Bucolicorum eclogæ decem. The Bucolicks of Virgil

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L\r ) ^., .li^.i

" -^Af^/Z/f/.ì ' "^^ / rf // / A/ /

Ù

P. yiRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA DECEM.

THE

BUCOLICKS OF VIRGIL,

WITH

AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION

ANO

NOTES.

BY JOHN MARTYN, F.R.S.

PROrESSOR OF BOTANY IN THE UNII^ERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

THE FOURTH EDITION.

OXFORD,

PRINTJSD BY W. BAXTBILy
FOB G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER, AVE MARIA LANE, LONDON.

1820.

■'ir.! '<■■'■> ■■'"■ "■ ■■^i~dH"

Bowie Ouiiòctior»
Gfftof

• ••

PB EFACE. *

• >

XilE feeding of oattle^ how mesm and cahr
temptible soever ìt may appear to us^ is .very
anciént, and in the most early ages of the world
ims. esteemed to be hanouràble« The first man
was a gardener, and a husbandman ; and of hit
soW we restdi that one wfis a husbandman^ ajoui
anotberashepherd\ Thesame employmeht seems
to have been ehiefly foUowed by the p^tnarebs
after the flood; for wa find that Abraham^ who:i$
calied à piighty prince*", was a feeder of cattk^ hi«
great wealth oonsìstìng in sheep^ oxen^ asses^ and
icameki \ Isaac» Esau^ Jacób^ and thè rest of bis
posterity oontinued the samq \my of Mfe^ applying
themselves ;ivholly to the carc of their floGks'.aiad
faerds, wìth which they travelled from plascé to
place, as they. found conveniende of pastoarage*
Moses was tendmg tfaeilock of Jéthro bis fatherr
in-law, when bewa&calted by God» andappóiioutedi
to be the deliverer and prince of bis people*^.
Hence it has been observed, that the employment

- • Gen. iv. 2, »» Ibid. xxiii, 6. * Ibid. xii. Ì6. * Exòd.

lU. 1. . .

a

ii * PREFACE

*

(ff a sMfepherd is a suitable preparalìon to the
governmént of a kingdom. This is confìrmed
by ther history of David, who was taken away
from Jthe sheep-folds, as he was follo wing the
ewes great with young, tò feed the chosen people
of God*. Thus God himself is often compared
to a shepherd in holy writ^; and Homer, one of
the most ancient of the profane writers, gives
the title of shepherd of the people to the great
king of kings, Agamemnon^.

In the most ancient times, those who applied
themselves to agriculture, naturally became hardy
and robust; their laborious life fitted them for
the toils of war, but afForded them no leisure for
th&mild and quiet enjoyments of peace. Those
who inhabited the sea-coasts, and discovered the
art^of navigation, applied themselves rather to
piracy than commerce, their most celebrated
actions being the ravaging of the neighbouring
countries, and stealing the women from each
other^. But those who foUowed the pastoral life,
having no other employment than the care of
their harmless flocks and herds, led an innocent
and peaceable life, living in tents, and resting
themselves under the shade of trees or rocks,
whilst their cattle fed at large» wheresoever they
foupd the greatest plenty of grass and water.
They lived happy, and free from want: their

• Psalm Ixxix, 71, 72. ' Psalm xxiii, Ixxvii, Ixxx, &c.
"^ E«rf IV 'ATg«% *Ay«ftfftvov« «roiftfvrAooov. Odyss. xiv. ** See
- Herodot lib. i.

PREFACE. ili

cattle suppiied tliem ^ìtb milk and cheese for
food, and with skins' for clothing; and served
them, instead of money, to exchange for any
other commodities that they had a mihd to
purchase; whence the niost aticient money was
stamped with the figure of a sheep^ This quiet
and peaceable life gave them leisure to amuse
themselves with music and poetry; their time
being chiefly spent in composing hymns in
honour of the Deity, and songs, in which they
described their soft passions and innocent emplòy-
ments. Thus we find, that those two ancient
royal sh^pherds, Moses and • David, were poets;
and that Solomon, the son of the latter, in bis
celebrated song, represents himself under the
character of a shepherd-

Among the Greeks, the Arcadians were the
most famous for having devoted themselves to the
pastoral life. Their country was remote from the
sea, mountainous, and almost inaccessible : they
had.plenty of sheep, and good pasturage ; they
were much given to singing, and music was the
only science which was esteemed by them to be
necessary. Their chief deity was Pan, who was
said to be the inventor of the shepherd's pipe;
and wa$ fabled to be in love with the nymph
Echo, because there were many echoes in that
woody and ' mountainous country. From these
poetical composìtions of the Arcadians, or at least

* Et quod aes antiquissimum, quod est flatum pecore» pecore
est notatum. Varrò de Re RiisU lib. ii. e. 1.

a2

iv PREFÀCE.

ftòm the! traditiòti of thenii the buGolical or
pa^toral poetry seems to bare takén ìts rìse, It
is called bucolical, from 0éuxi7iog a matherdi
thoùgh Jt relatel^ tp the afiaìrs tiot otily of neat-
hterds, but aJso of ehepherds and goatherds. In
like inanner We coQimonly use the word shepherd
ftìr postar; biit jpctó/or signifies aJl the ttìree
sorte of feeder» of cattle ; whence pastora! seems
a more proper word to express the speciee of
poetry, which we now treat of/than the Greek
word bucolick. Our English word herdmati
hiight with great pròprièty he used for the Latin
word pùst&r, instead of shepherd. For though
wtB comtnonly uìiderstand herdman tò mean no
more than a neakherd ; and though we say a hèrd
of oxen, and a flock of sheep o|r goats; yet, Bince
We always compouild herd with the naine of any
aninial, to denòte a feeder of that spécies; as
%ieatherd signifìes a feeder of beat cattlé or kitìé^
«hepherd a feeder of sheep^ and goatherd a
feeder of goats;. the word herdman may well be
tìsèd to signify ali the several pmtoresy ot feeders
*)f dattle*

Theocritus of Syracuse, who lived in the reign
ttf Hiero, and was contemporary with Ptolemy
Phìladelphus king of Egypt, is generally lookéd
lipOn as the Walther of pastoral poetry* And yet
it is nò less generally aisserted, that bis Idyllia
bérnnèf be said to be ali paston^k. The fcritics,
who often forra to themselves imaginary rules,
which the ancients never dreamed of, will not

PREFACB. y

allow BbavJe ièifk or elevén oot of the thirly Idjllia
of that author to belotig tò that àpecies of poetrj.
Those who would tmve a pastoral to be entìrely
conformablé to the manneris of tltó golden age^
in whìch nòtbing ìis to be foand blit piety, lùnp-
oence^ and simplitdty, will eiccliide almdst ali the
IdylliapfTbeocritas^andEclogtiesofVirgil. The
dyìng groans of Dàphnis, in the first IdyUium^
i/rill be judged too melancholy fòr thè peade àbd .
happineiks of that state; the witchcraft made use
of in the seoond is inconsistent with piety ; in
the third^ the goatherd tvickedly talks óf kìlUng
himself ; the rsuling and gross obscenity in the
fìffch Ì8 contrary to good manners ; and the tenth
is not a pastora!, because it ìs a dìalogue between
two reapers. Thns^ if we adhere strictly to the
rules laid down by tnost of our critiós, we shall
iind^ that no more than six out of the eleyen first
Idyllia of Theocritus are to be admitted iitito the*
numbefk The like olsjeetions bave been, or may
be, fràmed against mopt of the Edogues of Vir- ^
gii. But there are other crìtics, who are so far
from requiring the purer manners of the golden
age in pastoral writìngs^ that ttothing wiH please
them but downright rusticity; Théy teli us, that
béi'dmen are a rude, unpolished, ignorant set of
people : that pastorals are ^^ an ìmitation of the
^ acbìoQ of a herdmahf, or of one i^presented under
^ that charaiCtér'^t" wherejforé ahy deviation from

^ Thìs Ì5 Rapin's definition ef a pastoral.

vi PREFAGE.

tbat char9.cter is unnatural^ and unfit for pastoral
poetry* But surely this assertion, that herdmen
are rude, unpolished, and ignorant, is too ge-
neral, for it cannot be affirmed of them univer-
sally. The patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, must be excepted; and.Moses also, wbo
was learned in ali the wisdom of the Egyptians.';
not to mention the royal Psalmist, who must
hai^e received bis education before he was, called
from tending bis father's sheep. We find also
that the prophet Amos, who was contemporary
with Uzziah and Jeroboam, was one of thè herd-
men of Tekoa ". We bave seen already, that the
ancìent Arcadians» bow rude and ignorant soever
they were with regard to other arts, yet were not
.so with regard to music and poetry ; and in some
ages and nàtions, the most polite people bave
been herdmen. It will be readily acknowledged,
* that nature ougbt to be followed, in^ this as well
as in. ali the other sorts of poetry ; but surely
^P we ougbt tp imitate that part of nature which is
most agreeable and . pleasing. The country af-
fords US many objects which delight us by their
beauty; and a man would justly.be thought to
bave an odd taste, who should tum bis eye from
these to gaze on some which are less agreeable.
The lowing of the herds, the bleating of the
flocks, the wildness of an extensive common, the
solemn shade of a thìck wood, and the simplicity

' Acts-viì. 22. " Amos i. 1. vii. H.

PREFACE. vn

of the buildings, furnish us with pleasing images :
and whilst we are contemplating these beauties,
we seidoni bave much inclìnatìon to admire the
disagreeable^ though naturai, sight and smeli of
a dunghiU or a hogsty. We may therefore con-
clude^ that though nature isto be followed, ytet'
we are not to represent every thmg that ìs na-
turai, wìthout distinction; but to select such
images only as are pleasing, throwing a veil at
the same tìme over those which would give of-
fence, Thus every ìmitatìon of the action of a
herdman, or of one represented under that cha-
racter, will indeed be a true pastoral : but at the
same time, if there is not a little judgment used
in the choice of the herdmen we intend to imi-
tate, our pastorals will be fìt for the reading only
ofsuch rude clowns, as we bave placed before us
for an example.

We should, I believe, form a much better no-
tion of bucqlical or^pa^tor^^ attending

carefully to the design of those great an«ients,
Theocritus and Virgil, than by studying ali the
ìmagìnary rules of the modem critics. Theo-
critus certainly intended to describe the manners
of the .herdmen of Sicily. His Idyllia are gene-
rally either di^ogues between two persons of
that character, or poems in praise'-of the cele-
brated actions of gods and heroes, such as seem
to bave been originally sung by the ancient
Arcadian shepherds. The first Idyllium is a
dìalogue between the shepherd Thyrsis and a

viii PREFACE.

goatherd Thyrsis is a Sicìlian% and at the re-
quest of bis friend, sings the death of Daphnis^
who was a Sìcilian herdman. The second de-
scrìbes the jealousy of Siinéetha^.wbo had been
debauched^ and then deserted, by one Delphis»
She makes use of several incantations, in order
to regain his love. In the third, a goatherd de<-
clares his passion for Amaryllis. The fourth is a
dìalogue between Battus a goatherd» and Corydon
a neatberd. In the fifth, Comatas a goatherd^
and Laoon a shepheixi, after some very coars^
railleries» challenge each other to sing for a wager :
one stakes a goat»and the other a lamb; and the
goatherd obtains the prize. In the sixth^ two
neatherds, Dameetas and Daphnis^ drive tlieir
herds together ìntò one place, and stng alter-
nately the passion af Polyphemus fòr Galakea.
The seventh is the narration of a joumey^ which
Tbeocritus tJook, to seé the solemnities of Ceres :
he meets witb Lycidas a goatherd on thè road ;
and the whole discourse between them is pastoral*
In the eighth is related a cont^ition about sing«^
ìììgy between the shepherd Menalcas^ and the
neatherd Daphnis: a goatherd is chosen judge,
who deo^ees the priee to Daphncs. A like con-
tention is related in the ninth, between two
herdsmen^ daphnis and Menalca^. These niiìe
are geoerally alk>wed by the critics to be pasto-»
rais: but the tenth is usually excluded, beìng a

PREFAGE. ix

dialogue between two reapers. And yet perhaps^
if we consider that a herdmao may very Miturally
describe a conversatìon between two of bis coun-
trj neighbours^ who entertain eacb other wìth a
rural song ; we may soffcen a little the severity of
our criticai temper, and allow even this to be
called a pastoral. The eleventh, whìch descrìbes
the passion of Polyphemus for Galatea, is, I
think, allowed to be a parrai ; but those which
follow are commoniy rejected^ though sometimes
perhaps wìth little reason. Thus I know not
why the twelfth may not be admitted, of which
the subject is love, and wherein the simìlitudes
are taken from fruits, sheep^ heìfers, and singing
birds. Are not the foUowing verses of that Idyl-
liura truly pastoral ?
^. '

'^[Xude^; 01 $è vro^wyr^ h ijfMtTi ynigaa-KOwriv. '

•H&ov, &c.

You come, dear youth, iiow tbree long days are gone,

You come: but lovers do grow old in'one.

As much as sprìng excels the frost and snow,

As much as plums are sweeter than a sloe,

As muòh as ewes are thicker fleec'd thàn lambs,

As much as midds excel thrice married dames,

As much as colts are nimbler than a steer,

As much as thrushes please the list'ning ear

More than the meaner songsters of the air,

So much thy presence cbeers. Cr££CH.

}

The thirteenth indeed, which is a relation of the
loss of Hylas, the friend of Hercules, has nothing

b

X PREFACE.

pastora! in it: but as the actions of gods and he-
roes used to be sung by the ancient herdmen,
we may venture, to affirm, Uiat the author in-
tended this also for a pastora!. In the fourteenth»
^sclìines is a herdman, who being in love with
Cynisca, and being despised by ber, is deter-
mined to turn so!dier. Hìs friend Thyonichus
advises him to enter into the servìce of Ptolemy,
on whom he bestows great praises. There is
nothing inconsistent with «the character of a
berdman, to suppose him crossed in love, iand
in despair to go for a soldier. This is so adapted
even to the manners of a modem rustie, that our
critics may venture to let this pass without cen-
sure, Nor does there seem any goòd reason to
reject the fìfteenth ; though there is not a word
in it about cattle, and tliough the scene is not
laid in the pastures of Sicily, but in the great
city of Alexandria^ The persons of this Idyllium
are not herdmen, but their wives. These gossìps
of -Syracuse are got to Alexandria, to see the
pomp of the feast of Adonis ; where they are
pushed about in the crowd, and prattle just as
some of our good country dames would at a Lord
Mayor's show. This therefore may be allowed
to t>e a pastoral; unless we are to be so striòt,
that none but men are to be introduced, and
even those men must never stir from their fields,
but be perpetually piping to their flocks and
herds. The sixteenth is a complaìnt of the in-
gratitude of princes to poets, who alone can

PREFACE. xi

render theìr great actions immortal. He ob-
serves, that not only the Lycian and Trojan
heroes^ but even Ulysses hìmself^ wonld bave
been burìed in oblivion, if their fame had not
been celebrated by Homer. But amidst these
greai heroes^ Theocrìtus does not forget bis pas-
tond capacity, or omit to mention the stirine-
herd Eumaeus, and the neatherd PhUoetius ;

"Egyw tj(toVj otùrós re TeglnXayxifos AfltfgT«f>
£i fi^ (T^ wveura» 'Idovos A^^s óoiSaL

Theocrìtus seems indeed to rìse above bis pastora!
style in the seventeenth Idyllium^ wherein he ce-
lebrates the praìses of Ptolemy Philadelphus. But
may not a countfy poet be allowed to swell a
little, when bis heart is enlarged, by contemplat-
ing the virtues of a great prince, under whose
protection he lives ? a prìnce so powerful, that
no hostile fleet or army dares invade bis country,
disturb the farmer, or injure the cattle ;

Cu yi^ ti; dvjtw vokoKfiTeoL NeiAoy hrsftLSÀ^
Ile^ò; kv dX?<ùTgloLKn ^àv ètTratraro itmyxu^.

^¥he farmer fearless ploughs bis native soil ;

No hostile navies press the qaiei Nile;

None leaps ashore, and frights the.lab'ring swains;

None robs us of our ilocks, and spoils the plains.

Cr^ech.

The Epìthalamium on the marriage of Helen,

b2

xfi PREFACE.

song by the Spartan vìrgìns in the eighteentb>
doès not lose stght of the country : and the in-
scription on the teirk of the plane-tree is exprcssly
said io be in the Doric, or rucitic dialect ;

rioXX^ Teov$i *EXffV0e, fufivaiiivMf (òg yoiXoidìivùà
"Aqws yeivofiiyus fio; fuourròy vro^ioKrou,
n^ara, toì arifavoy Xoorw x^/xo} ou^Ojuiévoio
Tl>J(ourM, (nuBgàv xara^o-Ojuigv è$ wAaTavioTóV
TlgaTu 8*, dgyvgéus 10 o\fnlos ùygh iXisi^ug
AjouriófAsvouj (FTa^éJfMs ùirh (rxiegàv vXarivKrTor
Tgófufjdaroi $* h ^Xoiw yvyqi^ffreu^ (às voLqi&y rig

But we will run thro' yònder spacious mead.

And crop fresh ilow'ry ctowns to grace thy head.

Mindful of Helen stili, as tender lambs,

Not wean'd as yet, w^en hungry mind their dams,

Well first low lotus plack, and crowns compose,

And to thy honour grace the shady boughè:

From Silver boxes sweetest oils shall flow,

And press the flowers that rise as sweet below ;

And then inscribe this line, that ali may see,

Pay due obedience, I am Helen's tree. Creech.

The eighteenth is a short copy of verses on Cupid's
being stung by a bee, whìch is far from being
out of the reach of a country poet. The nine-
teenth is bucolica! enough. A rough neatherd
complains of the pride and insoleiice of a city
girl, who refused to let him kiss her, and treated
him in a most contemptuous manner. He appeals
to the neighbouring shepherds, and asks them if

PREFACE. xiii

thej are Hot sensible of bis beaaty : bis beard is
thìck about bis chin^ like ivy round a tree; bid
baìr spreads like smallage about bis temples ; bis
wfaite forebéad sbìnes aboye bis black eye-bFOWsj
bis eyes are more bhie thati tbose of Minerva;
bis mouth is sweeter tban cream; bis voice ìs
sweeter tban a boneycomb ; bis song is sweet ;
be plays on ali sorts of raral pipes ; and ali tbe
women on the moQntains àdmire and love bitn,
tbóugb tbis proud minx has despised bim. He
gives ber to understand^ tbatBactìbus fed a heifer
in tbe valleys ; tbat Venns was passionately fond
of a berdman on tbe mountains of Pbrygia; tbat
sbe botii loved and lamented Adonis in tbe woods.
He asks who was Endymion ? was he not aberd*-.
man, and yet the Moon fell in love with bim^ as
he was feeding bis kine, and carne down from
beaven to embraoe bini. Rhea lamented a berd«-
man, and Jupiter was fònd of a boy tbat fed
cattie. The dialogue betwe^i the two fishermen,
in tbe twenty-firsl, cannot indeed be said to be
Arcadian; for Arcadia was a midland country:
but as Sicily is an island, it was naturai ^nough
for a Sicilian berdman to relate a dialogue ber
tween two neighbours, wbosè business was on
the sea shore. But tbe twenty-second is a bymn,
after the mannèr of the ancient Arcadians,- in
praise of Castor and PòUux ;

xiy PREFACE.

The desperate lover in the twenty-third may
easily he imagined to belong io the country ,
though the narration of his passion is very tra-
gical. We cannot affirm any thing with certaioty
concernìng the twenty-fourth and twentyTfifth ;
as the end of one and the beginning of the.other
is wanting. They are however both in praìse of
Hercules ; and therefore belong to the Areadìan
poetry ; as does also the twenty-sixth, in which
the death of Pentheus is related» who violated
the orgies of Bacchus. The dialogue between
Daphnis and the shepherdess, in the twenty-
seventh, is a complete scene of rural courtship,
and must be allowed to be a true pastora!. In
.the twenty-eighth Theocritus himself presents a
distaff to Theogenis, the wife of his friend Nicias^
a Milesian physician; a proper presenta no doubt,
to be sent out of the country, arid a subject wor-
thy of a rural poet. The twenty-ninth is cour
cerning love, the common subject of most pasto-
rais. The thirtieth is in lyrìc measure, and the
subject of it is the boar that wounded the shep-
herd Adonis, the favourite of Venus.
> It appears plainly, from this revìew of the
Idyllia of Theocritus, that the Greek poet never
jintended to write such a set of poems, as thè
modem critics cali pastorals. They were poems
on several occasions, written by a Sicilian herd-
man, or by one who assumed that characten
The greater patt of them are of the dramatic
kind, each Idyllium being a single scene, or dia-

PREFACE. XV

logue between the several sorts of herdmen, their
wives, or neighbours. Some of them are narra-
tive, the poet speàking ali the while in his own
person. The rest are poems in praise of gods
and heroes. The scene ìs generally laìd in Sicily,
that country being famous for the stories of the
shepherd Polyphemus and the herdman Daphnis,
and at the same time the native place of the
poet ; who nevertheless sometìmes lays the scene
in other countries, where he happened to travel.
The language is plain and coarse, the Dorìc dia-
lect being almost constantly used, which greatly
ìncreases the rusticity of these poems. We may
observe, that the pronunciation of the Dorians
was very coarse and broad, and sounded harsh
in the ears of the politer Grecians, from a pas-
sage in the fifteenth Idyllium, where a citizen of
Alexandria fìnds fault with the Syracusian gossìps
for opening their mouths so wide when they
speak;

Tqtàyins* sxxvaKTfftlyri ^Kxniéahivea ehramu

Histy hist, your tattling silly talk forbear,
Like turtlés you bave moutfas from ear to ear.

The good women are affronted, and teli him,
that as they are Dorians, they will make use of
the Doric dialect ;

. 'ìicif wtòof &fògoofKos; ri Sf r\yy,8Ì tuotIKou eìfjJ?;
YlourdfMVO^ hchour<rv '^ufoLHMrleui nrirao-o-ffi;;

xwì PREFACE.

And who are you ? pny wliat hsre vou u> say, .

If we wiU talk ? Sedi tfaose tbat wili obey. *

Woold you the S3rnicii8Ìan women role ?

Besìdes, to teli you more^ you meddlìng fool,

We are Corinthians, that's no great disgrace,

Bdlerophon himself did boast tibat race.

We speakonr language, ose the Doric tone,

And^ Sir, the Dores, sore^ may ose their owo. Creech.

TIlis rustìcity of the Idyllia of Theocritus
seems to bave been well adapted to tbe age and
country in wbich that poet lived; and to bave
given tbe same kind of pleasure^ wbicb tbe Scot-
tisb songs gìve to u», merely by being naturai.
Tbere are indeed^ amidst ali tbis rusticity^ many
sentìments of a most wonderfiil delicacy, wbicb
are bigbly wortby of imitation : but at tbe same
lime we meet witb many otbers, wbicb are most
abominably clownisb, and even brutal. Herice
Quintiliano wbo allows Tbeocritus to be admirable
in bis way, yet tbinks bis muse too rustie and
coarse for politer ears^.

Tbis poet bowever bad continued in (nll pos-
session of tbe rural crown about two bundred
yearSy wben Virgil became bis rivai ; a genius
formed to excel in wit ali tbose wbo bad gone
before bim. Tbat great master of writing knew

* Admirabilis in sao genere Tbeocritus, sed Musa illa rustica
et pastoralis non forum modo, verum ipsam etiam urbem refor-
midat. Lìb. x. cap. 1.

PREFACÈ. xviì

very well, that as the Romaii ìanguage had nòt
a variety of dialects, like the Greek, it wouid be
in vaili to think of giving bis BucoHcks an air of
rasticity, like those of Theocritus. Nor would it
bave been naturai, if he oould bave succeeded in
the attempt. The manners of bis age and
country wepe difFerent ; the Roman swains talked
in a$ pure Latin in their iìelds, as Cicero couid
speak in the senate« He therefore wisely gave a
different air to bis Bucolicks, making bis sbep-
berds express tbemselves with that softness* and
eleganceP, which gained bim the esteem and ad-
miration of the contemporary poets and critics,
and recommended bim to the protection and fa-
vour of the greatest men of bis tinie. Virgil,
witbout doubt, intended to imitate Theocritus, as
appears by bis frequent addresses lo the muses of j
Sidly**; but tben he judiciously cbose to imitate
the mo9t beautiful passagés, and to pass by those
which wére too coarse, or not well enough
adapted to tlie time in which he lived. Hence
the BucoHcks of Virgil are called Eclogues, or
seleci poems; because they are not a general

Molle atque facetum

Virilio annuerunt gaudentes rure Camenap.

Horat. lib. i. sat. 10.
"f Sicelides Musae, paulo majora canamus. Ecl. iv* ver. l.
Prnna Syracosio dignata est ludere versu
Nostra, nec erubob syìvas babitanne^ Thalìa.

Ecl. vi. ver. 1, 2.
Extremum hunc, Àrethusa, mihi concede laborem.

Ecl. X. ver. 1.

xviii PREFACE.

collection of ali the various subjects of pastoral
poetry, or an imitation of the whole thirty Idyllia
of Theocritus ; but only a few chosen pieces^ in
which that poet's manner of writing is in some
measure imitateci, but at the same time very
much improved. The simplicity, the innocence,
and the piety, which many of our critics think
essentìal to a pastoral, are far more conspìcuous
in the Bucolicks of Virgil, tban in the Idyllia of
Theocritus* The lover, in the twenty-third Tdyl-
lium, hangs himself; whereas Corydon, in the
second Eclogue, sees the folly of bis unruly
passion, and repents. The shepherds, indeed, in
the tbird Eclogue, rail sharply at each other ; and
DamoBtas goes so far as to hint at some obscene
action of bis adversary : but the travellers, in the
fifth Idyllium, speak òut plainly, in terms not fit
to he repeated. We are not entertained by Virgil
with any particular hymn in honour of gods and
heroes. He looked upon that as the province of
the lyric poet, which we are told' he left entirely
to bis friend Horace. But there is an air of
piety and religion, that runs through ali the
Eclogues, and indeed through ali the writings, of
our excellent poet,

As for the particular beauties of these Bu-
colicks, the reader will find most of them pointed
out in the foUowing notes: but there is one
general beauty, which must not be passed by

" Martial, lib. viii. ep. 18.

PREFACE. xix

without observation. In aJmost every Eclogue,
we are entertained with a rural scene, a sort of
fine landscape^ paìnted by a most masterly band.
In the Tityrus, a shepherd is lying at ease, under
the shade of a spreading beech, playìng on bis
rural pipe ; wbilst another represents the difFerent
sìtuation of bis unhappy circumstances. We
bave the prospect before us of a country, partly
rocky and partly marshy» a river and sacred
springs, bees bumming about tbe willows, and
pigeons and turtles cooing on the lofty elms : and
at last with tbe description of tbe evening, the
lengthening of tbe sbadows, and tbe smoking of
tbe cottage chimneys. In tbe Alexis, a mournful
shepherd laments bis unhappy passion in a thick
wood of beecb-trees: we are presented with a
most beautiful coUection of flowers ; and we see
tbe tired oxen bringing back tbe plougb after
their work is over, and tbe setting sun doubles
tbe lengtb of tbe sbadows. Tbe country is in its
full beauty, in the Palsemon; tbe grass is soft,
tbe fruit-trees are in blossom, and tbe woods
are green. Tbe carving of tbe two cups is ex-
cellent, ^nd far exceeds that in tbe first Idylliura
of Tbeocritus. In tbe PoUio, we bave a view of
the golden age descending a second time from
beaven; tbe eartb pouring fortb flowers and
fruits of its own accord ; grapes banging upon
thoms; honey dropping ft-om oaks; and sbeep
naturally clothed with scarlet wool. In tbe
Daphnis, two shepherds meet under tbe shade of

c2

XX PEEFACE.

elms intermix^d with hazels, and retire for better
shade into a cave covered by a wild vine, where
tbey sing alternately tbe deatb and deification of
Daphnis. Silenus, in the sixth, ìs found by two
young shepherds asleep in a cave, intoxicated
with wìne, bis garland fallen from bis head» and
bis battered pitcher banging down. A nymph
assists tliem in binding bim with bis own garland,
stains bis face with n)ulberries, and compels him
to sing : upon which the fauns and wild beasts
ioimediately dance to bis measure, and tbe oaks
bend tbeir stubbok'n beads. In the Melibosus,
two berdmen bave driven tbeir flocks together,
one of sheep and the other of goats, on tbe reedy
banks of the Menzo, where a swarm of bees is
bu^zing in a hoUow oak. In the Pharmaceutria»
the heifers leave' tbeir food, to attend to the songs
of Damon and AlphesiboBus ; the ounces stand
astonished, and the very rivers slacken tbeir
course^ In the ninth, Mcaris is carrying two kids
on tbe road to Mantua, when he meets with bis
friend Lycidas, and falls into discourse with hii».
Virgirs farm is described; reaching from the
declivity of the hills down to the river, with an
old broken beech-tree for tbe land-mark* Tbey
go on singing, till the middle of tbeir journey is
distinguished, by the prospect of tbe sepulcbre of
Bianor, and tbe lake of Mantua. In the last
Eclogue, the poet paints bis friend Gallus in tbe
characterof a shepherd, surrounded by bis sheep.
The several sorts of berdmen come to visit him ;

PREFACE. xxi

nof is he unattended by Apollo, the god of verse,
or by Sylvancis and Pan, the deitìes of the country.
The scene is laid in Arcadia, the fountain of pas-
tora! poetry, where the poet gives os a proipect
of the pines of Mseoalus, the rocks of Lycaeos,
and the lawps of Parth^us. In the conclusion
of the work, Viipl represents himself under the
charader of a goathenl, weaving slight twìgs into
baskets, under the shade of a junìper. This
vartety of ìmages haa been seldom considered by
those who bave attempted to write pastorals}
and having now seen this excellence of Virgil, we
may venture to affimi, that ther* is something
more required in a good pastoral, than the affec-
tation of using coarse, rude, or obsolete exf>res^
sions; or a mere nothingness, without either
thought or design, under a false notion of rural
3implicity.

It is not a little surprising, that many of our
modem poets and critics should be of opini(Hi>
that the rusticity of Theocritus is to be imiteted|f
ratber than the rural delicacy of Virgil If the'
originate of l^ings are always the most valuable,
we ought to perform our tragedie» in a cart, and
the actors' faces ought to be stained with lees of
wine* : we sdiould reject the use of coro, and feed
upon acoras, Uke the andent Arcadians.

I would not be thought, by what has been
bere said, to endeavour to depreciate the merit of

* See the note on ver. 383. of the first Georgick.

xxii PREFACE.

Theocritus. On the contrary, I belìeve there are
few, if any, that more admire the beauties of that
ancient wrìter. I consider him as the father of
pasteral poetry, to whom we are orìginally obliged
for every thing that has been well written in this
kind» and to whom we owe even tl|e Bucolicks
of Virgil. Theocritus is like a neh mine, in
which thére is a plenty of ore ; but a skilful band
is: required to separate the dross from the pure
metal. Those who would imitate bis Doric rusti-
city, ought to write in Greek ; for it is not to
be imitated in any other language. We bave no
dialect peculmr to the country people: for
though many words are used, which are not
*Knoifrn in cities, yet they are various in different
counties ; some being pectiliar to the east, others
to the west, others to the north, and others to
the south. A pastoral therefore, written in any
of our rustie dialects, would he almost unintel-
ligìble, except in two or three counties ; and the
phrases of the most rude and stupìd of our
people, instead of giving an air of innocence and
simplicity to a poem, disgust the reader by their
grossness and absurdity.

To conclude; whosoever would excel in
pastoral poetry, may find plenty of ore in the
neh mine of Theocritus : but the art of refìning
and purifying it must be leamed from Virgil.

THE

LIFE OF VIRGIL,

XH£ histOT^ of the lives of most af tbe famons
persons of mntìquity has been so obscured by
fiction, that the very existence of many of them kas
been renderàd doubtful. This is' not entirely the
case of Virgil ; for we know that therfe was such ai»
person, and are at no loss to dìscover bis age and
country. But so many improbable and fabulous
stories bave been told concemìng bim by the old
grammarìans, that it is very hard, at this distance
of time, to distinguish between truth and falsehood.
We shall therefore content ourselves with relating
only ì¥hat is certain, or probable; and return the
idle and improbable fictions to the inventors *of
them.

PuBLius YiRGiLius Maro was bom at a villagevear
called Andes% now Petula^, said to be about threesome
miles from Mantua, on the Ides"" or fifteenth day of

■ Euseb. Chroo. Donat. &c. Maj» Mercurìum.creaatù Idus.

«» Ray*8 Observations, &c. p. ^JS?!^ S^* ^^''"^ ^t^ «

QQ-t ' Octobres Maro consecravit Idus.

**^* , , , ^ , Idus saepe colas et has et illasy

* OtM^yiAids Mt^m • ^tirm •yn'- Qui magni cclebras Maronis Idus.
fih jòvfv Tdv trtfvf u^i '0»f«- Mart. Ub. x£u ep« 67.

C(/m«. Phlegon apud Photìum.

xxiv LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y^ October, in the year of Rome 684, when Pompey
^eand Crassus were consuls^. It is agreed, that bis
mother's name was Maia : but there is some dispute
about the very name and quality of bis fatber.
Donatus, or the writer of VirgiPs life under that
name, says it was Maro ; and Servius and Probus
affirm that it was Virgil. The latter seems to bave
been in the right : for, as Ruaèus justly observes,
if the father's name had been Maro, the son*s would
bave beea Publius Maro Virgilius, according to the
custom of the Romans, instead of Publius VirgiHus
Maro. Probus says he was a countryman ; Donatus
tells US, that some report bim to bave been a potter ;
Ibough many are òf opinion that he was at first a
hired servant of one Magus or Ms^us, who gave
bim bis daughter as a reward for bis indùstry ; and
entrusted him witb the care of bis farm and flocks,
and that he increased bis small fortune, by buyìng
woodsj and managing bees. Rusbus thinks, and
not without reasoh, that if the daugbter*s name was
Maia, as ali agree, the father's name must bave been
Maius, and not Magus or Magius. £Le observes
farther, that this corruption of the name of Yirgil's
grandfather has given rise to a gross mistake of some
later writers ; that the old man was a magician, and
that he instructed bis grandson in magical rites^
which seems to be confirmed by the ìncantations
mentioned in the seventh Eclogue. Servius affirms,
that Virgil was a citizen of Mantua, which seéms

^ OL clxxvii. d. Virgilius Maro peio et Crasso Consulibus. Euseb.
in pago^ qui Andes dicitur^ haud Chron. Thus also most of the
procul a Mantua nascitura Pom- grammarianìs.

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

XXV

irery probahle : and iadeed, the paliteness of his Year
maimers, and bis intìmacy wUb some oC the greatest Rome
me9 of that age, even in bis younger days, seem to
intimate, that his birth was not so mean, as it is ,
generally represented®.

When Vii^l was five years old, his intimate 689/
friend and contemporary poet Horace was bom^;
and two years aftèrwards^ bis great patron Au- 69i.
gustus. At the age of twelve years, he was sent to 696.
study at Cremona^', where he continued til he put

'Donatus tells us some idle
etories of prodi^ies attending the
birth of Virgil. His mother^
when she was with child of him^
dreamed she was delivered of a
branch of a bay-tree, which no
sooner touched the ground, thati
ìt took root^ and grew up into
a fair tree^ adomed with flowers
and fruits. One wouid bave
thought, that this denoted rather
that the child would becorae a
great conqneror. The grandeur
of thb omen seems however to
be a little diminished; for the
next day, as the good woman
was trudging along the road
with her bus band, she was de-
livered of our poet in a ditch.
The child did not cry, and had
so sweet a countenance, that it
was not doubted but he would
come to good fortune. A twig
of a pò piar was stuck immedi-
ately in the place^ which soon
outgrew ali that were planted
at the same time. We may con-
clude from the sudden and great
thrìvìng of the poplar^ that
the ditch was not a dry one,
and consequently not a very
commodious lying-in chamber.
This famous tree, it seems, was

coQsecrated by the name of Vir-
gil's tree, and the breeding wo-
men used to make vows under
it for their safe delivery.

' Ol. clxxviii. 4. Horatius Flac-
Cus, Satyricus et Lyricus Poeta,
libertino patre Veousi nascitur.
Euseb. Chron.

^ Natus est Augustus^ M. Tul-
lio Cicerone et Antonio Coss. ix.
Cai. Ootobr. panilo ante solis
exortumu Sueton. Aug. e. 5.

■* Olymp. clxxx. 3. Virgilius
Cremonae studiis eruditur. Èuseb.
Chron.

Donatus says, he studied at
Cremona, till his seventh year ;
" Initia eetatis, id est^ usque ad
** septimum annum^ Cremonse
'* egit." Joseph Scaliger reads
sedecimum instead of septimum;
and takes the liberty to amend
the whole passagethus ; '' Initia
'* setatis^ id est, a xiii usque ad
" sedecimum annum Cremonse
'' egit, et xvii anno virilem to-
*' gam sumpsit.** But, as this
critic adds a xiiiy to make Do-
natus agree with Eusebius, and
changes septimum into sedecimum,
without the authority of any
manuscript ; it seems more rea-
sonable to believe that this pas-

d

XXVI

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y«r on his maiily gown, which, according; to the custom
Rome of the Romans, w?is in the seventeenth year'. Soon
after he went to Milan^, where having stayed but a
701. short time, he proceeded to Naples, as Donatus tells
us; but, according to Eusebius, to Rome. That
he studied some time at Naples, is affirmed also by
Servius : so that we may venture to believe Donatus,
that he spent some time there, in the study of
Roman and Greek literature, physic, and mathe-
matics, f)efore he went to Rome\ It is not easy

sage in the life of Virgii,
ascribed to Donatus^ is errone-
ous, like many others.

* Donatus says thls was in
the seventeenth year of VirgiPs
life, when the same persons
were consuls^ under whom he
was born. This cannot possibly
be true ; for Virgil conld but
enter his sìxtcenth year, aJjout
two months before the expira-
tion of the second consulship of
Pompey and Crassus. Therefore
either the age of Virgil or the
consnis must be wrong: I be-
lieve the mistake lies in the con-
suls, ^nd that the age is right,
being according to the Roman
custom. Probably he put on the
gown at the completion of his
seventeenth year, w^hich was at
the latter end of 700^ and went
At the beginning of the followìng
year to Milan, which agrees with
what Eusebius has said.

^ Ol.clxxxi. 4. Virgilius, sum-
tajtoga^ Mediolanum transgredì-
tur: et post breve teropus Ro-
mam pergìt. Euseb. Chron.

Virgilius Cremona Mediola-
num, et inde pauUo post Neapor
iim trans1it«

' Bere Donatus tells a heap
of most improbable and sìlly

stories. Virgil, it seems, having
spent a considerale time in his
studies at Cremona, Milan, and
Naples, and having acquired a
considerable knowledgc in phy-
sic and philosophy, went to
Rome, and set up for a horse-
doctór. He got himself recom-
mended to the master of Augus-
tus*8 stables, where he cured a
great varìety of diseases incident
to horses ; and received the re-
ward of a loaf every day, with
the usuai allowance to each of
the grooms. The Crotoniates
sent a present to Csesar of a
beautiful colt, in which every
body discovered the marks of
extraordinary spirit and swift-
ness : but Virgil gave his opinion,
that he came from a sickly mare,
and would prove good for no-
thing, which was verified by the
event. This being reported to
Augustùs by the master of the
stable, he was pleased to order
the allowance of bread to be
doubled. He shewed no less
skill in judging of the parentage
of dogs : whereupon Augustùs
ordered his allowance of bread
to be doubled again. Augustùs
was in doubt whether he was
the son of Octavius, or of some

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

xxvu

to detèrmine, at what time be returned to the place Yeér

of
Roo&e
intemipted hìm^ saying^ Hear.701.

other man. Whom therefore
coùld be thmk so fit to resolve
the question as Virgili who had
discovered so much skill in the
parenti^e of dogs and horses?
Accordingly he took him into
a private apartment, and or-
derìng every ooe else to with-
draw^ agked him if he knew
who he was^ and what power
he had to make mcn happy.
Virgil answered^ I know thee,
O Augustus CsBsar^ and that thy
power is almost equal to that
of the immortai gods ; so that
Ihou canst make happy whom-
soever thoa pleasest. Cassar
then told him, that he wouid
make him * happy, if he would
give a true answer.to what he
should ask him. Some, says he,
take meto be the son of Octa-
"vius, and others to be the son of
another man. Virgil smiled, and
told him he could easily answer
that question, if he mìght do it
with impunity. Cessar gave him
his oatbj that he would not be
offended at any thing he should
say ; and added, that )ie would
not send him away unrewarded.
Then VirgO, fixing his eyes
steadily upon Augustus, said,
The qualìties of the parents of
other animals may easily be dis-
covered by mathematicians and
philosophers, but in man it is
impossi ble; but yet I can form
a probable conjectuFe of the
occupàtion of your father. Au-
g^tus listened with great atten-
tion to bear what he would say,
when he proceeded thus; Ac-
cording to the' best of my judg-
ment, you must be the son of a
baker. Csesar was astonished,
and was revolving in his mind
how this could be, when Virgil

how I carne to form this con-
jecture, when I had deliv^red
some predictions, which could
be known only by men of the
gfeatest learning and abilities:
you, who are Prince of the
whole wórld, bave given me no
other reward than bread over
and over again; which is the
part either of a baker òr the son
of a baker. Csesar was pleased
with his wit, and answered, that
for the future he should be. re-
warded, not by a baker, but by
amagnanimous kingi and con-
ceived a great esteem for him,
and recommended him to Pollio.
It is hardly possi b)e for a tale
to be more absurd than this.
Would the ruler of the world
talk thus idly with one whOm he
had sent for out of his stables ?
Would Virgil, whom ali allow
to bave been a man of remark-
able modesty, and even bashful-
ness, bave spoken in this manner
to his prince? Would any man
of sense, when his sovereìgn
asked him a question, which to .
bini appeared of the greatest
importance, bave put him off
with a sorry jest> Or was Aa-
gustus a master of no more wit
or understanding'than to con»
ceive an affection for one of his
grooms, because he had an*
swered him impertinently ? The
answer was stili the more offen-
sive, because Anthony had been
used to reproach Augustus with
having a baker amongst his an-
cestors. But, if we enquìre a
little into the chronojogy of
those times, we shall find that
there was not any one point of
time, when this story could
possibly be true. Both Èusebius

d2

of
loa
705.

xxviii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y4»r of bis nativity, and applied bimself to the culture of
his lands. It might probably be in bis twenty-
second year, wbén the civil war between Cassar and
Pompey began, and the confasions at Rome were
very great. It is reasonable to tbink, that he might.
at that lime retire to his farm, in hopes of a quiet
and peaceable tifa, when the flame of the civil war
seemed to drive quite another way ; and when his
countrymen were so favoured by Caesar, who had
been tbeir govemor, as to be made freemen of
Rome\ to which he seems to allude in bis Daph-
nis'^ ; unless we will suppose the poet to mean that
he was personally known to Cassar, which is not
impossible, considering he was a native of his fa-
Tourìte province. It may be thought no improbable
conjecture, that Caesar might see some of his juvenile
poem» whilst he studied at Cremona, and take
notice of hìm as a promising genius. Donatus tells
US, that he wrote several poems when he was but
fifteen years of age: but Ruaeus" has proved, by

and Donatus seem to agree^ that Octavianus. It could not happen

it was not long after.VirgìI weot after that time^ because the

to Milan^ that he proceeded to Bucolicks and Georgicks were

Rome: but it was at least ten already publiehed.andtheiEneis

years after that time, before begun ; so that Virgil was then

Augustus had any power at ali ; no stranger to Augiistus ; nor

and it was full fìve and tweoty could there be any occasion for

years^ before he had the name his being reccommended to Poi-

Augustus given hhn ; and yet lio, who knew him safficiently^

Virgil in this discourse expres^ly by his Eclogues, at least twelve

oalls bim Augustus Cassar : and years before this happened.

therefore this con versaticMi could ' Tai; TàXÀrtm véts hrh rm

not happen before the year of "AXinat ujn^ rh 'H^i^^mv HtUwri

Rome 7S7> when the name of rvi wXitum, in m»ì <>({«€. uvrSi»,

Augustus was bestowed by the ìM^m. Dio Ca^s, lib. xlì.

senate on hìm^ who, after the "^ Amavit nos quoque Daph-

«leath of Julius Caesar, assumed nis.

the namc of Caius Julius Cassar " Virg. Hist. anno 696.

IME OF VIRQIJL. wt»

very solìd ai^meoto, %het iiQue of thoae pifiee^ Aow ¥fv
extaqt under bis name could be compos^d by Yti^ ume
Perhaps i^lso Csasar mìght see tbe Alejps; wbioli ^^'
seems to bave been tb^ most early of our poet 9
compoeitioas now extant^ : and we may very well
suppoae bim capable of wrìtiiig tbat JESdogue at tbe
age of abottt twenty-five, wWcb year of bÌ8 Ufo he 7<>»-
bad completed, about balf a year before Cmw wa$
murdered, wbicb was on tbe fifteeatb of March» m
tbe year of Home 7 10. ^^^

Tbe Alexifi is indeed a fine composìtioii, ia wbicb
the pasaioQ of love ìs descrìbed wìth great wannth
and delicacy. It i& mucb to be wisbed, tbat a pep-
6on of tbe otber sex bad been tbe object x>f thia
passioa. Bttt Tbeocritus bad given tbe example in
bis 'EfM'rQ^P, from wbicb, and tbe Cyclops of tbe
game autbor, Virgil baa taken several passages in th^f
Eclogue.

Ati&r tbe deatb of Julius Caesar, tbe Roman
affairs were in tbe greatest oonfusion imaginable*
Many different parties were formed ; and bis friend»
were divided into factìons, as well as bis enemies*
Many were for restoring the commonwealth, and
many for setting up tbemselvea, as sole governors,
in the place of the deceased perpetuai diotatorr
Caius Octovius Gaepias, who ìs better known in
bidtory by tbe name of Augnstas, which be after-
wards acquìred, was the «on of Caius Octavius, by
Attia the daugfater of Julius Caesar's sister^i, Thìs

"* Ske the note on ver* 86. of the second Eclogue.
the fifth Eclogue. *» Dio, lib. xlv.

p See the note on ver. 1. of

XXX LIFE OF VIRGIL'.

Year young man being left aii orphan by bis father, was
Romebred up under bis mother, and ber brotber Lucius
' Pbiìippus : but as be grew up, bis great uncle, per-
ceivìng marks of an extraordinary genius in bim,
and baving no cbild bìmself, was pleased to take
bim as bis own, and to design him for bis successor.
Witb this view, be omitted no opportunity of forming
tbis young favourite's mind, and rendering bim ablè
to bear the great weight be was intended to suppòrt.
Cassar designed to make an expedition against tbe
Parthians, tbe most formidable enemy of tbe
Romans, wbom tbey bad most sbamefully defeated,
and slain Crassus tbeir cbief commander. Wbilst
be was making preparations for this great war, be
sent bis nepbew before to wait for him at Apollonia,
wbere be was pursuing bis studies, wben he heard
the surprìsing news, tbat bis uncle was murdered in
tbe senate-bouse. The young Octavius was in great
perplexity, being informed tbat bis uncle^s murder
was approved at Rome, and not knowing tbat be
bad made bim bis beir. But as soon as be was
informed of tbe contents of bis will, and tbat the
people bad changed tbeir minds, and were bigbly
enraged against the.murderers, be began to entertain
bopes; and being well provided both witb men
and money, that bad been sent beforehand by his
uncle. he determined to assume the name of Caesar,
wbo had adopted him, and to lay claim to his inhe-
ritance. He went immediately to Rome, and
entered the city in tbe babit of a primate person,
witb very few attendants : and waiting upon Mark
Anthony, the surviving consul, was received by him

LIFE OF VIRGIL. xxxi

in a very cold iqaniier ; and when he spake about Vear
hìs uncles will, was treated with great contempi. Bome
Yoang Cassar was not dìscouraged by the ili usage
of the consul ; but made it bis business to ingratiate
himself with the people, by performing several things
in honour of bis uncle's, or as he was now called bis
father's, memory. He now increased every day in
the favour of the people, ànd many of the soldiers
began to come over to him. This softened the mind
of Anthony, who began to hearken to him; and
at last a reconciliation was made betweén them.
But new difficulties and new jealousieUs arising, soon
broke asunder this ili cemented friendship. An-
thony perceiving CaBsar's interest to increase, used
ali the arts he was master of to gain over the peo*
pie to bis party. He was very great in power ; be-
ing consul himself, and having bis brothér Lucius
tribune of the people, and another brother, Caius,
praetor. This strong faction of the Antonii took
upon them to depose several from their govem-
ments, and to substitute others in their room ; and
also to postpone others beyond the time that had
been appointed. Accordingly the province of Ma-
cedonia, which had been allotted to Marcus Briitus,
was given to . Caius Anthony ; and Mark was
pleased to claim the Cisalpine Gaul, in whicH Man-
tua was situated, beirig the best supplied with men
and money ; though it had been already assigned to
Decimus Brutus. The soldiers, whom Julius Caesar
had sent before him to Apollonia, being retumed
to Italy, Mark Anthony went to them, with hopes
of engaging them in bis service. Young Caesar, at

xxxii UFE OF VIRGIl.

Yaar the fìBXùB tÌHie^ s^it soooie of fais fiiends» witb pl^nty
Romtof money, to hìre them; whilst lie himself went
into Campania^ where he levied a ^ood body^of
meiiy chiefly from Capua, where his £ather had
planted them, having given them that city and ter-
ritòry as a reward for tfaeir services. He got to
Rome agaia before Anthony ; where being miich
applauded by the peopLe^ in whose defimce he said
be had made these levies, he proceeded to Tuscany,
in order to raise men there. The soldiers, who
w^re retumed from Apollonia, received Anthony
very faTOurably, believing bim to be the richest;
bnt when they foimd that his offers fell short of
those of Gssar^ liiey gnew very mutinous* Hei^
upon Anthony commanded some of the centurìons
to be scourged, in the preaence of himself and his
wife; whicfa quieted them for a time: but as they
were marching into Gauil, they mutinied again,
when they were not far from the city ; and most of
them went over to Caesar. Two entire legions de-
Berted together ; and when the money, that had
been {«romised, was punctually distribnted amongst
them, they were soon followed by many others.
Anthony retumed to Rome, and having settled his
affairs in the best manner he could, took an oath
from the vest of the soldiers, and the senators, who
were with them» and marched into Gaul, to pve\&3t
any disturbance there. Gsesar marched aft» him
without delay. Decimus Brntus was at that time
govemor of Gaul ; and having been one of Julius
C^sar s murderers, was irreconcilable with Anthony,
who had vowed the destruction of them ali. But,

LIFE OF VIRGIL, xxxiii

as young Cassar had never discovered any intention ly
of revenging his father's death, there wa» a grealerBoiM
probability of being able to form a coiijuiiction witìi
him. Bmtufi was tfaen at Muttna, now called
Modena, and readily aasented to Cassare request,
that he would not snffer Anthony to enter the place.
This behaiiour of Brutus was approved at Rome ;
whene the senate ordered tbanks to be given to the
people of Mutìna, and to the soldiers who had
deserted from Anthony. The hatred agaìnst An-
thony ìncreased every day at Rome; and, Cicero,
whose enmity to him was ìmplacable, assisted
Cessar with ali his might.

When the Roman affiurs were in this perplexed
state, and the Cisalpine Gàul, the native country of
our poet, was becomtng the seat of a cìvil war, it
is no wonder that we do not find any exertìon of bis
poetica] genius during this year.

The next began with the creation of two new 711.
consuls, Aalus Hirtìus and Caius Pansa. Great de-
bates arose in the senate, conceming the present
posture of their affairs; but the friends of young
Ciesar prevailed'^. They decreed, that a statue
should be erected for him ; that he should bave the
qii«estorian rank in the senate ; that he shouM bave
the liberty to sue for offices before the Ibgal age;
that the money which he had given to the soldiers
sbould be repaid outof Ae public treasury, because
he had levied them for the safety of the Common-
wealth, though it was done by bis private authority ;

' Dìo, 1%. jAyI
e

xxxiv LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y<tf and that the doldiera whom he had raised, and those
Rome who had deserted from Anthony , should be released
' from farther servìce at the end of this war, and hsve
lands immediately divìded amongst them. Mes-
sengers were sènt to Anthony, to command him to
disband his anny, to depart from * Gaul, and to
proceed directly to Macedonia. His soldiers were
ordered to repaìrto tbeir own home, under penalty
ojT beìng treated as public enemies. They appointed
young. Gaesar, whom they invested wìth praetorian
power, to join with the two consuls, in carrying on
the war with Anthony ; who was not sorry to find
the senate so ready to give him a fair opportunity of
entering into a war. He stili bel d. D. Brutus be-
sieged in Mutìna, making> war against him as one of
Caesar^s murderers ; but the. true cause of his pursu-
ing him was, that he might get him out of Gaul, and
take possession of that province himself. Hirtius
and Cassar began their march together from Rome,
whilst Pausa stayed some time to raise a greater
number of soldiers. Anthony left his brother Lucius
to carry 01^ the siege, whilst be himself marched
against Hirtius and Caesar. They soon came io an
engagement, and the victory fell to Anthony, who
left a partof his army to besi^e them in their camp,
and went' to meet the other consul; whom he at-
tacked suddenly, as he was marching out of Bononia,
and having.wounded Pausa, and killed many of his
men, forced the rest to .fly within their trenches.
But Hirtius left Caesar to guard the camp, and fell
upon Anthony, being now fatigued with these
marches^ and weakened by two battles, and obtained

LIFE OF VIRGIL. xxxv

a «ignal victory over hìm ; whereupon the soldiers Year
saluted both the consals, and young C^sar also by it«rae
the name of Imperator. Pontius Aquila, one af
Bratus's lieatenants, about the same time, gained
several . victorìes over Titus Manatius Plancns.
These soccesses so far elevated Hìrtius and Cassar,
that they determined to attack Anthony in bis camrp :
but he, having received a good supply of men from
Lepidus,made a vigorous sally, and got away, many
being slain on both sides. In this conflict Hirtius
was slain, and bis colleagae dìed soon afterwards of
the wounds which he received in the former engage-
ment. Anthony being thus ruined, the sonate began
to neglect Cassar, and to heap ali their favours upon
Decìtnus Brutus; giving to bini the honour of ali
the success, -and bestowing on bis soldiers the re-
wards, which had been promised to those who served
under Cassar. They gave him howeverthe liberty
of >votìng amcoìg those of consular dignity, which
was by no means satisfìakctory to him, who was
ambitious of obtaining the consulship itself. They
endeavoured to foment divisions among bis soldiers,
and. even to alienate their affections from him : and
he was commonly distinguished by the name of the
boy, amongst those who did not favour him. These
and many other indignities made young C^^sii*
determined to pursue new measures ; and to make a
private jceeonciliation with Anthony. At the same
time it was understood at Rome, that Anthony and
Ijepidus had joined together : whereupon the senato,,
not knowing the agreement that Cassar had made
with. Anthony, began to look upon him again with a

e2

xxvn LIFE OF Y IRGIL.

T«ir fiivouraUe cotuit^ttBce, and gave him commissian
Boneto prosecate the war agakist Anthony and Lepidos*
' Tbk war he reacUly mtdertoofc, in hopea ei obtaìn-
b^ the oonsnlahip» and in order to £BK:ilitate it, prò-
miaed to take Cicero fer his xx>Ueagae. Wh» thk
proposai had noi the deaired eflfec^, he pretended to
prepare for the war, and in the mesm time canaed
Uà soldieiii to oblige themselves by an oatfa, that
they would not fight against any army that had been
Cttsar'is. This was done chiefly wìth a view to the
armies of Anthony and Lepidns, whidi were almost
whoUy compoaed of men who had serred mider
Cffisar. This being done» Cssar sent fonr hundred
of these very men to Rome, to demand money, and
the conaulsbip for theìr general. These ambaseradors
were ordered to lay down their arma before they
enteied the senate-house, which they did : but not
meeting wìth satisfactory Bnswer», one of them, as
he carne out, took up his sword, and said, If yoa wìll
not give Cassar the consulship, this shall give it him:
to which Cicero answered, Csesar will certainly
obtain the consulship, if you sne for it after this
mann^. Caesar, being highly offi^nded that his men
were ordered by the senate to lay down their anm,
sent for Anthony and Lepìdas to come nearer to
him, ^nd marched witfa his army directly towards
Rome* The senate, being terrified at his approacfa,
ordered money to he sent to his soldiers, hoping
diat Would cause them to return; but when they
found that he contimied his march, they chose him
consul. This gave no satisfaction : for the array
being sensible that this was not done willh^ly, but

LLFE OF VIBiGIL. xxxviì

tbrough fear, grew more insolent. The sciate now Vm
altered their mind again^ and forl^ the army to Uoam
come within seven hnndred and fifty stadia of Hie
city. But CsBsar proceeded; and as soon as he
carne near the city, the courag^ of those who had
spoken most highly agaìnst him began to lail ; and
gome of the senators first» and afterwards many of
the people, w^it over to him. Nay » the very praetors
rarrendered themsely^ and tìieir soldiers to him :
so that CsBsar got possession of Rome, without
striking a single blow. Cassar was now chosen
consttl by ^e people, and Qaintns Pedius was
assigned him for bis coUeague. He gave rewards to
ali bis iBoldiers; and was adopted into the family of
Julius Caesar, according to the forms of law, taking
npon him the name of Caius Julius Cassar Qctavi*
anus : for, according to the Roman custom, the
person adopted assumed the entìre name oi him who
adopted him, and added one of the names which
he had before, wìth some little alteration. Cassar,
bavii^ now bound the soldiers to him, and depressed
the senate, openly declared bis intention of aven^ng
bis father's murder. But in the first place, he dis-*
trtbuted the great legacies, which he had bequeathed
to the people; which softened their minds, and pre^^
vented any tumults which might otherwisa bave
arìsen. Tìm fae took care to bave done according
to due form : and a law was made, whereby not
only the murderers of Julius Caesar, but several
othersalso, wefe condemnad to l>anishment, and con-
fiscation of their goods. Anthony, ^%er bis defeat,

xxxviii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year wa^ pursued neìther by Decimus Brutus^ nar by
Rome Caesar. The latter did not follow bim, because the
senate had ordered Decimus to contìnue the war ;
and the former had no inclination to ruìn an enetny
of Caesar. 'J'hìs gave hìm an opportunìty to gather
bis scattered forces, and to join with Lepidus, who
intended to bave marcbed into Italy; but was or-^
dered by the senate to stay wbere he was. Decimus,
understanding that he was deci ared a public enemy
at Rome, attempted to get into Macedonia io Mar-
cus Brutus; but falling into the hands of bis ene-
mies, he chose to kìU bimself. This common enemy
being thus removed, Anthony and Lepidus de-
termined to march into Italy, leavìng Gaul to be
governed by their lieutenants: Caesar met them at
Bononia; where they ali conferred together, - and
formed the scheme of the famous Triumvirate ; that
these three men should take the administration of
fkffairs into their hands; and destroy ali their
enemies. They agreed that Cassar should bave the
govemment of ali Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily ; that
Lepidus should bave ali Spain, and Gallia Narbo-
nensis ; and that Anthony should bave- ali the rest of
Gaul, on both sides the Alps : whence we may ob-
serye, that Virgil's country fell under the govem-
ment of Anthony. After this. Cassar marcbed to
Rome, and was foUowed by Anthony and Lepidus;
each with their respective armies ; when that horrid
proscription was begun, by which the lives of many
Romans of the best families and character were
cruelly taken away.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. xxxix

' At the begtnning of thèse troubles, the famous vear
Caius Asìnìus PoUio^ was at the head of two le- Rome

711.

gions in Spaia ; whilst Lepidus had the ccnninand
of three others in the same country, and Plancus
had three more in the farther Ganl^ These three
were ali thought to favour the cause of Atithony :
but ali the sevéral factìons were in hopes of gaining
them. As soon as the siege of Mutina was raiséd,
and. the senate bégan to slight Gsesar, havìng no
farther occasion to depend upon him, they sént or-
ders to these three generals to fight againsi Anthony,
whom it was their chief intention to destroy. When
CaBsar, finding himself neglected by the senate,
and the war against Anthony committed to the
management of Brutus, determined to make peàce
with Anthony; he wrote also bòth to Pollio an^
Lepidus, shewing them hów necessary it was for
them ali to unite, lest Pompey's factiòu should de-
stroy them one after another, as they plainly in-
tended. When Csesar was chosen consul, and
Decimus, being declared a public enemy, was
pursued by Anthony, Pollio joined in the pursuit
with his two l^ions, and brought over Plancus also,
with the three which he commanded. We bave
seen already, that when -Anthony and Lepidus
marched to meet Caèsar at Bononia, they left Gaul
to be governed by their lieutenants ; and that when
they formed the triumvirate, that province was
assigned to Anthony. It is therefore highly proba-
ble, that when they marched to Rome, Pollio being

• See the note on ver. 84. of ' Appian^ de Bell. Civ. lib.
the third Eclogue. iii.

xl LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yett a man of known abilitìea and integrìty, was left

Romt by Anthony to comtnand in Gaul, as bis lieutenant :

^^^' whicfa seems to be confirmed by bis holding the

Venetian territory, of which Mantua was a part,

about a year afterwards, for Anthony, with seven

legions''.

Thus we may reasonably conclude, that ìt was
wben Mantua was under the government of this
favourer of the muses, that Virgil wrote the PalsB-
mon, in whìch PoUio, and be alone of ali tìie great
. men then in being, is celebrated^ as a patron of the
authoi*, and a poet himsel/''.

The Paloemon is a dispute between two shep-
berdS) who challenge each other to sing altemately :
and is an ìmitatìon of the fourtfa and fifth Idyllia of
Theocrìtus« But it is wrìtten with infinitely more
delicacy tfaan tbe orìginals : and though diere is the
(mly coarse raillery between the two shepherds, tiiat
is to be met with in any of the works of Virgil ;
yet their conr^^sation may be thought polite, in
comparison with those of Theocrìtus. He has also
inArodaced the descrìption of two cups, like that
famous one in the &6finì; : but the Greek poet's de-
scrìption is long, even to tediousness ; whereas those
of Yirgil are £ar more concise, and elegant.
712. The aiext year, wben PlaiKrus and Lepidus were
created consnls, is remarkaUe for the birth of the

* VeH. Patere, lib. lì. cap. 76. PoUio €t ipse faclt nova car-

' Potilo amai no^traam, (juani- iniiift : :pasQ»t« tanrtim, ^

vis est rustica^ musam : Jam cornu petat^ et pedibus qui

Pierides^ vitulam lectori pas- spargat arenam.

«ite vestro. Eclog. iiì. 84.

LUPE rOF VIRGILI xti

famoust poet» PnUina Ovidìus. Naso^ wfaeB.Vìrgìl V^
wasiìa hÌB twenty-iiinth year'. Rome

On.the veny first day of thìs year, the trbaivirs^
being resolved.to b^n witfa perfonaing great hd^
noms to the inemory of Jalim Ottsor^ bound theia»
selves byan catti to hold allihis actìons Bacied;
ordered a terapie to bebmlt in the very place nnrheffe
hÌ8 body *had been bumed; and commanded, tfaat
a statae of him should be carried :ahout togellMV
with one of Yen» at the races'^ They dectaed
alsOy that hi» birth*day shòuld be^ ceiebrated wìth
ero WBs of 'bay/ and uniyersal joy ; and that Ahase
who omittedithis eelebration should be olnwxiQns to
the curses of Jupiter and Julius Cassar; and if: they
were «enatorS) or the sons of «enatCHrs^' a lai^£ne
was to be laìd upon them^^ But^ as Julius CisdsuBff
was bom on the day of the Ludi Apollinares^^on
wbich day the Sibylline orades forbad any feafit.to
be celebrated to any bther god than Apollo, they
commanded bis bìrth-day to be * kept the day before
tbat festival. They forbad any hni^ of him to be
carried about at the fonerai of any of ihis famfly,
àocordìng to the usuai custom ; because he was nxA
a mortai, btit a real god. Thejr also made bis
chapel a place of refuge, from which noone was to
be takèn wbo had fléd tbither ; an honour noi given
bV'thé Romans tó anygod since the time of Rcimu-
hÉ&j Thì& deMcation of Julius Caésar seems to haye
been alluded to by Yiipl in his Daphnis; which
must therefore bave been written near the beginning

y Olymp. clxxxiv. 3. Ovidius Chron.
Naso nascitur in Pelignis. Enseb. * Dio, 1ib;?xlTÌK

f

xlii UFE OF VIRGIL.

of tbis year, when these extraordìnary honours werè
Bomepaid to the memory of that hero. Sach a poem
* coold net bat be acceptabk to bis pi^on, Pollio,
who was a steady friend to Julius Gaesar, and was
probably lìeutenant^ovemor of the province wbere
Yirgil lived. Nor còuld it be unacceptablè to the
triumvirs themselvés/ who were pròfessedly of the
same party, and had decreed those honours to the
memory of Julius Cassar. But tbough the triumvirs
reìgned at Rome, and were absolute nmsters in
Gaul, yet they were far from being in póssession of
the whole Roman empire. Marcus BrutUs, oiie of
the murderers of Cassar, had gotten ali Gréece and
Macedon into bis hands, put Caitis Anthony to
death, and was at the head of a good army. Cassius,
'another of the murderers, had at the same time
coUected ali the forces that were in Syria; and
joined bis army with that of Brutus, in òpposition to
the establishment of the triumvirato; In thià doubt-
fili situation of affaìrs, Yirgil seèms to bave acted
with great caution : fór tbough the Daphnià cannót
well be imagined to bave been written in honotir of
any other person than that of the great Cassar* ; yet
he prudently suppresses bis name, and describes
bim under the character of a berdman.

Brutus and Cassius, having joined their armies,
marched into Macedonia, and encamped at Philjppi ;
wbere they waited for Cassar and Anthony, who

. * Donatus says, that Virgil of the latter under the name of

had two brothers ; Silo, who Daphnis. But the im probabili ty

died young, and Flaccus, who of this story is shewn in the

died after he was grown up ; notes on that £c)ogue.
and that he lamented the death

LIFE OF VIRGILI xliii

carne agamst them, with joint; forces; Lepidu^ Year
stuyii^.at Rome, to keep ali quiet tbeiìe.^ The, ad- Rome
yerse^armies did^notlong continue in sigtit of eaqh;
other, before they carne to an. engagement. The
battle was fought with great fury, and varìous for-
tune; but at last the victory fell to the tiiumyirs;
Brutus.and Gassias, seeing ali lost, slew themsèlves :
Porda^ the dau^ter of Cato, and, wife. of Bruitasi
kiUed herself by swallowìng a, bumingcoal: most
of the prìncìpal persona, who had, either barpe
officesy or been concemed inthe mui'der of GaeBar^
fell upon their own swords : but the soldiers, upon
promise ofindemnity, carne over to the triumvirs.

This decisive baltle was fought at the latter end
of the year of Rome 712; and as Lepidus had no
band in it, the. whole glory of it redounded to Gaesàr
and Anthony. These two therefore b^an immedi-
ately to take upon. them the disposition of public
affairs ; and to avoid ali altercation, they drew up a
writing between them, in which it was àgreed, that
Gaeéar shpuld bave Spain and Numidia, and An-
thony Gaul and Africa; but on condition, that if
Lepidus was discontented he should bave Africa^.
They forbare to divide the other provinces; because
Sextus, the spn of Pompey, was in ppssession of
S|ardinia and Sicily» and the rest were not yet
quieted. It was agreed al^o, that Antliony should
quash ali rebellìons, and provide th<e money that
was promised to the soldiers ; and that Caesar should
take ^care of Lepidus, if hp should offer to stir;

^ Dio, lib. xlviii.
f2

liliv UPE ©F yiRGlL.

Y«air isifnd tliat he sbouldalsc manale the war against
Bmxà Sèxtds P<>mpey ; > and ikstly^ tfaat he- should ^take
Cam tó divide the^lands, wfaich- hadbeen prmnimd
to the retemir gcrfdi^^. Cassar atsowas to deliter
two af his tegions to AtiitboBy ; s^danstead of Itimn^
to i reéeìve ^two òf Anthoiiy's, • which ' were ^ in I taly •
^èse-^sMideér^ being «igned and' sealèd,' Antìiony
Mai^hed into Asia» and Gsesar retarned to^italy.
€sesai^ made^^hat' hàste he couid, and carne the
itoarest way tdltaly, goingon board at Dyrrafchium,
and' landingat fitandùsium'^. > But he wa» taben
80^ ili dnrìng his voyage, tbat it* wad cnrfeotly re-
ported ^at' Rome that he wad dead. ^ This nifnour
occadioned great dìstiìrbances^» whicb however were
Boott appeased by his safe return.
713. Publins ServiKus and Lucins Antony had the
Aame * of consuls for the following year ; but ' in
reaHty the whole govemment was administered by
the latter, and by him chiefly* under the direction
bf Fulfia. This I^'ulvia was the wìfe of Mark An-
thony ^ ai\d 'the mother of CaBSar's- wife: làhe-was
a womanòf amost tdrbulent «pirit; and sligbtòig
Lqndus, oaaecount of his indolence, took the reins
into ber own hands, and wouldnot sùffer elther
óenate or peoplfì to make any décree Mrithout ber
permission. At this time Csesar retumed victorious
from Philippi ; and bating pcirformed those duties,
^hich ancient custom required from successfiil
wlarriors, he began to enter upon public business,
a considerable part of ivhich was the division of ihe

"" See the note òn ver. 6. of the eighth Eclogue.

IjIFE OF VIRGIL. xIv

ptomìsed' ktnds amongst the veterana Lackis An- ire»
tbony aiid Fulvia;' being allied to him, b^avedAme
peaceaUy at ^rst ;* but thatiadys fiery tenaper .soon '^^^
brakeoutyietnd kìndled the flame of anew eivil war.
Fulvia and he^ brother . complained, tkal Giesar did
net permit tbem to divide «theiands^ whicb beloi^d
to 'Mark Anthony; and- Csesar, tbat the legions
were noti delivery to him^ according to-the agree-
ment^madeat Philippi. Their qnarrel grew to suoh
a"height,^*that €»sar^ being no longer able tobear
the insolence of Fulvia, divorced ber daughter;
taking an oatb, that she stili remained a virgin.
Therewas now no longer any shadow of agreement
between them : Lucius, being wholly guided by
Fulvia, pretended to do every thing for the sake of
bis brother, having assumed on that account the
mmame of Pius. But deBsar laid the whole blame
on Fulvia and Lucius, noi accusing Mark Anthony
in the ^ least degree ; charging them with acting
ooBtrary to bis inclinatìon^ and attraapting toassame
a^particuiar 'power of govemmg to thems^ves.
Each party looked upon the division of the lands as
a'great step to power; and therefore this' was the >
prmcipal subject of their contention. - Coesar was
desirous, according to'the* agreement made after the
batde of Philippi, to divide %tìbe lands amongst
Ihe soldiers of Anthony , as well as his own; that
he might bave it in bis power to lay an obligation
upon them ali. Fulvia and Lucius were no less
«oHcitouf9 to bave the settling of those of Anthony,
that tfaey might avail themselves of their strength ;
and both of them were of opinion, that the readiest

xlvi LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year way was to divide the goods of the unarmed prò-.
Rome prietors among the soldiers. But when they found
''^^ tbat great tumults were raised by this division of the
lands, and that Gaesar began to jncar the hatred of
the people, they changed their pian, and endea-
voured to gain ali the injured to their party. At
this time Rome, was fiUed with the.complaints of
great multitudes of people, who, being dispossessed
of their estates, flocked thither, in bopes. either of
restitution, or of being able to give some^more favour-r
able tum to their affairs by raising tumults. It is
the general opinion, that Yirgil went tp Rome
amongst the rest of bis countrymen, and that being
introduced to Caesar, he obtained an order to bave
bis lands restored. It bas been already observed,
that Yirgil was probably known to PoUio a year
before this distress happened : we may therefore ven-
ture to suppose, that the poct was recommended by
bim to some of the favourites"^ of Gassar, as a person
of extraordinary genius for poetry. This di vision of
the lands, and the melancholy condition of those
who were foreed to giveup their estates tp the. sol-
diers, is the subject of the.Tityrus. This Eclogue,
which is usually placed first, though plainly not the
first iji order of time, contains a dialo^e between
Tityrus and Melibo^us, two shepherds; the latter'
of whom represents, in a very pathetìcal manner,

^ The person to whom Virgil interpose in the preservation of

was recommended by Pollio Mantua^

seems to bave been Varus: for Vare tuumnomen,8uperat modo Man-
in the ninth Eclogue we find Ma»t*r "« \iser« nimium vidna
our poet addressing himseif to CremonaB;
Varus, and entreating him to Cantantes sublime ferentadsideiBcycni.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. xlvn

the miseries bf tbose, who were obligéd to quit y^
their country, and make room for the ìntruding Rome
soldìers. The fonner expresses the great happiness
he énjoyed in being restored to hìs estate, by the
favonr of a young man% whom he declares, that
he will always esteem as a deìty^ Thìs young
man can be no other than Csesar, who at that
timé took upon him the distributìon of the lande.
His adopted father was already received intò the
number of the Gods, whence young Csesar assumed
the title of £>ivi Julii Jiliùs. Tìtyrus therefore flat-
ters bis great benefactor, as ìf be Mras already a
deity. This extraordinary favour, above the rest
of hìs neìghbours, was without doubt òwiiig to his
skill in poetry; for we are told expressly in the
Moerìs, that he was said to bave preserved his lande
by his versesi. It seems most probablè« that it
was the Daphnìs, which he had written the year
before, on the deificatìon of Julius Caesar, that re-
commended him to the favour of his adoptéd son.
B.ut we are told, that our poet's joy was but short ;
for when he retiirned to take possessiòn of his farm,
he was violently assaulted by the intruder, and would
bave been killed by him, if he had not made his
escape, by swimming over the Menzo. The poet,
upon this disappointment, retumed to Rome, where

* Hic illum vidi juvenem. Me- ' Namque erit iUe mihi semper

liboee^ quotannis Deus : illius aram

Bis senos cui nostra dies al- Ssepe tener nostris ab ovilibus

taria fumant imbuèt agnus.
Hic mihi responsum primus

dedit ille petenti ; > Omnia carmi nibus vestrum ser-

Pascite ut ante boves^ puerì^ vassé Menalcan.

submittlte tauros.

xWiii LIFE OF VIROIL.

Tei» he seems to bave composed bis Moeris, whenein b^
Rome artfully introduces several copies of verse», as frag<^
' ments of.hìs poems* In these fr»^ents, hesbews
hknself capable of excellìng tbe fineBt compoditions
of Tbeociitus; a method very likely ta obtain-tbe
faivour of Caesar, wbo bad a good taste for poetry
bimself, and was surrounded by personsas eminent
foF tbeir learnìng as tbeir^ valour. One of tbé fni^>-
ments, in tbis Eclogne, is a direct address ta Yarus,
wbereia be promises to exalt bis name to tbe skies,
ifhe will but preserve Ms^ntua, wbich suffered by
its neigbbourhood to unbappy Cremmia**. An-
other fragment is in bonour of tbe star, wbich
af^ared after tbe deatb of JuKus Cassar, and was
looked upon as a sign tbat bis soul was reeeived iato
beaven. Here be plainly names bim,» wbich bè
was afiraid tó do before tbe decisive bàttle at Pbi-
li{^; and be could not easìly bave written any
. tbing tbat' was more likely to please young Caesar.
But wbetber Yirgil did immediately obtaìn a quìet
possession ofhis estate or not may be questioned;
beeause Fulvia and Lucius began about tbis time to

** Thia part of Vircirs history rSt 2àéfuwf v^^tn^unr^ifunti temi

receivesaconsiderablelìghtfrQm to èiftunt «cAiy^/*iwi, «w^f lxi^xia-~

a passage in the fifth ' hook of a^fr«i ttùtoTs xaù ^ùt^vfuw vXxk

Appian de BelU CivìUbu*. ^'l!ìì% aXk» ròv Kmm^ti^ f9r«Myr«.>> It

historian informs us, that the therefore seems probable, by

soldiers frequently transgressed what Virgii has saiil himself in

the bounds assigaed them^^and his Masriss M^ntua ivat mùerce,

invaded theneighbouriDg lands^ &c. that the land» about Cre-

and that it was «ot in the power mona were gi/ven ta tbe isoldìers^

of Caesar to restratn them : 'O % who transgressed their bounds,

Ktua-tù^ rtuf zrùXur» iltXoyitrù rtiv and seized upon those about

^fMyKDv, Kui ^tèùMw àtSt Mi d^xétntr, Mantua, whìch ■ had not been

•vt i^x^vt, flcAA* i rrptiòf xtù tùì^ given thein%!
ytir^crtf hcfìocttft o-w lli^v, vXiofei n

LIFE OF VIRGIL- xlix

grow strong in tbat part of the country. Perhaps Tew
he stayed at Rome till things were bettér settled ; Rome
^md from this time wa6 under the protection of
Caesar and his friends. He would hardly care to
run the hazard of his life agaìn; for we find, that
at thi8 thne there were Rkirarishes between the eoi-
diers and the people every where\

By the management of Fulvia and Lucius An-.
tfaony, G«sar. tncurred the faatred both of soldiers
aiid people : the soldiers were dissatìsfied with the
portion that was gìven them ; and the people were
eniaged at their lands being taken froih them. To
add to these misfortunes of Csesar, his legions,
which were in Spain, were hindered fìrom passing
tìie Alps by Calenus and Yentidius, who govemed
the Transalpine Ganl, as Anthony's lieutenantgi.
Ctesar therefore proposed terms of accommodation :
but hds. offers vrere rejected with contempt by Vnh
vìa, i?rho girded on a sword, and prepared for war.
€r8Bsar then procured some of the veteran soldiers
to interpose; vrho, according to bis expeetatìon,
being refìised by Fulvia and Lucius, were bighly
ofiended. He then sent some senators to them, who
argued npon the agreement made between Cassar
and Anthony ; but with no better «uccess. -- He ap-
plied to the veterans again, who flocked to Rome
in great numbers, and going into the capìtoli re-
solved to take the cognizance of the àflair into their
own hands. They ordered the agreement to be
«ad before them ; and tben appoìnted a day for ali

''Sv wmcms yà^ìn rmt wixtnf ^;^#m. Dio> lib. xlviii.

s

l LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Tear tlie partìes to meet at Gabìì, that they mìght de-

Rome termine the dispute. Caesar carne at the time ap-

^^^' pointéd, but Fulvia and Lucius neglected to ap-

pear; whereforé the veterans decided infavour of

Gassar, and resolved to assist bim.

7u. Thus a new cìvìl war brake out in Italy ; which

was put an end to by the ruin of Fulvia and Lucius,

in the next year, when Cneius Domitius and Caius

Asinius Pollio, the great patron of Virgil, were

creatéd consuls. The war was carried on after the

foUowing manner :

Gsesar left Lepidus, with two legions, to defend
Rome ; whilst he hìmself marched against the ene-
my, who was strengthened by great numbers óf
those who bated the triumyirate, and by the old
possessore. of the lands, who abhorred the intruding
soldiers^. Lucius had two legions at Alba, that
mutinied against thèìr tribunes, and seemed ready
to revolt. Both Caesar and Lucius hastened toward
thém: but Lucius reached thetn first; and by many
gifts and promises regained them. Fumius was
marching with a good body to the aid of Lucius ;
when Cassar fell upon bis rear, and oblìged bim to
retreat to Sentia ; whither he did not care to fol^
low bim that night, for fear of an ambnsh. But
the next moming Caesar besieged bim and bis aniiy
in the town. In the mean time Lucius marched
directly to Rome, sending three parties before bim,
which entered the city with wonderfiil celerity ; and
he himself foUowed, with the main body of bis

* Appian. de Bell. Civil. lib. 5.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. li

army, his cavalry, and gladiators, and being re- Yen
ceived by Nonius, who guarded the gate, he added Bome
iìis soldiers to bis own forces ; whìlst Lepidas made
his escape to Caesar. Lucius called an assembly of
the people ; and gave them bopes, that Csesar and
Lepidas would soon be punìsbed for the violences
whicb they bad committed when they weie niagi<*
strates ; and that his brother would gladly lay down
bis unlawfiil power, and accept of the Intimate
office of consul, instead of the lawless rule of a ty^
Tant. This disconrse gave a general satisfaction ;
and being salnted Imperator, he marched against
Caesar. In the mean time Barbatius, who was
Qnaestor to Mark Anthony, being dismissed by him
for some offence, told the soldiers, that Mark An-
thony was angry with those who warred against
Caesar, and their common power; so that many
being deceived by him, went over to Gaesar. Lu-
cius marched to meet Salvidienus, who was return-
ing with a considerable force to Caesar: PoUio and
Ventidìus followed him' at the same time, to inter-
rupt his march. But Agrippa, who was a great
friend^to Gsesar, being afraid that Salvidienus might
be surrounded, seized upon Insubres, a country very
commodious for Lucius ; whereby he accomplished
his des^ of making him withdraw from Salvidie-
nu8« Lucius tumed his arms against Agrippa, and
was now followed in the rear by Salvidienus; and
being thus disappointed, he «ideavoured to joiu with
Pollio and Yentidius. But now botfa Salvidienus
and Agrippa attended upon him in snch a manner,
that he was glad to secure hìmself in Perusia, a

g2

Ui UFE OP VIBGIU

Yeiir oity iràll ibrlìfied, but net tery wetl fornisbed wìtìb
Bome tHroTÌflions. Here tbe two generala begieged hita;
aa4 sooiì: after C®sar carne up ; ao that tbe plaoe
was Uocked up by no lesa diao tbrea armiea, wbiob
were alao coatmmdly receiving reinforGeaieiita;
wbilat others . were sent to biuder PolUo and Yen-
tìdina from coining to bis relief. Fulvia bestirrod
heraelf Tiolendy, and commanded ali tbe generala
to raìse tbe siegè. Slie alao raised a new army»
wbich sbe sent to Luciua» under the command of
Plancus, wbo routed one of Geeaara legions by tbe
way. But neither Ventidiua nor PoUio were in
mucb baste to marcb ; because they were not aure
of tbe real inclination of Mark Anibony : and wben
Cassar and Agrippa went about to bìnder their con*
junction, tbey both retreated» one to Ravenna,
and tbe otber to Ariminum. Caesar returned to
the siege, and completed bis works; and kept ao
strict a guard, that no provisions could by any meana
be brought into tbe town. Lucius made several vi-
gorous) sallies, but witbout success, being alwàys
beaten back witb Iosa* At lengtb, being reduced to
great extremitìes by femme, be yielded bimself and
hia army to tbe mercy of Caesar, wbo pardoned
tbem, and took tbe soldiers into bis own pay. He
intended to give tbe plunder of tbe towi^ to hia
army; but he waa prevented by one Cestius, wbo
set bis own house on fire, and threw bimself into
the flames, wbich spread on ali stdes, and soon re-
duced that ancìent city to ashea» leaving only the
tempie of Vulcan standing. The otber g^ierals,
wbo were frienda of Anthony, either retired before

UFE OF VIRGIL. tm

Cassar, or carne OTcr< to hiin : sa thaìt ifaè'becàiné ^è&
posaesséd of ali Gaal. boA

i This seèms to be the time when Cte^w ret^ired
¥irgil to bis lands ; for it does not seem to bave beem
m bis power before. We may well belìeve, tbat
DOW Virgil took tbe opportunìty pf folfiUiiig^ thè
promise, wbicb be bad : made to ' Varas; in ìAè
MoM^ of exalting bis name to tbe skìes^ if bè
woald preserre Mantaa. Tbis be performéd, by
composìng ose of bis finest Eclogues, called Silenos;
wbich ìs (dedicated to Quintas Atius VarosS wfaó
bad seryed under Julius Caesar in Gaul and Ger^
many, with singular courage and conduet; and *
perbape in tbis war against Lucius Antbony ; tbougb
be is not particolarly named by tbe bisltorians now
extant To tbese actions of bis Yii^il seems to al*
lude, when he says.

> Super tibi erunt, qui dicere laudes.

Vare, tuas cupiant^ et tristia condere bella.

Thb Eclogue was probabLy wrìtten at tbe command
of Varus ; for the poet says expresisly, tbat be dóes
not write it witbout beiag commanded'". Virgil
seems to bave beea elevated with the joy of repós-
sessing bis estate ; and to bave been strongly moved
by a sense of gratitude to bis bendactor. For, in
the dedication of tbis Ecìogue, be breaks oot into a
rapture; and tells bis patron, tbat every tree and
grove sball resound bis name; and that Apollo him-
self cannot be more deligbted with any poem, tban

* See the noteson ver. 6. of the "» Non injiiss^ eano.
sixih £clogue. Ed vi. ver. 9.

Uv UFE OF VIRGIL.

Tcv that which ìs inscribed to Varas". We may ob*
Àmie serve, that \ÌTffl wrìtes thìs Pastora! to oblige hìs
patron, rather than to indulge bis own inclìnation.
He was ambitious of exercising bis genius in the
higher sorts of poetry : bat as he bad sbewn, in bis
Mcerìs, how capable be was of excelling Theocri-
tas in pastoral poetry; it is bighly probable, tbat
Yanis insisted on bis writing ibis sixtb Pastoral.
He bints at tbis bimself, tbat be wonld willingly
bave made war the sabject of bis poetry : bat tbat
be was restrained firom cboosing a lofty sabject ; and
ordered to keep within bis pastoral spliere"". We
may reasonably believe, tbat Yanis was an Epica-
rean ; and that Yirgil in compliment to bim made
that philosopby the sabject of bis poem. It would
bave been improper to bave made a sbqpberd run
tbroogh a -wbole system of philosopby : he there-
fore takes advantage of a fiEunous story, that the old
demi-god Silenos was found dnink and asleep by
some shepherds, who carried him boand to king
Midas ; where be gave answers to several qoestions
relaUng to philosopby. Yirgil therefore avoids the
censore of putting into the mouth of a herdman
thìngs above bis capacity, by introducing two shep-
herds, who with the assistance of a nymph* catch
Silenos in one of bis dronken fits, and compel him
to give them a long promised song.* The old deity

* Te nostre. Vare, my- * Cam canerem leges et pnelia,

rie», Cynthias aarem

Te nemus ornne canet: nec Vdlìt.et admonuit: Pastorem,

^Mebo gratìor ulla est, Tityre, pingues

Qaam sibi qus Vari pre- Pascere oportet oves, dedac-

scrìpsh pagina nomen. tum dicere canuen.

Ed. vi. ver. 10, li, 12. IbUL ver. S, 4, 5.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Iv

sings a succinct account of the naturai and moral Year
doctrìne of Epicurus ; the formation of the world nome

*' 714'

fróm atoms; and the necessìty òf avoiding pertur-
bations of the mind. Here he takes an opportunìty of
paying a very fine compliment to Cornelius Galius, '
another favourìte of Csesar; representing bini as a
pattern of Epicurean wisdom, retiring from the
distractions of the tìmes, and amusìng himself \<^ìlh
poétry. Gallus is wandering on the banks of Per-
messus, when one of the Mùses conducts hìm to the
Aonian mountains, and ìntroduces him to the court
of Apollo, The whole assembly rìses to do honour
to this great man, and linus presents him with the
pipe of old Hesiod, with which he is to sing the
honours of the Grynean grove, sacred to Apollo.
Gallus about that time wrote a poem on this grove,
wherein he imitated the style of Hesiod. Yirgil
therefore elegantly commends this poem, when he
says Gallus will cause this grove to become the fa-
vourìte of Apollo p.

Caesar did not remaiù long in quiet, after the
complete victory which he had obtained over Lu-
cius and Fulvia *i. This turbulent lady fled to
ber husband,^ and incited him to make war upon
CddSQt. Anthony, inflamed with rage, steered his
course to Italy, and began a most furìous and dan-
gerous war. But the news of the death of Fulvia,
whom he had left sick at Sicyon, coming opportune-
ly, gave a favourable opportunity of settling a peace

P His tibi Grynéi nemoris di- Ne quis sit lucus^ quo se plus jac-
catur origo: tet Apollo. Ed. vi. 72, 73.

"i Appian. lib. v. Dio, lib. xlviiì.

Iti LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year betweeo tbese mighty rìvals. Cocceìns, a commcm
Bme friend to both, went between them» and projected
areconciliation; the consul Pollio appearìng on the
part of . Anthony, and M aecenas on the > part of
Gffisar, to arbitrate the differences between them*
The arUtrators proposed, that as Fulvia the wife of
Anthony w^ just dead, and Marcellus alsoi the
husfoand of Octavia, half sister to Cassar; Octavia
should be given in mairiage to Anthony'. Thi^
being agreed to, caused an univeysal Joy ; and the
livhole anny exprassed their joy by shouting ali that
day and the following night. Octavia was with
child at the time of this marrìage. Therefore, as
tbìs great lady, who was also a person of a most
unspotted character^ was the cement of so blessed a
peace and union between the two great trìumvirs;
who were upon the pcnnt of tearìng the worìd ili
sunder by their divisions, Virgil was not backward
in testifying bis joy for so happy an event. The 8i-
bylline oracles had foretold, that a child was to be
bom about this time, who should rule the woiid,
and establìsh perpetuai peace. The poet ingentously
supposes the child, with which OctaVia was thèn
pregnant, to he the glorìous infant, under whose
rule mankind was to be made happy; the golden
age was to return again from heaven ; and fraud
and violence was to be no more. This is the subject
of that Eclogue, of which the usuai title is Pol-
lio. In this celebrated poem, the author^ with
great delicacy, at the same time pays hjs court to

^ See the notes on the fourth Eclogue.

LIFE OF VlliGlL. Ivii

both thè chiéfs, to bis patròh Pollio, 4o OcÈavtò, ift«r
and to tbè'unborn ìnfànt. It is dedicàted to theRòine
great Pòllio by name, who was at tbat tìme Con^
sul*; and thereforè we are sure òf the date bf
this Eclogne, as it is known tbat he enjòyed that
high office in the year of Rome 714. • Matty erti
tics think the style and subject òf this Ecloguè tdo
high to deserve the name ofapastoral. 'Bat that
the aothor himself intended ft for à pastorale i$
very plain, because at the vèry beginiling he ili- ' •
Tokes the Sicìlian MusesV But aé he intended to
ofTer this poem to so eminent a pèrson as a Ronìab
Cònsul, he thoùght, that some atteinpt shoald bè
made to soàr above the common lével of pastoral
writing; and that if a rural pòem was òfferéd to à
Consul, it ought to he composed in i^ucb a manner»
as to be worthy of the ear of so great a magli
strate ". Yet he does not lòse sight òf the ^oduii^
try: the goa:ts, the cows, and the sheep bave their
share ih tbesé'blessings of peace; and the sponta-
neous plants, which are tò spring up at the renòva-
tion of the golden age, are suited véry well to pas-^
torà! poetry.

Cassar and Anthony now made a new partitiòri
of the world ; ali toward the east, from Codropo-
lis, a town of Illyricum within the Adriatic, being
assigned to Anthony; and ali toward the west tò

* Teque adeo decus hoc bb^ì, ^ Sicelides . Mus» palilo mtajora

te CoDsule, ìfìibiU canamus. Jbid, ver, 1:

Poìlìo^ et ìacipìent magni ° Si canìmus sylvas» sylvee sint

procedeVe menses. ConsaXe dignie» Ihtd. var. S»
Ed. iv. ver. 11, 12.

h

Iviii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

^^ Cl8esar\ Africa was left to Lepidus; and the
Bomewar witb Sextus Pompey was to be managed by
Caesar, and the Parthian war by Anthony. Bach
óf them sent armies, under the command of their
respective friends, into difièrent parts of the world :
amongst wbom it appears^ that Pollio was sent into
Illyricum ; for it appears that he obtained a triumpfa
for bis yictory over the Parthini, a people in that
partof the world, at the latter end of the year of

715. Rome 715. It was doring this march of PoUio,
that Virgil publisbied bis Pharmaceutrìa, whìch is
dedicated to that noble persona. This beautiful
Eclogue was partly written in imitation of one
under the same name in Theocrìtus. It consists of
two parts; the first of which coptàins the eom-
plaints of a shepherd, who was despìsed by bis
mistress; and the secoijd is full of the incantations
used by a sorceress to regain the lost afiection of ber
lover. It seems probable, that Pollio had engaged
Vii^il in an attempt to imitate the ^agfAttxivrgé» of
Tlieocritus, before he began bis march; for the
poet says expressly, that these verses were begun by
his command^. He ceiebrates bis patron in a
most elegant and polite manner : and as^ Pollio was
not only a great general, but also one of the best
scholars of his time, he mentions his great actions
and noble tragedies together, and entreats him to
permit the poet to mix his ivy with the vrctorious

* Appian. de Bell. Civ.lib. v. ? A te principinm 3 tìbi desinet :

^ Tu mlhì, seu magni superas accìpe jùssìs

jam saxa Timavi : Carmina ooepta tuie.

Si ve oram lUyrici legis sequo- Ibid. ver. 11, 12.

ris. EcL vili. ver. 6,7-

LIFE OF VIRGIL. lix

bay 8, that were tò crov^n the head of FoUio*. Yem
If we take Virgil's own opinion, we shall judge Home
tbis to be one of the finest of his compositìons ; for
the Introduction ppepares us to expect something
more than ordinary^; and when he has finisbed
the speech of Damon, he calls upon the Muses to
relate what Alphesiboeus sard, being unable to prò-
ceed any farther by his own strength^ Indeed
there are a great number of exquisitely beautiful
passages in this Eclogue ; which, as they cannot
easily escape the observation of a reader of any
taste, and as most of them are pointed out in the
notes, need not be particularly mentioned in this
place.

The year 716 passed without any public trans- ne.
action of note, except the power which Sextus the
son of Fompey acquired by sea; who became so
famous by his naval exploits, that he was believed
to be the son of Neptune. Nor is it certain, that
Virgil composed any of his Eclogues this yestr :
however, as the MelibcBus is the only Eclogue, of
which we cannot ascertain the date ; we may form

» — En erit anquam * Pastorum Musano, Damonis et

lUe dies, mihì cum liceat tua Alphesibcei,

dicere factal Immemor herbarum quos est

£n erit, ut liceat totum miiii mirata juvenca

ferine per orbem Certantes, quorum stupefactae

Sola Sophocleo tua carmina Carmine lyuces, •

dìgna cothurno ! £t mutata suos requierunt flu-

Rid. ver. 7, 8, 9, 10. mioa cursus.

And, Ibid. ver. 1,2,3, 4.

Atque hanc sine tem- '^ Haec Damon : vos, quse re-

pora circum sponderit Alphesiboeus,

Inter victrices hederam tibi Dicite, Pierides: non omnia

^rpere lauros. possumus omnes.

Ibid. ver. 12, 13. Ibid. ver. 62, 63.

Ìì2

Ix MPìS, OF yJIlGlL,

Xw ^ conject»re,,tìiat it W3* ^rritt^ tìm year, wbicb
Boioii iiia9(i olh^^rwise l^aye ipsad witbout any apparent

* ^^rtioB oloui* poet's genios.
7W, . Tbe ne^t y^M begaa witb the march of M. Vip-
pamu^. Agnppa, ope. of the new consiils inU>. Gaal ;
ìq quiet an insurrectìpn there. . Agrippa., was 8ucr
c^^fvil, anci.was the second,JloinaQ who cro^sed the
Bhine.with an anny"^.. But the . depredationn of
Ppmpey werp so great, that Csesar wa^ impatieat
for his return ; thjat hp might Qv^^rse^ thq marìtiiae
bfi^iness, apd gìv,^. dir^ction3 for the building of
i^hips in ali th« , polis of. Italy. Jt mui^t have . been
V m this year that VirgiLcomposed the laat of his
Eclogues, which bears the title of Gallus ; the subject
Qf which is the pa^^ion of that poet for Lycoris^,
\frho had left him to nm away with, some soldìer,
who marched over the Alps^ As Agrìppa was
the first Roman, after Julius Cassar, who crossed
the Rhine with an army; it must have beèn with
that very army that Lycorìs can away over the
«no WS of the Alps» and the frosts of the Rhine ^.
Csesar in th^meantirnehad bq^tìne^s enough to en-
gagé himself, and ali his friends, in defending the
sea-coast of Italy agaìnst the inyasions of Pompey.
Among these it is highly probable, that Gallus was

^ Dìo, lib. xlviii. Perque nives alium^ perque

f Extreomin bunc Arethusa horrida castra secuta est.

mihi concede iaborem. ' Ibid. ver. 22, 23.
Pajuca meo Gallo^ sed qus ^ Tu procul a patria^ nec sit

legat ipsa Lycoris, mibi credere^ tantum

Carmina sunt dicenda. Alpìnas^ ab dura^ nives^ et fri-

EcL X. ver. 1, 2« 3. gora Rbeni

* — Tua cura Lycoris Me sine sola vide», /è. 46—48.

JUIFE OF VIRGlL.

1»

employed, for we find that he was dètained in arms Yen
at the same time''. We bave seen alreadV' that the Rome
Silenus was begun at the command of Yarus, and
the Pharmaceutrìa at that of Poilio. Thus the
tenth Eclogue seems to have been undertaken at
the request of Gallus. Perhaps he desiied Yirgìl to
imitate the first Idyllium of Theocrìtus; and the
poet, complying with his direction, represented
Gallus himself as a shepherd dying for love, like
the Daphnis of the Greek poet\

^ Nunc insanud amor dori me
Marti s in armis
Tela inter media atque ad-
versos detinet bostes.

Ed. X. 44, 45.

* It will be objected perhaps
by dorne^ thàt a longer time is
bere assigned for Virgil's occu-
pation in wrìtihg the Eclogue^
thaiì is consìstent with the faith
of history. Both Donatus and
Servius affirm^ that the Buco-
licks were finished in three years:
whereas I have supposed him to
bave begun writing before the
deàth of JuUus Csesar, and not
to have finished them before the
yèar of Rome 717* a space of
time containing no less thàn
seven years. But both these
authors are irreconcìleable with
each other, and in some measure
with thémselves. Donàtos says'^
fhat the Bucolicks, on their
publicaLtioói, were so well re-
oeiVed, as to be frequently re-
eited by the singers on the
theatre 3 and , that Cicero hini-
self baving heard some of the
verses, callèd out to have the
whole repeàted; ànd whèn he
had heard the whole^ cried oùt
ih an ecstasy, that the aìùthor

was the second great hape qf
Rome, ésteeming himself to hù
the first : *' Bucolica eo successù
*' edidit, ut in scena quoque per
'^ can tores crebra pronunciatio né
*' recitarehtur. At curai Cicero
^ quosdam versus audiisset, et
*' statìm acri judicio intéllexisset
"non communi vena editos^
" jussit ab initio totam £clogam
'* recitari : quam cum accurate
'* pernotasset, in fine ait : Mag-
'^ ruB spes altera Ronue. Quasi
^' ipse linguse Eatinae spes prima
" fuisset^ et Marò futurus esset
^^ secunda. Qùse verba postea
'^ iEneidi ipse inseruit." There-
fore, according (ò Donatus, Vir-
glt must bave pùblished one at
leàst of bis Bucoltcks before the
end of the yèar 7il, when
Cicero was murdered. Now it
has just 'been shewn, that the
Gallus could not be written be-
fore the year 717.' therefore
Vìrgtl must have spent six years
instead of three in writing his
Bucolicks. Servius on the con-
trarysays'be did not begin bis
Bucolicks before the year 714 :
fòr he tells us expressly^ that
Virgil baving lost his lands^
after the contention between

Ixii

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year
of

71T.

It seems to have been about this tìme that Virgil
b^an bis Georgicks ; under the patronage of
Maecenas, to whom he dedicateci every part of that
nòbie work. Caius Cìlnius MaBcenas was descended
from the ancient kings of Etrurìa ; whose posterity,
after many unsaccessful wars, were at last incorpo-
rated into the Roman state, and admitted ìnto the
Equestrian order. He was an Epicurean, and
wrote several pieces both in prose and verse, whióh
are now lost. But he is best known as a favourer

Anthony and Augustus, went to
Rome^ and was the only person
who recovered his estate^ being
lavoured by Maecenas and Poi-
Ilo, the latter of whom persuaded
him io write the Bucolicks:
*^ Postea, Ortis bellis civilibus,
*' Inter Antoni um et Augustum,
" Augustua Victor Crenionen-
^' sium agros, quia prò Antonio
*' senserant, dedit militibus suis.
*' Qui cum non sufficerent, his
*' addidit agros Mantuanis sub-
'* latos, non propter cìvium cui-
'' pam» sed propter vicinitatem
'^ Cremonensium. Unde ipsein
" Bucolicis Ecl. ix. 28. Man-
'' tua va misera nimium vicina
" Cremona. Amissis agris Ro-
" mam venìt : etusus patrocinio
*' Pollionis et Mae^cenatis» solus
** agrum> quem amiserat, reci-
" pere meri^it. Tunc ei propo-
*' suit Poiliq, ut Carmen Bucoli-
'^ cum scriberet, quod eum con-
*^ stat triennio scrìpsisse, et
*' emendasse." The reader will
easily observe, that the civil war
bere mentioned could be no
other than that with Fulvia,
and Lucius the brother of Mark
Anthony, which was not ended
before the surrender of Perusia,

in 714» and that the story of
eur author^s being protected at
Rome by Pollio and Mseceiias is
hìghly improbable. PoUio was
so far from being then at Rome
In favour with Csesar^ that he
was at that time at the head of
an army» not far from Mantua»
with which he had acted against
Caesar. As for Msecenas» if he
had any share in recommending
the poet to the protection of
Csesar at that time; it is straitge
that his name should not bè
mentioned in any one BucoUck.
We see how irreconcileable these
old grammarians are: for if, as
they both agree, Virgil wrote
his Bucolicks in three years; he
must have fìnished them, ac-
CQrding to Donatas> not la^r
than in 714> and, according to
Servius, not earlier than 71? or
718. Therefore, if there is any
pqssibil^ty.of reconciling thiem>
it must be by suppofing the
«pace of three years to be a
mistake; and that, according
to Donatas, he did not begìn
them later than 71 li in which
year Cicero was killed 5 and> ac-
cordìpg to Servius, tliat he did
not finish them earlier than 717*

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Iriii

and patron of leamed men, particularly of the two vear
best of the Roman poets, Virgil and Borace^, He Rome
was bigh in the favour of CsBsar, whìch probaUy
began about this time: for Yii^i does not mention
bis name in any of the Eclogues ; and in the next
year we find, that, except a few magistracies whìch
were continued» the administration of public affaire
in Rome and ali over Italy, was committed to him^
This wise minister, having well considered what
diffieulties the Romans had lately met with for want
of com; what tumults and insurrections had been
thereby raised among the populace; and how poorly
the lands of Italy» lately divided among the veteran
80ldiers^ would in ali probability be cultivated, by
those who had kno wn nothing but war and desolalion
for so many years, engaged Virgil in writing for
their instniction. The poet readily undertook the
work; and being just retumed with triumph from
the cont^ition with Theocrìtus, was ready to en-
gagé in a new one with the celebrated Hesiod. The
love of conquest was the darling passion.of the
Romans; they had long shewed th^r superìority
over other nations in arms ; and had been for some
time struggUng for the mastery also in the arts of
peace. Cicero had raised the Roman eloquence to
a very great height; and Virgil was endeavouring
to give as great a reputation to their poetry. He ac-?

^ Maecenas, atavis edite re- ' T« t« «aa« rà w j^ véxu, rjf

gìbus : . Tf Xùift^ 'lrm>tujù r«% rt Meuxiftùs,

Q,. et praesidium^ et duke Ì9Ì»Ì9rinvf,st0ùìrMf»tùliKurmi7rìiré'

decus meum. xvdimKnatf. lib. 49.
Horat lib. i. od. 1.

Ixiv LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yenr knowledges indeed hìmself, that other nations ex-
Rome celled the Romans in statuary, oratory, and astro-
' nomy; and mentions the arts of government as
particularly belonging' to tfaem<" : but yet he plainly
declares, that he aims at gaining a complete yictory
over the Greek poets°. He was not disappointed ;
for the Georgicks are universally allowed £o be the
finest poem of theìr kind.

A grippa, being appointed by Csesar to guard the
sea-coasts agaìnst the depredations of Sextus Pom-
pey, set about the work with great diligence^
ìmmediately after bis return from Gaul**: But às
there were no ports, where a numbér of ships could
ride in security, he began and perfected a noble
work, which gave safety tò bis country, and did
honour to bimseìf. Near Cumae, a city of Campania^
between Misenum and Puteoli, was a place forined
like a half moon ; for it was almost isurrounded by
solali, bare mountains. Within this compass were
three fcays ; of which the outer one was near the
cities, and was called the Tyrrhene bay, as it
belonged to the Tyrrhene sea. At a smalt dìstance

' Excudent alii spirantia mol- Parcere subjectìs^ et debellare

lius sera, superbos.

Credo equidem : vivos du- Mn, vi. ver. 847, &c.

cent de marmore vultus ; " Tentanda via est, qaa

Orabunt causas melius ; eoe- me quoque passim

lique meatus Tollere humo, victorquie virum

Describeut radio> etsurgen- volitare per ora.

tia sidera dìcent : Primus ego in patriam mecum.

Tu regere imperio populos, modo vita supersit,

Romanie, n^mentq : Aonio redìens deducam vertice

He tiBi eriìnt artes: pa^is- Musas. Qtorg. iii. f, &c.

que imponere morem, *" Dio Cass. lib. xlviìi*

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixv

within this was the Lucrine bay ; and stili farther Year
withìn land was a thìrd, wbìch bad the appearance lum»
of a lake, and was called Avernus. Agrìppa inade
a communication of these three waters, repairìng the
banks, where tbey had formerly been broken dowìi-,
strengthenìng them with moles, and leaving only a
nàrrow passage just big enough for shìps to enter.
This port being thus made convenient and secare,
had the name of the Jiilian port bestowed on it, in
honour of Julius Caèsar. This great work is men-
tioned by our poet in the second Georgick ;

An metnorem portus^ Lucrinoque addita claustra ;
Atque indignatum magnis stridoribus «equor,
Julia qua ponto longe sonat unda refuso,
Tyrrhenusque firetus immittitur sestus Avernis.

By these means Agrippa was able to provide a
fleet sufficient to keep the sea ; and the next year 7i«.
engaging with Sextus Porapey, gained a complete
victory over him, and destroyed almost ali bis ships ;
for which he obtained the honour of a naval crown.
Pompey threw himself into the arms of Anthony,
and was by bis command put to death by Titius, in
the year 719, when Cornìfìcius and another Sextus 719.
Pompey were cònsuts.

The foUowing year is distinguished by the death T20..
of the poetaster Bavius^ whose memory Virgil has
preserved by bestowing one single line upon him'.
We know no more of him, than that he was a bad

P OL clxxxìx. 3. M. Bavius *> Qui Bavium non odit, amet
Poeta^ quem Vìrgilius Bucolicis tua carmina, Mstì.

notai, in Cappadocia moritur. EcL iii. ver. 90. See the note

Euuh, Chron. on that passage,

i

Ixvi LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yeùf poet ; and that he joined with otbers of the same

Baine clasìB, in scrìbbling against his betters.

791, The wòrld was now divided between Cssar and
Anthony wìthout a rivai : for the son of the great
Potnpey had been put to death by the latter; and
the former had deposed Lepidus^ and deprived him
of ali power and dignity. But the world was not
siifficient for these two ambitìóus persons: aàd
when no one was left to contend with tbem, they
could not be easy till they had found a pretence tò
tum their arms against each other^ This was not
very difBcult for them to do. Anthony acciised
Cassar of having thrust Lepidus out of his post,
and assumìng to himself the provinces and armies
both of Lepidos and Sextus, whìch ought to bave
been divided equally between them: he therefore
insisted upon an equal partition of the spoil. Cassar
had crìmes enough to object to Anthony. He haa
put Sextus Pompey to death ; and had taken pos-
session of Egypt, which did not fall to him by lot.
His infamous commerce with Cleopatra, queen of
Egypt, was notorious: he had given the name of
Caesario to one of ber children, and pretending that
he was begotten by Julius Caesar, had foisted him
into the family of Caesar, to bis great ofieticè and
injury ; and had bestowed kingdoms and provinces
on the queen, and ber spurious issue, by his own
authority, without the consent of the senate and
people of Rome.

T». This contention was at first managed by letters
and messengers : but no sooner were Cneius Domi-

'Dio, lib.L

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixyii

(iufij and Caiu9 ^ossius, frieiids of A,Q;t|iony, chosen Tea^
conj9uls^ than thè appro^h Qf a pew civii w^ be- kc»»*
Q^me ,^YÌ^eqt. On the v^iy first day pf the ye«ur,
Sos8Ì|i8 made a sp^ech, wherein he greatly pf^ìsed
Anthopy^ and as inuch ìnveighed against Caesar :
nay he i?ould haveipadeap ediqt against hnu di^
rectly, if Nonias Balbup, trìbi^ne pf the peopie,
b;^ pot interposed. C^sar expejpted this would
happen; apd therefore, that he cqight not seero to
begin the i^ontention, feigned some excuse to witb-
draw from Rame before t)>at day. When h^ re-
tumed, he assembled the sanate, and l>eing sur-
roanded by a guard of bis friends and soldiers, took
bis plape between tbe two conauls» and justified
1^9elf, apd accus<9d Sos^ìus and Anthony. When
none dared to ansvirer him, he appointed a day, on
Mrbich he d/eclared he would make a proof of tbe in-
juries' of Anthony in writing. The consuls> not
darìng to reply, and being unable to hold their
peace, withdrew befgre the day, and went to An-
thony, being followed by several other senators.
Caesar, being desirousto seem not to ha?e driven
them away by violence, gave leave to as many more
to followthem as pleased. This loss was made up
to G^sar, by the defection of many from Anthony.
Among these were Titius and Plancus, who had
been greatly honoured by him, and made partakers
lof bis secret coynsals* These were greatly incen^d
against Anthony, for Jiaving begun the war, di-
yoi;ced tbe virtuous Octavia, whom ali reverenced,
and gìy^n bims^lf up to the impure embraces of
Cleopatra. The^e were received by Caesar with

i2

Ixviii LIFE ÒF VIRGIL.

Year grcat joy, informed him of ali Anthony's desìgns^
roidÌb and where he had deposited his will, to which they
' themselves had been witnesses. Caesar, having got-
ten possession of the will, caused it to be openly
read before both senate and people, This action,
though not aecording to the strict rules of justice,
was of signal «ervice to Caesar, as it tended to con-
Tince ali men of the ili conduct of Anthony, and
to remove the blame from Caesar. In this will,
Anthony bare testimony to Caesario, that he was
the son of Julius Caesar : to his own children by
Cleopatra, he bequeathed immense legacies; and
ordered his own body to be buriéd at Alexandria,
in the same sepulchre with that of Cleopatra. This
• incensed the people most highly, and gave them
cause to believe ali the other reports conceming An-
thony's misbehaviour. They concluded, that An-
thony, if he once obtained the sole dominion,
would make a present of Rome to Cleopatra, and
transfer the imperiai seat to Egypt. AH concurred
in censuring him ; not only his enemies, and those
who stood neuter, but even his frìends themselves
condemned him. They decreed unanimously, that
the consulship, which had been assigned him,
should be taken from him, and that ali his power
should be abrogated. They were not willing to
declare him a public enemy, because ali that were
with him would bave been involved in the same
danger; but they gave a promise of pardon and
approbation to ali that should desert him. They
proclaimed war against Cleopatra, with ali the so-
Jemnitjies used by the Romans on such occaaions ;

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixix

which was in effect declarihg war agatnst Anthony Year
hìmself, who had united wìth ber in a manner Rome
scandalous to the Roman name. The greatest pre-
parations for war were made on bo(h sides that had
eyer been known, and many nations carne in as
auxìliaries. Ali Italy, Gaul, Spain, lUyricum, and
part of Africa, Sardinia, Sicily, and the neigh-
bouring islands, carne in to Caesar's assistance. On
Anthony 's part appeared those regtons of Asia and
Thrace which were subject to the Romans, Greece,
Macedon, Egypt, Cyrenaica, and the neigbbouring
islands, with most of the kings and princes who
bordered on the Roman empire. At this time
Virgil seems to bave written these lines, at the latter
end of the first Georgick ;

Hinc movet Euphrates, illinc Germania belliim :
. Vicince ruptis Inter se legibus urbes w
Arma ferunt : saevit toto Mars impius orbe.

Anthony was so far superior in the number of bis
forces, that he made no doubt of subduing CTaesar :
he éndeavoured also to draw bis soldiers from bim
by the largeness of bis bribes, which he distributed
not only in Italy, but even in Rome itself.

It was toward the latter end of the following ti»
year, that the navies of these two mighty rivals met
at Actium, a promontory of Epirus, where they
carne to a decisive engagement. Virgil has repre-
sented this fight, in bis descrìption of the celestial
sbield formed by Vulcan for jEneas*. He omits the ^
mention of the foreign auxiliarìes in Caesar's army,
and speaks as if it was wboUy composed of the

• Mn. vili. 678, &c.

ìxx LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Ymg natives of Italy ; and celebrates the great Agrqppa»
i who bad no small share in the lahoors and honoars
of tbat important day.

Hinc Aagiistus agens Italos in proelia Csesar
Cum Patribus, Populoque, Penatibus et magnis Diis,
Stona ceka in poppi ; geminas cui tempora flammas
Lseta Tomunt, patriumque aperitur vertice sidus:
Parte: alia v^Dtis et Diis Agrippai secuodis
ArjdauSsBgmen ageo^; cui, beili ia3Ìgne §t4perbìiint
Temppr^. na;ir^ fulgent ro^lfata corona.

But'he sets foith tbe barbarous aids pf Anthony at
larga; and mentions bis being foUowed by Cleo*
patirà, whom he calls bis Egyptian vfife^ :

Hinc ope barbarica, variisque Antonius armis,
Victor ab Aurorse populis et littore rubro
Mgyftam, vivesque Orientis et idtìi^Mi secum
Bactra vebit i^eqiuturque ^nefas) ^gyptia conjunx.

He gives a fine description of the rushing of the
ships * against each other, and compares them to
floating mountains. He represents the queen, as
placed in the middle of ber fleei, and encouraging
ber men with the tinkling noise of tbe Egyptian
sistrum: and beautifully introduces the monstrous
gods of Egypt, as vainly opposing themselves to the
powerfiil gods pf Rome; Neptune, Venus, and
Minerva: and describes Mars raging in the midst
of the fight, attended by the Furies, Discord, and
Bellona "".

Una pmoes. ru^e, .^q toti^m spiuna^e, reductis
Convul^uin rc^piis rp^tr^que tridentibus, 8eqi|or.

• uEn. viii. ver. 685^ ^c " Ibid. ver. 689, &c.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixxi

. Alta petunt : pelago credas innare revulsas rékr

Cycladas, aut montes concurrere montibus altos : n^^^

Tanta mole viri turrit;is puppibus instant. ''^*

Stupea flamma mano telisque volatile ferrum
Spargitur; arvà nova Neptania csede rubescunt.
Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sìstro :
Necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit aiigues.
Omnigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis,
Contra Neptunum et Venerem oontraque Minérvàm
Tela tenente sesnt medio in certamine Mators
Cffilatus fèrro, trìstesqne ex eetbere Dirie ;
Et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla:
Quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello.

When the fight had continued a long time, and
victory was yet doubtful, Cleopatra gave the signal
to ber men tb hoìst theiì* sails> and retire. Anthony,
seeing tbe queen fly, itìamedtately accompÀDÌed bei*; ^
whieh the rest of tbe fleet observing, ^leared their
ahips as fast as they coiiM, atid ^to^v^d the iaglo^-
riotis example of their leader, This Agbt oi' Cleò-
jpatra is poetìcaHy described, as being caixsed by the
Actian Apollo, who drew bis bow, and di«i^pàted
the bhrbai'ouls forces "".

Actìus hsec cernèns arcùm intehdebA Af)oIìo
Dè^pér : oniiiis éo terrore jSlgyjJtus, et Indi,
Omnis Arabs, oitmés vértèbhnt tei'gà 'Sabsei.
Tpsa videbatnr véntis regina vocatis
Vela dare^ et laxoa}am jamque immkterè Fune»,
lUam inter caedes pallentem morte futura
Fecerat ignipotens undis et lapyge ferri.

This'greàt vtetory, wbereby Ocesat obtainéd 4be
doie òommand òf thè Roman empine, wds ohtein^d

>.^^. vili. 704, &c. ,

Ixxii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year OD the second day of Septembery : and on that very
Rome day he dedìcated one ship of each rate, that had
been taken from the enemy; to Apollo, who was
worshipped at Actìum. Anthony and Cleopatra
made their escape to Egypt; where the poet re-
presents the riyer Nile to mourn, and open his bosom
to receive them'^:

Contra autem magno moerentem corpore Nilum^
Pandentemque sinus, et tota veste vocantem
Cseruleum in gremium latebrosaque fiumina victos.

Caesar having stayed a short time, to settle his affair»
in those parts, made baste into Italy, to receive his
724. fourth consulship, in conjunction with Marcus
Licinius Crassus.

Having stayed only a month in Italy, he went with
^ ali possible expedition against Anthony and Cleopa-
tra : and causing his ships to be hauled over the Pé^
loponnesìan isthmns, he carne so sud denly into Asia^
that the news of his arrivai carne into Egypt at
the same time with the account of his being retired
to Itaiy. Cornelius Gallus, the friend of Virgil, to
whom the tenth Eclogue is dedicated, had before
this quitted his poetica! retirement. We bave seen
already, that he was in arms when that Eclogue
was written ; and it is not improbable that he was
engaged in the sea fight at Actium; for we now
find him at the head of an army, besieging Parse-
tonium. Anthony went against him, but in vain:
for Gallus, having by a stratagem drawn his ships
into the port, bumed some, and sunk the rest. In
the mean time Caesar assaulted Pelusìum, and took

y Dio, lib. li. « Mn. vuì. 71 1, 712, 713.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixxiu

it by the treacbery of Cleopatra ; who ordered hei'Year
forces to retìre before him, placing more hopes ofRome
conquest'in the charms of ber person, than in the,
courage of her soldiers. Ai^thony» beinginformed
that Caesar had taken Pelusium, left Paraetonium^
and meeting Cassar, who was fatigued with his
march, engaged his borse before Alexandria, and'
defeated them. Tbis victory so increased the confi-
dence of Anthony, that he soon came to an en-
gagement with the foot, in which he was entìrely
overtbrown. Cleopatra retired into ber sepulchre,
pretending to he afraid of Caesar, but designing in
reality to get Anthony to he shut up with her, or
to destroy hìmself. Sbe caused a report to be spread
of ber Qwn deatb, which Anthony hearing fell upon
bis s word. But wben be beard that sbe was alive,
he caused himself to be carrìed into the sepulchre
to her, and expired in ber arms. Cleopatra kept
herself within the sepulchre, which was strongly
defended, being in hopes of getting the better of
Caesar by ber female arts, But wben sbe found ber
wiles were ali in vain, sbe killed herself, and thereby
disappointed Caesar of the principal omament of bis
triumph. Egypt, being now made tributary, was
put under the ^oveitement of Gallas, who had con-
tributed very much to the conquest of it. Cassar,
being now absolute lord of ali, marched tbrougb
Syria into Asia, where he wintered, and composed
the differences among the Parthians : for Tirìdates
had raised an insurrection against Pbraates, the king
of that country. In tbis year Virgil is said to bave
publisbed bis Georgicks : but if that be true, it is no

k

Ixxiv LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y«r less certain that he continued bis care of that divine

B^work» and made additions to it ten years after-

''^ wards.

72S. The foUowìng year, when Caesar was Consul a
fifth time, together wìth Sextus Apuleius, ali his acts
were confirmed by a solemii oath, on the very first
day of January : and when lettere carne from Par-
thia, they decreed, that he should he mentioned
in the hymns next to the immortai gods. But the
glory, in which Caesar himself most delighted, was
the shuttìng of the gates of Janus, a mark of the
univereal peace which he had established. He also
undertook the office of Censor this year, together
with Agrippa*, and rectified several abuses in^the
state. It must bave been in this year, that Virgil
wrote the first ^neid ; for when Jupiter comforts
Venus, by foretelling the glories of the descendants
of JBneas, he does not mention any thing later, than
the shutting of the gates of Janus, and the correctìon
of the mannere of the people ^. He now began to
afiect divine honours : he permitted a tempie to be
built to Rome, and to bis father, whom he called
the hero Julius, at Ephesus and Nicaea, which were
the most famous cities of Asia and Bìthynia; and
gave them leave to be inhabited by Romans. He
also permitted strangers to erect temples to himself;

* Dio, lib. Ini. Claudeotur belli ports: Furor

" Aspera tum positis mitescent iinpius intus

saecula hellis. Ssva sedens super arma, et

Cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo centoni vinctus ahenis

cum fratre Quirinus Post tergum nodis, fremet hor-

Jura dabuDt: dir» ferro et ridus ore cruento.

compa^bus arctis ^n. i. ver. 295, &c.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixxv

which was done by the Asiatics at Pergamus» and yw
by the Bithynians at Nicomedia. Home

He spent the sommer in Greece, and thence re-
tnrned into Italy; and when he entered the city,
sacrifices were offered by several ; and particularly
by the Consul Valerius Potitus, who succeeded
Apuleius in that office, in the name of the Senate and.
people of Rome, which had never been done for
any one before. Honours were now distributed
among those Generals, who had served under Obb-
sar : and Agrippa was now rewarded with a present
of a green flag, as a testimony of his naval victory.
C^sar himself obtained the honour of three triumphs:
the#first day he triumphed over the Pannonians,
Dalmatians, Japydians, and their neighbours, with
some people of Gaul and Germany : the second for
the naval victory at Actium : and the third for the
reduction of Egypt. This threefold triumph of
Caesar is particularly described, in the eighth

At Caesar, trìplici invectus Romana trìumpho
Moenia, Diis Italis votum immortale sacrabat,
Maxima ter centum totam delubra per urbem.
Laetitia ludisque vias plausuque fremebant :
Omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus, arae :
Ante aras terram caesi stravere juvenci.
Ipse sedens ni veo candentis limine Phoebi :
Dx)na recognoscit populorum, aptatque superbis
Postibus: incedunt victse longo ordine gentes,
Quam variai linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis.

Ver. 714, &c.

k2

ixxvi LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yefir EHc Nomadum genus, et discinctos Muldber Afroe,

H^Q Hic Lelegas, Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos.
''^' Pinxerat, Euphrates ibat jam mollior undìs^

Extremìque hòminum Morini, Rbenuéque'Bicprnis,
Indomitìque Dahse, et pontem indìgnatus Araxes.

Gsesar, having^ obtained this plenitude of power
and glory, and reduced ali the enemies of Rome,
and bis own also, to obedìence, entertained thoughts
of resigning the administratìou'^. He consulted
about ttiìs important affau* wìth his two great fa-
vourìtes, Agrippa and M secenas : of whom the for-
mer advised him to lay down his power, and the
latter strenuously insisted on his not parting with it.
Caesar, being doubtful which ad vice he should fol-
low, asked the opinion of Virgil, according to
Donatus, and was determined, by the Poet's ad-
vice, not to lay down his command ®. Ruaeus, not

* Dio, lib. liii. ' ■' '' omnibus fertile, hiquit; remp.

' Posteaquam Augustus sum- *' aucupantibus molesta ipsa Ty-

ma rerum omnium potitus est^ " rannis fuit, et civibus : quia ne-

. venit in mentem, an conduceret " cesse erat propter odia subdi-

Tyrannidem omiltere, et omn^m '* torum; &ut eorutnihjustltiam^

potestatem annuis consulibus, et *' magna suspicione magnoque

senatui remp. redìiere : in qua '^ timore vivere. Sed si cives

re diversae senteiitiàe consultos ^' justum aliquem scirent,"quem

habuit^ Maecenatem et - Agrip* '•' amarerit plurimum, civitati id

pam. Agrippa enim utile sibi ^' utile èsset^ si in qo uno omnis

fore, etiamsi honestum non es- '* potestas foret. Quare si justi-

set, relinquereTyrannidemi loh- '* tiam, quod modo facìs*; omni-

ga oratione contendit : quod " bus in futurum nulla hominum

Maecenas dehortari magnopere '* facta compositione distribues ;

conabatur. Quare Augusti ani- 'f dominali te, et tibi conducet

mus et bine ferebatur et illinc : " et orbi. Benevolentiam enim

erant enim diversae sententiae, ''omnium habes, ut Deum te

variis rationibus firmatse. Roga- " et adorent, et credant." Ejus

Vit igitur Maronem, an conferai sententiam secutus Caesar prìn-

prìvato homini, se in sua republ. cipatum tenuit.
tyrannum facere. Tum ille.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixxvii

Mrithout reasòn, quéstions the trath of thìs story» Tear
so far as it rélàtes to Yirgil : because, if he had been Bome'
consultéd, the historians would not have kept a
profound silence concemìng an affair of siich ini-
portance. Dio, who relates at full length the
spéeches both of Agrìppa and MsBcenas on this
occasion, says only, that Caesàr preferred the ad-
vicé òf Maecenas: but however Caesar might pos-
sibly ask the opinion of Virgil in private, though
he was not admitted to the council board.

In the foUowing year, Csesar being Consul a sixth t8«.
time, and taking the great Agrippa for his colleagué,
finìshed his review of the people, and peiforméd
the solemnìties used on such occasions, and in-
stituted games in memory of his victory at Actium.
These ceremonies are mentioned by Virgili in the
thìrd uXineid^ under the person of JEneas :

Lustramurque Jovi, votisque incendimus aras :
Àctiaque Iliacis celebramus littora ludis
Exercent patrias oleo labente palaestràs
Nudati socii.

It is hìghly probable, that the third iEneid was
wrìtten soon after these sacrifices were offered, and
these games instìtuted, as Ruaeus has well observed,
in his note on this passage. The lùstration to
Jupiter, and the sacrifices, were at this time per-
formed by Caesar: they strove naked, and were
bathed with oil in the g^mnastic exercises ; and the
Iliacal or Trojan games contained particularly that

'Ver. 279, &c.

Ixxviii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yen sport, which the Romans derìved from Trby^ and
Bomecalled Troja. In thìs gaoie the noble youths ex-
ercised on horseback^ as the reader wilì find ìt
beautifhlly descrìbed at large, in the fifth iEneid^.

In this year the most leamed Varrò, who had
preceded our Poet, in writing conceming Hus-
bandry, died at about ninety years of age **.

727. The next is remarkable for a debate which hap-
pened in the Senate, conceming an additionai name
to be giveu to Caesar. He himself would giadly
bave assumed the name of Romulus : but when. he
found that the people would suspect, that if he took
that name, he intended to make himself king, he
consented to bave the Jaame Augastus, or the avgast,
in which word ali that is most honourable and
sacred is contained, bestowed on him by the Sonate
and people'. Vìrgil seems to allude to this indi-
nation of Cassar to take the name of Romulus, in
bis third Georgick ^, when he calls Caesar Quirìnus,
one of the names of Romulus. That passage there-
fore must bave been added after the time commonly
assìgned for the publicatìon of the Georgicks- We
may observe also that it could not be before this
time that Virgil wrote, in the sixth iEneid *,

Hic vir, bic est, libi quem promitti saepius audis,
AuGUSTUs CiESAB, DivuiTì genus : aurea condet
Ssecula qui rursus Latio, regnata per arva

» Ver. 545, &c. hìs Chronicle^ '' Oh clxxxvii. 4.

^ Ol. clxxxviiù 1* M. Teren- " Casar Augastus appeilatus : a

tius Varrò Pbilodophus prope *' quo Sextilis mensis Augiisti no^

nonagenarius moritur. Eweb. " men accepit"

Chron. *" Ver. 27.

* Dio Cass. lib. liii. Eusebius ' Ver. 791. &c.
places this two years sooner, in

LIFE OF VIRGIL. bcxix

Saturno quondam : super et Garamantaset ludos yóv

Proferet imperium : jacet extra sìdera tellus, ^^^

Extra anni solìsque vias, ubi cselifcr Atlas 727.

Axem bumero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum.
Hujus in adventu jam iiunc et Caspia regna
Responsis borrent divum : et Moetica tellus,
Et septem gemini turbant trepida oi^tìa Nili.

In the following year, Comelius Gallu&, whom 728.
Yirgil had so much celebrated iu bis Eclogoes, fell
into disgrace". We bave seen already, that Au-
gustus bad. constìtuted bini Governor of Egypt.
He had been raised te tbis bonour from a low con-
dition ; and seems to bave been intoxicated with the
great fortune to which he was advancéd. He ut-
tered in bis cups several disrespectful speeches with ,
regard to Augustus ; and had the vanity to cause
statues of hiniself to be erected in raost parts of
Egypt, and to inscribe his own actions on the pyra-
mìds. Being accused of these and otber crimes, he
was candemned to banishment and confiscation of
goods; which sentence so affected bina, that he
slew himself". Donatus relates, that Virgil was
so fond of tbis Galhis, that the fourth Georgick,
from the middle to the end, was fiUed with bis
praises ; and that he afterwards changed tbis part
into the story of Aristaeus, at the command of Au-
gustus. But Iluseus justly questìons the truth of
this story. He obser?es, that the story of Aristaeus

^ Dio, lib. liii. See the note '' lus Forojulìensis Poeta, a quo

on ver. 64. of the sixth Ecloffue. '* primum iBgyptum rectam su-

* Eusebius places the death of '' pra dixìmus, quadragesimo

Ga:llu8 in the preceding year. " aetatis suae anno proprio se

" 01. clxxxviii.2. Cornelius Gal- " roana interfecit.*'

boa LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Yaw is SO well connected with tbe cultare of the bees,

Bomethat it does not seem to bave been stuck in» but
to rise naturally iFrom the'subjebl: that it is not
probàble, that Virgil would bestow so large a ^part
of bis work in tbe praìse of Gaìlus, wben he has
given but a few lines to Maecenas himself, to wbom
he dedicated the whole poem : and lastly, that Au-
gustus himself, according to Suetonius, lamented
the death of Gallus ; and tberefore cannot be
thought so injurìous to bis memory» as to envy him
some empty praise.

In this year Augustus had a design of invading
Brìtain; but was bindered by a rebellion of the
Salassi, a people who lived under the Alps, and of
the Cantabrians and Asturìans^ who inhabited the
plain country of Spain» bordering on the Pyrenean

72d. mountains*. He sent Terentius Varrò againstthe
Salassi, and marched himself in person against the
Cantabrians and Asturians, in the beginning of the
foUowing year, wben he was consul the ninth time,
together with M. Junius Silanus. Wben these wars
were happily ended, Augustus again closed the
gates of the tempie of Janus.

730, But this peace did not long continue ; for in the
very next year, the Cantabrians and Asturìans re-
belled again ; and did much mischief, before they
could be a second time subdued. At this time
Quintilìus Cremonensis, an intimate friend of Virgil
and Horace, died much lamented p. Horace paid the

° Dio, lib. liii. Cremonensis Virgilii et Horatiì

>* Ol. clxxxix» 1. Quintilìus {a,mì\Ì9xìa moritur. Euseb, Ckron»

LIFE OF VIRGIL. ìxxxi

tribute of an Ode to bis memory, and addressed ìt Yen
to Vircil, wbo^seems to bave lamented him with an Rome

7S0

extraordinary grief *».

Augustus, being cbosen Consul the eleventb time, tsi.
togetber witb Calpumius Fiso» fell ìnto so dangerous
a sìckness, tbat bis lìfe was despaìred of : but An-
tonius Musa, bis pbysician, wbom be had made
free, cured bim by cold batbing, and drinkìng cold
water'. Musa was loaded witb rewards for tbis
cure by Augustus and tbe Senate, and bad leave
given bim to wear golden rings : and not only be,
but ali tbe rest of tbe faculty, were for tbe future
exempted from paying taxes. But Musa's reputa-
tion was soon diminisbed by tbe deatb of young
Marcellus, wbo, being treated exactly in tbe same
manner, died under bis bands. Tbis Marcellus
was tbe son of Octavia, the darìing sister of Au-
gustus, by ber former busband. He seems to bare
been tbe child, with wbom sbe was pregnant at
tbe time of ber marriage with Mark Anthony ; and
tbe expected infant, under wbose influence Virgil
promised the blessings of the golden age in bis
Pollio*. He was greatly beloved by Augustus,

4 Multis ille bonis ilebilis oo Quam virga semel horrìda

cidìt : Non lenìs precibus fata recla-

Nulli flebilior, quam tibi^ deve,

Virgili. Nigro compulerit Mercurius

Tu frastra pius, heu^ non ita gf egi.

creditum Dunim^ sed levius fit patientia

Poscis Quintilinm deos. Quicquid corrìgere est nefas.

Quod si Threicio blandius Lib, i. Od. 24.

Orpheo ' Dio, lib. liii.

Aoditam moderere arborìbus ' See tbe note on ver. 8. of the

fidem, fourth Eclogue.
Non yan» redeat sanguis

imagini

Yea^ wa^ ììi^ ne^rest malp relation, fm4 h^^ marrÌQd hk
Rom^ ouly daughter Julia : b^ wa$ unfv^rsaUy laiiiapted,
and bis body was carrìed witb great ppnop and so-
]emnity to b^ bmmt in tbe Campus Mqrtius, It
ipiist bave b^ea soon after tbis tbat Yirgil ^nished
the sixtb iplneid \ at the latter end of wbich tbai
youth isi celebrated. Tbe po^t represents bis hero
jEneas descending into tbe Elysian sba^es^ to re^
ceive ipstruction from bi^ fatber. Old Anchi^ef^
ei^teftaìns bjs son witb a reyiew of bjs pos^erity,
wbic^ gives tb^ ppet an ppportnnit:y to npef^|ion tbe
gre^test persQps apd actions of tl)e Hopi^n p^ople,
La^f; of ali, Ancl^ises ppintp out tbe gre^t Ms^rpciUiis,
wl|Q )iad been ||ve tin^es Coiisul ; be ipisntions hii^
offering pp tbe opiina sppliq, fpr having slw Vir-
dwpaarus, a Gprpaan kipg, in i^ingle figbt, tlie vifitfiry
wbjch he obtained by bii? celerity, bis pitting tb^
Cartbaginians to flight, hjs conqu^ring the Gauls,
^^id bis beii^g th^ tbird Roman, wbo qhtained the
hpnour of making ^n offering tq !(^eir<^trian Jqpiter ' :

Sic pater Anchises ; atque hsec mirantibus addìt :
Aspìce, ut insignis spoliis Marc^lus opimis
Ingreditur^ victorqua vìros supereminet omnes.
Hicrem Romanam magno turbante tumultu
Sistet eques : sternet Poenos, Gallumque rebeliem:
Tertiaque arma patfi suspen^et cap^;ff Quirinp.

JEneas baving seen tbis futij^ bero, t^k^^ nptiqe of
a youth, of extraordiiiary beauty, whpj being clad
iu sliinitig arms, attends upon tbe great Mareellus.
He asks whether tbe youtb is bis son, or one of bis

' ^n. lib. vi. ver. 854, &c.

LI FÉ OF VlHGlt. ÌHxxiìi

glbfiotis tJOslerity. Anchises pfòiirs ftjrlh à flood ofYèar
ttìàrs, and in a riiòst pathetid itìariner foretels whatRomé
ìtntóènsè grief will be occasiònéd by the death òf ''^^'
this ìlliistrious yoùtb, who woùld bave performed'
àcfions equal to tbosè of bis great' ancestor, if be
coùld havei broken througb the bafd decrees of
fate:

Atqué hìc JEnestd^ una namque ire videbat
i^egium forma jnvenem et ftilgentibus armìs;
Sed frons l»ta parum, et dejecto lumina vultu
Quis, pater» ille virum qui sic comitatur euntem ?
Filius ? anne alìquis magna de stirpe nepotum ?
Quis strepitus circa comitum ! quantum instar in ipso est !
Sed nox atra caput tristi circumvòiat umbra.
. Tum pater Anchises lacrymià ingressus abortis:
O nate, iiigéhtem luctum ne quserè tndrum ;
Oiterìdent tèrris hunc tantum fata, neqùe ulti-a
Esse sinent. Nimium vobìs Roìnanà propagò
Visa potens, superi, propria b«c si doAa fiiissent.
QuantoB ille virum* magnam Mavortis ad urbem
Campus aget gemitus ! vel qu8e Tyberine videbis
Funera, cum tumulum prseterlabere recentem !
Nec puer Iliaca qtiisquaitt de gèilté Latino^
In tantum èpe tòUet avòs : Nè^ Ròtfltd&qìiòhdtìni
Ullo se tantum telltis JÀctabit altimtlb;
Heu pietas 1 heù prisca fides ! intictaquè bello
Dextera ! non iUi quisquam se impune tulisset
Obvius armato : seu cum pedes iret in hostem,
Seu spumaiitis equi foderet calcaribus armos.
Iléu Iniserànde puer ! si iqua fata àspera futtipàs,
Tu Marcellus eris. Manibus date lilla plenis:
Purpureos spargam flores, animamque nepotis
His saltem acctattulem donis, et fuogar inani
Munere.

12

Ixxxiy LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year Virgil is said to bave read the sixth ^neìd to Au-

Romegustus, ìn the presence of Octavìa, who fainted

away, when he pronounced the words Tu Mar-

cellus eris ; and afterwards made the poet a present

of ten sestertia'*^ for every line, amounting in the

whole to above two thousand pounds sterling. The

reward was great ; but the verses were Virgil's.

732. The Ethiopians, who inhabit the inner part of

Africa, whièh lies above Egypt, being led by their

Queen Candace, invaded Egypt, and, plundering ali

before them, penetrated as far as the city Eléphan-

tina^. But when they heard that Caius Petro-

nius, the govemor of Egypt, was marchìng against

them, they retreated : but being pursued by Petro-

nius, they were overtaken, and driven into their

own country, where he destroyed some of their

towns, and compelled Candace to sue for peace.

To this victory Vii^l seems to allude, in the sixth

*
iBneid^, where he mentìons the conquests of Au-

gustus being extended even beyond the torrid

zone:

-— — super et Garamantas et Indo» ,

Proferet imperium : jacet extra sidera tellus
Extra anni solisque vias, ubi csslifer Atlas
Axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum;

In the mean time, Augustus went into Sicily,
and during bis absence there were great tumults
about chposing Consuls * : hereby he was convinced,

■ Eighty pounds, fourteen * Dio> lib. liv.
shilllogs, and «even penee ster- ^ Ver. 794, &c.
ling. • Dìo, lib. liv.

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixxxr

that it was net yet safe to trust the govemment yw
again in the hands of the people. At the begìn- Rome
ìng of the year, Marcus Lollius was the sole
Consul ; because they reserved the other place for
Augustus : but when he refused the office» Quintus
Lepidus was chosen in his rootn. When he had
settied the affairs of Sicily, he proceeded to Greece ;
and thence proceeded to Samos, where he spent the
winter.

In the sprìng, he marched into Asia, where he
rewarded and punìshed every provìnce according tu
its desert. Phraates being afraìd of his arms, re-
stored the standards and captives, which had been
taken by the Parthians. His march against these
people is alluded to in the seventh JSneid * :

Sive Getis inferre maiiu lacrymabile bellum,
Hyrcanisve, Arabisve parant ; seu tendere ad Indos,
Auroramque sequi, Parthosque reposcere signa.

At this time Augustus was so dreaded by the
«astern nations, that they ali sought his favour:
and the very Indians who had before sent ambas-
«adors to him**, now entered iato a league of peace,
and sent him many presents^ Caesar glorìed of
having subdued these nations by his authority,
against whom the Roman armies had hitherto
fonght in vain. To this success therefore our poet
seems to allude, in the second Georgick **, when he

* Ver. 604. " gusto per legatos amicitiam

* Eusebius fixes the time of '* postularunt.*' Euseb. Chron.
the Indiana sending their am- ^ Dìo, lib. liv.
bassadors to he in the year 728. ^ Ver. 170, &c.

** Ol. clxxxviii. 3. Indi ab Au-

Ixxxvt LIFÉ OP VlRGIL.

réw says, that Augustus disartnéd the Indians by his^
Rbthe art^ òf goveriiment :

— Te maxime Caesar,

Qui nunc extremis Asiae jam victor in oris,

Imbellem avertis Romanis artibus Indum.

It could not well have been before this time, that
Virgil wrote that beautiful imagination of his erect-
ing a tempie to Augustus, which he intended to
adom with a sGulpture of his victories * :

In foribus pugoam ex auro solidoque elephanto
Gangaridum Àciam^ victorìsque arma Quirini :
Atque hic midantem bello, magnumque fluentem
Nilum^ ac navali surgentes sere columnas.
Addam urbes Asiae domitas, pulsumque Nipbaten,
Fidentemque fìiga Parthum, versisque sagittis,
Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoiste trophsea ;
Bisque triumphatas utroque ab littore gentes.

The Gangarides were a people of India, living near
the Gahges : and the Niphàtes is à mountain and
river of Armenia. Thère are indeed so many pas-
sages ih the Georgickis, which could not hàve béen
written before this lime, that we may easily conclude,
that the poet put the last band to this jpoem in the
yìear of which we are speak ing : it is also far froiii
improbable, that the conclùsión was written at Ihe
sametime:

Hsec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam.
Et super arboribus : Csesar dum magnus ad altum
Fulminai Euphraten bello, victorque volentes
Per populos dat jura, viamque aflFectat Olympo.

' Georg, iii. ver.* 261, &c.

LIFB OF VIRGIL: Ixxxvii

Vìrgil had Bow brau^bt hk celefoirated iSlneìs to vb»
a conolusiQQ : but ìt wanteid much òf the perfeciion, soniè
to whicl) he intended to brìug it. He therefore iprot
ppsed to tr^vel intp Greeoe, where Augustus then
waS) in order to finish it at bis leisure. Bnt meeting
him at Atheqs, as he was retuming to Rome, he
determined to coipe bs^cl^ wìth hiip ; whefi he was
suddenly spizef) by ^ daQgerQi;^ dpknessii, which was
increased by bÌ9 YPy?jg^. He Idnded at Brqndu-
sìum^ where he died on |he tweutyrsecond day
of Septemher, when he had almost completed bis
fifty-second year. His boues were carried to Na-
ples, and buried in a monument erected at a small
distance from the city. The inscription was did-
tated by himself, as he lay pn hi^ death-bed, and is
thus transla^^4 \^Y Drydei^ :

I sung flocks, tillage^ heroes : Mantua gave
Me life, Brundusium deaih, Naples a grave «.

In his last will^ he ordered his j^^neis to he burnt,
b^pausp it w^^ i^oj: finisbec} tp bis mipd : b||t ^\\i
gustus would not sufFer it to be destroyed ^ Then

' Spme fay at Tarentum. Witb thw Dpqntua also agrfi^«.

» Ol. qxc. 2. VirgUiua Brun- ^ Pivua Augutus carminai Vir-t

dusii moritur^ S^ptio Saturnino, gilii cremarì poqtra te^tanocuAti

et JiUcrq^ip Cin^a Cflq^ulibps. eju$ verpcuailiam vetqU : majuar

0?sa ^^a Neapqlim tranciata ìp q^e ita vati testìoioniup» ccmtir

a^func^Q ab urbe mjliaro aeppli- git, qua^^ si ipse aua carmina

untvir^ tHulo iatiusmodi aupra- peobayiaaet. Pìin. lih. vii. cap.

scriptq, queiu oqqrìeps jpao die- 30.

tiiy^rat: Quun) morbio oppreasua adr

f^ IS^aptuj^ pip geupjt, Calabri ventare luòrtem videret, petivit

'^ r^puer^^ teoe^ nupc oravitque a auia amiciasimis im-

'' Parthe^ope ; cf«ipi Pai^pHa^ p^nse, ut iEneidn, qu^m noi^-

" Rura, Duqes." duna satis elim&sa^t, s^tiotei^nt.

Euseb, Chron. Jul Qdl lib. xvii. «iap. 10.

Ixxxviii LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y«tt he left it to Tacca and Varius, with this condition.
Home that they should not make any additions, or even

fili up those verses which he had left imperfect*.

Donatus relates the following verses of Atrgustus

himself on tbis occasion ;

Ergone supremis potuit vox improba verbis
Tarn dirum mandare nefas? Ergo ibit in ignes,
Magnaque doctiloqui morìetur Musa Maronis?
Sed legum servanda fides : suprema voluntas
Quod mandat, fierique jubet, parere necesse est.
Frangatur potius l^um veneranda potestas,
Quam tot congestos noctesque diesque labores
Hauserit una dies.

And these also of Sulpicius Carthaginiensis ;

Jusserat htec rapidis aboleri carmina flammis
Virgilius : Phrygium quae cecìnere ducem.
Tucca vetat, Variusque simul ; tu, maxime Csesar,

' Anno vero quinquagesimo bus negatis^ testamento comburi

secnndo ut ultimam manum jussit^ ut rem in emendatami

JSneidi imponeret^ statui t in imperfectamque. Verum Tucca

Grseciam et Asiam secedere^ tri- et Varius monuerunt, id Augus-

ennioque continuo omnem ope- tum non permissurum. Tunc

ram limationi dare, ut reliqua eidem Vario^ ac simul Tuccse,

vita tantum philosophise vacaret scripta sub ea conditione lega-

Sed, cum aggressus iter^ Atlienis vìt, ne quid adderent quod a se

occurrisset Augusto^ ab Oriente editum non esset^ et versus

Romam revertenti^ una cum etiam imperfectos, si qui erant^

Cssare redire statuit. A e cum relinquerent. Donatus.
Megara, vicinum Athenis oppi- Eusebius also mentions Varius

dum, visendi gratia peteret, lan- and Tucca being employed in

guorem nactus est : quem non correcting the ^neis^ on condi-

intermissa navigatio auxit> ita tion of not adding any thing.

ut gravior indies, tandem Brun- " OL cxc. 4. Varius et Tucca,

disium ad ventarit : ubi diebus '' Virgilii et Horatii contuberna-

paucis obiit, decimo Cai. Octob. " les, Poetse habentur illustres:

C. Sentio, Q. Lucretio Coss. Qui " qui JSneidum postea libros

cum gravari morbo sese sentirei, " emendarunt sub ea lege, ut

scrinia saepe et magna instantia " nibil adderent.'*
petivit, crematurus incida : qui-

LIFE OF VIRGIL. Ixwóx

Nod siiiis, et Latise con^Iis bistorìse* i Ytte

Infelin gemino cecidk prope Pergaoms igni, Ro„e

Et pene est alk> Trqa cremata rogo. ''^

It is no ttoiider, that so tnuch care shoald be
tdken in preserving tbe ^neìs, imperfect as it is ;
since it is no less than the bistory and panegyrìc
òf Augirstus Ceesar atid the people of Rome. Hie
Rofiians were fond of being tbought to descend
ftom the Trqjans, wbo carne from Troy, under
tbe condact òf tbe great Maè^B: and the Julian
famìly derìved tbeir pedigree from Ascanius, wbo
was sumamed lulus, ihe eldest son of that hero.
The settlìng therefore of tbe Trojans in Italy is tbe
subject of the. wbole Poem : be fireqneotly takes
occasìon to mention tbem as the ancestors of tbe
Romans; he altrays declares ^neas to be the son
of Venus; and be introdoces Jupiter bimself fore-
telling the great victorìes and tbe deification of
Julius Caesar^.

Nascetur pulchra Trojanus orìgine Csesar,
Imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris,
Jalius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo.|
Hanc tu olim coelo spoliis Orìentis onustnm,
Accìpies secura:. vocalntar hic quoque yotb.

Jupiter in tbe same speecb relates tbe bistory of tbe
Trojan successìon in Italy : that ^neas, baving
subdued bis enemies in that country, shall build
' Lavinium, and reign there three years : that bis son
Ascanius, sumamed lulus, sball succeed bim, reign

* iEn. i. ver. 290, &c.

m

xc LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Y«tt thirty years, and transfer the regal seat from Lavi-
Romenium to Alba: that bis posterity sball reign tbere
* tbree hundred years, till tbe priestess Ilia shall
bear twìns to M ars : that Romulus shall be suckled
by a wolf, build a city sacred to Mars, and cali
the people Romans from bis own name. The god
then declares, that these Romans shall know no
bound of their emp^'e : that Juno shall lay aside
ber enmity, and concur with him in supporting the
Roman people, the lords of the world ; and that the
Trojan race shall cònquer their ancìent enemies the
Greeks, and reign over them ^

His ego nec metas rerum, nec tempora pono :
Imperium sine fine dedì. Quin aspera Juno,
Quse mare nunc terrasque metu ccelumque fatigat»
Cimcilia in melius referet; mecumque fovebit
Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam.
Sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus setas,
Cum domus Assaracl Phthiam clarasque Mycenas
Servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argìs.

In tbe sixth hook, Anchises, in the Elysian fieids,
shews to iBneas his future son Sylvius iBi^eas, the
youngest of his children by Lavinia. From him the
Alban kings descend, Procas, Capys, Numitor, and
Sylvius -fineas. These princes, he tells us, founded
Nomentum, Gabii, Fidena, CoUatia, Pometia, Ca-
strum Inni, Boia, and Cora. Numitor, tbe father
of Ilia, is accompanied by his grandson Romulus,
the son of Ilia by Mars, under whose influence
Rome arrives at vast power. Among these great

' Mn> 1. ver. 261, &c.

UFE OF VIRGIL. xci

Romans^ Ancbises calls upon ..Sneas, to observe veor
the noble Julian family, especìally Augustus Caesar» Rome
under whose reign ali tbe blessings, promised to
that mighty state, sball be united.

En hujus, nate, auspiciis illa inclyta Roma
Imperium terris, animos sequabit Olympo ;
Septcmque una sibi muro cìrcumdabit arces.
Felix prole virum : quali» Berecynthia mater
Invebitur curru Phrygias turrita per urbes,
Lffita Deum partu» centum complexa nepotes,
Omnes ccelicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes.
Huc, geminas bue flecte acies : hanc aspice gent^n
Romanosque tuos. Hic Csesar, et omoìs luli
Progenies, magnum cceli ventura per axem.
HKc vir, hic est, &c.

He then recites tbe kings wbo succeeded Ro-
mulus; Numa^ famous for enacting laws; TuUus,
wbo raised again tbe military spirit of the people ;
Ancus Martius, wbo studied popularìty; and tbe
Tarquins, tbe latter of wbom was expelled by Bru-
tus, wbose severe discipline tbe Poet celebratesi
He mentions tbe famous famìlies of tbe Decii and
Drusi, and the great dictators, Torquatus and Ca-
millus : he laments the civil discords between Pom-
pey and Julius Ceesar, the latter of wbom he extols
again, as conqueror of the Greeks, and avenger of
the Trojan race. He does not pass over tbe me-
mory of the great Cato, the glorìous Cossus, the two
thunderbolts of war the Scipios, wbo subverted
Carthage, or the nobly temperate Fabricius, and
Quinctìus Cincinnatus. He seems in a rapture, at
the mention of the Fabii ; and then breaks forth

m 2

xcn LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year ìnto that floble character of the Romans already
Rome mentioned ; '^ Bxeudeirt alii spìrantia, &c." And
concludes with describing at laTge the character of
the famous Marcellus.

The celestial shield of JBneas " is also decorated
with the history of Rome : Romulus and Remus
sucking the wolf ; the rape of the Sabine vìrgìns,
the war thereby occa^ioned» and the establishment
of a happy peace ; the punishment of Metius for
his perfidiousness by Tullùs Hostiliius ; the inrasion
made by Porsènna, to restòre the èjectèd Tarquin ;
and the conrage of the Róriians, in asserting their
liberty; the defence of the bridge by Cocles, and
the escape of Clcelia, by swimming cross the river ;
the siege of the capitol by the Gauls, and the de-
fence of it by Manlìus Torquatus ; the punishment
of wicked Catiline in hell, the judgmènt seat of
Cato, in the Elysian fields ; and the victory of Au-
gu8tu8 Caeaar over Anthony and Cleopatra. The
religious and civìl customs also of the Romans are
tó be fòund in the JEneis; tbeir sacrifices, their fti-
nerals, their manner of declaring peaoe and war,
and their solemn games, are described by Virgil ; so
that it was not withoiit reason that this Poet was
highly honòured both by prince and people. He
was in such esteem at Rome, that, as we are told
by one óf their best historians ", the people rose to
him when he appeared in <be theatre, and shew^
him the same respect that they gave to Augustus
hk3:self ; and that Augustus wrote such letters to

» JEsì, viiK 696. • Tacitus, Dialog. de Orat.

tlPE oFyiRGiJu. %(m

hìm, as atmndwtly tesHjjfiad lìh^e^teex^ ami reg^d^ Yeor
^hich he bad for this e:;iccellent poet^ Aia^j^tber dfR^e
l^ir bistorìaus.cajl^ him the pni^<^ of p^^ry*.;
aod Ihe leamed amd iiulioUmg QuiQtilìaiiP was of
opinion^ that Yirgil carne .nei^irer ito Hdmer tli^an aóry
Other port caiue to Yifgil : aad the greiajL Empergaf
GoBslantiae caUf$ biin the prìnoe 4/ the L^ìn
poets^.

He lived in frìendship with the best poets of his
age, and particularly with Horace, who in an Ode
àddressed to him, wben he w:as sailing to Ath^ns,
prayed the gods to protect him, and called him the
b^f of hi$ $oul ;

Sip te Div^ poten^ CyprJ,

Sic fratres Helenee, lucida sidera,
Ventorumque regat pater,

Obstrictis aliis, praetér lapyga,
Navis^ quaa tibi creditum

Pebes yìrgiliuln, finibus Atticis
Reddas incolumem, precor;

Et serves fmiiiiae dimidium mefe \

The twelfth Ode of the fourth hook ìb also àd-
dressed to VirgiI; and in the sixth S^.tire of the
jfirst boQJk» he tells MaBceaas, that VirgiI was the
first who recommend^d him*. The samé poet

' •I^ter qu» maxime nòstri •» ns^i:fe,-#ij^ >iy«» w t|«x<^-

ffivi eminente princeps carminum T«r«y r?; luirÀ 'lT«x/«y wtttrSf.

Virgilius^.&c Feèl, Papere, lib. ii. ConHantini Orai, apud Euseò,

P Utar verbis iisdem^ quae ab ' Lib. i. Od. S.

Afro DomUio jiiVeni^ accepi: * Nulla etenim. milii' 4ésor8

qui mibi interroganti, quem Ho- obtufit : optimus clim

Boero credit maxiiaae accedere : Vir^Hus, post hunc Varìus

secundus^ inquit^ est Vivgilius : dixère quid essem.

pBoprior tttoieii prUoo quam ter- Smt* lib* i. 6.
tio. Lib. X.

XCIV

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

Year celebfates the softness and delicacy of VirgiPs
Rome Pastorais ^ bis skill in poetry% bis judgment%
'^ bis candour ^ and bis piety *. Propertius celebrates
tbe writings of our Poet, declares tbat bis verses
are wortby of Apollo ; and sbews tbe great ex-
pectation tbàt tbere was of tbe ^neis, by saying
tbat Virgii was about a work, wbicb was to exceed
tbe Iliad^. Ovid also, speaking to Augustus, calls

t Molle atque facetum

Virgilio annueruDt gauden-

tes rure Camense.

Sat. lib. i. 10.
' At neque dedecorant tua de

se judicia^> atque
Munera quse multa dantis

cum laude tulerunt
Dilecti tibi Virgiìius, Varius'-

que poetse.

Epiit. lib. ii. 1.

Quid autem

Csecilio Plautoque dabit Ro-

manus ademptum
Virgilio Varioque ? Ars Poet,
^ Plotius et Varius^ Msecenas^

Virgiliusque^
Valgius^ et probet haec Oc-

tavius optimus^ atque
Fuscus, et baec utinam Vìs-

cprum laudet uterque ;
Ambìtione relegata te dicere

possum^
Pollio 'y te Messala tuo cum

fratre 5 simulque
Vos Bibuli» et Servi ; simul

bis te, candide Furoi ;
Complures alios, doctos ego

quos et amicos
Pnidens prsetereo : quibus

hsec» sint qualiacumque.
Arridere velim : doliturus^ si

placeaut spe
Deterius nostra.

Sai. lib. i. 10.

y Plotius» et Varius Sinuesese»
Virgiliusque
Occurrunt: animae quales ne-
que candidiores
Terra tulit^ neque queis me

sit devinctior alter.
O, qui complexus» et gaudia

quanta fuerunt;
Nil ego contulerim jucundo sa-
nus amico.

Sai. lib. i. 5.
* Multis ille bonis flebilis occi-
dit:.
Nulli flebilior, quam tibi Vir-
gili
Tu frustra pius^ heu non ita

creditum
Poscis Quìntilium Deos.

Lib. l Od. 24.
*■ Me juvet hesternis positum
languere coroUis»
Quem tetigit jactu certus ad
ossa deus :
Actia Virgilium custodis littora
Fboebi»
Caesaris et fortes dicere poste
rates»
Qui nuDC Mnesè Trojani susci-
tat arma»
Jactaque Lavinis moenia lit-
toribus.
Cedite Romani scrìptores» ce-
dite Graii :
Nescio quid msjus nascitur
Iliade.

