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3.  JL  tEgrrell 

to  tfje 

of  ®0rottta 


of  tl|e  ^ntoerattg  of  <2Toront0, 
anh  enttitent  (Uaiu^iatt  gmlogtst, 
explorer,  attb  scholar 


Heroes  of  the  Nations 

A  Series  of  Biographical  Studies 
presenting  the  lives  and  work 
of  certain  representative  his- 
torical characters,  about  whom 
have  gathered  the  traditions 
of  the  nations  to  which  they 
belong,  and  who  have,  in  the 
majority  of  instances,  been 
accepted  as  types  of  the  sev- 
eral national  ideals. 

FOR  FULL  LIST   SEE  END  OF  THIS  VOLUME 


tfoeroes  of  tbe  IRattons 

EDITED   BY 

Evelyn  Bbbott,  flD.B. 

FELLOW  OF  BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


FAOTA  DUCI8  VIVENT,  I 
GLORIA  RERUM.  — OVID,  IN  LIVIAM    i65. 
THE  HERO'S  DEC08  AND  HARD-WON 
FAME  6MALU  LIVE. 


OLIVER  CROMWELL 


OLIVER   CROMWELL. 
{From  a  painting by  an  unknown  artist,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.) 


OLIVER  CROMWELL 

AND  THE  RULE  OF  THE  PURITANS  IN 


r-t 


ENGLAND 


'fi''',^ 


CHARLES  FIRTH,  M.A. 

BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


G.  P.   PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 
Cbe   fuiicfcerbocfcer    press 


COPYRIGHT,  1900 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


Ubc  ftntcfterbocftcr  press,  'Wcw 


PREFACE 

THIS  Life  of  Cromwell  is  in  part  based  on  an 
article  contributed  by  the  author  to  the  Dic- 
tionary of  National  Biography  in  1888,  but 
embodies  the  result  of  later  researches,  and  of  re- 
cently discovered  documents  such  as  the  Clarke 
Papers.  The  battle  plans  have  been  specially  drawn 
for  this  volume  by  Mr.  B.  V.  Darbishire,  and  in  two 
cases  differ  considerably  from  those  generally  ac- 
cepted as  correct.  The  scheme  of  this  series  does 
not  permit  a  discussion  of  the  reasons  why  these 
alterations  have  been  made,  but  the  evidence  con- 
cerning the  battles  in  question  has  been  carefully 
examined,  and  any  divergence  from  received  ac- 
counts is  intentional.  The  reader  who  wishes  to 
see  this  subject  discussed  at  length  is  referred  to  a 
study  of  the  battle  of  Marston  Moor  printed  in 
Volume  XII.  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal 
Historical  Society  (new  series),  and  to  a  similar 
paper  on  Dunbar  which  will  appear  in  Volume  XIV. 
The  quotations  from  Cromwell's  letters  or  speeches 
are,  where  necessary,  freely  abridged. 


C.  H.  F. 


OXFORD,  Feb.  6, 1900. 


PAGE 
I 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 
EARLY  LIFE,  1599-1629  .... 

CHAPTER  II 
THE  PREPARATION  FOR  THE  CIVIL  WAR,  1629-1640,  19 

CHAPTER  III 
THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT,  1640-1642  ...  47 

CHAPTER  IV 
THE  FIRST  CAMPAIGN,  1642 69 

CHAPTER  V 
CROMWELL  IN  THE  EASTERN  ASSOCIATION.  1643  .  86 

CHAPTER  VI 
MARSTON  MOOR,  1644 e  IO2 

CHAPTER  VII 
NASEBY  AND  LANGPORT,  1645-1646  .  .  .121 

CHAPTER  VIII 
PRESBYTERIANS  AND  INDEPENDENTS,  1642-1647  .  142 


viii  Contents 


CHAPTER   IX 

PAGE 

ARMY    AND    PARLIAMENT,    1647-1648        .  .  .       164 

CHAPTER    X 
THE  SECOND   CIVIL   WAR,   1648         ....       193 

CHAPTER   XI 

CROMWELL     AND     THE     KING'S     EXECUTION,     1648- 

1649          •          ' .207 

CHAPTER   XII 
THE    REPUBLIC    AND    ITS   ENEMIES,    1649  .  .       232 

CHAPTER   XIII 
IRELAND,    1649-1650 255 

CHAPTER   XIV 
CROMWELL   AND   SCOTLAND,   1650-1651  .  .       276 

CHAPTER   XV 
THE   END  OF   THE    LONG    PARLIAMENT,    1651-1653,       300 

CHAPTER   XVI 
THE   FOUNDATION   OF   THE   PROTECTORATE,    1653    •       326 

CHAPTER  XVII 
CROMWELL'S  DOMESTIC  POLICY,  1654-1658    .         .     346 

CHAPTER   XVIII 
CROMWELL'S  FOREIGN  POLICY,  1654-1658      .        .    370 


Contents  ix 


CHAPTER   XIX 

PAGE 

CROMWELL'S  COLONIAL  POLICY      ....     390 

CHAPTER  XX 
CROMWELL   AND   HIS   PARLIAMENTS  .  .  .      409 

CHAPTER  XXI 
THE   DEATH   OF   CROMWELL,   1658-1660  .  .      433 

CHAPTER   XXII 
CROMWELL    AND    HIS    FAMILY  ....       453 

CHAPTER   XXIII 

EPILOGUE 467 

INDEX 4^7 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


OLIVER  CROMWELL  ....        Frontispiece 

[From  a  painting  by  an  unknown  artist,   in  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery.] 

THE   GRAMMAR   SCHOOL,    HUNTINGTON      ...  6 

[From  Pike's  Oliver  Cromwell.] 

ELIZABETH,    THE    WIFE    OF    OLIVER   CROMWELL  .  8 

[From  a  drawing  by  W.  Bond.] 

CROMWELL'S  HOUSE,  ELY 28 

[From  a  photograph.] 

ST.     IVES     AND     THE     RIVER     OUSE,    AND     MEDIEVAL 

CHAPEL   ON    THE    BRIDGE 36 

[From  Pike's  Oliver  Cromwell.] 

JOHN    PYM 48 

[From  a  miniature  by  Cooper.] 

ROBERT    DEVEREUX,    EARL   OF    ESSEX          ...         78 
[From  Devereux's  Lives  of  the  DevereuxJ\ 

PRINCE    RUPERT,    K.G 80 

[From  a  painting  by  Sir  Peter  Lely,  in  the  Na- 
tional Portrait  Gallery.] 

JOHN    HAMPDEN 88 

[From  Nugent's  Life  of  Hampden.~\ 


xii  Illustrations 


PAGE 

MAP    OF    THE    EASTERN    ASSOCIATION  ...         90 

EDWARD    MONTAGUE,    EARL   OF    MANCHESTER  .       IOO 

[From  Birch's  Heads  of  Illustrious  Persons^ 

CROMWELL   CREST IOI 

MAP    OF    THE    BATTLE   OF    MARSTON    MOOR         .  .       Io6 

SIR    THOMAS    FAIRFAX 122 

[From  the  painting  by  Gerard  Zoust.] 

MAP   OF    THE    BATTLE    OF    NASEBY    ....       128 

HENRY    IRETON  .  .  .  .  .  .  .       168 

[From  a  painting  by  Robert  Walker,  in  the  Na- 
tional Portrait  Gallery.] 

PEMBROKE   CASTLE 194 

[From  a  photograph.] 

MAP   OF    THE    PRESTON    CAMPAIGN    ....       198 

CHARLES   1 228 

[From  an  old  engraving.] 

SIR    HENRY    VANE    (THE    YOUNGER)  .  .  .       246 

[From  a  painting  by  William  Dobson,  in  the  Na- 
tional Portrait  Gallery.] 

MAP     OF     IRELAND,     TO     ILLUSTRATE     CROMWELL'S 

CAMPAIGN  ...  ...       256 

THE   SEAL   OF    THE    "  TRIERS "  .  .  .  .       278 

THE     DUNBAR     MEDAL,     HEAD     OF     CROMWELL,     BY 

THOMAS   SIMON 278 

MEDAL    REPRESENTING    CROMWELL     AS    LORD    GEN- 
ERAL  OF    THE    ARMY,    BY    THOMAS   SIMON  .       278 

A.  CROWN-PIECE  OF  THE  PROTECTOR,  ISSUED  IN  1658.       278 
[From  Henfrey's  Numismata  Cromwelliana.] 


Illustrations  xiii 


PAGE 

MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  DUNBAR  ....   282 
MAP  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  WORCESTER   .     .     .   292 

REV.    JOHN    OWEN,    D.D 306 

[From  a  painting,  possibly  by  Robert  Walker,  in 
the  National  Portrait  Gallery.] 

BUST    OF   CROMWELL,    ATTRIBUTED    TO    BERNINI        .      312 
[In  the  Palace  of  Westminster,  1899.] 

CROMWELL    COAT-OF-ARMS 325 

OLIVER   CROMWELL 326 

[From  the  painting  by  Sir  Peter  Lely.] 

JOHN    LAMBERT 328 

[From  a  painting  by  Robert  Walker,  in  the  Na- 
tional Portrait  Gallery.] 

JOHN    MILTON 378 

[From  an  engraving  by  Faithorne.] 

THE   GREAT    SEAL    OF    THE    PROTECTOR    .  .  .      432 

[From  Henfrey's  Numismata  Cromivelliana.~\ 

FACSIMILE  SIGNATURE  OF  OLIVER  CROMWELL, 

OCTOBER  19,  1651  i  440 

FACSIMILE  SIGNATURE  OF  OLIVER  CROMWELL, 

AUGUST  II,  1657 440 

OLIVER    CROMWELL 454 

[From   a   miniature  by   Cooper,    in   the   Baptist 
College  at  Bristol.] 

RICHARD    CROMWELL 462 

[From  a  drawing  by  W.  Bond.] 

HENRY    CROMWELL 466 

[From  a  drawing  by  W.  Bond.] 

STATUE       OF        CROMWELL,        BY        THORNEYCROFT, 

ERECTED    AT    WESTMINSTER    IN    1899  .  .      484 


OLIVER  CROMWELL 


CHAPTER  I 

EARLY   LIFE 
1599-1629 

"  T  WAS  by  birth  a  gentleman  living  neither  in 
any  considerable  height  nor  yet  in  obscurity," 
said  the  Protector  to  one  of  his  Parliaments. 
Cromwell's  family  was  one  of  the  many  English  fami- 
lies which  rose  to  wealth  and  importance  at  the  time  of 
the  Reformation.  It  owed  its  name  and  its  fortune 
to  Thomas  Cromwell,  Earl  of  Essex,  the  minister 
of  Henry  VIII.,  and  the  destroyer  of  the  monas- 
teries. In  1494,  Thomas  Cromwell's  sister  Katherine 
had  married  Morgan  Williams,  a  wealthy  brewer  of 
Putney,  whose  family  sprang  from  Glamorganshire. 
Her  eldest  son  Richard  took  the  surname  of  Crom- 
well, entered  the  service  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  as- 
sisted his  uncle  in  his  dealings  with  refractory 
Churchmen.  Grants  of  land  flowed  in  upon  the 


2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1S99- 

lucky  kinsman  of  the  King's  vicegerent.  In  1538,  he 
was  given  the  Benedictine  priory  of  Hinchinbrook 
near  Huntingdon.  In  1540,  the  site  of  the  rich  Bene- 
dictine abbey  of  Ramsey  and  some  of  its  most 
valuable  manors  were  added  to  his  possessions. 
Honour  as  well  as  wealth  fell  to  his  lot.  At  the 
tournament  held  at  Westminster  on  May  Day,  1540, 
to  celebrate  the  espousals  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Anne 
of  Cleves, — a  marriage  which  was  to  unite  English 
and  German  Protestantism, — Richard  Cromwell  was 
one  of  the  six  champions  who  maintained  the  hon- 
our of  England  against  all  comers.  Pleased  by  his 
prowess  with  sword  and  lance,  the  King  gave  him  a 
diamond  ring  and  made  him  a  knight. 

Six  weeks  later  fortune  turned  against  the  all-power- 
ful Earl  of  Essex.  He  had  pushed  forward  the  Re- 
formation faster  than  the  King  desired  and  bound  the 
King  to  a  woman  he  detested.  "  Say  what  they  will, 
she  is  nothing  fair,"  groaned  Henry,  and  suddenly 
repudiated  wife,  policy,  and  minister.  On  June  loth, 
Thomas  Cromwell  was  arrested  in  the  Council  Cham- 
ber itself  and  committed  to  the  Tower  on  the  charge 
of  high  treason.  "  He  had  left,"  it  was  said,  "the 
mean,  indifferent,  virtuous,  and  true  way  "  of  reform- 
ing religion  which  his  master  trod.  In  his  zeal  to  ad- 
vance doctrinal  changes,  he  had  dared  to  say  that 
if  the  King  and  all  his  realm  would  turn  and  vary 
from  his  opinions,  he  would  fight  in  the  field  in  his 
own  person  with  his  sword  in  his  hand  against  the 
King  and  all  others  ;  adding  that  if  he  lived  a  year  or 
two  he  trusted  "  to  bring  things  to  that  frame  that 
it  should  not  lie  in  the  King's  power  to  resist  or  let 


1629]  Early  Life 


it."  On  July  28th,  Cromwell  passed  from  the  Tower 
to  the  scaffold. 

Few  pitied  him  and  only  one  mourned  him.  Sir 
Richard  Cromwell,  said  tradition,  dared  to  appear  at 
the  Court  in  the  mourning  raiment  which  the  King 
hated,  and  Henry,  respecting  his  fidelity,  pardoned 
his  boldness.  He  retained  the  King's  favour  the  rest 
of  his  life,  was  made  a  gentleman  of  the  Privy 
Chamber  and  constable  of  Berkeley  Castle,  got  more 
grants  of  lands,  and  died  in  1546. 

Sir  Richard's  son  Henry  built  Hinchinbrook 
House,  was  knighted  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  whom  he 
entertained  during  one  of  her  progresses,  and  was 
four  times  sheriff  of  Huntingdonshire.  As  marshal 
of  the  county  he  organised  its  forces  at  the  time  of 
the  Spanish  Armada,  raised,  besides  the  four  soldiers 
he  was  bound  to  furnish,  twenty-six  horsemen  at  his 
own  cost,  and  called  on  the  trained  bands  to. prac- 
tise "  the  right  and  perfect  use  of  their  weapons," 
and  fight  for  "  the  sincere  religion  of  Christ "  against 
"  the  devilish  superstition  of  the  Pope."  In  their  mix- 
ture of  military  and  religious  ardour  his  harangues 
recall  the  speeches  of  his  grandson.  People  called 
him  "  the  golden  knight  "  because  of  his  wealth  and 
his  liberality,  and  he  matched  his  children  with  the 
best  blood  of  the  eastern  counties.  One  daughter 
was  the  mother  of  Major-General  Edward  Whalley, 
one  of  the  Regicides ;  another  married  William 
Hampden,  and  her  son  was  John  Hampden. 

Of  Sir  Henry's  sons,  Oliver,  his  heir,  was  a  man 
who  from  love  of  ostentation  pushed  his  father's 
liberality  to  extravagance.  When  James  I.  came  to 


4  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599- 

England  he  was  received  at  Hinchinbrook,  "with 
such  entertainment  as  had  not  been  seen  in  any 
place  before,  since  his  first  setting  forward  out  of 
Scotland."  James  made  him  a  Knight  of  the  Bath 
at  the  coronation,  and  paid  him  three  other  visits 
during  his  reign. 

Robert,  Sir  Henry's  second  son,  inherited  from  his 
father  an  estate  at  Huntingdon,  worth  in  those  days 
about  ^300  a  year,  equal  to  three  or  four  times  as 
much  now.  He  sat  for  Huntingdon  in  the  Parlia- 
ment of  1 593,  filled  the  office  of  bailiff  for  the  bor- 
ough, and  was  one  of  the  justices  of  the  peace  for  the 
county.  Robert  Cromwell  married  Elizabeth,  widow 
of  William  Lynn,  and  daughter  of  William  Steward 
of  Ely.  Her  family  were  well  off,  and  she  brought 
with  her  a  jointure  of  £60  a  year.  The  Stewards 
were  relatives  of  the  last  prior  and  first  Protestant 
dean  of  Ely,  who  had  obtained  good  leases  of  Church 
lands,  and  were  farmers  of  the  tithes  of  the  see. 
Tradition,  which  loves  curious  coincidences,  has  con- 
nected them  with  the  royal  House  of  Stuart  that 
their  descendant  overthrew,  but  history  traces  their 
origin  to  a  Norfolk  family  originally  named  Styward. 
Oliver,  the  future  Lord  Protector,  was  the  fifth  child 
of  Robert  Cromwell,  and  the  only  one  of  his  sons 
who  survived  infancy.  He  was  born  at  Huntingdon, 
on  April  25,  1599,  baptised  at  St.  John's  Church  in 
that  town  on  April  29th,  and  christened  Oliver  after 
his  uncle,  the  knight  of  Hinchinbrook.  Little  is 
known  of  his  boyhood.  A  royalist  biographer  says 
that  he  was  of  "  a  cross  and  peevish  disposition  " 
from  his  infancy,  while  a  contemporary  panegyrist 


1629}  Early  Life 


credits  him  even  then  with  "  a  quick  and  lively 
apprehension,  a  piercing  and  sagacious  wit,  and  a 
solid  judgment." 

Stories  are  told  of  his  marvellous  deliverances  from 
danger,  and  of  strange  prognostications  of  his  future 
greatness.  It  was  revealed  to  him  in  a  dream  or  by 
an  apparition  "  that  he  should  be  the  greatest  man  in 
England,  and  should  be  near  the  King."  Another 
story  was  that  he  had  acted  the  part  of  a  king  in  a 
play  in  his  school  days,  placing  the  crown  himself 
upon  his  head,  and  adding  "  majestical  mighty  words  " 
of  his  own  to  the  poet's  verses.  These  are  the  usual 
fictions  which  cluster  round  the  early  life  of  great 
men.  All  that  is  certain  is  that  Cromwell  was  ed- 
ucated at  the  free  school  of  Huntingdon  under  Dr. 
Thomas  Beard — a  Puritan  schoolmaster  who  wrote 
pedantic  Latin  plays,  proved  that  the  Pope  was 
Antichrist,  and  showed  in  his  Theatre  of  God's 
Judgments  that  human  crimes  never  go  unpunished 
by  God  even  in  this  world.  Beard  was  an  austere 
man  who  believed  in  the  rod,  and  a  biographer  de- 
scribes him  as  correcting  the  manners  of  young 
Oliver  "  with  a  diligent  hand  and  careful  eye,"  which 
may  be  accepted  as  truth.  But  these  disciplinings 
did  not  prevent  pupil  and  master  from  being  friends 
in  later  life. 

At  the  age  of  seventeen,  Cromwell  was  sent  to 
Cambridge,  where  on  April  23,  1616,  he  was  admitted 
a  fellow  commoner  of  Sidney  Sussex  College.  The 
College,  founded  in  1598,  was  one  of  those  two  which 
Laud  subsequently  complained  of  as  nurseries  of 
Puritanism.  Its  master,  Samuel  Ward,  was  a  learned 


6  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599- 

and  morbidly  conscientious  divine ;  a  severe  disci- 
plinarian, who  exacted  from  his  scholars  elaborate 
accounts  of  the  sermons  they  heard,  and  had  them 
whipped  in  hall  when  they  offended.  Cromwell  did 
not  distinguish  himself,  but  he  by  no  means  wasted 
his  time  at  Cambridge.  He  had  no  aptitude  for 
languages.  Burnet  says  he  "  had  no  foreign  lan- 
guage but  the  little  Latin  that  stuck  to  him  from 
his  education,  which  he  spoke  very  viciously  and 
scantily."  When  he  was  Protector  he  remembered 
enough  Latin  to  carry  on  a  conversation  in  that 
tongue  with  a  Dutch  ambassador. 

Another  biographer  tells  us  that  Cromwell  "  ex- 
celled chiefly  in  the  mathematics,"  and  his  kinsman, 
the  poet  Waller,  was  wont  to  say  that  the  Protector 
was  "  very  well  read  in  the  Greek  and  Roman  story." 
His  advice  to  his  son  Richard  bears  out  this  account 
of  his  preferences.  "  Read  a  little  history,"  he  wrote 
to  him ;  "  study  the  Mathematics  and  cosmography. 
These  are  good  with  subordination  to  the  things  of 
God.  These  fit  for  public  services  for  which  a  man 
is  born."  With  Cromwell,  as  with  Montrose,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh's  History  of  the  World  was  a  favour- 
ite  book,  and  he  urged  his  son  to  read  it.  "  'T  is  a 
body  of  history,  and  will  add  much  more  to  your 
understanding  than  fragments  of  story." 

Cromwell's  tutor  is  said  to  have  observed  with 
great  discrimination  that  his  pupil  was  not  so  much 
addicted  to  speculation  as  to  action,  and  royalist 
biographers  make  his  early  taste  for  athletics  and 
sport  a  great  reproach  to  him.  One  says :  "  He  was 
easily  satiated  with  study,  taking  more  delight  in 


THE  GRAMMAR    SCHOOL,    HUNTINQTON. 
(From  Pike's  "  Oliver  Cromwell"} 


1629]  Early  Life  » 

horse  and  field  exercise."  Another  describes  him  as 
"  more  famous  for  his  exercises  in  the  fields  than  in 
the  schools,  being  one  of  the  chief  matchmakers  and 
players  of  football,  cudgels,  or  any  other  boisterous 
sport  or  game." 

How  long  Cromwell  remained  at  the  university  is 
not  known,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  left  it  without 
taking  a  degree.  Probably  he  quitted  Cambridge 
prematurely  on  account  of  the  death  of  his  father, 
who  was  buried  at  All  Saints'  Church,  Huntingdon, 
on  June  24,  1617.  For  a  time  Cromwell  stayed  at 
Huntingdon,  no  doubt  helping  his  mother  in  the 
management  of  the  estate  and  in  the  settlement  of 
his  father's  affairs.  Then  he  went  to  London  to 
acquire  the  smattering  of  law  which  every  country 
gentleman  needed,  and  which  one  whose  position 
marked  him  out  as  a  future  justice  of  the  peace  and 
member  of  parliament  could  not  do  without.  "  He 
betook  himself,"  says  a  contemporary  biographer, 
"  to  the  study  of  law  in  Lincoln's  Inn ;  that  nothing 
might  be  wanting  to  make  him  a  complete  gentle- 
man and  a  good  commonwealthsman."  Though  his 
name  does  not  appear  in  the  books  of  that  society, 
the  fact  is  probable  enough,  and  sufficiently  well 
attested  to  be  accepted. 

Three  years  after  his  father's  death,  Cromwell 
married,  on  August  22,  1620,  at  St.  Giles's  Church, 
Cripplegate,  Elizabeth  Bourchier.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Sir  James  Bourchier,  a  city  merchant 
living  on  Tower  Hill  and  owning  property  at  Fel- 
stead  in  Essex.  It  is  probable  that  Cromwell's  wife 
brought  him  a  considerable  dowry,  for  the  day  after 


8  Oliver  Cromwell  tl599- 

his  marriage  he  contracted,  under  penalty  of  .£4000, 
to  settle  upon  her,  as  her  jointure,  the  parsonage 
house  of  Hartford  in  Huntingdonshire  witn  its  glebe 
land  and  tithes.  Elizabeth  Cromwell  was  a  year 
older  than  her  husband,  and  is  traditionally  said  to 
have  been  a  notable  housewife.  In  spite  of  royalist 
lampooners  she  was,  if  her  portraits  may  be  trusted, 
neither  uncomely  nor  undignified  in  person.  Her 
affection  for  her  husband  was  sincere  and  lasting. 
"  My  life  is  but  half  a  life  in  your  absence,"  she  writes 
to  him  in  1650.  "  I  could  chide  thee,"  says  Crom- 
well in  answer  to  a  complaint  about  not  writing, 
"  that  in  many  of  thy  letters  thou  writest  to  me,  that 
I  should  not  be  unmindful  of  thee  and  thy  little  ones. 
Truly,  if  I  love  you  not  too  well,  I  think  I  err  not  on 
the  other  hand  much.  Thou  art  dearer  to  me  than 
any  creature  ;  let  that  suffice." 

After  his  marriage,  Cromwell  settled  down  at  Hunt- 
ingdon and  occupied  himself  in  farming  the  lands  he 
had  inherited  from  his  father.  Two-thirds  of  the  in- 
come of  the  estate  had  been  left  by  Robert  Crom- 
well to  his  widow  for  the  term  of  twenty-one  years, 
in  order  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
daughters,  so  that  Oliver's  means  during  the  early 
years  of  his  married  life  must  have  been  rather  nar- 
row. It  was  understood,  however,  that  he  was  de- 
stined to  be  the  heir  of  his  mother's  brother,  Sir 
Thomas  Steward,  and  in  1628  another  uncle,  Richard 
Cromwell,  left  him  a  small  property  at  Huntingdon. 
Ere  long  there  was  a  proof  that  Cromwell  had  earned 
the  good  opinion  of  his  neighbours,  for,  in  February, 
1628,  he  was  elected  to  represent  his  native  town  in 


ELIZABETH,    THE    WIFE   OF    OLIVER    CROMWELL. 
(Front  a  drawing  by  W.  Bond.) 


1629]  Early  Life 


the  third  Parliament  called  by  Charles  I.  The 
choice  was  partly  due  to  the  position  of  his  family 
and  its  long  connection  with  the  borough,  but  more 
must  have  been  due  also  to  Cromwell's  personal 
character  and  reputation,  since  the  local  influence 
of  the  Cromwell  family,  thanks  to  the  reckless  ex- 
travagance  of  its  head,  was  already  on  the  wane. 
In  1627,  Sir  Oliver  to  pay  his  debts  had  been  obliged 
to  sell  Hinchinbrook  to  Sir  Sidney  Montague,  and 
had  retired  to  Ramsey.  He  had  represented  the 
county  in  eight  Parliaments,  but  he  sat  for  it  no 
more,  and  the  Montagues  were  henceforth  the 
leading  family  in  Huntingdonshire. 

Cromwell's  entry  upon  the  stage  of  English  poli- 
tics took  place  at  the  moment  when  the  quarrel  be- 
tween Charles  I.  and  his  .  Parliaments  became  a 
complete  breach.  To  Henry  VIII.  Parliaments  had 
been  the  servile  tools  with  which  he  used  to  work 
his  will  in  Church  and  State.  To  Elizabeth  they  had 
been  faithful  servants,  obedient  though  sometimes 
venturing  to  grumble  or  criticise.  During  her  reign, 
the  House  of  Commons  had  grown  strong  and  con- 
scious of  its  strength.  The  spoils  of  the  monasteries 
had  enriched  the  country  gentry,  and  the  develop- 
ment of  local  government  had  given  them  political 
training,  while  the  growth  of  commerce  had  brought 
wealth  to  merchants  and  manufacturers.  Into  upper 
and  middle  classes  alike  the  Reformation  had  put  a 
spirit  which  began  by  questioning  authority  in  mat- 
ters of  religion,  and  went  on  to  question  authority  in 
politics. 

It  was   in   religious   matters,  naturally,  that  this 


io  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599- 

spirit  of  opposition  first  revealed  itself.  Henry 
VIII.  had  separated  the  English  from  the  Catholic 
Church,  not  in  order  to  alter  its  doctrine,  but  in  order 
to  make  himself  its  master.  The  doctrinal  change 
which  Thomas  Cromwell  had  prematurely  attempted, 
Somerset  and  Northumberland  carried  out  in  the 
reign  of  Henry's  son.  The  only  result  of  the  reac- 
tion under  Mary  was  to  inspire  most  Englishmen 
with  a  passionate  hostility  to  the  faith  in  whose 
name  the  Queen's  bonfires  had  been  kindled.  Eliza- 
beth restored  Protestantism,  and  re-established  the 
control  of  the  State  over  the  Church.  She  called 
herself  "  Supreme  Governor "  instead  of  "  Head 
of  the  Church,"  but  kept  all  the  essentials  of  the 
supremacy  which  her  father  had  established.  To 
conciliate  the  English  Catholics  she  made  the  doc- 
trine and  ritual  of  the  National  Church  less  offen- 
sively Protestant,  but  to  impose  her  compromise 
she  was  obliged  to  use  force.  Year  after  year  the 
penalties  inflicted  upon  Catholics  who  refused  to 
conform  became  heavier,  and  their  lot  was  made 
harder,  but  thousands  remained  invincibly  constant, 
and  preferred  to  suffer  rather  than  deny  their  faith. 
Not  only  did  the  enforcement  of  the  Elizabethan 
compromise  fail  to  suppress  Catholicism,  but  it 
created  Puritanism  and  Protestant  Nonconformity. 
Puritanism  represented  from  the  first  "  the  Protest- 
antism of  the  Protestant  religion."  The  aim  of  those 
who  called  themselves  Puritans  was  to  restore  the 
Church  to  what  they  thought  its  original  purity  in 
doctrine,  worship,  and  government.  Some  remained 
within  its  pale,  content  to  accept  the  rule  of  bishops 


1629J  Early  Life  1 1 

and  the  supremacy  of  the  Crown  so  long  as  doctrine 
and  ritual  were  to  their  liking.  Others,  who  desired 
a  simpler  ceremonial  and  a  more  democratic  form 
of  government,  sought  to  transform  the  Anglican 
Church  to  the  model  of  that  of  Scotland  or  Geneva, 
and  were  the  predecessors  of  the  Presbyterian  party 
of  Charles  the  First's  time.  A  small  band  of  ex- 
tremists separated  altogether  from  the  National 
Church,  and  founded  self-governing  congregations, 
which  defined  their  own  creed  and  chose  their  own 
ministers.  But  though  Independency  sprang  up  first 
in  England  it  made  few  converts,  and  never  throve 
till  it  was  transplanted  to  Holland  or  New  England. 
Elizabeth  suppressed  nascent  Presbyterianism,  and 
persecuted  with  equal  vigour  Catholic  recusant  and 
Protestant  separatist.  But  within  the  National 
Church,  in  spite  of  repressive  measures,  the  Puritan 
party  grew  continually  stronger,  while  Parliament  be- 
came more  aggressively  Protestant,  and  more  eager 
for  Church  reform.  While  the  Queen  lived,  no  change 
in  the  ecclesiastical  system  was  possible.  When  she 
died,  wise  men  counselled  her  successor  to  adopt  a 
different  policy  :  to  try  comprehension  instead  of 
compulsion,  and  to  make  concessions  to  Puritanism. 
James  refused.  "  I  shall  make  them  conform  them- 
selves," was  his  answer,  "  or  I  shall  harry  them  out 
of  the  land."  He  began  his  reign  by  authorising 
new  canons  which  enforced  more  rigid  uniformity, 
and  by  driving  three  hundred  ministers  from  their 
livings.  The  main  cause  of  his  breach  with  his  first 
Parliament  was  his  refusal  to  restrict  the  authority  or 
to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 


12  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599- 

The  Church  policy  of  James  aggravated  the  divi- 
sions he  should  have  tried  to  heal ;  his  foreign  policy 
ran  counter  to  the  national  traditions  of  his  subjects 
as  well  as  their  religious  prejudices.  It  was  an  axiom 
with  Englishmen  that  England's  natural  allies  were 
the  Protestant  states  of  Europe,  and  that  it  was  her 
duty  when  occasion  demanded  to  come  forward  as 
the  champion  of  Protestantism  against  the  Catholic 
powers.  But  for  more  than  ten  years  James  made  a 
close  alliance  with  Spain  his  chief  object  in  European 
politics,  partly  with  the  laudable  aim  of  putting  an 
end  to  religious  wars,  partly  in  the  hope  of  paying 
his  debts  with  the  dowry  of  the  Spanish  Infanta. 
For  the  sake  of  this  alliance  he  sent  Raleigh  to  the 
block,  declined  to  help  the  German  Protestants, 
offered  to  suspend  the  penal  laws  against  the  Catho- 
lics, and  forbade  Parliament  to  discuss  foreign  affairs. 
The  general  joy  which  hailed  the  breaking  off  of  the 
Spanish  match  revealed  the  depth  of  the  hostility 
which  the  King's  schemes  had  excited. 

During  the  same  years,  the  King's  attitude  towards 
English  institutions  called  into  life  a  constitutional 
opposition.  His  theory  of  monarchy  found  expres- 
sion in  persistent  attempts  to  extend  the  power  of 
the  Crown  and  diminish  the  rights  of  Parliament. 
Backed  by  a  judicial  decision  that  the  right  to  tax 
imports  and  exports  was  a  part  of  the  royal  preroga- 
tive, James  imposed  new  customs  duties  by  his  own 
authority,  and  dissolved  his  second  Parliament  when 
it  voted  them  illegal.  Members  were  imprisoned 
for  their  utterances  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
Parliament  was  forbidden  to  debate  mysteries  of  State 


1629]  Early  Life  13 

or  matters  touching  the  King's  government.  When 
the  House  asserted  its  right  to  freedom  of  speech 
James  replied  that  its  privileges  were  derived  from 
the  grace  and  favour  of  his  ancestors,  and  erased  the 
protest,  which  claimed  that  the  liberties  of  Parlia- 
ment were  "  the  undoubted  birthright  and  inheritance 
of  the  subjects  of  England." 

Such  a  policy  seemed  to  proceed  from  a  formed 
design  to  destroy  English  freedom.  Throughout 
Europe,  absolute  monarchies  had  risen  on  the  ruins 
of  national  liberties,  and  now  the  same  fate  threat- 
ened England.  When  Charles  I.  succeeded  his  father, 
he  found  the  nation  he  had  to  govern  not  only  dis- 
contented, but  also  full  of  suspicion.  "  We  are  the 
last  monarchy  in  Christendom  that  maintains  its 
rights,"  said  a  parliamentary  orator  in  1625,  and  the 
distrust  and  fear  created  by  the  pretensions  of  James 
flung  their  shadows  across  the  path  of  his  son. 

Charles  I.,  with  his  royal  bearing  and  his  kingly- 
graces,  seemed  fitter  to  win  back  the  hearts  of  his 
subjects  than  James,  who  lacked  both  majesty  and 
manners.  But  he  was  as  devoid  of  sympathy  for 
the  nation  he  governed  as  his  father  had  been  ;  as 
prone  to  cherish  chimerical  schemes,  and  as  blind  to 
facts.  James  had  left  him  a  courtier  instead  of  a 
statesman  to  be  his  guide,  and  Charles  gave  Buck- 
ingham as  complete  trust  as  if  he  had  possessed  the 
experience  of  Burleigh  or  the  wisdom  of  Bacon. 

At  the  moment  when  the  new  reign  opened,  the 
rupture  with  Spain  had  given  both  Charles  and  his 
minister  a  factitious  popularity.  But  on  both  foreign 
and  domestic  affairs  King  and  Parliament  speedily 


14  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599- 

disagreed.  Parliament  was  eager  for  war  with  Spain, 
but  not  ready  either  to  furnish  funds  for  a  European 
coalition  against  the  House  of  Hapsburg,  'or  to  buy 
the  alliance  of  France  by  repealing  the  penal  laws 
against  English  Catholics.  It  granted  the  King 
money  to  fit  out  a  fleet,  but  its  refusal  of  a  more  lib- 
eral supply,  and  its  open  declaration  of  want  of  con- 
fidence in  the  King's  minister,  brought  the  session  to 
a  sudden  close. 

Buckingham  hoped  to  justiiy  himself  by  success, 
and  launched  forth  on  the  sea  of  European  politics 
with  all  the  boldness  of  an  adventurer.  He  sent  an 
expedition  to  sack  Cadiz  and  to  capture  the  Spanish 
plate-fleet.  He  promised  subsidies  to  the  King  of 
Denmark  for  his  campaigns  in  Germany.  He  courted 
popularity  with  the  Puritans  by  repudiating  the  en- 
gagements made  to  France  in  the  King's  marriage 
treaty,  and  endeavouring  to  pose  as  the  protector  of 
the  Huguenots.  But  when  a  second  Parliament  met 
there  was  nothing  but  a  record  of  failure  to  lay  be- 
fore it.  The  expedition  to  Cadiz  had  ended  in  dis- 
aster and  disgrace.  "  Our  honour  is  ruined,"  cried 
Sir  John  Eliot  to  the  Commons,  "  our  ships  are  sunk, 
our  men  perished,  not  by  the  sword,  not  by  the 
enemy,  not  by  chance,  but  by  those  we  trusted." 
All  blame  fell  on  the  man  who  had  monopolised 
power,  but  the  King  forbade  Parliament  to  call  his 
servant  to  account,  and  put  a  stop  to  Buckingham's 
impeachment  by  a  second  dissolution. 

During  the  next  two  years  Charles  tried  the  "  new 
ways  "  he  had  threatened  to  adopt  if  Parliament  de- 
clined to  supply  his  necessities.  A  forced  loan  of 


16291  Early  Life 


£300,000  was  levied,  and  those  who  refused  payment 
were,  if  rich,  imprisoned  ;  if  poor,  impressed.  There 
were  schemes  for  raising  an  excise  to  support  a 
standing  army,  and  Ship-money  to  maintain  a  fleet. 
Judges  were  dismissed  for  denying  the  legality  of 
the  forced  loan,  and  divines  promoted  for  declaring 
it  sinful  to  refuse  payment.  But  abroad  failure  still 
dogged  the  King's  foreign  policy.  In  Germany  the 
King  of  Denmark  was  crushed  because  Charles  could 
not  pay  the  promised  subsidies.  The  French  alli- 
ance ended  in  quarrels  which  grew  into  a  war  with 
France.  Buckingham's  expedition  to  the  Isle  of 
Rh£  ended  in  a  more  ruinous  failure  than  the  ex- 
pedition to  Cadiz.  "  Since  England  was  England," 
wrote  Denzil  Holies,  "  it  received  not  so  dishonour- 
able a  blow."  Unable  to  continue  the  fight  with 
France  and  Spain  without  money,  Charles  was  forced 
once  more  to  appeal  to  the  nation. 

Charles  the  First's  third  Parliament  met  on  March 
17,  1628.  It  opened  its  proceedings  with  a  debate 
on  the  grievances  of  the  nation,  and  almost  the  first 
speech  Cromwell  heard  in  the  House  must  have 
been  Eliot's  appeal  to  his  brother  members  to  re- 
member the  greatness  of  the  issue  before  them. 
"  Upon  this  dispute,"  said  the  spokesman  of  the 
Commons,  "  not  alone  our  goods  and  lands  are  en- 
gaged, but  all  that  we  call  ours.  Those  rights,  those 
privileges  that  made  our  fathers  freemen  are  in 
question.  If  they  be  not  now  the  more  carefully 
preserved,  they  will  render  us  to  posterity  less  free, 
less  worthy  than  our  fathers."  The  House  voted 
the  King  supplies,  but  made  their  grant  dependent 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1599> 


on 


the  redress  of  grievances.  Then  followed  the 
drawing  up  of  the  Petition  of  Right,  declaring  arbi- 
trary imprisonment  and  taxation  without  'the  con- 
sent of  Parliament  henceforth  illegal,  and  at  last  the 
Commons,  by  the  threat  of  impeaching  Buckingham 
again,  wrung  the  acceptance  of  their  petition  from 
the  reluctant  King. 

In  the  interval  between  the  first  and  second  ses- 
sion of  the  third  Parliament,  Buckingham  died  by 
Felton's  hand,  but  his  death  did  not  put  an  end  to 
the  quarrel.  Charles  became  his  own  prime  minister, 
and  made  evident  to  all  men  that  the  King's  will, 
not  the  favourite's  influence,  was  the  source  of  the 
policy  against  which  the  Commons  protested.  The 
beginning  of  the  second  session,  in  January,  1629, 
was  marked  by  a  new  dispute  about  taxation.  The 
Commons  asserted  that  the  levy  of  tonnage  and 
poundage  without  its  grant,  and  the  continued  col- 
lection of  the  new  customs  duties  imposed  by  James 
I.,  were  contrary  to  the  Petition  of  Right.  The  King 
declared  that  these  were  rights  he  had  never  meant 
to  part  with,  and  persisted  in  exacting  them  despite 
the  votes  of  the  House.  Louder  still  grew  the  cry 
against  the  High  Church  clergy  and  the  ecclesiastical 
policy  of  the  King.  It  was  not  only  of  sermons  in 
favour  of  absolute  monarchy  or  innovations  in  ritual 
that  the  Puritan  leaders  complained.  The  dispute 
about  ceremonies  had  now  developed  into  a  dispute 
about  doctrine  too.  The  milder  theories  about  justi- 
fication and  election  —  known  as  Arminianism  and 
favoured  by  the  High  Church  clergy  —  seemed  to  Pur- 
itans to  be  sapping  the  foundations  of  Protestantism 


1629]  Early  Life  17 

and  paving  the  way  for  Popery.  The  King  en- 
deavoured to  put  an  end  to  doctrinal  disputes  by 
silencing  controversial  preaching ;  the  Commons  de- 
manded the  suppression  of  Arminianism,  and  the 
punishment  of  all  who  propagated  views  deviating 
from  what  they  regarded  as  Protestant  orthodoxy. 

It  was  during  these  religious  disputes  that  Crom- 
well first  took  part  in  the  debates  of  the  Commons. 
Inheriting  the  traditions  of  a  family  that  owed  ev- 
erything to  the  Reformation,  trained  by  a  Puritan 
schoolmaster  and  at  a  Puritan  college,  he  could  take 
only  one  side,  and  he  raised  his  voice  to  swell  the 
attack  upon  the  friends  of  Popery  in  the  Church. 
The  House  was  discussing  some  charges  against  Dr. 
Neile,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  when  Cromwell  in- 
tervened with  a  story  showing  that  prelate's  leaning 
to  popish  tenets.  A  certain  Dr.  Alablaster,  said 
Cromwell,  had  "preached  flat  Popery"  in  a  sermon 
before  the  Lord  Mayor,  and  when  Dr.  Beard,  the  next 
preacher  there,  came  in  turn  to  deliver  his  sermon, 
Neile  sent  for  Beard,  and  "  did  charge  him  as  his 
diocesan  not  to  preach  any  doctrine  contrary  to  that 
which  Dr.  Alablaster  had  delivered."  Beard  never- 
theless persisted  in  refuting  his  predecessor,  and  was 
reprimanded  by  Neile  for  his  disobedience. 

Before  the  charges  against  Neile  and  other  like- 
minded  prelates  were  brought  to  a  conclusion,  and 
before  the  remonstrance  of  the  Commons  against 
the  King's  ecclesiastical  policy  was  perfected,  Charles 
put  an  end  to  the  sitting  of  Parliament. 

Ere  it  separated,  the  House  of  Commons,  at  Eliot's 
bidding,  affirmed  once  more  the  principles  for  which 


1 8  Oliver  Cromwell  [1599-1629] 

it  was  fighting.  Cromwell  was  one  of  the  defiant 
crowd  who  refused  to  obey  the  King's  orders  for 
adjournment  till  they  had  passed  by  acclamation 
Eliot's  three  resolutions.  Whoever,  it  was  declared, 
should  bring  in  innovations  in  religion,  or  seek  to 
introduce  Popery,  Arminianism,  or  any  opinion  dis- 
agreeing from  the  true  and  orthodox  Church,  should 
be  reported  a  capital  enemy  to  this  kingdom  and 
commonwealth.  Whoever  counselled  the  levying 
of  tonnage  and  poundage  without  a  parliamentary 
grant  should  also  be  held  an  enemy  to  his  country 
and  an  innovator  in  the  government ;  and  whoever 
willingly  paid  those  taxes  was  proclaimed  to  be  a 
betrayer  of  the  liberties  of  England.  The  signi- 
ficance of  the  resolutions  lay  not  merely  in  their 
challenge  to  the  King,  but  in  the  union  of  political 
and  religious  discontents  which  they  indicated. 
Elizabeth's  policy  had  called  into  being  a  religious 
opposition.  James  had  created  a  constitutional 
opposition.  Under  Charles  the  two  had  combined, 
and  from  their  alliance  sprang  the  Civil  War. 

To  themselves  the  parliamentary  leaders  seemed 
defenders  of  the  existing  constitution  in  Church  and 
State  against  the  revolutionary  changes  of  the  King. 
In  reality  the  greatest  innovation  of  all  lay  in  the 
claim  of  the  Commons  that  Church  and  State  should 
be  controlled  by  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
not  by  the  will  of  the  King.  When  that  claim  was 
once  made,  the  struggle  for  sovereignty  was  an 
inevitable  and  irrepressible  conflict. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   PREPARATION   FOR   THE   CIVIL  WAR 

1629-1640 

FOR  the  next  eleven  years  Charles  ruled  without 
a  Parliament.  "  Remember,"  he  had  warned 
the  Commons  in  1626,  "  that  Parliaments  are 
altogether  in  my  power  for  their  calling,  sitting  and 
dissolution  ;  therefore  as  I  find  the  fruits  of  them 
good  or  evil,  they  are  to  continue,  or  not  to  be." 
He  now  announced  that  their  fruits  were  evil,  and 
that  henceforth  it  would  be  accounted  presumption 
for  anyone  to  prescribe  to  him  a  time  for  the  calling 
of  another.  Henceforth  he  would  govern  by  the 
authority  which  God  had  put  into  his  hands,  and  so 
order  the  state  that  his  people  should  confess  that 
they  lived  more  happily  and  freely  than  any  subjects 
in  the  Christian  world. 

Taxation  without  parliamentary  grant  became 
thereafter  the  regular  practice.  Tonnage  and  pound- 
age were  levied  from  the  merchants  as  if  the  right 
had  never  been  disputed,  and  new  impositions  on 
trade  were  added  to  the  old.  Obsolete  laws  were 


20  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

revived  and  rigorously  executed.  In  1630,  the  law 
which  required  every  person  possessing  an  estate 
worth  £40  a  year  to  take  up  the  honour  ctf  knight- 
hood was  put  in  force,  and  fines  to  the  amount  of 
£170,000  were  levied  on  those  who  had  omitted  to 
comply  with  it.  In  1634,  the  ancient  forest  laws 
were  revived.  Lands  were  now  declared  to  be  part 
of  the  royal  forests  which  for  three  hundred  years 
had  been  outside  their  boundaries,  and  landowners 
were  heavily  fined  for  encroachments. 

The  knighthood  fines  affected  all  the  gentry  and 
all  men  in  easy  circumstances  ;  the  extension  of  the 
forests  threatened  chiefly  the  nobility  and  persons 
of  quality ;  the  revival  of  the  monopolies  aggrieved 
all  classes  alike.  The  King,  it  was  calculated,  got 
£38,000  a  year  from  the  wine  monopolists,  the 
patentees  received  from  the  vintners  £90,000,  and  the 
vintners  raised  the  price  of  wine  to  the  consumers  so 
that  the  nation  paid  £360,000.  And  besides  the 
wine  monopoly  there  were  monopolies  of  soap,  of 
iron,  of  tobacco,  of  salt,  of  gunpowder,  and  of  many 
other  commodities. 

On  the  one  hand,  the  King's  financial  measures 
discontented  the  nation,  and  on  the  other  they  failed 
to  meet  the  wants  of  the  Government.  In  1635,  the 
ordinary  revenue  of  the  Crown  was  about  £600,000, 
and  the  King's  debts  were  about  £1,200,000.  When 
the  safety  of  the  seas  and  the  exigencies  of  foreign 
policy  required  a  fleet,  it  became  necessary  to  resort 
to  direct  taxation,  and  Ship-money  was  invented. 
In  1634,  it  was  levied  on  the  maritime  counties  only, 
and  brought  in  £100,000  ;  in  1635,  it  was  extended 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          21 

to  the  inland  counties,  and  produced  twice  that 
amount. 

It  was  useless  to  appeal  to  the  law  courts  for  pro- 
tection or  redress.  The  judges,  removable  at  the 
King's  pleasure,  declined  to  arbitrate  between  King 
and  people,  and  preferred  to  regard  themselves  as 
the  servants  of  the  Crown.  When  called  upon  to 
decide  on  the  lawfulness  of  Ship-money,  their  de- 
cision was  avowedly  dictated  by  political  rather  than 
legal  considerations.  One  judge  declared  that  the 
law  was  the  King's  old  and  trusty  servant,  that  it 
was  not  true  that  lex  was  rex,  but  common  and 
most  true  that  rex  was  lex.  Another  asserted  that 
no  acts  of  Parliament  could  take  away  the  King's 
right  to  command  the  persons  and  the  money  of  his 
subjects,  if  he  thought  a  sufficient  necessity  existed. 
It  was  well  said  that  the  reasons  alleged  by  the 
judges  were  such  as  every  man  could  swear  were  not 
law,  and  that  their  logic  left  no  man  anything  which 
he  might  call  his  own.  To  enforce  his  will,  the  King 
had  at  his  disposal,  besides  the  ordinary  courts  of 
law,  the  exceptional  courts  which  the  Tudors  had 
created.  Their  jurisdiction  was  enlarged  at  the 
King's  pleasure.  In  1632,  the  powers  of  the  Council 
of  the  North  were  increased.  The  Privy  Council 
^assumed  legislative  power  by  its  proclamations,  "  en- 
joining this  to  the  people  that  was  not  enjoined  by 
law,  and  prohibiting  that  which  was  not  prohibited 
by  law."  The  Star  Chamber  enforced  the  procla- 
mations by  fine  and  imprisonment,  and  punished 
opponents  or  critics  with  inordinate  severity.1  The 

1  The  Star  Chamber  was  originally  a  committee  of  the  King's 


22  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

fate  of  Prynne,  Burton,  and  Bastwick  showed  that  no 
profession  could  exempt  its  members  from  barbar- 
ous and  ignominious  penalties.1  The  fate  of  Eliot 
and  his  friends  proved  that  the  privileges  of  Parlia- 
ment were  no  protection  against  the  King's  vindic- 
tiveness."  There  were  Privy  Councillors  who  "  would 
ordinarily  laugh  when  the  word  liberty  of  the  sub- 
ject was  named,"  and  to  wise  men  it  seemed  that 
the  very  foundations  of  right  were  in  danger  of 
destruction. 

If  Englishmen  wished  to  know  what  the  aim  of 
the  King's  ministers  was  they  had  only  to  look 
across  St.  George's  Channel.  "  The  King,"  wrote 
Wentworth  from  Ireland  in  1638,  "  is  as  absolute 
here  as  any  prince  in  the  world  can  be." s  Parlia- 
ments still  existed,  but  the  Lord  Deputy  managed 
them  as  he  chose,  and,  as  Pym  said,  Parliaments 
without  parliamentary  liberties  were  but  plausible 

Council,  which  became  a  separate  judicial  body  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  represented  the  judicial  authority 
of  the  Council,  had  larger  powers  than  the  ordinary  law  courts,  and 
was  not  bound  by  ordinary  legal  rules  in  its  procedure. 

1  William  Prynne,  a  barrister,  Henry  Burton,  a  divine,  and  John 
Bastwick,  a  physician,  were  sentenced  by  the  Star  Chamber  in  1637 
to  be  fined  ^5000  apiece,  to  lose  their  ears,  and  to  be  imprisoned  for 
life  for  attacks  on  the  bishops  and  on  ecclesiastical  innovations. 

9  Eliot  died  in  the  Tower  in  November,  1632,  a  prisoner  for  hi? 
conduct  at  the  close  of  the  Parliament  of  1629.  He  pleaded  privi- 
lege and  refused  to  own  the  jurisdiction  claimed  by  the  law  courts. 
His  friends  submitted  and  were  fined. 

8  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth  was  raised  to  the  peerage  July  22,  1628, 
became  president  of  the  Council  of  the  North  in  the  following 
December,  and  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland  in  January,  1632.  He  was 
created  Earl  of  Strafford  on  January  12,  1640. 


1640]       The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          23 

ways  to  servitude.  Juries  existed,  but  when  they 
gave  verdicts  against  the  Crown  they  were  fined  for 
their  contumacy.  The  highest  officials  and  the  rich- 
est noblemen  felt  the  weight  of  Wentworth's  hand, 
and  submitted  to  do  his  bidding.  Trade  increased, 
order  reigned  where  it  had  never  reigned  before,  and 
the  poor  lived  freer  from  the  oppressions  of  the 
great  than  the  poor  in  Ireland  had  ever  dreamt  of 
doing.  But  not  a.  vestige  of  self-government  re- 
mained save  a  few  idle  forms ;  the  government  was 
a  machine  in  which  all  motion,  all  force,  came  from 
the  royal  authority.  The  people  had  nothing  to  do 
but  to  obey  the  King.  "  Let  them,"  said  Went- 
worth,  "  attend  upon  his  will,  with  confidence  in  his 
justice,  belief  in  his  wisdom,  and  assurance  in  his 
parental  affections,"  instead  of  feeding  themselves 
"  with  the  vain  flatteries  of  imaginary  liberty." 

Amongst  Englishmen  the  King's  use  of  his  ab- 
solute power  did  not  foster  this  blind  faith  in  his 
superior  wisdom. 

A  vigorous  foreign  policy  directed  towards  na- 
tional ends  might  have  reconciled  some  of  his 
subjects  to  the  substitution  of  personal  rule  for  self- 
government.  But  Charles  had  no  European  policy. 
When  he  dissolved  his  third  Parliament  he  was  at 
war  with  France  and  Spaia,  and  want  of  money 
obliged  him  to  make  peace  as  soon  as  possible.  In 
European  politics,  his  only  object  was  to  procure 
the  restoration  of  the  Palatinate  to  his  sister  and  her 
children.  For  this  he  offered  his  alliance  simultane- 
ously to  Gustavus  Adolphus  and  to  Ferdinand  II. 
For  this  he  negotiated  with  France  and  Spain  as  he 


24  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

negotiated  a  few  years  later  with  Presbyterians  and 
Independents.  His  policy  was  a  series  of  intrigues 
which  failed,  and  a  succession  of  bargains Mn  which 
he  asked  much,  offered  little,  and  got  nothing.  As 
it  was  purely  dynastic  in  its  aim,  and  at  once 
unprincipled  and  unsuccessful,  it  left  him  with  no 
ally  in  Europe. 

One  result  it  had,  attributed  by  panegyrists  to 
his  wisdom,  and  held  by  court/errs  a  compensation 
for  the  loss  of  freedom — England  'kept  out  of  war. 
"  It  enjoyed,"  says  Clarendon,  "  the  greatest  calm 
and  the  fullest  measure  of  felicity  that  any  people 
for  so  long  a  time  together  had  been  blessed  with, 
to  the  wonder  and  envy  of  all  the  parts  of  Christ- 
endom." The  Thirty  Years'  War  was  turning  fruit- 
ful Germany  into  a  wilderness,  and  its  cities  into 
heaps  of  ruins.  All  other  countries  were  impover- 
ished or  devastated  by  war,  but  England  was,  as 
it  were,  "the  garden  of  Christendom"  and  "the 
Exchange  of  Europe."  "  Here/'  sang  a  poet,  "  white 
peace,  the  beautifullest  of  things,  had  fixed  her  ever- 
lasting nest."  Never  had  the  English  Court  been 
gayer,  more  brilliant,  more  luxurious ;  never  were 
masques  and  banquets  more  frequent  than  during 
the  crisis  of  Protestantism  in  Germany. 

"Let  the  German  drum  bellow  for  freedom," 
wrote  the  poet  of  the  Court,  "  its  noise 

"  Disturbs  not  us,  nor  should  divert  our  joys." 

Puritans  felt  that  these  German  drums  were  a 
call  to  England  to  be  up  and  doing.  With  anxious 
or  exultant  eyes,  they  followed  each  turn  of  fate 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          25 

in  the  death-struggle  of  Catholicism  and  Protest- 
antism. It  cheered  Eliot's  prison  in  the  Tower  to 
think  of  the  progress  of  "  the  work  abroad."  When 
Tilly  fled  before  Gustavus  at  the  Breitenfeld,  Eliot 
cried  that  now  "  Fortune  and  Hope  were  met." 
When  Gustavus  fell  at  Liitzen,  every  Puritan's  heart 
sank  within  him.  "Never,"  wrote  D'Ewes,  "did 
one  person's  death  bring  so  much  sorrow  to  all  true 
Protestant  hearts — not  our  godly  Edward's,  the  Sixth 
of  that  name,  nor  our  late  and  heroic  Prince  Henry's 
— as  did  the  King  of  Sweden's  at  this  present." 

It  seemed  to  Puritans  as  if  the  same  struggle  be- 
tween Protestantism  and  Catholicism  was  beginning 
even  now  in  England.  While  the  foreign  policy  of 
Charles  seemed  to  them  a  cowardly  desertion  of 
Protestantism,  his  ecclesiastical  policy  seemed  an 
insidious  attack  upon  it,  and  under  Laud's  influence 
the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  Charles  was  as  uniform 
and  consistent  as  his  European  policy  was  feeble 
and  irresolute.1  To  himself,  Laud  appeared  an  emi- 
nently conservative  reformer  who  sought  to  en- 
force only  the  discipline  of  the  Church  and  the 
ecclesiastical  laws  of  the  State.  His  object  was  to 
bring  the  Church  back  to  its  true  historical  position 
as  a  branch  of  the  great  Catholic  Church,  and  to 
purge  it  of  the  Calvinistic  taint  it  had  contracted 
since  the  Reformation.  Not  averse  to  a  certain 
freedom  of  speculation  amongst  learned  men,  he 

1  William  Laud  became  Bishop  of  St.  David's  in  1621,  Bishop  of 
London  in  1628,  and  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  1633,  but  his  pre- 
dominant influence  in  the  Church  dated  from  the  very  beginning  of 
the  King's  reign. 


26  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

sought  to  silence  controversial  preaching,  and  was 
intolerant  of  diversity  in  the  forms  of  worship. 
Unity  of  belief  was  essential  to  the  exisf£nce  of  a 
National  Church,  and  the  way  to  it  lay  through  uni- 
formity, "  for  unity  cannot  long  continue  in  the 
Church  when  uniformity  is  shut  out  at  the  church 
door."  "  Decency  and  an  orderly  settlement  of  the 
external  worship  of  God  in  the  Church  "  was  his  own 
definition  of  the  ends  for  which  he  laboured. 

To  the  Puritans,  Laud  appeared  an  innovator  and 
a  revolutionary.  Over  half  the  country  the  observ- 
ances he  sought  to  enforce  had  fallen  into  disuse  for 
years.  Each  restoration  of  an  authorised  form,  every 
revival  of  ancient  usage,  brought  the  Church  nearer 
to  Roman  practice,  and  in  their  opinion  nearer  to 
Roman  doctrine.  A  bow  was  not  an  expression  of 
reverence,  but  a  confession  of  idolatry ;  a  surplice, 
not  a  few  yards  of  white  linen,  but  a  rag  of  Rome! 
Laud's  attempts  to  silence  their  preachers  aggra- 
vated their  suspicion  of  his  motives  and  confirmed 
them  in  the  theory  that  he  was  a  papist  in  dis- 
guise. 

Much  of  the  hostility  which  Laud  brought  upon 
himself  was  due  to  the  means  which  he  employed. 
The  King's  authority  as  supreme  governor  of  the 
Church  was  the  instrument  by  which  the  State  could 
be  used  to  carry  out  the  views  of  a  clerical  reformer, 

1  he  had  no  scruples  about  using  it.  Laud's  re- 
hance  on  personal  government  in  matters  ecclesi- 
astical allied  him  naturally  with  its  supporters  in 
things  secular.  Absolutism  was  with  Strafford  a 
political  creed,  with  Laud  an  ecclesiastical  necessity 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          27 

Each  needed  the  same  tool :  one  to  realise  his 
dream  of  a  well  governed  commonwealth,  the  other 
to  shape  a  Church  that  had  grown  half  Calvinistic 
into  conformity  with  the  Anglican  ideal.  Each  had 
the  same  violent  zeal.  "  Laud,"  says  James  I., 
"  hath  a  restless  spirit,  and  cannot  see  when  things 
are  well,  but  loves  to  bring  matters  to  a  pitch  of 
reformation  floating  in  his  own  brain."  Strafford 
described  himself  as  one  "  ever  desiring  the  best 
things,  never  satisfied  I  had  done  enough,  but  did 
always  desire  to  do  better." 

Laud  and  Strafford  were  alike  in  their  impatience 
of  opposition,  whether  it  rose  from  indolence,  corrup- 
tion, or  conscience ;  whether  it  pleaded  legal  techni- 
calities or  constitutional  rights.  Arbitrary  though 
the  government  of  Charles  was,  it  was  not  vigorous 
enough  to  satisfy  these  two  eager  spirits.  But  Straf- 
ford's  power  to  give  his  views  effect  was  bounded 
by  the  Irish  Sea,  and  outside  the  ecclesiastical  sphere 
Laud's  was  hampered  by  conflicting  influences.  The 
correspondence  of  the  Archbishop  and  the  Lord 
Deputy  is  full  of  complaints  of  the  remissness  of  the 
King's  other  ministers,  and  of  sighs  for  the  adoption 
of  a  system  of  "  Thorough." 

Opponents  of  Ship-money  and  Puritans  in  general 
must  be  put  down  with  a  strong  hand.  "  The  very 
genius  of  that  people,"  wrote  Strafford,  "  leads  them 
always  to  oppose,  as  well  civilly  as  ecclesiastically,  all 
that  ever  authority  ordains  for  them,  but  in  good 
truth  were  they  rightly  served  they  should  be 
whipped  home  into  their  right  wits."  "  It  might 
be  done,"  answered  Laud,  "  if  the  rod  were  rightly 


28  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

used,  but  as  it  is  used  it  smarts  not."  Thus  they 
took  sweet  counsel  together,  never  dreaming  of 
"  that  two-handed  engine  at  the  door"  which  waited 
to  strike  them  both. 

During  these  eleven  years  of  arbitrary  government, 
Cromwell's  life  was  obscure,. if  not  wholly  unevent- 
ful. It  was  a  period  of  unconscious  preparation  for 
his  future  action,  a  quiet  seed-time  which  bore  fruit 
hereafter.  When  the  "  great,  warm,  ruffling  Parlia- 
ment "  of  1628  ended,  Cromwell  returned  to  his 
little  estate  at  Huntingdon  and  busied  himself  with 
his  farming.  In  May,  1631,  he  sold  his  property  at 
Huntingdon  for  ^1800,  and  rented  some  grazing 
lands  at  St.  Ives,  about  five  miles  eastward,  and  far- 
ther down  the  Ouse.  In  1636,  Sir  Thomas  Steward 
of  Ely,  the  brother  of  Cromwell's  mother,  died,  and 
Oliver,  whom  his  uncle  had  made  his  heir,  succeeded 
Sir  Thomas  as  farmer  of  the  Cathedral  tithes.  He 
removed  to  Ely,  where  he  lived  in  "  the  glebe  house  " 
near  St.  Mary's  Church,  which  continued  to  be  the 
residence  of  his  wife  and  children  till  1647.  His 
family  now  numbered  four  sons,  Robert,  Oliver, 
Richard,  and  Henry;  and  two  daughters,  Bridget 
and  Elizabeth,  all  born  at  Huntingdon.  Two  more 
daughters,  Frances  and  Mary,  were  born  in  1637  and 
1638.  The  house  he  occupied  is  still  standing;  in 
1845  it  was  an  ale-house. 

"  By  no  means  a  sumptuous  mansion,"  says  Carlyle, 
"  but  may  have  conveniently  held  a  man  of  three  or 
four  hundred  a  year,  with  his  family,  in  those  simple 
times.  Some  quaint  air  of  gentility  still  looks  through 
its  ragged  dilapidations.  It  is  of  two  stones,  more 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          29 

properly  of  one  and  a  half  ;  has  many  windows,  irregu- 
lar chimneys,  and  gables." 

Some  writers,  more  especially  poets,  have  spoken 
of  these  years  of  Cromwell's  life  as  a  time  given  up 
entirely  to  domesticity  and  agriculture.  Marvell 
praises  the  Protector  for  an  early  abstention  froa 
public  affairs  which  was  by  no  means  voluntary : 

"  For  neither  didst  thou  from  the  first  apply 
Thy  sober  spirit  unto  things  too  high  ; 
But  in  thine  own  fields  exercisedst  long 
A  healthful  mind  within  a  body  strong." 

Elsewhere  he  pictures  the  ascent  of  the  future  gen- 
eral of  the  Republic : 

"  From  his  private  gardens,  where 
He  lived  reserved  and  austere, 
As  if  his  highest  plot 
To  plant  the  bergamot." 

Yet  even  to  these  private  gardens  and  sequestered 
fields  the  echo  of  the  German  drums  must  have  pen- 
etrated, and  the  Thirty  Years'  War  must  have  stirred 
Cromwell  as  it  stirred  D'Ewes  and  Eliot.  His  later 
life  suffices  to  prove  it.  In  1647,  when  the  English 
Civil  War  seemed  over,  Cromwell  thought  of  taking 
service  in  Germany  himself.  When  he  became  Pro- 
tector, his  European  policy  was  inspired  by  the  pas- 
sions of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  Its  memories 
governed  his  attitude  towards  Austria  and  Sweden  ; 
he  thought  that  Leopold  I.  would  be  a  second  Ferdi- 
nand II.,  and  dreamt  of  finding  a  new  Gustavus  in 
Charles  X.  But  to  the  Puritan  farmer,  prescient  of  a 


30  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

future  struggle,  the  war  was  not  merely  a  spectacle 
but  a  military  education.  Some  of  the  best  accounts 
of  the  battles  and  the  mode  of  righting  of»  Gustavus 
were  published  in  England,  and  between  1630  and 
1640  few  books  were  more  popular  than  The 
Swedish  Intelligencer  and  The  Swedish  Soldier.  It 
cannot  be  doubted  that  Cromwell  read  these  nar- 
ratives, and  absorbed  from  them  that  knowledge  of 
military  principles  and  military  tactics  which  supplied 
for  him  the  place  of  personal  experience. 

"  I  find  him,"  says  a  modern  military  writer,  "  at  the 
very  first  entrance  into  the  war  acting  on  principles  which 
past  experience  had  established,  following  closely  upon 
just  that  stage  which  the  art  of  war  had  reached  under 
Gustavus,  using  the  very  same  moral  stimulus  which  Gus- 
tavus  had  made  so  effective,  using  the  very  words  on  one 
occasion  which  Gustavus  used  on  another,  and  indicat- 
ing in  various  ways  that  he  had  most  carefully  studied 
the  past,  though  he  had  not  had  the  opportunity  of  doing 
any  peace  parade  work." 

Cromwell  watched  the  growth  of  arbitrary  govern- 
ment in  England  with  a  still  keener  interest.  In 
1630,  he  was  one  of  the  many  gentlemen  prosecuted 
for  omitting  to  go  through  the  ceremony  of  knight- 
hood, and  finally  had  to  pay  ten  pounds  for  his  neg- 
lect. Presumably  he  also  paid  Ship-money,  for  there 
is  no  mention  of  his  opposition  to  it  amongst  the 
State  papers.  If  he  refused  to  pay,  the  sheriff  doubt- 
less distrained  upon  his  goods  for  the  required 
amount,  and  there  the  matter  ended.  On  another 
question  Cromwell  came  into  conflict  with  the  local 


1640]       The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          31 

authorities,  and  was  brought  into  collision  with  the 
King's  Council.  Up  to  1630,  Huntingdon  had  been 
an  ancient  prescriptive  corporation,  governed  by  two 
bailiffs  and  a  common  council  of  twenty-four  inhabit- 
ants who  were  elected  yearly.  On  July  15,  1630, 
the  town  obtained  a  new  charter  from  Charles  I. 
"To  prevent  popular  tumult,"  the  old  common 
council  was  dissolved,  and  the  government  of  the 
town  vested  in  twelve  aldermen  elected  for  life, 
with  a  mayor,  chosen  annually  out  of  the  twelve, 
and  a  recorder.  An  oligarchy  replaced  a  democracy. 
The  chief  agent  of  this  change  seems  to  have  been 
Mr.  Robert  Barnard,  a  barrister  who  lived  at  Hunt- 
ingdon, had  lately  bought  an  estate  at  Brampton 
hard  by,  and  afterwards  became  Recorder  of  the 
town.  The  old  common  council  had  consented  to 
the  change  in  the  government  of  Huntingdon,  but 
when  the  terms  of  the  new  charter  were  examined  a 
widespread  discontent  was  aroused.  Complaints 
were  heard  that  it  gave  the  mayor  and  aldermen 
power  to  deprive  the  burgesses  of  their  rights  in  the 
common  lands,  and  to  levy  exorbitant  fines  on  bur- 
gesses who  refused  municipal  office.  Cromwell  had 
assented  to  the  change,  and  in  the  new  charter  he 
was  appointed  one  of  the  three  justices  of  the  peace 
for  the  borough.  But  he  thought  these  complaints 
well  founded,  and  made  himself  the  spokesman  of 
the  popular  dissatisfaction.  Perhaps  Cromwell  felt 
that  he  had  been  overreached  by  Barnard,  whom  in 
a  later  letter  he  significantly  warns  against  too  much 
subtlety.  In  his  anger  he  made  "  disgraceful  and 
unseemly  speeches  "  to  the  new  mayor  and  Barnard, 


32  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

and  the  corporation  complained  to  the  Privy  Council. 
On  November  2,  1630,  the  council  committed  Crom- 
well and  one  of  his  associates  to  custody.  .The  case 
was  heard  on  December  1st  and  referred  to  the  arbi- 
tration of  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  who,  in  his  report, 
blamed  Cromwell's  conduct,  but  ordered  the  charter 
to  be  amended  in  three  points  to  meet  his  objections. 
The  rights  of  the  poorer  burgesses  were  secured  by 
an  order  that  "  the  number  of  men's  cattle  of  all 
sorts  which  they  now  keep,  according  to  order  and 
usage,  upon  their  commons,  shall  not  be  abridged  or 
altered."  As  to  the  personal  question  Manchester's 
report  was : 

"  For  the  words  spoken  of  Mr.  Mayor  and  Mr.  Bar- 
nard by  Mr.  Cromwell,  as  they  were  ill,  so  they  are  ac- 
knowledged to  be  spoken  in  heat  and  passion  and  desired 
to  be  forgotten  ;  and  I  found  Mr.  Cromwell  very  willing 
to  hold  friendship  with  Mr.  Barnard,  who  with  a  good 
will  remitting  all  the  unkind  passages  past,  entertained 
the  same.  So  I  left  all  parties  reconciled." 

This  quarrel  was  doubtless  one  of  the  reasons  why 
Cromwell  left  Huntingdon.  At  St.  Ivesand  Ely,  he 
showed  the  same  zeal  to  defend  the  rights  of  his 
poorer  neighbours.  In  1634,  a  company  was  in- 
corporated for  the  drainage  of  the  fens  round  Ely, 
which  were  known  as  the  Great  Level.  The  "  Ad- 
venturers," who  were  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Bedford, 
were  to  be  paid  by  a  share  of  the  lands  they  rescued 
from  the  water,  and  in  1637  the  work  was  declared 
completed,  and  the  reward  claimed.  By  these  drain- 
age works  the  commoners  lost  the  rights  of  pastur- 
age and  fishing  they  had  previously  enjoyed,  and 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          33 

Cromwell  made  himself  the  champion  of  their  inter- 
ests against  the  "  Adventurers." 

"  It  was  commonly  reported,"  says  a  complaint,  "  by  the 
commoners  in  Ely  Fens  and  the  Fens  adjoining,  that 
Mr.  Cromwell  of  Ely  had  undertaken,  they  paying  him 
a  groat  for  every  cow  they  had  upon  the  commons,  to 
hold  the  drainers  in  suit  of  law  for  five  years,  and  that 
in  the  meantime  they  should  enjoy  every  foot  of  their 
commons." 

In  1638,  the  King  intervened,  declared  the  work  of 
drainage  incomplete,  and  undertook  to  complete  it 
himself,  announcing  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  dis- 
trict were  to  continue  in  possession  of  their  lands 
and  commons  till  the  work  was  really  finished. 
Nothing  else  is  known  of  Cromwell's  part  in  these 
disputes  except  a  vague  story  told  in  the  Memoirs 
of  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  that  "  the  vulgar "  grew 
clamorous  against  the  scheme,  and  that  Mr.  Crom- 
well appeared  as  the  head  of  their  faction.  War- 
wick writing  long  after  the  events  he  referred  to, 
assumed  as  a  matter  of  course  that  Cromwell 
opposed  the  King,  and  the  mistake  found  easy 
credence. 

Some  years  later,  Cromwell  came  forward  in  the 
same  way  to  defend  the  rights  of  his  old  neighbours 
at  St.  Ives.  The  waste  lands  at  Somersham  near 
St.  Ives  had  been  enclosed  without  the  consent  of 
the  commoners  and  sold  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester. 
When  the  Long  Parliament  met,  the  aggrieved  com- 
moners petitioned  the  House  of  Commons  for  re- 
dress. The  Lords  intervened  with  an  order  in 
a 


34 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 


favour  of  Manchester.  The  commoners  replied  by 
proceeding  "  in  a  riotous  and  warlike  manner  "  to 
break  down  the  hedges  and  retake  possesjion.  Then 
the  Lords  sent  the  trained  bands  to  reinstate  Man- 
chester, and  Manchester  issued  sixty  writs  against 
the  commoners.  Without  seeking  to  justify  the  vi- 
olence of  the  commoners,  Cromwell  got  the  House 
of  Commons  to  appoint  a  committee  to  consider  the 
rights  of  the  case.  Hyde,  its  chairman,  was  greatly 
scandalised  by  the  vehemence  with  which  Cromwell 
advocated  the  rights  of  the  commoners  before  it. 
Cromwell  "  ordered  the  witnesses  and  petitioners  in 
the  method  of  their  proceeding,  and  enlarged  upon 
what  they  said  with  great  passion."  He  reproached 
the  chairman  for  partiality,  used  offensive  language 
to  the  son  of  the  noble  earl  who  claimed  the  land, 
and  "  his  whole  carriage  was  so  tempestuous,  and 
his  behaviour  so  insolent,"  that  the  chairman  threat- 
ened to  report  him  to  the  House. 

This  persistent  championship  of  the  rights  of 
peasants  and  small  freeholders  was  the  basis  of 
Cromwell's  influence  in  the  eastern  counties.  Com- 
mon rights  were  something  concrete  and  tangible, 
which  appealed  to  many  who  were  not  Puritans, 
and  came  home  to  men  to  whom  parliamentary 
privileges  were  remote  abstractions.  Every  village 
Hampden  looked  to  Cromwell  as  a  leader,  and  was 
ready  to  follow  him.  In  1643,  a  royalist  newspaper 
nicknamed  him  "  The  Lord  of  the  Fens,"  but  his 
popularity  with  the  fenmen  began  long  before  the 
military  exploits  which  gained  him  the  title. 

In   a   more   limited    sphere    Cromwell   was   well. 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          35 

known  as  a  zealous  Puritan,  but  his  opposition  to 
Laud's  ecclesiastical  policy  did  not  bring  him  into 
any  general  notoriety.  Williams,  Bishop  of  Lincoln, 
was  Cromwell's  kinsman,  and  lived  during  these 
years  at  Buckden  near  Huntingdon.  He  was  wont 
to  relate  afterwards  that  his  relative  was  in  those 
days  "  a  common  spokesman  for  sectaries,  and 
maintained  their  part  with  great  stubbornness."  A 
part  of  Laud's  policy  to  which  Cromwell  was  par- 
ticularly hostile  was  the  suppression  of  lectureships. 
The  Puritans  in  the  towns,  discontented  with  the 
negligence  of  the  established  clergy  in  preaching,  or 
with  their  doctrine,  clubbed  together  to  support 
lecturers,  that  is,  clergymen  whose  sole  business  was 
preaching.  Most  corporations  maintained  a  lect- 
urer, and  in  1625  a  small  society  was  formed  for 
buying  up  impropriated  tithes,  and  using  the  pro- 
ceeds for  the  payment  of  lecturers.  Laud  sought 
to  suppress  these  lectureships,  and  in  1633  the  Star 
Chamber  dissolved  the  Feoffees  of  Impropriations, 
and  gave  their  patronage  to  the  King. 

At  St.  Ives  or  somewhere  else  in  Huntingdonshire, 
there  was  a  lectureship  which  Cromwell  was  anxious 
to  keep  up.  It  had  been  founded  by  some  London 
citizens,  and  in  1636  was  in  danger  of  coming  to  an 
end  through  the  stoppage  of  their  subscriptions. 
Cromwell's  first  letter  is  an  appeal  to  a  forgetful  sub- 
scriber, worded  with  singular  care  and  tact.  "  Not  the 
least  of  the  good  works  of  your  fellow  citizens,"  he 
begins, 

"  is  that  they  have  provided  for  the  feeding  of  souls. 
Building  of  hospitals  provides  for  men's  bodies  ;  to 


36  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

build  material  temples  is  judged  a  work  of  piety,  but 
they  that  procure  spiritual  food,  they  that  build  up 
spiritual  temples,  they  are  the  men  truly  charitable,  truly 
pious.  Such  a  work  as  this  was  your  erecting  the 
lecture." 

He  goes  on  to  say  that  the  lecturer  is  a  good  and 
able  man,  and  has  done  good  work  ;  help  him  there- 
fore to  carry  it  on. 

"  Surely,  it  were  a  piteous  thing  to  see  a  lecture  fall  in 
the  hands  of  so  many  able  and  godly  men,  as  I  am  per- 
suaded the  founders  of  this  are  ;  in  these  times,  wherein 
we  see  they  are  suppressed,  with  too  much  haste  and 
violence  by  the  enemies  of  God  his  Truth.  ...  To 
withdraw  the  pay  is  to  let  fall  the  lecture  ;  for  who 
goeth  to  warfare  at  his  own  cost.  I  beseech  you  there- 
fore ...  let  the  good  man  have  his  pay.  The  souls 
of  God's  children  will  bless  you  for  it  and  so  shall  I." 

The  changes  which  Laud  introduced  in  the  ex- 
ternals of  worship  were  as  abhorrent  to  Cromwell  as 
the  suppression  of  Puritan  preaching.  "  There  were 
designs,"  said  Cromwell,  looking  back  on  Laud's 
policy  in  1658, 

"to  innovate  upon  us  in  matters  of  religion,  and  so  to 
innovate  as  to  eat  out  the  core  and  power  and  heart  and 
life  of  all  religion,  by  bringing  on  us  a  company  of 
poisonous  popish  ceremonies,  and  imposing  them  upon 
those  that  were  accounted  the  Puritans  of  the  nation  and 
professors  of  religion  among  us,  driving  them  to  seek 
their  bread  in  a  howling  wilderness.  As  was  instanced 
to  our  friends  who  were  forced  to  fly  to  Holland,  New 


o  ^- 

i) 


" 


§4 


1640]       The  Preparation  for  Civil  War         37 

England,  almost  any  whither,  to  find  liberty  for  their 
consciences." 

A  persistent  tradition  asserts  that  Cromwell  himself 
thought  of  emigrating  to  New  England,  and  there 
are  many  grounds  for  accepting  it  as  true. 

If  he  ever  entertained  such  a  design,  it  was  prob- 
ably between  1631  and  1636.  When  he  left  Hunt- 
ingdon in  May,  1631,  he  converted  all  his  landed 
property  into  money,  as  a  man  intending  to  emigrate 
would  naturally  do.  The  cattle  he  bought  and  the 
lands  he  hired  could  be  disposed  of  at  short  notice. 
The  time  at  which  this  took  place  renders  it  more 
significant,  for  in  1630  and  1631  the  Puritan  exodus 
was  at  its  height,  and  most  of  the  New  England 
colonists  came  from  East  Anglia.  In  March,  1632, 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  granted  the  old  Connecticut 
patent  to  Lord  Say  and  his  associates,  amongst 
whom  was  John  Hampden.  Nothing  can  be  more 
probable  than  that  Cromwell  should  have  thought 
of  settling  in  a  colony  of  which  his  cousin  was  one 
of  the  patentees. 

If  Cromwell  wished  to  emigrate,  what  was  it  that 
prevented  him  ?  The  eighteenth  century  story  that 
he  was  on  board  one  of  the  ships  stopped  by  order 
of  council  in  May,  1638,  is  demonstrably  false,  for  on 
the  petition  of  the  passengers  they  were  allowed  to 
continue  their  voyage.  The  contemporary  story 
supplies  a  much  more  credible  explanation.  It  is 
that  a  kinsman  died  leaving  him  a  considerable  fort- 
une, and  this  kinsman  is  identified  with  Sir  Thomas 
Steward,  whose  death  took  place  in  January,  1636.  A 
story  which  fits  in  so  well  with  ascertained  facts,  and 


38  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629 

is  intrinsically  so  probable,  should  not  be  lightly  put 
aside  as  a  fiction. 

There  is  another  fact  in  Cromwell's  history  during 
this  period  of  which  one  of  his  letters  gives  us  evid- 
ence. If  he  had  ever  written  an  account  of  his  own 
early  life,  little  conflicts  with  local  authorities  or  any 
alterations  in  his  worldly  fortunes  would  have  seemed 
to  us  of  less  moment  than  the  change  which  took 
place  within  him.  Before  1628  he  had  become  a 
professor  of  religion,  and  in  all  externals  a  Puritan, 
but  by  1638  a  formal  acceptance  of  the  Calvinistic 
creed  had  become  the  perfect  faith  which  casts  out 
all  fears  and  doubts.  His  conversion  had  been  fol- 
lowed by  a  time  of  depression  and  mental  conflict 
which  lasted  for  many  years.  Other  Puritans  passed 
through  the  same  struggle.  Bunyan  relates  how  he 
"  fell  to  some  outward  reformation  in  his  life,"  and 
his  neighbours  thought  him  to  be  "  a  very  godly 
man,  a  new  religious  man,  and  did  marvel  to  see  such 
a  great  and  famous  alteration."  And  yet  for  a  long 
time  afterwards  he  was  "  in  a  forlorn  and  sad  condi- 
tion," afflicted  and  disquieted  by  doubts.  "  How  can 
you  tell  if  you  have  faith?"  said  the  inner  voices. 
"  How  can  you  tell  if  you  are  elected  ?  How  if  the 
day  of  grace  be  past  and  gone  ?  "  "  My  thoughts," 
he  says,  "  were  like  masterless  hell-hounds ;  my  soul, 
like  a  broken  vessel,  driven  as  with  the  winds,  and 
tossed  sometimes  headlong  into  despair." 

By  some  such  "  obstinate  questionings  "  Cromwell, 
too,  was  haunted  and  tormented.  An  unsympathetic 
physician  who  knew  him  at  Huntingdon  described 
him  as  splenetic  and  full  of  fancies ;  another  whom 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          39 

he  consulted  at  London  wrote  him  down  as  "  valde 
melancholicus."  A  mind  diseased  and  a  soul  at  war 
with  itself  were  beyond  their  art.  This  internal  con- 
flict was  at  its  height  between  1628  and  1636.  A 
friend  who  knew  Cromwell  then,  wrote,  many  years 
afterwards,  the  following  account  of  it : 

"  This  great  man  is  risen  from  a  very  low  and  afflicted 
condition  ;  one  that  hath  suffered  very  great  troubles  of 
soul,  lying  a  long  time  under  sore  terrors  and  tempta- 
tions, and  at  the  same  time  in  a  very  low  condition  for 
outward  things  :  in  this  school  of  afflictions  he  was  kept, 
till  he  had  learned  the  lesson  of  the  Cross,  till  his  will 
was  broken  into  submission  to  the  will  of  God."  Re- 
ligion was  thus  "  laid  into  his  soul  with  the  hammer  and 
fire  ";  it  did  not  "  come  in  only  by  light  into  his  under- 
standing." 

In  1638,  at  the  request  of  his  cousin,  Mrs.  St.  John, 
Cromwell  confided  to  her  the  story  of  this  crisis  in 
his  life. 

"  You  know,"  he  said,  "  what  my  manner  of  life  hath 
been.  Oh,  I  lived  in  and  loved  darkness,  and  hated 
light  ;  I  was  a  chief,  the  chief  of  sinners.  This  is  true, 
I  hated  godliness,  yet  God  had  mercy  on  me."  Even 
now  the  struggle  was  not  ended.  "  I  live  in  Meshec, 
which  they  say  signifies  Prolonging  ;  in  Kedar,  which 
signifies  Blackness  :  yet  the  Lord  forsaketh  me  not. 
Though  He  do  prolong,  yet  He  will  I  trust  bring  me  to 
His  tabernacle,  to  His  resting-place.  My  soul  is  with 
the  Congregation  of  the  First-born,  my  body  rests  in 
hope  .  .  .  He  giveth  me  to  see  light  in  His  light." 

It  would  be  wrong  to  take  these  self-accusings  as 


4O  Oliver  Cromwell  [1629- 

a  confirmation  of  the  charges  which  royalist  writers 
brought  against  Cromwell's  early  life.  They  refer  to 
spiritual  rather  than  moral  failings,  perhaps  to  the 
love  of  the  world  and  its  vanities  against  which  he  so 
often  warns  his  children.  They  denote  a  change  of 
feeling  rather  than  a  change  of  conduct,  a  rise  from 
coldness  to  enthusiasm,  from  dejection  to  exaltation. 

Full  of  thankfulness  for  this  deliverance,  Cromwell 
longed  to  testify  to  his  faith.  "  If  here  I  may  honour 
my  God,  either  by  doing  or  suffering,  I  shall  be  most 
glad.  Truly  no  poor  creature  hath  more  cause  to  put 
himself  forth  in  the  cause  of  his  God  than  I  have.  I 
have  had  plentiful  wages  beforehand,  and  I  am  sure  I 
shall  never  earn  the  least  mite."  The  time  for  doing 
was  near  at  hand,  for  when  he  wrote  the  resistance 
of  the  Scots  had  begun.  The  friend  quoted  before 
points  out  how  strangely  the  turning-point  in  Crom- 
well's spiritual  life  coincided  with  the  turning-point 
in  the  history  of  his  cause.  "  The  time  of  his  ex- 
treme suffering  was  when  this  cause  of  religion  in 
which  we  are  now  engaged  was  at  its  lowest  ebb." 
When  the  cause  began  to  prosper,  "  he  came  forth 
into  comfort  of  spirit  and  enlargement  of  estate." 
And  so  "  he  suffered  and  rose  with  the  cause,  as  if 
he  had  one  life  with  it." 

The  year  1638  was  the  turning-point  in  the  history 
of  English  Puritanism.  When  it  began,  the  King's 
power  seemed  as  firmly  established  as  his  heart  could 
desire.  The  decision  of  the  judges  that  Ship-money 
was  lawful  gave  absolute  monarchy  a  legal  basis,  and 
a  vantage-ground  for  any  future  demands.  The  ar- 
guments which  proved  that  the  King  had  a  right  to 


1640]       The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          41 

levy  taxes  at  will  for  the  support  of  a  navy,  justified 
him,  if  he  chose,  in  raising  money  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  an  army.  Thus  royalty,  in  Strafford's  phrase, 
was  "  for  ever  vindicated  from  the  conditions  and 
restraints  of  subjects."  "  All  our  liberties,"  wrote  a 
Puritan  lawyer,  "were  now  at  one  dash  utterly  ruined." 

There  had  been  rumours  in  1637  of  some  tumults 
in  Scotland.  "  Horrible  ado  against  the  bishops  for 
seeking  to  bring  in  amongst  them  our  service  book," 
wrote  Strafford's  news-purveyor  to  the  Lord  Deputy, 
but  neither  thought  it  of  much  significance.  At  the 
end  of  March,  1638,  the  Scots  took  the  Covenant, 
and  the  little  cloud  in  the  north  became  a  threaten- 
ing tempest.  If  Hampden  and  his  friends  could 
have  read  Laud's  letters  to  Strafford,  they  would 
have  laughed  for  joy.  In  May,  the  Archbishop  was 
thoroughly  uneasy  about  "  the  Scotch  business." 
"  If  God  bless  it  with  a  good  end,  it  is  more  than  I 
can  hope  for.  The  truth  is  that  snowball  hath  been 
suffered  to  gather  too  long."  Ten  days  after  the  de- 
cision against  Hampden,  he  was  thoroughly  alarmed. 
"  It  is  not  the  Scottish  business  alone  that  I  look 
upon,  but  the  whole  frame  of  things  at  home  and 
abroad,  with  vast  expenses  out  of  little  treasure,  and 
my  misgiving  soul  is  deeply  apprehensive  of  no  small 
evils  coming  on.  ...  I  can  see  no  cure  without 
a  miracle." 

Charles  was  resolved  to  suppress  the  resistance  of 
the  Scots  by  arms.  "  So  long  as  this  Covenant 
is  in  force,"  he  said,  "  I  have  no  more  power  in  Scot- 
land than  a  Duke  of  Venice,  which  I  will  rather  die 
than  suffer."  He  sent  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton  to 


42  Oliver  Cromwell  11629- 

negotiate  with  the  Scots,  "to  win  time  that  they 
may  not  commit  public  follies  until  I  be  ready  to 
suppress  them."  But  negotiations  and  intrigues 
failed  to  break  their  union,  and  in  May,  1639,  Charles 
gathered  twenty  thousand  men  and  marched  to  the 
border  to  begin  the  work  of  suppression.  Alexander 
Leslie,  a  soldier  of  Gustavus,  with  an  equal  force  of 
Scots,  barred  his  entrance  to  Scotland.  Leslie's  army 
was  well  disciplined,  well  paid,  and  well  fed  ;  his  men 
"lusty  and  full  of  courage,  great  cheerfulness  in  the 
faces  of  all."  The  King's  troops  were  ill-armed  and 
ill-provided,  and  with  no  heart  in  their  cause.  The 
English  nobility  were  as  half-hearted  as  the  troops, 
and  the  King  had  emptied  his  treasury  to  raise  this 
army. 

There  was  nothing  left  but  to  make  peace,  and  on 
June  24,  1639,  the  Treaty  of  Berwick  was  signed. 
If  the  war  had  been  a  farce,  the  treaty  was  high 
comedy.  Everything  was  forgiven,  almost  anything 
was  promised.  The  King  himself  played  the  lead- 
ing part  in  the  negotiations  with  the  Scots,  who 
found  him  "  one  of  the  most  just,  reasonable,  sweet 
persons  they  had  ever  seen."  "  His  Majesty,"  wrote 
a  Scot,  "  was  ever  the  better  loved  of  all  that  heard 
him,  and  he  likewise  was  the  more  enamoured  of 
us." 

The  Scots  returned  home  full  of  loyalty,  with  per- 
mission  to  settle  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  their 
•own  General  Assembly,  and  their  civil  affairs  in  their 
own  Parliament.  Charles  went  back  to  London, 
and  plotted  to  nullify  his  concessions.  He  refused 
either  to  rescind  the  acts  establishing  Episcopacy,  or 


1640]       The  Preparation  for  Civil  War          43 

to  confirm  the  acts  of  the  Scottish  Parliament,  and 
summoned  Stratford  from  Ireland  to  whip  the  Scots 
into  their  right  minds.  Strafford  had  ready  both 
his  plan  of  campaign  and  his  policy.  The  English 
navy  was  to  blockade  the  Scottish  ports  and  destroy 
their  trade.  The  Irish  army  was  to  threaten  a 
landing  in  West  Scotland,  or  to  be  transported  to 
Cumberland.  The  English  army  was  to  invade 
Scotland  and  from  a  fortified  camp  at  Leith  keep 
Edinburgh  and  the  Lowlands  in  awe,  till  the  Eng- 
lish Prayer-book  was  accepted  and  the  bishops  re- 
stored to  their  authority  ;  "  nay,  perchance  till  I  had 
conformed  that  kingdom  in  all,  as  well  for  the  tem- 
poral as  ecclesiastical  affairs,  wholly  to  the  govern- 
ment and  laws  of  England ;  and  Scotland  was 
governed  by  the  King  and  council  of  England." 
Strafford's  first  step  on  reaching  England  was  to 
procure  the  summoning  of  a  Parliament.  No  Eng- 
lishman, he  thought,  could  refuse  to  give  his  money 
to  the  King  in  such  an  extremity,  against  so  foul  a 
rebellion.  If  any  man  resisted,  he  should  be  "  laid 
by  the  heels,"  till  he  learnt  to  obey  and  not  to  dis- 
pute. But  he  repudiated  the  suggestion  that  the 
King  had  lost  the  affections  of  his  people.  In  April, 
the  Parliament  met ;  its  members  were  described  as 
sober  and  dispassionate  men  of  whom  very  few 
brought  ill  purposes  with  them.  Amongst  them  was 
Cromwell,  whose  opposition  to  the  " Adventurers" 
for  the  drainage  of  the  fens  had  gained  him  a  seat 
for  the  borough  of  Cambridge.  All  these  sober  and 
dispassionate  men  united  in  demanding  the  re- 
storation of  Parliament  to  its  proper  place  in  the 


44 


Oliver  Cromwell  ti629- 


constitution.  Pym  enumerated  all  the  grievances  in 
Church  and  State,  and  asserted  that  their  source  was 
the  intermission  of  parliaments,  for  Parliament  was 
the  soul  of  the  body  politic.  The  Commons  an- 
swered the  King's  demand  for  money  by  saying  that 
"till  the  liberties  of  the  House  and  the  kingdom 
were  cleared  they  knew  not  whether  they  had  any- 
thing to  give,  or  no."  Charles  tried  to  bargain  with 
them,  and  offered  to  abolish  Ship-money  if  they  gave 
him  £840,000  in  return.  They  demanded  not  only 
the  abolition  of  Ship-money  but  the  abolition  of 
the  new  military  charges  which  the  King  had  im- 
posed on  the  counties  for  the  support  of  their 
train-bands.  Hearing  that  they  meant  to  invite 
the  Lords  to  make  a  joint  protest  against  the  in- 
tended war  with  the  Scots,  Charles  cut  short  their 
project  by  a  sudden  dissolution  (May  5,  1640).  At 
this  stroke  moderate  men  were  filled  with  melan- 
choly, but  the  faces  of  the  opposition  leaders  showed 
"  a  marvellous  serenity."  The  cloudy  countenance 
of  Cromwell's  cousin,  St.  John,  was  lit  with  an  un- 
usual light.  "  All  was  well,"  he  said  ;  "  things  must 
be  worse  before  they  could  be  better,  and  this  Par- 
liament would  never  have  done  what  was  necessary 
to  be  done." 

With  or  without  Parliament's  aid,  Charles  was  re- 
solved to  force  the  Scots  to  submission.  Some  of 
his  council,  knowing  the  emptiness  of  the  exchequer, 
urged  him  to  stand  on  the  defensive. 

"  No  defensive  war,"  cried  Strafford  ;  "  go  on  vigor- 
ously or  let  them  alone.  The  King  is  loose  and  absolved 
from  all  rules  of  government.  In  an  extreme  necessity 


1640]      The  Preparation  for  Civil  War         45 

you  may  do  all  that  your  power  admits.  Parliament  re- 
fusing, you  are  acquitted  towards  God  and  man.  You 
have  an  army  in  Ireland  you  may  employ  here  to  reduce 
this  kingdom.  One  summer  well  employed  will  do  it." 

At  every  step,  however,  the  old  difficulties  gath- 
ered round  the  King's  path.  London  refused  a 
loan ;  France  and  Spain  would  lend  nothing ;  even 
the  Pope  was  applied  to  for  men  and  money,  but  in 
vain.  Not  a  tenth  of  the  Ship-money  imposed  was 
paid,  and  Coat-  and  Conduct-money  were  universally 
refused.  In  his  desperation,  Charles  thought  of 
debasing  the  coinage  and  seizing  the  bullion  which 
the  Spanish  Government  had  sent  to  England  to  be 
coined.  The  military  outlook  was  equally  depress- 
ing, for  the  army  was  smaller  and  worse  than  the 
army  of  1639.  The  general  of  the  cavalry  at  New- 
castle described  his  task  as  teaching  cart-horses  mili- 
tary evolutions,  and  men  fit  for  Bedlam  and  Bridewell 
to  keep  the  ten  commandments.  The  commander 
of  the  infantry  in  Yorkshire  answered,  that  his  mu- 
tinous train-bands  were  the  arch-knaves  of  the  coun- 
try. Of  this  army,  on  August  i8th,  Strafford,  half 
dead  but  indomitable,  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief. 

Only  a  touch  was  needed  to  make  the  fabric  of 
absolutism  collapse.  As  the  commander-in-chief  was 
struggling  towards  his  army  in  a  litter,  Leslie  crossed 
the  Tweed  with  twenty-five  thousand  Scots.  On 
August  28th,  he  forced  the  passage  of  the  Tyne 
at  Newburn,  driving  before  him  the  three  thousand 
foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse  who  strove  to  defend 
it.  Newcastle  was  evacuated  ;  Northumberland  and 


46  Oliver  Cromwell  tie 29-1 640 j 

Durham  fell  into  Leslie's  power;  Strafford  met  his 
beaten  troops  streaming  back  into  Yorkshire  with  the 
Scots  close  on  their  heels.  "  Never  came  any  man 
to  so  lost  a  business,"  cried  the  unhappy  statesman. 
It  was  not  only  that  the  army  was  untrained,  neces- 
sitous, and  cowardly,  but  the  whole  country  was 
apathetic  or  hostile.  "  An  universal  affright  in  all, 
a  general  disaffection  to  the  King's  service,  none 
sensible  of  his  dishonour."  With  desperate  energy 
Strafford  laboured  to  reorganise  his  shattered  forces, 
and  to  keep  the  Scots  out  of  Yorkshire.  At  his 
breath  the  dying  loyalty  of  the  country  flashed  up 
into  a  momentary  blaze.  It  seemed  as  if  the  Scot- 
tish invasion  might  revive  the  forgotten  hostility  of 
the  two  nations. 

Vain  labours  and  vainer  hopes.  Twelve  peers  pre- 
sented a  petition  demanding  peace  and  a  Parliament, 
and  another  to  the  same  purpose  came  in  from  the 
City  of  London.  Charles  called  a  Council  of  Peers 
to  patch  up  a  truce  with  the  Scots,  and  announced 
to  them  the  summons  of  a  Parliament  for  November 
3rd.  Absolutism  had  had  its  day. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT 
1640-1642 

THE  Long  Parliament  met  at  Westminster  on 
November  3,  1640.  Most  of  its  members,  even 
as  Cromwell  himself,  had  sat  in  the  Parliament 
of  the  preceding  May,  but  they  came  together  now 
in  a  different  temper,  and  with  far  greater  power  in 
their  hands.     Charles  could  not  venture  to  dissolve 
them  so  long  as  the  Scottish  army  was  encamped  on 
English  soil.     "  No  fear  of  raising  the  Parliament," 
wrote  a  Scot,  "  so  long  as  the  lads  about  Newcastle 
sit  still." 

There  were  three  things  which  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment was  resolved  to  do.  The  first  was  to  release 
the  sufferers  from  arbitrary  government ;  the  second, 
to  punish  the  men  by  whose  hands  the  King  had  ' 
sought  to  establish  his  arbitrary  power  ;  the  third,  to 
amend  the  constitution  so  that  arbitrary  rule  should 
be  impossible  hereafter.  Pym's  long  experience  in 
Parliaments  made  him  the  undisputed  leader  of  the 
popular  party,  and  his  maxim  was  that  it  was  not 


^8  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

sufficient  to  remove  grievances,  but  necessary  to  pull 
up  the  causes  of  them  by  the  roots. 

A  master  of  parliamentary  tactics  in  days  when 
party  discipline  was  unknown,  Pym  retained  his 
ascendancy  until  the  day  of  his  death.  But  he  re- 
mained to  the  end  a  great  party  leader  rather  than 
a  great  statesman.  He  was  too  much  of  a  partisan 
to  understand  the  feelings  of  his  opponents,  too 
closely  attached  to  precedents  and  legal  formulas 
to  perceive  the  new  issues  which  new  times  brought. 
When  it  was  necessary  to  leave  the  beaten  road,  he 
was  incapable  of  finding  fresh  paths.  Pym  was  the 
chief  orator  of  his  party  as  well  as  its  guiding  spirit. 
In  long,  methodical  expositions  of  the  grievances  of 
the  nation,  he  pressed  home  the  indictment  against 
arbitrary  government  with  convincing  force.  But 
sometimes  he  rose  to  a  grave  and  lofty  eloquence, 
or  condensed  the  feeling  of  the  hour  in  brief,  incisive 
phrases  that  passed  current  like  proverbs. 

Hampden  came  next  to  Pym  in  authority  with 
the  House  and  had  a  far  greater  fame  outside  it. 
Ship-money  had  made  him  famous.  "  The  eyes  of  all 
men  were  fixed  on  him  as  their  patrice  pater,  and  the 
pilot  that  must  steer  their  vessel  through  the  tem- 
pests and  rocks  that  threatened  it"  A  poor  speaker, 
but  clear-sighted,  energetic,  and  resolute,  "  a  supreme 
governor  over  all  his  passions  and  affections,"  he 
was  a  man  who  swayed  others  in  council,  and  whom 
they  would  follow  when  it  came  to  action. 

Next  to  these  in  importance  came  St.  John — 
Hampden's  counsel  in  the  Ship-money  case,  and  the 
ablest  of  the  opposition  lawyers, — Holies  and  Strode, 


JOHN    PYM. 
{From  a  miniature  by  Cooper.) 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  49 

— men  who  had  suffered  for  their  boldness  in  the 
Parliament  of  1629, — and  Rudyard,  whose  oratory 
had  gained  him  renown  in  still  earlier  Parliaments. 
Of  the  younger  men,  the  most  prominent  were 
Nathaniel  Fiennes  and  Sir  Henry  Vane,  notorious 
for  their  advanced  religious  views,  and  Sir  Arthur 
Haslerig  and  Harry  Marten,  equally  notorious  for 
their  democratic  opinions.  The  headquarters  of  the 
popular  party  was  Sir  Richard  Manly's  house  in  a 
little  court  behind  Westminster  Hall,  where  Pym 
lodged.  There,  while  Parliament  was  sitting,  Pym, 
Hampden,  and  a  few  others  kept  a  common  table 
at  their  joint  expense,  and  during  their  meetings 
much  business  was  transacted.  Cromwell,  as  the 
cousin  of  Hampden  and  St.  John,  was  doubtless  one 
of  this  group.  Though  he  was  known  to  the  party 
in  general  only  as  a  rather  silent  country  squire  who 
had  been  a  member  of  the  two  last  Parliaments,  it  is 
evident  that  he  had  some  reputation  for  business 
capacity.  During  the  first  session  of  the  Long  Par- 
liament, he  was  specially  appointed  to  eighteen  com- 
mittees, not  counting  those  particularly  concerned 
with  the  affairs  of  the  eastern  counties,  to  which  the 
member  for  Cambridge  was  naturally  added.  Crom- 
well's first  intervention  in  the  debates  of  the  House 
was  on  November  9,  1640,  when  the  grievances  of 
the  nation  and  the  wrongs  of  those  who  had  suffered 
under  Star  Chamber  and  High  Commission  were 
being  set  forth  at  large.  He  rose  to  deliver  a  peti- 
tion from  John  Lilburn,  a  prisoner  in  the  Fleet,  and 
how  he  looked  and  spoke  is  recorded  in  Sir  Philip 
Warwick's  memoirs. 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 


"  The  first  time  I  ever  took  notice  of  him,"  says 
Warwick,  "  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  Parliament  held 
in  November,  1640,  when  I  vainly  thought  myself  a 
courtly  young  gentleman  ;  for  we  courtiers  valued  our- 
selves much  on  our  good  clothes.  I  came  into  the 
House  one  morning,  well  clad,  and  perceived  a  gentle- 
man speaking  whom  I  knew  not,  very  ordinarily  ap- 
parelled ;  for  it  was  a  plain  cloth  suit  which  seemed  to 
have  been  made  by  an  ill  country  tailor  ;  his  linen  was 
plain,  and  not  very  clean,  and  I  remember  a  speck  or 
two  of  blood  upon  his  little  band,  which  was  not  much 
larger  than  his  collar  ;  his  hat  was  without  a  hatband  ; 
his  stature  was  of  a  good  size  ;  his  sword  stuck  close  to 
his  side  ;  his  countenance  swollen  and  reddish  ;  his  voice 
sharp  and  untunable,  and  his  eloquence  full  of  fervour. 
For  the  subject  matter  would  not  bear  much  of  reason, 
it  being  in  behalf  of  a  servant  of  Mr.  Prynne's,  who  had 
dispersed  libels  against  the  Queen  for  her  dancing,  and 
such  like  innocent  and  courtly  sports  ;  and  he  aggra- 
vated the  imprisonment  of  this  man  by  the  Council- 
table  unto  that  height  that  one  would  have  believed  the 
very  government  itself  had  been  in  great  danger  by  it. 
I  sincerely  profess  it  much  lessened  my  reverence  unto 
that  great  council,  for  he  was  very  much  hearkened 
unto." 

When  the  grievances  of  the  nation  had  been  heard 
and  the  petitions  of  individual  sufferers  referred  to 
committees,  the  Long  Parliament  turned  to  punish 
the  King's  ministers.  Charles  himself  was  never 
mentioned  but  with  great  honour,  as  a  King  misled 
by  evil  counsellors,  who  had  prevented  him  from  fol- 
lowing the  dictates  of  his  native  wisdom  and  good- 
ness. In  the  interests  of  both  King  and  subjects, 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  51 

argued  Rudyard,  these  evil  advisers  must  be  removed 
and  punished.  As  the  Bible  said  :  "  Take  away  the 
wicked  from  the  king  and  his  throne  shall  be 
established." 

Accordingly  Strafford  was  arrested  and  impeached, 
just  as  he  was  himself  about  to  accuse  the  parlia- 
mentary leaders  of  high  treason  for  encouraging  and 
aiding  the  invasion  of  the  Scots  (November  nth). 
A  month  later,  Laud  followed  Strafford  to  the  Tower. 
Windebank,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Lord  Keeper 
Finch,  likewise  accused,  fled  beyond  the  seas.  Two 
more  bishops  and  six  judges  were  impeached  and 
imprisoned,  while  all  monopolists  were  expelled  from 
the  House  of  Commons.  It  seemed  "  a  general 
doomsday."  Strafford  was  the  first  to  suffer,  and 
his  trial  in  Westminster  Hall  riveted  all  eyes. 

It  was  not  only  as  "  the  great  apostate  to  the 
commonwealth,"  the  oppressor  of  the  English  colo- 
nists in  Ireland,  the  moving  spirit  of  the  unjust  war 
against  the  Scots,  that  Strafford  was  accused.  The 
essence  of  the  charge  against  him  was  that  he  had 
endeavoured  by  words,  acts,  and  counsels  to  subvert 
the  fundamental  laws  of  England  and  Ireland,  in 
order  to  introduce  an  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  gov- 
ernment. In  him  seemed  incarnate  the  rule  of  arbi- 
trary will  as  opposed  to  the  reign  of  law  which  the 
Parliament  strove  to  restore.  Pym's  speeches  against 
Strafford  are,  throughout,  a  glorification  of  the  reign 
of  law.  "  Good  laws,"  he  said,  "  nay,  the  best  laws, 
were  no  advantage  when  will  was  set  above  law." 
All  evils  hurtful  to  the  State  were  comprehended  in 
this  one  crime. 


52  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

"  The  law  is  that  which  puts  a  difference  betwixt  good 
and  evil,  betwixt  just  and  unjust.  If  you  take  away  the 
law,  all  things  will  fall  into  a  confusion.  Every'man  will 
become  a  law  to  himself,  which,  in  the  depraved  condi- 
tion of  human  nature,  must  needs  produce  great  enormi- 
ties. Lust  will  become  a  law,  envy  will  become  a  law, 
covetousness  and  ambition  will  become  laws  ;  and  what 
dictates,  what  decisions  such  laws  will  produce,  may 
easily  be  discerned  in  the  government  of  Ireland." 

Nor  was  the  substitution  of  arbitrary  power  for 
law  hurtful  to  subjects  only. 

"  It  is  dangerous  to  the  King's  person,  and  dangerous 
to  his  Crown.  If  the  histories  of  those  Eastern  countries 
be  pursued,  where  princes  order  their  affairs  according 
to  the  mischievous  principles  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford, 
loose  and  absolved  from  all  rules  of  government,  they 
will  be  found  to  be  frequent  in  combustions,  full  of 
massacres  and  of  the  tragical  ends  of  princes." 

Strafford  struggled  to  show  that  the  offences  proved 
against  him  did  not  legally  amount  to  high  treason. 
Parliament  through  the  Attainder  Bill  answered  that 
it  was  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  State  to  make 
them  treasonable.  "  To  alter  the  settled  frame  and 
constitution  of  government,"  said  Pym,  "  is  treason 
in  any  state.  The  laws  whereby  all  other  parts  of  a 
kingdom  are  preserved  would  be  very  vain  and  de- 
fective, if  they  had  not  a  power  to  secure  and 
preserve  themselves." 

Charles  was  anxious  to  save  Stafford's  life,  but  his 
blundering  interventions  during  the  course  of  the 
trial  ended  in  failure.  When  it  was  discovered  that 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  53 

the  King's  agents  were  plotting  to  get  possession  of 
the  Tower  and  to  bring  the  English  army  up  from 
Yorkshire  to  overawe  the  Parliament,  the  Earl's  fate 
was  sealed.  Pressed  by  both  Houses  to  yield,  and 
threatened  by  the  London  mob  if  he  refused,  Charles 
assented  to  the  Bill  of  Attainder,  and  on  May  12, 
1641,  Strafford  was  beheaded. 

Side  by  side  with  the  prosecution  of  the  King's 
evil  advisers  went  on  the  work  of  providing  against 
arbitrary  government  in  the  future.  The  extraordi- 
nary courts  which  had  been  the  instruments  of  op- 
pression were  swept  away.  Down  went  the  Star 
Chamber  and  the  High  Commission  Court,  the 
Council  of  the  North,  and  the  Council  of  Wales  and 
the  Marches.  The  Tonnage  and  Poundage  Act  de- 
clared that  henceforward  it  was  illegal  to  levy  cus- 
toms duties  without  a  parliamentary  grant.  The 
extension  of  the  forests  was  prohibited,  the  exaction 
of  knighthood  fines  forbidden,  and  Ship-money  de- 
clared unlawful.  Henceforward  to  govern  without  a 
Parliament  was  to  be  as  impossible  as  to  tax  without 
a  Parliament.  On  February  15,  1641,  Charles  as- 
sented to  the  Triennial  Act,  which  bound  him  to  call 
a  Parliament  every  third  year,  and  provided  ma- 
chinery for  its  convocation,  if  he  neglected  to  summon 
it  at  the  appointed  time.  On  May  I  ith,  he  assented 
to  a  second  act,  which  prohibited  him  from  dissolving 
the  present  Parliament,  or  even  proroguing  it  save 
by  its  own  consent. 

Cromwell  had  taken  no  part  in  the  prosecution  of 
Strafford,  for  he  was  neither  an  orator  nor  a  lawyer, 
but  his  name  is  closely  associated  with  one  of  these 


54 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1640 


constitutional  changes.  The  origin  of  the  Triennial 
Act  was  a  bill  introduced  by  Strode  for  reviving  the 
old  law  of  Edward  III.  by  which  a  Parliament  must 
be  summoned  every  year.  On  December  3Oth,  Crom- 
well moved  its  second  reading,  and  he  was  one  of 
the  committee  from  whose  deliberations  it  finally 
issued  as  a  bill  for  summoning  a  Parliament  every 
three  years.  In  ecclesiastical  affairs,  he  was  more 
prominent  by  far.  On  constitutional  questions,  the 
popular  party  had  been  almost  unanimous,  but  on 
religious  questions  its  unanimity  ended.  The  general 
aim  of  its  leaders  was  to  subject  the  Church  to  the 
control  of  the  State  as  represented  by  Parliament, 
instead  of  leaving  it  to  the  authority  of  the  King 
as  its  "  supreme  governor."  But  while  some  desired 
to  abolish  the  Prayer-book,  and  to  make  the  doctrine 
of  the  Church  more  frankly  Calvinistic,  others  wished 
merely  the  abolition  of  a  few  offensive  formulas  or 
ceremonies.  On  Church  government  there  was  the 
same  diversity  of  opinion.  A  few  wished  to  main- 
tain bishops  as  they  were,  a  few  to  abolish  them  alto- 
gether ;  the  majority  desired  to  retain  Episcopacy, 
but  to  limit  the  power  of  the  bishops.  Hence  the 
popularity  of  Ussher's  plan  for  a  limited  Episcopacy, 
in  which  every  bishop  was  to  be  assisted  and  con- 
trolled by  a  council  of  diocesan  clergy.  As  yet  there 
was  no  party  in  Parliament  which  proposed  to  intro- 
duce Presbyterianism  or  Independency,  but  those 
who  wished  for  the  complete  extirpation  of  Episco- 
pacy were  very  numerous.  In  the  Commons,  Fiennes 
and  Sir  Henry  Vane  were  for  its  abolition,  "  root 
and  branch,"  and  Hampden  afterwards  joined  them. 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  55 

Amongst  these  "  root  and  branch  "  men  was  Cromwell, 
and  he  was  more  closely  connected  with  the  attack 
on  the  Church  than  with  any  other  part  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Long  Parliament.  The  only  one  of 
his  letters  which  belongs  to  this  period  shows  his 
interest  in  religious  questions.  It  is  addressed  to  a 
bookseller,  and  asks  for  a  copy  of  the  printed 
"  reasons  of  the  Scots  to  enforce  their  desire  of 
uniformity  in  religion."  "  I  would  peruse  it,"  he 
writes,  "  against  we  fall  upon  the  debate,  which  will 
be  speedily." 

The  only  recorded  speech  of  Cromwell  in  these  ec- 
clesiastical discussions  was  delivered  on  February  9, 
1641,  about  the  question  whether  a  petition  for  the 
total  abolition  of  Episcopacy,  signed  by  fifteen  thou- 
sand citizens  of  London,  should  be  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee. A  member  urged  its  rejection,  arguing  that 
the  bishops  were  one  of  the  estates  of  the  realm,  and 
a  part  of  the  constitution.  Equality  (or,  as  he  termed 
it,  "  parity  ")  in  the  Church  would  lead  to  equality  in 
the  State.  Cromwell  stood  up,  and  very  bluntly 
denied  his  inferences  and  suppositions,  on  which 
"  divers  interrupted  him  and  called  him  to  the  bar." 
Pym  and  Holies  defended  him,  and  he  was  allowed 
to  continue. 

"  Mr.  Cromwell  went  on  and  said  :  *  He  did  not  under- 
stand why  that  gentleman  that  last  spake  should  make 
an  inference  of  parity  from  the  Church  to  the  State, 
nor  that  there  was  any  necessity  of  the  great  revenues  of 
bishops.  He  was  more  convinced  touching  the  irregu- 
larity of  bishops  than  even  before,  because  like  the 


56  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

Roman  hierarchy  they  would  not  endure  to  have  their 
condition  come  to  a  trial.' " 

In  May,  Cromwell  took  another  opportunity  of 
attacking  the  bishops.  The  Commons  had  passed  a 
bill  excluding  clergymen  in  general  from  holding 
secular  office  either  as  judges,  councillors,  or  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  Upper  House 
showed  a  resolution  not  to  pass  it.  On  this  the 
"  root  and  branch  "  men  replied  with  a  bill  for  the 
abolition  of  bishops  altogether,  which  Sir  Edward 
Bering,  a  noted  speaker,  was  persuaded  to  introduce. 
Afterwards  Bering  repented  and  explained.  "  The 
Bill,"  he  said,  "  was  pressed  into  my  hands  by  Sir 
Arthur  Haslerig,  being  then  brought  to  him  by  Sir 
Henry  Vane  and  Mr.  Oliver  Cromwell." 

The  "  root  and  branch "  bill  never  got  farther 
than  committee,  but  its  introduction  further  accentu- 
ated the  division  in  the  popular  party.  A  section, 
headed  by  Hyde  and  Lord  Falkland,  severed  them- 
selves definitely  from  their  former  friends.  Naturally 
conservative  in  temper,  they  were  satisfied  with  the 
reforms  already  achieved,  and  were  more  willing  to 
trust  the  King  with  the  constitution  than  Parliament 
with  the  Church.  Before  the  end  of  the  session, 
Hyde  was  in  communication  with  the  King,  and  a 
party  of  constitutional  Royalists  based  on  the  defence 
of  the  Church  was  in  process  of  formation.  Charles 
was  equally  determined  to  maintain  the  Church,  and 
full  of  schemes  for  regaining  his  lost  power.  The 
prospect  of  obtaining  support  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons itself  increased  his  confidence  of  ultimate 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  57 

success,  and  in  August  he  set  out  for  Scotland,  hoping 
to  win  the  Scottish  nobility  to  his  side,  and  to  use 
one  kingdom  against  the  other. 

In  October,  1641,  when  the  second  session  of  the 
Long  Parliament  began,  the  position  of  affairs  was 
greatly  altered.  The  popular  party  was  weakened 
by  its  differences  on  the  religious  question,  and  the 
division  was  rapidly  spreading  to  the  nation.  At 
the  same  time,  the  parliamentary  leaders  had  lost, 
through  the  withdrawal  of  the  Scottish  army,  the 
military  force  which  had  protected  them  from  an  at- 
tempted coup  d'ttat.  That  the  fear  of  such  a  stroke 
on  the  King's  part  was  by  no  means  groundless,  the 
news  from  Scotland  proved.  It  was  rumoured  that 
with  the  King's  sanction  a  party  of  royalist  soldiers 
had  plotted  to  seize  Hamilton  and  Argyle,  whose 
hasty  flight  from  Edinburgh  had  alone  saved  their 
lives.  On  the  top  of  this  came  the  news  of  a  re- 
bellion in  Ireland,  of  an  attempt  to  surprise  Dublin 
Castle,  and  of  a  massacre  of  the  English  colonists  in 
Ulster  The  rebellion  spread  daily,  and  as  tattered 
fugitives  straggled  into  Dublin,  each  with  his  story 
of  murder  and  pillage,  the  excitement  in  England 
rose  to  fever  heat.  It  came  to  be  an  article  of  faith 
that  fifty  thousand  Englishmen  had  been  barbarously 
murdered,  and  some  said  150,000. 

To  modern  historians  the  Irish  rebellion  seems 
only  the  natural  result  of  the  English  system  of  gov- 
erning Ireland,  but  to  contemporary  Englishmen  it 
came  like  a  bolt  from  the  blue.  The  native  Irish 
were  embittered  and  impoverished  by  the  confisca- 
tions of  the  last  sixty  years,  and  filled  with  fury 


58  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

and  fear  by  Stafford's  intended  plantation  of  Con- 
naught.  Now  that  the  Puritans  were  in  power,  the) 
complete  suppression  of  the  Catholic  leligion,  only! 
threatened  before,  seemed  imminent  and  inevitable. ! 
The  impeachment  of  Strafford  and  his  most  trusted 
counsellors  had  crippled  the  strong  Government 
which  Strafford  had  built  up,  and  the  disbanding  of 
his  army  had  filled  the  country  with  men  trained  to 
arms.  The  opportunity  for  a  successful  revolt  had^ 
come  at  last,  and  it  was  no  wonder  that  the  Irish 
seized  it.  At  its  beginning,  the  rebellion  of  October, 
1641,  was  a  rising  of  the  native  Irish  with  the  object 
of  recovering  the  lands  from  which  they  had  been 
expelled.  It  broke  out  first  in  the  six  counties  of 
Ulster,  planted  in  the  reign  of  James  I.,  and  next  in 
Wicklow,  the  most  recent  of  the  later  plantations. 
But  bloody  and  barbarous  as  the  rebellion  was,  no 
general  massacre  was  either  planned  or  carried  out. 
The  first  object  of  the  rebels  was  simply  to  drive  the 
colonists  from  their  houses  and  lands,  and  in  the 
process  some  were  murdered,  and  all  plundered. 
The  number  of  persons  killed  in  cold  blood  during 
the  first  month  or  two  of  the  rebellion  probably 
amounted  to  about  four  thousand,  and  perhaps 
twice  as  many  perished  from  hardships  and  destitu- 
tion. 

To  English  Puritans,  the  only  possible  explanation 
of  the  rebellion  was  that  it  was  the  natural  result  of 
Popery.  On  December  4,  1641,  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment passed  a  resolution  that  they  would  never 
consent  to  any  toleration  of  the  Popish  religion  in 
Ireland,  or  in  any  other  of  his  Majesty's  dominions. 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  59 

Equally  fatal  was  the  resolve  that  the  funds  for  the 
reconquest  of  Ireland  should  be  raised  by  fresh  con- 
fiscations of  Irish  land,  and  the  assignment  of  two 
and  a  half  million  acres  for  the  repayment  of 
those  who  advanced  the  money.  One  vote  turned 
a  local  insurrection  into  a  general  rebellion ;  the 
other  made  the  rebellion  an  internecine  war. 

