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L\r ) ^., .li^.i 

" -^Af^/Z/f/.ì ' "^^ / rf // / A/ / 

















■'ir.! '<■■'■> ■■'"■ "■ ■■^i~dH" 

Bowie Ouiiòctior» 

• •• 


• > 

XilE feeding of oattle^ how mesm and cahr 
temptible soever ìt may appear to us^ is .very 
anciént, and in the most early ages of the world 
ims. esteemed to be hanouràble« The first man 
was a gardener, and a husbandman ; and of hit 
soW we restdi that one wfis a husbandman^ ajoui 
anotberashepherd\ Thesame employmeht seems 
to have been ehiefly foUowed by the p^tnarebs 
after the flood; for wa find that Abraham^ who:i$ 
calied à piighty prince*", was a feeder of cattk^ hi« 
great wealth oonsìstìng in sheep^ oxen^ asses^ and 
icameki \ Isaac» Esau^ Jacób^ and thè rest of bis 
posterity oontinued the samq \my of Mfe^ applying 
themselves ;ivholly to the carc of their floGks'.aiad 
faerds, wìth which they travelled from plascé to 
place, as they. found conveniende of pastoarage* 
Moses was tendmg tfaeilock of Jéthro bis fatherr 
in-law, when bewa&calted by God» andappóiioutedi 
to be the deliverer and prince of bis people*^. 
Hence it has been observed, that the employment 

- • Gen. iv. 2, »» Ibid. xxiii, 6. * Ibid. xii. Ì6. * Exòd. 

lU. 1. . . 




(ff a sMfepherd is a suitable preparalìon to the 
governmént of a kingdom. This is confìrmed 
by ther history of David, who was taken away 
from Jthe sheep-folds, as he was follo wing the 
ewes great with young, tò feed the chosen people 
of God*. Thus God himself is often compared 
to a shepherd in holy writ^; and Homer, one of 
the most ancient of the profane writers, gives 
the title of shepherd of the people to the great 
king of kings, Agamemnon^. 

In the most ancient times, those who applied 
themselves to agriculture, naturally became hardy 
and robust; their laborious life fitted them for 
the toils of war, but afForded them no leisure for 
th&mild and quiet enjoyments of peace. Those 
who inhabited the sea-coasts, and discovered the 
art^of navigation, applied themselves rather to 
piracy than commerce, their most celebrated 
actions being the ravaging of the neighbouring 
countries, and stealing the women from each 
other^. But those who foUowed the pastoral life, 
having no other employment than the care of 
their harmless flocks and herds, led an innocent 
and peaceable life, living in tents, and resting 
themselves under the shade of trees or rocks, 
whilst their cattle fed at large» wheresoever they 
foupd the greatest plenty of grass and water. 
They lived happy, and free from want: their 

• Psalm Ixxix, 71, 72. ' Psalm xxiii, Ixxvii, Ixxx, &c. 
"^ E«rf IV 'ATg«% *Ay«ftfftvov« «roiftfvrAooov. Odyss. xiv. ** See 
- Herodot lib. i. 


cattle suppiied tliem ^ìtb milk and cheese for 
food, and with skins' for clothing; and served 
them, instead of money, to exchange for any 
other commodities that they had a mihd to 
purchase; whence the niost aticient money was 
stamped with the figure of a sheep^ This quiet 
and peaceable life gave them leisure to amuse 
themselves with music and poetry; their time 
being chiefly spent in composing hymns in 
honour of the Deity, and songs, in which they 
described their soft passions and innocent emplòy- 
ments. Thus we find, that those two ancient 
royal sh^pherds, Moses and • David, were poets; 
and that Solomon, the son of the latter, in bis 
celebrated song, represents himself under the 
character of a shepherd- 

Among the Greeks, the Arcadians were the 
most famous for having devoted themselves to the 
pastoral life. Their country was remote from the 
sea, mountainous, and almost inaccessible : they 
had.plenty of sheep, and good pasturage ; they 
were much given to singing, and music was the 
only science which was esteemed by them to be 
necessary. Their chief deity was Pan, who was 
said to be the inventor of the shepherd's pipe; 
and wa$ fabled to be in love with the nymph 
Echo, because there were many echoes in that 
woody and ' mountainous country. From these 
poetical composìtions of the Arcadians, or at least 

* Et quod aes antiquissimum, quod est flatum pecore» pecore 
est notatum. Varrò de Re RiisU lib. ii. e. 1. 



ftòm the! traditiòti of thenii the buGolical or 
pa^toral poetry seems to bare takén ìts rìse, It 
is called bucolical, from 0éuxi7iog a matherdi 
thoùgh Jt relatel^ tp the afiaìrs tiot otily of neat- 
hterds, but aJso of ehepherds and goatherds. In 
like inanner We coQimonly use the word shepherd 
ftìr postar; biit jpctó/or signifies aJl the ttìree 
sorte of feeder» of cattle ; whence pastora! seems 
a more proper word to express the speciee of 
poetry, which we now treat of/than the Greek 
word bucolick. Our English word herdmati 
hiight with great pròprièty he used for the Latin 
word pùst&r, instead of shepherd. For though 
wtB comtnonly uìiderstand herdman tò mean no 
more than a neakherd ; and though we say a hèrd 
of oxen, and a flock of sheep o|r goats; yet, Bince 
We always compouild herd with the naine of any 
aninial, to denòte a feeder of that spécies; as 
%ieatherd signifìes a feeder of beat cattlé or kitìé^ 
«hepherd a feeder of sheep^ and goatherd a 
feeder of goats;. the word herdman may well be 
tìsèd to signify ali the several pmtoresy ot feeders 
*)f dattle* 

Theocritus of Syracuse, who lived in the reign 
ttf Hiero, and was contemporary with Ptolemy 
Phìladelphus king of Egypt, is generally lookéd 
lipOn as the Walther of pastoral poetry* And yet 
it is nò less generally aisserted, that bis Idyllia 
bérnnèf be said to be ali paston^k. The fcritics, 
who often forra to themselves imaginary rules, 
which the ancients never dreamed of, will not 


allow BbavJe ièifk or elevén oot of the thirly Idjllia 
of that author to belotig tò that àpecies of poetrj. 
Those who would tmve a pastoral to be entìrely 
conformablé to the manneris of tltó golden age^ 
in whìch nòtbing ìis to be foand blit piety, lùnp- 
oence^ and simplitdty, will eiccliide almdst ali the 
IdylliapfTbeocritas^andEclogtiesofVirgil. The 
dyìng groans of Dàphnis, in the first IdyUium^ 
i/rill be judged too melancholy fòr thè peade àbd . 
happineiks of that state; the witchcraft made use 
of in the seoond is inconsistent with piety ; in 
the third^ the goatherd tvickedly talks óf kìlUng 
himself ; the rsuling and gross obscenity in the 
fìffch Ì8 contrary to good manners ; and the tenth 
is not a pastora!, because it ìs a dìalogue between 
two reapers. Thns^ if we adhere strictly to the 
rules laid down by tnost of our critiós, we shall 
iind^ that no more than six out of the eleyen first 
Idyllia of Theocritus are to be admitted iitito the* 
numbefk The like olsjeetions bave been, or may 
be, fràmed against mopt of the Edogues of Vir- ^ 
gii. But there are other crìtics, who are so far 
from requiring the purer manners of the golden 
age in pastoral writìngs^ that ttothing wiH please 
them but downright rusticity; Théy teli us, that 
béi'dmen are a rude, unpolished, ignorant set of 
people : that pastorals are ^^ an ìmitation of the 
^ acbìoQ of a herdmahf, or of one i^presented under 
^ that charaiCtér'^t" wherejforé ahy deviation from 

^ Thìs Ì5 Rapin's definition ef a pastoral. 


tbat char9.cter is unnatural^ and unfit for pastoral 
poetry* But surely this assertion, that herdmen 
are rude, unpolished, and ignorant, is too ge- 
neral, for it cannot be affirmed of them univer- 
sally. The patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob, must be excepted; and.Moses also, wbo 
was learned in ali the wisdom of the Egyptians.'; 
not to mention the royal Psalmist, who must 
hai^e received bis education before he was, called 
from tending bis father's sheep. We find also 
that the prophet Amos, who was contemporary 
with Uzziah and Jeroboam, was one of thè herd- 
men of Tekoa ". We bave seen already, that the 
ancìent Arcadians» bow rude and ignorant soever 
they were with regard to other arts, yet were not 
.so with regard to music and poetry ; and in some 
ages and nàtions, the most polite people bave 
been herdmen. It will be readily acknowledged, 
* that nature ougbt to be followed, in^ this as well 
as in. ali the other sorts of poetry ; but surely 
^P we ougbt tp imitate that part of nature which is 
most agreeable and . pleasing. The country af- 
fords US many objects which delight us by their 
beauty; and a man would thought to 
bave an odd taste, who should tum bis eye from 
these to gaze on some which are less agreeable. 
The lowing of the herds, the bleating of the 
flocks, the wildness of an extensive common, the 
solemn shade of a thìck wood, and the simplicity 

' Acts-viì. 22. " Amos i. 1. vii. H. 


of the buildings, furnish us with pleasing images : 
and whilst we are contemplating these beauties, 
we seidoni bave much inclìnatìon to admire the 
disagreeable^ though naturai, sight and smeli of 
a dunghiU or a hogsty. We may therefore con- 
clude^ that though nature isto be followed, ytet' 
we are not to represent every thmg that ìs na- 
turai, wìthout distinction; but to select such 
images only as are pleasing, throwing a veil at 
the same tìme over those which would give of- 
fence, Thus every ìmitatìon of the action of a 
herdman, or of one represented under that cha- 
racter, will indeed be a true pastoral : but at the 
same time, if there is not a little judgment used 
in the choice of the herdmen we intend to imi- 
tate, our pastorals will be fìt for the reading only 
ofsuch rude clowns, as we bave placed before us 
for an example. 

We should, I believe, form a much better no- 
tion of bucqlical or^pa^tor^^ attending 

carefully to the design of those great an«ients, 
Theocritus and Virgil, than by studying ali the 
ìmagìnary rules of the modem critics. Theo- 
critus certainly intended to describe the manners 
of the .herdmen of Sicily. His Idyllia are gene- 
rally either di^ogues between two persons of 
that character, or poems in praise'-of the cele- 
brated actions of gods and heroes, such as seem 
to bave been originally sung by the ancient 
Arcadian shepherds. The first Idyllium is a 
dìalogue between the shepherd Thyrsis and a 

viii PREFACE. 

goatherd Thyrsis is a Sicìlian% and at the re- 
quest of bis friend, sings the death of Daphnis^ 
who was a Sìcilian herdman. The second de- 
scrìbes the jealousy of Siinéetha^.wbo had been 
debauched^ and then deserted, by one Delphis» 
She makes use of several incantations, in order 
to regain his love. In the third, a goatherd de<- 
clares his passion for Amaryllis. The fourth is a 
dìalogue between Battus a goatherd» and Corydon 
a neatberd. In the fifth, Comatas a goatherd^ 
and Laoon a shepheixi, after some very coars^ 
railleries» challenge each other to sing for a wager : 
one stakes a goat»and the other a lamb; and the 
goatherd obtains the prize. In the sixth^ two 
neatherds, Dameetas and Daphnis^ drive tlieir 
herds together ìntò one place, and stng alter- 
nately the passion af Polyphemus fòr Galakea. 
The seventh is the narration of a joumey^ which 
Tbeocritus tJook, to seé the solemnities of Ceres : 
he meets witb Lycidas a goatherd on thè road ; 
and the whole discourse between them is pastoral* 
In the eighth is related a cont^ition about sing«^ 
ìììgy between the shepherd Menalcas^ and the 
neatherd Daphnis: a goatherd is chosen judge, 
who deo^ees the priee to Daphncs. A like con- 
tention is related in the ninth, between two 
herdsmen^ daphnis and Menalca^. These niiìe 
are geoerally alk>wed by the critics to be pasto-» 
rais: but the tenth is usually excluded, beìng a 


dialogue between two reapers. And yet perhaps^ 
if we consider that a herdmao may very Miturally 
describe a conversatìon between two of bis coun- 
trj neighbours^ who entertain eacb other wìth a 
rural song ; we may soffcen a little the severity of 
our criticai temper, and allow even this to be 
called a pastoral. The eleventh, whìch descrìbes 
the passion of Polyphemus for Galatea, is, I 
think, allowed to be a parrai ; but those which 
follow are commoniy rejected^ though sometimes 
perhaps wìth little reason. Thus I know not 
why the twelfth may not be admitted, of which 
the subject is love, and wherein the simìlitudes 
are taken from fruits, sheep^ heìfers, and singing 
birds. Are not the foUowing verses of that Idyl- 
liura truly pastoral ? 
^. ' 

'^[Xude^; 01 $è vro^wyr^ h ijfMtTi ynigaa-KOwriv. ' 

•H&ov, &c. 

You come, dear youth, iiow tbree long days are gone, 

You come: but lovers do grow old in'one. 

As much as sprìng excels the frost and snow, 

As much as plums are sweeter than a sloe, 

As muòh as ewes are thicker fleec'd thàn lambs, 

As much as midds excel thrice married dames, 

As much as colts are nimbler than a steer, 

As much as thrushes please the list'ning ear 

More than the meaner songsters of the air, 

So much thy presence cbeers. Cr££CH. 


The thirteenth indeed, which is a relation of the 
loss of Hylas, the friend of Hercules, has nothing 



pastora! in it: but as the actions of gods and he- 
roes used to be sung by the ancient herdmen, 
we may venture, to affirm, Uiat the author in- 
tended this also for a pastora!. In the fourteenth» 
^sclìines is a herdman, who being in love with 
Cynisca, and being despised by ber, is deter- 
mined to turn so!dier. Hìs friend Thyonichus 
advises him to enter into the servìce of Ptolemy, 
on whom he bestows great praises. There is 
nothing inconsistent with «the character of a 
berdman, to suppose him crossed in love, iand 
in despair to go for a soldier. This is so adapted 
even to the manners of a modem rustie, that our 
critics may venture to let this pass without cen- 
sure, Nor does there seem any goòd reason to 
reject the fìfteenth ; though there is not a word 
in it about cattle, and tliough the scene is not 
laid in the pastures of Sicily, but in the great 
city of Alexandria^ The persons of this Idyllium 
are not herdmen, but their wives. These gossìps 
of -Syracuse are got to Alexandria, to see the 
pomp of the feast of Adonis ; where they are 
pushed about in the crowd, and prattle just as 
some of our good country dames would at a Lord 
Mayor's show. This therefore may be allowed 
to t>e a pastoral; unless we are to be so striòt, 
that none but men are to be introduced, and 
even those men must never stir from their fields, 
but be perpetually piping to their flocks and 
herds. The sixteenth is a complaìnt of the in- 
gratitude of princes to poets, who alone can 


render theìr great actions immortal. He ob- 
serves, that not only the Lycian and Trojan 
heroes^ but even Ulysses hìmself^ wonld bave 
been burìed in oblivion, if their fame had not 
been celebrated by Homer. But amidst these 
greai heroes^ Theocrìtus does not forget bis pas- 
tond capacity, or omit to mention the stirine- 
herd Eumaeus, and the neatherd PhUoetius ; 

"Egyw tj(toVj otùrós re TeglnXayxifos AfltfgT«f> 
£i fi^ (T^ wveura» 'Idovos A^^s óoiSaL 

Theocrìtus seems indeed to rìse above bis pastora! 
style in the seventeenth Idyllium^ wherein he ce- 
lebrates the praìses of Ptolemy Philadelphus. But 
may not a countfy poet be allowed to swell a 
little, when bis heart is enlarged, by contemplat- 
ing the virtues of a great prince, under whose 
protection he lives ? a prìnce so powerful, that 
no hostile fleet or army dares invade bis country, 
disturb the farmer, or injure the cattle ; 

Cu yi^ ti; dvjtw vokoKfiTeoL NeiAoy hrsftLSÀ^ 
Ile^ò; kv dX?<ùTgloLKn ^àv ètTratraro itmyxu^. 

^¥he farmer fearless ploughs bis native soil ; 

No hostile navies press the qaiei Nile; 

None leaps ashore, and frights the.lab'ring swains; 

None robs us of our ilocks, and spoils the plains. 


The Epìthalamium on the marriage of Helen, 



song by the Spartan vìrgìns in the eighteentb> 
doès not lose stght of the country : and the in- 
scription on the teirk of the plane-tree is exprcssly 
said io be in the Doric, or rucitic dialect ; 

rioXX^ Teov$i *EXffV0e, fufivaiiivMf (òg yoiXoidìivùà 
"Aqws yeivofiiyus fio; fuourròy vro^ioKrou, 
n^ara, toì arifavoy Xoorw x^/xo} ou^Ojuiévoio 
Tl>J(ourM, (nuBgàv xara^o-Ojuigv è$ wAaTavioTóV 
TlgaTu 8*, dgyvgéus 10 o\fnlos ùygh iXisi^ug 
AjouriófAsvouj (FTa^éJfMs ùirh (rxiegàv vXarivKrTor 
Tgófufjdaroi $* h ^Xoiw yvyqi^ffreu^ (às voLqi&y rig 

But we will run thro' yònder spacious mead. 

And crop fresh ilow'ry ctowns to grace thy head. 

Mindful of Helen stili, as tender lambs, 

Not wean'd as yet, w^en hungry mind their dams, 

Well first low lotus plack, and crowns compose, 

And to thy honour grace the shady boughè: 

From Silver boxes sweetest oils shall flow, 

And press the flowers that rise as sweet below ; 

And then inscribe this line, that ali may see, 

Pay due obedience, I am Helen's tree. Creech. 

The eighteenth is a short copy of verses on Cupid's 
being stung by a bee, whìch is far from being 
out of the reach of a country poet. The nine- 
teenth is bucolica! enough. A rough neatherd 
complains of the pride and insoleiice of a city 
girl, who refused to let him kiss her, and treated 
him in a most contemptuous manner. He appeals 
to the neighbouring shepherds, and asks them if 

PREFACE. xiii 

thej are Hot sensible of bis beaaty : bis beard is 
thìck about bis chin^ like ivy round a tree; bid 
baìr spreads like smallage about bis temples ; bis 
wfaite forebéad sbìnes aboye bis black eye-bFOWsj 
bis eyes are more bhie thati tbose of Minerva; 
bis mouth is sweeter tban cream; bis voice ìs 
sweeter tban a boneycomb ; bis song is sweet ; 
be plays on ali sorts of raral pipes ; and ali tbe 
women on the moQntains àdmire and love bitn, 
tbóugb tbis proud minx has despised bim. He 
gives ber to understand^ tbatBactìbus fed a heifer 
in tbe valleys ; tbat Venns was passionately fond 
of a berdman on tbe mountains of Pbrygia; tbat 
sbe botii loved and lamented Adonis in tbe woods. 
He asks who was Endymion ? was he not aberd*-. 
man, and yet the Moon fell in love with bim^ as 
he was feeding bis kine, and carne down from 
beaven to embraoe bini. Rhea lamented a berd«- 
man, and Jupiter was fònd of a boy tbat fed 
cattie. The dialogue betwe^i the two fishermen, 
in tbe twenty-firsl, cannot indeed be said to be 
Arcadian; for Arcadia was a midland country: 
but as Sicily is an island, it was naturai ^nough 
for a Sicilian berdman to relate a dialogue ber 
tween two neighbours, wbosè business was on 
the sea shore. But tbe twenty-second is a bymn, 
after the mannèr of the ancient Arcadians,- in 
praise of Castor and PòUux ; 


The desperate lover in the twenty-third may 
easily he imagined to belong io the country , 
though the narration of his passion is very tra- 
gical. We cannot affirm any thing with certaioty 
concernìng the twenty-fourth and twentyTfifth ; 
as the end of one and the beginning of the.other 
is wanting. They are however both in praìse of 
Hercules ; and therefore belong to the Areadìan 
poetry ; as does also the twenty-sixth, in which 
the death of Pentheus is related» who violated 
the orgies of Bacchus. The dialogue between 
Daphnis and the shepherdess, in the twenty- 
seventh, is a complete scene of rural courtship, 
and must be allowed to be a true pastora!. In 
.the twenty-eighth Theocritus himself presents a 
distaff to Theogenis, the wife of his friend Nicias^ 
a Milesian physician; a proper presenta no doubt, 
to be sent out of the country, arid a subject wor- 
thy of a rural poet. The twenty-ninth is cour 
cerning love, the common subject of most pasto- 
rais. The thirtieth is in lyrìc measure, and the 
subject of it is the boar that wounded the shep- 
herd Adonis, the favourite of Venus. 
> It appears plainly, from this revìew of the 
Idyllia of Theocritus, that the Greek poet never 
jintended to write such a set of poems, as thè 
modem critics cali pastorals. They were poems 
on several occasions, written by a Sicilian herd- 
man, or by one who assumed that characten 
The greater patt of them are of the dramatic 
kind, each Idyllium being a single scene, or dia- 


logue between the several sorts of herdmen, their 
wives, or neighbours. Some of them are narra- 
tive, the poet speàking ali the while in his own 
person. The rest are poems in praise of gods 
and heroes. The scene ìs generally laìd in Sicily, 
that country being famous for the stories of the 
shepherd Polyphemus and the herdman Daphnis, 
and at the same time the native place of the 
poet ; who nevertheless sometìmes lays the scene 
in other countries, where he happened to travel. 
The language is plain and coarse, the Dorìc dia- 
lect being almost constantly used, which greatly 
ìncreases the rusticity of these poems. We may 
observe, that the pronunciation of the Dorians 
was very coarse and broad, and sounded harsh 
in the ears of the politer Grecians, from a pas- 
sage in the fifteenth Idyllium, where a citizen of 
Alexandria fìnds fault with the Syracusian gossìps 
for opening their mouths so wide when they 

Tqtàyins* sxxvaKTfftlyri ^Kxniéahivea ehramu 

Histy hist, your tattling silly talk forbear, 
Like turtlés you bave moutfas from ear to ear. 

The good women are affronted, and teli him, 
that as they are Dorians, they will make use of 
the Doric dialect ; 

. 'ìicif wtòof &fògoofKos; ri Sf r\yy,8Ì tuotIKou eìfjJ?; 
YlourdfMVO^ hchour<rv '^ufoLHMrleui nrirao-o-ffi;; 


And who are you ? pny wliat hsre vou u> say, . 

If we wiU talk ? Sedi tfaose tbat wili obey. * 

Woold you the S3rnicii8Ìan women role ? 

Besìdes, to teli you more^ you meddlìng fool, 

We are Corinthians, that's no great disgrace, 

Bdlerophon himself did boast tibat race. 

We speakonr language, ose the Doric tone, 

And^ Sir, the Dores, sore^ may ose their owo. Creech. 

TIlis rustìcity of the Idyllia of Theocritus 
seems to bave been well adapted to tbe age and 
country in wbich that poet lived; and to bave 
given tbe same kind of pleasure^ wbicb tbe Scot- 
tisb songs gìve to u», merely by being naturai. 
Tbere are indeed^ amidst ali tbis rusticity^ many 
sentìments of a most wonderfiil delicacy, wbicb 
are bigbly wortby of imitation : but at tbe same 
lime we meet witb many otbers, wbicb are most 
abominably clownisb, and even brutal. Herice 
Quintiliano wbo allows Tbeocritus to be admirable 
in bis way, yet tbinks bis muse too rustie and 
coarse for politer ears^. 

Tbis poet bowever bad continued in (nll pos- 
session of tbe rural crown about two bundred 
yearSy wben Virgil became bis rivai ; a genius 
formed to excel in wit ali tbose wbo bad gone 
before bim. Tbat great master of writing knew 

* Admirabilis in sao genere Tbeocritus, sed Musa illa rustica 
et pastoralis non forum modo, verum ipsam etiam urbem refor- 
midat. Lìb. x. cap. 1. 

PREFACÈ. xviì 

very well, that as the Romaii ìanguage had nòt 
a variety of dialects, like the Greek, it wouid be 
in vaili to think of giving bis BucoHcks an air of 
rasticity, like those of Theocritus. Nor would it 
bave been naturai, if he oould bave succeeded in 
the attempt. The manners of bis age and 
country wepe difFerent ; the Roman swains talked 
in a$ pure Latin in their iìelds, as Cicero couid 
speak in the senate« He therefore wisely gave a 
different air to bis Bucolicks, making bis sbep- 
berds express tbemselves with that softness* and 
eleganceP, which gained bim the esteem and ad- 
miration of the contemporary poets and critics, 
and recommended bim to the protection and fa- 
vour of the greatest men of bis tinie. Virgil, 
witbout doubt, intended to imitate Theocritus, as 
appears by bis frequent addresses lo the muses of j 
Sidly**; but tben he judiciously cbose to imitate 
the mo9t beautiful passagés, and to pass by those 
which wére too coarse, or not well enough 
adapted to tlie time in which he lived. Hence 
the BucoHcks of Virgil are called Eclogues, or 
seleci poems; because they are not a general 

Molle atque facetum 

Virilio annuerunt gaudentes rure Camenap. 

Horat. lib. i. sat. 10. 
"f Sicelides Musae, paulo majora canamus. Ecl. iv* ver. l. 
Prnna Syracosio dignata est ludere versu 
Nostra, nec erubob syìvas babitanne^ Thalìa. 

Ecl. vi. ver. 1, 2. 
Extremum hunc, Àrethusa, mihi concede laborem. 