LIFE OF VIRGIL.

xcv

Virgil his happy autbor of the JEneis>. In another Year
place, he calls that poem the brìghtest work of ali Rome
Italy *^ ; and in a third^ he declares, that the Pas-
torals, Georgicks, and iBneìds of Virgil will be read
as long as Rome shall continue sovereign of the
world ^ ; which prophecy has been abundantly
verìfied ; fot the works of Virgil stili maintain their
superìority; though the Roman empire has béen
dissolved above a thousand years. I shall conclude
the life of our great Poet with the foUowing lines of
the celebrated Vida ;

Extulit OS sacrum soboles certissima Phoebì
Virgilius, qui mox veterum sqaalore situque
Deterso, in melìus mira omnia retulit arte,

Tu canis uaibrosi subter pi-
neta Galesi
Thyrsio^ et attritis Dapb-
dìq anmdinibus :
Utque decem possint cor-
rumpere malapuellam^
MÌ86US et impressìs hoedus
ab uberibus.
Felix^ qui viles pomis merca-
tus amores :
Huic licet ingratse Tityrus
ipse canat.
Felix^ intactum Corydon qui
tentat Alexin
AgricolsB domini carpere
delicias.
Quamvis ìUe sua lassus re-
quiescat avena,
Laudatur faciles Inter Ha-
madryadas.
Tu canis Asersei veteris prae-
cepta poetae>
Quo seges in campo^ quo
viret uva jugo.
Tale facit Carmen docta tes-
tudine^ quale

Cynthius impositis temperai
articulis. .' ' ' .,

Lib. il. Eleg. ÌMu
^ Et tamen ille tu» felix J^nei-
dos auctor
Contulit in Tyrios arma vi-
rumque toros^
Nec legitur pars ulla magis de
corpore toto^
Quam non legitimo fcedere
junctus amor.
Piìyllidis bic id^pa, teneraeque
Amaryllìdis ignes
Bucolicis juvenis luserat ante
modis.

Trist. lib. li.
°.£t profugum Maean, alte pri-
mordia Roms^
Quo nullum Latio clarìus ex-
tat opus.

Art, amai. lib. iii.
•^Tityrus, et segetes, j£neiaque
arma legentur
Roma triumpbati dum caput
orbis erit.

Amorum, lib. i.

xcfi LIFE OF VIHGIL.

Year Vooem animuinqiie deo aimilis: date IìIib, pleiiis,

Bomé Fierides» calathis, tantoque assurgile alanmo.
^'^' Unus hic ingenio praestanti gentis Achivas

DiviiK>8 vates longe superavit, et arte^
Aureus, immortale sonans : stnpet ipse, pavetque
Quamvis ingentem mìretur Grascia Homerum.
Haud alio Latiam tantum se tempore jactat.
Tane lingua? Aosòniae potuh qusB maxima virtus
Esse fuit, cflelòqtie ingens se gloria vexit
Itoiiss: sperare ne&s sit vatibus ultra.

Chelsba,
June Sf 1749.

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA PRIMA.

TITYRUS.

M£UB(EUS, TiTYRUS.

Mel. TiTYRE, tu patulaa recubans sub untotheVh'adeor
tegmìne fagi

Aia, You, Titynn, ìfiae
jider the shade of a q;>reaa-
ingbeech,

1. TUjire tu paiuke, ftc] After
the hatùe at Hiìlippi, wfaerein Bru-
tus and Cassius wereoverthrownby
AugustusCaesarand Mark Anthony^
in the year of Rome 712, Augustus
letumed to Italj^ in oinder to re-
ward the soldiers by dividing
among them the lands belonging to
aererai cities. But these not being
sufficient to satisfy the avarice <^
the soldiers, they fìrequently trans-
gressedthe bouiids assigned'them^
and seìzed on the lands belonging
tothe neighbouring cities. Tnose
ii^aiies caased the inhabitants^ both
old and young, to flock in great
aambera to Rome to seek for re-
dress.. We may gather, from a pas-
sage in the ninth Edogue^ that
Cremona was oae of the cities given
to the soldiers, and that Manttia,
happeiùng to be situated liear Cre-
mona, the inhabitants of that ter-
ritoiy were involved in the calamity
of their nnhappy n^igfabours. It

is said that among the rest Virgili
being dispossessed of his estate^
went to Rome, where being pre*-
sented to Augnstus he was gra-
cioQsly received, and restored to his
possessions. It is reasonable to
think, that some of his neighbours,
if not ali, obtained the same favoar:
though the commentators seem al-
most unanimous in representing
Virgil as the only Mantuan that
mei with such good fortune. This
is the subject of the first Eclogue.
The poet introduces two shepherds
under the feigned names of Meli-
bcBus and Tityrus; of whom the
former represents the unhapy M an-
tuans, aria the latter thoge wno were
restored to their estates : or perhaps
Tityrus may be intended to repre-
sent Mantua, and Meliboeus Cre-
mona. Meliboeus begihs tìie dia-
logue with settingforUithe miseries
of himself and his neighbours.
Tt/yre.] La Cerda' produce^

2 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

J^£^7^f««>*«««***^ Sylvestrem tenui M usam meditaris avena :

three reasonSi why the name g£ Ti-
iyrus might be applied to an Italian
snepherd : 1. Because ilie poet imì-
tateid Theoeritos^ w|io gave that
name to a shepherd in the third
Idyllium. 2. Because a pipe made
of reeds was called Tityrinus in
Italy. S. A shepherd might be
PjTojyerly so called, as the word
signifies dancing, an exercise much
in use among shepherds ; k riif
rm^u-fitirtif, iJf ;^«i>ovr( Ydjv^^t, says
Miian. To these ne adds a fouith
reason-; that Tit3rrus signifies a goat
in the African language, whence the
name has been ascribed to those
who feed them. He concludes with
observing^ that Servius only says
that the greater he-goats are called
by the name of Tityrus among the
Laconians. This last quotatipn is
erroneous ; for the words of Servius
are, *' Laconum lingua Titjn-us di-
*^ cltur aries (not hircus) major, qui
*' g^g^^ anteìre consuevit." I be-
lieve ttie first reason is the true one ;
and that Virgil had no farther
meaning, than to borrow the name
of a shepherd firom Theocritus.

I have already said, that the
commentators general ly agree, that
the poet intended to describe him-
self under the feigned name of Ti-
tyrus. But to this opinion I think
some material objections may be
opposed. The poet represents his
Tityrus as an old man. In ver. 29,
he mentions his beard being grey.
In ver. é7, Melibceus expressly
calls Tityrus an old man, fortunate
senex, which words are repeated in
ver. 52. Now Virgil tduld not cali
himself an old man, being under
thirtv, w]y&x he wrote this Eclogue,
in wnidi he calls Augustus juvenis,
who was but seven years younger
iban himself; and at the end of the

Georgicks he tells us expressly, that
he wrote it in his youth :

— .-^ auctaxque jttwnto
Tityrc te patule cedni sub tegmine
fagi.

In the fifth Eclogue Tityrus is men-
tioned as a servant to Mopsus :

Incipe, Mopse, prior; si quos aut

Phyllidis igncs,
Aut Alconis habes laudes, aut jurgia

Codri.
Incipe: patcentet tervabit Tityrus fue-

dos.

In the eighth Eclogue he mentions
Tityrus as a contemptible shep-
herd :

Certent et cycnis uIuUb: Ht Tityt^

Orpheut:
Orpbeus in sylvis ; inter delphinas

Arion,

If Virgil had called himself Tityrus
in the first Eclogue, he would
hardly have used the same name
siterwards for a raean or contempti-
ble person.

Fagi.] La Cerda contends, that
the fagus is not a beech, but a sort
of oak or esculus; and quotes se-
vera! authorities to support his opi-
nion. This mlstake has arìsen from
an imagpination ihatihefagut is the
same with the ^«y«$ of the Greek
writers, which is indeed a se»! of
oak. But the description, which
Pliny gives of the ^gtt*, can agree
with no other tree, tlutn that which
we cali a beedi. '^ Fagi glans
*' nuclei similis, triangula cute in-
'' cluditur. Folium tenue, ac le-
^^ vissimum^ populo simile.**

2. Siflvestrem.l Quinttlian, lib.
ix. cap. 4. reads agrestem, It is
generally allowed to have been a
slip in Quintilian's memory^ this
reading not being countenanced by
the authority of any manuscript.

BUCOLIC, ECL. I.

Nos patrisD.fines, et dulcia linqnimus arva;
Nos patriam fugimus: tu, Tityre,. lentus in umbra
Formòsam rèsonare doces Amaryllida sylvas. 5
TiT. O'Meliboee, Deus nobte hsec òtia fecit.
Namque erit ille mìhi semper Deus : illius aram

We.leave the borden of ooT
coantry, and oar tweet fiddf.
We fl/ our country j whilst

rt lltyrut, lying at caie
the shade, ttsach the
wooda to reaound the be«u-
ti6il Amaryllb.

TU. O Meliboeua, a God
hasgivenmethisquiet. For
I ahall atwavi eateem him as
a God:

La Cerda endeavours to prove^
that Virgil always uses si^lva, when
he speaks of shepherds^ and agri,
when he is treating of husbandry.
But this argument is not good : for
in a few lines below we find,

Ludere quae vellem calamo permisit
agresti.

And in the sixth Eclogue^

AgreHem tenui meditabor arundine mu-
sam.

Probably Quintilian ìntended to
quote the verse last mentioned.

MeditarisT^ Servius interprets
this ** cantas, quasi melitaris, d.-pro
*' l posila.*' La Cerda interprets it
exerces; which he confirms by se-
vera! authorities. Rusus renders
it modularìs.

Lord Lauderdale translates this
passage.

Under a beech, supineijr laid along,
Thou, Tityrusy enjoyUt thy rural songl

Dryden's translation is^

Beneath the shade, which beechen

boughs diffuse,
Youy Tityrus, entertain your sylvan

muse.

Dr. Trapp has it»

Beneath the covert of the spreading beech
Thou, Tityrus, repos*d, art warbUng o'er
CJpon a slender reed thy sylvan lays.

Avena.'] *' The musical instru-
*' ments used by shepherds were at
''first made of oat and wheat-
** Straw ; then of reeds, and hol-
" low pipes of box; afterwards of
'' the leg bones of cranes^ homs* of
'' animals, metals» &c. Hence
'' they are c^lled avena, stipula, ca-

'' tamus, arundOg fistula, buxus, ti-
'' bia, cornu, as, &c." Ru^us.

5. Amaryllida^ Those who un-
derstand this £clogue in an allego-
rica! senscj wlU bave Amaryllis to
mean Rome. See the note on ver. 31 .

6. Melihoee, &c.] Tityrus in-
forms his neighbour» that his feli-
city is derived from a god^ com-
plimenting Augustus witlì tliat
name.

Deus.] The poet flatters Au-
gustus^ by callìng him a god» some
years before divine honours were
publicly allowed him.

Otta.'] Servius interprets it secu-
fity arfelicitv. La Cerna will bave
it to mean liberty. Ruseois renders
it quies. Lord Lauderdale translates
it, this soft retirementi Dryden»
theseblessings; andDr. Trapp» this
Jreedom. In the fifth Bclogue our
poet uses olia for peace or ease;

Nec lupus insidias pecorì, nec retia cer-
via

Ulta dolum meditantur : amai Itonus otia
DaphnU :

Ànd in the 9econd Georgidk ;

At secura quies, et nesda fallere vita,
Dives opum variarum ; at latis otia fun-

dls»
Speluncs» vfvique lacus :

And in the third ;

Ipn in defossis specubus secuia sub alta
Otia agunt terra.

It is plainly used also in the same
sense in the sixth ^neid.
— — Cui deinde subibit,
Otia qui rumpet patri», retidesque mo-
vebit
- TuUus in arma viros.-

7. Namque erit ille mihi semper
b2

P. VIRGILII fiTAROKIS

a teii.'er làmb fròm my folds
studi oftenftainhU aitar. He
has permitted my kine to
feed »t larjire, as you see^ and
myself to play what I have a
mind on my niral pipe.

Afrf. I do not envy you
indeed, but rather wonderj
aeeingr there Is so great a dto-
turbonoe ali over the coun-
try. Lo ! I drive my Roatt,
being quite sick myself ; and
am iurdly able, my Tityrus,
to drag this along.

Saep^ ^enet nostri^ ab oVilibiis fanbuel tùgmn*
lUe meas errare boves, ut cemis, et ipdam
Ludere» quas vellem, calamo permìsit agresti. 10
Mel. Nonequideminyideo,mirormagis: un-
dique totis
Usque adeo turbatur agris. En ip.se capellas_
Protinus segerago: hanc etiam vix, Tityre,duco.

Deus.'] Servi US says, that this re-

Setitìon excludes ali appearance of
aitery : which I must confess my-
self unable to understand. As to
what he mentions of Augustus be-
ing really deifiedin his life-time, it
can have no place here : since it is
certain, that these honours were not
mven him, till several years after
this Eclogue is said to have been
composeci. It was a common opi-
nion among the ancients, thatdoing
good elevated men to divinity. l'i-
tyrus therefore, having received so
great a benefit from Augustus, de-
clares, that he shall always esteem
him as a god. If divine honours
had then been ascribed to Augustus,
the poet WQuld not have men tìoned
him as a deity peculiar to himself ;
^erii ille mihi semper deus. But it is
no great wonder, that the poet
should flatter Augustus with the
title of a god ; since Julius C^sar,
whose adopted son he was, had al-
; ready received divine honours, a
jchapel being dedicated to him in
^^ the Forum about ten months before
[the decisive battle at Philippi.
I Illius aram, &c.] Pope has
imitated this in his foùrth Pasto-
ral;

To thee, brighi goddesp, oft a lamb shall
1 bleed,

i If teeming ewes increaBe my fleecy foreed.
i

9. Errare.'^ Id est, pasci, says

, Servius. It ^s certain, that by cr-

I rare the poet cannot mean to wan-

• der or strny, in one sense of the

word, which signifies to go astray,
or be lost, Therefore, to avoicl
ambiguity, I have translatèd it to
feed at large, which is the true
meaning of the word. Our poets
frequently use stray in the same
sense: thus Milton;

Russet lawnsy and faUows grey,
Where the nibbling ilocks do stray*

Lord Lauderdale has translatèd er-
rare in the full sense of nandering,
or going astray ;

Do you not see my cat\le wand^rìng roam
At theìr own pleasure, yet come safely

home ?
He 'tifi that suiTers.them to go astray.

Dryden's translation is better;

He gave my flocks to graze the flow'ry
plam.

11. Non equKÌem invideQ, &c.]
Melibceus, apprdbending that Ti-
tyrus might imagìne he envìed hk
good fortune, assures him that he
does not, but only wonders at his
enjoying peace in the midst of the
greatest confusions and disturb-
ances, andconcludeswitìi enquiring,
who that god is, from whom his
ti^anquillity is derived.

12. Turbatur,] Pièrius found tur-
bamur in some ancient manuscrìpts.
Servius found the same reading;
but justly prefers ^Mròo/Mr. Quìn*
tilian also reads tnirbatur, in a quo-
tation of this passage ; and it is ge-
nerally received by the editors.

13. Protinus,] Servius reads prò -
tenus, and interprets it vo rrò ienus.

Hic Inter danne etayktt Mbdo namqne gemellos, £!S„'S;?^*Sf SS

haiels»

id €$it, Unge a Jlnthm, Pierius ol>-
serves that most ma&uscripts faàve
proiinm; butth«it it is protenus m.
|he Oblong and Medieean marni-
scìr^pts. He observes^ that Qwpet
màk^à a difference b^^een thein>
makìng proienus an adverb of place,
and ' protinm an adverb of ttme.
N<»DÌU8 l^areellus interprets proti-
nut, vMt, In tbe Medieean ma*
nuscript, according to the edition
printed at Florence in 1741, it is
protinus. The same reading is in
the Paris edition of 1541. But in
that of 1540, under the care of Sus-
sannaeus it is protenus. In the
Venice edition by Aldus, in 1576,
it is protinus* Rob. Stephens reads
protenus. In the old edition^ printed
by Pynson, it is protintis, as also in
tne Milan edition of 1539, ^^d in
the Antwerp edition of 1543. But
in that of 1540, it is protenus. La
Carda reads protinus; but Heinsius,
and after him most of thè editors
bave protenus. Dr. Trapp contends
for protenus, in the sanse which
Servius givc^s it; and accordingly
traDslates t^is passage^

Lo ! I far hcncìs my goats just fainting
drive.

Barman also is positive in the same
ioterpretation.

In this diversity of opinions^ our
surest way will be to consider the
different senses in which Virgil
bimself has \xse^ protinus or protenus
in other parts of bis Works. The
general signification of it is immedi-
ately^ next, or presently aflerwards,
Thus it is used in the fourth Geor-
gick :

Protinus a£rii mellis caelestia dona
Exequar. . ■■

And in the second ^neid ;

PrtÉiHut ad sedes Prìami clamore vo-
lati;

Where Sejrvins ittads prolvnùs,axià
interpreta it statìsn ; as he dofes ^IM
in another passage of die same
book;

Sic fatua senior, telumque imbelle àne

ictu
Conjecit: rauco quod protkmt aere re-

pulsum.

* In the same sense it is used in the
tìiird -^Eneìd;

Protinus afirias Phaeaeuin abscondijnuB
arces.

And in the fourth ;

Protinus ad regem cursus detcìrguet
larbam.

And in the fifth ;

Protinus ^neas celeri certate sagitta
Invitai, qui forte velini.

And in the seventh ;

Protinus bine fuscis trìstis dea tolUtur

olia
Attdads ButuK ad muros.

And,

Mos erat Hesperio in XiaUo, qvutai frati-

nus urbes
Alban» coluere sacrum.

Here Servius interprets itjugUer,
deinde; and s|iys it is now an ad^
verb of time. He gives the sanae
sense to . ^

trtgecto missa lacerto

Protinus basta fugit.

in the tenthi

In the same hook we find

Protinus Anteeum et Lycam, prima ag-

mina Turni
Persequitur.

And,

Hsc ubi dieta dedit, caelo se protinus aito
Misit,

in the siense already gìven.

Lastly, in the eleventh,
Protinus Orsilochum et Buten, duo ma^

xima Teucrum
Corpora: sed Buten adverso cuspide fixit.

P. VIRGILU MARONIS

ì!!^i^tìJ^?S"^o£! SpemgregÌ8,ah!8Ìljccuinud«coDnixareUqiiit.lS

In the eighth Mneìd, Servius in.
terprets proiinut, ai oneand the same
iime, or on the way :

Nam memini Hesiones visentem regna

sororìB
Laomedontiadem Prìamum Salamina pe-
~ tentem,
Prctinut Àrcadiffi gelidos invisere fines.

1 shall now consider some pas-
usages» which iteem raost naturally
to be understood in the sense whi(£
Nonius Marcellus gives to the pas-
sale under consideration. In the
thurd ^neid we find^

Haec loca vi quondam, et vasta convulsa

mina.
Tantum svi longinqua valet mutare ve-

tustasy
Dissiluisse IbruDty cum proHmu utraqae

tcUus
Una fore;;t.

Here Servius in terprets proUnns,
continuo; and says it ìs an adverb
of place. Ru«u8 also interprets it
fine intermissione; Virgìl is here
speaking of the supposed dìsruption
OT Sidly from tne continent of
Italy^ to which it is said to have
been formerly joined ; cum protinus
uiraque iellus una foret, that \^,
when both lands were absolutely
one.

In the sixth^

- Quin protinus omnia

Perlegerent oculis,

can hardly be understood in any
other sense. Ruseus interprets it^
*' At vero Trojani ulterius perlu-
^' strassent oculis omnia ;** aod
Dr. Trapp translates this passage^

Now ali the work

Throughout yrìth curìous eyes they would
have trac*d.

In the following passagé in the
seventh,

Tartaream intendit vocem, qua protinus

omne
Contremuit nemus,

protinus may be understood to mean
either vaUe, longe, or statim; Ru-
8BUS interprets it in the latter sense.
Dr^ Trapp Iranslates it suddenly, 1
should rather interpret it^ *^ the
'' whole forest trembled greatlj, or
" throughout;" or erophatically^ ali
the wholefore$t trembled.

In the ninth iBneid, Tumu»
boasting of bis superìority over the
Trojans, says^

— Addant Beprotwut omnes
Etrusd socios ;

That is^ emphaticallyj let every man
of the Tuscans oda himself to the
number. Servius indeed tells us^
that some interpret protinus, licei in
this place. Ruseus interprets it
statim : but the sense, whicn I have
here given it^ seems the most natu-
rai. There remains^ I think, but
one passage more to be considered.
It is also in the ninth hook ; wfaere
the poet is speaking of the num-
bers slain by Euryalus and Nìsus.
Among these he mentions Sarranu?,
who had spent great part of the
night in play ; and adds^

i— Felix, si protinus illum
iEquasset noeti ludum, in lucemque tu-
lisset.

Here Servius says, protenus is put
for porro tenus or continuo, which is
peculiar tó Virgil. Ruaeus also in-
terprets it continuo. But sijrely it
would be better to translate this
passage, happy, had he but mode his
play absolutely or entirely equal to
the night, and continued it till
moming.

Having thus considered the word
in ali the places where Virgil has
made use o£ it, I can by no means
assent to Servius and bis followers",
who interpret it porro tenus or
continuo, wnich Servius himself says
is peculiar to Virgil. And as there

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

Ssepe malum hoc nobis, si measnon Isevafuisset,
De cffilò tactas memitii praedicere quercus :
Saepe sinistra cava praedixìt ab ilice corDÌx.
Sed tamen, iste Deus qui sit, da, Tityre, nobis.
TiT. Urbem, quam dicunt Romam, Meliboee,

putavi 20

Stultus ego buie nostrse sirailém, quo saepe sole-

mus
Pastores ovium teneros depellere fcetus.
Sic canibus catulos similes, sic matribus hoedos

I rémiember, that the òaks
blasted from heaven often
foretold me this calamity;
only my mind was distracted.
Often did the sinistrous crow
foretel it lìrom ahollow holm-
oak. But teli me, Tltynis,
who this God ìa.

TU. Ifoolishlythoughtthe
city, which they cali Rome,
to be Uke this of ours, MeU-
baeti>,to which weshepherds
often use to drive the tender
offspring of our sheep. Thus
I knew whelps were iikedogi*
andkidsUkegoatt:

Ì6 not any one passage, where it
may not be rendered otherwise, we
may justly reject this singular in-
teipretation. I rather indme to the
opinion of Nonius Marcellus^ that
it is in this place an emphatical ad-
verb> and means valde or omnino, in
which sense it may well be under-
stood in many passages of our poet.
13. Duco.] LaC^dawouldhave
US understand duco in this place to
mean carrying on the shoulders.
To oonfirm this interpretation^ he
quotes several authors> whotnention
the shepherd's taking up the sheep
on his shoulders. But aU, or móst
of them^ are Christians^ and allude
to the paraUe o£ the gopd Shep-
herd in the Gospel ; which omy
dbews the firequency of this custom.
However not even one of these uses
duco to express carrying on the
shoulders. It certaìnly signifies to
lead or draw. In the first sense it
is used in the second Georgick, ver.
395, and in the latter sense in many
places. Ruseas render s it irahom
Dryden translates it>

And this you see | scarcely drag along.

And Dr. Trapp,

And thùy dear TityruSy I scarce with

pain
Caft drag along.

15. Cofiitùra.] Servius says it is
used for enixa, only to avoid an hi-

atus. La Cerda will bave it to ex-
press a difiicult delivery ; for which
I do not find sufficient authority.

l6. Laswu] Servius interprets it
shdia, contraria, See the note on
ver. 7. of the fourth Ge(»'gìck.

18. Scepe ministra, &c.] This
verse is of doubtful authority, not
being to be found in the most an-
cient manuscripts. Pìerius found it
added to some copies in another
band. It is omitted in the printed
copy of the Medicean, in the Milan
edìtion of 1481^ in the Paris edition
of 1533, printed by Rob. Stephens,
and in some other printed editions.
Perhaps it was stuck in bere by
some transcriber, who took it from
the ninth Edogue^ where we read.

Ante sinistra cava praedixit ab ilice
cornix.

19- Qt<*0 Some read quis.

20. Urbem quam dicunt, &c.] Ti-
tyrus, instead of answering directly
who the deity is, deviates, with a
pastoralsimplicity, intoa description
of Rome.

21. Huic nostra.'] Mantua^ near/
which Vìrgil was bom. /

23. Sic canibus, &c.] '^ He meaAs i
*' that Rome difiers from other j
*^ cities> not only in magnitude,
^'but also in kind, being, as iti
'* were, another world, or a sort of )
*' heaven in which he saw the god !

B P. VIRGILII MARONIS

ììto^ wlui^^JSST'^^.t^^ì Noram : sic parvis coroponere magna sojebain.

|i4s mtaà cp Iirr head Anione
pfc^ei do amang the bend-

ing wiyfarìng iirwj-

Aff /. Wliat great causa liid
you te co to tó* Rumt '

Tltf^ Liberty'; whiclijttiough.
I vira al&ttifuU looted ut>on
me %t lasc ^

Verum bsee tantum alias inter ' caput extulìt
urbes, 25

Quantum lenta soleqt inter viburna cupre&si.
Mel. Et quae tanta fuit Romam tibi causa

videndì? r

TiT. Libertas : quae sera tamen respexit inejr-
tem ;

f«

\

Caesar. For in compc^ting a
whelp to a dog, or a kid to a
goat^ wt on ly e jl press the ■ diner*
enee of raagnituae, not of kind.
But, wben we say a lion is bìgfcer
tban a dog, we express the dàJ^
ference (tf kind as wdl as of nia^-»
nitude, as the poet does now in
speaking of Rome. I thougfat
before, says he, that Rome was
to be comnared with other cities,
just as a Kid is to be compased
with its dam : for though it wasf
greater, yet I took it to be only
a city: but now I,find, tliat it
differs also in kind: for it is a
mansion of deities. That this is
I *' his meaning, is plain fì'om

) ** Qvantum lenta sdient inter riburna cu-
I ** pressi.

I " For the wayfaring-tree is a low
'^ shrub; but the cypress is a tali

j */ and stately tree." Servius.

I 26. Lenta viburnaJ] The vi z

burnum or rvaì(far ing'-tresJB.A fihrub
endinj

wi

which are therefc^e much used in
binding fi^gots. The name is de^
yived a viendo, wEichlsignifiesJg
bind. ^he ancient writers seem to
have called any shrub, that was fit
for this pupose, viburnum: but the
more niodern authors have re-
straimed that mone to express only
our nfayfaring-tree.

27. Et quas. tanta, 6fc] TUyrus
having mentioned Rome, Melìbceus
immediately asks him what was the
occQsion of his going thither: to

lyhich he answers, that it was li-
berty, which he did not enjoy till

Tm II tMj ks V w xK tfnxf ttucii xjttunwsn

forsook him, and he gave himself
op to Amaryllis.
Et qeuB.^ Some read Ecqwe,
28. LibertasJ] The commenta-
tors genendìy understand Tityms
to have been a slave; because he
makes mention here of bis being
grown old before he obtalned bis
liber^. But it is very plain that
Virghi does'not represent him in
any such oondition ; for he is pos-
sessed of flocks and herds; and
has a farm of his own ; tua rum
fnandntnt. The poet therefore must
mean by liberty, eitfaer the restitu-
tion of the lands of Tit3n*us, or his
releasement from the bondage of
his passion for Galatea. It seems
to be the latter; because we are
told he had no hopes of liberty, so
long as Galatea retained possession
of him. It will be obiected per*
hi^s, that Tityrus could bave no
occasion to go to Rome to obtain a
dismission from his afiection to a
mistress ; and therefore this cannot
be the liberty here mentioned. But
to this it may be answered, that his
having obtained his liberty, by
shaking off the yoke of Galatea,
was the cause of his going to
Rome: for during his passion for
ber, he neglected his affairs, and
lived expensively, sending great
quantìtìes of cattle and cheese to
market^ and yet not being the
richer for it.

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

9

Candidior t30stquam tondetiti barba cadebat : tófiJSS^^JJda^ì^

■r^ • ' ' t ■ «^ i^rw upon me. and come after a

Respexit tamcn» et loniro post tempore venit 30 loDg time. since Amaryms

^ o x- r paMesaesme,GaUteahasieft

Postquam nos Amaryllis habet, Galatea reliquit. «ne.

29. Candidior postquam, &e.] The
commentators^ who generally affirm
that Virgìl descrìbes himself under
the name of Tityrus, are much con-
founded wlth this mention of bis
beard beinff grey, Virgil being but
twenty-eight years old> when he
wrote this Eclogiie. Servìus ques-
tions^ wKfether ìt may not be a
changing of the person, putting an
old peasant in this place instead of
Virgil; but he does not seem per-
fectly satisfied -with this solution^
and rather thinks that the pointing
should be altered^ reading the pas-
sage thus ;

LibertaSy quae sera tamen respexit in-
ertem

Candidior ; postquam tondenti barba ca-
debat

Thos candidior does not agree with
barba, but with liberta»; and the
sense^ such as it is^ will be Liberty,
yvhich, though I was slothful, looked
more favourably at Uut, after my
heardfellfrom the barber, But then
the mention of the beard at ali is
superfluous» unless we suppose that
ttey did not use the barber till the^
were near thirty years old^ which is
not probable. Bendes, if we should
comply with Servius here in alter-
ms the pointing, we shall never be
able to prove Tityrùs to be a y oung
man, since he is twice called ex-
pressly senex, which cannot be
strained to signify any thing but
an old man. The same objection
will be in force against Pomponius
also, who will bave the candidior
barba to mean the first down on the
chin. Besides, this will make Tity-
rus too young to represent a person
of Virgil's age. La Cerda is of

opinion, that as Virgil had repre-
sented himself under the character
of a slave, he was obliged to sup-
pose himself old too; because it was
not usuai to enfranchise their slaves
till they were old. I bave shewn
already, that Tityrus is not repre^
sented as a slave : therefore I need
not givo any answer to the latter
part of the argument; though it
would be easy to produce many in-
stances of slaves being set at liberty
befcire they were old. Ruaeus thinks,
that the aUcgory is not every where
observed, and condudes with Pro-
bus, that the poet only takes the
same liberty in répresenting hhn-
self as an old man, that he does
in making himself a shepherd, or in
a^suming the feigned name of Tity-
rus. Catrou has found out a new
solution of these difficulties. He
has discovered that Virgil's father
was yet alive, and tells us it was he
that obtained the restitution of bis
lands, and therefore is represented
with propriety as an old man;
thouffh I must confess, that I can
hardly be persuaded to believe, that
so decent a writer as Virgil would
bave made his fiither cali himself
fotd, as he does in two or three
places of this Eclogue. To con-
clude, the commentators seem to
think it necessary, that some one
person should be represented under
the name of Tityrus, and thereby
lay themselves under inextricable
difficulties in explaining their au-
thor; which might easily be avoided
by allowing that the poef s charac-
ters are general, and not intended
to be personal.

31. Postquam nos AmaryUis, &c.}
The allegorica! commentators fan<y

10

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

wwirt ^ex^'^J^ì Namque, fatebor enini, dura me Galatea tenebat,
^S^èSS^ °^ '"^' Nec spes libertatis erat, nec cura peculi.

that the poet meant Rome by Ama-
ryllis^ and Mantua by Galatea. Po-
litian pretends tbat Ammryllìs was
the secret name for Rome. But^ as
La Cerda justly observes, ibis con»
tradicts itself : for ìf it had been
so^ die poet had offended against
relìgìon^ by pronouncìng the name^
which it was unlawful to reveal.
Besides, no andent author whatso-
ever has ventured to inform us what
thìs secret name was. La Cerda
seems to incline to the opinion of
Fabius Pictor and Nannius^ who teli
us^ that the Argeus campus, which
is inclosed by the seven hills, was
rendered uninhabitable by the in-
undations of the Tiber ; but that^
on offerìng sacrifices to Vertumnus^
the waters retumed into their chan-
nel. Hence Rome was called Ama-
rvllis from the gùtters, by which
tne waters were carried off^ àfiet^q
signifying a gutter. But La Cerda
himself diinks this may possibly
be too far fetched^ and that the
poet may intend no more than to
cali Rome by the name of a ficti-
tious shepherdess. Ruaeus looks
upon these opinions as trìfles, and
justly rejects the allegorical inter-
pretation for the foUowing reasons.

1. As the poet has twice mentioned
Rome éxpressly^ and by its proper
name, in this Eclogue, what could
induce him to cali it sometimes
Rome and sometimes Amaryllìs ì

2. 'He distinguishes Galatea from
Mantua also^ wheiì he says^ that
whilst he was a slave to Galatea^
he had no profit from the cheeses
which he made for the unhappy
city. 3. If we admit the allegory,
that verse Mirabar quid fncesta deos,
&c. is inextricable. 4. Servius has
laid it down as a rule, in the life of

Virgil, that we are not to under-
stand any thing in the Bucolicks
figuratively, that is, allegorically.

Galatea reliquU.^ Many of the
conunentators will bave this to be
what they cali an Euphemìsmus, or
civil way of expressing what would
otherwise seem offensive. They af-
firm that Galatea did not forsake
Tityrus, but Tityrus Galatea. This
is stili upon a supposition that Ga-
latea is Mantua: but as we reject
that interpretation, the Euphemis-
mus becomes unworthy of our con-
sideration.

33. Peculi'] It is used for Peculii.
PecuUum is commonly understood
to^sljjiify tEe^j^riyate stocfwhich
""a'slave i^permitteiOo enjw^inde-
ÉiP^^SMlH?^^-- l'iautùs, in
hls Casma, uses ìf~to express the
separate nurse of a wife, made up
without the husband's knowledge ;

ì^amjpeculi probam nihil habere addecet
Ckm virum, et quod habet, partum ci

haud commode 'st,
Quin viro aut subtrahat, aut stupro in-

venerit.

Cicero uses it for the property of a
slave, in his Paradoxa; "An eo-
" rum servitus dubia est, qui cupi-
" ditate peculii nullam conditionem
" recusant durissimae servitutis ?"
Many-other passages are quoted by
the commentators, to shew that pe-
culium means the stock of a slave ;
whence they infer, that Virgil uses
it in this place to express that Tity-
rus was in a state of servitude. It
must be confessed, that the word is
most frequently used in this sense ;
but there want not instances to
prove that it also signifies the pro-
perty of a freeman, or, as I under-
stand it in the passage now before
US, gain. Petronius Arbiter, in bis

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

11

Quamvis molta meis exiret victima septis,
Pinguis et ingratse premeretur caseus urbi^

35

Thoogh minT a victim went
tram my folds, and many a
fot cheeae was preaied f or the
unhappydty.

eìgbth chapter, uses it in a ludi-
crous sense^ to express what every
man may certainly cali hls own.
Horace, in bis Art of Poetry, has
the very words cura peculi, iri the
same sense tbat I have given them
here;

— At haec anìmos srugo et cura peculi
Quum semel imbuerit^ speramus car-
mina fingi
Posse linenda cedro, et Isvi servanda
cupresso?

Con iouh, who hy their parents/rom their

Òirth
Have heen devoted thus to rutt and gain,
Be capabte of high and genWoua thoughts 9
Lord Roscommon.

Dryden translates the passage under
consideration in the same sense.

I sought not freedom, nor aspìrM to gain.

And J)r. Trapp,

No hope of freedom or of gain I saw.

Peculium, no doubt, as well as
pealmài is_derivec|L from pecus, be_-
i^ause enchanges were madel by cat -
tìeTBefòre themvenf lon oTmc

and'j5è^dg^àhdeht jX)m had cattle
impres sed pn_iL " Igitur/* says
Varrò, ** est scientia pccom parandi
*' ac pascendi, ut fructus quatn
" possìnt maximì capiantur ex ea,
'^ a quibus Ipsa pecunia nominata
" est : nam omnis pecunioe pecus
*' fundamentum.** Columella tells
US expressly, that both words are de-
rived from^pecus; *' Nam in rusti-
'* catione vel antiquissima est ratio
" pascendi, eademque quaestuosissi-
f ma; propter quod nomina quo-
'^ que et pecunice et peculii tracta vi-
*' dentur a pecore"

34. S^tts,"] Servius tells us,
tbat septa signified those places in
the Campus Martius, which were
fenced in, for the people to give

their votes ; and that because these
septa resemble sheep-folds, or ovilia,
the words are oflen put one for an-
other. Thus in this passage, septis
is used for ovilibus; and on the
contrary in Lucan,

— Et misers maculavit ovUia Rome.

And Juvenal,

— Antiquo qua proxima surgit ovili.

But I think it more probable, that
these inclosures in the Campus Mar-
tius took their nani e from the sheep-
folds ; the founders of Rome having
been shepherds. This is òertain,
that it was no poetìcal liberty taken
by Virgil to cali the folds septa;
since that word is used by Varrò, in
bis first hook, *' Nunc de septis,
^* quae tutandi causa fundi, aut
" partis fiant, dicam." Here it is
very plain, that Varrò uses the
word for what we cali fences. He
says there are *four sorts of septa, or
fences ; the first he describes to be a
quick hedge; the second a dead
hedge ; the third a ditch and bank ;
and the fourth a wall.

S5, Pinguis.'] Servius thinks it
better to make pinguis àgree with
victima than with caseus, so that
these lines should be pointed thus :

Quamvis multa meis exiret victima septis
Pioguis, et ingratse premeretur caseus
urbi.

But this pointing is foUowed in very
few editions. Burman indeed seems
to approva of it on the authority of
Servius and Fabricius, but he has
presei^ved the common pointing.

Ingrata urbi,'] Mantua : but
some doubt may arise, why IVJan-
tua is called ingrata, and what is
meant by that epithet. It is com-
monly used to signify either unpleas^
e 2 ^

19

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

VS^b^tA'S^ Non unquam gravis me domum mihi dextr»

Mei, I woodcKd, Àmuryl- •.o^;ko*

lis. what made yow «orrow? rcCUUai»

fuJ,andinyoketheGod5; «., ^^. ,. ., . rx a h*

Mel. Mirabar, quid mcesta Deos, Amarylli»
vocares ; ^

ing or ungrateful. In the former
sense we find it in the second
iSneid :

Sed quid ego haec autem nequicquam iti'
grata revolvo :

where Servius ìnterprets it, nec »o-
bis placitura, nec mihi gratiam con-
ciliantia. In the latter sense it seems
to be used in the tenth ^^Ineid ;

Respicit ignarus rerum, ingratutque sa-
lutis.

Bui ingrattis sìgnifies also unha^u^
fad, or melancholy ; as in the sixth

Flebant, et cineri ingrato suprema fere-
bant;

where Servius interprete it. Tristi ;
ut gratum ketum aliquid dicimus.
Thus also in the fifth hook of Lu-
cretius, we find

At nisi purgatum 'st pectus, quae proelia

nobis,
Atque pericula tunc ingrati* insinuali»

dum;

which Creech interprets, At nisi
animi nostri sint purgati, quot tumula
iibus agitaremur, qucB pericula nos
miaeros manerent. Thus also Horace,
Ingrato misera vita ducenda esX,

which Desprez interprets Vita mi-
sera infortunato protrahenda est tibi,
I believe it is in this last sense
that we are to understand the pas-
sage before us. We do not see any
reason, why Virgil should cali Man-
tua ungrate/uL Tityrus carried his
cattle and cheese thither to sell, and
if he did not bring his money home
with him, it was his own fault to
spend it. Nor is there any evident
reason, why he should cali it un-

pleasing, unless, aa Burman ìaXer^
prets it, because it was fìlled with
soldiers. But there appeara an evi-
dent reason why he diould cali it
vnhappy ; for it was so in its situa-
tion, suffering on account of its
neamess to Ci^emona, as the poet
himself intimates in the nmth
Eclogue ;

Man tua, vse miserse nimìum vicina Cre-
monse.

37. Mirabar, &c.] Meliboeus
seems by this last discoiurse of Tity-
rus to nave found out the amour
between him and Amaryllis, with
which he was not acquainted be-
fore; andthereforewonderedwhose
absence it was that Amaryllis la-
mented.

Amarylli.^ The allegorica] inter-
preters are at such a loss to make
sense of this verse, that they are
obliged to find an error in it,
and that we ought instead of
Amar y Ili to read Galatea. Ac-
cordingly we find Galatea in-
truded into some editions. La Cerda
has not altered the text bere, thou^h
he seems very well indined to it.
" Some," says he, " read Galatea,
'^ thinking the S(?nse would other-
^^ wise be obscure, and produce
'' panuscripts in confirmation of
'' that reading. They do not want
" reason for this emendation : for
^' Meliboeus, as appears from the
" whole course of this Eclogue,
'^ pretends to know nothing about
*^ Augustus or R(Hne ; nay Tity-
'^ rus informs him of them. There-
'' fore how should he, who knew
'^ nothing of Rome, bear of ber
'^ complaints? how should he see
'* ber apples? how should he bear

BUCOLia ECL. I.

13

Cui pendere sua patererìs in arbore poma.

«Oli for wlianr ym mOttH
M to bang 10 Igos
rtreet.

ran^l

nttaebt»

*' the cotnplalnts of the trees and
''foigatains there? Ali these make
'^ againgt Amaryllis^ but plead
** strongly for Galatea^ that ìs> for
^* Mantua> whoae compkìnts a
'' Mantuan shepherd may well be
'' supposed to know. And indeed
'^ he speaks as about something
*' presient, and of the country about
" Mantua, whìch he has before bis
'* eyes, when he says, hoc arhusta
** vocabant te, BesidesA Tihfrus bine
*' aberat makes for Mantua, not
** for Home : for nobody can be
** said to be absent from a place
" where he never was/' It is
plain^ that thìs leamed oommenta-
tor was led into ali this perplexitY
merely by bis being blinded with
aUegory. But Catrou goes more
roundly to work, and^bpldly re^
atores, as he calls it^ Galatea to the
text *' The . reader will be sur-
'* prised," says he, "to find Galatea
*' nere instead of Amaryllis. I con
** fess that most of the modem
'^ editiona bave Amarylli; but I
'< bave not 9ubstituted Galatea with-
'' out authority. Several manu-
" Scripts^ as La Cerda affirms, and
'' several andent editions, read Ga-
'' latea instead of Amaryllis. . Be-
*' sides, the edition printed at the
** Louvre, firom manuscrìpts, has
** restored Galatea in the text
*' Hereby ali the difficulties vanish,
f' and ali the obscurity clears up^
** Jf we retain AmarylU, and mean
*' thereby the city of Rome, would
'Mt be probable that Meliboeus
^* should Know* what passed there»
" he who perhaps had never stirred
** out of bis OMTU village ? Could
*' Virgirs father bave caused so
*' mucb grief there by bis absence ì
*' IJe was a man of no distinction,
'^ who went to seek credit at Rome,
" and was not regarded there, at

''least nbt with aiiy inquietude.
'* Nor is it more/uatural to imagine,
** that a personis bere meant^ for
" whom Tityrus, thit old man wìtE
'* a white beard, had an inclination^
*' He was not of an age to fonn
^' such engagements, except in me*
" taphor. Thus we see in the text,
*' his Amaryllis and Galatea are
^^ changed at once into two dtìes.
'* Besides, the recital of a passion
" would be out of place in a poem
*' intended to praise and thank Cae*
" sar. It would be an idle distrac-
'^ tion hardly tolerable to the minds
*' and a disagreeable excucsion*
" Whereas, by jreading Galatea^
'' and supposingtbrough the whole
'^ Eclogue a perpetuai metaphor,
** where under the names of Ama*
'< ryllis and Galatea are always
^'meant Rome and Mantua> the
" whole work becomes uniform,
** and attains its end, without giv*
"inff any change to the mimi"
By the confession of these allegorìa
cai interpreters themselves, their
whole interpretation Calls to the
ground, udless we read Galatea for
Amaryllis: but there does not seem
sufficient authority for that readins ;
which seems to bave been utteily
unknown to Servius, Pierius, Phi*
largyrius, uid other most celebrated
commentators ; and to bave been
invented only to support. the imagi*
nation, that AmaryUis was Rome,
and Galatea was Mantua. We
musttherefore subscribe to the opi-
nion of the leamed Ruseus, wno
judiciously observés, that the sense
is very plain, if we do not confound
ourselvès with aUegory. ^' Tity-
** xus," says he, " has cast oflTGala;*-
'' tea, loves Amaryllis, and goes
" to Rome. Amaryllis being left
^^ at Mantua lamenta his absence.
'' Meliboeus, who was acquainted

14

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

JSTSMSSafxC». *S Tityrus bine aberat, ipsae te, Tityre, pinug,

very fountains, these very -
vineyards caUed for yonr re-
turn.

Xlt. What couM I do? I
had no other way to get out
of servitude.

Ipsi te fontes, ipsa baec arbusta vocabant. 40
TJT. Quid facerem ? neque servitio me exire
licebat,

''with the grief of Amaryllìs,
" though not with the cause^ now
'^ dìscovers it fìrom the discourse of
" Tityrus ; and reproves hini gently,
^' as not being ardent in his love.
** Tityrus justifies hìmself, by say-
" ìng, that he had no other way
'' to recovar his losses, than by
'^ going to Rome." It seems to
me very evident, that there ìs not
any thing more mysterious in thìs
passage, than ' that Galatea had
. been an imperìous and expensive
mistress to Tit^mis, and kept him
from growing nch^ by draining him
of his money as fast as he got it.
When he was grown older and
^iser^ he began to bave an affection
for Amaryllis^ upon which Galatea
forsook him. He now found a
material difference; for Amaryllis
loved him disinterestedly ; so that
his present conditìon may be called
liberty, and his former accounted
servitude. Besides^ it may reason-
ablj be iniagined> that Amiuryllis>
having a real concem for the wel-
fare of Tityrus^ though she was un-
easy during his absence^ had herself
persuaded him to go to Rome, in
hopes to get some relief from the
tyranny of the soldiers^ to whom
thelands about Mantua weregiven.
39. Ipsa te, TUyre, &c.] Servius
thinks that by Pinus is meant
Ceesar^ and by Fontes the senate.
Perhaps there is a defect in this
part of the copy; for he could
hardly fail after this to explain Ar^
busta to mean the people. The
other interpretei*s bave not adopted
this, thinking> I believe, the alle-
gory too far strained. Besides^ can
it be imagined that so modest a man

as Virgil would presume to repre-
sent Caesar with the senaté and
people of Rome^ bewailing his ab-
sence ? There is a great beauty in
the repetition of ipse in these lines^
which is not easily imitated in Eng-
lish: but La Cerda's observatiòn,
that ali the three genders are found
bere, ipsi, ips(B, ipsa, is very triilingj,
and more worthy ' of a schoolboy,
than of a man of his leaming.

40. Arbusia.'] The arbu stavrere
lar ge pieces of gr ound pl^t edjwit h
'e lms or òt^ teee a^^^t^ejdistMice,
"commonly oftartY_fcetjJ^]éaye
Toam~Jàjr^èarn_to grow between
them. These treeswere jwruned in
iuch a^an her^ as to serve for stages
to the vìnes, wB jcFlwere pkntéd
néar the m. The vin es fastened af-
jerÀ is mann ejLtoJrees were^caUed
arbust ivcB viles, See The twelfkh
cEaptoToFCoIumella de arboribus.

^1. Quid facerem, &c.] Tityrus
answers the charge against him of
unkindness to Amaryllis^ by saying
that he had no other way to get out
of servitude, than by gping to Rome,
where he saw Augustus, that deity
spoken of before, who restored him
to his possessions.

We leam from Appian, that wh^n
the lands were diviaed among the
soldiers, great numbers, both young
and old, and women with their chil-
dren, fiocked to Rome, and filled
the jforum and temples with their
lamentations, complaining that they
were drìven from their lands and
houses, as if they had been con-
qùered enemies. Kmì m w^Xui «{/«v»
riif 'irtcXlttf ùix$w«Lf heinifuiHtu rà t^-

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

15

Nec tand prsesentes alibi cogno^cere divoé.
Hic illum vidi juvenèm, Melibcee; qùotannis
Bis senos cui nostra dies altaria fumant.

goda IO pfopitiotn. Here,
MeiibQeiu, I aaw that yooth,
for whom my altart fo»^
every year for twelve days.

yvrtUKts SifUL fli ^ùuìUii U r«v iy^Àf

42. Prcetentes divosJ] La Cerda
I interprete this propitiosjaventesque ;
•] thongh he says he is not displeased
' with those who tum the sense to
I that manner of speaking» by which
1 a god is said to be present, to whom
^ sacrifices are offerea before his death.
iThus Horace;

j Celo tonantem credidimus Jorem

i B^^are: prcetent Divut habelntur

j Augustus, adjectis Britannis

L Imperio, gravibusque Persis.

and Tacitusi "Ara et fanum ex-
'*' uruntur^ quae presenti HercuK
l'' Evahder sacraverat." But the first
interpretation is certainly riffhtj and
we find prcesens used in the same
sense in the nìnth Mneìd, where
Nisus invokes the moon^ in the fol-
lowing words :
Tu Dea tu prcesent nostro succurre la-
bori.

This cannot be understood in the
iatter sense; the moon never hav-
ing lived upon earth. The same
author pbserv^s^ that there is a
propriety in using the word Dipos
nere; Dii signìfying the eternai
Gods; but jSvi those who bave
been taken from mankind. But
Deus has already been used for Au-
gustus in this very Eclogue^ Erit
ille mihi semper Deus; and in the
first iEneid, Juno calls herself Di-
vorum regina; as she is called also
Diva by iEneas, in a solcmn invo-
cation, in the twelfth iEneid:

Tum piu8 JBneas strìcto sic ense pre-
£atur.

Esto nane Sol testis, et hasc mihi tena

precantif
Quam propter tantos potui perferre la-

bores;
Et Pater omnipotens; et tu, Saturnia

Jufio,
Jam melìor, jam Dioa precor.

4S. Juvenem.} Augustus was about
twenty-two years old when the di-
vision of the lands was made among
the soldiers. Servius says, he is here
called juvenis, because the senate
had published a decree forbidding
any one to cali him boy. This wom
seems indeed to bave been common
in the mouths of his enemìes. 'Jhus
Brutus^ in one of his letters to Ci-
cero; ** Hoc tu. Cicero, posse fate-
^^ ris Octavìum, et illi amicus es?
** aut si me carum habes, vis Romse
" videri, cum ut ibi esse possem,
" commendandus puero illi fuerim ?

** Ista vero imbecillitas et dea-

*' peratio, cujus culjsa non magis in
*' te residet, quam m omnibus aliis,
'^ et Cffisarem in cupiditatem regni
'* impulit, et Antonio post interìtum
'' illius persuasit, ut ìnterfecti locum
" occupare conaretur j et nunc pue»
" rum utum extulit, ut tu judicares»,
*' precibus esse impetrandam salu-
'^ tem talibus viris, miserìcordiaque
*' unius, vix etiam nunc viri, tutos

^' fore nos, haud ulla alia re.

'^ Hic ipse puer, quem Caesaris no-
" men incitare videtur in Caesaris

" interfectores. Hanc ego civi-

^* tatem videre velim, aut putem
^* ullam, quae ne traditam quidem
'^ atque inculcatam libertatera reci-
" pere possit ? plusque timeat in
'^ puero nonien sublati regis, quem
" confidat sibi."

44. Bis senos cui nostra dies cUta-
riafumantJ] Thesetwelve days are
with good reason supposed by the

16

P. VIRGILII MABONIS

SbL^s^Vo'S^ ^^^ mthiresponsum primud dedit ille potentit 45
"oSbSB;3«.'**^**°*^*** Paacite^ ut ante, boves, pue^: submittitetauros.

dómtfietìtators tó bè òìie day in

every month* Servius says they
.were either the kalends or ides.
\ La Cerda observes» that Augustus
:^used to be worshìj^ed together

iwkh the Lares, as appears from

ibis passage of Horace ;

\ Te multa prece^ te prosequitur mero
I Defuso paterìs ; et Laribus iuum
I Miicet nomen, vii Graeda Castoris

Et magni memor Herculis*

That the Lares were worshipped
monthly, he proves from the fbl-
lowmg passage of Tibullus :

\ At mifaì contmgat patriOB celebrare im-
\ nates,

\ Reddereque antiquo merutrua ihura
\ Lari.

46. Submiitìte tcmrùsì] Servius
seems to and^stand these words in
a doublé senso ; as if they signified
both ploughing tìie ground, and
parupagating tìie species: exercete
ierram et sobolem. La Cerda is net
displeased with the first of these
interpretation», thinkìng jugo may
be understood : but he is of opinion^
that this is not the sense bere. He
explaìns suhmittite to mean produdte
ad paaium tauros, '^ This/' says he,
" agrees with the preceding words
*^ pascite hoeesy as if it had been
•' said, both the cows and bulls
'^ may be brought out to pasture.
" In this sense ^pro/ert or producit
*' the word is used hy Lucretius;

*' ^At suaves deedala tellus

** Submittit flores.

" And by Seneca, in bis (Edipus 3

" Lstus Cytfaeron pabulo semper novo
*< iBstiva nostro prato submittit gregi.

^' This manner of expression is bor-
" rowed from the Greeks: for we
'^ find in Pindar, Xéòtt i^tvt^ OvXX*
" iiemfimi, Tellus verna jolia sub-

" miitìi; and in Libanius, yii àviù
" ri ìitéóq," These quotations how-
ever do not seem full to bis pur-:
pose ; nor does that, which Ruaeus
helps him to.from Lucretius:

Laetificos nequeat fcetus Summittere lèi*

lus.

t

In these and raany other passages,
which might be brought from the
same pòet, submiito signifies indeed
to bring forth : but surely there is
great dinerence between bringing
forth, as an animai doeS its young,
or as the earth does flowers, whidi
is the sense of Lucretius, and bring-
ing fortfa the catde to pasture. These
quotations radier conhrm the second
sense given by Servius^ exercete so»
bolem, Erythraeusinterprets the pas-
sage under eonsideration, Suppìere^
sutcessorem mittere; that is, supply
the herd with new bulls. This in-
terpretation is not withont authority
to support it. Varrò seems to bave
used submittere in this sense ^ " Ca-
'^ strare oportet agnum non mino-
" rem quinque mensium, néque
^^ ante quam calores, aut frigom^ se
'' fregerunt Quos arietes submii-
'^ tere Tolunt» potissimiun eligunt
*^ ex matribus, queejgeminos parere
'^ s(^ent." This is not very unlike
an expressionin the third Georgick ;

Et quos, aut pecori malint si^mitterè
habendo.

Cicero certainly uses it for sending
a successor, in bis Oration de Pror
vinciis Consulariòus ; " Huic vos
'* non submittetis ? hunc diutius
'^ manere patiemini ?" as does Jus-
tinian also, in the second hook of
Institutions : " Sed si gregis usum
" fructum quis habeat, in locum
" demortuorum capitum èx foetu
*' fructuarius suimittere debet> ut et
«^ Juliano visum est, et in vinearum

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

17

MbU Fortunate senex, ergo tua rara mane- th^'^'SSrwui'iSa

buot!

yonrown,

" demortuarum vel arborum locum
*' alias debet substituere." These
quotatìons sufficiently testify^ that
submitto may siffnìfy to substUute:
but yet I cannot help thinking, with
Ruaeus,'that it is more naturai^ in
this place, to understand ìt submit-
titè taurosjugo,

' 47. Fortunate senex, àc") Me-
liboeus congratulates Tityrus on bis
happiness in enjoying bis own
estate^ tbougb small.

It is evident from tbe repetition
of the word senex in this passage,
that/ Virgil did not intenda under
\the name of Tityrus, to describe
Ihimself, who was under thirty years
tìf age, when he wrote this
^Eclogue.

Tua rura."] It is the general
opinion, that Virgil bere describes
bis own estate, which does not seem
to bave been very fertile, but part-
ly rocky and partly fenny. Ruaeusf
fs of opinion, that the lands ascrìbed
to Tityrus cannot be supposed tobe
barren, sìnce there is so frequent
mention of bis flocks, pastures, and
shades. He would therefore bave
this descriptìon relate to the other
lands àbout Mantua, and thus in-
terprets the words of Meliboeus;
*' You are permitted to cultìvate
'* your own lands; though the rest
" of the country, so fruitful before,
*' is now deformed by tbe calamity
" of war.** This is one of the most
forced interpretatipns of that leamed
comm^ntator ; who in other places
condemns the allegorical expositions
of others as trifling : and yet in this
place he would persuade us, that by
a land full of rocks and marshes,
the poet means a country laid waste
by armies. The words of Melibceus
seem very plain and naturai. He
congratulates bis friend, that he is

in possession of an estate that is bis
own; which though neither larg^
nor fruitful, abounding with stonea
and marshes, yet is sufBcìent to af-
ford him a decent support. It is not
necessary to understand the words
in die strictest sense, that it con-
sisted entirely of naked rocks and
rushes, without any good herbage.
We find these hills were not so bar-
ren, but that they afforded room for
some vines, by the mention of a
pruner in this very passage. Tityrus
also was not without apples and
chesnuts, as appears from the latter
end of dus Eclogue ; where he men-
tions also bis having plenty of milk ;
and he has already told us, that he
used to supply Mantua with many
victims and cheeses! We bave many
rocky lands in England, that are far ,
from being incapable of culture;
and our fens are well knowii not to
be wholly void of pasturage. Virgil
might probably be fond of describ-
ing his own estate in bis poems.
The lands assigned to Menaicas, in
the ninth Eclogue, may well be un-
derstood not to be different from
these of Tityrus.

Certe equidem audieram, qua se subdu-
cere colles

Incipiunt, mollique jugum demittere
clivo, ~

Usque ad aquam, et veteria jam firacta
cacumina fagi

Omnia carminibus vestrum serrasse Me-
nalcam.

Here he describes them to begin at
the declivity of the hills, and to end
at the waters of the Mincius. Not
unlike this is his descriptìon of them
in the third Georgick, where he
proposes to erect a tempie to Au-
gustus on his own estate ; where he
tells US bis fields lie on the banks of
this river :

18

P. VIROILII MARONIS

aadJarge.eooiigh Cor 700;
thoiuii mk£4 rocks* imi tt n»
lén «Ath muddy nuhetcoven
allyourpastures: yourmeg-
aant aheep shall oot be in
dsoscr fron unaccustooied
rood; nor «hall they be in-
fioctcd OTith the noidous dis-
ttaes of nelgfabotiilng catde.
Q fortunate old man, here
anongst well known riven
and «acred tpringa yeti «hall
enjoy the cool «bade.

Et ubi magna satis I quamvis kpis omnia nùdus,
Limosoque palus obducat pascua juneos
Non insueta graves tentabuni pabBla foet»»: 50
Neo mala vicini pecoris contagia lasdent I
Fortunate aenex^ hic inter flumina fiot%
Et fontes sacros, frìgus captabìs opacum.

Et viridi in campo templmn de mannore

ponam
Plx>pter aquam, tardis ingens ubi flexibus

erAt
Miadus^ et tenera pr«texit ^mudine rt-
-., pas.

The country about Mantua is moist :
tot the river Mindus rùhs oiit of thè
Latui Benàciis, now called Lago di
Garda, and coming tó Mantua
sprèads itself into a kke five miles
lotiff, and then falls into the Po;
wìiidh isf very apt to overflow its
banks. Our poet himself descrìbes
i^e moistness of this country in the
dècond Georgiek ;

Bt quaiem infelix amisit Maatua eam-

pum,
Pascentom niveosherboso ifluminecjcnos.
Non Ifquidi gregibus fontes, non gramina

deerunt.

49. Limosoque palus obducat pas-
eua Junco.'] Rushes are a certain
indication of a wet Boil: but they
are of great service in the most rot-
ten morasses^ affording the only se-
cure ground to tread upon ; which
they effect by the strong matting of
then: roota.

50, Graves •foetas.'] Many

critics contenda that fietas signifies
such as bave brought forth theis
youog^ notwithstanding the addi-
ti<m of graves, which they will bave
io mean in thìs pkce only heavy or
steli» That animala^ which bave
brought forth their young, are cali*
ed fceiiB cannot be deiued. Our
poet evidently uses tibe word in
that sense, in the third Geor-
giek;

-*«— Nec UìAfirtcB
More patrum, nivea implebunt mulctra*

liavaccfle,
Sed tota in 'dulcesconsument ubera gna*

toft:

And in the eigfath Maéìd;

— **«yiridi,/2rliinf» Mavortis in antro
Prócubuisse lupam : geminos huìc ubera

circum
Ludere pendentes pueros.

But it is no less certain, that ìt is
also used to signify pregnani; as in
the first ^neid ;

— Loca/rte futentibus austrìs.

And in the second ;

— Scandit fatalis machina muros
F(Bta armis.

Varrò defines^ò^ra to be the time
between concepiion and bringìng
forth; ^' Nunc appello foeturam a
" conceptu ad partum : hi enim
*' pra?gnationÌB primi et extremi
'' fine&" Besides the addition of
graves^ which is sooften us^ by it-
self io signify pregnante seems to
put it past ali dispute. Burman ób-
serves, that some point these verses
thus;

Non insaeitb gravee tentabunt pabula;
foetas

Nec mala vicini pecoris contagia indent:

but he cohdemns it. If we admit
this pointfing, the translation must
rutì thus ; '• YoUr pregnant sheep *
' * shall not be in danger from unac^ ,
**ctt8tomed food; nor shall your '
" dams be infected with the noxious
" diseases of neighbouring cattle.*'
52. FÌHminn mta.^ The Po and
the Minoius.

BUDOLIC. ECL. I.

vid

Hinc tibif-quee semper vicino ab limite Bspes^
HyblsDis npibus florem depasta salictì, 55

.jSaepe levi somnum suadebit inire susarro»
Hinc alte 8ub rupe caael; frondator ad auras.
Nec tamen interea raue», tua cura, palcimbes,

OB Olle 8ide the he«Ige tbAt
booA^ yotir farìn, wnne fRe
Hyfolean bees are aiways feed-
Ing on the floweni of the ^B-
lowtt «hall ofteiì invite yeti to
sleep, wlth a eentle murkirar.
On wiother nde the prchier
under the high roclc «hall ring
to the breejses. Nor in the
mean time shàlt the hoane
wood-pigeons, yoor delight,

I 54. Vicino ab limite sapes,! The
/ hedge which divides your land from

55. Hyhkeis apìbus^ A figura-
tive expression to denote the best
bees ; for Hybla, a town of Sicily,

«' was famous^ for honey.

,* Ftorem depasta."] That is, de-

l pasta secandum/orem^ or habens fio-
rem depoBtum, a Grecism frequent
in Virgil ; as Os humerosque deo si-

" mlis in the first ^neid.

Snlicti.'] Far saliceti : see the
note on ver. 13. of the second
Oeorgick.

The flowers of willows are cat-
Icins; tìiey abound in chives, the
scimmits of which are full of a fine
yellow dust, of which the bees are
said to make their wax.

57. Alta,] Heinsius^ according to
Burmàn^ found alte in one manu-
script.

Frondator.'] A pruner of vines;»
for the other fruit-trees stand in no
need of pruning, unless any one
would fancy Tityrus to bave wall-
fruit, or espaliers. Olìve-trees are
the worse tor priuiing, as our poet
himself tells us in the second Geor-
gick;

Contra non ulla est oleis cultura ; neque

ills
Frocurvam expectent fhlceniy rastrosque

tenaces.

But vines must be well pruned
every year;

Est etiam illelabor curandU vitìòus alter,
Cui Dunquam exhausti satis est : namque

omne quotannis
Terque quaterque soluzn scindendum,

glelMique versis
JBternum frangenda bidentibus, omne fe-

vandum
Fronde nemus.

Thi8 rural pleasure of hearing the
labouring people sing has not been
fbrgotten1>y Milton^ in his L* Al-
loro;

While the ploughman near at band»/
Whistles o'er the furrowM land.
And the milkmaid singeth blithe,
And the mower «rhets bis scythe, \
And every shepheid tells his tale* '-
Under the hawthorn in the dater (

Servius says, ÙiaX frondator is some-
tlmes used to signify a bird that
lives among the leav'es^ and feèds
upon them. Hence the Abbé de
MaroUes has rendered it a nìghtin-
galc; Sous la pente d'un rocker le
Rcmignol ckantera. Thus also the
Bari of Lauderdale has translated it
a linnet ;

Where from steep cliffs, shrill ' /t»fi^

stretch their throats.
And turtles from high elms', complainìng

notes.

He seems indeed to bave confounded 4
the frondator and the palumbes to-
gether ; for the steep cliffs relate to
what is said of the former ; and
stretch their throats seems to be
taken from raucce, which belongs to
the latter.

57. Ad auras.] Burman men-
tions ad aures, but he justly rejects
this reading. Many understand ad
auras to mean on high. Meliboeus
had ji«rt mentioned the cool shade,
a^ one of the great enjoyments of
Tityrus: I believe therefbre, that
he designs to express the pleasure
of the pruner, in enjoying the cool
breezes, and singing to mem ; for
otherwise his work would be very
hot, where the sun-beams being
strongly reflected upon him, would
give biro no great inclmatìon tosing.

so

P. VIBGILD MABONIS

f** Xasyiii 1

■-■■ iiiMliiliiilii iìiiiImii

ÌS Tir. Ante

Ab ^

IncB a]p> pHOEBtn- in Ktlicre

60 ,

BE^t^^Lé

IMM. nados in Giare pèecs :

& Amt,pama

«k aBbaraa fina», exnl

Am Amia

FtethMbflKt^Mt Gewmmnm Ti-

6D. -Aite ano «fj-j, Ac^ Ti-
tyT»% «cfa tf» kd gìnd: die

tfer

iDtiie

die GonHBSlDTi-

Mt be

L« Codk

die pMt 9BMft Ime !• «ip- bdcDi^ pujof ai

ifcj^to pbxalcnvBdùpboe^i
T%iis as a zxwrof r
Ad iad a AÌar » a lìigr of Gì imhij. Tkj

taftdyBBMtasufidaCgMaBdto dieirealliy ìfiilii, cadieBwlfctgr
aitar aie tol^ aie anoe kòs^ ^T ^^^ Ca^H^ ab die chi ov BÉcIn*

a frÀoTtf^ bai bÀoi Md ta^e ennrtrr orlici Jid ^t oT

bjdbepMsfiirdieaB. Ann & bctVKB d

XKàw 2 Bbbhb fiads jadb ia aad die T%ni. Tbe

tt-.Tc à a TcBctìai ■■■■■a^ift. b aow oZaed die SoHKr b vd

aKOB&r^ tti t^ iBafne: vcsaL muti &èmA èuna die RliÌBe,

SarsBniaexiB^^enmr^^JManiAv fàer. Othnssij.tiiatVfli^WfcstD
«e^ im*^ csmaÈr: and faJai ii a^ aU die ^icaÉer ^^lafltr la bi» wiae.
tf ^jraiuruL PoiB- Tij iiiÌMj.'mii.fhi TMaimìi iif inalili i
as aaodk as peesS^ CaCEaaaehcs
2 OBo^ie «f Jofaia; bot a» die dE&xJtr, hj sxps$^ dot U vas

' in l'r vYif "ibi rHibai ui

cvKsaCfT vita die i

ca^ Cermmjt TsT-iaLl Tìcvras s ùr die G«niHi t» tinnk d^ i

ìmz ar'jnpoaBÈuxSr tà.^ al' tbe T^r^ ni tiae cuancnr «f die

Elr-

20

P. VIBGim MARONIS

nor ihaU th« turtle oeaae to
moan Irom the lofty dm.

Ut. Sooner theràore shall
the Ught stags feed in the
.sky» and the seas leave the
fithes naked upon the ahoce:
sooner shall the banished Par-
thian drink of the Arar, and
the German of the ligik,
mutually esKhanging their
countries.

Nec gemere aeria cessabit turtur ab ulmo.
TiT. Ante leves ergo pascéntur in cethere

cervi» 60

Et freta destitueni nudos in litore pisce» :
Ante, pererratis amborum finibus, exsul
Aut Ararìm Parthus bibet, aut Germania Ti-

grim,

60. Ante leves ergo, &c.] Ti-
tyrus^ acknowledgìng the greatness
of his happiness, declares, that it is
ìmpossible for him ever to forget
the obligatìons which he owes to
Augustus.

In athereJ] La Cerda would
fain read in aquore, if he could find
the authority of any manuscript -,
becauBe the poet seems here to op-
pose the sea^ rather than the sky^ to
the earth. Heinsius however^ ac-
cording to Burman> did find in
aguore in one of his manùscrìpts :
bui this is not a sufficient ground to
alter the text, the sense being very
good as it is.

61 . FretaJ] It properly signifìes
a frith or strait> but is often used
by the poets for the sea.

Nudos'] Burman finds nudo in
litore in a Venetian manuscript.
Lord Lauderdale has translated it
according to this reading:

First nimble deer on empty air shall

fced.
And seas leare to the naked shore their

brecd.

62. Pererratis amborum JinibusJ]
Servius interpretspererro/ù^ lustratis
vel errore confusisi and amborum,

*Germanorum et Parthorum, Pom-
ponius fancies amborum to mean the
Ambi, a people of Arabia; but this
is too trifling to need any consider-
ation.

63. Aut Ararim Pnrthus bibet,
aut Germania Tigrim."] Tityrus is
herespeàkingofimpossibilitiesi that

beasts should feed in the sky^ and
fishes on the land -, that the Parthi*-
ans should extend themselves to the
river Arar, or the Germans to Ti-
gris, which could not be effectéd
any otherwise, than by a conquest
of the whole Roman empire, wnich
lay between those two rivers. Many
critics bave censured Virgil, as
being guilty of a notorious geogra-
phical error in this place, represent-
mg Tigris as a river of Parthia, and
Arar as a river of Germany. They
teli US, that Parthia is bounded on
the west by Media, on the north by
the Caspian, op the cast by Bactri-
ana, and on th^ south by the de-
sarts of Carmania; so that ali the
large country of Media and part of
Assyria lie between the Parthians
and the Ti|pris. The Arar, which
is now called the Soane, is well
known to be a river of France, se-
veral mil^s distant from the Rhine,
tlie welllinown boundary of the an-
cient Germany. It has been a com-
mon answer to this, that Tityrus
speaks with a pastoral simplicity;
and that it is not necessary to repre-
sent a shepherd as an exact geogra-
pher. Others say, that VirgilToves to
add the greater dignity to his verse,
by enlargingthe bounds of countries
as much as possible. Catrou solves
the difficulty, by saying that it was
hardly possible for the Parthian to
6hanffe country with the German ; '
but t£at it was absolutely impossible
for the German to drink the water
of the Tigris in the country of the

/{y

Zi

'^i

£cl.Z. »0r 63,^

b^SS^i

55!5?^3P3ES5r?!SS!^8^rSSflP5fWS55^!5SS?

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.
Qnam nostro illius labatur pectore vultus.

21

t7»an hi* coontehance thall
slide ont of my heait.

Paithians^ and for the Parthian to
drink the water of the Soane in Ger-
many : but this is little better than
a qnìbble. Formy own part^ I see
no great difBculty in imderstanding
this passage accordìng to die most
obvious meaning of the words. The
Parthians had at that time éxtended
their empire even beyond tlìe Tìgris^
and had made such conquests^ that
they were become formidable to the
Romans. Strabo tells us éxpressly^
that the border of tHe Parthians
began from the Euphrates; the
country on the other side^ as far
as to Babylon, being linder the
dominion of the Romans^ and the
Princes of Arabia; the neigfabour*
ing people joinin^ either with the
Romans or Parthians^ according as
they were nearer to one or the other;
^0>Mf y lori rSf Uet^^tum ip^ns ^
Evf^driK ^ n mpeucf rà Im^
tX^vré 'Ttitfutit xctì ruf *A^aittf «1 ^vX-
X«e^M, fUx^i "Bui^vXmncii, ài fcìf fiSx-
A»v Uùtiutf, m ^ TóTi *Tàtfttùùti trg«-
ix^m^ oJtf^n^ KM ttMvi^%»%<^i ùrtt,
It was not far from the banks of the
Euphrates, that Surena, the Par-
thian general, defeatpd Crassus : so
that Tigrìs must have been withìn
the boimds of the Parthian empire.
The extent and situatìon of this em-
pire has been with great beauty and
justness described by Milton, in the
third hook of bis Paradise Regained :

> Here thou behoUt'st

Assyrìa, andher empire'sancientbounds,
Araxes and the Caspian lake ; thence on
As far as Indus east, Euphrates west,
And oft beyond: to south the Persian

bay.
And, inacoessible, th' Arabian drouth ;
Here Nineveh, of length within her wdl
Scv'ral days joumey, buUt by Ninus old,
Of that first golden monarchy the seat.
And seat of Salmanassar, whose success
Tarael in long captivity stili mourns ;
There Babylon, the wonder of alltongues,
As ancìent, but rebuilt by him who twice
JudiA and ai} thy fa * in P»Dawtfs heuM

Led captive, and Jerusalem laid waste,
Till Cyrus set them free; PersepoKs,
His city, thére thoii seest, and Bactraì

there f .
Ecbatana her structure vast thete shews, \
And Hecatompylos her hundred gates ; ]
There Susa by Choaspes, amber stream, j
The drink of none but kings ; of laler '

fiune
Built by Emathian, or by Purthian hands,!
The great Seleucia, Nisibis, and there
Artaxata, Teredon, Ctesìphon,
Tuming with easy eye, thou may*st be-

hold.
Ali these the Parthian, (now some ages

past,
By great Arsaces led, who founded first
That empire,) under his dominion hodis,
From the luxurious kings of Antiodl^

won. '

It remaìns liow to shew, bow the
Soane can be said to belong in any
manner to Germany. It is past ali
oontroversy that the Rline watf-al-
ways aocounted tiie boundary be-
^een Germany and Gaul. It was
the eastem limit of Gaul, accord-^
ing to Strabo; Thf K^Amuì» retómv
i^ù fiìf 'nk )urf«s ^*%9* rti Uv^faSk
0^ T«$ txtbn^tthf BtùXdrtìKt riK ti tnlf
KM rnf scT^ 9rg«tfw«TÓ^y«* ivro ìì «»«-

The Arar, accordìng to tlìe sam'e
author, rises in the Alps, passes
between the countries of the Se-
quani, jEdui, and Lineasi!, who are
inhabitants of Gaul, and receiving
the Dubis, or Doux, falls into the
Rhone: *Vu ìt koÌ'^ì '^A^a^ uc rSf
"AXfFWv, ó^t^off YnKòvMùvg rt km A.U
^ùvtoìfg, Kcbì Atyxurtovg' ;r»^«X«6À>y 9*
vWf^oi» r^y AofjQif he rSf xvrSv ò^Sf
^t^ifafóv irXvrof, ìariK^ebriva^ rS «vó-
futrty KM yiféfity^i l{ àfi^^i ^i'^»
rvféfuayu tS 'fcìmvm. This conflux of
the Soane and the Rhone is at
Lyons, and without doubt in Gaul.
The Sequani, a famous people of
Gaul, were' bounded, according to
Strabo, on the east by the Rhine,
and on the west by the Soane:

ss

P. VIR6ILII MARONIS

firam Iwncc^ Mioe of vi tP
tberarcfaedAfrlcaiit: partof
-«•ahaUfl» te Scvthia, «id
tì)e npàrOaset or Crete,

Mbl. At no8 bine alii sitìentes ibìmus Abà» :
Pars Scythiaaa» et rftpiilam Cr£ts. sfimenius

rm "AMt^f. We leam firom Cassar^
diat tne south barder of these peo-
ple was the Rhone; '^ Quum Se-
" quanos a provincia nostra Rho-
*' danus divideret" Therefore the
country of the Sequani answers
nearly to that province of France
which is now called Franchecomte.
These pec^le, as Strabo tells us,
were the ancient eneniies of the
Romans^ and assisted the Germans
in their incursions into Italy. They
were enemies also to the Mduì, wbio
were the first allìes of the Homans
in Gaul, and hinl firequent conten-
tions with them about the Soane>
which divided their foord^s : Oi ìì
'jLÌùiùt Kfiù 0vyy»|uV 'Ttffutuiff if^fuL-
^i^rr; kmÌ ^r^Snot rSi Tecirrn ìr^M^X6$9

^ù^ùi K0Ì vtSi V«t(iuuùii Ik x«AX0.v oTTiyo-
nra lufì rotg *EÌ^ù^' óV* «"gir Tig^-
9óVf 9F^»fftxi^^òVf vXXoix^i iutrà T«$
$ptì^ùv4 cbvrSfj rài hrì r«y *lraXm9 . . .
x-pof 3t r»V( 'E^ovovì, xcÙ ita rttSìr»

iéifòuf Tii69 i^iùvrfof &e^i taf "A^um,
Xùù utprS 9'^órÌKUf r» dutytfytxà rsAif.
Caesar tells us, that the Gauls were
divided into two principal factioQs,
at the head of which were the JEdaì
on one side^ und the Sequani on the
otber. The latter» not being able
to subdue the former, called the
«Germans from the other side of the
Rhine to their assistance, who seated
themselves in Gaul, grievously op-
pressed the iBdui and their friends^
and in Caesar's time amounted to the
number of a hundred ancj twenty

thonsand, under the command of
Ariovistus. Csesar sent an embasay
to this king, requiring only» tbAt
he would restor^ to the ,£dui I^MÌir
hostages, permit the Sequani to do
the same, and not bring over anv
more Germans into Gaul. But An-
ovistus insisted on his right of pos-
session of the country, and claimed
the iEdui as his tributarìes| esteem-
ing the country on that side of the
Rhone to be as much his province,
as that on the other side belonged
to the Romans. Thus we find the
.Germans had extended their bounds
to the west of the Rhine, as far as
to the Arar or Soane, and claimed
ali the country between the two
rivers. as their own : so that jd^e
Germans drank of the wiiters
of the Arar, as they are' repre-
sented by Virgil to bave done:
and though Ariovistus was bea^tep
by Csesar, and at that time coi^-
pelled to retreat to the other side of
the Rhine, yet it is highly probable
that many Gennan ^xmlies re-
mained among the Sequaiiì, who
never were cordial friends tp the
Eomans. Besides, it appeajrs both
froni Cassar and Strabo, that oth4»r
German nations had seated thein-
selves in Gaul, who had tinve
enongh, during the civil wars be-
tween Cassar and Pompey, to sèttle
thetnselves with greater security.

65. Al nos hinc alii, &e.] Meli-
boeus continues his discourse, and
having praised the felidty of Tity-
rus, enlarges upon the miseries of
himself and his banished com-
panions.

SUientes Afros,"] He calls the
Africans sitientes, because of the
great heat of that part of the world.

66, Scifihiam,] The ancients com-

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.
Et penitus tato diyiaos orbe Brìtannos.

SS

and to the Bitta» qnke dU
vidéd from the trhole wcnM.

monly called ali the northem parts
of the world Scythià. Meliboeus
here ^ves a strong descrìptiotì e£
the miserable exile of his country-
men ; some of whom are drìven to
the hottest, and others to the cold-
est parts of the world.

Rapidum Creta veniemiia OaxemJ]
Servius will have Creta in tbìs place
ii0t to mean (he island òf that namCi
bot chalk. He telU us of an Oaxis
in Metopotamia, which^ rolììng with
great rapi dity , carries down a chàlkv
earih^ which niakes ite water turbid.
He mijrs there is also a Scythian
rÌYtt eftlled Oaxis; but he deniea
thefé being any sudi rìver in CrMe^
H« then quotes a story fhmi Phi-
Ikllietie?^ of one Oaxes, the son of
Apòllo and Anchiale, who founded
a dty in Crete^ and called it by his
dWii name ; which^ he says, is also
èonfinned by Varrò, in the foUow^
ttig versee 3

'Quos magno Atichidle pànus adduétà.

dolore,
. . Bt^mibìs rapiens tellutem <Saxida pal<-

Edldit in Dieta.

Sèrvius has fbund but very few tò
feìlow him in the fancy of inter-
'^pretin^ Creta to si^ify chalk. That
there is any such river as Oaxis ei-
ther in . Mesòpotamia or Seythia,
woiild be perhaps more difficult to
proYC;» than diat it is in Crete. I
do not find the mentìon of it in any
ancient author; and could almost
suspect» that Servius means the
Araxes, a rìver of Armenia, which
is indeed very rapid. It rests upon
the auth(»*ity of Servius, that this
rtv^ is either in Mesòpotamia or.
Seyiìiia; and upon that of Virgil>
that it is in Crete. I should there-
AMfe make no doubt of placing it in
Crete, were there no other authorìty
tkan that of Virgil for so doing.

But Servius himself has acknow-
ledged that there was a city in
Crete called Oaxes; whence it Ì4
not improbable that there was. a
rìver* also of the aame name. That
there was ancieiitiy such a city in
Crete as Oaxes or Oaxus, can hardly
be doubted. Herodotus says etxw
{X'éésly, that Oaaué k a cUy of
GreU; ""jLm tm Vi^fm» 'Q<^{#f 9ÌX»$*
Ap^omtisy in the first hook of bia
Argonant̀s> culis Crete the (kuB^
ian land; . 4

Vìbius Sequest^r aÀrms, that Odxes
ì&s^ river of Crete, and that it gave
name to the; city Oaxia, for which
he quotes the above verses of Varrò ;
" Oaxes Cretae, a quo civitas Òaxia.
" Varrò hoc docet ;

** Quo» magno Andiiàle pottus iulducta

'« dolore,
*' Et gemini3 cdpiens. tellurem Oaxi(ia

*• palmis.*'

The leamed reader will observe.
Chat the verses qnoted by Servius
and Vibius from Varrò, are the
very same with those which have
been produced from ApoUonius. La
Cerda says, that the mention of
Oaxes is very rare among the an«
cients; but he thlnks the authorìty
of Virgil suffident to determine tiuit
tkere was a rìver known by that
name in Crete ; especially consider-
ing many monuments of anti^uity,
with which Virgil was acquainted,
are now lost. He then quotes ser-
verai eminent authors, who have
made no scraple to follow Virgil.
Bàudrand, in nis Lexicon Geogra»
phkcum, aÉrms, that Oaxes is a very
cold rìver of Crete, on which Uie
town Oaxus is situated, acoordÌD|^
to Herodotus ; and adds, that it is

Ì4

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SSStaS^bASd't^riSS Eh unquam patHos tengo post tempore Bnes,

ofmy country.

called Oaxia by Vano and Vibius
Sequester ; " Oaxes^ fluvìus Crete
^* frìgidissimu9 Oaxum oppìdum,
" teste Herodoto^ alluens^ quod op-
" pidum Oaxes et Oaxia apud Var-
'' Tonem appellatur^ sicut apud Vi-
'* bium Sequestnun. Cujus nullum
'^ exstat in Creta indidum," Mo-
reri says almost the same with Bau-
drand; " Oaxes, fleuve de Crete,
*' extremement firoìd, avec une ville
'' de ce nom. Herodote en fait
** mention, dans le 3 livre. . Vibius
*' Sequester et Varron nomnient la
'' ville Oaxis et Oaxia.'* I cannot
imagìne whence these lexicogra-
phers discovered the coldness of the
Oaxes. They both quote Hero-
dotus amiss ; for he does not say a
word of it in bis third book ; and
only just mentions, in his fourth,
that a city of that name is said to
be in Crete : '^Eart tik X^ittik '04«|«$
ìró?ai. . And ^H» y«£ • Oifcia-àft «rif^
&n^mf tfMFé^ùq h r^ Oct^S : but does
not say a word óf the river. To
conclude; since it appears evidently;,
from the authors above quoted, that
there was a city in Crete called
Oaxus ; and as there was probably
a river of the same name -, we may
conclude, that Virgil dìd not with-
out good reason place tbis river in
Crete. I must not however omit an
objection of Eobanus, who thinks
the quotation from Apollonius, in-
stead of strengthening the argument
in support of which it is proiduced,
entirely subverts it. He observes,
that the fir«t syllable of Oaxes, in
Virgil, is short, whereas it is long
in Apollonius ; whence he infers
that they are not the same. If any
one shall think this tnerits any at-
tentìon, I would desire him to con-
sidera that in the very next verse,
the first syllable of Britannos is

short, ndiereas it is long ii^ Lucre-
tius;

Nam quid Brìtannum caelum differre
putamus.

67* Et penitus foto divisos orbe
Britannos,^ Servius interprets |7e-
nitus, omnino; and tells us that the
Britons are here said to be divisos,
because Brìtain was formerly joined
to the continent, and is described
bythepoetsasanotìierworld. Whe*
ther Brìtain was formerly joined to
the continent or not, nas been a
subject of great dispute amongst the
leamed, and is likely so to remain ;
since the separation wa» more an-
cient than any history now extant.
Those who affirm that Britain was
once a peninsula, look 'upon the
verse now before us as an argument
in their favour, thinking that Virgil
would not bave called the Britons
divisos tato orbe, if he had not known
irom good authority that their
country was originally joined to it.
To this may be answered, that, if
it had been known to the Romans,
it could not bave been unknown to
Julius Cassar, who was no less
versed in literature than in arms;
nor would he bave omìtted the men-
tion of so remarkable a piece of
history, in the account which he
gives of our island. Besides, divisos
does not necessarily imply, that Brì-
tain was once joined to the conti-
nent. We may say, that France is
divided from Italy by the Alps ; but
then we do not intend to express,
that France and Italy were ever
joined together, without the inter-^
vention of those mountains. Thus
we find in the second Georgick,
DiviscB arboribus patria, by which
words it cannot possibly be imagined
that the poet intended to signify^

BUCOLia ECL. I.

25

Pauperi» et tuguri coogestum cespite cuJmen, f^e*fcS^'Sf SffSS^
Post aliquot mea regna videns rairabor arista»? ^^^^»^^»^^omejemi

that countrìes, which were formerly
joined together, are now separated
bj trees* Therefore^ in the passagè
before ivs, we cannot understalìd
Virgil to mean any more^ than that
Britain is a country so distinguished
firom ali the then known parts of
the earth, as to seem another world ;
just as America has in later ages
been called a new world.

€8. En unquam, 8(c.'] It is in-
tenireted unquamne, idiquandone^
and (^n unquam: but Ruaeus ob-
serves, that these words only express
a bare interrogation ; whereas Vir-
oli means bere an interrogation
joined with a desire; a sort of lan-
guishing in Meliboeùs after the
farms^ which he is obliged to quit
We bave the same expression in
the eighth Edqgue;

■ En etit unquam

lUe dies, mihi cum liceat tua dicere

ftcta?
Eli erit, ut ISceat totunr mihi ferre per

arbem
Sola Sophocleo tua carmixui digna cO"

fhurno ?

Herè the poet evidently expresses
a desire to bave an opportunity of
celebratìng bis patron s praises.

69. Tuguri,} Fot tugurii, as
peculi £ùT pecuUi ; ver, 32.

Congestum cespite cnlmen,'} The
roofs of houses were called culmina
because they were thatched with
strsLW (culmus). MelibcEus descrìbes
the meanness of bis cottage, by re-
presenting it as covered with turf.

70. Post aliqwH ..... àristas^
Servius and most others interpret
it^ after severaL years; takìng it fot
a rural expressicdi^ using beards of
com for harvests, and W^ ests fcnr
years. La Cerda rejects this Inter-
pretation, and declares hitnself a
follower of the leamed Germanus^

whose opinion' he supports In the
following manner; " As the jpoet
" has already said indefinitely . tango
*' post tempore, it is a contràdiction
'^to add after sùme years, which
^' eontrocts the expression to a short
^'and in a manner definite timé.
" Fot if it is never, and not after a
"long iimet how can it be ajìer
" some years? Besides this expres-
''sion> nsany beards are post, for
" many summers, seems to be parti'»
" cular and silly ; just as if any one
" should say mani^ clusters are post,
" for many autumns. _Nor am I at
''ali moved by the authorijty of
" Claudian, who uses deetmas enien-^
" sus arietas'foT decem aimos, There«
" fore Germanus wiU bave the par^
** tkàepost to sienlfy only the order
'' of time, which makes the i^ep«
'' kerd to speak thus ; Shall I ever
" wonder at only a few slraggling
" beards appearmg in my once floum
" riskmgfieid^ As if he shotrld say,
*' ShaU I never, nor after a long
** time, seeittg the borders of my
*^ country, seemg the roofofmy poor
" cottage thatched ntìth tuff aeeing
'* my realms, 'wonder at the appear"
*^ ance of only a few straggling
'' beards? Or more dearly, ShaU I
" never be aUowed the small satiù
*^ factum hereqfìer to see, her eafter
'* to wonder at the deformity of my
**Jleld? For he presumes^ that he
" shall never^ return to the borders
*' of bis country, to bis roof, to bis
" realms ; and therefore shall never
*' wonder at the tbiniiess of bis
" com, This expliration is con-
'^ firmed by the three following
" verses ; in which the shcpfaerd
^' complains, that his fields and
'' cukivated kiids will be deformed
" by the impious soldSer, and bis
" com wasted by a barbarian,

E

P. VIRGIUI MARÓNIS

S''ttSt*^?Si"2SJSd In^PÌ^s hsBC tam edita novalia miles habebit? 71

u^ f ic^^SS^ d£^ Barbarus has segetes ? En quo discordia dves

d&cSSIT^s^^^^SSS^e Perduxit miseros ! en queis consevimus agros !

have sown thete fidda I

" which is no^ìng else than that
'' only a few straggling beards will
*' remain. For woat else can be ex-
" pected, when the fields are in the
** possession of a soldìer and a bar-
^'barìan?" To these objections
may be answered, that therc is no
contradiction between after a long
ime and after some yeart, Surely
any man may cali someyears of ba-
ni^iment^ with the loss of bis estate
a long ime, That Meliboeus does
not say he shall never see hìs country,
or he shall not see it after a long lime ;
but makes a question whe£er he
shall ever be permitted to return ;
, at the same time expressing some
little hope^ that it may come to
pass^ as was observed in the note on
ver. 68. That there is no ìmpro-

Eriety in using beards for years^ it
eing very naturai for a country-
nian to measure time by harvests.
The beards are a very conspicuous
part of the bearded wheat^ which
was the only sort known to the Ro-
man husbandmen. Hence we very
fì^uently find arisia put for the
com itself^ as in the first Georgìck^
ChaomKm pingui glandem mutavit aritta,
And^

— "Segravidit procumbat culmus aristis:
Apd,

Àt si tritìceam in fnessem^ robustaque

farra
Exercebis humum» tólisque instabis art*-

tis.

The beard, says Varrò, is called
arisi a t because arescit primo, it
withers first Therefore it is the
first sign of the ripeness of the wheat^
and consequently of the harvest:
hence it is no harsh figure in poetry^
to use the first conspicuous sign of
harvest to express the harvest itself.

Messii is used for summer in the
fifth Eclogue ;

Ante focum si frìgus erit; si mettis in
umbra :

and nothing is more firequent amonff
the poets^ than to use summers and
years promiscuously. In the last
place^ that it seems more harsh, to
understand aliquoi arisias to mean
the bad husbandry of the soldiers to
whom the lands were given, than
to take posi aliquot arisias for post
aliquoi annos, . Ru»us is wiUing to
fancy post arisias to be used in the
same manner, as tu posi careda la'
tebas in thtfi^hird Eclogue; and to
be a description of the lands of Me-
libceus^ whose farm conslsted of a
few acres^ adjoining to a poor little
cottage^ Óie roof of whidi was so '
low, as hardly to appear above the
tali com, and therefore it might be
said to lie hid among the beards or
behind them^ vosi arisias, I cannot
helpbeing oi Dr. Trapp's opinion,
that this interpretation is sirangely
absurd.

71. Novalia."] ^ See the note on
ver. 71. of the first Georgick.

72. Barbarus has segetes.] Hein-
sius^ as he is quoted by Burman^
seems to approve of a different point-
ìng in this and the preceding verse ;

Impius haec tsm eulta novalia miles ha-
bebit
Barbarus ? has segetes !

73. Perduxit.] Pieriusfoundper-
duxit in the old Vaticani and Lom-
bard manuscrìpts, and produxit in
the Roman, Medicean, and some
other manuscripts. Heinsius^ and
after him Burman, reads produxit;
but perduxit is Ùie common and
most approva reading.

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

27

Insere nimc, Melibcee, p3itos, pone ordine vites :
Ite me», felix quondam pecus, ite capéllae. 75
Non ego vos postfaac, viridi projectus in antro.
Dumosa pendere procul de rupe videbo.
Carmina nulla canam:'non, me pàscente, ca-

pellae
Fiorentem cr^um et salioes carpetis amaras.
TiT. Hic tamen hanc mecum poteris requies-
cere noctem 80

Now, MeUMBOS, ingnft yoQr
pean, and plant your vlfm
m rows. Go, my gotts, go
my once happy cattle. Ishall
no more aee yoa afar off,
hangingdown from the biuhy
rode, whiht I lepoae myself
in the mowy cave. No more
•hall I sl^: no more, my
goati, shallyou phick lirom
my band tl^ flowering éyti-
tuf. and Utter willows.

Tit. But yet yoa may reit
bere thi« night with me

^ En queis consevimus agros.] Pie-
rius says it is his ws consevimus
a^ in the Roman manuscript, and
highly iq)prove8 of this reading.
Burman observes^ that it is conse-
vimus in Stephens's edition of Pie-
rìus^ whìch Masvidus made use of ;
but tbat it is consuevimus in the
Brescia edition» whichUdeed seems
to agree better with what Pierius
says^ than consevimus. Catrou con-
tends vehemently for consuevimus
iustead of consevimus, and accord-
ingly translates these words Mal-
heureuses compagnes que tkabittide
nous avoit rendu si cheres, For" this
reading he depends upon the au-
thority of an edition prìnted at Basii
in 1586. But Burman observes^
that the expressions nsed in the
Basii edition are idi copied from
Pierius, without owning nis natne.
74>. Insere nunc.'] '^ This is an
'' ìronical apostrophe, of Meliboeus
" to himself» wherein he expresses
*' his indignation at his havitig be-
" stowed so much vain labour in
" cultivating his gardens and vines
" for the use of barbarians. Nunc
*' is a partide adapted to irony.
" Thus Juvenal,

" I nunc, et ventìs vitam committe»>w**
Bvrnm,

75. Ite meas felix quondam pecus,']
pierius speaks of Ite meee qUomlam
felix pecus as the common reading,

which seems also to bave been ad-
mitted by Servius.. But he found
Ite mete felix quondam pecus in the
Roman, Oblong, Lombard, and
some odier manuscrìpts ; and thinks
this last reading nas something
sweeter in it.

77. Dumosa pendere procul de
rupe,] So Pierius found it in se^
vera! manuscrìpts, and in Arusianus.
The common reading in his time
was Dumosa de rupe procul pendere.
He found Frondosa pendere procul de
rupe in the Medicean manuscript.
But he thinks it slipped in there
from the paraphrase of Festus.

79- Cytisum^ See the note on
ver. 481. of the second Greorgick.

80. Hic tamen, ^c.^ Melibceus
seems to propose going on with his
ìoumey j but Tityrus kindly invites
nim to stay diat night, and partake
of such fare as his cottage anbrds.

Hanc , . . noctem'] '' In the
" Lombard, Medicean, and most
" other manuscrìpts, it is hoc me-
" cumpot^ requiescere nocte, in the
" ablative case, as most of the com-
" mon copies have it But Arusi-
" anus Messus, in Elocutumum li-
*' bello, has hanc noctem, in the ao«
" cusative." Pierius.

In the Milan editions of ] 481 and
158^, the Paris editions of 1541 and
1600, the old London edition by
IVnson, and in the Antwerp edition
of 1 548, it is hoc nocte. The same
e2

88

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

Sid S^/^ciS55? Fronde super viridi, sunt nóbìsnìilia poftiOf
aiuipie«tyJfnewche«e. ' Castane® moUes, et pressi copia lactis.

reading ìs acknowledged also by
Robert Stephen», Ruseus, and Mas-
ricius. Guellius, Sussannaeus, Al-
dus, Pulman, La Cerda, Heinsius,
Cuningam, and Bur^ian, read kanc
fiociem, which I find also in the Ve-
nice edition of 1562, and in the
prìnted copy of the Medicean. Hanc
nodein seems to be the best reading,
as it ^presses an invltatìon to stay
the whok night, We bave several
other examples à£noctem being used
in like manner in the accusative
case i as in the fourth Georgick,

• At illav

Flct noctem,

in the first ^neid.

In fademil]ius(iuN:<em tion amplius unsm
FftUe dolo.

And in the fifth,

Compl^v inter i^ nwUinqm diemque
morantur.

In like manner we find the accusa-
tive plural in the third ^neìd^

Err^n^us pelago totidem sine sid^re noctes,

Aiid in the sixth,

Noctes atque dies patet atri janua Dìtis.

And,

Vestibulum msomnis servat uoetesque
diesque.

And in the ninth,

'mmmm Tibi qusin twcUs festina dìesque
Urgebam.

Poteris.] Pierius found poteras in
the Roman and Medicean manu-
scrìpts. Burman contends for this
readiBff, whidì is also approved by
Heinsius^ and several ouier editors.
La Cerda, Ruseus, and many others,
read poieris,'whìch is allowed also
by Arusianus.

81. Mitia poma.'] Matura, says
Servius^ qua non remordent cum mor--
dentur. But the poet may mean
mild, in opposition tp those sorta
which are very barsh, and soiree fit
to beeaten. Or perhaps mild ap-
ples may be used for . such as are
ma^e mild by culture^ to distinguish
théai froin wildìngs or crabs.

82. Castana molles.']. Servius in-
terprets molle$^ mature^ again i but I
do not know that chestnuts are
soft when they are ripe. Some
will bave moliti to mean nw and
freah; others think the poet means
a particular sort of chestnuts, which
ìs distinguished by this epithet from
the Casionea hir^uta. They are
said, by Palladius, to lose the rough-
ness of their husk, by being in*
grafted on an almond ;

Castaneamque traeem depulsis cogit

echini»
Minori fructus Isevia poma sui.

Perhaps we are to understand by
Castanea molles roasted chestnuts;
for the ancients were acquainted
with this way of preparing them,
as we find in Pliny, Torrere has in
cibis gratius.

Pressi copia lactis.'] Servius un-
derstands this to mean cbeese;
Emulcti et in caseum coàcti. Others
think it means only curdled milk.
1 believe it signìnes curd^ from
which the milk has been squeezeil
out, in order to make cheese. We
find in the Aird Georgick, that the
shepherds used to carry tìie curd,
as soon as it was pressed, into the
tovms; or else salt it, and so lay it
by for cheese against winter;

Quod siirgeote die aiuliece, horisque

diurnis,
Nocte preniunt; quod jam tenetarii

et sole cadente»

BUCOLIC. ECL. I.

Et jam summa procul villanun cnlmiDa fumanti ^
Majoresqae cadunt altis de moDtibus umbras^

die

of

onoke alar off,
•badowfCdlfraai

Sub lucem ezportans calathìs adit oppida

pastor;
Aut parco sale oontingunt, hjemiquc!

reponunt.

It was therefore analogoiu to what
we cali new cheese.

83. Et Jam summa procul, Sfc.^
This descriptìon of an evening in
the country is veiy naturai, and full
of pastoraf amplici^. The smok-

ing of the cottage chimnies ahewa,
that the labourers have left off their
work, and are preparìng their aup-
pers. The lenraiening of die aha-
dows that fidi Srcm the neighbour-
ing hilLs ia entirelj rurale and de-
scrìbea an ardess manner of mea-
suring time, suitable to the inno»
oenoe of paatoral poetry.

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

ECLOGA SECUNDA.

FORMOSUM
Alexim,

ALEXIS.

pastor Corydon ardebat

The ihepherd Conrdm
temed tot the beaudlU A*

1, Formosum pastor, 4rc.^ In this
Edogue the poet describes the pas-
8Ìon a£ a shépherd for a beautiful
boy^ with wnom he is gready in
love. The indinatìons to this un-
natural vice were long before Vir-
giUs time spread over great part of
Bie world^ and may be looked upon
as one of the greatest abominationa
of the heathen^ there being se vera!
instances of the wrath of God being
peculiarly inflicted on such as were
addicted to it However, it would
be as unjust to censure \lrgfl par-
ticularly for baving mentioned this
crime without a mark of detesta^
tion^ as to condemn bim for bis
idolatry, dian which nothing is
more abominable in the sight of
God. It would be very easy to
excuse our poet^ by shewing the
frequent mention of this vice by
many of the most esteemed Greek
and Roman wrìters, whose very
deities were supposed to be guilty
of it; but I do not choose to stùn

these papers with the repetition of
sudi homd impurities, and could
rather wish it was possible to bury
diem in oblivìon. Some indeed
have ventured to affirm^ that this
whole Edogue ù nothing but a
warm description'of a pure friend-
ship; but I fear an impartialreader
will bè soon convinced, that many
of the expressions are too warm to
admit of any such interpretatton.
This however may be saia in Vir-
gil's commendatìon, that hekeeps.
up to bis character of modesty^ by
not giving way to any lasdvious or
indecent words^ which few of bis
contemporaries could know how to
avoid even in treating of less crimi-
nal subjects. The first five lines
are a narration of Corydon's passion;
in which the poet plainly imitates
the be^inning of the 'fi^ «rm of
Theocritus ;

Sf P. VIRGILII MARONIS

fiSaoraomfobo^''^ Delicìas domini: nec, qaid speraret» habebat.

An amoroiu sliepheRl lov'd a.channing

boy,
As fair as thou^t oould frame, or wìah

enjoyj
Unlike his soul, ill-natur'd and unkind,
An angd's body» wìth a fìiiy's mind.

Crxegr.

Corydon,'] T|ie commentatora
are unanìmous almost in supposing
that Vìrgìl means himidf under tbe
feigned name of Corydon. They
aeem persuaded that he was always
thinking of himseif, and continually
descrìbìng his own business and his
own follies in these Bucolicks. In
short, they make a mere Proteus of
him, varyìng his shape in ahnost
every Eclogue. . In the first he was
Tityrus^ old, poor, and a servant;
but bere, under the name of Cory-
don, he is young, handsome, and
neh. There he cnkiTated oidy^ a
few barren acres, half covered with
stones and rushes, on the banks of
Mincius : bere he ìs possessed of fina
pastuto» and has a thousand lambs
feeding on the mountains of Sìcily.
These are such inconsìstencics, that
1 wonder any one can imagine that
Virgil is both Ti^rrus and Corydon»
For my own part I belieTO he is
neither ; at least^ not Corydon, there
beipg some room to imagine that
he might mean himself under the
name of Tityrus, a shepherd near
Mantua, and an adorer of Augustus.
It seems most probable, tmit the
person of Corydon is as fictidous as
the name.

ArdebatJ] This verb is used also
by Horare in an active sense ;

Non sola comptos arM adulteri
Critteif et aurum vestibus ìllitum
Mirata, regatosque cultua^
^^«Amites, Hfilene Lacaena.

It is allowed by the critics to be the
strongest word that can be used, to
express the most extreme passion.

Therefore it does not seem to suit
with the purity of a disinterested
friendship.

Alexim.'] The commentators are
not so wdl agreed about the person
of Alexis, as they are about that of
Corydon. Servius seems to think
it was Augustus, '' Cassar Alexis in
" persona inducitur." Surely no-
thmg can be more absurd, than to
imagine that Virgil, who in the first
Eclogue had erected altars to Au-
gustus, should now degrade him to
a shepherd's boy, delicias domini,
and afterwards, formose puer.
Would the poet bave dared to cali
Augustus a boy, the very term of
reproach used by his enemies, whicb
Servius himself tells us was forbid-
den by a decree of the senate, as
we bave seen already in the note
on ver. 43. of the mrst • Eclogue ì
Not much less rìdiculous is the
imagination of Joannes Lodovicus
Vives, that Alexis is Gallus, whom
at the same time he allows to bave
been appointed by Augustus, to
command over armies and pro-
vinces. Virgil would not nave
treated so great a person with such
familiarity. In the tentb Eclogue
indeed, where he celebrates an
amour of Gallus, he represents him
under the character of a shepherd ;
but not without making an apology
for that liberty.

Nec te pceniteat pecoris divine poeta ;
Et formosus oves ad (lumina pavit Ado«
nis.

Servius menlions several other opi-
nions conceming the real person of
Alexis. He mentions one Alex*'
ander, a servant of Pollio. It is
pretended, that Virgil, beinginvited
to dine with his master, took notice
of bis extraordinary beauty, and fell
in love with him j upon which Pol-
lio made a present of him to the

BucoLia ECL. il:

«s

Tantum inter defisas^ ttinbrosa oacumina^ fiigos
Assidue veniebat : ibi base iticondita sdut .
Montibus, et sylvis stubio jactabat inani. 5

— O orud e li s Al exiy f»bil mea eariaiim cura» ? -
Nil nostri miserere? mori me deniqve coges?
Nudo etiam pacudes umbras et frigòra captant :

He oolr ctme fttqpeDXXf a-
taoùg the thidc beechet wlth
«had^ top*; and there In aolK
tude uttored theae incoherent
words in vafai to the inoun*
tains and woods.

O oruel Alexis, have you no
wgafdferaiyflonijr Mia fe fo u
no compaasion f or me ì wUl
700 at length compe) me tp
die> Even ftòw the aheep «ir
loytheoool '

poet Others think he was Csesar's
poy, and that bis master delighted
m hearing him praised. Servius
mentions another opinion^ that the
xiame of Pollio*s boy, who was
giveri to Viroli, was Corydon. He
concludes with sapng, that Alexis
was a proud boy, but greatly in fa-
vour with Pollio, to whoni Virgil
made bis court by praising bis be-
loved slave. Apuleius also affirms,
that Alexis was a feìgned name for
a boy belonging to Pollio ; but
Martial seems to bave taken him
for a favourite of Msecenas ;

Sint Maecenates, non deerunt, Flacce,
Marones,
Virgiliumque libi vel tua ruradabunt
Jugera perdìderat miseras vicina Cre-
moD»,
Flebat et abductas Tityrus aeger oves.
Risit Tuscus eques, paupertatemque ma*
ligpam
Reppullt, et celeri jussit abire fuga.
Acctpe divitias, et vatum xnaxlmus esto :
Tu licei et nostrum, diut, Alexin
ames.
Adstabat domini mensis pulcherrìmus
ille,
Mannorea f undens nigra Falerna manu.
Et libata dabat roseis carchesia labris.

Qua poterant ipsum sollicitare Jovem.
Excidit attonito pinguis Oalatea poets,
Thestylis et ruhras messibas usta ge-
nas;
Protinus f taliam concepit, et arma, vi-
rumque.
Qui modo vix culicem fleverat ore
rudi.

And in another £pigram we find.

Et Maecenati Maro cum cantarei Akxim,
Nota tamen Mara fusca Melaenis erat.

From ali these different opinions,
and more perhaps that might be

recited, if it was Worth the while
to enquire after them, the best con-
clusìon we can maké seems to be,
that Alexis was no real person at
ali, but a mere creature of the poet's
fancy.

2. Delicias.'] It ìs a word com-
monly used for a person or thlng
of which any one is very fond ; thus
Cicero, ''Quid amores, ac delicise
" tuse Roscius?" and Catullua,

Passer àdicite mese puellae ;

and Martial,

Reddito Roma sibi est; et sunt, te
prsdde, Cesar
DelìcUe populi, quae fuerant domigli.

And again,

Stellse delicium mei colomba.

6. crudelis Alex'u ^c] Cory-
don expatiates on the cruelty of
Alexis» and represents the violence
of bis own passion, by telling him,
that even in the beat of the day,
when ali animais seek to repose
themselves, and the weary reaners
retire under the shade to eat tneir
dinners, he alone neglects bis ease,
pursuing the steps of bis beloved.

7. Coges,'] La Cerda reads cosis
in the present tense, whidi he thinks
more expressive' than the future:
but the best authority seems to be
for coges, as Pierius round it in the
Roman manuscript. The same
reading is admitted also by Hein-
sius, Ruseus, and others.

8. Nunc etiam pecudes umbras et
frigora captarti.'^ In the warmer
dimates, the shepherds are obliged
to shelter their flocks from the beat

54

P. VIUGILII MARONIS

STgSS S«5?SdThS Nunc virìdes etìam occultant spineta lacertos :

ti;;X«vou*4h^^^^ Thestylis et rapidofessis mcssoribiis «stu

reapenweartedwiththerapid . ,,. „ , _ , .^ ,. ,_.

10

heat.

Allia serpyllumque herbas coiitundit olentes.

in the middle of the day under
rocks or spreading trees. ThU is
consequently the most convenient
time for them to refresh themselves
with food and rest. See the note on
ver. 331. of the third Georgick.

9. Firides .... lacertos,^ The
green liznrd ìs very common in
Italy> and is said to be found also in
Ireland. It is larger than our com-
mon efì or sìotft, This animai is
meotioned by Theocritus, in bis
0«Xv0>(«, as marking the time of
noon by sleeping in the hedges :

' — - Hf )« TV fiUfmfti^iov vSiat tX»f/r,

— Where now at burning noon ?
What urgent business makes thee leave

the town,
Whiist bleating flocks in 8ba4e8 avoid

the heats.
And ev'ry lizard to bis hole retreats ?

Cbeech.

10. Thestylis.'] Servius tells us,
that Thestylis was a country ser-
vante and seems to think ber name
was rather TestUis, because she
dressed their dinner for the reapers.
He seems therefore to derive ber
name from testa, which signifies an
earthen pan, This Ruseus thinks
to be very insipida and not without
reason. But Catrou seems fond of
this interpretation, and ìndulges
himself in an imagination^ that
Thestylis, or rather Testylis, was Vir-
gil's mother. It seems that old Ti-
tyrus, the poet*s father, of whom
we heard so much in the first
Eclogue, was a potter by trade, and
so his wife is bere represented
under the name of TesiyUs. This
old woman, it seems, was a good
house-wife, and dressed the dinner
' for the reapers with ber own hands.
" La mere de Virgile ne seroit-elle

" point représentée icy, sous le nom
^' de TestiUt ? On s^ait que le pere
" de Virgile étoit un Potier de terre
'^ de son métier. D*ailleurs il est
'* naturel que la mere de Virgile. en
" bonne ménasere, se soit chargé
" dans sa fam'.Ue d apprèter le dìner
<' des moissonneurs." By ibis me-
thod of criticising» we need not de-

r'r of finding out, not only the fa-
' and mother of Virgil, but even
ali his relations and mends. To
me it appears very absurd, that the
mother of this wealthy Corydon,'
who had a thousand lambs feedintr
on the mountains of Sicily, should
bave occasion to busy herself in
dressing dinner for the reapers. Be-
sìdes Thestylis is mentioned after-
wards as a sort of rivai of Alexis,
having begged two kids of Corydon,
which he designed for Alexis. But
I shall not pursue thisargumentany
farther, seeing the learned critic
himself, upon tecond thoughts, says
it may seem more probable that
Testilis does not come from the La-
tin word testa, but that it is rather
ThestiUs, a Greek name, taken
from a sbepherdess of Theocritus,
and that she was the cook-uiaid at
Virffil's farm. Milton has a passage
in bis L* Allegro, not very unlike
this hefbre us ;

Where Corydon and Thyrsis met.
Are at their savonry dinner set
Of herbs, and other' country messe»,'
Which the neat-handed Phyllis dresses.

11. Allia serpyllumque, 8fc.] These
herbs seem to bave been used by
the Roman farmers to recruit the
exhaùsted spirits of those who bave
laboured in the heat. Pliny ìnforms
US, that garlic was much used in
the country as a medicine; " Al-

BUCOLIC. ECL II.

85

At lùecum raucis, tua dum vestigia lastro,
Sole sub ardenti resonant arbusta cicadis.

Nonne fìiit satius tristes Amaryllidis iras ] 4
Atque superba pati fastidia? nonne Menalcan ?
Quamvis ille niger, quarnvis tn candidus esses ;
O formose puer, nimium ne crede colori.
Alba ligustra cadunt, vaccinia nigra leguntur.

Bttt whilft I poirae yiMir ftept
undor the btuming fun, I job
with tbe hoane dczém t&

wiakiiiflr thc tTCCl TUMOIIIWl

Waalt not better to endure
the bitter anger of AmarylUs, ,
and her proud disdain ì Was
it not better to endure Menai-
cui Though he was black,
and thoii art fair, yet, O
charming boy, trust not too
much in thy beauty. The
wbite privet flowers drop on
the eround, whilst the dusky
hyadnths are gathered.

" lium ad multa rurìs prsecipue
" medicamenta prodesse ereditur."
For serpyllum, see the note on ver.
SO. of the fourth Georgick.

13, Sole sub ardenti, 8fc.] The
ckada nsed to sing niost in hot wea-
ther, and in the middle of the day.
See the note on ver. 328. of the
thiird Georgick.

14». Nonne fuit saiius, ^c] Co-
rydon dedares^ that the cruelty of
bis former loves^ however great,
was more tolerable than the scom
of Alexis^ whom he exliorts «ot to
trust too much to so frail a thing as
beauty.

Amaryllidis.'] Servius tells us,
that the true name of Amaryllis was
Leria, a girl whom Msecenas gave
to Virgili às he did also Gebes^
whom liie poet mentions under the
feigned name of Menai cas. 'Ihe
leamed Catrou is of opinion that
Servius had no authority for it, and
that they are rather fictìtious per-
sons. In the first Eclogue, Ama-
irllis was imagined to mean no less
than Rome herself ; but bere she is
degraded to a rustie slave.

16. Qiuamvis ille niger, &c.]
Servius, as he is quoted by Masvi-
cius^ has the foUowing note on this
passagej ** Quia Csesar Bomanos,
*' Antonius J^gyptios habuit. An-
" tonius niger dieitur propter M^
" gyptios, quos habuit." Burman
wonders where Masvicius met with
this note ; since it is noi to be found
in any of the copies of Servius. It
seems however to be of a piece with

what we bave found in the note on
Alexim in the first line; where Alexis
is said to mean Augustus Csesar.
If we couid be persuaded to belleve
that, it would not be difficult to
imagine Menalcas to mean Mark
Anthony, the great rivai of Augus-
tus. But this imagination is entirely
destroyed by our finding, that the
poet had fìnished ali bis Edoraes
before the quarrel between those
two great persons.

18. Alba ligustra cadunt,] It is
not very easy to determine what
plant Virgil meant by ligustrum.
AH that can be gathered from what
he has said of it is, that the fiowers
are white and of no vai uè. Pliny
says it is a tree ; for in the twenty-
fourth chapter of the twelflh hook,
where he is speaking of the cypros
of Egypt, he use^ the following
words ; " Quidam hanc esse dicunt
^' arborem quae in Italia Ligustrum
" vocatur." Thus also we find in
the tenth chapter of the twenty-
fòurth hook, *' Ligustrum eadem
'* arìwr est q use in oriente cypros."
In theeighteenth chapter of &e Six-
teenth book he (ells us it grows in
watery plaoes; •* Non nisi in aquo-
*^ sis proveniiint salices, alni, po-
<* puli, siler, ligustra tesseris utì-
♦'lissima.'* If the ligustrum of
Pliny was that which is now com-
monly known,by that liame, by us
called fyrivei or primprint, and by
the Italians guisirico, which seems
a corruption of ligustrum, then he
mistakeh in àffirming it to be
f2

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

ÌflVlf55^'cSii2?*o Despectus tibi ium, nec qui sim quasris, Akxi:

the same with the cypros of Egypt,
irhich is the elhanne or alcanna.
For Prosper Alpinus, whosci au-
thority cannot well be called in

Suestion, found great plenty of the
Icanna hi Egypt» agreeing suffi-
ciently with die nvr^òt of Diosco-
rìdes :' but at the same tìme he des-
clares^ that the Italian ligustrum
doea not gro^ in that country. Nor
does its ffrowing in watery places
agree with the modem ligustrum,
Mrhich> according to ali the Italian
botanists, is found in woods and
hedgea in Italy as well as among us.
Matthiolus^ in his commentarìes on
Bioscoridea, says, that Serviusi
among others, took the Ugustrum
to be that sort of convohuiMS^ which
we cali great bindfveed; '' Quìdaxn
«< Hgusirum eam canvolvuli esse
*' speciem autumant^, quse sepibusi
^' fruticibus et arbu^tis se circum*
*^ volvit, ac etiam sspius vitium
" p^Us in vinetis, flore candido, lilii,
'^seu calathi effiffie, quam ego
'' la^vem ess^ smimcei^ nunquam
" dubitavi : e quorum numero fuìt
'' Servius Grammaticut, Firgiluc(my-
'' wentator EcU^a secunda Bv^oii^
" corum. Nempe falsus, ut arbitror^
'' quod neglexerit in hac hiatoria
" Pliniam consulere, Dioscoridem,
'' et alios de stirpium natura disse^r
'' rentes." Where Matthiolus found
this opinion of Servius I cannot teli,
unkss he. oiade use of 4ome copy
very different from those which we
npw bave. We find no mi^re in
pur copies of Servius, than that the
ligustrum is a very white, but
^onten^ptible flower; ^' Ltigustrum
*' «lutem flos est candidissimus, sed
" vilissimus." Bodfieus a Stapel> in
hi$ eommentaries on Theophrastos^
contenda, that the Ugustrum of the
ppets i& the cmvolmluf. mqfor, or
great hindweei, which^ he says, has

its name a ìigando, because it bìnds
ìtself about any trees or shrubs that
are near it« He observes farther,
Uiat this flower must be of a pure
white; fpr which he quòtes the
verse under consideration, and th<e
following verses from Martial ;

Quaedam me cupit, invide Frodile»
Tota candidior puella cygno.
Argenti), nive, lilio» Ugmtrom

And this from Pontanus \

Candida nec nivaia ceaaura Ugoatra prui-
nis.

Hence it is plain that the ìigwttrum
must be a perfèctly white flower,
being joined with swans, Silver,
snow, and lilies. ^ To these autho-
rìties he might bave added the
following, which are quoted by La
Cerda from Ovid ;

Candidior folio nivei Galatea ligustri.

And from Claudian ;

Hsfec graditur. stellata rosis, haec alba
Ijgustris.

He con9Ìder8 also, that the common
ligustrum, or privet, has a white
flower indeed, but not so pure as
to be companxl with snow; and
that it is not contemptible, bàving
a sweet smeli, growtng in bunches,
and so not «nfit for garlands. To
this he adds, that the privH is
called by Columella liguiiium ni"^
grum, to diatingoish it from tbat
of the poet*s» in the . fbliowing
verses -,

Et tu, ne Corjdonis opes despcrnat

Alexis,
Formoso Nais pueia formosior ipsa,
Fer calathis violum, et migro pennlsta

ligustro' . '
Balsama, cum casia nectens croceosque

corymbos.

But Parrhasius, as he is qiloted by
La Cerda, reads niveo instead of

BUCOLia ECL. IL

S7

Quam din»pecorÌ8 mrai quam laetìi» almn- STLoS^kL^^SlSto^
dans. 20 "^

nigra. 1 bave sometìmes auspected
that we ought to read,

Fer calathis violam nigram, et permjsta
ligitftro.

HoweTer, from these observations
Bodseus a Stapel infera, that the/z-
gusirum of the poets is the ma-tmn
of Theophrastus^ the rpA^^ ^m
of DioscDiides, ani! the conoolvulus
major of the modem authors. It
has a flower whiter than any swan
or SHOW, aod is at the same tìme a
most vile and noxious weed, roojted
out of ali gardena^ and unfit for gar-
lands, withering, and losing its co-
lon r as soon as gathered. It muM
be acknowledged, that the great
Undweed haa a very fair pretence
to bé accounted the Ugustrum of
yirgìlj on account of its name
being derived from hindi ng, a li-
bando; from the pure . whiteness of
Ita flower I and from its being at
the same time a con temp tibie weed.
iSence Corydon might, with great
propriety^ admonish Alexia not to
truat toó much to hia &ir com-
plexionj, since the whiteat of ali
flowers fell tb the ground wlthout
being gathered. We may also with
good reaaon duspect^ that our privel
iff not the plant inteoded^ b€K:auae
theflowera are not fair enough, and
yet are too aweet to he réjected
with ' contempt. But it weigha
aomething on the other side, that
PKny has called the Ugustrum a
treÌB in two difiereiit ptaces. For
though he niight mistake, in think-
ing it to be the same that grew in
Egyilt and in 'the east 3 and mìght
not be exact with regard to the
place of ita growth ; yet he coald
Dot eaatly be ignorante whetber
what they called l^usirum in Italy
waa a tree, or a vile weed^ and peat
4»f the gardens. Nor ie that argu-

ment to be whoUy slighted, which
ia taken from the ancient name»
UguUrum being preaerved in aome
measure in the modem Italiao
guistrìco. In conformity to the
Inost common opinion^ I have trana»
lated it privei; but if any one
would change it for bindnfeedf I
ah ali not greatly contend with him.
De Marolles translatea it privet^
*' Lea fleura blancbea du troSaoe
" tpmbent ea un moment»" . Lord
Lauderdale iranslatea it only " the
'' faireat flower/' Dryden haa it,

' White lUiet Ile neglected on the plain.

Catrou alao translatea it UUeg^ *' On
** laiaae fimer lea ly» cjai n'ont que
"de la beante.** This he dòea to
give a better grace to bis translation,
l;>eing aatisfied that the plani in
qnèatkHi ia really the Iroetne or pri-
vet, But it ia certain'y wrong to
poi HUet in thia place, for they do
not fall neglected ; but, mi the con-
trary, are alwaya mentioned with
great reapect by the poeta. Beaidea,
we ahall find, before we bave done
with thia Edogue, that lilies made
a part of the rural garland, which
Corydon intended to prepare for
Alexia. Dr. Tnfp tranalatea H
méM^fndé, by Wtech I éuppoae be
means the binda eed ahready apokèh
of, ' Dr. Tvkfnef, one of bur oìdeat
Engfish botanists, wko- waa phyM»
cian to the Duke of Someraet^in
the reign of Edward thè Slkth,
translatea convolt^uhi» tri/Atfywfe,
hynàweed, and i^eedbynde; Gerard,
whò WTote in the time of Qaeen
Elizabelli, calla' it withwinde, binde^
weed, and keàge-bels: btit die
more modem writera cali it only
bindfveed; and, 1 think, the gar-
denera aboot London coaim4inly cali
it barehind.

ss

1 hne ji — ,

IngontibcSIdliaii

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

Mille meee Siculk e^rant in montibiis agnae; .

Vaceinia nigra leguntur.^ ' Many
take the vaccinium to be our bil-
berry : others will bave it to be the
berry of the privet, imagining the
alba ligtistra to be the flower^ and
the vaceinia nigra to be the fruit of
the same plant. But I bave sheym^
in a note on ver. 183. of the fourth
Oeorgick^ that Virgìl uses vaccinium
only to express uie Greek word
véUnéòi^ and that it is the very
same flower with the hyacinth of
the poets.

•This allusion to the fading of
flowers is an imitation of Theocritus;

1 K»ì ri foÌo9 MttXn irrt, »»* o Xi^^ "^^^
1 Km) rè Uf »«X«y Imv ly i'^a^h »mi r»x**

yi^r , , .

Aiv»»9 ri x^tPùv l^rìt fJM^ainrm ku»a

: KjhÌ xàXX^ tutXn irri rè ^TMÌtttì», &XX*
j iXiV#» {J.

Fair is the rose, but withen soon away.;
Fair the sprìng violets, but soon decay;
Fair is the lily, but in iaUing dies.
And the white snow notlong unsullied

lies:
Thus blooming youthful beauty quickly

flies.

19. Despectus Ubi mm, Sfc*'\ In
this paragraph Corydon boasts of
bis wealtb^ bis skill in music, and
the beauty of bis person.

Qui.] It is qui8 in. many editions;
but the best authority seems to be
fbr ^tti.

20. Qjaam dives pecoris nivei,
,guam.'\ The editors do not agree
about the pointiog of this line;
some placing the comma after pe-
coriSf and others after niveL The
controversy therefore is, whether
nivei agrees with pecoris or with
laclis, Heinsius, as he is quoted
by Burman, contends for the latter ;
to nìaintain whìch opinion, he pro-

dùces the ' follòwing autborities,
from Ovid;

Lac niveum potes, purpureamque sapam ;

And,
Lac mihi semper adest niveum.

From Homer,

— — Ka^r»iùftW9S yAXm Xiv»«v.

From Tibullus,

— — Nivei lacHi pocula mizta mero ;
And from Seneca,

Niveique laciis candidus fontes.

And,

— Libat et niveum insuper
LacHs liquòrem.

But these quotations only prove^
that milk has often the epithet
^Tiiveum white bestowed upon it ; and
it would not be difìicult to produce
quotations from the same authors
where this epithet is given also to
cattle. I sball confine myself to
our poet, who has spoken of milk
in many places, without ever calling
it niveum. He has indeed added
that epithet to the milking pail, in
the third Georgick •

«. Nroea implebunt muktralìa vaccae :

but the beauty of the pail consists
in its whiteness, which is not owing
to the milk contained in it, but,to
the neatness of the dairy-maid^
and is therefore no useles epithet.
On the other side we fìnd it fre-
quently joined with wool, and cat-
tle, being particularly expressive of
their beauty. Thus we fìnd in the
sixth Eclogue,

Paaiphae, nivei solatur amore ^'inwfici.

And in the first Georgick,

Ter oentum nivei tondent dumeta ^vfitci.

BUCOLIC. EGi:. IL 59

Lac milii Don sstale novum, non frìgore defit ^iSkl^th» ^ ^SmJ^

And in the thìrd, '

Mufìere sic fUveo kuue^ si credere dignum

est,
Pan deus Arcadi» captam te» Luna»

fefeUit.

And,

Lanea dum nivea circumdatur infitta
vitto.

And in the fbarth iEneid,

VeOerilnu niveit et festo fronde revinc-
tum;

And in the sixth.

Omnibus his nivea cinguntur tempora
vitta.

Thereforej io this place, it seems
best to join nivei to pecoris, rather
than to lactis, because it is more
particularly expressive of the beauty
of the former, and has not once
been added to the latter by Vìrgil.
Besides, our poet himseif, in the
thìrd Georjgìck, gives particular di-
rection, to choose white sheep for
the flock; and is so nìce in this
poìnt, that he will not su£fer the
ram to bave a black tongue, for
fear he should occasion dusky spots
in his offsprìng;

Continuoque gregìs villii lege moUibus,

albos.
inum autem, quamvis aries sit candidus

ipse,
Nigra subest udo tantum cui lingua

palato,
Rgice, ne maculis infuscet veliera pulUs
• Nascentum t plenoque alium circumspice

campo.

This, he says, was the very art,
which Pan used, to obtain fleeces
as white as snow; " Munera sic
" nìveo, &c/' as above. Columella
also extols the white sheep,- " Co-
" lor albus^ cum sit optimus, tum
*' etiahi est utilissimus."

di. Mille mecB Siculis, &e.] He
mentions Sicily in this place, because

that island was famous for sheep ;
perhaps also, because Theocritus,
the father of pastoral p'oetry, was of
that country. This, and the fol-
lowìng verse are plainly written in
imitation of the Cyclops of that
poet.

^■^^ Bérk x*^* fi*^»^9 I

iriim' ' j

^/ ^*- , • i

Ov ;^ii/«Mwr M^.

Choice of new milk a thousand ewes

affbrd,
UnnumberM cheeses load my homely

board.
In summer and in autumn they'abound,
Nor fail in winter.

2i2. Lac mihi non cestole novum,
non/rigore defit*] Servius observes,
that Virgil excels Theocritus in
this place, who does not speak of
milk, but of cheese. For there is
notbing extraordinary in havihg
cheese ali the year round : but to he
always supplied with new milk, or
colastrum, in winter as well as sum-
mer, is a great excellence. Some
othercommentators agreewith Ser-
vius, in taking lac novum in this
place for colostrum or colostra, which
is the beestings, or first milk that
Comes after the animai has brought
forth. Thus Columella 5 " Sed
** prius qaam hoc fiat^ exiguom
*' emuìgendum est, quod pastores
*' colosiram vocant:" and Plinyj
'* Sicuti de lactis usu. Utilissimum
" cuique maternum. Concipere
" nutrìces exitiosum est: hi sunt
'^ enim infantes qui colostrati appel-
" lantur^ densato lacte in casei spe-
'* ciem. Est antem cplostra prima
'* a partuspongiosa densitas lactis."
It Ì8 much esteemed in the country,
by many people ; and that it was so
by the ancient Romans, we may

«0

AoQfaiOD IIMO*

P. VIEGILII MARONIS
Caato, qw solUus» si quando annentavlóeabat^

^ gather from the folìowìi^g passale
iniht Pcenpltts of PìbXus;

Mea voluptasy mea delicia» mea vita,

mea anìcenitas,
Meus ocellusy meum labèllum, mea 9a>-

lus, meum savium,'
Meum mei, meum cpr». mea <:p|Mr9,

meus molliculus caseus.

And from the thirty-eighlh Epi-
gram of the Chirt^enth hook of
Martial ;

Surripuìt pastor quae nondum.atantibus

hoeidis.
De primo matrum lacte coloitra damus.

Jja Cercla thìnks, with better rea-
8on^ that the sanse of the passage
Ì9, that Corydon has so large a
flock, that there never passes a day
without a supply of milk just taken
from the sheep. He justly observes,
tliat the new milk mentioned in the
Àfth Eclogue is the sarne^ because
\và speaks of its frothing ;

. iPocuJa bina novo spumarUia lacte quot*
• ,anBÌ8. ■

The new milk mentioned in this
quotation is for a sacrifice : and we
find from another passage in Virgil,
Uiat the milk used on those occa-
sions was warm from the dug. It is
In the sacrifice for Polydore, in the
third ^neid, where he describes
it as both warm and frothing 5

Inferìmus tepido spumantia cymbia lacte.

New milk was used also in the sa-
crifice for Anchises, in the fifth
hook;

Hic duo ritemero libans carchesia Baccho
Fundit humi, duo, lacte nervo, duo san-
guine sacro.

Botlì these sacrifices were in the
8pring> or beginning of summer^
when beestings were not to behad^
4be.lti»e fur the sheep to briog forth
beiog in Noverober and Deceraber.

Varrò tells us, that the fcest time tp
admit the ram is from the setti ngóF
ArcturuB tothesettingof the Eagle;
that a sheep goes 150 days^aBd'so
the (amb is yéaned abòdt the end of
Autumn ; '' Tempus optimum ad
** admittendum ab Arcturi occasu
'^ ad aquihe occasum, quod qqae
^' postea concipiunt, fiunt vegran-
*' des, atque imbecille. Ovis praei^^"
^' nans est diebus CL. itaque nt
^' partus exitù àutuinnale cuiq àer
" est modice temperatus^ et prìmi-
" tus oritur herba< imbrìbus pirimrf''
'* ribus evocata." The setting of
Arcturus was then reckoned to be at
the latter end of May or beginnipg
of June ; and the setting df the Eagk
at the latter end of ^uìy. Thére-^
fore the time of yeanlng, which is
the only possible time to have beest^
ings, must be from the latter end of
October or beginning of Novem-
ber to the latter end of December;
and that it is in the winter season is
confìrmed also by Columella^ who
says, a lamb is the only animai that
is conveniently brought into the
world in winter : " Solusque ex om-
" ni bus animalibus bruma nascitiir."
Hence it appears, that 7ac novum
cannot signify cdostra, which is to
be had only in winter,- because it
was certainly made use of in sacri-
fices, wbicb were offered in the be-
ginning of summer^ às were those
at the obsequies of Polydore and
Anchises mentioned already. To
these we may add the j^mbarvalia,
which urere celebrated a little before
harvest, when there was no colostro
to be met with. The poet may
perhaps allude to the extraordinary
fertility of the sheep in Italy, wbicii,
as he has told us himself in the
^econd Georgiqk> breed twice in a
yearj

Bis gravida» pecudes.

m<}OUQ- EC^. "•

♦1

Aj9phÌ9it Dircc^OB ia ^fitfBo J^^^pc^tììff.

24 p^-^^J>^^.

tnus.

But even then, we can hardly un-"
derataod hìm ^o mean beesiing» in
thi8 place ; unless we imagine, that
Cory4qn jcojfttr^i^ed ^ wpll, 9^8 jto
bave one or other ^^Ì3 «heep yq^p*
almost every day. This however
must be observed, tbat whether we
underatand beesfiugs in tbis place^ or
.milk warm from tbe dug, whicb
last I tbiuk mucb the most probable^
yet tbose editore are greatly mis-
takeo, who place the comma after
astate f pointing tbe verse tbus :

Lac mihi non «state, novum non fH-
gore defit.

By tbis they would insinuate the
po6t*8 meaning to be, that Cory-
don boasts of having milk in .the
8ummer, aud even new milk in
winter ; as if the 3>i^onder was* that
be sbould have it in yirinter : whqi*eas
ìt has been abundantly sbewn, that
winter wastb^ very timefor having
new milk, in whatsoever eense it
may be taken.

Servius mentions somebody under
tbe name of VirgUiO'mastix, by
whicb I suppose be means Bavius or
Mffivius, who censured tbis verse,
after having pointed it wrongbim-
«elf, after this manner ;

Lac mihi non testate novum, non fri*
. gore: defit:

that is, says be, seifnpet mihi deesL I
mention this only to sbew whàt sort
of crìtics they were who censured
Virgil.

Frigore.] Gold is bere used po-
.etically for winter. Tbus alsp in
the mh Eclogue ;

Ante focum, nfrigtu erit

23. Canto qua solitus, fife] Tbus
«Iso tbe Cyclops of Tbeocritusboasts
of bis skiU in music.;

Besides, I live the joy of ali the plain^
^o Cyclops can pretend so sweèt èi strajn.
Gbeech.

Si quotilo armenta voca^at.'] Tbis
expression of calling tbe cattle seems
to be taken from the manner of the
anoi^ ^epherds, wbo did not
drivi? their sfaeep ;before &em, as
tbe custpn^ ■(s^oif/.ttiit.v^qPrt first
(;atUqg à{(SW,i9^à i^yvig .CH^ itìxeìt
pipèsj and the sheep readìly fol-
lowed tiìem. We hav^ fréquent
allusions to this.custom in the boly
Scriptures. Tbus, in the hook cif
Exòdus, Moses is said to lead the
flock of Jetbro bis father-in4aw.
In the twenty-tbird Psalm we read,
" The Lord is my Shepberd, Ùiere-
^' fore can I lack nothing. He
" shall feed me in a green pastpre,
" and lead me forth beside the wa-
" ters of comfort." 'Jhu^ àUo in
the seventy-seventb; ^^ Thpu Ud-
*' dest ihy people tike sheep by the
" band of Moses and Aaron :" and
■ in xh,e ^ighti^tjh, " He^r, X^ .tbou
^^Shqpìièrd ^f Israel, thou thiit
" feaaeiit J[^e|^ like a sheep." We
4nd an aUusìop .a]so.to this custoip,
Jn tlie tentb.chapter of Saint Jobn's
Gospel : " He that entere^ not by
'Mjhe door into tìie sheepfold, but
" cl|mbeth up some otber way, the
'^ sarne isa<thi€;f and a robber: but
" he that enteretk in by the door,
'' is tbeS)iepher4 pf the sheep. To
'^ bim the porter openeth, and the
" sheep bear bis voice,. i^nd f\e caileth
'^ his (ìwn sh^p hv pame, and leadeth
*' Xhem qut, 'And whenbìe pu^eth
*^fa^tb MssOF» 8t^P^ hecgoéih he-
^^fore Mi^m» jcmd the sheep foilow
" him , for 4hey know fi is voice. And
" a stranger will they not foilow,
f' but T^ill flee from him ; for they
" know not the voice of strangers.*'

24. Amphion J^irams in Actao
Aracy^ìUho,} Amphion and Zi^ua

G

42

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

?toSJ'«5J*myS"on' thè Nec 8um adco informis : naper me in littore vidi,

ihofc.

the sona of Jupiter, and Antiope
the daughter of Asopus, built the
walls of Thebes, which had seven
gated^ and fortified them. with
towers^ according to Homer ;

' T^f ÌH fur * A fTtiimfTUf * A#«HrM0 Bvy»rfm,

Kmì f lrt»i» i»9 vrmtT 'A^mm rt Znéif ri,
Ol lefivu Q4Cnt t^ Isrirav iirrMirvAM*,
Jl»^yttf9 r * ìwù w fÙ9 àit9fyttrÌ9 y Ó^

There movM Antiòpe with haughty

charms,
Who blest th* almìghty thund*rer in ber

arms;
Hence sprung Amphion, hence brave

Zethus carne,
Founders of Thebes, and men of mighty

name;
Tho* bold in open field* they yet surround
The town with walls, and mound inject

on mound, ;

Here ramparts stood, there tow^ rose

hj|^ in air.
And here thro* <8ev*n wide portato rush*d

the war. Pope.

f The story of bis extraordinary skill
in music, and his receiving from
Mercury a harp, by the sound of
which he caused rocks and stones to
foilow him in order, and form the
walls of Thebes, seems to bave
been invented since the tìme of Ho-
mer. Euripides mentions the com-
ing of the gods to the nuptials of
Harmonia, whenthe walls of Thebes
were raised by a harp, and a tower
by the lyre of Amphion, between
Dirce and Ismenus;

*A^/Uf4»t in .ATm' $it i/MHUHft

"BXvén »v^»9tim, ^i^fuyyi rt rts^if ©nC**»
TÀr *A/è^M9mt rt X6^»f S*« ^pyat àfi^rA
Ativfut9 irir»/uÌ9 iri^»9 àft^ì /km**»

Horace also speaks of the stones foL-
lowing the lyre of Amphion,

Mercuri^ nam te docilis magistro
j^oyit Amphion lapides canendo.

Sweet Mercury, far tanghi by you
The luffàng itonet Amphion drew,

CrE£CH.

And, in his Art of Poetry, explains j
the meaning of the fable. |

Sylvestres homines sacer interpresque }

Deorum 1

Cedibus et victu fcedo deterruit Orpheus ; |
Dictus oh hoc lenire tigres rabtdosque le- {

ones. \

Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor

arcis,
Saxa movere sono testudinis, et prece

blanda
Ducere quo vellet. Fuit h«c sapientia

quondam
Publica prìvatis*^ secernere, sacra pro-

fanis;
Concufaitu prohibere vago, dare jura ma-

ritis,
Oppida molirì, leges incidere ligno.
Sic honor et nomen dìvinis vatibus atque
Cazminibus venit.

Orpheus^ inspir*d hy more than human

pow'r,
Dtd not^ tu poeU feign^ tome tavage ìtecutt.
Bui men, OS lawìett and at tvUd a* thep.
And first dutuaded them from rage and

blood.
Thus when Amphion buUt Ihe Thébàn tra//,
They feign^d the ttonet óbey*d his magic

Iute;
Poetiy the first instructors ofmankind,
BrougìU aU things to their proper^ native

use.
Some they appropriated to the gods.
And some to public, some to private ends :
Promiscuous love by marriage vas re-

strain'd,
CiHes were IndU, anà usefid laws were

mode:
So ancient is the pedigree of verse.
And so divine apoei'sfunction.

Lord Roscommoit.

Propertius mentions the stones of
Cithaeron, a mountain of Bceotia,
being drawn by music to form the
walk of Thebes 3

Saxa CitheeronisThebas agitata per artem
Sponte sua in muri membra coisse ferunt.

Dirce ie the name of a celebrated
spring near Thebes. Strabo places

BUCOLIC- ECL. IL

43

Cum placidum venti» staret mare:
Dapbnim,

non

ego

26

when the cahn lea was not
dbtnrbed by the wind«. I
ihould not fear Daphnis,

it in the plain, whereìn Thebes is
situated^ tnroUgh which also the ri-
vers Asopus and Ismenus flow:
"^O y«{ *Aa'tt^ùf xaì Vv/mim; ÌUt rtiv
wùiw fiùvo'i Tùv* w^l rm &ifiSf uri X
Mti i AfgxD K^n, MÌ nirytui. Pliny
also enumerates ìt among the spiings
or fountains of Bceotia ; ^' Prseterea
" fontes in Boeotia^ (Edipodia,
^' Psammate, Dirce, Epigranea^ A-
"rethusa, Hippocrene, Aganippe,
" Gargaphie." Euripides mentions
Dir ce, as a spring near Thebes :

Ai^xns rt nifut, itaXiftUn tr^ibrwfL Un,

Behold the plains, along Ismenus stream^
And Dirce*8 fount, how vasi a host ap-
pears:

and in many other places of his
Phoenissee. Therefore it can hardly
be doubted^ that Virgil calls Am-
phion Dircaan firom this famous
fountain of BoBotia^ because He
built the walls of the Boeotian
Thebes.

The opinions of autfacrs are vari-
ous concerning the situatìon of Ara^
cynthus. Strabo says expressly it is
in iEtolia : Kurà ìli rìit AfreA/«v $»
12A8m;> pv If rS AtrttXtxS xar»}kiym

fùvùf iyyvi rns nXtv^Sfòi wri rS 'Ag«-
xvféfif, This author describes those
countries in so exact a manner,
that we cannòt easily misunderstand
him. He says ^tolia is divided
froni Aearnania by the river Ache-
lous, which rises in the mountain
Pindus^ and flows from north to
south, through the Agraei, a peonie
of iEtolia, and the Amphilodii.
The Acarnanians inhabit the west
side, as.faras the Ambracian bay,
near the Amphilochi, and the tempie,
of Actian Apollo : the ^toliaps ex-
tend toward the east, to the Ozp-

lae Locrì^ Pamassus, and the CBte-
ans ; Air^Xei ^ff tmW xctì *Ak»^'
fàm ò^évvn iXXiXùvs, fM^f '^Xfitrti
V6f 'A;^fA«f«v ^ère^M9, fuvr» ìtù r«ff
lù^xrm ««f rlff Iltviùv ^^óf f«rw, ÌU «
'Ay^Mc/p AhétXtxùv féfvf, xa} 'AfA^t~
X0X09. 'Axa^fSiftf fùr rè ^^Ig la^atf
fti^ùf ijC^m; rcv 9rùr»fuv fi^x^t rcv
'AfJo^oKMév xiX'jrùv, rev xmrei 'A^<A«-
X^^9 «*' "^^ '•€•" ^•«^ 'AxTtùv 'A^iXXof'
féq, AtrttXóì <i rò «■(«$ Uf fu^t rSf
*0^iXat9 Amt^tfy^ xaì tùv Ua^ietcév xtù
rif Oìrmtn. Dionysius agrees with
Strabo in the situation of Aracyn-
thus; but he seems to speak of
iEtoIia and Aearnania, as of one
country^ under the nao^e of JBtolia;
fot after having spoken of Dodona^
he says the country of the ^tolians
lies next, under the mountain Ara-
cynthus^ and that the river Ache-
lous runs through the middle of it

tns V virt^t le fint ilr/y viti ^x«irtftv *A^a-

xvvéótt,
'Ay^AW Ai^tfXm ittiin fMym' r«S ha faU»

ێV

tv^vrm IXk^ &ym *Ax*Xi'Us xfyv^ifnu

Uence it is no wonder, that Pliny
and Solinus should place this moun-
tain in Aearnania; especially con-
sidering that we read in Strabo, that
there were frequent contro^ersies
between the Acarnanians and ^^to-
lians concerning their borders:
"H^Tf^ xeù rh n«(«;^iA«f<r<9 xttXùVfiifny
X/>»^^y V • «••T«^«5 IjtixAu^ii, ^^l^'
Xinrùf hrdu rò xeùXtuh, rcvs ofùvf ovy-
Xfi^vff» àù, rùvg àxoèuxfvfuuvf rùTf
Axa^ftiott X4Ù vùig AÌttèXMg' \n^mrt^
Yti^ Tùìg ^ò^Xóii, ovx 8;^«vrf$ ìuuTnrÀg
hixéif y •!, xXi»9 ìvUfUfci, Vibius
Sequester places it in Attica : and
adds^ that some place it in Arcadia i
which perhaps, according to Bro-
dseus and La Cerda, ought rather
to be read Aearnania ; " Aracynthus
g2

44

P. VlfeÙILlI MAHOMIS

i^óu^iS^'fi^^.^' Judicetè, inéinim, si iiun^ttàm feUàtìntfàgò,

"in Attica, quidam in Arcadia di-
" cunt/' Probably Vibiuà tóight
place it in Attica, mttéìf ori the
àathorrty òf Virgil, takiflg Aciao
tò mean Attico. A likfe reaaon
pefhaps Tùìght induce Stephamts te
say it ìs in Boeotia, arid Servitis
to tfffitm it 18 a Theban haountairi.
This 'tò cdtttin, thàt when Strabo
etiriiùéraiei the itìòtiiltaifis of bce-
òtia, he does-not rtieiitiòri anything
like Aracynthus. La Cerdi is of
optnidtf, that we must abide by the
authority of Ste|5hanus and SerVius^
in making Aracjrntbus a Boeotian or
Theban moiintain. I would rather
Smagine, that there wafi some àn-
tieht stoiy, tlòW lost, of Amphioii*8
feedirig hi6 herds on the thountains
of iBtolia,- bt that some mountalìi
of Bceotia was formerly called Ara-
cyiithu*, it bèinff -«néll kttown, thcit
many iplaces havè bhaiiged dièii*
names, even before the time of any
history now èxiàiii.

If authors bave dìffiered concem-
ing the situatìon of Aracjmthus, it
wiU bè lirii^hed that thfeté faft» hot
been much less variety of opìnions,
with regard to the epithet Actcpus.
Strabo says, that Attica wad called
anciently Ade and Attica, becanse ìt
lies imder mountains, and extends
alorig the sea shore: Aia in rtutc

ùTt ToTf ùMa-tf WtictfirvmìiA ri vXttWev

fa^c^t Tov ZovMov. Pliiiy also affiims,
that Attica wàs anciently called
Acte; *' Attica aiitiquitus Acte vo-
" cata.** This seems to ètrengthèn
the authority of Vibius, who places
Aracynthus in Attica.* But Strabo
mentions another opinion after-
wards ; that this country was said
to be called A etica from Actaeori,

Atthis and Attica from Atthis the
daaghter of Cranans, Mopsopia from
Mopaopns, Ionia fbom lon the son
of Xuthus, and Posidonia and
Athehs fìronl Keptune and Minét-
ta: *Awtsiàiit fÀt yà^ àuel *A»tmiiff9s
pdtnf. 'ArMd de xmi 'ArruÀv, iM
'At^idés iti ¥iMMUt>, 1^' •{ Mci K^d9déì

'lifu«fhim*'l09ó(t^ S«o9»v' nècttia-
fUtf ìi «flsi 'AdiÌM$ &XÙ rmp ignffòfutf
BtSt, Hence Marolles seems to bare
derived hisauthorityforplacing Ara-
cynthus in Boeotia near Attica;
" C'est une montagne de Beotie
" aupres de rAtfcique> qui a peut
*' estre emprunté son nom de cét
^' Actean si fameux, qui fut de-
" voré par ses chiens." Servìu^ in-
terprets it Uttorali, in which sense it
is uséd in the fiftti ^neid ; ahd adds
thàt i^ome take it to meati Atheni-
ensi, hot that Ardcynthuà fd iieàr
Athend, which indeed Wàs at first
called Acte, but to express a pastò-
ral simplicity, which is fi-equent
with Theocritus. The same. says
he, may be understood ctf Oaxes,
which is cnlled a ri ver of Crete,
whereas it is a mountain of Scy-
Vtiìk, Guellitis, tò whose opinion
La Cerda dèemà also to incline, in-
tferpretsit stofìv aiìd raclcy; affirhi-
mg that the Greeks called not ònly
the sea shore, but craggy móun-
tains also, iicrn ; " Piroper. B.

*' Prata cmentaxitur Zethi, vìctorque ca*
" nebat
** P»ana Amphìon rupe, Aracynthc,
•• tua t

" qui locus facit, ut ab interpre-
'' tum sententia dìsoedam, qui hunc
'* Virgilii locùm enaiTantes accipi-
" unt alii Aracjoithum Atticum ab
" Acte, alii Viri^ilium studio, ut
'^ exactius pastoritiam personam et
*' imperitlam referret, Aracyh-
"* thum, qui solus est in Acarnania»

tìt)COLIC. ECL. IL

45

O tàAtnM lifaeaf Inéeaiil fibr solida m»

OliSìik'ftittvràltoàti/OthlMt
a mlnd to livtf ^Nrlthittè fa tÌNl
despbedfanns

'' ki Attica eodtociisse: quamvid et
*' Slèphanos AracyHfhttm in Boe-
^' otia etìam constltuat: fdcit, in-
*' qiiam^ tit ipsis asdéritirl hac in
'^ parte non posisini^ qtiin malim
*' Aracynthfim actieuiti, ut Pro-
" per* saxosutn et petriéodum, ni-
** miruni ut rupeni et scopulum^ ut
'' Graeci mtctòf vdcaAt non solum
*' littoralem Oràtii et regionem>
*' futi •$ta^etBa)ìdir9'Mt Sed et réirò¥
" 9*r^é6ìn, ixù Tév *%^i tùùrh ayir'
** ^aty « M fiYfvo-^m rtb xvfuiT» :
" unde apud Hom. «-(«niv tMtnf
^' tB-éltui§ à^ix^i : et àx.xn ir^«-
*' Cxiif promontbrium, ^eu iscopu-
'MuB : et iUr«i inquit Ammon.
^' ftunt loca maria petHooàà, ut ^Im
'\ arenosa. Jacob. Tusaiius cutn Ser-
** vip itera Greece actaeum littótfa-
** lemaecipitt malotamen cutn I^o-
** pertio et littc^aletn^ et sàxosum
'' sìtnuletru^m interprétcffi^ Docet
** autem Eustathius, Ath^ìiénses
•^''làrWi *\À%ttt^i 'Atrt»òvf,xiti *A*^éùl'
^^ évi;, .ud* X^^Ht *AKTÌif iteti ^Aitrttieti

"fcteXS^^W La Cerda adds ttt
liiesé atithoriUed that o£ Oppian^
Whoiias sàiclj

Hence; he condudes^ that Mons Ac-
tesus i& the same with what GatuUus
expresses by pnrruptus;

At tum prcsruptoi tristem èonscettiiei*

nnd Ovid calls scopulus adesus, pen-
densque ;

Nunc tcopulm «aucis j^det adesus aquis.

' Tilis he thinks 1s fally confifmed by
the above quotati on frotn Proper-
tìus, who cxplains Virgii, by pnt-
tittg rupe where he has used actcEtis.
To this I wcraìd add, that Proper-
tius plainly mentjons Afacynmuè
in this place as a mountain not far
from Inebes: perhaps it was the

same wìtb Githtefon, of whidi he
had spoken a few linee befòre* Rtt-<
seus is of opinion, that Aracj^thus
is a Theban mountain extending to
the sea, and agrees with Servìus in
interpreting actceò, tittoralL The
Bari of Lauderdale has translated
it,

My notes are sweet, aé were Aibphioii's
lays,

When he near Thébe* téiìded his flock to
graze.

Dryden s translation is^

Ami^iion vang not gweeter to Mft hefidU
When suminon'd stoAst the Th^n tur*
rets reaJr'd : ,

And Dr. Trapp's,

I sinff, as that Dircsean sh^herd sung,
Afil|3iion, if he ever fed hid flodks
Oh high SiBótiàn AfacynthOft* to^

Catrou trandates a^tao Jracwnikó
the mountains of Boaotii^ '^ Novt*
'* vel Amphion, je chante les
** mèmes aìrs que ce s^avant BeN
'^ g&, lorsqu'il cofoduiloìi ees tmu-
" peaux sur les mowHagms de Bé*
'^ ode,*' In his note on this pas-
sage, he relies on the authMÌty of
i^tephaiitt«| fior pkcing Ameynliìus
in Boeotia, and agrees with Gael-
lius in the signìfication of ocUbus,
rendering it VAractfnthe etcarpé,
But after ali that has been said, I
belieVe we may venture to afBrmy
that «ut/rk is not used for any rocky
places, unless they border upon the
sea ; but frequentiy signifìes the sea
fià^oK. Thus we i«ead in the efgh-
teenth Iliad,

In the twelfth,

X*ì r* if' kxh *»kms Mj^wtu ìafttgn re

And in the fifteenth Odyssty;

46 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

^ce'SJrtSgsT'"****' *** Atque bumiles babitiure casas, et figere cervos,

Thus also our poet himself uses acta
for the shore in the fifth i^neid ;

At procul in sola secret» Tròades acta
Amissum Anchisen flebant.

Thus also Cicero, in his fifth Ora-
tion against Verres; '^ Ipse tamen,
'* cum vir esset Syracusìs^ uxorem
" ejus paruin poterat animo soluto
" ac libero tot in acta dies secum
'^ habere." We may therefore con-
clude, that by the epithet aciao is
meant, that me mountain Aracyn-..
thus extended to the sea; and
therefore that Aracynthus actaus is
to be ìnterpreted the rocky shore, or
clìffs of Aracynihm ; as we say the
cì^s qf Dover,

25. Nec 8um adeo informis.Ji It is
non instead of nec, in some copies.

*' Thìs is a modest expression of
*' his own beauty. Thus Cicero in
''his oration for Coelius; ut eum
^^'poeniteat non deformem esse natura,
''^ where he means very handsome.**

SSRYIUS.

The herdsman in Ilieocritus
boasts of his beauty ;

T« ^i/éa ìuù itt»r»t yXmu^mrt^vu

"Mj snowy forehead two black eye-brows

crost;
My'eyes as grey as Pallas self could

boast;
My mouth more sweet than curds.

Creech.

And Polyphemus also in the Bu-
coliastae,

I Kaù_ yA^ ^9 •v^. tStés ìx" »a»ivf.Zs fU Xf-

I yarrr
*R yk^ ir^«y Sf irivm UiCXgitét, nt ìi yw

1 Xam.
For T*m not ugly, for last night I stood
And view'd my figure in a quiet flood.
Creech.

It is plain, that Virgll imitates these
two lines of Theocritus, in the pas-
sage before us.

Nuper me in littore vidi.] Ser-
vius seems to think it imposable for
a man to see his image m the sea ;
and thinks the poet expressed him-
self negligently in imitation of The-
ocritus, who might more excusably
put such words in the mputh of a
Cyclops, either because he had an
eye of vast bigness, or because he
was the son of Neptune. But the
leamed and judicious La Cerda has
amply justined Virgil in ibis parti-
cular. " Some," says he, " teli us,
*' that the poet ascribed to the sea
" a faculty of reflecting an image,
" not so much fìrom th^ nature of
'* things, as in imitation of The-
*' ocritus: for they deny the possi -
** bility of an image being renected
'^ by tìie waves of the sea, which
^' has always something oily and
" fat swimming on its surface, any
'^ more than by douded looking-*
" glass, or water in which flesh has
'^been boiled. But experience is
, " against these arguments ; for the
^* sea, when calm, does really re-
" flect an image ; as these cavillers .
" may find, if liiey will but give
*' themselves the trouble to go to
*' the sea side." Then he confirms
it by several quotations from Aris-
totle, Plato, Artemidorus, Lucian,
Ovid, Statius,and others. who speak
of the sea as of a mirror.

27. Fallat.'l Some read Fallit,
and others Pallet ; but most of the
ancient manuscripts bave FuUat,
which is approvedalso by Heinsius,
Ruseus, and other good editors.

28. tantum libeat, &c.] In
ibis paragraph Corydon^ invites
Alexis to live with him in the
country, and partake of his rural la-
bours ; and promises him in recom- ^
pence to teach him to play on thè
shepherd's pipe like Pai^ himself.

Thus the Cyclops, in Theocritus ;

BUCOLIC. ECL. IL

47

Haedorumque gregem
bisco !

viridi compellere

hi-
30

tnd to dihre a flock of g^oàtt
wltli a green switch.

nt/uuvM ^ IBiXóig eh iftìf tt/Atty xtà ytCx*

But feed the flocks with me, or milk the
' sheep.

Or run the cheese, and'never mind the
deep. Cbeech.

Sordida ruraS] Servius observes,
that tibi in this verse is to be under-
stood as if.it was twice repeated;
Utinam Ubeat libi habitare mecum
rura Ubi sordida; and interprets it
tibi sordida, id est, qucs tu putas
sordida.

29» Figere cervos.'] Some un-
derstand these words to mean the
fixing of the forked poles, called
furcGS or cervia to support the cot-
tages. " Cervi/* says Varrò, "ha-
** bent figuram literse V, a simili-
*' tudine comuum cervi." They
were used also in war, to obstruct
the approach of an enemy. Thus
Csesar; *' Hoc intermisso spatio,
*^ duas fossas, quindecim pedes la^
^'tas, eadem altitudine perduxit:
'^ quarum interiorem campestribus,
'^ ac demissis locis, aqua ex flamine
" derivata, complevit Post eas
** aggerem, et valium duodecim
'* pedum exstruxit. Huic loricam,
*' pinnasque adjecitgrancftòus certis
^^ eminentibus ad commissuras plu-
" teorum atque aggerìs, qui ascen-
'' sam hostium tardarent.** They
are mentioned also by Livy ; " Ro-
" manus ad Clitas, quas vocant,
'' munimenta cervis etiam objeciis
** ut viam intercluderet, a Macé-
'^ donico ad Toronaicum mare per-
" dudt*' Thus also Catullus ;

Jam te non alius belli tenet aptius artes,
Qu« deceat tutam castris prasducere fos-

sam,
Qualiter adversus hosti defigere cervot,

These quotations shew sufficiently
the nature and use of the cervi : and

that from Catullus has ahnost the
very same words with those under
consideration. Nor does it seem
amiss, that Corydon, having just
mentioned the cottages or huts of
the shepherds, should immediàtely
add, the props which support them.
He is not inviting Alexis to partake
of pleasures, but to engagé with
him in rural labour, to content him-
self with living in a poor hut, fix-
ing poles, and driving goats ; as a
reward for which laboùr, he pro-
mises to teach him to excel in mu-
sic. This sense is not wholly to
be rejected. But the general opi-
nion is, that the poetmeanshunting
in this place, which is confirmed
by a similar passage in the first
Georgick;

Tum gruibus pedica3^ et retia ponere

cervis,
Auritosque sequi lepoxes : tum JIgere

damat
^tupea torquentem Balèarìs yerbeoL fìin-

where JIgere damas, without ques-
tion, means to merce the does; in
which sense o£ piercing or tvounding,
figo is frequently used. Thus in
the first iElneid 3

Pars in frusta secant, verìbusque tre-
jnentiA Jlgunt :

And in the fifith ;

Plaudentem nigra Jlgit sub nube colum-
bam:

And in the ninth 5

Figite me, si qua est pietas : in me om-
nia tela
Conjicite.