Both  parties  in  Parliament  approved  of  these 
votes.  A  public  subscription  was  opened,  to  which 
members  of  Parliament  and  merchants  of  London 
contributed  freely.  "  Master  Oliver  Cromwell,"  who 
knew  nothing  of  Irish  history,  thought  the  plan  wise 
and  just,  and  put  his  name  down  for  ^500,  which 
was  about  one  year's  income.  He  shared  the  general 
ignorance  of  his  contemporaries  about  the  causes  of 
the  rebellion,  and  believed  the  prevalent  exaggera- 
tions about  the  massacre. 

"  Ireland,"  he  told  the  Irish  clergy  eight  years  later, 
"  was  once  united  to  England.  Englishmen  had  good 
inheritances,  which  many  of  them  had  purchased  with 
their  money  ;  they  and  their  ancestors,  from  you  and 
your  ancestors.  They  had  good  leases  from  Irishmen, 
for  long  times  to  come  ;  great  stocks  thereupon  ;  houses 
and  plantations  erected  at  their  own  cost  and  charge. 
They  lived  peaceably  and  honestly  among  you.  You 
had  generally  equal  benefit  of  the  protection  of  England 
with  them  ;  and  equal  justice  from  the  laws,  saving  what 
was  necessary  for  the  State,  out  of  reasons  of  State,  to 
put  upon  some  people  apt  to  rebel  upon  the  instigation 
of  such  as  you.  You  broke  this  union.  You  unpro- 
voked put  the  English  to  the  most  unheard-of  and 
barbarous  massacre  (without  respect  to  sex  or  age)  that 


60  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

ever  the  sun  beheld.  And  at  a  time  when  Ireland  was 
in  perfect  peace." 

To  reconquer  Ireland  an  army  had  to  be  raised  at 
once,  and  it  was  impossible  for  the  parliamentary 
leaders  to  trust  the  King  with  its  control.  Less 
than  six  months  before,  Charles  had  plotted  to  bring 
up  an  army  to  overawe  their  debates.  In  his  recent 
journey  to  Scotland  he  had  again  been  tampering 
with  the  officers  of  the  same  army,  and  its  disband- 
ment  had  only  just  been  effected.  If  they  gave  him 
a  new  army,  who  could  doubt  that  before  six  months 
were  over  he  would  be  turning  it  against  the  Parlia- 
ment ?  Pym  had  no  doubts,  and,  on  November  6th, 
he  brought  forward  an  address  saying  that  unless  the 
King  would  employ  such  ministers  as  Parliament 
approved  "  they  would  take  such  a  course  for  the 
securing  of  Ireland  as  might  likewise  secure  them- 
selves." And  while  Pym  proposed  to  seize  upon 
the  executive  power  as  far  as  Ireland  was  concerned, 
Cromwell  proposed  to  lay  hands  on  it  in  England 
also.  On  November  6th  he  carried  a  motion  that  the 
two  Houses  should  vote  to  the  Earl  of  Essex  power 
to  command  all  the  train-bands  south  of  the  Trent, 
and  that  those  powers  should  continue  till  this  Par- 
liament should  take  further  order.  A  month  later, 
Haslerig  brought  in  a  militia  bill,  which  gave  a 
general  appointed  by  the  Parliament  the  supreme 
command  of  all  the  train-bands  in  England.  The 
question  whether  the  King  or  the  Parliament  should 
command  the  armed  forces  of  the  nation  was  thus 
definitely  raised. 

In  the  same  November  the  Long  Parliament  ap- 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  61 

pealed  to  the  nation  for  support.  The  Grand  Re- 
monstrance set  forth  all  the  ills  the  nation  had 
suffered  in  the  fifteen  years  of  the  King's  reign,  and 
all  the  Parliament  had  done  in  the  last  twelve  months 
to  remove  them.  It  pointed  out  the  obstacles  which 
hindered  them  in  their  task,  and  announced  what 
they  hoped  to  do  in  the  future.  The  root  of  every 
evil  was  a  malignant  design  to  subvert  the  funda- 
mental laws  and  principles  upon  which  the  religion 
and  justice  of  the  kingdom  were  based.  Let  "  the 
malignant  party  be  removed,"  and  the  reformation 
of  Church  and  State  could  be  completed.  The 
Remonstrance  bade  the  nation  judge  whether  its 
representatives  had  been  worthy  of  its  confidence, 
and  asked  it  to  continue  that  confidence.  It  brought 
war  nearer,  not  because  it  was  an  indirect  indictment 
of  the  King,  but  because  the  ecclesiastical  policy  set 
forth  in  its  last  clauses  divided  the  nation  into  two 
camps.  In  them  the  House  declared  its  intention  of 
taking  in  hand  the  work  of  church-reform,  and  de- 
manded the  calling  of  a  general  synod  of  divines  to 
aid  it  in  the  task.  Over  these  clauses  of  the  Remon- 
strance the  debate  was  long  and  bitter  (November 
22nd).  When  it  passed  by  but  eleven  votes,  and  the 
majority  proposed  its  printing,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
Civil  War  would  begin  at  once,  and  on  the  floor  of 
the  House.  Members  protested,  and  shouted,  and 
waved  their  hats,  and  some  took  their  sheathed 
swords  in  their  hands  as  if  they  waited  for  the  word 
to  draw  them.  "  I  thought,"  said  an  eye-witness, 
"  we  had  all  sat  in  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of 
death ;  for  we,  like  Joab's  and  Abner's  young  men, 


62  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

had  catched  at  each  other's  locks,  and  sheathed  our 
swords  in  each  other's  bowels." 

When  the  tumult  was  allayed,  and  lie  members 
went  home,  Cromwell's  whispered  words  to  Falkland 
showed  how  much  that  night's  decision  meant.  "  If 
the  Remonstrance  had  been  rejected,"  he  said,  "  I 
would  have  sold  all  I  had  the  next  morning,  and 
never  seen  England  more;  and  I  know  there  are 
many  other  honest  men  of  the  same  resolution." 

Three  days  after  the  passing  of  the  Remonstrance, 
Charles  returned  to  Whitehall.  He  came  back  re- 
solved to  make  no  further  concessions,  and  to  rid 
himself  of  the  parliamentary  leaders  under  the  form 
of  law.  Their  relations  with  the  Scots  during  the 
late  war,  their  attacks  on  his  royal  power,  and  the 
changes  they  sought  to  make  in  the  constitution 
were  sufficient  in  his  opinion  to  prove  them  guilty 
of  high  treason.  His  first  step  was  to  remove  the 
guards  round  the  House  ;  his  next,  to  ingratiate  him- 
self with  the  City ;  his  third,  to  place  a  trusty  ruffian 
in  command  of  the  Tower.  When  the  Commons 
petitioned  for  the  restoration  of  their  guard,  Charles 
told  them  that,  on  the  word  of  a  king,  their  security 
from  violence  should  be  as  much  his  care  as  the 
preservation  of  his  own  children.  On  the  day  the 
House  received  this  answer,  Charles  sent  the  at- 
torney-general to  impeach  five  members,  and  a  ser- 
geant-at-arms  to  arrest  them.1  The  Commons  refused 
to  give  them  up.  The  next  day  he  came  to  arrest 
them  in  person,  with  four  hundred  armed  men  at 

1  The  ••  Five  Members  "  were  Pym,  Hampden,  Holies,  Haslerig, 
and  Strode. 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  63 

his  back,  but  found  the  birds  flown,  and  faith  in 
the  royal  word  fled  too  (January  4,  1642).  The 
House  of  Commons  adjourned  to  the  City,  which 
refused,  as  the  House  itself  had  done,  to  surrender 
the  accused  members.  Petitioners  poured  in  frorr 
the  country  in  thousands  to  support  their  represent- 
atives, and  it  was  evident  that  the  feeling  of  the 
nation  was  overwhelmingly  on  the  side  of  the  Par- 
liament. The  King's  coup  d'ttat  had  completely 
failed.  On  the  ilth  of  January,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons returned  to  Westminster,  while  the  King  left 
London  to  avoid  witnessing  their  triumph. 

Charles  had  not  intended  to  act  treacherously, 
and  believed  that  his  actions  were  perfectly  legal, 
but  it  was  natural  that  the  parliamentary  leaders, 
refusing  to  trust  him,  should  press  with  renewed 
vigour  for  the  control  of  the  armed  force.  Cromwell 
felt  this  as  strongly  as  his  leaders,  and  three  days 
after  the  return  to  Westminster  he  moved  for  a 
committee  to  put  the  kingdom  in  a  posture  of  de- 
fence (January  I4th).  The  motion  was  a  little  pre- 
mature. It  was  necessary,  Pym  felt,  that  the  two 
Houses  should  act  together,  and  the  Lords  were 
slow  to  move.  It  was  not  till  Pym  told  them  that 
unless  they  would  join  the  Commons  in  saving  the 
kingdom  the  Commons  would  save  the  kingdom 
without  them,  that  the  Upper  House  gave  way. 
In  February,  they  passed  the  bill  for  the  exclusion 
of  the  bishops,  and  joined  in  the  demand  for  the 
control  of  the  militia.  In  March,  they  united  with 
the  Commons  in  a  vote  to  put  the  kingdom  in  a 
posture  of  defence  by  authority  of  both  Houses. 


64  Oliver  Cromwell  [1640- 

For  the  present,  however,  both  King  and  Parlia- 
ment were  unwilling  to  appeal  to  arms;  the  King 
strove  to  gain  time  in  order  to  gain  strength;  the 
Parliament  still  hoped  that  the  King  would  grant 
the  securities  they  sought.  So  for  six  months  they 
argued  and  negotiated,  each  appealing  to  the  nation 
by  declarations  and  counter-declarations,  and  prelud- 
ing by  these  paper  skirmishes  the  opening  of  real 
hostilities.  Charles  had  two  policies  which  he  fol- 
lowed alternately,  each  of  which  demanded  time  for 
its  success.  The  one  was  the  policy  of  the  Queen 
and  the  courtiers ;  the  other  was  the  policy  of  Hyde 
and  the  constitutional  Royalists.  The  Queen's  policy 
was  active  preparation  for  the  inevitable  war,  regard- 
less of  any  constitutional  doctrines  that  stood  in  the 
way.  Help  was  to  be  sought  from  France,  or  Den- 
mark, or  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  a  port  was  to  be 
secured,  in  which  foreign  troops  could  be  landed. 
Hyde's  policy  was  that  the  King  should  remain 
passive,  that  he  should  "  shelter  himself  wholly  un- 
der the  law,"  granting  anything  which  the  law 
obliged  him  to  grant,  and  denying  anything  which 
the  law  enabled  him  to  deny  and  his  position 
made  it  inexpedient  to  concede.  "  In  the  end," 
said  Hyde,  "  the  King  and  the  Law  together  would 
be  strong  enough  for  any  encounter  that  might 
happen." 

Neither  the  King's  character  nor  his  position  made 
it  possible  for  him  to  adopt  an  entirely  consistent 
policy.  Some  concessions  he  was  obliged  to  make, 
either  to  conciliate  public  opinion  by  a  show  of 
yielding,  or  to  gain  time  for  his  preparations  for 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament  65 

war.  He  withdrew  the  impeachment  of  the  Five 
Members  ;  he  removed  the  governor  of  the  Tower ; 
he  temporised  about  the  Militia  Bill ;  he  even  con- 
sented to  the  exclusion  of  the  bishops  from  the 
House  of  Lords.  Sorely  against  his  own  conscience 
was  the  latter  concession  granted,  but  the  Queen 
insisted  upon  it,  and  to  secure  her  safe  passage  to 
the  continent  Charles  yielded.  She  bore  with  her 
to  Holland  the  crown  jewels  to  be  pawned  to  pro- 
vide arms  and  ammunition,  and  when  she  had  sailed 
Charles  took  his  way  to  Yorkshire  to  gather  his 
friends  around  him  and  to  secure  the  indispensable 
seaport.  As  he  journeyed  north,  a  deputation  met 
him  at  Newmarket,  and  renewed  the  petition  for  the 
militia.  But  the  necessity  for  concessions  was  past, 
and  he  refused  even  a  temporary  grant.  "  By  God/* 
he  cried,  "  not  for  an  hour !  You  have  asked  that 
of  me  in  this,  was  never  asked  of  a  king,  and  with 
which  I  will  not  trust  my  wife  and  children." 

When  the  King  reached  York,  he  set  in  operation 
an  attempt  to  get  possession  of  Hull.  It  was  not 
only  the  most  convenient  port  for  the  landing  of 
succours  from  Holland  and  Denmark;  it  was  also 
the  great  arsenal  where  the  arms  and  munitions  col- 
lected for  the  Scottish  war  had  been  stored.  On 
April  23rd,  Charles  appeared  before  Hull  with  three 
hundred  horsemen  and  demanded  admission.  But 
Sir  John  Hotham,  the  Governor,  drew  up  the  draw- 
bridge, and  taking  his  stand  on  the  wall  refused  to 
admit  the  King.  After  proclaiming  him  a  traitor, 
Charles  rode  away. 

While  the  policy  which  the  Queen  had  urged  met 


66  Oliver  Cromwell  H64O- 

with  failure,  the  policy  of  which  Hyde  was  the  ad- 
vocate gained  for  Charles  adherents,  every  day. 
Opinion  veered  to  the  King's  side.  The  change 
was  mainly  due  to  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  the 
Parliament,  for  those  who  loved  the  Church  feared 
to  see  its  liturgy  and  its  government  delivered  up 
to  the  rough  hands  of  a  Puritan  Parliament  and  a 
synod  of  Puritan  divines.  But  Hyde's  skilful  ad- 
vocacy did  much  to  further  the  reaction.  The  de- 
clarations he  wrote  for  the  King,  with  their  fluent, 
florid  rhetoric,  and  their  touches  of  humour  and  sar- 
casm, were  far  more  effective  than  the  ponderous 
legal  arguments  published  by  the  Parliament.  More 
was  due  to  the  art  with  which  he  represented  the 
King  as  the  guardian  of  the  constitution,  and  the 
Parliament  as  its  assailant.  Pym's  panegyric  of  the 
law  was  turned  against  Pym  himself.  The  King  was 
made  the  champion  of  "  the  known  laws  of  the  land/' 
against  revolutionists  who  wished  to  make  the  long- 
established  rights  of  king  and  subject  dependent  or. 
a  vote  of  the  House  of  Commons.  He  was  made 
the  defender  of  the  "ancient,  equal,  happy,  weli 
poised,  and  never-enough-commended  constitution," 
against  those  who  sought  to  introduce  "  a  new 
Utopia  of  religion  and  government." 

That  the  Parliament  was  claiming  new  powers 
and  the  King  standing  on  old  rights  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  deny,  and  it  was  difficult  for  the  Parliament 
to  prove  the  necessity  which  justified  its  demands. 
They  could  intimate  the  "  fears  and  jealousies " 
which  made  them  distrust  the  King,  but  the  reality 
of  their  grounds  for  distrusting  him  is  proved  by 


1642]  The  Long  Parliament.  67 

evidence  which  they  could  only  conjecture,  and 
which  later  historians  were  to  bring  to  light. 

A  mere  argumentative  victory  could  do  nothing 
to  solve  the  question  the  English  nation  had  to  de- 
cide. It  was  no  longer  a  dispute  whether  the  law 
gave  certain  powers  to  King  or  Parliament,  but 
whether  King  or  Parliament  was  to  be  sovereign. 
In  the  Nineteen  Propositions  which  formed  the  Par- 
liament's ultimatum,  they  demanded  all  the  branches 
of  sovereignty  for  themselves.  The  control  of  for- 
eign policy,  of  ecclesiastical  policy,  of  the  army  and 
the  navy,  the  appointment  of  ministers,  council- 
lors, and  judges,  the  right  to  punish  and  the  right 
to  pardon,  were  all  included.  Government,  in  short, 
was  to  be  carried  on  by  persons  chosen  by  the  Par- 
liament, instead  of  persons  chosen  by  the  King. 
The  King  might  reign,  but  henceforth  he  should 
not  govern. 

In  that  sense  Charles  understood  the  Nineteen 
Propositions. 

"  These  being  passed "  he  answered,  "  we  may  be 
waited  upon  bareheaded,  we  may  have  our  hand  kissed, 
the  style  of  majesty  continued  to  us,  and  the  King's 
authority  declared  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament  may 
still  be  the  style  of  your  commands,  we  may  have  swords 
and  maces  carried  before  us,  and  please  ourselves  with 
the  sight  of  a  crown  and  sceptre,  but  as  to  true  and  rea? 
•power  we  should  remain  but  the  outside,  but  the  picture, 
but  the  sign  of  a  king." 

On  the  other  side,  their  demand,  as  it  presented  it- 
self to  the  minds  of  the  Parliamentarians,  was  rather 


68  Oliver  Cromwell          [1640-1642] 

defensive  than  aggressive  in  its  intention.  Without 
this  transference  of  sovereignty,  they  held  it  impossi- 
ble to  transmit  to  their  descendants  the  self-govern- 
ment they  had  received  from  their  ancestors. 

*'  The  question  in  dispute  between  us  and  the  King's 
party,"  says  Ludlow,  "  was,  as  I  apprehended,  whether 
the  King  should  govern  as  a  god  by  his  will  and  the  na- 
tion be  governed  by  force  like  beasts  ;  or  whether  the 
people  should  be  governed  by  laws  made  by  themselves, 
and  live  under  a  government  derived  from  their  own 
consent." 

Only  the  sword  could  decide.  On  July  4th,  Par- 
liament appointed  a  Committee  of  Safety  ;  on  July 
6th,  they  resolved  to  raise  ten  thousand  men  ;  on 
July  9th,  they  appointed  the  Earl  of  Essex  their 
general.  The  King  set  up  his  standard  at  Not- 
tingham  on  August  22nd. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  FIRST   CAMPAIGN 
1642 

FROM  the  day  when  King  Charles  raised  his 
standard  at  Nottingham,  and  even  before  that 
date,  England  was  divided  into  two  camps, 
according  as  men  elected  to  obey  the  King  or  the 
Parliament.  The  country  was  about  to  learn  by  ex. 
perience  what  civil  war  meant,  and  to  suffer  as  it 
had  not  suffered  since  the  fifteenth  century.  In  the 
Wars  of  the  Roses,  two  rival  houses  had  laid  claim 
to  the  allegiance  of  the  people  ;  now  its  obedience  was 
demanded  by  two  rival  authorities.  Moreover,  apart 
from  the  question  which  authority  ought  to  be 
obeyed,  the  fact  that  the  Parliament  itself  was  di- 
vided made  a  choice  difficult  and  obscured  the  main 
issue.  The  House  of  Commons  was  no  longer  the 
almost  unanimous  body  which  it  had  been  in  No- 
vember, 1640.  About  175  members  followed  the 
King's  flag,  while  nearly  three  hundred  remained  at 
Westminster.  In  the  Upper  House  the  preponder- 
ance was  overwhelmingly  on  the  King's  side.  Rather 


^o  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642 

more  than  thirty  peers  threw  in  their  lot  with  the 
popular  party,  while  about  eighty  supported  the  King, 
and  about  twenty  took  no  part  in  the  struggle. 

Very  various,  therefore,  were  the  motives  which 
led  men  to  choose  one  side  or  the  other.  To  many 
peers,  the  fate  of  the  King  and  the  nobility  seemed 
inseparably  linked  together,  and  like  Newcastle  they 
loved  monarchy  as  the  foundation  and  support  of 
their  own  greatness.  Some,  lately  ennobled  by 
Charles  and  his  father,  had  personal  obligations  to 
the  House  of  Stuart,  which  they  were  ready  to  re- 
pay by  any  sacrifice.  "  Had  I  millions  of  crowns  or 
scores  of  sons,"  wrote  Lord  Goring  to  his  wife,  "  the 
King  and  his  cause  should  have  them  all  with  better 
will  than  to  eat  if  I  were  starving  ...  I  had  all 
from  the  King,  and  he  hath  all  again."  Of  the  par- 
liamentary peers,  a  few  like  Brooke,  Saye,  and  War- 
wick were  ardent  Puritans  and  were  moved  by 
religious  zeal  quite  as  much  as  by  political  motives. 
In  Northumberland,  "  the  proudest  man  alive,"  the 
independent  spirit  of  the  feudal  baron  seemed  to  live 
again.  Holland  was  ambitious  and  in  disfavour  at 
Court ;  he  hoped  to  be  one  of  the  Parliament's  gen- 
erals. Others  thought  the  Parliament  stronger  than 
the  King,  and  were  resolved  to  be  on  the  winning 
side.  "  Pembroke  and  Salisbury,"  says  Clarendon, 
"  had  rather  the  King  and  his  posterity  should  be 
destroyed  than  that  Wilton  should  be  taken  from 
the  one  and  Hatfield  from  the  other." 

Amongst  the  gentry,  there  was  the  same  mix- 
ture of  motives.  The  bulk  of  them  indeed  ad- 
hered to  the  King,  but  great  numbers  supported  the 


1642]  The  First  Campaign  71 

Parliament,  especially  in  district*  where  Puritanism 
was  prevalent. 

Of  the  towns,  cathedral  cities  such  as  York  and 
Chester  were  usually  royalist  in  feeling.  The  uni- 
versities of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  were  for  the 
King,  but  the  representatives  of  the  towns  were  in 
each  case  Parliamentarians.  "  London,"  which  Mil- 
ton calls  "  the  mansion  house  of  liberty,"  and  Claren- 
don, "the  sink  of  the  ill-humours  of  the  kingdom," 
was  the  headquarters  of  Puritanism,  and  most  manu- 
facturing or  trading  towns  were  anti-royalist.  "  Man- 
chester," says  Clarendon,  "  from  the  beginning,  out 
of  that  factious  humour  which  possessed  most  cor- 
porations and  the  pride  of  their  wealth,  opposed  the 
King  and  declared  magisterially  for  the  Parliament." 
Birmingham,  though  little  more  than  a  village,  "  was 
of  as  great  fame  for  hearty,  wilful,  affected  disloy- 
alty to  the  King  as  any  place  in  England."  The 
clothing  towns  of  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire  and 
the  manufacturing  districts  of  Somersetshire  and 
Gloucestershire  were  also  hostile  to  Charles.  In  the 
latter  counties,  according  to  Clarendon, 

"  the  gentlemen  of  ancient  families  were  for  the  most 
part  well  affected  to  the  King,  yet  there  were  a  people  of 
inferior  degree,  who  by  good  husbandry,  clothing,  and 
other  thriving  arts,  had  gotten  very  great  fortunes,  and 
by  degrees  getting  themselves  into  the  gentlemen's  estates 
were  angry  that  they  found  not  themselves  in  the  same 
esteem  and  reputation  ,with  those  whose  estates  they 
had  ;  and  therefore  studied  all  ways  to  make  themselves 
considerable.  These  from  the  beginning  were  fast  friends 
to  the  Parliament." 


Oliver  Cromwell 

In  purely  agricultural  districts,  the  influence  of  the 
great  landowners  was  generally  decisive,  but  there 
were  many  notable  exceptions.  In  the  eastern  coun- 
ties, many  of  the  chief  gentry  were  disposed  to  take 
up  arms  for  the  King,  but  "  the  freeholders  and  yeo- 
men in  general  adhered  to  the  Parliament." 

Yet,  though  the  bulk  of  the  upper  classes  was  on 
one  side,  the  war  never  became  a  social  war,  but  re- 
mained a  struggle  of  opinions  and  ideas.  From  the 
very  beginning,  men  who  were  determined  to  main- 
tain the  Church  intact  adopted  the  King's  cause, 
and  those  who  desired  to  change  the  government  of 
the  Church,  or  sought  freedom  of  worship  outside  of 
it,  supported  the  Parliament.  At  first,  even  to  Puri- 
tans, the  political  question  seemed  more  important 
than  the  religious.  Colonel  Hutchinson  read  the 
manifestos  of  both  parties  till  "  he  became  abund- 
antly informed  in  his  understanding  and  convinced 
in  his  conscience  of  the  righteousness  of  the  Parlia- 
ment's cause  in  point  of  civil  right."  But  "  though 
he  was  satisfied  of  the  endeavours  to  bring  back 
Popery  and  subvert  the  true  Protestant  religion,  he 
did  not  think  that  so  clear  a  ground  for  the  war  as 
the  defence  of  English  liberties." 

No  contemporary  record  reveals  the  precise  motives 
which  led  Cromwell  to  take  up  arms :  we  are  left  to 
infer  them  from  his  earlier  acts  and  his  later  utter- 
ances. "  I  profess,"  he  wrote  in  1644,  "  I  could 
never  satisfy  myself  of  the  justness  of  this  war,  but 
from  the  authority  of  the  Parliament  to  maintain  it- 
self in  its  rights."  Like  Hutchinson,  he  regarded 
the  King's  Church  policy  as  subversive  of  Protestant- 


16421  The  First  Campaign  73 

ism,  and  defined  the  war  as  undertaken  for  "  the 
maintenance  of  our  civil  liberties  as  men,  and  our 
religious  liberties  as  Christians."  As  the  war  pro- 
gressed, religious  liberties  grew  more  and  more  im- 
portant in  his  eyes,  and  what  had  been  originally  a 
struggle  against  innovations  became  an  attempt  to 
establish  freedom  of  conscience. 

"  Religion,"  said  Cromwell  in  1654,  "  was  not  the  thing 
at  first  contested  for,  but  God  brought  it  to  that  issue  at 
last,  and  gave  it  unto  us  by  way  of  redundancy,  and  at 
last  it  proved  to  be  that  which  was  most  dear  to  us.  And 
wherein  consisted  this  more  than  in  obtaining  that  liberty 
from  the  tyranny  of  the  bishops  to  all  species  of  Protest- 
ants to  worship  God  according  to  their  own  light  and 
conscience  ? " 

In  every  civil  war,  political  and  religious  convic- 
tions must  often  conflict  with  family  ties.  Few  fam- 
ilies were  like  the  Fairfaxes  and  Sheffields,  of  whom 
it  was  said  that  there  was  not  one  of  those  names 
but  was  on  the  side  of  the  Parliament.  Royalists 
might  have  made  a  like  boast  of  the  Byrons,  the 
Comptons,  and  many  less  distinguished  houses,  but 
in  very  many  cases  the  nearest  relations  took  oppos- 
ite sides.  At  Edgehill,  the  Earl  of  Denbigh  and  the 
Earl  of  Dover  charged  in  the  King's  guard,  while 
their  sons,  Lord  Feilding  and  Lord  Rochford,  fought 
under  Essex.  In  Cromwell's  own  family,  his  uncle, 
Sir  Oliver,  and  his  cousin,  Henry  Cromwell,  were 
both  ardent  Royalists,  and  owed  the  preservation  of 
their  estates,  after  the  defeat  of  their  party,  to  the 
intercession  of  their  kinsman. 


Oliver  Cromwell 

While  this  division  of  families  and  friends  made 
the  war  more  painful,  it  tended  to  humanise  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  conducted.  The  men  who 
found  themselves  reluctantly  arrayed  in  arms  against 
each  other  could  not  forget  old  friendship  and  old 
kinship. 

"  My  affections  to  you,"  wrote  Sir  William  Waller  to 
his  old  comrade,  Sir  Ralph  Hopton,  when  their  two 
armies  were  about  to  meet  in  battle,  "  are  so  unchange- 
able that  hostility  itself  cannot  violate  my  friendship  to 
your  person,  but  I  must  be  true  to  the  cause  wherein  I 
serve.  The  great  God,  who  is  the  searcher  of  my  heart, 
knows  with  what  reluctance  I  go  upon  this  service,  and 
with  what  perfect  hatred  I  look  upon  a  war  without  an 
enemy.  The  God  of  peace  in  His  good  time  send  us 
peace,  and  in  the  meantime  fit  us  to  receive  it.  We  are 
both  upon  the  stage,  and  we  must  act  the  parts  that  are 
assigned  us  in  this  tragedy.  Let  us  do  it  in  a  way  of 
honour,  and  without  personal  animosities." 

On  the  whole,  the  war  was  honourably  and  hu- 
manely carried  on.  The  savage  cruelty  which 
marked  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in  Germany  is  absent 
in  the  contemporaneous  war  in  England.  Little 
blood  was  shed  except  in  the  heat  of  battle  ;  quarter 
was  liberally  granted,  and  the  lives  of  non-combatants 
were  respected.  But  inevitably  the  prolongation  of 
the  war  embittered  the  temper  of  both  parties,  and 
when,  as  in  Scotland  and  Ireland,  their  hostility  was 
inflamed  by  national  animosity  a  fiercer  spirit  showed 
itself. 

War  broke  out  in  England  in  the  summer  of  1642, 
and  there  were  many  local  struggles  between  the 


1642]  The  First  Campaign  75 

partisans  of  King  and  Parliament  before  the  royal 
standard  was  set  up  at  Nottingham  (August  22,  1642). 
In  many  counties  a  royalist  lord-lieutenant  endeav- 
oured to  put  in  force  the  King's  commission  of  array, 
while  a  parliamentary  lord-lieutenant  tried  to  carry 
into  effect  the  Parliament's  militia  ordinance.  Each 
called  on  the  local  train-bands  to  gather  round  him, 
and  sought  to  obtain  possession  of  the  magazine 
in  which  the  arms  and  munitions  of  the  county  were 
stored.  The  first  of  these  collisions — a  bloodless  one 
— took  place  at  Leicester  in  June  ;  blood  was  shed  in 
an  affray  at  Manchester  on  July  I5th.  In  July,  the 
King  attempted  to  besiege  Hull,  and  some  lives  were 
lost  in  a  sally.  In  August,  the  Marquis  of  Hertford 
proclaimed  the  commission  of  array  in  Somersetshire, 
the  Governor  of  Portsmouth  declared  for  the  King, 
and  the  flame  spread  from  the  north  and  the  mid- 
lands to  the  western  counties.  As  yet  there  was  no 
serious  fighting,  but  everywhere  men  gathered  in 
arms,  and  preparations  for  the  campaign  began. 

In  this  preliminary  trial  of  strength,  no  man  was 
more  active  for  the  Parliament  than  Cromwell.  On 
June  5th,  he  subscribed  five  hundred  pounds  to  the 
fund  for  raising  an  army.  Next  month,  after  send- 
ing to  his  constituents  at  Cambridge  a  hundred 
pounds'  worth  of  arms  at  his  own  expense,  he  ob- 
tained a  vote  empowering  them  to  train  and  exercise 
volunteer  companies.  The  King  sent  to  the  univer- 
sity for  its  money  and  its  plate,  but  Cromwell,  aided 
by  his  brothers-in-law,  Valentine  Walton  and  John 
Desborough,  raised  men  and  beset  the  north  road 
to  intercept  them.  Early  in  August,  he  marched  to 


y5  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642 

Cambridge,  seized  the  county  magazine,  and  secured 
most  of  the  plate,  worth,  it  is  said,  twenty  thousand 
pounds,  for  the  Parliament's  service.  At  the  same 
time  he  prevented  the  attempt  to  execute  the 
commission  of  array  in  the  county,  and  sent  the 
heads  of  three  of  the  colleges,  Jesus,  Queen's,  and 
St.  John's,  prisoners  to  London.  The  House  of 
Commons  passed  a  vote  for  his  indemnity,  but  the 
promptitude  with  which  he  assumed  responsibility 
and  anticipated  their  orders  by  his  acts  was  ex- 
tremely characteristic.  There  were  many  gentlemen 
of  greater  rank  in  Cambridge  and  Huntingdonshire 
willing  to  fight  for  the  Parliament,  but  from  the  very 
first  Cromwell's  energy  and  readiness  to  act  made 
him  a  leader.  At  the  end  of  August,  Cromwell  re- 
turned to  London,  and  shortly  afterwards  joined 
with  a  troop  of  sixty  horse  the  army  which  Parlia- 
ment was  gathering  under  the  Earl  of  Essex. 

From  the  moment  that  preparations  for  war  began, 
the  Parliament  had  two  great  advantages  over  the 
King,  which  it  retained  as  long  as  the  war  lasted.  In 
July,  the  fleet  in  the  Downs  accepted  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  as  its  admiral  and  declared  for  the  Parlia- 
ment. The  possession  of  the  navy  meant  the  com- 
mand of  the  sea  and  the  interception  of  the  King's 
communications  with  the  continent.  He  looked  to 
Holland  and  France  for  arms  and  ammunition,  but 
the  parliamentary  cruisers  constantly  captured  his 
ships  and  stopped  his  supplies.  All  the  chief  ports 
were  in  the  power  of  the  Parliament ;  Charles  held 
Newcastle  and  Chester,  but  the  recapture  of  Ports- 
mouth was  one  of  the  first  results  of  the  defection  of 


1642J  The  First  Campaign  77 

the  navy.  Thanks  to  its  ships,  in  1643  and  1644  the 
Parliament  was  able  to  preserve  Hull  when  the  rest 
of  Yorkshire  was  subdued,  and  to  keep  Lyme  and  Ply- 
mouth when  the  King's  forces  were  triumphant  in 
the  west.  Thanks  to  its  ships,  the  King's  plans  for 
procuring  French  or  Danish  or  Walloon  mercenaries 
to  restore  his  falling  cause  were  made  impossible  to 
carry  out,  even  if  he  could  raise  money  to  hire  them. 

The  second  advantage  of  the  Parliament  was  that 
it  had  far  more  money  at  its  disposal  than  the  King. 
It  was  strongest  in  the  richest  parts  of  the  country. 
With  London  and  the  trading  classes  in  general 
devoted  to  it,  it  had  no  difficulty  in  raising  loans. 
The  possession  of  London  and  most  of  the  seaports 
secured  it  the  customs,  which  formed  the  largest  and 
the  most  expansive  part  of  the  revenue  of  the  State. 
As  the  war  continued,  voluntary  loans  developed  into 
forced  loans,  customs  were  supplemented  by  the  im- 
position of  an  excise,  monthly  assessments  were 
levied  on  all  counties  under  the  Parliament's  rule, 
and  the  sequestration  of  the  lands  of  Royalists  pro- 
vided a  new  source  of  income.  Yet,  great  though 
the  resources  of  the  Parliament  were,  its  financial 
system  was  so  imperfect  that  after  the  first  few 
months  the  pay  of  the  soldiers  was  constantly  in 
arrear. 

On  the  other  hand,  Charles  had  scarcely  any  regu- 
lar sources  of  income,  and  very  little  money  to  equip 
or  support  an  army.  To  provide  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion for  his  men  he  was  driven  to  pawn  the  Crown 
jewels  and  to  mortgage  the  Crown  lands.  Loans 
from  corporations  or  men  of  means,  the  sales  of 


*g  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642 

peerages  or  other  titular  dignities,  customs  duties  in 
the  few  ports  under  his  control,  and  contributions 
levied  in  the  districts  within  range  of  his  garrisons 
made  up  his  scanty  budget.  Throughout,  the  King's 
chief  resource  was  the  devotion  of  his  followers. 
Loyal  merchants  in  London  secretly  forwarded  him 
their  offerings.  The  University  of  Oxford  sent  him 
ten  thousand  pounds,  and  its  colleges  gave  up  their 
plate  to  be  coined  for  his  cause.  Rich  noblemen 
contributed  regiments  or  troops,  and  poor  gentlemen 
served  at  their  own  expense.  The  Marquis  of  New- 
castle raised  some  thousands  of  men  on  his  own 
estates ;  the  Earl  of  Worcester  and  his  son,  Lord 
Herbert,  furnished  the  King  with  £120,000  between 
March  and  July,  1642.  Thanks  to  the  zeal  of  his  fol- 
lowers, and  above  all  to  the  territorial  influence  of  the 
great  landowners,  Charles  was  able  ere  long  to  oppose 
Parliament  with  forces  equal  to  its  own.  At  the 
end  of  August  the  King  had  with  him  at  Notting- 
ham only  a  few  hundred  half-armed  foot.  His 
artillery  and  several  regiments  of  infantry  were  left 
behind  at  York,  and  his  cavalry  under  Prince  Rupert 
in  the  Midlands.  The  general  of  his  little  army  told 
the  King  that  he  could  not  secure  him  against  being 
taken  in  his  bed,  if  the  enemy  made  a  brisk  attack. 
The  parliamentary  forces  assembling  at  Northamp- 
ton amounted  early  in  September  to  fourteen  thou- 
sand men,  and  Essex  had  in  all  about  twenty 
thousand  men  under  his  command.  This  was  "  an 
army  which,"  as  the  historian  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment said,  "  was  too  great  to  find  resistance  at  that 
time  from  any  forces  afoot  in  England." 


ROBERT    DEVEREUX,    EARL   OF  ESSEX. 
(From  Devereux's  "  Lives  of  the  Devereux") 


1642]  The  First  Campaign  79 

But  instead  of  hastening  to  crush  the  King  while 
he  was  weak,  Essex  gave  him  time  to  grow  strong. 
From  Nottingham,  Charles  moved  to  Shrewsbury, 
increasing  his  forces  as  he  went,  and  equipping  them 
with  weapons  taken  from  the  train-bands,  or  from 
the  armouries  of  loyal  noblemen.  Essex  moved  to 
Worcester  and  established  himself  there,  making  no 
effort  to  find  the  King  and  fight  him,  and  reducing 
his  forces  by  leaving  garrisons  in  different  towns. 
Now  that  he  had  an  army,  Charles  boldly  took  the 
offensive  and  marched  to  London,  hoping  to  end  the 
war  at  a  blow.  Essex  hurried  eastwards  to  defend 
the  capital,  and  at  Edgehill,  on  October  23rd,  Charles 
was  obliged  to  turn  and  give  battle  to  his  pursuer. 

The  two  armies  were  now  not  unequally  matched. 
Each  numbered  about  fourteen  thousand  men,  but 
the  Parliamentarians  were  far  better  armed  than  the 
Royalists.  Clarendon  thus  describes  the  equipment 
of  the  King's  army : 

"  The  foot,  all  but  300  or  400  who  marched  without 
any  weapons  but  cudgels,  were  armed  with  muskets,  and 
bags  for  their  powder,  and  pikes,  but  in  the  whole  body 
there  was  not  one  pikeman  who  had  a  corselet  and  very 
few  musketeers  who  had  swords.  Amongst  the  horse, 
the  officers  had  their  full  desire  if  they  were  able  to  pro- 
cure old  backs  and  breasts  and  pots  (*".  e.,  helmets),  with 
pistols  or  carbines  for  their  two  or  three  front  ranks  and 
swords  for  the  rest  ;  themselves  and  some  soldiers  by 
their  example  having  gotten  besides  their  pistols  and 
swords  a  short  poleaxe." 

The  regiments  who  followed  Essex,  thanks  to  the 
Parliament's  control  of  money  and  its  possession  of 


Oliver  Cromwell 

the  magazines  of  Hull  and  the  Tower,  were  armed 
with  more  uniformity  and  more  completeness, 
musketeers  had  their  swords,  his  pikemen,  who  con- 
stituted a  third  of  each  foot  regiment,  had  their 
corselets,  and  his  horsemen  pistols  and  defensive  ar- 
mour. In  both  armies,  the  officers  consisted  mostly 
of  gentlemen  who  had  neither  military  training  not 
experience  of  war,  mixed  with  a  certain  number  of 
soldiers  of  fortune  who  had  served  in  the  armies  of 
France,  or  Holland,  or  Sweden.  In  foot  regiments, 
the  major  or  lieutenant-colonel  was  usually  an  old 
soldier ;  in  troops  of  horse,  the  lieutenant.  "  The 
most  part  of  our  horse  were  raised  thus,"  says  a 
royalist  playwright :  "  The  honest  country  gentle- 
man raises  the  troop  at  his  own  charge,  then  he  gets 
a  low-country  lieutenant  to  fight  his  troop  for  him, 
then  sends  for  his  son  from  school  to  be  cornet." 

On  both  sides,  the  generals  possessed  the  training 
which  their  soldiers  lacked.  Essex  had  fought  with 
honour  in  the  Palatinate  and  Holland ;  Balfour,  who 
led  his  cavalry,  had  served  many  years  in  the  Dutch 
army.  The  King's  commander-in-chief,  the  Earl  of 
Lindsey,  was  another  Dutch  officer,  and  Prince  Ru- 
pert had  seen  some  fighting  under  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  one  disastrous  campaign  in  Germany. 
Yet  despite  Rupert's  lack  of  experience  the  King 
gave  him  charge  of  all  his  horse  as  an  independent 
command,  and  followed  his  advice  rather  than  Lind- 
sey's  in  the  ordering  of  the  battle.  One  great  ad- 
vantage Charles  had  which  counterbalanced  the 
superior  armament  of  the  parliamentary  forces.  His 
cavalry  was  superior  to  theirs  both  in  quantity  and 


PRINCE   RUPERT,   K.Q. 
(From  a  painting  by  Sir  Peter  Lely,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.} 


1642]  The  First  Campaign  81 

quality.  He  had  four  thousand  horse  to  Essex's 
three  thousand,  and  his  troopers  were  flushed  with 
confidence  by  their  easy  victory  in  a  skirmish  near 
Worcester.  Rupert  resolved  to  utilise  this  advantage 
to  the  full.  Massing  the  bulk  of  the  cavalry  on  the 
right  wing  under  his  own  command,  he  swept  the 
horse  opposed  to  him  from  the  field,  routed  four 
regiments  of  Essex's  foot,  plundered  Essex's  camp  at 
Kineton,  and  followed  the  fugitives  for  some  miles. 
Wilmot,  with  the  cavalry  of  the  left,  charged  with 
like  success,  and  even  the  reserves  joined  in  the  chase. 
Meanwhile,  Essex  and  those  of  his  foot  regiments 
who  stood  firm  attacked  the  royalist  infantry  front 
to  front,  while  Balfour,  with  two  regiments  of  cav- 
alry forming  the  parliamentary  reserve,  fell  upon 
their  exposed  flanks.  The  Earl  of  Lindsey  was 
mortally  wounded  and  made  prisoner,  the  King's 
standard  taken  and  regained,  several  regiments  were 
cut  to  pieces,  and  two  only  held  their  ground. 
When  Rupert  returned  from  the  chase,  his  cavalry 
were  too  disordered  to  be  brought  to  attack,  but 
their  arrival  saved  the  King's  infantry  from  further 
attack,  and  night  brought  the  dubious  battle  to  a 
close.  Before  day  broke,  Hampden,  with  two  fresh 
regiments  of  foot  and  ten  troops  of  horse,  joined 
Essex,  and  urged  him  to  advance  and  drive  the 
King  from  his  position.  Essex,  discouraged  by  the 
misbehaviour  of  his  cavalry,  and  by  his  heavy  losses, 
was  disinclined  to  risk  anything,  and  retreated  to 
Warwick.  All  the  fruits  of  victory  fell  to  the  King, 
and,  capturing  Banbury  Castle  without  a  blow,  he 
pursued  his  march  to  Oxford  and  made  that  city 

6  ,' 


g2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642 

his   headquarters   for    the    remainder    of    the    war 
(October  29th). 

Early  in  November,  Charles  resumed  his  advance 
upon  London.  Reading  was  abandoned  as  he  drew 
near,  but  by  this  time  Essex  had  placed  his  army 
between  the  King  and  the  capital,  and  there  was  no 
ground  for  the  panic  which  filled  the  citizens.  In 
the  Parliament,  the  peace  party  for  a  moment  gained 
the  upper  hand  and  sent  commissioners  to  open 
negotiations.  Charles  expressed  his  willingness  to 
treat,  but  said  nothing  about  a  suspension  of  hostili- 
ties, and  still  continued  to  advance.  By  his  orders, 
on  November  I2th,  Rupert,  taking  advantage  of  a 
mist  which  concealed  his  movements,  fell  upon 
Essex's  outposts  at  Brentford,  and  cut  to  pieces  the 
two  regiments  of  Holies  and  Brooke.  Hampden 
came  to  their  rescue  and  covered  the  retreat  of  the 
survivors,  but  Brentford  was  thoroughly  sacked  by 
the  Royalists.  The  City  expected  to  share  the  same 
fate,  and,  says  Clarendon,  "  the  alarum  came  to  Lon- 
don with  the  same  dire  yell  as  if  the  army  were 
entered  their  gates."  Negotiations  were  broken  off, 
with  loud  accusations  of  treachery  against  the  King. 
The  train-bands  rushed  to  arms,  and,  all  night,  regi- 
ments streamed  forth  from  the  City  to  reinforce- 
Essex.  Next  day,  Charles  found  twenty  thousand 
men  blocking  his  way  at  Turnham  Green,  while 
three  thousand  more  occupied  Kingston  and  threat- 
ened his  line  of  retreat.  Some  cannon  shots  were 
exchanged,  but  the  King  was  too  weak  to  at- 
tack, and  Essex  too  cautious.  Once  more  Hamp- 
den urged  him  to  action,  and  for  a  moment  he 


1642]  The  First  Campaign  83 

seemed  inclined  to  take  the  offensive.  He  had  two 
men  to  the  King's  one,  and  his  citizen  soldiers  were 
eager  to  fight,  and  cheered  "  Old  Robin  "  whenever 
he  appeared  amongst  them.  But,  as  after  Edgehill, 
"  the  old  soldiers  of  fortune,  on  whose  judgment  the 
general  most  relied,"  were  against  fighting,  and  he 
called  back  Hampden,  evacuated  Kingston,  and  suf- 
fered Charles  to  draw  off  his  troops  undisturbed. 
The  march  on  London  was  stopped,  at  least  for  this 
year  ;  the  shops  of  its  citizens  were  safe,  and  neither 
"  captain  or  colonel  or  knight-at-arms  "  threatened 
the  "  defenceless  doors  "  of  Puritan  poets.  Charles 
retired  to  Oxford  ;  the  parliamentary  army  went 
into  winter  quarters,  and  the  campaign  ended  as 
indecisively  as  Edgehill  had  ended.  With  a  larger 
and  better  equipped  army,  and  with  greater  pecuni- 
ary resources  at  his  disposal,  Essex  had  throughout 
allowed  the  King  to  take  the  initiative,  and  neglected 
every  opportunity  offered  him  by  fortune.  Charles, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  soon  as  he  got  together  an 
army,  adopted  a  consistent  strategic  plan,  and  pur- 
sued it  with  energy  and  even  audacity.  His  out- 
posts were  now  within  thirty  miles  of  London,  and 
all  over  England  his  followers  were  gaining  ground 
and  gaining  heart. 

Ever  since  September,  Cromwell  had  been  serving 
under  Essex,  and  this  unsuccessful  campaign  was  his 
sole  training  in  the  art  of  war.  At  Edgehill,  his 
troops  formed  part  of  the  regiment  commanded  by 
Sir  Philip  Stapleton,  one  of  the  two  regiments 
which  did  such  splendid  service  on  that  day.  In 
later  years,  it  pleased  party  pamphleteers  to  assert 


Oliver  Cromwell 

. 

that  he  was  not  even  present  in  the  battle,  but 
a  contemporary  account  specially  mentions  Captain 
Cromwell  in  a  list  of  officers  who  "  never  stirred  from 
their  troops,  but  fought  till  the  last  minute."  One 
lesson  at  least  he  learned  at  Edgehill:  that  was  the 
necessity  of  keeping  a  reserve  in  hand,  and  the  im- 
portance of  energetically  using  it.  Another  thing 
which  the  battle  taught  him  was  that  the  Parlia- 
ment's arms  would  never  be  victorious  till  its  cavalry 
was  equal  in  quality  to  the  King's.  Some  of  Essex's 
foot  regiments  were  excellent,  but  the  ranks  of  his 
cavalry  were  filled  with  men  attracted  solely  by  high 
pay  and  opportunities  of  plunder  —  men  who  were 
neither  soldiers  nor  good  material  for  making  sol- 
diers. The  consequences  were  what  might  have 
been  expected.  "  At  my  first  going  out  into  this 
engagement,"  said  Cromwell, "  I  saw  our  men  beaten 
at  every  hand."  Accordingly  he  spoke  to  his  cousin, 
Hampden,  and  urged  him  to  procure  the  raising  of 
some  new  regiments  to  be  added  to  Essex's  army. 

"  I  told  him  I  would  be  serviceable  to  him  in  bringing 
such  men  in  as  I  thought  had  a  spirit  that  would  do 
something  in  the  work.  *  Your  troops,'  said  I,  *  are  most 
of  them  old  decayed  serving-men,  tapsters,  and  such  kind 
of  fellows  ;  do  you  think  that  the  spirits  of  such  base, 
mean  fellows  will  ever  be  able  to  encounter  gentlemen 
that  have  honour,  and  courage,  and  resolution  in  them  ? 
You  must  get  men  of  a  spirit  that  is  likely  to  go  as  far  as 
gentlemen  will  go,  or  you  will  be  beaten  still.'  " 

Hampden  answered  that  the  notion  was  a  good 
notion,  but  impracticable.  Impracticable  was  not 


1642] 


The  First  Campaign 


a  word  which  Cromwell  understood.  He  obtained 
leave  of  absence  for  himself  and  his  troop  and  went 
down  into  the  eastern  counties  in  January,  1643, "  to 
raise  such  men  as  had  the  fear  of  God  before  them, 
and  made  some  conscience  of  what  they  did." 


CHAPTER  V 

CROMWELL  IN  THE  EASTERN  ASSOCIATION 

1643 

AT  the  opening  of  the  campaign  of  1643,  the 
strength  of  the  Royalists  had  greatly  increased, 
and  before  its  close  the  advantage  had  passed 
to  the  King.  In  almost  every  county,  towns  and 
castles  were  garrisoned,  and  rival  leaders,  raising 
troops  for  King  or  Parliament,  waged  war  against 
each  other  with  varying  fortunes.  In  the  north  and 
in  the  west  of  England,  the  Royalists  rapidly  gained 
the  upper  hand,  and  these  local  successes  exercised 
a  decisive  influence  on  the  course  of  the  general  war. 
In  April,  1643,  Essex  with  sixteen  thousand  foot 
to  three  thousand  horse  advanced  towards  Oxford 
and  captured  Reading  (April  2/th).  Hampden 
urged  him  to  follow  up  this  advantage  by  besieging 
Oxford,  which  was  weakly  fortified  and  ill  pro- 
visioned. But  Essex's  army  was  mutinous  for  want 
of  pay,  and  decimated  by  a  great  sickness  which 
broke  out  in  his  camp  after  the  fall  of  Reading.  He 
did  not  resume  the  movement  on  Oxford  till  June, 
and  in  the  meantime  the  King  had  been  strongly 


1643]  In  the  Eastern  Association  87 

reinforced.  With  his  diminished  numbers,  Essex  was 
unable  to  invest  Oxford,  and  in  the  small  encounters 
which  took  place  round  it  his  troops  were  generally 
worsted.  At  Chalgrove  Field,  on  June  i8th,  Hamp- 
den  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  death  a  week 
later  was  as  great  a  blow  to  his  party  as  the  loss  of  a 
battle.  "  Every  honest  man,"  wrote  a  fellow  officer, 
"  hath  a  share  in  the  loss,  and  will  likewise  in  the  sor- 
row. He  was  a  gallant  man,  an  honest  man,  an  able 
man,  and,  take  all,  I  know  not  to  any  living  man  sec- 
ond." In  his  short  military  career,  he  had  shown  an  en- 
ergy, a  decision,  and  a  strategic  instinct  which  seemed 
to  mark  him  out  as  a  future  general. 

After  Hampden's  death,  Essex  fell  back  from 
Oxford  and  remained  inactive,  permitting  the  King 
to  effect  a  junction  with  the  Royalists  of  the  north 
and  the  west.  In  the  north,  the  Marquis  of  New- 
castle had  overrun  the  greater  part  of  Yorkshire  and 
cooped  up  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  son  Sir  Thomas  in 
the  West  Riding.  On  June  3<Dth,  he  routed  the  two 
Fairfaxes  at  Adwalton  Moor,  near  Bradford,  and 
forced  them  to  take  refuge  in  Hull  —  the  only  fortress 
which  the  Parliament  now  held  in  Yorkshire.  The 
Queen  had  landed  at  Bridlington  in  February,  and 
these  successes  enabled  her  to  march  south  and  join 
Charles  at  Oxford  with  arms,  ammunition,  and 
reinforcements. 

In  the  west,  during  the  same  period,  a  little  army 
of  Cornishmen  under  Sir  Ralph  Hopton  won  victory 
after  victory  over  the  Parliamentarians.  At  Bradock 
Down,  on  January  19,  1643,  Hopton  defeated  Gen- 
eral Ruthven ;  at  Stratton,  on  May  i6th,  he  beat 


Oliver  Cromwell 

Lord  Stamford.  Then,  joined  by  Prince  Maurice 
and  the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  he  advanced  into 
Somersetshire  and  fought  a  drawn  battle  with  Sir 
William  Waller  at  Lansdown,  near  Bath,  on  July 
5th.  Followed  by  Waller,  Hopton  continued  his 
march  towards  Oxford,  and  was  blocked  up  in  De- 
vizes with  his  infantry  by  his  pursuer.  But  the 
retreat  of  Essex  had  enabled  the  King  to  move 
freely,  and  had  left  Waller  unsupported.  On  July 
1 3th,  the  very  day  when  the  Queen  reached  Oxford, 
Wilmot  and  a  body  of  horse  sent  from  Oxford 
routed  Waller's  army  at  Roundway  Down,  and 
rescued  Hopton's  hard-pressed  army. 

Thus  by  the  end  of  July  the  Royalists  were  masters 
in  the  field,  and  Charles  could  take  the  offensive. 
The  King's  original  plan  had  been  that  he  should 
hold  Essex  in  check,  whilst  Newcastle  advanced 
from  the  north  into  Essex,  and  Hopton  made  his 
way  through  the  southern  counties  toward  Kent. 
All  three  were  then  to  close  in  upon  London,  and 
strike  down  rebellion  in  its  headquarters.  But  now 
Newcastle's  army  refused  to  march  southwards 
whilst  Hull  was  uncaptured,  and  the  western  army 
hesitated  to  advance  farther  whilst  Plymouth  was 
not  taken.  Local  feeling  was  too  powerful  to  be 
neglected,  and  Charles  was  forced  to  complete  the 
subjugation  of  the  west  instead  of  advancing  upon 
London. 

On  July  26th,  Bristol,  the  second  port  in  the  king- 
dom, surrendered  to  Prince  Rupert.  Gloucester  was 
besieged  on  August  loth,  and  though  vigorously  de- 
fended by  Colonel  Massey  it  seemed  certain  to  fall, 


JOHN    HAMPDEN. 
(From  Nugenfs  '"''Life  of  H 


16431  In  the  Eastern  Association  89 

for  the  Parliament  had  no  army  available  to  relieve 
it.  "  Waller,"  exulted  the  Royalists,  "  is  extinct, 
and  Essex  cannot  come."  Once  more  Pym  and  the 
Parliament  appealed  to  the  City,  and  London  re- 
sponded with  a  zeal  which  no  disasters  could  chill. 
The  citizens  closed  their  shops,  six  regiments  of 
London  train-bands  joined  the  shattered  army  of 
Essex,  and  with  fifteen  thousand  men  at  his  back 
the  Earl  marched  for  Gloucester.  Vainly  Rupert 
and  the  King's  horse  strove  to  delay  his  progress; 
at  his  approach,  the  besiegers  drew  off  their  forces 
without  fighting,  and  Gloucester  was  saved. 

As  the  Parliamentarians  returned  to  London,  the 
King  barred  their  way  at  Newbury,  and  forced  them 
to  cut  their  way  through  or  perish  (September 
2Oth).  This  time  the  parliamentary  horse  fought 
well,  but  it  was  the  firmness  and  courage  of  Essex's 
infantry  which  preserved  the  army.  The  London 
train-bands,  whom  the  Cavaliers  had  derided,  "  stood 
as  a  bulwark  and  rampire  to  defend  the  rest,"  and 
received  charge  after  charge  of  Rupert's  horse  with 
their  pikes  as  steadily  as  if  they  had  been  drilling  on 
their  parade  ground.  Long  training  in  military  ex- 
ercises had  given  them  a  "  readiness,  order,  and  dex- 
terity in  the  use  of  their  arms,"  which  compensated 
for  their  inexperience  of  actual  war.  Step  by  step 
the  parliamentary  army  gained  ground,  till  the  fail- 
ure of  the  King's  ammunition  obliged  him  to  retreat 
and  leave  the  passage  free.  Essex  re-entered  Lon- 
don in  triumph.  Gloucester  was  safe,  and  his  army 
was  safe,  but  Reading,  the  one  trophy  of  his  year's 
fighting,  was  abandoned  again  to  the  Royalists. 


Oliver  Cromwell 

The  year  1643  closed  gloomily  for  the  Parliament. 
Except  Gloucester,  Plymouth,  and  a  few  ports  in 
Dorsetshire,  all  the  west  was  the  King's ;  the  north 
was  his  except  Hull  and  Lancashire,  and  in  the  mid- 
lands the  Parliamentarians  held  their  own  with  dif- 
ficulty. Only  in  the  eastern  counties  had  the 
Parliament  gained  strength  and  territory,  and  it 
was  to  Cromwell  more  than  any  other  man  that  this 
isolated  success  was  due.  At  the  close  of  1642, 
Parliament  had  passed  an  ordinance  associating  the 
five  counties  of  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Essex,  Cambridge, 
and  Hertfordshire  for  the  purpose  of  common  de- 
fence (December  10,  1642).  The  Eastern  Associ- 
ation, as  it  was  termed,  was  completed  by  the 
accession  of  Huntingdonshire  (May  26,  1643)  and 
finally  of  Lincolnshire  (September  20,  1643).  Cam- 
bridge was  its  headquarters  and  Cromwell  was  from 
the  first  its  guiding  spirit.  On  his  march  from  Lon- 
don in  January,  1643,  Cromwell  seized  the  royalist 
high  sheriff  of  Hertfordshire  as  he  was  proclaiming 
the  King's  commission  of  array  in  the  market-place 
of  St.  Albans,  and  sent  him  up  to  London  (January 
I4th).  In  February,  he  was  at  Cambridge  busily 
fortifying  the  town  and  collecting  men  to  resist  a 
threatened  attack  from  Lord  Capel.  In  March,  he 
suppressed  a  royalist  rising  at  Lowestoft,  taking 
prisoners  many  gentlemen  and  "  good  store  of  pistols 
and  other  arms."  A  few  days  later,  he  disarmed  the 
Royalists  of  Lynn  ;  in  April,  those  of  Huntingdon- 
shire shared  the  same  fate,  and  on  April  28th  he 
recaptured  Crowland  where  the  King's  party  had 
established  a  garrison.  Whenever  royalist  raiders 


The 

EASTERN 
ASSOCIATION 


1643]  In  the  Eastern  Association  91 

made  a  dash  into  the  Association,  or  disaffected 
gentry  attempted  a  rising,  Colonel  Cromwell  and 
his  men  were  swift  to  suppress  them.  "  It 's  happy," 
he  wrote,  "  to  resist  such  beginnings  betimes,"  and 
he  never  failed  to  do  so. 

Meanwhile  the  notion  which  Hampden  had  thought 
impracticable  was  rapidly  becoming  a  fact.  Crom- 
well's one  troop  of  eighty  horse  had  become  the 
nucleus  of  a  regiment.  By  March,  1643,  he  had 
five  troops,  and  by  September,  ten.  When  the  New 
Model  army  was  constituted,  his  regiment  had  be- 
come a  double  regiment  of  fourteen  full  troops, 
numbering  about  eleven  hundred  troopers.  Above 
all  they  were  men  of  the  same  spirit  as  their  colonel. 
His  original  troop  had  been  carefully  chosen.  "  He 
had  a  special  care,"  writes  Baxter,  "  to  get  religious 
men  into  his  troop  ;  these  men  were  of  greater  un- 
derstanding than  common  soldiers  .  .  .  and 
making  not  money  but  that  which  they  took  for 
public  felicity  to  be  their  end,  they  were  the  more 
engaged  to  be  valiant."  The  new  additions  were  of 
the  same  quality.  "  Pray  raise  honest,  godly  men 
and  I  will  have  them  of  my  regiment,"  Cromwell 
promised  the  town  of  Norwich.  "  My  troops  in- 
crease," he  told  a  friend  a  few  weeks  later ;  "  I 
have  a  lovely  company ;  you  would  respect  them 
did  you  know  them ;  they  are  no  Anabaptists,  they 
are  honest,  sober  Christians." 

The  officers  were  selected  on  the  same  principle. 
"If  you  choose  godly,  honest  men  to  be  captains  of 
horse,  honest  men  will  follow  them  ;  and  they  will 
be  careful  to  mount  such,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  the 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1643 

Committee  of  Suffolk.  When  he  could  get  gentle- 
men  he  preferred  them,  but  godliness  and  'zeal  for 
the  cause  were  the  essentials. 

"  I  had  rather  have,"  said  he,  "  a  plain  russet-coated 
captain  that  knows  what  he  fights  for  and  loves  what 
he  knows,  than  that  which  you  call  '  a  gentleman,'  and 
is  nothing  else.  I  honour  a  gentleman  that  is  so  indeed. 
It  may  be  it  provokes  some  spirits  to  see  such 
plain  men  made  captains  of  horse.  It  had  been  well 
that  men  of  honour  and  birth  had  entered  into  these 
employments  — but  why  do  they  not  appear  ?  But  see- 
ing it  was  necessary  the  work  must  go  on,  better  plain 
men  than  none." 

What  struck  observers  first  was  the  rigid  discipline 
which  Cromwell  enforced  not  only  in  his  own  regi- 
ment but  in  all  men  under  his  command.  No  plun- 
dering was  permitted,  reported  a  newspaper ;  "  no 
man  swears  but  he  pays  his  twelvepence  ;  if  he  be 
drunk  he  is  set  in  the  stocks  or  worse.  How  happy 
were  it  if  all  the  forces  were  thus  disciplined  !  "  The 
next  notable  fact  was  that  they  were  better  armed 
than  other  regiments,  as  well  as  better  disciplined. 
Besides  the  sword,  each  trooper  had  a  pair  of  pistols, 
but  not  carbines  or  other  firearms.  For  defensive 
arms,  they  had  simply  a  light  helmet  or  "  pot,"  and 
a  "  back  and  breast "  of  iron.  Thus  while  ade- 
quately protected  they  were  lighter  and  more  active 
than  fully  equipped  cuirassiers,  and  while  adequately 
armed  they  had  no  temptation  to  adopt  the  tactics 
of  mounted  infantry  or  dragoons.  Moreover,  from 
the  beginning,  Cromwell's  men  were  taught  to 


16431  In  the  Eastern  Association  93 

charge  home,  and  to  rely  on  the  impact  of  their 
charge  and  the  sharpness  of  their  swords.  They 
were  well  mounted  and  many  of  them  owned 
the  horses  they  rode,  being,  as  Whitelocke  says, 
"  freeholders  or  freeholders'  sons,  who  upon  matter 
of  conscience  engaged  in  this  quarrel."  Others  were 
provided  from  the  stables  of  Royalists,  and  one  of 
Cromwell's  letters  is  a  defence  of  an  officer  who  had 
seized  the  horses  of  "  Malignants  "  to  mount  his 
troop.  A  great  lover  of  horses  and  arms  himself, 
Colonel  Cromwell  made  his  men  keep  both  in  good 
condition.  "  Cromwell,"  says  a  royalist  writer, 
"  used  them  daily  to  look  after,  feed,  and  dress  their 
horses,  and,  when  it  was  needful,  to  lie  together  on 
the  ground  ;  and  besides  taught  them  to  clean  and 
keep  their  arms  bright  and  to  have  them  ready  for 
service."  Men  of  such  a  spirit,  armed,  mounted, 
drilled,  and  disciplined  with  care,  soon  proved  their 
superiority  both  to  the  King's  troops  and  to  those 
of  Essex  and  Waller. 

"  That  difference,"  says  Clarendon,  "  was  observed 
shortly  from  the  beginning  of  the  war:  that  though  the 
King's  troops  prevailed  in  the  charge,  and  routed  those 
they  charged,  they  never  rallied  themselves  again  in  or- 
der, nor  could  be  brought  to  make  a  second  charge 
again  the  same  day,  whereas  Cromwell's  troops  if  they 
prevailed,  or  though  they  were  beaten  and  routed,  pre- 
sently rallied  again,  and  stood  in  good  order  till  they 
received  new  orders." 

In   May,   1643,  Essex  ordered  the  forces  of  the 
eastern  counties  and  the  east  midlands  to  unite  in 


94  Oliver  Cromwell  [1643 

order  to  relieve  Lincolnshire,  and  if  possible  ^to  pene- 
trate to  Yorkshire  and  assist  the  Fairfaxes/  Crom- 
well was  eager  to  carry  out  his  orders,  but  first  one 
then  another  local  commander  declined  to  leave  his 
particular  locality  unprotected.  "  Better  it  were 
that  Leicester  were  not,"  said  Cromwell,  "  than  that 
there  should  not  be  found  an  immediate  taking  of 
the  field  by  our  forces  to  accomplish  the  common 
ends."  He  himself  set  out  for  Lincolnshire,  and 
at  Grantham  on  May  I3th  defeated  a  royalist  force 
twice  the  size  of  his  own.  The  Royalists  were  beaten 
mainly  through  their  inferior  tactics.  Their  com- 
mander had  twenty-one  troops  and  some  dragoons 
to  Cromwell's  twelve,  but  he  never  attempted 
to  charge.  The  two  bodies  of  horse  stood  about 
musket-shot  from  each  other,  and  their  dragoons 
exchanged  shots  for  about  half  an  hour. 

"  Then,"  says  Cromwell's  despatch,  "  they  not  advanc- 
ing toward  us  we  agreed  to  charge  them  .  .  .  we  came 
on  with  our  troops  at  a  pretty  round  trot,  they  standing 
firm  to  receive  us  :  and  our  men  charging  fiercely  upon 
them,  by  God's  providence  they  were  immediately 
routed  and  ran  all  away,  and  we  had  the  execution  of 
them  two  or  three  miles." 

Ten  days  later,  Cromwell  reached  Nottingham 
and  joined  the  forces  of  Lincolnshire  and  Derby- 
shire, but  with  all  his  eagerness  he  could  get  no 
farther.  The  three  commanders  quarrelled,  and 
one  of  them,  Captain  John  Hotham,  was  secretly  in 
correspondence  with  the  Royalists.  To  add  to 
Cromwell's  difficulties,  some  of  his  soldiers  were 


16431  In  the  Eastern  Association  95 

unpaid  and  mutinous,  though  he  wrote  urgently  for 
money.  It  was  a  trouble  continually  recurring  in 
his  letters  throughout  this  campaign,  because  parts 
of  the  Association  were  always  behindhand  in  pay- 
ing the  men  they  raised. 

"  Lay  not  too  much,"  he  appealed  to  one  defaulter, 
"  upon  the  back  of  a  poor  gentleman,  who  desires,  with- 
out much  noise,  to  lay  down  his  life  and  bleed  the  last 
drop  to  serve  the  cause  and  you.  I  ask  not  your  money 
for  myself  ;  if  that  were  my  end  and  hope — viz  :  the 
pay  of  my  place — I  would  not  open  my  mouth  at  this 
time.  I  desire  to  deny  myself,  but  others  will  not  be 
satisfied." 

Till  the  end  of  June,  Cromwell  stayed  at  Notting- 
ham, defeating  the  Newark  garrison  in  skirmishes, 
and  hoping  at  least  to  bar  the  Queen's  march  south, 
but  his  fellow  commanders  left  him,  and  so  he  was 
obliged  to  fall  back  into  the  Association,  and  leave 
the  Fairfaxes  to  be  crushed  at  Adwalton  Moor. 

Now  came  the  hour  of  danger  for  the  Association. 
Backed  by  Newcastle's  army,  the  Royalists  of  the 
neighbouring  counties  began  to  press  over  its  bor- 
ders. One  party  threatened  Peterborough,  and  gar- 
risoned Burleigh  House  near  Stamford.  Another 
body  besieged  Lord  Willoughby,  the  commander  of 
the  Lincolnshire  Parliamentarians,  in  Gainsborough. 
Cromwell  came  to  the  rescue  with  his  usual  speed, 
captured  Burleigh  House  and  its  garrison  on  July 
24th,  and,  gathering  what  force  he  could  get  from 
Nottinghamshire  and  Lincolnshire,  hurried  to  the 
relief  of  Gainsborough.  Colonel  Cavendish  faced 


96  Oliver  Cromwell [1643 

him  with  a  body  of  royalist  horse  posted  on  the  edge 
of  a  sandy  plateau  outside  the  town,  and  Cromwell  s 
men  had  to  mount  it  before  they  could  attack. 
Before  they  were  completely  formed,  the  royalist 
horse  advanced,  but  Cromwell  would  not  wait  to  re- 
ceive  their  charge. 

"  In  such  order  as  we  were,"  says  he,  "  we  charged  theii 
great  body.  We  came  up  horse  to  horse,  where  we 
disputed  it  with  our  swords  and  pistols  a  pretty  time, 
all  keeping  close  order,  so  that  one  could  not  break  the 
other.  At  last  they  a  little  shrinking,  our  men,  perceiving 
it,  pressed  in  upon  them,  and  immediately  routed  the 
whole  body." 

Part  of  the  Parliamentarians  followed  the  chase  five 
or  six  miles,  but  Cromwell  halted  three  troops  of  his 
regiment  as  soon  as  he  could,  and  it  was  well  he  did 
so ;  for  in  the  meantime  Cavendish  and  his  reserve 
beat  the  Lincoln  troops  forming  the  parliamentary 
second  line,  and  were  hotly  pursuing  them  when 
Cromwell  with  his  three  troops  fell  on  their  rear,  and 
drove  them  down  the  hill  and  into  a  bog.  Cavendish 
was  killed  by  Cromwell's  lieutenant,  and  his  regi- 
ment scattered  to  the  winds.  Powder  and  provisions 
were  thrown  into  the  besieged  town,  and  the  van 
of  the  Parliamentarians  were  actively  engaged  in 
attacking  a  body  of  Royalists  discovered  on  the  other 
side  of  Gainsborough,  when  Newcastle's  army  ar- 
rived, fifty  companies  of  foot,  "  and  a  great  body  of 
horse."  To  fight  was  hopeless.  There  was  nothing 
left  for  the  Parliamentarians  but  to  retreat  if  they 
could.  The  foot  drew  off  with  some  confusion  and 


1643]          In  the  Eastern  Association  97 

took  refuge  in  the  town  ;  the  horse,  under  Crom- 
well's command,  were  withdrawn  in  good  order  from 
position  to  position.  Four  troops  of  his  regiment 
under  Major  Whalley,  and  four  Lincoln  troops  under 
Captain  Ayscough,  alternately  retiring  and  facing  the 
enemy,  covered  the  withdrawal. 

"  They  with  this  handful  faced  the  enemy,  and  dared 
them  to  the  teeth  in,  at  the  least,  eight  or  nine  several 
removes,  the  enemy  following  at  their  heels  ;  and  they, 
though  their  horses  were  exceedingly  tired,  retreating 
in  order  near  carbine  shot  of  the  enemy,  who  thus  fol- 
lowed them,  firing  upon  them  ;  Colonel  Cromwell  gather- 
ing up  the  main  body  and  facing  them  behind  those  two 
lesser  bodies." 

In  this  order  he  effected  his  retreat  to  Lincoln  with- 
out loss. 

Without  a  greater  force  it  was  impossible  to  drive 
Newcastle  back,  and  in  announcing  his  victory 
Cromwell  appealed  for  reinforcements. 

"  God  follows  us  with  encouragements.  .  .  .  They 
come  in  season  ;  as  if  God  should  say,  *  Up  and  be 
doing,  and  I  will  stand  by  you  and  help  you.'  There  is 
nothing  to  be  feared  but  our  own  sin  and  sloth.  .  .  . 
If  I  could  speak  words  to  pierce  your  hearts  with  the 
sense  of  our  and  your  condition  I  would." 

Two  thousand  foot  must  be  raised  at  once  if  they 
meant  to  save  Gainsborough.  "  If  somewhat  be  not 
done  in  this  you  will  see  Newcastle's  army  march  up 
into  your  bowels,  being  now,  as  it  is,  on  this  side 
Trent.  I  know  it  will  be  difficult  to  raise  thus  many 


g  Oliver  Cromwell  U643 

in  so  short  a  time:  but  let  me  assure  you,  it 's  neces- 
sary and  therefore  to  be  done." 

Parliament  realised  the  imminence  of  the  danger. 
On  the  day  of  Cromwell's  victory  at  Gainsborough,  it 
had  appointed  him  Governor  of  the  Isle  of  Ely.     A 
week   later,  he   received  the  special  thanks  of  the 
House  for  his  "  faithful  endeavours  to  God  and  the 
kingdom,"  and    was  voted  three  thousand  pounds 
for  his  troops.    On  August  loth,  an  ordinance  passed 
authorising  the   Associated    Counties   to    raise   ten 
thousand  foot  and  five  thousand  horse  to  be  com- 
manded by  the  Earl  of  Manchester.     It  seemed,  how- 
ever, as  if  the  eastern  counties   would  be  overrun 
before  the  new  army  could  be  raised.     Gainsborough 
was  taken,  Lincoln  was  abandoned,  all  Lincolnshire 
except  Boston  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Royalists.  In 
Norfolk,  Lynn  raised  the  King's  standard.    However, 
Newcastle  turned  back  with  the  bulk  of  his  forces  to 
besiege  Hull,  and  while  Manchester  with  all  the  foot 
he  could  get  together  besieged  Lynn,  Cromwell  with 
his  cavalry  made  a   bold  march  into    Lincolnshire. 
Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  who  was  shut  up  in  Hull  with 
his  father,  had  with  him  twenty-one  troops  of  horse, 
useless  for  the  defence  of  the  town,  but  capable  of 
changing  the  fortune  of  the  campaign  if  added  to 
Cromwell's  force.     Fairfax  shipped  them  down  the 
H umber  in  boats  to  Saltfleet  in  Lincolnshire,  thus 
evading  the  attempts  of  Newcastle's  cavalry  to  inter- 
cept him,  and  effected  his  junction  with  Cromwell. 
Both  then  joined  Manchester,  who  had  by  this  time 
captured  Lynn,  and  in  October  the  joint  army  set 
about  the  reconquest  of  Lincolnshire. 


1643]  In  the  Eastern  Association  99 

The  Cavaliers  of  Lincolnshire  and  part  of  New- 
castle's cavalry,  headed  by  Lord  Widdrington  and 
Sir  John  Henderson,  fought  them  at  Winceby  on 
October  I  ith.  Cromwell  led  the  van,  seconded  by 
Sir  Thomas  Fairfax. 

"  Immediately  after  their  dragooners  had  given  the 
first  volley,"  says  a  parliamentary  narrative,  "  Colo- 
nel Cromwell  fell  with  a  brave  resolution  upon  the 
enemy  ;  yet  they  were  so  nimble,  as  that  within  half 
pistol  shot,  they  gave  him  another  ;  his  horse  was  killed 
under  him  at  the  first  charge,  and  fell  down  upon  him  ; 
and  as  he  rose  up  he  was  knocked  down  again  by  the 
gentleman  who  charged  him  ;  but  afterwards  he  re- 
covered a  poor  horse  in  a  soldier's  hands,  and  bravely 
mounted  himself  again.  Truly  this  first  charge  was  so 
home  given,  and  performed  with  so  much  admirable 
courage  and  resolution  by  our  troops,  that  the  enemy 
stood  not  another  ;  but  were  driven  back  upon  their 
own  body  which  was  to  have  seconded  them  ;  and  at 
last  put  them  into  a  plain  disorder  ;  and  thus  in  less 
than  half  an  hour's  fight  they  were  all  quite  routed." 

Thirty-five  colours,  and  nearly  a  thousand  prisoners 
were  the  trophies  of  the  victors ;  Lincoln  and  Gains- 
borough fell  into  their  hands  a  few  weeks  later. 
Moreover,  on  the  very  day  of  the  victory  of  Winceby, 
Lord  Fairfax  sallied  forth  from  Hull,  beat  New- 
castle from  his  trenches,  and  forced  him  to  raise  the 
siege  in  disorder.  Thus  the  Association  was  se- 
cured from  invasion,  Lincolnshire  conquered,  and 
the  Parliament's  hold  on  Yorkshire  maintained. 

So  closed  Cromwell's  second  campaign.  He  had 
shown  a  skill  in  handling  cavalry  very  rare  amongst 


I00  Oliver  Cromwell  [1643 

the  courageous  knights  and  squires  who  "  rode  forth 
a-colonelling."  He  kept  his  promise  to  Hampden, 
—raised  men  of  such  a  spirit  that  they  never  turned 
their  backs  to  the  enemy,  and  disciplined  them  so 
that  they  were  an  example  to  all  the  troops  of  the 
Parliament  in  camp  or  in  battle.  The  general  recog- 
nition of  his  great  services  was  shown  by  two  facts. 
On  February  16,  1644,  Parliament  appointed  a  new 
committee  for  the  management  of  the  war,  called^ 
because  it  included  representatives  of  Scotland,  the 
Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms.  Cromwell  had  not 
been  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  ap- 
pointed when  the  war  began,  but  he  was  from  the 
first  a  member  of  this  new  one.  The  second  fact 
was  Cromwell's  appointment  as  Lieutenant-General 
of  the  army  of  the  Eastern  Association.  He  had 
been  practically  Manchester's  second  in  command 
since  the  army  was  formed,  and  on  January  22, 
1644,  he  received  his  commission.  The  appointment 
had  important  results,  political  as  well  as  military. 
Manchester  himself,  "a  sweet,  meek  man,"  says 
the  Presbyterian  Baillie,  "  permitted  his  Lieutenant- 
General  to  guide  all  the  army  at  his  pleasure."  Of 
Cromwell  he  adds :  "  the  man  is  a  very  wise  and 
active  head,  universally  well-beloved  as  religious 
and  stout ;  being  a  known  Independent  most  of  the 
soldiers  who  loved  new  ways  put  themselves  under 
his  command."  Thus  Cromwell's  influence  spread 
to  the  whole  army  of  the  Eastern  Association,  and 
officers  and  men  became  permeated  by  the  spirit  of 
his  regiment.  By  March,  1644,  Manchester's  army 
was  reported  to  be  fifteen  thousand  strong. 


EDWARD    MONTAGUE,    EARL   OF    MANCHESTER. 
{From  Birch's  "  Heads  of  Illustrious  Persons.*) 


16431 


In  the  Eastern  Association 


101 


"  Neither,"  said  a  newspaper,  "  is  his  army  so  formi- 
dable in  number  as  exact  in  discipline  ;  and  that  they 
might  be  all  of  one  mind  in  religion,  as  of  resolution 
in  the  field,  with  a  severe  eye  he  hath  looked  into  the 
manners  of  those  all  who  are  his  officers,  and  cashiered 
those  whom  he  found  to  be  in  any  way  irregular  in  their 
lives  or  disaffected  to  the  cause. 


CROMWELL  CREST. 


CHAPTER  VI 

MARSTON    MOOR 
1644 

AS  yet  neither  party  had  decidedly  gained  the 
upper  hand,  though  the  tide  seemed  setting 
against  the  Parliament.  Both  parties,  there- 
fore, looked  outside  England  for  allies,  one  to  make 
its  success  complete,  the  other  to  regain  what  it  had 
lost.  The  King  turned  to  Ireland,  and  to  the  army 
there,  which  with  little  support  from  the  Parliament 
was  striving  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  On  Septem- 
ber 15,  1643,  Ormond,  the  Lord-Lieutenant,  con- 
cluded a  cessation  of  arms  with  the  rebels,  and  was 
able  to  send  several  regiments  of  experienced  sol- 
diers to  the  King's  assistance  during  the  following 
months.  The  English  Puritans  turned  to  their 
brethren  in  Scotland;  in  September,  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant  pledged  the  two  nations  to 
unite  for  the  reformation  of  religion  according  to 
the  word  of  God  and  the  example  of  the  best  re- 
formed churches ;  in  November,  the  Scottish  Parlia- 
ment agreed  to  send  twenty-one  thousand  men  to 
the  assistance  of  the  English  Parliamentarians.  In 


1644]  Marston  Moor  103 

January,  1644,  Alexander  Leslie,  now  Earl  of  Leven, 
crossed  the,  Tweed  with  the  promised  army. 

The  campaign  of  1644  opened  badly  for  the  King. 
In  January,  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  defeated  Lord  By- 
ron and  the  King's  Irish  forces  at  Nantwich.  In 
March,  Waller  defeated  Hopton  at  Cheriton  in 
Hampshire,  and  frustrated  his  intended  advance 
into  Sussex.  In  April,  Newcastle,  after  striving  in 
vain  to  bar  Leslie's  progress  in  Durham,  was  forced 
to  throw  himself  into  York,  where  Leslie  and  the 
Fairfaxes  besieged  his  army.  In  May,  the  forces 
of  Waller  and  Essex  advanced  upon  Oxford.  The 
Royalists  evacuated  Reading  and  Abingdon,  and 
Charles,  fearing  to  be  blockaded  in  Oxford,  left  the 
city  to  be  defended  by  its  garrison,  and  with  about 
six  thousand  men  made  his  escape  to  Worcester. 
But  Essex,  instead  of  pursuing  and  crushing  the 
King's  weak  army  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  dele- 
gated the  task  to  Waller,  and  set  out  himself  to 
recover  the  south-western  counties  and  relieve  Lyme. 

In  April,  while  Waller  and  Essex  were  preparing 
for  their  movement  on  Oxford,  the  army  of  the 
Eastern  Association  under  Manchester  took  the 
field.  Its  first  business  was  to  reconquer  Lin- 
colnshire,—  the  debatable  land  between  the  north 
and  east, —  for  Rupert's  defeat  of  the  besiegers  of 
Newark  in  March,  1644,  had  thrown  Lincolnshire 
once  more  into  the  hands  of  the  Royalists.  On 
May  6th,  Manchester's  army  recaptured  Lincoln,  and 
at  the  beginning  of  June  he  joined  the  two  armies 
which  beleaguered  York  with  about  nine  thousand 
men.  Of  these  nine  thousand,  three  thousand  were 


104 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1644 


cavalry  under  the  command  of  Cromwell.  York 
held  out  stubbornly;  some  detached  forts  were 
taken  and  the  suburbs  burnt,  but  an  attempted 
assault  was  bloodily  repulsed.  At  the  end  of  June, 
news  came  that  Prince  Rupert  with  fifteen  thou- 
sand men  had  crossed  the  hills  from  Lancashire, 
and  was  marching  to  the  relief  of  the  city.  The 
three  generals,  Leven,  Fairfax,  and  Manchester, 
raised  the  siege  in  order  to  give  battle  to  Rupert's 
army,  but  when  they  assembled  their  forces  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Ouse,  Rupert  crossed  to  the 
northern  bank,  and  reached  York  without  striking  a 
blow.  On  the  morning  of  July  2nd, the  parliamentary 
generals,  finding  themselves  outmanoeuvred,  and  the 
resumption  of  the  siege  rendered  impossible,  were 
in  full  retreat  to  the  south,  when  Rupert's  attacks  on 
their  rearguard  forced  them  to  halt  and  offer  battle. 
They  drew  up  their  army  on  some  rising  ground  be- 
tween Tockwith  and  Marston,  overlooking  the  open 
moor  on  which  the  Royalists  had  taken  their  post. 
Between  the  armies,  and  marking  the  southern  bound- 
ary of  the  moor,  ran  a  hedge,  and  ditch,  which  Ru- 
pert had  lined  with  musketeers,  and  some  similar 
obstacles  strengthened  the  royalist  left  flank.  Ru- 
pert's army,  reinforced  by  Newcastle's  forces  from 
York,  numbered  about  eighteen  thousand  men,  while 
the  Parliamentarians  amounted  to  about  twenty- 
seven  thousand,  but  the  Royalists  had  the  advant- 
age of  a  strong  defensive  position,  and  of  open 
ground  on  which  their  cavalry  could  manoeuvre 
freely. 

For  three  hours  the  two  armies  faced  each  other 


1644]  Marston  Moor  105 

in  battle  array ;  a  few  cannon-shots  were  exchanged, 
but  neither  army  advanced.  The  Roundheads  fell 
to  singing  psalms,  and  the  royalist  generals  came  to 
the  belief  that  there  would  be  no  fighting  that  day. 
About  five,  the  whole  parliamentary  line  began  to 
move  forward,  and  Cromwell,  with  the  cavalry  form- 
ing its  left  wing,  attacked  Lord  Byron  and  the  royal- 
ist right.  Cromwell  had  under  his  command  all  the 
horse  and  dragoons  of  the  Eastern  Association,  half 
a  regiment  of  Scottish  dragoons,  and  three  weak 
regiments  of  Scottish  cavalry  who  formed  his  reserve, 
—  in  all  not  less  than  four  thousand  men,  of  whom 
one  thousand  were  dragoons.  The  dragoons  rapidly 
drove  the  royalist  musketeers  from  the  ditch,  and 
enabled  the  cavalry  to  pass  it.  Cromwell  led  the 
way,  and  with  the  first  troops  who  crossed  charged 
the  nearest  regiment  of  Royalists.  His  own  divi- 
sion, says  a  contemporary  narrative,  "  had  a  hard 
pull  of  it ;  for  they  were  charged  by  Rupert's  brav- 
est men  both  in  front  and  flank."  But  as  fast  as 
they  could  form,  the  other  troops  of  Cromwell's  first 
line  charged  in  support  of  their  leader,  erelong  the 
foremost  regiments  of  the  Royalists  were  broken, 
and,  pursuing  their  victory,  Cromwell's  men  engaged 
the  second  line. 

In  this  hand-to-hand  combat  Cromwell  was 
wounded  in  the  neck  by  a  pistol-shot  fired  so  near 
his  eyes  that  it  half  blinded  him,  but,  though  for  a 
short  time  disabled,  he  did  not  leave  the  field. 
Meanwhile  Rupert  himself,  who  had  been  at  supper 
in  the  rear  when  the  attack  began,  galloped  up  with 
fresh  regiments  and,  rallying  his  men,  drove  back 


Oliver  Cromwell 

Cromwell's  troopers.     It  was  but  a  temporary  check, 
for  David  Leslie  with  Cromwell's  second  line  fell  on 
Rupert's  flank,  and  the  royalist  cavalry  was  irretriev- 
ably routed.      Sending  the  light  Scottish  regiments 
of   the  reserve  in   pursuit  of   the  flying  Cavaliers, 
Cromwell  and  Leslie  re-formed  their  tired  squadrons, 
and  halted  to  find  out  how  the  battle  had  gone  in 
other  quarters  of  the  field.     Tidings  of  disaster  soon 
reached  them,  and  it  became  plain  that  the  battle 
was  more  than  half  lost  for  the   Parliament.      Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax,  wounded  and  almost  alone,  came 
with  the  news  that  the  horse  of  the  right  wing  un- 
der his  command  were  defeated   and  flying.      His 
own  regiment  had  charged  with  success,  and  broken 
through  the  enemy  ;    those  who  should  have  sup- 
ported him,  disordered  by  the  furze  and  the  rough 
ground  they  had  to  pass  through  to  debouch  upon 
the  moor,  had  been  charged  by  the  Royalists,  and 
completely  scattered.     The  infantry  of   the   parlia- 
mentary centre  had  fared  little  better.     The  advance 
had  been  at  first  successful  all  along  the  line,  some 
guns  had  been  taken,  and  the  ditch  passed.     On  the 
left,  Manchester's  foot,  led  by  Major-General  Craw- 
ford, had  outflanked  the  infantry  opposed  to  them, 
and  were  still  gaining  ground.     In  the  centre,  Lord 
Fairfax's  foot  and  the  Scottish  regiments  supporting 
them,  repulsed  by  Newcastle's  white-coated  north- 
countrymen,  and  trampled  down  by  their  own  flying 
horse,  were  in  full  flight.     On  the   right,  the  main 
body  of  the   Scottish   infantry  was   hard   pressed  ; 
some  regiments  gave  way  as  their  brethren  in  the 
centre  had  done ;   others  maintained  their  ground 


The  Battle    of 
MARSTON  MOOR 

amadarianj  P^]  lOTTI 


Engi.  Milts 


16443  Mars  ton  Moor  107 

manfully.  Yet  with  the  centre  of  the  parliamentary 
line  pierced,  and  the  cavalry  of  the  right  wing  driven 
from  the  field,  the  position  of  these  isolated  regi- 
ments, exposed  to  attack  in  front  and  flank  both, 
seemed  hopeless.  So  thought  old  Leven,  who,  after 
striving  in  vain  to  rally  the  runaways,  gave  up  the 
day  for  lost,  and  galloped  for  Leeds.  Lord  Fair- 
fax, too,  was  carried  off  the  field  in  the  rout  of  his 
infantry,  though  he  returned  later. 

While  Goring's  victorious  horse  pursued  the  fugi- 
tives, or  stopped  to  plunder  the  baggage,  Sir  Charles 
Lucas,  with  another  division  of  Goring's  command, 
employed  himself  in  attacking  the  Scottish  infantry. 
Maitland's  and  Lindsay's  regiments  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  line  stood  like  rocks,  and  beat  off  three 
charges  with  their  pikes.  Like  their  ancestors  at 
Flodden,  and  with  better  fortune, 

"  The  stubborn  spearmen  still  made  good 
Their  dark,  impenetrable  wood, 
Each  stepping  where  his  comrade  stood 
The  instant  that  he  fell." 

Help  was  now  at  hand.  Sweeping  across  the 
moor  behind  the  royalist  centre,  Cromwell  and 
Leslie  came  with  their  whole  force  to  the  relief  of 
the  Scots.  With  them  too  marched  Crawford  and 
the  three  brigades  of  Manchester's  foot.  As  they 
advanced,  Lucas's  horse  suspended  their  attack,  and 
Goring's  men  streamed  back  from  pursuit  and  pillage 
to  meet  this  new  antagonist. 

Cromwell's  cavalry  now  occupied  the  very  ground 
where  Goring's  men  had  been  posted  when  the  battle 


Oliver  Cromwell 

, , — • 

began,  and  met  them  at  "  the  same  place  of  dis- 
advantage" where  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  h?.d  been 
routed.  The  struggle  was  short  but  decisive,  and 
when  the  last  squadrons  of  the  royalist  horse  were 
broken,  Cromwell  turned  to  co-operate  with  Craw- 
ford and  the  Scots  in  attacking  the  royalist  infantry. 
Some  of  Rupert's  veteran  regiments  made  good 
their  retreat  to  York;  Newcastle's  white-coats  got 
into  a  piece  of  enclosed  ground,  and  sold  their  lives 
dearly ;  the  rest  scattered  and  fled  under  cover  of 
the  protecting  darkness.  About  three  thousand 
Royalists  fell  in  the  battle,  while  sixteen  guns,  one 
hundred  colours,  six  thousand  muskets,  and  sixteen 
hundred  prisoners  were  the  trophies  of  the  victors. 
Rupert  left  York  to  its  fate,  and  made  his  way  back 
to  Lancashire  with  some  six  thousand  men,  and  the 
city  itself  surrendered  a  fortnight  later. 

In  the  despatch  which  the  three  Generals  ad- 
dressed to  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms,  they 
gave  no  account  of  the  details  of  the  battle,  and 
made  no  mention  of  Cromwell's  services.  Private 
letters  were  more  outspoken.  One  described  him  as 
"  the  chief  agent  in  obtaining  the  victory."  Some 
people  spoke  of  him  as  "  the  saviour  of  the  three 
kingdoms,"  though  Cromwell  repudiated  the  title 
with  some  anger.  The  friends  of  the  Scottish  army 
depreciated  his  services,  attributed  what  his  cavalry 
achieved  to  David  Leslie,  and  circulated  reports  that 
Cromwell  had  taken  no  part  in  the  battle  after  his 
first  charge. 

The  utterances  of  the  royalist  leader  both  before 
and  after  the  battle  showed  that  he  appreciated 


1644]  Mars  ton  Moor  109 

Cromwell's  importance  more  justly.  "  Is  Cromwell 
there  ?  "  asked  Rupert  of  a  prisoner  taken  just  before 
the  battle,  and  it  was  Rupert  too  who,  after  the  bat- 
tle, gave  Cromwell  the  nickname  of  "  Ironside  "  or 
**  Ironsides."  The  title  was  derived,  according  to  a 
contemporary  biographer,  "  from  the  impenetrable 
strength  of  his  troops,  which  could  by  no  means  be 
broken  or  divided,"  and  it  was  extended  later  from 
the  leader  to  the  soldiers  themselves. 

Cromwell's  only  account  of  the  battle  is  contained 
in  a  few  lines  written  to  his  brother-in-law,  Colonel 
Valentine  Walton. 

"  England,"  he  said,  "  and  the  Church  of  God  hath 
had  a  great  favour  from  the  Lord  in  this  great  victory 
given  unto  us,  such  as  the  like  never  was  since  this  war 
began.  It  had  all  the  evidences  of  an  absolute  victory, 
obtained  by  the  Lord's  blessing  upon  the  godly  party 
principally.  We  never  charged  but  we  routed  the  en- 
emy. The  left  wing,  which  I  commanded,  being  our 
own  horse,  saving  a  few  Scots  in  our  rear,  beat  all  the 
Prince's  horse.  God  made  them  as  stubble  to  our 
swords.  We  charged  their  regiments  of  foot  with  our 
horse,  and  routed  all  we  charged.  The  particulars  I 
cannot  relate  now  ;  but  I  believe  of  20,000  the  Prince 
hath  not  4000  left.  Give  glory,  all  the  glory,  to  God." 

Cromwell's  letter  has  been  charged  with  concealing 
the  services  of  David  Leslie  and  the  Scots.  But 
every  word  of  his  brief  account  was  true.  He  did 
not  give  the  particulars  of  the  fight,  because  he  was 
writing  a  letter  of  condolence,  not  a  despatch.  Wal- 
ton's son,  a  captain  in  Cromwell's  own  regiment,  had 


Oliver  Cromwell 

fallen  in  the  battle,  and  Cromwell  wrote  to  tell  the 
father  details  of  his  son's  death.     He  began  with  the 
news  of  the  great  victory  in  order  that  Walton  might 
feel  that  his  son's  life  had   not  been   idly  thrown 
away      Then  he  turned  suddenly  to  the  real  subject 
of  the  letter.     "  Sir,  God  hath  taken  your  eldest  son 
away  by  a  cannon  shot.     It  brake  his  leg.     We  were 
necessitated   to  have  it   cut  off,  whereof  he  died." 
Next   he   praised   the   dead  — the  "gallant   young 
man,"  "  exceeding  gracious,"  "  exceedingly  beloved 
in  the  army  of  all  that  knew  him,"  who  had  died 
"  full  of  comfort,"  lamenting  nothing  save  that   he 
could  no  longer  serve  God  against  his  enemies,  and 
rejoicing  in  his  last   moments  to  "  see  the  rogues 
run."    In  the  spring,  Cromwell  had  lost  his  own  son, 
Captain  Oliver,  who  died  not  in  battle,  but  of  small- 
pox in  his  quarters  at  Newport.     "  A  civil  young 
gentleman,  and  the  joy  of  his  father,"  said  a  news- 
paper recording  it.     He  referred  to  this  now  while 
seeking  to  comfort  Walton.     "  You  know  my  own 
trials  this  way ;  but  the  Lord   supported    me  with 
this,  that  the  Lord  took  him  into  the  happiness  we 
all  pant  after  and   live   for."     Let  the  same  faith 
support  Walton,  and  let  "  this  public  mercy  to  the 
Church  of  God  "  help  him  to   forget  his  "  private 
sorrow."     So  closed  the  letter,  revealing  in  its  ten- 
derness and  sympathy,  its  enthusiasm  and  its  devo- 
tion to  the  cause,  the  depths  of  Cromwell's  nature, 
and  the  secret  of  his  power  over  his  comrades  in 
arms. 

After  the  fall  of  York,  the  three  parliamentary 
armies   separated.      Leven    and    the    Scots   turned 


1644]  Marston  Moor  in 

northwards  again  to  besiege  Newcastle,  the  Fair- 
faxes remained  to  capture  the  royalist  strongholds 
in  Yorkshire,  and  Manchester,  taking  on  his  way 
Sheffield  Castle  and  a  few  smaller  garrisons,  returned 
to  Lincoln.  All  August  he  remained  there  idle,  de- 
clining even  to  besiege  Newark.  He  was  weary  of  the 
war,  anxious  for  an  accommodation  with  the  King, 
and  shocked  at  the  spread  of  sectarian  and  demo- 
cratic opinions  in  his  army  and  in  the  kingdom. 
Cromwell,  as  the  protector  of  the  sectaries,  was  at 
daggers-drawn  with  Major-General  Crawford,  who 
attempted  to  suppress  them ;  Crawford  cashiered  an 
officer  on  the  ground  that  he  was  an  Anabaptist,  and 
Cromwell  and  some  of  his  colonels  threatened  to  lay 
down  their  commissions  unless  Crawford  was  re- 
moved. A  compromise  of  some  kind  was  patched 
up,  but  Cromwell's  influence  over  Manchester  was  at 
an  end. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  south  of  England  the  campaign 
so  prosperously  begun  was  ending  in  disaster. 
Charles  had  turned  on  his  pursuer,  and  defeated 
Waller  at  Cropredy  Bridge,  in  Oxfordshire,  on  June 
29th.  Leaving  Waller's  disorganised  and  mutinous 
army  too  weak  to  do  any  harm,  he  followed  Essex 
into  the  west,  and,  joined  by  the  forces  of  the 
western  Royalists,  threatened  to  overpower  him. 
At  the  end  of  August,  the  Committee  of  Both  King- 
doms ordered  the  army  of  the  Eastern  Association 
to  go  to  the  succour  of  Essex.  Cromwell  was  eager 
to  do  so.  "  The  business,"  he  wrote  to  his  friend 
Walton,  "  has  our  hearts  with  it,  and  truly,  had  we 
wings  we  would  fly  thither."  Manchester's  army, 


II2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1644 

though  ill  provided  with  necessaries,  and  slandered 
by  evil  tongues  as  factious,  was  ready  to  Serve  any- 
where. "  We  do  never  find  our  men  so  cheerful  as 
when  there  is  work  to  do."  But  he  went  on  to  hint 
that  there  were  obstructives  in  high  places,  who  were 
less  willing  to  fight  than  their  soldiers.  "  We  have 
some  amongst  us  much  slow  in  action  ;  if  we  could 
all  intend  our  own  ends  less,  and  our  own  ease  too, 
our  business  would  go  on  wheels  for  expedition." 

Before  Manchester  stirred  from  Lincoln  the  antici- 
pated disaster  came.  At  Lostwithiel  on  September 
2nd,  Skippon  and  the  infantry  of  Essex's  army  were 
forced  to  capitulate  and  to  lay  down  their  arms. 
The  horse  escaped  by  a  night  march  through  a  gap 
in  the  royalist  lines,  while  Essex  himself  and  a 
few  officers  fled  by  sea.  After  his  victory  the  King 
returned  slowly  to  Oxford,  and  Manchester  with  the 
greatest  reluctance  moved  south-west  to  meet  him. 
"  My  army,"  he  said  openly,  "  was  raised  by  the 
Association  and  for  the  guard  of  the  Association. 
It  cannot  be  commanded  by  Parliament  without 
their  consent."  It  was  imperative  that  Charles 
should  be  fought  before  he  could  get  to  his  old  head- 
quarters at  Oxford,  while  his  army  was  weakened  by 
the  forces  left  behind  in  the  west,  but  Manchester's 
refusal  to  advance  allowed  the  Royalists  to  reach 
Newbury  before  the  King  was  obliged  to  fight.  At 
Newbury,  on  October  2;th,  Manchester's  army, 
strengthened  by  Waller's  forces  and  by  what  re- 
mained of  Essex's  troops,  made  a  joint  attack  on  the 
King.  Charles  had  only  ten  thousand  men  to  oppose 
to  the  nineteen  thousand  brought  against  him,  but  he 


1644]  Mars  ton  Moor  113 

had  chosen  a  strong  position  between  two  rivers,  pro- 
tected on  one  side  by  Donnington  Castle,  and  covered, 
where  it  was  most  assailable,  by  intrenchments. 
Above  all,  his  army  was  under  a  single  commander, 
while  the  Parliament's  was  directed  by  a  committee. 
Essex  was  absent  from  illness,  and  the  Committee  of 
Both  Kingdoms  hoped  to  avoid  disputes  by  putting 
the  command  in  commission. 

The  parliamentary  scheme  was  that  Skippon's 
foot,  with  the  horse  of  Cromwell  and  Waller,  should 
attack  the  King's  position  on  the  west,  while  Man- 
chester assaulted  it  on  the  north-east.  It  failed 
through  lack  of  combination.  Skippon's  infantry 
carried  the  royalist  intrenchments,  and  recaptured 
several  guns  they  had  lost  in  Cornwall,  but  the  cav- 
alry, impeded  by  the  nature  of  the  ground,  could 
effect  little.  Manchester  delayed  his  attack  till  it 
was  too  late  to  assist  them,  and  was  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss.  Nevertheless  the  result  of  the  day's 
righting  was  that  the  King's  position  was  so  seriously 
compromised  that  only  a  retreat  could  save  his  army. 
In  the  night,  the  royalist  army  silently  marched 
past  Manchester's  outposts,  and  by  morning  it  was 
half  way  to  Wallingford.  Waller  and  Cromwell  set 
out  in  pursuit  with  the  bulk  of  the  cavalry,  but  as 
Manchester  and  the  majority  of  the  committee  re- 
fused to  support  them  with  infantry  Charles  made 
good  his  retreat  to  Oxford.  A  fortnight  later,  the 
King,  reinforced  by  Rupert  with  five  thousand  men, 
returned  to  relieve  Donnington  Castle  and  carry  off 
the  artillery  he  had  left  there  (October  9,  1644). 
He  offered  battle,  and  Cromwell  was  eager  to  fight, 


II4  Oliver  Cromwell  [1644 

but  Manchester  and  a  majority  of  the  committee  de- 
clared against  it.  Foot  and  horse  alike  were  greatly 
reduced  in  numbers,  and  the  latter  "tired  out  with 
hard  duty  in  such  extremity  of  weather  as  hath  been 
seldom  seen."  Manchester,  in  addition  to  military 
reasons,  urged  political  arguments  against  risking  a 
battle. 

"  If  we  beat  the  King  ninety-nine  times,  yet  he  is  King 
still,  and  so  will  his  posterity  be  after  him  ;  but  if  the 
King  beat  us  once  we  shall  all  be  hanged,  and  our  pos- 
terity made  slaves."  "  My  Lord,"  retorted  Cromwell, 
"  if  this  be  so,  why  did  we  take  up  arms  at  first  ?  This 
is  against  fighting  ever  hereafter.  If  so,  let  us  make 
peace,  be  it  ever  so  base." 

But  much  as  he  might  despise  Manchester's  logic,  he 
had  to  bow  to  the  logic  of  facts,  and  to  accept  the 
view  of  the  committee  in  general. 

So  ended  the  campaign  of  1644.  The  north  of 
England  had  been  definitely  won,  and  with  capable 
leadership  the  defeat  of  Essex  in  Cornwall  might 
have  been  compensated  by  the  defeat  of  the  King  in 
Berkshire.  When  Cromwell  came  to  reflect  on  the 
incidents  of  the  last  few  months,  he  attributed  the 
failure  to  obtain  this  victory  entirely  to  Manchester. 
He  had  failed,  apparently,  not  through  accident  or 
want  of  foresight,  but  through  backwardness  to  all 
action.  And  this  backwardness,  concluded  Crom- 
well, came  "  from  some  principle  of  unwillingness  to 
have  the  war  prosecuted  to  a  full  victory  ;  and  a  de- 
sire to  have  it  ended  by  an  accommodation  on  some 
such  terms  to  which  it  might  be  disadvantageous  to 


1644]  Mars  ton  Moor  1 1 5 

bring  the  King  too  low."  On  November  2$th,  Crom- 
well rose  in  the  House  of  Commons,  told  the  story 
of  the  Newbury  campaign,  and  made  this  charge 
against  Manchester.  Manchester  vindicated  his 
generalship  in  the  House  of  Lords,  alleging  that  he 
had  always  acted  by  the  advice  of  the  council  of  war, 
and  that  Cromwell  was  a  factious  and  obstructive 
subordinate.  Then,  leaving  military  questions  alone, 
he  made  a  bitter  attack  on  Cromwell  as  a  politician. 
He  had  once  given  great  confidence  to  the  Lieuten- 
ant-General,  but  latterly  he  had  become  suspicious  of 
his  designs,  and  had  been  obliged  to  withdraw  it. 
For  Cromwell  had  spoken  against  the  nobility,  and 
had  said  that  he  hoped  to  live  to  see  never  a  noble- 
man in  England.  He  had  expressed  himself. with 
contempt  against  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  and  with 
animosity  against  the  Scots  for  attempting  to  estab- 
lish Presbyterianism  in  England.  Finally,  he  had 
avowed  that  he  desired  to  have  none  but  Independ- 
ents in  the  army  of  the  Eastern  Association,  "  so  that 
in  case  there  should  be  propositions  for  peace,  or  any 
conclusion  of  a  peace,  such  as  might  not  stand  with 
those  ends  that  honest  men  should  aim  at,  this  army 
might  prevent  such  a  mischief." 

Cromwell  did  not  deny  these  utterances,  and  their 
revelation  produced  the  effect  which  Manchester  had 
anticipated.  An  enquiry  into  errors  in  the  conduct 
of  the  war  developed  into  a  political  quarrel.  The 
Lords  took  up  the  cause  of  Manchester  as  the  cause 
of  their  order.  The  Scots  intrigued  against  Crom- 
well as  the  enemy  of  their  creed.  For  the  interest 
of  our  nation,"  wrote  Baillie,  "  we  must  crave  reason 


u6  Oliver  Cromwell  [1644 

of  that  darling  of  the  sectaries,"  and  talked  of  break- 
ing  the  power  of  that  potent  faction  "  in  obtaining 
his  removal  from  the  army,  which  himself  by  his 
over-rashness  has  procured."  Some  of  the  Scottish 
leaders  consulted  together  on  the  feasibility  of  ac- 
cusing Cromwell  as  an  "  incendiary  "  who  had  sought 
to  cause  strife  between  the  two  nations,  but  the 
English  lawyers  consulted  advised  against  it. 

"  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,"  said  Mr.  Maynard,  "  is 
a  person  of  great  favour  and  interest  with  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  with  some  of  the  peers  likewise,  and 
therefore  there  must  be  proofs,  and  the  most  clear  and 
evident  proofs  against  him,  to  prevail  with  the  Parlia- 
ment to  judge  him  an  incendiary." 

As  the  controversy  proceeded,  the  Lower  House 
declared  on  Cromwell's  side,  and  the  conviction  of 
Manchester's  incapacity  spread  amongst  its  mem- 
bers. But,  instead  of  pressing  the  charge  home, 
Cromwell  drew  back.  A  personal  triumph,  to  be 
gained  at  the  cost  of  a  rupture  between  the  two 
Houses,  and  perhaps  a  rupture  between  England 
and  Scotland,  was  not  worth  gaining.  What  he 
wanted  was  military  efficiency  and  the  vigorous  con- 
duct of  the  war,  and  he  resolved  to  use  the  dissatis- 
faction which  Manchester's  slackness  had  roused  in 
order  to  obtain  these  ends,  and  to  abandon  the  per- 
sonal charges  to  secure  them.  The  moment  was 
propitious,  for  on  November  23rd  the  Commons 
had  ordered  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms  to 
der  the  reorganisation  of  the  whole  army.  On 
ber  9th,  when  the  report  on  the  charges  against 


1644]  Marston  Moor  117 

Manchester  was  brought  in  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, Cromwell  turned  the  debate  to  the  larger 
issue.  The  important  thing  now,  he  said,  was  to 
save  the  nation  out  of  the  bleeding,  almost  dying 
condition,  which  the  long  continuance  of  the  war 
had  brought  it  into. 

"  Without  a  more  speedy,  vigorous,  and  effectual  prose- 
cution of  the  war,  we  shall  make  the  kingdom  weary  of 
us,  and  make  it  hate  the  name  of  a  Parliament." 

"  For  what  do  the  enemy  say  ?  Nay  what  do  many 
say  that  were  friends  at  the  beginning  of  the  Parliament  ? 
Even  this  :  That  the  members  of  both  Houses  have  got 
great  places  and  commands,  and  the  sword  into  their 
hands  ;  and  what  by  interest  in  Parliament,  what  by 
power  in  the  army,  will  perpetually  continue  themselves 
in  grandeur,  and  not  permit  the  war  speedily  to  end, 
lest  their  own  power  should  determine  with  it.  ...  If 
the  army  be  not  put  into  another  method  and  the  war 
more  vigorously  prosecuted,  the  people  can  bear  the  war 
no  longer,  and  will  enforce  you  to  a  dishonourable 
peace." 

He  went  on  to  abandon  his  attack  upon  Manches- 
ter, by  recommending  the  House  not  to  insist  upon 
any  complaint  against  any  commander.  Oversights 
could  rarely  be  avoided  in  military  affairs,  and  he 
acknowledged  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  them  him- 
self. The  essential  was  not  to  enquire  into  the  causes 
of  these  failures,  but  to  apply  a  remedy  to  them.  That 
remedy,  as  he  had  already  suggested,  was  the  reor- 
ganisation of  the  army,  and  a  change  in  its  com- 
manders. "  And  I  hope,"  he  concluded,  "  we  have 


irg  Oliver  Cromwell  [1644 

such  true  English  hearts  and  zealous  affections  to- 
wards the  general  weal  of  our  mother  country,  as  no 
members  of  either  House  will  scruple  to  deny  them- 
selves, and  their  own  private  interests  for  the  public 
good." 

Cromwell's  suggestion  was  at  once  adopted,  and, 
before  the  debate  ended,  a  resolution  was  passed 
that  no  member  of  either  House  of  Parliament 
should  during  the  war  hold  any  office  or  command 
either  military  or  civil.  Ten  days  later,  on  Decem- 
ber iQth,  the  Self-Denying  Ordinance  passed  the 
House  of  Commons  and  was  sent  up  to  the  Lords. 
The  Lords  demurred,  and  delayed,  and  at  last  re- 
jected it,  on  the  ground  that  they  did  not  know  what 
shape  the  new  army  would  take.  The  Commons 
immediately  formulated  their  scheme,  nominated 
Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  as  the  future  General,  and  fixed 
the  new  army  at  twenty-two  thousand  men.  On 
the  1 5th  of  February,  1645,  the  Lords  accepted  it, 
much  against  their  will ;  and  on  April  3rd,  with  still 
greater  reluctance,  they  accepted  a  second  Self-Deny- 
ing  Ordinance.  But  the  new  ordinance  was  much 
less  stringent  than  the  old.  It  simply  ordained  that 
all  members  of  the  two  Houses  holding  office  should 
lay  down  their  commissions  within  forty  days  of  its 
passing,  and  said  nothing  to  prevent  their  reappoint- 
ment  in  the  future  if  the  two  Houses  thought  fit. 
So  much  at  least  the  Peers  had  gained  by  their 
resistance. 

Cromwell  had  been  a  leader  in  the  earlier  portion 
of  this  struggle.  He  had  been  one  of  the  tellers 
for  the  majority  which  voted  Fairfax  General  in 


1644]  Mars  ton  Moor  119 

place  of  Essex,  and  had  urged  that  Fairfax  should 
have  full  liberty  in  the  choice  of  his  officers.  His 
own  military  career  seemed  over,  for  he  could 
scarcely  expect  to  retain  his  command  when  all 
other  members  lost  theirs.  If  he  had  sought  to 
keep  it,  he  would  have  continued  the  prosecution 
of  Manchester  rather  than  striven  to  erect  a  legal 
barrier  against  his  own  employment.  But  before 
the  struggle  ended,  and  before  the  second  Self- 
Denying  Ordinance  was  passed  or  even  introduced, 
he  was  once  more  in  the  field.  In  the  west  of  Eng- 
land, Weymouth  and  Taunton  were  hard  pressed  by 
a  royalist  army  under  Goring.  Waller  was  ordered 
to  advance  and  relieve  them,  but  without  reinforce- 
ments he  was  too  weak  to  do  so.  Parliament 
ordered  Cromwell's  regiment  to  join  Waller;  it  mur- 
mured, grew  mutinous,  and  seemed  about  to  refuse 
obedience.  On  March  3rd,  the  House  ordered 
Cromwell  to  go  with  it,  its  murmurs  ceased,  and 
obedience  was  immediately  restored.  Cromwell  made 
no  objection  to  putting  himself  under  Waller's  com- 
mand, and  Waller  found  him  an  admirable  subord- 
inate. There  was  nothing  in  his  bearing,  wrote 
Waller,  to  show  that  he  was  conscious  of  having 
extraordinary  abilities  ;  "  for  although  he  was  blunt, 
he  did  not  bear  himself  with  pride  or  disdain.  As 
an  officer  he  was  obedient,  and  did  never  dispute  my 
orders,  or  argue  upon  them."  What  struck  Waller 
most  was  that,  whilst  a  man  of  few  words  himself, 
Cromwell  had  a  way  of  making  others  talk,  and  a 
singular  sagacity  in  judging  their  characters,  and  dis. 
covering  their  secrets. 


120 


Oliver  Cromwell 


[1644 


Waller's  expedition  accomplished  its  object  :  a  roy- 
alist regiment  of  horse  was  captured,  an  imperilled 
body  of  parliamentary  foot  successfully  brought 
off,  and  at  the  end  of  April  Cromwell  returned  to 
headquarters  to  lay  down  his  commission.  It  re- 
mained to  be  seen  whether  Parliament  could  dispense 
with  his  services,  and  above  all  whether  the  army 
would  be  content  to  lose  a  general  who  had  gained 
the  confidence  of  the  soldiers  more  than  any  leader 
whom  the  war  had  produced. 


CHAPTER  VII 

NASEBY  AND   LANGPORT 
1645-1646 

THE  "  New  Model  "  army  which  Fairfax  com- 
manded had  a  better  chance  of  success  than 
that  of  Essex.  Essex  had  failed  partly 
through  incapacity,  but  partly  because  his  forces 
were  never  properly  maintained  or  recruited.  His 
regiments  melted  away  without  much  fighting,  be- 
cause their  pay  was  always  in  arrears  and  their  sup- 
plies irregular  and  insufficient.  But  now  Parliament 
had  rectified  the  worst  defects  of  its  financial  system, 
and  provided  for  the  regular  payment  of  the  soldiers 
during  the  campaign  by  a  monthly  assessment  levied 
on  all  the  counties  under  its  power.  The  new  army 
consisted  of  eleven  regiments  of  horse,  each  number- 
ing six  hundred  men,  twelve  regiments  of  foot,  each 
of  twelve  hundred,  with  a  thousand  dragoons,  and  a 
small  train  of  artillery.  About  half  the  infantry 
was  composed  of  men  who  had  served  under  Essex, 
Manchester,  and  Waller  ;  the  rest  were  pressed-men 
raised  by  the  county  authorities.  Of  the  cavalry, 
more  than  half  was  drawn  from  the  former  army  of 


,22  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

the  Eastern  Association.  Cromwell's  old  regiment 
was  made  into  two,  one  commanded  by  his  cousin, 
Edward  Whalley,  the  other  by  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax 
himself. 

Fairfax  owed  his  appointment  partly  to  his  milit- 
ary reputation,  partly  to  his  freedom  from  political 
objections.  He  was  religious,  but  the  question 
whether  he  was  a  Presbyterian  or  an  Independ- 
ent was  a  riddle  none  had  solved.  Though  he 
had  served  a  campaign  in  Holland,  his  real  training- 
school  had  been  the  long  struggle  with  Newcastle 
and  the  northern  Royalists.  Swift  marches  and  dash- 
ing attacks,  resourcefulness  in  difficulties  and  per- 
sistency in  defeats  had  made  him  famous.  "  Black 
Tom "  was  the  idol  of  his  troopers,  and  whilst 
friends  complained  that  he  exposed  himself  too  reck- 
lessly, enemies  spoke  of  his  "  irrational  and  brutish 
valour,"  and  denied  him  all  higher  qualities.  He 
was  looked  upon  as  essentially  a  leader  of  cavalry, 
and  his  selection  as  General  instead  of  Lieutenant- 
General  surprised  even  his  friends.  To  most  of 
the  officers  of  his  army,  Fairfax  was  unknown, 
except  by  reputation.  When  he  took  up  his  com- 
mand, they  saw  a  man  of  about  thirty-three,  tall  in 
stature  and  very  dark,  with  the  scars  of  old  wounds 
upon  his  face.  His  bearing  was  quiet  and  reserved, 
but  it  was  soon  observed  that  though  he  said  little  in 
council  he  was  very  tenacious  of  his  opinions,  and 
very  prompt  in  acting  upon  them.  In  battle  he 
seemed  transformed,  threw  off  his  reserve,  lost  his 
stammer,  and  was  all  fire,  energy,  and  decision. 

Skippon  had  been  made  Major-General  of  the  army 


SIR    THOMAS   FAIRFAX. 
(From  tke painting  by  Gerard Zoust.) 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  123 

to  supply  the  scientific  knowledge  and  the  long  ex- 
perience which  the  commander-in-chief  lacked,  but 
the  second  place  in  the  army  was  still  unfilled,  for  no 
lieutenant-general  had  been  appointed  to  command 
the  horse,  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was 
designedly  left  open  in  order  that  Cromwell  might 
fill  it. 

Ever  since  March,  Cromwell  had  been  employed  in 
his  expedition  to  the  west.  On  the  iQth  of  April,  he 
returned  to  the  headquarters  at  Windsor  in  order  to 
take  leave  of  Fairfax,  and  to  lay  down  his  commis- 
sion as  the  Self-Denying  Ordinance  required.  Next 
morning,  a  letter  came  from  the  Committee  of  Both 
Kingdoms  giving  him  fresh  duty  to  do.  The  King 
was  about  to  take  the  field  and  the  "New  Model" 
was  not  ready  to  fight  him.  Ever  since  the  begin- 
ning of  April,  Fairfax  had  been  labouring  hard  at  the 
reorganisation  of  the  army,  but  recruits  were  slow  in 
coming  in,  and  the  obstructiveness  of  the  Lords  had 
thrown  all  preparations  back.  The  most  efficient 
part  of  the  army  and  the  readiest  for  immediate  action 
was  the  brigade  of  cavalry  Cromwell  had  brought 
back  from  the  west,  and  with  it  he  was  now  de- 
spatched to  Oxfordshire  to  prevent  the  King  from 
joining  Prince  Rupert.  Charles  lay  at  Oxford  with 
part  of  the  royal  army,  including  the  artillery  train  ; 
Rupert  with  the  rest,  and  with  the  bulk  of  the  cav- 
alry, was  quartered  about  Hereford  and  Worcester. 
Cromwell  set  out  at  once,  and  at  daybreak  on  April 
24th  he  routed  three  regiments  of  the  King's  horse 
at  Islip,  killing  two  hundred  and  taking  two  hun- 
dred prisoners,  Part  of  the  fugutives  took  refuge 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

in  Blechington  House,  which  Cromwell  at  once  at- 
tacked and  forced,  under  threat  of  an  assault,  to  sur- 
render. By  the  terms  granted,  the  garrison  were 
allowed  to  retire  to  Oxford,  but  had  to  give  up  their 
horses  and  arms.  "  I  did  much  doubt  the  storming 
of  the  house,"  wrote  Cromwell  in  explanation,  "  it 
being  strong  and  well  manned,  and  I  having  few  dra- 
goons, and  this  not  being  my  business."  Two  days 
later,  at  Hampton  in  the  Bush,  he  intercepted  a  regi- 
ment of  foot  marching  from  Faringdon  to  Oxford, 
took  a  couple  of  hundred,  and  killed  or  scattered  the 
rest.  On  the  2Qth,  he  appeared  before  Faringdon 
House,  and  made  an  attempt  to  storm  it,  but  was 
repulsed  with  loss.  In  spite  of  this  check,  Cromwell 
had  effected  the  work  he  was  sent  to  do.  The  King's 
march  was  stopped.  His  cavalry  was  shattered  by 
defeats,  and  his  artillery  could  not  be  moved  because 
Cromwell  had  swept  up  all  the  draught-horses  in  the 
country  round.  Charles  was  obliged  to  summon 
Goring's  cavalry  from  the  west  to  cover  his  junction 
with  Rupert,  and  could  not  start  till  the  7th  of  May. 
Meanwhile  Fairfax  had  got  his  army  into  marching 
order,  and  on  May  1st,  leaving  Cromwell  to  observe 
the  King,  he  set  out  to  relieve  Taunton.  His  oper- 
ations were  determined  not  by  his  own  judgment, 
but  by  the  orders  of  the  Committee  of  Both  King- 
doms. Half-way  to  Taunton  he  got  fresh  orders 
instructing  him  to  send  a  brigade  to  relieve  it,  and  to 
turn  back  with  the  rest  of  his  troops  to  besiege 
Oxford.  For  a  fortnight  therefore  he  invested  Ox- 
ford, limiting  himself  to  a  blockade  because  his  siege 
train  had  not  come  up,  and  without  heavy  guns  and 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  125 

intrenching  tools  he  could  do  nothing  more.  During 
these  weeks  Rupert  and  the  King  with  nine  thou- 
sand or  ten  thousand  men  were  marching  unopposed 
about  the  midlands.  On  May  i$th,  Charles  took 
Hawkesley  House  in  Worcestershire,  and  then  turned 
north  to  relieve  Chester,  but  heard  on  his  way  that 
the  siege  was  raised.  Some  of  his  advisers  urged 
him  to  march  north  still  in  order  to  relieve  Ponte- 
fract  and  beat  Leven  and  the  Scots  ;  others  proposed 
a  raid  into  the  Eastern  Association.  But  reports  of 
the  danger  of  Oxford  kept  him  in  the  south,  and  as 
a  diversion  it  was  resolved  to  attack  Leicester.  On 
May  3 1st,  that  city  was  stormed  and  sacked  by  the 
King's  army. 