Ecl. X. ver. 1. 

xviii PREFACE. 

collection of ali the various subjects of pastoral 
poetry, or an imitation of the whole thirty Idyllia 
of Theocritus ; but only a few chosen pieces^ in 
which that poet's manner of writing is in some 
measure imitateci, but at the same time very 
much improved. The simplicity, the innocence, 
and the piety, which many of our critics think 
essentìal to a pastoral, are far more conspìcuous 
in the Bucolicks of Virgil, tban in the Idyllia of 
Theocritus* The lover, in the twenty-third Tdyl- 
lium, hangs himself; whereas Corydon, in the 
second Eclogue, sees the folly of bis unruly 
passion, and repents. The shepherds, indeed, in 
the tbird Eclogue, rail sharply at each other ; and 
DamoBtas goes so far as to hint at some obscene 
action of bis adversary : but the travellers, in the 
fifth Idyllium, speak òut plainly, in terms not fit 
to he repeated. We are not entertained by Virgil 
with any particular hymn in honour of gods and 
heroes. He looked upon that as the province of 
the lyric poet, which we are told' he left entirely 
to bis friend Horace. But there is an air of 
piety and religion, that runs through ali the 
Eclogues, and indeed through ali the writings, of 
our excellent poet, 

As for the particular beauties of these Bu- 
colicks, the reader will find most of them pointed 
out in the foUowing notes: but there is one 
general beauty, which must not be passed by 

" Martial, lib. viii. ep. 18. 


without observation. In aJmost every Eclogue, 
we are entertained with a rural scene, a sort of 
fine landscape^ paìnted by a most masterly band. 
In the Tityrus, a shepherd is lying at ease, under 
the shade of a spreading beech, playìng on bis 
rural pipe ; wbilst another represents the difFerent 
sìtuation of bis unhappy circumstances. We 
bave the prospect before us of a country, partly 
rocky and partly marshy» a river and sacred 
springs, bees bumming about tbe willows, and 
pigeons and turtles cooing on the lofty elms : and 
at last with tbe description of tbe evening, the 
lengthening of tbe sbadows, and tbe smoking of 
tbe cottage chimneys. In tbe Alexis, a mournful 
shepherd laments bis unhappy passion in a thick 
wood of beecb-trees: we are presented with a 
most beautiful coUection of flowers ; and we see 
tbe tired oxen bringing back tbe plougb after 
their work is over, and tbe setting sun doubles 
tbe lengtb of tbe sbadows. Tbe country is in its 
full beauty, in the Palsemon; tbe grass is soft, 
tbe fruit-trees are in blossom, and tbe woods 
are green. Tbe carving of tbe two cups is ex- 
cellent, ^nd far exceeds that in tbe first Idylliura 
of Tbeocritus. In tbe PoUio, we bave a view of 
the golden age descending a second time from 
beaven; tbe eartb pouring fortb flowers and 
fruits of its own accord ; grapes banging upon 
thoms; honey dropping ft-om oaks; and sbeep 
naturally clothed with scarlet wool. In tbe 
Daphnis, two shepherds meet under tbe shade of 



elms intermix^d with hazels, and retire for better 
shade into a cave covered by a wild vine, where 
tbey sing alternately tbe deatb and deification of 
Daphnis. Silenus, in the sixth, ìs found by two 
young shepherds asleep in a cave, intoxicated 
with wìne, bis garland fallen from bis head» and 
bis battered pitcher banging down. A nymph 
assists tliem in binding bim with bis own garland, 
stains bis face with n)ulberries, and compels him 
to sing : upon which the fauns and wild beasts 
ioimediately dance to bis measure, and tbe oaks 
bend tbeir stubbok'n beads. In the Melibosus, 
two berdmen bave driven tbeir flocks together, 
one of sheep and the other of goats, on tbe reedy 
banks of the Menzo, where a swarm of bees is 
bu^zing in a hoUow oak. In the Pharmaceutria» 
the heifers leave' tbeir food, to attend to the songs 
of Damon and AlphesiboBus ; the ounces stand 
astonished, and the very rivers slacken tbeir 
course^ In the ninth, Mcaris is carrying two kids 
on tbe road to Mantua, when he meets with bis 
friend Lycidas, and falls into discourse with hii». 
Virgirs farm is described; reaching from the 
declivity of the hills down to the river, with an 
old broken beech-tree for tbe land-mark* Tbey 
go on singing, till the middle of tbeir journey is 
distinguished, by the prospect of tbe sepulcbre of 
Bianor, and tbe lake of Mantua. In the last 
Eclogue, the poet paints bis friend Gallus in tbe 
characterof a shepherd, surrounded by bis sheep. 
The several sorts of berdmen come to visit him ; 


nof is he unattended by Apollo, the god of verse, 
or by Sylvancis and Pan, the deitìes of the country. 
The scene is laid in Arcadia, the fountain of pas- 
tora! poetry, where the poet gives os a proipect 
of the pines of Mseoalus, the rocks of Lycaeos, 
and the lawps of Parth^us. In the conclusion 
of the work, Viipl represents himself under the 
charader of a goathenl, weaving slight twìgs into 
baskets, under the shade of a junìper. This 
vartety of ìmages haa been seldom considered by 
those who bave attempted to write pastorals} 
and having now seen this excellence of Virgil, we 
may venture to affimi, that ther* is something 
more required in a good pastoral, than the affec- 
tation of using coarse, rude, or obsolete exf>res^ 
sions; or a mere nothingness, without either 
thought or design, under a false notion of rural 

It is not a little surprising, that many of our 
modem poets and critics should be of opini(Hi> 
that the rusticity of Theocritus is to be imiteted|f 
ratber than the rural delicacy of Virgil If the' 
originate of l^ings are always the most valuable, 
we ought to perform our tragedie» in a cart, and 
the actors' faces ought to be stained with lees of 
wine* : we sdiould reject the use of coro, and feed 
upon acoras, Uke the andent Arcadians. 

I would not be thought, by what has been 
bere said, to endeavour to depreciate the merit of 

* See the note on ver. 383. of the first Georgick. 

xxii PREFACE. 

Theocritus. On the contrary, I belìeve there are 
few, if any, that more admire the beauties of that 
ancient wrìter. I consider him as the father of 
pasteral poetry, to whom we are orìginally obliged 
for every thing that has been well written in this 
kind» and to whom we owe even tl|e Bucolicks 
of Virgil. Theocritus is like a neh mine, in 
which thére is a plenty of ore ; but a skilful band 
is: required to separate the dross from the pure 
metal. Those who would imitate bis Doric rusti- 
city, ought to write in Greek ; for it is not to 
be imitated in any other language. We bave no 
dialect peculmr to the country people: for 
though many words are used, which are not 
*Knoifrn in cities, yet they are various in different 
counties ; some being pectiliar to the east, others 
to the west, others to the north, and others to 
the south. A pastoral therefore, written in any 
of our rustie dialects, would he almost unintel- 
ligìble, except in two or three counties ; and the 
phrases of the most rude and stupìd of our 
people, instead of giving an air of innocence and 
simplicity to a poem, disgust the reader by their 
grossness and absurdity. 

To conclude; whosoever would excel in 
pastoral poetry, may find plenty of ore in the 
neh mine of Theocritus : but the art of refìning 
and purifying it must be leamed from Virgil. 



XH£ histOT^ of the lives of most af tbe famons 
persons of mntìquity has been so obscured by 
fiction, that the very existence of many of them kas 
been renderàd doubtful. This is' not entirely the 
case of Virgil ; for we know that therfe was such ai» 
person, and are at no loss to dìscover bis age and 
country. But so many improbable and fabulous 
stories bave been told concemìng bim by the old 
grammarìans, that it is very hard, at this distance 
of time, to distinguish between truth and falsehood. 
We shall therefore content ourselves with relating 
only ì¥hat is certain, or probable; and return the 
idle and improbable fictions to the inventors *of 

PuBLius YiRGiLius Maro was bom at a villagevear 
called Andes% now Petula^, said to be about threesome 
miles from Mantua, on the Ides"" or fifteenth day of 

■ Euseb. Chroo. Donat. &c. Maj» Mercurìum.creaatù Idus. 

«» Ray*8 Observations, &c. p. ^JS?!^ S^* ^^''"^ ^t^ « 

QQ-t ' Octobres Maro consecravit Idus. 

**^* , , , ^ , Idus saepe colas et has et illasy 

* OtM^yiAids Mt^m • ^tirm •yn'- Qui magni cclebras Maronis Idus. 
fih jòvfv Tdv trtfvf u^i '0»f«- Mart. Ub. x£u ep« 67. 

C(/m«. Phlegon apud Photìum. 


Y^ October, in the year of Rome 684, when Pompey 
^eand Crassus were consuls^. It is agreed, that bis 
mother's name was Maia : but there is some dispute 
about the very name and quality of bis fatber. 
Donatus, or the writer of VirgiPs life under that 
name, says it was Maro ; and Servius and Probus 
affirm that it was Virgil. The latter seems to bave 
been in the right : for, as Ruaèus justly observes, 
if the father's name had been Maro, the son*s would 
bave beea Publius Maro Virgilius, according to the 
custom of the Romans, instead of Publius VirgiHus 
Maro. Probus says he was a countryman ; Donatus 
tells US, that some report bim to bave been a potter ; 
Ibough many are òf opinion that he was at first a 
hired servant of one Magus or Ms^us, who gave 
bim bis daughter as a reward for bis indùstry ; and 
entrusted him witb the care of bis farm and flocks, 
and that he increased bis small fortune, by buyìng 
woodsj and managing bees. Rusbus thinks, and 
not without reasoh, that if the daugbter*s name was 
Maia, as ali agree, the father's name must bave been 
Maius, and not Magus or Magius. £Le observes 
farther, that this corruption of the name of Yirgil's 
grandfather has given rise to a gross mistake of some 
later writers ; that the old man was a magician, and 
that he instructed bis grandson in magical rites^ 
which seems to be confirmed by the ìncantations 
mentioned in the seventh Eclogue. Servius affirms, 
that Virgil was a citizen of Mantua, which seéms 

^ OL clxxvii. d. Virgilius Maro peio et Crasso Consulibus. Euseb. 
in pago^ qui Andes dicitur^ haud Chron. Thus also most of the 
procul a Mantua nascitura Pom- grammarianìs. 



irery probahle : and iadeed, the paliteness of his Year 
maimers, and bis intìmacy wUb some oC the greatest Rome 
me9 of that age, even in bis younger days, seem to 
intimate, that his birth was not so mean, as it is , 
generally represented®. 

When Vii^l was five years old, his intimate 689/ 
friend and contemporary poet Horace was bom^; 
and two years aftèrwards^ bis great patron Au- 69i. 
gustus. At the age of twelve years, he was sent to 696. 
study at Cremona^', where he continued til he put 

'Donatus tells us some idle 
etories of prodi^ies attending the 
birth of Virgil. His mother^ 
when she was with child of him^ 
dreamed she was delivered of a 
branch of a bay-tree, which no 
sooner touched the ground, thati 
ìt took root^ and grew up into 
a fair tree^ adomed with flowers 
and fruits. One wouid bave 
thought, that this denoted rather 
that the child would becorae a 
great conqneror. The grandeur 
of thb omen seems however to 
be a little diminished; for the 
next day, as the good woman 
was trudging along the road 
with her bus band, she was de- 
livered of our poet in a ditch. 
The child did not cry, and had 
so sweet a countenance, that it 
was not doubted but he would 
come to good fortune. A twig 
of a pò piar was stuck immedi- 
ately in the place^ which soon 
outgrew ali that were planted 
at the same time. We may con- 
clude from the sudden and great 
thrìvìng of the poplar^ that 
the ditch was not a dry one, 
and consequently not a very 
commodious lying-in chamber. 
This famous tree, it seems, was 

coQsecrated by the name of Vir- 
gil's tree, and the breeding wo- 
men used to make vows under 
it for their safe delivery. 

' Ol. clxxviii. 4. Horatius Flac- 
Cus, Satyricus et Lyricus Poeta, 
libertino patre Veousi nascitur. 
Euseb. Chron. 

^ Natus est Augustus^ M. Tul- 
lio Cicerone et Antonio Coss. ix. 
Cai. Ootobr. panilo ante solis 
exortumu Sueton. Aug. e. 5. 

■* Olymp. clxxx. 3. Virgilius 
Cremonae studiis eruditur. Èuseb. 

Donatus says, he studied at 
Cremona, till his seventh year ; 
" Initia eetatis, id est^ usque ad 
** septimum annum^ Cremonse 
'* egit." Joseph Scaliger reads 
sedecimum instead of septimum; 
and takes the liberty to amend 
the whole passagethus ; '' Initia 
'* setatis^ id est, a xiii usque ad 
" sedecimum annum Cremonse 
'' egit, et xvii anno virilem to- 
*' gam sumpsit.** But, as this 
critic adds a xiiiy to make Do- 
natus agree with Eusebius, and 
changes septimum into sedecimum, 
without the authority of any 
manuscript ; it seems more rea- 
sonable to believe that this pas- 




Y«r on his maiily gown, which, according; to the custom 
Rome of the Romans, w?is in the seventeenth year'. Soon 
after he went to Milan^, where having stayed but a 
701. short time, he proceeded to Naples, as Donatus tells 
us; but, according to Eusebius, to Rome. That 
he studied some time at Naples, is affirmed also by 
Servius : so that we may venture to believe Donatus, 
that he spent some time there, in the study of 
Roman and Greek literature, physic, and mathe- 
matics, f)efore he went to Rome\ It is not easy 

sage in the life of Virgii, 
ascribed to Donatus^ is errone- 
ous, like many others. 

* Donatus says thls was in 
the seventeenth year of VirgiPs 
life, when the same persons 
were consuls^ under whom he 
was born. This cannot possibly 
be true ; for Virgil conld but 
enter his sìxtcenth year, aJjout 
two months before the expira- 
tion of the second consulship of 
Pompey and Crassus. Therefore 
either the age of Virgil or the 
consnis must be wrong: I be- 
lieve the mistake lies in the con- 
suls, ^nd that the age is right, 
being according to the Roman 
custom. Probably he put on the 
gown at the completion of his 
seventeenth year, w^hich was at 
the latter end of 700^ and went 
At the beginning of the followìng 
year to Milan, which agrees with 
what Eusebius has said. 

^ Ol.clxxxi. 4. Virgilius, sum- 
tajtoga^ Mediolanum transgredì- 
tur: et post breve teropus Ro- 
mam pergìt. Euseb. Chron. 

Virgilius Cremona Mediola- 
num, et inde pauUo post Neapor 
iim trans1it« 

' Bere Donatus tells a heap 
of most improbable and sìlly 

stories. Virgil, it seems, having 
spent a considerale time in his 
studies at Cremona, Milan, and 
Naples, and having acquired a 
considerable knowledgc in phy- 
sic and philosophy, went to 
Rome, and set up for a horse- 
doctór. He got himself recom- 
mended to the master of Augus- 
tus*8 stables, where he cured a 
great varìety of diseases incident 
to horses ; and received the re- 
ward of a loaf every day, with 
the usuai allowance to each of 
the grooms. The Crotoniates 
sent a present to Csesar of a 
beautiful colt, in which every 
body discovered the marks of 
extraordinary spirit and swift- 
ness : but Virgil gave his opinion, 
that he came from a sickly mare, 
and would prove good for no- 
thing, which was verified by the 
event. This being reported to 
Augustùs by the master of the 
stable, he was pleased to order 
the allowance of bread to be 
doubled. He shewed no less 
skill in judging of the parentage 
of dogs : whereupon Augustùs 
ordered his allowance of bread 
to be doubled again. Augustùs 
was in doubt whether he was 
the son of Octavius, or of some 



to detèrmine, at what time be returned to the place Yeér 

intemipted hìm^ saying^ Hear.701. 

other man. Whom therefore 
coùld be thmk so fit to resolve 
the question as Virgili who had 
discovered so much skill in the 
parenti^e of dogs and horses? 
Accordingly he took him into 
a private apartment, and or- 
derìng every ooe else to with- 
draw^ agked him if he knew 
who he was^ and what power 
he had to make mcn happy. 
Virgil answered^ I know thee, 
O Augustus CsBsar^ and that thy 
power is almost equal to that 
of the immortai gods ; so that 
Ihou canst make happy whom- 
soever thoa pleasest. Cassar 
then told him, that he wouid 
make him * happy, if he would 
give a true what he 
should ask him. Some, says he, 
take meto be the son of Octa- 
"vius, and others to be the son of 
another man. Virgil smiled, and 
told him he could easily answer 
that question, if he mìght do it 
with impunity. Cessar gave him 
his oatbj that he would not be 
offended at any thing he should 
say ; and added, that )ie would 
not send him away unrewarded. 
Then VirgO, fixing his eyes 
steadily upon Augustus, said, 
The qualìties of the parents of 
other animals may easily be dis- 
covered by mathematicians and 
philosophers, but in man it is 
impossi ble; but yet I can form 
a probable conjectuFe of the 
occupàtion of your father. Au- 
g^tus listened with great atten- 
tion to bear what he would say, 
when he proceeded thus; Ac- 
cording to the' best of my judg- 
ment, you must be the son of a 
baker. Csesar was astonished, 
and was revolving in his mind 
how this could be, when Virgil 

how I carne to form this con- 
jecture, when I had deliv^red 
some predictions, which could 
be known only by men of the 
gfeatest learning and abilities: 
you, who are Prince of the 
whole wórld, bave given me no 
other reward than bread over 
and over again; which is the 
part either of a baker òr the son 
of a baker. Csesar was pleased 
with his wit, and answered, that 
for the future he should be. re- 
warded, not by a baker, but by 
amagnanimous kingi and con- 
ceived a great esteem for him, 
and recommended him to Pollio. 
It is hardly possi b)e for a tale 
to be more absurd than this. 
Would the ruler of the world 
talk thus idly with one whOm he 
had sent for out of his stables ? 
Would Virgil, whom ali allow 
to bave been a man of remark- 
able modesty, and even bashful- 
ness, bave spoken in this manner 
to his prince? Would any man 
of sense, when his sovereìgn 
asked him a question, which to . 
bini appeared of the greatest 
importance, bave put him off 
with a sorry jest> Or was Aa- 
gustus a master of no more wit 
or understanding'than to con» 
ceive an affection for one of his 
grooms, because he had an* 
swered him impertinently ? The 
answer was stili the more offen- 
sive, because Anthony had been 
used to reproach Augustus with 
having a baker amongst his an- 
cestors. But, if we enquìre a 
little into the chronojogy of 
those times, we shall find that 
there was not any one point of 
time, when this story could 
possibly be true. Both Èusebius 




Y4»r of bis nativity, and applied bimself to the culture of 
his lands. It might probably be in bis twenty- 
second year, wbén the civil war between Cassar and 
Pompey began, and the confasions at Rome were 
very great. It is reasonable to tbink, that he might. 
at that lime retire to his farm, in hopes of a quiet 
and peaceable tifa, when the flame of the civil war 
seemed to drive quite another way ; and when his 
countrymen were so favoured by Caesar, who had 
been tbeir govemor, as to be made freemen of 
Rome\ to which he seems to allude in bis Daph- 
nis'^ ; unless we will suppose the poet to mean that 
he was personally known to Cassar, which is not 
impossible, considering he was a native of his fa- 
Tourìte province. It may be thought no improbable 
conjecture, that Caesar might see some of his juvenile 
poem» whilst he studied at Cremona, and take 
notice of hìm as a promising genius. Donatus tells 
US, that he wrote several poems when he was but 
fifteen years of age: but Ruaeus" has proved, by 

and Donatus seem to agree^ that Octavianus. It could not happen 

it was not long after.VirgìI weot after that time^ because the 

to Milan^ that he proceeded to Bucolicks and Georgicks were 

Rome: but it was at least ten already publiehed.andtheiEneis 

years after that time, before begun ; so that Virgil was then 

Augustus had any power at ali ; no stranger to Augiistus ; nor 

and it was full fìve and tweoty could there be any occasion for 

years^ before he had the name his being reccommended to Poi- 

Augustus given hhn ; and yet lio, who knew him safficiently^ 

Virgil in this discourse expres^ly by his Eclogues, at least twelve 

oalls bim Augustus Cassar : and years before this happened. 

therefore this con versaticMi could ' Tai; TàXÀrtm véts hrh rm 

not happen before the year of "AXinat ujn^ rh 'H^i^^mv HtUwri 

Rome 7S7> when the name of rvi wXitum, in m»ì <>({«€. uvrSi», 

Augustus was bestowed by the ìM^m. Dio Ca^s, lib. xlì. 

senate on hìm^ who, after the "^ Amavit nos quoque Daph- 

«leath of Julius Caesar, assumed nis. 

the namc of Caius Julius Cassar " Virg. Hist. anno 696. 


very solìd ai^meoto, %het iiQue of thoae pifiee^ Aow ¥fv 
extaqt under bis name could be compos^d by Yti^ ume 
Perhaps i^lso Csasar mìght see tbe Alejps; wbioli ^^' 
seems to bave been tb^ most early of our poet 9 
compoeitioas now extant^ : and we may very well 
suppoae bim capable of wrìtiiig tbat JESdogue at tbe 
age of abottt twenty-five, wWcb year of bÌ8 Ufo he 7<>»- 
bad completed, about balf a year before Cmw wa$ 
murdered, wbicb was on tbe fifteeatb of March» m 
tbe year of Home 7 10. ^^^ 

Tbe Alexifi is indeed a fine composìtioii, ia wbicb 
the pasaioQ of love ìs descrìbed wìth great wannth 
and delicacy. It i& mucb to be wisbed, tbat a pep- 
6on of tbe otber sex bad been tbe object x>f thia 
passioa. Bttt Tbeocritus bad given tbe example in 
bis 'EfM'rQ^P, from wbicb, and tbe Cyclops of tbe 
game autbor, Virgil baa taken several passages in th^f 

Ati&r tbe deatb of Julius Caesar, tbe Roman 
affairs were in tbe greatest oonfusion imaginable* 
Many different parties were formed ; and bis friend» 
were divided into factìons, as well as bis enemies* 
Many were for restoring the commonwealth, and 
many for setting up tbemselvea, as sole governors, 
in the place of the deceased perpetuai diotatorr 
Caius Octovius Gaepias, who ìs better known in 
bidtory by tbe name of Augnstas, which be after- 
wards acquìred, was the «on of Caius Octavius, by 
Attia the daugfater of Julius Caesar's sister^i, Thìs 

"* Ske the note on ver* 86. of the second Eclogue. 
the fifth Eclogue. *» Dio, lib. xlv. 

p See the note on ver. 1. of 


Year young man being left aii orphan by bis father, was 
Romebred up under bis mother, and ber brotber Lucius 
' Pbiìippus : but as be grew up, bis great uncle, per- 
ceivìng marks of an extraordinary genius in bim, 
and baving no cbild bìmself, was pleased to take 
bim as bis own, and to design him for bis successor. 
Witb this view, be omitted no opportunity of forming 
tbis young favourite's mind, and rendering bim ablè 
to bear the great weight be was intended to suppòrt. 
Cassar designed to make an expedition against tbe 
Parthians, tbe most formidable enemy of tbe 
Romans, wbom tbey bad most sbamefully defeated, 
and slain Crassus tbeir cbief commander. Wbilst 
be was making preparations for this great war, be 
sent bis nepbew before to wait for him at Apollonia, 
wbere be was pursuing bis studies, wben he heard 
the surprìsing news, tbat bis uncle was murdered in 
tbe senate-bouse. The young Octavius was in great 
perplexity, being informed tbat bis uncle^s murder 
was approved at Rome, and not knowing tbat be 
bad made bim bis beir. But as soon as be was 
informed of tbe contents of bis will, and tbat the 
people bad changed tbeir minds, and were bigbly 
enraged against the.murderers, be began to entertain 
bopes; and being well provided both witb men 
and money, that bad been sent beforehand by his 
uncle. he determined to assume the name of Caesar, 
wbo had adopted him, and to lay claim to his inhe- 
ritance. He went immediately to Rome, and 
entered the city in tbe babit of a primate person, 
witb very few attendants : and waiting upon Mark 
Anthony, the surviving consul, was received by him 


in a very cold iqaniier ; and when he spake about Vear 
hìs uncles will, was treated with great contempi. Bome 
Yoang Cassar was not dìscouraged by the ili usage 
of the consul ; but made it bis business to ingratiate 
himself with the people, by performing several things 
in honour of bis uncle's, or as he was now called bis 
father's, memory. He now increased every day in 
the favour of the people, ànd many of the soldiers 
began to come over to him. This softened the mind 
of Anthony, who began to hearken to him; and 
at last a reconciliation was made betweén them. 
But new difficulties and new jealousieUs arising, soon 
broke asunder this ili cemented friendship. An- 
thony perceiving CaBsar's interest to increase, used 
ali the arts he was master of to gain over the peo* 
pie to bis party. He was very great in power ; be- 
ing consul himself, and having bis brothér Lucius 
tribune of the people, and another brother, Caius, 
praetor. This strong faction of the Antonii took 
upon them to depose several from their govem- 
ments, and to substitute others in their room ; and 
also to postpone others beyond the time that had 
been appointed. Accordingly the province of Ma- 
cedonia, which had been allotted to Marcus Briitus, 
was given to . Caius Anthony ; and Mark was 
pleased to claim the Cisalpine Gaul, in whicH Man- 
tua was situated, beirig the best supplied with men 
and money ; though it had been already assigned to 
Decimus Brutus. The soldiers, whom Julius Caesar 
had sent before him to Apollonia, being retumed 
to Italy, Mark Anthony went to them, with hopes 
of engaging them in bis service. Young Caesar, at 

xxxii UFE OF VIRGIl. 

Yaar the fìBXùB tÌHie^ s^it soooie of fais fiiends» witb pl^nty 
Romtof money, to hìre them; whilst lie himself went 
into Campania^ where he levied a ^ood body^of 
meiiy chiefly from Capua, where his £ather had 
planted them, having given them that city and ter- 
ritòry as a reward for tfaeir services. He got to 
Rome agaia before Anthony ; where being miich 
applauded by the peopLe^ in whose defimce he said 
be had made these levies, he proceeded to Tuscany, 
in order to raise men there. The soldiers, who 
w^re retumed from Apollonia, received Anthony 
very faTOurably, believing bim to be the richest; 
bnt when they foimd that his offers fell short of 
those of Gssar^ liiey gnew very mutinous* Hei^ 
upon Anthony commanded some of the centurìons 
to be scourged, in the preaence of himself and his 
wife; whicfa quieted them for a time: but as they 
were marching into Gauil, they mutinied again, 
when they were not far from the city ; and most of 
them went over to Caesar. Two entire legions de- 
Berted together ; and when the money, that had 
been {«romised, was punctually distribnted amongst 
them, they were soon followed by many others. 
Anthony retumed to Rome, and having settled his 
affairs in the best manner he could, took an oath 
from the vest of the soldiers, and the senators, who 
were with them» and marched into Gaul, to pve\&3t 
any disturbance there. Gsesar marched aft» him 
without delay. Decimus Brntus was at that time 
govemor of Gaul ; and having been one of Julius 
C^sar s murderers, was irreconcilable with Anthony, 
who had vowed the destruction of them ali. But, 


as young Cassar had never discovered any intention ly 
of revenging his father's death, there wa» a grealerBoiM 
probability of being able to form a coiijuiiction witìi 
him. Bmtufi was tfaen at Muttna, now called 
Modena, and readily aasented to Cassare request, 
that he would not snffer Anthony to enter the place. 
This behaiiour of Brutus was approved at Rome ; 
whene the senate ordered tbanks to be given to the 
people of Mutìna, and to the soldiers who had 
deserted from Anthony. The hatred agaìnst An- 
thony ìncreased every day at Rome; and, Cicero, 
whose enmity to him was ìmplacable, assisted 
Cessar with ali his might. 