And in the tenth ;

Tum Numitor jaculo fhitrìs de corpore

rapto,
jEneam petiit : sed non etjigere contra
Est licitum :

48

jt, nmiìM HAnofiis

Pan hixfìmim \
pipe in the w(m

Wtt^ Mecuff m»^ m sylW imitebere Pmi» ^«endn;

^^m. Enne QHigW) velUt dii^i foi^i^ff»

saxuni^
intorto^^ j:do, discrimina cost^
Ver medium qua spina dediti hastamque

i9ceptat

Ani,

Pfadt, sti:i4entemque emlnus l^i^-

teiV
^cit: «t tUa yolaii0ic]ypeo48t«jwuaBa,

proqulque
J&g5Pgimp Antborew lati» ipter et iUa

Aq4 4b the ^eveirth:;

mi-M- Buten adyersum aaegàéefixii
Lpisìemi ga]^amg>ie4otci&

On the other hanà, ìt must be ac-
icnowledged^ that /go is sdso used
to y£r, or Jhsten. Thus it siginifies
;^^ng f)/an/j in the earth in the
fourm Georgick j

Ipsie labore manum duro Jlerat, ipse fe-

races
il'igathufno^or^.

fhi^ h is ^pS^My m^A m th^ ifirst
sense, which has been given to
Jlgere cervo^. There are npt WiWt-
ìng other passagea» where ì% ì^
used also for fixing, Jastemng, pr
siicki^g; aa HI the ihir4 4Snejdj

^re cavo clypeum^ vPftflE^i jgea?mpep

Abantis
i'est^us iadvei;8Ì8^^ ;

And in the sixth ;

Occupat ^neas aditum, eoipusque re-
centi

Spargit aqua^ ratnumque adverso ,in ÌU
mine ,figit :

And inthetenth;

Ili I i. Armaque JLau^

Donat habere humeris, et vertice rfigere
crìstas:

And^

Dixity telumque intprsit in hos^ ;

Inde aliud super at^uc aliud JigtiquCf

volatque
Ingenti gyro :

And in oie raeventh j

MiVltqsqie juiMiilHMMff hpqtittlHijB umis
Ipsos ferre duces, inimicaqiie|M!flM00^.

And in the twelfth ;

Forte sacer Fauni foliis oleaster aòiaris
l^ic steterat» p^^utis oUm yenerabi^ lig-

.t\um:
Servati ex undis vibìjigere dona solebont
Lfuwqi^^i 'Q^Of «t votai» suspeoieee vei- '

tes.

Hence it has been traijsferred to
some figurative expressions; as Pi-
gere oscula, Figere vesti^i(i, Figere
wìUms, and Figere dieta. The Earl'
of Lauderdale translates ihj^ passagé
according to the latter i^^e :

^ I qpicklx cQuld diverting jpastìme. fin^^
To shoot the staff, or faunt the swiher
Mnd.

Aod Dryden,

•Te vfounàiheftykig ieer.

And Dr. Trajiìp,

- And ihoot Hhejlying deer.

30. Viridi cfìmpeUerehibisco.'] Ser-
ybìB understands this ,to mean cbri^'-
ing the kidfi tg the jaaarsh-mallpwa ;
'*^ Ad JbibisQ^m compellere, scìlìcet
^' « laote depulgpB. jHibiscus autem
'' gen\is es^ herb»^^ eit sic dixit ki-^
''bisce, ad hibisc^m, ut it clamar
*' c(eIo, id «5t, ad caeluQi/* In
.Ifhis he is foUowed by Marolles, who
jias :thus ^ndated .the p^asage cun-
iter ecxisideratipu ; '' O .ȣ tu |We-
^' npis plai^ir de .dememser aux
*' «hampSj qui te semblent sì vi-
'•' ìains ? et »i ttu voulais faabiter nos
^' pe^ites ohjaumicsrea, pour a.bhatre
'^ les cer^ à U chasse^tou pour con-
*' traindre les cheureuìls de recourir
^' à la verte guimauveJ' Thus also
it is understood by the Earl of Lau-
derdale ;

The goatish berd drive to the mfdlQw
buds.

A ■'. > ^

£cl.ll^Ji.

VffSi^mr f^jo^t. '

lyinUd lìf IT £it.€tfr. Ox/^ri-l^ /òr ^ tn-^.-i Tf^ ^ ff'hiàkkef JliK^Um

BUCOLla ECI^ IL 49

Pan primas cftlmnos oera coQjani^èTd pluw* !Ste^^,Ì^S****

Rttseos also agrees wìtfa Servius^
beÌDg induoed by the authorìty ài
Scaliger» who in a note on a passage
of Varrò affirms, that the ancient
shei^erds used to purge their cattle
widì marsh-mallow* Dryden seetns
to understand ìt in the same senae ;

^— and from theif cotes
With me to drive a-field the bipwsing
goatf.

But La Cerdathinks viridi hibisco is
the ablativo case, being the instru-
ment with wfaich the kìds are to be
driven. In this he is followed by
Dr. Trapp;

To drive the kids a-field

ÌFttfi a green wanéL •

This learned gentleman has so well
vindicated the latter interpretation,
that I shall take leave to insert his
whole note: *' That is, say some
^' commentators, compellere ad vi-
" rident hibiscam. Drive them to
*' ìt, that they may feed upon it
" To justify tìiis, àey allege that
" of VirgQ in the -^neis, It eia*
" mor calo for ad calum, to which
^^ they might bave added that above,
" in this very £clogue> Montibus
''Jactabat. But those expressions
" may be softened. In the former,
" Gelo quasi in calo; which is
'' nittch the same with per calum :
^'and that again, With regard to
^' the different paris of the air, or
'' sky, supposes ad. In the latter,
*'jactabQt includes dixit, whidi
" really govems a dative case. But
*' this we are now upon is utterly
^' unnatural, and ungrammatical.
*' I am therefore clearly of (^nion
" with those who take hibiscus (and
'' that it may be so taken De La
** Cerda shews) for a large plant or
^* lìitU tree, out of which wands
'' may be made. And-then ali is

'* plain ; compellere, drive tlhem 1
'* with a wand of hibiscus, It is '
** oìàìy a metonifmia materie, con»
*' tinually used not only in poetry,
'' but in commcm discourse* Be-
*' sides, Virgil no where mentions
" this hibitcm, whatever it be, as
" food for cattle : that baskets are
" made of it, he informs us in the
** last Eclogue; the only place» ex-
*' cept thisy in which he mentions
" it Or if it does bere mean such
'* food, I should take it thus, com-'
*' pellere, i. e. congregare, for so
^' the word is sometimes used^ en^
'* tice them, or draw them together
*' with it, not drive them to it.
'* This would be good sense and
" good grammar."

The hibiscus or ibiscus is gaie-
rally allowed to be the same with
the althdBa, on the authority of
Dioscorides, who says^ '* The al-
*' thaa^ which some cali ibiscus, is
'^ a sort of wild mallow, with
" round leaves, like those of cy-
" clatnen, and wooUy. The flower
'' is like a rose, the stalk two cubits
'^ high, and the root is white on the
'* inside. It is called althaa on
" account of its many virtues:"

Aftnuiy tfdtiw- 'SÌMfMtmM }i mhJUU cut
ri vaAmiA^ xtù vXifx/Ctrrét avrnf.

Palladius also has '* atthaa^ hoc
" est, ibiici folia et nidices/* But
it ìs not eertaìn» either that hibiscus
is the same with althaa, or that the
aUhcBQ of the ancients is the very
game plant that we now cali marsh-
mallow. Pliny expressly says, the
ibiscus is a son of parsnìp^ being
more alender ; *' Hibiscum a paati-
" naca gradlitate distat, damnatium
'' in cibis» sed medicina^ utile:'*
H

50

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SS rfttTSii^rf^ Instituit: Pan curat ove», oviumque magistros.

«heep.

and agaìn, ** Pastinacse simile hi-
** biscum, quod molocben agrian
*' vocant.' • The same author gpeak s
of the althaa in another place^ and
makes it a sort of mallow, with a
large leaf, and a white root : '' In
'* magnis laudibus Malva est utra-
" que, et sativa et sylvestris. Duo
" genera earum^ amplitudine folii
" discernuntun Majorem Graecì
*' Malopem vocant in sativis. Alte-
'* rara ab emoUiendo ventre, dictam
'^ putant Malachan. E sylvestri-
" bus, cui grande folium et radices
'' albse, Althea vocatur, ab excel-
'* lentia effectus a ouibusdam Aris-
" talthea." Theophrastus is often
quoted, as speakìng of the kibis-
cus, whìch I believe must bave
been taken from the Latin trans-
lation, in which àx^aiet is rendered
xbiscus by Gaza, for I cannot
find it any where in the originai.
He says the allliaa has a leaf like
mallow, but larger, and more
wooUy, a yellow flower, and a fruit
like mallow: "Exp Ìì i ixBtu'et
^iXXùv ftìf ofMtùf T») fMiXd^vi trXÌif

lAttXuxòvq' eif^ói iì ft9Ì?ufoi, jut0^«f ^c
•Uf futxdxfi» But neither this de-
scrlption, nor that which was quoted
from Discorides, agrees with our
marsh-mallow/ For the leaves are
not round, as Dioscorides describes
it, nor is the flower yellow, as we
find in Theophrastus. Some indeed
pretend to read (ÀXetvùf instead of
ftiXtuf : but though fuXat and niger
are used for several red flowers,
yet I believe pale flowers, such as
those of the marsh-maUow, are
never so called. Others think the
abuHlon is the àx^atU; but the
flower of the abùtilon has not the
appearance of a rose, which it ought
to bave, accordine to Dioscorides,
nor has it the fruit of the mallow.

accordine to Theophrastus. There-
fore I wiU not affirm any thing posi-
tively conceming either the althaa
or the hibiscus; nor will I ventare
to diflèr from those leamed men,
who take them to be one plant, and
the same with our marsn-mallow.
But this I may dare say, that
i)califfer had no authority to affirm,
that the ancienthusbandmen purged
their cattle with marsh- mallo ws ;
of which I do not find the least hint
in any of the writers on agriculture.
Therefore I agree with &ose, who
think it means bere only a little
switch^ to drive the kids.

31. Mecum una, ^c] Burman
observes, that this line is wanting in
one copy ; and that in another it is
Meque una, which makes the sense
to be, You shail drive the jlock, and
at the same time imitale Pan in singing
me, or rather, you skaU imitate me in
singing Pan. But he thinks the
common reading is as good.

ImUabere Pana canendo.] " You
" shall play on the pipe with me,
'' after the example of a deity.
'* For Pan is the God of the coun-
^' try, formed after the similitude
" of nature. Hence he is called
*• Pan, that is, Universal: for he
" has homs in likeness of the rays
" of the sun, and of the homs of
'' the moon : bis face is red, in
*' imitation of the athet: he has
" on hìs breast a starry nebris, or
'* spotted skin, to represent the
" stars : bis lower part is rough, for
'< the irees, shrubs, and wild beasts :
'* he has goats* feet, to shew the
** solidity of the carth: he has a
'• pipe of seven reeds, because of
** the celestial harmony, in which
'' there are seven sounds, as we
** bave observed on ver. 646. of the
" sixth .^neid, Septem discrimina
" vocum: he has a crook, because

BUCOLIC ECL. II.

51

Nec te poeniteat calamo tri visse labellum.

Do not tUnk mudi to nib
your ttp with a reed.

" of the year, which retums into it-
" self: becausehe is the God of ali
" nature^ he ìs said to bave fought
*' with Cupid, and to have been
'* over come by him, because^ as
" we read in the teoth £clogué,
" Omnia vincit amor. Therefore,
^' according to fables, Pan ìs said to
" have been in love with the njrmph
* ' Syrinx^ who being pursued by hmi
*^ implored the aid of the earth^ and
'* was turned into a reed, which
'^ Pan, to sooth hLs passion^ formed
" into a pipe/* Servius.

Pan was esteemed by the an-
cients to be the God of the shep-
herds, and to preside over rural
affairs ; thus our poet,

— Pan curai oves, oviumque magistros :

And in the first Georgick^
Pan ovium custos.

He is said by Homer^ in one of bis
hymns, to be the son of Mercury ^
and to have goats' feet and two
homs:

Aiyéir^f h»i^ra, ^iX#»^r«».

He is also called the God of shep-
herds ;

He is said tomake fine melody with
reeds^ and to sing as sweet as a
nightingale;

"Ay^nt i|«m«f, ìnàxmt viti fiòWatv ÀB^ó^m
Ni^v/Mf^ «V» Av rif yt xn^^ifMt ir ^X(-

"O^nty n r ìm^tt itéXttttvéUt ìf ittrA)i9t^t

He is said to wear the spotted skin
of a l3mx ;

àvy»if tx^'

We find also, in the same poem,
that when Mercury fed sheep in

Arcadia, he fell in love with a
nymph, and married her ; that she
brought forth Pan, at whose coun-
tenance being affirighted she ran
away; but that Mercury was ex-
ceedingly delighted with him, and
wrapped hìm up in a hare's skin>
and carried him to the mansion ài
the Gods^ and shewed him to Ju-
piter and the rest, who admired
him very much^ especi ally Bacphus,
and called him Pan, bocause he
rejoiced ali their hearts.

'E^/Kir * ìvéa il éì iriftifes KyXXwuif Ì4^i9»
'E»y oyit xaì Btit Jt», ^»^»(ir^*X* A*«^*

ififllMf

'Afì^ì «TM^À Bvn'rSf* B^Xt yà^ iriBóf òy^is

'Ex a ìriki^n ya/Mv ^ttKt^if, r»»i Y ìf /m-

yéuunv
*EfifAU^ ^iXo¥ Viòvf &^et^ ri^«TiiV0» tiia^éeUf
AtytiTó^fiff ìixi^vray vroXvx^oroit^ ^ìvyiXMra,
^tuyt V itfotì^a^ kuittv V Si^et ^attta riéim*
^ùft yà^^ it i^iv «V*» mfMÌXi%t9t nvyintM,

Ai^»/Kiy0f X**V* ^' *^ vt^tM^ta detifMtit,

/^i^fiunt ìf ir»»tf97^n i^t^xtfóió Xaytum.
nig Xi Zn9Ì ndéi^t »mì iKXsts àéaftirtvif'
àitj^t ìt Mv^99 Itfy. irdfTts V àf» Bv/^9 Iri^-

^AéAfaròtf m^utXXa Y o hà»x^*( Atóvu^óf.
HSm ìi fuì xùtXitfXàf in ^^iva fr«rii>

Herodotus, in bis Euterpe, tells us,
that the people of Mendes in Egypt
esteemed Pan as one of the eignt
deities, whom they looked upon as
prior to the twelve : that they re-
presented him as having the face
and legs of a goat: that they also
worship ali goats, especially the
males; that both Pan and a goat
are called Mendes in the Egyptian
language ; and that some abomina-
ble rites were used in this goat^
worship. T«v nétta rif mctà» SmIv
h2

ss

P. VIRGILII MABONIS

SSftSf ^^Jja^»*" H«Bc eadood ut sciret, quid non fi»ciebal: Amyn

I have a pipe compoaed of

lexeaunfiOuuccaBdii

tas? 35

Est mihi disparìbus septem compacta cicutis

^mIv ^«W ytviff-^^i. y^ti^ùvvi Ti %f x«<
yXv^0va'i M ^«^/^«(^o« aueì «i ay«X^e«r«-
iroioj Ttfv TIeùfoi rSyeiX/iUy tutrcm^

nttìiUt* òirt ròtovTOf vófAt^ofm ùvee/ fttf,
àX\* ofC9tùì rota-i ctXXùia-t ^ula-i, ùxiv ^8
^ìuut r«iovT«y y^i^ùvvi »irof, ev fcót
ìfiiùf irrt XiyUK o^ùtrcu ìì zretrrcts tùv^
tuyoi^ «I tAu^n&M, k») fiuXXùf vcv^
jl^a^Mf r0t ^Xiétr «tfì Ttfvnvf ài «ix«A«i
rtfcàs fidateti txfivat' ht ^ rwrm uq

fóytt trttftì rS Mif^c'/im fùfiS riBirxt.
xtiXinf^ ^f 0, Tf T|ay0$ x^ n«f
AìyvTTtoTÌ, Mifìnf, eyé»fTo 9* » r« f«^
«i«yvf ìw* IféW T«vT« Td TÉ^fl0$' yvvflMxi
r^ayói Ifitoytrù ùvei^ttvìóf, tóvto k s^ri-
ì^t9 it^^tivóif àmKvr: In the sanie
book he tells us^ that the Greeks
thought Pan to be the son of Pe-
adcype by M^cury; n«vi ìi r^ he
ThsnXi'ìntìy he rttvmg yà^ xctì *E^ut
Xiytreu ytna-^eci vttù *EXXnftn o IT^ir.
This ìndeed is not greatly to the
honour of that lady, so famou9 for
her chastity: much less is that,
which has been related by some
writers of a later date, that he was
called n«F, because he waa the son
of Penelope by ali her wooers.
Bochart will have his name to be
derived from the Hebrew JD pan or
|1D pun, which signifies a great asto-
nisknient, because su eh terrors are
called panie. The same leamed
writer observes also that JID is by
some pronounced phun; whence
Faunus is another name for the
same deity.

S2. Pan primus calamos, ^c]
ITius he is mentioned by Bion, as
theinventor of the shepherd's pipe ;

\ 'Al i^ ^Xmyimthf¥ i Um,

The fable of Pan being in love with
the nyn>ph Syrinx, wbo fled from
hìm till she carne to a river that
stopped her flight> where she was
tumed into reeds, ts related in the
first book of Ovid*s Metamorplìoses.
This poet tells us, that Pan, grasp-
ing his arras full of reeds instead of
the nyraph, stood sighing by the
river side; where observing the
reeds, as they were moved by the
wind to make an agreeable sound^
he cut some of them> and joining
them together with wax, formed a
shepherd's pipe :

Panaque, cum prensaxn sibi jam Syringa

putaret,
Corpore prò Nymphae calamos tenuisse

{ràlustres.
Dumque ibi suspirat, iBotos in arundìne

ventos
£ffedsse sonum tenuera, similemque

quereliti :
Arte nova vocisque Deum dukedine cap-

tum.
Hoc mihi concilium tecum, dixisse, ma-

nebit.
Atque ita ^sparibus <:sl«ixiis eoiBpagìnc

cerae
Inter se junctis nemen tenuisse puellce.

35, Quid non faciebat Amyntas,']
Here again Catroa wiD have Amyn-
tas to be one of VirgiPs supposed
scholars, Cebes, and that he here
stirs up Alexander, or Alexis, to
emulate the ardoiir of Cebes ii> his
j^joetical studies,

S6, Est mihi disparibus, ^c]
HavÌRg represen^ed the excellence
of music, the shepherd now en-
deavours to allure Alexis, by setting
forth the great value of the p^
which he possessed, and by a pre-
sent of two beautiful kids.

Ihe shepherd*s pipe was com-
posed of seven reeds, unequal in
length, and of different tones.

BUCOLIC. ECL. II.

5S

Fistula, Damcetas dóno mihi quam dedit olim:
Et diziC» moriensi: Te nunc habet ista secun-

dum.
Dixic DamcBtas : invidit stultus AmyntaB.

whicfc I>aai€8tM Ibrnerty

Sve me when he dfed, say-
S>, You now are the seeond
poneMor of it. Damoeta»
«pAke: and ftxdteh AmyntaA
eavled.

joxned together with wax. Itie
figure of it ìs to be seen in several
moDuments of antiquity. Theocrì-
tus indeed mentions a pipe of nine

but seven was the ugual number.

Cicutis,'] Cicuta is commonly
thought to be hemlock. It is not
to be supposed, that they ever made
their pipes of hemlock» which is
very offensive. It is probably used
for any hollow stalk in general. Ser-
vius says it raeans the space between
two joints of a reed; '* Cicuta au-
•* tem est spatium, quod est inter
'* cannarum nodos."

37- Dximcetas.'] Catrou is of
opinion^ that Virgil, under the
name of Damoetas, means the poet
Lucretius» who was the reformer of
the hexameter rerse. Thìs flute,
says he, is a legacy, which Virgil
had left him by Lucretius, who
died the very day that Virgil put on
his manly gown ; that is, about the
time when our author began his
most early poems. But Lucretius
was not a writer of Bucolicks ; and
it cannot be supposed, that Virgil,
ai the age of sixteen or seventeen
years, could be thought of conse-
quence enough to be a successor to
a poet of so established a reputation
as Lucretius.

39, Invidit stultus 4myntas.] Ser-
vius^ as he is quoted by Mas vici us,
says, that ooe Comifìcius, who pre-
tended to write against Virgil, is
meant bere: '' Amyntam Comi-
'^ ficium vult intelligere, quia co-
*' natus est cóntra Virgilium scri-
*' bere, vel, ideo stultus, quia in-

** vidit.*' But Burman observes,
that this note is not to be found in
any of the manuscrìpts or printed
editions of that comraentator.

" Virgil intends hereby," says
Catrou, " to make Alexiinder iin-
" derstand the progress that Cebes
*• had made in pòetry. He was
" come to such a height, as even
** to envy his master t£e first glory
" in versification. The works of
'* a poet are represented under the
" symbol of the instrument, to
** which he sings. Thus Cebes en-
** vies Virgil the flute which he had
" received from Lucretius ; that is,
** the glory of hexameter verse/*
Thus, accordine to this leamed
critic, Virgil , who had taken Cebep
to instruct, and had succeeded S9
well therein, as to make him a
good poet, calls him a fool for emu-
lating his master ; notwithstanding
that four or five lines before he had
proposed him to Alexander» as wor-
thy of his imìtation. Besides, it is
plain, that Damcetas bequeathed
his pipe to Corydon with his dying
breath, and that Amyntas enviel
him the legacy at that very time ;

Bt diait moriens : te nunc habet ista se-

candam :
Dirit Damtetas : invidit stultus. Amyntas*

Therefore Cebes must bave been
present, when Lucretius bequeathed
nis poetical genius to Virgil, and
bave envied him for it. Now is it
possible for any one to suppose, that
Virgil, at the age of seventeen, cquld
be thought seeond to Lucretius, or
that he had then instructed a yoatìb
so well in poetry, that he àufuìd
think of being his rivai ?

54

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BeildetIhaTetwokkto.which
I foond in a daogtroiu vallea ;
their skiiu are spotted with
white: they dradn the two
dugt of a theep every day.

ThestyUa has already begged
that she may bave them } and
she shall, nnce you deipise

mygiftt.

Prseterea duo nec tuta mihi valle reperti 40
Capreoliy sparsis etiam nunc pellìbus albo,
Bina die siccant ovis ubera : quos tibi servo,
Jampridem a me illos abducere Thestylis orat:
Et faciet : quoniam sordent tibi munera nostra.

40. Praterea duo, ^c] Thus
the Cyclops, in the ihìrteenth hook
of Ovid*s Metamorphoses j

Inveni geminos, qui tecum ludere possint,
Inter se simìles, vix. ut dignoscere possis,
Villosee catulos in summis montibus urss.
Inveni : et dixi, domine servabimus istos.

A rugged bear*8 rough twins I found

upon
The mountain late, scarce from each

other known,
Por thee to play with : finding these I

said
My mistress you shall serve. Sandtb.

Nec iuta .... valle."] He aug-
ments the value of these kids, by
telling Alexis, in what a dangerous
place he had found them. It was
VI a valley, probably between two
rocks, of difficult and dangerous
access ; or perhaps exposed to wild
beasts or robbers.

Reperti^ La Cerda understands
this word to express, that these kids
had been lost, and found again.
Dr. Trapp is eamest for this ìnter-
pretation, because he says they must
nave been stolen by Corydon, if
they had not been his own before ;
and therefore ought to be restored to
the right owner. But we may sup-
pose Uiem to bave been wild kids ;
and it is plain that they were taken
from tbe dam, because they are put
to a sheep to nurse.

41. Sparsis eiiam nunc pellìbus al-
bo,'] *' Kids at first hilve white
" spots, which alter, and lose their
*' beauty afterwards. Therefore he
'* says, I reserve two kids for you,
^^ which bave not yet lost the white
" spots out of their skin/' Servius.

Pierius found in a very ancient
manuscript sparsis etiam nunc pelli-
bus; Ambo bina die, S^, Catrou
prefers this reading, and has ad-
mitted it into the text. Burman
rejects it, because it is not coun-
tenanced by the best manuscripts ;
and he thinks ambo superfluous,
since we bave had duo already.

42. Die.] " Virgil is wont to
** use die for quotidie or uno die,
" Ecl. ili. 34. Ma. xi. 397. thus also
" Quintilian. x. de Inst. Orat. 3.
'^ Firgilium paucissimos die compo-
" suisse ' versus auctor est Varus."
Burman.

43. Jampridem a me illos, ^c]
This is taken from the third Idyl-
lium of Theocritus ;

'H fitÀ9 Tòt Xtu»kv ìtìvfuiri»f tiHytt ^yXà^^m,
la» fu tutìà Mi^^M*f«f *E^téeuùt & /MXa»i-

Airu. xeù ìtt&Si m, Wù rv fut Mtaéfvirrif,

I have a pretty goat, a lovely white,
She bears two kids, yet fills three pails

at night.
This tawny Bess hath beggM, and beggM

in vain;
But now 'tis her's, since you my gifts

disdain. Creech.

Thestylis.] It is plain from this
passage, that Thestylis is not the
mother of Corydon, as Catrou
imagines.

Abducere orat,] *' Orat

" ut abducat; thus in the tenth
'^ Mneid, Donat habere for Donat
" ut habeat." Servius.

44. Sordent tibi munera, nostra.]
Thus Horace ;

Cunctane prs campo et Tiberino flumine
tordent9

BUCOLIC. ECL. IL

55

Huc ades, O formose puer. Tibi lilia plienis 45
Ecce ferunt Nymph» calathìs

Nais

. ComfihithertOlovelvboy.
See the nymphs are satneitog

tìbi candida 7r:\*&kNL24'^"'^''''

45. Huc ades, ^c] The shep-
herd beìng in doubt, whether these
pres^itS' of the pipe and kids. are
sufficient to engagé Alexia, renews
his invitation by offering him a pre-
sentof flowers, to be gathered by
the hand of a fair nymph^ to which
he adds some fruits, whlch he pro-
poses to gather hlmself, and inter-
mix with leaves of the finest odour.

Hucr ades.'] " I bave observed
'* this, form of words to be used*
^^ both by the Greeks and Latìns,
" in appellations full of love. Thus
" Sappho to Venus, «xx« t? ^ sx^i
^' sed huc tu ades ; and agaiin^ sX^t
" fui xaà yt/v« nunc mihi ades. The-
'^ ocritus^ in his fifth Idyllium, in-
'* culcates it twice, «aa«ì yà^ t^f
*' Zy %m, sed enìm ades, huc ades.
" Virgil, in this place, Huc ades,
*' O formose puer; and again^ Huc
^' ades, insani feriant sine littora
'* venti; and in the ninth Eclogue,
" Huc ades, O Galatea." La Cerda.

Lilia.] See ,the note on ver. 130.
of the fourth Georgick.

46. Calathis.] Servius observes^
that calathus is a Greek word^ for
which the Romans used quasillum ;
thus Cicero, At vero inter quasìUa
appendebaiur aurum. La Cerda
says^ that the calathus seems to bave
been a basket used by the ancients
for flowers, as may appear fìrom
several passages besides this now
before us. Thus Ovid ;

■ Sporsosque sine ordine flores
Secemunt calatkis :

Ahà Sidonìus ;

Cytisos, crocos, amellos,
Casias, ligustra, calthas
Calatali ferant capaces :

And Prudenti US ;

Floribus ut cumulet ealathis :

And Jerom, '* Rosarum et liliorum
" calathus." He observes also, that
it served not only for flowers, but
for ali. other country things^ as
appears from the foUowing passages
ofOvid;
Afferai in calatìio rustica dona puer :

And Columella 3

Pomisque Damasci

Stipantur calathi:

And Nemesianus ;

— Decerpunt vitibus ulmas.
Et portant ealathis.

Hence he infers that the poet did
not transfer the word from work-
baskets^ as some iniagine, because
agriculture is the most ancient of
ali arts : whence it seems more pro-
bable^ that the word was transferred
fìrom agriculture to work-baskets.
This leamed crìtic proceeds to
give a new signification to calathus.
'' It means not only a basket^" says
he, '^ but ali flowers, whlch when
'^ they blow, expand into an orb.
" The Latin Dictìonaries ìndeed
" are entirely silent about it, but
'^ we bave a proof from Ausonìus
" and St Jerom. The former, in
" that epigram, which begìns with
" Ver eroi, et blando, &c. says
"thus;

** Nec mora^ rìdenti» calathi patefècit ho-
*• norem,
** Prodens inelusi semina densa croci :

'' the latter, in his epistle to Pam-
*' machius ; Quis parturienteìn ro^
*' sam, et papillatum corymhumy an-
'* tequam in calathum fundatur or-
" bis, et tota ruheniium foliorum
" panda tur ambiiio, immature de^
*' messum, aquis oculis marcessere
'^ videat ? 1 bis significdtion ìs
'* drawn from the smiìlitude of a

56 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

Mdthc^ rflSS^, ^°"' Pallentes violas et «amma papaverft carpenfi^

'^ basket in such flowers, when
*^blown, wbich is confirmed by
" Pliny, who.speaking of the lily,
" uses the foUowing wordsi Foliis
"foris striatis, ekab angustiis in la^
*^ titudinem paulatim se laaiantibus,
" effigie calathi." Hence he con-
cludes, that Virgll's meanìng per-
haps may be^ that the nymphs brìng
lilies, not in bud, but full blown,
and doiible, dilata in wbemy ei ef-
sformata in ceUathos jam plenos pra
foliorum multitudine, et exuberantia.
We might therefore, according tothls
criticismi render lilia plenis calatkis,
not lilies in full baskets, but lilies wìth
fall cups or bells. This sense would
be very good, if we had any reason
to believe that doublé lilies were
known or esteemed among the an-
cients. There is inileed a doublé
frhite lily, the litium albunif iw-
ùdorum, flore pieno H. R. Par. But,
as Mr. Miller observes, " there is
'* no beauty in it, for the flowers
'• seldom open, and have no scent,
*' so that it scarcely deserves a place
*' in a good garden." Therefore
nnless it couid be made appear, that
these doublé lilies are frequent in
Italy, that they commonly open
their flowers there, and afFord some
smeli, we ought to adhere to the
common interpretation. Virgil has
Qsed the word calathis only in three
other places. In the fifth Eclogue,
it evidently signifies a sort of cup
or drinking vessel ;

Vina novum fundam calathis Arvisia nec-
tar.

In the third Georgick it serves to
express a basket, through whlch
the whey is strained from the curd ;

— > Quod jam tenebrìa et sole cadente
Sub lucem exportans calathis adit oppida
pastor.

;See the note on ver. 402. In thè

seventh ^neid it is used for a
work «basket j

..— - Non illa colo, calMisve Minerve
Foemineas assueta manus.

It is probable, that these several
utensils were of the same shape^ nar-
rower at the bottom, and broader
at the top, which Pliny expresses
by ab angustiis in latitudinem paulla»
tini se laxantibus. The flowers of
this form are called by us belU
flofvers.

Tibi candida Nats.'] Tumebus
observes that a Naiad is mentioned
bere with great propriety ; because
those nympha were fond of boys,
and ran away.with Mylas. Colu-
mella has imitated this passage, in
some verses quoted already, in the
note on Alba ligustra cadunt,

47. Pallentes violas.2 That vio-
lets are usually called black by the
polets, and that our common vlolets
are of a very dark colour, is well
known. It is therefore to be con-
sidered, what the poet means in this
place by pale violets, 'ibis is cer-
tain, that the common violet is
often seen with white flowers ; and
Ray affirms, on bis own experience,
that both the purple and white vio-
lets come from the seeds of the same
plant. There is also a sort of vio-
let, with a pale yellow flowcr, in
shape resembling that species, which
we commonly cali pansy or heart's-
ease. It is the Viola bicolor arvensis,
C. B. • It is a common weed amongst
the com; and \ have formerly
thought it to be the same that Vir-
gil bere calls pallentes violas. But
on a more mature consideration of
what the ancient writers have de-
livered, I rather believe the plant
bere intended to be the stock gilli-
flower or wall flower, which ali
botanists with one consent allow
to be what the ancients called

Cl;^

JEd. JI. ver. 4'^.

Ma&ttms.Saig^.

JPrvOèd hy WSaxtér éMbrd, /àrff.oHdWM lf%ittaÀ*n J'OTtdt

BUCOLIC. ECL. II.

Naccisflum. et tìorem jongit bene fÀonth anethi. ^Mver of

Bì

the

leucoium, which is evidenti^ de-
rived from Mtm^ %*, a fvhUe vkdet,
Theophrastus says the leucomi^ is
ooeoc theearliest ùósw^vs, aj^earìng
even in the winter, if the weather
i& uiild; but if it is col(>, some-
thing later, in the sprìng: Taf»
2t àt^Sv v^Sirtf hcjftuftrtu ri Aftw^fty,

h$mx^'^ fv 3(«0. Phny, vho has
tnuìslated tihis very passage, r»i*
dcrs AuwMÀt ukda aibk; '^ Florum
'^ piima ver nuncìantium viola alba.
'* Tepidioribua vero locis etiam
'< hyeoie emicat." Some, observing
that these authors speak of the
leucm.um or viota alba, as appear-
ing first in the apring, will nave it
to be the 8naw*(irop> or lettcoium
buìbosum, as it is commonly called*
We mi^t as véli take it to be the
primula veris, or primrose» the very
nsme of whidh dedares it to be one
of the earliest flovers. But the snow->
drop cannot be the plant in ques-
tion; because Theophrastùa^ in an-
other place, reckons it among those
pianta, which bave a leafy stalk;

^iiAXm^, AtfTÌ$, AftfM«l«ir. Now the
snowidrop has no leaves upon
the Btalk ; and therefore cannot be
the leuoÀum of The ophrastua. Di-n
osGorides thcMight the leucpium too
well known to need any description.
This unhappy negligence is so com^
mon among the ancients^ that the
I^nts which they were best ac-
qiudnted with are irequenthr leaak
known by the moderna. He only
saya there isa diiference in the co-»
lour of the flowers, which are either
white, or yellow, or blue or purple }
Mvtuàw yfi^ip^in Irrii. "Brri ìi «^
TiM hf^*%^ **f' Tf }kùu* S yà^ Ai«*

trù^fv^»v¥ i^V«frflr«. It may be

thought strange, that à plant, which
derives ita n^ne from whitenesa^^
should be sald to bave yellow^blue,
or purple flowers : but it 19 the gene-
ral opinion of the modem opta-
nists, that it wa3 caHed white^ not
from the eolour of its ftower» but
fìrom the hoariness of it9 leaves.
Caspar Banhinus^ not to quote any
more of them^ says expressly^
*• Leuoium, id est, viola aìbch po-
*' tius foHorum quam flonim ra-
^'itìone." The colours mentioned
by Dioscorides are ali to be met with
in the ^tock gilliflower, except blue^^
whenee v xvetyùvv is sunposea by se-
vera! critica to bave shpped into the
text by some mistake. Marcellus
affirms that blue 15 omHted in a very
old Latin version of Dioscorides,
which he had seen. This su^piqion
is Gonfirmed also by Oribasiua and
Serapio, who do not iQention bluCff
though they copy ali the otber words
of Dioscorides ewctly. Hippocrates^
in his hook tn^ì yvuuxilv^ ^Irté^,
speaks of the black leucoium, Atv*
X9t9f fi^df Tév ftiXe^fùs 1» $ttti ìaìf rh
ttMf r^ÌTTòf Xi^'^''* which must
be understood'of that sort with pw-
ple flowers. That sort which bears
yellow flowers can be no other than
what we < ali the wail-Jlower, which
has a sweet smeli, and hlows eaxly in
the spring, and therefore agrees with
what Theophrastus has said of the
leucoium. It is indeed a stock gìlli"
Jhwer rvith yellow flovcen, though it
h»ppens to Jiave obtained a name pe-
c uiiar to itself. It may be a matter of
some diflìculty, to imagine how the
ancients carne to give almost the
same name to two sorts of plants, so
different as violéts arid stock gflH-
-flowers, Perhàps the first sort taken
notice of by them might be that
with the purple floWers, which
being sometbing. like a violet, and

58 P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

I£5ff!S2?SSth3b? Tum, casia atque aliis intexens suavibus herbi».

havìng hoary leaves^ mlght induce
them to cali it XiwuUf, or whiie vio-
leL Or perhaps the smeli alone^,
which is the xnost remarkable prò-
per^commonly observed in aviolet^
might be the occasion of their be-
stowing on it a simUar name. The
gìving the same general name to
sverai species of plants, which
bave a similar structure of flower
and fruita is an exactness known
only to the modem botanists> an^
hardly thought of till the latter end
of the slxteenth century. ^ence
it has been very usuai to cali plants
of a like structure by different
names^ and tfaose of different struc-
ture by the same name. Nuoiber-
less instances of this mìghtbe men-
tioned^ as lily of the volley, which
hardiy bears any other resemblance
of a lily than its whìteness; and
ground ivy, which seems to resemble
Ivy in nothing else but its creeping.
But we need go no farther than the
plant under consideration. The
word gilli/ìotver has been applied to
plants most widely different from
each other; the stock-gilliflower,
which comprehends the wall nower;
and the dove-gilli/lower, which
comprehends the several sorts of
camations and pinks. How these
so different plants carne to bave die
same name bestowed on them/ is
not easy to imagine^ unless it was
fiN>m the finenessof their smeli. The
dove-gllliflower has the smeli of
that sort of spice^ which is called
dove^ and in Latin caryophyUum,
From caryophyllum the French
derive their girofle, which means the
same spice. Henee they cali the
flower, which has that smell^ gtro-
jUer, which we bave corrupted to
giUifiower. Chaucer» in his 9BUl*

manmt of tj^e Uose, wrìtes h

CErglobet transposing the l and the
X of girojflier ;

®ftm toag efee toexsng manp
ag ^otoe e&Blofre, aitìr ««uor-

And our old Tumer has gelover
and geUifioure. Here we may ob-
serve the error of those, who not
knowing the derivation of the word
gilliflower, bave affected to cali
these plants jiily-ftowers. The
species of leucoiutn naving also a
fine smeli, obtained thereby the
name of gilliflowers also. For the
same reason, the French cali these
last not only girofiier, but vìolier
also, agreeable to the idea of the
ancients. Thus mùch I thought
necessary to say, in justification oT
my translating pallentes violas wall-
flowers. But I must stili beg leave
to add a word or two conceming
the epithet pallentes. We bave
seen already, that the Romans
called stock-gilliflowers vioUe oUmb.
It is therefore plain that they com-
prehended both them and common
violets under the general name of
viola, It is probable also, that when
they intended to express any one
particular sort, they added some
epithet to distinguish it. Thus
our poet, intending bere to express
the yellow stock-^liflower, which
we vulgarly distinguish under the
name of wall-flower, added the
epithet pallentes, or yellow. Pale-
ness is that appearance of the
human countenance, which hap-
pens when the blood ceases ta
aiììtnAte it. Thus diseases are called
pale in the sìxth .£neid, because
they oocasion this paleness of the
face;
PaOeiUetfue habitant MorU,

BUCOLIC. ECL. IL

M0IIÌ9. luteola pingit yaccinia caltha.

50

ihe lets off the Mft bFadkith
with yeUow murigfdds.

In the third ^neid a face is said to
be pale with hunger ;

■ Pallida semper
(yTSifame,

The paleness of death is frequently
mentìoned ; as in the sixth ^Eneid ;

At vero ut vuttum vidit morientU, et ora.
Ora modis Anchisiades pdUentia mirìs :

And in the fourth,
— *- PaUida morte futura.

In these nprthern parts ofthe world
this paleness is indeed a sort of a
faint^ dead whiteness: but in the
warmer countries^ wbere the people
are generally of a more swarthy
cpmplexion^ tlieir paleness is rather
yellow. Henee the Greeks and
Romans^ hy paleness do not mean
whiteness but yellowness, Virgil
himsèlf gives the epithet pale to the
olive, which is of a yellowish green ;

Lenta salix quantum pàUenti cedit alivoB,

The Greeks cali paleness 5%^^, and
a colour used in paìnting 4^;^«>
which is known to be yellow, and
by US called yellow ochre. Theo-
critus calls the paleness in the cheeks
of dead Àdonis <»x^»;

Horace, in the tenth ode of the
third hook, speaks of the vio^^pa^-
nes$ of a lover, which must be meant
of the viola alba^ leucoium, or
wall'Jlower':

' O, quamvis ncque te munera nec preces,
Nec tinctu» viola paBor amantium
Nec vir Piena pdlice saucius
Curvat. '

In^theniqete^nth epistle of the first
book, _ wher<e he ia Jnveighing
against servile imitators,.hesays, if

he should happeh to grow pale,
they would drink cummin to make
themselves like him j

..-p- Quod si
PaUerem casu, biberent esangue cumi-
num.

This ailudes to a custom, which
8om^ coxcombs had of drinking
cummin to make themselves look
pale, in imitati on of studious per-
sons; as Pliny tells us; ". Verun-
" tamen omne pallorem bibentibus
^' gignit. Ita certe ferunt Portii
*^ Latronis clan inter magistros di-
^' cendi adsectatores similitudinem
*' coloris studiis contractì imitatos."
Dioscorides, speakìng of the same
effect of cummin, cmls the colour
occasioned by it «xJ?^**- T^eim
^è KM ;^gAfr« iirì ri i^V'^Hy w<y«^fv«v
TJ Kctì rvyx^Mfitfàf. Qvid,. in the
fourth hook of bis Metamorphosis,
compares paleness to box, which is
known to be a yellow wood j

■ Oraque Imxo
PaUidiorà gerens :

And agaìn in the eleventh ;

— Buxoque simillimus ora
Pallor obit.

fiut, what is more fìlli to our pur^
pose, the same poetascribespa/cnex^
to gold, which is certa) nly what we
should cali yellow. It is in the story
of Midas, who tumed every thing
he touched to gold. He took* up a
stone, says the poet, and the stone
grew pale with gold ;

TolUt humo Baxum : saxum quoque pal-
imi auro :

And when that king ballied himself
in the.river Pactolus, tfafi fìelds be-
came pale with goldj

Nunc quoque jam veteris percepto selline

vens
Arva rìgent,'£i»ro maà^spaUentìa g^ebis :

l2

co P. VIRGILU MABONIS

bàSrSKSLSS?!^ Ifse ego cfliiJi tejgtm wwQfra famigiinie «Mah,

Summa papavera!^ Servius sa¥s
the poet mentions po^pies^ ùsiuo-
dils, and dill^beoause papaver, nar~
cissuSt and aneiìms^ ìvere the names
of tìiree "beautiful boys, who were
tumed into those flowers. The
sloorj of NsrcissBs Ì8 known> but I
do w»t remember to bave read of
the other two. Floppies hav^e been
spokeo of .'at large in the note on
▼er. 78. of the firrt; Georgick. The
«irtlielieinteDdei 18 tiie oonunonted
poppy, wiìich grows wild mnong
4be oom. it ds'mentioned heve, as
wéSL «a b^ TbeodrìtiE&> ^&3ma» it
\rM ìinciendy osed in «ame little
aamorouB foolerìes. Th» Cydops^
in lUieocrituSy telis <];datea he will
.fanng ber «itWer white lilies, or ten^
4tr floppies mdi red p/oAcigó»w^

The GfM^ SciboHast %dl(8 us, tbey
bad a custom of takìng a leaf of a
poppy or anemony, [be means the
petal or flower-leafj] and layin^ it
on the thttaìb and fbre*finger of one
band» and ^lappù^ it with tbe other.
If it gave a crack, it was aéign theìr
sweetbearts loved thera -, but if it
fa¥)èd, tbqy lamented theìr disap-
^xnntment. In the third Idyliìum,
the goatherd tells AmarylKs, that
be lately tried whetbet sbe loved
Itìtti; but the tdephilon gave no
'»%£^é'/nfU6 or crack 5

yn/ut.
Wbich Creecb thas U^ansktes»

càU ihj« I kQcw» idM i .dmigiiVl ito

prove,
Whether I should be bappy in my love :
3 INMsttM tiie ùfi^Utef tait In t«te did

It fsve no tucky «OBiid of gc»d «aicceis ;

taking njAg^iAw to be the tiuZ—f,
which is a sort of sedum or house-
leek. Thescholiastmentiotisvarious
opinions concerning this t«A«^<Aw,
8Dcne taking rt to niean tbe poqjpy,
oifaers sooofe other iiecb. He nys,
they used to put it on tlieir arms^
andgive it a blow: if n onlyaiade
tiie skin red, it was a sign of love j
but if it made the skin sore, it was
a sign of hatred. Csesalpinue ob-
servesj that the ornithopodium por-
ttilacce folio, which he calls ìele-
phium, was uscd in lùs time for the
same pùrpóse in Italy, and was
tberefore called the herb of love,
'" Telephìum vulgo, a nostrls herba
«* amoris vocatur, herbula praecipue

" in vìneis nascens Hujus fo*

" lium cum saliva applicatum cu-
«' tim rubificat, aliquando^ et pus-
^' tulas excitat : unde nunc usus
^^ puellarls in amore ex plorando : sì
*' enim cutem mbefacit tantam,
*' amoris putatur indici um: si pus*
'' tiilas excitat, odii. Hunc usum
'* antiqui poetse telephio tradìde-
«' runt, ut apud Theooritum, ob
*' id Philthronauoqueappellataest."
What the Scholiastand Caeaalplnus
have here related concerning the
telephilon or tetephium h tìOt the
same with what TheocrltusDiisiS said
of il: for the ^goatherd did Aot
look for its efifect on bis skin, but
attended to the sound. It appears
bowever, that not only the poppy»
bulirtherBowers orleaves ateo were
used for thts stiperstìtioi» purpose.
But the f^v^^à w)MTtt^n» idf tb^
poppy meationed by Theocrilus
shew lb»t the rea po^Py ^^ pwrti-
cularly in use; whence we may
conclude, tKat it was the sort bere
imieDded by ViigA, wbo, like th«
iìreek poet, has mentio»ed it eiong
wiUt 4tÌM«.

BUCOtlC. ECl^ IL

61

bat.

'Md Oitiitiiut>t 1001 it iny
Anuoyffiitiie&to lov^

48. NamMnm.] Set tht note on
ver. ìM. mf the fosrtli GeoT^ìck.

Flotian . k ^ . bene itkirtii Andku]
IfteoeritmnMtitiotiiflthisplBiitalong
<wilh ro»ei3'Mid'wiimflow«rs^ lo make
ti Mrìand lo wear 6iì ìhft «afe arri-
vai «f the ^ydoved Ageaaax :

*tlMM fróvr* yimr», luù tthtXoaf ^f*»f

JSe tfaakb^ y€ tpoves^ 4xnd òiow^ye gentk

gales.
S^ kt him land: ìhen MU my head

he crowCdf
IFUft dW, or wM^IOft^nSfOr lOtìk ro$et

hound,
9PMbi 4nfiitt himh tht chtetfiA wine

^i09tT4fimd,

In ÙìéXv^tuévnm mentìon ìs made
of a Bari of «rbovur covered irhfa
ditt;

XXttfKÌ ìk ^uUS^ts, ftmXoMf ^iétuft ìai0fy

It is mentioQed sXèo by Columella»
wbo seems io have wrìtten ia vbbà-
tation of VirgU,

Jit iMUft^odorati iUves SfMurguntiir Aneti.

And again^ .

' Cereaie fiapayer Anelo
Jungite.

Il « oDMfnotily sowfi 'wìth'os in far-
4»u%, afid 98 veiyltkeleniel; ì)ut
dMbPS ffom ìt in being mutuai^
Mnalkr, isat so green^ and ^aving
bniader> aoid lei^ aeedd, of a iess
agnaable flavoar. The Hower is
ytdlow, ìik« tbat of fenneJl, but
MÉaller^ U does wk grow wild In
&ng^d.
49. Ohm.] Seedie notes on ver.

21S. of the secofid Geovgick^ and
<iti ver. SO. 4»f the toarOh»

/fil«je«i*.] These Howers aftid
4«erbs wore to bc worven wilo a gar-
iatid. It was a cnsfeom amongst the
ancKnts, to present sncti garlatids
to those whom they loved. Thus
Milton represents Adam Mreavìng a
garland ItMr Ève ;

— ^ Adam the while
WHìting derirocB her Tetum, had wove
Of clieioe&it flowers a gtotaia to adoni ;
Her Ireisefl^ md her anutal laboon cmwd,
As xQBpers oft .are wont tbeir har¥e8t
queen.

Suaft&miheTÌm.] La Cerda thmks
tbis may be meant of the «weetness
of the oolour of these floivers, be-
cause mom isused in that sense^ as
wuaoe rubeni hffadnthut. Bot in this
plaee^ it is certainly iised to «xpress
the odour; for we bave presendy
«^erwarde,

Blc poaots quoniam suave* miscetì»

M. VBeoiuuL]' yoùtinvim ìs ibe
same wUh the iémmèn of ibe <sriieek
poets:; for which reasoa I bette
tranalale U kffuckdk. See tbe note
ofi ver% 18. of this Edogue.

CaUkaJ] It ts heurdly possible to
determiae certainly wiiat plant ttie
poets meant bjr thetrio«d^/itf. We
fifid^ by tbe ttpìlhet htéeoia in tbis
place, tbat it had a ydbiw fio wer ;
«vdiich Is confirnsed also by Oohi-
meUa» wèo gives k the cpithet

SwoL TOBa ì&nendat eontoiti iltamifia
juaet

Therefoie ?t may very^ell be our
cànman wtmgM, according to tbe
general opimon. Ia Cerda wf^ it

62

P. VIReiLII MARONIS

tiS"fi^S!^ià"u' hS Addam cerea prima;
°^^" poma;

hon(M erit Jj^oic quoque

Ì8 the luphihalmus of Dloscorides^
and thence takes occasion io correct
a passage ia Plìny. The wprds are
tliese 5 " Bupbtbalmus similis boum
" oculis^ folio Foeniculi^ circa op-
*^ pida nascens, fruticosa caulibus^
" qui et manduntur decocti^ qui-
''datn cachlam vocant." Here^
says he^ Dalechampìus inserta cai-
cham in the margin ; but instead of
them both I substitute caltham. It
may not be amiss to consider, how
well grounded the crìtìcism of thìs
learned author may be. We find
in Dioscorides almost the very same
words with those just quoted from
Pliny. He says^ buphthalmus, which
.some cali cachlas, has thin and
soft stalksj léaves like fennel^ and
a yellow flower^ larger than ihat
of anihemis, ahaped like an eye^
vrhence it had its name. It grows
about towns, and in open places:

i^éttXfuuiti' ù6tf Ktù ótifttccveu* <pvtrtu
ÌÌÌ9 vtèiùiq, xaì wt^ì vàf vixuf. He
uses almost the same words in bis
descrìption of the chrysanthemum,
which he says ìs also called chalcas.
It is a tender herb and bushy,
having smooth stalks and jagged
leaves; tbeflowers are of a shining
yellow colour^ and round like an
eye^ whence it is so called. It
grows pear tbwns, and the stalks
are eaten as pot-herbs : X^ffdfétftóf
n XttXxtis' r^v^t^drt^ trltù ò^fiftuèfn

vàXvr^t^' afin fiiXtftù' Ir^v^Sif 9t/a-
ioérrfic' xaì i^ÈmXfùf xmtMrtf^" ià xc6Ì
óVTùtf MfuurTùU' ipvrreu vt^ì rag voAii^*.
cijMvXàì y eùVTùv Xtt^nvùfroi, Thus
.we fìnd^ that the buphthalmus is by
some called cachlas, and the chri^-

santhemum is alsp called chalcas,
Whether mdx!XMf and x^XiU^ are
both the salila word di{P<?neatly spelta
or not^ has been a subject of dis«
pute : but they seem aufficiently dif-
ferent ; and therefore since Diosco-
rides agrees with Pliny in saying the
buphthalmus is called cacA/d^, there
seems to be no occasion for La Cer»
da*s correction. Besides^ it is plain^
that neither the buphthalmus nor
the chry^anthemum is our marigold^
the leaves of which are neither
jagged> like chrysanthemum, nor
resembling fennel, as is said of the
buphthalmus, Any radiated discous
flower may be said to resemble an
eye ; and Columella seems to hint
at that siipilìtude^ when Jie says^

Pingit et in varìos terrestrìa inderà flares^
Candida Leucoia, et flav^ntia kivUna cal-
thee.

Thus we cali our great dawf, which
is a radiated discous flower^ the ox-
eye daisu,

51. Cana legam tenera lanugine
mala,"] The fruits bere mentioned
are almost universally affirmed to be
quinces^ which witbout doubt bave
a hoary down^ and thereforè so far
agree with the poet*s description.
The only objection I bave to this
interpretation is^ that the quince is
of so austere a taste, that the sfaep-
herd could not think of offering' it
to a young palate. Nor do I fìnd«
that it is at ali better in those warmer
climates > or that the Greeks or Ro-
mans used to eat it raw : and it
cannot be supposed th^t Corydon
spake of dresaing it. We are told
indeed by Plutarch^ that it .was an
insti tution of Solon, that the bride
sbouid eat a quince^ before she went
to bed: but whether this was for

BUCJOLIC. ECL. n.

Et vos, O lauri, carpam, et te, prozinia myrte^ S^JSà SJ^

■' 1^— ^Ml | I— M^<— — ■— I^IIM^^ M . —IIIIII M I «IMI I I MI H ll ■

69

O baf f, win 1 ga-
tlMn n«9tiv o myr-

some secret reason ; or that a mar-
ried woman should be accustomed
from the begìnning to some sort of
austerity^ I will not take upon me
to determiDe. Had it been proved^
that it ivas the custom to entertain
the ladies wìth raw quinces before
marriage» it woald bave been more
to our present purpose. It seems
more probable, that it was some
other more delicious fruit. Pliiiy
speaks of a sort of downy apples^
ivhich he calls mala lanata : but we
are much at a luss to know what he
meant; and the critics generally
think the text to be very corrupt in
that passage. I should imagine^
that the appleshere meant might be
peacbes or apricocks, if Pliny had
not informed as^ that they were not
kDOwn in Italy till thirty years before
bis tirne^ and that they were sold at
a great pricej '^ Sed Persicorum
'' palma Duracinis. Nationum ha-
'' bent cognomen Gallica et Asi-
'* atica. Post autumnum matures-
'^ cunt> estate preecocìa intra tri-
" ginta annos reperta^ et primo
" denariis singula venundata. Su-
" pematia e Sabinis veniunt^ pò-
*' pularia ùndique. Pomum inno-
^' cuum expeti tur aegris. Preti-
" umquè jam singulis centeni num-
'^ mi fuere^ nullius majore: quod
'^ miremur^ quia non aliud fuga-
" cius. Longissima namque de-
" cerpto bidui mora est> cogitque
" se venundari." It , may be
questioned^ however^ whether Pliny
meant apricocks in this passage, by
the word pnecùcia; which perhaps
raight be ased only as an epkhet to
Pertica; and then it will signify an
early sort of peach. This is certain^
that he mentions Armeniaca in the
very next chapter, as a sort of
plum i " Ingens postea turba Pru-
" norum.-i'**— Necnon ab extema

'^ gente Armeniaca, qus sola et
'' odore commendantur." Perhaps
àlso in this passage he might mean
a sort of plum, which was called
the Armenian plum ; and then there
will bave been no mention ut ali of
apricocks in. this author. However^
he certainly makes a distinction be-
tween the Armeniaca and Prcecoces,
whatsoever they were, as in the fol-
lo wing passage, '' Flore t prima om-
^' nium Amygdala, mense Janu-
^^ ano : Martio vero pomum ma-
'' turat. Ab ea proxime florent
" Armeniaca, dein tuberes et prae-
'^.coces. Illse peregrina; hae co«
" actse :*' Palladins seems to speak
of them as the same; " Armenia
'^ vel praecoqua prunis, Duracina
** Amygdalisadhaerescunt." Diosco-
rìdes distinguishes between peacbes
and apricocks, or Persica and ^r- ,
meniaca, and says the latter are
smaller than the former ; T«^ % IIm-
rtxtL fiSiXa ivtrrlfitùjQ». . . . T«^ 3i
fiix^ùwti, iutXùVfiwti 'A^/Mftaxd, 'Pa-
futtffri ci U^euxÀxut fV9T«^;^d^rf(« rafy
tr^m^t^etì Mv. We fìnd by this
quotation that apricocks were so
well known in Italy in bis time, as
to bave obtained a Latin name.
The 9^mxiìtut is only prcecocia in
Greek characters: and the more
modem Greeks bave corrupted it, to
fit^utóxxut, from which our English
name apricock seems to be derived.
It is not improbable also, that this
fruit, when it was first brought into
England, might be called a pracox,
according to the Latin, whence our
illiterate people imagining the last
syllablé cox to be cbcks, concluded
the word to be the plural number,
and therefore that a was not the ar-
ticle, but part of the word; and so'
pronounced it aprecocks, and thence
formed the singular aprecock, and
apricockt as it is now written. Some-

M P. VIRGILII MARONIS

ffi^nM^Sm^"**^^ ^^ pofike ggmiaoi sxia.v« nÌKotìft odore».. SS

thiryg Kke ìbis we find in the name
oftbeffowercalled ftnemony, which
in Greek ìs inftmn, and m Latin
anemone, This we cndeavdured ta
nmkean English word byremoving'
the accent to iheantepennliimay and
calling- it anemone, whence many
taking the two first lettere of the
word to be the article an, haye
called it an emony, and rn the plu-
ral ntimber emonies, which coirup-
tion has got admtttanceintoMveral
books of gardening. From what
has been said^ it appears^ that the
apples in questton may possiblj be
the mala pracocia or apricocks;
though I do net positively assert it.
52. Castaneasque nucesJ] Some
understand thepoet to speak of two
sorta of fruit bere 5 both nùts and
chestnnt?. La Cerda quotes Ovid,
as making them differcnt in a pas-
sage evidentlj- written in imitation
of that before us ;

Àfferat aut uvas, aut quas AmaryUis
amabat
Et nane castanea?, none amat Dia
nuces.

But Heinsius reads^
At nunc castaneas non amat iUa nuces :

SO that, according to this learnec!
editor, Ovid makes them but one
fruit, like Virgil. That chestnuts
were called nuts, or castanéea nnces
by the Romans, we need onìy quote
the authority of Pliny; "Nuces
** vocamus et castaneas, quanquam
*' accommodatiores glandium ge-
" neri."

5S. Addam cerea pruna ;] Plums
may be called waxen,from tbeirco-
lour being yellow like new wax.
Thus Ovid ;

Ipoa tuis manibus sylvestrì nata sub

umbra
MolUa fhiga leges: ipsa autumnalia

corna . . .

PMmaqmey non Mlim nigv» livtntki

mesa
Verum «tiam generosa, novatqve Imtn

tantia ceras.

1 leave oot et between pruna and
honos, on the authority of Pieriua,
who obsenres it to be wanting m
the Roman, Lombard, and Medi-^
cean manusGripts, and to hate been
inserted by another band and with
a different ink in the rest. Ho^i^
ever, most of the editors admit ei
in this pkice. Ir is rejected by
Masvicius, CatroD, Cunninghaio,
and Barman.

Honos erit huic quoque pomo.} It
is the general opinion of. the com-
nientators, that this refers to the
plums just mentioned. The sense
therefore is, that as AmarylKs was
fom^ of chestnuts, so Alex» de»
lights in plums ^ and on that ao»
count plums shall be esteeroed a
noble frutt. There is a thovght
like this in the seventh Eclogue,
where it is said, that though Her-
cules loves the poplar, Bacehas the
vine> Venus the myrtle, and Apollo
the bay ; yet since FhylKs admires
the hazel, the hazel shall be pre-
ferred to them ali :

Populus Alcidse gratissima : vitis laocho ; .
Formosse myrtus Veneri: sua laurea

Phoìbo:
Phyllis amat corylos : ittas dom Phyllis

amabit,
Nec myrtu9 vincet coryloe, nec laurea

FhoebL

Pomum is certaioly used to express
any sort of fruit almost that is eaten.
Lord Lauderdale takes the pomm
bere, not to refer to the plums
already mentioned, but to mean
apples distinctly 5

Plnms too and apples do deserve our
praise.

54. Lauri MtyWe.} See

BUCOLia ECL. IL

es

Rustkus es, Corydon: nec munera curat Alexie: J[^S?^ ^SS^thriS
Nec si muneribus certes, concédat lolas. ^'^S^!^ì^^^SZ

Eibeu, quid voluì misero mihi ? floribus Austrum wr^tchti£^i\^i wiiatiwre

laakif

the notes on ver. 306. of the first
Georgick.

56. Rusticus es, Corydon, SscJ]
This Eclogue concTudes with a
beautiful mixture of various pas-
sioD. Corydon, having just ezpa-
tiated on the plenty of gifts which
he was preparing for Alexis^ on a
fiiudden seems to fall into despair.
He reflects on the meanness of bis
own condition^ and on the little
value of his presenta, in comparisoix
with^ what the more wealthy loias
had in his power to give. He no
sooner mentions the name of hia
rivai, than he bursts into an exda-
mation at his own imprudence for
so doing. Then being afresh agi-
tated by love^ he expresses nis
astoniishment to see Alexìs despise
the country, which had been the
seat of gods; endeavours to per-
suade him to prefer a rural life be-
fore any otber* He then expresses
the violence of his desìre, and on a
sudden recollects himself, reflects
on the negligence in his ownaffairs»
which this unruly pasaion had
caused, and encourages himself lo
give over hia folly and mind his.
businesa.

És,"] Pierius says it is est in the
Roman manuscripti and ccriet in
the next verse> iiistead of certes.

57. lolai,'] Nanniua» as he is
quoted by La Cerda, will have lo-
las to be put for Augustus. Catrou
tells US it la Msecenas. '* Alex*
" ander," aaya he, " belonged to
'' Msecenas, and Msecenas ìs bere
" meant under the name of lolas.
" Viigil foreaaw the difiiculty he
'' should bave in obtaining this
'' slave, Perhaps thè only method

*' he took of asking for him was
'* by this beautiful Eclogue.'*

58, Eheu.] Musonius^ and after
him Burman, contends, ^hat the first
syllable of eheu is short; to con-
firm which, they produce the fol--
lowing verse of Terence ;

Quaeso, quid de te tantum meruisU?
eheu.

Hence they infer^ that we ought^
inatead of eheu to read keu, heu,
like the Greek «u, m. Pierius
seems to have found this reading
only in the Roman manuscript.
The quantity of the first syllable of
eheu, in the verse quoted from Te-
rence^ 18 diaputabìe. But Virgil
has used it again, at the beginning
of a verse^ in the third Eclogue;

Eheu quam pingui macer est mihi taurus
in arvo.

Tibullus also has
Perreus est eheu quisquis in urbe nianet.

Achilles Statius indeed says it ia heu,
heu, in the Vatican manuscript.

Ciuid volui misero mihi 7] Ruaeus
mentions three diflferent interpre-
tations of this paaaage; 1. That of
Ludovicus Vivea: 1 am pouring
forth.my veraea to deaf cara; just
as if I had cxpoaed my flowers to
be tprn by the winds, and let in
the dirty swine to trample in my
clear springs. 3. That of Nannius ;
1 have ruined myflouriahing àfiairs
by this passlon. He contìrms tbls
opinion by the two proverbs of the
fiowers and the swine^ and by these
ezpresaiona which foUow soon after;
Qum te dementia apU ? Semputata
tìbi, S(c. 3. That of Abranausj
What have I said unawares'/' I

66

P.VIRGILII MAROKIS

I haFe IboHriily expotcd my
ilowers to a touthern blast,
and tee in the boan to my
clear sprin^. Alas! whom
do you fly thua madly? even
the eods bave inhabited the
woods, and Dardanian Paris
abo. Let Pallas dwell in the
towera, which she henelf has
erected. The fìerce lionem
punuei-the wolf; the wolf
the kid ; and the wanton kid
the flowering cytimu: thee
X^orydon punues, O Alexis:
eeery one'is drawn on by bis
deardelight. Seehowthebul-
locks bring back the ploughs,
hung npon the yoke.

Perditus, et liquidis immisi fontibusaprois.
Qucm fugis, ali demens l habitarunt dii quoque

sylvas, 60

Dardaniusqùe Paris. Pallas, quas condidit arces,
Ipsa coiat: nobls placeant ante omnia sylvae.
Torva leaeqa 1 upum sequit ur, lupus ipse capellam :
Florentem cytisum sequitur lasciva capella :
Te Qorydon, O Alexi : trahit sua quemque vo-

luptas. 65

Aspìce ; aratra jugo refervint suspensa juvenci,

have mentioned lolas and his more
powerful gifts. Shoul^ Alexis bear
this, he will c^rtainly prefer my
moredangerous rivai, which will be
as destructive to me, as if I had ex-
posed my flowers to the southern
blasts^ and my clear springs to the
swine. La Cerda is of the same
opinion \¥Ìth Abramus, and ob-
serveSj that Corydon compares A^
lexis to flowers and clear springs^
and lolas to a stormy wind and a
wild boer. But Dr. Trapp, on the
contrary> makes the flowers and
springs to be the former peace of
Corydon*s tnind, and the winds and
bear to be his passion for Alexis.
'' Among the several interpreta-
" tions," says he, *' of these allego-
'' rical and proverbiai expressions,
*' I choose this : By my folly in
" indulging this mad passion I
*' have raised a tempest in my
" breast^ which before was quiet,
*^ confounded and ruined myàffairs,
'^ which before were well man«ged,
•' flourishing, and successful/*

60. Habitarunt dii quoque si/lvasJ]
Thus Ovidj

Cynthius Admeti raccas pavisse Pharasas
Fertur, et in parva delituisse casa.

Quod Phoebum decult, quem non decet?
exue fastus,
Curam mansuri quisquis amoris habes.

61. Dardaniusqùe Paris.'] Paris;
the son of Priam king of Troy, is

said to bave fed sheep on die moun-
tain Ida.

Pallas.'} Pallas is said to have
been the inventor of building.

63. Torva lecena lupum, ^c]
Thus Theocritus ;

'A «7| r«y ttvrtfov, i Xi»9s rkf tSytt \ti»u^
*A yi^avót rUfor^éf, iyi Y Irì rìy fAtfutm-
futi.

The goats their thyme, tljiewolves the

goats pursue,
The crane the plougb^ and I am mad

for you. Ceeech.

64i» Ci/tisum.'2 See the note on
ver. 431. of the second Georgìck. ..

66. Aratra jugo referunt suspensa
juvenci.'} At the beginning of this
Edogue, the poet had marked the
time of noon by the feeding of the
cattle under the shade, the lizards
hiding themselves under thebushes,
•the reapers sitting down to their re-
past, and the cicada chirping in the
thicketsj ali which cìrcumstances,
having an immediate relation to the
country, are mentioned with great
'propriety. In like manner he how
describes the dose of the day by the
oxen bringiDg back the plough, and
by tlie increase of the shadows.
,, These words aratra jugo suspensa
allude to the manner of bringing
the plough home, when the labour
of the day is over. It is then drawn
backward; and as the share does
noi then enter the ground^ tiie

BUCOLIC. ECL. II.

67

and the settinfctun doublet
the increaaine uiadows: yet

Et sol crescentes decedens duplicàUimbras : ^ ,„^,^^ ^^,. ^„
Me tamen urit amor, quis enim modus adsit ™«,;!SS^bStói,/"

amori ? ^^ Corydon, Corydon, into

amori r whatmadneMartthoufiaienl

Ah Corydon, Corydon, quse te dementia cepit ! S'SicISfydS.'^'^'*'
Semiputata tibl frondosa vltis in ulmo est 70

^ labour of drawing it ìs inconsìder-
i able ; and so ìt may be sald to be
Jonly just hung upon the yoke.
( Hoface also has alluded to thìs
1 custom of drawing the plough back-
? wards, and mentions it among the
■ pleasure^ of the cotfntry i

i Has Inter eptilas, ut juvat pastas oves
\ Videre properantes domum !

Videre fessos vomerem inversum boves
I Collo trahentes languido.

67. ^0/ crescentes decedens dupli-
cat umbras."] This descrìption of
the evening by the lengtn of the
shadows is very suitable to pastoral
poetry. The first Edogue ends
with thè same image ;

Majoresque cadunt altis de montibus
umbrae.

Pierius found discedens in some an-
cient manuscripts ; but he thinks
decedens to be the genuine read-
ing.

68. Me iamen urit amor,'] This
is a strong expression of the vehe-
mence of Corydon's love. He has
just observed. that it is now the
cool time of the evening, notwitfa-
standingywhich^ he is stili scorched
by his furious passion. He seems to
teli US, that the fire within hitn is
so great, that he should not bave
imagined the cool evening to ap-
proach, if he had not seen the oxen
retuming from their work, and ob-
served the shadows to increase.

69. ^h. Cori/don, Corydon, ^c]
The shepherd begins at last to per-
ceive the foUy of his passion ; and
to'lamenthis error in havingneg-
lected his necessary afTairs. This

verse is plainly taken from one in
the Cyclops of Theocritus ;

*tt Kv»X*t^pf Kv»Xm^, irf ras f^iws*»'!

70. Semiputata Ubi frondosa vitis
in ulmo est.] Servius nas justly ob-
served^ that bere is a doublé instance
of neglect, the vines are half
pruned^ and the elms are suffered
to make long shoots. Some of the
commentators bave thought this
accusation of neglect cannot relate
to the present time^ because these
complaints of Corydon are uttered
in the summer, which is not the
season for prunìng vines. But
there is really a summer as well as
an autumnal pruning : and if this
summer prumng is neglected^ the
vines may well be saia tolbe but
halfpruned. This summer prunii^
is mentioned by Columella ; " Pam-
'' pinandi autem modus is erit, ut
" opacis locis^ humidisque et frigi-
" dis cesiate vitis nudetjir, foliaque
" palmitibus detrahantur^ ut matu- .
*' ritatem fructus capere possiti et
" ne situ putrescat" The pruning
also of the elni or other tree to
which the vine clings is spokcn of
by the same aiithor^ who says it
must be done every other year, to'
keep the vine from being over-
shaded. '^ Arboris autem perpetua
*^ cultura est, non solum ante dlli-
'^ genter eaiidem disponere^ sed
" etiam truncum circumfodere, et
" quicquid frondis enatum fuerit,
'^ altemis annis aut ^rro amputare,
*' aut astringere, ne semula umbra
*' viti noceat,"
k2

68 P. VIRGILII MARÒNIS SUCOLIC. ECL. IL

nStok ratiMror rtme heofe*-
aart basliven, and weare y oar
Oiler» wlth soft nuhet. Yon
wU find anotber Aiexia. if
t&is diadaina you.

Quiti tu filtqùid giiltem, potiu6 quoriim indigét

usfis,
Viminibus mollique paras detenere junco?
Invénies alium, si te hic fastidit, Alexitn.

71 . Quin tu aUquld saltetìL} Te-
lepce has an expressìon, in the
Andiia^ hot mùch unlìke thìs ;

Ah ! , quanto satius est, te id operam

dare»
Qui istum amorem ex' animo omoveas
. tuo* quam id loqui
Quo xnagis libido^fhistra incendatur tua.

72. Detexere,"] Servins ìhter-
prets ìt MuUum iexere, finire, per-

Jkere ; for he says de in composi-
tìon signìfies augmenting,

73. Invénies alium, ^c] Thus
Theocritus;

I 'Eù^(i0us TmìJmMt lirmt tua nukXtw Ak-

Here Polyphemus comforts himself
with the hope of finding another
Galatea, even more beautiful than
her^ who has used him with so much
disdain. Corydon mentions only
die finding another/ Alexis^ without
saying whether more or less beauti-
fuL Lord Lauderdale interprets it^
that another Alexis will be more
kind;

What if Alexis should disdain thee stili,
T( he'is not kind, thou'lt ìneet with others
vcm.

Dryden understands the poet to
mean, that Corydon will find
another Alexis, more kind, though
less beautiful i

And find an eaaier love, though not so
fair.

jitexim.'] Some read Alexis,
mafcing the sense to be^ t^au will find
another, if this Alexis dèspises yùu.
But it is plain, that Servius rèad
Alexìn or Alexim in the accusative
case j for his interpretation is AUum
Alexin, alium puerumforinosissitnurh,
qui te minime spernat. Pierius found
Alexim in the Roman manuscript.
He says the letter after i is erased in
the Lombard knaiiuscrìpt ; and in
the Dblong one is appears to he
written with another band and iiik.

Serviossays^ some will bave Alexis
in this place to stand for Augustus;
and that we are to understand the
poet to mean, Yùu mlljind another
Emperor, if Augustus dèspises you
for askins for your land, But he
justly thinks the plain meaning is
the best«

Catrou interprets invénies alium,
you foill find another scholar; "Si
'* Alexis refuse de f avoir pour mai-
'* tre, tu trouveras ailleurs un autre
'^ disciple." But in the last of his
notes^ ne seems almdst readpr to give
up bis beloved allegorical mterpre- '
tation^ and begins to think there is
more passion in this Edogue, than is
usuala when we aspire only to bave
the edùcatioh of a young person;
and suspects that Virgit perhaps
gave too much into the depraved
taste of his àge. However^ he ìs
"«nllinff to hope» that he otìly in-
tended to shew what sentimenti a
tender frìèndship is icapable of in-
spiring.

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORÙM

ECLOGA TERTIA.

PAUEMON.

Menalcas, Damostas^ ÌPalìemon.
Men. mJIC mihi, Damoeta, cujum pecus? an ^^SSt ta^^ tbaef

1. Die mihif Damdeta, ^cj Thi^
Bdogue contains a dispute betwéen
two shépherdìÉ^ of that sort which
the critics cali Amoehea ftom 'A^i-
^H, mutuai or alleniate. In this
way of wrìting, the- persone are
represented to speak kltefftately^ the
latter always endeavoUi*itig to esi-
ceed or at leastéqtiàl what nas been
.said bv the ibnher; in whidi^ if he
fails, he loses the victory. Here
Menalcas and DamoMas reproach
each other, and then sìng for a
wager^ maklng Palaemon judge be-*
tween them. Menalcas be^ns the
conténtion^ by caslffìg some re#ec-
tions on his rivai Mgòn, and hi8
servant Damoetas.

Damata.'] Vives, aecòvditig to
custom^ wìU havB this £ck>gi]e also
to be allègorìcal; aild that Vitj^l
here méans himself again under me
fictitious name of Damoetas. He
t^ US, that the poet having ob-
tajiìed the favòur of Aùgttstiis^ Pel-
ilo, 'Msecenas, Gàlltts, and <^er
menof quality^ niras «nviéd'by se-

véràl leamed tnén, with òYie of
whòm he contends héré under the
name of Menalòaia. This ìival
therefore is supposed to begin by
asking Virgil by way of contefnpt^
^ho is the author of this pastoìTal?
Is it Meliboeus? meanihg sòme
scrìbbler, M&vius pérhaps^ or Ba-
vìus. Virgil answers^ it is M^otì,
that is^ some famous poet, Sudi às
Gallus or Cinna. Catfoti fhinks it
" would be hard to guess 'What au-
'* thors Virgil intetìded to conceal
" tindeif the names of Dafnoètas,
"Menalcas, and Palaemon. Somein-^
" tetp^eter8,"sayshe,"havethoughl
*' that Virgil here represented him*-
'' self, and that under the persoli
" of an adversàry, he had pointed
" out one of the poets ^ho envied
** him. But this is aéserted -w^àt^
" out any proof; and besldtes, itili
'' not tjMTòbable that Virgil would
^' have gìven himself «iià'% sorry
'^ characte^ às elth^ of theilie two
'' shepherds. The tébìroaches,
'* whidi théy give each odier alter-

70

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

I>Mi. No:to.
Utely intraited

to my

Mot. O sheq). alwayi aa
onbappy cattle ! whilst he
courtt NeKtm and b alraid
that ihe ihoold prefer me be-
forehim.

Dam. Nod^ ycnim ;£goms: nuper mihi tra-

didit Mgoxì.
Men. Infelix O semper oves pecus ! ipse

Neaeram
Dum fovet, ac, ne me sibi praeferat illa, veretur ;

" nately, are too aharp for VirgU
** to care to draw so mudi hatred
'' upon hìmself. I fancled at first,
'' that they niight be Cebes and
" Alexander^ Virgirs two scholars,
** and that the poet represented
'* hìmself under tne name of Pake-
** mon. But I found too little prò-
*' babilìty^ to ground a reasonable
'' conjecture. I am therefore per-
** suaded^ that Virgìl had no view
" in thìs Edogue of any person of
" note, or of any particular event
*' It ìs naturai for poets sometimes
f' to feì^ subjects to their liking,
'' sometunes to adopt sudi as chance
'* throws in their way. We may
" venture to say, that Virgil bere
** intended to imitate and exceed
*' Theocritus, without any other
'^aUusion. It is probable also,
''that the poet did not write this
'' Eclogue, till Pollio was advanced
'' to the highest bonours. It is
*' certain, that Virgil had already
" written sc»ne rural poems, when
'' he composed this. £veiy thing
" else is uncertain."

I am glad to find, that this leamed
commentator bas at last rejected
the allefforical interpretation, in
whidi I heartily concur with bim,
and think that the same arguments
might bave served bim with regard
to the two first Eclogues.

The poet plainly imitates the
NtffMif of Tbeocritus, which begins.
with almost the same words ;

B. EiVi /MI» S Ktf^f, tUh ml^v i h

^t>MfU ;
K. 0»«, AAJl' J^lytnH. fii^xif ìi (tM aìtrùt

- Ci^um pecus.'] An old critic, it

seems, rìdiculed tbese verses» think-
ing cujusy cuja^ cvjum, not to be
Latin ;

Die mihi, Damoeta, cijum pecus ? arme I
LaHnum 9 |

Non, venixn iEgonìa, nostri sic ture io» {
quiuntur,

This question is, easily answered,
by produdng the authority of Plau*
tus and Terence. We find in the
Curculio, €uja vox sonai procùl?
and in the Rudens, Cujanam vox-
mihi prope hic sonat f and Cuja ad
aures vox mihi advolavit? in the
Andria, Cujum puerum apposuisti?
die mihi; and in the Eunuchus,'
Quid, virgo cuja est.

2. Non, verum JEgonis.'\ This
answer of Damoetas seenos intended
to sting Menalcas, wbo had asked
bim tauntingly, wbose flock it was
that he fed. i^on's, says he, that
is, your wealthy and powerful ri-
vai, as appears by what follows.
For Menalcas replies with some
sbarpness, that iBgon had better
mind bis flock bimself^ than lose bis
time in foUowing Neaera, which
gives this bireling an opportunity
to defiraud bim.

8. Infelix semper oves pecus."]
Pierius found oves in the Roman
manuscript; but in the Lombard
copy it had been altered to ovis.,
Oves is approved by Heinsius^ and
several wtier good editors. La
Cerda reads ovis, and says ovis pecus
is put for oves, as làbor Herculis for
Hercules. Dr. Trapp thinks it is
iraproper and absurd ; and Burmanv
jusdy observes^ that infelix oves
pecus is like ignavum focus pecus in
the fourth Geprgick. .

BUCOLIC. ECL. III.

71

Hic atienus oves'^custos bis mulget in bora : 5
Et sùcctis pecori, et lac subducitur agnis.
Dam. Parcius ista viris tamen objicienda
memento.
-Novimus et qui te^-transversa tuentibus hircis,

thit fordgn keeper millct the
sbeep twice in an bour: and
the cattle are defhmded of
their nourishment, and the
bunbs of their milk.

Dam. Be more sparing»
however, in your reproaches
onmen. Weknowwhohad
to do urith you, whiist the he-
goats looked askanee;

7. Pardus ista virìs, ^c] Da-
moetas being stung with this insinu-
ation of bis defrauding bis master^
reproacbes Menalcas witb some se-
cret transaction of bis. Tbis draws
xm some smart repartees^ in wbicb
tbe manner of tbe common people
is well imltated. Neitber of tbem
justifies bimself ; but proceeds to ^
throw new reproacbes on bis ad-
versary.

Servìus makes a stop after parcius,
aDd interprets tbus; Do noi ma^e
any great reproach of this ; but knoro
that brave men are guitti^ qf rapine,
Dr. Trapp*s interpretation seems to
be mucb better; *' Tbink not
'*^ men («. e. sucb as bave tbe spirit
" and honour of their sex, wbatever
" others may do) will bear sucb
^' affronts as these." Catrou is of
opinion, tbat tbe meaning is no
more than tbis 5 " It is not fit for
''a young sbepherd, tbus to re-
'' proacb a full grown man." Dry-
dcn translates it,

Good words» young Catamite, at least to
men.

8. Novimus et qui te."] Here is a
verb suppressed, wbicb Servius says
is corruperint ; and indeed tbe wbole
scope of tbe sarcasm seems to require
some sucb word to be understood.
Vives understands tbese words to
mean, ** We bave seen your foolisb
** and' ridiculous poem, wbicb tbe
'^ people read witb indignation and
''contempt, tbougb tbe 'easy and
'^generous nobles only smiled."
An old Englisb translator, W. L.
follows Vives, in taking viderunt to
be understood ; . .

Yet, iU doth thee beseeme (take heede)

to jeere.
And taxe men thus : I know who once

taw you,
When ali the goats (ascance) did at ihee

leere :
And I could teli thee in what chappeU

too,
But the mild nymphes (thee scorning)

dìd repine.

Lord Lauderdale translates tbis pas-
sage thus -,

Be sparing how you charge with crimes

Unknown.
But stili remember those that are your

own.
We know what you eommitted too, and

where,
When the he-goats look'd on your wan-

ton fare ;
We know where you profan*d the sacred

place,
Thougfa the nymphs panlon*d with a

smìllng grace.

Dryden's translation is,

We know who did your htiinett, how»

and when.
' And in what chappel too you plaid *^

your prize ;
And what the goats observ*d with

leering eyes :
Tbe nymphs were kind, and laught,

and there your safety lies.

Dr. Trapp keeps dose to tbe órìgi-
nal> and suppresses tbe verb;

Léss liberally tho*, at least on men,
(Remember that) such scandal should'be

thrown :
We know by whom, and in what sacred

cave
You too were— while the he-goats look'd

askance :
But thank the easy lìyvaphBp they saw

and smil'd. .

Catrou renders it '^ Nous s^avòns
*' et le temps, et le lieti— i—" and

n

?, VIRJOILII MARftNIS

S^Jjy^n^i^^yiM Et quo, $ed feciles Nymph» rime, w:éìù.
wh^tb^'^^'^kMy- Men. Tuni) credo, cum me arbustum videre

con*s trees and voung vino « »

w^hfllnaUc^lu>al. Mycoiiis,

Atque mala vites incidere falce novellas.

adds this note ; <' It will be ob-
" served, without doubt^ that I
" bave suffered myself to be car-
*' ned along by the torrent of in-
" terpreters. They ali affimi, that
*^ Vìrpì understands something,
'^ wbich be is ashamed to express.
'^ However I do not see any ne-
^'cessity to thìnk, that the poet
" alludes bere to any abominable
" crimej whicb was committed in
" a tempie sacred to the nympbs.
'^ One may imagkie, that he means
" only the malice of Menalcas» in
" breaking the bow and arrows of
'^ Daphnis. His passion alFrighted
*' the very goats."

Trafuversa tuentibus hìrds.'] Vi-
ves thinks this an admirable expres-
sion of looking with contempt, wilb
a leering eye, such as, accprding to
Pliny^ a lion will not endure to look
at him. The general opinion of the
commentators is^ that thÌ6 action
of Menalcas was so sbameful, that
the very goats, the most libidinous
of ali animala, tumed t^eir h^ads
away^ that they might not behold it.

9. Faciies.Jl La Corda under-
stands facilés to mean tender or
compassionate; because an angiy
deity would bave destroyed Menal-
cas ùar so vScandalouB a profiination.
Burmanwill ha ve it to signify easy
or ffood-natured; as if diey were
ie%dy to bave granted afìivour them-
selves. Virgil does not seem ever to
bave used JacUis in this sense ; but
he has sometimes used it to signify
favaurable; as in the fourlb. Ueor-
gickj

— — Tu munera supplex
Tende peleas pacem» ^.fioUet venerare
NaiMBas:

And in the fourth .^neid ;

Expectet facUemque fujpam, ventofique
ferentes.

Sacello,'] The Sacella, like our
chapels^ were oommonly smaller
edifioes dedìcatcd to the deities. In
the country they often consecrated
oaves^ and called them SaceUa.
Such caves were sacred to the
Napiea, according to Nemesianus;

Quie coliti» sylvas, Dryades; quasque
antra Napaa.

Thus the faciles Nympha in this
place may perhaps be the same with
the faciles Napa<K in the fourth
Georgick ; where we find they were
propitìous to the prayer of Arìstseus ;
as in this place» they were ready to
pardon Menalcas.

10. Tum credo, Src] Menalcas
answers ironically^ that it was when
hemalicìously injuredMycon's vine-
yard; insinuatmg that Damoetas
was guilty of sucn a fact Servius
says it was a capital crime^ to cut
another man's trees.

Videre.'] Burman seems to be at
a loss to understand who these are^
that saw. He says Castelvetrìus
thinks videre r^èrs to those, whom
Damc^tas said he knew» Novimus
el qì$i tfi : he thinks it may refer to
the goats^ .or pediaps be a general
expression, tbeif sa¥>, that is> anjf
f^du. It seeipas much more prò-
bable^ that he refers to tbe nyjnpba>
who are the last mentioned persons,

1 1 . Mala . .falce*'] Servius under-
stands ma^. to ire&r to the inten-
tion of the person» who made use
of the pzMiùng-hook. Burman con-
tenda, that f»ala signifies bbint or
rusty; because by sucb.anìnstru-

BUCQLIC; ECL. III.

73

Pam. Atit hìc ad veterea fÌEigos, quum Dapb- b£S^tT^,^%X^
nidÌ8 arcum

the bow and arrom of Doyh-
nb:

meni the plants wouìd be greatly
injured. Servius also thinks, that,
the injury consìsU in cutting th»
^oung vines> becauseold ones are the
bettei' for pruning. Virgil indeed,
in the second Georffick, seemsto for-
biti the prtinìng or young vines ;

Ac dum prima novis adolescit frondibus

stafi, /

Pareendam teneris : et dum se laetus ad

auras
Palmes agtt, laxis per purum immissus

habenis,
Ipsa acies nondum falcis tentanda, sed

uncis .
CarpendflB manibas frondes^ interque le-

gendae.
Inde ubi jam validis «mplexac stirpibus

ulmos
Exierint, tum strìnge comas, tum bra-

chia tonde.
Ante reformidant ferrum : tum denique

dura
Exerce imperia, et ramos compesoe flu»

entes.

Columella understands the poets
memmg in this passage to be, that
the vines are not to be pruned the
first year, but are ti>be cut down to
the ground afbef the second ; which,
he says^ was an erroneous doctrìne
taught by Virgil, Saeerna, Stole,
and Cato ; *' lUam veterum opinì-
" onem .damnavit nsus, non esse
" ferro tangendos anniculos roaille*
*'olo8, quod aciem reformident:
" quod frustra Vìrgilfus, et Sasema,
*' Stolonesque et Catones timue-
•' runt, qui non solura in eo erra-
'' bant, quod primi anni capilla-
*' menta semìnum intacta patie-
^'bantur, sed et post biennium
^'cum vivi radix recidenda erat,
'* omnem superfidem amputabant
'' solo tenus juxta ipsnm articulum,
*' ut e dtfro puUuìaret** Whether
this (loctrine is erroneous or not, it
ts plain, that Virgil condemned ibe
pmnti^ of v'ines newly planted.

Therefore the opinion of Servius,
that the injury consìsted in pruning
young plaxUs, ì& ta some m eas ur e
confìrmed. Then we must so far
agree with Burman, that there can
hardly be any doubt, that the cut-
ting them with a bad knife is very
itijurious.

■^ Neu ferro Icpds retuso ^

Semina,

says our poet himself. Columella
also says, that the greatest care
must be taken, to haye very hard,
fine, and sharp tools; because a
blunt knife is a loss of time to a
pruner, and tears the vine and
spoils it : ^' Super caetera illud
'^ etiam censemus, ut duris, tenu-
" issimisque et acutissimis ferra-
" mentis totum istud opus exequa-
'^ niur : obtusa enim et hebes, et
'^ moUis falx putatorem moratur,
'^ coque minus operis effidt, et plus
'* laboris affert vmitori. Nam sivc
" curvatur acies, quod accidit
** molli, sive tardius penetrat, quo
'^ evenit in retuso et crasso ferra-
" mento, majore nisu est opus.
^' Tum etiam plagse a^perae, at-
•' que inaequales vites lacerant.
'• Ncque enim uno, sed seepius re-
'^ petito ictu res transigitur. Quo
" plerumqùe fit, ut quod prsedltli
*' debeat^perfrìngatur, et sic vitìs
'' laniata, scabrataque putrescat
" humpribus, nec plagae consanen-
*' tur." Thus the reproach on
Damcetas mnst be, either that he
was employed by Mycon to prune
his vines, and perforiti ed it with A
bad instrument, or that he pruned
such as were newly planted, which
be ought not to bave done ; or else
that he went by stealth into My-
con's vineyard, and hacked the vines
and elms, with an intent to destfoy

L

74

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

tlKNi,paveneMattlcaa, watt
rejud^ when thoa nwe«t
thon given to the lad, and
wouldest have died, if thoo
hadst not done them tome
mbchief.

Men. What wfli masten do,
when thieves ara io auda-

dOOBi

Fregiati et calamos : qus tu, perverse Mendica,
Et cùm vidisti puero donata dolebas ;
Et si non aliqua nocuisses, mortuus esses* 1 5
Men. Quid domini faciant, audent cum ta-
lia fures ?

them. This last^ I believe« ìs the
true sense. I do not remember to
have found incidere used any where
for prunin^. We find indeed in the
eighth Eclogue^

Mopse novas incide faces ;

which is cutting of branches fìrom
ptnes or firs : but this sort of cut-
ting is not with regard to any bene-
fit intended to die tree by taking off
superfluous branches, but means
the cutting them off for our own
use. In the tenth Eclogue it sig-
nifies cutting letters into the bark
of a tree;

— Tenerisque meoaincidere amores
Arborìbus.

In the third ^neid it is used to
express the cutting of a rope asun-
der;

No6 procul inde fugam trepidi celerare

reoepto
Supplice, sic meHto^ tacitique incidere

fìioem;

And in the fourth ;

Festinare fugam, tortosque incidere fìines
Ecce iterum stimulat.

Hence it is transferred, in the ninth
Eclogue, to signify cutUng off a
dispute;

I Novas incidere lites.

Ali these significations of incidere
seem to express an injury vith re-
nard to the thìng cut, wmch is very
different from pruning. The old
Roman laws were very severeagainst
such as injured their neighbours'
trees, according to Pliny; " Fuit
" et:^borum cura legibus priscis :
'* cautumque est duodecim tabulis.

" ut qui injuria ceddisset alìenaa,
^' lueret in singulas aeris xxv." This
we find confirmed in the thirty-
scventh Book of the Digests, where
Caius says, that those who cut down
trees, especìally vines, are to be
punished as thieves i " Sciendum est
'^ autem eos^ qui arbores, et maxi-
" me vites ceciderint, etiam tam-
'^ quam latrones puniri.** Thus we
see, that when Menalcas insinuatesi
that Damoetas was guilty of this
inìury to Mvcon's trees, he does in
effect cali him thief.

12. Aut hic ad veteres, ^c] Da-
moetas retorts, widi an insinaation,
that Menalcas had broken a bow and
arrows, belonging to Daphnìs, cut
of mere spite.

16. Quid domini faciant, éj^J]
Menalcas keeps up the same man-
ner of insulting with which he be-
gan. He set out at first with treat-
ing him as a mean slave, asking hìm
whose ragged sheep he tended ; and
now he says, what usage may I ex-
pect from the master, when bis slave
darcs to treat me with such inso-
lence ? He again accuses Damoetas
as a thief, charging him with having
stolen a gòat from Damon.

Faciant.] Some read/aci^at; but
Pierius found pacioni in the Roman
and other ancient manuscrìpts.

Fures,'] Servius says, /i*r is used
for servus, which he conti rms by the
authority of Plautus, who, speddng
of a slave, uses this expression,
" Homo es trium literarum,** by
which he means fur. But if we
consider the whole passage, as it
stand s in Plantus, we shall find it
does not come up to the purpose, for

BUCOLIC. ECL. III.

V5

Non ego te vidi Damonis, pessime, capnim
Excipere insidiis, multum latrante lycisca? >
Et cam clamarem : quo nunc se proripit ìlle?
Tityre,, coge pecus : tu post carecta latebas. 20
Dam. An mihi cantando victus non redderet
ille,
Quem mea carminibus meruisset fistula, caprum?

Old not I Me you, aiiTah,

•teal Damon** goàt, whilithii
mongrel made a Krad I

Ibark-

ine? and whiUt I caUed out.
wEere does he bidè liimaelf r
you skulked behind the
nuhes.

Dam. Ought not he, whea
I had ezceltod him in mualc,
to bare given up the goat,
which my pipe had won ?

which Servius quotes ìU The fourth
scene of the second act of the Aulu-
laria is a discourse between Strobi-
lus a slavC; and Gongilo and An-
thrax two cooks. Congrio re-
proaches Anthrax, as being unfit to
dress a wedding-dinner^ being ac«
customed only to prepai^ entertain-
ments at funerals; '' Coquus i1)e
** nondiali *8t^ in nonnm diem solet
" ire coctam/' Anthrax answers,
'* Tun* trium literarum homo me
" vituperas ? Fur !" To which Con-
grio replies, *' Etiam Fur trifurci-
'^fer!" Here it is plain, that the
cooks do not cali the slave^ but each
other, thief; nor does it in the least
^ppear^ that fur, is uscd in this
place, by Plautus, as synooymous
with servus.

17. Non ego te vidi, *c.] Here
he accuses him openly of theft; for
he declares^ that he himself saw him
steal Damon's goat.

Pessime.'] This term of reproach
18 used to a slave by Horace ;

Non dices hodie» quorsum hsc tam pu-
tida tehdUnt

Furcifer? Ad te, inquam. Quo pacto,
putirne ?

18. Lycisca,'] Servius tells us,
that the mongrel breed of dogs, ge-
nerated by a wolf on a bitch is called
Lycisca» Both Aristotle and Pliny
mention this breed 3 but I bave not
found the word Lycisca in any au-
thor^ except in this passage of Vir-
gil. Some take it to be the dofg's
aame. Thus Dr. Trapp ;

Did I not see you» varlet, by surpriae
Filch Damon's goat^ Lycitca barking
loud ?

20. Carecta.] See the note on
ver. 231. of the third Georgick.

Servius mentions a story^ which
some old allegorical interpreters
pretended that Virgil alluded to in
this passage. " Varus, a tragic
" poet, haS a very leamed wife»
** with whom Virgil had a criminal
*^ conversation } and made ber a
« present of a tragedy, which she
'^ gave to herhusband^ as if she had
''composed it herself. Varus re-
" cited it as bis own, which Virgil
'' here mentions allegorically, it
'' having been the ancien t custom to
" give a goat to those who excelled
" in tragedy." Thus Virgil is sup-
posed to shadow the stealing of bis
tragedy under the robbing Damqn
of bis goat. But Servius treats this
as an idle story, and thinks the most
óbvious meaning is the best. He
adds, thatallegories areto berejected
in pastoral writings, except» whcre
the mention of the loss of lands ne-
cessarily requires them.

21. An mihi eantando, &c.] Da-
moetas pustifies himself against the
accusation of Menalcas, by aifirm-
ing, that he had fairly won the goat
from Damon^ by a trial of skill on
the pipe. To this Menalcas an-
swers with great contempt, treating
him as a common piper about the
streeto> ànd unfit to engagé in sucb
acontention.

l2

76

P. VIRGILI! MAROMLS

To let yoQ know, tir. the
goat was my own : and Da-
mcn hfaneelf confesdcd ft to
me; but aaid it was not in hia
power to give ic.

J/«R. You conquer hlm in
playing i Wa« you cver ma-
ster of a pipe joined with
vraxf I« it not yourcufltom.
fm blockhead. In the public
roads to apoU a «orry tune
witn a screeking Straw ì

Dam. Are you willing there-
forb, that we should put it to
tlie triaJ,

Si nesok^ meus iUe caper tak : et mthi Dsmon
Ipse &tebatur, sed reàdetie posse negabat.
Mbn. Cantando tu illaisD ? aut unquam libi
fisCula eera • 25

Junota fuit ? noo tu m trivUs, indocte, solebas
Strìdenti miserum stipula disperdere Carmen ?
Dam. Vis ergo intor iios, quid possit uterqiiff
vicissim

25. Cantando tu illum?'] Some
8uch word as overcome is bere net es-
sarily understood to agree with tu.
It is omitted, no doi3)t, in imita-
tion of the contemptuous style of
tbe vulgar. pur common people
would say, You play ! You-

AulJ\ Jt is haud in the Medicean
manuscript^ accordìng to Pierius.
According to this reading^ it ought
to be interpreted, You conquer km
in play'mg ? ^ou never was master of
apipejomed wUh wax,

Fistula cera Juncifl.'] Pamcetas
affirmed, that he Jbad won ^ goat
from Damon, by excelling him in
playing on the pipe. Menalcas
questioni! bis being possessed of an
instrument deserving the name of a
pipe^ or fistula, which was com-.
posed of severa! reeds joined to-
gether^ according to the invention
of Pan, mentioned in the second
Eclogue. This passage is an imi-
tation of the fifth Idylliura of The-
ocritus ;

*E»rà^af ev^tyya; ri S* «v«ir< fin Ko^»-

Thy pipe ! what pipe hadst thou, thou

slavish lout, ,

Could'st thou and Corydon do ought'

but toot
On oaten alraws^ to please the foolish

|?OMt? CnZECH.

juncta,'] Pierfus found mncta
in the Rmnan and other manu-
scrìpts : but he justly prefcrsjuficto.

36. In triviis,! Trivia ar^e the
places where tfaree roads me^;
nrhich are consequently v^ pub»
lic. Thus Menalcas représents Da-
mcetas as a common piper in places
of public resort*

. 27. Stridenti miserum^ 8ipJ] Ijt
is hardly possible to express more
contempt, than is useid in these
twords. He wHl n,ot alloM^ bis ad*
yersary's instrument to de^rye the
tname of a pipe^ but cali? it a ftraw
'ir stubble, stipula; and lulds the
lithet stridenti, to shew that even
is Straw, instead of a mellow
und-, made a screaking noise^
e tune he plays upon this instru-
ment is called ndserumy a sorry one ;
and even this sorry tune he is said
tospoil, disperdere. '1 he very sound
of this verse is worthy of observa-
tion. Milton has imitated it in bis
Lycidas :

Their lean and floshy songs

Grate oq their scrannel pipes of wretched
str^w.

28. Vis ergo, Sfc.Ji Damoetas^
in order to put a stop to any fqrther
reprqaches^ challenges Menalcas to
sing with him for a wager^ and
ofièrs to stake a yoimg cow of pon-
siderable value.

Menalcas^ in the BòVKùXubrruì of |
Theocritus, proposes a wager almost j
in the same words; |

FìcissimJ] He proposes that sert '^.
of contentimi^ called Amabea, in l

8UC0LIC. ECL. ni.

77

Expcriamur ? ego hancTitalatn, neforte recufleu,
JBis veoit aà rouJctram, binos alit ubere fetus,
Depòno: tu die, meciim quo pignore certes. 31
Men. De grege Aoa .9uj5Ìm (qiiipquam depo-
nere iecum.
Est mihi nanique domi pater, est injusta noverca:
Bisque die numerant ambo pecu^ alter et hioedQs,
Ve^rum, i4 quod ntalto tute ipse fatebere majus.
Insanire libet quonìam tibi, pocula ponam 56
Fagina, cslatum divini opus Alcimedpntis ;

what eacb Af w cm do? I Ut
thfscow; ahdto let you knov
the vaine of her, «he cornei
twice.eY£ry day to tb» i^
and «uckles two calve* : say
what wager you are wUline

to IftV. ^

^én. 1 L'are not lay any
part of the dock for a wager
vA'.h yqu- F<V I taye a fyr
tticr at home, and a severe
atep-<BQther j w^o both còmit
the sheep twice every day,
and one of them the goata.
^^t. $ÌQce yoa have a mind
to be mad, 1 wiH lay what
you voi^adf ytiiì alloiw tfi be
znuch better, two beechen
cups, therarvedwork of tbe
divine Alcimcdop :

fwhich they sisg altecnatelf. See
*the note on ver. 1.

^. Vilulam.} ìt k plun, that
vUuIa canaot mean a cs^ in thia
jUaee ; hècause ahe ìs said to giye
milk^ and to have t^o yoang ones.
It is used no doubt for a young còw,
as virgo is for a young woman^
thougE ahe haa had chfldren.

32. De grege non au^m, ^c]
Menalcas answers, that he tioea not
dare to stake any pait of the fiotk,
because of the strietness of his faiher^
and Beverity of his st^mother ; but
offera a pair of &ie cups, whidi he
deacoìbes afier a beautiful manner.

This is an imitatjon of the Bdi;-
' x,$huurv«à of Theocrttus;

ÌOh BfiffS vritM tff.f9r \rù ;^aXifr0f • *arn^

1 cannot stake a lamb ; so shouid I lose,
Mj fether's jealous, and my mother

cross ;
Tbese watch, thcy know bow niany

lambs I keep ;
Both Qount my lambs at night, and one

my sheep, Creech.

Thk last line of the transktion is
added from Virgll; for Theocritus
says no more^ than that they count
aU the abeep at eveniog» The
korned reader will /òbserfie, with La
Gevda, bow, m«Ah the i«ai|»lioB ex-
ctl» the originai: ^' Thcoeritus eays

" barely> / rifili noi lay. Viigil addg
" an (Mtiament^ Idare not Uiy,
** Theocritns says, My father is dif-
'^ ficuJUt, whereas fadiers are laau-
** idly Yisry ihdolgent to thair chil.
*^ dmi. But Virgil mentiona only
'^ diere beìog a &ther at home,
** which Ì8 a suffifiient restraìnt to
<< a dutìful aoD. Theooritas men-
'* tions only a mother; bat Virgil
" a step-mother, and a severe one
« too."

86. Pocula ponam faginaJ] Pliny
tells US, tliat beechen cupa were
anciently esteemed. Thardbre we
may suppose» these frere fine old-
fashioned cups, whioh^ though ad.
mhred in die country, would bava
been dejspise^ at Rome in V^r^'s
tu»^. The cc^nu^totqr* ^▼ill
haxe iheae baacthei^ cups 4;o he in-
tended to express 4)he poverty of die
sheplierds, umich I tMnk could not
be the meanim. of 4he poet Da-
mcetas had o&red to lay a good
oow; and now Menalcas proposes
rather a beechen cup^ which he s^ys
is of far greater value. It was no
great mark of poverty in a shepherd,
to be able to part with a cup, which
was of much greater value than a
good oow.

S7* Bmni opus Akimedonlis,'] It
8ei»m8 probable, by this e»presÌBÌon>
tliat theoe had been a, fiimous car-
v«r, named Alcùnedon. But I

7S

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

^^.S^'^ w«T3taS Lenta quibu8 torno facili superaddita vitis

art.

have not found the mention of him
In any other author. Perhaps he
was a friend of our poet, who was
villing thcrefore to transmit his
name to posterìty. By his name^ it
appears^ that he must have been a
Greek^ and consequentl^ a man of
some quality ; for Fliny informa us^
that in Greece, none but gentle-
men vere permitted to leam that
art, and painting;. which law was
first procured by Eupompus, the
master of Apelles ; ** £t hujus au-
" toritate efiectum est, Sicyone pri-
'^muim deinde et in Ma Gracia,
^' ut pueri ingenui ante omnia dta-
" graphicen^ hoc est^ picturam in
*' buxo docerentur^ recipereturque
'^ ars ea in primum gradum libe-
'^ ralìum. Semper quidem honos
'^ei fuit^ ut ingenui eam exerce-
** rent, mox ut honesti, perpètuo
" iMterdicio ne siervUia docerentur,
*' Ideo neque in hae, neque in io-
^ '* reutice, ullius qui servierit opera
" celebratìtur."

SS, Lenta quibus tomo, 8f e] This
beautiful descrìption of the cup is
I^aìnly an imitation of that m the
first Idyllium of Theocritus.

[ Ty 9%fì fiàv MiXn futfvtrtu v^t xt^vìtf
. Ki^eòfìXix^V «iMW'/MWff * & h tiwr avrò

Besìdes a cup» with'sveetest wax^o'eiv

laid,
A fioe two-handled pot, and newly made;
Stili of the tool it smells, it neatly shines.
And round the brìm a creeping ivy twines,
With crocu» miz'd, where seem the kids

to browse,
Thìe berrìes ciop» and wanton in the

boughs. Ckeech.

It ìs hardly possible for a translation
to be more enoneous than these
two last lines. K«j^m x^wkni sig-
nifies a fniit of a yellow or safiron
cplour^ which Creech hàs rendered

crocus. But crocus or safiron is a.
fiower, not a fruit. I must confbss,
it was some time before I could
discover where Creech found the
kieU in this passage of Theocritus.
I suppose it must be from mistaking
the sense of the word l^i|. It sig-
nifies those claspers or tendrils,
which the vine and other scandent
plants use to sustain themselves in
climbing. The Romans cali it cla-^
vicula or capreóbu, Hence the
translator findmg fX<( to be capreolus
in Latin, which also signifies a kid,
took it in the latter sense. But he
ought to have known, that thou^
cùpreolus is used both farakid and a
tendril; jet fXi{ signifies only the
latter.

Torno7\ " Salmasius and La
'' Cerda understand two arts to be
^' bere spoken of^ that of the tùr-
*' ner, and that of the graver.
*f They say, a vinci dusters^. and
'' figures of men^ cannot be formed
"by the tomus, or lath, which
" shaves and smooths the wood»
" but only by the graving-tool,
" calum or scalprum, hy which the
'^wood or metal ìs cut and hoU
"lowed. They will have quibus,
" in this passage^ to bé the ablative
'^ case, and torno the dative, ren-
'^ dering It thus, in quiÒus lenta vi-
*' tis per célaturam addita est torno,
^^ sive materia jam tornata, that is,
*' in which a bending vine is added
'* ty. graving to the lath, or tumer's
" instrument, or to the wood that hai
*"' already been turned. In the first
" place^ I am of opinion^ -that to
" use tomus far the turned wood ìs
" not Latin. 2. I find, that toreu-
^* mata, which^ in the old glossarìes,
" are expounded opera tomo rata,
''are promiscuously taken by the.
" most approved wrìters for carved
" work : sudi as cups and bowls.

BUCOLIC. ECt. III.
Diffiiso» hedera vestit pallente corymbo*. '

T9

and ovennteadff the
tjucters Wtth pale hrf.

*' that bave the figurés of men and
*' beasts embossed. Thus Martini,
**^ 1. ìv. 39. Solus.Phidiaci toreuma
** cali, Thus also Cicero^ against
*' Verres, frequently in the same
'' sense. 3. Pliny> 1. xxxiv. 8. men-
'^ tions Phidias^ as the inventor
'^ of the art of turning, and Pply-
'^ detus^ as the.perfecter of it; and
'^ thàt these were sculptors and
" statuarìes^ as well as tumers, is
" numifest . Wherefore I beli^ve»
" that though.the tornus is really an
'^ instruinent distinct from the c^-
*^ lum and scalprum,,Ciistaai has.ob-
^* tained. to use them promiscu*
''ously" ftuAUS.

Vitis.'^ '^Manyunderstandavine
" and an Ivy to* be interwoven, I
^' agree vith Nannius, that the ivy
*^.tSone is meant ; and take vitis
*' for a brandi of ivy, vimen he--
" dera, which Pliny calla viticula;
" and hedera for the ledves of ivy,
'* in this sense ; a branch of ivy
'^ interminglesitsown dusters with
" pale leaves." Ruìbus.

" How can a vine cover ivy-
*' berries, or any thing else, with
** ivy4eaves? or can vUis signify
" ivy ? Or if it signiiìes a vine, can
*^ hedera be put ier pampini; or
'* cotymboifat racemo» 9 Serviosand
" De La Cerda are silent upon this
*' grfiat dìfficulty : and so are ali the
** rest, exoept Ruséus, who says
" that Pliny (I wish he hacL told us
'^ fohere) uses viticula for vimen he-
'' derm,^ This, if it be true, goes
" a great way. For if vUis may
'' bere signify ivy, ali is plain.
** The rest understand ivy and a
*^ vine jntermii^led : but tnen they
** teli US not how to account for the
*' marinerà of expressing, which is
f* the only point to be cleared.
*' They say, Thùf is meant : but the
*' questicm is, How càn mch words

" meap such a thing I For my.part,
*' 1 think Ruaeuss opinion may be
*' right i if his quotation from
" Pliny be true : especially con-
** sidering how nearJy ivy and a
" vitie are akin to each other in
« the property bere expressed by
" lenta, i. e. Jlexilis, and in creep-
" ing ùp, or round some other
*' body: and tògreover that.vi^,
*' aud vimen spring from the same
" root, vico/' Dr. Trapp.

I ani glad, that itis in my power
to satisfy this learned gentleman, in
his greatest difficuUy, and at the
same time to justify Ruseus from the
suspicion of qaottng faldely. Pliny
does really use viticula for a branch
df ivy, in the eleventh chapter of the
twenty-fourth bóok, where he (bus
describes the apocynum ; *' Frutex
" jest, folio ederas, moUiore tamen,
'^ et, mihus longis viticulis, semine
"acuto, diviso, lanuginoso, gravi
" odore," It must however be ob*
served, that viticula does not pecu-
liarly signify the branch of Ivy ; for
it is used for that of a vine by Pai-
iadius ; '/ Item vituU marini pellis
*• in medio vinearum loco uni su-
" perjecta viticuìag creditur contra
'^ imminens malum totius vineae
*' membra vestisse." It does ntìt
seem improbable, that Virgil might
use vitis in this place, not for avine
properly so called, but for a branch
climbing with tendrils, or viOeula.
Our gardeners cidi this sort of
branches, as in melons and cucum-
bers, vines. Thus Mr. Miller, in
his Gardener*sDictionary,speaking
of cucumhers, says, ** Theri lay
" put the runners. of the vines in
" exact order, and be careful in
" ibis work not to disturb the vines
'' too mudi, nor to. bruise. òr break
f' the ieaves. This digging of the
" ground wilUooscn it, and théreby

80 R VIRGILII MARONIS

gSSifSHfThTJ^SS In medio duo, sigea, Coiion; etqujg fuJt rilen 40

'' rtnéet it ea«y for tbe roofs of the
'' plants to strike ìbto it, hs olso
** render the surface of the e&rth
'* more agreeable to the vines that
*' rtin upon it." Thig,*I think^ ìd
eértaìn^ tbat corymhus signifieB the
cluster of berries of mi ivy, and not
of ft vine* To condade, I bdieve,
that VÌI» Unia really signifìes^ not à
Yine hearing grapes^ but a vine, òr
bending branche

39. Hedera . . . paZZen^^*] Man^
sorts of ixy are mentioited by the
HDcients; mos^ of which seem to
foe rather varieties thao distinet ape^
(iies. Theophrastus says the three
prìncipal sorts are the white^ the
black, and tbat which ìs eulled
helix; HòXvpìiit ^ ò Knr^, i fd$

• f^b^, im) t(^«i> « sAi|. The 6/acJ(
id our common ivy,* aìid tho helix
seémà to be only the same plant,
befOré ìt is arrived to t()e per*
feetlofr of bearrog frait For at
first the leaves are angular^ and thè
if hole plant clings dose to the wall
or tree that supporta it : but when
it Comes to flower» a new shoot ìé
éetached fròm the supporta hearing
^oufidifth leaves without atngles^
Tbat the heìia: is the ivy in its bar-^
1^11 state, is plaìn from the account
wfaieh Theophrastus gives of ìt.
He says the kaves are angalar, and
more «leàt than those of ivy^ Which
bAs them mòte round and sinopie*
He adds «liso, that it it barren :

itdtì yà^ rm ^ii9iXti^ ^XÙ9T9f het^u;
^ 1% fiM^irifTt, wdà rS ymituìn *u)

^HpH^B&n^ iutì A^^' jttU rS fiitttt rSf
»)i9ifcdtùi9' Kùtì fri fS iaut^f uf»i,
Aè for the white ivy, ìt seeras to

be unlóiowiv to U8« Some indeed
imagine it to be that vàriety> of
wbicb the leaves are variegated
whh white» Burt Theophrastus ex-
pressly mentions the whiteness of
the fruit. For be says some bave
onìly the frutt white, and others the
leaves ako ; AitMÌ$ yà^ i fdt tm «4cj-
vrS fU»f, è ì$ XMÌ n7$ ^vXX»t4 iati,
Dioscorides nlso mentions threé
principal sorts of ivy, the white« the
black, and the heUx. The whìce
bears a white frult ; the btoèk has
either a biade, or saffrort'^ookured
fruit, which is called by the vulgar
Dionysia; the heUjt bears no fruit
at ali; but has white twigs, and
Small, an^uìary re<idish leaves ;
Kio-oif ^n?^)sÀt %x^ itti^t^àti V4Ì9 »«r
£ì^, vàt il ytvftfuireù'rttf r^' Atyfe-

T«< y«^ i. fUt Tif XtVtÙtf, é ìì fli>Mt, è

ìt fXi{' féìf évf XwtÀ9 ^i(u rh tim^^
^9 XtVJt«», ó dì féiXuig fciXoM i n^mJ*
t^^ftct* ìi 2ì »«< iìuiru4 Atèfvnèf x«*>
Xévvir « ^f tXi^ uxtt^irii Ti èrrlt tcag
XtvM t^u rà KXifiutTA, nttl t« ^vAXte
hKje^à tuù yétnmìn xttj i^v^^mt Pliny
has coafounded the ivy witb the
cistust beiog deeeived l^ the simi«
litude of the Greek namcs ; that
of ivy being 9urrH or sttoréi, and
that of the cìslus Wnwf. The fol-
lowing word» plainly • beldng to
the cwtef, " J>tto geneta ejos pri*
'* ma, «It reliquafom, mas et foe*-
'* mina. M^jot traditur mas^ ^or*
'^ pore, et fc^io duriore ac pin*^
'^ guiore, et flore ad purpuram ac«
" cedente. Utriusque avtem fios
'' similis elBt Rosse sylvestri, nisi
" quod carét otJore." The flo^i^er
of the oistus does rndeed bear a re-^
sembiance to that of the wild rose ;
but it would be difficult to fìnd any
sUch simìiitude in tbe ity. What
relates to tbeivy isforthemost part
taken from Theophraetus. '^ Ivy

BUCOLIC. ECL. Ut
Deficfipsit radio totum qui gentìbus orbem ?

81

«ho dMCribed «ith tiis atiff
tàe wholé «orid to the na-
tUmsì

*' 18 now saìd to grow in Asia.
*' Tbeophrastus denied it, and said
*' it did not grow in India> except
'* on the mountain Merus : that
** Harpalus did ali that was in his
** power to plant it in Media, but
'' in vain : tliat Alexander how-
*' over, on account of its scarce-
" ness, crowned his army with it,
'* when he returned from the con-
'^ quest of India, after the example
*' of Liber Pater, the thyrsi of
" which deity, and the helmets
" and shields, are now adorned with
** it by the people of Thrace in
'^ their solemn rites. It is an ene-
'^ my to ali trees and plants ; it
** breaks down walls and sepul-
/' ebrea ; and is very grateful to
** the coldness of serpents ; when ce
" it is a wonder that any honour
'^ should be given it." Then fol-
lows the passage relating to the
cistus, after which he thus proceeds;
'* There is a white and a black ivy,
'^ and a third sort which is Ccdled
*' helix. These sorts are again
*' subdivìded, for one is white only
'* with regard to the fruit ; another
" has the leaves also white. Of
^^ those which bear a white fruit,
*'^ some bave a thicker and larger
'* berry, the clusters being formed
*' into an orb, which is called co-
" rymhu$. The selinìtium has a
'* smaller berry, and looser cluster.
'' Some of them bave their berries
*' black, and others of* a safifron Co-
" lour, which the poets use in their
'^ crowns. The leaves of it are
" not so black, and it is called by
^' some Dtony^Ù7, . and by others
*^ Bacchica, and has the largest
" corymhi of any of the black sorts.
" Some of the Greeks roake two
** kinds of this also, from the co-
''.lour of the berries, the erythra-

*' num, and ^)e chrysocarpum. But
'^ the helix is very distinguishable^,
" being very different in the forra
'' of its leaves, They are small
" and angular, and more neat;
'^ whereas those of the other sorta
^* are plain. It differs also in the
" length of the iniemodia, but
" chicfly in its barrenness ; for it
'' bears no fruit. Some do not
'^ think its difference to be speci-
" ficai, but owing only to its age 5
'< and affirm that what at first is a
'' ìtelix, grows aflerwards to an ivifm
*' But their mistake is evident from
«' there being several sorts of heUx,
" of which three are very remark-
" able, One is herbaceous and
"green, which is the most com-
'* mon, another is white, and a
** third varìegated, which is called
" the Thracian. The leaves of the
" green sort are thinner, disposed in
" better order, and fuller : those of
" the second sort are quitedifierent.
«' Of the varìegated ivy one sort
'^ has thinner leaves, disposed in
*' order, and full ; in another sort
" ali these properties are neglected.
*' The leaves also are larger in somC'
'* than in others : and they dififer
" also in the form of their spots.
** Also of the white sort some are
" whiter than others. The green ^
" grows chiefly into length. The
" white destroys trees, and by de-
" priving them of ali their juice
*' increases so much in thickness as
*'' to become a tree itself. The
" signs of its beginning to bear
'' fruit are the size and breadth of
" its leaves, and the standing up
'^ of its shoots, which otherwise
'* are bending : and though ali sorts
^' of ivy strike roots f^om theit
^' branches; yet in this sort they
'' are most branched and strong.

M

82

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

^SbSlS^SSSSuSS Tempora qu» messor, quae curvus araWr habe-

.houldoUcm. ^^^p ^2

'^ The black comes next to it. But
»' this is peculiar to the white, that
" it sends forth branches from
'* amoDgst the leaves^ and girts a
** tree quite round^ wbich it does
'* also upon walls, tbough it can-
'* not encompa83 them. Hence, if
'• it 18 cut off in several places, it
'' stili continues to live^ and has as
'^ Aany striking^ of roots as it has
"branches, by which it preserves
'' itself, and sucks andstrangles the
'' treés upon which it grows. There
** is àlso a difference in the fruit of
'' the white and black ivy ; for in
** some the berries are so bitter, that
'' no bird will touch them. There
*' is also an upright ivy, which
" stands without any support ; and
*'Ì8 therefore pecuìiarly called
**' cissos; whereas the chamcecissos
^' always creeps on the ground.**
The learned reader will compare
this passage of Pliny with what
Theophrastus has said in the eigh-
teenth chapter of the third hook of
his History of Plants. It is plain,
that these a^'ncient writers descrìbe a
sort of ivy with a tvhileJruU as well
known to them; but I cannot find
that any of the moderns are ac-
quainted with it. The white ivy
was esteemed more beautiful than
the common sort, as appears from
the following verse in thcseventh
Eclogue ;

Candidior cycnis, hederafmnoiior alba,

See the note on that passale.

40. Conon."] Servius thinks thè
Conon here ìntended was the fa-.
mous general of that name, whom
the shepherd mentions expressiy as
being well known ; but forgets the
name of the philosopher. This
Conon is mentioned by Plutarch>

in the life of Lysander, as admiral
of the Athenian navy. He was sur*
prised by the Peloponnesians under,
the command of Lysander, who
destroyed his ships, Conon hiraself *
escaping with only eight vessels to
Euagoras king of Cyprus. Others,,
with more probabUity, thihk the
Conon under consideration to have
been a mathematician, and the
fHend, or as some say, the master,
of the famous Archimedes, who
speaks of having sent some tbeo-
rems to him, at the begìnning of
his book nf^r'£Aixivy ; T«y9rdWK«MyA

Kùfuv^rnavui tx^tf yty^ttfCfMMf, He
presently aflerwards mentions his
death as a misfortune, many valua-
ble discoveries being left imperfect ;
and gives him the character of a
geometrician of uncommon skill,
and extraordinary application. The
problems, which he lefl, remained
untouched for several years, till
Archimedes him self took themJnto
consideration: Kmm ^i ùÙk liutnt
AtfCò» li rkii ftdmvnf etvrSiv ;^«y0v,

xai rctvret vdrrtù tv^iff, ìuù «AA« %*»À
g|fv^«9, xaì w\ T0 «-AfTd», 9-^0«7«7fy vnfl
yWfAtr^Mf. *Mxtortifif^» yà^ vrei^^tt-
rttf uÙtS ffvnnf •Z ritf rv^ùvouf in^i

r) (l£^HfMÙ, XtÙ ^tX9Téfluf VTtfidXXùV'

r«y. Mttà il rat Vidimai rìXivràt
wXXSh ituff 'IrtytyWifUftn, ov^ v^'
iióf 4v^Ì9 rSf w^óZXnfAoirmf tcìr^tùfifiaB'ti
KVùtfttftifùy fi^vXófuu 9f ìuey h UMar*v
tcùrSf ^^«^nytutrBtu. At the be-
ginning also of his Ttr^aiymtvfùi
^»0Jò^xSf, he speaks of him as an
intimate friend of himself. and of
Dositheus, and calls him an ex^
cellent ceometrician, and wonder-
ful mathematician : 'Akùvo-»; Kmétm

BUCOLIC. ECL. III. %$

Necdisitn ttlis labra admovi, sed condita servo. {^SJSS? S^^'S^^"^

rt9À K K«v«ydf yuÌ0iff9 yfymr^tUy tttùì
ywfttr^tof •iteùòt Uft§9, tóv fiÀf nnAfv-
Tv»t«r&f ttfvcit iXv^^ftw, i( %m ^ix&v

^«ùvfitaertlv rtfif. This Conon ìs also
celebrated bj Catullus, in bis Epi-
gram on tbe constellation of Ber&-
nice's hair^ as a famous astronomer;

. ; Omnia qui magni dispexit lumina mundi,
^ Qui stellarum ortus comperit atque
\ , obitus,

I Flammeus ut rapidi Solis nitor obscure-
f tur,

\ Ut cedant certis sidera temporibus,
l Ut TViviam furtim sub Latmia saxa re-

! legane

Dulcis amor, gyro devocet aerio :
) Idem me ille Conon celesti lumine vidit
I E Beroniceo vertice .cxsariem,
. .^ Fulgentem òlare : quam multis illa Deo»

rum,
'; Laevia protendens brachia, pollicita
est.

Tbe four last lines are taken from
two of Callimachus^ wbich are pre-
served by Theon in bis comment on
Aratus. Tbis leamed commenta^
itor informs us, tbat Conon consti-
tuted this constellation, to compii-
nient Ptolemy king of Egyptj Ol
ìt iiXttxtimf tùùtùùi Aéy«V0-«, ÌHùfm il e

^nUiK vXùJucfAùt l| tùùrSv kuvuotì^ìtì'

TWf XMÌ K.»X?iÌfCtt)^6Ì VOV ^TÌf,

f 'R ìi Kèfm fé f(Xi^/'iy iy niM vh Bt^óvUnt
i B«rr(v;^«v Sf Muvn «'««*«» ìéfi»* ^sTt»

He 18 mentioned also by Proper-
tius ;

'> Me creat Archyt» soboles Babylonius
;^ Horos,

Horos, et a proavo ducta Conone do-
mus.

Et quis fiat alter, ^c] This is
a true example of pastoral simplicìty ;
for tbe sbepherd ts not bere guilty
of a blunder, wbich some commen-
tators propose as an ini^tance of it

in other places : but he forgets the
name of tbe other mathematician^
and ' describes him by bis works.
But the commentators are as much
at a Ipss ' for bis name as tbe shep-
herd. Hardly any person noted for
knowledge in astronomy has wanted
a patron, to place bis image on this
poetical cup. Servius thinks it was
either Aratus, Ptolemy, or Eudoxus.
La Cerda nientions besides these,
Hesiod, Anaxìmandér, and Archi-
medes^ the latter of wbom he pre-
fers, thinking it most probable, that
the artist would join those on the
same cup, wbom he knew to bave
been joìned in friendship, and to
bave excelled in tbe same studies.
Rustis mentions Aratus, Hesiod,
and Archimedes, but thinks it more
probable, that the poet means tbe
latter, who was the disciple, or at
least the friend, of Conon. If by
Ptolemy, Servius means the famous
mathematician of Alexandria, he
is guilty of a gross error ; for He
liv^ long after Virgil's death, in
the tirae oiP Antoninus. Eudoxus,
the Cnidian, was a famous astrono-
mer, geomètrician, pbysician, and
legislator. He was taugbt geome-
try by Archytas, and pbysic by
Philistion of Sicily. He is said also
to bave been one of Plato's audi-
tors, and to bave travelled into
Egypt, where he studied a year and
four months. He wrote several ce-
lebrated pieces in astronomy, geo-
metry, and other sciences, was
very famous among the Groeks,
compiled a body of laws foE bis own
country, and died about the year of
Rome 401. Suidas says he wrote of
astronomy in verse. Cicero, in bis
second book de Divinatione, saya be
was an auditor of Plato, and the
prince of astronomèrs ; " Ad Cbal«
*' dseorum monstra veniamus: de
M 2

84

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

mSSfhSSJftr?^ Dam. Et nobis idem Alcimedon duo pocula

fecit,

*' quibus £udoxu8> Platonis audi-
" U«, in astrologia, judicio doctis-
'* simorum hominum^ facile prìn-
*' cepsy sic opinatur^ id quod scrip-
** tum relìquit^ Chaldseis in prs.
*' dictione^ et in notatione cujusque
*' vit» ex natali die, minime esse
* ' credendu m /' Thus Eudox u s. may
possibly be the person intended;
diough it is much to be doubted,
because we do not bear that he
ever wrote concerning agriculture.
Hesiod seems to bave a mucb better
claim to the honour of being en-
graven on our eup. He was bom
at Ascra in Boeotia, and is thought
by some to bave been older thion
Homer; otbers make bim his con-
tempotary; and otbers place him
after the age of that great poet.
But^ if we may believe himself^
be was at least contemporary witb
Uomer ; for he has told us« that he
lived' in the age succeeding the
beroes who warred at Troy, and at
the same time mea^ures an age by
the lìfe of man. .His poem con-
c^min^ the times and seasons for
agriculture ig sufficiently known;
and Pliny tells us, that he was the
first who wrote on that subject;
*' Hesiodus^ qui princeps omnium
" de agricultura praecepit." Our
poet also himself professes to write
m imitation of this author ;

f Ascrsumque cano Romana per oppida
cannen.

AnaximaBder^ according to Dio-
genes Laértins, was a philosopher
of Miletus> and flourished under
Polycmtes^ tiie tyrant of Samos.
He was the first inventor of the sun*
dial^ and geographical maps, and
constructed a sphere. But ìt does
. not appèar that ne wrote any thing
for the service of husbandmen. Ar-

chimedes was a famous mathemati-
cian of Syracuse, a relation and
friend of Uiero, king of that city.
He has been celebrata bv ali bisto-
rians> for the wonderful efiect of
his engìnes in defending that town
against the Romans. Marcellus^
who laid dose siege to the place,
caused some of thegallies to befast-
ened together, and towers to be
erected on them, to drive the de-
fendants from the wall. Against
these Archimedes contrived engines,
which threw heavy stones and great
pieces of timber upon those which
lay at a distance, by which means
some of the gallies were broken in
pieces. As for those which lay
nearer, some were taken hold of by
great grapplinej-ìrons, which lifted
them up^ shook out the men, and
then threw them down agaìn into
the water : óthers were lifted up
into the air, and dashed tò pieces
against the walls, or thrown upon
the rocks. In like manner was the
army overwhelmed witb showers of
stones and timber; so that Mar-
cellus was forced to lay asìdè the
assault, but after some time the city
was taken by surprìse, and Archu
medes was killed by a soldier, who
did not know him, to the great
grief of the Roman general,' who
made use of ali possible means to

E reserve him. He is said also to
ave contrived a glass sphere,
wherein the motions of the heavenly
bodies were shewn. Claudi an has
celebrated it in the following epi-
gram^

Jupiter in parvo cum cemeret cethera
vitro,
jRìsit, et ad superoa talia dieta dedit
Huccine mortalis progressa potentia
curse?
Jam meus in fragili luditur orbe
labor.

BUCOLia ECJL. Ili. 8^

Etrooliicircum estansas amplexusacantho; 45 SSl^tSi^^**'**"**'*'*

Jura polì, rerumque fidem, legefique de-
oram,
Ecce Syraeusius franstulit arte setiex.
IdcIiuus variis famulator spirìtiis astrisi

Et vivum certis motibus urget opus.
Percurrìt proprìum mentitus sìgnifer an-
num^
Et simulata novo Cynthia mense redit.
Jamque suum volvens audaz industria
mundum
Gaudet, et humana sidera mente regit.
Quid falso insontem tonitru Salmonea
niiror ?
iBmula naturse parva reperta manus.

Whett in a glats*g narrow space confttì'd
Jone saw thefabric of ih* Almighty mind.
He smiTd, and said. Con mortal'i art alone
Our heav^nly laboura mimic wUh their

ówn$
The SyracuHan'i brittk world containt
Th* eternai lawy whkh through ali nature

reignt.
Fram'd by ?iis art aee stara Unnumber*d

bum^
And hi iheir courses roUing orbs return.
His sun through various sìgus descriòes

tJie year.
And ev*rì/ month his mimic moons op-

pear,
Our rivaPs laws his little planets bind.
And rule ihcir motions vith a human

mindf
Salmoneus coiM our thunder imitate^
But Archimedes can a world create.

We may observe frora what has been
saìd conceraing the most justly ce-
lebrated mathematicìan, and from
the whole tenor of his writings,
that his genius led him almost
entìrely to medianics. I do not
lemember the least hint in any
authoT, of his having applìed his
knowlede^e in astronomy to agricul-
ture. Therefore I cannotthlnkhis
being the friend or dìsciple of Co-
noli> is a sufficientreason to suppose
him to be the person intended. It
seems more probable» that those are
m the right, who assign the place to
Arstus. He was born at Soli or
Selae^ a city in Cilicia, and flou-
rished in the reign of Ptolemy Phi-

ladelphus, king of Bg3rpt« and An-
tigonus Gonatas^kin^ of Macedon.
He was pursuing his s^udies àt
Athens, when Antigonus sent for
him. He was present at the mar-
riage of that monarchi with Phila
the daughter of Antipater, was
much esteemed by them, and lived
at their court till the time of his
death. His ^cuwfàw, a poem^
which is stili extant, has been
famous through ali ages. We may
conclude, that it was of great au-
thority among the Greeks, from St.
Paul's quoting part of a verse from
thìs poem, in his oration to the
Athenians ;

T*i; yk^ mÙ yifSf ì^fAif, .

For we are also his offlspring.

Cicero indeed seems to say, in his
first hook de Oratore, that Aratus
was ignorant in astronomy; but at
the same time he allows, that he
treated of that subject excellently ni
verse; " Si constat inter doctos,!
^' hominem ignarum astrologia; or-i
^' natissimis atque optimis versibusj
^^ Aratum de cselo stellisque dixisse.'^
Nay he himself translated Aratns
into Latin verse. He was translated
also into Latin by Germanicus Cas-
sar, and Avienus, and the number
of his ficholiasts and commentators
is very great. Even Virgil himself
has translated several lines from this
Greek poet, and inserted them in
bis Georgid^s, as may be seen in
the notes on that part of our au-
thor*8 Works. Now, as Aratus has
described the several constellations
in his poem, with the prognostìcs of
the weather, he answers exactly to
the character, which the shepherd
aives of thephilosopher, whose name
he had forgotten. As he was an
authof admired by the greatest per-

86

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SSJf*S4^''^IiodS & Orpkèaque in medio poeuit, sylvasque sequentes.

ìtmìxtg him.

jai

sons, and as he was thought worthy
bf imitation by our poet himself^ it
is most probable^ tnat he was the
person intended in the passage now
under consideratìon.
I 41. Radio.'] The radiìis h SL st&ff
{or rod, used by the ancìent mathe-
Jmatìcians in descrìbing the various
[parts of the heavens and earth^
and in drawing figures in sand. It
is mentioned again in the sixth
^neid, in that beautiful passage,
where the poet speaks of the arts in
which other nations excel the Ro-
mans;

Excudent alii spirantia moUius fera.
Credo equidem: vivos ducent'de xnar-

more vultus ;
Orabunt causasmelius; ctdiquemeatM
Descrìbeut radio, et mrgentia rìderà diceni,

Toium .... orhem,'] He means
the whole system of heavenlybodies.
Aratus has particularly described the
several constellations.

42. Tempora qua messor, 5rc.]
Aratus is very particular in describ-
ing the seasons^ and signs of the
weather.

43. Nec dum illis, 5fc.] The
commendation of a cup, drawn
irom its having never been used, is
to be found in the sixteenth Iliad;

"Evéet Vi et ìitaf Xf»t nrvyftiin §Vtli rìg

aXXos
OvT* àfi^Sif trSn^Mtf all' avraiv »7éóita 9éUf.

From thence he took a bowl of antique

fraine,
Which never man had stain'd with

ruddywirie. Pope.

Thus also Theocritus in the first
Idìfllium ;

• i OuS in ita «•«ri ;^uK9s Ifiùv B-iytv, «XX* l«
xfTreu

It never touch'd my lips, unsoilM and
new. Ckeech.

44. El nobis id&n, ^c.'] Da-

moetas, unwilling to allow any su-
periority to his adversary, or to give
him any opportunity of evadine the
contest, accepts his offer, and agrees
to stake two other cups, made by
the same workman, which he de-
scribes with equal beauty; hot in-
sists upon it, that they are not equal
in value to the heifer, which he had
offered at firét.

Idem Alcimedon duo pocula feciL']
Here Damoetas preserves his equa-
lity : he offers two cups, as weU as
Menalcasi and they are both made
by the band of the same famous
workman.

45. Et molli circum, ^cS] Thus j
also Theocritus, j

TlttfT» t àfKpì ìiirmt itt^nriimiTM ^^is \

MoUi , . . acantho.2 The acan*
thus is spoken of at large, in the note
on ver. laS. of the third Georgick.
But it may not be amiss to say some-
thing in 't his place, conceming the
epithet vy^cf, which Theocritus be-
stows on the acanthus, and Virgil
renders mollìs, It properly significa
moist or lìquid, which cannot be the
sense in this place : but it is also used
figuratively by the Greeks, to. ex-
press soft or ben^ng, in which seuae
the vy^h of Theocritus, spd the
molUs of Virgil is here to be under-
stood. The younger Pliny, in the
description of his garden, has an, ex*
pression very mudi to this purpose ;
^^ Acanthus in plano mollis, et, pene
'^dixerim, liquidus" And a little
afterwards ; " Post has acanthus
" hinc inde lubricus et flexutms/'
Henee we may observe, that both
Greeks and Romans were inclinable
to usefiuidj softyaxìd bending, in the
same sense. .

46. Orphea,"] See the note coi
ver. 454. of the fourth Georgicit.

BUCOLICECt. JU-

ST

Necdma iUis labra admovi^ sed condita servo. SS^fbStk^^Iff*^

Sylvasque sequentes,'] Thas «lao
our poet, in the fourth Georgick ;

Septem illum totos perhibent ex ordine

Rupe sub aerìa deserti ad Strymonis un-

dam
Flevisse, et gelidis haec evoluisse sub

antris,
Mulcentem tigres, et agentem Carmine

quercu»,

' Fot teo'n conimued monikt, iffame say

true^
The wretched swain hit torrmo» did renew i
. By Stfymoti't freezing ttreanu he saie

atone.
The rocks • vere mov'd mth pity io his

moan:
Trees bent thcir heads io hear htm *ing

his wrotigSf
Fierce tygers couch'd around, and klVd

theirfawmng tongues, Dkydvìv»

Thus also Horace ;

Aut in umbfosis Helìconis oris,

Aut super Pindo ; gelidove in Hsemo ;

Unde vocaUm temere insecuta

Orphea tylvce»
Arte materna rapidos morantem
Fluminum lapsus celeresque ventos,
Blandum et auritas Jidibus canoris

Ducere quercus.

G*er Hdicon's resaunding grove^
0*er PìndtUt or cold Hcemus* hUt ;
Whence list'ning woods did gladly move
And throngM to bear sweet Orpheus'

wond^rous quill.
Hcj by his mother*s art, cotUd Und
The headlongfury ofjthejloods ;
AUay rough storms, appease the wind^
And loosé from their fixM roots the danc-
ing woods. Creech.

Ovid enumerates the several trees>
vbìch being moved by the music
txf Orpheus, carne and formed a
sbady grove about th^t divine mu-
sician.

•Collis erat, collumque super pianissima

campi
Area quam viridem faciebant gramiois

he^ae.
Umbra loco dcerat. Qua postquam parte

resedit

Diìs genitus vates, et fila sonantia moviti
Umbra loco venit. Non Chaonis abfuit

arbos,
Non nemus Heliadum, non frondibus

esculus altis,
Nec tiliffi molles, nec fagus, et innuba

Laurus.
Et Corylifragiles, et fraxinusutilis has^js,
Enodisque abies, curvataque glandibus

ilex.
Et platanus genialis, acerque coloribus

impar,
Amnìcolaeque silnul salices, et aquatica
■ lotos,
Perpetuoque virens buxus, tenuesique

myricS)
Et bicolor myrtus, et bacds caerula

tinus :
Vos quoque flexipedes hederae venistis,

et una
Parapinese vites, et amìcte vitibus ulmi :
Ornique» et pice», pomoque onerata ru-

benti
Arbutus, et lentae victoris prsmia palmae :
Et succincta comas, hirsutaque vertice

pinus ;

Grata Deum matri.-^

Adfuit buie turb» metas imitata cu-

pressus.

A hiU there was ; a pUUne upon thàt hill ;
Which in ajlowrie monile Jlourisht stilli
Yet wanied shade, TVhich, when ihe

God*s déscent
Saie downe, and toucht his weU tun^d tn-

strumentf
A shade receiv'd. Nor trees ofChaoiiy,
Thepqplar^ various oaks that pierce the

sky,
Soft linden, smooih^rinde heech, unmar^

ried òayes^
The Male hasdf asìtt whose ttpeares we

prayse,
Unknoitiejirre, the salace shading planes,
JRough chesnuts, maple fleci with d\ffbrent

graneSf
Sireame-bordering toìUoWy lotus Uwing

lakes,
Tcugh boxe whóm never sappie spring/or^

sa&3s ;
Tlieslender tamarisk, with trees tkai beare,
A pnrple Jigger nor myriles àbsent vere.
The wanton ivy wreath'd in amorous

twineSf
Vines bearìng grapes^ and elmes support"

ittg vines,
Straight service trees^ trees drcpping piich^

fruii red

8d

P. VIBGILII MARONIS

I^ yon comUertbehclEBr, tht
capi are of muill ▼ajue.

Afen, You sfaall not get off
to-day: I wìll engagé with
▼ouoiLyourownteniu. Do
out let him be judge, who is
cmning aloag; oh I it is Pa-
tasmon.

Si ad vitukm «pectes, nihìl est qttod pocuUi

laudes.
Men. Numquam hodie effugies, veniam, quo-
camque vocaris. 49

Audi^t haec tantum vel qui vcnit» ecce, Palsemon :

Arhutut ; fhese % resi accompaned.
With Hniber 'pahnes, of victory the ^prize :
And up-right pine, whote ìeaves like bris-

tles rise ;
Prized 6y the mother ofthegodt: —
The 9pyre4%ke oppresse in this fhrong ap^

peares. Sandts.

To this fable Milton alludes^ in the
foeginning of his seventh hook ;

But drive far off the barbarous disso-

nance
< Of Bacchus and hù revèllers» the race
Of that wild rout, that tore the Thracian

hard
In Rhodope, where woods androcks had

ears ^
. To rapture, 'till the savage clamóur
. diown'd
Both harp and voice; nor could the

muse defend
Her son.

Heinsius found sequaces 'msiead of
éequentes, in one of his manuscripts ;
but sequenies is certainly better,
which representsthe trees in the very
action of following.Orpheus.

47. Necdum illis, c^c.] Here
Damoetas repeats the very words
of Menalcas, that he may not allow
him any superiorìty.

48. Si ad vitulam specles, é^c.']
In this line Danicetas answers that
of Menalcas,

I Verum id quod multo ^ute ipse fatebere
.majus. ^

Menalcas had affirmed that his cups
were of far greater value, than the
cow which his adversary had offered.
Here Damoetas answers, that he
would stake two cups, in no degree
inferior to his $ but at the same time
deckres, that they are far inferior
in value to the cow, which he of-
fered at first.

Spectes Inudes.'] Pierius

found spectas and laudas, in the
Lombard manuscript, and spectas in
the Medicean.

49. Nunquam hodie effugies, 4*^.]
Damoetas had first provoked Me-
nalcas to a trial of skill : but now
Menalcas challenges him ; and that
he may not get ofi^, accépts of the
wager» on his own terms ; appeals
to a neìghbour, who happened to
pass by, and proposes him for judge
of the controversy between thiem.

f We must observe, that Damoetas
had closed his speech with a con-
tempt of the cups whioh Menalcas
had offered, affirming, that they
were by no means to be pi^t in com-
petition with a good cow. Menal«
;cas answers brìskly, that this shall
:not serve him for an excuse 5 for
though his father, and particularly
his stepmother, would requìre an
I exact account of ali the cadle from
his hands; yet he was so sure of
(victory, that he would venture a
good cow, that Damoetas mìght
/bave no pretence to decline the con-
; troversy, or to say that the prize
Iwas not worth contending for.

Venìam quocunque vocaris,"] La
Cerda interprets this ad quemcunque
vel locum, vel judicem, vel conditio-
nem. I take the meaning of it tò
be, / fvill engagé rvith you on yout
own terms; that is, / am so sure of
victory, that L will venture to stake
a cow, that you may have no excuse,

50. Audiat hac tantum'] Lacan,
in the fifth Idyllium of Theocritus,
wishes for a friend to come and
judge between him and his antago-
nist;

BUCOLia EOL. III.

69

Efflelam poitlvM) ne quemquan) vMe lacmsas. ^^ja ^ ^^tb^r j^
Dam. Qaiii age, siquid ^ai^es; in me mova *^^!!|rco^^;ifTOBhftye

non erit Ulja l . K no dlay S**]^ wì

Nec quamquam fugio, tantum, viome Paketnon^ q a?j|i^OT fjg^én^^o

Senslbua heeo imis (res c«t non, pav^m) reponas, *^«f » '» *« ^ « o^^é

Pal. Dìcite: quandoquidem in mo|U conse- arflL^^'Si^Jg?*^?^*

-TT^

11*;

^ But who shall judge, and who shall bear

US plaf 9
I wish the herdsman Lieop carne ibis
> way. CbVBCH.

But Menalcas has mudi l^e advan-
tage of the Greek shepherd : for he
does not wish for a friend to be
judge ; but ofibrs the deeision to a
neS^bour^ who comes along by
chance.

^ Vel qui venitJ] " Menalcas, see-
'' ing a shepherd at a distance» pro-
^ poses to make hìm jodge, let nim
^ be who he will. This is the
" force of the words vel aui vénit,
** As he Comes nearer, ne finds
^'him to be Paleemon, and cdls
*f him by hìs name, and speaks with
^'morc confid^ce to Ws rivai,
5^ Effieiam pesthao ne, Sfc'* Rujbus.
Palamon.'] " Palaemon Rem-
^"^mius, afiimeas gramraarian un-
'f der Tiberius, boasted that Virgil
^ had prophesied of him, when he
** made efaoice of Painmon to be
** jud^e between two poets." Ca-

TROU,

51. Foce.^ Some understand MM«
to be meant of Hnging ; but others,
with better reason, think it a}ludef
to the reproachful wor48 that h|ive
beenu^ed.

6fi. Quia age, ^.] Damcstaa
bids him leave wrangling, apd ber
gif! te sine, if he Sas any thing
worth hearing, tells him he is ready
to answer hira^ and calls upon Fa-

Iflpmon to he^ attentivejy, and
ludg^ between them,

equini age^ siquid haòesJ\ Thu|
XbeppiifcWf;

Si quia habes.'} " Lambinus, in
'^ his notes on P&utus, r^ids si quid
" agis, as dp several others also.
^f Horace has Qulcquid habes, age,,
" depone tutis quribus^ axìd Terenc^
" frequently ; also our poet in the
«nintìi Éclogue, Inclpe si quid'
•* habe^. Plptius also acknowleoges
** habes in the fifth Eclogue, ver^
"11, In tlve gloss of 3ie royal
'* manuHcript^ it ii? explain^d s% qtiìd

^^ potes," BURMAN.

53. Nec quenqufim fugìo.l Thisis
a direct answer to what Mpnalcas
had said,- '^ Nunquam hodie effu-
•'/pes."

Tifc?»^ Pa'Umpn.l Seryius ob-
se; ves, that Damoetas sooths Palae-
mpp, by givìng him the friendly
epltbet of neighbour.

55. Dicite quandoquidem, 4*^.]f
Palaemon, being chosen judge ór
this controversy, exhorts them to
begin, describes the beauty of the
place and season, and appomts Da-
m<»tf» te Pipg fir^t, and J>Iei?a)w^
^fter him.

Dicite is used bere for canile. Jp
if y»Ty fr«quwt amoftg the po^s,
bptìi <J»e§k and ppmw, to uifi «a*
apd fiffg p?-on)is(ì^ously, Tw ^Vi^i^

90

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

and now every fleM, noar
every tree bring« forth. Now
the woods are green, now the
leason is most beautiful. Be-
gln, Damoetas, and do you
foUow, Menalcas. You ahall
ling alternate! y, the Muses
love alternate singing.

Dam, Ye Muses» begin firom
Jupiter, ali things are full of
JupUer:

Et nunc omnis ager, nunc omnis parturìt arbos :
Nane frondènt sylvae, nuncformosissimusannus.
Incipe, Damoeta : tu deinde sequere, Menalca.
Altemis dicetis : amant alterna Camenae.
• Dam. Ab Jove principium Musa? : Jovis om-
nia piena : . 60

* In molli,'] '* In is wantìng in
" the two Leyden copies^ and in
'' that of Vossius. It is consedimus
'^ umbra in the Venetian, which
*^ perhaps is repeated from Ecl. v.
'' 3. where the shepherds sit under
'' a shade. So in Eoi. vii. 45.
'* somno mollior herha, Ovid. Met.
^^ iv. 514. mollibus incubai herbis,
" and X. 513. mollibus herbis im-
'^ posuere, But the librarians fre-
*' quently confound umbram and
^' kerham" Burman.

This description of the season is
veiy beautiful. The grass is soft
and agreeable» . the fields shew a
fine verdure^ the fruit-trees are full
of blossoms^ the woods are ali co-
vered with green leaves. The har-
mony of rthe numhers is as delicate
as/tbe s^a^pn itself, which is bere
painted by the masterly band of our
poet, ,

56- Paxtufit,] This word doesnot
nec^ssarily signify the trees hearing
fruita for we see it is applied also to
the grass of the field. Thus in the
l^cond Georgick, tiie poet> speaking
of the spiring, says^

\ ' Parturìt almus ag-er; zepbyrìque tepen-

'^ . tibusaurìs

^ . Laxant arva sìous ;

which cari be understood onìy of the
first appenrance of the grass and
com.

• 57. Frondènt.'] Frondes sfgnifies
not merely the leaves, but the an-
nual shoots of a tree. Therefore

frondènt sylvcR means, that the trees
are full of young shoots, and con-
sequently clothed with leaves.

58. Incipe Damata^ <^c.] Thus
Theocritus, in the ninth Idyllium,

•\ Bmm§Ximrìtè Aàpn, vù ^ if^at *l^^*» «r^S-

I «ff

Sing, Daphnis, sing, begin the rural lay;
Be^, sweet Daphnis; neJLt, Menalcas,
play.

59. Alierms dicetis.^ " Palae-
" mon, as being judge, orders the
'.' rivals to exercise themselves in
'* the Aaioebean way. We shall soon
^* see, that ali its laws are strictly
'' observed. I am not surprised,
*' that thissortof poetry should be
^/ so pleasing to the Muses 3 for il
" has something particularly agree-
'* able in it. Father Sanadon, in
'^ a collection of poems^ on the
*' birth of the prince of the'Astu-
" rias, has revived this sort of £c-
^' logue, and composed one wortby
'' of the time of Virgil." Catrou.
Some copies bave aliemi instead of
alterms. .

Camen^B,'] So Varrò thinks it
should be written:. we generally
find. Camoena. It is a name used
for the Muses, and, according to
Varrò, derived from Carmen,

60. Ab Jove principium, <^c.] Da-
moetas being willing to open, bis
song in sucha manner,that it shall
be impossi ble for his aptagpnist ta
surpass it, begins with Jupiter him-
self, whom he claims for bis patron.
Menalcas, in' his turn, lays claim
to the patronage of Apollo, which
he enforces, by saying he is always
provided with gifts suitable to that
deity.

BUCOLia ECL. III.

91

Ille colit terras» illi niea carmina curse.

He givesplenty tó ourlìèlds,
he regards my song.

Ah Jove principium Musa,'] Ser-

j viu3 says these words are capable of

I two interpretàtions, either The be-

ginnir^cf my song is from Jupiter;

l or, OmìiseSy Ut us oeginjrom Jupiiér,

' La Cerda understands it in the for-

mersense; But Ruseus ju^tly pre-

fers the latter, becaùse we have a

parallel passage in the seventeenth

; Idyllium of Theocritus, where the

muses are invoked in like manner :

\ . '

I'Ex Atcs «eA;«'A*««'^«» »»* «iV A/« A.«yiri,
Moì'a'at»
. Begin with Jove, my muse, and end with
Jove.

The old translation by W. L. is in
some measure according to the first
interpretation ;

Their first commence from Jove the
muses take.

The Earl of Laiiderdale follows the
latter 3

Almighty Jove my muse shall first re-
vere.

Aad Dryden ; . «

From the great Father of the Gods above
My muse begins.

And Dr. Trapp;

With Jove, ye muses, let the song b^in.

SerVius bas justly observed, tHat
this distich is an imitation of Ara-
tus, who begins hia poem thiis;

U£<reu y wé^tMeùtf àya^eH, /tt^rh fi ^d^
•' rté.

In like manner Orpheus begins
hia song, in the tenth hook of Ovid's
Metamorphoses ;

Ab Jove, IVfusa parens, cedunt Jovis
omnia regno.

Òarmina nostra move. Jovis est mihi
, saepe potestas
Dieta prius.

From Jove, O riluse^ my mofher, draw

my verse,
AU 60W toJove : Jove*s power we oft re-

hearse. Sandts.

The Muses were nine sisters, the
daùghters of Jupìter and Mnemo-
syne. Their names were Clio, Eu-
terpe, Thalia, Melpomene, Terp-
sichore. Erato, Polymnìa, Urania,
and Calliope, who was the most
excellent of them ali accordi ng to
Hesiod^,

*Efviet ^uyuri^ts fuyeiXoo Atòg \xyiyau7eu,
KXciw r* , EvrS^iTff ri, QóiXua, re, MiXtrd-

fii^n «•«, .
Ti^^i;^0^U r , *£^arii ri, n«Xv^w« r , 0&-

^ann ri,
KuWió^n B-*' flit ^^tipt^itrrurn »«'ri» à^ra^

And,

Jom omnia piena,]. Several of
itid- ancien t philosophers were of
opinion, that one soul animated the
universe, and that this soul was the
Deity. Plutarch, in hìs treatise on
the opinions of philosophers; tellsus,
that ali, except those who assert the
doctrine of a vacuum and atoms,
held the universe to be animated.
Sec the note on ver. 221. of the
fourth Georgick. In the sarae trea-
tise we find, that Thales, Pythago-
ras, Plato, Àristotle, Dicaearchusj
and Asclepiades the physìcian', sup-,
posed the soul to be incorporea!, self-
moying, a thinking substance, and
the Constant action of a naturai or-
gan endued with lifej oSroi mprts

N 2

«2

P. VIRQIUI MARDNIS

rlth me.

indsèb

Men. Et m« Phoebus amati Phmbo stia
semper apud me

ifymtufv ^ttnf i^ùfTùi hrtXij^f : and
iim, ÈLCtofiììtìg to Pytfaagoras and
Plato, the soni is immortala and
wken tt leaves the body^ returns
to the soul of the world ; nv^ttyi^
'0itg, ti>Jiruv 0t^^»^r*f &tu ri» 4^;^>
^MV9W» ^«^ Ili TÒ xùv «-«ni; ^^v
àfd^^v 9r^ìf ri IfMAywi, Thal^s
seémg to ìiave been the first Who
adVànced, that the soul or mind of
the world is the Deity; ror thus
Plutarch informs us ; 0«^S( nw
r«v tUrféw ei^y. We learn from the
aaufe amhòr^ that Sóc^ates and
Plato, who were of the sam)^ opi-
Aiòh tdncerning the Umversa> e«ip«
posed three principles^ Gtodi Mat-
tar, «ììd Idèa: thni Ood t» the
mind of the world ; Mattèr lìie first
iUbjèfet óì generation and corrup-
tion ; and Idea an incorporeal sub-
stance in the conceptions and ima-
jginations of Ood; ^itn^étm E*'-

trrtufòi *A!^fai«q, cu */à^ «tvfà 9t^ì
w«n^ Umti^év ìtìgM, rffk ^if^»
^9 eùt, TÌy '^Any, riif 'itUr m-ti ìi
i 0ù$ é nvi, ''rxn 2t ri t nr m ^ mt
vf^Zrn ytmu xttì ^^«ff , 'l^ ^ «M»
aawfutróf b róif mfutn tute rtuf if«É-
r^rltuf rw dsov* Oi^ mw f^i rw
kirftév. Jupiter being the sìft|>reQ9te
of the fabulous deities, hU name
is frequently used by the poets to
eicpress the one Grod, whom thfe
wisest of the philos4)iphers acknow-
ledged as the Sool or Mind of the
tmiverse. Thus Vlrgil bere calla
him Jupiter, Jovi$ omnia piena ^
bui in the fQurth Geoi^ick he calls
him God; Deum namque ire fer
innne^i and in the sixth JBaeid^ he
calfe him Spirit and Miad 1

•Fritociplò cmiÈtà^ «è tèlM^ tàtòjiftaqiufe
llfiwiite»^

Lu<»nteiiM|ùé globùm Luii», Ittanlàquc

«Atira
^^Um intil» àUt, totamqu* infitì» per

artus
Ment agìtat molem, et miagno se corpoce

miflcét.

, 61. lOe com ierras:\ JServius in-
terprets colite umat, which he con-
firms by a passage in the first ^-
neid, Vnamfosthabvta co\xm9Q Samo,
where coluisse means amasse. RjJ®"^
frfeVld^rS it ìtUfcecundat terràs, Tlms
also bis learned countryman Ma-
i^lìes, &eiit tuyqùi cultive Ics cìifimps;
and W. L. He fertile makes the
land; hnd the Earl of Lauderdale,
Hedoìhestheearth; and Dr.Trapp,
Hefor the world promdes ind'i^igenti
and Catrou, // donne de la féconiité
à nos campagnes. Diyden'a para-
phrase seems to be m the same
setide J

To Jove the care of hcav'n and earth be-
longh;

My flock» he blesfics. *

lUi mea carmina cori».] " Poèts^
^^ at« ìiAdef lèe erotectìon of the
''Gods; thusOv^d,

«< At sacri vates^etDivataicaratdciaA^*.

f' And Tibulkkà;

M «.^ m^nm servat tatda fkoeUuu*'

liAGxanàk

ee. Et ine PhioAus amat, Src]
" Damoetaa had bé^^ with Jupi-
" ter, and therefore it was ^ifficult
««» tós «ilV^fStót 1» *5sc frigger.
'* kfenàléaB howèVèi', aetoì-dh^to
" the lawa of the Amcebean Bc-
" logue, carries die thought far-
" ther, and corrects that or bis ad-
« Vettary. The firsrt: had boafisted
« thrit ^ttpfter l(^hÌB Vèrsta': ttóa
^ was presumption. Tlie ^sfetJònd
^ siQrs he has piesentB always at
'hand> to offer to the 0«l of

BUeOLIC. BCU III. ^8

MufiéTa «ttiit ì&wìj et «ttiive rybené hyaclnthus. Snàt.*^ '*^ *^ *^*'

" verte: tibia ispietyandniòfdntj"

CAtROITd

SeTv^niB thìnkft théM nvords oa-
pablfe cif a doubhe mtex)>retatioil ;
dther he onlj tequaU bis idmrsiary,
tliat God, whoià each wotàùps,
bdng to him iupreme : ot «Ise he
intenda to go iamer, mamùng by
nnd JPhoBhus iéOes me, that not only
Jupiter^ bttt Apollo abo loved hinii

Burman finds <it tne ia sonoe ma*-
nuterìpts.

