confiderations  how  can  Mr.  Cotton 
be  offended  that  I  fhould  help  (as  he  calls  them) 
any  zealous  foules,  not  againfl  the  mighty  Ordi- 
nances of  the  Lord  Jef'us,  but  to  feek  after  the  Lord 
Jefus  without  halting  ?  Yea  why  fhould  Mr.  Cotton,  ^^-'^  reforma- 
or  any  defirous  to  pracflice   Reformation,   kindle  a  JJ^  ^'^J^^^„ 
fire  ot  Perfecution  again  ft  fuch  zealous  foules,  ^{■^&-  accounted  he- 
cially   confidering    that    themfelves,    had    they   fo^''/',"'^'^-'^" 
inveighed  againft  Bifliops,  Common  Prayer,  &c.  in 
Edward  the   6.  his  dayes  had  been   accounted   as 
great  Hereticks,  in  thof'e  Reforming  times,  as  any 
now  can  be  in  thefe  :   yet  would  it  have  been  then, 
and  fince  hath  it  been  great  oppreffion  and  Tyranny 
to  perfecute  their  confciences,  and  flill  will  it  be 


112  Mr.  COTTONS  Letter.  [396 

for  them  to  perfecute  the  confciences  of  others  in 
Old  or  New  England. 

How  can  I  better  end  then  Mr.  Cotton  doth,  by 

Perfccution   Warning,  that  all  that  will  not  kifTe  the  Son  (that 

IS  unjuft  op-  jg^   heare  and   embrace   the  words  of  his  mouth) 

folver!"  '^'^^fliall  perilh  in  their  way,  Pfal.  2.  12.    And  I  defire 

Mr.  Cottoji  and  every  foule  to  whom  thefe   lines 

may  come,  feriouily  to  confider,  in  this  Contraverlie, 

if  the  Lord  Jefus  were  himfelfe  in  perfon  in  Old  or 

New  England,  what  Church,  what  Miniftry,  what 

Worfliip,  what  Government  he  would  fet  up,  and 

what  perfecution  he  would  prad:ice  toward  them 

that  would  not  receive  Him  ? 

FINIS. 


DATE  DUE 

mtBmm 

\ta 

CAYLORO 

PHINTEOINU.S.A. 

i