When the Roman affiurs were in this perplexed 
state, and the Cisalpine Gàul, the native country of 
our poet, was becomtng the seat of a cìvil war, it 
is no wonder that we do not find any exertìon of bis 
poetica] genius during this year. 

The next began with the creation of two new 711. 
consuls, Aalus Hirtìus and Caius Pansa. Great de- 
bates arose in the senate, conceming the present 
posture of their affairs; but the friends of young 
Ciesar prevailed'^. They decreed, that a statue 
should be erected for him ; that he should bave the 
qii«estorian rank in the senate ; that he shouM bave 
the liberty to sue for offices before the Ibgal age; 
that the money which he had given to the soldiers 
sbould be repaid outof Ae public treasury, because 
he had levied them for the safety of the Common- 
wealth, though it was done by bis private authority ; 

' Dìo, 1%. jAyI 


Y<tf and that the doldiera whom he had raised, and those 
Rome who had deserted from Anthony , should be released 
' from farther servìce at the end of this war, and hsve 
lands immediately divìded amongst them. Mes- 
sengers were sènt to Anthony, to command him to 
disband his anny, to depart from * Gaul, and to 
proceed directly to Macedonia. His soldiers were 
ordered to repaìrto tbeir own home, under penalty 
ojT beìng treated as public enemies. They appointed 
young. Gaesar, whom they invested wìth praetorian 
power, to join with the two consuls, in carrying on 
the war with Anthony ; who was not sorry to find 
the senate so ready to give him a fair opportunity of 
entering into a war. He stili bel d. D. Brutus be- 
sieged in Mutìna, making> war against him as one of 
Caesar^s murderers ; but the. true cause of his pursu- 
ing him was, that he might get him out of Gaul, and 
take possession of that province himself. Hirtius 
and Cassar began their march together from Rome, 
whilst Pausa stayed some time to raise a greater 
number of soldiers. Anthony left his brother Lucius 
to carry 01^ the siege, whilst be himself marched 
against Hirtius and Caesar. They soon came io an 
engagement, and the victory fell to Anthony, who 
left a partof his army to besi^e them in their camp, 
and went' to meet the other consul; whom he at- 
tacked suddenly, as he was marching out of Bononia, 
and having.wounded Pausa, and killed many of his 
men, forced the rest to .fly within their trenches. 
But Hirtius left Caesar to guard the camp, and fell 
upon Anthony, being now fatigued with these 
marches^ and weakened by two battles, and obtained 


a «ignal victory over hìm ; whereupon the soldiers Year 
saluted both the consals, and young C^sar also by it«rae 
the name of Imperator. Pontius Aquila, one af 
Bratus's lieatenants, about the same time, gained 
several . victorìes over Titus Manatius Plancns. 
These soccesses so far elevated Hìrtius and Cassar, 
that they determined to attack Anthony in bis camrp : 
but he, having received a good supply of men from 
Lepidus,made a vigorous sally, and got away, many 
being slain on both sides. In this conflict Hirtius 
was slain, and bis colleagae dìed soon afterwards of 
the wounds which he received in the former engage- 
ment. Anthony being thus ruined, the sonate began 
to neglect Cassar, and to heap ali their favours upon 
Decìtnus Brutus; giving to bini the honour of ali 
the success, -and bestowing on bis soldiers the re- 
wards, which had been promised to those who served 
under Cassar. They gave him howeverthe liberty 
of >votìng amcoìg those of consular dignity, which 
was by no means satisfìakctory to him, who was 
ambitious of obtaining the consulship itself. They 
endeavoured to foment divisions among bis soldiers, 
and. even to alienate their affections from him : and 
he was commonly distinguished by the name of the 
boy, amongst those who did not favour him. These 
and many other indignities made young C^^sii* 
determined to pursue new measures ; and to make a 
private jceeonciliation with Anthony. At the same 
time it was understood at Rome, that Anthony and 
Ijepidus had joined together : whereupon the senato,, 
not knowing the agreement that Cassar had made 
with. Anthony, began to look upon him again with a 



T«ir fiivouraUe cotuit^ttBce, and gave him commissian 
Boneto prosecate the war agakist Anthony and Lepidos* 
' Tbk war he reacUly mtdertoofc, in hopea ei obtaìn- 
b^ the oonsnlahip» and in order to £BK:ilitate it, prò- 
miaed to take Cicero fer his xx>Ueagae. Wh» thk 
proposai had noi the deaired eflfec^, he pretended to 
prepare for the war, and in the mesm time canaed 
Uà soldieiii to oblige themselves by an oatfa, that 
they would not fight against any army that had been 
Cttsar'is. This was done chiefly wìth a view to the 
armies of Anthony and Lepidns, whidi were almost 
whoUy compoaed of men who had serred mider 
Cffisar. This being done» Cssar sent fonr hundred 
of these very men to Rome, to demand money, and 
the conaulsbip for theìr general. These ambaseradors 
were ordered to lay down their arma before they 
enteied the senate-house, which they did : but not 
meeting wìth satisfactory Bnswer», one of them, as 
he carne out, took up his sword, and said, If yoa wìll 
not give Cassar the consulship, this shall give it him: 
to which Cicero answered, Csesar will certainly 
obtain the consulship, if you sne for it after this 
mann^. Caesar, being highly offi^nded that his men 
were ordered by the senate to lay down their anm, 
sent for Anthony and Lepìdas to come nearer to 
him, ^nd marched witfa his army directly towards 
Rome* The senate, being terrified at his approacfa, 
ordered money to he sent to his soldiers, hoping 
diat Would cause them to return; but when they 
found that he contimied his march, they chose him 
consul. This gave no satisfaction : for the array 
being sensible that this was not done willh^ly, but 

LLFE OF VIBiGIL. xxxviì 

tbrough fear, grew more insolent. The sciate now Vm 
altered their mind again^ and forl^ the army to Uoam 
come within seven hnndred and fifty stadia of Hie 
city. But CsBsar proceeded; and as soon as he 
carne near the city, the courag^ of those who had 
spoken most highly agaìnst him began to lail ; and 
gome of the senators first» and afterwards many of 
the people, w^it over to him. Nay » the very praetors 
rarrendered themsely^ and tìieir soldiers to him : 
so that CsBsar got possession of Rome, without 
striking a single blow. Cassar was now chosen 
consttl by ^e people, and Qaintns Pedius was 
assigned him for bis coUeague. He gave rewards to 
ali bis iBoldiers; and was adopted into the family of 
Julius Caesar, according to the forms of law, taking 
npon him the name of Caius Julius Cassar Qctavi* 
anus : for, according to the Roman custom, the 
person adopted assumed the entìre name oi him who 
adopted him, and added one of the names which 
he had before, wìth some little alteration. Cassar, 
bavii^ now bound the soldiers to him, and depressed 
the senate, openly declared bis intention of aven^ng 
bis father's murder. But in the first place, he dis-* 
trtbuted the great legacies, which he had bequeathed 
to the people; which softened their minds, and pre^^ 
vented any tumults which might otherwisa bave 
arìsen. Tìm fae took care to bave done according 
to due form : and a law was made, whereby not 
only the murderers of Julius Caesar, but several 
othersalso, wefe condemnad to l>anishment, and con- 
fiscation of their goods. Anthony, ^%er bis defeat, 

xxxviii LIFE OF VIRGIL. 

Year wa^ pursued neìther by Decimus Brutus^ nar by 
Rome Caesar. The latter did not follow bim, because the 
senate had ordered Decimus to contìnue the war ; 
and the former had no inclination to ruìn an enetny 
of Caesar. 'J'hìs gave hìm an opportunìty to gather 
bis scattered forces, and to join with Lepidus, who 
intended to bave marcbed into Italy; but was or-^ 
dered by the senate to stay wbere he was. Decimus, 
understanding that he was deci ared a public enemy 
at Rome, attempted to get into Macedonia io Mar- 
cus Brutus; but falling into the hands of bis ene- 
mies, he chose to kìU bimself. This common enemy 
being thus removed, Anthony and Lepidus de- 
termined to march into Italy, leavìng Gaul to be 
governed by their lieutenants: Caesar met them at 
Bononia; where they ali conferred together, - and 
formed the scheme of the famous Triumvirate ; that 
these three men should take the administration of 
fkffairs into their hands; and destroy ali their 
enemies. They agreed that Cassar should bave the 
govemment of ali Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily ; that 
Lepidus should bave ali Spain, and Gallia Narbo- 
nensis ; and that Anthony should bave- ali the rest of 
Gaul, on both sides the Alps : whence we may ob- 
serye, that Virgil's country fell under the govem- 
ment of Anthony. After this. Cassar marcbed to 
Rome, and was foUowed by Anthony and Lepidus; 
each with their respective armies ; when that horrid 
proscription was begun, by which the lives of many 
Romans of the best families and character were 
cruelly taken away. 


' At the begtnning of thèse troubles, the famous vear 
Caius Asìnìus PoUio^ was at the head of two le- Rome 


gions in Spaia ; whilst Lepidus had the ccnninand 
of three others in the same country, and Plancus 
had three more in the farther Ganl^ These three 
were ali thought to favour the cause of Atithony : 
but ali the sevéral factìons were in hopes of gaining 
them. As soon as the siege of Mutina was raiséd, 
and. the senate bégan to slight Gsesar, havìng no 
farther occasion to depend upon him, they sént or- 
ders to these three generals to fight againsi Anthony, 
whom it was their chief intention to destroy. When 
CaBsar, finding himself neglected by the senate, 
and the war against Anthony committed to the 
management of Brutus, determined to make peàce 
with Anthony; he wrote also bòth to Pollio an^ 
Lepidus, shewing them hów necessary it was for 
them ali to unite, lest Pompey's factiòu should de- 
stroy them one after another, as they plainly in- 
tended. When Csesar was chosen consul, and 
Decimus, being declared a public enemy, was 
pursued by Anthony, Pollio joined in the pursuit 
with his two l^ions, and brought over Plancus also, 
with the three which he commanded. We bave 
seen already, that when -Anthony and Lepidus 
marched to meet Caèsar at Bononia, they left Gaul 
to be governed by their lieutenants ; and that when 
they formed the triumvirate, that province was 
assigned to Anthony. It is therefore highly proba- 
ble, that when they marched to Rome, Pollio being 

• See the note on ver. 84. of ' Appian^ de Bell. Civ. lib. 
the third Eclogue. iii. 


Yett a man of known abilitìea and integrìty, was left 

Romt by Anthony to comtnand in Gaul, as bis lieutenant : 

^^^' whicfa seems to be confirmed by bis holding the 

Venetian territory, of which Mantua was a part, 

about a year afterwards, for Anthony, with seven 


Thus we may reasonably conclude, that ìt was 
wben Mantua was under the government of this 
favourer of the muses, that Virgil wrote the PalsB- 
mon, in whìch PoUio, and be alone of ali tìie great 
. men then in being, is celebrated^ as a patron of the 
authoi*, and a poet himsel/''. 

The Paloemon is a dispute between two shep- 
berdS) who challenge each other to sing altemately : 
and is an ìmitatìon of the fourtfa and fifth Idyllia of 
Theocrìtus« But it is wrìtten with infinitely more 
delicacy tfaan tbe orìginals : and though diere is the 
(mly coarse raillery between the two shepherds, tiiat 
is to be met with in any of the works of Virgil ; 
yet their conr^^sation may be thought polite, in 
comparison with those of Theocrìtus. He has also 
inArodaced the descrìption of two cups, like that 
famous one in the &6finì; : but the Greek poet's de- 
scrìption is long, even to tediousness ; whereas those 
of Yirgil are £ar more concise, and elegant. 
712. The aiext year, wben PlaiKrus and Lepidus were 
created consnls, is remarkaUe for the birth of the 

* VeH. Patere, lib. lì. cap. 76. PoUio €t ipse faclt nova car- 

' Potilo amai no^traam, (juani- iniiift : :pasQ»t« tanrtim, ^ 

vis est rustica^ musam : Jam cornu petat^ et pedibus qui 

Pierides^ vitulam lectori pas- spargat arenam. 

«ite vestro. Eclog. iiì. 84. 


famoust poet» PnUina Ovidìus. Naso^ wfaeB.Vìrgìl V^ 
wasiìa hÌB twenty-iiinth year'. Rome 

On.the veny first day of thìs year, the trbaivirs^ 
being b^n witfa perfonaing great hd^ 
noms to the inemory of Jalim Ottsor^ bound theia» 
selves byan catti to hold allihis actìons Bacied; 
ordered a terapie to bebmlt in the very place nnrheffe 
hÌ8 body *had been bumed; and commanded, tfaat 
a statae of him should be carried :ahout togellMV 
with one of Yen» at the races'^ They dectaed 
alsOy that hi» birth*day shòuld be^ ceiebrated wìth 
ero WBs of 'bay/ and uniyersal joy ; and that Ahase 
who omittedithis eelebration should be olnwxiQns to 
the curses of Jupiter and Julius Cassar; and if: they 
were «enatorS) or the sons of «enatCHrs^' a lai^£ne 
was to be laìd upon them^^ But^ as Julius CisdsuBff 
was bom on the day of the Ludi Apollinares^^on 
wbich day the Sibylline orades forbad any 
be celebrated to any bther god than Apollo, they 
commanded bis bìrth-day to be * kept the day before 
tbat festival. They forbad any hni^ of him to be 
carried about at the fonerai of any of ihis famfly, 
àocordìng to the usuai custom ; because he was nxA 
a mortai, btit a real god. Thejr also made bis 
chapel a place of refuge, from which noone was to 
be takèn wbo had fléd tbither ; an honour noi given 
bV'thé Romans tó anygod since the time of Rcimu- 
hÉ&j Thì& deMcation of Julius Caésar seems to haye 
been alluded to by Yiipl in his Daphnis; which 
must therefore bave been written near the beginning 

y Olymp. clxxxiv. 3. Ovidius Chron. 
Naso nascitur in Pelignis. Enseb. * Dio, 1ib;?xlTÌK 



of tbis year, when these extraordìnary honours werè 
Bomepaid to the memory of that hero. Sach a poem 
* coold net bat be acceptabk to bis pi^on, Pollio, 
who was a steady friend to Julius Gaesar, and was 
probably lìeutenant^ovemor of the province wbere 
Yirgil lived. Nor còuld it be unacceptablè to the 
triumvirs themselvés/ who were pròfessedly of the 
same party, and had decreed those honours to the 
memory of Julius Cassar. But tbough the triumvirs 
reìgned at Rome, and were absolute nmsters in 
Gaul, yet they were far from being in póssession of 
the whole Roman empire. Marcus BrutUs, oiie of 
the murderers of Cassar, had gotten ali Gréece and 
Macedon into bis hands, put Caitis Anthony to 
death, and was at the head of a good army. Cassius, 
'another of the murderers, had at the same time 
coUected ali the forces that were in Syria; and 
joined bis army with that of Brutus, in òpposition to 
the establishment of the triumvirato; In thià doubt- 
fili situation of affaìrs, Yirgil seèms to bave acted 
with great caution : fór tbough the Daphnià cannót 
well be imagined to bave been written in honotir of 
any other person than that of the great Cassar* ; yet 
he prudently suppresses bis name, and describes 
bim under the character of a berdman. 

Brutus and Cassius, having joined their armies, 
marched into Macedonia, and encamped at Philjppi ; 
wbere they waited for Cassar and Anthony, who 

. * Donatus says, that Virgil of the latter under the name of 

had two brothers ; Silo, who Daphnis. But the im probabili ty 

died young, and Flaccus, who of this story is shewn in the 

died after he was grown up ; notes on that £c)ogue. 
and that he lamented the death 


carne agamst them, with joint; forces; Lepidu^ Year 
stuyii^.at Rome, to keep ali quiet tbeiìe.^ The, ad- Rome 
yerse^armies did^notlong continue in sigtit of eaqh; 
other, before they carne to an. engagement. The 
battle was fought with great fury, and varìous for- 
tune; but at last the victory fell to the tiiumyirs; 
Brutus.and Gassias, seeing ali lost, slew themsèlves : 
Porda^ the dau^ter of Cato, and, wife. of Bruitasi 
kiUed herself by swallowìng a, bumingcoal: most 
of the prìncìpal persona, who had, either barpe 
officesy or been concemed inthe mui'der of GaeBar^ 
fell upon their own swords : but the soldiers, upon 
promise ofindemnity, carne over to the triumvirs. 

This decisive baltle was fought at the latter end 
of the year of Rome 712; and as Lepidus had no 
band in it, the. whole glory of it redounded to Gaesàr 
and Anthony. These two therefore b^an immedi- 
ately to take upon. them the disposition of public 
affairs ; and to avoid ali altercation, they drew up a 
writing between them, in which it was àgreed, that 
Gaeéar shpuld bave Spain and Numidia, and An- 
thony Gaul and Africa; but on condition, that if 
Lepidus was discontented he should bave Africa^. 
They forbare to divide the other provinces; because 
Sextus, the spn of Pompey, was in ppssession of 
S|ardinia and Sicily» and the rest were not yet 
quieted. It was agreed al^o, that Antliony should 
quash ali rebellìons, and provide th<e money that 
was promised to the soldiers ; and that Caesar should 
take ^care of Lepidus, if hp should offer to stir; 

^ Dio, lib. xlviii. 

liliv UPE ©F yiRGlL. 

Y«air isifnd tliat he sbouldalsc manale the war against 
Bmxà Sèxtds P<>mpey ; > and ikstly^ tfaat he- should ^take 
Cam tó divide the^lands, wfaich- hadbeen prmnimd 
to the retemir gcrfdi^^. Cassar atsowas to deliter 
two af his tegions to AtiitboBy ; s^danstead of Itimn^ 
to i reéeìve ^two òf Anthoiiy's, • which ' were ^ in I taly • 
^èse-^sMideér^ being «igned and' sealèd,' Antìiony 
Mai^hed into Asia» and Gsesar retarned to^italy. 
€sesai^ made^^hat' hàste he couid, and carne the 
itoarest way tdltaly, goingon board at Dyrrafchium, 
and' landingat fitandùsium'^. > But he wa» taben 
80^ ili dnrìng his voyage, tbat it* wad cnrfeotly re- 
ported ^at' Rome that he wad dead. ^ This nifnour 
occadioned great dìstiìrbances^» whicb however were 
Boott appeased by his safe return. 
713. Publins ServiKus and Lucins Antony had the 
Aame * of consuls for the following year ; but ' in 
reaHty the whole govemment was administered by 
the latter, and by him chiefly* under the direction 
bf Fulfia. This I^'ulvia was the wìfe of Mark An- 
thony ^ ai\d 'the mother of CaBSar's- wife: làhe-was 
a womanòf amost tdrbulent «pirit; and sligbtòig 
Lqndus, oaaecount of his indolence, took the reins 
into ber own hands, and wouldnot sùffer elther 
óenate or peoplfì to make any décree Mrithout ber 
permission. At this time Csesar retumed victorious 
from Philippi ; and bating pcirformed those duties, 
^hich ancient custom required from successfiil 
wlarriors, he began to enter upon public business, 
a considerable part of ivhich was the division of ihe 

"" See the note òn ver. 6. of the eighth Eclogue. 


ptomìsed' ktnds amongst the veterana Lackis An- ire» 
tbony aiid Fulvia;' being allied to him, b^avedAme 
peaceaUy at ^rst ;* but thatiadys fiery tenaper .soon '^^^ 
brakeoutyietnd kìndled the flame of anew eivil war. 
Fulvia and he^ brother . complained, tkal Giesar did 
net permit tbem to divide «theiands^ whicb beloi^d 
to 'Mark Anthony; and- Csesar, tbat the legions 
were noti delivery to him^ according to-the agree- 
ment^madeat Philippi. Their qnarrel grew to suoh 
a"height,^*that €»sar^ being no longer able tobear 
the insolence of Fulvia, divorced ber daughter; 
taking an oatb, that she stili remained a virgin. 
Therewas now no longer any shadow of agreement 
between them : Lucius, being wholly guided by 
Fulvia, pretended to do every thing for the sake of 
bis brother, having assumed on that account the 
mmame of Pius. But deBsar laid the whole blame 
on Fulvia and Lucius, noi accusing Mark Anthony 
in the ^ least degree ; charging them with acting 
ooBtrary to bis inclinatìon^ and attraapting toassame 
a^particuiar 'power of govemmg to thems^ves. 
Each party looked upon the division of the lands as 
a'great step to power; and therefore this' was the > 
prmcipal subject of their contention. - Coesar was 
desirous, according to'the* agreement made after the 
batde of Philippi, to divide %tìbe lands amongst 
Ihe soldiers of Anthony , as well as his own; that 
he might bave it in bis power to lay an obligation 
upon them ali. Fulvia and Lucius were no less 
«oHcitouf9 to bave the settling of those of Anthony, 
that tfaey might avail themselves of their strength ; 
and both of them were of opinion, that the readiest 


Year way was to divide the goods of the unarmed prò-. 
Rome prietors among the soldiers. But when they found 
''^^ tbat great tumults were raised by this division of the 
lands, and that Gaesar began to jncar the hatred of 
the people, they changed their pian, and endea- 
voured to gain ali the injured to their party. At 
this time Rome, was fiUed with the.complaints of 
great multitudes of people, who, being dispossessed 
of their estates, flocked thither, in bopes. either of 
restitution, or of being able to give some^more favour-r 
able tum to their affairs by raising tumults. It is 
the general opinion, that Yirgil went tp Rome 
amongst the rest of bis countrymen, and that being 
introduced to Caesar, he obtained an order to bave 
bis lands restored. It bas been already observed, 
that Yirgil was probably known to PoUio a year 
before this distress happened : we may therefore ven- 
ture to suppose, that the poct was recommended by 
bim to some of the favourites"^ of Gassar, as a person 
of extraordinary genius for poetry. This di vision of 
the lands, and the melancholy condition of those 
who were foreed to giveup their estates tp the. sol- 
diers, is the subject of the.Tityrus. This Eclogue, 
which is usually placed first, though plainly not the 
first iji order of time, contains a dialo^e between 
Tityrus and Melibo^us, two shepherds; the latter' 
of whom represents, in a very pathetìcal manner, 

^ The person to whom Virgil interpose in the preservation of 

was recommended by Pollio Mantua^ 

seems to bave been Varus: for Vare tuumnomen,8uperat modo Man- 
in the ninth Eclogue we find Ma»t*r "« \iser« nimium vidna 
our poet addressing himseif to CremonaB; 
Varus, and entreating him to Cantantes sublime ferentadsideiBcycni. 


the miseries bf tbose, who were obligéd to quit y^ 
their country, and make room for the ìntruding Rome 
soldìers. The fonner expresses the great happiness 
he énjoyed in being restored to hìs estate, by the 
favonr of a young man% whom he declares, that 
he will always esteem as a deìty^ Thìs young 
man can be no other than Csesar, who at that 
timé took upon him the distributìon of the lande. 
His adopted father was already received intò the 
number of the Gods, whence young Csesar assumed 
the title of £>ivi Julii Jiliùs. Tìtyrus therefore flat- 
ters bis great benefactor, as ìf be Mras already a 
deity. This extraordinary favour, above the rest 
of hìs neìghbours, was without doubt òwiiig to his 
skill in poetry; for we are told expressly in the 
Moerìs, that he was said to bave preserved his lande 
by his versesi. It seems most probablè« that it 
was the Daphnìs, which he had written the year 
before, on the deificatìon of Julius Caesar, that re- 
commended him to the favour of his adoptéd son. 
B.ut we are told, that our poet's joy was but short ; 
for when he retiirned to take possessiòn of his farm, 
he was violently assaulted by the intruder, and would 
bave been killed by him, if he had not made his 
escape, by swimming over the Menzo. The poet, 
upon this disappointment, retumed to Rome, where 

* Hic illum vidi juvenem. Me- ' Namque erit iUe mihi semper 

liboee^ quotannis Deus : illius aram 

Bis senos cui nostra dies al- Ssepe tener nostris ab ovilibus 

taria fumant imbuèt agnus. 
Hic mihi responsum primus 

dedit ille petenti ; > Omnia carmi nibus vestrum ser- 

Pascite ut ante boves^ puerì^ vassé Menalcan. 

submittlte tauros. 


