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3 1833 02412 8859 




A Political History 
From 1860 to 1890 


By ^.■>'~ 


,^jii'^- ' 

Printed for the Author by 


4,^ Printers and Publishers 




The Presidential Election of 1860 and Subsequent 
}*olitical Campaigns. 

The War of the Rebcinon of 1861 and Southern 
Sympathizers in Tnc^iana. 

Tlie Knights of the Golden Circle, Sons of Liberty, 

Slavery, Emancipation, Enfranchisement, Restora- 
tion, Reconciliation and Reconstruction. 

Conflicts Between Presidents and Senators, and 
Quarrels of Rival Politicians. 

The Impeachment Proceedings Against President 
Johnson, the Issues That Brought Them About, 
and the Final Triumph of Ilis ReconciKation 

Pericxls of Financial and Industrial Depression. 

Tlie Inflation and Deflation of Currency and the 
Resumption of Specie Payment of the Govern- 
ment's Obligations. 

The Credit jMobilier of America, and the Pacific 

The Contested Presidential Election of 1876. 

I The Records of Governors, Senators, ^lembers of 
I Congress, Judges and Otlier Officials. 


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■■- German, Scotch, and Irish ancestry, the son of 
Joseph and Phoebe Trissal, was born near the 
to\vn of Johnsville, IMontgomery County, Ohio, 
September 30, 1847. His mother's maiden name 
was ^IcGriff, her mother's maiden name was 

His father was a school teacher by profession, 
who moved with his family from Ohio to Cass 
County, Indiana, in 1850, and engaged in his pro- 
fession as one of the "Hoosier School ^Masters" of 
early days, and followed that occupation in the 
Counties of Cass and Miami, until his death in 
Miami County, in 1863. 

The education that Francis ^I. obtained was ac- 
quired in the public schools of Cass and Miami 
Counties, and under the direction of his father 
and his uncle John Trissal, who was also a teacher. 
^Vhen not attending school he was employed at 
farm labor until the summer of 1865, when he was 
employed as Deputy Clerk in the Hamilton Cir- 
("uit Court and continued in that service until 
November, 1867, when he was appointed Deputy 
Clerk of the Howard Circuit Court at Kokomo, 


Indiana, and served in that position for one year. 
These emj^loyments brought him in association 
with lawyers and judges and at the same time 
educated him in forms and methods of legal pro- 
cedure in the courts and influenced him to enter 
the legal profession. In December, 1868, he 
entered the law office of General David ]Moss at 
Noblesville, Indiana, with whom he was associated 
for seven years, two years as a student, and five 
years as a partner. In 1873 he was appointed by 
Governor Thomas A. Hendricks to fill a vacancy 
for one year in the office of Prosecutinor Attornev. 
In 1875 he moved to Indianapolis where he 
practiced his profession for three years, then moved 
to Tipton, where he practiced for a short time and 
then took up his residence again at Xoblesville, 
where he continued in the law practice until 1888, 
when he moved to St. Paul, jMinnesota, Avhere he 
practiced until 1891, when he became a resident of 
Chicago and a member of the Chicago bar, and was 
soon thereafter employed as the General xVttorney 
1. I for Corporations and Clients having extensive in- 

i terests in Indiana, Illinois and jNIissouri, among 

.' these the Bedford Quarries Company, the Southern 

j ! Indiana Railway Company, the Illinois Southern 

i and Southern ^lissouri Railway Companies, in 

] each of which he was also a director. It was under 

I , his guidance and direction that the Southern In- 

I - diana Railroad was extended and constructed 

« through the coal fields of Southwestern Indiana 

f • and increased the coal operations in the counties of 


Daviess, Greene, Clay, Sullivan, and Vigo. It 
was also under his direction, in part, that the 
Illinois Southern Railroad was extended over the 
Ozark oNIountains from St. Genevieve to Bismarck, 
Missouri. > .'•. 

He was an active trial lawyer, and the Supreme 
Court Reports in each of the States of Indiana, 
Illinois, Missouri, and Minnesota contain reports 
of decisions in cases in which he was counsel. 
He was one of the founders and a trustee of the 
Illinois College of Law, now the law department 
of DePaul University, and received an honorary 
degree from that institution. About the year 1898, 
he became interested in projects for the improve- 
ment of the Kankakee River in Indiana, and the 
drainage of lands of its valleys, and acquired a 
body of 440 acres that he drained and developed 
from a dismal swamp to a high state of produc- 
tiveness, where he put in much of his time in later 
years in constructing buildings, planting orchards 
and otherwise improving it for usefulness. 

He was married on the seventh day of October, 
1800, to Harriet D. Ross, the daughter of Joseph 
^V. Ross, a pioneer merchant of Xoblesville, In- 
diana. Her death occurred on June loth, 1919, 
as the golden anniversary approached. The occur- 
I rence of this sorrowful event caused him to take up 
i his residence on the farm that he had developed, in 
i the western part of Starke Countv, Indiana, near 
^ I ^vhat IS known as the Ox Bow Bend in the Kan- 
^<ikee River, where General Lew "Wallace resorted 


while producing his Fair God and Ben Hur. It 
was at that place in the years of 1920 and 1921, 
when not engaged in farm work, that he put his 
powers of perseverance in contest with his hours of 
loneliness and leisure in the work of producing the 
manuscript for "Pubhc Men of Indiana," com- 
pleting it in 1922 at the home of his son, Juhus 
Ross Trissal in Chicago, 6823 Anthony Avenue. 
March, 1922. 

*' ...II.,. m;,} ;,' ,'- ^^.. 

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,■', '•■»' 


THE term "Public Men of Indiana" is sus- 
ceptible of indefinite application and extension. 
Any Indiana man who attained popular notoriety 
in public affairs or in the service of his country dur- 
ing the period covered by this work would come 
under the title selected for it. It was not possible 
that all such characters could be given mention, 
consequently the author has selected for descrip- 
tion and statement of what they did only those to 
whom his personal observations and recollections 
extended, and his recollections have been con- 
firmed both as to the men and the events with 
which they were identified by informaton from 
most reliable sources. 

In that selection he has chosen many quiet con- 
tributors to the country's history, as w^ell as those 
who have been crowned with the halo they deserved 
in other histories that have been published. 

The period covered in this volume is from 1860 
to 1890, during which its many exciting and im- 
portant public events called forth as participants 
in them the best minds and the best men of the 
state and made their work and achievements to 
form an essential part of the history of the United 
States, as well .as of their own state. 


'"•■li^-'il '..J / 



T\Tiile maintaining its status as a member of 
the Federal Union many of them were at the same 
time prominent in their personal and official associa- 
tion with those of other states in dealing with the 
great crisis of a civil war, and its incidental sub- 
jects of slavery, emancipation, enfranchisement, 
reconciliation and reconstruction, that evolved 
problems in the science of government more com- 
plex than any that had arisen at any previous 
period in the country's history. 

To set forth the processes and acts that resulted 
in the solution of these great problems necessitated 
such a full statement of the events that evolved 
them as to make the work a general liistoric con- 
tribution that may be read ^Wth some interest by 
others as well as by Indiana people. 

The production differs from other so-called his- 
tories that have been published in that it is not 
merely a collection of biographies and personally 
^mtten eulogies, prepared to induce subscriptions 
by the eulogized, but contains the author's own 
narrations and estimates of the characters written 
about and in the main records the acts only of 
those who have passed from earth. 

Us:,.- ■■ ;ii. 


Public Men of Indiana 


ll/rAXY of the men written about in the pages 
^^^ that follow had their birthplaces in log cabins 
or in the more pretentious he^^'ed log houses of early 
days. There was not then such caste in Hoosier so- 
ciety as permitted the occupants of the latter to 
hold themselves aloof from the former. They were 
so dependent upon each other for acts of neighborly 
friendship that reciprocity was a necessity. They 
had then no fears of "entangling alliances" or con- 
venient ways of communicating with their ''foreign 
relations," and had to be content with their isola- 
tion from the world. The comforts of life were to 
them a luxury. 

These rustic homes surrounded by the trees of 
the forest from wliich they were built, with their 
clapboard roofs and clay or puncheon floors, were 
the places where these sons of pioneers first felt the 
breath of a mother's love and heard of the manly 
darings of a father's braver}'. 

It was inside their walls where, from the illu- 
minations afforded by the chimney corner lamps 
and the flames from the burning hickory bark in 



the old fireplaces, they read of the unseen world's 
progress and civilization, and had their minds 
trained to religious devotion and kindled -with de- 
sires to visualize what they read about. 

It was from there that tlie fancies of youth began 
their development into hving realities that often 
ended in disappointments. 

It was from there they went to attend the dis- 
trict schools of the winter taught in log school 
houses that were furnished only with wooden 
benches and a wide plank desk fastened to the 
wall for writing exercises, and where they were 
disciplined in mind and behavior by the sovereign 
Hoosier schoolmaster, and told how necessary it 
was for them to become availed of the education 
he possessed and could impart to them, and were 
impressed by his palming off to them as his own 
words those found in the preface to the old Kirk- 
ham's Grammar, reading thus: "We are living in an 
age of light and knowledge in which science and 
arts are moving on with gigantic strides." 

It was in these Brush Seminaries that the young 
aspirant for oratorical attainments and fame gave 
his first demonstrations of talent in public speak- 
ing by committing and repeating the lines of poeti- 
cal works. Excessive schooling was not then a 
prevailing condition nor were any educated beyond 
their intellectual capacity. 

These institutions of learning had no annexes 
with laboratories where agricultural chemistry was 
taught, but the old school readers suggested prac- 
tical means of tilling the soil by the picture of a 


V -. 

man holding the handles of a plow and another 
holding the lines to guide the horses in pulling it, 
under wliich was printed the words: 

"He who by the plow would thrive 
Must himself either hold or drive." 

The verities of this picture, that were fully 
reahzed, caused a longing for more of the ''light 
and knowledge," to which their teacher had alluded, 
on other subjects arts and sciences than agronomy, 
and sent many into other hnes of human endeavor 
and in search of a liigher social and scholastic life 
that it was beheved could only be obtained in cities 
and other centers of population. These longings 
for other scenes were not diminished or restrained 
by the lines of the British poet, William Cowper, 
that read: "God made the country, man made the 
touTi." The profession of the law was more allur- 
ing than the sciences that teach the ways of convert- 
ing the works of nature to the wants of man. No 
doubt some who entered it erroneously believed that 
it afforded a better shelter for indolence, while 
others saw the superior advantages it afforded in 
the promotion of political ambitions, but did not 
fully anticipate the period of starvation they must 
endure while waiting for clients ; but they survived, 
and fitted themselves for service to those who em- 
ployed them and for pubhc stations at the same 

It was not alone the circuit ridinf? lawyer of those 
days who had the honors of public admiration and 
individual respect, but the itinerant preacher came 


2 — June — 22 

in for his share, and was perhaps more reverently 
regarded because of the sacredness of his work. 

The lawyers acquired knowledge of the science 
and purposes of government as well as the science 
and philosophy of law. 

They were not "case lawyers," but read and relied 
on textbooks for education in elementarj^ principles, 
and upon their own powers of reasoning in apply- 
ing them to facts. 

On the shelves of their hbraries were such in- 
structive works as Blackstone and Kent's Com- 
mentaries, Story on the Constitution, and Equity 
Jurisprudence, Chitty on Contracts, and Green- 
leaf on Evidence, and in fact textbooks that re- 
vealed both the science and literature of the law 
upon every subject of jurisprudence. These old 
volumes have now almost entirely disappeared from 
the libraries of most la^\yers of the present day to 
make room for cycloj^iedias, citators and digests of 
decisions and reports ahnost as numerous as the 
volimies that the Roman Emperor Justinian re- 
quired his skilled lawyers to condense into the 
Pandects. The descendants of tlie men who en- 
tered the profession did not all follow their fathers 
in it, but many did, while others became renowned 
as statesmen, soldiers, novelists, poets, and in other 
ways as contributors to the welfare and literature 
of their country, a fact showing that while genius 
may descend as an inheritance, it is often diffluent 
in its courses of lineage. 

The foundations for the civilizing influences of 
the Clu-istian religion that has always characterized 


Lt:r i: 


the citizenship of the state were well laid by the 
pioneer preachers, such as James Havens, known 
as "Father Havens," and others of his class. He 
was constantly and conspicuously in his work from 
the year 1824, until the fourth day of November, 
1864, when liis death occurred at Ilushville. 

His son, George Havens, followed him in his 
religious work as a member and minister of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church. Father Havens 
taught patriotism as well as piety. Two of his 
sons, Henry Bascom and Benjamin F., were 
soldiers of the Civil War, serving in the Union 
xVrmy, and Benjamin F. became prominent in 
pohtical life as mayor of the City of Terre Haute, 
where he was elected as a democrat and was a 
member of the Indiana Board of Centennial Com- 
missioners at the World's Fair in Chicas^o. 

Col. John W. T. ^Ic^IuUen was called from his 
service in the Union Army to preach the funeral 
sermon of Father Havens. ^Ic^Iullen was colonel 
of the 57th Indiana Regiment, that he organized 
and in which he served from the beginning until 
the end of the war. The o7th was called the 
"Preacher's Regiment," because of the great num- 
ber of preachers who wished to serve under 
Mc^NIuUen as they had with him in his ministrations 
as a jMethodist minister. He was long regarded as 
one of the ablest ministers of the state. 

Chaplain John H. Lozier, of the 37th Indiana 
Regiment, was also a prominent and powerful 
preacher before, during and after the Civil War, 
as was Chaplain Ira J. Chase, of the Christian 


Church, who afterwards became governor of the 
state. ^ 

It was through the Influences and activities of 
such men as "Father" Havens, W. W. Hibben, 
Milton B. Hopkins and other pioneer preachers 
that religious denominations established and main- 
tained colleges, liberal in character, that were open 
to all whether members of the sect that established 
them or not, long before the state in its sovereign 
capacity entered upon its policy of fostering edu- 
cational institutions by general taxation and legis- 
lative appropriations. Scores of eminent men and 
women were numbered among the alumni of 
Asbury, Wabash, Franklin, Earlham, Hanover, 
Northwestern Christian, Notre Dame and others 
of sectarian institutions, and went forth from their 
halls to represent pubhc trusts, both civil and po- 
litical, as did many distinguished educators, orators 
and Christian ministers long before that time. 

The importance and influence of the State of 
Indiana in political contests and national afl'airs 
was recognized by the people of other states and 
their representatives at all times following its 
admission into the Union of States. 

The influence of the speaker of the house of 
national representatives over the course of legis- 
lation is great, and the parties having a majority in 
the house are careful to select one on whose sym- 
pathy with their views and aims they can rely. 

From 1845 to 1847, John W. Davis, a democrat, 
was the speaker who had served as a member from 
Sullivan County for many years before. 


7 9 

From 1863 to 1869, Schuyler Colfax of South 
Bend, who had served as a member for a num- 
ber of terms previously, a republican, was the 

Michael C. Kerr, a democrat, who served as a 
representative of the New Albany district from 
1864 until 1878 wiLS speaker from 1875 until 

For eighteen years the United States Senate was 
presided over by distinguished citizens of Indiana, 
who stood in line for succession to the presidency. 
These were Vice Presidents Schuyler Colfax, 
Thomas A. Hendricks, Charles W. Fairbanks and 
Thomas R. jNIarshall. 

President Lincoln was the first to call a citizen 
of Indiana to a cabinet position, by the appoint- 
ment of Caleb B. Smith as Secretary of the In- 
terior, who died while holding the office, to be 
followed in the office by John P. Usher of Terre 
Haute. He also appointed Hugh McCulloch of 
Fort Wayne a member of his cabinet as Secretary^ 
of the Treasury, who served also in the cabinet of 
Andrew Johnson. 

Gen. Walter Q. Gresham, who won distinction 
as a Union general serving on General Grant's 
staff, and was for many years a federal judge, was 
a member of the cabinet of President Ai-thur, serv- 
ing as Postmaster General and Secretary of the 
Treasury, also a member of the last cabinet of 
President Cleveland as Secretary of State. ' 

James N. Tyner of Peru, Indiana, was for a 
short term Postmaster General during President 
Grant's second term. 

7 .. 

Richard W. Thompson of Ten-e Haute was 
Secretary of the Navy in the cabinet of Rutherford 
B. Hayes. Wilham H. H. Miller of Indianapolis 
was Attorney General during the administration of 
President Benjamin Harrison. 

The attitude of the State and its people in re- 
spect to the Civil War, that began in 1861, was 
watched with great concern by the people of other 
States because of its position in bordering slave 

It is an undeniable fact that it contained many 
southern s>inpathizers, but they were far outnimi- 
bered by loyal Union citizens. In the Presidential 
campaign of 1860 Jesse D. Bright of Southern 
Indiana, then a United States Senator, was a sup- 
porter of John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for 
the presidency; they had been warm personal 
friends and political associates while Breckinridge 
had presided over the Senate. His colleague, Gra- 
ham X. Fitch of Logansport, was also a supporter 
of Breckinridge. Bright was accused and found 
guilty of complicity with Breckinridge and other 
secessionists in furnishing munitions of war to them 
and was expelled from the Senate on the 6th day 
of February, 1862, a year before his term would 
have expired, while Fitch soon after his retirement 
from the Senate in 1861 recruited and became 
colonel of the 46th Indiana Regiment of Union 
soldiers and rose to the rank of brigadier general. 

Oliver P. IMorton, who had been elected as Lieu- 
tenant Governor in 1860, was ex-ofHcio governor 
of the State at the time of Bright's expulsion, and 


' .it 

A i 

i ■ . I •' ,' . 

was then in his capacity as Governor making a 
determined fight against the disloyal elements in 
the State. He was not known to have ambitions 
to become Senator at that time, but if he had such 
aspirations he had to peld them at that particular 
time because of overpowering necessities. He 
could not turn over the office of Governor to some 
one who would appoint him to fill out Eright's 
unexpired term, because there was no one legally 
eligible to fill the office of Lieutenant Governor in 
case of a vacancy, and besides to do such a thing, 
had it been possible, would look like desertion in 
the face of the enemies he was fighting, conse- 
quently he must either appoint a Senator to fill out 
the term or leave the vacancy to continue. To fill 
it by a member of his own party would be a danger- 
ous political experiment for a man of ]Morton's 
temperament. He was not given to the creation 
or toleration of political rivals, and he appointed 
former Governor Joseph A. Wriglit, a democrat, 
to fill the position until the legislature of 1863 con- 
vened, when David Turpie, a democrat, was elected 
to serve for six weeks to fill out Bright's unexpired 
term, and Thomas A. . Hendricks was elected for 
the full term. Their election caused the postpone- 
ment of ^Morton's senatorial ambitions for another 
four years, when he could succeed Henry S. Lane, 
which he did in 18G8, and served' with Hendricks, 
on the opposite side of the chamber, diu-ing the 
eventful period of reconstruction following the close 
of the great war, and was re-elected in 1873. 

Among the pioneer lawyers of Indiana who had 


exceptional educational advantages was Judge 
Stephen ]Major of Shelby ville, a native of Ireland, 
graduate of Oxford University in England, one of 
the early Circuit Judges whose circuit was com- 
posed of the counties of Marion, Hamilton, Han- 
cock, Shelby, Rush, and Decatur. He was the 
preceptor of Thomas A. Hendricks and well re- 
membered for his dignified mien, urbanity, and 
great learning, and seemingly the suavity of 
Hendricks was acquired by his observances of and 
association with that courtly character. 

He was the Father of Charles ^lajor, the author 
of "When Knighthood Was in Flower," "The 
Bears of Blue River," and other excellent con- 
tributions to literature. His first story, "When 
Knighthood Was in Flower," brought him quick 
fame and popularity, was dramatized, and was as 
successful in a pla}' as it was in a novel. 

He, too, was a kAvyer in active practice when he 
produced it, and it has been truly said was greatly 
aided in his writings by his wife, wlio possessed a 
striking personality and pronounced literary tastes. 
He had but little taste for public hfe or desires for 
political honors, but was elected to the legislature 
as a democrat and declined re-election. 

Captain Reuben A. Riley, who got his military 
title in the war for the Union, a member of the 
Hancock County Bar, was the father of the great 
Hoosier Poet, James Whitcoml) Riley, named in 
honor of Governor James Whitcomb. 

Captain Riley is remembered not alone because 
of his prominence as a soldier and lawyer, but on 


account of his observance of the styles of his day, 
when lawyers appeared in courts clothed in "spike- 
tailed" coats, and Captain Riley's usually had on 
shining brass buttons. 

That fashion and the head gear of plug hats, it 
has been said, was created by Tom Walpole, a 
pioneer lawyer of that county. 

John S. Tarkington of the Indianapolis bar, still 
living, was prominent as a commercial lawyer and 
annually published a court calendar for the con- 
venience of lawyers of the State, giving the dates 
of the commencement and duration of the terms 
of the various courts. He was the father of the 
distinguished novelist, Booth Tarkington, who was 
given the name Booth in honor of the name of his 
mother and that of Honorable Newton Booth, her 
brother, a United States Senator from California, 
prominently mentioned for the republican nomina- 
tion for President in 187G. Xewton Booth was 
l>orn at Salem, Indiana. 

Edwin Denby, recently chosen as Secretary of 
the Xavy in the cabinet of President Harding, is 
tlie son of Colonel Charles Denby, a democrat, who 
stood at the head of the bar in Southern Indiana, 
some of whose history will appear in future pages 
of this work. Edwin's mother w^as a daucfhter of 
Senator Graliam X. Fitch, who was an eminent 
surgeon of Logansport, Indiana, when he became 
^'nitcd States Senator. James R. Slack entered 
t)ie service as colonel of the 47th Indiana Remment. 
iiic 4()th Regiment, of which Fitch was colonel, 
nnd the -ITth were in the same brigade, and both 


Fitch and Slack were eligible for appointment as 
brigadier general, and both had been proininent 
democrats. It was claimed that Fitch had the 
better claim for the promotion because his regiment 
was first organized, but Slack's commission as 
colonel was dated prior to the date of that of Fitch 
and he got the promotion, while Fitch was assigned 
to another brigade and served as brigadier gen- 
eral at the siege of New ]\Iadrid and in other 

General Slack served for the greater part of the 
war and was succeeded in command by General 
George F. McGinnis. Soon after the war closed 
he was elected Judge of the Circuit Court for the 
counties of Huntington and Wells and held the 
office for many years. He was conspicuous as a 
democratic leader in the State, and presided at 
Democratic State Conventions on a number of 

Colonel Thomas H. Bringhurst of Logansport 
succeeded Fitcli as colonel of the 4Gth and served 
until the war ended. 

Another prominent soldier of that regiment was 
Major George Burson of Winamac, who raised 
and commanded a company of it in all of its marches 
and engagements until near the close of the war 
when he was conmiissioned as major of another 
regiment, in which he served until the last gun was 
fired. Returning home he again engaged in the 
law practice that he had left to enlist; served as 
a democratic member of the legislature in 1875 and 
1877, and was soon after elected Circuit Judge and 


•, [': • 

ser\'ed for twelve years. At this writing he is still 
living in the enjoyment of the admiration of all his 
fellow citizens and honored by all of his many 

Martin jM. Ray, a pioneer lawyer of Shelbyville, 
a man of imposing personal appearance and high 
attainments, after a long residence there became a 
resident of Indianapolis, and the head of the law 
firm of Ray, Gordon and March, composed of 
Walter jNIarch, Jonathan W. Gordon and himself. 
March had long been prominent as the leader of 
the bar at jNIuncie, Delaware County. Jonathan 
W. Gordon was an educated surgeon, practicing his 
profession in Ripley County until the Civil War 
began, when he enlisted in the Union Army and 
became Major of the 11th Regiment of Regulars, 
serving until the war closed, when he took up the 
law practice at Indianapolis and soon took rank 
as the leading criminal lawyer of the State, espe- 
cially in cases in which questions of medical and 
surgical science arose, his education and experience 
as a physician and surgeon greatly aiding him in 
scientifically mastering intricate complications. He 
was also an able advocate and resourceful in origi- 
nating and urging upon courts what were then 
points of great interest to the legal profession. His 
great wit often rivaled his legal acumen. 

The first judicial definition of "a reasonable 
doubt" was expressed by the Supreme Court in ap- 
proving literally a definition contained in Gordon's 
brief in what was known as the Nancy E. Clem 

case. . ^ ,, ; . ^ _; ; . . ;, . ,,;.,.., 


His contentions in her defense, on the charge of 
homicide, in respect to a reasonable doubt, and 
other points he urged, secured a reversal of the case, 
and on a second conviction and appeal he was again 
successful in his contention that where a single act 
results in kiUing two persons that the conviction 
for killing one bars a conviction for kilhng the 
other, because the offender has already been once in 
jeopardy for the same offense. 

He was also credited with having caused the 
Supreme Court, in other cases in which he appeared, 
to greatly expand the doctrine and right of self 

His early political affiliations were with the demo- 
cratic party, but changed during the Civil War and 
he became active in republican campaigns and a 
republican member of the legislature, and was ap- 
pointed clerk of the Supreme Court by Governor 
Porter to fill a vacancy. 

He was the son-in-law of General Ebenezer 
Dumont, a prominent Union General. 

Next to iSIajor Gordon as a criminal lawyer and 
general practitioner was John S. Duncan, who soon 
after his graduation from the Xorthwestern Chris- 
tian University (now^ Butler College) was elected 
Prosecuting Attorney, and among other cases that 
he successfully prosecuted was the Clem case that 
Gordon defended. Upon the expiration of his 
term as State's Attorney he was sought after in 
most important criminal cases, both to defend and 
prosecute, and was classed more as a criminal law- 
yer than as a general practitioner, but he was both, 


?t 1 

and was noted for his successes, and was besides a 
man of lovable disposition and attractive qualities 
in every way. 

His father, Robert B. Duncan, was a pioneer 
lawyer of Indianapolis. The firm of Duncan, Smith 
and Duncan long existed and had an extensive 
business. Charles W. Smith, a member of it, was 
a graduate of Asbury University and served as an 
officer in the Union Army during the war. He was 
among the ablest of the many able lawyers of the 
State and devoted his entire time conscientiously 
and exclusively to the practice representing the 
most important interests, and sought no pohtical 
or other public honors, but at times served on edu- 
cational boards and in the ^^romotion of civic inter- 
ests. He was often a successful contender in leeral 
contests with members of the great law firms of 
Porter, Plarrison and Hines, Plendricks, Hord 
and Hendricks, ^McDonald and Butler and others 
of their class. 

Cyrus C. Hines, of the firm of Porter, Harrison 
and Plines, was lieutenant colonel of the 57th Indi- 
ana Regiment, serving throughout the war and at 
its close became Circuit Judge. Of Porter, Harri- 
son, and others, much more will hereafter appear. 

Ovid Butler, a distinguished lawyer and philan- 
thropist of Indianapolis, was of the log cabin class 
wlio availed himself of all the advantages he could 
acquire in the old sclioolhouses and then completed 
a full course of self-education and became a suc- 
cessful teacher, and while following that vocation 
studied law and became prominent as a practitioner, 


^t uW-i 


having as partners Calvin Fletcher, Simon Yandes, 
and Horatio C. Xewcomb. For twenty years he 
was president of the Xorthwestern Christian Uni- 
versity that he founded, that afterwards honored 
him by changing its name to Butler College and 
its location from Indianapolis to Irvington. 

His political affiliations in his early days were 
with the democratic party that he abandoned be- 
cause of its proslavery attitude, and became a mem- 
ber of the Free Soil party and led its members 
into the repubhcan party when it was organized, 
and educated that party's members to an under- 
standing of its principles and purposes in the col- 
umns of the Indiana State Journal newspaper that 
he established. He died in 1881 in his 80th year. 

Noble C. Butler, the efficient clerk of the United 
States Circuit and District Courts at Indianapolis, 
was appointed to that position in 1879 by Judges 
Drummond and Gresham, was one of the young 
men who entered the mihtary service as a private 
soldier in the 93d Indiana Regiment soon after his 
graduation from Hanover College. He served 
until the end of the war and then entered the law 
office of his father, a pioneer lawyer of Salem, 
Indiana, who moved to Xew Albany and formed a 
co-partnership with General Walter Q. Gresham. 
Noble C. became the junior member of the firm of 
Butler, Gresham and Butler, and remained in it 
until its dissolution by the appointment of General 
Gresham as Judge of the United States District 
Court. .1 '. ^ > : 

He has been a frequent contributor to news- 

16 . ..^■- 

i' ]'■ ■'.;<:. K ■■■•■■ '.fii/ 

papers on political, educational, and literary sub- 
jects, also to law journals, and while serving as a 
register in bankruptcy at Xew Albany for a num- 
ber of years, when the old Bankruptcy Act of 1867 
was in force, he rendered many able legal opinions 
that appear in Bissell's Reports and Federal Cases. 
He had been preceded in the office of clerk by John 
D. Howland, who had served as clerk of these 
courts for more than twenty years. Howland had 
previously been long in the law practice as a mem- 
ber of the firm of Barbour and Howland. Lucien 
Barbour, his partner, had served one term in Con- 
gress before the Civil War and was long a 
prominent practitioner of Indianapolis. 

Typewriters had not come in use to any extent 
during the time that Howland was clerk and liis 
records in liis own elegant handwriting v. ere always 
clean, correct, and plainly written. He was not 
only a rapid writer but had a well-trained legal 
mind that readily suggested to him what to put on 
paper. Many la\\yers who had business in these 
courts and were in doubt as to the metliods of pro- 
cedure relied upon liim for guidance and got tlieir 
education in Federal practice from him, and he was 
ever ready to accommodate and aid them. His 
brother, Livingston Howland, also a lawyer, rose 
to the rank of major of an Indiana regiment in 
^vhich he served from the beginning until the end 
of the war, and was soon after elected and served 
for a number of years as Judge of the Circuit Court 
composed of the counties of Marion and Hendricks. 
The position of Register in Bankruptcy yielded 


large sums in fees and compensation for services in 
bankruptcy cases, of which the United States Dis- 
trict Court at Indianapolis had jurisdiction. Col. 
John W. Ray had been appointed to the position 
of register in 1867, and held it until about two 
years before the law went out of existence in 1878, 
when Judge Gresham decided to pass prosperity 
around by asking Ray to resign so he could ap- 
point Col. Henry Jordan, an old army comrade, 
in his place, and, of course, Ray complied with the 
request. John W. Ray was colonel of the 49th In- 
diana Regiment, was long prominent in religious 
work and in business affairs, was a man of excel- 
lent character, and for many years one of the 
trustees of Asbury University, before its name was 
changed to DePauw University. 

Addison C. Harris and John T. Dye composed 
the law firm of Dye and Harris, noted for the abil- 
ity of its members. After its dissolution Harris 
practiced alone and had a large clientage, was a 
State Senator and ]Minister to Austria during the 
administration of President ^NIcKinley. John T. 
Dye was for many years the general counsel of 
the Big Four Railroad Company. 

James M. Cropsey was an able lawyer and held 
the offices of States Attorney, and was prominent as 
a democratic leader. 

Napoleon B. Taylor and Judge Frederick Rand 
were both judges of the Superior Court at Indian- 
apohs. When their terms as judges expired they 
formed a law partnership into which Ed\vin Taylor, 
the son of Xapoleon B., entered, the firm name be- 


ing Taylor, Rand and Taylor. Edwin Taylor later 
moved to Evansville and formed a partnership with 
Jolm E. Iglehart and they were for many years 
the general attorneys of the Evansville and Terre 
Haute Railroad Company. 

John E. Iglehart was the son of Asa Iglehart, a 
prominent lawyer of Evansville, who was the author 
of an instructive work on practice in the Courts. 

For many years the Supreme Court at its pub- 
lic terms, in iVIay and Xovember, was attended at 
the opening days by members of the bar from every 
county of the state, in person, for the purpose of 
submitting their cases. 

Asa Iglehart was always a conspicuous figure on 
these occasions, as were John Brownlee of jNIarion, 
Walter iNIarch of ^luncie, Jolm B. Xiles and 
Andrew L. Osborn of LaPorte. These meetings 
of the court served to bring the lawyers of the state 
into fellowship and association with each other, and 
tliis association continued until the adoption of a 
rule by the court under which the cases are auto- 
matically submitted so as to avoid personal attend- 

La^^yers have at all times been influential lead- 
ers in public affairs and especially in legislative 
assembhes, and their activities have sometimes been 
subjects of complaint by others. They have never 
failed in their patriotism when emergencies called 
for it. 

They were the first to respond to the call for 
soldiers in the war for the Union. 

Of forty distinguished civilian citizens of In- 


diana, who rose to or above the rank of brigadier 
general, twenty-eight were lawyers. The following 
is a list of these generals : 

Generals Alvin P. Ilovey and William Harrow 
of Posey County, James M. Shackelford and John 
W. Foster of Evansville, Lew Wallace and 
Mahlon D. ^lanson of Crawfordsville, Reuben C. 
Kise and Abram O. ]\Iiller of Lebanon, Silas Col- 
grove and Thomas jNI. Browne of Winchester, 
Josepli J. Reynolds, Isaac N. Stiles and Charles 
Cruft of Lafayette, Newell Gleason and Jasper 
Packard of LaPorte, Reuben Williams and George 
H. Chapman of Warsaw, Charles S. Parish of Wa- 
bash, Pleasant A. Hackelman of Rushville, James 
R. Slack of Huntington, Solomon Meredith of 
Riclimond, John P. C. Shanks of Portland, Mor- 
ton C. Hunter of Bloomington, Jeremiah Sullivan 
of Madison, Robert H. ^Milroy of Rensselaer, ]Milo 
S. Hascall of Goshen, Xathan Kimball of Looffoo- 
tee, William Grose of New Castle, Walter Q. 
Gresham of Corj'don, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas 
A. Morris, Abel D. Streight, Frederick Knefler, 
George F. McGinnis, Ebenezer Dumont, John Co- 
burn, Daniel ^NlcCauley and John Love of Indian- 
apolis, Henry B. Carrington and Jefferson C. 

Of these Gen. Walter Q. Gresham, as previously 
mentioned, served on General Grant's staff, was 
severely wounded in battle, long served as a Fed- 
eral Judge after the war, and was a member of 
the cabinets of Presidents xVrthur and Cleveland. 

Gen. Benjamin Harrison became a United 


States Senator and president of the United States. 

Gen. Pleasant A. Hackelman lost his life in 
battle while leading his command at Corinth. 

Gen. Abel D. Streight, and part of his com- 
mand, was captured in battle, and confined in a 
Confederate prison from which he and other prison- 
ers escaped by means of a tunnel that was excavated 
under the prison by his direction, was long a 
prominent manufacturer and business man of In- 
dianapolis, and made an energetic but unsuccessful 
campaign for the republican nomination for gov- 
ernor in 1880. 

Gen. John P. C. Shanks served on General Fre- 
mont's staff, and after the war many terms in con- 

Gen. Alvin P. Hovey was a judge of the State 
Supreme Court before the war, was prominent as 
a general and diplomat and became governor of 
the state. Gen. John W. Foster was a prominent 
journalist, historian and diplomat. Gen. James M. 
Shackelford distinguished himself in battle, and as 
the captor of the Confederate general, John oMor- 
gan. Gen. John Coburn served many terms in 
congress. Lew Wallace was a INIajor General, a 
foreign ambassador and great author. On the 
occasion of the death of General Hackelman the 
Lafayette Journal published these lines: 

"His last words were: 

I am dviniT for mv countrv, 
His comrades knelt to hear • . •' 

What loved message they should carry i 

To his friends and kindred dear, , • 


Dying — he so faintly whispered 

While his face in the radiance beamed — 

For my country — Then so gently slept as he dreamed. 