Ph«ÌMt.Ji r Tfoe sanie wi&
^^AjiDlloand Sol, the sonof Jójpt*-
''ter and Latona, teho bore him
/' at the same tinie wii^ Diana, in
5' the ÙBlaod Delo6> the itiventor oF
''physic; aùd the God of din-
** nation^ poetiy, Kiod muisic. He
*'T$ra» cafied Phcebo» qua$i ^déis

68. Lauri.'] The lautus ié noi
«UT laund, but bay, m is sheWti
in the note on vet. S06t of the first
<jreorgìdk.

Apòllo ^as in ìart nitfa Dat»hnè>
tiie dttiq^ter of Péneat. Shebeing
pursued by faini> atul almoet xkvér^
taken, besòught hcnr fatber to hairè
pity on ber; PemMis beard ber
fMrayer, afeid to pveserve ber dtitatkf
frokn the TÌolatìòn «f ApoUo, changed
Ikt iiHo a bay-tt-ee. The God
beingdìsappeiìnfCed of peaseBsiag thè
nyaph^ resolt^d that the tree ihouid
foe his iayowìte^ itad isojoy the
greatest honoors, Accòrdtng to Ovid*
in the first Ixx^ èf hàs Metainor<^

€ul Deu^ at conjux quoiiiam mea non
potes esséy ^

Afbor étìa edite, dfitft^ itieà« Seìiiptir liti*
bèfeunt

Tu ducibus Latiis adeds» cum ista tri*

umphum
Yox «antìt; ìét hmg» xileni l^àpitoffift

flMpte.

FotUhm AagiAtì «addiA fkUflsJÀfi «Ustot
Ante fores aubia* mediamque tuebete
quercum*

Smt&i rubtn^ hgmÀnihns.'\ Hyà^
càithus» Who wae anothec favoarìte
of Apollo^ and unhappily kiUed by
hlm^ was changed mto die flowèr
called hyatinth by the poets. It
Ì8 however rery dmerent from any
di die sorts of hyadndi wkich we
cultiràte in our gardens. See the
nòte òn vèr. 16& of fin» feiirth
Georgìdcé

*^ it is oertaiù^ thit the law of
'' the AmoBbeaii> or responsive
*"' verse, is thts;^ that die last
^' tipeskat mmt piroduoe aonieihing
^' better^ or at least equal i other>-
** wise he is oveicomei Dnnastas
'' therefiffe» ite thia oontention for
'' hottour, bcgìna inost arragandy.
*' He assiunes to himsetf Juptter,
" who fiUsall tèings» he wlll ìeave
" nothing to bis i^versary, whom
" he intends to overwhelm with
"the power of so great a deity.
" Add to this the great baugbtìness
^' xs^Hìé first verse. Menakasbelng
*'itt these straits, lays hold on
^'that dinty, whotn he \atìm^ to
" be nert to Jtqpker. and «ttpfeme
^ in poetry. He adds «n alrection^
*» whtdi i8 vanting in the<frt ; for
^ it fs moi^ to say ^ lofim me, dian
*' he regtmfs my terseci, tìe adds a
" reciproca love; he loves me imd
''I love him, fbr I esteem and
" honour his gifts. What if you
•* should admìt die expficatron of
" Servius? Phasbus also loves me;
'' that is> Jvpikr it/f^m me, mnd
*' Pkabus ài». I have èwo deities,
'' and jou bave but one. Lastly^
•' riiere is no pledgé between Da-
'' moetas and Jupiter; but a jmat
** one lietween wmbìciuimrL Hioe-
^iMt; he alwfiy» ^"^Vf ^ ^"'^
** iMiys aiki iiyttoinflis. Thene ss m

94

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

th^S^t^^f^^'* I^A^- M*'^ "*® Galatea petit lascivo, puella ;

^ doubt of bis being conqueror
^ bere. Compare this witb Thè-
^ ocTÌtus> rttì MSàveu fM ^t^MfTt, the
^ Museg love me. Tbe otber an-
^ 8wer9> xaì yà^ ì/i* 'fìfrdXX^wp ^iXm,
^ and jpollo lavet me. It was no
^ great matter for bim to get tbe
^ better^ for tbe first bad not art
^ enough to preclude bim. But it
^ was a^great difficulty for Menai-
^ cas to overcome^ wben Jupiter
' was already engaged. Lastly^
' our poet, witb more propriety^
' opposes one God to ' anotber,
' whereas tbe Greek poet sets
' Goddesses against a God, and
^ tbose very Goddesses too, that
^ are tbe companions, and even
' tbe servants, of Pboebus. There
' are many tbings delivered con-
' ceming Jupiter and * Pboebus,
' wbicb sbew tbem often to dis-
'agree. Tbeocritus goes on, the
^ muses love me

** — — woXò itXióv a rÒ9 àóiìòf

' mtich more than the singer Daph-
' nis, Here the Greek poet falls
' short, for tbe otber sbepberd op-
' poses notbing to tbis part. Wbat
■ Tbeocritus introduces afterwards,
' conceming tbe goats and fine
' Tarn, is good. Calpurnius, Ejcl. IL
^ wbo -sfollo WS both poets, tbus
^ imitates tbis part. Idas says first,
'* Me Sylvanus amat, dociles mihi donat

"'Et mea frondenti circumdat tempora
"tada.

" To wbicb Astacbus answers,

" Et mihi Flora comas parìenti gramine

** spargit, ^^
" Et mihi matura Pomona sub arbore

*« ludit." La Cerda.

If I migbt venture to delìver my
opinion in an afiair, wbicb seems
to bave been determined by tbe

general consent of tbe ciitics, I
should say, tbat tbe law wbicb they
bave enacted witb regard to the
Amcebean poetry is not j u st. If the
last speaker must necessarily equal,
if not excel, wbat bas been saia by
tbe first, I do not see bow it is
possible for the last ever to come ofi^
witb conquest ; at tbe best be can
but make a drawn battle of it. In
tbe present Eclogue, tbe critics
endeavour to prove, tbat Menalcas
is equal to Damcetas in every cou-
plet, and in some superior. Surely
tben be excels liim, and ougbt in
equity to obtain tbe prize ; or else it
is impossible for tbe last speaker ever
to gain tbe victory. . If Ùììs was the
case, Who would, ever engagé in
sucb a contention, wbere the first
speaker cannot possibly lose tbe vie-
tory, and tbe last can never get it ?
Tbis imaginary law tberefore seems
to be absurd; tbe natttre of tbe
Amcebean poetry being ratber tbis ;
tbat two persons speàk altemately an
equal number of versesj tbat tbe
latter is obliged to produce some-
thing tbat has relation to wbat bas
been said hj tbe former ; and tbat
tbe victory is obtainedby bim, who
bas pronounced tbe best verses. Pa-
Isemon, who is cbosen for judge be-
tween our two sbépberds, declares
tbemjto be equal'; wbence we may
conclude, tbat VirgQ intendedeitber
tbat they sbould be equal in every
couplet, or else tbat sometimes^one
sbould excel, and sometimes tbe
otber. Witb regard to the two
couplets now before us, it must be
allowed, after ali tbàt the com-
mentators bave said, tbat. the first
cannot be excelled. Therefore Me-
nalcas does not attempt to emulate
tbe first line, wbich is in praise of
Jupiter, tbe supreme Deity. He
only answers to tbe end of the se-

y^ ^.-«i

BUCOLIC, ECL. III.

95

Et fugit ad salices, et se cupit ante videri. 65

and nini to hidfr henelf «-
mong the willows, but wishes
I may see her first.

cond line^ iUi mea carmina cura,
hj saying that he himself is the fa-
vourite of Apollo, the God of verse ;
to which he adds as an instance of
the yeneration which he has for thìs
deìty, that he takes care to be con-
stantly provided with such gifts as
are agreeable to him. It is said,
that Menalcas makes choice of
Apollo, as the next deity in order to
Jupiter. But, according to Horace,
Jupiter is infinitely great, and above
ali comparison^ and the next to
him, though at an immense dis-
tance, is Pallas : nor is Apollo men-
tioned till not only Pallas^ but even
Bacchus and Diana bave been ce-
lebrated ;

Quid prìus dicam solitis Parentis
Laudibus ; qui res hominuxn, ac deorum
Qui mare et terras, variisque mundum

Temperai horis?
Unde nil majus generatur ipso ;
Nec viget quicquam simile, aut secun-

diim:
Proximos illi tamen occupavit

Pallas honores.
Proeliis audax, neque te silebo,
Liber, et saevis inimica virgo
Belluis : nec te metuende certa

Phoebe sagittis.

Whom first $ thaUI creating Jave
WUh pioui duty gtadìy sing,
That guides below^ and rule* abovct

The great Disposero and the mighty King 9
Than he none greater, next him none
That can he, is, or toas ;
Supreme he stngtyfUs the throne;

Yet Pallas is àUow'd the uearest place,
Thy praises, Bacchus, hóld in war^
My wìUing muse willgladly shew.
And, virgin, thee tohom tygersfear ;

And Phcebus dreadfulfor unerring bow.
Creech.

For my own part^ I should give the
preference to the couplet of Damoe-
tas ; though it may be said^ in fa-
vour of Menalcas, that he has
answered as well as it was possible
for him to do, when his adversary
had assumed a patron above ali imi-

tation. Thus perhaps a candid
judge will be loth to bestow the
victory on Damcetas; seeing it
could not be expected that Menalcas
should perform an impossibìlity.
But yet it must be allowed, that
Damoetas, being to speak first, bad
a right to take advantage of ii,
which he has donè with success, anil
is therefore superior to his adver-
sary.

; 64. Malo me Galatea, ^c] The
shepherds having celebra^d the
deities, whose patronage they claim,
proceed next to the mentipn of their
loves. Damoetas boasts of the
wantonness of his Galatea, wlio
throvvs an appiè at him, and then
runsaway.to hide herself,but wishes
at the same time, that she may not
be unseen. In answer to this, Me-
nalcas boasts of the fondness of his
Amyntas, who'comes so often to
him, that his very dogs are ac-
quainted with him.

These two couplets are an imita-
tion of the same number, in the
fifth Idyllium of Theocritus. Co-
matus says,

éufiu. >

Tbe fair Calistris, as my goats I drove,

With apples pelts me, and stili murmurs

love. . Cresca.

Lacon answers.

MS I

And me smooth Cratid, when he meets

me, fires ;
I barn, I rage, and am ali wild desires»
Creech.

It must however be allowed» that
the copy is superior to the originai.
The commentators discourse, with

M

P. YIROIUI MABONIS

not better known to m

Mew. At miiii 8Qte offlsrt Qlttv» nem ignis

Amyntas :

mMQt for m7 Yenui: fbr I MotlOF Ut jaCd Slt CaniDVIS nOD Dell^ DOStriS*

Dam. Parta me«^ Vinari »mit mimerà: nanw
que notavi

miich shew of leaming^ on these
app]e« which Galateathrows at her
loY^r ; but I believe Virgìl inteoded
PO greater mystery, tfean to deaeri be
naturally the little wantonoess of a
country girl, who endeavours to
inalce ber lover take notici of ber,
and then mos away and hides ber-
self, hopipg at the sanie time, tbat
he willoot be very dull at discover-
rag her. Horace^ who was better
versed in these affai rs than most of
tiie leamed critics, bas alluded also
to these little coquettries^

Kuxic et latentla prodìtpr intùno
<]rTatu9 puellie risus ab aogulo.

J^m» Itw to hear the hmng mai4^

Wbom youth haih Jir'df ani leatOy
charrns,

Byhefomn Hàteritig taugh letmffd^
Anàforc*d inio hor *Wf '# atm»,

Mx. Pope, in bis first pastoral, ha4
bis eyes on these passages of Virgil
and Horace,

Me gentle Delia beckons firom the pìaìn,
Tvpfi bmL fR MHMies enMusfl ncv es^jer

But feigns a laugh to see me ecarch

aroiwidf
And \)af ithat ysxi^ ^ wiUix)^ 4iMr ìs

^, At mihi sese affiri» ^c] JNfe*
nalcas urges the Constant affection of
htt AfiàyfKas, ia opposkiofi to tbe
leirity of Galatea, S^rviys ob;ieTv^,
that tbls is stronger than wb^t f^e-
nalcas has.sai4« ^ccording to the
law of Amoebean poetry,

^7, JkUafì^ S(me iuìder^t»K|d
thiflt^»ean Diana; but it wouid
be a presumption in a shepherd to
represent a goddess so familiar witb
him^ fls to be .acquaitited wkh bÌ9
dogs. It seems more reasonable to

think it was a servant-ipàid, or one
at least of the fami)v.

Catrou is of opinion that Menal-
cas bere has the advantage agaio,
or isAtleastequal. '* Galatea^* says
he, '' bestows on one iv mark of
*' her affection, by tbrowing/apples
^' at bim. Amyntas gives a greater
'' to the other, by offeriag bim*
'' self to bis friend of bis own ac-
^' cord. Tbe image of th^ sbep-
''herdess rupning away, and yet
'' being willing tò be seen^ is efe-
" gant and easy. That of the dogs
*' of Menalcas, which always know
" Amyntas, and caress him, has
'* something in it agree^ble and
" naturai"

I b^evfi the readisr will be more
inclinable to prefer the cou^et of
Damcetas. The descriptiop pf Ga-
latea's b^baviour is wond^rfully
pretty and naturai ; and iporj9 to be
liked than the €orward Condness of
Amyntas. Milton makes it an ex«
cellence in Ève, that ahe was not
obmoiu, noi obtrusk>e, Mr. Pope
sterna to be of the same ppinion^
for in b{s first Eclogu^e^ when Stre-
phon has spok^n the Jines quoted
above, Daphnis does not ontwer
bim, by boasting of the forwardnesa
of bis n)i«tres8 ; but d?scribes ^er
as runoipg away, yet wishing.tp be
overtakflsp.

The sprìghtiy Sylvia trìps along the

graeoy
JShe nim, bujt bopes ^he 4oe9 not ntn

unsec;n^
While a kind glaaee at her punaer iies,
How much at vafntaict are ner leet and

68. Parta mea Veneri, ^c] The
shepherds fìow boast of tbe pre-

BUCOLIC. ECL. IH.

97

Ipse iocùm,. aerìfle quo ccHigessere palumbes*
Men. Quod potui, puero sylvestri ex arbore
lecta , W

the place, whe« tbj. Whr
ikig'^xrm barn buHt^ - cbefr
ne»t.

Min. 1 bave done the be*t
I could : I Iiave sent niy ttOi'
ten golden apples

sents which they maketo their love^.
Damoetas says he intends to send
ring-doves to Galatea ; but Me-
oalcas answers^ that he has already
seqt ten golden apples to Amy ntas,
aaà will send as many more the
next day.

The first couplet is an imitation
of one in the fifth Idylliunoi of the-
ocrìtus ;

(Knyò fàthtrS rf fttt^iff ttvri»» póf^m,

l'U give my deàx a dove; in yonder

wooda
Vìi climb, and take ber down, for there

Bheiiroods.

MecB Veneri,'] It is rio un usuai
thing with the Greek and Roman
writers, to use Venus for a mistress.

6Q, A'érÙB . . . palumbes.'] The
palumbes or palumbus of the Latin
writers, and the ^drvtt or ^*ov«
pf the Greeks, is our ring-dove, or
queest, called also in the north^ a
cushaL It differs from the common
pigeon, or dove, in being largerj
and having white spots on each side
of the neck, like a collar or neck-
lace^ whence it is called palumbus
iorquatus, and by us ring-dove,
Anstotle, in the thìrteenth chapter
of the fifth book of his History of
Ani mais, says, " There are several
*' species of the pigeon or dove
'\ kind. Oue sort is called viXffi^,
" which is smaller than the com-
*' mon pigeon, and hard to tame:
*' it has blackish feathers, and its
" feet are red and rough ; for
'^ which causes it is never bred in
'* houses.. The ^àrrm is die largest
" sort of ali, and the next is the
•' éìfàs ; this is a little bigger than
" the common pigeon : and the
" least of ali is the r^vym j" Tmv

% ^^MTt^òuìSf Ttfy;^;«ftt ^>utt %rrtt r»
ym* trrt yi{ lineai wiXw^^ taci -artgi-

a-ùf }t yinrtu fiZXXòv i vt^ttm^d' i
ìì vtXuৠxst) fà>Mf Kdt fMK^h x«à
ì^^^vw^^ tcetì v^tcxvTf^vf, ito Kcù ev-

iùi Tgg^ir (UytTTW fcìf Wt rSf TòtòV'

rttt k (pdrrtc ia-rì, ìivrt^òf Jè i òUdg'
»vm ìì fMK^S ftii^ttf ' irrì rnq ^ «rtgi-
oragSf IXct^trròv ìì rSt rotovrtiv i
T^vyMf. The vtXuàf is probably
our rock-pigeon, which is small, of
an ash-colour, and breeds on the
rocks. The éhàg is our stock-dove
or wood-pigeon, which has purple
feathers, as if stained with wine,
whence it is called òìtà^ and vinago.
The Tgwy*'» is the turtle^dove, and
the (p»rrtù is the ring-dove. These
last build in high trees, whence
V irgli calls them aeria. The amo-
rous disposition of doves, and their
reputed conjugal fidelity, make
them a proper present from a lover
to his mistress. Propertius seems
to hàvemeant our ring-dove by his
columha iorquala ;

Sed cape torquatct, Venuf O regina co-
lumÌMB
Db meritum ante tuos gàttinà seeta
focos.

CongessereJ] Burman tells us,
that Heinsius had written cmcessere
in the margin ; but cangerò has been
used in the same sense by pther
good authors. Thus Plantus, in
the Rudens ;

Creda ajium in aliam beluatn hominem

vortier.
Illic in còlumbum, predo, leno vertitur.
, Nam in columbari ejus collum haut

multo post erit ;
In nervum mille hodie nidofnenta con»

geret,

7Q.'€bapd.potWf^cJ\ This cou-
o

|W

tnm a ^
IwÉlM

P. TIRQILII MARONIS
i£fU Aurea mala deoem tabi : tarm altera mittatn.

plet is taken from the third IdifUium
of Theocritua ;

Ten apples I bave aent, jrou shewM the

tree;
Ten more to-morhm; ali I pluck fu

thee. Cbesch.

We fiee here, that Theocritus says
apples simply wkhout aoy epithet;
mi perhaps Virgil might mean no
inore by golden, than to express the
ezcellence of the apples. Itis how-
ever the geaeral opinion of the cri-
iics, that some particular fruit,
difiereni from what we cali siinpty
apples, Ì3 intended. Some will have
citrons to be the fruii in question:
but they were not planted in Italy
till long after VirgiPs tinae. Our
|>oet hiiBself, in the second Geor-
^ick, where he ^peaks of the distin-
guishing of countries by their trees^
makes the citron peculiar to Media.
Tberefore this fruit cannot be tbe
;golden appiè, which the shepherd
gathered in a wood, silvestri ex ar-
bore leda. Much less can it be the
òrange, as Catrou hafl translated it^
making it to be gathered also from
a wikling; '* C'étoit dix oranges,
" que j'avois cueillies sur un Sauva-
*'geon.** So far was the orange
from growii^ in the woods of Italy
in thofle days^ that the fruit itself
Was wbolly anknown to the anei-
«nts. The more general opinion of
« the learned is, that these golden ap-
ples are quinces, which someaflSrm
to have been spoken of by the an^
'dentB under the name of melimela,
beirtg so called from their yelìow
colour like honey. But Pliny says
expressly* that the melimela were
named from their having the toste,
iMitthe'cofoavof^honey; ^' Mastea

" a celeri tate mitescendi^ quae nunc
*' melimela dicuntur a sapore melico^
Thus also Martial,

Duldlms aut certant qus meUitneìa £eivìs.

We have seen already^ in the note
of ver. 51. of the second Edogue,
that the quince has a taste too au-
stere for the palate of a youn^ per-
son; and Martial seems to allude
to this austerity^ when he says, that
if you preserve quinces in lioney^
you may then^ if you please» eall
tliem melimela ;

Si tibi Cecropio tatuxBia Cydomà melle
Ponentur : dicas haec melimela licei.

It may with better reason he af-
firmed, that the pomegranate is the
golden appiè. This fruit is common
in Italy, and grows even in the
woods, as we are assured by Matthi-
oIqs, a learned Italian -, " Nusqnam
^' non cognita sant in Italia: siqui-
**^ dem inibì et in hortis, et in vine-
" tìs, et in viridariis eorum frequen-
" tissinie visuntur arbores. Syl-
'* vestre alterum^ alterum domasti-
'' cum. Sylvestres sponte nascun tur
'• in colli bus, et marltimis locis, et
*'• aridis." Thus far it ap:rees with
the golden apples, which eitlier grew
on a wild tree, or were gather^ in
a wood^ sylvestri ex arbore, Let us
now consider thedescription, which
Ovid gives of the go2(fen apples, with
which Hippoo^enes won Atalanta,
in the tenth hook of the Metamor-
phoses ;

Est ager, indlgeiue Tamasenum nomiiie

dicunt ;
TèlliirÌB Cyprìee pars optìma: quem mihi

prisci
Sacfavene aencs : tempUaque accedere do-

tem
Hanc jussere meis. Medio nitet art»r

in arvo;
Fulva comaniy fulvo nunis mpiUtotìbua

auro.

BUCOUC BCi. HI.

m

Dak- O quott^ Qt qu» notói Gftlale^ locata ,,^i5eri Wc^J2£

'x I wokcn to ine ! a i e ¥?ÌB(Mk

est ! lMìirM)mfiP4rttotlìe«af4#

PdTtem aliqumn venti divum reTeratist ad aure».

Hinc trìa forte mea veniens deoerpta fe-

rebam
Aurea poma manu.

AJieìd there U, to fertile rume, ihro* aU
Rich Cypruty which fftey Damatoeniàt caB.
Antiquate thit to my honour vow*d :
And therewith ali my tempks are endow*d.
A tree there JUmritht on that pregnant

moldj
Whoit glittering kaves, and hranchet,

shone with gold, *

Three golden apples, gatheredfrom that

tree,
By chance I braught.

Pliny mentions Tarnascus, as one of
the fìfteen towns of Cyprus. We
learn from a Greek poet, qupted by
Athenaeus^ that a pomegrapate-
tree was planted in that ìsìand by
Venus, wbich was hìghly esteeiued ;
"E^i^òf ìì |y MtXiCòict ttvrà rctvrct rà

(pd96u§ hrtipi^u,

Aiiii^ev ^yriv^etiy vuri (petvtVy \f fUvn

By comparÌDg. this Greek author
with Ovid, we find that the tree
planted in Cyprus, and hearing
golden apples, was a poniegranate-
tree. Now^ that the fruit of this
tree was descr ibed to be of a yellow,
or golden colour, we find in the
fifth hook of the Metamorphoses^
where itis called poZ^/t, which we
bave already observed, in the note
on ver. é6. of the second Eclogue^
to be ascribed to gold by the sanie
poet:

Puniceum curva decerpserat arbore pò-

mum: •
Sumtaque/7ai2m/i septem de cornice grana
Presserat ore suo.

More authors migbt be quoted, but
what we bave already said }s snflì-

cient to prove^ that the golden ap-
plea of the poeta are pom^zCQmtM,,

In these coupletsMenalcas seems
to bave the advantage $ for Danioe-
tas only had a present in view for
Galatea; but Menalcas has already
made a present of ten pomegranates
to Amyntas^and desìgqs tp send)iim
as many niore.

72. quotieSi ^c] Damoetas
speaks in a rapture of the soft things,
which Galatea has saie! to hfm ; and
invokes the winds to carry part of '
theni even to the ears of the gods.
Menalcas, in oppoeition, exprèsses a
complaiqt of Aipyntas leaving him
to keep the nets, whilst he himself
goes to hunt.

73. Partem aliquam venti^ 4^.1
The comoientators are dividea
about the meaning of this passage.
Servius understands it to signify^
that the .words of Galatea are so
sweet, as to be worthy of being
heard even by gods. La Cerda i§
of the same opinion, and adds^ tha^
the winds wei*e thought hj the an-
cients to be uiessengers between thè
gods and men. Thus PrydeQ
translates it>

Winds on your wings to heàv^n her ac-
centa bear,
Such wordH as heav'n alone ìs fit to liear.

CiBtrou gives a quite different sensei^
^r he supposes the shepherd to de^
sire the wmds to carry only a part;
to the Gods, for feax they should be
jealous; '^ Zephirs, nen portez
'^ qu*une partie aux oreilles de9
" dieux ! iU en sgroient jaloua:"
Ruffius hints at the best ioterpreti|r
tion/ the shepherd intreajts thf
wiods to bear at lea^t some part of
her words to the Gods, tliat th(^
o2

100

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

to^mTi^^^SS^ Men. Quid prodest, qood ine ipse anìsio non

do not despUe me in yoar • * .

heaft,iflmu«tkeeptheiieta SpemiS. Amvnta.

Dam.o ioia«,tend piiyuii bi, dum tu sectaris aDFos, CffO rctui serro ? 75
Dam. Phyilida mitte mini : meus est natalis,
loia :

may.be witnesses of the promises^
which Galatea has made to him.

74. Ciuid prodesi, S^cJ] Menal-
casboasts also of the love that Am3m-
tas bears to him, and adds a kind
complaint, thàt thìs is not sufficiente
since he will not let him partake of
the dangers, to which he exposes
himself in the chace.

La Cerda is afraid, that the vic-
liory will here be thought to belonjz
to Damoetas. He owns it is a di£
ficult place, and therefore strains
hard, to shew wherein Menalcas
excels. He objects to the first cou-
plet, that Damoetas boasts of no-
thing but words, and shews ho^
little they are to he depended upon.
This is mere trifling, since he him-
self allows them to be sCich words
as were fit even for gods to hear.
Surely nothing can be mòre elegante
than the rapture in whicli Damoetas
speaks of the promises of his mis-
tress, and his prayer to bave them
confirmed by the gods. We may
therefore venture once more to
allow him the victory.

76. Phyllida mìtte mihi, S;c7\
Damoetas calls upon lolas, to semi
Phyllis to him, and invites him to
come himself, when the Ambar-
valia are celebràted. Menalcas
claims Phyllis, as his favourite mis-
tress, and boasts of the tendemess,
which she shewed at partihg with
him.

Meus est natalis?^ The ancients
lUsed to celebrate tìie day of their
.birth with much cheerfulness, and
invite their friends to partakè with
, them. Thus Plautus in his Captivi ;

1 _.. Heo. Quìa natalis est dies.
\ Ero. Proptereaatervocarimeadcoenam
volo.

And in the Pseudolus -,

!Nam mihi hodie natalfs dies est ; decet
eum vos omnes concelebrare ;
Pernam, glandium, cailum ; samen, fa-
^ cito in aqiia jaceant. Satin* audis ?
^^agnifice volo enim sumxnos viros acd-
j pere, ut mihi rem esse reantur.

And in the Persa ;

;'•— ^ Hoc age, accumbe: hunc diemr

suavem
; Meum nafealem agitemus : amoenimi :
\ date aquam manibus, apponite men-

I

The thirteenth Elegy of Ovid's
third hook de Ttisitbus, is on his
birth-day, wherein he laments, that
being banished into such a dismal
country, ìt is not in his power to
celebrate the day with such solem-
nities as usuala the wearing of a
white garment, crowning the aitar
■^ith flowers, and offering fì'ankìn-
cense^ and holy cakes ;

Quid tibi cum ponto? num te quoque
Caesaris ira
Extreiham gelidi misit in orbis.hu-
mum ?
Scflicet expéctas soliti tibi moris hono-
rem,
Pendeat ex humeris vestis ut alba meis ?
Fumida cingatur florentibus ara coronis ?
Micaque sollemni thuris in igne sonet ?
Libaque dem prò me genitale notantia
tempus ?
Concipiamque bonas ore fa vente preces ?

Martial mentions it as an unusual
thing, to invite any one to celebrate
a birth-day, who was not esteemed
a friend;

BUCOLIC. ECL. IIL

10}

Cura faciam vitula prò frugibus, ipse venite.
Men. Phyllida arpo ante alias : nam me dis-
cedere flevit :

Whea I offer a hdfer for the
Jiruits of the earth, do 700
come younelf.

Mm. O Iola«, I love Phyllls
above ali othen ; for she wept
at my departure.

Ad natalìcias dapes vocabar,
Eflsem, cum tibi» Sexte, non amicus.

La Cerda thinks Damcetas desires
lolas to send her to him^ as an
agreeable present, because it was the
custom also to send presents on those
occasìons. But it seems more pro-
bable^ thathe invites her as a friend.
loia,'] lolas may be supposed to
be the father of Phyllis.

77. Cum faciam vitula, ^c] The
shepherd invites Phyllis to a merry
entertainment; but her father to
a more solemn feast He means
the Ambarvalia, in which they of-
fered sacrifice for the success òf the
corn. This solemnity is beautifully
described by our poet in the first
Géorgick. See ver. 339.

Faciam,] Facere signifies to sa-
crifice, and the victim is put in the
ablative case : thus faetam vitula in
the passage before us signifies io sa-
erpice a heifer. La Cerda justly
observes, that rem sacram, or some
such words, must be understood
after faciam, in confirmatìon of
which, he produces a quotation of
Livy, which comes up fully to the
purpose ; " Omnibus divis rem divi-
" nam thure, ac vino fecisse,**

Vitula,] We may observe, that
this Eclogue began with a reproach,
that Menalcas threw upon bis ad-
versary, that he was only a hireling,
that fed the flocks of others. Da-
moetas, being stung with this oblò-
quy, takes occasion more than once,
ta represent himself as a man of
property. He oiFered at first to
stiEJce a heifer, which Menalcas was
unwilling to answer, because the
herd was not his own, but bis fa-
ther's. Uere again Damoetas sets
forth his own abili ty, and brags of
ofTering a heifer, at the Ambarvalia,

which was a sacrifice peculiar to
wealthy persons : for the poorer sort
contented tìiemselves with offering
a lainb, as we find in Tibullus ;

Vos quoque feliois quondam, nunc pau«
. peris horti

Custodes, fertifl munera vestia Lare».
Tunc vitula innumeros lustrabat csesa ju-
vencos,
Nunc agna exigui est hostia magna
soli.
Agna cadet vobis, quam circum rustica
pubes
Clamet, io messes, et bona vina date.

Ip$e ventto.] He treats lolas, the
father of Phyllis, with much re-
spect, inviting him to the Ambar^
valia, a solemn sacrifice, to which
every one was obliged to come with
the strictest purity, as we read also
in Tibullus ;

Quisquis adest faveat : fruges lustrasnus
et agros,
Ritus ut a prisco traditus extat avo.
Bacche veni, dulcisque tuia e cornibus
uva
Pendeat, et spicis tempore cinge Ceres.
Luce sacra requìescat humus, requiescat
arator.
Et grave suspenso vomere cessat opus.
Solvite vincla jugis s nunc ad presepia
debent
Piena coronato stare boves capite.
Omnia sint operata Deo: non audeat
ulla
Lanificam pensis imposuisse manum.
V08 quoque abesse procul jubeo : disce-
dat ab aris
Cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus.
Casta placent superìs: pura cum veste
venite.
Et manibus purìs sumite fontis aquam.

78. PhylUda amo, S^^ Menal-
cas, in answer to Damoetas's pre-
tending to invite Phyllis on his
birth-day, declares, that he loves
her above ali others ; and calls lolas
to witness, with what teridemess she
took her leave of him.

102

long finrewdl.

Dam. A wolf b a dreadinl
tUln^ to the'foids, nUn to the
tipe con, winds to the trees:
to me the anger ofjMnaryHl».

Men, Rain ì» a ddightful
tUng to the «eed, «rbutes to
the weaned kid«, »

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

Et longum formose valey^mquit» loia.
Dam. Triste lupus stabulisi inaturis frugibus
imbres, 80

Arbof ibi» veiHf) nobi« Amaryllidis ir».

Men. Dulce satis humor, depultis arbntus
hoedis,

f Me discedere jkv'U,'] For dU-
icessum meumjlev'\t, a Grecisin.

79* Longum formose vale, vale,
inquit,'] Longum vale, and ater-
num vale, are Grecisms frequently
/ used. Servius takes notìce^ tliat tìie
ìast syllable of the second vale is
short, becduse it comes before a
vowel, as in Te Corudon o Alexl

Jo/a.] Servius takes Mas to be

another natne fór Meualcas; so

thaty according to him> v/e should

intei^ret this line, inquii, O for^

mose loia, vale, longum vale. Ma-

rolles is of the same opinion^ for he

translates it, adieu mon bel lolas.

But Ruaeus lias given a mudh better

ìnterpretation. "loia," says he,

I " is not a word spoken by PhyUis

) *' to lolas, but by Menalcas to lolas.

• " For as Damoetas had before ad-

•' dressed himself to lolas, saying,

; '* lolas, send PhyUis to me : so

l " now Menalcas also addresses hìm-

; " self to the same person, O loius,

'' I love Phyllisr

Here we may agree with the cri-
tics, that the victory belongs to
Menalcas. Damoetas endeavours to
obtain the aflfecticHi of i'hyllis by an
mvitation,* but Menalcas has al-
ready gained it. Besides, tiiere is
a greater tendemess and delicacy
in the latter couplet thim in ìthe
former.

80. Trisie lupus stabuVts, Sfc]
Damoetas, finding bis rivai to bave
tiie advantage, with regard to Phyl-
^ lis, tirrns the discourse to another
mistress^ and declares nodliiDg is
more terrible in bis opinion than
' ^ anger of Amaryllis. Menalcas

answers, that nothing is so delight-
ful to him as Amyntas.

The first couplet seems to be an
imitation of some verses in the
BéimùXixrrtcì of Theocritus ; ,

|Aì»)^m fitìv x^H"*^ ^oCt^iv x»»ifp u^ttfi 7

Rough 8torms to treeF, to birds tb« trea*

cherous snare,
Àte frightful evil6> sprìnges to the bare»
Soft Tirgin*s love to man. Crejsch»

Imhres^ Heinsius found imher
in tliree ancient manuscripts.

%2, Dulce satis humor,^c.'] Thus
also Theocrhus, in the ninth Idyl-
lium.

*JlÌv Ì\ xà ^H'yiy X^ ^u»iX«r aio ìì
»nym,

Sweet is the heifer^s sound^ and sweet

the kine,
Sweet is the pipe*s, the 8wain*6, and sweet

Ì9 mine. CftE£CH.

Depulsis arhutus hcedis,'] The
goats are fond of the arbute, or
strawberry-tree. Thus our poet^
in the third Georgick ;

Post hinc digressus jubeo frondentia ca-

pris
Arbi^ta sufficere.

Thus also Horace ;

Impune tutom per nemus arhiiot
Quserunt latentes, et thjma deviae
Olentis uxores mariti.

See the notes on ver. 148. of the
first Georgick, and ver. 300. of the
thkd.

Depulsis signifies weaned^ a Ittcie^

BUCOLia ECL. IH.

103

Lenta salix £xto peoorì, mìhi solus AinynUs.
Daat. PoUio amat nostrani, quamvis est ru-
stica, Musam :

tm<Hnf wttjow» to the png'
nant cattle, Aznynta* aloa^
tome.

Dam* Though my song Is
nwtlcyetPolSòlikeslt.

1

1^ beìngunderstoocLvhichisexpressed
in the «ev«nth Eclogue^

Bepuhot a lacte domi qus clauderet
«gnos.

Varrò uses depulms also for being
weàned ; ** Cuna depuld sint agni a
•' matrìbus.*' La Cerila thinks the
Aepherds are equid in these oou-
plets: but Catrou, according to
cufltom, affirms that Menalcas has
the advantage. ^' The images,"
saya he, '• which Menakas bere
'' presents to the mind, «re more
'' agreeable than tàose of bis ad-
^'versary. A wolf, unseasonable
'' faìna, and tempestuous winds, are
'' the ornament of Damòetas's dÌ9-
" course. In tèat of Menalcas,
*' we bave favourable rains, and an
«'agreeable nourìsbment to the
" HockSi*' According to this way
of reasoQing, Menakas ougbt to be
esteemed inferìor to Damoetns, in
the two preceding contentions, in
one of which he complainfl of the
unkindness of Amyntas, and in the
other speaks of the grief of Phyllis,
both mclandioly images. Yet this
learoed gentleman gìves the pre-
ference to Menalcas on both these
occasiona. In the present case they
nay jnstly be esteemed equal, one
Tepvesenting how much be dreads
the 'displeasure of Amaryllis ; and
the other how much he esteems the
iaYour of Amyotas. Nay, Virgil
himself seems to be of this opinion ;
fbr àt the dose of ibis Eclogue, he
makes Pàleemon determine, thàt
he who give% a good description of
bisidiffidence in love is equal with
bìm, who describes well bis hiqppy
auccess in the same passìon ;

Et vitula tu dignus, et hic, et quisqtiis
amores
' Aut metuet dalces, aut experìetur ama-
ros,

84. Tollìo amat nostrani, ^c."]
Damcetas introduces a new subject,
and boasts that PoUio is fond d bis
poetr^. Menalcas lays bold on this
occasion to cel^rate Pollio, as
being a poet himself.

C. Asinius PoUio was a XH>etjf
orator, and histoiian, and a greut
patron of poets, especiallyof Virgil
and Horace. He was chosen con-
sul in the year of Rome 714. The
next year he had a trìumphdecreed
him for bis victory over the Dal-
matìans, at which time Ruaeus
supposes this Eclogue to be written.
because mention is here made of
preparing vlctims for PoUio. Ho- 1
face addresses the first ode of the
second hook to him« in which we
find, that he wrote conceming the
civil wars, that he composed tra*
gedies, thàt he was an orator, and
that he triumphed over the Dal-
matians ;

M otum ex Metello consale civicum
fiellique causas, et vitia, et modos»
Ludumque fortunse, gravesque
Principum amiettiaa, et arma

Nondam expiatis uncta cmorlbas ;
Periculose plenum opus alee
Tracta» : et incedis per iga&s
.Suppositos cineri doloso.

Paulura severae Musa Tragcediae
Desit theatris : mox^ ubi publicas
Res ordìnaris, grande munus
Cecropio repctes cothurno :

Insigne moestìs presidium reis.
Et consulenti, PoUio, curis ;
. Cui lauNis seternos bonores
Dalmatico peperit triumpbo ;

Jam nunc minaci murmurc comuum
Per8tr[;igis aures : jam litui strepunt;
Jam fulgor armonim fugoces

104 P. VIROILII MARONJS

^* *S£r*** * **"* '^ Keridesj Titalam lectori pascite vesCro. 66

Térret equos, equitumque vultus.
Audire magnos jam videor duces,
' Non indecoro pulvere sordidoB :
Et cuncta terrarum suhacta»
Prieter atrocem animum Catonis.

Sad jffitonert guarda and^dory o/the bar.
The Senate^t orade, and great in war,
WhotefaUh and virine aU prodaim ;
To whom the German triumph «mm» *

Etemalfame,
And never'fi^ng ghriet •fa crown :

The ground* and vices ofour wart,
Our civil dangerì and ourfears.
The sport of chance, and tum$ offaU,

And imploiu arme ihatJUyw'd
WUh yet unexpiated blood ;.

The great Triumvirate,
AMiheirìe^gueeJiUal to ihe Roman state ;
A dangerous work you write, and tread
Cerjkmes hy treatheroui athet hid;
Yet thi9 you xprite^ and give tojkme
A ìatting monument ofomrjidher^t shaime*
Bvt hM ihy mouming Muie^Jòrbear
To tread Ihe crowded theatre,
TiU quiet, ipread oVr ttate-afairt,
ShaU lend thee Hmefor meaner cares ;
And ihen in^ir*d wiih tragic rage
Return to thefirtaken stage.
And numm thefiuits andfoUies ofiheage:

MelMnks ihe Hwnpefs threafning sound
Disturlfs our rett wUhJlerce iàairmSf

And front the shming arms
A dreadfid lìghPmng spreads around ;
It darts palefiar thro* cò'ry eye.
The horses start, and trernbUng ridersjly.

' MethtnksthexparUkeci^tains^shoutsare
heard,
WUh sordid dust how gìoriously &e-

smear*d !
In Uoodlseethe sdldiers rotf,

Iseethe worìd dbey,
AU yield, and own great Ceesat*s sway^
Eofcept the stubbom Cato*s haughty souL
Creech.

Seneca^ in bis hook de Tranquillìtate
Aninii, raentions him as a great
orator ; "Et magni, ut dixi, viri
^' quidam sibi menstruas certis die-
*' hu8 ferias dabant: quidam nul-
'* lum non diem inter otium et cu-
" ras dividebant Qualem Pollio-
" netti Asiniqra orator em magnum

^' meminunus, quem nulla rea ultra
*' deoìmam retinuit Ne epistolas'
*' quidem post eam horam legébat^
*' ne quid novce cur» nasceretur,
*' sed totius dieilassitudinemduabus
" illis horis ponebat.** He was the
first^ that erected a public library
in Rome^ as we find in Pliny^ lib.
vii. e. 30. who adds, that the statue
of Vano beinff erected in his life-
time; in that Hbrary^ by so great an
orator and citizen, was no less glory
to him^ than the naval crown given
him by Pompey the Great^ whén
he had finished the piratic var.
'' M. Varronls in bibliotheca, qu»
*' prima in orbe ab Asinio.Pollione
^' de manubiis publìcata Ronue est^
'* unius viventis posita imago est :
'^haud minore (ut equidem reor)
*' gloria^ principe oratore et cioè,
^' ex illa ingeniorum^ que tunc
'^ fvLìt, multitudine^ uni nane co-
^^ ronam dante> quam cam eidem
'^ Màgnus Pqpipeius piratico ex
'' bello navalem dedit.** He men-
tionathis library agaìn in lib. xxxv.
e. 2. " Asinii PoUionis hoc Ro-
*' mas inventum^ qui prìmus bibli»
*' oihecam cllcando, ingenia homi-
*' num rem publicam fecit." The
sameauthor mentions PoUio's fine
coUection of statuesi by Praxiteles
and other famous masters^ as the
reader will find at large in lib.
xxxvi. e. 5. Plutarch mentions him
as an intimate friend of Julius Ce-
sar^ and one of those who were
present with that great man/when
ne deliberated concernìng the pas-
sage of thè Rubicon. Thesame ao-
thor quotes Pollio's account of the
battle at Pharsalia, and speaks of
his being with Csesarin Amca, and
assisting him in putting a stop to
the fii^t of his men^ when they
were surprised by Scipio. The
younger Pliny mentions him in a

BUCÓLIC. ECL. in.

105

Men. PoUio et ipse facit nova carmina, pa- r^^^Sffu^^^SST
scile tflurumi

list of tke greatest men in Rome;
" Sed ego verear né me non patis
^' deceat quod decuìt M. TuUium^
** C. Calvum, Asinium PolUonem,
*• Marcum Messalam> Q. Hor-
'• tensium, M» Brutum, &c." Vel-
leius Paterculus also, speak ing
of the men of extraordinary ge-
nius who adomed the Augnstan
age, inserts the name of Poi Ho in
that ìlliistrìous catalogne ; ** Jam
*' pcenesupervacaneum vìderi pot-
'^ est, eminenttum ingeniorum no-
*' tare tempora. Quis enim igno-
'* rat diremtos gradibus «tatis fio-
'* roisse hoc tempore Ciceronem,
'*,Hortensium, saneque Crassum^
*' Catonem, Sulpicium ; moxque
** Brutum'^ Galidium, C(Blìum> Cal-
*' vum, et proximum Ciceroni
'* Cffisarem ; eorumque velut alum-
*• DOS, Corvinum, ac Pollionem
'^ Asiniunif aeaiulumque Thucydidis
** Sallustium.*' In another place,
he mentions his steadìnessy and
fìdelity to Cscsar's eanse ; ** Asi-
'/ nius autem Pollio, firmus pro-
'^ posilo, et Julianis partibus fidus."
The.89ine liistorian mentions an-
other instance of hìs integrity.
There had been a great friendship
between him and Anthony ; but
after the latter gave himself up to
an infamous commerce with Cleo-
patra, Pollìo wouid .bave no more
concern with him ; bat when, Au-
gustus ìnvited hira to join wilh his
forces in the'flght at Actium, he re-
fused to he engaged on either side;
'^ Non praetereatur Asinii Pollionis
'^ factum et dictum memorabile.
*' Namque cum se post Brundù-
*' siniEtm pacem continuisset in Ita-
" lia, neque aut vidisset unquam
" reginam, aut post enervatum
" amore ejus Antonii animum, par-
" tibus ejus se miscuissct, rogante

*' Caesare, ut seciim ad bellùm^
** profieisccretur Actiacum. : Mea,
" iuquit, in Antonìum majora^me-
** rita feunt, illius in me beneficia
*' notiora : itaque discrimini vestro
*' me subtraham, et ero prseda
*' Victor is.**

85. Pierides vitulam, ^J] Ser-
vius understand» thls to mean^ ** ei-
'* ther feed his herds, because he
" reada ibis poem, or nurse up a
" heifer fof him afta reward." Ru-
seus makes a faìrther use of this pas-
«age. He thinks the time of the
puUication of this Eclogae may be
discovered from the verses before
US. . He is of opinion, that the men-
tion of a heifer and afterwards of a
bull refers to the time of his obtain-
ìng a triumph for the Dalmatiab
victory ; these apimals being sacri-
ficefl on such occasions to Jupiter
Capito! inus. That triumph being
. noted in the Fasti to liave hnppéned
on the eìghth of the kalends of No-
vember, in the year of Rome 715, he
concludes, that this Eclogue must
probably have been written about
the middle of October, when Vir-
gil was about 31 years old. His
learned countryman. Catrou, is of
another opinion. He thinks, that
DamoBtas pro(¥)ses to breed up a
heifer for him, as a tnan of taste in
poetry ; and that Menalcas proposes
a young bull, as for òne, who was
himself an illustrious poet. Bur-
man, in his note on the next cou-
plet, takes nova carmina to signify
heroic and epic verses, being in-
• duced by a note of Acron on Ho-
race, where he says, that the lyric
poets used to sacrifìce a heifer, the
tragic a goat, and the others. a
bull. He quotes Ramus also, who
says a heifer was a reward for bu- .
colie poets, which Burman says he
p

106

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

h^^lJS^^JSi Jam cornu petat, et pedibus qui spargat arenam.

withhiafeet.

took from Servìus^ and wishes he
had added the authority of some
other writer. I believe indeed it
will be difficult to prove, that either
heifers or bulla were ever offered in
sacrìfice by poets, or given to them
as a reward. We know that the
goat was a reward for tragedy : but
1 cannot find the least hint in any
ancient author^ coneemiifg a like
reward for the other sorts of poetry.
Nor Ì8 it easy to imagine^ that it
should be customary for poets to sa-
crifice a buU^ which was esteemed
the greatest victim that could be
offered to the gods. Thus Pliny,
*' Hinc victiniae opimae, et lau-
" tissima deorum precatio." Nay,
our poet himself has told us as much
in the second Georgick ;

Hinc albi, Clitumne, gregei, et maxima

Taurut *

VicHma^ ssepe tuo perfùsi flumine sacro,
Roipanos ad tempia deum duxere trìum*
phos.

There does indeed seem somethìng
like an ollusion to a heifer being a
reward for sudi as excel in bucolic
poetry, in the dose of this Edogue^
where Palspmon tells the contending
ahephenis, that each of them de-
serves a heifer; " et vitula tu dìg^
l'nus et hic' But perhaps the
judidous reader wiU be of opinion^
that this alludes only to the heifer^
which the shepherds had agreed to
stake. I dare not venture to make
an absolute decision in an affair so
yery doubtful ; and therefore shall
l^ave it to be considered^ whether
tìiis passage may not relate to the
Ambarvalia, in which we bave seen
already, that a heifer was the usuai
offering for wealthy persons. Ac-.
coMing to this interpretation, Da-
mcetas desires the Muses to feed a
beifer for their friend and patron;

to which Menalcas answers^ '' Poi-
'^ lio is not only a patron of the
, ^^ Muses, but also a poet hfmself :
" ther^ure inscead of a heifer, the
'' usuai victim of wealthy shep-
*' herds, feed a bull, the greatest of
^^ ali victims for so illustrious a per-
" son.'* Those who will not adrait
of this exposition, may take that of
Ruaeus, which is certainly very
ingenious.

. 86. PolUo ei ipsefacity *c.] We
|have seen already, in the notes ón
llthe preceding couplet, that PoUìo
vwas an excellent poet.

Nova carmina.^ Servius inter-
prets nova by magna, miranda:
Burman will bave it to mean herok
and epic poems, because Acron
says, Alios (which he inteiprets
epicos) poetas taurum immolasse.
It may probably mean no more, than
that Pollio was at that time com-
posing some new poem.

87. Jam cornu pttai, S^cJ] These
circumstances make a gooddescrìp-
tion of a youn^ bull, that is just
come to maturity. This line is
repeated in the ninth Mneìà, ver.
629.

Itcan hardly be doubted but that
the victory bere belongs to Menal-«
cas. Damoetas speaks of Pollio
onljr as a ]udge of poetry : but Me-
nalcas celebrates him, as being a
good poet himself. Damoetas of^
&rs him a heifer: but Menalcas

Eroposes a bull for him. Thus the
Ltter excels the former in each par-
ticular. The shepherds are now
equal; Damoetas excelling in the
first, second, and fourth, and Me-
nalcas in the third, fiftii, and
seventh i for they were equal in the
sixth ; as they will also appear to be
in the remaining part of this CQn«
tentjon.

BUCOLIC. ECL. III.

107

Dam. Qui te, PoUio^ amat veniat; quo te ,h2foiwBoI^&l^

^.,^^.4^ ^,.,J^*. honours, whìch he rcjoiccB to

quoque gaudet: ieetheeattain;lethoneyflow

Mella fluant illi, ferat et rubus asper amomum. b?Imbie'beSr spS». ""*

88. Qui te. Pallio, amat, *c.]
Datnoetas, unwilling to &dl short of
his adversary, in the praises of Pol-
lio, expresses the highest regard for
hjià» and wishes that aU who love
him maj reach the same honours.
Menalcàs, on the other sìde^ ex-
presseis the strongest detestation of
the detractors from that great man.

Veniat quo te quoque gaudet,"] Here
no doubt venisse must beunderstood>
*aecording to Servìus, who adds^
that the poet alludes to the consul-
ship, which Pollio obtained, after
baving taken Salone, a city of Dal-
matia: though others affirm, that
the victory over the Dalmatians was
in the year after the consulship.
Burman differs from his predeces-
sors, and says, '' he does not well
'^ understand what Servius and the
'' rest after him mean about the
/' cQtisulship of Pollio^ and venisse
^' being understood, which he thinks
" they can hardly prove. But,"
says he, " it appears from the fol-
" lowing couplet, that Damoetas
'' here censures the arrogance of
'' Menalcas, who endeavoured in a
*' manner to make himself equal
" with Pollio, by sayiuii: Pallio
*' amat nostram, S^c, to which he
'^ now answers, that Damoetas,
'^ who loves Pollio, ought to bc
" endued with that poetical genius,
** for which he hears Pollio to be
*' celebrated, and ought to bave
" honey flow, that is, be master dT
" a honey eloquence, and àble to
** treat of the most difficult sub-
*' jects with the greatest sweetness."
Then he seems to think that we
ought to read veniat quo te quo-
que laudet, taking ^uo to be used for
ut, and interprete it, may he i^me io

sing 1/our praises, and may he he
furnished mth ali eloquence. I must
confess myself to be as much at a
loss to understand this leamed cri-
tic, as he is to understand Servius
and his'foUowers. I do not see how
it appears from the foUowing cou-
plet, that Damoetas here censures
the arrogance of Menalcas; nor
was it Menalcas, but Damoetas
himself, that said Pollio amat nos^
tram, 4*c. nor can I comprehend, how
it can be an answer to that arro-
gance to say, ^''Ihat Damoetas,
'* who loves Pollio, ought to be
** endued with the same poetical
'* genius." His words are, " Sed
" ex sequenti Menale» disticho ap-
'* paret Damoetam hic perstrinxisse
" arrogantiam Menalcae, qui se
" fere PoUioni sequare voluerat, di-
" cendo, Pollio amat nosiram, 8fc,
'' cui nunc respondet, Damoetam
" illum, qui Pmlionem amat, de-
<< bere etiam instructum esse facul-
'' tate illa poetica, qua Pollionem
'* celebrari audit, &c." It is to
be hoped, that tiiis leamed critic
will explain this passage farther, in
some future edition, His taking
quo for ut, and inserting laudet for
gaudet, seems violent ; for he does
not say, that he is countenanced in
this reading by so much as one
single manuscript To conclude^ I
do not see it necessary to suppose,
that the passage before us alludes to
the civil or military honours of Pol-
lio : it may possibly aim at thosé
only which he had acquired as an
author.

ÒQ, Mella fiuant iUu'^ Burman,
as was observed in the preeeding
note, interprets this to mean elo-
quence. It seems rather to allude

108

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

JMw. Let him,who doet not
hate BaTluf , love thy vertes»

Men. Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina
Msevi: 90

to the happiness of the golcìen age,
in which the poets feign that honey
dropped from oaks. Thus we read
in the ne^t Eclogue ;

Et durae quercus sudabunt roscìda mella.

Seé the note on ver. 131. of the

first' Georgick.

Ferat et rubus asper amomutn.'^

Rubus is wìthout doubt the bram-

ble, or blackberry-bush.

Servius says the amomum ìs an
^ssyrìan flower; to prove which,

he quotes these words of Liican;
.*' Vidn» messis amomum.** The

£arl. of Lauderdale translates this

passage,

Who loves thee, PoIIio, $11 those blessings

fihare
Sweet honey pelds, or myTtles which thy

hedges bear.

Dryden renders it myrrh ;

Lpt mtfrrh instead of thorn bis fences
fili.

Dr. Trapp translates it spìces, and
Catrou des parfums. Theophrastus
tells us^that some say the amomuni
is brought froQi Media, and others
from India; Tò ìì »ct^a(M(Mf tcut
ìifMffuty ti fdf U Mnìutts ci y s|
'lììSf. Dioscorides says 'Mt is a
*^ little shrub, with branches bend-
" ing and turning« like a cluster of
" grapes. It has a sort of flower,
*' smful, and resembling a stock-
*' giUi flower. The leaves are like
" those of bryony. That from
" Armenia is accounted the best,
•" which is of a goldish colour, has
." reddish stalks, and a very sweet
*' smeli ;" "AfMfMt irrt ^otfMtffMi

969 MPTM* ÌXIK % TI tUtì Uf^, f^f^^'^^ì

^ tff XtvttùtùV ^ifXX» ìì fi0v$fU oiuittr
««AA4rr«v ÌH Irrì t« «^^iviév, ;^v0t-

fùf, ivùiÌH iicMàii. The same aùthor
speaks of a worse sort from Media,
and another from Pontus. Ruaéus
quotes this description of Diosco-
rides. But these words '* In Assy-
" ria, Armenia, Ponto, et Media op-
'* timum" are not just ; for Dios-
corides does not mention Armenia,
and says expressly that the amomum
fì*om Media, which grows in moist
and plain places> is less effìcacious :
T^ ìì flnìtMt ita TO Ì9 vtìUti tcai »
ìpvì^ùtf ró^ctf ^M9-d'«< aìufcùTért^òf .
Pliny seems to speak of it as a clus-
tei from an Indian vine; though
he says others are of <^inion, that
it is a shrub like a myrtle, a span
high, thfet it is gathered with the
root, and is veiy brittle; that the
best sort is like the leaves of the
pomegranate-tree> not wrinkled,
and Of a reddish colour; and that
it grows aiso in Armenia, Media,
and Pontus ; *' Amomi uva in usu
*' est, ex Indica Vite labrusca; ut
*' alii existimavere, frutice myrtu-
'^ oso, palmi altitudine : carpitur-
'' que cum radice, manipulatim
*' leniter componitur, protinu« fra-
*' ^le. Laudatur quam mnxime
'* Punici mali foliis simile, nec tu-

" gosis, colore ruffb Nascitur

" et in Armenia parte, qu$? vo-
'^ catur Otenae, et in Media^ et in
'* Ponto." It has been a matter of
great question among the modem
writers, whether we are at predent
acquainted with the true amomum
of the ancients. It is sufficient for
our present putpose to know, that
there was such a spice or perfame,
in high esteein among them, and
that it came from the eàstern parta
of the world, Therefore, when
Damoetas wishes that Pollio*s frìends

BUCOLIC. ECL, IIL lag

Atque idem juagat vulpes, e* mulgeat hircos. Sk'h^ìr*'* ***^"*

maygather amomum from brambles,
he makes a- second allusidn to the
happiness of the golden: age. Thus
•we find again in the next Eclogue ;

Assyrium ^ulgo nascetur amomum.

90. Qui Bavium non odit, éj^c,"]
Menalcas chan^ces the subject from
the admirere of Pollio to his de-
tractors; and, as Damoetas had
wished ali happmess to the former,
so he expresses the greatest detesta-
tion of the latter. ^* We see
" plaioly," says Catrou, ^* what sort
^' of opposition there is between
** the two couplets of Oamcetas
** and Menalcas. The former
" wishes the friends of PoUìo, as a
'' reward for their good-will, equal
'' honours to those whìch had been
^* decreed to this ìllustriouS Roman*
'' Pollio had been consul^ and had
'^ obtained a triumph for his con>
*' qiiest of Dalmatia. The second
'^ wisbes ali those^ who do not de-
*' spise the verses of Bavius^ as a
" punishment for their ili taste^ may
*' esteem those of Maevius, a worse
** poet stili. Biit; in short, what
"relation is there between Havius
'^ and Pollio^ between a hero and
«' a bad poet? And if there is
<' none, where are the ìaws of the
<^ Araoebean Eclógue ? A passage
*^ of Symmachus may perhaps clear
" up this dark place, which the in-
'* teppreters bave not explained :
*' Non idem honor, says Symma-
^* chus, in pronuntiandis tabulisy
*' P. Póllioni, quam liavio fuit/
" neque par issopo et Rossh fama
*' processit. Here this author puU
*' Pollio and Bavius in competition,
'^ and seems to give the preference
'^to Baviusr They were both
<' poets, and composed dramatìc
" pieces. Bach of them had his
" partMan»; but Virgil was for Poi-

'* lio, his benefactor. In this Ec-
*' logue, he makes a farious attack
'Vupon the rivai of his friend.
'' He would have those, wIiq esteem
*' him, be accounted stnpid enough
*' to be guilty of the grossest ab-
" surdtties. I know, that in the
'* ìast editions of iS3nnmachus the
'^ text has been altered, and that
'^ they read Ambimo ìnstead of
^' Baino. But, what right had they
" to put Ambivius with Pollio?
" was it not more naturai to follow
" the old editions, and to jòin Pol-
** lio with Bavius, as Virgil has
'' done ?" But Burmaashews plaìn-
ly enough that the p^sage in Sym-
machus, on which Catrou grounds
his«criticism, is either corrupted, or
not to the purpose. The Pollio
there mentioned is, even according
toCatrou'squotation,P. Pollio. Now
our Pollio was not V. Pollio, but C.
Asinius Pollio, and it has been
proyed that there was no such pet-
6on as Publius Pollio in the whole
Asinian family. 1 1 is more probable,
that Pollioni has slipped into the text ^
of Symmachus by mistake, and that
we ought io read Puhlio only ; for
there was, it seems, one Publius, a
player, who is there opposed to Am-
bivius, another player, who is men-
tiorìed in anothér episUe of Syramar
chus. Cicero also mentions Am-
bivius Turpio, anactor, in his hook
de Senectuie, In truth,. ali that is
said aboyt Bavius by the commen.i
tators is doubtful : and I believe.we
know no more of him at present,
than what Virgil has told us ; that
he was a very sorry poet ; and thdt
he died in the year of Rome 720,
in Cappadocia,» according to the
chronicle of Eusebius ; '* Olyipp.
" clxxxix. 3. M, Bavius Poeta, quem
'' Virgilius Bucolicìs notat, in Cap-
** padocÌ4 moritvr."

110

P. yiRGILII MARONIS

àJSSiiJdSSSlbSSS!!^ I>AM. Qui legitis flores, et humi nascentia

growontiiegiouiid, (raga^

As for Maevius^ we know rather
more of hìm ; for Borace, as well
as Virgil, has taken careto transmit
hìs name to posteritv. The lyrìc
poet prays heartily that he may he
shipwrecked^ and vows a sacrifioe
to ' the storms if they vili but de-
atroy him -,

f Mala soluta navis exit alite»
I Ferens olentem Mevium
) Ut horrìdis utrumque verberes latus,
Auster^ memento fluctibus.

Opima quod si prseda curvo littore

Porrecta mergos juverìs ;
LibidÌDosus immòlabitur caper,
( Et agna tempestatibus.

Tbai cunei «fttp, ihat Hinking Mceviut
hore^ *

Wm an m amen Irft the shore;
S<nUh-»indt ie ture ydu raUe the sufOUng
Oda,
And ttouày leat herfeebk tidee,

Then ifi see thee tpread a dainty disk
To hungryfowly and greedy ftsh,

A goat and lamb thaU then my vùwt
perform^
And both OuM die to thank the storm.

The Works' of these poetasters have
not reached to our times, and pro-
bably did not survive their author$ :
so that we must rely wholly on Vir-
gl's testimony for their character.
This great poet's declaring àgainst
them has caused their names to be
always mentioned with contempt
and rìdiciile. Pope^ in his Dunciad,
has placed Bavius in Elysium, on the
banks of Lethe, where he is em-
ployed in dippin^ the souls of tìie
duU, before their entrance into tìiis
world ;

Here, in a dusky vale, where Lethe rolJs,
Old Bavius sits, to dip poetic souls.
And blunt. the sense, and fit it for a siculi
Of solid proof, impcnetrably dull.

'' The wonderful satirical sharp-

^' ness of these lines, Qui Baviunt
'' non odit^ Stc" says Dr. Trapp, *' is
" likewìse known to a proverb.
'* It is pleasantto see the poet dash-
** ing two dunces against one another,
^* to make sport for himself and
^' his reader. We may be aure
*' they were not only dull, but en-
'^ vious and maìicums scribblers ; Vir-
'' gii had certainly been abused by
•' them ; otherwise he, who "was
'* the most candid, and best-natured
'' man in the world, would not bave
" been so severe'upon th^m.** Here
I cannot agree wiui this ingenious
gentleman, that Virgil had certainly
been abused by them, in which case,
it would have been more suitable ta
his candour and humanity, to have
taken no notice of them. The of-
fence, which they had committed,
was certainly against PoUio, who
was Virgirs friend, and a man of
the greatest merit What Menai-
cas said would have been no answer
at ali to the former couplet, if these
bad poets had not been enemies to
Pollio. Before we quit these an-
cient dunces, I would beg leave to
consider, whether what Virgil has
said of them is not capable of a bet-
ter interpretation, than that which
is generally reccived; " Let him
'^ who does not hate Bavius, be
'^ punished with liking the poems
'* of MfiDvius." Wherein does the
punishment consist? It would in*
deed be a punishment to a person
of good taste, to be obliged to read
bad poetry; but surely it can be
none to him that likes it We know
that both Bavius and Maevius were
contemporary with Virgil ; perhaps
Bavius was the older of the two^
and his verses allowed without dis-
pute to be ridiculously bad. Let us
suppose then^ that Maevius was the

BUCOLIC. ECL. III.

Ili

Frìgidus, O pueri! fugite hinc, latet anguis in Si'ffin^g?!^*:"**^*"*^*
lierba.

adversì^ry of Pollio: the satire in
this case will be very plaìn. and
tìitrongly levelled a^cainst Mseviiis.
The sense then will be, that none
can bear the poetry of Maevìus,
but such ns are so senseless as ter like
the wretched verses of Ba vi us. This
«ense seems tome more delicate, and
more like Virgil. We may strengthen
this interpretation by donsidering
an almost similar circumstance. We
are'told thàt Settle was once a rivai
of the famous Dryden, and had a
strong party on bis side. If any
friend of Dryden wouldhaveshewed
bis contempt of that unworthy an-
tagoriist, could he bave done it bet-
ter than by naming some incontest-
ably bad poet, such as Withers, for
ìnstance, and saying, ** Let him
" that doe3 not hate Withers, ad-
" mire Settle?" Would not the sa-
tire, in that case, be more delicate,
and strong, than if that friend had
named twoof Dryden*s antagonists,
and said, *' Let him that does not
'* hate Blackmòre, admire Settle?'*
There is no great matter of satire in
naming two poets together, who
are neither of them in esteem. But
to compare a poet, who has many,
admirers, with anotheì* that has
none, is treating him with ridicule
and contempt. We may conclude
therefore, that Mtevius had bis ad-
mirers, and that Virgil, being in-
cènsed against him for abusing his
friend Pollio, was resolved to shew
his contempt of him, by telling
him he Was no better a poet than
Bavius. Dryden has translated this
line most strangely ;

Who hates not living Bavius, let him be
Dead Maevius^ doom*d to love thy works
and thee :

Wherè this famous translator disco-

vered, that Mseviiis was dead, whén
this Eclogue was written, I can not
imagine

91. Atque idem juu gai, S^c,"] Here
Menalcas says, that such as can
like the poetry of Maevius, are ca-
pable of employing themselves in
the grossest absurdities.

92. Qui If^siiis flores, Sfc] '' In
*' these and the follo wing couplets,
" the shepherds seem to be grown
"friends: they do not^sting one
" another, a» beforej but only op-'
'* pose one sentence to another; in
*' which they appear to me to be
'* always equal. The allegories,
'' which some bave iroagined, do
'' not please me. Dàmoetas ad-
^' monishes the boys to avoid the
*' flowers of the meadows^ where
'^ snakes lie hid : Menalcas wams
" the sheep to keep from the banks
" of the rivers, where there is dan-
i*' ger." La Cerda.

^ervius understands this ailego-
rically. He says it is a hint to the
Mantuans/ who lived among armed
soldiers^ that were as dangerous as
so many serpents. Vives interprets
it, *' You that study the librai
M artSy avoid this venomous poet.'*
Catrou thinks it is a metaphor taken
from the country, to shew the dan-
ger of those passions, which capti-
vate the heart He understands
love to be the snake in the grass. If
this passage must be understood al-
legorlcally, I should rather follow
the interpretation of Vives, because
it continues the subject of the pre-
ceding couplet. But I believe it
would be better, with La Cerda, to
understand these verses literally.

Humì nascentia fraga.^ Tina
epithet humi nascefUia }s very pro-
per; it expresses the manner in
which strawberries grow> for th^

112

R VIRGILI! MARONIS

. Ye

ther,
tthebank

go farther, it Is aoc Mfe to
tnist t' ■

Men. Farcite oves nimium procedere: non
bene ripae

plants which bear them trail upon
the ticround^ and are therefore more
likeìy to conceal serpents.

94. Farcite oves, S^cJ] Servlus
interprets pcncite procedere to mean
prohlbftey servate ne procedant,^ This
Ruseus justly thinks to be harsh and
without exumple. The other in-
terpretation, he observes, is coun-
tenanced by this line of CatuUus ;

Nil metuunt j arare, nihil promittere
parcunt.

It is conformable also to a lìke ex-
pression of Theocritus, in the fifih
Idyllium ;

'SiTT* aiti r&t H§rim Tmi fitHuéHit' J5Ì* »•-
*£lt ri mmrtivTtt r»vr$ yitix$^»f, f ri f$u^7'

\

Servius also understands this couplet
aìlegorically, and thinks it alludes
to.the story of Virgll's being in clan-
ger of his life from Arrius the cen-
turion, if he had not thrown him-
self into the ri ver. Vives tells us
the whole story: ^' Arrius the
'* centurion was placed in Virgil's
" lands^ and when Virgil retumed
"from the city with Caesar's edict,
" by which Arrius was cotnmanded
" to quit his possession. the centu-
" rion assaulted Virgil with his
'' drawn sword, and pursued hitn,
«* till he tl^rew himself into the
*' Mincius, and swarp to the far-
"ther bank." Dr. Trapp is of
opinion, that " to put the rara for
" the shepherd, however allegorica!
" it may be, is not very naturai :
" and there is little agreement, says
'' he, between fklling into a river
'' accideihtally, and leaping into it
'' designedlv." Catrou thinks the
allusion to love is stili carried on,
anìd that the meaning of this cou-

plet, is, that love is a sUppery shore,
from which we may easily fallhead-
long into the torrent, if we do not
carefuÙy avoid the brink. I believe
we had better keep to the literal
interpretation.

Non."] Daniel Heiusius has nam
instead of non, which surely must
be a mistake.

95. Etiam nunc] Barman finds
etìam sua ia one roanuscript.

96. Tityre pascentes, 4*c.] These
couplets continue the subject of
takmg care of the flocks.

Servius thus allegorizes the pas-
sage before us; '* O Mantua, re-
" frain from the endeavour to re-
" cover thy lands : for when it shall
'* be a proper time, / will rvash them
" ali, that is, I will purge them ali
'* before Caesar, when he shall re-
'< turn from the fight at Actium.
'' He uses this expression in fonte
" with great proprìety; for he
" liimself was afraid to receìve liis
" land from Ceesar's friends, as
" from some little streams ; but
'^ now he tells the Mantuans, |liat
'' he will obtain the benefit from
*' the fountain head, from Cssar
** himself." But Virgil, if we
may believe the writers of his life,
finished ali his Eclogues seven years
before the fight at Actium. Vives
interprets this couplet in the same
manner, and takes in fonte tomean
. Augustus ; but he does not raention
Actium. Catrou understands it as
a caution, to avoid being surprìsep
by dangerous inclinations. Dryden
translates this couplet thus ;

From rìvers drive the kids, and tling

your hook :
Anon 1*11 wash 'em in the shallow bròok.

What does he mean by and sling
your hook ?

BÙcoLia ECL. ni.

113

Creditur: ipse aries etiam tiunc veliera siccat. 95
Dam. Tityre, pascentes a flumine reice capel-
las:
Ipse, ubi tempus erit j rfmnes in fonte lavabo.
Mbn. Cogito oves, pueri : si lac praeceperit
«stus,
Ut nuper, frustra pressabimus ubera palmis.
Dam. Eheu, quam pingui macer est mihi
taurus in arvo! 100

the ram himsclf fa cven n»w
drying his aeece. ,

Dam. O Tityn»» kecp the
goat» back firom the rlver : I
mysclf wUl wMh them ali m
the fountaln, when it «hall be
a proper time.

Men, Fold the sheep, my
boys : if the beat «honld dry
up the rnUk, we shall press'
their dugs in vain with onr
hands, as we did some time
ago.

Dam, Alas I in how fatten-
ing a field is my bull lean !

Reice!] " Here is first a syncope,
*• rejice into re-ìcSi then a con-
** traction of two short vowels into
" a long diphthong, re-ìce ^ into
'* reke. Thus we nave eicit for
*' ejicit in Lucretius ;

'* Nec radicitus e vita se tollit et eicit.**

RUiEUS.

97» Omnes in fonte lavabo,'] Thus
Theocritus, in the fifth Idyllium ;

98. Si lac praceperii astus.'] " That
*' is, praripuerit, ante cceperit, ante
** verterit. Hence preceptors are so
" called^ because they first take a
*^ thinff, and conceive it in their
*^ mind^ before they teach others.
" Gi&nius thinks we shouid read
^* perceperit far invaserit, after the
" manner of the old Latin writers.
'' Thus Pacuvius, in his Medea, has
** Horror percipit; and Plautus, in
** his Amphitr^o, Nam mihiy 4^.
'' mihi horror membra misero per*
** cipit dictis tuis ; and Lucretius, '
'* lib. 5.

'* Aera percipiat calidis fervoribui ardor, '

^' But I think we ought not to
** change the text" La Cerda.
Ruaeus interprets it^ either of dry-
ing up the milk, or corrupting it
so, as to make it go away. W. L.
makes use of a word, which I do

not remember to have seen else-
where j

If beate, as erst it did, the miìkforutow.

The Earl of Lauderdale translates it.

Drive home the ewes, my lads, lest heat

rettrain
Their milk, as late we press'd their dugs

in vain.

Dryden's translation is,

To fold my flock ; when milk is dried

with heat ;
In vain the milk-maid tugs an empty

teat.

And Dr. Trapp's,

Boys,' fold your sheep : if summer dry

the milk,
As lately, wc shall squeeze the teat in

vain.

He explains it io his note by praoc-
cupaverit, which, without doubt, is
the true meaning. Catrou seems to
think it raeant curdling the milk;
*' Si la chaleur venoit a tourner leur
'* laits."

100. Ekeu quam pingui, Sfc]
Damoetas laments, that his herd is
subject to the passion of love, as
well as himself. Menalcas answers,
that love is not the occasion of the
leanness of his siieep, biit some fas-
cination. '

Eheu,2 Some read Heu, Heu,
which answers to the Greek ex-
pression Ai, «f.

Q

IH

P. VIRGILU MARONIS

Love k the tame deitractlon
of the cattle, and of the mas*
ter of the cattle.

Menu Tfte^e cectainly do
aot oufier by love i their fleah
scaioe «ticka to their bones.
I know not what eye he-
witchea the tender lamba.

Dam. Teli me In what land
the apace of heaven ia ex*
tended thvee etta and no

Mem amor exitium pecori est, pecorisque ma-
gistro.
Mbn. His certe neque amor causa est ; vìx
osstbus bsreot.
Nescio quis teneros ooulus miki fiiseinat agnos.
Dam. Die quibus in terris, et eris milii mag-
nila Apollo,

Mac&r est mihi taurus^ Thus
Tfaeocrìtos, in hfs Noftilf ;

In arvo.2 Pierius and Burman
tìnd in erm in several manuscripts^
which reading they approve^ because
the ervum, a sort of vetch, is said
by Aristotle, Coluraella, and Pliny^
to fatten cattle. La Carda quotes a
passage from Plautus, in confirma-
tion of this reading; Ervum da~
turiti* estis, bubu» quodferam: but
he says he follows the most leamed,
who retain in arvo.
. 102. His certe*, S^c."] Damce-
tas had ascrìbed the leanness of his
bull to love, a passion by which
himself was tormented; but Me-
nalcas tells him^ that this cannot be
the case of his young lambs, which
are mere skeleton»; and therefore
some other cause ought to be,as-
signed, which he thinks to be fasci-
nation or witchcraft.

Fix ossiòns hcerent.'] Thus Theo-
critus, fn his N«^mV ;

Ti{y«f fih ì^ rei ras fro|TMf etvrk >^u9reu

103. Ocidus . . . fascinai.'] It
ig an opinion^ which stili preyails
among the ignorante t^at witches^
and ower evil disposedpersons^ bave
a power of injaring both persons
and catde^ by looking at them with
a malicìous eye.

104. Die quibus in terriSf ^c]
Damcetas, to put an end to the
coptroversy, proposes a rkldle to his

antagonista who^ instead of solving
ir, propose» another. —

Asconius Pedianua^ according to
Servius and Philargyrivus, affirmed
that he had heard Virgìl himself de*
dare, that he had left these riddlea,
on purpose to torture the grammai*
rians in solving them, and that the
first alluded to Cselius of Mantua.
This Caélius, jt seems^ was an ex-
travagant fellow, that spent his
estate in luxury^ and left himself no
more land than sufficed fbr his se-*
pulchre. This solution makes the
rìddle to be a sorry pun ttpon tbe
name of Caelius^ spatium c€eli being
supposed to mean« not the space ef
heaven^ but the space qf CaUus,
But Virgil does not use to trìfle in
this manner. Servius tells ns^ that
others think it alludes to the wéll,
which the philosophers digged at
Syene, to ^ew, that on the eigbth
of the kalends of July the sun shone
perpendicularly over that jdace:
that others would bave it mean the
shield of Ajax, on which the fon»
of the heavens was expressed; other»
a cave in Sicily, through which
Proserpìne was carried off bv Plato:
and others the place called munduB
in the rites of Ceres : but these he
thinks are too high for a country-
man. Philargyrius speaks of a welU
into which tney used formerly to
descend in order to celebrate their
mysteries, the orb, or circumfe-
rence of which was no more than
tfaree ells, that they might thereby
discover the produce of the year :

BUCOLIC. ECL. III. 115

TreftpftteatcoelispàtiatnnonamidiasÉlDaSé 105 jjdjwniwdbegifeitApoiJo

when they were at the bottom, they
oould see no mote of the sky, than
what atiswered te the cilt;uniference
of the well. He mentions also the
Sicilian cave^ and the shield not of
Ajax, but of AchiUes. Fiutar eh tells
US, in hìs life of Romulus, that when
Rome wasfounded^ they duga trench
round the place, where aì^erwardé
the Comitia stood, and threw ìnto it
the first-fruits of evety thing that
was either tiseful or necessary ; and
then that every man took a turf of
his own country, and threw it into
the trench; that this trench wa«
called Mundus, which they took
for their centre, and described the
city in a circle round it. This he
says was done according to the rites
of the Tu$can8. Festus relates»
fVom Atteius Capito, that this
trench lay open three days, which
werp accounted most strictly reli-
gioils, Hetìce La Cerda observes,
that we ougfat to consider atten»
tively, that this trench, which was
called Mundus or the World, lay
open just three days. He then
proTes, that mundus and caslum are
often used in the same sense, and in-
fersr from ali this, that the three ells,
mentioned by the poet, allude to
the three days, and that the calum
alludes to the tretìch or mundus,
Thi^ critidsm he itePcribes to Ciaco-
nius, and àdds, that he thinks it
prdbable, that Virgil, who wa«
well versed ih wh*t concemed tbb
Romans, Woukl choose to allude to
the affkìrs of thait people, of whom
he takes fréqnetd opportunities to
celebrate the glorìes. Rueros» be-*
sides the interpretations akeady men^
tioned^ favoun us with three óthiers ;
l. Vompotatsè refers it ta one Cae-
lus, whose Sfatue was but three cu-

bits, . 2. Alciatus understands it of
an ovetì, the mouth of whioh was
three ells wide. 3. Others of any
wfell, from which any person being
let down, sèes no more of the sky
than the breadth of the well. Out
of ali thes,e various opinions, Ruanis
leaves his reader to choose which
he likes best. Dr. Trapp thinks
the story of Cselius and his motitt-
*nent a poór jat» and a vefy t)t*
différent pìifi vnió the bàrgmn; and
declares himsèlf either fóf thè welt
or the oven. Catrou thiéiki» die
most simple intetpretation the best»
because it is most within the reatih
of a shepherd's uiiderstandmg, and
therefore declares for the well, Btir*
man relates two or threé xìthér iti-
terpretations, which are not vcrv
material, andatlast léave^ the di^-
ficulty as he found it. For my
'own part, 1 do not pretcwd to any
sitili in the solution of rìddles ; but
I shall hope for the reacier's excvnàe
tf I offer one interpretation mote^
which I bave not met with among
ali the various opinions of the com-
mentators. Might not the shep*''
herd mean a celestial globe or spkere 9
That the ancients had the use of
.such instruments, is ceiiain. Pliny,
lib. ii. cap. 8. ascribes Ùte inten*
tion of the sphere to Atlas; " Cir-
'^ eulomih quo<}ue céeli ratio in
'' terne mentione aptius dicetur^
** quando ad eam tota peltinef, Sig-
'* niferi modo inventiotiibus non
" dilatis. Obliquìtatem ejus in*
" tellexisse, hoc est, rerum fores
" aperuisse, Anaximander Milesius
'' traditur primus olympiàde quin-
'^*quagesimà octava. Signa deind^
** in eo Gleostratu8> et prima Ari-
" etis ac Sagittarìi. Sphderam ip*
*' sam ante multo Aitai" In lib.
82

116

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

Men, Teli me in what land
flowers grow.

Men. Die quibus in terris iQscrìpti nomiria
regum

viiì. cap. 56. where he speaks of
the ìnventors of things^ he ascribes
the invention of astronomy to At-
las^ and that of the sphere to Anaxi-
mander; ^' Astrologiam Atlas, Li-
" byae filius ; ut alii, ^Egyptii j
*' ut aliì^ Assyrii. Sphseram in ea
*' Milesius Anaximander." Dio-
genes Laertius also ascribes the in-
vention of the sphere to the sanie
Anaximander ; ^AfeiiffiMìì^cq U^etiitL^

ìùv, MtXio-t^ «XAtf Kctt e-^M-

^«y KctnerKivctat. Damoetas might
possibly allude to the gìass sphere
of Archi medes, which has been
spoken of already^ in the notes oo
ver. 40. It will he objected by
some perhaps; that three ells is a
much larger dimension than ìs ever
found in any celestial globe. But
we do Qot know, how larga these
instruments used to be made by the
ancients. Besides^ the critics are
not agreed whether the ulha was an
eli or a cu bit. See the note on ver.
355. of the third Oeorgick. Now
if we suppose it to mean a cubit;
a circuinference of three cubits will
agreewith the measure of the globes
in common use among us. Others
perhaps will object, that a globe
represents the whole heaven, where-
as Virgil speaks only of a space, or
part of the sky. To this I answer,
that spatium signifìes not on)y a
part> but the whole measure of any
thing. Thus Juvenal uses it to
express the whole dimension of a
turbot ;

— Hadrìaci spatium admirabìle rhonibi.

Pliny also uses spatium for the mea-
sure of a man, firom the crown of
the head to the sole of the foot;
* •• Quod sit hominum spatium a vesti-

" gio ad verticem, id esse passis
^* manibusintetlongissimos dìgitos
" observatum est." If any une
should doubt of the signìfìcation of
the word patet, which 1 render /oòe
extended, let hira consult Caesar,
who, in bis seventh hook de Bello
Gallico, uses paleo . to express the
extension of a plain 3 *' Ante oppi-
^* dura planities circiter millia pas-
" suum tria in longitudinem paté-
'' bat;'* and these words are re-
peated twice in the same hook.
Pliny also evidently uses patet for
extends; " Sylvarum longitudo est
" schoenorum XX : latitudo di-
'^ midium ejus. Schoenus patet,
" Eratosthenis ratione, stadia XL."
Thus we fìnd> that spatium coeli
patet tres ulnas, may justly be trans-
la ted the space qf heaven extends
three ells ; or the sky is extended to
the dimension of three eUs, or three
cubits, which agrees very well with
a celestial globe. If the reader
dislikes this interpretation, I am not
obstinate in defending it; he may
take any of the others, which he
likes best.

106. Die quihus in terris^ ^c,"]
Servius explains this riddle to mean
the hyacinth of the poets^ which
has been largely considered, in the
note on ver. 183. of the fourth
Georgick. Servius however is
mistaken^ when he says the hya-
. dnth retaìns only the name of Hya-
cinthus, and not of Ajax ; for the
reverse is true. AI, AI, was in-
scribed pn that.flower only to ex-
press the notes of lumen tation fpr
the death of Hyacinthus ; but they
constitute half the, name.of Ajax.
It is indeed the general opinion >
that the hvacintb is the iiower in

BUCOLIC ECL. Iir.
Naficantur flores : et PbyHlda golns-habeto.

ili

ifMcribed léth t!he itfame.of
Unga, and PhylUf^haU be
Tour own.

questioD j but La Cerda has pro-
posed another solution òf the riddle,
which is not unworthy of our con-
sidefation. He rejects the common
interpretation^ for being^ too ob-
vious. But perhaps, when Virgil
wrote this Eclogue^ the story of the
metamorphosis of the blood of Ajax
into a hyacinth might not be al-
together so trite as it is among us,
who bave been aceustomed to read
it in Ovid at school. He proposes
a new solution, with rather too
much confìdence> though is is very
ingenious. He produces a coin,
which hàs the image of Augustus
on one side^ with this inscription,
CAESAR AVGVSTVS, and on
the other flowers, with L. AQVI-
LIVS FLORVS ni. VIR. These
he says are the flowers to which
Menalcas alludes, as if he had said,
you ask where tlie heaven extends
only three ells, meaning the Ro-
man Forum: and I on the other
side ask you, in what country
fiowers grow with the names of
kings, meaning Augustus, whose
name we strike on our coin among
flowers. He adds a conjecture, ihat
perhaps the name ofFlorens, a sort
of money, was derhed from these
flowers. He then answers several
objectipns, which he thinks may be
made to his interpretation. I do not
recite them, because the judicìous
and leamed Ruseus has made one,
which overturns the whole solution.
" This learned man,* says he, " did
" not remember, that the surname
'' of AugxisttLs was not bestowed on
'' Octavianus till the year of Rome
" 727, in the seventh consulship
'' of Octaviùs, and third of Agrip-
'* pa, when Virgil was 48 years

'* old. New thè Bucolicks were
*' published when Virgil was 32."
This chronological objection is, I
believe, not to be answered. Ru«
seus therefore justly concludes, that
we must bave rccourse to the more
naturai and pastoral interpretation of
the hyacinth. But the authority
of Nannins, which he produce^, to
shew, that the name of Hyacin-
thus as well as that of Ajax is ex-
pressed by AI, can hardly be ad-
mitted. He reads Hiacinthw in-
etead of Hyacmthus, and so by .
taking ia backwards, finds part of-
the name to be ai, This is strain-
ing most extravagantly ; and Ru-
serus acknowledges, that this* read-
ing of Hiacinthus ìscotUra commu-
nem Grada totius fidem. Ruseus
observes farther, that Ajax and Hya- •
cinthus were not kings, but the
sons of kings, and that Virgil calls
them kings, in the same manner
as he calls Lavinia and Ariadne
queens in other places. I shall not
stay to enquire whether Ajax was
actually possessed of the crown of
Salamis. This is certain, that he
commanded their troops at the siege
of Troy ; and the chief commanders
in that war are generally looked
upon as kings. Nor is it necessary
to prove that the name of Hyacin-
thus was meant in this passage, to-
gether with that of Ajax ; since Vir-
gil might poetically speak of kings
in the plural number, when only
one king was intended. Pope, who
has imitated these riddles, in his
first pastoral, has thought himself
at liberty also to use monarchs in
the plural number, where he alluded
to a circumstance, that belonged
only to one single monarch :

US

R VIRGILII MAEONtS

to'SiStVffATSi Pai- NranogrtmmìnterTosuntMOQitipoDare

vewy between yotot 700 «te- 1;^. ,

•enre the cow, and he aboj iivfo •

é^^t'SS^^^ Et vituìa tu dfgtras, et tócr et qmfqnfe rarares
ceoLt'^tón^myiad^^ Aut metuet (lulces. aut experìetur amaros. 1 10

the rUU: the meadows «« ^^ ,. . . • , .,

«uffidentiy mototened. CiAudite jam rivos, puen : sat prata biberant.

STB£PB.

$ay, dhepherd, say, in wèat glad soli ap-

pean
A woDdVoua tree, that iacred moiìarchs

bean?
Teli me but this, and l'U disclaiìn the

prize.
And give tbe conqaest to thy Sylvlà's

eyefft

DapHì
Naj, teli me finA* in what mora htppy

fields
The thìstle springs, to which the lily

yields ?
And then a nobler prise I will resign 9
For Sylvia, chanmag Sylvia, sball be

thine.

107. Phyllida solus habeto,'] Phyl-
lìs was one, whom both the shep-
herds claìmed ; one saying Phyllida
mitte mihi, axià the other Phyllida
omo ante alias, ' But now Menalcas
seems so confident of liis having
puzzied Damoetas, that he offers
to give him a sole right to her^ if he
can solve the riddle.

108. Non nostrum inter vos, ^cJ]
Palsemon declares, that it is not in
his power to decide which has the
better^ and desires them to make an
end of their contention.

Servius makes a stop after non ;
so that the sense will bie thus ; No:
Utsmy pari to decide. In this he is
follo wed by some other critics.
Othets undérstand a question to be
asked; Is it not my part to decide?
These interpretatìons seém to bave
this foundatiod 5 Menalcas yroposes
to resign rtiyÓis to his rivai, on
eondition that he solves the riddle,
which Palaemon objects to, because

the prize, for which they coiiténd,
is a Gow. Hold, says he, you for-
get that you are contending for a
cow, and now offer to stake your
mìstress. I, who am chosen judge,
will not su&r you to depart from
the originai terms of your conten-
tion, but will decide the dontroverey
myself. This intérpretation mi&ht
be admitted: but Ruaeus and othcrr
sood judgés choose to undérstand
me words in the most pìain sense ;
that Palaemon dedares himself ùn-
able to decide which of them has
performed best

109. Et vituh tu dignuà, S^."]
Pakemon determines,' that each of
the shepherds deserves a cow fbr hi»
reward, and every one also, who
shall give so just arepresentation of
the hopes and feats of love.

111. Claudite jam rivos, 4*r.]
Some undérstand, that Palaemon,
having given his decision, now turns
to his own servants, and gives them
direction to stop the rills, thàt hrtvd
overflowed themeadows sofflciently.
j But the most general cTpinìon is,
that he speaks flgiiratively, allnding
to the comfort, which the meadows
receive from the overflowing rills.
Hence Catrou, ra h?8 translation,
gives the metaphor its pn)per sense ;
" Put an end to your dispute.' I
•* have receìved suflScient pleasnre
•• in hearing you.'* In rho«e rocky
and warm countries, ir is customarv
to refresh their thirsty fields tvith
rills of water, which they coflect
together, and then itirn the coarse

BUCOLIC. ECL. III. 119

of the water to the field that requires Tate tumn carmen nobis, divine poeta,

it; 88 our poet has beautifuUy de- <*'»'« '°V<" ***' *" «"oàne: quale per

SCribed it in the first Georgick j d,^^™. .olente dtim tertingoete

£t cum exustus ager morìentibus sestuat rivo.

herbis,

Ecce superdlio divosd tramitis undam Dr. Trapp here produces a like me-

EUdt: ma cadens raucum per laevia taphor from the holy Scriptures;

&rX«»tebri«iue «enti. ten>per.t ;; % '«««*""« «"«U drop as the

ajya. *'rainj my speecb snall dista as

*' the dew, as the sroall raìn upon

We find in the fifth Eclogue a '' the tender herb, and as the

coniparison of good poetry to the '' showera upon the grass," Deut.

quenchingof thirst; xxxu.%

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA QUARTA.

POLLIO.

NlCELIDES Musse paullo majora canamus.

Non omnes arbusta juvant, humilesque myricee-

Sì canìmus sylvas, sylvas sint consule dignae. wóòd^l)è~w^thyofToòci«iii.

Ye Sldlian Muae8,let ut king
of something more grand.
The vincyarts and humble
tamaikks ddight noe alL If
we àae of the woods, let the

j 1. SiceUdes Musa, 4^.] In the

verses of the Sibyls there were some

IpropbecieSj which foretold^ that a

Iking should beborn into the world

labout this time, under whom the

'; happiness of the golden age should

I be restored. These prophecies the

Ipoet applies to a child, that was

|born, or just ready to come into the

t world in the consulship of bis great

f friend Pollio. He therefore invokes

/ the Muses to raise bis verse above

i the common pitch of pastoral poetry.

' He invokes the Sicilian Muses^

; bécause Thepcritus^ the father of

h pastoral poetry, was a Sicilian.

Majora canamus.'} Whilst Virgil

was writing bis Eclogues and Geor-

gìcks, he seems to bave had frequeut

impulses to write something above

bis present subject. Tbus in the

begiqning of the third Georgick^

■ — «Tentanda via est, qua. me quoque
poesim
ToUere hùmo, victorque vtrum volitare
... per ora.- •

And,

Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere

pugnas
Caesarìs, et nomen fama tot ferre per

annosy
Tithoni prima quot abest ab orìgine Cib-

sar.

2. Non omnes arbusta juvant."] {
The subjects of pastoral poetry are )
of themselves too mean to give de-^'
light to many readers.

Arbusta.] See the note on ver.
40. of the first Eclogue.

Humilesque myrica.] The ta-
marisk sometimes becomes a pretty
tali tree ; but it is generally low and
shrubby. Ij is very common on
the banks of tho rivers in Italy,
This plant was first brou^i^ht into
England in Queen Elizabeth*s time
by Archbishop Grindall, as a sove-
reign remedy for ihe spleen, ac-»
cording to Camden. 1 1 is humilesque
genesta, in the Medicèan manu-
script, according to Pieriiis.

3. Si canimus sfflms, <Jv.] The

122 P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

th2cIiSS?^g^**^''' Ultima Cumaei venit jam carminis aetas:

poet is willing to raìse bis pastoral
verse above the common style, and
though be stili brings bis images
from the country, yet to make it
wortby the perusal of a Roman
consul. Thus Mr. Pope, in bis
fìne imitation of thts £clogue ;

Ye nymphs of Solyma ! begin the song :
To heav^nly themes sublimer strains be-

long.
The mossy fountains, and the sylvan

.shades.
The dreams of Pindus, and th' Aonian

maids,
Deljght no mor o

iS'iii^.l Pierius says it is sunt in
moBt of the ancient manuscrìpts.

! 4. Ultima Cumai venit, ^c^] He
now -bBgins the gxrbject of the Ec-
lògue, which is the Sibylline pro-
pbecy of new and happy days, the

i return of Astraea, and of the golden
age.

C»m€£i carminis.] The general
opinion is, that there were ten hea-
then prophetesses^ or Sibyls, Ibc/
Delphian, Erythrsean, Cumsean,
Samian, Cuman, Hellespontic, Ly-
bian, Phrygiao, Persian, and Tt-
burtine. One of these, wbether
thè Cumaean or Erythraean, is not
certain, and some say it was the
Cuman, carne to Tarquin, king of
Rome, and dffered him nine vo-
lumes of prophecies, for which she
demanded a great price. When
tbis proposai was rejected by the
king, she withdrew, and burned
three volumes, and coming again
before the king, asked the same sum
for the sìx. Being rejected again,
she did as before, and returned
with the remaining three volumes,
insisting stili upon the same price
which she bad demanded for the
whole. The king imagining there

was something extraordinary in
them, from this un usuai conduct of
the Sibyl, bought them of ber, and
caused them to be laid up among
the sacred arcbives of Rome. Two
men were appointed to bave the
care of this treasure : their number
was afterwards increased to ten, and
at iast to fìfteen. When the ca«
pitol was bumt, a little before the
diclatorship of Sylla, these sacred
volumes perished in the flames.
The «enate, to remedy this loss,
sent messengers ali over Italy and
Greece, to.collect as many verses
of the Sibyls as could be procured.
Theyfound about a thousand, which
were brought to Rome, and kept
with the greatest care, till at Iast
they were burnt by etilico, in the
time of the emperor Honorius.
What these verses were is not now
certainly known ; for those which
are now extant under the name of
the Sibylline Oracles, are not vnth^
oùt reason generally thought to be
spurious. This however we may
conclude, from the Eclogue before
US, that they foretold the birth of a
child, to happen about that time ;
under whom the wórld should enjoy
peace and happiness. Tiiis must
certainly allude to ourblessed Savi*
our, of whose birth thè prophecies
in Isaiah are so like many verses in
this Eclogae, that wemay reason-
ably conclude, that those truly in-
spired writings bad been Been by
the Sibyls themselves, or at least
by Virgil. In the oration of the
Emperor Constantine to the clergy,
as we fìnd it in Eusebius, there is an
acrostic of the Erythraean Sibyl
preserved in Greek verse, the inìtial
letters of which, taken togèther,
make IHSOTS XPISTOS GEOT
TIOS SQTHP STATPOS ; that ìs.

BUCOLia ECL. IV.

I2S

Magnus ab integro sae^clorum nascitur ordo. 5 lìjjig*^"***' ««geib«gi«

Jesus Chrìsty the Son of God^ the
SaviouTy the cross :

"Sm^ut rtf^v »^iuu wa^m» luà m^cm»
iittnrm,

x^int,

yimrmif

*lXnv»n f^i^ ri irvXas ti^xrnt àfiet»»
Sòg^ «■«ri ireu"» nx^Sv Ig Ikiu^t^uf ^A»t

■ Tws àyiétfSì àitóf^ug ri rò ru^ mìm^n

'OiriTM'» r)f 9r^é3^t ÌXetStr r«Ti varrei A«-

B^nfós r ix ir»fr«tf X^rett xmÌ ^^uyfiìs

e^ifrm.
*ExXU'4'U ri>Mt ntXict/f lU-T^m ri* ;^9^ii«i.
Où(»fà9 uXJlu, fimfis ìi ri ^iyyot i>MTm.

/3«tfMV.,

*l0^ r* S^n itt^ots ìrreUf xeù ireuret ^éiK»ffg»
Oùx ùf irXéh ^Uf yn yòt^ ^^vx^ii^ot j»r«

Svy *nymi «'«ta/m) »K;^X4^0yrif Xu^évrn,

*£l(uotMr«t r» ftiXXe» mai ih 9%f»Mrtb xU-fMu,
Ta^ro^tfiy ;^«9f ìu^u ^tótÌ y»7a ;^a90tf^a.
"H^fM-iy S* la») fiv/ut &tou fiag'iXSìtt Mireunrit»
'Pt^u t éUfatUtf itcroféif 9rv^, HH y$

•In

' , tu \uXof ly iri^TÓts rò xi^as ri ^oéoù/itwf

"tìmfi ftirZot tnsrtùs Ì» hShtut ^rnymt*
'PaC^fff ^Mftsuuu^tt ^àviftin yt x^mrn^u»
OuTf i W9 Vfiéy^^iis Sy ix^rtx^uis ^tit

hfAMf

'Sttrhf àiiimrof ^et^tXthg ò ^atévf tnx

Ihe pious einperor acknowledi|;;es,
that many looked upon these verses
as a forgery of some over zealous
Christian. But he says^ they are
certainly genuine, apd were trans-

lated into Latin by Cicero^ wbo
was naurdered long before the birth
of Christ. We do not find, these
verses in any of Cicero*s works
that are now extant; yet itis hardly
to be imagined^ that Constantine
would so openly ha ve appealed to
them, if they had not been extant ,
in his time. This however is cer-
tain, that there were verses of the
Sibyls in the custody óf the Quin*
deceìnviri in Cicero's tinoe, which
were said to foretel a king, and were
written in the manner of an acro»-
tic. For that author, in his second
•hook de Divinatioue, gives us to
understand, that there was a de-
sign of applying the Sibylline verses,
which furetold a king, to Julius
Ceesar. Hence he takes occasion
to combat the authority of the
verses, and d^clares, that no pro-
phecy ought to be believed, that
mentions any thing so contrary to
the constitution of the Roman Re-»
public. He argues, from their
being acrostics, that they could
not be genuine, becaUse the care
and exactness required in composing
an acrostic is inconsistent with the
fìiry which is said to bave possessed
the Sibyls, when they uttered their '
predictions : 'f Sibyllae versus ob-
*^ servamus, quus illafurensfudisse
'* dicitur : quorum interpres puper
'' falsa qusedam hpminum fama
'/ dicturus in senatu putabatur»
'f eum, quem re vera regem habe-
'* baraus, appellandum quoque esse
/' regem, si salvi esse vellemus . . •
'* Non esse autem illud Carmen fu«
'' rentis, quum ipsum poema de«
V clarat, est enim magis artis, et
" diligentiae, quam incitationis et
" motus, tum vero ea> quse «»(dr->
*' Ttxis dicitur, quum deinceps ex
*' primis versus litteris aliquid con-
r2

19é

P. VIROILII MAROMIS

w^gn of flatucu letufos :

the

Jam redit et Virgo» redeunt Satuniìa regna:

''nectitur, ut io quibusdam £n*
** nianis. Id certe ma^s est ad-
" tenti anìmi^ quam furtntis. At-
*' que in Sibyllinis ex primo versu
" cujusque sententiae primis litterìs
*' illius sententi» Carmen omne
" praetexitur. Hoc scriptoris est,
^^ non farentis; adbibentis diligen-
" tiam, non insani. Quamobrem
" Sibyllam quidem sepositam^ et
" conditam habeamus, ut, id quod
" proditum est a majoribus, injussu
*' senatus ne legantur quidem libri,
'' vàleantque ad deponendas potius
" quam ad susci piendas religiones :
'^ cnm antistitibus agamus, ut quid-
*' vis potius ex illis libris, quam re-
*' geiri proferant ; quem Romae
*' postbsec nec dii nec homines esse
" patiantur." These argiunents of
Cicero are by no means a proof
that the verses of the Sibyls were
forged ; and if they were, it is
plain, that it was done long before
there were any Christian s to forge
them. Several of the most primi-
tive Fathers, in their disputes with
the heathens^ appealed to the verses
of the Sibyls, in which they told
them, they mìght see plainly that
the coming of Christ was foretold
by their own oracles. This argu-
ment would bave been of no weight,
if the learned men of those times
had not known that such verses
were extant before the coming of
Christ : and it is not easy to ima-
gine, that they could bave been so
famous over ali Italy and Greece so
early as the time of Justin Martyr,
Who lived about the middle of thè
second century. if they liad been
forged by the Christians. St. Au-
gnstin, in his exposition of the
Epistleof St. Paul to the Romans,
iays, he should not easily bave he-
lieved that the Sibyl prophesied of

Christ, if Virgil, whom he calla
the most noble of the Roman .poets^
had not prefixed to his poem on the
renovation of the age, which seems
to agree with the kingdom of Clnrist^
the line now under consideraticm ;
'• Fuerunt enim prophetse non ip-
'' sius, in quibus etiam aliqua in-
" veniuntur quae de Christo audita
" cednerunt, sicut etiam de Sibylla
" dicitur: quod non facile crede-
*'rem, nisi quod poetar um qui-
'* dam, in Romàna lingua nobi-
'* lissimus, antequam dicéret ea de
'* innovatione seculi^ quae in Do- '
" mini nostri Jesu Christi regnum
'* satis concinere et convenire vide-
" antur, praeposuit versum, dicens,

*< Ultima Cumaei jam venit carminis
" flBtas.

** Cumseum autem carmen Sybilli-
*' num esse nemo dubitaverit."

The same learned Father, in bis
eighteenth book de Civitate Dei,
mentions the same acrostic with
that which is quoted above. He
tells US he saw it first in a sorry La-
tin translation, but afterwards Flac-
cianus, a proconsul, an eloquent and
learned man, having some dìscourse
with him conceming Christ, shewed
him a Greek book, in which were
some verses of the Èrythraean Sibyl,
and pointed out an acrostic > the
initial letters of which were 'ln^vs
X^ta^og, 0»v Ytcf «■«•nìg, Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, the Saviour. He
then sets down the Latin vérsion, in
which the acrostic is far from i)e-
ing well preserved j

Judicii sìgno tellus sudore madescet.
£ caelo rex adveniet per seda futurus :
Scilicet in carne prsesrens ut judicet or-

bem*
Unde Deum cernent incredulus atque

fidelis *

BUCOLIC.EGL..IV.

I9S

Jam nova progenies cselo demìttitur-alto.

DCNf iK neif vranény fe i
down from li%h M>.v€ii*

l»iétt

. Celsam cum sanctis, svi jam termino in

ipso.
Sic anime cmn carne adefunt, quas ju-

ctioet ipse.
Cum jacet incultus densis in veprìbus

orbis.
Rejicient simulachra viri, cunctam quo-
que gazam :
- £xuretterra8Ìgnis,pontumquepolumque
Inquirens, tetri portas effrìnget Avemi,
Sanctorum sed enim cunctas lux libera

carni
Tradetur, sontes sternum fiamma ere»

mabit
Occultos actus retegens, lune quisque lo*

quetur
Secreta, atqoe Deus reserabit pectora

lucL
l\inc erit et luctus, stridebunt dentibus

omnes.
Erìpitur solis jubar, et chorus interìt

astris.
Solvetur caelum, lunarìs splendor obibit,
. Dejiciet colles, valles extollet ab imo.
Non erit in rebus hominum sublime, vel

altum.
Jam ffiquantur campis montes, et caerula

ponti.
Omnia cessabunt, tellus confrapta perìbit.
Si6 parìter fontes torrentur, fluminaque

igni.
Sed tuba tunc sonitum tristem dimittet

ab alto
Orbe, gemens facinus miserum varìosque

labores :
Tartareumque chaos monstrabit terra de-

hiscens.
Et coram bic Domino reges sistentur ad

unum.
Decidet e caelis ignisque et sulpburìs

amnis.

St. Augustin obsj&rves, that in ali the
writings of this Sibyl, whether she
was the Erythraean, as some think,
or the Cuman, accQrding to others,
there is not the least mention of the
gods of the heathen being to be wor-
shìpped ; but there are some things
against them and their worshippers,
so that she may seem to be one of '
those who belong to the city of
God. He then throws together
some scattered quotations of Lac*
tantius fròm one of the Sibyls,

which most eyidently relate to
Christ, and concludes with iiiform-
ing US, that some place the Ery-
thrsean Sibyl in the time of Romu-
lus, and others in the time of the
Trojan war. •

What has beén said ih this note
relates chiefly to the Erythraan Si-
byl; but it maybe observed, that
many thought there was but one
Sibyl, or confounded them ali to-
gether : thus the poet uses the Cu-
msean for any Sibyl, she who pro-
phesied at Cumae being most fa-
mous in Italy.

5. Magnus ab integro, <^c.] He-
siod mentibns five ages of ' the
world; 1. The golden àgè, in the
days of Saturn, when mén liyed like
the gods, in security, without labour,
ivithout tròuble, and not subject ta
the miseries of old age. Their deaOl
waslike going to sleep ; they enjoyed
ali the conveniences of li fé in tran*-
quillity 5 the earth produced pleiity
ofallfruits Without tillage. 2. The
Silver age, in which nien were less
happy, being injurious to each
other, and neglecting the due wor-
ship of thè gods. 3 The copper, or,
as we commonly cali it, the brazen
age, in which men discovered cop-
per, made themselves armour with
it, and were given to violence and
war. 4» The age of demi-goda
and heroes, who warred at Thebes.
and Troy. 5. The iron age, in
which Hesiod lived, which was to
end when the men of that time
grew old and grey. Thus, by the
great order of the .ages beginning
anew, Virgirmeans that the gol-
den age was then retuming.

6. Jam redit et virgo.l 'The
Emperor Constantine, and many
other pious Christians, wiU bave this
to allude to the blessed Virgin, But j
Virgil certainly meant Astraea ori

146

tfaebiithoftlib

R VIRGILI! MÀRONIS

Tu modo nascenti paero^ quo ferre» primom

1 Justioe, whp 18 aaid by the poets to
have been driven from earth to bea-
yen by the wickedness of mao-
kind; and therefore ber retuming
ìs one sìgn of the restoration of the
golden age. In the aecond Geor-
gick, our poet, with greatpropriety,
represents ber a» baving iMade ber
la^ abode on earth in the country ;

— — Estrema per i1]o8

Justitia excedens terrU vestigia fedt

Hesiod niakes àm, or Justice^ to
he the daughter of Jupiter and
Themis i

A<vn^ iyAytr» Ai^r*^ ^^» «} rw*

But in bis description of the ages^
Aiìmf and N^cmk leave earth and
go to heaven ;

It appears to me that 'Sifunf must
mean also Justice in tbis place, and
be the same with AUn, whom he
bad meiìtìoned a few lines before,
together with A<^^ or Modesty,
where he says, neither of them sball
converse with men ;

Oint t^rat»'

But in the &uyfU he makes Ni-
fu^ts to be the daughter of Night;

Here indeed be descrìbes Nemesis
as the vengeance of the gods, as the
word is commonly uhderstood ; but
it cannot have that meaning in the

former passage, where be speaks of
ber leavìng eartb^ becauae of the
wickedness of men. It must there
necessarily meàn Justice, or else
bave slìpped into the text erro-
neously for some otber word. Ara-
tus, speaking of the consteUation
Virgo, makes a question, whether
she was the daughter of Astrseus,
the father of the stars, or of some
otber» and callsher Aixn, or Justice ;

«XX«v,

^Av^^MTMf, mg ìnétf Wtx^óftn r^H «i»«
"H^X*''* ^ kifà^ttvemf tutritavrin' ùvHwt

OtHiirèT ù^mwf kmfmr» ^vXc yvnunSnf
'AXX' àffuHi ÌMaénntf »mì iJitféirn w%^

Kmi I A/uffir tutìSuiu*.

He tells US also, that aft^r the cop-
per age began, and men made war
one with anoUier, she bated them,
and went up to heaven ;

*A>A* Un ^ ufuttfu Iriha^mf, »5 T ìyL
XmX»iifi yiuht «'{«rt^Mf «Xmm'ì^m Ì^$Sf

Kéù r«ri fuw^^atvm A/»if «hìmvv yiwi àtt^fSw^

Ovid calls ber Astrsea, and says she
was the last of the deities that left
the earth, on account of the wicked-
ness of the iron age ;

Vieta jacet Pietas ; et Virgo c«de ma-

dentes
Ultima cslestum terras Astraea l'eliquit.

Asircpa^ last ofaìl the heavenly Urth^
Affrightedy leaves the hlood^ied earth,
Sandys.

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

Desinet» ac loto surget gens aurea tnyndo,

127

ja «boni tilt irai age «hall
begin to £dl, and the golden
age diali rise over the whole
world:

I do not remember, lliat I bave
found tbe name Astreea in any au-
dior older than Ovìd, and suspect,
that we ought to interpret Asiraa
virgOj the Astnean Virgin, from her
father Astfwus, and not the virgin
Astma. Thus Daphne is called
nympha Pene'ia, ike Penéian nj^mph,
from her father l^eneus, and not the
nymph Penéia. If this suspickm is
weli grounded^ itis a common er*-
ror to cali Justiee Astraa,

Redeunt Saturnia regna,'] Hesiod
«ay« the golden age was under the
reign of Satum in heaven ;

O* fàf M Kfcfcv n^tut ì^ nt^fSf iftCm^

I 7- Jani nova progenies, ^cJ]
(The emperor Constantme is of opi-
j nìon^ that this verse plainìy alludes
*. to our blessed Saviour; Tevr«F T»€«-

-Tìi^t f|sXafe4^ Tf'u^twrMy xccì rò m
uyt^rtirn? B^naict/»^ »r«&^«-n}0i| favori"
^lòfy 9 Ti net rov ^ffv ìuàé^ avnomt
9t^ì ni àlfieu Xifyuf rh i|a;^r«ray rSh
xttrà 'irttXutf irùtnrSf

"Eflftv tvur» fUn irknéhg iiH^m ì^tuaén,

8. Tu modo nascerai, ^c'.^ The
poet now invokes Lucina^ and en«
treats her to favour the birdi of the
ìnfiuit, of whom there were such
great expectations at this time ; and
declares, that it was to be in the
consulship of Pollìo.

Nascenti puero^ The child^ that
was to be bom in that age, when
; the world should be at peace, as was
fforetold by the oracles, was with-
> out doubt our blessed Saviour. But
j tbe poet, ignorant of the true sense
^ of the prophecies, xmderstands them
I to mean the peace which was set*

tled when he wrote this Eciogue^
and applies ali tlie blessings^ which
were promised to the reign of Christ^
to a child that was then expected to \
come into the w(»rld. The con^^ i
mentators bave not determined^ 1
wìth any certainty^ what child it ^
was to whom these promised bless-*
ings are ascribed by the poet Ser-
vius tells US, that Asinius PoUio
having laken Salotiae, a city of Dal- ;
matia, and obtained a triumph, and /
afterwards the consulship^ bad that j
very year a son, who was called Sa- j
lonmus, irom the name of the cap- ;
tive city, and that this Saloninus is
the child whom Virgil bere cele-
brates. 'ibis opinion is generally,
received, on the authority of Ser-i
vius. But Ruaeus shews plainly\
that this must be a mistake. He }
observes, that Saloninus was not thè/
son, bat the grandson of Pollio, and .
that he could not be boni about the |
time of writing this Eclogue, be- '
cause he died a young man sixty
years afterwards, being designed the
husband of Tiberius Cassar's grand-
daughter, for proof of which he re-
fers US to the thtrd hook of the An-
nals of Tacitns. The words of
Tacitus are these ; " Ghiere eo
" anno viri iilnstres, Asinius Salo-
*' ninus, M. Agrippa et Politone
'^ Asinio avis, fratre Druso insignis,
'^ Csesarique progener destinatus."
Here indeed Tacitus does not say
expressly, that Asinius Saloninus
was a young man, but it may be>
supposed, that he was many years
under sixty, when he was proposed •
for a husband to the Emperor's
grand-dauffhter. Ruseus farthe?
observes, that the son of PoUio wajH
named C. Asinius Gallus, and not
Siiloninus, which is certain. Be*^
sides, it may be considered^ that
Tacitus calls M. Agrippa tbe grand-

M8

p; virgilu:marokis

thf cmaàpoooìiùwtisgaf. Casta fave Lucina : luus jam regnai Apollo. IO

fiUliei* òf Soipnìnus^ Agrippa must
therefore bave been bis motner's ùl-
tber; and indeed Tacitus bimself
[nforms us, that Vipsanìa^ the
laugbter of Àgrìppa» was married
to Tiberius^ and afterwards to
3 Gallus. '^ Ducta in ma-
\^ trimonium Vìpsania M. Agrippse
^ filia, quse quondam Tiberìì uxor
' fiierat/* New Tiberìus was bom
Ittle above a year before the con-
iulshlp of Pollio, that ìs^ under Le-
|)idus and Plancus» just after the
I>attle of Philipp!, as we are in-
jformed by Suetonius ; " Natus est
f Roms in palatio, XVI. Cai.
t' Decemb. M. ^Emilio Lepido
V iterum, L. Munatio Plance Coss.
^,^ post bellum Philippense. Sic enim
y in fastos actaoue publica relatum
f est." Dio tells us, that after the
|eath of Agrippa, who had married
^ulia, the daughter of Augustus,
iTiberius was compelled to part with
bis first wife, the daughter of Agrip-
pa, by a fbrmer marriagc, who had
one child by him already, and was
big with another, aod totake Julia;
'X2( yàv9 'Ay^fWoK • . • hrs^pixu . » .
Tùf Tt^i^tM x»ì eixKff ir^óa^tXsr^ . • • •
%st4 v^ocùTFùoTTetaròtg xttì hctlfov rnv ytiy-

ti^a \% iaXMì fi^H yttfMTW óSrecf, »»}
*iÌK90f T« fthìiìn r^i^ùvo-xt, ri ?8 |y yet-
fT^ì t)C*v't^9 W TI 'UtfXtttf $1 iyyvic^,
From these authorities considered
together it appear&, that Saloninus
could not possibly be born till
niany years after bis grandfather
PoUio was consul. For before bis
mother Vipsania was married to bis
fath^r Asinius Gallus, she iiad been
wife to TiberiuB, and had two chil-
dren by him ; and this very Tibe-
rìus could not be above two years
old in the consulship of Pollio. This
divorce also is placet! by Dio in the
consulship of M. Valerius Messala

Barbatus, and P. Sulpicius Quìrì-
nius^ which was twenty-eight years
after that of Pollio. Iherefore so
far was this Saloninus from being
born in bis grandfather s consulship^
that> according to Dio, he could
Hot possibly come into the world
till near thirty years after it. Ru-
seus also observes^ that Pollio did
not take Salonse till the year after
bis consulship ; so that he could not
give that name to a son^ who was
born before he had obtained the
victory. We may therefore con^
elude, with Ruseus^ that this story
of Saloninus, who^ according to
Servius^ died alniost as soon as born^
is not to be credi ted. That leamed
commentator seenis to be of opi-
nion^ that the childi whose nativity
the poet celebratesi is Asinius Gal-
lus, who might perhaps be bom
when bis father was consuL But
other leamed men are of opinion^
that the glories prophesied of this
child are greater than could with
decency be supposed to belong to a
sou of Poìlio: and therefore iha^
the child intended is more probably
some near relation of Augustus bim-
self. The authors of Ùie Journal
de Trevonx suppose it was Drusus,
the son of Livia Drusilla, who was
with child of him by her former
husband Tiberius Nero, when Au-
gustus married her. Thus Suetonius^
*' Liviam Drusillam matrimonio
** Tiberii Neronis, et quidem
^' praegnantem abduxit, dilexitque^
*' et probavit unice, ac perseve*
*' ranter." But Dio Cassius places
the afl^ctioh of Augustus to Livia^
and bis repudìating bis former wife
Scribonia, who had just born him a
daughter, in the consulship of Lu-
cius Marci US Censorinus and C
Calvisitis Sabinus, who were con-
suls the year after PoUio j T«f ^hrim

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

199

TequeadeodecushoettvvtecQtisùle^ìmbit» - ^oi?^o,Sfflffi&S

of the age cdmmeace ;

Kdì Veupf XtATfàf incttrtvcrtcf « . . ì'9i|

2ià Tóvro temi rnf "Zx^^ptUùtit r$Kt!vrdv 0/

cording to the sanie accurate au-
thor, it was in the following year,
when Appius Claudius Pulcher
and C. Norbahus Flaccus were
consuls, that Augustus married
Livia, who was tSen six months
gone with child, by Tiberius Nero ;
*Ex} y 'A^tx/ov ti KXxvìtAv xet) FctUv

Hufjoenùv pTUTcif .T«t^« n éZf

rin lytMT«, xtù ò Ketìo-cc^ t«v Atùvf»f

tynftVt* 919 ^1 ^VyotTn^ fAÌt AlóvUf A^9V'

0-ov, U if n TùTs htr^rtf ir tS Aft;«tì»-
fMTi lyp/ùfu, Kctt letvrh farà ròv It
Metxùoficc ìirreùv xctrtj^Hrxró' yviìi ìf^

Jtmeu' *xt htvu yf «J ctvT9V fAtìvtt «to».

, Sne was deli vered of Claudius Dru-
sus Nero, whora Augustus retumed
to his proper father ; XvnnwìTtt ^ i
yvyv rS KcUrtt^t, rUru KXetvèiof A^àv-
inf N6^«n>«* xeet eiùrùf ò Kuto-et^ iftixtro,
luti rS vxr^ì ixtf*^f. It is true
indeed, that Drusus was in-
tended to succeed Augustus, but not
till after the death of Marcellus;
and we find, that when Augustus
married Livia he was so far from
looking upon the chiìd as his own,
that he sent him away to his father
Tiberius. Besides the time of his
tirth will by no means agree with
the time of writing this Eclogue,
whìch was when PoUio was consul,
whereas Drusus was born under
Claudius and Norbanus, so that his
mother could not even be with child
of him during the consulshlp of C,
Asinius PoUio. It is with much
greater probability, that Catrou.has
asserted Marcellus, the son of Gc-
tavìa, to be the child in question.
** In the year of Rome," says he,
"714, when Asinius PoUio and

'* Domifjus Calvinus were cònsuls,
''the people of Rome compelled
'^ the triumvirs Octavian and Àii-
'* thony to make a riurable peace
*' between them. It was hoped,
" that thereby an end would he
*' put tò the war with Se^tiis
'* rompey, who had^ made himself
*' master of Sicily, and by the
'* interruption of commerce, h^d
'* caused a famine in Rome. To
/^ make this peace the more firm^
'* thev would nave Anthony, whose
'* wife Fulvia was then dead, marry
" Octavian Caesar's sister Octavia,
'^ who had lately lost ber Jiusband
'* Marcellus, and was thén big^
'' with a child, of which she wa»
*' delivered, after ber marriage
" with Anthony. This child fe-
*' tained the name of his own fa-
'' ther Marcellus, and as long as
*' he lived, was the delight or his
*' uncle Octavian, and the hope of
'^ the Roman people., It is he that
*' is the subject of this Eclogue.
'' Virgil addresses it to Rollio, who
'* was at that time consul, and
'* thereby makes a compliment to
'* Capsar, Anthony, Octavia, and
''PoUio, ali at once. The Mar-
'* cellus whose birth is bere cele-
"^brated, is the same whose death
" is lamented by Virgil in the sìxth
" ^ueid. The poet borrows what
" was predicted by the Cumsean
" Sibyl, cpnceming Jesus Chrìst;
" and appiies^it toUiis child." This
learned Jesuit is so confideht of the
truth of bis assertion, that he has
made no scruple to alter the usuai
title of this Eclogue, and to cali it
Marcellus, Indeed the fitness of
Marcellus, to be the subject of our
Eclogue, and the authorìty of onè
so tìiroughly versed in the Roman
histo^y hs Catrou, would make one
subscribe almost implicitly tó this

ISO

tepioÒDodi

P. VIRGILII MABONIS

*»* PolUo ; et inpipi^nt mfigni pw^edere menses.

STBtem. But befqre we give our en-;
tire assent to it, it may not be amiss
to consider the weight of bis argu»
ments. 1. " Dio relateS;^ that Oc-
''tavia, the mother of Marcellus^
'^ was married to Anthony^ in
^'the consulship of PqIIìo, and
** adds, that at the time of this
^^ mairiage, she was big with child
'* by Marcellus^ ber fonner husr
"band, who was lately dead."
Dio does say expressly, that Octap-
via the aister of Augustus, was at
that time mairied to Anthony, being
then big with child ; »»/ rnf '0»r«-

é M^ «vtS? fnrXivni»», tutì xUvra»
w^jMfwmvv'MiMfu. 2. " Servius, on
'^the sixth hook of the iSneid,
y aays, Marcellus was eighteen
<( years old when he died at Balse,
'* Periit decimo ociavQ, in Baiano,
^^fJow Dìo places bis death in the
''year of Rome 731, therefore
" Deckoning backwards from 731
" to 714, we shall find the eighteen
'* years as»gned by Servius. How-i
^' ever,as Marcellus did not die till
*' the latter end pf 731, he must
*^ bave been near 19 when he died,
" which is the age assigned him by
*' F. Labbe, in bis Chronology/*
The words of Servius are, ^' Hic
^^ decimo sexto anno incidit in va^
" letudinem ; et perìit decimo oc*
*' tavo, in Baiano, cum sedilita-?
'^ tem gereret." But, with that
leamed writer^s leave^ if Marcellus
was boni in 714, he could but just
bave entered into bis eìghteenth
year in 731. Propertius, who livedat
the time, and ought to bave known
the trae age of that illustrious young
Romanj says he died in bis twen-
rieth year.
Ocdttit, et misero steterat vigesimiu
aonus. .

Catrou endeavoursto get rìd of this

difficulty, by saying, " that no-
" thing is more obsoure than the
" sìgnification of this line of Pro-
*' pertius. How can it be niade
*' out, that gteterat vigesimus aanus
" means that Marcellus had reached
*' bis twentieth year? On the con-
*' traiy, it is more naturai to un-
" derstand thereby, that bis twen-
" tieth year was stopped, and that he
" would never see it. This is the
" force of the word sleterat, and
" this expression agrees with a per-
** son, who . is almost nineteen.
*' However, if Propertius did mean
'' that Marcellus was twenty, it is
'* being very exaqt for a poet not
'^ to mistake one single year/' As
for the word steterat^ Catrou cer-
tainly strains it to a significatian,
that cannot be admitte<l. The
word is not so obsc^ire as he would
bave US believe. Sto, applied to time,
signifiesthe appointed timedecreed
by fate for owr death. In tbi? sense
it is pJainly used by Yirgil, in the
tenth iBneid ;

Stat tua cuique dkt, breve et irreparabile

tempus
Omnibus est vite.

Therefore the words of Propertius
evidently mean, that Marcellus died
in bis twentieth year ; so that I do
not see any other way of getting rid
of this difficulty, than by supposing,
that Propertius, as a poet, did not
thìnk himself obliged to be exact to
à year or two. Catrou mentions
anotherobjection against bis system.
" Marcellus was aedile, the year
" in which he died, and at that
"time Tiberius was only quaestor.
*' But, according to Paterculus,
"Tiberius .was then nineteen:
" therefore Marcellus must at least
"bave been twenty, becausè he
" had a place superior to that of

BUCOLia ECI* IV.

}91

Te duce, si qua manent scelerìs vertigia nostri «SSrf^ «^^^

main, ••'-

" Tiberius. Otherwise Augustus
" mast have preferr«d the younger
" before the elder." To fhis ób-
jection Catrou gives the folUming
dnsurer i *' Marcellus was near nine»
'' teen as weìl as Tiberius. Au*
^' gusttts had a mind to bare botk
*' these oflfices in bis own faniily.
*' He gives the auperior offioe to hk
" nephew^ who had just inarrìed
'' bis daugbtet Jalia^ in preference
'* to the son of bis wife. Wbat
" reasoD ìs there to be snrprìsed at
'' tbi8 ì For my part, I take t^ie
'* opinion of F.'Labbe to be so far
'' preferaWe to that of F. Salien,
'^ that I shouid embrace it, even
'^ though I was not interested as I
^'am^ to e9tablish Marcenos the
•^hero of this Eclogue/' Tbis
seems to be a sufficient answer to the
objection: only the leamed father
btts strained the point a little too
far^ in making Marcellas and Ti-
berius to be of the sano e age ^ for
Tiberhis must have been two years
oldef than the hero of this £c-
logae. Thus far I have considered
the arguments^ which Catrou uses
in support of bis system, and the
objections brought against it, with
the utmost impartìality. I shall
DOW beg leave toexamine a circum-
stance or two, which perhaps may
glve some ligbt into thia difficnhy.
Dio teìls US, that when Augostus
was consci the tenth time, together
with C. Norbanus, that is, in the
year of Rome 7S0, there was a de-
cree of the senato made, that Mar-
cellus shouid then have a seat in the
senate, and leave to. sue for the
oonsuisbip ten years before the law-
ful a^e; and diat Tiberius shouid
havQ leave to sue for any office fi ve
yeart before the usuai time j where-
upon the former was itiimediEtelv

DEMuie sedile, and tbe Lrtter quaestor ;.
Tf T% Hm^KiìOm f^kmuà vi h rH§
f9Tgi»'niyi)ci^i, tua rvi* uanvalmf ìmtt
Sflim tnrn niru mufUTréy «MtH mm* xmì
rit TiCi^4f, «fin v^ò Ud^ms i^jfif '
mn rh avrò nvré wmlirm ìiùBw »tù
wm^Xpfim yt wrti ftHf, rmftimt, heu9H
ìì, Ày^tttòfus, mtèMxfinnu» But
though Dio seems to say, that by
tbis decree Marcellus had libevty to»
sue for the consulshìp only, before
the usuai time, we nnist certainly
nnderstand that it extended to
otber offices i else it could bave had
no efifect in procuring the sedileship.
It k not certainly agrecd by the cri-
tìcs, what was the legai age for
ebtaini ng these offiees. Lipsius say s
a quaestor was to be twenty-five,
and an sdile twenty-seve» or
twenty-eight. The leamed Dr«
Middleton, in bis Treatise on the
Roman Senate, takes the quóBiionatk
ùge, tvkich was the same with the
semtiorian, to have been thirty years
complete» We have see» already»
that Tiberius was bom Nov. 16»
712* Therefore he could be no
more than eighteen yaars complete^
when he was chosen qoestor. But
he was allowed to sue for tbat office
five years before the It^al time;
therdfore be was to have leave to do
that at eighteen which othevs might
do at twenty-three. Tbis falls
short òf the lowest qusestorian age
that bas been supposed by two
years. To reconcile this difficulty,
we must bave recourse to another
passage In Dio, where Maecenas
advises Augustus to alter the laws
relating to the age of magistrates,
so as to reduce it to that which is
assigned by Lipsius ; for he would
have the senatorian age to be twenty-
iive, and the praetorian tbirty;
*E9 h r» rvni^téf wwnMUHtmrirus
s 2

I92r

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

dSi^^^wSSun™ ^ Imta perpetua «olveat fonnHluie terraSi

petiialfear.

..... rmfM»9wmf tt, Kmì m^^mf-
ftÌ9urnh i hftM^0wrtH, ^fiWytlrth'
nt9, ^^tmumuTtU' ytfiftéft . 1 1 appears
by this, that there was a consulta-i
tÌQn about that tìme con cerni ng the
alteration of these laws, and we
XDay conclude that twenty-three was
then settled to be the qusestorian
age; for otherwìse Tiberius could
not bave been niade qusstor in
730. Now if Marcellus was born
about the latter end of 714, the
year of Pollio's consuUhip, he was
sixteen in 730. He was ehabkd to
sue for an office ten years hefore
the usuai time, which made him
equal to twenty-six, three years
more than Tiberius, which differ-
ence we find to bave been between
the sediles and qnsestors. Thus it
seems highly probable, that Aii-
gustus had fìrst settled the age of
a qusestor to be twenty-three, and
that of an aedile to be twenty-six,
about the year of Rome 725> for it
was in that' year that Mscenas
gave the ad vice above mentioned ;
and that afterwards^ in the year
730, being willìng to advance bis
nephew and son-in-law to those
dignities^ he procured the decree to
be made, that Marcellus, who was
then sixteen, might sue for the
«edileship ten years before the usuai
tìme, and that Tiberius., who was
then eìghteen, might do it five
years before the usuai ti me, which
enabied them to enjoy the respective
offices, to which he intended to
promote them. This appears to
me to be a strong confirmation of
.Catrou*s system, as it makes it
highly probable, that Marcellus
was born about the latter end of the
year of Rome 714, and conse-
quently, that he was the hero of the
Edogue DOW under consideration..

10. Casta fave Lucina,'] Lucina

is the goddess presidi ng over child'

birth Some will bave her to be

the same with Juno, because. the

women in labour used to cali opon

Juno Lucina for help. But Cicero,

in bis second hook de Natura Deo^

rum, tclls US expressly, that she ìs

the Moon, whom the Greeks caU

Lucina and Diana, and the Romans

Juno Lucina, He adds, that she

presides over, chi Id- birth, because

the time of pregnancy is counted

by the revolution s of the moon;

and mentions a jest of Timaeus,

who having related in bis history,

that the tempie of the Sphesian

Diana was burnt òn the same night

that Alexander was boro, added,

that it was no vt^onder, when Diana

chose to be from home, to attend

the labour of Olympias ; '^ Luna

*' a lucendo nominata sit: eadem

'^ est enim Lucina. Itaque ul

'* apud Grsecos Dianam, eamque

^' Luciferam, sic apud nostros Ju-

'' nonem Lucinam in pariendo in-*

^' vocant : qusei quidam Diana om-

^' nivaga dicitur, non a venando,

" sed quod in septem numeratur

'^ tanquamvagantibus. Dianadicta,

** quia noctu quasi diem efficeret.

f Adbibeturautem ad partu9,quod

'^ ii maturescunt aut septem non-

'^ nunquam, aut plerumque novem

'^ lunse cursibus : qui quia mensa

'' spatia conficiunt menses nomi-

" nantur. Concinne quidem, ut

'' multa, Timaeus ; qui cum in

^' historia dixisset, qua nocte natus

'' Alexander esset, eudem Dianse

" Ephesise templum deflagravisse,

" adjunxit minime id esse mìran-

*^ dura, quod Diana, cum in partu

*' Olympiadis adesse voluisset, ab-

'' fuissct dòmo.'* Catullus also, in

bis Ode to Diana, says expressly.

BUCOLIC. ECI* IV.

1SS

lUe Deuin vitam acdpiet, Qiviiqae TÌdebit l5 ^"J^ *||!sr ^ SL^

mized with goda,

fhat she is Juno Lucina, Trìvia,
and the Moon 3

Tu Lucina dolentibus,
Juno dieta pùerperis.
Tu potens Trìvia» et notho «s
Dieta lumine Luna.

Tu cursu dea menstruo
Metiens iter annuum.
Rustica agrìcolae bonis
Tecta frugibus cxples.

Virgil uses the epithet casta, because
Diana was a virgin. We may ob-
serve^ by the invocation of Lucina
bere, that the child was not yet
born.

Tuusjam regnai Apollo.'} Apollo
wftB the brother of Diana, whìcfa
seems to be the cause why iuus is
bere used, thy own Apollo, that is,
iky brother Apollo* Servius says, the
poet bere aìludes to the last age,
which the Sibyl had said should be
under the sun; and at the sanie
lime to Augustus, to whom a sta-
tue was erectedy with ali the distinc-
tlons of Apollo. He observes also,
that Octavia, tlie sister of Au-
gusUis, was thought to be meant by
Lucina. La Cerda mentions an«
other opinion, that Apollo himself
might be then said to reign, be-
cause bis prophecies by the mouth
of the Sibyl were then fulfilled:
but he himself seems to think that
Augustus is meant. Ruseus thinks
that Apollo himself is intended,
whose prophecies were now ful-
filled. Catrou is fully persuaded,
that Lucina and Apollo are Octavia
and Augustus. " That iUustrious
*' lady,*' says he, " had ali the cha-
'^ racters of the chaste goddess.
*^ The regularity pf ber conduct
*' was alwa^s without reproach.
^' She Ì8 invited to cast a favourable
** look Olì Marcellus in bis birth,
'' as the child will soon be invited
" to smile on bis modi^r. The

** allwry of Lucina and Apollo,
'* apjmed to Octavia and Cdssst,
** has?8ometfaing noble and happy"
'< in it. It is easy to perceive Cse*
^' sar under the figure of Apollo:
*' the triumvir was fond of being;
*' honoured under the name of this
" god. The preceding year he
'^ had erected a tempie to hùn $ and
** as Anthony had taken the name
'*of Bacdius, Octavian took the
** name and the symbols of Apollo.
^^ It would bave been an indiscre-
'* tion m the poet, to bave màde
*' use of the word regnai, if he
*' had applied it directly, and with-
" out a metaphor, to Csesar. But^
*' heappliesitimmèdiatelyto Apollo,
'' and it was a received term, in*
'* speaking of a planet or of a ccn--'
" stellation." That Octavia was.
a lady of the strictest virtue is cer-
taìn i but it does not seem to be a
consequence of ber virtue, that she
was co be invoked under the name
of Lucina, to favour ber own de-
livery, which seems to be a very
odd imagìnation. Nor will the
child be invited to smile on bis mo-
ther, but to know his mother by
ber smiling on him. See the note
on ver. 60. As for the tempie ot
Apollo, if we may belteve Dio Cas-'
sius, it was after the sea fight at
Actium that Augustus made of*
ferìngs to that deity, who was pe^
culiarly worshipped at Actium, and
buUt a larger tempie fór him,-
which was not finished till twelvé
years after this £clogue was written.
As for Anthony, the same author
tells US, that it was after the jpeacé
made between Augustus and him
that he went into Greece, and took
upon him the name of another Bac-
dius, in which the people were fond
of humouring him, toni the Athe^-
nians carried it so far as to make a

1S4 R VIRGILIl MARONIS

^AS!'^'^^ ^ *^ Pérmixtoè herotw, et ipse tìdebitur illis !

match between the new Baodius
and their goddess Minerva. An-
thony approved of the marrìage,
and demanded of them a large sum
of money for her portion. Thus
acGorditig to Dio^ Anthony*s tak-
ìng the name of Baochus was
noi till afìber the time of writing
this Eclogue^ and the building (^
the tempie of Apollo was inany
years after that. Some bave been
so weak as to imagìne^ that the
poet here alludes to a famons sup-
per meotioned by Suetunius^ where
Angostus and bis friends took upon
themselves the character of several
deittes^ and Augustns th^t of Apollo^
whìch is hìghly improbable, Thisr
story is nat very authentic, acoord-'
ìng to Sixetonius hìraself^ and ff
Augustus had this frolickr it was in
"pnvtde ; *^ Ccena quoque ejus se-
'' " cretior in fabulìs fuit" It was
performed when there was a scar-
€ity in the city, which might prò-
bably he that which happened socn
after the agreement between Au-*
gustuB and Anthony, and therefore
might noi happen soon enough to
gire rise to any expression ih this
Edogue. It was censured as an
ìmpiouft and profane action, by ali
that knew of it ; and therefore, if
there is any trath at ali in the story,
it coimot be imagined^ that Virgil
would compliment Auffustus with
the name of a deity, which he had
2U9Sumed at a riotous entertainment,
and had reason to be heartily
ashamed of. A better reason for
Augustus to be called Apollo, than
any I bave seen prodnced, might
hfive been hrought frmn thebegin-
ning ^ thfuferty-fifth hock of Dio ;
where we are uHà, that one prin-
cipal reason, why Julrna Cessar
theugbt of maktng Augustus his
heiff, was that his moSier Atlia

affirmed positively» that Ae had
conceived him by Apollo; that
having slept in the tempie of that
god, she seemed to admit the em-
braces of a dragon, apd that her
reckoning went on duly from that
time. But it seeras not at ali
likely, that Virgil would bave in-
sinuated in this Eclogue, which is
dedicated to PoUio, that Augustus
then reigned. PoUio was the friend
of Anthony, and had a large share
in reconciUng the two great trium-
virs. Now if Virgil would make
his court to Pollio, he should at least
bave said tbey reigned jointly. In
trnth, I beliere the compliment was
desìgned to PoUio himsàf. He was
at that time the chief magistrate,
had a large share in brìnging about
the reconciliation, was a patron of
the Muses, and a goòd poet him-
self. Tlierefore Apollo mìsht he
said to reign, when one of his fa-
vourite sons was in so high a .station.
It may be observed also, that the
poet immediately slides into the
mention of Pollio*8 consulship, as
the appointed time for ali these
promised blessings.

IL Te consule.2 Here the poetr
plainly points out the time whenl
this Eclogue was written. It wasl
in the consulship of C. Asinius Pol-\
lio, that is, in the ycar of Rome\
714.

12. Póllio.'] See the note on ver.
84}. of the third Eclogue.

Magni menses,"] Servius says, the
poet fdlodes to the months July and
August, which were so called ih
honour of Julius and Augustus Gse-
sar, whereas their names' were
Qnintilis and Sextilis bef<M'e. But
Kuseus jnstly òbserves, that this
could not be true of August, which
had not that name tiH aft^ the
death oÌ Cleopaeré, and the tbree

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

135

Pacatumqw r^g^t patriis virtulibu» ofb^m» S?rt?;ìftrS.*&^^

triumphs of A,ugustu8> nay ikot till
the year of Rome 727» Great bere

jsuch a time^i a» has not yet been

13, Te duce, &c.] The poet
having mentioned the consulship of
FoUio, ìmmediately tells biro, that
under bis conduct ali the remains qf
the civil war shall be extinguished*

We see plainly, that Polli o is the
pèrson on whom Virgil depends^
for puttìng a period to the civU wars,,
which he means by the wkkedness
of the Rojnans^ scelevis nostri. In
prder to a full uuderstanding of thìa
passage^ let us copsider as briefly
as. we can the state of the Roman
àffairs at that time. The civil war
betweeh Julius Csesar and Pompey
began in the year of Rome 705,
and notwithstanding the defeat of
Pompey, at PharsaHa, in the next
year, it was not ended till about the
latter part of 709. Thìs cessation
wa^ but very short ; for in less than
half a year, Julius Cassar was mur-
dered in the senate-house, when
he was consul the fifth time. ìm-
mediately the capitol was seized by
themurderers, the Forum filled with
armed soldiers by Lepidus, and the
whole city was in confusion. Lepi-
dus, who then had the command of
an army, intended, under pretence
òf avenging the death of Caesair>
to set up himself. Mark Anthony,,
who was Caesar's coUeague in the
consulship, brought the mangled
corpse into the Forum, shewed bis
wounds, and read bis will to the
peonie, in which be had made bis
n^phew Qctàvius bis beir in the first
place, and Anthony and Decimus
brutus, and some others of the
murderers, in the second, and had
ieft bis gardens by the riyer side to
the peoplé, and thirty drachmas to

each of tbem. Tbis raised a mosl^
violent turault among the people,
and an ardent desire to revenge the
death of that great man. Tbis
gave an opportunity td Anthony o(
assumingan almost arbitrary pow^^
who fin£ng Lepidus to be a person
capable of giving bim much disturba
ance, made an alliance with bim^
befitowi»g bis daughter in marriagq
on the son of Lepidus. Octaviua
was pursuing bis studies at Apollo-
?LÌa> having been sent tbither, with
part of the army, to wait tbere for
bis uncle, who was preparine to
make war against the Partbians*
But being mformed of Ceesar-s
death, and of bis having eonstituted
bim bis beir, be bastened to Rome,
wbere be was treated with con-
tempt by Anthony, who looked
upon bim as a mere boy, and one
or no consequence. Qctàvius there-
fore joined with the Patrician party,
and particularly witii Cicero, who
bavipg conceived an Implacable ha-
tred against Anthony, supportedtbe
young man in opposition to bim.
With tbis assistance, be soon levied
an army, and, together with the new
consuls for the year 71 1> marched
against Anthony, who then beld
Decimus fixutus besieged in Mutina.
The town was relieved, and An-
thony put to flight, with the loss of
the two consuls, who fell in differ-
ent engagements. The senate now
became jealous of Octavius, and
endeavoured to depress bin) as much
as they had before exalted biro.
They invested bis enemies with
power, giving the province of JVia-
cedon to Marcus Brutus, one of
Caesar's murderers, Syria to Cassiu^,
anotber of tbem, and the com-
mand of the navy to Sextiis, ,,the
son. of Pompey. Octavius, being
informed of these alterations, carne

im

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

•tt52^^'itea?'&tal At tibi prima, puer, nullo mnnmeala culto,

giìftt, withoot cnltore, '

to an agreement with Anthony and
Lepidas, and marched back to
Rome, where he was presently
jchosen consul^ and had the govem-
ment of the city committed to him.
He was then adopted into the fa-
mily of Csesar^ and took upon him
the name of Caius Julius Csesar
Octavianus, according to Dio. The
senate^ who did not know of the
private, agreement that young Cse-
isar had màde -with Anthony and
Lepidus^ sent him against them^ and
at the same time iiivited Brutus and
tassius to march towards Rome.
But Caesar meeting Wlth Anthony
ànd Lepidus^ had a private con-
ference with them ; they agreed to
divìde the govemment between
fhem^ and by thcir joint interest,
Lepidus was chosen consul for the
ensuing year 712. The union of
€hese three powérful persons was
called the Triumvirate. They re-
tunied separately to Rome, eiach
with his own army, and there put
in execution the horrìd agreement
made between them, of putting ali
to death whom each of them looked
upon as his enemy, and this wìth-
Dut the least appearance of niercy.
It would be long and disagreeable to
rélate theparticulars of these shock-
ing barbarìties; how husbands were
betrayed by their wives, fathers bv
their sons, and masters by their
slaves, into the hands of their miir-
derers. It was made a capital
crirne to conceal any of the pro-
scribed persons, or even to shew
any màrk of soitow for their death.
In the méan time Brutus and Gas-
slus had gathered a considerable
wmy near Philippi, a city of Mace-
don, on the connnes of Thessaly.
'Cfldsar and Anthony marched against
them : the battle was fought with
fury on bath sides : the victory in-

clined to the trìumvirs, and Cassius
first, and then Brutus, slew them-
selves. Many others, who either
had been concemed in tJie murder
of Julius Caesar, or knew them-
selves to be in the number of the
proscrìbed, or feared the hatred of
the tri^virs, fell upon their own
sworàs. The two conquerors now
divided the world between them,
making little account of Lepidus ;
and Anthony undertook to keep ali
quiet in Asia, and Cassar to do the
àame in Italy, engaging at the samé
time to settle the soldiers in the Ita-
lian lands. This was performed in
àie year 713, when P. Servilius and
Lucius, the brother of Mark Aù-
thóny, were choSen consuls. This
division of the lands drew a gene-
ral hatred on Caesar; the soldiers
being generally discontented with
the portion that was given them, and
the lawful owners being justly exss-
perated at the loss of their estates.
This gave an opportunìty to Fulvia,
the wife of Mark Anthony, who
had a quarrel with Caesar, and was
a woman of a most turbulent spirita»
to draw the dìsafTected to her party!
Her husband's brother Lucius, the
consul, joined with her in endea-
.vouring to oppréss Caesar, who
marched against them, and besieged
them in Perusia, a city of Hetruria.
The town was strong, and held out
'a long time : but it was taken thè
next year, in the con s ulship of Do-
mi tius and PoUio. Fulvia escaped
to her hu sband, and endeavoured a
reconciliation between him and Sex-
tus Pompey; and Caesar soon re-
duced ali the other towns of Italy.
Anthony, being incited by his
wife, came to Italy against Caesar^
took Sipos, a town of Apulia, and
laid siege to Brundusium. Agrippa
retook Sipus; but Servilius Rullus,

BUCOtlC. ECL. IV-

1S7

Errantes hederas passim cura beccare tellus, Srth*ESw?^

every whdCb

vho was sent to relieve Brundusìmn^
was Buddenly attadked by Anthony^
and routed^ many of bis soldiers
being slain, and many also desert-
ing. Rome was now under the
greatest terror ; the flames of civil
war were now breaking out with
fresh fury : nothing less than new
battles^ proscrtptions, and murders^
were to be apprehended. But it
happened very luckily tliat Fulvia,
who bad a cbìef band in blowing
«p the flame^ died; whereupon Pol-
li© the consul, who was a great
friend of Anthony, and desirous to
recai him fpom the luxurious life
which he had leamed in Asia and
Egypt> projected a reconciliation.
IMflpcenas also, who had no less"
regard for Caesar, did bis endear
vour to bring him to a reconcilia-
tion. This was happily effected by
the joint concurrence of these two
woròiy persons ; and as a pledge of
their a^eement, Octavia, Caesar's
beloved sister, was marrìed to An-
thony. It was hoped, that this
lady, who had ali the omaments as
well as virtues of ber sex, would be
able to draw Anthony from bis li-
eentious way of living. She was
then with child by ber former bus-
band, Marcellus, and it can hardly
be doubted, but that it was this un-
born child that Virgil alluded to in
this Eclogue. Cassar and Anthony
entered Rome in great triumph to-
gether, and nothing less thui the
most solid and happy peace was then
expected. It was to this peace
therefore that our poet ascribed
the happiness of the golden age ;
and to Pollio. the chief autbor of
it, that he dedicated the poem un-
der consideration. Since he had
performed an action of such import-
ance, as the reconciliation of these
great and powerful enemies, he

might justly teli bis patron, that
what little sparks now remained of
the civil wars, would be easily ex-
tinguished under bis conduct Whe-
ther it succeeded according to die
poefs expectatìon or not, is not my
business nere to examiue. I bave
taken upon me to explaui the m«^i-
ing of my autbor; but not to she^v,
that he was endued with the spirit
of prophecy.

Siqua manente *c.] Therc were
stili some remains òf the civil war ;
for Sextus Poropey at that time re-
tained the ships, which had been
put under bis govemment, and m-
fested the coasts of Italy. Vir^
expresses bis bope, that Pollio wHl
by his prudence compose this diffa*-
ence also, since he had just effected
a more difficult reconciliation.

15. IlleDeumviiamaccipietféj^.']
He now tums bis discourse to the
infant, and predicts his future
glories.

Hesiod, in his description of the
golden age, says, they lived like gods.
Catrou observes, that *' Virgil
" would not bave spoken thus of a
" son of Pollio. As for Marcellus,"
says he, '' it is probable that Cae-
'^ sar caused him to he brought up
" as his own son, from the very
*' moment of his birth. He was
" his own nephew, and he had no
*' son. We know that he adopted
'* Marcellus ; and as history has
^' not pointed out the time of this
^' adoption, we may believe, and
'' Virgil insinuates it in this Ec-
" logue, that it was from the very
" time of bis birth. In short,
^^ would. he bave given up the bope
" of his family to the educatipn aqd
" discretion of Anthony ? In this
'' sense therefore Virgil says, that
^^ Marcellus was going to live a-
^* mongst gods and heroes. He had

T

m P. VIRGILII MAROMIS

tSLSSÌSStì^rS!^ ''*^ Mi^taque ridenti colqpaftia fundet acantho. 20

** tkc foloocì of both in bis veins,
'^ bekìg C«esar by bis motber, and
'' MvtceWuè by his fatbér/* But
thÌ8 chikl does not seem to bave
beén boni at tbe time of writing this
Eeiogue. It is bowever not impos-
mìÀe, thsLt AugQstns should adopt
him, éven before bis blrtb. Wc
bave seen already, tbat when be
raarried Livia, he sent tbe cbijd as
80on as bpm to bis trué fatber Ti-
berius. In tbepresent ca9e,Octavia
bftd nio former husband living. to
wbom sbe mìght return tbe cbild
Wben born. It m'is^hx therefore very
mobably be stipukted, tbat tbe in-
fant sbould be retumed to bis near-
est relation, wbo was bis motber's
brotber, Augustus. Nor is it im-
probable, tbat Aueustus sbould
engagé to make it ms beir, if it
proved a male, aud be bad no son
6f bis own. Or perhaps it might
be tan artiele of tbe peace, tbat as
Octavia was so nearlyrelated tobotb
the triùmvirs, being the sister of
one and wife of me otber, and
pledge of tbe peace itself, tbat tbe
child of wbicb sbe was tben preg-
iumt sbould be beir to both. But
these are onlj conjectures, and are
neitber to be proved nor contra-
dictedfrombistory. Itmustbefrom
such an adoption, that Marcellus
couid clatm any relation to tbe gods;
for Catrou forgets bimself, wben be
«ays he bad divine blood from bis
motber. Julius Capsar derived bis
descent from lulus or Ascanius, tbe
son of iBìneas, the son of Venus :
bis sister's daughter was married to
Octayius, by wbom sbe bad young
0$:taviu8, wbo was called also Octa-
vianus, and Augustus Cesar: there-
fore Augilstus was also of divine de-
floent : but Octavia was tbe daugb-
ter of Octavius by a former Wife,
àrid tberefore a mere mortai.

Dwùque videbU.'^ Wbattbepoet
bere says concemmg gods and he-
roes, seems to relate ratber to tbe
general descrìption of the golden
age, than to any circumstances,
wbicb can be supposed to bave
really bappened at tbat time. We
need only compare this passage witb
the sixtìi and seventb verses of tbe
nintb cbapter of Isaiah, io be satis-
fied that either tbe Sibyl or tbe poet
bad seen that propbecy. " For
\'' unto US a Child is born, unto us a
; '* Son is given, and tbe govemment
^'* sball be upon bis sboulder : and
{'* bis name shall be called Wonder*
i'* fui, Counsellor, tbe mighty God,
J." the everlasting Fatber, the Prince
> *' of peace."

17. Pairm virtìdibus^ By bis
father's virtues, l believe we must
understand those of Augustus, wbo
must already bave adopted him, as
was said before. We cannot well
understand him to mean those of
Anthony, bis motber's busband;
for bis licentious life was too well
luìown at tbat time, and gave greal
offence to Pollio bimself. Nor can
it well be supposed, that the poet
would thus express bimself of a son
of Pollio, if tbat was the infant in-
tended : for a prediction of bis son
becoming the ruler of tbe world,
publisbed under bis patronage»
would bave exposed hoxh poet and
patron to danger, at a time wben
the triumvirs were in full power.

13. Ai Ubi prima puer, 5fc.] He
foretels the blessings wbicb sball
attend tbe birth of tbis infant.

Tbere is a very great sìmilitude
between this passage and tbe follow-
ing qaotation from Isaiah;

" Tbe wildemess and the solitaiy
. <^ place shall be fflad for them : and
' '^ tbe desert sball rejoice, ànd blos-
l '^ som as the rose, <^kap. xxxv. ver*

BtJCOLIC. ÉCL. IV/

li 39

Ip8«& lacte domuni referent distenta capeHse

TbigfMa ut thdr own accoìi^
thalibrlng home thdr dun
dbtendedwithmUk:

r' i. The glory of Lebanon shall

I '' come unto thee« the fir-tree^ the

' *' pine-tree, and the box togeihet,

"chap. Ix. ver, 13. The wolf

< " also shall dwell with the lamb,

; ^^and the leopard dhall lie down

; " with the kid : and the calf, and

** the young lìon^ and the fatlin|r

; *' together, and a little child shaU

'* lead thera. And the cow and

'" the bear shall feed, their young

;*< ones shall lie down together : and

" the lion shall eat Straw like the

^* ox. And the sucking child shall

: " play upon the hole of the asp,

*' and the weaned child shall put

I '< his band on the adder's den> chap.

; '' xi. ver. 6, 7. 8."

At iibu'] ''In the Roman ma-
" nuscript it is ac Ubi; and after-
*' wards again ac simul instead of at
" simul : but in ali the other ancient
'^ manuscrfpts it is al.** Pierius.

Nullo aiUu."^ The earth prò*
ducing its fruits without culture is
a mai^ of the golden age. Thus
Ovid;

/ Ipsa quoque immunis» rastroqoe infacta,
nec uUis
Saucia vomerìbus, fear ,ae dabat omnia
tellus.

The yet'free earth didofher owne accorda

Untome wHh phughs, àU tori» offruÙ

qford. Sandts.

19. Erranies hederas,! The epi-
thet errantes expresses the creeping
quality of Ivy, which shooting roots
from every joìnt, spreads itself over
every thing that it can lay hold on.
See the note on ver. S9. of the third
Eclogue. Ivy was a plant used in
the diaplets of poets^ Whence some
think that Virgil prophesies, that
thìs ìnfant willbecome agreat poe^.
Thus in the seventh Eclogue ;

Pastores Jiedera cresceotem ornate Poe-.

tam
Arcacte8> invidia nmipantur ut ilia Codro.

■ Aut si ultra placitum budarìt, ìaecare
frontem
Cingile, ne vati noceat mala lingua fur
turo.

Here we see that ivy and baccar are
used together^ as in the passage now
under consideration. But perhaps
this passagemay be better explaiBed»
by suppusing^ that the ivy gxowin^
up for the infant signìnes rather
that he will be celebràted by poetai
in which sense it seems to be ìued
in the eighth Eclogue ;

— Accipe jnssis

Carmina ccerpta tuia, atque banc tint

tempora circum
Inter victrices hederwn tibi serpere laurot.

Baccare.'] That the laccar, hac-
ckaris, or baccaris was esteemed an
herb good against enchantmentS;» ia
plain from the passage just now
quoted from the seventh Eclogue*
According to Dioscorides, it is a
sweet-smelling herb^ that is used in
garlands j the leaves of it are rough^
and of a middle size between those
of violet and mullen : the stàlk is
angular^ about a cubii In helght,
with some appendages : the flower
is white^ incliningto purple, and of
a sweet smeli : me roots resemble
those of black hellebore, and smeli
very like cinhamòn: B«»v^4$ /3«-»

T»fn *OTt tìWCnS fUU OTtl^CtWUetTUCH' ff

rit^v fw Kttì pXùfCév' »ttv)ì»f 2ì yptui"

futfiM, Pliny has not describ^ed itjf
but he tells us, that the smeli of it
is very like cinnamon^ and quote»
the authority of Aristophanes, to
prove that it is not a barbarous
name> but a Greek one ; '* Bacoar
'^ quoque radices tantum odoratus
t2'

140 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

itìft2*rf^SStS£r^ Ubera : nec raagDOs metuent armenta leones.

** est, a quibusdam nardum msti-
" cum appellatimi. Unguenta ex
'* ea radice fieri solita apud anti-
'' qvLos, Aristophanes priscse cornee-
*' oiae potita testis est. Unde qui-
^* dam errore falso barbaricam eam
** àppellabant. Odor est ei cìn-
" namomo proximus." Of the se-
veral plants which the modems
haye supposed to be the baccar, ìt
is more easy to sav which is not
the plànt, than which is. Some
bave thought dary to be the bac^
cor ; but its root is not like the
black heDebore, nor has it any
smeli of cinnamon. Others bave
propeseli the avens, or herb ben-
net 5 but the flower of that is yel-
low. Fox-giove Ì8 thought by some
to be the plant; but neither the
form of the root nor the smeli seem
to agree with the baccar. The bo-
tanists of Montpelier wouid bave
the plant which we cali ploughman*s
spikenard to be the baccar, whence
that herb is commonly called bac-
charis Morupeliensium : but it seems
rather to be the conyza of the an-
cients, and is figured by Matthiolus
under the name of conyza major,
This last learaed author confesses
ingenuously, that he never was ac-

r^inted with the true baccar, till
dreas Lacuna sent him a dried
specimen of it, which he had ga-
thered about Rome. This plant,
as Lacuna affirms in bis letter to
Matthiolus, has every progerty
ascrìbed by the ancients to the bac--
car. Matthiolus has given a figure
of it; but the authors since bis
time do not agree, even conceming
the plant which he has figured.
The general opinion seems to be,
that it is only a difFerent represent-
ation of bis conyza major or the
bacckaris Monspeliensium, To me
they appear veiy differenti and the

bacckaris of Matthiolus seems ra-
ther to represent some spedes either
of verbascum or blattaria. I be-
lieve it is the blattaria purpurea
C, B, the leaves of which resemble
the conyza major Matthklu Bat
whether this is the true baccar of
the ancients or not, I dare not
positively affirm^ and am afraid the
root does no greatly resemble that
of the black hellebore.