Tei» he seems to bave composed bis Moeris, whenein b^ 
Rome artfully introduces several copies of verse», as frag<^ 
' ments of.hìs poems* In these fr»^ents, hesbews 
hknself capable of excellìng tbe fineBt compoditions 
of Tbeociitus; a method very likely ta obtain-tbe 
faivour of Caesar, wbo bad a good taste for poetry 
bimself, and was surrounded by personsas eminent 
foF tbeir learnìng as tbeir^ valour. One of tbé fni^>- 
ments, in tbis Eclogne, is a direct address ta Yarus, 
wbereia be promises to exalt bis name to tbe skies, 
ifhe will but preserve Ms^ntua, wbich suffered by 
its neigbbourhood to unbappy Cremmia**. An- 
other fragment is in bonour of tbe star, wbich 
af^ared after tbe deatb of JuKus Cassar, and was 
looked upon as a sign tbat bis soul was reeeived iato 
beaven. Here be plainly names bim,» wbich bè 
was afiraid tó do before tbe decisive bàttle at Pbi- 
li{^; and be could not easìly bave written any 
. tbing tbat' was more likely to please young Caesar. 
But wbetber Yirgil did immediately obtaìn a quìet 
possession ofhis estate or not may be questioned; 
beeause Fulvia and Lucius began about tbis time to 

** Thia part of Vircirs history rSt 2àéfuwf v^^tn^unr^ifunti temi 

receivesaconsiderablelìghtfrQm to èiftunt «cAiy^/*iwi, «w^f lxi^xia-~ 

a passage in the fifth ' hook of a^fr«i ttùtoTs xaù ^ùt^vfuw vXxk 

Appian de BelU CivìUbu*. ^'l!ìì% aXk» ròv Kmm^ti^ f9r«Myr«.>> It 

historian informs us, that the therefore seems probable, by 

soldiers frequently transgressed what Virgii has saiil himself in 

the bounds assigaed them^^and his Masriss M^ntua ivat mùerce, 

invaded theneighbouriDg lands^ &c. that the land» about Cre- 

and that it was «ot in the power mona were gi/ven ta tbe isoldìers^ 

of Caesar to restratn them : 'O % who transgressed their bounds, 

Ktua-tù^ rtuf zrùXur» iltXoyitrù rtiv and seized upon those about 

^fMyKDv, Kui ^tèùMw àtSt Mi d^xétntr, Mantua, whìch ■ had not been 

•vt i^x^vt, flcAA* i rrptiòf xtù tùì^ given thein%! 
ytir^crtf hcfìocttft o-w lli^v, vXiofei n 


grow strong in tbat part of the country. Perhaps Tew 
he stayed at Rome till things were bettér settled ; Rome 
^md from this time wa6 under the protection of 
Caesar and his friends. He would hardly care to 
run the hazard of his life agaìn; for we find, that 
at thi8 thne there were Rkirarishes between the eoi- 
diers and the people every where\ 

By the management of Fulvia and Lucius An-. 
tfaony, G«sar. tncurred the faatred both of soldiers 
aiid people : the soldiers were dissatìsfied with the 
portion that was gìven them ; and the people were 
eniaged at their lands being taken froih them. To 
add to these misfortunes of Csesar, his legions, 
which were in Spain, were hindered fìrom passing 
tìie Alps by Calenus and Yentidius, who govemed 
the Transalpine Ganl, as Anthony's lieutenantgi. 
Ctesar therefore proposed terms of accommodation : 
but hds. offers vrere rejected with contempt by Vnh 
vìa, i?rho girded on a sword, and prepared for war. 
€r8Bsar then procured some of the veteran soldiers 
to interpose; vrho, according to bis expeetatìon, 
being refìised by Fulvia and Lucius, were bighly 
ofiended. He then sent some senators to them, who 
argued npon the agreement made between Cassar 
and Anthony ; but with no better «uccess. -- He ap- 
plied to the veterans again, who flocked to Rome 
in great numbers, and going into the capìtoli re- 
solved to take the cognizance of the àflair into their 
own hands. They ordered the agreement to be 
«ad before them ; and tben appoìnted a day for ali 

''Sv wmcms yà^ìn rmt wixtnf ^;^#m. Dio> lib. xlviii. 



Tear tlie partìes to meet at Gabìì, that they mìght de- 

Rome termine the dispute. Caesar carne at the time ap- 

^^^' pointéd, but Fulvia and Lucius neglected to ap- 

pear; whereforé the veterans decided infavour of 

Gassar, and resolved to assist bim. 

7u. Thus a new cìvìl war brake out in Italy ; which 

was put an end to by the ruin of Fulvia and Lucius, 

in the next year, when Cneius Domitius and Caius 

Asinius Pollio, the great patron of Virgil, were 

creatéd consuls. The war was carried on after the 

foUowing manner : 

Gsesar left Lepidus, with two legions, to defend 
Rome ; whilst he hìmself marched against the ene- 
my, who was strengthened by great numbers óf 
those who bated the triumyirate, and by the old 
possessore. of the lands, who abhorred the intruding 
soldiers^. Lucius had two legions at Alba, that 
mutinied against thèìr tribunes, and seemed ready 
to revolt. Both Caesar and Lucius hastened toward 
thém: but Lucius reached thetn first; and by many 
gifts and promises regained them. Fumius was 
marching with a good body to the aid of Lucius ; 
when Cassar fell upon bis rear, and oblìged bim to 
retreat to Sentia ; whither he did not care to fol^ 
low bim that night, for fear of an ambnsh. But 
the next moming Caesar besieged bim and bis aniiy 
in the town. In the mean time Lucius marched 
directly to Rome, sending three parties before bim, 
which entered the city with wonderfiil celerity ; and 
he himself foUowed, with the main body of bis 

* Appian. de Bell. Civil. lib. 5. 


army, his cavalry, and gladiators, and being re- Yen 
ceived by Nonius, who guarded the gate, he added Bome 
iìis soldiers to bis own forces ; whìlst Lepidas made 
his escape to Caesar. Lucius called an assembly of 
the people ; and gave them bopes, that Csesar and 
Lepidas would soon be punìsbed for the violences 
whicb they bad committed when they weie niagi<* 
strates ; and that his brother would gladly lay down 
bis unlawfiil power, and accept of the Intimate 
office of consul, instead of the lawless rule of a ty^ 
Tant. This disconrse gave a general satisfaction ; 
and being salnted Imperator, he marched against 
Caesar. In the mean time Barbatius, who was 
Qnaestor to Mark Anthony, being dismissed by him 
for some offence, told the soldiers, that Mark An- 
thony was angry with those who warred against 
Caesar, and their common power; so that many 
being deceived by him, went over to Gaesar. Lu- 
cius marched to meet Salvidienus, who was return- 
ing with a considerable force to Caesar: PoUio and 
Ventidìus followed him' at the same time, to inter- 
rupt his march. But Agrippa, who was a great 
friend^to Gsesar, being afraid that Salvidienus might 
be surrounded, seized upon Insubres, a country very 
commodious for Lucius ; whereby he accomplished 
his des^ of making him withdraw from Salvidie- 
nu8« Lucius tumed his arms against Agrippa, and 
was now followed in the rear by Salvidienus; and 
being thus disappointed, he «ideavoured to joiu with 
Pollio and Yentidius. But now botfa Salvidienus 
and Agrippa attended upon him in snch a manner, 
that he was glad to secure hìmself in Perusia, a 



Yeiir oity iràll ibrlìfied, but net tery wetl fornisbed wìtìb 
Bome tHroTÌflions. Here tbe two generala begieged hita; 
aa4 sooiì: after C®sar carne up ; ao that tbe plaoe 
was Uocked up by no lesa diao tbrea armiea, wbiob 
were alao coatmmdly receiving reinforGeaieiita; 
wbilat others . were sent to biuder PolUo and Yen- 
tìdina from coining to bis relief. Fulvia bestirrod 
heraelf Tiolendy, and commanded ali tbe generala 
to raìse tbe siegè. Slie alao raised a new army» 
wbich sbe sent to Luciua» under the command of 
Plancus, wbo routed one of Geeaara legions by tbe 
way. But neither Ventidiua nor PoUio were in 
mucb baste to marcb ; because they were not aure 
of tbe real inclination of Mark Anibony : and wben 
Cassar and Agrippa went about to bìnder their con* 
junction, tbey both retreated» one to Ravenna, 
and tbe otber to Ariminum. Caesar returned to 
the siege, and completed bis works; and kept ao 
strict a guard, that no provisions could by any meana 
be brought into tbe town. Lucius made several vi- 
gorous) sallies, but witbout success, being alwàys 
beaten back witb Iosa* At lengtb, being reduced to 
great extremitìes by femme, be yielded bimself and 
hia army to tbe mercy of Caesar, wbo pardoned 
tbem, and took tbe soldiers into bis own pay. He 
intended to give tbe plunder of tbe towi^ to hia 
army; but he waa prevented by one Cestius, wbo 
set bis own house on fire, and threw bimself into 
the flames, wbich spread on ali stdes, and soon re- 
duced that ancìent city to ashea» leaving only the 
tempie of Vulcan standing. The otber g^ierals, 
wbo were frienda of Anthony, either retired before 


Cassar, or carne OTcr< to hiin : sa thaìt ifaè'becàiné ^è& 
posaesséd of ali Gaal. boA 

i This seèms to be the time when Cte^w ret^ired 
¥irgil to bis lands ; for it does not seem to bave beem 
m bis power before. We may well belìeve, tbat 
DOW Virgil took tbe opportunìty pf folfiUiiig^ thè 
promise, wbicb be bad : made to ' Varas; in ìAè 
MoM^ of exalting bis name to tbe skìes^ if bè 
woald preserre Mantaa. Tbis be performéd, by 
composìng ose of bis finest Eclogues, called Silenos; 
wbich ìs (dedicated to Quintas Atius VarosS wfaó 
bad seryed under Julius Caesar in Gaul and Ger^ 
many, with singular courage and conduet; and * 
perbape in tbis war against Lucius Antbony ; tbougb 
be is not particolarly named by tbe bisltorians now 
extant To tbese actions of bis Yii^il seems to al* 
lude, when he says. 

> Super tibi erunt, qui dicere laudes. 

Vare, tuas cupiant^ et tristia condere bella. 

Thb Eclogue was probabLy wrìtten at tbe command 
of Varus ; for the poet says expresisly, tbat be dóes 
not write it witbout beiag commanded'". Virgil 
seems to bave beea elevated with the joy of repós- 
sessing bis estate ; and to bave been strongly moved 
by a sense of gratitude to bis bendactor. For, in 
the dedication of tbis Ecìogue, be breaks oot into a 
rapture; and tells bis patron, tbat every tree and 
grove sball resound bis name; and that Apollo him- 
self cannot be more deligbted with any poem, tban 

* See the noteson ver. 6. of the "» Non injiiss^ eano. 
sixih £clogue. Ed vi. ver. 9. 


Tcv that which ìs inscribed to Varas". We may ob* 
Àmie serve, that \ÌTffl wrìtes thìs Pastora! to oblige hìs 
patron, rather than to indulge bis own inclìnation. 
He was ambitious of exercising bis genius in the 
higher sorts of poetry : bat as he bad sbewn, in bis 
Mcerìs, how capable be was of excelling Theocri- 
tas in pastoral poetry; it is bighly probable, tbat 
Yanis insisted on bis writing ibis sixtb Pastoral. 
He bints at tbis bimself, tbat be wonld willingly 
bave made war the sabject of bis poetry : bat tbat 
be was restrained firom cboosing a lofty sabject ; and 
ordered to keep within bis pastoral spliere"". We 
may reasonably believe, tbat Yanis was an Epica- 
rean ; and that Yirgil in compliment to bim made 
that philosopby the sabject of bis poem. It would 
bave been improper to bave made a sbqpberd run 
tbroogh a -wbole system of philosopby : he there- 
fore takes advantage of a fiEunous story, that the old 
demi-god Silenos was found dnink and asleep by 
some shepherds, who carried him boand to king 
Midas ; where be gave answers to several qoestions 
relaUng to philosopby. Yirgil therefore avoids the 
censore of putting into the mouth of a herdman 
thìngs above bis capacity, by introducing two shep- 
herds, who with the assistance of a nymph* catch 
Silenos in one of bis dronken fits, and compel him 
to give them a long promised song.* The old deity 

* Te nostre. Vare, my- * Cam canerem leges et pnelia, 

rie», Cynthias aarem 

Te nemus ornne canet: nec Vdlì admonuit: Pastorem, 

^Mebo gratìor ulla est, Tityre, pingues 

Qaam sibi qus Vari pre- Pascere oportet oves, dedac- 

scrìpsh pagina nomen. tum dicere canuen. 

Ed. vi. ver. 10, li, 12. IbUL ver. S, 4, 5. 


sings a succinct account of the naturai and moral Year 
doctrìne of Epicurus ; the formation of the world nome 

*' 714' 

fróm atoms; and the necessìty òf avoiding pertur- 
bations of the mind. Here he takes an opportunìty of 
paying a very fine compliment to Cornelius Galius, ' 
another favourìte of Csesar; representing bini as a 
pattern of Epicurean wisdom, retiring from the 
distractions of the tìmes, and amusìng himself \<^ìlh 
poétry. Gallus is wandering on the banks of Per- 
messus, when one of the Mùses conducts hìm to the 
Aonian mountains, and ìntroduces him to the court 
of Apollo, The whole assembly rìses to do honour 
to this great man, and linus presents him with the 
pipe of old Hesiod, with which he is to sing the 
honours of the Grynean grove, sacred to Apollo. 
Gallus about that time wrote a poem on this grove, 
wherein he imitated the style of Hesiod. Yirgil 
therefore elegantly commends this poem, when he 
says Gallus will cause this grove to become the fa- 
vourìte of Apollo p. 

Caesar did not remaiù long in quiet, after the 
complete victory which he had obtained over Lu- 
cius and Fulvia *i. This turbulent lady fled to 
ber husband,^ and incited him to make war upon 
CddSQt. Anthony, inflamed with rage, steered his 
course to Italy, and began a most furìous and dan- 
gerous war. But the news of the death of Fulvia, 
whom he had left sick at Sicyon, coming opportune- 
ly, gave a favourable opportunity of settling a peace 

P His tibi Grynéi nemoris di- Ne quis sit lucus^ quo se plus jac- 
catur origo: tet Apollo. Ed. vi. 72, 73. 

"i Appian. lib. v. Dio, lib. xlviiì. 


Year betweeo tbese mighty rìvals. Cocceìns, a commcm 
Bme friend to both, went between them» and projected 
areconciliation; the consul Pollio appearìng on the 
part of . Anthony, and M aecenas on the > part of 
Gffisar, to arbitrate the differences between them* 
The arUtrators proposed, that as Fulvia the wife of 
Anthony w^ just dead, and Marcellus alsoi the 
husfoand of Octavia, half sister to Cassar; Octavia 
should be given in mairiage to Anthony'. Thi^ 
being agreed to, caused an univeysal Joy ; and the 
livhole anny exprassed their joy by shouting ali that 
day and the following night. Octavia was with 
child at the time of this marrìage. Therefore, as 
tbìs great lady, who was also a person of a most 
unspotted character^ was the cement of so blessed a 
peace and union between the two great trìumvirs; 
who were upon the pcnnt of tearìng the worìd ili 
sunder by their divisions, Virgil was not backward 
in testifying bis joy for so happy an event. The 8i- 
bylline oracles had foretold, that a child was to be 
bom about this time, who should rule the woiid, 
and establìsh perpetuai peace. The poet ingentously 
supposes the child, with which OctaVia was thèn 
pregnant, to he the glorìous infant, under whose 
rule mankind was to be made happy; the golden 
age was to return again from heaven ; and fraud 
and violence was to be no more. This is the subject 
of that Eclogue, of which the usuai title is Pol- 
lio. In this celebrated poem, the author^ with 
great delicacy, at the same time pays hjs court to 

^ See the notes on the fourth Eclogue. 

LIFE OF VlliGlL. Ivii 

both thè chiéfs, to bis patròh Pollio, 4o OcÈavtò, ift«r 
and to tbè'unborn ìnfànt. It is dedicàted to theRòine 
great Pòllio by name, who was at tbat tìme Con^ 
sul*; and thereforè we are sure òf the date bf 
this Eclogne, as it is known tbat he enjòyed that 
high office in the year of Rome 714. • Matty erti 
tics think the style and subject òf this Ecloguè tdo 
high to deserve the name ofapastoral. 'Bat that 
the aothor himself intended ft for à pastorale i$ 
very plain, because at the vèry beginiling he ili- ' • 
Tokes the Sicìlian MusesV But aé he intended to 
ofTer this poem to so eminent a pèrson as a Ronìab 
Cònsul, he thoùght, that some atteinpt shoald bè 
made to soàr above the common lével of pastoral 
writing; and that if a rural pòem was òfferéd to à 
Consul, it ought to he composed in i^ucb a manner» 
as to be worthy of the ear of so great a magli 
strate ". Yet he does not lòse sight òf the ^oduii^ 
try: the goa:ts, the cows, and the sheep bave their 
share ih tbesé'blessings of peace; and the sponta- 
neous plants, which are tò spring up at the renòva- 
tion of the golden age, are suited véry well to pas-^ 
torà! poetry. 

Cassar and Anthony now made a new partitiòri 
of the world ; ali toward the east, from Codropo- 
lis, a town of Illyricum within the Adriatic, being 
assigned to Anthony; and ali toward the west tò 

* Teque adeo decus hoc bb^ì, ^ Sicelides . Mus» palilo mtajora 

te CoDsule, ìfìibiU canamus. Jbid, ver, 1: 

Poìlìo^ et ìacipìent magni ° Si canìmus sylvas» sylvee sint 

procedeVe menses. ConsaXe dignie» Ihtd. var. S» 
Ed. iv. ver. 11, 12. 



^^ Cl8esar\ Africa was left to Lepidus; and the 
Bomewar witb Sextus Pompey was to be managed by 
Caesar, and the Parthian war by Anthony. Bach 
óf them sent armies, under the command of their 
respective friends, into difièrent parts of the world : 
amongst wbom it appears^ that Pollio was sent into 
Illyricum ; for it appears that he obtained a triumpfa 
for bis yictory over the Parthini, a people in that 
partof the world, at the latter end of the year of 

715. Rome 715. It was doring this march of PoUio, 
that Virgil publisbied bis Pharmaceutrìa, whìch is 
dedicated to that noble persona. This beautiful 
Eclogue was partly written in imitation of one 
under the same name in Theocrìtus. It consists of 
two parts; the first of which coptàins the eom- 
plaints of a shepherd, who was despìsed by bis 
mistress; and the secoijd is full of the incantations 
used by a sorceress to regain the lost afiection of ber 
lover. It seems probable, that Pollio had engaged 
Vii^il in an attempt to imitate the ^agfAttxivrgé» of 
Tlieocritus, before he began bis march; for the 
poet says expressly, that these verses were begun by 
his command^. He ceiebrates bis patron in a 
most elegant and polite manner : and as^ Pollio was 
not only a great general, but also one of the best 
scholars of his time, he mentions his great actions 
and noble tragedies together, and entreats him to 
permit the poet to mix his ivy with the vrctorious 

* Appian. de Bell. Civ.lib. v. ? A te principinm 3 tìbi desinet : 

^ Tu mlhì, seu magni superas accìpe jùssìs 

jam saxa Timavi : Carmina ooepta tuie. 

Si ve oram lUyrici legis sequo- Ibid. ver. 11, 12. 

ris. EcL vili. ver. 6,7- 


bay 8, that were tò crov^n the head of FoUio*. Yem 
If we take Virgil's own opinion, we shall judge Home 
tbis to be one of the finest of his compositìons ; for 
the Introduction ppepares us to expect something 
more than ordinary^; and when he has finisbed 
the speech of Damon, he calls upon the Muses to 
relate what Alphesiboeus sard, being unable to prò- 
ceed any farther by his own strength^ Indeed 
there are a great number of exquisitely beautiful 
passages in this Eclogue ; which, as they cannot 
easily escape the observation of a reader of any 
taste, and as most of them are pointed out in the 
notes, need not be particularly mentioned in this 

The year 716 passed without any public trans- ne. 
action of note, except the power which Sextus the 
son of Fompey acquired by sea; who became so 
famous by his naval exploits, that he was believed 
to be the son of Neptune. Nor is it certain, that 
Virgil composed any of his Eclogues this yestr : 
however, as the MelibcBus is the only Eclogue, of 
which we cannot ascertain the date ; we may form 

» — En erit anquam * Pastorum Musano, Damonis et 

lUe dies, mihì cum liceat tua Alphesibcei, 

dicere factal Immemor herbarum quos est 

£n erit, ut liceat totum miiii mirata juvenca 

ferine per orbem Certantes, quorum stupefactae 

Sola Sophocleo tua carmina Carmine lyuces, • 

dìgna cothurno ! £t mutata suos requierunt flu- 

Rid. ver. 7, 8, 9, 10. mioa cursus. 

And, Ibid. ver. 1,2,3, 4. 

Atque hanc sine tem- '^ Haec Damon : vos, quse re- 

pora circum sponderit Alphesiboeus, 

Inter victrices hederam tibi Dicite, Pierides: non omnia 

^rpere lauros. possumus omnes. 

Ibid. ver. 12, 13. Ibid. ver. 62, 63. 


Ix MPìS, OF yJIlGlL, 

Xw ^ conject»re,,tìiat it W3* ^rritt^ tìm year, wbicb 
Boioii iiia9(i olh^^rwise l^aye ipsad witbout any apparent 

* ^^rtioB oloui* poet's genios. 
7W, . Tbe ne^t y^M begaa witb the march of M. Vip- 
pamu^. Agnppa, ope. of the new consiils inU>. Gaal ; 
ìq quiet an insurrectìpn there. . Agrippa., was 8ucr 
c^^fvil, anci.was the second,JloinaQ who cro^sed the 
Bhine.with an anny"^.. But the . depredationn of 
Ppmpey werp so great, that Csesar wa^ impatieat 
for his return ; thjat hp might Qv^^rse^ thq marìtiiae 
bfi^iness, apd gìv,^. dir^ction3 for the building of 
i^hips in ali th« , polis of. Italy. Jt mui^t have . been 
V m this year that VirgiLcomposed the laat of his 
Eclogues, which bears the title of Gallus ; the subject 
Qf which is the pa^^ion of that poet for Lycoris^, 
\frho had left him to nm away with, some soldìer, 
who marched over the Alps^ As Agrìppa was 
the first Roman, after Julius Cassar, who crossed 
the Rhine with an army; it must have beèn with 
that very army that Lycorìs can away over the 
«no WS of the Alps» and the frosts of the Rhine ^. 
Csesar in th^meantirnehad bq^tìne^s enough to en- 
gagé himself, and ali his friends, in defending the 
sea-coast of Italy agaìnst the inyasions of Pompey. 
Among these it is highly probable, that Gallus was 

^ Dìo, lib. xlviii. Perque nives alium^ perque 

f Extreomin bunc Arethusa horrida castra secuta est. 

mihi concede iaborem. ' Ibid. ver. 22, 23. 
Pajuca meo Gallo^ sed qus ^ Tu procul a patria^ nec sit 

legat ipsa Lycoris, mibi credere^ tantum 

Carmina sunt dicenda. Alpìnas^ ab dura^ nives^ et fri- 

EcL X. ver. 1, 2« 3. gora Rbeni 

* — Tua cura Lycoris Me sine sola vide», /è. 46—48. 



employed, for we find that he was dètained in arms Yen 
at the same time''. We bave seen alreadV' that the Rome 
Silenus was begun at the command of Yarus, and 
the Pharmaceutrìa at that of Poilio. Thus the 
tenth Eclogue seems to have been undertaken at 
the request of Gallus. Perhaps he desiied Yirgìl to 
imitate the first Idyllium of Theocrìtus; and the 
poet, complying with his direction, represented 
Gallus himself as a shepherd dying for love, like 
the Daphnis of the Greek poet\ 

^ Nunc insanud amor dori me 
Marti s in armis 
Tela inter media atque ad- 
versos detinet bostes. 

Ed. X. 44, 45. 

* It will be objected perhaps 
by dorne^ thàt a longer time is 
bere assigned for Virgil's occu- 
pation in wrìtihg the Eclogue^ 
thaiì is consìstent with the faith 
of history. Both Donatus and 
Servius affirm^ that the Buco- 
licks were finished in three years: 
whereas I have supposed him to 
bave begun writing before the 
deàth of JuUus Csesar, and not 
to have finished them before the 
yèar of Rome 717* a space of 
time containing no less thàn 
seven years. But both these 
authors are irreconcìleable with 
each other, and in some measure 
with thémselves. Donàtos says'^ 
fhat the Bucolicks, on their 
publicaLtioói, were so well re- 
oeiVed, as to be frequently re- 
eited by the singers on the 
theatre 3 and , that Cicero hini- 
self baving heard some of the 
verses, callèd out to have the 
whole repeàted; ànd whèn he 
had heard the whole^ cried oùt 
ih an ecstasy, that the aìùthor 

was the second great hape qf 
Rome, ésteeming himself to hù 
the first : *' Bucolica eo successù 
*' edidit, ut in scena quoque per 
'^ can tores crebra pronunciatio né 
*' recitarehtur. At curai Cicero 
^ quosdam versus audiisset, et 
*' statìm acri judicio intéllexisset 
"non communi vena editos^ 
" jussit ab initio totam £clogam 
'* recitari : quam cum accurate 
'* pernotasset, in fine ait : Mag- 
'^ ruB spes altera Ronue. Quasi 
^' ipse linguse Eatinae spes prima 
" fuisset^ et Marò futurus esset 
^^ secunda. Qùse verba postea 
'^ iEneidi ipse inseruit." There- 
fore, according (ò Donatus, Vir- 
glt must bave pùblished one at 
leàst of bis Bucoltcks before the 
end of the yèar 7il, when 
Cicero was murdered. Now it 
has just 'been shewn, that the 
Gallus could not be written be- 
fore the year 717.' therefore 
Vìrgtl must have spent six years 
instead of three in writing his 
Bucolicks. Servius on the con- 
trarysays'be did not begin bis 
Bucolicks before the year 714 : 
fòr he tells us expressly^ that 
Virgil baving lost his lands^ 
after the contention between 





It seems to have been about this tìme that Virgil 
b^an bis Georgicks ; under the patronage of 
Maecenas, to whom he dedicateci every part of that 
nòbie work. Caius Cìlnius MaBcenas was descended 
from the ancient kings of Etrurìa ; whose posterity, 
after many unsaccessful wars, were at last incorpo- 
rated into the Roman state, and admitted ìnto the 
Equestrian order. He was an Epicurean, and 
wrote several pieces both in prose and verse, whióh 
are now lost. But he is best known as a favourer 

Anthony and Augustus, went to 
Rome^ and was the only person 
who recovered his estate^ being 
lavoured by Maecenas and Poi- 
Ilo, the latter of whom persuaded 
him io write the Bucolicks: 
*^ Postea, Ortis bellis civilibus, 
*' Inter Antoni um et Augustum, 
" Augustua Victor Crenionen- 
^' sium agros, quia prò Antonio 
*' senserant, dedit militibus suis. 
*' Qui cum non sufficerent, his 
*' addidit agros Mantuanis sub- 
'* latos, non propter cìvium cui- 
'' pam» sed propter vicinitatem 
'^ Cremonensium. Unde ipsein 
" Bucolicis Ecl. ix. 28. Man- 
'' tua va misera nimium vicina 
" Cremona. Amissis agris Ro- 
" mam venìt : etusus patrocinio 
*' Pollionis et Mae^cenatis» solus 
** agrum> quem amiserat, reci- 
" pere meri^it. Tunc ei propo- 
*' suit Poiliq, ut Carmen Bucoli- 
'^ cum scriberet, quod eum con- 
*^ stat triennio scrìpsisse, et 
*' emendasse." The reader will 
easily observe, that the civil war 
bere mentioned could be no 
other than that with Fulvia, 
and Lucius the brother of Mark 
Anthony, which was not ended 
before the surrender of Perusia, 

in 714» and that the story of 
eur author^s being protected at 
Rome by Pollio and Mseceiias is 
hìghly improbable. PoUio was 
so far from being then at Rome 
In favour with Csesar^ that he 
was at that time at the head of 
an army» not far from Mantua» 
with which he had acted against 
Caesar. As for Msecenas» if he 
had any share in recommending 
the poet to the protection of 
Csesar at that time; it is straitge 
that his name should not bè 
mentioned in any one BucoUck. 
We see how irreconcileable these 
old grammarians are: for if, as 
they both agree, Virgil wrote 
his Bucolicks in three years; he 
must have fìnished them, ac- 
CQrding to Donatas> not la^r 
than in 714> and, according to 
Servius, not earlier than 71? or 
718. Therefore, if there is any 
pqssibil^ty.of reconciling thiem> 
it must be by suppofing the 
«pace of three years to be a 
mistake; and that, according 
to Donatas, he did not begìn 
them later than 71 li in which 
year Cicero was killed 5 and> ac- 
cordìpg to Servius, tliat he did 
not finish them earlier than 717* 


and patron of leamed men, particularly of the two vear 
best of the Roman poets, Virgil and Borace^, He Rome 
was bigh in the favour of CsBsar, whìch probaUy 
began about this time: for Yii^i does not mention 
bis name in any of the Eclogues ; and in the next 
year we find, that, except a few magistracies whìch 
were continued» the administration of public affaire 
in Rome and ali over Italy, was committed to him^ 
This wise minister, having well considered what 
diffieulties the Romans had lately met with for want 
of com; what tumults and insurrections had been 
thereby raised among the populace; and how poorly 
the lands of Italy» lately divided among the veteran 
80ldiers^ would in ali probability be cultivated, by 
those who had kno wn nothing but war and desolalion 
for so many years, engaged Virgil in writing for 
their instniction. The poet readily undertook the 
work; and being just retumed with triumph from 
the cont^ition with Theocrìtus, was ready to en- 
gagé in a new one with the celebrated Hesiod. The 
love of conquest was the darling passion.of the 
Romans; they had long shewed th^r superìority 
over other nations in arms ; and had been for some 
time struggUng for the mastery also in the arts of 
peace. Cicero had raised the Roman eloquence to 
a very great height; and Virgil was endeavouring 
to give as great a reputation to their poetry. He ac-? 