Of the records and acts of all these militant 
heroes much will appear in the pages that follow. 
Many men whose careers began in Indiana became 
conspicuous in public life elsewhere. 

Gen. John Hay was President Lincoln's bio- 
grapher and Secretary of State, a prominent Union 
General, writer, statesman and diplomat, was born 
at Salem, Washington Coimty. 

Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, who succeeded Gen. 
George B. IMcClellan as the commanding general 
of the Union Army, was born at Liberty, Indiana. 
In January, 18G3, he was in charge of the depart- 
ment of the Ohio, comprising that state, Indiana 
and others with headquarters at Cincinnati, where 
on the 13th of April of that year he issued the 
celebrated military order, Xo. 38, prohibiting the 
utterance of disloyal sentiments and informinfif all 
persons who committed acts for the benefit of the 
enemies of the country that they would be tried as 
spies and if convicted would suffer death. Lamb- 
din P. Milligan of Huntington and others of In- 
diana, and Clement L. Vallandigham of Ohio, were 
arrested, tried and convicted of violation of this 
order, but escaped death. 

Gen. John W. Foster was a native of Pike 
County, graduated from the Indiana State L^ni- 
versity, served with distinction in tlie L^nion Army, 
was long a prominent journalist of Evansville, In- 
diana, became a member of presidential cabinets as 


Secretary of State and filled many diplomatic posi- 
tions, and was the father-in-law of Robert Lansing, 
who succeeded William J. Bryan as Secretary of 

James ]M. Eads, the great engineer and ship 
builder, who rendered great aid to the national gov- 
ernment in outfitting its war vessels in 18G1 and 
other years of the Civil War, and constructed the 
great St. Louis steel bridge, was born at LawTence- 
burg, Indiana. 

Charles V. Gridley, the American naval officer, 
who commanded the Olympia at ^Manilla Bay on 
May 1st, 1898, and destroyed the Spanish fleet 
when Admiral Dewey commanded 'Tire, Gridley, 
Fire," was born at Logansport. 

Gen. Willis A. Gorman, who commanded the 
great Gorman Brigade in the Civil War, was a 
native of Indiana, appointed by President Pierce 
as territorial governor of ^Minnesota, became prom- 
inent in the affairs of that state, and entered the 
Union Army as colonel of the 1st ^Minnesota Regi- 
ment and for braver}^ in action was soon promoted 
to be brigadier general. 

Willis C. Vandevanter, now a judge of the Su- 
preme Court of the L^nited States and the youngest 
member of that great tribunal, was born at ^Marion 
in Grant County, and began his legal education in 
the office of Isaac C. Vandevanter, liis father, who 
was well kno^^'n as an able la\sycr of the Grant 
County bar. 

John D. ^Vorks began the law practice at Vevay, 
Switzerland County, was a member of the Indiana 


legislature in 1879, and author of a law treatise 
called Work's Practice, became a judge of the Su- 
preme Court of California and represented that 
state in the United States Senate. 

John Clark Ridpath, a native of Putnam County, 
and professor of Enghsh literature at Asbury Uni- 
versity, acquired fame as a historian, as well as an 
educator, was the author of a history of the 
United States of many volumes, also of a school 
history and an Enghsh grammar. 

Moses E. Clapp, born near Delphi, Carroll 
County, became attorney general of ^Minnesota and 
United States Senator. 

John Lane Wilson, a descendant of Governor 
Henry S. Lane, became a United States Senator 
from the State of Washington. 

LLenry Lane Wilson, of the same family, became 
one of the most prominent of the ambassadors of 
the United States. 

John C. Spooner, who became a LTnited States 
Senator from Wisconsin for two terms, was a son 
of Pliihp Spooner, a prominent pioneer lawyer of 
Lawrenceburg, and brother of Gen. Ben Spooner, 
who was for many years United States jNIarshal 
for the District of Indiana. 

Joel F. Vaile gained a high reputation as a 
la^vyer before leaving his birthplace at Kokomo, 
Indiana, to become a resident of Denver, Colorado, 
where he became an associate in the law practice 
with United States Senator Wolcott and was for 
many years ranked at the head of the Colorado bar. 
His father, Kawsom Vaile, was, in early days, an 

U .5 

editor of the Indianapolis Journal and quit journal- 
ism to engage in the law practice at Kokomo. 

William N. Vaile, a member of the sixty-seventh 
congress, is a son of Joel F. Vaile. 

WiUiam jNI. Springer, a member of Congress 
from 187 J to 1895, representing the Springfield, 
Illinois, District, was born at Sullivan, Indiana, 
and graduated from the Indiana University. While 
in Congress was the author of a bill that gave a judi- 
cial system to the Indian Territory and established 
the State of Oklahoma. 

Nathan G. Calkins, an American scientist, was 
bom at Valparaiso, Indiana. Graduated at the 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology^ and had j 
charge of scientific expeditions in Alaska and be- j 
came instructor in zoology at Columbia University. ] 

Jacob E. Reighard, an American educator, was ! 
bom at LaPorte, Indiana, graduated at the Uni- '\ 
varsity of ]\Iichigan, and made a biological survey j 
of the Great Lakes in 1898. j 

Russell B, Abbott, a graduate of the University j 
of Michigan, was principal of the public schools at 
Mimcie and New Castle, and established the Albert 
Lea College in jNIinnesota. 

James ]M. Callahan, an American publicist, 
was born at Bedford, Indiana, graduated at the 
University of Indiana, and became lecturer on 
American Diplomatic Histor}^ at Johns Hopkins 

Andrew II. Burke, the drummer boy of the 75 th 
Indiana Regiment, became Governor of North 


John S. Poland, bom at Princeton, Gibson 
County, served through the Civil War as a Heu- 
tenant and became Brigadier General of Volunteers 
in the war with Spain, was a professor of liistory 
at the United States jNIilitary Academy. 

Edwin II. Terrell, a graduate of De Pauw Uni- 
versity, born at Brookville, Indiana, practiced law 
at Indianapolis as the partner of Captain Charles 
P. Jacobs; later became a resident of Texas and 
held diplomatic positions during the administration 
of President Benjamin Harrison. 

The Congressional Directories of even' session of 
Congress for the last half century contain the 
biograj^hies of members from every western State 
who began life in Indiana. 

Jacob XcAMiian, a gi-eat lawyer and philanthro- 
pist of Chicago, began life at Indianapolis, got his 
common school education at Xoblcsville, Indiana, 
and took a full literary and law course, graduating 
from the University of Chicago, made his own way 
in the world, and for half a century lias practiced 
his profession with great success and been engaged 
in the most important litigations. It is said of him 
by lawyers that he has made more law in his cases 
than any other of Chicago. 

William T. Fenton, A^ice President of the Xa- 
tional Bank of the Republic of Chicago, and one of 
its founders, continuously identified with it and the 
group of great Chicago financiers, began liis bank- 
ing career at Indianapolis in the old banking house 
of Fletcher and Sliarpe, was a man of high culture 
and literary accomplishments that led him in his 


* ' i ■ . , )■; .'■".'■« ■ k( 

early days to compose some elegant poetic effu- 
sions that he was too modest to have published, 
though they would have taken a high rank with 
those of lndiana"s numerous and most distinguished 
poets and writers. 

Thomas A. Goodwin, D.D., of Indianapolis, was 
for half a century conspicuous as a publicist, the 
author of many books on both religious and secular 
subjects, and a forecaster of future events in com- 
munications to the public press over the name 
"U. L. See." Among his compositions published 
over his oa\ti signature was an Oriental love story 
to which he gave the title "Lovers Three Thousand 
Years Ago," in which he commented in the preface 
on the fact that all the literature that had come 
under liis notice on the subject of the Song of 
Solomon, there was not found a single presentation 
of it in a form that would allow it to be read in its 
true character, as in fact a poem describing the 
heroine of the song as "a beautiful sun-burnt 
maiden in northern Palestine, whose home life had 
been made miserable by the oppressions of two half- 
brothers who put her to the task of keeping sheep, 
where she was visited by procurers who were seek- 
ing young women for Solomon's harem, and under 
a promise of a good home in the King's palace 
induced her to go with them, she not suspecting 
their desig-n, against which she protested vigor- 
ously." How she escaptnl with her rustic lover 
constitutes a thrilling love story, all the more inter- 
esting, so he says, "because the song had so long 
been tortured to refer to Christ and His love for 
the Church." 


In his contributions to the newspapers on current 
subjects of interest, liis predictions of the conse- 
quences that would follow from what was occurring, 
made his 7ion de plume a most apt selection. Among 
other of his productions was a booklet entitled, 
"Facts and Figures," showing, as he contended, 
"that state institutions of learning are needlessly 
expensive, radically non- American, and unavoid- 
ably non-rehgious," and not contemplated by the 
Constitution of the State. His opposition to the 
pohcy of the State in fostering and maintaining 
these institutions had its inspiration, doubtless, in 
his love for the sectarian institutions of learning, 
in one of which he had been educated, nevertheless 
his arguments were plausible, but failed to change 
the pohcy of the State. He was followed and sup- 
ported in his contentions by William H. Craig of 
Noblesville, Indiana, a graduate of Hanover Col- 
lege, a regular contributor to the Indianapohs 
press, and a member of the editorial staff of the 
Indianapolis Star. His writings on the subject are 
no less interesting than those of Goodwin. 




SOME of the experiences of the author, in his ob- 
servations of others, intrude themselves for 
mention in this chapter. 

The association of one object with another is a 
natural characteristic in mental processes. An 
observance of the course of human events is always 
attended with an observance of those identified with 

The tendency to observe things has its most 
vigorous growth as youth begins to merge into 

The calendar year 1860 was the one that brought 
the mind of the author to a keen observance of 
events that have lingered in cold storage in his 
recollections. It was in that year that his then 
young mind was impressed by the lurid scenes pro- 
duced by a company of campaign marchers call- 
ing themselves "Wide Awakes," in their uniforms 
of oil cloth capes and caps and carrying lighted 
torches. He inquired why they called themselves 
^y that name, and was told by one of mature years 
that the name was very appropriate, as their pin*- 
pose was to awaken the voters of the country to an 
understanding of the conditions that had been 
brought about by slave owners of the Southern 


States, who wanted to have slavery extended into 
Northern States, and that the repubhcan party 
did not intend they should succeed. 

The next political event tliat he observed with 
interest was a Democratic rally at Peru, Indiana, 
when a procession of men, women, and cliildren 
followed a band of music to a grove of trees, where 
a high hickory pole was raised and an American 
L ^g was unfurled to wave over a speaker's stand, 
on which was seated a number of men dressed in 
black broadcloth suits, one of whom was introduced 
as the speaker of the day and as the Douglas 
candidate for vice-president. This was Honorable 
Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia, a very stout man 
with long bushy black hair and hea\y eyebrows, 
who spoke at great length, saying among other 
things, as the writer remembers, that the Southern 
people would not tolerate any interference with 
their property rights in the slaves that they owned, 
and any attempt to interfere with their domestic 
concerns or privileges of occup3'ing new territories 
would justify their separation from their northern 
neighbors and the establislmient of a separate 
government of their own, and closed by saying: 
"These are the views of your candidate for vice- 
president, and if you don't like them you don't have 
to vote for him." There were many mutterings 
of disapproval of his speech, some saying he had 
insulted the flag that waved over his head, and 
many took him at his word and didn't vote for 
him; a year later he became one of the leaders of 
his State in its attempt to secede from the Union. 


. The candidate of the Southern Democrats for 
president was John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, 
then vice-president. Abraham Lincoln was the 
Repubhcan candidate for president, and Hannibal 
Ilamhn of jNlaine was the candidate for vice-pres- 
ident. At the election that followed, Lincoln and 
Hamlin received a plurahty of votes and the elec- 
toral vote of tlie State, and became president and 
vice-president of the L^nited States. 

There was no Breckinridge candidate for gov- 
ernor of Indiana. Henry S. Lane of Montgom- 
ery County was the Republican nominee for gov- 
ernor, and Oliver P. ^lorton of Wayne County 
was the nominee for lieutenant governor. The 
Douglas Democratic candidate for governor was 
Thomas A. Hendricks of Shelby County, and 
David Turpie of White County was the candidate 
for lieutenant governor. Lane and jNIorton were 

The legislature of 1861 elected Lane to the 
United States Senate, and Morton became ex- 
ofHcio governor and was soon known to the entire 
country as Indiana's great war governor. 

The election of Lincoln as president was made 
the excuse of the southerners for renewing their 
threats to secede from the Union and to form their 
States into an independent confederacy, and their 
declarations clearly foreshadowed the war that the}-- 
f began. Thev committed the first overt act of war 

I hy firing upon the xVmerican flag at Fort Sumter 

) and demanding its surrender. Up to this time 

j public sentiment in the Xorthern States was di- 

^ 31 


vided, many in Indiana were of the opinion that 
the separation of the Union would be preferable 
to a war to maintain it, but the ])ombardment of 
Fort Sumter and its surrender by ^Major xVnder- 
son of the United States Army aroused a univer- 
sal sentiment of indignation and touched every 
patriotic sensibility, and the cry went up every- 
where that rebellion must be suppressed and w^ar 
to that end vigorously prosecuted. An instance 
of the sudden change in sentiments may be given. 
General Robert II. ^lilroy, who had been edu- 
cated at a military academy at Xorwich, Connecti- 
cut, and had served as a captain in the First In- 
diana Regiment in the war with ^Mexico, foresee- 
ing the coming conflict before it began, attempted 
to raise a company of volunteers, and several weeks 
of solicitation only brought two enlistments, but 
on the day following the firing on Fort Sumter, 
he filled his company of one hundred men before 
breakfast and had them prepared to march to the 
front before supper. On the first call for 75,000 
to fill Indiana's quota of six thousand they were 
mustered into the United States service for tliree 
months in the 9th Indiana Regiment, with IMilroy 
as their captain. He was soon after made the 
colonel of the regiment that re-enlisted at the ex- 
piration of the three months service, and he was 
soon thereafter promoted to brigadier general and 
attained and maintained much celebrity during the 
entire war; was called by his comrades the "Gray 
Eagle," because of his fearless and restless eyes 
and gray hair. His early days were spent in Car- 


roll County, where his father brought him in his 
youth. At the time of his entering the civil war 
he was engaged in the law practice at Rensselaer. 
His brother John B. ]Milroy enlisted and served 
with him throughout the war as major of the 9th 
Indiana Regiment, and in after years served as a 
member of the Indiana legislature and in other 
county official positions. 

General ^lilroy received but scant reward for 
his great military services by being appointed as 
an Indian Agent in the territory of Washington, 
where he died a few years later. ^lajor John B. 
Milroy died in Carroll County in 1896. 

Another instance of the quick responses to the 
call for troops was when Colonel James Gavin of 
the 7th Indiana Regiment mustered six hundred 
citizens of Decatur County in a few hours and on 
the same day telegraphed to Governor ]\Iorton: 
"These are fighting men and want to fight, and I 
^vant to take them where tliere is danger." Colo- 
nel Gavin served with distinction throughout the 
^^■ar. Before it began he had become a prominent 
lawyer and was associated with Oscar B. Ilord, 
another able lawver, in revising' and annotatino;- 
tile statutes of Indiana, loio^Mi to all lawyers as 
■'Gavin and Ilord's Statutes." 

These are only two of many similar instances 
f^f the determination of the people throughout the 
State to aid in the suppression of the rebellion. 

The people of the State generally were most 
liberal in their donations of money to aid in organ- 
izing regiments, and in making provisions for the 



support of the families whose heads entered the 
service. In many instances money contributions 
were notably large, one of these is recalled in the 
act of Thomas J. Brooks, a farmer and merchant 
of Loogootee, ^Martin County, who donated a 
thousand dollars to Colonel Xathan Kimball to 
enable him to equip the 13th Indiana Regiment 
for service. His son, Louis Brooks, was a cap- 
tain of one of the companies of that regiment. 
Kimball was soon promoted to be a brigadier 
general, and Charles Denby of Evansville suc- 
ceeded him as colonel, and upon Denby's resigna- 
tion later in the war Louis Brooks succeeded him 
as colonel and remained with the regiment until 
the war closed. 

Thomas J. Brooks, a son of Louis, after getting 
a thorough education became a lawyer and prac- 
ticed his profession successfully at Bedford, In- 
diana, for many years, and served in the state 
senate as one of its ablest members. 

The enthusiasm and determination of the peo- 
ple in the early periods of the war were greatly 
diminished when its horrors and burdens were ex- 
perienced and a realization of the purposes for 
which it was waged became manifest in the neces- 
sity for destroying slavery, and many declared 
they would not have enlisted for such a purpose. 

So rapidly did the opposition to the war grow 
that there were many desertions from the army 
and many proposals for the termination of the war 
by any means that could be contrived were heard: 
the clamor for peace at any price was so loud as 


to almost produce mutiny in the army that had 
been so quickly mobilized. This opposition was 
seized upon by the opponents of the political party 
in power in their determination to humiliate Gov- 
ernor Morton, who it was claimed had caused the 
arrest of many citizens on groundless charges of 
disloyalty, and because of this opposition the 
Democratic party carried the state election and 
the state legislature in 1862 by a decisive majority, 
and at an early day in the legislative session that 
followed, in January, 1863, a preamble and reso- 
lution were introduced declaring that many citi- 
zens of the State had been arrested by the author- 
ity of the general government at the suggestion 
of Governor iVIorton, and confined in military pris- 
ons and camps without public charges being pre- 
ferred against them, and without any opportunity 
of being allowed to learn or discover the charges 
made or alleged against them, and refused a trial, 
and demanding that these outrages should cease; 
also resolutions declaring against the abolition of 
slavery, and that not another man or another dol- 
lar should be contributed for such a purpose. In 
the debates upon the j^lans for ending the war, the 
proposition of a northwestern confederacy that 
would include the States north and west of the 
Ohio river, as a means of becoming separated from 
the Eastern States was urged, notwithstanding 
that it embodied the very essence of treason. 

The bitterness between jNIorton and the legis- 
lature was so intense that instead of his being in- 
vited and given an opportunity to deliver his mes- 

* 1767813 '* Ii.lSSO 

sage to tliem at tlie opening of the session, it took a 
recess until the week following, and upon its recon- 
vening he sent his message to them in printed form. 
This act on his part was followed by a resolution 
that was introduced in the house, declaring that he 
had failed and neglected to deliver any message 
and therefore that the house approved and adopted 
''the exalted and patriotic sentiments contained in 
the message lately delivered to the legislature of the 
State of New York by His Excellency Governor 
Horatio Seymour," and extending its thanks and 
felicitations to him. But the resolution did not 

Another measure introduced provided for the 
creation of a military board to be composed of the 
newly elected State officers to take all matters per- 
taining to the vrar out of the governor's hands. 
The introduction of this revolutionary measure led 
to a bolt by the Republican members, who left the 
State capitol and went to ^Madison, Indiana, and 
remained until they received assurances from Thom- 
as A. Hendricks and otliers of the more conser- 
vative Democrats that the measure should not pass. 
While the legislature was still in session, and to 
stem the tide of opposition to the war that had 
set in, an address to the Democracy of Indiana was 
published from Democratic officers in the army 
reading as follows: 

Helena, Ark., Feb. 2, 1863. 
To the Democracy of Indiana: 

Having a deep interest in tlic future glorj' and wel- 
fare of our country and believing that wc occupy a 


position in which we can see the effects of the politi- 
cal struggles at home upon the hopes and fears of the 
rebels, we deem it our duty to speak to you openly 
and plainly in regard to the same. 

The rebels of the South are leaning on the Northern 
democracy for support, and it is unquestionably true 
that unjustifiable opposition to the administration is 
giving aid and comfort to the enemy. 

While it is the duty of patriots to oppose usurpa- 
tion of power, it is alike their duty to avoid captious 
criticism that might create the very evils they attemi)t 
to avoid. The name Democrat, associated with all 
that is bright and glorious in the history of the past, 
is being sullied and disgraced by demagogues who 
are appealing to the lowest prejudices and passions 
of our people. We have nothing to expect from the 
South and nothing to hope without their conquest. 

They are now using their money freely to subsidize 
the press and politicians of the North, and with what 
effect the tone of some of our journals and the 
speeches of some of their leaders too plainly and 
painfully testify. 

We see with deep solicitude and regret that there 
is an undercurrent in Indiana tending toward a coali- 
tion of the northwest with the south against the east- 
ern States. Be not deceived. Pause for the love you 
bear to your country' and reflect. This movement is 
only a rebel scheme in disguise that would involve 
you alike with themselves in the crime of rebellion 
and bring to your own hearthstones the desolation of 
a French Revolution. Separation on either side with 
peace in the future is impossible, and we are com- 
pelled by self-interest, by every principle of honor 
and every impulse of manhood to bring the unholy 
contest to a successful termination. 

What! Admit that we are whipped? That twenty- 
three millions of northern men are unequal to nine 


millions of the south? Shame on the State that 
would entertain so disgraceful a proposition. 

Shame upon the Democrat who would submit to 
it and raise his cowardly voice and claim that he was 
an Indianian. He and such dastards and their off- 
spring are fit "Mud-sills" upon which should be built 
the lordly structure of their southern aristocracy! 
And with whom would this unholy alliance be 
formed? With men who have forgotten their fath- 
ers, tlieir oaths, their country, and their God; with 
guerillas, cotton burners, with those who force every 
male inhabitant of the South capable of bearing arms 
into the field, though starving wives and babes are 
left behind! Men who persecute and hang or drive 
from their lines every man, woman, and child w^ho 
will not fall down ar.d worship the Southern God. 
And yet free born men of our own State will sympa- 
thize with such tyrants and dare even to dream of 
coalition! Indiana's proud and loyal legions number 
at least seventy-five thousand elfoctive men in the 
field, and as with one great heart we know they 
would repudiate all unholy combinations tending to 
dismember our government. 

In this dark hour of our country's trial there is but 
one road to success and peace and that is to be as 
firmly united for our government as rebels are 
against it. Small ditTerences of opinion amount to 
nothing in this great struggle for a nation's existence. 
Do not place even one straw in the way and remem- 
ber that ever>' word you speak to encourage the South 
nerves the arm and strikes the blow which is aimed 
at the hearts' blood of your kindred. 

Signed: Alvin P. Hovey, Brigadier General. 

William T. Simclly, Colonel 21th Ind. 
WiLLLXM E. McLi:ax, Colonel 43d Ind. 
George F. McGinnis, Colonel 11th Ind. 
. -i James R. Slack, Colonel 47lh Ind. 


This timely, vigorous and effective address 
was published broadcast throughout the State, 
and was credited to the gifted pen and intellect 
of Colonel ^Villiam E. McLean. Colonel James R. 
Slack became brigadier general, was a conspicuous 
Democrat after the war and was circuit judge for 
many years. General Hovey, a Democrat before 
the war, was elected governor on the Republican 
ticket in 1888 and died in office. Colonel ^McGin- 
nis was promoted to be brigadier general, served 
with distinction throughout the war and was elected 
as a Republican auditor of Clarion County. 
Colonel iMcLean was a member of the Military 
Commission that tried Milligan and others for 

It is a coincidence in the record of tragedies that 
the surrender of Fort Sumter occurred on the 
14th day of April, 18G1, that on the evening of 
that day President Lincoln wrote his proclamation, 
dated on the 15th, calling on the American peo- 
ple to assist him in preserving public peace and 
order and to aid him in maintaining the honor, 
integrity and existence of the national union, and 
calling the special session of congress that de- 
clared war, and that on the night of the 14th day 
of April, 186.5, at about the same hour that he 
signed his proclamation of four years before, he 
was assassinated. 

It is not the author's intention to attempt to 
follow the progress of the war or give a description 
of its many tragedies and events that have been 
made the subjects of so many complete, accurate 


and ably written histories, but he will refer here- 
after to some of these events that have a connec- 
tion with the reconstruction period that followed. 
His next narrations will begin in the month of 
April, 1865, as an event and experience in his own 
life that then occurred made such impressions as 
to cause him to become a close observer of the 
conduct of public men who were actors in the pub- 
lic events that followed. 

Having the liberty of choosing his own course 
in life and the kind of emplovment he preferred, 
ihe left the little town of Galveston in Cass County, 
Indiana, on the first day of April, 18G.5, to seek 
employment more congenial to his inclinations than 
working on a farm, with only funds sufficient to 
pay his railroad fare to Chicago and for his board 
at a cheap lodging house for a very few days. Xo 
great philanthropist like tlie "Honorable Hinky 
Dink," later a local celebrity and municipal legis- 
lator of that city, was then providing a lodging and 
refreshing place for so-called "Hobos," and he had 
to subsist on very scant meals for a number of 
days, but the excitement of the times aided in keep- 
ing him alive. 

On the 9th day of April, 186.5, four years after 
the rebel march to Fort Sumter began, the news 
came of the surrender of General Lee to General 
Grant that ended the war. Those who witnessed 
the scenes on the 11th day of Xovember, 1918, 
when the news was confirmed about the ending of 
the World War can imagine the excitement on 
the 9th day of April, 1865. 


The great rejoicing in the city of Chicago then 
was mixed with bitter reproaclies of those called 
"Copperheads." Painted on the sidewalks and in 
other pubhc places in large black letters were 
these words; 

"Wanted — The men tvho in the month of Au- 
gust, 1864, in Convention Assembled in this City 
declared the zcar a failure to ?ww show themselves." 

The writer begs to digress here to say that the 
indignation the publishers of these words then felt 
was no deeper than that experienced by many 
when a United States Senator from Oregon, in 
1917, declared that the agencies of the administra- 
tion and its military directors had "fallen down" 
in the prosecution of the World War, when in fact 
over two million brave American soldiers had been 
landed in France without the loss of a single life, 
to end it. 

The reference of the painted words, mentioned, 
to the Democratic National Convention of 1864, 
that had nominated General George B. ]McClellan 
for president, provoked feelings and demonstra- 
tions of the most intense anger and many street 
quarrels and discussions that were verv exciting. 

This bitterness was more intensified when on 
the fourth anniversary of the surrender of Fort 
Sumter the world was shocked and sorrowed by 
the news of the assassination of the president. This 
tragic and historic event cast grief, gloom and de- 
spondency evt?rywhcre, and in every doorway of 
the city where he had ])een nominated for presi- 


dent in 1860 appeared his picture, wreathed in the 
badges and drapery of woe. 

This gloom and the disappointments, distress 
and fears experienced by a homeless and penniless 
youth were not dispelled by the behef that "the 
brighest lightning is kindled in the darkest clouds," 
and he determined to leave the city. It so happened 
that there were then no gates to prevent entrance 
to railroad coaches, one of which he boarded with 
much less than half the return trip fare. It still 
more fortunately happened that the conductor of 
the train, named Workman, was the possessor of 
such humane and charitable characteristics that he 
did not impose the discomforts and humiliation of 
expulsion upon the returning wanderer, but landed 
him back to the place from which he started, where 
he remained until an opportunity came to him that 
enabled him to observe future events from a quieter 
/place than Cliicago. It was not his intention to 
ever again see that city, but by a concatenation 
of fortuitous circumstances it became his residence 
twenty-six years later, where he resided for twenty- 
eight years without losing his affections for the 
old Hoosier State. 







THE accession of Andrew Johnson to the pres- 
idency that immediately followed the death of 
President Lincoln caused that personage's actions 
to be closely watched from the hour that he took 
the oath of office and at once incited criticisms and 
distrust. It was whispered by some and boldly 
declared by others that he was intoxicated on that 
occasion, his followers indignantly denying the 
charge and some of them later convincing them- 
selves that it must have been true. 

What his policy would be in the work of recon- 
struction was the upjiermost subject of inquiry 
in the public mind. 

The course that the minority party in Congress 
would take towards him was watched with quite 
as much eagerness as was that of the majority 
party that had nominated and elected him for vice- 

Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana was then the 
minority leader in the United States Senate. His 
Republican constituents in Indiana were charging 
that he had ^\^thheld his support from President 
Lincoln, and demanding that it be given to the new 
president. This demand was made before it was 
kno^^Ti what Johnson's pohcies would be and so 


acute was it that a public meeting was called at 
Indianapolis to instruct him as to the wishes of 
those who called it and to demand a public pledge 
from him. His personal friends advised him that 
to attend this meeting or to face the mob that it 
would be composed of meant personal violence to 
him, but nevertheless, he courageously faced it and 
declared that he would cheerfully give his support 
to the president if his policies were consistent with 
his own views of constitutional construction, other- 
wise he would not. 

The charge previously made that Hendricks 
had not possessed courage or qualities of leader- 
ship was not thereafter repeated. 

The few days that had intervened between the 
end of the war and the death of President I^incoln 
were so given up to general rejoicing over its close 
that no plans of reconstruction had then been pub- 
licly stated by President Lincoln or proposed from 
any source. The status of the States that had se- 
ceded in their then and future relations to the Fed- 
eral Union presented puzzling questions that 
neither jurists or statesmen had yet ventured posi- 
tive opinions upon. The prevailing opinion soon 
afterward was that they had forfeited and lost 
their status as States of the Union by reason of 
their attempts to secede from it, and that they 
should be held as conquered provinces and sub- 
jected to federal control by military agencies or 
otherwise as congress might determine. 

Johnson had been a loyal Union man before the 
war, was a military governor of it when nominated 


and elected vice-president in 1864, and it was be- 
lieved that lie would concur in this prevailing 
popular opinion, but those who so believed over- 
looked the natural thirst and ap2)etite for power 
that seizes everyone who gets in position to exer- 
cise it, and did not take into account the vanities 
of mankind in their desires to become great lead- 
ers in thought and action. 

To concede such great powers to congress would 
lessen his own and in effect abdicate them; con- 
sequently he was not slow in declaring his o^ti 
policies that he proposed to enforce either ^vith or 
'without the concurrence of congress. 

He very soon indicated that it would be the 
policy of his administration to withdraw any con- 
trol over the seceding States by military goveiTiors 
or other agencies of the Federal Government and 
to restore to them all the rights of independent 
state governments and all civil rights of their citi- 
zens as fully as they had existed before their seces- 
sion, and that test oath acts and other acts of 
congress that had disfranchised their leaders and 
participants in rebellion should be set aside. In 
short, he seeminglv proposed to fully reanimate the 
old doctrine of "States rights," notwithstanding 
that the war had been fought and won to establish 
the supremacy of federal control and had })rac- 
tically, or at least theoretically, settled that they 
had forfeited and lost all the rights reserved to 
them when the Federal Union was formed. It is 
probable that his policies would have been prem- 
ature for many years at least, but for the fact 


that the Southern States, already devastated by the 
war, were being overrun by unscrupulous "Carpet 
Baggers" and other adventurers from the north, 
who were imposing unbeai-able burdens upon them, 
and but for the fact that in dealing with the situa- 
tion congress threatened Johnson's impeacliment, 
and by its acts showed a determination to keep 
alive the partisan clamor that would long prevent 
either reconciliation or reconstruction. 

A clear statement of the issues and differences 
between congress and the president appears in a 
published address delivered by Honorable Hucs-h 
McCulloch at his home at Fort Wayne, Indiana, 
on the 11th dav of October, I860, followin"- one 
along the same hues delivered at Richmond, In- 
diana, by Governor Morton on the 29th day of 
September, 1865, that is preserved in the state 
library at Indianapolis, in which he took strong 
grounds in opposition to negro suffrage at that 
time, and strongly commended tlie reconstruction 
policies of President Johnson, contending that 
they were in harmony with the intended purposes 
of President Lincoln. The facts that he stated 
are convincing in support of his conclusion that 
Johnson was "simply carrying out the policy left 
to him by his lamented predecessor — a policy that 
had been endorsed by the whole nation in the re- 
election of ]Mr. Lincoln and had been promulgated 
to the whole world nearly one year before the time 
of his last election." Vie^ving this speech in itself 
without challenging or commenting upon the con- 
sistency of its author in clianging his attitude to- 


ward Johnson, and voting for his conviction on his 
impeachment trial it must be said that it is perhaps 
the ablest of all the great speeches ever delivered 
by that intellectual giant, but yet none of his biog- 
raphers have given it prominence or publicity. 

It was not, as often contended by his political 
opponents, an absolute and unquahfied argument 
against negro suffrage, but was an able argument 
in support of his contention that there should be a 
period of probation education and preparation be- 
fore the negroes should be brought "to the exercise 
of political power." In concluding his remarks on 
this subject he said: "I submit then, however, 
clearly and strongly we may admit the natural 
rights of the negio — I submit to the intelligence 
of the people — that colored state governments are 
not desirable; that they will bring about results 
that are not to be hoped for; that finally they 
would threaten to bring about, and I believe would 
result in a war of races." 

This statement about "colored state govern- 
ments" had reference to what he contended was 
inevitable in the Southern States. 

The writer regrets that it is not convenient to 
here reproduce at full length this great speech that 
his biographers omitted to publish or comment 
upon. Xo doubt the speeches of these great men, 
one a member of the cabinet of both Lincoln and 
Johnson, the other the great war governor of In- 
diana had much effect in turning back the tide that 
had set in against Johnson. 

So much of the speech of ]\IcCullough as defined 


the issues and stated his views is here reproduced, 
reading as follows: 

"Under his direction the great work of re-estab- 
lishing civil government at the South under the 
Federal Constitution is going rapidly forward — 
too rapidly, it seems, according to the opinion of 
many at the North, whose opinions are entitled to 
great consideration. I know, sir, that many doubt 
the wisdom of Mr. Johnson's policy; that many 
are of the opinion that by their ordinance of seces- 
sion the rebelhous States had ceased to be States 
under the Constitution, and that nothing should be 
done by the executive in aid of the restoration of 
their State governments until congress had deter- 
mined on what terms they should be restored to 
the Union wliich they had voluntarily abandoned 
and attempted to destroy; that as the people of 
these States had appealed to the sword and had 
been subjugated by the sword, they should be gov- 
erned by the sword until the law-making power 
had disposed of the subject of reconstruction; that 
no State that had passed ordinances of secession 
and united with the so-called Confederate Govern- 
ment should ever be admitted again into the Union 
unless in its preliminary proceedings all men, ir- 
respective of color, should be permitted to vote, 
nor without provisions in its Constitution for the 
absolute enfranchisement of the negro. Some f!:o 
even further than this and demand tlie confiscation 
of the property of all rebels and the apphcation 
of the proceeds to the payment of the national 


"These are not, I apprehend, the views of a 
respectable minority. I know they are not the 
views of a majority of the people of the North. 
The better opinion is that the States which at- 
tempted to secede never ceased to be States in the 
Union; that all their acts of secession v/ere of no 
effect; that during the progress of the revolt the 
exercise of the Federal authority was merely sus- 
pended, and that there never was a moment when 
the allegiance of the people of the insurrectionary 
States was not due to the Government, and Avlien 
the Government was not bound to maintain its au- 
thority over them and extend protection to those 
who required it. When the rebellion was over- 
come, the so-called Confederate Government and 
all the State governments which had been formed 
in opposition to the Federal Government ceased 
to have even a nominal existence, and the people 
who had been subject to them were left for the 
time beinf? without anv g-overnment whatever. The 
term of office of the Federal officers had expired 
or the offices had become vacant by the treason of 
those who held them. There were no Federal 
revenue officers, no competent Federal judges, and 
no organized Federal courts. Xor were the peo- 
ple any better off so far as State authority was 
regarded. When the Confederacy collapsed all 
the rebel State governments collapsed with it, so 
tliat, with a few exceptions, there were no persons 
holding civil office at the South by the authority 
of any legitimate government. 