20. Colocasia»'] The colocasia is,
without doubt, an Egyptian plant.
Dioscorides affirms, that it is the
root of the Egyptian bean, which
some cali pontic. It grows chiefiy
in Eg^t, and is found in the lakes
of Asia and Cilicia. It has leaves
as larffe as an umbrella, a stalk a
cubit long, and of the thìckness of
a finger, a rosaceous fiower, twice
as big as a poppy. When the flower
goes off, it bears husks lìke little
bags, in which a smallbean appears
be^rond the lid, in form of à bottle,
which is called ciborion or cibotion,
a little ark, becausethe bean is sown
on the moist earth, and so sinks in-
to the water. The root is thicker
than a reed ; it is eaten both raw
and boiled, nnd is called collocasia.
The bean is eaten green, and when
it is dried it turns black, and is
big^er than the Greek bean : 'O ìì
AlywTOH K.mfM( óf mei norruùf
fUiXova-i, ^XuoTf fdf yiwrtu If AU
yvxr^' xmì h 'Ari» ìì xxì h KiAìxìW
hrms XifMcui tù^ioxtrm' %« ì% ^vXXùf
fwyti àff mrao-ùf, xccvXh ìì TnxvM»r

énaut ^i^u ^voTuet irtc^ttxXia-M éuXeùtur-^

^Sfixis XùU0é)ivÌ' X«AiiT«l }l KlCtf^Mf

S KtCéirur età ri rnf ^inuttf tùv Kvdfuu
yiftrétii itvTw hrtétfiifov u9 ìxftMXm,
•urtf ri tk ri vìa^ i^UfutùV ft^» ^ì

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV, Ul

Ipsa tìbi blandos fundent cunabula flores, SS, pSto^^wf ^^

é K xìMfif ^jQ^ttrxweu fnh xctì X^^V^'
in^wfétìs ì% yiwrm ftbiof' »«ù fM^uff tùv
'Exxntufv. Theophrastus tells us,
that the Egyptian bean grows in
marshes and lakesi the stalks, at
the longest^ are four cubits^ and of
the thickness of a finger^ and re-
sembling a reed, without joints; it
has divisions on the inside, like a
lily. It bears a head at the top,
like a honey-comb -, with one bean
in each celi, appearing a little abov'e
it, in nùmber about thirty. The
flower is twice as big as that of a
poppy, and of the colour of a rose :
the head rìses above the water. A
great leaf grows by each bean. ....
The root is thicker than the largest
reed, and has divisions like the stalk.
It is eaten raw and boiled and
roasted, by the inhabitants of the
marshes. It grows spontaneously
in great plenty. It is also sown in
the mud, with plenty of chafiP, that
it may sink down without corrupt>
ing; and thus they make their
plantations of beans. ... J.t grows
also in Syrla and Cilicia: 'O h
KvttfMi ^ytrtu fdt l» rdi« l'xurt xtù rtuf
Xiftvtuf' MCoAÒ$ ^ì xmv fMix^f ftìf i

ai ^axrvXuuòg' Offici et xtùXtifM fUùXMcS
|\mw^«Q «yoy«Ttf' ^M^VTUi ìi h^óàtf
tx,U itóXov ituXnMfeti ofMWs Tù7s x^ivott'
fsr/ rovrot }% i xaiìt» ^ct^ofMtct 0^i)«/«
%m^i^u' xetì h Ixdrrm rSf xvrrti^Mf
xvttfAOi fux^lf tnn^M^éff xvtw, w>Siéo9
ìì «ì 7r)iUTT6t r^uixùrrA' rò ^s Ayèùi
hwXtlo'iov S ftnxtffcf' x§^f^* ^ 0^<«y

af xtiTUxo^ii' hrtiìM óì Tùv v^cttPf i
U' wtt^a^vtTtu il ^vXX» fctytiXA
TTu^' txttmv rSf xvufcttf, .-. . . 'H ^ì
fi^m 7rttx,vr{^* tùv xttìUfMv tov wec^vni^
T««, xeti impunti cfMittf i^ovrct rf
xmvXf' fa^lùva-t ì* xùrtiv xaì òffMHf, xeù
i^^àp, xuì ùxrir xtcì ol wi^ì rà Vau,
Téira» w«# x^Srrtu' ^Ureu fiìt «Zf xm

wtXvi mirifiMtH> ^v ftìf àX>ià xttrttQdX'
Xé»&tf fy miXS* «;^t;^«^0Y»fTf; iS fAaXk
x^d; TÒ xèfnnx^foU y% xeù foiicu xtù w
ìut^éet^^fm' XU4 «lira xartcoxtva^ùvn

Tùìff xvdfint^ rifSVM ^ì •vTàg xmì

h Xv^lu XU4 xttrk ' KiXtxietf, Here
it may be observed, that Theo-
phrastus does Dot give the least hint,
that either the Egyptian bean, or
any part of the plant is called co^-
casia, But Pliny, as well as Dios-
corides, afiìrms that they are the
same plant. He mentions the stalk
as the part tbat is eaten, says the
Egyptìans used the leaves to drink
out of, and adds, that in bis time
it was planted in Italy; '^ In
'* iEgypto nobilissima est coloca-
** sia, quam cyamon aliqui vocant.
*' Hanc e Nilo metunt, caule cum
** coctus est araneoso in mandendo,
'^ thyrso autem, qui inter solia
" emicat, spectabilì, folits latissi-
'' mis, etium si arboreis compa-
*' rentur, ad similitudinem eorum
'^ quee personata in nostris omni^
" bus vocamus. Adeoque Nili sui
*< dotibus gaudent, ut ìmplexis
'* colocasìse foliis in variam spedem
" vasorum, potare ^ratissimum ha-
** beant. Seritur jam hac in Ita-
*' lia." We find this plant men-
tioned also by Herodotus, who does .
not cali it either cyamos or colocasia,
but lili/; and speaks of it imme-
diately after the lotos, which he
calls a 2t/y also. There grow in the
Nile, says he, other lilies also re*
semblìng roses. The fìruit of these
grows upon different stalks, pro-
ceeding from the same root, and re-
sembles the combs of wasps. It
has several seeds, of the bigness of
the kernels of olives, sticking to-
gether; which are eaten either green
or dry; ^Eo-nìì xui ìixxtt x^ifui fù^
^ùia-i Ifc^t^utt if rS irùrttfm yifófom
x»4 rxvjeL' <{«'»« xu^irét If liXXvi xdXvxt

1«^

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

l^t%?dSSf^hS!borJS! Occidet et serpens, et fallax herba venetil

•oa aluUl perish.

ìrm^péfiiftì ht lìif fSjtt, yinttu Kn^lf
9^vtM9 Hufl ùUétér»rér Ir révrf r^tncrÀ
•r«» n TVf^y ìWik iyinrm ^^vd*
r^tSywm ìì jmU «nraXA rt&vrm ttmì tiZm.
Trosper Alpinus^ in bis hook de
PlarUis Mgyptiy assures us^ thai the
Egyptiaiì name of this plaot is
culcas, which the Greek writers
mìght easily change to the more
agreeable sound of coloauia. He
says, no plant is better knuwn orla
more use among them ; the root of it
being eaten as commonly as turnips
among us. But he seems to ques-
tiona whether it is the same with the
Egyptian bean of the Greek au-
thors^ hecause he could never meet
with any one that had seen either
stalk, fiower^ or fruit of it. Howef er^
by the figure which he has given of
the leaves, it is the plant^ which C.
Bauhinus has called arum maximum,
Mgyptìacum, quod vulgo colocana.
But whether this arum is the very
Egyptian bean of Tbeophrastiis, is
not greatly material to our present
purpose^ since it is certain^ that it
is tne culcas of the modem Egyp-
tians, and the colocasia, which be-
gan to be planted in Italy in Vir-
gil's time. When this Eclogue was
written the colocasia was a rarity»
' newly brought from Egypt; and
therefore the poet speaks of its
growing commonly in Italy. as one
of the glories of the golden age»
which was now expected to return.

Acantho'] The acanthus bere
meant is the acacia, an Egyptian
tree, from which we obtain the
gum arabic. See the note on ver.
119. of the second Georgick.

21. Ipsas.'] The commentators
observe, that ipsw, in this place, is
very expressive^ and answers to
«vtW in Greek i so that ipsa ca-
petite signifies as much as mvròfutré*,

and M^' UuTÀi, that is> of thevr
own accora.

Distenta,'] This epithet èxpreases
the fulness of the dug, which
makes it strut Thus Lucretius,

Hinc fessa pecades pingoes per pabula

laeta
Corpo» deponunt^ et candens Itetous

humor
Uheribus manat distentis.

And Horace^

Claudensque textis cratibus letum pecus.
Distenta siccet ubera.

22. Nec magnos metucnt armenta
leones.'] This is plainly taken from
Isaiah^ as are also some verses of the
Sibyl to the sarae purpose^ quoted
by Lactantius.

23. Ipso tibi blandos, 4*c.l Some
of the commentators wiU bave it^
that the poet bere alludes to a story^
which is told conceming bis own
nativity; that a twig of poplar^
being planted when he was bom^
soon grew up to be a tali tree. But
a pojuar does not bear any beautifìil
flower» : so that, allowing the story
to be true, this passage does not
seem to allude to it. .

24. Occidet et serpens.] " The
*^ Sibyl had used this expression^ in
" an evident prophecy of the com-
" ing of Christ. Virgil has trans-
'' ferreri it to thebirth of Saloninus.
*^ Sannazarius has used it in its
'* proper sense j

** Orddet et serpen*^ mUerot qute prima

** parente»
«• Elusiti porten1\ficù imbuta venenis,^

La CfRBA.

Fallax herba tfemenù'] <' He does
'' not mean the cicuta^ with which
'' every one is acquainted, but Ùmt
" Sardi niao plant, which being
" like apiasirum, deceives peeple :

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

143

Occidel: Asayrium vulgo hascetur amomum* 25

UHI AMyrtta I

''or the aconiie, as in the second

\ *< ..— . Nec miserofi fallunt aconita le-
: *• gentes." Servius.

Apifuiirum is what we cali baum.
See the note on ver. 63. of the
fourtà Geor^ck. Pliny says this
herb is poisonous in Sardinia;
^' Apiastrum Hyginus quidem me-
^' lissophyllon appellat* Sedin con-'
^' fessa danmatione est venenatum
^ in Sardinia." If the poet di<i
^lean any particular herb^ I should
understand him of the aconite, vhich
seems to be confirmed by the verse
that Servias has quoted. Rnaeus is
of opinion, that he meana ali venom-
' OHS herhs in general.

525. Assyrium vulgo nasceéur amo^
mumJi " In the Lombard manu-
*' script it is Assyrium et vulgo.
" But the seiitence is neat and ele^
" gant> without the copulative par-

*.' tìcle." PlERIVS.

Servius says the amomum is a
aweet-ttnelling plani, whìch grows
only in Aasyria. But so far is it ftom
growing only in Assyria, that it is
not-eaid by any of the ancient writ^
ers of naturai hi story to grow in
Assyria at alL See the note on ver.
89. of the third Edogue. It is
well known to be customary with
poets, and particularly Virgili tò
extend the names of countries as
far as possible. We bave seen^ in
the notes of the first Eclogue^ tìiat
the empire of the Parthians is ex*
tended tp the utmost bound that it
ever reached. In the same manner
we must understand Ass3rria in this
place, the greatest extent of which
empire it may not be amiss to de-
acribe. on this occasion. We read
in the second: hook of Kings, that
Sennaeherib, king of Assyria^ sent
this mesaage to Hezekiah; *' Let

" not thy God, in whom thou

'^ U UUM79v| UVil^l f C ■ • CZRTf? J" awLj IIIS >

" Jerusalem shall not be deliverà
" into the band of the king of As-
*' S3rria. Behold^ thou hast heard
. ** what the kings of Assyria bave
*' done to ali lands, bv destroying
*' them utterly; and shalt thou be
'* delivered? Have the gods of the
<' nations delivered them whìch my
*' fathers have destroyed^ as Go-
" zan, and Haran^ and Rezeph,
*' and the children of Eden which
^'were in Thelasar? Where ìsthe
'< king of Hamath^ and the king
<' of Arpad, and the king of the
*^ city of Sepharvaim, of .HenaJt
^' and J vah ?*' Gozan is situated on
the Caspian sea> Haran was one of
the royal seats of the kings of Me-
sopotamia, Rezeph was a city of
Syria^ Thelasar was a city of Ba-
bylonia^ Hamath and Arpad were
citieji of S3rria> Sepharvaim waa a
city on the ri ver Euphrates^ between
Babylon and Nineveh. Isaiah also
puts these words into the mou^ of
the king of Assyria; '' Is not
*' Caino as Carchemish? is not
" Hamath as Arpad ? is not Sama»
''ria as Damascus?" Caino waa
a city where Bagdad now stands,
and gave name to a large region
called Chalonitis. In the second
hook of Kings^ eh. xvi. we find
that Tiglath-pileser took Damasous,
and carrìed the people to Kir, which
was a city and large region of Me-
dia, and must therefore have been
conquered before that time by the
Assyrians. In eh. xvii. we find that
Sb^maneser " took Samaria^ and
'' carried Israel away into Assyria,
'' and placed them in Halah and in
'• Hal)or, by the river of Gozan,
*' and in the cides of the Medes •/*
and that " the king of Assyria
" brought men fVotn Babylon, and

144

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

ÌaJte*to 1S1te*?rS£f Sf -^t sin^ul heroum laude», et facta pareritis

^5^d^o*tow**4S3[ Jam legere, et ause sit potéris cognoscere virtus;

vlrtue is; the fiéld shall gra- t», „. ii .• n .4.

duaiiy grow yeUow with Molli pauliatim flavescet campus arista,

aoCker bearda.

** from Cuthah, and from Ava,
'^ and from Uamath, and from
'* Sepharvaim, and placed them in
*' the cities of Samaria, instead of
*' the children of Israel." Halah
and Habor are by some thought to
be Colchis and Iberia, and by others
to be a region between Assyria and
Media. Cuthah is Susiana. £zra
mentions the Dinaites, Apharsath-
chites, Tarpelites, Apharsites, Ar-
chevites, Babylonians, Susanchites,
Dehavites, and Elamites, as the na-
tions that had been transplanted to
the cities of Samaria. The Aphar-
sathchites were a people that in-
habited the bottom of the moun-
tains next to Assyria ; the Arche-
vites were on the east of Pasitigris,
between Apamia and the Persian
gulph ; the Susanchites were the
people of Cuthah, or Susiana ; and
the Elamites were the Persians. We
read also in the twentieth diapter of
Isaiah, that the king of Assyria con*
quered Egypt and Éthiopia. Thus
the Assyrìan empire containednot
only Assyria properly so called, but
also Armenia, Media, Susiana, part
of Persia, Chaldea, Mesopotamia,
Cilicia, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and
Ethiopia. Therefore the amomum
being confessedly a plant of Arme-
nia and Media, which were for-
merly subject to the Assyrian em-
pire, is said by the poet to be an
Assyrian plant. It was in high
esteem, as a rich perfume^ and
therefore it is one of the glories of
this age, that so rare a plant would
be made common.

26. At simul herourrif SccJ] The
poet havin^ declared the blessings
that shall attend the birth of this ex-
pected child; describes those which

shaU accompany bis youth. Other
signs of the golden age shall ap-
pear; but it shall not yet be per-
fectly restored. Navigation, agri-
culture, and war àhall not yet en-
tireìy cease.

Heroum laudeSy S^cJ] Servius in-
terprets the praises of heroes to
mean Poetry, the actions of bis
father HistOTy, and the knowledge
of virtue Philosophy ; and observes,
that these sciences are placed in the
proper order in which a youth
ou^ht to study them.
) Facta pareniis.^ If Marcellùs
]was the subject of this Edogue; as
jseems most probable ; by hìs father
j must be meant Auffustus, who seems
|to bave adopted him, even before
jhis birdi: unless any one will sup-
pose that the poet means Anthony,
who was an intimate friend of Poì-
llo, and had really performed many
great action s. But I believe the
poet rather means Augustus.

ParentisJ] Pierius found paren^
tum in the Roman manuscript

28, MoUi arista.'] Servius

interprets molli, fertili La Cerda
renders it matura et coacta, and says
that we may use uva moUis and po-
mum molle, to express ripe grapes,
and ripe apples, in imìtation of Vir-
gii. Ruaeus also interprets it ma-
turis aristis, Dr. Trapp also trans-
lates it,

Ripe yellow harvests on the fields shall
wave.

" So molli" says he, " is interpret-
" ed by the commentators ; and
'^ though itmay seem strange, since
^^ corn is hardened not somned by
'' being ripe ; yet it must be con-
" sidered that the word Jlavescit is

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

Incultisque rubens poidebit sentibus uva, '

145

rad tbc teddcolns dnster
■hall huiff on the ancoltl'
vmtedthomis

'' in the sanie verse^ and that corh
*' is not yellow tili it is ripe. I
*' think molli thei^fore must relate
" to tke tagte ; which is softer and
** mellower^ as any fhiit is riper."
But^ on the most carefal examina-
tion of ali the numerous places^
where this adjecdve has been used
by Virgili we shall not find a single
passage, in which it is used to sìg-
nify ripeness. The only instance
that can he pretended is castanea
molles in the first Eclogue^ ver. 82.
But the word has been shewn to
bave another sense, in the note on
that verse. It is applied to the
softness of wool, in the eighth
Eciogue ;

— •— Mdli cinge haec altana vitto.

And in the sectmd Georgick^

Nemora JEthiopum móUi canentia

lana.

And' in the third^
— — Oreg«8 vOHt lege molHbut albos.

And in the fourth^

— Dum fusis fnoOìaiwMM
. Devolvuot,

Hence this epìthet is ffiven tothe
sbeep themseives^ wbidi are caUed
molle pecus in the third Georgick^

— Olacies ne ffigida l«edat
Molle pecut:

And in the ninth .^Sneid^

Impastiu ceu piena leo per ovilìa turbans^
Suadet enim vesana fames manditqùe

tirahitque
MoUe pecus.

In the fifth Eciogue it is used to
express the softness of a coverìngof
leaves;

— '— PoiHs lentaa intexere mottibut has-
tas:

And in the fourth iÓneid,

— MoUique fluentem
Fronde premit crìnem.

In the eighth iEneid it signifies the
softness of an embràce;

— — Niveis bine atque bine diva lacertis
Cunctantem amplexu modi fovet

In the tenth iSneid it is used for
the softness of the boarybair of old
age;

Canentem molU piuma duziaae fleneetam.

In the second Geor^ck it signifies
the softness of little images }

Oscilla ex alta suspendunt tnoOia pintu '

In the third Geoi^^ck it is used for
the softness of a bit^ to be put in the
mouths of young borses ;

^.^i Det molHbus ora capistris :

and for the softness of a sheep-cote^
covered with Straw ;

- — 5^<B&ii/l« edico in moffitef bcrbam
Carpereoves.

It is applied also to a coucb, or
chair, in the eighth iSneid j

Jf off iftiM a «lniH# opera ad fiOnilia suxigit :

and^

Ca8t«jducebant sacra per urbem
PUetOii matres in moUibut.

Water is called soft in the tenth
Maeìd;

MoUibut extulit undis ;

and wine also in the first Geor^^ck ;

Tunc agni pingues^ et tunc tnoUiuima

vino;
Tunc tomni dulces.

It is an epithet frequently ^ven to
fiowers> not to express theur ripe-
ness, but their debcaey ; ais in thè
second Eciogue;
u

1^

P. VIROILII MARONIS

g*gjj^*«*»">»tt«»«^ Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida meDa. SO

MófUa lutooia pingit'tMiccNifa caltb» e
and in the fiflh;

Pro «loffi wcia^ prò purpureo Narcisso
Caiduus, et spUis. surgit^ paliunis acu-
tis;

where it is plainly opposed to Uie
sharpness of thoms : and in the
sìxth;

Ule latus niveum molli fultus hyacintho :

alfio in the first iEneid>

— ^- Fotum gremio dea toliit in altos
Idaliae lucps, ubi moUis amardcus il]um
Floribos et dalci aspirans complectitur
umbra.

And in the sevénth;

n I Motte* ìiU sumere thyrMti .
and,

MoUihui intexens orhabat cornua tertU,
And in the eleventh ;

Qualem virgìneo demessum pollice flo-

rem
Seu nuMt violas, seu lauguentis bya-

cinthi.

It signifies also the aoftness of grass ;
as in the third Edogue ;

-^- In ntoUi consedimus herlnu

And in the seventh ;
— — » Somno mottior herha.

And of meadows ; as in the tenth
Edogue;

Hic gemini fontes, bic moUiaprata:
and in the second Georgidi ;

' MÒtttbus inpratit.

3t h used also for a soft and gentle
fiame, as in the seoond .Sìneid ;

-^— Tractufue innoxia motti
Lambere fiamma comas :

andinthefourth; .

-I*— Est motti* fiamma meduUasu

Itisi^Uoused to «xpiress >the soft-»
ness and ease of sleep; as in the
second Gecnrgick ;
— — Mottesipie sub arbore tomnis

and in the third ;
^ Motte* sub dio carpere 9omno*.

And of a pleasing shade, inviting to
sleep ; as in the third Georgick ;

^^^^ Motti succedere amfàustmbree t

and of a fine, mild season ; as in
the first Georgick ;

>^-«<^ Breviorque dies et mottior tetta*,

Hence it is applied to effeminate
persons, as in the first Georgick ;

India mittit ebur, moUe* sua tbura Sa-
hai;

and to the easy hoars of access to
any person, as in the fourth ^neid ;

Sola viri motte* aditu*, et tempora noras:

and,

TenCaturutn aditus, et qus fhotti**ima

Tempora :

of which sort Bremolliajussa, in the
third Georgick, and ninth .^eìd ;
and moUia fatu, in the twelfth. In
die eleventh, we find the stinga
and irritations of the mind twicè ex-
pressed by stimulis haud mollibus,
MoUis Ì9 also frequenti^ applied to
any thing that is bending and pli-
able, as mólh sUet* in me second
Georgick; also for any sort of bas-
ket-work ; as in the third Edogue;

Viminibus mottique paras detezere jmim» ;

and in the eleventh jEneid ;

— ;? Crates, et motte feretrum
Arbutds texunt virgis, et vimine quemo.

Thus the acanthus is called moUis in
the third Eclogue, because of its

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

147

Pauca tamen suberunt prìscfle vestigia fraudis, ^efoS^t^!>r^i[S£

easy bending; and in the fourth
Georgick we find^

lUe comam ntollts jam tum tondebat
acanthi ;

when he had said but a few lines
bc^ore^ ...

— Flexi tacuissem' vimen acanthi.

In the same sense it ìs nsed to ex-
press die flexibillty or ductility of
gold, when drawn into wire or
thread ; as in the tenth iEneid ;

^ FuBos cervix cui lactea critied '

Acdpit, et moUi sabnectit circulus auro :

anà,
-— — Molli zDater quam neverat auro.

In the thìrd Georgick it signifies
the tender bending of the legs of a
youngcolt;

. — Pecorìs generosi piillus in arvis
Altius ingredìtur, et moUia crura reponit.

Hence it is transferred to signify
bowed, or bent to obedience 3 as in
the third Georgick ;

Belgica vel melius moUi feret esseda
collo:

and in the eleventh Mneìà;

\ Latini

Clamorcm tollunt^ et moUia cóUa refle-
ctunt.

Thus also in the eighth iEneid it is
applied fìguratively to the wateri^ of
a river, to express the subjection of
the nations that dwell onits batiks s

~— JSupkrate» ibat jam mollior undis.

Lastly^ it is used for the easy descent
of a hill^ in the ninth Eclogues
, .».«. MoUique jugum demittere clivo»
And in the third Georgick ;

■ ■ MoOà devertitur orbita clivom

These, I think, are ali the places
where Virgil has used the adjective

molÌMy and there does not seem to
be one, where it can be interpreted
either ripe or fertile. We must
therefore seek for some other intera
pretation of molli arista, It inaa
been observed> in the note on ver.
219. of the first Georgick, that the
triticum or wheat of the ancients was
bearded, and a passage from Cicero
was there produced^ wherein the
beard of wneat is described as a
prickly fence^ to defend the ear
from the injuries of birds. There-
fpre we may understand the mean-
ing of the passage under considera-
tion to be, that the com sball no
longer stand in need of this fortifi-
Q^tioti, this pallisade, this vaUum
aristarum, as Cicera calls it; to de*
fend it from injuries ; but shall
spring up spontaneously^ and grow
ripe with soft and tender beards,

29. Rubens.li This epithet is
used to express the ripening of the
grapes, as flavescens was for that of
the com.

Pendebit,'] La Cerda observes,
that this word properly describes
the vineyards in Italy, where the
Vines Tun up on high trees, and so
the dusters bang down.

Sentibus,2 I take sentes not to
mean anyparticular speciesof plant;
but to be a general word for ali wild»
thomy plants. Thus Isaiah, chap.
Iv. 13. •' Instead of thethorn shall
'' come up the fir-tree, and instead
^' of the brier shall come up the
" myrtle-tree.*'

Uva,"] It has been observed, in
the note on ver. 60. of the second
Georgick, that uva does not signify
a single grape, but the whde clutter.

30. ti dura quercus, 5fc.] Ho-
nèy is said to bave dropped fVom
trées in the golden age. See the
note on ver. 131. of the first Geor-
gick.

V 2

14»

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SSi^toSflSTb^f: Q^ tentare Thetim ratibus, quse cingere muri*

SSdto^itottonmsoniSe Opoida, qu8s jubeant telluri ìnfindere sulcos.

eartH. "nìeire aliali then be .t .\ m- i ' i ,'

«nother Tiphys,«Bd mother Alter erit tum 1 iphys, et altera quae vehat Argo

31. Patuca tamen suberurU, «^c]
Thf restoration of the golden ^e is
not to be perfect^ till ibis ch& is
grown to mll manhood. It has been
said already> at thelatter end of the
note on ver. 13. that ibis Eclogue
was written at the time of the re-
conciliation between Augustus and
Aiithony>.and that ìt is to this re-
conciliation that the poet ascrìbes
aU the blessings of peace^ which
were expected at that time. But
the son of the great Pompey was
stili in some measure master of the
sea^ and an enemy to both the tri-
umvirs. Therefore the great work
o£ peace was not wholly perfected;
though the poet hoped to see it
soon established, by the authority
and wisdom of the consul ; as he
said a few lines above ;

Te dace si qua manent sceleris vestigia

oostrì.
Irrita perpetua solvent formidine terras.

Prisca fraudi»,'] I take these
words to mean the same with sceleris
nostri, in one of the verses just
quoted.

32. Tentare Thetim ratibus,] The-
tis was said to be the daughter of
Nereus and Doris. She was mar-
ried to Peleos^ the son of ^acus,
by whom she had Achilles. The ti s
is certainly used here for the sea it-
self. I have taken the liberty to
makeuse o£ a Scripture expression^
in translating these words, which I
thought migbt be warranted in a
poem^ allowed to contain so many
idlnsions to sacred prophecies.

38. Telluri infindere sulcos.] 'Mn
*' the Roman manuscrìpt> ìt is tel^
*^ ìurem infindere sulco : in the Ob-
'^ long Vatican, sukis. The Lom-

'^ bard^ Medicean^ and some others
" follow the common reading."
Pisaius.

34. Jlter erit tum Tiphys.']
" When Pelias had received an an-
'* swer from Apollo^ that he should
*' be deprived of bis kingdom and
" life by one who came to sacri-
*' fìce with onefoot naked $ it hap-
" pened soon after^ that as Jaspn
*' was coming to sacrifice^ he met
*' Juno> in the form of an old wp-
" man, who pretended not to be
*' able to get over the ford of a ri-
^' ver, upon which he carrìed ber^
'^ and lost one of bis shoes in the
*' mud. Pelias therefore^ apprer
'' bending bim to be the dangerous
" person, sent him to Colchis»
" to fetch the golden fleece of the
** Tarn, that had transported Phrixus
" and Helle. Jason^ in obedience
*' to this command^ built the ship
'^ Argo, assembled the youth of
" Greece to accompany him in
" hìs expedition, and had Tiphys
•' for his pilot." Sebvius.

Argor] The Argo was the first
long ship^ with sails^ built by the
Greeks. Before tbat time they had
used only round vessels of burden^
and always kept within sight of the
shore -, but now they were to launch
farther, and to guide the ir ships by
the stars. The etymologists are
greatly divided about the derivation
of the name of this ship. The more
general opinion, and perhaps the
best, is, that it was so called from
the master-builder of it, Argus the
son of Danaus. This Danaus was •
the brother of iBgyptus, who was
proba bly the same with Sesac or Se-
sostris, king of Ègypt, and fied from
that country in a long ship^ after

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

149

Ddectos heroas: erunt etiam altera bdla, S5 SS?t£?£Si2b?^'
Atqueiterumad Trojammagnusmittetur Achillcs. ES*»^ à £^ t5^!*

the pattern of whìch the Argo was
built Others, among whom Cicero
seems to bave been, think it was so
called^ because the Argives sailed in
it. A third opinion is^ that its
natne is derived from «^70^ swift;
bùt that word signifies also, and per-
haps more properly; slow; whence
that joke of Martial on slow sailors ;

At VO8 tam placidas vagì per undas.

Tuta luditis otium carina,

Non nautas puto vos^ sed Argonautat»

A fourth opinion is^ that it had its
name from Argus^ the son of
Phryxus. Others again derive it
from the Hebrew word JJ^lk ereg,
which signifies weatìng, or texture,
to which purpose Catiillus is quoted^
who^ speaking of the buildingof this
very ship, uses the foUowing ex-
pression ;

Pinea conjungens inflexs texta carins.

Severalotherauthoritiesmighteasily
be produced^ to prove that iexoy and
its derìvatives^ are applied, to Che
building of ships. Lastly, Bochart^
having spoken of the gauU, a sprt of
round vessels, says he is of opinion^
that the PhoBnicians opposed tothose
round ships the H3^K p^DD naves
arca or arco, as the Syrians pro-
nounce it> that \%, ships of lengtk,
or« which is the same thing^ lung
ships. Hence the first long sbip
built by the Greeks was called Argo,
by changing e into g: thus they
change Caius to TtUn, and Cmeus
to rftuf* The reader will choose
which of these derivations he lìkes
best ; for my own part^ I should .
prefer either the first or the last
Bochart also gives a probable expla-
nation of the fiction^ that the Argo
was endued with a power of speak-
ing^ from some of the timber of the

Dodonean grove being put into the
ship by Pallas. He observes, that
the Hebrew word HHl signifies both
to speak an d to govern. Hence ITìSn
dobera, when used as a participle^
signifies speaking; but when a noun>
a skip, which is govemed, From
this homonymy^ says he, the^fable
arose> that the ship itself, or some
timber in it> was vocale by which
timber we are to understand the rud^
der, which does not ^eak, but gO"
verns the ship.

85. Delectos heroas.'] These cho«
sen heroes are the Argonauts, so
called because they sailed in the ship
Argo. They accompanìed Jason,
in hisexpedition to Colchis^ to fetch
the golden fleece: they were the
flower of ali Greece^ iand were fifty-
two in number. Pindar calls them
the flower qf sailors, and Theocri-
tus the flower of heroes: hence Vir-
gil calls them chosen heroes. Sir
Isaac Newton proves, by many
good arguments^ that this expedf*»
tion was about forty-three years
after the death of Solomon^ three
hundred years later than the time
settled by the Greek chronologers.

Erunt etiam altera bella. "2 " No-
'^ thing is more just than the pro-
'* phecy of Virgil. A bloody war
*' at last reduced Sextus Pompey to
'' quit Stcily^ and to meet bis death
*' in Asia by Anthony. The con-
^' juncture of affiiirs^ the prepara-
'^ tions made by Octavian, and
*' above all^ the disposition of men's
'^ minds, gave room for the pre«
" diction of the poet/* Catrou.

36. Atque iterum ad Tryam, 4*c.]
The story of the siege of Troy^ and
the yalour of Achilles/ are too well
known, to need any còmment in
this place. 3ut I cannot pass by in

IM

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

nJKthSlSSiSSSl^ Hinc, ubi jam firmata virum te fecerii «tas,
ttem:*nSi ^^mS Cedct et ipse mari vector : nec iaauticà piiiUs

silence an observation of th^ le^rn^^d
La Cerda^ concerning a mistake of
Cicero and Eustathius. The for-
mer in one of his epìstles says» that
Homer did not bestow. tì^e epithet
9eré)Jin^0H, the taker ofcities, either
QO Ajax or Àclnlles^ hut on Ulysses :
tb9 latter^ in his commentary on the
8econd Iliade says, that Homer ^alls
Ulysses vrtéXtiFé^éé^, who took only
the city Troy, because it wa^ tb^
head of the war: but he calla
Achilles by that name only onp^,
though he, had taken several cjties.
La Cerd^ ^cuses them both of for-
getfulness. He aìlows indeed, that
Ulysses is often called tt«a/«-«(^m>
f^nd poìnts out eight places, two in
the ìli ad and six in the Oydssey :
but at the same time he refers us tp
three places iq the Ilìad, where the
aame epithet is glven to Achilles.
The first is in the eighth Iliad, where
Minerva tells Juno, that Jupiter
was prevailed upon by Theitis to
favour Achilles;

The same words are repeated near
the beginning of thefìfteenth Iliad,
when Jupiter relates to Juno the in-
tercessipn of The^ìs for ber son.
The third place is in the twenty-
frturth Iliad, where Jupiter tells
Thetis, that the gods had disputed
nine days aboat Achilles and the
body of Hector ;

To conclude the notes on this
paragraph, it-may be observed, that
Virgìl cannot be supposed to mean,
that the Argonauts and heroes that
warred at Troy will return again;
but that other eminent mariners

'A;i^4XX«i* irr«A/-

will arise^ other jRimous vessels^otheK
wars, and other ^reat commandeffli
At the time of writitg this Eclpgu^,
m)tw|thstanding the happy peacQ
just composed between Augustus
arid Anthony, great preparationa
were making agaìnst Sextus Pojn-
pey, who had acquired such fi^me
in naval exploits, that the people
did not scruple to cali him another
Neptune. iBesides he presently
after grew so formìdable, that the
triumvirs were compelled to make
peace with him.

37. Hinc ubi jam firmata, ^cJ]
The poet, having spokeh of the de«-
fects that shall remai n during the
childhood and youth of theexpected
infant> now comes to speak of the
fulness of blessings that shall at^
tend the completion of the golden
age, when he shall bave attained to
the full state of manhood.

Lucretius has an expression like
this in his third hook ;
Inde ubi robustU adolevit viribus «tas»

38. Cedei et ipse mari vectùr.']
Servius tells us, that vedor signifies
him that is carried, as well as him
that carries, the merchant as well
as the mariner; though^ according
to Burman, this note is wanting in
several copies of Servius ; so that we
may questioni whether it was the
genuine opinion of that ancìent
grammarian. Rusus however has
adopted it; ** Tam actìvé dicitur
" prò eo qui vehit, quam prò eo qui
*' vehitur.** Dr. Trapp seems to
be surprided at this, and says vec<or
" is a very partìcular word: it sig-
" nifies both actively and passively ;
^' vehens and vectus: as if vietar
** should signify both the conqueror
^' and the conquered. I do not re-
*' member any parallel instance in

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

151

Mtttabit merces : omnis feret omnia tellus*
Non rastros patietur huipMSjuQQn vinea.falcem :
Robustus quoqaejam tauris juga solvei arator.
Nec variós discet mèntiri lana colores : 49

Ipae sed in pratis aries jam suave rubenii

ry land thall beir erey tbkig.
Tbe ground sball not endnre
the harrows, nor the vinrml
die prunfaigwhook: aqd the
•trong plooghmaii ahall take
off tbe.yoke» frani bb bui-
Mlm: Nor «hall 'thè wòdl
leam to counterfdt vttiott
coloun. But the ram hfanadf.
in the meadows, àhall have
hk fleece tinged, wmetfanéa
with the fine red or the purple.

<^all tbe langua^/' But I beHev^
thÌ8 criticìsm of the grammarians is
Wktfaout fcHindatioB ; and thatvee/oD
Ì8 used only in the active sense, for
the person who «arrìes*- Thus tf
merchant may be called a vector or
carrier of gt)ods^ when he goes
with Ihem 'himself i and a niastei'
of*a éùp ÌB really a vector likewwe,
or carrier of good and passengérs^
thoug^ he himsélf niay be said to be
carried in the ship. Wé cali a f)er-
8on> who undertakes the carriageof
goods by land, a carrier, wiUiout
imy renard to bis goii^ oiifoot, on
horaìGfback^ or in bis own waggon ;
kxi¥bìcii last case^ I fancy il^ would
be thought an impertinent disttnc-
tioh to say he was then carried, and
tlierefore not a carrier in the active
sende òf the word.

Nautica pmus.'] Ships used to be
• bttilt of the wood of pine-trees;
whence it ts usuai with the poetato
ose pinus for a ship.

39. Mutùbit mereee.'] The an-
eicnt way of traffic was b^ changing
Otte commodity for another, as is
atltl practised in those countries,
where the use of money is not yet
ktlown.

Omnis feret omnia teltus.'] In the
aeoond Georgick* the poet tells us,
ftiat ali lands cànnót bear ali thtngs;

Nec vero teme forre omnea omni^ pos-
sunt.

But bere be mentions the reverse,
that in this restoration of the golden
age every country will bear ali sorts
of products ; which wìll make navi-
gation useless.

40. Non rastros, ^cJ] In this
new age the earth is to produce every
thing spontaneously : the earth wiìl
have no occasion to be torn with
harrows, or the vineto be wounded
with pruni ng-hooks.

41. Robustus.'] Burman fìnds
róbustis in some copies, whìch
mtght be àdmittéd ; bui I helievé
robustus is the true read i ng. Lucre-
tius has robustus moderator ata tri, in
bis fifkh hook 5 '

Nec róhugtus erat curvi moderator aratri
Quiéqaaùi, tiec sdbat ferro molirìcr arva.

And ngain in, hìs sixth hook ;

Trsterea jam pastor, et annentarius

omni%
Et robustus item curvi moderator aratri
. Languebant,

4/2. Nec ffarios discet, &c.] He
calla the colours, which are given
to wool by art, false or fictitious.
Thus wè read in the second Geor-
gick.

Alba neque Assyrìo fuscatiir lana veneno.

48. Ipse sed in pratis, 4*c.] In»
stead of this false tincture, he says
the sheep shall be clothed with
wool of the finest colours. Servius
tells US, that, in the books of the
Tuscans, it was delivered, that
when a ram should be seen stained
with an unusual colour, tbe greatest
felicity should attend the chiefrùler.
Many passages may be collected
from the writers of the lives of the
emperors, where such extraordinary
omens are said to bave attended
their births. Nor are authors want-
iag who teli os of such fine sheep

153 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SriftìSSfJ***' ^'"v^ Murice, jam croceo mntabit Tellera luto :

being to be seen in distant coun-
trìes.

Suave rubenti murice.'] Mure»
aignifies ali hard and sharo bodies;
as we find itused inthefitth.£neid
for the sharp points of a rock ;

Concusse cautes, et acuto in murice remi
Obnixi crepaere, illisaque prora pependit

Valerius Maximus uses it for the
tribulus, or calirop, a spìked ìnstni-
ment used in wbi, to obstruct the
approach of an enemy; " Aviti
*' spirìtus egregius successor Scipio
'' JÈÌmilianufl, cum urbem prae-
'^ vahdam obaideret, suadentibus
" quìbusdam^ ut circa moenia ejus
^'ferreos murices spargerete omnia-*
*' que vada tabulis plumbatis con-
'^ stemeret, habentibus davorum
'' cacumina^ ne subita eruptione
*^ hostes in presidia nostra impetum
'' facere possent : respondit^ non
'^ esse ejusdem^ et capere idiquos
" velie, et timere." Thus it is used
also by the naturai historians to
express a sort of shell-fish, which is
set about with splkes. Ofthiskind
was thatcelebrated fish» firom which
the Tyrian colour was obtained.
It is caìled purpura and murex : but
it is much to be doubted^ whether
it was the same colour with that
which we now cali purplc ; it seems
ratfaer to bave been eitner scarlet or
crimson. We find in this pasfsage,
that it was a beautiful red^ mave
rubenti murice. In the fourth M-
neid it is represented as a glow-
ing or very bright colour ;

— Tyrioque ardébat murice laena
Demissa ex humeris :

and in the ninth ^Eneid it is saìd to
be a bright colour ;

Pietà croco, eifidgewH mirice vesti».

44. Crucco luto."} Some take era»

ceo hUo to be put bere for croco luteo,
yeUom saffron. Saffiron itself is of a
fiery or deep orange colour, ap-
proaching to red : but the tincture
of it is. a deep yellow, like the yelk
of an egg, or a marigold flower,
which is called luteola caltha in the
second Eclogue. Others will bave
lato to be a contraction of Uiteo, the
name of an herb mentioned by Vi-
truvius, which was used to give a
ffreen tincture to blue, and must
uerefore necessarily afford a yeUow
tincture itself; for nothing but yeU
low can change blue into green;
'^ Item,** says Vitrnvius, '^ qui non
" possunt chrysocolla propter carì-
'* tatem uti, herba quse luieum
" appellatur coeruleum infidunt,
'' et utuntur virìdissimo colore."
Pliny calla the herb lutea, in the
fifth cbapter of bis thirty-third
hook, where he is speaking of chry-
socoUa; '^ Nativa duritia maxime
'^distat, luteam vocant. Et ta-
'' men illa quòque herba, quam
" luteam appdlan^ tingitur." And
again, ** Parsetoniura quonìam est
'^ natura pinguissimum, et propter
'' leevorem tenacissimum, atr&-
^' mento aspergitur, ne parstonii
'' candor pallorem chrysocolke af-
'' ferat Luteam putant a lutea
** herba dictam, quam ipsam cae*
'' ruleo subtritam, prò cnrysocolla
'' inducunt, vilissimo genere at-
" que fidiacissimo." I believe tJie
hitum of Viroli, the luteum of Vi-
truvius, and tne lutea of Pliny, mean
one and the same herb: and it is
evident, from what ali three bave
said of it, that it must be one that
afibrds a yellow tincture. There is
hardly any question to be made of
its bem|^thatherb| whidi our Eng-
lish writers of botany describe un-
der the name of luteola, wild woad,
and di^ers' weed. The dyers about

BIJCOUC. ECL. IV. 153

l^onte sua sandyx pascentes vestiet agnoa. 45 tS?iaJS?StoolJ?aoS!d*

London cali it woold, a name which
I ào not reniember to bave met
with ii^ any aathor, and use ìt in
dying yellow botb wool and 8Ìlk. It
ìs ooiiimon on walls, and in wa«te
places, and is sown in the fields for
the use of the dyers. It grows to
about a yard in height; has long,
narrow leaves ; and the flowers and
seed-vessels cover great part of the
branches of the stalk. vV^en ìt is
dried, it acquires a yellow coìour ;
and being bound up in bundles for
sale, it b^s some rude resemblance
of sheaves of pom. 'Jhe resem-
blance of the name^ tvoold, and the
frequent use of it in dying, lias oc-
casioned some to confound it with
Ufoad, from which it is very differ-
ent. £esides the tvoad is called isa-
tis, and glmium, and afibrds a blue
tincture ; though it is also used for a
foundation of other colours. The
woad also is bruised in a mill^ dried^
powdefed, and goes through' several
preparations, bifore it is fit for die
use of the dyer, whereas the wooid
or luiufk ìs used entire^ in its full
perfection of ripeness.

45. Sponte sua sandyx, Sfc,"] San-
dyx is spok«n of by PHny as a cheap
materica for painting ; *' Prseterea
*' e viliorìbus, ochra, cerussa usta,
'' sandaracha, sandix, syrlcuro^ atra-
" mentum." I believe this cheap
sort of sandyx was made of the
factitious sandaracha, which was a
preparatiqn of white lead ; for the
true sandaracha, which seems to be
our native red arsente, was saìd to
come from an island of the Red Sea.
Pliny has led roany of the commen-
tators into an errot^ by imagining,
that Virgil spake of it in tbis place
as an herb; ^^ Sandaracham et
" ochram Juba tradit in insula ru-
" bri maris Topazo nasci : sed inde
" non pervehuntur ad nos. Sanda-

'* racha quomodo fieret diximus.
'* Fit adulterina et ex cerussa non
'' in fornace cocta. Colos esse de-
'' bet flammeus. Pretium in^libras
'^ asses quini. Haec si torrea-
'^ tuìr^ «qua parte rubrica admixta,
" sandycem facit. Quanquamanim^
'' adverto Virgillum existimasse
<' herbam id esse« ilio versu>

<< Sponte sua sandyx pascentes vestiet
** agnos.** ;

Here Pliny seems to censure Virgil,
as being mistaken, in representing
sandyx as an herb on which the
lambs fed, and thereby changed the
colour of their wool to scarlet^ But
,if he had read Virgil with due afc-
tention, he would nave perceived
that the poet does not represent thp ,
sandyx as an herb, any more than
he did the murex in tne preceding
verse. Servius also affirms roundly
that sandyx is an herb } '' Sandyx
" herba est» de qua sandycmrjLS tin-
/' guitur color." La Cerda, falling
into the €iame-error, says sandyx is
both an herb» and a colour; and
adds, as bis own opinion, that un-
less sandyx be understood to ipsaa an
herb, the epithet pascentes is super-
fi uous. But surely this leamed com-
nientator did not consider the whole
passage; for hìs argument would
iproye murex alsoto be a n herb, which
he himself allows to be a fish. Fas~
centes is no more superfluous than in
pratìs, and no on,e has imagined
that the poet meant, that the ram
should tinge bis fleece, by feeding
on a shell-fìsh in the meadows : why
then must the sandyx he the food of
the lamb, any more than the, murex
is that of the ram ? Let us consider
the whole period together. The
poet tells US, that there shall no
Joi\ger be occasion to give any ar-
tificial colour to the wool : far the

154

P. VIRGILII MÀRONIS

toSdSd^lB^a^^ Talia mela soia dixerant, cuirité, fusis

Ddlet. nroceed Te r^ i . i •!• t*^ l ?_ _ r*

to ^ tpindie^^pfo^ ye c^nggr^gg stabili fatoruiD numine ParcaB*

i«et after thimuaner.

Attempt the greatett ho-
noun, for the time shall now

Aggredere, O roagnos, aderit jam tempus, honores,

sheep shall beadornedwìth the fihest
colours naturaUy. The wórds ipse
and 8]9onte sua are used to shew^ diat
it will be the work a£ nature, and
not of art He does not mean,
that the sheep will feed on the pur-
ple-fish, the woold, and tìie sandyx;
but that the^ shall bave fleeces as
beautiful, as if they had been stained
by those materiius. I bave ren-
dered sanéfyx vermilion, because it is
a colour well known among us, and
answers to the image inlended to be
giyini by the poèt : thòugh perhaps,
u it was necessary to be exact, we
flhoUld not find any English word to
express it The coTour meant in
tfais place was certainly red, and
miffht probably come near to our
rea<»pittitot.

46. Tàlia ascia tuis dìxerunt cur-
rite.'] " IntheMediceanmanusdipt
^' k is dixerunt currere, as Mdixerunt
** was put for edixerunt, or affir-
*' tnaverunt ; by the same figure
'' by whìch donai kabere is used in
''ànother place. But Servius ac-
*' knowledges the iinperative cur-
" riie. Npr must it be omitted,
'* that in our time chiefly they be-
*' gan to Write seculttm witfaout a
'^ diplithong : some grammarianis
^' aissign for a reason of this, that
" the word is iterlved a sequendo.
'* Bot the ancient marbles bave

" uBculum wiUi an <e diphtììong,
'' as we réad in the Roman manu-
" script In many ancient coins
^ ** also (E diphthong is to be ob-
'* served, às sacularia in one of
** P, Septirous Geta; ànà saaili
^'feUcitas in one of Faustina, and
^ '' so in most of the rest ; though in
" a Silver one of Otho there is secul,
*' widi a flEingle e," Pieriits.

47. Parca.} The Parca, ac-

cording to Hesiod, were the daugh-
ters of Night; tiieir naméé '«rere
Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos;
they had the disposai of good and
evi! to men, according to thei^ de-
serts;

Emi ìlUi^mg m) KM^mg ìytlfmrt nfXtfrcfvtnr,

Klr àfi^m ri éttit ri ra^atZueimi If &r«tf-

0m
0»)Mr«ri AifyMiiri iuà ìunn ;e«X«#»

But in another place, he makes
them the daughters of Jupiter and
Themis ;

Aivri^«y ^yaytr$ Xt*ei^f &ifiuf, 4 rS»iv

Ev9§fitnf n, A/mr» n, tuù Ei^mr nAi-

Xwk»,
Air i^y m0àUt/ft »mrmhnv$t*t fi^tUfi*
U»t^ms f, f$ «rXiiVm» ri/Mi» iri^t fuiritrm

KXW« ri, Adxt^^* «••» »ttì'*Ar^»it99' al r*

B9nT$7t à9é^(u*9ign l^w kymin n »«•!»
ri.

These three si^rs are entrusted with
the condact of the thrcad of human
life, which they cut off, when the
fatai time is come. They are bere
introducéd by Virgìl, as command-
ing tlie thread belonging to this
glorious age to run on without in«
terruption.

48. Aggredere, O magnos, 4^.]
Virgil having now brought liis nero
on to the full state of manhood, calfs
upon him to assume bis destined
honours, and to save the totterinff
world; and then T)reaking forth
ihto a poetical rapture, wishes that

BUCOLIC- ECL. IV.

155

CaraDeum soboles^magnum JoyìsiQcremeintum} 2wS?aSÌM*^S5e*^^
AspicecoQvexo nutantem fondere mundum, 50 t^wS^^toteZi^h^^

he himself may but live so long^ as
to haye an opportunity of qelebrat-
ìng his actions. He smrms, that ao
divine a subject wìll raise bis verse
above the poetry, even of Orpheus
inspired by bis mother Calliopea,
and of Linus assisted by bis father
Apollo. ^ Nay he goes so far as ito
say, that Pan himself shall yield to
him^ even though bis own Arcadia
ahould be judge.

Magnos konoresJ] These great
hpnours mean the magistracies, the
great offices ahddignities of the Ro-
man commonwealth:

Aderìtjam tempus,'] These worda
mean the completi on of that age,
in which it was lawful to sue for
magistracies.

49. Cara Deum sobóles, «^c]
D^m is bere put for deorum.

'* Would it bave been proper to
'' bestow these illustrious appella- •
"tions on a son of PpUio? Surdy
" y irgli does not bere pour them
*' forA without reason. But whàt
*' young prince could at that time
*' deserve to be called the child of
" gods, and the illustrious offspring
«'of Jupiter? Without doubt, it
'* must bave been one of the famrly
" of the Cffisars. But did there
'* come into the world at that time
«' any otber children of the family
'* of Csesar ? They alone descended
*'from Jupiter by ^neas^ who
" was the son of Venus. But did
'* there at that time come into thè
*' world any child of the family of
** Cassar^ except young Marcellus?
*' Tiberius was not yet entered into
** the house of Octavian by bis mo-
*'ther, and Drusus was not yet
"born. Certainly, the more we
** thinkj the more we dìscover Mar-
'f cellus to betheperson/* Catrou.

Ithas beenalreadyobserved^ that

Octavia^ the half sister of Au-
gustus^ and mother ù£ Marcellui^
wks not dèscénded fìrom the Càf-
sars. We must therefore bave re-
course to the adoptidh of Marcellus
by Augustus.

50. Aspice canvexo, ^c,'] • Ser-
vius interprets this> " the world
'* bends with its present evils, ànd
" rejoices in its future good."
Otbers; says La Cerda^ explain
die passage.thus ; " Bebéld^ that ìs^
'^ talee care, that the World inay^
«'rejoice. But this chan^ng of
*« the signification of the verb seettis
''very poor. The verb aspice is
'« evidently to be taken in the com-
«' moti sense in both places. But
" I will bere he^ leave to give ali-
« other explication of these three
" verses. What if the poet should
" say, not J^ehold hom the world
'' bends to destntction : behold kow
** ali things afe joyful under thi^in'
**fluence; but, Behold how the mòrìd
" bends Jrom the destruction, into
*^ fvhich it was sunk, towards a
'^golden state; behold and coniem-
^' piate how ali things are now more,
^* joyful ? Thus the sense will be,
'* that the world bends from the
*' iron age to the golden, and not
'«the contrary. 'Hiis explication
*« is favoured by Servius and Ger-
'* manùs, who bere acknowledge
** an ^;rMMer«^«0'i(, that is, says
'* Servius, a revolution of ali things
«* òy means of the stars, But what
*' will be the change, if the World
'^ falls into destruction, for wfaich,
''it was ready before? Besides,
" after the childhoód and youth
*' of Saloninus, in which almost
"ali things were golden, why
" should we world run àgam to
" destruction? The sense therefore
" is properly this : In your infancy
X2

156

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

S^^f SSJ'in'd^thS'h^ Terrasque, tractusque maris, coelumq^
^^«'' ^ . fundum:

uè prò-

'Mhe golden age shall begln^ for
** the èàrth sh^ produce flowers,
*' &c. in your youth it shall be
•^ brought to perfection, fot the
*' ears shall giow yeUow in the
'' fields, &c. but there shall stili
*' be some footsteps of ancient
*' fraud : when you are quite a man,
'^ there shall be no fraud, no plough - .
'^ mg, no sowing, the earth shall.
" ànord every thing spontaneously ;
*' purple shall grow upon the rams>
'* and these times shall be very
" happy/ with the consent of the.
*' fates. Surely, at this point of
*' time, it would be impertment to
" say, that the world bends to evil :
*' it would square better with this
" felicity to say, See how the world
'* moves and changes itself. to every
** sort af felicity j which shall kappen,
*^ when you are a man,'\ Ruaeus
assente to this opinion, and inter-
prete it the world moving itself for
Joy; ^' Gestientera, et prae loetitia
" commoventem se." Catrou pa-
raphrases this passage, accòirding to
the interpretatìon of Servius ;
" Voyez, d'une part, le monde
** chancellant sous le poìds de sa
^'grandeur! La mer, la terre et.
^' les cieux, tout s'ebranle. Voyez,
'* de rautre, lallégresse revenif à
*' rUnivers, aux approches d'un
'^ siécle heureux/' But his leamed
countryman De MaroUes had ren-.
dered it in the other sense; *^ Re-
^' garde le monde balancé sur son
** propre poids. Vòy les terres, les
" seins de mer, et les cieux élevez,
'' avec tout le reste des creatures
*' qui se rejoùìssent pour le* retour
«'. d'un siede si heureux." Our old
translator, W. L. seems to be of .
La Cerda's opinion ;

Cóme, see the world, decrepit how, and
secre.

E'né nodding ripe, with ita own pon-

drous heape ;
The seas, and earth, and highest hea-

vens view ;
How ali things in them ali doon even

For Joy of this fame age now to ensue.

The Earl of Lauderdale foUows
Servius ;

And now behold the unfix'd tott'ring

world,
Seas, earth, and hèav'n into confusion

hurl'd :
Nature again puts on a smìling face.
And ali with joy th' approacbing age

embrace.

And Dryden also,

See, lab'ring nature calls thee to sostain
The nodding frame of heav'n and earth

and main ;
See to their base restor'd, earth, seas,

and air.
And joyful ages from behind, in crowd-

ing ranks appear.

AndDr.Trapp;

See the globous wéight
Of earth, of heav'n, of ocean, nod, and

shake !
See how ali things enjoy the future age.

'' Convexo fondere" says this leamed •
gend^nan^ '' is bere the same with
'^ convexi ponderìs, or nudis ; not'
" govemed of nutantem, as most*
'^ imagìne : it being Jmpossible that
" the globe should bend, qt reel,
*' with its own weight. But what
f < then is the meaning of nutantem ?
" With, or under what, does it
'* nod or stagger? With its guilt-
*' and misery, say some; and so
** wants to be succoured by this
'* new-boira hero. But that to
*' othera seems not to agree with
''the happiness. which is ascribed*
" even to the first divisioo, to the'
*f beginning of this happy age.
** And therefore they say it either

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV. 15T

Behdld how ali thlngs t^
at the approaching age i

Aspice, venturo tetentur ut omnia saeclo ! ?«5«id^?^- »«?*««« «**^e

^' nods^ i. e. moves and shakes it-
'' self, with Joy and exultation ;
" i^vhich is pretty harsh to my ap-
'' prebension : or^ which is not
'^ much better, inclines and tends
" to another^ i. e. a yet more happy
'' state ', vergentem, say they^ nutan-
" temque in meliorem statum, After
'^ ali,! like the- first interpretation
*' best; for as to that reason
*' alleged against it/ the change
" of the world from bad to good,
" from miserable to happy^ could
'* not be instantaneous. It would
" be ielle for Virgil to say, that
'' while he vvrote this, the world
^' was actually in so gpod and happy
'' a state, when ali the world knew
* * the contrary. His meaning ther&«
'' fore must be^ that the child being
'' uow born, the age is as good as
'* come; it will commence very
'^speedily; even in his infancy.
'^ It was excellent sense therefore
*^ to say, the world at present
^' labours with itsguilt and misery;
*' but yet rejoices at the very near
*' prospect of the happy change,
*' which is in a manner begun
" already. So that Aspice mundum
'' nutàniem, i. e. malis suis prasenti-
'* bus, is perfectly reconci leable with
" the next words, aspice venturo
" latentur ut omnia sceclo'* The
solution of tbis difficulty seems
principali^ to depend on a right
understanding of nutantem. The
verb nulo is used by Virgil only in
two other places. In tì^e ninth
.£neid, it is used in a comparison of
the waving of the piume of a
helmet to that of the head of a
spreading oak ;

IpsiintuSy dextra ac laeva, prò turribus

asiani.
Armati ferro, et crittU capita alta coruscù
Quales aeri» Uquentìa flumina circum,
Sive Padi rìpis, Athesin seu propter

amisnum.

Consurgunt geminse quercus, intonsaque

cielo
Àttollunt capita, et sublimi vertice nu^

tant,

This passage leaves the matter
whoUy undecided ; forthe.oaks are
not said to nod, either to destruction,
or to a better state. It is plainly
meant only of their noddìng to and
fro, as they are moved by the
wind. But in the second iBneid,
it is evidently used to express the
nodding or tottering of a tree, to
ìts destruction ;

Ac veluti summis antiquam in montibus

omum
Cum ferro accisam, crebrisque bipennibus

instant
Eruere agricolae certatiin; Illa usque

minatur,
£t tremefacta comam concusso vertice

nutat:
Vulnerìbus donec paulatim evlcta» supre-

mum
Cong^muit, traxìtque jugis avulsa rui-

nanu

Besides, this nodding of the tree is
mentiohed, as the similitude of the
ruin of a great city. I believe ifr
would be difficult to produce even a
single instance of nuto being used to
signify the nodding, or bending of
any thing, from a woVse state to a
better : we may therefore venture
to conclude, that in the passage be-
fore US, it signifies, that the world
is nodding or tottering towards its
fall, or at least that it is bending,
shaki ng, and in danger of ruin.
La Cerda is mlstaken, when he
imagines, that the poet usès this
expression at that point o^ time,
when his hero is upon the verge
of manhood. It would indeed then
bave been impertinent to bave said
the world was at that time in dan-
ger of min. But it is evident, that
Virgil now speaks in his own per-
son, at the time of writing the Ec-

X58

F. yiEGim MAEONIS

pjnir'^^%«'?j^'^ O nulti tam.lQOgffi iq»n«»t pan ultima viti?,
S^um'!^ Tbadwor! SpicUu», £t qi(antum sat erit tua dicere facta \

pheos shall not luipaM me in ' -VT • ■! • mi • ^^

poetnr, nor Linus; thousii Nou me carmmiDus vmcet nec Thracius Or-

oneinoaldbeliivouredbynli 'V

mothcr, and the other by hit pheUS, SS

Nec%uius: buie mater quamvìs, atque huic
pater adsit :

logue : for otherwise he would not
bave said venturo saclo; whereas
La Carda understands him to speak
of the new age as considerably ad-
vanced. The sense therefore is
this ; he calla upon the child to be-
- hold the depraved conditìon of man-
kind> the Roaian state almo3t torn
in pieces^ by a long series of ci vii
wars^ and just ready to sink by its
own weight ; yet even no w, when
at the very brink of destruction»
comforted by the prospect of future
happiness^ under bis influence. This
they had good reason to hope for«
seeing bis mother> yet witb cbild of
bim, was at this tlme the ble^sed
instrument of a peace between the
two great triumvirs^ when they
wcre at the very poiot of tearing the
worM asunder by their discord.

52. Ltstentur.^ It is Uetantur
in the Roman manuscript, accord-
ing to Pierius. Heinsius, according
to Burtnan^ found latentur in ali
bis nxanuscripts.

53. Tarn longaJ] " In the Lom-
^rbard and Medicean manuscripts
*' it is iam longe. But tam longce
'« vita is the true reading, whicb
'* isacknowledged also by Servi us."
Pierius.

! 55. Thracius Orpheus,"] He was
! the son of CEagrus^ a king ór ri ver
;of Thrace, by the Muse Calliope.

See the notes on ver. 454. of the

fourth Georgick^ and ver. 46. of

the tbird £k;logue.

{ 5d, LiniLS,'] He was the son of
: Apollo/ by thi Muse Terpsichore,

and the master" of Thamyras>, Her-

cules, and Orpheua^ whoni lie in-
structèd in music and poetry. Dio-
genes LaSrtius says he was a The-
ban, and the son of Mercury by
the Muse Urania. The same au-
thor tells us/ that he wrote con-
ceming the generation of the world,
the courses of the sun and moon,
and the generations of animals and
£5ruits, in neroic verse : that he was
killed with an arrow by Apollo,
in Eubcea^ where bis epitapn waa
tobe seen, ex pressing, that iie was
a Tbeban, and the son of the Muse
Urania. *lìw y«vf tr»^iìL (aU 'a3ii-
ftU^H ysyovf M«v^«H4K, *'^'^. ^ ^'

ituùts A/v«f Th ìì Aiff •wrcùitt

U9tu *E^v tetti ffvnK Ov^ttfUf* 9rd<-
na-M ^ xécrfuyùviuf, ixiw tuù àtAiin}(
ff'o^fiWy^ tutì t/&ttf luà Ktù^ìrSf yivims.

Th il A/m» rtXtvrncrm Iv

It is plain, however, that Virgil
takes him to be the son of Apollo -,
as does Martial also, in an epigram
on the death of Severus the son of
Silius, where he observes, that the
gods themselves could not avert the
death of their sons : Apollo had lost
Linus, Calliope Orpheus, Jupiter
Sarpedon, and the emperor Domir
tian his son Domitian ;

lii'estinata sui gemerei cum fata. Severi : A
Silius, Ausonio non sem^ «rcLpotens: 1

BùéóLio. eòl; iv.

tjd

Nay, ahould Pan cootend with
me, and. AicadiK.rt>mliL he
judge, even Pan binuelf»
thougn Arcadia wert Judge»
^ ébaabì ovm UoMelf to^ìe

Incipcj parve puer, risu cognòscere matrem : 60 **^B^oiittièbot,toteiwr

t^y mother by her smUe :

Ori^i Calliò^ea, Lilio fòrniòèìi^ A^òlld.
Pan etiam, Arcadia mecum. si judicQ cérteW
Pan etiatn Arcadia dicat se judice victum.

(Cum grege Pieno moestus Phoeboque
querebar,
Ipse fueum Aevi, dixit ApoUo^ lAnum.
Respexitque suam, ^ùtt stabat proxixna
fratrìy
CalUopen, et ait; tu quoque vulnus
habes.
Àspice Tàrpeium, Pallatinumque Tonan-
tem:
Ausa nefas Lacheftis Ifitat utrumqué
' Jovetii.
Numina cum videas durìs obnoxia fatis,
Invidia possis exonerare deos.

57* CaUiopèa,] She was one of
thè nine Muées^ and este^ed to
preside over heroìc poetry.

Apollo.'] Thegodof verèe. These
ancient poets are fabled to be the
children of Apollo and the Muses^
because they excellèd in poetry and
music.

58. Fan.'] Thìs deity was ehiefly
adored in Arcadia^ \nìere hb was
said to bave been begotten. See the /
note on ver. Sì, of the óeoond £c'-
logue.

Eiiam.] Pierius found deus, in-
fltead of etiam, in the Oblong ma-
nuscript 'f where^ in the next line
it Ì8 Pan etiam,

do. Incipe parùe puer, <^.] Vir-
gil concludes this noblefv Eclogue^
with calling upon the child to dis-
tinguish bis mother by her smiles ;
b^canse those children^ on whom
their parents did not smile at their
birth, were accounted nnfortunate.

RUu cognòscere matrem,] It is a
dispute among the commentators^
whether the poet bere means, that ,
the chtld should know bis mother
by'her smiling on him^ or that he
should ackriowledge bis mother
by smiling oii her. Sérvius seemB
to be of the foruter opinion ; " As
*' persons grown up," says he, " take

'^ notice of one another by speak-
'^ ìngy so infants shéw their parents
^^ that they know t^em, by smiling
^^ on them. Therefore the sense is
*' this; Begin to smile on your
" parents, and relieve them from
*^ their solicitude by that good
'^ omen, that they may siiiile agaia
" upon you." And yet a little
after, Servius assigns the cause ci
Vulcan's being thrown out of hea^
ven, to be bis mother's not smiling
on him, because oÌ bis deforraity.
La Cerda contends for the smiling
of the child, and iquotes several in-
stances of the smiles of infants be-
ing spoken of with pleasure; par-
ticularly one from Catullus, in the
EphthaUmium of Jidia and Manlius ;

Torquatus, Volo, parvulus
Matrìs e gremio suo,
Porrigens teneras manua»
Dulce rideat adjpatrem,
Semibìante labellob

This inassage of Catullus is indeed
very pretty and naturai : butit does
not come up to the purpose, folr
which it is quoted. It cannot pos-
sibly allude to a new bom infanta
for he speaks not only of Its »nil-
ing on the father^ but of its putting
out the band to him, an action; óf
which no child is capable till it ìs
sèveralmonths old. The sftme may
be said of the othér authorìties,
which La Cerda produces to sup-
port bis opinion. Catrou ascribes
the smile to the child, as do also ali
our £nglìsh translators. Bttt the
leamed Rusèus thinks it better tò
understand this passage of the smil-
ing òf the mother, in which he fol-
lows Erythraeus and Bembus. Thìs
must certainly be the most naturai

160

P. YIRGILII MARONIS

SjgSdSSiSften^tto.*^ Matri Ipnga decem tulerunt fastidia menses.

interpretatìon, seemg it is a most
extraordìnary thing fór a chìld to
smile as soon as bom. Pliny says,
it is not usuai before the fortieth
day ; '^ Hominem tantum nudum^
'' et in nuda humo^ natali die ab-
'^jicit ad va^tus statim et plora-
^' tum^ nuUumque tot animalium
" aliud ad ìacrjrmas, et has pro-
" tinus vitae principio. At hercule
" risus, prsBCox ille et celerrimus,
" ante quadragesimum diem nulli
'^ datur" The same author men-
tions Zoroaster, as the only person
that ever laughed on the day of his
birth ; bùt he does not mention it as
an omen, either good or bad: for
his fìiture wisdom was predicted by
the palpitation of his braìn ; " Ri-
^^ sisse eodem die quo genitus esset^
^'~unum hominem accepimus Zo-
" roastrem. Eidem cerebnim ita
*' palpitasse, ut impositam repelleret
*' ]!nanum« futurae prsesagio scien-
" tiae." Herodotus mentions also
a smile of Cypselus, the son of
Etion, which saved his life. The
murderers took him from his mo-
ther as soon as bom ; but the child
happening to smile on the man,
•into whose hands his mother de-
livered, him, so softened his inìnd,
that he spared the child's life. But
this early smile of Cypselus is not
méntioned as any omen of his fu-
ture felicity, but as the accidental
means of his presérvation. To this
howevei* we may oppose the history
of Moses, whose infant tears had
the same elFect, in prevailing on
the daughter of Pharaoh to pre-
serve him. Solomon also, who ex-
' celled ali other monarchs in power,
wealth, and wisdom, tells us, that
he cried as soon as bom, which he
mentions as a thlng common to ali
men ; *' When I was bom, I drew
'' in the common air, and fell upon

" the earth^ which is of like nature,
^' and the J^rst voice which I uttered
. *' was cryin^i as ali others do," la-
deed it does not appear ijiat the
ancients had any opinion, that the
smiling of a new bom infant was
an omen of future ffreatness ; nor
could such an acciaent be easily
drawn into example ; since we do
not find any more recorded than
Zoroaster and Cypselus. But it is
very naturai and usuai for the mo-
ther to smile on the child 5 her de-
livery seeming to her a sufficient
recompence for her former sickness
and pain, as we find it expressed in
St John's Gospel; '^ A woman when
'^ she is in travaÓ hath sorrow, be-
^^ cause her hour is come : but as
*' soon as she is delivered of the
" child « she remembereth no more
" the anguish, for joy that a man ìs
" bom into the world." Besidcs rt
is plain, from the tbilowing lines of
this Eclogue, that the good omen
was supposed to be the smijés of
the parents on the child. There-
fore it seems to be a perverting of
the meaning of the poet, to make
him s&y, Smile on thy mother, that
she may smile on ihee. To conclude,
I thiiik we may very well, with
Erythraeus, Bembus, and Ruseu^,
understa]^ the smiles to be those
of the mother.

CognoscereJ] Those, who un-
derstand this passage of the smiling
of the child, strain the verb cog-
noscere to signify> that the . chUd
shòuld àcknowledge or own his mo-
ther, by smiling on her : but I do
not find any ìnstance of its having
been used in that sense.

61. Mairi longa decem, <^c.]
Servius says, the poet uses the èx-
pression of decem menses, because
males are bom in the tenth month,
and females in the ninth, which is

BUCOLIC. ECL- IV.

161

Incìpe, parve puer : cui fìon risere parentes,

Begin, O Uttle boy; for he,
on wnom his parents have
not smiled,

a very triflìng observation, and not
founded on trulh. Many of the
commentators take the ten months
bere spoken of to be ìntended to
shew^ that the mother of thìs child

- went a mohth widi him longer than
the usuai lime ; and give ìnstances
of some extraoidinary persons being
bom at the end of ten months. It
is well known, that the usuai tìme
of a- woroan's gestation is nine ca-
lendar months, or forty weeks*
Now if it could be made appear^
that the ancients ever made use of
a nionth of four weeks, ten such
months would be the just time of
gestationy and wé shouid not need

' to seek for any farther solution of
the question b^ore us. The perio-
dica! lunar month indeed, wliich
is the time of the moon*s motion
from one point of the zodiac to the
same again^ ìs twenty-seven days
and almost eight hours ; whence a

. lunar mooth, is frequently reckoned
to contain four weeks. pr twenty-

. eight days. But the ancient Roman
month* was that which is called the
lunar synodical monjth^ or the time

. betweeq new moo^rand new moon^
which is about twenty-nine days

. and a.lialf . Thus as the jìeriodical

.lunar month is reckoned in round
numbers to be twenty-eight days,
^ is the . synodical in like manner
accownted tobe thirty. Thus Pliny
speaks. of the revolution of the moon
being performed in twenty-seven
days, and the third part of a day;

. but he makes the complete lunar
month to 'consist of tnirty days,
twelve of which months make a
year; for the old year was 360
days : *^ Proxima ergo cardini,
" ideoque minimo ambitu, vicènis
'' diebus septenisque et tertia dici
" parte peragit spatia eadem, quae
t' Saturni si^s altissimum triginta.

^* ut dictum est, annis. ODeinde
'^ morata in coilu solis, biduo, cum
*' tardissime, a tricesima luce rur-
'^ sus ad easdem vices exit: haud
" scio an omnium quap in caelo
'^ pernosci potuerunt magistra. In
'*' duodecim mensium spatia opur-
*^ tere dividi annura: quando ipsa
," toties solem, redeùntem ad prin-
** cipia consequitur." Thus ac-
cording to Pliny, the month is
thirty days ; of which space of time
he must also be understood, when
he says some are born in the seventh
.month, others in the eighth, and
some in the beginning of thè tenth
and eleventh, but those children
seldom live, who are born before the
seventh : " Caeteris animantibus
*' stàtum et pariendi, et partus ge-
/' rendi tempus est: homo toto
*' anno et incerto gignitur spatio.
" Alius septimo mense, alius octa-
*^ vo, et usque ad initia decimi un-
'' decimique. Ante septimura men-
*' sem haud unquam vitalis est.'*
That children are born in the
seventh and eighth month, is con-
firmed by experienccj and the
usuai time is in the beginning of the
tenth mònth ; for nine months of
thirty days make but 270 days, a
period which falls ten days short of
the usuai time of gestation. But
if we reckon with more exactness
by the synodical month, wherein
the mòon passes frona its conjuoQ-
tion with the sun, and enters in con-
junction with itagain, we shallfind
nine of those months to make but
266 days, a period which falls
fourteen days short of the usuai
time, which is 280 days. Thus we
shall iìpd the usuai time of the birth
of a child to be at the end of the
ninth calendar month, and of the
tenth month of four weeks, in the
beginning- of the tenth ^lonth qf

162

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SSJS^.%^^lJ?h!fbS Nec deus hunc mena, dea nec dignata cìibai

by a goddcss. ^^ ,

thirty days^ by wliich the ancient
Romans reckoned^ and in the mid-
dle of the tenth synodical month.
Tlierefore Virgil might very well
mention the qualms of ten months>
wìthout any imagination^ that the
roother was to go longer than the
usuai ttme: for this Eclogue^ as
has been already observed^ was
written before the birth of the child.
Ovid, in the third hook of hisPo^c^
speaking of the old year of ten
months^ thinks that number was
chosen> either in respect to the num-
ber of the fingers ; or else because a
woman brings forth in the tenth
month;

Annua erat dècìmum cum luna repieve-
rat orbcm,
Hic nostris magno tunc in honore fuìt :
Seu quia tot digiti, per quos numerare
solemuB ;
Seu quia Mi pUnofatmkM mente pmit.

And Haunes^ a celebrated poet and
physician^ in hls Ode to the famous
Sydenham^ has mentionedtfae tenth
month as the stated time of de-
livery ;

O qui capacem nobilis artifex
Eludis Orcum ; quo tamen ibimus
Cnncti, quot humanae parentes.
Et deHnuB tuKt ordo lume,

Thus we bave no reason to believe,
that Virgil desìgoed any ihiog ex-
traordinary in this passage ; nor in-
deed does it appear, that tbe an-
cients had any notion, that tb^
birth of a child after the usuai time
denoted any future happiness or
grandeur. Pliny mentions a Ro-
man lady, who, by three husbands,
had four child ren, two of which
were born in the seveoth month,
one in the eighih, and one in the
elevenih. Cotì>u1o> who was born
in the seventh, and Suillius Ruffus,

who was born in the eleventh, had
equal fortune, for they were both
ooBSuls; and Caesonia, who was
born in the eighth, carne to he an
empress, being the wife of Cali-
guht: ** Vesiilia C. Herdicii, ac
*' postea Pomponii atque Orfiti cla-
*^ rissimonim civium conjanx, ex
** bis qoatuor partus enixa, Sem-
*^ pronium septhno mense genuit,
" Suillinm Ruffum undecimo, Cor-
** bnk>nem septimo, utramque Con-
*' sulem : postea Caesoniam, Caii
" princìpis conjugem, octaTO.*'

ru/ertml.] Servìus «ays, that
some read 4ibstulerìni, making the
sense to be, Si ngeris, abstukrmi
decem meitses nuitri ttue bmgafiuiidia,
which La Cerda justly thinks ridi-
culouB. This last crittc observes,
that idi the commentators that he
had seen agree in èxpìaining fero
in this place (or avifero, which is
not Latin, inelegante and wìthout
example. Certainly/crrp oUcui sig-
nifies to bring to any one, not to take
from any one. The making of the
last syUaMe bat one short, tuìèrunt,
ìs a poetica! licence, not very un-
usual. Thus we read stetenmt and
miscuerunt for tteterunt and mi-
sene runt : 80 that there ìs no occa-
sion to read iulerint, as some have
done, withont any good àatliorlty.

62. €«{•] Some read ^t, on
the authorìty of Qulntilian, who
speaks in the followhig manner:
*' Est figura et in numero : vel cum
" singulari pluralìs subj ungitur, g/«-
*' dio pugnacissima gens Romani, gens
*' enim ex roultb. Vel e diverso,

" Qui non ritere parentu,

** Nec deus hunc tnetua, dea nec ugnata
•* elidili ett,

*' £x illis enim qui non risere hunc
'^ non digaatus (|eus, nec dea dig-

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

163

*^ nata/' The same author tells ns,
tbat when he was a boy> th« Ro-
mans used to wrìte quoi in the da-
tive case» to distiitgttish it from the
nominatiye qui, and that in his time
it began to be written cui. Scaliger,
in bis note on the duìce rideat ad pa*
trem of Cathllus, quoted above,
Bientioos this passage of Virgili
and read» gui non rUere parente», fot
^i no» rìeere ad parentesi Thta in«
terpretatioa is delended alao by La
Cerda, and otbers. Pierius de-
darea^ that not one of the aneient
Bnmiiacriptahave qui; but conatantly
elther eot or quoi in the dative case.
It 18 elfi in the folio edittons printed
at Milan in 1481^ Venice 1562, and
Paris l6Q0j and in the oetavo edi-
tions 8t Milan in 15S9, Antwerp
1543, 15ao, Venìee 1576, and in
the old edition at London by Pyn-
son. Heinsius also, both father and
son, Ru»us, Catrou, and most
other editors^ read cui, It is cui also
m the Paris edttion in 1540 in
quarto^ by ^issannseus, and in that
m 1541 : but in both these editions
qui U put in the margin. Robert
Stephens reads qui. • Goellius de-
clares himself for qui, on the au-
thorlty of Quintiliano and takes
parenies to be the vocative case;
'^ Quamvis multi codices cui legante
" tamen ab ea sententia me posset
''.Quintiliani lib. 9* auctoritas qui
'^ qui accipit: ut talis sit sententia
*' et hujus versus ordo^ O parentes,
'' hanc> ex illis qui non risere» nec
'* deus est dlgnatus mensa, nec dea
" est dignata cubili." Vives also
reads qui, and taking the child bere
spoken of to be that son of Pollio»
who died soon after bis birth» sus-
pects that these lines were added by
Virgil after the dcath of the child.
Pulman adds a note in the margin^
which seems to difier from the
general opinion; for he says^ the
son of Pollio smiled as soon as be was
bom, which is a bad bmen> and

therefore he soon died« Cuningam
reads qui, and Burman cui. It
seems to me more probable» that
Quintilian read this passage negli-
gently^ than tliat ali the aneient
manuscripts should be cormpt,
which, with (Mie consent, read cui
or quoi in the dative case. We find
another instance of the dative case
being used aft^r rideo, to signify the
smiiiN^ on any one, in uie fifUi
iBneid;

— Riiit pater optimus M.

63, Nec deus hunc mensa, Sfc."]
*' Here ia certantily a denuneiation
*' of some inmiinent calamity U> the
'' child, if he does not know his
** mother 1^ a smile. 1. Servius
^' explains it of Valcan, to whom
'* the child would be like : now
" when Vukan was boro, his
'* parents Jupiter and Juno^ did not
'* smile on nim:, wherefore he was
'* thrown down br them to the
** island Lenmos, wnich caused him
" to be lame, after which he was
** neither admitted by Jupiter to
^* the table of the gods» nor by
'* Minenra to be ber husluuidv. But
" this story of Servius does not
" agree with Homer^ who gives
" Vulcan a place in the celestial
^^ banquet. 2. Politian explains it
" of the Genius and Juno^ which
'' will not be propitious to the
'* child. For it is manifest» from
" Seneca's epistles^ and Pliny, that
" the ancients ascribed to every
'* man» as soon asbom» a Genius
'' and Juno. But ali the, learned
" are agreed, that the Genius was
'' ascribed only to the males, and
'^ Juno only to the females ; and
** therefore both a Genius and Juno
" to one and the same son of Pollio
" are more than could be allotted.
" But what Philargyrìus here ad-
" vances» can by no means be ad-
'* mitted^ that at the bìrth of chìl-
'^ dren of high rank^ a bed used
y2

164 P. VIRGILII MARONIS BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

^' to be màde. for Juno Lucina^ and
" a table spread for Hercules, or
'' according to others for the Gè-
'^ nìus. Politlanus indeed produces
*' two passages of Varrò ; ih one
" of which we are informed, that
" boys used to be mìtiated to Educa;
^' Potìna, and '■ Cuba^ the gods
^' of eating, drinking^ and sleep-
" mg ; in the other, that when
*' noble children were born, a bed
'^ was made for the conjugal gods,
'^ Pilumnus and Picumnus. Bpt
" from these places, we can only
''•deduce, that a table used to be
'^ spread for the goddesses>'and a
" bed for the gods; whereas Vir-
*' gii on the contrary ascribes a table
'^ to a god and a bed to a goddess;
** Therefore I solve the difficulty
" two- way^; 1. By the tahle 1 un-
'' derstand the education and nu-
'* trition ' of the chìld^ over which
^' the Genius is acknowledged by
" ali to preside : by the hed I un-
" derstand his marriage^ over
" which Juno is known to preside.
*' Thus the sense will be. The Ge-
'' nius will not permit tkis • boy to
'' grotv up, or torecdve nourishment;

'or if he does permit it, Jùho'^ will
' not permit him to celebrate a happy

* marriage, 2. It roay also be
' thus explained, If you do noi
' know your molher by her smiling on
' you, you will be unfortunate, and
^ not arrive to tìtat Itje and feUow-.
' skip of the gods, which I have al-

* ready prolnised yoù. Now thi»
' life of the gods, or apotheosis,
' consisted- chiefly of two particu-
' lars; the sitting at the table of
' Jupiter, and the marriage of
^ some goddess. Thus Horace de^
' scribes the divinity of Hercules
^ by Jovis interest optatUepulis im-

' piger Hercules. He had also
^Hebe, -the goddess of youth,
' given him for a wife. ^ Thus Vir-
' gii also expresses the immortality,
' which he promises to.Augustus,

*• Teque sibi generum Tethys emat omitU
«* hui undis,

' Therefore the threats of Virgil ,
- will amount to this; You shall I
' «0^ ^j<^ l^^ lif^ tfgods, because '■
^ neither Jupiter will admit you to \

his tahle, nor any goddess to ber '

bed" RujEus.

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA QUINTA.

DAPHNIS.

Menalcas, Mopsus.

Men. f^UK non, Mopse, boni quoniam con-

venimus ambo,
Tu calamos inflare leves, ego dicere versus,

Men. Since we are met to-
gether, Mopcus, aad bave
each of US oor excellence,
you in p^aying on the slender
reeds, and I in ainging venet»

1. Cur non Mopse bonù 4^.]
Two shepherds^ Menalcas and Mop-
sus, after mutuai complìments on
their skili in poetry^ make choice
of the death of Daphnis for the
«ubject of their song. Mopsus
laments his death, and Menalcas
cdebrates his apolheosis, Menalcas
begins with inviting Mopsus to
play on his pipe, whilst he himself
sings; to wnich Mopsus answers^
that he is ready to obey him^ as be-
ing his superior. The former in-
vites his friend to sit under a shade
of elms and hazels; but the latter
proposes, that they should rather
retire into a cave, overspread with
wild vines.

Servius tells us, that under the
character of Menalcas Virgil is
meant ; and ^milius Macer^ a poet
of Verona^ and friend of , Virgil,
under that of Mopsus^ Catrou
will bave the dialogue to be between

Virgil and Alexander^ the young
slave, whom this critic supposes
to be meant under the name of
Aleids, in the second Eclogue. It
would be dìfficult, and of no con-
sequence perhaps, to ^ determino^
whether Mopsus was iBmilius Ma-
cera or Alexander^ or any particu-
lar person. Menajcas and Mopsus
may bpth be suppòsed fictitious
names of shepherds, introduced to
form thls dialogue : though it may
be said, that if Virgil ever intends
to represent himse^ in any of his
Eclogues, it is most probably under
the feigned name of Menalcas.
Philips has imitated this Eclogue^
in his third pastoral, called Albino,
wrìtten on the death of the Duke
of Gloucester, son of Queen Anne.

Boni dicere and injlare is a/
Grecism.

. 2. Tu calamos inflare, 4^.] ,The-
ocritus, in his eighth Idyllium, re-

166

P. VIRGIUI MARONIS

why ahoiild we not iit down
hef«t amonff tfie elmi Inter-
woven withluseb ì

Mop, Yoo are the oldeit, it
it my dutr to obey joa, Me-
naloM : whether we dt «nder
the ahade made doubtful by
the waving zephyr^ or rather
go hito yonder cave : do but
tee how the wild vfaie bang*
over the cave with tcat t ercd
chiften.

Hìc corylis mixtas inter considimus ulmos?
Mop. Tu major : tibi me est equum parere,
Menalca: 4

Sive sub incertas Zephyris motantibus umbras,
Sive antro potius succedimus : aspice ut antrum
Sylvestris raris sparsit labrusca racemis.

presenta two shepherds» as equally
skilled in piping and singing ;

"Aftftf 0U^iA%9 ì$Ì»nf»ÌMt9>àfl^ Aiti»,

Leves.^ Servius seems to make a
doubt^ wbether leves agrees with
calamos or with versus ; but he justly
decides in &vour of calamos.

8. ConsidimHs.2 So Heinsius reads
it» on the authority of several ma-
nuscripts. The common readìng is
conscdnnus,

4. Tu major,'] Servius says, this
may mean, either that Menalcas is
older than Mopsus, or thathis merìt
is greater^ id est, vel natu vel me-
rito, Russus^ wrthout any hesita-
tion, renders it tu natu major; and
observes, that though Menalcas is
bere said to be the elder, yet they
were both young ; for Mo(>sus says
to Menalcas^ sed tu desine plura
jmerj and m another place Menal-
cas says to Mopsus^ fortunate puer,
tu nunc. Catrou^ in order to sup-
port bis opinion, that Mopsus is
Alexander, translates it, you are the
master : which he thinks^ serves to
express^ that Alexander was Vir-

STs slave; and therefore he adds,
at it was bis duty to obey him.

5. Sive sub incertas, (^cj Mop*-
sua expresses himself with great
modesty and deference to Menalcas.
He assents to bis proposai of sitting
under the trees, but hints an ob-
jection to the uncertamty of the«
sbade^ as they were moved about
by tìie wind } and expresses a de-
sire of i^oing rather into a cave, the
convemences of which he beauti-i
Atlly describes.

7. Labrusca^] The labrusca or
wild vine of the ancients probably
did not difier specìfìcaUy from that
which was cultivated. Pliny in-
forms US, that the grapes of the
labrusca were gathered before the
flowers were gone off, dried in the
shade upon Imen cloths, and laid
up in casks -, that the best sort carne
from Parapotamia, the next from
Antioch and Laodicea^ and the
third from the mountains of Media;
that thls li^st was the fìttest for me-
dicai uses ; that some preferred that
which grew in Cjrprus; that the
African sort was iised only in medi-
cine, ancl was called mmsaris;^ and
that the white was better than the
black ; and thatit was called ceaa/i-
ihe ; " Eodem et oenanthe pertinet*
'^ Est autem viti» labrusoB uva.
*' Colligitur cum flore, cum optime
«* olet. Siccatur in umbra, sub-
" strato linteo, atque in cados con-
*' ditur. Praecipua ex VxtstpotSL-
" mia, secunda ab Antiochia, at-
'^que Laodicea Syriae, tertia ex
" Montibus Medicis. H»c utilior
'< medicine?. Quidam omnibus iis
'* prseferunt eam, qua in Cypro
"insula nascìtur. Nam quae in
«' Africa -fit, ad medicos tantum
'* pertinet, vocaturque massarU.
" Omnis autem ex alba labrusca
" prsBStantior quam e nigra." In
another place uie same author tells
us^ that Ùìe labrusca is called by the
Greeks ampeìos agria ; that it bas
Uiick and whitish leaves, is jointed»
has a chapped bark, and bears red
berries j " Labrusca quoque cenan-
'^then fert^ satis dictam^ qusB a

BUCOLIC- ECK V.

16r

M«N. Mòntibus in nostris solus libi certet J^iat'So£"ca?^cSSIS
Amyntas. ^"^^^

** Grseds ampelos agria appellatur^
^ spisftis et óoìdicai^bufl foliis« g&-
'' niculata, rimoso corticc j fert
"uvas rubentes cocci modo." In
another place he telis us expressly^
that the ìabrusca is a wild vmej
'^ Fit e ìabrusca, hoc est^ vite svi"
" vestri, quoti vocatur oenanthi-
'' num." In another place, he says
the cenanthe is the product of the
wild vine, without any inention of
the word ìabrusca; " Omphacio
'' cohaeret csnanthe, quam vites syl-
*' vestres ferunt'* We ha ve seen
already, that the ìabrusca of the
Romans is called ampelos ngria, or
wUd vine hy the Greeks» and that
the clusters, gathered before the
flowers go off are called cenanthe.
Dioscorides^ in his fourth hook,
speaks of a wild vine, which cannot
possibly be the ìabrusca; for he
says it has the leaves like those of
guxlen nightshade; ^vxx» il ófum
rr^vxw xnfTMàf' Probably this chap-
ter may be spuriousi and ìf it is
genuine, it is no easy matter to af-
fimi what plant he there intended
to describe. But in the second
chapter of the fifth book, the same
title is repeated, and he there in-
fbrms US, that the wild vine is of
two sorts, in one of which he tells
US, that the grapes do not ripen,
but that in its flowering state it biears
what is called cenanthe; that the
other bears small, black, astringent
fruits; and that the leaves, st^ks,
and tendrils bave the same virtues
with the cultivated vine ; "AféwiXé^

Xayftifnr Oìftitdnf i }i rtf tiAm^a^ii

/UK^lfftù^ éZnt' XM ft,ÌXMt9» MEÌ «tv-

mmÌ mi 'iXacMs xmì ti imiiXaÌ, é(islm% ^
ifM^i», A little afterw^rds^ in the

chapter of CEnanthe, he says it is
die fruit of the wild vine, whilst it
is in flower ; it is gathered upon a
linen cloth, dried in the shade»
and laid up in earthcn vessels ; the
best Comes from Syria, Cilicia, and
Phoenicia : ^ OhÀ9^ %m>>urcu i «%
ày^Ui ifAwiXèv xet^xiq' iirùrt èa^u'
iiixoTtB^^m il iu US #««»T«y iyyu$f
cffT^dtuHf rtfAAfy»yr«K tuti in^fvtMf
fsrì i^éfièv, » nuSr tutMuwm ^ )«-
9wm 89 2v^, iuti ¥j>ututf, xtù Om-
v/iMf. From' these authoritìes we
may venture to affirm, that the
ìabrusca is a real vine, runnlng wild,
without any culture. The pro-
priety therefore of preferring the
cave before the ehns consists in this; .
the trees were subject to be moved
about by every gentle blast, and
therefore the shade which they af-
forded was uncertain: but the aive
was overspread by a wild vine,
which, for want of culture; was
luxurìant in branches and leaves.
This the poet expresses, by saying
the clusters were scattered, that if ,
iew in number. Now the want of
pruning wlll spoil the hearing of a
vine, and at the same time sufier it
to run to wood, as the gardeners
express it This luxuriaot vine
therefore made a thick and certain
shade about the entrance of the
cave.

8. Mòntibus in nostris, ^c] Me-
nalcas assents to the proposal of
retiring to the cave; and the two
shepherdsdiscourse as they go along.
Menalcas tells Mopsus, tl^t, inali
their neiffhbourhood, none can con-
*tend wim him but Amyntas; and
Mopus is offended at the com-
panson.

Tibi certet.'} It is a Gredsm, for
iecum cerici.

Amyntas.'] Catrou will have it

168

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

Mop.

What If he thould
. also to excel Apollo

laingingf

Men, Besin fint, my Mop-
sus, whelner you will slxìg
the flames of Phyllis, or the
praises of Alcon, or the quar-
rebofCodnu.

Mop. Qaid si idem certet Phcebom superare

canendo?
Men. Incipe, Mopse, prior, si quos aut
Phyllidia ignes, 10

Aut Alconìs habes laudes, aut jurgia Codri.

a^ain^ that Cebes^ the other ima-
ginary slave and scholar of Virgil,
and rivai of Alexander, ìs bere
meant.

9. Phcebum superare."} Catrou
hnagines, that Virgil himself is bere
meant under the name of Phoebus,
an arrogance very incon^istent With
the roodest character of our poet.
He observes, that " the character
*' of Am3aitas was drawn in the
** second Eclogue. He' insolently
*' pretended to equal bis master.
" He was envious of the flute,
" which was bequeathed to him,
" invidit stultus Amyntas* Here he
" carries bis confidence to such a
*' length as to defy Phoebus bim-
'^self, that 18, Virgil." The
poet might mean the same person
under the name of Amyntas in
both Eclogues ; but it does not
thence appear that he meant Ce-
bes or ìndeed that such a person
existed.

10. Incipe, Mopse, prior, <^.]
Menalcas/ perceiving that he had
offended Mopsus, by comparing him
with Amyntas, di'ops the discourse,
and desires him to sing tìrst, pro-
posing at the same ti me some sub»
jects for bis poetry. Mopsus chooses
rather to sing some verses which
he had lately made; and tells Me-
nalcas, that when he heard them,
he might judge, whéther there was
any comparìson between him and
Amyntas. Menalcas endeavours to
pacify bis anger, and dìeclàres, that
in bis opinion Amyntas is far infe-
rìor to him.

Catrou understands tbis speedi of
Menalcas to signify, that he. would

bave Mopsus begin, that he may be
able to judge between him and
Amyntas j and paraphrases Incipe
Mopse prior thus ; *' A fin que je
" puisse juger de voùs et de lui,
*' chantez-moy de vos vers, et com-
" mencez le premier." But tbis
cannot be the sense, because when
Mopsus, in the next sentence, re*
peats bis (iispleasure at being com-
pared with Amyntas, Menalcas im-
mediately replies, that, in hisjudg-
ment, Amyntas is far inferior to
Mopsus.

PkvUidis ignes.'] Phyllis was the
daughter of Lycurgus, king of
Thrace, and fall in love with De-
mophoon, the son of Theseus, by
Fbaedra, havìng given him enter-
^tainmenti as he was retuming from
the Trojan war. Detfìophòon being
obliged to go to Athens, to setde
bis affairs there, promiséd to return
soon and marry ber. But when he
was unexpectedly detained beyond
the appointed time, PhylKs in de-
spair hanged herself. Sèe the Epis-
tle of PhyUis to Demojphoon in
Ovid.

11. Alconis laudesJ] ^' He was
" a Cretan archer/ and one of the
" compariiòns of Hercules: he
'* was so skilful, as never to miss
" bis aim. He could shoot ibrough
" a ring placed on a man*s head ;
" split a hair with the point of his
" dart ; and stick' an arrow with-
'* 9Ut a head on the point of a sword
•^ br spear.' Whennis son was as-
*' saulted by a dràgon, he shot an
*' arrow at him so dextrously, as
" to wound the- serpent, without
^' hurting bis son." Servius.

.BUCOLIC. ECL. V.

169

Begin, andTitynu shall tend

Incipe: pascentes serysfbit-Tityrus hoedos. thefeédingkiL.

Mop. Immo haec, in viridi nuper quae cortice tr^S^JS^^vcraST^wiS?*?
fagi,

latdy wrote on the green
barkofabeech.

Jnreia Coàri.'] Codrus, the son
of M eLsmthus^ was the last king of
the Athenians. Wben bis country
was invaded by a powerful army,
and the oracle at Delphi had fore-
told that the victory should fall to
that people^ whose king sbould be
slain ; the enemy gave striet com-
mand to their whole army^ that
every one should abstain frona hurt-
iog Codrus. But this ^enerous
prince^ disguising himself in the
nabit of a shepherd, took occasion
to quarrel with some of the enemies*
foragers^ by which means he lost
his life, and pres^rved his country.
Thus I collect the story from Vel-
leius Paterculus and Valerius Maxi-
itìus, who differ very little in tlieir
relation of it. Paterculus says these
enemies were the Lacedasmonians^
Valerius Mnximus does not name
diem^ and Justin says they were the
Dorians. Paterculus expressly men-
tions the quarrel ; '* Deposita veste
*' regia, pastoralem cultum induìt,
*' immixtusque castris hostium de
'* industria, imprudenter, rixam
" cienSi interemptus est.'* Valerius
Maximus says he wounded one of
the foragers, and thereby provoked
him to kill him; " Depositis in-
•** signibus imperii, familiarem cul-
V tum induit, ac pabulantium ho-
'* stium globo sese objecit, unum-
'^ que ex iilis falce percussum, in
*' caedem suam compulit." Thus,
though this author does not men-
tion the word quarrel, yet it is plain
from his account, that Codrus
sought to pick a quarrel with the
foragers, by wounding one of them,
and thereby lost his own life. Ci-
cero, about the latter end of his
first hook of Tusciilan Questions,
mentions his throwing himself into

the middle of his enemies in difiguise^
and the prediction of the oracle^
that the death of the king would be
the preservation of the country;
'' Codrum, qui se in medios im-
** miisit hostes, famulari veste, ne
'* posset agnosci, sì esset omatu re-
" gio : quod oraculum erat datum^
" si rex interfectus esset, victrices
'' Athenas fore.** The same au-
thor, in his Consolation, informs
US farther, that Codrus was deified
by the Adienians, for his piety to
his country ; " Quid vero ili»,
'* omnis piane doctrinae oranisque
'* sapientias parentes, Athenae ? non-
" ne Codrum regem suum, ob pie-
*' tatem in patriam, meritaque illa>
" quibus excelluit, magno consensu
"in deos retulerunt?" Codrus is
c^lebrated also by Horace ;

• Codrus prò patria non timidi» mori.

Some crìtics however will bave
Phyllis, Alcon, and Codrus, to be
only pastoral names, to which opi-
nion RusBus also seeros to incline.
There was also, according to Ser-
vius, a famous poet named Codrus,
contemporary with Virgil. He is
mentioned with applause in the
seventh Eclogue,

'Nymphae, noster amor, Libethrides : aut

mihi Carmen
Quale meo Codro, concedite; proxima

Phoebì
Versibus ille facit.

But it seems much more probable,
that the poet alluded to the several
stories above mentioned.

12. Pascentes servabit Tiiyrus
h<edos.l Thus Theocritus, in the
first Idyllium ;

Taf y Oiyas iyiif \f r^t m/miiw*!.

13. Corticc fagi,J It was the an-
z

HO

P. VIRQU.H MARONIg

lift coBlfiDd WHumak

^^ Carmìoa dfsscrìpsi, et modnbBs «It^rq^i notavi,
E^^perìar ; tu deiode jabetp e«rtet AmyntM. 15

cimt custom in Italy, to write <m
the bitrfcs ctf tree9, a^ it was in
Egyp^ to, writé on the pap^ru^, 9
SQjtt of ruabi fi*o<n whicb the word
pfl^jcr ia derìyed. Pliny, «niongst
the usea to which the barks of trees
were applied^i mentiona, that spies
uaed to write on th^m their intel-
ligences to generala. He alao
speaka of aome religious uaea ef the
bark qf beech^treea; *' Cortex et
^' fi^3> tilÌ8B, abieti^ picese, in
'Vmagno usp agreatiunp. Vaaa,
'' Qprbeaque, «q patentiora quae-
'' <|ain measibua convehendìa vin-
''demiiaque faciuntj atque prae*
" t^xta t^guriorum. Scribit in re-
•' ^nti a4 4nce8. ei^plorator, inci-
** d^i^a Ut^r^ a aucco. Necnon in
'^ quodam uan ivacrorMm religioaua
'* eat faj^i qortex. Sed no^ durat
" arbor ips&"

14. Modulam alterna notam!^ I
hAve trwaUted thia^ aeeording to
the iiiterpretation of La Cerda;
** Qwa\ ^a modulatua anni;» notavi
*^ alterna, id eat, alternatimi vì^
*^ delÌQet> inflana jam fiatulam^ jam
^fjQap^na Carmen. Itaque alter-
^^ i^tio hic refertur Jam ad flatum
^^ calami» jam ad aonitum oiia.*'

15. Tu deinde juMo certeé Amyn-
jfcM.] Catrou thinka thia a atrong
confinnation of hia ayatem. " Do
'^ but give attention/* aaya he, " to
'' theae expreaaiona, jubeio certei
*' Amyntas, and you will perceive
** a maater, who commanda. Ce-
f' bea and Alexander were at once
*^ the alaves, and the disciplea of
** Virgil." But it ia certain, that

JubeQ la not alwaya uaed for com-
manding like a maater, aa may be
proyed from many inatancea taken
from Virgil. I ahall only aelect a
finw, where Catrou hin^aelf renderà

itotbarwiae. In thf foorlJi E^pgue,
weread^

Quae tentare Thetim rat|bus, quge cin-

gere mmifl
Oppida, que jubeant telluri infiiida«

sulco.

Herejubeant aignifìea no more tfaan
to cause, aa Catrou has justly trans-
lated it ; " Elle nòna porterà encore
•* à courir lea mera, et à culti ver la
*' terre.** In the aecond ^neid,
Capya, aqd aopae other wise men
are aaid tp advise, that the^horse
ahould be thrown into the aea^ fur
it ia plain itwaa not in their power
to conimand it ;

At Capys» et quorum melior sententia

menti,
Aut pelago Oanaum insidias, suspectaque

dona
PraedpitareJttAmf.

Thua alsp Catrou tranalates it;
" Capya de aon còte, et avec Jay
" tputes lea meilleurs tétes da pays
•' étoìent (favU, pu qu*il fallott jet-
'^ ter à la mer le trompeur et dan-
*' gereux préaent d*une nation artì-
** ficieuse.** Thua alao, in the third
^ueìcl, wheQ the companions of
jEneaa are terrifled by the Harpies,
aqd are in no condition to aaaume a
power pf <?PinmandÌQg, juhent is
used, whiph th^re aignifìea no more
than to ^uimv9^ri

At sódis subita gelidus formidine san-

guis
Dirìguit; qecidere animi: neo jaxn ansp

plius armis,
Sed votis predbusque jubent exposcere

pacem.

Accordingly Catrou renderà it thus ;
" Mea compagnona^ à cea mota,
*' furent tranaia d'effiroy. Ce n'eat
" plua avec lea armea qu*]ls songent
*' à combattre lea Harpiea, c*eal par

6UC0LIC. EGli. V.

MèK. Loita sftlix qaàlitUiik pdltiirti cedit
olivae,

iti

il0Ìt.JUiIi«

ine ^ów &
pale (dive,

t».

'' des pmr«s qu*ìls t'effarcmt de ka
'' flécbir.'* In' the fifth iEneid the
Trojans cannot be tbougbt to as-
sume ja power of «onimanding
i£nea8^ wheo it Ì8 saìd df them»

--^'^-Ciiiicti 8im«l Me À^tìiebant
DardfUndiB, reddique Vira promisaa ju»
beanti

ìlete Catrou xmdetst&nés Jubebant
io meati no more tban tkei^ said;
*' Les TfOyetìS en murmuroient
*' déja^ et disoienl qù'il falloit lui
" adjugér le tauiteau." In thesame
book^ cad it bé imagined, that Pa^
linunis could be commanded to be
ignortint ?

Meae salis placidi VHlttun fluctut^ue

quletos
Ignorale jubei f

Catrou there uoderètands jtdfes to
meaii no more than do yau think ;
'' Cragfez voas que jIgbDre le pea
" de confiance qu*oti doit ayoii* au
'' calme passager d'un mer trom-
*'peuBer' In the.twelfth iBnéid
indeed the populace might be said
to command ;

ExòHiur tTe{ndo8 ìnter discordia cires :
Urbetn alii reaetare jubent, et panfleilé

portas
DardanidiSy ipsumque trahunt in moenia

regem:

and yet eren bere Catraa tbinks
Jubent means no more than theif pro^
pose ut desire; " Lb. craintfe exdta
^' la discorde parmì les citoyens, et
" les partagea en dìVers sentimens.
" Les uns veulent qu*on livre les
^'portés aux Troyens^ qtt'on les
"re^oire daiis la ville, et qu*on
" traiiie le Roi, ma^;ré luy/ftut les
^'rempartà." Thus we see tiliat,
eveti in the opinion oi this leamed
crìtic himself, jubeo does not al-
ways signify to command as a master.

Therefore his system is not ocnriu
firmed by this exfNressitiB ; Aor 11 it
INToved, that Amjmtas, muoh ime
that Mopsus, was the slave of Mén
nalcas» Thus the words in auestkm
probably mean no more toàn M
Amyntas contend fnth ine, or Ut
AnytUas contend tpUk me, ìteither ù£
which expressions signifies any
power in Menaìcas of cdttunaiiding
Amyntas. This is ft^reeable alào to
the apology, which Menaleas imnHetf
diately makes, with a oerenooriyhòi
usuali y observed by tnasteréto their
slaves.

16. Lenta $aUx quantum, 4^.]
.There is a comparison like this, bqt
much more prolix. In the 'Afs%
of Theocritus ;

*0^#«* taf j^fi^Mrw , 3rM fiSiKif fi^éXHé |
^Owwe» 9a^mM,n Kt^é^ì^ r^yàfèéió y0lMU•^

»v, ;

"ìvfAiràtrm XtyvpMfH Smammi «rtvtntSr \

As much as spring excels the frost and

snòw,
AU inuch ds {^ums àtt sWeété^ than a
" 8loe|
As much as ewes àrè thicker fleec'^ than

lambs.
Ab much as maids exeei thrìce manied

dames,
As ttn«h as éòits are mihhlei' tlum a

steer.
Ab much as tbnisbés pleèse UM Usi'n-

ifig ear
^ More than the meaner sòAgsters o^ the

air;
So much iby pre8en<ie cfaéeitfj

The moBt remarkable property ot
the ivillow ÌÈ its flexibility, whence
it is called lenta : the epitbet pallenti
is no less prò per to the olive; for ito
leaves are of a yellowish green co-
lodr. Thè Shape of the Teaves of
these two treés is not very different;

z 2

172

P. VIRGILII MARONIS-

SiS totS *^iet kSS,**^' PuDÌceis humilis quantum saliunca rosetis :

but the use of the olive is greater,
bejrpnd ali comparison.

17. HumiUs saJmnca.'] The sa-
Uurica is a plant not certaìnly known
at present. It is either the same
with the nardus celtica, or else
entirely unknown. Some are of
opinion^ that they are the same ;
others affirm^ that the saliunca of
Pliny cannot he the same with the
nardus celtica, because he speaks
of them as different plants; and
others again think^ that the saHunca
of Pliny is not the same with that
bere spoken of. Those who think
the nardus celtica and the saliunca
are the same^ ground their opinion
on a passage in the seventh chapter
of the first hook of Dioscorides»
where we are told^ that the nardus
celtica is called alìungìa about Ge-
noa. '^ The nardus celtica,** says
this ancient author, ^' grows on
'^ the mountaijis of Liguria, where
*' tliey cali it aliunsia. It grows
'^ also in Istria. It is a small,
'^ bushy plant, and is made up in
" bunches with the roots. It has
" longish leaves, of a yellowìsh
'^ colour, and a yellow flower."
*^H ^i KiAtmÌi N»^?d$ yfyy«r«i ftìf h
ro7g Ketrà A<yvg/«y cLXfmrif, ìiFi^upltii
MfOfAetrfiifm AXtovyyut' yiffctreu ^i |y

inFólttv6tt, ìif6ùi fuixifof, There seems
such a simili tude between the words
àXtòvyyut and saliunca, that it is no
wonder that they should he thought
intended for the same. But others
go more boldly to work, and affirm,
that the copies of Dioscorides are
faulty, and that we ought to read
either «Xiovyxtt, or «-«AMvyiu». But
this is only a conjectural emenda-
tion, not supported by the authority

of any manuscript. We must there-
fore depend no farther on this argu-
ment, than the similitude' between
aliungia and saliunca. Let us sée
now what Pliny has said of his
saliunca. In the seventh chapter of
the twenty-first hook, he tells us, it
has a most noble smeli, but is not
fìt to he used in garlands ; ^' Illa
'* quoque non omittenda differenti»,
*' odoramentorum multa nihil per-
'' tinere ad coronomenta; ut irin
" atque saliuncam, quanqu^m no-
" bilissimi odoris uti*amque/* He
gives US a few lines afterwards the
reason why it is not fìt for gar-
lands ; it seems it is too short to ad-
mit of being woven, is more pro-
perly an herb than a iiower» has a
bushy root, and grows in Pannonia,
or Hungary, and the open places of
the Norìcan Alps, or mountains
which border upon Germany ^
^' Saliunca foliosa quidem est, sed
" brevis, et qu» necti non possi t.
^' Radici numerosa cohseret, herba
*' verius quam fìos, densa veluti
" manu pressa, breviterque cespes
" sui generis. Pannopia hanc gig-
** nit, et Norici Alpiumque aprica."
In the twentieth chapter, he says it
is gpod to stop vomitings, and to
strengthen tlìe stomach, which is a
virtue ascribed also to the nardus
celtica by Dioscorides. ** Sali-
" uocae radix, in vino decocta,
^' sistit vomitiones, corroborat sto-
" machum." As for what Pliny
has said about the nardus gallica,
it is by no means sufficient to prove,
that it was a different plant from
that which he calls saUunca, The
Celtic nard, or French spikenard, is
a species of Valerian. It is now
found in great plenty on the moun-
tains that divide Italy from Ger-
many, and on the mountain^ about

BUCOLIC. ÈCt. V.

175

Jttdtcìo nostro tantum tibi cédit AmyntiM. S^» £fa2»r*t2^*; ^

Mot. Sed tu desine plura, puer: successimus an^'ore^my^'uS!

" -• , ^A come to the cave.

antro. 19

Extìnctum nymphae crudeli funere Daphnìm

The
Dapbnii^w]
demth.

bewaiied
fell by« cruel

Genoa, near Savona. Il is a very
low plant> and has a very fiagrant
smeli: hence as the poet had op-
posedthe willow to the olive, whìch
itsomething resembleS; though it is
far inferior to it ; so he opposes the
saUunca or French spikenard, a low
. plant, of a sweet smeli, to the rose,
a flower not only excelling in odour,
but also in beauty. We are told
by some authors, that tl^e inha-
bitants of the Tirol Alps cali the
nardus ceUica in their own lan-
.guage seliunck. If this may be de-
pended on, we need not wonder,
how the same plant carne to be
called saliunca by Virgil and Pliny»
and ti?uùiyyuc by Dioscorides.

18. Judicio nastro, <^c.] Me-
nalcas^ to pacify Mopsus, assures
him, that he was so far from tbink-
ing Amyntas equal to him> that,
in his judgment, he is as far infe-
rior to him, as the willow, which
is valued only for its flexibility, is
to the olive, asa plantof the greatest
use; or the French spikenard, a
little» fragrant herb, that grows oo
the barre n ipountains, is to the
rose, a plant admired by ali, on ac-
count of its beauty and frngrance.

19. Sed tu dedne, «^c.] Mop-
sus is satisfìed with the> apology of
Menalcas, desires him to say no
more, and, as they are by this timo
arrived al the cave, begìns his song
withaut any fartb'er ceremony.

La Cerda ascrìbes the first line to
Menalcas, making Mopsus begin
with Ejclinctum nymphà. But it
seems much more naturai to put
these words in the mouth of Mop-
susj to desire his friend not to
launch out any farther in his praises.

PuerJ] This word is a con tra-
diction to Catrou*s system. Surely
it wouid not become a scholar,.
much less a slave, to cali his master
my lad.

Successimus, 2 In some copies it 1»
succedimus.

20. Daphnim.] . " Many are of
*' opinion^ that une Daphnis a
'* shepherd is hcre lamented. He
<< was the son of Mercury, and
^' exposed by his mother; but he
" was found by the shepherd»
" among some bay-trees^ whence
'' they gave him the name o£
" Daphnis. He became so excel-
^* lent, both in hunting and mu-^
'* sic, that a nymph fcU in love
" with him^ and bound bim by an
" oath to keep faithful to ber. A» .
'* he was following his cows, he
*' happened to come near the pa*
" lace, where the king's daughter,
f' admiring hia beauty, lay with
" him. When the nymph caqae
" to know this, she deprived him
" of his sight : but^his father Mer-
" cury, whose aid he implored,
"took him up to heaven^ and
* ' caused a spring to rise yp in the
" place, which is called Daphnis ;
" and the Sicilians offer an.annual
" sacrifice near it. Others will
'* bave Julius Cassar, who was
'' slainin the senate with twenty-
" three wounds, to be represented
'" aUegorically under the name of
** Da^nis. This they confirm by
'^ the words crudeU funere. Those^
'* who diìnk Julius Caesar is meant,
^^ will bave us to understand by
** the mother, Venus; by the Uons
" and iygers, the people whom he
" subdued ; by the ihiasiy the sa-

174

P. VlROiLII MAttOMlLS

^^mmkn

SySq^*^^^ Flebant t voi eofyll teÉtm et flumim nymphbt

** cMte^ whièh he mad«^ a» Pm-
" Hfès maximus; by the heaùtUul
"Jiock, the Roman people; but
'' crudeli funere may be appHed to
^any oiìe. Othefs understand
** Quintilius Varus, a kiiifiitìail of
" Virgil, of whom also Hoface
'* speaks ; Èrgo Quìniilium jxrpe-
*' tuus sopor urget. Some wìA have
^ it, that Vitgd bete lamènts the
" death of his own brother Flac*.
" cus/* Sbatius.

'' Some will have it, that Vir-
** sii bere lamenta the death of Ba-
'^lonmud^ ótherd, of bis brother
*' Flaecas. Daplmìs, the don of
^' Mercury, is saie) to have been a
*' shepherd of exquisite beauty.
'' Bemg belòved by thè nymnh
** Lyca, he ptomised hef , that )ie
*' would not bave to do with any
'* otheìf n^omaiì ; but he deceived
*'hef. Béing for this crime de-
^ prived of his sight, though he
"comforted himself with poetry
'* afad tauÈÌc, yet he did not live

*' long." I^HILAROYRIUS.

'* The death of Daphiìis, which
'• Was caused by love, is descrìbed
"at largé by Theocritus, in his
•'Tbyrsis. But, that Quintilius
" ìÈ ììttè tinderstood utideK" the
<' namé of Daphnid, seems tò ap-
'* peat from that expre&sion of Ho-
*' race, NuUiflebilior quam tibi Vvr^

'* gin This was Quintilius

^' of Cremona, who i^ ibentioned
** by Eusebius, in his Chrotiicle;
*' Quintilius Cremonensis, Virgilii
" et Horatii familiarìs tìioritur.'^

PlBRIUS.

Ludoviclid Vives, with more
pìetv than jùdgment, as Rueeu&(
jnstly observes, thinks, that as in
the precedtng Eclogue, the poet
celebrated the btrth of Jesus Christ^
fipom the Sibyllinè Orades ; so in
this Eclogue, he speàks of oui*

Lord's death and ascens&ón,^ firom
other verses of the Sibyls, which he
ascribes to Julius Cassar, under the
name of Daphnis. La Cerda seems
to think, ^t nothing fkrther h
meant, than a poetical lametitttiòn
of the shepheni Daphnis. Julius
Scaliger will have it to be FladcUii^
the brother of Virgil, and endea^
vours to coAfirm this opinion by àn
old distich of an uticertain poet;

Trìstia fata tui dum Aes in Daphnkle

Flacd,
Dócte Maro> Arattem diis immottalibiid

squa«k

But Joseph Scaligèr id of opinion,
that Julius Osesar was the DaphnU
of our póet. To this opinion
Ruseus subscribes, and thinks thi9
Bologne was written, when sótne
plays or sacrìficès weTé <^lebfated
in honour of Julius CtèstìX. Thici
lèalned crìtic observes, fhat it
eould not be Saloninus, the pté-
tended son of Pollio, who is said tò
have died young, and therefore
douid not yoke tygers to Hìé chatiot,
and instUute ddnces to Bàcchui i lìòt
Quintilius Cremonensis, who did
not die till the year *7S0, long aftèìf
ali the Eclogues werè finished. Aé
for the notion of Flaccus, he thinks
it improbable, tbat a poet, so re-«
markable for his modesty, shouìd
celebrate his own brother, àn òb^
scure person, in so sublime a man-
ner. Catrou allows, that several
passages in this Eclogue agree per-*
fectly well with Julius Csesar; bUt
at the same time he findiS severa!
others to be inexplicable, suppbsing
he was the subject of the poerid. He
allows also, that it appears mote
noble to make a heiTo the ébbject^
than an òbseureyoung man, brought
up in the country : but he ftpprer*
hends that ibis is the rea! truth;
which he supperts by the foUowing

BUCOUC. KCL. V.

175

Cam, complexA mi «o^pw mJMiHibUQ otti»
Atque Deos atque astra vocat crudelia mater.

the mberàmebody of her «on,
called both the gods and the
consteUatioiu crud.

arguments. 1. The author of Vir-

ST'9 Ufe 9SmfM fa §3^prw» wwfls,
at he lamented the death of his
brother Flaeeos, under the name of
Daphnis: '* Axoìeit .... !Flacc\im
''jam adultum^ cujus exitum sub
^^nonme Paphni^» defl^/' 2.
Thìs traditìon was epread so far, that
we find in the old commentators die
two veraes quoted above, which
confirms thìs opinion. This learned
J^uit prof^sses so groat a regard for
old traditions, that he is determined
to interpret the present Eclogue ac-
cording to this authority. But per-
haps some readers may qpt be so
fcfad of old traditions, as to depend
en the authority either of thai di-
stiche or of the lire of Virgil asoribed
to Donatus. I shall add one obser*
vation^ that Daphnis oould notbe
that QuintìlÌM Varvjs, ta whom
Itie Mxti» Eclc^uei is g^iMvatly aup-
posed to be addressed ; for ha was
slainby the Germaqs, several years
after the deatlì of Virgil. Upon
the whole it seems most probable^
that Virgil designed to celebrate^
either merely the Sicilian sh^pherd
DaphnÌ8> whose death Theocrìtas
laments, in bis first Idylliuin; or
else Julius Csesar^ wmch last I
think is the general opinion. Cm-
4éfifyMre may bc» referred to either
of thera ; for Daphnis is said to bave
diad far love, and Julius Csesar was
iqurdered* The lanientation of the
nyipphs is most applicable to the
Sicihan Daphnis.

SI, Vqì cortili ie^ies et Jiumina,']
This apostrophe to the inanimated
baings is yery poetica! and beau-r
tiful. The same figure is used also
by the orators : thus Cicero, in bis
psatìon for Milo ; ^* Vos ^im Al-
^' bani tumuli, atque luci, vos in-
'* quam, imploro atque obtestor.

•' vosque Albanórum; pbrut9 ar«,
''sacrprum populi Ronoapi socig^ ^
•• et aeqyales." Thus PhUip? ;

Th# piogK mo^er cameni wilb gtifif. op-

Yq' Qonscious tree9 and fountainS| can

attest,
With what sad accento and what mov-

$h« fili'd Ui9 gppve, an4 imp<n1iin'4 th^

sciesi.
And ^v'Ty star upbraided with his doatb.
When in her widow*d arms^ dev9id qi

breath,
f^ «l^spM hvr ipiv

23, MaterJ] Rufieus is pf opi-
nion that Rome is bere meapt^ yie
poet qalling that city thq motter of
JuUus Caesar.

'< It is certain/ tliat Julius C^^
" sar had no ipotber alive at the
**tinie pf his murder. Thpse
"therfifore, who wiU at ali ad-
*' ventiires bave him tp be the per-
** son intended, bave j^ecourse to
" interpretations more inffenious
'' than true. Some fancjr, toat un-
*' der the figure pf this mother,
" whpholds per son ih her arms,
'* we are to understand Calpumia, •
** the wife of Cssar. Others, that
*' Rome is designed under this alle*
" gory. Others again, that Venus
*^ is bere represented> who was tjie
" mother of the whole Julian race.
^ It is easy enough to perceive,
'« without any other proofs, that
'* these are suppleracnts to truth,
*' where truth itself is wanting.
*« With regard to VirgiPs bre^ier,
'< it is probable that his mother
'^ was yet alive, and raade ber cries
" he heard even to heaven." Ca-

TROU.

But, with this learned critic's
leave, I may venture to say, that
not one of tìie interpretations men-
tioned by him is more obscurejthan

176

P. VIRGILII MÀRONIS

ODqpiìiiit,diiitiigtiioK<te7f. Non ùUipastos illis ég/^te diebus,

hÌ8 favourìte system. That Virffìl
ever had such a brother^ or ìf ne
had^ that his mother was alive to
lametit his death^ is very far from
being certain. For my own part> T
rather believe, that Venus is the
mother here mentioned ; and I am
confìrmed in this opinion, by an al-
mosi parallel passage in tl^e fifteenth
book of the Metamorphoses. Ovid
there represents Venus to be terri-
fied at the approach of Caesar's
death; she discovers ali the fears
and tenderaess of a mother ; con-
siders the injury as offered to her-
self ; intercedes with the gods for
bis preservation ; smites her own
breast, and endeavours to hide him
in the same cloud, in which she had
préserved Paris and ^^neas ; and as
soon as he is killed, comes into.the
senate -house ìnvisihle, keeps his
soul fì'om being mixed with the
common air, and carries it up to
the sky, where it kindles, and be-
comes a star.

■ Q uod ut aurea vidit

^neae genitrix; vidit quoque triste pa-
nari

Pontifici l«tam ; et conjurata arma mo-
veri ;

Palluit : et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia,
ìilivis;

Aspice, dicebat, quanta mihi mole pa-
rentur

Insidise, quantaque caput cum fraude
petatur,

Quod de Oardanio solum mihi restai
lulo.

■ M 'In me acui sceleratos cernitis enses,

Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque re-
pellile; neve

Caede sacerdotis ilammas estinguile Ves-
ta.

Talia nequicquam loto Venus anxia
cado

Verba jacit, superosque movet.

Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utra-
que

Pectus; et iBneaden molitur conderé

nube,
Qqq prias infesto Paris est erepfus Atti- ,

de» •
Et Diomedeos JBneas fugerat enses.

Vix ea fatus erat ; media ciun sede Se-

natus
Constitil alma Veiius nulli «emenda;

soique
Caesaris erìpuil membris, nec in aeia

solvi
Passa recentem animam, celestibus in-

tulit astrisy
Dumque tulit, lumen capere, atque ig*

nescere sensit:
Emisitque sinu. Luna volai allius illa :
Flammiferumque Irahens spatioso limile

crinem
SteHa micat.

24. Non ulli pastos, 4*c.] Mos-
chus, in his Epitaph ou Sion, in-
trocluces the herds mouming-for his
deajth, and refusing to feedj

»al aS ^0ff ai «•»«•) vavpus
fturém»

Thus also Philips j

No joyous pipe was heard, no flocks

were seen,
Nor shepherds found upon the grassy

green ;
No calile graz'd the field, nor drunk the

flood.
No birds were heard to warble thro* the

wood. »

*' Nothing can be more elegantly
*' expressed," savs Catrou, '* than
" this ruràl grief It might happen
" literally at the death of Virgil's
'' brother : but with regard to Cae-
*^ sàr, it can be understood only
" in figure, and in metaphor."
But in opposition to this, a passage
is quoted from Suetonìus; where
we are told, that this very thing
happened just before Caesar^s tleath.
The historian tells us, that the
horses, which that great man had
consecrated, when he passed the

nm9i:iG. mu ly.

in

Frigia», Dapbni, hoves a^ Smnmi n.lH* 9^ ff„Tt4^i^,S^
que amnem . 25 S^fJr^J^'n^bfi^'"^

Libavit quadrupes, nec graminis attigit herbam. *™*'

Rubicon, and had fed at lar^e ever
since, were observed to abstam fVqm
dieir food ; ' ' tVoximis dìebus equo-
''piip greges, quos in trs^iciendo
<' ftubicone flamine consecraret,
'^ ac vagos ^ et sìne custode dimi-
*' ^rat, comperit pertinacissime pa-
** i)ulo abstinere, ubertimque fiere."
Tbis Ì8 a strong argumeht in fa-
vqiir of their opinion, who think
Julius Cassar was intended under
^e name of Dapbnis.

25. Nulla,] La Cerda observes,
that the using of two negatives in
this place, nulia ncque, is a Gre-
cism ; because in Greek two ne-
gatives make ìhe negation stronger,
whereas in Latin they make an
affirfnative. -Some wouid read ulla
ì^erfi jnstead of nuUa . But the best
critics approve 9f nulla, and al-
Ipw it, with Là Gerda, to he a
Grecism. We fìnd miUa used in
iik|9 manner by "Pxppertius, in >die
nineteenth Elégy o£ bis sècond
i)ook;

NuUuf erit castis jwrenum <joi?iiptor fa And in Uieeleventh 5

them it plainly signifies a horse.
Tbu9 V» read ìxi the ttùrd JSxnàA ;

Quatuor hic, primum omén, equot fa

gtiamipe v|di
Tondentes campum late, cs^dore nivali:
^t pater Anchises : bellum, Q terra liofh

pita portas: ,
BéUo armantur equii bèllum hmc ar»

mcsnta mfaantut :
8^ iamen ij^icm oìipi ^^rru ^^u^^edere

sueti
Qùadrupedei ; et fnena jugo conciMcdia

ferre.

And in the eightb )

-rrrit clamor, et agmine fiicto
Quàdrupedante putrem ^onitu qiiatit un-
gul(i campum.

And in the tenth ;

Jam tandem enimpit, et ìnter
BeUatods equi cava temposa coiòidt

hastaxn.
Tollit se arrectum qufuirftj^t, «t calcil^u»

auras ' '
Verberat, effùsumque eqi^tetn super ipse

secutus'
ImpHcat» ejectoque facumbit i^enan»

armo.

Qm te blanditiis non sinat esse probam
Nulla ncque ante tuas^ orietur rixa fene-
atras,
Kec tibi c]an^t«e soionus àmams erit.

Tib^llus indeed makes use of ulla
nec, in the firsjt Elegy of fais fourth
book ;

.Ulh nec a^eas volucns perlabitur aaraa,
^ec quadrupes densf^ depascitur aspera
sylvas.

26. Quadrupes.] I bave followed
Ruasus in rendering it a horse,
which is the most generous and use-
fui of ali quadrupeds. The word is
used in several other places by Vir-
gili and in almost every one of

Continuo adversb Xjqrfienus ^et * ocar

Àconteus
Connixi incurrunt hastis, prtmique rui-

nam
Pant .sonilu ingenti, pesfractaque qua-

drupedantnm
Pe(;tora pectorìbus rumpunt.

And again,

At juvenis, vidsse dolo ratus, avolatipse,
Haud mora, conversisque fugax {^ufértor

habenis,
Quadrupedemque citum ferrata calce fa-

tigat.

And a^ain,

Quadrujpedumque putrem cursu ijuaiit
ungula campum.

J!he only plaoe^ where quadrupes is
A a

It8

P; VlilGlLIl MARONIS

^^^oods*^édar?°^' Daphni, tuum Poenos etiam ingemuisse leonés

used for any other animai is in the
seventh iEneid j and there indeed
ìt si^ifies a stag 3

Saucius Bt quadnijpes nota inter tecta re-
fugit. . ' .

27. Pcenos leones.'] Carthage was
a famous city of Africa. He there-
fore says' Carthaginian lions, for
Afrìcan. Africa abounds with lions
and other wild beasts. Theocri-
tus represents the lions lamenting
Daphnis in the woods; and joins
other wild beasts wjth them,

Ttivoy fitùv BStff Ttifo* XvMt ù^v^uvro,
Ttìvov x^ ** Ì^UfAOto Xwv &nxXaufft B^ecvófr»»

For him the wolves, the pards, and ty-

gcrs moan'd ;
For him with frightful grief the lions

groan'd. Crbech.

Ruaeus seems to think, that this
TO^ntion of the African lion alludes
to the victories obtained by Julius
Caesar, in Africa, over Cato, Scipio,
and Juba. Catrou seems under a
great difficulty to make this passale
auit with his system. '' It will be
*' thought surprising," says he,
'^ that the death of a countryman
^' should be lamented so far as
^^ Africa. I allow it ; but Virgil
*' had already obtained friends and
" reputation in ali places, where
^' Rome had colonies, arihies, and
" governors. Without doiibt, this
" favourite of Maecehas and Octa-
'* vian received condolences frora
" ali parts. Besides, Sicily, where
'^ the scene of this Eclogue seems
'' to bave been laid, was iiot very
*' far distant from Africa. It raight
^'therefore be feigned poetically,
'^ that the groans of an afflicted
'" family were heard even to Africa*
This seems very extravagant; and
Virgil does not spéak of tne groans
of 3ie afflicted famQy ; but only
says the mountains and woods e-

choed the lamentations of the lions.
He does not give the leastbint, that
they were heard any where, but in
their own habitations in Africa.
Nor does there seem to be any occa-
sion for that appearance of exact-
ness, in placing the scene in Sicily ;
since even that island lies at such a
distance from Africa, as to make it
a most absurd imagination, that
the roaring of Vìons could be heard
so far. According to Strabo, the
very shortest passage from Lily-
baeum, the nearest promontory of
Sicily, to Carthage is fifteen hundred
stadia; and he speaks of it as a
most incredible story, that a very
quick-sighted man is said to bave
discovered from thence the setting
out of the Carthaginian fleet froip
their port ; "trrt il luù itxl AìxJUÌùv
rtv>MX,tcrty ìitù^fut hrì A<Gwi» x^Xm^fu^^
TtrttcMVM flit^ì TS^ct^%tÌ6m' xttf^ « Ji

àyùftóféif he KM^X!^ùyùg (nut^tif Ta& 9
AthuQui», The roaring of the Car-
thaginian lions therefore must bave
been heard above 170 of our mea-
sured miles. But we will be as
favourable as we can to this system,
and take for Carthage the nearest
land of Africa, which is the pro-
montory of Mercnry, the distance
of which from Lilybaeum is 700
stadia, or 80 of our miles. . Even
then the lions must bave roared as
loud as so many pieces of artillery,
to be heard. in any part of Sicily.
Therefore this placing of the scene
in Sicily is of no seryice to Catrou*s
system ; since it is impossible, either
that. the groans of the family could
be heard in Africa, or the roaring
of the lions, so far as Sicily. Thus
the scene may as well be laid near
Mantua, one impossibility being as
good as-another. For roy own part.

BUCOLIC. ECL. IV.

.179

Ittterìtum montesquQ feri sylvsqoe loqaantur. J!»t_«v«.^e LibyM itoM

Daphnis et Armenias curru subjungere tigres T^^S

bunentcdtbydeath. IXq;»lùils
;ht men to yoke tygen to

I take the poet*s tneanìng to be,
that the death of Daphnis^ caused
' so universal a grief, that even the
wild beasts in the desarts lamented
hiin, a thought, which has been
shewn already to be taken from
Theocritus.

29. Daphnis et Armenias, éjfc.']
'' This plainly alludes to Caesar;
" for it is certain, that he first of
'^ ali brought the solemnities of Li-
'' ber pater to Roma:* Servius.

Ruaeus calls the authority of Ser-
vius in question j and affirm.s that
the solemnities of Bacchus were
known at Rome long before. He
therefore thinks it may rather be
saìd, that they were afterwards cer
lebrated with greater magnificence
by Julius Caesar, because he ob-
tained a sigoal vìctory pver the sona
of Pompey at Munda, on the very
day òf the Liberalia, ou which day
Pompey is said to bave gone out to
wor four years before. These diffi-
eulties -bave given room to Catrou
to triumph over those, who will
bave Julius Caesar to be intended
under the name of Daphnis. '' The
" desire/* says he, ." of finding
'^ Julius Ciesar in this place, has
'^ uiade Servius invent a fact which
" never existed. This commentator
*' pretends, that Ceesar first insti-
" tuted at Rome the feasts of Bac-
" chus. He is greatly mistaken, for
^' we find mention of them inalmost
" ali the Latin authors, and parti-
'^ cularly in Livy. Since the time
" of Servius, they bave «ontented
" thetnselves with saying, that per-
*' haps Caesar added a lustre to these
^' feasts. This is guessing; for is
' ' it instituting the feasts of Bacchus,
" to adom them with new ceremo*
" nies? InstituU Daphnis thiasos m^

^' ducere Baccho, But since- ^ea ve
<' is taken to guess, why may not
'^'I also guess, that Virgils bro-
" therwas the first, who established
" the feasts of Bacchus in his vil-
" lage. We know it was a country
•' solemnity ; that the peasants ce-
*' lebrated it with sports, and that
'* they composed rustie songs in ho-
'' nour of this god. Certainly we
*' may forra conjectures on the cif-
*' cumstances, when the foundation '
*' is grounde<l «pon proof." But
Catrou does not argue yery fairly,
when he quotes the authority of
Livy, to prove that the feasts of
Bacchus were known in Rome be-
fore Caesar's time. What we find
in Livy is in his thirty-ninth hook,
where he gives a large account of
raost abominable debaucheries, and
horrid crimes, that were perpetrated
in the Bacchanalìa, which occa-
sioned the senate to abolish these
solemnities, above a century before
Caesar's time. This is no proof that
they were not used in Caesar's time;
perhaps he might restore them, and
therefore be said to institute them,
We know that Mark Anthony^
Caesar*s great favo urite, afPected to
imitate Bacchus, being drawn in a
chariot, ero w ned with ivy, and
holding a thyrse. See the note on
ver. 7. of the second Georgìck.
But however, if conjectures bave
been formed, in òrder to reconcile
this passage with Julius Caesar's
actions i it is by no means to be
inferred from thence, that we are
at liberty to form what conjectures
we please about Virgll's brother.
Some passages in this Eclogue can
hardly be applied to any other per-
son than Julius Caesar, wbence it
is not unreosonable to suppose, that
Aa2

ièè

P. VlftéÉLII MAÈOJJIS

this had some relation to him^ though
ìt capnot be afcrsoluiely verified by
any jiistorian now extant. It seems
very (frobabie^ tbat Caesar nii^ht
peiforiQ someceremonres in hunour
of Bacchus^ a8 it y(&s on one of bis
festivaU that he obtaìned the sig-
nal victory over the sons of Pompey
at MuncUr. This victory appeared
8o considerable, that, according to'

' Piutarch, '* When he carne back
" from the fight, he tohl bis friends,
" that ile had often fought for
^' victory, but this was the first
*' trme th^t he had ever fought for
'* life/'. The victqry was obtained
co the feast of the Dioni/sia, in Più*
tarch's words, rf rSv At^ivo-wf I«^tS,
which the Roroa'ns called Liberalia ;
for thus Hirtius speaiis of the very
same. battlej '' Ipsis JAheralibus
*' fusi fugatiqùe Don superfuissent,
"nisi in eum loeum confugissent,
'< ex quo érant elessi»" Now the
JOionysia or Liberalia could not be
th^ sanie festival with the Baccha*
nalia, which we read pf in Livy ;
for tìie historian tells us, théy were
àt first celebrated three times in the
year, ancl afterwards fi ve times in a
monfh; but we know that the Li»
hèralia was an annual festival, ob-
genred on the seventee'nth òf March.
The country soleninity, òf which
Catroìi speaks> was in autdmn, in
the time o^ vintage, a very differ-
ent season from that of thè Libe-
ralia. But èìnce inahy coiifouhd
the several feasts of Bacchus to-
gether, as if they were but one, I
shall beg leave to.make afew obser-
vationsj whereby it will appear, thkt
the batti e| of Munda cóuld not bave
been on any otber festival of Bac-
chus, thah that which wàs cele-
brated In March. Dio Òassi u s say s
expressly, that Caesar was obliged
tò march against t^òriipey's sòhs ih

winter ; Mirai H ruvr» »ÌtU ti «y«p-
f^o-^S, xaì rei VT^UTtVfcccr» IstìpmXav*
hno-xifTti Ci v^ò(r?i!fio&f, litetyKdr^ iuù
|y tS xPfiSu vàXtfi^a-M ; and that the
news of the victory àt Munda was "
brought to Rome the evening be-
fore the Parilia; and that sacri -
fices were thèrefore offered oh that
festival ; T« ti y«g Tlx^iXuc iVflr«3^d-
ftt» tfd«y«r«y, òvtoi yt tcéts h» r^y xó-
X«», ùTi ìf ecvTòTg vcriaro àxxà Ìm tJ»
Tòv Ketia-ct^ài »/xn», ori i àyyiXM ecvrtis
tJ v^&n^Mtù x^ùf ia^n^eùf i^ttarò, «•«-
^5d. Tlie pàrilia or palitia was
obsérvcd.^.òn the twenty-first of
Aprii. Hirtius also tells us, that
yóuhg Pompey*s head was brought
to Caésar oh the twelfth of Aprii.
«'Ad convàllem autem àtquè exe-
** sum lòciim Ut speluncam Pòin-
'^ peius se occultare coepit, ut a
*' hostris non facile invéniretUr, nisi
** càptivoruih indicio. Ita ibi in-
" terficitùr. Quum Caesar gradiè-
" batùr Hispalim, pridie Id. Aprilis
'* caput allatuin, et populo datum
^' est in con^pectum." Thus we
bave the còncurrent testimonies of
Hirtius and Piutarch, that this
Victory was obtained on the very
day of a festival of. Bacchus; ahd
of Hirtius and Dio, that it wstó •
sòtfae time before the bnd of Atìril.
Now there is not any festival of
Bacchus at tliat time of the yeàr, in
the Roman calfehdar, éxcept that
óf March Ì7j which must thère-
fore bè the ì)U>nìfSÌa of Piutarch, the
Liberalia òf Hittius, and the day of
Capsar's victory. It is thèrefore far
from iraprobable, that Caesar mi^Kt
shew sotìSe particular regiird to Bac-
chus, silice he had obtained dne
òf bis most considerablé Vidiories
bn a day Sàcrèd to thàt deity ; hor
is it very improbable, that wheh
Atitìtorty was dnlwn in a charibt, .
^ifththé thyrse, «nd òthel: irtsignià

BUCOLIC. KCU IV..

191

Et foliìstl«(itft9 ifttttere moIlibiBs ilastaa.
Vitis ut a^boribti6 decori est, ut TÌtibtrs uvtt^
Ut gregibus Tauri, segetes ut pinguibus arvis;
Tu decus omne tuis: postquam te &ta tulerunt,
Ipsa Palesa agFo% àtque ipfte reliquit ApoUo« $è
Gfànèìk ^pè ffmbuft iitaridavhnas hatàea mMs^
IhÌFeiix lolium, et steriìes dohiihalitur aveìiae.

vineis M oriKunent %o trbttf
aa clusten to ^. yìms« 9»
bulls to the herdi, as com ttì
the fruii fui fields; ao wast
ehott-«lM whole gJory of thv
frienda: after the fatea tooK
thee away^ even Pales and
Apollo thftoaelyes foraook the
R«d»k OKétk In ihoae fcN
*0W8, In which v/é bai^ aown
pHiinp barley, the UfiHapt^
dàrnH and the vìM «lata pr*«
vail.

,n ^^«'yT»

of Baecbùs^ he might do $t in imi*
tatidn of hìd great màster Cesar.

Armenias iigres.'] They used tt>
. yoke tygers, to draw the ^harìot ctf
Bacchus. Jàfius Ceesar obtain^d a
^reat vietory over Phaniaoes^ kh^
ef Fontùs, a couiltry bordering o^i
Armenia.

Curru.'] For eurrui.

I smgìng and di^ièiBg, used at festit*
' vals.

Batcko,'] Pierius observes, that
the prinled editiona geìierally bave
Bncchoy but that it is Bàoeki in ali
the andent manuscripts.

81. Et foliit lènfus, ^r\ Thlsis
what thèy called hthfrte: it wés a
spear twìsted i<ound with branòbea
of vine and tvy ; iffhìdh. thdae
i^ho assisted at the «olemnitìes of
Bacchas used to carry iti l&eir
hafads, leaping and singing at the
) safatie time;

82.^ VUis ut arboribu9, é^c.'] This
beautiful passage is truly pastorali
and iat exceeds one of the Banale
kind in the ei^hth Idyllium of
Theoeritus 5

f^^l^» *9 0»»^^ *i /3^

Atotkl^ the Odks, and ^^ra^ cdtnmefids

thè plain ;
Fat eolves do gittte the cows, and cows

the BwaUi. CaxECH»

By the vihe beìnjf an bi^ttàmeiit to
the treeSj is meant its adortiitig the
elms by which it ia supp^itd.

Thus Philips]

Às corn the vales, ahd trees tlie tiiliB n

adoriiy
So thou to thine an ornament was boiM*
Since Ihou, delicious youtb, did«t quit

the plain»}
Th' ungrateful gròUnd we till with ^it-

léss pains ;
In labout*d ftimAv* 8éW the chéieto of

wheAt,
And over einpty flhtaves ia harvast

sweat t
A thin inetéase biit ^òoìty éubstaufee

yieldy
Ahd thOTtis and thfetk» ov«r»{)reaid the

6eld.

35. Ipsa Pales, <^f.] Thesè
two deities are mentioned tògether
also at the beginnìng of the third
Georgick 5

T6 quoque, niagim Pùieg, «t te^ itMbKH

randoi eaneiàus
Pattw io Atn^ryto,

Séè the tidte On that passagé.

This desertìon of the fieldis by the
gòddess òf i^hepherds and the god òf
nìtisic and poettjr is a figui4tiii5
e*|)resàion òf the ^éf tìf the shep*
héras fòt thfe Idss of Daphtìis. l bey
wercSD affli<5ted, thàt they ncgletited
the care of their sheep, aìid had
hot spii'its to sing, in which theh»
chief divcrsión tonsisted.

3€, QhU>us.2 Pierius féund qui*
d^em in isome ancient manuscripts.

AT. I^fklix Mium, 4v.] This
line òccars agftitt ili the first GeòN
mck, vet. 154. Seé the «tttfe. Bht
Pierina obseevès^thkt doihìiìarttUY \n
to be found ònìy ih thiè jirinted
topiee of tìbiis Eèlugue^ it being \

18^

P. VIRGILII MÀRONIS

Xte^dM^&'SiSe Pro ™oUi viola, pro purpureo Narcìsstì,
j^and jthe ptìiuro. with Carduus et spinis fiurgit paliurus acutis.

cuntur inali the ancientmanuBcripts
that he had seen. He observes, that
it ìs dominantur indeed in the Geor-
gicks^ where the verses are more
numerous than in the Bucolicks.
, 38. Pro molli viola.'] The soft-
ness and delicaey of this sweet flower
ìs opposed to the sharpness of the
prickly pianta mentioned presently
after.

Pro purpureo narcisso.'] There is
a species of white daffòdil, with a
poiple cup. See the note on ver.
122. of the fourth Georgick. Pur-
pureus is also frequendy used for any
brìght or beautiful colour ; though
very different from what we now
cali purple.

Sg. Spinis surgit paliurus acutis.']
There has been some controversy
, amòng the modem writers^ con-
ceming the paliurus of the ancients.
Theophrastus, lib. i. e. 5. tells us
it is a shrub ; (p^vyetuf (it ought to
he Bdftvóf) ìì ri ixó èiljiis xdì vùXi/-
mM)^9f, fuùì wéXwc?itiCòfy étòf fidròg,
Tltcxiòv^H» In cap. 8. he says it is
prickly, and joins it with the bram-
ble : ò 21 fidróg xttì e IleùXiòv^ «x«y- -
Bèiìn. In lib. iii* e. 4. he says it grows
in the plains ; ràìÌKoi it tòÌì zrùUt^,

xit^, àxi^> ^nXfflC, OTTPuet, xv?ietaT^òf^
fUki», UttXiùvpci, ofyteÌK»fb», tiXAt^òg, In
c, 17. he tells us it bears three or
four seeds in a sort of pod, that the
seed has an oiliness like that of flax,
that it grows in the same places
with the bramble, and that the
leayes fall off every yearj *'0 ti
JletXiùVj^òs %^u ^ut^t^ài, . «Lxe^rrpt ìiì

h XtIcS rin rh Ktù^TTót i^u, x«lÌ Itit^
rm (pOxXtìff m 5 r^U n rirre^ùt yhtrM'
X^Sfvtit ìì cùvréÌ4 w^lf révf fiUjc^ ài

Utr^ùè ttiirrémi' I^ yA^ révm yAinc#^-

T«T» Mti XixHt iinCl^ 1% TéU AiMV

axi^fut* ^MT4M ^f futi Wì r«r$ i^u}(«K>

jfrrty }f coti r# d/f^Mv treUvìpw . ^vA-
XcCùXòv )f Kttì «vp^* «Wf( n fttfMH t^ti"
^vXXùv. Dioscorides and Pliiiy say
little more, of the paliurus, thaa
that it is a well known, prickly
shrub. Columella^ when he gives
directions about making a quick
hedge, Vecommends the strongest
thoms, such as the bramble, pali^
urusy and white thom; '^ Ea sìnt
" vastissimarum spinarum» . maxi-
** méque rubi, et paliuri, et ejus,
" quam Graeci «wóo^rty, nos sen-»
*^ tem canis appellamus." If we
consider these quotations well, we
can hardly doubt, that the paliurus
of the ancients is the rhamnus folio
subrotundo, Jructu compresso C. B.
which is cultivated in our gardens
under the name of Christ's thom)
and is supposed to be the thom o£
which the crown was made, that
was put upon oui^ Saviour*s head.
This shmb grows abundantly in
Italy in uncultivated places^ and is
very common in the hedges, for the
stréngth of its thorns makes a very
good fence. It usually bears about
tìiree seeds, which are indosed in
as many cells, and covered with a
fungous husk. Thus it agrees with
aU that is said of it by the ancient
writers; there being no exception
to be macie, except that the seeds
do not grow in a pod. But Theo- .
phrastus does not cali it absolutely
a pod^ but a sort of a pod^ I» XéAf
rin; and indeed XtA!ùi is used by
the Greek writers in niany other
senses^ though it does most properly
and generaUy signify whàt we cali
a pod.

BUCOLIC. ECL, IV.

183

Spargile humucn foliis, indùcite fontibus um-
bras, . 40

Pastòres : mandat fieri sibi talia Daphnis.
£lt tumulumfacite» et tumulo superaddite Carmen.
Daphnisi ego in sylvis hinc usque ad sidera notus:
Formosi pecoris cnstos formosior ipse.

Sprèad the gixniod- with
leaves, ve shqpheida, and
form a shade over the foun-
tains : Daphnis commands
floch ìbàngs to be done for
hiin. Raisealao a monumenr,
and add a vene to the monu-
mei>t: I Daphnis am cele-
brated from tnese woods even
to the «kies : the shepherd of
A beautifal flock; but more
beautiful myself.

40. Spargile humum foUis.'] It

"w^as a custom among the ancients^

-to dcatter leaves and flowers on the

ground in honour of eminent per-

sons ; and some traces of this cus-

'tom renoain among us at present.

Inducìiefontihus umbras.'] Pierius

found this readìng in most of the

ancient roanuscripts. But he says it

ìs aras in the Roman manuscript,

instead of ttmbras ; andfrondilms in

some copies, instead of fontibus.

Catrou reads frondibus aras. " Be-

*' sìdes," says he, " that the words,

*' which I have preferred, are to

*' be found in the ancient manu-

^* Scripts, they form a more true

^^ image with respect to a dead per-

'^ son. We do not read any where

'' that arbours were made over

''^ foiintains, to honour funerals;

*' and we often read that altars and

** tombs were co vered with branches.

" Thus at the death of Polydore,

'' the altars were covered with

" C3rprc8s, and the branches were

'• interwoven with blue ribbands ;

** Stant Mantbu» arce,

•* Cceruleis maaias vittis, titraque cupretso,'*

But this leamed crifiic might have
read m Varro's fifth hook de Lingua
Latina, that the Romans had a festi-
val called Fontinalia, on which they
crowned the fountaihs with gar-
lands ; " Fontinalia a fonte, • quod
^' is dies feriflB ejus. Ab eo autem
" tum, et in fontes coronas jaciunt,
" et puteos coronant." He might
' have read also in the ninth Edogue,

Q uia humum florentìbus herbis
Spargerei ? aut viridi Jòntes inducefet
umbra.

Pope has ìraìtated .this passage» in
bis fourth Pastoral 5

Ye weeping loves, the stream with

myrtles hide.
And break your bows, as when Adonis

died;
And with your golden darts, now useless

grown,
Inscrìbe a verse on this relenting stone ;
Let nature change, let heav'n and earth

deplore.
Fair Daphne's dead» and love is now no

more.

42. Tumulum.^ A heap of earth
for a monument.

Carmen,'] An epigram or in-
scription, which is thought to be
best, when contained in two lines.

43. Daphnis ego, ^cJ] This
dìstich far exceeds that, which it
seems to imitate, in the first Idyl-
lium of Theocritus ;

A«^m; ìyin S^t rnm, i rikt ^iett Zi% M-

That Daphnis I, that bere my oxen fed,

That bere my bulls and cows to water

led. Creech.

The Greek poet mentions only the
rural employments of the shepherd
Daphnis 5 but VirgiI represents hia
Daphnis as a person, whose fame
had reached up to heaven.

44. Formosi pecoris custos, ^c]
Catrou ìs of opinion, that this men-
tion of'the beauty of Daphnis agrées
very well with Virgirs brother^
who^was a young shepherd. Bat
he thìhks it a cold compliment to
' Cffisar,' wbo was fifty-six years old
when he wos rourdered^ an age>

IS»

P. YIROJLII MARONIS

Mem» Yonr
poet,.te no tea

OdivlAe

• ^ • to

Men, Tlde ti^om cjEinnen nobH 4irói^ poetai;
STt^^'J??^»?*»? tSS Quale sopor fessi» in gramìne, quale p^r ^stum
mcr.wkifaiivfaigtfftam? Dulcif aouiB $a)ieiite sùìdi restÌB£Fuei*e rivQ4 4C

iwoit Walter. Yoo Aqnal yMv • *

^^ter^n^Mdy in pbying, Nee calamis fiolum sequlp^f as, sed vpce ff^t-

bat In slnging t

StrUQ}*

fwy i »' i " I t i j i . .

wben men do not use to t>e adnilred
iot Xìmr beauty. Put w^ are to
considera that if Julius Cs^Sfir w^
tbe subjeqt of thìs Eclogue, he b ali
along represepted under the charac-
ter of ashepberdj that no]:.Mng ìs
more frequent than to speak of
great rulers as sh^herds; and in
%\i^ last place, that this hero is de-
scribed by the historians ns having
a very comely person. We may
l^erefore very well understand this
expression, of bis beiog more beau-
H^l hiroself than his beautiful
flock^ to mean^ that Julius Cascar
r^ided the greatest natioQ in tbe
9/oxìA, .aj>d tbat he himsf^lf was
tbe OK^ ecKpc^ll^nt person among

^, TaU t¥um cgrmen, 4k^.] Ii{er
Q«l0a9 greaMy commends tbe poer
try of Mopsus ; aud mod^tiy offer^
to sjipg some yerses^ \yhìch he him-
self bad composed on tbe snme

Virgil seenis in this plaq^l^) bave
hod \n his view the folio wing vejrsos
in Itle elgbt Idyllium of Xb.eocri-
tu«5

$weet is thy voice, and siveet the tunes

you play'd.
Fair Daphnis, thro* my «ass thy aongs

have pass'd»
/Swctet tQ th^ nwi^y 9» boQ^ to iìie

Ù^* Creecb.

But howfar the copy€xceeds the
originai , is very obvìous. Tbeoori-
tus coHipares the sweetness ^f tbe
poety of 'Da[^nis to the taste of

ììoney ; hut Virgil is more (
He copf jìar^s t(ie soag of Mopsus
tp the restii^ of wearied lipabs on
the gf^ss, and to the queoching of
thirst in sunatner with a livin^
sprjng of 8\Feet vater. Tbe Gre^
poet barely mentions honey; but
Virgil is no^ contented with the
bare mei^tion of sleep: it is t)ie
sleep of a weary person ; aad t)iai;
iipon 4;be frash grass» Thus alao
he does npt ogly speak of queach-
iog itbirst with water; but this
Ihirst is ai4gmen|;,ed by its being in
tbe hei^t of summer: the jivater
nJso js sweetj 9pd is takea from a
livìog sprijfg. Pb^ips ^as imit^ed
tbis p«ss^ge^ j^ bis fourtii PfSLStto-

i<fot hidf so sweet are mldnight winds,

that move
In dsoFsie muimurs i>*er tha waTiag

grovej
I^or dropping ><rater$, that in grots dìstil.
And wi^ a tin^ling sound their caverna

filL

v^us tbi«ks ibis 9Ì)udes to Theocn-
tus and Virgil, But he is certajinly
mistaken; fyr it is Mopsus thatìs
^a^d tp equal bis .master : now Vir-
giil is not JMopsjus, but l^ife^alc^^.
Ruaeus thinks^ that Papbpis is tl^e
D>^t^ of .Mopsus.^ Bvit, if we
agree Avith this learpecì cpmipejQ-
i,aAQ^r» tìasiX Dapbpi:» is. Julius Cffi^^r,
it will be very difficult to compre-
hejaù )^ow Mopsus ,can ,be ;3aid to be
(Qq\i^ or .secoii4 1,0 that g^at mau«
Virgil ^iwsjeif Ì9 Menalcas; Me-
nalc£^ ;s b^ no means inferior to
Mopsus ', and therefore, aceording
to this interpretation^ Vii*^.! must

^UCqLIC. ECL. V.

l!Sf5

JPQriuntfle puer, tu ni^Qc.eris alter ab ilio.:

Nos tamen hieec quocunque mpdo til^i nostra S|Sm?"^Ì^"ttSÌ

O fortunate youth« you alu^l
tiow be accoulited the "^ ^'

viciss;m,

Dicemus, Daphninque tuum toUemus ad astra :

as thcy are, in iny turaj'and
oi) win lurt up your Daphnb to
the'itare.

represent hìmself as equal to Julius
Caesar^ which is absurd. Catrou
jùiinks this line is a full confirtna-
tion of his system. *' If there has
" Iiìtherto,''says he, '^ been any ques^
*': tion, whether this Edogiie treats
'' of a, master and scholar, there
" cannot now be any longer dòubt.
*^Virgil is charmed with the fine
'Vver^es of his scholar. He re-
," traete what he hadsaid at the
/'. beginning of the conversation.
" He had pìven Alexander the ho-
** nour only. of the pipe, and had
** taken to himself that of singing
'•.verses;

•• Tu calamos iufiare Uvei, ego dicere versus,

*^ But now he confesses himself to
" be equalled in both by his dis-
" cjple.** This . argument is not
weak ; for Menalpas does indeed at
the beginning challenge to himself
the superìority in. smging, and al-
Iqw Mopsus to excel in piping ; and
in this place he confesses that Mop-
sus equals his master not only in the
latter, but in the former too. There-
fore, by comparing die second line
-widi uxe forty-eighth, we might
conclude that Menalcas was the
.master,, and Mopsus the. disciple.
But> hpwever this argument may
-be . in Catrou's favoiir, there are
oth^rs which make no less against
Jdim, The fear which, Menalcas
dì^coversof disobliging Mopsus, his
P'/rpetual complaisance to him, and
the n^odesty with which he intro-
fliices bis own verses, by no means
agree ,:with the , superiority of a
master. Nor does the freedom
'^nich IVfopsus uses to Menalcas suit

with the character of a disciple.
,Menalras always speaks like a mo-
dest person, such as Virgil himself
is represented to bave been. It can-
not therefore be imagined, that he
would take.so much upon him, as
to applaud Mopsus, and cali him a
divine poet, for being equal to him-
self. It seems most probable, that
Theocrìtus was the master intended,
.whora Virgil professedly imitates
in his Ec^Qgues.

49.' Tu nunc erìs alter ab Ulo,']
Servius interprete this. Tu solus posi
illum hucolicum Carmen scrihis. La
Cerda parapKràses it, Nam post ilfi^m
erisyjam nunc alter magister opinione
mortalium. .Both these commen-
tators therefore seem to understand
these wprds to mean, that Mopsus
is worthy to succeed TheocrituS,
and to be esteemed bis equal. But
Catrou understands it in a quite dif-
ferent manner. " The equality
" that Virgil has niade between
** Alexander and himself is always
'^ accompanied with subordination.
/* You .sball be the first after your
" master, says he. It was al-
'^ ways a great matter for Alexander
" to be preferred before Cebes."

50. Nos lumen hac quocunque
modo, Sfc."] Menalcas speaks with
great modesty of his own verses.
He makes an apology for them, and
seems to offer them only as being
obligecl to produce sómething in his
tum.

51. Daphninque tuum tollemui ad
astiar^. By i^our Daphnis seems to
be meant your patron ^ or your yh-
vourUe. By tollemus ad astra is
meant the apotheosis of Daphnis.

B b •

1S6

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

rt^f?k?SSfiov(iml Daphnin ad astra feremus: amavit nos quoque

Mog, U it pottible to lay a Daphllis.

N^oniy the youSfuBSSf Mop. Ali qiucquam nobis tali sit munere

WMworthytobecdcbrated} . o

majus r
Et puer ìpse fuit cantari dignus : et ista

5^ Amnvit nos quoque Daphnis."]
This sentence^ in the opinion of
Catrou, is a sufficient proof, that
Julius Caesar is not Daphnis. "The
" poet/' says he, " had not appeared
" m the world in the lifetime of
*' this dìctator. There ìs, in thìs
" verse alone, a difficulty insur-
"mountable to those, who ac-
'' knowledge Cassar for the subject
"of this Eclogue." It must be
acknowledged indeed, that it does
not appear from àny hìstory now
extant, that Virgil was in favour
"v^ith Julius Caesar, or even so much
as known to hira. But although
this cannot be certainly proved, it is
far from improbable: for Virgil's
estate lay near Mantua, a city of
the Cisalpine Gaul, which was
C8Bsat*8 favourite pì'ovince. Ru-
aeus thinks it enough, that Caesar.
favoured the Mantuans, for Virgil
to say amavit nos quoque. But if
we consider that Julius Csesar was
himself a leamed man, and a fa-
vourer of letters, we shall think it
nót absurd to suppose^ that a ge-
nius like that of Virgil was not un-
known to him. It is allowed that
the Eclogue, which is commonly
placed first, was written within three
years after Caesar was murdered.
The subject of it is, the poet*s
grateful acknowledgment of the
preservation of his farm by Au-
gustus. This could not be the first
of his Works ; since he tells us him-
self, in the ninth Eclogue, tiiat he
Baved his lands by his verses ;

Omnia carixunibus vestrum s^rvasae Me-

naicàm, , ,

Thus it is plain, that he had written
something considerable enough, to
obtaìn the favour of Augustus, with-
in three years after the murder of
Julius Caesar. Perhaps it might be
this very Eclogue, wherein he la-
ments the dead) of that great man,
and celebrates hisadmission among
the gods, that gained him this fa-
vour. Bui idiether that lucky
poem was tlie present Eclogue, or
any other composition, it seems not
very difiìcult to suppose, that a
poet, who was capablè of pre-
serving his estate by his verses,
might three years beforerecommend
himself to the notice of the dìcta-
tor by his poetry. We may there-
fore conclude, from the words be-
fore US, that our poet had been fa-
voured by Julius Caesar, notwith-
standing the sìlence of the authors
of his life, in this particular.

53, An quicquam, 3rc.] Mopsus
expresses an araent desire of hearing
these verses of Menalcas, and adds,
that he had already heard them
much commended.