^ Maecenas, atavis edite re- ' T« t« «aa« rà w j^ véxu, rjf 

gìbus : . Tf Xùift^ 'lrm>tujù r«% rt Meuxiftùs, 

Q,. et praesidium^ et duke Ì9Ì»Ì9rinvf,st0ùìrMf»tùliKurmi7rìiré' 

decus meum. xvdimKnatf. lib. 49. 
Horat lib. i. od. 1. 


Yenr knowledges indeed hìmself, that other nations ex- 
Rome celled the Romans in statuary, oratory, and astro- 
' nomy; and mentions the arts of government as 
particularly belonging' to tfaem<" : but yet he plainly 
declares, that he aims at gaining a complete yictory 
over the Greek poets°. He was not disappointed ; 
for the Georgicks are universally allowed £o be the 
finest poem of theìr kind. 

A grippa, being appointed by Csesar to guard the 
sea-coasts agaìnst the depredations of Sextus Pom- 
pey, set about the work with great diligence^ 
ìmmediately after bis return from Gaul**: But às 
there were no ports, where a numbér of ships could 
ride in security, he began and perfected a noble 
work, which gave safety tò bis country, and did 
honour to bimseìf. Near Cumae, a city of Campania^ 
between Misenum and Puteoli, was a place forined 
like a half moon ; for it was almost isurrounded by 
solali, bare mountains. Within this compass were 
three fcays ; of which the outer one was near the 
cities, and was called the Tyrrhene bay, as it 
belonged to the Tyrrhene sea. At a smalt dìstance 

' Excudent alii spirantia mol- Parcere subjectìs^ et debellare 

lius sera, superbos. 

Credo equidem : vivos du- Mn, vi. ver. 847, &c. 

cent de marmore vultus ; " Tentanda via est, qaa 

Orabunt causas melius ; eoe- me quoque passim 

lique meatus Tollere humo, victorquie virum 

Describeut radio> etsurgen- volitare per ora. 

tia sidera dìcent : Primus ego in patriam mecum. 

Tu regere imperio populos, modo vita supersit, 

Romanie, n^mentq : Aonio redìens deducam vertice 

He tiBi eriìnt artes: pa^is- Musas. Qtorg. iii. f, &c. 

que imponere morem, *" Dio Cass. lib. xlviìi* 


within this was the Lucrine bay ; and stili farther Year 
withìn land was a thìrd, wbìch bad the appearance lum» 
of a lake, and was called Avernus. Agrìppa inade 
a communication of these three waters, repairìng the 
banks, where tbey had formerly been broken dowìi-, 
strengthenìng them with moles, and leaving only a 
nàrrow passage just big enough for shìps to enter. 
This port being thus made convenient and secare, 
had the name of the Jiilian port bestowed on it, in 
honour of Julius Caèsar. This great work is men- 
tioned by our poet in the second Georgick ; 

An metnorem portus^ Lucrinoque addita claustra ; 
Atque indignatum magnis stridoribus «equor, 
Julia qua ponto longe sonat unda refuso, 
Tyrrhenusque firetus immittitur sestus Avernis. 

By these means Agrippa was able to provide a 
fleet sufficient to keep the sea ; and the next year 7i«. 
engaging with Sextus Porapey, gained a complete 
victory over him, and destroyed almost ali bis ships ; 
for which he obtained the honour of a naval crown. 
Pompey threw himself into the arms of Anthony, 
and was by bis command put to death by Titius, in 
the year 719, when Cornìfìcius and another Sextus 719. 
Pompey were cònsuts. 

The foUowing year is distinguished by the death T20.. 
of the poetaster Bavius^ whose memory Virgil has 
preserved by bestowing one single line upon him'. 
We know no more of him, than that he was a bad 

P OL clxxxìx. 3. M. Bavius *> Qui Bavium non odit, amet 
Poeta^ quem Vìrgilius Bucolicis tua carmina, Mstì. 

notai, in Cappadocia moritur. EcL iii. ver. 90. See the note 

Euuh, Chron. on that passage, 



Yeùf poet ; and that he joined with otbers of the same 

Baine clasìB, in scrìbbling against his betters. 

791, The wòrld was now divided between Cssar and 
Anthony wìthout a rivai : for the son of the great 
Potnpey had been put to death by the latter; and 
the former had deposed Lepidus^ and deprived him 
of ali power and dignity. But the world was not 
siifficient for these two ambitìóus persons: aàd 
when no one was left to contend with tbem, they 
could not be easy till they had found a pretence tò 
tum their arms against each other^ This was not 
very difBcult for them to do. Anthony acciised 
Cassar of having thrust Lepidus out of his post, 
and assumìng to himself the provinces and armies 
both of Lepidos and Sextus, whìch ought to bave 
been divided equally between them: he therefore 
insisted upon an equal partition of the spoil. Cassar 
had crìmes enough to object to Anthony. He haa 
put Sextus Pompey to death ; and had taken pos- 
session of Egypt, which did not fall to him by lot. 
His infamous commerce with Cleopatra, queen of 
Egypt, was notorious: he had given the name of 
Caesario to one of ber children, and pretending that 
he was begotten by Julius Caesar, had foisted him 
into the family of Caesar, to bis great ofieticè and 
injury ; and had bestowed kingdoms and provinces 
on the queen, and ber spurious issue, by his own 
authority, without the consent of the senate and 
people of Rome. 

T». This contention was at first managed by letters 
and messengers : but no sooner were Cneius Domi- 

'Dio, lib.L 


(iufij and Caiu9 ^ossius, frieiids of A,Q;t|iony, chosen Tea^ 
conj9uls^ than thè appro^h Qf a pew civii w^ be- kc»»* 
Q^me ,^YÌ^eqt. On the v^iy first day pf the ye«ur, 
Sos8Ì|i8 made a sp^ech, wherein he greatly pf^ìsed 
Anthopy^ and as inuch ìnveighed against Caesar : 
nay he i?ould haveipadeap ediqt against hnu di^ 
rectly, if Nonias Balbup, trìbi^ne pf the peopie, 
b;^ pot interposed. C^sar expejpted this would 
happen; apd therefore, that he cqight not seero to 
begin the i^ontention, feigned some excuse to witb- 
draw from Rame before t)>at day. When h^ re- 
tumed, he assembled the sanate, and l>eing sur- 
roanded by a guard of bis friends and soldiers, took 
bis plape between tbe two conauls» and justified 
1^9elf, apd accus<9d Sos^ìus and Anthony. When 
none dared to ansvirer him, he appointed a day, on 
Mrbich he d/eclared he would make a proof of tbe in- 
juries' of Anthony in writing. The consuls> not 
darìng to reply, and being unable to hold their 
peace, withdrew befgre the day, and went to An- 
thony, being followed by several other senators. 
Caesar, being desirousto seem not to ha?e driven 
them away by violence, gave leave to as many more 
to followthem as pleased. This loss was made up 
to G^sar, by the defection of many from Anthony. 
Among these were Titius and Plancus, who had 
been greatly honoured by him, and made partakers 
lof bis secret coynsals* These were greatly incen^d 
against Anthony, for Jiaving begun the war, di- 
yoi;ced tbe virtuous Octavia, whom ali reverenced, 
and gìy^n bims^lf up to the impure embraces of 
Cleopatra. The^e were received by Caesar with 



Year grcat joy, informed him of ali Anthony's desìgns^ 
roidÌb and where he had deposited his will, to which they 
' themselves had been witnesses. Caesar, having got- 
ten possession of the will, caused it to be openly 
read before both senate and people, This action, 
though not aecording to the strict rules of justice, 
was of signal «ervice to Caesar, as it tended to con- 
Tince ali men of the ili conduct of Anthony, and 
to remove the blame from Caesar. In this will, 
Anthony bare testimony to Caesario, that he was 
the son of Julius Caesar : to his own children by 
Cleopatra, he bequeathed immense legacies; and 
ordered his own body to be buriéd at Alexandria, 
in the same sepulchre with that of Cleopatra. This 
• incensed the people most highly, and gave them 
cause to believe ali the other reports conceming An- 
thony's misbehaviour. They concluded, that An- 
thony, if he once obtained the sole dominion, 
would make a present of Rome to Cleopatra, and 
transfer the imperiai seat to Egypt. AH concurred 
in censuring him ; not only his enemies, and those 
who stood neuter, but even his frìends themselves 
condemned him. They decreed unanimously, that 
the consulship, which had been assigned him, 
should be taken from him, and that ali his power 
should be abrogated. They were not willing to 
declare him a public enemy, because ali that were 
with him would bave been involved in the same 
danger; but they gave a promise of pardon and 
approbation to ali that should desert him. They 
proclaimed war against Cleopatra, with ali the so- 
Jemnitjies used by the Romans on such occaaions ; 


which was in effect declarihg war agatnst Anthony Year 
hìmself, who had united wìth ber in a manner Rome 
scandalous to the Roman name. The greatest pre- 
parations for war were made on bo(h sides that had 
eyer been known, and many nations carne in as 
auxìliaries. Ali Italy, Gaul, Spain, lUyricum, and 
part of Africa, Sardinia, Sicily, and the neigh- 
bouring islands, carne in to Caesar's assistance. On 
Anthony 's part appeared those regtons of Asia and 
Thrace which were subject to the Romans, Greece, 
Macedon, Egypt, Cyrenaica, and the neigbbouring 
islands, with most of the kings and princes who 
bordered on the Roman empire. At this time 
Virgil seems to bave written these lines, at the latter 
end of the first Georgick ; 

Hinc movet Euphrates, illinc Germania belliim : 
. Vicince ruptis Inter se legibus urbes w 
Arma ferunt : saevit toto Mars impius orbe. 

Anthony was so far superior in the number of bis 
forces, that he made no doubt of subduing CTaesar : 
he éndeavoured also to draw bis soldiers from bim 
by the largeness of bis bribes, which he distributed 
not only in Italy, but even in Rome itself. 

It was toward the latter end of the following ti» 
year, that the navies of these two mighty rivals met 
at Actium, a promontory of Epirus, where they 
carne to a decisive engagement. Virgil has repre- 
sented this fight, in bis descrìption of the celestial 
sbield formed by Vulcan for jEneas*. He omits the ^ 
mention of the foreign auxiliarìes in Caesar's army, 
and speaks as if it was wboUy composed of the 

• Mn. vili. 678, &c. 


Ymg natives of Italy ; and celebrates the great Agrqppa» 
i who bad no small share in the lahoors and honoars 
of tbat important day. 

Hinc Aagiistus agens Italos in proelia Csesar 
Cum Patribus, Populoque, Penatibus et magnis Diis, 
Stona ceka in poppi ; geminas cui tempora flammas 
Lseta Tomunt, patriumque aperitur vertice sidus: 
Parte: alia v^Dtis et Diis Agrippai secuodis 
ArjdauSsBgmen ageo^; cui, beili ia3Ìgne §t4perbìiint 
Temppr^. na;ir^ fulgent ro^lfata corona. 

But'he sets foith tbe barbarous aids pf Anthony at 
larga; and mentions bis being foUowed by Cleo* 
patirà, whom he calls bis Egyptian vfife^ : 

Hinc ope barbarica, variisque Antonius armis, 
Victor ab Aurorse populis et littore rubro 
Mgyftam, vivesque Orientis et idtìi^Mi secum 
Bactra vebit i^eqiuturque ^nefas) ^gyptia conjunx. 

He gives a fine description of the rushing of the 
ships * against each other, and compares them to 
floating mountains. He represents the queen, as 
placed in the middle of ber fleei, and encouraging 
ber men with the tinkling noise of tbe Egyptian 
sistrum: and beautifully introduces the monstrous 
gods of Egypt, as vainly opposing themselves to the 
powerfiil gods pf Rome; Neptune, Venus, and 
Minerva: and describes Mars raging in the midst 
of the fight, attended by the Furies, Discord, and 
Bellona "". 

Una pmoes. ru^e, .^q toti^m spiuna^e, reductis 
Convul^uin rc^piis rp^tr^que tridentibus, 8eqi|or. 

• uEn. viii. ver. 685^ ^c " Ibid. ver. 689, &c. 


. Alta petunt : pelago credas innare revulsas rékr 

Cycladas, aut montes concurrere montibus altos : n^^^ 

Tanta mole viri turrit;is puppibus instant. ''^* 

Stupea flamma mano telisque volatile ferrum 
Spargitur; arvà nova Neptania csede rubescunt. 
Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sìstro : 
Necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit aiigues. 
Omnigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis, 
Contra Neptunum et Venerem oontraque Minérvàm 
Tela tenente sesnt medio in certamine Mators 
Cffilatus fèrro, trìstesqne ex eetbere Dirie ; 
Et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla: 
Quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 

When the fight had continued a long time, and 
victory was yet doubtful, Cleopatra gave the signal 
to ber men tb hoìst theiì* sails> and retire. Anthony, 
seeing tbe queen fly, itìamedtately accompÀDÌed bei*; ^ 
whieh the rest of tbe fleet observing, ^leared their 
ahips as fast as they coiiM, atid ^to^v^d the iaglo^- 
riotis example of their leader, This Agbt oi' Cleò- 
jpatra is poetìcaHy described, as being caixsed by the 
Actian Apollo, who drew bis bow, and di«i^pàted 
the bhrbai'ouls forces "". 

Actìus hsec cernèns arcùm intehdebA Af)oIìo 
Dè^pér : oniiiis éo terrore jSlgyjJtus, et Indi, 
Omnis Arabs, oitmés vértèbhnt tei'gà 'Sabsei. 
Tpsa videbatnr véntis regina vocatis 
Vela dare^ et laxoa}am jamque immkterè Fune», 
lUam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 
Fecerat ignipotens undis et lapyge ferri. 

This'greàt vtetory, wbereby Ocesat obtainéd 4be 
doie òommand òf thè Roman empine, wds ohtein^d 

>.^^. vili. 704, &c. , 


Year OD the second day of Septembery : and on that very 
Rome day he dedìcated one ship of each rate, that had 
been taken from the enemy; to Apollo, who was 
worshipped at Actìum. Anthony and Cleopatra 
made their escape to Egypt; where the poet re- 
presents the riyer Nile to mourn, and open his bosom 
to receive them'^: 

Contra autem magno moerentem corpore Nilum^ 
Pandentemque sinus, et tota veste vocantem 
Cseruleum in gremium latebrosaque fiumina victos. 

Caesar having stayed a short time, to settle his affair» 
in those parts, made baste into Italy, to receive his 
724. fourth consulship, in conjunction with Marcus 
Licinius Crassus. 

Having stayed only a month in Italy, he went with 
^ ali possible expedition against Anthony and Cleopa- 
tra : and causing his ships to be hauled over the Pé^ 
loponnesìan isthmns, he carne so sud denly into Asia^ 
that the news of his arrivai carne into Egypt at 
the same time with the account of his being retired 
to Itaiy. Cornelius Gallus, the friend of Virgil, to 
whom the tenth Eclogue is dedicated, had before 
this quitted his poetica! retirement. We bave seen 
already, that he was in arms when that Eclogue 
was written ; and it is not improbable that he was 
engaged in the sea fight at Actium; for we now 
find him at the head of an army, besieging Parse- 
tonium. Anthony went against him, but in vain: 
for Gallus, having by a stratagem drawn his ships 
into the port, bumed some, and sunk the rest. In 
the mean time Caesar assaulted Pelusìum, and took 

y Dio, lib. li. « Mn. vuì. 71 1, 712, 713. 


it by the treacbery of Cleopatra ; who ordered hei'Year 
forces to retìre before him, placing more hopes ofRome 
conquest'in the charms of ber person, than in the, 
courage of her soldiers. Ai^thony» beinginformed 
that Caesar had taken Pelusium, left Paraetonium^ 
and meeting Cassar, who was fatigued with his 
march, engaged his borse before Alexandria, and' 
defeated them. Tbis victory so increased the confi- 
dence of Anthony, that he soon came to an en- 
gagement with the foot, in which he was entìrely 
overtbrown. Cleopatra retired into ber sepulchre, 
pretending to he afraid of Caesar, but designing in 
reality to get Anthony to he shut up with her, or 
to destroy hìmself. Sbe caused a report to be spread 
of ber Qwn deatb, which Anthony hearing fell upon 
bis s word. But wben be beard that sbe was alive, 
he caused himself to be carrìed into the sepulchre 
to her, and expired in ber arms. Cleopatra kept 
herself within the sepulchre, which was strongly 
defended, being in hopes of getting the better of 
Caesar by ber female arts, But wben sbe found ber 
wiles were ali in vain, sbe killed herself, and thereby 
disappointed Caesar of the principal omament of bis 
triumph. Egypt, being now made tributary, was 
put under the ^oveitement of Gallas, who had con- 
tributed very much to the conquest of it. Cassar, 
being now absolute lord of ali, marched tbrougb 
Syria into Asia, where he wintered, and composed 
the differences among the Parthians : for Tirìdates 
had raised an insurrection against Pbraates, the king 
of that country. In tbis year Virgil is said to bave 
publisbed bis Georgicks : but if that be true, it is no 



Y«r less certain that he continued bis care of that divine 

B^work» and made additions to it ten years after- 

''^ wards. 

72S. The foUowìng year, when Caesar was Consul a 
fifth time, together wìth Sextus Apuleius, ali his acts 
were confirmed by a solemii oath, on the very first 
day of January : and when lettere carne from Par- 
thia, they decreed, that he should he mentioned 
in the hymns next to the immortai gods. But the 
glory, in which Caesar himself most delighted, was 
the shuttìng of the gates of Janus, a mark of the 
univereal peace which he had established. He also 
undertook the office of Censor this year, together 
with Agrippa*, and rectified several abuses in^the 
state. It must bave been in this year, that Virgil 
wrote the first ^neid ; for when Jupiter comforts 
Venus, by foretelling the glories of the descendants 
of JBneas, he does not mention any thing later, than 
the shutting of the gates of Janus, and the correctìon 
of the mannere of the people ^. He now began to 
afiect divine honours : he permitted a tempie to be 
built to Rome, and to bis father, whom he called 
the hero Julius, at Ephesus and Nicaea, which were 
the most famous cities of Asia and Bìthynia; and 
gave them leave to be inhabited by Romans. He 
also permitted strangers to erect temples to himself; 

* Dio, lib. Ini. Claudeotur belli ports: Furor 

" Aspera tum positis mitescent iinpius intus 

saecula hellis. Ssva sedens super arma, et 

Cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo centoni vinctus ahenis 

cum fratre Quirinus Post tergum nodis, fremet hor- 

Jura dabuDt: dir» ferro et ridus ore cruento. 

compa^bus arctis ^n. i. ver. 295, &c. 


which was done by the Asiatics at Pergamus» and yw 
by the Bithynians at Nicomedia. Home 

He spent the sommer in Greece, and thence re- 
tnrned into Italy; and when he entered the city, 
sacrifices were offered by several ; and particularly 
by the Consul Valerius Potitus, who succeeded 
Apuleius in that office, in the name of the Senate and. 
people of Rome, which had never been done for 
any one before. Honours were now distributed 
among those Generals, who had served under Obb- 
sar : and Agrippa was now rewarded with a present 
of a green flag, as a testimony of his naval victory. 
C^sar himself obtained the honour of three triumphs: 
the#first day he triumphed over the Pannonians, 
Dalmatians, Japydians, and their neighbours, with 
some people of Gaul and Germany : the second for 
the naval victory at Actium : and the third for the 
reduction of Egypt. This threefold triumph of 
Caesar is particularly described, in the eighth 

At Caesar, trìplici invectus Romana trìumpho 
Moenia, Diis Italis votum immortale sacrabat, 
Maxima ter centum totam delubra per urbem. 
Laetitia ludisque vias plausuque fremebant : 
Omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus, arae : 
Ante aras terram caesi stravere juvenci. 
Ipse sedens ni veo candentis limine Phoebi : 
Dx)na recognoscit populorum, aptatque superbis 
Postibus: incedunt victse longo ordine gentes, 
Quam variai linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 

Ver. 714, &c. 



Yefir EHc Nomadum genus, et discinctos Muldber Afroe, 

H^Q Hic Lelegas, Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos. 
''^' Pinxerat, Euphrates ibat jam mollior undìs^ 

Extremìque hòminum Morini, Rbenuéque'Bicprnis, 
Indomitìque Dahse, et pontem indìgnatus Araxes. 

Gsesar, having^ obtained this plenitude of power 
and glory, and reduced ali the enemies of Rome, 
and bis own also, to obedìence, entertained thoughts 
of resigning the administratìou'^. He consulted 
about ttiìs important affau* wìth his two great fa- 
vourìtes, Agrippa and M secenas : of whom the for- 
mer advised him to lay down his power, and the 
latter strenuously insisted on his not parting with it. 
Caesar, being doubtful which ad vice he should fol- 
low, asked the opinion of Virgil, according to 
Donatus, and was determined, by the Poet's ad- 
vice, not to lay down his command ®. Ruaeus, not 

* Dio, lib. liii. ' ■' '' omnibus fertile, hiquit; remp. 

' Posteaquam Augustus sum- *' aucupantibus molesta ipsa Ty- 

ma rerum omnium potitus est^ " rannis fuit, et civibus : quia ne- 

. venit in mentem, an conduceret " cesse erat propter odia subdi- 

Tyrannidem omiltere, et omn^m '* torum; &ut eorutnihjustltiam^ 

potestatem annuis consulibus, et *' magna suspicione magnoque 

senatui remp. redìiere : in qua '^ timore vivere. Sed si cives 

re diversae senteiitiàe consultos ^' justum aliquem scirent,"quem 

habuit^ Maecenatem et - Agrip* '•' amarerit plurimum, civitati id 

pam. Agrippa enim utile sibi ^' utile èsset^ si in qo uno omnis 

fore, etiamsi honestum non es- '* potestas foret. Quare si justi- 

set, relinquereTyrannidemi loh- '* tiam, quod modo facìs*; omni- 

ga oratione contendit : quod " bus in futurum nulla hominum 

Maecenas dehortari magnopere '* facta compositione distribues ; 

conabatur. Quare Augusti ani- 'f dominali te, et tibi conducet 

mus et bine ferebatur et illinc : " et orbi. Benevolentiam enim 

erant enim diversae sententiae, ''omnium habes, ut Deum te 

variis rationibus firmatse. Roga- " et adorent, et credant." Ejus 

Vit igitur Maronem, an conferai sententiam secutus Caesar prìn- 

prìvato homini, se in sua republ. cipatum tenuit. 
tyrannum facere. Tum ille. 


Mrithout reasòn, quéstions the trath of thìs story» Tear 
so far as it rélàtes to Yirgil : because, if he had been Bome' 
consultéd, the historians would not have kept a 
profound silence concemìng an affair of siich ini- 
portance. Dio, who relates at full length the 
spéeches both of Agrìppa and MsBcenas on this 
occasion, says only, that Caesàr preferred the ad- 
vicé òf Maecenas: but however Caesar might pos- 
sibly ask the opinion of Virgil in private, though 
he was not admitted to the council board. 

In the foUowing year, Csesar being Consul a sixth t8«. 
time, and taking the great Agrippa for his colleagué, 
finìshed his review of the people, and peiforméd 
the solemnìties used on such occasions, and in- 
stituted games in memory of his victory at Actium. 
These ceremonies are mentioned by Virgili in the 
thìrd uXineid^ under the person of JEneas : 

Lustramurque Jovi, votisque incendimus aras : 
Àctiaque Iliacis celebramus littora ludis 
Exercent patrias oleo labente palaestràs 
Nudati socii. 

It is hìghly probable, that the third iEneid was 
wrìtten soon after these sacrifices were offered, and 
these games instìtuted, as Ruaeus has well observed, 
in his note on this passage. The lùstration to 
Jupiter, and the sacrifices, were at this time per- 
formed by Caesar: they strove naked, and were 
bathed with oil in the g^mnastic exercises ; and the 
Iliacal or Trojan games contained particularly that 

'Ver. 279, &c. 


Yen sport, which the Romans derìved from Trby^ and 
Bomecalled Troja. In thìs gaoie the noble youths ex- 
ercised on horseback^ as the reader wilì find ìt 
beautifhlly descrìbed at large, in the fifth iEneid^. 