"Now, as government is at all times a necessity 


among men, and as it was especially so at the 
South, where violence and lawlessness had full 
sway, the question to be decided by the president 
was simply this: Shall the people of the recently 
rebellious States be held under military rule until 
congress shall act upon the question, or shall im- 
mediate measures be taken by the executive to re- 
store to them civil governments? 

"After mature consideration the president con- 
cluded it to be his duty to adopt the latter course, 
and I am satisfied that in this conclusion he was 
right. And here let me say that in doing so he was 
carrying out the very pohcy which had been de- 
termined upon by Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet. 

"Mihtary rule will not be endured by the people 
of the United States one moment longer than there 
is an absolute necessity for it. Such an army as 
would have been requisite for the government of 
the people of the South, as a subjugated people, 
until congress might prescribe the terms on which 
they could be restored to the Union, would have 
been too severe a strain upon our Republican in- 
stitutions, and too expensive for the present con- 
dition of the treasury. The president has, there- 
fore, gone to work to restore the Union by the use, 
from the necessity of the case, of a portion of those 
who have been recently in arms to overthrow it. 
The experiment may be regarded as a dangerous 
one, but it will be proved, I apprehend, to have 
been a judicious one. Xever were a people so dis- 
gusted with the work of their own hands as w^ere 
the great mass of the people of the South (even 


before the collapse of the rebellion) with the gov- 
ernment which was attempted to be set up b}'- the 
overthrow of the govermnent of their forefathers; 
never were a people so completely subjugated as 
have been the people of the rebel States. I have 
met a great many of those whom the president is 
using in his restoration policy, and they have im- 
pressed most favorably, I believe them to be hon- 
est in taking the amnesty oath, and in their pledges 
of fidehty to the Constitution and the Union. 
Slavery has perished — this all acloiowledge — and 
with it has gone down the doctrine of secession. 
State sovereignty has been discussed in congress, 
before courts, in the pubhc journals, and among 
the people, and at last, "when madness ruled the 
hour," this vexed question was submitted to the 
final arbitrament of the sword. The question, as 
all admit, has been fairly and definitely decided, 
and from this decision of the sword there will be no 
appeal. It is undoubtedly true that the men of 
the South feel sore at the result, but they accept 
the situation, and are preparing for the changes 
which the war has produced in their domestic in- 
stitutions with an alacrity and an exhibition of 
good feeling which has, I confess, surprised, as it 
has gratified me. 

"In the work of restoration the President has 
aimed to do only that which was necessary to be 
done, exercising only that power which could be 
properly exercised under the Constitution, which 
guarantees to every State a repu])lican form of 
government. Regarding slavery as having perished 


in the rebellious States, either by the proclamation 
of his predecessor or by the result of tlie war, and 
determining tiiat no rebel who liad not purged him- 
self of his treason should have any part in the res- 
toration of the civil governments which he is aiding 
to establish, he has not considered it within the 
scope of his authority to go further and enfran- 
chise the negro. For this he is censured by many 
true men at the Xorth and a few extreme men at 
the South, but I have no doubt that he will be sus- 
tained by the people, and that the result will vindi- 
cate the wisdom of his course." 



TTUGH :McCULLOCH was a man of high 
•*--■- scholastic attainments and eminent as a finan- 
cier, was Secretary of the Treasury of the United 
States from 1863 to 1869, and credited with the 
inauguration of a business system that reheved the 
National Treasury from the menaces of bankruptcy. 

Thomas A. Hendricks, William H. English, 
Wilham E. Xiblack, Joseph E. :McDonald, 
Michael C. Kerr, Daniel W. Voorhees, Generals 
Mahlon D. ]Mauson, James R. Slack, and in fact 
all Indiana Democrats and many conservative Re- 
publicans supported President Johnson, and his 
policies, and from motives of party expediency if 
not from any higher motives his policies were 
endorsed by the Democratic party in the Presiden- 
tial contest that followed in 1868. 

The first attemj:)t to impeach him failed, but the 
second attempt was made on the oth day of oMarch, 
1868, under the leadership of Thaddeus Stephens, 
a congressman from Pennsylvania. 

The first instance in the world's history in which 
the impeachment of the head of a Xation was pro- 
posed was expressed in a resolution that Stephens 
then presented and had passed calling upon the 
United States Senate to convene as a court of Im- 


peachment, and tlie organization of that body into 
a court was effected by calling upon Honorable 
Sabnon P. Chase, Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court of the United States to preside over its pro- 
ceedings and dehberations. 

Honorable Eenjamin F. Wade, United States 
■ Senator from Oliio, had previously been elected as 
President of the Senate to preside in the absence 
of the Vice-President and in the event of the con- 
viction and removal of Johnson M'ould become 
President of the United States. 

It was Senator Thomas A. Hendricks of 
Indiana, as the first step in the proceedings, who 
challenged the right of the Senator from Ohio to 
sit in the court because of his interest in the result 
of the trial. The question presented by the chal- 
lenge was debated at length, its supporters con- 
tending that tlie question was one for decision by 
the chief justice, but he excused himself from 
deciding it, because by a rule previously adopted 
by a majority of the senate, the power' to do so, 
was denied to him and as a consequence the chal- 
lenge was withdrawn and ^Vade was sworn in and 
on the final vote on the question of the guilt or 
innocence of the accused, unhesitatingly voted 

To prevent Johnson from removing government 
officials from oihce, and to continue in his cabinet. 
as one of his advisers, Edwin :\r. Stanton, who was 
his poHtical and possibly his personal enemy, con- 
gress had passed what was called the Tenure of 
Office Act. 


The first of the articles of impeachment charged 
that Johnson had violated that act by excluding 
Stanton from the oihce of Secretaiy of War and 
installing General Lorenzo Thomas. 

Another of the articles, that in form corre- 
sponded with indictments in courts of criminal 
jurisdiction, as did the first, charged that he had 
attempted to bring into disgrace, ridicule and con- 
tempt the Congress of the United States in certain 
pubUc speeches he had made throughout the coun- 

Upon the presentation of these charges many 
questions as to their sufficiency arose. Among 
other objections urged by his counsel against the 
count in regard to the speeches he had made, it vras 
argued that it was an attempt to make freedom of 
speech a public offense. This objection was 
answered by the impeacliment managers by say- 
ing that it was indecency of speech and not free- 
dom of speech that was condenmed. The proceed- 
ings in the impeacliment court were very much the 
same as in courts of criminal jurisdiction, but the 
accused was not required to be present in court at 
any stage of the proceedings, but probably would 
have been allowed that privilege and the right to 
testify in liis own behalf had he so desired. xV two- 
thirds vote was required to convict. 

There were only twelve Democrats hi the senate: 
tliey were unanimous in tlieir votes of not guilty 
and were joined by seven Republicans, and his 
acquittal followed, and four years later his pohcics 
were supported by many senators who had urged 


his conviction. Among these was United States 
Senator Sumner of ^lassachusetts. The llepubh- 
can senators who voted for Johnson's acquittal were 
Trumbull of Illinois, Doolittle of Wisconsin, 
Grimes of Iowa, Henderson of Missouri, Fessen- 
den of ]Maine, Norton of Nebraska, and Ross of 

Among other journals that supported the poli- 
cies of Jolmson was the great Xev/ York Tribune, 
founded and edited by Horace Greeley, tlie fore- 
most American journalist, the most unique char- 
acter of tlie Civil AVar period, and gifted with 
gigantic intellect, but not free from foibles, ill 
temper, and inconsistencies. He was the uncom- 
promising foe of human slavery, and yet told the 
Southern States who wanted to secede — with their 
slaves — to "depart in peace with them," and a little 
later complained of General INIcClellan because 
he did not move faster with his army in destroying 
the enemy, and almost immediately upon the col- 
lapse of the rebellion startled the communities of 
the North and surprised the leaders in secession 
by signing the bail bond of Jeff Davis, when he 
was held under an indictment for treason, and 
urged the dismissal of his prosecution. 

The Union League Club of New York was so 
angered at him for this act that its governors cited 
him to appear I)efore them and show cause why he 
should not be expelled from membersjiip in it. In 
answer to their citation be wrote tlicm a letter 
that deserves a place here because of the vigor of 
its phraseology and of its reflections of the char- 


acter of its author. Following is a copy of it as it 
appears in liis Tribune of ^lay 23, 1807: 

Gentlemen: I shall not attend your meeting this 
evening. I have an engagement out of town and shall 
keep it. I do not reeognize you as capable of judging 
or even fully apprehending me. You evidently regard 
me as a weak sentimentalist, misled by a maudlin 
philosophv. I arraign you as narrow-minded block- 
heads, who would like' to be useful to a great and 
good cause, but don't know how. Your attempt to 
base a great, enduring party on the hate and wrath 
necessarily engendered by a bloody civil war, is as 
though you should plant a colony on an iceberg 
which had somehow drifted into a tropical ocean. 
I tell you here, that out of a life earnestly devoted 
to the good of human kind, your children will select 
my going to Richmond and signing that bail bond 
as the wisest act, and will feel that it did more for 
freedom and humanity than all of you were com- 
petent to do, though you had lived to the age of 

I ask nothing of you, then, but that you proceed to 
your end by a direct, frank, manly way. Don't sidle 
off into a mild resolution of censure, but movQ, the 
expulsion which you proposed, and which 1 de- 
serve, if I deserve any reproach whatever. 

All I care for is, that you make a square stand up 
fight, and record your judgment by yeas and nays, 
I care not how few vote with me, nor how many vote 
against me; for 1 know that the latter will repent 
it in dust and ashes before three years have passed. 
Understand, once for all, that I dare you and defy 
you, and that I propose to fight it out on the line 
that I have held from the day of Lee's surrender. So 
long as any nuin was seeking to overthrow our gov- 
ernment, he was my enemy; from the hour in which 


. (■ . J 

he laid down his arms he was my formerly erring 
countryman. So long as any is at heart opposed to 
national unity, the Federal authority, or to that as- 
sertion of tlie equal rights of all men which has be- 
come practically identified with loyalty and national- 
ity, I shall do my best to deprive him of power; but 
whenever he ceases to be thus, 1 demand his resto- 
ration to all the privileges of American citizenship. 
I give you fair notice that I shall urge the re-en- 
franchisement of those now prescribed for participa- 
tion in rebellion so soon as I shall feel confident that 
this course is consistent with the freedom of the 
blacks and the unity of the Republic, and that 1 shall 
demand a recall of all now in exile only for partici- 
pation in the rebellion, whenever the country' shall 
have been so throughly pacified that its safety will 
not thereby be endangered. And so, gentlemen, hop- 
ing that you will henceforth comprehend me some- 
what better than you have done I remain yours. 

Horace Greeley. 

This pimn^ent philippic was responded to by the 
Union Lean^ue Club by a resolution it passed stat- 
ing that, "There had been nothing in the action of 
Horace Greeley relative to the bailing of Jefferson 
Davis calling for proceedings by this club." 

While the controversy as to whether the course 
should be pacific or punitive in dealing with the 
erring peo2:>le of the Southern States was going on, 
there were many conservative and patriotic peo- 
ple who believed that the logic of future events 
would have more efficacy than the wisdom of polit- 
ical sages in determining what the better course 
should be, and they turned their attention from the 
controversy to a contenij^lation of the glory and 


' ■ I : > 1 ■ ; ( ; 

grandeur of the country when a firmly cemented 
Union would finally be assured. They looked for- 
ward to the approacliing one hundredth anniver- 
sary of American Independence as the occasion 
when all would be as lirndy united in their loyalty 
to the flag of their country as were their forefathers 
a century before, and to one of Indiana's greatest 
citizens and scholars must be given the credit for 
being the first proponent of an appropriate cele- 
bration of that anniversary at Philadelphia on 
July 4, 1876. 

Professor John L. Campbell, of Wabash College, 
in 1864, delivered a lecture at the Smithsonian In- 
stitute, in Washington, commemorative of the third 
centennial anniversary of the birth of Galileo 
and so firmly were his convictions upon the subject 
of conmiemorating important centennial events 
that as early as 1866 he bec^an the agitation of the 
subject of a proper celebration of the one hun- 
dredth anniversary of xVnierican independence to 
be held at Philadelphia, and to further the project, 
addressed a letter to the then mayor of that city, 
urging it. This letter was at once acted upon and 
preparations for the celebration then began. On 
the recommendation of Governor Baker, Campbell 
was appointed by President Grant as the Indiana 
commissioner of the exposition, and was chosen as 
secretary of it and chairman of its committee on 
foreign affairs. By means of his great energy 
other nations of the earth were brought into activ- 
ity as participants in the celebration, including the 
great empire from which the United States gained 


its independence, and througli his great work, In- 
diana was awarded the great lionor of being first 
in tlie United States in its educational progress, a 
position that it has since so well maintained. 

As a reward for his acliievements in that respect 
and as a deserved honor he was, in 1891, also ap- 
pointed by Governor Alvin P. Hovey as a mem- 
ber of the Board of ^lanagers for Indiana at the 
Cokmibian Exposition at Chicago and it was his 
building plans that were adopted in the construc- 
tion of the great structures that covered the expo- 
sition grounds. 

To him must also be given the credit for devis- 
ing the original plans for the improvement of the 
Kankakee Kiver, years afterwards resulted in 
the reclamation of the great body of Kankakee 
valley lands in Xorthern Indiana. Under a reso- 
lution of the General Assembly of the State 
adopted in 1881 Governor Porter appointed liim 
to make a survey of this river and of the lands of 
its valleys as a ste]3 in their drainage. A further 
mention of his work in tliat matter will be made in 
connection with a history of Governor Porter's ad- 
ministration that will hereafter follow. 

Professor Campbell was a native of Indiana, 
born at Salem, Washington County. He got his 
early education at the celebrated ^Morrison School 
of that county and later entered and graduated 
from Wabash College in which he became a tutor. 
Its records show his connection witli that institu- 
tion for four years as a student and fifty years as 
an instructor. 



13 Y reason of his 2^rominence in the senate and 
-*-^ because of his general popularity, Hendricks 
was prominently mentioned as the Democratic 
nominee for president in 1868 and received the 
next highest vote for the nomination, it going to 
Horatio Seymour, of New York, who had been 
governor of that State during the Civil AVar pe- 
riod, elected in 1862. He was then urged to accept 
the nomination for vice-president but refused it, 
and General Francis P. Blair, of ^Missouri, who 
had been a prominent Union general during tlie 
war, and had kept his state from seceding, was 
nominated. Hendricks had, before the national 
convention was hf^Id, been nominated for governor 
of Indiana, and Alfred P. Edgerton of Fort 
Wayne, for lieutenant governor. General Grant 
was the Republican nominee for president and 
Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, then speaker of the 
national house of representatives, v,as the nominee 
for vice-president. 

The state elections in' Indiana v»erc then held in 
October. Tlie great popularity of Grant and 
Colfax and the conditions that followed tlie Civil 
War indicated a victory for tlie Republicans, and 
that the presidential election in November would 
go as it was believed it would in October. In- 


diana's vote in October was looked upon as deter- 
mining the presidential contest. Grant and Col- 
fax carried it by nine thousand majority. 

The Democrats had nominated as associates of 
Hendricks and Edgerton candidates for other 
state offices men who had given honorable service 
to their country as Union soldiers, among them 
General Reuben C. Kise, of Lebanon, for secre- 
tary of state, and Colonel Joseph V. Bemusdaffer 
for auditor of state. 

The Republican nominee for governor was Col- 
onel Conrad Baker, who was then acting as gov- 
ernor, having been elected as lieutenant governor 
with jNIorton, who had been elected to the senate. 
His associates on the state ticket were also mostly 
Union soldiers, anion": them Colonel Will Cimi- 
back for lieutenant governor, ]Major John D. 
Evans, of Hamilton County, for auditor of state, 
and Colonel James B. Black of JMarion County, 
for reporter of the Supreme court. 

The Republican nominees were all elected, but 
the vote for governor was so close that it was not 
known for several days wlio had been elected, but 
Baker was finally declared elected by about one 
thousand majority, and it was claimed that this 
majority had been produced by holding back and 
doctoring the returns from Hamilton and other 
strong Republican counties where Democrats were 
not members of the election boards. The house 
of Indiana representatives elected in 1868 was 
Democratic by a small majority, the senate was 
Republican, and the Republicans had a majority 


;() '. 

on joint ballot. Henry S. Cautliorne of Vin- 
cennes, was the Democratic speaker of the house 
and was again speaker of the house ten years later. 

The defeat of Plendrieks for governor did not 
take liim out of public life, as liis term of senator 
did not expire until 1869. Upon his retiring from 
the senate he again became the head of the great 
law firm of Hendricks, Herd & Hendricks at In- 
dianapolis, composed of himself, Oscar B. Hord, 
and Major Abram W. Hendricks. Hord was an 
able and active lawyer. JNIajor Abram W. Hen- 
dricks was a cousin of Thomas A., and though the 
junior member of the firm, was generally regarded 
by lawyers as superior to his associates in legal 

An event worthy of mention as showing the per- 
sonal friendship and high regard of Hendricks and 
Governor Baker for each other, was in their ex- 
change of places in 1873, Hendricks was elected 
governor in 1872 and Baker in liis last message to 
the legislature urged an increase of the salary of 
governor, and it was increased, and Governor Ba- 
ker went from the governor's office to the head of 
the law firm from which Hendricks retired on be- 
coming governor, and the law firm was thereafter, 
Baker, Hord and Hendricks. Baker preferred 
the position at the head of this firm above that of 
any political oHice and decHned to become a candi- 
date for United States Senator, as it was thought 
he woidd be, in accordance with the precedents of 
his party in promoting its governors as it did when 
Lane and INIorton were elected to the senate. 


Will Cuniback, who had been elected lieutenant 
governor when Baker was elected Governor, was 
very ambitious for promotion to the office of gov- 
ernor, or if he could not gain that honor, wanted 
to be selected as senator, and was so determined 
to bring an expression from Baker as to whether 
or not he would be a candidate for senator, that he 
addressed a letter to him soliciting his aid in mak- 
ing him senator if he did not want the honor. This 
letter became public later, and had the effect to 
prevent Cimiback from becoming either governor 
or senator. 

When the legislature convened in 1869 Baker 
was governor by reason of his election in 1864 as 
lieutenant o^overnor. and was to be inaui^uratcd as 
governor because of his election in 1868. He made 
it known that it was his purpose to serve out the 
term of four years for which the people had elected 
him as governor, and by that course eliminated 
himself from consideration as the senator that was 
to be elected. The letter that Cumback had writ- 
ten to him was preserved among other documents, 
in the files of the governor's office, as was a copy 
of Baker's answer to it declaring that the proposi- 
tion it contained was "corrupt and indecent," but 
neither the letter or the answer to it had become 
public until after the Republican caucus had nom- 
inated Cumback for senator and a bolt had fol- 
lowed. Judge .Tames Hughes, a former member 
of congress and judge of the Court of Claims at 
Washington, and then a belligerent and able sen- 
ator from Monroe County, led the bolters, while 


Isaac P. Gray, who got into the Democratic party 
three years later and went from one prominent po- 
sition to another in that party witli the swiftness of 
the deer that clears the hedge, was the leader of 
the Cumback forces. It being the right of the leg- 
islature to call upon the executive to produce doc- 
uments for legislative uses when their production 
"would not be incompatible with public interests," 
Hughes availed himself of his privilege of intro- 
ducing a resolution calling for the production of 
this correspondence. Gray and other of Cumback's 
supporters opposed its production upon tlie 
grounds that the letter was a harmless private 
communication of a confidential and personal char- 
acter, while Plughcs urged that it shovdd be pro- 
duced so as to vindicate Cumback if Baker had 
placed a wrong construction on the letter that he 
had written, and his motion finally prevailed and 
the letter and the answer to it were produced, and 
a sufficient number of Republican members con- 
curred in Governor Baker's contention that the 
proposition made to liim was "corrupt and inde- 
cent,'' and Cumback was defeated and Daniel D. 
Pratt, who had been elected to congress at the pre- 
ceding election, was then elected senator. Pratt 
was a powerful man mentally and physically, was 
much over six feet in height, and carried a weight 
of over three hundred pounds on a massive frame, 
and had sucli a powerful voice that no request to 
speak louder ever came from the audiences he ad- 
dressed, was a pioneer lawyer of Logansport of 
such great ability that it was a fortunate client who 


> . -." ■r 

could secure his services. He was courteous in 
manner, kind in disposition, and highly honored 
and revered by all his fellow citizens. No one had 
more legal contests with him than his highly re- 
spected friend, Xathan O. Ross, whom he defeated 
as the Democratic nominee for congress in 18G8. 
Pratt was succeeded in the senate by Joseph E. 
^IcDonald, who was the Democratic caucus nomi- 
nee elected by the legislature in 1875. 

Pratt's election to the senate caused his resimna- 
tion as a member of congress from what was then 
the 9th district, and a special election was called 
to fill the vacancy. James X. Tyner, of Peru, was 
nominated by the Republicans. The Democrats 
made no nomination, but a few friends of Samuel 
A. Hall, editor of the Logansport Pharos, got to- 
gether and agreed upon a plan to have him make 
the race, and arranged that the Democrats of the 
district should absent themselves from the polls 
until the afternon of the day of election and then 
go and vote for him. In devising this scheme they 
had overlooked the fact that the election officials 
would nearly all be Republicans and would have 
it in their power to keep the polls open until their 
voters could be brought in after the discovery of 
the scheme, and if need be, could count their can- 
didate in if he failed to receive a sufficient number 
of votes. Whether Tyner actually received a ma- 
jority did not become known, or a subject of in- 
vestigation. He got the certificate of election and 
filled out Pratt's unexpired term and was nomi- 
nated for re-election at the remdar election of 


1870. His opponent was Judge Thomas C. White- 
side, of Wabash County, who ran as an Indepen- 
dent candidate and received most of the Demo- 
cratic votes, but Tyner was elected and again 
elected in 1872, and in the congress of 1873 voted 
for what was known as the salary grab bill referred 
to elsewhere. He was pojnilar witli his party, and 
his personal followers could control the district in 
making nominations so well was his machine or- 

Theopliilus C. Philips, editor of the Howard 
Tribune, published at Kokomo, and Daniel R. 
Bearss, a wealthy and influential citizen of Peru, 
were his managers and as shrewd politicians and 
observers of the drifts of public opinion, foresaw 
his defeat for re-election in 1874, if he should again 
be nominated, and decided to select as the candi- 
date for that election some one who would give 
way for Tyner again after the storm of indignation 
about the salary grab had subsided, and they se- 
lected James L. Evans, a miller and prominent 
citizen, but not an office seeker, of Hamilton Coun- 
ty, who was elected and at the end of his first term, 
they reminded him of the deal that was made 
whereby he was to retire and allow Tyner the race 
in 1876, but "Uncle Jim," as he was called, disa- 
vowed any such arrangement and was nominated 
and elected for the second term and was considered 
by his colleagues as a man of excellent judgment 
and a good member. This ended Tyner 's congres- 
sional career, but he was taken care of by appoint- 
ment to a Federal position in the postoffice depart- 


merit at Washington, and was for a short time 
postmaster general and for a long time assistant 
attorney general for that department. Evans was 
not a candidate for a third term and threw his sup- 
port in the convention of 1878 to his friend, Colo- 
nel Thomas H. Bringhurst, of Logansport. 


THE fifteenth amendment to the Federal Con- 
stitution, that logically followed the thirteenth, 
and conferred upon negroes the right to vote was 
proposed to the several states by congress on the 
27th day of February, 1869, and came before tlie 
Indiana legislature for adoption or rejection a few 
days later. It was one of the peculiar incidents in 
the vicissitudes of politics that Colonel Isaac P. 
Gray, then a member of the state senate, who led 
the forces of Cmnback in his race for senator at 
that session, and was afterwards elected, first as 
lieutenant governor and next as governor, by the 
Democrats, led the fight for the adoption of the 
fifteenth amendment and locked the doors of the 
state senate, and pocketed the key, to prevent the 
breaking of a quorum by the Democrats who op- 
posed it, and openly boasted of his act and 
triumph. Another interesting fact and instance 
of the failure of political designs was that instead 
of its ratification increasing the number of lUpub- 
lican votes at the succeeding election of 1870 it 
had the contrary eft'ect, and because of its ratifi- 
cation the Democrats carried the state. Colonel 
Xorman Eddy, of South Bend, headed the ticket 
as candidate for secretary of state and was elected, 

as were all other Democratic candidates, including 
four supreme judges, and the legislature was also 

Prejudice against the negro race was so deep- 
seated and long existing that both their freedom 
and right to vote was long and vigoroush' opposed. 
This prejudice was manifested in many ways, and 
years, both before, during and after the war that 
resulted in their freedom, it was reflected in party 
platforms, in campaign speeches and on campaign 
banners in 1868. JNIany ex-Union soldiers were 
heard to declare that President Lincoln's emanci- 
pation proclamation would have caused mutiny 
in the army if he had issued it sooner than he did, 
as many of his party friends, among them Gover- 
nor IMorton, urged him to do, and that they never 
would have enlisted as soldiers to free the negro. 
Companies of these ex-soldiers became members of 
an organization calling themselves "White Boys 
in Blue" and marched in the campaign proces- 
sions of 18G8, and to offset the influence of this 
organization and to belittle the army service of its 
members the ReiDublican campaign managers 
found it necessary to organize companies called 
"Fighting Boys in Blue," campaign badges bear- 
ing the words "No Nigger in ^line," were con- 
spicuous in that campaign, sometimes being 
prominently worn by the fair sex. 

The prejudice against the negro race was 
grounded in the fear that the nortlicrn states would 
be overrun by slaves if they should be freed, a 
prediction generally made during the war, but not 



afterwards verified, except that in the years 1917 
and 1918 approximately one hundred thousand 
colored people were brought to the city of Chicago 
and residences for them found in the best residence 
districts of the city by a method of depreciation of 
the value of the elegant homes they desired to oc- 
cupy, a thing easily brouglit about by finding one 
house or apartment in a block and filling it with 
colored occupants, which so alarmed property own- 
ers of the neighborhood that they became so panic- 
stricken that they offered their homes for sale for 
almost nothing and abandoned them, and the col- 
ored people thus were able to occupy palaces in- 
stead of the "negro quarters" where they had 
lived before. This condition prevailed to such an 
extent that large sections of the best residential 
parts of the city became and still are occupied al- 
most exclusively by colored people, and their votes, 
combined with others that the then and now mayor 
of that city has been able to control, have kept 
his political machine in such excellent order that 
the great Chicago Tribune is now attempting to 
dismantle it, and is bewailing and condemning what 
it terms as the voting power of the "brunette dis- 
tricts" as it calls them. The losses of homes of 
values, running up into the millions, have as a con- 
sequence of these negro colonizations been suffered 
by their o\Miers, as well as great mental anguish 
and distress occasioned by their being compelled to 
abandon their homes. The writer's lost residence 
of the value of ten thousand dollars stands in the 
center of one of these "brunette districts," bound- 


ed on the south by Washington park and on the 
east by Drexel boulevard, but he disclaims any 
prejudice ag-ainst the negro race or the fortunate 
colored occupants of his old family home because 
of this fact. The Republican party, when it was 
organized, and in the years that followed, rapidly 
gained accessions to its membership in Indiana 
from the ranks of the Democratic party, because of 
the domination of Southern Democrats and their 
determination that slavery should be extended into 
new states and territories. As was truly said by 
Jefferson, in his allusions to the Southerners, when 
he deleted part of his indictment against the King 
of Great Britain, "their reflections were not yet 
matured to a full abhorrence of the slave traffic," 
and its horrors were so slow in appreciation in the 
Xorthern States that only the most radical faction 
of the Republican party and none of the Demo- 
crats moved to destroy it until its destruction came 
about as an incident of the Civil War. 



'■(ay : ' -• 






,1 : 


AMONG the former prominent Democrats who 
joined the Hepubhcan party in Indiana were 
Alvin P. Hovey, Ohver P. Morton and Albert G. 
Porter, each of whom became governor, and ]\Ior- 
ton also, became United States senator and a 
great leader of the Republican party in that body 
Morton was serving as a circuit judge at the time 
he renounced the Democratic party that had 
elected him, and in 185G was nominated as the Re- 
publican candidate for governor, but was defeated 
bv Governor Ashel P. Willard. On tlic ticket with 
him was Conrad Baker, for lieutenant governor, 
>vho had been selected by the Republican State 
Central Committee to take the place of Nathan 
Kimball, who had dechned it. In 18G0 ^Morton 
was selected as lieutenant governor and elected as 
already mentioned. It has not become a matter 
of public record that any very prominent Republi- 
can became a Democratic governor unless Isaac 
P. Gray may be given that distinction. 

The writer well remembers the appearance of 
Governor Morton in ^lay, 18G4, when at Camp 
Morton, in Indianapolis, he addressed a regiment 
of Union soldiers, to which the writer's only 
brother belonged, on its departure for the front. 


He was then indeed a commanding figure in every 
sense, about five feet, ten inches in height, stoutly 
built, but not obese, with heavy coal black hair 
and chin whiskers, with determined jaws, slow but 
impressive and convincing in his words that were 
articulated distinctly and with a meaning that was 
well expressed. He told them of the daring duties 
they were going forward to perform and explained 
the causes of the war for the Union and the neces- 
sity for its vigorous prosecution, expressed his deep 
regret that the emergency called for them to make 
the sacrifices they were required to make and as- 
sured them of the great honor and rewards that 
w^ould be bestowed upon them. Their faces ex- 
pressed their admiration of him, and their cheers 
their devotion to him. 

He was justly called Indiana's great war gov- 
ernor. He was surrounded with and overcame the 
greatest difficulties in maintaining the loyalty of 
the state in furnishing its quotas of Union soldiers 
required. The growth of opposition to the war, 
as already mentioned, had become so vigorous that 
the general election of 1862 was a positive protest 
against the policies of the Federal administration. 
The Indiana legislature of 1863 refused to make 
the appropriations of money to carry on the war 
that Governor ^lorton asked for, but nevertheless 
made what its members deemed sufficient appro- 
priations for that purpose. Tlie leaders in the 
house of Indiana representatives in the state legis- 
lature of that year were Jason B. Brown of Jack- 
son County, and ^larcus A. O. Packard, of ]Mar- 


shall County, both men of positive characteristics, 
and stood high as la^\ye^s in their respective lo- 
calities, and had no superiors in point of ability in 
the legislative assembly. Their determined oppo- 
sition to ]Morton's dictation was only intensified 
by the Indianapolis Journal's attempt to hold 
them up to public ridicule and in branding them 
as disloyal, a charge that they vigorously resented. 
The Act of Congress providing for the organiza- 
tion of national banks, as a means of sustaining the 
government, went into effect in 1864, and Packard 
found it more agreeable to organize the First Xa- 
tional Bank of Plymouth and give his attention 
to banking and his law practice than to continue 
his activities in politics, and it is a curious fact that 
]Morton and Jason Brown became so warmly at- 
tached to each other afterwards that Brown, though 
elected to the state senate as a Democrat in 18G6, 
complimented INIorton by voting for him for Uni- 
ted States senator in 1867. And upon Morton's 
recommendation he was appointed as secretary of 
the Territory of Wyoming and served in that po- 
sition for a short time. 

He again became a state senator serving in the 
sessions of 1881 and 1883, and later served three 
terms in congress and died at Seymour in 1898. 



TIECAUSE of the failure of the legisLature of 
■*-' 1863 to give to Governor ^Morton's adminis- 
tration the appropriations he regarded as vital to 
an energetic prosecution of the war he found it 
necessary to call on his close personal advisers to 
aid him in obtaining the funds he desired for that 
purpose. He had no hesitancy in calling on Dem- 
ocrats to both fight the war and to finance it. Wil- 
liam H. English was a prominent war Democrat, 
a name given to one class of Democrats to distin- 
guish them from another calling themselves 
"Peace" Democrats, the latter being called by 
malicious Republicans as "rebels" or "copper- 
heads." John C. Xew was a Republican, and had 
been chairman of the finance committee in the 
state senate of 1863. Englisli and Xew were as- 
sociated as financiers. ^Morton called them into con- 
ference with him, and it was through their influ- 
ence and personal guaranties that the bankinc^ 
house of Winslow Lanier and Company of Xew 
York advanced all the funds tliat ]\Iorton re- 
quired, except a fractional part, tliat was provided 
by William Riley ^McKean. a banker of Terre 
Haute, and the next legislature made provision 
for the reimbursement or repayment to Winslow 


Lanier & Co. and ^NIcKean of the sums they had 
advanced that were treated as loans to the state. 
Mr. Lanier was a native of JNIadison, Indiana. 
More about Wilham II. Enghsh and John C. 
New will appear in future pages. 

Various causes existed for the opposition to the 
war. Prominent among these was the fact that in 
the first battles the Confederates by reason of bet- 
ter prejDaration were victorious. The discourage- 
ments of loyal Northern people that followed, com- 
bined with the attitude of Southern sympathizers, 
created great doubts about the success of the 
Northern army, and the rivalries and jealousies of 
its conmianders had a tendency to encourage these 
doubts. The reasons for which the war had been 
declared caused many disputes, many claiming 
that the restoration of the L^nion was the pretext, 
while the freedom of the slaves was the real cause. 
Another cause of opposition grew out of the fact 
that many soldiers were in their opinion harshly 
treated by the officers over them, they not having 
anticipated the rigors of military discipline nor 
the hardships of soldier life when they enlisted, 
and there were many desertions. Another cause 
was that a class of politicians claimed that the war 
was an exclusive partisan enterprise and were too 
free in attributing disloyalty to members of the 
opposite party. Still another cause was in the fact 
that many prominent men of the State, who had 
in the beginning been active in encouraging enlist- 
ments and organizing regiments, expected to be- 
come officers of them but were disappointed. 


These various causes and others contributed to 
the necessity for drafts to fill quotas in many coun- 
ties. The draft law that had been passed by con- 
gi'ess had made provisions whereby the person 
drafted could be excused from service by either 
hiring a substitute or paying a simi of money that 
would enable the payment of a bounty by the gov- 
ernment to encourage an enlistment in place of 
the man drafted. It was claimed that this had the 
effect to compel the poor men of the country to 
fight the battles and to allow the rich to escape 
danger. It was also charged in some instances 
that the drafting boards were partial in the mat- 
ter of exemptions and some were accused of ac- 
cepting bribes. There was so much opposition to 
the draft that enrolling officers were menaced "s^-ith 
threats and shot at from ambush, and mobs were 
organized in some parts of the country to so resist 
that it seemed for a time as if the attempts to draft 
would have to be abandoned. So difficult it 
to fill quotas by draft that many counties paid 
large bounties out of their treasuries to induce en- 
listments. This led to a system of "bounty jmnp- 
ing." ]\Ien would enhst, get the bounty, and 
then desert and repeat the performance in another 

So frequent were tliese acts and desertions that 
the military authorities determined upon a public 
example of the consequences of desertion by con- 
vening a court martial for the trial and conviction 
of deserters and fixed th.cir punishment at deatb. 

On one occasion five deserters were convicted at 


the same time and sentenced to be publicly shot 
to death on the parade grounds near Camp Mor- 
ton. xVt the hour lixed when they were to be shot 
by a firing squad of soldiers they were seated on 
the pine coffins that they were to be buried in and 
at the command their lives were terminated. It was 
published that one of these composed and re- 
quested the publication of the following lines that 
were often heard ""leefuUv sun;^' afterwards: 


"Farewell, my dear Mary Ann, 
You must do the best you can; 
I am going to the other shore 
Where I'll never jump the bounty anymore." 