54. Puer,'] Servius observes, that
this must be understood of Daphnis,
because Caesar was not a boy, but
a man advanced in years, when he
tvas murdered. Ruaeus thinks, that
the poet uses this word by choice^
because Caesar was received among
the celestial deitiea> to whom a
perpetuai j uven ile vigour is ascribed.
Perhaps Virgil might make use of
this expression, to disguise in some
-measure his intent of celebratìng the
late dictator, before it was quite
safe to declare himself openly oh

BUCÒLIC. ECL. V.

187

Jampridem Stimicon laudavit carmina nobis. 55 ìdth^^^ìSm^f^i

MENr Candidus insuetum miratur limen ^ ikr^?%e shining Daphnb

>^% . admires the entrance ot hea-

Olympi, yen.

that side. If that was the case,
this Eclogue was probably written
in , the year of Ron^e 712, before
the battle of Philìppi.

55. Stimicon,'] *' Servìus affirms,
" that under the name of Stimicon,
'^ that poet meant Msecenus. I

/' readìly agree with Servi us ; for
'* Alexander had a relation to Mae-
"cenas; he was bis slave. As
*' for Virgil, Msecenas was his
" patron» and the protector of his
•' verses.'V Catrou.

The learned Father is always
ready to catch at any little circum-
3tance^ that seems to favour his
system. Servius does not assert this;
but only says, that some take Stì-
micon to be Mae^^enas, and others
say that Stimicon was the father of
Theocritus. Besides^ these words
of Servius are of doubtful autho-
rity, being wanting in some copies.
Probably Stiniicon is only a fìctìtious
name of a. shepherd^ as well as Me-
nalcas and Mopsus.

56. Candidus insuetum, <^c.]
Mopsus having lamented the death
of Daphnis in five and twenty verses,
Menalcas now ceìebrates his apothe-
osis in an equal number.

This apotheosis of Daphnis is re -
lated in so sublime a man ne r, that
it is bardly possible to imagine^ that
the poet could intend a meaner
person than Julius Cassar, who was
deified about the ti me that Virgil
was engàged in writing bis Ec-
logues. Dio Cassius informs us,
that in the beginning of the year
712, wben Lepidus and Plancus
were consuls, the triumviri erected
a chapel to Caesar in the Forum,
in the very place where his body was
burnt. They carried about one of

his statues in the Circensìan gàmes^
together with another of Venus.
They decreed supplications to him
otì the news of any vie tory. They
ordained^ that his birthday should
be celébrated by ali men with joy
and crowns of bay ; and that those,
who neglected this should be .sub-
ject to the curses of Jupiter and
Caesar: if they were senators, or
the sons of senators, they were to
pay a large fine. It happened* that
Caesar was born on the day that was
sacred to the Ludi Apollinares :
therefore they ordered his birthday
to be celébrated thè day before that
festival ', because it was forbidden
by the Sibylline Oracles to make
that day sacred to any other god
than Apollo. They ordered also,
that none of Caesar's relations should
have his statues carried at theìr fu-
nerals, because he was reoUy a god :
his chapel also was made a sanctu-
ary, where no person, who had fled
thither from punishment, could be
seized upon ; a privilege which had
not been granted to any deity> since
the ti me of Romulus. Now, as
this was the only, dei fica ti on that
happened about the time that these
Eclogues were written 5 it seems
most probable, that it was the sub-
ject of that now under considera-
tion. Catrou hardly knows how
to reconcile the passage before us io
his system^ an(l seems a little in-
clinable to make some concessions
to his antagonists. *' Here," says
he, '' Virgil soars so high, that it
" is hard to perceive that he is
" speaking of his own brother.
" He places him in heaven, and puts
'* the starsand clouds under his feet.
** This has made people Jmaginé,^
Bb2.

188 P. VIRGILII MA^ROlilS

SSlSSSffS?^ *"^ "'*" Sub pedibusque vWét riubes et sidera Dàphniii

'* thàt Julius Csesàr is* fiere* ui-
" tended. Rome^ say they, had
" placed him àmong her gods^ aiid
" nere the poet describes bis apo-'
*' theosis. 1 must confess, that I
*' myself was so dazzled with the
" splendor of this passage^ that I
'^ should bave joinecj in the com-
" moti opinion, if my regard tor
^' tradition^ and the disagreementa
" between this opinion, that Julius
" Caesar was bere intehdéd, and
" the reàt of the Eclogue, had not
*' forced me to leàn another way.
*' It is no wonder therefore, that
" the poet should place bis brother
'* on Olympus. It is a right óf
'* poesy to make gods. It is to
'^ poetic fictions that antiquity for-
" merly owed ali its heavenry wor-
^^ship. Virgil teaches Alexander
'' not to degenerate from the no-
'' bìlity and rights of the first poets.
'' He had formerly promised Varus
'^ to exalt him to heaven, if he
" «vould save his lands ;

*• Cantante* mbUtMferent ad tidera cycnù

" He performs in favour to his
'' brother, what he had promised to
'^ a friend.** These arguments do
not seem to prove the point, in fa-
vour of whicb they are produced
by the learned critic. There are
no disagreements between the opi-
nion that Julius Caesar was in-
.tended, and the other parts of this
Eclogue: oh the contrarv, what
was obscure or doubtful In Uie song
of Mopsus, seems now to be made
plein and clear by the versesof Me-
nalcas. Mopsus gave room to sus-
pect, that Caesar was in tended;
but Menalcas puts it past ali doubt,
by celebrati ng his apotheosis; si'nce
Julius Caesar was the only person,
to whoni divine honours had at that

tìine'beéii 'à^cfceór by the Romans.
We need not enter into the contro -
versy, whether the poets' were' the
inventors of the héathen religion :
but surely wé miy affirib, that Vh*-
gil would not bave presumied to
bave exalted his oWn brothér tothe
rank of a eod ; an' honout, which
he did not pretend to béstow on any
of his patróns except Augustus him-
self, who at that ti me was nìaster
of thè Roman empire, and adopted
son and heir of their new deity Ju-
lius Caesar. To conclude, I do nói
see how the poet performed his
promise of exalting; bis patron Va-
rus to the skìes, by niaking a god
of his own brother. Besides, tìiei*e
never was any such promise madé to
Varus. He only, promises to exalt
his name to the skiés, if he will but
preserve Maiitua. The entìre pas-
sage alluded to is in the ninth
Eclogue, and runs thus ;

Vare, tuum nomen, superet xpodo Man-

tua nobis .
Mantua, vie miserse nimìum vidna Cre-

monae!
Cantantes sublime ferent ad sidera cycni.

Thy natne, O Vartu, iifthe Innier pow^r*
Preterve our pìaintf and ihield the Man»

tuun tow^n,
Obnoxiotu by Cremona** nHghb^ring crime)
The wtngg qf twanSy and itronger pinion*d

Shaìl raUe aioft, and toaring bear abome
TK immortai gift ofgraiitude to Jave.

DRTDEir.

Here is not the least hint of aiiy
deificatiòn of Varus ; but only a
promise of endeavouring to make
bis. name immortal.

InmetumUmenr\ This expresaìon

Xifies, that Daphnis is newìy
itted among the goda, whldb
agrees exactly with the condition of
Julius Caesar at that time.

Some read lumen instead ofUmen.

tìG^UC ECL. V.

i«6

possessthe woods, ;tna'atT the

Etffo alacris sylvasj et ctetéra rara voluptas, p,,.....^,. „„„„,. ....... .„.

.^ *^ . TV j 11 country, Pan, and' tHc sHep-

Panaque, pastoresque tenetrDryadesque puellas- hcnir.«ndtheDrya*tiTmph».

^ ^ * ^ . . r»r> N** ^onger doea the wolf he

Nec lupus insidias pecori, nec retia cervis 60 |7„f J°^|5i»^^^
Ufla dolum meditantur: amatbonuìs otìaDaph- ^

the stagi : tHe go<Kl Daf^mf^
is a lòver of peace.

m^.

Thi? passage ie imitated by Pope^
ili bis fourth pastoral j

But sec ! where Daphne wond'riug

mounts on high,
Above the clouds, above the starry sky !
Eternai beautìes ^aoe the shining focene, '
Fields aver fresh, and grotes for ever

green!
There while yoii rest in amaranthine

bow'rs,
Ofr frbnà thosé meads select unfading

flow'rs,
Behold US kindly who your name im-

plpre,
Daphne, our goddess, and our grief no

more!

Olt/mpi.'] Olympus is a moun-
tam of Tbessaly, on the borders of
Macedonia. It is of so great a
heigbt, tbat the poets bave feigned
thè top of it to reach to heaven.
Eience it is frequéntly used fòr hea-
ven itself, às it evidently is in this
?kce; bedause, in the next verse,
>apbnis is said to sée under bis feet
not only the clouds, but also the very
stars.

58. Jlacris.2 Some read alacres,
making it agree with siflvas.

This cheerfulness of the country
seems to be opposed to that passage
ofMopsus; Non nlli prtstosj Sfc.

Phiirps has thiis imitated the pas-
sage before Us j

For this the golden skies no longer

frown.
The planets shine indulgent on our isle.
And rural pleaSureS round about us

sniile,
Hills, dales, and woods with BÌirilling

pipes resound ^
The boys and virgins dance with gar-
. lahds crown'd,
And hail Albino blest.

59. Panuque, pastoresque, ^cJ]
Thiy is opposed to ver. 35. where
Mopsus mcntibiìB, that Pales and
Apollo deserted the fields, when
Daphnis died.

Pana.2 See the note on ver. Si.
of the éecond Eclogue.

DryadasJ] The Dryads are the
nymphs, who preside over the
woods.

6Ò. Nec hpus insidias jjecori.'] In
the 'H^teK?J<nt6s of Theocritus, tìiere
is a like prophecy of Tìresks, with
regard to Hercules : tbat when he
shall be taken up into heaven, the
trolf shall see the kid without at-
tempting to hurt it 5

'AfitCùtifUV vtof uiòt — — —

61. Amat bonus otia Daphnis.']
Catrou uses this passage for an ar-
gument to prove that Daphnis is
not Julius Caesar. " It is difficult,"
says he, " to make this love of
*' peace fall upon a warrior and a
" conquerór. This is not praising
" Cassar by a circumstance that
" distinguishes him." It. must be
acknowledged, that Julius Caesar
is most admired for bis skill and suc-
cess in war: he is known to bave
been the greatèst general of bis own,
and perhaps of any other agc. But
this was not the only excellence for
which that great man was admired
by bis contemporaries j fbr he was
known to shine no less in peace than
war. Hi's own writings are a stand-

190

P. VIBGILII MARONIS

SìwPu^ttStSìSShS: Ipsi IsBtitìa voces ad sidera jactant

renwithjoy:

Dg monument of bis capacìty as a
listorìan. Cicero, in his book de
Claris Oratvribus, mentions him as
me òf the hest orators, and com-
nends his cominentaries as a pat-
em of good writing: " Caesar
' autem rationem adbibens, con-
' suetudinem vitiosam et corrup-
^ tam, pura et incorrupta consue-
' tudine emendat. Itaque cum ad
' hahc elegantiam verborum Ld-
^ tinorum, qua? etiam si orator
^ non sìs^ et sis ìngenuus civis Ro-
' manus> tamen necessaria est^ ad-
' jungit illa oratoria ornamenta dir
' cendi: tum videtur tanquam ta^
' bulas bene pietas collocare in
' bono lumine. Hanc cum ha^
' beat praec^puam laudem in com-
' munibus^ non video cui debeat
^ cedere splendidam quandam mi-
' nimeque veteratoriam rationem
^ dicendi teoet, voce, motu, for-
< ma etiam magnifica, et genero-

* sa quodammòdo. Tum Brutus.
' Orationes quidem ejus inihi ve-
^ hementer probantur, complures
^ autem legi. Atque etiam com-
^ mentarios quosdam scripsit rerum
' suarum ; valde quidam, inquam,
^ probandos. Nudi enim sunt,
' recti, et venusti, omni ornatu

* orationis, tanquam veste de-
^ tracta. Sed dum voluit alios
' habere parata, unde sumerent,
^ qui vellent scribere historiam, in-
^ eptis gratum fortasse fecit, qui
' volunt illa calamistris inurere ;
' sanos quidem bomines a scriben-
^ do deterruit. Nihil enim est in
' historia, pura et illustri brevitate
' dulcius.*' The same. great ora-
Dr, in his defence of Q. Ligarlus,
hough he himself had joined with
*ompey, acknowledges however,
hat Csesar fought in his own de,-
ence^ that his army contended only
or their own rights and their ge-

neral's dignity; that, when he had
gai ned a complete victory^heshewed
such clemency,' that none of his
enemies were put to death, bui
those who fell in battle ; and that
he had a memory for every thing
but injurìes: ".Quando hoc quis-
'' quam ex te Caesar audivit, aut tua
" quid òliud arma voluerint, nìsi a
** te contumeliam propulsare ! Quid
'' egit tuus iile invictus exercitus,
'^ nisi ut suum jus tueretur, et dig-
" nitatem tuam? ..... Cognita
'* vero clementia tua, quis non eam
" victoriam probet, in qua occiderit

*^ nemo, nisi armatus ?

" Sed parum est me hoc memi-
" nissi : spero etiain te, qui oblivìsci
*' nihil soles, nisi injurìas, &c."
And, in one of his letters to Cae-
cina, he extols his gravity, justice,
and wisdom ^ ** In quo admirari
*^ solco gravitatem, et justitìam, et
'' sapientiam Caesaris." It would
he endless to quote autborities to
the same purpose. These few,
which have been taken from the
writings of one, who was of a con-
trary party, are sufficient to shew,
that Caesar excelled in peace as well
as w^r. We are to consider, that
he is spoken of in this Eclogue, un»
der the feigned character of a shep-
herd. It would have been absurd
to have commended him as a great
warrior : and therefore the poet '
mentions only the milder part of his
character. Surei y we ought not tó
wonder, that Virgil should choose to
celebrate this eloquent orator, this
judicìous historian, this merciful
conqueror, this forgetter of injurìes,
this grave, just, and wise man, as a
lover of peace y ^ Amai bonui òtta
Daphnis.

62, LcBtiiia.'] Heinsius, accord-
ing to Burman, found hetitia in
one manuscript.

BUCOLIC. ECL.V.
Intonsi montes; ipsse jam cannina rapes,

t9l

the very roeb «etom tbc

63. Intonsi montes,'] Servius in-
terprets this sylvosi, inaedui; and
La Cerda incaduiy sylvosi, non re-
secti, Ruseus renders it incuUi, It
ìscertain thatthe literal meaningof
tondeo is to shave a beard or to shear
a sheep, or goat. Thus in the first
Eclogue we bave,

— ^— TVwiien^i barba cadebat. |

Aod in the ninth ^neid»

Ora puer prima sìgnans intorua juventa

in the first sense : and many pas-
sages in the latter; as in the third
Georgick 3

Nec minu8 interea barbas ìncanaque

menta
Cinyphìi tondent birci, setasque coman-

tes:

And,

-^Vel cum tornii illotus adhsBsit
Sudor *

And,

Aut tonsum tristi cootingunC corpus
amurca:

' Andi

Nec tondere quidem morbo illuvieque

peresa
Veliera, nec telas possunt attingere pu-

tres:

And in the fourth Georgick, and
first JBneid;

-^-^^TonsUqtte fenint mantilia viliis ;

And in the twelfth ^Eneid;

— Puraque in veste sacerdos
Setigerae foetum suis, intotiMmque bi-

dentem
Attulit, admovitque pecus flagrantibus

arìs.

It is used also for shearing^clipping,
or cutting tlìe young shoois or
branches of berbs and trees. Thue
in the fourth Georgick we read^

Ille comam mollis jam tum tond^af
acanthi :

And in the second Georgick,
Tondentur,cytMsì,

Garlands are said, in this sense to be
tonsa; as in the third Georgick;
Ipse caput toruas foliis omatus olivse ;

And in the fifth ^neid;

Ipse caput tatum foliis evinctus oliva:
And^

Tatua coma pressa corona.

A tree^ which has not heen topped,
is said to be intonsa, as in the ninth
u^eid ;

Consurgunt gemine quercuF, iniotuaquc

cselo
Attollunt capita.

Hence oars seem to have been called
tonscB, because they are cut from
trees -, as in the seventh Mueìà ;

In lento luctantur marmore tonue;

And in the tenth.

Sodi consurgere tonsis^
Spumantesque rates arvis inferre Lati*
nis.

Not .80 much as one of these pas-
sages confirms the interpretation
which Servius and La Cerda give of
intonsi fnontes. A plant divested of
itfi^ branches or leaves may be said
indeed to be tansa or shom ; but we
do not find any one instance pitonsa
being applied to the earth, when
the trees which grew upon it are
felled. We ought therefore to un-
derstand intonsi montes to mean those
barren hills, on which no flocks are
fedj no grass is mown, and no corn
is reaped. Thus in the first Geor-
gick toìtdeo is used to express the
feeding of cattle;

Ter centum nivei tondent dmneta juvenci:

198

P. VIRCam MABONIS

»fto*ìyS!KllriI^3rfe ^P'** sowiit iirbiifte: I^ua» 4eii& iUe,JMenalca.

And in the diird £neid ;

Efuot in gramine vidi

Tondeniei campum late.

In the first Georgick it signìfiesiiie
.skowiiig of a meadow 3

Nocte; leves gtìpuUe melius» noote arìda

prata
Tondentur.

In the same Georgick^ SerVius him-
seìf ìnterprets ìonsas novales, agros
messos, or corn fields ihat liave been
reaped ;

Alternis idem UnucLt cessare fiovaks
Et segnem patiere sita durescere cam-
pum.

In the fourth Georgick, the poet,
speaking of the Amellus, sajB,

Tontit in vaUibtis illum
Pastores, et curva Icgunt prope flumina
MeUs.

Here Serviiis interprets tonsU, non
sylvosis; and . compares it with the
intonsi montes now under consider-
atìon. This indeed is the only pas-
sage, that can strengthen the inter-
pretation of Servius But, as tonsis
in vallibus raay very easily be under-
stood to mean in vaUeys tvhere caitle
kave grazed ; this single passage, of
doìibtfìjl interpretation, is riot suf-
fici ent to contirm the opinion of
Servius aAd La Cerda with regard to
intonsi monies, Nay, La Cerda him-
self renders <oiim in vallibus, valleys
that have been morvn, See tìie notes
xìTì ver.- li. of the first, and ver.
'277. of the fourth Georgick.

6J!. Deus, deus ille, Menalca.']
'Menalcas in a kind of rapture
hears the mountains, rocks, and
-woods re-echo to him, that Daph-
nis 18 reàlly a god. It has been ob-
servèd already, that Virgil had prò-
bably read the pròphecies of Isaiah.
The linea now beforeius have a ^eat

fesemblaace to .the twenty-^tbird
verse of>the forty-fourtb chapter
of that aublime prophet; '^ Break
'^ forth into singing, ye moun-
'^ taims, O Ibrest, and every tiee
^'therein; for the Lord hath re-
^'deemed Jacob." Pope has imi-
tated the passage under consìdera-
tion, in bis Messiah ;

A Godf a God ! the vocal hills replj,
• The rocks proclaim th' approacfaing
Deity.

Catrou himself thinks this espres-
sion of the poet so strong, that it is
hard to get the better of our pre-
judices against applying this verse to
VirgiVs brother. '* But,'* says he,
'* why may npt the Latin poet be
" allowed to maké a god of bis
" brother, under the name of
" Daphnis ì The Greek poeta have
" been suffered to place Daphnis
** among the gods. We must not
'' he surprised at these apdheoses of
'* shepherds. We find examples of
** tbem in all<>the poets, who have
"writtenBuadicverses." Theleam-
ed critic would bave done well^ if he
had obliged us with a few examples,
out of those numerous apotkeoses of
theBucolicpoets. ^or my Qwn part,
I do not at present recoUect any of
them. As for the Sicìlian Daphnis,
Theocritus represents him djring fbr
love, as a mere mortai : and in the
whole fabulous story of him, as ìt
is related by Dìodorus Siculus, there
is not the least hint of bis having
e ver been esteemed as a deity i. that
circumstance being only mentioned
by Servius; on what audiority I
know not. It can hardly be ima-
gined iherefore, that these words
could be applied to any other than
Julius Csesar, who was the only
mortai at that tirae advanced to a
i^at among the gods.

BUCOLIC. ECL. V.

198

Sis bonus, Ofdwquetuisl enqu8tuor.«ra8: 65 ^^/^^^&
Ecce da9s tìbi, Daphni, duoque aitarla Pboebo. &"iLphiS.'.'i^SJSita^^

Phoebus.

65. Sìs bonus, felìxqne tuis,'\
He invokes the new god to be pro-
pìtious to bis worshippers. Thus
Theocritus, in the ^v^ctxòwriM ;

"iXùtét wv, (piX* "AÌmi, xeù Is viaiT* «v^v^ff-

Thus also our poet, in the first
^Eneid ;

Sis felixj nostrumque leves quaecunque
laborem ; •

And in the twelfth ;

— Vos O mihi M anes
£ste boni.

En quatuor aras, ^cS] " I have
'* made^ says he, four altars^ aras:
^' two for you, O Daphnis, And
** two altars aras for Apollo, which
'' aie aitarla. For we know, that
'' ans were consetrated both to
*' supemal and infemal deities ) but
" that aitarla belonged only to the
*' supemal deities, being so called
^' ab aliitudine, These he ascribes
" to Apollo as to a god ; but to
*' Daphnis he raises omy aras : be-
*^ cause, though he calls him a god, .
^' yet it is manifest that he was a
*^ mortai/* Seevius.

La Cerda is of opinion, that the
poet speaks bere witliout any distinc-
tion of ara and altare^ becaùse at
first he comprehends ali the four un-
der aras. But Servius was aware of
this: he allows that they are ali
called ans. He looks upon ara as
a narae for altars in general; but
he takes altare to be a peeuliar sort
of ara, consecrated only to the ce-
lestial gods. There does indeed
seem tP have been some distinction
made by the ancientis between ara
and altare; but at the same time it
is certain, that Virgil does not
make any such distinction ; for, in

the second ^neid, he calls the
very .same individuai aitar both ara

and altare ;

^dibus in mediis, nudoque sub atheris

axe
Ijigens ara fuit, juxtaque veterrima

iaiirus
Incumbens arcr^ atquc umbra complexa

Penates.
Hic Hecubfl, et natae noquicqù&m alia-

fife circum,
Praecipites atra ceu tempestate coluixibae.
Condensai, et divum ami)lexae simulàcra

tenebant

And a little afterwards,^ Sjieaking of
the . very same aitar ;

aitarla ad ìpsa trementexn

Traxit.

In the fourth ^neid, an aitar con-
secrated to the infemal deities is
called both ara and altare;

Stant arat circum, et crines effusa sa-

cerdos
Tercentum tonat ore deos, Erebumque,

Chaosque
Tergeminamque Hecaten, trìa virginia

ora Dlanae

Ipsa mola, manibusque piis altaria juxta.

In the first Eclogue, he calls the
altars, on which ne ofiers saqrifice
to Augustus Cassar, in bis life-time
altaria;

Hic illum vidi juvenem, Meliboee, quot-

annis
Bis senos cui nostra di«s attoria fd-

mant»

If the altars erected to Augustus,
who, from bis adoption by Julius
Ciesar, was named Divi filius^ w^fic
called altaria; much more might
those be so called, which were
raised in honour of the father, who
was supposèd to be already in
heaven.

66. Duoque altaria Phcehor\ Thia
equalworshipof Daphnis and Apollo
ce

id^

P. VIBGILII MARONIS

To thee wlll

^lilrrothtoJ'SiàSS Pocula bina novo spumantia lacte qaotannfe,
^'mhmi^th^fSn^ Craterasque daos statuam tibi pingois olivi :

chieay wlth plenty of wine, ^^ , . • • i -i • • r> U

tX multo imprimis buarans convivia Baccho,

seems to allude to Csesar's being
bom on the day of the ludi Apolli-'
nares; whence, as has already been
observed from Dio^ it was decreed,
that Caesar's festival shòuld be ob-
served on the day before that which
was sacred to Apollo.

67. 'Pocula bina novo spumantia
lacte.'] Theocrìtus speaks of milk
and oil bein^ offered to the nymphs^
in bis fifth Idyllium.

'SrmfS ìi M^a^a^ fiiymv XiMMTf yJbm»"
rèi

\Xàm.

One bowl of milk I to the nymphs will
crowiiy . '

And one of oil, if that will draw thee
OD. Cbeech.

Also of milk and honey being
offered to Pan ;

'Srm^S %* htrit fàf ym»>MS rìf limi ymXm'

Eight bowls of milk to Pan l'il freely

crown^
Of honey eight, if that will draw thee

on. Cbeech.

Our poet also speaks of milk^
honey, and wine being oSèred to
Ceres at the Ambarvalia, in the
first Georgick ;

Cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis ado-

ret:
Cui tu ìactefavos, et miti dilue Baccìw»

Ovid; in the fourth hook of bis
FaHi, ipentions the ofiering of warm
milk to Paìesj

Sylvicolam te^i4) Uuie precare Palen.

And,

Tum licct, appoàta valuti cratere ca-
' jneUa,

,Lac niveum potcs, purpurean^que sa-
pam:

As does Tibullas also, in bis first
Elegy;

His ego pastoremqne meum luatiare
quota nnis.
Et placidam soleo spargere lacte Palen.

In the third JBneid warm milk ia
ofiered, in the funeral obsequies for
Polydorus ;

Inferimus tepido spumantia cymbia latte.

In the fifth .^Ineid, a libatioo is
made of two cups of wine, two of
new milk, and two of sacred blood,
to the manes of Anchises ;

Hic duo rite mero libans carchesia Bac-*
cho

Fundit hnmi, duo ìacU nooOf duo san-
guine sacro.

Now lacie.2 See the note on ver.
22. of the second Edogue.

68. Crateras.'] " Craler, a Greek
'^ word, K0tmi^, from xi^Jifuvf/u mi-
'' tceo, and that from xi^ttf a horn :
" because the. ancients roade use
** of homs, or cups in the shape of
'* homs, and mixed wine and water
" in them." Rujeus.

Duos.J Heinsìus reads duo, as
it is found in some of the ahcient
manuscripts.

69. Et multo imprimis, éjfc'Ji This
is plainly an imìtation of a passage
in the seventh Idyllium of Tbeo-
critus ;

Kyv^^ T% 4#^4(A^ ri, rèXvyfaf^.wrté n

BUCOLIC, ECL. V.

195

Ante focum, sì ffigus eritj si messis, in umbra, 70 gf^toS? W *^ttf ta
Vina novum fundam calathis Ariusia nectar. ^'ìivl^^^.'T^

KmÌ wUfuu fut^MxStf féifèvafàtt 'Aytivm»-

JTétt

AiTmtftf «tfXixM'^i ìuù 1$ rgyy» ;^tiX«f Ì^ii-

A&XntnSvn Hftttìóé irétféinr tJt fàf, *A;^c(-

EJt 3). AMMéHr/rmi^ i ìì Tlr^H ìyyvén

rif wtut ras InUts n^tU^mr§ Li^nt i
fiéirag.

^Then shall my head be crown'd

With dill, or wall-flow'rs, or with

roses bound,
Whilst in full bowU the cheerful wine

goes round
Before the hearth : there one shall parch

my beans :
- WhiJst on a couch of flow*rs my elbow

leans :
Sunk in a bed of fragrant herbs TU

roll.
And suck the very dregs of the capacious

bowl:
Achames and Lycopites shall play.
And Tityms shall sing the tender lay,
How Daphnis» by a stranger's beauty

fir'd,
Like the fair snow in summer heat ex-

Pir'd.

Thasalso Philips;

Myself wiU lavish ali my little store,
* And deal about the goblet, flowing o*er.
Old Moulin there shall harp» young

Mico sing.
And Cuddy dance the round amidst the

ring,
And Hobbinol his antick gambols play.
To thee these honours yearly will we

pay.

When we our shearìng feast and harvest

keep,
To speed the plougb, and bless our

thiiving sheep.

10. Ante focum, ^c^ Itisplain,
that Virgil alludes to two different
sacrìfices; one in winter and the
other in summer. Hence many
have thought^ that he means the
Compilalitia, which were sacrìfices
offered to the manes^ in two dif-
ferent seasons of the year. It
appears however, frora ver. 75, that

the poet meànt a sacrifice to the
nymphs in winter, and the Ambar'
valla, a solemn sacrifice to Ceres in
summer. He promises to comme-
morate Daphnis twioe in every
year, that ìs, at each of the solem-
nities.

71. Calathis.'] Calathus is most
commonly used for a basket* See
the note on ver. 46* of the second
Eclo^ue; In this pkce it certainly
signifies a drìnking vessel. The ca-
laikus seems to have been narrower
at the bottom, and broader at the
top. Martial uses calathus for a |
drìnking cup, in the sixtieth epi» ;
gram of the ninth hook ;

Expendit veteres calathosx et si qua fu- )
erunt j

Pocula Mentorea nobilitata manu.

It is used in the same sense in the
hundred and seventh epigram of
the fourteenth book, entiUed Ca^
lathi;

No8 Satyriy nos Baochus amat, nos ebria
tigris,
Perfuaos domini lambere docta pedes.

Ariusia.2 So Pierius found it in
the most ancient itaanuscripts. This
word is variously wrìtten, Arvisia,
Afusia, Areusìa, Arelhusia, 8iC, But
the prìnted copies generally have
either Ariusia or Arvisia. ' It l's Ar-
visia in the old London edition by
Pynson, in the Milan edition, 1481,
fol. Venice, 1561, fol. Paris, 1600,
fol. 1540 and 1541, 4to. anU in the
Antwerp edit. 1543, 8vo. Robert
i^tevens, Guellius, La Cerda, and
Huseus, have Arvisia al so; and yet
Guellius, in bis note on this word
quotes a passage from Plutarch, in
which he reads «7y«y àfiùvo-nf. Aldus,
Pulman, both Daniel and Nicholas
Heinsius,Masvicius,Cuningan],and
cc2

196

P. VIRGILIl MARONIS

SS*i?g\"o m^e^'^AiS Cantabant mihi Damcetas et Lyctius'^gon;
bcfcm shall imitate the Uanc- galtantes satyros imitebitur Alphesiboeus. 73

rBurman^ read Ariusia. This Ariu-

^sian wine was brought fwnn the

i sland Chios, now Scio, and was

esteemed the best of ali the Greek

wines; eW i 'A^mpoi/a x^^tt, r^«-

Xfict xaì ùxifatùi oretètén <»V«y r^uut^

I W«»9, ' diMV et^ia-Tóf ^óv9U rSif 'EX^n-

\ uKSf. Pliny al so speaks of thts

^wine^ as being in liigh esteemj

*' In fiumma gloria post Homerica

'^ illa^ de qoibu8 supra dìximus,

'* fìiere Tha&tnni^ Cbiunique : ex

" Chio qaod Ariusium vocant."

n/'ibius Sequester says this wine

jcomes from Arvis, a mountain of

IScio; '* Arvis in insula Chio^ unde

'*" vinum Arvisium" 1 believe Vi-

bius is mistaken in calllng it a moun*

tain ; for Strabo seems to speak of

it as a region or provìnce. He says

indeed» that the Ariusian region is

craggyand rough, and void of ports;

but then the whole island is known

to be mountaìnous and rugged. He

would hardiy bave called it a craggy

and rough country, ìf it had been

one single mountain, as Vibius re-

presents it. Besides, according to

Strabo, the Ariusian coast makes a

third part of the circumference of

the whole island ; being three hun-

dred stadia, whereas the whole is

nine hundred. *^H il Xìo^ rh fch

vì^Ì'ìfXòw ia-rì orctìiatf lìfcutùO'Uì vet^à

ynf ^t^ùfiim *A^touo-$eù %(l»^ . . .

rrttèiàt^ orov t^mkùtÌmv» The island
is to this day faraous for wine, of
which great quantities are exported
to the. neighbourin^ islands : and
the vjheyards even now most in
esteem, are those of Mesta, the
òhief town of the ancient Ariusia.
They dry their grapes in the sun for
seven or eight days before they press
them. There are medals of Scio,
with buiiches of grapes impressed
on them.

Neciar.'] This word Is comraonly

used for the drink of the gods,
and for any thipg that is remark-
ably sweet and pleasant. The Ari-
usian wine was particularly sa
called : and we are infon^ed by the
famous Toumefort, that the pre-
sent inbabitants of Scio gh^ the
name of nectar to a particular sort
of wine, which is made in thè an-
cient Ariusia.

72. Cantabunt mihì, &c.] Stng-
ing and dancing were parte of re-
ligious worsliip among the ancieAts.
( Lyctius.'] Lyctus was a city of
'Crete, whence Idomeneus is also

[»lled Lyctius, in the third ^neid ;

Et Salentinos obsedit milite campos
Lyctius Idomeneus.

73. Saìianies satyros hnitab'UurJ]
The satyrs were a sort of demi*
gods, that attended upon Bacchus.
They are represented as having
homs on their heads, crooked haiids^
shaggy' bodies, long tails, and the
legs arìd feet of goats. . They were
imagined to dance in ali sorts of uii-
couUi andlascivious postures ; which
were imitated in the satìrical dances,
which made a part of the hea-
then worship. It seems probable,
that some large sort of monkey or
baboon, that had been seen in the
woods, gave the first oceasion to
feign the existence of these half-deir
ticH. Pliny most evidently means
some sort of monkey, under the
name of satyr. In lib. vii: cap. 2.
he says satjFrs are found in some
mountains of India, that they are
very liimble, run sometimes on ali
four, sometimes erect like uien^and
are so swift, thàt it is dilBcult to
take them, except they are eìther
old or sick ; " Sunt et sati/ri sub-
*' solanis Indorum montibus, Car-
'^ tadulorum dicitur regio, piemicis-
'^ simum animai : tum quadrupedes.

BUCOLIC. ECL. V.

197

Hsec tibi semper eront, et oum soll«inia vota "^t^^^^^^^
Rbddemus Nymphis, et cum lustrabimus agros. S?mKSd';tewe*S.St

a lustratìon of the fields.

*< tum recte currentes humana effi-
" gìe, propter velocitatem nfsi senes
** aut segri, non capiuntur." In lib.
viii. cap. 54. he plainly ranges them
amongst the species of monkeys and
apès^ and says they are more mild
and tractable than other sorts ; " Si-
*^ miarum quoque genera hominis
*« figurse proxima, caudis inter se

*' distinguuntur EfFeratior

*' Cynocephalis natura, sicut mi-
" tissima satyris et sphingibus/*
In lib. xi. cap. 7^. he speaks of
their having bags in their jaws, in
which they lay up their food, and
take it out again with their hands
to eat, nvhich ia khown to be trae
of monkiesf <^ Condit in thesauros
''^ m^illarum cibum sphingiorum
'' et saty forum genus : mox inde
^^ sèneim ad mandendum manibus
** ex^omit." Strabo^ speaking of
the country, between tìie rivers Hy-
daspes and Acesìnes, which was
under the dominion of Porus, whom
Alexander the Grea^t overcame, r«-
■lates a remarkable story conceming
the monkdes of those parts. The^e
animals, being naturally fond of imi-
tation, had leamed^ it seems, to
mimic the discipline of the armies
in their neighbourhood. A great
multitude of them stood upon an
open bill in order of batde: and
the Macedonians^ taking them for
an army of enemies^ di:ew up in
order to attack them ; but being in-
formed by Taxilus, who happened
to be with. Alexander, what sort of
an eneray it was that they were
going to engagé with, they desisted
from their eìiterprise, and returned
into thè camp; 'E» ìì tJ x%x,^o^

h rd^u xccrà ftiruTTòf zFóXXovg, xuì yu^

rcf Tolf iXi^tivrtfVf air^ecràfn^v À«<6MV

voXtfUiovi' fMiBùfTcti ìì zra^à Te^{Xùv,
cvvifTCi Ton rS fioM-tXÙ, rhv «AjjSvMf^
v9twrmv»trB9U. Severa! authors of cre-
dit make mention of satyrs having
beenseenin varioùsplacesj bùt we •
may venture to affirm, that these
satyrs^ if really seen, were only
great monkies.

Qancing was much usèd in reli^
gious solemnities^ not only by the
idolatrous nations, but by the Jews
also. We read ih Exodus^ that
afW the passage of the Israèliteti
through the Red Sea, " Miriam die
*' prophetess, the sister of Aaron^
'^ took a timbrel in her hand> and
'' ali the women wetit out after
'' her, with timbk'els and with
^' dances. And Miriam answered
" them, Sing ye to the Lord, for
" he hath triumphed gloriously;
^' the ^ borse and bis rider hath he
" thrown into the sea." In the
second hook of Samuel w« find,
that David " danced hefore the
*^ Lord" The royal Psalmist calls
upon the people to praise the Lord
in the dan^e, and to prmse him.foitk
the timbrel and dance, These 30-
lemn dances were perverted by the
heathen, and made use of to excite
impure thoughts; for which reason
they were justìy hiìd »nside by the
Ch ristia ns.

7 4f. HiEc Uhi semper erunt.'} These
sacrifices to Daphnis were not to
be temporary, but perpetuai. We
fin d bere plainly expressed, what two
sacritìces they were, in which Daph-
•nis was to be annually commemo^
rated; in that to the Nymphs^ and
in the Ambarvalia,

75. Nymphis.'] It does not ap-

198

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

2e%£.*SiS?i!tt!BfiS Dum juga montb aper, fluvies dum piseb ama-

duJl love the ttieams, u:^ ng

pear, that the Roinans offered any
sacrifices to the nymphs in their
houses. The two sacrifices here
spoken of were one in the fìeUIs,
and the other before the hearth.
The Ambawalia were celebrateci
in the open fìelds^ and therefore
that to the nymphs must bave been
within doorsj antefocum. This has
occasioned much trouble to the
commentators ; but the best solu-
tion of the difficulty seems to be
found by a quotation from Athe-
naeus, whìch Guellius has given us.
That author tells us, that, according
to Timseus^ one Damocles was a
flatterer of the younger Dionysius.
It being the custom in Sicily to
sacrifìce to the nymphs within
doors, and to dance round them,
this Damocles slighted the nymphs,
and danced before Dioiiysius, saying
it was not fit to dance before inani-
mated deities ; Ti^d; y h r? ^im^u,
xtcì fixMTJi r«y ioro^iSf AnfMzXuù ^mcì
vìf Atóiva-Zov Tòv yf4VTf(0v rh xóXutuù,
ìèéfn òvr^ iucTÙ XtxtXtkf évTms vùturétu
tcttrà ras éxiati T»Tf Nvft^cuf, xeù «-f^/
T<i ùydXfiutrx irufvxji^Uf fAtévaxòftiPùUg
^^XMa4éu TI «tgi T^f Hai, i AnfCéKXtif
Utrxs ràq 'Avft^oiy xtù ù^tif ùv ìut ^f^m-^

Atcvvo-Mf, It ìs plain from this
passage, that it was a custom in Si-
cily to worship the nymphs within
doors, and to dance round their
images, Therefore, as Daphnis is
supposed to be a Sicilian shepherd,
we must understand the poet to al-
lude to this Sicilian sacrifìce.
i Cum lusttaUmus agros."] This
plainly alludes to the Ambarvalia, a
sacrifìce to Ceres, which he describes
in the first Georgick, ver, SSS, Jn
this solemnity, he tells us himself.

that they sung and danced satirical
dances. *

Det motas in oompositos et carmiiia diot

76. Dum juga moniis aper, S^t]
There is a similar passage in the
first iEneid, where JÈneas professes
bis gratitude to Dido in almost tbe
same words ;

In freta, dum fluvìi current, dum mon*

tibus umfarae
Lustrabunt convexa, polu9 dum àden

pascet,
S8mper honos, nomenque tuum» kudes-

que manebunt.

It ìs easy to observe, with what
propriety thepoetexpreSses the same
sentiment under different charac-
ters. iBnea:?, being a great per-
ponage, declares his gratitude shafl
last as long as the rivers run info
the sea, the shadaws clrcle rovnà
the tops of the mountains, and the
sky supplies food to the stars. These
expressìons suit very well with a
person in high life, who may be
supposed to understand philosophy.
But the simple shepherd hardly
knows what course the rivers take;
and therefore keeps within the spfaere
of his own knowledge, and talks of
the fishes loving the rivers, the wHà
boars the mountains, the bees the
thyme, and the dcada the dew.
These es^pressions are ali within the
compass of a shepherd's knowltìdge:
this is truly pastoral simplicity.

Aristotle says the wild boars \\^^
in bushy, cra^gy, n^rrow, shady
places ; a/ ^f Sii ett ay^tett rtv Yfi'
^fùf À^x^fcifov i^tiffrt, rix/rtvvi ìi f^^

r»vf rivóv?, xmÌ i^ùx^iftf^vf fiid)itrFii,

in the. twélfth Iliad, represents tbe

BUCOLIC. ECL. V.

199

>unique thymo pascentur apes, dura rore ci-

cadfié,
Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque ma»

nebunt.
Ut Bacòho Cererique, tibi sic vota quotannìs
AgricolsB tacient: damnabis tu quoque votis. 80

•0 long as the beea shaf I fieed
on the thyme, io Ione as the
cicadae shall feed on tne dew,
thy honour, and thy name,
and praisea shall enuufe Ibr
ever. To thee «hall the hus-
bandmen oflfer annual Vows,
astoBacchiuandCeres: thou
also shalt judge them by tlidr
vows.

mountains as habiiations fur wild
boai^9 ;

'Ay^m^Mfé fvi^^tf Uizirty rat r h l^&n
*Ai^^m9 niì xvfSn ìix»rm »«X«m^*v iifr»,

Philips has imitateci this passage ;

While mallow kids, and endive lambs

pursue ;
While bees love thyme, and locusta sip

the dew ;
While birds delight in woods their notes

to strain,
Thy name and sweet memori&l shall re-

main.

77. Dutnque thymo pascenlur apes.]
Thyme has always been esteemed
as the best food for bees. See the
note on ver. 1 12. of the fourth
Georgick.

Rore cìcckLb.'] Aristotle says,
that the cicada has no mouth, but
thrusts out a trunk like a tongue^
whereby it sucks in the dew ; *0 ^
•ìtTT^ fcòfóf rSf Tótùvrtfv, xkì rSf tixxtff

fftr^óTéóKÌrr^«if ri yXttrrùuììf, futx^of

^V^ T^sip<r«i ftÀittì. Thus also The-
ocrìtus^ in the fourth Idyllium ;

^-*"M« flr^JMf Ar/^iroiy m^in^ S rsm|;

Doesshe, like insects,/£»2 upon- the dew$

Creecu.

79* Baccho Cererique.l Bacchus
and Ceres were frequently worship-
ped together. See the note on ver.
7, and 344. of the first Georgick.
Perhaps the poet might not allude»
in ibis place, to the joint worship of
Bacckusand Ceres; but mean, that
as Bacdius was worshipped on ac-

count of the vintage^ and Ceres on
account of the harvest, which are
the two prìncipal cares of a hus-
bandman; so Daphnis, or Julius'
Cssar^ diould be no less invoked m
the country, than those two great
deitìes. In like manner, at the be-
ginning of the Geor^cks, he prays
Augusto 8, a new deity, to preside
over husbandry ;

Ignarosque viac mecum mUeraitu agrèi'

iet
Ingredere et votis jam nunc assuesoe

vocarL

80. Damnabis tu quoque votis.']
Servius understands tnese words to
mean, that when Daphnis, as à
god, shall begin to bestow blessings
upon men, he will oblige them to
perform the vows, by which they
nave obtained those blessings. La
Cerdathinks we shouldread votiìn-
stead of votis, which he takes tò be
better Latin. In confìrmation of
this opinion, he quotes three pa^i-
sages from Livy, one in the fifUi
hook, '' Furere civitatem, qu»
'^ damnata voti;" another in the
tenth, " Bis ej.osdem voti damfiata
" republica in religionem venit ;'*
the third in the twenty-seventh 5
*' Damnarenturque vo forum, quae
" prò ipsis suscepissent.** Buthow-
ever, he thinks the common reading
may be defended by a passage in
the fourth hook of Sisenna ; *' Quo
^' voto damnati, foetum omnem
'' dicuntur ejus anni statim consé-
" crasse.** Heipsius, according to
-Burman, says he was once of opi-
nion, that it-ought to be voti; but

200

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

M0p. Wliat «m I giT« yoa,
vrhat presenta^ in retura for
suchaaongf

Mop. Quas tibi, qu» tali reddam prò cariniiie
dona ?

he concludes^ that npthìng ought to
be altered, in contradictioii to ali
the anclent manuscripts -, especially
as we find voto damnati in Siseniìa^
and *' Omnium mortalium opera
*' morialitaie damnata sunt" in Se-
neca. Ruaeus gives a gòod expli-
catìonofthe senseofthis passage:
! '' He who makes a vow, desires
' " something from God, and pro-
*^ mises something to him at the
*' same time. If God grants bis
'^ request^ then he, who makes the
** vow, Ì8 in a marrner judged, and
'^ pbliged to perform • his promise.
" Thus God is said damnare votis
" or voti, when he grants the re-
*^ quest, and so obliges the person
** to perform what he had pro-
^^mised." He also quotes à pas-
sage from the third Decade of Livy,
which is full to this purpose;
" Deos, Deasque precabantur, ut
^' illìs faustum iter felixque pugna
. " esset : et damnarentur ipsi voto-
" rum, quflB prò iis suscepissent."
jHe refers also to ver. 237. of the
.fifth iEneid> where voli reus is used
'in the same sense. Erythraeus justly
oensures Nonius and Agretius, for
interpreting damnabis, lil}erains;
ma affirms, that, on the contrary,
it signifies obligabis. He observes,
that this expr^sion plainly declares
Daphnis to be really a god ; for he
will not only bave vows made to
him by the husbandmen, but he
will shew himself to be a god, by

franting their petitions, and thereby
oiding them to the performance
of their vows. De MaroUes trans-
lates it, Thou shalt oblige them by
benefits to serve thee; " Et par les
^ ." biens faits tu les obligeras à te
*' servir." Catrou translates it,
. You shaU have-a tight to exact the dc-
cfrniplùhmetìt of their votvsj " Vous

^^ serez en droit d*en exiger lac-
*' complìssement." This leamed
critic finds something even bere
to confi rm his system. Hesays, that
tu quoque signifies even you ; and that
these words express a surprise, that
even a shepherd should receive the
vows of mortals. But surely thià is
straining very hard for a coofirma-
tion. For does not tu quoque, in
this place, signify the very same
with Te quoque magna Pales at the
beginning of the tìiird Georgick"?
Could any one in his senses ìmnmne,
that the poet meaiis, in that place,
any surprise that Pales should be
celebrated, when he calls ber magna
at the same time. The leamed
Father himself has no such ima-
gination, when he translates that
Georgick. W. L. translates it>

Yea thou their vowe!s shaH binde them to
drfray.

Lord Lauderdale does not seem to
bave taken the rìght sense of the
words in question ;

So may'st thou awe us with thy power

divine,
And make ohlations on thy altars shine.

Dryden translate» it literally ;

Such' annual honours shall be giv'n, and

thou
Shalt hear, and sheii condemn thy sup-

pliants to their vow.

The last line, I beliève, woidd be
better thus,

Slialt Tiear, and bind thy suppliantt to
their vow.

Dr. Trapp translates it,

Thou too shalt be invok'd, and hear oùr
pray'rs.

<* Damnalìis" sayshe> "for obUgahis.

." You shall oblige your votaxies by

^^ their vows/i.(p. to the pexform-

BUCOUCEGUy.

^n

Nam neque me tantum, venieodB>sibilu8 Austri,
Ne« pereussa juvant flncta tmnJBlj^ nec qoae
Saxosas inter decurrunt flumina vaBes.

Men« Hac te nos fragili dònroimus ante

cicuta. 85

HaBC nos : Formosum Corydon ardebat Alexim :

kamOthtt m «he vldipcft
of the iMQg teftth, nor tlie
flSQtlie 黣Sag of mevv^Ves,
deUght M mufih, nor rifcn
nmoiag taBOODgthmtotkyra.'
leys.. .1

Afe». Bat fint I wiU make
you a preteat of thb ned.
Thit tauj^ht me to «iny
**Foraioiutn Corydoa aide-
bat Alexim:"

'' ajft;e of their vows, t. e, you shall
" bear their prayers."

81. Qua tibi, <^c.] Menalcas
has extolled the sweetness of Mop-
dus's song, coroparìng it to the de-
L*ght whìch rest gives to the weary^
and fresh water to the thirsty. Now
Mopsusreturns the complimenti and
icompares the verses of Menalcas to
ihe gentle southern breezes^ the
marmiiring of the waves against
the shore, and the fall bf waters
among rocks.

82. Venientis sibilus Austri.^ He
compares the song of his friend, not
to the strong blasts of the south ;
but to the gentle gale, when it is
beginning to rise.

83. Nec percussa Juvant, ^cJ]
In like manner we must understand
these wordsto mean the gentle dash-
ing and murmurìng of the waves
against ihe shore, and not the roar-
ing of the billows in a storm.

84. Saxosas inter, 4^.] Theo-
critus, in his first Idyllium, com-
pares the sweetness of a song to wa-
ters falli ng down from a high rock ;

Tn/ atti lUf ^ir^t KttruXifCirlu i^^^^iv

And sweeter notes thy pipe, deor shep-

herd, fiU,
Tban raurmuring sprìngs that roll from

yonder bill. Cbeech.

85. Hac te nos fragili, Sfc.^ la
the precerling paragraph, Mopsus
declares himself at a loss for a pre-
sent worthy t)f his friend's accept-
ance : but Menalcas prevents him,

lefsires his acceptance df the
which he had siing the sé-

id third Eclogne.

tbimus.2 Someread donavi"

neh is not countenanced by

luscript of note.

TéBC nos, Sfc."] VirgiV seems \
pretty plaìnly to intimate, that he
means nimself under the name of
Menalcas, by representing that
shepherd ad the antbor of the Alexie
Hhd the Palsemon. It is etident
from this passage that those t«rò
Eclogues were written before the'
present, because they are bere eie-
pressly mentioned. And, as the
poet does not give the least hint
here of bis having composed* any
other, it seems probable, that these
were the three first Eclogues which
our author con^osed. Many critica
are of opinion that the Titynis was
«lot really the first, notwithstanding
the place which is gtven it in ali the
editions. We may therefore ven-
ture to say that these three were
written before it. The Tityrus
was certainly wriifen in the year of
Rome 713, when the lands were
divided among the soTdiers: and the
Pollio was composed in 714, when
Pollio wa» comul. We must there-
fore- en/Ieavour to. fix' some time
before 713 for the writing of the
other three Eclogues. It seems pro-
bable, that the Daphnis was written
in 712, when divine hononrs werè
given to Julius Caesar-; and before
the battle of Philippi, v^hich Was
fought at the latter end of that
year. For the Roman aiS^trs being^
D d

^02

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

thit

P«cii.,aa?SÉÌ3?"^^" Haec eadem docuit, Cujum peeus, an Meliborì.
m^^'S^Jt^*^ Mop. At'flHsume pedum, qùod me, cum

remariEabteforittevenjointt» < >< ^

and adomed with ^raat : SacpC ro^arct,.

at that lime in a very unsettled state,
tbe poet would not venture tò cele-
brate the apotheosis of Julius Cassar
opeoly; but cbose to do ìtjfttlttr
the feigned character of a Sncilijh
shepherd. As for the Pala&on^ ìt
seems to bave been dedicltted to
PolUo, or at least written u}i(kr his
protection,. as he is tbe on» person
therein celebrated. We must there-
fore seek for some period of time,
when Pollio waa powerful in those
parts. We find« by comparing tbe
several historians of those times,
that this great man was a Constant
companlon of Julius Csesar, during
the ci vii wars between him and
Pompey. We rcad that he was
present at the very beginning of
that war, when Cassar passed the
Rubicon. We find him also in tbe
same company at the battle of
Pharsalia, and in Africa. Dio tells
us> that when Ceesar returned
from the Spanish war, Pollio was
left in Spaìn with the command of
an army, whicb he did not quit
till after the death of Cssar. Since
therefore we find, that Pollio was
engaged abroad^ from the breaking
out of the civil «war to the death
of Caesur, which was in March
71 Oj it 18 most probable, that the
Èclogue in question was written be-
tween that time and the year 712.
The year 711 began with the march
of the new consuls» Pausa and
Hirtiusy in cot^junction with young
Cffisar, as Augustus was then called>
to reUeve Decimus Brutus, who
was then besieged in Modena by
Mark Anthony. After the raising
of this siege, Augustus raarohed to
Rome^ where he procured himself

to he chosen consul^ ahout the lat-
ter end of August, and Anthony
towards the Alps^ when he was
joined by the army of Lepidus. _ We
may gather from Appian» that Pol-
lio "was at the head of two legions,
when Anthony marched ugainst
D. Brutus; that the senate wrote
to him to war against Anthony,
when he retreated towards the Alps ;
that Augustus wrote to him, to
join with them, after the recon-
ciliation between him and Anthony
was begun ; and that accordingly
Pollio joined Anthony soon after
with his two legions, and brougbt
over Plancus also to join him with
three more. These a£Pairs were
transacted in the Cisalpine Gaul, in
which Mantua was situaled, and
about the end of tbe year 711. At
this time therefore, when Pollio
was so considerable in those parts,
we may reasonably suppose, tbat
the third Eclogue was written, in
which ^he, and he alone, is cele-
brated. As for the Alexìs, it is
very diificult to say when that was
written, as there is no allusion in it
to any public transaction. It seems
to bave been written before the Pa-
Iscmon, by.its being placed first
in the passage under consideration.
Perhaps it was published before the
death of Julius Cassar, and ap-
proved bv him; for the poe^ias
hinted already, in this Eclogue,
that he was favoured by Ceesar,
amavit nos quoque Dapknis.

88. At tu sume pedum, &c.] Mop-
8US at last insists upon his friend*8
acceptance of a shepberd's crook,
the vaine of which ne sets forth,
by telling him, that anotber had

BUCOLIC. ECL. V. • 203

Non tulìt Anfigenes, et erat tum dignus amar4, iJ^^UlSd Sfolto
Formosum paribus nodis iftquq^sere, MeDalca. ^y to £ beio^ ^^^ ""^

eamestly desired it in vain, and by ness of its joints> and in its being

describìng the beauty of the crook adomed with brasen rings. In like

ìtself. manner the goat-herd makes a pre-

Pedum is the shepherd's crook ; sent of a crook, 19 the 0«Aw0-mi of

a staff with a hook at the ^d, by Theocritus ;

which they aitch l^e sheep by their . ^ ^.^,^ ^. ^^^

legs. Ihe beauty of this crook W£,réi,l^a,»é^apì^i^,^0Sn»»ì^ì

seema to bave consisted in the evenr bay l*' Akmiuf «^jiM-^My U AOg l^Mf.

Dd2

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA SEXTA.

SILENUS.

Prima Syracosio dignata est luderè versu to'tfJsSduSrìt^*'^^

1. Prima Si/racosio, Sfc] " The
*^ young shepherds, Chromis and
'^ Mnasylus^ having been often
*^ promised a song by Silenus, chance
'* tò catch hlm asleep in this Ec-
*' logue 5 where they bind him
'' hand and foot, and then claim
'« bis promise. Silenus, finding they
*' wouid be put off no longer^ be-
** gins bis song; in which he de-
*' scribes the formation of the uni-
*' yerse, and the originai of ani-
'' mais, according to • the Epicu-
^^ rean philosophy ; and then runs
^^ through the most surprising trans-
** formations which bave happened
^^ in nature since ber birth. This
*' Edogue was ciesigned as a com-
'« pliment to S)rro the Epicurean,
^* who instructed Virgil and Varus
** in the principles of that philo-
«' sophy. Silenus acts as tutor,
<* Chromis and Mnasylus as the
*' two pupils/' Lord Roscommon.

Some give this Edogue the title
of Metamorphods» others of Theo-
logia, and others of Varus : in many
of the old manuscripts it is Faunor-

rum, SatyroTum, Silenorum, ddecia-
ito : the common title is Silenus. '
The poet, by way of introduc-
tión to this Edogue^ tells us, that
he was the first diat atteinpted to
write in imitation of Theocritus ;
that he had once attempted herbic
poetry, but Apollo -reproved him,
and advised him to tend bis sheep.
Prima,'] It is bere used advér-
btally for primo. See the nòte on
ver. 12.' of the first Georgiclc.

Some understand by this wordi
prima, that this was the first Ec-j
logue that .Virgil composed ; but, as|
Ruaeus justly observes, these very
words. Prima Syracosio dignata- esi
ludere versu f prove that this wasno^
the first Edogue: for, as he here^
tells US that he was the first wboi
imitated Theocritus, it is plain tfaal
he had imitated him before thi
writing of this Edogue.

" It is not from this verse that I

'.' conjeeture thut this Edogue

" ought to precede that of Tity-

*' rusé It is for anotber reasotn,

, '* that i ani going to p^reduée. It

206

R VIRGILII MARONIS

S'iff^Sd.f"^ Nostra, nec erubuit sylvas habltare, Thalia.

^ud^mc'bySi'Sir^^**' Cum cancrem reges et praelia, Cynthius aurem

** is true^ that the author of the
** life of Virgil seems here to con-
'^ tradict hiihself. He affirms, io
" one-'place^ that the Tityrus was
'^ the first Belone which the poet
** composed* It appears, says he,
** that Virgil had not composed any
" Eck^ue before the Tityrus, frotn
*' the Jourth Georgick ; where he
'^ distinguishes his Rucolicks by the
^ £clogue of Titynis,

<* TUyre te patuloe- cecini tttb tegmine

** He adds besides, that the poet
** spentthree years in composìng his
^' Bueolicks, Bucolica triennio per^
^^ fedii -That is, if one can be-
*« lieve it, that Virgil began his
" first Eclogue about the year of
** Rome 713, and finished the last
** after the year 715. The same
'^ author also relates, that the ^Si-
" lenus was recited by Cytheris,
** before a full audience, in uè pre*
'* sence of Cicero. This last fact
'^ cannot possibly be true, supposìng
'* the Tityrus was Virffil's first
'* performance in this kind. Cicero
" was dead when our poet com-
** posed the Tityrus. In so mani-
^* fest a contradiction, I incline to
*• the side of the story of Cytheri»,
" which is attested also by Servius.
*' As for the conjecture formed by
** tìie writer of VirgiPs life, that
*' tìie Tityrus was his first Eclogue,
'* it is grounded upon a very fri-
^' volous argument. The quota-
*^ tion from the fourth Georgick,
** which is tìie only support of it,
*' proves only, that Virgil, in the
*' edition of his Bueolicks, had
"placed the Tityrus in the front.
*' It is said also, that Virgil madeall
5' bis Ecloguesr in three years.
'* Therefore Cicero could not hear

" an V one of them. But, in the
" onginal, it is perfecit, tlutt is, he
" perfected them, he made them
«« fit to appear. Thus tliis Eclogue
" might nave been prior to the Ti-
" tyrus, and Cytheris might bave
*' recited it in the presence of Ci-
** cero.** Catrou.

That the Tityrus was not the
first of our auihor*s Eclogues, seems
highly probable: but at the same
time it is no less probable, that the
Silenus was not written before it.
In the ninth Eclogue the poet
promises to exalt Varus to the
skies, which he has not performed
any where but in this Eclogge.
The ninth Eclogue was written
after the Tit)rrus; and therefore
the Silenus was posterior to them
both.

SifracosioJ] . Theocritus was of
Syracuse, a famous city of Sicily.
Virgil therefore, writing Bueolicks,
in imitation of that author, calk
them Syracusian or Sicilian verse.

Dignata estJ] The Roman poets
before Virgil had treated of higher
subjects : therefore he was the first
who condescended to describe the
low characters of shepherds.

Ludere velsu."] Thus in the fìrat
Eclogue ;

Ludere quce vellem calamo pennisit
agresti ;

And in the fourth Georgick,

Carmina qui luti pastorum.

2. Tlialia,'] Thalia was one of
the nine Muses. Her name seems
to be put here for muse in general.

3. Cum canerem reges, ^c.'] It is
said that Virgil once attempted to
describe the actions of the Alban
kings ; but that, being deterred by

(the harshness of their names, he

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI.

207

VeIlit,etadmonuit: Pastorelli, Tity re, piogues Jl^^JlSS^r-hrA
Pascere oportetovesjdeductumdìcere Carmen. 5 Ì?ta SSt m«Ìi^e?ÌSì«!°** '**

^T l'V' é. • j» Now, O Vanis, will I exer-

Nunc ego, namque super tibi erunt qui dicere cue my runa muw with a
laudes, ^

desisted^ and applied himself to the
writing of Bucoiicks.

Cynthius,'] Cynthus is the pame
of a mountain of Delos, where
Apollo and Diana were bom ;
wEence they are called Cynthius
and Cynthia.

4. Pingues pascere.'] Serviussays^
these words are put fìguratively for
pascere ut pinguescant

5. Deductum dicere Carmen.'] A
metaphor taken from wool, which
ìs spun thinner.

6. Nunc ego, Sfc] In the follo w-
ing verses^ the poet makes a dedi-
cation of thìs Ediogue to Varus.

Servius tells us^ that the Varus
here intended had overcome the
Germans, an^ thereby gained much
glory and wealth. He adds, that
some are of opinion^ that it was the
Varus, who was slain in Germany
with three legions, and lost the<
standards, which were afterwards
recovered by Germanicus the son of
Drusus : that others will' bave it,
that, when Asinius PoUio was over-
thrown, Alfenus Varus was made
lieutenant-general in 'bis room by
Augustus, uiat he presided over the
province beyond the Po, and took
care, that Virgil's lands, which had
been restored to him, should not be
taken 'away again by the soldiers.
As for the Varus, who gained so
much glory and wealth by overcom-
ing the Germans, there seems to be
a profound silence conceming him
among the historians. Csesar indeed,
in bis eighth hook de Bello Gallico,
mentions one Quintus Atius Varus,
who was prefect of the borse under
Caius Fabius in Caesar's army, and
did good service against Dumnacus.

Caesar gives him the character of a
man of singular courage and con-
duct. Jt seems to be the same Va-
rus, that Caesar mentions again, ih
bis third hook de Bello Cioi/t,. under
the name of Quintus Varus^ He
was then prefect of the borse under
Cneius Domitius in IN^acedon,
where he fell into an ambush, that
was laid for him by Scipio. Varus
defended himself bravely, repulsed
the enemy, killed about eighty of
them, and retreated to the camp,
with the loss only of two raen.
This Varus, might probably bave
attended Caesar in bis expedition
into Germany ; but whatsoever
glory he might gain there, it is cer-
tain, that neither Csesar, nor any
of bis officers, gained any wealth in
that country. This German story
of Servius must therefore be a mis*
take ; for there had been no other
expedition against the Germans,
when Virgil wrote the Eclogue un-
der consideration. As for the Va^
rus, who was slain in Germany, he
is well known in history by that
misfortune. Uis name was Pub-
lius Quintilius Varus. He was
Consul in the year of Rome 741,
together with Tiberìus; and pe-
rished, with bis army, in Germany,
in 762. Dio tells us, that after he
had been governor of Syria, he
was sent, in the same quality, into
Germany, where he attempted to
rule, as over a conquered nation,
and to fleece the people of their
money, which they were resolved
not to bear. But t)nding that the
Roman s were strong about the
Rhìne, they contrived to circum-
vent Varus, and draw him farther

J808 P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SefiSc^r'lSS.Sr' ^ ^^^» ^^^^ cupiant, et tristia condere bella.

up into the country. They pre-
tended to live in peacè and friend-
ship with him, and made him be-
lieve, they were so perfectly obe-
dient to him, that there was no oc-
t^asion for many soldier3 to keep
them under. There were two of
their chiefs among the conspirators,
Arminius and Se^emerus, who
"were perpetually with Vania, and
greatly in his confidence. They
persuaded him to disperse his sol-
diers in several distant garrisons^
where they pretended the weakness
of the places or danger of robbers
required them. Having thus weak-
ened his army, they raised a report
of an insurrection in some distant
parts of Germanyj which drew
Vanis to march that way with
what forces he had about him, en-
rumbered at the same tlme with
many carriages, and women, and
boys, thinking himseìf safe in a
country subject to his command.
These chiefs contri v ed to stay be-
hind, under pretence of gatherìng
Auxiliaries tojointhem. Butìnstead
of this, they killed the Romans,
who were dispersed among them,
and drew their own forces together,
whìch had been privately- made
ready, and assaulted Varus, as he
was marching through a moun-
tainous country, entangled with
woods, when tbe soldiers were fa-
tigued with cutting down great
trees, and making bridges. A great
storm of wind and rain happening
'at the same time, the Romans were
hardly able to stand upon the un-
equal, slippery ground : whìlst the
Germans, being acquainted with
the by-paths, wounded them at a
distance, and then engaged them
band to band. In this manner they
skirmished for two or three days,
when the Romans were quite borne

down with fatigue and wounds.
In this distreseed condition, Varus,
and other prìncipal officars, fearìng
they should be either slain or taken
prisoners, chose to fall upon'tbeir
own swords. When Augnstus heard
the news, he is said to bave rent his
garments, and used other expressions
of thehi^hest grief. Suetonius also
mentions this misfortune of Varus,
and says, that three legione, with
the general, lieutenant-generals, and
ali the auxiliaries were lost: that
when the news came, Augnstus ap-
pointed a guard to watch ali night
in the city, for fear of tumults:
that he vowed great sports to Jupi-
ter, if he would restore the decay-
in£^ state of the commonwealth :
that he let his hair and beard gn)w
for several months, in the mean
time frequently knocking his head
against the doors, and crying out,
Restore the legiofis, Varus : *' Quin-
''tili Vare; legiones redde." Vel-
leius Paterculus, who lived about
the time of this misfortune, gives
this character of Quìntilius Varus:
that he was ofa family rather il-
lustrious thàn noble ; of a mild and
quiet temper, indolent both in body
and mind^ more accustomed to tbe
inactivity'of a camp, than to the
fatigues * of war j so far from a
contempt of money, that when he
was appoìnted govemor of Syria,
he went poor into a rich provìnce ;
and came away rich, leaving tl\e
country poor : that, when he werìt
into Gerniany, he behaved, as if
those stubborn people were to be
subdued by laws instead of arms:
that, being circumvented by the
Germans, he shewed more skill in
dying than in fighting j and sokilled
himself, as his father and grand-
father had doiie before him. 'ihe
same author mentions another Quin-

BUCOLIC. ECL. VL 20»

Agrestem tenui meditabor arundine Miuam. ^•^ '*^"* ^^ dreadfai

tilius Varus^ who fouffht again&t
Cassar at Philipp!, and when the
bjattle was lost, slew himself. This
was probably the father of the Va-
rus> òf whom we have been speak-
in£, and to whom Virgil is gene-
rauy supposed to have dedicated this
Eclogue. But notwithstanding the
concurrent opinion of the most
leamed critics has gìvèn tìie ho-
nour to him ; some material ob-
jections may be formed a^ainst their
determination. The division of the
lands was made in the year of Ronie
713, when Virgil made use of the
interest of his fì*iend Varus with
Csesar^ to obtain the restitution of
his estate; and we are told, that
Varas was then in the highest de-
gree of esteem and favour with
Caesar. It may seem strange there-
fore^ that this ^reat favourite was not
advanced to the Consulate till near
thirty years a^rwards. Ànodier
objection may be made to the age of
Quintilius Varus. He is said to
have studied philosorphy together
with Virgil. He must tfaerefore
probably be about the same age;
and indeed he eould not be much
younger, to deserve to have his wars
celebrated^ et tristia condere bella:
for Virffil was but in his thirtieth
year, when the lands were divided.
Now, if he was of the same age
with Virgil, he must have been near
eighty when he killed himself in
Germany ; an age too great for the
oommand of a newly conquered
province, where the pec^le were
known to be very robast, and in-
clinabletorebel. Besides, the histo-
rians would hardly have passed over
in silence the remarkable circum-
staace of his kiUing himself at so
great an age. A third objection
arises from the character given of
Quintilius Varus by Velleius. It

is hard to ima^ine, that a man so
mild, quiet, indolent, and inactive
by nature^ could be celebrated by
Virgil as a great warrior, whose
brave actions were sufficient to em-
ploy many pens in praise of them.
The third person meutioned by Ser-
vius is Publius Alfenus Varus. This
man was bred a tailor, as w6 fihd
in Borace;

^Alfeaus vafer, omnì

Abjecto instrumento artis, clausa^ue. ta-

bema
Sutor erat.

Having good naturai parts^ he ap-
plied himself to the study of the
law, and became very eminent in
that profession; and was chosen
Consul in 755, Aulus GelUus says
he was a lawyer, the disciple of
Servìus Sulpicius, and cutious in an-
tiquities. He speaks of some books
pf his wrìting : but there is not the
least mention any where of , his
having ever applied himself to arms.
Besides, as he did not come to be
Consul till forty years after this
Eclogue was written, it is not pro-
bable that he was at that time a
man of sucfa interest, as to obtain
the preservation of Mantua. As
for his succeeding Pollio, in a mili-
tary command, and his presiding
over the province beyond the Po j
they are mere dreams of Servius, or .
of some idle scribe, who has stuck
his own fictions into the writings of
that celebrated commeutator. There
is one person more, who is thought
to be the Varus intended, Quinti-
lius Cremonensis, whQ is said, by
Eusebius in bis Chronicle, to have
been intimate with Virgil and Ho-
race,.aQd to have died in the first
year pf the ISgth Olympiad, which
answers to.the year of Rome 7^0 :
" Olymp. clxxxix. 1. Quintilius
E e

210

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

'J^£?h^Ì^ Noninjassa^caiio: ai quis tamea haec quoque,
**!»««»' si quis

'' Cremonensis Virgilii et Horatii
" familiarìs moritur/* Horace, in
his Art of Poetry, speaks of him as
a judicìous and candid critic.

Quintilio sì quid redtares; Corrige,

uodes, ,

Hoc, aìebat, et hoc: melius te posse

negares
Bis terque expertum frustra ; delere ju-
.* bebat.
Et male tornatos incudi reddere versus.
Si defendere delictum, quam vertere,

tnalles ;
Nullum ultra verbum, aut operam in-

sumebat inanem,
Quin sine rivali teque et tua solus amares.

QuintUius, ifhis advice tvere ask'^df
Would freely teli you what you shotdd

eorrect.
Or, ifyou could not, bid you hlot U out.
And with more care tupply the vacancy ;
But ifhefouiid you f and, and óbttinatet
And apter to defend than rnend your

faidU^
With siknce kave you to admire yourself.
And tokhoiU rivai hug your darling hook.
Lord Roscommon.

It ia to the same person, tbat the
eigbteenth Ode of the first hook is
commonly supposed to be addressed,
the inscription being ad Quintilium
Varum : though some will bave that
inscription to be false, and it is said
to be wanting in most manuscripts.
But the twenty-fourth Ode is with*
DUt doubt composed on the death of
this person. It is addressed to Vir-
gil, as to his particular friend, and
Quìntilius is there celebrated, as
having been a man of exemplary
modesty, fidelity, and truth :

Ergo Quintilium perpetuus sopor
Urget ? Cui pudor, et justitiee soror
Incorrupta fides, nudaque veritas.
Quando ullum inveniet parem?

Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit :
Nulli flebilior, quam tibi, Virgili.
Tu frustra pius, heu, non ita creditum
Poscis Quintilium deos.

Ruaeus affirms, that the addihg of
the surname of Varus to this Quìn-
tilius Cremonensis, is a mere fiction
of the grammarians, and not coun-
tenaneed by any ancien t author.
But whether his surname was Varus
or not, it does not appear, from any
thing tiiat has been said of him, that
he ever shone in war : nay we roay
conclude that he did not; since
Horace, in the Ode on his death,
has not said a word of his military
glory. Having now enquired into
the characterof ali those, who bave
been supposed to be the Varus bere
intended, I cannot help being of
opinion, that it is Quintus Atius
Varus, mentioned before, who
served under Julius Caesar, with
such reputation, in the Gallic war,
and adhered to him in the ci vii war;
unless any one will shew, that he
died before the tlme of writing this
Eclogue, a fact, which I bave not
been able to discover.

7. Et tristia condere bella,'] Some
commentators bave fancied tbat this
epithet tristia alludes to the fatai
war in which Quintilìus Varus
perished. But, as has been already
observed, it was not any war at ali; 1
for he vainly attempted to govern
the Germana by laws, and not by
arms : and as for the action in which

he fell, it did not deserve the name
of a battle, being a mere slaughter.
Besides this action, such as it was,
happened several years after the
death of Virgil.

8. Agrestem tenui, ^c.'] See tlie
notes on ver. 2. of the second
Eclogue.

9. Si quis tamen, ^cJ] *' Though
" Apollo has deterred me from de-
" seribing your actions in heroic
^^ verse ; yet if any one shall read

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI.

211

Captus amore leget, te hostrae, Vare, rayricae, 10 JiST^^ ^S^^tE^yS
Te nemus omne canet: "nec Phcebo gratior ulla CTc*I^Vow«Stóagtnoijls

est,
Quam sibi quae Vari praescripsit pagina nomen.

Pergite, Pierides, Chromiset Mnasilus in antro y°"»8

anjr page more pl^sine to ,
PhoBbuii, than tbat which
bean the iiame of Vania in
its front.
Proceed, yc Muses: The
ChromlA and Mnadlus

'^ these Bucolicks^ he shall fìnd
*' your name scattered in the woods,
^' or pastora! writing^s : and it is
*' thus scattered. every where, be-
'* cause I know, that no writings
'^ are more pleasing to Phcebus,
*' than those which bave your naaie"
'* prefì&ed. And indeed the ninth
. '^ £clogue roakes frequent mention
'' of Varus/' Ruìbus. *

13. Fergvte Pierides, <^c.]^ The
poet now proceeds to the subject of
bis Eclogue^ and relates how two
shepherds^ or perhaps satyrs, with
a nyinph, found Silenus asleep, and
bound him', to obtain a song^ which
.he had often promised^ and as often
deceived them.

Serviqs tells us, that '^ Virgii
'' bere designs to set forth the £pi-
'^ curean philosophy, which both
'* Virgii and Varus had ieamed
" under Siro; and that heìntroduces
'* Siro speaking, as it were under
'* the person of Silenus. By Chro-
*' mis and Mnasylus, he means
^^ himself and Varus ; to whom
'' he adds a girl, io shew the
f' full Epicurean doctrine, which
^^ teaches^ that notbin^ ìs perfect
** witbout pìeasure.** In the life of
Virgii also, which is ascribedto Do-
natusy it is said that he and Varus
were disciples of this Syro; *' Au-
" divit a Syrone praecepta Epicuri,
^f cujus doctrinae socium habuit
'* Varum.*' Catrou endeavours to
confirm this story by a quotation
from the Catalecta, ascribed to Vir-
gii. This little piece is entitled Ad
villam Scironis, and runs thus ;

Villula, quae Scironis eras, et pauper
agelle,
Venim fili domino tu quoque divitifiB :
Me tibi, et hos una mecum, quos semper
amavi.
Si quid de patria tristius audiero,
Commendo, in primisque patrem: tu
nunc eris illi,
Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cre-
mona prius.

*^ Virgii," says Catrou, " when he
'* was afraid bis family would be
'^ turned out of their estate at Ari-
^' des, endeavoured to find a re-
" treat for his parents. He cast bis
^' eyes upon a fartn, that Syro had
" in the country ; and thereupon
'^ made an , epigram, the Latin
'* and elegance. of which discover
** the band of Virgii." Indeed
the commentators are so well agreed
about this story of Syro, tbat it
may seem presumptuous to doubt
of it. That there was an Epicu-
rean philosopher of chat naine, in
Virgil's time, is certain: Cicero,
in an epistle to Trebianus, men-
tions him with respect, as his friend ;
^* Haec prsedicatio tua mihi valde
^^ grata est, eaque te uti facile pa-
" tiar, cum apud alios, tum me-
" hercule apud Syr onera nostrum
'* amicum. Quae enim facimus, ea
'* prudentissimo cuique maxime
" probata esse volumus." Thè
same ^uthor, at the latter end of
his second hook de Finibus, spèaks
of him as.a very good andlearnied
man; *' Credo Syronem dicis et
'' Polydemum, cum optimos viros,
'^ tum doctissimos homines." I
will not therefore attempt to con-
Ee 2

218

P. yiRGILII MARONI6

Mw filenm lylng adeep fai a

Silenum poeri somno vidare jacentem.

tradict this receìved ^ry, that Vir-
gH had studied the Epicurean phi-
E)sophy under this Syro. But I do
not believe, that tìie Varus, io
whom this Èdogue was dedicated,
studiéd under him at the same time.
Varus was probably at that time in
Gaul with Julius Cassar. But,
not to insist any longer on that ar-
gument, I cannot be persuaded
that Virgil would represent this ex-
cellent person in such a condìtion,
as Silenus ìs here placed before us ;
drunk, and asleep^ and this not
once ,by accident; for it was his
Constant custom^ ut semper ; his
garland tumbled off his head, and a
heavy flaggon, battered with often
falling, hanging up near him. Such
a description of an Epicurean phi-
losopher might bave been made by
an enemy of that sect : but the Epi-
cureans themselves disclamed such
debaucheries. Virgiltherefore, who,
at least in his younger days, favoured
the Epicurean doctrines, cannot be
ìmagined to describe the leamed
Syro in a manner so contrary to the
avowed principles of Epicurus. As
for the Epigrara quoted by Catrou ;
supposing it to be written by Virgil,
which die most leamed critics
deny ; it seems rather to prove, that
Silenus is not intended to represent
Syro. The philosopher is there re-
presented ashavinglived in a ornali
house; with a poor bit of land, not
sufficient to tempt the avance of the
soldiers ; and yet to bave thought
himself neh in the possession of it.
This does not agree with the cha-
racter of a man, who indulged him-
self in daily riots and debaucheries.
It is abundantly more probable, that
Virgil did not intend to represent
any person whatsoever uncter the
character of Silenus: but that he
rather alluda to an old fable, which

Servius has related from Theopom-
pus: *' This story of Silenus is not
<' feigned by VirgÓ ; but taken
" from Theopompus. He relates,
'' that Silenus being dead dnink
*' was seized by some shepherds of
'^ king Midas and bound ^ that
'' afterwards, his bands slipping off
*' spontaneously, he ansWered se-
'« veral questions of Midas concern-
" ing naturai philosophy and an-
'' tiquity." ^lian alto» in the
eighteenth chapter of the thìrd
book, quotes this conference of
Midas with Silenus ùùm Theo-
pompus. Ovid, in the eleventh
hook of the Metamorphoses, men-
tions Bacchus having lost his tutor
Silenus, who was t^en dnmk by
some Phrygian husbandmen> bound
with garlands, and camed to fiieir
king Midas. but restored by him to
ikicchuS) with great joy 5

Nec satis hoc Baccho est. Ipsos quoque

deserit agros :
Cumque eboro méliore, sui vineta Ti-

moli,
Pactolonque petit: quainvìs non aureus

ilio
Tempore, nec caris erat invidiosus arenis.
Hunc assueta cohors, Satyrì, Bacchseque

frequentant :
At Silenus abest, Titubantem annisqae

meroque
Ruricolae cepere Phryges: vinctumque

coronis
AA regem traxere M idan : cui Tbradus

Orpheus
Orgia tradiderat cum Cecropio Eumolpo.
Qui simul agnovit socium . comitemque

sacrorum,
Hospitis adventu festum gcnialiter egit
Per bis quinque dies, et junctas ordine

noctes.
Et jam stellarum sublime cóegerat agmen
Lucifer undecimus, Lydus cum Istus in

agros
Rex venit; et juveni Silenum teddit

alunno.

Thus we see there was a current
story^ th^ Silenus was found drunk.

BUCOLld ECL. VI.

215

Inflatum hestemo venas, ut scmper laccho. 15 ^l^^h^^^^SS^tS

preceding day.

and bound with garlands> after
^wrhich he reveaìed to men the secreta
pf natufe, and tràditions oF the
ancients. We need not therefore
look farther fbr any other meaning
in this Eclogue, than that the poet,
iiaving a mind to treat of these sub*'
jects, puts them in thè mouth of
Silenus, whom he feigns to be
treated by two young pef sons, in the
sàme ipanner as lie was in Phrygia.
Ckromis et Mnasylus .... pueri,']
These are generally thought to bave
been satyrs. Servio s seems to think
-the word jmeri to be used in this
place^ because tiie Sileìtì, before
they grow old, are satyrs. I rather
believe they were shepherds; be-
cause we find in the old story, qiioted
firom Theópompus, that they were
country peonie, who bound Silenus,
and carried him to Midas.

14. SUenum.'] Mlìan tells usi,
that Silenus was the son of a nyinph :
and thiit he was of a nature inferior
to the gods» but superior to mor-
tals: Hvft^i di 9-imV ^ ^tXnùf tSttfj

ìi tt^uTTàn luà ^tìtfUmi j|v. We inay
gather from the ver'ses just quoted
from Ovid, that he was the tutor
and coxnpànion of Bacchus. He ìb
[^ken of also, in the fourth hook
of the Metamorphoses, as one of the
attendants of Bacchus, old, drunk,
reeling, and scarce able to sit upon
bis ass;

Tu bSjugum pictis insignià fraenis

Colla premislyticumt Baccbse Satyrique

sequuntur ;
Qnique senex ferula titubantes ebrìus

artus •
Sustinet, et panda non fortiter hsret

asello.

The same poet, in the third hook
of bis Fasti, describes this old deity
in a ridiculous situation. Bacchus.
it $eems, after his^conquest of India,

passed through.Thrace, where his
attendants, making a great clang
with their brazen arms. drew vast
nambers of bees after them, which
Bacchus confined in a hollow tree,
and so discovered the use of honey.
Silenus and the satyrs, having tasted
of this new delicacy, sought ali over
the woods for more. The old deity,
hearing the buzzing of bees in a
hollow elm, said nothing to his
companìons, having a tnind to keep
the honey to him self. He jogged
his ass slowly on to the tree, and
leaning against it began toplunder
the hi ve i when the beesrusned out
upon him, and stung his mouth^ and
his bald paté. In this condition poor
old Silenus tumbled down, 'and his
ass kicked him; which made hìtfi
cali aloud ft>r heìp. The satyrs raii
to his asdstance, and could not help
laughingy to see him limp about/.
witih hts swollen lips. Bacchus aldo
laughed heartily, and cured h» dtd
tutor's face, by daubing it ttvier
with mud : ^

Jamqne erat ad Rhodopen, Pangseaque
floirda ventum ;
^riferae comitum concrepuere manm.
Ecce novae coeunt volucres tinnitibiis
actae:
Quaque movent sonitus aera, sequuii'
tur apes.
CoUigit errantes, et in arbore daudit
inani,
Liber : et inventi prsmia mellis habet.
Ut Satyri Isvisque senex tetigere sapo-
rem ;
Quaerebant flavos per neiìius omne
favos.
Audit in exesa strìdorem examinis ulmo :
Adspicit et ceras dissimulatque senex.
Utque piger pandi tergo residebat aselli ;
Applicat bunc ulmo, corticibusque
cavis.
Constitit ipse super ramósa stipite nixus:
Atque avide trunco condita mella
petit.
Millia cabronum coeunt, et vertice nudo
Spìcula defigunt, oraque summa no-
tant.

2U

P- yiRGILII MARONIS

SSdJuy^jS?!.^'*"'^ Serta procul tantum capiti delapsa jacebant:

lUe cadit preceps» et calce ferìtur aselli:
Inclamatque suos, auxiliumque rogat.
Concurrunt Satyri, turgentiaque ora pa-
rentis
Rident : percusso claudicai ìUe genu.
Ridet et ipse deus ; limumque inducere
moDstraL
His paret monitis, et linit ora luto.
Melle pater fruitur: liboque infusa ca-
lenti
Jure repertori candida mella damus.

15. Ut semper."^ These words
express the perpetuai drunkenness
of Silenus.

lacchoJ] One of the names of
Bacchus. It is here put for wine.

16. Procul tantum.] Servius ìn-
terprets ìtjust by, and quotes a pas-
sage from the tenth ^neid, wnere
he thfnks procul signifìes , near:
" Modo prope, id est, juxta, Nam
''ideo intuì it tantum capiti delapsa,
'' ut ostenderet non longius provo^

.*Mutam coronam, ut est X. Ma.
" 836. procul area ramo dependet."
According to La Cerda, this passage
should be thus translated; onli/ his
garlands being f alien Jrotn his head
lay at a distance, This leamed com-
mentator observes, that among the
ancients, the wcaring ofagarland
was a mark of drunkenness, which
he confimi s by some quotations from
Plautus ; '' Capiam mihi coronam
'' in capite, assimilabo me esse
*' ebrium -" and '* Cum corona
" me derideto ebrius /* and " Quid
" video ego, cum corona ebrium
*' Pseudolum tuum?** and " Quae
'' isthaec audacia est, te sis inter-
" diu cum corolla ebrium ince-
" dere ?" But It was a stili greater
mark of drunkenness, to bave the
garland fallen from the head. For
this he quotes Ovid ;

Ergo amor, et modicum circum mea
tempora vinum
Mecum est, et madidis lapsa corona
comis:

And Statius ;

— — «Effusi passim per tecta, per agros.
Serta inter^ vacuosque mero crateras, an-

helum
Proilabant sub luce deum.

Heìice La Cerdaconcludes, that Vìi-
gil's meaning was, that Silenus had
ali the marks of drunkenness about
him, only there was no garland on
his head, for that lay at a distance.
Thus he thinks Virgil iutended a
jestupon Silenus 3 for by seeming
to excuse bini as wunting one mark
of drunkenness, he thereby repre^
senta him more strongly in that con-
dition ; " Sed vide argutiam Vir-
*' gilìi. Ponit notam quae deerat
*^ ad communem ebri^tatem, ut
" exaggeret ipsam ebrietatetaa. Per-
'^ inde ac si dicat; baberet. notas
" omnes ebrietatìs, si esset corona
** in capite: sed hanc esse lapsam
*^ major erat ebrieias.*' This jest
will perhaps be thought toolow and
trifling for Virgil. Ru8bus> ' after
Turnebus, thinks the meaning of
this passage to be, that the garlands
lay at a distance, only fallen from
his head, not broken or trampled
on. ^^ Sic explicat Turtiébus haoc
'* vocem, tantum: serta 'procal ja-
'^ cebant : tantum delapsa e capite^
'^ non rupta, non calcata." Ma-
roUes renders it a' good way off;
'^ Le chapeau de iieurs qu'ìl portoit
" d'ordinaire, estoit tombe de sa
** teste, assez loin de lui." Catrou
translates un peu loin. Drydcn*s
translation is,,

His rosìe wreath yvas drqpt not ìong bc"

fare,
Born by the tide of wine, and floating on

the floor.

Dr. Trapp translates it,

From his head, ai distance fall'n
His garland lay.

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI-
£t gravis attrita pendèbat cantharus ansa.

915

and bis henry flaggon hune

These words procul and tantum
are not to be found logether any
where in Virgil, except in the pas-
sage before us. That procul does
signify ai a distance can hardty be
questioned ; or that ìt sometimes
signifìes ai a great distance, or far
off. In this sense it is plainly used
in the third Georgick ;

Atqae ideo tauros procul, atque in sola

relegane
Pascua :

And in the third iEneid;

Principio Italiani, quam tu jam rere

propinquam
Vicinosque ignare paras invadere portus
Longa procul longis via dividit invia

terris.

And in the sixth ;

» Procul O procul este profani
Conclamat vates, totoque absistite luco.

And in many otber places. But the
most general meaning of procul
seem^ to be^ al a small distance, of
which we bave frequent examples in
our poel. Thus in the third ^Eneid,
it is used to express the distance be»
tween the Trojan coast and Thrace,
which is very smali, those countries
being divided only by the narrow
«traits of the Heliespont ;

Littora tum patrìte làcrymans, portusque

felinquoy
Et campos ubi Troja fuit : feror exul in

altum,
Cum sociis, natoque» Penatibus, et mag*'

aìs diis.
Terra procul vastis^ colitur Mavortia

caihpis,
Thraces arant.

Here indeed some will bave procuZto
belong to vasiis campis ; and not to
the distance between Troy and
Thrace, but to the extent of Thrace,
rendering it longe laieque coUtur. In
the sanie hook, he speaks of seeing

Camarina» Gela, and Agragas pro^
cui, which cannot well be under-
stood to mean qfar off ov ai a great
distance, ^neas is here represented
as sailing along the sonthern coast of
Sicily, on which these cities were
situated : and, as it is well known
that the ancient navigators kept as
closeto the shore as they could, these
places must bave been pretty nearj

Hinc altas cautes, projectaque saza

Pachyni
Radimus, et fatis nunquam concessa

moverì
Apparet Camarina procul, campiqué 6e-

loi,
Immanisque Gela, fluvìi cognomine'dicta.
Arduus inde Agragas ostentai maxima

longe
Moenia, magnanimum quondam genera-

tor equonim.
Teque datis linquo ventis, pohnosa Se-

lìnus :
Et vada dura lego saxis Lilybeìa caecis.

In the tenth ^neid procul is used
when Turnus and Pallas are drawn
so near, as not only to see, but to
bear each otber speak ;

At Rutulum abscessu juvenis, tum jussa

superba
Miratus, stupet in Turno: corpusque

per ihgens
Lumina volvit, obitque tnid proculaatm

nia visu.

In the.same hook is the passage
which Servius producés, to confimi
the opi n ion that procul signifìes near,
Mezentius is there represented lean-
ing against the trunk of a tree, with
bis helmet hangingon the branches,
which is said to be procul;

Interea genitor Tyberìni ad fluminis nn- .

dam
Vulnera siccabat lymphis, corpusque le-

vabat
Arborìs acclinii trunco: procul aerea

ramis
Dependet galea, et prato gravia arma

quiescunt

SÌ6

R VIRGILII MARONIS

STwStitSffikbSMterf Aggreau, nam aspe seoex «pe oarminis ambo

hù own garlaods.

Here the branches canpot be sup-
poséd to be at any great distànce
from the trunk : and therefore pro-
gni in this place must signify no n^ore
than a small distànce. Ruseus him-
self, who opposes the opinion of
Servius, in bis note on this passage,
cannot heìp acknowledgìng, that
procul does not always express a
sreat distànce; but he afiirins that
it constantly signifies some distànce
At least ; ^' Servius aliique hinc prò-
*'bant, procul significare juxta:
" itemque ex ilio Ecl. vi. 16. Serta
" procul tantum capiti delapsa jace-
** bant. Ego in eam opinionem
^^ adduci non possum : et puto,
'* procul, non quidetn longam sem-
*' per distantìam ; sed aliauam sal-
*' tem significare." I believe, we
may agree with Rusbus, that pro^
cui always signifies at some diif lance,
how little soever : but at the same
time I must say, that on a careful
consideration of ali the numerous
pas^ages, where Virgil has lised
ibis word, it may generally be un-
derstood to mean at a very small
disiance, wìthin reach, or wUhin
sight, so that they, who derive pro^
cui from porro ob oculis, or prò
oeuUs, do not seem greatly to err.
With regard to procul tantum^ I am
verily persuailed, that it may be
rendered near, or just by : for as
tantum non signifies n'early, or al-
' most, that is, barelli not ; so tantum
procul may he well understood to
signify, barely at a distànce, or hardly
at any distànce at ali, that is, near,
or just by.

Capiti.'] For capile. Theancients
often made the ablative to end in i
instead òf e.

17. Et gravis attrita, ^c] The
cantharvs was a sort of drinking
vessel, with ears or bandi es, sacred
to Bacchi! s, and therefore properly

made use of by bis tutor. Marìus
is accused by Pliny of insolence, for
having presumed to drink out of
these vessels, after bis victory over
the Cimbri; " C. Marius post vic-
*' toriam Cimbrìcam cantharis po-
*' tasse Liberi patris exemplo tra-
•' ditur, ille arator Arpinas, et ma-
*' nipularis imperator." Valerius
Maximus ai so mentions this action
of Marius, as the highest arrogance }
because, by constantly drinking out
of a cantharus, he endeavoured to
represent bis own actions as equal
with the great victories of Bacchus :
" Jam C. Marii pene insolens fa-
" ctum ; nam post Jugurthinum,
•' Cimbricumque, et Teutonicum
" triumphum, cantharo semper po-
''tavìt: quod Liher pater incly-
'^ tum ex Asia ducens triumphum,
^' hoc usus poculi genere ferebatur :
*' ut inter ipsum haustum vini
** viotorise ejus suas victorias com-*
*« pararet"

There is soraething very espres-
sive in the descrtption, wbich the
poet gives of the flaggon in this line.
It is said to be gravis, heavy, to de-
note its capaciousness : the handle
is attriia, batteréd with much use :
and the flagi>:on hangs down by the
handle ; he is too dlrunk to sustain
it, and too fond of it, even in this
almost senseless condition, to let it
go out of bis band. The Earl of
Koscommon, in bis excellent trans-
lation of this Eclogue, seems not to
have been aware of this last parti-
cular; for he represents the can^^o-
rus as hal^ging up by him, full of
liquor;

Uis trusty flaggon,/»// ofjtotent juice
Was hanging hy, worn thin with age and
use.

Dryden represents it, as hung up in
triumph ;

BUCOLIC* JCCL-VL

217

Luserat, injiciunt ipsi» ex vincala sertis.
Addit se sociam, timidisque supervenit ^gle: 20
^gle Naiadum pulcherrima : Jaxnque videnti
Sanguìneis frontem moris et tempora pingit.

for the old ddty had ofien
decdved them both with the
bope Qf a song. iEgle made
heraelf their c(nnpanion, and
encouraged them not to fear:
Agle the mÒ8t beautìAil ot
the Naiads : and just aa he be-
gan to open Us eyes^ pafaited
hb fordieàd and tempfea with
blood-red mulberrles.

His empty can, with ears half wotn

away,
Was hung on highy to boast the trmnìph

oftheday.^

18. Ambo.'] The ancients fre-
quently wrote ambo for ambos, Ser-
viusacknowledges am6ointhìs place.
Pieriuà found tlie eame reading iii ali
the andeìLt tDanuscrìpts. He teUs
US also^ that Carisius affirmed^ that
it was so writteh by Vìrgil himself.

19. Injiciunt ipsis ex vincula sertisJ]
These inferior deities or demi-gods
sieem àlso to bave required some
force to beused^ in order to gain an
answer front tbem. In tìiis manner
Proteus Ì8 treated by Aristseus, m
the fourth Georgick. Thns Ovid
also, in the third book of his Fasti,
represents Faunus and Ficus sur-
prised by Numa. These deities
were accustomed to drink of a par-
ttcular fountain. Numa sacrificed a
sheep near it, and left a flaggon full
of good wine near it, hìding him-
self and his companions in a cave.
The deities drank plentifully of the
wine, atìd fell asleep ; when Numa
took his advantage of them, bound
them, and having asked pardon for
the liberty he had taken with theur
persons, obtained an answer to
what he desired to know ;

Lucus Aventino suberat nìger ilici» xana-
bra.
Quo posses viso dicere, Numen ìnest.
In medio gramen, muscoque adoperta
virenti
Manabat saxo vena perennis aquas.
Inide fere soli Faunus Picusque bibe*
bant,
Huc venit, et Fonti reiL Numa mactat
ovem:
Plenaque odorati Diis ponit pocula Bac»
chi;
Cumque suìs antro condttus ipse latet.

Ad solitos veniunt sylvestria numina
fontes : ,

Et relevant multo pectora sicca mero.
Vina quies sequitur : gelido Numa pro-
dit ab antro,
Vinclaque sopitas addit in arcta ma-
nus.
Somnus ut abscessit, tentando vincula
pugnant
Rumpere, pugnante» ibrtius. illa. te»
nent.
Tum Numa, dii nemorum, factis ignos-
cite nostriSy
Si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo.
Quoque modo possit fulmen monétrarè
plariy
Sic Numa, sic quattens cornua Fau-
nus ait :
Magna petis, &c. •

20. Timidis.] These youngst^s
were afraid by themselves to attack
Silenus^ and therefore a Na'iad assists
them. It seems by this, that Chro-
mis ami Mnasyluswererather young
shepherds than satyrs: for if they
had been satyrs, they wou)d not
bave been so much afraid of Silenus ;
nor would they bave wanted the
assistance of a nymph.

21. JEgle Natadum pulcherrhna.']
Mgle is said to Kave been the daugh-
ter óf the Sun and Neaera. The
Naiads were the nymphs, that pre-
sided over running water. Here
Virgil makes four syllables of Nai-
adum: in the tenth Eclogue, he
makes but three syllables of Noi-
ades;

Naiades indigno cum Gallus amore per*
iret,

Jamque videnti!] That' is/ just
when be began to open his eyes:
when he was beginning to recover
from the efiects of his drunkenness.

22. Sanguineis frontem moris, ^cJ]
Servius says, many are of opinion^

Ff

S18

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

He, «fidling af the deceit,
«ays, To wfiat punKMe are
these bonds ì Unbind me. mj
boys: itiBeitouchthatlhave
been made vUible. llearken
to the song you desire : you
shall have the song; and as
in her, ahe shall be rewarded
' another way: with that he
beglns. Then might yoa SM
the Fauna and wild beasts
dance to his measure, and
the stubbom oaks bend thdr
headsi Ndther does Pamas-
81» so much delight in Apollo,
nor do Rhodope and Ismarus
•0 mudi admve Orpheui.

lUe dolum ridens : Qua vincala necUtis? inquit.
Solvite me, pueri : satis est potuisse videri.
Carmina, quse vultis, cognoscite : carmina vo-

bis ; 25

Huic aliud mercedis erit: simal incipit ipse.
Tum vero in numerum Faunosque ferasque vi-

' deres
Ludere, tum rigidas motare cacumina quercus.
Nec tantum Phoebo gaudet Parnassia rupes,
Nec tantum Rhodope mirantur et Ismarus Or-

phea. 30

that this alludes to thè red colour
being sacred to the gods Guellius
thinks this painting of the face of
Silenus with mulberries was tb make
a jest ofhim, fucum faciens, Uludens,
et OS seni, ut Coipicua inquit^ sub-
linens, But La Cerda proves, that
the opinion méntionéd by Servius
is right^ and plainly shews^ that the
ancient Romans did really paint the
images of their gods red. ' Hence
he concludes, that i^gle did not
paint his face to make a jest of
nim, but to render him more pro-
pitious. Pan is represented as
Btained with the samè colour^ in
the tenth Eclogue ;

Pan deus Arcadiae venit, quem Tidimus

ipsi
Sanguineis ebuH baccis, minioque ru-

bentem.

ServiuSj and other commentators»
teli US, that the poet bere alludes to
the weU known story of Pyramus
and Thisbe^ in which the mulberries
are said to have been whìte at first;
but that they becatiie red by being
stained with the blood of those
lovers. But we have seen, in -the
passage just quoted^ that the epithet
sanguineis or blood-red is given to
the dwarf-elder.

23. Ille dolum ridens, éjfc.'] Sì-
lenusy' waking, and finding himself

bound> laughs at the trick^ and
gives diem such a song as draws the
deities of the woods about him, and
makes the very woods bend their
heads to bear.

24. Saiis est potuisse videru] Ac-
cordine to Servius, the demi-gods
were visible only when they thought
fit If this be the case, Chromis and
Mnasylus must have been shep-
herds; for surely Silenus' was
always vistble to the satyrs.

27. /» numerumJ] That is, to
the measure of his song ; they kept
time with the music.

FaunosJ] The Fauns are rural
deities; as we read in the first
Geprgick ;

— AgreiBtum prssentia numìna FàunL

They are called Fauns à fando, be-
cause they speak personaily to men.
See the note on ver. 10. of the first
Georgick.

2Q. Parnassia rupesJ] See the
note on ver. 29I. of the third
Georgick.

30. Rhodope."] A mountain of
Thrace, the country of Orpheus.
This mountain js repreSented as
resounding the lamentations of the
Drvads for the death of that poef s
wife Eurydìce, in the fourth Geor-
gick 5

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI.

919

Namque canebat uti raagnum per inane coacta

For he i

> bow théiMdft

J ntnE. 1

„ - of eartfa, and air, and water^

Semina, terrarumque, animaeque, marisque fii- ^ì^ìS^im^^S^,

issent,

At chorus squalis Dryadum clamore

supremos
Implerunt montes e flerant Rhodcpeke

arces,

Mirantur.'^ So Pierius found it
in the Roman and. Oblong manu-
scrìpts. This reading is admitted
also by Heinsius. Burman also.
finds mirantur in several manu-
Scripts. The common reading is
miratur, in the singular number.

Ismarus.'] A mountain of Thrace.
See the note on ver. 37. of the
. second Georgick.

OrpheaJ] See the notes on ver.
46, of t^e third Eclogue^ and ver.
454. of the fourth Georgick.

SI. Namque canebat, Sfc,'] Si-
lenus begins bis song^ wìth de-
scribing me creation of the world^
accordìng to the Epicurean phi-
losophy.

Accordingto the doctrine of Epi-
curus, there were two principles of
ali things ; Bod^, and toid ; that is^
Matter, and Space, The particles
or smallest parts of mattar are solid,
and indivisìble ; but by acddentally
uniting^ they form compound bo-
dies. These particles or atoms^ of
which ali visible bodies are còm-
pounded, our poet calls teeds, By
the immense void is meant the space
in which these bodies are moved
about> and find opportunities of
uniting. Thus Lucretius ;

0mni8> ut est, igitur, per se^ Natura,

duabus
CoQsistit rebus; nam Corpora sunt, et

• Hec io quo sita sunt, et qua diversa

. moventur ;
Corpus enim per se communis deliquat

esse
Sensus; quo nisi prima fide* fundata
valebit,

Haud erit occultis de rèbus quo reféren-
tes

Confirmare animi quioquam ratione quea-
mus.

Tum porro Locus, ac Spatium, quod
Inane vocamus.

Si nullum foret, haud usquam sita cor-
pora possent

Esse, neque omnino quaquam diversa

Thif aU connsts o/Body and of Space :
That movet, and this qffbrdi the motion

piace,
That Badie» are, %pe allfrom Sente re*

ceivej
Wftote notìce ifin thit we disbelieve,
On what con reaaonflx$ on what reìyf "ì
What ruìe the truth of her deducOon» 1

try f

In greater secret* ofphUosophy 9 J

Suppose no Void, asformer reasons prove.
No Body could enjoy a place, or move ;
Besides these txvo, there is no third degree
Distinctfromboth: nought that has pew*r

tobe,
For if^tis tangi5le^ and has a place,
TwBody; ifintangible, 'tis Space.

32. Semina,'\ In like manner
Lucretius often calls the atoms
ieeds of things ; '

Invenies intus multarum* «e^tnina rerum'
Corpora celare, et varias cohibere figuras.

AnimaJ] Anima seems also to
bave been used for air,^ by Lucre-
tius, in bis sixth hook ;

Ventus ubi, atque anima subito vis max-
ima.

Ennius, as he is quoted by Varrò,
in the fourth chapter of the second
hook de Re Ritsiica, uses anima for
the air. " Ejus [agriculturte] prin-
*' cipia sunt eadem quae mundi esse
" Ennius scrìbit : aqua, terra, ani--
'^ ma, et* sol." .Thus also Cicero,
in bis second hook de Natura dee^
rum, calls the air an animable and
spirable nature: " Principia enim
Ff2

2S0

P. VIRGILII MABONIS

how hùBì thae iirincipletull
the elements, and the tender
orboftheworidonitcd. Then
how the earth began to con-
solidate, and to dnve the wa-
ten into the sea, and by de-
txee$ to take the forms of
things. And then how the
eartn was astonbhed àt the
shining of the new san.

Et liquidi simul ignis : ut bis exorcli^ priinis
Omnia, et ipse tener mundi concreverit orbis.
Tura durare solum, et discludere Nerea ponto 35
Coeperit, et rerum paullatim sumere formas.
Jamque npvum ut terree stupeant lucescere solem.

'^ terra^ ita in media parte mundi>
^' circumfiusa undique est hac ani-
'^ inabili et spirfibili natura^ cui no-
*' men est aer/'

Marisque."! Heìnsius^ Masvicius,
Barman^ and others read marisve :
but the sense seems torequire maris-
quCf as Aldus, La Cerda, Ru»us^
and many other editors bave it.

The poet uses the sea for water
in general.

33. Liquidi simul ignis.'^ " Pure,
''^that \9, athereal, whicfi Cicero
^' calla ignitutn liquarem, Thus Lu-
" cretius, vi. 204;

*• Devdet in terram liquidi color aureus
** ignis." Servius.

Of these four elements^ Earth,
Air, Water, and Fire, every thing
else Ì8 compounded.

35, Solum.2 *' It originally sig-
** nifies the sole of the foot. Thus
*' Lucretius, i. 924.

Pieridum jperagro loca, nttUius

** Avia

*'ante
•* Trita solo.

^ Hence the covering of that part
' of the foot is called solca, Hence
^ also the Earth is commonly called
' sólum, accordìng to Varrò, lib. iv.
' de Ling. Lat, because it is trod

* upon by the sole of the foot. Nor

* is it confìned to signify the Earth ;
^ for it is used also for any body,

* that is placed under another, and
^ sustains it. For the Sea, Mn,
'V. 198.

" — roj^* tremit icttbus cerea jmppis,
** SubtrahìUirque solutn.

« Also for Heayen^ Ot)ù2, MeL l 73.

*^ Astira terient oeeleste solum.

/* But it generally signifies the
^" Earth, not only in the singular,

" but also in the plural numl^r> as

*' in Geor. i. 80 3

** Ne saturare fimo pingui pudeat sola."

RUAUS.

Discludere Nerea ponto.'] The
meanìng of this passage Ì5,«that the
Earth, by giowing compact and so-
lid, forced the waters to retìre fìrom
it, and to form the seas. That is,
by this meansthe sea was separateci
or distinguished^ which is the piroper
meaning of discludere, Thus Lu-
cretius, speaking of the formation
of the world, by thè separation of
the atoms into difFerent places, and
then combining together, acqording
to their sìmilar natures, uses the
word discludere in much the same
sense with Virgil ;

Diffugere inde loci partes coepere, parés-

que
Cum parìbus jungi res, et àiacludere

mundum,
Membraque dividere, et magnas dispo-

nere partes
Omnigenis e prìncipiis.

Nereus a sea-god, and father of
the Nereids, is bere put for the
waters.

Ponlvs is used for the cavity of
the sea.

37. Novum solem,"} The

poet does not, as some imagine,
speak accordi ng to the opinion of
thòse, who imagine the sun to perish

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI,

291

Altìus atque cadant submotis nabibus ìmbres:
Incipiant sylvie cum primum surgere, cuoique
Rara per ignotos errent animalia montes. 40
Hinc lapìdee Pyrrhas jactos, Saturnia regna,
Caucaseasque refert volucres, furtumque Pro-

metheì,
His adjungit, Hylan nautae quo fonte relictum

aiidattlie friliag of thowei»
lirom the high npDfteddoudi :
whea the woodt first began
to rise, and a fiew anfamlt to
wander ovor tìfC unknown
mouittaint*

Theo he relatet the itonet
thrown by Pyrilia, the xelsn
of Satnrn, and the Urdt of
CanoMit, and the theft of
PrometHeuf. To theie he
add».at what fountahiHi^
was loet, when the nuurinen
calledforUm:

every night, and be renewed the
next morning. He only means the
first appearance of the sun in the
new formed world.

38. Atqtte.'] Pierìus found utque
in the Roman manuscript.

40. Per ^notosJ] Pierìus found
per ignaros in the Roman manu-
script, and quotes the authority of
Aulus Gellius^ for ignarus being
sometimes used for ignoraius or ig-
notus. But surely the common read-
ing in this place is the basi.

41. Hinc lapides, 5fc.] Silenus
having sung of the first formation of
the world^ proceeds to mention the
renovation of it by Pyrrhaj Saturn,
and Prometheus ) and then adds
some otber ancient fables^ >p?herein
he shews the evil consequences, that
follo w perturbations of the mìnd,
the impure passion of Hercules for
Hylas, the un naturai lust of Pasi-
phai^, the vanity of the daughters
of Prcetus the avarìce of Atalanta,
and the ambition of Phaeton. Tbus,
as Catrou has justly observed, it is
without reeson, that some bave
blamed Virgil for connecting these
storles with an account of the form-
ation of the world. These fables
are not introduced at random ; for
they setforth the moral doctrine of
Epìcurus, that we ought to avoid
ali perturbations of the mind.

Lapides Pyirha jactos,'] See the
note on ver. 62. of the first Geor-
gick.

Saturnia regna.Ji By the reign of

Saturn, is meant what 4he poets
called the golden age. See thefourth
Eclogue.

42. Caucaseasque refert volucres,
4*c.] Prometheus^ the son of Ia«-
petuSj having formed a man out of
day, animated him with the fire
which he had stolen, by applyìng a
ferula to the chariot-wheds of the

sun. Jupiter^ ofiended at bis auda-
ciousness, ordered Mercury to chain
him to a rock on the mountain Cau-
casus, where an eagle or vulture is
continually gnawing his liver.

Caucasus is a mountain between
the Euxine and Caspian seas.

43. HylanJ] Hylas was a young
lad who accompanied Hercules in
the Argonautic ezpeditwn. He was
lost in a fountain, where he went to
draw water; whence he is said to
have been carried away by a Naiad.
The Argonauts called for him a
long tiroe in vain ; wbence it is said,
that an annual custom was esta-
blished of calling aloud for Hylas.
The thirteenth Idyllium of Theo-
critus is on the subject of Hercules
and Hylas.

The Greek poet thus represents
the hero calling on his beloved ;

Thrice did he Hylas cali, and ihrìce he
mourn'd ;

222

P. VIRGILI! MARÓNIS

hefw àH ttie Éhdffe retonndcd
Hvlaa, Hylas ; he alto condolet
vìthPactphae, in her love of
the mowy bull, happy if herds
liadnevcrbeen. Al^uiihappy
^, what madnett liath pot-
•ened theei The daughten
of Proetns filled the plahu
with fidae lowings : but yet
aot <me of them soneht nich
•hamcful embrace* of cattle ;
though «he waa afraidof be>
ine yoked to the plough, and
tttlen felt for honu on her
onooth fordiead. Ah, tm-
happy eirl, thon dost now
wanoerm the mountain» ! he
lesting ìàs snowy dde on the
Tènder hyadnth, ruminates
the pale herbs under a shady
hohn-oalL: or followt one of
the great herd. Surround,
ye Nymphs,

Clamassent: ut littus, Hyla^ Hylà^ omne so-
nare! ;
Et fortunatam, si nunqaam armenta fuìssent, 45
Pasiphaen nivei solatur amore juvenci.
Ah, virgo infelix, quae te dementia capiti
Prcetides implenint falsis mugitibus agros :
At non tam turpes pecudum tamen uUa secuta est
Concubitus: quam vis collo timuisset aratrum, 50
Et saepe in laevì quaesìsset comua fronte.
Ah, virgo infelix, tu nunc in montibus erràs 1
Ille latus niveum molli fultus hyacintho.
Ilice sub nigra pallentes ruminat herbas :
Aut aliquam in magno sequitur gi'ege. Ciaudite
Nymphse, 55

Thrìce Hyla& heard the voice, and thrice

return'd :
But amali the sound, which thro' the

wavea did rise,
Tho' near, he distant seem'd, so weak

the cnes. Crjeech.

Nauta.'] The Argon auts.

QuQfonteJ] It was not certaioly
known in what particular fountain
he was lost.

46. Pmphaén.] Pasiphaé was the
daughter of the sun, and wife of
Minos king of Crete. She is said to
haye f alien in love with a bull.

47. Virgo."] See the note on ver.
.263. of the third Georgick.

48. Proetides.] The daughters of
PircBtus, king of the Argìves, having
conipared theìr beauty to that of
Juno, were afflicted with a madness^
which made thèm fancy themselves
to he cows> running about the
'fields, and lowing. They were
cured of this disease hy Melampus,
who had one of them' in marrìage
for bis reward. He tells Pasiphaé,
that though tliese ladies fancied
themselves to bé real cows, yet they
were not possessed by such a pas-
Sion as her's for a bull.

Falsis mugitibus.] Their lowings

are called false, because they were
not real cows, bui only fancied
themselves to be such; and therefore
endeavoured to imitate the voice of
those animals.

53, Fultus hyacintko.] " Among
'' the ancien ts every one was said
'* to be fultus by whatsoever he
'^ rested upon. Thus we read pul-
*' vino fultus in Lucilius. We find
** also in the seventh ^neid;

'*.Atque fiarum effultus tergo stratisqne

'*jacébat
«• VeOeribus." Serviti s.

54. Pallentes ruminat herbasJ]
The rumen, or paunch, is the first of
the four stomachs of ihose animals,
which are said to ruminate» or chew
the cud. They at first swalloW their
food hastily, and afterwards return
it ìnto their mouths, to be chewed
over again. The food so returnèd,
in order to be chewed a secònd time,
is called the cud; whence they are
said to chew the cud. The grass, by
being swallowed the first lime by a
bull, or other ruminating animai,
loses its verdure in some measure,
and becomes yellowish ; whence
Virgìl caUs the cud pallentes herbas.

BUCOLIC. EGL^.VL

^3

Dictseae Nymphae^ neniomm jam clftUcUte saltus :
Si qua forte ferant oculis sese obvia nostris
Errabunda bovìs vestigia. Forsitan illum,
Aut herbsB captum viridi, aiit armenta secutum,
Perducant aliquae stabula ad Gortynia vaccse. 6Ò
Tum canit Hesperidum miratam mala pueilam :

ve Dietim ìHjmt^tmxtoimA
f|ie lawns of the foresta, and
search if the wandering foot-
8tep« of the bull may happen
to meet our eyes. Perhapa
some cows may bring hhn to
the stables of Gortyna, either
captivated with the greea
gnus, or foUovdng the herda.
Then he sings the maid, who
adoiired tlie apples of the
Heqpexides:

56 DictceteJ] Diete is the name
of a mountain of Crete.- It seems
to be put bere for Crete itself.

SaUus.l See the note on ver.
471. of the second Georgick.

58. Forsitan illum.'] Servius un-
derstands the poet*s meaning to be^
a fear lest the bull should go to
GnoBSus^ the regal seat of Mìnos,
the husband of Pasìphae^ and a de-
sire thathe should rather go to Gor-
tyna." Ruseus understands hìm to,
mean the very contrary; that, if
the nymphs do not carefully guard
the lawns^ the bull may perhaps fol-
low the cows to Gortyna. The
Earl of Roscommon understands
this pas3age in the same sense ;

Perhaps, while thus in search of him I

roam,
My happier rìvals bave èniic'd him home.

But Vives takes it in a quìte dìffer-
ént sense; that Pasiphae repents of
her unnatural passion^ and desires
that the bull may be driven away
firom her^ lest bis presence should
serve to renew ber desires.

60. Stabula ad Gortynia.'] Gor-
tyna was a famous city of Crete,
near which the &mous labyrinth is
stili to be seen. It is now a heap of
ruins^ among which are visible
many columns of marble, granite,
and red and white jasper. The
Turks, who are now in possession
of the country, bave carried away
the finest, and in some places set
them up as gates to sorry gardens.
The herds of . the s^in are said to
have.been kept near ibis city.

61. Hesperidum miratam mala pu-
eilam.'] Virgìl bere alludes to the
fable of Atalanta, the daughter of
Schoeneus, king of Scyros, an island
in the iGgean sea. She wds wamed,
by the oracle of Apollo, not to
marry ; and therefore she studi ously
avoided enteripg into that state.
The beauty however of this prin-
cess was so great, that she could not
avoid the solicitation of many
lovers. Being endued with great
swiflness, she made this propo^ to
them; that whosoever could out-
run her should be her husband ; but
if any one was exceeded by her, he
should forfeit' bis life. Hippoin enes,
the son of Megareus, wno was the
grandson of Neptune, not discòu-
raged by thef ate of se veral unhappy
lovers, was determined to contend
for the prize. Atalanta, being
pleased with bis person and charac-
ter, was loth to be the cause of bis
death, and used ali the ar^^umeuts
in her power to dissuade him from
the atte^ipt ; but ali in vain. Hip-
pomenes, having invoked Vénus,
was favoured by ber, and furnished
with three golden apples fì?om the
gardens of the Hesperides. They
began the race: and when Ata-
lanta began to gain ground, Hippo-
menes threw down à golden appiè,
which so surprised Atalanta with
its splendor, that she turned aside to
take it up. This being done a se-
cond and a third time, gave Hip-
pomenes an opportunity of getting
before her, and thereby obtaining
bis beauteouS' prize. Hìj^MfQeiies

8S4

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SrSiShSrJSftSiiiSsS T^^^ Phtóthontiada» musco circamdat amarae
in^S.Sfl^'^^eSSSd^ Cortìcis, atque solo proceras erigit alnos.
tfal^^^i^^iMbitotbe Tum canit errantem Permessi ad flumina Oallum

Aoidan moontaliw»

neglected to render due thanks io
Venus for his success^ which so ex-
asperated the goddess against him,
that she causa them to pollute a,
tempie of Cybele> who pnnished
them by tuming them into lions,
and yokmg them to her chariot.
See the tenth hook of Ovid's Meto-
morphosès.

62* Tum Phaethottiiadas, é^c.^
Phaétusa, Lampetie, and Lampe-
tasa were the sisters of Phaeton,
who being reproached by £paphus
king of Egypt, as having falsely
pretended to be the son of Sol, beg-
ged of his father to permit him to
drive his chariot for one day, tfaat
he might prove himself to be his
son. This being granted, he guìded
the horses so unskilfully, that the
earth began to bum, and would bave
been consomed, if Jupiter had not
killèd him instantly with a thun»
derbolt, and thrown him into the
river Eridanus. His sisters, having
sought for him a long time^ at last
found his body on the banks of that
river, where tìiey consumed them-
selves with weeping,, and were
tumed into trees. Virgil calls tbese
trees alders bere 5 but in the tenth
.£iBeid, he seems to màke them
pc^lars 'j '

Namque ferunt luctu Cycnum Phaetontfe

amati.
Populea* inter frondesg umbramque so-

rorum
Xhim canit, &c.

64. Tum canit errantem, £rc.]
The poet, having represented the
evil effects of unruly passions, in
these several examples, iiow repre-
sents the move happy eondition of a
wise man, who devotes himself to
the quiet stttdies of lìt^ature. Un-

der this character, he takes an op-
portunity of payiog a most elegant
compliment to his friend Gs^us,
who was a good poet He repre-
sents him to be introduced by one
of the^Muses to the presence of
Apollo, where the whole assembly
rises up to. do him honour, and Li-
nus presents him with the pipe,
which formerlybelongedto Hesiod.
The person bere spoken of ìs
Comelius Gallus, a native ofFrioul,
contemporary with Vir^, being
about three or four years younger.
He obtained the favour of Augustos,
aod was raised by him from a low
eondition to great bonours, as we
are informed by Suetonius ; " Ne»
'' que enim temere, ex omni nu-
^^ mero, in amicitia ejus afflicti re-
" perientur, praeter Salvidienum
'* Rufum, quem ad consulatum U8«>
" que, et Cornelium Gallum quem
'• ad praefecturam ^Egypti, ex in-*
^*Jlma utrumque fortuna, provex"
*' erat" At the time of writing
this Edogue, Gaìlus, in ali proba-
bilità, was wholly engaged in bis
studies. He seems to bave been
with Angustus in the fight at Ac-
tium ; for, according to Dio, we
find him the very next year, 7^4,
at the head of an arniy, marching
against Mark Anthony, and taking
Paraetcnium, whilst Augustusseized
on Pelusium. The so)diers, whom
Gallus commanded, had formerly
served under Anthony, who made
no doubt of regaìning diem by fair
words ; or if that attempt fkiled, of
subduing them by force, taking a
siifficient strength with him, t^tfa
by sea and limd. Anthony carne
up to the very walls, to speak to the
soldiers ; but Gallus- ordered ali the

BUCOUC. EOL. VI. 345

AooaftiatiKmteBiitdmtftritutiftBOforttm; 65 £^^p^!S^,''^^

trutnpets to sound^ so that it was
not possìble to bear a word; and
making a sudden saUy killed some
of lus men. Gallus idso made use
o£ a «tirtitaMii against ^ navy of
Antbonjr. m caused eereani chaìns
to be coneeoled under water > in the
Bight*dme> et the entranoe of the
haveui at the same time keeping
btft a slight guard. Anthon/s ahìp$
boUly entered the poit, tninking
thems^ves aeoMre enougb^ whea
Galltts^ by means of enpuei pre-
pared on purpoiie, straiteaed the
chains, confined the fhipi, foumed
fiofse and sunk therest. Aiiguetus,
flft the same tieoe, having entered
Egyptby Pdusium» made the coun-
try trìbut«ry, aiìd anpoluted Gallus
gevernor, Buit Gams was so in-
tffficeited witb ppwer> that he vented
<^probriottS sp^ecb^ against Au-*
geetue, bdiaved bimsdif ili in many
ieipeGfes> and grew #p y^m, at to
eseet et^tues for himeelf in niQSt
parts of £g3rpt/an(l inscribehisown
a<^Qfl OH the pyramids. He was
accused of these ctìm^ before the
fl^ittUte, wJiere eevtnel of his own
crealures appe^red egainet bw:
and the fiicts weneprovedeoplaiiily
agMnKt bim, that th^ eenate cm»"
deimied him uoani«iou8l)r to be
btiw'fthfd^aodto fprfeìtaUhts geods
to Auguttus. GaUiM, xiot being
able to endure this aentence, killed
himself, in the year of Rome 7i27^
accòrdiog to Eusebius, 7^8 ae-
cording to Dio. Suetonius tells us,
that Aiiguttas Umi^ited hk death^
and complained^ that he alene hod
lìot the liberty to be angry with bis
frieods just ^o far as he bad a jaind.
Ovid, in bis aeccmd hook de Tridi»
Imi, aays the crìme-of Gallus wae
bis ioe great liceptiousness in bis
cupsi

Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lyoorida^
asilo,
Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero.

Eusebius tells us, it was in tibe for-
tìetb yeir of his age that be kSlkd
faimseif ; *' Olymp. CLXXXVIIt
" S* Comelius Galltifi^ Foiùjulìeiw
*' tàs poeta, a quo prùnum JEgy*'
** ptum xvetam suora diximne, qua^^
'' dragesimo sBtalls suft tnno pvo-^
" pria se matiu tntcrfecit.** Qtdn-
tihan mentioas hitn es an elegine
poet» and thinks hSs style hatìDier
than that of either Tibullus or fv^
pertius; " E^gia Gmea quoque
'^ pioyoeantts ; cufus mihi teiMiis
*^ atque elegai» mauue videto»
''autor Ttbttllus. Sunt qui Pio^
'' pertium n»lÌRt Oridiiis vUó*
** queliscirior; pcut dtiftor QùUuèJ*
It is easy to fAMire, from what has-
been said^ that soiae writers hfije
been guilty of a very gf^m cnwr,
in confounding this éomelius Gal-
lus with Asiaiue Galbia, die soa pf
the fametis Pc^Hq. Asinius PoQio
died In ttie year of Rpoie 7^7» ^
the eigbtieth year of ibis age rso tibat
he must bave been wider twealy
when Cornelius Gallus was bona.
The Asinii was one of the best fa-
railiee ki Rome 5 «nd therefore it
oould not be Asinius Gallus that
was raised from a low condition^
aoeoiding to Suetonius. Ovidsays,
the crime of Gallus thepoet waethe
toogreatlicentiousness of his tongue.
Ilits agrees wilb what Dio has said,
coneembg éhe cause oftàe disgraoe
ofComcli US Gallus: but it does not
agree with the cluiracter of Asinius
Galltts, wbo was cru^y put to
death by Tiberiue, without being
cpnvkted of an^ crime whatsoerer.
Besides, Eusebius expressly calls
Còmeliiis Gallus a poeC^ a characÉer
whioh we do not nnd aaoribed to

226

?. VIRGIUI MARONIS

f8Ì*SrnÌ?«D ta^S^ S Utque viro Phabi chorus asBurrexerit omnis :

taod^i^lu^^ hV^ Ut Linus hsec iili divino cannine pastor,

adorned wkh Sowcn. and ^71 •!. ^ ...

bitter anaiiaee,tpakethi]sto l^loriDus atoue ODIO crines omatus amaro.

himin heavvnly vene: A^. _. . _2 \ . .

thei

cwtthtopipe,
,tbe."-

of Dixerit:

Hos
Mus»;

libi dant calamos, en acdpe^

A«imas Gallus, though bis fatfaer
Pallio is said to bave excelled in
that art. It is evident tberefore,
tbat Coraelius and Asinius Gallus
vere very difierent persona; and
that the poet, wbom Virgil cele-
brates in this and in the tenth Ec-
logue, was no other than that Cor-
iielius Gallus, who killed himself in

Permessus is a riyer of Bceotia,
rising in the mountain Helicon, and
sacred to the Muses. Hesiod, in
the introduction to bis &uyfU,
q>eaks of the Muses inhabiting the
mountain Helicon, and bathing
themselves in Permessus;

K«/ Tf 9rÈ^Ì tcfnnif Ì0uiim 9ri^0* m^mXMn*
Kmi Ti X»Mtr»fiUftu ri^$9m ;^#«« Tltyi^t»79f

KaXtòsf tfu^9v»f,
Tlius also Propertìus;

Nondam etiam Ascraeos norunt mea car-
mina fontes,
Sed modo Permessi Jlumine lavit amor,

65. Aonas in numtes.'] See the
note on ver. 11. of the third Geor-
gick.

Una sororunu'] One of the nine
Muses, to whom the mountain He-
licon was feigned by the poets to
be sacrèd.

.66. Uique viro, Sfc^ It was a
custom among the ancients^ to rise
frorn their seats at the entrance of
any person whom they intendèd to
honour. There could not be a
giseater compliment imaginedtobe

paid to Gallus, as a poet, than for
the Muses to rise up, on his being
introduced into their company. This
respect was paid to Virgil by the
people of Rome, who rose up
when his verses were recìted in the
theatre, and shewed the same re-
verence to his person, as they did to
that of Augustus himself; as we
read in the dialo^e de Oratonbu»,
ascrìbed to Tacitus; " Malo se^
" curum et secretuni Virgilii se-
" cessum, in quo tamen neque apud
^ divum Augustum gratia caruit,
** neque apud populum Romanum
'' notitia. Testes Augusti episto-
*' lae, testis ipse populus, qui auditis
*Mn theatro versibus Virgilii, «tr--
'^ rex'U universus, et forte praesen-
" tem spectantemque Vir^lium ve-
^'neratus est, sic quasi Angus-
'' tum."

67*' L%nus7\ See the note on ver.
56. of the fourth Éclogue.

Pastor,'] Itdoesnot appear that
Linus was really a shepberd. Per-
haps Viigil represents him under
that character, as he does himself,
and Gallus, in these Bucolicks.
'Thusalso Hesìod represents himself^
asfeeding his lambs under the moun-
tain Helicon;

A? fu ^éf 'ÌUÌ^»9 X»>M9 Qihl^M &9ÌÌh,

"AfHff WM/ieiifùvf *EXMÌh»s wrò {«^«m.

68. Apio.'} See the note on ver.
121 . of the fourth Georgick.

69. Hos tUfi dant calamos, 4^.]
Hesiod himself does not speak of a
pipe being given him by the Muses ;
but of a branch of bay, by which
he was inspired to sing of things
past and future ;

fiucoiìc. ecl: vn

'2<è7

AscraBO qnos ante seni: quibus Ule solebat 70 ^^^y^^:^^^^
jCantando rigidas deducer^_monJ;ìl3us jorn ,
£lìs tibi Grynaei neoioris dicatur orìgo :

he used to bring down the
atubbom achrtneft-from-the
mountaìns su he $ung. With
this shalt thou rdate the
origin of the Gry^ean forest ;

However^ as Hesìod had represented
himself as a shepherd^ Virgil seems
to have represented Linus under the
sano e character^ and therefore with
propriety makes him give a ehep-
neras pipe to Gallus, the veiy same

. pipe with which that ancient poet
sung his immortai verses. Plutarch,
in his "£«•«» vù^Sn ovftTÒcritf^ gives

'an account of the dedth of Hesiod.
A Milesìan, who together with He-
siod lodged at the house of a Lo-
crian^ debauched his landlord*s
daughter. Hesiod, though entirely
innocente was suspected of being
privy to the fact The brothers of
the girl fell upon him in a wood^
and murdered him, together with a
fpllower of his, whose name was
Troilus, Their bodies wei*e thrown
into the sea ; and that of Troilus
was carried up'the ri ver Daphnus,
and left upon a rocl^y island not far
from the sea ; whence the rock ob-
tained afterwards the name of Troi-
lus. But the body of Hesiod was
immediately taken up by some doU
phins, and carried to Rium and
Molycria. It happened, that the
Locrians were celebrating somegreat

' soletfinities at Rium, when, won-
dering at the great appearance of
dolphins, theyrandown to the shore,
and found the body of Hesiod newly
murdered. As they were greatly
affected with the loss of a mah so
mùch admired, they immediately
sought for themurderers, and having
discovered them, threw them into
the sea, and pulled down their

house» They buried Hesiod in^ the
wood, andkept his sepulchre secret^
hecause the Orchomenians, by ad-
vice of an orade, endeayoured to
find his sepulchre, that they might
carry off his remains, ànd bury
them in their own country. The
same author, in his treatise con-
ceming the sagacity of animals, tells
US, that Hesiod*s dog discovered the
murderers by running furiously, and
barking at mem.

70. Ascrao senL"] Hesiod. See
the note on et mis fuit alter, ver.
40i of the third Eclogue.

72. GryruBi nemorisJ] '' It is a
f* grove in the bórders of Ionia>
*« dedicated to Apollo by his daugh-
'" ter Gryno: or it may havet its
" name from Grynea, a city of
** Moes'iai where is a place, at ali
" times of the year dothed with
" trees, rushes, grass, and various
" flowers ; abounding also with
'* fountains. This city had its
"name from Grynus, the son of
" Eurypylus, king of Moesia, who
'' brought assistance tq the Greeks
'' against the Trojans. Eurypylus
" was the son of Telephus, the
"son of Hercules and Auge,^by
'" Astioche the daughter of Laome-
" don. Grynus, when he carne to
" eiijoy his father's kingdqm, and
" was invaded by his netghbours,
'* sent for aid to Pergamns, the àon
"*of Neoptolemus and Androma-
" che, by whose assistance he be-
^' carne victorious, and founded
/' twpcities: one he called Perga-
" mus, after the name of his ally ;
" and the other Grynium, as he
'**.was dirécted by an oracle of
" Apollo. As Calchas was plantìng
*' vìnes in this gfove;, a certain ati-

' Gg2

8«B

Vi VlilQILU MAJiONIS

l^jEwSS iSiJBiSil Ne quU sit ki^ii% quo %e plus jactet ApoUo.

" gttr in the ùeigfabourhoodpassing
'^'Hbyy toid' nini ne did' wniug^ fòF
'' it was QOt lawful to Uste of new
'' Wfne made thefe. Bat Calchàs
'' went on wtth bis work, and when
'' he had made hìs vintage, invited
*' his tietghbourd, and the augur
^ among the test, to supper, pro-
'^ duced his tv ine, and as he was
" going to make a libation on the
"hearth tò the goda, toid them,
*' he would not only drink of it
'' himself, but give some also to
'* the gods and his friends. The
*/ augur made the same aoswer as
^* before ; at which Calchas burst
'' intó such a fit gf laughing, tbat
" he was suddenly choKed| and let
" his cup fall. Varrò savs, that
'' ali sorts of chains^ ano botids
'' whatsoever^ used to be taken ojBT»
'' when any one entered into the
" grove of Grynean Apollo. It is
" said also^ that Calclias and Mop-
** sus had acontention inthis grove
*' concerning their skill in dlvina-
'* tion : and when they disputed
" about the number of apples on a
'^ certain trce, the victory fell to
*' Mopsus, at whiph Calchas g^rieved
'* himself to death, This is con-
*' tained in the verses of Eupho-
" rion, which Gallus translated in-
" tò Latin j whence Gallus says,
" at the end of the tenth Eclogue»

' ^ Ilo, eé Chalcidico qua tunt fnihi condita

** Carminai

" for Chalcis ì§ a city of Kuboea^
'' the country of Euphoryon," Sbr-
vius.

I believe the reader will be of
opinion^ that Gallus had need
ehough of the àssistance of the
Muses» to make tliese idle stories
shine in verse. The works botb of

Euphorlon and Gallus are now
losc 5 wthszwìè ean forin no jiidg-
ment of the merit either of the
autbar or tran«Ìatof« The veises,
which Servius quotes from th<> tenth
Eeiogue, seem mther io prove, that
Otllus trrote in ìmitatlon of Theo-
critus ; for the sepond line of that
quotation runs thtis ;

CwaÙDtif jmiorU Skuii moAUàbor «twNk

Wé may therefore suppose» that by
Chalcidico versu ì« meant, %hàt
Gallus took his subject Irom Eu-
phorion, but wrote in the slyle of
Theocritus ; as in this Eclogue Vir«
gii seems to intimate, that he wrote
after the manner of Hesiod* As
for Euphorion, Suidas tells n», tbat
he was the son of Polymnetus, of
Chalcis in Eubo^a; that he learned
philosophy of Ijacys and Pryuuvis,
and poetry of Archebulus, a poet
of Thera : that he was boro in the
126th Olympiad : that he was of a
yellow complexion, fat^and bandy-
legged: that he was made chief
lìbrarìan to Antiochus the Great,
kinff of Syria -, in which country he
died : that he was buned «t Apa-
mea, or, according to others» at
Antìoch: that he wrote in heroìc
verse a hook entitled 'HcrA^,
and another called M«4^»jr/«, or n
Miscellany, becajise it contained
various stories: that he called bis
work Mopsopia, because Attica was
formerly so called, from Mopsopia
the daughter of Oceanus, and his
poem extends to Attica a thouaaod
years: that he collected the 0ra<-
cles of a tbousand years, which bave
been verified by the event 2 which
he digested into five books, caUed
i ^Aftatm x^ynÀf, or ihejifth ihmuand.
Hence we may observe, that as
EuphQrìon caUed one of bis books

BUCOLia ECL. VL

229

Quid loquar? ut Sc^Uam Nisi» ttt quain ùaoà^S^^g^ir^'S^S'ti
secata est, ^ghter«fMhi»,«ofii^

after the'name ot Hesiod, it is pro-
bable that he wrote in imitation
of that ancient poet^ who is said
to have written Georgicks» whìch
arenowlost: and indeed Euphorion
is m^ntioned as a writer of agrl-
cttlture by Varrò. We may there-
fore venture to condode, that Eu-
phorion had spoken of thìs Grynetfi
grove in some poem wherein he
imitated Hesiod ; and that Gallus
had about this time translated it,
orperhaps imitated it; for in the
next line> Vtrgil seems to intimate,
that this grove is so adorned by the
pen of bis friend Gallusi that Apollo
will prefer it before ali the groves
that have been dedicated to him.

Strabo places Gryniumin Molliti
and speaks of an ancient orade 4>f
Apollo tbere, and a sumptuons tem«-
ple built of white stonei M«#iW h

fimfi^ rSf hlkiut ìmr f2ir« wé)J)^fm
M«^i9ct9é9, r^ufé0f, Mmì it^lf 'Air«AA«Mc,

74. Quid hqwiTy <^c.] The poet
just mentions the fables of Scylla
and Ter0us» with which he eon-
cludes the soiig of Silenus*

UiSoyllixmNiti^utquam,] Tbere
as a great controversy amonff the
critics» abottt the reading of tiiis
passage. * In most editions we find
atU S^Uam Nifi quam; acoording
to which reading, V iigil speaks bere
but of <me ScyUa« the daugfater t>f
Nisas> and ascribaB tx> her what is
said of anotber Scilla, the daughter
of Phorcos, Pienus found ut ScyU
Uun in the Roman manuscript ; and
an Sc^llafn Nisi aut yuamfama secutti
eti in another ancient manuscript
We have therefore the authority ài
one manuscript for reading ut before

Scyllam, and inserting aut between
Nisi and quam, which last is ooun-
tenaiioed also b^ Servms. In the
Lyons edition, m folio, 151 7^ it is
aui Scyllam Nisi mtt quam. The
sàme reading is admitted also by Da-
niel Heinstus and Pulman. Catrod,
and Cuningam read ut Scyllam Nhi
aui quam. M arolles also interprets
the passage before us accordingto
this reading; '' Que diray-je de
'^ ce quii raconta de Scille ffle de
** Nise ? ou bien de ceUe qui à ce
** que Fon dit, fut entour^, ^c."
Thus also the leamed Bari of Ros-
common;

Why should I «peak of the Mfganan

Far love perfldious, and by love betray'd?
And her, who round with barklng mon-

•tcrtmn'd
The wsnd'iìng Greeks Odi frìghted aoeif I)

alarm'd.

Atìd Dryden ;

Wbj ahovld I sing the doubk ScyOaU

fate.
The first by love transform'd^ the last by

hate«

Our old translator W. L# under^
stands the poet to speak only of the
daughter of Nisus ; ^

What shotild I speake of Scylla, NSsus

.chyld?
Who in the gulfe the Gredan shipa tur^
moyrd ;

And the Earl of Lauderdale \

Wbj Bhonld I aing of Scylla, noce the

fame
Of her white rocks and foomlng seaa

gain her a name ;

And Dr. Trapp;

Why should I teli how Scylla, Nisus

boro,
With barking monsters» round her waist

inclos'd,
Vex*d the Diilichian ships.

230

R VURGILII MARONIS

^^hSf1SitÌS>SS!'y^ Candida sucdnéUm latrantibus inguina riiòo-

La Cerdd ìs strongly of the eame opi-
nion^ and warmly vìndicates the
poet firoin the censure of those, who
accuse him of having confounded
twQ &bles together. He blames
those, who have altered the text
with a view of bringing the poet off
.firom this ìmputation^ and under-
takes to justify him, even acoording
to the common reading; /' The
/' poet," says he, '*did neither con-
"found two stories togeUier, nor
*' falsify them, but only delivered
" what had been delivered before.
" Know then, that not only Scylla
" the daughter of Phorcus, but
/^also Scylla the daughter of Nisus,
" was tumed into sea^dogs. I shall
" say nothing of the dauffhter of
" Phorcus, for the poet has not
'^spoken of her, as ali know and
*' believe, and therefore censure
'' him. As for the other, about
'^ whom the dispute is, I shall pro-
" duce three testimonies, of Strabo,
« Ovìd, and Lucretius. The first
^'says, in his eighth hook, that
'* Sa^llaum, which w in Hermione,
'^ is said to have taken its namefrcm
*^ Scylla the daughter of Nisus;
^'for she, being in love mth Minos,
'^ hetrayed Nisaa to him, and jvas
" therefore thrown inta the «co, and
'* being toised about a long time btf the
" toaves, at last obiained a sepulchre
" at this place. Or, as ii is better
** expressed in the Greek^ 2xvAA«m«»

" NiV«tf ^vyttr^i^. The second in
** his Amores;

*« Per not Scylla patri canos furata ca-

'* Pube premit rabidot, ingumibusque
" , **canes, ^

" The last, in his fifth hook 5

*' Aut rapidu canUnu tucdnctas

'*rtfil#
*• Coi]^bu8 Scyllas."

Ruseus adds another quotation ùosn
the fourth hook of Propertius,
where the two Scyllas are plainly
spoken of as one;

Quid mirum in patrìos Scyllam stevisse
capillos ?
' Candidaque in saevos inguina versa
canes ?

These passages are ali fairly quoted,
and suflSciently prove, that if Vir-
gil did confound the two fables to»
gether, he was sufficiently kept in
countenance by other authors. I
should therefore readily admit of
tliis vindication of our poet, if we
had not the aiithority of manu-
scripts for a better and more exact
reading, which 1 have therefore ad>
mitted into the text. Nor is Ruae-
us averse from l^is reading, which
he allows to be amended, not with-
out the authority of manuscrìpts;
" lidemque non male versum emen-
" dànt ex fide MSS." What makes
me stili the more willing to admit
of this^emendation, is tnat Vìrgil
himself has mentioned the fable of
Nisus and his daughter Servila being
tumed into birds, in the first Geor-
gick: whence I conclude that he
could not so openly contradict hjm-
self, as to teli of her being tumed
into a monster, in this Eclogue.

For Scylla, the daughter of Ni-
sus, see ver. 404. of the first Geor-
gick, and the note on ver. 405.

Scylla, the' daughter of Phorcu»,
was greatly beloved by Glaucus,
who, not beinff able to obtain her
favour, applied to Circe for her as-
sistance. But Circe, being in love
with Glaucus, resolved to get rid

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI.

231

Dttlichias vexasse rates, et gurgitein alto, jabjjj^twobied the thip. ot

of ScylUu She poisoned the water
where S<ylla used to bathe ; so that
as 8oon as she went in up to the
middle» she found her lower parts
surrounded wìth barkìng monsters.
Scylla being affrighted, ran away,
not imagìning these monsters tó be
partof herself^ and was tumed into
a dangerous rock^ in the strait be-
tween àidlj, and the contine nt of
Italy. See*ver. 420. of the third
Maeìd, and the latter end of the
thirteehth^ and beginnmg of the
foiirteenth books of Ovid*8 Meta-
morphoses.

7o. Dulicliias vexasse rates, Jj^c.']
The poet bere alludes to a passage
in the twelfth Odyssey ;

Tif^ U ftu 2«tfXX« yXnpvfSu U min Wm-

Imi».
t»%i^àfUHs y U ni» é^9 Mfut luù /uf

*T^i^ aulirmi Ifù ìk ^èiyyrro ttm»
XiStrtt

*lX^v€t VMS iktytigt Ì»X99 xark tlhtr»

fiÀ)iXét9,

'▲rr4<Myr«> Irurtf Xm^^ ìfftih éù^%'
*ns iiy À0Wtu^9rru àM«fT9 ir»rì vrir^'
AbrtS V tM éufifTi Mom^étt x%xX^ytvretf,

Ot»ri0vn in xuw ìfnig Tìév ì^akfuStt

When lo ! fierce Scylla stoop'd to seùe.

her prcy,
tStretch'd her dire jaws, and swept six.

men away ;
Chiefs of renown ! loud echoing shrìeks

arise.;
I turn, and view them quivering in the

akies.;
Thej cai], and aid witb outstretch'd

arms implore :
In vain they cali t (hpse anns are

stretch*d J10 more. .

As from some rock that overhangs the

flood.
The silent fisher casta th' insidioùs food,
Wìth fraudful care he waits the finny

pHze,
And sudden lifts it quivering to -thè

skies:
So the foul monster lifts her prey oni

high,.
So pant the wretches, stniggliog in the

sky;
In the Wide dungeon she devours her

food»
And the flesh trembles wfaUe she chums

the blood ;
Worn as I am with griefs, with care de»

cay'd ;
Never, I never, scene so dire survey'd !
My shiv'ring blood congeard forgot to

flow,
Aghast I stood, a monument of woe !

POPB.

Dulichìas^ Dulichium is one of
thoseislands in the lonìan sea, called
Echinades. It lies over a^ainst the
month of the rìver Ach^ous^ and
was subject to the dominion of
Ulysses.

VexasseJ] We are informed by
Aulus Gellius^ that some ancient
grammarìans^ among whom was
Comutus Anneeus, m their com-
menta on Virgil, found fault with
this word, as being ili chosen and
mean. They thought it applicable
only to triding uneasinesses; and
not strong enough to express sogreàt
a misery, as the being devoured by
a horrid monster. But that leamed
critic affirms it to be a vcry strong
word; and thinks it was derived
from vehere to carry, which ex-
presses force ; because a man is not
in bis own power, when he is car-
ried, A man who is taken up, and
carried away by violence, is properly
said to be vexatus, For as taxare
is a much stron^er word than tan-
gere, from whIch it is derived ; Ja-
dare ihanjacere; and quassarethan
quatere ; so is vexare also more fpr^

S38

P. VIBGILII MABOMIS

im4 p9 b$m^0n tte ébmm

iiuurinen,aUtt v^th

tathede^gttlphf orhow'_ .
lebted the toni Umbs of Te-
mur what a faanqtiet, what
presenti Pbilomela prepared
far him ì wiCb what coium
he locnht the deaerts : and
with what wiQgi theunnappfy
^ few iSiit,1>cron jS

He «hiffs ali that the happy
Eurotai neanl«and command-
fdhis hay-tiectto }eani,wh«t
rnoeba saag or old :

Ah timtdos oanto» canibiis laocrmieiiiaritìis? '

Aut ut mutatos Terei narraverit artus ?
Quas illi Philomela dapes, quae dona pararit ?
Quo cursu deserta petiverit, et quibu^ ante 80
Infelìx sua iecta wpervolitaverit^is?
Omnia quae^ Phisho quondam meditante, beati»
Audiit Eurotas, jussitqne ediscere lauros,

cible than its primitive vehere» And
though in common speech^ one who
is incommoded by smoke, wind, or
dust^ is said to be vexatus; yet we
are net to relinquish the origiiud
and proper sense of the wwd, as it
was used by the aneients. He con-
firms this by a quotatìon firom an
oration of Cato, where> speaking of
the greatest calamity thatever Italy
endured, he makes use of the verb
vexo ; *' Quumque Hannibal ter-
^ ram Italiam lacerarot atque vex-
'raret;*' and another firom the
fourth oration of Cicero against
Verres; " Qu» ab Ì3to sic «pollata
^ at<|ue direpta est, ut ma ab baste
'^ aliqno^ qui tamen in bello religi-*
^'onem et consuetivHnis jura re-
" tineret, sed ut a baròaris pra*
'f donibus velata esse videatur."
' 7B, Avi ut mutato» Terd^ ^c]
See the note on Ter, 15. of the
fourth Georgick.

80. Quo cunu deserta, é^c."] The
Bari of BoscommoQ under^ùmds
this passale to mean, that Philo*
mela flew into the wood, and Froe-
ne contioued hov^sdug about the
house;

Or teli the Hiracian tyrant»s alter*d

shape
And dire revenge of Philomela's rape»
Who to thosf woods diirects ber moum-

ful course,
Where she had suffer'd by inc^stuous

foree,
Wbile loth to leave the palaee too well

knowD,
Progne flies hoverìng round» and thinks

it stili her own.

Drydeti faas paraphrased it in snch

a manner» as to represent the trana^
formation of Tereus» Philomela»
and Procne i

Vbm nnrlidi'd Philomel the song ex*

pre^t;
The crvaai^ rerealM; the sigt^r» aia«l

ieast;
And hove in fieids the lapwing Teteus

reigns;
Iftie warUing nigbtingok tu wo«ds «om-

plains
While Progpc màkii9 op cbimney tops

her moan ;
Aad hoven «^ the ftAam «nos her

own»

Dr. Trapp thinks both verses retate
toTeneus;

Or how pf Telali»* nK^tamorpko^ó^ f«!»i
He sungi fùf hm what presenta what

a feast
By vengeful Pkilomela wftt prepar*d.
mth what a sight h^ sought the 4e8art

woods»
On the same wings» with wjb«€|i (ÌU-

fiited change {>
He flutter'd round the palao^ Ance his

owp.

82. Omnia qua Pìicebo, ic] "Hie
poet condudw dus fine Ediogue
with telUng wh that Siknus relalied
ali the stories also» whieh Apollo
himself song on the banks of the
Eurotas» Mrhen he courted hi£i dar-
ling Hyacinthua,

83. Eurotas.'] This ri ver, ac-
cordi ng to Strabo» has its sprìng '
nearthatof Alpheus: fortheybom
rise near Asea» a village belcmging
to Megalopolis» in the Peloponnesus.
They both run under ground for
some furlongs» and then break out
again ; when 'the Alpheus takes ita
course through the Pisatis^ and the

BUCOLIC. ECL. VI.

SSS

the Talleys echo Ms song to
the akietj till loch tfane u

lUe canit : pulsse referunt ad sidera valles ; ^

Cogere donec oves stabulis, numerumque referre toS^iS^'^tothlfoSu

^"^ A**^ ««r%a«l^ Illa n 11 r> m«» m n fift tv*

Jussit, et invito processit Vesper Olympo. SG

and made his appeanuice in
the unwilUng heavens.

Eurotas through Laconia, runnlns
by Sparta> passing through a sniaU
valley at Helos^ falls into the sea
between Gythium, which is the
marìtimc town of Sparta^ and A-
craea;. 'fu V [• 'AA^im^] m rSn «v-
rSif rixtÈf, l{ St Mii • Ev^éirttf' kaXu-

w?\nvUf «AAifX«f9 %x,àwra 9u» wmr^, sS
«^r flUwrit et Xtx^ifTH TTctfui' ìvms ^
V9rò T^fy tri 0-v;i^Mtfff crr«^/«v(^ «vimA-
Atftwi xdXit, uB^ i fdf fi( rh AaiuntKnt,
9 9* li; Tilt n«0-«riy iiutT«yfr«#. ^O ^v
9V9 Eù^^chas .... ««(* «VTJfv rif 2x«(-
T«y f Vi/;, auti ii^tìn «i/A«y« tih^ ^«^d»
ju»rie tI "£Adf, .... ii»)i^«r0'i jMfr«|tf

*A»Mdti9. Apollo Ì8 said by Ovid
to nave forsaken Delphi for the
bànks of the £urotas^ when he was
in love with Hyacinthus ;

-Orbis

In medio positi caruerunt cannine Del-
phi,

Dum deus Eurotauj ìmmunitamque fre-
quentai

Sparten.

The Eurotas seems to have been a
favourite rìver of both Apollo and
Diana; for we read in the first
iBneid,

Qualis in Eurotas rìpis,

Cynthi,
Exercet Diana choros.

aut per juga

Jussiique ediscere lauros,"] The
banks of the Eurotas are said to
abound with bay-trees. Hence per-
haps Apollo was fancied by the an-
cients to be more particularly fond
of this river than of any other.
Pope has imitated this verse, in bis
fourthpastoral;

Thames heard the numbers, as he flow'd
along.

And bade his wìUowb learn the moving
song.

85. Cogere donec oves, é^cJ\ At
the end of the first Edogue, the
evening was described by the smok-
ing of the cottage chimneys, and
lengthening of the shadows : in the
second, by the oxen bringing back
the plough : and bere we bave the
rJsing of die evening star, the ga«
therìng of the sheep into their folds,
and the counting of their number.
These images are perfectly rural,
and suited to pastoral poetry .

86. Fesper.'] The planet Venus,
when she goes before the sun, is
called Lucifer, or the moming star:
but when she fdlows the sun, she
is called Hesperus, or Vesper^ and
by US the evening star. Thus Ci-
cero, in bis second book de Natura
Deorum; " Infima est quinque er-
«' rantium, terrseque proxiraa stella
" Veneris, quae fuo-^^éf Grsece,
** Lucifer Latine dicitur, cum ante-
'< greditur solem : cum subsequitor
** autem, Hesperos."

Invito Olimpo,'] The very skies
were so dehghted with this divine
song, of «Silenus, that they were
sorry to see the evening proceed^
and put a stop to their entertain-
ment. Milton has a thought some-
thing like ibis, in bis seventh book ;
where Adam tells the angd, that
the sun will gladly stay to bear bis
discourse;

And the great light of day yet wants to

run
Much of his race though steep, suspense

in heav'n
Held by thy voice, thy potent voipe be

hears.
And longer wilI delay to hear thee Xeìì
His generation, and the rising birth
Of nature from the unapparent deep.

Hh

P. ^RGIUI MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA SEPTIMA.

MELIBOEUS.

Melibobus, Corydok, Thyrsis.

Mel. Forte sub arguta consederat ilice ^*SàS'!^!&^SSb^-
Daphnis, «*•

1. Forte 9uh arguta, S^cT^ In
this Eclogue is represented an aoie-
bean contention between two shep-
herds, Corydon aud Thyrsis. Tbey
are described sìtting under a tree^
in company with Daphnis, who
seems to bave been appointed to
jùdge betWeen them. Meliboeus^
happening to pass that way in
quest of a goat that bail strayed^
is spied by Daphnis, who calls him,
and insists on bis staying to bear
the dispute. The whole affair is
related by Meliboeus.

The commentators, according to
custom, are divided coneeming the
persons, whom Virgil is bere sup-
pòsed to represent under the fetgned
names uf Daphnis, Mdiboeus, Cory-
don, and Thyrsis. Servius says,
that Daphnis is the Sicilian shep-
herd, spokenX)f in the fifth Eclogae,
whom he now caìls a diviner,
which he thinks is confirmed, by
bi9 telUng Meliboeus, in the way of
divination, that bis goats are safe;

Caper t\bi $alvu8 et hasdì. Vives
takes the whole Eclogue to repre-
sent a famous contention at Rome
between two poets, at wbicb Virgil
was presenta he therefore supposes
Daphnis to bp one of Ceesar's
ìearned friends, Meliboeus to be
Virgil, and Corydon to be oneof
VirgiVs friends I either Gallus, Va«
rus, or Pollio. Some wiil bave
Corydon to be Virgil, and Thyrsis
one of bis contemporary poets and
rivals. La Cerda is positive, that
the poet feigns a contention betwéen
himself and Theocritus, whom he
represents under the character. of
Thyrsis. Ruaeus is of opinion,
that Corydon may be either Gallus,
or Pollio; Thyrsis one of bis ri-
vals; Daphnis a common friend;
and Meliboeus Virffil hin^self. Gar
trou will bave it, that the two con*^
tending sbepherds are Cebes and
Alexander^ Meliboeus is either Mae*
oenas or Pollio, and Daphnis Vir-
gil himself. Thus^ according ta
Hh2

836

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

Sli^S!5^tSàk!^^S£^ Compulerantque greg^ Corydon et Thywìs in
•unum :

these various opinions^ Daphnis may
be either the ancieat shepfaerd of
SicUy, or one of C«8ar*8 learned
frìends, or a friend of Gallus and
Pollio^ or Virghi himself: Meli-
boeus may be either Virgili FoìUo,
or Maecenas: and Corydòa may
be either Gallus> or Varas, or Pol-
lio, or Virghi himself» or one of
his scbòlars. Here we may observe
that Virgil Ì8 8upposed to be repre-
sented under any of the four cha-
racters, ezeept that of Thyrsis. It
might with equal reason bave been
Bupposed^ that Virgil intended to re-
present a contention between him*
self, and either PoUio, Gallus» or
Vanu ; that he meant himself by
Thyrsis, and therefore out of com-
plaisance, gave the victo/y to his
patron. But in tnith, I believe he
did nbt inteiid to deaoribe any par-
ticular person in thts Eclogue ; but
only to imitate Theocritus; ibr
f here 18 not any paisage in the whole
poem, that seems to allude to any
private character. The subject is
wholly pastoral ; and the verses of
the two eontending shepherds relate
«Dtireiy to their own rural a&irs,
to their own friendshìpa, and lo
thetr own amours.

jirguta.^ Servius interpreta it
canora, $iridula. Nothiog is.more
frequent witk the poets, tbaa to
&peak of the whisperìng or murmur--
tng of trees. Thus Theocritus be-
gina his first Idyllinm ;

*A irtrì tm$ wmymUt /UXUi§rm.

B^iaeus thinks this epithet may be
i^)|died Co trees» either on account of
the birds ainginff on their branches^
or of the wioa whisdrag among
their leaves.

Consederai.'] In some copies it
is comiderat

Ilice.'] Castelvetrius» es he is
quoted by Barman, idfirms, that
neither holm-oaks, pines, junipers,
nor cbestnats grow in the Mantuan.
It Is hardly to be imagined, that
Virgil could be ignorant of the trees
that grew in his owu neghbourhood.
Olir learned Ray, whose authority
in this case is worth that df a hun-
dred grammarìans, affirms, that the
liolm-oak is common in most of the
provincesof Italyj " In Hetruria
''aliisque Itali» provinciis, pr»-
*' sertim ad mare inferum, inque
" Gallia Narbonensi, et Hispanìa,
'^ in sylvis, collibus, et campestri-
" bus maritiniis passim et copiose
" provenit" The same author
observed the pine in great plenty in
severa! parts of Italy; particularly
near Ravenna, where there is an
entire lai^ wood of these trees,
extending itself to the sea-side. He
tells US also, that chestnuts abound
in Italy. He does not indeed par-
ticularly mention the juniper aa an
Italian plant ; but he seems to speak
of it as growing in ali parts of Eu-
rope. Hawever, if we will believe
Màtthiolns, a learned Italian bo-
tanist, the juniper is very common
in his country $ *' Major et minor
'' juniperi species tn ploribus Italiee
" loda repei-itur. Tuscia urbacas
'' alit, qusB.in proceram arboirem
** assurgunt: visunturque hae fre-
'* queutes in agro nostro Senensi ;
'' quarum fructus sylvestrìbi» et
'* crassior et dulcior habetur.** .

'2. Compulerantque greges^ 4^.]
This is an imitation of the begtn-
ning c^ the sizth Idyllium of Theo-
flritusi

BUCOUÓ. ECL. VII.

837

l%ynisoTe8,Cor7d<mdistenta8lacte<»pdlaa. "^^^S^^SÌì^

Ambo fiorentes setatibus, Arcades ambo :

!Et cantare pares, et respondere parafi. 5

Huc mihi, dom teneras defendo a frigore myrtosi

mjak. Bothwereintfaeflowtr
of their ««e, both Arcadlao* :
both equa] in daging, ao4
ica4y to aaMver. Hitber« taf
goat, tbe very ntber pf my
flock h»d wMdered, wfail«t

Danustafl* And th^ hexxlsman Daphni?

drove
Thdr llocks io feed, and took one sfaadj

gnnre;
Tiie one was beaided, of a chaimiog

grace,
Tlic otber joung. down cloth*d faw

lovdy face. Creech.

Tlnu also we read at the begìnning
of the eightfa IdyllLum ;

Both yellow locks adorn'd, and both

trere young ;

Bóth rarely pip*d, and both divinelj

fluag. C&EECH.