The  King's  movements  had  completely  upset  the 
plans  of  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms.  As  soon 
as  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Leicester  came,  Fair- 
fax was  ordered  to  leave  Oxford,  and  to  march 
against  the  King.  Taught  by  experience,  the  ama- 
teur strategists  of  the  Committee  left  him  free  to 
order  his  movements  as  he  thought  fit,  and  removed 
all  limitations  they  had  before  imposed.  In  the 
alarm  caused  by  the  King's  successes,  public  opinion 
imperatively  called  for  Cromwell's  employment.  All 
felt  he  was  too  necessary  to  be  spared.  On  May 
loth,  Parliament  had  prolonged  his  command  for  an- 
other forty  days.  On  the  28th,  when  the  King 
threatened  the  eastern  counties,  Cromwell  was  sent 
in  hot  haste  to  Ely  to  see  to  their  defence.  A  week 
later  London  petitioned  that  he  might  have  power 
to  raise  and  command  all  the  forces  of  the  Associa- 
tion. Finally,  on  June  loth,  Fairfax  and  his  council 


I26  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

of  war  petitioned  Parliament  to  appoint  Cromwell 
Lieutenant-General.  For  they  were  now  advanced 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  King's  position,  and  Fair- 
fax had  a  great  body  of  horse,  but  no  general  officer 
to  command  it  in  the  coming  battle.  No  one  but 
Cromwell  would  do,  urged  Fairfax. 

"The  general  esteem  and  affection  which  he  hath 
both  with  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  this  whole  army, 
his  own  personal  worth  and  ability  for  the  employment, 
his  great  care,  diligence,  courage,  and  faithfulness  in  the 
services  you  have  already  employed  him  in,  with  the  con- 
stant presence  and  blessing  of  God  that  have  accom- 
panied him,  make  us  look  upon  it  as  the  duty  we  owe  to 
you  and  the  public,  to  make  it  our  suit." 

The  Lords  made  no  answer  to  this  unwelcome 
petition,  but  the  Commons  agreed  to  the  appoint- 
ment for  so  long  a  time  as  Cromwell  was  needed  in 
the  army.  So,  on  June  I3th,  Cromwell  rode  into 
Fairfax's  camp  with  six  hundred  horse  from  the 
Association,  and  was  welcomed  by  the  soldiers  "  with 
a  mighty  shout."  "  Ironsides,"  they  cried,  "  is  come 
to  head  us,"  calling  him  by  the  name  which  Rupert 
had  given  him  after  the  battle  of  Marston  Moor. 

In  the  King's  camp  there  were  great  divisions  of 
opinion.  Rupert,  the  commander-in-chief,  advocated 
one  course,  and  the  King's  civilian  advisers  another. 
Charles  hesitated  and  delayed  till  he  found  Fairfax 
at  his  heels,  and  then  he  was  forced  to  fight.  On 
June  I4th,  the  two  armies  met.  Rupert's  original 
intention  had  been  to  deliver  a  defensive  battle  in 
a  chosen  position  at  Harborough,  but  his  scouts 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  127 

deluded  him  into  the  belief  that  Fairfax's  troops  were 
retiring,  and  he  advanced  to  find  them  drawing  up  in 
battle  order  on  a  high  plateau  in  front  of  the  little 
village  of  Naseby.  The  King's  army  amounted  at 
most  to  about  five  thousand  horse  and  four  thousand 
or  five  thousand  foot.  Fairfax  had  thirteen  thou- 
sand men,  of  whom  six  thousand  were  horse.  In 
spite  of  these  odds,  the  Royalists  expected  an  easy 
victory.  Many  of  the  parliamentary  foot  were  raw 
conscripts,  whilst  the  King's  were  old  soldiers. 
Charles  himself  spoke  confidently  of  beating  "  the 
rebels'  new  brutish  general  "  as  he  had  beaten  the 
experienced  Essex,  and  even  supporters  of  the  Par- 
liament had  little  faith  in  their  untried  army. 
"  Never,"  wrote  one,  "  did  any  army  go  forth  to 
war  who  had  less  of  the  confidence  of  their  own 
friends,  or  were  more  the  objects  of  the  contempt  of 
their  enemies."  But  Cromwell,  for  his  part,  had  no 
doubts  of  the  issue  of  the  battle. 

"  I  can  say  this  of  Naseby,"  he  wrote  a  month  later. 
"  When  I  saw  the  enemy  draw  up  and  march  in  gal- 
lant order  towards  us,  and  we  a  company  of  poor,  ig- 
norant men,  to  seek  how  to  order  our  battle — the  General 
having  commanded  me  to  order  all  the  horse  —  I  could 
not,  riding  alone  about  my  business,  but  smile  out  to 
God  in  praises,  in  assurance  of  victory,  because  God 
would,  by  things  that  are  not,  bring  to  naught  things  that 
are.  Of  which  I  had  great  assurance,  and  God  did  it." 

As  the  royalist  line  advanced,  Fairfax's  artillery 
fired  a  few  shots,  which  went  high  and  did  no  execu- 
tion. The  King's  guns  were  too  far  behind  to  do 


Oliver  Cromwell 

any  servce.  The  foot  on  each  side  fired  one  volley, 
and  then  charged  each  other  with  levelled  pikes  and 
clubbed  muskets.  So  fierce  was  the  onset  of  the 
royalist  infantry  that  four  out  of  the  five  regiments 
in  Fairfax's  front  line  gave  way  before  it.  Skippon's 
regiment  was  broken,  its  lieutenant-colonel  killed, 
and  Skippon  himself  severely  wounded.  But  Fair- 
fax's own  regiment  stood  its  ground,  and  the  second 
line,  coming  up,  drove  the  Royalists  back  and  gave 
the  broken  regiments  time  to  rally. 

Still  worse  fared  Colonel  Ireton  and  the  left  wing 
of  the  parliamentary  horse.  Ireton's  five  regiments 
advanced  to  meet  Rupert,  but  their  charge  was 
badly  delivered  and  badly  supported.  At  the  out- 
set, Ireton  himself  gained  a  temporary  success,  but, 
turning  prematurely  to  attack  a  regiment  of  foot,  he 
was  unhorsed,  wounded,  and  for  a  short  time  a 
prisoner.  Rupert  pushed  his  advantage  with  his 
usual  vigour,  and,  not  content  with  driving  Ire- 
ton's  horse  from  the  field,  attacked  the  train  and 
the  baggage  guard  of  the  Parliamentarians  behind 
Naseby.  As  they  stood  firm  he  abandoned  the  at- 
tempt, and  returned  to  see  how  the  battle  went  on 
the  plateau. 

During  this  time,  the  horse  of  the  parliamentary 
right  wing  under  Cromwell  decided  the  fate  of  the 
day.  Cromwell  did  not  wait  to  be  charged  by  Sir 
Marmaduke  Langdale,  but  met  his  horsemen  as  they 
advanced,  and  after  a  stiff  struggle  swept  them  back 
in  disorder,  and  forced  them  to  take  shelter  behind 
their  reserve.  Cromwell's  troopers,  said  an  eye-wit- 
ness, were  like  a  torrent,  driving  all  before  them. 


The  Battle  of 

NASEBY. 

^  CJ 
Royalists  IH   OD 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  129 

Charles  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  guards  and 
the  rest  of  the  reserve,  and  prepared  to  lead  a  des- 
perate charge  against  the  advancing  Roundheads. 
"  Will  you  go  upon  your  death  ?  "  said  a  nobleman, 
seizing  his  bridle  rein  ;  so  the  guards  halted,  and 
wheeled  about,  and  drew  back  for  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  the  field.  Leaving  four  regiments  to  keep 
them  in  check,  Cromwell  with  the  rest  of  his  horse, 
and  with  what  he  could  collect  of  Ireton's,  turned  to 
fall  upon  the  royalist  centre.  The  royalist  infantry 
fought  with  great  tenacity,  but,  attacked  simultane- 
ously by  horse  and  foot,  they  were  soon  broken,  and 
regiment  after  regiment  laid  down  its  arms.  A 
brigade  of  bluecoats  stood  "  with  incredible  courage 
and  resolution  "  beating  back  charge  after  charge 
with  their  pikes.  At  last  Cromwell  charged  one  face 
of  the  square  with  Fairfax's  regiment  of  foot,  while 
Fairfax,  bareheaded,  led  his  life-guard  against  an- 
other. It  too  was  broken,  and  Fairfax  took  the 
colours  with  his  own  hand.  Of  the  King's  infantry, 
scarcely  a  man  escaped  capture. 

Fairfax  halted  the  victorious  cavalry  till  the  main 
body  of  his  foot  came  up,  and  then,  forming  a  fresh 
line  of  battle,  ordered  a  general  advance.  The  King's 
guards  and  Langdale's  routed  horse  had  now  been 
joined  by  Rupert's  victorious  troopers,  and  were 
drawn  up  to  make  a  second  charge.  But  discouraged 
as  they  were,  and  without  artillery  or  foot  to  support 
them,  their  position  was  hopeless.  In  a  few  mo- 
ments they  wavered  and  broke,  and  every  man,  turn- 
ing his  horse's  head  towards  Leicester,  rode  as  hard 
as  he  could. 

9 


,30  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

The  pursuit  lasted  some  thirteen  miles.  Nearly  five 
thousand  prisoners,  more  than  one  hundred  colours, 
all  of  the  King's  baggage  and  artillery,  and  his  private 
papers  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Leicester 
surrendered  four  days  later,  and  Fairfax,  leaving  the 
King  to  take  refuge  in  Wales,  set  forth  in  haste  to 
engage  General  Goring  and  the  western  army.  At 
the  news  of  his  approach,  Goring  raised  the  block- 
ade  of  Taunton,  and  took  up  his  position  about  ten 
miles  from  Bridgwater,  with  his  front  covered  by 
the  rivers  Yeo  and  Parret.  The  two  armies  came 
into  collision  near  Langport  on  July  loth.  Goring 
had  posted  his  men  on  the  brow  of  a  hill,  with  en- 
closures and  a  marshy  valley  in  their  front.  There 
was  a  ford  across  the  little  stream  at  the  bottom  of 
the  valley,  and  a  lane  led  up  the  hill  to  the  open 
ground  at  the  top  where  Goring's  cavalry  stood, 
while  the  hedges  and  enclosures  on  each  side  of  the 
lane  were  filled  with  his  musketeers.  Intending  to 
retreat  to  Bridgwater,  Goring  had  sent  thither  his 
baggage,  and  all  his  guns  but  two. 

Langport  was  one  of  the  few  battles  of  the  Civil 
War  in  which  field  artillery  played  an  important  part. 
Fairfax  began  by  overwhelming  Goring's  two  guns 
with  the  fire  of  his  own,  and  forcing  the  cavalry  to 
move  farther  back  and  leave  their  musketeers  un- 
supported. Then  he  ordered  forward  fifteen  hundred 
musketeers,  who,  advancing  down  one  hillside  and 
up  the  other,  drove  Goring's  skirmishers  from  hedge 
to  hedge,  and  cleared  the  enclosures.  Finally,  under 
Cromwell's  direction,  six  troops  of  horse  (all  drawn 
from  Cromwell's  own  old  regiment)  dashed  through 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  \  3 1 

the  ford,  and  up  the  lane  at  Goring's  cavalry.  Major 
Bethell  headed  the  charge,  which  he  performed, 
writes  Cromwell,  "  with  the  greatest  gallantry  imagin- 
able," and  Major  Desborough  seconded  him  with 
equal  courage.  Bethell  beat  back  two  bodies  of 
Goring's  horse  and  "  brake  them  at  sword  point "  ; 
but,  oppressed  with  numbers,  his  three  troops  were 
being  driven  back  when  Desborough  and  the  other 
three  came  up  to  relieve  them.  Then  they  charged 
again,  and  both  together  routed  another  body  of 
Goring's  horse.  At  the  same  time,  Fairfax's  musket- 
eers, coming  close  up  to  the  cavalry,  poured  in  their 
shot,  and  Goring's  men  began  to  run.  Cromwell 
halted  Desborough  and  Bethell  on  the  ground  they 
had  won,  allowing  no  pursuit  till  the  rest  of  the 
horse  joined  them.  Two  miles  farther  back,  the 
royalist  cavalry  made  another  stand,  but  one  charge 
proved  sufficient,  and  they  were  sent  flying  towards 
Bridgwater.  Through  the  burning  streets  of  Lang- 
port  Cromwell  dashed  after  them,  capturing  during 
the  chase  both  their  two  guns  and  fourteen  hundred 
prisoners. 

Immediately  after  his  victory,  Fairfax  laid  siege  to 
Bridgwater.  Like  Gustavus  Adolphus,  his  method 
was  to  risk  an  assault  wherever  success  seemed 
possible,  rather  than  to  spend  time  on  elaborate  siege 
works.  The  part  of  the  town  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Parret  was  taken  by  escalade  on  July  2 1st,  and 
the  other  half  surrendered  after  a  short  bombard- 
ment. The  possession  of  Bridgwater,  added  to  that 
of  Taunton,  Langport,  and  Lyme,  gave  Fairfax  a 
line  of  garrisons  which  cut  off  Cornwall  and  Devon 


,-2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

from  the  rest  of  England,  and  confined  what  re- 
mained  of  Goring's  army  to  those  two  counties.  He 
turned  back,  therefore,  to  complete  the  conquest  of 
the  west  by  taking  the  strongholds  he  had  left  in  his 
rear.  Bath  was  captured  on  July  29th,  the  ^strong 
castle  of  Sherborne  stormed  after  a  fortnight's  siege 
on  August  1 5th,  and  a  week  later  Bristol  was  invested. 
Rupert  with  thirty-five  hundred  men  held  the  city, 
but  its  fortifications  were  very  extensive,  and  in 
many  places  weak.  On  September  loth,  about  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  Fairfax  made  a  general  assault 
on  the  whole  circuit  of  the  works,  and  by  daybreak 
the  most  important  fort  and  a  mile  of  the  line  were 
in  his  possession.  Rupert  had  no  choice  but  to 
capitulate  at  once. 

Cromwell  was  now  put  in  command  of  four  regi- 
ments of  foot  and  three  of  horse,  and  sent  to  clear 
Wiltshire  and  Hampshire  of  hostile  garrisons.  De- 
vizes and  Laycock  House  surrendered  to  him  on 
September  23rd  ;  Winchester  cost  a  week's  siege,  but 
gave  in  as  soon  as  a  breach  was  made.  "  You  see," 
wrote  Cromwell  to  the  Speaker,  "  God  is  not  weary 
in  doing  you  good.  His  favour  to  you  is  as  visible, 
when  He  comes  by  His  power  upon  the  hearts  of  your 
enemies,  making  them  quit  places  of  strength  to  you, 
as  when  He  gives  courage  to  your  soldiers  to  attempt 
hard  things."  Basing  House,  the  next  place  attacked, 
was  very  strong,  had  stood  many  sieges,  and  was 
garrisoned  by  determined  men.  Its  owner,  the  Mar- 
quis of  Winchester,  was  a  Catholic,  and  many  of 
its  defenders  were  of  the  same  creed.  Cromwell 
breached  its  walls  with  his  cannon  and  ordered  a 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  133 

storm.  The  night  before  it,  he  spent  much  time  in 
prayer.  "  He  seldom  fights,"  said  his  chaplain,"  with- 
out some  text  of  Scripture  to  support  him."  This 
time  his  eye  fell  upon  a  text  in  the  Psalms  foretelling 
the  doom  of  idols  and  idolaters — "  They  that  make 
them  are  like  unto  them ;  so  is  every  one  that  put- 
teth  his  trust  in  them."  To  a  Puritan  it  seemed  a  pro- 
mise of  certain  victory,  and  Cromwell  gave  the  word 
to  assault  in  complete  assurance  of  success.  His 
soldiers  "  fell  on  with  great  resolution  and  cheerful- 
ness," clapped  their  scaling  ladders  to  the  walls,  beat 
the  enemy  from  their  works,  and  made  the  house 
their  own.  Some  three  hundred  of  the  garrison  were 
killed,  and  about  as  many  taken  prisoners,  while  the 
house  itself  was  thoroughly  sacked  by  the  soldiers, 
and  then  burnt.  "  I  thank  God,"  wrote  Cromwell 
to  the  Speaker,  "  I  can  give  you  a  good  account  of 
Basing." 

At  the  end  of  October,  Cromwell,  having  completed 
his  task,  joined  Fairfax  before  Exeter.  Except 
Devon  and  Cornwall,  all  the  west  had  now  been 
cleared  of  the  Royalists.  On  the  Welsh  border,  the 
King  had  Worcester  and  Hereford  and  a  number  of 
smaller  places,  but  Chester  was  besieged,  and  in  the 
north  Newark  was  the  only  important  fortress  in  his 
possession.  Between  these  different  places  and  his 
headquarters  at  Oxford,  Charles,  attended  by  two  or 
three  thousand  horse,  had  aimlessly  wandered,  since 
his  defeat  at  Naseby.  At  first,  he  thought  of  joining 
Goring  and  Prince  Charles  in  the  west,  but  Langport 
put  an  end  to  that  plan.  In  August,  he  tried  a  raid 
into  the  Eastern  Association,  and  took  and  plundered 


T  ^.  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

Huntingdon.  In  September,  the  rumour  of  his  ap- 
proach led  Leven  and  the  Scots  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Hereford.  More  than  once  the  King  thought  of 
joining  Montrose  in  Scotland.  In  September,  1644, 
Montrose  had  begun  the  marvellous  series  of  victories 
which  threatened  to  oblige  the  Covenanters  to  with- 
draw their  army  from  England.  He  beat  them  at 
Tippermuir,  Aberdeen,  Inverlochy,  Auldearne,  and 
Alford,  and  dreamt  of  subduing  all  Scotland  and 
coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  King.  At  Kilsyth, 
on  August  15,  1645,  he  won  a  still  greater  and  more 
decisive  victory  than  all  the  rest.  Glasgow  was 
occupied ;  Edinburgh  and  the  south  of  Scotland 
submitted  ;  the  Covenanting  leaders  took  refuge  at 
Berwick.  Montrose  sent  a  triumphant  message  to 
the  King  saying  that  he  would  soon  cross  the  border 
with  twenty  thousand  men.  But  his  Highlanders 
went  home  with  their  plunder,  the  Lowland  Scots 
declined  to  enlist  under  his  banner,  and  he  had  less 
than  two  thousand  men  with  him  when  David  Leslie, 
with  four  thousand  horse  from  the  Scottish  army  in 
England,  surprised  his  little  force  at  Philiphaugh,  and 
cut  it  in  pieces  (September  I3th).  Ignorant  of 
this  disaster,  Charles  set  out  from  Raglan  Castle 
with  three  thousand  horse  to  join  Montrose.  At 
Rowton  Heath,  on  September  24th,  he  was  defeated 
by  Major-General  Poyntz  .in  an  attempt  to  relieve 
Chester,  and  lost  nine  hundred  men.  Forced  to 
abandon  the  plan  of  marching  north  through  Lan- 
cashire, the  King  made  his  way  to  Newark,  and 
thence,  in  November,  back  to  Oxford.  From 
Newark,  Lord  Digby  made  a  desperate  attempt  to 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  135 

get  to  Scotland,  but  the  sole  result  was  the  loss  of 
the  fifteen  hundred  horse  he  took  with  him. 

From  a  military  point  of  view,  the  King's  position 
was  now  utterly  hopeless.  If  after  Naseby  he  had 
collected  the  men  wasted  in  petty  garrisons  he  could 
have  got  together  a  force  sufficient  to  meet  the  "  New 
Model "  in  the  field.  But  he  neglected  the  moment, 
one  after  another  his  garrisons  were  taken,  and  his 
new  levies  were  scattered  before  they  could  com- 
bine. His  generals  lost  hope,  and  while  the  quar- 
rels of  Goring  and  Grenville  paralysed  the  King's 
western  army,  Rupert  urged  his  uncle  to  make 
peace.  Charles  obstinately  refused  to  listen  either 
to  him  or  to  the  rest  of  the  peace  party. 

"  If  I  had  any  other  quarrel  but  the  defence  of  my  re- 
ligion, crown,  and  friends,"  wrote  Charles,  "  you  had 
full  reason  for  your  advice  ;  for  I  must  confess  that 
speaking  as  a  mere  soldier  or  statesman,  there  is  no 
probability  but  of  my  ruin.  Yet  as  a  Christian  I  must 
tell  you  that  God  will  not  suffer  rebels  to  prosper,  nor 
His  cause  to  be  overthrown,  and  whatever  personal  pun- 
ishment it  shall  please  Him  to  inflict  upon  me  must  not 
make  me  repine,  much  less  give  over  this  quarrel." 

The  nation  in  general  was  weary  of  the  war  and 
impatient  for  peace.  In  the  west  and  the  south  of 
England  the  country  people  began  to  form  associa- 
tions in  order  to  keep  all  armed  men  of  either  party 
out  of  their  districts,  and  to  put  an  end  to  free 
quarter  and  the  plunder  of  their  cattle.  In  the 
south-west,  these  "  Clubmen,"  as  they  were  called, 
fell  under  the  influence  of  royalist  agents,  but  gener- 
ally they  remained  neutral.  When  Fairfax  marched 


136 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 


into  Dorsetshire,  he  employed  Cromwell  to  disperse 
gathering  after  gathering  of  rustics  armed  wjth  clubs 
and  muskets. 

"  I  assured  them,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  Fairfax,  "  that  it 
was  your  great  care,  not  to  suffer  them  in  the  least  to  be 
plundered,  and  that  they  should  defend  themselves  from 
violence,  and  bring  to  your  army  such  as  did  them  any 
wrong,  where  they  should  be  punished  with  all  severity  ; 
upon  this  very  quietly  and  peaceably  they  marched  away 
to  their  houses,  being  very  well  satisfied  and  contented." 

Another  body  fired  on  Cromwell's  men,  and  had 
to  be  dispersed  by  a  cavalry  charge.  Some  dozen 
were  killed,  and  about  three  hundred  made  prisoners 
— "  poor  silly  creatures  "  whom  he  released  with  an 
admonition.  The  moderation  and  just  dealing  of 
Cromwell  and  Fairfax,  and  the  excellent  discipline 
of  their  soldiers,  speedily  restored  confidence.  The 
countrymen  came  to  perceive  that  the  best  hope  of 
peace  lay  in  the  triumph  of  the  Parliament.  At  the 
siege  of  Bristol,  the  Clubmen  of  the  neighbourhood 
helped  in  the  investment  of  the  city,  and  at  its  sur- 
render Rupert  had  to  be  guarded  to  prevent  their 
taking  vengeance  for  the  plunderings  he  had  sanc- 
tioned. 

The  feeling  in  favour  of  the  parliamentary  cause 
was  still  further  strengthened  by  the  discovery  of 
the  King's  negotiations  for  the  introduction  of  for- 
eign forces  into  England.  The  letters  taken  at 
Naseby  in  June  showed  that  the  King  was  negotiat- 
ing with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to  send  an  army  of 
ten  thousand  men  into  England.  Those  captured 


16461  Naseby  and  Langport  137 

when  Digby  was  defeated  in  his  attempt  to  reach 
Scotland  proved  that  Charles  was  trying  to  get 
troops  from  Denmark.  In  October,  some  more  capt- 
ured correspondence  revealed  a  treaty  made  with 
the  Irish  rebels  in  the  previous  August,  by  which 
they  were  to  furnish  Charles  with  ten  thousand  men 
in  return  for  the  legal  establishment  of  Catholicism 
in  Ireland.  Finally,  in  January,  1646,  Fairfax  inter- 
cepted letters  from  royalist  agents  in  France  concern- 
ing five  thousand  Frenchmen  who  were  to  be  landed 
in  the  west.  These  successive  discoveries  alienated 
men  who  had  fought  for  the  King,  and  turned 
neutrals  into  supporters  of  the  Parliament. 

It  was  to  anticipate  any  such  landing  of  foreign 
forces  in  England  that  Fairfax  took  the  field  so  early 
in  1646.  During  the  last  two  months  of  1645  he  had 
been  blockading  Exeter,  but  at  the  beginning  of 
January,  though  the  snow  was  on  the  ground  and 
there  was  a  hard  frost,  a  general  advance  was  or- 
dered. The  royalist  forces  in  Cornwall  and  Devon 
numbered  not  less  than  twelve  thousand  men,  besides 
the  garrisons,  but,  as  Clarendon  confesses,  they  were 
a  "  dissolute,  undisciplined,  wicked,  beaten  army," 
more  formidable  to  their  friends  than  to  their  foes. 
Goring,  to  whose  misconduct  this  disorganisation  was 
due,  had  resigned  his  command  at  the  end  of  1645, 
and  the  brave  and  blameless  Hopton,  who  succeeded 
him,  could  effect  nothing  with  such  troops.  In  two 
months,  the  resistance  of  the  west  collapsed.  Crom- 
well opened  the  campaign  by  surprising  Lord  Went- 
worth's  brigade  at  Bovey  Tracy  on  January  gth  ; 
Wentworth  and  most  of  his  men  escaped  in  the 


,^8  Oliver  Cromwell  [1645- 

darkness,  but  four  hundred  horses  were  taken,  and 
the  whole  brigade  scattered.  Ten  days  later,  Fairfax 
took  the  strong  fortress  of  Dartmouth  by  storm, 
capturing  one  hundred  guns  and  over  one  thousand 
prisoners.  On  February  1 6th,  a  chance  collision  be- 
tween outposts  at  Torrington  in  North  Devon  devel- 
oped into  a  general  engagement  in  which  Hopton 
was  driven  from  the  town  with  the  loss  of  six  hun- 
dred men,  and  his  infantry  were  completely  dis- 
persed. Hopton  had  still  about  five  thousand  horse 
left,  so,  in  spite  of  the  sufferings  of  his  soldiers  from 
hard  marches  and  winter  weather,  Fairfax  resolved 
to  follow  him  into  Cornwall,  "  the  breaking  of  that 
body  of  horse  there  being  the  likeliest  means  to 
prevent  or  discourage  the  landing  of  any  foreign 
forces  in  those  parts."  When  he  entered  the  county, 
the  Cornishmen,  won  by  his  good  treatment  of  his 
prisoners  and  by  the  good  behaviour  of  his  soldiers, 
offered  no  opposition.  Hopton's  troopers  deserted 
daily,  and  those  who  stayed  by  their  colours  had  no 
fight  left  in  them.  The  Prince  of  Wales  and  his 
councillors  fled  to  the  Channel  Islands,  and  on  the 
I4th  of  March  Hopton's  army  capitulated.  Fairfax 
wisely  granted  liberal  terms,  and  every  common 
soldier,  on  giving  up  horse  and  weapons,  and  pro- 
mising not  to  bear  arms  any  more  against  the  Parlia- 
ment, was  given  twenty  shillings  to  carry  him  to  his 
home. 

From  Cornwall,  Fairfax  now  marched  back  to 
Exeter,  which  surrendered  to  him  on  April  gth,  and 
thence  to  besiege  Oxford,  which  he  invested  at  the 
beginning  of  May.  Cromwell  stayed  with  Fairfax 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  139 

until  Exeter  fell,  and  then  went  to  London  at  the 
General's  desire,  to  give  Parliament  an  account  of 
the  state  of  the  west.  On  April  23rd,  he  was  thanked 
by  the  House  of  Commons  for  his  "  great  and  faith- 
ful services."  Rewards  of  another  nature  they  had 
already  conferred  upon  him.  On  December  I,  1645, 
the  Commons,  in  drawing  up  the  peace  propositions 
to  be  offered  to  the  King,  had  resolved  that  an 
estate  of  twenty-five  hundred  pounds  a  year  should 
be  settled  on  Lieutenant-General  Cromwell,  and  that 
the  King  should  be  asked  to  make  him  a  baron. 
The  negotiations  fell  through,  but  on  January  23rd 
the  House  ordered  that  the  lands  in  Hampshire  be- 
longing to  the  Maiquis  of  Worcester  and  his  sons 
should  be  settled  on  Cromwell,  and  an  ordinance  for 
that  purpose  finally  passed  both  Houses.  As  the 
rents  of  these  lands  fell  short  of  the  income  pro- 
mised, other  estates  of  the  same  nobleman  in  Gla- 
morganshire, Gloucestershire,  and  Monmouthshire 
were  subsequently  added  to  make  up  the  sum. 

Cromwell  rejoined  Fairfax  at  Oxford  in  time  to 
take  part  in  the  negotiations  for  its  surrender.  Con- 
temporary rumour  attributed  the  leniency  of  the 
terms  granted  to  the  garrisons  of  Exeter  and  Ox- 
ford largely  to  his  influence  with  Fairfax  and  the 
council  of  war.  Oxford  was  strongly  fortified,  and 
it  would  have  cost  many  men  to  take  it,  but,  apart 
from  this,  there  were  political  reasons  of  great  weight 
which  must  have  appealed  to  Cromwell.  Just  be- 
fore Fairfax  invested  Oxford,  King  Charles  escaped 
in  disguise  from  the  city,  and  took  refuge  in  the 
camp  of  the  Scottish  army  at  Newark.  For  some 


Oliver  Cromwell 


months  he  had  been  negotiating  with  the  Scots 
through  the  French  Ambassador,  and  he,  hoped  to 
be  able  to  persuade  them  to  adopt  his  cause  against 
the  English  Parliament.  There  were  rumours  that 
the  Scots  meant  to  employ  their  army  on  his  behalf, 
their  complicity  in  his  flight  seemed  proved,  and  an 
open  breach  between  the  two  nations  seemed  more 
than  possible.  "The  scurvy,  base  propositions 
which  Cromwell  has  given  to  the  Malignants  of 
Oxford,"  writes  Baillie,  "  have  offended  many  more 
than  his  former  capitulation  at  Exeter;  all  seeing 
the  evident  design  of  these  conscientious  men  to 
grant  the  greatest  conditions  to  the  worst  men,  that 
they  may  be  expedited  for  their  northern  warfare." 

Even  if  the  political  situation  had  been  otherwise, 
the  necessity  of  healing  the  wounds  of  the  war  by 
liberal  treatment  of  the  conquered  was  an  axiom 
with  the  army  and  its  leaders.  Politicians  were  as 
usual  less  generous  than  soldiers.  The  articles  were 
reluctantly  ratified  by  Parliament,  and  there  were 
repeated  complaints  of  their  infringement.  Crom- 
well and  the  officers  of  the  army  never  ceased  to 
represent  that  honour  and  policy  alike  demanded 
their  exact  observance.  "  There  hath  been  of  late  a 
dispute  about  the  Oxford  articles,"  said  a  royalist 
news-letter  in  February,  1648.  "  One  gentleman  be- 
ing  discontented  at  the  largeness  of  them  told  the 
Lieutenant-General  they  should  lose  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds  by  keeping  them  ;  he  replied  they 
had  better  lose  double  as  much  than  break  one 
article." 

With  the  capitulation  of  Oxford  on  June  24,  1646,  \ 


1646]  Naseby  and  Langport  141 

the  war  was  over.  Worcester,  it  is  true,  held  out 
till  July,  and  isolated  castles  in  Wales,  such  as  Rag- 
lan, Denbigh,  and  Harlech,  for  some  months  longer, 
but  their  reduction  was  only  a  question  of  a  short 
time. 

Cromwell  left  these  little  sieges  to  be  conducted 
by  others,  and  returned  to  his  duties  in  Parliament. 
He  removed  his  family  from  Ely  to  London,  and 
took  a  house  in  Drury  Lane,  moving  thence  about 
a  year  later  to  King  Street,  Westminster.  His  house- 
hold was  diminished  by  the  marriage  of  his  two 
elder  daughters.  Bridget,  the  eldest,  had  married, 
on  June  15,  1646,  Commissary-General  Henry  Ireton, 
her  father's  most  trusted  subordinate,  and  Elizabeth, 
Cromwell's  favourite  daughter,  became,  on  January 
13,  1646,  the  wife  of  John  Claypole,  a  Northampton- 
shire squire.  Only  the  two  youngest  daughters, 
Mary  and  Frances,  were  still  at  home.  Of  his  four 
sons,  two  were  already  dead  :  Robert  died  in  May, 
1639,  before  the  war  began,  and  Captain  Oliver  five 
years  later,  while  serving  in  his  father's  regiment. 
Richard,  the  elder  of  the  two  who  survived,  was 
now  in  Fairfax's  life-guard,  and  Henry,  who  was 
about  nineteen,  was  a  cornet  or  lieutenant  in  some 
cavalry  regiment.  Cromwell  had  offered  his  sons  to 
the  cause  as  freely  as  he  gave  himself  to  it. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

PRESBYTERIANS  AND   INDEPENDENTS 
1642-1647 

THE  settlement  of  the  kingdom  after  the  war 
ended  was  a  task  of  far  greater  difficulty  than 
the  defeat  of  the  King's  armies.  It  could  not 
be  solved  by  putting  Charles  upon  his  throne  again 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  Measures  had  to  be 
devised  for  securing  permanent  guarantees  against 
misgovernment  in  the  future,  and  for  rendering 
a  new  war  impossible.  Moreover,  these  ends  must 
be  attained  by  means  of  an  agreement  between 
the  King  and  the  Parliament,  because  the  working 
of  the  constitution  depended  on  the  co-operation 
of  the  two  powers,  and  on  the  reconciliation  of  the 
two  parties  which  had  followed  their  flags.  Nor  was 
t  possible  to  effect  a  lasting  settlement  without 
taking  into  account  the  new  ideas  and  the  new  forces 
which  had  come  into  existence  during  the  four  years' 
struggle. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  an  eccles^ 
astical  revolution  had  taken  place  in  England      As 
3  hostilities  commenced  the  Root  and  Branch 

J42 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         143 

party  gained  the  ascendancy  in  Parliament,  and  in 
the  first  negotiations  with  the  King,  the  total  abolition 
of  Episcopacy  was  one  of  the  demands  made.  In 
July,  1643,  Parliament  summoned  an  assembly  of 
divines  to  meet  at  Westminster,  and  undertake  the 
reformation  of  the  Church.  Then  followed  the  ac- 

I 

ceptance  by  Parliament  of  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  the  implied  promise  to  model  the  Church 
of  England  upon  that  of  Scotland,  and  the  inclusion 
of  representatives  of  the  Scottish  clergy  in  the  As- 
sembly of  Divines. 

Step  by  step  the  English  Church  was  transformed.  ; 
In  January,  1645,  the  two  Houses  passed  a  series  of 
resolutions  for  the  reorganisation  of  the  Church 
upon  a  Presbyterian  basis,  followed  by  ordinances 
which  established  one  after  another  the  component 
parts  of  the  system.  By  the  close  of  1646,  the  use 
of  the  Prayer-book  had  been  prohibited,  and  a 
"  Directory,"  drawn  up  by  the  Assembly,  had  been 
enjoined  in  its  stead,  while  new  Articles  of  Be- 
lief, a  new  Confession  of  Faith,  and  a  new  Catechism 
were  in  preparation.  Bishops  and  all  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal hierarchy  dependent  on  them  had  been  abolished, 
and  their  lands  vested  in  trustees  for  the  payment 
of  the  debts  of  the  State  (October,  1646).  The  work 
was  still  incomplete,  but  under  all  outward  conform- 
ity there  would  be  an  essential  difference  between 
the  Presbyterian  Churches  of  England  and  Scotland. 
In  Scotland  the  Church  was  dependent  upon  no 
one ;  in  England  it  would  be  dependent  upon  Par- 
liament. Whatever  the  Westminster  Assembly 
might  decide  was  established  only  by  the  authority  of 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1642 

Parliament,  which  revised  its  conclusions,  criticised  its 
formularies,  and  limited  its  functions  as  jt  thought 
fit.  Compared  to  an  ideal  Presbyterian  Church  rul- 
ing by  its  inherent  right  as  the  one  divinely  ordained 
form  of  Church  government,  the  English  Church 
would  be,  as  a  Scottish  divine  complained,  ^only  a 
lame  Erastian  presbytery."  Such  as  it  was,  how- 
ever, its  clergy  were  as  high  in  their  claim  to  author- 
ity as  English  bishops,  and  as  intolerant  as  Scottish 
ministers.  They  proved  in  a  hundred  different  ways 
the  truth  of  Milton's  maxim  that  "  new  presbyter 
is  but  old  priest  writ  large." 

During  the  years  which  saw  the  growth  of  English 
Presbyterianism,  a  rival  system  of  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganisation had  also  taken  root  in  England.  The 
Independents  drew  their  inspiration  not  from  Scot- 
land, but  from  the  Puritan  exiles  in  Holland  and 
the  Puritan  colonists  in  New  England.  To  the 
idea  of  a  national  Church  with  its  local  basis  and  its 
hierarchy  of  authorities,  they  opposed  the  idea  that 
a  true  Church  was  a  voluntary  association  of  be- 
lievers, and  that  each  congregation  was  of  right 
complete,  autonomous,  and  sovereign.  Most  of 
them  accepted  the  theology  of  Calvin  even  when 
they  rejected  his  ecclesiastical  organisation;  all 
claimed  the  right  to  interpret  the  Bible  for  them- 
selves without  regard  to  tradition  or  authority. 
Their  principle  was  that  set  forth  in  the  advice 
which  John  Robinson  gave  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
-to  be  ready  to  receive  whatever  truth  should  be 
made  known  to  them  from  the  written  word  of  God. 
Hence  came  their  ardent  faith  in  new  revelations, 


16471        Presbyterians  and  Independents         1 45 

with  the  diversity  of  doctrines  and  the  multiplicity 
of  sects  which  were  its  natural  consequence.  Hence 
the  horror  with  which  Presbyterians  and  Episco- 
palians alike  regarded  a  system  which  began  by  a 
denial  of  their  theory  of  Church  and  State,  and 
ended  by  an  attack  upon  the  fundamentals  of  their 
creed. 

Just  as  the  two  divisions  of  the  parliamentary 
party  differed  as  to  the  constitution  of  the  Church, 
so  they  differed  as  to  the  constitution  of  the  State. 
Each  was  a  political  as  well  as  a  religious  party. 
The  aim  of  the  Presbyterians  was  to  make  King  and 
Church  responsible  to  Parliament,  and  so  far  the 
Independents  went  with  them.  But  while  one  party 
proclaimed  the  sovereignty  of  Parliament,  and  justi- 
fied its  claim  by  historical  precedent,  the  other  pro- 
claimed the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  and  based  its 
claim  on  an  appeal  to  natural  rights,  f  Church  de- 
mocracy, as  Baxter  called  Independency,  brought 
in  its  train  State  democracy.  Applied  to  politics, 
the  ecclesiastical  theories  of  the  Independents  de- 
veloped into  the  fundamental  principles  of  demo- 
cratic government.  Those  who  held  that  a  Church 
was  a  voluntary  association  of  believers  bound 
together  by  a  mutual  covenant,  naturally  adopted 
the  corollary  that  a  State  was  an  association  of 
freemen  based  on  a  mutual  contract.  If  it  was  the 
right  of  the  members  of  a  religious  body  to  elect 
their  own  ministers,  it  was  evidently  equally  just 
that  the  members  of  a  civil  society  should  elect  their 
own  magistrates.  More  than  once  in  its  paper  wars 
with  the  King,  Parliament  had  put  forward  the  view 


146 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 


that  Kings  were  but  officers,  whose  power  was  a  trust 
from  the  people,  but  it  shrank  from  the  distinct 
enunciation  or  the  practical  application  of  the  prin- 
ciple its  declarations  contained.  It  was  therefore  in 
opposition  to  the  Long  Parliament  that  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  people  was  first  asserted  in  English 
political  life.  In  1646,  when  John  Lilburn  was  im- 
prisoned by  the  Lords  for  libelling  Manchester  he 
appealed  to  the  House  of  Commons  as  "  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  nation,"  and  denied  the  authority  of 
the  Peers  because  they  were  not  elected  by  the  people. 
When  the  House  of  Commons  refused  to  hear  him  he 
appealed  "  to  the  universality  of  the  people,"  as  "  the 
sovereign  lord "  from  whom  they  derived  their 
power,  and  by  whom  they  were  to  be  called  to 
account  for  its  use. 

As  yet,  however,  Lilburn's  principles  found  little 
acceptance  in  Parliament,  and  the  Lower  House  had 
no  intention  of  quarrelling  with  the  Upper  on  a 
question  of  abstract  rights.  In  the  Commons,  even 
after  the  new  elections  of  1645  an<3  1646  had  recruited 
the  numbers  of  the  House,  the  Independents  were  a 
minority  both  on  political  and  ecclesiastical  quest- 
ions. On  a  purely  religious  issue  they  could  muster 
fifty  or  sixty  votes,  of  whom  probably  less  than  half 
were  convinced  democrats.  But  the  ties  of  party 
allegiance  were  weak,  and  the  ability  of  the  Inde- 
pendent leaders  gave  them  an  influence  beyond  the 
circle  of  their  followers.  On  questions  such  as  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  the  control  of  the  pretensions  of 
the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  the  claim  of  the 
Scots  to  dispose  of  the  King,  a  majority  of  the  House 


1647J        Presbyterians  and  Independents         147 

adopted  the  policy  of  the  Independents.  But  when 
the  war  was  over,  and  the  dispute  with  the  Scots 
settled,  the  ascendancy  passed  to  the  Presbyterian 
leaders,  and  remained  with  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  army  had  been  from  the 
beginning  a  stronghold  of  Independency,  and  there 
its  adherents  grew  more  numerous  every  day.  In 
the  summer  of  1645,  when  Richard  Baxter  became 
chaplain  to  a  regiment  of  cavalry,  he  found  it  full  of 
hotheaded  sectaries.  Every  sect  and  every  heresy 
was  represented  in  its  ranks.  "  Independency  and 
Anabaptism  were  most  prevalent ;  Antinomianism 
and  Arminianism  equally  distributed."  One  day  he 
had  to  confute  the  opponents  of  Infant  Baptism, 
and  another  to  vindicate  Church  order  and  Church 
government.  But  the  most  universal  belief  amongst 
officers  and  soldiers,  and  the  error  he  most  often  had 
to  controvert,  was  that  the  civil  magistrate  had  no 
authority  in  matters  of  religion  either  to  restrain  or 
to  compel,  and  that  every  man  had  a  right  to  believe 
and  to  preach  whatever  he  pleased. 

In  the  army,  too,  the  political  principles  of  Inde- 
pendency had  reached  their  fullest  and  freest  de- 
velopment. Baxter  found  officers  and  soldiers 
"  vehement  against  the  King  and  against  all  govern- 
ment but  popular." 

"  I  perceived  "  he  writes,  "  that  they  took  the  King  for 
a  tyrant  and  an  enemy,  and  really  intended  absolutely  to 
master  him  or  to  ruin  him,  and  that  they  thought,  that  if 
they  might  fight  against  him  they  might  kill  or  conquer 
him  ;  and  if  they  might  conquer  they  were  never  more 
to  trust  him  further  than  he  was  in  their  power  ;  and  they 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

thought  it  folly  to  irritate  him  by  wars  or  contradictions 
in  Parliament,  if  so  be  they  needs  must  take  him  for  their 
King,  and  trust  him  with  their  lives  when  they  had  thus 
displeased  him." 

These  were  the  principles  upon  which  they  thought 
any  settlement  should  be  based,  and  they  meant  to 
make  their  views  heard.  "They  plainly  showed 
me,"  continues  Baxter,  "  that  they  thought  God's 
providence  would  cast  the  trust  of  religion  and  the 
kingdom  upon  them  as  conquerors." 

In  peace,  even  more  than  in  war,  the  army  looked 
to  Cromwell  to  lead  it.  Apart  from  his  splendid 
military  gifts,  he  had  all  the  qualities  required  to 
win  popularity  with  soldiers.  Cromwell  had  none  of 
the  reserve  or  reticence  of  Fairfax.  A  large-hearted, 
expansive,  vigorous  nature  found  expression  in  his 
acts  and  utterances.  "  He  was  of  a  sanguine  com- 
plexion," says  Baxter,  "  naturally  of  such  a  vivacity, 
hilarity,  and  alacrity,  as  another  man  is  when  he 
hath  drunken  a  cup  of  wine  too  much."  Elsewhere 
he  speaks  of  Cromwell's  "  familiar  rustic  carriage 
with  his  soldiers  in  sporting,"  and  one  of  Cromwell's 
officers  tells  us  that  "  Oliver  loved  an  innocent  jest." 
Nor  did  it  make  him  less  popular  that  underneath 
this  geniality  lay  a  fiery  temper,  which  sometimes 
flamed  up  into  vehement  utterances  or  sudden  bursts 
of  passion.  Partly  for  this  very  reason  he  was  gen- 
erally credited  with  much  more  democratic  opinions 
than  he  really  had.  People  remembered  his  hard 
sayings  about  the  Lords  during  his  quarrel  with 
Manchester,  and  took  a  practical  man's  irritation 
against  half-hearted  and  incapable  leaders  for  rooted 


16471        Presbyterians  and  Independents         1 49 

hostility  to  an  institution.  His  patronage  of  Lil- 
burn  seemed  another  proof  of  his  extreme  views. 
Cromwell  had  procured  Lilburn's  release  from  im- 
prisonment in  1640,  obtained  him  a  commission  in 
Manchester's  army  in  1643,  and  intervened  on  his 
behalf  with  the  House  of  Commons  in  1645.  People 
attributed  to  sympathy  with  advanced  democracy 
what  was  really  due  to  hatred  of  oppression  and 
injustice.  Lilburn's  praises  fostered  the  illusion. 
Great  as  Cromwell  was  in  the  field,  argued  Lilburn, 
he  was  still  more  useful  in  Parliament. 

"  O  for  self-denying  Cromwell  home  again  .  .  .  for 
he  is  sound  at  the  heart  and  not  rotten-cored,  hates 
particular  and  self-interests,  and  dares  freely  to  speak 
his  mind."  "  Myself  and  all  others  of  my  creed,"  wrote 
Lilburn  to  Cromwell  in  1647, "  have  looked  upon  you  as 
the  most  absolute  single-hearted  great  man  in  England, 
untainted  or  unbiassed  with  ends  of  your  own." 

In  religion,  however,  Cromwell  represented  the 
army  more  completely  than  in  politics.  Cromwell 
was,  as  Baillie  truly  termed  him,  "  the  great  Inde- 
pendent " — a  type  of  Independency  itself,  represent- 
ing not  any  particular  species  of  Independent,  but 
the  whole  genus  which  the  term  included.  He 
called  himself  by  the  name  of  no  sect,  "  joined  him- 
self to  no  party,"  and  "  did  not  profess  of  what 
opinion  he  was."  "  In  good  discourse  "  he  would 
sometimes  "very  fluently  pour  himself  out  in  the 
extolling  of  Free  Grace,"  but  he  refused  to  dispute 
about  doctrinal  questions.  There  are  indications  in 
some  of  Cromwell's  utterances  that  he  was  attracted 


Oliver  Lromweli  [1642- 

to  those  who  called  themselves  "Seekers,"  because 
they  found  satisfaction  not  in  any  visible  form  or 
definite  creed,  but  in  the  perpetual  quest  for  truth 
and  perfection.  "  To  be  a  Seeker,"  says  Cromwell 
in  a  letter  written  about  this  time,  "  is  to  be  of  the 
best  sect  next  after  a  Finder,  and  such  an  one  shall 
every  faithful  humble  Seeker  be  in  the  end."  But 
while  standing  a  little  apart  from  every  sect,  Crom- 
well seemed  to  share  the  aspirations  and  enthusiasms 
of  each.  "  Anabaptists,  Antinomians,  Seekers,  Sep- 
aratists," he  sympathised  with  all,  welcomed  all  to 
the  ranks  of  the  army,  and  "  tied  all  together  by  the 
point  of  liberty  of  conscience,  which  was  the  common 
interest  in  which  they  all  did  unite." 

Of  this  demand  for  freedom  of  conscience,  Crom- 
well had  ever  made  himself  the  spokesman.  At  the 
outset  of  the  war,  he  and  his  officers  had  proposed 
to  make  their  regiment  "  a  gathered  Church."  While 
he  was  governor  of  Ely,  he  and  his  deputy-governor, 
Ireton,  had  filled  the  island  with  Independents  until 
people  complained  that  for  variety  of  religions  the 
place  was  "  a  mere  Amsterdam."  When  he  became 
Lieutenant-General  of  Manchester's  army,  Independ- 
dency  had  spread  from  his  regiment  to  the  rest  of 
the  troopers  he  commanded. 

"  If  you  look  on  his  regiment  of  horse,"  said  an  op- 
ponent, "  what  a  swarm  there  is  of  those  that  call  them- 
selves godly  men  ;  some  profess  to  have  seen  visions  and 
had  revelations.  Look  on  Colonel  Fleetwood's  regiment 
with  his  Major  Harrison,  what  a  cluster  of  preaching 
officers  and  troopers  there  is.  To  say  the  truth  almost 
our  horse  be  made  of  that  faction." 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         151 

Cromwell  protected  them  against  Manchester's 
Presbyterian  chaplains  and  against  the  hostility  of 
Presbyterian  officers.  In  March,  1644,  when  Major- 
General  Crawford  cashiered  the  lieutenant-colonel  of 
his  regiment  on  the  ground  that  he  was  an  Anabap- 
tist, Cromwell  at  once  remonstrated.  If  any  military 
offence  were  chargeable  upon  the  lieutenant-colonel, 
he  must  be  tried  by  court-martial ;  if  none,  Crawford 
must  restore  him  to  his  command.  "  Admit  he  be 
an  Anabaptist,  shall  that  render  him  incapable  to 
serve  the  public  ?  Sir,  the  State  in  choosing  men 
to  serve  it,  takes  no  notice  of  their  opinions ;  if  they 
be  willing  to  serve  it  faithfully,  that  suffices."  Six 
months  later,  after  a  second  quarrel  with  Crawford 
on  the  same  subject,  Cromwell  procured  from  Par- 
liament what  was  known  as  "  the  Accommodation 
Order."  A  committee  was  to  be  appointed 

"  to  take  into  consideration  the  differences  in  opinion  of 
the  members  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines  in  point  of 
Church  government,  and  to  endeavour  a  union  if  it  be 
possible  ;  and  in  case  that  cannot  be  done,  to  endeavour 
the  finding  out  some  way,  how  far  tender  consciences, 
who  cannot  in  all  things  submit  to  the  common  rule 
which  shall  be  established,  may  be  borne  with  according 
to  the  Word,  and  as  may  stand  with  the  public  peace  " 
(September  13,  1644). 

After  every  victory  of  the  "  New  Model,"  Crom- 
well reminded  Parliament  of  the  necessity  of  legally 
establishing  the  toleration  which  this  vote  promised. 
"  Honest  men  served  you  faithfully  in  this  action," 
he  wrote  from  the  field  of  Naseby  ;  "  they  are  trusty ; 


jc2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

I  beseech  you  in  the  name  of  God  not  to  discourage 
them.  He  that  ventures  his  life  for  the  liberty  of  his 
country,  I  wish  he  trust  God  for  the  liberty  of  his 
conscience,  and  you  for  the  liberty  he  fights  for."  So 
little  did  the  Commons  share  his  feeling,  that  they 
mutilated  his  letter  by  omitting  in  the  published 
copies  his  plea  for  toleration,  but  he  repeated  it  in 
still  plainer  language  after  the  storming  of  Bristol. 

"  Presbyterians  and  Independents,  all  here  have  the  same 
spirit  of  faith  and  prayer  .  .  .  they  agree  here,  have 
no  names  of  difference  ;  pity  it  should  be  otherwise  any- 
where. All  that  believe  have  the  real  unity  which  is 
most  glorious  because  inward  and  spiritual.  .  .  .  For 
being  united  in  forms,  commonly  called  Uniformity, 
every  Christian  will  for  peace  sake  study  and  do  as  far 
as  conscience  will  permit.  And  from  brethren  in  things 
of  the  mind  we  look  for  no  compulsion,  but  that  of  light 
and  reason." 

Parliament  had  answered  by  mutilating  this  letter 
as  it  had  mutilated  the  other.  What  prospect  was 
there,  now  that  the  swords  of  the  Independents 
were  no  longer  needed,  that  their  political  and  re- 
ligious  demands  would  be  listened  to,  or  that  no 
compulsion  save  that  of  light  and  reason  would 
be  exercised  against  their  consciences  ?  As  to  relig- 
ion, if  Parliament  allowed  the  Presbyterian  clergy  to 
work  their  will,  Independents  could  expect  nothing 
but  persecution.  "  To  let  men  serve  God  according 
to  the  persuasion  of  their  own  consciences,"  wrote 
one  Presbyterian  divine,  "was  to  cast  out  one  devil 
that  seven  worse  might  enter."  Toleration,  wrote 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         153 

another,  was  "  the  Devil's  Masterpiece."  "  If  the  devil 
had  his  choice  whether  the  hierarchy,  ceremonies, 
and  liturgy  should  be  established  in  the  kingdom, 
or  a  toleration  granted,  he  would  choose  a  toleration." 
"  We  detest  and  abhor  the  much  endeavoured 
toleration,"  declared  a  meeting  of  the  London  min- 
isters. The  corporation  of  London  backed  their 
declaration  by  a  petition  for  the  suppression  of  all 
heresies.  In  Parliament  itself  it  was  evident  that 
the  anti-tolerationists  had  gained  the  upper  hand. 
As  late  as  April,  1646,  the  Commons  had  promised 
a  due  regard  for  tender  consciences,  providing  only 
that  they  differed  not  in  any  fundamentals  of  religion. 
In  September,  however,  the  House  passed  the  second 
reading  of  a  bill  which  punished  with  death  those 
who  denied  doctrines  relating  to  the  Trinity  and  the 
Incarnation,  and  with  imprisonment  for  life  those 
who  opposed  Infant  Baptism  and  other  less  import- 
ant doctrines.  In  December,  when  a  bill  was 
introduced  prohibiting  laymen  from  preaching  in 
churches  or  elsewhere,  Cromwell  could  only  muster 
fifty-seven  members  in  favour  of  allowing  them  at  least 
to  expound  the  Scriptures.  Nor  was  there  in  the 
proposals  of  Parliament  for  the  settlement  of  the 
kingdom  any  sign  that  the  constitutional  settlement 
would  include  in  it  toleration/for  Independency. 

As  little  hope  was  there/from  the  King.  Ever 
since  May,  1646,  Charles  had  been  a  prisoner  in  the 
camp  of  the  Scots,  first  at  Newark,  and  then  at  New- 
castle. The  chief  demands  contained  in  the  propo- 
sitions sent  to  him  at  Newcastle  were,  that  the  King 
should  enforce  the  taking  of  the  Covenant  through 


,54  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

all  the  three  kingdoms,  and  accept  the  Presbyterian 
Church  which  Parliament  had  set  up.  Af  the  same 
time  he  was  to  give  Parliament  the  control  of  the 
naval  and  military  forces  of  the  nation  for  the  next 
twenty  years,  and  when  that  period  ended  the  two 
Houses  were  to  decide  as  to  their  future  disposal. 
Backed  by  the  Church,  and  with  the  sword  as  well  as 
the  purse  in  their  hands,  the  power  of  Parliament 
would  be  securely  established. 

As  long  as  he  could,  Charles  evaded  a  direct  answer. 
He  believed  that  bishops  and  apostolical  succession 
were  necessary  to  a  true  Church.  If  he  gave  way  to 
the  abolition  of  Episcopacy  "  there  would  be  no 
Church,"  and  to  yield  against  the  dictates  of  his  con- 
science would  be  "  a  sin  of  the  highest  nature." 
Political  motives  reinforced  conscientious  objections. 
To  accept  or  impose  the  Covenant  would  be  a 
"  perpetual  authorising  rebellion."  As  to  establish- 
ing Presbyterianism  by  law, 

"  under  pretence  of  a  thorough  reformation  in  England 
they  intend  to  take  away  all  the  ecclesiastical  power  of 
government  from  the  Crown,  and  place  it  in  the  two 
Houses  of  Parliament.  Moreover  they  will  introduce 
the  doctrine  which  teaches  rebellion  to  be  lawful  and 
that  the  supreme  power  is  in  the  people,  to  whom  kings, 
as  they  say,  ought  to  give  account,  and  to  be  corrected 
when  they  do  amiss.  .  .  .  There  was  not  a  wiser  man 
since  Solomon  than  he  who  said  'no  bishop,  no  king.'  " 

The  utmost  that  Charles,  after  months  of  negotia- 
tion, would  concede  was  to  grant  the  establishment 
of  Presbyterianism  for  three  years,  and  the  control 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         155 

of  the  army  and  navy  for  ten.  At  the  end  of  the 
ten  years  he  stipulated  that  the  control  of  army  and 
navy  should  return  to  the  Crown,  and  at  the  end  of 
the  three  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  re-establish 
Episcopacy. 

After  eight  months  of  futile  negotiating,  the  Scots, 
disgusted  by  the  King's  obstinate  refusal  to  accept 
Presbyterianism,  resolved  to  abandon  the  King's 
cause  and  hand  him  over  to  his  English  subjects. 
They  settled  their  own  differences  with  the  English 
Parliament  about  their  arrears  of  pay,  received  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds  on  account,  and  evacuated 
Newcastle  on  January  30,  1647,  leaving  Charles  in 
charge  of  the  parliamentary  commissioners.  In 
February  he  was  brought  to  Holmby  House  in 
Northamptonshire  in  custody  of  the  commissioners 
and  of  a  guard  of  cavalry. 

But  the  moment  when  the  King  seemed  to  have 
fallen  lowest  marked  the  success  of  his  policy.  His 
refusal  to  accept  the  terms  offered  him  at  Newcastle 
rested  mainly  on  the  conviction  that  he  was  indis- 
pensable. "  Men,"  he  said  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  will 
begin  to  perceive  that  without  my  establishing  there 
can  be  no  peace."  Even  his  adversaries  must  see  it : 
"  without  pretending  to  prophesy  I  will  foretell  their 
ruin  unless  they  agree  with  me."  Sooner  or  later,  he 
felt  certain  some  party  amongst  his  opponents  must, 
for  their  own  sake,  accept  his  terms  and  come  to  an 
understanding  with  him.  What  he  had  anticipated 
was  now  coming  to  pass.  Before  he  arrived  at  Holmby, 
a  number  of  the  Presbyterian  Peers  had  agreed  to  ac- 
cept the  King's  concessions  as  the  basis  of  an  agree- 


!^6  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

ment,  upon  the  completion  of  which  Charles  was  to 
be  restored  to  the  exercise  of  his  power.  It  was  the 
beginning  of  that  alliance  between  the  Royalists  and 
the  Presbyterians  which  produced  the  Second  Civil 
War,  and  finally  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  On 
May  1 2th,  a  new  message  from  the  King  embodying 
these  concessions  reached  Westminster,  and  it  was 
not  doubtful  that  a  majority  in  the  two  Houses 
would  accept  them  as  satisfactory. 

An  agreement  on  such  a  basis  was  a  truce,  not  a 
peace.  It  left  unsettled  the  questions  which  had 
caused  the  war,  and  threw  away  all  the  fruits  of  the 
victory.  Parliament  and  the  King  had  fought  for 
sovereignty,  but  now,  at  the  price  of  temporary  con- 
cessions, sovereignty  would  be  left  in  the  King's 
hands.  As  long  as  the  King's  right  to  veto  bills  was 
left  intact  he  could  prevent  any  of  his  temporary 
concessions  from  becoming  permanent,  and  he  meant 
to  do  so.  The  Independents  felt  all  the  danger  of 
such  a  one-sided  compromise,  but  they  were  now  in 
a  hopeless  minority  in  both  Houses.  When  the  army 
was  disbanded,  they  would  be  entirely  without  influ- 
ence. Its  disbandment  would  have  taken  place  in 
October,  1646,  but  for  the  strained  relations  of  Par- 
liament with  the  Scots,  and  a  scheme  for  disband- 
ment was  voted  on,  February,  1647.  Out  of  the 
forty  thousand  men  in  arms  in  England,  Parliament 
proposed  to  form  a  new  army  consisting  of  six  thou- 
sand four  hundred  horse,  and  about  ten  thousand  foot 
for  garrison  service.  It  seized  the  opportunity  to 
get  rid  of  all  the  Independent  officers  of  the  "  New 
Model."  Fairfax  was  to  be  retained  as  General,  but 


1647]       Presbyterians  and  Independents        157 

all  the  other  general  officers  were  to  be  dismissed. 
No  member  of  Parliament  was  to  hold  a  commission 
in  the  new  army,  and  no  officer  was  to  be  employed 
who  did  not  conform  to  the  Presbyterian  Church. 
Of  the  soldiers  of  the  "New  Model,"  four  thousand 
horse  were  to  be  retained  in  service  in  England  ;  the 
rest  of  the  horse  and  the  infantry  were  to  be  em- 
ployed for  the  reconquest  of  Ireland. 

In  Ireland,  ever  since  the  cessation  of  1643,  Or- 
mond,  the  King's  Lord-Lieutenant,  had  maintained 
himself  in  Dublin,  struggling  ever  to  turn  the  cessa- 
tion into  a  peace,  and  to  send  help  to  the  King  in 
England.  But  the  refusal  of  the  Catholic  clergy  to 
accept  less  than  the  establishment  of  Catholicism  in 
Ireland  frustrated  his  negotiations,  and,  in  1646,  Dub- 
lin was  again  besieged.  With  few  troops  and  with 
no  money  to  pay  them,  Ormond  found  himself 
obliged  to  submit  to  either  Irish  or  English  rebels. 
He  chose  the  latter  as  the  only  way  to  preserve  Ire, 
land  to  the  English  nation,  and  in  February,  1647, 
offered  to  deliver  up  his  charge  to  the  Parliament. 
Nothing  could  have  fallen  in  more  opportunely  for 
the  plans  of  the  Presbyterians,  and  on  March  6, 
1647,  Parliament  voted  that  12,600  men,  drawn  from 
the  ranks  of  the  "  New  Model,"  should  be  promptly 
despatched  to  Ireland,  and  sent  commissioners  to 
the  headquarters  of  the  army  to  persuade  the  soldiers 
to  enlist  for  Irish  service. 

If  the  soldiers  had  been  justly  treated  there  would 
have  been  no  difficulty  in  persuading  them  either  to 
volunteer  for  Ireland  or  to  disband  quietly.  But  the 
folly  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders  created  a  military 


1 58  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

revolt  which  changed  the  face  of  English  politics. 
As  was  natural,  the  soldiers  wanted  to  be  paid  for 
their  past  service  before  disbanding  or  re-enlisting. 
The  pay  of  the  foot  was  eighteen  weeks  in  arrears ; 
that  of  the  horse,  forty-three  weeks.  They  peti- 
tioned Fairfax  to  represent  their  desires  to  Parlia- 
ment, asking  particularly  to  be  indemnified  against 
legal  proceedings  for  acts  done  in  the  late  war,  and 
to  be  guaranteed  their  back  pay.  The  House  of 
Commons  ordered  the  petition  to  be  suppressed,  and 
declared  those  who  persisted  in  petitioning  to  be  ene- 
mies of  the  State  and  disturbers  of  the  public  peace. 
As  to  their  arrears,  it  offered  only  six  weeks'  pay, 
and  even  that  offer  was  delayed  till  the  end  of  April. 
The  result  was  that  out  of  the  whole  twenty-two  thou- 
sand men  of  the  "  New  Model,"  only  twenty-three 
hundred  volunteered  for  Ireland,  and  the  discontent  of 
the  army  swelled  to  a  formidable  agitation.  In  April, 
the  horse  regiments  elected  representatives,  called 
Agitators  or  Agents,  to  concert  united  action,  and  in 
May  the  foot  followed  their  example.  At  the  end 
of  April,  the  Agitators  of  eight  regiments  sent  a 
joint  letter  to  Skippon  and  Cromwell,  urging  them 
to  represent  the  wrongs  of  the  army  to  Parliament, 
and  to  procure  redress.  Cromwell  and  Skippon  laid 
the  letter  before  the  House,  and  the  House  ordered 
the  two,  accompanied  by  Ireton  and  Fleetwood,  to 
go  down  to  the  army,  and  endeavour  to  quiet  the 
distempers  of  the  soldiers.  It  promised  the  soldiers 
a  considerable  part  of  their  arrears  on  disbanding, 
and  good  security  for  the  payment  of  the  remainder. 
e  six  weeks'  pay  offered  was  increased  to  eight 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         159 

Up  to  this  point  Cromwell  had  taken  no  part  in 
the  negotiations  with  the  soldiers,  much  less  in  the 
movement  amongst  them  against  disbanding.  In 
February,  1647,  when  the  first  votes  for  disbanding 
were  passed,  he  was  dangerously  ill,  and  for  some 
time  absented  himself  both  from  the  House  and 
from  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms.  All  men 
knew  his  dissatisfaction  with  the  policy  which  the 
Presbyterian  leaders  were  following,  and  some  at- 
tributed his  abstention  to  that  cause.  "  We  are  full 
of  faction  and  worse,"  was  Cromwell's  comment  on 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Parliament,  in  August,  1646. 
He  marked  with  anxiety  the  growth  of  royalist  feel- 
ing in  London  and  the  increasing  hostility  of  the 
citizens  to  the  army  and  the  Independents. 

*'  We  have  had  a  very  long  petition  from  the  City,"  he 
wrote  to  Fairfax  on  December  21,  1646  ;  "  how  it  strikes 
at  the  army  and  what  other  aims  it  has  you  will  see  by 
the  contents  of  it ;  as  also  what  is  the  prevailing  temper 
at  this  present,  and  what  is  to  be  expected  from  men.  But 
this  is  our  comfort,  God  is  in  heaven,  and  He  doth  what 
pleaseth  Him  ;  His  and  only  His  counsel  shall  stand, 
whatsoever  the  designs  of  men  and  the  fury  of  the  people 
be." 

In  March,  1647,  the  feeling  in  the  city  was  still  worse. 

"  There  want  not  in  all  places,"  he  told  Fairfax,  "  men 
who  have  so  much  malice  against  the  army  as  besots 
them.  .  .  .  Never  were  the  spirits  of  men  more  embit- 
tered than  now.  .  .  .  Upon  the  Fast-day  divers  soldiers 
were  raised,  both  horse  and  foot,  near  two  hundred  in 
Covent  Garden,  to  prevent  us  soldiers  from  cutting  the 


160  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

Presbyterians'  throats  !  These  are  fine  tricks  to  mock 
God  with." 

He  was  irritated  also  by  the  suspicions  with  which 
he  himself  was  regarded  and  the  reception  they  met 
with  from  people  who  ought  to  have  known  better. 

"  It  is  a  miserable  thing,"  he  told  Ludlow,  "  to  serve  a 
Parliament,  to  which,  let  a  man  be  never  so  faithful,  if 
one  pragmatical  fellow  amongst  them  rise  and  asperse 
him,  he  shall  never  wipe  it  off  ;  whereas  when  one 
serves  a  general  he  may  do  as  much  service,  and  yet  be 
free  from  all  blame  and  envy." 

Cromwell  even  thought  of  leaving  England,  with  as 
many  of  his  fellow  soldiers  as  he  could  take  with 
him,  to  fight  for  the  cause  of  the  German  Calvinists 
under  the  flag  of  the  Elector  Palatine.  He  had  long 
conferences  with  the  Elector  on  the  subject  in 
March  or  April,  1647. 

But,  in  spite  of  Cromwell's  dissatisfaction,  there  is 
no  sign  either  in  his  words  or  action  that  he  con- 
templated resisting  the  policy  of  Parliament  or 
thought  of  stirring  up  a  military  revolution.  There 
were  bitter  complaints  from  some  of  his  greatest  ad- 
mirers  that  he  persistently  discouraged  the  petitions 
of  the  soldiers. 

11 1  am  informed  this  day,"  wrote  Lilburn  to  Cromwell ' 
on  March  25th,  "  by  an  officer  out  of  the  army,  that  you 
and  your  agents  are  like  to  dash  in  pieces  the  hopes  of 
our  outward  preservation,  their  petition  to  the  House 
d  will  not  suffer  them  to  petition  till  they  have  laid 
iown  their  arms  ;  because  forsooth  you  have  engaged  to 


1647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         161 

the  House  they  shall  lay  down  their  arms  whenever  it 
shall  command  them." 

Cromwell's  action  during  the  last  few  months,  con- 
tinued Lilburn,  had  filled  him  with  grief  and  amaze- 
ment. Could  it  be  that  he  was  held  back  by 
temporising  politicians,  "  covetous  earthworms,"  such 
as  Vane  and  St.  John,  or  bribed  into  inaction  by  the 
estate  Parliament  had  given  him  ?  Let  him  pluck 
up  resolution  "  like  a  man  that  will  persevere  to  be 
a  man  for  God,"  and  risk  his  life  to  deliver  his  fellow 
soldiers  from  ruin,  and  his  country  from  vassalage 
and  slavery. 

Cromwell  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  these  appeals.  He 
feared  to  encourage  the  intervention  of  soldiers  in 
politics,  and  dreaded  still  more  the  anarchy  which 
might  follow  a  breach  between  Parliament  and  the 
army.  In  May,  he  went  to  the  headquarters  of 
the  army  at  Saffron  Walden  with  his  three  col- 
leagues, examined  carefully  the  grievances  of  the 
petitioners,  communicated  the  votes  of  Parliament, 
and  did  his  best  to  persuade  officers  and  soldiers  to 
submission. 

"  Truly,  gentlemen,"  he  said  to  the  officers,  "  it  will  be 
very  fit  for  you  to  have  a  very  great  care  in  making  the 
best  use  you  can  both  of  the  votes,  and  of  the  interest 
that  any  of  you  have  in  your  regiments,  to  work  in  them 
a  good  opinion  of  that  authority  that  is  over  both  us  and 
them.  If  that  authority  falls  to  nothing,  nothing  can 
follow  but  confusion." 

The  commissioners  reported  that  they  found  the 
whole  army  "  under  a  deep  sense  of  some  sufferings  " 


j62  Oliver  Cromwell  [1642- 

and  the  common  soldiers  "much  unsettled."  On 
May  2  ist,  Cromwell  received  the  thanks  of  the 
Commons,  and  told  them  that  the  soldiers  would 
certainly  not  go  to  Ireland,  but  that  he  thought 
they  would  disband  quietly.  Under  his  influence, 
the  House  for  a  moment  seemed  disposed  to  adopt 
a  conciliatory  policy,  and  passed  ordinances  redress- 
ing some  of  the  minor  grievances  of  the  soldiers. 
But  no  steps  were  taken  to  give  them  the  promised 
security  for  the  payment  of  their  arrears,  and  on 
May  2;th  a  scheme  for  the  immediate  disbandment 
was  voted.  It  was  to  begin  on  June  ist,  with  Fair- 
fax's own  regiment,  and  to  prevent  any  concerted 
action  the  regiments  were  to  be  separately  disbanded 
at  widely  distant  places. 

The  Presbyterian  leaders  had  made  up  their  minds 
to  resort  to  force  to  carry  their  policy  through.  In 
secret  they  were  discussing  with  the  French  Am- 
bassador and  the  commissioners  of  the  Scottish  Par- 
liament a  plan  for  bringing  the  Scottish  army  into 
England.  The  Prince  of  Wales  was  to  be  sent  to 
Scotland  to  head  the  projected  invasion.  As  soon 
as  possible,  the  King  was  to  be  brought  from  Holmby 
to  London,  where  the  City  militia  was  entirely  under 
the  control  of  the  Presbyterians.  At  the  same  time, 
in  order  to  cripple  the  resistance  of  the  army,  the 
train  of  artillery  was  to  be  removed  from  Oxford  to 
the  Tower.  Then,  backed  by  the  Scots  and  the 
City,  they  would  force  the  soldiers  to  submit  to 
their  terms,  and  punish  the  officers  who  had  taken 
their  part.  It  meant  a  new  civil  war. 

Simultaneously  a   general   mutiny  began.       The 


J647]        Presbyterians  and  Independents         163 

votes  for  disbanding  the  soldiers  before  redressing 
their  grievances  robbed  the  tardy  and  trifling  con- 
cessions of  Parliament  of  all  their  value.  The  ulterior 
schemes  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders  were  known 
in  the  army  almost  as  soon  as  they  were  formed. 
At  the  bidding  of  the  Agitators  the  army  refused 
to  disband.  "  Be  active,"  wrote  one,  "  for  all  lies 
at  stake."  It  was  no  longer  simply  a  question  of 
arrears  of  pay.  "  The  good  of  all  the  kingdom 
and  its  preservation  is  in  your  hands."  So  thought 
most  of  the  officers,  and  pledged  themselves  to 
stand  by  their  men.  So  thought  Fairfax's  council 
of  war,  and  at  the  petition  of  the  soldiers  ordered  a 
general  rendezvous  of  the  whole  army  on  June  3rd. 
"  I  am  forced,"  apologised  Fairfax,  "  to  yield  some- 
thing out  of  order  to  keep  the  army  from  disorder 
or  worse  inconveniences."  Without  his  orders,  a 
party  of  horse  secured  the  artillery  train  at  Oxford,  ' 
and  seized  the  King  at  Holmby  on  June  3rd.  The 
same  day  Cromwell  left  London,  resolved  to  throw 
in  his  lot  with  the  army. 


CHAPTER  IX 

ARMY  AND    PARLIAMENT 
1647-1648 

~>ROMWELL  joined  the  army  because  he 
wished  to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  anarchy 
or  civil  war.  War  was  inevitable,  if  the  Pres- 
byterian leaders  were  allowed  to  bring  Scottish 
forces  into  England  to  suppress  the  Independent 
army.  Anarchy  was  inevitable,  unless  the  Independ- 
ent army  was  held  in  by  a  strong  hand.  If  Crom- 
well remained  passive,  the  mutiny  would  become  a 
military  revolution,  and  a  bloody  collision  would 
take  place  between  Independents  and  Presbyterians. 
He  could  prevent  these  things  only  by  immediate 
action.  It  was  too  late  now  to  attempt  mediation, 
for  with  or  without  his  aid  the  Agitators  had  de- 
termined to  act.  "  If  he  would  not  forthwith  come 
and  head  them,"  they  told  Cromwell,  "  they  would 
go  their  own  way  without  him." 

As  soon  as  Cromwell's  mind  was  made  up,  he 
struck  with  swiftness  and  decision.  The  King  was 
the  key  of  the  situation,  and  the  possession  of  his 
person  was  to  either  party  nine  points  of  the  law. 


11647-1648]      Army  and  Parliament  165 

His  co-operation  was  indispensable  to  the  success  of 
the  Presbyterian  scheme,  for  unless  they  completed 
their  agreement  with  Charles,  the  Scots  would  not 
cross  the  border,  the  English  Royalists  would  not 
rise,  and  the  citizens  of  London  would  not  fight. 
At  Holmby  House,  Charles  was  guarded  by  the 
regiment  of  Colonel  Graves,  who  was  an  ardent 
Presbyterian,  and  Graves  was  under  the  orders  of 
four  Presbyterian  commissioners  appointed  by  Par- 
liament. The  danger  was  that  Graves,  either  of  his 
own  accord  or  by  order  of  the  commissioners,  might 
remove  the  King  to  Scotland  or  to  London. 

On  May  31,  1647,  Cromwell  ordered  Cornet  Joyce, 
an  officer  in  Fairfax's  life-guard,  to  get  together  a 
party  of  horse,  and  to  prevent  the  King's  removal 
from  Holmby.  About  midnight  on  June  2nd, 
Joyce  reached  Holmby,  and  posted  his  men  round 
the  house.  Next  morning  the  troopers  of  the  King's 
guard  threw  open  the  gates  and  fraternised  with  his 
men,  while  Graves  took  flight,  leaving  King  and 
commissioners  in  Joyce's  hands.  Cromwell  had 
given  no  orders  for  the  King's  removal,  but  next 
day  there  were  rumours  that  Graves  was  returning 
with  a  strong  force  to  regain  possession  of  the  King, 
and  Joyce's  men  urged  him  to  remove  Charles  to 
some  place  of  security  in  the  quarters  of  the  army. 
Charles,  who  was  offered  his  choice,  selected  New- 
market, and  leaving  Holmby  on  Friday,  June  4th, 
Joyce  and  the  King  reached  Hinchinbrook  that  even- 
ing. On  Saturday,  Joyce  was  met  during  his  march 
by  Colonel  Whalley,  whom  Fairfax  had  sent  to  take 
command  of  the  King's  guard  and  convey  the  King 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

himself  back  to  Holmby.  But  Charles  refused  to 
return  to  what  he  regarded  as  his  prison,^  and  per- 
sisted in  going  to  Newmarket,  where  the  headquar- 
ters of  the  army  were  now  established. 

On  the  same  Friday  and  Saturday,  a  general  ren- 
dezvous of  the  army  was  held  at  Kentford  Heath, 
near  Newmarket,  during  which  Cromwell  arrived 
from  London.  At  the  rendezvous,  a  full  statement 
of  the  grievances  of  the  soldiers  was  presented,  and 
all  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  engagement  not 
to  disband  or  divide  till  their  rights  were  secured. 
A  council  was  instituted,  consisting  of  the  general 
officers,  with  two  officers  and  two  privates  chosen 
from  each  regiment,  which  was  to  negotiate  with 
Parliament  on  behalf  of  the  soldiers,  and  to  repre- 
sent the  army  in  political  matters.  The  experi- 
ment was  a  dangerous  one,  but  to  limit  the  functions 
of  the  Agitators  and  to  induce  them  to  co-operate 
with  their  officers  was  the  only  way  to  bring  them 
under  control.  In  military  matters,  however,  the 
General  and  his  council  of  war  remained  supreme, 
and  in  that  body  Cromwell  was  the  ruling  spirit. 
Adversaries  described  the  Lieutenant-General  as  the 
"primum  mobile,"  and  "  the  principal  wheel  "  which 
moved  the  whole  machine.  Under  his  influence 
subordination  and  discipline  were  rapidly  restored, 
and  in  a  few  weeks  the  real  direction  of  the  army 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  council  of  war,  while 
the  General  Council  sank  into  the  position  of  a  de- 
bating society.  No  one  doubted  that  this  was 
Cromwell's  work.  "  You  have  robbed,"  complained 
Lilburn  in  July,  "by  your  unjust  subtlety  and 


16481  Army  and  Parliament  167 

shifting  tricks,  the  honest  and  gallant  Agitators  of  all 
their  power  and  authority,  and  solely  placed  it  in 
a  thing  called  a  council  of  war." 

From  Newmarket,  the  army  advanced  toward 
London.  Parliament  promised  the  soldiers  all  their 
arrears,  and  cancelled  their  offensive  declarations. 
But  the  soldiers  now  required  guarantees  for  the 
future  as  well  as  satisfaction  for  the  past.  They 
insisted  on  the  exclusion  of  the  Presbyterian  leaders 
from  power,  and  claimed  a  voice  in  the  settlement  of 
the  nation.  A  letter  to  the  City  of  London,  signed 
by  all  the  chief  officers,  but  probably  written  by 
Cromwell  himself,  explained  the  change  in  their 
attitude. 

"  As  Englishmen — and  surely  our  being  soldiers  hath 
not  stripped  us  of  that  interest,  though  our  malicious 
enemies  would  have  it  so — we  desire  a  settlement  of  the 
peace  of  the  kingdom  and  of  the  liberties  of  the  subject, 
according  to  the  votes  and  declarations  of  Parliament, 
which,  before  we  took  arms,  were  by  the  Parliament  used 
as  arguments  to  invite  us  and  divers  of  our  dear  friends 
out ;  some  of  whom  have  lost  their  lives  in  this  war. 
Which  being  now  by  God's  blessing  finished,  we  think 
we  have  as  much  right  to  demand  and  desire  to  see  a 
happy  settlement,  as  we  have  to  our  money  and  the  other 
common  interests  of  soldiers  we  have  insisted  upon." 

Cromwell  asserted  that  the  army  had  no  wish 
either  for  a  civil  or  an  ecclesiastical  revolution,  but 
reiterated  the  demand  for  toleration. 

"  We  have  said  before  and  we  profess  it  now,  we  desire 
no  alteration  of  the  civil  government.  As  little  do  we 


!68  Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

desire  to  interrupt,  or  in  the  least  to  intermeddle  with,  the 
settling  of  the  Presbyterial  government.  Nor  did  we 
seek  to  open  a  way  for  licentious  liberty  under  pretence 
of  obtaining  ease  for  tender  consciences.  We  profess  as 
ever  in  these  things,  when  once  the  State  has  made  a 
settlement,  we  have  nothing  to  say  but  to  submit  or 
suffer.  Only  we  could  wish  that  every  good  citizen,  and 
every  man  who  walks  peaceably  in  a  blameless  conversa- 
tion, and  is  beneficial  to  the  Commonwealth,  might  have 
liberty  and  encouragement  ;  this  being  according  to  the 
true  policy  of  all  states,  and  even  to  justice  itself." 

To  Cromwell,  it  is  evident,  the  acquisition  of  free- 
dom of  conscience  seemed  more  important  than  any 
possible  change  in  the  constitution  of  Church  or 
State.  The  task  of  formulating  the  political  pro- 
gramme of  the  army  fell  to  his  son-in-law  Ireton, 
who  had  more  definite  views  than  Cromwell  as  to 
the  constitutional  changes  needed.  Arbitrary  power, 
Ireton  asserted  in  the  army's  Declaration  of  June 
I4th,  was  the  root  of  all  evil.  The  absolutism  of 
Parliament  must  be  guarded  against  as  well  as  the 
absolutism  of  the  King,  and  parliamentary  privilege 
might  become  as  dangerous  to  popular  liberties  as 
royal  prerogative  had  been.  The  way  to  make  the 
rights  of  the  people  secure  was  to  make  Parliament 
more  really  representative.  Henceforward  the  de- 
mand for  the  speedy  termination  of  the  existing 
Parliament  was  accompanied  by  demands  for  equal- 
isation of  the  constituencies,  short  Parliaments,  and 
the  vindication  of  the  right  to  petition. 

The  Long  Parliament  was  not  disposed  to  accept 
such  democratic  changes,  but  it  was  obliged  to 


HENRY   IRETON. 
(from  a  fainting  by  Robert  Walker,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.) 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  169 

temporise.  News  came  that  the  ten  thousand  men 
of  the  northern  army  under  General  Poyntz  were 
on  the  verge  of  mutiny,  and  ready  to  join  the 
forces  under  Fairfax.  The  eleven  Presbyterian  leaders 
impeached  by  the  army  saved  the  dignity  of  the 
House  by  a  voluntary  withdrawal,  and  negotiations 
were  opened  at  Wycombe  on  July  1st.  After  a 
fortnight  of  negotiating,  the  Agitators  murmured  at 
the  delay,  and  urged  the  immediate  resumption  of 
the  march  on  London,  and  the  enforcement  of  their 
demands.  Cromwell  and  the  higher  officers  opposed. 
"Whatsoever  we  get  by  a  treaty,"  argued  Crom- 
well, "  will  be  firm  and  durable.  It  will  be  conveyed 
over  to  posterity."  The  friends  of  the  army  were 
daily  gaining  ground  in  the  House. 

"What  we  and  they  gain  in  a  free  way  is  better  than 
twice  so  much  in  a  forced  way,  and  will  be  more 
truly  ours  and  our  posterity's.  .  .  .  That  you  have 
by  force  I  look  upon  as  nothing.  I  do  not  know 
that  force  is  to  be  used  except  we  cannot  get  what  is 
for  the  good  of  the  kingdom  without  it." 

In  Cromwell's  opinion,  it  would  be  sufficient  per- 
emptorily to  demand  certain  concessions  as  a  guaran- 
tee that  the  treaty  was  seriously  meant,  and  to  leave 
the  terms  of  the  political  settlement  for  negotiation. 
Above  all  things  it  was  essential  that  the  army 
should  be  united.  "You  may  be  in  the  right  and 
I  in  the  wrong,  but  if  we  be  divided  I  doubt  we  shall 
both  be  in  the  wrong." 

Cromwell's  plan  was  adopted,  and  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment yielded.     All  preparations  for  armed  resistance 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

were  abandoned.  Parliament  appointed  Fairfax 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  in  ^  England, 
including  those  lately  under  General  Poyntz  ;  it  dis- 
banded all  the  soldiers  it  had  enlisted  to  oppose  Fair- 
fax  ;  it  restored  the  control  of  the  London  militia  to 
the  old  committee,  which  the  army  trusted,  in  place 
of  the  exclusively  Presbyterian  committee  appointed 
in  the  spring.  But  if  Parliament  saw  the  necessity 
of  yielding,  London  did  not.  On  July  2ist,  crowds 
of  citizens  signed  an  engagement  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  Covenant,  and  the  restoration  of  the 
King  on  his  own  terms,  though  both  Houses  united 
in  denouncing  their  engagement.  On  the  26th, 
crowds  of  apprentices  and  discharged  soldiers  be- 
sieged the  Houses  and  threatened  their  members 
with  violence  unless  the  command  of  the  City  forces 
were  given  back  to  the  Presbyterians.  The  Lords 
gave  way  first ;  the  Commons  resisted  some  hours 
longer,  but  in  the  end  they  too  obeyed  the  mob, 
and  repealed  their  votes.  The  rioters  also  extorted 
from  them  a  vote  inviting  the  King  to  London. 
After  this  both  Houses  adjourned  till  the  3Oth  of 
July,  but  before  that  day  came  the  two  Speakers, 
followed  by  eight  Peers  and  fifty-seven  members  of 
the  Commons,  had  taken  refuge  with  the  army, 
declaring  that  Parliament  was  not  free,  and  the  army, 
pledged  to  restore  the  freedom  of  Parliament,  was 
marching  on  London.  The  Presbyterians  prepared 
to  fight,  and  placed  the  forces  of  the  City  under  the 
command  of  Major-General  Massey.  The  eleven 
impeached  Presbyterian  leaders  took  their  places 
in  Parliament  again,  assumed  the  direction  of  the 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  171 

movement,  and  appointed  a  Committee  of  Safety. 
But  citizen  militia  and  undisciplined  volunteers  would 
have  stood  a  poor  chance  against  the  veterans  of 
Naseby.  Even  the  fanatical  mob  of  the  City  knew 
it,  and  when  Fairfax  arrived  at  Hounslow  with 
twenty  thousand  men,  their  courage  fell  to  zero. 

Crowds  gathered  outside  Guildhall,  where  the  City 
fathers  were  deliberating  whether  to  fight  or  yield. 
"  When  a  scout  came  in,  and  brought  news  that  the 
army  made  a  halt,  or  other  good  intelligence,  they 
cried,  *  One  and  all.'  But  if  the  scouts  brought 
intelligence  that  the  army  advanced  nearer  to  them, 
then  they  would  cry  as  loud  '  Treat,  Treat,  Treat.' " 
On  August  4th,  London  submitted  unconditionally, 
and  two  days  later  the  army  escorted  the  fugitive 
members  to  Westminster,  and  made  a  triumphal 
progress  through  the  City.  The  Agitators  talked 
loudly  of  purging  the  House  of  Commons  by  expel- 
ling all  members  who  had  sat  during  the  absence  of 
the  Speakers,  but  Cromwell  and  the  officers  con- 
tented themselves  with  demanding  that  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  last  ten  days  should  be  declared  null 
and  void.  Even  this  could  not  be  obtained  till 
Cromwell  threatened  to  use  force,  and  drew  up  a 
regiment  of  cavalry  in  Hyde  Park  to  give  weight  to 
his  arguments.  For  the  Presbyterians  were  still  a 
majority  in  Parliament,  though  their  leaders  had 
now  fled  to  the  continent. 

The  army  now  rested  its  hopes  on  the  King  rather 
than  on  the  Parliament.  During  the  march  on  London 
it  had  published  its  proposals  "  for  clearing  and  secur- 
ing the  rights  of  the  kingdom,  and  settling  a  just 


Ij2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

and  lasting  peace."  The  "  Heads  of  the  Proposals," 
like  the  Newcastle  Propositions,  demanded  that  for 
the  next  ten  years  Parliament  should  have  the  con- 
trol of  the  militia  and  the  appointment  of  officers  of 
State,  but  they  were  more  lenient  to  the  King's  party. 
•  Royalists  were  to  be  for  a  time  incapacitated  from 
office,  but  their  fines  were  to  be  reduced,  the  number 
of  exceptions  from  pardon  diminished,  and  a  general 
amnesty  passed.  Besides  these  temporary  measures 
of  security  there  were  to  be  three  permanent  changes 
in  the  constitution.  The  religious  settlement  was  to 
be  based  on  toleration,  not  on  the  enforcement  of 
Presbyterianism.  No  man  was  to  be  obliged  to  take 
the  Covenant,  bishops  and  ecclesiastical  officials 
were  to  be  deprived  of  all  coercive  power,  and  the 
statutes  enforcing  attendance  at  church  or  use  of 
the  Prayer-book  were  to  be  abolished.  In  future  the 
royal  power  was  to  be  limited  by  the  institution  of  a 
Council  of  State  which  would  share  with  the  King 
the  control  of  the  military  forces  and  the  conduct  of 
foreign  affairs.  Parliaments  were  to  meet  every  two 
years,  to  sit  for  a  limited  space  of  time,  and  to  be 
elected  by  more  equal  constituencies,  while  the  exist- 
ing Parliament  was  to  end  within  a  year. 

Ireton  was  the  chief  author  of  these  proposals,  but 
Cromwell  was  equally  eager  for  an  agreement  be- 
tween  the  army  and  the  King. 

"  Whatever  the  world  might  judge  of  them,"  said  Crom- 
well to  one  of  the  King's  agents,  "  the  army  would  be 
found  no  Seekers  of  themselves,  further  than  to  have 
leave  to  live  as  subjects  ought  to  do  and  to  preserve  their 
own  consciences  ;  and  they  thought  no  men  could  enjoy 


1648J  Army  and  Parliament  173 

their  lives  and  estates  quietly  without  the  King  had  his 
rights." 

When  Charles  raised  objections  to  the  first  draught  of 
the  "  Proposals,"  Cromwell  and  Ireton  persuaded  the 
Council  of  the  Army  to  lower  their  demands,  and  to 
make  important  alterations  in  the  scheme  finally 
published.  If  the  King  accepted  it  the  army 
leaders  assured  him  that  no  further  concessions 
should  be  demanded.  And  supposing  that  after  he 
had  accepted  it  Parliament  refused  its  assent,  they 
would  purge  the  Houses  of  opponents  "  till  they  had 
made  them  of  such  a  temper  as  to  do  his  Majesty's 
business." 

Such  was  the  talk  amongst  the  officers,  but  it  soon 
became  evident  they  had  reckoned  without  their 
host.  The  King  was  little  inclined  to  submit  to  the 
permanent  restrictions  on  his  royal  power  which  the 
army  demanded,  and  thought  he  could  avail  himself 
of  the  quarrel  between  it  and  the  Parliament  to  im- 
pose his  will  on  both.  He  avowed  it  frankly.  "  You 
cannot  do  without  me.  You  will  fall  to  ruin  if  I  do 
not  sustain  you,"  he  told  the  officers,  when  the  "  Pro- 
posals "  were  first  offered  to  him.  "  Sir,"  answered 
Ireton,  "  you  have  an  intention  to  be  the  arbitrator 
between  the  Parliament  and  us,  and  we  mean  to  be 
it  between  your  Majesty  and  the  Parliament."  An- 
other time  Charles  answered  Ireton's  remonstrances 
with  the  defiant  announcement :  "  I  shall  play  my 
game  as  well  as  I  can."  "  If  your  Majesty  have  a 
game  to  play,"  replied  Ireton,  "  you  must  give  us  also 
the  leave  to  play  ours." 


I74  Oliver  Cromwell 


come  to  no  agreement.     Charles  per- 
sisted  in  his  policy  of  playing  off  one  party  against 
another,  confident   that  his  diplomatic   skill  would 
secure  his  ultimate  victory.     In  September  the  Par- 
liament  once  more  offered  the  King  the  Newcastle 
Propositions,  to  which  he  answered  that  the      Pro- 
posals  "  of  the  army  offered  a  better  foundation  for  a 
lasting  peace,  and  asked  for  a  personal  treaty. 
advanced  party  amongst  the  Independents,  headed 
by  Harry  Marten  and  Colonel  Rainsborough,  urged 
that  Parliament  should  proceed  to  the  settlement  of 
the  kingdom  without   consulting  the  King.     They 
compared  Charles  to  Ahab,  whose  heart  God  hard- 
ened, and  to  a  Jonah  who  must  be  thrown  overboard 
if   the  ship  of  the  state  was  to  come  safe  to  port. 
Cromwell,  backed   by  Ireton    and  Vane,  argued  in 
favour  of  a  new  application  to  the  King,  and  by  eighty- 
four  votes  to  thirty-four  the  House  decided  to  draw 
up  fresh  propositions.     It  seemed  to  Cromwell  that 
the  re-establishment  of  monarchy  was  the  only  way 
to  avoid  anarchy.     Already  an  officer  had  been  ex- 
pelled from  the  Council  of  the  Army  for  declaring 
that  there  was  now  no  visible  authority  in  England  but 
the  power  of  the  sword,  and  Cromwell  warned  Par- 
liament that  men  who  thought  the  sword  ought  to 
rule  all  were  rapidly  growing  more  numerous  amongst 
the  soldiers.     He  argued  that  a  speedy  agreement 
with  the  King  was  necessary,  but  to  persuade  the 
Parliament  to  reduce  its  demands  proved  beyond  his 
power.     The  new  terms   it   proceeded   to  draw  up 
showed  no  sign  of  any  willingness  for  a  compromise. 
As  before,  all   the   leading    Royalists  were   to    be 

" 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  1 75 

excluded  from  pardon,  the  establishment  of  Presby- 
terianism  for  an  indefinite  period  was  once  more 
insisted  upon,  and  toleration  was  refused  not  only  to 
Catholics,  but  to  all  who  used  the  liturgy.  Crom- 
well's efforts  to  limit  the  duration  of  Presbyterianism 
to  three  or  to  seven  years  were  unsuccessful.  Par- 
liament was  as  impracticable  as  the  King,  and  while  it 
was  fruitlessly  discussing  proposals  which  could  pro- 
duce no  agreement,  the  progress  of  the  democratic 
movement  in  the  army  threatened  a  new  revolution. 
Cromwell's  negotiations  with  the  King,  his  speeches 
in  favour  of  monarchy,  his  modification  of  the  terms 
offered  by  the  army  to  Charles,  and  his  attempt  to 
moderate  the  terms  offered  by  Parliament,  all  ex- 
posed him  to  suspicion.  While  Charles  distrusted 
Cromwell  and  Ireton  because  they  asked  for  no 
personal  favours  or  advantages  for  themselves,  both 
were  freely  accused  of  having  made  a  private  bargain 
with  the  King  for  their  own  advancement.  Cromwell, 
it  was  said,  was  to  be  made  Earl  of  Essex  as  his 
kinsman  had  been,  Captain  of  the  King's  guard,  and 
a  Knight  of  the  Garter  ;  Ireton  was  to  be  Lord- 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  Royalists  spread  these 
stories  in  order  to  sow  division  between  Cromwell 
and  the  army  ;  the  soldiers  swallowed  them  because 
they  feared  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy.  The 
pamphleteers  of  the  Levellers,  as  the  extreme  Rad- 
icals were  popularly  termed,  published  broadcast 
vague  charges  of  treachery  and  double-dealing 
against  the  army  leaders.  Sometimes  Cromwell  was 
described  as  an  honest  man  led  astray  by  the  am- 
bitious Ireton  ;  at  other  times  the  two  were  regarded 


176 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 


as 


_„  confederates  in  evil,  whose  occasional  differences 
of  opinion  were  merely  a  device  to  throw  dust  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world.  In  their  appeals  to  Cromwell 
there  was  a  touch  of  surprise  and  sorrow.  "  O  my 
once  much  honoured  Cromwell,"  wrote  Wildman, 
"  can  that  breast  of  yours— the  quondam  palace  of 
freedom— harbour  such  a  monster  of  wickedness  as 
this  regal  principle  ?  "  While  Wildman  hoped  "  to 
waken  Cromwell's  conscience  from  the  dead,"  Lil- 
burn,  confessing  that  his  good  thoughts  of  Crom- 
well were  not  yet  wholly  gone,  threatened  to  pull 
him  down  from  his  fancied  greatness  before  he  was 
three  months  older. 

These  attacks  shook  the  confidence  of  the  soldiers 
in  their  chiefs,  and  fanned  the  sparks  of  discontent 
into  a  flame.  The  Agitators,  once  ardent  for  an 
agreement  with  the  King,  began  to  demand  the 
immediate  rupture  of  the  negotiations  with  him. 
Let  the  army,  said  they,  take  the  settlement  of  the 
nation  into  its  own  hands,  since  neither  their  gen- 
erals nor  the  Parliament  could  accomplish  it.  In 
October,  five  regiments  of  horse  cashiered  their  old 
representatives  as  too  moderate,  elected  fresh 
Agents,  and  laid  their  demands  before  Fairfax. 

The  existing  Parliament  was  to  be  dissolved 
within  a  year,  and  in  future  there  were  to  be  bien- 
nial parliaments,  equal  constituencies,  and  manhood 
suffrage.  Nothing  was  said  of  King  or  House  of 
Lords,  but  the  abolition  of  both  was  tacitly 
assumed.  A  declaration  accompanied  this  draught 
constitution,  by  which  freedom  of  conscience,  free- 
dom from  impressment,  and  equality  before  the  law 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  177 

were  asserted  to  be  the  native  rights  of  every 
Englishman — rights  which  no  Parliament  or  Gov- 
ernment had  power  to  diminish  or  to  take  away. 
The  officers  had  proposed  a  more  limited  monarchy 
— an  adaptation  of  the  old  constitution  to  the  new 
conditions  which  the  Civil  War  had  created.  What 
the  soldiers  demanded  was  a  democratic  republic, 
based  on  a  written  constitution  drawn  up  in  accord- 
ance with  abstract  principles  new  to  English  politics. 
The  soldiers  asked  that  their  scheme,  which  they 
termed  "  The  Agreement  of  the  People,"  should  be 
at  once  submitted  to  the  nation  for  its  acceptance. 
Parliament  was  to  be  set  aside  by  a  direct  appeal  to 
the  people  as  the  only  lawful  source  of  all  political 
authority.  Against  this,  Cromwell  and  Ireton  pro- 
tested. The  army,  they  said,  had  entered  into  cer- 
tain engagements  in  its  recent  declarations  to  the 
nation,  and  the  pledges  made  in  them  must  be  ob- 
served. Both  declared  that  unless  these  public 
promises  were  kept  they  would  lay  down  their  com- 
missions, and  act  no  longer  with  the  army.  Equally 
strong  were  their  objections  to  some  of  the  principles 
which  the  "  Agreement  "  contained,  and  the  method 
in  which  it  was  proposed  to  impose  it  upon  the  na- 
tion. "  This  paper,"  said  Cromwell,  "  doth  contain 
in  it  very  great  alterations  of  the  government  of  the 
kingdom — alterations  of  that  government  it  hath  been 
under  ever  since  it  was  a  nation.  What  the  conse- 
quences of  such  an  alteration  as  this  would  be,  even 
if  there  were  nothing  else  to  be  considered,  wise  and 
godly  men  ought  to  consider."  The  proposed  con- 
stitution contained  much  that  was  specious  and 


178 


Oliver  Cromwell  11647- 


plausible,  but  also  much  that  was  very   debatable. 
And   while  they  were   debating  it,  othef  schemes 
equally  plausible  might  be  put  forward   by 
parties. 

"  And  not  only  another  and  another,  but  many  of  this 
kind  And  if  so,  what  do  you  think  the  consequences  of 
that  would  be  ?  Would  it  not  be  confusion  ?  Would  it 
not  be  utter  confusion  ?  Would  it  not  make  England 
like  Switzerland,  one  canton  of  the  Swiss  against  another, 
and  one  county  against  another  ?  And  what  would  that 
produce  but  an  absolute  desolation  to  the  nation  ?  I 
ask  you,"  he  concluded,  "whether  it  be  not  fit  for 
every  honest  man  seriously  to  lay  that  upon  his  heart  ?  " 
Moreover,  not  only  the  consequences  but  the 
ways  and  means  of  accomplishing  a  thing  ought  to 
be  considered.  Granted  that  this  was  the  best  pos- 
sible constitution  for  the  people  of  England,  still 
the  difficulty  of  its  attainment  was  a  very  real  objec- 
tion. 

"  I  know,"  said  he,  "  a  man  may  answer  all  difficulties 
with  faith,  and  faith  will  answer  all  difficulties  where  it 
really  is  ;  but  we  are  very  apt  all  of  us  to  call  that  faith 
which  perhaps  may  be  but  carnal  imagination  and  car- 
nal reasoning."  Faith  could  remove  mountains,  "  but 
give  me  leave  to  say  there  will  be  very  great  mount- 
ains in  the  way  of  this." 

Cromwell's  mention  of  difficulties  called  up  Colo- 
nel Rainsborough,  the  leader  of  the  democratic 
party  amongst  the  officers. 

"  If  ever  we  had  looked  upon  difficulties,"  cried  Rains- 
borough,  "  I  do  not  know  that  ever  we  should  have 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  179 

looked  an  enemy  in  the  face.  Let  difficulties  be  round 
about  you,  though  you  have  death  before  you,  and  the 
sea  on  each  side  of  you  and  behind  you  ;  if  you  are 
convinced  that  the  thing  is  just,  I  think  you  are  bound 
in  consequence  to  carry  it  on  ;  and  I  think  at  the  last 
day  it  can  never  be  answered  to  God  that  you  did  not 
do  it.  For  it  is  a  poor  service  to  God  and  the  kingdom 
to  take  their  pay  and  to  decline  their  work." 

"  Perhaps,"  answered  Cromwell  with  quiet  dignity, 
"we  have  all  of  us  done  our  parts  not  affrighted  with 
difficulties,  one  as  well  as  another,  and  I  hope  all  pur- 
pose henceforward  to  do  so  still.  I  do  not  think  that 
any  man  here  wants  courage  to  do  that  which  be- 
comes an  honest  man  and  an  Englishman  to  do.  But 
we  speak  as  men  that  desire  to  have  the  fear  of  God 
before  our  eyes,  and  men  that  may  not  resolve  to  do  that 
which  we  do  in  the  power  of  a  fleshly  strength,  but  to 
lay  this  as  the  foundation  of  all  our  actions,  to  do  that 
which  is  the  will  of  God." 

When  it  came  to  a  discussion  of  the  details  of  the 
Proposals  the  fiercest  debate  arose  on  the  question 
of  manhood  suffrage. 

"  Every  man  born  in  England,"  argued  Rainsborough, 
"  the  poor  man,  the  meanest  man  in  the  kingdom,"  ought 
to  have  a  voice  in  choosing  those  who  made  the  laws 
under  which  he  was  to  live  and  die.  It  was  a  natural 
right,  part  of  every  Englishman's  birthright,  and  part  of 
the  liberty  for  which  the  soldiers  had  shed  their  blood. 
"  It  was  the  ground  that  we  took  up  arms,"  said  one  of 
them,  "  and  it  is  the  ground  which  we  shall  maintain." 

Ireton  answered  that  to  give  a  vote  to  men  who  had 
no  stake  in  the  country  would  endanger  both  liberty 


,go  Oliver  Cromwell\  [1647- 

and  property.  Logically,  he  argueql,  the  theory  of 
natural  rights  implied  a  claim  to  property  ms  well  as 
a  claim  to  political  power.  Cromwell,  while  agreeing 
that  universal  suffrage  "did  tend  very  much  to 
anarchy,"  dismissed  abstract  principles  altogether, 
and  expressed  his  willingness  to  assent  to  a  reason- 
able extension  of  the  franchise. 

Next  came  a  struggle  on  the  question  of  the  King 
and  the  Lords.  Cromwell  protested  that  he  had  no 
private  pledges  to  either,  and  no  wish  to  preserve 
them,  if  their  preservation  was  incompatible  with 
the  safety  of  the  nation.  The  democratic  party  in 
the  council  held  that  both  the  monarchy  and  the 
Upper  House  must  be  abolished,  and  that  their  re- 
tention in  any  shape  was  dangerous.  Cromwell's 
view  was  that  at  present,  considering  its  public 
engagements,  the  army  could  not  with  justice  and 
honesty  either  abolish  them  or  set  them  aside,  and 
therefore  he  desired  to  maintain  both  so  far  as  it 
could  be  done  without  hazard  to  the  public  interest. 
Some  boldly  asserted  that  the  power  of  King  and 
Lords  was  part  of  that  Babylon  which  God  would 
destroy,  and  pleaded  their  own  convictions  to  that 
effect  as  a  revelation  from  heaven.  Cromwell  replied 
with  a  warning  against  "imaginary  revelations." 
Like  them,  he  said,  he  believed  in  the  fulfilment  of 
the  prophecies  in  the  Bible.  "  I  am  one  of  those 
whose  heart  God  hath  drawn  out  to  wait  for  some 
extraordinary  dispensations,  according  to  those  pro- 
mises that  He  hath  held  forth  of  things  to  be  accom- 
plished in  the  later  times,  and  I  cannot  but  think 
that  God  is  beginning  of  them."  He  was  inclined 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  181 

to  agree  with  those  who  held  that  God  would  over- 
throw King  and  Lords.  Yet  let  them  not  make 
those  things  a  rule  to  them  which  they  could  not 
clearly  know  to  be  the  mind  of  God.  Let  them 
not  say,  "  This  is  the  mind  of  God,  we  must  work  to 
it."  If  it  was  God's  purpose  to  destroy  the  power 
of  King  and  Lords,  He  could  do  it  without  necessi- 
tating the  army  to  dishonour  itself  by  breaking  its 
engagements.  Let  them  wait  for  God's  time,  and 
do  their  plain,  immediate  duty.  "  Surely  what  God 
would  have  us  do  He  does  not  desire  we  should 
step  out  of  the  way  for  it." 

In  these  discussions  Fairfax  was  absent  or  silent. 
Ireton's  readiness  in  debate  and  knowledge  of  con- 
stitutional law  and  political  theory  made  him  the 
spokesman  of  the  superior  officers.  He  had  a  firm 
grasp  of  the  principles  involved,  possessed  great 
logical  acuteness,  and  spoke  with  clearness,  vigour, 
and  even  eloquence.  But  he  was  too  dogmatic  and 
too  unconciliatory  to  convince  opponents.  With 
less  dialectical  skill  and  much  less  facility  in  ex- 
pressing himself,  Cromwell  was  an  infinitely  more 
effective  speaker.  What  distinguished  his  speeches 
was  an  unfailing  moderation  and  good  sense  which 
even  the  visionaries  and  demagogues  whom  he  com- 
bated were  forced  to  acknowledge.  Neither  religious 
nor  political  formulas  blinded  him  to  facts.  Avow- 
ing that  the  good  of  the  people  was  the  proper  end 
of  government,  and  admitting  that  all  political 
power  was  properly  derived  from  the  people,  he 
denied  the  conclusion  of  the  democrats  that  a 
republic  was  the  only  legitimate  government  for 


jg2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

England.  At  the  very  outset  of  these  debates  he 
laid  down  the  rule  that  in  proposing  any, important 
political  change  the  first  thing  to  consider  was 
"  whether  the  spirit  and  temper  of  the  people  of  this 
nation  are  prepared  to  go  along  with  it."  For  that 
reason  he  declared  his  preference  for  monarchy.  "  In 
the  government  of  nations  that  which  is  to  be  looked 
after  is  the  affections  of  the  people,  and  that  I  find 
which  satisfies  my  conscience  in  the  present  thing." 
The  particular  form  of  government  seemed  to  him 
quite  unimportant  compared  with  its  acceptability 
to  the  people.  Consider,  he  argued,  the  example  of 
the  Jews.  They  were  governed  successively  by  pa- 
triarchs, by  judges,  and  by  kings,  and  under  all  these 
different  kinds  of  government  they  were  happy  and 
contented.  Moreover  there  were  things  more  im- 
portant than  the  civil  government  of  a  state.  Even 
if  you  change  the  government  to  the  best  possible 
kind  of  government,  "  it  is  but  a  moral  thing."  Less 
important,  Cromwell  meant,  than  religious  freedom. 
"  It  is  but,  as  Paul  says,  dross  and  dung  in  comparison 
with  Christ."  Why  then  should  they  contest  so 
much  for  merely  temporal  things  ?  If  every  man  in 
the  kingdom  should  insist  on  fighting  to  realise  what 
he  thought  the  best  form  of  government,  "  I  think 
the  State  will  come  to  desolation." 

In  the  background  of  Cromwell's  mind  there  was 
always  this  desire  to  avoid  a  new  civil  war,  and  this 
dread  of  anarchy.  It  determined  him  now  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  spread  of  insubordination  amongst  the 
soldiers,  and  to  limit  the  political  action  of  the  army 
to  a  minimum.  Without  obedience  to  its  officers, 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  183 

he  declared,  the  army  would  cease  to  exist.  It  was 
intolerable  that  private  men,  such  as  the  Agents 
were,  should  take  upon  themselves  to  issue  orders 
and  call  a  rendezvous  of  a  troop  or  a  regiment. 
"  This  way  is  destructive  to  the  army  and  to  every 
man  in  it.  I  have  been  informed  by  some  of  the 
King's  party  that  if  they  give  us  rope  enough  we 
shall  hang  ourselves."  Soldiers  must  obey  their 
officers :  officers  must  submit  to  the  decisions  of 
Parliament.  The  army  should  leave  Parliament  to 
decide  what  government  was  fittest  for  the  nation, 
and  content  itself  with  requiring  that  Parliaments 
should  be  fairly  elected,  frequently  summoned,  and 
dissolved  in  due  season.  As  it  needed  the  support 
of  some  civil  authority,  it  must  own  the  authority  of 
Parliament.  For  his  own  part,  he  added,  he  would 
lay  hold  of  anything,  "  if  it  had  but  the  face  of 
authority,"  rather  than  have  none. 

The  struggle  in  the  council  lasted  nearly  a  fort- 
night, but  in  the  end  Cromwell  prevailed.  The 
"  Agreement  of  the  People  "  was  converted  into  a 
series  of  proposals  to  be  offered  to  Parliament,  in- 
stead of  being  accepted  as  a  constitution  to  be  im- 
posed on  people  and  Parliament.  The  demand  for 
universal  suffrage  became  a  request  for  the  extension 
of  the  franchise.  Monarchy  and  the  House  of  Lords 
were  not  to  be  swept  away  altogether,  but  henceforth 
limited  in  authority  and  subordinated  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  old  constitution  was  to  be  preserved 
and  amended,  but  not  superseded  by  a  new  one. 

By  this  time,  however,  even  those  officers  who 
were  anxious  to  retain  the  monarchy  had  begun  to 


1 84 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 


doubt  whether  it  was  possible  to  retain  the  King. 
For  some  weeks  past  their  negotiations  with  Charles 
had  been  completely  broken  off,  and  distrust  of  his 
sincerity  had  become  general.  It  was  well  known 
that  he  was  intriguing  with  the  commissioners  who 
had  lately  arrived  in  England  from  the  Scottish 
Parliament,  and  very  little  was  expected  from  the 
propositions  which  the  English  Parliament  was  pre- 
paring to  send  to  him.  The  democratic  party  —  the 
Levellers,  as  they  were  now  termed  —  were  demanding 
not  only  his  dethronement,  but  his  punishment.  On 
November  1 1, 1647,  Colonel  Harrison,  in  a  committee 
of  the  Council  of  the  Army,  denounced  the  King  as  a 
man  of  blood,  whom  they  ought  to  bring  to  judg- 
ment. All  Cromwell  said  in  reply  was,  that  there 
were  cases  in  which  for  prudential  reasons  the  shed- 
der  of  blood  might  be  allowed  to  escape  unpunished. 
David,  for  instance,  had  allowed  Joab  to  escape  the 
penalty  due  for  the  murder  of  Abner,  "  lest  he  should 
hazard  the  spilling  of  more  blood,  in  regard  the  sons 
of  Zeruiah  were  too  strong  for  him."  If  the  King 
deserved  punishment,  he  concluded,  it  was  rather  the 
duty  of  Parliament  than  the  army  to  do  justice  upon 
him.  In  any  case,  Cromwell  was  resolved  to  keep 
the  King  safe  from  the  threatened  attempts  of  the 
Levellers  against  his  life.  "  I  pray  have  a  care  of 
your  guard,"  he  wrote  to  his  cousin,  Colonel  Whal- 
ley,  "  for  if  such  a  thing  should  be  done,  it  would  be 
accounted  a  most  horrid  act." 

The  same  night  the  King  escaped  from  the  cus- 
tody of  Colonel  Whalley  at  Hampton  Court,  and  on 
November  i$th  news  came  that  he  had  reached  Car- 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  185 

isbrooke  Castle  in  the  Isle  of  Wight.  Contemporary 
pamphleteers  and  memoir  writers  often  put  forward 
the  theory  that  Cromwell  frightened  the  King  into  this 
flight  from  Hampton  Court  in  order  to  forward  his 
own  ambitious  designs.  This  is  the  view  expressed 
in  the  well-known  lines  of  Marvell,  which  relate  how 

Twining  subtle  fears  with  hope 

He  wove  a  net  of  such  a  scope 
As  Charles  himself  might  chase 
To  Carisbrooke's  narrow  case, 

That  thence  the  royal  actor  borne 

The  tragic  scaffold  might  adorn. 

There  is  no  evidence  in  support  of  this  theory.  In 
the  long  run,  the  King's  flight  was  one  of  the  causes 
of  his  dethronement  and  execution,  and  so  of  Crom- 
well's elevation  to  supreme  power.  At  the  moment, 
it  increased  Cromwell's  difficulties,  and  added  to  the 
dangers  which  beset  the  Government.  At  Hampton 
Court  the  King  was  in  the  safe  hands  of  Colonel 
Whalley,  Cromwell's  cousin,  who  could  be  relied 
upon  to  observe  the  orders  of  the  General.  At 
Carisbrooke  he  was  in  the  hands  of  Colonel  Ham- 
mond—  a  connection  indeed  of  Cromwell's  by  his 
marriage  with  a  daughter  of  John  Hampden,  but  a 
man  as  to  whose  action  under  "the  great  tempta- 
tion "  of  the  King's  appeal  to  his  loyalty,  Cromwell 
was  painfully  uncertain.  Cromwell's  letters  to  Ham- 
mond prove  this.  For  the  next  six  weeks  the  ques- 
tion whether  Hammond  would  obey  Fairfax  and  the 
Parliament,  or  allow  Charles  to  go  where  he  chose, 
remained  unsettled. 


[86 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 


The  real  cause  of  the  Kings  flight  was  his  intrigue 
with  the  Scottish  Commissioners.  In  October,  they 
had  promised  him  Scotland's  assistance  in  recovering 
his  throne,  if  he  would  make  satisfactory  concessions 
about  religion.  But  the  one  thing  essential  to  the 
completion  of  the  bargain  was  that  Charles  should 
escape  from  the  hands  of  the  army,  and  be  able  to 
treat  freely.  The  plan  for  the  King's  flight  was 
arranged  early  in  November.  The  Scots  urged  him 
to  take  refuge  at  Berwick;  he  thought  of  Jersey,  but 
preferred  to  remain  in  England;  finally  he  deter- 
mined on  the  Isle  of  Wight,  at  the  suggestion  of  one 
of  his  attendants  who  believed  Hammond  to  be  a 
Royalist  at  heart.  Safe  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  Charles 
thought  he  could  negotiate  with  Parliament,  Scots, 
and  officers,  and  accept  the  terms  offered  by  the 
highest  bidder.  If  negotiation  failed,  escape  to 
France  would  not  be  difficult. 

For  six  months  Charles  had  succeeded  in  playing 
off  Parliament  against  Army,  and  Army  against  Par- 
liament. But  the  result  had  been  to  make  him 
thoroughly  distrusted  by  both,  and  his  flight  from 
Hampton  Court  united  them  against  him.  The 
King  had  hoped  much  from  the  divisions  of  the 
army,  but  simultaneously  with  his  arrival  at  Caris- 
brooke  Cromwell  and  Fairfax  reduced  their  troops 
to  obedience  again.  On  November  8th,  Cromwell 
carried  a  vote  for  the  temporary  suspension  of  the 
sittings  of  the  Council,  and  sent  Agitators  and  offi- 
cers back  to  their  regiments.  A  week  later  Fairfax 
held  a  general  review  of  the  army,  dividing  it  into 
three  brigades,  which  met  at  three  different  places. 


16481  Army  and  Parliament  187 

At  each  review  he  solemnly  engaged  himself  to  the 
soldiers  to  stand  by  them  in  securing  the  redress  of 
their  military  grievances  and  the  reform  of  Parlia- 
ment, exacting  from  them  in  return  a  signed  pledge 
to  obey  the  orders  of  the  General  and  council  of 
war.  At  the  first  rendezvous,  which  took  place 
near  Ware  on  November  I5th,  there  was  some  op- 
position. The  Levellers  tried  to  convert  it  into  a 
general  demonstration  in  favour  of  the  "  Agreement 
of  the  People."  Two  regiments  came  there  unsum- 
moned,  wearing  the  "  Agreement  of  the  People  "  in 
their  hats,  with  the  motto,  "  England's  Freedom, 
Soldiers'  Rights."  They  had  driven  away  their  own 
officers,  called  on  other  regiments  to  do  the  like,  and 
planned  the  seizure  of  Cromwell  as  a  traitor  to  the 
cause  of  the  people.  But  when  he  rode  up  to  the 
mutineers  none  dared  to  lay  hands  on  him.  "  Lieu- 
tenant-General Cromwell's  carriage,  with  his  naked 
waved  sword,  daunted  the  soldiers  with  the  paper  in 
their  hats,  and  made  them  pluck  it  out  and  be  sub- 
jected to  command."  One  soldier  was  tried,  and 
shot  on  the  field ;  others,  including  several  officers, 
were  reserved  for  the  judgment  of  a  future  court-mar- 
tial. On  November  iQth,  Cromwell  was  able  to  re- 
port to  Parliament  that  the  army  was  very  quiet  and 
obedient,  and  received  the  thanks  of  the  Commons 
for  his  services. 