The several elements of opposition to the war 
early in 18G3 crystallized into the formation of 
secret organizations to oppose it, called first. "Sons 
of Liberty," and next, "Knights of the Golden 
Circle," both of wliich were finally broken up by 
military authorities or were abandoned. Readers 
of our Colonial history will recall that tlie name, 
"Sons of Liberty," was adopted by Colonists, who 
revolted against British rule. The appropriation 
of this name by the organized opponents of the 
Civil War in itself justified their being called 
"rebels," because their ancestors in name were in 
fact in rebellion against' Great Britain. These In- 
diana "rebels" came to know each other wlicn they 
met outside of their lodges by the tokens they wore 
which were made by molding breast pins to the 
large copper cents that were then in circulation. 
On the crown of the heads that were engraved on 


these copper coins was the word "Liberty." The 
observers of these tokens not knowing or caring 
anything about the origin or significance of the 
name "Sons of Liberty," preferred to look upon 
the wearers as the companions of the copperhead 
snake, hence the name, "Copperheads," was ap- 
pHed to them. Butternut breastpins were another 
emblem of Southern admiration that were worn. 
They were made by severing into two parts the 
conically shaped nuts that grew on white walnut 
trees in parts of Indiana, the interior cells of 
which revealed a resemblance of two hearts sepa- 
rated from each other and claimed to mean a 
northern and southern L^nion. These were often 
snatched from the wearers and caused many fist 

The name "Knights of the Golden Circle," can 
be traced to a pro-slavery organization that pro- 
posed a slave-holding Confederacy about the time 
that the war with oNIexico was declared that would 
be included in a circle containing all the slave 
states, California, Cuba, Mexico and Texas. It 
was this organization, and slave owners generally, 
that began their advocacy of the riglit and their 
purposes of seceding from the L^nion and kept it 
up until they attempted to make their purposes 
successful, by adopting ordinances of secession in 
Southern states and firing on the American flag 
at Fort Sumter. 
"' These organizations in Indiana, as was disclosed 
by members who had joined them, liad secret lodges 
with rites and ceremonies in tlie initiation of their 


members that bound them together by oaths and 
other obhgations, and that required them as part 
of their work in contemplation that of assisting 
in the release of captured Confederate soldiers, 
who were prisoners of war at Camp 3Iorton in In- 
dianapolis, and Camp Douglas in Illinois. To ef- 
fect their purposes they had drilled their members 
and educated them in the use of guns and other 
weapons that they kept concealed in their lodges 
and other places. The purposes and plans of 
these oath-bound, treasonable organizations hav- 
ing been confided to, or became known to, leading 
democrats who had no sympathy with them, they 
were exposed from that source. 

There had been strong suspicions that some 
Democratic leaders throughout the state were 
identified with these organizations, and these sus- 
picions were confirmed by declarations made by 
^lichael C. Kerr, of New Albany, who in the 
spring of 1864 was a candidate for the nomina- 
tion for confess on the Democratic ticket. On 
the evening of the day preceding the assembling 
of the convention that was to make the nomination, 
he called his supporters together and announced to 
them his intention of withdrawing from the race, 
because he was in possession of knowledge that a 
conspiracy existed against the government of the 
state and that the conspirators were Democrats, 
and that he felt it his duty to go to Indianapolis 
and lay the facts before Governor ]Morton, which 
he did, and ^lorton and the military agencies at 
his conmiand upon the basis of the information 


that he furnished, were enabled to break up these 
oath-bound, treasonable organizations. A condi- 
tion bordering on anarchy was prevailing in parts 
of the State and particularly in Southern Indiana, 
when Kerr decided to contribute all of his power 
to destroy its sources. The information he had 
furnished led to the arrest of Lambdin P. Milli- 
gan, of Huntington, on the oth day of October, 
1864, under the General Order Xo. 38, that Gen- 
eral Burnside had previously issued. 

After making this exposure by Kerr his friends 
insisted upon his accepting their nomination for 
congress, as a war Democrat, and he was elected 
that year and for a number of succeeding terms. 

Milligan was found guilty by the mihtary com- 
mission that tried him, of five charges: First, 
conspiracy against the government of the United 
States; second, affording aid and comfort to rebels 
against the authority of the United States; third, 
inciting insurrection; fourth, disloyal practices; 
fifth, violation of the laws of war, and he was sen- 
tenced to death. 

He applied to the United States District Court 
at Indianapolis for a writ of habeas corpus, in his 
petition setting forth that he was not in the mili- 
tary service of the United States or subject to ar- 
rest or trial by the military authorities, and that 
the military commission was without jurisdiction 
to hear or determine as to his guilt or innocence 
of the charges against him. The right to the wTit 
of habeas corpus had been suspended in districts 
where a state of war existed. It was his conten- 

tion, and that of his counsel, that this suspension 
did not apply to the State of Indiana as a state of 
war did not exist in it. The Federal Court, to 
which he applied, certified to a division of opinion 
by the judges that had the effect to transfer his 
petition to the Supreme Court of the United 
States, and to suspend the execution of the death 
sentence, but he was remanded to the jail in which 
he was confined to await the final decision by the 
Supreme Court of the United States, and while 
the case was pending, an application for his par- 
don was made to President Johnson, who refused 
to grant it, and in time the Supreme Court, in an 
opinion written by Judge David Davis, who had 
been appointed supreme judge by President Lin- 
coln, decided that tlie military tribunal was with- 
out jurisdiction and he w^as released. 

Among other army men who composed the mil- 
itary commission that tried him was General ]Mah- 
lon D. Manson, a prominent Democrat, about 
whom more will be written. 

After his release ]Milligan brought a civil suit 
against the individual members of the commission 
for false imprisonment, claiming damages in a 
large sum and a petit jury awarded him one cent. 
Whether he was guilty of the acts with which he 
was charged, may have been a question of some 
doubt, but the public generally accepted the de- 
cision of the military conunission as conclusive and 
believed him guilty. This was not, however, the 
opinion of all his fellow citizens of Huntington, 
who gave him a great ovation on his return home 


( ■ 

and he seemingly had their confidence and high 
respect generally. He resumed his law practice 
and continued it for many years aftenvards. 

It was in the wildernesses and about the foot- 
hills of the counties of Orange, Washington and 
Jackson, that the principal place of rendezvous of 
the Knights of the Golden Circle was found to 
be and because of that fact the people of these 
counties were often unjustly accused of disloyalty, 
when in fact the best of soldiers of the Union army 
went forth and served their country from these 
counties. Among those remembered were Colonels 
Cyrus L. Dunham and Frank Emerson, and Cap- 
tains John F. Scott and Jolin X. ]McCormick of 
Jackson County; Captain John C. Lawler and 
Samuel B. Voyles of Washington, and Thomas B. 
Buskirk of Orange. Colonel Emerson was circuit 
judge for many years. John C. Lawler was a 
member of the legislature and the leader of the 
Washington County bar. Samuel B. Voyles was 
a state senator and circuit judge, as was Thomas 
B. Buskirk. 

Robust and powerful as Governor ]Morton was, 
the gi'cat strain on him mentally and physically 
during the war had the effect to break his health, 
so that his limbs became partially paralyzed about 
the time that the war ended, and during the bal- 
ance of his life he had to support himself by 
crutches and canes, and remain seated on occasions 
when he addressed public meetings, but he still 
held his great power in liis party and was elected 
United States senator in 18G7, and re-elected in 



1873; and was a candidate for the nomination for 
president in 1870, but defeated by General Ruther- 
ford E. Hayes. As senator he became one of the 
members of the electoral commission that decided 
the disputed question as to who had been elected 
president in 1876. He was also one of the senators 
who voted for the conviction of Andrew Johnson 
on his impeaclmient trial. 

Morton and Hendricks differed from each other 
in every way. Among the memorial addresses in 
congress on the occasion of the death of Hendricks, 
was one by William D. Owen, an eloquent clergy- 
man of the Christian Church, who then represented 
the Logansport district in congress as a Republi- 
can, in which an apt comparison or contrast of the 
characters of these_two great men appears in his 
declaration that: ,"Two more diverse spirits never 
battled in government before; Morton and Hend- 
ricks — Sir Richard and Sir Launcelot, the lion- 
hearted, and the fair knight. The one spoke to 
men with the majesty of an autocrat; the other 
talked with men as a man with his fellows. The 
one always conmianded; the other always pleaded. 
The one brooked no dissent in his following; the 
other left his train camp far apart. The one 
like Ca?sar would burn eight hundred cities, bathe 
his sword in a miUion lives, and wade througli 
blood to preserve the cause he championed: the 
other, Coriolanus like, seeing the carnage, the de- 
solation, the anguish, would sheath his sword and 
turn away." 

The attitude of Hendricks towards the war was 


severely criticised by his political opponents. He 
was charged witli being a Southern synii)athizer and 
with disloyalty, without having the courage to 
openly manifest his real convictions. In support 
of their denunciations they cited among other 
things an address that he delivered on the assem- 
bling of the Democratic convention, over which he 
presided on the 8th day of January, 1862, in which 
he said: "With secession upon one hand and sec- 
tional interference with Southern rights upon the 
other we hold no sympathy." 

The platform of his party that followed his ad- 
dress was claimed to reflect his real views in its 
vigorous denunciations of the conduct of the war, 
and in the declaration that: "it resulted from the 
long continued, unwise and fanatical agitation in 
the North of the question of domestic slavery, and 
we are opposed to a war for the emancijiation of 
the negroes or the subjugation of the Southern 

It was the adoption of this platform that 
caused the division of the Democratic party into 
two distinct classes, one called the "War Demo- 
crats." It was openly repudiated by such Demo- 
crats as Governor Jose[)li A. Wright, Wm. H. 
English, Cyrus L. Dunham, James Hughes, Gen. 
Lew Wallace. Gen. Alvon P. Hovey, Gen. Ebene- 
zer Dumon; Colonel Xorman, Eddy, and hun- 
dreds of others. 

Hendricks preferred to remain with the faction 
that opposed subjugation of the forces that were 
in rebellion and stood for peace at any price, and 



became the beneficiary of the power it possessed in 
making him its representative in the United States 

It is not believable that the great political up- 
heaval that brought the Democratic party into 
power in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Oliio, Indiana, Illinois, and even in Iowa, in 18G2, 
could have been foreseen by him when in January 
of that year he took his stand with the opponents 
of the war and that he took it merely to be on the 
winning side, a want of sincerity w^as never charged 
against him, and it must be assimied that his choice 
was made in accordance with his convictions. A 
consideration of the then existing conditions and 
the implications that his views were reflected in the 
platform that he supported indicate that his critics 
were not wholly ^nthout justification in their 
charges; but his course and votes in the senate 
showed no affection for or sympathy with the 
southerners, nor any opposition to the war. He 
voted for all appropriation measures that were pro- 
posed to carry it on, among these the largest ap- 
propriation bill that had ever been passed, also 
offered and voted for measures to increase tlie pay 
of the Union soldiers in proportion to the then de- 
preciated condition of the currency, and in liis 
campaign for governor and vice-president after 
the war was always supported by a large number 
of former Union soldiers. 



TTTILLIA^I H. ENGLISH has been the sub- 
*' ject of so many historic sketches that only 
a brief addition to them will be here attempted. 
His life is part of the life of the State itself, so 
closely was he identified with it in its development. 
He was born at Lexington in Scott County, and 
in his early years received a college education. Was 
a member and secretary of the constitutional con- 
vention of 18.51, that still exists as the organic law 
of the State. He became a member of the first 
legislature that assembled under this constitution 
and was its speaker. In 18.52 he was elected to 
congress and served in that body for four consecu- 
tive terms, becoming on his entrance in congress 
a member of the committee on territories, then the 
most important committee of that body, as it had 
to deal with the all absorl)ing question of slavery. 

The territory of Kansas was created in 18.54, 
and aspired to statehood. Whether it should come 
in as a free or slave State made it a scene of bitter 
partisan conflict. A territorial legislature that 
assembled at Lecompton in 18.57 adopted a pro- 
slavery constitution. 

^Ir. English dissented from his Democratic as- 
sociates upon the question of its admission and 

O -V 





opposed its becoming a State, and in the commit- 
tee on conference reported what was known as the 
EngHsh bill that required the ratification or re- 
jection of the Lecompton constitution by a vote 
of the people of the State. The people rejected 
the Lecompton constitution and a new one was 
adopted in 18,38 at Topeka that made it a free 
territory, and it was admitted as a free State in 
1861. To William H. English the credit must 
therefore be given for the first practical step in re- 
pelling the encroaches of slavery. This act in 
antagonizing the dominant forces of the party to 
which he belonged required the kind of independ- 
ence and courage that always aligned him \Wth 
the best leaders in thought and action in the pub- 
lic interest. This course in respect to the admis- 
sion of Kansas caused the first open threats of 
secession from the Union to be made, and ^Ir. 
English warned his fellow Democrats of the South- 
ern States tliat the people of the North would de- 
feat any such attempt on their part, and consistent 
with that warning he became an active war Demo- 
crat in his State, and, as mentioned elsewhere, 
aided Governor oSIorton in providing the neces- 
sary "sinews of war." He was a staunch Demo- 
crat of the Jefferson school, and while maintaining 
his identity as such at all times he made it a })oint 
to always use his influence at the right time to see 
that his party was not too far led astray by the 
many new theories and plans of tem])orary polit- 
ical expediency that were jiroposed, and accord- 
ingly it was in the Tilden and Hayes campaign of 


1876 that he came forward to lead his party in sup- 
port of the resumption of specie payment of the 
government's obhgations, and thus aided in the 
overthrow of the so-called gi-eenback party and in 
the triumph of democracy at that election. 

John C. Xew was made quartermaster gen- 
eral by Governor ^Morton, and as before mentioned 
was on the legislative committee on finance in the 
legislature of 1863, and rendered the great aid to 
the State and to Governor ^Morton in obtaining- 
the funds to carry on the war. 

He was clerk of the ]Marion County circuit court 
from 1857 to 1861; was treasurer of the United 
States during part of the administration of Pres- 
ident Grant, 187o-76, and assistant secretary of 
the treasury in 1882, under President Arthur. He 
was an active promoter of the candidacy of Gen- 
eral Benjamin Harrison for president, and cred- 
ited with bringing about his nomination and elec- 
tion, and was appointed consul general at London, 
England, by President Harrison, He was for more 
than half a century identified M'ith financial and 
business enterprises of Indianapolis and always 
stood in the front ranks of its best citizens. He 
was born at Vernon in Jennings County in 1831, 
and knew what it was to endm-e the privations of 
pioneer life. His father was one of the early set- 
tlers of that county who had served as a soldier 
in the war of 1812. 

A part only of the public record of General 
Mahlon D. ]\Ianson, who was for so manv years 
in public life, will be given in this chapter. He was 


' t ' ■ '■ I 

elected auditor of state in 1878. Long and event- 
ful as was his life he related an incident in that 
year that set forth much of his career that will be 
recited here. It was part of his official duties as 
auditor of state on the convening of the state legis- 
lature to take part in its organization, by making 
up a roll of its members to be called and sworn 

On the day preceding the meeting of the assem- 
bly of 1879, the members came into his office to 
present their credentials so that he might enroll 
their names. 

On going to the old Grand Hotel at Indiana- 
polis on the evening of that day, he met a group 
of younsf men who always sou^rht association with 
him and greatly admired him, when he said: "Boys, 
you are all aspiring to fame and I want to tell 
you what fame is. As the members of the legisla- 
ture came into my office today and were intro- 
duced or introduced themselves, there was one 
who did not know my name and asked to have it 
repeated, I said, sir, my name is ^Nlanson. He 
said iManson, iNIanson, what county are you from 
Mr. IManson? I said, I am from Manson County. 
He said, Oh, yes, I think I have hearn of ijou) 
before. Just think of it, boys! In my youthful 
days in the year 184G I enlisted as a soldier and 
went to the war with ^Mexico, I fought at the battle 
of Buena Vista and was at the storming of Cha- 
pultepec, I revelled in the Halls of tlie Montezu- 
mas, and returned to my home at the beautiful city 
where Wabash College is located and engaged in 


mercantile business until the Civil War begun. On 
the first call for troops I hung a sign on my store 
door saying, 'this store will be open when the war 
is over,' and locked it and again enlisted as a sol- 
dier. I became colonel of the lOtli Indiana Regi- 
ment and led it in the first battles in the State of 
Kentucky, where I was severely wounded and was 
promoted to be a brigadier soldier for bravery in 
action and served until the war ended. ^ly party 
nominated me for secretary of state while I was 
in the field and I was defeated. On my return 
home I was nominated for congress and defeated 
the author of the Fair God and was nominated 
for re-election and defeated by Godlove S. Orth. 
I have presided at Democratic state conventions 
and made political speeches in every county in the 
State and was elected auditor of state in 1878, 
and here comes a man to make laws that are to 
be rules of action for the people of this great State 
who believes there is a county in it named jNIanson 
and thinks he has he am of me before; such is 


T^HE Kei)ublican candidates for State offices 
-*- who liad been elected in 18G8 were again nom- 
inated in 1870, as were the four judges of the 
Supreme Court of the State who had been elected 
in 186i. 

These judges were Jehu T. Elliott of Xew 
Castle, James S. Frasier of Warsaw, Robert C. 
Gregory of LaFayette, and Charles A. Ray of 

The Democratic convention nominated to head 
its ticket Colonel Xorman Eddy of South Bend, 
who had been elected to congress in 18.52 and in 
whose honor a post of the Grand Army of the Re- 
public of that city was named and still exists. In 
1861 he organized and was appointed Colonel of 
the 48th Indiana Regiment and fouglit in the bat- 
tles of Corinth, Grand Gulf and luka, where he 
was severely wounded, but remained with his regi- 
ment in the seige of Vicksburg and served until 
the war ended. He led his party to victory in the 
State in 1870, and died while holding the ofiice of 
secretary of state. 

The Democratic candidates for judges of the 
Supreme Court were James L. Worden of Fort 
Wayne, Alexander C. Downey of Rising Sun, 
Samuel H. Buskirk of Bloomington, and John 



Pettit of LaFayette, who were elected and their 
judicial opinions ranked as high as had those of 
their predecessors, and they were all renominated 
in 1876, but all with the exception of Judge Wor- 
den lost their places as candidates by reason of 
circumstances hereafter related. 

The Democrats also carried the legislature and 
at its meeting in January, 1871, William ]\Iack 
of Terre Haute was elected speaker of the house. 
The Democrats had elected as one of their mem- 
bers a gentleman from a southern Indiana county, 
who was reported to have operated a gambling de- 
vice called a "Faro Bank." ]Mack found it difficult 
to select his chairman of the standing committee on 
banks and called in Colonel James H. Rice to assist 
him. Rice, like ]Mack, was not lacking in humorous 
qualities and proposed that the member from 
southern Indiana be selected, as he was the only 
Democratic banker in the house, and ^Nlack yielded 
to the suggestion. There were a number of Re- 
publican bankers in the house with whom he served 
and associated, and it was said that the committee 
on banks and banking met oftcncr than any other 
during that session, and that the chairman pocketed 
all the bills that were referred to it. 

There was no very important legislation en- 
acted at that session. Such a publication as a non- 
partisan newspaper was not in general circulation 
in Indiana at that time. The now great and in- 
fluential Indianapolis Xews that was founded by 
John II. Holiday as an independent newspaper in 
1869, was then struggling to maintain an existence. 


":""^^ .! i'. . :', 

The dissemination of public intelligence and 
partisan doctrines was the work of the old reliable 
Indianapohs Journal and the Indianapolis Sen- 
tinel. By custom the party that succeeded at the 
election bestowed upon the publisher of its State 
organ the office of state printer, which however, 
was not an office created by either the State con- 
stitution or anv lemslative enactment, but bv usagre 
and precedent was called an office. From that of- 
fice the books and stationery of every description 
required by the State and its several departments 
were furnished at prices that the state printer 
fixed, no competition was permitted, nor was there 
any limit to the quantities of supplies that might 
be furnished. 

Alexander Plamilton Conner then the owner of 
the Indianapolis Journal had been the State 
printer for six years prior to 1870. The election 
of that year displaced him and the publisher of 
the Sentinel succeeded him. 

The old reliable Journal changed its ownership 
soon afterwards and its new editor, from motives of 
jealousy or for some other cause, and unmindful 
of the amenities and harmony that ought to exist 
between the proprietors of two great party organs, 
charged in a leading editorial that the state printer 
had prevailed upon a complaisant state auditor 
to give him a warrant on the State treasury for 
the value of a large quantity of stationery without 
observing the formality of furnishing it. This 
charge led to further investigations by someone 
of mousing propensities who discovered that the 


basements and all other storing places for such 
supplies were so crowded that there was no room 
for any more. 

About the same time that these disclosures were 
made it was suggested from many sources that 
there were other irregularities and customs of long 
standing in regard to the State's finances that 
should be reformed. And there was a loud clamor 
for the state printer to take some notice of the 
charges against him, that was not confined to Re- 
publicans alone, but Democrats who had a fond 
admiration for tlieir State paper also demanded a 
defense from him. To this he responded in an 
editorial with headlines reading: 

"When you get a good thing save it, save it." 
When you get a black cat skin it to the tail," and 
justified his act by citing Republican precedents. 

Another instance of a want of disciphne of 
temper, and an absence of refinement on the part 
of a later owner of the Sentinel was on an occa- 
sion when the Supreme Court of the State had 
decided a case contrary to his wishes and he 
headed an editorial saying, "Damn Their Coicardly 

Such performances and examples were more 
reprehensible than those, of rival editors of country 
newspapers in giving weekly entertainments to 
their readers by publishing columns of personal 
abuse of each other, their quarrels generally orig- 
inating over contests for the county printing of 
delinquent tax lists. 

This condition of affairs had gone to such an 


..•'!' ' -,.. ♦ ..• .. 

yf^mm^Fww'^^m^mirmfff^iwi^if'iiiaimifg^ffS^ * ' '" ' - ' - ' »^m v \ \\ h .it i p 






\ '' H 

extent that the power and influence of the Demo- 
cratic partisan press of Indiana had almost ceased 
to exist when it occurred to the now veteran editor, 
John B. Stoll, that a Democratic editorial asso- 
ciation would be an appropriate instrumentality 
in reviving the influence and usefulness of the press, 
and be the means of defining, co-ordinating and 
harmonizing Democratic doctrines and disseminat- 
ing them in the education of voters to an under- 
standing of the principles of democracy. To him 
is the credit due for the origin and influence of 
that association that he was the first president of. 
A like association was later organized by Re- 
pubhcan editors and they have both perpetuated 
their powers. It was not alone in this association 
that Stoll's great work and influence was recog- 
nized. For a half century his advice and influence 
has been sought by the political leaders of tlie 
party with which he has been identified, his popu- 
lar name has also been frequently used by his 
selection as a presidential elector, and he has been 
deserving of much hgher honors. The purity, vigor 
and independence of the editorials in his own news- 
papers and his contributions to others attest his 
culture, and his continuous labors as a journalist 
place him at the head of that profession in the 
State. He has at all times stood as a prominent 
protagonist for high ideals and basic principles of 
right in matters both secular and sacred, and has 
never been known to yield his sound convictions 
to the temptations of (juestionable ])olitical expe- 
dients. xVt the time this is written, in the year 


'»'• ; ' i. 

1920, the author of this production has found two 
articles from his g-ifted pen that have an appro- 
priate apphcation to existing conditions and to 
illuminate its pages they are here reproduced from 
the Kendallville, Indiana, Xews-Sun: 


"The basic principle upon which the American 
republic was founded assures its inhabitants of the 
God-given right of 'life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness.' Experience teaches that work is an 
essential part of organized society. Common sense 
teaches that himian existence is dependent on pro- 
ductive work. The avenues to production must 
therefore be open to all capable of some sort of 
productive activity. But along comes the profes- 
sional labor leader or agitator with the specious 
plea that in all essential productive institutions 
only such persons may work who hold membership 
in an oath bound organization commonly called 
'union.' By establishing what is called the 'closed 
shop' all persons disinclined to subordinate per- 
sonal prerogative to union dictatorship are ex- 
cluded from such institution, no matter how much 
such laborer may wish to find employment therein 
or how greatly the owner or owners of such insti- 
tution might desire to secure such service. As has 
been stated over and over, the establishment of 
labor unions is not objected to so long as the para- 
mount object is mutual benefit, proper working 
conditions, and ju^t remuneration for service ren- 



dered. The more amicable the relations between 
laborers and employers the better for the commu- 
nity and for society. Professional agitators and 
walking delegates are justly looked upon as leeches 
sucking the lifeblood of labor. To brand a non- 
union laborer 'a scab' is an outrage to which no 
wage worker should ever be subjected. To attempt 
to deprive him of the privilege and opportunity to 
work wherever his services may be desired is a 
flagrant violation of human right and an indefen- 
sible disregard of individual prerogative. 

"No non-union worker has ever been known to 
refuse work side by side with a member of any 
labor organization. The right of workingmen to 
organize and maintain labor organizations is not 
disputed. But the right of such organization ar- 
bitrarily to control or regulate the management of 
any employing institution is emphatically denied. 
The demand for what is known as the 'closed shop' 
is unreasonable, unwarranted and intolerable. This 
demand is as unreasonable as would be a rule that 
only members of certain fraternal organizations 
may obtain employment in this or that establish- 
ment. Unions for the betterment of conditions in 
any branch of industry are commendable and 
worthy of encouragement. Unions for raising hell 
in a community may justly be designated as pub- 
lic nuisances — a detriment to wage workers and an 
evil to society. These self-evident but dogmatic- 
ally suppressed truths should be conspicuously 
brought to public attention and to popular under- 


"Time and again the declaration has been made 
through the mechum of this department that no 
repubhc can long endure without the observance 
of religious tenets. Hiorh authority for this con- 
tention has been cited. Xo one has ventured to 
pronounce this assertion to be either unsound or 
fallacious. The declaration stands as an unshaken 
and uncontradictable truth. 

"Persistently maintaining this attitude, it is 
hiirhlv oratifvino' to be splendidly reinforced by 
what I consider the most perfect daily newspaper 
in the United States — the Kansas City Star, 
founded many years ago by an Indiana product. 
Col. William R. Xelson, born and reared at Ft. 
Wayne by a profoundly religious family, headed 
by I. D. G. Xelson, a man of high standing in 
city, county and state. 

"In a recent Sunday issue of that admirable pub- 
lication appeared an editorial headed 'A Sermon.' 
The text of the sermon reads : 'And Abraham was 
rich in cattle, in silver and in gold.' After com- 
prehensively detailing the doings and experiences 
of Abraham, the Star sermon runs thus: 

"The text finds Abraham on his way back to 
Canaan. In Egypt he had lost his power, his in- 
fluence and even his self-respect. He had only his 
riches left. Rut it was not through riches that the 
world was to be blessed through Abraham. God 
had something better in store for the world than 
cattle and silver and gold. 


•'T ^- ■ '■ 

i'^'J' '- O/l" 

"And when Abraham was taken back to Canaan 
he was taken, also, back to Bethel, back to 'where 
he was in the beginnmg,' and there, it is recorded, 
he did something that he did not do in the land 
of Egypt: 'There he called upon the name of the 

"^Vnd from Bethel, in Canaan, a nation of God- 
fearing men was established. Through that na- 
tion came to the world the Ten Commandments, 
the Law of Moses, and, finally, the Man of Gali- 
lee. Every fundamental law of civiUzation and 
every inspiration of mankind that has made life 
worth while, individually or nationally, Cimie from 
the nation that Abraham was called into Canaan 
to build. 

"There is a lesson, brethren beloved (for this is 
a sermon), in the experience of Abraham. A les- 
son for the good old United States of America. 
Something wrong with us. Things are out of joint. 
Read the newspapers and note the stories in al- 
most every column of the news pages almost every 
day in thiC week — murders, riots, thefts, oppres- 
sions, discontent, unrest, disorder. Statesmen re- 
alize it. Serious men acknowledge it. The wise 
hearted no longer hide their eyes from it. They 
face the storm that is shaking us and seek a path 
back to industrial, social and political ])eace. The 
country is rich, but we seem to be suffering from 
poverty in the thing that makes for happiness and 

"It requires no preacher to tell us what we 
need. It is spiritual peace, for the spirits of men 



run wild and are at war. Reason has no place 
among us. We are living in the midst of alarms. ; 

We seek what riches cannot buy, but without • I 

which wealth lacks riches for us. xVnd that apphes i \ 

to the nation as it applies to the individuaL A 
contented nation cannot come from a discontented 

"The path we seek leads back to first principles; 
back to where we were in tlie beginning. Back to 
the fundamentals of old-fashioned religion; back 
to the house of God. Back to the faith 'once de- 
hvered to the saints.' And that path leads x\jiier- 
iea back to the place of blessing for itself and to 
the place where it can be a blessing to the world. 
If world blessing is what we desire as a nation we 
are sure to find it in the place of blessing for our- 

* 'Tis the good old path that our fathers trod; 
'Tis the good okl way, and it leadeth up to God." 

The Star sermon ought to be printed in the form 
of a brochure and be given a place in every Amer- 
ican household. The truths contained therein ought 
to help wonderfully to arouse the well meaning 
people of tliis country to a sense of duty. 

It would require thousands of pages to give an 
account of Stoll's accomplishments as a journalist 
and historian and to sketch his personal and poht- 
ieal career. He was enffa^-ed to write a "Historv 
of the Indiana Democracy, from 1816 to 1916," by 
a publishing company that embarked in that enter- 
prise. A volume of 1,090 pages, of 600 words 


•l:^\ \ 

on each page, was the result of his three years' 
labor in that undertaking. While the work, in 
accordance with the designs of its promoters, sets 
forth the virtues and activities of nearly all Demo- 
cratic partisans of the State during that long 
period, and the doctrines and platforms of that 
party, it at the same time deals fairly with its 
opponents and in many instances shows the distinct 
dissent of its author from tlie views and positions 
of his party on puhlic questions. Aside from the 
partisan features of the work, it reveals such a 
marvelous and stupendous compilation of historic 
matter as shows a full and accurate account of 
the constitutional, legislative and judicial history 
of the State from 1816 to 191 C, and brings to hght 
many historic acts that have not been so clearly 
exposed in any other history of the State. 

Another of the State's historians was William 
Wesley WoUen, the author of "Biographical and 
Historical Sketches of Early Indiana." His char- 
acter sketches are only equaled by the elegance of 
his diction and phrases, and the wisdom of his 
words. In one of its parts he pay this tribute to 
pioneers of whom he wrote, "]Men who found em- 
pires should not be forgotten. They plant the tree 
of civil liberty and water its roots, while those who 
come after them but trim its branches to preserve 
its symmetry. If they plant carelessly and in 
poor soil, the tree will liave but a sickly growth. 
That the men who planted Indiana in the wilder- 
ness })lanted wisely and well is evidenced by its 

wonderful growth." 


For many years, both the Journal and Sentinel 
were ably edited, the former by Judge E. B. ]Mar- 
tindale, B. R. Sulgrove, John D. Nicholas, Elijah 
W. Halford, and others; tlie latter by Joseph J. 
Bingham, Rufus INIagee, Robert L. ^latthews, 
Joseph B. Maynard, Samuel E. Morss, and other 
able writers. It went out of existence soon after 
its editorial about the Supreme Court, and a few 
years later the Journal was merged into the In- 
dianapolis Star. 

Colonel William R. HoUoway of Indianapolis, 
was at different times the owner of the Journal. 
It was under his management that its influence in 
the guidance and education of Republican voters 
was the most powerful, and that it succeeded also 
as a business enterprise and was for years the lead- 
ing paper of the State. It was the gospel herald 
of the Republican party. Its Republican readers 
looked upon it as their Bible, and so revered its 
name that they disapproved of the change of it 
to the Star. 

Colonel Ilolloway was the military secretary of 
Governor ^Morton durinc;' the civil war and was his 
brother-in-law. His father, David P. Holloway, 
Avas for many years the owner and editor of the 
Richmond Palladium, probably tlie oldest and best 
known of the early newspapers in Indiana, and 
was also a member of congress and a commissioner 
of patents. 

Colonel Ilolloway was also identified with other 
newspapers of Indianapolis and was the founder 
of the Indianajiolis Times. He held the office of 


postmaster at Indianapolis for a number of years, 
was first appointed to that position by President 
Grant. Ilis son, Edward Morton Holloway, is 
the very efficient clerk of the United States Cir- 
cuit Court of Appeals at Chicago. 

Many men who became prominent as journalists 
began their newspaper work as reporters on the 
old Indianapolis Journal. Among tliese reporters 
well remembered were: George C. Harding, 
Charles Dennis, Gideon B. Thompson, William 
H. Blodgett, and Harry S. Xew, no^v United 
States Senator, who became a member of the re- 
portorial staff in 1878, and continued in that cap- 
acity for twenty-five years, and has had an active 
career in Republican politics. Pie served a four- 
years term in the Indiana State Senate, from 1896 
to 1900, and was the author of the county and 
township reform bills that were passed at the ses- 
sion of 1897. His personal popularity and loyalty 
to the Republican party in times of disaster as 
well as success enabled him to defeat James E. 
Watson by a large popular majority in the pri- 
mary race for United States senator, and he was 
elected as senator in 189G, and soon after enter- 
ing the senate was chosen as a member of the com- 
mittee on military affairs, and has rendered con- 
spicuous service in behalf of measures for the pro- 
secution of the World War, and is now a member 
of the committee on foreign relations, and is also 
chairman of the committee on territories and in- 
sular possessions. 



THE events in the congress of the United States 
that followed the election of General Grant 
as president in 1868, had such a connection with 
and bearing upon political events in Indiana that 
it is proper to mention some of them. 

The contests for power between the executive 
and legislative departments of the Federal govern- 
ments have been bitter in nearly all administra- 
tions since their creation. 

The requirements of the "advice and consent" 
of the senate to nominations by the president for 
the higher grade of officials and the passing of 
judgment by that body on all treaties proposed 
with foreign powers have led to these conflicts. 

The Scnatiis Cou.sultinn of the Roman Repub- 
lic, composed of Patricians, was never more dictato- 
rial than have been its imitators in the senate of 
the United States. In the case of President John- 
son, they hastily and willingly converted the senate 
into a court of impeachment, and but for the fact 
that a two-third vote is required to convict the 
executive, probably attempted impeachment in 
other instances would have occurred. 

Charles Sumner of :Massachusetts, one of the 
most learned and conspicuous of United States 


senators, was one of its members most determined 
to convict Johnson, and four years later became 
a supporter of his pohcies of reconcihation that 
were the basis for his attempted impeachment. 

Less than two years after Grant's inauguration 
as president, he recalled the historian, John Latli- 
rop Motley, as minister to England in defiance of 
the wishes of Senator Sumner. This so enranred 


Sumner that he took advantage of his position as 
chairman of the committee on foreign relations to 
make a desperate effort to have a treaty that Grant 
had proposed with San Domingo rejected by the 
senate, and in referring to the president in his 
speech, opposing ratification opened it by quoting 
the words: 

"Upon what meat dotli this our Ca?sar feed 
that he hath grown so great," and affixed the 
word "ism" to Grant's name, as another senator 
from the same State, and also chairman of the 
foreign relations committee, did to the name of 
President Wilson forty-eight years later. 

President Gnj'field nominated as collector of 
the Port of Xew York a man named Robertson, 
who had been a delegate to tlie Republican con- 
vention who cast the first vote for his nomination 
for president. 