In this year the most leamed Varrò, who had 
preceded our Poet, in writing conceming Hus- 
bandry, died at about ninety years of age **. 

727. The next is remarkable for a debate which hap- 
pened in the Senate, conceming an additionai name 
to be giveu to Caesar. He himself would giadly 
bave assumed the name of Romulus : but when. he 
found that the people would suspect, that if he took 
that name, he intended to make himself king, he 
consented to bave the Jaame Augastus, or the avgast, 
in which word ali that is most honourable and 
sacred is contained, bestowed on him by the Sonate 
and people'. Vìrgil seems to allude to this indi- 
nation of Cassar to take the name of Romulus, in 
bis third Georgick ^, when he calls Caesar Quirìnus, 
one of the names of Romulus. That passage there- 
fore must bave been added after the time commonly 
assìgned for the publicatìon of the Georgicks- We 
may observe also that it could not be before this 
time that Virgil wrote, in the sixth iEneid *, 

Hic vir, bic est, libi quem promitti saepius audis, 
AuGUSTUs CiESAB, DivuiTì genus : aurea condet 
Ssecula qui rursus Latio, regnata per arva 

» Ver. 545, &c. hìs Chronicle^ '' Oh clxxxvii. 4. 

^ Ol. clxxxviiù 1* M. Teren- " Casar Augastus appeilatus : a 

tius Varrò Pbilodophus prope *' quo Sextilis mensis Augiisti no^ 

nonagenarius moritur. Eweb. " men accepit" 

Chron. *" Ver. 27. 

* Dio Cass. lib. liii. Eusebius ' Ver. 791. &c. 
places this two years sooner, in 


Saturno quondam : super et Garamantaset ludos yóv 

Proferet imperium : jacet extra sìdera tellus, ^^^ 

Extra anni solìsque vias, ubi cselifcr Atlas 727. 

Axem bumero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum. 
Hujus in adventu jam iiunc et Caspia regna 
Responsis borrent divum : et Moetica tellus, 
Et septem gemini turbant trepida oi^tìa Nili. 

In the following year, Comelius Gallu&, whom 728. 
Yirgil had so much celebrated iu bis Eclogoes, fell 
into disgrace". We bave seen already, that Au- 
gustus bad. constìtuted bini Governor of Egypt. 
He had been raised te tbis bonour from a low con- 
dition ; and seems to bave been intoxicated with the 
great fortune to which he was advancéd. He ut- 
tered in bis cups several disrespectful speeches with , 
regard to Augustus ; and had the vanity to cause 
statues of hiniself to be erected in raost parts of 
Egypt, and to inscribe his own actions on the pyra- 
mìds. Being accused of these and otber crimes, he 
was candemned to banishment and confiscation of 
goods; which sentence so affected bina, that he 
slew himself". Donatus relates, that Virgil was 
so fond of tbis Galhis, that the fourth Georgick, 
from the middle to the end, was fiUed with bis 
praises ; and that he afterwards changed tbis part 
into the story of Aristaeus, at the command of Au- 
gustus. But Iluseus justly questìons the truth of 
this story. He obser?es, that the story of Aristaeus 

^ Dio, lib. liii. See the note '' lus Forojulìensis Poeta, a quo 

on ver. 64. of the sixth Ecloffue. '* primum iBgyptum rectam su- 

* Eusebius places the death of '' pra dixìmus, quadragesimo 

Ga:llu8 in the preceding year. " aetatis suae anno proprio se 

" 01. clxxxviii.2. Cornelius Gal- " roana interfecit.*' 


Yaw is SO well connected with tbe cultare of the bees, 

Bomethat it does not seem to bave been stuck in» but 
to rise naturally iFrom the'subjebl: that it is not 
probàble, that Virgil would bestow so large a ^part 
of bis work in tbe praìse of Gaìlus, wben he has 
given but a few lines to Maecenas himself, to wbom 
he dedicated the whole poem : and lastly, that Au- 
gustus himself, according to Suetonius, lamented 
the death of Gallus ; and tberefore cannot be 
thought so injurìous to bis memory» as to envy him 
some empty praise. 

In this year Augustus had a design of invading 
Brìtain; but was bindered by a rebellion of the 
Salassi, a people who lived under the Alps, and of 
the Cantabrians and Asturìans^ who inhabited the 
plain country of Spain» bordering on the Pyrenean 

72d. mountains*. He sent Terentius Varrò againstthe 
Salassi, and marched himself in person against the 
Cantabrians and Asturians, in the beginning of the 
foUowing year, wben he was consul the ninth time, 
together with M. Junius Silanus. Wben these wars 
were happily ended, Augustus again closed the 
gates of the tempie of Janus. 

730, But this peace did not long continue ; for in the 
very next year, the Cantabrians and Asturìans re- 
belled again ; and did much mischief, before they 
could be a second time subdued. At this time 
Quintilìus Cremonensis, an intimate friend of Virgil 
and Horace, died much lamented p. Horace paid the 

° Dio, lib. liii. Cremonensis Virgilii et Horatiì 

>* Ol. clxxxix» 1. Quintilìus {a,mì\Ì9xìa moritur. Euseb, Ckron» 


tribute of an Ode to bis memory, and addressed ìt Yen 
to Vircil, wbo^seems to bave lamented him with an Rome 


extraordinary grief *». 

Augustus, being cbosen Consul the eleventb time, tsi. 
togetber witb Calpumius Fiso» fell ìnto so dangerous 
a sìckness, tbat bis lìfe was despaìred of : but An- 
tonius Musa, bis pbysician, wbom be had made 
free, cured bim by cold batbing, and drinkìng cold 
water'. Musa was loaded witb rewards for tbis 
cure by Augustus and tbe Senate, and bad leave 
given bim to wear golden rings : and not only be, 
but ali tbe rest of tbe faculty, were for tbe future 
exempted from paying taxes. But Musa's reputa- 
tion was soon diminisbed by tbe deatb of young 
Marcellus, wbo, being treated exactly in tbe same 
manner, died under bis bands. Tbis Marcellus 
was tbe son of Octavia, the darìing sister of Au- 
gustus, by ber former busband. He seems to bare 
been tbe child, with wbom sbe was pregnant at 
tbe time of ber marriage with Mark Anthony ; and 
tbe expected infant, under wbose influence Virgil 
promised the blessings of the golden age in bis 
Pollio*. He was greatly beloved by Augustus, 

4 Multis ille bonis ilebilis oo Quam virga semel horrìda 

cidìt : Non lenìs precibus fata recla- 

Nulli flebilior, quam tibi^ deve, 

Virgili. Nigro compulerit Mercurius 

Tu frastra pius, heu^ non ita gf egi. 

creditum Dunim^ sed levius fit patientia 

Poscis Quintilinm deos. Quicquid corrìgere est nefas. 

Quod si Threicio blandius Lib, i. Od. 24. 

Orpheo ' Dio, lib. liii. 

Aoditam moderere arborìbus ' See tbe note on ver. 8. of the 

fidem, fourth Eclogue. 
Non yan» redeat sanguis 


Yea^ wa^ ììi^ ne^rest malp relation, fm4 h^^ marrÌQd hk 
Rom^ ouly daughter Julia : b^ wa$ unfv^rsaUy laiiiapted, 
and bis body was carrìed witb great ppnop and so- 
]emnity to b^ bmmt in tbe Campus Mqrtius, It 
ipiist bave b^ea soon after tbis tbat Yirgil ^nished 
the sixtb iplneid \ at the latter end of wbich tbai 
youth isi celebrated. Tbe po^t represents bis hero 
jEneas descending into tbe Elysian sba^es^ to re^ 
ceive ipstruction from bi^ fatber. Old Anchi^ef^ 
ei^teftaìns bjs son witb a reyiew of bjs pos^erity, 
wbic^ gives tb^ ppet an ppportnnit:y to npef^|ion tbe 
gre^test persQps apd actions of tl)e Hopi^n p^ople, 
La^f; of ali, Ancl^ises ppintp out tbe gre^t Ms^rpciUiis, 
wl|Q )iad been ||ve tin^es Coiisul ; be ipisntions hii^ 
offering pp tbe opiina sppliq, fpr having slw Vir- 
dwpaarus, a Gprpaan kipg, in i^ingle figbt, tlie vifitfiry 
wbjch he obtained by bii? celerity, bis pitting tb^ 
Cartbaginians to flight, hjs conqu^ring the Gauls, 
^^id bis beii^g th^ tbird Roman, wbo qhtained the 
hpnour of making ^n offering tq !(^eir<^trian Jqpiter ' : 

Sic pater Anchises ; atque hsec mirantibus addìt : 
Aspìce, ut insignis spoliis Marc^lus opimis 
Ingreditur^ victorqua vìros supereminet omnes. 
Hicrem Romanam magno turbante tumultu 
Sistet eques : sternet Poenos, Gallumque rebeliem: 
Tertiaque arma patfi suspen^et cap^;ff Quirinp. 

JEneas baving seen tbis futij^ bero, t^k^^ nptiqe of 
a youth, of extraordiiiary beauty, whpj being clad 
iu sliinitig arms, attends upon tbe great Mareellus. 
He asks whether tbe youtb is bis son, or one of bis 

' ^n. lib. vi. ver. 854, &c. 

LI FÉ OF VlHGlt. ÌHxxiìi 

glbfiotis tJOslerity. Anchises pfòiirs ftjrlh à flood ofYèar 
ttìàrs, and in a riiòst pathetid itìariner foretels whatRomé 
ìtntóènsè grief will be occasiònéd by the death òf ''^^' 
this ìlliistrious yoùtb, who woùld bave performed' 
àcfions equal to tbosè of bis great' ancestor, if be 
coùld havei broken througb the bafd decrees of 

Atqué hìc JEnestd^ una namque ire videbat 
i^egium forma jnvenem et ftilgentibus armìs; 
Sed frons l»ta parum, et dejecto lumina vultu 
Quis, pater» ille virum qui sic comitatur euntem ? 
Filius ? anne alìquis magna de stirpe nepotum ? 
Quis strepitus circa comitum ! quantum instar in ipso est ! 
Sed nox atra caput tristi circumvòiat umbra. 
. Tum pater Anchises lacrymià ingressus abortis: 
O nate, iiigéhtem luctum ne quserè tndrum ; 
Oiterìdent tèrris hunc tantum fata, neqùe ulti-a 
Esse sinent. Nimium vobìs Roìnanà propagò 
Visa potens, superi, propria b«c si doAa fiiissent. 
QuantoB ille virum* magnam Mavortis ad urbem 
Campus aget gemitus ! vel qu8e Tyberine videbis 
Funera, cum tumulum prseterlabere recentem ! 
Nec puer Iliaca qtiisquaitt de gèilté Latino^ 
In tantum èpe tòUet avòs : Nè^ Ròtfltd&qìiòhdtìni 
Ullo se tantum telltis JÀctabit altimtlb; 
Heu pietas 1 heù prisca fides ! intictaquè bello 
Dextera ! non iUi quisquam se impune tulisset 
Obvius armato : seu cum pedes iret in hostem, 
Seu spumaiitis equi foderet calcaribus armos. 
Iléu Iniserànde puer ! si iqua fata àspera futtipàs, 
Tu Marcellus eris. Manibus date lilla plenis: 
Purpureos spargam flores, animamque nepotis 
His saltem acctattulem donis, et fuogar inani 



Year Virgil is said to bave read the sixth ^neìd to Au- 

Romegustus, ìn the presence of Octavìa, who fainted 

away, when he pronounced the words Tu Mar- 

cellus eris ; and afterwards made the poet a present 

of ten sestertia'*^ for every line, amounting in the 

whole to above two thousand pounds sterling. The 

reward was great ; but the verses were Virgil's. 

732. The Ethiopians, who inhabit the inner part of 

Africa, whièh lies above Egypt, being led by their 

Queen Candace, invaded Egypt, and, plundering ali 

before them, penetrated as far as the city Eléphan- 

tina^. But when they heard that Caius Petro- 

nius, the govemor of Egypt, was marchìng against 

them, they retreated : but being pursued by Petro- 

nius, they were overtaken, and driven into their 

own country, where he destroyed some of their 

towns, and compelled Candace to sue for peace. 

To this victory Vii^l seems to allude, in the sixth 

iBneid^, where he mentìons the conquests of Au- 

gustus being extended even beyond the torrid 


-— — super et Garamantas et Indo» , 

Proferet imperium : jacet extra sidera tellus 
Extra anni solisque vias, ubi csslifer Atlas 
Axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum; 

In the mean time, Augustus went into Sicily, 
and during bis absence there were great tumults 
about chposing Consuls * : hereby he was convinced, 

■ Eighty pounds, fourteen * Dio> lib. liv. 
shilllogs, and «even penee ster- ^ Ver. 794, &c. 
ling. • Dìo, lib. liv. 


that it was net yet safe to trust the govemment yw 
again in the hands of the people. At the begìn- Rome 
ìng of the year, Marcus Lollius was the sole 
Consul ; because they reserved the other place for 
Augustus : but when he refused the office» Quintus 
Lepidus was chosen in his rootn. When he had 
settied the affairs of Sicily, he proceeded to Greece ; 
and thence proceeded to Samos, where he spent the 

In the sprìng, he marched into Asia, where he 
rewarded and punìshed every provìnce according tu 
its desert. Phraates being afraìd of his arms, re- 
stored the standards and captives, which had been 
taken by the Parthians. His march against these 
people is alluded to in the seventh JSneid * : 

Sive Getis inferre maiiu lacrymabile bellum, 
Hyrcanisve, Arabisve parant ; seu tendere ad Indos, 
Auroramque sequi, Parthosque reposcere signa. 

At this time Augustus was so dreaded by the 
«astern nations, that they ali sought his favour: 
and the very Indians who had before sent ambas- 
«adors to him**, now entered iato a league of peace, 
and sent him many presents^ Caesar glorìed of 
having subdued these nations by his authority, 
against whom the Roman armies had hitherto 
fonght in vain. To this success therefore our poet 
seems to allude, in the second Georgick **, when he 

* Ver. 604. " gusto per legatos amicitiam 

* Eusebius fixes the time of '* postularunt.*' Euseb. Chron. 
the Indiana sending their am- ^ Dìo, lib. liv. 
bassadors to he in the year 728. ^ Ver. 170, &c. 

** Ol. clxxxviii. 3. Indi ab Au- 


réw says, that Augustus disartnéd the Indians by his^ 
Rbthe art^ òf goveriiment : 

— Te maxime Caesar, 

Qui nunc extremis Asiae jam victor in oris, 

Imbellem avertis Romanis artibus Indum. 

It could not well have been before this time, that 
Virgil wrote that beautiful imagination of his erect- 
ing a tempie to Augustus, which he intended to 
adom with a sGulpture of his victories * : 

In foribus pugoam ex auro solidoque elephanto 
Gangaridum Àciam^ victorìsque arma Quirini : 
Atque hic midantem bello, magnumque fluentem 
Nilum^ ac navali surgentes sere columnas. 
Addam urbes Asiae domitas, pulsumque Nipbaten, 
Fidentemque fìiga Parthum, versisque sagittis, 
Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoiste trophsea ; 
Bisque triumphatas utroque ab littore gentes. 

The Gangarides were a people of India, living near 
the Gahges : and the Niphàtes is à mountain and 
river of Armenia. Thère are indeed so many pas- 
sages ih the Georgickis, which could not hàve béen 
written before this lime, that we may easily conclude, 
that the poet put the last band to this jpoem in the 
yìear of which we are speak ing : it is also far froiii 
improbable, that the conclùsión was written at Ihe 

Hsec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam. 
Et super arboribus : Csesar dum magnus ad altum 
Fulminai Euphraten bello, victorque volentes 
Per populos dat jura, viamque aflFectat Olympo. 

' Georg, iii. ver.* 261, &c. 


Vìrgil had Bow brau^bt hk celefoirated iSlneìs to vb» 
a conolusiQQ : but ìt wanteid much òf the perfeciion, soniè 
to whicl) he intended to brìug it. He therefore iprot 
ppsed to tr^vel intp Greeoe, where Augustus then 
waS) in order to finish it at bis leisure. Bnt meeting 
him at Atheqs, as he was retuming to Rome, he 
determined to coipe bs^cl^ wìth hiip ; whefi he was 
suddenly spizef) by ^ daQgerQi;^ dpknessii, which was 
increased by bÌ9 YPy?jg^. He Idnded at Brqndu- 
sìum^ where he died on |he tweutyrsecond day 
of Septemher, when he had almost completed bis 
fifty-second year. His boues were carried to Na- 
ples, and buried in a monument erected at a small 
distance from the city. The inscription was did- 
tated by himself, as he lay pn hi^ death-bed, and is 
thus transla^^4 \^Y Drydei^ : 

I sung flocks, tillage^ heroes : Mantua gave 
Me life, Brundusium deaih, Naples a grave «. 

In his last will^ he ordered his j^^neis to he burnt, 
b^pausp it w^^ i^oj: finisbec} tp bis mipd : b||t ^\\i 
gustus would not sufFer it to be destroyed ^ Then 

' Spme fay at Tarentum. Witb thw Dpqntua also agrfi^«. 

» Ol. qxc. 2. VirgUiua Brun- ^ Pivua Augutus carminai Vir-t 

dusii moritur^ S^ptio Saturnino, gilii cremarì poqtra te^tanocuAti 

et JiUcrq^ip Cin^a Cflq^ulibps. eju$ verpcuailiam vetqU : majuar 

0?sa ^^a Neapqlim tranciata ìp q^e ita vati testìoioniup» ccmtir 

a^func^Q ab urbe mjliaro aeppli- git, qua^^ si ipse aua carmina 

untvir^ tHulo iatiusmodi aupra- peobayiaaet. Pìin. lih. vii. cap. 

scriptq, queiu oqqrìeps jpao die- 30. 

tiiy^rat: Quun) morbio oppreasua adr 

f^ IS^aptuj^ pip geupjt, Calabri ventare luòrtem videret, petivit 

'^ r^puer^^ teoe^ nupc oravitque a auia amiciasimis im- 

'' Parthe^ope ; cf«ipi Pai^pHa^ p^nse, ut iEneidn, qu^m noi^- 

" Rura, Duqes." duna satis elim&sa^t, s^tiotei^nt. 

Euseb, Chron. Jul Qdl lib. xvii. «iap. 10. 


Y«tt he left it to Tacca and Varius, with this condition. 
Home that they should not make any additions, or even 

fili up those verses which he had left imperfect*. 

Donatus relates the following verses of Atrgustus 

himself on tbis occasion ; 

Ergone supremis potuit vox improba verbis 
Tarn dirum mandare nefas? Ergo ibit in ignes, 
Magnaque doctiloqui morìetur Musa Maronis? 
Sed legum servanda fides : suprema voluntas 
Quod mandat, fierique jubet, parere necesse est. 
Frangatur potius l^um veneranda potestas, 
Quam tot congestos noctesque diesque labores 
Hauserit una dies. 

And these also of Sulpicius Carthaginiensis ; 

Jusserat htec rapidis aboleri carmina flammis 
Virgilius : Phrygium quae cecìnere ducem. 
Tucca vetat, Variusque simul ; tu, maxime Csesar, 

' Anno vero quinquagesimo bus negatis^ testamento comburi 

secnndo ut ultimam manum jussit^ ut rem in emendatami 

JSneidi imponeret^ statui t in imperfectamque. Verum Tucca 

Grseciam et Asiam secedere^ tri- et Varius monuerunt, id Augus- 

ennioque continuo omnem ope- tum non permissurum. Tunc 

ram limationi dare, ut reliqua eidem Vario^ ac simul Tuccse, 

vita tantum philosophise vacaret scripta sub ea conditione lega- 

Sed, cum aggressus iter^ Atlienis vìt, ne quid adderent quod a se 

occurrisset Augusto^ ab Oriente editum non esset^ et versus 

Romam revertenti^ una cum etiam imperfectos, si qui erant^ 

Cssare redire statuit. A e cum relinquerent. Donatus. 
Megara, vicinum Athenis oppi- Eusebius also mentions Varius 

dum, visendi gratia peteret, lan- and Tucca being employed in 

guorem nactus est : quem non correcting the ^neis^ on condi- 

intermissa navigatio auxit> ita tion of not adding any thing. 

ut gravior indies, tandem Brun- " OL cxc. 4. Varius et Tucca, 

disium ad ventarit : ubi diebus '' Virgilii et Horatii contuberna- 

paucis obiit, decimo Cai. Octob. " les, Poetse habentur illustres: 

C. Sentio, Q. Lucretio Coss. Qui " qui JSneidum postea libros 

cum gravari morbo sese sentirei, " emendarunt sub ea lege, ut 

scrinia saepe et magna instantia " nibil adderent.'* 
petivit, crematurus incida : qui- 


Nod siiiis, et Latise con^Iis bistorìse* i Ytte 

Infelin gemino cecidk prope Pergaoms igni, Ro„e 

Et pene est alk> Trqa cremata rogo. ''^ 

It is no ttoiider, that so tnuch care shoald be 
tdken in preserving tbe ^neìs, imperfect as it is ; 
since it is no less than the bistory and panegyrìc 
òf Augirstus Ceesar atid the people of Rome. Hie 
Rofiians were fond of being tbought to descend 
ftom the Trqjans, wbo carne from Troy, under 
tbe condact òf tbe great Maè^B: and the Julian 
famìly derìved tbeir pedigree from Ascanius, wbo 
was sumamed lulus, ihe eldest son of that hero. 
The settlìng therefore of tbe Trojans in Italy is tbe 
subject of the. wbole Poem : be fireqneotly takes 
occasìon to mention tbem as the ancestors of tbe 
Romans; he altrays declares ^neas to be the son 
of Venus; and be introdoces Jupiter bimself fore- 
telling the great victorìes and tbe deification of 
Julius Caesar^. 

Nascetur pulchra Trojanus orìgine Csesar, 
Imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris, 
Jalius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo.| 
Hanc tu olim coelo spoliis Orìentis onustnm, 
Accìpies secura:. vocalntar hic quoque yotb. 

Jupiter in tbe same speecb relates tbe bistory of tbe 
Trojan successìon in Italy : that ^neas, baving 
subdued bis enemies in that country, shall build 
' Lavinium, and reign there three years : that bis son 
Ascanius, sumamed lulus, sball succeed bim, reign 

* iEn. i. ver. 290, &c. 



Y«tt thirty years, and transfer the regal seat from Lavi- 
Romenium to Alba: that bis posterity sball reign tbere 
* tbree hundred years, till tbe priestess Ilia shall 
bear twìns to M ars : that Romulus shall be suckled 
by a wolf, build a city sacred to Mars, and cali 
the people Romans from bis own name. The god 
then declares, that these Romans shall know no 
bound of their emp^'e : that Juno shall lay aside 
ber enmity, and concur with him in supporting the 
Roman people, the lords of the world ; and that the 
Trojan race shall cònquer their ancìent enemies the 
Greeks, and reign over them ^ 

His ego nec metas rerum, nec tempora pono : 
Imperium sine fine dedì. Quin aspera Juno, 
Quse mare nunc terrasque metu ccelumque fatigat» 
Cimcilia in melius referet; mecumque fovebit 
Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam. 
Sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus setas, 
Cum domus Assaracl Phthiam clarasque Mycenas 
Servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argìs. 

In tbe sixth hook, Anchises, in the Elysian fieids, 
shews to iBneas his future son Sylvius iBi^eas, the 
youngest of his children by Lavinia. From him the 
Alban kings descend, Procas, Capys, Numitor, and 
Sylvius -fineas. These princes, he tells us, founded 
Nomentum, Gabii, Fidena, CoUatia, Pometia, Ca- 
strum Inni, Boia, and Cora. Numitor, tbe father 
of Ilia, is accompanied by his grandson Romulus, 
the son of Ilia by Mars, under whose influence 
Rome arrives at vast power. Among these great 

' Mn> 1. ver. 261, &c. 


Romans^ Ancbises calls upon ..Sneas, to observe veor 
the noble Julian family, especìally Augustus Caesar» Rome 
under whose reign ali tbe blessings, promised to 
that mighty state, sball be united. 

En hujus, nate, auspiciis illa inclyta Roma 
Imperium terris, animos sequabit Olympo ; 
Septcmque una sibi muro cìrcumdabit arces. 
Felix prole virum : quali» Berecynthia mater 
Invebitur curru Phrygias turrita per urbes, 
Lffita Deum partu» centum complexa nepotes, 
Omnes ccelicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes. 
Huc, geminas bue flecte acies : hanc aspice gent^n 
Romanosque tuos. Hic Csesar, et omoìs luli 
Progenies, magnum cceli ventura per axem. 
HKc vir, hic est, &c. 

He then recites tbe kings wbo succeeded Ro- 
mulus; Numa^ famous for enacting laws; TuUus, 
wbo raised again tbe military spirit of the people ; 
Ancus Martius, wbo studied popularìty; and tbe 
Tarquins, tbe latter of wbom was expelled by Bru- 
tus, wbose severe discipline tbe Poet celebratesi 
He mentions tbe famous famìlies of tbe Decii and 
Drusi, and the great dictators, Torquatus and Ca- 
millus : he laments the civil discords between Pom- 
pey and Julius Ceesar, the latter of wbom he extols 
again, as conqueror of the Greeks, and avenger of 
the Trojan race. He does not pass over tbe me- 
mory of the great Cato, the glorìous Cossus, the two 
thunderbolts of war the Scipios, wbo subverted 
Carthage, or the nobly temperate Fabricius, and 
Quinctìus Cincinnatus. He seems in a rapture, at 
the mention of the Fabii ; and then breaks forth 

m 2 


Year ìnto that floble character of the Romans already 
Rome mentioned ; '^ Bxeudeirt alii spìrantia, &c." And 
concludes with describing at laTge the character of 
the famous Marcellus. 