Meanwhile  the  King  sent  a  message  to  Parlia- 
ment from  the  Isle  of  Wight,  offering  various  con- 
cessions and  asking  to  be  admitted  to  a  personal 
treaty  at  London.  He  applied  also  to  the  army 
leaders,  urging  them  to  support  his  request,  to  which 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 


they  coldly  replied  that  they  were  the  Parliament's 
army,  and  must  refer  those  matters  to  it.  Parlia- 
ment, equally  distrustful  of  Charles,  answered  his 
overtures  by  drawing  up  an  ultimatum,  consisting  of 
four  bills,  to  which  his  assent  was  required  before 
any  treaty  should  begin.  Their  chief  demand  was 
the  direct  control  of  the  militia  for  the  next  twenty 
years,  and  a  share  in  its  control  when  that  period 
ended.  Other  constitutional  questions  might  be  left 
to  discussion,  but  they  must  make  sure  that  the 
King  could  never  use  force  to  impose  his  will  upon  the 
nation.  Driven  to  extremity  by  this  demand,  Charles 
turned  once  more  to  the  Scottish  Commissioners, 
who  had  now  arrived  at  Carisbrooke.  He  found 
them  ready  enough  to  sacrifice  the  liberties  of  Eng- 
lishmen, and  they  promised  him  restoration  to  all 
the  rights  of  his  crown  in  return  for  the  three  years' 
establishment  of  Presbyterianism  in  England,  the 
rigid  suppression  of  Independents  and  other  heretics, 
and  certain  privileges  for  Scotland  and  the  Scottish 
nobility.  If  Parliament  refused  to  disband  its  forces 
and  to  treat  with  the  King  in  London,  an  army  was 
to  cross  the  border  and  replace  Charles  on  his  throne 
(December  27,  1647).  "  The  Engagement,"  as  this 
treaty  was  termed,  was  wrapped  in  lead  and  buried 
in  the  castle  garden  till  it  could  be  safely  smuggled 
out  of  the  island.  The  next  day  the  King  definitely 
rejected  the  ultimatum  of  the  English  Parliament, 
and  prepared  to  effect  his  escape  to  the  continent. 

It  was  too  late.  As  soon  as  the  King's  answer 
was  delivered,  his  guards  were  doubled  and  he  was 
made  a  close  prisoner.  The  two  Houses  were  well 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  189 

aware  that  his  refusal  of  their  terms  was  due  to 
some  agreement  with  the  Scots,  although  they  were 
ignorant  of  its  precise  nature. 

"  The  House  of  Commons,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  Ham- 
mond, "  is  very  sensible  of  the  King's  dealings  and  of 
our  brethren's  in  this  late  transaction.  You  should  do 
well,  if  you  have  anything  that  may  discover  juggling,  to 
search  it  out,  and  let  us  know  it.  It  may  be  of  admir- 
able use  at  this  time,  because  we  shall  I  hope  go  upon 
business  in  relation  to  them  tending  to  prevent  danger." 

On  January  3,  1648,  the  House  of  Commons  voted 
that  they  would  make  no  further  addresses  to  the 
King,  and  receive  no  more  messages  from  him. 
Cromwell  and  Ireton,  who  had  opposed  the  resolu- 
tion to  that  effect  which  Marten  had  brought  for- 
ward in  the  previous  September,  now  spoke  earnestly 
in  its  favour.  "  It  was  now  expected,"  said  Crom- 
well, "  that  the  Parliament  should  govern  and  de- 
fend the  kingdom  by  their  own  power,  and  not  teach 
the  people  any  longer  to  expect  safety  and  govern- 
ment from  an  obstinate  man  whose  heart  God  had 
hardened."  In  such  a  policy,  he  added,  the  army 
would  stand  by  the  Parliament  against  all  opposi- 
tion :  but  if  the  Parliament  neglected  to  provide  for 
its  own  safety  and  that  of  the  nation,  the  army 
would  be  forced  to  seek  its  own  preservation  by 
other  means. 

Events  had  thus  driven  Cromwell  to  be  the  fore- 
most advocate  of  that  policy  of  completely  setting 
aside  the  King  which  he  had  long  so  stubbornly 
opposed.  Yet,  though  convinced  that  the  King 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1647- 

could  not  be  trusted,  he  was  not  prepared  to  aban- 
don monarchy.  At  a  conference  on  the  settlement 
of  the  government  which  took  place  early  in  1648, 
the  "  Commonwealth's-men,"  as  the  republicans  were 
termed,  pressed  for  the  immediate  establishment  of 
a  free  commonwealth  and  the  trial  of  the  King. 
Ludlow  noted  with  great  dissatisfaction  that  Crom- 
well and  his  friends  "  kept  themselves  in  the  clouds, 
and  would  not  declare  their  judgments  either  for  a 
monarchical,  aristocratic,  or  democratic  government ; 
maintaining  that  any  of  them  might  be  good  in 
themselves,  or  for  us,  according  as  Providence  should 
direct  us."  When  he  pressed  Cromwell  privately 
for  the  grounds  of  his  objection  to  a  republic,  Crom- 
well replied  that  he  was  convinced  of  the  desirable- 
ness of  what  was  proposed,  but  not  of  the  feasibility 
of  it.  There  is  evidence  that  during  the  spring  of 
1648  the  Independent  leaders  discussed  a  scheme 
for  deposing  Charles  I.,  and  placing  the  Prince  of 
Wales  or  the  Duke  of  York  upon  the  throne.  But 
the  unwillingness  of  the  Prince  and  the  escape  of  the 
Duke  to  France  frustrated  this  plan. 

While  seeking  to  find  some  compromise  which 
would  prevent  a  new  war,  Cromwell  endeavoured  to 
unite  all  sections  of  the  parliamentary  party  to  meet 
it,  if  it  came.  The  reunion  of  the  army  had  already 
been  effected.  It  was  completed  in  a  series  of 
council  meetings  held  at  London  during  December, 
1647,  in  which  the  officers  under  arrest  for  insubord- 
ination were  pardoned,  and  a  personal  reconciliation 
took  place  between  Cromwell  and  Rainsborough. 
In  February  and  March,  1648,  Cromwell  made 


1648]  Army  and  Parliament  191 

conciliatory  overtures  to  the  Presbyterians  of  the  City, 
but  as  nothing  short  of  the  restoration  of  the  King  to 
his  authority  would  content  them,  the  negotiations 
failed.  As  little  could  Cromwell  succeed  in  over- 
coming the  distrust  and  hostility  which  the  advanced 
party  amongst  the  Independents  now  felt  towards 
him.  On  January  19,  1648,  John  Lilburn,  at  the  bar 
of  the  House  of  Lords,  publicly  accused  him  of  high 
treason.  Nor  was  it  only  his  dealings  with  the  King 
that  made  him  the  object  of  suspicion.  During  the 
last  year  his  political  attitude  had  continually  altered. 
In  April,  he  had  urged  the  army  to  disband  peace- 
ably ;  in  June,  he  had  headed  its  revolt ;  in  November, 
he  had  forced  it  into  obedience  to  the  Parliament 
again.  And  besides  his  apparent  inconsistency, 
he  was  notoriously  indifferent  to  principles  which 
Levellers  and  Commonwealth's-men  held  all-import- 
ant. To  them  a  republic  meant  freedom  and  a 
monarchy  bondage.  For  him  the  choice  between 
the  two  was  a  question  of  expediency,  and  dependent 
upon  circumstances.  In  open  council  he  had  declared 
that  he  "  was  not  wedded  or  glued  to  forms  of 
government,"  and  in  private  he  was  said  to  have 
avowed  that  it  was  lawful  to  pass  through  all  forms 
of  government  to  accomplish  his  ends.  It  was  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  men  to  whom  his  oppor- 
tunism was  unintelligible  thought  self-interest  or 
ambition  the  natural  explanation  of  his  conduct,  and 
that  charges  of  hypocrisy  and  apostasy  were  freely 
made  against  him. 

Through  this  cloud  of  detraction  Cromwell  pur- 
sued his  way  unmoved.     Sometimes  he  answered  his 


1^2  Oliver  Cromwell          [1647-1648] 

accusers  with  blunt  defiance.  "  If  any  man  say  that 
we  seek  ourselves  in  doing  this,  much  good  may  it  do 
him  with  his  thoughts.  It  shall  not  put  me  out  of 
my  way."  At  other  times  he  referred  to  these 
slanders  with  a  patient  confidence  that  justice  would 
be  done  to  him  in  the  end.  "  Though  it  may  be,"  he 
wrote  in  September,  1647,  "  for  the  present  a  cloud 
may  lie  over  our  actions  to  those  not  acquainted  with 
the  grounds  of  them ;  yet  we  doubt  not  but  God 
will  clear  our  integrity  from  any  other  ends  we  aim 
at  but  His  glory  and  the  public  good."  Neither  loss 
of  popularity,  misrepresentations,  nor  undeserved 
mistrust  could  diminish  Cromwell's  zeal  for  the  cause. 
"  I  find  this  only  good,"  he  wrote  on  his  recovery 
from  a  dangerous  illness  in  the  spring  of  1648 :  "  to 
love  the  Lord  and  His  poor  despised  people,  to  do 
for  them,  and  to  be  ready  to  suffer  with  them,  and 
he  that  is  found  worthy  of  this  hath  obtained  great 
favour  from  the  Lord." 

Not  Cromwell's  utterances  only  but  his  acts  testify 
to  the  integrity  of  his  motives.  In  March,  1648, 
Parliament  settled  an  estate  upon  him  as  a  reward 
for  his  services,  to  which  he  responded  by  offering  to 
contribute  a  thousand  a  year,  out  of  the  seventeen 
hundred  it  brought  in,  to  be  employed  in  the  recovery 
of  Ireland.  And  so  little  did  he  dream  of  ever  be- 
coming himself  the  ruler  of  England,  that  at  the 
very  moment  when  fortune  had  opened  the  widest 
field  to  ambition,  he  began  negotiations  for  the 
marriage  of  his  eldest  son  to  the  daughter  of  a 
private  gentleman  of  no  great  influence  or  position. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  SECOND  CIVIL  WAR 
1648 

^ — - 

nnHE  Second  Civil  War  broke  out  in  Wales.  It 
began  with  a  revolt  of  officers  and  soldiers 
who  had  fought  zealously  for  the  Parliament 
throughout  the  first  war.  In  February,  1648,  Colonel 
Foyer,  the  governor  of  Pembroke  Castle,  refused  to 
hand  his  charge  over  to  the  officer  whom  Fairfax  had 
appointed  to  succeed  him.  In  March,  he  openly  de- 
clared for  the  King,  and  the  troops  of  Colonel  Laug- 
harne,  followed  soon  afterwards  by  their  leader,  joined 
Foyer's  forces.  In  April,  it  became  known  in  London 
that  the  Scots  were  raising  an  army  to  invade  Eng- 
land, and  at  the  end  of  the  month  parties  of  English 
Royalists,  by  Scottish  help,  seized  Berwick  and  Car- 
lisle. To  meet  these  two  dangers  Fairfax  sent  Crom- 
well to  suppress  the  Welsh  insurgents  and  prepared 
to  march  north  himself  against  the  Scots. 

At  the  beginning  of  May,  Cromwell  left  London, 
taking  with  him  two  regiments  of  horse  and  three  of 
foot.  Foyer  was  full  of  confidence.  He  had  won 
several  small  victories,  and  told  his  men  that  he  would 
meet  Cromwell  in  fair  field,  and  that  he  would  be 
193 


Oliver  Cromwell 

himself  the  first  man  to  charge  "Ironsides,"  adding 
that  if  Cromwell  "  had  a  back  of  steel  and,  a  breast  of 
iron,  he  durst  and  would  encounter  with  him."  But 
before  Cromwell  reached  Wales,  Colonel  Horton  de- 
feated the  boastful  Poyer  at  St.  Pagans,  on  May  8th, 
and  when  Cromwell  arrived  the  war  became  a  war  of 
sieges.  Chepstow  was  stormed  by  Colonel  Ewer  on 
May  25th,  and  Tenby  surrendered  to  Colonel  Horton 
at  the  end  of  May,  but  Pembroke  Castle  held  out  for 
over  six  weeks.  Its  walls  were  strong  and  its  garri- 
son desperate.  Cromwell  had  no  heavy  artillery  with 
him,  and  though  he  "  scraped  up,"  as  he  said,  a  few 
little  guns,  and  made  a  breach,  his  assaults  were  re- 
pulsed with  loss.  The  hostility  of  the  country  peo- 
ple and  want  of  provisions  added  to  the  difficulties  of 
the  besiegers.  "  It  's  a  mercy,"  wrote  Cromwell  to 
Fairfax,  "  that  we  have  been  able  to  keep  our  men 
together  in  such  necessity,  the  sustenance  of  the  foot 
for  the  most  part  being  bread  and  water."  The  be- 
sieged, however,  were  in  worse  straits,  and  at  last,  on 
the  nth  of  July,  starvation  forced  Poyer  and  Laug- 
harne  "  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the 
Parliament  "  and  give  up  town  and  castle. 

Three  days  before  Pembroke  fell,  Hamilton  and 
the  Scottish  army  crossed  the  border,  and  Fairfax 
was  not  there  to  face  them.  London  was  seething 
with  discontent :  there  were  riots  in  the  city  and  in 
the  eastern  counties,  and  mass  petitions  from  Essex,  j 
Kent,  and  Surrey  urged  Parliament  to  come  to  terms 
with  the  King  and  to  disband  the  army.  At  the  end 
of  May  a  royalist  rising  broke  out  in  Kent,  and  the 
fleet  in  the  Downs  declared  for  the  King. 


L 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  195 

Fairfax  collected  eight  or  nine  thousand  men  and 
set  out  for  Kent.  On  June  ist,  he  forced  his  way 
into  Maidstone,  where  the  main  body  of  the  Kentish 
Royalists  had  posted  themselves,  and,  after  hard 
fighting  in  the  barricaded  streets,  mastered  the  town, 
and  broke  up  the  insurgent  army.  A  part  of  them, 
under  old  Lord  Norwich,  marched  towards  London, 
but  found  the  city  gates  closed  against  them,  and 
dispersed.  Norwich  himself,  with  five  or  six  hun- 
dred horse,  crossed  the  Thames,  and  called  the  Roy- 
alists of  Essex  to  arms.  Ere  long  four  thousand 
men  gathered  round  him,  and  Fairfax,  leaving  de- 
tachments to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Kent, 
hurried  to  Essex  to  suppress  this  new  rising.  Nor- 
wich threw  himself  into  Colchester,  and  a  bloody 
battle  took  place  in  the  suburbs,  in  which  the  raw 
levies  of  the  Royalists  repulsed  Fairfax's  veterans 
with  great  loss.  The  parliamentary  general,  seeing 
that  he  could  not  carry  the  town  by  a  coup  de  main, 
was  obliged  to  sit  down  to  a  regular  siege,  which 
ultimately  developed  into  a  blockade.  Forts  were 
built  round  Colchester,  and  connected  by  lines  of  in- 
trenchments,  to  cut  off  all  supplies  and  prevent  any 
escape.  The  militia  of  Suffolk  and  Essex  swelled 
Fairfax's  small  force  of  regulars  and  completed  the 
investment.  The  besieged  fought  well  and  made 
vigorous  sallies,  but  unless  help  came  from  without 
the  end  was  inevitable.  When  the  siege  began,  such 
relief  seemed  very  probable.  All  over  England  little 
local  risings  were  incessantly  breaking  out  which 
threatened  to  become  general  unless  they  were  at 
once  suppressed.  In  June,  there  were  risings  in 


196  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648 

North  Wales,  Northamptonshire,  and  Nottingham- 
shire     At  the  beginning  of  July,  Lord  Holland  and 
the. young  Duke  of  Buckingham  gathered  about  six 
hundred  Cavaliers  at  Kingston  in  the  hope  of  reliev- 
ing Colchester.     But  they  were  hunted  from  place 
to  place  by  Fairfax's  cavalry,  and  could  never  stay 
long  enough  anywhere   to  collect   their  partisans. 
The  few  who  kept  together  were  captured  at  St. 
Neots,  in  Huntingdonshire,  on  July  loth.     At  the 
end  of  July,  Prince  Charles  and  the  revolted  ships 
blockaded  the  Thames,  hoping  to  persuade  London 
to  declare  for  the  King  by  threatening  its  trade.    But 
a  fleet  alone  could  not  relieve  Colchester,  for  Fairfax 
had  occupied  Mersea  Island  and  cut  off  the  town 
from  the  sea.     Moreover,  London  remained  quiet, 
for,  though  strongly  Presbyterian  in  feeling,  it  had 
no  desire  to  see  the  King  restored  unconditionally. 
The  only  hope  of  the  besieged  lay  in  the  advance  of  j 
Hamilton  and  the  Scottish  army. 

In  the  north  of  England  the  Parliament  had  no 
force  afoot  strong  enough  to  stop  the  Scots  from 
marching  southwards.  Major-General  Lambert,  the 
commander-in-chief  in  the  northern  counties,  with 
three  or  four  regiments  of  regular  horse  and  the 
local  levies  of  Yorkshire  and  Lancashire,  more  than 
held  his  own  against  the  English  Royalists  under 
Langdale  and  Musgrave,  defeating  them  in  the 
field  and  reducing  the  garrison  of  Carlisle  to  extrem- 
ities. But  when  Hamilton  advanced  to  relieve  his 
allies,  Lambert  could  only  fall  back,  stubbornly  skir- 
mishing, into  north  Yorkshire,  leaving  the  Scots  to 
overrun  Cumberland  and  the  north.  He,  too,  was 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  197 

hampered  by  risings  in  his  rear,  for  early  in  June 
Pontefract  Castle  had  been  surprised  by  the  Roy- 
alists, and  later  in  the  month  Scarborough  had  de- 
clared for  the  King.  On  the  8th  of  July,  when 
Hamilton  entered  England,  he  brought  with  him  no 
more  than  ten  thousand  or  eleven  thousand  men, 
but  additional  forces  followed  later,  and  including 
the  English  Royalists  under  Langdale  and  Mus- 
grave  he  had,  by  the  next  month,  about  twenty- 
four  thousand  men  under  his  command.  He  marched 
slowly  in  order  to  give  time  for  his  reinforcements  to 
come  up,  and  spent  some  time  in  besieging  Appleby 
and  other  northern  castles.  It  was  only  about  the 
middle  of  August  that  he  resumed  his  advance  and 
determined  to  push  south  through  Lancashire. 

Meanwhile,  Cromwell  was  hurrying  north  to  Lam- 
bert's aid.  Even  before  Pembroke  fell  he  had  sent  a 
portion  of  his  horse  northwards.  As  soon  as  it  sur- 
rendered, he  set  out  at  once  with  the  rest  of  his 
horse  and  the  infantry.  His  men  had  not  been  paid 
for  months,  but  his  iron  discipline  kept  them  from 
plundering.  The  most  part  of  his  foot  were  shoe- 
less and  in  rags,  but  boots  were  provided  to  meet 
them  at  Leicester.  Marching  by  way  of  Gloucester 
and  through  the  midlands,  Cromwell  reached  Leices- 
ter on  August  ist,  Nottingham  on  August  5th,  and 
joined  Lambert  near  Knaresborough  in  the  West 
Riding  on  Saturday,  August  I2th.  Some  regiments 
had  to  be  left  to  besiege  Pontefract  and  Scarborough, 
so  that  their  united  forces  came  to  no  more  than 
about  eight  thousand  five  hundred  men,  of  whom 
about  three  thousand  were  horse.  But  three  quarters 


Oliver  Cromwell 

of  this  army  were  old  soldiers,  and,  as  one  of  Crom- 
well's officers  wrote,  it  was  "  a  fine,  smart  army,  fit 
for  action." 

Cromwell  had  hitherto  been  under  the  impression 
that  the  Scots  intended  to  advance  through  York- 
shire,  and,  relieving  Pontefract  on  their  way,  to  march 
straight  for  London.  He  now  learnt  that  Hamilton 
had  chosen  the  Lancashire  route,  and  was  already  on 
his  way  through  that  county.  Accordingly,  on  Sun- 
day,  August  I3th,  he  set  out  to  cross  the  hills  which 
separate  Lancashire  from  Yorkshire,  and  to  attack 
the  invaders.  On  Monday  night,  he  quartered  at 
Skipton  ;  on  Tuesday  night,  at  Gisburn.  On  Wednes- 
day, he  marched  down  the  valley  of  the  Kibble  into 
Lancashire.  Two  courses  were  now  open  to  him. 
He  might  cross  by  Hodder  Bridge  to  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Kibble,  and  seek  to  bar  Hamilton's  ad- 
vance southwards  by  placing  himself  somewhere  in 
his  path ;  or  he  might  keep  along  the  northern  bank 
of  the  river  and  engage  Hamilton  somewhere  near 
Preston  itself.  Cromwell  chose  the  second  course, 
and  he  did  so  with  a  full  consciousness  of  the  im- 
portance of  the  choice.  "  It  was  thought,"  he  wrote, 
"  that  to  engage  the  enemy  to  fight  was  our  busi- 
ness," and  to  march  straight  upon  Preston  was  more 
likely  to  bring  about  a  battle  because  it  seemed 
probable  that  Hamilton  would  stand  his  ground 
there.  There  was  also  a  second  reason.  If  he  put 
himself  to  the  south  of  Hamilton,  a  defeat  would 
throw  Hamilton  back  upon  his  supports  in  West- 
moreland and  on  the  road  to  Scotland.  If  he  de- 
feated Hamilton  at  Preston,  he  might  be  able  to 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  199 

drive  him  southwards,  separating  him  from  his  sup- 
ports, and  cutting  off  his  line  of  retreat.  Under  such 
circumstances,  a  defeat  would  lead  to  the  annihila- 
tion of  the  Scottish  army  instead  of  merely  forcing 
it  to  retire  to  Scotland.  It  was  for  these  reasons, 
and  not  by  any  happy  accident,  that  Cromwell 
adopted  the  second  plan.  As  he  explained  a  couple 
of  years  later,  "  Upon  deliberate  advice  we  chose 
rather  to  put  ourselves  between  their  army  and  Scot- 
land." All  Wednesday,  therefore,  he  continued  his 
march  down  the  northern  bank  of  the  Ribble,  and 
camped  his  army  for  the  night  at  Stonyhurst,  about 
nine  miles  from  Preston. 

Meanwhile,  Hamilton's  army  was  marching  through 
Lancashire  as  carelessly  and  loosely  as  if  Cromwell 
were  fifty  miles  away.  Hamilton  himself,  with  ten 
thousand  foot  and  perhaps  fifteen  hundred  horse, 
was  at  Preston.  The  Earl  of  Callendar  and  General 
Middleton,  with  the  bulk  of  the  Scottish  horse,  were 
at  Wigan,  fifteen  miles  ahead  of  the  infantry,  while 
thirty  miles  in  the  rear,  at  Kirby  Lonsdale,  in  West- 
moreland, lay  Major-General  Monro,  with  about  three 
thousand  veteran  horse  and  foot  drawn  from  the 
Scottish  army  in  Ulster,  and  two  or  three  thousand 
English  Royalists  under  Sir  Philip  Musgrave.  Be- 
tween Cromwell  and  Preston,  covering  Hamilton's 
flank,  was  Sir  Marmaduke  Langdale's  division  of 
English  Royalists,  numbering  three  thousand  foot 
and  six  hundred  horse.  Hamilton  had  been  warned 
of  the  enemy's  approach  by  Langdale,  but  discred- 
ited his  information,  and  believed  he  was  threatened 
merely  by  some  Lancashire  militia  forces. 


Oliver  Cromwell 

Early  on  Thursday,  the  i;th  of  August,  Cromwell 
fell    upon    Langdale's    division    with    tremendous 
vigour   and  beating  his  foot  from  hedge  to  hedge 
drove  them  towards  Preston.     Langdale  sent  press- 
ing  appeals  to  Hamilton,  but  the  Duke  gave  him  no 
adequate  support.     Instead  of  helping  him,  he  drew 
the  Scottish  foot  out  of  Preston  and  to  the  south 
of  the  Kibble,  in  order  to  facilitate  their  junction  with 
the  cavalry  at  Wigan.     To  defend  Preston,  he  kept 
merely  a  couple  of  brigades  of  foot,  and  the  fifteen 
hundred  or  sixteen  hundred  horse  of  his  rear-guard. 
Against  forces  so  divided,    Cromwell's   attack   was 
irresistible.     At  nightfall  on  Thurday,  Preston  was 
in    his    possession,   and    not   only    the    town    but 
the  bridge  over  the  Ribble,  and  the  second  bridge 
over  the   Darwen,  a  mile   or  so   to   the   south  of 
it.     His  whole  army  was  solidly  planted  between 
Hamilton  and  Scotland.      Langdale's  division  had 
ceased  to  exist,  and  of  Hamilton's  two  brigades  of 
foot  hardly  a  man  had  escaped.     A  thousand  had 
fallen   in    the    fight,  Cromwell   had  four   thousand 
prisoners,  and  his  cavalry  had  chased    Hamilton's 
flying  horse  ten  miles  on  the  road  to  Lancaster. 

In  the  Scottish  camp  there  was  great  distraction 
and  depression.  Hamilton's  forces  were  still  su- 
perior in  number  to  Cromwell's,  for  he  had  six  or 
seven  thousand  foot  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
who  had  scarcely  fired  a  shot,  besides  Middleton  and 
the  vanguard  of  cavalry  at  Wigan.  But  the  Duke, 
who  had  shown  plenty  of  personal  courage,  was 
weak  and  irresolute  in  council.  Major -General 
Baillie,  who  commanded  his  foot,  urged  him 'to  make 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  201 

a  stand  where  he  was  until  Middleton  and  the  horse 
rejoined  them.  The  Earl  of  Callendar,  Hamilton's 
second  in  command,  proposed  that  the  foot  should 
march  away  as  soon  as  it  was  dark,  to  join  Middle- 
ton,  and  Callendar's  proposal  was  accepted.  It 
involved  the  abandonment  of  Hamilton's  train,  for 
they  had  no  horses  left  to  draw  the  waggons ;  and 
all  the  ammunition  except  what  the  men  carried  in 
their  flasks  fell  into  Cromwell's  hands.  All  night 
the  Scottish  infantry  marched.  "  Our  march,"  says 
one  of  them,  "  was  very  sad,  the  way  being  exceed- 
ing deep,  the  soldiers  both  wet,  hungry,  and  weary, 
and  all  looked  on  their  business  as  half  ruined." 
They  had  lost  many  stragglers  when  they  arrived 
at  Wigan.  On  Friday  morning,  Cromwell,  leaving 
the  Lancashire  militia  to  guard  Preston  and  his 
prisoners,  set  out  in  pursuit  of  Hamilton  with  three 
thousand  foot  and  twenty-five  hundred  horse.  The 
fighting  on  Friday  was  mainly  between  the  horse 
of  the  two  armies.  While  the  Scottish  infantry 
were  marching  to  Wigan  to  join  Middleton,  Mid- 
dleton was  marching  to  Preston  to  join  them,  and 
as  he  went  by  a  different  road  they  failed  to  meet. 
On  reaching  the  camp  of  the  infantry,  he  found 
nothing  but  deserted  fires  and  a  few  stragglers,  and 
turned  back  to  follow  Hamilton's  track  to  Wigan. 
Cromwell's  horsemen  were  at  his  heels  all  the  way, 
"  killing  and  taking  divers,"  though  Colonel  Thorn- 
haugh,  who  commanded  Cromwell's  van,  was  killed 
by  a  Scottish  lancer. 

Hamilton's  army,  when    the  horse   joined,   drew 
up  on  the   moor,   north   of   Wigan,  as   if   to   give 


202  Oliver  Cromwell [1648 

battle,  but,  judging  the  ground  disadvantageous 
Hamilton  retreated  into  the  town  before  Cromwell 
came  up.  "  We  lay  that  night  in  the  field,'  says 
Cromwell,  "close  by  the  enemy,  being  very  dirty 
and  weary,  and  having  marched  twelve  miles  of 
such  ground  as  I  never  rode  in  my  life,  the  day 
being  very  wet."  There  was  no  rest,  however,  for 
the  Scots  in  Wigan.  Their  commanders  resolved 
to  make  another  night  march  to  Warrington,  intend- 
ing to  break  down  the  bridge,  and  put  the  Mersey 
between  themselves  and  their  pursuer.  On  Satur- 
day, Cromwell's  cavalry  found  the  Scottish  foot 
posted  in  a  good  position  at  Winwick,  about  three 
miles  from  Warrington. 

"  We  held  them  in  dispute,"  wrote  Cromwell,  "  till  our 
army  came  up,  they  maintaining  the  pass  with  great 
resolution  for  many  hours,  ours  and  theirs  coming  to 
push  of  pike  and  very  close  charges,  which  forced  us  to 
give  ground ;  but  our  men  by  the  blessing  of  God 
quickly  recovered  it,  and  charging  very  home  upon  them, 
heat  them  from  their  standing.  We  killed  about  a  thou- 
sand of  them,  and  took,  as  we  believe,  about  two  thou- 
sand prisoners." 

This  was  the  last  stand  the  Scots  made.  When 
Cromwell  reached  Warrington  the  same  Saturday 
evening,  General  Baillie  and  the  rest  of  the  Scottish 
infantry  surrendered  as  prisoners  of  war.  Hamilton 
and  Callendar,  with  two  or  three  thousand  horse 
escaped  into  Cheshire,  intending  to  join  Lord  Byron 
who  was  in  arms  for  the  King,  but  their  fate  was 
not  long  delayed.  Cromwell  sent  Lambert  with 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  203 

four  regiments  of  horse  in  pursuit,  and  called  on 
the  neighbouring  counties  to  send  all  the  horses 
they  could  muster  after  the  fugitives. 

"  They  are  so  tired,  and  in  such  confusion,  that  if 
my  horse  could  but  trot  after  them  I  could  take  them 
all.  But  we  are  so  weary  we  can  scarce  be  able  to 
do  more  than  walk  after  them.  My  horse  are  misera- 
ably  beaten  out — and  I  have  ten  thousand  of  them 
prisoners." 

Skirmishing  incessantly  with  the  country  people 
and  the  local  militia,  Hamilton  made  his  way  as  far 
as  Staffordshire,  party  after  party  of  his  followers 
dropping  off  by  the  way,  either  to  surrender  or  to 
escape  in  disguise.  With  the  few  who  remained, 
he  capitulated  to  Lambert  at  Uttoxeter,  on  Friday, 
August  2 5th.  On  the  Monday  following,  Colchester 
surrendered  to  Fairfax,  and  the  Second  Civil  War 
was  practically  over. 

After  the  capitulation  at  Warrington,  Cromwell 
turned  northwards  again  as  soon  as  his  soldiers  could 
march.  Monro  and  his  six  thousand  men  were  still 
undisposed  of,  and  he  feared  an  attack  from  them 
upon  the  forces  left  at  Preston.  Colonel  Ashton, 
who  commanded  at  Preston,  had  under  his  charge 
prisoners  more  in  number  than  his  troops,  and  like 
Henry  V.  at  Agincourt  Cromwell  had  ordered  Ash- 
ton  to  put  the  prisoners  to  the  sword  if  he  were 
attacked.  But  nothing  was  farther  from  Monro's 
mind  than  an  advance.  On  the  news  of  the  defeat 
at  Preston,  he  retreated  at  once,  marched  through 
Durham,  and  re-entered  Scotland.  Garrisons  were 


204 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1648 


left  in  Berwick  and  Carlisle,  which  Cromwell  sum- 
moned  as  soon  as  he  came  up,  and  when  they  re- 
fused to  surrender  he  made  a  formal  application  to 
the  Scottish  Committee  of  Estates  for  their  restora- 
tion. To  give  force  to  his  demand  he  marched  his 
army  across  the  Tweed,  protesting  at  the  same  time 
that  he  had  no  quarrel  with  the  Scottish  nation.  If 
he  entered  Scotland  it  was  simply  to  overthrow  the 
faction  which  had  instigated  the  late  invasion. 

"  We  are  so  far  from  seeking  the  harm  of  the  well  af- 
fected people  of  Scotland,  that  we  profess  as  before  the 
Lord,  that  we  shall  use  our  endeavours  to  the  utmost 
that  the  trouble  may  fall  upon  the  contrivers  and  authors 
of  this  breach,  and  not  upon  the  poor  innocent  people, 
who  have  been  led  and  compelled  into  this  action,  as 
many  poor  souls  now  prisoners  to  us  confess." 

A  revolution  in  Scotland  facilitated  Cromwell's 
policy.  The  rigid  Presbyterians  of  the  west  coun- 
try, who  abhorred  any  union  with  Episcopalians  and 
Malignants,  and  cared  more  for  the  Kirk  than  the 
Crown,  had  risen  in  arms  and  seized  Edinburgh. 
Argyle  and  his  Highlanders  backed  them,  and  on 
September  26th  the  Hamiltonian  faction,  who  formed 
the  Committee  of  Estates,  agreed  to  send  Monro's 
force  back  to  Ireland,  to  disband  their  men,  and  to 
give  up  power  to  their  rivals.  Argyle's  party  was  only 
too  glad  to  come  to  terms  with  Cromwell,  and  to 
procure  the  support  of  his  army  against  their  oppo- 
nents, till  they  could  organise  a  substantial  force  of 
their  own.  Orders  were  sent  for  the  immediate  sur- 
render of  Carlisle  and  Berwick,  and  Cromwell  came 


1648]  The  Second  Civil  War  205 

to  Edinburgh  to  treat  with  Argyle.  "Give  assur- 
ance," demanded  Cromwell,  "  that  you  will  not 
admit  or  suffer  any  that  have  been  active  in  or  con- 
senting to  the  engagement  against  England,  to  be 
employed  in  any  public  place  or  trust  whatsoever. 
This  is  the  least  security  I  can  demand."  There  was 
nothing  the  rival  faction  would  more  willingly  do, 
and  by  an  Act  of  the  Scottish  Parliament  "  the  En- 
gagers," as  Hamilton's  partisans  were  called,  were 
permanently  excluded  from  political  power. 

Cromwell  left  three  regiments  in  Scotland  for  a 
few  weeks  to  secure  the  new  government,  and 
returned  with  the  bulk  of  his  army  to  England. 
Scarborough  and  Pontefract  still  remained  to  be  capt- 
ured, but  the  Second  Civil  War  was  over.  Some  of 
Cromwell's  friends  amongst  the  Independent  leaders 
blamed  his  agreement  with  Argyle,  and  saw  no  secur- 
ity for  England  in  the  predominance  of  a  bigoted 
Presbyterian  faction  at  Edinburgh.  They  thought 
that  Cromwell  should  either  have  exacted  more  sub- 
stantial guarantees  for  future  peace,  or  divided  power 
between  the  two  parties,  so  that  they  would  balance 
each  other,  and  be  incapable  of  injuring  England. 
Cromwell  answered  that  the  one  hope  of  future 
peace  between  the  two  nations  lay  in  creating  a 
good  understanding  between  English  Independents 
and  Scotch  Presbyterians,  and  that  he  had  taken  the 
only  course  which  could  produce  it. 

"  I  desire  from  my  heart  —  I  have  prayed  for  —  I  have 
waited  for  the  day  to  see  —  union  and  right  understand- 
ing between  the  godly  people  —  Scots,  English,  Jews, 


206  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648 

Gentiles,  Presbyterians,  Anabaptists,  and  all.  Our  broth- 
ers of  Scotland  —  sincerely  Presbyterians  —  were  our 
greatest  enemies.  God  hath  justified  us  in  their  sight  — 
caused  us  to  requite  good  for  evil  —  caused  them  to 
acknowledge  it  publicly  by  acts  of  State  and  privately, 
and  the  thing  is  true  in  the  sight  of  the  Sun.  .  .  . 
Was  it  not  fit  to  be  civil,  to  profess  love,  to  deal  with 
clearness  with  them  for  the  removing  of  prejudices  ;  to 
ask  them  what  they  had  against  us,  and  to  give  them  an 
honest  answer  ?  This  we  have  done  and  no  more  :  and 
herein  is  a  more  glorious  work  in  our  eyes  than  if  we 
had  gotten  the  sacking  and  plunder  of  Edinburgh,  the 
strong  castle,  into  our  hands,  and  made  a  conquest  from 
the  Tweed  to  the  Orcades  ;  and  we  can  say,  through  God, 
we  have  left  such  a  witness  amongst  them,  as,  if  it  work 
not  yet,  by  reason  the  poor  souls  are  so  wedded  to  their 
Church  government,  yet  there  is  that  conviction  upon 
them  that  will  undoubtedly  have  its  fruit  in  due  time." 

He  came  back  to  England  with  the  confident  hope 
that  peace  with  Scotland  was  henceforth  secure. 


CHAPTER  XI 

CROMWELL  AND   THE    KING'S   EXECUTION 
1648-1649 

WHILE  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  were  fighting 
the  armies  raised  in  the  King's  name,  the 
Parliament  was  once  more  negotiating 
with  Charles  I.  In  spite  of  the  vote  for  no  ad- 
dresses, passed  on  January  17,  1648,  April  was  not 
over  before  both  Houses  were  discussing  the  reopen- 
ing of  negotiations.  Petition  after  petition  came  from 
the  City  demanding  a  personal  treaty  with  the  King, 
and  the  House  of  Lords  echoed  the  demand.  The 
Lords  were  so  zealous  for  a  peace  that  when  Ham- 
ilton and  the  Scots  invaded  England  they  refused 
to  join  the  Lower  House  in  declaring  them  enemies. 
The  Commons,  more  cautious,  insisted  that  the 
King  should  accept  certain  preliminaries  before  any 
treaty  began,  and  refused  to  allow  him  to  come  to 
London  to  treat.  At  last  the  two  Houses  arrived 
at  a  compromise,  and  on  August  1st  it  was  agreed 
that  there  should  be  a  personal  treaty  with  Charles 
in  the  Isle  of  Wight.  The  Commissioners  of  Parlia- 
ment met  the  King  at  Newport  on  September  i8th, 
.207 


20g  Oliver  Cromwell 

a  couple  of  days  before  Cromwell  entered  Scotland. 
Charles  consented  to  annul  his  former  declarations 
against  the  Parliament,  and  to  admit  that  they  had 
undertaken  the  war  "  in  their  just  and  lawful  de- 
fence." He  promised  the  establishment  of  the 
Presbyterian  system  for  three  years,  and  a  limited 
Episcopacy  afterwards.  He  even  offered  the  con- 
trol of  the  militia  for  twenty  years  and  the  settle- 
ment of  Ireland  in  such  fashion  as  Parliament  should 
think  best.  The  question  whether  these  concessions 
were  a  sufficient  basis  for  lasting  peace  is  one  on 
which  modern  historians  have  differed  as  much  as 
contemporary  politicians  did.  It  is  certain  that  the 
King  was  not  sincere  in  making  them.  "  To  deal 
freely  with  you,"  wrote  Charles  to  one  of  his  friends, 
"  the  great  concession  I  made  this  day — the  Church, 
militia,  and  Ireland — was  made  merely  in  order  to 
my  escape.  .  .  .  My  only  hope  is,  that  now  they 
believe  I  dare  deny  them  nothing,  and  so  be  less 
careful  of  their  guards."  The  Presbyterian  leaders 
argued  and  haggled  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the 
permanent  establishment  of  Presbyterianism,  but 
the  question  whether  any  treaty  would  bind  the 
King  they  neglected  to  take  into  account. 

Meanwhile  a  dangerous  excitement  was  spreading 
in  the  army.  From  an  agreement  between  the 
Presbyterians  and  the  Royalists,  an  Independent 
army  had  much  to  fear.  The  first  result  of  the 
treaty  would  be  a  general  disbanding.  To  be  dis- 
missed with  a  few  shillings  in  his  pocket,  but  with- 
out security  for  his  arrears,  or  indemnity  for  his 
acts  during  the  war,  was  the  most  a  soldier  could 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  209 

expect.  If  any  sectary  who  had  fought  for  the 
Parliament  hoped  that  it  would  give  him  freedom  to 
worship  as  his  conscience  dictated,  the  act  against 
heresy  and  blasphemy,  passed  in  May,  1648,  had 
shown  the  futility  of  his  hopes.  Whether  Episco- 
pacy or  Presbyterianism  gained  the  upper  hand, 
toleration  would  be  at  an  end  as  soon  as  he  laid 
down  his  arms.  Add  to  this,  that  the  soldiers  were 
firmly  convinced  that  the  proposed  treaty  afforded 
no  security  for  the  political  liberties  of  the  nation. 
Once  restored  to  his  authority,  Charles  would,  either 
by  force  or  by  intrigue,  shake  off  the  restrictions 
the  treaty  imposed,  and  rear  again  that  fabric  of 
absolutism,  which  it  had  cost  six  years'  fighting  to 
overthrow.  The  renewal  of  the  war  had  height- 
ened their  distrust  of  Charles,  and  embittered 
their  hostility  to  him.  The  responsibility  for  the 
first  Civil  War  had  been  laid  upon  the  King's  evil 
counsellors ;  the  responsibility  for  the  second  was 
laid  upon  the  King  himself.  It  was  at  his  instiga- 
tion, said  the  officers,  that  conquered  enemies  had 
taken  up  arms  again,  old  comrades  apostatised  from 
their  principles,  and  a  foreign  army  invaded  Eng- 
land. In  a  great  prayer-meeting  held  at  Windsor 
before  they  separated  for  the  campaign,  they  pledged 
themselves  to  bring  this  responsibility  home  to  the 
King.  "  We  came,"  wrote  one  of  them,  "  to  a  very 
clear  resolution,  that  it  was  our  duty,  if  ever  the 
Lord  brought  us  back  again  in  peace,  to  call  Charles 
Stuart,  that  man  of  blood,  to  an  account  for  the 
blood  he  had  shed,  and  mischief  he  had  done  to  the 
utmost,  against  the  Lord's  cause  and  people  in  these 


2TO  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

poor  nations."  They  were  equally,  determined  to 
punish  the  King's  instruments.  At  the  close  of  the 
first  war,  the  army  had  shown  itself  more  merciful 
than  the  Parliament,  but  the  second  war  made 
it  fierce,  implacable,  and  resolute  to  exact  blood  for 
blood.  Fairfax's  execution  of  Lucas  and  Lisle,  two 
royalist  leaders  taken  at  Colchester,  "  in  part  of 
avenge  for  the  innocent  blood  they  have  caused  to 
be  spilt,"  was  a  sign  of  this  change  of  temper. 

Cromwell  shared  this  vindictive  feeling  towards 
the  authors  of  the  second  war.  When  he  took 
Pembroke,  he  excepted  certain  persons  from  the 
terms  of  the  capitulation  and  reserved  them  for 
future  punishment. 

'*  The  persons  excepted,"  he  wrote  to  Parliament,  "  are 
such  as  have  formerly  served  you  in  a  very  good  cause  ; 
but  being  now  apostatised,  I  did  rather  make  elec- 
tion of  them  than  of  those  who  had  always  been  for 
the  King  ;  judging  their  iniquity  double,  because  they 
have  sinned  against  so  much  light,  and  against  so  many 
evidences  of  Divine  Providence  going  along  with  and 
prospering  a  just  cause,  in  the  management  of  which 
they  themselves  had  a  share." 

He  was  equally  exasperated  against  those  who  had 
promoted  the  Scottish  invasion. 

This,"  he  said,  "  is  a  more  prodigious  treason  than 
any  that  hath  been  perfected  before  ;  because  the  former 
quarrel  was  that  Englishmen  might  rule  over  one  an- 
other, this  to  vassalise  us  to  a  foreign  nation.  And 
their  fault  that  appeared  in  this  summer's  business  is 
certainly  double  to  theirs  who  were  in  the  first,  because 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  211 

it  is  the  repetition  of  the  same  offence  against  all  the 
witnesses  that  God  hath  borne." 

The  moral  he  drew  from  his  victory  at  Preston  was 
that  Parliament  should  use  it  to  protect  peaceable 
Christians  of  all  opinions,  and  punish  disturbers  of 
the  peace  of  every  rank. 

"  Take  courage,"  he  told  them,  "  to  do  the  work  of 
the  Lord  in  fulfilling  the  end  of  your  magistracy,  in 
seeking  the  peace  and  welfare  of  this  land  —  that  all 
that  will  live  peaceably  may  have  countenance  from 
you,  and  they  that  are  incapable,  and  will  not  leave 
troubling  the  land,  may  speedily  be  destroyed  out  of  the 
land.  If  you  take  courage  in  this  God  will  bless  you, 
and  good  men  will  stand  by  you,  and  God  will  have 
glory,  and  the  land  will  have  happiness  by  you  in 
despite  of  all  your  enemies." 

When  Cromwell  returned  from  Scotland,  he  found 
the  Parliament  preparing  to  replace  the  King  on  his 
throne,  and  to  content  itself  with  banishing  some 
dozen  of  the  royalist  leaders.  Regiment  after  regi- 
ment of  Fairfax's  army  was  presenting  its  general 
with  petitions  against  the  treaty  and  demands  for 
the  punishment  of  the  authors  of  the  war.  Crom- 
well's troops  imitated  their  example,  and  in  forward- 
ing their  petitions  to  Fairfax,  their  leader  expressed 
his  complete  agreement  with  his  soldiers. 

"  I  find,"  he  wrote,  "  a  very  great  sense  in  the  officers 
.  .  .  for  the  sufferings  and  ruin  of  this  poor  king- 
dom, and  in  them  all  a  very  great  zeal  to  have  impartial 
justice  done  upon  all  offenders  ;  and  I  do  in  all  from 


212  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

my  heart  concur  with  them,  and  I  verily  think  they  are 
things  which  God  puts  into  our  hearts." 

On  November  20,  1648,  the  army  in  the  south 
sent  Parliament  a  "  Remonstrance,"  demanding  the 
rupture  of  the  negotiations,  and  the  punishment  of 
the  King  as  "  the  grand  author  of  all  our  troubles." 
Cromwell  approved  of  this  declaration,  and  told 
Fairfax  he  saw  "  nothing  in  it  but  what  is  honest, 
and  becoming  honest  men  to  say  and  offer."  It 
would  have  been  better,  he  thought,  to  wait  till  the 
treaty  was  concluded,  before  making  their  protest, 
but  now  that  it  had  been  made  he  was  prepared  to 
support  it.  The  Newport  treaty  seemed  to  him  to 
be  a  complete  surrender  to  Charles.  "  They  would 
have  put  into  his  hands,"  he  said  later,  "  all  that  we 
had  engaged  for,  and  all  our  security  would  have 
been  a  little  bit  of  paper."  No  one  knew  better  than 
Cromwell  that  a  mere  protest  would  not  stop  the  Par- 
liament, and  he  was  ready  to  use  force  if  necessary. 
The  arguments  by  which  he  justified  its  employment 
are  fully  stated  in  his  letter  to  his  friend,  Robert 
Hammond,  whose  scruples  he  sought  to  overcome. 

Was  it  not  true  that  the  safety  of  the  people  was 
the  supreme  law  ?  Was  it  not  certain  that  this 
treaty  would  undo  all  that  had  been  gained  by  the 
war,  and  make  things  worse  than  before  the  war 
began  ?  If  resistance  to  authority  was  lawful  at  all, 
was  it  not  as  lawful  to  oppose  the  Parliament  as  it 
was  to  oppose  the  King? 

"Consider,"  he  urged,   "whether   this  army  be  not  a 
lawful  power  called  by  God  to  oppose  and  fight  against 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  213 

the  King  upon  some  stated  grounds  ;  and  being  in 
power  to  such  ends,  may  not  oppose  one  name  of 
authority  for  those  ends  as  well  as  another  name, — 
since  it  was  not  the  outward  authority  summoning  them 
that  by  its  power  made  the  quarrel  lawful,  but  the  quar- 
rel that  was  lawful  in  itself." 

These,  however,  were  but  "  fleshly  reasonings," 
and  there  were  higher  arguments.  "  Let  us  look 
into  providences ;  surely  they  mean  somewhat. 
They  hang  so  together;  have  been  so  constant,  so 
clear,  unclouded." 

The  victories  God  had  given  could  not  be  meant 
to  end  in  such  a  sacrifice  of  His  cause  and  His 
people  as  "this  ruining  hypocritical  agreement." 
"Thinkest  thou  in  thy  heart  that  the  glorious  dis- 
pensations of  God  point  to  this  ?  "  The  determina- 
tion of  the  army  to  prevent  the  treaty  was  also 
God's  doing.  "  What  think  you  of  Providence  dis- 
posing the  hearts  of  so  many  of  God's  people  this 
way  ?  We  trust  the  same  Lord  who  hath  framed 
our  minds  in  our  actings  is  with  us  in  this  also." 
There  were  difficulties  to  be  encountered  and  ene- 
mies not  few — "appearance  of  united  names,  titles, 
and  authorities  "  ;  yet  they  were  not  terrified,  "  de- 
siring only  to  fear  our  great  God  that  we  do  nothing 
against  His  will." 

Briefly  stated,  Cromwell's  argument  was  that  the 
victories  of  the  army,  and  the  convictions  of  the 
godly,  were  external  and  internal  evidence  of  God's 
will,  to  be  obeyed  as  a  duty.  It  was  dangerous  rea- 
soning, and  not  less  dangerous  that  secular  and  polit- 
ical motives  coincided  with  the  dictates  of  religious 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

enthusiasm.  Similar  arguments  might  be  held  to 
justify  not  merely  the  temporary  intervention  of  the 
army,  but  its  permanent  assumption  of  the  govern- 
ment'of  England.  Practical  good  sense  and  conserv- 
ative instincts  prevented  Cromwell  from  adopting 
the  extreme  consequences  of  his  theory  ;  with  most 
of  his  comrades  the  logic  of  fanaticism  was  qualified 
by  no  such  considerations. 

As  Parliament  continued  the  treaty  without  attend- 
ing to  their  Remonstrance,  the  army  determined  to 
employ  force.  On  December  1st,  officers  sent  by 
Fairfax  seized  Charles  at  Newport  and  removed  him 
to  Hurst  Castle  in  Hampshire.  The  next  day,  Fair- 
fax and  his  troops  occupied  London.  Undeterred, 
the  House  of  Commons  resolved  by  129  votes  to 
eighty-three  that  the  King's  answers  were  a  ground 
to  proceed  upon  for  the  settlement  of  the  kingdom. 
The  same  evening,  the  commanders  of  the  army  and 
the  leaders  of  the  parliamentary  minority  held  a  con- 
ference to  decide  what  was  to  be  done.  On  their 
march,  the  officers  had  declared  their  intention  of  dis- 
solving the  Long  Parliament,  and  constituting  the 
faithful  minority  a  provisional  government  until  a 
new  Parliament  could  meet.  But  now,  in  deference 
to  the  wishes  of  their  friends  in  Parliament,  they  re- 
solved, instead,  to  expel  the  Presbyterian  majority 
from  the  House,  and  to  leave  the  Independent  mi- 
nority in  possession  of  the  name  and  authority  of  a 
Parliament.  On  December  6th,  accordingly,  Colo- 
nel Pride  and  a  body  of  musketeers  beset  the  doors 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  seized  some  members  as 
they  sought  to  enter,  and  turned  others  back  by 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  215 

force.  The  same  process  continued  on  the  /th,  till 
forty-five  members  were  under  arrest,  and  some 
ninety-six  others  excluded. 

Cromwell  arrived  at  London  on  the  night  after 
"  Pride's  Purge  "  began,  and  took  his  seat  next  day 
amongst  the  fifty  or  sixty  members  who  continued 
to  sit  in  the  House.  Like  the  rest  of  the  officers,  he 
had  contemplated  a  forcible  dissolution  and  the  call- 
ing of  a  new  Parliament.  But  seeing  that  a  different 
plan  had  been  adopted  by  his  friends  on  the  spot,  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  accept  it.  He  said,  "  that  he  had 
not  been  acquainted  with  this  design,  but  since  it 
was  done  he  was  glad  of  it,  and  would  endeavour  to 
maintain  it." 

On  the  question  of  the  King,  a  difference  of  opinion 
between  Cromwell  and  the  bulk  of  the  officers  soon 
showed  itself.  He  approved  of  their  seizure  of 
Charles,  and  had  no  doubt  of  the  justice  of  bringing 
him  to  trial.  But  he  doubted  the  policy  of  the 
King's  trial  and  condemnation,  if  any  other  satisfac- 
tory expedient  could  be  devised  to  secure  the  rights 
of  the  nation.  It  might  be  that  the  King's  depos- 
ition would  be  sufficient,  or  that  he  would  at  last 
make  the  concessions  which  he  had  hitherto  refused. 
Of  the  discussions  which  went  on  in  the  council  of 
officers  during  the  next  three  weeks  very  little  is 
known.  There  are  vague  rumours  of  a  great  division 
of  opinion  amongst  them,  of  one  party  sternly  insist- 
ing on  the  King's  punishment,  of  another  willing  to 
be  content  with  his  deposition  or  imprisonment. 
We  get  glimpses  of  Cromwell  negotiating  with 
lawyers  and  judges  about  the  settlement  of  the 


2I6  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648^ 

nation,  inspiring  a  final  attempt  to  come  to  terms 
with  Charles,  and  arguing  that  it  would  be  safe  to 
spare  the  King's  life,  if  he  would  accept  the  condi- 
tions now  offered  him.  All  these  attempted  com- 
promises failed.  The  King  preferred  to  part  with 
his  life  rather  than  with  his  regal  power,  and  unless 
he  yielded  no  constitutional  settlement  was  possible. 
So  the  military  revolution,  for  a  moment  arrested  in 
its  progress,  moved  inevitably  forward,  and  Crom- 
well went  with  it. 

On  December  23rd,  Charles  was  brought  to  Wind- 
sor. "  The  Lord  be  with  you  and  bless  you  in  this 
great  charge,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  the  governor, 
sending  him  therewith  minute  instructions  for  the 
safe-keeping  of  his  captive.  On  the  same  day,  the 
House  of  Commons  appointed  a  committee  "to  con- 
sider how  to  proceed  in  the  way  of  justice  against 
the  King."  "  If  any  man,"  Cromwell  is  reported  to 
have  said,  "  had  deliberately  designed  such  a  thing, 
he  would  be  the  greatest  traitor  in  the  world,  but 
'  the  Providence  of  God  '  had  cast  it  upon  them." 

Five  days  later  an  ordinance  was  introduced  erect- 
ing a  tribunal  to  try  the  King,  to  consist  of  three 
judges  and  a  jury  of  150  commissioners.  On  Janu- 
ary 2,  1649,  the  ordinance  was  transmitted  to  the 
Lords,  with  a  resolution  declaring  that  "  by  the 
fundamental  laws  of  this  kingdom  it  is  treason  in  the 
King  of  England  for  the  time  being  to  levy  war 
against  the  Parliament  and  the  kingdom  of  Eng- 
land." The  unanimous  rejection  of  this  ordinance, 
and  the  discovery  that  the  judges  would  refuse  the 
part  assigned  to  them,  did  not  make  the  Commons 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  2 1 7 

draw  back.  A  new  ordinance  was  brought  in,  cre- 
ating a  court  of  135  commissioners,  who  were  to  act 
both  as  judge  and  jury,  and  omitting  the  three 
judges.  Fresh  resolutions  declared  the  people  the 
original  of  all  just  power,  the  House  of  Commons 
the  supreme  power  in  the  nation,  and  the  laws 
passed  by  the  Commons  binding  without  consent  of 
King  or  Lords.  This  ordinance,  or,  as  it  was  now 
termed,  act,  was  passed  on  January  6,  1649.  ^  set 
forth  that  Charles  Stuart  had  wickedly  designed 
totally  to  subvert  the  ancient  and  fundamental  laws 
of  this  nation,  and  in  their  place  to  introduce  an  ar- 
bitrary and  tyrannical  government ;  that  he  had 
levied  and  maintained  a  cruel  war  against  Parlia- 
ment and  kingdom  ;  and  that  new  commotions  had 
arisen  from  the  remissness  of  Parliament  to  prose- 
cute him.  Wherefore  that  for  the  future  "  no  chief 
officer  or  magistrate  whatsoever  may  presume  to 
imagine  or  contrive  the  enslaving  or  destroying  of 
the  English  nation,  and  to  expect  impunity  for 
trying  or  doing  the  same,"  the  persons  whose  names 
followed  were  appointed  to  try  the  said  Charles 
Stuart.  On  the  igth  of  January,  the  King  was 
brought  from  Windsor  to  St.  James's,  guarded  by 
troops  of  horse. 

Ever  since  the  eighth,  the  commissioners  for  the 
King's  trial  had  been  meeting  in  the  Painted  Cham- 
ber to  settle  their  procedure.  But  nearly  half  of 
those  named  refused  to  accept  the  duty  laid  upon 
them.  Some  had  fears  for  their  own  safety  ;  some, 
political  objections ;  others  objected  to  the  consti- 
tution or  authority  of  the  court.  Algernon  Sidney 


2Ig  Oliver  Cromwell  L1648- 

told  his  colleagues  that  there  were  two  reasons  why 
he  could  not  take  part  in  their  proceedings.  First, 
the  King  could  not  be  tried  by  that  court ;  secondly, 
that  no  man  could  be  tried  by  that  court.  "  I  tell 
you,"  answered  Cromwell,  with  characteristic  scorn 
of  constitutional  formulas,  "  we  will  cut  off  his  head 
with  the  crown  upon  it." 

Nevertheless,  the  question  of  their  authority  was 
a  question  to  which  the  court  was  bound  to  agree 
upon  an  answer.  If  a  story  told  at  the  trial  of  the 
Regicides  may  be  trusted,  the  commissioners  were 
still  at  a  loss  for  a  formula  on  the  morning  of  the 
2Oth  of  January,  when  the  trial  began.  As  they  sat 
in  the  Painted  Chamber,  news  was  brought  that  the 
King  was  landing  at  the  steps  which  led  up  from 
the  river. 

"  At  which  Cromwell  ran  to  the  window,  looking  on 
the  King  as  he  came  up  the  garden  ;  he  turned  as  white 
as  the  wall  .  .  .  then  turning  to  the  board  said 
thus  :  '  My  masters,  he  is  come,  he  is  come,  and  now 
we  are  doing  that  great  work  that  the  whole  nation 
will  be  full  of.  Therefore  I  desire  you  to  let  us  resolve 
here  what  answer  we  shall  give  the  King  when  he  comes 
before  us,  for  the  first  question  he  will  ask  us  will  be  by 
what  authority  and  commission  we  do  try  him  ? '  For  a 
time  no  one  answered.  Then  after  a  little  space,  Henry 
Marten  rose  up  and  said,  *  In  the  name  of  the  Commons 
in  Parliament  assembled  and  all  the  good  people  of 
England.' " 

About  one  o'clock  the  court  adjourned  to  West- 
minster Hall.     At  the  upper  or  southern  end  of  the 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King 's  Execution  219 

Hall,  a  wooden  platform  had  been  constructed,  cov- 
ering all  the  space  usually  occupied  by  the  Courts  of 
Chancery  and  King's  Bench.  A  wooden  partition 
rising  about  three  feet  above  the  floor  of  this  plat- 
form divided  the  court  itself  from  the  body  of  the 
Hall.  On  the  lower  side  of  this  partition,  running 
across  the  Hall  from  side  to  side,  was  a  broad  gang- 
way fenced  in  by  a  wooden  railing,  and  a  similar 
gangway  ran  right  down  the  Hall  to  the  great  door. 
Along  the  sides  of  the  gangways,  with  their  backs  to 
the  railings,  stood  a  line  of  musketeers  and  pikemen, 
whose  officers  walked  up  and  down  the  vacant  space 
in  the  middle  of  the  passages.  The  mass  of  the  audi- 
ence stood  within  the  railed  spaces  between  the  sides 
of  the  Hall  and  the  gangways,  but  on  each  side  of 
the  court  itself,  and  directly  overlooking  it,  were 
two  small  galleries,  one  above  the  other,  reserved 
for  specially  favoured  spectators.  At  the  back  of 
the  court,  immediately  under  the  great  window,  sat 
the  King's  judges,  about  seventy  in  number,  ranged 
on  four  or  five  tiers  of  benches  which  were  covered 
with  scarlet  cloth.  They  wore  their  ordinary  dress 
as  officers  or  gentlemen.  In  the  back  row,  on  each 
side  of  the  scutcheon  bearing  the  arms  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of  England,  sat  Cromwell  and  Harry 
Marten.  In  the  centre  of  the  front  row  of  the 
judges,  at  a  raised  desk,  sat  Serjeant  John  Brad- 
shaw,  the  president  of  the  court,  and  on  each  side 
of  him  his  assistants,  Lisle  and  Say,  dressed  in  black 
lawyer's  gowns.  About  the  middle  of  the  floor  of 
the  court  was  a  table  where  the  two  clerks  were 
seated,  and  on  the  table  lay  the  mace  and  the  sword 


220  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

of  State.  In  the  front  of  the  court,  at  the  very  edge 
of  the  platform,  were  three  compartments,  somewhat 
like  pews,  the  backs  of  which  were  formed  by  the  low 
partition  separating  the  court  from  the  Hall.  In 
the  central  one  were  a  crimson-velvet  arm-chair,  and 
a  small  table  covered  with  Turkey  carpet,  on  which 
were  an  inkstand  and  paper.  Here  sat  the  King, 
and  in  the  partition  on  his  right  were  the  three  law- 
yers  who  were  counsel  for  the  Commonwealth.  The 
King  had  his  face  turned  towards  the  president  and 
his  back  to  the  crowd  in  the  body  of  the  Hall.  As 
the  floor  of  the  court  was  higher  than  the  floor  of 
the  Hall,  the  spectators  stood,  as  it  were,  in  the  pit 
of  a  theatre,  but  the  partition  somewhat  intercepted 
their  view  of  the  interior  of  the  court.  Yet  they 
could  see  the  King's  head  and  shoulders  above  it. 

Charles  kept  his  hat  on  his  head,  and  showed  no 
sign  of  respect  to  the  court. 

"The  prisoner,"  says  the  official  account,  "while  the 
charge  was  reading,  sat  down  in  his  chair,  looking  some- 
times on  the  High  Court,  and  sometimes  on  the  galleries, 
and  rose  again,  and  turned  about  to  behold  the  guards 
and  spectators,  and  after  sat  down,  looking  very  sternly, 
and  with  a  countenance  not  at  all  moved,  till  these 
words  '  Charles  Stuart  to  be  a  tyrant]  traitor,  etc.,  were 
read  ;  at  which  he  laughed,  as  he  sat,  in  the  face  of  the 
court." 

Throughout  the  trial,  as  the  King's  judges  had 
anticipated,  he  declined  to  admit  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  court.  On  each  of  the  three  days  when  he 
appeared  before  it,  on  the  2Oth,  the  22d,  and  the 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  221 

23rd  of  January,  he  maintained  his  refusal  to  plead. 
"  Princes,"  he  had  said  in  a  declaration  published 
in  1629,  "are  not  bound  to  give  an  account  of  their 
actions  but  to  God  alone,"  and  he  now  consistently 
repeated  that  "  a  king  cannot  be  tried  by  any  su- 
perior jurisdiction  on  earth."  What  excited  more 
sympathy,  however,  was  his  association  of  the  rights 
of  his  subjects  with  his  own,  and  his  claim  to  be 
defending  both  against  the  arbitrary  power  of  the 
army. 

"  It  is  not  my  case  alone,"  he  said  ;  "  it  is  the  freedom 
and  liberty  of  the  people  of  England  ;  and  do  you  pre- 
tend what  you  will,  I  stand  more  for  their  liberties. 
For  if  power  without  law  may  make  laws,  may  alter 
the  fundamental  laws  of  the  kingdom,  I  do  not  know 
what  subject  he  is  in  England  that  can  be  sure  of  his 
life,  or  anything  that  he  calls  his  own." 

On  Tuesday,  the  23rd,  after  Charles  had  for  a  third 
time  refused  to  plead,  the  court  adjourned  to  the 
Painted  Chamber,  and  the  more  determined  mem- 
bers resolved  to  treat  the  King  as  contumacious, 
and  proceed  to  pronounce  judgment  against  him. 
Others  opposed  this  course,  and  the  next  two  days 
were  spent  in  hearing  evidence  at  private  meetings 
of  the  court  in  the  Painted  Chamber  —  partly  in 
order  to  gain  time  whilst  the  recalcitrant  members 
of  the  court  were  being  converted.  One  after 
another,  a  number  of  witnesses  deposed  that  they 
had  seen  the  King  in  arms  against  the  Parliament. 
One  had  seen  the  royal  standard  set  up  at  Notting- 
ham. Another  had  seen  the  King  at  Newbury,  in 


222  Oliver  Cromwell  [I64b- 

complete  armour  with  his  sword  drawn,  and  had 
heard  him  exhort  a  regiment  of  horse  to  stand  by 
him  that  day,  for  that  his  crown  lay  upon  the  point 
of  the  sword.  A  third  swore  that  he  heard  Charles 
encourage  his  soldiers  to  strip  and  beat  their  pris- 
oners when  Leicester  was  stormed.  Documents 
were  also  brought  to  prove  the  King's  invitations  to 
foreign  forces  to  enter  England.  At  length,  on  the 
evening  of  Thursday,  the  25th,  a  vote  that  the  court 
would  proceed  to  sentence  Charles  Stuart  to  death 
was  procured,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  sixty- 
two  commissioners  agreed  to  the  terms  of  the  sent- 
ence which  their  committee  had  drawn  up.  It  was- 
resolved,  however,  that  the  King  should  be  brought 
before  the  court  to  hear  his  sentence,  instead  of 
being  condemned  in  his  absence,  and  this  was 
doubtless  done  in  order  to  give  him  a  chance  to 
plead,  in  case  he  should  repent  of  his  contumacy. 

On  the  afternoon  of  Saturday,  January  2/th, 
sixty-seven  commissioners  took  their  seats  in  West- 
minster Hall,  headed  by  Bradshaw,  who  had  now 
donned  a  scarlet  gown  in  which  to  deliver  sentence. 
Once  more  Charles  refused  to  plead,  requesting  that 
before  sentence  was  given  he  might  be  heard  before 
the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled  in  the  Painted 
Chamber.  He  had  something  to  say,  he  declared, 
which  was  "  most  material  for  the  welfare  of  the 
kingdom  and  the  liberty  of  the  subject.  ...  I 
am  sure  on  it,  it  is  very  well  worth  the  hearing." 
It  was  afterwards  rumoured  that  he  meant  to  pro- 
pose his  own  abdication,  and  the  admission  of  his 
son  to  the  throne  upon  such  terms  as  should  have 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King 's  Execution  223 

been  agreed  upon.  The  court  after  a  brief  deliber- 
ation refused  the  request,  and  Bradshaw,  after  set- 
ting forth  the  prisoner's  crimes  and  exhorting  him 
to  repentance,  ordered  the  clerk  to  read  the  sen 
tence.  The  King  strove  to  speak.  "  Your  time  is 
now  past,"  replied  Bradshaw,  and  bade  the  clerk 
read  on.  After  the  sentence  was  read,  all  the  com 
missioners  stood  up  to  testify  their  assent.  Once 
more  Charles  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  hearing. 
"  Sir,  you  are  not  to  be  heard  after  sentence,"  was 
the  answer.  He  still  struggled  to  be  heard.  "  Guard, 
withdraw  your  prisoner,"  ordered  the  president. 
"  I  am  not  suffered  to  speak,"  cried  the  King. 
"  Expect  what  justice  other  people  will  have." 

As  the  King  was  led  from  the  Court,  the  soldiers 
gave  a  great  shout,  crying  fiercely,  "  Execution, 
execution  !  "  Others,  it  was  said,  reviled  him  as  he 
passed  by  them,  and  blew  their  tobacco  smoke  in  his 
face.  But  outside,  in  the  street,  as  he  went  from 
Westminster  to  Whitehall,  "  shop-stalls  and  windows 
were  full  of  people,  many  of  whom  shed  tears,  and 
some  of  them  with  audible  voices  prayed  for  the 
King."  It  was  clear  that  the  feeling  of  the  people 
was  on  the  King's  side,  and  that  consideration,  if  no 
other,  might  well  have  induced  the  army  leaders 
even  at  the  last  to  draw  back.  But  even  had  they 
wished  it,  the  army  would  not  have  permitted  them 
to  do  so.  Moreover,  Cromwell  all  through  the  trial 
never  wavered  or  hesitated,  and  his  influence  kept 
the  Regicides  together.  When  the  King's  judges 
came  to  be  tried  for  their  own  lives,  some  strove  to 
represent  themselves  as  acting  under  coercion.  One 


224  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

said  that  Cromwell  and  Ireton  laid  hold  of  him  and 
compelled  him  to  take  his  place  in  the  court ;  others 
described  Cromwell  as  forcing  recalcitrant  judges  to 
sign  the  death-warrant,  and  bearing  down  the  little 
minority  who  wished  the  King  to  be  heard  after 
sentence  had  been  pronounced.  Colonel  Ingoldsby 
boldy  declared  that  Cromwell  seized  his  hand  and 
guided  his  pen,  though  the  truth  is  that  Ingoldsby's 
signature  shows  no  signs  of  constraint.  Many  such 
legends  circulate  in  contemporary  literature,  ficti- 
tious in  themselves,  yet  all  testifying  to  a  well- 
founded  popular  impression.  Cromwell  had  made 
up  his  mind  that  the  King  must  die,  and  when  his 
mind  was  made  up  he  was  inflexible.  Against  that 
will,  all  efforts  to  save  the  King  were  futile.  Fairfax 
was  applied  to  by  Prince  Charles,  but  while  stead- 
fastly refusing  to  take  any  part  in  the  trial,  he  re- 
mained in  all  other  respects  a  passive  tool  in  the 
hands  of  his  council  of  officers.  The  Dutch  ambas- 
sadors appealed  to  Parliament,  but  what  remained 
of  Parliament  was  helpless  or  obdurate. 

The  commissioners  of  the  Scottish  Parliament 
presented  public  protests  and  made  private  appeals 
to  the  leaders  of  the  army.  They  argued  with 
Cromwell,  telling  him  that  the  Covenant  obliged 
both  nations  to  preserve  the  King's  person,  and  that 
to  proceed  to  extremities  against  him  was  to  break 
the  league  between  England  and  Scotland.  Crom- 
well answered  them  by  a  discourse  on  the  nature  of 
the  regal  power,  asserting  that  a  breach  of  trust  in  a 
king  ought  to  be  punished  more  than  any  other 
crime.  As  to  the  Covenant,  its  end  was  the  defence 


J649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  225 

of  the  true  religion  ;  if  the  King  was  the  greatest 
obstacle  to  the  establishment  of  the  true  religion, 
they  were  not  bound  to  preserve  him.  "  It  pledged 
them,"  he  added,  "  to  bring  to  condign  punishment 
all  incendiaries  and  enemies  to  the  cause,  and  were 
small  offenders  to  be  punished  and  the  greatest  of 
all  to  go  free  ?  " 

Meanwhile,  during  Sunday  and  Monday,  Charles 
prepared  himself  for  death.  He  spent  much  time  in 
prayer  with  Bishop  Juxon,  burnt  his  papers,  dis- 
tributed the  small  remains  of  his  personal  property, 
and  took  leave  of  his  children.  As  he  feared  that 
the  army  would  make  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  king, 
he  charged  him  in  simple  language  not  to  take  his 
"  brother's  throne." 

u  Sweetheart,"  said  Charles,  taking  the  child  upon  his 
knee,  "  now  they  will  cut  off  thy  father's  head  [upon 
which  words  the  child  looked  very  steadfastly  upon 
him]  ;  mark,  child,  what  I  say  :  They  will  cut  off  my  head, 
and  perhaps  make  thee  a  king  ;  but  mark  what  I  say  : 
You  must  not  be  a  king  so  long  as  your  brothers  Charles 
and  James  do  live  ;  for  they  will  cut  off  your  brothers' 
heads  when  they  can  catch  them,  and  cut  off  thy  head, 
too,  at  the  last  ;  and  therefore  I  charge  you  do  not  be 
made  a  king  by  them." 

At  which  the  child,  sighing,  said,  "  I  will  be  torn 
in  pieces  first."  What  Charles  said  to  his  daughter, 
the  Lady  Elizabeth  herself  related  : 

"  He  wished  me  not  to  grieve  and  torment  myself  for 
him,  for  it  would  be  a  glorious  death  that  he  should  die, 

it  being  for  the  laws  and  liberties  of  this  land,  and  for 
15 


226  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

maintaining  the  true  Protestant  religion.  He  told  me  he 
had  forgiven  all  his  enemies,  and  hoped  God  would  for- 
give them  also,  and  commanded  us  and  all  the  rest  of  my 
brothers  and  sisters  to  forgive  them.  He  bid  me  tell 
my  mother  that  his  thoughts  had  never  strayed  from  her, 
and  that  his  love  should  be  the  same  to  the  last." 

Then,  striving  to  console  her,  he  bade  her  again 
"not  to  grieve  for  him,  for  that  he  should  die  a 
martyr,  and  that  he  doubted  not  but  the  Lord  would 
settle  his  throne  upon  his  son,  and  that  we  should 
all  be  happier  than  we  could  have  expected  to  have 
been  if  he  had  lived." 

Monday  night  the  King  slept  at  St.  James's.  Two 
hours  before  the  dawn  of  the  3Oth  of  January,  he 
rose  up,  and,  calling  to  his  servant  Herbert,  bade 
him  dress  him  with  care.  "  Let  me  have  a  shirt 
more  than  ordinary,"  said  he,  "  by  reason  the  season 
is  so  sharp  as  probably  may  make  me  shake,  which 
some  will  imagine  proceeds  from  fear.  I  would  have 
no  such  imputation ;  I  fear  not  death.  Death  is 
not  terrible  to  me.  I  bless  my  God  I  am  prepared." 

About  ten  o'clock,  Colonel  Hacker  came  to  fetch 
the  King  to  Whitehall.  Attended  by  Herbert  and 
Juxon,  he  walked  through  St.  James's  Park.  A 
guard  of  halberdiers  surrounded  him,  and  companies 
of  foot  were  drawn  up  on  each  side  of  his  way. 
"  The  drums  beat,  and  the  noise  was  so  great  as  one 
could  hardly  hear  what  another  spoke."  It  was  a 
cold,  frosty  morning,  and  the  King  walked,  as  his 
custom  was,  very  fast,  and  calling  to  his  guard  "  in  a 
pleasant  manner,"  told  them  to  march  apace.  When 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  227 

he  reached  Whitehall,  he  was  kept  waiting  in  his  bed- 
chamber for  two  or  three  hours,  perhaps  in  order  to 
give  Parliament  time  to  pass  an  act  forbidding  the 
proclamation  of  any  new  king.  During  part  of  this 
time,  he  prayed  with  Juxon,  and  at  the  bishop's  urg- 
ing ate  a  mouthful  of  bread  and  drank  a  glass  of 
claret.  About  half-past  one,  Hacker  came  again  to 
summon  the  King  to  the  scaffold.  In  the  galleries 
and  the  Banqueting  House,  through  which  Charles 
followed  him,  men  and  women  had  stationed  them- 
selves to  see  the  King  go  by.  As  he  passed  "  he 
heard  them  pray  for  him,  the  soldiers  not  rebuking 
any  of  them,  seeming  by  their  silence  and  dejected 
faces  afflicted  rather  than  insulting." 

From  the  middle  window  of  the  Banqueting 
House,  Charles  stepped  out  upon  the  scaffold.  He 
was  dressed  in  black  from  head  to  foot,  but  not  in 
mourning,  and  wore  the  George  and  the  ribbon  of 
the  Garter.  The  scaffold  was  covered  with  black 
cloth,  and  from  the  railings  round  it,  which  were  as 
high  as  a  man's  waist,  black  hangings  drooped.  In 
the  middle  of  the  scaffold  lay  the  block,  "a  little 
piece  of  wood,  flat  at  bottom,  about  a  foot  and  a  half 
long,"  and  about  six  inches  high.  By  it  lay  "  the 
bright  execution  axe  for  executing  malefactors," 
which  had  been  procured  from  the  Tower — probably 
the  very  axe  which  had  beheaded  Strafford.  Near 
the  block  stood  two  masked  men ;  both  were  dressed 
in  close-fitting  frocks, — like  sailors,  said  one  spec- 
tator ;  like  butchers,  said  another.  One  of  them 
wore  a  grizzled  periwig  and  seemed  by  his  grey 
beard  an  old  man.  Immediately  round  the  foot  of 


22g  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

the  scaffold  stood  ranks  of  soldiery  horse  and  foot, 
and  behind  them  a  thronging  mass  of  men  and 
women.  Other  watchers  filled  the  windows  and  the 
roofs  of  the  houses  round. 

Seeing  that  his  voice  could  not  reach  the  people, 
Charles  addressed  himself  to  the  persons  on  the 
scaffold,  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  in  number.  He 
must  clear  himself,  he  said,  as  a  man,  a  king,  and  a 
Christian.  To  encroach  on  the  liberties  of  the  peo- 
ple had  never  been  his  intent.  The  Parliament 
began  this  unhappy  war,  not  himself.  "  But  for  all 
this,"  he  continued,  thinking  of  Strafford,  "  God's 
judgments  are  just.  An  unjust  sentence  that  I  suf- 
fered to  take  effect  is  now  punished  by  an  unjust 
sentence  upon  me." 

Then  the  King  forgave  the  causers  of  his  death, 
and  stated  in  a  few  words  his  conception  of  the  cause 
for  which  he  died. 

"  For  the  people,  I  desire  their  liberty  and  freedom  as 
much  as  anybody  whomsoever  ;  but  I  must  tell  you  that 
their  liberty  and  freedom  consists  in  having  government, 
in  those  laws  by  which  their  life  and  goods  may  be  most 
their  own.  It  is  not  their  having  a  share  in  government ; 
that  is  nothing  pertaining  to  them.  .  .  .  If  I  would 
have  given  way  to  have  all  changed  according  to  the 
power  of  the  sword,  I  needed  not  to  have  come  here  ; 
and  therefore  I  tell  you  (and  I  pray  God  it  be  not  laid  to 
your  charge)  that  I  am  the  martyr  of  the  people." 

When  he  had  done,  the  King  put  his  long  hair 
under  his  cap,  helped  by  Juxon  and  the  grey-bearded 
man  in  the  mask,  and  spoke  a  few  words  with  Juxon. 


^But  lo  &  i  tiara        ...  - ,  t    . 

The  filsntJgmp  is  brought  ^tlie  'Wolves  are  met, 
And  ivlicre's*  tketftauqktep hcufe ^WntehaH mu(l  }>et 


dnil  noWfife  ^Senators,  is  f/»'i  the  thin- 
So. aft  dcdartl  If  tfawur  glcrums   'Kin^  I 
iKfiitfi&i  Vailf  /iff •fetfiand  fliovnut  tfuit  fkc 

Is  forcli  to  awn  jitcli.  3{ort-iJ,  .'Villanie  . 


CHARLES   I. 
(.From  an  old  engraving?) 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King's  Execution  229 

He  took  off  his  cloak  and  doublet,  gave  his  George ' 
to  the  bishop,  and  bade  the  executioner  set  the 
block  fast.  Then,  as  he  stood,  he  said  two  or  three 
words  to  himself,  with  hands  and  eyes  lifted  up,  and 
lying  down,  placed  his  neck  on  the  block.  For  a 
moment  he  lay  there  praying ;  his  eye  shining,  said 
one  of  those  who  watched,  as  brisk  and  lively  as 
ever  he  had  seen  it.  Suddenly,  he  stretched  forth 
his  hands,  and  with  one  blow  the  grey-bearded  man 
severed  his  head  from  his  body  It  was  now,  noted 
another  spectator,  precisely  four  minutes  past  two. 

The  other  masked  man  took  the  King's  head,  and 
without  a  word  held  it  up  to  the  people.  A  groan 
broke  from  the  thousands  round  the  scaffold, — 
"  such  a  groan,"  writes  Philip  Henry,  "  as  I  never 
heard  before,  and  desire  I  may  never  hear  again." 
Thereupon  he  saw  two  troops  of  horse,  one  march- 
ing towards  Westminster,  the  other  towards  Charing 
Cross,  roughly  dispersing  the  crowd,  and  was  glad 
to  escape  home  without  hurt. 

The  King's  body  was  placed  in  a  plain  wooden 
coffin,  covered  with  a  black-velvet  pall,  then,  after 
embalming,  enclosed  in  an  outer  coffin  of  lead,  and 
conveyed  to  St.  James's.  His  servants  wished  to 
bury  him  at  Westminster,  in  Henry  the  Seventh's 
Chapel,  amongst  his  ancestors,  but  this  was  denied, 
because  "  it  would  attract  infinite  numbers  of  people 
of  all  sorts  thither,  which  was  unsafe  and  incon- 
venient." Windsor  seemed  safer,  and  the  Parliament 
authorised  Herbert  to  bury  his  master  there,  allowing 

1  A  pendant  representing  St.  George  and  the  Dragon,  worn  by 
Knights  of  the  Garter. 


230  Oliver  Cromwell  [1648- 

five  hundred  pounds  for  the  expenses  of  the  funeral. 
Leave  was  given  to  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  the  Earl 
of  Southampton,  and  two  other  noblemen  to  attend  it. 
They  selected  a  vault  in  St.  George's  Chapel,  where 
Henry  VIII.  and  Jane  Seymour  were  interred,  and 
laid  the  King's  body  there  on  Friday,  the  Qth  of 
February.  No  service  was  read  over  him,  for  the 
governor  would  not  allow  Juxon  to  use  the  service 
in  the  Prayer-book,  saying  that  the  form  in  the 
Directory  was  the  only  one  authorised  by  Parlia- 
ment. To  the  mourners,  however,  it  seemed  that 
heaven  gave  a  token  of  their  dead  sovereign's 
innocence. 

"  This  is  memorable,"  writes  Herbert,  "  that  at  such 
time  as  the  King's  body  was  brought  out  of  St.  George's 
Hall  the  sky  was  serene  and  clear  ;  but  presently  it 
began  to  snow,  and  fell  so  fast,  as  by  that  time  they 
came  to  the  west  end  of  the  royal  chapel,  the  black  vel- 
vet pall  was  all  white,  the  colour  of  innocency,  being 
thick  covered  with  snow." 

England  mourned,  but  the  army  and  its  partisans 
rejoiced.  At  last  the  blood  shed  in  the  Civil  War 
was  expiated  by  the  death  of  its  author.  "  Blood 
defileth  the  land,"  quoted  Ludlow,  "  and  the  land 
cannot  be  cleansed  of  the  blood  that  is  shed  therein, 
but  by  the  blood  of  him  that  shed  it."  The  pub- 
licity and  formality  of  the  proceedings  against  the 
King,  which  seemed  to  most  men  an  insulting 
mockery  of  justice,  was  to  the  Regicides  themselves 
a  source  of  exultation.  "  We  did  not  assassinate, 
nor  do  it  in  a  corner,"  said  Scot.  "  We  did  it  in 


1649]    Cromwell  and  the  King 's  Execution    231 

the  face  of  God,  and  of  all  men."  A  tradition,  sup- 
ported by  some  contemporary  stories,  tells  that 
Cromwell  himself  came  by  night  to  see  the  body  of 
the  dead  King  in  the  chamber  at  Whitehall,  to  which 
it  had  been  borne  from  the  scaffold.  He  lifted  up 
the  coffin  lid,  gazed  for  some  time  upon  the  face, 
and  muttered  "  Cruel  necessity."  A  royalist  poet 
represents  him  as  haunted  on  his  death-bed  by  "  the 
pale  image  "  of  the  martyred  monarch.  Poetical 
justice  required  such  retribution,  but  history  knows 
nothing  of  Cromwell's  repentance.  He  had  been 
one  of  the  last  men  of  his  party  to  believe  the  King's 
death  a  necessity,  but  having  persuaded  himself  that 
it  was  a  just  and  necessary  act  he  saw  no  reason  for 
remorse.  It  seemed  to  him  that  England  had  freed 
itself  from  a  tyrant  "  in  a  way  which  Christians  in 
after  times  will  mention  with  honour,  and  all  tyrants 
in  the  world  look  at  with  fear." 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  REPUBLIC  AND   ITS   ENEMIES 
1649 

THE  execution  of  Charles  I.  was  followed  by  the 
abolition  of  monarchy.  On  February  6,  1649, 
the  House  of  Commons  voted  that  the  House 
of  Lords  was  useless  and  dangerous,  and  that  it 
ought  to  be  abolished.  On  February  8th,  it  resolved 
that  the  office  of  a  king  was  unnecessary,  burden- 
some, and  dangerous  to  the  liberty,  safety,  and  pub- 
lic interest  of  this  nation.  Acts  abolishing  both 
followed,  and  on  May  19th  a  third  Act  established 
the  English  Republic.  "  England,"  it  declared, 
"  shall  henceforth  be  governed  as  a  Commonwealth, 
or  a  Free  State,  by  the  supreme  authority  of  this  na- 
tion, the  representatives  of  the  people  in  Parliament, 
and  by  such  as  they  shall  appoint  and  constitute  as 
ministers  under  them  for  the  good  of  the  people." 
Henceforth  all  writs  were  to  run  in  the  name  of  the 
Keepers  of  the  Liberty  of  England,  and  the  Great 
Seal  was  to  bear  the  picture  of  the  Parliament  with 
the  legend,  "  In  the  first  vear  of  Freedom  by  God's 
blessing  restored." 


1649]       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  233 

Exactly  what  they  meant  by  "  a  Free  State  "  the 
founders  of  the  Republic  did  not  explain.  Hobbes 
and  Harrington  agreed  in  defining  the  new  govern- 
ment as  an  oligarchy.  A  pamphleteer  praised  it  as 
an  aristocracy.  But  the  principles  on  which  it  was 
ostensibly  based  were  the  principles  of  democracy. 
In  their  resolutions  of  January  4,  1649,  the  House 
of  Commons  had  declared  that  the  people  were,  un- 
der God,  the  original  of  all  just  power,  and  had  based 
their  claim  to  override  the  Lords  on  that  ground. 
In  their  declaration  of  the  reasons  for  establishing  a 
republic,  they  asserted  that  kings  were  officials,  insti- 
tuted by  agreement  amongst  the  people  they  gov- 
erned, whom  the  people  had  therefore  a  right  to 
dethrone  in  case  of  misgovernment.  Milton,  who 
became  one  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Council  of 
State,  echoed  the  same  principles.  In  his  Tenure  of 
Kings  and  Magistrates,  he  asserted  "  that  all  men 
were  naturally  born  free,  being  the  image  and  re- 
semblance of  God  Himself,"  and  anticipated  Rous- 
seau in  tracing  the  origin  of  government  to  a  social 
contract.  Yet,  in  spite  of  democratic  professions, 
the  Republic  was  simply  the  rule  of  the  Long  Par- 
liament under  a  new  name.  All  the  power  which 
the  King  and  the  three  estates  of  the  realm  had 
formerly  possessed,  the  little  remnant  of  the  House 
of  Commons  claimed  as  its  own.  All  the  checks 
which  the  existence  of  King  and  Lords,  or  the  share 
of  the  Church  in  legislation,  had  once  imposed,  were 
now  swept  away.  The  one  new  institution  estab- 
lished was  simply  a  further  development  of  that  sys- 
tem of  government  by  committees  which  the  Civil 


Oliver  Cromwell 

War  had  made  necessary.  The  Council^  State  was 
neither  a  senate  nor  a  cabinet ;  it  possessed  no  power 
either  to  balance  or  to  control  the  Parliament,  but 
was  only  an  annually  elected  committee,  to  which 
the  Parliament  had  entrusted  executive  and  admin- 
istrative  duties.  Of  the  forty-one  persons  compos- 
ing it,  all  but  ten  were  members  of  the  Parliament 

itself.' 

Thus  the  Long  Parliament  possessed  an  authority 
which  no  political  assembly  in  England  has  ever  pos- 
sessed before  or  since.  Its  power  of  legislation  was  un- 
limited. It  exercised  the  executive  power  indirectly 
through  the  Council,  and  directly  through  its  own 
resolutions.  By  interference  with  private  suits,  and 
by  the  appointment  of  committees  with  quasi-judi- 
cial functions,  it  also  exercised  the  judicial  power. 
Its  sovereignty  was  undivided  and  uncontrolled. 

"This  was  the  case  of  the  people  of  England  at  that 
time,"  said  Cromwell,  eight  years  later,  "the  Parlia- 
ment assuming  to  itself  the  authority  of  the  three  estates 
that  were  before.  It  had  so  assumed  that  authority  that 
if  any  man  had  come  and  said,  '  What  rules  do  you  judge 
by  ? '  it  would  have  answered,  *  Why,  we  have  none. 
We  are  supreme  in  legislature  and  judicature.'  " 

What  made  this  authority  still  more  burdensome 
was  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  its  ever  ending. 
Instead  of  sitting  for  about  seven  months  in  the 
year,  as  Parliaments  do  now,  it  sat  all  the  year 
round,  never  taking  more  than  three  or  four  days' 
holiday.  Moreover,  by  the  Act  of  May  n,  1641, 
it  could  not  be  adjourned,  prorogued,  or  dissolved, 


16491      The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  235 

save  by  its  own  consent,  and  though  the  King,  who 
had  passed  the  act,  was  dead,  it  was  held  to  be 
still  in  force.  So,  in  Cromwell's  phrase,  the  country 
was  governed  by  "  a  perpetual  Parliament  always 
sitting." 

Although  the  claims  of  the  Long  Parliament  had 
reached  their  highest,  the  theory  on  which  they 
rested  had  ceased  to  be  in  accordance  with  facts. 
"  The  Commons  of  England  in  Parliament  assem- 
bled," said  the  resolution  of  the  House  on  January  4, 
1649,  "being  chosen  by  and  representing  the  people,  have 
the  supreme  power  in  this  nation."  But  the  House 
was  never  less  representative  than  at  the  moment 
when  it  passed  this  vote.  By  the  expulsion  of  roy- 
alist members  during  the  war,  and  of  Presbyterians 
in  1648,  it  had  been,  as  Cromwejl  said,  "  winnowed, 
and  sifted,  and  brought  to  a  handfull."  When  the 
Long  Parliament  met  in  November,  1640,  it  consisted 
of  about  490  members ;  in  January,  1649,  those 
sitting,  or  at  liberty  to  sit,  in  the  House  were  not 
more  than  ninety.  Whole  districts  were  unrepre- 
sented. In  the  list  of  sitting  members  given  in  a 
contemporary  pamphlet,  there  were  none  from  the 
counties  of  Herefordshire,  Hertfordshire,  Cumber- 
land, and  Lancashire,  or  from  any  borough  within 
their  limits.  Wales  was  represented  by  three  persons, 
and  London  by  but  a  single  citizen.  In  later  years, 
a  few  readmissions  and  a  few  new  elections  swelled 
the  total  of  sitting  members  to  about  125,  but  at  no  \ 
date  between  1649  and  1653  was  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment entitled  to  say  that  it  represented  the  people. 
Its  power  rested  not  on  popular  consent,  but  on  the 


Oliver  Cromwell 

. 

support  of  the  army,  and  on  the  superstitious  rev-  ,- 
erence  which  Englishmen  paid  even  to  the  shadow  j 
of  a  Parliament. 

Politically   the   all-important    question   was    how 
long   the  army  would    continue   to    maintain    this 
remnant  of   the  Long   Parliament  in    power.     The 
agreement  between  the  two  covered  a  fundamental 
difference   in  their  political  views.      The   army  re- 
garded the  maintenance  of  the  existing  assembly  as 
a   temporary   expedient.      The    Parliament   looked 
upon  itself  as  a  legitimate  sovereign  with  an  inde- 
feasible right  to  rule.      By  a  Free  State,  the  army 
meant   a  democracy,  and  could    not  understand    a 
republic  without  republican  institutions.     Above  all 
it  demanded  that  the  new  State  should  be  based  on 
a  written   constitution    defining   the  rights  of   the 
governed  and  the  powers  of   the  government.     In 
the  Agreement  of  the  People,  drawn  up  in  January, 
1649,  it   sketched  the   outlines   of   the   republic   it 
desired.     The  Long  Parliament  was  to  come  to  an 
end  in  April,  1649.     All  ratepayers  assessed  to  the 
relief  of   the   poor,  and    every  man    not    a   menial 
servant  or  a  pauper,  were  to  have  votes.      Electoral 
districts  were  to  be  made  more  equal.      Parliaments 
were  to  be  elected  every  two  years,  and  not  to  sit  for 
more  than  six  months  in  the  year,  and  a  Council  of 
State  was  to  hold  power  when  they  were  not  sitting. 
If  the  State  chose,  it  might  provide  for  the  main- 
tenance of  a  national  Church,  but  with  the  exception 
of  Popery  and  prelacy,  all  forms  of  Christianity  were 
to   be   tolerated.     Finally,  as   a   safeguard    against 
arbitrary  power,   certain  fundamental   rights  were 


1649]       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  237 

enumerated  with  which  no  government  might  inter- 
fere: freedom  from  impressment,  equality  before  the 
law,  and  freedom  of  worship. 

The  constitutional  scheme  of  the  army  was 
presented  to  the  Parliament  on  January  20,  1649. 
They  did  not  ask  that  it  should  be  imposed  on  the 
nation  by  law,  but  that  it  should  be  tendered  to 
the  nation  for  acceptance.  It  was  to  be  circulated, 
somewhat  as  a  petition,  amongst  the  people  for 
signatures,  and  if  most  of  the  supporters  of  the 
cause  approved  of  it,  steps  were  to  be  taken  to  give 
it  effect.  The  Parliament  received  the  Agreement 
with  thanks,  and  laid  it  aside. 

April,  1649,  passed  and  they  showed  no  sign  of 
dissolving.  Their  feeling  on  the  subject  of  a  new- 
Parliament  was  well  expressed  by  Harry  Marten  in 
1650.  Marten  compared  the  Commonwealth  to  the 
infant  Moses.  When  Moses,  he  said,  was  found 
amongst  the  bulrushes  and  brought  to  Pharaoh's 
daughter,  she  took  care  to  find  out  the  child's 
mother,  and  to  commit  him  to  her  to  nurse.  The 
Commonwealth  was  an  infant,  of  weak  growth  and 
very  tender  constitution  ;  nobody  was  so  fit  to  nurse 
it  as  the  mother  who  brought  it  forth,  and  till  it  had 
obtained  more  years  and  vigour  they  should  not 
trust  it  to  other  hands. 

In  1649,  there  was  much  to  be  urged  in  favour  of 
this  view.  At  home  and  abroad  the  young  Repub- 
lic was  surrounded  by  enemies.  In  England  it  was 
threatened  by  Royalists,  Presbyterians,  and  Level- 
i  lers ;  in  Europe  it  had  no  friends.  The  execution 
of  Charles  I.  had  excited  universal  horror  amongst 


Oliver  Cromwell 

foreigners.     There  was  indeed  no  prospect  of  the 
general  league  of  European  potentates  to  punish 
regicide,  for  which  Royalists  hoped,  but  both  gov- 
ernments and  peoples  were  hostile.     In  Russia,  the 
Czar  imprisoned  English  merchants  and  confiscated 
their  goods.     In  Germany,  Sweden,  and  Denmark, 
ministers  preached  sermons  denouncing  the  English 
sectaries,  and  proving  that  there  was  no  necessary 
connection  between  Protestantism  and  king-killing. 
In  the  United  Provinces,  where  republicans  might 
have  expected  sympathy,  public  opinion  was  equally 
incensed   against   them.     The    States  -  General   ad- 
dressed Charles  II.  as  King,  condoled  with  him  on 
the  death  of  his  father,  and  allowed  Rupert  to  equip 
his  fleet  in  Dutch  ports.     They  refused  to  give  audi- 
ence to  Strickland,  the  English  agent  in  Holland, 
and  declined  to  recognise  the  new  State.     In  May, 
1649,  a  special  ambassador  from  England,  Dr.  Doris- 
laus,  was  murdered   by  Scottish  Royalists  at  The 
Hague,  and  though  the  Dutch  Government  prom- 
ised redress,  popular  feeling  secured  the  escape  of 
the  murderers.     Much  of  this  hostility  was  due  to  the 
influence   of  the   Stadtholder,   William  II.,  whose 
marriage   with  Mary,  daughter  of   Charles   I.,  had 
made  the  House  of  Orange  the  one  firm  friend  of  the 
House  of  Stuart.     William  II.  helped  his  brother- 
in-law  with  money  and  advice,  and  would  have  done 
more  if  he  had  been  able.     But  Holland,  the  richest 
and  most  powerful  of  the  seven  provinces,  was  op- 
posed to  the  warlike  schemes  of  the  Stadtholder 
and  wished  to  remain  at  peace  with  England. 

In  France,  the  King's  death  made  every  English- 


1649]       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  239 

man  unpopular.  The  war  with  Spain  and  the  dis~ 
tractions  of  France  itself  prevented  Mazarin  from 
assisting  Charles  II.,  but  he  would  not  recognise 
the  Republic.  The  relations  of  England  and  France 
grew  rapidly  worse.  The  French  Government  for- 
bade the  importation  of  English  draperies ;  the  Eng- 
lish replied  by  prohibiting  French  wines,  woollen 
goods,  and  silks.  French  privateers  and  even  gov- 
ernment ships  attacked  English  commerce,  and  dur- 
ing 1649  and  1650  took  English  shipping  to  the 
amount  of  five  thousand  tons,  and  goods  worth  half 
a  million.  Naturally  English  merchants  made  re- 
prisals on  French  trade.  Diplomatic  intercourse 
came  to  a  stop  ;  one  French  agent  was  ordered  to 
leave  England,  a  second  was  turned  back  at  the 
coast,  and  a  third  was  dismissed  almost  as  soon  as 
he  arrived  in  the  country. 

The  hostility  of  France  made  Spain  comparatively 
friendly.  It  did  not  recognise  the  Republic,  but  its 
ambassador  kept  up  unofficial  intercourse  with  the 
Council  of  State,  and  its  Government  maintained  a 
real  neutrality  between  English  parties.  It  waited 
till  the  permanence  of  the  new  government  should 
be  assured,  and  in  the  meantime  declined  to  help  a 
claimant  whose  chances  of  restoration  seemed  pre- 
carious. Cottington  and  Hyde,  the  ambassadors 
whom  Charles  II.  sent  to  Spain,  were  received  with 
coldness,  and  their  petitions  for  assistance  rejected. 
On  the  other  hand,  Ascham,  the  agent  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, was  murdered  by  English  Cavaliers  as 
soon  as  he  reached  Madrid  (May  27,  1650),  and  only 
one  of  his  murderers  was  punished.  "  I  envy  those 


Oliver  Cromwell 

gentlemen,"  said  the  Spanish  prime  minister,  "  for 
having  done  so  noble  an  action."  Political  neces- 
sity might  force  Spain  to  preserve  friendly  relations 
with  the  Commonwealth,  but  the  feeling  of  subjects 
and  rulers  alike  was  as  hostile  as  that  of  the  French. 

In  England  itself,  the  reaction  which  began  when 
the  King  became  a  captive  was  increased  by  the 
manner  of  his  death.  Ten  days  after  the  execution, 
there  appeared  in  print  the  Eikon  Basilike — the 
portraiture  of  King  Charles  in  his  solitude  and  suf- 
ferings. The  book  was  really  written  by  Dr.  Gau- 
den,  but  no  Cavalier  doubted  that  it  contained  the 
King's  thoughts  and  feelings  set  down  by  his  own 
hand.  It  inspired  Royalists  with  more  fervid  loyalty ; 
converted  the  wavering,  and  touched  even  the  in- 
different. The  mob  began  to  believe  that  Charles 
had  been  the  best  of  monarchs,  and  the  meekest  of 
martyrs.  He  was  no  longer  the  perfidious  tyrant 
of  politicians,  but  the  man  with  the  mild  voice  and 
mournful  eyes  whom  dramatists  were  to  glorify. 
Milton  complained  that  the  people,  "  with  a  be- 
sotted and  degenerate  baseness  of  spirit,  except 
some  few  who  yet  retain  in  them  the  old  English 
fortitude  and  love  of  freedom,  are  ready  to  fall 
down  flat  and  give  adoration  to  the  image  and 
memory  of  this  man,  who  hath  offered  at  more 
cunning  fetches  to  undermine  our  liberties  and  put 
tyranny  into  an  art,  than  any  British  king  before 
him."  In  his  Eikonoklastes,  he  undertook  to  shatter 
the  idol  of  "  the  inconstant,  irrational,  and  image- 
doting  rabble,"  but  failed  altogether. 

For  the  moment,  the  royalist  party  was  too  weak 


16491       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  241 

to  be  a  serious  danger.  In  Holland  and  in  France, 
a  crowd  of  ruined  noblemen  and  battered  soldiers 
waited  impatiently  for  the  chance  of  striking  another 
blow  against  their  conquerors.  Already  Montrose 
was  enlisting  men  in  Northern  Europe  for  a  fresh 
descent  on  Scotland.  In  his  lines  to  the  dead  King, 
he  had  promised  to  avenge  his  death. 

"  I  '11  sing  thine  obsequies  in  trumpet  sounds, 
And  write  thine  epitaph  in  blood  and  wounds." 

Other  exiles,  with  an  eye  to  profit  as  well  as  ven- 
geance, took  to  privateering.  From  the  Irish  ports, 
from  the  Isles  of  Man,  Jersey,  and  Scilly,  issued 
swarms  of  privateers,  who  infested  the  Channel  and 
plundered  English  merchantmen.  Nor  were  more 
distant  seas  secure.  A  few  months  later  Prince 
Rupert,  with  what  was  left  of  the  royal  fleet,  took  a 
number  of  prizes  in  the  Atlantic,  made  a  sudden 
raid  into  the  Mediterranean,  intercepted  homeward- 
bound  ships  off  the  Azores,  and  even  spread  havoc 
in  West  Indian  waters.  "  We  plough  the  seas  for  a 
subsistence,"  wrote  one  of  his  officers,  "  poverty  and 
despair  being  our  companions,  and  revenge  our 
guide." 

At  home,  however,  the  Royalists  were  crushed  and 
subdued.  Some  of  their  leaders  were  prisoners ; 
others  had  suffered  under  the  Republic's  High  Court 
of  Justice.  As  a  rule,  the  penalties  inflicted  on  the 
defeated  party  were  limited  to  pecuniary  fines. 
Early  in  the  war,  the  Parliament  had  resolved  to  se- 
questrate all  the  property  of  those  in  arms  against  it. 
Subsequently  it  adopted  the  plan  of  compounding 


Oliver  Cromwell  C1649 

with  delinquents;   that   is,  allowing,  a  Royalist  to 
redeem  his  estate  on  paying  a  certain  proportion  ot 
its  value.       These  compositions  varied   in   amount 
from  one-half  to  one-tenth  of    the  capital  value  of 
the  property,  and  were  determined  according  to  the 
position  and  the  criminality  of  the  owner.     Under 
this  system,  large  sums  were  raised  to  pay  the  ex- 
penses  of  the  war,  but  it  was  less  effective  as  a  means 
of  raising  revenue  than  as  a  method  of  punishing 
Royalists.     A  country  gentleman  who  had  melted 
his  plate  and  felled    his  oaks  to  succour  the  King 
found  himself  forced  to  raise  money  when  money 
was  scarce  and  land  had  immensely  fallen  in  value. 
The  fixing  of  his  fine  was  a  long  and  cumbrous  pro- 
cess, and  till  it  was  fixed  his  estate  was  under  se- 
questration.    If  he  failed  to  pay  his  instalments  at 
the  right  time,  or  was  found  to  have  understated  his 
property,  there  came  a  re-assessment  of  the  fine,  or  a 
fresh  sequestration  of  the  estate.     He  might  long  as 
fervently  as   ever  to  see  the  day  when   the   King 
would  enjoy  his  own  again,  but,  disarmed  and  im- 
poverished as  he  was,  he  could  do  little  to  bring  it 
nearer.     Yet    many  Cavaliers    were  willing  to   risk 
their  lives  again  in  the  attempt.     This  section  of  the 
party  maintained  an  active  correspondence  with  the 
exiled  Court,  and  by  1650  a  central  royalist  council 
was  established  with  agents  in  every  county.     But 
the  most  sanguine  plotters  admitted  that  without 
some  assistance  from   abroad  the  party  in   general 
was  "  too  extremely  awed  "  to  take  up  arms. 

In  England  their  possible  allies  against  the  gov- 
ernment were  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Levellers. 


1649]       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  243 

The  Presbyterians  were  numerous,  rich,  and  power- 
ful. Their  strength  lay  in  London,  in  the  large 
towns,  and  in  Lancashire,  but  most  of  the  middle 
classes  and  the  bulk  of  the  beneficed  clergy  be- 
longed to  their  party.  The  Presbyterian  clergy  had 
protested  loudly  against  the  King's  trial ;  many  of 
them  preached  against  the  Republic,  and  some  were 
bold  enough  to  pray  for  Charles  II.  They  con- 
demned the  Commonwealth  as  "  an  heretical  demo- 
cracy," and  refused  the  engagement  to  be  faithful 
to  it  which  Parliament  imposed.  But  beyond  this 
passive  resistance  few  of  them  went.  Cordial  co- 
operation between  Presbyterians  and  Royalists  was 
impossible,  for  the  desires  of  the  parties  differed 
widely.  What  the  Presbyterians  wanted  was  a  con- 
stitutional monarchy  on  the  basis  of  the  terms  of- 
fered the  King  in  the  Newport  treaty  ;  what  the 
Royalists  wanted  was  the  restoration  of  monarchy 
as  it  had  existed  before  the  war  began.  One  party 
demanded  the  establishment  of  some  form  of  Pres- 
byterianism,  the  other  the  maintenance  of  Episco- 
pacy. In  1648,  the  distrust  and  apathy  of  the 
Presbyterians  had  prevented  the  success  of  the  Roy- 
alists, and  the  same  cause  prevented  their  union 
now.  The  Royalists  distrusted  the  Presbyterians 
quite  as  much.  To  men  like  Hyde,  they  seemed 
traitors  and  rebels,  whose  penitence  was  hollow, 
and  whose  principles  were  as  fatal  to  monarchy  and 
religion  as  those  of  the  Independents.  By  depriv- 
ing Charles  of  his  kingly  power  they  had  made  it 
possible  for  the  Independents  to  deprive  him  of 
his  life.  A  Royalist  summed  up  the  share  of  the 


244 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649 


two  parties  by  saying  that  the  Independents  cut  off 
the  King's  head,  but  the  Presbyterians  brought 
him  to  the  block.  Adversity  might  draw  Presby- 
terians and  Royalists  together ;  but  not  till  hatred  of 
military  rule  and  dread  of  anarchy  had  effaced  the 
memories  of  the  war  was  their  joint  action  possible. 

As  little  prospect  was  there  of  the  union  of  the 
Levellers  with  the  Royalists.  Under  the  name  of 
Levellers  two  distinct  parties  were  included,  neither 
of  which,  however  hostile  to  the  existing  gov- 
ernment, was  favourable  to  monarchy.  A  small 
section,  calling  themselves  the  true  Levellers,  de- 
manded sweeping  social  changes.  Without  these, 
said  they,  the  Republic  is  a  mockery.  "  Unless  we 
that  are  poor  have  some  part  of  the  land  to  live 
upon  freely  as  well  as  the  gentry,  it  cannot  be  a  free 
Commonwealth."  At  present,  they  asked  for  the 
right  to  establish  themselves  on  the  commons  and 
waste  lands,  but  they  dreamed  of  a  socialistic  repub- 
lic in  which  there  would  be  no  private  property  in 
land,  no  buying  or  selling,  and  neither  rich  nor  poor. 

The  majority  of  the  Levellers  demanded  political 
changes  only,  and  protested  they  had  no  desire  "  to 
level  men's  estates,  destroy  property,  or  make  all 
things  common."  What  they  wanted  was  to  limit 
the  powers  of  the  Government  and  extend  the  rights 
of  the  individual.  The  three  chief  points  in  their 
programme  were  manhood  suffrage,  annual  Parlia- 
ments, and  complete  religious  liberty.  Their  com- 
plaint was  that  the  revolution  of  1648  had  stopped 
too  soon,  and  that  the  Republic  was  not  an  absolute 
democracy. 


1649J       The  Republic  and  its  Enemies  245 

The  socialists  were  harmless  dreamers  whose  doc- 
trines fell  on  stony  ground,  but  the  teaching  of 
the  democrats  bore  abundant  fruit.  Lilburn,  their 
spokesman,  was  an  effective  pamphleteer,  a  vigor- 
ous orator,  and  a  party  leader  of  singular  pertinacity 
and  courage.  In  his  struggle  with  the  Government 
he  gave  voice  not  only  to  the  aspirations  of  his  own 
party,  but  to  the  feelings  of  all  the  opponents  of  the 
Republic.  The  Government  seized  his  pamphlets, 
threw  him  in  prison,  and  put  him  on  trial  for 
treason.  It  only  increased  his  popularity.  When 
"  honest  John  "  denied  the  right  of  the  sword  to 
dictate  laws,  and  demanded  the  liberty  which  was 
the  birthright  of  every  Englishman,  no  London  jury 
would  agree  to  convict  him.  He  was  imprisoned 
time  after  time,  but  it  was  impossible  to  suppress 
him  till  Parliament  passed  an  act  for  his  banishment 
(December,  1651). 

With  so  many  enemies  around  them,  the  founders 
of  the  Republic  had  to  deal  with  a  task  of  extra- 
ordinary difficulty.  But  all  the  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment was  in  their  hands,  and  although  their 
supporters  were  a  minority,  energy  and  enthusiasm 
compensated  for  lack  of  numbers.  The  Council  of 
State  consisted  of  country  gentlemen  of  military  or 
political  experience,  with  a  few  lawyers,  a  few  mer- 
chants, besides  three  or  four  professional  soldiers. 
It  contained  a  number  of  able  men,  and  several 
statesmen,  than  whom,  as  Milton  says  of  Vane, 
better  Senators  ne'er  held  the  helm  of  Rome  when 
the  Roman  Senate  beat  back  Pyrrhus  and  Hanni- 
bal. The  system  of  governing  through  committees 


246 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649 


and  boards  made  it  possible  to  add  to  each  of  the 
bodies  entrusted  with  the  management  of  a  depart- 
ment a  certain  number  of  outsiders  of  special  know- 
ledge or  skill.  The  administrative  business  of  the 
Republic  was  consequently  far  better  conducted 
than  that  of  the  Long  Parliament  or  the  monarchy. 
Royalist  pamphleteers  represented  the  men  in  power 
as  universally  corrupt  and  self-seeking ;  but  with 
some  few  exceptions  they  were  men  of  high  charac- 
ter and  great  disinterestedness.  To  a  foreign  ob- 
server, hostile  rather  than  friendly,  they  seemed 
worthy  to  exercise  power,  however  defective  their 
title  to  it  might  be. 

"  Not  only  are  they  powerful  by  sea  and  land,"  wrote 
one  of  Mazarin's  agents,  "  but  they  live  without  ostenta- 
tion, without  pomp,  and  without  mutual  rivalry.  They 
are  economical  in  their  private  affairs  and  prodigal  in 
their  devotion  to  public  affairs,  for  which  each  man  toils 
as  if  for  his  private  interest.  They  handle  large  sums  of 
money,  which  they  administer  honestly,  observing  a  strict 
discipline.  They  reward  well  and  punish  severely." 

The  pecuniary  resources  of  the  Republic  were  far 
greater  than  any  of  the  Stuarts  had  ever  possessed. 
The  revenue  of  Charles  I.,  in  1633,  was  estimated  at 
£618,000.  The  revenue  of  the  Republic,  in  1649, 
from  monthly  assessments,  customs,  excise,  fines 
from  delinquents,  and  sales  of  confiscated  lands 
amounted  to  about  two  millions.  But  the  demands 
upon  the  revenue  were  greater  still.  The  safety  of 
the  seas  and  the  possibility  of  a  foreign  war  made  the 
reorganisation  of  the  navy  an  immediate  necessity. 


SIR    HENRY   VANE    (THE   YQjNQER). 
{From  a  fainting  by  William  Dobson,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.) 


16491          The  Republic  and  its  Enemies         247 

Accordingly,  Warwick's  commission  as  Lord  High 
Admiral  was  revoked,  and  the  command  of  the 
fleet  given  to  three  Generals  at  Sea,  Blake,  Deane, 
and  Popham.  In  place  of  Warwick,  the  Admiralty 
Committee  of  the  Council  of  State  exercised  a  gen- 
eral supervision  over  naval  affairs,  but  the  building 
of  ships,  the  care  of  their  crews,  and  all  the  practical 
management  of  the  navy  were  given  to  a  Board  of 
Navy  Commissioners  taught  by  service  at  sea  what  a 
fighting  fleet  required.  During  the  next  three  years, 
forty-one  new  men-of-war  were  added  to  the  navy, 
which  was  further  increased  by  hired  merchantmen. 
The  sailors  were  better  fed,  better  paid,  and  better 
cared  for  than  they  had  been  under  Charles  I.,  and, 
moreover,  their  zeal  was  stimulated  by  giving  them 
a  third  of  all  the  prizes  they  took.  Invasion  rapidly 
became  an  impossibility,  and  the  dominion  of  the 
seas  a  reality  instead  of  an  empty  claim. 

The  army  of  the  Commonwealth,  if  small  for  the 
tasks  before  it,  was  amply  sufficient  to  suppress  rebel- 
lion or  prevent  invasion.  The  twenty-one  thousand 
men  of  the  "  New  Model "  had  swollen  to  a  host 
of  double  that  size.  The  standing  army,  in  1649, 
amounted  to  forty-four  thousand  men,  of  whom  twelve 
thousand  were  destined  for  the  reconquest  of  Ireland. 
In  character  and  composition  it  differed  little  from 
the  "New  Model."  The  uniform  had  become  uni- 
versal, and  henceforth  redcoat  and  soldier  were 
synonymous.  As  the  pay  of  the  troops  was  high, 
and  discharged  with  comparative  regularity,  it  was 
no  longer  necessary  to  raise  recruits  by  pressing. 
For  the  officers  the  army  had  become  a  career,  and 


248 


Oliver  Cromwell  11649 


few  retired,  unless  disabled  or  cashiered.  Officers 
of  all  grades  were  inspired  by  a  certain  corporate 
feeling,  and  accustomed  to  act  together  in  politics. 
But  between  officers  and  privates  a  serious  diverg- 
ence of  opinion  was  beginning  to  reveal  itself.  The 
agitation  of  the  Levellers  had  found  a  ready  re- 
sponse in  the  lower  ranks  of  the  army.  Many  of 
the  soldiers  demanded,  like  Lilburn,  the  immediate 
realisation  of  the  democratic  Republic.  Others 
wanted  the  re-establishment  of  the  Council  of  Agita- 
tors and  the  abolition  of  martial  law.  As  in  1647, 
reluctance  to  serve  in  Ireland  and  the  question  of 
arrears  of  pay  swelled  the  discontent. 

Lilburn  seized  the  opportunity  to  attack  the  coun- 
cil of  officers,  and  Cromwell  as  its  guiding  spirit.  He 
and  his  disciples  denounced  the  Lieutenant-General 
as  a  tyrant,  an  apostate,  and  a  hypocrite.  "  You 
shall  scarce  speak  to  Cromwell  about  anything," 
says  one  of  their  pamphlets,  "but  he  will  lay  his 
hand  on  his  breast,  elevate  his  eyes,  and  call  God  to 
record.  He  will  weep,  howl,  and  repent,  even  while 
he  doth  smite  you  under  the  fifth  rib." 

Personal  abuse  had  no  effect  on  Cromwell,  but  he 
felt  the  danger  with  which  this  agitation  threatened 
the  Republic.  Tenaciously  attached  to  the  existing 
social  order,  he  regarded  the  teaching  of  the  Level- 
lers as  calculated  to  overthrow  authority  and  destroy 
property.  In  one  of  his  later  speeches  he  sums  up 
his  views  on  the  levelling  movement.  The  distinc- 
tion between  class  and  class  was  the  corner-stone  of 
society.  "  A  nobleman,  a  gentleman,  a  yeoman,  that 
is  a  good  interest  of  the  land  and  a  great  one."  But 


1649]          The  Republic  and  its  Enemies         249 

the  "  levelling  principle  "  tended  to  reduce  all  the 
orders  and  ranks  of  men  to  an  equality.  Consciously 
or  unconsciously  it  aimed  at  that,  "  for  what  was  the 
purport  of  it  but  to  make  the  tenant  as  liberal  a  fort- 
une as  the  landlord?"  The  preaching  of  such  a 
doctrine  was  a  danger  to  the  State  "  because  it  was 
a  pleasing  voice  to  all  poor  men,  and  truly  not  un- 
welcome to  all  bad  men." 

When  it  came  to  propagating  levelling  views  in 
the  army,  and  inciting  soldiers  to  disobey  their  offic- 
ers, Cromwell's  way  with  the  ringleaders  was  short 
and  sharp.  In  March,  1649,  Lilburn  and  three  other 
incendiaries  were  brought  before  the  Council  of 
State. 

"  I  tell  you,"  said  Cromwell,  thumping  the  council 
table,  "  you  have  no  other  way  to  deal  with  these  men 
but  to  break  them,  or  they  will  break  you  ;  yea,  and 
bring  all  the  guilt  of  the  blood  and  treasure  shed  and 
spent  in  this  kingdom  upon  your  heads,  and  frustrate 
and  make  void  all  that  work  that,  with  so  many  years' 
industry,  toil^and  pains  you  have  done  ;  and  therefore 
I  tell  you  again,  you  are  necessitated  to  break  them." 

Lilburn  and  his  friends  went  to  the  Tower,  but 
the  effervescence  amongst  the  soldiers  still  contin- 
ued. At  Salisbury,  in  May,  1649,  three  of  the  regi- 
ments selected  to  go  to  Ireland  broke  into  open 
mutiny,  and  declined  to  march  till  the  liberties  of 
England  were  secured.  Their  watchword  was 
"  England's  freedom,  soldiers'  rights,"  and  they  ex- 
pected other  regiments  to  join  them.  But  Crom- 
well and  Fairfax  left  them  no  time  to  gather 


2cO  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649 

strength.  Hurrying  from  London  to.  Oxfordshire 
by  forced  marches,  the  two  generals  fell  on  the  mu- 
tineers at  Burford,  took  four  hundred  prisoners,  and 
scattered  the  rest.  Little  blood  was  shed.  Three 
non-commissioned  officers  were  shot ;  the  rest  of  the 
mutineers  were  told  that  they  deserved  to  be  deci- 
mated ;  nevertheless,  they  were  re-embodied  in  the 
the  ranks,  and  shipped  off  to  Ireland. 

Cromwell  did  not  limit  himself  to  the  soldier's 
task  of  striking  down  the  enemies  of  the  cause  ;  he 
laboured  with  equal  zeal  to  conciliate  doubtful  sup- 
porters and  regain  lost  friends.  Many  Independents 
were  willing  to  accept  the  Republic,  now  it  was  estab- 
lished, if  they  could  do  so  without  approving  the 
method  by  which  it  had  been  brought  into  being. 
Cromwell  was  probably  the  author  of  the  compro- 
mise by  which  these  men  were  induced  to  take  their 
seats  in  the  Council  of  State  side  by  side  with 
the  authors  of  the  late  revolution.  Equally  con- 
ciliatory was  his  attitude  on  the  question  of  the 
House  of  Lords.  To  fanatical  republicans  like  Lud- 
low,  it  was  a  proof  of  his  want  of  principle  that 
he  objected  to  the  abolition  of  that  institution,  and 
wished  to  retain  it  as  a  purely  consultative  body. 
In  reality,  his  natural  conservatism  disinclined  him 
to  make  more  constitutional  changes  than  necessity 
required,  and  he  sought  to  keep  the  support  of  those 
few  peers  who  had  hitherto  stood  by  the  cause.  In 
April,  1649,  Cromwell  even  made  overtures  to  the 
Presbyterians.  He  offered,  as  he  had  offered  in 
1647,  to  consent  to  the  establishment  of  the  Presby- 
terian system,  if  there  were  toleration  for  men  of 


1649]          The  Republic  and  its  Enemies         251 

other  creeds  who  "  walked  peaceably."  He  was 
willing  to  consent  to  the  readmission  of  the  mem- 
bers excluded  by  Pride's  Purge,  if  they  would  pro- 
mise fidelity  to  the  Republic.  But  the  Presbyterians 
refused  his  offers. 

Of  these  attempted  compromises  there  is  little 
trace  in  history,  but  Cromwell's  letters  show  his 
efforts  to  convert  individuals.  Robert  Hammond 
and  Lord  Wharton  had  once  been  his  comrades  in 
the  struggle,  but  now,  as  Cromwell  put  it,  they  had 
reasoned  themselves  out  of  the  Lord's  service.  To 
win  them  back,  it  was  to  faith  rather  than  to  reason 
that  he  appealed,  for  that  was  the  way  he  had 
quieted  his  own  scruples. 