Roscoe Conkling, the leading senator from Xew 
York, became so angered at Garfield for this act 
that he resigned from the senate, as did Senator 
Thomas C. Piatt, who followed him and got the 
name "me too Piatt," but they both failed to get 
the vindication from the people of the State that 


they sought, and so disrupted their party in the 
State that James G. Blaine, who was Garfield's 
secretary of state and the nominee for president 
in 1SS4:, lost the State's electoral vote. 

These are only mentioned as prominent instances 
of the consequences of senatorial dictation. 

Grant survived the malignities of Sumner and 
was re-elected in 1872 by an almost unanimous elec- 
toral vote. Both he and his successor of after 
years have records among the greatest in the 
world's achievements that personal malevolence, 
though clothed in senatorial vesture, have not 
diminished in their splendor. 

The speech that Sumner made in denunciation 
of Grant was answered by Senator Howe, who 
said he had "plunged a dagger into the Republican 
party." Carl Schurz, United States senator from 
]Missouri, joined Sumner in his denunciation of 
Grant and endorsed his utterances saying, it was 
not into the Republican party, but into Ca?sarism 
that Sumner had plunged the dagger, and that 
"we cannot forget that the world has agreed to 
pronounce Brutus the noblest Roman of them all." 

These speeches of the followers of Brutus were 
given great circulation in the presidential cam- 
paign of 1872, and Sumner and Schurz tried the 
experiment of forming wliat was called a "Liberal 
Re})ublican Party." They called their followers to 
meet them in national convention at Cincinnati, 
Schurz presided at the convention and Horace 
Greeley was nominated for president, and Sclunv. s 
senatorial colleague from iMissouri, Benjamin 


Gratz Brown, was nominated for vice-president. 
Brown was charged in the campaign that followed, 
among other things, with heing in such a condition 
at a public Ixmquet held in liis honor that he spread 
butter on his watermelon, and Greeley was bitterly 
denounced because he had clamored for amnesty 
for the rebels and had signed the bail bond of the 
traitor, Jeff Davis, to get him out of prison at 
Fortress Monroe, 
y^ At that time the Democratic party in Indiana 
/ was greatly in need of some new lifeblood, because 
of the odium that had attached to it as the product 
of some of its leaders during the war, and because 
of the persistent repetition of the charge of dis- 
loyalty that was made against it during the war. 
The prejudice against it in many localities was 
felt by the Democratic merchant who suffered pro- 
scriptions and boycotting in his business, by the 
Democratic lawyer in his profession because of its 
reflections in the verdicts of juries, and even 
judges in their decisions on questions of law and 
fact were intimidated by it, while the young man, 
who dared to identify himself as a Democrat did 
so at the risk of social ostracism. It was the pre- 
vailing opinion among Democrats that their party 
would be nourished into new life by going into 
repose, and that the bolting Kepu])iican leaders 
were more fitted for Icadersliip than their own, and 
that the desertions from Grant would be numerous 
enough to defeat him, and therefore it was decided 
to adopt what was called "the passive })olicy." 
Joseph E. :McDonald and Daniel W. Voorhees, 


of the Democratic leaders, did not at first concur 
in tliis course, and possibly the farseeing Joseph 
E. McDonald had visions of the ambitious states- 
man, Isaac P. Gray, coming into the party with 
his followers of liberal Republicans to wrest the 
honors of leadership from him, and if he did it was 
a dream that came true. 

Notwithstanding ^McDonald's opposition to the 
endorsement of Greeley, when a resolution of en- 
dorsement was offered in the Democratic State 
convention, he came forward and gaining recogni- 
tion by the chairman, said he recognized the logic 
of events and seconded the motion for its adoption. 

The same convention forced the nomination for 
governor on Thomas A. Hendricks. 

Washington C. DePauw of Xew Albany, was 
nominated for lieutenant governor. He was a 
man of supposed great wealth that he had gained 
in the manufacture of plate glass. While he was 
identified in name as a Democrat, his interests were 
with the Republican party as a beneficiary of its 
protective tariff policies, consequently and consis- 
tently he declined the nomination, and Colonel 
John R. Cravens of ]Madison, Indiana, was placed 
on the ticket in his stead by the Democratic State 
committee and he was defeated at the election by 
Leonidas Sexton, of Rushville. 

DePauw's beneficence was later bestowed on 
what was then Asbury University, that in conside- 
ration of the donations it received or had the prom- 
ise of, changed its name by legislative consent to 
DePauw University, but this consent was not given 




without some comments about the sacred name of 
Bisliop x\s])ury being bartered away for DePauw's 
gold that it was afterwards said greatly depre- 
ciated in amount. 

Asbury University, named in honor of Bishop 
Francis Asbury, the first Bishop of the ^Methodist 
Episcopal Church in the United States, who was 
sent to America as a missionary to its colonies in 
1771, was organized under a charter granted to its 
trustees in 1836. 

It required the active voices of Hendricks, ]Mc- 
Donald, Voorhees and other leaders to arouse the 
Democratic voters to a full appreciation of this 
"passive policy," and Republican newspapers and 
speakers were not slow in reminding them of the 
many disrespectful things that the Xew York Tri- 
bune, founded by Plorace Greeley, had said about 
them when it said that "all Democrats are not horse 
tliieves but all horse thieves are Democrats," and 
"all Democrats are not rebels but all rebels are 
Democrats." So confident of success were the In- 
diana Republicans that year tliat there was a spir- 
ited contest for governor between Gen. Thomas 
jSI. Browne of Winchester, who was then United 
States district attorney, Godlove S. Orth of La 
Fayette, and General Benjamin Harrison of In- 
dianapolis. General Browne won the nomination 
mainly because of the numerical support given him 
by what was then called the "old burnt district," 
composed of the strong Republican counties of 
Wayne, Randolph, Jay, Henry and Dehiware. To 
get the unanimous support of his (Hstrict, however, 


he was humiliated by a demand from the radical 
temperance delegates that he make a public pledge 
in the convention that he would forever thereafter 
abstain from the use of liquor, although lie had not 
been frenerallv known to have anv convivial habits. 
General James R. Slack and the writer were visi- 
tors at this convention, sitting by each other when 
Browne came forward to accept the nomination. 
In the course of his eloquent speech of acceptance 
he said: "If in the past, by eating meat, I have 
offended my brother, then I will eat no more meat 
while I live." General Slack turning to the writer 
said, "that speech advertising Iiimself as a drunk- 
ard will defeat him," and it did. He was chaiac- 
terized in the campaign as "Thomas ]Meateater 
Browne." Hendricks in referring to him would 
humorously say, "my convivial friend, General 
Browne," and Hendricks got nearly all the radical 
temperance votes and was elected, while all tlie 
other candidates on the ticket with him were de- 
feated with the exception of oNIilton B. Hop- 
kins, a prominent preacher of the Christian Church 
who was elected state superintendent of public in- 
struction. Grant and Colfax carried the state in 
November by twenty thousand majority. 

In the years following. General Browne repre- 
sented his district in congress for many terms, and 
until his death. 





^-^<.'«.>-v,X5gK> ■''^. 




,7/ ( 



THE origin of the name, "Burnt District," was 
by some traced to a great conflagration that 
overspread it in an early day, wliile others say it 
was so named because of the attitude of George 
W. Julian and his followers on the slavery ques- 
tion, who were called abolitionists and '"black re- 
publicans." He was an avowed abolitionist when 
that was a term of derision, was at one time nomi- 
nated for vice-president on the "free soil" ticket. 
He was a great leader, was far in advance of the 
majority in the Republican party in the advocacy 
of the- freedom of slaves. He and Oliver P. ^lor- 
ton, both of Wayne County, were likened unto 
"two great lions that could not hve in the same 
forest." Their opinions of each other were recip- 
rocal. ]Morton became his rival in party leader- 
ship. Julian was not only a leader in the crusade 
against human slavery, but was far ahead of the 
times on other public questions. It was he who in- 
troduced in the Forty-first congress the proposed 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, confer- 
ring the right of woman suffrage, that finally be- 
came the 19th amendment. 

During the Civil ^Var the o])])onents of the ad- 
niinistration adopted the sliibboleth, "The Consti- 


tution as it is and the Union as it was." In 1868 
Mr. Julian supported Grant for president. In a 
speech that he deHvered that year at Kokonio, In- 
diana, to which the writer was a hstener, he took up 
that watchword for analysis, claiming that it was a 
disloyal expression. His analysis was so clear as 
to be convincing to many that it was of that char- 
acter; he said "the constitution as it is" means 
that it shall not be so amended as to abolish slav- 
ery, and "the Union as it was," was a Union with 
slavery, and it was against the perpetuation of 
such a Union that the war had been fought and 

On that occasion he also shamed his Democratic 
hearers for their subserviency to Southern domi- 
nation, "by telling them that it was this Southern 
domination by "Christless whelps" that had forced 
their great apostle, Thomas Jefferson, into an 
abandonment of his convictions on the subject of 
slavery, by modifying his draft of the Declaration 
of independence and his arraignment of the King- 
dom of Great Britain, so that the institution could 
be maintained. Bancroft's History of the United 
States, Volume V, page 324. contains a reproduc- 
tion of the draft of the Declaration of Independence 
and of the indictment that Jefferson submitted 
with it, and the historian says that the otTensive ex- 
pressions were deleted at the request of the South- 
erners for the reason, as Jefferson wrote, for the 
guidance of history, "that these gentlemen's reflec- 
tions were not yet matured to the full abhorrence 
of the slave traffic." 


This Kokomo speech of ]Mr. Jiihan was no more 
pleasing to his Repubhcan hearers than was one 
to Democratic hearers four years later that he 
made at the old Academy of ^Music in Indianapo- 
lis, in support of Horace Greeley for president, 
when Oliver P. Morton became the subject of his 
invectives. He held up ]Morton as having been edu- 
cated in the same school with the same "Christless 
whelps," with whom he broke because of the al- 
lurements of the public oflice that he got as his re- 
ward when he became governor, and enmnerated 
some of his inconsistencies and sudden changes of 
views on public questions, bringing to the recollec- 
tion of his hearers, that on the 29th of September, 
1865, jMorton had delivered a great speech to his 
old friends at Riclmiond, denouncing^ neoro suf- 
frage and upholding President Johnson's pohcy 
of reconciliation, and that he experienced such a 
change of heart as to soon after clamor for John- 
son's impeachment because of these same policies. 

In manner and actions, Julian was not en- 
tirely different from otlier public men of Indiana, 
but his style of oratory was peculiarly liis own. 
There was nothing of a bombastic character in it. 
but it was rather colloqual and yet cmi)hatic and 
convincing, and his words were seemingly carefully 
selected and so articulated as to give them the 
greatest force. His severities of expression tliat 
sometimes seemed malicious, were more properly 
chargeable to the deep sincerity of his sentiments 
in the causes he advocated. 



THE legislature of Indiana, in 1873, was Re- 
publican, and re-elected Morton to the senate. 
Hendricks was inaugurated as governor. The old 
Court of Common Pleas was abolished by an act 
of that assembly and a number of new circuit court 
districts were created, and in accordance with a 
provision of the State Constitution a new district 
of the Supreme Court was created, so that it would 
thereafter be composed of five judges. 

The vacancies created by this court legislation, 
gave Hendricks the power to appoint a number of 
judges of the circuit courts and prosecuting attor- 
neys, also the new judge of the Supreme Court. In 
niakini? his selections he did not confine them to 
his own party, but choose those he regarded as 
most fitting from both political parties. He ap- 
pointed xVndrew L. Osborn of La Porte, a Re- 
publican, as the new judge of the fifth supreme 
court district. 

An important legislative enactment passed at 
this session was what was known as the Baxter 
liquor law. Its author was Honorable William 
Raxter, of ^Vaync County, a prominent member of 
the Quaker Church, who represented that county 
in the state senate. He was able, conscientious, 
and highly rcspecled by his legislative colleagues, 


and its passage was more due to their wishes to 
please him, than to their approval of the measure. 
It imposed so many restrictions on the liquor traf- 
fic, and such severe penalties for their violation, 
that many memhers of both political parties urged 
Hendricks to veto it, but as it contained no uncon- 
stitutional provisions, Hendricks showed his high 
regard for legislative wisdom, and his gratitude for 
the many temperance votes he had received at the 
preceding election, by signing it and it became a 

In 1873, David Turpie became a resident of In- 
dianapohs, and in 1874 was elected as a member of 
the state legislature from that county, and at the 
session of 1875 was elected speaker of the house. 
His many contests with Schuyler Colfax form 
part of his history. 

Colfax served in' congress for eight terms, was 
three times speaker of the national house of rep- 
resentatives, and vice-president from 18G9 to 1873. 
His unsuccessful opponent in nearly all his con- 
tests for congress was Turpie, who was one of the 
most scholarly men in public life in Indiana. While 
Turpie was unsuccessful in his contests for con- 
gress he was more fortunate in receiving honors 
from the Indiana legislature. In 18G3 he was 
elected to serve in the United States senate for a 
short time to fill out the unexpired term of Jesse 
D. Bright, who had been expelled on charges of 
complicity with leaders of secession to overthrow 
the government, was later elected by the legislature 
for a full term of six years, 1893 to 1899. 




In a number of his contests with Colfax, a series j 
of joint debates was held between them. He usu- 
ally was the victor in arguments, but Colfax was i 
more pleasing in his address and as a "mixer" ' 
with the people, and was called "the smiler." At j 
.the close of their meetings Turpie usually went to f 
liis hotel, while Colfax remained to shake hands 
and flatter the people; he also had the advantage ' 
in the fact that his district was normally llepubli- | 
can. In his early days Colfax edited a newspaper ^ 
at South Bend, and took a leading part in the en- * 
terprise of that city. One of its principal avenues ; 
was named in his honor. In the late years of his 
life he and his family had the misfortune to meet 
a o'reat financial loss occasioned bv over confidence 
in an old-time friend, who failed in the banking t 
business. The nomination of Turpie for lieutenant i 
governor in 18G() made it necessar\' that another i 
should be selected to contest unsuccessfully with ' 
Colfax for congressional honors and Charles W. ; 
Cathcart was the Democratic nominee that year. 
He was a native of tlie Island of ^Madeira, who ^ 
had settled in La Porte County in 1831, near what 
is now tlic town of AVestville, and foUoAved farm- 
ing and stock raising, was a state senator in 1835, 
a member of congress in 1845 and 1847, and ? 
United States senator, by appointment, in 1852 ^ 
and 1853. 1 




■p OLLOWIX G the close of the Civil War, the 
-^ waste, extravagance, and profiteering, that 
originated during that period, was kept alive 
through the instrumentality of an inflated cur- 
rency, inflated credits, wild speculations, and great 
railroad building schemes that were projected by 
means of gi-eat land grants and government aid, 
until the fall of the year 1873, when the greatest 
financial panic of the country's history occurred, 
as a consequence of the abrupt plans of financiers 
to change economic and financial conditions. 

In 1857 a Democratic congress, dominated by 
the slave-holding interests of the country, under 
the plausible policj' of establishing commercial 
connections of the cotton growing states of the 
South with the coin j^roducing states of the Xorth, 
and to afford postal facilities to the government 
in the transmission of the United States mails, 
granted to tlie Illinois Central Kailroad Company 
a strip of land, tvrelvc miles in width across the 
entire State of Illinois, approximating about one 
hundred million acres. The road was constructed 
as a result of this grant. When the Civil War 
was raging and wasting the resources of the coun- 
try, a Republican congress, following this Demo- 


cratic precedent in land grants, greatly expanded 
the government's policy in granting government 
aid by donating to the projected transcontinental 
raili'oads to the Pacific Ocean one hundred and 
two million acres of the 2:)iiblic domain, forty-seven 
million to the Xorthern Pacific Railroad Com- 
pany, forty-two million acres to the Atlantic and 
Pacific Company, and thirteen million acres to the 
Union Pacific Company, and later forty million 
acres were granted to aid other railroad projec- 

And by an Act of Congress, passed in 18G2, there 
were also issues of government bonds, provided for 
by which each of these Pacific Railroad companies 
were to receive from the government at the rates 
of Jt^lG,000, J^22,000 and $48,000 per mile, in gov- 
ernment bonds, according to the cost and difficulty 
of construction, for constructing the roads, the 
bonds providing for their payment thirty years 
after their issuance, at six per cent semi-annual in- 
terest in the gold coin of the United States. 

The promoters of these railroad enterprises in 
furtherance of their plans for the construction of 
the roads Mere alert to the great profits in con- 
struction that could be availed of bv creatine: con- 
struction com])anies with wliich construction con- 
tracts might be made, and to which the govern- 
ment aid, tile stocks of the railroad companies, and 
tb.e bonds they might issue, secured by their prop- 
erty, including tl:e lands granted to them, miglit 
be transferred in payment for construction work. 
With these valuable assets as security, that also 



carried with the security the power to control the 
raih'oads and their operation upon completion, the 
construction companies were in a position to in- 
duce banks and other financial institutions to fur- 
nish the funds required. One of these construction 
instrumentalities was a chartered corporation 
called the "Credit ^Mobilier of xVmerica," that had 
unlimited jjowers in the issuance and sales of its 
own stock that was supposed to have great value, 
by reason of its holding the vast securities derived 
from the railroad companies. It was the pledge of 
this stock as collateral that procured excessive 
loans to this Credit ]Mobilier Company by Xew 
York banks, and when the great financiers of the 
country decided upon the policy of restricting 
credits and a general policy of deflating the cur- 
rency these banks were so overloaded with this 
collateral, and their reserves had been so lessened, 
that they could not pay their depositors and they 
were forced to suspend, and the suspension of the 
construction work on the railroads followed as a 

This Credit ]Mobilier Company had been char- 
tered by the State of Pennsylvania in the year 
18.59, named the same as a gigantic sclieme pro- 
mulgated by the French government in 18.V2, to 
take in hand and originate trading entcri)riscs of 
all kinds, and to conduct the business of banking 
and the construction of public works. 

The stock of comjmny was issued in large 
amounts and distributed liberally, and in some in- 
stances gratuitously, to members of congress who 


■were assured of large dividends, and it was 
charged, in the pubhc press, had induced many 
votes in gi'anting congressional aid to railroads. 
When the crash came there followed concessional 
investigations to discover the identity of these 
stockholders. Oakes Ames, a member of congress 
from ]Massachusetts, and James Brooks, a member 
from Xew York, were found to have been stock 
distributors, and confessed to having delivered 
both stock and dividends to many of their congres- 
sional associates and others in public life, among 
these were some prominent men in Indiana. 

I ''■ 


; •■•'■1' 


WHEX the jDolicy of retrenchment and restric- 
tion of credits began in 1873 the farmers of 
the country were the first to suffer from the slump 
in prices of farm products, from three dollars a 
I bushel for Avheat to fifty cents, and they were 

ready to espouse any cause and to invoke any 
' remedy that promised them relief. The trouble 

then, as now, was in locating the trouble and find- 
ing a remedy that would give them relief. They 
/ organized, fretted and fussed around for a Ions 

j time before they discovered that the reduction of 

railroad tariffs, that would enable them to mar- 
I ket their products might help them some, even 

<; though the middle man who passed them on to the 

' consumer, came in for his share in the benefits of 

( a reduction. They were not content with a regu- 

i lation of the rates unless thev could be the regii- 

y lators. They wanted reduction not mere regula- 

j tion. How were they to force the reduction was 

' the puzzling question they must deal with. They 

/ could see no way exce])t to elect men to represent 

I them in the state legislatures. They would not 

' trust the salary-grabbing, back-pay congressmen 

J in far distant Washington, who would attach too 

much importance to the power they had under the 
( 123 


constitution to regulate commerce. The experi- 
ment of state legislation was given its lirst trial 
in the states of Illinois, Kansas and Iowa, and 
was watched with great interest by Indiana farm- 
ers. The legislatures of these states passed what 
was known as the granger railroad acts, that gave 
the exclusive power of regulation of freight rates 
into the hands of state agencies that the grangers 
could control. The railroad companies contested 
their constitutionality in suits that were carried 
to the Supreme Court of the United States, upon 
the ground that the power to regulate commerce 
was vested in the congress of the United States, 
and could not be exercised by the states. The old 
doctrine of states rights was thus again brought 
forward as having great efficacy in the decision 
that was to be made. The grangers got a tempo- 
rary comfort from the decision. It upheld the 
legislative power of the states, because congiTSS 
had not acted, holding that until congress acted in 
the matter tlie states could legislate upon the sub- 
ject. This clearly foreshadowed a contest in con- 
gress. The farmers had by this time been con- 
vinced that they might have enough power to have 
an interstate commerce commission created by con- 
gress that would deal fairly with them, and accord- 
ingly John H. Reagan, a member of congress 
from the State of Texas, introduced the measure 
that suited the grangers, but it didn't suit the rail- 
road companies. It passed the house, elected in 
1874, but lodged in tlic senate in the hands of Sen- 
ator CuUom of Illinois, and after a contest 


fj-.-' '(- 

J. ■ --'V ■ 

lasting for nearh'- ten years, came out as a meas- 
ure entirely satisfactory to the railroad companies, 
but it is only fair to say that the powerful gov- 
ernmental ao^encv that it created — the Interstate 
Commerce Commission — has not been under the 
control or influence of railroad companies, and the 
enlarged powers that have been conferred upon it, 
from time to time, have aimed at justice and f;i 
dealing between transportation and shipping intc 
ests, and the high character of the men who have 
been chosen as its members, from time to time, has 
been attested in the work they have done and in 
the decisions they have made. 

This reference to the acts farmers have ac- 
complished by their organization is pertinent in a 
work of reminiscences and is brought into it in 
part to exhibit this class of public men and to show 
their great power, and how they influenced, both 
nominations, and the result of the state elections in 
Indiana in 1874 and 187G. 

In 1876, tlic Greenback party placed a full state 
ticket in the field, headed by Anson Wolcott, a 
farmer of White County, for governor. A few 
days before the election, lie publislied a card -with- 
drawing from the race and urged the election of 
General Harrison. His withdrawal created a great 
storm of indignation and harmed Harrison more 
than it helped him. Henry W. Harrington, a 
leader in tlic Greenback party, was substituted in 
place of Wolcott, and the Greenback party polled 
a heavy vote. 

Franklin Landers, a farmer and man of affairs 


in commercial and business life, was nominated in 
1874 for congress in the Indianapolis district by 
the Democrats, in reliance on the farmer vote to 
defeat General John Coburn, who had served in 
congress for many terms, and had a splendid 
record, both as a soldier and congressman, and 
the backing of a large Republican majority. The 
farmer votes elected Landers. 

James D. Williams, known as "Blue Jeans Wil- 
liams," because of the home spun suit of blue 
jeans clothes that he wore on all occasions, had 
lonsr served his farmer neif^hbors as a state sena- 
tor, was also a prominent member of the State 
Board of Agriculture, and was a member of con- 
gress, serving out an unexpired term of another 
farmer, when the Democratic State Convention of 
1876 met. Michael C. Kerr, who was then speaker 
of the national house of representatives had ap- 
pointed Williams chairman of the congressional 
committee on accounts of expenditures by con- 
gressmen, and he liad made some exposures of 
their extravagance in having excessive items for 
stationery, mileage, etc., charged against the gov- 
ernment. The farmers in attendance at tlie con- 
vention from his home county and district, though 
having but a few votes in the convention, proposed 
his name for governor and he was nominated as a 
"dark horse," defeating William S. Hohman and 
Franklin Landers, because of the close contest be- 
tween them for th.e nomination. His nomination 
was at first ridiculed by tliat class of society peo- 
ple who only look forward to the gayeties at the 


; >' i 

governor's inaugural ball, and by the snobs who 
are ever ready to sneer at the rude farmer. Unfor- 
tunately for General Plarrison, who was the Re- 
pubhcan nominee, these society classes were en- 
tirely too conspicuous among his supporters about 
the city of Indianapohs, and their sneering re- 
marks and sayings were repeated too much in the 
rural districts, with the result that many Republi- 
can farmers left their party to resent the insults 
by their votes for old "Rlue Jeans Wilhams," and 
he was elected by nearly six thousand plurality. 
Some of the good farmer women of Southern In- 
diana prevailed upon the newly-elected governor 
to allow them to line his blue jeans garments ^vith 
silk to be worn on the occasion of his inauguration, 
and at a proposed inaugau'al ball. This social af- 
fair was staged and managed under the direction 
of the handsome and highly accomplished cheva- 
lier of Xew Albany, Colonel Charles L. Jewett, 
assisted by many of tlie most polished members 
of Indianapolis society, and was attended by ladies 
and gentlemen of the highest social ranks from all 
parts of the state. In the campaign of 1876, George 
W. Russ, an ex-Union soldier, organized a regi- 
ment of ex-soldiers to march in procession, carry- 
ing "blue jeans" baimers and "Blue Jeans" re- 
warded him by making him his adjutant general 
of the state. 




WHEN the legislature of 1877 convened, Wil- 
liams was inaugurated as governor. In his 
message on that occasion he urged economy in 
l)ublic expenditures, and that appropriations be 
made only for such public purposes as were abso- 
lutely necessary, and suggested that in considering 
what was absolutely necessary, that the assembly 
might properly consider the subject of the con- 
struction of a new capitol building, that had long 
been agitated, but should place proper safeguards 
against extravagance, if it should be decided to 
enter upon that work. A bill providing for its 
construction was passed tliat created a commission 
to have charge of all matters pertaining to it, and 
making the governor, ex-officio, the president of 
that commission. It was provided that as far as 
possible, it sliould be constructed of material pro- 
duced in the State. The several plans that were 
prepared, by many architects, all provided for 
Bedford stone as the material to be used in the 
structure, and the one selected by tlie commission, 
from the number offered in competition, it was be- 
lieved, provided ample room for all tlie officials and 
archives of the State for at least a hundred years. 

i| It was not at that time supposed that there would 

' 128 

.i;< .1 

, 1 

.• i':' 

, j ; 1 MVJ l>\'' 

■:.:.■ ': !' ■.'.{, "■■'> ■■■■}- ''.d'yii 





be any boards or commissions to fill its rooms except 
the boards of tlie pcnul and l)enevolent institutions 
of the State, but so many boards and com- 
missions liave since been created by legislative en- 
actments that it is now overcrowded from basement 
to dome. The work of its construction had not been 
completed during the "Blue Jeans' " administra- 
tion, and it was completed under the direction of 
Governor Porter, and was perhaps the only pub- 
lic building that Avas ever constructed within the 
original appropriation for it. To the credit of 
these two governors, it was not only completed, 
but was furnislied within the appropriation, and 
a surplus paid into the State treasury. 


'I h- . '< Ij 

i;.fi"i : 

T 1 f J 


TX the year 1873, the tornado of starthng eventis, 
•*- that swept over the country so disturbed its equi- 
librium as to turn a jDeriod of seeming prosperity 
quickly into one of depression and stagnation in 
every branch of industry, and business and was 
most harmful to the Republican party. Before and 
after this crash occurred, there were great com- 
plaints about the high cost of living. ^Members of 
congress complained about it, contending that their 
salaries were insufficient to meet their livinu' ex- 
penses, and they proceeded to avail themselves of a 
remedy, not available to their constituents, by vot- 
ing themselves a fifty per cent increase of salary, 
also back pay to cover the time they had served in 
the preceding sessions. This produced such a shock 
of public indignation that their constituents de- 
manded that they repeal the act and resign. Some 
of the memi)crs paid the salaries they had re- 
ceived, under the act, back into the treasury, but 
they fared little better with their constituents than 
those who received them, and a great majority of 
them were defeated for rcnomination, or at the next 
election, a number of them fearing their defeat, did 
not stand for re-nomination or re-election. 

In the same year the scandals grooving out of 


the operation of the great Credit Mobiher of 
America began to circulate and in the autumn, 
when the leaves of the forest began to fall, occurred 
this great financial and industrial crash. The 
direct cause of its occurrence, as already men- 
tioned, was the failure of Xew York banking 
houses, that had undertaken the financing of the 
agencies that were engaged in the construction 
of the Pacific railroads. This financial disaster was 
not only fatal to many political ambitions but 
crushed out fortunes in its course. Values of prop- 
erty of every description that had been maintained 
at high points during and following the war sud- 
denly fell to almost nothing, banks suspended and 
failed, the construction of transcontinental rail- 
roads that was then well under way giving employ- 
ment to hundreds of thousands of laborers sud- 
denly stopped, factories of all kinds shut down, 
leaving workmen employed in them to stand 
around and look in vain to see the smoke from 
their chimneys as a signal for them to return to 
"Work, commercial transactions almost ceased, and 
depressions of every kind appeared everywhere. 
To stay the hunger that existed there were then not 
even soup houses, as in the time of the so-called 
panic of twenty years later. The Xational Bank- 
ruptcy Act of 18G7 was availed of in all the Fed- 
eral courts of the country, during the following 
five years that it continued in force, by broken mer- 
chants and others to discharge their debt obliga- 
tions incurred during this period, to such an extent, 
as to swamp the. courts with bankruptcy cases. 
" 131 

All of these things happened during a Republi- 
can administration, and as is ahva3'S the case, the 
party out of j^ower had many nostrums in prepa- 
ration to restore healthy and prosperous conditions, 
and only needed to get in to administer them, and 
it was given its opportunity at the next generii' 
election when a new congress was elected; and Ben 
Butler was elected governor of ]Massachusetts on a 
fiat money platform of the so-called Greenback 
party, that also sprang up in all other states, and 
with its aid the Democratic party was successful 
in nearly all of them and had a large majority in 
congress, and Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, was 
elected as its speaker. At the short session of the 
expiring congress in January, 1875, is passed what 
was known as the Specie Resumption Act that pro- 
vided that on the first day of January, 1879, the 
government should begin the payment of its out- 
standing obligations in coin. This brought into 
prominent discussion the question whether coin 
meant gold only or both gold and silver. An act 
passed in 1873 had taken away the privilege of 
paying debts in silver, but subsequent acts restored 
the legal tender quahties of the old silver dol- 
lar, and in a measure settled, so far as congres- 
sional expressions could settle the question, that 
coin meant both gold and silver; nevertheless fi- 
nanciers of the country insisted that gold was the 
standard, and that the government's outstanding 
obligations, consisting in great part of its treasury 
notes called greenbacks, because of tlie color of the 
paper on which they were printed, should be paid 


in gold. This contention and tlie scarcity of gold 
kept gold at a high premium during the greater 
part of the times that the treasury notes were 
greatest in their circulation as money, and it is a 
curious fact, to one not familiar with financial 
philosophy, that on the first day of January, 1879, 
the date fixed for the govermnent to begin pay- 
ment of its obhgations in coin, less than one per 
cent of them were presented on that day to the 
treasurer of the United States for payment; and 
at the simie tune the premimn on gold disappeared 
and the government's paper currency continued 
to circulate as money as it had before. 

Opposition to the Specie Resumption Act, the 
clamor for its repeal, and a demand for an increase 
in the issues of j^aper currency of the government, 
sufficient in volmne to meet the necessities of trade 
and commerce, were the demands of the platforms 
of both the Democratic and Greenback parties in 
1874, but the Democratic congress that was elect- 
ed that year, so far as its record of acts passed dis- 
closed, enacted no legislation to further such ends. 


i-.; ; I i. 


THE Indiana Republican state convention that 
was held in 1874, had no Morton there to 
sound its keynotes. It passed its usual eulogistic 
resolutions pointing with pride to its past record, 
but had no plank of promises to restore prosperous 
conditions that had disappeared when the financial 
panic of 1873 came. 

It nominated, for secretary of state, William W. 
Curry, an eloquent preacher of the Universalist 
Church, to give assurances of universal salvation, 
but even his doctrines could not save the grand 
eld party from defeat that year. 

Many young men of both Republican and Dem- 
ocratic parentage, were college attendants when 
the Civil War came, who left their studies to join 
the Union army; one of these was John Enos Xeff, 
of Winchester, whose father was also a Union 
Civil War captain. Enos, as he was familiarly 
called, had made a brilliant campaign against Gen- 
eral John Peter Claver Shands, of Jay County, 
for congress in 1872, coming within a few votes 
of defeating him. lie was nominated by acclama- 
tion to make the race for secretary of state against 
Curry, and in his speech accepting the nomination, 
put his opponent and his party on the defensive, 


and he challenged him to a joint debate a few days 
later. Some Democrats had their misgivings about 
Neff's abihty to contend with the skilled disputant, 
who had vanquished preachers of other denomina- 
tions in theological discussions in many of which 
he had engaged, but their fears were dispelled at 
the first debate by Xeff again putting his adver- 
sary on the defensive and maintaining his argu- 
ments with both plausibility and elegance of dic- 
tion. The friends of Ciu'ry said they were evenly 
matched, while the admirers of the youthful Xeff, 
declared him a dashing cavalier, who had com- 
pletely vanquished his adversary. Xeff and all 
Democratic state candidates were successful. Ebe- 
nezer Henderson, a farmer of jNIorgan County, 
was elected auditor of state, Colonel Benjamin C. 
Shaw, of Indianapolis, treasurer of state, Clarence 
A. Buskirk, of Gibson County, attorney general, 
and Professor James IT. Smart, of Allen County, 
state superintendent of public instruction. They 
were all re-elected in 1876, and Professor Smart 
was elected again in 1878, and afterwards was, for 
a number of years, president of Purdue University, 
and ranked amoni? the ablest educators of the 
State. At this same election, of 1874, Judge Hor- 
ace P. Biddle of Logansport, was elected judge of 
the Supreme Court, from the new fifth judicial dis- 
trict, that had been created by the legislature of 
1873. Previous to this time the Supreme Court 
was composed of four judges. The constitution 
of the State had limited the number to five. The 
cases in the court had so increased that this addi- 


!"> -■ -<i 

tionaJ member was much needed and was so pro- 

Judge Horace P. Biddle was a member of the 
constitutional convention of 1851, had served 
many years as a nisi prius judge, was a RepubH- 
can in politics, but in 1874; was first nominated as 
the fifth judge by a convention of the new Green- 
back party, composed mainly of farmers, and the 
Democrats deemed it expedient to also give him 
their nomination. At the election his majority over 
his Republican opponent was thirty-three thou- 
sand, and sixteen thousand greater than that of 
his associate Democrats. 

This vote of sixteen thousand represented the 
voting strength of the new Greenback party, and 
was the prize which both the Republican and Dem- 
ocratic parties sought to win in the next election, 
but both were disappointed because the Green- 
hackers generally spurned affiliation with either 
of them, and maintained their own organization in- 
tact for many years, and gained strength particu- 
larly among tlie farmers, and brought a number 
of them into tlie class of public men of Indiana. 