In unum.'] Understand locum;
for this ìs a literal translation of the
f/( lue x!*V ^^ Theocrìtus.

4. Arcades ambo.] Servius says,
they were not really Arcadlans, be*
cause the scene is laid near Mantua ;
I but so skilful in singìng^ that they
i might be taken for Arcadians. La
Cerda thinks they are called Arca-
dians^ to signìfy^ that they were
strong lasty young fellows ; beeause
the Arcadians were famous for be-
ing robust and hardy. Ruaeus thinks
they were etther really Arcadians,
or rather like Arcadians m the art
of singìng ; beeause the scene is not
laid in ^cadia; but in the Cisal-
pine Gaulj on the banks of the
Mincius, not far firom Mantua. Ca-
tron is of opinion, that, as Cebes
and Alexander were slaves brought
from a foreign country, Virgil took
the liberty of feigning them to be
Arcadians ; beeause they were equal
in singÌDg to the Arcadians, a peo-

ple so much celebrated by the poets.
Arcadia is well known to be an in-
land country of Peloponnesus. It
was &mou8 for its excellent pastu*
rage, vaat numbers of herds and
flocks, and its extraordinary wor«
ship of the £od Pan, to wbom a fu*
mous temp^ was erected in Tegea.
This deity was said to bave invented
the shepherd's pipe; and the Arca*
dians were famous for their skill in
mufiic. They are said to bave been
taught b^ Arcas^ the son of Calino
bv Jupiter, to build cottages, to
clothe themsfilves with the skins of
beasts» and to Uve ofì acorns, beech*
mast, and other food of the same
kind. This rendered them a very
hardy and strong peonie ; andma^
them able to repel me violence of
their neighbours, wfaen they invaded
them.

6. Huc,'] So Fierius found it in
the Medicean manuscript: though
he prefers kic- Heìnsius also and
Burman found huc in several manu*
scripts. In the Milan edition 1481^
ana that of Lyons, 1517^ in folio,
and in the Paris editions in 4to^
1540 and 1541, and in the Lon*
don edition by Pynson, it is kic,
which reading ako is admitted by
Pulman, Heinsius, Masvicius, Huae-
ùs^ Cuningam, and Catrou. But
Aldus, Robert Stephens, Guellius»
La Cerda, and Burman read hnc;
as I find it also in the fòlio editions,
of Venice 1562 and Paris Ì600,
and in tbe Antwerp edition of
1543.

Dum teneras, &c.] The men-
tion of defending the myrtles from
the cold has occamoned some trou-
ble to the «cMaamentators, in set»

2S8

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

I «ee Dtphnb ; aitd M MK» M
Ne aees me, he calls out. Come
hither, O MeliboBos} joar
goat b alfe, and yoar kids;
and if yoa can stay, rett un-
dertheahade. YourbuUocks
will cerne hither throtigh the
meadows to drink or their
ownaccord: bere the verdant
Mfaidos hai covered thebanks
with tender leavei; and the
«warmt buz from the sacred
oak.

Vir gr^s ipse eaper deerraverat: atque ego'

Daphhim
Aspicio : ille ubi me cóntra vìdet ; Ocias, inqait,
Huc ades, O Melibcee ; caper tibi salyus et hop^di ;
Et, si quid cessare potes, requiesce sub umbra. 10
Huc ipsi potum venient per prata juvenci :
Hic viridis tenera prsetexit arundine rìpas
Mincius, eque sacra resonant examina quèrcu.

tling the ti me of year, in which thìs
Eclogrue is said to be wrìtten. Ser-
VÌU8 says, some understand this pas-
sage in the plain and obvious sense
of the MTOrds : others, who affirm it
was in summer^ understand dùm de-
fendo ajrigore to mean^ / am cover-
ing ihem agaimt the future cold:
omers understand it to sìgnify dura
mihi defensaculum praparo myrtos a
Jrigore, that is, qua sunt sìne fri-
goribus, Surely this last interpreta-
tion is as harsh as can be imagined.
La Cerda prefers that of covering
them against the future cold; be-
cause the greenness of the banks,
the growing of the reeds, the buz-
zing of the bees, and the shade of
the holm-oak sufficiently declare the
season to be the Spring. Catrou
thinks the epoch of this Eclogue is
March or Aprii, when the weather
is cool enough to require a shelter
for the more tender trees. Bur-
man,, observing how various the
opinions of the commentators are
on this subject, and finding teneros
in one manuscript, and myrtus in
another, is willing to think the text
may bave been corrupted, and that
we ought to read,

Hic ego dum teneros difendo a /rigore
fcetus ;

as we read Ovium teneros depelkre
Jbetus, in the first Eclogue. For
my own part, I do not see any rea-
son to suppose the textto bave been
corrupted, or any difficulty in under-
standing this passage according to

the plain meaning of the words. It
is well known, that the Myrius com-
munis Italica C. B, or common Myr^
ile, grows plentifuUy in Italy, espe-
ciidly on the coast of the Tyrrhene
sea; but even in Italy it does not
love cold, especially when planted
in gardens; " Myrti montes non
*' amant quin et Jrigidos edere
" tractus," says MatthioTus. These
m3rrtles of Meliboeus were young
and tender, and therefore stood in
need of shelter: and it is plain,
that a cool season is intended, by
the words a /rigore. The argu-
ment drawn fVom the shade of the
holm-oak proves nothing; because
those trees are green ali the winter ;
nor is any one circumstance men-
tioned, which does not agree with
the beginning of the spring, the
season which Catrou has nghtly
assigned.

) 7. yir gregis.'] This expression
is used also by Theocritus, in the
^ghth Idyllium ;

12. Hic viridis, ^c] The ver-
dure of the fields aojoining to the
Mincius seems to nave been re-
markable: our poet mentions it
agaìn in the third Georgick;

Et viridi in campo templum de nuirmore '

ponam
Propter aquam, tardis ìngens ubiflexìbus

errai ^

• Mincùu, et tenera prcetexU arundine -

ripat,

13. Sacra ... . ; quercu,'^ The

BUCOLIC. ECL. yU.

23&

Quid facerem? neque ego Aldppen, nec Phyl-

lida habebam ;
Depulsos a lacte domi quas clauderet agnos: 15
Et ccrtamen erat, Corydon cum Tbyrside mag-

num.
Posthabui tamen illorum mea seria ludo.
Alternis igilur contendere versibus ambo
Coepere : alternos Mus» meminisse volebant.
Hos Corydon, illos referebat in ordine Thyrsis.
Cor. Nymphae, noster amor, Libethrides:
aut mihì Carmen, ^1

WhatooQldldor I had ort-
ther Afcbpc nor PhjlUs, to
•hut up tbe weaned lamba at
home: and it was a great
contentian, Corydon and
Thynis. However, I made
my own busineM give way
to their qxvt. Tbey b«gan
therefore to contend with al'
ternate venes: the Muies
woald have them aing alter-
nately. Corjrdon becan, and
Thyras answered in liit tura.
Qrtr. O ye Llbethriaa
Kymphs, my deUght,. dther
inapire me with such poema.

oak was accounted sacred, not only
by the Greeks and Romans, but
aLso by the Britons and Gauls.

Resonant examina»'] Thus Theo-
critus^ in the first Idyllium ^

— — T«fvi2 ì^é$t, J)i MvmtMt,

14. Jlcippen nec Phyllida.'] Ser-
vius is of opinion^ that these were
mistresses of the singers 3 andthere-
j fore that the meaning of these words
I ìs^ I neither had Alcippe, like one,
I nor Phyllis like the other. La Cerda
agtees with Servius, but Ruseus
thinks they were the servants of
Meliboeus. Catrou embraces this
last opinion : and indeed the former
would have quite destroyed his sys-
tem: for we cannot suppose^ that
Cebes and Alexander^ who are said
to have been Virgil's slaves^ had
each of them a maid-servant of his
own. It must be confessed how-
ever, that the opinion of Servius is
the most naturai.

16. Et certamen erat, ^.] '' He
** speaks figuratively, it was a great
'' contention^ one with another^ ille
** cum ilio, as if you should say> It is
'* a great . contention^ Virgil with
*' Cicero. He seems tó have used
'' the nominative case for the gè-
" nitive, Corydonis,'' Servius.

La Cerda understands it to be a
figurative expressiòn ; certamen be-
ing put for cerlator; so that, ac-
cordmg to him^ it should be ren-
dered Corydon mas a great contender.
Burman says, it is an elegant appo-
sition» like that of Cicero; " Unum-
'* que certamen erat relictum, sen-
" tentia Volcatii."

18. AUemis igilur, ^c."] In like (
manner we read in the thìrd.Ec-
logue,

AlternìB dìoetis : amant alterna Camenae. I

21. Nympha, nostèr amor, 4c.]
*^ This first amebean contains a
'' prayer for poetry. Corydon en-
" treats the Muses to give nim sadi
'^ a power of verse, as they have
"bestowed on Codrus; otherwise
" he declares he will give over the
"art" RujEUS.

Thyrsis answers by calling on the
Arcadian shepherds^ to crown some
rising genius with ivy, to break the
heart of Codrus ; or to crown him
with laccar, to defend him from the
influence of a malicious tongue.

Nymphas .... Libethrides,'] Ac-
cording to Strabo, Libethrum is
the name of a cave in or near the
mountain Helicon, which lies near
Pamassus, consecrated to the Libe-
thrian nymphs or muses, by the
Thracians who inhabited thoseparts.

240

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

VSfh^^&tS^L^A Qu^e ^^ Codros concedite: prcndma Phoel»

fioct to the tvtset of PhcBbcM :

were called Viete», and were after-
wards succeeded by the Macedo-
nians ; ^O fàt «Jr 'EXuim «v wéXv in-
vtm^ff T«v lìm^M^tréu IfUfuXXMf irr<y
Wvtf, M»r« TI v'^éf xtù wt^ifi^^ét,
ìkftipm y«i^ X6tJM/ói?M rà 0^, k»Ì wtrfm-
in' wt^tyni^iTm ìt tv vdXX^ ^^f*

«V Ti^, &^éuM9 UMt Tévf lòf *EXtxmm
TtUi M«vr«M€ .MB^<|Mf9wyra(c* . «V .x«i m
n<l{/«V> Mei T0 Af/&|i^^«V^ luti TÌiv n/|w-

Xtuff % n/ffff* i»A<9rÓH-«y ^ leirnvir,

In the tenth hook also he tells iis^
that Libethrum anciently belong^
to the Thracìans^ who ii^bitéd
BoBotia, and dedìcated the mountain
Helicon and the cave of the Libe-
thrìan Nymphs to the Muses ; IIii.
• ^M yttp, tutì '^OXvfMTf, 1UÙ Ui^xXtt,
xmi Ai/Ct|df dy ri w»XtU69 ìit S^mcm %»-
^U »«i %^* wf iì ixàva-i Mmttùivtf*

vùuq ®etUtf df rìif fiòéitrUv hròixiaumf,
HTt^ KAÌ rò rSf AkJ^fl^^utìm ìilvfitpSf
«yr^dv x«e5ii^«ner. Pllny speaks of
Libethra. a fountain in Magnesia ;
'^ Thessalia? annexa Magnesia est^
"cujus fons Libethra." Pompo-
nius Mela seems also to speak of
Libethra as a fountain ; ** Terrae
" interiores claris locorum nomi-
'^ nibus insignes, pene nihil igno-
'* bile ferunt. Hinc non longe
^' est Olympus, hic Pelion, hic
*' Ossa» montes gigantum fabula
" belloque memorati : bis Musarum
" parens domusque Fieria : hic no-
" vissime calcatum Grato Herculi
" solura» saltus GSteus ; hic sacro
'• nemore nobilia Tempe ; hic Li-
'^bethra, carminumque fontes ja-
*' cent'' Solinus also mentions
Libethrus^ a fountain of Magnesia;
*' Sednetranseamus praesidium poé-

'* tarum> fona Libethrua et ipie
" Magnesi» est.** Servius sa^s
Libethrus is a fountain of Bceotia,
where the Muses vere worahippeci ;
and that the poet calls them Libe-
thrides from that fountain, just as
they might be called Hippocrenides
from the fountain Hippocrene. He
adds, firom VarrOj that the Njqnphs
are the same with the Muses, the
reason of which is, that the motion
of water is muslcaL Vibius Seque-
ster mentions Lìbethros a fountain
of Rceotia^ and Libethris a mountain
of ^tolia. La Cerda contends, that
the Libethrian Nymphs are differ-
ent from the Muses ; in confinn-
ation of which he quotes Strabo
and Pausanias.^ As for Strabo» the
passagea above queted from that au-
thor seem rather to prove^ that- they
are not different : but the quotation
from Pausanias seems f uli to bis pur-
pose ) for that author calls it the
Libeóirian mountain, and says
there are statues vpon it of the
Muses, and of the Libethrian
Nympha : K^^éftms ì* miUvi «( nv-
trt^ilxùfra S^df imx,u rtA&il^^ff, «y^A-

^«f» irtxXnrif fori A&f&^Uv. Ru9eii8
seems to think it a fountain, on the
authority of Solinus, and renderà
Nymphas Muses. Catrou says,
'' The Njnmphsof Boeotiaare called
" Libethrides: by these Nymphs we
*' ought perhaps to understand the
" Muses ; to whom a cave in Boe-
** otia, called Libethrum, was con-
^* secrated.*' Thus, according io
these varìous authors, Libethrum,
Libethra, Libethrus, or Libethria,
may be either a cave, a mountain,
or a spring, either in Baeotia, Mag-
nesia, or ^tolia. In this great va-
riety of opinions, I believe it will
be safest to abide by the authority
of Strabo^ who^ in two difi^^ent

tìOCOLPG. ÈGLi Vii.

*n

Vereibus ili© facits éut ri ribn pdsSUn^ùs óihnes, ^^^^ ^^""^ ** «« ^'

places^ àffirms Libethrum to be a
cave. By what he has said of it,
we inaj quèstion Mrhéther it was a
cave in the mountain Helicon itéelf^
or «nother bill in that neighboor-
hood, in which this sacred cave was
to be found. If we take the latter
sénse^ we shall make Strabo agree
with those who cali Libethruni a
mountain :. and thus the Libetbrian
cave wiU he a cave in the moun-
tain Libethrum, of Boeotia, near
Helicon. We bave séen that Pliny
places the fountaìn Libethrain Mag-
nesia ; but he does not say a word
of its being sacred to the Muses ;
nor do they seem everto havemade
their babitation eitlier in Magnesia
or ^tolia. There might possibly
be' a fountain called Libethra in
Magnesia, as well as a mountain
calieri Libethrum in Boeotia : for
we find there was not only the
mountain Helicon in that country»
but also a rivér of the same name in
Macedonia. Hence the other geo-
graphers may easily be supposed to
bave confounded the ' Magnesian
fountaìn with the Libetbrian moun-
tain or cave ; and to bave ascribed
to one what belongs to the other.
We may thexefbre venture lo con-
clude, diat the Libethriasi N3rmphs
are no other than the Muses ; and
that they were so called froui a cave
in Libethrum^ a mountain of Hc^*
otia» which, as well as Helicon^ was
consecrated to those deìties.

22. Meo Codro.] We bave the
authority of some copies of Serviua
to prove, that Valgius, in bis Eie-
gieSj mentioned Codros^ as con-
temporary with Virgilj " Codfos
'* poeta ejusdem temporis fuit, ut
" Valgius in suis Eiegis refert.'*
But the verse», not only of Codtus,
but of Valgius also, are now lost.:
and even this note of Servius iis

doubtfttl ; fbr> acconling^to Rurman,
it is wanting in several Tttatiuscripts.
We may conclude howevér, fliat
this Codrus was contemporary with
Virgil, from bis being bere men-
tioned ; that he was his friend,
from his calling him my Codrus ;
and that Virgil thought him a goòd
poet; because he says, he makes
verses next to those of Apollo. 411
these expressions are put into the
mouth of Corydon, to whom he
assigiis the victory at lastj and
therefore we ma^^ believe, that what
he says is conformable to the opi-
nion of Virgil himself. . Juvénal
speaks of one Codrus, as a sorry
poet, at the beginning of his ftrst
Satire;

Semper ego auditor tantum ? nunquam-
ne repon&iD,

Vexatufl toties rauci Theselde Codrì ?

Impune ergo mihi recitaverit ille toga-
tas,

Hic elego8 ? impune diem consumpaeHt
ingens

Telephus ? aut summi piena jam mar-
gine ]ibri

Scriptus, et in tergo, nec dum finitU9
Orefites?

Shall I bui heat stiUf never pay that

tciìref
r«,'rf with hoartc Codriu" Theseit o*rt

and ó*te 9
Shall he, nupunUh'*dt read me tedvouM

pìayesì
He elegiet $ hugc Tclephui whoìc dayet
Unpiints7i*d tpend me $ or Orest^s^ vfH
Margent and otitside, but uotfinish^d yct»
Stapyliom.

He also ridfcules the poverty of
that poet, in bis third Satire ;

LectuR erat Cedro Procula minor, uroeoli
sex,

Oraamentum abaci : nec non et parrulUt'
infra

Cantbarus, et recuba'ns sub eodem mar-
more Chiron, . . '

Jamque vetus Oraecos servabat cista Ù-
belloF,

Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures,
I i

242 R VIROILII MARONIS

ffiSSS^SS*^***^'**" Hic arguta sacra pendebit fistola pina.

Kil halmit CedniSv quii enim neg«t ? et

tamen illild
Perdidit infelix totum nil : ultimus au-

tem
jErumnee cumulus, quod nudum, et

frustra rogsntem
Nemo cibo, nemo hospitio, tectoque ju-

vabit.

Shorter thanU dwarfì-'anfe Codrut had a

hed,
Itemy nx, little jug» onU cupboard't head ;
Item, heneath it gtood a two ear*d poi
By ChiroiCs herltai: lastly fie hadgot
A cheit teith aome Oreek authore^ where
. thejkrce

Barbaroui mice gnwtdd never dying verte-
. W7to hnawt not Codrut notMng had $ yet

crott
Byfire^ poor wretch, he ali that nothing

lott:
And to accumulate the heggar*t grief.
None gaoe him houte^room^ or a meoTt

relief, Staptltok.

His poverty is mentioned also by
Martial, in the fifteenth epigram
of the third hook;

Plus credit nemo, quam tota Codrus in
urbe.
Cum sit tam pauper, quomodo ? cse-
cus amat.

But as these poets, who flourished
in the reign of Domitian, speak of
Codrus as their contemporary; he
cannot be the person whom Virgil
bere mentìons.

Proxima.] Understand carmina,
^S. FacU.'] Facit carmina is used
also in the third Eclogue -,

Pollio et ipse facit nova carmina.

Aut si non possumus omnes, 4*c.]
This passage seems to be very ob-
scure; and the commentators give
US very little light into it. Servius
only refers us to a like expression in
the eìghth Eclogue; and thinks he
. ought to bave said aut si ego non pos-
suiH, The sense of the passage in
the.cjghth Eclogue is this) The
poet having relattd the verses of

Damon» calls upon the Muses to
relate, those of Alphesiboeus^because
we cannot ali do ali thiugs; non
omnia possumus omnes. It seems
therefore to be a proverbiai expres-
sion, of our not being able to do-
every thing of ourselves, without
the assistance of a deity. It is
agreed by general consent, that by
hanging his pipe on a pine, is meant
that he will relinquish his art. But
then, why shouM he for ever give
over singing, if he cannot equal hisF
friend Codrus^ whom he allows to
be second to Apollo? La Cerda in-
terprets si non possumus omnes to
mean^ ifi cannot ospite to the dig^
nity of so great a verse: but then
why does he say omnes, when he
means only hìmself ? Ruaeus passés
it over without any remark; and
only renders it si non omnes possumtis
id ossequi : that is^ if we cannot ali
obtain tt: but who are t'bese allP
Marolles translates it '' ou si tous
** tant que nous sommes^ ne pou-
'* yons y par venir." Catrou under-
stands Corydon to meàn^ if it is a
favour that the Muses do not grani to
any one : " ou, si c'est une faveur
" que vous n'accordez a personne ;"
but then how does oìnnes sìghify
any one ? W. L. translates it.

Or if wee cannot ali so happy bee.

The Earl of Lauderdale -,

But since that ali meo cannot reacb the
bajrs.

Dryden ;

Or if lay wishes bave presum'd too high»
And stretch'd their bounds beyond mor-
tality.

. Dr. Trapp follo ws Dryden, in sup-
posing id ossequi to be understood,
and says it means to write as'well as
Codrus ;

BUCOLIC. ECL; VIL

243

Thyr. Pastores hedera crescentem ornate ,JJJ;^g^^Jjg^^
poetam 25 twngpoet.

«..i— Orifthat

We cannot ali obtain.

I be^ìeve at last we must consider
nonpossumus omnes, as the samc pro-
verbiai ezpression with non omnia
possumus omnes, that is^ we cannot
do every thìng without the assistane^
of a dàty, or òy our own strength.
According to this construction the
sense will be tbìs : '' O ye Muses^
" iQspìre me tp wrile such verses
" as Codrus ; or else, if, as we
'* commonly say^ we cannot aU do
** every thing, that is, if you refuse
" your assistance, and I cannot
*' perforai thisby my own strength^
'^ I will bang my pipe here on the
'^ sacred pine> that is, I will never
" attempt to make any more
" verses."

24. Sacra pendebit Jistula pinu."]
flt was a custom among the an-
ìcients» when they gave over any
' employment, to devote their in-

struroents, and bang them up in
some sacred place. To this custom
Horace alludes, when he says,

Nunc arma- defiinctumque bello
Barbiton iùcnurìes habebit,

Tbus also BI

Pendebatque vagi pastorìs in arbore ve*
tum
Garrula sylvestri fistula sacni deo.

The pine was sacred to Cybele^ who
turned ber belovcd Atys or Attìs info
that tree ; as we read in the tenth
hook of Òvid's Metamorphoses ;

£t succincta comas^ hirsutaque vertice

pinus ;
Grata deum matri. Siquidem Cybelelus

Atti8
Exuii hac hominem trunooque induruit

iUo.

25. Pastores kedera, 8fc,l It is
4be general opinion of iSe com-

mentators^ that Thyrsis.spc^s here
in contempt of Codrus^ whom Co-
rydon had extolled. fiut I rather
think, that Virgil intended a com-
pliment to that poet in these linea
of Thyrsis, as well as in those of
hìs antagonist. The compliraent
is more direct in the former^ and
more oblique in the lattar. Cory-
don declares bis poetry to be next
to that of Apollo^ and invokes the
Muses to assist him in writing after
the same manner. Thyrsis does not
in the least dispute the goodness of
bis poetry; but calls on the Arca-
dian shepherds to instruct some
young poet to write in such a man-
ner^ as to become the envy of Co-
drus. Thus, though Thyrsis» in
oppositionto his antagonist who had
mentioned Codrus as his friend,
wishes some future poet may equal,
or perhaps exceed him; yet he
thereby tacitly confesses, that he is
superior to ali present poets. Hence
It is plain, that Virgil contrìves^
with great elegance, to make the
friend and enemy of Codrus concur
in his praise.

Mederai^ llie ivy wasfrequently
used by the ancients in crowning
poets. Thus Horace i

Me doctarum hederce prcemiafroniium
Dii8 miscent superis.

Thus also our poet himseli^ in the
rìghth Edoguei

A ccipe jusds
Carmina coepta tuia; atque hanc aine

tempora circum
Inter victrices hederam tibi serpere lau-

ros.

The ivy with yellow berries is said
by Pliny to be the sort used in the
crowns of poets. See the notes on
ver. 39, of the third Eclogue; and
•ver. 258. of the second Georgick.
li2

.8*4

P, VIRGim MABONIS

Mt*^iSP^?^f& Arca^es» invidia Jiin^antur ut ilia Codro.
S\glS, toid*?S*SJ5; Aut si ultra placitum laudarit, bajccare frontcm

Servios says the poets are crowned
with ivy. as if they vere dedica t?d
^ Bflcch^s; because the poetica!
fary i» like that of the B^c)iana-
lians i or p^rhe^ps because ivy Ì8 ev^r
greei)« ^s good poe^ry deserves ^ter-
oity. A late witty writer has 8ai4>
t|i4t ivy Ì8 a just emUem of a
o^urt-poet; because it is creeping:,
4irit/, and dangl'mg,

ÒrescetUem orna^ paetam»'] Pie-
rif|8 found ntu^euiem in the Roman
andMedioean ma^iuacripts : but he
looks upon cresc&Uem as the genuine
jea4ing' Hein^ius al^ and Burman
find nas^niem in some manuscripte^
4n4 crc$c^ni€m in others.

i^ervius seems to underst^nd this

groping poet to be spoken by T^^y''''

sis of bimself. La Cerda doubts ;

j" incertum an. se an alium queipvis

/ '* int^lligat."

27. ^ut si yUra placìium^ Sfcl^
Servius interprete ultra placitum^
mimice^ irrmrie; uUra quam placco
et m^eor; Guellius «aysi thut ultra
pUfcUum, laudare is die same with
that expressipn of Plutaroh^ in his
treatise wt^ rtv tewrii' ìftmpif èutfr

9^t^ wti^M yfóiftnf r#y furaifttf, zctì oviy-
txtfitiprv^uf if(iiy/M» xù?^£ittti» fiui^àtf
iviXtvhi^f v^ùtrnj^òf $ Tiftft ré ixtcffUf
wec^irruf, vT»^rorn(« La Cerda also
thinks this passage of Plutarch
much to the piurpose. The phi-
losopher is speaking of the ple&-
sure it gives a man tu be praised by
others; and of the ofiènce it. gives
to others to bear a man prai.se him-
sielf. '* In the first place," says he,
" it is a breach of modesty, for a
" manto prais^ himself ; because he
'* ought rather tp be cut of couq-
'^tenanc6« when anoth^ pr^ises
/' him, Se^ndly, it is ungustr be-
.'5 cause he asaumes to himacjfi

" what he ought to receive fnm
" another. In the third phu», it
" obh'ges US either by our silence,
'' to seem uneasy and to envy bim:
" or else tojoin in praising him co»-
*' trar^ to our opinioit, and to testifr
'* our approbation ; and con«-
" quently to be guilty of a disho-
'* nourable flattery, by praising i
" man to h\s face/* 'rhis praising
a man conlrarif to our opinion does ìd-
deed seem to be the meaning' of ul-
tra placitum laudare : but the poet
seems to bave had some farther de-
sign in this passage; because he
speaks of a charm to bé made useof
against an evil tongue. La Cera
refers ]us to a passage in the second
chapter of the seventh book of Pliny,
where he speaks of a traditìon^ that
there were some families in Africa,
whose praiseé had the poiver ofdC'
stroying cattle, withering trees, and
killing children ; '' In eadem Afri-
*' ca faniìlias quosdam effiiscinan-
" tinm, Isigoiiius et Nymphodorns
"tradunt: quarum laùdetiione in-
' tereant probata, arescant arboree,
*' emoriantur infantes ** That
leamed commentatcn* adda, that it
was usuai among the ancients,
when they praised any one, to aàà
ptasJÌBcine or piafiscini, that is «/>«
fascino, thereby declaring, that tbey '
praised sincerely, without àny ìD
intention. He con&ms this by & |
quotation from the Setina of T^' i
niu8> where one says^ Paula mea,
amaòo; to whieh another adds,
*« Poi tu ad laudem addito pra^t
*' Jiscini, ne puella Jhscinefur" He
adda another quotation from the
lìflh scene of the second act 4i the
i{u(^f (^ Piautus ; where Sqepar-
nio a slave, having drawil tip <
bujoket of water ùn% afa w«ll, and
appjauded himaelf for h^v^ dpoe

BUCOLIC ECL. VII.

S45

CSngite, ne vati noceat mala lingua futura

tli«t iB tvfl taagoé oiftf not
Imrt tha future poct.

Cor. Setosi caput hoc apri tibi. Delia, parvus cooJm ta&rathSTbnd

\ 4»f»h|jrtledlw,

it with i^nusual facility, cries out
prafiscine^ fot fes^r he should hurt
himself^ by praiaing his action too
much 'y ,

Vifp DI immorlides ì in aqua nunqaain

credidi
Voluptatem inesse tantam ! ut hanc traxì

lujbens}
Kimio minus altus puteus visa'st quain

prìus.
Ut sìne labore hanc extraxi ! jjrcejlscitic !

Ruaeus also refers us to a like pas-
sale in the fourth scene of the se-
cond act of the Asinaria ;

Prtefitcme hoc nunc dixerìm! nemo

etiam me accusavit
Merito meo, neque me Athenis alter est

bodie quisquam.
Cui credi recte sque putent.

•We may therefore conclude^ that
the sense of the passage under con-
sideration v$ this ; Thyrsis wiihes,
that the risìng poet may break the
heart of Codrus vith envy -, and
for fear he should bestow any si-
nister praises on him, whìch by their
fascinating quality mi^ht injure
him, he would bave bis head
jcrowne:! with Laccar, a plant endued
* w^h a^faculty of re9Ì8ting witchcraft.
it Ì8 certain, tbat the ancients were
very creduloug with regard to fascia
iìation> Qr witchcraft ; and as the
ignorant country peopl^ 2»re usually
niost addicted to sup^stition ^ Vir-
gili with great propriety, puts such
expressions as these in the mouths
of nis shepherda.

JBaccare.] See the note on ver.
19 of the fourth Eclogue.

28. Mala lingua.'] Our country

people, even at this day^ impute

; ipany disorders of them8w4ve6 and

) their cattle to an evU tongue; and

soperstitìously believe that some

: crpss old women» by rautterìiig some

fascinating words, are really the )
cause of those disorders. /

It is, I think» universally agreed^
that Corydon has the victpry in
this first part of the contention.

29* Seton capulj ^cJ] Corydon:
promises to Diana the head of a
boar, and the branches of a stag ;
and if she will make him successtul
in hnnting» to erect a niarble stat^e •
of ber. Thyrsis addresses himself i
to Prìapus, and tells bim, that
though from his poverty he may
expect only an ofiering of milk and
cakes j yet, if he will cause his
fiock to increasè^ instead of a mar-
ble statue he will make him a
golden one.

La Cerda says, that Guellius
proves from Eustathius^ that the
head of the wild boar, when killed,
Used to be i>ffered to Diana. But
Guellius does not say this : he quotes
Eustathius, to prove, that the head
of the boar used to be given to the
person, who had given him the first
wound; and confi^ms this by the
story of Meleager and Atalanta in
Ovid. His words are these ; '' Hpm.
** 11. I.

'* ubi docet Eustathius, lege venar
'' tionis prspmiura caput ferae an-
^* tiquitus reddi rite solitum pii-
'* mum ex ccetu feram jaculato,
" his verbis; rnftuitnu Vn f*ix€* ^
" fvf TéX^mx»v, xtiì fUhurvtù ^ x«.

'* ha^ùf, f «ly», S rà, li JEi^«;!uì, % if

" «AJ€«*» «^ 'f^ rtiffi»Xn9: qui et idem
" prius paulo docuit, Mdeagrum
^ capite et tergore apri CaJydonii
^'amasiam Atalantam demeriusse.
'' Tu auten lector, an ùhkièm il^-
*' hm pastur hia^ an %en«tkm«imoi*

246

P. VIRGILH MARONIS

i^SSJSfSj**ifSf ^J Et ramosa Mycon vivacis cornua cervi, SO

^y*'SSSf*2r*"i^ Si propriuin hoc frierit, l«vi de marmore tota

be comd w^[hKa% ta»! Puniceo stabis suras evincta cothumo.'

**rein respexerit videris." But
vhat La Cerda quotes from the
Scholiast on the Plutus of Aristo-
phanes Ì9 full to the purpose. He
says, it was the custom of the hunters
to nail up part of the prey, as the
head or the foot^ against a tree in
the wood, in honour of Diana;
^ESk Sv Tdvc Bìi^ovrrtcf rntt étypetì fu^»$
TI T«v ^n^ùfavév, KUptOiìif, ì ^H^a «-^m*-

«My T«p vXmf ^^ Ttftnf rn^ 'A^ti-
fuìàf, Thus Nisus, in the ninth
.^^eid, calla the Moon^ or Diana
herself, to witness^ how often he
has hunff up against her tempie part
of what he has taken in hunting 3

Suspìcìens altam Lunam, sic voce preca-
^tur;

Tu dea> tu praesens nostro succurre la-
bori,

Astrorum decus, et nemorum Latonia
oustos.

Si qua tuis unquam prò me pater Hjrrta-
cus arìs

Dona tulit; si qua ipse meli venaHbu»
auxit

Suspendive tholo, aut sacra ad fuHgkt

! jyelial] Diana or the Moon was
the daughter of Latona, and god-
dess of hunting. She was called
Delia, as her brother Apollo was
also called Delius from the island
Delos^ which rose out of the sea on
purpose to affbrd a place for La-
tona to be delivered of them.

Parvus Mi/conJ] Servius

interprets parvus, vel humilisy vel
pauper, vel minor atate; and says
Mycon is either his son or hìs patron.
Ruseus takes Mycon to be Cory-
don's friend.

; " Corydon is represented as full
" of respect for the chaste goddess,
'* whom he inyokes. He dares not
^' ofier her a present with his own

'^hands, but borrows those of a]

*' young shepherd." Catrou. -
( 30. Ramosa.] Thus Pliny^ speak-
ling of the homs of animals^ saysy
/ ** Nec alibi major naturse lascivia :
j " lusit animahum armis : sparsit

'' haec in ramosy ut cervorum."
^Thus also our Foet again> in the

jfìrst .^ìneid ;

I Ductoresque ipsos primum capita alta

ferentes,
. Cornibut arbore», sternit.

Vivacis.'] Stags are usuaily said
to live to a great age. The Karl of
Lauderdale erroneously translates
vivacis, asyet scarce dead*-

Sì, Si proprium hoc JueTitJ]
'' That is, if you sball make it as
" it were my own, and perpetuai.
" Thua ^n. i. 76.

** Connubio jungam stabili» propriamque
<<dicabo:

" And ^n. iii. 85.
*' Da propriam Thymbrce donumi

«' Also iÉn. vi. 871.
<* ^Propria hsc si dona fìiissent.

" But what is that hoc ? That I
'* should make such verses as Co-
" drus, says Servius ; but errone-
'' ously : for what bave Diana, the
'* boar, and the stag, to do with
*' poetry ? This is a better sense ;
" as I bave succeeded in the hunt-
'' ing of this boar and stag, so
" may this success be perpetuai.**

RU-EUS.

Tota."] It was a frequent prac-
tice, to make onty the head and
neck of a statue of marble. There-
fore Corydon vows an entire statue
of marble to Diana.

32. Puniceo stabis, ^c] In the
first iEneid, Virgil represents Ve-

BUCOLIC. ECL. VII.

«4T

Thyr- Sinum Jactis, et h«^ te liba, Priape, tìiSrf^"^^"^

quotannis

ywi to aqpéct a

jugofmilk.

nus in the disguise of aTyrian hun-
tressj with purple buskins on ber
lega;

Virginibus-Tyrìii moB est gestore phare-

tram,
Purpureoque alte suras vincire cothurno.

Ruaeus seems to understand^ that
the statue was to be of porphyry, a
red sort of marble ; Catrou tbioks
the statue was to be marble^ and
the buskins porphyry ; " Je vous
" érigeray une statue de marbré^ et
" j'ordonneray au sculpteur de luy
" faire un brodequin de porphyre."

SurasJ] The calves of the legs.

Cothurno.'] A sort of boot luade
use of by hunters.

35. Sinum,'] The sinum seems
to bave been a l£trge vessel^ with a
big belly^ tike what we cali a jug,
and in tf^e east parts of England a
gotck. Varrò says il is a large wine-
vessel^ so qalled ah sinu, because it
has a larger belly than the poculum
or drìnking cup ; ** Vas vinarium
*' grandius Sinum ab sinu^ quod
" Sinum majoremeavatìonemquam
" pocula habebat.** Servius ob-
serves, that the first syllable of sinum
ìs long, whereas that of sinus, a
hosQm, is short. Hence Vossius is of
opinion^ that It is not thence de-
riveda as Varrò imagined. He ra-
ther thinks Turnebus in the right^
who derìves it fròm ^ìVdf , vortex, it
being usuai to change ) into ;. He
thinka an objection may be made
a1«o to this derivation ; because this
sort of vessel was not turbìnated.
Hence he is of opinion that it may
perhaps rather be derived from ìint»,
^rso,,g^ro; because the milk is
tur ned about in it. This he strength-
ens by the authority^of S. Isidore»
who says^ " Sinum vas, inrquo bu-
'' tyruro conficitur." It is plain.

that bpth S. Isidore and Vossius take
sinum to be what we cali a óhurn.
But it is plain from Varro^ that it
was a vessel made use of for wine
as well as milk : besides> it does no^t
appear to me that the art of chum*
ing milk to make butter is so ancient.
Lactis .... Uba.] The inferior
deities did not use to bave victims
offered them ; but milk^ cakes, and
fruits. In an epigram of Catullus,
Priapus is represented speaking of
these oiTerings, and desiring also to
bave agoat sacritìced to hini^ but in
secret;

Florido mihi ponitur pietà vere corolla
Prìmitu, et tenera virens spica moUis

arista :
Luteae violae mihi, luteumque papaver,
Pallentesque cucurbite, et suave olentta

mala.
Uva Pampinea rubens educata sub um-
bra.
Sanguine hanc etiam mihi, sed tacebMt

aram
Barbatiis linit hirculus, comipesque ca-

pella,
Pro qùeis omnia honoribus haec necesse

Prìapo
PrsBstare, et domini hortulum, vineam-
que tueri.

'' Libum was a kind of cake,
'' made of flour, honey, and oiU
" It was so calted, because part of
" it was thrown by tbe sacrìficers
'' into the fire, and offered to the
'* gods : for libare often signifies to
•' sacrifìce; though it is properly
" used only for pouring out liqùors ;
'* being derived from WCiv^ stillo.'*

RVMUS,

Priape.] This deity was fabled
to be the son of Bacchus and Venus,
according to Diodorus Siculus^ who
thinks this story arose from the ob-
servation^ that wine provokes to
venery ; MvéùXéyéva'if òSt «i ^ttXttfì

ìirti, 7ft$»vSi rn* yinrif rttvrnt f{«v«v-

24S

R VIROILII MARONIS

t^itu. Expecteìpe sat esr: «ulto» «i paaperts hcriu

im04m wfh rat Ap^éii9iuitiMÌ Hétds'
rivif 3i ^tté-ì ri m^éf rm M^mwmt

?Ji/»9% tò ytfftttMéf fii^téf, titrtéf turd^"
^f t9c '^M9t0t rSh m9é0iiw0f xtù }m»*
funit m ilfrmrrm rh mt/m, rv^fif r^f
ué^fdrùu rtfsSk* The same author
relates also a strange fable of the
EgyptiaiiSi coDoerning thia deity^
which the curious reader may
fiod in the foitrth hook. He addi,
that Priapus was worshipped, mot
only io temples, in citìes^ but.
also in fields and viUages; where
he is the giiardìan of vineyards and
gardens : that he is honoured in ali
the sacrifices to Bacchus^ with great
mirth and lesting ; T«$ 2ì rtf2ti tu
fiinv lutrà «-«A<y à^énfiévnt ttvr^ h rtits
tt^(U(, iix\à tut^ tuùrà r«f iy^ùtxJmSt

MMÌ rm KÌ9Fm iti di w^òì f «v; /Sm^mm-
y«9r«( ti r»* kmXSyj rò^rùf KàXxa^f
wa^fif'tiyùmf' if .TI rati rtXtTMf ùv
fuit9 AMtvrttuuug, «tXXd tutì rtuf itX-

^ ri9$9t fMTit '^éttéf lùtù wm^Mi wt^^u-
cuyùfinéf h tmì ^vrluf, This deity
was represented to be of a very
defbrmed and most obscene figure,
with a scythe in his band, to afl^ght
tfaieves and birds, and served for
the same porpose as our scarecrows.
He was often cut out of any rough
block of wood, as Horace descrìbes
him, in the eightli Satire of the first
book. This poet adds^ that his
head was crowned with reeds> to
terrify the birds;

Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lig-

num;
Cum faber incertuSy scamnum, fkeeretne

Priapum,
Maluit essedeum. Deus inde ego* fu-

rum aviumque
Maxima formido. Nam Aires óextn,

«loercet.

J palus.

Ast importunas vDluctes in vertice àfundo
l'I erret flxa, véCatque nòtia oonsidere ih
hortis.

Our poet represents him with a
scythe made of willow^ and alludes
to his beìng peculiarly worshipped
at Lampsacum^ a city on the HeU
lespont^ in the fourth Georgick ;

Et custos hinitn atque avium, cum falce

saligna,
Hellespontiaci aervet tutela PriàpL

Propertius also speaks of his terri-
fying the birds with his scythe ;

I Pomosisque ruber. custos pbnatur in

I hortis,

/ Terreat ut ssva falce Priapus aves,

Martial» in the sixteenth Epig^nm
of the sixth'book^ desnres Kriapus
not to su€er ony to enfter ìAto fais
garden, but such as are agreeable
to him ;

Tu, qui falce vfros terres, et pene cinse-
dos,
Jugera sepositi pauca tuere ]oci.
Sic tua non intrent vetuU pomarìa fures ; ■
Sed puer, aut longis pulchra puella
comis.

hi the forty-ninth Epigram of the
sixth book, he introduces Priapus^
^)eaking of himself , as being maàe
not of any coitimon wpod, bttt of
cyprcss; because it is incorrupti-
ble;

Non sum de fragili dolatas ulmo,
I<lec plass st&t ri^da supina verta.
De ligno mihiquolibet colùmna est,
Sed viva generata de cupresso :
Que rtec sscula centies peracta,
Nec longflè cariem tìmet senect».

BuV in the fortièth Epigram of the
eighth book, he treats FViapus with
more liberty; and tells him, if he
does not keep his wood from being
stolen, be wul throw his imàge into
the fire.

SCCOMC. BCt. Vlt

iis

SI fcetiira gr^^ supplev^rit^ nmem mtc^
Hyblie,

e^Rw N^ifVf GftlafeK, ibyrno nsihi dnCéior «*htBett!'^eSr*5ybi^^

Kòn horti, neque paltnitis beati,
Serf rari nemoris, Prìapie, custos,
Ex quo ntttua es» et potes rebasei,
Fqraees, moneo, manus repellas,
Et syìvam domini focis rcserves.
Si defecerit hsc, et ipse lignum es*

94u Expeetare sai esL'] He tells
Friapus, that he csutnot expect a
better oflèring i&oni hkii, than milk
flod cake»; beeause the gardeR,
^vindi he has put andev his d^e, is
biit a poor ooK

. S5. Marmoristtm.] Thicr seems to
be an esdxiairsgaiit bd«Bt e£ Thjm^y
that he had made a statue of marble
for tMs éeity : for it does not ap-
pear that bis ÌYòag«)B wó-e ever
n»de of any tbing l^mt wood in
tfaeooutttaT.

Here agMii the vietory ii univer-
81% f iven Xxsf Corydon, wbo ad-
dreine» himseif with due reverence
to Diana ; and sends hie pi^sents to^
ber by the hands ef an unoorrupteif
youtb, notpresumiagto'carry them
himselftosoehasteagoddes's. Thyr-
sto oppose» the obscene Priapus
to the pure Diana, and vaìnly boasta
of makitig a statue (^ that éeìty-,
not oniy of m«rble> but even of
gold.

$?• Nerìme GakUemJ] Here, aa
in the tbird Eclogaé> the shepheida
pus» icaniediately fìom the kivtx^-
ti«n of their deities to tbe (iiention of
theìrloves. Corydonaddnesseshkn*
self to Galatea> aud witìi the most
tender eX|ires8Ìon, aad in the softest
nombers, in vites ber to come to him
in the evening. The passion of
Tbyrsis is more violent and rough ; '
he uae» seveval eKeoratÌ9n9> and pn>^
test^ that bis expectataon of hin* at

nìght^ makes the day seem lenger
ihan a whde year.

Galatea was a sea-nymph^ the r
daughter of NereuB and Doriis : sfae
was beloved by the Cyelops Poly-
pbemus ; and ber beauty U EXMieb i
celebrated by the poets. Thus the
Cyclops^ addressed ber in ^e de*
venth IdyUiuna of Theocritus;:
•^Xl. Xttmii TaXé>ttm, ti t^y f iA.U^* k^é-

Fair maid, and why dosi thou thy love

dee^se?
More white than curde, and pleasing to

my eyes ;
More soft than lambs, mate ìTaaton

than a steeìr ;
But to the sense, like gràpfes unripé,

severe, Ca££CH.

Thùs atso, itì t*e thittcenrth hook of
Ovid's Metamorphoses ;

Càndidior nivei folio, Galktea, ligustri;
Florìdfor pratis; longa procerior alno;
Splendidior vitro ; tenero lascivior hsdo ;
Levior assiduo detritis squore cònfchis ;
Solibus hibernls aestiva gratior umbra;
Nobilior pomis; platano conspectior alta;
Lucidior glacie : matura dulcior uva;
MoUior et cygni phimis, et laetè coacto ;
Et, si nort fìigias, rlgttó fonttosior horto, ^

O Gtthteay ntore than %, vMte ;

More fresh then flowrie meadsg than

gioite more bright ;
Higker then alder-trees ; thm kidt more

UUhe;
SmòQ&er then shela tohereon the turgej

drive ;
More vfishtthm xHnter*9 w«, or mMmtt'g
* aire ;
More sieeet then grapet ; then a^giesfar

more rare ;
Clearer then ice; more seetnly ffien taU

fioMet;

Kk

250

P. yiRGILII MAROt^IS

bcautìS'tSJ^wISfSVvfS Candidior cyrais, hedera formosior alba :
teSs'JetSS't^^tìirrt^ Cura primum pasti repetent praesepia tauri,
foryour JoTFdoa!*"^ SÌ Qua tui Corvdoiiis habct te cura, venite. 40

T^, May I seem to you ^ '' r>. i .. » ^ • •• •

mwe bitter than sardinian Thyr. Immo ego Sardois videaT tlbl aiDarioF

herbis,

Sqfter then tender curds, or dotane of

rwant;
More fiirep ifjixt, then gardens òy the

faU
Ofsprings inchacH, Sandvs.

Ruaeus is of opinion^ that Corydon
here celebrates a Galatea, that was
bis own rural mistress^ under tbe
chiiracter of the famous Galatea.
But I believe the Poet rather intend-
evi to praise the sea nymph, in itni-
tation of Theocritus: for we haye
a fragment also, in the ninth Ec-
logue, where Galatea is spoken to
in the following beautiful nianner;

Huc ades, O Galatea: quis est nam

ludus in undìs ?
Uic vei' purpureum, varios hic ilumina

drcum
^Fundit humus flores : hic candida popu-

lus antro
Imminet^ et lente texunt umbracula

vite».
Hac ades: insani ferìant sine lìttora

fluctus.

Come^ Galatea^ come^ the seasforsake s
What pleamres con the tides, tvith tìteir

hoane murfnurs maAe9
See, on the shore inhabitg purple gpring ;
Where nigfUmgales their laoesick ditty

Hng;
See meadt with purling streams, with

jUyw*Ti tfie.ground,
' The grottoes cool, ttith thady pqplar*

cr&wfCd^
And creeping vines on arbourt tvecptfd

around»
Come tften, and leave the teavis tumula

tuoueroar^
het f/ie wild surges vtdnly "beat the shore,
' Drtden.

TAywio.] See the note pn ver.
112. of the fourth Georgick.

HybUe.'] Strabo tells us^ that this
was the ancìent name of the dty^
but that it afterwards was caljed

Megara, by a colony of Dorians,
who went to Sicily, under the con-
duet of Theocles, an Athenian :
that the ancient names of the other
cities are forgotten ; but that of
Hybla is remembered, on account
of the excellence of the Hyblsean
honey j Tows ìì Aa^ticts Méy«^«, rnv
"icZXctt v^ón^év KCùXwftifni, Ai ftlt •Zw
. zFùXttg ùwcir un' to ^Ì t« "tC^^us àvùfAec
rvfiftkm hùt tÌh à^vntit rcv 'xZxcuév ftk-
>ur6i. La Cerda observes, that the
modem name of this town is Avola,
quasi Apola, vel Apiola, ab apibus.
Hence we raay observe the delicacy
of the expression of our Poet 5
stveeter than the tkyme of Hybla ^
that is, *sweeter than the most fra-
grani herh, from which the bees ex-
traci the most delicious honey.

SB» Hedera formosior alba,"} Ivy
is spoken of at large in the note
on ver. SQ, of the third Eclogue^
Whatsoever plant the white ivy
of the aneients was, it is plain
from this passage, that it was ac-
counted the most beautiful. Virgil
does not seem to bave mentioned
this species in any other place;
for where he uses the epithet/)a//£Rf,
it is most probable, that he means
that sort with yellovv berries, which
was used in the garlands, with
which poets used to be crowned,
Of this species farther notice will
be taken, in the note on ver. 13.
of the eighth Eclogue.

39, Cum primum pasti.'] This
description of the eyening, by the
cattle coming home to their stalls,
is entirely pastoral.

41. Sardois videar iibi amarior
herbis.] Dioscorides says expressly.

BUCOLIC. ECL. VII.

Horridior rusco, projècta vilior alga;

251

more horrid than botchen-
broom, moir^ contemptible
than ifi^ected sea^wrack.

that the poisonous herb of Sardinia
is a species of fiar^d^uf, ranurtcu-'
lus, or cròwfoot, For, in his chap-
ter concerning the fia.r^dx^f, he
says there is another sort^ which is
more hairy, and has longer stalks,
and the leaves more divided: it
grows plentifully in Sardinia^ is very
acrid, and is called wild smallage ;

tvg rSf¥ ^vX}icttf yrXUerroif U ^ec^ìmU
ytwfAimf, ì^iftvTenor Ò iti xcct oiXtut
ay^iw K»Xùvo-t, In the sixth hook,
the same author has a chapter
concerning the Sardinian herb,
in which he tells us, that the
herb called Sardonius is like thero-
riunculus ; that being taken inward-
ly it deprives a person of his un«
derstandìng^and causes convulsions,
with a distortìon of the mouth^
which resembles laughing ; thnt
from this shocking effect, a Sar-
dinian lavgh is become a common
expression ; '^H Jì "Z^^ómf. Xty^m

wU fittr^d^év uìog ùv<rtk, xe^iìa-u n

Kùbì crrdcfuer» fiirà rvnTimq ^uXt^f,

ii ituBwwi xcù ó a^eù^ìóncg ytXug evie
iv^ifiàif \f rS fii» lut^ùtfuXfirm, He re-
commends as a cure for this dis-
order first a vomit, then large
draughts of water aiìd honey and
milk; frequent embrocations and
anointings of the body with warm
medicines; bathing in water and
oil, with much friction; and su eh
medicines as are used in convul-'^
sions. The fiar^d^ff of Dioscori-
des seems to be the Ranuncuhs pa-
lùstris apii folio Usvis C. B. or
Round-leaved water crorvfoot, the
leaves of which are like those of
smallage, and of a shining green.
The flowers are yellow, and very
small, ih proportipn to the size of

the plant. The fruit is an oblong
head, composed of several smalla
naked, smooth seeds. It is com-
mon in watery places, and is very
hot and burning; as indeed most
sorts of r'anunculus or cròwfoot
are. There is another sort of rfl-
nunculus, which C. Bauhihns calls
Ranunculus palustris, apii folio, Ut"
nuginosus, and says it differs from
the other, in being hairy, and
having the leaves more divided.
This agrees very well with the de-
scrìption^ which Dioscorides gives
of the Sardinian cròwfoot, and is
probably the very herb in question.
As for the effect of it on the human
body, I do not remember any ac-
count of its having been taken in-
wardly: but it is well known, that
most sorts of cròwfoot, being ap-
pliedoutwardly, exulcerate the skin,
and bave much the same effect with
blisters. Hence it is not ìmproba-
ble, that they might occasion con-
vulsions, and distortions of the
countenance, if taken inwardly.
One sort of cromfooU which is com-
monly known under the name of
Thora and Thora Valdensium is
abundantly known to be poisonous.
The inhabitants of the Alps are
said to squeeze out the juice of it in
the spring, and to keep it in the
hoofs and homs of bullocks : and to
dip their weapons in it, by which
means they are almostsure of kill-
ing any beast that they wound. This
is confirmed by the noble hist6rian>
Thaunus ; who, in his relation
of the cruel persecution of the
Vaudois, by the Duke of Savoy,
at the instigation of the pope, in-
forms U9, that these miserable peo-
ple, being provoked by repeated in-
juries, took up arms in their own
defence } arid that in a battle which ^
they fought with the Duke's forces^
Kk2

s&s

P. VI»GItII MAROKIS

Ìé^aJK ìh2y'3f*«S Si mihi non hiecln toto j«m teogìor amm est.
JSSti^j^?^?"^ * Ite domum pasti, si quis pudor, ite juvenci., 44

thay loBt but very few of their owu
men; nrhereas tiie enemy lost a
gr.eat number, very few'af tbie
woulìded escaping with tbeir Uves.
This tbe bìstorìan imputes \o tbeir
pustom of poìfoning Uieir wei^ns
with the jaice of tSora; and addf,
that notwìthstandiog it was present
cjeath tp any animai» yet the 4esb uf
th« qieature was eaten with impu-
nity^ being pnly rendered more ten-
der ^ ''Ad exaggerandum rei piira*-
*' culum addunt qui eaa res scrip-
*'■ sere, nulh^ fere ex iis, qui a
'^ V^densibus sauciati sunt, mor*
'* tem evasìsse. Cujus rei cau»-
*' sam indaganti praeter miraculum,
*' quod semper obtendi minime fé-
^'rendum est^ mihi a fide dignis
'* n^uratqm est, apud Convallenseis
'*' in usa esse^ ut gladiorum acies,
/^ spiqula, venabula, sagittas, glan-
'' des plumbeas, ac estera missilia
'^ For^ vulgo apud eos dictse seu
'* potius Phthorae succo, qu« illis
^' loci^frequens nascitur et vulgari
'' toxici nomine appellatur, ìnfici-
'^ ant, quod prsesentissimum vene-
'^ num esse sciunt medici. Ejus et
'^ longe alium in re dispari usum in-
'' ter Alpinos, quem minime reti-
*' cendum putavi, mirabitur lector.
*^ Gallinas ^c puUos et hujusmodi
'* yolucr^is, quarum carnes edules
*^ in diversoriis apponuntur, cultris
" eo succo illitis sub alas figunt,
" quo icti mox emisso sanguine ex-
'^ animantur^ nullo vitio inde con-
'^ tracto ; tantum cames ex eo te-
- '« neriores redduntur, et statini hos-
'* pitibus comedendas apponuntur :
'^ quofl rerum naturalium vestìga-
'^ toribus amplius discutiendum re-
" linquo." But> to return to our
Sardinian herb, it seems to bave the
epithet bitter in this place, to ex-

press the severe eflects of it : or it
may b^ ìikf^J ealled hiUer; for
Dioscprides says the crow/oot bas
thattaste.

42. Rusco.'] This is a {Hrickly
pbmt, which grows in the woods.
It is ealled botchers-broom and
knee-boljy. Sue tbe note «n ver.
413, of the second Georgick.

Projeda viUor alga,"] W^ bave
severai specìes of submarine pianta,
which are craamonly cajlm alga,
Jucus, or sea^nfrack, But that
which the àncients pecuHarly ealled
so, grew about the island af Crete,
and i^orded a purple coionr. Ray,
in bis Synopm Stirpium Brìlanmioa-
rum, says, when he was in North-
umberland, the fìsheimen told him
of a sort of sea-wrack, which grew
on that coast ; and was not only
purple itself, but even stamed the
fishes with the same coloar. J.
Bauhinus speaks of a sort of «ea-
tvrack, wfaiich was brought him
from Crete» and he gives it the
name of Alga tmctorUi^ The sub-
marine plants are frequently toni
from the rocks by storms, tosaed
about by the sea> and at last thrown
upon the shore. Tbe alga, when
thus treated, in ali probability loses
its cdour, and becomes useless;
whence Virgil may well speak of it,
when ca&t away in that manner, ss
a very contemptible weed, projecta
vilior alga.

43. Lux,'] Light is bere used
for day.

44. Ite dotmin, 4^] Thyrsis
seems to speak to the catde to go
home, asif he was outofall tem-
perandnatience. Indeedthiawhole
tetrastich haa such an air <^roogh-
ness, that it Is no wondev to ilnd
the Qovaxo^i3$AUm give the prefer-

BUCJOLia ECL. VIL

Cor* Mvaood foixtBS» et somno mottior htaiMf mSr*Mft?Sm
£k qiuB vos rara viridis tegit arbutas urobrm iSi^!^S!Ìl^

enee tp the tender and ddicate ex-
pressions of Corydon.

45. Mìiscosi fontes, «f-c] Cory-
don now oelebrates die benefit of
coolness and shade to the cattle,
^hich are abroad hi the heat of
summerj Thyrsìs extols the con-
venience of warnith and a good fere
"within doors in winter.

Muscosi.'] This cpithet is very
espressive of coolness : because moss
will seldom grow where there is any
consìderable degree ofheat 1 1 grows
most easily on banks that face the
north ; and it may be generally ob-
served, that the side of a tree,
which is exposed to the north^ is
more covercd with moss^ than that
which receives the southern sun.
Thus it may be concluded, that a
mossy fountain is cool at the same
time,

Somno molUor herba.']. Riu^s in-
terprets thia sqft, and inviting lo
sleep. In this he is foUowed by
Catrou^ who translates it, " Ga-
'' zons si propres à nous faire goùter
** un sommeil paisible." And
Dryden,

Ye mossy sprìngs, ìAvitìDg easy akep.

But Marolles translates it literally,
'^ FontainesquicQulez sur la mousse^
* ' tapis d'herbe plus doux que le som-
" meiì ;'* as does also our old Eng-
lìsh translator, W. L.

Yee mossy fountai^es and yee herbs

which bee
Sofier than sleepe :

And the Bari of Landerdale,

Ye mossy fountains, grass tnore soft than
tkep.

And Dr. Trapp,

Ye mossy fbuntS) and grass more toft
tham sletp.

*' Some^" says this leamed gocìtle*
man, " interpret rnoXHor by molìis^
'' and somno hj ad sonmwn finvi^
'^tandttml. That is very harsh.
" And Tneocritus uses mis very
'' expression umv |m«X4ck#ti#« :
*' which can bear no construction
*' but tbe literal : Besides other àu-
** thorities^ which de La Cerda pro-
** duces. Grass softer than sìtep
*' may indeed sound strangely to 9
^* mere English reader : but the
'' ancients were our masters, and
" were at least as good judges of
" sense and expression as we are."
The passage of Theocritus, to
which Dr. Trapp aUudes^ is iti the
fifthidyllium;

Which is thus translated by Creedi ;

No, rather go with me, and ev*éy Mèp
Shall tread on lambf-skin» wool, mère
top than tleep*

The same expression is repeated in
the 2v(«Mtt0*MM ;

r^mprift Avm^ fÈMXmtUitt^èt

See purpAe tap'stry, ttfier fi» than tìeep»
CaEBCtt.

Softer than steep does not seem.to
me a more harsh figure» than downy
sleep, which is used frequently by
our modem poets.

46. Viridis .... arbutus.'] The
arbute» or strawberry-tree is an
evergreoi tree of low «tature, com-
mon in the woods of Italy. Bello-
nius says it m>ws to a very gceat
bigness on the mountain Athos.
Seethe note on ver. 148. of the first
Georgick, and ver. 300. rf the
third.

P. VIRGILII MAROKIS

BfeMbv t» AmSm» tke fine
lo ■a òclw i, the m^Pftie t»
bandM Venni» Mi «nm bay
toMMibw. PhvUlitowM lu»
ariis » l«ig « nvjiU» ihatt
Igwlhw^iwlHwi' the iwyvtl*
oor the tey of Ptio^tas éMl
OMeithchiiMh.

Uffulbe Mkii'QioiebeKi-
tMkil hi vvoùitt tbe> piae ht
awéeii^,lheMtei>in rlyer«,
wm fir OH high mouatalM.

> 11^1 aften tWit me, the
. »l» the «voifl ih«U yVM
to yoa, and the piee hi the
ganltiif.

Ud» Thiu much I remem-
ber, and that the vanquished
Thxiiii.C9iitfindedin vaJn.

ssr«;

ÓoB. PopukfrAloid«r9iMÌ8$ia%viiìtIiiee6o:
FormossB nyrta» Veneri, sua httir^à Phoebo*
Phyllis amat corylos : illas dum PhylHs amabit,
Nec myrtus vincet corylos^ nec laare» Pboebi.

Tavit. Fraiiinus in ^Ivi» pnlcherruni^, pinns
in hortis, 65

Populus in fluvHe, sbies in montibas altis :
Saspius at si me^ Lyckia formoee) revisas,
Fraxihus in i^Ivis cedal. tibi, pirrai^ m hortis,

MfiL. HeBC mcmini, et victum frustra con*
fendere Thyrùn. 69

preseli tation of an uniTersal gladness
at tfie approach of Phyllis > than of
tbe. desolation at the absence of
Alexis.

61. Populus Alcìda,'] Corydon
novir mentions some trees, in which
severaldeHiesdelight: anddeclaresy
tiiat he prefers the hazel to any of
tìlfimf because it is the favourite of
Phyllis. Thyrsis answers by an
apos t ro p he to Lycidas, and tellina
him> that the fìnest trees shall yìeld
toihìin, if he wLU let Mm bave bis
company often.

Pùpuius Alciéa gratissinia.'] It is
fabled» that Hercules^ who is aUo
called Alcides, crowned bis- head
wiùk the twigs, of a white poplar^
growing on the' banks of Aeheron,
when he returned from the Infèmal
negions.

62. Formos€B myrtus Veneri.^ The
myrtle was« sacred to Venus, either
because it loves the sea-sbore^ and
Vèniis herself sprang from the sea:
or because it is a plant of extraordi-
luiry beauty and sweetness.

65. Pinus in hortis.2 Somewould
read pinu9 iti. oris; because Plutacoh
has used the epithet ^rct^dxi$f or ma^
riiime, when speaking of a pine-
tpee. But theré ars several sorts of
pìhe-^trees^ nian§( of which are sel-
doai: aeen^ except on mountaius.

The sort bere intended is probably
the pitiM sativa, or manured pine,
wbich ia coBimooly eultivated in
gardens. It is also fòund wild in
Itdy, particularly about ìbKvenna^
where^ as Ray. inftmns ss;, there is
a large wood of these trees ^ which
extends itself to the sea-'side. But
as it is certain^ that pine-trees wer«

Slanted by the Ronians bi theit gar-
eos, there cannot be any occasìon
to alter the text.

Here again the victory is by ge-
neral consent adjxadged to Corydon.
There is a pecuUar di^anee in his
compliment to Phyllis. The mak-
ing ber ^vourite tree equal to those
which were cftosen by Hercnles,
Bacchus^ Venus, and Apolk>> re-
presents ber as a goddess>and makes
her in a maniier ecjjual té those dei-
ties. The tlìought of maMrtg^the
finest trees yield to Lycida's condi-
tiona11y> is a compliment rather to
Tl^iyrsis hiniaelf» whe assinuAs tbat
power, than to Lycidas, whom he
vainly attempts to extol as highly
as Corydon had extòlled Phyllis.

69u Htec memitth ^c.'] Meli-
bòsus now resumes bla nanradoo,
and informs us, that Corydon ob-
tained the victory.

Memini,J It governs an accusa-
tive case» as'weU as a g^iijve.

BUCOLIC. ECL. VII.

957

Ex ilio Corydon, Corydon est tempore nobis. ?«« ^ toe cwrydon. »

il CorydoA forme.

Thus we read in the ninth Eclogue ;

— — -Numeros memini» si verba tene-
rem. ,

Victumfrusira contendere T%5rr«n.]
" The victory is ac^udged to Cory-
*'don; because Corydoo^.in the
'' first amcebean, begins with piety
'^ to the gods 3 Thyrsis with rage
'* against bis adversary. In the
'' seconda Corydon invokes Diaoa^
** a chaste goddess : Thyrsis an ob-
'' scene deity Prìapus. In the third,
'' Corydon addresses himself to Ga-
'' latea with mildness : Thyrsis with
" dire imprecations. In the rest
*' Corydon's subjects are generally
'* pleasing : those of Thyrsis the
*' contrary." RuìBus.

70. Ex ilio Corydon, *c.] Ser-
vius thinks there is an ellipsis here^
which Corydon^ out of rustidty^
does DOt fili up. He supplies it with
Victor, nobilis tupra omnes. Ru«us
thinks this interpretation harsh ^
and that it may be more simply in-
terpreted thus; '' From that tim%
'' Corydon is looked upon by us as
" truly Cordon; that is^ truly

'* worthy of the fame, in whidi he
*' flourishes^mong ali.'* Marolles
translates it, *' Depuis ce temp8*la>
*' Dous avons tousiours tenu Cory-
*' don pour le mesme Corydon qu'il
" estoit attparavant." Catrou trans-
lates ìt, '* Dès lors Corydon prit
** dans mon estime une place, m^filj
" conserverà toùjours;'* andsaysin <
bis note, '' The translatioo woold
'* perhaps bave appeared more
" litera), if I had translated it
" thus; Des lors Corydon, fut Cory-
*' don pour moy^ I cnose to render
** the thought of the pdet, rather
" than to copy bis texttoo literalty.**
The Earl of Laoderdale translates
it,

Hence Coiydon I connt thee happy
swain.

And Dryden,

Since when» *tis Coiydon among the

swains,
Young Coiydon witbout a rivai ra^&.

And Dr. Trapp,

———From that time

Tis CoiydoD, His Cotydon for me»

li

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

EGLOGA OCTAVA.

PHARMACEUTRIA.

Damon, Alphesib(eus«

PaSTQRUM Musam, Damonis et Alphesi-

boei,
Immemor herbarum quos est mirata juvenca,
Certantes, quorum stupefactee Carmine lynces,
Et mutata suos requierunt flumina cursus :

W« will tdate the lOQff of
the ahepherds Damoa aad Al-
phedboena, whom the hdfer
admired at thcy oootendedt
foigettìnghergrus; at whoee
long the ooncet were asto-
nlahed; andtheiivenchaiis-
ing their coune stood tdU:

r. Pastorum Musam, 4^.] This
Eclogae conì>ists of two parts. In
the first, Damon complams of the
cruelty of Nisa, who has preferred
Mopsus before him. The second
contains several incantations niade
use of> to recover the love of Daph-
nis; and is evidently an iiuitatìon
of the ^a^fuuuir^M of Theocrìtus.
The first five lìnes contain an intro-
duction to the whole poem ; which
prepares us to expect somethìng ex-
traordinarjr^ and worthy of our at-
tention.

3. Lynces.! See the note on ver.
264. of the third Georgick.

4. Mutata suos requierunt, ^c]
Thus Horat e.

Tu flectis amnes, tu mare barbanxm.

The grammarìans are divided about
the construction of the passage be-
fore US. Servius bere takes requie^

runt to be a verb active, govemiog
suos cursus, and interprets it cursus
proprios reiardaverunt, et quietos esse
fecerurU. He confìrms tnis ìnter-
pretatìon by a llke expression in
Sallust, ^' Paululum reouietis mili-
'^ tibus^" and by another in Cal-
vus.

Sol quoque perpetuoB meminit rèquies-
cere cursus.

He adds, that we say both ego qui"
esco, ' and quiesco servum, that ia,
quiescere, facto. La Cerda acknow«
fec^es that requiesco may be taken
actively, and adds to the quotation
from Cidvus another from Proper-
tius^

Jupiter AlomenaB geminas requteverat
aietoB, .

But he rather thinks it to be a Gre-
cism ; mutata suos cursus, changed as
l12

260

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

bSSeSH."*"^ *^ ** Damonis Musam dioemus et AlphesiboeL

the
AlDbe

art SHiSàtaS^*^ Tu mihii aeu ngni snperaB jmm iaxa Timavi :

focki of the grest TfmaTin:

io their course^, « fif^uve frequendy
used by VirgiL lleittsius, ncoording
to Burman, adds anotber quotation
from Propertìus,

Quamvis ille suam Ias9u0 ftqjnieatat Ave-
nam ;

And one from Symmachus ; ^' Qui-
*' esco igitur has partes." But fae
seems howevar ratiier to think it is
a Greek construction. Ruseus says
it mayjje either active or neuttf :
but he prefers die active, and adds
a quotation irom Seneca ; '' Quam
'^ tuas laudes populi quiescant.*'
Dr. Tnqm «s doubtfui; *' Either
^JUminOt * says he, *' requienint
5'^rtrfttW, i. e. tétfmescere fecerunt ;
*' wlttoh 4s |iistifiéd hj ot&er autho»
^' ildes» OtFlumnamuMa[iSffio9A\
*' 9UOS cursus" That requiesco may
be used actively, is indeed suffi-
ciente pvoved by the above quo-
tations. But Virgil constantly uses
it as a neutet, in every part of his
'W(fAi6 : and dts he ìs known to be
(bnd of Grecrsms, it seems more
}tiist to guppose the expressìon before
n$ to be a tìrecTstn, and requierunt
tu be ft verb neuter.

^. Tu mihiy S^c!] The poet now
niakes an elegant and polite dedrca-
tm of ihÌB Eclogue.

The principal dìfficuky attending
the explication of tbis Eclogue is to
detergine, who the great general
and poet is that VirgiThere chooses
for ms patron, ^d at what time it
was written. Servius, and most of
the commentators after him, are of
opinion, that it is dedicated to Au-
gustus. Joseph Scaliger, in hiS
Animadvevaions on the Chrcnides
of Eusebius, is positive^ tbai it was
PolHo. This. leamed critic is of
dpitrìon^ dmt Pollio had two tri-
umphs, one ihe year before h|s con-

•ulship, for a vicUiry over the Dal-
ttiatians, and takìtig the ciQr Salo-
n», as it is related by Servius ; an-
otber for the conquest of the Par-
thini, the year after his consulship^
whldi is related in the Fasti Capito^
lini. He observes, that the river
Timavus is in the Venetian territory,
tdiidi Pollio held a considerable
tioie for Mark Anthony in opposi-
tion to Augustus, performing also
many great action» about Altinum,
and other citìes of that region, ac-
cordingto Velleius; ** Pollio Asi-
ani us, cum septem legionibùs, dia
" retenta in potestaté Antonii Ve-
*' netia, magnis speciosisque rebus
'^ circa Altinum, aliasque ejus regi-
" onw urbes e£tis, Ac.** Hencene
condudes, that it was at the tkneof
his performing these great actions»
that Virgil d^icated this Eclogue.
RusBus «grees with Scaliger, that
Pollio is the person : but he differs
from hìi^, with regard to the time.
He observes, that it is plaSn from
what Velleius has said, that these
great actions of Pollio, before his
consulship, were performed agalnst
Augustus : whence he infers, that
Virgil had more sense, thran to pratse
Pollio on any such account. He
therefore rather tUnks h was dedi-.
cated, when Pollio was retuming
to Rome, from Dalniatia, not in a
direct journey, but visiting the
coasts of llìyricum and Venetia by
the way. Catrou, after ali that
has been saidby Scalìgér and Ruae-
us, stands up for Augustus. ^* Those
" interpreters,'* says he, *' who ac-
'^knowledge Pollio here, support
'* their opinion by proofs. They
" say that this illustrious Roman,
** the year after his consulship, ac-
" cording to Dio, marched against
s " the Dalmatians, and that Virgil

BU€OLIC ECL. VIIL

261

Si ve arata IHytici legìs «eqtiorìs : en erit aiMjuuti * ;;j«?«l*«»J".««-**

, the shMv of thelllyilÉfli
Will that day ever come.

'* dedicateci this Edogue tò him,
" when he was retuming vietorioud.
''They add, that in his iretum
^^fróìti Dalmatia he mi^t pass
/'alótig the coast of Illyricum, or
*f travel over the rocks near the
"Tlmavtis, at his entrance intò
'* Italy. Thtts fer nothìng ìs bet-
"ter estafolished than their con-
"jecture. But they can hardly
^* ex|>laìti these words of the poet,
*' A te princìpium, tihi desinei. Vir-
" gii promise^ the hero, to whom
^ he dedicates this Edogue, that
'* he will end his works with him,
***a9 he began with him. It does
*'not appear, that either the first
'^ or the last words of our poet
''were dedicateci to Pollio. Be-
'• stdes, what has been lately ìn-
*^ vented, to apply this passi^ to
''PòlKo, does not seem naturai.
** No body denies, that these words
'• agree perfectly wi!ii Octavìan
^ Caesar. The Eclefgne di Tity-
^ ras, which is placed at the be-
*' ginning of Virglfs woirks, and
•' <fee iEneid, which is the last of
*• his poems, are both dedieated to
^' Augnstus. But it is said, that
** Virgìl could not speak of Octa-
" vian CfiBsar, as cotistàig lUyri-
** cura, and marcbing over 3ie rocks
" of Timavus, at any other time,
** than when the Triumvir was re*
^' tuming conqueror ttom Dabvia-
** tia. Bnt Oetavian did not march
'^ agunst the Dalmattans tiU after
'* tiie publication of Virgil's Bo-'
''colidcs. For Oaesar did not
*' siibdue the Dabnatians till t^e
** year of Rome 719, and the Ec*
*' tegttes wea-e published in 71 7,
'' l%is is the argument of those
'' who maintaìn, that the hero, to
*' whom this £el<^ae is dedieated,
'^ was Pollio, and not Octavian C«-
" sur. But I diali endeavour to

** fliwfw, that Vìrgil mìght address

'' this work to Cassar, snd that he

" is the conqueroY, whose glory is

*'here celebrated. The ^mavus

** is a river of Frioul, whlch erap-

** tìes itself into the Adriatic. It

^ is naturai either io cross this ri-

* ver, or to coast H, in netuming

^ by land ^m Macedon to Italy.

'* Csesar therefbre, after thè battle

^^ of Philippi, might return to

** R^me either by land or sea. If

*• he retumed by «ea, he mij^t

** pass along the coast of Illyricum.

" Thus V^rgil says feo Octavian,

'« sive oram Tlìvrid legis tfqmris.

** If he retumed by land, he -must

'* of necessity pass over the bordcrs

•' of the Timavus. Virgfl thcre- ,

*' foiie, being in doubt, which way

** Octavian would come, says to

" him, seu magni siiperas jam àttxa

" Tiniitvi, Thas this poem was

'* not presented to Caesar, after his

'* expedition to Dalmatia. I aBow,

•' that ali his Eclogues were pub-

"lisfeed before that time. It is

" more probable, that Virgfl com-

*' posed this, or at least that he de-

" dicated it to Octavian, when the

*' defeat of Brutus and Cassìus was ^

'* published at Rome. Virgil, llkc

'* a good courtier, celei^rates the

" conqueror, even before his arri-

** vai in Italy; at the time When it

" was not known exactìy whicl^

'* way he would return. Here some

** wifi ask, how it can he supposed,

" that this Eciogue is prior in time

**to that which is placed at the

«* head of the editions? For Octa-

" vian, after the battle of PhiHppi,

" was uponhis march toward Rome

** in December 71 2i and the distri-

" bution of the Mantuan lands was

*' not made till 713. For my part,

** I see no difiìcnlty in maintaining,

" that Virgil composed some of

862

P. VIRGILII MAEONIS

JdSìhl^SrtìiSr**^*^ **" Die dies, mihi cum liceat.tua dicere facta !

^' his Edogues, before that which
^' begìns, with TUyr(B tu patuke,
*' 4*c. I have eLsewhere answered
^^tìie difficulties on that subject
" The general mistake^ that Vir-
*' gii represented himself under the
^' Tityrus of the first £clogue> ha»
" occasìoned another. It has been
*' imagined, that the poet did noi
" know either Rome or Augustus,
" till after the distrìbution oi tibe
'^ Mantuan lands. For my part^
'' as I have discovered the father oi
'^ Virgil, under the person of Ti-
*' tyrus> I am at liberty. I see no
'* reason not to belìeve, according
'* to the two aocient authors of Vir-
" gil's life, one in verse, and the
*« other in prose« that the poet wns
'^ known at Rome before the Ec-
" logue' of Tityrus, and according
''to Tiberius Donatus, that he
'' was in the service of Augustus.
<* He might therefore dedicate this
" Eclogue to him after the battle
** of Philippi, thatis, some months
'* before his father had his farm at
" Andes restored. By this system,
*' which is not to be found else-
^' where, the ancient and modem
'' ìnterpreters are reconciled, and a
*;' light is given to the first verses of
" this Eaogue." Burman treats
thÌ9 system of Catrou, as a mere
fiction ; and thinks, that nothing is
more naturai thau to suppose, that
Pollio was then marching at the
head of his army into Dalmatia:
whence the poet makes a doubt,
whetber he had yet passed the Ti-
mavus, and got beyond Istria, and
from thence^ marching along the
coast of Illyricum, had penetrated
into Dalmatia. Uence the poet
foretels the happy event of the war,
and prophesies, that the day is at
band, when he shall be enabled to
celebrate both his great actions, and

his sublime poems. This opinion
of Burman appears to me much the
most probabie, and the most a^p'ee-
able to the histoiy of those times.
As for the two triumphs of Pollio^
mentioned by Scaliger, the first is
related merely on the autbority of
Servius, who probably means'thé
same Dalmatian war, which ali
agree to bave bèen in the year after
PoUio's consulship, and places it by
mistake in the year before it. What
Velleius Paterculus mentions, was
acted chiefly aboiit Altinum ; for it
was by possessing that country, that
Pollio hindered Cae«ar*ssoldiers,who
were coming out of Macedon, from
eniering into Italy. Had he prò-
ceeded into Illyricum at that time,
and busied himself in the siege of
Salonas, as is pretended, he had
done very little service to Anthony,
or disservice to Augustus. We must
therefore agree with Russiis, that
the time of writing this Eclogue was
not when Pollio had held the Vene-
tianterritory for Anthony; butthat
if it was dedicated to him, it must
have been at the time of his victories
over the Dalmatians, and other peo-
pie in those parts. Thus far how-
ever we may differ from Ruaeus^
that it was not at his return from
Dalmatia, but when he was uppn
his march into that country. The
expressions which our poet uses, of
longing to celebrate his actions, .
seem to relate rather to his settiog
out with good omens, at the begin-
ning of a war, than to his retuming
crowned with success. As for the
system of Catrou, he seems to make
his <:hief objection against Pollio,
that the words a te principium Obi
desinet, are more applicable to Au-
gustus than to PoUio : but it does
not appear» that Virgil began his
Eclogues with Augustus, since that

BUCOLIC- ECL. Vili.

263

Eti erit, ut lipeat totum mihi ferre per orbem, ^' SS,^ ^^^^ÌS

world thy poems,

learned critic himself contenda thai
the Tityrus was not the first Eclogue
of our author. Thìs objection
shàll be farther considered in the
note on that passage. That this Ec-
logue was not dedicated to Augus-
tus^ after he had conquered the
Dalmatislns^ is allowed by Catrou :
it remains therefore to be con-
sidered^ whether it can with any
probability be supposed^ that it was
dedicated to him^ when he was re-
tuming from the battle of Philippi.
^ We find in Dio, that Augustus did
not cross the Timavus in his return
to Italy; for then he must bave
come the whole journey by land,
but that he carne by sea : for the
historian tells us expressly, that he
was so sick in his voyage, that it was
reported at Rome that he was dead ;
Kmou^ ^f Ig rnv 'IreùXUf à^tt^fiièn' km
€ùMf i y«r»( sv Tf fj ^-ù^iiùù xeù h rS

ìóì^9 Téli &f T^'ttififi xa^eta-xfi*» Appian
also. tells US expressly, that Caesar's
greatest danger was at Brundusium ;
whence it appears, that he returned
to Rome the nearest way he could :
passing directly by sea from Dyr-
rachìum, and neither marchi ng
through lUyricum, nor coasting
along the shore of that country:
KMtau^i ^» U T«» *?^ftnv 8fr«M«rn ij ri

iaruurìvfifs t kmÌ ^ifióii Ìinppyx4f uùrh tutt
rthdfttt, Here then was no great
encouragement for Virgil to dedi-
cate his poem to one, of whom he
had more reason to question whe-
ther he was dead ór alive, than whe-
ther he was returning home by land
or by sea. Besides, it is well known,
thatas soon as the battle at Philipp!
was over, Augustus and Anthony
made ^n agreement, that the latter
should march into Asia, aud the

former should return directly into
Italy, and take the care of dividing
the promised lands among the ve-
terana. This would require a quick
dispatch^j and it must be imagined,
that Augustus would come the
nearest way tu Rome, and not think
of sailing ali round the Illyrian coàst«
muchless of passing byland through
the whole length of that barbarous
country, and entering Italy by Ve-
netia, which he must do, if he
crossed the Tìmavus, and so come
quite round the whole Adrìatic.
These things beingconsidered^, with
some others, which will be men-
tioned in the following notes, we
shall make no difficuUy to affirm,
that the person to whom this Ec-
logue is addressed was Pollio, and
that it was when he was at the
head of his army, marching into 11-
lyricum, at the latter end of tbe
year 714, or beginning of 715,
when L. Marcius Censori nus, and
C. Calvisius Sabinus were consuls :
for in this year we find, according
to Dio, that Pollio quelled an io-
fiurrection of the Parthini, a people
bordering on Dalmatia : TS ì* Isri-
ytytófunt, h i» A«vit<d$ n Md^tUf xaì
r«i«$ ^«Sivóf inrdnvo'etif ìytHTù

KOS etùrvt ù nat?aàt9 f^d^ttif isretpatf.

Seu magni Éuperas jam scusa Tu
fnart.] Strabo says, that in the very
inmost part of the Adrìatic sea,
Timavum is a remarkable tempie,
which iias a port, ah elegànt grove,
and seven springs of sweet water,
which forming a broad and deep
river, run presently into the «ea:
£y mn» di tu fivxf r»v - Ao^fv 9Mt

%V7F^ffsÌi, xeù ^n^ki ^ v&retfiUùv vhtvùg

S64

P. VIRGILU MARONI8

S^tadS^SfiSS? ^ Sola Sophocleo tua carmÌBAdìgiuicothnniof 10

TfT jtfd /Mu wmtfiM, Our poet, io
the first Mtìciiì, describes the Ti*
mavus, as rushìng down from a
mountain witb great vìoleoce,
through nine mouths \

Antenor potuit, mediia «lapsus Achivis,
Illyricos penetivre ainus, atque intima

tutus
Regna Lìbumorum, et foptem superare

Timavi;
Onde per ora novem, vasto eum mur^

more montis,
It mare proruptnm, et pela^ premit
> arva sonanti .

•The saxa Timavi, in the passag^
under consideration^ and the fons
Timavi, in the first iEneid, both
relate to the mountain s in which
that ri ver rìses^ which those were to
surmount^ who went out of Italy
into Jllyricum.

7. Swe oram Illyrici legis cequo'
Ta."] Illyricum, lUyris, or Illyria,
18 that whole country, whidb lies on
tlie northem side of the Adrìatic,
oppKMsite to Italy. It is commonly
diyided into two regions, Libumia
on the east, and Dalmatìa on the
west.

Ijego ìs used for keeping near l^e
coast at sea, in the second Geor-
gick.

Primi lege littoris oram.

Burman is of opinion, that it may
as well be meant of mardiìng by
land near the shore.

En erit ungìiam.! See the note
on ver. 68, of the first Edogue*

10. Sola Sophocleo, ^e.] So-
pfaocles the Athenian was esteemed
the prince of tragic poetry. He
is said to have been the first, who
introduced the c<^thumus or buskin,
which was a kìnd of boot, reaching
up to thè calf of the leg, and having
thìck soles of cork, to make the
actor appear taller than bis naturai

ma. This passage, is a sttong
proof, that PoUio is the person bere
iQtended. It appears sufficiemtly^
that this great person was a wrHer
of tragedies^from the foUowingliiies
of Uorace, addressed to Pollio ;

Panlum severse Musa TragoediK
Desit Uieatris : mox, ubi publiccii '
Res ordinarie, grande munua
Cecropio repetes cothumo.

Those, who will have Augustns to
be meant, strain hard to make him
a poet and a writer of tragedies.
But the only authority they are able
to produce ìs that of Suetonlus,
who mentioQS his writing a tragedy
calìed Ajax. But even Suetonras
seems to think the emperor was but
a SOTry poet; and says expressly,
that though he began bis Ajax widi
much spirit, yet he found bis style
to fiag in SUOI a manner asbe went
on, that be destroyed his play:
^^ PoSticam summatim attigit. Utras
** liber restat scrìptus ab eo bexa-
" metrìs versibus, cujus et argu-
'' mentum et titulus est SicQia. £x-
*' tat alter aeque modicus Epigram-
'^matum, quae fere tempore bal^
" nei medìtabatur. Nam tragc»-
^' diam magno impetu exorsus^ acm
*' succedente stylo^ abolevit : qaw-
" rentibusque ainicis quidnam Ajax
^' ageret, respondit^ Ajaoem snum
^' in spongiam incubiiisse/' It is
hardly probable, diat Augustus bad
begun th'ìs tragedy before the battle
of Philippi ; for he was too young
for such sok attempt, when Julius
Ceesar was mordofed; and from
that time to the battle of Phili{^i,
he does not seem to have been at
leisuie to make verses. Some will
have tua carmina to mean^ not the
verses of Augustus, but the verses
written in his praise; which is a very
forced interpretation. '

BUCOLIC. ECL. Vili.

263

A te principium ; tib! desinet : aceipe jussis

theelte^withUwB

lì. A le principium tiòi desinet.']
This is the expression, whìch is
thought to be a full proof, that the
patxon jof ibis Edogue is Auguatus.
The Tityrus, the fost Eclogue, ce-
lebrates Augustus ; and the Mneid,
die last of our poet*s works^ is also
^mìitem. in honour of hkn. Catrou
ia under a necessity of not allowing
the Tityrus to be die first Edogue^
because It could not be written be*
€ore the divìsion of the landa ; and
conaequently; if that was the first^
the Fharoiaceutrìa could not possi-
bly be dedicated io Augustus, wben
he was retuming from Philippi. He
therefore supposes^ either Uiat this
was the first ; or else that Virgil al-
ludes to some other poetn dedicated
to Augustus, whìch he did not think
worthy of being preserved. I agree
with the leamed father, that some
of the Eclogues were written be-
fore the Tityrus. It is very pro-
bable, that the Alexis^ the PalsB^
mon, and the Daphnis were ali
written before it But it is by no
means probable, that this, which is
allowed, by the general eonsent of
the commentators, to be the tìnest
of ali the Eclogues, except the Pol-
ito^ should be the first attempt of
our poet. As for any oth^ poem,
dedicated to Augustus, and after-
wards suppressed^ it is a mere con-
jecture, wìthout any foundation> and
therefore does notrequire to he con-
aidered. But if it is necfssary to
take the expression before us in the
•trictest sense, that Virgil really be-
gan and ended with the same pa-
tron; it might with more proba-
biMty be asserted that it was meant
cmly of the Eclogues ; and then
Gallus will be the person. It is
certain^ that the last Eclogue was
deroted to Gallus ; and wc need
only take up the common tradition^

that the Silenu9 w«s publiahed bef-
fare the death of Cicero, and suppose
that to be the first attempt of our
poet ; jand we shall bave as good a
proof in behalf of Gallus^ as any
that has beeo prodaced in favour o£
Augustus. Catrou himself thinks
we ought not to reject the common
tradition, that the Silenùs was read
in the theatre ; and that Cicero
cried out Magna spes altera Roma»
Now we may remember, that Gal-
lus was oelebrated with great ele-
gance in that poera. Therefore^ if
tbat story be true^ the Silenus was
probably the very first of these eom-
positions i and consequently th^ be-
gan and ended with Gallus. Tbus
we see, that this argument proves
either nothing or too much. Our
old translator W. L. in bis note on
this passage, explains it thus } *' I
*' began this kind of pastoral verse
^' at thy command, and will cease
'* to goe on in this kinde likewise
*' any farther, when it shall please
'*thee to command." This mter-
pretation might be admitted^ but
in truth, this expression of beginning*
with any one and ending with him,
was no more than a high compli-
ment amongst the ancients. In the
ninth Iliad, Nestor prefaoes a speech
to Agamemnon in the following
manner ; '' O most august Atrides^
" O king of men, Agamemnon !
" In tfaee will I end, in thee will I
'' begin ; because thou art king
'* over many people^ and Jupiter
*' has given thee a sceptre and laws
" to provide for them :"

*£» rtf} ftìf Xi|^«. fi* f &^fiuu, «ifyuttf

VùXXSf
AmSv ìrrì ÌmI) »«/ TM Ztòi iyyttdXJlt

Xgyifré»'

But the famous old orator, having
M m

264

P. VIRGILIl MARONIS

bSS^th^SiJSSuS Carmina coepta tuis, atquc hanc sine tempon

thytempletainoagfeuevlc- Circam

Scalee had the coid duuie Inter vìctrices hedcram libi serpere lauros.

ofid^trctlfedfromthehea-

jmi, whea the dew oa the Friffida vix Cffilo noctis dcccsserat umbra, U

wuer^MiisnuMtagneaiiie « •••»».

*"* ^ "*" Cura ro8 in tenera pecori gratissimus nerba est:

tothecattk:

made this ceremonious preface^ does
not think himself obliged litendly to
end with the praisea of Agamemnon
as he liad begun ; for he closes his
apeech with telling him he had in-
jured Achilles^ and persuading him
to make restitution ;

*E^iri rw, «ri, ìstytAst B^tnf^ »»u^f
OSri luti nftirt^ y$ »mv* fuiXm ym^ r«i

fy*nr*

0yfùf
E7{«f 9 M^ ^i^t0V9fy h àéàfar»! «^ ìrt»

'«*
'Uri/An^mtf ixin ym^ t:^us yi^S* àXX* ìn

mÙ Wf

• When fìom Pelides' tebt you forcM the
maid,

I first oppos'dy and faithful, durst dis-
suade ;

Bui bold of soul, when headlong fury
fir'd,

You wrong'd the man, bj men and gods
admir'd :

Now seek some means his fatai wrath to
end,

With pray'rs to move him, or with gifts
to bend. Pope.

This is ending with Achilles, ra-
ther than with Agamemnon. Thus
we are not to understand the pas-
sage before us literally ; or to ima-
gine that the poet meant^ in strict-
ness of speech^ either that he had
begun his poems with PoUio, or that
he would end them with him.

Accipe jussis, Sfc.'} 'ihus in the
sixth Eclogue^ " Non inìussa
'' cano/' This passage pleads
strongly for PoUio. If Augustus
was the person iotended^ Virgil

mast have received his (!(Hnmaiidst0
write this Eclogue^ before he weii
into Macedon agaìnst Brutus ani
Cassius. Bui it does not appeartk
Virgil was admitted to the friend
ship of Augustus^ till afìer the ér
tributioD of the landa. For èva
then, we find in the ninth Eé(^,
that the poet implores the protec-
tion of Varus; which he wouM
bave had no occasion to bave dm,
if he himself had been in thefaroor
of Augustus^ as the i«rriters ofìi'
life would bave us believe.

13. Victrices . . . lauros,'] Crowns
of bay were wom by oonquerors in
their triumphs. Hence Ruseus con-
cludes, that this expression rekte^^
the triumph, y/hiai Pollio obtaincd
for his victory over the Dalmatians.
But it seems more probable^ tis faas
been already observed^ thatitisa
poetìcal prediction of bis yìcìoTj,
which happened to be verified.

Hederam libi serpere.'] The poe-
tical ivy is that sort with golden ber-
ries, or Hedera baccis aureis. The«
is a very great poetica! delicsc/^
this verse. The ivy is well known
to be an hunible^ creepiog pto-
Therefore, when he entreats his pa-
tron to permit this ivy to creep
among his victorious bays, be de-
sìres him to condescend to accept d
these verses in the midst c^ ^
victories.

14. Frìmda vix calo, 4*^.] Tbc
poet now begins the subject ofi'^
Eclogue, and represents thedespair-
ing lo ver Damon, as having sa*"?
ali night^ and beginning his coib-
plaints with the first appearance 0i
the moming.

BUCOLIC. ECL, Vili.

265

Incmnbens tereti Damon sic ccepit olivae.
Dam. Nascere, praeque diem veniens age,
Lucifer, almum :
Conjùgis indigno Nisse deceptus amore,
Dum queror, -et Divos, quanquam nìl testibus

ilHs
Profeci, extrema moriens tamen ailoquor bora.
Incipe Maenalios mecum, roea tibia, versus. 21
Maenalus argutumque nemus pinosque loquentes

Damon Ictning agalnte a
round ollve-tree thus began.
Dam. Arìae, O Ludfer, and
preceding bring oa the day ;
whiist I, decetved by the
crael lore of Nita, mf orlde,
tompl^, and dying Invoke
the goda in my last hour,
though I have hitherto prò-
fited nothhig by caUing tbem
to iwitneas. B^ wftn me,
<ny pipe, the Msnalian

Mkiuìiis al wayi bà» a wfab-
pering wood,and vocal ptaiei :

16. Incumbens tereti olivaJ] Some
imagine the pk)et to mean, that Da-
mon is leaning on a stick made of
the olìve-tree; but this ìmage is
very low : surelj he describes him
leaning against the tree itself Any

f^ng round> as a pillar, or the
[body of a tree, is calied teres. La
Cerda observes a great beauty in
the yariety of plants^ with which
Virgil distinguishes his pastoral
scenes. In the first Eclogue, Tity-
rus is represented ly ing at ease under
a beech: in the seconda Corydon
vents his complaints, not to the
beech es alone^ but to the woods
' and mountaìns: in the third^ Palse-
mon invites the shepherds to sit
down on the soft and verdant grass.
In the ù£th, Menalcas and Mopsus
retire into a cave, overshadowed
by a wild vine : and bere Damon
pours forth his lamentations under
the shade of an olive-tree.

17. Nascere pneque diem, éj^cJ]
Damon begins with calling upon the
dawn to rise, and bring on the day s
and opens due subject of his com-
plaint, the infidelity of Nisa.

Lucifer,'] Lucifer is generally
widerstood to mean the pUnet Ve-
nus, when she is seen in the morn-
ing, and is the last star that disap-
pears, as the day comes on. The
poets seem to have imagined, that
it was a star, which by its rising
denoted the approach of the mom-
ing. It was supposed to be the fa-

vourite star of Venus, whence the
lover invokes it with propriety,
Thus our poet, in the second
^neid ;

Jamque jugis summs surgebat Lucifer
Ducebatque diem :
And in the eighth ;

Qualis ubi oceani perflisus Lucifer unda,
Quera Venus ante alios astrorum diligit

ignes,
Extulit 08 sacrum c8elo> tenebraaque re-

solvit.

Perhaps it was the same with Au-
rora, or the dawn.

18. Coftjugis.'] It is plain, that
conjux does not signify a nife in this
place, but only one who had en-
gagedher promise. Thus maritui
is used for a woer, in the fourth
^neid ;

Quos ego sum toties jam dedignata ma-
ritos.

21. Incipe Mcmalìos, 4*c.] These '
intercalary verses, like what we cali
the burtìien of a song, are in fìre-
quent use among the poets. Thus ;
Theocritus, in his first Idyllium,

"AfXÌrt fiitMéXtxSf,

Umnu ^iXmi, i^tv* \

And in the second.

r*ÌMf i^y *TÌ ÌSfut «••» ^

22. Manalus argutumque ne-
mus, 4*c.] From the first mention
M m 2

MS

P. VIR<}IL1I MARONIS

be alwan hean tls lom of
sKepherdfl, and Fan, who fint
of ali woold not auffcr reeds
to be idle. ^egia, wichroe,
«7. P^ the MaBnaHao
atraiat. nW ii givea to Mop-
fis : what may not we love»
hope? Now iball grtffins Ne
joined with maici, and in an-
other age the tìmoroua deer
•hall come to drink with the
dogi. Cut new torches. O
Mopmis: four wife is Ieadh«
home.

Semper habets semptr paatomm ille audk amo-

res,
Panaque, qui primus calamai tion possuft inertes.
Incipe Mtenalìoa mecum^ mea tibid^ versm» 25
Mopso Nisa datur : quid non «perému^ amante»?
Jungentur jam gryphes equis, sevoque sequenti
Cum canibus timidì^yeniént ad poGliWdam««
Mopse, novàs incide faces : tibi ducitmr uxon

of the Maenalian strains, Damoii
immediately turns to a celebration
of that famous mountain, to which
he poeticallj ascribes a voice and
ears.

Manale, or in the plund num-
ber Manala, is a high mountain of
Arcadia, sacred to Pan. It is said
to bave had its name from Msena-
lus, the son of Lycaon.

Argutumque nemus.'] See the note
on arguta, ver. 1. of the seventh
Eclogue.

Pinosque hquentesJ] Msenalus is
said to abound with pines. The
mention of vocal groves is frequent
amongst the poets.

24. Panaque, qui primus, éjfc.']
See ihe notes on ver. 31 and 32, of
the second Eclogue.

26. Mopso Nisa datur, ^-c] He
now explains the full cause of bis
grief ; the nuptials of Nisa with bis
more happy rivai Mopsus, whom he
congratulates ironically.

27. Jungentur Jam gìyphes equis.']
Damon passionately descrìbes the
marrìage of Nisa with Mopsus, as
something monstrous. The grif-

|fin is a fabulous monster, said to
jhave the body of a lion, and the
|head and wings of an eai^le: these
animals afe pretended to live in the
Imost northem parts of Europe,
where they dig gold out of the mines,
and keep a guard over it.. It is said,
that the Arimaspians, a peòple with
one eye in the middle of their fore-
heads,;are engaged in continuai

wars for this precious metal. IlìAs
story is at least as ancient as the
time of Herodotus,^ wluy mentiona
it in bis third hook. But that
bistorian justly thinks it incredible ;
and Pliny also, who quotes ibis story
from Herodotus, thinks the exist-
ence of the griffins to be fitbuloua.
Milton alludes to this story oìT the
griffins, in the seì:ond bodc of bis
Paradise Lost ;

As when a grtffln tbfough the wilder-

ness
With winged course, o'er hiU ot moorj

dale,
Pursues the Arìmaspian, who by stealth
Had from his wakeftil cuftody pur-

loin'd
The gtiarded gold.

28. Timidi . . . dama.'] It is to
be observed, that Virgil makes dama
to be of the masculine gender bere,
as well as in the third Georgick ;

T imidi damse, eervique fugaces.

29. Novas incide faces.] He itt-
vidiously exhorts Mop^s to makc
ali due preparationd for celebrating
bis nuptials. The bride used to b^
led home by night, witìi Ilghted
torches before ber. These torches
were pieces of pine, or other unc-
tuous wood, which were cut to a
point, that they might the more
easily be inflamed. Thus we read
in the first Georgick,

Ferroque faces inspicat acuto.

We fìndin Plutarcb's Roman Ques*-
tipns,, that the number of torches

BUCXÌLIC. ECL. Vili,

367

Sparge^ marìte^ duces : tibi desérìt Hespenis
CEtam. 30

Indpe Me^nalios mecum, mea tìbia, versus.

O dìguo conjancta viro ! dam despicis omne%

Dumque tibi est odio mea fistnla, dumque ca-
pellse,

Hirsutumque supercilium, prolixaque barba:

Wotttt ti^yWÉfciMtyObiMi^

MUOUI t mT tbcto IltlMfMI

Iteakai €Bta. Begin, mttk
me, my pipe» the ■■■ imitili

Oht tion art Bunniad te &
wocthT hwbattd^whibttliMi
^H|ilmKali<ithem;aiiiwtalllt
thoo hateit my pipe, «ad my
go^, and my s&aggy eye-
browt,aiid my long oéud:

carrìed before the bride was exactly
five.

I TUfi ducUur uxor,'] Tliis part of
(the ceremony^ of Uadmg the bride
|home to her husband's house* seems
Ito have been accoimted so essential
a part of the Quptial ceremony, that
•ducere uxorem is commonly used for
iomarry,

30. Sparge ntarHe nuces.'] That

. nucei signify walnuts^ and that they^

^had a mystical signification in the

nuptJal ceremonies^ has been ob-

served in a note on ver. 187- of the

secoad Georgick. Some are of opi-

' nion, that the brìdeffroom, by

ithrowing nuts among me boys to

: scramble fot them, si^ified that he

, himself now left chiidren's play;

■ whence nuces relìnquere became a

\ proverbiai expression. This seems

\ to be confinned by the following

^ passagli of CatuUus ;

Da nuces pueris iners

Concubine ; satis diu
/ Lusisti nucibus : lubet
j Jam servire Thalaasio.

Concubine, nucés, ^

Tihi desérit Hesperus (Etam,}
CBta is a high mountain of Thessa-
ly. Servi US would infer from this
passage^ and another in the second
Mnem,

Jamque jugis summae surgebat Lucifer
Ida;,

that the stars were supposed to rìse
from Ida> and to set behind (Età.
But it is plain, that this imagination
of bis is wrong; for the ppet does

not here q>eak of the setting, but of
the rìsing of Hesperus. CatuÙus
alao speaks of the approach of Hes*
perus, in bis poem on the marrìage
of Peleus and Thetis;

Adveniet Ubi jam portans optata mart*

tis
Hesperus: adveniet fìuiBto eum aidert

conjuxt

And in other plaees.

S2. O digno conjuncta, 4*^.] He
commends the choice of Nisa ironi*
cally, and accuses her of ìnfidelity.

34. Hirsutumque supercilium, 4>^.]
Thus the Cyclops, in Theocrìtus,
tells Gaktea^ that she does not love
him^ because he has a great shaggy
eye-browj that extends from ear to
ear;

oSn»d ftèt >Mfm ^» «f ^ Ir) r«vr) /m-

The cause of ali thy hate, dear nympb,

I knowy
One large wide gap spreads cross mj

hairy brow
From ear to ear. Creech.

La Cerda is of opinion^ that Da«
mon, by this expression, dedares to
Nisa, that bis love for her has made
him neglect bis person. But surely
love usually inclines a man to be
more exact in bis dress. Besides^ I
do not apprehendy that the hairìness
of the eye-brow is caused by negli-*
gence. Ruseus agrees with La
Cerda; though he suggests another

R VIRGILI! MARONIS

^^^iS£'i£^^'!^ Nec curare Deum credis mortalia quenquam. 35
Be^j^^vit&mBgmy pipe, the j^^jp^ Macnalios mecum, mea tibia, versus.

a little girl, gathering dewy SepiDus ifi Dosti'is parvam te roscida inala.

applea with fnj motber, in _^ ^ ... ,

our iied«es{ I wm foar con- jjux cgo vestcr eTBVOf vioi cuiD iDatre legentcm :

ìnterpretation ; that the shepherd
describes the hairiness of bis body^
to denote bis strength. It is true,
that the hairiness of the body is usu-
ally a mark of strength; butthen it
Ì8 not usaal with woroen to despise a
man for bis strength of body. Per-
haps this is spoken ironically, as ^ell
as O digno conjuncia viro ; and Da-
mon ma^ mean, not that he him-
self is this rough unpolìshed feUow^
but bis rivai : for this whole para-
grapb seems to be intended to insult
Nisa on ber choice of Mopsus. The
£arl of Lauderdale foUows the opi-
nion of I^a Cerda ;

You are well-match'd, and slight the

courting swain,
Whilst you with prìde my pipe and

goats disdain,
Carelessy distracted dow my looks ap-

pear,
My comely chin o*eispread with bushy

bairj
As if the gods regarded not my pain.

Prolìxa^ Some read promissa,
whicb Pierius says does not dìs-
please bim^ because it is frequently
used by the Latin authors : but be
finds prolixa in ali bis ancient ma-
nuscrìpts. Heinsius, accordine to
Burman^ contends for promissa,
whicb reading he finds in several
manuscripts.

37. Sepibus in nostris, S^c,'] The
shepherd now recatis the time^ the
place, and the manner of bis first
falling in love with her, when he
was very young.

The reader cannot but observe
the elegant and naturai pastoral sim-
plicity of this paragraph. The age
of the ypung^ shepherd, bis being

but just able to reach thebougbs of
the apple-trees, bis officiousness in
helping the girl and ber motber to
gather them, and bis falling in love
with her at the same time, are cìr-
cumstances so well chosen, and ex-
pressed so naturally^ that we may
look upon this passage as one of
those numerous, easy^ and delicate
touches, that distinguish the band
ofVirgil.

This passage is an imitation of the
foUowing verses, in the* Cyclops of
Theocritus.

*£| S^ ìfi^mfém- iyai T Uh ^yi/tinon,

1 lov'd thee, nymph, I lov'd e'er since

you Clune
T» pluck our flow'rs; firom thence I

date my flame*
My eye did then my feeble beart be*"

tray,
I know the minute of the fatai day,
My mother led you, and I shew^d the

way. Crebch.,

38. Maire.'] Servius says, that
the pronoun being omitted, it may
sìgnify either the shepherd's or the
gìrVs mother. La Cerda contends
for the former j because in the pas-
sage last quoted, the Cyclops repre-
sents Galatea coming along with bis
mother. Ruseus is for the latter,
as is also Catrou, and Dr. Trapp ;

Thee with thy mother in aax meads I
saw:

It is most probable, that it was the
girl's mother; because heeouid bave
no occasion to shew his own mo-
ther the way about their omtb
grounds.

BUCOLIC. ECL. Vin.

269

Alter ab undecimo tum me jam ceperat arinus :
Jam fragilespoteram a terra contìngere ramos. 40
Ut vidi, ut perii, ut me malas abstulit error !
Jncipe Meenalios mecum, mea tibia^ versus.
Nunc scio quid sit Amor. Duris in cotibus illum
Aut Tmarus, aut Rhodope, aut extremi Gara-
mantes, 44<

my tìditeenlh year was. then
justbegan: Icould then just
reach the brittle branches
from the ground. How did
I aee, how wa« I und^ne!
how waa I lost in fatai err«r 1
Begin, with me, my pipe, the
Maenalian strain«.

Now know I what is Love.
Either Tmanu, or Rhodope,
or the utmo«t Garamantet
tnlng himforth.

39* Alter ah undecmo^ Servius
undérstands it to mean thè thir-
teenth^ '^ Id est, tertìus decimus:
*^ alter enim de duobus dicimus/*
Joseph Scaliger and La Cerda are
of the same opinion. Ru«ùs says
it 18 the twelfth/the n'ext year to
the eleventh ; as alter ab ilio does not
signify ùìethìrd after him, but the
second to him. I bave translated it
thirteenth, because that age seems to
tnake the shepherd full as young^ as
he could easily be supposed to be^
wHen he fell in love.

CeperaU"] Some manuscripts have
acceperat, according to Pierìus and
Heinslus.

41. Ut vidi, *c.] The poet
adornsthis beautifulpassage withan
imitation of a line taken from the
second Idyllìum of Thepcritus ;

The Greek poet also thus describes
tbe sudden passio n of Atalanta for
Hìppomenes^ in his AìfrlKtq.

^A y *jLrà)Mrt»

When young Hippomenes sought the

maid's embracc.
He took the golden fruita and ran the

race:
But when she viewM, how strong was

the surprise !
Her soul took 6re, and sparkied thro*

her eyes.
How did her passions, how her fury

movel
How soon ahe leap'd into the deepest

love ! Creech.

43. Nunc scio, c^c] Damon
havÌDg mentioned the first begin-
ning of bis love^ turna bis song to
the cruel temper of the ^od of that
passion.

Thus the goatherd, in the tbird
Idyllium of Theocritus ;

I know what Love is now, a cruel god,
A tygress bore, and nurs'd himi in a
wood. Creech.

44. Aut Tmarus^ The com-
mon reading is Ismarus, Fulvius
Ursinus found aut Ismarus, in two
very ancien t manuscripts. He also,
inentions another àncient copy^
which he bad out of the library of
Peter Bembus, in which it was
written aut Tmarus, which be takes
to be the true reading. Heinsius
also, according to Burman^ found
aut Tmarus in some copies, and aut
Marus in otbers. Strabo^ in bis
seventb hook, speaks of the moun-
tain Tomarus or Tmarus, as be-
longìng to Dodona; '^H At/ìthn rU^

Tf^à»; X%ymu, vp* i xurtu rù /i^óy.
It seems probable that this Tmarus
or Tomarus ìs the mountain bere
spoken of by Vìrgìl ; that he wrote
aut Tmarus ara Rhodope ; and that
some of the transcribers> having
before met with Ismarus and Rho-
dope together, inaccurately wrote
aut Ismarus aut Rhodope. Others,

«70

R VIRGILn MARONIS

SS^Sum^^ Nec gen^is nostri puenun, nec sanguinis edunt

''cnMiiJSSta^taaiotiMr Incipe Macnalios meeom, mea tibia, versus*

te mkk ber tianéi «itk the o a j «^ ^

Moodof iMrcUMiait oaevuB AiDor oocuit natorum sanguine matrem

obsenring tìb«jt auà Itnumu eould
not stand in the verse^ took the
liberty of omitting cmL In those
copies^ which bave aut Marus, it
can bardly be doubted, tbat the T
Ì8 left oat by mistake^ whioh might
bappen very eaaily, as the most
ancient manuscriptt were in capi*
tale» witboat any disiinction of
the words, thus AVTTMARVS-
AVTRHODOPE. That the dia-
junctive particle aut was intended
tp be thrice repeated in this vene
seems probable^ from ito being in-
tended to imitate oneÌA tbe ^mÀwm
of Theocritus;

In like manner we read in the first
Georgick^

Aut AthOy aut Rhodopen, «ut alta Ce-

Masvicius, Heinsius, Cuning^am^
and Burman bave aut Tmaros. La
Cerda also approves of aut Tmaru$,
tbough he preserves Ismarus in the
text. The Earl of Lauderdale ap-
proves of Tmaros ;

l fcnow what Love ìb now: it's birth

must be
On horrid Tmaros, or cold Rhodope.

Extremi Garamanteg.^ The Ga-
raflaantes were a savane people of
Africa, aboat the tomd zone $ ao
that they were tfaougfat to Hve as fiur
io the aouthward, as ihe carth is ha^
bitable. Hence they are called ex-
iremù as Thule, or Sdietland, is
Oilled ultima,

47. SiBvus Amor docuit, Sfc."] From
the mention of the cruéity of love,
he passes to a notorious instànce of
the cruel effecto of tbat passion. It
tatigbt Medea, he aays, to murder

her own children : and then he
makes a question, whether Medea
or Cupid is the more crueL

When Jason^ with bis compa-
nions the Argonauts, was come to
Coldiifl far the golden fleece, Me-
dea, daugbtar of the king of that
country, fell in love with bim» in-
structed bia bow to suimoont tbe
difficultiet tbat were in bis way,
and when he obtained tbe prize,
went with bìm into Gseece, wbeoe
sbe bad dìildroi by bim. Butwben
Jason afìerwaids «arrìed anoCher
wife, Medea, being enraged, mur-
dered tbe cbildr^i wbich she had bj
Jason. Ovid, in the «evaitb book
oi the Metamorpboaes, beautifully
describes the struggles between ho-
nour and love in the breaat of Me-
dea, and the victocy which Cupida
in spite of her reason, obtained aver
her,

Si pofisem, sanior essem,

Sed traliit iavitam nova vis: aUudque

Cupido,
Mene aliud suadet Video meliora, pro-

beiliie:
Deteriora sequor.

Cmiìi /, / diatad he vdL

A nevhfeìt force my ttrUAng pomret ktm

vades:
4ffectkm {hit, ditcretion that fertwadei»
I see the better : J of^rwe U taoi
Thfi vpruf Ifctkm. Smìvib.

The poet could not bave cbosen a
stronger ìnstance of the cruci èffects
of this passion, out of ali the poeti-
cai fabfes. This unhappy pnncess
falls in love with a stranger, and to
hìs interest sacrìfices her father,
frìends, and country: she quits ber
native soil, is married to him, bears
bim children, and at last, being
moved by jealousy, murders even
those barmlessinfants. ThePersian

BUCOUC, JECL. VIIL

«71

Commacalare manus: cruddis tu quoque, matei?:
Crudelis mater magis, an puer improbus ìlle?
Improbus lUepuer, crudelis tu quoque^ mitter. 50
Incipe Msenalìos mecum, mea tibia, versus.
Nunc et oves ultro iugiat lupus, aurea durae
Mala £erant quercus, narcisso floreat^ alnus,
Pinguia corticibus sudent electra myricge,
C^rteut et cycnis ululae: sit Tityrus Orpbeu^:
Orpheus in sylvis; inter delphinas Arìon. 56

Huw aba wut a craèl m<v
ther: wastthoamowacnMl
motber, or he » wick«d boy ì
He was a wfc^ed boy, and
thou aho a crae) motber.

Now also let tbe wolf flee
£rom the sheep of his own ae>
cord : let the hard oaks bear
golden apples: let daffodiis
flower oa tbe alder trae» lot
fiit amber sweat from the batk
of the tamarUc : and let owk
contend with swana: let !>
tynu he Orpheos, Orpheitf In

hi^rians, aocording to Herodotus,
relate^ that ^be w«9 carried off by
some Greok9> w|u> weat np tbe viver
Pbasls^ wider pretenoe of trade:
tbat tbe ^ing her father sent a be-
rald ìnto Greece^ to demand «atis-
fiictipn; bttt tbey refiia^d to give
bim any, because tbey bad reoeived
none for tbe rape of Io.

50* Crudelis tu quoaue mater.']
Burman tbinks, tbat Yenu9, tbe
motber of Cupid, is meant in tbis
place : but surely it can be no otber
tban Medea. Tbe sbepberd accuses
Cupida tbe god, of love^ a£ craahy,
for baving incited a motber to de-
stroy ber own cbildrén : be says tbis
was cruelty in tbe motber ; and then
majces a question, wbetber tbis waa
greater wickedness in Cupida or
greater cruelty in tbe motber ; and
concludes^ that tbe crime waa equal :
Cupid ìa vickfid in baving inepired
sucb a passion ; and tbe motber is
cruel} in baving put sucb a wicked-
nets io execation. Catrou looks
upon these lines^ as a mere playipg
upon words ; and tbinks Virgil de-
serves our cKcuse^ because be is not
often guil^ of tbis fault. But I be<r
lieve the judicious reader will not
tbink Virgil stands in need of any
excuse. These repetìtions beanti*
fully express the varjety and con-
fusion of tbe sbepberd's thougbts,
whó knows not where to lay the
blame i wbether on Cupid or Me-

dea; aad at last coneludes^ tbat tbe
crime is equal in footb.

52. Nunc et ooes, ^v.] The
shqabard now retums to the abeur-
dity of ^is match of Nisa wìdi
Mopau&j and dedares that notbìng
can saem strange after tbis unequid
match.

Aur^a dura, éj^.] Tbua Pope, in ,
his tbird Pastorale

Let opening roses knotted oaks adoni.
And liquia amber drop from ev'ry
thom.

65. C^cnis.2 The ancients ima-
gined, that the swans sung sweetly,
especially at the time of their deatn :
but it teems to bave been a vulgar
error.

56. Inter delphinas Anorii] Arion,
according to Herodotus, was of
Methymna; was the ehief musi-
cian of his time, the inventar of
Dithyrambics, gave them their
name, and taught them at Corinth.
According to that ancient historian,
wben Arìon bad lived a considerable
time with Periander^ king of Co-
rinth, he bad a mind to travel to
Italy and Sidly ; where baving ac-
quired much wealth, be was de-
sirous of retuming to Corinth. He
hired a Corinthian vessel at Taren-
tum, baving a great confidence in
these people. But he was deceived
in his good opinion of them : for
tbey conspired to rob bim» and
N n

272

R VIRGILII MARONIS

ìSoS^S^SàT^^^^ Incipe Mffiiudios mecum, mea tibia^ i^ersus.
in£r*dSp**l2!*te?SS^^ Omnia vel medium fiant mare : vivite sylvae.
beadiong into the waien, FraeceDs aeru specuia de montis m undas

from the top of a high rock ;

throw bina overboard. In vain
dìd the sweet musician entreat theni
to spare hìs life> and take his mo-
ney : they were deaf to his prayers^
and only gave him his choice either
of killing himself, or jumping into
the sea. He chose the latter ; and
then desired leave to put on his best
clothes, and to give àiem one tune
on his harp before he died. This
they assented to, being willing to
hear the best musician in the world
perfonn before them. When the
song was ended, he leaped into the
sea» with ali his omaments^ and
was taken up by a dolphin : which
they did not perceive, and pursued
their voyage to Corinth. But the
dolphin carried Arion safe on his
back to Taenarus, from which place
he travelled by land to Corinth, and
there related his adventure. Feri-
ander, not believing it, sent him
to prison, and enquired for the ac-
cused marìners. When they were
brought before the king, and ques-
tioned concemìng Arion, they af-
firmed, that they had IcdPt him at
Tarentum, iiving in great plenty.
Then Perìander caused him to be
produeed in the very garments, in
which he had leaped into the sea ;
with which they were so confound-
ed, that they could not deny the
fact This «tory, §^ys Herodotus,
is related both by the Corìnthians
and the Lesbians; and is firther
contìrmed by a brazen statue of a
man riding on a dolphin -, which
he a^nns was to be seen in his
time at Tsenarus.

58. Omnia . vel medium, 4^.]
Damon at last resolves to take
leave of the world, and to drown
himself.

Medium JÌQnt mare,'] The shep-
herd does not really wish for an
universal confusion of ali things:
he means, that as he is ffoing to
take leave of the world, me earth
is no longer any thing to him.
/ Vivile!] That is, valete^ a word
used in taking leave, like x^^>
adieu; farewélL Daphnis in like
manner bids adieu to the wild
beasts, woods, and waters, in the
first Idyllium of Theocritus i

''n kÓK«i, £ éSts, Z kf i^ ^tXmUs a^X'

&9 SXaff
oli» ir àfà ^^uftitsy Mf» «Xrs«* ^'''i 'A^**

Kùù zróTetfMiiy T9Ì ;^tì'ri futXàv »«rk Suft"

Ye wolves, ye lions, and ye boars, adieu;
For Daphnis walks no more in" woods

with you.
Adieu, fair Arethuse, £ùr streama that

swell
Thro' Thymbrian plains, ye Silver streams

fareweìl. Creech.

59. Praceps aerii^ i^c.] Thus
Theocritus, in his third Idyllium;

fMU,-

My jerkin's off, FU leap into the flood
Prom yon high rock, where Òlpis olten

stood
To snare his trouts. Creech.

It is thought, that Virgil bere al-
ludes to the famous rock in Leuca-
dia, from which those who leaped
into the sea were cured of their
love. Thus Ovid, in the Epistle
from Sappho to Phaon ;

Hic ego cum lassos posuissem fletihus
artus,
Constitit ante oculos Naiaa una meoa.

BUCOLTC. ECL. Vili.

S73

Deferar: extremum hoc munus morientìs ha»
beto. 60

Desine, Maenalios jam desine, tibia, versus.
Haec Damon : vos, quae responderit Alphesiboeus,
Dicite, Pierides: non omnia possumus omnes.
Alp. Eff^ aquam et molli cinge bsBC altaria
vitta :
Verbenasque adole pingues, et masculatbura, 65

tftke this last gift of a dying
penon- Cesse, my pipe, now
ceaae the MaenaUaii strattu.

Thtu Damon: Ye MuseSi
relate what AlphesiboBiM an-
•wered : we cannot ali do ali
thlnei.

Alf^s. Brìng out the wa-
ter, and encompaM these al-
tars with a soft fiUet : and
bum fat vervain, and male
frankincense.

Constitit, et dixit ; Quoniam non ignibus
sequis *

Urerìs, Ambracias terra petenda tibi.
Phoebus ab excelso, quantum patet, aspi-
di lequcnr :
Actseum populi, Leucadiumque vo-
cant.
Hioc se Deucalion Pyrrhae suocensus
amore
Midi, et illieso corpore pressit aquas.
Nec mora: versus apior tetigit lentis-
sima PyrrhflB
Pectora ; Deucalion igne levatus erat

' Here <u I lay, and tweWd with tean the

Jood,
Befire my tight a wqi*ry virgin ttood,
She atood and cried, O you that love in

vain !
Fly hence^ and teck the far Leucadian

main,
There itandt a rock^from whote tnipend-
i ingsteep
ApoUo'ifane mrveyt ihe rotting deep.
There injur*d laoers, leapingfrom above,
Their fiame» extinguish, and forget to

lave»
' Deucalion once with hopelesifury 1mrn%
In vain he lov*df relenìieit Pyrrha

scom'd :
Sut wJien from hence he plung*d into the

TnaWf
Deucaìion tcom'df and Pyrrha ìov*d in

vain. Pope.

f 60. Extremum hoc munus mori»
i entis habetn.'] Take this last gift of
a dying person, that is, my death
•sfaaìl be the last agreeable present
-to you. He means^ that Nisa will
rejoioe at bis death.

62. Hac Damon, i^,] The
poet having recited these fine verses
of Damon^ dedares^ that he is un-
able to proceed any farther by his

own strength; and calls upon the
Musies to relate the answer of Al-
phesiboeus.

63, Non omnia possumus omnes,']
See the note on aui si non possumus
omnes, ver. 23. of the seventh Ec-
logue.

64. Effer aquam, &c.] Alphe-
siboeus assumes the person of a sor-
ceress, who is performing a magical
sacrifice, in order to bring ber hus-
band home, and regain bis love
which she had lost.

These words of the sorceress are
addressed to ber asststant, whose
naroe we afterwards find to be Ama-
ryllis. Some of the commentators
would fain read affier instead of ef-
fer, fiat La Cerda has shewn, that
they used hot water in their magical
rites. Therefore we may under-
stand, that the wat^r was heated in
ihe house^ and that the, sorceress
calls upon Aroaryllis to bring it
out.

Molli vUta.'] The fiUet is called
soft, because made of wool. See
the notes on ver. 487- of the third
Georgick. The sorceress, in The-
ocritus, calls out to bave the cup
surrounded with purple wìool ;

I

6^, Verbenas.'] See the note on
ver. 131. of the fourth Georgick.

Mascula thuraJ] The ancients
called the best sort of frankincense
male,
N n 2

«T*

P. VIRGILII.MARONIS

tliftt I aar tiry to wbvcrttlic
rigkt Moses of my hvubaad
by naarical lites. Nothiag
Is waatmg here bot venes.
Éring, briag my Dwhnis
lumie from the aty, O my
venes.

Verscs can evco brlng down
the mooa from heaven: by
venes Circe cbanfced the
compankms of Ulysses: by
ringmg the cold snakc fa
bunten in the meadows.
Bringt bring my Daphnis
home from the city, O my

First I sorround thee wxth
thcse three Usts distingufahed
with three colours, and lead
thia imaee thrjefi times about
thcse alurs. The deity de-
lights in an odd number.
•BfUig» bfìng my Oàphnis
home from the city, o my

Knit three colours, with
three knots, Amaryllia :

Cònjùgis ut magids sanot avertere sacris
Experiar seusus : nihil hic nisi carmina desiint.
Ducke ab urbe dcmuin, mea carmina, duche

Daphnim» /

Carmina vel cado possuni deducere lunam :
Carmintbus Circe socios mourìt Ulyssei : 70
Frigidus in pratis cantando rumpiCur anguis.
Ducite ab urbe domum, mea carmina^ ducite

Daphninu
Terna tibi hcec primum triplici diversa colore
Licia circumdo, terque haec altaria circiun
Effigiem duco, fumerò Deus impare ^audet 75
Ducite ab urbe domum, mea caraiii^) ducite

Daphnim.
Necte tribus nodis («rnos, AmarylH, cofores :

, 67. Carmina.^ These versés alle
a particular form of wo'rds, used in
these suparstitiousceremonies. From
Carmen our word charm ìs derìved.
The verse or charm here intended
seems to be the next line ; which ts
often repeated, as the burthen of
Ùle soQg. It is much the same wkh
thàt in Theecritus ;

69. 'Carmina vel cah, 4^.3 In
this paragraph are enumerated the
varìous powers of these aoperstitious
verses> or charms.

That the moon could be brought
down by magie^ was a comimon
cpimoD^'not only of the uoets^ but
of the fì^ilosophers also. The Tfaes-
salians were thought to be possessed
of this art> tiiorè than any other
people. The sorceress, in Theo-
critus, frequently calls on the moon
to' teli her whence her passi on carne ,•

Pieriiis says it is carmina et e c^^in
some ancient manuscripts.

70* Circe.'] An enchantress, who
turned the companions of Ulysses
into swine. See the tenth hook fi
the Odyssey, and the seventh hook
•of the iBneids.

; 71» Cantando!] Hence are de^
/ri veci our words, ìnchant, and in-
^ canlallon.

73. Terna tibi k€BC,Sfc.'] Shepro-
Céeds in her magical superstitions,
makmg use of Sie number three,
which was thought to be sacred

The sorceress, in Theocritu>.
makes use also of the aumber three ;

75. Numero Detis impare gaudet]

The number three was thoa^ht the

most perfect of ali numbers, havng

regard to the beginning, middle^ and

end. The deity here mentìonedis

I pròbably Recate^ who preslded over

^ magical rìtes» and had tbree faces.

77* Necte tr'ììms nodie, ^c] The

same superstition is continuéd.

BUCOLia ECL. vili.

«W

Kecte, Amarylli) modo: et Veneris dicTÌncala l^S^^^tt^!^

^^ , ^ of Vtmu. BfiBE, brbig my

Becco. Daphriis home «fom the ctt^,

Ducite ab urbe domum, mea carmina^ ducite ^^thL^'mud hardena, and

Daphuim^

Limus ut hic durescit, et haec ut cera iiquescit 80

as this wax melts.

80. Limus ut hic, ^c] The
sorceress proceeds to the famou3
piece of wìtcheraft^ the niaking of
ìmages^ which are said to consume
the person for whom they are made^
as the images themselves are con-
sumed; and adds some other cere-
mohles.

Here are plainly two images de-
scrìbed ; one of mud and the other
of wax : the former of which woul^
necessarily grow hard^ and the latter
soften^ in the su me fìre. Servius is
of opiniun,'that the sorceress lì ere
makes her own iraage of mud ; and
that of Daphnis of wax; that he
may melt with regard to her, like
wax i but grow obdurate to the
woman he was now in love with,
and to ali òthers, as the mud hard-
ened in 'the fìre. Others thìnk
both the images represented Daph^
nìs: and not without reas<m^ for
how should the image of the sor-
ceress be sHipposed to make the heart
of Daphnis hard to other women,
by growihg hard itself? But per-
haps it may be best to suppose with
l^ervius, that the image of ^mud re-
preseated the sorceress, and that of
wax Daphnis : and ihàt as Daphnis
would melt into love of her, as bis
image dissolved, ao she wonld grow
obdurate, as her ìmagd haràened.
This interpretation seems to agree
with what she wishes presentìy after-
•wards ; that he may love her vehet-
mently, and that she may not re-
gard his passion 5

Talis amor teneat:
mederì.

nec sit mibi cura

Horace also, in one of his Siiti res.

^peaks of two witches, tbad jnade
two imageSj one of wool, and the
other Of wax; that the wooUen
one was the biggest, and seemed to
lord k over the poor waxen -otia,
which stood in a suppliant posture^
ready to melt;

Lanea et effigia crat, aHera ccreiT;

majòff ^
Lanea, ijuse poenìs compeficexet inferi-,

orem. . ,

Cerea suppKciter stabat, servUibus, ut-

que
/am peritura madia.

The sorceress, in Theocritus, mtlifi
wax in the fìre, and prays, th^t
Delphis also may melt in love ;

*Af vtSnf r«» jn^M» ìym «it ìetifént ìtÌÌk»,

Afl this /ìevoted irax mdts lo'er tfaeffire;
Lei Myndian De^id mflt in waxm dt-
sire. CaE£Cja*

In laiter tixneB, there bave foeeki
Dianywho bave tttleinpted l3>e Uvés
of others, by making represeifità-
tioRs of them m cl«y or wax /in 01^
der (o consume soch persons by coti-
'Buraing their hnnges. Abòut the
begfimirngtif the last eentury, many
persoBs were convicted of this, and
other such like prac^ces, and exè-
cuted ffccovdtngly. King Jaines>
the First, who then set iipon the
^rone, was a great believer of the
power of magic, and condéscendéd
so far, as to be the author of a hook
entitled J^tBfmomlogiey in which
amongst other particulars he speaks
of these icnages as being frequentìy
made at that t'rme, and aséribes tire
p^wer Of them to the devil. " To

276

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

fe^hSbbySy iSw.' SSiIS ^^^ eodetnque igni ; sic notttro Daphnis amore.
bieV ^^'^Jd^'^gglJjSj Sparge molam, et fragiles incende bitumine lau-

ros.

** some others at these times he
** teacheth> how to make pictures
'' of waxe or claye^ that by the
'^ roastìng thereof, the persona that
*' they beare the name of may he
" continually melted or dried away

'^ by continuali sìckenesse

'' They can bewitch and t&ke the
'^ life of men or women; by roast-
^' ing of the pictures^ which like-
<' wise is verie possible to their
*^ master to performe : for although
*' that instrument of waxe bave no
'' vertue in that turne doing, yet
" may he not very well, even by
'* the same measure, that bis con-
'' jured slaves melts that waxe at the
*' fire, may hee not, I gay, at these
" same times^ subtily, as a spirita so
" weaken and scattar the spirits of
^' life of the patieot^ as may make
*' hhn on the one part, for fatnt-
<* nesse, to sweat out the humour
" of bis bodie^ and on the other
** part, for the not concurrence of
" these spirits^ which causes bis di-
" gestion, so debilitate his sto-
^^ macke, that this humour radi-
*^ calU continually sweating out on
" the one part, and no new good
*< sucke being put in the place
'' thereof, for lacke of digestion
'* on the other, he at last shall va-
" nish away, even as his picture
'' will doe t^t the fire ? And that
'' knavish and cunning workèman,
*' by troubling him, onely at some-
" times, makes a proportion, so
" neere betwixt the working of the
'^ one and the other, that both
'* shall end as it were at one time."
However^ notwithstanding the rea-
sonings of this leamed monarch, I
believe few are now afraid of this,
or any other power of witchcraft.

except the most illiterate of the
people.

82. Sparge molam, c^c] " The
" mola was made of meal, salted,
" parched, and kneaded, molila,
'* whence it was called mola, and
" victims were said to he immo-
" lated; because the foreheads of
" the victims, and the hearths,
•' and the knives had this cake
" crumble'd upon them. There-
*' fore this cake is crumbled upon
'< the image of Daphnis, as upon
*' the victim of this great sacrifice."

RU-EUS.

In the fourth iBneid, when Dìdo
pretends to make a magical sacri-
fice, in order to recover the love of
^neas, among other rites, she

rakes use of this sort of cake j
, Ipsa moh^ manibusque piis, altaria
juxta,
Unam exuta pedem vìnclis, in veste re-
cincta,

j Testatur moritura deos, et conscia fati
i Sidera.

The sorceress, in Theocritus,
bids her assistant crumble the cake,
and say I crumble the bones of
Delphis ;

I "AXftr» rt wtffì rÀftirm- Akk* tWircrrc,

raw;
^H f& yi TU fnvfet^k »tù rU iwix*^/*»
rirvyfneu \

Fragiles incende bitumine lauros.']
TI) e bays were bumt also, in order
to consume the-flesh of the person,
on whose account these magical
rites were performed. Thus Theo-
\ critusj

BUCOLIC. ECL. Vili.

sn

Daphnis me malus urit, ^o hanc in Daphnide 2^ng.''^'^,S£

I Brine, brìog my Ikaphnis

laurum. home fiom the. city, my

Ducite ab urbe domum, mea carmina» ducite

Daphnim.
Talis amor Daphnim, qualisj cum fessa juven-

' cum 85

yerset.

May such « love pocieM
Daphnis, as a bei£er feels.

t A!t4i' ^àtt air» Xttxit ftiy», tuur^u^i-

j éÓ90i'

First Delphid ÌDJur*d me, he rais'd my

flame.
And now I burn this bough [bay] in

Delphid*s nome.
As this doth blaze, and break away in

fumé,
(How soon it takes!) let Delphìd*s flesh

consume. Creech.

FragUes in this place does not
signify briiile, but crackling; for the
bay is known to crackle remarkably
in the fire, and Theocritus speaks
of its crackling^ in the passage just
quoted. Lucretius uses fragiles in
the same sense, when he compares
the rattling sound of thunder to the
noise of the great canvass skreens^
which were extended cross the
theatres, or to ihe crackling of
parchment ; when blown about by
the wind ;

Dant etiam sonitum patuli super sequora

mundi,
Carbasus ut quondam magnis intenta

theatrìs
Dat crepìium malos inter jactata, trabe-

isquet
Interdum perscissa furit petulantibus

Euri:?,
Et fragUit aonitus chartarum commedi-

tatur ;
Id quoque enim genus in tonitru co-

gnoscere possis,
Aut ubi suspensam vestem, chartasve

volanteis ^ •

Verberibus venti versant, planguntque

per auras.

The use of the bilumen seems to
have been the same with that of

brìmstone with us> in the making
of matches. The twigs of bay
were dipped into it, to make them
kindie more readily. The bay was
thought to express^ by its crackling
noise^ a detestation of ^re : '^ Lau-
'* ros quidem manifesto abdicat
" ignes crepìtu, et quàdam detes-
''tatione." Plin, lib. xvi. e. ult.
The same author adds^ that Tibe-
rius used to crown his head with
bays when it thundered, to pre-
serve himself frora danger; " Ti-
'* berium principem, tonante caelo,
** coronari ea sontum ferunt centra
" fulminum metus."

Lauros,'] It is ramos, in the an-
cient Oblong manuscript^ according
to Pieri US. '

85. , Talis amor Daphnim, 5rc.]
She now wishes that Daphnis may
he urged by the most violent love,
and that she may bave no regard
for his pains.

The known vehemence of this
passion in a cow is frequently al-
tuded to by the poets. La Cerda
thinks that Virgil imitates the fol-
lo wìng verses of Lucretius ;

At mater virideis saltus orbata pera-

grans,
Linquit humi pedibus vestigia pressa

bisulcis.
Omnia convisens oci^Iis loca^ si queat

usquam
Conspìcere amissum fcetum : completque

querelis
Frondiferum nemus adsistens ; et crebra

re visi t
Ad stabulum, desiderio per^xa juvenci.
Nec teneras salices, atque herbae rore

vigcntes,
Fluminaquè ulla queunt summis labentia

ripis

278

P. yiBGIUl ItfAilONIS

suìeé KHth navam

tbe bull thTOVgfa the woMt
Md thick gTov«s« iha Hes
4o«ni QO tbe gnen sedg* by
the dde of a brook. distreued,
«id ore* not to depart cren
Ute.at nlgte: msy neh a
love possev him. and may I
bare no inclinanon to cure
him. Bring, biing my Daph-
nis home finom the city, O nty

Per Demora atquA alto^ qa«erendo bucala lucos^
Propter aqnae rìvum viridi procumbit in i^lva
Perdita^ nec mts^ meminit d^ceder^ noeti :
Talìs amor teneat, nec sit mihì civra medc^ì.
Ducite ab urbe domusa» mea carmina, ducile
Daphnìm* 90

Oblectare animum, subitamque avertere

curam:
Nec vitulonmi alitt specin per pabula

]^la
Derivare qucunt alio» curaque levare :
Utqoe adeo quiddam proprìum notum-

que requirit.

The £arl of LauderdaW seems to
hav^mistaken the senae of tbis pas-
soge; for he represents Daphnis aa
being already possessed by that pas-
9ÌaQ, with which the sorceress only
wiahes he may be inspired ;
Daphnis U uiz'd with such desinng^

love
As a young heifer that around does

rove,
To seek the bull thro' ev*iy copte and

grove.
Near purling streams oq the green

hank lies down
Lost to herselfy nor thinks the night

Comes on,
When to th* cxpectlng herd she ahould
return.

- Such it food Daphnis' love, nor shall X
ease his paìn.

86. Bueula."} It is a diminutive
ò£bos.

87. Propter aqua rìvum, ^c]
ThuftLiieretitts;

^Prostrati in gramine molli

Propter aque rìvum, sub ramis arborìa
àltflB.

Proeumbit in ulva.'] So I read
with Heinsius. Pierius fòund in
ulva in the Lombard manuscrìpt;
but he says in herba is the more
usuai reading. Heinsius^ according
to Burman^ found in ulva in ali his
manuscripts except one ; and in one
of them viridi concumbit in ulva.
Burman adds^ that it is consedìt in
herba; in one of Hdnsius's manu-
scripts ; and in umbra, in a Venice

edition. I find in herba in the old
Milan edition of I48I infóiipj^ and
that of Pynfion, and in the Antwerp
edition of 1 543 in octavo. Thia read-
11^ 18 Hkewise admitted by Giiel-
liuSj and La Cerda. But it is in
ulva ìq the foUowing editions ; Lycms
1511 in folio t Venice 1562 in folio,
Paris ì600 in folio, Paris 1540 and'
1541> in quarto* Robert Stephens
also, Aldus, Pulman, both the
Heinsius's, Ruffius, Màsvidus, Cu-
ningam, and Burman vead in ulva,
Besides> ulva seems a much more
proper word in this. place than
herba: for the cow is represented
as weary of her pursuit^ and lying
out obstinately in the fields. To
bave made her rest on the sreen
grass, would have been rat£er a
pleasing image^ contrary to what is
nere evidently intended: but it
agrees very well with the design
of this descriptlon to suppose her
lying down on the coarse sedge, in
a marshy place, by the side of a
slow rivulet. See ver 175. of the
thiid Greorgick.

SS, Perdita, nec serce, Sfc.^ This
entire line, according to Macrobius^
is taken from Varius. The wbole
passage ofVarius is said to run
thus;

Ceu canis umboosam lustrana Cortynia
vallem.

Si veteris potuit cerve comprendere
lustra,

S»vìt in absentem, et circum vestigia
lustrans,

jEthera per nitidum tenues sectatur
odores:

Non amnes illam medii> non ardua Car-
dani.

Perdita nec serse meminit decedere nodi.

BUCOLIC. ECL. Vili.

^79

Has olim exuvias liiihi perfidus illè reliquit, „^,y ^ ^^ dothe. wm
Pignora cara sui : quae nunc ego limine in ipso, ^^!^w^no^^^^'

The peffidiou wtetcfa f or-
mìerly left the« dothes witK

91. HasoUm exuffias, i^cJ] The
sorceress pioceeds to a new sort ci
incantation ; the burying of the
dothes of Daphnis Under the
threahold^ to make him return to
her.

The, sorceress, in Theocrìtus^
talks of buming a iringe^ which
had dropped from the garment of
Delphis ;

This pieee from dear false Delphid's

garment tom,
I tear again, and am resolv'd to burn.

Cbbbch.

A litde afterwards, she calls upon
her assistant to mix up some
dnigs, and to anoint the threshold
of Delphis with them.

A XaS^»f roi r^iyl^mret, ir»rh mmalt àS^uf
ewrvXty vSf ìi XmCm^m 9Ò rk é^im rmSi

ì Wf

i ^£» ivfui ÌÙifuu.

A liiaid aqoeez'dy shall make a pow*rAil

bowl
To-moROWy strongy to tame his stubborn

soul.
Now take these poisons, i'U procore thee

more^
And strew them at the threshold of his

door;
That door where raging love has fix*d

mj mind. Cbkzch.

La Cerda declares himself a foUower
of Tumebus^ who translates ^(«m»
in the last passage , garmenis ; which
he thinks is confimied by Virgil's
havìng used exuvias. The Schollast
upon Theocritus tells us^ that ^^ìm
are called by the Thessalians varie'
gaied animals; by the Cyprians

fiowered earmenU; and bj the M*
tolians, drugs, according to Clitar^^
chus. &^*9À, in this passage of
Theocritus^ is genecallj interpreted
drugSf which indeed seems the most
naturai and obvious interpretation.
But if Clitarchus and the Scholiast
are in the right, that the Thessalians
by ^^ém meant variegated anitnaU;
I should then understand it« in this
place, of the skin of the lizard»
which is knownto be spotted or va-
riegated. ''Pound this lizard/' sajs
the sorcer^s, " I will make a strong
" potion of it to-morrow : but in
'* the mean time take these ^^òm,
" these spotted skins of lizards/and
*' squeeze them upon his threshold."
Thus there is a wide difference be-
tween the two incantations. One
consists in buming the garment, and
applying the skin of a lizard or
drug to the threshold; the other in
burying the garment under the
tfareshiSd. La Cerda finds another
difficulty, tbat VirgiPs sorceress
seems to propose the bmying of the
garments under her own threshold;
whereas Theocritus and other poets
suppose the application to be made
to tne threshold of the person be-
loved. But ali this difficulty va-
nishes immediately, if we understand
Daphnis to be tne husband of the
sorceress; as she expressly calls him^
in ver. 66.

ConjugU ut «nagicis sanos avertere sacris
Expeziar sensus.

Covjux is indeed used 8oroetimes>
where there is not an actual mar«
riage : but the true and proper sense
of the word is husfmnd or wife.
Therefore, if Daphnis was the hus-
band of the sorceress» her threshold
la his al sa
o o

saa

P, VIROIUI MAKONW

undn-Ote

dt to thee

^._ __ very threshoU:.
tOfiae Ptodge» muit biins
Daphnii back. Bring, brtag
my Daphnb home m>m the
d^, O my verse*.

these herbe, and theK dmg»
gathered in Ponti» : very
matly Biiw io Pontus. WUn
these fhave often seen MOcris
becoine a wolf, «id hide btm*
self in the woods ; often bave
I «eeA hlm ndie the ^hotCt
<iut ol the deepest gravet.
and remoi^ whole fields or
camtoaiiotherpbce. Mag,
bring my Daphnis bomc from

theeity,OmyTertes.

Brine th« ashcaont or «eorp,
Amarflfis; and throw them

iato the nmalqg stteam.

Terra, tìi^t mandc^,: debent hsdC pignora Daph-

niin,
Ducite ab urbe domum, mea carmina, ducite

Daphnim. 9é

Has herbas, atque hasc Ponto mUii lecta x^nena
Ipse dedit Moeris: tìascuntctr plorijna Potilo.
His ego ssepe lupum Beri^ et se còsdere sylvis
Mcerìn, fuepe aiiiixia& imi» excire sepi|ld2ri«,
Atqne satas alio vidi tradii<;ere messes.
Ducite ab urbe (lomum, mea carmina, ducite

Dapbnim. lOÓ

Fer cineres, Amarylli, foras : rivoque fluenti,

9S. Debent hac pignora Dapk-
wfw^.J Some such word as reducere
is thought to be bere understoodr
Dryden translates it,

Th99e pnwns, O saored earth ! io me ny
DajÀnis owe.

95. Has herhas, ^:\ In this
paragraph, slie extols the power of
tìié magical herbsand drugs which
«né has procnrcd.

The sorceress^ in Theocritus,
«peaks of gatherìng her plants in
Arcadia^

KaJ ^ZXot futUwftu ài Zfta ««) ^««2 7*^

•Xlf JMC^ àiX^tf tìtifU, Mèli Sf vJit ÌSfM «t-

Htutéftivf UUà$, Xsw»^ tmr*^ r«X«^

Hippomanesy a plant Arcadia bearsi
1 his makes steeds mad, and this excites

the mares ;
And oh! that I could see my Ddf^id
^ come
From tb' oìAy^ feneing house so raving

home. Creech.

Po/ito.] " A country of Asia
^* nùnor, bounded on die north bj
'^ the Euxine or Black 8ea« on the
'«eàst ì>j CokhÌB. Both thesé
" countries are fruitful in potson&

*' Mithridates^ who used to eat
'' poison, reigned in Pontus : and
" the famqus sorceress Medea was
" bom in Colchis." Ru.«us.

This country however was rather
famous for drugs of extraordinary
effioacy ; for that is the true signi-
fication of venewa in this place. See
the note on virosaque Ponius castikr
rea^ ver. 5S. of the .first Georgick.

101. Fer c'weres, Sfv.l The sor-
cevesa^ Ti0t having h»d si^cce3S in
the former incantations^ «eems now
to proceed. to her mest pow«i€ul
piece of witchcraft, the thn>wing
of the ashes of the sacrifice into the
rivér, with an exàct and particiilar
cereraony.

Various substances had been al-
ready b^mt to a^es^ in this magi-
caL sacrifìce : vervain, frankincense,
bays, &c. The scnrceress therefbre
bids her assistant bring out these
comppunded ashes^ and throw them
into running water : she is to turn
her baek to ^ river» and to tbraw
<dbem over her head. This was a
ceremony freqoently p^onaed by
the ancientti^ in tfaeir sacrifices.
Servias says, ^t the ashes were
thi^own in diis manner^ thatthegods
might receive them, witfaout shew**
ing themselves^ which they did not

BUC»LIC. ECLu VIIL

mi

Trlmqne caput jbxxz ne respenris. His cj^o SltaSJ*^^
Daphitim

Aggrediar, nìhil ille deos, nil carmina euvat.
;Ducite ab urbe, domua!!, mea Carmina» ducile

Daphnim.
Aspice : porripuit tremulis altaria flammis 105
Sponte sua, dum Terre mpror, cinis ipse: bonum

sit! ' ■ ' ^ •

sttempc "Dufkaàbt : he Imno
ffctsaré for tue godi* note fi>r
-vcxses. Bdiig, bciag «fer
Oaphofa hMDciroinihecitTj
O my. «eno»

See: the embers tiMm-
selves, of chelr own acconl«
wliilst I forbear to cany them
awav, have surrounded the
aitar with flames : may |t be
JuciyJ

trsc to do, exeept on extrabtdhtary
tjccasions. Thus, in Hie iìfth Odys-
,8ey, when Ino gives her -flllet to
.Ulysses^ to preaervè him £rom boìng
drmmed, she cfaiuiges. Mm as soon
as he gets to shore to throw it into
the sea agaìn^ and to tum his back ;

Aurkm Mf ^ti^fgtv i^i^^UM n^ti^My

TltXXìf i,^ ^rti^ity mnréf ^ tutì vi^t r^u^
irUéeu,

Soon as thy arms the happy shore sball

gain,
Return the gift, and cast it in the main ;
Observe my orders, and with beed obey.
Cast it far off, and tum thy eyes away.

Pope.

In the 'H^tuc)Jrx0f, Alcmena is di-
rected by l'iresias, after she hasbumt
the serpents that would have de^
stroyed the youog Hercules, to let
one of her niaids gather up the ashes
carefuUy^ and thrpw them into the
rìver^ without lookìng behind her ;

*Pi0ymÌ»t U wÌT(0tty vftt^év^w Ayp )) fdr-

At moming-peep soon quench the blaz-

ing woody
And scatter ali the ashes o*er the flood.
And thence return, but with a steady

pace,
Nor lode befana, Cbeech.

103. NihU ille deos, ^r\ She
seems^ by this expression, to find

*aé hithérto "éiett hastiot upptsreà
any sign of good fiueee.^s in lier in-
cantationi and to depend more
upoD this sctftterifig of the ashes,
than iq>on any thing that was done
before.

105. Aspice : corripuit, <^c«] The
sorceress at last perceives some
omens of success : the embers kìndle
of their own accord, and the dog
barks;'wherefore she puts an end
to her incantation.

Servius, and others after him, sup-
pose these words not to be spoken by
the sorceress, but by Amaryllis,
who, just as she is going to take the
ashes away, óbserves these omens,
which she hopes may be lucky, but
speaks doubtfully of them. I rather
believe they are spoken by the sor-
ceress herself. The rapidity of the
expression, the broken sentences, and
especially the words qui amanU de-
note the person who was most inte-
rested in this sacrifiee.

Corripuit tremulù altaria, '^c.Ji
The sudden blazing of the fire
amongst the embers was accounteda
lucky omen by the ancien ts. Plu-
tarch relates an accident of this sort^
when the ladies were offering sacri-
fiee, at the time of Catiline*s con-
spiracy. The Vestal virgins con-
gratulated Terentia the wìfe of Ci-
cero on the omen ; and directed her
to éncourage her husband to pro-
ceed in his care for the common-
wealth,
o o2

282 P. VIRGILII MARONIS BUCOLIC ECL. Vili.

L^nJiaSSSÌ'IijSthe Nescio quid certe est : et Hylax in limine latrai.

Té^^^ì^d^ Credimus? an, qui amant, ipsi sibi somnìa fin-

dieams to themiAvetl Ccaut, .».,» 4. ^

ccase my venet now, fior ffUntr

Daphnis is coming from the ~ . , , . - .

city* Farcite» ab urbe venit, jam parate» carmma»
Daphnis.

107. Hylaa in limine karaL] The
barking of the dog bere 18 a sign
that he perceives bis master coming
home.

108. An qui amani, 4rc.] Thns
Terence» in bis Andrìa ;

— «Num ille aomniat
Sa, quae vigUans voluit ?

109. Farcite, ab urbe, *c.] "In

" the Oblong Vatican manuscript,
" the words are thus transposed,
*' Jam carmina parale : imi jam par»
^' dte carmina is more sweet. la
" the Medicean oopy^ the verb venti
'* is suppressed^ and the line runs
*' thus;

** Parciief ab urbe donutm, Jam parcUe
** carmina^ Dapfmit»** Piaanii..

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

ECLOGA NONA.

\

MCERIS.

Lycidas, Mceris.
Lyc. Quo te, Mceri, pedes? an, quo viadu- y^^^J^'^^^J^^

cit, in urbem ?

af the toad leadt?
Jfe> O LycidMt WS liATe

Ma. OLycida, vivi pervenimus,advena nostri, «vcdtoacethctime.

1. Quo te Mceri pedes, ^c] This
Eclogue Ì8 a dialogue between two
shepherds^ Lycidas and Moeris^ who
are supposed to meet on the road
to Mantua^ and dìscourse concern-
ing the violence of the soldiers^ to
whom the neìghbouring lands had
been given. Tlie QtcXvrm of Theo-
crìtus begins mudi after the same
manner: some shepherds^ as they
are travelling, happen to meet with
the goatherd Lycidas^ with whom
they join company^ and entertain
each other with singing.

Moeri*'] Servius tells us^ that
Moeris is the person who had the
care of Virgil's farm^ procuraior;
and that one Arrius a centurìon
had refused to admit Virgil into a
quiet possession of bis lands» and
was near killing him, upon which
the poet returned to Rome» requir-
ing bis domestics in the mean time
to carry matters as fair with Arrius
as possible. This story is generally

assented to by the commentators.
But Catrou finds bere a confirma-
tion of bis former system» men-
tioned in the notes on the first Ec-
logue: and coDtends» that Moerìs
in this place is Virgil's father.

Without doubt ducutU must bere
be understood ; as if he had said»
'' Quo te pedes ducunt ? an in ur-
'' bem, quo via ducit V*

2. Vivi pervenimus.] Servius un-
derstands these words to mean» that
Moeris had lived long; that be was
old when this misfortune happened.
Hence Catrou infers» that he must
needs be the old father of Virjgil.
But surely they rather mean that
Moeris laments» not that he has
l^ved so many years» but that it is
a wonder he should be alive in the
midst of such violence and outrage.

Nostri agelli,'] This ex-

pression of ourfarm is thought by
Catrou. to be a cpnfìrmation» that
Moeris is the. father of Virgil;

S84

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

when a fofdgn piMaenor of
our £anB, whlch we aever ap-
prehendeìLralght >ay, Theae
are mine; begone^yeoldhus-
bandmen. Kow banf orer*
come, and melanchoiy, be-
caute fortune overtunu ali
tfaiogs, we are sendlne these
kids to hfan, and nuy tbey do
bimnogooo.

Zk* forély 1 had heavd,
that. wliar* the hllt begin lo
decime, and to lessen oy an
easy detcent, quite down to
tbe water, and tbe brokcn
tqpt of tbe old beech-tree.

Quod nunqu&m veriti sumus utpossessor agelli
Diceret: Hfiecmeasunt; veteres migrate coloni.
Nunc vieti, tri^fces, quoTiiam fora cjilnnia versai, 5
Hos illi, quod nec bene vertat, mittimus hoedos.
Ltc. Certe equjdem Budieram, qua le sub-

duCere colies
Incipiunt, mollique jugum demittere clivo,
Usque ad aquam et veteris jam fracta cacumina

fagi.

'* Would a farmer,** says he, " a
" mercenary, speak in thismanner?
/* could he cali another person*s land
"bis own, nostri agelli f^' 'I an-
Bwer, he would : uothìng is more
cowmon ainong servatit», tban to
speak «f ter th^titàtmer: thecoach-
naa sajé mp fmrses, and the cook
mtì kUchen, Thns, in ^àm Aiitiria,
when Davus asks Mysis, whose
'tìHia 1t 1S, ^te aiiàWèts youf's, fiièdn-
ing that it is his master's; ''Da.
•*'tfnde est? die elare. My. A
''vobìs/' Andagaìn; ''Da. Ce-
'' do ctrìum puerutd hie appòsu-
'*Ìsti? dicmmi. My, Tu nesds !
^' Da. Mitte id quod scio : die,
*'quod rogo. My. Vestri. Da.
"Cujus véstrì? Mi/. Pamphili."
Thns aisQ, in Ae Adelphì, Geta
téUft his mistress^ it is plain tliat
^schinus has fo(rsaken ber, wliich
he étpresses by saying, he has <br-
saken vs; *« tìlum alieno animo a
'' ncòis esse, res ipsa ìndicrit.* And
a Httle afterwards the same servant
speaks to Hegio in the same stjle,
when he means his mfstress, and
herdaughter;

tn te spes omnis, Hbgio, nobh sita est :
Te solum ftabemat: ta es patronus, 4m

•JUe tìbi nurientii^ ooimmndKvit «tona.
Si deaeris tu^ fgriimut*

Thns we see, 4t n*aì euldtdiiiary in
those éayé for common i^rvurns t6
fl^eak of their maijler*s affain -as

tlieir own. It cannut seem strange
therefore that Mceris, who appears
to be an upper servant, that had in
a good measure the management of
the farm, should cali his master* s
land our land»

7. Cerìe equidem audieram, BicT^
Lvcidas e^sprelises his surprise at
wW MùBX^ tàls hìm t béoauae he
had heard, that his master Menalcas
had saved ^ttseAste "by itts puetry.
Moeris answers, thatthere was such
a rtepdrt indeed : bot poctry is found
not to avail any thing in these thaies
of rapine and violence.

h is the general opimon, ^t
Virgil descrìl^s the sftuatiòn of his
own estate, wlnch extended ftwn
tiie hills to the river Mineius. The
old beech-tree iseems to be a «r-
i^umstance too pafHcntar, to beleng
to a general ot ùngtìeà deserìptkm.
In tl^ first Eclogne, hedescrib^stibe
landfl òf Titynis, as being pmrdv
rocky anA partdy marshy : wirich
agrees very well with wfaat is said
here. In die third <^e<irgfdc he
ttientkms his dwn e&ftate, as fyiirg«n
^Ùie banks of the Mindus. -See the
note on tua mra, ver. 47. of the
fìrsit Eelogue.

h.MMiqnejnpméemUtrediv^l
See the noie on molU dwo^ ver. 9M.
i>f the thitd Georgiek.

9. 4mi, fracta^ Catmu is very
imd -et aUering this to cmffroda,
cai thenafiiQRty «rf^QuiBEtilian^ wh»

BUCOLia BCL. IX-

9M

Omnift ^mkinibui^ veruni mrvBme MenaloM.
M<E. Audieraa» et fama fiiit:'ted carmina ^mwaàk
tantum LI m wScL jxw^r

Nostra valenti Lyoida, tela inter Martiat quan*
tmn

ffU€Jliai«p«ft: bnttflHI

quotes this passage in the sixth chap-
ter of his eighth book. But Pierius
observes^ tha^ it is confracta ouly
in some copjes qC Quintilìan : and
in the edition now ìyms before me,
I fiad jam fracta. Hemsiu^ found
veteres.Jam f racla cacumina^ fogos»
in tbe Medicean manuscrìpt, which
reading Burman has admitted into
the text

10. Omnia carminibus, Sfc] The
Daphnis was probably the poem»
whicb had recomménded Vir^il to
the filvour of Augustiis ; as was ob-
served, in the note on Ver. 52. of
that Eclogae.

Festrum Menalcan.'] Ca-

trou thinks that this expressìoh cón-
firms his opinion, that Moeris is the
father of Virgil. He says it couid
hardlj be used but to a father with
renard to his son; or to one friend
with regard to another: and con-
dades that Lycidas wouid oot bave
dared to speak thus to a mercenary
conceming bis master. But surély
this leamm oritic forgets^ that Da-
vus, in the Andrìa, tid^es a like li-
bei^ in roeaking to bis master's
friend ; ana that dso in the presence
of his master ;

. ■ M nofter Chremes,

Omnia apparata jatn sunt intus,

Thus also, in the Heautontimoreu-
menos^ Clitipho a young gentle-
man, speaking to Syrus a slave con-
ceriiing his old master, calls him
your M man, without intending any
disrespect;

^oaao^ .at%ue ju^Um rem ofypido ixnpe**
ras, et factu facilem.

Et scilicet jam me hoc Toles orare pa-

trem, ut celet
Sencm vottrum s

and presently afterwardg, Syrus uses
the same expression, with regard tó
his own master, and the faSiér o|
Oitipho, at the same time;

CTt, cmn narrat senez
Vetter nottroy esse istam amicom giunti;
non credit' tansen.

Mtndlean.^ It h»s been ol^
seryed aliteaay, that if Yirgil eyer
intended himiself una<er aaj feigi^
name in these l^cloguesu it waa w-*.
der that of Menalcas* We may
^dd heria, that it is more piobabl?^.
that Menalcas i^ Virgll io this Ec-
logue^ than that he nas describe^
bimself under any other char;acte;r
in any of the preceding Eclogues*.