"  It  were  a  vain  thing,"  he  told  Wharton,  "  to  dispute 
over  your  doubts,  or  undertake  to  answer  your  objec- 
tions. I  have  heard  them  all,  and  I  have  rest  from 
the  trouble  of  them,  and  of  what  has  risen  in  my  own 
heart,  for  which  I  desire  to  be  humbly  thankful.  I  do 
not  condemn  your  reasonings.  I  doubt  them." 

Pride's  Purge  and  the  King's  execution  stuck  in 
Wharton's  throat.  He  condemned  the  illegality  by 
which  the  Republic  had  been  established  and  the 
character  of  some  of  the  men  concerned. 

"  It  is  easy,"  replied  Cromwell,  "  to  object  to  the 
glorious  actings  of  God,  if  we  look  too  much  upon  in- 
struments. Be  not  offended  at  the  manner  ;  perhaps 
there  was  no  other  way  left.  What  if  God  accepted 
their  zeal  as  he  did  that  of  Phineas,  whom  reason  might 
have  called  before  a  jury  ?  "  But  above  all,  "  what  if  the 
Lord  have  witnessed  His  approbation  and  acceptance  to 


252  Oliver  Cromwell  ti649 

this  also— not  only  by  signal  outward  acts,  but  to  the 
heart  too  ?  " 

To  Cromwell  this  union  of  the  outward  sign  with 
the  inward  conviction  was  something  far  above 
argument.  The  logic  of  events  was  the  only  con- 
vincing logic.  It  was  the  answer  that  he  had  given 
to  Hammond's  doubts  in  1648.  "Fleshly  reason- 
ings ensnare  us  "  ;  let  us  see  what  the  purpose  of 
God  is,  as  it  is  made  manifest  in  events.  For  as 
nothing  happened  but  because  God  willed  it  should 
happen,  so  what  men  termed  events  were  to  the 
Christian  "  dispensations,"  "  manifestations,"  "  pro- 
vidences," "  appearances  of  God."  There  was  no 
such  thing  as  fate — "  that  were  too  paganish  a  word." 
There  was  no  such  thing  as  chance.  Every  battle 
was  "  an  appeal  t«  God  " — Cromwell  often  uses  that 
phrase  as  a  synonym  for  fighting.  Victory  or  defeat 
was  not  an  accident ;  it  was  the  working  of  "  the 
Providence  of  God  in  that  which  is  falsely  called 
the  chance  of  war."  Therefore  each  successive  tri- 
umph of  his  cause  was  a  fresh  proof  of  its  righteous- 
ness. His  victories  in  Ireland  became  a  justification 
of  the  Republic.  "  These,"  he  told  the  Speaker,  "  are 
the  seals  of  God's  approbation  of  your  great  change 
of  government." 

That  there  was  something  fatalistic  in  this  belief 
cannot  be  denied.  Cromwell  himself  once  owns 
that  he  was  inclined  to  make  too  much  of  "  outward 
dispensations."  But  the  confidence  in  his  cause 
which  this  creed  gave  was  the  source  of  his  power 
over  his  followers. 


1649]         The  Republic  and  its  Enemies         253 

"  In  the  high  places  of  the  field,"  said  one  of  them, 
"  as  at  Dunbar,  Worcester  and  elsewhere,  when  he  carried 
his  life  in  his  hand,  did  not  his  faith  then  work  at  a  more 
than  ordinary  rate?  Insomuch  that  success  and  victory 
was  in  his  eye,  when  fears  and  despondencies  did  oppress 
the  hearts  of  others,  and  some  good  men  too." 

Whatever  happened  to  himself,  the  Cause  could 
not  fail.  "  The  Cause  is  of  God,  and  it  must  prosper." 
It  was  not  for  the  sake  of  the  Cause,  but  for  the 
sake  of  his  doubting  friends  that  he  strove  to  per- 
suade them.  "  The  Lord  hath  no  need  of  you,"  he 
tells  one.  "The  work  needs  you  not,  but  you  it," 
he  tells  another.  The  fear  in  his  mind  was  only 
this :  "  what  if  my  friend  should  withdraw  his 
shoulder  from  the  Lord's  work  through  false,  mis- 
taken reasonings  ?  "  To  serve  in  that  work  in  any 
station  was  "more  honour  than  the  world  can  give 
or  show."  "  How  great  is  it,"  he  cries,  "  to  be  the 
Lord's  servant  in  any  drudgery  !  "  How  little,  then, 
it  matters  whether  a  man  is  called  an  apostate  or  a 
tyrant,  or  what  reproaches  that  service  brings,  what 
estrangements,  what  vigils,  or  what  labours.  "  Let 
us  all  be  not  careful  what  men  will  make  of  these 
actings.  They,  will  they,  nill  they,  shall  fulfill  the 
good  pleasure  of  God,  and  we  shall  serve  our  genera- 
tions. Our  rest  we  expect  elsewhere :  that  will  be 
durable." 

Therefore,  when  others  faltered  and  fell  behind, 
Cromwell  (in  Marvell's  phrase)  "  marched  indefatiga- 
bly  on."  Fortunate  was  the  Republic  that  in  its  hour 
of  need  it  had  such  a  servant.  More  fortunate  would 
it  have  been  had  its  rulers  realised  that  the  Cause 


254 


Oliver  Cromwell 


0649 


which  Cromwell  served  was  not  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, but  ideal  ends  compatible  with  any  form.  He 
had  sought  to  find  religious  and  civil  liberty  in  a 
monarchy  ;  he  sought  it  now  in  a  republic  ;  he  was 
to  seek  it  hereafter  in  a  government  which  was 
neither.  At  present  it  seemed  to  him  inseparable 
from  the  life  of  the  Republic. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

IRELAND 
1649-1650 

THE  Second  Civil  War  had  its  counterpart  in 
Ireland,  where  in  May,  1648,  Lord  Inchiquin 
and  the  Munster  Protestants  threw  off  obedi- 
ence to  the  Parliament  and  hoisted  the  royal 
standard.  Ormond  returned  again  to  Ireland  in 
September,  1648,  and  by  January,  1649,  he  succeeded 
in  uniting  Anglo-Irish  Royalists  and  Confederated 
Catholics  in  a  league  against  the  adherents  of  the 
Parliament.  In  vain  Rinuccini,  the  Papal  Nuncio, 
opposed  the  league.  The  freedom  and  equality 
promised  to  the  Catholic  religion,  the  independence 
promised  to  the  Irish  Parliament,  allured  many  even 
of  the  clergy  to  Ormond's  support.  They  called  on 
the  Irish  soldiers  to  fight  for  God  and  Caesar  under 
his  banners,  and  engaged  to  supply  him  with  an  army 
of  twenty  thousand  men.  In  February,  1649,  Rin- 
uccini left  Ireland. 

The  King's  execution  further  swelled  the  royalist 
ranks  ;  for  whilst  a  portion  of  the  Ulster  Presbyte- 
rians openly  declared  for  Ormond,  and  proclaimed 


256  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649 

Charles  II.,  the  rest  threw  off  all  semblance  of  obedi- 
ence to  the  Parliament.  Only  Owen  Roe  and  the 
Ulster  Irish,  dissatisfied  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty, 
stood  aloof  from  the  coalition,  and,  negotiating  first 
with  Ormond,  then  with  the  parliamentary  officers, 
maintained  for  some  time  a  neutral  attitude.  In 
Londonderry,  Sir  Charles  Coote  still  held  out  for 
the  Parliament,  Colonel  Monk  held  Dundalk,  and 
Colonel  Michael  Jones,  ever  vigilant  and  energetic, 
maintained  himself  in  Dublin.  Jones  had  been 
made  Governor  of  Dublin,  in  June,  1647,  when 
Ormond  gave  it  up  to  the  Parliament.  He  had 
won  a  signal  victory  over  the  Irish  at  Dungan's  Hill 
in  August,  1647,  and  could  be  trusted  to  fight  to 
the  last.  But  unless  help  came  from  England,  the 
preservation  of  these  last  strongholds  was  only  a 
question  of  months. 

It  was  not  merely  a  question  whether  Ireland 
should  be  separated  from  England,  for  it  was  certain 
that  Ireland  in  royalist  hands  would  be  used  as  a 
basis  for  an  attack  upon  England.  The  young 
King's  messengers  announced  his  speedy  coming  to 
Ireland,  and  nothing  but  the  lack  of  money  hindered 
his  journey.  Already  Prince  Rupert,  with  a  squad- 
ron of  eight  ships,  was  in  the  harbours  of  Munster.  It 
was  at  this  juncture  that  the  Council  of  State  nomi- 
nated Cromwell  to  command  in  Ireland  (March  15, 
1649).  The  speech  which  Cromwell  made  to  the 
officers  of  the  army  a  week  later  showed  his  appreci- 
ation of  the  crisis.  «  Your  old  enemies,"  he  told 
them,  "are  again  uniting  against  you."  Scotland 
had  proclaimed  Charles  II. ;  a  great  party  in  England 


J650]  Ireland  257 

was  ready  to  co-operate  with  the  Scots ;  all  parties  in  ; 
Ireland  were  joined  together  "  to  root  out  the  Eng- 
lish interest  there  and  set  up  the  Prince  of  Wales." 
"  If  we  do  not  endeavour  to  make  good  our  interest 
there,  and  that  timely,  we  shall  not  only  have  our  in- 
terest rooted  out  there,  but  they  will  in  a  very  short 
time  be  able  to  land  forces  in  England,  and  put  us  to 
trouble  here."  All  the  national  pride  of  an  English- 
man rose  up  at  the  thought  of  Scottish  or  Irish 
interference. 

"  I  confess,"  he  continued,  "  I  have  often  had  these 
thoughts  with  myself  which  perhaps  may  be  carnal  and 
foolish  :  I  had  rather  be  overrun  by  a  Cavalierish  interest 
than  a  Scotch  interest,  I  had  rather  be  overrun  by  a 
Scotch  interest  than  an  Irish  interest,  and  I  think  that  of 
all  this  is  the  most  dangerous.  ...  If  they  shall  be 
able  to  carry  on  their  work  they  will  make  this  the 
most  miserable  people  in  the  earth,  for  all  the  world 
knows  their  barbarism.  .  .  .  The  quarrel  is 
brought  to  this  state  :  that  we  can  hardly  return  to  that 
tyranny  which  formerly  we  were  under  the  yoke  of,  but 
we  must  at  the  same  time  be  subject  to  the  kingdom  of 
Scotland  or  the  kingdom  of  Ireland  for  the  bringing  in 
of  the  king.  It  should  awaken  all  Englishmen." 

At  bottom,  as  Cromwell  truly  said,  the  quarrel 
was  a  national  quarrel,  and  the  question  was  whether 
the  growth  of  English  freedom  should  be  checked 
by  Irishmen  and  Scotchmen,  seeking,  for  their  own 
ends,  to  replace  the  Stuarts  on  the  throne  they  had 
lost.  There  was  little  real  danger  of  this  so  long  as 
the  army  remained  united.  "  There  is  more  cause  of 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649 

danger  from  disunion  amongst  ourselves  than  by 
anything  from  our  enemies.  ...  I  am  confid- 
ent we  doing  our  duty  and  waiting  upon  the  Lord, 
we  shall  find  He  will  be  as  a  wall  of  brass  round 
about  us,  till  we  have  finished  that  work  that  He  has 
for  us  to  do."  But  with  all  this  faith  in  divine  as- 
sistance, Cromwell  did  not  underestimate  the  diffi- 
culty of  reconquering  Ireland,  and  left  nothing 
undone  that  was  necessary  to  secure  success. 

Cromwell  refused  to  accept  the  command  until  he 
was  certain  of  adequate  support  from  the  Govern- 
ment, and  after  accepting  it  (March  3Oth)  declined 
to  lead  his  soldiers  across  the  sea  until  he  was  pro- 
vided with  money  for  their  payment.  Parliament 
entrusted  him  for  three  years  with  the  combined 
powers  of  Lord-Lieutenant  and  Commander-in-chief, 
granting  him  a  salary  for  the  two  posts  of  about 
thirteen  thousand  pounds  a  year,  and  giving  him  an 
army  of  twelve  thousand  men,  well  officered  and 
well  equipped.  The  organisation  of  his  army,  the 
collection  of  ships  to  transport  it,  and,  more  than  all, 
the  difficulty  of  raising  money  to  maintain  it,  de- 
layed his  start  for  more  than  four  months,  and  it 
was  not  till  August  I3th  that  Cromwell  landed  at 
Dublin. 

If  Ormond  had  been  a  great  commander,  or  if 
Owen  Roe  had  abandoned  his  neutrality  in  March 
instead  of  in  August,  every  English  garrison  might 
have  been  taken  before  Cromwell's  coming.  Inchi- 
quin,  Ormond's  lieutenant,  took  Dundalk  and  Dro- 
ghedain  July,  and  Ormond  himself  blockaded  Jones 
in  Dublin.  But  Cromwell  reinforced  Jones  with 


1650]  Ireland  259 

three  regiments  from  England,  and  on  August  2nd 
the  garrison  of  Dublin  surprised  Ormond's  camp  at 
Rathmines,  and  defeated  him  with  a  loss  of  five 
thousand  men.  "An  astonishing  mercy,"  wrote 
Cromwell,  "  so  great  and  seasonable  that  we  are  like 
to  them  that  dreamed."  Its  result  was  that  Ormond 
could  bring  together  no  army  which  was  sufficient  to 
face  Cromwell  in  the  field,  and  was  driven  to  rely  on 
fortresses  to  check  the  invader  till  he  could  gather 
fresh  forces.  Into  DrogKeda,  the  first  threatened, 
Ormond  threw  the  flower  of  his  army.  Cromwell 
stormed  Drogheda  on  September  loth,  and  put  the 
twenty-eight  hundred  men  who  defended  it  to  the 
sword.  "  I  do  not  think  thirty  of  the  whole  number 
escaped  with  their  lives,"  he  wrote.  Then  sending 
a  detachment  to  the  relief  of  Londonderry,  he 
turned  his  march  southwards,  and  on  October  nth 
took  Wexford  by  storm.  Some  fifteen  hundred  of 
its  garrison  and  its  inhabitants  fell  in  the  streets  and 
in  the  market-place,  and,  as  at  Drogheda,  every 
priest  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors  was 
immediately  put  to  death. 

At  Drogheda  the  order  to  spare  none  taken  in 
arms  had  been  deliberately  given  by  Cromwell  after 
his  first  assault  had  been  repulsed.  At  Wexford 
the  slaughter  was  accidental  rather  than  intentional. 
Cromwell  showed  no  regret  for  this  bloodshed.  He 
abhorred  the  indiscriminating  cruelties  practised  by 
many  English  commanders  of  the  time  in  Ireland, 
and  no  general  was  more  careful  to  protect  peace- 
able peasants  and  non-combatants  from  plunder 
and  violence.  "  Give  us  an  instance,"  he  challenged 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

the  Catholic  clergy,  "  of  one  man,  since  my  coming 
into  Ireland,  not  in  arms,  massacred,  destroyed,  or 
banished,  concerning  the  massacre  or  the  destruction 
of  whom  justice  has  not  been  done  or  endeavoured 
to  be  done."  But  when  towns  were  taken  by  storm, 
the  laws  of  war  authorised  the  refusal  of  quarter  to 
their  defenders,  and  on  this  ground  Cromwell  justi- 
fied his  action  at  Drogheda  and  Wexford.  He  just- 
ified it  both  on  military  and  political  grounds.  He 
had  come  to  Ireland  not  merely  as  a  conqueror,  but 
as  a  judge  "  to  ask  an  account  of  the  innocent  blood 
that  had  been  shed"  in  the  rebellion  of  1641,  and 
"  to  punish  the  most  barbarous  massacre  that  ever 
the  sun  beheld."  Of  the  slaughter  at  Drogheda  he 
wrote : 

"  I  am  persuaded  that  this  is  a  righteous  judgment  of 
God  upon  those  barbarous  wretches,  who  have  imbrued 
their  hands  in  so  much  innocent  blood,  and  that  it  will 
tend  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood  for  the  future  ; 
which  are  the  satisfactory  grounds  of  such  actions,  which 
otherwise  cannot  but  work  remorse  and  regret."  Of 
Wexford  he  said  :  "God,  by  an  unexpected  providence,  in 
His  righteous  justice  brought  a  just  judgment  upon  them, 
causing  them  to  become  a  prey  to  the  soldiers  who  in 
their  piracies  had  made  preys  of  so  many  families,  and 
with  their  bloods  to  answer  the  cruelties  which  they  had 
exercised  upon  the  lives  of  divers  poor  Protestants." 

Cromwell,  in  short,  regarded  himself,  in  CarlyleV 
words,  as  "the  minister  of  God's  justice,  doing 
God's  judgments  on  the  enemies  of  God!"  but 
only  fanatics  can  look  upon  him  in  that  light.  His 


1650]  Ireland  261 

justice  was  an  imperfect,  indiscriminating,  human 
justice,  too  much  alloyed  with  revenge,  and,  as  St. 
James  says,  Ira  viri  non  operatur  justitiam  Dei. 
Politically  these  massacres  were  a  blunder  —  their 
memory  still  helps  to  separate  the  two  races  Crom- 
well wished  to  unite.  From  a  military  point  of  view, 
however,  they  were  for  a  short  time  as  successful  as 
Cromwell  hoped,  in  saving  further  effusion  of  blood. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  imagined,"  wrote  Ormond,  "  how  great 
the  terror  is  that  those  successes  and  the  power  of  the 
rebels  have  struck  into  this  people.  They  are  so 
stupefied,  that  it  is  with  great  difficulty  that  I  can  per- 
suade them  to  act  anything  like  men  towards  their  own 
preservation." 

Trim  and  Dundalk  were  abandoned  by  their  garri- 
sons, Ross  opened  its  gates  as  soon  as  a  breach  was 
made  in  its  walls,  and  Ormond's  English  Royalists 
deserted  in  scores.  But,  in  November,  when  Crom- 
well attacked  Waterford,  the  spell  was  broken.  Its 
stubborn  resistance  and  the  tempestuous  winter 
weather  obliged  him  to  raise  the  siege,  for  the  hard- 
ships of  Irish  campaigning  had  thinned  his  army, 
and  a  large  part  of  it  were  "  fitter  for  an  hospital 
than  the  field."  Michael  Jones,  Cromwell's  second 
in  command,  died  of  a  fever,  and  Cromwell  himself 
fell  ill. 

Meanwhile,  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  coalition 
which  Ormond  had  built  up  revealed  itself.  Between 
the  Munster  Protestants,  whom  Inchiquin  had  in- 
duced to  declare  for  the  King  in  1648,  and  their 
Catholic  Irish  allies  there  was  a  gulf  which  no 


262  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

temporary  political  agreement  could,  bridge  over. 
Before  Cromwell  left  England,  he  had  opened  secret 
negotiations  with  some  of  the  commanders  in 
Munster,  and  his  intrigues  now  bore  fruit.  In 
October,  Cork  expelled  Ormond's  garrison,  and 
in  November,  Youghal,  Kinsale,  Bandon,  and  several 
smaller  places  hoisted  the  English  flag.  Thus,  by 
the  close  of  1649,  all  the  coast  of  Ireland,  from  Lon- 
donderry to  Cape  Clear,  with  the  sole  exception  of 
Waterford,  was  in  Cromwell's  hands :  "  a  great  longi- 
tude of  land  along  the  shore,"  wrote  Cromwell, 
"yet  hath  it  but  little  depth  into  the  country." 

The  task  of  the  next  campaign  was  the  extension 
of  English  rule  inland.  After  wintering  in  the 
Munster  ports,  Cromwell  led  his  army  against  the 
fortresses  in  the  interior  of  Munster.  Cashel,  Cahir, 
and  many  castles  fell  in  February,  and  Kilkenny, 
the  seat  of  the  Irish  Catholic  Confederation,  capitu- 
lated at  the  end  of  March. 

More  and  more  the  war  became  a  purely  national 
war  between  Celts  and  English.  The  last  of  Inchi- 
quin's  Protestant  officers  made  terms  with  Crom- 
well. On  the  other  hand,  the  Ulster  army  of  Owen 
Roe  stood  no  longer  neutral,  and  though  Owen  Roe 
himself  died  in  November,  1649,  his  Celtic  soldiers 
fought  for  the  freedom  of  their  race  with  unsur- 
passable courage  and  devotion.  Owen's  nephew, 
Hugh  O'Neill,  defended  Clomnel  against  Cromwell, 
and  repulsed  with  enormous  loss  his  attempt  to 
storm  it.  The  Ironsides  confessed  that  they  had 
found  in  Clonmel  "  the  stoutest  enemy  this  army 
had  ever  met  in  Ireland,"  but  though  the  garrison 


1650]  Ireland  263 

escaped  by  a  skilful  night  march,  the  town  itself  was 
obliged  to  surrender  (May  10,  1650). 

By  this  time  war  between  England  and  Scotland 
was  imminent.  Cromwell's  recall  had  been  voted 
by  the  Parliament  in  January,  and  a  fortnight  after 
the  fall  of  Clonmel  he  sailed  for  England,  leaving 
his  lieutenants  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Ireland. 
Ireton,  who  remained  as  President  of  Munster  and 
commander-in-chief,  captured  Waterford  (August 
loth),  but  failed  before  Limerick,  while  Coote  in 
the  north  defeated  Owen  Roe's  old  army  at  Scariff- 
hollis  (June  2ist).  There  was  no  longer  any  Irish 
army  in  the  field,  and  the  war  became  a  war  of 
sieges  and  forays.  At  the  end  of  1650,  Ormond 
left  Ireland  in  despair.  His  successor,  Clanricarde, 
— distrusted  and  disobeyed  as  Ormond  had  been,— 
could  neither  unite  the  Irish  factions  for  the  last 
struggle,  nor  combine  the  scattered  bands  who  still 
held  out  in  their  bogs  and  mountains.  The  nobility 
still  clung  to  the  House  of  Stuart,  but  the  clergy 
turned  for  help  to  the  Catholic  powers,  and  offered 
to  accept  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  as  Protector  of  the 
Irish  nation,  if  he  would  come  to  their  defence  with 
his  army.  In  June,  1651,  Ireton  again  besieged 
Limerick,  and  after  a  siege  of  five  months  the  city 
yielded  to  famine  and  treachery.  Ireton  himself 
died  of  plague  fever  in  November,  1651,  but  his 
successors,  Ludlow  and  Fleetwood,  completed  the 
subjugation  of  the  country.  Galway,  the  last  city 
to  resist,  surrendered  to  Coote  in  May,  1652.  Dur- 
ing the  year,  the  last  Irish  commanders  capitulated, 
and  their  soldiers  entered  Spanish  or  French  service. 


264  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

So  ended  the  twelve  years'  war.  Tl?e  contest  had 
been  unequal,  but  the  failure  of  the  Irish  to  regain 
their  independence  was  due  not  so  much  to  the 
greater  strength  and  wealth  of  England,  as  to  their 
own  divisions.  As  a  contemporary  Irish  poet  wrote : 

"  The  Gael  are  being  wasted,  deeply  wounded, 
Subjugated,  slain,  extirpated, 
By  plague,  by  famine,  by  war,  by  persecution. 
It  was  God's  justice  not  to  free  them, 
They  went  not  together  hand  in  hand." 

Ireland  was  devastated  from  end  to  end,  and  a 
third  of  its  population  had  perished  during  the 
struggle.  Plague  and  famine,  said  an  English  offi- 
cer, had  swept  away  whole  counties,  and  in  some 
places  "  a  man  might  travel  twenty  or  thirty  miles, 
and  not  see  a  living  creature,  either  man,  or  beast, 
or  bird."  "  As  for  the  poor  commons,"  said  another, 
'*  the  sun  never  shined  upon  a  nation  so  completely 
miserable." 

It  was  not  very  difficult  for  Cromwell  and  the 
English  Republic  to  subdue  a  divided  nation,  but 
the  task  which  lay  before  them  now  was  less  easy. 
It  remained  to  effect  a  settlement  which  would 
secure  order,  restore  prosperity,  prevent  future 
rebellions,  and  extinguish  the  feuds  of  race  and 
creed.  In  the  last  years  of  the  Republic  and  during 
the  Protectorate,  first  under  Lord-Deputy  Fleet- 
wood  and  then  under  Henry  Cromwell,  this  reorgan- 
isation of  Irish  government  and  society  was  carried 
out.  The  main  lines  of  the  Cromwellian  settle- 
ment of  Ireland  had  been  determined  by  the  Long 


I&50]  Ireland  265 

Parliament.  In  all  essentials  the  parliamentary  policy 
towards  Ireland  was  simply  a  return  to  the  traditional 
policy  which,  since  the  close  of  the  Tudor  period,  all 
English  governments  had  more  or  less  consistently 
pursued.  Colonisation,  conversion,  and  the  impartial 
administration  of  justice  were  the  aims  of  Cromwell 
just  as  they  had  been  the  aims  of  StrafTord. 

The  basis  of  the  settlement  was  therefore  a  great 
confiscation  of  Irish  land,  and  the  substitution  of 
English  for  Irish  landowners.  Parliament  had  an- 
nounced this  policy  in  1642,  when  it  voted  that  two 
million  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  Irish  land 
should  be  set  aside  for  the  repayment  of  the  "  ad- 
venturers "  who  advanced  money  for  the  reconquest 
of  Ireland.  The  pay  of  the  soldiers  employed 
against  the  Irish  and  the  reimbursement  of  the  mer- 
chants who  supplied  provisions  and  other  necessaries 
were  provided  for  in  this  way.  By  1653,  the  debt 
which  the  Parliament  owed  these  three  classes  of 
creditors  amounted  to  over  three  and  a  half  mil- 
lions. Accordingly,  in  August,  1652,  Parliament 
passed  an  Act  confiscating  the  estates  of  all  Catholic 
landholders  who  had  taken  part  in  the  rebellion. 
The  leaders  and  originators  were  to  lose  all  their 
land,  others  two  thirds,  some  one  third,  according 
to  the  degree  of  their  guilt.  The  rich  Catholic  bur- 
gesses of  Waterford,  Kilkenny,  and  other  large 
towns  shared  the  same  fate,  but  the  Munster  Pro- 
testants who  had  revolted  in  1648  were  merely  fined 
two  years'  income.  In  1653  it  was  decreed  that  even 
those  persons  to  whom  a  portion  of  their  estates 
was  theoretically  left  should  be  transplanted  to 


2  56  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

Connaught,  and  receive  there  the  proportion  of  land 
to  which  they  were  entitled.  In  most  cases  they  re- 
ceived inferior  land,  in  some  cases  nothing,  and  in 
all  cases  the  removal  entailed  great  suffering.  Even 
a  still  more  sweeping  scheme  for  the  transplantation 
of  all  classes  of  native  Irish  was  for  a  time  under 
consideration,  but  in  the  end  few  but  landholders 
were  actually  transplanted.  Artificers  and  labour- 
ers  were  allowed  to  remain  behind,  partly  because 
their  guilt  was  held  to  be  less,  partly  because  it  was 
difficult  to  remove  them,  and  because  their  services 
were  needed  by  the  new  owners  of  the  soil.  Finally, 
the  confiscated  lands  were  surveyed,  divided  into 
different  classes,  and  distributed  by  lot  amongst  the 
soldiers  and  the  creditors  of  the  government. 

By  1656,  the  process  was  practically  completed 
and  two  thirds  of  the  land  of  Ireland  had  passed  to 
its  new  owners. 

Cromwell  himself  thoroughly  approved  of  the 
principles  of  confiscation  and  colonisation.  "  Was 
it  not  fit,"  he  asked,  "  to  make  their  estates  defray 
the  charges  who  had  caused  all  the  trouble?"  "  It 
were  to  be  wished,"  he  told  Parliament  when  an- 
nouncing his  capture  of  Wexford,  "  that  an  honest 
people  would  come  to  plant  here."  Accordingly  he 
wrote  to  New  England  inviting  "  godly  people  and 
ministers "  to  leave  their  homes  in  America  and 
establish  themselves  in  Ireland.  But  with  the  de- 
tails of  the  land  settlement  effected  during  his 
Protectorate,  Cromwell  had  little  to  do,  though 
sometimes  he  intervened  in  favour  of  persons 
harshly  treated  by  the  Irish  government.  Thus  he 


1650]  Ireland  267 

saved  Peregrine  Spenser,  the  grandson  of  the  poet, 
from  transplantation,  not  for  the  sake  of  the  Faery 
Queene,  but  for  the  sake  of  Edmund  Spenser's 
Dialogue  on  the  State  of  Ireland.  Moreover,  it  was 
largely  due  to  the  Protector  that  the  scheme  for 
universal  transplantation  was  reduced  to  more  mod- 
erate limits. 

The  ecclesiastical  policy  of  Cromwell  and  the 
Puritans  was  the  traditional  English  policy  of  sup- 
pressing Catholicism  in  Ireland  and  propagating 
Protestantism.  The  difference  consisted  in  the 
consistent  vigour  with  which  that  policy  was  now 
pursued.  Under  the  Stuarts  the  laws  had  forbidden 
the  Catholic  worship,  but  the  government  had  often 
connived  at  its  exercise.  Charles,  in  his  struggle 
with  the  Parliament,  had  promised  the  Catholics  at 
one  time  toleration,  at  another  equal  rights.  Crom- 
well, as  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Ireland,  announced 
that  the  old  laws  would  be  rigidly  enforced.  Cathol- 
icism, he  declared,  had  no  right  to  exist  in  Ireland 
at  all,  the  priests  were  mere  intruders  ;  for  their  own 
ends  they  had  instigated  the  rebellion  ;  they  poi- 
soned the  flocks  they  professed  to  feed  with  their 
"  false,  abominable,  anti-Christian  doctrine  and  prac- 
tices." Liberty  of  conscience,  in  the  narrowest  sense 
of  the  word,  Irish  Catholics  might  enjoy,  for  they 
were  not  to  be  forced  to  attend  Protestant  churches, 
but  of  liberty  of  worship  they  were  to  have  none. 
"  I  meddle  not  with  any  man's  conscience,"  wrote 
Cromwell  to  the  Governor  of  Ross.  "  But  if  by 
liberty  of  conscience,  you  mean  a  liberty  to  exercise 
the  mass,  I  judge  it  best  to  exercise  plain  dealing 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

and  to  let  you  know  where  the  Parliament  of  Eng- 
land have  power,  that  will  not  be  allowed  of."  "  As 
for  the  people,"  he  declared,  "  what  thoughts  they 
have  in  matters  of  religion  in  their  own  breasts  I 
cannot  reach,  but  shall  think  it  my  duty,  if  they 
walk  honestly  and  peaceably,  not  to  cause  them  in 
the  least  to  suffer  for  the  same."  Under  the  Pro- 
tector's government,  therefore,  priests  were  hunted 
down,  and  either  imprisoned  or  exiled.  Some  were 
transported  to  Spain,  others  shipped  off  to  Barba- 
does,  and  a  sort  of  penal  settlement  was  established 
in  the  island  of  Innis-boffin. 

From  persistency  in  these  repressive  measures, 
and  from  the  active  preaching  of  Protestantism, 
Cromwell  hoped  for  the  conversion  of  the  Irish. 
He  thought  he  saw  signs  of  it  even  during  his  cam- 
paign. "  We  find  the  people,"  he  wrote,  "  very 
greedy  after  the  word,  and  flocking  to  Christian 
meetings,  much  of  that  prejudice  which  lies  upon 
people  in  England  being  a  stranger  to  their  minds. 
I  mind  you  the  rather  of  this  because  it  is  a  sweet 
symptom  if  not  an  earnest  of  the  good  we  expect." 
During  the  Protectorate,  the  English  governors  of 
Ireland  made  great  efforts  to  propagate  Protestant- 
ism. Independent  congregations  were  founded  in 
most  of  the  great  towns,  and  preachers  invited  over. 
In  1654,  the  commissioners  in  whose  hands  the  gov- 
ernment was,  appealed  to  New  England  for  ministers. 
"  Sir,"  began  one  of  their  letters,  "  we  being  desti- 
tute of  helpers  to  carry  on  the  work  of  the  Lord  in 
holding  forth  the  gospel  of  Christ  in  this  poor  na- 
tion, being  informed  that  the  Lord  hath  made  you 


1650]  Ireland  269 

faithful  and  able  in  the  work,  we  hereby  desire  you 
to  come  over  and  help  us." 

"  Assiduous  preaching,"  argued  Cromwell,  "  to- 
gether with  humanity,  good  life,  equal  and  honest 
dealing  with  men  of  different  opinion,"  would  in 
the  end  convert  the  Irish  to  Protestantism.  The 
government  also  hoped  much  from  the  spread  of 
education.  In  1650,  Parliament  endowed  Trinity 
College  with  the  lands  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Dub- 
lin and  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  St.  Patrick's. 
Trinity  was  reorganised  and  filled  with  Independent 
divines,  while  the  appointment  of  a  number  of  pro- 
fessors, the  establishment  of  a  public  library,  and 
the  foundation  of  a  second  college  were  also  pro- 
jected. When  Archbishop  Ussher  died,  the  officers 
of  the  Irish  army  bought  his  books  to  be  the  nucleus 
of  the  intended  library. 

Like  Strafford,  Cromwell  believed  that  the  im- 
partial administration  of  justice  would  make  the 
Irish  people  good  subjects  and  attach  them  to 
English  rule. 

"  We  have  a  great  opportunity,"  he  wrote,  "  to  set  up 
a  way  of  doing  justice  amongst  these  poor  people,  which, 
for  the  uprightness  and  cheapness  of  it  may  exceedingly 
gain  upon  them,  who  have  been  accustomed  to  as  much 
injustice,  tyranny,  and  oppression  from  their  landlords, 
the  great  men,  and  those  that  should  have  done  them 
right,  as  I  believe  any  people  in  that  which  we  call 
Christendom  ...  If  justice  were  freely  and  im- 
partially administered  here,  the  foregoing  darkness  and 
corruption  would  make  it  look  so  much  the  more 
glorious  and  beautiful,  and  draw  more  hearts  after  it." 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

In  the  newly  conquered  country  the  obstacles 
which  made  the  reform  of  the  Law  so  difficult  in 
England,  could  more  easily  be  overcome.  "  Ireland," 
Cromwell  said,  "  was  as  a  clean  paper,  and  capable 
of  being  governed  by  such  laws  as  should  be  found 
most  agreeable  to  justice;  which  may  be  so  im- 
partially administered  as  to  be  a  good  precedent 
even  to  England  itself." 

Some  improvement  in  these  respects  there  cer- 
tainly  was.  The  Irish  judges  appointed  by  Crom- 
well were  capable  and  honest,  and  one  of  the 
chief-justices,  John  Cooke,  was  a  zealous  law-re- 
former. But  no  improvement  in  the  administration 
of  the  laws  could  reconcile  Irishmen  to  English  rule 
while  the  laws  themselves  were  so  little  "  agreeable 
to  justice."  Justice  combined  with  forfeiture  and 
proscription,  and  without  equal  laws,  was  a  legal 
fiction  which  had  no  healing  virtue. 

Equally  futile  was  the  attempted  conversion  of 
the  Irish.  The  struggle  against  England  had  made 
Irish  nationality  and  Catholicism  identical  terms, 
and  a  faith  associated  with  spoliation  and  foreign 
conquest  could  make  no  progress  in  the  hearts 
of  the  conquered.  The  only  permanent  result  of 
Cromwell's' zeal  was  an  increase  in  the  number  of 
Protestant  Nonconformists  in  Ireland.  Some  nomi- 
nal converts  from  Catholicism  were  made.  A  few 
landowners  professed  themselves  Protestants  in  order 
to  obtain  a  temporary  respite  from  transplantation, 
and  a  good  many  Irish  women  who  had  married 
English  soldiers  passed  as  Protestants  in  order  to 
elude  the  laws  against  the  intermarriage  of  soldiers 


1650]  Ireland  271 

and  papists.  But  converts  of  this  kind  usually  re- 
lapsed, and  the  mixture  of  the  two  races,  which  the 
government  could  not  prevent,  profited  Catholicism, 
not  Protestantism.  The  failure  of  the  policy  of 
conversion  entailed  the  partial  failure  of  the  policy 
of  colonisation  as  well.  The  families  of  the  greater 
landowners  established  by  the  confiscations  remained 
English  and  Protestant.  The  families  of  the  smaller 
landowners  — of  the  ex-soldiers  who  became  yeomen 
and  small  farmers — tended  to  become  Catholic  in 
creed  and  Irish  in  feeling.  "  How  many  there  are," 
lamented  a  pamphleteer  in  1697,  "  of  the  children  of 
Oliver's  soldiers  in  Ireland  who  cannot  speak  one 
word  of  English.  This  comes  of  marrying  Irish 
women  instead  of  English." 

In  the  main,  Cromwell's  Irish  policy  followed  the 
lines  which  Tudor  and  Stuart  statesmen  had  laid 
down.  In  one  respect,  however,  he  was  more  origi- 
nal and  more  enlightened  than  either  his  predeces- 
sors or  his  successors.  Strafford's  economic  policy 
had  aimed  at  making  the  Irish  rich,  but  also  at  keep- 
ing Ireland  economically  subject  to  England  and 
preventing  Irish  manufactures  or  products  from  com- 
peting with  those  of  England.  No  such  jealousy  of 
Irish  trade  warped  Cromwell's  policy.  Its  funda- 
mental principle  was  that  the  English  colony  were 
to  be  regarded  simply  as  Englishmen  living  in  Ire- 
land, and  entitled  to  the  same  rights  as  Englishmen 
living  in  England.  "  I  would  not,"  said  a  speaker 
in  the  Parliament  of  1657,  "  have  our  own  people 
oppressed  because  they  live  in  Ireland."  Accord- 
ingly, in  the  levy  of  any  general  tax  on  the  three 


272  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

countries,  care  was  taken  that  their  sespective  shares 
should  be  equitably  assessed.  The  same  customs  and 
excise  were  paid  in  Ireland  as  in  England,  and  Ire- 
land enjoyed  equal  rights  with  regard  to  foreign  and 
colonial  trade.  However,  as  the  native  Irish  and  the 
Catholics  were  excluded  from  the  corporate  towns 
which  were  the  seats  of  commerce  and  manufactures, 
the  benefit  of  this  trade  was  almost  exclusively 
reaped  by  the  English  colony.  Cromwell's  object 
was  to  secure  the  prosperity  of  what  he  called  "  the 
interest  of  England  newly  begun  to  be  planted  in 
Ireland."  If  it  were  overtaxed,  or  in  any  other  way 
overburdened,  "  the  English  planters  must  quit  the 
country,"  and  then,  as  he  warned  his  second  Parlia- 
ment, "  that  which  hath  been  the  success  of  so  much 
blood  and  treasure,  to  get  that  country  into  your 
hands,  what  can  become  of  it,  but  that  the  English 
must  needs  run  away  for  pure  beggary,  and  the  Irish 
must  possess  the  country  again  ?  " 

With  free  trade,  Cromwell  also  gave  the  English 
colonists  in  Ireland  representation  in  the  Parliament 
of  the  Three  Nations.  The  Long  Parliament  had 
projected  the  legislative  union  of  England,  Scotland, 
and  Ireland,  and  had  fixed  the  number  of  their  re- 
presentatives, but  it  was  left  to  Cromwell  to  call  the 
first  united  Parliament.  The  "  Instrument  of  Gov- 
ernment" allotted  Ireland  thirty  members,  leaving 
the  Protector  to  fix  the  particular  constituencies 
by  which  these  members  were  to  be  returned,  and 
thirty  representatives  of  Ireland  sat  accordingly  in  the 
Parliaments  of  1654,  1656,  and  1659.  As  Catholics 
and  persons  who  had  taken  part  in  the  rebellion  were 


1650]  Ireland  273 

excluded  from  voting,  the  members  for  Ireland  con- 
sisted entirely  of  officers  and  officials  representing 
the  English  colony.  "  I  am  not  here,"  said  one  of 
them  in  1659,  "to  speak  for  Ireland,  but  for  the 
English  in  Ireland." 

Outside  the  ranks  of  the  new  colonists,  the  union 
of  the  English  and  Irish  Parliaments  found  few  cor- 
dial supporters.  The  older  English  colony  preferred 
a  separate  Parliament  for  Ireland.  It  would  be  im- 
possible, argued  one  of  their  spokesmen  in  1659, 
for  the  Irish  to  get  their  grievances  redressed,  if 
they  had  to  come  over  to  England  and  apply  to  the 
English  Parliament  for  the  purpose.  "  I  pray  that  they 
may  have  some  to  hear  their  grievances  in  their  own 
nation,  seeing  they  cannot  have  them  heard  here." 
In  1659,  the  republican  opposition  in  Richard  Crom- 
well's Parliament,  moved  largely  by  the  fact  that  the 
Irish  members  were  staunch  Cromwellians,  urged 
their  exclusion  from  the  House.  Ireland,  Vane 
argued,  was  only  a  province,  and  had  no  right  to 
a  voice  in  the  government  of  the  mother  country. 
"  They  are  still  in  the  state  of  a  province,  and  you 
make  them  a  power  not  only  to  make  laws  for  them- 
selves, but  for  this  nation  ;  nay,  to  have  a  casting 
vote  for  aught  I  know  in  all  your  laws."  The  at- 
tempted exclusion  of  the  members  from  Ireland 
failed  in  1659,  but  at  the  Restoration,  the  legislative 
union  with  Ireland  was  the  first  thing  to  go.  No  law 
was  required  to  repeal  it,  for  it  had  never  received 
the  King's  assent,  and  no  voice  was  raised  in  its  de- 
fence. English  conservatism  and  Irish  provincialism 
were  too  strong,  and  Cromwell's  imperial  scheme 

x8 


274  Oliver  Cromwell  [1649- 

went  to  the  limbo  reserved  for  policies  too  wise  for 
their  generation. 

The  natural  consequence  of  the  termination  of  the 
legislative  union  was  the  loss  of  the  commercial 
equality  which  had  accompanied  it.  The  English 
colonists  were  no  longer  treated  as  Englishmen 
domiciled  in  Ireland,  but  as  strangers  and  rivals. 
The  Navigation  Act  of  Charles  IL  excluded  them 
from  American  and  colonial  trade,  while  two  other 
acts  followed,  prohibiting  the  export  of  Irish  cattle 
and  provisions  to  England.  Finally,  in  the  reign  of 
William  III.  the  Irish  woollen  manufacture  was  de- 
stroyed, and  the  ruin  of  Irish  commerce  and  agri- 
culture was  completed. 

It  was  only  Cromwell's  policy  towards  the  English 
colony  in  Ireland  which  was  reversed ;  his  policy 
towards  the  native  Irish  was  still  pursued.  So  far  as 
his  policy  coincided  with  the  traditional  policy  of 
England  towards  Ireland  it  was  maintained ;  so  far 
as  it  was  wiser  and  more  original  it  was  abandoned. 
Carlyle  draws  a  picture  of  Ireland  as  it  might  have 
been  if  the  "  ever  blessed  restoration  "  had  not  "  torn 
up  "  Cromwell's  system  "  by  the  roots."  "  Ireland 
under  this  arrangement,"  he  holds,  "  would  probably 
have  grown  up  into  a  sober,  diligent,  drab-coloured 
population,  developing  itself  most  probably  into 
some  sort  of  Calvinistic  Protestantism."  It  is  a 
baseless  dream.  Even  in  Cromwell's  lifetime  it  was 
evident  that  his  scheme  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Irish  was  doomed  to  failure.  After  his  death  the 
proscription  of  Catholicism  and  the  hopeless  attempt 
to  force  Protestantism  on  a  reluctant  people  were 


1650] 


Ireland 


275 


still  continued,  nor  were  they  abandoned  till  1829. 
The  new  proprietors  whom  Cromwell  had  established 
still  kept  their  hold,  and  only  a  very  small  proportion 
of  the  confiscated  estates  —  nominally  one  third,  in 
reality  much  less — returned  to  their  old  possessors  at 
the  Restoration.  So  the  Cromwellian  land  settlement 
survived  its  author,  to  be  his  most  permanent  monu- 
ment, and  to  be  also,  as  Mr.  Lecky  writes,  "  the 
foundation  of  that  deep  and  lasting  division  between 
the  proprietary  and  the  tenants  which  is  the  chief 
cause  of  the  political  and  social  evils  of  Ireland." 


CHAPTER  XIV 

CROMWELL    AND    SCOTLAND 
1650-1651 

THE  execution  of  the  King  destroyed  the  al- 
liance which  Cromwell  had  established  be- 
tween Argyle  and  the  Independents.  Argyle 
would  have  been  glad  to  preserve  it,  but  his  power  de- 
pended on  the  clergy  and  the  middle  classes,  both 
deeply  incensed  with  the  sectaries  who  had  dared 
to  kill  a  Scottish  king.  The  day  after  the  news  of 
the  King's  death  reached  Edinburgh,  Charles  II.  was 
there  proclaimed  King,  not  of  Scotland  only,  but  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  The  Scottish  envoys  in 
England  protested  against  the  late  revolution,  de- 
nouncing the  establishment  of  toleration  or  any 
other  change  in  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  king- 
dom, and  demanding  that  Charles  II.,  "  upon  just 
satisfaction  given  to  both  kingdoms,"  should  be 
placed  upon  his  father's  throne.  The  Long  Parlia- 
ment retorted  by  expelling  the  envoys  and  declaring 
that  their  protest  laid  "  the  grounds  of  a  new  and 
bloody  war."  Henceforth  indeed  the  war  took  a 
new  character,  —  it  was  no  longer  a  constitutional 


[1650-1651]        Cromwell  and  Scotland  277 

but  a  national  struggle.  Scotland  like  Ireland  was 
attempting  to  dictate  to  England  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment which  it  should  choose,  and  thus  the  English 
contest  for  self-government  inevitably  widened  into 
a  contest  for  the  supremacy  of  the  British  Isles. 

Nothing  delayed  war  between  Scotland  and  Eng- 
land but  the  difficulty  of  effecting  an  agreement  be- 
tween Charles  and  the  Scots.  Except  on  their  own 
terms  the  Presbyterians  would  not  fight  for  him,  and 
till  no  other  way  of  regaining  his  crown  was  left 
Charles  would  not  accept  their  terms. 

The  Scottish  Commissioners  demanded  that  he 
should  not  only  accept  the  Covenant  a  d  the  Presby- 
terian system  for  Scotland,  but  pledge  himself  to 
impose  them  on  England  and  Ireland.  As  he  de- 
clined to  force  Presbyterian  ism  on  those  two 
kingdoms  without  the  consent  of  their  parliaments 
the  negotiations  were  broken  off  in  May,  1649,  and 
while  Charles  prepared  to  join  Ormond  in  Ireland, 
Montrose  was  commissioned  to  call  the  Scottish 
Royalists  once  more  to  arms. 

In  September,  1649,  Charles  landed  at  Jersey  on 
his  way  to  Ireland,  but  Cromwell's  victories  checked 
his  further  progress.  Before  the  year  ended,  it  was 
evident  that  if  he  was  to  be  restored  it  must  be  by 
Scottish  hands,  and  in  February,  1650,  he  returned  to 
Holland.  Necessity  left  him  no  choice.  "  Indeed," 
wrote  a  Scottish  agent  from  Jersey,  "  he  is  brought 
very  low;  he  has  not  bread  both  for  himself  and  his 
servants,  and  betwixt  him  and  his  brother  not  one 
English  shilling."  Negotiations  began  again  at  Breda 
in  March,  1650.  The  Scots  required  him  to  take 


Oliver  Cromwell  rieso- 

both  Covenants,  to  impose  Presbyterian  ism  on  Eng- 
land  and  Ireland,  and  to  disavow  both  Ormond  and 
Montrose.  Charles  struggled  hard  to  modify  these 
conditions,  and  the  treaty  by  which  he  agreed  to  them 
was  not  signed  till  he  was  actually  on  his  voyage. 
He  hoped  that  when  he  came  to  Scotland  his  pre- 
sence would  win  concessions  from  the  Covenanters, 
and  a  royalist  party  would  gather  round  him.  But 
he  found  himself  treated  more  as  a  captive  than  a 
king.  English  Royalists  who  had  accompanied  him 
from  Holland  were  ordered  to  leave  the  country, 
Scottish  Royct  ists  were  excluded  from  his  army  and 
his  Court,  and  when  he  reached  Edinburgh  he  saw, 
fixed  over  the  tower  of  the  Tolbooth,  and  fresh  from 
the  hangman's  hands,  the  head  of  Montrose. 

The  diplomacy  of  the  King  had  sacrificed  his  no- 
blest champion.  Instead  of  holding  Montrose  back 
till  the  negotiations  ended,  he  had  urged  him  to  im- 
mediate action.  "  Your  vigorous  proceeding,"  he 
wrote,  "  will  be  a  good  means  to  bring  them  to  such 
a  moderation  ...  as  may  produce  a  present 
union  of  that  whole  nation  in  our  service."  When 
the  Scottish  envoys  at  Breda  demanded  the  aban- 
donment of  Montrose,  Charles  agreed  to  order  him 
to  disband  his  troops  with  a  secret  promise  of  their 
indemnity.  But  the  countermands  came  too  late. 
Knowing  that  Charles  was  treating  with  the  Co- 
venanters, and  that  he  was  in  danger  of  disavowal, 
Montrose  still  resolved  to  spend  his  life  for  the 
King's  service.  In  March,  1650,  he  arrived  in  the 
Orkneys  with  a  little  body  of  Danish  and  German 
mercenaries.  In  April,  with  about  twelve  hundred 


THE  SEAL  OF  THE   "TRIERS. 


THE    DUNBAR    MEDAL. 


HEAD   OF   CROMWELL,    BY 
THOMAS   SIMON. 


MEDAL   REPRESENTING 

CROMWELL   AS    LORD 

GENERAL    OF   THE 

ARMY. 

BY   THOM»S   SIMON. 


OBVERSE.  REVERSt. 

A  CROWN-PIECE   OF  THE   PROTECTOR    ISSUED    IN    1658. 
(From  Henfr.ey's  "  Numismata    Cromwelliana") 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  279 

men  and  forty  horse,  he  advanced  through  Caithness 
to  the  south  of  Sutherland.  There,  at  Carbisdale, 
on  April  27th,  Major  Strachan,  with  two  hundred  and 
fifty  of  David  Leslie's  disciplined  cavalry,  fell  upon 
him  in  his  march  south,  scattered  his  handful  of 
horsemen,  and  cut  to  pieces  his  foreign  infantry. 
Montrose  escaped  from  the  rout,  and  wandered 
amongst  the  hills  till  starvation  obliged  him  to  seek 
shelter.  Macleod  of  Assynt  gave  him  up  to  the 
Scottish  Government,  and  on  May  2ist  he  was 
hanged  at  the  market-cross  in  the  High  Street  of 
Edinburgh. 

About  the  time  of  Montrose's  death,  Cromwell 
returned  to  England.  Parliament  had  voted  that 
both  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  should  command  against 
the  Scots,  the  one  as  General,  the  other  in  his  old 
post  asLieutenant-General.  But  when  Fairfax  found 
that  the  Council  of  State  meant  to  invade  Scotland, 
he  laid  down  his  commission.  The  best  refutation 
of  the  theory  that  Cromwell  sought  to  undermine 
Fairfax  in  order  to  obtain  his  post  is  the  vigour  with 
which  he  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  to  keep  it. 
It  was  morally  certain,  urged  Cromwell,  that  the 
Scots  meant  to  invade  England.  War  was  unavoid- 
able. "  Your  excellency  will  soon  determine  whether 
it  is  better  to  have  this  war  in  the  bowels  of  another 
country  than  our  own."  But  nothing  could  over- 
come Fairfax's  repugnance  to  an  offensive  war. 
Human  probabilities,  he  repeated,  were  not  sufficient 
ground  to  make  war  upon  our  brethren,  the  Scots. 
The  truth  was,  he  had  long  been  dissatisfied  with  the 
results  of  the  revolution  in  which  events  had  given 


280  Oliver  Cromwell  [1650- 

him  so  prominent  a  part,  and  seized,  any  plausible 
excuse  for  retirement.  As  he  persisted,  his  resigna- 
tion was  accepted,  and  on  the  26th  of  June,  1650, 
Cromwell  became,  by  Act  of  Parliament,  Captain- 
General  and  Commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  of 
the  Commonwealth.  "  I  have  not  sought  these 
things,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend  ;  "  truly  I  have  been 
called  unto  them  by  the  Lord,  and  therefore  am  not 
without  some  assurance  that  He  will  enable  His  poor 
worm  and  weak  servant  to  do  His  will." 

At  the  end  of  July,  Cromwell  entered  Scotland 
with  an  army  of  10,500  foot  and  5500  horse.  His  old 
comrade,  David  Leslie,  to  whom  the  Scots  had  given 
the  command,  could  bring  about  eighteen  thousand 
foot  and  eight  thousand  horse  to  meet  him,  but  as 
Leslie's  soldiers  were  much  inferior  in  quality,  he 
stood  resolutely  on  the  defensive.  Marching  along 
the  coast  and  drawing  supplies  mainly  from  the 
English  fleet,  Cromwell  found  the  Scottish  army  in- 
trenched between  Leith  and  Calton  Hill.  A  month 
passed  in  marches  around  Edinburgh,  in  fruitless 
skirmishes,  and  unsuccessful  attempts  to  draw  the 
Scots  from  their  unassailable  fastnesses.  Leslie 
took  no  risks,  and  met  each  move  with  unfailing 
skill.  At  the  end  of  August,  victuals  grew  scarce  in 
the  English  camp  and  disease  was  rife.  With  a 
"  poor,  shattered,  hungry,  discouraged  army,"  Crom- 
well fell  back  on  Dunbar,  intending  to  fortify  the 
town  to  be  used  as  a  magazine  and  basis  of  opera- 
tions, and  to  await  reinforcements  from  Berwick. 
Leslie,  pressing  hard  on  his  heels,  occupied  Doon 
Hill,  which  overlooks  Dunbar,  and  seized  the  passes 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  281 

between  Dunbar  and  Berwick.  Thanks  to  his  know- 
ledge of  the  country  he  had  again  outmanoeuvred 
Cromwell,  and  the  Scots  boasted  that  they  had 
Cromwell  in  a  worse  pound  than  the  King  had  had 
Essex  in  Cornwall. 
Cromwell  owned  the  greatness  of  the  danger. 

"  We  are,"  he  wrote,  "  upon  an  engagement  very  difficult. 
The  enemy  hath  blocked  up  our  way  at  the  pass  at  Cop- 
perspath,  through  which  we  cannot  get  without  almost  a 
miracle.  He  lieth  so  upon  the  hills  that  we  know  not 
how  to  come  that  way  without  great  difficulty,  and  our 
lying  here  daily  consumeth  our  men,  who  fall  sick  be- 
yond imagination." 

His  sixteen  thousand  men  were  reduced  now  to 
eleven  thousand,  and  some  officers  proposed  that 
the  foot  should  be  shipped  on  the  fleet,  while  the 
horse  endeavoured  to  cut  their  way  through  the 
enemy.  But  their  General  remained,  as  he  expressed 
it,  "  comfortable  in  spirit  and  having  much  hope  in 
the  Lord." 

Leslie's  original  plan  was  to  fall  on  Cromwell's 
rear  as  he  tried  to  force  his  way  along  the  road  to 
Berwick,  but  the  parliamentary  committee  in  his 
camp  ordered  him  to  descend  the  hill  and  bar 
Cromwell's  route.  Seeing  that  Cromwell  did  not 
continue  his  march,  he  believed  he  was  shipping  his 
guns,  and  perhaps  part  of  his  infantry,  and  thought 
all  he  had  to  do  was  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the 
enemy.  Accordingly,  on  September  2nd,  Leslie 
moved  his  army  from  the  Doon  hill  to  the  gentle 
slopes  at  its  foot,  intending  to  attack  the  next  day. 


282  Oliver  Cromwell  [1650- 

His  left  was  covered  in  flank,  and  tq  some  extent  in 
front  too,  by  the  steep  ravine  ot  the  Brock  burn, 
which  ran  obliquely  from  the  hill  to  the  sea  and 
separated  the  positions  of  the  two  armies.  His  in- 
fantry were  posted  in  the  centre,  with  their  backs  to 
the  hillside.  On  the  right,  where  the  ground  was 
more  level  and  open,  he  had  massed  two-thirds  of 
his  cavalry.  Leslie  had  twenty-two  thousand  men 
to  Cromwell's  eleven  thousand,  and  told  his  soldiers 
they  would  have  the  English  army,  alive  or  dead,  by 
seven  next  morning. 

When  Cromwell  examined  the  new  position  of 
the  Scots,  he  saw  that  his  opportunity  had  come  at 
last.  Leslie's  left,  shut  in  between  the  hill  and 
the  ravine,  was  practically  useless,  and  his  centre, 
cramped  by  the  hill  in  its  rear,  had  too  little  room 
to  manoeuvre.  Both  Cromwell  and  Major-General 
Lambert  agreed  that  if  the  Scottish  right  were 
beaten  their  whole  army  would  be  endangered. 

That  evening,  in  answer  to  Leslie's  movement, 
Cromwell  drew  up  his  forces  along  the  line  of  the 
ravine  and  about  Broxmouth  House,  as  if  his  sole 
purpose  was  to  stand  on  the  defensive.  The  night 
was  stormy  and  wet,  and  after  one  or  two  alarms 
the  Scots  were  convinced  that  he  did  not  mean  to 
attack.  Just  before  dawn  Cromwell  pushed  a  strong 
body  of  horse  and  foot  across  the  ravine,  and  under 
cover  of  a  false  attack  on  their  left  massed  all  the 
troops  he  could  against  their  right  and  their  centre. 
Lambert  and  Fleetwood,  with  six  regiments  of 
horse,  attacked  the  Scottish  right,  while  Monck,  with 
about  three  thousand  or  four  thousand  foot,  engaged 


Engl  Mile 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  283 

their  centre,  supported  by  the  fire  of  Cromwell's 
guns  from  the  other  side  of  the  ravine.  The  Scots 
were  taken  unprepared,  but  as  soon  as  they  could 
get  into  battle  order  numbers  told.  Charging,  with 
the  slope  in  their  favour,  the  Scottish  lancers  broke 
one  of  Lambert's  regiments,  and  Monk's  division 
was  repulsed  and  forced  to  give  ground.  At  this 
critical  moment,  Cromwell  himself  came  up  with  the 
reserve,  consisting  of  three  regiments  of  foot  and 
one  of  horse.  His  own  regiment  of  horse  fell  on 
the  flank  of  the  Scottish  cavalry,  Lambert's  troopers 
charged  again,  and  after  a  short,  sharp  struggle  the 
Scottish  right  wing  was  broken  through  and  through. 
Simultaneously  Cromwell's  and  Pride's  foot  regi- 
ments furiously  assailed  the  advancing  Scottish  in- 
fantry, and  "  at  push  of  pike  did  repel  the  stoutest 
regiment  the  enemy  had,"  while  all  along  the  line 
the  English  foot,  once  more  advancing,  drove  back 
the  Scots.  Some  of  Leslie's  infantry  stood  stub- 
bornly, but  a  cavalry  charge  on  their  exposed  flank 
completed  their  discomfiture.  At  Cromwell's  di- 
rection, the  flank  attack  became  more  and  more 
pronounced,  till  the  Scottish  centre  was  rolled  up 
from  right  to  left ;  and,  penned  in  the  triangle  be- 
tween the  hill  and  the  ravine,  the  Scottish  infantry 
became  a  helpless  mob,  unable  either  to  fight  or  fly 

"  Horse  and  foot,"  says  one  of  Cromwell's  officers, 
"  were  engaged  all  over  the  field  and  the  Scots  all  in 
confusion.  The  sun  appearing  upon  the  sea  I  heard 
Noll  say,  '  Now  let  God  arise,  and  His  enemies  shall  be 
scattered,'  and  following  us  as  we  slowly  marched  I 
heard  him  say,  '  I  profess  they  run,'  and  then  was  the 


2g A  Oliver  Cromwell  [1650- 

Scots  army  all  in  disorder  and  running,  .both  right  wing 
and  left  and  main  battle.  They  routed  one  another 
after  we  had  done  their  work  on  their  right  wing." 

Three  thousand  men  fell  in  the  battle,  and  ten  thou- 
sand were  taken  prisoners.  While  Leslie  collected 
the  shattered  remnant  of  his  army  at  Stirling,  Crom- 
well occupied  Edinburgh  and  Leith,  and  all  the  east- 
ern portion  of  the  Scottish  Lowlands.  Edinburgh 
Castle  held  out,  and  the  south-west  was  still  in 
arms. 

After  Dunbar,  as  before  it,  Cromwell's  strongest 
wish  was  not  a  conquest  but  an  agreement  which 
would  restore  peace  between  the  two  nations. 

"Give  the  State  of  England,"  he  wrote  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Estates,  "  that  satisfaction  and  security  for 
their  peaceable  and  quiet  living  beside  you,  which  may 
in  justice  be  demanded  from  those  who  have,  as  you, 
taken  their  enemy  into  their  bosom,  whilst  he  was  in 
hostility  against  them." 

He  had  opened  his  campaign  with  manifestos  pro- 
testing the  affection  of  England  for  the  Scots,  and 
demonstrating  their  error  in  supporting  the  Stuarts. 
These  overtures  the  leaders  of  the  Independents 
urged  him  to  renew.  They  regarded  it  as  a  fratri- 
cidal war.  The  grim  Ireton  expressed  the  fear  that 
Cromwell  had  not  been  sufficiently  forbearing  and 
long-suffering.  Subtle  St.  John  drew  a  distinction 
between  Scots  and  Irish,  reminding  him  that  al- 
though the  Irish  were  atheists  and  papists  to  be 
ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron,  the  Scots  were  truly  child- 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  285 

ren  of  God,  and  he  must  still  endeavour  to  heap 
coals  of  fire  on  their  heads.  Cromwell,  whose  heart 
"  yearned  after  the  godly  in  Scotland,"  began  now  a 
new  set  of  expostulations,  directed  particularly  to  the 
ministers  whose  influence  had  frustrated  his  appeals 
to  the  nation.  He  charged  them  with  pretending  a 
reformation  and  laying  the  foundation  of  it  in  get- 
ting worldly  power  for  themselves ;  with  pervert- 
ing the  Covenant  to  serve  secular  ends;  with 
claiming  infallibility  for  their  doctrine  just  as  the 
Pope  did.  Their  claim  to  control  the  civil  govern- 
ment he  dismissed  with  few  words.  "  We  look  on 
ministers  as  helpers  of,  not  lords  over,  God's  people." 
Then  he  refuted  with  like  vigour  the  claim  of  the 
Kirk  to  prohibit  dissent  in  order  to  prevent  heresy. 

"  Your  pretended  fear  lest  error  should  step  in,  is  like 
the  man  who  would  keep  all  wine  out  of  the  country, 
lest  men  should  be  drunk.  It  will  be  found  an  unjust 
and  unwise  jealousy  to  deprive  a  man  of  his  natural  lib- 
erty upon  a  supposition  he  may  abuse  it.  When  he  doth 
abuse  it,  judge." 

Finally,  he  rebuked  them  for  their  hypocrisy  and 
their  blindness.  Was  it  not  hypocritical  "to  pre- 
tend to  cry  down  all  Malignants,  and  yet  to  receive 
and  set  up  the  head  of  them,  and  to  act  for  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  in  his  name  ?  "  Was  it  not  blindness 
to  shut  their  eyes  to  the  meaning  of  their  late 
defeat  ?  God  had  given  judgment  in  their  contro- 
versy at  Dunbar,  and  they  refused  to  see  it.  "  Did 
not  you  solemnly  appeal  and  pray  ?  Did  not  we  do 
so  too  ?  And  ought  not  you  and  we  to  think  with 


286  Oliver  Cromwell 

fear  and  trembling  of  the  hand  of  the  great  God  in 
this  mighty  and  strange  appearance  of  his?  " 

Either  events  or  Cromwell's  arguments  produced 
their  effect  in  the  Scotch  camp.  There  were  great 
searchings  of  heart  amongst  devout  Presbyterians, 
and  a  schism  broke  out  in  the  army.  Rigid  Coven- 
anters renounced  worldly  alliances  and  compliance 
with  an  ungodly  monarch.  "  I  desire  to  serve  the 
King  faithfully,"  said  Colonel  Ker,  "  but  on  condi- 
tion that  the  King  himself  be  subject  to  the  King  of 
Kings."  Colonel  Strachan,  after  some  negotiation 
with  Cromwell,  laid  down  his  commission.  Ker, 
with  three  or  four  thousand  westland  Whigs,  refused 
obedience  to  the  Committee  of  Estates,  and  tried  to 
wage  war  independently.  But  attempting  to  sur- 
prise Lambert,  at  Hamilton,  in  Lanarkshire,  on  De- 
cember ist,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  his  force  scattered, 
and  the  whole  of  the  south-west  fell  into  Cromwell's 
power. 

More  lasting  was  the  division  amongst  the  clergy. 
One  party,  headed  by  Gillespie  and  Guthry,  pub- 
lished a  Remonstrance  repudiating  the  idea  of  right- 
ing for  Charles  II.  till  he  had  proved  his  fitness  to 
be  a  covenanted  king,  and  condemning  those  who 
had  closed  their  eyes  to  his  insincerity.  The  Re- 
monstrants, as  they  were  termed,  would  have  no 
alliance  with  either  Malignants  or  Engagers.  The 
other  party,  laxer  in  its  moral  views,  and  moved 
more  by  national  than  religious  feeling,  was  ready 
to  accept  the  compromises  which  the  necessities  of 
the  State  demanded.  When  Parliament  passed  resol- 
utions allowing  Malignants  and  Engagers  to  fight 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  287 

in  the  national  ranks,  it  consented  to  their  employ- 
ment on  a  simple  profession  of  penitence.  For  the 
next  ten  years  the  quarrels  of  Resolutioners  and 
Remonstrants  made  up  Scotland's  ecclesiastical 
history. 

Cromwell  had  foreseen  the  political  consequences 
of  Dunbar.  "  Surely,"  he  predicted,  "  it 's  probable 
the  Kirk  has  done  their  do.  I  believe  their  King 
will  set  up  upon  his  own  score  now."  The  predic- 
tion now  came  true.  Charles  had  suffered  great 
humiliations  since  he  came  to  Scotland.  He  had 
submitted  to  all  conditions  and  sworn  many  kinds 
of  oaths.  He  had  been  obliged  to  declare  his  sor- 
row for  his  father's  hostility  to  the  work  of  re- 
formation and  his  mother's  love  of  idolatry.  He 
had  seen  the  Scottish  ranks  purged  of  Royalists, 
and  had  been  forbidden  to  approach  the  army  that 
was  fighting  in  his  name.  At  last,  events  had 
brought  the  Parliament  round  to  his  policy.  From 
the  date  of  his  coronation  at  Scone  on  January  i, 
1651,  Charles  was  King  of  Scotland  in  fact  as  well 
as  name.  Partly  driven  by  necessity,  because  the 
ecclesiastical  divisions  had  deprived  him  of  his 
strongest  supporters,  partly  lured  by  hope,  because 
Charles  offered  to  marry  his  daughter,  Argyle  fell 
in  with  the  King's  policy.  But  each  stage  in  its 
development  diminished  his  influence.  First  he  had 
to  share  his  power  with  Hamilton  and  his  partisans, 
and  then  the  repeal  of  the  Act  of  Classes  put  an 
end  to  it  altogether  by  allowing  even  Montrose's 
adherents  to  hold  office. 

Thus  within  a  year  from  his  landing  in  Scotland 


288  Oliver  Cromwell  [1650^ 

Charles  had  succeeded  in  combining »both  Royalists 
and  Presbyterians  in  support  of  his  cause.  His 
hopes  were  never  higher.  It  seemed  possible  to 
effect  a  similar  combination  between  the  Presbyteri- 
ans and  Royalists  in  England.  In  March,  1651,  the 
English  Government  detected  a  plot  for  a  rising  in 
Lancashire  which  was  to  be  helped  by  troops  from 
Scotland,  and  isolated  insurrections  which  broke  out 
in  Norfolk  (December,  1650)  and  in  Cardiganshire 
(June,  1651)  proved  the  reality  of  these  conspir- 
acies. If  a  Scottish  army  entered  England,  the 
general  royalist  rising  of  1648  might  be  repeated, 
and  perhaps  with  a  different  issue. 

The  campaign  of  1651  began  late.  During  the 
winter,  Blackness  and  Tantallon  castles  were  capt- 
ured, and  in  February  there  was  an  advance  on 
Stirling  which  the  tempestuous  weather  frustrated. 
In  the  spring,  Cromwell's  illness  delayed  operations. 
The  hardships  of  Irish  campaigning  had  impaired 
his  health.  "  I  grow  an  old  man,  and  feel  the  in- 
firmities of  age  marvellously  stealing  upon  me,"  he 
wrote  to  his  wife  on  the  day  after  Dunbar ;  but  he 
never  spared  himself,  and  in  February,  1651,  he  fell 
ill  of  an  intermittent  fever  brought  on  by  exposure. 
Three  successive  relapses  brought  him  to  the  verge 
of  the  grave,  and  more  than  once  his  life  was  de- 
spaired of.  Parliament  in  alarm  sent  him  two  of  the 
best  physicians  of  the  day,  and  advised  him  to 
remove  to  England  for  change  of  air.  In  June  he 
was  sufficiently  recovered  to  take  the  field,  and 
found  Leslie's  army  posted  on  the  hills  south  of 
Stirling.  "  We  cannot  come  to  fight  him  except  he 


Cromwell  and  Scotland  289 

please,  or  we  go  upon  too  manifest  hazards,"  wrote 
Cromwell,  "  he  having  very  strongly  laid  himself, 
and  having  a  very  great  advantage  there." 

Unable  to  attack  or  to  lure  Leslie  from  his  posi- 
tion, Cromwell  resolved  to  turn  it.  The  English 
fleet  commanded  the  sea,  and  it  was  easy  to  throw 
Lambert  and  four  thousand  men  across  the  Forth 
into  Fife.  Leslie  sent  Sir  John  Brown  against  him 
with  a  like  force,  but  Lambert  annihilated  Brown's 
force  at  Inverkeithing  on  July  2Oth.  Cromwell 
poured  more  troops  across  the  water  till  he  had 
fourteen  thousand  men  in  Fife,  and  then  taking 
their  command  himself  he  marched  on  Perth,  which 
fell  after  a  siege  of  twenty-four  hours  (August  2nd), 

The  capture  of  Perth  cut  off  Leslie  from  his  sup- 
plies,  and  severed  his  communications  with  the  north 
of  Scotland.  But  the  way  to  England  was  left  open, 
and  confident  that  English  Royalists  would  flock  to 
his  banner  Charles  and  his  whole  army  marched  for 
the  border.  Cromwell  had  foreseen  the  movement, 
and  was  well  aware  that  it  might  alarm  the  English 
Government.  But  he  justified  his  strategy  with 
sober  confidence. 

"  We  have  done,"  he  said,  "  to  the  best  of  our  judg- 
ment, knowing  that  if  some  issue  were  not  put  to 
this  business  it  would  occasion  another  winter's  war,  to 
the  ruin  of  your  soldiery,  for  whom  the  Scots  are  too 
hard  in  respect  of  enduring  the  winter  difficulties  of  this 
country,  and  to  the  endless  expense  of  the  treasury  of 
England  in  prosecuting  this  war.  It  may  be  supposed 
we  might  have  kept  the  enemy  from  this  by  interposing 
between  him  and  England  ;  which  truly  I  believe  we 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1650 


might,  but  how  to  remove  him  out  of  this  place  without 
doing'what  we  have  done,  unless  we  had  a  commanding 
army  on  both  sides  the  river  of  Forth,  is  not  clear  to  us  ; 
or  how  to  answer  the  inconveniences  afore-mentioned  we 
understand  not." 

He  bade  them  be  of  good  courage  and  collect 
what  forces  they  could  to  check  the  march  of  the 
Scots. 

"  Indeed  we  have  this  comfortable  experience  from  the 
Lord,  that  the  enemy  is  heart-smitten  by  God,  and 
whenever  the  Lord  shall  bring  us  up  to  them,  we  believe 
the  Lord  will  make  the  desperateness  of  this  counsel  of 
theirs  to  appear,  and  the  folly  of  it  also.  When  England 
was  much  more  unsteady  than  now,  and  when  a  much 
more  considerable  army  of  theirs  unfoiled  invaded  you, 
and  we  had  but  a  weak  force  to  make  resistance,  at  Preston, 
upon  deliberate  advice,  we  chose  rather  to  put  ourselves 
between  their  army  and  Scotland  ;  and  how  God  suc- 
ceeded that  is  not  well  to  be  forgotten." 

Charles  entered  England  by  Carlisle,  and  marched 
through  Lancashire  and  along  the  Welsh  border, 
hoping  to  gather  recruits  from  those  districts  during 
his  progress.  Cromwell,  leaving  Monk  to  secure 
Scotland,  sent  his  cavalry  under  Lambert  and 
Harrison  to  pursue  the  King,  and  followed  himself 
through  Yorkshire  with  the  infantry.  As  he  went, 
he  was  joined  by  the  forces  of  the  counties  through 
which  he  passed,  and  all  over  England  the  new 
county  militia  rushed  to  arms.  For,  however  much 
they  might  detest  the  Republic,  Englishmen  hesitated 
to  assist  a  Scottish  invader. 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  291 

In  Lancashire,  distrust  of  Malignants  prevented 
the  Presbyterians  from  taking  up  arms,  though  the 
Earl  of  Derby  raised  a  little  army  amongst  the 
Cavaliers.  On  the  22nd  of  August,  Charles  reached 
Worcester  with  less  than  sixteen  thousand  men,  worn 
out  by  marching,  and  halted  to  rest  and  collect  his 
adherents.  A  few  devoted  gentlemen  made  their 
way  to  his  standard,  but  the  people  remained  apa- 
thetic, and  three  days  later  Derby's  levies  were  routed 
at  Wigan  by  Colonel  Lilburn.  By  this  time  the  net 
was  closing  round  the  King.  Cromwell,  joining 
Lambert  and  Harrison,  had  established  himself  at 
Evesham,  and  blocked  the  road  to  London  with 
thirty  thousand  men.  His  superior  numbers  enabled 
him  to  divide  his  forces,  and  to  attack  Worcester 
from  both  sides.  Lambert  and  Fleetwood,  with 
eleven  thousand  men,  crossed  to  the  west  bank  of  the 
Severn,  and  prevented  the  retreat  of  the  Royalists 
into  Wales,  whilst  Cromwell,  with  the  bulk  of  the 
army,  remained  on  the  east  bank  and  pushed  close  up 
to  the  city.  On  September  ^rd,  the  anniversary  of 
JDim^ar,  Fleetwood's  force  advanced  upon  Worcester 
from  the  south-west.  Between  it  and  Worcester  lay 
the  river  Teame,  a  tributary  of  the  Severn,  held  by 
a  royalist  division,  which  had  broken  the  bridges. 
Cromwell  threw  a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Severn, 
just  above  the  mouth  of  the  Teame,  and  fell  on  the 
flank  of  the  Scots  with  four  of  his  best  regiments. 
"  The  Lord  General  did  lead  the  van  in  person,  and 
was  the  first  man  that  set  foot. on  the  enemy's 
ground."  Under  cover  cf  Cromwell's  attack,  Fleet- 
wood  threw  a  similar  bridge  across  the  Teame,  and 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1650- 

his  infantry  poured  across  to  co-operate  with  Crom- 
well. Outnumbered,  but  fighting  stubbornly,  the 
Scots  gave  way.  "  We  beat  the  enemy  from  hedge 
to  hedge,"  wrote  Cromwell,  "  till,  we  beat  him  into 
Worcester." 

Charles,  who  watched  the  battle  from  the  tower  of 
the  cathedral,  seeing  that  the  great  part  of  Crom- 
well's army  was  engaged  on  the  western  bank,  sallied 
forth  with  every  man  he  could  muster  to  crush  the 
force  left  on  the  eastern  side.  For  three  hours  the 
struggle  lasted.  At  first  the  Scots  gained  ground, 
but  Cromwell,  recrossing  the  river,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  men,  and  drove  the  enemy  back  in  con- 
fusion into  the  city.  His  soldiers  entered  at  their 
heels,  and  storming  their  "  Fort  Royal  "  turned  its 
guns  on  the  streets.  "  My  Lord  General  did  exceed- 
ingly hazard  himself,  riding  up  and  down  in  the 
midst  of  the  fire ;  riding  himself  in  person  to  the 
enemy's  foot  to  offer  them  quarter,  whereto  they 
returned  no  answer  but  shot."  In  the  end,  what  was 
left  of  the  foot  laid  down  their  arms,  while  the  horse 
fled  through  the  north  gate,  and  took  the  road  to 
Scotland.  But  not  a  single  regiment  or  troop  reached 
their  home.  The  militia,  which  beset  the  bridges  and 
highways,  gathered  up  prisoners  in  hundreds,  and 
the  country  people  hunted  down  stragglers  with 
merciless  ferocity.  Half  the  nobility  of  Scotland 
were  amongst  the  prisoners. 

Amongst  the  few  who  escaped  was  the  young 
King.  The  Parliament  threatened  all  who  sheltered 
Charles  with  the  penalties  of  high  treason,  and 
promised  one  thousand  pounds  to  any  person  who 


The  Battle  of 

WORCESTER 

Royal,;,,  IB    ID 


i6»i,  Cromwell  and  Scotland  293 

gave  him  up.  Troopers  scoured  the  roads  to  find 
him,  and  officials  at  all  the  ports  were  warned  to  watch 
for  "  a  tall  man  above  two  yards  high,  with  hair  a 
deep  brown  near  to  black."  But,  though  English- 
men would  not  fight  for  Charles,  they  would  not 
betray  him,  and  of  the  scores  he  trusted  not  one 
proved  false.  Sometimes  hiding  in  an  oak  tree, 
sometimes  in  a  "  priest's  hole,"  disguised  now  as  a 
countryman  in  an  old  worn  leathern  doublet  and 
green  breeches,  and  now  as  a  serving-man  in  grey 
homespun,  Charles  wandered  through  the  south-west 
searching  for  a  ship.  At  last  he  found  one  at 
Brighton,  and  landed  safe  in  France  on  October  22nd. 
For  Scotland,  Cromwell's  victory  marked  the  end 
of  independence.  The  absence  of  Leslie's  army 
left  no  force  in  Scotland  capable  of  giving  battle  to 
Monk's  six  thousand  veterans,  and  there  was  no 
fortress  in  Scotland  which  could  resist  his  artillery. 
Monk  captured  Stirling  on  August  I4th,  and  the 
seizure  of  the  Committee  of  Estates  at  Alyth  on 
August  28th  deprived  the  national  defence  of  its 
head,  and  destroyed  the  last  relic  of  a  national 
government.  Dundee  was  stormed  and  sacked  on 
September  ist.  Montrose,  Aberdeen,  Inverness,  and 
other  towns  fell  without  a  blow.  In  February,  1652, 
tne  Orkneys  were  occupied,  and  in  May,  Dunottar 
Castle,  the  last  fortress  to  hold  out,  surrendered. 
Argyle,  who  had  refused  to  follow  Charles  into 
England,  endeavoured  to  maintain  an  independent 
position  in  the  West  Highlands,  but  in  August  he 
too  was  forced  to  give  in  his  adhesion  to  the  English 
Government,  and  the  subjugation  of  Scotland  was 


Oliver  Cromwell.  [165O- 

completed.  An  English  garrison  of  twelve  thousand 
or  fourteen  thousand  men,  and  strong  fortresses  built 
at  Leith,  Ayr,  Inverness,  and  Inverlochy,  kept 
henceforth  the  conquered  country  in  submission.  In 
spite  of  the  general  discontent  no  effort  to  throw  off 
the  English  yoke  had  any  chance  of  success.  In 
1653,  the  war  with  Holland  emboldened  the  High- 
landers to  take  arms  again,  and  a  rising  began  which 
was  headed  first  by  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  afterwards 
by  General  Middleton.  The  insurgents  made  forays 
into  the  Lowlands,  but  were  never  strong  enough  to 
do  much  more,  and  their  own  disputes  ruined  their 
cause.  Monk  returned  to  his  command  in  Scotland 
in  May,  1654,  wasted  the  Highland  glens  with  fire 
and  sword,  defeated  Middleton's  forces,  and  by  the 
end  of  the  year  put  an  end  to  the  insurrection. 

The  policy  of  the  Long  Parliament  and  of  the 
Protector  toward  Scotland  resembled  in  its  aim  their 
policy  toward  Ireland.  In  each  case  the  object  was 
to  make  the  conquered  country  into  an  integral  part 
of  a  British  empire.  But  the  measures  adopted  to 
attain  this  object  differed  considerably  in  the  two 
countries.  In  Scotland  there  was  no  general  confis- 
cation of  the  lands  of  the  vanquished,  and  no  far- 
reaching  alteration  in  the  framework  of  society. 
The  Scottish  Royalists  were  treated  much  as  the 
English  Cavaliers  had  been.  The  Long  Parliament 
confiscated  the  estates  of  those  who  had  invaded 
England  in  1648  and  1651,  but  the  Protector  adopted 
a  more  moderate  policy,  imposing  the  penalty  of 
forfeiture  only  on  twenty-four  leaders,  and  fining 
minor  offenders.  A  few  English  officers  were  given 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  295 

grants  of  the  forfeited  lands,  but  most  of  their  re- 
venue was  devoted  to  public  purposes.  Hence  the 
Scottish  confiscations,  although  they  ruined  many  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry,  left  the  bulk  of  the  nation 
untouched. 

In  Scotland  there  was  no  proscription  of  the 
national  religion,  but  the  national  Church  lost  a 
portion  of  its  independence,  and  was  deprived  of  all 
power  to  check  or  control  the  civil  government. 
In  1653,  the  General  Assembly  —  "the  glory  and 
strength  of  our  Church  upon  earth,"  as  a  Presby- 
terian minister  termed  it  —  was  forcibly  dissolved, 
but  local  synods  and  presbyteries  were  allowed  to 
meet.  The  English  Government  deprived  the  Church 
courts  of  their  coercive  jurisdiction  over  non-members, 
and  protected  the  formation  of  Independent  con- 
gregations. It  appointed  commissioners  to  visit  the 
universities,  punished  ministers  who  preached  against 
it,  and  decided  disputes  about  appointments  to 
vacant  livings.  But  it  interfered  little  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  Church,  and  held  the  balance  toler- 
ably even  between  Remonstrants  and  Resolutioners. 
Though  deprived  of  its  political  power  and  much  of 
its  independence,  the  Scottish  Church  was  not  un- 
prosperous.  "  These  bitter  waters,"  says  Robert 
Blair,  "were  sweetened  by  the  Lord's  remarkably 
blessing  the  labours  of  His  faithful  servants.  A  great 
door  and  an  effectual  was  opened  to  many." 

As  in  Ireland  so  in  Scotland  the  separate  national 
Parliament  ended,  and  was  replaced  by  representa- 
tion in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  The  in- 
corporating union,  which  James  I.  had  unskilfully 


Oliver  Cromwell  [16 50- 

attempted,  the  Long  Parliament  decreed,  and  the 
Protector  realised.  In  1652,  commissioners  sent  by 
the  Long  Parliament  extorted  a  reluctant  consent  to 
the  principle  of  the  union,  but  the  details  were  still 
unsettled  when  Cromwell  became  Protector.  By  the 
"  Instrument  of  Government,"  Scotland  was  assigned 
thirty  members  in  the  British  Parliament,  and  the 
Protector's  ordinances  completed  the  work.  English 
statesmen  regarded  the  union  as  a  generous  conces- 
sion. It  was  intended  by  the  Parliament,  says 
Ludlow, 

"  to  convince  even  their  enemies,  that  their  principal 
design  was  to  procure  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of 
all  that  were  under  their  government,"  and  "  was  cheer- 
fully accepted  by  the  most  judicious  amongst  the  Scots, 
who  well  understood  how  great  a  concession  it  was  in  the 
Parliament  of  England  to  permit  a  people  they  had  con- 
quered to  have  a  part  in  the  legislative  power." 

In  reality,  both  ecclesiastical  and  national  feeling 
were  arrayed  against  it.  "  As  for  the  embodying  of 
Scotland  with  England,"  said  Robert  Blair,  "  it  will 
be  as  when  the  poor  bird  is  embodied  in  the  hawk 
that  has  eaten  it  up."  With  few  exceptions  all 
classes  regarded  the  incorporating  union  with  hos- 
tility and  aversion. 

The  Protector  hoped  to  reconcile  Scotland  to  the 
union  by  the  material  benefits  which  accompanied 
it.  Absolute  freedom  of  trade  between  the  two 
countries,  proportionate  taxation,  and  a  better  sys- 
tem of  justice  were  promised.  Nor  were  these  empty 
words.  Tenures  implying  vassalage  and  servitude 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  297 

and  heritable  jurisdictions  were  abolished.  Popular 
courts-baron  were  set  up,  English  justices  of  the  peace 
introduced,  the  fees  of  the  law  courts  diminished, 
and  new  judges  appointed  who  administered  the 
laws  without  fear  or  favour.  Even  Scots  admitted 
the  improvement  in  the  administration  of  justice. 
"  There  was  good  justice  done,"  says  Burnet.  "  To 
speak  truth,"  adds  Nichol,  "  the  English  were  more 
indulgent  and  merciful  to  the  Scots,  than  the  Scots 
to  their  own  countrymen  and  neighbours,  and  their 
justice  exceeded  the  Scots'  in  many  things." 

The  civil  administration  of  Scotland  was  in  the 
hands,  at  first,  of  parliamentary  commissioners,  and, 
after  1655,  of  a  Scottish  Council  of  Nine  appointed 
by  the  Protector,  which  included  two  Scots.  Under 
their  vigorous  rule,  such  order  was  maintained  as 
Scotland  had  never  known  before.  The  Highlands 
were  tamed  by  the  English  garrisons,  and  the  moss- 
troopers of  the  border  hunted  down  and  punished. 
A  man,  boasted  one  of  the  English  officials,  might 
ride  all  through  Scotland  with  a  hundred  pounds  in 
his  pocket,  and  nothing  but  a  switch  in  his  hand. 

The  class  which  benefited  most  by  these  reforms 
was  the  middle  class.  "  The  towns,"  wrote  Monk 
to  Cromwell,  "  are  generally  the  most  faithful  to  us 
of  any  people  in  this  nation."  In  1658,  Cromwell, 
describing  to  his  Parliament  the  condition  of  Scot- 
land, exulted  over  the  improvement  which  English 
rule  had  produced. 

"  The  meaner  sort,"  he  said,  "  live  as  well  and  are  likely 
to  come  into  as  thriving  a  condition  under  your  govern- 
ment, as  when  they  were  under  their  own  great  lords,  who 


2gg  Oliver  Cromwell  [1650- 

made  them  work  for  their  living  no  better  than  the  peas- 
ants of  France.  I  am  loath  to  speak  anything  which  may 
reflect  upon  that  nation  ;  but  the  middle  sort  of  people 
do  grow  up  into  such  a  substance  as  makes  their  lives 
comfortable,  if  not  better  than  before." 

Burnet,  in  his  description  of  the  Cromwellian  re- 
gime in  Scotland,  goes  so  far  as  to  say,  "  we  always 
reckon  those  eight  years  of  usurpation  a  time  of 
great  peace  and  prosperity."  But  this  is  an  evident 
exaggeration.  The  devastation  and  loss  caused  by 
the  long  wars  had  produced  widespread  poverty.  "  I 
do  think,"  admitted  the  Protector,  "  the  Scots  nation 
have  been  under  as  great  a  suffering,  in  point  of 
livelihood  and  subsistence  outwardly,  as  any  people 
I  have  yet  named  to  you.  I  do  think  truly  they  are 
a  very  ruined  nation."  The  weak  point  of  English 
rule  was  the  heavy  taxation  which  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  so  large  an  army  in  Scotland  caused. 
Baillie's  letters  are  full  of  complaints  of  the  burden 
of  taxation.  "  A  great  army  in  a  multitude  of  gar- 
risons bides  above  our  heads,  and  deep  poverty 
keeps  all  estates  exceedingly  under  ;  the  taxes  of  all 
sorts  are  so  great,  the  trade  so  little,  that  it  is  a  mar- 
vel if  extreme  scarcity  of  money  end  not  soon  in 
some  mischief."  The  English  Government  had 
originally  imposed  a  land  tax  of  ten  thousand  pounds 
per  month  on  Scotland,  but  this  was  levied  with  such 
difficulty  that  it  was  finally  reduced  to  six  thousand 
pounds.  And  in  the  year  of  Cromwell's  death,  Eng- 
land had  to  remit  to  Scotland  a  contribution  of  over 
£140,000  towards  the  expenses  of  the  military  gov- 
ernment which  held  Scotland  in  obedience. 


1651]  Cromwell  and  Scotland  299 

Scots  in  general  regarded  the  benefits  which  Eng- 
lish rule  conferred  as  too  dearly  purchased  at  the 
cost  of  heavy  taxes  and  national  independence.  In 
Ireland,  for  weal  or  woe,  the  Cromwellian  conquest 
left  an  ineffaceable  mark  on  the  national  history. 
In  Scotland,  on  the  other  hand,  all  that  Cromwell 
had  done,  or  tried  to  do, — union,  law-reform,  and 
freedom  of  trade, —  vanished  when  the  Restoration 
came.  But  the  aims  of  his  policy  were  so  just  that 
subsequent  statesmen  were  compelled  to  follow 
where  he  led.  The  union  and  free  trade  came  in 
1707,  and  the  abolition  of  hereditary  jurisdictions 
in  1746. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  END   OF  THE   LONG   PARLIAMENT 
1651-1653 

WHEN  the  Parliament  received  the  news  of 
Worcester,  they  voted  Cromwell  four  thou- 
sand pounds  a  year,  gave  him  Hampton 
Court  for  a  residence,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  pre- 
sent their  thanks.  On  September  1 2th,  he  made  a 
triumphal  entry  into  London.  Hugh  Peters,  the 
army  chaplain,  professed  to  perceive  a  secret  exult- 
ation in  his  bearing,  and  whispered  to  a  friend  that 
Cromwell  would  yet  make  himself  king.  But 
Whitelocke  recorded  that  "  he  carried  himself  with 
great  affability,  and  in  his  discourses  about  Worcester 
would  seldom  mention  anything  of  himself,  but 
mentioned  others  only,  and  gave,  as  was  due,  the 
glory  of  the  action  to  God."  From  his  despatch,  it 
was  evident  that  Cromwell  regarded  the  "  crowning 
mercy"  of  Worcester  not  only  as  the  consumma- 
tion of  the  work  of  war,  but  as  a  call  to  take  in  hand 
and  accomplish  the  tasks  of  peace.  It  should  pro- 
voke the  Parliament,  he  told  the  Speaker, 

"  to  do  the  will  of  Him  who  has  done  His  will  for  it 
300 


[1651-1653]      End  of  the  Long  Parliament       301 

and  for  the  nation — whose  good  pleasure  it  is  to  estab- 
lish the  nation  and  the  change  of  government,  by  mak- 
ing the  people  so  willing  to  the  defence  thereof,  and 
so  signally  blessing  the  endeavours  of  your  servants  in 
this  late  great  work." 

For  in  spite  of  its  victories  the  government  of  the 
Commonwealth  was  essentially  a  provisional  govern- 
ment, and  acquiesced  in,  rather  than  accepted  by,  the 
nation.  Even  its  adherents  felt  that  something  more 
permanent  and  more  constitutional  must  be  estab- 
lished in  its  place,  now  that  the  Civil  War  was  over. 
In  a  conference  between  officers  and  members  of 
Parliament,  which  Cromwell  brought  about  soon  after 
his  return  to  London,  this  feeling  plainly  appeared. 
The  lawyers  were  all  for  some  monarchical  form  of 
government.  Some  suggested  that  the  late  King's 
third  son,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  now  twelve  years 
old,  should  be  made  king.  The  soldiers  would 
not  hear  of  anything  that  smacked  of  monarchy. 
"  Why,"  asked  Desborough,  "  may  not  this  as  well 
as  other  nations  be  governed  in  the  way  of  a  repub- 
lic ?  "  Cromwell  said  little,  and  seemed  more  anx- 
ious to  learn  what  others  thought,  than  to  express 
his  own  views.  He  agreed  with  the  lawyers  that  "  a 
settlement  of  somewhat  with  monarchical  power  in 
it  "  would  be  most  effectual.  He  knew  that  a  strong 
executive  power  was  needed  either  for  the  tasks  of 
peace  or  war,  but  doubted  whether  a  return  to  the 
Stuart  line  was  possible.  He  agreed  with  the  sol- 
diers that  a  new  Parliament  was  an  immediate  neces- 
sity, but,  as  in  1649,  he  held  that  it  would  be  more 
honourable  and  more  expedient  to  induce  the  Long 


302  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

Parliament  to  dissolve  itself.  Publicly  and  privately 
he  used  all  his  influence  to  persuade  the  House  to 
do  so.  "  I  pressed  the  Parliament,"  he  says,  "  as 
a  member  to  period  themselves,  once  and  again  and 
again,  and  ten,  nay,  twenty  times  over."  But,  in 
spite  of  "  a  long  speech  made  by  his  Excellency,"  it 
was  only  by  two  votes  that  the  House  resolved  to 
fix  a  date  for  its  dissolution,  and  then  the  date 
named  was  three  years  distant  (November  3,  1654). 
Cromwell  was  obliged  to  resign  himself  to  the  delay, 
and  do  what  he  could  for  the  settlement  of  the 
nation  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  existing 
Parliament.  The  task  which  was  now  before  him  was 
more  difficult  than  fighting  the  Irish  or  the  Scots  ; 
more  was  expected  of  him,  and  his  power  was  less. 

"  Great  things,"  said  a  letter  to  Cromwell,  "  God  has 
done  by  you  in  war,  and  good  things  men  expect  from 
you  in  peace :  to  break  in  pieces  the  oppressor,  to 
ease  the  oppressed  of  their  burdens,  to  release  the  pris- 
oners out  of  bonds,  and  to  relieve  poor  families  with 
bread." 

For  some  months  after  Worcester,  petitions  were 
often  addressed  directly  to  the  General  and  the 
Army  instead  of  to  the  Parliament.  But  all  power 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Parliament,  and  as  dangers 
grew  more  remote,  this  body  grew  less  amenable 
to  the  influence  of  the  man  who  had  saved  it.  Of 
the  sixty  or  seventy  members  who  habitually  took 
part  in  its  proceedings,  the  ablest  were  also  members 
of  the  Council  of  State,  absorbed  in  the  daily  busi- 
ness of  administration,  and  with  little  energy  left 


16531       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     303 

for  the  consideration  of  far-reaching  legislative  plans. 
Of  the  rest,  many  were  engrossed  by  local  affairs, 
others  occupied  with  their  farms  and  their  mer- 
chandise, many  building  up  fortunes  by  speculating 
in  confiscated  lands.  Some  few  were  notoriously 
corrupt,  but  partisanship  and  favouritism  were  more 
general  evils  than  corruption.  Vane  complained 
to  Cromwell  that  some  of  his  colleagues  were  so 
obstructive,  that  "  without  continual  contestation 
they  will  not  suffer  to  be  done  things  that  are  so 
plain  that  they  ought  to  do  themselves."  "  How 
hard  and  difficult  a  matter  it  was,"  said  Cromwell 
himself,  "  to  get  anything  carried  without  making 
parties,  without  practices  indeed  unworthy  of  a 
Parliament." 

Yet  difficult  though  it  was,  Cromwell  and  the 
officers  succeeded  in  inspiring  the  Parliament  with 
some  portion  of  their  own  energy.  Politically,  the 
most  pressing  measure  was  the  grant  of  an  amnesty 
to  the  conquered  Royalists.  So  long  as  they  were 
liable  to  punishment  and  confiscation  for  acts  done 
during  the  last  ten  years,  the  wounds  of  the  Civil 
War  could  never  be  healed.  In  February,  1652, 
Cromwell  at  last  persuaded  Parliament  to  pass  an 
act  of  pardon  for  all  treasons  committed  before  the 
battle  of  Worcester,  but  it  was  unhappily  clogged 
with  exceptions  and  restrictions  which  robbed  it  of 
much  of  its  efficacy.  More  than  once  during  the 
divisions  on  the  bill,  Cromwell  was  teller  against 
these  restrictions,  and  bigoted  republicans  afterwards 
thought  he  did  so  from  sinister  motives.  He  con- 
trived that  delinquents  should  escape  due  punish- 


304 


Oliver  Cromwell  U651- 


ment,  wrote  Ludlow,  "  that  so  he'  might  fortify 
himself  by  the  addition  of  new  friends  for  the  carry- 
ing on  his  designs."  To  Cromwell  it  seemed  an 
act  of  political  expediency.  It  was  necessary,  he 
held,  to  be  just  to  Royalists  as  well  as  Puritans,  to 
unbelievers  as  well  as  believers ;  perhaps  even  more 
necessary. 

"  The  right  spirit,"  he  added,  "  was  such  a  spirit 
as  Moses  had  and  Paul  had  —  which  was  not  a  spirit 
for  believers  only,  but  for  the  whole  people." 

Next  in  importance  to  a  general  amnesty  came 
the  Reform  of  the  Law  —  a  phrase  which,  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  used  it,  meant  not  simply  legal 
changes,  but  social  reforms  in  general.  There  was 
much  need  of  both.  The  Civil  War  had  ruined  its 
thousands ;  society  was  disorganised  by  its  conse- 
quences :  the  relations  of  landlord  and  tenant,  of 
debtor  and  creditor,  were  complicated  by  unforeseen 
calamities ;  the  prisons  of  London  were  crammed 
with  poor  debtors,  and  the  country  swarmed  with 
beggars.  For  the  lawyers  it  was  the  best  possible 
of  worlds,  and  they  were  never  more  prosperous  or 
more  unpopular. 

"  We  cannot  mention  the  Reformation  of  the  Law," 
said  Cromwell  to  Ludlow  in  1650,  "  but  the  lawyers 
cry  out  we  mean  to  destroy  property,  whereas  the  law 
as  it  is  now  constituted  serves  only  to  maintain  the  law- 
yers, and  to  encourage  the  rich  to  oppress  the  poor." 
"Relieve  the  oppressed,"  he  urged  Parliament  in  his 
Dunbar  despatch  ;  "  reform  the  abuses  of  all  profes- 
sions, and  if  there  be  any  one  that  makes  many  poor  to 
make  a  few  rich,  that  suits  not  a  Commonwealth." 


1653]       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     305 

Parliament  had  done  something  already  to  meet 
these  complaints.  In  November,  1650,  it  had  passed 
an  act  ordering  that  all  legal  proceedings  and  docu- 
ments should  be  henceforth  in  English,  besides  an 
earlier  act  for  the  relief  of  poor  prisoners.  Now  it 
boldly  appointed  twenty-one  commissioners,  chosen 
outside  its  own  body,  with  Matthew  Hale  at  their 
head,  "  to  consider  the  inconveniencies  of  the  Law — 
and  the  speediest  way  to  remedy  the  same,"  and  to 
report  their  proposals  to  a  Committee  of  the  House 
itself  (January  17,  1652).  The  commissioners  fell 
roundly  to  work,  and  presented  in  the  next  few 
months  drafts  of  many  good  bills,  some  of  which 
became  law  during  the  Protectorate,  and  others  in 
the  present  century.  They  even  took  in  hand  the 
task  of  codification,  and  drew  up  "  a  system  of  the 
Law  "  for  the  consideration  of  Parliament. 

During  this  same  period  the  reorganisation  of  the 
Church  was  also  attempted.  The  Long  Parliament 
had  passed  acts  for  the  augmentation  of  livings,  for 
the  punishment  of  blasphemy,  and  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  Gospel  in  Wales  and  Ireland.  But  it 
had  abolished  Episcopacy  without  replacing  it  by 
any  other  system  of  Church  government,  and  it  had 
ejected  royalist  clergymen  without  providing  any 
machinery  for  the  appointment  of  fit  successors.  In 
London,  in  Lancashire,  and  in  a  few  other  districts, 
there  were  voluntary  associations  of  ministers  on 
the  Presbyterian  model,  but  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  England,  the  Presbyterian  organisation  de- 
creed in  1648  had  never  been  actually  established. 
The  Church  was  a  chaos  of  isolated  congregations, 


306  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

—  —  ^ 

in  which  a  man  made  himself  a  minister  as  he  chose, 
and  got  himself  a  living  as  he  could.  The  reduction 
of  this  chaos  to  order  seemed  so  difficult  a  problem, 
and  beset  with  so  many  controversial  questions,  that 
Parliament  hesitated  to  undertake  it. 

John  Owen,  once  Cromwell's  chaplain  in  Ireland, 
took  the  duty  on  himself,  and  on  February  10,  1652, 
he  and  fourteen  other  ministers  presented  to  Parlia- 
ment a  comprehensive  scheme  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Church.  The  House  answered  by  referring  it  to 
a  committee  appointed  to  consider  the  better  propa- 
gation of  the  Gospel,  of  which  committee  Cromwell 
was  the  most  important  member.  Owen's  scheme, 
like  the  Agreement  of  the  People,  proposed  the  con- 
tinuance of  a  national  Church  with  tolerated  dissent- 
ing bodies  existing  by  its  side.  The  Church  was  to 
be  controlled  by  two  sets  of  commissioners,  partly 
lay  and  partly  clerical :  local  commissioners,  who 
were  to  determine  the  fitness  of  all  candidates 
seeking  to  be  admitted  as  preachers  ;  itinerant  com- 
missioners, who  were  to  move  from  place  to  place 
ejecting  unfit  ministers  and  schoolmasters.  On  the 
limits  of  the  toleration  to  be  granted  to  dissenters, 
the  committee  was  split  into  two  sections.  The 
scheme  proposed  that  the  opponents  of  the  essential 
principles  of  the  Christian  religion  should  not  be 
suffered  to  promulgate  their  views.  When  pressed 
to  define  what  these  principles  were,  Owen  and  his 
friends  produced  a  list  of  fifteen  fundamentals,  the 
denial  of  which  was  to  disqualify  men  from  freedom 
to  propagate  their  opinions.  Cromwell  thought  these 
limitations  too  restrictive,  and  wished  for  a  more 


REV.    JOHN    OWEN,    D.D. 
(From  a  painting,  possibly  by  Robert  Walker,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery.) 


1653]       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     307 

liberal  definition  of  Christianity.  "  I  had  rather," 
he  emphatically  declared,  "  that  Mahometanism 
were  permitted  amongst  us,  than  that  one  of  God's 
children  should  be  persecuted."  It  was  in  conse- 
quence of  these  debates  that  Milton,  in  May,  1652, 
addressed  to  Cromwell  the  sonnet  in  which  he  ad- 
jured him  to  remember  that  "  peace  hath  victories 
no  less  renowned  than  war." 

"  New  foes  arise 

Threatening  to  bind  our  souls  with  secular  chains ; 
Help  us  to  save  free  conscience  from  the  paw 
Of  hireling  wolves  whose  gospel  is  their  maw." 

But  Milton  did  not  share  Cromwell's  belief  in  the 
necessity  of  an  Established  Church,  and  it  was  Vane, 
not  Cromwell,  whom  he  praised  as  the  statesman 
who  knew  the  true  bounds  of  either  sword,  and  had 
learnt  what  severed  the  spiritual  from  the  civil 
power.  By  the  time  the  sonnet  to  Vane  was  writ- 
ten, ecclesiastical  controversies  had  fallen  into  the 
background  ;  the  short  period  of  peace  and  reform 
was  oVer ;  Cromwell  and  Vane  alike  were  forced  to 
turn  their  attention  to  the  problems  of  foreign  policy 
and  the  tasks  of  war. 

When  Cromwell  left  England  in  the  summer  of 
1649,  all  the  world  seemed  hostile  to  the  Republic. 
Worcester  made  Great  Britain  once  more  a  power  in 
Europe,  and  foreign  States  began  to  seek  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Republic,  or  at  least  to  fear  its  enmity. 

This  great  change  was  chiefly  due  to  Cromwell's 
victories.  "  Truth  is,"  wrote  Bradshaw  to  Crom- 
well after  Dunbar,  "  God's  blessing  upon  the  wise 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 


and  faithful  conduct  of  affairs  where  you  are  gives 
life  and  repute  to  all  other  attempts  and  actions 
upon   the    Commonwealth's    behalf."     Much,    too, 
was  due  to  the  successes  of  Blake.     By  the  spring 
of    1652,    the    navy   had    swept    royalist  privateers 
from  the   British   seas  and  the  Mediterranean,  and 
reduced,  one  after  another,  all  the  colonies  or  de- 
pendencies which  refused  to  submit  to  the  Republic. 
Rupert's  fleet,  blockaded  in  Kinsale  by  Blake  from 
May  to  November,  1649,  could  do  nothing  to  help 
Ormond  in  capturing  Dublin  and  Londonderry,  or 
to  hinder   Cromwell's  progress   in  Ireland.     When 
Rupert  escaped  he  made  his  way   to   Lisbon,  and 
under  the  protection  of   the  King  of  Portugal  re- 
fitted his  ships  and  captured  English  merchantmen. 
In  March,  1650,  Blake  appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the 
Tagus,  and  kept  Rupert's  ships  cooped  up  there  for 
the  next  six  months.    At  last,  in  October,  1650,  dur- 
ing Blake's  absence,  Rupert  put  to  sea,  and  entering 
the  Mediterranean  began  to  plunder  and  burn  Eng- 
lish  merchantmen.     Blake    captured    or   destroyed 
most  of  his  ships  off  Malaga  and    Cartagena,  and 
with   the   two  which   were   left  him    Rupert   took 
refuge  in  Toulon.     Next  came  the  turn  of  the  isl- 
ands, which  were  the  headquarters  of  the  royalist 
privateers.     In  May,   1651,  Sir  John  Grenville  sur- 
rendered the  Scilly  Islands  to  Blake,  just  in  time  to 
prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  Dutch  fleet 
sent  to  punish  Grenville's  attacks  on   Dutch  com- 
merce.  The  Isle  of  Man  fell  in  October.    In  Decem- 
ber, Blake  captured  Jersey  and  Guernsey,  where  Sir 
George  Carteret  had  carried  on  the  business  of  piracy 


1653]       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     309 

on  a  larger  and  still  more  lucrative  scale  than  Gren- 
ville.  Finally,  in  January,  1652,  Sir  George  Ayscue's 
fleet  reduced  Barbadoes  and  the  West  Indian  islands, 
while  in  March,  Virginia  and  Maryland  gave  in  their 
submission.  Lords  of  all  the  territories  the  Stuarts 
had  ruled,  and  with  a  stronger  army  and  fleet  than 
they  had  ever  possessed,  the  republican  leaders  were 
free  to  intervene  in  European  politics. 

The  Thirty  Years'  War  had  ended  with  the  Treaty 
of  Westphalia  in  1648.  France  and  Spain  were  still 
fighting,  but  with  no  great  vigour,  the  one  distracted 
by  the  civil  wars  of  the  Fronde,  the  other  weak 
from  misgovernment  and  the  decay  of  its  trade. 
Each  wanted  the  help  of  England,  but  while  Spain 
had  recognised  the  Republic  in  December,  1650, 
France  still  delayed,  and  while  Spain  had  allowed 
Blake  to  victual  his  fleet  in  Spanish  ports,  France 
gave  shelter  to  Rupert's  ships  in  its  harbours,  and 
allowed  him  to  sell  his  prizes  there.  Not  only 
French  privateers  but  French  men-of-war  attacked 
English  commerce  in  the  Levant ;  and  in  France 
Charles  gathered  around  him  the  exiled  Royalists, 
and  plotted  against  the  peace  of  the  Republic.  At 
the  moment,  even  religious  as  well  as  political  mo- 
tives favoured  an  alliance  with  Spain.  In  the  Span- 
ish dominions,  there  were  no  Protestants  left  to  be 
persecuted,  but  the  Huguenots  of  Southern  France, 
relying  upon  the  tradition  of  English  policy  which 
had  existed  since  the  Reformation,  still  looked  to 
their  co-religionists  in  England  for  support.  The 
wars  of  the  Fronde  supplied  a  second  motive  for 
intervention,  and  to  support  the  last  defenders  of 


Oliver  Cromwell 


political  freedom  in  France  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  a  centralising  monarchy  was  a  cause  which 
naturally  appealed  to  enthusiastic  republicans. 
When  Cond<§  and  the  Frondeurs  of  Guienne  ap- 
plied to  England  and  Spain  for  help  against  Maza- 
rin,  Spain  responded  at  once,  and  a  strong  party  in 
the  English  Council  of  State  was  ready  to  return  a 
favourable  answer.  Whether  the  Spanish  or  the 
French  party  in  that  body  would  gain  the  upper 
hand  depended  largely  on  the  decision  of  Cromwell. 
Ever  since  Worcester,  and  indeed  earlier,  foreign 
diplomatists  had  turned  their  attention  to  the  Gen- 
eral, reported  his  casual  utterance,  and  striven  to 
divine  his  intentions. 

People  who  believed  that  the  Republic  would 
seek  to  propagate  republican  institutions  abroad  re- 
garded Cromwell  as  the  destined  instrument  of  that 
policy.  "  If  he  were  ten  years  younger,"  Cromwell 
was  rumoured  to  have  said,  "  there  was  not  a  king 
in  Europe  he  would  not  make  to  tremble,"  and  that 
as  he  had  better  motives  than  the  late  King  of 
Sweden  he  believed  himself  capable  of  doing  more 
for  the  good  of  nations  than  the  other  did  for  his 
own  ambition.  Marvell  hailed  him  on  his  return 
from  Ireland  as  a  deliverer,  —  one  whose  future  con- 
quests should  mark  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  all 
oppressed  nations. 

"  A  Caesar  he  ere  long  to  Gaul, 
To  Italy  a  Hannibal, 
And  to  all  states  not  free 
Shall  climacteric  be." 


16531       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     3 1 1 

Cromwell's  acts,  however,  showed  no  trace  of  the 
revolutionary  zeal  attributed  to  him.  He  revealed 
himself  at  his  first  appearance  in  foreign  politics  as 
a  keen  and  realistic  statesman,  more  anxious  to  ex- 
tend his  country's  trade  and  his  country's  territory 
than  to  spread  republican  principles  in  foreign  parts. 
The  only  sentimental  consideration  which  seemed 
to  move  him  was  sympathy  for  oppressed  Protest- 
ants. He  refused  the  proposals  which  Conde's 
agents  made  to  him  immediately  after  Worcester, 
but  he  did  not  hesitate  to  send  one  emissary  to 
Paris  to  negotiate  with  De  Retz,  and  another  to  as- 
certain the  real  condition  of  the  south  of  France. 
The  question  how  to  improve  the  position  of  the 
Huguenots  was  the  one  which  interested  him  most, 
and  it  soon  appeared  evident  that  to  effect  this  by 
an  understanding  with  the  French  Government 
would  be  easier  than  to  attempt  armed  intervention 
in  their  favour.  From  the  beginning,  therefore, 
Cromwell  showed  a  preference  for  the  French  rather 
than  the  Spanish  alliance.  In  the  spring  of  1652, 
he  and  two  other  members  of  the  Council  of  State 
opened  a  secret  negotiation  with  Mazarin  for  the 
cession  of  Dunkirk.  Its  garrison  was  hard  pressed 
by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  opinion  was  that  the 
French  Government,  being  unable  to  relieve  it, 
would  rather  see  it  in  English  than  Spanish  hands. 
In  April,  five  thousand  English  soldiers  were  col- 
lected at  Dover,  to  be  embarked  for  Dunkirk  at  a 
moment's  notice.  But  Mazarin  refused  to  pay  the 
price  demanded  for  the  English  alliance,  and  while 
he  hesitated  and  haggled,  the  partisans  of  a  Spanish 


3! 2  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

alliance  gained  the  upper  hand  in  the  English  Council 
and  the  negotiation  was  broken  off.  As  France 
continued  its  refusal  to  recognise  the  Republic  un- 
conditionally, it  became  necessary  to  use  force.  In 
September,  1652,  Blake  swooped  down  on  a  French 
fleet  sent  to  revictual  Dunkirk,  took  seven  ships, 
and  destroyed  or  drove  ashore  the  rest,  with  the  re- 
sult that  the  besieged  fortress  surrendered  to  the 
Spaniards  the  next  day.  At  last,  in  December, 
1652,  an  ambassador  arrived  in  London  announcing, 
in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV.,  that  the  union  which 
should  exist  between  neighbouring  states  was  not 
regulated  by  their  form  of  government,  and  formally 
recognising  the  Commonwealth. 

Ere  this  took  place,  England  had  become  involved 
in  a  war  with  Holland.  The  two  Protestant  Repub- 
lics seemed  created  by  nature  for  allies.  England— 
had  helped  the  Dutch  to  establish  their  freedom, 
and  Holland  had  ever  been  the  chosen  refuge  of 
Puritan  fugitives.  But  ever  since  1642,  dynastic 
and  commercial  causes  had  driven  the  two  states 
farther  apart.  The  marriage  of  William  II.  with 
Mary,  daughter  of  Charles  I.,  had  secured  the  sup- 
port of  the  Stadtholder  to  Charles  I.  and  Charles  II., 
and  neutralised  the  good  will  of  the  Dutch  republi- 
cans. With  the  death  of  William  II.,  in  October, 
1650,  and  the  practical  abolition  of  the  office  of 
Stadtholder,  the  republican  party  gained  the  as- 
cendancy, and  better  relations  seemed  possible.  Six 
months  later,  the  Commonwealth  sent  St.  John  and 
Strickland  to  The  Hague  to  offer  on  behalf  of  Eng 
land,  not  merely  a  renewal  of  the  old  amity,  but  "  a 


•Hi  -          ''    ,*—••»»*. 

V^ 


BUST  OF  CROMWELL. 

ATTRIBUTED   TO    BERNINI. 

(In  the  Palace  of  Westminster,  1899.) 


1653]       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     3 1 3 

more  strict  and  intimate  alliance  and  union,  whereby 
there  may  be  a  more  intrinsical  and  mutual  interest 
of  each  in  other  than  hath  hitherto  been,  for  the 
good  of  both."  The  Dutch  were  willing  to  make  a 
close  commercial  alliance,  but  would  go  no  farther, 
and  negotiations  were  broken  off  without  any  dis- 
cussion of  the  "coalescence,"  or  political  union,  which 
the  English  ambassadors  were  empowered  to  pro- 
pose. After  this  failure  the  commercial  rivalry  of 
the  two  nations  became  more  acute.  "  We  are 
rivals,"  a  member  of  the  Long  Parliament  once  said, 
"  for  the  fairest  mistress  in  the  world — trade."  In 
March,  165 1,  the  Dutch  made  a  treaty  with  Denmark, 
which  damaged  English  trade  in  the  Baltic.  In 
October,  England  passed  the  Navigation  Act,  which 
at  one  stroke  barred  Dutch  commerce  with  the  Eng- 
lish colonies,  deprived  Dutch  fishermen  of  their 
market  in  England,  and  threatened  to  destroy  the 
Dutch  carrying  trade.  The  United  Provinces  sent 
ambassadors  to  negotiate  for  its  repeal,  but  other 
questions  arose  which  complicated  the  situation  still 
further.  There  were  old  disputes  about  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  sovereignty  of  England  in  the 
British  seas,  the  salute  due  to  the  English  flag,  and 
the  right  to  exact  tribute  for  permission  to  fish. 
There  was  a  new  dispute  about  the  rights  of  neutrals. 
England,  practically  at  war  with  France,  claimed 
the  right  of  seizing  French  goods  in  Dutch  ships, 
whilst  the  Dutch  put  forward  the  principle  that  the 
flag  covered  the  cargo.  Memories  of  the  Amboyna 
Massacre,  and  demands  for  compensation  for  old 
misdeeds  of  the  Dutch  in  the  East  Indies,  put  fresh 


314  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

obstacles  in  the  way  of  agreement.  Then  on  May 
12,  1652,  came  a  chance  collision  between  Blake  and 
Tromp,  off  Dover,  and  the  two  Republics  were  at  war. 

To  Cromwell,  nothing  could  have  been  more  un- 
welcome than  this  war  with  the  Dutch.  He  thought 
England  in  the  right  on  the  questions  at  issue  be- 
tween the  two  states,  and  when  Parliament  sent  him 
to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  fight,  he  came  back 
convinced  that  the  fault  lay  with  Tromp  and  not 
with  Blake.  But  the  war  threatened  to  frustrate  for 
ever  the  scheme  of  a  league  of  Protestant  powers 
which  Cromwell  cherished  in  his  heart.  "  I  do  not 
like  the  war,"  he  declared  to  the  representatives  of 
the  Dutch  congregation  in  London ;  "  I  will  do 
everything  in  my  power  to  bring  about  peace."  In 
every  attempt  made  to  come  to  terms  with  the 
Dutch,  Cromwell  headed  the  peace  party,  and  the 
negotiations  through  unofficial  agents,  which  began 
in  the  summer  of  1652,  were  inspired  by  him. 

At  first,  the  result  of  the  war  was  favourable  to 
England.  The  Dutch  had  an  enormous  commerce 
and  a  comparatively  small  navy  ;  England  had  a 
large  navy  and  comparatively  little  commerce.  "  The 
English,"  said  a  Dutchman,  "  were  attacking  a 
mountain  of  gold,  while  the  Dutch  were  attacking  a 
mountain  of  iron."  Individually,  the  English  men- 
of-war  were  stronger  vessels  than  the  Dutch,  and 
armed  with  heavier  guns.  Moreover,  English  naval 
operations  were  under  the  direction  of  one  body, 
whilst  the  Dutch  were  managed  by  five  distinct 
admiralty  boards.  Added  to  this,  the  geographical 
position  of  England  gave  it  the  command  of  the 


1653]       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     3 1 5 

route  by  which  Dutch  fleets  approached  their  own 
shores,  and  while  Blake  and  Ayscue  were  free  to 
attack  as  they  chose,  the  Dutch  admirals  were  gen- 
erally hampered  by  the  task  of  defending  large  con- 
voys of  merchantmen.  In  November,  1652, however, 
Tromp  defeated  Blake  off  Dungeness,  and  for  more 
than  two  months  the  command  of  the  Channel 
passed  to  the  Dutch.  It  was  not  regained  till  Blake 
and  Monk  defeated  him  in  a  three  days'  fight  off 
Portland,  in  February,  1653.  Meanwhile,  in  the 
Mediterranean,  one  English  squadron  had  been  de- 
feated off  Elba,  and  another  was  blockaded  in  Leg- 
horn ;  the  Baltic  was  closed  to  English  commerce, 
Denmark  was  about  to  ally  itself  with  Holland  to 
maintain  the  exclusion,  and  1652  closed  gloomily 
for  the  Commonwealth. 

A  still  stronger  argument  for  peace  was  provided 
by  the  internal  condition  of  England.  The  war  put 
a  stop  to  all  reforms  ;  instead  of  progress  there  was 
a  retrograde  movement.  The  army  cost  a  million 
and  a  half  a  year,  the  navy  nearly  a  million ;  three 
hundred  thousand  pounds  were  required  to  build 
new  frigates,  and  there  was  a  deficit  of  about  half  a 
million.  To  meet  this  expenditure,  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment fell  back  on  the  old  plan  and  confiscated  the 
estates  of  about  650  persons,  and  applied  the  pro- 
ceeds to  the  maintenance  of  the  navy.  Most  of  the 
persons  thus  sentenced  to  beggary  were  insignificant 
people  who  had  done  nothing  deserving  such  a 
punishment.  The  healing  policy  which  Cromwell 
had  advocated  was  definitely  abandoned,  and  he 
was  full  of  indignation  at  the  iniustice  he  witnessed. 


316  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

"  Poor  men,"  he  afterwards  said,  "were  driven  like 
flocks  of  sheep  by  forty  in  a  morning  to  confiscation 
of  goods  and  estates,  without  any  man  being  able 
to  give  a  reason  why  two  of  them  should  forfeit  a 
shilling." 

The  reorganisation  of  the  Church  ceased  to  make 
any  progress.  Parliament  discussed  some  of  the 
proposals  of  Cromwell's  committee,  but  did  nothing. 
One  of  its  last  acts  was  to  decline  to  continue  the 
powers  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  Propagation  of 
the  Gospel  in  Wales,  appointed  some  three  years 
earlier.  To  Cromwell,  this  refusal  seemed  a  deliber- 
ate discouragement  of  "  the  poor  people  of  God  in 
Wales,"  and  a  clear  proof  that  men  zealous  for  the 
spread  of  religion  had  little  to  hope  from  the  Parlia- 
ment. ''That  business,"  he  said,  "to  myself  and 
officers  was  as  plain  a  trial  of  their  spirits  as  any- 
thing." As  to  the  reform  of  the  law,  it  appeared 
equally  hopeless.  Kale's  bills  lay  neglected  on  the 
table  of  the  House,  or,  like  that  for  the  registration 
of  all  titles  to  land,  were  swamped  by  floods  of  talk 
in  committee. 