Colonel Isaac P. Gray was the Democratic nom- 
inee for lieutenant governor and was elected in 
1876. "Blue Jeans" Williams served as governor 
until his death occurred in 1879, when Gray, as 
lieutenant governor, succeeded him. It was the 
great ])olitlcal ])rivilcge and pleasure of Governor 
Wilhams to conmiission his warm friend, Daniel 
W. Voorhees, as United States senator to serve 
out the unexpired term of Governor Morton, 


whose death occurred on the first day of November, 
1877. The nomination of "Blue Jeans" caused 
great curiosity to see him in all parts of the State, 
and the Democratic State Committee decided upon 
a plan of exhibiting him by announcing him and 
the great "Sycamore of the Wabash," Daniel W. 
Voorhees, as speakers at the places appointed. 
Great crowds came to see "Blue Jeans" and re- 
mained to hear Voorhees. Upon the unveiling of 
a monument erected to the memory of Governor 
WiUiams at Wheatland, in Knox County, on July 
4, 1883, Senator Voorhees delivered an oration 
that is here reproduced as a sample of his elo- 
quence, and to also present a conception of the 
chief characteristics of the plain farmer-governor, 
Voorhees said: 

"In looking at the career of Governor Wil- 
liams, and in studying the influences under which 
his character was developed, a long and most 
striking retrospective view is presented to the 
mind. Born in 1808, he came to Knox County in 
1818. Here, at the age of ten years, he began his 
life work on the farm, and here, at the close of 
more than three-score years and ten, he rests in the 
soil and in the midst of the people he loved so well. 
He lived in Indiana and in this county sixty-two 
years, beholding with intelligent observation the 
growi;h and development, step by step, of his own 
State, and all of the Northwestern States, until 
from a nominal beginning he witnessed the glory 
of their civilization and power fill the whole earth. 
His life embraced almost three-quarters of the 



, present marvelous century, and covered such a 
l period of human progress as the eye of man had 
not rested on until then in all the wide and varied 
annals of human effort. 

His first reading was on grave and serious mat- 
ters. His youthful mind knew nothing of fiction. 
His life and thoucj-hts were real. He read mes- 
sages of the early governors, Jennings, Hendricks, 
;• and others, in which there glowed a fervent love of 
country, and a firm faith in the people. 

The glorious traditions and the high xVmerican 
flavor of the Revolution were also fresh, and every- 
where prevalent, and as a boy. Governor Williams 
often listened in silent wonder to men not much 
past middle life, who had been under fire with 
Washington, and in council with Jefferson, ^ladi- 
son and jMonroe. It has been said that from lack 
of education and travel he had a certain narrow- 
ness of view in public affairs. On the contrary. 
Governor Williams was developed and instructed 
from youth to robust manhood in a school of 
thought and action which never yet failed to make 
broader, stronger, and more useful men than the 
Greek lexicon or tourists' guide book. Pie formed 
his first ideas of government and of public duty 
from the purest and best sources, and there was 
not a proscriptive, intolerant, or narrow sentiment 
in his nature. His love of country was of tlie old- 
fashioned kind, inspired by the spirit of 1776, and 
it was broad enough to embrace every star of tlie 
flag, and every foot of xVmerican soil ])cneath its 
folds. But there was still another powerful reason 


why Governor Williams carried into the discharge 
of his duties a sound judgment and a staunch heart. 
He lived and died a practical farmer. He knew 
the laboring 2)eople better than any public man 
Indiana ever produced. Pie was born in their 
ranks and remained there to the end. He was at 
home in the broad and wholesome field, and he was 
familiar with the wants and ways, the hardships 
and the hopes of those who eat their bread in the 
sweat of their faces. 

From the days of Cincinnatus, to the present 
time, men seeking popular favor have been pa- 
raded and eulogized as farmers, who could not tell 
a field of wheat from a field of oats, but the farmer 
in whose memory "\ve are here today, drove his team 
and held the plow; planted the corn, attended its 
growth and gathered it in; sowed his small grain 
and reaped his harvests; raised horses, sheep, cat- 
tle and hogs, and fed them with his own hands. He 
made more than two blades of grass to grow where 
none had grown before. In the pursuit of these 
labors, he became deeply imbued with s\'mpathy 
for the agricultural classes, and with an earnest de- 
sire for their improvement. At an early period of 
his life he became actively identified with agricul- 
tural associations and for more than thirty years, 
was a controlling member of the Indiana State 
Fair organization. This tribute so long continued 
f and coming as it did, from the tillers of the soil was 

peculiarly grateful, and I doul)t if any political 
i honor was ever as pleasant to him, or as highly 

f prized as his prominent connection with tlie county 


'l ,.' : t,, 

and State fairs of Indiana. He delighted to inter- 
view a herd of blooded cattle as keenly as a reporter 
delights to interview a string of candidates for 
the presidency. His enjoyment over a bunch of 
fine sheep or a lot of cultivated hogs, looking com- 
fortable from high living, and handsome from fine 
breeding, was very great and very genuine. In his 
admiration of the horses he had, without reading 
Bacon, adopted the Baconian philosophy. He 
looked to utility rather than to style and speed. 
His pride was in the farmer's horse rather than in 
the flying courser of the race track. Growing gol- 
den grain, the tall, dark corn, the rich golden 
wheat, the clover fields and broad meadow lands, 
were to him a source of unfailing interest and con- 
tinuous comment. 

While traversing every part of the State a few 
years ago, and as the bright and beautiful farms 
seemed to glide by like a painted panorama on ex- 
hibition, how often have I heard his exclamation 
of delight, and listened to his comments on the 
more than magical changes he had witnessed. He 
had, indeed, in his own day and generation, seen 
the wilderness put off its savage garb, and array 
its waste places in the richest robes of progress, 
culture and refinement. 

I have heard him recall tlie fact that within his 
recollection not a tree of the primeval forest had 
been disturbed by the white man's ax, where now 
stands the splendid ca])itol of our State. * * * 
It is not any wonder, tliercfore, that he looked 
with peculiar emotions on the present condition of 


i^;. i ■■'.' ,7 


Indiana, the happy home of two miUion healthy, 
prosperous people, her fields yielding more agri- 
cultural wealth in proportion to area, than any 
other State in the Union; her coal, timber, stone 
and fine clays giving employment to a hundred 
thousand laborers. * * * 

He also saw the cause of education move for- 
ward with a force and rapidity unknown in any 
other common v.ealth; he saw the whole face of the 
State adorned and ht up with commodious free 
schools, with colleges, seminaries, high schools and 
universities; he exulted in the fact that rising gen- 
erations had access to pathways of learning lind 
science, and that there were so few left in Indiana, 
who were unable to read and write their mother- 
tongue. In all these stupendous developments Gov- 
ernor Williams, whether in private or public life, 
always bore an active and honorable part. In 1843, 
then being thirty-five years of age, he was first 
elected to the Indiana legislature as a member of 
the house, and from that time to the day of his 
death he was rarely, if ever, out of public ^emplov- 

During a period of thirty years he was almost 
continuously elected and re-elected to the legisla- 
ture, either as a member of the house or the sciiate. 
Such long and unbroken confidence, on the part of 
those who knew him best, is a far more eloquent 
eulogy than can be uttered over his grave on tliis 

The administration of Governor Williams as 
chief magistrate of Indiana is too recent and 


1. 'T 

fresh in the piibhc mind to call for discussion or 
extended notice. It is an honorable part of the 
history of a magnificent State; a State whose 
career in all the elements of greatness has been 
with the speed and strength of the eagle's wing 
in his flight toward the sun. 

Governor Williams loved Indiana and has left 
no blot on her name. He was her thirteenth exec- 
utive, elected by the people, and in the noble fra- 
ternity of his predecessors in that high office he 
stands a peer. Others more learned in books, but 
none wiser in the principles of self-government, 
nor purer in administering them for the welfare 
of the laboring, producing, business interests of 
the State. * * * 

But two of those who preceded him in the exec- 
utive chair are amongst the living, one of whom 
is here to join in honor to the dead. Long, long, 
may their useful and honora])le lives be spared, 
and at last when the final hour of rest shall come 
to them, as it will to all of us, may the memories 
which cluster around their names in the hearts of 
all their countrymen, without respect to creed or 
party, be as kind, as free from reproach, and as 
gentle in their judgment as those which now gather 
around the name of James D. Williams and hal- 
low the spot where he sleeps." , . 

Among the distinguislied persons in attendance 
at the unveiling were, Governor Conrad Baker, 
and Senator Benjamin Harrison. 


.iu 'M J :v ■i-''vf 


T? VEXTS of the campaign of 1876 show how 
-■-^ troublesome the liquor dealers were to the 
Democratic party and how the temperance people 
disconcerted the Republicans. 

A Democratic platform that did not declare in 
favor of the largest liberty to liquor dealers and 
against sumptuary laws was a defective structure. 
And a Republican platform that did not inveigh 
against the evils of intemperance, and give some 
promises of local option or prohibition, failed to 
satisfy the strong temperance Republicans, who 
were insistent not only on having the platform to 
suit them, but also that only total abstinence can- 
didates should be nominated. 

As already mentioned, the temperance voters in 
the Republican party had exacted a public pledge 
from General Browne that defeated him for gov- 
ernor in 1872. Godlove S. Orth, who was nom- 
inated in 1870, of German descent and known 
to occasionally refresh himself with a glass of beer, 
was so unsatisfactory to this same element of 
voters that many of tliem openly declared their 
intention to vote against him. He had served 
many terms in congress, was a man of great ability, 
and had been United States ^linister to Venezuela. 


In addition to the charges of temperance people 
against him, the Democrats were giving out liints 
about a scandal that attached to him growing out 
of his having had some connection with a bond 
issue by the Venezuelan government that had 
caused some financial losses to American inves- 
"tors. Fearing that these attacks upon him might 
defeat him, the Republican State Central Com- 
mittee gave him a hint that his withdrawal from 
the race would not be objected to, and he tendered 
his resignation as a candidate and it was accepted, 
and General Harrison was substituted. 

The Baxter liquor law that Governor Hendricks 
had found no constitutional objections to and re- 
fused to veto, was amended in some of its provi- 
sions in 1875, but as amended was in force and 
some of its provisions were being contested in the 
Supreme Court, and the liquor dealers were look- 
ing to tliat tribunal for a decision against its va- 
lidity, and were also clamoring for its repeal if it 
was held valid. They were very much afraid that 
the Su])reme Court would decide against them and 
particularly afraid of Judge Alexander C. Dow- 
ney, wlio was a member of the ]Metliodist Church, 
and one of tlie trustees of xVsbury University, and 
known to be a man of strictly temperate habits, 
and pronounced temperance sentiments. It so 
hai)])Lned tliat a disappointed applicant for the 
])osition of hbrarian of the Supreme Court was 
wiHiug to aid tlicse liquor interest, by making 
charges against all the four Democratic judges 
who liad been renominated, to the effect that they 


had made some court allowances ajjainst the State 
for some small items of stationeiy and office sup- 
plies that should have heen charged to their per- 
sonal accounts. These charo^es were so mairnified 
and repeated in the pubhc press, and elsewhere, 
that the Democratic State Central Committee took 
notice of them and did not intend that the Repub- 
lican State Coimnittee should outdo their committee 
in applying purifying processes to their State 
ticket, and called meetings of the same delegates 
who had attended the State convention from the 
respective districts of the four judges to determine 
wdiether they should be removed, and if removed, 
to nominate judicial candidates in their places. 
These conventions were held. The friends of 
Judge Worden of the Fort Wayne district, under 
the leadership of Honorable Robert C. Bell, ral- 
lied to his support and adjourned the convention, 
leaving him on the ticket. The candidates in the 
other three districts withdrew and William E. 
Niblack was nominated in place of Samuel H. 
Buskirk. George V. Howk was nominated in 
place of Judge Downey, and Samuel E. Perkins 
in place of John Petit. They were all elected. 
Judge Worden's plurality being greater than the 
others, and the court so constituted upheld the 
validity of tlie Baxter law in the cases involving 
it, but the law was repealed at the session of 1877. 
The retirement of Orth from the State ticket did 
not retire him from public life. He was again 
elected to serve three terms in congress, but de- 
feated in his last race in 1882 by his fellow towns- 


man, Judge Thomas B. Ward, the Democratic 
nominee. Judge W^ard was again elected in 188J< 
over Major Charles T. Dovey of Anderson. 

William S. Holman of Dearborn County, served 
many terms in congress. Was a member during 
all of the Civil War period and for a number of 
years afterwards, and gained the name of the 
"Watch Dog of the Treasury" by his persistent 
objections to land grants and congi*essional appro- 
priations. His ability in defeating them was only 
equalled by his success in getting votes by his pecu- 
liar methods of electioneering. He made it a point 
to always put himself on familiar terms with the 
peo^jle of his district by calling them by their first 
names and asking every man he met for a chew of 
his tobacco. In 1863, the Confederate General 
John H. ^Morgan, with his army of about four thou- 
sand rebel cavalry soldiers, crossed from Kentucky 
into Indiana and made a raid through Holman's 
district, where he received many assurances of sym- 
pathy for the Southern cause from the Iloosiers 
he met, the sincerity of which he insisted should be 
evidenced b}' their turning over to him their horses, 
cattle, and other property that his struggling army 
was so much in need of, and of course they readily 
complied ^vit]l tliis request. The many owners o( 
this confiscated property placed their claims for 
payment against the Federal government in the 
hands of Holman and became staunch supporters 
of his in all of his after races for congress. On 
one occasion when he was interposing an objection 
to an appropriation, one of his colleagues hap- 



pened to remember about tliese iNIoriran raid claims 
and said he had always observed that "Watch 
doffS never barked when there was anv of the fam- 
ily about." Hohnan was still in congress when 
Cleveland became president and still a mem])er of 
the appropriations committee. When a new crowd 
of beneficiaries of appropriations belonging to his 
own party would be afTected by his objections, it 
was deemed expedient to have him transferred from 
the appropriations committee to another, where 
his objections would not be so harmful to the of- 
fice holding patriots who always stand for the old 
flag and an appropriation. His willingness to be 
so transferred was made the basis of a challenge 
of liis right to the name of a "Watch Dog" by his 
Republican opponents in the races he afterwards 
made. He met his first defeat after the war by 
James E. Watson, who because of his triumph be- 
came and continued a conspicuous figure in Repub- 
lican politics in the State. 

The Democratic State convention of 18TC, pres- 
ented the name of Hendricks to the country for 
the nomination for president. Its instructed dele- 
gates and all the members of his party in the State 
were his enthusiastic supporters at the national 
convention that was that year held at St. Louis. 
He received the votes of delegates from nearly all 
the Xorthcrn States, but Xew York had formed 
a combination with the solid South that forced the 
nomination of Sanuiel J. Tilden, and Hendricks 
Was unanimously nominated for vice-president. 

Indiana Democrats were greatly disappointed in 
11 147 


1 iXi" r>:3': 

not seeing the name of Hendricks at the head and 
were slow in working up their enthusiasm for the 
ticket. A ratification meeting was held in the State 
House yard, at which Honorable William H. Eno-- 
lish presided, and in an able speech he made a 
clear statement of the issues that must be decided 
by the people. Contrary to the position that the 
party had adhered to in the campaign of 187-1 in 
the endorsement of the financial policies of the 
Greenback party, and in opposition to the re- 
sumption of specie payment of the governments 
obligations, the St. Louis platform contained a 
strong arraignment of the Republican party be- 
cause it had made no progress toward the resump- 
tion of specie payment. The speech of English on 
that occasion, and others in line with it, had the 
effect to bring the party back to its original beliefs 
as a sound money party. 


•; . ■)% . 


of Ohio, was the Repubhcan nominee for 
president in i87G, clef eating James G. Blaine, Ben- 
jamin H. Bristow, and Oliver P. Morton. 

Hayes was a practicing lawyer of Cincinnati 
when the Civil War began, and by honorable ser- 
vice in the Union army became a major general, 
and was elected to congress in 186-1 while serving 
in the field. James G. Blaine, his rival for the 
Republican nomination for the presidency in 1876, 
had liired a substitute to perform his part in tlie 
suppression of the rebellion, he was one of the 
most vociferous actors in keeping alive the animos- 
ities of the Avar by waving the banner of the 
"Bloody Shirt." 

Hayes had been a successful contender with 
Allen G. Thurman for governor of Ohio in 1869 
and in 187.5, when the questions of retiring the in- 
flated currency of tlie country and the resumption 
of specie payment of the government obligations 
were live political questions, and his stand for 
sound money endeared him to the financiers of the 
country, whose influence secured him the presi- 
dential nomination in the face of the great wave 
of enthusiasm for Blaine that rolled over the con- 


vention in response to the great nominating speech 
of Robert G. Ingersoll, a copy of which is here 
reproduced as a sample of pohtical rhetoric, and 
because it has some bearing upon the same indus- 
trial and financial conditions then prevaihng that 
exist now when this is written. 

Benjamin H. Bristow of Kentucky had been 
placed in nomination by a delegate from ^lassa- 
chusetts, when the cheers that greeted Ingersoll 
as he came on the stage subsided, he said: 

"Massachusetts may be satisfied with the loyalty 
of Benjamin H. Bristow; so am I; but if any man 
nominated by this convention cannot carry the 
State of ^Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the 
loyalty of that State. If the nominee of this con- 
vention cannot carry the grand old commonwealth 
of ^Massachusetts by 75,000 majority, I would ad- 
vise them to sell out Faneuil Ilall as a Demo- 
cratic headquarters. I would advise them to take 
from Bunker II ill that old monimient of glory. 

The Republicans of the United States demand 
as their leader in the great contest of 1876 a man 
of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of well 
known and approved pohtical opinions. They de- 
mand a statesman; they demand a reformer after 
as well as before the election. They demand a poli- 
tician in tlie highest, broadest and best sense, a 
man of superb moral courage. They demand a 
man acquainted with public affairs, with the wants 
of the people, with not only the requirements of 
the hour, but with the demands of the future. They 
demand a man broad enough to comprehend the 


relations of this government to the other nations 
of the earth. They demand a man well versed in 
the powers, duties and prerogatives of each and 
every department of the government. They de- 
mand a man who will sacredly preserve the finan- 
cial honor of the United States; one who knows 
enough to know that the national debt must be 
paid through the prosperity of the people; one who 
knows enough to know that all the money must 
be made not by law, but by labor; one who knows 
enough to know that the people of the United 
States have the industry to make the money and 
the honor to pay it over just as fast as they make 
it. The Republicans of the United States demand 
a man who knows that prosperity and resumption 
when they come must come together, that when 
they come they will come hand in hand through 
the golden harvest fields, hand in hand by the 
wheeling spindles and turning wheels; hand in 
hand past the open furnace doors; hand in hand 
by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the chim- 
neys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by 
the countless sons of toil. This money has to be 
dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by pass- 
ing resolutions in a political convention. 

The Republicans of the United States want a 
man who knows that this government should pro- 
tect every citizen at home and abroad, who knows 
that any government that will not defend its de- 
fenders and protect its protectors is a disgrace to 
the map of the world. 

They demand a man who believes in the eternal 


separation and divorcement of church and State. 
They demand a man whose political reputation is 
spotless as a star; but they do not demand that 
their candidate shall have a certificate of moral 
character signed by a Confederate congress. The 
man who has in full heaped and rounded the meas- 
ures, all these splendid qualifications is the pres- 
ent grand and gallant leader of the llepubHcan 
party — James G. Blaine. 

Our country, crowned with the vast and marvel- 
ous achievements of its first century, asks for a 
man worthy of the past and prophetic of her 
future; asks for a man who has the audacity of 
genuis; asks for a man who is the grandest com- 
bination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her 
flag. Such a man is James G. Blaine. For the 
Republican hosts, led by this intrepid man, there 
can be no defeat. 

This is a grand year, a year filled with recollec- 
tions of the Revolution, filled with proud and ten- 
der memories of tlie past, with the sacred legends of 
liberty; a year in which the sons of freedom will 
drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year 
in which the people call for a man who has pre- 
served in congress what our soldiers won upon th- 
battlefields; a year in which we call for the man 
who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue 
of slander, for the man who has snatched the mask 
of democracy from the hidden face of rebeUion, for 
the man who like an intellectual athlete has stood 
in the arena of debate and cliallcnged all comers 
and goers, and who up to this present moment is 


a total stranger to defeat. Like an armed warrior, 
like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched 
down the halls of the American congress and threw 
his shining lance full fair against the hrazen fore- 
head of the defamed defamers of his country and 
the maligners of his honor. For the Republicans 
to desert this o-allant leader now is as thoutif-h an 
army should desert their general upon the field of 

James G. Blaine is now and has been for years 
the bearer of the sacred standard of the Repul)- 
lican party. I call it sacred because no human being 
can stand beneath its fold without becoming and 
remaining free. 

Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the 
great Republic, the only Republic that ever existed 
upon the earth; in the name of all her defenders 
and of all her supporters; in the name of all her 
soldiers living, in the name of all her soldiers dead 
upon the field of battle; and in the name of those 
who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at 
Andersonville and Libby, wliose sufferings he so 
vividly remembers — Illinois, lUinois. nominates 
for the next president of this country that prince 
of parliamentarians, that leader of leaders, James 
G. Blaine." . ,. , 

This great speech was not rcsjionded to by the 
nomination of the candidate in whose belialf it was 
niade, nor did the country realize the grandeur of 
the year "filled u ith the recollections of the Revo- 
lution," when the first act in the performance of 
reversing the result of the election of 1876 was put 



on the stage. The "fountains of joy and enthusi- 
asm" that gushed forth when the first returns came 
in suddenly, turned into a raging torrent of indigna- 
tion when Zach Chandler, the chairman of the Ke- 
pubhcan National Committee, a United States sen- 
ator from :Michigan announced, without giving any 
particulars or reasons for the declaration that 
Hayes had received 185 votes and was elected. 
This astounding declaration was based on what 
turned out to have been the successful workings 
of the returning boards in the State of South Caro- 
lina, Florida, and Louisiana, in certifying that 
Hayes electors had been chosen in these States. 
The elections in these States were held at polling 
places, surrounded by United States soldiers, under 
laws that had been passed by the "carpet bag" 
governments tliat in substance gave the power to 
election officials to add to the votes that had been 
actually cast such a number as they chose to say 
would have been cast if the voters had not been 
intimidated. These election officers were Republi- 
cans, who estimated that such a number of negro 
voters had been intimidated as would have given 
the Hayes electors a majority, notwithstanding the 
fact that the army prevented their intimidation. 
At the same time they certified that the Democra- 
tic candidates for governors in these States had 
been elected ])y large majorities. It soon developed 
that on the night of the election and before Chand- 
ler had made liis int'imious declaration that a num- 
])er of "visiting statesmen" had been hurried to 
these Southern States while the returning boards 


were still in session and subsequent events gave 
color to the suspicion that these "visiting states- 
men" had made a tentative deal with the Southern 
Democratic leaders that their State governments 
would be bestowed to them and that carpet baggers 
would be relieved of their powers if there was an 
acquiescence in the verity and legality of the re- 
turns of the election officers by "Southern chiv- 
alry," and as a consequence the question arose as 
to whether congress in declaring the result of the 
election could (^o behind the returns or must onlv 
count the votes as they had been certified. 

The exciting time that followed from November 
until congress met in ]\Iarch of 1877 were much 
greater than during the Civil AVar. There was an 
evident determination on the part of the Repub- 
lican leaders to not surrender the power they had 
so long held, and an equally determined purpose 
on the part of the Democrats of the Northern 
States, particularly to gather at any hazard the 
benefits of the victory which they asserted had been 
fairly won. The United States army w^as called 
from posts in the Southern States, where it had 
been concentrated when the election boards were 
in session, and stationed near Washington city. 

The house of representatives was Democratic, 
the senate was Republican. The puzzling question 
for them to decide was whether both houses of con- 
gress must participate in counting the electoral 
votes of a State, or whether the president of the 
senate by virtue of his office had the exclusive right 
to count them and whether he had the discretionary 


■.''■' .vi 

power to decide to Avhoni they should be credited. 
Unless one or the other of the parties surrendered 
the claim to victory, another civil war was threat- 
ened that would bring neighbor against neighbor 
in conflict. 

The more conservative people hoped there might 
be an adjustment of the controversy as they were 
already war worn by the terrible war between the 
two sections of the coutnry. Both Tilden and 
Hayes preserved a dignified silence while the con- 
troversies were going on. What would be their 
ultimate respective attitudes was a matter of wild 
speculation among their respective supporters at 
the polls. 

Would Tilden, regardless of the formalities re- 
quired in declaring his election, take the oath of 
office and assert the rioht to command the armed 
forces of the government in the protection of his 
right to it? Would Hayes accept tlie office with 
such a clouded title to it as it would be tainted 
with? — were the questions most frequently asked. 
Would they each give as due consideration to the 
vast financial and otlier interests of the country 
that were jeopardized by the controversy as to 
their own personal am])itions, was also a question. 

Tilden was a possessor of great wealth and 
closely identified with the great financial interests 
and enterprises of Xew York, and the holder of 
many bonds and ol)ligations of the Federal govern- 
ment. The creation of a commission by both 
houses of congress a a tribunal for the settlement 
of the controversy was first suggested by his friend, 


Abraham S. Ilewett, a prominent representative 
of New York in congress, and was thought to have 
had its origin in Tilden's desires to save his per- 
sonal fortune as well as to patriotically preserve 
the prosperity and peace of the country. 

How this commission was to be created and its 
powers denned was for solution by the statesmen 
in congress. Oliver P. ]Morton, the great senator 
from Indiana, was one of these who was destined 
to perform a part in the work that was to deter- 
mine the fate of his political rival Hendricks. 

Proctor Knott, a leading member of the house 
of represejitatives from Kentucky, who afterwards 
became governor of that State, concurring with 
Hewitt, proposed a committee of five members, 
whose duty it should be. acting in conjunction with 
a similar committee on the part of the senate, to 
consider the whole question of the disputed elec- 
toral votes and to recommend to congress a course 
to be pursued in counting them. The resolution 
he then offered was adopted almost with unanim- 
ity. INIorton was selected as a member of the 
senatorial committee. It became evident as soon 
as this joint committee got down to work that the 
two parties represented in it would not agree on 
the questions regarding the extent of the powers 
and duties of tlie president of the senate in the 
matter of counting tlie disputed electoral votes. 
His powers and duties as well as those of the com- 
mission that was to direct him all depended upon 
and related back to the question of going behind 
the returns of the election boards. The Democratic 

contention was that fraud and corruption vitiated 
the certificates of the election boards, while the 
Repubhcans contended that they were beyond dis- 
pute in their legality. 

This joint committee like the hung jury finally 
agreed to disagree as to how this electoral com- 
mission should be composed, and then it was pro- 
posed to create an independent tribunal composed 
of five members of the Supreme Court of the United 
States to be selected in the order of their seniority 
of commission, five senators and five represent- 
atives in congress. This plan Avould place five 
Republican senators and five Democratic members 
on the commission, and who were to be the five 
members of the Supreme Court that would make 
the final decision was the all absorbing question. 
Their selection in the order of their seniority was 
not entirely satisfactory to either party, but it 
was, over the protest of ^lorton, finally agi-eed that 
they be so chosen. These five judges were, justices 
Clifford, Swayne, Davis, ^Miller and Field. Two 
of these were known as Democrats, two as Repub- 
licans, with Justice David Davis' political affinity 
in doubt. Although he had been appointed by Pres- 
ident Lincoln, his republicanism was challenged 
because he had at one time allowed himself to be 
nominated by a labor organization for j)resideTit, 
had decided against the military commission in the 
]Milligan case and shown himself to be independent 
of political control, and he was also known to have 
become tired of his judicial duties and was ambi- 
tious for either senatorial or presidential honors. 




The Democrats were exultant over the fact that he 
was to be the fifth member, and the Repubhcans 
were correspondingly despondent. Whether these 
judges could consent to serve had not been ascer- 
tained, and before their final selection a political 
episode occurred that eliminated Davis and brought 
Justice Bradley in as the fifth member. With his 
coming in was a revival of Republican hopes and 
the despair of Democrats began. To bring about 
this change in the situation, the Republicans had 
shrewdly planed to liave Davis elected as a United 
States senator from Illinois. They had sent 
some of their well chosen "visiting statemen" to 
Springfield, where the balloting for senator was 
going on. Two or three independent members of 
the legislature had prevented an election by voting 
for Davis. They were encouraged to keep on so 
voting to defeat General Jolm A. Logan, who 
was the Republican nominee. The Democratic 
members of the Illinois legislature composed in 
large part of slum statesmen from Chicago, with 
their characteristic fatuity, and inabihty to see any- 
thing beyond their nasal organs except a Chicago 
saloon bar, wheeled into line and voted for Davis 
for senator, and presumably got gloriously drunk 
over their happy association ^Wth the Republicans 
^vho sacrificed General Logan to get a vote tluit 
was to save the presidency. 

"Upon what slender tlireads hang everlasting 

The vote of this great tribunal stood eight to 
seven in favor of receiving and counting the fraud- 


ulent certificates, and Hayes was installed as pres- 

In 1872 Horace Greeley had urged the Xorthern 
people to forgive the Southerners, to shake hands 
over the "bloody chasm" and discard the "bloody 
shirt" as a campaign emblem, but they were not 
yet ready to follow his advice. The installation of 
Hayes was followed by a general clamor for re- 
conciliation with the South and the selection of his 
cabinet gave the first tangible evidence of a con- 
firmation of the suspected deal that had been made 
to dislodge the "carpet bag" governments, and of 
a reconciliation with the Southern States. An ex- 
Confederate General was appointed postmaster 
general and about his first ofiicial act was to direct 
the clothing of United States mail carriers in gray 
uniforms, corresponding with those that rebel sol- 
diers wore in the rebellion, an act that provoked 
the wrath of nearly every soldier who had worn the 
blue. While the Hayes administration was in the 
main satisfactory to the best interests of the coun- 
try, there was a noticeable want of that high re- 
spect and confidence that a president usually 
commands that could only be attributed to the fact 
that he held the ofiice by a fraudulent and clouded 

The centennial year, so eloquently depicted witli 
grandeur by Ingersoll, will be well remembered by 
many yet living as the one that commemorates tlic 
events that preceded, a decision by a high judicial 
tribunal created by act of congress that confirmed 
fraud in election rcLturns and awarded the presi- 

160 . 

t;'- ) .'i- 

dency of the United States to a man who had not 
received a majority of either the popular or elec- 
toral votes of the United States. 

Tilden received a popular majority of three 
hundred thousand votes over Hayes, but by the 
false and fabricated returns of election certificates, 
this popular verdict overthrown. The great 
leader in this conspiracy to overthrow popular gov- 
ernment was Zach Chandler, a United States sena- 
tor from the sovereign State of ]Michigan, and his 
followers were again conspicuous in the campaign 
that followed for the nomination of the Republi- 
can candidate for the presidency in 1880, and 
again showed their adroitness in dealing with 
Southern delegates of the same class as those who 
had composed the Southern returning boards. 

The candidates for the Ilepubhcan nomination 
in 1880 were: General Grant, John Sherman of 
Ohio, and General llussell A. Alger of ^lichigan. 
Grant had three hundred and six loyal followers, 
who voted to the last for his nomination, but finally 
had to yield to the objection to a third presi- 
dential term. Until the convention met, it was 
generally believed that Sherman would receive 
practically the solid support of the delegates from 
the Southern States, but it suddenly developed 
that they had been captured and their affections 
transferred from Sherman to Alger. 

General Alger was a man of great wealth, and 
had made extensive investments in industrial cor- 
porations that had a monopoly of the coal, iron and 
railroad business, in Tennessee and Alabama, and 


while both he and Sherman had met defeat in the 
convention, the latter did not forget about his loss 
of Southern delegates, and at the next session of 
congress introduced and later had passed the so- 
called Sherman anti-trust act that had a direct 
application to xVlger's Southern monopoly. 

Events of recent years show that ^Michigan poli- 
ticians of the Chandler school are not yet an ex- 
tinct species in that State. It is to tlie credit of 
the State of Indiana that it has at no time given 
preference to its men of wealth for United States 
senators, or foreign ambassadors, as have other 
States. With one exception its senators have been 
comparatively poor men, and no charge of bribery 
of eitlier legislatures or individual voters has ever 
been made against them. The votes of Indiana 
delegates to the Republican national convention of 
1880 were cast in the beginning for General Plar- 
rison, but with little hopes of his nomination, and 
the delegates soon left him and became divided in 
their support between General Grant and Sher- 

General Garfield made the nominating speech, 
placing the name of Sherman before the conven- 
tion in a glowing tribute to his record as a states- 
man, and at the same time exhibited his own great 
abilities that clearly foreshadowed his own nomina- 
tion when the deadlock that ensued should be 

The event of the convention that created the 
greatest enthusiasm was when Roscoe Conkling 
placed General Grant in nomination. His first 

i: .lil: 

■' ' >J 

sentence was, "When asked from wlience our can- 
didate comes, we say from Appomatox, and the 
famous apple tree." The applause and wild cheer- 
ing that followed was kept up for half an hour, 
before he could proceed further. The balloting 
that followed showed Grant in the lead with 30G 
votes, but he gained none as it preceded, and Gar- 
field was finally nominated through the influence 
of the admirers of Blaine, and because of his own 
great abihty, but Conlding forced them to accept 
his friend, General Chester A. Arthur, as their 
candidate for vice-j^resident. 

The campaign in Indiana that followed was 
vigorous as usual in that then close State, and both 
j^arties in their selections of both State and legis- 
lative candidates put fonvard their best men. 

The State senate elected that year was conspic- 
uous for the unusually strong men that composed 
it, among these were, Robert C. Bell, Robert Gra- 
ham, Jason B. Brown, Eugene Bundy, Frederick 
W. Viehe, Gustave V. ]NIenzies, General George 
H. Chapman, Samuel B. Voyles, and Rufus ^la- 
gee, all lawyers of high standing and well fitted 
for the legislative work that came before that ses- 
sion, the most important of which was in deahng 
with the report of a commission that had been 
created pursuant to an act passed at the preceding 
session to compile, classify and codify the laws of 
the State. That commission was composed of 
James S. Frazier, former judge of the Supreme 
Court; David Turpie, and John II. Stotscnburg. 

As a means of .simphfying legal procedure and 
12 163 

" fi - - 


making clear many of the provisions of previous 
laws and correcting their phraseology, many bills 
were presented by the commission that had to be 
well considered and were nearly all enacted into 
laws that made the officially revised statutes of 
1881 into one volume of great and long use. 



NO very imi^ortant issues were submitted to the 
voters of Indiana for decision in 1878. The 
Democrats elected their State candidates, a ma- 
jority of the members of congress and the State 
legislature that would elect a United States sen- 



John Gilson Shankhn of Evansville, was elected 
secretary of state; General ^lahlon D. ^lanson, 
auditor of state; Thomas W. Woollen, attorney 
general, and John J. Cooper, treasurer of state. 
Daniel W. Voorhees was a candidate for United 
States senator to succeed himself, he having been 
appointed by Governor Williams to fill the vacancy 
caused by the death of Senator ]Morton. The 
legislative districts were so formed that it was 
necessary the Democrats should carry at least one 
that usually gave Republican majorities. The 
counties of IMarion and Shelby formed one of these, 
and it was necessary for the Democrats to find 
a candidate who could command not only the full 
Democratic vote, but could draw largely from the 
Republicans. William E. English was selected i 

and elected. He and Charles A. Cole of Peru 
were the Democratic leaders in the house. Cole 
was an able young lawyer, the son of Alphonso 



A. Cole, who was a prominent lawyer of Peru, and 
the grandson of Albert Cole, an early associate 
judge of Miami County. Charles A. was for many 
years a leader of the Peru bar, and became circuit 
court judge for the six years immediately preced- 
ing his death in 1921. This is an appropriate place 
to give William E. English the prominence he 
deserves in these reminiscences of the Public Men 
of Indiana. 

William E. English is the only son of Wil- 
liam H. English, was born at Lexington in Scott 
County, the birthplace of his father, has a hered- 
itary taste for public service of a legislative char- 
acter, and has been conspicuous in tlie maintenance 
of the legislative accomplishments of his father, 
and in supplementing them with further useful 
leo'islation called for bv new conditions. Ilis first 
experience was in the legislature of 1879, and he 
was the youngest member of that body, and gave 
special attention to the enactment of measures, 
hmiting tlie amounts of indebtedness that munic- 
ipalities may incur, and that would reduce the 
then excessive compensation of public officials. In 
1882, he was elected to congress from tlie Indian- 
apolis district and was the youngest member of 
that body also, and looked closely after the per- 
sonal wants of his constituents, regardless of their 
pohtical status, and was at the same time always 
attentive to his other duties, and as active in oppos- 
ing measures he disapproved as in furthering those 
he favored. 