The celestial shield of JBneas " is also decorated 
with the history of Rome : Romulus and Remus 
sucking the wolf ; the rape of the Sabine vìrgìns, 
the war thereby occa^ioned» and the establishment 
of a happy peace ; the punishment of Metius for 
his perfidiousness by Tullùs Hostiliius ; the inrasion 
made by Porsènna, to restòre the èjectèd Tarquin ; 
and the conrage of the Róriians, in asserting their 
liberty; the defence of the bridge by Cocles, and 
the escape of Clcelia, by swimming cross the river ; 
the siege of the capitol by the Gauls, and the de- 
fence of it by Manlìus Torquatus ; the punishment 
of wicked Catiline in hell, the judgmènt seat of 
Cato, in the Elysian fields ; and the victory of Au- 
gu8tu8 Caeaar over Anthony and Cleopatra. The 
religious and civìl customs also of the Romans are 
tó be fòund in the JEneis; tbeir sacrifices, their fti- 
nerals, their manner of declaring peaoe and war, 
and their solemn games, are described by Virgil ; so 
that it was not withoiit reason that this Poet was 
highly honòured both by prince and people. He 
was in such esteem at Rome, that, as we are told 
by one óf their best historians ", the people rose to 
him when he appeared in <be theatre, and shew^ 
him the same respect that they gave to Augustus 
hk3:self ; and that Augustus wrote such letters to 

» JEsì, viiK 696. • Tacitus, Dialog. de Orat. 

tlPE oFyiRGiJu. %(m 

hìm, as atmndwtly tesHjjfiad lìh^e^teex^ ami reg^d^ Yeor 
^hich he bad for this e:;iccellent poet^ Aia^j^tber dfR^e 
l^ir bistorìaus.cajl^ him the pni^<^ of p^^ry*.; 
aod Ihe leamed amd iiulioUmg QuiQtilìaiiP was of 
opinion^ that Yirgil carne .nei^irer ito Hdmer tli^an aóry 
Other port caiue to Yifgil : aad the greiajL Empergaf 
GoBslantiae caUf$ biin the prìnoe 4/ the L^ìn 

He lived in frìendship with the best poets of his 
age, and particularly with Horace, who in an Ode 
àddressed to him, wben he w:as sailing to Ath^ns, 
prayed the gods to protect him, and called him the 
b^f of hi$ $oul ; 

Sip te Div^ poten^ CyprJ, 

Sic fratres Helenee, lucida sidera, 
Ventorumque regat pater, 

Obstrictis aliis, praetér lapyga, 
Navis^ quaa tibi creditum 

Pebes yìrgiliuln, finibus Atticis 
Reddas incolumem, precor; 

Et serves fmiiiiae dimidium mefe \ 

The twelfth Ode of the fourth hook ìb also àd- 
dressed to VirgiI; and in the sixth S^.tire of the 
jfirst boQJk» he tells MaBceaas, that VirgiI was the 
first who recommend^d him*. The samé poet 

' •I^ter qu» maxime nòstri •» ns^i:fe,-#ij^ >iy«» w t|«x<^- 

ffivi eminente princeps carminum T«r«y r?; luirÀ 'lT«x/«y wtttrSf. 

Virgilius^.&c Feèl, Papere, lib. ii. ConHantini Orai, apud Euseò, 

P Utar verbis iisdem^ quae ab ' Lib. i. Od. S. 

Afro DomUio jiiVeni^ accepi: * Nulla etenim. milii' 4ésor8 

qui mibi interroganti, quem Ho- obtufit : optimus clim 

Boero credit maxiiaae accedere : Vir^Hus, post hunc Varìus 

secundus^ inquit^ est Vivgilius : dixère quid essem. 

pBoprior tttoieii prUoo quam ter- Smt* lib* i. 6. 
tio. Lib. X. 



Year celebfates the softness and delicacy of VirgiPs 
Rome Pastorais ^ bis skill in poetry% bis judgment% 
'^ bis candour ^ and bis piety *. Propertius celebrates 
tbe writings of our Poet, declares tbat bis verses 
are wortby of Apollo ; and sbews tbe great ex- 
pectation tbàt tbere was of tbe ^neis, by saying 
tbat Virgii was about a work, wbicb was to exceed 
tbe Iliad^. Ovid also, speaking to Augustus, calls 

t Molle atque facetum 

Virgilio annueruDt gauden- 

tes rure Camense. 

Sat. lib. i. 10. 
' At neque dedecorant tua de 

se judicia^> atque 
Munera quse multa dantis 

cum laude tulerunt 
Dilecti tibi Virgiìius, Varius'- 

que poetse. 

Epiit. lib. ii. 1. 

Quid autem 

Csecilio Plautoque dabit Ro- 

manus ademptum 
Virgilio Varioque ? Ars Poet, 
^ Plotius et Varius^ Msecenas^ 

Valgius^ et probet haec Oc- 

tavius optimus^ atque 
Fuscus, et baec utinam Vìs- 

cprum laudet uterque ; 
Ambìtione relegata te dicere 

Pollio 'y te Messala tuo cum 

fratre 5 simulque 
Vos Bibuli» et Servi ; simul 

bis te, candide Furoi ; 
Complures alios, doctos ego 

quos et amicos 
Pnidens prsetereo : quibus 

hsec» sint qualiacumque. 
Arridere velim : doliturus^ si 

placeaut spe 
Deterius nostra. 

Sai. lib. i. 10. 

y Plotius» et Varius Sinuesese» 
Occurrunt: animae quales ne- 
que candidiores 
Terra tulit^ neque queis me 

sit devinctior alter. 
O, qui complexus» et gaudia 

quanta fuerunt; 
Nil ego contulerim jucundo sa- 
nus amico. 

Sai. lib. i. 5. 
* Multis ille bonis flebilis occi- 
Nulli flebilior, quam tibi Vir- 
Tu frustra pius^ heu non ita 

Poscis Quìntilium Deos. 

Lib. l Od. 24. 
*■ Me juvet hesternis positum 
languere coroUis» 
Quem tetigit jactu certus ad 
ossa deus : 
Actia Virgilium custodis littora 
Caesaris et fortes dicere poste 
Qui nuDC Mnesè Trojani susci- 
tat arma» 
Jactaque Lavinis moenia lit- 
Cedite Romani scrìptores» ce- 
dite Graii : 
Nescio quid msjus nascitur 



Virgil his happy autbor of the JEneis>. In another Year 
place, he calls that poem the brìghtest work of ali Rome 
Italy *^ ; and in a third^ he declares, that the Pas- 
torals, Georgicks, and iBneìds of Virgil will be read 
as long as Rome shall continue sovereign of the 
world ^ ; which prophecy has been abundantly 
verìfied ; fot the works of Virgil stili maintain their 
superìority; though the Roman empire has béen 
dissolved above a thousand years. I shall conclude 
the life of our great Poet with the foUowing lines of 
the celebrated Vida ; 

Extulit OS sacrum soboles certissima Phoebì 
Virgilius, qui mox veterum sqaalore situque 
Deterso, in melìus mira omnia retulit arte, 

Tu canis uaibrosi subter pi- 
neta Galesi 
Thyrsio^ et attritis Dapb- 
dìq anmdinibus : 
Utque decem possint cor- 
rumpere malapuellam^ 
MÌ86US et impressìs hoedus 
ab uberibus. 
Felix^ qui viles pomis merca- 
tus amores : 
Huic licet ingratse Tityrus 
ipse canat. 
Felix^ intactum Corydon qui 
tentat Alexin 
AgricolsB domini carpere 
Quamvis ìUe sua lassus re- 
quiescat avena, 
Laudatur faciles Inter Ha- 
Tu canis Asersei veteris prae- 
cepta poetae> 
Quo seges in campo^ quo 
viret uva jugo. 
Tale facit Carmen docta tes- 
tudine^ quale 

Cynthius impositis temperai 
articulis. .' ' ' ., 

Lib. il. Eleg. ÌMu 
^ Et tamen ille tu» felix J^nei- 
dos auctor 
Contulit in Tyrios arma vi- 
rumque toros^ 
Nec legitur pars ulla magis de 
corpore toto^ 
Quam non legitimo fcedere 
junctus amor. 
Piìyllidis bic id^pa, teneraeque 
Amaryllìdis ignes 
Bucolicis juvenis luserat ante 

Trist. lib. li. 
°.£t profugum Maean, alte pri- 
mordia Roms^ 
Quo nullum Latio clarìus ex- 
tat opus. 

Art, amai. lib. iii. 
•^Tityrus, et segetes, j£neiaque 
arma legentur 
Roma triumpbati dum caput 
orbis erit. 

Amorum, lib. i. 


Year Vooem animuinqiie deo aimilis: date IìIib, pleiiis, 

Bomé Fierides» calathis, tantoque assurgile alanmo. 
^'^' Unus hic ingenio praestanti gentis Achivas 

DiviiK>8 vates longe superavit, et arte^ 
Aureus, immortale sonans : stnpet ipse, pavetque 
Quamvis ingentem mìretur Grascia Homerum. 
Haud alio Latiam tantum se tempore jactat. 
Tane lingua? Aosòniae potuh qusB maxima virtus 
Esse fuit, cflelòqtie ingens se gloria vexit 
Itoiiss: sperare ne&s sit vatibus ultra. 

June Sf 1749. 






Mel. TiTYRE, tu patulaa recubans sub untotheVh'adeor 
tegmìne fagi 

Aia, You, Titynn, ìfiae 
jider the shade of a q;>reaa- 

1. TUjire tu paiuke, ftc] After 
the hatùe at Hiìlippi, wfaerein Bru- 
tus and Cassius wereoverthrownby 
AugustusCaesarand Mark Anthony^ 
in the year of Rome 712, Augustus 
letumed to Italj^ in oinder to re- 
ward the soldiers by dividing 
among them the lands belonging to 
aererai cities. But these not being 
sufficient to satisfy the avarice <^ 
the soldiers, they fìrequently trans- 
gressedthe bouiids assigned'them^ 
and seìzed on the lands belonging 
tothe neighbouring cities. Tnose 
ii^aiies caased the inhabitants^ both 
old and young, to flock in great 
aambera to Rome to seek for re- 
dress.. We may gather, from a pas- 
sage in the ninth Edogue^ that 
Cremona was oae of the cities given 
to the soldiers, and that Manttia, 
happeiùng to be situated liear Cre- 
mona, the inhabitants of that ter- 
ritoiy were involved in the calamity 
of their nnhappy n^igfabours. It 

is said that among the rest Virgili 
being dispossessed of his estate^ 
went to Rome, where being pre*- 
sented to Augnstus he was gra- 
cioQsly received, and restored to his 
possessions. It is reasonable to 
think, that some of his neighbours, 
if not ali, obtained the same favoar: 
though the commentators seem al- 
most unanimous in representing 
Virgil as the only Mantuan that 
mei with such good fortune. This 
is the subject of the first Eclogue. 
The poet introduces two shepherds 
under the feigned names of Meli- 
bcBus and Tityrus; of whom the 
former represents the unhapy M an- 
tuans, aria the latter thoge wno were 
restored to their estates : or perhaps 
Tityrus may be intended to repre- 
sent Mantua, and Meliboeus Cre- 
mona. Meliboeus begihs tìie dia- 
logue with settingforUithe miseries 
of himself and his neighbours. 
Tt/yre.] La Cerda' produce^ 


J^£^7^f««>*«««***^ Sylvestrem tenui M usam meditaris avena : 

three reasonSi why the name g£ Ti- 
iyrus might be applied to an Italian 
snepherd : 1. Because ilie poet imì- 
tateid Theoeritos^ w|io gave that 
name to a shepherd in the third 
Idyllium. 2. Because a pipe made 
of reeds was called Tityrinus in 
Italy. S. A shepherd might be 
PjTojyerly so called, as the word 
signifies dancing, an exercise much 
in use among shepherds ; k riif 
rm^u-fitirtif, iJf ;^«i>ovr( Ydjv^^t, says 
Miian. To these ne adds a fouith 
reason-; that Tit3rrus signifies a goat 
in the African language, whence the 
name has been ascribed to those 
who feed them. He concludes with 
observing^ that Servius only says 
that the greater he-goats are called 
by the name of Tityrus among the 
Laconians. This last quotatipn is 
erroneous ; for the words of Servius 
are, *' Laconum lingua Titjn-us di- 
*^ cltur aries (not hircus) major, qui 
*' g^g^^ anteìre consuevit." I be- 
lieve ttie first reason is the true one ; 
and that Virgil had no farther 
meaning, than to borrow the name 
of a shepherd firom Theocritus. 

I have already said, that the 
commentators general ly agree, that 
the poet intended to describe him- 
self under the feigned name of Ti- 
tyrus. But to this opinion I think 
some material objections may be 
opposed. The poet represents his 
Tityrus as an old man. In ver. 29, 
he mentions his beard being grey. 
In ver. é7, Melibceus expressly 
calls Tityrus an old man, fortunate 
senex, which words are repeated in 
ver. 52. Now Virgil tduld not cali 
himself an old man, being under 
thirtv, w]y&x he wrote this Eclogue, 
in wnidi he calls Augustus juvenis, 
who was but seven years younger 
iban himself; and at the end of the 

Georgicks he tells us expressly, that 
he wrote it in his youth : 

— .-^ auctaxque jttwnto 
Tityrc te patule cedni sub tegmine 

In the fifth Eclogue Tityrus is men- 
tioned as a servant to Mopsus : 

Incipe, Mopse, prior; si quos aut 

Phyllidis igncs, 
Aut Alconis habes laudes, aut jurgia 

Incipe: patcentet tervabit Tityrus fue- 


In the eighth Eclogue he mentions 
Tityrus as a contemptible shep- 
herd : 

Certent et cycnis uIuUb: Ht Tityt^ 

Orpbeus in sylvis ; inter delphinas 


If Virgil had called himself Tityrus 
in the first Eclogue, he would 
hardly have used the same name 
siterwards for a raean or contempti- 
ble person. 

Fagi.] La Cerda contends, that 
the fagus is not a beech, but a sort 
of oak or esculus; and quotes se- 
vera! authorities to support his opi- 
nion. This mlstake has arìsen from 
an imagpination ihatihefagut is the 
same with the ^«y«$ of the Greek 
writers, which is indeed a se»! of 
oak. But the description, which 
Pliny gives of the ^gtt*, can agree 
with no other tree, tlutn that which 
we cali a beedi. '^ Fagi glans 
*' nuclei similis, triangula cute in- 
'' cluditur. Folium tenue, ac le- 
^^ vissimum^ populo simile.** 

2. Siflvestrem.l Quinttlian, lib. 
ix. cap. 4. reads agrestem, It is 
generally allowed to have been a 
slip in Quintilian's memory^ this 
reading not being countenanced by 
the authority of any manuscript. 


Nos patrisD.fines, et dulcia linqnimus arva; 
Nos patriam fugimus: tu, Tityre,. lentus in umbra 
Formòsam rèsonare doces Amaryllida sylvas. 5 
TiT. O'Meliboee, Deus nobte hsec òtia fecit. 
Namque erit ille mìhi semper Deus : illius aram 

We.leave the borden of ooT 
coantry, and oar tweet fiddf. 
We fl/ our country j whilst 

rt lltyrut, lying at caie 
the shade, ttsach the 
wooda to reaound the be«u- 
ti6il Amaryllb. 

TU. O Meliboeua, a God 
hasgivenmethisquiet. For 
I ahall atwavi eateem him as 
a God: 

La Cerda endeavours to prove^ 
that Virgil always uses si^lva, when 
he speaks of shepherds^ and agri, 
when he is treating of husbandry. 
But this argument is not good : for 
in a few lines below we find, 

Ludere quae vellem calamo permisit 

And in the sixth Eclogue^ 

AgreHem tenui meditabor arundine mu- 

Probably Quintilian ìntended to 
quote the verse last mentioned. 

MeditarisT^ Servius interprets 
this ** cantas, quasi melitaris, d.-pro 
*' l posila.*' La Cerda interprets it 
exerces; which he confirms by se- 
vera! authorities. Rusus renders 
it modularìs. 

Lord Lauderdale translates this 

Under a beech, supineijr laid along, 
Thou, Tityrusy enjoyUt thy rural songl 

Dryden's translation is^ 

Beneath the shade, which beechen 

boughs diffuse, 
Youy Tityrus, entertain your sylvan 


Dr. Trapp has it» 

Beneath the covert of the spreading beech 
Thou, Tityrus, repos*d, art warbUng o'er 
CJpon a slender reed thy sylvan lays. 

Avena.'] *' The musical instru- 
*' ments used by shepherds were at 
''first made of oat and wheat- 
** Straw ; then of reeds, and hol- 
" low pipes of box; afterwards of 
'' the leg bones of cranes^ homs* of 
'' animals, metals» &c. Hence 
'' they are c^lled avena, stipula, ca- 

'' tamus, arundOg fistula, buxus, ti- 
'' bia, cornu, as, &c." Ru^us. 

5. Amaryllida^ Those who un- 
derstand this £clogue in an allego- 
rica! senscj wlU bave Amaryllis to 
mean Rome. See the note on ver. 31 . 

6. Melihoee, &c.] Tityrus in- 
forms his neighbour» that his feli- 
city is derived from a god^ com- 
plimenting Augustus witlì tliat 

Deus.] The poet flatters Au- 
gustus^ by callìng him a god» some 
years before divine honours were 
publicly allowed him. 

Otta.'] Servius interprets it secu- 
fity arfelicitv. La Cerna will bave 
it to mean liberty. Ruseois renders 
it quies. Lord Lauderdale translates 
it, this soft retirementi Dryden» 
theseblessings; andDr. Trapp» this 
Jreedom. In the fifth Bclogue our 
poet uses olia for peace or ease; 

Nec lupus insidias pecorì, nec retia cer- 

Ulta dolum meditantur : amai Itonus otia 
DaphnU : 

Ànd in the 9econd Georgidk ; 

At secura quies, et nesda fallere vita, 
Dives opum variarum ; at latis otia fun- 

Speluncs» vfvique lacus : 

And in the third ; 

Ipn in defossis specubus secuia sub alta 
Otia agunt terra. 

It is plainly used also in the same 
sense in the sixth ^neid. 
— — Cui deinde subibit, 
Otia qui rumpet patri», retidesque mo- 
- TuUus in arma viros.- 

7. Namque erit ille mihi semper 


a teii.'er làmb fròm my folds 
studi oftenftainhU aitar. He 
has permitted my kine to 
feed »t larjire, as you see^ and 
myself to play what I have a 
mind on my niral pipe. 

Afrf. I do not envy you 
indeed, but rather wonderj 
aeeingr there Is so great a dto- 
turbonoe ali over the coun- 
try. Lo ! I drive my Roatt, 
being quite sick myself ; and 
am iurdly able, my Tityrus, 
to drag this along. 

Saep^ ^enet nostri^ ab oVilibiis fanbuel tùgmn* 
lUe meas errare boves, ut cemis, et ipdam 
Ludere» quas vellem, calamo permìsit agresti. 10 
Mel. Nonequideminyideo,mirormagis: un- 
dique totis 
Usque adeo turbatur agris. En capellas_ 
Protinus segerago: hanc etiam vix, Tityre,duco. 

Deus.'] Servi US says, that this re- 

Setitìon excludes ali appearance of 
aitery : which I must confess my- 
self unable to understand. As to 
what he mentions of Augustus be- 
ing really deifiedin his life-time, it 
can have no place here : since it is 
certain, that these honours were not 
mven him, till several years after 
this Eclogue is said to have been 
composeci. It was a common opi- 
nion among the ancients, thatdoing 
good elevated men to divinity. l'i- 
tyrus therefore, having received so 
great a benefit from Augustus, de- 
clares, that he shall always esteem 
him as a god. If divine honours 
had then been ascribed to Augustus, 
the poet WQuld not have men tìoned 
him as a deity peculiar to himself ; 
^erii ille mihi semper deus. But it is 
no great wonder, that the poet 
should flatter Augustus with the 
title of a god ; since Julius C^sar, 
whose adopted son he was, had al- 
; ready received divine honours, a 
jchapel being dedicated to him in 
^^ the Forum about ten months before 
[the decisive battle at Philippi. 
I Illius aram, &c.] Pope has 
imitated this in his foùrth Pasto- 

To thee, brighi goddesp, oft a lamb shall 
1 bleed, 

i If teeming ewes increaBe my fleecy foreed. 

9. Errare.'^ Id est, pasci, says 

, Servius. It ^s certain, that by cr- 

I rare the poet cannot mean to wan- 

• der or strny, in one sense of the 

word, which signifies to go astray, 
or be lost, Therefore, to avoicl 
ambiguity, I have translatèd it to 
feed at large, which is the true 
meaning of the word. Our poets 
frequently use stray in the same 
sense: thus Milton; 

Russet lawnsy and faUows grey, 
Where the nibbling ilocks do stray* 

Lord Lauderdale has translatèd er- 
rare in the full sense of nandering, 
or going astray ; 

Do you not see my cat\le wand^rìng roam 
At theìr own pleasure, yet come safely 

home ? 
He 'tifi that suiTers.them to go astray. 

Dryden's translation is better; 

He gave my flocks to graze the flow'ry 

11. Non equKÌem invideQ, &c.] 
Melibceus, apprdbending that Ti- 
tyrus might imagìne he envìed hk 
good fortune, assures him that he 
does not, but only wonders at his 
enjoying peace in the midst of the 
greatest confusions and disturb- 
ances, andconcludeswitìi enquiring, 
who that god is, from whom his 
ti^anquillity is derived. 

12. Turbatur,] Pièrius found tur- 
bamur in some ancient manuscrìpts. 
Servius found the same reading; 
but justly prefers ^Mròo/Mr. Quìn* 
tilian also reads tnirbatur, in a quo- 
tation of this passage ; and it is ge- 
nerally received by the editors. 

13. Protinus,] Servius reads prò - 
tenus, and interprets it vo rrò ienus. 

Hic Inter danne etayktt Mbdo namqne gemellos, £!S„'S;?^*Sf SS 


id €$it, Unge a Jlnthm, Pierius ol>- 
serves that most ma&uscripts faàve 
proiinm; butth«it it is protenus m. 
|he Oblong and Medieean marni- 
scìr^pts. He observes^ that Qwpet 
màk^à a difference b^^een thein> 
makìng proienus an adverb of place, 
and ' protinm an adverb of ttme. 
N<»DÌU8 l^areellus interprets proti- 
nut, vMt, In tbe Medieean ma* 
nuscript, according to the edition 
printed at Florence in 1741, it is 
protinus. The same reading is in 
the Paris edition of 1541. But in 
that of 1540, under the care of Sus- 
sannaeus it is protenus. In the 
Venice edition by Aldus, in 1576, 
it is protinus* Rob. Stephens reads 
protenus. In the old edition^ printed 
by Pynson, it is protintis, as also in 
tne Milan edition of 1539, ^^d in 
the Antwerp edition of 1543. But 
in that of 1540, it is protenus. La 
Carda reads protinus; but Heinsius, 
and after him most of thè editors 
bave protenus. Dr. Trapp contends 
for protenus, in the sanse which 
Servius givc^s it; and accordingly 
traDslates t^is passage^ 

Lo ! I far hcncìs my goats just fainting 

Barman also is positive in the same 

In this diversity of opinions^ our 
surest way will be to consider the 
different senses in which Virgil 
bimself has \xse^ protinus or protenus 
in other parts of bis Works. The 
general signification of it is immedi- 
ately^ next, or presently aflerwards, 
Thus it is used in the fourth Geor- 
gick : 

Protinus a£rii mellis caelestia dona 
Exequar. . ■■ 

And in the second ^neid ; 

PrtÉiHut ad sedes Prìami clamore vo- 

Where Sejrvins ittads prolvnùs,axià 
interpreta it statìsn ; as he dofes ^IM 
in another passage of die same 

Sic fatua senior, telumque imbelle àne 

Conjecit: rauco quod protkmt aere re- 


* In the same sense it is used in the 
tìiird -^Eneìd; 

Protinus afirias Phaeaeuin abscondijnuB 

And in the fourth ; 

Protinus ad regem cursus detcìrguet 

And in the fifth ; 

Protinus ^neas celeri certate sagitta 
Invitai, qui forte velini. 

And in the seventh ; 

Protinus bine fuscis trìstis dea tolUtur 

Attdads ButuK ad muros. 


Mos erat Hesperio in XiaUo, qvutai frati- 

nus urbes 
Alban» coluere sacrum. 

Here Servius interprets itjugUer, 
deinde; and s|iys it is now an ad^ 
verb of time. He gives the sanae 
sense to . ^ 

trtgecto missa lacerto 

Protinus basta fugit. 

in the tenthi 

In the same hook we find 

Protinus Anteeum et Lycam, prima ag- 

mina Turni 


Hsc ubi dieta dedit, caelo se protinus aito 

in the siense already gìven. 

Lastly, in the eleventh, 
Protinus Orsilochum et Buten, duo ma^ 

xima Teucrum 
Corpora: sed Buten adverso cuspide fixit. 


ì!!^i^tìJ^?S"^o£! SpemgregÌ8,ah!8Ìljccuinud«coDnixareUqiiit.lS 

In the eighth Mneìd, Servius in. 
terprets proiinut, ai oneand the same 
iime, or on the way : 

Nam memini Hesiones visentem regna 

Laomedontiadem Prìamum Salamina pe- 
~ tentem, 
Prctinut Àrcadiffi gelidos invisere fines. 

1 shall now consider some pas- 
usages» which iteem raost naturally 
to be understood in the sense whi(£ 
Nonius Marcellus gives to the pas- 
sale under consideration. In the 
thurd ^neid we find^ 

Haec loca vi quondam, et vasta convulsa 

Tantum svi longinqua valet mutare ve- 

Dissiluisse IbruDty cum proHmu utraqae 

Una fore;;t. 

Here Servius in terprets proUnns, 
continuo; and says it ìs an adverb 
of place. Ru«u8 also interprets it 
fine intermissione; Virgìl is here 
speaking of the supposed dìsruption 
OT Sidly from tne continent of 
Italy^ to which it is said to have 
been formerly joined ; cum protinus 
uiraque iellus una foret, that \^, 
when both lands were absolutely 

In the sixth^ 

- Quin protinus omnia 

Perlegerent oculis, 

can hardly be understood in any 
other sense. Ruseus interprets it^ 
*' At vero Trojani ulterius perlu- 
^' strassent oculis omnia ;** aod 
Dr. Trapp translates this passage^ 

Now ali the work 

Throughout yrìth curìous eyes they would 
have trac*d. 

In the following passagé in the 

Tartaream intendit vocem, qua protinus 

Contremuit nemus, 

protinus may be understood to mean 
either vaUe, longe, or statim; Ru- 
8BUS interprets it in the latter sense. 
Dr^ Trapp Iranslates it suddenly, 1 
should rather interpret it^ *^ the 
'' whole forest trembled greatlj, or 
" throughout;" or erophatically^ ali 
the wholefore$t trembled. 