"  I  will  not  say,"  said  Cromwell  of  the  Parliament, 
"  that  they  were  come  to  an  utter  inability  of  working 
reformation,  though  I  might  say  so  in  regard  to  one 
thing  —  the  Reformation  of  the  law,  so  much  groaned 
under  in  the  posture  it  is  now.  That  was  a  thing  we  had 
many  good  words  spoken  for,  but  we  know  now  that 
three  months  together  were  not  enough  for  the  settling 
of  one  word  '  Incumbrances.'  " 

The  army  grew  more  and  more  impatient.  In 
August,  1652,  the  council  of  officers  presented  a 


16531       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     3 1  7 

petition  to  Parliament  demanding  that  "  speedy  and 
effectual  means  "  should  be  taken  for  carrying  out  a 
long  list  of  reforms  specified.  But  for  Cromwell  they 
would  have  included  in  it  the  demand  for  an  immedi- 
ate dissolution.  The  House  gave  the  officers  good 
words  in  plenty,  and  told  them  that  the  things  they 
asked  for  were  "  under  consideration,"  but  months 
passed  and  there  were  only  a  few  feeble  indications 
of  activity.  In  October,  meetings  began  between 
the  officers  and  the  leading  members  of  Parliament. 

"  I  believe,"  affirmed  Cromwell,  "  we  had  at  least  ten  or 
twelve  meetings,  most  humbly  begging  and  beseeching 
of  them  that  by  their  own  means  they  would  bring  forth 
those  good  things  which  had  been  promised  and  ex- 
pected ;  that  so  it  might  appear  that  they  did  not  do 
them  by  any  suggestion  from  the  army,  but  from  their 
own  ingenuity  :  so  tender  were  we  to  preserve  them  in 
the  reputation  of  the  people." 

Whitelocke  relates  an  interview  between  himself 
and  Cromwell,  in  which  the  latter  dwelt  on  the  pride, 
ambition,  and  self-seeking  of  the  members  of  Parlia- 
ment, their  engrossing  all  places  of  honour  and  profit 
for  themselves  and  their  friends,  their  delays,  their 
factions,  their  injustice  and  partiality,  and  their  de- 
sign to  perpetuate  themselves  in  power.  It  was 
necessary,  continued  Cromwell,  that  there  should  be 
some  other  authority  strong  enough  to  restrain  and 
curb  the  exorbitances  of  a  body  which  claimed 
supreme  power  and  was  so  unfit  to  rule.  White- 
locke hoped  that  the  Parliament  would  mend  its 
ways,  and  thought  it  would  be  hard  to  create  such 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 


an  authority.  "What  if  a  man  should  take  upon 
him  to  be  king  ?  "  asked  Cromwell.  All  Whitelocke 
could  answer  was,  that  if  Cromwell  were  to  take 
upon  himself  that  title  the  remedy  would  be  worse 
than  the  disease,  and  that  his  best  plan  was  to  make 
terms  with  Charles  II. 

These  conferences  came  to  nothing,  and  in  Janu- 
ary, 1653,  the  impatience  of  the  army  grew  uncon- 
trollable. The  officers  held  regular  meetings  at  St. 
James's,  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the  armies  in  Ireland 
and  Scotland,  appealed  to  their  fellow  soldiers  to 
stand  by  them,  and  drew  up  threatening  addresses 
to  Parliament.  Most  of  the  council  of  officers 
would  be  content  with  nothing  less  than  an  immedi- 
ate dissolution,  and  were  ready  to  effect  it  by  force. 
Cromwell  opposed  any  resort  to  violence,  and  suc- 
ceeded, though  with  difficulty,  in  holding  them 
back.  To  a  friend,  he  complained  that  he  was 
pushed  on  by  two  parties  to  do  an  act,  "  the  con- 
sideration of  the  issue  whereof  made  his  hair  to 
stand  on  end."  Major-General  Lambert  headed  one 
party,  eager  to  be  revenged  on  the  House  for  de- 
priving him  of  the  Lord  Deputyship  of  Ireland. 
The  other  was  headed  by  Major-General  Harrison, 
an  honest  man,  "  aiming  at  good  things,"  but 
too  impatient  to  obtain  them  "  to  wait  the  Lord's 
leisure." 

Meanwhile  Parliament,  thoroughly  alarmed  by  the 
rising  agitation,  took  up  once  more  the  "  Bill  for  a 
New  Representative,"  and  began  to  press  it  forward 
in  earnest.  They  determined  what  the  constitu- 
encies should  be,  and  fixed  the  qualification  for  the 


16531       The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     319 

franchise.  By  the  middle  of  April,  the  bill  was 
nearly  through  committee,  and  required  nothing 
but  a  third  reading  to  make  it  law.  In  the  hands 
of  the  parliamentary  leaders,  however,  it  had  be- 
come a  scheme  for  perpetuating  themselves  in 
power.  The  bill  was  to  be  a  bill  for  recruiting  the 
numbers  of  the  House,  and  the  present  members 
were  to  keep  their  seats  without  the  necessity  of 
re-election.  They  would  be  the  sole  judges  of  the 
validity  of  the  votes  given,  and  the  eligibility  of 
the  persons  chosen.  Nor  was  it  only  at  the  next 
election  that  this  system  of  recruiting  was  to  be 
adopted  ;  it  was  to  be  applied  also  to  all  future 
Parliaments. 

To  this  ingenious  scheme  the  officers  of  the  army 
had  many  objections.  One  was,  that  the  right  of 
election  was  too  loosely  defined,  and  that  its  inter- 
pretation was  entrusted  to  men  in  whom  they  had 
no  confidence.  They  insisted  on  a  political  as  well 
as  a  pecuniary  qualification  for  the  franchise,  and 
complained  that  neutrals  and  men  who  had  deserted 
the  cause  would  be  able  to  vote.  To  put  power 
into  the  hands  of  such  men,  was  to  throw  away  the 
liberties  of  the  nation. 

Equally  objectionable  was  the  system  of  election 
proposed.  It  gave  the  people  no  real  right  of 
choice,  but  only  a  seeming  right.  Leicestershire 
might  be  tired  of  Haslerig,  and  Hull  have  lost  con- 
fidence in  Vane,  yet  both  must  continue  to  be 
represented  by  the  men  they  had  chosen  in  1640. 
Lancashire  would  cease  to  be  unrepresented,  but 
the  members  it  elected  might  be  kept  out  by  the 


^20  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651 

veto  of  men  who  had  practically  elected  them- 
selves. Though  the  army  was  prepared  to  restrict  the 
franchise  and  limit  the  choice  of  the  electors,  it  was 
not  prepared  to  acquiesce  in  so  complete  a  mockery 
of  representative  government. 

To  Cromwell  and  the  constitutional  theorists 
amongst  the  officers,  there  was  another  insurmount- 
able objection  to  the  bill.  Whqt  they  Disliked  most 
in  the  rule^of  the_Long  Parliament^  was  the  union 
oiTqpsktive]jind__ej^ 

a  VoHv^ossessing  unlimited  authority  and  always  in 
session?"'  They  wanted  short  Parliaments,  sitting  for 
not  more  than  six  months  in  the  year,  and  limited 
in  their  power  as  well  as  in  their  duration.  What 
the  bill  offered  instead  of  the  perpetuation  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  was  a  succession  of  perpetual  Par- 
liaments, sitting  all  the  year  round,  following  each 
other  without  any  interval,  and  exercising  the  same 
arbitrary  power  which  the  Long  Parliament  had 
exercised. 

"  We  should  have  had  fine  work  then,"  said  Crom- 
well. .  .  .  "A  Parliament  of  four  hundred  men, 
executing  arbitrary  government  without  intermission, 
except  some  change  of  a  part  of  them  ;  one  Parliament 
stepping  into  the  seat  of  another,  just  left  warm  for 
them  ;  the  same  day  that  the  one  left,  the  other  was  to 
leap  in.  ...  I  thought,  and  I  think  still,  that  this 
was  a  pitiful  remedy." 

For  these  reasons,  the  officers  resolved  to  pre- 
vent the  passage  of  the  bill  at  any  cost.  The  whole 
future  of  the  Cause  seemed  to  depend  on  the  issue. 


1653]        The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament     321 

"  We  came,"  said  Cromwell,  "  to  this  conclusion  amongst 
ourselves :  That  if  we  had  been  fought  out  of  our 
liberties  and  rights,  necessity  would  have  taught  us 
patience,  but  to  deliver  them  up  would  render  us  the 
basest  persons  in  the  world,  and  worthy  to  be  accounted 
haters  of  God  and  His  people." 

Cromwell  became  reluctantly  convinced  that  if  per- 
suasion failed,  it  was  his  duty  to  use  force. 

The  only  hope  of  an  honourable  ending  of  the 
Long  Parliament  lay  in  its  acceptance  of  a  com-  . 
promise.  At  a  conference  with  some  members  on  ^ 
April  19,  1653,  Cromwell  and  the  officers  proposed 
an  expedient  which  they  thought  would  answer: 
Let  the  Parliament  drop  the  bill,  dissolve  itself  at 
once,  and  appoint  a  provisional  government.  Let 
the  members  "  devolve  their  trust  to  some  well 
affected  men,  such  as  had  an  interest  in  the  nation, 
and  were  known  to  be  of  good  affection  to  the  Com- 
monwealth," and  leave  these  men  "  to  settle  the 
nation."  "  It  was  no  new  thing,"  said  the  officers, 
"•  when  this  land  was  under  the  like  hurlyburlies," 
and  they  proved  it  by  historical  precedents.  The 
members  demurred  and  argued,  but  in  the  end  they 
promised  to  thjnk  it  over  and  meet  the  officers  for 
another  conference  pevt  Hqy  Vane  and  others 
pledged  themselve's,  in  the  meantime,  to  suspend 
further  proceedings  on  the  Bill  for  a  New  Repre- 
sentative, and  the  officers  separated  hopefully. 

Another  parliamentary  leader,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerig, 
whose  authority  with  the  House  was  equal,  if  not 
superior,  to  Vane's,  had  come  up  from  the  country 
resolved  to  defeat  the  compromise.  He  told  his 


Oliver  Cromwell  tie  51- 

fellow  members  vehemently  that  tfie  work  they 
went  about  was  accursed,  and  that  it  was  impossible 
to  devolve  their  trust.  When  the  House  met  next 
day,  it  adopted  Haslerig's  view,  called  for  the  bill, 
and  proceeded  to  push  it  through  its  last  stage  re- 
gardless of  protests.  They  meant  then  to  adjourn 
to  November,  so  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
amend  or  repeal  the  act;  to  leave  the  Council  of 
State  to  carry  on  the  government,  and  to  make 
Fairfax  General,  instead  of  Cromwell. 

News  came  to  Cromwell  at  Whitehall  that  the 
House  was  proceeding  with  all  speed  upon  the  Bill 
fora  New  Representative.  Till  a  second  and  a  third 
messenger  confirmed  the  tidings,  he  could  not  be- 
lieve "  that  such  persons  would  be  so  unworthy." 
Then  he  hurried  down  to  the  House,  dressed  as  he 
was,  not  like  a  general  or  a  soldier,  but  like  an  or- 
dinary citizen,  "  clad  in  plain  black  clothes  with 
grey  worsted  stockings,"  and  sat  down,  as  he  used 
to  do,  "  in  an  ordinary  place."  For  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  he  sat  still,  listening  to  the  debate,  until  the 
Speaker  was  about  to  put  the  question  whether  the 
bill  should  pass.  Cromwell  turned  to  Major-General 
Harrison,  whispered  "  This  is  the  time  I  must  do  it," 
and,  rising  in  his  place,  put  off  his  hat  and  addressed 
the  House.  At  first,  and  for  a  good  while,  he  spoke 
in  commendation  of  the  Parliament,  praising  its  la- 
bours and  its  care  for  the  public  good.  Then  he 
changed  his  note,  and  told  the  members  of  their  in- 
justice, their  delays  of  justice,  their  self-interest,  and 
other  faults.  As  his  passion  grew,  he  put  his  hat  on 
his  head,  strode  up  and  down  the  floor  of  the  House, 


-o53l        The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament      323 

and,  looking  first  at  one,  then  at  another  member, 
chid  them  soundly,  naming  no  names,  but  showing 
by  his  gestures  whom  he  meant.  These  were  cor- 
rupt, those  scandalous  in  their  lives,  that  man  fraud- 
ulent, that  an  unjust  judge.  "  Perhaps  you  think," 
he  said,  "  that  this  is  not  parliamentary  language; 
I  confess  it  is  not ;  neither  are  you  to  expect  any 
such  from  me.  You  are  no  Parliament,  I  say  you 
are  no  Parliament.  I  will  put  an  end  to  your  sit- 
ting." "  Call  them  in,"  he  cried,  turning  to  Harri- 
son, and  at  the  word  Harrison  went  out  and  brought 
back  twenty  or  thirty  musketeers  of  Cromwell's  own 
regiment  from  the  lobby.  Only  a  show  of  force  was 
needed.  Cromwell  pointed  to  the  Speaker  in  his 
chair,  and  said  to  Harrison,  "  Fetch  him  down." 
The  Speaker  refused  to  leave  the  chair  unless  he 
were  forced.  "  Sir,"  said  Harrison,  "  I  will  lend  you 
my  hand,"  and  putting  his  hand  in  Lenthall's  he 
helped  him  to  the  floor.  Sidney,  who  sat  next  the 
chair  that  day,  declined  to  move.  "  Put  him  out," 
ordered  Cromwell ;  so  Harrison  and  an  officer  laid 
their  hands  on  his  shoulders  and  led  him  towards 
the  door.  Then,  looking  scornfully  at  the  mace  on 
the  table,  Cromwell  exclaimed,  "  What  shall  we  do 
with  this  bauble  ? "  and,  calling  a  soldier,  said, 
"  Here,  take  it  away." 

After  the  mace  and  the  Speaker  were  gone,  all 
the  members  left  the  House.  As  they  went  out, 
Cromwell  turned  to  them  and  cried  :  "  It  is  you  that 
have  forced  me  to  this,  for  I  have  sought  the  Lord 
night  and  day,  that  He  would  rather  slay  me  than 
put  me  upon  the  doing  this  work."  Addressing 


2  24  Oliver  Cromwell  [1651- 

Vane  by  name,  he  reproached  him  with  his  broken 
faith,  adding  that  he  might  have  prevented  this,  but 
he  was  a  juggler  and  had  no  common  honesty. 
Then,  taking  the  bill  from  the  hands  of  the  clerk 
of  the  House,  he  ordered  the  doors  to  be  locked, 
and  went  away. 

It  remained  still  to  dissolve  the  Council  of  State 
which  the  Parliament  had  appointed.  In  the  after- 
noon, Cromwell  came  to  the  Council,  and  told  its 
members  that  if  they  were  met  as  private  persons 
they  should  not  be  disturbed  ;  but  if  as  a  council,  it 
was  no  place  for  them,  and  they  were  to  take  notice 
that  the  Parliament  was  dissolved. 

"  Sir,"  replied  John  Bradshaw,  "  we  have  heard  what 
you  did  at  the  House  this  morning,  and  before  many 
hours  all  England  will  hear  it  ;  but  you  are  mistaken 
to  think  that  the  Parliament  is  dissolved  ;  for  no 
power  under  heaven  can  dissolve  them  but  themselves  : 
therefore,  take  you  notice  of  that." 

Bradshaw  was  right :  the  ideal  of  constitutional 
government  which  the  Long  Parliament  represented 
would  prove  stronger  in  the  end  than  Cromwell's 
redcoats.  That  Parliament  had  all  the  faults  with 
which  Cromwell  charged  it ;  but  for  Englishmen  it 
meant  inherited  rights,  "  freedom  broadening  slowly 
down,"  and  all  that  survived  of  the  supremacy  of 
law.  With  its  expulsion,  the  army  flung  away  the 
one  shred  of  legality  with  which  it  had  hitherto  cov- 
ered its  actions.  Henceforth,  military  force  must 
put  its  native  semblance  on,  and  appear  in  its  proper 
shape.  Henceforth,  Cromwell's  life  was  a  vain  at- 


1653]      The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament      325 

tempt  to  clothe  that  force  in  constitutional  forms, 
and  make  it  seem  something  else,  so  that  it  might 
become  something  else.  Yet  was  there  not  also 
something  to  be  hoped  from  a  policy  which  took  its 
stand  on  realities  instead  of  legal  fictions  ? 


CROMWELL  COAT-OF-ARMS. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  FOUNDATION   OF  THE   PROTECTORATE 

1653 

THE  fall  of  the  Long  Parliament  was  received 
with  general  satisfaction.  "  There  was  not  so 
much  as  the  barking  of  a  dog  or  any  general 
and  visible  repining  at  it,"  said  Cromwell  after- 
wards. His  words  are  justified  by  the  facts.  Hyde 
termed  it  a  most  popular  and  obliging  act,  and  the 
French  Ambassador  told  his  Government  that  no- 
bility and  populace  universally  rejoiced  at  General 
Cromwell's  noble  deed.  Public  feeling  found  vent 
in  ballads.  One  described  the  scene  of  the  dissolu- 
tion, relating  what  Cromwell  had  said,  and  how  the 
members  had  looked. 

"  Brave  Oliver  came  to  the  House  like  a  sprite, 

His  fiery  face  struck  the  Speaker  dumb, 
*  Begone,'  said  he,  '  you  have  sate  long  enough  ; 
Do  you  mean  to  sit  here  until  Doomsday  come  ? '  " 

"  Cheer  up,  kind  countrymen,  be  not  dismayed," 
sang  another  street  poet,  ending  every  verse  with 
326 


OLIVER    CROMWELL. 
{From  the  painting  by  Sir  Peter  Lely.~) 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     327 

the  exultant  chorus :  "  Twelve  parliament  men  shall 
be  sold  for  a  penny." 

For  a  few  weeks,  Cromwell  was  the  most  popular 
man  in  the  nation.  Royalists  whispered  that  the 
King  would  marry  Cromwell's  daughter,  and  that 
Cromwell  would  content  himself  with  a  dukedom 
and  the  viceroyalty  of  Ireland.  A  more  general 
belief  was  that  he  would  assume  the  crown  himself. 
An  enthusiastic  partisan  hung  up  in  the  Exchange 
a  picture  of  Cromwell  crowned,  with  the  invitation 
underneath : 

"  Ascend  three  thrones,  great  captain  and  divine, 
I'  th'  will  of  God,  old  Lion,  they  are  thine." 

Cromwell's  own  view  of  his  position  was  that,  being 
Commander-in-chief  by  Act  of  Parliament,  his  com- 
mission made  him  the  only  constituted  authority 
left  standing.  His  desire  was  to  put  an  end  to  this 
dictatorship  as  soon  as  h£  could.  The  sword  must 
be  divested  of  all  power  in  the  civil  administration, 
and  the  army  leaders  must  prove  to  the  world  that 
they  had  not  turned  out  the  Long  Parliament  in 
order  to  grasp  at  power  themselves.  The  army 
itself  accepted  Cromwell's  view,  but  on  the  nature 
of  the  new  civil  authority  to  be  set  up  there  were 
two  views  amongst  the  officers.  For  the  present,  a 
temporary  Council  of  State,  consisting  of  thirteen 
persons,  most  of  whom  were  officers,  carried  on  the 
daily  business  of  administration. 

As  to  the  future,  Major-General  Lambert  advoc- 
ated one  kind  of  government,  and  Major-General 
Harrison  another.  Lambert  was  a  gentleman  of 


328  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

good  family,  with  some  political  aptitude  and  some 
constitutional  knowledge,  but  less  of  either  than  he 
fancied.  A  dashing  leader  and  a  skilful  tactician, 
he  was  popular  because  of  his  gallant  bearing  and 
his  genial  temper,  and  believed  to  be  honest  because 
he  was  good-natured.  As  a  politician  he  was  an 
intriguer,  inscrutable,  scheming,  and  insatiably  am- 
bitious. Harrison  was  a  man  of  no  birth  and  little 
education,  bred  on  perverted  prophecies,  full  of  des- 
perate courage  and  high-flown  enthusiasms, — a  man 
born  to  lead  forlorn  hopes  and  die  for  lost  causes, 
who  did  both  even  to  the  admiration  of  his  enemies. 
Unselfish  in  his  own  aims,  he  swayed  others  by  his 
devotion  and  his  zeal.  But  he  was  fitter  to  com- 
mand the  left  wing  in  the  battle  of  Armageddon 
than  to  take  any  part  in  the  government  of  earthly 
states. 

Lambert  wished  to  entrust  power  to  a  small  coun- 
cil of  ten  or  twelve.  Harrison  wished  to  give  it  to 
a  larger  council  of  seventy  members  like  the  Jewish 
Sanhedrin.  Lambert's  party  proposed  that  the 
council  should  be  assisted  by  an  elected  Parliament, 
and  the  authority  of  both  defined  by  a  written  con- 
stitution. Harrison's  followers  wished  to  dispense 
with  a  Parliament  altogether.  The  first  adhered  to 
the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Agreement  of  the 
People,  which  they  had  drawn  up  four  years  earlier. 
The  second  were  inspired  by  the  opinions  of  the 
Fifth  Monarchy  men,  and  believed  that  the  time 
had  come  to  realise  their  hopes.  Of  the  four  great 
monarchies  of  the  world's  history,  the  Assyrian  and 
the  Persian,  the  Macedonian  and  the  Roman,  three 


JOHN    LAMBERT. 
(From  a  painting  by  Robert  Walker \  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery^ 


16531     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     329 

had  fallen,  and  the  fourth  was  tottering  to  its  fall. 
At  last,  as  the  prophets  had  foretold,  the  monarchy 
of  Christ  was  to  begin,  and  till  He  came  to  reign  in 
person,  His  saints  were  to  rule  for  Him.  A  text 
which  Harrison  had  often  in  his  mouth  was  —  "The 
saints  shall  take  the  kingdom  and  possess  it." 

When  Cromwell  dissolved  the  Long  Parliament, 
he  had  no  definite  plan  for  the  future  government 
of  England.  He  was  not  a  Fifth  Monarchy  man, 
but  he  had  no  faith  in  paper  constitutions.  He  was 
convinced  that  godly  men  would  make  the  best 
governors,  but  he  felt  that  a  government  somewhat 
like  a  Parliament  would  be  most  satisfactory  to 
the  nation. 

The  result  was  a  compromise  by  which  a  larger 
and  more  representative  assembly  than  Harrison 
had  proposed,  was  called  together.  In  each  county 
the  Congregational  Churches  were  asked  to  nomin- 
ate suitable  persons,  and  from  this  list  the  council 
of  officers  selected  those  it  thought  fittest.  A 
hundred  and  forty  persons  were  thus  chosen,  of 
whom  five  represented  Scotland,  six  Ireland,  and 
the  rest  England.  A  writ  addressed  to  each  person 
separately,  from  Oliver  Cromwell,  Captain-General, 
recited  that  he  had  been  nominated  by  the  General 
with  the  advice  of  his  council  of  officers  as  one  of 
the  men  to  whom  the  weighty  affairs  of  the  Com- 
monwealth were  to  be  entrusted.  All  were  Puritan 
notables,  combining  godliness  with  fidelity  to  the 
cause,  and  described  in  the  writs  as  "  men  fearing 
God  and  hating  covetousness." 

On  July  4th,  they  met  at  Westminster,  and  in 


•2-5Q  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

behalf  of  the  army  Cromwell  presented  them  with  a 
deed  under  his  hand  and  seal,  whereby  the  several 
persons  therein  mentioned  were  constituted  the 
supreme  authority.  In  his  opening  speech  he  re- 
lated the  causes  which  had  led  to  the  dissolution  of 
the  Long  Parliament  and  their  own  convocation, 
adding  some  advice  on  the  use  they  were  to  make 
of  their  power.  Let  thevn  be  just  and  tender 
to  all  kinds  of  Christians,  endeavour  the  promot- 
ing of  the  Gospel,  and  study  to  win  the  sup- 
port of  the  nation  by  their  devotion  to  the  public 
weal.  "Convince  them  that  as  men  fearing  God 
have  fought  them  out  of  their  bondage,  so  men 
fearing  God  do  now  rule  them  in  the  fear  of  God." 
In  the  war,  and  in  the  events  which  had  led  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  there  was  "  an  evident 
print  of  providence,"  and  now  the  task  of  govern- 
ment had  come  to  them  "  by  the  way  of  necessity, 
by  the  way  of  the  wise  providence  of  God."  "  God 
manifests  this  to  be  the  day  of  the  power  of  Christ ; 
having  through  so  much  blood,  and  so  much  trial  as 
hath  been  upon  these  nations,  made  this  to  be 
one  of  the  great  issues  thereof :  to  have  His  people 
called  to  the  supreme  authority."  Let  them  there- 
fore own  their  call,  for  never  any  body  of  men  had 
come  into  the  supreme  authority  in  such  a  way  of 
owning  God  and  being  owned  by  Him. 

It  was  not,  said  Cromwell,  by  his  own  design  that 
this  had  come  to  pass. 

"  I  never  looked  to  see  such  a  day  as  this.  .  .  .  In- 
deed it  is  marvellous,  and  it  hath  been  unprojected. 
It  's  not  long  since  either  you  or  we  came  to  know  of  it. 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     331 

And  indeed  this  hath  been  the  way  God  hath  dealt  with 
us  all  along  ;  to  keep  things  from  our  eyes  all  along,  so 
that  we  have  seen  nothing  in  all  His  dispensations  long 
beforehand  —  which  is  also  a  witness,  in  some  measure, 
to  our  integrity." 

Since  God  had  brought  about  so  wonderful  a  thing, 
why  should  they  not  hope  for  things  more  wonder< 
ful  still  ?  "  Why  should  we  be  afraid  to  say  or 
think,  that  this  way  may  be  the  door  to  usher  in  the 
things  that  God  hath  promised  and  prophesied  of, 
and  set  the  hearts  of  His  people  to  wait  for  and  ex- 
pect ?  "  Again  and  again  Cromwell  reiterated  these 
hopes.  "  Indeed  I  do  think  somewhat  is  at  the 
door.  We  are  at  the  threshold."  "  You  are  at  the 
edge  of  the  promises  and  prophecies."  He  ended 
by  quoting  the  68th  Psalm  as  a  prophecy  of  the 
glory  and  the  triumph  of  "  the  Gospel  Churches." 
"  The  triumph  of  that  Psalm  is  exceeding  high,  and 
God  is  accomplishing  it." 

The  assembly  to  which  he  spoke  was  equally 
confident  that  its  meeting  marked  the  opening  of  a 
new  era.  "  They  looked,"  as  they  declared,  "  for 
the  long-expected  birth  of  freedom  and  happiness." 
"  All  the  world  over  amongst  the  people  of  God  " 
there  was  "  a  more  than  usual  expectation  of  some 
great  and  strange  changes  coming  upon  the  world, 
which  we  can  hardly  believe  to  be  paralleled  with 
any  times  but  those  a  while  before  the  birth  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  Full  of  hope,  the 
assembly  set  to  work  to  fulfil  its  mission.  It  voted 
itself  the  title  of  Parliament,  invited  Cromwell  and 
four  other  representative  officers  to  take  part  in  its 


332  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

— \ 

proceedings,  elected  a  new  Council  of  State,  and  ap- 
pointed twelve  great  Committees  for  the  redress  of 
all  kinds  of  grievances.  It  took  in  hand,  simultane- 
ously, the  reform  of  the  Law  and  of  the  Church. 
The  abolition  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  was  voted 
after  a  single  day's  debate.  Its  delays  and  costli- 
ness had  long  been  a  scandal,  and  it  was  said  that 
twenty-three  thousand  causes  of  five  to  thirty  years' 
standing  were  lying  there  undetermined.  Next 
came  an  Act  establishing  civil  marriage,  and  provid- 
ing for  the  registration  of  births,  marriages,  and 
burials.  Acts  were  passed  for  the  relief  of  prisoners 
for  debt,  for  the  safe  custody  of  idiots  and  lunatics, 
and  for  the  removal  of  some  smaller  legal  abuses. 
A  committee  was  appointed  to  codify  the  Law, 
and  sanguine  reformers  talked  of  reducing  its  great 
volumes  "  into  the  bigness  of  a  pocket  book,  as  it  is 
proportionable  in  New  England  and  elsewhere." 
The  Fifth  Monarchy  preachers  at  Blackfriars  went 
further,  and  bade  them  abolish  the  law  of  man,  and 
set  up  in  its  place  the  law  of  God.  They  required 
not  a  simplification  of  the  laws  of  England,  but  a 
code  based  on  the  laws  of  Moses. 

The  Church  was  taken  in  hand  with  the  same 
rough  vigour  as  the  Law.  A  proposal  to  abolish  tithes 
at  once  was  lost  by  a  few  votes,  but  even  its  opponents 
were  willing  to  abolish  them  if  lay  tithe-owners  were 
compensated,  and  if  some  other  maintenance  were 
provided  for  the  clergy.  So  the  whole  question 
was  referred  to  a  committee.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
resolution  abolishing  patronage  was  passed  by  seven- 
teen votes,  and  a  bill  ordered  to  be  drawn  up  to 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     333 

carry  it  into  effect.  There  were  also  persistent  ru- 
mours of  an  impending  attack  on  the  endowments 
of  the  universities,  and  a  large  party  in  the  House 
were  opposed  to  any  established  Church,  or  any 
ministry  not  dependent  on  voluntary  support.  Out- 
side Parliament,  the  Fifth  Monarchy  preachers  de- 
nounced the  parochial  clergy  as  "  hirelings  "  and 
"  priests  of  Baal."  Their  sermons  described  the 
Church  as  an  "  outwork  of  Babylon,"  and  a  part  of 
the  "  Kingdom  of  the  Beast."  The  great  design  of 
Christ,  they  said,  was  to  destroy  all  anti-Christian 
forms  and  churches  and  clergy  all  over  the  world. 
Their  hymns  summoned  the  faithful  to  follow  the 
Lord  to  war. 

"  The  Lord  begins  to  honour  us, 
The  Saints  are  marching  on, 
The  sword  is  sharp,  the  arrows  swift 

To  destroy  Babylon." 

In  private,  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  were  cabal- 
ling to  make  Harrison  Lord  General  instead  of 
Cromwell. 

Cromwell  was  dissatisfied  and  alarmed  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  Little  Parliament  and  its  consequences. 
Instead  of  promoting  the  Gospelr  they  had  threatened 
to_deprive  its  ministers  of  the  means  of 

^ 


sectarian  strife  their  policy  had 


embittered  it.  His  own  persistent  attempts  to  re- 
concile religious  animosities  met  with  little  success. 
Vainly  he  arranged  conferences  between  Presbyte- 
rian, Independent,  and  Baptist  ministers  to  persuade 
them  to  live  harmoniously  together.  As  he  com- 
plained to  his  son-in-law,  Fleetwood  :  "  Fain  would 


334 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 


I  have  my  service  accepted  of  the  Saints,  if  the  Lord 
will,  but  it  is  not  so.  Being  of  different  judgments, 
and  those  of  each  sort  seeking  most  to  propagate 
their  own,  that  spirit  of  kindness  that  is  to  all,  is 
hardly  accepted  of  any."  When  he  tried  to  mediate 
between  the  fighting  ecclesiastics,  they  turned  on 
him  as  the  two  Israelites  did  on  Moses,  and  asked, 
"Who  made  thee  a  prince  or  a  judge  over  us?" 
Because  he  wished  to  support  a  national  Church  the 
Blackfriars  preachers  abused  him  as  "  The  Old 
Dragon  "  and  "  The  Man  of  Sin."  Because  he  had 
not  called  a  real  Parliament,  the  Levellers  accused 
him  of  high  treason  to  "  his  lords  the  people  of  Eng- 
land." For  what  he  had  done  and  what  he  had  left 
undone  Cromwell  was  attacked  by  fanatics  of  all 
parties. 

At  the  same  time  the  position  of  the  Republic 
had  changed  for  the  worse  since  the  Little  Parlia- 
ment began  to  sit.  The  Dutch  war  still  continued, 
and  though  Monk  had  gained  two  decisive  victories, 
on  June  $rd  and  July  3ist,  over  the  Dutch  fleet, 
peace  was  still  far  off.  The  chief  obstacle  to  it  was 
the  exorbitant  terms  which  the  Little  Parliament 
demanded,  and  on  this  question  also  Cromwell 
was  at  issue  with  the  men  now  in  power.  Peace 
had  become  a  necessity  to  England  as  well  as 
Holland,  for  in  September  it  was  discovered  that 
there  would  be  a  deficit  of  over  half  a  million  on  the 
estimates  for  the  navy.  A  new  insurrection,  fanned 
by  promises  of  Dutch  aid,  had  broken  out  in  Scot- 
land. In  England  there  was  a  marked  revival  of 
royalist  feeling,  and  a  plot  for  the  surprise  of 


16531     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     335 

Portsmouth  had  been  discovered.  The  Levellers 
were  once  more  raising  their  heads.  Lilburn,  defying 
the  penalty  imposed  by  the  act  of  banishment,  had 
returned  to  England,  and  in  August,  1653,  he  was 
tried  for  his  contumacy.  Crowds  flocked  to  hear 
him  tried,  or  to  rescue  him  if  condemned,  and  when 
he  was  acquitted  their  shouting  was  heard  a  mile 
off.  Even  the  soldiers  set  to  guard  the  Court  blew 
their  trumpets  and  beat  their  drums  for  joy,  and  it 
seemed  as  if  the  agitation  suppressed  in  1649  was 
beginning  again. 

Cromwell  was  now  thoroughly  disillusioned  and 
began  to  repent  his  part  in  putting  the  men  of  the 
Little  Parliament  in  power. 

In  later  years,  when  he  referred  to  his  experiment, 
he  called  it  apologetically  "  a  story  of  my  own  weak- 
ness and  folly." 

"  And  yet,"  he  said,  "  it  was  done  in  my  simplicity.  It 
was  thought  then  that  men  of  our  own  judgment,  who  had 
fought  in  the  wars,  and  were  all  of  a  piece  upon  that 
account,  why  surely  these  men  will  hit  it,  and  these  men 
will  do  it  to  the  purpose,  whatever  can  be  desired.  And 
such  a  company  of  men  were  chosen  and  did  proceed  to 
action.  And  this  was  the  naked  truth,  that  the  issue  was 
not  answerable  to  the  simplicity  and  honesty  of  the 
design." 

Besides  repenting  his  own  act,  Cromwell  began  to^. 
doubt  his  own  motives.     Was  his  eagerness  to  trans- 
fer supreme  power  to  others  an  honest  constitutional  I 
scruple,    or   a    cowardly   evasion  of  responsibilityjj 
Was  it  not,  perhaps,  "  a  desire,  I  am  afraid  sinful 


336  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

enough,  to  be  quit  of  the  power  God  had  most 
clearly  by  His  providence  put  into  my  hands  before 
He  called  me  to  lay  it  down ;  before  those  honest 
ends  of  our  fighting  were  attained  and  settled." 

Not  only  the  General,  but  the  officers,  too,  were 
dissatisfied  with  their  creation.  Apart  from  politi- 
cal or  religious  considerations,  the  proceedings  of  the 
Little  Parliament  seriously  affected  their  interests 
as  soldiers.  It  had  touched  their  honour  and 
threatened  their  pockets.  A  point  on  which  the 
soldiers  were  justly  sensitive  was  the  strict  observ- 
ance of  capitulations  with  royalist  commanders,  and 
in  one  notorious  case  articles  of  surrender  had  been 
grossly  violated,  and  the  Parliament  had  refused 
redress.  Great  opposition  had  been  made  to  the 
renewal  of  the  monthly  assessment  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  army,  and  a  more  equitable  way  of 
raising  the  money  had  been  proposed.  The  soldiers 
feared  that  if  this  new  method  were  adopted  their 
pay  would  fall  behindhand,  and  they  would  be  ob- 
liged to  starve  or  take  free  quarters.  Still  further 
irritation  was  caused  by  a  motion  that,  in  view  of 
the  pressing  needs  of  the  State,  and  the  wealth  they 
had  obtained  in  its  service,  the  higher  officers  should 
serve  without  pay  for  a  whole  year. 

The  discontented  officers  naturally  turned  to  their 
General  for  help.  Lambert  and  his  party  took  up 
once  more  the  idea  of  a  written  constitution.  In 
November,  a  meeting  of  officers  took  place  at  which 
Lambert's  scheme  was  discussed  and  adopted.  It 
was  a  first  draft  of  the  Instrument  of  Government, 
the  main  difference  being  that  it  placed  at  the  head 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate    337 

of  the  State  a  King  instead  of  a  Protector.  At  the 
end  of  the  month,  it  was  submitted  to  Cromwell. 
"  They  told  me,"  he  said,  "  that  except  I  would 
undertake  the  government  they  thought  things 
would  hardly  come  to  a  settlement,  but  blood  and 
confusion  would  break  in  upon  us."  But  to  all  their 
solicitation  he  replied  with  refusals.  He  had  two 
great  objections  to  accepting  their  offer.  One  was 
the  aversion  to  the  title  of  King,  which  revealed  it- 
self again  in  1657.  The  other  was  that  he  had  em- 
powered the  Little  Parliament  to  sit  till  the  end  of 
1654,  and  he  was  not  willing  to  expel  a  second 
Parliament  by  force  of  arms.  Lambert's  plot  was 
frustrated  by  the  reluctance  of  the  principal  actor, 
and  he  retired  sulkily  to  the  country. 

Cromwell  still  hoped  that  the  Parliament  might 
be  induced  to  adopt  a  wiser  policy.  The  strength 
of  the  two  parties  in  it  was  very  nearly  equal,  and  a 
few  votes  might  turn  the  scale  in  favour  of  the 
moderate  section.  A  final  battle  on  the  Church  ques- 
tion brought  about  a  new  trial  of  strength.  On 
December  2nd,  the  Committee  on  Tithes  produced  a 
report  containing  a  regular  scheme  for  the  reorgan- 
isation of  the  Church.  One  clause  proposed  the 
appointment  of  itinerant  commissioners  to  eject 
unfit  ministers  and  fill  up  vacant  livings.  Another 
provided  that  the  present  provision  for  the  main- 
tenance of  approved  ministers  should  be  guaran- 
teed by  Parliament.  Others  affirmed  that  tithes 
were  legal  property,  and  suggested  a  plan  for  their 
commutation  in  case  of  persons  who  had  conscien- 
tious scruples  about  paying  them.  Over  this  report 


338  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

__________________ * 

the  two  parties  fought  for  five  whole  sittings.  The 
question  whether  the  Church  should  be  reformed  or 
disestablished  hung  on  their  decision.  At  last,  on 
Saturday,  December  roth,  the  extremists  triumphed, 
and  the  first  clause  of  the  report  was  rejected  by 
fifty-six  to  fifty-four  votes.  The  supporters  of  the 
Church  regarded  the  division  as  fatal  to  the  whole 
scheme. 

Immediately  on  this  defeat,  the  moderate  party 
in  the  Parliament  and  the  malcontents  amongst  the 
officers  came  to  an  agreement.  All  Sunday  the 
leaders  intrigued  and  negotiated.  The  one  expedi- 
ent left  was  to  persuade  the  Parliament  to  abdicate, 
and  make  way  for  a  more  capable  government.  If 
the  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  the  Parliament  was 
peaceably  solved,  those  who  knew  Cromwell  felt 
sure  he  would  accept  the  accomplished  fact,  and 
assume  the  power  offered  him.  The  thing  was  not 
impossible,  if  it  was  properly  worked.  Some  of  the 
majority  had  voted  on  side  issues  ;  others  might  be 
gained  over.  Absentees  were  whipped  up  ;  waverers 
were  appealed  to  through  their  interests  or  their 
fears.  An  argument  which  weighed  with  some  was, 
that  the  army  meant  to  put  a  stop  to  the  sitting  of 
the  Parliament,  and  that  a  decent  suicide  was  the 
only  way  to  avoid  a  violent  end. 

On  Monday,  December  i2th,  the  Moderates  rose 
early  and  came  to  the  House  betimes.  As  soon  as 
business  began,  Colonel  Sydenham  and  other  leaders 
of  the  party  rose  up  and  inveighed  against  the  policy 
of  their  opponents.  They  charged  them  with  seek- 
ing to  destroy  the  army  by  not  making  sufficient  and 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate    339 

timely  provision  for  its  pay,  with  endeavouring  to 
overthrow  the  Law,  the  Clergy,  and  the  property  of 
the  subject.  In  conclusion  they  moved,  "  that  the 
sitting  of  this  Parliament  any  longer,  as  it  is  now 
constituted,  will  not  be  for  the  good  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, and  that  therefore  it  is  requisite  to  de- 
liver up  to  the  Lord  General  Cromwell  the  powers 
which  they  had  received  from  him." 

Everything  went  off  with  the  precision  of  a  field- 
day.  The  debate  was  very  short.  One  party  strove 
to  spin  it  out  till  the  House  grew  fuller  and  their 
reinforcements  came  up.  The  other  had  resolved 
to  carry  the  enemy's  position  by  storm.  It  was  no 
time  to  debate,  said  the  Moderates,  but  to  do  some- 
thing to  prevent  the  calamities  which  threatened 
the  State.  Old  Rouse,  the  Speaker,  who  was  in  the 
plot  himself,  ended  the  discussion  by  rising  from  the 
chair,  and  left  the  House  without  stopping  to  put 
the  question  or  to  hear  the  opponents  of  the  motion. 
In  vain  they  called  to  him  to  stop.  Preceded  by  the 
mace,  and  accompanied  by  the  clerk  of  the  House, 
he  marched  off  with  fifty  or  sixty  members  to  White- 
hall. Arrived  there,  they  proceeded  to  sign  their 
names  to  a  paper  returning  their  powers  to  Crom- 
well, and  became  once  more  private  persons.  Event- 
ually about  eighty  members  signed  this  act  of 
abdication. 

About  twenty-seven  members  had  stayed  behind 
in  the  House.  They  were  too  few  to  form  a  quorum, 
and  could  not  act  as  a  Parliament.  While  they  were 
drawing  up  a  protest  against  the  late  proceedings, 
two  colonels  entered  and  ordered  them  to  come 


340 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 


out.  "  We  are  here,"  said  one  of  the  members,  "  by 
a  call  from  the  General,  and  will  not  come  out  by 
your  desire  unless  you  have  a  command  from  him." 
The  colonels  had  no  order  from  Cromwell  to  pro- 
duce, but  they  fetched  in  two  files  of  musketeers, 
and  the  members  took  the  hint. 

Cromwell  had  taken  no  part  in  the  plot  for  procur- 
ing the  abdication  of  the  Little  Parliament.  "  I  can 
say  it,"  he  told  the  members  of  the  next  Parliament, 
"  in  the  presence  of  divers  persons  here  who  know 
whether  I  lie,  that  I  did  not  know  one  tittle  of  that 
resignation,  till  they  all  came  and  brought  it,  and 
delivered  it  into  my  hands."  As  none  of  the  said 
persons  ever  contradicted  his  statement,  it  may  be 
accepted  as  true.  It  sufficed  for  him  to  remain  pass- 
ive, and  power  came  back  to  his  hands  by  a  sort  of 
natural  necessity.  Once  more  he  was  in  possession 
of  the  dictatorship  he  had  sought  to  lay  down. 
"  My  power  was  again  by  this  resignation  as  bound- 
less and  unlimited  as  before,  all  things  being  subject 
to  arbitrariness,  and  myself  a  person  having  power 
over  the  three  nations  without  bound  or  limit  set ; 
all  government  being  dissolved,  and  all  civil  admin- 
istration at  an  end."  For  the  second  time  Lambert 
and  his  allies  urged  Cromwell  to  accept  the  govern- 
ment under  the  constitution  which  they  had  drawn 
up.  The  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  the  Little  Par- 
liament no  longer  stood  in  the  way,  and  the  title  of 
King  had  been  replaced  by  the  title  of  Protector. 
They  also  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  acceptance  of 
the  Protectorship  in  no  way  increased  his  power. 
On  the  contrary,  it  put  an  end  to  his  dictatorship, 


1653]     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate    341 

and  reduced  his  power  by  imposing  constitutional 
restrictions  upon  its  exercise.  It  bound  him  to  do 
nothing  without  the  consent  of  either  a  Council  or  a 
Parliament.  Another  argument  was  still  more  effect- 
ive. Once  more  they  warned  Cromwell,  that,  unless 
he  would  undertake  the  government,  anarchy  was  in- 
evitable, and  made  him  responsible  for  the  "  blood  and 
confusion  "  which  would  be  the  result.  After  three 
or  four  days'  discussion,  Cromwell  accepted  the  con- 
stitution, to  which  a  general  meeting  of  officers  had 
in  the  interim  given  their  approval  and  adhesion. 
He  was  solemnly  installed  as  Protector  on  December 
16,  1653,  dressed  not  like  a  general  in  scarlet,  but 
like  a  citizen  in  a  plain  black  coat,  to  show  all  men 
that  military  rule  was  over,  and  civil  government 
restored. 

The  new  constitution,  like  the  Agreement  of  the 
People  in  1649,  represented  the  political  ideas  of  the 
officers  of  the  army.  But  since  1649  the  officers 
had  lost  confidence  in  the  people,  and  they  sought 
now  to  erect  a  government  based  on  something 
firmer  than  the  will  of  a  fickle  multitude.  A  written 
constitution  was  asserted  to  be  a  better  foundation  for 
a  government  than  popular  consent,  for  the  express 
reason  that  the  people  would  have  no  power  to  alter 
it.  There  had  been  enough  of  commotion,  and  con- 
fusion, and  change.  "  It  was  high  time  that  some 
power  should  pass  a  decree  upon  the  wavering  hu- 
mours of  the  people,  and  say  to  this  nation,  as  the 
Almighty  Himself  said  once  to  the  unruly  sea: 
'  Here  shall  be  thy  bounds ;  hitherto  shalt  thou 
come,  and  no  farther.'  "  This  was  what  Lambert 


342  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

and  the  officers  assumed  the  right  to  say  when  they 
imposed  the  "  Instrument  of  Government  "  upon 
England. 

Throughout  its  provisions  their  distrust  of  the  Eng- 
lish people  is  evident.  Little  boroughs  were  abolished 
and  constituencies  made  more  equal,  but  the 
franchise  instead  of  being  extended  was  restricted. 
In  boroughs,  the  franchise  remained  unaltered — that 
is,  the  right  of  election  was  generally  in  the  hands 
of  the  corporation  ;  in  counties,  the  forty-shilling 
freeholders  were  abolished,  and  a  new  franchise  was 
created,  which  gave  the  vote  to  all  men  possessing 
property  worth  two  hundred  pounds.  Henceforth, 
therefore,  Parliament  would  represent  the  opinions 
and  interests  of  the  middle  classes. 

Distrust  of  the  electors  was  naturally  accompanied 
by  distrust  of  the  representatives.  For  the  future, 
the  legislative  and  executive  powers  were  to  be  kept 
permanently  separate.  The  authority  and  the  dura- 
tion of  Parliament  were  strictly  limited.  It  was  to 
meet  once  in  three  years,  but  to  sit  for  five  months 
only.  It  had  power  to  legislate  as  it  thought  fit, 
but  its  laws  must  not  contravene  the  provisions  of 
the  constitution.  Its  consent  to  levy  money  for 
extraordinary  expenses  was  necessary,  but  a  con- 
stant yearly  revenue  was  to  be  raised  to  meet  the 
ordinary  charge  of  civil  government,  army,  and 
navy,  which  Parliament  had  no  right  to  diminish. 

The  Protector  possessed  the  executive  power, 
but  his  authority  was  limited  also.  Except  when 
bills  contained  something  contrary  to  the  constitu- 
tion, he  had  no  right  to  veto  them.  In  domestic 


16531     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     343 

administration  and  in  foreign  affairs,  he  could  not  act 
without  the  consent  of  the  Council  ;  in  taxation  and 
for  the  employment  of  the  army,  he  needed  the 
consent  of  Parliament  or  Council.  The  members  of 
the  new  Council  were,  in  Cromwell's  phrase,  "  the 
trustees  of  the  Commonwealth  in  the  intervals  of 
Parliament,"  and  possessed  far  more  power  than 
the  Council  of  State  erected  in  1649.  The  council- 
lors, most  of  whom  were  appointed  by  the  "  In- 
strument "  itself,  held  office  for  life,  and  in  their 
hands  lay  the  choice  of  the  Protector's  successor. 

The  object  of  this  complicated  system  of  cheeks 
and  balances  was  to  prevent  either  Parliament  or 
Protector  from  becoming  absolute,  and  to  render 
religious  liberty  unassailable.  None  knew  better 
than  the  leaders  of  the  army  how  slight  a  hold 
upon  the  nation  the  principle  of  toleration  had 
obtained,  or  how  little  religious  parties  were  willing 
to  accept  it.  "  This  hath  been  one  of  the  vanities 
of  our  contest,"  said  Cromwell.  "  Every  sect  saith, 
'  Oh  give  me  liberty,'  but  give  it  him  and  to  his 
power  he  will  not  yield  it  to  anybody  else."  For 
the  ingenious  political  devices  of  the  constitution 
the  Protector  cared  very  little,  but  the  religious 
settlement  was  a  settlement  after  his  own  heart. 
There  was  to  be  a  national  Church,  maintained  for 
the  present  by  tithes,  in  the  future,  it  was  hoped, 
by  some  better  way.  Outside  the  Church,  there 
was  to  be  full  liberty  of  worship  for  those  who  did 
not  belong  to  it,  "  provided  they  did  not  abuse  their 
liberty  to  the  civil  injury  of  others,  or  to  the  actual 
disturbance  of  the  public  peace."  But  this  liberty 


344  Oliver  Cromwell  [1653 

was  not  to  extend  to  Popery  or  Prelacy,  which  were 
politically  dangerous,  or  "  to  such  as  under  the  pro- 
fession of  Christ  hold  forth  and  practise  licentious- 
ness." 

This  was  the  religious  freedom  which  ever  since 
1647  the  army  had  demanded,  and  had  at  last 
realised.  Yet  in  spite  of  all  the  new  constitution 
promised,  there  was  little  prospect  that  it  would 
obtain  the  acceptance  of  the  nation.  England  was 
the  last  country  in  which  the  attempt  to  transform 
a  military  dictatorship  into  a  sort,  of  constitutional 
government  was  likely  to  succeed. 

At  the  moment,  however,  the  only  opposition 
there  was  came  from  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men — 
hostile  to  anything  which  resembled  a  monarchy 
or  an  established  Church.  Harrison  refused  to  act 
under  the  Protector's  Government,  and  was  deprived 
of  his  commission.  Fifth  Monarchy  preachers  raged 
against  the  Protector  from  the  pulpit.  One  called 
him  "  the  dissemblingest  perjured  villain  in  the 
world."  Another  identified  him  with  the  Little 
Horn  in  Daniel's  prophecy,  which  was  to  make  war 
against  the  Saints  and  to  be  destroyed  by  them. 

Their  ravings  only  strengthened  Cromwell's  posi- 
tion. What  England  wanted  was  a  government 
which  would  maintain  order  and  preserve  property. 
The  interests  which  the  Little  Parliament  had  im- 
perilled welcomed  Cromwell's  accession  to  power. 
His  elevation  was  a  bargain,  says  Ludlow,  with  the 
corrupt  part  of  the  clergy  and  the  lawyers  ;  he  be- 
came their  Protector  and  they  the  humble  support- 
ers of  his  tyranny.  So  evident  was  the  advantage 


1653J     The  Foundation  of  the  Protectorate     345 

which  Cromwell  derived  from  the  events  of  the 
last  few  months  that  what  had  happened  was  freely 
attributed  to  his  profound  statecraft.  All  was  a 
pageant  played  by  Cromwell,  thought  Baxter,  in 
order  to  make  his  soldiers  out  of  love  with  demo- 
cracy and  to  render  his  usurpation  necessary.  He 
was  resolved  we  should  be  saved  by  him  or  perish. 

"  He  made  more  use  of  the  wild-headed  sectaries 
than  barely  to  fight  for  him.  They  now  serve  him  as 
much  by  their  heresies,  their  enmity  to  learning  and 
ministry,  their  pernicious  demands  which  tend  to  con- 
fusion, as  they  had  done  before  by  their  valour  in  the 
field.  He  can  now  conjure  up  at  pleasure  some  terrible 
apparition  of  Agitators,  Levellers,  and  such  like,  who, 
as  they  affrighted  the  King  from  Hampton  Court,  shall 
affright  the  people  to  fly  to  him  for  refuge  :  that  the 
hand  that  wounded  may  heal  them." 

Hitherto  Cromwell  had  been  the  destroyer  of  old 
institutions.  Now  he  came  forward  as  the  saviour 
of  society.  England,  therefore,  submitted  to  his 
government  without  resistance  and  without  enthus- 
iasm, but  with  a  general  feeling  of  relief.  The 
conversion  of  the  monarchy  into  a  republic  had  been 
violent  and  bloody  ;  the  transition  from  the  Re- 
public to  the  Protectorate  was  as  peaceful  as  one  of 
the  ordinary  operations  of  nature.  As  such,  Waller 
celebrated  it  in  his  poem  to  Cromwell. 

"  Still  as  you  rise,  the  State  exalted  too 
Finds  no  distemper  while  't  is  changed  by  you, 
Changed  like  the  world's  great  scene  when  without 

noise 
The  rising  sun  night's  vulgar  lights  destroys." 


CHAPTER  XVII 
CROMWELL'S  DOMESTIC  POLICY 
1654-1658 

CROMWELL  came  into  power  as  the  nominee 
of  the  army,  and  in  domestic  affairs  the  pro- 
gramme which  he  set  himself  to  carry  out 
was  that  which  the  army  had  set  forth  in  its  peti- 
tions and  manifestoes.  For  the  moment  he  was 
invested  with  all  the  authority  of  a  dictator.  Accord- 
ing to  the  "  Instrument  of  Government,"  the  first 
triennial  Parliament  was  to  meet  in  September, 
1654,  and  in  the  interval  the  Protector  and  his  Coun- 
cil were  empowered  to  issue  ordinances,  which  had  the 
force  of  law  "  until  order  shall  be  taken  in  Parlia- 
ment concerning  them."  Cromwell  made  a  liberal 
use  of  this  provision,  and  the  period  of  nine  months 
which  followed  his  accession  was  the  creative  period 
of  his  government.  Between  December,  1653,  and 
September,  1654,  he  issued  eighty-two  ordinances, 
nearly  all  of  which  were  confirmed  in  1656  by  his 
second  Parliament.  Hallam,  in  a  disparaging  com. 
parison  between  Cromwell  and  Napoleon,  concludes 
by  saying  that  Cromwell,  unlike  Napoleon,  "  never 

346 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  347 

showed  any  signs  of  a  legislative  mind,  or  any  de- 
sire to  fix  his  renown  on  that  noblest  basis,  the 
amelioration  of  social  institutions."  In  reality,  no- 
thing could  be  farther  from  the  truth,  and  if  Crom- 
well's reforming  zeal  has  left  no  trace  on  the  statute 
book,  the  reason  is  that  all  the  laws  passed  during 
the  Protectorate  were  annulled  at  the  Restoration. 

All  the  leading  principles  of  Cromwell's  domestic 
policy  are  contained  in  the  small  folio  volume  of  his 
ordinances.  A  few  are  merely  prolongations  of  ex- 
piring acts,  others  are  personal  or  local  in  their  ap- 
plication. There  is  an  ordinance  for  the  relief  of 
poor  prisoners,  another  codifying  the  law  relating  to 
the  maintenance  of  highways,  and  there  are  three 
devoted  to  the  reorganisation  of  the  Treasury.  The 
settlement  of  Ireland  and  Scotland,  and  the  com- 
pletion of  the  union  of  the  three  kingdoms,  which 
the  Long  Parliament  had  left  unfinished,  form  the 
subject  of  a  third  series.  But  none  exhibit  so  plainly 
the  Protector's  domestic  policy  as  the  three  sets  of 
ordinances  dealing  with  the  reform  of  the  Law,  the 
reformation  of  manners,  and  the  reorganisation  of 
the  national  Church. 

Ever  since  1647,  the  army  had  demanded  that  the 
laws  of  England  should  be  so  reformed,  "that  all 
suits  and  questions  of  right  may  be  made  more  clear 
and  certain  in  their  issues,  and  not  so  tedious  nor 
chargeable  in  their  proceedings."  The  Long  Par- 
liament took  the  task  in  hand,  made  some  slight 
progress,  and  then  stuck  fast.  The  Little  Parlia- 
ment attempted  it  with  so  much  rude  vigour  that  it 
seemed  likely  to  end  in  the  subversion  of  all  law. 


348  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

The  Protector  took  up  the  work  where  the  Long 
Parliament  left  off,  and  persistently  pursued  it  as 
long  as  he  ruled. 

Cromwell  realised  its  difficulty.     "  If  any  man," 
he  once  said,  "  should  ask  me,  '  Why,  how  will  you 
have  it  done  ? '    I  confess  I  do  not  know."     All  he 
could  do  was  to  select  the  best  men  for  the  purpose, 
and  to  leave  them  a  free  hand.     Therefore  he  ap- 
plied to  the  lawyers  to  co-operate,  "  being  resolved 
to  give  the  learned  of  the  robe  the  honour  of  reform- 
ing their  profession,"  and  hoping  "  that  God  will 
give  them  hearts  to  do  it."     His  chief  assistant  was 
Matthew  Hale,  who  was  made  a  judge  by  the  Pro- 
tector early  in  1654.     At  the  opening  of  Parliament 
in  September,  1654,  Cromwell  announced  that  the 
Government  had  called  together  "  persons  of  as  great 
ability  and  great  interest  as  are  in  the  nation,  to 
consider  how  the  laws  might  be  made  plain   and 
short,  and  less  chargeable  to  the  people,"  and  that 
they  had  prepared  several  bills.     The  most  import- 
ant of  these  schemes  was  the  ordinance  for  the  regul- 
ation of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  published  August 
21,  1654,  and  confirmed  by  Parliament  in  1656.    It 
contained  a  reduced  scale  of  fees,  and  embodied, 
according  to  modern  lawyers,  many  valuable  reforms. 
Contemporary  practitioners,  such  as  Whitelocke,  held 
that  there  was  much  in  the  new  procedure  which  it 
was  impossible  or  undesirable  to  carry  out,  but  with 
some  subsequent  modifications  it  was  duly  put  in 
force. 

Cromwell  was  equally  zealous  for  the  reform  of 
the  Criminal  Law.     In  April.  1653,  as  soon  as  he 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  349 

had  turned  out  the  Long  Parliament,  he  gave  par- 
dons to  all  prisoners  sentenced  to  death  except  those 
guilty  of  murder.  His  object  was  to  make  the  laws 
"  conformable  to  the  just  and  righteous  laws  of  God." 
Some  English  laws,  he  told  Parliament,  were 
"  wicked  and  abominable  laws." 

"  To  hang  a  man  for  six  and  eightpence  and  I  know  not 
what — to  hang  for  a  trifle  and  acquit  murder,  is  in  the 
ministration  of  the  law  through  ill  framing  of  it.  ... 
To  see  men  lose  their  lives  for  petty  matters  is  a  thing 
God  will  reckon,  and  I  wish  it  may  not  be  laid  on  this 
nation  a  day  longer  than  you  have  opportunity  to  give  a 
remedy." 

To  carry  out  these  schemes  required  not  merely 
the  help  of  lawyers  to  devise  them,  but  the  co-oper- 
ation of  Parliament  to  make  them  law.  The 
Protector's  first  Parliament  spent  all  its  time  in  con- 
stitutional debates,  and  did  nothing  to  reform  the 
Law.  His  second,  busy  most  of  its  existence  in 
the  like  manner,  discussed  the  bills  introduced  by  the 
Government  for  the  establishment  of  county  registers 
and  local  courts,  but  allowed  them  to  drop.  It  com- 
pleted the  abolition  of  feudal  incidents  which  the 
Long  Parliament  had  commenced,  and  which  Charles 
II. 's  Parliament  finally  placed  on  the  statute  book, 
but  it  left  the  harshness  and  cruelty  of  the  criminal 
code  for  the  nineteenth  century  to  redress. 

The  "  Reformation  of  Manners  "  was  an  object  in 
which  the  Protector  obtained  more  support  from 
Parliament.  All  Puritans  were  eager  for  it,  and 
the  Long  Parliament  had  made  a  beginning  by  acts 


350 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 


enjoining  the  stricter  observance  of  Sunday,  punish- 
ing swearing  with  greater  severity,  and  making  adul- 
tery a  capital  offence.  Of  the  Protector's  ordinances, 
one  declared  duelling  "  unpleasing  to  God,  unbe- 
coming Christians,  and  contrary  to  all  good  order 
and  government."  A  person  sending  a  challenge  was 
to  be  bound  over  to  keep  the  peace  for  six  months, 
and  a  duellist  who  killed  his  opponent  was  to  be 
tried  for  murder.  A  second  ordinance  supple- 
mented the  act  against  swearing  by  special  pro- 
visions for  the  punishment  of  carmen,  porters,  and 
watermen,  "  who  are  very  ordinarily  drunk  and  do 
blaspheme."  A  third  forbade  cock-fighting,  be- 
cause it  often  led  to  disturbances  of  the  peace  and 
was  accompanied  by  gaming  and  drunkenness. 
A  fourth  suppressed  horse-racing  for  six  months, 
not  because  of  its  accompaniments,  but  because  the 
Cavaliers  made  use  of  race-meetings  "  to  carry  on 
their  pernicious  designs." 

When  Cromwell's  second  Parliament  met,  he  ap- 
pealed to  it  to  further  the  work. 

"  I  am  confident,"  said  he,  "  our  liberty  and  prosperity 
depend  upon  reformation.  Make  it  a  shame  to  see  men 
bold  in  sin  and  profaneness  and  God  will  bless  you. 
Truly  these  things  do  respect  the  souls  of  men,  and  the 
spirits,  which  are  the  men.  The  mind  is  the  man.  If 
that  be  kept  pure  the  man  signifies  somewhat ;  if  not,  I 
would  very  fain  see  what  difference  there  is  betwixt  him 
and  a  beast.  He  hath  only  some  activity  to  do  some 
more  mischief." 

Parliament  answered  by  confirming  the  ordinances 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  351 

against  duelling,  swearing,  and  cock-fighting,  and 
passing  similar  acts  of  its  own.  One  was  directed 
against  the  vagrants  and  "  idle,  dissolute  "  persons 
who  abounded  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Amongst 
them,  "  the  bigots  of  that  iron  time  "  included  fid- 
dlers and  minstrels  taken  "  playing  or  making 
music  "  in  taverns,  who  were  declared  punishable  as 
"  rogues  and  vagabonds."  A  second  act  was  aimed 
at  the  professional  gamesters  about  London,  who 
made  it  their  trade  "  to  cheat  and  debauch  the 
young  gentry."  A  third  act  enforced  the  Puritan 
Sabbath  in  all  its  severity.  On  that  day,  no  shops 
might  be  opened  and  no  manufactures  carried  on. 
No  travelling  was  to  be  allowed,  except  in  cases  of 
necessity  attested  by  a  certificate  from  a  justice,  and 
persons  "  vainly  and  profanely  walking  on  the  day 
aforesaid "  were  to  be  punished.  Sunday  closing 
was  the  rule  for  all  inns  and  alehouses,  though  the 
dressing  or  sale  of  victuals  in  a  moderate  way,  "  for 
the  use  of  such  as  cannot  otherwise  be  provided 
for,"  was  permitted. 

Much  of  this  drastic  legislation  was  ineffective. 
In  some  cases  it  went  far  beyond  the  feeling  of  the 
times.  Juries  steadily  refused  to  convict  persons 
charged  with  adultery  under  the  act  of  1650,  and  it 
is  doubtful  whether  the  capital  penalty  was  ever 
actually  inflicted.  In  many  places,  the  local  authori- 
ties were  indifferent  or  timid.  "  We  may  have  good 
laws,"  said  the  Protector,  "  against  the  common 
country  disorders  that  are  everywhere,  yet  who  is 
to  execute  them?"  Hardly  the  country  justices. 
"  A  justice  of  the  peace  shall  by  most  be  wondered 


352  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

_^____ » 

at  as  an  owl,  if  he  go  but  one  step  out  of  the  ordinary 
course  of  his  fellow  justices  in  the  reformation  of  these 
things."  Hence  the  value  in  Cromwell's  eyes  of  the 
Major-Generals  established  throughout  England  in 
the  autumn  of  1655.  They  were  not  simply  military 
officers  charged  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  political  ene- 
mies of  the  government,  but  police  magistrates  re- 
quired to  repress  crime  and  immorality  in  their 
respective  districts.  Pride  put  a  stop  to  bear-baiting 
in  London  by  killing  the  bears,  and  to  cock-fighting 
by  wringing  the  necks  of  the  cocks.  Whalley  boasted, 
after  he  had  been  a  few  months  in  office,  that  there 
were  no  vagrants  left  in  Nottinghamshire,  and  in 
every  county  his  colleagues  suppressed  unnecessary 
alehouses  by  the  score.  Nor  was  it  only  humble 
offenders  who  were  struck  at :  neither  the  rich  nor 
the  noble  escaped  the  impartial  severity  of  these 
military  reformers.  "  Let  them  be  who  they  may 
that  are  debauched,"  said  Cromwell,  "  it  is  for  the 
glory  of  God  that  nothing  of  outward  consideration 
should  save  them  from  a  just  punishment  and  reform- 
ation." He  claimed  that  the  establishment  of  the 
Major-Generals  had  been  "  more  effectual  towards 
the  discountenancing  of  vice  and  the  settling  of  re- 
ligion than  anything  done  these  fifty  years."  Their 
rule  ended  in  the  spring  of  1657,  and  Cromwell 
feared  that  the  work  of  reformation  would  come  to 
a  stop.  But  the  experiment  had  infused  new  vigour 
into  the  local  administration,  which  lasted  as  long 
as  the  Protectorate  endured. 

In  spite  of  these  restrictive  laws,  it  must  not  be 
imagined  that  there  was  any  general  suppression  of 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  '         353 

public  amusements  or  sports.  "  Lawful  and  lauda- 
ble recreations "  even  Puritans  encouraged.  In 
1647,  when  the  Long  Parliament  prohibited  the  ob- 
servation of  Christmas  and  of  saints'  days  in  general, 
it  passed  an  act  giving  servants,  apprentices,  and 
scholars  a  whole  holiday  once  a  month,  for  "  recrea- 
tion and  relaxation  from  their  constant  and  ordinary 
labours."  The  Protector  himself  hunted,  hawked, 
and  played  bowls,  just  as  if  he  had  been  a  Royalist 
country-gentleman.  He  told  Parliament  that  he 
suppressed  race-meetings  not  because  they  were 
unlawful,  but  because  they  were  temporarily  in- 
expedient. With  all  his  zeal  for  Sunday  closing, 
the  suppression  of  unnecessary  alehouses,  and  the 
punishment  of  drunkenness,  it  never  occurred  to 
him  to  stop  the  sale  of  drink  altogether.  He  drank 
wine  and  small  beer  himself,  and  quoted  as  illogical 
and  absurd  "  the  man  who  would  keep  all  wine  out 
of  the  country  lest  men  should  be  drunk."  The 
idea  was  contrary  to  his  conception  of  civil  freedom. 
"  It  will  be  found,"  he  said,  "  an  unjust  and  unwise 
jealousy  to  deprive  a  man  of  his  natural  liberty  upon 
a  supposition  he  may  abuse  it.  When  he  doth 
abuse  it,  judge." 

In  the  moral  crusade  he  had  undertaken,  the  Pro- 
tector relied  not  so  much  on  restrictive  legislation 
as  on  the  influence  of  education  and  religion.  It 
was  to  their  defective  education  that  he  attributed 
much  of  the  misconduct  of  the  "  profane  nobility 
and  gentry  of  this  nation."  "  We  send  our  children 
to  France,"  he  said,  "  before  they  know  God  or  good 
manners,  and  they  return  with  all  the  licentiousness 


354 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 


of  that  nation.  Neither  care  taken  to  educate  them 
before  they  go,  or  to  keep  them  in  good  order 
when  they  come  home."  As  a  party,  the  Puritans 
showed  a  great  zeal  for  education,  and  the  pamphlet 
literature  of  the  time  is  full  of  schemes  for  its 
reformation  or  extension.  In  these  discussions,  the 
modern  conception  of  the  duty  of  the  State  with 
regard  to  education  gradually  took  shape.  While 
the  plan  of  education  which  Milton  published  in 
1644  was  intended  only  for  "  a  select  body  of  our 
noble  and  gentle  youth,"  in  1660,  he  advocated  the 
foundation  of  schools  in  all  parts  of  the  nation,  in 
order  to  spread  knowledge,  civility,  and  culture 
to  "  all  extreme  parts  which  now  lie  numb  and 
neglected."  In  his  Oceana,  Harrington  asserted  that 
the  formation  of  future  citizens  by  means  of  a 
system  of  free  schools  was  one  of  the  chief  duties 
of  a  republic. 

As  usually  happens,  practical  men  lagged  behind 
the  theorists,  but  during  the  Commonwealth  a  por- 
tion of  the  revenue  of  confiscated  Church  lands  was 
systematically  devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  schools 
and  schoolmasters.  The  Protector  pursued  the  same 
policy,  and  publicly  declared  when  appropriating  a 
grant  for  educational  purposes  in  Scotland,  that  it 
was  "  a  duty  not  only  to  have  the  Gospel  set  up, 
but  schools  for  children  erected  and  maintenance 
provided  therefor."  His  government  undertook  the 
task  of  ejecting  incapable  schoolmasters  and  of 
licensing  persons  fit  to  teach.  It  made  the  proper 
administration  of  educational  endowments  in  general 
a  part  of  its  business,  and  one  of  Cromwell's  earliest 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  355 

ordinances  appointed  fresh  commissioners  for  the 
visitation  of  the  universities,  and  established  a  per- 
manent board  of  visitors  for  the  great  public  schools. 
Personally,  he  was  far  more  interested  in  the  re- 
organisation of  the  universities  than  in  primary  or 
secondary  education.  He  vigorously  defended  them 
against  the  attacks  of  the  zealots  of  the  Little 
Parliament  who  threatened  their  disendowment  or 
abolition.  In  1651,  he  had  been  elected  Chancellor 
of  Oxford,  and  held  that  office  till  July,  1657,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Richard,  signalising 
his  connection  with  the  university  by  the  foundation 
of  a  new  readership  in  Divinity,  and  the  presenta- 
tion of  some  Greek  manuscripts  to  the  Bodleian. 
He  appointed  John  Owen  his  Vice  -  Chancellor, 
under  whose  efficient  rule  Oxford  prospered  greatly. 
Even  Clarendon  is  forced  to  admit  that  in  spite  of 
visitations  and  purgings  the  university  "yielded  a 
harvest  of  extraordinary  good  and  sound  knowledge 
in  all  parts  of  learning." 

The  Protector  also  endeavoured  to  found  a  new 
university  in  the  north  of  England.  There  was  a 
widespread  feeling  that  the  two  existing  universities 
were*  not  enough  for  the  country.  In  1641,  peti- 
tions were  presented  praying  for  the  foundation  of  a 
university  at  York  or  Manchester,  and  later  it  was 
:  proposed  to  establish  one  in  London.  In  1651, 
Cromwell  strongly  recommended  the  endowment 
of  a  school  or  college  for  all  the  sciences  and  lit- 
erature, out  of  the  property  of  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  of  Durham.  The  scheme,  he  wrote,  was 
"  a  matter  of  great  concernment  and  importance, 


.356  Oliver  Cromwell  C1654- 

as  that  which  by  the  blessing  of  God  may  conduce 
to  the  promoting  of  learning  and  piety  in  these 
poor,  rude,  ignorant  parts,"  and  bring  forth  in  time 
"  such  happy  and  glorious  fruits  as  are  scarce 
thought  of  or  foreseen."  But  Parliament  did  no- 
thing, and  it  was  reserved  for  Oliver  himself  to  found 
a  college  at  Durham  in  1657,  which  throve  greatly 
until  the  Restoration  put  an  end  to  its  existence. 

The  Protector  encouraged  learned  men  and  men 
of  letters.  With  his  relative,  the  poet  Waller,  he 
was  on  terms  of  considerable  intimacy ;  he  allowed 
Hobbes  and  Cowley,  both  Royalists,  to  return  from 
exile,  and  he  released  Cleveland  when  he  was 
arrested  by  one  of  the  Major-Generals,  although 
Cleveland's  fame  rested  mainly  on  satires  against 
the  Puritans.  Milton  and  Marvell  were  in  Crom- 
well's service  as  Latin  secretaries,  and  he  also  em- 
ployed Marvell  as  tutor  to  one  of  his  wards.  Brian 
Walton  was  assisted  in  the  printing  of  his  Polyglot 
Bible,  and  Archbishop  Ussher  was  honoured  by  a 
public  funeral. 

But  both  learning  and  education  were,  in  Crom-; 
well's  eyes,  inseparably  connected  with  religion.; 
When  he  accepted  the  Chancellorship  he  congratu- 
lated Oxford  on  the  learning  and  piety  "  so  marvel- 
lously springing  up  there,"  adding  a  hope  that  it  might 
be  "  useful  to  that  great  and  glorious  kingdom  of  our 
Lord  JesusChrist."  Thinking  that  the  chief  function 
of  the  universities  was  to  provide  ministers  for  the 
Church,  he  held  piety  more  important  than  learning. 
"  I  believe,"  he  told  his  Parliament,  five  years  later, 
''  that  God  hath  for  the  ministry  a  very  great  seed 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  357 

in  the  youth  of  the  universities,  who,  instead  of 
studying  books,  study  their  own  heart."  Crom- 
well's desire  to  develop  higher  education,  and  his 
defence  of  the  universities  against  their  assailants, 
were  the  natural  consequences  of  his  resolve  to  main- 
tain  a  national  Church  against  those  who  wished  to 
sever  the  connection  between  Church  and  State. 
On  this  question,  the  army,  as  a  whole,  supported 
Cromwell.  In  the  "  Agreement  of  the  People,"  pre- 
sented to  Parliament  in  1649,  the  army  had  de- 
manded that  "  the  Christian  religion  be  held  forth 
and  recommended  as  the  public  profession  of  this 
nation,"  and  it  included  "  the  instructing  of  the 
people  thereunto,  so  it  be  not  compulsive,"  and 
"  the  maintaining  able  teachers  for  that  end," 
amongst  the  legitimate  functions  of  the  govern- 
ment. These  principles  had  been  embodied  in  the 
"  Instrument  of  Government,"  and  the  duty  of 
devising  means  to  carry  them  out  fell  to  the  Pro- 
tector. 

The  first  question  to  be  decided  was  the  question 
of  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy.  The  Little  Par- 
liament had  proposed  to  abolish  tithes  altogether, 
and  in  the  "  Instrument  of  Government "  the  sub- 
stitution of  some  other  provision  was  suggested. 
As  no  satisfactory  scheme  for  the  commutation  of 
tithes  could  be  devised,  Cromwell  felt  bound  to  pre- 
serve them.  "  For  my  part,"  said  he,  "  I  should 
think  I  were  very  treacherous  if  I  took  away  tithes 
till  I  see  the  legislative  power  settle  maintenance 
to  ministers  another  way."  To  abolish  tithes  be- 
fore that  was  done,  would  be  "  to  cut  the  throats 


358  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

of  the  ministers."  Under  the  Protectorate,  as  under 
the  rule  of  the  Long  Parliament,  it  was  the  perman- 
ent policy  of  the  government  to  increase  the  income 
of  the  parochial  clergy.  The  endowments  of  poor 
livings  were  systematically  augmented  out  of  the 
fund  supplied  by  episcopal  lands  and  the  fines  im- 
posed on  royalist  delinquents. 

The  basis  of  the  Protector's  plan  for  the  reorgani- 
sation of  the  Church  was  the  scheme  which  John 
Owen  had  presented  to  the  Long  Parliament  in 
1652.  On  March  20,  1654,  Cromwell  issued  an 
ordinance  "  for  the  approbation  of  public  preach- 
ers," which  appointed  thirty-eight  commissioners, 
lay  and  clerical,  to  sit  permanently  in  London  and 
examine  into  the  qualifications  of  all  candidates  for 
livings.  Their  business  was  to  certify  that  they 
found  the  candidate  "  to  be  a  person  for  the  grace  of 
God  in  him,  his  holy  and  unblamable  conversation, 
as  also  for  his  knowledge  and  utterance,  able  and  fit 
to  preach  the  Gospel,"  and  without  obtaining  this 
certificate  no  one  was  in  future  to  be  admitted  to  a 
benefice.  The  commissioners  were  not  empowered 
to  impose  any  doctrinal  tests,  and  it  was  expressly 
declared  that  approbation  by  them  "  is  not  intended 
nor  shall  be  construed  to  be  any  solemn  or  sacred 
setting  apart  of  any  person  to  any  particular  office 
in  the  ministry."  All  that  the  "  Triers  "  undertook 
to  do  was  to  see  that  none  but  fit  and  proper  per- 
sons should  receive  "  the  public  stipend  and  main- 
tenance "  guaranteed  by  the  State. 

After  provision  for  the  appointment  of  the  fit, 
came  provision  for  the  elimination  of  the  unfit.  A 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  359 

second  ordinance,  issued  in  August,  1654,  appointed 
local  commissioners  in  every  county  to  remove 
scandalous  and  inefficient  ministers  and  school- 
masters within  its  limits.  Amongst  the  reasons 
which  justified  ejection  were  included  not  merely  im 
moral  conduct  or  Popish  and  blasphemous  opinions, 
but  disaffection  to  the  government  and  the  use  of 
the  Prayer-book.  In  September,  the  work  was  com- 
pleted by  a  third  ordinance  for  the  union  of  small 
and  the  division  of  large  and  populous  parishes. 

Cromwell's  speeches  are  full  of  expressions  of 
satisfaction  at  the  results  that  these  ordinances 
produced.  He  was  proud  of  the  character  of  his 
clergy.  "  In  the  times  of  Episcopacy,"  said  he, 
"what  pitiful  certificates  served  to  make  a  man  a 
minister.  If  any  man  understood  Latin  or  Greek,  he 
was  sure  to  be  admitted."  But  now,  "  neither 
Mr.  parson  nor  doctor  in  the  university  hath  been 
reckoned  stamp  enough  by  those  that  made  these 
approbations,  though  I  can  say  they  have  a  great 
esteem  for  learning."  The  rule  with  the  Triers  was, 
"  that  they  must  not  admit  a  man  unless  they  were 
able  to  discern  something  of  the  grace  of  God  in 
him." 

He  was  equally  proud  of  the  comprehensiveness 
of  the  Church.  There  were  "  three  sorts  of  godly 
men,"  that  is,  three  sects,  to  be  provided  for  in  it : 
the  Presbyterians,  the  Independents,  and  the  Bap- 
tists. The  Triers  were  drawn  impartially  from  all 
three  bodies,  and  "  though  a  man  be  of  any  of  those 
three  judgments,  if  he  have  the  root  of  the  matter 
in  him  he  may  be  admitted."  Summing  up  the 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

work  of  the  Triers  and  Ejectors,  he  emphatically 
declared  :  "  There  hath  not  been  such  a  service  to 
England  since  the  Christian  religion  was  perfect  in 
England." 

In  the  main,  Cromwell's  satisfaction  was  justified. 
Both  bodies  of  commissioners  did  the  work  they 
were  charged  to  do  with  fidelity.  Some  good  men 
were  expelled  merely  for  royalism  or  using  the 
liturgy,  but  the  bulk  of  those  who  lost  their  livings 
deserved  their  fate,  and  those  admitted  were  gener- 
ally fit  for  their  office.  The  Presbyterian  Richard 
Baxter,  an  opponent  on  principle  of  Cromwell  and 
his  works,  felt  bound  to  praise  the  commissioners : 

"  To  give  them  their  due,  they  did  abundance  of  good 
to  the  Church.  They  saved  many  a  congregation  from 
ignorant,  ungodly,  drunken  teachers.  That  sort  of  men 
that  intended  no  more  in  the  ministry  than  to  say  a 
sermon  as  readers  say  their  common  prayers,  and  so  patch 
up  a  few  good  words  together  to  talk  the  people  asleep 
with  on  Sunday,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  week  go  with 
them  to  the  alehouse  and  harden  them  in  sin  ;  and  that 
sort  of  ministers  that  either  preached  against  a  holy  life, 
or  preached  as  men  that  were  never  acquainted  with  it  ; 
all  those  that  used  the  ministry  but  as  a  common  trade  to 
live  by,  and  were  never  likely  to  convert  a  soul  :  —  all 
these  they  usually  rejected,  and  in  their  stead  admitted 
of  any  that  were  able,  serious  preachers,  and  lived  a 
godly  life,  of  what  tolerable  opinion  soever  they  were. 
So  that  though  they  were  many  of  them  somewhat  partial 
for  Independents,  Separatists,  Fifth  Monarchy-men,  and 
Anabaptists,  and  against  the  Prelatists  and  Arminians, 
yet  so  great  was  the  benefit  above  the  hurt  to  the  Church, 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  361 

that  many  thousands  of  souls  blessed  God  for  the  faith- 
ful ministers  whom  they  let  in." 

Outside  the  bounds  of  the  national  Church,  the 
constitution  promised  liberty  of  worship  to  "  all 
such  as  do  profess  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ." 
Anglicanism  and  Catholicism,  however,  labelled  Pre- 
lacy and  Popery,  and  regarded  as  idolatrous  or  polit- 
ically dangerous,  were  excepted  by  name  from  this 
promise.  In  practice,  although  the  use  of  the  liturgy 
had  been  prohibited  since  1645,  many  orthodox 
Anglicans  had  contrived  to  retain  their  livings,  some- 
times using  portions  of  the  Prayer-book  from  mem- 
ory, in  other  cases  confining  themselves  to  preaching 
and  to  the  administration  of  the  sacraments.  Many 
ejected  ministers  gathered  little  congregations  in 
private  houses,  and  were  not  molested  by  the  Govern- 
ment. The  royalist  insurrection  of  1655  led  to 
greater  severity,  and  in  October,  1655,  Cromwell 
issued  a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  employment 
of  the  ejected  clergy  as  chaplains  or  schoolmasters. 
It  was  meant  as  a  warning,  rather  than  to  be  rigidly  en- 
forced, and  the  promise  was  made  that  any  man 
whose  "  godliness  and  good  affection  to  the  present 
government "  were  capable  of  proof  should  be  treated 
with  tenderness.  Congregations  of  Royalists  con- 
tinued to  meet  in  London  throughout  the  Protect- 
orate, and  the  Government  winked  at  their  use  of 
Anglican  services  and  ceremonies.  But  whenever 
there  was  a  new  plot  discovered,  their  meetings  were 
liable  to  be  interrupted  by  the  soldiery. 

The  case  of  the  Catholics  was  harder  than  that  of 
the  Anglicans,  although  their  lot  was  less  hard  than 


362  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

« 

it  had  been.  In  1650,  the  acts  imposing  fines  on 
recusants  for  not  coming  to  church  were  repealed, 
and  there  were  persistent  rumours  that  the  Independ- 
ents were  about  to  make  proposals  for  their  tolera- 
tion. In  June,  1654,  a  Catholic  priest  was  executed 
in  London  for  no  crime  except  being  a  priest.  Crom- 
well, it  is  said,  wished  to  pardon  him,  but  was  pre- 
vented by  the  opposition  of  his  Council.  In  1656, 
Mazarin  urged  Cromwell  to  grant  toleration  to  the 
Catholics. 

4<  I  cannot,"  answered  the  Protector,  "  as  to  a  public  de- 
claration of  my  sense  on  that  point  ;  although  I  believe 
that  under  my  government  your  Eminency  on  behalf  of 
the  Catholics  has  less  cause  for  complaint  than  under  the 
Parliament.  For  I  have  of  some  and  those  very  many 
had  compassion,  making  a  difference.  I  have  plucked 
many  out  of  the  fire,  —  the  raging  fire  of  persecution, 
which  did  tyrannise  over  their  consciences  and  encroach 
by  arbitrariness  of  power  over  their  estates.  And 
herein  it  is  my  purpose,  as  soon  as  I  can  remove  impedi- 
ments and  some  weights  that  press  me  down,  to  make 
a  further  progress,  and  discharge  my  promise  to  your 
Eminence." 

The  Protector's  purpose  was  never  fulfilled.  Public 
opinion  in  England  was  too  hostile  to  the  Catholics 
to  permit  of  their  legal  toleration,  and  the  same 
thing  happened  when  Cromwell  wished  to  readmit 
the  Jewsto  England.  In  November,  1655,  Manasseh 
Ben  Israel,  a  learned  Portuguese  Jew,  settled  in- 
Amsterdam  as  a  physician,  petitioned  the  Protector 
to  allow  the  Jews  to  reside  and  trade  in  England, 
and  to  grant  them  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  363 

Cromwell,  who  was  personally  in  favour  of  their 
petition,  called  together  a  committee  of  divines, 
merchants,  and  lawyers  to  confer  with  the  Council  on 
the  question.  The  Protector  himself  took  part  in 
the  conferences.  "I  never  heard  a  man  speak  so 
well,"  said  one  of  his  hearers,  but  the  divines  feared 
for  their  religion  and  the  merchants  for  their  trade, 
so  the  legal  toleration  the  Jews  asked  for  was  not 
granted.  Cromwell,  however,  granted  them  leave  to 
meet  in  private  houses  for  devotion,  and  showed 
them  such  encouragement  and  favour  that  their 
resettlement  in  England  really  dates  from  the 
Protectorate. 

The  Protector's  tolerant  nature  showed  itself 
again  in  his  dealings  with  the  Quakers.  Under  the 
Commonwealth,  the  Quakers  were  persecuted  and 
imprisoned,  not  simply  because  their  opinions  were 
regarded  as  blasphemous,  but  because  they  were  held 
dangerous  to  the  public  peace.  Their  attacks  on  the 
clergy  and  their  misconduct  and  brawling  in  churches 
gave  colour  to  these  accusations.  Under  the  Pro- 
tectorate, this  persecution  continued,  till  it  was  miti- 
gated by  the  intervention  of  the  Protector  and  his 
Council.  In  1654,  George  Fox  had  a  long  interview 
with  the  Protector.  "  I  spake  much  to  him,"  writes 
Fox,  "  of  truth ;  and  a  great  discourse  I  had  with 
him  about  religion,  wherein  he  carried  himself  very 
moderately."  The  earnestness  and  enthusiasm  of 
Fox  impressed  Cromwell  greatly.  "  As  I  spake,  he 
would  several  times  say,  it  was  very  good,  and  it  was 
truth.  And  as  I  was  turning  to  go  away,  he  catches  me 
by  the  hand,  and  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  said  :  '  Come 


364  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

L * 

again  to  my  house  ;  for  if  thou  and  I  were  but  an 
hour  of  a  day  together  we  should  be  nearer  one  to 
the  other';  adding,  that  he  wished  me  no  more 
ill  than  he  did  to  his  own  soul."  Convinced  that 
the  Quakers  were  not  inclined  to  "  take  up  a  carnal 
sword  "  against  his  government,  the  Protector 
ordered  Fox  to  be  set  free,  and  in  October,  1656,  he 
released  a  number  of  imprisoned  Quakers.  Again 
in  November,  1657,  he  issued  a  general  circular  to 
all  justices  in  England  and  Wales,  stating  that 
though  he  was  far  from  countenancing  the  mistaken 
practices  or  principles  of  the  Quakers,  yet  as  those  pro- 
ceeded "  rather  from  a  spirit  of  error  than  a  malicious 
opposition  to  authority,"  they  were  "  to  be  pitied, 
and  dealt  with  as  persons  under  a  strong  delusion," 
to  be  discharged  from  prison,  and  to  be  treated 
in  the  future  with  tenderness  rather  than  severity. 

Yet  tolerant  as  Cromwell  was,  there  were  limits  to 
his  toleration,  and  certain  opinions  he  regarded  as 
outside  the  pale.  The  Instrument  refused  liberty  to 
"such  as  under  the  profession  of  Christ  hold  forth 
and  practise  licentiousness  "  and  the  Petition  and 
Advice  added  to  them  those  who  "  published  horri- 
ble blasphemies." 

"  As  for  profane  persons,"  said  Cromwell,  "  blasphemers, 
such  as  preach  sedition  ;  the  contentious  railers,  evil- 
speakers,  who  seek  by  evil  words  to  corrupt  good  man- 
ners ;  persons  of  loose  conversation — punishment  from 
the  civil  magistrate  ought  to  meet  with  these.  Because 
if  they  pretend  conscience  ;  yet  walking  disorderly  and 
not  according  but  contrary  to  the  Gospel,  and  even  to 
natural  lights,  they  are  judged  by  all.  And  their  sins 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  365 

being  open  make  them  subjects  of  the  magistrate's  sword, 
who  ought  not  to  bear  the  sword  in  vain.  The  discipline 
of  the  army  was  such  that  a  man  would  not  be  suffered 
to  remain  there,  of  whom  we  could  take  notice  that  he 
was  guilty  of  such  practices  as  these." 

A  well-ordered  state,  thought  Cromwell,  should  in 
this  respect  resemble  an  army,  but,  even  with  regard 
to  opinions  which  he  held  blasphemous,  he  was  not 
willing  to  suffer  the  extreme  penalties  to  be  inflicted 
which  the  law  sanctioned  and  the  voice  of  most 
Puritans  demanded. 

In  1656,  James  Naylor,  an  old  soldier  who  was  one 
of  Fox's  early  disciples,  allowed  himself  to  be  hailed 
by  his  enthusiastic  followers  as  a  new  Messiah,  and 
was  consequently  thrown  into  prison  as  a  blasphemer. 
The  Parliament  then  sitting  assumed  judicial  pow- 
ers, and,  after  many  days'  debate,  voted  that  he 
should  be  branded,  pilloried,  whipped,  and  imprisoned 
at  pleasure.  The  Protector  vainly  pointed  out  to  the 
House  that  it  was  going  beyond  its  powers,  and  all 
the  influence  of  the  Government  was  required  to 
save  Naylor  from  capital  punishment.  What  the 
Protector  would  probably  have  done  if  the  punish- 
ment of  Naylor  had  been  left  to  him  was  shown  by 
his  treatment  of  John  Biddle.  Unitarians  were  by 
implication  excluded  from  toleration  by  the  Petition 
and  Advice.  In  1655,  Biddle  was  prosecuted  under 
the  Blasphemy  Act  of  1648,  and  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  sentenced  to  death.  The  Protector  was 
petitioned  to  interfere,  and  replied  by  soundly  rating 
the  petitioners.  "  If  it  be  true,"  said  he,  "  what  Mr. 
Biddle  holds,  to  wit,  that  our  Lord  and  Saviour 


366  Oliver  Cromwell \  H654 

Jesus  Christ  is  but  a  creature,  then  all  those  who 
worship  Him  with  the  worship  due  to  God  are  idol- 
aters." No  Christian,  was  his  conclusion,  could  give 
any  countenance  to  such  a  person, but  nevertheless  he 
stopped  the  trial  by  issuing  a  warrant  for  Biddle's  con- 
finement at  St.  Mary's  Castle  in  the  Scilly  Islands.  Bid- 
die's  life  was  undoubtedly  saved  by  this  intervention. 

In  spite  of  the  liberality  and  comprehensiveness 
of  Cromwell's  ecclesiastical  policy,  there  were  several 
sections  of  Puritans  whom  it  failed  to  satisfy.  Some 
Independents  opposed  any  established  Church,  and 
denied  that  the  State  ought  in  any  way  to  meddle 
with  religious  matters.  The  most  distinguished  ad- 
herents of  this  view'  were  Vane  and  Milton.  The 
magistrate,  said  Milton,  had  no  coercive  power  at 
all  in  matters  of  religion.  It  was  not  his  business 
"  to  settle  religion,"  as  it  was  popularly  termed,  "  by 
appointing  either  what  we  shall  believe  in  divine 
things  or  practise  in  religious."  His  duty  was  sim- 
ply to  defend  the  Church.  "  Had  he  once  learned 
not  further  to  concern  himself  with  Church  affairs, 
half  his  labour  might  be  spared  and  the  Common- 
wealth better  tended." 

Another  section,  in  the  name  of  liberty  of  con- 
science, denied  the  State  any  right  to  punish  blas- 
phemous or  immoral  doctrines.  "They  tell  the 
Magistrate,"  said  the  Protector, "  that  he  hath  nothing 
to  do  with  men  holding  such  notions;  these  are 
matters  of  conscience  and  opinion  ;  they  are  matters 
of  religion  ;  what  hath  the  Magistrate  to  do  with 
these  things  ?  He  is  to  look  to  the  outward  man, 
not  to  the  inward."  Cromwell's  own  position  with 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  367 

regard  to  dangerous  opinions  was  that,  if  they  were 
but  opinions,  they  were  best  left  alone.  "  Notions 
will  hurt  none  but  those  that  have  them."  When 
they  developed  into  actions,  it  was  a  different  matter, 
and  especially  when  they  led  to  rebellion  and  blood- 
shed. "  Our  practice  hath  been,"  he  said  in  1656, 
"  to  let  all  this  nation  see  that  whatever  pretensions 
to  religion  would  continue  quiet  and  peaceable,  they 
should  enjoy  conscience  and  liberty  to  themselves." 
But  to  be  quiet  and  peaceable  was  the  indispen- 
sable condition.  Fifth  Monarchy  preachers  were 
frequently  arrested  for  sermons  against  the  govern- 
ment, both  before  and  after  the  attempted  rising  of 
the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in  the  spring  of  1657.  On 
one  occasion,  some  of  the  congregation  of  John 
Rogers,  one  of  their  preachers,  came  to  Whitehall  to 
argue  with  the  Protector,  complaining  that  their 
pastor  was  suffering  for  religion's  sake.  Cromwell 
answered  that  Rogers  suffered  as  a  railer,  a  seducer, 
and  a  stirrer-up  of  sedition  :  that  to  call  suffering 
for  evil-doing  suffering  for  the  Gospel  was  to  make 
Christ  the  patron  of  such  things.  "  God  is  my 
witness,"  he  concluded,  "no  man  in  England  doth 
suffer  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus.  Nay  do  not  lift 
up  your  hands  and  your  eyes,  for  there  is  no  man 
in  England  which  suffers  so.  There  is  such  liberty — 
I  wish  it  be  not  abused,  that  no  man  in  England 
suffereth  for  Christ." 

It  was  true.  Cromwell's  was  the  most  tolerant 
government  which  had  existed  in  England  since  the 
Reformation.  In  practice,  he  was  more  lenient  than 
the  laws,  and  more  liberal-minded  than  most  of  his 


368  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

advisers.  The  drawback  was,  that  even  the  more 
limited  amount  of  religious  freedom  which  the  laws 
guaranteed  seemed  too  much  to  the  great  majority 
of  the  nation.  Englishmen  —  even  Puritans  —  had 
not  yet  learnt  the  lesson  of  toleration.  "  Is  there 
not  yet,"  said  Cromwell  in  1655, -"a  strange  itch 
upon  the  spirits  of  men  ?  Nothing  will  satisfy  them 
unless  they  can  press  their  finger  upon  their  breth- 
ren's consciences  to  pinch  them  there."  To  prevent 
this,  was,  he  avowed,  his  task  as  a  ruler. 

"  If  the  whole  power  was  in  the  Presbyterians,  they  would 
force  all  men  their  way,  and  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men 
would  do  the  same,  and  so  the  Rebaptised  persons  ;  and 
his  work  was  to  keep  several  judgments  in  peace,  be- 
cause, like  men  falling  out  in  the  streets,  they  would  run 
their  heads  one  against  another  ;  he  was  as  a  constable 
to  part  them  and  keep  them  in  peace." 

To  induce  these  jarring  sects  to  co-operate  was 
more  difficult,  but  that  also  Cromwell  attempted  to 
do.  In  the  Puritan  Church,  which  he  organised,  no 
agreement  about  ritual  or  discipline  or  doctrine  was 
required,  save  only  the  acceptance  of  the  main 
principles  of  Christianity.  It  was  not  so  much  a 
Church  as  a  confederation  of  Christian  sects  work- 
ing together  for  righteousness,  under  the  control  of 
the  State.  The  absence  of  agreement  in  details  and 
of  uniformity  in  externals  was  no  defect  in  Crom- 
well's eyes.  To  him  it  was  rather  a  merit.  "  All 
that  believe,"  he  had  once  written,  "  have  the  real 
unity  which  is  more  glorious  because  inward  and 
spiritual."  * 

'Seep.  i52. 


1658]  Cromwell's  Domestic  Policy  369 

The  originality  of  the  Protector's  ecclesiastical 
policy  lay  in  this  attempt  to  combine  the  two 
principles  of  toleration  and  comprehension.  It  re- 
flected his  character.  His  tolerance  was  not  the 
result  of  scepticism  or  indifference,  but  arose  from 
respect  for  the  consciences  of  others.  The  com- 
prehensiveness of  his  Church  was  the  outcome  of  his 
large-hearted  sympathy  with  every  form  of  Puritan- 
ism. To  local  magistrates  in  local  religious  quarrels, 
he  enjoined  "  a  charity  as  large  as  the  whole  flock 
of  Christ  "  ;  and  the  same  spirit  inspired  his  exhorta- 
tion to  the  Little  Parliament. 

"  Have  a  care  of  the  whole  flock.  Love  the  sheep.  Love 
the  lambs.  Love  all  ;  tend  all  ;  cherish  and  counten- 
ance all  in  all  things  that  are  good.  And  if  the  poorest 
Christian,  the  most  mistaken  Christian,  shall  desire  to 
live  peaceably  and  quietly  under  you  :  I  say  if  any 
desire  but  to  live  a  life  of  godliness  and  honesty,  let 
him  be  protected." 

Mr.  Greatheart,  under  whose  protection  all  pilgrims 
to  the  Celestial  City  walked  securely — Feeble-Mind 
and  Ready-to-Halt,  as  well  as  Valiant-for-Truth, — 
is  but  an  allegorical  representation  of  what  Crom- 
well was  to  the  Puritans.  Cromwell's  ecclesiastical 
system  passed  away  with  its  author,  but  no  man 
exerted  more  influence  on  the  religious  develop- 
ment of  England.  Thanks  to  him,  Nonconformity 
had  time  to  take  root  and  to  grow  so  strong  in  Eng- 
land that  the  storm  which  followed  the  Restoration 

had  no  power  to  root  it  up. 
34 


T 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
CROMWELL'S  FOREIGN  POLICY 

1654-1658 

'HREE  aims  guided  Cromwell's  foreign  policy: 
the  first  was  the  desire  to  maintain  and  to 
spread  the  Protestant  religion  ;  the  second, 
the  desire  to  preserve  and  extend  English  commerce  ; 
the  third,  the  desire  to  prevent  the  restoration  of  the 
Stuarts  by  foreign  aid.  The  European  mission  of 
England,  its  material  greatness,  and  its  political  in- 
dependence were  inseparably  associated  in  his  mind, 
and  beneath  all  apparent  wavering  and  hesitation 
these  three  aims  he  consistently  pursued. 

The  Protector  had  inherited  from  the  Long  Par- 
liament a  European  situation  of  the  greatest  com- 
plexity. The  Dutch  war  had  undone  the  work  of 
the  previous  three  years.  In  1653,  England  was 
once  more  isolated  and  in  danger  of  a  European 
combination  against  her.  England  and  France  were 
still  carrying  on  hostilities  at  sea.  Denmark  had 
seized  English  merchantmen,  and  closed  the  Baltic 
to  English  trade.  Portugal  was  actually  at  war  with 
370 


ti654-i658]         Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy       371 

us.  There  were  rumours  of  the  formation  of  a  triple 
alliance  against  England,  between  Holland,  France, 
and  Denmark.  On  the  other  hand,  the  war  turned 
more  and  more  against  the  United  Provinces.  In 
the  spring  of  1654,  the  English  were  "  perfectly  lords 
and  masters  of  the  narrow  seas,"  and  no  Dutch  mer- 
chantman could  show  itself  in  the  Channel. 

England  had  captured  over  fourteen  hundred  sail 
from  the  Dutch,  including  120  men-of-war,  and  in 
March,  1654,  she  had  140  men-of-war  at  sea,  "and 
better  ships,"  added  Cromwell's  Secretary  of  State, 
"  than  we  have  had  at  any  time  heretofore."  Never- 
theless, every  motive — solicitude  for  the  Protestant 
cause,  the  interest  of  commerce,  the  frustration  of  the 
designs  of  the  Royalists  —  all  made  peace  with  Hol- 
land necessary.  Moreover,  England  was  fast  sinking 
under  the  financial  burdens  which  even  successful  war 
imposed.  Cromwell,  therefore,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to 
those  who  maintained  that  a  little  more  persistence 
would  force  the  Dutch  to  accept  the  original  de- 
mands of  the  Long  Parliament,  and  from  the  mo- 
ment he  took  the  negotiations  in  hand  he  threw 
overboard  the  amalgamation  of  the  two  republics. 
In  its  place,  he  at  first  proposed  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  between  England  and  Holland. 
They  were  to  league  themselves  together  not  merely 
for  commercial  or  national  ends,  but  "  for  the  pre- 
servation of  freedom  and  the  outspreading  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Christ."  "  Who  could  tell,"  said  he, 
"  what  God  in  his  own  time  might  intend  to  accom- 
plish for  the  deliverance  of  oppressed  nations  by 
means  of  the  two  republics?"  Other  Protestant 


372 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1654 


powers,  and  even  those  Catholic  powers  which  al- 
lowed their  subjects  liberty  of  conscience,  might  be 
invited  to  join  the  league. 

The  Dutch  envoys,  less  enthusiastic  and  more 
practical,  would  hear  of  nothing  more  than  a  defens- 
ive alliance,  and  even  that  proved  more  than  could 
be  realised.  The  negotiations  were  slow,  for  the  de- 
mands of  England  were  still  too  high,  and  France 
obstructed  the  progress  of  the  treaty  as  much  as  it 
could.  The  Protector  yielded  on  some  points,  but 
remained  inexorable  on  others,  and  prepared  to  re- 
new the  war.  So  the  resistance  of  the  Dutch  gave 
way,  and  by  the  treaty  signed  on  April  5,  1654,  they 
admitted  the  supremacy  of  the  British  flag  in  the  Brit- 
ish seas,  abandoned  any  demand  for  the  modification 
of  the  Navigation  Act,  and  promised  to  pay  damages 
for  the  losses  of  English  merchants  in  the  East. 
Each  state  undertook  to  expel  from  its  borders  the 
rebels  or  enemies  of  the  other.  Finally,  by  a  private 
engagement,  the  province  of  Holland  undertook  per- 
manently to  exclude  the  Princes  of  Orange  from 
command  by  land  or  sea.  Cromwell  had  thus  at- 
tained two  of  his  objects :  English  commerce  was 
made  secure,  and  the  Dutch  would  no  longer  help 
the  Royalists  to  attack  the  government  which  Eng- 
land had  chosen  to  set  up.  At  the  banquet  which 
he  gave  the  Dutch  Ambassadors  on  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty,  he  dwelt  on  the  advantages  of  friendship 
between  the  two  states.  They  sang  the  I23d  Psalm 
together :  "  Behold  how  good  and  how  pleasant  it  is 
for  brethren  to  dwell  together  in  unity."  But  there 
was  no  real  restoration  of  unity,  and  if  the  great 


16S8]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  373 

Protestant  alliance  of  Cromwell's  dreams  depended 
on  the  support  of  the  Dutch,  there  was  little  hope 
of  its  accomplishment.  The  commercial  jealousy  of 
the  two  states  never  slumbered  for  a  moment,  and 
the  diplomatists  of  the  Protector  found  the  influence 
of  the  Dutch  continually  obstructing  their  negotia- 
tions. 

A  few  days  later  than  the  peace  with  the  United 
Provinces,  Cromwell's  Ambassador,  Whitelocke,  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  Sweden  (April  11,  1654).  To 
Cromwell  and  to  Englishmen  who  had  witnessed  the 
exploits  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  Sweden  still  seemed 
the  champion  of  Protestantism  in  northern  Europe, 
and  the  natural  ally  of  a  Puritan  England.  "  The 
English,"  wrote  Whitelocke  in  his  diary,  "  are  the 
only  people  with  whom  the  Swedes  may  hope  for  a 
firm  amity  and  union  for  the  Protestant  interest 
against  the  common  enemy  thereof,  the  Popish 
party."  Apart  from  this,  there  were  other  questions 
in  which  the  political  interests  of  the  two  nations 
coincided,  and  Cromwell  offered  to  assist  the  Swedes 
with  a  fleet  in  asserting  the  freedom  of  the  Sound 
against  Denmark  and  Holland.  Whitelocke  was 
received  with  the  greatest  friendliness.  "  Your 
General,"  said  Queen  Christina  to  him,  "  hath  done 
the  greatest  things  of  any  man  in  the  world:  the 
Prince  of  Cond£  is  next  to  him,  but  short  of  him." 
She  compared  Cromwell  to  her  ancestor,  Gustavus 
Vasa,  and  predicted  that,  like  him,  after  being  the 
liberator  of  his  country  he  would  become  its  king. 
Nevertheless,  the  Swedish  ministers,  fearful  of  in- 
volving their  country  in  a  war  with  Holland,  and 


374  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

perhaps  with  France,  declined  the  proffered  alliance. 
The  embassy  resulted  in  a  treaty  of  amity  regulating 
the  commercial  intercourse  of  the  two  states,  and 
providing  that  Sweden  should  give  no  assistance  to 
the  cause  of  Charles  II. 

Next  came  a  treaty  with  Denmark,  which,  as  Hol- 
land's ally,  had  been  included  in  the  treaty  with  the 
Dutch,  on  condition  that  the  English  merchants 
were  compensated  for  the  detention  of  their  ships  in 
the  Sound  during  the  war.  By  the  commercial 
treaty  which  followed  in  September,  1654,  English 
vessels  were  in  future  to  be  allowed  to  pass  the 
Sound  on  the  same  terms  as  the  Dutch.  Still  more 
important  from  the  commercial  point  of  view  was 
the  treaty  with  Portugal,  concluded  in  July,  1654. 
English  merchants  received  reparation  for  their 
losses,  were  guaranteed  freedom  from  the  inter- 
ference of  the  Inquisition,  and  were  given  liberty  to 
trade  with  all  Portuguese  colonies  in  the  East  or 
West.  All  these  treaties,  besides  the  commercial 
advantages  they  brought,  gave  additional  security  to 
the  new  government  against  the  Royalists,  but 
Cromwell  valued  those  with  the  Protestant  states 
most,  because  they  also  gave  increased  security  to 
"the  Protestant  interest  abroad."  "I  wish,"  said 
he  to  his  Parliament,  "  that  it  may  be  written  upon 
our  hearts  to  be  zealous  for  that  interest.  For  if 
ever  it  were  likely  to  come  under  a  condition  of  suf- 
fering, it  is  now.  And  by  this  conjunction  of  in- 
terests, you  will  be  in  a  more  fit  capacity  to  help 
them." 

In   the  same  speech,  the  Protector  was  able  to 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  375 

point  out  the  change  in  the  attitude  of  Europe 
towards  England,  which  nine  months  of  his  rule  had 
produced.  "There  is  not  a  nation  in  Europe,"  he 
said,  "but  is  willing  to  ask  a  good  understanding 
with  you."  Instead  of  rumours  of  coalitions  against 
England,  the  two  greatest  powers  of  the  continent 
were  bidding  against  each  other  for  her  alliance. 
Spain  pressed  England  to  land  an  army  in  southern 
France  in  support  of  Condi's  rebellion,  promising 
help  to  recover  Calais,  and  large  subsidies  towards 
the  cost  of  the  English  auxiliaries.  France  offered 
to  abandon  the  cause  of  Charles  II.,  and  to  assist 
England  with  men  and  money  to  conquer  Dunkirk. 
For  some  months,  Oliver  wavered,  or  seemed  to 
waver.  Apparently  he  was  intent  only  on  driving 
the  best  possible  bargain  for  England  with  the  two 
competitors  for  her  support ;  in  reality,  he  was  study- 
ing the  conditions  of  the  problem  and  making  up 
his  mind  how  to  act.  As  both  were  Catholic  powers, 
religious  considerations  were  less  decisive  than  usual. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  case  of  the  Huguenots,  whose 
rights  under  the  Edict  of  Nantes  were  continually 
infringed  by  the  French  Government,  appealed 
strongly  to  his  Protestant  zeal.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Catholicism  of  France  was  less  bigoted  than  the 
Catholicism  of  Spain,  and  whatever  the  wrongs  of 
the  Huguenots  were,  it  became  clear  he  could  do 
more  to  get  them  redressed  by  a  good  understand- 
ing with  France  than  by  armed  intervention.  Polit- 
ical considerations  also  made  peace  with  France 
desirable.  Hitherto,  it  was  true,  Spain  had  been  far 
more  friendly  to  the  Republic  than  its  rival,  but 


376  Oliver  Cromwell  %  [1654- 

France  was  at  once  the  more  dangerous  enemy  and 
the  more  valuable  ally.  Whatever  subsidies  Spain 
might  promise  in  return  for  English  aid,  it  was  soon 
evident  that  it  could  pay  none.  Ere  long,  Cromwell 
came  to  the  resolution  not  to  involve  England  in 
the  European  struggle  between  France  and  Spain 
by  leaguing  himself  with  either,  but  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  opportunity  to  settle  outstanding 
disputes,  and  to  maintain,  if  possible,  amicable  re- 
lations with  both.  His  plan,  however,  was  not  so 
easy  of  execution  as  it  seemed.  When  the  Protector, 
as  a  condition  of  the  renewal  of  old  treaties  of  com- 
merce and  friendship  with  Spain,  demanded  that 
English  merchants  should  have  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion  in  Spanish  ports,  and  that  English 
colonists  and  traders  in  the  West  Indies  should  be 
no  longer  treated  as  enemies  by  the  Spaniards,  he 
met  with  a  flat  refusal. 

"To  ask  liberty  from  the  Inquisition  and  free 
sailing  in  the  West  Indies,"  declared  the  Spanish 
Ambassador,  "  was  to  ask  for  his  master's  two  eyes," 
and  no  concession  could  be  made  on  either  point. 
In  August,  1654,  Cromwell  resolved  to  send  an 
expedition  to  the  West  Indies  in  order  to  exact 
reparation  for  the  past  and  material  guarantees  for 
future  security.  He  did  not  believe  that  these 
reprisals  would  lead  to  war  with  Spain  in  Europe, 
but  if  they  did  he  was  prepared  to  take  the  risk. 

Equally  unsuccessful  were  the  negotiations  with 
France.  The  expulsion  from  that  country  of  Charles 
II.  and  his  partisans  was  assented  to  in  principle, 
and  it  was  agreed  that  the  losses  which  the  traders 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  377 

of  the  two  nations  had  suffered  should  be  referred  to 
arbitration,  but  the  question  of  the  Huguenots 
proved  an  insurmountable  obstacle.  The  Protector 
demanded  that  the  treaty  should  expressly  recognise 
his  right  to  intervene  on  their  behalf,  if  the  liberties 
granted  them  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes  were  infringed, 
which  France,  as  was  natural,  steadfastly  refused. 
Cromwell  remained  firm.  The  Protector,  wrote 
Thurloe  to  an  English  agent,  had  espoused  the 
interest  of  Protestantism,  "  which  is  dearer  to  him 
than  his  life  and  all  that  he  hath,"  and  he  could  not 
consent  to  any  clause  in  a  treaty  with  a  foreign 
power  which  seemed  prejudicial  to  it.  The  year 
1654  ended  without  England's  coming  to  an  agree- 
ment either  with  France  or  Spain.  Relying  upon 
his  army  and  his  fleet  of  160  ships,  the  Protector 
felt  strong  enough  to  maintain  a  completely  inde- 
pendent position,  and  to  assert  the  interest  of  Eng- 
land with  a  high  hand  in  defiance  of  either.  When 
Penn  sailed  for  the  West  Indies,  in  December,  1654, 
he  bore  instructions  not  only  to  attack  the  Spanish 
colonies,  but  to  make  prize  of  any  French  ships  he 
came  across.  When  Blake  in  the  previous  October 
was  despatched  to  the  Mediterranean,  he  was  charged 
to  continue  the  reprisals  against  French  as  well  as  to 
protect  British  trade. 

Blake's  voyage  made  the  British  flag  respected 
and  feared  throughout  the  Mediterranean,  though 
the  legendary  account  of  the  indemnities  he  exacted 
from  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the  Pope  for 
their  unfriendly  action  during  the  Dutch  war  is 
unsupported  by  evidence.  He  made  a  treaty  with 


378 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 


the  Dey  of  Algiers,  and  redeemed  the  English  capt- 
ives held  there.  The  Dey  of  Tunis,  less  amenable 
to  reason,  refused  reparation,  and  would  not  even 
allow  Blake's  ships  to  water  in  his  ports.  "  We 
judged  it  necessary,"  wrote  Blake,  "  for  the  honour 
of  our  fleet,  our  nation,  and  religion,  seeing  they 
would  not  deal  with  us  as  friends,  to  make  them  feel 
us  as  enemies  "  ;  so,  sailing  into  the  harbour  of  Porto 
Farina,  he  bombarded  the  Dey's  castles,  and  burnt 
his  ships  (April  4,  1655). 

Simultaneously  with  the  news  of  Blake's  exploit, 
England  learnt  of  the  massacre  of  the  Vaudois  by 
the  troops  of  the  Regent  of  Savoy.  Every  Puritan's 
heart  thrilled  with  sympathy  for  the  sufferings  of  his 
fellow  Protestants.  Milton  called  on  God  to  avenge 
the  sufferings  of  the  "  slaughtered  saints  "  whose  bones 
lay  scattered  on  the  Alpine  mountains.  The  armies 
of  the  three  nations  urged  Cromwell  to  action.  The 
Protector  needed  no  prompting.  He  headed  with  a 
gift  of  two  thousand  pounds  the  national  subscription 
raised  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers.  He  told  the  French 
Ambassador  that  the  sufferings  of  the  poor  Piedmont- 
ese  touched  his  heart  as  closely  as  if  they  had  been 
his  own  nearest  kin,  and  refused  to  sign  the  treaty 
with  France  till  their  wrongs  were  righted.  By  the 
pen  of  Milton,  he  summoned  all  the  Protestant 
powers  to  intervene,  and  he  projected  employing 
Blake's  fleet  to  attack  Nice  or  Villa  Franca.  Diplo- 
matic arguments  proved  sufficient.  Eager  to  secure 
the  friendship  of  England,  France  put  pressure  on 
Savoy,  the  massacres  ceased,  and  the  Vaudois  were 
reinstated  in  their  valleys.  The  Treaty  of  Pignerol 


JOHN    MILTON. 
(From  an  engraving  by  Faithorne.) 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  379 

left  much  unredressed,  and  Cromwell  was  far  from 
satisfied  with  its  terms,  but  by  every  Puritan  in 
England  and  every  Protestant  in  Europe  he  was 
hailed  as  the  saviour  of  the  Vaudois.  Even  Eng- 
lishmen who  were  no  Puritans  felt  proud  to  see 
their  country,  under  his  guidance,  assert  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  seas,  punish  the  pirates  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  defend  the  oppressed.  Waller's  panegyric 
to  the  Protector  upon  "  the  present  greatness  of  his 
Highness  and  this  nation,"  expressed  this  pride. 

"  The  sea  's  our  own  ;  and  now  all  nations  greet, 
With  bending  sails,  each  vessel  of  our  fleet ; 
Your  power  resounds  as  far  as  winds  can  blow 
Or  swelling  sails  upon  the  globe  may  go. 

Fame  swifter  than  your  winged  navy  flies 
Through  every  land  that  near  the  ocean  lies, 
Sounding  your  name,  and  telling  dreadful  news 
To  all  that  piracy  and  rapine  use. 

Whether  this  portion  of  the  world  were  rent 
By  the  rude  ocean  from  the  continent, 
Or  thus  created,  it  was  sure  designed 
To  be  the  sacred  refuge  of  mankind. 

Hither  the  oppressed  shall  henceforth  resort 
Justice  to  crave,  and  succour  at  your  court  ; 
And  then  your  highness,  not  for  ours  alone 
But  for  the  world's  protector  shall  be  known." 

To  such  a  land,  with  such  a  leader,  asked  Waller, 
what  could  be  thought  impossible  ?  Ere  long,  how- 
ever, the  Protector  discovered  that  even  the  best-laid 


380  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

schemes  did  not  always  prosper.  The  Panegyric  was 
published  at  the  end  of  May :  in  August  news  came 
to  England  of  the  disastrous  defeat  of  the  expedition 
sent  to  the  West  Indies  at  Hispaniola.1  The  Pro- 
tector fell  ill,  and  everyone  attributed  his  illness  tc 
vexation  at  the  evil  tidings.  Contrary  to  his  ex 
pectation  also,  Spain  laid  an  embargo  on  English 
shipping,  withdrew  its  ambassador,  and  declared  war. 
The  breach  with  Spain  was  accompanied  by  the  com- 
pletion of  the  long-delayed  agreement  with  France, 
which  was  signed  on  the  very  day  that  the  Spanish 
Ambassador  left  England  (October  24,  1655).  In 
substance,  it  was  merely  a  commercial  treaty,  with  a 
secret  clause  added  for  the  expulsion  of  the  leading 
Royalists  from  France,  and  the  Protector  contented 
himself  with  a  private  promise  that  the  rights  of  the 
Huguenots  should  not  be  infringed.  The  conditions 
under  which  the  agreement  took  place  made  a  more 
intimate  connection  between  the  two  powers  inevit- 
able. But  for  the  present  Cromwell  was  busily  en- 
gaged in  negotiations  with  Sweden,  which  he  hoped 
to  make  the  basis  of  a  general  league  of  Protestant 
states.  In  June,  1655,  Charles  Gustavus,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Queen  Christina,  invaded  Poland  and  sent 
an  ambassador  to  England  to  ask  for  aid  in  men, 
ships,  and  money.  Cromwell  treated  the  King's  en- 
voy with  distinguished  favour.  "  They  dine,  sup, 
hunt,  and  play  bowls  together,"  and  "  never  was  am- 
bassador, or  indeed  any  man,  so  much  caressed  and 
regarded  by  Cromwell  as  this  man  is,  nor  did  he 
ever  seek  the  friendship  of  anyone  so  much  as  this 
1  See  p.  401. 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  381 

King  of  Sweden."  From  the  first  he  declared  his 
willingness  to  "  enter  into  a  more  strict  and  close 
alliance  "  with  Sweden  both  for  the  sake  of  the  two 
nations,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  Protestant  cause. 
Yet  it  was  impossible  to  come  to  an  agreement. 
The  Swedish  King's  conquest  of  Catholic  Poland 
seemed  to  the  Protector  a  gain  to  Protestantism ; 
"  Wresting  a  horn  from  the  head  of  the  Beast,"  he 
termed  it.  But  he  saw  plainly  that  it  was  not  to 
the  interest  of  England  that  the  Baltic  should  fall 
completely  under  the  dominion  of  Sweden,  and  that 
to  support  the  designs  of  the  King  on  the  Baltic 
coast-lands  would  necessarily  embroil  him  with  the 
Danes,  the  Dutch,  and  the  Brandenburgers.  For  a 
time  he  hoped  to  turn  the  arms  of  Gustavus  against 
the  House  of  Austria,  and  to  convert  the  offered 
alliance  into  the  Protestant  league  he  longed  for. 
But  it  was  all  in  vain,  and  the  sole  result  of  the  em- 
bassy was  a  commercial  treaty  signed  in  July,  1656. 
Meanwhile,  at  sea,  the  war  with  Spain  was  vigor- 
ously prosecuted.  During  the  latter  part  of  1655 
and  through  1656,  an  English  fleet  cruised  on  and  off 
the  Spanish  coast  in  order  to  prevent  the  Spaniards 
from  sending  reinforcements  to  the  West  Indies  and 
to  intercept  the  silver  ships  from  America.  It  served 
also  to  protect  English  traders  to  the  Mediterranean, 
and  to  force  the  King  of  Portugal  to  carry  into  effect 
the  treaty  of  1654.  At  one  time  Cromwell  with  pro- 
phetic foresight  proposed  the  seizure  of  Gibraltar. 
"  If  possessed  and  made  tenable  by  us,"  he  wrote  to 
Blake,  "  would  it  not  be  an  advantage  to  us  and  an 
annoyance  to  the  Spaniards,  and  enable  us,  without 


382  Oliver  Cromwell \  [1654- 

keeping  so  great  a  fleet  on  that  coast,  with  six  nimble 
frigates  lodged  there  to  do  the  Spaniards  more  harm 
than  by  a  fleet  and  ease  our  own  charge?"  But 
without  a  force  to  land,  the  Admiral  judged  the 
design  impracticable.  Blake's  perseverance  in  the 
blockade  was  at  last  crowned  with  success.  On 
September  8,  1656,  Captain  Stayner  with  a  squadron 
of  cruisers  detached  from  his  fleet  met  eight  Spanish 
ships  from  America  off  Cadiz,  of  which  he  destroyed 
four  bearing  treasure  worth  two  millions,  and  cap- 
tured a  fifth  with  a  cargo  of  silver  valued  at  six 
hundred  thousand  pounds.  More  glorious,  how- 
ever, was  the  action  at  Santa  Cruz  in  Teneriffe  on 
April  20,  1657.  Blake  sailed  into  the  harbour,  where 
the  Spanish  treasure-fleet  from  the  West  Indies 
had  taken  refuge,  fought  batteries  and  galleons  at 
close  quarters,  and  sunk  or  burnt  all  the  sixteen 
ships  without  losing  one  of  his  own.  It  was  the 
most  brilliant  of  all  his  exploits,  and  the  last:  he 
died  on  his  return  to  England,  worn  out  with  the 
fatigues  of  the  long  blockade,  just  as  his  ship  was 
entering  Plymouth  Sound  (August  7,  1657). 