11. Audieras et fama fuitj S;c.'\
This passage seems to confirm wb^
the old grammarians bave related >
that Virgil was refused entrance into
his farm, after he had obtained th^
grant from Augustus. Servìus in-
terpretsit ilius; ** Fameindeeil b|^
'* published the good-will of Au-»
'" gustus; but the Qecessity of the
** Actian war hjis obstruct^d it/*
Henqe we may obsérve, that tbÌA
ancient cqmmentator is not v^ry
eyact with regard to historical factsi
fpr tl>e contention about the distrir^
bution of the lands was in 713, ali
diffierence» between Augustus i^nd
Anthony were adjusted in 714, and
the fight at Actium was not tiU 723^
Thus Servi US supposes Vii^irs af^irs
to bave been obstructed by a dìs-
pute, whicb happened nine or ten
years afterwards.

S86

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

i»ChaonUm pigeons are nld
to bave at tl\e approach of an
eagle. But if a crow on the
Idtt-lùnd had not warned me
from a hoUow holm-oak to
cut off the new dispute on
any terms, neither thy Moorìf»
nor Menalcas himaelf, had
been alhre.

Zfc. AhuL could luch a
alme enter mto the mind of
anyonet

Chaonias diqint, aquila veniente, columbas.
Quod nisi me quacumqùe novas incìdere lites
Ante sinistra cava monuisset ab ilice comix; 15
Nec tuus hic Mcerìs, nec viveret ìpse Menalcas.
Lyc. Heuy cadit in quemquam tantum sceliis !
heu^ tua nobis

13. Chaonias colufnb<u.'\

There were famous pigeons in the
Dodonean grove^ that uttered ora-
cular responses. Dodona was in
Epirus, which was ancìently called
Chaonia. Virgil therefore uses Cha^
onian pigeons poetically^ for pigeons
in general.

15. Sinistra . . . comix.'] There
is much dispute among the critics^
whether this crow on the left-hand
is to he accounted a good or a bad
omen. But this difference may
easily be reconciled, by admitting
that the omen is lucky in one sense,
and unlucky in another. That the
Crow foreboded mìschief^ no less
than the death of Menalcas and
Moeris^ must be allowed: in that
sense therefore it was unlucky. But '
as this omen served to warn them of
the danger, and thereby to cause
them to escape % it may be said to
be lucky in this sense. It was not
Virgil's intent however, by this ex-
pression^ to affirm that the crow was
either lucky or unlucky : but that
the augury was certain. Thus much .
we are told by Cicero^ that a raven
on the right-hand^ and a crow on
the left, made an augury certain ;
" Quid augur^ cur a dextra corvus,
" a sinistra comix faciat ratum?"
See the note on ver. 7. of the fourth
Georgick.

16. Nec iuus, <^c.] This line
very much confirms the story, of
Virgil's life being in danger, from
the fury of the intruder intó bis
estate. Moeris plainly declares, that
bis own life and that of Menalcas too
were near being lost, if they had

not prudently avoided the impend-
ing danger.

Ipse Menalcas»'] Moeris scema
to speak bere of Menalcas, as if he
was bis superior; which makes
against Catrou's system. Would old
Moeris bave spoken of bis son^ as of
more consequence than himself ?

1 7* Heu, cadit in quemquam, 4*^.}
Lycidas expresses bis astonishment
and concem for this attempt on the
life of Menalcas, whom he repre-
sents as the only pastoral poet. Then
both he and Moeris take occasion to
rehearse some fragments of poems,
written by Menalcas.

La Genia quotes some verses of
Phocas the grammarian^ on this
injury oJQfered to Virgil, which seem
not unworthy to be repeated :

Jam Maro pulsus eràt : sed vMbus ob-

vius ibat
Fretus amicorum dypeo : cum pene ne*

fiindo
Enee perit Quid dextra furìs? quid

viscere Romse
Sacrilego mucrone petis ? tua bella tace-

bit
PoflteritaSy ipsumque ducem, nisi Man-

tuadicat.

If Virgil speaks of himself bere,
under the feigned name of Menal-
cas, which is hìghly probable; it
cannot but be observed, that he
does it wiib great modeaty. For
though he mentions bis death as a
loss ', yet it is the loss only of a
country poet, of one who had not
attempted to rise to the greater sorts
of poetry, being the first Roman,
who had condescended to write
pastorale.

BUCOLia EOL. IX.

28Y

Pene simul tecum solatia rapta, Menalca 1
Quis caneret Nymphas ? quis humqm florentibus
herbìs 19

Spargerei? aut vìridi fontes indoiqer^t umbra?
Voi quse^ sublegi tacitus tibi carmina nuper,
Curante ad delicias ferres Amaryllida'nostras?
Tìtyre) dum redeo, brevis est via^ pasce capelliis:

Wewere admoct deprlred df
Olir cofAfdrt with thee, ò
Menahauf Whasho^Kl line
the Nvfflpbs) wfao «hotod
«trew the ground <Hth fio wet-
ine herbs f or cover the fottìi* ,
t«ns vrltha green thadef or
8ibg th(»e vkncSt wh)^h 4
}ately rcad to you In private,
nrhen you vrcnt to vhit mjr
dftrlineAmaryllhf Fced my
groata/Tityi^»» tfl' I return, I
am going Dut a little way:

19. Qmu canerei Nymphas^ ^.]
La'€erda, after Beroaldus^ is of
opinìoo, that these ;fcwo lioes ali ode
to tht subject of the fifth Eclogae ;
as if he had said, wbo else has sung
of the.grief of the Nymphs, of the
scattering of flowers, aiid of cover-
iag tbe fountaitis with shade^ ia ho-
non? of Jalius Csesar. It must be
allowed^ thst there really seeins Co
be a repetition bere of some re-
markable passages in the tìfth Ec"
logoe. Qjuis caneret Nymphus seems
to allude to

ExUnctum Nymphas crudeli funere Daph^

fivnu
PUbcmU

Qmìs humum Jlorentibus herbis spar-
geret is very like Spargile humum fo^
lUf ; and vi^i fontes induceret umm
hra Ì9 almost the sa^ae with indudte
Jbntibus umbras. If this observation
is just^ and surely it will be allowed
not to be ili grounded ^ it will be a
farther proof» that the Daphnis was
written before the divisìpo of the
lands^ as has already been supposed/
io thje notes on thait Eclogue.

20. Viridi fontes inducerei umbraJ]
** The place alluded to is that in
" £cl. V. indudte fontibus umbras.
** There the construction of w-
" ducere is very plain 5 but bere it
'* is somewhat singular. To make
•* an hypallage of it (which ^^ìmì-
'' rally speaking is at best a very
'' harsh figure) we should read aw-
*' brce, not Umbra; aod theti it-
V iffouliì b^ fontes induceret utabne.

" f or nmbramv^ucerefùnlibus. But
'* withoat recurring to this, we
** ipay render it by tegeret, havìng
*' Csesar's authority fpr that use of
'* the word ; inducere scuta pelUbus,
" Ruseus rcnders it by that word,
'' but gives np authority for jt."
Dr. Trapp.

21. SuHegL} The erìttcs agi^e,
that this word signifies readifì^ sur- ',
reptitiously. Plautus seems to use it ;
for secretly overhearingadiscourse^ •
in bis Miles gloriasus; " Clam nos- !
'^trum hune illae sermonem suble- 1
*' geruni" Therefore we may sup- '
pose, that Mceris had gotten these
yerses from Menalcas ; and that hù
and Lyciclas read them together
widiout hìs knowledge.

22. AmarylUda.l Catrou savs^ tl^e
same alleffory is carried on tnat we
h^ in ,^e first Eclogue; Rome
beìn^ meant by Amaryllìs. But it
has already been shewn, that Ama-
ryllis 18 not pùt for Rome by the
poet This passage makes against
Catrou's system; for he supposes
the Tityrus of the iirat Eclogue to
he Virgil's father, and Amaryllis to
be bis mìstress: but bere we find
Amaryllis to be the mistress, not of
Moeris, whom he will bave to fce
the same with Tityrus, but of Lu-
cida», who calls her delicias nostras,

2S. Tityré, dum redeo, 5fc.] In
this Eclogue, Virgil takes occasion
to introduce several little pieces, as
fragments of his other writings.
This befoiie us is a translation of a
passage in Theocritus j vherelt>y kè'
pp

288

P. VIRGILIi: MAROMS

'«nd wben tliey «re fcd, Tltjr-
nu, drive them tò water, and
as you drive them, take care
Iiow you come in the way of
the he-goat } for he butts with
hÌM horn.

Ma. Or rather tboM which
he sang to Vanu, though he
had not (inished them. O
Vania, tlie aing^of; twan» «hall
hear thv name alof t to the
jkies, if Mantua U but pre-
sepredtooa.

£t pòtum pastas age, Tityrc» et iuter agènduilf

Occursare capro, cornu ferit ille^ caveto. S5

McE. Immo hsdCy quae Varo, necdum perfecta

canebat.
Vare, tuum nomen superet modo Mantua

nobis,
Mantiia, vas miserss nimium vicina Cremonse ! '

Beéms to intimate, that he was en-
gaged in translating the fdi/Uia of
Siat poet : it is in the third IdyUium
of the Greek author,

T/ri^'» ìfàft r> %à^f let^iXmfaUt ^i^i rat
%mi r»rì rat z^dmw Ay%, TStv^v 3uù r«»
Tir AtCtmÌ9 »vm»étm ^uXd^nty fi^ «^ »•-

Dear Tityrus watcb, and see the goats

heted,
To morning pastures^ ev'ning waters

led;
But Vare the Lybian ridgling's butting

head.

Some of the commentators have,
with very little jud^ment, imagined
these three lines to be an apostrophe
of Lycidas to a goatherd, who
happened to be presenta ordering
him to take care of the flock^ tifi
he retumed from accompanying
Moeris in .part of his loumey. The
Earl of Lauderdale has fallen into
ibis error,

Compose such songs as late from thee^

I teck,
When on om: Amaryllis thou didst

look.
And with ber beauty charm'd, cast

down thy hook,
And said, pray feed these goats for me,

dear swain.
And water them, 1*11 soon return agaìn ;
I bave not far to go, howe*er take beed
Of that old ridgling with the butting

head.

26. Immo hac ^ìub Faro, SfcJ]
The poet artfully mtrodùces tnree

verses addressed to Varus, whicl^
Moeris relates^ as part of a poem
not y^ fÌDishedy and givea them the
preferènce to the three verses trasn»^
lateil from Theocritus.

Varo.'] Vani» bas been abready
spoken of, in the note on ver. 6. of
the sixth Edogue, virhich poem is
dedicated to him. We may gather
from this passage, that he was at that
time a persbn of great power : bat
whether it was by his interest with
Augustus, or by his having acom«
mand at that time about Mantua
and Cremona, is uncertaìn,

Nec dum perfecta,'] '* Some an-
'* cient manuscripts read nondum
*' perfecta: but nec dum is.more
" generally received.'*' Pierius.

28, Mantua va misera, ^c.J
** Accordìng to ancient castom,'the
'* generals nsed to order the landa
" to be measured out into acres ;
''that an equal division might be
" made among the soldiers^ to whom
'' the lands were allotted. But if
'' the land did not prove sufficient
<' to reward the soldiers, the neigh-
*' bouring lands were added^ to
*' supply the déficiency. Heiice
I '' arises the complaint of the poet :
" for when the ci vìi war broke out
" between Augustus and Anthony,
'' the formet, getting the better,
" gave the lands of Cremona to his .
*' soldiers^ because the people of
" that city had sided with Anthony.
" But the lands of Cremona not
l'^being sufficient, part of the
ì'' territory of Mantua was added

BUCOLiC. ECLv IX.

989

Cantantes sublime ferent ad sidera cycni. 29 ^^^?^^'i "^ ^
Ltc. Sic tua Cyrneas fugiant exaipina taxos; av^''the°y?w?oVcJiKr*

t\ " to them. Lucati alludes to tbis
< " custom, lib. 1.

*' Quae scdes erìt emeritis ? qus rura
•* dabuntur, '

. '* Que noster veteranus aret ?"

La Cerpa.
I suppose thisleamed commentator^
by Anthony, means Lucius the bro-
ther of the Triumvir : for the civil
war between Augustus and Mark
Anthony did not break out, till
some years after ali the Eclogues
are said to be finished, as has been
already observed. But I do not re-
member to bave read, that any dìs-
tribution was made of the lands of
those who had sided with Lucius
Anthony, l'he famous divisìon, to
which our poet is generally sup-
posed to allude, is that which was
made after the battle of Philippi,
and occasioned very great disorders
in Italy.

29. Cantantes mblime ferent, c^c]
It was a common opinion of the
ancients^ that swans used to sing^
especialjy before theìr death. Pia.
to, in bis ^M^tff, represents Socra^
tes speaking to bis friends, when he
was to die, in the foUowing man-
ner; "When you imagine, that I
*' may be more melancholy at pre-
*^ sent, than in the former parts of
" my life, you seem to thmk me
" inferìor to the swans, in divina-
'* tion. For those animals, when
" they perceive the approach of
*' death, use to sing more, and
"with greater melody, than they
'* ever did before. But men, be-
'' ing afraid of death themselves,
^' éironéously imagiiie, that this
" singing of the swans proceeds
" firom griéf : not considering, that
[* hìrds do, not sing, when they are
"hungry, or cola, òr suffer any

" pain : not even the nightingale>
'* the swallow, or the hoc^oo,
*« which they fancy to sing for grief.
'^ But I am of opinion, that net-
'^ ther those birds, nor the swions,
'' sing because they are melancholy :
" but being sacred to Apollo, and
*' endowed with a spìrit of divina-
'/ tion, they foresee, I believe, the
'* happiness of another life; and
*' therefore sing more cheerfully,
^' and rejoice more at that timc,
•^ than ever they did before. Fot
" my own part, I consider myself
" as a feUow-servant with the
" swans, and sacred to the same
" God ; and believe I bave no
^* worse divination than they from
" the same master ; and that I shall
*' noi die with n less easy mind.**
We may gather from ibis passage.
that swans were thought to sin?,
not only at the time of their death,
which is the vulgar notion, but at
other times also. La Cerda quotes
some authorìties, to pròve, that
swans make a harmonious sound
with their wings when they fly,
which has been taken for singing.
The whole story of the singing of
swans, I believe, is fabulous : but
as the notion has so far obtained,
that poets are freciuently compared
to swans, it is nò wonder, that Vir-
gii should make use of these cele-
brated birds, in carrying the namp
of his patron to the skies.

30. Sic tua Cyrneas, <^.] Lyci-
das, being pleased with these verses
of Moeris, desires him to favour
him with some more ; to which he
assents.

Sic.'] *' A forni of obtestinff, and

*^ wishing well, when we ask any

^^ thing of any one : it means, 90

*' may yóur bees avoid the^ yewa,

pp2

R VIRGILII MARONIS

^S!^cy\Z^S&^t^ Sic cytiso paste distent^nt ubera vftccap:
^y^tìL^)^ Mi^ b^e Inqip^ si (piid habes: et me fecere poeUm

made me a poec al«o :

'^ OS you shall repeat some rerse^
" to me.** Ru^ua.

La Cerda quotes seveftil passages
f^om other poeta, wheyé sic is used
in the same manner. Thus Horace^

Sic te Diva potens Cy^nri ;
And Ovid,

Per bene Libar opein>«ic aìbeaa degravet

ulmum
Yitìa; .

And TibuUus,

Annue, $ic tìU siot intonsi, Plioebe ca-
pilli;

And Claudiana
Sic crine fruaris semper Apollineo ;

And Sannazarìu8>

Bacche bimater ades^ tic sint tibi nesa
córymbis
Comua^ sic nitidis pendeat uva comis.

CyrneoA ..>•.. iaxoM*'\ Corsica,
an ìsland of the Meditenanean sea»
, near the contkient cS Italj, was
called Cyrnus by the Greeks. Yews
are generally accounted poisonous ;
but I do not find in any other au-
ihoTj either that Corsica pmtict^-
larly aboundeH in yews, or that the
yews of that island were accounited
remarkably poisonous. See the
notes on ver. 257* <^ the sécond
Georgick, and ver. 47. of the
fourth. The honey howeter was
infamous» Thus Ovid, being otat
pf humour with an unsax^ces^ful
letter that he had sent to his mia*
tress, says the wax w^ made by a
Corsican beej but he imputes the
ili quality of it, not to yew, but tQ
hemlock;

Ite hincy difficiles, funebrìa Ifgna,^' ta-
beUiC
Tuqiié n^tuvis cera reff rta noftì».

iilutth puto de loag^ coUeetam flore
cicut»
Melle sub infami Corsica misit api^T

Martial also alludes to the basèness
of the Corsican honey ; when he
says, a man raay as well send it tQ
the bees of Hybla, as present his
own verses to Nerva, who was a
good poet himself ;

Audet facundo qui carmina mitte>e
Nervae,

Pallida donabit glaucia, Cosme tfbi.
Pestano violas, et cana ligustra colono^

Hyblms apibus Corica meBa dabit.

Thus also he tells Caecilianus^ who
gave him dull subjects, and ex-
pected lively epigrams from him^
that he expected honey like that of
Hybla or Hymettus, to be produced
firom the thyme of Corsica;

Vivida cum poscas epigran^siata, mortua

ponis

Lemmata : qui fieri. Ciciliane potest ^

Mella jubes Hybloa tibi, vel Hymettia

nascif

Et thyma Cecropitt Cortka poni» api?

Thus as the Corsican honey waa
universally allowed to be very baci,
the poet was at liberty to ascribe the
111 qualities of it to any plant, that
was generally accounted noxious :
and accordingly he has made choicQ
of the yew, as Ovid has of the
hemluck j both those plants being
infamous for their poisonous effects,

31. Cytiso^ See the note on,
ver. 431. of the second Georgìck.

32. Me fecere poetam, SicJJ
Thus the shepherd, in tlie 0«XfirMb
of Theocrìtus ;

KmÌ ym^ lym Mm#«» ma^mgtv ^rifm* Mmfi^

X.iy9tTi
HufTtt àaìih iftfrtr ìyit ^i ng eù r»j^9*

Oy A£r «^ yd^ 9ftfy tuvr IfAW vStf» oSrt r««

BUCOLIC. ECL. IX:

291

Pieridcs: aóDt el mihi carmina: me quoque ^|5?aSS2*S**«
dicunt

33. Me quoque dicunt vaiem, ^c]
Servius takes notice of ibis expres-
sion as a great instance of the mo-
desty of Lycidas : because he tells
bis frienc} only that they say he is a
poet; and tben ibis is noi said by
the learDed, but only by èhepherds;
and yet he is sa modest at net io be-
lieve them. It nppears to me^ that
Lycida» rather bcfasts a Uttte in thi8
place > and endeavours Ui invite
Moeris to comniunicate some ve^es
io bioì» as to one th;U U a poet
himself, and able to make a return
in kind. He declaiies^ that he haS
been so far favoured by the Muses,
as io be endovred with a genius fof
poetry: and that he hafi even com-
posed some poems : and then in-
deed he adds^ with some a^^arance
of modesty^ that the shepherds even
account him a professed master; bot
he does noi know how to believe
them. The reader will observé^
tbatthough wé usuaily give the game
sense both to poeta and tates, yet
there ìs a distinction bere made be-
tween^them: for though Lycidas
affirms that he is a poeta; yet he
darei not presume to thsnk that he
ìs a vedes, Vates seems to be an ap«
pellaticn of greater digoity, and
io «nswer to our hard; one that
Hot only made Ter^es, but wns even
Bispired, and reputed a sacred per-
flon. Varrò says the ancien t poets
trere called vates, and mentions
them together with the Falins, or
deìties of the woods; *' Versus
" quos olim Fauni, Vatesque cane-
^' bani. Fàuni^ 4^i Latinorum»
' ^ ita ut Faunus et Fauna sinlìn ver-

*' sibus quos vocant Satu^nios; io
*' silvestribus loceia tradì tum est so-
** litos fari: a quo fando Faunos
" dictos. Aniìquos póetas Vales ap-
" pellabant a versjbus viendeis, ut
'' in poemateis cum seri barn, osten-
" dam." It is certain that vates is
frequèntly used in the same sensè
with poeta : as in the seventh Ec-
loguej .

Pastores hedera crescentem, ornate jwf-

tam
ArcadeSy invidia rumpatitnr ut Aia Ccv

dro.
Aut si ultra pladtum ìaudarit» baccare

frontem
Cingile; ne vati noceat mala lingua

futuro:

And in the seventh ^Eneid, where
the poet assumes that title to him*
self 3

Tu vatetn, iu diva mone : dicam horrida
beUt.

In the sixtb ^neìd, that name is
given to the divine poets of anti-
quity, such as Musaeus ;

Qujque pii vate», et Phcebe digna locuti^
lAventas aut qui vitam cdhiere per

àrtes:
Qttique sui memores alios fecere me»

rendo :
Oomibtts hì8 nivea cinguntur tetiapòra

vHu^
Quos drcumfusos sic est afl^ta SibyUa,
Musffium ante omnes, medium nam pdji*

rima turba
Hunc babet, atqne humens extantem

tospìcit aitia.
Dicite* f^ices aoimfe-y tuque optimi

vates.

But it Ì8 most usually applied to such
persoti 8, as were sacr^ to some
deity, or endned with a spirit of
prophecy: as in the third G«or-

Nec tesponsa potest consultus reddeee
vates.

393

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

i^ia^^ctt^t^. Vatem pastores, sed non ego credidus illis.

t yct leem to com- ' «•**'■'

of Vanu or Cinna, J-\ aUl

neque adhuc
Cinha

Varo video^ nec dìcere
35

And in the fourtb iEneid ;

Multaque prttterea vatum prsdicta pri-

orum
Terrìbili monitu borrìficant.

And in the fifth s

Seraque terrìfici cecinerunt omnia vates*
Thus also Froteus is called vates, in
the fourth Georgick^ Calchas, in
the second iBneid : Helenus^ and
Celaeno^ in the third: the ^ibyl^
m many places, in the third and
sixth : Cassandra, in the third and
fifth : Alectt> in the shape of Caìybe
prìestes9 of Juno, in the seventh :
the nyntph Carmenta in the eighth :
and Chloreus, prìest of Cybele, in
the eleventh. Fates has also beei)
lised by some other authors^ to ex-
press what we cali ah adept. Thus
Pliny calls Herophilus medicina va-
Us: and Valerìus Maximus calls
Qttintus Scaevola kgum clarisnmus
et cerimimus vates. We may there-
fore conclude, that the proper and
general signification of vates is a
pbet of the first rank, a master of the
art^ or one that is really inspired.

35, Nam neque adhuc Varo, <^.]
Lycidas says ne cannot look upon
' Imnself as a poet of the first cha-
racter ; because he is not yet able to
wrìte such verses as are worthy of
Varus and Cinna. But whether by
thìs expression he means^ that Varus
and Cinna were two famous poets:
or that they were eminent persons^
to whom his verses were not good
enough to be presented^ is a question.
Servius seems to take it for granted,
that two poets are meant here^ and
therefore reads Varius insteed of Va-
rus ; because Varius was a iamous
poet; but Varus was a soldier;
'^ Varius poeta fuit. De hoc Hora-
** tius i. Sat. 10/ Varius dncit molle

** àtque facetum. Item l Od: 6.
" Scriberis Vario Jbrtis et hostiutn
^' Victor. Nam Varus victor et dux
" fuit, cui supra blanditur." Ser-
vius had not pointed the first quo-
tation froni Horace right ; for the
passage ought' certainly to be read
thus;

Forte epos acer.

Ut nemoy Varius ducit: molle atque

facetum
Virgilio annuerunt gaudentes rure Ca-

mense.

La Cerda take» the Varius men-
tioned by Horace to be the same
with Varus ; and says Varus and
Cinna were two great poets; of
whom the latter was author of the
Smyrna; " Duo magni poetae.
** Posterior edidit Smymam, opus
** diu elimatum. Priori Horatius
*' dat epos acer. Alii Variura vo-
" cant." But this learned com-
mentator seems to be singular, in
imi^ining Varus and Varius to be
thè same person. I should incline
to the opinion of Servius ; if it could
be made appear, either that any ,
Varus was at that time a famous
poet ; or that Varius was to be fisund
m aiìy good manuscript instead of
Varus. It is certain^ that Varius
was eminent in poetìy ; and Virgil
is said tobave imitatcdhim in seve-
ral placed. We find, in the passaffes
already quoted from Horace, that'
he was an epic poet; and in several
others, that he was highly esteemed
by him.' In the fifìth Satire of the
first hook, he is mentioned together
with Plotius and Virgil; and ali
three are said to be men of the
greatèst candour^ and his dearest
friends ;

Posterà lux orìtur multo gratissima '
namque

BUCOLIC. ECL. IX. i»S

Digna, sed argutos ììiter strepere anser olores. ^^ S^^M^SH^

Flotius et Varìus Sinuessae, Virgiliusque
Occumxnt: anims, qiuales neque can-

didiores
Terra tulìt ; neque queis me sit devino

tior alter.
O» qui comfilexuSy et gaudia quanta fue*

runt,
Nil ego contulerim jucundo sanus amico.

In the eighth^ he ìs mentioned
again, together with Viscus, an-
oUier famous poet» and friend of
Horac€(;

—Non Viscum pluris amicum»
Non Varium facies.

And in the Art of Poetry, Virgil
and Varìus are spoken of together,
as two poets of the furst character -,

Q uid autem
€iecilio Plautoque

ademptum
Virgilio Varioque ?

dabit Bomanus,

Martial^ in the eighteenth Epigram
of the eightìi hook, speaks of him
as having excelied in tragedy, and
fsays that Virgil would not meddle
with lyric poetry, out of friend-
ship to Horace^ or write tragedies,
on account of Variud.

Sic Maro nec Calabri tentavit carmina
Flacci,
Pindarìcos nosset cum superare mo-
dos :
St Vario cessit Romani laude Cothurni,
Cum posset Tragico fortius ore loqui.

Quintilian, in the first chapter of
his tenth hook, tells us^ that Varius
-wrote a tragedy called Thyestes^
i¥hich was equa! to any of the Greek
ones; ^' Jam Varii Thyestes cui-
'.' libet Grsecorum comparari pot-
'« est" Thus we find, that Va-
rius was both a famous poet^ and a
friend of Virgil; whence Servius
might reasonably think that hi
was the person here intended. But
the arguments on the other side seem
to bè the strongest. The authority

of ali the manuscrìpts ìs for Varus ;
and as there was no famous poet then
of that name^ we may conclude^
that Virgil means the same Varus,
to whom the sixth Eclogue was de«
dicated^ and whom he petitions in
this to preserve Mantua. Mceris
had just repeated some verses in
praise of Varus : and Lycidas. now;
answers, tbathehimself ìs nota poet
good enough to ofier any of his
compositions to that great person.
Now if the Varus here intended
was nota poet, we must understand
the same of Cinna too, who i^
joined with him. C. Helvius Cinna
was indeed a famous poet, and spent
nine years in composing bis Smyr?
na, as we are told by Catullus j

Smyma mei Cinnie nonam post denique
messem^
Quam ccepta est, nonamque edita post
byemem.

Horace is thooght to allude to the
care which Cinna took of his Smyr-
na, in the Art of Poétry ;

iSi quid tamen oUm
Scrìpserìs, in Mctii descendat judids

aures.
Et patris et nMtras; nonumque pretnatur

in a7inur^,

Ovid, in his second hook de Tristi'
bus, mentions Cinna among those
poets, who took the liberty to inserì
obscenities in theìr compositions; .

Quid referam Ticidae, quid Memmi

Carmen, apud quos
Rebus abest omnis, nominibusqué

pudor?
Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque

procacior Anser.

Martial speaks of him as an obscure
writer ; fur, in an Epigram on one
who affected obscurity, he tells him,
thut he would prefer Cinna before

Virgil;

3&4

P. VIRGILI! MARONIS

mffjfiJZ'SlSSS^ JMlcK. Id quidem ago, et tacitus, Lycida, Uié-

silently in my nnind.

cum ipse voluto,

Scnbore te, quie vix intelligat ipse Mo-
deatiis.
Et vix Ckuranut; quid rogo, Sexte»
juvat ?
Non lectore tuis opus est sed Apoliìne
librìs:
Jodice te major Cinna Maxone fuit.

But this Cinna the poet seems to be
that Helvius Cinna^ who^ accordine
to Suetonius^ was mnrdered by the
populace^ just after the death of Ju-
lius Csesar. He was taken it seems
fòr Cornelius Cinna, who had in-
veighed bitterly against Csesar;
'^ Plebs statini a funere ad domum
'' Bruti et Cassii cum facibus te-
^' tendit : atque aegre repulsa ob-
*' yium sibi Helvìum Cinnam, per
*' entorem nominis quasi Cornelius
** M es^et quem graviter prì<iie con-
" cìonatum de Caesare reqnirebat,
" occidit : caputque eìus prsefixum
*' hastse circumtulit. Plutarch
tnentions the sanie story of Cinna
being QBurdeped insiead of one of
the conspicalors of the same name.
Appian also and Dio teli us^ that
Ciana was torn in pieces by niistake
for his name's-sake, and say be was
tribune of the people : and the lat-
ter calls him Helvius Cinna/ and
says he was one of Csesar's frìends;
KÒi ItXXùVi Tf h ràVTf Kctì '£A«uoy ,
ÌSJnx9 htfut^xi'^'*^* futrnv cuFixrufur

étXXtt xcù h rtiq fAttXiOTet cùùrof tiyd^tù'
tjrXattónntf il, ótt K«^»9Am$ KJnuf

It seems to be allowed on ali hands,
that Cinna the poet was Helvius Cin-
na: therefore as webave the con-
Current testimony of four histori-
ans, that one Cinna was murdered
àt the time of Julius Caesar's fune-
ral; and of two of them, that bis
pranomen was Helvius: we may
conclude, that Helvius Cinna, the

famous poet was mnrdered tfaree
years before this Eclogue was writ-
ten , and consequently could Dot be
the person ìntended. Hence we may
observetlie greatnegligenceof many
critics and lexicographers, who^
when they speak of Helvhis Cinoa^
make oo scruple of referring to this
passage of Virgil, aad telling v»,
that our poet allowed the verset o€
Cinna to be l^tter than his own»
But at last it is not absolutely cer-
tain» what Cinna Virgil joins herie
wtth Varus. It does not seem im-
probable, that Lucius Cinna, the
grandson of Pompey, may be the
person, as Ruesus has snpposed. He
is mentioned by Seneca, in his first
hook de Clementia. The philosopher
speaks of a conspiracy of this Cinna
against Augustns in Gaul; whicb
that priace having disbovered# re*
solvei! to pardon the coospirator,
and instead of any greater pUnish^
ment, obliged him only to bear him
discourse two hours upon the sub-»
ject. He puts him in mind of bla
having been found formerly in the
camp of his enemies, whicki was
probably at Philippi, and of bis be-
ing treàted by him, not as an en&-
my, but as a son : and enumerates
the many favours that be had con-
feri-ed upon hicn. '* Ego te, Cinna,
'* cnm in hostìum castris icf venia-:
*' Sem, non factum tantum mìhi
" inimicum, sed natum servavi,
'* patri monium tibi omne concessL
^' Hodie tam felix es, et tam dives,
" ut vieto victores invideant. Sa-
'^ cerdoUum tibi petenti, praeteri-
'* tis compluribus, quorum parentes
^' mecum militav^rant, dedi. Cam
'' sic de te meruerim, oco|dere me
'' constituisti." Seneca adds, that
Cinna contiaued very faithful to

BUCOLIC. ECL. IX.

S95

fiSvaleammeminisse^ ncque est ignobile carmeti. K'n'JiSL^^ÒSi.J^}!
Huc ades, OGalatea: quis est nam ludus in ^Sm^ u^m^tiK^-
undis?

Augustus^ and at last made him his
heir. Here then is a Cìnna^ whom
Afignstus highlj favonred^ who pn»*-
bably returned with him as a bosom
friend, from the battle of Philìppi ;
aad therefore nùght very w«11 be
joined by Virgil with Varus> as it
was the poet'a interest^ to gain the
favour of ihoae, ^ho had the ear of
Augiistufl^ at the tùne of writing
tliis Eclogue.

35. jinser.'} Servtus says, this al-
Ittdes to one Anser, a poet of those
timea^whofaad celehrated thepraisea
of Mark AnthoOT, and received
some lands about Falernain for his
reward : to which Cicero alludes^
in one of his Philippics, when he
says, ^^ Ex agro Falerno Anseres
*' depelìantor.*' That there was
sach a poet as Anser^ is certain ;
wehare seen, in the preoeding note>
that Ovid mentìons him together
withCinna; Cinnaqué procacior An-
ser. Propertius also speaks of him,
at the latter end of his seeond hook ;

Nec minor his animis^ aut sì minor» ore -
canorus
Anscris indocto cnrmine cessit olor.

Scaligera in his note on that passage,
says this Anser joined with Bavius
aud MffiviuSy in writing against
Virgil. This ancient poet had in-
deed a very unlucky name : for as
the poets arefrequentlycalledswans,
and as anser is Latin for a goo9e, it
was bardlj possible for those, who
loved to play upon words, to avoid
representi ng poor Anser as a goose of
a poet. .We know that Cicero was
a great punster; and Propertius
seems to bave punned in the verses
quoted above; where his roeanin^
seems lo be, that the swan Virgil
would not make any reply tothegoose

Jnser. But this very passage shews
that Propertius did not understand
any qùibble in this line of Virgil :
for if he had taken it in that sense,
he could not have said, that Virgil
made no sort of rqily to the ecur-
rilities of Anser. Besides, at the
time of writing this Eclogue, there
was no rupture between Augustus
and Mark Anthony: and therefcHre
there was no occasion for VirgO, out
of reapect to Augustus, to treat An-
ser with contempt, because he had
written in praise of Anthony. Last>-
ly, Virgil does not seem to have a
genius capable of stoopinff so low as
a pun: whence I conclude, that he
meant na more by anser, than a
real gpose, without desi^ing any
reflection on the poet of that name.

37. Jd quidem ago.] That is, I j
am endeavouring to recollect some j
verses for you,

39. Huc ades, «^c] These five
lines are an iroitation of a passage
in the KvkXÒi^ of Theocritus;

"AÌttv U r«wT^9» «'«#* ìfiì* ràv yvxfw ìtul^uf
*£»t2 ì^^veu mn), Ivrì fminaì xt^rd^ta^M,
*£fr} ftiXof xt^rìff tfr* &fMrtX»s & 'yXtntv»

A7rf»

Come, live Tritb me, and I sincerely

vow,
That your condition shan*t be worae thatt

now.
Forsake the ocean, leaye the angiy sea,
•Tis better sleeplng in my cave with me,
Tliere laur«l8 grow, and there Mack ivy

twines.
And blushing clusters loed the bended

vines.

296

R VIRGILII MARONIS

te cfatfacp gpleiptii^liCTe
tb€ gtooDQ. poun rartn var
liou flowenaboat the rircfs:
bere a wUte p<ffilar 1
over the care, and the I
ingvineslònnasbade. Come
hither, and leave the ragiiig
waTea to beat a^afaist the
diofc

Xfic. Bot what were tboae
▼efiea, wlUcb I beaid yoo
•faigfaiK by yonnelf, oiic deu
evamgì l remember the
nmnben, if I coold bat recol-
lect the woidf .

HicvarpnrpareoiD, varioshicflumiiia dream 40
Fundithumosflores: hic candida popolo» antro
Imminet, et lentas texunt ombracofa vites.
Hoc ades : insani ferìant sine littora.fluctus.
Lyc. Quid» quae te pura solum sub nocte

canentem
Audieram? numeros memini, si verba tene-

rem. 45

There are cold streams, whicli from the

melting snow
Hot Mina, sends, a drink divine, bdow.
There' ali things are by nature form'd to

please.
And who to thìs would e*er prefer the

seas? Cbeech.

The Greek verses must be allowed
to be extremely fine: but the La-
tin ones bave a delicacy and pro-
prieljr, peculiar to the genius of
Virgil. We see, in this invitation
to Galatea to forsake the sea for
the greater pleasures of the land, a
most elegant description of the beau-
ties of the earth, in the most de-
lightful season. The rivers are bor-
dered by a great variety of flowers ;
a white poplar diffuses its branches
over the cave ; and a luxuriant vìne
assists in formin^ a shade. The ppet
judidously avoids the mention of
the clusters, because they are riot
produced in the sprii^g.

40. f^er purpureumJ] The spring
is called purple, because that season
produces many bright flowers. Pur-
ple is used by the ancients to ex-
press any bright coìour.

41. Candida populus,'] The white
poplar, or abele iree, is a tali straight
tree, covered with a white bark ;
the leavés are of a dark green; but
they are white and woolly under-
neath. WKen the tree is young,
the léaves are round ì but they be-
come more angular^ as the tree
gròws older. Pliny follows Theo-
phrastus^ in aifirming, that the

leaves of this tree tum upside down
about the time of the sunimer sol-
stice: but this observation is not
confinned by experienoe.

42. Texunt umbracula vitet,'] The
poet roentions only the shade of the
vines ; because the grapes do not
appear in the spring.

43. Insani ferìant, 4^.] Theo-
critus, in the passage just quoted,
calls the sea glaucous, or bluish
green; whereas the waves are
white, when they are dashed against
the shore. Virgil, with great judg-
ment^ avoids that improper epithet,
and calls the waves mad, or ragìng.

44. Quid qv<s, 4^.] Lycidas
stili presses Moeris to oblige him
with some more verses. Ueoce the
poet takes occasion to introduce five
most elegant lines^ which plainly re-
late to the deificatìon of Julius Cas-
sar. Mceris has no sooner recited
these verses, than he seems to be
at a loss ; complains of hìs want of
memory ; aod excuses himself to
bis friend, for not singìng any
more.

\ Pura nocle.1^ '' That is,

*' not dark^ not overspread with
;'^ clouds ; or. according to that op-
;'* position of Horace^

• " Crasvelatra.

. " Nube polunif pater, occupato,
** Vel sole puro." I^ Czr|»a.

45. Numeros.'\ Thenumbers^ mea-
sure, or tune. Lycidas remembers the
tune^ but has. forgotten the words.

BUCOLIC. ECL. IX.

297

McE. Daphni, quid antiquos signorum sus- yo?5^S?SS^7ri54;

picis ortns ?
Eece, Dionsei processit Caesaris astrimi :

cfthengnaf BeKoId the star
of Dionean Caesar has begun
ita course :

46. Dàphniy quid, ^-c] ^* Vir-
'^ gii seems to bave contended even
" with hìmself> in thìs place^ for
'' victory. He opposes these fi ve
*' verses to those which went be-
** fore, Huc adest Galateo, <^c.
** in which having excelleil Theo-
** critus^ he now endeavourseven to
'^ excel himself. In the formar^ he
'^ aìiued only at sweetness of ex-
'' pressioo^ as became one who ad-
'^ dressed himself to a oymph : but
''in these he speaks with a gravity
" becoming one who addresses him-
'^ self to Csesar^ who was then ad-
'* mitted among the gods. There
*' he describes the delights of the
*^ spring ; flowers, rivers, shades -,
** Buch objects only as tend to plea-
'* sure : bere he produces tlie fniits
'^ of summer, corn, grapes, and
'^ pears $ ali which are useful to
*^ man. In the former were three
'* articles relating to pleaàure 5 as
*' there are, in the latter, as many
" relating to utility ; the corn, the
'^ grapes, and the pears. Lastly,
*' as he there begìns and ends with
<' Galatea ; so bere he begìns and
''ends with Daphnis. Who can
'' say, that Virgil speaks to no pur-
'' pose ?" La Cerda.

It is observable, that, in this £c-
logue, Virgil, with great address,
recommends himself to the favour
of those in power, in order to pre-
serve the lands about Mantua. Po-
etry was at that time in very high
esteem ; and the Greek poets were
justly thought to excel ali others.
He therefore endeavours to shew,
that if he can meet with encourage-
ment, he shall be able to teach the
Romans to surpass ali other na*
tions in the arts of peace^ as tbey

had already gained the superiority in
the arts of war. . He begins the
contention with Theocritus, trans-
lating two favourite passages of that
author, and making bis translations
superior to the originals. Not con-
tented with this, he opposes to each
of these translations an equal num-
ber of originai verses of bis own^
in which he shews himself capable of
exceeding the most beautiful pas-
sages of that admired poet. The
address to Varus, ver. 27. is elegant
and polite, and being relatéd' as
only a fragment of a larger pòem,
was well calculated to obtaìn the
protection pf that favourite of Au-r
gustus. But in the passage under
consideration he applies himself
more directly to Augustus ; for he
represents the new star, which was
by some supposed to be the soul of
Julius Caesar, as havin^^ a more be-
nign ìnfiuence, than ali the old con-
stellations put together. Augustus
had a good taste for ppetry, and con-
sequently could not help ' being
touched with so delicate a com-
pliment.

DaphniJ] Daphnrs seems to bC'
ìntended only for a fictitious name ''
of some favourite shepherd.

Antiquos signorum ortus."] \

He admonishes Daphnis, that there
is no occasion for him to regard the \
old rules of observing the heavens, j
with respect to agriculture ; because ^
the new star óf Csesar will be alone ì
suffici ent.

47* Dion<ei'i Dione was a sea
nymph, the daughter of Oceanus
and Tethys, and mother of Venus,
by Jupiter: Venus was the mother
of ^neas, who was the father of,
Ascanius, or lulùs; from whom

sq2

P. VIBGILII MARONIS

imùi^^^S^^ Aatrum, quo wgetoi gandefwt frugihus, et quo

tbB,4tetoi^eh<

tqr wwdb tbi dustitr ihan
— -* g itf couNif onthe optn

hllft.

Duceret apricìs in collibus uva coloieiii*

the Julian faiuily decived theìr de«
scent. Julius Cassar therefore, be-
ing^ of thk raoe> ìs bere called Dìqm
Basan Ctesar^ as iBneas caUs Ve^
nÙB bis I>ion»an mother, at the be*
ginning of tbc tbird .Soeid ;

' Sacra Dione» matri, divisque ferebam
Auspidbus coeptorum operutn.

ProcessitJ] " There is something
'^ very majestìc in tbis word. So
" Edogue iv.

*• Magni procedere meruetJ*

Db. Thapp.

Cissaris asirum,^ A remarkable

star orcomet appearedfor se^ven days

together, after the death of Julius

Cassar ; which was tbougbt to be a

sign> tbat bis soul was réceived into

' beaven. HenceÀugustuscausedhìs

\ statue in tbe Forum to be adorned

\ witb tbe addi tion of a star. See tbe

j note on ver. 488« of tbe first Geor-

gick.

Astrum properly signifiea a con-
;stellatioa> or number of stars placed
in a certain order : tbe poet usès it
in tbis place for a single star; tbere-
by giving a greater dignity to tbe
star of Cassar. Thus Horace calls
the same star sidus ;

i4;9«-^itfictti inter omnes
Julium 9iims, velut inter ìgnes
Luna minores.

48. Quo segetes gauderent frugi-
ìmsiy Servius tbinks tbe poet al-
hides to tbe month July, wbìch was
so called in bonour of Julius Cas-
sar ; the grapes and corn being ripe
in that'montb. Butthis observation is
not rìght ; because tbougb the har-
vest is usually made in July j yet
the Tintage is not begun till Sep-
tember or Qctober, . even ia the
warmercountries. Falladius placet
the barley barvcst in Jane; '* Nune

<' primo ordeimessisincipitur:" and
tbe wheat harvest in July 5 " Julio
*' mense agri, qui Aprili proscissi
** fìierant^ circa Calcùdas iteran-
•• tur. Nunc locis temperatis tri-
•' tici messis expletur/' Bnt he
does not menti on the beginning of
the vintagCf even in tbe bottest
countries, bcfore September ; "Hoc
** mense k>ci8 tepidis, maritimisqQe
« celebranda vindemia est, frigidis
<^ apparanda." But the usuai sea-
son fbr the vintage is October 5 for
in tbat month he saya, Nmcoppor-
tuna vindemia cs*. Virgil therefore
eould bave no intcntion of alhiding
to any on e month : hk méaning is^
tbat the new star woold bave a be-
nìgn ìnfiaence over ali parts of bas-
bandry. -

" Segetet and frugei are com-
'^ monly confounded together. But
"fruges bave a largersignlficatkwi;
*' for whatsoever relates to frnit naay
" be comprehended in tbis word.
" Therefore frugef may be applied
" to pot-herbs, pulse, vines, apples,
" or corn. Therefore segeiei gau-
'* detU frugiibm means, the corn,
'^ wbich is sown in the fielda, and
" not yet reaped, enjoys its fruit.
" Others, by segeles in thls place,
" understand the eartb itseilf : and
" tbey may be m the rigbt To
^' omìt other testimonies, wbicb
" are commcnily prodnced, I siiall
" oSsr a fragment of Cicero^ pre-
^* served by Nonnius ; Ut enim se-
" getesagTicola SKÒiguni aratrii wmU
" io antequam seranì" La Cbrda.

It bas been observed, in several
notes on the Georgicks, tbat seges^
is generally used for the Jkld by
ViigiL

49. nacmt aprkà m coUàkus tu»
colorem.} Ttiua Tibullus ;

Annus in apricis maturai coBibùs uvas.

BUCOLia ECL. IX.

£99

ioseM^ Daphniy pyrosi carpent tua poma ne- ^S^S&'SSSJ
potes- 50 **^***^

fliaec

( 41 thiflf

Omnia feift «tas» animiim quoque; «ame eifo remembertibetìSe^wiicsia
Gmtando pocram meiDuii me condere solcsr '

50» Ja<gr<^Dflpfaii, j;yrai4 ^^ He

'' exhorts the shepherd to plant fruìt-

^^tXMS; becaiue tbej will thrive

'' under the infloence of thi» new

^' star, and supply hi8 posterìty wiih

I *^ fruit Insere nere does not sig-

\ *^ nify mgraft, but merely plant;

\ " as Columella has said Aor/os in-

" serere.** ìlu^us.

Dr. Trapp however dìSeac% from
Ruaeus, and translates these words,

Daphnis teomrfo/lr thy pear-tnes noir.

He says^ '* the word tiMérc maj sig-
*^ nìfy^ planting, grafUng, or in-
*' ocàating. Aocordmg to Rosiib
'' it here means the first But he
" ffivea no reason for it -, nor do I
'' know of any." Dr. Teapp.

But though Rufleuft did not give
any reason for hts interpretation^
jet it appears to me very obvious.
A tr^, when ingrafted, ptoduces
thefruit^erysoen: but Mceris here
teUs Daphnis^ that he may ycnture.
to plani trees, because bis potierittf
may enjoy the fruìL He therefore
maksofasloir productkm: as he
does of raising trees firom seeds, in
the seoond Georgick ;

Jam qu£e seminfbus jactis se sustulit ar-

bo8
Tarda vaùt» seria Aictani nepotibus xaaf

brani.

That ifuero ìs used by our poet for
planting, is plain from another pas*
sage in die second Georgick j

— «i— Neve oleae sylvestrìs insere tnincos.

Foma."] Pommn is oaed by the
a a ttc n to for aay esculent fhut; as
faaa bèen obscrved^ in a note on
ver. 27 4r. of the first Georgick.

. 51. Omnia feri aioM^ Sfc^ Moe-
ris seems to break off here, as if he
was not able to recoUect the rest o£
the póem.

Animunu] The commentators
seem to agree, that by anitnum ìs
meant memoriam in this place.

52. Condere,^ '^ Finire, usque ad
'^ occasum ducere." Servios*

Ruaeus gives the same interpre-
tation; and adds, ^puui tepeUre;
and refers to a sìmihir passage in
the first iEneid;

Ante dieni ékujoù CMaponeA Teaper
Olympo.

That is, s^ys he, quasi ad seputluram
eomponené* Lucretius has used eon-
aere sacla in the same sense;

Nec prorauBi, titam ducendo, denÉBain

Tempore de mnrtis,. nec deUbcare mie-

mus.
Quo minus esse diu possimus morte per-

emti*
Ptomde Kocf ^vMt vh viMacto cméerg

Afton «etesna tamen nihilo minua ìUa.
manebitf

Soies.'] Sfms are here used fot
days ; as they are also by LucrethiB ;

Multaque humi cum inbumata jacerent
coi^ra super

Cerporibns, tamen alituum g^m anqne
farscum.

Atti procul absUiebat, vt aerem exiwt
odorem:

Aut ubi gustanit, languebat morte pro-
pinqua.

Nec «amen omnino temere UlU tdXbu^
ufla

Compaiebat avù» nec noetibu* sècla fenu
rum

Exibant sylvis.

Here we see, thai iun$ are oppoaed

900

P. VIABILU MARONIS

Moiri ÌMKft foigoe aU those
vcnei: now ewn tay Toioe
.faib me: the wolves bave
, flfit looked vDoa Mccrit* Bot
Menalcas wUI repcat them to
yoa often cnouipi.

lite* Yoo do bat inflame
me the mote bf yoar ex-

tot cannioa: vox quoque

None obUta mihi

Moerìm

Jam fugit ipsa: lupi Mcerìm videre prioria.
Sed tamen ista satis referet Ubi ssepe Menalcas.
L Yc. Causando noetros in longum ducis amo-

res: 56

to niglits ; as they are also by our
poet^ in the third iEneid ;

Tret adeo incertos casca caligine soles
Erramus pelago, totidfim sine sidere

noctes.
Quarto tem die primum se attollere tan-

cleiii
Vuà.

5S. Nunc ohliia miAl.] ''^ Here
''are two particulars to be ob-
** served : 1. oblita is used passively :
^* 2. mihi Ì8 put for a me. In lite
" manner we read in the first
«incidi

** J\rt«tti tuarum audita nubi, neque visa
" sororum.** Ruaus.

54. Lupi Mcerim videre prioresJ]
This expression alludes to a notion^
Tvhich obtained among the ancient
lialians ; that if a wolf saw any
man first^ it depriyed bim of his
voice for the present; as we find in
the twenty-second diapter of the'
eighth hook of Plìny*s Naturai
History; " Sed in Italia quoque
'* creditur luporum visus esse noxi-
^^ US : vocemque honùni^ quem
^<priores contemplentur, adimere
'* ad praesens." Virgil therefore»
with proprietv, puts uùs sayìng in
the mouth of a peasant. Servius
tells us^ that from this common
story is derlved the proverbiai ex-
pression, lupus in fabula, whìch is
used^ when a person appears, of
whom the company was talkiog,
and thereby cuts off the ^iscourse.
But Theocritus^ in the fourteenth
Idyllium^ gìves this story acontrary
tum ; as if the seeing a wolf, in-

stead of being seen hy him, made a
person mute. A girl sits silent in
company ; upon which one asks her
if she had seen a wolf;

We drank and halloo*d, she mute ali the

while.
And suUen fate, without one word or

amile;
How was I ^vexM to find a chaoge so

soon?
What mute? what, have you seen a

wolf? says one. Creech.

It seems indeed more probable, that
the sight of a wolf should take away
a person's voice, than the being seen
by him ; but as we find that this
was a common notion in Italy, Vìr-
gii was in the right, to make an
Italian peasant talk after the manner
of bis own countrymen.

56. Causando nostros, ^c.^ Ly-
cidas looks upon this loss of memory
bs a mere pretence ; and therefore
presses Moeris to proceed. He urges
the stillness of the evening, and
their having gone half their journey
already, as arguments for sitting
down a little ; and adds, that they
shall reach the city in good time.
But if Moeris is afraid the night
should prove rainy^he tells him, they
may sing as they go along, and offers
to case him of bis Ioad. Moeris
persìsts in not singing any more; and
exhorts him to wait for the return of
Menalcas with patience.

BUCOLIG. ECL. IX.

SO]

!Et nane omne tìbi «tmtum silet sequor, et omnes, SS^JuL^ ^t^c^SH

Aspice, ventosi ceciderunt murmuris auree. l^^jS^S^i^^!"^^-'

-TT* 1 ji« ^ i_* " 1 ddet, we are come to the

Hmc adeo media est nobis via: namque sepoJ- middle or ourjoumey:
chrum

f Causando.'] " Causari signifies
; ^' to make excuses : tbus Lucretius,
I '' lib. i.

[ ** Onapropter quamvii .coniando tnulia

^ ** tnorerU ;•

' '^ And Horace,

•* Stuliug uterque locum immeritum catuom
** tur inique.^ La Cerda.

57- Omne Ubi stratum silet cequor.]
Servì us's interpretatiòn of cBqiwr is
spatium campi. La Cerda observes,
that stratum is bere spoken of water,
after the manner of the Greeks.
Rusèus says, that by cBquor we are
not to understand the sea, but the
waters of the Menzo or Mincius^
whìch wa^hes Mantuaand the neigh-
bouriog country : for thè sea is ut a
great distance. He also justly ob-
serves, that cequor is used for any
plain surface» either of land or wa-
ter. But Catrou seems to bave un-
derstood the true sense of tbis pas-
sage; " We find/'says he, *• in the
'^ text aquor, tbis sea, or ibis vast
'^ extent of waters. Our sbepherds
*' were already arrived at the edge
" of the lake of Mantua, whìch
'^ is formed round the city by the
, '' Mincio. Is not a lake a sea in
■''the eyes of shepherds?" Tbis
learned cri tic is certainly in the
right 3 for the waters of a river are
always in motion 5 and tberefore
cannot be properly called aquor:
but that word is very applicable to a
lake, which is a plain surf;ice, when
not ruffled by winds. The Bari of
Lauderdale foUows Servius ;

You raise my expectation by delay,
Tho' ali the Jldds are peaceable and gay.
See ali things now so much to rest in-
cUn'd,

The trembling leaves scavee feel the
murm'rìng wind.

But stratum cannot signffy peaceable
and gay, Dryden follows Ruaeus ;

Thy faint excuses but inflame me more;
And now the tvoves reU tUent to the

thore.
Hush*d winds the topmost branches

scarcdy bend,
As if thy tuneM song they did attend.

But when the waves roU to the^hore,
they can hardiy be said to be sUent.
Dr. Trapp translates aquor literally
the sea ; %

By these excuses, and this long delay,
Thou dost but whet my appetite the

more.
And now behold the sea lìes smooth, and

ali '

The blasts of murm'ring winds are

hushM in peace.

Our poet perhaps had bis eye on the
foUowing line, in the ^a^ftcuavr^m
of Theocritus, wbere the silence of
the sea and winds is spoken of ;

Horace calls a slow river silent ;

Non rura, quae Liris quieta ' '^
Mordet aqua tacitumu» amnis.

59» Sepulchrum incipit apparerei
Bìanorìs,'] It was the custom among i
the ancien ts, to piake their se- ^
pulchresnear the high ways: whence
the inacrìptions are frequently ad-
dressed to travellers. Theocritus,
in the &ttXva-M, describes the middle
of a joumey, by the view of a mo«
nument;

aStfut

902

P. VIRGILI! MARONtS

*^'S*to''l^.^'i!rt**2 Incipit apparare Bianorisc hk, ubidenaas 60
j^'»FE«w*!S!!: Acrricolae strineont frondes: hic, Moeri^ cana-

àdckbnuches:
tingfinyiloeiist

lew. !*« OSPITI*'

'^SnS^tì!^ Agricola^ stringunt frondes: hic, Moeri,

mus;

Bianor^ sumamed Ocnus^ son of
the river Tyber, by Ae prophetess
Manto^ daughter of Tiresias^ ìs said
to have fortified Maatua, and to
bave gìven ìt the name of bb mi>-
ther. Tbus our poet bimself^ in
the tentb Mneìd ;

lUe etiam patriis agmen ciet Ocnus ab

oris,
Fatidicae Mantus, et Tusd filius amnis.
Qui moros» matràsque dedit tibi^ Man-

tua, nom)en :
Mantua dive» avùu ,

Oenus wat nfyH^;aho led hit native train
Cfhar^vwriors thro* the wat'ry pìain,
The s^f Manto by the Tuscan tiream,
Fròn^tfhenee the Mantuan town derivet

the nome;
An aneknt cUy. Drtden.

61. Siriij^^ fnmdes.} Servius
interprets it amputatiti decerpunt;
foT proof of which, he quotes a
verse from the fourth Georgick -,

Sed tamen et quemas glaodee tvtm ^H«-

La Cerda is of opinion that the poet
alludes to the ancient custom of
strewnotg iflev«ra «ad braBdies over
the sepulchres of the dead. That
they uscd to strew flowers, is com-
monly known : bui he proves^ that
they also fitrewed branches, from
the following passage in Martial;

Accipe non Phario nutantìa pondera
saxo,
Quae dneri vanus dat recitura labor:
Sed fragiles buxos, et opacas palmitìs
umbraa:
Quoque virent laorymis humida prata
meis.

Riueus understands ibis expression
to mean, that the young sboots of the
trees were ^athered into bundles :
fbrhesays, *' Stringi ìsused^f those
'' things^ vbich «re ei^^r plueked

« strida manuj as in the first Geor-

«gìck,

*' iQuernas glandes tiim ttringen

•* tempus^
« Et laari boccas, oleamqae, cmentaqne

"myrta:

'^ or else gathered into bundles, as
'^ in the passage before uà, and also
•^ in the first Georgick 5

*' FragUijam striogenet hordea euìmo,^

MaroUes renders it " Là où les la-
" boureurs couppent les espaisses
" feuilleés." Catrou is of the same
opinion with La Cerda. W. L.
seems to understand it of pruning;

Where the thick boughs the ploughmeo
woont to sheere.

The Karl of Lauderdale under-
stands Lyeias to propose restìng
themselves on the leaves, which
had been stripped off ;

On these stiipt leaves bere let us stretdi
along.

Dryden most strangely perverta it to
signify the forming of an arbour,

Here, where the ]aboarer*8 faands bave

form'd a bowV
Of wreatbing trees, in singiog waste an

hour.

Dr. Trapp translates it,

Here, where the sbepherds strip tiic

leaves fnDm boughs,
Here, Moerìs, let us sing.

In bis note, he says it may here be
imderatood to signtfy either bindiiig
them up in bundles, or strippine
them éom the boughs, or both.
But it has been alread^ ahewn, in
the notes on ver. 305, and 31?. of
the first Georgick, that Mringere in
both those verses, signifìes to goiher

BUCOLIC. ECL. IX.

SOS

Hic hfiedos depone, tamen venìemus in urbem.
Aut, si, nox pluviam ne colligat ante, veremur;
Cantantes licei usque, mìnus via Ifledat, eamus.
Cantantes ut eamus, ego hoc te fasce levabo. 65
M(£. Desine plura, puer : et, quod nunon-
stat, agamus. '

Carmina tum melìus, cum venerìt ipse, canemus.

here lay downyour kids: we
thall come soon enough to the
city. But if you are afraid
the night ahould bring on rain
before we gct thither} iet
US sing, however. as we go
along; the way will aeem lesa
tedious : Iet u< dng at we go
aiong, I will ease you of tfiift
•oad. '^

Ifo. Say no more, my lad,
and Iet us mind our préient
bodneag. We shall sing venes
better, when he himself re-
tums.

with the hand. In the second Geor-
gick^ however, it is plainly used for
stripping the young shoots of a vìne ;
that 18, pruning it ;

Inde ubi jam validis amplexs stirpibus

ulmos
Exierìnt, tum ttringe comas, tum brachia

tonde.

In the first Moeìd, it is used to sig-
nify cutting off branches of trees,
tò make oars -,

Quassatam ventis liceat subducere clas-

sem.
Et syivis aptare trabes, et stringere

remos.

The general siffnificatìcm of this verb
in Virgil is eiuer io touch any thing
ligklUf, or to dram a sword. In the
passage under consideration, I be-
lieve it signìfies either the pruning
of the trees or gathering the young
shoots, in order to strew upon the
tomb of Bianor, as La Cerda inter-
prets it This last interpretation
has its beauty ; but. yet the epithet
densas seems to be in favour of
pruning : because the shoots being
thick, or numerous, required the
hand of the husbandman to prune
or thin them. 1 bave therefore ven-
tured to translate the passage ac-
cording to this interpretation.

62, Urbem.'} Mantua. (

64. Cantantes licet usque, éj^c,"}
Thus Theocritus, in his 0«Xwimi;

*AXX Myt ìil, (vN^ yà^ djf, l^k ìi mmii
B0nuKMMfiU^«f rdx Zr$^H iXX»f hmfiu

But since we walk one way, since time

persuades,
And we are far remov'd frpm gloomy

shades,
Let's pipe and wanton as we walk along»
For we may please each other with a

song. Creech.

65, Ego hoc te fasce levabo,'] Ly-^
cidas is aìwa'ya solicitous to engagé:
Mceris to sing: he first proposes,
that his friend should lay down
the kids i and now be offers to ease
him of the load, by carrying it him-
self.

67. Cum venerìt ipse.] This ex-
pression seems to intimate, that Vir-
gil was at Rome, when he com-
posed this Eclogue. Mceris has no
great inclination to sing in the ab-
sence of his master, of whose suc-
cess he is in doubt : and therefore is
solicitous to finish the business in
hand, the carrying the kids to the
intruder; andtells his fììend, that
he shall bave more inclination to
sing, when Menalcas returns.

R.r

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

BUCOLICORUM

ECLOGA DECIMA-

GALLUS.

CiXTREMUM hunc, Arethusa, mihi con-
cede laborem.
Pauca meo Gallo, sed, quae legat ipsa Lycorìs,

O AntlnisB* fitvoar thlt my
Uut labour. A few ▼enet
muit be song for my Gallos.
bot fuch as Lycom hertdi
mayread:

1. Extremum huncy <^c.] This
is evidently the last of our poet*s
£clogues ; and is a fine imitation of
the first Idyllium of Theocritus.
The subject of it is an amour of his
friend Gallus^ whom he represents
under the character of a shepherd^
complaininff of the craelty of Ly-
coris, who has deserted him. The
poet begins with an invocation of
Arethusa to assist him.

Arethiua,'] He invokes a Sicilinn
nymph^ becaase he writes in imi-
tation of Theocritus. Thus he be-
gins the fourth Eclogue with in-
voking the Sicilian Muses; and at
the beginning of the sixth^ he calls
his Bucolicks Syracusian verses,

2. Meo Gallo.'] This expression
shews that GaUus was an intimate
friend of Virgil. He is celebrated
in the sixth Eclogue;

Tum canit errantem Permesai ad flumina
Gallum.

See the notes on that passage.

Lycoris,'] The commentators
agree that Cytheris, an actress of
those times^ is meaot under the
ficdtious name of Lycoris; and
that Gallus himself had celebrated
her, under the same name^ in some
poems^ which l^e had written in her
praise. Qvid mentions Lycoris,
as the subject of the poems of
Gallus;

GaUus et Hesperìis, et GaUus notus

Et sua cum Gallo nota Lycoris erìt.

Martial also, when he is relating,
that several poets owed their genius
to Love, ascrìbes the poetry ^ Gal-
lus to Lycoris ;

Cynthia te vatem fecit, lascive Pro-
perti,
Ingenium Galli pulcbra Lycoris entt.

These verses of Gallus are now
lost ; for those, which go under his
name, are thou^ht by the beat
judges to be spunous.
R r 2

306

P. VlRGILII MARONIS

who can reflue vcnc$ to Gal-
lai? 80 mar bitter Dori» not
Intermix fier water* wlth
thine, when thou glidett be-
neath the SidUan waves.

Begin: let us «ine the anx-
loiu loTes of Galms, whil«t
the mab-ooted kids crop the
tender twiga. We do not sing
to the deaf, the woods re-
aound our ▼<Hce. What woods
or lawnt éetained you«

Carmina sunt dicenda: neget quis carmina

Gallo?
Sic tibi, cum fluctus subterlabere Slcanos,
Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam. 5
Incipe: sollicitos Galli dicamus amores,,
Dum tenera attondent simse virgulta capellae.
Non canimus surdis : respondent omnia sylvae.
Quae nemora, aut qui vos saltus habuere, puellie

3. Carmina iunt dicenda^ <!^c.]
Pope has ìmitated this« in his Wind-
sor-forest ;

Granville commandd : your aid, O Muses,

brìng.
What muse for Granville can refuse to

sing?

4* Cum fiuciMS suhter labore, ^c]
Alpheus a river of Peloponnesus was
in love with the nymph Arethusa^
who^ flying from his pursuit, was
turned by Diana into a foiintain.
She made ber escape under the sea to
Ortygìa^ an island adjacent to Sicily>
where she rose up: but Alpheus pur-
suìng ber by the same way^ mixed
his waters with Jiers. The poet
here wishes, that inherpassage un-
der the Sicilian sea^ Doris^ or the
sea, may not mix the salt waves
with ber pure waters. This fable is
mentioned in the third ^neid,*

Sicanio pretenta sinu jacet insula contra
Plemmyrium undosum: nomen dixere

priore»
Ortygiam. Alpheum fama est huc, Bli-

dis amnem
Occultas egìsse vias subter mare; qui

mine
Ofiei Arethusa, tuo Siculis confundituf

undis.

Righi o'er against PlemmyrtunC* toaCry

strana
There iiet an Uk, once calPd ih* Ortygian

land;
Alpheuir (u oidfame reportt, hasfound
From Chreece a secret passage under

ground:
By ìove to heauteou$ Ar^tìuua led.
And fmttgimg here, they roU in the same

sacredbed, Drtdejt.

5. Doris.^ The daughter of Oce-
anus and Tethys. She was mar-
ried to ber brother Nereus, by whom
sbe became mother of the sea
nymphs, who, from their fatber,
are called Nereids. Doris is bere
used for the sea itself. She is called
amara, because the sea water is
bitter.

6. Incipe: sollicitos, 4*c.] The
poet now proposes the subiect of bis
Eclogue ; the love of Gallus.

SolUcilos:] ThusOvìd;

Res est toUiciti piena timoris aipor.

And,

Atque ita sollicito multus amante legar.

7* Sinue capelke.'] Theocritus also
calls the kids «-ifMti s^i^m.

8. Non canimus surdis, 4^*] He
alludes to the proverbs, surdo nar-
rare fabuUtm, and surdo canere. If
Lycoris will not bearken, yet the
song will be repeated by echo.in the
wocds. Thus Tape, in his second
pastoral ;

Ye shady beeches, and ye cooling streams,
Defence fh>m Phoebus-, not from Cupid*s

beams,
To you I moum, nor to the deaf I aing.
The woods shall answer, and their ecbo

ring.
The hills and rocks attend my doleful

lay
Why art thou prouder, and more hard

than they?

9* QjucB nemora, 4*0.] The poet
tums bis discourse to the Naiads,
who neglected Gallus in his distress.

BUCOLIC. ECL. X.

307

Naiades, indigno cum Gallus amore p^riret? IO Z^^^AoTh^J^ì^i
Nam ncque Parnassi vobis juga, nam ncque Pindi JSiif nS SSiTf kSS
mia moram fecere, ncque Aonìa Aganippe. 2^^iy«^northeAoni«

whe» even the trees and shrubs^ and
inanimated mountains and rocks
condoled with him.

This passale is an imitation of
one in the ev^r^ of Theocritus ;

*H «Mera' nirviiftl MtXèk TifiMtm, t} Mmrà,

n;«)«r{

Ov y«^ Ik VóTetfuit» /éiyav fióv •7;^i«'

Ovìt Alrfùtt &Mititk9y aif^ "AmUós h^ìp Sìtt^,
Tnvn fùikv éStSy rijM» X.v»ùt àt^ùvafroy
TfiM» ^m '» ì^fuitò >Jun àAx)Miw$ éetvórr»,

Where were you n3niiphs? where did

the nymphs reside ?
Where were vyou then, when Daphnts

pìa'd and died ?
. On Pindufl' top, or Tempe's open plain,
Where, careless nymphs, forgetful of

the swain ?
For not one nymph by swift Asopus

stood,
Nor i£tna*s difEb, nor Acis' sacred flood.
For him the wolves, the pards and tygers

moan*d ;
For him with frighful grief the lions

groan'd. Cbeech.

Milton^ in his Monody on the death
of a leamed fìrìend, wh© was
drowned in the Irish seas, in lìke
manner calls upon the nymphs of
the neighbouring country ;

Where were ye nymphs, when the re-

morseless deep
Clos'd o'er the head of your lov'd Ly-

cidas ?
For neither were ye playing on the steep,
Where your old bards, the famous

Druids, lie,
Nor on the shaggy top of Mona high,
Nor yet where Deva spreads her wizard

stream.

Pope alsohas imitated this beautiful
passage, in his second pastora! ;

Where stray, ye M uses, in what lawn or
grove.

While your Alexis pnies in hopeless

lave ?
In those fair fields where sacred Isis

glides.
Or else where Cam his windiAg vales

divides?

" The poet speaks to the Naiads^
" or nymphs, who preside over
" the fountains, which rise in Par-
" nassus, Pindus, and Helicqn, and
" chides them for not coming to
'^ comfort Gallus in his déspair.
*^ Here is also a tacit reproof given
" to Gallus himself, for yielding to
" love, and neglecting his poetical
" studies." RujEus.

Saltus.l See the note on ver.
471. of the second Georgick.

10. Indigno.'] It signifìes great
or crtiel : thus our poet has indigna$
hyemes in the second Georgick.

Perirei.'] Pierias found perìbat
in the Roman manuscript, and ^oer-
irei in the Lombard.

11. ParnassiJ] A mountain of
Phocis, sacred to Apollo and the
Muses. See the note on ver. 291.
of the third Georgick.

Pindu] '^ A mountain on the
" confines of Macedonia, Epirus,
^^and Thessaly; whence it is
" equally ascribed to these three re-
" gions. - Some say, that it reaches
" even to Boeotia and Phocis, in
" the latter of which it is callcjd
" Parnassus, as it goes by tìie uame
" of Helicon in Boeotia; and that
" it is called also Cithaeron. It is
" certain, that these four moun-
" tains, though they are extended
"to a very great distance, are
" nevertheless almost contiguous,
" and are ali sacred to the Muses.''

RUJ£US.

12. Aonia Aganippe.] " A foun-

308

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

nium etiam lauri, illum etìam flevere myriciB :

For him era the bay-treet,
Ibr him eiren the tamaziskt

SSSIhe dSSt^k, e% Pinifer illum etiam sola sub rupe jacentem
^e ^!^ùà^S^vr^ Msenalusy et gelidi fleverunt saxa Lycseì.

15

'^tain o£ BoBotia, sacred to the
*■ Muses, rìsing in the mountain
*^ Helicon^ not ùlt from Thebes,
" and running down to the rìver
** Permessus. Aonian, that is Bcb-
*' otian^ from Aon the son of Neji-
*^ tane. Observe in this place the
^* opening of the vowels Jonia Aga-
" nippe» RuiEUs.

Someread AonUs Jganippe, others
Aon'uB Aganippes, and others Aonùs
Aganippm : but it is plain^ that Ser-
vius read Aonìa Aganippe; for he
says^ " Nominativi sunt singula-
" res."

13. Illum etiam laurU &r.] This
is a strong expression of the poet's
astonishment at the neglect which
the nymphs shewed of the distress
òf Gallus. He insinuate» a sur-
prìse, that the nymphs^ who in-
nabited the hills and fountains sa-
cred to Apollo and the Muses^
should slight so excellent a poet,
when even the woòds and rocks
iamented bis misfortunes. Theo-
critus speak s of the brute beasts
mouming for Daphnis : but Virgil
extends the grief for Gallus to Sie
trees, and even to the inanimated
stones.

Heinslus would bave this line
run thus^

Illum etiam lauri, etiam flevere myricae,

withoiit the second illum, as it is
found in several manuscripts. Pie-
rius observed this readin^ in the Ro-
man manuscript : but in the Lom-
bard, he found the illum repeated,
and thinks the triple mention of
Ulttm etiam in these two verses
expresses the passion with greater
vehemence. He does not however
dislike the other reading; and

thinks the ezflity of it adapted to
the pastoral character, and miser»-
ble state of a deploring person.

Lauri.'] See the note on ver.
306. of the first Georgick.

Myrica,'] See the note on ver,
2. of the second Eclogue. La Cerda
has observed^ that the tamarìek^ as
well as the bay, was sacred to
Apollo.

15. Manalus.] See the note on
ver. 22. of the eighth Eclogue.

Lycisu] See the note on ver. 2.
of the third Georgick.

The reader will observe the great
propriety of these verses. Gallus is
Iamented by the bays and tamarisks^
two trees -sacred to Apollo, the ffod
of verse ; and by Maenalus and Ey-
caeus^ two mountains of Arcadia^
sacred to Pan, the god of shepherds^
and in ventor of the rural pipe. Some
bave injudiciously censured Virgil,
for descendingto speak of hills and
rocks, after he had mentioned trees.
It is true, that trees are above stones,
in the scale of nature : but however
it is very evident, that the poet does
not fall, but rise in bis expression.
Trees are allowed by the pluloso-
phers to bave a sort of life, which
is called vegetative : but stones are
said to be inanimated. It is there-
fore more marvellous, to ascribe
sense to stones than to trees. Not
only the bays and tamarisks moum
for Gallus, but even the woody
mountain Maenalus; and not only
that woody mountain, but even the
bleak rocks of LycaE'us. Thus the
gréatest wonder is plainly reserved
for the last. Catrou has neglected
the epithet gelidi bere : but ali our
translators bave carefuUy preserved
it.

BUCOLIC. ECL. X.

309

Stant et oves circum : nostri nec pcenitet illas : htal*nS?!S?SSiI3f'S

them:

16. Stant et oves, Sfc."] Virgìl
now represents Gallus as a shep-
herd> and makes an apology to tnat
eminent person^ for describing him
under that character.

There seems to be some difficulty
in understanding the true meaning
of this passage. Servius says the
I sense ìs this; " As the sheep, O
*' Gallus, are not ashamed to stand
" round thee, so neither do thou
** be ashamed of them ; for even
" Adonis himself was formerly a
*' shepherd." He adds, that Vir-
gil introduces his own perso n, by
using nostri, whereas tui would bave
been sufficient; " Et quod ait noS"
" tri, mìscuit suara personam, ut
" frequenter facere consuevit : nam
" erat integrum, Tui nec pcenitet
'' illas" La Cerda explaìns it in
the followìng manner; " He says
" the sheep abstained from food,
^' and stood weeping round Gallus,
" whom he exhorts not to be
'* ashamed of sheep and cattle, for
'^ two reasons: 1. Because sheep
''are not ashamed to lament the
" love of Gallus : in which place
'' nostri has this sense j they do
*' not despise either tbee or me:
" either uiee bewailing thy own
" passicm, or me celebrating it.
*' 2. Because Adonis also, who was
'* beautiful^ and beloved by Venus,^
" was a feeder of sheep." De Ma-
rolles seems to understand nostri nec
pcenitet illas to mean, that the sheep
partook with him in his distress; " Les
*' brebis se sont amassées autour de
" luy, et ont pris pari à san afflic-
" tion. Divin poete ne mesprise
*' point les larmes des troupeaux ;
*' le bel Adonis luì-mesme les a
" bien gardez le long des rivieres.**
Ruseus renders it literally, neque
contemnunt nos. W. L. gives a dif-
ferent sense to the whole passage.

By the flocks standing round Gallus^
he understands the Bucolicks, which
he himself made. By nostri nec
pcenitet illas, he takes VirgiI to mean^
that he himself had treated this kind
of poetry in such a nìanner, that it
need not be ashamed to bave fallen
into his hands, in which sense Vives
also takes it. He rightly inlerprets
nec te pcsniteat, S^c. to mean, that
though Gallus was so excellent a
poet, that he might even be called
divine, yet he need not be ashamed
tqbeaccounted aBucolick poet. Ac-'
còrdingly his translation is as fol-
lows;

And ali the flocks about him docking

went>
Ne ever they of mee neede them repent.
Ne, divine bard, needes thee repent of

them :
Sith fiaire Adonis, erst along the streame,
Woont feede bis sbeepe.

The Earl of Lauderdale, in his
translation, leaves out the words in
question ;

The sheep around him stand, whUe the

blest bard
Nor scoms, nor is asham*d to be their

ward;
Since on the rìver banks the beRuteous

boy
Adonis kept his bleating flocks with joy t

As does Dryden also;

The sheep surround their shepherd, as

he lies :
Blush not, sweet poe^,^ nor the name

despise :
Along the streams his flock Adonis fed ;
And yet the queen of beauty blest his

bed.

Di. Trapp seems to follo w La Cerda ;

^Round him stood the sheep,

For ihey too sympathize with human woe :
Them, heav'nJy poet, blush not thou to

own:
Ev'n fair Adonis, did not scorn to tend
Along the river's side, his fleecy charge«

310

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

SS *o*d?SiiVStr"^ "^ Nec te poeniteat pecoris, divine poeta.

Catrou follo WS the same interpreta-
tìon ; '' Ses brebis attrìstées étoient
*' autourde lui; car enfin ellespren-
" tieni part à nos afflictvons, N'ayez
'^ dono pas de honte, tout poete
*^ illustre que vous ètes^ de vous
*' voir travesti en Berger. Adonis
'' lui-méme ne dédaigna pas de con-
*' duire un troupeau.*' Burman
declares bimself to be of the same
opinion^ in the foUowing note on
this passage ; " The Scholiast on
'^ Horace> lib. i. od. 28. will bave
** this to be an hypallage, for nos
*' illarum non poenitet: but I am
'' not of bis opinion ; and take the
'' sense to be, they are contented
'* with US shepberds, and do not
'' desire any other. Thus Tereoce,
" Phorm. I. iv. 20. Nostri nosmet
'* pcenitet, and the common ex-
'•.pression sucb quemque fortumB
" pcmitet, which Horace, I. Sat. i.
*' expresses by neminem conientum
** vivere sua sorte. The sheep are
^* delìghted with our singing, and
" now do not disdain to ^oin with
'^ US ip lamenting our misfoitune,
'^ and do you also accept of tbeir
'' mournful song, and do not think
'' them unworthy of your love,
^' since Adonis himself thought it
*' not beneath him to feed them.**
If the reader likes any of these in-
terpretations, he is welcome to ad-
mit them : but they do not seem at
ali satisfactory to me. I believe the
Scholiast on Horace, as he is quoted
by Barman, is in the right, and that
we are to understand nostri nec pce^
nitet illas to be an hypallage for nos
non pcenitet illarum, a figure which
most of the critics allow to be
used on other occasions. The sense
will then be clear and significant.
Virgil intends, to celebrate the pas-
sion of Gallus for Lycoris, in imi-

tation of a beautiful Idyllium of
Theocritus on the passion of Daph-
nis. Accordingly he places him in
Arcadia, reproaches the nymphs of
the poetical fountaihs, for having
neglected the protection of this fa-
mous poet, and represents the trees
and rocks of Arcadia as condoling
him. He then describes him as a
shepherd, surrounded by bis sheep,
and immediately makes an apostro-
phe to bis friend, with an excuse for
having represented him under so low
a character, by which perhaps hemay
mean a wrìter of pastorals. We have
seen al ready, in the sixth Eclogue,
that ali the Roman poets before
Virgil thought it beneath them to
write pastorals ; and he there speaks
of it as a condescensfon in himself
tó engagé in that subject }

Prima Syracosio dignata est ludere versu
Nostra, nec erubuit sylvas hatùtaie, Tha-
lia.

I first of Romans stoopM to rural strains,

Nor blush'd to dwell amang Sicilian

swains. Lord Roscommon.

Here then is the very same thought
differently expressed. In the sixth
Eclogue the poet says bis muse did
not blush to dwell among the woods,
and here he says he is not ashamed
of bis sheep, and therefore hopes bis
friend Gallus will not take itamiss,
that he represents him under the
same feigned character with himself.
We shall fìnd, in the course of this
Eclogue, that Gallus was at that
time not ouly a good poet, but also
a man of war: whence we may
infer, that as Virgil here puts him-
self upon a level with him, ourpoet
was eomethlng more tban a mere
country farmer, as the old gram-
marians would have us imagine*
Theocritus has represented the

mjGOLiC; ÈèL. X.

31Ì

Et foTmostis ores nd fluintna jpavit Adóni*.
Venit et upilio, tardi venere bubuld:
Uvidus hyberna venit de glande Menalcàs.

^0

Sveli À'donlt M lib sheep d&
tire banks cif the rlvers.

Tlie slicpherd also carne,
the slow nerdsmen carne:
Menalcas carne, wet ^kh
wìnter mast.

cattle Bs mourtìJng at ttìe fcet of
Daphnìs;

tlòTJkai V etZ ìetfiaXdu xeà irteli M-

A hiousand heiflers, bulls,and cows/and

^teers,
Lay roana hts feet^ and melted ìnto

teais. CftEECH.

1 8. Etjbrmosus oves, c^c] Thus
Theocritus j '

iThere livtts Adonia, there tbe wondVous

fair,
There feeds bis sheep, shoots beasts, and

huiits the bare, Creech.

Adohis "trae tbe son of Cjnaras,
king of Cypf US, by his own daugh-
ter Myrrha. He Was the great fa-
vourite of Venus, and has been
abundantly celebrated by tìie Greek
poets. Bion calla him the Afis3aian
husband of Venus; and some say
he was king of Assyria.

19. Fenit et upilio, ^c] The
poet now adds, that the shepherds,
and even some deitie?, carne to visit
Gallus in his affliction.

UpilióÌB used fot opilio, changing
the short o into a long », as the
Greeks write wnft» for <ÌHf^. It
seemS to be derived f rom oves as if it
was avilio. Pierius however found
opilio in the Medicean manuscrìpt.
W. L. takes Upilio for a proper
name.

Tardi venere bubulci.'] Servìus
reads mbulci, understandìng it to
mean swine-herds, and interpreta
tardi fooUsh, Pierius fomid subuld
also in the Roman, Medicean^ and

some other manuscrìpt». But he
thinks we ought to read bubuld, be«
cause this verse answers to that of
Theocritus,

and because the epitbet tardi or
slow agrees with the pace of cows.
We ought most certaìnly to read
6ttòtelclhere^ if La Cerda and others
are right, who understimd Menal-
cas, in the next verse^ to be a goat-
berd.

20. Uv'ìdm ì^berna, <^c.]] La
Cerda contenda> and xiot withmit
reason, that Menalcas must be nn«
derstood to be a^patherd; beoause
Theocritus, Virgil, and the other
Bncolie wtilers celebrate oi^y three
sorts of grazìers 5 shepherds, herds-
men or neatherds, and goatherds.
Thus Virgil, in the second Geor-
gick, after the general word ar-
menta, mehtions these three occu-
p'ations ;

Sin qarmenta magis studimi), mttdotfM
. tuerì,

Aut foetus oviuniy atit uredteEi ciflta cft-
peilaB.

Theocritus also mentions these three/
together ;

Menalcas is supposed to be wet, b^
feeding his goats in the woods, iii
the winter season. Some indeed un*
derstand uvidus to signi fy fat or weU
fed : but in the time of our poet>
the meanest of the country people
did not feed on mast Thus, in the
first Georgick, the air moist with
south wmds is expvessed by JupUèr
uvidus oustfiB.

S19

P. VII^Gl^II MA^IPMS

^tS^'lSrJhf SSU-ff Omncs, UD^e amor. iste, rogant, tibi? Venit

Apollo carne, and saul. why A»%/-kll^ •

art thou mad, O ' Galli» : thy
care Lycoiis

Apollo
Galle, quid insanis ? inquit : tua cura Lycorìs,

21. Omties unde amor, ^c]

XlAfTig affi^tirtuf ri ^aét MUtiv»

The critics differ about the pointing
of this verse : sòme read

Omnes unde amor iste rogant tibi venit ?
Apollo,
• QaÙe quid iMsanis ?

Others,

Omnes undo amor iste rogant : tibi venit
Apollo.

But the most judicious seem to prefer

Omnes unde amor iste rogaot tibi ? venit
Apolla

/ Venit Apollo.'] Apollo is the first
of the deities^ who come to Gallus^
because he is the god of poetry. In
Theocritus; Mercury is the first ;

' ^ Jig TU »»rar^»x*t i rnog, Jl 'y»^9 rUréP

First Hermes carne, and with a gentle
touch
' He rai8*d^ and ask'd him^ whopi he Iov*d
so much ? Creech.

22. Tua cura Lycoris, 4*c.] It
has already been observed^ in the
note on ver. 2. that it is gen erally
agreedj that the Lycorìs mentioned
in this Eclogue is no other than the
famous actress Cytheris. Servius
'calls her a whore^and a freed woman
of Volumnius, and assures us, that
her forsaking Gaìlus, and following
Anthony into Gaul, is the subject
of the poem under consideration.
La Cerda foUows this narration of
Servius^ and says Lycoris is that in-
famous whore, with whom Anthony
was so captivated, who is also
oalled Cìtheris and Volumnia, and
whom Cicero calls the mimic wife
of Anthony, 'whom she follo wed
into Gavì, even in the midst of the .
ragc of civil war. This, says he.

is mealit by Perque nives alium, 8fc.
Catrou justly censures Servius, as
being guilty of a chronological error.
He observes, that Anthony was at
that time in the east, and that he
had abandoned Cytheris before the
death of Cicero. la the tenth let-
ter of the tenth hook of Epistles to
Atticus, Cicero mentions his car-
rying Cytheris about with bim in
an open litter, as if she had been
)iis wife, attended by seveh others,
which werefilled witn the minìsters
of his lust 3 ^' Hic tamen Cytheri-
*' dem secum aperta lectica portat,
" alteram uxorem. Séptem praè-
'^ terea • conjunctae lecticae amica-
" rum sunt, an amicorum." In
the second Philippic, the orator
inveighs bitterly against Anthony,
in several places, on account of the
scanclalous life he led, in the com-
pany of this actress. He tells him,
that he might bave derived some
little wit from his mimic wife 3
^' At enim quodam . loco facetus
'^ esse voluisti. Quam id, dii boni,
" non decebat ! in quo est tua
''culpa nonnulla: aliquid enim
'' salis ab uxote mima trahere po-
" tuisti." In another place we
fìnd, that it was when he was tri-
bune of the peTople, and had the
government of Italy committed to
him by Caesar, that he made a prò- •
gress.thròugb the country attended
by the above-mentìoned scandalous
company, that he received the com-
pliments of the principal persona of
the towns through which he passed,
who saluted the actress by the name
of Volumnia, instead of her better
khown theatrical name, and that
his own mother was obliged to fol-
low this strumpeti as if she had been
her daughter-in-law. " la eodem

BOCOLIC. ECL. X.

313

Perque nives alium, perque horrida castra se- 5K^ftS°S".M'-
cuta estk

" vero trìbunatu> cum Csesar^ in
^' Hìspaniam proficiscens^ huic con-
'^ culcandam tradidisset : quae fuit
** ejus peragratio itinerum ? lustra-

*' tio munìcipioruna ì Vehe-

'' baturia essedo tribù nUs plebis;
'' lictores laureati antecedebant,
" inter quos> aperta lectica, mima
'* portabatur,'quam ex oppidis mu-
'^ nicipales, homines bonesti, ob-
*' viam necessario prodeuutes^ non
'^ poto ilio, et mimico nomine, sed
^^ Volumniam consalutabant. Se-
" quebatur rheda cum lenonibus,
'^ comites nequissimi : rejectamater
'' amicam impuri fìlii^ tanquam
.*' nurum sequebatur.'* Presently
afterwards he adds, that sbe met
liim at Brundusium, when he re-
turned from Thessaly; and that
every soldier in bis army knew it to
be true. " Venisti Brundusium^ in
" sinum quidem^ et in complexum
'^ tue mìmuke. Quid est? num
'^ mentior? quam miserum est id
'^ negare non posse, quod sit tur-
'' pissimuBQ confiteri! Sitemunici-
" piorum non pudebat ; ne vete-
<' rani quidem exercitus ? quis enim
'' mlles fuit^ qui Brundusii illam
'* non viderit > quis qui nescierit
'' venisse eam tibi tot dierum viam
'' gratulatum ? quis^ qui non in-
" doluerit, tam sero se^ quem ho-
' ' minem secutus esset^ cogn oscere V
We find also^ that this infamous pro-
gress of Anthony, and bis intimacy
with Hippias and Sergius^ two co-
medians, happened when Csesar
waa in Egypt, and that bis friends
raised him to the dignity of master
of the horse^ in the absence, and
without the knowledge, of bis pa->
tron; <' Italiae rursus percursatìo
*' eadem coniite mima, in oppida
'' militum crudelis, et misera de-

'* ductio: in urbe auri et argenti.
" maximeque vini foeda dire p tio.
" Accessit, ut Cassare ignaro» cum
** ille esset Alexandriae^ beneficio
*' amicorum magister equitum con-
*' stitueretur. Tum existimavit se
** suo jure cura Hippia vivere, et
^' equos vectigales Sergio mimo tra-
^* dere/* Lastly, the orator says
expressly, that Anlhony had parted
with bis actrcss, and speaks of it
aà the only good tbing he had ever
done 5 " Mimam illam suam suas
" res sibi habere jussit. Ex duo-
^' decim tabùlis causam addidit, ex-
'' egit. Quam porro spectatus ci-
'' vis, quam probalus: cujus ex
'^ omni vita nihil est honestius,
" quam quod cum mima fecit di-
'* vortium." Plutarch also, in bis
lìfe of Anthony, mentions most of
these particulars, and calls the wo-
man, who accompanied him in bis
progress, Cytheris -, and adds, that
he parted with ber on account of
Caesar's dislike of bis way of life,
and married Fulvia. This noted
amour of Anthony with Cytheris
could not be earlier thàn the year of
Rome 705, when Anthony was
chosen tribune of thè people : nor
could it be later than 707, in wbich
year Caesar was at Alexandria, and
Anthony was made master of the
borse. It is certain also, thàt the
dismission of Cytheris, and the mar-
rìage with Fulvia,' could not be later
than 711, in which year Cicero,
who speaks of it, was slain : nor in-
deed could it be later than 7Ò9 j
for Caesar, who was offended. at
the conduct of Anthony, and caused
him to put away Fulvia, was mur-
dered.at the beginning of 710. This
Ecipgue could not be writtpn sooner
than 71^, being the very iast of
s s 2

su

P.'VIBOILII HA90NIS

SS.T«f^«SS5.^33^ Venit et. agresti capiti» Sylvanas hoBore,
?M.S°^?h?|Wi?S- Florentes ferulas et grandia lilia quassans.

dia carne, whom we saw our- r» i 4 t • •!•*••

»eive«. eiowing wìth the ber- ìfaii dcus ArcaoisB vcnit, Quem viaimus ipsi

rics of blQo<l-red dwaif-ddfir» . ? ,

andvermiHon. SaDguineis cbuli baccis miiiioque rubentem.

25

them ali; and consequently com-
posed after the fourth^ which was
certaialy written in 714., and the
sixth, which was probablj written in
715- Thus the amour of Anthony
with Cytheris must bave been at
Icast sbt years before the writing of
this Eclogue : and besides, it does not
appear tbat he went into Gaul in
any nailitary capacity, between the
time of his being chosen tribune,
and tbat of bis parting with Cythe-
lis: and we are aure, that after the
battle of Philipp!, in 712, he was
whoUy cogaged in the eaiitern and
aouthern parts of the world. We
may therefore venture to affirm,
tbat Anthony was not the soldier
with wìliom Lycoris ran away : and
we bave some reason to question,
whether Lycoris and Cytheris were
tbe same person; sincc the poet
would hardly bave celebrated the
foolish passion of big friend, ibr a
vroman who had long been looked
«pon as infamons. The Earl of
Lauderdaìe does not seem to tinder-
«tand the meaning of thk passage to
be, that Lycoris had gone off with
any partìcular soldier ; butthatshe
was a woman of aueh a diaracter as
to be ready to run away witìì any
«Didier, or idle felJow whatsoever ;

Thy darling mistress wfll a soldiering go,
And follow any foci thro* rain or snow.

24. Sylvanus."] See the «ole on
ver. 20. of the first Geoi^k*

25. Florentes ferulas.^ The fe-
rula or fennel giani is a large plant,
growing to the height of six or eighi
feet, with leaves cut into smeli seg»
menta lìke ihose of fennel, bat
larger. The stalk is thick, and full

of a fungous pith, whence it is used
foy okl and weak persona to support
them, en account of its ligfatness.
'The pith is even at thb thne used in
Sicilyi as tinder is by us, to catch
fire j whence the poets feigned, that
Promethens stole the celestial fiie,
and brought it to earth in a koUow
ferula. The flowers are yellow, and
gffow in large umbells, like those of
fennel. F^ula is by some derived
a ferendo, because it beare or sup-
porta old men ; by others ajhiendo,
because it was used by the ancient
schodmastere to strtke their scfao-
lars on the band. Hence the mo-
dem instrument, whidi is used for
the same purpose ; though very dif-
ferent from the ancient ferula, and
capable of giving much greater
paia, is called by the same name.
A willow stick would bear a nrach
nearer aresemblance.

26. Po» deus ArcadkgJ] See the
notes on ver. 31. of the aeeond Ec-
logue, and ver. 5& of the fourth*

37* JS^guifìetsebuUàacc^.^ The
^ulvs, dwarf-^ldér;, wail-wott, or
dane-wort, is a sort of elder, and
very like the common elder^tree,
but differs frosn it essentialfy, in
being tpsLÙy an herb. It oom-
TOonly grows.to the height of about
a yard. The jùiee of the bendes is
q£ a red purple cpk>ur. It has ofo*
tained the name of dan^-vost a-
mong uà, because it ia fabled tohaTC
spru^g from the blood of the naaes»
when those people weve massaised
in En^land. It is found chidly in
churchyards. See the note on ver.
Q2. of the sixth £cloigue.

Minio,'] Minium is the native
cinnabar^ or ore^ out lof whkh

BUCQLIC. ECL. X-

&15

EcquUeritmodasif inqutt: amor non taliiaeordt
Nec lachrj'mis crudelis amor» nec gi:ainb)ft rì^is»
Nec cyUiM) Sf^t(UTA9^v.ap«a^ ìx^ti ttowi» captllaa.

waiitheM te no iio4«fillaii f
aay» )ie : kn^doci not nnaid
8iickthiiig8Mthne« M^har
i» cruci love «atisf&ed «dfeh
tears. aor gran with ilvulcti,
no» bces witb cytbiM, nor
goal* with browa^

But Qaltuftthiu noumiilfy
eacpicBMd hiouelf) O iUoa-
dlajis, you howcvec shaM ^tiig
theae thing^ oa your moaA-
tains, q j|xeaidiBnt,.who alone
are skllled in »inging.

quìcksilver ìs drawn. Minium is
now commonly used to sìgnìry red
lead : but we lèam from Pliny, that
the mmium €Ì the Romans wa» tl>e
miUos or dnnahari of the Opeeks ;
'^ MiUon ypcant Graeci mii»i«m
<^ quidam cinnabari." Thia was
the venuilion of the ancien ts,
with whìch they u^d to paint th^
imaffes of tbeir ffods^ and the bocHes
of their triumnhant generala. Ac-
cording to Phny, Verrius proved,
from sev«i;al ^uthoir» of unqueation-
able authority,' that the face even of
Jupiter himself was anciently painted
with mmium, and that Camillus was
painted with it when he triumphed.
He affiriiied ajso, that it waa added
to the ointments used at the trìum-
phal suppers, even in bis time ; and
that the oensors tp^k particujar care
to bave the image of Jupiter mini-
aled, Pliny owjis himself ignorant
of the cause of this custom : bnt he
savs, ìt is certain, tìiat at the tir»e
when he lived, the Ethiopians had it
in great requestj that their nobles
were coloured ali over with it, and
that it was the colour commonly
paed l«>r the images of their gods.

28, Ecquis,'\ LA Cerda re^ds ^
quU, and contenda for this being the
true reading : but Heinsius, accord-
ing to Burman, found ecquis m the
Medicena manuscripti as we fii^d
it ìfk almost ali the mi^iuacrìpta and
printed copies.

30. CuiisoJ] See the note on ver.
431. of the second Georgick.

31. iristis ai tUe tamen, ^•c.]
Gallus tums his discourse to the

Arc^ian. sbepherds; expresses his
desire of beln^ recorded by them ;
and wishes uiat he himself had
been in no higher station xJkan.
they.

32* SoU cantare periti Arcade».']
*^ Polybius, lib. iv. speakf» at large
^ coiìcevning the dellght of the /&•
^ oadians in mu^c ; fbr he says^ ^
'* t^t Science is useful to ali men,
" but even necessary to the Arca-
^'dltos, who are accuvtomed to
•'great hardships. For as tìiefr
'^ country is rough, their seasons
" inclemente and Sieir pastoral way
'* of life hard ; they bave this only
•< way of rendering nature mila
'^ and tractable. Therefore tkejy
** train up their children fVona the»
'^ very in&ncy, till they are thirtj
^* vears of age^ in singing hymns in
f* honour of gods and heroes. It
'* is no disgrace amonff them to be
*' unacquainted with ouicr sciences ;
** but to bc ignorant of music is a
** great reproach : from these man-
^' ners of the Arcadians arose the
^' fiction of the poets, that Pan.
*♦ the god of the Arca^ans, invented
^ the pipe, and was in love with
" the n3rmph Echo. For Arcadia,
'^ being mountainous and Aill of
^' woods, abounds with echoes :
'^ whence nòt only the inhabitants
'^of that country, but also th«
'< mountains, woods, and trees are
'* saìd to sing. Thus our poet in
*' the eighth Eclogue -,

'^ Mffiiudu^ argutumquft nempspinosfyie

*' loquentes
« Semper habet." La CZBfii.

816

P. V1RGILII MARONIS

«OJwvrnMf itvill my booM
rett» if 7our pipe «hall here-
after ting tnv pasdon 1 And I
wkh I had been one of 700,
and either a keq>er of your
flocks, or a ntherer of vour
lipeclustenl 8ttrei7,whether
P&yllls. or Amyntas, or any
otber had been my flame;
what if Amyntai It brown?
•liolefei are twarthy, and hy-
adntb* are twsrtby {

Arcades. O mihi tum quam molUter ossa qui-

escanty
Vestra meos olim si fistola dicat amores !
Atque utinam ex vobis udus, vestrìquefuissem 35
Aut castos gregis, aut maturae vinitor uvse !
Certe sive mihi Phyllis, sive esset AmyDtas,
Sea quicumque furor : quid tum» si iuscus Amyn-

tas?
Et nigrae violse sunt, et vaccinia nigra :

33. QMÌescant.'\ Pierius says it is
quiescent, in the indicative mood, in
some ancient manuscripts : but he is
better pleased with autescant, in the
optative mood^ as ne fìnds in the
Roman and Medicean manuscripts.
Catrou however approves of quies-
cent.

35. Jjque utinam ex vobis^ ^cr\
The poet takes several occasiops to
let the reader know, that though he
had represented bis friend GaUus as
a shepherd in this Eclogue, yet he
was a person of a superior character.
He at first made an apolo^ for the
liberty he had taken with him ; now
he makes hiin wish that he had been
in the humble station of an Arca-
dian shepherd ; whence it appears,
that he was a person of a much
higher rank ; and a few lines a^r-
wards^ we find he was really a man
of war. This conduct was neces-
sarv, as the poet chose to descrìbe
Galhis under hìs true name. Had
he made use of a fìctitious name, he
would bave been at liberty to pre-
serve the pastoral character entire
through the whole Eclogue.

36. Vinitor.'] Some understand
this to mean a pruner : but sureiy
that cannot be the sense bere ; for
the ripe dusters are not pruned.
W. L. understands it to mean a
gatherer ;

And sickerly, I would I had beene sepne
One amongst you, or your flocks-keeper

been;
Or your ripe tidy clusters set to gather.

The £arl of Lauderdale takes it to
bea pruner;

I wish like some of you I had been bred
Tò prune the vine, or tend the Seecj
herd*,

And Dr. Trapp ;

O had kind fortune made me one of you,
Keeper of flocks or pruner of the vine.

Dryden interprets it a prester;

Ah f that your birth and business had

been mine ;
To pen the sheep, and preu the swell-

ing vine» '

I 37. Certe sive mihi, ^cJ] IfGàQus

had been so happy as to bave been

bom an humble Arcadian shepherd^

he had ne ver known the false,

though beautiful Lycoris. He might

easily bave obtained some rural

j beauty, unpractised in the deceitful

larts of more polite nationsj who,

ithough less fair, might not however

/bave been void of charms ; as flow-

ers of the darkest colours are not

always contemptible.

f 38. tiuid tum sifuscus, «ft:.] We

I find pretty nearly the same senti-

ment in the second Eclogue ;

. Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus

— — ^-g
O formose puer, nimium ne crede colorì.
Alba ligustra cadunt : vacdnia nigra le-

guntur.

Sg. Et nigr(B v'ìoliE.'] This verse
is ahnost a literal translation of one
inthe tenth Idyllium of Theocri-
tus;

BUCOLia ECL. X.

Siri

Mecum Inter saKces lenta sttb vite jaceret : 40^
Serta mihi Phyllis legeret, cantaret Amyntas.
Hic gelidi fontes, hic molila prata^ Lycori:
Hic nemusy hic ipso tecnm consumerer aevo.
Nunc insanus aiìior duri me Martis in armis

thef wguld have tat witl» me
among the willows, under the
bending vine : Phyllis would
bave gathered garlands for
me, and Amyntas would hare
«une.

Here are cool fouritaina,
nere are soft meadow», O
LycorU : herc are woods :
here could I have «pent ali
my days with you. Now.
raging love detains me In the
arms of cruei Mara,

ÌKmi ri 7«9 /iiKìtf lyr), xaà k y^avrrit ù^s*-
\ én.

See the notes on ver. 183. of the
fourth Georgick, and on vaccmia
nigra leguntur, ver. 18. of tìie se-
cond Edogue.

42. Hic gelidi fontes, 5^c.] Gal-
lus now tells Lycoris in die most
passionate manner^ how happy they
mìght both have been in the quiet
enjoyment of a pastora! life ; where-
as her cruelty has driven him into
the dangers of war, and exposed
herself to unnecessary fatigues.

43. Ipso (EVO.'] Barman explains
these words to mean old age. Thus
the sense willbethis^ Ifyou had
not been cruel, I shouid not have
died of this tormenting passion in
the flower of my youth ; but shouid
have decayed gradually, as age
carne on, in the enjoyment of your
company.

44. Nunc insanus amor, c^J
^' The sense is this ; Here, if you
" likéd it, we might both live quiet
'^ and secure ; now, because of
'' your cruelty, we are both mise-
" rable : for my passioa drives me
'^ through despair to expose myself
*' to the dangers of war, because I
" am despìsed by you : and your
'^ love of another carriesyou through
*' dangerous roads, in severe wea-
'^ ther, into a frozen dimate."

RUiEUS.

Duri me Martìs in armisy <^c.]
'' Gallus ascribes that to bis passion
'^ and despair, which he did out of
" duiy or ambition. If we may
'* give credit to the firagment of
'^an Elegy, which Aldus Manu-

" tius, the son, found in a Venetian
" màniiscript, under the namè òf
*' Gallus, we shouid kndw exactly
" in what part of the world he was
" then in arms. These are the
" words of the Elegy ;

" Pingit et Eupfà-oHs curretUes moUiut
'' undtu,
*' Victricetque aquiJat, sub duce Ven^

^' Hence we learn, that Gallus was
'^ at that time in the army of Ven-
'* tidius, who was warring against
" the Parthians on the banks of the
" Euphrates. But unfortunately it
" is certain, that this fragment is
" of later date, and was never
*' written by Gallus. We may
'^ however make a reflection on this
«' piece. ITiis author, who has
'^ pretended to counterfeit Gallus,
^' did not want leaming. At least
^^ he seems to have for m ed a good
'« conjecture, when he placed Gal-
''lus in the army of Ventidius.
'* This general was really warring
<^ against the Parthians, in the years
'' of Rome 715, and 71 6, when
" Virgil was composing this Ec-
*' logue. It is plain also from the
'^ passage under consideration, that
'* Gallus was at that time in an
**' army. Probably it was in the
" east, for Gallus aflerwards ob-
" tained the govemment of Egypt,
" as a man who knew the coun*
'' try. We may therefore con-
" jecture, with the false^ Gallus,
^^ that the true Gallus was at that
'* time warring against the Parthi-
" ans under Ventidius.** Catrou.
It appears to me yery strange, tha^

US

P. VInaiLlI MAROMfe

Tela ititer media atqtie ftdvetsoddetinet fefostes. 46

lihis learned critic should ground
liifl conjecture on a passage in an au-
tIior> whom he himself allows to
be spuriotìft. If Virgìl had intended
to describe Gallus at war wìth the
Perthians^ I belie¥e he wouM haye
writteo avertes instead ^ adverso$;
their averse manaer of fighting be-
ing so Tery remarkable a cireum-
stance, and what he hims^f alkides
to in the third Georgick ;

FldMitcmque fugA Parthum, vertisque
sagittis.

Thus alsoOvid;

Telaque ab averto qu» jacit hostis equo»

Nor does it seem prdbable, tfaatOa]-
Ins, who was a great favourite of
Angustus, wouH serve In Parthia
ìXnSer Ventidius, who had always
been an enemy to him, and had
openly taken the part of Fulvia
against him. 1 rather believe, that
Gallas kept near his patron, atld
assisted him in the wars with Sex-
tas Pompey, which begah aboutthe
time when tltis Eclogne is generally
supposedtohave been written. ftn-
aetis places it in 7l6, a ycar in
whidh Gallus tnight easily eomplain
of being detaìn^ by the arms of
cniel Mars. In that year, Mene-
crates was sent by Pompey to ra-
vage the coast of Campania 5 and
was slaìn by Menas, in an engage-
ment with Calvisius Sabinufi near
Comae. Augustns, who was then
at Rhegimn, triade ad attempt to
pas!( over into Sicily ; but was beaten
bade, with great loss, by Apollo-
pfhanes, and obliged to keep on the
continent of Italy, whilst Pompey
was entire master of the sea, and
pltindered the coast at bis pleasure.
Bcrt it appears, ftom the passage
under ^onsideration, not only that
Gatlus was hi arms^ but alsKy that

Lycoris had foltowvd an airrnv be-
yood the Alps, when this Eclogue
was wrìtten. Therefore it ìs to no
purpose to find in what army Gal-
lus was éngaged, unless we can
shew, thai iStte n^aa aay «nny ìi0bt
over the Alps at the same tlme.
Now this does not seem to have
been done till the beginning of the
year of Rome 717, when Agrìppa
and Lncitis Gallus were consuls.
In that year, according to Dio,
Agrippa uie consul marched into
Gaut to suppress a rebellion there,
atld was liie second Roman who
crossed tìie Rhine, for which he had
the honour of a triumph decreed
him, and at his return had the care
of the maritime affairs committed
to him. Agrippa declined the tri-
umph ; because he did not bare to
rejoice himself, at a time when
Augii 6tus Was unfortunate: this ex-
pedition must have been àt the be-
ginning of the year, because Agrip-
pa couid not otherwìse have had
titne aflerwards to build so great a
fleet, and to form that noble as well
as riecessary work of the Julian port,
which is mentioned in the note on
ver. 161. of the second Georgick.
Here then is in ali probability the
precise time when this Eclogue
was written, tìie beginning df the
year of Rome 717, when ali the
fìriends of Augustus, among whom
was Gallus, were under continuai
fatigues, with defending the sea
coasts of Italy from the depredations
of Pompey ; and when one of the
consuls marched with an army be-
yond the Alps, and crossea the
Rhine, wlùch had not been per-
formed before by any Roman, ex-
cept Julius Caesar, ahnost twenty
years before. This time of the year
agrees also exactly with what oar
poet ittenttons of the snows of die

Tupr9p|iJ,apa^ift;<nepsi|iiT»b! cr^er^,; tftRtfUm

Me ^ine M^ vides. Ak te ne frìgora lesdantf!
Ah ti|>i ne teo^ms glacies, secet as^p^ra plantas !!
Ibo^et Cbai^^dico.quse simtdnìliiconcJtta Ter6Ui5l^
Cai^rp^jua pa$tQrìs, Siculi iiio(l4ilàbor avena^

SIS

Thoa f»T frpm tby condir,*
ofs ! th*t i coMld i»t Ihbik'ìt
true I al»i>nt Jipriii> me fe?"
holdc^t, iji ctuf] ^ nQtlyi]^
htiL tlie jfLQwf of tJie JW'pil
;tnd rruaU ot the Bllilfic. Ah 1
nijiy nu[ the frù^u iiMjrntice ]
Al\ ! ma^ riDt tilt ilurp ke

I ^'ill [^(}, ^Jld JÌE]^ ttlOif)

the ctRlcUUtUi^ brillìi withthq

pl^c ùf tLc SLillan shiptierdi

Alps^ the fì'osts of' the Rhine, and
the danger of Lycoris's feet being^
cut by the ice. Thus we may con-
clude, tì^at Lycori^ ran away with
' some officer in thls army^ whiph was
commanded by Agrippa.

46. Nec sit mihi credere.] ** Nec
'* liceat mihi nec possim. Thus -^n.
*' vili. 676. Actia bella cernere
^ erak ìlorace, Epod. xvìì. ^5.
*' Ncque est levare tanta spirilu prce*
^ corata. It is a manner of speak-
" ìng derived firom the Greeks,
*f among whom ìm signifes licet.
" ThiM Homer, Odys^. xi. 157.
** TÀv «9nv( %rrl mfjio'tu, qu^m non /i-
*^ cet transmiiiire.** RvÀus.

TaniumJ] '' It is explained three
*^ different ways; 1. to be a noun,
^* and to be referred to credere /
«. Utànan^ làceal non credere tantum,
^' id est-, rem Uintam t&mque mdi^-
'^ nam- 2. To b^ an advevb, and
*' tfì be re^rred to Ht; Vtinam sit
^* taatum, Utinam lu:eat tantum
^' hoc non credere, ' As if he shouk}
'>' say, I do not wìsh tba,t Lycoris
'' might not be perfidious, but I
^^ wUh that I might o^/y not believe
^' it. 3. To be aa adverb, and
^ to b^ reiarred to the sentenre of
*^ the IbUowing yerse, vì4es tan-
^' tummod» nìves et f rigor a ^ Sfc.
'' The ihrst interpretation is the raost
'^ weak, the second the most sub-
** ttte, and the thiFd most
" easy."

47. Alptnas ni^s.] The

Alpa are very high mountains^ whicb
divide Gaul from Italy, and are

, covered wiA perpetuai snow.

48. FrigQta Rkeni:\ The Rhine

18 a great river, which divides Gaul
frou) Germany. Gallus therefor^^ 15
grieved, that Lycoris should have
SII eh an aversion from hini^ as to
leave a more warm, anjd^ pj^easant
country, tu follpw apotper.over the
inhoSpitable mountain? coyqred with
snow^ into a Qold clim^, and that
even in the w Inter seasoiir

50. Iho, et ChaUidicq, ^c.J In
this para^^pb, Gallus expresses the
¥«rioìi8>ve(9(^tion0, which are hastily
taken up^ and a^ b^^J^y l^^id do.wn
agaìn by persons m love, t^e^ re-
solves to amuse him self with poeti^ :
then he will make bis habitation in
the woo(l$> ànd carve bis passion on
the barks of trees : then he will di-
y^t himself with hunling; in the
itt^^inat^on of which exercise he
seevis to indulge himself largely :
then hfi recollecta, tbatnoneof these
diversions are auf&cient to cure bis
pa^sion^ at last concludes^ that Love
is invincib)e> and that'he muit sub-
mit to that powerful deity.

Chalcidico .... versuS] Chalcisj
is a city of the island Euboea, the
native place of Euphorion, whose
Works (ìallus is saia to have trans-
lated into Latin. See the note on
ver 62. of the sixth Eclogue.

5Ì,. Pastoris Siculi.'] Theocritus,
the famous Sicilian, who wrote Pas-
torals. We may conclude, from
this passage^ that Gallus took the
subject of his Pastorals frooi Eupho-
rion, and that he imitated the style
of Theocritus.

Modulabor.] Heinsius, acpord-
ing to Burman, found meditabnr in
two ancient manuscrìpts.
T t

S20

P. VIRGILII MARONIS

I din itetenìilned to dwell In
woodtf, axnong the deiu of
«rild beasts, and tò carve my
paidon on the tender trees :
as they growtmypasdon will
erowtoo. Inthemeantime,

f wlll surver ali Maenalui, in
company with the nymphs»
or hunt the fi^e wQd boars f

r shall any cold restrafai me
from iurrounding with doga
theParthenlanlawns. Iseeui
already to go over the rock»
and soundmg groves: I de-
Hght in thoottaig Cydonlan
arrows with a Parthian bow :

Certum est in sylvis, inter spelaea feranuh.
Malie pati^ tenerisqae meos incidere kmores
Arborìbus : crescent ili», crescetìs amores.
Interea mixtis lustrabo Maenala Nympbis, 55
AxLt acres venabor apros : non me ulla vetabunt
Frigora Parthenios canibus circumdare saltus.
Jam mìhi per rapes videor lucosque sonantes
Ire : libet Partho torquere Cydonia corna

52. SpeliBa.'] He uses the Greek
teord r«iA«i« for speluncas.

5S. Tenerisque meos, <^c.] This
fancy, of cutting lettere on the
barks of trees, has always obtained
atnong^ lovers. Thus Theocritus,
in his '£Atn]^ ixi^tiXdfUf ;

And then inscribe this line that all' may

Pay due obedience, I am Helen's tree.

54. Crescent ilice, «^c] There
is something very pretty, in this
thought of inscribing hispassion on
the bark of a young tree ; tìiat as
the tree grows, his love may increase.
Ovid has the same thought, in the
Epistle from CEnone to ParÌ8r;

Incisae servant a te mea nomina fagi :

Et legor (Enone falce notata tua.
Et quantum trund, tantum mea nomina
crescunt :
Crescite, et in titulos surgite recta
meos. ^

Populus est, memini, fluviali consita
ripa.
Est in qua nostri litera scripta memor.
Popule, vive, precor, quae consita mar-
gine ripae
Hoc in rugoso corticc Carmen babes j
Cum Paris (Enone poterit spirare relieta
Ad fontem Xanthi versa recurret
aqua.

Vpon the trees your ticklé carv*d my nome,
And ed*ry heech is consàous of your Jlame.
WeU I remember that taìlpoplar tree,
Its trunk isJUled, and with records o/mCé

irgin

Which, may it live ì onthe Òrooffs t

set,

Has on its knotty hark ihese verset terits
When Paris lives noi to (Enone true^
Back Xanthus streams shaU to the finn*

tainsJUreD. Cooper.

55. MeBnalaJ] See the note on
ver. 22, of the eighth Eclogue.

56. Acres apros,"] The

wild boar is a very tìerce and dan-
fferous animai. Aristotle, in the
fourth chapter of his second hook
conceming the parts of animals,
ascribes the fierceness, rage, and ftuy
of such animals, as bulls and boars,
to the thickness of their blood, which
is found to be very fibrous, and soon
coagulates ; Tsi ^ vaAAi^ f>;«vr« a/«p
W MÌ wstxnUfy xsti ywìsavi^ t»»
^wrif hnrì, x«ù ^vfuih ri If^òf, luù
vurrsvrmà'iUt, r69 bvfiUr ^i^fMrwréf yà^
WMnraàfù ^vfiif rà % rrt^tÀ B%^fUi9^
Sjw*», ^AX«y ^t^ftttàsu rmn vy^Sv' tu
iììvif (m'ffùf xeù yuiÌH, eitm'yiférrtu

•wj» Iv tui ^fUii' ììh et rmim »m •/

»|»Vg«* %tfuSiui Koù krrttrixu' ri yà^

Mfut rovruv ifétlurt^f, tuti T«yf rcv

rttv^év rd^toTst wiyvvrsu wrrstv,

j 57. Parthenios.] Parthenius is a

j mountain of Arcadia, so called, ac-

; cording to Servius, «jtò rSfwsi^SÌMf,

from the virgins who used to hunt

there.

59. Pariho torquere Cydonia cornu
spicula.J The Parthians and Cre-
tans weré famous archers 5 and Cy-
don is a city of Crete. Bows ^erefre-
quently made of the horns of beasts.

BUCOLIC. ECL. X.

SSl

Spfcula; tanquun ìwdc sint nostri medicina
fìiroris, 60

Aut deus ille malis hominum mitescere discat.
Jam neque Hamadryades nirsum, nec carmina

nobis
Ipsa placent : ipsse rursum concedite sylvas*
Non illum nostri possunt mutare labores :
Nec sifrigorìbusmediis Hebrumque bibamus, 65
Sithoniasque nives hyemis subeamus aquosse :

M if theie thingt wcre m cnrfc
fior my paasion, or if that god
could be aopeswed by human
mlaeriet. now again ndther
the Hamadryades, nor evea
yenes» please me: forewell
again, O ye woods. Cut la»
boun cannot bend him, even
though we drink the waters
of Hebrus, in the midst of the
firoct, and endure the 8itho-
nian snows of the watery

61 • Aut deus ille malis, &c.J
Complaìnts of the cmelty of the
god of love are frequent among the
poets. Tbus we have read^ in the
eighth Edogue;

Kunc scio quid flit amor, Duns in co-

tibus illum
Aut Tbiarus» aut Khodope, aut extremi

Ganimantes,
Nec generis nostri puerum, nec sanguini^ .

edunt.

Thus aìso Pope, in bis third Pas-
toral;

I know thee» Love ! ifUd as the raging

main.
More fell than tyger» on the Lybian

(dain :
Thou wcrt from iBtna^s buming entraìls

toni*-
Oot by fierce whirlwmds, and in thunder

bom!

62. Jam neque Hamadryades, SfcJ]
Galliis> having amused himself with
the thoughts of dìverting his passion,
and then reflected on the insuffici-
ency of those pastimes, dedares that
he will now give up ali expectation
of being delighted by the charms ei-
ther of the country or of poetry .

\ The Hamadryades are those
Nymphs, which belong to paiticu-

ì lar trees^ and are born and perish
together with them. Their name
is derived from Sifùt together, and
^fii art oak.

65. Necsijfrigoribus, 5fc.] Thìs
passage is an inaitation of one in ^he
seventh Idyllium of Theocritus ;

*Ef H éifu iry/tdrwt ir«f* Ai^/ótrirw f*-

fMVMf,

Thus also Horace ;

Pone me pigna ubi nuUa campis
Arbor aestiva recreatur aura,
Quod latus mundi nebulie, malusque
Juplter urget.

Pone sub curru nimium propinqui '
Solis in terra domibus negata,
Dulce ridentem Lalagen amabo,
Dulce loquentem.

So place me where no tun appears^
Or wrapt in douds or dfowrCi in tears :
Where vfoodt with whirlmg temperts tott ;
Where no relieving summer» hreese

Doet murmur tkrc^ the tree»,
But ali lies bound anàpi*d infrortt
Or piace me where the Morching «un,
With beanu too near, doth bum the zone ;
Yetfearkss there rttgladly rove,
Letfrowning, or lei smiUngfate,

Or curtCi or bless my state,
Sweet smiling Lalagc FU àlxoay» love.

Cbeech.

HébrumP^ " A verjr great river
" of Thrace, now cafled Marisa;
» which anciently roUed over gold-
' en sands. It flows into the ^-
' gean sea; and rises fron^.the
' mountain Rhodope, which is
» taken by some to be pàrt of Hae-
' mus; and therefore Hebrus Is
' said bythem to flow from H«-
' mus." RujEus.
66. Sithionasque nives,'] Sithonia /
Tt^2

8S8

p. xrig0ii.li litmmiis

jMng. liaAc ^i^!^ dn the
tóftydm, WeHiRjold fced thfc
iMqp df tlie EtMè|>iaas. uftd«r
the 'ConsteHfttfcm ^of *Caneéir.
iiom cbtiffuenai thlngs, jusd
iet ut iubotlt ter Love.

n%U, O Mntia^GuddcMes,
1»1H have bcen «noufeh fòr
■y*ur p*èt to liavc ^itimr,
• ^hll«t I^Vas weavMg a bo-
tW^vithileriderturlgs: yen
will make thcse gr«ftt for
GalUu : for Gallus,ror whom
my love increases every bour,
as mudi as the green alder
liaes in the beginning of the
•pring.

Let US riM : the shade uscs
to be hiirtfbi to tlime who
«tn g iinder it. The shade of
IHc jtmìper^ìs 'Triirf!ul,~àiid
Bhade hurts the com.

^thiopum versemus oves sub side re Catttìri.
Omiira vinck amor; 'et nos 'cedamtfs amóri.
'Hfiee sat érh, Dfvfe, v^trum'cecihisse'pòetfihn, 70
Dum sedet, et gracili fiscellatn texit bibtóòo,
Pierides : vos haec facietis niaxitha Gallò :
Gallo, cujus nmor tantum mihi trescit in boras,
Quiintum vereiiòvo vrrfdis se subjicit alnns.
Surganius: soliet esse gravis cantnhtìbus um-
bra-: 75
Jbtìifiéri'gt'avistimbr^nooent ^t fru^bu^umbtse:

is a. part of Thrace, a ver/botì and
snowy country.

68, Mthiopum versemus oves, 5fù.]
Ethiopia is a larga region of Airica,
within the torrid zóne^ lying to the
south of Egypt, and éxtéhding fibai
the Tropie òf Cancer to the Equi-
noctial line. Virgil therefore uses
the corfstellation of Cancer to ex-
press the Tropie. The san lenters
Cancer on the tenth or eleventh of
our June, which is the longert day
of thè yéar, and natùndly the
hottest.

Versemus»'] '* Verso s^nifies to
'^feed, becaiise those who feed
** sheen drive them hereand thére;
*' for the proper sense of verso is to
*' drive about, as in the twelfth
'•iEnèid;

** — i7V currum defèrto in gramine

70. Hoc sat erit, ^c] We are
cernie now to the condùsion of the
work, wherein the Poet tells us he
has performed enough inthishumble
way of writing, which he figurative-
ly expre^sesby ueavingbaskets: he
infjeats the Mus^s to add a dignity
fo his lòw verse^ that it may becoroe
wprthy of Gallus^ for whom bis af-
fection is continuaUv inereasing;
^and at last desires bis goats to go

home/because tliey ha ve been fed
enough^ and the evening approaches.

71. Gracili'] He tiètes tbis epi-
thet to express the meanttess'òf bis
writing.

Hibisco.] See the note 4m ver.
30. of the second Eclogue.

72. Pierides.] These Pierìan
goddesses are the Muses.

73. Cujus amor.] The Earl òf
L^derdalé undmtànds tbis^ not of
Virgil's love for Gallus, but tìf the
passión of Gallus for Lycoris;

Ye^8acred Miute, make thù son^ dirine,
' For Gallus* sake, let ev'ry acc^t shinew
. His-am'rous flaaHe spread ev'ry faoor is
far
As the green alders shoot each vernai
year.

75. Surgatku^: ^soiet eise gt<tvis,
Sfa] Thùs^Pépe^

Arise; thè ^'es a tìòiious shade diffUàe.

Canta^tibus.] La. Cerda, after
Titius^ contends for cuRcto;t/t6»;
which seetns to be a good readiog:
but it is not suifficiently countenanced
by the authority of manuscripta.

76. Juniperi gravis umbra.] This
seems to be taken froro Lucre-
tius^ who observes that lyiog on
the grass under some trees ia vm-
wbolesome,

^Arboribua primom cettis gravis umlin
tributo *st,

BUCOLIC. tXJL. X.

S25

Ite domum satur», venit Hesperus, ite capell». ^ hS,^ito5JSrìi

cornili;; OD*

Usque adeo, capitis faciant ut saepe do-

lores.
Si quia eaa subter jacuit prostratus in

herbis. .

But Lucretius does not affirm this
of trees in general ; and it has
never been thought, that the juni-
per had any thing particularly noxi-
OU8 in it, Nay it is rather esteemed
to afford a wholesome smeli. The
sense therefore of the passage before
US must he this ; night is now
eoming on^ and it may he danger-
ous to sit under the shade of a tree
any longer 5 even though it is the
shade of a j uni per, wbich is ac-
counted the raost wholesome of
any.

Noctnt et frugibus umbra.] The
hurtfulness of shade to the corn
is mentioned in the first Geor-
gick;

Quod nid et assiduis tenam insectabcce

rastris, '

Bt sonitu terrebis area, et ruris opaci
Falce premei umbras, vbtisque voeaveria

imbrem ;
Heu magnum alterìus fruitra spectabÌB

acervum,
Concussaque famem in aylvis solabere 1

quercu.

77- Ite domum satune, 4*c.] Here
the Poet represents himself un-
der the mean character of a goat-
herd. Thus Pope^ of himself ;

A shepberd's boy, he seeks no better

Led forth bis flgcks along the Silver
Thame.

Satura,'^ By the goats being
sufiSciently fed> the Poet seems to
bave a mìnd to express, that he
had spent lime enough in the bum-
ble employment of writing Pasto-
rals.

INDEX.

Abele tree, see Poplar.

Acanthus, iiì. 46. iv. 20.

Acffostics of the Sibyb^ iv. 4.

Actaeus considered^ ii. 24.

AdonUi X. 18.

Mg\e, Yu 21.

.£quor coQsidered^ ix. 57.

Afrìcans^ wby called Sitientes^ i. 65,

Aganippe^ x. 12.

Age for hearing officesat Rome» iv. 8.

Ages of the world, iv. 5.

Agrippa marched with an army into

Gaul, X. 44.
Alcanna, the Cypros of Egypt, ii.l8.
Aktdes, a mime of Hercules, vii. 6l.
Alcimedon, a carver, iii. 37.
Alcon, a Cretan archer, v. 11.
Alexander, a slave of Pollio, thought

to he Alexis, ii. 1, 85. thoaght

to he Mopsus, v. 1.
Alexis supposed to he Augustus,

Gallus^ or a servant of Pollio,

Cffisar, or Msecenas, v. 86. Ec-

logue so called^ ivhen written,

V. 86.
Alfenus Varus, vi. 6.
Alpi» vii. 42.
Aliungia, V. 17.
Alpheus and Arethusa, x. 4.
Aips, X. 47*
Altana thought to he different from

arse, v. 65.
Alternate sìnging liked by the

Moses, iii. 59.
Amaryllis thought to he put allegori-

cally for Rome, i. 5, 31. ix. 22.

pretended to he the secret name

for Rome, i. Sì. -said t4> he a girl

gp veu to Virgil by Mfecenas, ii. 14.

her tnie name said to he Leria,

ibid.

Ambarvalia^ what victims were

offered in that sacrifice, iii. 77*
Amòebean poetry^ ili. 1. the laws

ofit, iii. 68.
Amomum considered, iii. 89.
Amphion the baildei' of Thebes, 11.

24.
Amyntas supposed to he Cebes, il.

85, 39. V. 8. Cornificius, ii. Sg.
Anaximander, iii. 40, 104.
Anima used for air, vi. 32«
Animus used for memory, ix. 51.
Anser, a poet contemporary with

Virgil, ix. S6.
Anthony Lucius, the brother of

Mark, iv. 13. Mark, bis behaviour

wben Ccesar was murdered, iv^l3.

iraitated Bacchus, iv. 10. v.^^9.

bis infamous amour with Cytheris,

X. 22. not the sóldier with whom

Lycoris ran away, ibid,
Apiastruin poisonous in Sardinia,

iv. 24.
Apollo the god of verse, iv. 57* not

the next deity to Jupiter, iii. 63.

fond of the river Eurotas, vi.

83.
Apples, golden, iii. 70.
Aprìcocks, ii. 51.
Arac3mthu8, ii. 24. wby called Ac-

tean, ibid.
Aree thought to be different from

altana, v. 65.
Arar a river of France^ i. 63.
Aratus, iii. 40.
Arbusta explained, i. 40.
Arbute, or strawberr^-tree, viiL 46.

coveted by goats, lii. 82.
Arcadians, their character, vii. 4.

X. 32.
Archimedes, iii. 40.

336

IlfDEX.

Ardeo used a/ctìveìj, to express an

estreme passion» ii. 1.
Arethusa, x. 1^ 4.
Argo, the first long ship wìthsails,

built by thè Greeks, iv. 34^
Argonauts,* ibid.
Ar^ua the son of Danaus^ ibid,
Anon, viii. 56.
Aristee used for years^ i. 70.
Ariusian wine, v. 71.
Arrius the centurion assaulted Vir-

^1, ili. 94«. ìx.'l.
Ariìm ma^dmuiBi, &c. ih^iColoimsia/

iv. 2<K .
Ashes> how used ìxik^. th^ ^oienf

sacrifioe^^ viii. IQl.
As^iyna, ^e greatest exIepA of di«t

empire^ iv. 25.
AistnBÌi> iv% 6.
Atpbtpta» vi. 6!l,

Atlas inv^Bljed, lille 9phe«e^ ìiÌ4 104.
Atropos QBe, qC the F&Pfim, iv. 47.
Augqst^ whea the moQ^ h«d tih^t

Dame, iv. la.
Sfc. Augustine quot0« t(ke SibylHne

oracles, iv. 4.
AfU^atus Csesar called d gckj by Vir-

gi}i i & why called Apollo^ iv.

10.,C£|JUed a boy by bis enetnies, i.

43^ built a tempie to the Actian
, Apolli iv. 10. .bis belf^tvipu^. at

the time of the mm^f^x of JuSus

Cae^ap^ iv* IS.
Augustus Csesar faneied to b» [o\as,

U. W. Alexia, IL 73. supposed V?

be ÙìB jpajtPon of tl>e ^ighth. £c-

logue, vili. 6, 10, 11.
Avena, a shepherd's pipe, i. 2.
• Avens not the Baccaff»^ iv^ 19>

B.

Baccar, Baccaris, or l^^accharis, iv.

Bacchanalia, v. 29-

Bacchus, hi8( festìva^^ ibi<L.

Barel?iod, iì. 18^

Barksoftrees written uponbythe

a^cients, v. 13.
Baum poisonous in Sardinia^ iv. jS4.
Bavius^ iii. 90.

Bay, crowns of it wom by ccmd-

querors in their triumphs, viii. 13.

how used in magical rites, viii. 82.
Bean of Egypt, iv. 20.
Beech» t^e uses of its bark» v. 13.
Bee^enj cups anciently esteemed,

iii. 36.
Beestinpps, ii. 22.
Beginmng aod ending with any

person, used only as a compli-

ment by the ancients^ viii. 11.
Bianor, sumamed Ocnus^ the« fòrlt-

fier of Mantua^ ix. 5&4
Bindwefed lihpught to be the^ JJgas^

trum, ii. 18;
Birth-day celebrated by fh&ancients»

iii. 76.
Boars, wild/v. 76. x. 56.
Body, ormatter^ one of Epiouraa^s

principles, vi. SI.
MoWB made of hom, x. 59.
Boy, Augustus so called hy hh

^neatiea, i. 43.
Britain divided from lihe lest of the

ifOrld,i. 67.
Status DeeimuAbesiegedin Mutina^

iv. 1^. Marcita, goveiauir o£Ma-

cedAnii^. iv. 13;.
BudB, Gemmm, or OcuH, vii. 48.
Buakin of tbe tragediaB9> viiL 10.
Butcher's-brootn» vìi. 42.

Cffil^os of M«ntu». iii. 1 04.

Caelus had a statue of three oubìts^
ibid. -

Calathus considered, ii.. 46. v. 71.

Calliopea» iv. 57. . ' .

Caltha considered, ii^ 50.

Camenae, whence derivedy iii. 79i. -

Cantharus^ a tessei saeved to fiac
chus, vi. 17.

Carving a liberal art, iiL 37.

Cassius governor ofSyria, iv. 13;

Caucaf US, vi. 42.

Caus4dri explf^ii^ed, ix. 56.

•Cebes, a^ boy given to Vitgil by
Mseceias, iu 14« saàitoi be meant
under the feigned namie of Me-
^lalcas^ ii. 14. wBder the tiame of
Amynias, ii, $5. v. 8.

INDEX.

327

C^vus signifies either a stag, or an

instrument used in war, iì. 29.
Chalcis» X. 50.
Chaonian pigeons^ ix. 13.
Chapels d^icated to the nymphs»

iii. 9.
Chann, whence derìved, vìii. 69*
Chewing the caó, vi. 54.
Chrìst foretold by the Sibyllìne ora-

des, iv. 4, 8.
Chrìsf 8 thom, v. 89-
Chrisdans did not forge the Sibylline

orades^ iv. 4.
Cìcada said to have no mouth, v.

J7.
Cicero opposes the Sibylline oracles,

iv. 4. quotes Homer erroneously^

iv. 86.
Cicuta considered^ ii. 36. ^
Cinna, Helvius^ and Lucius, ix. 35,
Circe, viii. 70.
Citron not the golden appiè of the

ancients, iii. 70.
Ci vii wars of the Roaians, a brief

account of them, iv. 15.
Clary not the Baccar, iv. I9.
Clotno one of the Parcae, iv. 47.
Codrus kinffof Athens, v. 11. agood

poet, and friend of Virgili vii. 22.

a 8ony poet, contemporary with

Juvenal and Martial^ vii. 22.
Colocaaia, iv. 20.
Colostrum, ii. 22.
Condere soles explained, ix» 52.
Conjux does not always stricUy sig-

nify husband or wife, viii. 18.
Conon, iiL 40.
Constantine the emperor quotes the

Sibylline oracles, iv. .4.
Convolvulus major thought to be

the Ugustrum, ii. 18.
Comificius, an enemy of Virgili

aupposed to be meant under the

name of Amyntas^ ii. SQ.
Corsica» the honey of that island

infamous, ix. SO.
Conrdon not Viigil in the second

Éclogue, ii. 1. supposed to be one

of Vizgil's friends, iii. 1. Virgil

hìmselt; viL 1.
Cothuraus, vii. 32. viii. 10.
Croter, a wnt of cup, v. 68.

Cretans, famous archers, x. 59.
Cremona given to the soldiers, i. 1.
Crow seen on the left, ix. 15.
Crow^foot the poisonous herb of

Sardinia, vii. 41*
Cud of ruminating animals, vi. 54.
Cui, when it began to be written

for quoi, iv. 62.
Culcas, iv. 20.
Cumae, the Sibyl who prophesied

there the most famous, iv. 4.
Cynthius, a name of Apollo, vi. 3.
Cypros of Egypt the Elhanne or

Alcanna, ii. 18. not the Ligus-

trum, ibid. .
éypselus saved his life by smiling

on his murderer, iv. 60.
Cytheris the actress» her character,

and amour with Mark Anthony,

X.22.

D.

Dama used in the mascoline gender

by Virgil, viii. ^8.
Damnare votis, v. 80.
Damoetas supposed to be Lucre-

tius, ii. 37.
Danaus the brother of ^gyptus,

iii. 34.
Dancing in religious solemnities, v.

73.
Dane-wort, x. 27.
Daphne changed to a bay tree, iii.

Daphnis, thought to be the Sicilian
• shepherd of thàt name, v. 19.
Julius Caesar, v. 19, 24, 29, 43,
51, 52, 56, 64. Quintilius Varus,
v. 19. Flaccus, the .brother of
Vir^l, V. 19, 27, 29, 43, 80. Sa-
lonìus, y. 19. Quintilius Cremo-
nensis, ibid, Jesus Christ, ibid.
one of Ceesar's leamed friends,
vii. 1. Virgil himself, ibid. a 6c-
titious luune of a shepherd, ix.
46. when the Eclogue so called
was written, v. 52, 54, S6. ix. 19.
that Eclogue thought to have re-
commended Virgil tò the favour
of Augusta, V. 52. ix. 10.
u u

528

INDEX.

De in. composition signifies aug-

menting, li. 72.
DelicìaB considered> ii. 2.
Demi-gods not accustoined to give

answers without force, vi. I9.

visible only when they think fìt,

vi. 24.
Depulsus signifies weaned,, ili. 82.
Detexere explained, ii. 72.
Deus and Divus considered^ i. 42.
Diana, called Delia, vii. 27, 29. tiie

same with Juiìo Lucina» Trìv^ai

and the Moon, iv. 10. the o04^rt

ings made to her by hunters, vii.

27.
Dico used for cano, iii. 55.
Diete, a mountain of Crete, vi. 56.
Die, used for quotidìe^ ii. 42. iii.

34.
Dyer's weed, the lutum of Virgil,

iv. 43.
Din, ii. 48.

Dione, the mother of Venus^ ix, 47.
Dioiìysia, or Liberalia, different

from the Bacchanalia, v. 29.
Dirce, a spring near Thebes, ii. 24.
Discludere explainéd, vi, 35.
Divus and Deus considered, i. 42.
Doris used for the sea, x. 5.
Drusus, not the hero of the fourth

Eclogue, iv. 8.
Dryads, v. 59*
Duco considered, i. 13.
Dulichium, vi. 76.
Dwarf-elder, x. 27.

Ebulus, x. 27.

Elhanne, the Cypros of Egypt, ii.

Embérs blazing suddenly a Jucky

omen, viii. 105.
En unquam considered, i. 68.
Epicurujs, bis doctrine of body and

void, vi. 31. of morality, vi. 41.
Errare explainéd, i. 9.
Ethiopia, x. 68. '

Eudoxus, iii. 40.
Euphorion, vi. 72.,
Eurotas, vL 3^. .

Eus^ithius quotes Homer erro-

neously, iv. 36.
Evening described, i. 83. ii. 66, 67.

vi. 85.
Evil ejre, iii. 103. tongue, vii. 28.
Eye, rascinating, iii. 103.

F.

Facilis considered, iii. 9*

Facio signifies to sacrifice, iii. 77.

Fagus, a beech tree, i. l. errone-

ously taken for an oak, ibid,
Fascination, iii. 103.
Fauns, rural deities, vi. 27.
Ferula, x. 25.
Figo considered, ii. 29.
Flacdanus, a proconsul, shewed

somei verses of the Sibyls to St

Augustin, iv. 4.
Flaccus, the brother of Virgil,

thought to be Daphnìs, v. 19*
Fceta considered, i. 50.
Foetura defined, ibid,
Fontinalia, a Roman festival, v. 40.
Fox-giove, thought to be the baccar,

iv. 19.
Fragilis, signifies crackling, viii. 82.
Frankincense, male, viii. 65.
French spikenard, v. 17.
Frìgus, used for winter, ii. 22.
Frondator considered, i. 57.
Frondes explainéd, iii. 57.
Fruges and Segetes distinguished,

ix. 48.
Fucus, vii. 42.
Fultus explainéd, vi. 53.
Fulvia, theivife of Mark Anthony,

iv. 13.
Fur, erroneously thought to be

used for serons, iii. 16.

Gaktea, tho^glit to be put albori-
cally fpr Maittua,ii. 31, à tiea,
nvmph, vii. 37. .

Gallus, Coj^nelivs^ hÌ8 history and
character, vi. 64;.

INDEX.

529

Gallos^ Comelius, life |)oems^ vi.

72. supposed to be Corydon, vii.

1. his passion for Lycoris, x. 2.

a taan of war as well as a poet,

X. 16. in Hrhat army he wak,
. i^vhen the tenth' Ecìogue was

iw^tten, X. 44. when the Edogiie

of that name was written^ ibid.

Asinius^ the son of Pollio. iv. 8,

vi. 64. dnpposed to be the heifo

of the fbBr& Edogtie, iv. 8.
Garlands^ a mark of drunkenness,

vi. 16.
Garlick used in the country for a

resCorative, lìì, 11.
Gelover, ii. 47.
Oélyflòtfre, ibid,
GemmsB^ oculi, or buds^ vii. 48.
Germ&ns, seated betweeh the Bhìne

and the Soane, i. 63.
Gèstatìón, its tìme, iv. 6l.
GiUiflower eonsidered, ir 47.
Globe celèiàtial^ used by the an-

^ieiìt», li». 104.
Goats worship^d in Egypt^ ii. 31,

fimd of the arbttte^ or strawberry-

tree, iii. 8^.
Gold, saM to be pale, ii. 47.
Golden agey iv. 5. "applès, iii. 7Ò.
Górtyna, a city of Crete, vi. 6a
Griffins, viii. 2?.
GryneaiB grove, vi. 72i
Gylofre, ii. 47.

H.

HamadryadeS> x. 62.

Harvest, the season forit, ixl 43;

Hebru^ a river of Thrace, *. 65.

Hedge-bells, ii. 18.

Heecules enyvmed hid head with

white poplar, vii. 6h
Hedodi iii; 40. vi. 67; %i 70.
Hibiscus considered, li. W.
Honey firat discovfefèd by Bacdius,

vi. 14. tfcat of HyblA famous, i.

55. Tiii 37- that òf Corsiòa iti-

famous, ix. 30. '-' ^ '
Hoilm o€ CÌBbsar f eltìàed food ài thè

time of his death^ V. 24.

Hyacinthus, iii. 63, 1 06.

Hybla, famous for honey, i. bB. viii.

37.
Hylas, vi. 43.

I.

Jacob US uséd for wine, vi. 15.
niyricum, Illyris, or Illyria, viii. 7.
Itnages made by wìtchcraft, viii. 80.

of the gods painted red, x. 27.
Inchant and Incantation, whence

derived, viii. 71.
Incidere considered, iii. 11.
Indignus signi6es great or cruel, x.

10. .

lagratus signifìes unhappy, i. ^b.
Insero sìgnifies to plant» ix. 50.
Intonsi móntes considered, v. &Z,
lolas fancied to be Augustus or Mae-

ceuas, ii. 57.
Ismarus, vi. 30. / .

Ivy, the several sorts of it, iii. 3$.

vii. 38. why called erfans, ìv. Ip.

used in the óhàplets óf poets, vf*

19. vii. 25. viii. 13.

James J. a great believer of the
power of magic, viii. 80.

Jason and Medea, viii. 47.

Jabeo does not always signify to
command as à master, v. 14.

Julius Ceesar, his descent, iv. 15. bis
character, v. 6l. when the civil
war between him and Pompey
began, iv. 13. honours pàid him
after his death, v. òQ. bis star,
ix. 47.. a chapel dedicated to
him, i. 6. V. b&. thought to be'
celebriated under the name of
Daphnis, v. 19, 24, 29, 43, 51,
,52, òQy 61, 64.

Juniper, the shade of it not particu-
larly hurtful; x. 76.

Juno Lucina the moon, iv. 10.

Jdstice fetums in the golden age,
iv. 6.
u u 2

330

INDEX.

Labnisca^ ▼. 7.

Lachesis» one of the Pareae, iv. 47.

Landa divided among the soldiers^

i. 1, 41. iv. 13. in what manner,

ix. 28.
Laudare ultra placitum^ vii. 97.
Laughing of children, iv. 60.
Lepidus intended to bave set up

hìmself after the death of Csesar»

iv. 13.
Lettera cut on the barks of trees^x.

53> 54.
Leucadia^ the famous rock there^

viii. 59-
Leucolum^ ii. 47.
Liberalia^ or Dionysia, different

from the fiacchanalìa, v. 29.
Libethrìan Nympbs^ the Muses^ vii.

2L
Libum^ a sort of cake^ vii. 33.
Lìgustrum considered^ ii. 18.
Linus^ iv, 56. vi, 67.
Lizard^ green, ii. 9.
Lover*s leap, viii. 59.
Lucifer, viii. 17.
Lucina invoked, iv. 8. the Moon,

iv. 10.
Lucretius, supposed to be meant

under the name of Damoetas^ ii.

37.
Lupus in fabula, whence that pro-

verb is derived, ix. 54.
Lutuni, luteum, or luteola, the name

of an herb, iv. 44.
Lux, used for day, vii. 43.
Lycisea, a breed of dogs generated

by a wolf on a bitch, iii. 18.
Lycpris, beloved by Gallus, x. 2.
Lycoris, supposed to be the actress

Cytheris, x. 22.
Lyctus, a city of Crete, v. 73.

Macer u^milius, supposed to be

Mopsus, V. 1.
Maecénas, fancied to be lolas, ii. 57.

Meliboeus» vii. 1. hissharein the

reoonciliatioD of Augustus and

Anthony, iv. 13.
M senalus, viii. 22.
Maevius, iii. 90.
Mantua involved in the calamity of

Cremona, i. 1.
Marcellus, the hero of the fourth

Eclogue, iv. 8, 13. adopted by

Augusius, iv. 15, 49.
Marisa^ a river of Thrace, x. 65.
Medea and Jason, viii. 47*
Meditaris explained, i. 2.
Meliboeus thought to be Virgil,MaB-

cenas, or PoUio, vii. 1.
Melissophyllum poiaonous in Sardi-
nia, iv. 24.
Meminì with an accusative case,

vii. 69.
Menalcas, supposed to be Virgil, ▼.

1, 86. ix. 10.
Midas, bis conversation with Sile-

nus, vi. 13.
Mihi used fora me, ix. 53.
Mincius, the verdure of its banks

remarkable, vii. 12.
Minium of the ancients^the same

with Cinnabar, x. 27*
Mola, a sacred cakè, viii. 82.
MoUis signifies soft or bending» iii.

45. does not signify ripe, iv. 28.

fuUy considered, ibid.
Monkies^ thought to be Satyrs, v.

78.
Month, iv. 61.
Moon, fancied to be brought down

by magic, viii. 69.
Mopsus, supposed to be .^Smilius

Macer, and Alexander^ v. 1.
Moss, vii. 45.
Mothers smile on their new-bom

children, iv. 60.
Munda, when the victory there waa

obtained, v. 29.
Mundus^ a trench in the eentre of

Rome, iii. 104.
Murex considered, iv. 43.
Muses^ their names, iiL 60.
Musical instrumentsofthe andent

shepherds, i. 2.
Myrtle, ccnmnon, vii. 6. sacred to
Venus^ vii. 62»

INDEX*

SSl

Nardus Celtica, thought to be the
same with the Salìunca, v. 17*

N^ectar^ the same with the Ariusian
wine, V. 71.

Nereus, vi. 35.

N^nnc^ a particle adapted to irony>
i.'74.

Nuto considered» iv. 50.

Nymphs^ the saorìfices ofiexed to

. them, V. 74.

O.

Oàk, accounted sacred/vii. 13.
Oaxes, Oaxia^ Oaxis^ or Oaxus^ a

city and river of Crete, i. 66.
Oblita, used passively, ix. 53^,
Ocnus, see Bianor.
Octavìa, her character, iv. 10, 13*

half sÌEter to Augastus, iv. 15.

manried to Anthony, iv. 8, 13.
Octavius, see Augustus.
Oculi, gemraae, or buds, vii. 48.
CEta, a high mountain of Thessaly,

viii. 30.
Qrange, not the golden appiè of the

ancients, iii. 70.
Orjpheus, iii. 46. iv. 55.
Otia, signifies ease, i. 6.

Palsemon Remmius, a gr.ammarìan>

iii. 50. Eclogue so called, when

written» v. 86.
Pale, a yellow coloar, ii. 47.
Paliurus considered, v. 39.
Pàlumbes, or palumbus coosidered,

iii. 69*
Pan, ii. 31,32. iv. 58.
ParcsB, iv. 47.
Pari^ said to bave been a shepherd,

ii. 6l.
Pamassus, x. 11.
Parthenius, a mountain of Arcadia,

X. 57.

Parthian empire described, i. ^.
Parthians, famous archerà, x. 59*
Parturio explained, iii. 56,
Pasiphae, vi. 46.
Pateo, signifies to be exteoded, iii.

104.
Paunch of ruminatiDg animab, vi.

54.
Peach, ii. 51.

Peòulium considered, i. 35.
Pecunia, derived from pecus, i. SS.
Pedum, a shephenPs crook, v. 88.
Permessus, a river of Boeotia; vi. 64.
Perusia besieged and taken, iv. 13.
Pessime, a term of reproach used to

a slave, iii. 17.
Phaeton, hissisterstumed into trees,

vi. 62.
Philìppi, the battle there when

fought, i. 1. iv. 13.
Philomela, vi. 79.^
Pboebus, iii. 62.
Phyllis, daughter of Lycurgus, v.

10.
Pindus, X. 11.
Pine sacred to Cybele, vii. 24.

planted in gardens, vìi. 65.
Pinus, used for a ship, iv. 38.
Pliny quotes Virgil erroneously,^ iv.

45.
Ploughman's spikenard thought to

be the Baccar, iv. I9.
Plums, why called waxeo, ii. 53.
Poetry, compared to the quenching

of thirst, iii. 111.
Pollio, bis character, iii. 84. when

Consul, iv. 11. took Salone, iv. 8.

made the reconciliation betweèn

Augustus and Anthony, iv. 13.

thought to be Corydon, vii. 1.

patron of the eighth Eclogue, viii.

6, 10, 11. the Eclogue so called

when written, v. 86.
Poniegranates, the golden apples of

the ancients, iii. 70.
Pompey Sextus, iv. 13, 35, 36.
Pomuin signifies any esculent fruit,

ix. 50.
Pontus, viii. 95.
Poplar described, ix. 41. used for

a crown by Hercules, vii. 6).
Poppies, their use in love, ii.^47.

aas

INDEX.

.PraBolpiocoQndered, lii. 98.

Pnefisctne, a word uaetl by the aii-
cients, .io shew that they pniaed
sincerely, vii. 27.

Praesens, gignifies favourable» L 42.

Praising one's self, Plutarch'a* opi-
nion of it^ vlL 27*

Priapus, vii. SS.

Primprìnt^ or privet, il 18.

Procul tantum considered» vi. 16.

Proetìdes, fancied thenselvet to be
G0W8, vi. 48.

Prometheus, vi. 42.

Protinas considereil» i. 13.

Pnming in sooMner^ ìL 70.

Ptolemy the matbematician^ iit. 40.

Purpureos^ signiies any brighi or
beautiful colour, v. 38.

Pynrha, vi. 41.

Q-

Quadrapefl^ generaUy «ised ibr a

borse by Virgil, v. 26.
Quinces, ii. 51. not the golden ap*

ples of the ancients, iti. 70.
Quintiliano quoècs Vii^gil errone-

ously, i. 2.
Qu^ntiUiifl Cremonensis^ vi. 6.

thought to be Daphnis^ v. I9.

Vai^»^4ee Vanu.

Radius of the otathematicianso iii.

41.
Ranuoculus, the poisonous herb of

Sardinia, vii. 41.
'Rea, a sacned colour^ vi. 22. x. 27.
JUiiae^ X. 18.
Rhodope, vi. SO*
IjUag-dove, ìiL 69.
Hock-pigeon, ièid,
Rumen, or pauoch» aod rumìnattog,

vi. 54.
Ruscufj Vii. 42*
Roshes, a aign of a wet «oil> ì. 49.

SaliuDca considered, v. 17^
Saloilinus, noè the bero of the

fourth Eclogue, iv. 8. nor the

Daphnis of the fifth, v. 19.
Sandyx coteidered^ iv. 45.
Sardinia, hevbs pdisDiK^itB Miere, vii.

41.
Satttrn, bis reign, iv. 6.'vi. 41.
Satyrs, v. 73.

Scio^ famous for wine; v. 71-
Sdro, Siro, or Syro, an Epién'rean

phUosopher, vi. 13. -
Scylla, twoof thai name, vi. 74.
Seythia, ali the northem paftd an-

dently so called, i. 66.
Sea, whether it reflects an image,

ii. 25.
Sea-wrack, vii. 42.
Seeds, particles, or atoms, vi. 31, 32.
Segèteé and Ffuge^ cìiMkig^ished,

iK. 48.
Senatorian «gè, iv. 8.
Sente»^ a general «rofd, iv. 29.
Septa explained, -i. 84.
Sepulchres of the «ndetiVs, ik. 59.
Shtode of «rees hurtM, x. 76.
Sheep of ine ^eolòAM, preiieàdéé to

be an omeii of sueceB^ui t^óWèr,

iv. 43. «•

Shcpfaerds af^iènt, did ttdt drive

their flocks, but led theiii>, it . '23.
Sfbylline verMs, foretold'tt kTng of

peace, iv. 1, 4.
Sibyls, ten in number, iv. 4.
Sic, a form ei obtestmg, ix. SO.
Sicily, famous for sheep, ii. 21. the

distance of it from Africa, v.27.
Silenus, vi. 13, 14.
Sinum, a sort of jug, vii. 33.
Siro, see Sciro.
Sithonia, z. 66.
Sokiling of children, iv. 60.
Snow-drop, not the Leuòbiùtn of

the andents, il. 47.
Soane, a ilVer of France, i. 63;
Sotes, used fotr days, ix. 52.
Solstitium, sìgnifies only thè 9trm-

mer solstice. Vii. 47.
Solucn éxplained, v. 35.
Sophocles, a tragié poet, vi!!. ICK,
Soul of the universe^ iii. 60.
Spatium considered, iii. 104.
Spherv, invented by Atlas or Anaii-*

mander, ibid.

INDEX.

3^

Spikenard^ v. 17.

Sprìng de3cribe4f ì\h 5,5. .

Stags living to a great ag^^f vìi.. 30.

Star, appeajciDg after th^.death^f

Julius Caesar, ix. 47.
StimicoD^ thought to, b^ tbfii f^tiner

of Tbepcrìtu^^ V. 55.,,fancied to

be Maecenas, ibid,'
StOi ,fiìgnìùf^^, tbQ appc^MM^e^ tmm,

StockndQvej in-. 69- .
Stc^w.b^rryT*ref5, yii»4^M.cpvf tejd.by

goats^ ili. 8S«
Stringo considered, ix. 64»
Sublegi explained^ ix. 21.
Suboaitto con6Ìder«d^ i. 4$.
Swans suppos^d to si^gJ viii. 55, ix.

29-
Syene^ the well there, iii. 104,..
Syro, see Sciro.

T.

Tasaarisk^ iv. 2. sacred to ApQll(>}

X. IS.
Tarquin purchasid the Sibylline

oracles^ iv. 4.
Telephium, ii. 47.
Tereus, vi. 78» 80.
Thalia^ vi. 1.

Theocritus, a Sicilian, ii. 21. vi. 1.
Tbestylis, fancied to be Virgil's

mother, ii. 10. net the niother

of Corydon, ii. 42.
Thetis, iv. 32.
Thiasus, V. 29.
Thora Valdensium, a poisonous

herb, vii. 41.
Three^ that number thought to be

sacred^ viii. 73, 75.
Thyme, good for bees, v. 77»
Thyrse, v. SI. *

Thyrsis, thought to be one of Vir-

giPs contemporaries and rivals^

vii. 1. Theocritus, ibid.
Tiberius, iv. 8.
Tigers^ yoked to draw the chariot

of Bacchus, v. 29.
Timavus^ viii. 6.
Tipbys, iv. 32.
Tityrinus^ a pipe made of reeds, i. 1.

Tityrus^ whence dertved, ibid. not

Virgil in the ficst Ecloguci tòkf.

when thfat £clogue waa written,

V, 86. not the fiwt of Virgirs

Eclogues^ v« 86. vi> 1 .
Tniarus^ or Toroama^amountaifiof

Dodaoa^ viii. .44.
Tocchea used in imptlal ceremoales^

viii. 29-
Torous .conaidepedi, lii. 38.
Trees;; the Roma» lawt severe

against injurÌQg theaii, m. llw
TrittinvinAtoyìv& 13. *»
Trivia, the im>on>.iv. 10.
Tunle-dov#, iii. 6».

U.

UUia> signifìes eitheor anoelltor a

cubitv' iii.i 105, ■
Universe^ aupposed to be anknaftoc^

iii. 60.
Upilio, whence d«riT«dr 3(.; }9b(
Uvidus considered, x« 20.

Vaccinium^ the hyacintb^ ii« l^^c"

Varius, an epic and tragic poet, ix.
35, imitated by Virgili viii. 88.

Varus^ a tragic poet, iii. 20. Al-
fenus^ vi. 6. Quintilius^ bis bis-
tory^ vi. 6. ix. 26. thought to be
Daphnis, v. 19. Corydon, vii. ].
the patron of the Silenus, vi. 6.
Quintus, vi. 6. courted by Vir-
gil, ix. 35.

Vates, the difiference between that
and poeta, ix. 83.

Vaudois> used poisoned vreapons^
vii. 41.

Vector, said to be used both in an
active and passive sense^ iv. 38.

Venena, signifìes drugs of extra-
ordinary efficacy, viii. 95.

Venus, called Lucifer and Vesper,
vi. 86. represented as^the mother
of Julius Caesar» v. 23. used for
a mistress, iii. 68.

Verso, signifes to feed, x. 68.

Vespeo or Hespenu, vi. S6.

Vexo explained» vi. 76.

584

IISTDEX.

Vibamuoi^ 1. 116.

Ville, wUd, V. \

Vinitor considered, x. 36.

Vintage^ the seasoti for it^ Ix. 48.

Viole pallentes explained, lì. 47.

Vìrgil descrìbes bis own estate^ i.
47. ix. 7. assanlted by Arrìus the
centurione iii. 94. ix. 1,46. great
respect paid bini at Rome^ vi. 66*
had freqaent impulses to rìse te
the higherpoetry, iv. 1. deSended
asainst an old cridc^ in. 1. vi. 76.
rlinyeiv.45. Castlevetrius^ vii. 1.
snppMed to be Corydon, li. 1.
Damoetas, iii. 1. Daphnis^ vii. 1.
Meliboeus, ibid. Menalcas, v. 1,
86. Phoebus^ v. 9.

Vìtis and viticula, used for a scan-
dent piante iii. 88.

Vitola^ used for a cow^ iii. 29.

Vivite explained, viii. 58,

Void, or Space» one of Epicurus's
principles, vi. 81.

W.

Wall-flower, is the pale violet of
VirgiI, ii. 47.

Wallwort, X. 27.

Walnuts used in nuptial eeremonies,

viii. 80.
Water, used hot in inagical rìtes,

viii. 64.
TVkyfaring tree, ì. 26*
WaXe of what made, i. 55.
Weedbind, ii. 18.
Well at Syene, iii. 104. in whicli

mysteries were celebratede ihid.
Willows, their flowers descrìbed^ i.

55. flexibility their most remark-

able property, v. I6.
Withwind, il. 18.
Woad, iv. 48.
WoU seeing a man first, depnVes

him of bis voice, ix. 54.
Wood-pigeon, iii. 69»
Woold, iv. 48.

Z.

Zoroaster, the only person whe
laugbed on the day of bis birtb,
iv. 60.

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