He was unusually well equipped for legislative 


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work by reason of his having given the subject spe- 
cial study, and from having had the best points of 
observation in the course that his father had suc- 
cessfullv followed. He also had the advantage of 
education in the law, having graduated from the 
law department of the Northwestern Christian 

Differing from most sons of wealthy parents, 
he has made his Ufe one of usefulness and industry', 
and has never manifested any disposition to join 
any of the aristocratic classes of wealth. While he 
has always been generous in his charities, he has 
never shown any ostentation in bestowing them. 

Regardless of his present political alignment, he 
is a Democrat by nature in the highest and broad- 
est sense of that term, and drew his early inspira- 
tion from Jeffersonian doctrines, and was an active 
worker in the ranks of the Democratic party from 
his boyhood until tlie year 1896, when like thou- 
sands of others, he declined to give his activities 
to the support of Wilham Jennings Eryan, or the 
financial fallacies he proposed, and supx)orted 
McKinley for president. 

At the outbreak of the Spanish-American war 
in 1898, he was commissioned as a captain of vol- 
unteers and served continuously from his enlist- 
ment until the capture of Santiago, and in tlie 
battle of that place was severely injured by the 
explosion of a shell. At the end of the war, he 
returned home and his fellow citizens insisted upon 
his again giving the benefits of his legislative expe- 
rience to them in the State senate. In the sessions 

of that body he has been an active supporter of 
the most beneficial measures, and was the pro- 
ponent of amendments to the old and admirable 
constitution of the State that his father helped to 
form, that have become necessary only because of 
the changes in conditions brought about by time 
and circumstances. He is a past Conmiander of 
the Spanish American War veterans, refused any 
salary for his services as a soldier, and serves with- 
out pay on the many boards and commissions he is 
a member of. He is a past Grand ^Master of Indi- 
ana Masons and a 32nd degree Knight Templar. 



, I 


AS the presidential campaign of 1880 ap- 
proached, there was much interest in the at- 
titudes of Tilden and Hendricks, growing out of 
the fact that they had been deprived of the offices 
to which thej' had been elected. Neither of them 
gave any public expression of a desire to again 
become candidates, and while the Northern Demo- 
crats generally favored their selection, there was 
a disposition on the part of their Southern breth- 
ren to try the experiment of presenting the mailed 
hand of a soldier to the country. General Winfield 
S. Hancock, while commanding a Southern mili- 
tary district in reconstruction days, had endeared 
himself to them by his subordinating his military 
powers to the local civil authorities that had been 
restored to power under the conciliating policies 
of President Hayes. The years of 1879 and 1880, 
were years of prosperity that gave the Republicans 
the advantage in urging that there be no cliangcs 
in administration to interrupt it and the result was 
the election of Garfield and Arthur, over Hancock 
and William II. English. 

The inevitable and ever appearing clash between 
senatorial dictation and executive prerogative fol- 
lowed in 1881, that had its effect in the destruc- 


tion of the previous cordial relations that seem- 
ingly had existed between senators Conkling and 
Garfield, when Garfield appointed as collector of 
the Port of Xew York a man Conkling did not 
want. The assassination of President Garfield 
was, of course, not either a direct or remote con- 
sequence of tliis break, though many people argTied 
that the anger of Conkling that caused him to re- 
sign, because he could not give offices to his friends, 
had set a vicious example to office seekers, such as 
Guiteau, the assassin. 

The defeat of Charles J. Folger for governor of 
New York, in 1882, b}- Grover Cleveland, then 
ma5^or of Buffalo, by one hundred and ninety-two 
thousand votes, was such a stunning blow to the 
Republican party of Xew York that it could not 
hope to succeed at the election of 1884, when Cleve- 
land was elected president. 

The elections for State officers in Indiana were 
still held in October in 1880. Albert G. Porter 
was the llepublican nominee for governor that 
year, and Thomas Ilanna of Green Castle, was the 
nominee for lieutenant governor. Isaac P. Gray 
sought the nomination for governor that year, but 
was defeated by Franklin Landers, and was then 
nominated for lieutenant governor. Landers chal- 
lenged Porter for a joint debate of the issues and 
a num])er of appointments for them were arranged, 
but Landers disappeared from them before they 
were all filled, and Porter was elected by a sub- 
stantial majority, that insured the State to Gar- 
field in Xovember. 


^ •i'i^^4. 

i?v>;S'<r T '' 



Governor Porter was for many years in public 
life before liis election as governor. 

He first held the position of reporter of the deci- 
sions of tlie Supreme Court of the State, to which 
he was appointed by the great jurist, Isaac Black- 
ford, and his judicial associates. He was next 
nominated by the Democratic party for congress 
and elected in 18.56, and in 18.38 was nominated 
by the Republicans and elected, and re-elected in 
1860, serving while in congress on the judiciary 
committee. For the next fourteen years, he de- 
voted his time to the law practice at Indianapohs, 
at the head of the firm of Porter, Harrison and 

In 1877, Governor Porter was appointed by 
President Hayes as first comptroller of the treasury, 
and while holding that position he was nominated 
for governor. In all the stations Governor Porter 
filled, he looked upon his duties as requiring more 
than ordinary consideration and attention, wliethcr 
they were administrative, judicial or executive in 
character. Tliey were performed with the view of 
making their purposes the most effectual, and he 
was well equipped to that end by reason both of 
his natural talent and the splendid education that 
he had acquired in his youth. He was the graduate 
of a classical course at Asbury University and liad 
a full law schooling as a partner of Philip Spooncr, 
a pioneer lawyer of Lawrcnccburg. As governor, 
he was enthusiastic over and contributed nuich to 
the development of the natural resources of the 
State, as well as gave attention to the legislative 


requirements for that purpose that he urged the 
general assembly to provide. It was upon his recom- 
mendations and executive activities that the 
growth of the extreme Northern Indiana counties 
began its most vigorous development. 

The counties bordering the Kankakee River, that 
now contain more than one-eighth part of the 
population and wealth of the entire State, had 
then but a small rural population on a vast acre- 
age of territory, nuich of it covered by water. It 
was one of the great acts of his administration that 
devised a plan to bring nearly a million acres of 
land, lying in these counties, then deemed worth- 
less, into use by draining them. He was granted 
authority, upon his calling for it in a message to 
the legislatiu-e, to appoint a commission to make 
a survey of the river and the lands in its vicinity, 
and to report as to the practicability of their rec- 
lamation, and if deemed practicable to report a 
plan for the work to be done and its cost. Pie 
appointed Professor John L. Campbell of Wabash 
College to head the commission. Professor Camp- 
bell was a skilful engineer and in the years 1881 
and 1882, made the surveys and estimates of cost 
provided for. The amount required to straighten 
the channels of the river that was about the only 
thing necessary to be done to afford an outlet for 
the drainage of the lands was comparatively small. 
and on the meeting of the general assembly of 
1883 Governor Porter urged tliat an appropria- 
tion be made by the State to accomplish the work, 
but the political fears of the consequences to the 


' '■ '. ■ ;' « 'i 1 

■ ■r ■ 

party in power at the next ensuing election caused 
the postponement of action by the legislature, and 
as miglit be expected, the succeeding administra- 
tion would not approve any measure, however 
meritorious, that its predecessor had proposed, and 
it was left to individual enterjjrise and sacrifice to 
do what the State in its sovereign capacity should 
have done, and wliich it had obligated itself to do 
when it accepted the grant of swamp lands that 
was made to it in 1850. 

The administration of Governor Isaac P. Gray 
that followed entirely avoided any action in this 
important matter. 

The result of the election of 1886 clearly fore- 
shadowed the victory of the Kepublicans in 1888, 
when General Benjamin Harrison w^as nominated 
for president. 

General Alvin P. Hovey was elected governor, 
and Ira J. Chase, a former chaplain in the army, 
and a prominent minister of the Christian Church, 
was elected as lieutenant governor. General Ho- 
vey died Avhile governor, and Chase succeeded liim 
to the office of governor. 

One of the Democratic nominees for a State 
office in 1880 was ^lartin T. Kreuger, of ^Michigan 
City, for clerk of the Supreme Court, who made a 
thorough canvass of the State, speaking in both 
the English and German languages, of both of 
which he is a master. At the close of liis campaign, 
he reported to James ^lurdock, tlie chairman of 
the Democratic State Committee that he had found 
that there had been an average of five applicants 

' ;:; ' I 

for each fourth class postoffice, and that by mul- 
tiplying this number of disappointed applicants by 
five and then adding the nimiber of Cleveland's 
vetos of pension bills, he could ascertain what the 
Republican majority in the State would be. His 
estimate proved correct, and he has not since been 
an aspirant for a state office, but has been mayor 
of JNIichigan City almost continuously since. 


/, "," J . 






*****' '^'Jfc ' 

^ i 





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THE State election in 1882 resulted in victory 
for the Democrats. William D. Byniim, who 
had been formerly in the law practice at Washing- 
ton in Daviess County, soon after becoming a resi- 
dent of Indianapolis was elected a member of the 
legislature' in 1882, and was speaker of the house 
in 1883. In 1884 was elected to congress. Charles 
L. Jewett, one of the best known and ablest law- 
yers of the State, was chairman of the judiciary 
committee of the house when Bynum was speaker, 
and at the regular and special sessions of 188.), and 
again became a member in 1887, and was the au- 
thor of the law passed at that session, requiring 
the payment of wages in money every two weeks. 
He M'as appointed by President ]McKinley as 
colonel in the Spanish- American war, and became 
judge advocate general of the military forces in 
the Philippines. He was favored by nature with 
the qualities that make the best of lawyers and 
combines them with his high scholastic attainments 
and the advantages that come from the active par- 
ticipation in trials. He has great powers of con- 
centration that he resorts to in the preparation and 
trial of his cases, and isnot unfamiliar with a vocab- 
ulary that contains both adjectives and explosives, 


and besides is a man of most imposing appearance 
and pleasing address. The hundreds of instances 
in which his name appears in the Supreme Court 
reports as counsel, for either appellant or appellee 
are some indication of his extensive law practice in 
Indiana. The State would gain in prestige if he 
were either governor or United States senator, and 
he is still eligible. 

. J 




r .;;; 

M '» < ■■ .1. i 


THE presidential campaign in 1884, was so 
vigilant on both sides that but few Indiana 
voters refrained from activities in it. 

The campaign proceeded in a fairly orderly way 
until the Cincinnati Enquirer, that had an exten- 
sive circulation in Indiana, startled Cleveland's 
followers by publishing an article charging that he 
had been guilty of many youthful indiscretions, 
and specifically cliarging that, though a bachelor, 
he had a living son, whose mother's name was 
^laria Halpin. 

This charge was at first denounced by his fol- 
lowers as a campaign lie, but some of his Mug- 
wump followers called on him to take some notice 
of it and requested that he indicate what answer 
they should make to it. He answered them, ad- 
mitting the charge and said, "Tell the truth" 
about it. Tliis amazing admission greatly dimin- 
ished the enthusiasm of his followers, but at the 
same time set them to the work of investigating 
the private life of Blaine, that resulted in the 
Indianapolis Sentinel making a countercliarge 
against him to the effect that he had attempted 
to conceal his own wrongful conduct by a hasty 


Blaine's Indiana supporters, like the followers 
of Cleveland, called on him to take notice of the 
Sentinel's charges, which he did, and sent a tele- 
gi-am to them saying that the charge was false in 
everything that it stated or imphed, and directed 
General Harrison, as his attorney, to at once bring 
a libel suit against the Sentinel, and the suit w^as 
brought in the United States circuit court at 
Indianapolis. The Sentinel company answered the 
complaint, justifying the charge on the ground 
that it had only published the truth, and to sus- 
tain its answer, depositions were taken in the 
State of ]Maine, to prove the date of Blaine's mar- 
riage and the inscriptions on tombstones, showing 
the dates of the birth of his offspring. 

The campaign literature, bearing upon these 
illegitimate issues, was much more abundant than 
that dealing with political issues, and the campaign 
degraded into the filtliiest affair that was ever 
carried on. 

After the election the Sentinel company in- 
sisted on a trial of the libel case, and forced Blaine 
to either dismiss it or to come forward with his 
proof of libel, and, finding it necessary to do one 
or the other, he sent a letter to his coimsel, 
stating that he was convinced that he could not 
have a fair trial in Indiana. This letter, his counsel 
offered for filing in the court as his authority for 
dismissing the case. The presiding judge refused 
to allow it to be filed, but permitted a dismissal to 
be entered. 

Many young men of both political parties, who 



<! ir. 

r'! i 

had not theretofore taken a leading part in cam- 
paigns, came forward that year as leaders in local 
political organizations. Prominent among these in 
the Democratic party was Thomas Taggart, of 
Indianapolis, whose subsequent career, in both po- 
htical and business affairs, could only be briefly 
set forth in a large volume, but some of the events 
with which he has been identified will here follow. 
He found it necessary in early life to lay aside his 
desires for a higher education than that obtained 
in the common school that he left to go to work, 
but industrv, inte^^ritv, and enerf^v were the forces 
in his character that made up for all educational 

An intimate association with and emplo^-er of 

laboring people made him their favorite, and at the 

same time gave him great advantages in dealing 

with the various traits in human character. It was 

!iis knowledije of the wants and wavs of common 

people, and his ever readiness to serve them that 

always brought them to his support in his political 

undertakings without its being necessary for him 

to organize any labor unions to further his ambi- 

I tions. His popularity with them was first mani- 

I festcd in 188G, when as the Democratic nominee for 

j auditor of ]Marion County he overcame a large 

\ normal Repubhcan majority as well as the drift in 

I politics that gave the State to the Republicans 

j ^hat year. His election prompted him to give his 

j first attention to the duties of that important office 

j 'n which great care and skill were recuiired in 

J ''i" management of the county's finances, to the 

I 179 


end that its credit might not be impaired by either 
the confusion or diversion of its funds. To assist 
him in his new work he engaged as his chief dep- 
uty, Eudorus ]M. Johnson, a graduate of Earl- 
ham College, gifted with the mathematical order 
of mind, and one of the most sldllful accountants 
of the State, who, like Taggart, was also pos- 
sessed of a charming personality. So well were 
the duties of the office performed that Taggart 
was made the unanimous nominee of his party, and 
elected for a second term. Near the end of his 
second term his party insisted on his accepting the 
nomination for mayor of Indianapolis, and he was 
elected over a popular Republican nominee, and 
again elected for a second and third term, and 
again selected as his city comptroller, his tried and 
true friend, "Dora" Johnson, as he was familiarly 
called. As mayor of Indianapolis he made a splen- 
did record in the history of the city by his enforce- 
ment of law and order, and in the inauguration and 
carrying into effect of a vigorous policy in public 
improvements, without any increases of taxation, 
or the necessity of resorting to temporary loans 
to the city, as had been a previous custom. To his 
administration should be credited the beautiful 
boulevards and parks that adorn that city. 

It has been said that "the tree that bears the best 
fruit always has the most clubs in it," and Tag- 
gart, like all successful politicians, has not escapoil 
some clubbing. The Republican press and politi- 
cians of Indiana viewed his remarkable successes 
as an organizer with much concern, as he was con- 


tinually making inroads on Republican majorities 
both in JNIarion County and in the State, while 
serving as chairman of the County and Democratic 
State Central committees, but the press assaults 
on him only served to aid in popularizing liim with 
his party and gave to him undisputed leadership 
of it in the State, and as a member and Chairman 
of the Xational Democratic Committee. Republi- 
cans viewed liis acts "with alarm," while Democrats 
pointed to them "with pride." 

His activities in party management have been 
signally free from self-serving purposes. He has 
derived no personal benefits from his party work, 
but has given his valuable time and talent to the 
promotion of the political ambitions of others, with- 
out any reward "or the hope or promise thereof," 
in a personal sense, or to gain office for liimself. 
He has continued in his party service for so many 
years because the voters of his party have been en- 
tirely satisfied with his activities and accomplish- 
ments and have been unwilling to dispense with his 
assistance as their adviser and leader. His success 
as a political manager are largely due to the fact 
that so much confidence is reposed in him, and to 
the further fact that he has always applied business 
principles to all his undertakings. He is a busines-. 
man, and not a selfish politician. It is not to the 
discredit of business men in a government of po- 
litical parties that they become active participants 
in public afTairs, nor is it just to them that they 
should so often be stigmatized as "bosses" or "ma- 
chine politicians," and this is especially true as to 


Taggart, who has never been instrumental in plac- 
ing undeserving men in positions where they can 
plunder the public. 

Besides being successful in his business under- 
takings of every kind he is the possessor of other 
conmiendable qualities that exhibit him as a man of 
refinement, as well as one proud of his State and 
interested in the devlopment of its material wealth. 

It w^as something more than the mind of the mere 
pohtician that conceived and carried into effect the 
many business enterprises with which he has been 
identified, and that combined esthetic tastes with 
usefulness in appropriating the great French Lick 
Springs to their proper i)urposes, and that 
prompted the preservation of the natural attrac- 
tions of the place of their location in its scenic beau- 
ties, and at the same time embellished and made 
most picturesque its rocks, ravines, and terraced ap- 
proaches to the hill tops that overlook the ever gush- 
ing springs that put forth their medicinal liquids 
from the mythical Pluto regions, to imngorate 
those who visit them from all parts of the world, 
where they find rest and comfort in one of the great- 
est hotels in the world, and receive the pleasant 
greetings of the man who possessed both the fore- 
sight and the courage to bring his visions of the 
beautiful and useful into actual realization. In this 
connection a little of the history of these wonderful 
springs and of their location is not out of place. 

Doctor William A. Bowles held the title to the 
large body of lands on which they are located from 
1832 until his death in 1873. He was the Colonel 


of the Second Indiana Regiment in the war vA\h 
Mexico that lie commanded in its retreat at the 
battle of Buena Vista. Tliat retreat has been de- 
scribed as having no comparison with his quiet re- 
treat in Orange County where these springs are 
located, but probably bore some comparison with 
it in wildness, when he found it, and where for so 
many years he made his home. He was charged 
^vith being one of the conspirators with Harri- 
son H. Dodd, Lambdin P. Milligan, Stej^hen 
Horsey, Andrew Humphries and Horace Heffrcn 
to overthrow the government during the Civil War. 
He was tried as were the others by a military com- 
mission that found them guilty. Dr. Gatling, the 
inventor of the great Gatling gun, was also impli- 
cated as a participant with them but was not put 
on trial. It was testified by witnesses, who were 
government detectives, among other things, that 
Bowles was the inventor of a mechanical device for 
setting boats and government buildings on fire, and 
had been seen experimenting with his machine, in 
which Greek fire was used as a liquid to ])roduce 
its explosions; also that he was a major general in 
the mihtary organization that operated as part of 
the processes of the Sons of Liberty that were first 
called as the order of xVmerican Knights. 

The French IJck Springs and the country about 
them, first known as the Lost River country, were 
the imdis})uted hap})y hunting grounds of the 
American Indians up to the time of the French 
settlement there about two hundred years ago. 
This early settlement was in huts and tents and 



was followed a few years later by the erection of 
a few cabins and by the construction in 1840 of a 
hewed log house, called a hotel, that Doctor Bowles 
built and where he lived and made his home until 
1846, when he leased the place to a Doctor Lane 
and went to the ^Icxican War. xV few years after 
his return he resumed possession himself, and con- 
tinuously held the title to the Springs and the ex- 
tensive body of adjoining timbered lands from 
1832 until his death in 1873. Shortly before, or in 
the first years of the Civil War, he constructed a 
frame hotel that he occupied at the time of his 
arrest in 18G4. A picture of it as it appeared in 
1867 is here presented. 

These buildings were added to and others con- 
structed during the twenty years that followed and 
the adjoining grounds were also much beautified. 
The place became famous as a liealth resort under 
a management that preceded that of Taggart and 
his associates, but they, as the French Lick Springs 
Hotel Company, a corporation, made still greater 
improvements upon becoming the owners in 1891, 
by the construction of the magnificent fire-proof 
brick hotel with its Bedford stone front steps and 
marble stairways, shown with the lands that sur- 
round it, and the herds of beef and dairy cattle 
that roam over their hills, and feed on their green 
fields, in the pictures that follow. 

During the same period in wliich Taggart came 
into public notice as a Democrat, Daniel ^I. Rans- 
dell forged to thxC licad in public popularity as a 
repii])lican. He was amono^ the first to enlist as a 











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I.".i. i. 

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private soldier in General Harrison's Seventieth 
Indiana Kegiment, in which he served until the 
end of the war and was seriously wounded in one 
of the many hattles in which that regiment fought. 
He was a great admirer of and was greatly ad- 
mired by General Plarrison, and was much de- 
pended upon in the promotion of Harrison's polit- 
ical campaigns. He had such a popular following 
that he was elected clerk of the circuit and supe- 
rior court of Clarion County in 1878. 

Soon after Harrison's election as senator he was 
elected sergeant-at-arms of the United States sen- 
ate and held tliat position for many years, and had 
the highest respect of all senators, as well as that 
of his many other acquaintances. He had been pre- 
ceded in that honorable position by Richard J. 
Bright, whose election had been brought about by 
Joseph E. ^McDonald and Daniel W. Voorliees. 

Jackson County claims Joseph Hooker Shea, by 
adoption, as one of its prominent citizens. He is 
a native of Scott County where he attended the 
public schools, graduating from the Lexington 
high school and tlien taking a full college course 
at the Indiana State University, from whicli he 
graduated in the year 1889, receiving tlie degree of 
A. B. In January of that year he was admitted 
to the bar at Scottsburg where he began the active 
practice of his profession. In 1891 he Avas elected 
j)rosecuting attorney, and in 180(3 was elected State 
senator from the counties of Scott, Chirke, and 
Jennings, and in tlie deliberations of tlie assembly 
of 1897 was an active Tiarticipant and was re- 



elected to the next assembly where he held a posi- 
tion of influence and prominence. In 1899 he be- 
came a resident of Sevmoiir and there encrao-ed 
actively in the law practice and was an associate 
of the writer for a number of years in the legal 
department of the Southern Indiana Railway Com- 
pany, where he rendered most eflicient service until 
his election in the year 1906 as Judge of the 40th 
Judicial Circuit, and six years later was elected a 
judge of the Appellate Court of the State and 
rendered tlie most capable judicial service in that 
tribunal until he was called in 1915 to still higher 
honors by appointment as United States ambas- 
sador to Chile and had charge of the embassy dur- 
ing the period of the World War, when many deli- 
cate and important duties in international affairs 
required and had his careful attention, among these 
the duty and honor of acting as the personal repre- 
sentative of the president of the United States on 
the occasion of the unveiling of the ^lagellan monu- 
ment at Punta Arenas and at the installation of 
President Allesandro of that Repubhc. 



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n^HE i^restige that Grover Cleveland got, by his 
•■- election as governor in 1882, brought him into 
immediate prominence as the Democratic candidate 
for president in 1884?. Joseph E. ^IcDonald de- 
sired the nomination, and the Indiana delegates to 
the national convention were instructed for him. It 
was said the delegation had "the hand of Esau but 
the voice of Jacob," that it really wanted Hen- 
dricks, but Hendricks headed the delegates and 
loyally supported ^IcDonald, and when it was pro- 
posed to substitute his name after it became appar- 
ent that INIcDonald could not be nominated, he 
frowned on the proposition and would not permit 
it. Cleveland was nominated and Hendricks was 
immediately nominated by Cleveland's followers by 
acclamation for vice-president, and it Avas his great 
power and influence over the Democratic voters 
that defeated Blaine, the Republican nominee. 
Blaine made a whirlwind tour of the State. Hen- 
dricks followed him in even^ county in which he 
had appeared and the plumed knight's "shining 
lance" drew no blood. 

Isaac P. Gray had to be provided for again in 
1884, and was nominated for governor over Gen- 
eral ^Nlanson. The grizzly old hero's war record 
counted for nothing against that of Gray, who liad 


held a commission as colonel of the Fourth Indiana 
cavalry for four months, but ]Manson was nomi- 
nated for lieutenant fTjovernor and elected. Gray 
defeated William II. Calkins, the Repubhcan 
nominee, and when Cleveland was again elected 
in 1892 he was awarded the honor of an appoint- 
ment as ambassador to iMexico, where he could 
"revel in the Halls of the Montezumas" as did 
Manson in 1846, and he died while holding that 

^lajor William H. Calkins, of LaPorte, had 
served a number of terms in congress, was a mem- 
ber when nominated for governor in 1884, and re- 
signed to make the race. His resignation required 
a special election to fill the vacancy. Benjamin 
F. Shively, of South Bend, was nominated by the 
Democrats as their candidate and was elected and 
was again elected for the full term, and also suc- 
cessful in the elections of 1888 and 1800. 

During his three terms in the house of represent- 
atives he became prominent as a leader and was 
so greatly admired by the people of his congres- 
sional district that he overcame large Republican 
majorities. He was unanimously nominated as the 
Democratic candidate for goveror in 1890 and de- 
feated at the election. In 1908 the Democrats car- 
ried the state legislature, and at its session in 1909 
he was elected United States senator by the legis- 
lature, and again elected by popular vote in 1914, 
and died while serving his second term and Thomas 
Taggart was appointed by Governor Ralston to fill 
the vacancy until the next election. 



/ ( 

During his term of seven years in the senate 
Shively played a prominent part in national states- 
manship as a member on the committee on foreign 
relations. Pie was a native of St. Joseph County, 
and in his youth entered the Indiana Normal school 
at Valparaiso, from which he graduated and for a 
time followed the profession of a teacher, also en- 
gaged in journalism as the editor and publisher of a 
newspaper called the New Era. At the expiration 
of his first term in congress he determined to gain 
a better education and entered the law department 
of the University of ]Michigan, from which he 
graduated. He took a deep interest in higher and 
better education and became a member of the 
board of trustees of the Indiana State University. 
In his life and character it was truly said by his 
associates, "there was a beautiful combination of 
modesty, courage, and sparkling genius, which was 
greatly appreciated by his best friends, so that 
none knew him but to love him." 


(Ml . ' 



IN his first message to Congress President Cleve- 
land pledged liis administration to an observance 
of civil service rules in appointments to office, 
much to the disappointment of party workers in 
Indiana, who in the campaign carried banners dis- 
playing the words, "Tell the Truth" and "Turn 
the Rascals Out." It soon became apparent after 
the election that no rascals or other Democrats 
would be "turned in." The civil service rules did 
not apply to the "higher ups," however, but in only 
one instance that is remembered did any head of a 
department get an appointment and that ap- 
pointee was Ebenezer Henderson, a practical poli- 
tician, who had been auditor of state from 187 J; to 
1878, and was chairman of the Democratic State 
Committee in 188 k He had composed the words 
below to be sung by jubilant Democrats on th- 
night of the election, referring to the before men- 
tioned campaign scandal: 
"Hurrah for Maria, 
Hurrah for the Kid, 

Voted for Cleveland and d — d glad I did." 
Whether these chaste and thrilling words in- 
duced the appointment that was given to their au- 
thor is not known, but he received the appointment 
as a first assistant in the revenue department. 


Joseph E. jNIcDonald was the United States 
senator and was looked to for appointments hy the 
faithful. He had been a candidate against Cleve- 
land for the nomination and, seemingly, did not 
stand in high favor by his successful rival, but was 
popular w^ith his colleagues. By the combined 
pressure that he could bring to bear he was able to 
secure the appointment of his good friend, Rufus 
Magee, of Logansport, as minister plenipotentiary 
and envoy extraordinary to Sweden and Xorway. 
Maijee had been a law student in McDonald's of- 
fice, w\as for a time an editorial writer on the old 
Indianapolis Sentinel and for many years promi- 
nent in the journalistic field; was a member of 
the state senate at the sessions of 1883 and 188.3, 
and on his return from his residence at the em- 
bassy in Stockholm was in 1890 again elected as 
state senator, serving in the sessions of 1891 and 
1893. He practiced law successfully for many 
years. At this writing he is still hving at Logans- 
port in the enjoyment of ease, and comforted by 
the recollection of an active and useful life, and en- 
joys the high esteem of all his fellow citizens, as 
well as that of those who knew him throughout the 

Colonel Charles Denby, of Evansville, was also 
appointed to a foreign mission; in 1885, by Cleve- 
land. He was a native of Virginia, educated at 
Georgetown University; practiced law at Evans- 
ville, after serving as colonel in the Civil War; was 
appointed minister to China, where he remained, 
serving in the same capacity under the administra- 


:i >i .. ";., 

tions of Presidents Benjamin Harrison, the second 
term of Cleveland, McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft. 
In 1898 was made a member of the commission to 
investigate the conduct of the war with Spain, and 
in 1899 a member of the Philippine Commission. 
During the war between China and Japan the 
Japanese government placed its interests in China 
in his care. As mentioned elsewhere he was the 
father of Edwin Denby, secretary of the navy in 
the cabinet of President Harding. 




CLEVELAND seemingly harbored a grudge 
against ex-Union soldiers and vetoed many 
pension bills, especially private pension acts that 
had been passed by congress. The message that 
defeated him in his second race, as it was claimed, 
was the one urffinsr a reduction of the tariff be- 
cause of the accumulated and excessive revenues 
that the existing law had brought into the federal 
treasury, but it is very doubtful whether that mes- 
sage contributed as much to his defeat as did his 
vetoes of pension legislation. 

It is not the purpose in this volimie to enumerate 
the events of his second achninistration. His elec- 
tion over General Harrison for the second term 
was largely due to a split in the Republican ranks 
that followed a breach between Harrison and 

Colonel Courtland C. ]Matson was the Demo- 
cratic nominee for governor in 1888, and Captain 
William R. !Myers, who later served three terms 
as secretary of state and previously one in con- 
gress, was the nominee for lieutenant governor. 
Both ha\'ing been gallant L^nion soldiers were 
greatly embarrassed and handicapped in their 
campaigns by Cleveland's vetoes of pension legisla- 


tion, and met their defeat as a consequence. Colo- 
nel iMatson graduated from Asbury University in 
1858, and began the law practice at Greencastle, 
that he left in 1861 to enlist as a soldier in the 16th 
Indiana Regiment, and became captain of one of 
its companies and at its term of service ending 
again enlisted for tliree years, and became colonel 
and served until the war closed. He served in 
congi-ess from 1882 until 1888. While a member 
of congress was chairman of the house committee 
on invahd pensions and the author of the widows' 
pension bill, and had secured the passage of the 
many pension measures that Cleveland vetoed. 
Captain William R. flyers served as a Union sol- 
dier for three years, and identified himself with 
the Democratic party in 1872; was a gTeat orator 
and good lawyer, practicing his profession at An- 
derson when nominated for congress to make what 
seemed to be a hopeless race against General Wil- 
liam Grose, of Xew Castle, whom he met in joint 
debates and defeated. His army comrade, Daniel 
J. Mustard, and his associate, John L. Forkner, 
persuaded him against his inclinations to engage 
in a joint discussion with General Grose. Grose 
pretended that he had been nominated over his pro- 
test and against the wishes of his family and did 
not want to go to congress, except to please his 
friends. The powers of ridicule came to the relief 
of flyers, in their first joint discussion, when he so 
humorously commented on the pretenses of Grose 
as to make him the laugliing stock of the people, 
whose votes he wanted, and ^Myers had an easy 


victory, but was defeated for re-election by his fel- 
low townsman, Colonel ^Milton S. Robinson. 

John L. Forkner, or "Jack," as he has so long 
been called, held county offices and was mayor of 
Anderson for manv years, and is still livinsf and 
honored as one of the oldest and best citizens of 
that tliriving city, as is Dan ^lustard, who has for 
more than half a century been a banker and leader 
in the civic affairs of Anderson, and both have been 
leaders of the Democratic party of the county. 

\-) r. 

■ ;. if\ 


>; . 11. 

■. '. I i 


' « i ■ w 

V lii. 






p OVERXOll Morton disliked General Walter 
^^ Q. Greshani, but had no admiration for Gen- 
eral Benjamin ITarrison, each of whom hadagroup 
of followers in the Republican party who stood 
ready to champion their respective ambitions for 
leadership, when it became manifest that ]\Iorton 
would soon pass away. He was so indifferent as be- 
tween them that he was not known to have ever 
given a hint as to wliich of them he would prefer to 
follow him as the leader of his party. General 
Gresham was appointed United States district 
judge for the district of Indiana without the con- 
sent of Senator Morton and it was said over liis 

His position as judge gave him much influence 
in the Department of Justice at Washington, if he 
chose to use it by making recommendations for ap- 
pointments of United States district attorneys and 
marshals in his district. Colonel William W. 
Dudle}', of Wayne County, had lost a limb in the 
army service, was elected clerk of the Wayne * 

circuit court, and was desirous of becoming United j { 

States marshal to succeed General Ben Spooner, j j 

who died while holding that office. His- appoint- » j 

ment as marshal was credited to Gresham. He } j 




)1 ! 

was a practical politician, and became notorious as 
the organizer of the floating voters into "blocks of 
five" to carry the election of 1880, and having ac- 
complished that result, and with it secured a Re- 
publican legislature that would elect a United 
States senator, his influence was much desired by 
aspirants for tlie senate, an honor sought by both 
Gresham and Harrison, but not openly by Gresh- 
am. Harrison got the Repubhcan caucus nomina- 
tion and was elected, supposedly tlu'ough the 
manipulations of Dudley, and a great breach be- 
tween Gresham and Dudley followed. 

The prestige and influence that Harrison gained 
by being senator was not, however, greater than 
Gresham had held, and continued to hold at AVash- 
ington during the terms of Grant, Hayes and 
Arthur. Arthur, when nominated as vice-president 
! with Garfield, was known to belong to what \\-as 
[ called the Stalwart wing of the Republican party 
) of Xew York, led by Senator Roscoe Conkhng, 
^ while Garfield was identified with the Blaine wing. 
The assassination of Garfield made Arthur presi- 
dent, and Gresham became a member of his cabinet 
as postmaster general and secretary of the treasury. 
Soon after his retirement from tlie cabinet xVrthur 
appointed him as judge of the United States cir- 
cuit court for the district of Indiana and Illinois, 
and he soon thereafter moved to Chicago, but con- 
tinued to have a large number of followers in tlie 
Uepu])lican party of Indiana, who urged his can- 
didacy for the nomination for president before the 
Republican national convention of 1888, but Ilar- 



rison's forces secured all but two of the delegates 
from that state while Gresham got the votes of 
Illinois and ^Missouri, and some from other states, 
leading Harrison until the Blaine forces finally 
swung to Harrison and nominated him. 

Gresham's judicial record fully vindicated 
Grant's wisdom in giving him his first opportunity 
in civil life to show his worthiness. While serving 
as district judge he also heard most of the cases 
that came within the jurisdiction of the United 
States circuit court, and his able and fearless deci- 
sions won the higliest respect for him by all the able 
lawyers of the country. 

Clev^eland's election in 1892 was favored by 
Gresham and he received his reward bv being 
appointed as secretary of state in Cleveland's 
cabinet. His death occurred while serving as such, 
and he was laid away in Oakwood's cemetery at 
Chicago on Decoration day, 189.3. President Cleve- 
land and other members of his cabinet attended 
the funeral, a miU'k of respect that Cleveland 
did not show to the memory of Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks, who had made him j)residcnt, and died 
while serving as vice-president on the 28th day of 
Xovember, 1885. 