Meanwhile,  events  forced  Cromwell  into  closer 
union  with  France.  The  Spaniards  had  zealously 
adopted  the  cause  of  Charles  II.,  hoping  to  overthrow 
^Cromwell  by  means  of  an  insurrection  in  England.  In 
April,  1656,  Philip  IV.  made  a  treaty  with  Charles 
II.  by  which  he  promised  him  a  pension,  helped  to 
maintain  a  little  army  of  English  and  Irish  Royalists 
in  Flanders,  and  undertook  to  provide  ships  for  their 
transport  to  the  English  coast.  Spanish  money, 
also,  was  employed  to  further  the  plots  of  the 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  383 

Levellers  for  the  assassination  of  the  Protector.  It 
became  evident  that,  in  order  to  force  Spain  to  peace, 
it  must  be  attacked  on  the  continent  as  well  as  on 
the  seas.  On  March  23,  1657,  Cromwell  signed  an 
offensive  alliance  with  France,  by  which  England 
supplied  six  thousand  soldiers,  supported  by  a  fleet, 
to  attack  the  Spaniards  in  Flanders,  and  was  to  re- 
ceive Mardyke  and  Dunkirk  as  its  share  of  the  spoils. 
He  thought  that  the  possession  of  Dunkirk  would 
give  him  increased  control  of  the  Channel,  enable 
him  to  exercise  a  greater  pressure  upon  France,  and 
provide  a  secure  basis  for  land  operations  against 
Spain.  "  It  would  be,"  said  Secretary  Thurloe,  "  a 
bridle  to  the  Dutch,  and  a  door  into  the  continent." 
Six  weeks  later,  Sir  John  Reynolds,  with  six  thou- 
sand men,  landed  at  Boulogne  and  joined  the  French 
army  under  Turenne.  Turenne  at  first  employed 
the  English  contingent  in  the  interior  of  Flanders,  in 
sieges  and  operations  which  seemed  to  serve  French 
interests  only,  and  his  delay  to  attack  the  coast 
towns  made  Cromwell  suspicious.  It  seemed,  he 
wrote  to  Sir  William  Lockhart,  the  English  Ambas- 
sador, as  if  the  French  "  would  not  have  us  have 
any  footing  on  that  side  the  water."  The  French 
excuses  for  their  delay  were  but  "  parcels  of  words 
for  children."  Unless  they  set  about  the  business 
at  once,  he  would  withdraw  his  troops  and  demand 
the  repayment  of  his  expenses.  "  I  desire  you  to 
take  boldness  and  freedom  to  yourself  in  your  deal- 
ing with  the  French  on  these  accounts."  Lockhart 
spoke  boldly  and  freely,  and  the  effect  was  immedi- 
ate. The  French  army  drew  towards  the  Flemish 


384  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

coast.  Mardyke  was  besieged,  taken,  and  handed 
over  to  an  English  garrison  (October  3,  1657). 

When  the  next  campaign  opened,  Turenne  laid 
siege  to  Dunkirk,  and  a  Spanish  army  of  fourteen 
thousand  men  under  Don  John  and  Conde*  ad- 
vanced to  its  relief.  Turenne  routed  them  on 
June  4,  1658,  amongst  the  sandhills  on  the  south 
of  Dunkirk,  with  the  loss  of  five  thousand  men.  No 
troops  did  better  service  in  the  battle  than  the  Eng- 
lish contingent  under  Lockhart.  The  joyful  cheer 
the  redcoats  gave  when  they  saw  their  enemy  roused 
the  admiration  of  Turenne,  and  the  Duke  of  York, 
who  served  in  the  Spanish  army,  was  full  of  praises 
of  his  countrymen's  courage.  On  their  hands  and 
knees  they  stormed  the  sandhill  which  was  the  key 
of  the  Spanish  left,  and  at  push  of  pike  drove  the 
Spaniards  from  it.  This  victory  decided  the  long 
struggle  between  France  and  Spain,  and  ten  days 
later  Dunkirk  surrendered.  It  was  all  over  now  with 
the  plans  of  Charles  II.  :  half  his  little  army  had 
been  destroyed  in  the  battle,  and  the  ships  pro- 
vided for  their  transport  had  been  captured  by  the 
English  fleet. 

Cromwell  had  at  last  the  foothold  on  the  contin- 
ent which  he  desired,  and  England  was  safe  from 
attempted  invasion,  but  the  Protestant  alliance  he 
dreamed  of  was  farther  off  than  ever.  A  storm  had 
risen  in  northern  Europe  which  threatened  to  make 
any  such  combination  permanently  impossible.  As 
soon  as  Charles  Gustavus  conquered  Poland,  his  ambi- 
tion had  brought  him  into  collision  with  his  Protestant 
neighbours.  A  great  coalition  was  forming  against 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  385 

him,  and  in  the  spring  of  1657  ne  appealed  to  Crom- 
well for  help.  But  before  Cromwell  would  risk  either 
men  or  money  he  required  as  a  guarantee  the  tem- 
porary possession  of  Bremen.  It  would  serve  as  a 
basis  for  military  operations,  if  necessary,  and  as  a 
means  of  bringing  pressure  to  bear  upon  Denmark, 
if  Denmark  attempted  to  break  the  peace.  Gustavus 
refused,  and  all  Cromwell  could  do  was  to  endeavour 
to  mediate  between  Sweden  and  Denmark.  In 
May,  1657,  the  Danes  declared  war,  and  forced  Gus- 
tavus to  relax  his  hold  on  Poland.  Brandenburg, 
Holland,  and  Austria  joined  the  coalition,  and  at  the 
end  of  1657,  it  seemed  as  if  Sweden  must  succumb. 
Cromwell  had  refused  to  join  Gustavus  in  his  de- 
signs to  partition  Denmark,  but  just  as  little  could 
he  consent  to  allow  Denmark  and  its  allies  to  com- 
plete the  overthrow  of  Sweden.  He  regarded  the 
coalition  as  a  Catholic  plot  against  a  Protestant 
power — a  plot  in  which  misguided  Protestant  states 
were  furthering  the  work  of  the  Pope  and  the  House 
of  Hapsburg.  In  imagination,  he  saw  the  Austrian 
eagle  once  more  stretching  her  wings  towards  the 
Eastern  sea  and  planting  herself  upon  the  Baltic,  as 
in  the  dark  days  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  before 
Sweden  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  German  Protestants. 
The  speech  which  the  Protector  made  to  Parlia- 
ment, in  January,  1658,  was  full  of  these  apprehen- 
sions. The  question,  he  said,  was,  "  whether  the 
Christian  world  should  be  all  popery."  The  Protest- 
ant  interest  abroad  was  "  struck  at,  nay,  quite  trodden 
under  foot."  The  Spanish  and  Austrian  Hapsburgs 
were  leagued  together  to  destroy  it.  In  Poland  and 


386  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654- 

in  the  Empire,  Protestants  were  persecuted  and 
driven  out ;  the  Swiss  were  threatened,  and  Sweden, 
the  chief  champion  of  the  Protestant  cause,  was  in 
danger.  What  resistance  was  there  to  "  this  mighty 
current  coming  from  all  parts  against  all  Protest- 
ants ?  "  Only  that  made  by  Gustavus : 

"  a  poor  prince,  and  yet  a  man  in  his  person  as  gallant 
and  as  good,  as  any  that  these  late  ages  have  brought 
forth."  .  .  .  "A  man  that  hath  adventured  his  all 
against  the  Popish  interest  in  Poland,  and  made  his 
acquisitions  still  good  for  the  Protestant  religion.  He 
is  now  reduced  into  a  corner,  and  what  adds  to  the  grief 
of  all  is  that  men  of  our  religion  forget  this,  and  seek  his 
ruin." 

He  declared  that  the  success  of  the  coalition 
threatened  the  commerce  and  the  maritime  power  of 
England.  "  If  they  can  shut  us  out  of  the  Baltic 
Sea,  and  make  themselves  masters  of  that,  where  is 
your  trade  ?  Where  are  your  materials  to  preserve 
your  shipping  ?  "  Every  sailor  knew  what  exclusion 
from  the  Baltic  meant  for  England. 

The  Protector's  conclusion  was  that  England  must 
intervene  to  prevent  the  King  of  Sweden  from  being 
crushed,  and  be  ready  to  back  him,  not  only  with  its 
fleet,  but  by  landing  a  force  on  the  continent.  "  You 
have  accounted  yourselves  happy,"  said  he,  "  in  being 
environed  with  a  great  ditch  from  all  the  world 
besides.  Truly,  you  will  not  be  able  to  keep  your 
ditch,  nor  your  shipping,  unless  you  turn  your  ships 
and  shipping  into  troops  of  horse  and  companies  ef 
foot,  and  fight  to  defend  yourselves  on  terra  firma." 

The  crisis  passed  away  as  rapidly  as  it  had  risen, 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  387 

and  Gustavus  rescued  himself  without  English  aid. 
A  winter  march  over  the  frozen  Belt  and  the  siege 
of  Copenhagen  brought  Denmark  to  its  knees.  In 
February,  1658,  Cromwell's  ambassador  mediated  a 
peace  between  the  rival  powers  at  Roeschild.  But 
the  peace  was  of  short  duration.  In  August,  1658,  a 
month  before  Cromwell  died,  the  war  broke  out 
again,  and  once  more  Holland  and  Brandenburg 
came  to  the  help  of  the  Danes.  The  general  Protest- 
ant league  was  impossible,  because  each  Protestant 
power  preferred  to  pursue  its  private  aims  and 
defend  its  private  interests.  Ambition  and  national 
traditions  made  Denmark  and  Sweden  irreconcilable 
foes.  Brandenburg  was  more  anxious  to  secure  its 
own  independence  than  to  propagate  the  faith.  The 
Dutch  sought  first  the  interests  of  their  commerce,  and 
preferred,  as  Oliver  complained,  "  gain  to  godliness."; 
In  Cromwell's  England  there  were  some  who,  like. 
Morland,  held  it  the  greatest  glory  of  the  Protector 
that  he  had  ever  identified  the  interests  of  England 
with  the  interests  of  European  Protestantism.  But 
the  merchants  of  London  complained  that  they  were 
ruined  by  the  cessation  of  their  Spanish  trade,  and 
the  war  with  Spain  had  lost  him  the  hearts  of  the 
City.  To  the  commercial  classes,  and  to  many 
republican  statesmen,  Holland,  not  Spain,  seemed 
the  natural  enemy  of  England,  and  bitter  attacks  on 
the  late  Protector's  policy  were  heard  in  the  Parlia- 
ment of  1659.  Yet  the  great  position  in  Europe 
which  Cromwell's  energy  had  gained  for  England 
impressed  the  imagination  of  contemporaries.  "  He 
once  more  joined  us  to  the  continent,"  sang  Marvell, 


388  Oliver  Cromwell  [1654 

in  his  lines  on  Cromwell's  death,  while  Sprat  de- 
picted him  as  waking  the  British  lion  from  its 
slumbers,  and  Dryden  as  teaching  it  to  roar.  Con- 
temporary  historians  struck  the  same  note.  "  Crom- 
well's greatness  at  home,"  admitted  Clarendon,  "  was 
a  mere  shadow  of  his  greatness  abroad."  Burnet 
recorded  with  approval  Cromwell's  traditional  boast, 
that  he  would  make  the  name  of  Englishman  as 
great  as  ever  that  of  Roman  had  been.  Still  more 
glorious  appeared  the  policy  of  the  usurper  in  com- 
.  parison  with  that  of  Charles  II.  "It  is  strange," 
noted  Pepys,  in  1667,  "  how  everybody  do  nowa- 
days reflect  upon  Oliver  and  commend  him,  what 
brave  things  he  did,  and  made  all  the  neighbour 
princes  fear  him." 

Then  came  a  change.  For  a  hundred  years  it  was 
the  fashion  to  say  that  Cromwell  by  allying  himself 
with  France  against  Spain  destroyed  the  balance  of 
power  in  Europe,  and  produced  that  preponderance 
of  France  against  which  Europe  struggled  so  long. 
People  forgot  that  the  overgrowth  of  French  power 
was  due  to  the  complicity  of  Charles  II.,  even  more 
than  to  Oliver's  co-operation,  and  that,  with  Oliver  as 
his  ally,  Louis  XIV.  would  neither  have  attempted 
the  partition  of  Holland,  nor  revoked  the  Edict  of 
Nantes.  With  modern  historians,  it  is  a  common- 
place to  observe  that  Cromwell's  foreign  policy  was 
an  anachronism,  that  the  era  of  religious  wars  ended 
with  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia,  and  that  material  and 
political  motives  alone  determined  thenceforth  the 
relations  of  European  powers.  There  is  much  truth 
in  the  criticism,  but  in  the  years  which  immediately 


1658]  Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy  389 

followed  that  treaty,  religious  disputes  entered  so 
largely  into  political  quarrels  that  it  was  not  easy  for 
contemporaries  to  perceive  what  is  obvious  enough 
to  posterity.  Least  of  all  was  such  clearness  of 
vision  possible  to  the  Puritan  statesman,  in  whose 
mind  the  interest  of  religion  took  precedence  of  all 
other  interests,  and  to  the  soldier  who  regarded  war 
as  the  instrument  with  which  the  God  of  battles 
worked  out  His  purpose  on  earth. 

Cromwell's  foreign  policy  was  in  part  a  failure,  but 
only  in  part.  He  promoted  the  material  welfare  of 
his  country,  and  saved  her  from  foreign  interference 
in  her  domestic  affairs.  Where  he  sought  purely  na- 
tional interests  he  succeeded,  but  it  was  impossible 
for  him  not  to  look  beyond  England.  "  God's  in- 
terest in  the  world,"  he  said,  "  is  more  extensive 
than  all  the  people  of  these  three  nations."  At  an- 
other time  he  told  his  Council  :  "  God  has  brought  us 
hither  to  consider  the  work  we  may  do  in  the  world 
as  well  as  at  home."  Others  shared  these  views, 
and  there  were  many  Puritans  who,  like  Cromwell, 
held  that  nations  had  duties  as  well  as  interests. 
The  duty  of  a  free  Commonwealth,  wrote  Harrington, 
was  to  relieve  oppressed  peoples,  and  to  spread  liberty 
and  true  religion  in  other  lands.  "  She  is  not  made 
for  herself  only,"  but  should  be  "  a  minister  of  God 
upon  the  earth,  to  the  intent  that  the  whole  world 
may  be  governed  with  righteousness."  This  was  the 
dream  that  Cromwell  sought  to  realise  through  his 
great  Protestant  league.  Looked  at  from  one  point 
of  view,  he  seemed  as  practical  as  a  commercial  trav- 
eller ;  from  another,  a  Puritan  Don  Quixote. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
CROMWELL'S  COLONIAL  POLICY 

ROM  WELL  was  the  first  English  ruler  who 
systematically  employed  the  power  of  the 
government  to  increase  and  extend  the 
colonial  possessions  of  England.  His  colonial  policy 
was  not  a  subordinate  part  of  his  foreign  policy, 
but  an  independent  scheme  of  action,  based  on 
definite  principles  and  persistently  pursued.  As  we 
have  seen,  it  was  his  extra-European  policy  which 
ultimately  determined  his  part  in  the  great  European 
struggle  of  his  days. 

All  the  English  colonies  had  grown  up  during 
Cromwell's  lifetime.  When  he  was  born  England 
had  none.  He  was  seven  years  old  when  James  I. 
granted  a  charter  to  the  Virginian  Company,  and 
married  in  the  year  when  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  sailed 
in  the  Mayflower.  It  is  probable  that  at  one  time 
he  thought  of  emigrating  himself,  and  it  is  certain 
that  he  felt  the  keenest  interest  in  the  Puritan 
settlers  in  New  England.  Ever  since  1643,  the  Pro- 
tector had  been  officially  connected  with  the 
government  of  the  colonies.  He  was  one  of  the 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  391 

commissioners  for  the  government  of  the  plantations 
in  America  and  the  West  Indies  whom  Parliament 
appointed  in  November,  1643,  and  was  reappointed 
in  1646.  But,  in  spite  of  their  high  title,  these  com- 
missioners had  little  real  power.  Their  authority 
might  be  obeyed  in  the  islands,  but  on  the  continent 
of  America  it  was  hardly  felt  at  all.  The  Civil  War 
tended  to  loosen  the  tie  which  bound  the  colonies  to 
the  mother  country.  In  May,  1643,  soon  after  it  be- 
gan, the  four  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
Connecticut,  and  New  Haven  had  formed  them- 
selves into  a  confederation,  under  the  name  of  "  The 
United  Colonies  of  New  England."  Strong  enough 
to  defend  themselves  without  the  aid  of  the  mother 
country,  they  were  little  minded  to  submit  to  her 
control.  When  malcontents  appealed  from  the 
courts  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Parliament,  parlia- 
mentary orders  in  their  favour  were  disregarded,  and 
the  appellants  were  punished.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  the  New  England  colonies  heartily  sym- 
pathised with  the  Parliament  in  its  struggle  with  the 
King.  These  outposts  of  Puritanism  across  the  At- 
lantic sent  many  volunteers  to  the  Puritan  armies, 
more  than  one  of  whom  did  distinguished  service  and 
rose  to  high  command.  Still  more  important  was  the 
influence  which  the  example  and  the  ideas  of  New 
England  exercised  on  the  development  of  Democracy 
and  Independency  in  England.  At  the  time  when 
the  Commonwealth  was  established,  the  political  tie 
between  the  English  Government  and  the  New  Eng- 
land colonies  was  little  more  than  nominal,  but  the 
intellectual  sympathy  of  the  two  was  never  stronger. 


Oliver  Cromwell 


In  the  islands,  and  in  the  southern  colonies,  ex- 
actly the  opposite  process  took  place.  There  the 
general  feeling  was  hostile  to  the  Puritans  and 
favourable  to  the  King.  When  the  war  ended, 
fugitive  Royalists  flocked  to  Barbadoes  and  Virginia, 
just  as  exiled  Puritans  had  once  sought  refuge  in 
New  England.  After  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  Vir- 
ginia, under  the  government  of  Sir  William  Berkeley, 
proclaimed  Charles  II.,  and  made  it  penal  to  justify 
his  father's  execution.  Instigated  by  Lord  Wil- 
loughby,  Barbadoes  refused  to  acknowledge  the 
Republic,  suppressed  conventicles,  banished  Round- 
heads, laid  claim  to  freedom  of  trade  with  all  nations, 
and  seemed  about  to  declare  its  independence. 

But  the  statesmen  who  had  made  three  kingdoms 
into  one  Commonwealth  by  force  of  arms  were  not 
the  men  to  suffer  the  colonies  to  shake  off  their 
allegiance.  In  the  autumn  of  1651,  Sir  George 
Ayscue,  with  a  British  fleet,  was  sent  to  reduce 
Barbadoes  and  Virginia  to  obedience,  while  at  the 
same  time  the  passing  of  the  Navigation  Act  proved 
that  the  republicans  meant  to  strengthen  —  not  to 
relax  —  the  hold  of  the  mother  land  on  the  colonies. 
That  act  bound  the  colonies  to  England  by  ensur- 
ing their  commercial  dependence  upon  her,  and 
increased  the  maritime  power  of  England  by  enrich- 
ing its  shipowners  and  merchants.  But  it  was  not 
simply  the  result  of  the  jealousy  of  English  against 
Dutch  merchants,  and  it  was  something  more  than  a 
sign  of  the  rising  power  of  the  commercial  classes. 
It  was  the  first  attempt  on  the  part  of  England  to 
legislate  for  the  colonies  as  a  whole,  and  to  treat 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  393 

them  as  integral  parts  of  one  political  system.  By  it 
the  statesmen  of  the  Republic  declared  that  England 
was  to  be  henceforth  regarded  not  simply  as  a 
European  power,  but  as  the  centre  of  a  world-wide 
empire. 

It  is  often  said  that  the  zeal  for  maritime  and 
colonial  dominion  which  marked  the  policy  of  Crom- 
well and  of  the  Commonwealth  was  inspired  by 
Elizabethan  traditions,  and  to  a  certain  extent  it  is 
true.  But  with  statesmen  and  thinkers,  this  zeal 
for  the  expansion  of  England  was  also  the  result  of 
a  definite  political  theory.  A  stationary  state,  argued 
Harrington  (and  he  expressed  the  views  of  his 
contemporaries),  was  a  state  doomed  to  weakness. 
The  policy  of  the  Republic  must  aim  at  increase  and 
not  merely  at  preservation.  If  it  was  to  be  lasting, 
it  must  lay  great  bases  for  eternity.  If  it  was  to  be 
strong,  it  must  have  room  to  grow.  "  You  cannot 
plant  an  oak  in  a  flower  pot,"  said  Harrington ; 
"  she  must  have  earth  for  her  roots,  and  heaven  for 
her  branches." 

The  imperial  purpose  which  had  inspired  the 
colonial  policy  of  the  Commonwealth  found  its 
fullest  expression  in  the  actions  of  the  Protector. 
When  Cromwell  became  Protector,  the  sovereignty 
of  the  English  Government  was  everywhere  acknow- 
ledged, but  it  could  scarcely  be  said  that  it  had  been 
cordially  accepted.  In  the  southern  colonies,  there 
prevailed  a  strong  anti-Puritan  feeling  ;  in  New  Eng- 
land, a  growing  spirit  of  independence  ;  while  in  con- 
tinent and  islands,  alike,  there  was  general  aversion 
to  the  restrictions  which  the  Navigation  Act  had 


394  Oliver  Cromwell  % 

imposed  on  colonial  trade.  Under  that  act  the 
products  of  a  colony  could  not  be  imported  to 
England  except  in  English  or  colonial  ships,  and 
no  foreign  ships  might  import  to  the  colonies 
anything  but  the  products  of  their  own  country. 
From  Virginia  came  loud  complaints  that  the 
law  was  "the  ruin  of  the  poor  planters."  In  Bar- 
badoes,  where  the  Dutch  had  carried  on  a  con- 
siderable trade,  the  hostility  to  the  law  was  still 
stronger.  "  It  is  strange  to  see  how  they  generally 
dote  upon  the  Dutch  trade,"  wrote  Winslow  in  1655. 
Undeterred,  the  Protector  continued  to  enforce  the 
act  by  confiscating  Dutch  ships  caught  trading  in 
prohibited  commodities  to  the  islands  or  the  southern 
colonies,  though  in  the  New  England  colonies  the 
non-observance  of  the  act  seems  to  have  been 
tacitly  permitted.  As  a  compensation  to  the  colon- 
ists, the  growing  of  tobacco  in  England,  where  its 
production  was  beginning  to  obtain  considerable 
success,  was  rigidly  suppressed,  and  some  attempt 
was  made  to  develop  a  trade  in  shipping  materials 
with  the  northern  colonies. 

In  the  internal  affairs  of  the  colonies,  or  their  re- 
lations with  each  other,  Cromwell  interfered  very 
little.  He  protected  the  Puritan  party  in  the  isl- 
ands, and  appointed  or  removed  governors.  He 
endeavoured  to  arbitrate  on  the  boundary  disputes 
between  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  to  settle  the 
internal  divisions  of  the  Marylanders.  In  New 
England,  he  sought  to  mediate  between  Rhode 
Island  and  the  other  colonies,  ordering  them  to  give 
the  Rhode  Islanders  seasonable  notice  of  any  wars 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  395 

with  the  Indians,  and  to  permit  them  to  trade  freely. 
"  To  maintain  a  loving  and  friendly  correspondence 
in  all  things  that  may  contribute  to  the  common 
advantage  and  benefit  of  the  whole,"  was  his  advice 
to  the  New  Englanders  about  their  dealings  with 
Rhode  Island,  and  it  aptly  defines  the  aims  of  the 
Protector's  own  policy  towards  the  colonies  in  gen- 
eral. The  corner-stone  of  his  policy  was  the  main- 
tenance of  good  relations  between  New  England  and 
the  Home  Government.  The  New  Englanders  con- 
stituted, as  it  were,  the  Puritan  garrison  in  America, 
and  there  were  weighty  political  reasons  for  con- 
ciliating them.  Apart  from  this,  Cromwell's  feeling 
towards  them  as  brethren  in  the  faith  was  peculiarly 
warm,  and  warmly  reciprocated.  In  1651,  Massachu- 
setts thanked  the  Lord  General  for  the  "  tender  care 
and  undeserved  respect"  he  had  on  all  occasions  mani- 
fested towards  it,  and  wished  him  prosperity  in  his 
"  great  and  godly  undertakings."  When  he  became 
Protector,  it  congratulated  him  on  his  being  called 
by  the  Lord  to  supreme  authority.  "  Whereat  we 
rejoice,  and  shall  pray  for  the  continuance  of  your 
happy  government,  that  under  your  shadow  not 
only  ourselves  but  all  the  churches  may  find  rest 
and  peace."  Recognising  the  sensitiveness  with 
which  Massachusetts  feared  any  encroachment  upon 
its  right  of  self-government,  Cromwell  invited  rather 
than  commanded  it  to  support  his  policy,  and  treated 
its  remonstrances  against  his  proposals  with  respect. 
Yet  he  was  not  jealous  of  its  growing  strength,  made 
no  attempt  to  prevent  its  coining  money,  and  even 
favoured  its  extension  over  the  smaller  settlements 


396  Oliver  Cromwell  t 

on  its  northern  border.  Citizens  of  Massachusetts 
and  New  Englanders  in  general  were  freely  em- 
ployed by  him,  both  in  Great  Britain  and  in  the 
colonies  themselves.  "  The  great  privileges  belong, 
ing  to  New  England,"  wrote  a  Massachusetts  agent, 
were  "  matter  of  envy,  as  of  some  in  other  planta- 
tions, so  of  divers  in  England  who  trade  to  those 
places,"  but  the  Protector  and  many  of  his  Council 
were  "  their  very  cordial  friends."  When  Cromwell 
died,  he  was  characterised  in  the  diary  of  a  Boston- 
ian  as  "  a  man  of  excellent  worth,"  and  one  "  that 
sought  the  good  of  New  England,  though  he  seemed 
to  be  wanting  in  a  thorough  testimony  against  the 
blasphemers  of  our  days." 

As  characteristic  of  Cromwell's  policy  as  his  love 
for  New  England  was  his  zeal  for  the  extension  of 
England's  colonial  possessions.  When  he  became 
Protector,  the  war  with  the  Dutch  and  the  hostile  re- 
lations existing  with  France  supplied  him  with  an  op- 
portunity which  he  was  not  slow  to  seize.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Dutch  war,  the  Long  Parliament  had 
called  on  the  New  England  colonies  to  attack  the 
Dutch  possessions  in  America,  but  the  New  Eng- 
land Confederation  was  divided,  and  remained  in- 
active. Massachusetts,  partly  from  conscientious 
objections  to  attacking  neighbours  with  whom  it 
had  no  sufficient  ground  of  quarrel,  partly  no  doubt 
from  political  motives,  stubbornly  opposed  the  war. 
Connecticut,  New  Haven,  and  Plymouth,  whose 
interests  were  more  directly  concerned,  were  eager 
to  act,  but  unable  to  move  without  the  support  of 
their  great  associate.  The  confederation  seemed 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  397 

threatened  with  disruption.  To  some  of  the  colon- 
ists, the  whole  future  of  New  England  seemed  to 
depend  on  the  result. 

"  Our  cure  is  desperate  if  the  Dutch  are  not  removed," 
wrote  William  Hooke  of  New  Haven  to  Cromwell.  "They 
lie  close  upon  our  frontiers  westward,  as  the  French  do 
on  the  east,  interdicting  the  enlargement  of  our  borders 
any  farther  that  way,  so  that  we  and  our  posterity  (now 
almost  prepared  to  swarm  forth  plenteously)  are  con- 
fined and  straitened,  the  sea  lying  before  us,  and  a  rocky 
rude  desert,  unfit  for  cultivation  and  destitute  of  com- 
modity, behind  our  backs,  all  convenient  places  upon 
the  seacoast  being  already  possessed  and  planted." 

Cromwell  answered  the  appeal  without  a  moment's 
delay.  In  February,  1654,  he  despatched  three  ships 
and  a  few  soldiers  to  New  England  with  instructions 
to  capture  the  Dutch  settlements  "  in  the  Manhat- 
toes "  and  on  the  Hudson.  The  expedition  was 
commanded  by  Major  Robert  Sedgwick  of  Massa- 
chusetts, with  whom  was  associated  Captain  John 
Leverett  of  the  same  colony — once  a  captain  in  the 
army  of  the  Eastern  Association,  and  to  be  in 
future  years  governor  of  Massachusetts.  Cromwell's 
letter  to  the  colonial  governments  told  them  that  he 
would  not  enquire  why  they  had  not  hitherto  taken 
action,  but  he  saw  no  consideration  which  should 
prevent  any  colony  from  co-operating  with  the  rest 
in  this  work,  which  concerned  their  common  welfare. 
When  the  expedition  arrived,  even  Massachusetts 
yielded  so  far  as  to  permit  the  levy  of  five  hundred 
volunteers,  while  the  other  three  colonies  were 


398  Oliver  Cromwell 

zealous  in  raising  men  "to  extirpate  the  Dutch." 
But  before  they  could  march,  news  came  of  the  con- 
clusion of  peace  with  the  Dutch,  and  the  design  had 
to  be  abandoned  (June,  1654). 

On  this,  Sedgwick  and  his  fleet,  according  to  their 
instructions,  made  sail  for  the  coast  of  Acadia  to 
take  whatever  French  ships  or  settlements  they 
could  come  across.  Old  complaints  of  their  aggres- 
sions and  the  state  of  hostility  which  existed  be- 
tween France  and  England  in  Europe  were  held  to 
justify  the  attack.  Moreover,  this  "  deluding  crew," 
as  Leverett  called  the  French  settlers,  "  had  given 
it  out  amongst  the  Indians,  that  the  English  were  so 
and  so  valiant  against  the  Dutch  at  sea;  but  that 
one  Frenchman  could  beat  ten  Englishmen  ashore." 
"  Wherein,"  he  adds,  "  the  Lord  hath  most  obviously 
befooled  them,"  for  Sedgwick  with  but  130  men 
took  first  the  Fort  of  St.  John's,  next  Port  Royal 
(now  Annapolis),  and  finally  their  strong  fort  on 
the  Penobscot  River.  So  the  whole  territory  from 
the  Penobscot  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
passed  under  English  dominion,  and  remained  in 
English  hands  till  it  was  given  up  by  Charles  II. 
in  1668. 

After  the  French  and  the  Dutch,  came  the  turn 
of  the  Spaniards.  There  were  grievances  more  than 
enough  to  justify  hostilities,  and  all  the  diplomatic 
representations  of  the  Long  Parliament  had  failed 
to  procure  their  redress.  England  and  Spain  had 
been  at  peace  in  Europe  ever  since  1630,  but  that 
peace  had  never  been  observed  in  the  western  hemi- 
sphere. Spain  still  claimed,  by  virtue  of  the  Pope's 


Cromwell 's  Colonial  Policy  399 

donation,  exclusive  dominion  over  islands  it  left  un- 
occupied, and  attacked  all  foreigners  who  attempted 
to  colonise  them.  In  1634,  the  Spaniards  drove  out 
the  English  settlers  from  Tortuga;  in  1641,  a  fleet 
from  Carthagena  captured  and  expelled  the  English 
colonists  of  New  Providence  on  the  Mosquito  coast ; 
in  1651,  Santa  Cruz  was  surprised,  a  hundred  Eng- 
lish inhabitants  killed,  and  the  rest  forced  to  fly 
from  the  island.  If  an  English  ship  sailing  to  an 
English  colony  met  a  Spanish  fleet  anywhere  in 
western  waters,  it  was  likely  to  be  attacked  and 
plundered.  If  chance  or  storm  drove  an  English 
ship  on  the  coast  of  Cuba  or  Central  America,  the 
ship  was  confiscated,  and  the  crew  set  to  work  as 
convicts. 

Mixed  with  the  desire  to  exact  satisfaction  for 
these  injuries  were  other  motives.  Cromwell  was 
bent  on  conquest  for  both  religious  and  economic 
reasons.  The  islands  Spain  held  in  the  West  Indies 
were  large  and  thinly  populated,  whilst  the  islands 
England  possessed  were  small,  and  filled  to  over- 
flowing with  people.  Hispaniola  was  fertile  ;  "  a 
country  beyond  compare,"  people  said.  Its  con- 
quest would  provide  a  vent  for  the  surplus  popula- 
tion of  the  English  settlements,  for  the  unruly 
Highlanders  of  Scotland,  and  for  the  vagrants  and 
criminals  of  England.  Added  to  this,  every  piece 
of  territory  won  from  Spain  was  so  much  rescued 
from  Catholicism  and  gained  for  Protestantism. 

In  August,  1654,  therefore,  Cromwell  made  up  his 
mind  to  send  an  expedition  to  attack  the  Spanish 
settlements  in  the  West  Indies.  General  Venables, 


4OO  Oliver  Cromwell  ^ 

who  was  chosen  to  command  it,  showed  scruples 
about  the  justice  of  attacking  the  Spaniards.  He 
was  told,  "  that  if  we  had  no  peace  with  the  Span- 
iards, then  this  could  be  no  breach  of  the  peace; 
if  we  had  peace  with  them,  they  had  broken  it, 
and  then  it  was  but  just  for  the  English  to  seek 
reparation." 

Cromwell  did  not  believe  that  war  with  Spain  in  the 
West  Indies  would  necessarily  lead  to  war  with  Spain 
in  Europe.  There  were  many  precedents  and  the 
practice  of  the  Spaniards  themselves  to  the  contrary. 
The  old  Elizabethan  maxim,  "  No  peace  beyond 
the  line,"  seemed  still  to  hold  good.  Still  more 
powerful  was  the  recollection  of  the  treasures  which 
the  Elizabethan  sailors  had  brought  home.  What 
if  Spain  did  declare  war  ?  It  would  be  easy  to  in- 
tercept the  galleons  which  brought  the  silver  of 
Peru  from  Porto  Bello  to  Havana,  and  from  Havana 
to  Spain.  A  war  with  Spain  was  the  most  profit- 
able of  all  wars,  and  at  the  worst  the  profits  of  the 
captures  would  defray  the  cost  of  the  expedition. 

In  December,  1654,  a  fleet  of  thirty-eight  ships, 
commanded  by  Admiral  Penn,  sailed  from  Ports- 
mouth, bearing  General  Venables  and  twenty-five 
hundred  soldiers.  With  them  also  went  Edward 
Winslow,  once  governor  of  Plymouth  Colony,  now 
one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to  assist  Ven- 
ables in  the  conduct  of  the  expedition.  As  the  New 
England  colonies  had  been  called  on  to  contribute 
to  the  conquest  of  the  Dutch,  so  the  West  Indian 
islands  were  expected  to  co-operate  in  the  enter- 
prise against  the  Spaniards.  Nor  were  Cromwell's 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  401 

expectations  disappointed.  At  Barbadoes  and  else- 
where, Venables  enlisted  enough  to  raise  his  army  to 
seven  thousand  men.  Some  took  service  in  hopes  of 
plunder,  expecting  to  gain  "  mountains  of  gold." 
With  others,  the  desire  for  new  lands  was  the  chief 
incentive.  St.  Kitts,  "  an  island  almost  worn  out 
by  reason  of  the  multitudes  that  live  upon  it,"  fur- 
nished eight  hundred  men.  But,  though  the  army 
was  large,  it  was  of  bad  material,  badly  armed,  half 
drilled,  and  with  very  little  discipline.  The  officers 
knew  little  of  their  men,  and  the  old  soldiers,  drafted 
from  the  different  regiments  in  England  to  form  the 
nucleus  of  the  force,  were  not  enough  to  leaven  the 
lump.  In  April,  Venables  effected  a  landing  on 
Hispaniola,  and  marched  through  the  woods  to 
attack  its  capital,  San  Domingo.  The  Spaniards  had 
stopped  up  the  wells,  and  the  soldiers,  who  had  no 
water-bottles,  were  worn  out  by  thirst  and  fatigue 
before  they  came  in  sight  of  the  town.  Twice  they 
fell  into  ambuscades,  and  were  shamefully  repulsed 
by  a  handful  of  Spaniards.  In  the  second  defeat, 
they  lost  eight  colours  and  four  hundred  men,  while 
Major-General  Heane,  disdaining  to  fly,  fell  pierced 
by  a  dozen  Spanish  lances  as  he  strove  to  rally  his 
broken  regiment.  Heavy  rains  and  bad  food  com- 
pleted the  disorganisation  of  the  troops.  "  Never 
did  my  eyes  see  men  more  discouraged,"  wrote 
Venables,  and  when  a  third  attempt  was  proposed, 
the  officers  declined  to  lead  their  men,  but  offered 
to  try  to  take  the  town  without  them. 

Hoping  for  better  fortune    elsewhere,   Venables 
embarked  his  forces  and  sailed  to  attack  Jamaica. 


402  Oliver  Cromwell 

Winslow  died  on  the  voyage,  saying  that  the  dis- 
grace of  the  defeat  had  broken  his  heart.  On  May 
10,  1655,  the  army  landed  at  Jamaica,  occupied  its 
capital,  St.  Jago  de  la  Vega,  without  much  resistance, 
and  drove  the  Spaniards  to  fly  to  the  mountains  or 
to  embark  for  Cuba.  But  now  the  troubles  of  the 
expedition  began  again.  It  was  the  rainy  season, 
and  the  army,  ill  supplied  with  provisions,  tools,  and 
other  necessaries,  was  decimated  by  sickness.  Hun- 
dreds died  of  fevers  and  dysentery.  Venables  him- 
self was  so  ill  that  his  life  was  despaired  of,  and  he 
was  reported  to  be  dead.  In  June,  Penn  with  the 
bulk  of  the  fleet  sailed  for  England,  and  Venables 
followed  a  few  days  later.  Each  laid  the  blame  of 
the  failure  on  the  other,  and  Cromwell,  knowing  how 
much  their  mutual  quarrels  had  contributed  to  it, 
sent  both  to  the  Tower.  They  were  soon  released, 
but  neither  was  ever  employed  again. 

The  Protector  was  deeply  mortified  by  the  result 
of  the  expedition.  "The  Lord,"  said  he,  "hath 
greatly  humbled  us  "  :  but  nevertheless  he  persisted  in 
his  projects.  Jamaica,  he  was  told  by  men  who  knew 
it,  was  a  better  country  than  Hispaniola,  more  fer- 
tile, more  healthful,  better  situated  either  for  trade 
or  for  war,  so  he  resolved  to  hold  it,  and  to  make 
it  the  corner-stone  of  British  power  in  the  West 
Indies.  To  Major-General  Fortescue,  whom  Ven- 
ables had  left  in  command,  Cromwell  promised  ample 
supplies  and  reinforcements.  "We  think,"  he 
added,  "  and  it  is  much  designed  amongst  us  to  strive 
with  the  Spaniard  for  the  mastery  of  all  those  seas." 
Writing  to  Vice-Admiral  Goodson,  Fortescue's 


Cromweirs  Colonial  Policy  403 

colleague,  he  reminded  him  that  the  war  was  a  war 
not  for  dominion  only,  but  for  religion. 

"  Set  up  your  banners  in  the  name  of  Christ,  for  undoubt- 
edly it  is  his  cause.  And  let  the  reproach  and  shame 
that  hath  been  for  your  sins,  and  through  the  misguid- 
ance of  some,  lift  up  your  hearts  to  confidence  in  the 
Lord,  and  for  the  redemption  of  his  honour  from  men 
who  attribute  their  success  to  their  idols,  the  work  of 
their  own  hands.  .  .  .  The  Lord  himself  hath  a 
controversy  with  your  enemies  ;  even  with  that  Roman 
Babylon  of  which  the  Spaniard  is  the  great  underpropper. 
In  this  respect  we  fight  the  Lord's  battles." 

The  battle  was  long  and  hard.  At  the  end  of 
1655,  when  Robert  Sedgwick,  the  conqueror  of 
Acadia,  arrived  at  Jamaica  with  the  first  reinforce- 
ments, he  found  Fortescue  dying,  and  the  army 

"  in  as  sad  and  deplorable  and  distracted  a  condition  as 
can  be  thought.  The  soldiery  many  dead,  their  carcases 
lying  unburied  in  the  highways  and  among  bushes  ; 
many  of  them  that  were  alive  walked  about  like  ghosts 
or  dead  men,  who,  as  I  walked  through  the  town,  lay 
groaning  and  crying  out,  *  Bread,  for  the  Lord's  sake  ! ' ' 

Much  of  this  suffering  was  due  not  to  hardships  or 
necessity,  but  to  the  mismanagement  of  the  com- 
manders and  the  misconduct  of  the  men.  Though 
they  were  dying  at  the  rate  of  a  hundred  a  week,  the 
survivors  would  do  nothing  to  secure  themselves 
against  the  climate,  or  to  provide  for  their  future 
subsistence.  "  Dig  or  plant  they  neither  can  nor 
will,  but  do  rather  starve  than  work,"  complained 


4O4  Oliver  Cromwell 

Sedgwick.  He  termed  the  soldiers  a  people  "  so 
basely  unworthy,  lazy,  and  idle,  as  it  cannot  enter 
into  the  heart  of  any  Englishman  that  such 
blood  should  run  in  the  veins  of  any  born  in  Eng- 
land." 

The  Protector  looked  to  New  England  and  the 
islands  to  supply  him  with  the  planters  and  farmers 
whom  the  new  colony  needed.  Above  all,  he  de- 
sired to  obtain  as  its  nucleus  a  body  of  industrious, 
God-fearing  Puritans,  such  as  New  England  alone 
amongst  English  colonies  seemed  able  to  supply. 
In  1650,  he  had  asked  the  New  Englanders  to  help  in 
the  recolonisation  of  Ireland,  and,  undeterred  by  his 
failure,  he  now  invited  them  to  remove  to  Jamaica. 
"  Our  desire  is,"  said  he,  "  that  this  place  may  be  in- 
habited by  people  who  know  the  Lord  and  walk  in 
his  fear,  that  by  their  light  they  may  enlighten  the 
parts  about  them,  which  was  a  chief  end  of  our 
undertaking  this  design."  Daniel  Gookin  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Cromwell's  agent,  was  commissioned  to 
make  large  offers  to  his  fellow  citizens  to  induce 
them  to  emigrate.  Ships  were  to  be  furnished  for 
their  transportation  ;  they  were  to  be  given  lands 
rent  free  for  seven  years,  and  to  be  free  from  all 
taxes  for  three ;  they  were  to  be  guaranteed  as  large 
privileges  and  rights  of  self-government  as  any  Eng- 
lish city  enjoyed.  Cromwell  felt  confident  that 
many  would  accept  the  offer,  for,  remembering  the 
early  hardships  of  the  settlers,  he  regarded  New 
England  as  barren  and  unhealthy,  and  thought  his 
new  conquest  a  much  better  country.  He  made  his 
offer,  he  declared, 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  405 

"  out  of  love  and  affection  to  themselves,  and  the  fellow- 
feeling  we  have  always  had  of  the  difficulties  and  neces- 
sities they  have  been  put  to  contest  with,  ever  since 
they  were  driven  from  the  land  of  their  nativity  into  that 
barren  wilderness,  for  their  conscience  sake ;  which 
we  could  not  but  make  manifest  at  this  time,  when,  as 
we  think,  an  opportunity  is  offered  for  their  enlargement 
and  removing  them  out  of  a  barren  country  into  a  land 
of  plenty." 

They  had  "  as  clear  a  call,"  he  told  Captain  Leverett, 
to  transport  themselves  from  New  England  to  Ja- 
maica, "  in  order  to  their  bettering  their  outward 
condition,  as  they  had  had  from  England  to  New 
England." 

But  the  New  Englanders  were  more  prosperous 
than  Cromwell  imagined,  and  at  the  worst  their 
climate  was  more  healthful  than  that  to  which  he 
invited  them  to  remove.  New  Haven  —  threatened 
just  then  by  an  Indian  war — was  the  only  colony 
which  seriously  considered  the  proposal,  and  in  the 
end  it  answered  in  the  negative.  In  the  reply  of 
Massachusetts,  "  intelligence  from  Jamaica  of  the 
mortality  of  the  English  race  there,"  was  the  only 
definite  objection  mentioned.  Its  people  thanked 
the  Protector  for  his  good  intentions  with  humble 
and  effusive  piety,  promised  him  their  prayers,  and 
made  it  quite  clear  that  they  meant  to  stay  where 
they  were.  Two  or  three  hundred  New  Englanders 
accepted  the  invitation,  but  that  was  all. 

As  little  feasible  was  it  to  people  Jamaica  from 
Scotland  or  Ireland.  Cromwell  thought  of  transport- 
ing Lowland  vagrants  and  turbulent  Highlanders  on 


4o6  Oliver  Cromwell  . 

a  large  scale,  but  was  told  that  any  plan  for  com- 
pulsory  emigration  would  set  all  Scotland  in  a  blaze. 
There  was  a  scheme  discussed  for  transporting  one 
thousand  Irish  boys  and  as  many  Irish  girls  to 
Jamaica,  but  it  came  to  nothing.  Jamaica  was 
colonised  by  the  surplus  population  of  the  other 
West  Indian  islands.  St.  Kitts,  Barbadoes,  and  the 
Bermudas  sent  numerous  settlers,  while  the  island  of 
Nevis  furnished  seventeen  hundred  with  its  governor 
at  their  head.  By  degrees  the  mortality  amongst 
soldiers  and  colonists  diminished  ;  cultivation  spread, 
and  a  little  trade  in  colonial  products  sprang  up. 
Under  Sedgwick's  rule,  the  work  of  plantation  really 
began.  He  died  in  May  1656,  and  was  succeeded 
as  governor  by  Major-General  William  Brayne,  an 
officer  who  had  been  serving  in  Scotland  under 
Monk,  and  to  whose  wisdom  the  pacification  of  the 
Western  Highlands  was  chiefly  due.  Brayne  died 
in  September,  1657,  "  infinitely  lamented,"  wrote  a 
colonist,  "  being  a  wise  man,  and  perfectly  qualified 
for  the  command  and  design."  To  him  succeeded 
Colonel  Edward  Doyley,  who  governed  Jamaica  till 
after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II. 

All  this  time  the  infant  colony  was  engaged  in  an 
active  war  with  the  Spaniards,  both  by  sea  and  land. 
The  fleet  lay  in  wait  for  the  Spanish  treasure-ships, 
or  attacked  the  towns  on  the  Spanish  main.  In 
i655,Goodson  took  Santa  Martha;  in  1656,  Rio  de 
la  Hacha.  Sedgwick  was  much  opposed  to  these 
buccaneering  raids,  thinking  them  not  only  unprofit- 
able but  harmful.  "We  are  not  able,"  he  wrote, 
"  to  possess  any  place  we  attack,  and  so  in  no  hope 


Cromwell's  Colonial  Policy  407 

thereby  to  effect  our  intention  in  dispensing  any- 
thing of  the  true  knowledge  of  God  to  the  inhabit- 
ants." To  the  Indians  and  blacks  he  added,  "  we 
shall  make  ourselves  appear  a  cruel,  bloody,  and 
ruinating  people,"  which  "will  cause  them,  I  fear,  to 
think  us  worse  than  the  Spaniard."  Few  shared 
these  conscientious  scruples.  In  1657,  Captain 
Christopher  Mings  took  Coro  and  Cumana,  in  Ven- 
ezuela, bringing  home  "  more  plunder  than  ever  was 
brought  to  Jamaica,"  and  enriching  the  whole  island. 
The  buccaneering  spirit,  which  produced  such  de- 
moralising results  in  later  years,  tainted  the  colony 
from  its  birth. 

On  their  part,  the  Spaniards  made  repeated  at- 
tempts to  reconquer  Jamaica.  Some  still  lurked  in 
the  forests  and  mountains,  and,  aided  by  the  mulat- 
loes  and  negroes,  cut  off  small  parties  of  settlers. 
Spain  sent  fresh  soldiers  to  Cuba,  and  expeditions 
from  Santiago  or  Havana  landed  more  than  once 
on  the  northern  coast  of  Jamaica.  In  1657,  Doyley 
killed  or  took  a  party  of  three  hundred.  In  1658, 
he  defeated  thirty  companies  of  Spanish  foot,  who 
had  established  themselves  near  Rio  Nova,  killing 
three  hundred,  taking  one  hundred  prisoners,  and 
storming  the  fort  they  had  built.  He  sent  ten  flags 
as  trophies  to  Cromwell,  but  the  Protector  was  dead 
ere  the  news  of  the  victory  reached  him.  "So," 
writes  a  colonial  historian,  "  he  never  had  one  sylla- 
ble of  anything  that  was  grateful  from  the  vastest 
expense  and  the  greatest  design  that  was  ever  made 
by  the  English." 

Yet,  though  to  Cromwell  himself  the  history  of 


408  Oliver  Cromwell \ 

his  West  Indian  expedition  must  have  seemed  a 
dreary  record  of  failure,  it  was  in  reality  the  most 
fruitful  part  of  his  external  policy,  and  produced  the 
most  abiding  results.  Through  it,  the  Spaniards 
were  forced  to  refrain  from  molesting  the  English, 
colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  and  England  obtained, 
as  he  desired,  "the  mastery  of  those  seas."  Unlike 
other  parts  of  his  policy,  it  was  not  reversed  but 
maintained  at  the  Restoration.  Charles  II.  kept 
Jamaica,  and  forced  Spain  with  a  high  hand  to  sub- 
mit to  its  retention  by  England.  He  succeeded  in 
effecting  the  conquest  of  Dutch  America,  which 
Cromwell  had  been  so  eager  to  undertake.  He 
ceded  Acadia  to  France,  but  his  successors  won  it 
back,  and  won  all  Canada  too.  Under  him  and  un- 
der them  the  power  of  the  Home  Government  was 
systematically  directed  to  the  defence  of  existing 
colonies  and  the  foundation  of  new  ones.  Thus  the 
colonial  policy  which  Cromwell  and  the  statesmen 
of  the  Republic  had  initiated  became  the  permanent 
policy  of  succeeding  rulers,  and  it  became  so  because 
it  represented  not  the  views  of  a  particular  party, 
but  the  aspirations  and  the  interests  of  Englishmen 
in  general. 


CHAPTER  XX 

CROMWELL  AND  HIS  PARLIAMENTS 

FROM  1654  to  1658,  the  fundamental  question  of 
English  politics  was,  whether  Cromwell  would 
succeed  in  securing  the  assent  of  the  nation  to 
the  authority  which  the  army  had  conferred  upon 
him.  Foreigners  saw  the  situation  clearly.  After 
the  famous  Swedish  chancellor,  Oxenstiern,  had 
heard  Whitelocke's  account  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Protectorate,  he  told  him  there  was  but  one  thing 
remaining  for  the  Protector  to  do  and  that  was  "  to 
get  him  a  back  and  breast  of  steel."  "  What  do  you 
mean  ?  "  asked  Whitelocke.  "  I  mean,"  replied  the 
Chancellor,  "  the  confirmation  of  his  being  Protector 
by  your  Parliament,  which  will  be  his  best  and 
greatest  strength."  Cromwell  himself  was  not  con- 
tent to  remain  the  nominee  of  the  soldiers,  and 
wished  to  govern  by  consent  and  not  by  force.  But 
two  great  obstacles  stood  always  in  his  way.  One 
was  the  rooted  aversion  of  Englishmen  to  the  rule  of 
the  sword,  which  was  the  origin  of  his  power.  The 
other  was  the  traditions  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
In  January,  1649,  it  had  claimed  to  be  the  supreme 
power  in  the  state  in  the  right  of  the  sovereign 


410  Oliver  Cromwell 

people  it  represented,  and  that  claim,  once  made, 
could  never  be  forgotten.  To  one  section  of  the 
Republicans,  the  only  legitimate  Government  was 
the  expelled  Long  Parliament,  granted  by  statute 
the  right  never  to  be  dissolved  but  by  its  own  con- 
sent. To  another  section,  any  elected  Parliament 
was  as  all-powerful  as  the  people  from  which  its 
rights  were  derived.  To  admit  the  right  of  any 
external  power  to  limit  the  authority  of  Parliament, 
seemed  to  both  a  betrayal  of  the  liberty  of  the 
nation. 

The  first  Parliament  elected  under  the  provisions 
of  the  Instrument  of  Government  met  in  September, 
1654.  The  majority  of  its  members  were  Presby- 
terians or  moderate  Independents,  for  the  extreme 
men  of  the  Little  Parliament  had  been  rejected  at 
the  polls.  It  soon  became  evident  that  while  the 
House  was  prepared  to  accept  Cromwell  as  head  of 
the  state,  it  was  not  willing  to  accept  the  constitution 
which  the  officers  had  devised.  Instead  of  content- 
ing itself  with  the  functions  of  a  legislature,  it  claimed 
to  be  a  constituent  assembly.  The  Protector  might 
exercise  the  executive  power,  provided  the  represent- 
atives of  the  people  settled  the  terms  upon  which 
he  held  it.  "The  government,"  ran  the  formula 
adopted,  "  should  be  in  the  Parliament  and  a  single 
person  limited  or  restrained  as  the  Parliament  should 
think  fit."  The  co-ordinate  and  independent  power 
which  the  Instrument  of  Government  gave  the  Pro- 
tector was  thus  called  in  question,  and  Parliament 
once  more  laid  claim  to  sovereignty. 

Cromwell   thought   it   necessary   to   intervene  to 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         411 

maintain  his  own  authority  and  that  of  the  constitu- 
tion. He  offered  a  compromise.  Parliament  might 
revise  the  constitution  if  its  essentials  were  left 
untouched.  "Circumstantials"  they  might  alter; 
"  fundamentals  "  they  must  accept.  Those  funda- 
mentals he  summed  up  in  four  principles:  govern- 
ment  by  a  single  person  and  Parliament ;  the  division 
of  the  control  of  the  military  forces  between  Parlia- 
ment and  the  Protector ;  limitation  of  the  length  of 
time  which  a  Parliament  might  sit ;  and,  finally,  liberty 
of  conscience.  As  for  himself,  Cromwell  asserted  that 
his  title  to  rule  had  been  ratified  by  the  nation.  The 
army,  the  City,  most  of  the  boroughs  and  counties 
of  England  had  by  their  addresses  signified  their 
approval.  The  judges  by  taking  out  new  commis- 
sions had  accepted  his  authority.  The  sheriffs  by 
proceeding  to  elections  in  accordance  with  his 
writs,  and  the  members  themselves  chosen  in 
those  elections,  had  thereby  owned  it  too.  Either 
directly  or  indirectly  therefore  his  power  was  founded 
on  the  acceptance  and  consent  of  the  people.  For 
the  good  of  these  nations  and  their  posterity  he 
would  maintain  the  present  settlement  against  all 
opposition.  "  The  wilful  throwing  away  of  this 
Government,  so  owned  by  God,  so  approved  by 
men,  —  I  can  sooner  be  willing  to  be  rolled  into  my 
grave  and  buried  with  infamy,  than  I  can  give  my 
consent  unto." 

About  a  hundred  members  were  excluded  from 
the  House  for  refusing  to  sign  an  engagement  to  be 
faithful  to  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Protector, 
and  not  to  alter  the  government  as  settled  in  a 


412  Oliver  Cromwell 

single  person  and  Parliament.  The  rest,  accepting 
the  Protector's  invitation,  proceeded  to  revise  the 
constitution.  Many  days  they  spent  in  these  de- 
bates, wasting  much  time  in  futile  disputes  about 
words,  but  making  some  judicious  amendments. 
They  made  the  office  of  Protector  elective,  and  the 
Council  more  dependent  upon  Parliament.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  restricted  the  Protector's  veto  over 
legislation,  and  sought  to  limit  the  toleration  granted 
by  the  constitution.  A  list  of  damnable  heresies 
was  to  be  drawn  up,  and  twenty  articles  of  faith 
were  to  be  enumerated,  which  no  man  was  to  be 
permitted  to  controvert.  At  this  both  the  army  and 
the  Protector  took  alarm,  and  Cromwell  was  peti- 
tioned by  the  officers  to  intervene.  In  the  end,  it  was 
agreed  that  the  question  of  heresy  should  be  left  to 
the  joint  decision  of  Protector  and  Parliament,  but 
another  question  remained  behind,  on  which  no 
compromise  was  possible.  By  the  "  Instrument," 
the  Protector  was  empowered  to  maintain  a  standing 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men,  but  at  the  close  of 
1654,  the  forces  actually  on  foot  in  the  three  nations 
amounted  to  fifty-seven  thousand.  The  annual  ex- 
penditure of  the  state  had  risen  to  £2,670,000,  while 
the  revenue  amounted  only  to  two  millions  and  a 
quarter.  Parliament  was  eager  to  reduce  taxation, 
and  above  all  to  reduce  the  cost  of  the  army,  which 
amounted  to  £1,560,000  per  annum.  It  demanded 
the  reduction  of  the  army  to  the  legal  maximum, 
voted  after  much  discussion  a  revenue  of  one  million 
three  hundred  thousand  pounds,  which  it  held  to  be 
sufficient  to  maintain  an  army  of  thirty  thousand, 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         413 

and  promised  to  provide  money  to  pay  off  the 
twenty-seven  thousand  men  to  be  disbanded.  At  the 
same  time,  it  insisted  that  the  control  of  the  military 
forces  of  the  nation  should  belong  to  Parliament, 
not  to  the  Protector.  On  this  question  Oliver  could 
not  yield.  In  his  opinion  and  in  the  opinion  of  his 
Council,  thirty  thousand  men  were  not  sufficient  to 
keep  the  three  nations  in  peace. 

The  royalist  rising  in  Scotland  was  only  just  put 
down,  and  Ireland,  though  subdued,  was  seething 
with  discontent.  In  England,  preparations  for  an 
insurrection  were  in  progress,  encouraged  by  the 
disputes  between  Parliament  and  the  Protector. 
"  Dissettlement  and  division,  discontent  and  dissatis- 
faction," he  said,  "together  with  real  dangers  to  the 
whole,  have  been  more  multiplied  within  these  five 
months  of  your  sitting  than  in  some  years  before. 
Foundations  have  been  laid  for  the  future  renewing 
of  the  troubles  of  these  nations  by  all  the  enemies  of 
them  abroad  and  at  home." 

The  Cavaliers,  said  Cromwell,  had  been  for  some 
time  furnishing  themselves  with  arms ;  "  nothing 
doubting  but  that  they  should  have  a  day  for  it,  and 
verily  believing  that  whatsoever  their  former  disap- 
pointments were,  they  should  have  more  done  for 
them  by  and  from  our  divisions  than  they  were  able 
to  do  for  themselves."  The  Levellers  were  working 
in  concert  with  the  Cavaliers,  "  endeavouring  to  put 
us  into  blood  and  confusion,  more  desperate  and 
dangerous  confusion  than  England  ever  yet  saw." 
Republicans  of  position  were  joining  with  the  Level- 
lers to  create  discontent  and  mutiny  amongst  the 


414  Oliver  Cromwell 

soldiers,  and  the  delay  to  vote  money  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  army  and  the  insufficiency  of  the  sum 
yet  voted  had  furthered  these  designs.  The  army 
in  Scotland  was  thirty  weeks  behindhand  with  its 
pay,  and  in  danger  of  being  reduced  to  take  free 
quarters.  A  plot  had  been  discovered  to  seize  Monk, 
make  someone  else  general,  and  march  the  army 
into  England  to  overthrow  the  Government.  Under 
such  conditions,  it  was  impossible  for  the  Protector 
to  consent  to  so  great  a  reduction  of  the  army,  or  to 
give  up  the  control  of  it.  "  If,"  said  he,  "  the  power 
of  the  militia  should  be  yielded  up  at  such  a  time  as 
this,  when  there  is  as  much  need  of  it  to  keep  this 
cause,  as  there  was  to  get  it,  what  would  become  of 
us  all  ?  "  Nor  was  it  possible  for  him  at  any  time  to 
surrender  the  control  of  the  army  if  the  balance  of 
the  constitution  was  to  be  preserved.  Unless  that 
control  were  equally  shared  between  the  Protector 
and  Parliament,  said  Cromwell,  it  would  put  an  end 
to  the  Protector's  power  "  for  doing  the  good  he 
ought,  or  hindering  Parliament  from  perpetuating 
themselves,  from  imposing  what  religion  they  please 
on  the  consciences  of  men,  or  what  government  they 
please  upon  the  nation."  If  this  fundamental  prin- 
ciple were  abandoned,  all  the  others  would  be  en- 
dangered. "  Therefore,"  he  concluded,  "  I  think  it 
my  duty  to  tell  you  that  it  is  not  for  the  profit  of 
these  nations,  nor  for  common  and  public  good,  for 
you  to  continue  here  any  longer." 

The  plots  of  which  Cromwell  had  spoken  were 
widespread  and  dangerous,  but  the  vigilance  of  the 
Government  nipped  them  in  the  bud.  Major-General 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         415 

Overton,  whom  the  Scottish  mutineers  had  pitched 
upon  as  their  leader,  was  imprisoned  first  in  the 
Tower  and  then  in  Jersey.  Major-General  Harrison, 
whom  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in  England  relied 
upon  to  head  them,  was  sent  to  Carisbrooke  Castle. 
Major  Wildman,  the  chief  of  the  Levellers,  was  ar- 
rested in  the  act  of  dictating  a  "  Declaration  of  the 
free  and  well  affected  people  of  England  now  in 
arms  against  the  tyrant,  Oliver  Cromwell."  The 
seizure  of  many  royalist  agents  paralysed  the  plots 
of  the  Cavaliers.  Their  rising  had  been  fixed  to 
take  place  on  February  I3th,  but  it  was  adjourned 
for  three  weeks,  and  when  March  came,  though  there 
were  gatherings  in  half  a  dozen  places,  so  few  obeyed 
the  signal  that  the  conspirators  generally  dispersed, 
and  went  home  again.  The  only  actual  outbreak 
took  place  at  Salisbury,  where  Colonel  Penruddock 
and  Sir  Joseph  Wagstaff  got  together  three  or  four 
hundred  men,  and  proclaimed  Charles  II.  Then 
they  made  for  Cornwall,  where  royalist  feeling  was 
still  strong,  but  they  were  overtaken  and  routed  by 
Cromwell's  soldiers  at  South  Molton  in  Devonshire. 
Penruddock  and  a  few  others  were  executed,  and 
some  scores  of  their  followers  were  transported  to 
the  West  Indies  to  work  in  the  sugar  plantations. 

As  soon  as  the  insurrection  was  over,  Cromwell, 
to  show  his  desire  to  diminish  the  burdens  of  the 
nation,  and  his  wish  to  meet  as  far  as  possible  the 
reasonable  demands  of  the  late  Parliament,  took  in 
hand  the  reduction  of  the  army.  During  the  sum- 
mer and  autumn  of  1655,  ten  or  twelve  thousand 
men  were  disbanded,  and  the  pay  of  those  main- 


416  Oliver  Cromwell^ 

tained  in  the  service  was  diminished.  Then  followed 
an  extension  of  military  rule  which  brought  more 
odium  upon  the  Protector  than  any  other  act  of  his 
Government.  England  was  divided  into  twelve  dis- 
tricts, and  over  each  was  set  an  officer  with  the  local 
rank  of  major-general,  and  the  special  duty  of  main- 
taining the  order  of  his  district.  He  was  charged  to 
put  in  force  an  elaborate  system  of  police  regula- 
tions meant  to  prevent  conspiracies  against  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  to  see  to  the  execution  of  all  laws 
relating  to  public  morals.  He  had  command  of  the 
local  militia,  and  of  a  troop  of  horse  raised  in  every 
county  to  supplement  it. 

This  "  standing  militia  of  horse  "  as  it  was  termed, 
consisted  of  about  six  thousand  men,  paid  a  small 
sum  as  a  retaining  fee,  and  liable  to  be  called  out  at 
a  day's  notice.  The  eighty  thousand  pounds  a  year 
required  to  maintain  them  was  to  be  procured  by  a 
tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  the  income  of  the  royalist 
gentry,  the  assessment  and  collection  of  which  were 
entrusted  to  the  major-generals  assisted  by  local 
commissioners. 

As  a  measure  of  police  the  institution  was  a  great 
success,  but  politically  it  was  a  great  mistake.  It 
was  a  reversal  of  the  policy  which  Cromwell  had 
hitherto  followed.  By  the  amnesty  he  had  carried 
in  1652,  and  by  the  repeal  of  the  compulsory  engage- 
ment to  be  faithful  to  the  Commonwealth,  Cromwell 
had  sought  to  induce  the  Royalists  to  forget  their 
defeat  and  to  become  good  citizens.  In  the  declara- 
tion now  published,  to  justify  his  proceedings  for  se- 
curing the  peace  of  the  nation,  he  adopted  the  view 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         417 

that  the  Royalists  were  irreconcilable.  They  had 
laboured,  he  complained,  to  keep  themselves  distinct 
and  separate  from  the  well-affected,  "  as  if  they 
would  avoid  the  very  beginning  of  union."  They 
bred  their  children  under  the  ejected  clergy,  and 
confined  their  marriages  within  their  own  party,  "  as 
if  they  meant  to  entail  their  quarrel  and  prevent 
the  means  to  reconcile  posterity."  People  might  say 
it  was  unjust  to  punish  all  the  Royalists  for  the  fault 
of  a  few,  but  "the  whole  party  generally  were  in- 
volved in  this  business,"  either  directly  or  indirectly. 
Therefore,  "  if  there  were  need  of  greater  forces  to 
carry  on  the  work,  it  was  a  most  righteous  thing  to  put 
the  charge  on  that  party  which  was  the  cause  of  it." 

The  defence  convinced  only  the  supporters  of  the 
Government.  To  the  rest  of  England,  the  arbitrary 
and  inquisitorial  proceedings  of  the  major-generals 
were  sufficient  to  condemn  the  institution.  It  was 
evident  that  the  military  party  amongst  the  Pro- 
tector's advisers  had  obtained  the  upper  hand  of  the 
lawyers  and  civilians.  The  Protectorate,  which  had 
hitherto  striven  to  seem  a  moderate  and  constitu- 
tional government,  stood  revealed  as  a  military  des- 
potism. 

Meanwhile  a  legal  opposition  more  dangerous  than 
royalist  plots  threatened  the  Protector's  authority. 
The  lawyers  began  to  call  in  question  the  validity  of 
his  ordinances,  and  the  judges  to  manifest  scruples 
about  enforcing  them.  Whitelocke  and  Widdrington, 
two  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Great  Seal,  resigned 
their  posts  because  of  scruples  about  executing  the 
ordinance  for  the  reform  of  Chancery.  Judges  New- 


Oliver  CromweU 


digate  and  Thorpe  declined  to  act  on  the  commission 
appointed  for  the  trial  of  the  insurgents  in  the  north 
A  merchant  named  Cony  refused  to  pay  customs 
duties  not  imposed  by  act  of  Parliament,  and  his 
counsel,  Serjeant  Twysden,  asserted  that  their  levy  by 
Cromwell's  ordinance  was  contrary  to  Magna  Carta, 
Chief-Justice  Rolle,  before  whom  the  case  came,  re- 
signed  his  place  to  avoid  determining  the  question. 

Cromwell  met  this  opposition  by  arresting  those 
who  refused  to  pay  taxes,  sending  Cony's  lawyers 
to  the  Tower,  and  replacing  the  doubters  by  more 
compliant  judges.  Cony,  intimidated  or  cajoled, 
withdrew  his  plea,  and  the  lawyers  apologised  and 
submitted.  Necessity  was  the  Protector's  only  excuse 
for  these  despotic  acts.  "  The  people,"  he  had  as- 
serted when  he  dissolved  Parliament,  "  will  prefer 
their  safety  to  their  passions,  and  their  real  security 
to  forms,  when  necessity  calls  for  supplies."  Con- 
vinced that  the  maintenance  of  his  Government  was 
for  the  good  of  the  people,  he  was  resolved  to  maintain 
it  by  force,  and  did  not  shrink  from  the  avowal. 
"  T  is  against  the  will  of  the  nation  :  there  will  be 
nine  in  ten  against  you,"  Calamy  is  reported  to  have 
told  Cromwell,  when  he  assumed  his  protectorship. 
"  Very  well,"  said  Cromwell,  "  but  what  if  I  should 
disarm  the  nine,  and  put  a  sword  in  the  tenth  man's 
hands.  Would  not  that  do  the  business?  " 

Nevertheless,  neither  the  argument  from  necessity 
nor  the  appeal  to  force  could  persuade  the  Republican 
leaders  to  recognise  the  authority  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Men  like  Vane  and  Ludlow  steadily  refused 
even  an  engagement  not  to  act  against  it. 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         419 

"  Why  will  you  not  own  this  Government  to  be  a 
legal  government  ?  "  said  Lambert  to  Ludlow.  "  Be- 
cause,"  replied  Ludlow,  "  it  seems  to  me  to  be  in 
substance  a  re-establishment  of  that  which  we  all 
engaged  against,  and  had  with  a  great  expense  of 
blood  and  treasure  abolished."  "  What  is  it  you 
would  have  ?  "  asked  the  Protector  himself.  "  That 
which  we  fought  for,"  said  Ludlow,  "  that  the  nation 
might  be  governed  by  its  own  consent."  "  I  am  as 
much  for  government  by  consent  as  any  man,"  an- 
swered Cromwell,  "  but  where  shall  we  find  that 
consent  ?  " 

That  was  the  difficulty.  Ludlow  said  that  the 
consent  required  was  that  of  "  those  of  all  sorts  who 
had  acted  with  fidelity  and  affection  to  the  public." 
Vane  in  his  Healing  Question  said  that  a  convention 
representing  "  the  whole  body  of  adherents  to  this 
cause  "  was  the  only  body  that  had  a  right  to  deter- 
mine the  government  of  the  nation.  Both  were  blind 
to  the  fact  that  the  divisions  of  the  Puritan  party  had 
made  agreement  impossible,  and  that  government  by 
consent  would  necessarily  bring  about  the  restoration 
of  the  Stuarts. 

In  the  summer  of  1656,  the  Protector  summoned  a 
second  Parliament,  although  according  to  the  terms  of 
the  "  Instrument "  he  need  not  have  done  so  till  1657. 
He  needed  money  to  carry  on  the  war  with  Spain, 
and  the  major-generals  told  him  that  they  could 
secure  the  election  of  members  favourable  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. When  the  elections  came,  the  major-gen- 
erals had  an  unpleasant  surprise.  Everywhere  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  the  last  eighteen  months  had 


420  Oliver  Cromwell 

aroused  general  discontent.  "No  courtiers,  nor 
swordsmen,"  was  the  popular  cry,  and  in  the  coun- 
ties, where  the  electorate  was  too  large  to  be  over- 
awed,  a  large  number  of  opposition  candidates  were 
returned.  When  Parliament  met,  the  Protector's 
Council  assumed  the  right  to  decide  on  the  quali- 
fications of  the  persons  elected,  and  excluded  a 
hundred  members  as  disaffected  to  the  Government. 

Those  excluded  protested,  but  their  protest  was 
unheeded  ;  those  allowed  to  sit  submitted  with  hardly 
a  murmur.  They  were  in  general  moderate  Presby- 
terians or  Independents,  willing  to  support  any  Gov- 
ernment which  promised  tranquillity  to  a  nation 
weary  of  political  strife.  Their  willingness  to  accept 
Cromwell  as  Protector  was  shown  by  an  act  annulling 
the  title  of  the  Stuarts  to  the  throne,  and  by  another 
making  it  high  treason  to  plot  for  the  overthrow  of 
his  Government.  The  capture  of  the  Spanish  treas- 
ure ships  by  Stayner,  which  happened  just  about  the 
opening  of  the  session,  gave  Cromwell's  foreign  pol- 
icy the  prestige  of  success,  and  the  House  responded 
to  his  appeal  for  supplies  by  approving  the  Spanish 
war  and  voting  .£400,000  for  its  expenses. 

On  other  questions,  it  soon  appeared  how  little 
even  adherents  of  the  Protectorate  sympathised 
with  the  Protector's  hostility  to  religious  persecution, 
and  how  much  they  resented  the  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings of  the  major-generals.  In  the  case  of  James 
Naylorthe  House  assumed  judicial  power,  and  many 
members  were  eager  to  punish  his  blasphemies  with 
death.  Cromwell's  intervention  was  repulsed  and 
Naylor  was  sentenced  to  be  branded,  scourged,  and 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         42 1 

imprisoned  at  pleasure.  Still  more  bitter  was  the 
struggle  over  the  bill  for  continuing  the  "  decima- 
tion "  tax  imposed  on  the  Cavaliers  for  the  support 
of  the  new  militia.  The  major-generals  were  attacked 
from  all  quarters  of  the  House,  and  the  tax  was  de- 
nounced as  unjust,  and  as  a  breach  of  the  public 
faith.  Cromwell's  son-in-law,  Claypole,  spoke  against 
the  bill,  and  so  did  his  trusted  councillor,  Lord 
Broghil.  Excepting  the  soldiers  themselves,  few 
defended  it,  and  it  was  finally  negatived  by  an  over- 
whelming majority. 

While  these  debates  were  still  in  progress,  a  new 
plot  against  the  Protector's  life  was  discovered. 
Miles  Sindercombe,  a  discharged  soldier  of  Levelling 
principles,  after  the  failure  of  several  schemes  for 
shooting  Cromwell  from  a  window  on  his  way  to 
Hampton  Court,  or  assassinating  him  in  his  coach  as 
he  took  the  air  in  Hyde  Park,  attempted  to  set 
Whitehall  Chapel  on  fire,  hoping  to  find  a  better 
opportunity  in  the  confusion.  When  an  account  of 
the  plot  was  laid  before  Parliament,  Mr.  Ashe,  a 
Presbyterian  member  of  little  note,  moved  a  startling 
addition  to  the  address  of  congratulation.  "  It 
would  tend  very  much  to  the  preservation  of  himself 
and  us,"  he  declared,  "  that  his  Highness  would  be 
pleased  to  take  upon  him  the  government  according 
to  the  ancient  constitution.  Both  our  liberties  and 
peace  and  the  preservation  and  privilege  of  his  High- 
ness would  then  be  founded  upon  an  old  and  sure 
foundation." 

The  same  suggestion  had  often  been  made  outside 
the  walls  of  the  House.  In  the  first  draft  of  the 


422  Oliver  Cromwell 

"  Instrument  of  Government,"  the  officers  had  offered 
Cromwell  the  title  of  King  instead  of  Protector,  and 
he  had  refused  it.  In  August,  1655,  a  petition  had 
been  circulated  in  London  pressing  Cromwell  to 
assume  the  title  of  King  or  Emperor,  but  its  author 
had  been  reprimanded  by  the  Council,  and  the  peti- 
tion suppressed.  At  the  close  of  1656,  the  victories 
over  the  Spaniards  had  roused  a  widespread  feeling 
that  Cromwell  was  worthy  to  be  enrolled  amongst 
English  kings.  It  found  expression  in  Waller's 
verses  on  the  capture  of  the  Spanish  treasure  ships. 
"  Let  it  be  as  the  glad  nation  prays,"  sang  the  poet. 

"  Let  the  rich  ore  forthwith  be  melted  down, 
And  the  state  fixed,  by  making  him  a  crown  ; 
With  ermine  clad  and  purple,  let  him  hold 
A  royal  sceptre  made  of  Spanish  gold." 

But  neither  foreign  glories  nor  domestic  dangers 
were  so  strong  a  motive  for  the  revival  of  monarchy 
as  the  desire  to  return  to  constitutional  government. 
The  reaction  against  the  rule  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy 
men  had  made  Cromwell  Protector,  the  reaction 
against  the  rule  of  the  swordsmen  produced  the  at- 
tempt to  make  him  King.  "  They  are  so  highly 
incensed  against  the  arbitrary  actings  of  the  major- 
generals,"  wrote  an  observing  member  of  Parliament, 
"  that  they  are  greedy  of  any  power  that  will  be  ruled 
and  limited  by  law."  Ashe's  suggestion  was  de- 
nounced as  a  crime  by  a  few  staunch  Republicans,  but 
it  fell  upon  fruitful  ground.  Five  weeks  later,  Alder- 
man Pack,  one  of  the  members  for  London,  brought 
in  a  bill  proposing  a  revision  of  the  constitution  and 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         423 

a  revival  of  monarchy.  Republicans  regarded  the 
scheme  as  prompted  by  Cromwell  himself,  but  in 
reality  it  was  the  work  of  the  merchants  and  the 
lawyers  of  the  middle  party.  Again  the  military 
element  in  the  House  took  one  side  and  the  civil  the 
other.  The  major-generals,  backed  by  the  soldiers 
and  the  Republicans,  stubbornly  contested  the  Bill, 
article  by  article,  but  at  last,  on  March  25th,  the 
House  resolved,  by  123  to  62  votes,  that  the  Protector 
should  be  asked  to  assume  the  name  and  office  of 
King.  On  the  3ist  of  March,  the  scheme  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Protector  for  acceptance,  under  the 
title  of  "The  Humble  Petition  and  Advice"  of 
Parliament. 

Cromwell's  answer  was  hesitating  and  ambiguous. 
He  expressed  his  thanks  for  the  honour  done  him, 
and  his  approval  of  the  new  constitution,  but  ended 
with  a  refusal.  He  said  that  as  he  could  not  accept 
apart  of  the  scheme  without  accepting  the  whole,  he 
could  not  "  find  it  his  duty  to  God  and  the  Parlia- 
ment to  undertake  this  charge  under  that  title."  For 
the  next  five  weeks  committees  of  Parliament  ar- 
gued with  the  Protector  to  remove  his  scruples  and 
to  prove  the  necessity  of  his  accepting  the  crown. 
The  title  meant  everything  to  them. 

41  Parliament,"  wrote  Thurloe,  "  will  not  be  persuaded 
that  there  can  be  a  settlement  any  other  way.  The  title 
is  not  the  question,  but  it 's  the  office,  which  is  known  to 
the  laws  and  to  the  people.  They  know  their  duty  to  a 
king  and  his  to  them.  Whatever  else  there  is  will  be 
wholly  new,  and  upon  the  next  occasion  will  be  changed 
again.  Besides  they  say  the  name  Protector  came  in  with 


424  Oliver  Cromwell* 

the  sword,  and  will  never  be  the  ground  of  any  settle- 
ment, nor  will  there  be  a  free  Parliament  so  long  as  that 
continues,  and  as  it  savours  of  the  sword  now,  so  it  will 
at  last  bring  all  things  to  be  military." 

But  the  same  reasons  which  made  the  revival  of 
monarchy  seem  so  desirable  to  Parliament  and  the 
lawyers,  made  it  obnoxious  to  the  army.  A  month 
before  the  offer  of  the  crown  to  Cromwell,  Major- 
General  Lambert  and  a  hundred  officers  petitioned 
him  to  refuse  it.  Cromwell  answered  with  firmness ; 
to  him  their  objections  to  the  title  seemed  over- 
strained and  unreasonable.  "  Time  was,"  he  re- 
minded them,  "  when  they  boggled  not  at  the  word 
king."  "  For  his  own  part,"  he  added,  "  he  loved 
the  title  as  little  as  they  did."  It  was  only  "  a  feather 
in  a  hat."  But  the  policy  of  the  officers  had  failed. 
The  constitution  they  had  drawn  up  needed  mend- 
ing. The  experiment  of  the  major-generals  had 
ended  in  failure.  "  It  is  time,"  he  concluded,  "  to 
come  to  a  settlement,  and  to  lay  aside  arbitrary  pro- 
ceedings so  unacceptable  to  the  nation." 

Cromwell  was  desirous  to  accept  the  constitution 
drawn  up  by  Parliament,  because  it  seemed  to  secure 
that  settlement  by  consent  of  the  nation,  so  long  and 
so  vainly  sought.  "  I  am  hugely  taken  with  the 
thing,  settlement,  with  the  word,  and  with  the  notion 
of  it,"  declared  Cromwell  to  the  parliamentary  com- 
mittee. "  I  think  he  is  not  worthy  to  live  in  Eng- 
land that  is  not.*' 

In  itself  the  constitutional  scheme  contained  in  the 
Petition  and  Advice  seemed  a  good  scheme.  There 
was  the  monarchical  element  which  Cromwell  had 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         425 

pronounced  desirable  in  1657.  There  were  the 
checks  on  the  arbitrary  power  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons which  he  always  thought  necessary,  not  only 
in  the  existence  of  a  written  constitution,  such  as 
the  officers  had  devised  in  1653,  but  in  the  revival 
of  a  Second  Chamber  as  a  balance  to  the  Commons. 
Civil  liberty  seemed  fully  provided  for,  and  "  that 
great  natural  and  civil  liberty,  liberty  of  conscience," 
securely  guaranteed.  "  The  things  provided  in  the 
Petition,"  asserted  Cromwell,  "  do  secure  the  liber- 
ties of  the  people  of  God  so  as  they  never  before 
had  them." 

For  five  weeks  these  conferences  continued.  "  I 
do  judge  of  myself,"  said  the  Protector  soon  after 
they  began,  "  that  there  is  no  necessity  of  this  name 
of  king,  for  the  other  name  may  do  as  well."  He 
was  even  disposed  to  think  that  God  had  blasted  the 
title  as  well  as  the  family  which  had  borne  it.  More- 
over, he  told  Parliament,  many  good  men  could  not 
swallow  the  title,  and  they  should  not  run  the  risk 
of  losing  one  friend  or  one  servant  for  the  sake  of  a 
thing  that  was  of  so  little  importance.  If  left  to 
himself  the  Protector  would  probably  have  waived 
his  scruples,  and  accepted,  but  this  last  consideration 
decided  his  answer.  From  many  a  staunch  Crom- 
wellian  outside  the  army,  letters  and  pamphlets 
against  kingship  reached  Cromwell.  He  was  plainly 
told  that  for  him  "  to  re-edify  that  old  structure  of 
government "  which  God  by  his  instrumentality  had 
overthrown,  and  to  set  up  again  that  monarchy  which 
Parliament  had  declared  burdensome  and  destruct- 
ive to  the  nation,  would  be  "a  fearful  apostacy."  In 


426  Oliver  Cromwell  . 

the  army,  it  was  clear  that  his  acceptance  of  the 
crown  would  create  an  irreconcilable  schism.  When 
the  day  for  his  final  answer  came,  Fleetwood,  Des- 
borough,  and  Lambert  threatened  to  lay  down  their 
commissions  if  he  accepted,  and  that  morning  about 
thirty  officers  presented  a  petition  to  Parliament, 
begging  it  to  press  the  Protector  no  more,  and  pro- 
testing against  the  revival  of  kingship.  On  May  8, 
1657,  Cromwell  answered  Parliament  with  another 
refusal,  saying:  "  Though  I  think  the  act  of  govern- 
ment doth  consist  of  very  excellent  parts  in  all  but 
that  one  thing  of  the  title  as  to  me,  I  cannot  under- 
take this  government  with  the  title  of  King." 

Parliament,  though  much  disappointed,  took  the 
hint  these  words  contained.  Had  Cromwell  definitely 
refused  when  the  Petition  and  Advice  was  first  offered 
to  him,  Parliament  would  have  thrown  up  the  whole 
scheme  in  disgust.  As  it  was,  in  its  anxiety  to  ob- 
tain his  acceptance,  it  had  adopted  all  the  amend- 
ments which  he  suggested  during  the  conferences, 
and  had  gone  too  far  to  abandon  the  constitution  so 
carefully  elaborated.  On  May  25th,  the  Petition 
and  Advice  was  presented  to  Cromwell  again,  with 
the  title  of  Protector  substituted  for  that  of  King, 
and  this  time  he  gave  his  assent  to  it.  In  Westmin- 
ster Hall,  on  Friday,  the  26th  of  June,  he  was  for  the 
second  time  installed  as  Protector,  with  great  pomp 
and  ceremony.  The  Speaker,  as  representative  of 
Parliament,  invested  him  with  a  robe  of  purple  vel- 
vet, lined  with  ermine,  "being  the  habit  anciently 
used  at  the  investiture  of  princes,"  presented  him 
with  a  Bible,  girt  a  sword  to  his  side,  and  put  a 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         427 

golden  sceptre  into  his  hands.  He  took  the  oath  to 
maintain  the  Protestant  religion  and  to  preserve  the 
peace  and  the  rights  of  the  three  nations,  and  sat 
down  in  the  chair  of  state.  The  trumpets  sounded, 
the  people  shouted  "  God  save  the  Lord  Protector," 
and  the  heralds  made  proclamation  after  the  ancient 
fashion  when  kings  were  crowned. 

Cromwell  had  gained  what  he  desired.  At  last  his 
authority  rested  upon  a  constitutional  basis.  Hence- 
forth he  was  not  merely  the  nominee  of  the  army, 
but  the  elect  of  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
Moreover,  under  the  Petition  and  Advice  his  powers 
were  more  extensive  than  they  had  been  under  the 
Instrument  of  Government.  He  had  acquired  the 
right  to  nominate  his  own  successor  and  to  appoint, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  Parliament,  the  seventy 
members  of  the  new  Second  Chamber.  He  had  ob- 
tained a  permanent  revenue  of  one  million  three 
hundred  thousand  pounds,  which  Parliament  held  suf- 
ficient to  cover  the  ordinary  expenditure  of  Govern- 
ment in  time  of  peace,  while  for  the  next  three  years 
he  had  been  granted  an  additional  revenue  of  six 
hundred  thousand  pounds  to  meet  the  cost  of  the  war. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  authority  of  Parliament  had 
been  enlarged,  and  that  of  the  Protector's  Council 
diminished.  Parliament  had  gained  control  over  its 
own  elections,  and  the  arbitrary  exclusion  of  its 
members  was  made  henceforth  impossible.  But  it 
remained  to  be  seen  whether  a  Parliament,  represent- 
ing all  sections  of  the  Puritan  party,  would  accept 
a  settlement  made  by  a  packed  Parliament,  or 
whether  the  newly  devised  Second  Chamber  would 


428  Oliver  Cromwell    • 

be  a  more  effectual  check  to  the  Lower  House  than  the 
paper  limitations  of  the  Instrument  of  Government. 

In  January,  1658,  when  Parliament  met  again  after 
a  six  months'  vacation,  the  situation  was  altered. 
About  forty  of  the  Protector's  chief  supporters  in 
the  Lower  House  had  been  called  to  the  new  Second 
Chamber,  and  their  places  had  not  been  filled  up  by 
fresh  elections.  At  the  same  time  all  the  leading 
Republicans,  excluded  at  the  opening  of  the  first  ses- 
sion,— old  parliamentary  hands,  skilful  in  debate,  and 
bitterly  hostile  to  the  Protectorate, —  swelled  the 
ranks  of  the  Opposition.  Instead  of  there  being  a 
strong  Government  majority,  the  two  parties  in  the 
House  of  Commons  were  pretty  equally  balanced. 
Nevertheless,  the  Protector's  opening  speech  was  full 
of  hope  and  confidence.  Looking  back  on  the  past 
work  of  this  Parliament  and  the  settlement  achieved 
by  it,  his  heart  overflowed  with  gratitude  and  glad- 
ness. "  How  God  hath  redeemed  us  as  we  stand 
this  day  !  Not  from  trouble  and  sorrow  and  anger 
only,  but  into  a  blessed  and  happy  estate  and  condi- 
tion, comprehensive  of  all  interests."  We  have 
"  peace  and  rest  out  of  ten  years'  war,"  religious  free- 
dom after  years  of  persecution.  "  Who  could  have 
forethought,  when  we  were  plunged  into  the  midst 
of  our  troubles,  that  ever  the  people  of  God  should 
have  had  liberty  to  worship  God  without  fear  of  ene- 
mies?" Let  them  own  what  God  had  done,  and 
build  on  this  foundation  of  civil  and  spiritual  liberties 
which  he  had  given  them. 

"  If  God  shall  bless  you  in  this  work,"  continued  Crom- 
well, "  and  make  the  meeting  happy  on  that  account,  you 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         429 

shall  be  called  the  blessed  of  the  Lord.  The  generations 
to  come  shall  bless  us.  You  shall  be  '  the  repairers  of 
breaches,  and  the  restorers  of  paths  to  dwell  in.'  And 
if  there  be  any  higher  work  which  mortals  can  attain 
unto  in  the  world  beyond  this,  I  acknowledge  my  ignor- 
ance of  it." 

Cromwell  was  speedily  undeceived.  As  soon  as 
the  proceedings  began,  it  was  evident  that  a  breach 
between  the  two  Houses  was  imminent.  In  Crom- 
well's second  speech  to  them,  four  days  after  the 
session  began,  he  spoke  of  his  fears  rather  than  his 
hopes.  Abroad,  he  said,  the  Protestant  cause  was  in 
danger  through  the  complications  in  Northern  Eu- 
rope, and  Charles  II.  had  got  together  an  army  and 
was  projecting  a  landing  in  England.  At  home,  the 
Cavaliers  were  planning  another  insurrection,  but  the 
greatest  danger  lay  in  their  own  divisions.  "  Take 
us  in  that  temper  we  are  in  :  it  is  the  greatest  mira- 
cle that  ever  befell  the  sons  of  men  that  we  are  got 
again  to  peace."  Consider  how  many  different  sects 
and  parties  there  were  in  the  nation,  each  striving  to 
be  uppermost.  "  If  God  did  not  hinder,  it  would  all 
make  up  one  confusion.  We  should  find  there  would 
be  but  one  Cain  in  England,  if  God  did  not  restrain  ;  we 
should  have  another  more  bloody  civil  war  than  ever 
we  had  in  England."  What  stood  between  England 
and  anarchy  except  the  army,  and  except  the  Gov- 
ernment established  by  the  Petition  and  Advice? 
"  Have  you  any  frame  or  model  of  things  which 
would  satisfy  the  minds  of  men  if  this  be  not  the 
frame  ?  '* 

The  Republican  leaders,  who  had  now  obtained 


430 


Oliver  Cromwell 


the  guidance  of  the  Lower  House,  were  deaf  to  these 
arguments.  They  were  pledged  by  oath  to  be  true 
and  faithful  to  the  Lord  Protector,  and  not  to  con- 
trive anything  against  his  lawful  authority,  and  they 
were  careful  to  keep  the  word  of  promise  to  the  ear. 
But  they  insisted  on  discussing  the  Petition  and  Ad- 
vice over  again,  taking  nothing  for  granted  which 
had  been  done  during  their  absence.  "  Unless  you 
make  foundations  sure,  it  will  not  do  your  work," 
said  Haslerig.  "  We  who  were  not  privy  to  your 
debates  upon  which  you  made  your  resolutions 
should  have  liberty  to  debate  it  over  again,"  added 
another.  With  great  acuteness  they  fixed  upon  the 
authority  of  the  new  Second  Chamber  as  the  point 
of  attack,  denied  it  to  be  a  House  of  Lords  as 
Cromwell  styled  it,  and  insisted  that  its  proper  title, 
according  to  the  Petition  and  Advice,  was  "  the 
other  House." 

If  it  were  suffered  to  call  itself  a  House  of  Lords, 
it  would  claim  all  the  legislative  and  judicial  powers 
the  old  Lords  had  possessed  :  and  then  what  would 
become  of  the  rights  of  the  people?  The  people, 
said  Scot,  had  been  by  the  providence  of  God  set 
free  from  any  authority  which  could  exercise  a  veto  on 
their  resolutions.  "  Will  they  thank  you,  if  you  bring 
such  a  negative  upon  them  ?  What  was  fought  for, 
but  to  arrive  at  a  capacity  to  make  your  own  laws  ?  " 
"  The  Commons  of  England,"  chimed  in  Haslerig, 
"  will  quake  to  hear  that  they  are  returning  to  Egypt." 
For  seven  whole  sittings  these  debates  continued, 
and  the  Lower  House  refused  to  have  any  dealings 
with  the  Upper  House  till  this  question  was  decided. 


Cromwell  and  his  Parliaments         43 1 

To  the  republicans  the  title  meant  everything. 
"  Admit  Lords  and  you  admit  all,"  argued  Ashley 
Cooper.  "  I  can  suffer  to  be  torn  in  pieces,"  cried 
Haslerig,  "  I  could  endure  that ;  but  to  betray  the 
liberties  of  the  people  of  England,  that  I  cannot." 

The  Republican  leaders  did  not  confine  their  op- 
position to  words.  Some  of  them  entered  into  com- 
munication with  the  malcontents  in  the  city  and  the 
army.  It  was  arranged  that  a  petition  should  be 
presented,  signed  by  ten  thousand  persons  in  Lon- 
don, demanding  the  limitation  of  the  Protector's 
power  over  the  army,  and  the  recognition  of  the 
House  of  Commons  as  the  supreme  authority  in  the 
nation.  In  reply,  the  House  was  to  vote  an  address 
asserting  both  these  principles,  and  if  need  be  to  ap- 
point Fairfax  commander-in-chief  instead  of  Crom- 
well. The  Republicans  expected  to  be  backed  by 
part  of  the  army,  for  there  were  rumours  of  disaffec- 
tion in  the  ranks.  Soldiers  had  been  heard  to  say 
that  under  pretence  of  liberty  of  conscience  they  had 
been  fooled  into  betraying  the  civil  liberties  of  their 
country,  and  all  to  make  one  family  great.  And  no- 
where was  the  hostility  to  the  new  House  of  Lords 
stronger  than  amongst  the  officers  of  the  Protector's 
own  regiment  of  horse. 

The  scheme  came  to  Cromwell's  ears,  and  the  next 
morning  he  sent  a  sudden  summons  to  both  Houses 
to  meet  him  (February  4,  1658).  He  was  Protector, 
he  told  them,  by  virtue  of  the  Petition  and  Advice. 
"  There  is  not  a  man  living  can  say  I  sought  it,  no, 
not  a  man  nor  woman  treading  upon  English  ground." 
They  had  petitioned  and  advised  him  to  under- 


432  Oliver  Cromwell* 

take  his  office,  and  he  looked  to  them  to  make 
their  engagements  good.  Then,  addressing  himself 
to  the  members  of  the  Commons,  he  complained  that, 
instead  of  owning  the  settlement  made  by  their  con- 
sent, they  were  attempting  to  upset  it.  "  The  nation 
is  in  likelihood  of  running  into  more  confusion  in 
these  fifteen  or  sixteen  days  that  you  have  sat,  than 
it  hath  been  from  the  rising  of  the  last  session  to  this 
day.  Through  the  intention  of  devising  a  Common- 
wealth again,  that  some  people  might  be  the  men 
that  might  rule  all."  Some  were  "  endeavouring  to 
engage  the  army  to  carry  that  thing,"  others  "  to 
stir  up  the  people  of  this  town  into  a  tumulting." 
These  things  tended  "  to  nothing  else  but  the  play- 
ing of  the  King  of  Scots'  game,"  and  could  end  in 
nothing  but  blood  and  confusion.  "  I  think  it  high 
time,"  he  concluded,  "  that  an  end  be  put  to  your 
sitting,  and  I  do  dissolve  this  Parliament.  And  let 
God  be  judge  between  you  and  me." 

"  Amen,"  responded  the  defiant  Republicans. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE  DEATH  OF  CROMWELL 
1658-1660 

TO  contemporaries,  the  Protectorate  had  never 
seemed  stronger  than  it  did  in  the  summer  of 
1658.  "  From  the  dissolution  of  Cromwell's  last 
Parliament,"  writes  Clarendon,  "all  things  at  home 
and  abroad  seemed  to  succeed  to  his  wish,  and  his 
power  and  greatness  to  be  better  established  than  ever 
it  had  been."  Military  mutiny,  royalist  insurrection* 
projected  invasion  —  the  three  dangers  which  threat- 
ened his  rule  in  the  spring  —  had  all  been  success- 
fully overcome.  The  conspiracies  were  frustrated  by 
the  timely  arrest  of  their  leaders.  Some  disaffected 
officers  lost  their  commissions,  a  few  of  the  Fifth 
Monarchy  men  were  imprisoned,  while  about  a  dozen 
Royalists  were  tried  by  a  High  Court  of  Justice,  of 
whom  five  suffered  on  the  scaffold  or  the  gallows. 
Abroad,  the  victory  of  the  Dunes  and  the  capture  of 
Dunkirk  shed  new  lustre  on  English  arms,  and  raised 
Cromwell's  fame  still  higher  in  Europe,  while  the 
splendid  reception  of  Lord  Fauconberg  at  the 
French  Court,  and  the  complimentary  mission  sent 

•8 


434 


Oliver  Cromwell  [1658- 


by  Louis  XIV.  to  the  Protector,  attested  the  value 
which  the  most  powerful  sovereign  in  Europe  set  on 
Cromwell's  friendship. 

Modern  historians  have  taken  a  less  favourable 
view  of  the  situation  than  contemporaries  did.  Some 
have  assumed  that  Cromwell's  power  was  tottering 
to  its  fall,  and  that  he  must  have  succumbed  to  the 
difficulties  which  surrounded  him.  He  was  faced,  it 
has  been  said,  by  the  certainty  of  bankruptcy  without 
a  supply  from  Parliament,  and  the  certainty  of  over- 
throw if  he  summoned  Parliament.  Both  statements 
are  exaggerated,  for  neither  difficulty  was  insupera- 
ble. Cromwell  had  been  faced  by  both  ever  since 
he  began  to  rule,  and  his  Government  had  contrived 
to  live  through  them. 

In  1658,  the  financial  difficulty  was  more  serious 
than  the  parliamentary  difficulty.  When  the  Long 
Parliament  was  expelled,  the  national  finances  were 
in  a  state  of  chaos.  The  monthly  property  tax  had 
risen  to  £120,000  per  mensem,  there  was  a  debt  of 
about  £700,000,  and  the  Crown  lands,  Church  lands, 
and  confiscated  estates  —  which  were  the  great  re- 
source of  the  treasury  in  emergencies  —  had  almost 
all  been  sold.  During  the  Protectorate  the  financial 
administration  was  improved,  public  money  thriftily 
husbanded,  and  taxation  reduced.  The  monthly 
assessment  was  lowered  first  to  £90,000,  then  to 
£60,000,  and  finally  to  £50,000.  But  as  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  expenditure  of  the  state  did  not  pro- 
ceed at  the  same  pace,  the  receipts  did  not  balance 
the  outgoings.  The  income  of  Cromwell's  Govern- 
ment for  1657-1658  may  be  estimated  at  about 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  435 

£1,900,000,  while  its  expenses  were  about  £400,000 
more.  The  army  cost  about  £1,100,000,  the  navy 
about  £900,000,  and  the  civil  government  about 
£300,000.  The  causes  of  this  large  deficit  were  two. 
One  was  the  cost  of  holding  down  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land, the  revenues  of  which  were  insufficient  to 
defray  the  cost  of  their  garrisons,  so  that  the  Eng- 
lish treasury  had  to  supply  about  a  quarter  of  a 
million  a  year  for  that  purpose.  The  second  cause 
was  the  Protector's  foreign  policy.  It  was  calculated 
by  financiers  that  less  than  half  a  million  was  enough 
to  maintain  a  fleet  sufficient  for  defensive  purposes. 
But  a  navy  strong  enough  to  fight  Spain  for  the 
mastery  of  the  Western  seas,  blockade  the  Spanish 
coasts,  and  interfere  in  the  disputes  of  the  Baltic 
powers,  cost  twice  that  sum.  The  consequence  of 
this  was  that  the  Protector's  Government  was  always 
embarrassed  for  money,  and  that  a  considerable  debt 
accumulated.  By  the  spring  of  1659,  that  debt 
amounted  to  about  a  million  and  three  quarters. 
Had  the  financiers  of  the  Protectorate,  like  the 
financiers  of  the  time  of  William  III.,  adopted  the 
device  of  funding  the  debt,  and  raising  loans  to  cover 
the  deficits  caused  by  war,  the  difficulty  would  have 
been  temporarily  solved.  But  as  the  conditions  of 
the  time  and  the  want  of  skill  amongst  Cromwell's 
financial  advisers  prevented  the  adoption  of  that 
plan,  the  only  course  was  to  reduce  expenditure,  or 
to  obtain  larger  supplies  from  Parliament,  neither  of 
which  things  was  easy,  but  neither  impossible.  After 
the  successful  campaign  of  1658,  it  became  evident 
that  Spain  would  be  forced  to  make  peace,  and  a 


436  Oliver  Cromwell  [1658- 

reduction  both  in  naval  and  military  expenditure 
became  feasible.  In  the  opinion  of  the  French 
Ambassador  (a  shrewd  observer,  and  deeply  con- 
cerned in  forming  a  right  estimate  of  the  question), 
there  was  nothing  in  the  financial  embarrassments  of 
the  Government  to  endanger  its  stability.  As  little 
danger,  according  to  his  view,  was  there  of  its  over- 
throw by  Parliament.  The  temporary  success  of  the 
Republicans  in  the  second  session  of  the  last  Parlia- 
ment was  due  to  a  cause  which  would  not  recur, 
that  is,  the  weakening  of  the  Government  majority 
by  the  withdrawal  of  forty  of  its  supporters  to  form 
the  new  Second  Chamber.  The  Protectorate  had 
gained,  rather  than  lost,  parliamentary  strength. 
While  the  result  of  the  Parliament  of  1654  had  been 
to  weaken  the  authority  of  the  Protector,  the  result 
of  that  of  1656  had  greatly  increased  it.  In  the 
summer  of  1658,  therefore,  the  Protector  resolved  to 
summon  another  Parliament  towards  the  close  of 
the  year,  and  but  for  his  death  the  intention 
would  have  been  fulfilled.  It  was  confidently  ex- 
pected on  all  hands  that  the  offer  of  the  Crown 
would  have  been  renewed  by  that  body,  and,  as  the 
elections  of  December  1658  proved,  the  Govern- 
ment would  have  had  a  majority  of  at  least  three  to 
two.  The  support  which  Richard  Cromwell  ob- 
tained from  Parliament  negatives  the  theory  that  the 
opposition  would  have  succeeded  in  the  attempt  to 
overthrow  his  father. 

Events  proved  clearly  that  the  maintenance  of  the 
Protectorate  depended  on  the  fidelity  of  the  army. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  Protectorate,  it  num- 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  437 

bered  not  less  than  sixty  thousand  men.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1654,  there  were  still  fifty-three  thousand  men 
in  arms  in  the  three  nations,  in  spite  of  recent  reduc- 
tions. By  the  end  of  the  Protectorate  it  numbered, 
including  the  troops  employed  in  Flanders  and 
Jamaica,  about  forty-eight  thousand  men.  During 
this  period  a  considerable  change  had  taken  place  in 
its  character  and  composition.  Officers  opposed  to 
the  Government  had  been,  one  after  another,  de- 
prived of  their  commands:  Harrison  in  December, 
1653,  Overton  and  four  other  colonels  in  1654, 
Lambert  in  1657,  Packer  and  five  captains  of  Crom- 
well's own  regiment  in  the  spring  of  1658.  By 
1658  the  superior  officers  were  generally  either  per- 
sonal adherents  of  the  Protector  or  professional  sol- 
diers who  took  little  interest  in  political  questions. 
Men  of  the  type  of  Monk  had  taken  the  place  of 
men  of  the  type  of  Harrison.  Amongst  the  subor- 
dinate officers  and  non-commissioned  officers  there 
were  many  Republicans,  but  they  were  without  suffi- 
cient influence  to  be  dangerous.  All  Anabaptists 
and  Fifth  Monarchy  men  had  been  purged  out  of 
the  ranks  ;  private  soldiers  in  general  looked  to  mili- 
tary service  as  a  livelihood,  and  might  become 
mutinous  if  their  pay  was  too  much  in  arrears,  but 
hardly  for  the  sake  of  maintaining  political  prin- 
ciples. 

The  history  of  the  Protectorate  is  the  history  of  the 
gradual  emancipation  of  the  Protector  from  the  polit- 
ical control  of  the  army.  Twice  he  had  successfully 
frustrated  attempted  alliances  between  the  parliamen- 
tary opposition  and  the  malcontents  in  the  army, 


9 

438  Oliver  Cromwell  [1658^ 

and   each  attempt  had  strengthened   his  authority 
over  the  army. 

It  was  this  sense  of  the  hopelessness  of  insurrec- 
tionary movements,  so  long  as  Cromwell  lived,  which 
caused  the  repeated  conspiracies  of  Royalists  and 
Levellers  for  Cromwell's  assassination.  In  1654, 
some  of  the  people  round  Charles  II.  issued  a 
proclamation  in  the  King's  name  offering  five  hun- 
dred pounds,  knighthood,  and  a  colonel's  commis- 
sion, to  any  one  who  succeeded  in  killing  "  a  certain 
mechanic  fellow  "  called  Oliver  Cromwell,  "  by  pistol, 
sword,  or  poison."  Charles  was  cognisant  of  these 
plots,  and  stipulated  only  that  the  Protector's  assas- 
sination should  be  connected  with  a  general  royalist 
rising,  not  an  isolated  act.  There  were  many  subse- 
quent designs  of  the  same  nature,  especially  after  the 
alliance  between  the  Levellers  and  the  Royalists. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Sexby,  once  a  soldier  in  Crom- 
well's own  regiment,  undertook  to  arrange  the  assas- 
sination of  the  Protector,  and  was  supplied  with 
money  by  the  Spanish  Government  for  that  purpose. 
Sindercombe,  whose  plot  was  detected  in  January, 
1657,  was  his  agent.  In  the  following  May,  Sexby 
published  a  tract  entitled  Killing  No  Murder,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  prove  that  it  would  be  both 
a  lawful  and  a  glorious  act  to  kill  the  Protector. 
"  Let  every  man,"  said  he,  "  to  whom  God  hath 
given  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  courage  be  persuaded 
by  his  honour,  his  safety,  his  own  good,  and  his  coun- 
try's, to  endeavour  by  all  rational  means  to  free  the 
world  from  this  pest.  Either  I  or  Cromwell  must 
perish,"  announced  Sexby.  But,  visiting  England  in 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  439 

disguise  to  make  further  arrangements  for  this  pur- 
pose, Sexby  was  arrested,  and  died  a  prisoner  in  the 
Tower. 

Cromwell  was  kept  well  informed  of  these  designs 
by  his  police,  and  spoke  of  them  with  great  con- 
tempt. "  Little  fiddling  things  "  he  termed  them  in 
one  of  his  speeches.  "  It  was  intended  first  for  the 
assassination  of  my  person,"  he  told  Parliament  of 
the  plot  of  1654,  "  which  I  would  not  remember  as 
anything  at  all  considerable  to  myself  or  to  you, 
for  they  would  have  had  to  cut  throats  beyond  hu- 
man calculation  before  they  could  have  been  able  to 
effect  their  design." 

As  a  precaution  against  such  designs,  the  Pro- 
tector's life-guard,  which  had  originally  consisted 
simply  of  the  forty-five  gentlemen  forming  the  life- 
guard of  the  Commander-in-chief,  was  raised  in  1656 
to  160  men.  Royalist  accounts  say  that  during  the 
last  months  of  his  life  Cromwell  was  "much  more 
apprehensive  of  danger  to  his  person  than  he  had 
used  to  be,"  and  that  in  consequence  he  surrounded 
himself  with  guards,  never  returned  from  Hampton 
Court  by  the  road  by  which  he  went  thither,  and 
rarely  slept  twice  in  the  same  bed.  These  are 
legends  for  which  there  is  no  solid  foundation.  The 
Protector  took  reasonable,  but  not  exaggerated  pre- 
cautions. He  was  not  a  man  whose  nerves  could  be 
shaken  by  threats,  but  he  knew  as  well  as  his  ene- 
mies did  how  much  depended  on  his  life,  and  how 
little  the  permanence  of  his  work  was  assured. 

The  real  danger  to  the  Protectorate  was  that 
Cromwell  was  growing  old.  He  was  now  in  his 


44O  Oliver  Cromwefo  [1658- 

fifty-ninth  year.  The  fatigues  of  campaigning  had 
injured  his  health  before  he  began  to  rule.  He  had 
one  dangerous  illness  in  the  spring  of  1648,  and  an- 
other in  the  spring  of  1651.  "I  thought  I  should 
have  died  of  this  sickness,"  he  said  of  the  latter. 
Under  the  fatigues  of  government,  his  health  was 
still  more  impaired.  The  despatches  of  foreign  am- 
bassadors have  frequent  references  to  the  ill  health 
of  the  Protector  as  one  of  the  causes  which  retarded 
their  negotiations.  The  difference  between  his  sig- 
natures in  1651  and  in  1657  is  very  remarkable.  The 
bold  firm  hand  of  the  first  date  becomes  shaky  and 
feeble  six  years  later.  His  speeches  prove  that  he 
felt  the  weight  which  rested  upon  his  shoulders. 
"  It  has  been  heretofore,"  he  said  in  1657,  "a  matter 
of,  I  think,  but  philosophical  discourse,  that  a  great 
place,  a  great  authority,  is  a  great  burthen.  I  know 
it  is."  Danton,  disillusioned  by  failure,  cried  that  it 
was  better  to  be  a  poor  fisherman  than  a  ruler  of 
men.  Cromwell  sometimes  regretted  the  quiet  coun- 
try life  he  had  exchanged  for  the  cares  and  vicissi- 
tudes of  supreme  power.  "  I  can  say  in  the  presence 
of  God,  in  comparison  of  whom  we  are  but  like  poor 
creeping  ants  upon  the  earth,  I  would  have  lived 
under  my  woodside,  to  have  kept  a  flock  of  sheep, 
rather  than  undertook  such  a  government  as  this  is." 
He  met  each  new  difficulty  with  his  old  resource- 
fulness and  courage,  but  when  one  was  overcome 
another  rose  before  him,  and  the  incessant  struggle 
made  increasing  demands  upon  his  vital  forces.  In 
the  opinion  of  his  steward,  Maidston,  "  being  com- 
pelled to  wrestle  with  the  difficulties  of  his  place  as 


FACSIMILE  SIGNATURE  OF  OLIVER   CROMWELL. 
OCTOBER  19,   1651. 


FACSIMILE  SIGNATURE   OF  OLIVER 
CROMWELL. 

AUGUST   11,    1657. 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  441 

well  as  he  could  without  parliamentary  assistance," 
after  the  dissolution  of  his  second  Parliament,  was  a 
fatal  addition  to  his  burdens.  "  I  doubt  not  to  say 
it  drank  up  his  spirits,  of  which  his  natural  constitu- 
tion afforded  a  vast  stock,  and  brought  him  to  his 
grave." 

Private  griefs  also  contributed  their  share  to  his 
load.  In  February,  1658,  Robert  Rich  died,  the 
husband  of  Cromwell's  youngest  daughter  Frances, 
married  only  four  months  earlier.  On  the  6th  of 
August  following,  died  Elizabeth  Claypole,  his  fa- 
vourite daughter,  after  a  long  and  painful  illness. 
The  Protector  was  much  with  her  in  her  last  days, 
and  his  "  sense  of  her  outward  misery  in  the  pains 
she  endured  took  deep  impression  upon  him." 

A  little  time  after  his  daughter's  funeral,  Cromwell 
fell  ill  of  an  ague,  or  intermittent  fever,  but  in  a  few 
days  he  seemed  to  shake  it  off  and  to  regain 
strength.  On  August  2oth,  George  Fox,  going  to 
Hampton  Court  to  plead  with  the  Protector  "  about 
the  sufferings  of  Friends,"  met  him  riding  in  the  Park 
at  the  head  of  his  guards.  "  Before  I  came  to  him," 
says  Fox,  "  I  saw  and  felt  a  waft  of  death  go  forth 
against  him,  and  when  I  came  to  him  he  looked  like 
a  dead  man."  The  next  day  Cromwell  fell  sick 
again,  but  he  felt  certain  that  the  prayers  put  up  for 
him  would  be  answered,  and  was  assured  that  he 
would  recover.  "  Banish  all  sadness  from  your 
looks,  and  deal  with  me  as  you  would  with  a  serving 
man,"  he  said  to  a  doubting  physician.  "  You  may 
have  skill  in  the  nature  of  things,  yet  nature  can  do 
more  than  all  physicians  put  together ;  and  God  is 


442  Oliver  Cromwell*  ness- 

far  above  nature."  When  the  fit  was  past,  his  physi- 
cians ordered  him  to  remove  to  Whitehall,  thinking 
that  he  would  be  benefited  by  the  change  of  air. 

At  Whitehall,  his  condition  became  worse  instead 
of  better:  he  was  racked  by  alternate  heats  and 
chills;  all  recognised  that  the  danger  was  great; 
"  our  fears  are  more  than  our  hopes,"  wrote  Thurloe 
to  Henry  Cromwell.  On  Tuesday,  the  last  day  of 
August,  the  French  Ambassador  told  his  Government 
that  the  Protector  was  at  death's  door,  but  the  same 
evening  he  rallied,  and  hope  gained  the  upper  hand 
again.  That  night,  one  who  watched  in  Cromwell's 
bedchamber  heard  him  praying,  and  remarked  that 
"  a  public  spirit  to  God's  cause  did  breathe  in  him 
to  the  very  last."  For  he  prayed,  not  for  himself  or 
for  his  family,  but  for  Puritanism  and  for  all  Puri- 
tans —  for  God's  cause  "  and  "  God's  people."  "  Thou 
hast  made  me,"  he  said,  "  though  very  unworthy,  a 
mean  instrument  to  do  them  some  good,  and  Thee 
service.  And  many  of  them  have  set  too  high  a 
value  upon  me,  though  others  wish  and  would  be 
glad  of  my  death.  But,  Lord,  however  Thou  dost 
dispose  of  me,  continue  and  go  on  to  do  good  for 
them.  Give  them  consistency  of  judgment,  one 
heart,  and  mutual  love,  and  go  on  to  deliver  them. 
.  .  .  Teach  those  who  look  too  much  upon  Thy 
instruments  to  depend  more  upon  Thyself.  Pardon 
such  as  desire  to  trample  upon  the  dust  of  a  poor 
worm,  for  they  are  Thy  people  too.  And  pardon 
the  folly  of  this  short  prayer,  even  for  Jesus  Christ's 
sake,  and  give  us  a  good  night,  if  it  be  Thy  pleasure." 

Cromwell  hourly  grew  weaker.    Through  the  night 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  443 

of  Thursday,  the  2nd  of  September,  he  was  very 
restless,  speaking  often  to  himself  in  broken  sen- 
tences difficult  to  hear.  "  I  would  be  willing,"  he 
said  once,  "  to  live  to  be  further  serviceable  to  God 
and  His  people,  but  my  work  is  done."  "  God  will 
be  with  His  people."  He  resigned  himself  to  die. 

A  physician  offered  him  something  to  drink,  bid- 
ding him  to  take  it,  and  to  endeavour  to  sleep,  but 
he  answered :  "  It  is  not  my  design  to  drink  or  to 
sleep,  but  my  design  is  to  make  what  haste  I  can  to 
be  gone."  Towards  morning  he  spoke  again  "  using 
divers  holy  expressions,  implying  much  inward  con- 
solation and  peace,"  and  with  them  he  mingled 
"  some  exceeding  self-debasing  words,  annihilating 
and  judging  himself."  After  that  he  was  silent,  and 
at  four  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  Friday  he  died. 

It  was  the  3rd  of  September,  his  fortunate  day, 
the  anniversary  of  Dunbar  and  Worcester. 

As  Marvell  sang : 

"  No  part  of  time  but  bare  his  mark  away 
Of  honour —  all  the  year  was  Cromwell's  day, 
But  this,  of  all  the  most  auspicious  found, 
Thrice  had  in  open  field  him  victor  crowned, 
When  up  the  armed  mountains  of  Dunbar 
He  marched,  and  through  deep  Severn,  ending  war  : 
What  day  should  him  eternise,  but  the  same, 
That  had  before  immortalised  his  name  ? " 

Sometime  during  his  illness  Cromwell  had  verbally 
nominated  his  eldest  son  as  his  successor,  so,  about 
three  hours  after  Oliver's  death,  Richard  was  pro- 
claimed Protector.  Addresses  from  counties,  cities, 


444 


Oliver  Cromwell  *  U658- 


and  regiments  poured  in  to  the  new  ruler,  and  foreign 
powers  hastened  to  congratulate  and  to  recognise 
him.  There  was  no  more  opposition  than  if  he  had 
been  the  descendant  of  a  long  line  of  hereditary  sove- 
reigns. "  There  is  not  a  dog  that  wags  his  tongue, 
so  great  a  calm  are  we  in,"  wrote  Thurloe  to  Henry 
Cromwell. 

Richard's  first  care  was  his  father's  funeral.  The 
body  of  the  late  Protector  was  embalmed  and  re- 
moved from  Whitehall  to  Somerset  House,  there  to 
lie  in  state,  as  that  of  James  I.  had  done.  His 
waxen  effigy,  clad  in  royal  robes  of  purple  and 
ermine,  with  a  golden  sceptre  in  the  hand  and  a 
crown  on  the  head,  was  for  many  weeks  exhibited. 
The  corpse  was  privately  buried  in  the  chapel  of 
Henry  VII.,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  on  Septembei 
26th,  but  the  public  funeral  took  place  with  extra- 
ordinary pomp  on  November  23rd.  All  the  great 
officers  of  state  and  public  officials,  with  officers  from 
every  regiment  in  the  army,  walked  in  solemn  pro- 
cession from  Somerset  House  to  the  Abbey,  through 
streets  lined  with  soldiers  in  new  red  coats  with 
black  buttons. 

The  funeral  ceremonies  cost  sixty  thousand  pounds, 
and  this  profusion,  which  the  Government  could  ill 
afford,  excited  angry  criticism  amongst  the  Republi- 
cans. Their  dissatisfaction  would  have  mattered 
little,  but  there  were  already  signs  of  coming  trouble 
in  a  more  dangerous  quarter.  A  quarrel  began 
between  the  civil  and  the  military  faction  in  the  Pro- 
tector's council.  Oliver  had  been  Commander-in- 
chief,  as  well  as  Protector,  but  now  the  superior 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  445 

officers  demanded  a  commander-in-chief  of  their  own 
choosing,  and  put  forward  Fleetwood  as  their  candi- 
date. Their  aim  was  to  shake  off  the  control  of 
Richard's  civilian  advisers,  and  make  the  army  inde- 
pendent of  the  civil  power.  Richard  firmly  refused 
their  demand,  and  the  storm  seemed  to  blow  over, 
but  the  officers  only  waited  for  a  more  convenient 
opportunity. 