1 *>.- 



5 s* 



THE opinions of the Supreme Court of Indiana, 
at this writing, consist of 18.5 vokimes in addi- 
tion to the eight vokimes of Blackford's Reports. 
They have at all times ranked high as authorities 
in other jurisdictions, and particularly in the days 
of Blackford and his associate judges were cited 
oftener and quoted from more by law writers and 
judges in other jurisdictions than those of any 
other state, except possibly Massachusetts and 
Xew York, and this prominence has been fairly 
well maintained ever since. With few exceptions, 
the judges who have composed the court, have 
been anions the ablest lawvers of the State, in- 
eluding a number who rendered service to 
their country during the Civil War. xVmong 
these soldiers were Colonel Edwin P. Hammond, 
who served throughout the war and marched with 
Sherman to the sea; Captain Joseph A. S. ]Mitch- 
ell, who commanded a cavalry company from tlie 
beginning to the close of the war; Timothy E. 
Howard, who served as a private soldier: also 
Judge Walter Olds. The city of Goshen, Elkhart 
County, has been a liberal contrii)utor to both the 
state and federal judiciary. Judge William A. 
Woods and Captain Joseph A. S. Mitchell, of that 



city, were nominees of their respective parties for 
supreme judge at the election of 1880. Woods ? 

was successful and two years later was appointed \ 

United States district judge for the district of In- 
diana. Governor Porter filled the vacancy occa- 
sioned in the Supreme Court by appointing Colonel 
Hammond, who was nominated to succeed himself 
at the election of 1884, but was defeated by Cap- 
tain ]Mitchell, who was elected again in i890, and 
died while in otTice. John H. Baker, of Goshen, 
served in congress from ]March, 1875, to ^Nlarch, 
1881, and was appointed United States district 
judge for the district of Indiana in 1892, to suc- 
ceed Judge Woods, mIio had been promoted to the 
circuit court. His son, Francis E. Baker, was 
elected and served as supreme judge of Indiana 
for three years, when he resigned and was appoint- 
ed in 1902 to succeed Judge Woods as circuit 
judge, and became one of the judges of the United 
States Circuit Court of Appeals for the seventh 
circuit, where he has served continuously, and is 
now the presiding judge of tliat court. He gradu- 
ated from the University of ^Michigan, getting the 
degrees, B. A. and LL. D. and from the University 
of California witli the degree of LL. D. and Phi 
Beta Ka}')pa college honors. 

Charles ^lillcr, who, like Francis E. Baker, re- 
ceived his legal education in tlie law oiVice of Ba- 
ker and ]Mitc]iell. composed of John H. Baker 
and Captain ^litchell, became United States dis- 
trict attorney for the district of Indiana. 

Captain Mitchell was an ideal judge, a man of 


most pleasing personality, a trustee of Asbury Uni- 
versity, and a polished scholar, who stood for high 
ideals in citizenship as well, as in political matters, 
and contributed great prestige to his party in the 
State, as well as great learning to the judicial office 
he held. 

It is no disparagement to others to point to tlie 
opinions written by him as ranking with those of 
Isaac Blackford, Jehu T. Elliott, James L. Wor- 
den, Alexander C. Downey and Byron K. Elliott. 
For clearness of statement, profound reasoning, 
and literary expression, they were faultless and like 
those of Byron K. Elliott always gave great prom- 
inence to underlying elementary principles and 
were of a most instructive character. 

Byron Iv. Elliott, after long service on the su- 
preme bench, wrote, in association with his son, 
Wm. F. Elliott, a number of law books, one on the 
law of evidence, and others pertaining to jiractice 
and procedure, of great value to the legal profes- 

It fell to the lot of Judge William A. Woods, 
as a federal judge, to decide many cases of pub- 
lic importance and political in character, in whicli 
great jurisdictional questions were involved. The 
jurisdiction of the Federal court to try and de- 
temu"ne the question of guilt of election otTicials 
for tampering with tally sheets at State elections 
and perpetrating election frauds came before him, 
and he held that the court had jurisdiction, because 
at the same election a member of congress was 
voted for, which gave it tlie character of a national 


1 ! J . 

'7 U-'-.'.' 

election within the provisions of acts of congress, 
and a number of parties were convicted of the of- 
fenses with which tliey were charged. Following 
another general election an attempt was made to 
invoke the jurisdiction of the Federal court in the 
prosecution of parties who were alleged to have 
conspired to commit frauds at the presidential elec- 
tion of that year, but he held the indictments faulty 
and dismissed the accused. For this decision he 
was nmch criticised and accused of partisanship 
and inconsistency in convicting the accused in one 
instance and allowing them to escape in the other, 
but in the belief of many able lawyers of both po- 
litical parties tliis criticism was unfair, as there was 
a cleai- distinction between the charges in the in- 
dictments in the respective cases. 

The great case, in re Debs and others, who were 
convicted of nuisance in disturbing and injuring 
the public in their acts of calling and mainta'uing 
a railroad strike at Chicago in 1893, and in con- 
structively violating an injunction that had been 
granted to prevent the destruction of railroad 
property, came before him and the imprisonment 
of Debs and others followed as a result of his 
decision. His opinion, found in both the federal 
reports and in the reports of the decisions of the 
Supreme Court of tlie United States, is well worth 
reading and stands out in great prominence in its 
definitions of nuisance and purpresture, and in its 
reasoning. These were only a few of the many 
cases of far reaching interest and public impor- 
tance in wliicli decisions were fearlessly made. 


. I 1 , ( I j: I :■ K 


He was a powerful man, both physically and men- 
tally, and a most active and industrious worker 
during his long term of judicial service and com- 
manded the higliest respect of his judicial associ- 
ates, as well as that of the many lawyers, who had 
cases in his courts. 

It has sometimes been a matter of cynical com- 
ment that so many judges of the Supreme Court of 
Indiana became the general counsel of railroad 
companies, some of them resigning to accept such 

Judge William Z. Stuart resigned from the 
Supreme Court to accept employment as general 
counsel of the Wabash Kailroad Company, and 
held the position the balance of his life, when it 
descended to his sons. 

Judge Walter Olds resigned from the supreme 
bench and several years later became general attor- 
ney for the Nickel Plate Kailroad Company. 

Judge Allen Zollars, of Fort Wayne, became 
general attorney for the Fort Wayne division of 
the Pennsylvania Company soon after his term as 
supreme judge expired. 

Judge Leonard J. Hackney became general so- 
licitor of the Big Four Company upon his retire- 
ment from the supreme bench. 

It is only fair and just to say that there was 
nothing in any of the decisions or opinions of these 
men while occupying the bencli that justified the 
innuendoes implied in these cynical comments. But 
it has been a fact of common observation that rail- 
road companies, operating in Indiana, because of a 


supposed but an overestimated prejudice against 
them, have at all times been alert to the impor- 
tance of preventing the nominations by either 
party of men to the supreme bench who might be 
unjust to them in their decisions, and their repre- 
sentatives have always been attendants at conven- 
tions and vigilant in urging the defeat of candi- 
dates of the respective parties that they deemed 

This vigilance on their part is not to be won- 
dered at when it is remembered that so many laws 
requiring construction and enforcement against 
them have been enacted in the State, among them 
the employers' liability acts, and the laws relating 
to taxation of railroad property. 

One of the acts passed in 1869 was the act pro- 
viding for the granting of aid by counties to con- 
struct railroads, and many roads were projected 
with a view of getting this aid. The Constitution of 
the State had prohibited counties from lending 
their credit to corporations, and the validity of this 
act was contested upon the ground that the consti- 
tutional prohibition was violated by it. The Su- 
preme Court upheld the act by applying a strict 
and hteral rule of construction to the constitutional 
inhibition holding that giving aid in cash was not 
giving credit. This was a victory for the promot- 
ers of railroad enterprises. The operators of rail- 
roads were not as successful in their opposition to 
legislative acts, as were promoters in support of 
the aid law. 

The employers' liability act that in effect abol- 



ished the old rule of law that enabled railroad 
companies to avoid liability for deaths and per- 
sonal injuries by invoking what was known as the 
fellow servant rule and the doctrine of assumed 
risks, was the most important of any other act in 
its consequences to railroad companies, and to the 
credit of the Supreme Court it must be said that the 
most the companies could do in resisting its pro- 
visions was but to delay its enforcement in the 
many cases that were appealed. 

The}" were equally unsuccessful in their efforts 
to defeat the laws relating to taxation. They vig- 
orously contested, as unconstitutional, the acts pro- 
viding for assessments upon their roads upon the 
ground, as they contended, that they imposed bur- 
dens uY)on them that other classes of property 
were exempted from. The Supreme Court of the 
State upheld the acts and the Supreme Court of the 
United States affirmed its decision. William A. 
Ketcham was the attorney general of the state in 
this litigation and followed it at every step in all 
the courts. To his skill, industry and determina- 
tion in upholding these laws the people of the State 
owe much. Before becoming attorney general he 
was known as a fighting lawyer, who never yielded 
his contentions or compromised the rights of his 
clients, and could not be intimidated by threats or 
cajoled by promises. He got his fighting qualities 
in the army in which he enlisted in the war for the 
Union, and from the station of a private soldier 
gained the rank of captain, and became the com- 
mander of the Grand xVrmy of the Republic. He 


began the law practice as a member of the firm 
of Ketcham and ]Mitchell, composed of his father, 
John M. Ketcham and i\Iajor James L. oNIitchell. 
Upon the death of his fatiicr and the election of 
Major ^Mitchell as mayor of Indianapolis, he 
formed a co-partnership with Judges Horatio C. 
NeW'Comb and Solomon Claypool, under the name, 
Claypool, Xewcomb and Ketcham. This firm was • 
for many years one of the leading la"\v firms of In- 

Major ^Mitchell was the first Democratic maj'or 
of Indianapolis elected after the Civil War. Gen- 
eral Daniel ]McCauley was his predecessor in that 
ofl^ce. JudfT-e Clavpool had been for manv vears 
judge of the Putnam circuit court, and Judge Xew- 
comb was one of the judges of the superior court 
of Marion County, and a Rei^ublican nominee in 
1876 for judge of the Supreme Court. Jolm Caven 
succeeded ^litchell as mayor. 


,iV L 


THE last governor to serve out his full term 
before 1890 was Isaac P. Gray, who was elect- 
ed as a Democrat over ]Major William H. Calkins, 
the Repubhcan nominee in 1884. 

The Gxeeley campaign of 1872 brought a num- 
ber of former Republicans into the Democratic 
party, among these General William Harrow, of 
Mount Vernon, Indiana, who had won distinction 
as a brigadier general in the Union army during 
the Civil War, and lost his hfe in a railroad acci- 
dent while making a speaking tour in support of 

Other ex-Union soldiers who became Democrats 
and leaders of the party were Captains William R. 
jMyrs of Anderson, John C. Xelson and ^Maurice 
Winfield of Logansport. flyers, as already men- 
tioned, was afterwards elected to congress and 
serv^ed three terms as secretary of state, while both 
Xelson and Winfield were honored by election as 
judges and rendered faithful judicial service. 

Isaac P. Gray, who identified himself as a Dem- 
ocrat at that time, has been mentioned in previous 
pages and a partial estimate of his greatness has 
been indicated without taking into account his 
achievements in mobihzing a small but powerful 


army of practical politicians of the State, as his 
friends, who early recognized him as their cham- 
pion, and proved themselves of great service to him 
in promoting his poHtical ambitions. The fee sys- 
tem of compensating county officers for official ser- 
vices afforded so many methods of imposing bur- 
dens on htigants and taxpayers that there was for 
a number of years a popular demand that it be 
abohshed, and that specific salaries as a means of 
compensating them be" substituted in its place. 
This popular demand was quietly but determi- 
nately opposed by the beneficiaries of the system 
who formed associations to resist it in legislative 
lobbies and political conventions, where their mem- 
bers were always conspicuous. To this organization 
combined with liis own great powers and intellec- 
tual capacity. Gray owed much for his pohtical 
successes that are set forth in 1500 eulogistic words 
found in Volume 2 of an Encyclopedia of Indi- 
ana Biography, in which the statement is made that 
during his term as governor, "he rendered excel- 
lent service to his State and inaugurated and car- 
ried to success many reforms," but as no bill of 
particulars showing what these "reforms" consisted 
of appears in tliis biographical sketch, they cannot 
be here set forth. 

in:}\: • \\r 




I "jl/TAXY men, other than those mentioned in pre- 

I i-*A ceding pages, have been contributors to the 

i educational, industrial and political affairs of their 

respective localities and in many instances served 
the State in the maintenance of its position as one 
I of the loyal States of the Union. They were men 

who did not consider themselves as entitled to the 
halo that their heroism and good work deserved, 
but were satisfied with a self -consciousness of duty 

I well performed, without advertising their accom- 

plishments. Their lives were those of inward 
I experience rather than outward show. While they 

f have not been given the liistoric records that should 

! have been preserved their fellow citizens were 

nevertheless not wanting in a manifestation of 
appreciation of their worth. This was shown par- 
ticularly in respect to the men who aided in pre- 
venting the dismemberment of the Union. The 
people of the State did not forget the promises 
they made to those who went forth to fight their 
battles. In a great majority of the counties a 
majority of the county offices were filled by men 
who had served in the Union Army, and the judi- 
cial standards of the State were ably maintained 
in most of the judicial districts by able nisi prius 


judges who had rendered good mihtary service to 
their country. 

In glancing over the alphabetical list of the 
counties of the State there is brought to the mind 
of the writer men in nearly all of them with whom 
he was personally acquainted and about whom 
much should be written that must be preserved for 
use in the volume that is designed to follow this. 
He deems it a fitting close of this one to record 
something about the people of the one county in 
the State that was long his residence and where he 
became bound by the sacred marriage relation that 
brought a happy companionship from the year 
1869 until the year 1919, to be then broken by 
death, as the golden anniversary approached, and 
he would be unmindful of the wishes of the one 
who ever cherished a loving and loyal devotion to 
her birthplace did he not select it above all others 
for some mention of life-long acquaintances. 

This County of Hamilton affords such a rich 
and tempting field for his reminiscences tliat his 
fears of unfair selections of his subjects forbid his 
doing more than to briefly record some of the facts 
about those with whom he was most intimately 
acquainted or professionally associated. It was at 
Xoblesville in that county that, through the kind- 
ness of an uncle whose name is engraved on the sol- 
diers' monument tliat stands in beautiful Crown- 
land cemetery and was dedicated in 1808. that in 
the month of August, ISC), he was brought in asso- 
ciation with lawyers and judges by being appointed 
deputy clerk of the Hamilton Circuit Court and for 


the first time saw a presiding judge, who was 
Judge Joseph S. Euckles of Muncie, Indiana. 
Other ex- judges and prominent lawyers of that 
day, who attended at sessions of the court, were 
Judge Stephen Major, mentioned in the first chap- 
ter, Judge WiUiam Z. Stuart of Logansport, John 
Davis of Anderson, Walter ]March of ]\Iuncie, 
Nathan R. Overman and Jolin Green of Tipton, 
and Xathaniel 11. Lindsay of Kokomo. The great 
abihties of these men so impressed him that he 
determined to try to become a lawyer himself, and 
three years later he entered the law office of Gen- 
eral David ]Moss of Xobles\'ille to begin his studies. 
Judge Earl S. Stone, the Xestor of the Hamilton 
County bar was in early days a circuit judge. As a 
lauyer he was noted for the neatness and accuracy 
of the legal documents he prepared and for the very 
moderate charges he made for his legal service. He 
took a great interest in agricultural development 
and spent much time at work on his fine farm on 
the west side of White River that overlooked the 
town of Xoblesville. 

General Moss had been a general of the State 
militia in earlier days and was conceded the leader- 
ship of the bar in that county, and had an extensive 
practice in others. At the beginning of the Civil 
War he became active as a War Democrat and 
recruited many soldiers for the 7.>th and 101st 
Indiana Regiments, expecting to become colonel 
of the latter, but through the partiality of Gover- 
nor Morton for Breckinridge Democrats, William 
Garv'er was appointed its colonel and resigned 



after a few months' service to accept the office of 
judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and held it 
until that office was abolished; meanwhile he also 
became a candidate for circuit judge but was 
defeated by Judge John Davis of Anderson, who 
presided for a few months and then became so dis- 
abled pliysically that he could not hold the courts 
and a special act of the legislature was passed per- 
mitting the governor under such circumstances to 
appoint a judge in his stead, and James O'Brien, 
a laA\yer of Xoblesville, was appointed by Gover- 
nor Baker and later, while holding the office, moved 
to Kokomo, Howard County then being in the cir- 
cuit, and became prominent in the affairs of that 
county and represented it in the State Senate a 
few years afterwards. His brother. Colonel Wil- 
liam O'Brien, was lieutenant-colonel of the 7oth 
Indiana Begiment, was severely wounded at the 
battle of Peach Tree Creek in Georgia, losing part 
of his right hand, but remained with his regiment 
until the war closed and then engaged with his 
brother, James, in the law practice and was soon 
elected prosecuting attorney of the circuit and was 
also chosen as State Senator. It was on his motion 
that the writer was admitted to practice law. Colo- 
nel O'Brien was fast gaining popular prominence 
in the State when his health gave way and in 1874 
he went to California in search of health but died 
at Santa Barbara. His widow, a daughter of the 
venerable and highly respected John Pontious, a 
woman of excellent education, returned to Xobles- 
ville with her two sons and was for more than hr 


a century a teacher in its public scliools. Among 
Colonel O'Brien's army comrades who were promi- 
nent and worthy citizens of the county were jNIajor 
Cyrus J. oNIcCole, Captain ]\Iahlon H. Floyd and 
Henry ]M. Caylor, who is at this writing still in 
active life. Following the close of liis four years 
of army service he engaged in business and indus- 
trial pursuits, was in his youthful days a cooper by 
trade and followed from that occupation to that 
of a lumber manufacturer and dealer and con- 
structed many residences and business houses in 
his home town, and served his county as a member 
of the Indiana Legislature, was State Department 
Commander of the Grand Army of the Republic 
when it contained 10,000 men. 

William Conner was among the first of the early 
settlers of that county and owned large bodies of 
land, on part of which the City of Xoblesville now 
stands. A short time before his death he disposed 
of his land by conveyances to his widow and chil- 
dren, giving part of it to his children ''by an 
Indian woman of the Delaware tribe," as appears 
by an ancient deed in the county recorder's office. 
His nephew, William W. Conner, was one of the 
organizers of the Republican party and a dele- 
gate to the Chicago Convention that nominated 
Abraham Lincohi for President in 1800 and was 
credited with being the first of Indiana's delegates 
going to his support. He was a prominent leader 
of that party for man}' years and was elected clerk 
of the Circuit Court, his term expiring in 1803, 
when he was succeeded in office by the ^mter's 


■ (.<■■ 

uncle, John Trissal, who was elected while serving 
in the 75th Indiana Regiment. Conner engaged 
in the miUing business for a number of years and 
while so engaged was in 1871 elected to the legis- 
lature as an Independent and became a supporter 
of Horace Greeley for President and Thomas A. 
Hendricks for governor in 1872 and was appointed 
Adjutant General of the State by Governor Hen- 
dricks. In 1876 he became prominent among the 
leaders of the "Greenback" party, but in after 
years returned to the Republican fold. His son, 
John C. Conner, was captain of a company of the 
63d Indiana Regiment and at the close of the war, 
upon the accession of Andrew Johnson to the pres- 
idency, became one of his supporters, making 
many public speeches to popularize his policies, and 
while so engaged received a commission as an offi- 
cer in the regular army and was assigned to duty 
in a military district in which the State of Texas 
and the cities of Sherman and Dallas are located. 
In these reconstruction days the leaders and par- 
ticipants in rebelhon had not yet received amnesty 
and were ineligible to seats in congress and Cap- 
tain Conner seeing a possible opportunity of 
becoming a congressman planned a campaign to 
that end by so vehemently denouncing acts of 
congress and the course of some of his superior 
officers that he was courtmartialed and as a conse- 
quence w^as nominated and elected to congress by 
the few old Texans who were allowed to vote. His 
election took ])lace while he was in military con- 
finement and he got. the distinction of being the 


only Democratic "Carpetbagger" who was elected 
to congress. His admission to his seat was opposed 
by General Ben Butler and others of the radical 
faction in congress, but he was finally admitted, 
and upon being admitted under a claim of high 
privilege was recognized }}y the speaker and 
allowed ten minutes in which to defend his right to 
his seat, and greatly surprised the members by his 
deliberate and vigorous denunciation of Butler, 
whom he characterized as being better suited for an 
end man in a burlesque show than a seat in con- 
gress, when Butler in his characteristic manner, in 
the slang of the day, said "SJioo fly, doiit hoddcr 
me" and they later became close friends. He 
served two terms and died soon after the close of 
his second term. One of his strong supporters was 
Colonel Silas Plare, a native of Xoblesville, who 
had gone to Texas in an early day and served four 
years as colonel of a Confederate regiment. Cap- 
tain Conner as congressman secured the appoint- 
ment of his son, Luther Hare as a cadet to West 
Point, from whence he graduated and became an 
officer of high rank in the regular army, while his 
father, Colonel Silas Hare, succeeded Conner in 
congress and was long a prominent member of that 

Jonathan AV. Evans or "Will" Evans, as he Avas 
usually called, a graduate of Bethany College, was 
an able lawyer of the Hamilton County bar who 
excelled all others in oratorical advocacy. 

Thomas J. Kane, an able lawyer, held the record 
as the one of the longest and most conspicuous in 


continuous practice of all its members, with the 
possible exception of Joel Stafford, who had began 
the practice in 18.>9 and left it to join the army 
where he served two years, and then resumed the 
practice and continued actively in it for more than 
sixty years, and meanwhile was prosecuting attor- 
ney and a number of times performed legislative 

Senator Ralph K. Kane was associated with his 
father, Thomas J. Kane, in the later years of the 
letter's life, succeeding Theodore P. Davis, who 
was for many years his father's associate in the 
practice. The firm of Kane & Davis was exten- 
sively known as composed of able lawyers and had 
an extensive practice. Davis was a native of the 
county, got a start in his legal education in the law 
office of ]Moss and Trissal. He was elected judge 
of the Appellate Court of the State as a Democrat 
in 1892, was an able and industrious member of it 
and became prominent also as a member of the 
Indianapolis bar after his term as appellate judge 
expired. Paul Gray Davis, prominent in Demo- 
cratic politics in Indianapolis, is his son. 

Richard Ross Stephenson, of the Hamilton 
County bar, was one of the best educated and ablest 
of its members, was a gi'aduate of Ann Arbor Law 
School and at the end of a term of service in the 
Union army became a student in the law office of 
General ^loss and for a time was his partner and 
then became associated as a partner of Jonathan 
W. Evans, the firm liaving an extensive practice. 
In 18G8 he was elected a member of tlie Indiana 


legislature and among other events at the session 
of 18G9 got a short leave of absence to get married 
to Lucy Shaw, a graduate of Oxford College, a 
woman of high literary and other accomplishments, 
a sister of Dr. Albert Shau', editor of the Review 
of Reviews. He introduced at that session and 
urged the passage of a measure placing county offi- 
cers on specific salaries in place of compensating 
them by the much abused fee system. The meas- 
ure met with such opposition l)y the county offi- 
cials that it was defeated at that session, but later 
a similar measure became a law. The officials of 
his county attempted to defeat him for re-election 
because of this salary bill, but he accepted the issue 
and at the Republican primary election got almost 
the unanimous vote of his party and was elected 
without opposition and served in the session of 
1871, and on returning founded the Ledger news- 
paper, first called the Commercial, that is still one 
of the enterprises of the county. He continued in 
the law practice while editing it and was later nomi- 
nated and elected circuit judge and so ably did he 
perform his judicial duties that he was often called 
to other circuits to preside as special judge in 
important cases. The contest over the will of 
United States Senator Joseph E. JNIcDonald was 
one of the great cases tried in his court in which he 
was called upon to decide many intricate questions, 
particularly questions relating to the admissibihty 
of evidence bearing upon the subject of the testa- 
tor's intention, and his decisions were all atTirmed 
by the Supreme Court as they were in most other 
cases where appeals were taken. 


Associated with him in the law practice after his 
term as judge expired was Walter R. Fertig, who 
hke him was a native of the county, and is now 
probably the oldest living resident member of the 
bar continuing in active practice. iNIr. Fertig had 
the advantages of a complete college course at 
Butler University before its name was changed 
from that of the North Western Christian Uni- 
versity and after traveling abroad and getting the 
benefits of observations in other parts of the world, 
settled down to his life work in the county of his 
birth, where he enjoys the highest esteem of his fel- 
low citizens as well as that of the many la\\yers and 
judges of the State who know him. 

Robert Graham, a native of Butler County, 
Pennsylvania, a brother of Dr. William B. Gra- 
ham, a prominent surgeon of the Civil War, resid- 
ing at Noblesville, studied and began the law 
practice in the office of James and William O'Brien 
and became a member of that firm and followed it 
in practice for a number of years: was elected State 
Senator in 1880 and served in the sessions of 1881 
and 1883 that were noted for the great number of 
able senators they composed. He was in line for 
higher political honors that he justly deserved when 
he decided to change his residence to Cripple Creek, 
Colorado. Pie was a great admirer of and was 
greatly admired by Governor Albert G. Porter, 
Walter Q. Grcsham, Thomas A. Hendricks and 
other of the great men whose names adoni the 
annals of the State. 

Josepli R. Gray was prominent in the leadership 


of the Republican party of Hamilton County for 
many years and was held in high esteem by all of 
its citizens. Pie held the offices of County xVudi- 
tor and Clerk of the Circuit Court and was de- 
feated by only one vote in a race for the Kepubli- 
can nomination for congress by Godlove S. Orth, 
who v/as defeated at the election bv Judu^e Thomas 
B. Ward, the Democratic nominee. 

Augustus F. Shirts of that county commenced 
the law practice several years after arriving at the 
age of maturity and was noted for his industry and 
energy in the practice that he kept up continuously 
during his long life. His son, George Sliirts, was 
favored with the liigher educational advantages 
not available to his father and was an able and 
active practitioner for many years. He Avas a 
member of a legislative commission that coditicd 
and classified the corporation laws of the State and 
the author of a text Iwok on the law of negligence. 

Francis M. Housholder, a native of Darke 
County, Ohio, became a resident of Xoblesville in 
1870. He had served a term of enlistment as a 
Union soldier and took up the law as a profession 
after a course of reading in the office of Thomas J. 
Kane. He was elected as prosecuting attorney 
for the counties of Hamilton and ^ladison on the 
Democratic, ticket and served as postmaster of 
Noblesville during the first term of President 

Walter X. Evans was clerk of the Circuit Court 
from 188.3 to 1887 and had the honor of being the 
only Democrat wlio ever held that otfice. 


Major William A. Wainwright was a soldier 
and citizen of the county whose name and memory 
deserve the highest trihute. On the first call for 
troops in 18G1 he was the first to enlist in the three 
months' service in the 6th Indiana Regiment and 
participated in the first hattles of the war, and at 
the end of his three months' service immediately 
again enlisted and served until the war closed, be- 
coming major of his regiment. At the close of 
hostihties he was assigned to a special military ser- 
vice in Texas. Upon the expiration of that term of 
service he returned to Xoblesville and was for 
many years engaged in mercantile business and 
then compiled and completed a full abstract of 
titles to the lands of that county. This abstract 
enterprise became the foundation for the Wain- 
wright Trust Company, a strong financial institu- 
tion of the county. He also equipped his fine farm 
that borders the east side of White River and over- 
looks the City of Xoblesville with modern farm 
conveniences and magnificent farm buildings, the 
pride of the county as it was of its owner, where 
he and his excellent wife, tlie sister of ^Irs. Colonel 
William O'Brien, for the many years of his life hos- 
pitably entertained their legions of friends. 
Their son, Lucius M. Wainwright, was the first boy 
graduate of the Xoblesville High School and has 
been prominent as a business man of Indianapolis 
for many years, and is the father of Colonel Guy 
Wainwright of the celebrated Rainbow Division, 
that went overseas and gained militant fame in the 
World War, who in soldierly bearing and maimers 


is a facsimile of his illustrious gi-andfatlier, Wil- 
liam A. Wainwright. 

John D. Evans served as major of the 39th 
Indiana Regiment from the beginning until the 
end of the war and was elected Auditor of State in 
1868. James L. Evans, as previously mentioned, 
served two terms in congress. 

The long and useful career of General David 
Moss was rounded out by his election as circuit 
judge in 188Jj and he died soon after his judicial 
term closed. 

Hiram Hines, who grew up in frontier sur- 
roundings and lived the life of a pioneer with the 
hardships incident thereto, was twenty-one years 
of age when he enlisted in 1861 as a private sol- 
dier of the 57th Indiana Regiment, having as his 
comrades many farmer bovs of Jackson Townsliip 
in Hamilton County. This regiment saw active 
service from the time it crossed the Ohio River in 
1861 until it was mustered out in 18Go, and was in 
man}^ battles in all of which Hiram participated. 
He kept a diary of every day's events and recorded 
the location of his regiment and what it did from its 
organization until it was discharged from the ser- 
vice. • • . 

At the close of his army service he resumed work 
as a farmer and followed that occupation until his 
election as County Auditor in 1880 and at the end 
of his official service again took his position in in- 
dustrial pursuits in which he continued until his 
death in the year 1913. He took an active interest 
in the gTowth and beauty of Xoblesville, and the 


-ij; ... «•;•-, -f 

beautiful park that environs its southeastern boun- 
dary was acquired b}^ him and preserved as an 
intended donation to that city. He took great 
interest in the cause of education and was gratified 
and rewarded for his zeal in that cause by observ- 
ing the educational progress of his sons. His son, 
Linneas became one of the State's most prominent 
educators, twice elected on the Republican ticket 
as State Superintendent of Public Instruction, and 
at this writing is President of the Indiana State 
Normal School. Fred E. is now judge of the 
Hamilton Circuit Court. 

John S. Coyner was long a prominent and high- 
ly respected citizen of Hamilton County, a Civil 
War soldier and graduate of DePauw University, 
having high attainments as an engineer and sur- 
vej'or and was county surveyor. 

William Xeal, of Cicero, in Hamilton County, 
commanded a company of the 39th Indiana Regi- 
ment in the Civil War; at its close he took up the 
study of law and was for many years an honored 
member of the bar of the count3\ His son, John 
F. Xeal, was first prosecuting attorney and then 
became circuit judge. 

Earl S. Stone, Jr., began his law studies in the 
ofHce of his father, was a great student and reader 
of ancient Iiistory, was engaged in school teaching 
when the Civil War began, and enlisted as a pri- 
vate soldier in tlie 75th Indiana Regiment and was 
with it at the battle of Kenesaw Mountain, where 
he received an injury from a shell bursting over 
his head but remained with his regiment until the 


war ended. The injury he received from the burst- 
ing shell later resulted in such a severe mental 
affliction that his mind only retained a recollection 
of events of the ancient history he had read and he 
lingered for many years under the delusion that 
he was the commander of a battahon of Roman 

John S. Conklin, a prominent pioneer resident of 
Westfield, was the father of three sons, who serv^ed 
in the Civil War. Joseph, the elder, fell in battle ; 
Anthony ]M., at its close, was for many years edi- 
tor of the Hamilton County Register, the Republi- 
can organ of the county, but later identified him- 
self with the Democratic party and was for a time 
on the reportorial staff of the Indianapolis Senti- 
nel. William H. also identified himself with the 
Democratic party in 1876 and was long credited 
with casting the only Democratic ballot that was 
counted at Westfield. 

The Republicans of that precinct later became 
divided on the temperance question; this division 
resulted in the Prohibitionists being allowed to sit 
on election boards and the consequent counting of 
all ballots as they had been cast. Xo voter of that 
precinct would admit that he was a Democrat but 
when the presidential election of 1884 was held 
fifty ballots were found to have been cast for 
Democratic candidates and about forty of the num- 
ber casting them came forward, each claiming to 
have ca5t the one Democratic vote at preceding 
elections and a nimiber of them were applicants 
for the Westfield postoffice, but the office was 



given to Colonel William H.-Conklin, who was not 
an applicant for it. He was for many years en- 
gaged in mercantile business at Westtield and 
highly respected by all of his fellow citizens. 

The western part of Hamilton County was pop- 
ulated by many Quakers from North Carolina. 

Westfield was known for many years as a station 
on what was termed the underground road that 
fugitive slaves from Southern States traveled on 
their way to Canada, and as a place where they 
would be protected, and many wliite men who were 
not slaves left North Carolina to escape persecu- 
tions because of their opj^osition to slavery and set- 
tled in that vicinity. Among these was George W. 
Vestal, who became a resident at the beginning of 
the Civil War and maintained his status as a good 
Republican until the nomination of Horace Gree- i 

ley for President, and being a great admirer of that ; 

great character, became one of his supporters. As j 

a consequence of that act he was upbraided by j 

his former pohtical associates and suffered almost ? 

as many indignities and insults as had been heaped | 

upon him in North Carolina by slave-owners, but j 

this mistreatment only confirmed him in his politi- » 

cal views and he became a pronounced Democrat { 

and his sons were educated in that political school. ' 

His son, !Meade, named in honor of the distin- ] 

guished Union general, was elected as judge of the 
Hamilton Circuit Court, the only Democrat who 
ever held that office, and he also became an officer 
in the World War. Of his services as a soldier and 
his high character as a citizen many pages could be 


written in praise, biit as he belongs to a younger 
generation than those selected for this volume his 
record is reserved for use in a second volume as. is 
that of William Edward Longley and a number of 
other high class citizens of both political parties. 

Aaron Cox, whose early political status may be 
inferred from the fact that he named one of his 
sons ]Millard F., in honor of ^Millard Fillmore, the 
last "VMiig President, was long a resident of Ham- 
ilton County residing in tlie M'estern part of the 
county. He became a supporter of the policies of 
Andrew Johnson and was appointed postmaster 
at Xoblesville in 18G7. Political intolerance pre- 
vailed to an mireasonable degree during that 
period and one who would hold an ofHce under An- 
drew Johnson was suspected of being an enemy of 
his country. Capturing Kebel flags as trophies of 
war was much talked about bv returnincc soldiers, 
and some patriots who had remained at home and 
did not know what such a flag looked like suspected 
that ever}' Democrat had one concealed somewhere 
about his premises. In 1868 an American flag on 
which was printed the names, Seymour and Blair, 
was being waived by a nine-year-old boy in front 
of the postoffice. One of the home patriots to qual- 
ify himself to become a candidate for sheriff at the 
next ensuing primary election courageously wrest- 
ed the flag from the nine-year-old boy and declared 
it was a "Rebel flag" that he had captured. The 
incident created a riot for a few minutes. Whether 
the captor got the nomination for sheriff is not re- 
membered but the nine-year-old boy, Charles E. 


Cox, later became an able judge of the Supreme 
Court of the State. His elder brother, Jabez T. 
•Cox, was a Union soldier and was for twelve years 
judge of the Miami circuit, and ]VIillard Fill- 
more Cox was for four years judge of the jNIarion 
County Criminal Court, and was for a time chief 
editorial writer on tlie Indianapolis Sentinel and 
was the author of "The Legionaires," a romance 
of Morgan's Civil War raid in Indiana. 

With sincere reverence to the memories and 
virtues of the departed and greetings to the living 
who have been written about in this volume, it is 
closed in the hope of a blessed immortality of all.