In  January,  1659,  the  necessity  of  providing  money 
for  the  public  service  obliged  Richard  to  call  a  Parlia- 
ment. All  the  Republican  leaders  obtained  seats, 
but  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  members  elected 
were  supporters  of  the  Government.  There  was  a 
long  struggle  over  the  recognition  of  Richard  as 
Protector,  followed  by  excited  debates  about  the 
right  of  the  members  for  Scotland  and  Ireland  to  sit  in 
Parliament,  and  over  the  old  question  of  the  House 
of  Lords.  On  all  these  points,  the  Government 
carried  the  day,  but  in  the  meantime  the  agitation 
in  the  army  had  begun  again,  and  a  council  of  officers 
repeated  the  demands  made  in  the  previous  autumn. 
The  Protector,  backed  by  his  Parliament,  which  was 
indignant  at  military  dictation,  ordered  the  council 
to  cease  meeting.  The  military  leaders,  allying 
themselves  with  the  Republican  minority  in  the 
House,  refused  obedience.  A  few  colonels  adhered 
to  the  Protector,  and  obeyed  his  orders,  but  they 
were  deserted  by  their  men,  and  all  the  regiments  in 
London  gathered  round  Fleetwood  at  St.  James's. 
On  behalf  of  the  council  of  officers,  Fleetwood  and 
Desborough  demanded  the  immediate  dissolution 
of  Parliament.  "  If  he  would  dissolve  Parliament," 


446  Oliver  Cromwell  '  ness- 

said  Desborough,  "the  officers  would  take  care  of 
him ;  if  he  refused,  they  would  do  it  without  him 
and  leave  him  to  shift  for  himself."  Richard  might 
have  resisted  with  some  chance  of  success,  for  Monk 
and  the  army  in  Scotland  remained  faithful,  and 
Henry  Cromwell,  with  the  Irish  army,  would  have 
supported  him.  But  he  trusted  the  promises  of  his 
uncles,  and,  whatever  the  result  to  himself,  he  shrank 
from  beginning  a  civil  war.  "  I  will  not  have  one 
drop  of  blood  spilt  for  the  preservation  of  my  great- 
ness," he  is  reported  to  have  said.  Yielding  to  the 
pressure  put  upon  him,  he  dissolved  Parliament 
(April  21,  1659),  an^  a  fortnight  later  he  had  ceased 
to  reign. 

Thus  the  Protectorate  fell  before  that  alliance 
between  the  Republicans  and  the  malcontents  in  the 
army  v/hich  Cromwell  had  always  been  strong  enough 
to  prevent.  Fleetwood  had  no  wish  to  overthrow 
his  brother-in-law,  Desborough  no  animosity  to  his 
nephew ;  they  meant  to  make  him  their  tool,  and  to 
govern  under  his  name.  But  the  inferior  officers 
declared  for  the  restoration  of  the  Republic,  and 
threw  over  the  House  of  Cromwell.  On  May  /th, 
the  Long  Parliament  was  restored  to  power  by  the 
men  who  had  expelled  it  in  April,  1653,  and  the 
Revolution  was  completed. 

There  was  no  real  union  between  these  temporary 
allies.  The  fifty  or  sixty  members  of  the  Long 
Parliament  who  governed  England  in  the  name  of 
the  Republic  had  learnt  nothing  and  forgotten 
nothing.  The  soldiers,  conscious  that  the  Govern- 
ment could  not  live  for  a  day  without  their  support, 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  447 

grew  restive  and  indignant  when  their  claims  were 
ignored  and  their  requests  slighted.  After  the  sup- 
pression by  Major-General  Lambert  of  a  royalist 
insurrection  in  August,  1659,  Parliament  and  army 
carne  to  an  open  breach.  Parliament  cashiered  Lam- 
bert and  eight  other  officers  for  promoting  a  petition 
which  it  had  declared  seditious,  and  Lambert  re- 
taliated (October  13,  1659),  by  putting  a  stop  to  its 
sittings. 

Lambert  —  the  real  leader  of  the  army,  though 
Fleetwood  was  its  nominal  head  —  stood  now  in  the 
position  which  Cromwell  had  occupied  in  April,  1653  ; 
but  this  time  the  army  was  divided.  In  Scotland, 
Monk  declared  for  the  restitution  of  the  Parliament, 
and  by  dilatory  negotiations  kept  Lambert  and 
Fleetwood  from  acting  until  the  desertion  of  their 
soldiers,  the  defection  of  the  fleet,  and  the  opposition 
of  London  obliged  them  to  give  way.  At  the  end 
of  December,  1659,  the  Long  Parliament  was  a 
second  time  restored,  and  Monk,  with  six  thousand 
men,  entered  England  unopposed.  It  was  not  zeal 
for  that  assembly  which  caused  its  restoration,  but 
hostility  to  military  government.  Under  the  op- 
probrious nickname  of  "  The  Rump,"  Parliament 
was  the  laughing  stock  of  every  ballad-maker,  but 
for  the  moment  it  represented  all  that  was  left  of 
the  constitution.  Weary  of  experiments,  and  most 
weary  of  the  rule  of  the  sword,  the  English  people 
wished  to  return  to  the  known  laws  and  the  old 
government.  As  Monk  marched  to  London,  peti- 
tions poured  in  urging  him  to  declare  for  a  free 
Parliament,  and  every  petitioner  knew  that  a  really 


9 

448  Oliver  Cromwell  [1658 

representative  Parliament  meant  the  restoration  of 
Charles  II.  Monk  answered  by  protesting  unaltera- 
ble fidelity  to  the  Republic,  but  made  up  his  mind  to 
use  his  power  to  let  the  nation  determine  freely  its 
own  future.  When  he  reached  London  he  availed 
himself  of  the  disaffection  of  the  City  to  oblige 
Parliament  to  readmit  the  Presbyterian  members 
whom  Pride  had  expelled  in  1648  (Feb.  21,  1660). 
Having  thus  secured  a  majority  ready  to  do  his 
bidding,  he  obliged  the  House  to  vote  its  own  dis- 
solution, and  issue  writs  for  the  calling  of  a  free 
Parliament  (March  16,  1660).  As  commander-in- 
chief,  he  maintained  the  freedom  of  the  elections, 
kept  the  army  under  control,  and  watched  over  the 
peace  of  the  nation. 

Monk's  greatest  service  to  England  was  not  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.  After  the  breach  between 
army  and  Parliament  that  was  inevitable.  "  The 
current,"  baid  Cowley,  "  was  so  irresistible,  that  the 
strongest  strove  against  it  in  vain,  and  the  weakest 
could  sail  with  it  to  success."  Monk's  merit  was 
that  he  brought  about  the  Restoration  without  a 
civil  war.  His  dexterous  and  unscrupulous  policy 
blinded  the  Republicans  to  his  intentions  till  it  was 
too  late  for  them  to  resist,  and  made  the  army  in- 
strumental in  effecting  what  the  bulk  of  it  would 
have  fought  to  prevent.  But  for  him,  England 
would  have  been,  in  Cromwell's  phrase,  "  one  Cain." 
Thanks  to  him,  the  transition  from  the  government 
of  an  armed  minority  to  the  government  which  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  nation  desired  was  a 
peaceable  and  constitutional  revolution.  So  the 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  449 

rule  of  Puritanism,  founded  with  blood  and  iron, 
fell  without  a  blow.  The  alliance  between  the  Pres- 
byterians and  the  Royalists,  begun  thirteen  years  ago, 
was  now  at  last  completed.  The  once  triumphant 
Independents  were  divided  and  powerless.  Maid- 
ston,  the  steward  of  Cromwell's  household,  in  a 
letter  to  John  Winthrop,  wrote  the  epitaph  of  mili- 
tant Independency. 

"  The  interest  of  religion  lies  dreadfully  in  the  dust, 
for  the  eminent  professors  of  it,  having  achieved  for- 
merly great  victories  in  the  war,  and  thereby  great 
power  in  the  army,  made  use  of  it  to  make  variety  of 
changes  in  the  government,  and  every  one  of  those 
changes  hazardous  and  pernicious.  .  .  .  They  were 
all  charged  upon  the  principles  of  the  authors,  who, 
being  Congregational  men,  have  not  only  made  men  of 
that  persuasion  cheap,  but  rendered  them  odious  to  the 
generality  of  the  nation." 

At  the  end  of  April,  1660,  a  free  Parliament  met, 
the  first  for  twenty  years.  On  May  29th,  Charles 
II.  re-entered  London  "with  a  triumph  of  above 
twenty  thousand  horse  and  foot,  brandishing  their 
swords  and  shouting  with  inexpressible  joy ;  the 
ways  strewed  with  flowers,  the  bells  ringing,  the 
streets  hung  with  tapestry,  the  fountains  running 
with  wine." 

"  I  stood  in  the  Strand  and  beheld  it,  and  blessed 
God,"  wrote  John  Evelyn.  "  And  all  this  was  done 
without  one  drop  of  blood  shed,  and  by  that  very  army 
which  rebelled  against  him  ;  but  it  was  the  Lord's 
doing,  for  such  a  restoration  was  never  mentioned  in 
29 


45O  Oliver  Cromwell  * 

any  history,  ancient  or  modern,  since  the  return  of  the 
Jews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity  ;  nor  so  joyful  a 
day,  and  so  bright,  ever  seen  in  this  nation,  this  happen- 
ing when  to  expect  or  to  effect  it  was  past  all  human 
policy." 

In  the  constitutional  settlement  which  followed 
the  King's  return,  England  reverted  to  the  state  of 
things  which  had  existed  before  the  Civil  War  be- 
gan. Cromwell's  legislation  and  all  the  laws  made 
by  the  Long  Parliament  were  regarded  as  null  and 
void.  There  was  a  general  amnesty  for  all  political 
offenders  excepting  the  Regicides  and  a  few  persons 
regarded  as  specially  dangerous.  Twelve  Regicides 
suffered  the  penalties  of  high  treason,  and  Hugh 
Peters  and  Sir  Henry  Vane  shared  their  fate. 
About  twenty  escaped  into  foreign  parts,  and  about 
five  and  twenty  were  imprisoned  for  life.  After  the 
punishment  of  the  living,  came  vengeance  against 
the  dead.  In  November,  1660,  a  bill  for  the  at- 
tainder of  Cromwell  and  other  dead  Regicides  was 
introduced  into  the  House  of  Commons.  During 
its  progress,  Captain  Titus  stood  up  and  observed, 

"  that  execution  did  not  leave  traitors  at  their  graves, 
but  followed  them  beyond  it,  and  that  since  the  heads 
of  some  were  already  put  upon  the  gates,  he  hoped  that 
the  House  would  order  that  the  carcases  of  those  devils 
who  were  buried  at  Westminster— Cromwell,  Brad- 
shaw,  and  Ireton  —  might  be  torn  out  of  their  graves, 
dragged  to  Tyburn,  there  to  hang  some  time,  and  after- 
wards be  buried  under  the  gallows." 

It  was  voted  without  any  opposition,  though  many 


1660]  The  Death  of  Cromwell  45 1 

present  must  have  agreed  with  Pepys,  whom  it 
"  troubled,  that  a  man  of  so  great  courage  as  Crom- 
well should  have  that  dishonour  done  him,  though 
otherwise  he  might  deserve  it  well  enough." 

Accordingly,  on  Saturday,  January  26,  1661,  the 
bodies  of  Cromwell  and  Ireton  were  disinterred  from 
their  graves  in  Westminster  Abbey,  and  on  the  Mon- 
day conveyed  from  Westminster  to  the  Red  Lion 
Inn,  in  Holborn.  Finally,  on  the  morning  of  Janu- 
ary 3Oth,  the  twelfth  anniversary  of  the  execution  of 
Charles  I.,  their  bodies,  and  that  of  Bradshaw,  were 
drawn  upon  sledges  from  Holborn  to  Tyburn.  "  All 
the  way,  as  before  from  Westminster,  the  universal 
outcry  and  curses  of  the  people  went  along  with 
them."  "  When  these  three  carcases  were  at  Ty- 
burn," continues  the  newspaper,  "  they  were  pulled 
out  of  their  coffins,  and  hanged  at  the  several  angles 
of  that  triple  tree,  where  they  hung  till  the  sun  was 
set ;  after  which  they  were  taken  down,  their  heads 
cut  off,  and  their  loathsome  trunks  thrown  into  a 
deep  pit  under  the  gallows."  The  common  hang- 
man took  the  heads,  placed  them  on  poles,  and  set 
them  on  the  top  of  Westminster  Hall,  Bradshaw's 
head  in  the  centre,  Ireton's  and  Cromwell's  on  either 
side. 

Yet,  though  all  this  was  done  in  the  face  of  day, 
as  many  places  claim  to  be  Cromwell's  sepulchre  as 
once  contended  for  the  honour  of  being  Homer's 
birthplace.  Strange  rumours  spread  abroad  that 
the  body  subjected  to  all  these  indignities  was  not 
Cromwell's.  Two  years  later,  a  French  traveller  in 
England  was  told  that  Cromwell  had  caused  the 


452  Oliver   Cromwell  [1658-1660] 

royal  tombs  in  Westminster  Abbey  to  be  opened 
and  the  bodies  transposed,  so  that  none  might 
know  where  his  own  body  was  laid.  Pepys  re- 
peated the  story  to  one  of  the  late  Protector's  chap- 
lains, who  answered,  "  That  he  believed  Cromwell 
never  had  so  poor  a  low  thought  in  him  as  to  trouble 
himself  about  it."  Another  rumour  was  that  Crom- 
well's body  was  secretly  conveyed  away,  and  buried 
at  dead  of  night  on  Naseby  Field.  According  to  a 
third,  Cromwell's  daughter,  Lady  Fauconberg,  fore- 
seeing changed  times,  had  ere  this  removed  her 
father's  body  from  Westminster,  and  reinterred  it 
in  a  vault  at  Newburgh  Abbey,  in  Yorkshire.  All 
these  stories  found,  and  find,  believers,  but  there  is 
no  reasonable  ground  for  doubting  that  it  was  Crom- 
well's body  which  hung  on  the  gallows  at  Tyburn, 
or  that  it  was  duly  buried  in  the  pit  beneath  them. 
Where  Connaught  Square  now  stands,  a  yard  or 
two  beneath  the  street,  trodden  under  foot  and 
beaten  by  horsehoofs,  lies  the  dust  of  the  great 
Protector. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

CROMWELL  AND   HIS   FAMILY 

MR.  LELY,"  said  Cromwell  to  the  painter, 
"  I  desire  you  would  use  all  your  skill  to 
paint  my  picture  truly  like  me,  and  not 
flatter  me  at  all ;  but  remark  all  these  roughnesses, 
pimples,  warts,  and  everything,  otherwise  I  never 
will  pay  a  farthing  for  it."  Doubtless  the  Protector 
would  have  given  a  similar  charge  to  his  biographers, 
but  their  task  is  more  difficult ;  much  contemporary 
evidence  is  merely  worthless  gossip,  much  is  vitiated 
by  party  spirit,  and  on  many  points  the  authorities 
are  silent. 

John  Maidston,  the  steward  of  Cromwell's  house- 
hold, supplies  us  with  what  he  terms  "  a  character  of 
his  person :  " 

"  His  body  was  well  compact  and  strong,  his  stature 
under  six  foot  (I  believe  about  two  inches),  his  head  so 
shaped  as  you  might  see  it  a  storehouse  and  a  shop  both 
of  a  vast  treasury  of  natural  parts.  His  temper  exceed- 
ing fiery,  as  I  have  known,  but  the  flame  of  it  kept  down 
for  the  most  part,  or  soon  allayed  with  those  moral  en- 
dowments he  had.  He  was  naturally  compassionate 


454  Oliver  Cromwell 

towards  objects  in  distress,  even  to  an  effeminate  meas- 
ure ;  though  God  had  made  him  a  heart,  wherein  was 
left  little  room  for  fear  but  what  was  due  to  himself,  of 
which  there  was  a  large  proportion,  yet  did  he  exceed 
in  tenderness  towards  sufferers.  A  larger  soul  I  think 
hath  seldom  dwelt  in  house  of  clay  than  his  was.  I  be- 
lieve if  his  story  were  impartially  transmitted,  and  the 
unprejudiced  world  well  possessed  with  it,  she  would 
add  him  to  her  nine  worthies." 

The  numerous  portraits  of  Cromwell  help  to  com- 
plete Maidston's  description.  Like  most  Puritan 
gentlemen  he  wore  his  hair  long;  the  thick  light 
brown  locks  which  began  to  grow  grey  before  he 
became  Protector  covered  his  collar  and  almost 
reached  his  shoulders.  His  eyes,  according  to  Cooper's 
and  Walker's  portraits,  were  blue  or  grey,  and  his 
eyebrows  strongly  marked.  His  nose  was  long, 
thick,  and  slightly  arched,  with  full  nostrils  —  the 
beak  of  a  vulture,  said  royalist  pamphleteers,  and 
even  political  friends  jested  about  its  size.  "  If  you 
prove  false,"  said  the  downright  Haslerig  to  Crom- 
well, "  I  will  never  trust  a  fellow  with  a  big  nose 
again."  The  mouth  was  large,  firm,  and  full-lipped. 
Strength,  not  grace,  marked  both  face  and  figure. 
But  the  rough-hewn  features  have  an  air  of  kindness 
and  sagacity  mingled  with  the  resolution  and  energy 
which  are  their  most  marked  characteristics.  In  some 
portraits  there  is  an  air  of  melancholy. 

The  dignity  of  the  Protector's  outward  bearing 
was  admitted  even  by  opponents : 

"  When  he  appeared  first  in  Parliament,"  writes  Claren 
don,  "  he  seemed  to  have  a  person  in  no  degree  gracious. 


(From  a  miniature  by  Cooper ;  in  the  Baptist  College  at  Bristol.) 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  455 

no  ornament  of  discourse,  none  of  those  talents  which 
use  to  reconcile  the  affections  of  the  standers  by  ;  yet  as 
he  grew  into  place  and  authority  his  parts  seemed  to  be 
renewed,  as  if  he  had  concealed  faculties  till  he  had  oc- 
casion to  use  them  ;  and  when  he  was  to  act  the  part  of 
a  great  man,  he  did  it  without  any  indecency  through 
the  want  of  custom." 

To  another  Royalist,  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  he  ap- 
peared "  of  a  great  and  majestic  deportment  and 
comely  presence,"  and  he  made  a  similar  impression 
on  foreign  observers. 

When  the  Protector  gave  audience  to  ambassadors 
or  received  official  deputations  an  elaborate  ceremo- 
nial of  a  quasi-regal  character  was  strictly  observed. 
Sir  Oliver  Fleming,  who  had  been  one  of  the  conti- 
nental agents  of  Charles  I.,  and  was  skilled  in  all  the 
niceties  of  diplomatic  etiquette,  acted  as  Cromwell's 
master  of  the  ceremonies.  But  the  Protector  transact- 
ed much  important  business  in  less  formal  interviews 
with  the  representatives  of  foreign  states.  He  was 
easily  accessible  to  his  subjects  in  general,  and  peti- 
tioners found  no  great  difficulty  in  putting  their 
grievances  before  him.  Opponents  of  his  policy 
were  allowed  opportunity  to  set  forth  their  objections, 
and  he  argued  with  them  freely  in  reply.  Even 
religious  enthusiasts  contrived  to  deliver  their  mes- 
sages from  the  Lord  or,  like  Fox,  to  explain  what 
their  religious  views  really  were.  About  three  times 
a  month  the  Protector  took  part  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  Council  of  State,  but  most  of  his  political  or 
administrative  work  was  transacted  with  small 


456  Oliver   Cromwell 

committees  or  with  Secretary  Thurloe  alone.     With 
these  trusted  councillors  he  freely  unbent. 

"  He  would  sometimes  be  very  cheerful  with  us,"  says 
Whitelocke,  "  and  laying  aside  his  greatness  he  would 
be  exceeding  familiar  with  us,  and  by  way  of  diversion 
would  make  verses  with  us,  and  everyone  must  try  his 
fancy.  He  commonly  called  for  tobacco,  pipes,  and  a 
candle,  and  would  now  and  then  take  tobacco  himself  ; 
then  he  would  fall  again  to  his  serious  and  great 
business." 

Whitelocke  also  gives  some  account  of  the  Pro- 
tector's recreations.  Cromwell  retained  throughout 
his  life  the  tastes  of  a  country  gentleman.  At  Hamp- 
ton Court  he  often  amused  himself  with  bowls,  but  his 
favourite  sports  were  hunting  and  hawking.  As  he 
rode  from  Worcester  to  London  after  his  victory  in 
1651,  he  diverted  himself,  on  the  way,  with  hawking, 
and  he  sometimes  practised  the  same  sport  on 
Hounslow  Heath  after  he  was  Protector.  When  he 
entertained  the  Swedish  Ambassador  at  Hampton 
Court  in  1654,  after  dinner  was  over  the  Protector, 
the  ambassador,  and  the  rest  of  the  company 
"  coursed  and  killed  a  fat  buck  "  in  the  park.  Crom- 
well was  a  bold  jumper,  and  it  was  noticed  that  the 
ambassador  "  would  not  adventure  to  leap  ditches 
after  the  Protector,  but  was  more  wary." 

Good  horses  of  every  kind  were  always  Cromwell's 
delight.  English  diplomatic  agents  in  the  Levant 
were  employed  to  procure  Arabs  and  Barbs  for  his 
riding  or  for  breeding  purposes.  "  Six  gallant  Flan- 
ders mares,  reddish  grey,"  had  drawn  the  General's 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  457 

coach  when  he  set  out  for  the  reconquest  of  Ireland, 
and  six  white  horses  drew  the  Protector's  coach  when 
it  conveyed  the  Spanish  Ambassador  to  his  place  of 
embarkation.  Of  these  white  horses  it  was  said  that 
they  were  a  finer  team  than  any  king  of  England  had 
ever  possessed.  Another  team  of  six  horses — present- 
ed by  the  Count  of  Oldenburg  in  1654 — ran  away  in 
Hyde  Park  when  the  Protector  himself  was  driving 
them.  Cromwell,  who  was  flung  off  the  box  upon 
the  pole,  got  entangled  in  the  harness,  and  was 
dragged  for  some  distance  by  one  foot,  but  he  es- 
caped in  the  end  with  nothing  more  than  a  few 
bruises.  Andrew  Marvell  and  George  Wither  both 
published  poems  celebrating  the  Protector's  deliver- 
ance, and  the  incident  furnished  several  royalist 
wits  with  a  theme  for  satires  and  epigrams. 

Another  recreation  which  found  great  favour  with 
Cromwell  was  music.  When  he  gave  a  banquet  to 
foreign  ambassadors  or  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  "  rare  music,  both  of  instruments  and 
voices,"  was  always  an  important  part  of  the  enter- 
tainment. The  same  thing  took  place  in  hours  of 
relaxation  or  domestic  festivities,  for  the  Protector, 
according  to  a  contemporary  biographer,  was  "  a  great 
lover  of  music,  and  entertained  the  most  skilful  in 
that  science  in  his  pay  and  family."  In  the  great 
hall  at  Hampton  Court  he  had  two  organs,  and  his 
organist,  John  Kingston,  was  a  pupil  of  Orlando 
Gibbons.  James  Quin,  a  student  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  who  had  been  deprived  of  his  place  by  the 
Puritan  visitors  of  that  university,  obtained  his  re- 
storation to  it  through  the  Protector's  love  of  music. 


458  Oliver  Cromwell 

Quin  was  not  a  very  skilful  singer,  but  he  had  a  bass 
voice  "  very  strong  and  exceeding  trolling."  Some 
of  his  friends  brought  him  into  the  company  of  the 
Protector,  "  who  loved  a  good  voice,  and  instrumental 
music  well."  Cromwell  "heard  him  sing  with  very 
great  delight,  liquored  him  with  sack,  and  in  conclu- 
sion said,  '  Mr.  Quin,  you  have  done  well ;  what  shall 
I  do  for  you  ?  '  To  which  Quin  made  answer,  with 
great  compliments,  that  his  Highness  would  be 
pleased  to  restore  him  to  his  student's  place,  which 
he  did  accordingly." 

A  few  other  notices  of  the  Protector's  personal 
habits  may  be  gleaned  from  contemporary  sources. 
In  his  diet  his  tastes  were  very  simple ;  according 
to  a  contemporary  pamphleteer,  it  was  "  spare  and 
not  curious  "  ;  no  "  French  quelquechoses  "  were  to 
be  found  on  his  table,  but  plain,  substantial  dishes. 
His  ordinary  drink,  according  to  the  same  authority, 
consisted  of  "  a  very  small  ale  "  known  by  the  name 
of  "Morning  Dew."  He  also  drank  freely  a  light 
wine  which  his  physicians  had  recommended  to  him 
as  good  for  his  health. 

In  dress  Cromwell's  tastes  were  marked  by  the 
same  simplicity.  When  he  expelled  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment in  1653,  he  was  wearing  "plain  black  clothes 
with  grey  worsted  stockings."  At  his  installation  in 
the  following  December  he  had  on  "  a  plain  black 
suit  and  cloak,"  though  a  few  weeks  later  when  he 
was  entertained  by  the  Lord  Mayor  he  wore  "a 
musk  colour  suit  and  coat  richly  embroidered  with 
gold."  When  Protector,  his  dress  was  naturally 
more  sumptuous  than  it  had  been  before,  and  Sir 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  459 

Philip  Warwick,  who  had  so  contemptuously  criti- 
cised the  cut  of  his  clothes  in  1640,  attributed  the 
improvement  in  his  appearance  to  a  better  tailor  as 
well  as  to  converse  with  better  company.  But  even 
then  a  young  Royalist  fresh  from  the  French  Court 
described  the  Protector  as  "  plain  in  his  apparell,"  and 
"  rather  affecting  a  negligence  than  a  genteel  garb." 
The  Protector's  household  was  naturally  organised 
on  a  more  magnificent  scale  than  that  which  had 
sufficed  him  as  General.  The  sum  allowed  for  its 
maintenance  was  sixty  thousand  pounds  during  the 
first  Protectorate,  and  a  hundred  thousand  pounds 
during  the  second.  But  many  other  expenses  were 
defrayed  from  this  fund,  and  Cromwell  spent  a  large 
amount  in  charity ;  according  to  one  biographer  as 
much  as  forty  thousand  pounds  a  year.  Speaking 
of  the  Protector's  second  installation,  and  the  in- 
creased state  which  was  its  consequence,  Sir  Philip 
Warwick  says :  "  Now  he  models  his  household  so 
that  it  might  have  some  resemblance  to  a  Court, 
and  his  liveries,  lackies,  and  yeomen  of  the  guard 
are  known  whom  they  belong  to  by  their  habit." 
The  forty  or  fifty  gentlemen  employed  in  the  in- 
ternal service  of  Whitehall  and  Hampton  Court,  or 
in  attendance  upon  the  Protector's  person,  wore 
coats  of  grey  cloth  with  black  velvet  collars,  and 
black  velvet  or  silver  lace  trimming.  And  besides 
these  "yeomen  of  the  guard  "  he  had  the  life-guard 
of  horse  which  has  been  mentioned  before.  All 
this  show  and  state  offended  many  rigid  Puritans,  to 
whom  even  the  semblance  of  a  Court  was  hateful. 
Others  held  that  it  was  "  necessary  for  the  honour  oi 


460  Oliver  Cromwell 

the  English  nation  "  that  its  head  should  be  sur- 
rounded by  a  certain  amount  of  pomp,  and  this 
opinion  was  generally  accepted. 

Both  newspapers  and  private  letters  make  fre- 
quent mention  of  the  Protector's  family.  When 
Cromwell  took  up  his  residence  at  Whitehall  in 
April,  1654,  his  aged  mother  removed  with  him. 
But  she  took  no  pleasure  in  her  son's  grandeur,  and 
it  was  said  that  she  "  very  much  mistrusted  the  issue 
of  affairs,  and  would  be  often  afraid  when  she  heard 
a  musket  that  her  son  was  shot,  being  exceedingly 
dissatisfied  unless  she  might  see  him  once  a  day  at 
least."  She  died  in  November,  1654,  in  her  ninety- 
fourth  year,  and  a  little  before  her  death,  gave  her 
blessing  to  her  son,  in  words  which  show  how 
fully  she  sympathised  with  the  aims  of  his  life. 
"The  Lord  cause  His  face  to  shine  upon  you,  and 
comfort  you  in  all  your  adversities,  and  enable  you 
to  do  great  things  for  the  glory  of  the  most  High 
God,  and  to  be  a  relief  unto  His  people.  My  dear 
son,  I  leave  my  heart  with  thee :  good  night." 

Of  the  Protector's  wife,  "  her  Highness  the  Pro- 
tectress "  as  she  was  officially  styled,  little  mention 
is  ever  made.  There  is  no  doubt  some  foundation 
for  the  account  of  her  methodical  and  economical 
management  of  the  Protector's  household,  which  is 
contained  in  a  contemporary  pamphlet,  but  the  main 
object  of  the  pamphleteer  was  to  sneer  at  her  "  sor- 
did frugality  "  and  unfitness  for  the  station  in  which 
fortune  had  placed  her.  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  while 
owning  that  Cromwell  "  had  much  natural  greatness 
and  well  became  the,  place  he  had  usurped," 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  461 

describes  his  wife  and  children  "  as  setting  up  for 
principality,"  which  suited  them  no  better  than  fine 
clothes  do  an  ape.  The  Protector's  daughters  ac- 
cording to  her  were  "  insolent  fools,"  with  one  ex- 
ception. The  exception  was  Bridget,  the  eldest, 
who  after  the  death  of  her  first  husband,  Ireton,  be- 
came the  wife  of  Lieutenant-General  Fleetwood. 
She  alone  "  was  humbled  and  not  exalted  with  these 
things." 

Elizabeth  Claypole,  the  Protector's  second  and 
favourite  daughter,  was  in  her  father's  opinion  in 
danger  "  of  being  cozened  with  worldly  vanities  and 
worldly  company,"  while  some  of  the  sharp  say- 
ings attributed  to  her  account  for  Mrs.  Hutchinson's 
severe  judgment.  On  the  other  hand  we  have  the 
evidence  of  James  Harrington,  the  author  of  Oceana, 
that  "  she  acted  the  part  of  a  princess  very  naturally, 
obliging  all  persons  with  her  civility,  and  frequently 
interceding  for  the  unhappy."  Harrington  owed  to 
her  the  restoration  of  the  confiscated  manuscript  of 
Oceana,  and  she  often  interceded  with  her  father 
on  behalf  of  imprisoned  Royalists.  Perhaps  it  was 
owing  to  this  that,  when  the  bodies  of  the  Protector 
and  Admiral  Blake  and  many  other  great  Parlia- 
mentarians were  exhumed  from  their  graves  in  West- 
minster Abbey,  hers  was  left  undisturbed,  and  lies 
there  still. 

Mary,  the  third  daughter,  who  was  born  in  1637, 
married  Thomas  Belasyse,  Lord  Fauconberg,  in 
November,  1657,  while  Frances,  the  youngest,  be- 
came in  the  same  month  the  wife  of  Robert  Rich, 
grandson  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 


462  Oliver  Cromwell 

Both  weddings  were  celebrated  by  festivities  which 
scandalised  some  Puritans.  The  wedding  feast  of 
Frances  was  kept  at  Whitehall,  "  when,"  says  a 
news-letter,  "  they  had  forty-eight  violins  and  much 
mirth  with  frolics,  besides  mixt  dancing,  (a  thing 
heretofore  accounted  profane)  till  five  of  the  clock 
yesterday  morning."  That  of  Mary  Cromwell  was 
at  Hampton  Court,  and  songs  for  the  occasion  were 
composed  by  Andrew  Marvell,  in  which  the  bride 
was  introduced  as  Cynthia,  Fauconberg  as  Endym- 
ion,  and  the  Protector  himself  as  Jove. 

Both  these  two  ladies  lived  to  see  the  Revolution, 
Mary  dying  in  1712,  and  Frances  in  1721.  Lady 
Fauconberg  was  childless,  and  Mrs.  Claypole's  child- 
ren died  unmarried.  But  after  the  death  of  Robert 
Rich,  Frances  Cromwell  married  Sir  John  Russell  of 
Chippenham,  and  from  her  or  her  sister  Bridget 
many  existing  families  can  trace  their  descent. 

The  Protector's  sons  fare  little  better  at  Mrs. 
Hutchinson's  hands  than  his  daughters.  According 
to  her,  Henry  Cromwell  and  his  brother-in-law  Clay- 
pole  were  "two  debauched,  ungodly  cavaliers," 
while  Richard  though  "  gentle  and  virtuous  "  was  yet 
a  "  peasant  in  his  nature  "  and  "  became  not  great- 
ness." Richard's  education  had  not  fitted  him  for 
greatness.  Cromwell,  until  his  second  Protectorate 
at  least,  never  contemplated  being  succeeded  in 
power  by  one  of  his  sons.  He  objected  on  principle 
to  hereditary  governments,  and  declared,  in  1655, 
that  if  Parliament  had  offered  to  make  the  Govern- 
ment hereditary  in  his  family  he  would  have  rejected 
it.  Rulers  should  be  chosen  for  their  love  to  God, 


RICHARD   CROMWELL. 
(From  a  drawing-  by  W.  Bond.) 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  463 

to  truth,  and  to  justice,  not  for  their  birth.  "  For 
as  it  is  in  the  Ecclesiastes,  who  knoweth  whether  he 
may  beget  a  fool  or  a  wise  man  ?  "  Cromwell  there- 
fore made  at  first  no  attempt  to  advance  either  of 
his  sons.  For  six  or  seven  years  after  his  marriage, 
Richard  lived  on  his  property  in  Hampshire,  devot- 
ing himself  to  hunting  and  other  amusements.  His 
father's  complaints  show  that  he  was  idle,  ran  into 
debt,  neglected  the  management  of  his  estate,  and 
made  "  pleasure  the  business  of  his  life."  In  No- 
vember, 1655,  however,  the  Protector  appointed  him 
one  of  the  Council  of  Trade,  in  order,  no  doubt,  to 
give  him  some  training  in  public  business.  In  1657, 
after  the  Protector's  second  installation,  a  further 
change  took  place.  Richard  was  suddenly  brought 
to  the  front ;  he  succeeded  his  father  as  Chancellor 
of  the  University  of  Oxford,  was  made  a  member  of 
the  Protector's  council,  and  was  given  the  command 
of  a  regiment  of  horse.  When  he  travelled  about 
the  country,  he  was  received  by  the  local  authorities 
as  if  he  were  the  destined  heir  of  his  father's  author- 
ity. It  was  a  poor  training  for  a  future  ruler,  and, 
after  he  became  Protector,  Richard  was  heard  to 
complain  that  "  he  had  thought  to  have  lived  as  a 
country  gentleman,  and  that  his  father  had  not 
employed  him  in  such  a  way  as  to  prepare  him  for 
such  employment ;  which  he  thought  he  did  de- 
signedly." Yet  though  Richard  showed  no  political 
ability  during  his  brief  reign,  he  was  far  from  being 
the  country  clown  which  royalist  satires  represented 
him.  In  his  public  appearances  he  displayed  a 
dignity  of  bearing  which  surprised  even  his  friends, 


464  Oliver  Cromwell 

and  an  oratorical  power  which  they  had  never  sus- 
pected. After  the  Restoration,  the  debts  which  he 
had  contracted  as  Protector,  and  the  jealous  suspi- 
cion with  which  the  Government  of  Charles  II.  always 
regarded  him,  obliged  him  to  live  many  years  in 
exile.  "  I  have  been  alone  thirty  years,"  he  wrote 
to  his  daughter  in  1690,  "  banished  and  under  silence, 
and  my  strength  and  safety  is  to  be  retired,  quiet,  and 
silent."  After  his  return  to  England,  which  took 
place  about  1680,  he  thought  it  safer  to  adopt  a 
feigned  name,  and  lived  in  complete  retirement.  He 
died  in  1712,  leaving  three  daughters,  and  his  eldest 
son,  who  died  in  1705,  left  no  issue. 

Henry  Cromwell,  though  a  man  of  much  greater 
natural  capacity  than  his  brother,  was  also  for  a 
time  kept  back  by  his  father.  From  1650  to  about 
1653,  he  was  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  horse  in 
Ireland,  and  was  reputed  to  be  a  good  officer.  In 
August,  1654,  the  Protector's  council  nominated  him 
to  command  the  forces  in  Ireland,  but  the  Protector 
was  reluctant  to  allow  his  son  to  take  the  post,  and 
kept  him  a  year  longer  in  England.  "  The  Lord 
knows,"  wrote  Cromwell  to  Fleetwood,  "  my  desire 
was  for  him  and  his  brother  to  have  lived  private 
lives  in  the  country;  and  Harry  knows  this  well, 
and  how  difficultly  I  was  persuaded  to  give  him  his 
commission."  As  Commander-in-chief  and  a  member 
of  the  Irish  council  Henry  proved  his  ability,  and  in 
November,  1657,  he  succeeded  his  brother-m-law, 
Fleetwood,  as  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland. 

His  task,  like  his  father's  task  in  England,  was  to 
establish  civil  government  in  place  of  military  rule, 


Cromwell  and  His  Family  465 

and  to  unite  all  Protestant  sects  in  support  of  the 
Protectorate.  He  had  many  difficulties  to  contend 
with,  both  political  and  financial ;  the  Anabaptists 
and  a  faction  amongst  the  officers  gave  continual 
trouble.  The  land  settlement  was  but  half  com- 
pleted, prosperity  was  slow  to  return,  and  order 
hard  to  re-establish.  Yet  he  was  more  successful 
than  could  have  been  expected,  and  with  the 
majority  of  the  Protestant  colony  in  Ireland  he 
gained  great  popularity.  Rigid  Puritans  held  that 
his  way  of  living  and  his  ostentation  in  dress  savoured 
too  much  of  the  world,  but  in  other  respects  his 
conduct  was  blameless.  His  chief  defect  was  an 
infirmity  of  temper.  He  was  very  sensitive  to  criti- 
cism and  very  impatient  of  opposition  ;  insomuch 
that  his  father  warned  him  against  making  it  a  busi- 
ness to  be  too  hard  for  his  opponents. 

It  is  sometimes  said  that  if  the  Protector  had 
made  Henry  his  successor  instead  of  Richard,  the 
Protectorate  might  have  lasted.  But  the  choice  of 
Cromwell  was  dictated  by  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed.  Among  his  councillors  and  generals 
there  was  no  man  whom  the  rest  would  willingly 
have  accepted  as  their  ruler,  and  of  his  sons 
Richard  was  far  more  acceptable  to  the  chief  sup- 
porters of  the  Protectorate  than  his  abler  and  more 
masterful  brother  would  have  been.  The  military 
cabal  which  overthrew  Richard  would  have  proved 
too  strong  for  Henry,  to  whom,  moreover,  some  of 
its  leaders  were  personally  hostile. 

A  month  after  the  fall  of  his  brother,  Henry  Crom- 
well resigned  the  government  of  Ireland,  and 


3P 

• 


V 

466  Oliver  Cromwell 

rejecting  all  the  overtures  of  the  Royalists,  acquiesced 
in  the  re-establishment  of  the  Republic.  He  declared 
that  he  had  formerly  had  an  honourable  opinion  of 
the  Republic,  but  was  satisfied  also  of  the  lawfulness 
of  the  "  late  government  under  a  single  person." 

**  And  whereas  my  father  (whom  I  hope  you  yet  look 
upon  as  no  inconsiderable  instrument  of  these  nations 
freedom  and  happiness),  and  since  him  my  brother,  were 
constituted  chief  in  those  administrations,  and  the  re- 
turning to  another  form  hath  been  looked  upon  as  an 
indignity  to  these  my  nearest  relations,  I  cannot  but 
acknowledge  my  own  weakness  to  the  sudden  digesting 
thereof,  and  my  own  unfitness  to  serve  you. 
And  as  I  cannot  promote  anything  which  infers  the 
diminution  of  my  late  father's  honour  and  merit,  so  I 
thank  the  Lord,  for  that  He  hath  kept  me  safe  in  the 
great  temptation,  wherewith  I  have  been  assaulted  to 
withdraw  my  affection  from  that  cause  wherein  he  lived 
and  died." 

At  the  Restoration,  Henry,  thanks  to  his  friends 
amongst  the  Royalists,  and  to  the  moderation  with 
which  he  had  used  his  power,  was  not  molested, 
though  he  lost  a  portion  of  his  estates  by  the  change. 
He  lived  in  retirement  on  his  property  in  Cambridge- 
shire, dying  there  in  1674.  Henry's  great-grandson, 
Oliver  Cromwell  of  Cheshunt,  who  died  in  1821,  was 
the  last  descendant  of  the  Protector  in  the  male  line. 


HENRY    CROMWELL. 
(From  a  drawing  by  W.  Bond,) 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

EPILOGUE 

THITHER  as  a  soldier  or  as  a  statesman  Crom- 

•  j 

.  well  was  far  greater  than  any  Englishman  of 
his  time,  and  he  was  both  soldier  and  states- 
man in  one.  We  must  look  to  Caesar  or  Napoleon 
to  find  a  parallel  for  this  union  of  high  political  and 
military  ability  in  one  man.  Cromwell  was  not  as 
great  a  man  as  Caesar  or  Napoleon,  and  he  played 
his  part  on  a  smaller  stage,  but  he  ''bestrode  the 
narrow  world  "  of  Puritan  England  "  like  a  colossus." 
As  a  soldier  he  not  only  won  great  victories,  but 
created  the  instrument  with  which  he  won  them. 
Out  of  the  military  chaos  which  existed  when  the 
war  began  he  organised  the  force  which  made  Puri- 
tanism victorious.  The  New  Model  and  the  armies 
of  the  Republic  and  the  Protectorate  were  but  his 
regiment  of  Ironsides  on  a  larger  scale.  As  in  that 
regiment,  the  officers  were  carefully  chosen.  If  pos- 
sible, they  were  gentlemen  ;  if  gentlemen  could  not 
be  had,  plain  yeomen  or  citizens ;  in  any  case,  "  men 
patient  of  wants,  faithful  and  conscientious  in  their 
employment."  Character  as  well  as  military  skill 
was  requisite.  A  colonel  once  complained  that  a 


468  Oliver  Cromwell 

captain  whom  Cromwell  had  appointed  to  his  regi- 
ment was  a  better  preacher  than  fighter.  "  Truly," 
answered  Cromwell,  "  I  think  that  he  that  prays  and 
preaches  best  will  fight  best.  I  know  nothing  that 
will  give  the  like  courage  and  confidence  as  the 
knowledge  of  God  in  Christ  will.  I  assure  you  he 
is  a  good  man  and  a  good  officer."  Inefficiency,  on 
the  other  hand,  certain  heresies  which  were  regarded 
as  particularly  blasphemous,  and  moral  backslidings 
in  general,  led  at  once  to  the  cashiering  of  any  officer 
found  guilty  of  them. 

Officers,  it  has  been  well  said,  are  the  soul  of  an 
army ;  and  the  efficiency  and  good  conduct  which 
Cromwell  required  of  his,  they  exacted  from  the 
rank  and  file.  Most  of  the  private  soldiers  were 
volunteers,  though  there  were  many  pressed  men 
amongst  them,  and  it  cannot  be  said  that  all  those 
who  fought  for  Puritanism  were  saints  in  any  sense 
of  the  word.  But  regular  pay  and  severe  discipline 
made  them  in  peace  the  best  conducted  soldiers  in 
Europe,  and  in  war  an  army  *'  who  could  go  any- 
where and  do  anything."  A  common  spirit  bound 
men  and  officers  together.  It  was  their  pride  that 
they  were  not  a  mere  mercenary  army,  but  men  who 
fought  for  principles  as  well  as  for  pay.  Cromwell 
succeeded  in  inspiring  them  not  only  with  implicit 
confidence  in  his  leadership,  but  with  something  of 
his  own  high  enthusiasm.  He  had  the  power  of  in- 
fluencing masses  of  men  which  Napoleon  possessed. 
So  he  made  an  army  on  which,  as  Clarendon  said, 
"  victory  seemed  entailed  "  -  "  an  army  whose  or- 
der and  discipline,  whose  sobriety  and  manners. 


Epilogue  469 


whose  courage  and  success,  made  it  famous  and  ter- 
rible over  the  world." 

Cromwell's  victories,  however,  were  due  to  his 
own  military  genius  even  more  than  to  the  quality 
of  his  troops.  The  most  remarkable  thing  in  his 
military  career  is  that  it  began  so  late.  Most  suc- 
cessful generals  have  been  trained  to  arms  from  their 
youth,  but  Cromwell  was  forty-three  years  old  be- 
fore he  heard  a  shot  fired  or  set  a  squadron  in  the 
field.  How  was  it,  people  often  ask,  that  an  un- 
trained country  gentleman  beat  soldiers  who  had 
learnt  their  trade  under  the  most  famous  captains  in 
Europe  ?  The  answer  is  that  Cromwell  had  a  natu- 
ral aptitude  for  war,  and  that  circumstances  were 
singularly  favourable  to  its  rapid  and  full  develop- 
ment. At  the  outset  of  the  war  he  showed  an  en- 
ergy, a  resolution,  and  a  judgment  which  proved  his 
possession  of  those  qualities  of  intellect  and  charac- 
ter which  war  demands  of  leaders.  The  peculiar 
nature  of  the  war,  the  absence  of  any  general  direc- 
tion, and  the  disorganisation  of  the  parliamentary 
forces  gave  him  free  scope  for  the  exercise  of  these 
qualities.  In  the  early  part  of  the  war  each  local 
leader  fought  for  his  own  hand,  and  conducted  a 
little  campaign  of  his  own.  Subordinate  officers 
possessed  a  freedom  of  action  which  subordinates 
rarely  get,  and  with  independence  and  responsibility 
good  men  ripened  fast.  At  first,  Cromwell  was 
matched  against  opponents  as  untrained  as  himself, 
till  by  constant  fighting  he  learnt  how  to  fight.  In 
a  happy  phrase  Marvell  speaks  of  Cromwell's  "  in- 
dustrious valour."  If  he  learnt  the  lessons  of  war 


470  Oliver  Cromwell 

quicker  than  other  men  it  was  because  he  concen- 
trated all  his  faculties  on  the  task,  let  no  opportunity 
slip,  and  made  every  experience  fruitful. 

It  was  as  a  leader  of  cavalry  that  Cromwell  earned 
his  first  laurels.  In  attack  he  was  sudden  and  irre- 
sistibly vigorous.  Like  Rupert  he  loved  to  head  his 
charging  troopers  himself,  but  in  the  heat  of  battle 
he  controlled  them  with  a  firmer  hand.  When  the 
enemy  immediately  opposed  to  him  was  broken  he 
turned  a  vigilant  eye  on  the  battle,  ready  to  throw 
his  victorious  squadrons  into  the  scale,  either  to  re- 
dress the  balance  or  to  complete  the  victory.  At 
Marston  Moor,  as  on  many  another  field,  he  proved 
that  he  possessed  that  faculty  of  coming  to  a  prompt 
and  sure  conclusion  in  sudden  emergencies  which 
Napier  terms  "  the  sure  mark  of  a  master  spirit  in 
war."  When  the  fate  of  the  battle  was  once  de- 
cided he  launched  forth  his  swordsmen  in  swift  and 
unsparing  pursuit.  "  We  had  the  execution  of  them 
two  or  three  miles  "  is  the  grim  phrase  in  which  he 
describes  the  conclusion  of  his  fight  at  Grantham, 
and  after  Naseby  Cromwell's  cavalry  pursued  for 
twelve  miles. 

When  he  rose  to  command  an  army,  Cromwell's 
management  of  it  in  battle  was  marked  by  the  same 
characteristics  as  his  handling  of  his  division  of  cav- 
alry. In  the  early  battles  of  the  Civil  War  there 
was  a  strong  family  likeness :  there  was  an  absence 
of  any  generalship  on  either  side.  The  general-in- 
chief  exhibited  his  skill  by  his  method  of  drawing  up 
his  army  and  his  choice  of  a  position  ;  but  when  the 
battle  began  the  army  seemed  to  slip  from  his 


Epilogue  471 


control.  Each  commander  of  a  division  acted  inde- 
pendently ;  there  was  little  co-operation  between  the 
different  parts  of  the  army  ;  there  was  no  sign  of  a 
directing  brain.  Cromwell,  on  the  other  hand,  di- 
rected the  movements  of  his  army  with  the  same 
purposeful  energy  with  which  he  controlled  his 
troopers.  Its  different  divisions  had  each  their  de- 
finite task  assigned  to  them,  and  their  movements 
were  so  combined  that  each  played  its  part  in  carry- 
ing out  the  general  plan.  The  best  example  of 
Cromwell's  tactical  skill  is  the  battle  of  Dunbar. 
There,  though  far  inferior  in  numbers,  Cromwell 
held  in  check  half  the  enemy's  army  with  his  artil- 
lery and  a  fraction  of  his  forces,  while  he  attacked 
with  all  his  strength  the  key  of  the  enemy's  position, 
and  decided  the  fate  of  the  day  by  bringing  a  strong 
reserve  into  action  at  the  crisis  of  the  battle.  When- 
ever the  victory  was  gained  it  was  utilised  to 
the  utmost.  At  Dunbar  the  Scots  lost  thirteen 
thousand  men  out  of  twenty-two  thousand  ;  after 
Preston  less  than  a  third  of  Hamilton's  army  suc- 
ceeded in  effecting  their  return  to  Scotland :  after 
Worcester,  not  one  troop  or  one  company  made 
good  its  retreat. 

Cromwell's  strategy,  compared  with  that  of  con- 
temporary generals,  was  remarkable  for  boldness  and 
vigour.  It  reflected  the  energy  of  his  character,  but 
it  was  originally  dictated  by  political  as  well  as  mili- 
tary considerations.  "  Without  the  speedy,  vigor- 
ous, and  effectual  prosecution  of  the  war,"  he 
declared  in  1644,  the  nation  would  force  Parliament  to 
make  peace  on  any  terms.  "  Lingering  proceedings, 


9 

472  Oliver  Cromwell 

like  those  of  soldiers  beyond  seas  to  spin  out  a 
war,"  must  be  abandoned,  or  the  cause  of  Puritanism 
would  be  lost.  Therefore,  instead  of  imitating  the 
cautious  defensive  system  popular  with  professional 
soldiers,  he  adopted  a  system  which  promised  more 
decisive  results.  "  Cromwell,"  says  a  military  critic, 
"  was  the  first  great  exponent  of  the  modern  method 
of  war.  His  was  the  strategy  of  Napoleon  and  Von 
Moltke,  the  strategy  which,  neglecting  fortresses  and 
the  means  of  artificial  defence  as  of  secondary  im- 
portance, strikes  first  at  the  army  in  the  field." 

In  his  Preston  campaign  Cromwell  had  to  deal 
with  an  invading  army  more  than  twice  the  strength 
of  his  own,  which  ventured  because  of  that  superior- 
ity to  advance  without  sufficient  scouting  and  with- 
out sufficient  concentration.  He  might  have  thrown 
himself  across  Hamilton's  path  and  sought  to  drive 
him  back ;  he  chose  instead  to  fall  upon  the  flank  of 
the  Scots,  and  thrust  his  compact  little  force  Le- 
tween  them  and  Scotland.  Thus  he  separated  the 
different  divisions  of  Hamilton's  army,  drove  Hamil- 
ton with  each  blow  farther  from  his  supports,  and 
inflicted  on  him  a  crushing  defeat  instead  of  a  mere 
repulse.  In  1650  and  1651,  Cromwell  had  a  much 
harder  task  given  him.  He  had  to  invade  a  country 
which  presented  many  natural  difficulties,  and  which 
was  defended  by  an  army  larger  than  his  own  under 
the  command  of  a  man  who  was  a  master  of  defens- 
ive strategy.  All  his  efforts  to  make  Leslie  fight  a 
pitched  battle  in  the  open  field  completely  failed, 
until  one  mistake  gave  him  the  opportunity  which 
he  seized  with  such  promptitude  at  Dunbar.  In  the 


Epilogue  473 


campaign  of  1651,  Cromwell  found  himself  brought 
to  a  standstill  once  more  by  Leslie's  Fabian  tactics. 
As  Leslie  gave  him  no  opportunity  he  had  to  make 
one,  and  with  wise  audacity  left  the  way  to  England 
open  in  order  to  tempt  the  Scots  into  the  invasion 
which  proved  their  destruction. 

In  his  Irish  campaigns  Cromwell  had  an  entirely 
different  problem  to  solve.  The  opposing  armies 
were  too  weak  to  face  him  in  the  field  and  too  nimble 
to  be  brought  to  bay.  The  strength  of  the  enemy 
consisted  in  the  natural  and  artificial  obstacles  with 
which  the  country  abounded  :  fortified  cities  com- 
manding points  of  strategic  value ;  mountains  and 
bogs  facilitating  guerrilla  warfare  ;  an  unhealthy  cli- 
mate, a  hostile  people,  a  country  so  wasted  that  the 
invader  must  draw  most  of  his  supplies  from  England. 
Under  these  conditions  the  war  was  a  war  of  sieges, 
forays,  and  laborious  marches,  but  there  were  no  great 
battles.  Cromwell  combined  the  operations  of  his 
army  and  his  fleet  so  as  to  utilise  to  the  full  England's 
command  of  the  seas.  He  attacked  the  seaports  first, 
and  after  mastering  them  secured  the  strong  places 
which  would  give  him  the  control  of  the  rivers,  thus 
gradually  tightening  his  grasp  on  the  country  till  its 
complete  subjugation  became  only  a  matter  of  time. 

Opinions  may  differ  as  to  the  comparative  merits 
of  these  different  campaigns.  What  remains  clear  is 
that  Cromwell  could  adapt  his  strategy  with  unfail- 
ing success  to  the  conditions  of  the  theatre  in  which 
he  waged  war  and  to  the  character  of  the  antagonists 
he  had  to  meet.  His  military  genius  was  equal  to 
every  duty  which  fate  imposed  upon  him. 


474  Oliver  Cromwell 

Experts  alone  can  determine  Cromwell's  precise 
place  amongst  great  generals.  Cromwell  himself 
would  have  held  it  the  highest  honour  to  be  classed 
with  Gustavus  Adolphus  either  as  soldier  or  states- 
man. Each  was  the  organiser  of  the  army  he  led  to 
victory,  each  an  innovator  in  war — Gustavus  in  tactics, 
Cromwell  in  strategy.  Gustavus  was  the  champion 
of  European  Protestantism  as  Oliver  wished  to  be, 
and  each  while  fighting  for  his  creed  contrived  to 
further  also  the  material  interests  of  his  country. 
But  whatever  similarity  existed  between  their  aims 
the  position  of  an  hereditary  monarch  and  an  usurper 
are  too  different  for  the  parallel  to  be  a  complete  one. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  familiar  comparison  of  Crom- 
well with  Napoleon  is  justified  rather  by  the  resem- 
blance between  their  careers  than  by  any  likeness 
between  their  characters.  Each  was  the  child  of  a 
revolution,  brought  by  military  success  to  the  front 
rank,  and  raised  by  his  own  act  to  the  highest.  Each, 
after  domestic  convulsions,  laboured  to  rebuild  the 
fabric  of  civil  government,  and  to  found  the  State 
on  a  new  basis.  But  the  revolutions  which  raised 
them  to  power  were  of  a  different  nature  and  de- 
manded different  qualities  in  the  two  rulers. 

Cromwell's  character  has  been  the  subject  of  con- 
troversies which  have  hardly  yet  died  away.  Most 
contemporaries  judged  him  with  great  severity.  To 
Royalists  he  seemed  simply,  as  Clarendon  said,  "  a 
brave,  bad  man."  Yet  while  Clarendon  condemned 
he  could  not  refrain  from  admiration,  for  though  the 
usurper  "  had  all  the  wickedness  against  which  damna- 
tion is  pronounced,  and  for  which  hell  fire  is  prepared, 


Epilogue  475 


so  he  had  some  virtues  which  have  caused  the  memory 
of  some  men  in  all  ages  to  be  celebrated."  Though 
he  was  a  tyrant  he  was  "  not  a  man  of  blood,"  and 
he  possessed  not  only  "  a  wonderful  understanding 
in  the  natures  and  humours  of  men,"  but  also  "a 
great  spirit,  an  admirable  circumspection  and  sagac 
ity,  and  a  most  magnanimous  resolution." 

The  Republicans  regarded  the  Protector  as  a  self- 
seeking  apostate.  "  In  all  his  changes,"  said  Lud- 
low,  "  he  designed  nothing  but  to  advance  himself." 
He  sacrificed  the  public  cause  "  to  the  idol  of  his 
own  ambition."  All  was  going  well  with  the  State, 
a  political  millennium  was  at  hand,  "  and  the  nation 
likely  to  attain  in  a  short  time  that  measure  of  hap- 
piness which  human  things  are  capable  of,  when  by 
the  ambition  of  one  man  the  hopes  and  expectations 
of  all  good  men  were  disappointed." 

Baxter,  a  Presbyterian,  though  as  convinced  an 
opponent  of  the  Protector  as  Ludlow,  was  a  more 
generous  critic.  According  to  him,  Cromwell  was  a 
good  man  who  fell  before  a  great  temptation.  He 

"  meant  honestly  in  the  main,  and  was  pious  and  con- 
scionable  in  the  main  course  of  his  life,  till  prosper- 
ity and  success  corrupted  him.  Then  his  general 
religious  zeal  gave  way  to  ambition,  which  increased  as 
successes  increased.  When  his  successes  had  broken 
down  all  considerable  opposition  then  was  he  in  face  of 
his  strongest  temptations,  which  conquered  him  as  he 
had  conquered  others." 

But  like  Milton's  Satan,  even  after  his  fall  "  all  his 
original  virtue  was  not  lost."  As  ruler  of  England 


476  Oliver  Cromwell 

"  it  was  his  design  to  do  good  in  the  main,  and  to 
promote  the  interest  of  God  more  than  any  had 
done  before  him." 

Eighteenth-century  writers  judged  Cromwell  with 
the  same  severity  as  his  contemporaries.  "  Crom- 
well, damned  to  everlasting  fame,"  served  Pope  to 
point  a  moral  against  the  desire  of  making  a  name  in 
the  world.  Voltaire  summed  up  Cromwell  as  half 
knave,  half  fanatic,  and  Hume  termed  him  a  hypo- 
critical fanatic.  Even  as  late  as  1839,  John  Forster 
quoted  as  "indisputably  true"  Landor's  verdict 
that  Cromwell  lived  a  hypocrite  and  died  a  traitor. 

Six  years  later,  Carlyle  published  his  collection  of 
Cromwell's  Letters  and  Speeches,  which  for  every  un- 
prejudiced reader  effectually  dispelled  the  theory  of 
Cromwell's  hypocrisy.  "  Not  a  man  of  falsehoods, 
but  a  man  of  truths,"  was  Carlyle's  conclusion,  and 
subsequent  historians  and  biographers  have  accepted 
it  as  sound.  It  is  less  easy  to  answer  the  question 
whether  Cromwell  was  a  fanatic  or  not.  Fanaticism, 
like  orthodoxy,  is  a  word  which  means  one  thing  to 
one  man  and  something  else  to  the  next,  and  to  many 
besides  Hume  enthusiast  and  fanatic  are  synonym- 
ous terms.  It  is  plain,  however,  that  Cromwell  was 
a  statesman  of  a  different  order  from  most.  Relig- 
ious rather  than  political  principles  guided  his  action, 
and  his  political  ideals  were  the  direct  outcome  of 
his  creed.  Not  that  purely  political  considerations 
exercised  no  influence  on  his  policy,  but  that  their 
influence  instead  of  being  paramount  was  in  his  case 
of  only  secondary  importance. 

In  one  of  his  speeches  Cromwell  states  in  very 


Epilogue  477 


explicit  language  the  rule  which  he  followed  in  his 
public  life.  "  I  have  been  called  to  several  employ- 
ments in  this  nation,  and  I  did  endeavour  to  dis- 
charge the  duty  of  an  honest  man  to  God  and  His 
people's  interest,  and  to  this  Commonwealth." 

What  did  these  phrases  mean  ?  If  anyone  had 
asked  Cromwell  what  his  duty  to  God  was  in  public 
affairs,  he  would  have  answered  that  it  was  to  do 
God's  will.  "  We  all  desire,"  he  said  to  his  brother 
officers  in  1647,  "  to  lay  this  as  the  foundation  of  all 
our  actions,  to  do  that  which  is  the  will  of  God." 
He  urged  them  to  deliberate  well  before  acting, 
"  that  we  may  see  that  the  things  we  do  have  the 
will  of  God  in  them."  For  to  act  inconsiderately 
was  to  incur  the  risk  of  acting  counter  to  God's  de- 
sign, and  so  "  to  be  found  fighting  against  God." 

But,  in  the  maze  of  English  politics,  how  were 
men  to  ascertain  what  that  will  was  ?  Some  Puritans 
claimed  to  have  had  it  directly  revealed  to  them,  and 
put  forward  their  personal  convictions  as  the  dic- 
tates of  Heaven.  Cromwell  never  did  so.  "  I  can- 
not say,"  he  declared  in  a  prayer-meeting  where  such 
revelations  had  been  alleged,  "  that  I  have  received 
anything  that  I  can  speak  as  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord."  He  believed  that  men  might  still  "  be  spoken 
unto  by  the  Spirit  of  God,"  but  when  these  "  divine 
impressions  and  divine  discoveries  "  were  made  ar- 
guments for  political  action,  they  must  be  received 
with  the  greatest  caution.  For  the  danger  of  self- 
deception  was  very  real.  "  We  are  very  apt,  all  of 
us,"  said  he,  "  to  call  that  Faith,  that  perhaps  may 
be  but  carnal  imagination."  Once  he  warned  the 


478  Oliver  Cromwell 

Scottish  clergy  that  there  was  "  a  carnal  confidence 
upon  misunderstood  and  misapplied  precepts  "  which 
might  be  termed  "  spiritual  drunkenness." 

For  his  own  part,  Cromwell  believed  in  "  dispensa- 
tions "  rather  than  "  revelations."  Since  all  things 
which  happened  in  the  world  were  determined  by 
God's  will,  the  statesman's  problem  was  to  discover 
the  hidden  purpose  which  underlay  events.  When 
he  announced  his  victory  at  Preston  he  bade  Parlia- 
ment enquire  "  what  the  mind  of  God  is  in  all  that 
and  what  our  duty  is."  "  Seek  to  know  what  the 
mind  of  God  is  in  all  that  chain  of  Providence,"  was 
his  counsel  to  his  doubting  friend,  Colonel  Ham- 
mond. With  Cromwell,  in  every  political  crisis  this 
attempt  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  events  was  part 
of  the  mental  process  which  preceded  action.  As  it 
was  difficult  to  be  sure  what  that  meaning  was,  he 
was  often  slow  to  make  up  his  mind,  preferring  to 
watch  events  a  little  longer  and  to  allow  them  to  de- 
velop in  order  to  get  more  light.  This  slowness  was 
not  the  result  of  indecision,  but  a  deliberate  suspen- 
sion of  judgment.  When  his  mind  was  made  up 
there  was  no  hesitation,  no  looking  back ;  he  struck 
with  the  same  energy  in  politics  as  in  war. 

This  system  of  being  guided  by  events  had  its  dan- 
gers. Political  inconsistency  is  generally  attributed 
to  dishonesty,  and  Cromwell's  inconsistency  was 
open  and  palpable.  One  year  he  was  foremost  in 
pressing  for  an  agreement  with  the  King,  another 
foremost  in  bringing  him  to  the  block  ;  now  all  for 
a  republic,  now  all  for  a  government  with  some  ele- 
ment of  monarchy  in  it.  His  changes  of  policy  were 


Epilogue  479 


&o  sudden  that  even  friends  found  it  difficult  to  ex- 
cuse them.  A  pamphleteer,  who  believed  in  the 
honesty  of  Cromwell's  motives,  lamented  his  "  sud- 
den engaging  for  and  sudden  turning  from  things," 
as  arguing  inconstancy  and  want  of  foresight.  More- 
over the  effect  of  this  inconsistency  was  aggravated 
by  the  violent  zeal  with  which  Cromwell  threw  him- 
self into  the  execution  of  each  new  policy.  It  was 
part  of  his  nature,  like  "  the  exceeding  fiery  temper  " 
mentioned  by  his  steward.  "  I  am  often  taken,"  said 
Cromwell  in  1647,  "  for  one  that  goes  too  fast,"  add- 
ing that  men  of  such  a  kind  were  disposed  to  think 
the  dangers  in  their  way  rather  imaginary  than  real, 
and  sometimes  to  make  more  haste  than  good  speed. 
This  piece  of  self-criticism  was  just,  and  it  explains 
some  of  his  mistakes.  The  forcible  dissolution  of  the 
Long  Parliament  in  1653  would  never  have  taken 
place  if  Cromwell  had  fully  appreciated  the  dangers 
which  it  would  bring  upon  the  Puritan  cause. 

On  the  other  hand,  this  failure  to  look  far  enough 
ahead,  while  it  detracts  from  Cromwell's  statesman- 
ship, helps  to  vindicate  his  integrity.  He  was  too 
much  taken  up  with  the  necessities  of  the  present  to 
devise  a  deep-laid  scheme  for  making  himself  great. 
He  told  the  French  Ambassador  in  1647,  with  a  sort 
of  surprise,  that  a  man  never  rose  so  high  as  when  he 
did  not  know  where  he  was  going.  To  his  Parlia- 
ments he  spoke  of  himself  as  having  seen  nothing  in 
God's  dispensations  long  beforehand.  "  These  issues 
and  events,"  he  said  in  1656,  "  have  not  been  fore- 
cast, but  were  sudden  providences  in  things."  By 
this  series  of  unforeseen  events,  necessitating  first  one 


480  Oliver  Cromwell 

step  on  his  part  and  then  the  next,  he  had  been 
raised  to  the  post  of  Protector.  "  I  did  out  of  neces- 
sity undertake  that  business,"  said  he,  "  which  place 
I  undertook,  not  so  much  out  of  a  hope  of  doing  any 
good,  as  out  of  a  desire  to  prevent  mischief  and  evil 
which  I  did  see  was  imminent  in  the  nation." 

Conscious,  therefore,  that  he  had  not  plotted  to 
bring  about  his  own  elevation,  Cromwell  resented 
nothing  so  much  as  the  charge  that  he  had  "  made 
the  necessities  "  to  which  it  was  due.  For  it  was  not 
merely  an  imputation  on  his  own  honesty,  but  a  kind 
of  atheism,  as  if  the  world  was  governed  by  the  craft 
of  men,  not  by  the  wisdom  of  God.  People  said, 
"  It  was  the  cunning  of  my  Lord  Protector  that  hath 
brought  it  about,"  when  in  reality  these  great  revolu- 
tions were  "  God's  revolutions."  "  Whatsoever  you 
may  judge  men  for,  however  you  may  say  this  is  cun- 
ning, and  politic,  and  subtle,  take  heed  how  you  judge 
His  revolutions  as  the  product  of  men's  invention." 

Cromwell  said  this  with  perfect  sincerity.  He  felt 
that  he  was  but  a  blind  instrument  in  the  hands  of  a 
higher  power.  Yet  he  had  shaped  the  issue  of 
events  with  such  power  and  had  imposed  his  inter- 
pretation of  their  meaning  upon  them  with  such 
decision,  that  neither  contemporaries  nor  historians 
could  limit  to  so  little  the  sphere  of  his  free  will. 

It  was  possible  to  "  make  too  much  of  outward 
dispensations,"  and  Cromwell  owned  that  perhaps 
he  did  so.  His  system  of  being  guided  by  events 
instead  of  revelations  did  not  put  an  end  to  the 
possibility  of  self-deception,  though  it  made  it  less 
likely.  "  Men,"  as  Shakespeare  says,  "  may  construe 


Epilogue  481 


things  after  their  fashion  clean  from  the  pur- 
pose of  the  things  themselves."  But  if  Cromwell 
sometimes  mistook  the  meaning  of  facts  he  never 
failed  to  realise  their  importance.  "  If  the  fact  be 
so,"  he  once  said,  **  why  should  we  sport  with  it?" 
and  the  saying  is  a  characteristic  one.  He  was 
therefore  more  practical  and  less  visionary  than 
other  statesmen  of  his  party  ;  more  open-minded 
and  better  able  to  adapt  his  policy  to  the  changing 
circumstances  and  changing  needs  of  the  times.  To 
many  contemporary  politicians,  the  exact  carrying 
out  of  some  cut -and -dried  political  programme 
seemed  the  height  of  political  wisdom.  The  Level- 
lers with  their  Agreement  of  the  People  and  the 
Scottish  Presbyterians  with  their  Covenant  are 
typical  examples.  The  persistent  adhesion  of  the 
Covenanters  to  their  old  formulas,  in  spite  of  defeats 
and  altered  conditions,  Cromwell  regarded  as  blind- 
ness to  the  teaching  of  events.  They  were  blind  to 
God's  great  dispensations,  he  told  the  Scottish 
ministers,  out  of  mere  wilfulness,  "  because  the  things 
did  not  work  forth  their  platform,  and  the  great 
God  did  not  come  down  to  their  minds  and  thoughts." 
He  would  have  felt  himself  guilty  of  the  same  fault 
if  he  had  obstinately  adhered  either  to  a  republic  or 
a  monarchy  under  all  circumstances.  Forms  of 
government  were  neither  good  nor  bad  in  them- 
selves. Either  form  might  be  good  :  it  depended 
on  the  condition  of  England  at  the  moment,  on  the 
temper  of  the  people,  on  the  question  which  was 
more  compatible  with  the  welfare  of  the  Cause, 
which  more  answerable  to  God's  purpose  as  revealed 


9 

482  Oliver  Cromwell 

in  events.  It  was  reported  that  Cromwell  had  said 
that  it  was  lawful  to  pass  through  all  forms  to 
accomplish  his  ends,  and  if  "  forms  "  be  taken  to 
mean  forms  of  government,  and  "  ends  "  political 
aims,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  thought  so. 
However  much  he  varied  his  means,  his  ends  re- 
mained the  same. 

To  understand  what  Cromwell's  political  aims 
were,  it  is  necessary  to  enquire  what  he  meant  when 
he  spoke  of  his  discharging  his  duty  to  "  the  interest 
of  the  people  of  God  and  this  Commonwealth." 
The  order  in  which  he  places  them  is  in  itself 
significant.  First,  he  put  the  duty  to  a  section  of  the 
English  people  ;  last,  the  duty  to  the  English  people 
in  general.  Cromwell  was  full  of  patriotic  pride. 
Once,  when  he  was  enumerating  to  Parliament  the 
dangers  which  threatened  the  State,  he  wound  up  by 
saying  that  the  enumeration  should  cause  no  de- 
spondency, "  as  truly  I  think  it  will  not ;  for  we  are 
Englishmen  :  that  is  one  good  fact."  "  The  English," 
he  said  on  another  occasion,  "are  a  people  that  have 
been  like  other  nations,  sometimes  up  and  sometimes 
down  in  our  honour  in  the  world,  but  never  yet  so  low 
but  we  might  measure  with  other  nations."  Several 
times  in  his  speeches  he  termed  the  English  "  the 
best  people  in  the  world."  Best,  because  "  having 
the  highest  and  clearest  profession  amongst  them  of 
the  greatest  glory — namely,  religion."  Best,  because 
in  the  midst  of  the  English  people  there  was  as  it 
were  another  people,  "  a  people  that  are  to  God  as 
the  apple  of  His  eye,"  "  His  peculiar  interest,"  "  the 
people  of  God."  "  When  I  say  the  people  of  God/' 


Epilogue  483 


he  explained,  "  I  mean  the  large  comprehension  of 
them  under  the  several  forms  of  godliness  in  this 
nation  "  ;  or,  in  other  words,  all  sects  of  Puritans. 

To  Cromwell  the  interest  of  the  people  of  God 
and  the  interest  of  the  nation  were  two  distinct 
things,  but  he  did  not  think  them  irreconcilable. 
"  He  sings  sweetly,"  said  Cromwell,  "  that  sings  a 
song  of  reconciliation  between  these  two  interests, 
and  it  is  a  pitiful  fancy  to  think  they  are  incon- 
sistent." At  the  same  time  the  liberty  of  the 
people  of  God  was  more  important  than  the  civil 
liberty  and  interest  of  the  nation,  "  which  is  and 
ought  to  be  subordinate  to  the  more  peculiar  in- 
terest of  God,  yet  is  the  next  best  God  hath  given 
men  in  this  world."  Religious  freedom  was  more 
important  than  political  freedom.  Cromwell  em- 
phatically condemned  the  politicians  who  said,  "  If 
we  could  but  exercise  wisdom  to  gain  civil  liberty, 
religion  would  follow."  Such  men  were  "  men  of  a 
hesitating  spirit,"  and  "  under  the  bondage  of 
scruples."  They  were  little  better  than  the  carnal 
men  who  cared  for  none  of  these  things.  They 
could  never  "  rise  to  such  a  spiritual  heat  "  as  the 
Cause  demanded.  Yet  the  truth  was  that  half  the 
Republican  party  and  an  overwhelming  majority 
of  the  English  people  held  the  view  which  he 
condemned. 

Cromwell  wished  to  govern  constitutionally.  No 
theory  of  the  divine  right  of  an  able  man  to  govern 
the  incapable  multitude  blinded  his  eyes  to  the  fact 
that  self-government  was  the  inheritance  and  right  of 
the  English  people.  He  accepted  in  the  main  the 


484  Oliver  Cromwell 

first  principle  of  democracy,  the  doctrine  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people,  or,  as  he  phrased  it,  "  that 
the  foundation  of  supremacy  is  in  the  people  and  to 
be  by  them  set  down  in  their  representatives."  More 
than  once  he  declared  that  the  good  of  the  governed 
was  the  supreme  end  of  all  governments,  and  he 
claimed  that  his  own  government  acted  "  for  the  good 
of  the  people,  and  for  their  interest,  .and  without 
respect  had  to  any  other  interest."  \  But  govern- 
ment for  the  people  did  not  necessarily  mean  govern- 
ment by  the  people.  "  That 's  the  question,"  said 
Cromwell,  "  what 's  for  their  good,  not  what  pleases 
them,"  and  the  history  of  the  Protectorate  was  a 
commentary  on  this  text.  Some  stable  government 
was  necessary  to  prevent  either  a  return  to  anarchy 
or  the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts.  Therefore  he  was 
determined  to  maintain  his  own  government,  with 
the  assistance  of  Parliament  if  possible,  without  it  if 
he  must.  If  it  became  necessary  to  suspend  for  a 
time  the  liberties  of  the  subject  or  to  levy  taxes  with- 
out parliamentary  sanction,  he  was  prepared  to  do  it. 
In  the  end  the  English  people  would  recognise  that 
he  had  acted  for  their  good.  "  Ask  them,"  said  he, 
"  whether  they  would  prefer  the  having  of  their  will, 
though  it  be  their  destruction,  rather  than  comply 
with  things  of  necessity?"  He  felt  confident  the 
answer  would  be  in  his  favour. 

England  might  have  acquiesced  in  this  temporary 
dictatorship  in  the  hope  of  a  gradual  return  to  con-   , 
stitutional  government.     What  it  could   not  accept 
was  the  permanent  limitation  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people  in  the  interest  of  the  Puritan  minority 


STATUE   OF  CROMWELL,    BY  THORNEYCROFT. 

ERECTED  AT  WESTMINSTER  IN   1899. 


Epilogue  485 


whom  Cromwell  termed  the  people  of  God.  Yet  it 
was  at  this  object  that  all  the  constitutional  settle- 
ments of  the  Protectorate  aimed.  It  was  in  the 
interest  of  this  minority  that  the  Instrument  of 
Government  restricted  the  power  of  Parliament  and 
made  the  Protector  the  guardian  of  the  constitution. 
It  was  in  their  interest  that  the  Petition  and  Advice 
re-established  a  House  of  Lords.  That  House,  as 
Thurloe  said,  was  intended  "  to  preserve  the  good 
interest  against  the  uncertainty  of  the  Commons, 
House,"  for,  as  another  Cromwellian  confessed  "  the 
spirit  of  the  Commons  had  little  affinity  with  or 
respect  to  the  Cause  of  God." 

Cromwell  trusted  that  the  real  benefits  his  govern- 
ment conferred  would  reconcile  the  majority  of  the 
nation  to  the  rule  of  the  minority  and  "  win  the 
people  to  the  interest  of  Jesus  Christ."  Thus  the 
long  hostility  between  the  people  and  "  the  people 
of  God  "  would  end  at  last  in  reconciliation. 

It  was  a  fallacious  hope.  Puritanism  was  spend- 
ing its  strength  in  the  vain  endeavour  to  make  Eng- 
land Puritan  by  force.  The  enthusiasm  which  had 
undertaken  to  transform  the  world  was  being  con- 
formed to  it.  A  change  was  coming  over  the  party 
which  supported  the  Protector;  it  had  lost  many  of 
the  "  men  of  conscience  " ;  it  had  attracted  many 
of  the  time-servers  and  camp-followers  of  politics; 
it  was  ceasing  to  be  a  party  held  together  by  re- 
ligious interests,  and  becoming  a  coalition  held  to- 
gether by  material  interests  and  political  necessities. 
Cromwell  once  rebuked  the  Scottish  clergy  for 
"  meddling  with  worldly  policies  and  mixtures  of 


486  Oliver  Cromwell 

worldly  power"  to  set  up  that  which  they  called 
"  the  kingdom  of  Christ,"  and  warned  them  that 
"  the  Sion  promised  "  would  not  be  built  "  with 
such  untempered  mortar."  He  had  fallen  into  the 
same  error  himself,  and  the  rule  of  Puritanism  was 
founded  on  shifting  sands.  So  the  Protector's  in- 
stitutions perished  with  him  and  his  work  ended  in 
apparent  failure.  Yet  he  had  achieved  great  things. 
Thanks  to  his  sword  absolute  monarchy  failed  to 
take  root  in  English  soil.  Thanks  to  his  sword 
Great  Britain  emerged  from  the  chaos  of  the  civil 
wars  one  strong  state  instead  of  three  separate  and 
hostile  communities.  Nor  were  the  results  of  his 
action  entirely  negative.  The  ideas  which  inspired 
his  policy  exerted  a  lasting  influence  on  the  develop- 
ment of  the  English  state.  Thirty  years  after  his 
death  the  religious  liberty  for  which  he  fought  was 
established  by  law.  The  union  with  Scotland  and 
Ireland,  which  the  statesmen  of  the  Restoration 
undid,  the  statesmen  of  the  eighteenth  century 
effected.  The  mastery  of  the  seas  he  had  desired 
to  gain,  and  the  Greater  Britain  he  had  sought  to 
build  up  became  sober  realities.  Thus  others  per- 
fected the  work  which  he  had  designed  and  at- 
tempted. 

Cromwell  remained  throughout  his  life  too  much 
the  champion  of  a  party  to  be  accepted  as  a  national 
hero  by  later  generations,  but  in  serving  his  Cause 
he  served  his  country  too.  No  English  ruler  did 
more  to  shape  the  future  of  the  land  he  governed, 
none  showed  more  clearly  in  his  acts  the  "  plain 
heroic  magnitude  of  mind." 


INDEX 


"Agitators,"  158,   166-167,  176, 

186 
"  Agreement  of  the  People,"  177, 

183,  236-237 
Alablaster,  Dr.,  17 
Anabaptists,   HI,  147,   150-151, 

360,  437,  465 
Antinomianism,  147,  150 
Argyle,    Marquis   of,    204,    276, 

287,  293 

Arminianism,  16-18,  147,  360 
Army    of    the    Commonwealth, 

corporate  feeling  in,  247-248  ; 

Levellers'   principles    rife   in, 

248-249;  expenditure  on,  435  ; 

reduction  of, 41 5, 437;  character 

of,  under  Cromwell,  468-469 
Ayscue,  Sir  George,  309,  315 


B 


Baillie,  Major-General  William, 

200,  202,  298 

Barbadoes,  392,  394,  401,  406 
Barnard,  Robert,  31-32 
Basing  House,  132-133 
Bast  wick,  John,  22 
Bath,  capture  of,  132 
Baxter,   Richard,    147-148,  345, 

360,  475 
Beard,  Dr.,  17 
Berkeley,  Sir  William,  392 
Berwick,  Treaty  of,  42 


Bethell,  Major,  131 
Biddle,  John,  365-366 
Birmingham,      Parliamentarians 

supported  by,  71 
Blair,  Robert,  296 
Blake,  Admiral  Robert,  308,  312, 

315,  377-378,  382,  461 
Bradock  Down  battle,  87 
Bradshaw,  John,  219,  222-223, 

307-308,  324,  451 
Brandenburg,  385,  387 
Brayne,  Major-General  William, 

406 

Brentford  battle,  82 
Bridgewater,  capture  of,  131 
Bristol,  88,  132,  136 
Broghill,  Lord,  421 
Buckingham,  Duke  of,  13-16 
Burnet,  Bishop,  297-298,  388 
Burton,  Henry,  22 
Byron,  Lord,  103,  105 


Caesar,  Cromwell  compared  with, 
467 

Cambridge,  Parliamentarians 
supported  by,  71 

Carisbrooke  Castle,  184 

Carlyle,  cited,  260,  476 

Catholics,  intolerance  and  per- 
secution of,  IO-H,  265,  267- 
268,  344,  359,  361-362 ;  es- 
tablishment of  Catholicism  in 
Ireland  offered  by  Charles, 


487 


488 


Index 


Catholics  —  Continued 

137  ;  establishment  denied, 
157  ;  union  with  Royalists  in 
Ireland,  255,  261-262  ;  Duke 
of  Lorraine  invited  to  Ireland 
by,  263  ;  conversion  of,  at- 
tempted, 268-271,  274 

Cavaliers,  see  Royalists. 

Chancery,  Court  of,  332 

Charles!.,  Buckingham  favoured 
by,  13-14 ;  forced  loans  ex- 
acted by,  14-15  ;  Parliament 
adjourned  by,  for  eleven  years, 
17-19  ;  financial  measures  of, 
20 ;  foreign  policy  of,  23-24 ; 
attempt  to  crush  Scots,  41-46; 
efforts  to  save  Strafford,  52- 
53  ;  resources  of,  in  Civil  War, 
77-78  ;  movements  during 
Civil  War,  103,  in,  113,  129- 
130,  133-134,  139,  153  ;  offers 
three  years'  establishment  of 
Presbyterianism,  154  ;  re- 
moved to  Holmby  House, 
155  ;  plays  off  Parliament 
against  Army,  173,  186  ;  flees 
to  Carisbrooke,  184  ;  intrigues 
with  Scots,  184,  186  ;  con- 
cludes "The  Engagement" 
with  Scots,  188  ;  makes  treaty 
with  Parliamentary  Commis- 
sioners, 207-208  ;  brought  to 
Windsor,  216  ;  indictment, 
217 ;  trial,  220-223  :  takes 
leave  of  his  children,  225- 
226 ;  execution,  226-229  5  fu- 
neral, 230  ;  revenue  of,  in  1633, 
246 

Charles  II.,  proclaimed  king  in 
Edinburgh,  276 ;  reaches  Edin- 
burgh, 278  ;  gains  influence  in 
Scotland,  287-288  ;  advances 
on  England,  289-290 ;  de- 
feated*at  Worcester,  291-292  ; 
flees  to  France,  293  ;  supported 
by  Spain,  382  ;  foreign  policy 
of,  compared  with  Cromwell's, 
388  ;  proclaimed  in  Virginia, 
392  ;  colonial  policy  of,  com- 
pared with  Cromwell's,  408 ; 


offers  reward  for  assassination 
of  Cromwell,  438  ;  restoration 
of,  449 

Charles  Gustavus,  King  of  Swe- 
den, 380-381,  384-387 

Chester,  Royalists  supported  by, 

?i 

Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  373 
Church     reform,    332,    337~338, 

358r36o 

Clanricarde,  Earl  of,  263 
Clarendon,    Earl    of,    388,    454, 

474.     See  Hyde,  Edward. 
Claypole,  John,  141,  421 
Cleveland,  John,  356 
Clonmel,  262-263 
"  Clubmen,"  135 
Colchester,  siege  of,  195,  203 
Committee  of   Both    Kingdoms, 

loo,  123-125 
Conde,  Prince  of,  310,  373,  375, 

384 

Connecticut,  391,  396 
Cony,  George,  418 
Cooper,  Sir  Anthony  Ashley,  431 
Council   of    the    North,   21-22, 

note  3 

Covenanters,  rise  of,  41-42 
Cowley,  Abraham,  356 
Crawford,  Major-Gen.  Laurence, 

106,  108,  in,  151 
Cromwell,  Bridget,  461 
Cromwell,  Elizabeth  (Claypole), 

441,  461 
Cromwell,  Elizabeth  (mother  of 

Protector),  460 
Cromwell,     Elizabeth    (wife    of 

Protector),  8,  460-461 
Cromwell,  Frances,  141,  441 
Cromwell,  Henry,  3 
Cromwell,    Henry  (son   of   Pro- 
tector), 141,  264,  446,  462,  464, 

466 
Cromwell,     Henry     (cousin      of 

Protector),  73 
Cromwell,  Mary,  141,  461 
Cromwell,  Oliver  : 

Historical  Sequence  of  Career  : 

Birth  and  boyhood,  4-5  ;  Cam- 
bridge     days,     5-7  ;      legal 


Index 


489 


Cromwell.  Oliver — Continued 
studies,  7  ;  marriage,  7  ; 
elected  for  Huntingdon,  8  ; 
defies  order  for  adjourn- 
ment of  Parliament,  18  ;  suc- 
ceeds Sir  Thomas  Cromwell 
at  Ely,  28  ;  emigration  con- 
templated, 37  ;  work  in 
Long  Parliament,  49 ;  raises 
regiment  of  horse,  91  ;  vic- 
tories at  Grantham,  94  ; 
defeats  Colonel  Cavendish, 
96 ;  made  governor  of  Isle 
of  Ely,  98  ;  retreats  to  Lin- 
coln, 98 ;  victorious  at  Wince- 
by,  99  ;  appointed  member 
of  Committee  of  Both  King- 
doms, 100;  appointed  Lieut. - 
General  of  army  of  Eastern 
Association,  100 ;  Marston 
Moor,  105-108 ;  Newbury, 
113 ;  arraigns  Manchester 
in  House  of  Commons,  115  ; 
joins  Waller  in  the  west, 
119;  successes  at  Islip  and 
Bampton,  124  ;  appointed 
Lieut. -General  under  Fair- 
fax, 126  ;  Naseby,  127-129  ; 
Langport,  130-131  ;  Basing, 
132—133;  disperses  "Club- 
men," 136  ;  defeats  Went- 
worth,  137 ;  thanked  and 
rewarded  by  Parliament, 
139 ;  removes  family  from 
Ely  to  London,  141  ;  illness 
(1647),  159  ;  interviews  with 
Elector  Palatine,  160  ;  sup- 
ports Army  against  Parlia- 
ment, 163,  212-213  ;  sanc- 
tions the  seizure  of  Charles 
I.,  165  ;  suspected  by  In- 
dependents, 175,  191 ; recon- 
ciled to  Rainsborough,  190 ; 
campaign  in  Wales,  194 ; 
campaign  against  Hamilton, 
198-203  ;  at  Charles's  trial, 
219 ;  ojiells  mutiny  in  the 

VBBZ*3$iH5£f  ^pointed 
Lord  JLieuTenant  and  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  in  Ireland, 


258  ;  campaign  in  Ireland, 
258-262 ;  illness,  261  ;  re- 
turn to  England,  263  ;  ap- 
pointed Captain-General  and 
Commander-in-Chief ,  280 ; 
campaign  in  Scotland,  280- 
292  ;  illness,  288 ;  defeats 
Charles  II.  at  Worcester, 
291-292 ;  triumphal  entry 
into  London,  300  ;  disserves 
LongParliament.  32^ ;  nomi- 
nates Parliamentary  Assem- 
bly  of  140  members,  329 ; 
refuses  position  of  king, 
337  ;  installed  as  Protector, 
341  ;  Chancellor  of  Oxford 
(1651-1657),  355  ;  concludes 
treaties  with  Holland,  Swe- 
den, Denmark,  and  Portu- 
gal, 372-374  ;  struggle  with 
Parliament,  410-414  ;  re- 
duces the  army,  415,  437; 
summons  his  second  Parlia- 
ment, 419  ;  attempted  assas- 
sination of,  421  ;  refuses 
title  of  king,  422-423,  426 ; 
second  time  installed  as  Pro- 
tector (1657),  426  ;  financial 
difficulties,  434-435  ;  illness 
and  death  of,  441-443  ',  fu- 
neral, /|/|/^  ;  corpse  dis- 
honoured, 451 

Personal  Characteristics  : 

Affection  for  his  wife,  8 

Appearance,  453~454 

Compassion,  453-454 

Conciliatory  policy,  250-251 

Courage,  292,  440 

Energy,  469,  471 

Enthusiasm,  no,  192,  476,  485 

Fatalism,  252 

Geniality,  148,  454,  456 

Hot  temper,  148,  453 

Ill-health,  440 

Integrity,  474,  477 

Large-mindedness,  481,  486 

Military  ability,  198,  467,  469- 

473 
Moderation    and   good   sense, 

181,  353,  367 


490 


Index 


Cromwell,  Oliver—  Continued 
Opportunism,  igi,  478 
Recreations.  456-458 
Religious  views,  35,36;  doubts, 

38-40 

Severity  of  discipline,  197 
Simplicity  of  tastes,  458 
Tolerance,  150-153,  168,  205- 
206,  211,  307,  343,  367-369. 
420 

Cromwell,  Oliver  (uncle  of  Pro- 
tector), 3,  9,  73 

Cromwell,  Captain  Oliver  (son  of 
Protector),  no,  141 

Cromwell,  Sir  Richard,  1-3,  8 

Cromwell,  Richard  (son  of  Pro- 
tector), 141,  436,443,  446,462- 

465 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  1-3,  10 
Cropredy  Bridge  battle,  Hi 


Denmark.  238,  371,  374,  3^7 
Derby,  Earl  of,  291 
Dering,  Sir  Edward,  bill  of,  56 
Desborough,  Col.  John,  131,  301, 

426,  445 

Dorislaus,  Dr.,  murder  of,  238 
Doyley,  Col.  Edward,  406-407 
Drogheda,  259-260 
Dunbar,  280-284,  471 
Dunkirk,  311,  384 
Durham,    college    founded     at, 

355-356 


Eastern  Association,  90,  100 

Edgehill,  73,  79-80 

Education,  Cromwell's  care  for, 

353-357 

Eikon  Basilike,  240 
Eliot,  Sir  John,  14-15,  18,  22,  25 
Elizabeth,     Princess,     Charles's 

farewell  to,  225-226 
Elizabeth,    Queen,    position    of 

Parliament  under,  9,  n 
"Engagement,  The,"  188 
"  Engagers,"  disabilities  of,  205 


English  nation, Cromwell's  estim- 
ate of,  482 

Episcopacy,  abolition  of,  advoc- 
ated, 54 

Essex,  Earl  of,  60,  68,  79-83, 
86,  103 

Evelyn,  John,  cited,  449 


Fairfax,  Ferdinando,  Lord,  95, 
99,  103,  106-107,  in 

Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  afterwards 
Lord,  movements  in  Civil 
War,  95,  98,  103-104,  106, 
124,  127-129,  137-138  ;  ap- 
pointed General  of  Parlia- 
mentary forces,  118  ;  charac- 
teristics and  appearance  of, 
122  ;  urges  Cromwell's  ap- 
pointment as  Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral,  126  ;  asked  to  represent 
soldiers'  grievances  to  Parlia- 
ment, 158  ;  orders  rendez- 
vous of  whole  army,  163 ; 
arrives  at  Hounslow,  171  ; 
marches  against  Scots,  193  ; 
siege  of  Colchester,  195, 
203  ;  executes  Lucas  and  Lisle, 
210  ;  occupies  London,  214  ; 
takes  no  part  in  trial  of 
Charles,  224  ;  quells  mutiny 
in  army,  249-250  ;  retires  from 
command,  279-280 

Falkland,  Lord,  56 

Fauconberg,  Lord,  433,  461 

Fens,  Cromwell's  championship 
of  commoners  in,  32-34 

Fiennes,  Nathaniel,  49,  54 

Fifth-Monarchy  men,   360,  367. 

433,  437 
Fleet,  Charles  I.  acknowledged 

by,  194  ;  under  Prince  Rupert, 

196,    241  ;    improvement   and 

increase  in,  247  ;  expenditure 

on,  435 
Fleetwood,   Colonel,   afterwards 

Lieut.-Gen.,  Charles,  150, 158. 

263,  282,  291,  426,  445 


Index 


49 1 


Fleming,  Sir  Oliver,  455 
Forster,  John,  estimate  of  Crom- 
well, 476 
Fortescue,  Major-General,   402- 

403 

Fox,  George,  363-364,  441 
France,  hostility  of,  to  England, 
238-239,  241 ;  Charles  II. 's 
flight  to,  293  ;  refuses  to  recog- 
nise English  republic,  309  ; 
recognises  it,  312  ;  pernicious 
effect  on  English  youth,  353  ; 
hostilities  between  England 
and,  371  ;  negotiations  with, 
regarding  alliance,  375~377  ; 
protects  Vaudois,  378  ;  treaty 
with,  380,  383  ;  Acadia  taken 
from,  398  ;  ceded  to,  408 


Gainsborough,  95,  98-99 
Gauden,  Dr.  John,  Eikon  Basi- 

like  written  by,  240 
Germany,  238 
Gibraltar,    Cromwell's   proposal 

regarding,  381,  382 
Gloucester,  Duke  of,  225,  301 
Gloucester,  siege  of,  88 
Goring,  Lord,  70,  107,  119,  130- 

131,  135,  137 
Grantham,  battle  of,  470 
Graves,  Colonel,   164 
Grenville,  Sir  John,  308 
Grenville,  Sir  Richard,  135 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  23,  25,  30, 

131,  474 

H 

Hacker,  Col.  Francis,  226-227 
Hale,  Matthew,  305 
Hallam,  cited,  346-347 
Hamilton,    Marquis,   afterwards 

Duke  of,  42,  196-203,  472 
Hammond,    Col.    Robert,     185, 

212,  252 
Hampden,  John,  37,  48,  54,  62 

note,  81-82,  86-87 
Hampton  Court,  184-185 


Harrington,    James,     233,    389, 

393,  46i 

Harrison,  Major-Gen.  Thomas, 
150,  184,  290-291,  318,  323, 
328,  415,  437 

Haslerig,  Sir  Arthur,  49,  60,  62 
note,  321-322,  430-431,  454 

Henry  VIII.,  2-3,  9-10 

Hinchinbrook,  4,  9,  165 

Holland,  ambassadors  of,  appeal 
to  Parliament  on  behalf  of 
Charles  I.,  224  ;  sympathy 
with  Charles  II.,  238,  241  ; 
war  between  England  and, 
312-315,  334,  371  ;  treaty 
with  (1654),  372,  398  ;  hostili- 
ties against,  in  New  England, 

394,  396-397 
Holland,  Lord,  70,  196 
Holies,  Denzil,  48,  62  note,  82 
Hooke,  William,  397 
Hopton,  Sir  Ralph,   74,  87-88, 

103,  137-138 

Hotham,  Sir  John,  65,  94 
Huguenots,  Cromwell's  interest 

in,  311 
Hull,  65,  75 
Hume  cited,  476 
Huntingdon,  4,  8 
Hutchinson,  Col.  John,  72 
Hutchinson,  Mrs.,  460-463 
Hyde,  Edward,  56,  64,  66,  243. 

See  Clarendon,  Earl  of. 


Independency,  rise  of,  II,  144- 
146  ;  strong  in  the  army,  147  ; 
Cromwell  a  type  of,  149 

Independents,  intolerance  to- 
wards, 152-153  ;  Cromwell  dis- 
trusted by,  191  ;  hostility  to 
Charles,  208  seq.  ;  represented 
among  the  Triers,  359  ;  power- 
less and  divided,  449 

Ingoldsby,  Col.  Richard,  224 

Ireland,  condition  of,  under 
Wentworth,  22-23;  rebellion 
of  (1641),  57-60  ;  Charles's 


492 


Index 


Ireland — Continued 
treaty  with  rebels  in,  137  ; 
Ormond  unable  to  crush  rebel- 
lion in,  157  ;  reluctance  of 
soldiers  to  serve  in,  248-249  ; 
national  hostility  to,  256-257. 
262  ;  Cromwell's  campaigns  in, 
258-263,  473  ;  devastation  and 
misery  of,  264 ;  land  settle- 
ment system  of  Cromwell, 
265-267,  275  ;  education  in, 
269  ;  economic  policy  of  Crom- 
well in,  271-272  ;  representa- 
tion of,  in  English  Parliament, 
272-273  ;  commercial  and 
agricultural  ruin  of,  274  ; 
Henry  Cromwell  commander 
in,  464 

Ireton,  Major-Gen.  Henry,  at 
Naseby,  128  ;  Cromwell's 
daughter  married  to,  141  ; 
sympathies  with  Independents, 
150  ;  sent  by  Parliament  to 
quiet  soldiers,  158 ;  Declara- 
tion of  the  Army  formulated 
by,  168  ;  Proposals  submitted 
to  Charles  by,  172-173  ;  dis- 
trusted by  Charles,  175  ;  sup- 
ports Cromwell  in  further 
appeal  to  Charles,  176  ;  op- 
poses manhood  suffrage,  179  ; 
readiness  in  debate,  181  ; 
urges  Parliament  to  settle 
regardless  of  Charles,  189  ; 
captures  Waterford  and  Lim- 
erick, 263;  advises  friendly 
overtures  to  Scots,  284  ;  his 
death,  263;  corpse  dishonoured, 

451 

"Ironside,"  origin  of  title,  109 
Islip,  123 


J 


Jamaica,  conquest  of,  401-407 
408 

James  I.,  4,  11-13 

Jews,  Cromwell's  attitude  to- 
wards, 362-363 


Jones,  Col.   Michael,   256,   258, 

261 
Juxon,  Bishop,  225-228 

K 

Knighthood  fines,  20 


Lambert,  Major-Gen.  John,  de- 
feats Langdale  and  Musgrave, 
196  ;  Hamilton  capitulates  to, 
203  ;  at  Doon  Hill,  282-283  ', 
conquers  Brown  at  Inverkeith- 
ing,  289  ;  success  of,  against 
Charles  II.,  290-291  ;  hostility 
of,  to  Long  Parliament,  318  ; 
character  and  political  views 
of,  327-328  ;  advocates  written 
constitution,  336  ;  urges  Crom- 
well to  take  chief  power,  337, 
340  ;  resists  proposal  for  Crom- 
well to  accept  kingship,  424, 
426  ;  opposes  Parliament,  447 

Landor  cited,  476 

Langdale,  Sir  Marmaduke,  128, 
199,  200 

Langport,  battle  of,  130-131 

Laud,  William,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  25-27, 
35-36,  41,  51 

Law  reform,  304-305,  332,  347- 
351 

Leicester  sacked  by  Royalists, 
125 

Leslie,  Alexander,  afterwards 
Earl  of  Leven,  45,  46,  103, 
106-107,  no,  134 

Leslie,  David,  106-108,  134, 
280-284,  288-289,  473 

Levellers,  184,  244-245,  335, 
383,  413 

Leverett,  Capt.  John,  397-398 

Lilburn,  John,  prisoner  in  the 
Fleet,  49;  appeals  to  "su- 
preme authority  of  the  nation," 
146  ;  Cromwell's  patronage  of, 
149  ;  reproaches  Cromwell  for 


Index 


493 


Lilburn,  John  —  Continued 
attitude  towards  army,  160- 
161  ;  attacks  Cromwell,  176  ; 
accuses  Cromwell  of  high 
treason,  191  ;  Levellers  repre- 
sented by,  245  ;  return  and 
trial  of,  335 

Lilburn,  Col.  Robert,  defeats 
the  Earl  of  Derby,  291 

Limerick,  siege  of,  263 

Lincoln,  97-99,  103 

Lockhart,  Sir  William,  383 

London,  Parliamentarians  sup- 
ported by,  71,  89;  feeling  of, 
against  Independents,  159, 
170  ;  unwilling  to  restore 
Charles  unconditionally,  196  ; 
demands  personal  treaty  with 
Charles,  207  ;  occupied  by 
Fairfax,  214;  represented  by 
only  one  citizen  in  Common- 
wealth Parliament,  235  ;  Pres- 
byterian party  strong  in,  243  ; 
blames  Cromwell's  foreign 
policy,  387 

Lorraine,  Duke  of,  136 

Lostwithiel,  112 

Louis  XIV.,  434 

Ludlow,  Col.,  afterwards  Lieut. - 
Gen.,  Edmund,  160,  190,  230, 
250,  263,  303-304,  344,  4i8- 
419,  475 


Maidstone,  John,  441,  449,  453 

Major-Generals,  the,  352,  419- 
421,  423 

Manchester,  71 

Manchester,  Earl  of,  military 
operations  of,  98,  103-104 ; 
Cromwell's  influence  over, 
100;  Cromwell's  influence  lost, 
in  ;  dilatoriness  of,  111-114; 
defends  himself  against  Crom- 
well in  House  of  Lords,  1 15 

Manly,  Sir  Richard,  49 

Mardyke,  383-384 


Marston  Moor,  104-108 
Marten,    Harry,   49,    174,    218, 

219,  237 
Marvell,     Andrew,      310,     356, 

387,  443,  462,  469 
Maryland,  394 
Massachusetts,     319,     395~397i 

404-405 
Maynard,  116 
Mazarin,    Cardinal,    310,    311, 

362 
Milton,    John,    233,    240,    245, 

307,  356,  366 
Moltke,  von,  472 
Monk,  General  George,  256,282- 

283,  290,  293-294,   297,    315, 

334,  414,  44&-448 
Montrose,  Marquis  of,  134,  241, 

278-279 


N 


Nantwich,  103 

Napoleon,  Cromwell  compared 
with,  346-347,  467,  474 

Naseby,  127-129,  151,  470 

Navy,  see  Fleet 

Naylor,  James,  365,  420 

Neile,  Dr.,  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, 17 

New  Haven  (New  England), 
390,  396,  405 

Newark,  95,  139 

Newbury,  battle  of,  112-113 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  98,  103 

Newcastle     Propositions,     153, 

174 

Newdigate,  Judge,  417-418 
Newmarket,  165-166 
Nottingham,  68,  75 


O'Neill,  Hugh,  262 

O'Neill,  Owen,  see  Roe,  Owen. 

Ormond,    Lord    Lieutenant    of 

Ireland,    102,   157,   255,    258, 

263 


494 


Index 


Overton,  Major-General,  415, 
437  . 

Oxenstiern,  409 

Oxford  (town),  Parliamentarians 
supported  by,  71  ;  Charles  I. 
established  at,  81  ;  Queen 
joins  Charles  at,  87,  88  ;  left 
by  Charles  and  threatened  by 
Parliament,  103  ;  besieged  by 
Fairfax,  124,  138  ;  surrender, 
139 ;  artillery  at,  seized  by 
army,  163 

Oxford  (University),  71,  78,  355- 
356,  463 


Pack,  Alderman,  422-423 

Palatine,  Elector,  160 

Parliament,  position  of,  under 
Henry  VIII.  and  Elizabeth, 
9;  under  James  I.,  12-13 

Parliament,  Long,  unlimited 
powers  of,  after  abolition  of 
monarchy,  233-234 ;  non-rep- 
resentative character  of,  235  ; 
Scottish  envoys  expelled  by, 
276 ;  settlement  of  Scotland 
arranged  by,  294  ;  illegal  con- 
fiscations of,  315  ;  forcible  dis- 
solution of,  323  ;  restoration 
of  (1659),  446-447 

Penn,  Admiral  William,  377, 
400,  402 

Penruddock,  Colonel  John,  415 

Pepys,  Samuel,  388,  451 

Peters,  Hugh,  300,  450 

Petition  and  Advice,  the,  424- 
427,  430-431 

Petition  of  Right,  16 

Philip  IV.  of  Spain,  382 

Pignerol,  Treaty  of,  378 

Plymouth  (Devon),  77 

Plymouth  (New  England),  391 
396 

Poland,  380-381,  384-385 

Portugal,  370,  374 

Poyer,  Colonel,  193,  194 

Poyntz,Major-General,  134  169 
170 


Prelacy,  361 

Presbyterianism,  rise  of,  1 1 ; 
growth  of,  in  England,  143- 
145  ;  Charles  offers  to  grant 
establishment  of,  for  three 
years,  154 

Presbyterians,  Charles's  offers 
refused  by,  251  ;  Royalists 
distrusted  by,  243  ;  terms  im- 
posed on  Charles  II.  by,  277- 
278  ;  division  among,  286 ; 
represented  among  the  Triers, 

359 

Preston,  199-200,  471,  472 

Pride,  Colonel,  214-215,  251, 
283 

Prynne,  William,  22 

Puritanism,  rise  of,  10-11; 
Strafford's  opinion  of,  27  ; 
lectureships,  35-36  ;  outlook 
in  1638,  40 ;  Cromwell's  na- 
tional policy  regarding,  485 

Pym,  John,  47-48,  51-52,  60,  62 
note,  89 


Quakers,  363-364 
Quin,  James,  457 


R 


Rainsborough,      Colonel,      174, 

178-179,  190 
Rathmines,  259 
Reading,  86,  89,  103 
Remonstrants    and    Resolution. 

ers,  286-287,  295 
Reynolds,  Sir  John,  383 
Rhode  Island,  394-395 
Rich,  Robert,  441,  462 
Rinuccini  (Papal  Nuncio),  255 
Roe,  Owen,  256,  258,  262 
Rogers,  John,  367 
Rolle,  Chief-Justice,  418 
Roundway  Down  battle,  88 
Rouse,  John,  339 
Royalists,  helpless  condition  of, 


Index 


495 


Royalists  —  Continued 

after  king's  execution,  241- 
242  ;  Presbyterians  distrusted 
by,  243-244  ;  amnesty  granted 
to,  303  ;  Anglicanism  of, 
winked  at,  361  ;  take  ref- 
uge in  Barbadoes  and  Vir- 
ginia, 392  ;  arming,  413  ;  ris- 
ing of,  a  failure,  415  ;  addi- 
tional taxes  imposed  on,  416- 
417 

Rudyard,  49,  51 

"  Rump  "  Parliament,  447 

Rupert,  Prince,  Charles's  confi- 
dence in,  80  ;  relieves  siege  of 
York,  104  ;  at  Marston  Moor, 
104-106  ;  retreat  to  Lanca- 
shire, 108  ;  appreciation  of 
Cromwell,  109  ;  capitulates  at 
Bristol  to  Fairfax,  132  ;  urges 
Charles  to  make  peace,  135  ; 
protected  from  "Clubmen," 
136  ;  equips  fleet  in  Dutch 
waters,  238  ;  seizes  prizes  on 
the  high  seas,  241  ;  with  squad- 
ron in  harbour  of  Munster, 
256  ;  defeated  by  Blake,  308 

Russell,  Sir  John,  462 

Russia,  238 


Say,  Lord,  37,  70,  219 

Scotland,  Cromwell's  settlement 
of,  296-297  ;  representation  of, 
in  English  Parliament,  295- 
296  ;  heavy  taxation  in,  298- 
299  ;  insurrection  in,  334 

Scots,  Parliamentary  Party  as- 
sisted by,  102  ;  Cromwell  op- 
posed by,  115-116  ;  Charles's 
negotiations  with,  140  ; 
Charles  abandoned  by,  155  ; 
Charles's  intrigues  with,  184, 
1 86  ;  England  invaded  by 
(1648),  194  ;  Charles  II.  pro- 
claimed by,  276 

Sedgwick,  Major  Robert,  397- 
398,  403,  406 


Seekers,  the,  150 
Self-Denying  Ordinance,  118 
Sexby,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  438 
Sherborne,  132 
Ship-money,   20-21,  40,  44,  45. 

53 

Sidney,  Algernon,  217-218 
Sindercombe,  Miles,  421 
Skippon,   Major-General  Philip, 

112,  113,  123,  128,   158 
Solemn   League  and  Covenant 

102,  143 

Spain,  feeling  of,  towards  Eng- 
land, 239-240 ;  friendly  to- 
wards Commonwealth,  309  ; 
captures  Dunkirk,  312  ;  nego- 
tiation with,  regarding  alli- 
ance, 375-376  ;  war  declared 
by,  380  ;  war  with,  381-382  ; 
supports  Charles  II.,  382  ;  hos- 
tilities against,  in  West  Indies, 
398-403  ;  war  with  West 
Indies,  406-408;  treasure-ships 
captured  by  Stayner,  420 ; 
peace  with,  435 
Spenser,  Peregrine,  267 
St.  John,  Oliver,  44,  48,  161, 

284,  312 

St.  Kitts,  401,  406 
Stapleton,  Sir  Philip,  83 
Star  Chamber,   21   and  note,  22 

note 
Stayner,  Captain  Richard,  382, 

420 

Steward,  Sir  Thomas,   8,  28,  37 
Steward,  William,  4 
Strachan,  Major,  279,  286 
Strafford,    Earl    of,    see    Went- 

worth. 

Stratton  battle,  87 
Strickland,    Walter,   mission   to 

The  Hague,  312 
Strode,  William,  48,  54,  62  note 
Sweden,  238,  373,  380-381,  385- 
387 


Thorpe,  Judge,  418 
Thurloe,  John,  423,  456 


Index 


Tithes,  357-358 
"  Triers,"  358-360 
Tromp,  Admiral,  314-315 
Turenne,  Marshal,  383 

U 

Ussher,  Archbishop,  356 
Uttoxeter,  capitulation  at,  203 


Vane,  Sir  Henry,  religious  views 
of,  49  ;  abolition  of  Episco- 
pacy advocated  by,  54  ;  Lil- 
burn's  reference  to,  161  ; 
supports  Cromwell  in  further 
appeal  to  Charles,  176  ;  Mil- 
ton's opinion  of,  245,  307  ; 
complains  of  obstructiveness 
of  Long  Parliament,  303  ; 
action  on  bill  for  a  new  repre- 
sentative, 321,  324  ;  opposes 
state  interference  with  Church, 
366  ;  refuses  to  recognise 
Cromwell's  government,  418- 
419  ;  executed,  450 

Vaudois,  378-379 

Venables,  General  Robert,  400- 
402 

Virginia,  390,  392,  394 

Voltaire,  476 

W 

Wales,  represented  by  only  three 
members  of  Parliament,  235 


Waller,  Edmund,  345,  356,  379, 

422 
Waller,  Sir  William,  74,  88,  103, 

ill,  113,  119 
Walton,  Colonel  Valentine,  109- 

ni 

Warrington,  capitulation  at,  202 
Warwick,   Earl  of,   37,   70,   76, 

247 
Warwick,  Sir  Philip,  33,  49,  455, 

461 

Waterford,  261,  263 
Wentworth,  Sir  Thomas,   after- 

wards  Earl  of   Strafford,   22- 

23,  27,  44-45,   51-53 
West  Indies,  376-377,  380,  415 
Wexford,  259-260 
Whalley,   Colonel   Edward,   97, 

122,  165,  184 
Wharton,  Lord,  251 
Whitelocke,  Bulstrode,  300,  317- 

3i8,  373,  409,  417,  456 
Wildman,  Major  John,  176,  415 
William  II.,  238 
William  III.,  435 
Williams,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  35 
Willoughby,  Lord,  95,  392 
Winceby,  99 

Winslow,  Edward,  400,  402 
Worcester,     79,     103,     291-292. 

471 


York,  71,  103,  104 


Heroes  of  the  Nations 


A  SERIES  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  anc| 
work  of  a  number  of  representative  historical  char-, 
acters  about  whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions 
of  the  Nations  to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have 
been  accepted,  in  many  instances,  as  types  of  the 
several  National  ideals.  With  the  life  of  each  typical 
character  will  be  presented  a  picture  of  the  National 
conditions  surrounding  him  during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are 
recognized  authorities  on  their  several  subjects,  and, 
while  thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present 
picturesque  and  dramatic  "stories"  of  the  Men  and 
of  the  events  connected  with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "Hero"  will  be  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type, 
provided  with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  ac- 
cording to  the  special  requirements  of  the  several 
subjects. 

For  full  list  of  volumes  see  next  page, 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


NELSON.     By  W.  Clark  Russell. 
GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.    By  C. 

R.  L.  Fletcher. 

PERICLES.      By  Evelyn  Abbott. 
THEODORIC  THE  GOTH.       By 

Thomas  Hodgkin. 
SIR  PHILIP  SIDNEY.     By  H.  R. 

Fox-Bourne. 
JULIUS  CAESAR.      By  W.  Warde 

Fowler. 

WYCLIF.      By  Lewis  Sergeant. 
NAPOLEON.        By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.       By  P. 

F.  Willert. 
CICERO.         By   J.    L.   Strachan. 

Davidson. 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.     By  Noah 

Brooks. 

PRINCE   HENRY    (OF   PORTU- 
GAL)    THE     NAVIGATOR. 

By  C.  R.  Beazley. 
JULIAN    THE    PHILOSOPHER. 

By  Alice  Gardner. 
LOUIS  XIV.    By  Arthur  Hassall. 
CHARLES  XII.        By  R.  Nisbet 

Bain. 
LORENZO   DE"   MEDICI.         By 

Edward  Armstrong. 
JEANNE  D'ARC.       By  Mrs.  OH- 

phant. 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  By 

Washington  Irvinp. 


ROBERT  THE  BRUCE.      By  Six 

Herbert  Maxwell. 
HANNIBAL.        By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.    By  William 

Conant  Church. 
ROBERT   E.   LEE.         By    Henry 

Alexander  White. 
THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.     By  H. 

Butler  Clarke. 
SALADIN.          By   Stanley   Lane 

Poole. 

BISMARCK.     By  J.  W.  Headlam. 
ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.     By 

Benjamin  I.  Wheeler. 
CHARLEMAGNE.      By   H.  W.  C 

Davis. 
OLIVER    CROMWELL.  By 

Charles  Firth. 

RICHELIEU.  By  James  B.  Perkins. 
DANIEL  O'CONNELL.     By  Rob- 
ert Dunlop. 
SAINT     LOUIS     (Louis     IX.     of 

France).     By  Frederick  Perry. 
LORD  CHATHAM.      By  Walford 

Davis  Green. 
OWEN  GLYNDWR.      By  Arthur 

G.  Bradley. 
HENRY  V.     By  Charles  L.  Kin^s- 

ford. 

EDWARD  I.      By  Edward  Jenks. 
AUGUSTUS  CAESAR,       By  J.  B, 

Firth. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


FREDERICK  THE  GREAT. 
W.  F.  Reddaway. 


By 


WELLINGTON.    By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 
COXSTANTINE    THE     GREAT. 

By  J.  B.  Firth. 

MOHAMMED.   By  D.S.Margoliouth. 
CHARLES  THE  BOLD.     By  Ruth 

Putnam. 
WASHINGTON.  By  J.  A.  Harrison. 


WILLIAM     THE     CONQUERER 

By  F.  B.  Stanton. 
FERNANDO  CORTES.    By   F.  A. 

MacNutt. 
WILLIAM     THE     SILENT.        By 

Ruth  Putnam. 

BLUCHER.     By  E.    F.  Henderson. 
ROGER  THE  GREAT  OF  SICILY. 

By  E.  Curtis. 
CANUTE    THE    GREAT.     By    L. 

M.  Larson. 


Other  volumes  in  preparation  are: 


By   C.  T.  At- 


GREGORY  VII.     By  F.  Urquhart. 
JUDAS  MACCABEUS.     By  Israel 

Abrahams. 
FREDERICK  II.     By  A.  L.  Smith. 

New  York— G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  PUBLISHERS— London 


MARYBOROUGH, 
kinson. 

MOLTKE.     By  James  Wardell. 

ALFRED   THE   GREAT.     By  Ber- 
tha Lees. 


The  Story  of  the  Nations 


IN  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  National  life 
is  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  note- 
worthy periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the 
reader  in  their  philosophical  relation  to  each  other 
as  well  as  to  universal  history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes 
to  enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring 
them  before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored, 
and  struggled— as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as 
they  amused  themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan, 
the  myths,  with  which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins, 
will  not  be  overlooked,  though  these  will  be  carefully 
distinguished  from  the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the 
labors  of  the  accepted  historical  authorities  have 
resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been 
planned  to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
consecutive  epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when 
completed  will  present  in  a  comprehensive  narrative 
the  chief  events  in  the  great  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS; 
but  it  is,  of  course,  not  always  practicable  to  issue 
the  several  volumes  in  their  chronological  order. 

For  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


GREECE.     Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 

ROME.     Arthur  Oilman. 

THE  JEWS.     Prof.  James  K.  Hos- 

mer. 

CHALDEA.      Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.      S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.    Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.        Rev.   E.   E.  and  Susan 

Hale. 

HUNGARY.       Prof.  A.  Vamb^ry. 
CARTHAGE.          Prof.    Alfred    J. 

Church. 

THE  SARACENS.        Arthur  Gil- 
man. 
THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.    Stanley 

Lane-Poole. 
THE   NORMANS.        Sarah    Orne 

Jewett. 

PERSIA.      S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 
ANCIENT  EGYPT.        Prof.  Geo. 

Rawlinson. 
ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.     Prof. 

J.  P.  Mahaffy. 

ASSYRIA.     Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
.|THE  GOTHS.     Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.     Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.      Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PER- 

SIA.      Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
MEDIEVAL  FRANCE.  Prof.Gus- 

tave  Masson. 
HOLLAND.         Prof.    J.   Thorold 

Rogers. 

MEXICO.      Susan  Hale. 
PHCENICIA,     George  Rawlinson. 


THE  HANSA  TOWNS.        Helen 

Zimmern. 
EARLY  BRITAIN.      Prof.  Alfred 

J.  Church. 
THE      BARBARY      CORSAIRS. 

Stanley  Lane-Poole, 
RUSSIA.      W.  R.  Morfill. 
THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.     W. 

D.  Morrison. 

SCOTLAND.     John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.       R.  Stead    and 

Mrs.  A.  Hug. 

PORTUGAL.     H.  Morse-Stephens. 
THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.     C. 

W.  C.  Oman. 

SICILY.      E.  A.  Freeman. 
THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS.  Bella 

Duffy. 

POLAND.      W.  R.  Morfiil. 
PARTHIA.      Geo.  Rawlinson. 
JAPAN.      David  Murray. 
THE    CHRISTIAN    RECOVER? 

OF  SPAIN.    H.  E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA.    Greville  Tregar- 

then. 
SOUTHERN  AFRICA.      Geo.  M. 

Theal. 

VENICE.      Alethea  Weil 
THE  CRUSADES.     T.   S.  Archer 

and  C.  L.  Kingsford. 
VEDIC  INDIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
BOHEMIA.      C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.      J.  G.  Bourinot. 
THE  BALKAN  STATES.  William 

Miller. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA.     R. 

W.  Frazer. 

MODERN  FRANCE.  Andre"  LeBon. 
THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.     Alfred 

T.  Story.      Two  vols. 
THE  FRANKS.      Lewis  Sergeant. 
THE  WEST   INDIES.    Amos  K. 

Fiske. 
THE    PEOPLE    OF     ENGLAND. 

Justin  McCarthy,  M.P.       Two 

vols. 

AUSTRIA.      Sidney  Whitman. 
CHINA.      Robt.  K.  Douglass. 
MODERN  SPAIN.      Major  Martin 

A.  S.  Hume. 

MODERN  ITALY.     Pietro  Orsi. 
THE     THIRTEEN     COLONIES. 

Helen  A.  Smith.      Two  vols. 
WALES  AND  CORNWALL.  Owen 

M.  Edwards. 
'HBDLBVAL  ROME.    Wm.  Millar. 


THE  PAPAL  MONARCHY.     Wax 

Barry. 
MEDIAEVAL   INDIA.         Stanlej; 

Lane -Poo  le. 
BUDDHIST  INDIA.  T.  W.  Rhys* 

Davids. 
THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    RE. 

PUBLICS.      Thomas  C.  Daw. 

son.      Two  vols. 
PARLIAMENTARY     ENGLAND 

Edward  Jenks. 
MEDIAEVAL  ENGLAND.       Mary 

Bateson. 
THE  UNITED  STATES.    Edward 

Earle  Sparks.      Two  vols, 
ENGLAND,    THE    COMING    OF 

PARLIAMENT.  L.  Cecil  Jane. 
GREECE— EARLIEST    TIMES— 

A.D.  14.     E.  S.  Shuckburgh. 
ROMAN  EMPIRE      B.C.  29-AX 

476.     N.  Stuar*  Jones. 


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