In the ninth iBneid, Tumu» 
boasting of bis superìority over the 
Trojans, says^ 

— Addant Beprotwut omnes 
Etrusd socios ; 

That is^ emphaticallyj let every man 
of the Tuscans oda himself to the 
number. Servius indeed tells us^ 
that some interpret protinus, licei in 
this place. Ruseus interprets it 
statim : but the sense, whicn I have 
here given it^ seems the most natu- 
rai. There remains^ I think, but 
one passage more to be considered. 
It is also in the ninth hook ; wfaere 
the poet is speaking of the num- 
bers slain by Euryalus and Nìsus. 
Among these he mentions Sarranu?, 
who had spent great part of the 
night in play ; and adds^ 

i— Felix, si protinus illum 
iEquasset noeti ludum, in lucemque tu- 

Here Servius says, protenus is put 
for porro tenus or continuo, which is 
peculiar tó Virgil. Ruaeus also in- 
terprets it continuo. But sijrely it 
would be better to translate this 
passage, happy, had he but mode his 
play absolutely or entirely equal to 
the night, and continued it till 

Having thus considered the word 
in ali the places where Virgil has 
made use o£ it, I can by no means 
assent to Servius and bis followers", 
who interpret it porro tenus or 
continuo, wnich Servius himself says 
is peculiar to Virgil. And as there 


Ssepe malum hoc nobis, si measnon Isevafuisset, 
De cffilò tactas memitii praedicere quercus : 
Saepe sinistra cava praedixìt ab ilice corDÌx. 
Sed tamen, iste Deus qui sit, da, Tityre, nobis. 
TiT. Urbem, quam dicunt Romam, Meliboee, 

putavi 20 

Stultus ego buie nostrse sirailém, quo saepe sole- 

Pastores ovium teneros depellere fcetus. 
Sic canibus catulos similes, sic matribus hoedos 

I rémiember, that the òaks 
blasted from heaven often 
foretold me this calamity; 
only my mind was distracted. 
Often did the sinistrous crow 
foretel it lìrom ahollow holm- 
oak. But teli me, Tltynis, 
who this God ìa. 

TU. Ifoolishlythoughtthe 
city, which they cali Rome, 
to be Uke this of ours, MeU- 
baeti>,to which weshepherds 
often use to drive the tender 
offspring of our sheep. Thus 
I knew whelps were iikedogi* 

Ì6 not any one passage, where it 
may not be rendered otherwise, we 
may justly reject this singular in- 
teipretation. I rather indme to the 
opinion of Nonius Marcellus^ that 
it is in this place an emphatical ad- 
verb> and means valde or omnino, in 
which sense it may well be under- 
stood in many passages of our poet. 
13. Duco.] LaC^dawouldhave 
US understand duco in this place to 
mean carrying on the shoulders. 
To oonfirm this interpretation^ he 
quotes several authors> whotnention 
the shepherd's taking up the sheep 
on his shoulders. But aU, or móst 
of them^ are Christians^ and allude 
to the paraUe o£ the gopd Shep- 
herd in the Gospel ; which omy 
dbews the firequency of this custom. 
However not even one of these uses 
duco to express carrying on the 
shoulders. It certaìnly signifies to 
lead or draw. In the first sense it 
is used in the second Georgick, ver. 
395, and in the latter sense in many 
places. Ruseas render s it irahom 
Dryden translates it> 

And this you see | scarcely drag along. 

And Dr. Trapp, 

And thùy dear TityruSy I scarce with 

Caft drag along. 

15. Cofiitùra.] Servius says it is 
used for enixa, only to avoid an hi- 

atus. La Cerda will bave it to ex- 
press a difiicult delivery ; for which 
I do not find sufficient authority. 

l6. Laswu] Servius interprets it 
shdia, contraria, See the note on 
ver. 7. of the fourth Ge(»'gìck. 

18. Scepe ministra, &c.] This 
verse is of doubtful authority, not 
being to be found in the most an- 
cient manuscripts. Pìerius found it 
added to some copies in another 
band. It is omitted in the printed 
copy of the Medicean, in the Milan 
edìtion of 1481^ in the Paris edition 
of 1533, printed by Rob. Stephens, 
and in some other printed editions. 
Perhaps it was stuck in bere by 
some transcriber, who took it from 
the ninth Edogue^ where we read. 

Ante sinistra cava praedixit ab ilice 

19- Qt<*0 Some read quis. 

20. Urbem quam dicunt, &c.] Ti- 
tyrus, instead of answering directly 
who the deity is, deviates, with a 
pastoralsimplicity, intoa description 
of Rome. 

21. Huic nostra.'] Mantua^ near/ 
which Vìrgil was bom. / 

23. Sic canibus, &c.] '^ He meaAs i 
*' that Rome difiers from other j 
*^ cities> not only in magnitude, 
^'but also in kind, being, as iti 
'* were, another world, or a sort of ) 
*' heaven in which he saw the god ! 


ììto^ wlui^^JSST'^^.t^^ì Noram : sic parvis coroponere magna sojebain. 

|i4s mtaà cp Iirr head Anione 
pfc^ei do amang the bend- 

ing wiyfarìng iirwj- 

Aff /. Wliat great causa liid 
you te co to tó* Rumt ' 

Tltf^ Liberty'; whiclijttiough. 
I vira al&ttifuU looted ut>on 
me %t lasc ^ 

Verum bsee tantum alias inter ' caput extulìt 
urbes, 25 

Quantum lenta soleqt inter viburna cupre&si. 
Mel. Et quae tanta fuit Romam tibi causa 

videndì? r 

TiT. Libertas : quae sera tamen respexit inejr- 
tem ; 



Caesar. For in compc^ting a 
whelp to a dog, or a kid to a 
goat^ wt on ly e jl press the ■ diner* 
enee of raagnituae, not of kind. 
But, wben we say a lion is bìgfcer 
tban a dog, we express the dàJ^ 
ference (tf kind as wdl as of nia^-» 
nitude, as the poet does now in 
speaking of Rome. I thougfat 
before, says he, that Rome was 
to be comnared with other cities, 
just as a Kid is to be compased 
with its dam : for though it wasf 
greater, yet I took it to be only 
a city: but now I,find, tliat it 
differs also in kind: for it is a 
mansion of deities. That this is 
I *' his meaning, is plain fì'om 

) ** Qvantum lenta sdient inter riburna cu- 
I ** pressi. 

I " For the wayfaring-tree is a low 
'^ shrub; but the cypress is a tali 

j */ and stately tree." Servius. 

I 26. Lenta viburnaJ] The vi z 

burnum or rvaì(far ing'-tresJB.A fihrub 


which are therefc^e much used in 
binding fi^gots. The name is de^ 
yived a viendo, wEichlsignifiesJg 
bind. ^he ancient writers seem to 
have called any shrub, that was fit 
for this pupose, viburnum: but the 
more niodern authors have re- 
straimed that mone to express only 
our nfayfaring-tree. 

27. Et quas. tanta, 6fc] TUyrus 
having mentioned Rome, Melìbceus 
immediately asks him what was the 
occQsion of his going thither: to 

lyhich he answers, that it was li- 
berty, which he did not enjoy till 

Tm II tMj ks V w xK tfnxf ttucii xjttunwsn 

forsook him, and he gave himself 
op to Amaryllis. 
Et qeuB.^ Some read Ecqwe, 
28. LibertasJ] The commenta- 
tors genendìy understand Tityms 
to have been a slave; because he 
makes mention here of bis being 
grown old before he obtalned bis 
liber^. But it is very plain that 
Virghi does'not represent him in 
any such oondition ; for he is pos- 
sessed of flocks and herds; and 
has a farm of his own ; tua rum 
fnandntnt. The poet therefore must 
mean by liberty, eitfaer the restitu- 
tion of the lands of Tit3n*us, or his 
releasement from the bondage of 
his passion for Galatea. It seems 
to be the latter; because we are 
told he had no hopes of liberty, so 
long as Galatea retained possession 
of him. It will be obiected per* 
hi^s, that Tityrus could bave no 
occasion to go to Rome to obtain a 
dismission from his afiection to a 
mistress ; and therefore this cannot 
be the liberty here mentioned. But 
to this it may be answered, that his 
having obtained his liberty, by 
shaking off the yoke of Galatea, 
was the cause of his going to 
Rome: for during his passion for 
ber, he neglected his affairs, and 
lived expensively, sending great 
quantìtìes of cattle and cheese to 
market^ and yet not being the 
richer for it. 



Candidior t30stquam tondetiti barba cadebat : tófiJSS^^JJda^ì^ 

■r^ • ' ' t ■ «^ i^rw upon me. and come after a 

Respexit tamcn» et loniro post tempore venit 30 loDg time. since Amaryms 

^ o x- r paMesaesme,GaUteahasieft 

Postquam nos Amaryllis habet, Galatea reliquit. «ne. 

29. Candidior postquam, &e.] The 
commentators^ who generally affirm 
that Virgìl descrìbes himself under 
the name of Tityrus, are much con- 
founded wlth this mention of bis 
beard beinff grey, Virgil being but 
twenty-eight years old> when he 
wrote this Eclogiie. Servìus ques- 
tions^ wKfether ìt may not be a 
changing of the person, putting an 
old peasant in this place instead of 
Virgil; but he does not seem per- 
fectly satisfied -with this solution^ 
and rather thinks that the pointing 
should be altered^ reading the pas- 
sage thus ; 

LibertaSy quae sera tamen respexit in- 

Candidior ; postquam tondenti barba ca- 

Thos candidior does not agree with 
barba, but with liberta»; and the 
sense^ such as it is^ will be Liberty, 
yvhich, though I was slothful, looked 
more favourably at Uut, after my 
heardfellfrom the barber, But then 
the mention of the beard at ali is 
superfluous» unless we suppose that 
ttey did not use the barber till the^ 
were near thirty years old^ which is 
not probable. Bendes, if we should 
comply with Servius here in alter- 
ms the pointing, we shall never be 
able to prove Tityrùs to be a y oung 
man, since he is twice called ex- 
pressly senex, which cannot be 
strained to signify any thing but 
an old man. The same objection 
will be in force against Pomponius 
also, who will bave the candidior 
barba to mean the first down on the 
chin. Besides, this will make Tity- 
rus too young to represent a person 
of Virgil's age. La Cerda is of 

opinion, that as Virgil had repre- 
sented himself under the character 
of a slave, he was obliged to sup- 
pose himself old too; because it was 
not usuai to enfranchise their slaves 
till they were old. I bave shewn 
already, that Tityrus is not repre^ 
sented as a slave : therefore I need 
not givo any answer to the latter 
part of the argument; though it 
would be easy to produce many in- 
stances of slaves being set at liberty 
befcire they were old. Ruaeus thinks, 
that the aUcgory is not every where 
observed, and condudes with Pro- 
bus, that the poet only takes the 
same liberty in répresenting hhn- 
self as an old man, that he does 
in making himself a shepherd, or in 
a^suming the feigned name of Tity- 
rus. Catrou has found out a new 
solution of these difficulties. He 
has discovered that Virgil's father 
was yet alive, and tells us it was he 
that obtained the restitution of bis 
lands, and therefore is represented 
with propriety as an old man; 
thouffh I must confess, that I can 
hardly be persuaded to believe, that 
so decent a writer as Virgil would 
bave made his fiither cali himself 
fotd, as he does in two or three 
places of this Eclogue. To con- 
clude, the commentators seem to 
think it necessary, that some one 
person should be represented under 
the name of Tityrus, and thereby 
lay themselves under inextricable 
difficulties in explaining their au- 
thor; which might easily be avoided 
by allowing that the poef s charac- 
ters are general, and not intended 
to be personal. 

31. Postquam nos AmaryUis, &c.} 
The allegorica! commentators fan<y 



wwirt ^ex^'^J^ì Namque, fatebor enini, dura me Galatea tenebat, 
^S^èSS^ °^ '"^' Nec spes libertatis erat, nec cura peculi. 

that the poet meant Rome by Ama- 
ryllis^ and Mantua by Galatea. Po- 
litian pretends tbat Ammryllìs was 
the secret name for Rome. But^ as 
La Cerda justly observes, ibis con» 
tradicts itself : for ìf it had been 
so^ die poet had offended against 
relìgìon^ by pronouncìng the name^ 
which it was unlawful to reveal. 
Besides, no andent author whatso- 
ever has ventured to inform us what 
thìs secret name was. La Cerda 
seems to incline to the opinion of 
Fabius Pictor and Nannius^ who teli 
us^ that the Argeus campus, which 
is inclosed by the seven hills, was 
rendered uninhabitable by the in- 
undations of the Tiber ; but that^ 
on offerìng sacrifices to Vertumnus^ 
the waters retumed into their chan- 
nel. Hence Rome was called Ama- 
rvllis from the gùtters, by which 
tne waters were carried off^ àfiet^q 
signifying a gutter. But La Cerda 
himself diinks this may possibly 
be too far fetched^ and that the 
poet may intend no more than to 
cali Rome by the name of a ficti- 
tious shepherdess. Ruaeus looks 
upon these opinions as trìfles, and 
justly rejects the allegorical inter- 
pretation for the foUowing reasons. 

1. As the poet has twice mentioned 
Rome éxpressly^ and by its proper 
name, in this Eclogue, what could 
induce him to cali it sometimes 
Rome and sometimes Amaryllìs ì 

2. 'He distinguishes Galatea from 
Mantua also^ wheiì he says^ that 
whilst he was a slave to Galatea^ 
he had no profit from the cheeses 
which he made for the unhappy 
city. 3. If we admit the allegory, 
that verse Mirabar quid fncesta deos, 
&c. is inextricable. 4. Servius has 
laid it down as a rule, in the life of 

Virgil, that we are not to under- 
stand any thing in the Bucolicks 
figuratively, that is, allegorically. 

Galatea reliquU.^ Many of the 
conunentators will bave this to be 
what they cali an Euphemìsmus, or 
civil way of expressing what would 
otherwise seem offensive. They af- 
firm that Galatea did not forsake 
Tityrus, but Tityrus Galatea. This 
is stili upon a supposition that Ga- 
latea is Mantua: but as we reject 
that interpretation, the Euphemis- 
mus becomes unworthy of our con- 

33. Peculi'] It is used for Peculii. 
PecuUum is commonly understood 
to^sljjiify tEe^j^riyate stocfwhich 
""a'slave i^permitteiOo enjw^inde- 
ÉiP^^SMlH?^^-- l'iautùs, in 
hls Casma, uses ìf~to express the 
separate nurse of a wife, made up 
without the husband's knowledge ; 

ì^amjpeculi probam nihil habere addecet 
Ckm virum, et quod habet, partum ci 

haud commode 'st, 
Quin viro aut subtrahat, aut stupro in- 


Cicero uses it for the property of a 
slave, in his Paradoxa; "An eo- 
" rum servitus dubia est, qui cupi- 
" ditate peculii nullam conditionem 
" recusant durissimae servitutis ?" 
Many-other passages are quoted by 
the commentators, to shew that pe- 
culium means the stock of a slave ; 
whence they infer, that Virgil uses 
it in this place to express that Tity- 
rus was in a state of servitude. It 
must be confessed, that the word is 
most frequently used in this sense ; 
but there want not instances to 
prove that it also signifies the pro- 
perty of a freeman, or, as I under- 
stand it in the passage now before 
US, gain. Petronius Arbiter, in bis 



Quamvis molta meis exiret victima septis, 
Pinguis et ingratse premeretur caseus urbi^ 


Thoogh minT a victim went 
tram my folds, and many a 
fot cheeae was preaied f or the 

eìgbth chapter, uses it in a ludi- 
crous sense^ to express what every 
man may certainly cali hls own. 
Horace, in bis Art of Poetry, has 
the very words cura peculi, iri the 
same sense tbat I have given them 

— At haec anìmos srugo et cura peculi 
Quum semel imbuerit^ speramus car- 
mina fingi 
Posse linenda cedro, et Isvi servanda 

Con iouh, who hy their parents/rom their 

Have heen devoted thus to rutt and gain, 
Be capabte of high and genWoua thoughts 9 
Lord Roscommon. 

Dryden translates the passage under 
consideration in the same sense. 

I sought not freedom, nor aspìrM to gain. 

And J)r. Trapp, 

No hope of freedom or of gain I saw. 

Peculium, no doubt, as well as 
pealmài is_derivec|L from pecus, be_- 
i^ause enchanges were madel by cat - 
tìeTBefòre themvenf lon oTmc 

and'j5è^dg^àhdeht jX)m had cattle 
impres sed pn_iL " Igitur/* says 
Varrò, ** est scientia pccom parandi 
*' ac pascendi, ut fructus quatn 
" possìnt maximì capiantur ex ea, 
'^ a quibus Ipsa pecunia nominata 
" est : nam omnis pecunioe pecus 
*' fundamentum.** Columella tells 
US expressly, that both words are de- 
rived from^pecus; *' Nam in rusti- 
'* catione vel antiquissima est ratio 
" pascendi, eademque quaestuosissi- 
f ma; propter quod nomina quo- 
'^ que et pecunice et peculii tracta vi- 
*' dentur a pecore" 

34. S^tts,"] Servius tells us, 
tbat septa signified those places in 
the Campus Martius, which were 
fenced in, for the people to give 

their votes ; and that because these 
septa resemble sheep-folds, or ovilia, 
the words are oflen put one for an- 
other. Thus in this passage, septis 
is used for ovilibus; and on the 
contrary in Lucan, 

— Et misers maculavit ovUia Rome. 

And Juvenal, 

— Antiquo qua proxima surgit ovili. 

But I think it more probable, that 
these inclosures in the Campus Mar- 
tius took their nani e from the sheep- 
folds ; the founders of Rome having 
been shepherds. This is òertain, 
that it was no poetìcal liberty taken 
by Virgil to cali the folds septa; 
since that word is used by Varrò, in 
bis first hook, *' Nunc de septis, 
^* quae tutandi causa fundi, aut 
" partis fiant, dicam." Here it is 
very plain, that Varrò uses the 
word for what we cali fences. He 
says there are *four sorts of septa, or 
fences ; the first he describes to be a 
quick hedge; the second a dead 
hedge ; the third a ditch and bank ; 
and the fourth a wall. 

S5, Pinguis.'] Servius thinks it 
better to make pinguis àgree with 
victima than with caseus, so that 
these lines should be pointed thus : 

Quamvis multa meis exiret victima septis 
Pioguis, et ingratse premeretur caseus 

But this pointing is foUowed in very 
few editions. Burman indeed seems 
to approva of it on the authority of 
Servius and Fabricius, but he has 
presei^ved the common pointing. 

Ingrata urbi,'] Mantua : but 
some doubt may arise, why IVJan- 
tua is called ingrata, and what is 
meant by that epithet. It is com- 
monly used to signify either unpleas^ 
e 2 ^ 



VS^b^tA'S^ Non unquam gravis me domum mihi dextr» 

Mei, I woodcKd, Àmuryl- •.o^;ko* 

lis. what made yow «orrow? rcCUUai» 

fuJ,andinyoketheGod5; «., ^^. ,. ., . rx a h* 

Mel. Mirabar, quid mcesta Deos, Amarylli» 
vocares ; ^ 

ing or ungrateful. In the former 
sense we find it in the second 
iSneid : 

Sed quid ego haec autem nequicquam iti' 
grata revolvo : 

where Servius ìnterprets it, nec »o- 
bis placitura, nec mihi gratiam con- 
ciliantia. In the latter sense it seems 
to be used in the tenth ^^Ineid ; 

Respicit ignarus rerum, ingratutque sa- 

Bui ingrattis sìgnifies also unha^u^ 
fad, or melancholy ; as in the sixth 

Flebant, et cineri ingrato suprema fere- 

where Servius interprete it. Tristi ; 
ut gratum ketum aliquid dicimus. 
Thus also in the fifth hook of Lu- 
cretius, we find 

At nisi purgatum 'st pectus, quae proelia 

Atque pericula tunc ingrati* insinuali» 


which Creech interprets, At nisi 
animi nostri sint purgati, quot tumula 
iibus agitaremur, qucB pericula nos 
miaeros manerent. Thus also Horace, 
Ingrato misera vita ducenda esX, 

which Desprez interprets Vita mi- 
sera infortunato protrahenda est tibi, 
I believe it is in this last sense 
that we are to understand the pas- 
sage before us. We do not see any 
reason, why Virgil should cali Man- 
tua ungrate/uL Tityrus carried his 
cattle and cheese thither to sell, and 
if he did not bring his money home 
with him, it was his own fault to 
spend it. Nor is there any evident 
reason, why he should cali it un- 

pleasing, unless, aa Burman ìaXer^ 
prets it, because it was fìlled with 
soldiers. But there appeara an evi- 
dent reason why he diould cali it 
vnhappy ; for it was so in its situa- 
tion, suffering on account of its 
neamess to Ci^emona, as the poet 
himself intimates in the nmth 
Eclogue ; 

Man tua, vse miserse nimìum vicina Cre- 

37. Mirabar, &c.] Meliboeus 
seems by this last discoiurse of Tity- 
rus to nave found out the amour 
between him and Amaryllis, with 
which he was not acquainted be- 
fore; andthereforewonderedwhose 
absence it was that Amaryllis la- 

Amarylli.^ The allegorica] inter- 
preters are at such a loss to make 
sense of this verse, that they are 
obliged to find an error in it, 
and that we ought instead of 
Amar y Ili to read Galatea. Ac- 
cordingly we find Galatea in- 
truded into some editions. La Cerda 
has not altered the text bere, thou^h 
he seems very well indined to it. 
" Some," says he, " read Galatea, 
'^ thinking the S(?nse would other- 
^^ wise be obscure, and produce 
'' panuscripts in confirmation of 
'' that reading. They do not want 
" reason for this emendation : for 
^' Meliboeus, as appears from the 
" whole course of this Eclogue, 
'^ pretends to know nothing about 
*^ Augustus or R(Hne ; nay Tity- 
'^ rus informs him of them. There- 
'' fore how should he, who knew 
'^ nothing of Rome, bear of ber 
'^ complaints? how should he see 
'* ber apples? how should he bear 



Cui pendere sua patererìs in arbore poma. 

«Oli for wlianr ym mOttH 
M to bang 10 Igos 



*' the cotnplalnts of the trees and 
''foigatains there? Ali these make 
'^ againgt Amaryllis^ but plead 
** strongly for Galatea^ that ìs> for 
^* Mantua> whoae compkìnts a 
'' Mantuan shepherd may well be 
'' supposed to know. And indeed 
'^ he speaks as about something 
*' presient, and of the country about 
" Mantua, whìch he has before bis 
'* eyes, when he says, hoc arhusta 
** vocabant te, BesidesA Tihfrus bine 
*' aberat makes for Mantua, not 
** for Home : for nobody can be 
** said to be absent from a place 
" where he never was/' It is 
plain^ that thìs leamed oommenta- 
tor was led into ali this perplexitY 
merely by bis being blinded with 
aUegory. But Catrou goes more 
roundly to work, and^bpldly re^ 
atores, as he calls it^ Galatea to the 
text *' The . reader will be sur- 
'* prised," says he, "to find Galatea 
*' nere instead of Amaryllis. I con 
** fess that most of the modem 
'^ editiona bave Amarylli; but I 
'< bave not 9ubstituted Galatea with- 
'' out authority. Several manu- 
" Scripts^ as La Cerda affirms, and 
'' several andent editions, read Ga- 
'' latea instead of Amaryllis. . Be- 
*' sides, the edition printed at the 
** Louvre, firom manuscrìpts, has 
** restored Galatea in the text 
*' Hereby ali the difficulties vanish, 
f' and ali the obscurity clears up^ 
** Jf we retain AmarylU, and mean 
*' thereby the city of Rome, would 
'Mt be probable that Meliboeus 
^* should Know* what passed there» 
" he who perhaps had never stirred 
** out of bis OMTU village ? Could 
*' Virgirs father bave caused so 
*' mucb grief there by bis absence ì 
*' IJe was a man of no distinction, 
'^ who went to seek credit at Rome, 
" and was not regarded there, at 

''least nbt with aiiy inquietude. 
'* Nor is it more/uatural to imagine, 
** that a personis bere meant^ for 
" whom Tityrus, thit old man wìtE 
'* a white beard, had an inclination^ 
*' He was not of an age to fonn 
^' such engagements, except in me* 
" taphor. Thus we see in the text, 
*' his Amaryllis and Galatea are 
^^ changed at once into two dtìes. 
'* Besides, the recital of a passion 
" would be out of place in a poem 
*' intended to praise and thank Cae* 
" sar. It would be an idle distrac- 
'^ tion hardly tolerable to the minds 
*' and a disagreeable excucsion* 
" Whereas, by jreading Galatea^ 
'' and supposingtbrough the whole 
'^ Eclogue a perpetuai metaphor, 
** where under the names of Ama* 
'< ryllis and Galatea are always 
^'meant Rome and Mantua> the 
" whole work becomes uniform, 
** and attains its end, without giv* 
"inff any change to the mimi" 
By the confession of these allegorìa 
cai interpreters themselves, their 
whole interpretation Calls to the 
ground, udless we read Galatea for 
Amaryllis: but there does not seem 
sufficient authority for that readins ; 
which seems to bave been utteily 
unknown to Servius, Pierius, Phi* 
largyrius, uid other most celebrated 
commentators ; and to bave been 
invented only to support. the imagi* 
nation, that AmaryUis was Rome, 
and Galatea was Mantua. We 
musttherefore subscribe to the opi- 
nion of the leamed Ruseus, wno 
judiciously observés, that the sense 
is very plain, if we do not confound 
ourselvès with aUegory. ^' Tity- 
** xus," says he, " has cast oflTGala;*- 
'' tea, loves Amaryllis, and goes 
" to Rome. Amaryllis being left 
^^ at Mantua lamenta his absence. 
'' Meliboeus, who was acquainted 



JSTSMSSafxC». *S Tityrus bine aberat, ipsae te, Tityre, pinug, 

very fountains, these very - 
vineyards caUed for yonr re- 

Xlt. What couM I do? I 
had no other way to get out 
of servitude. 

Ipsi te fontes, ipsa baec arbusta vocabant. 40 
TJT. Quid facerem ? neque servitio me exire 

''with the grief of Amaryllìs, 
" though not with the cause^ now 
'^ dìscovers it fìrom the discourse of 
" Tityrus ; and reproves hini gently, 
^' as not being ardent in his love. 
** Tityrus justifies hìmself, by say- 
" ìng, that he had no other way 
'' to recovar his losses, than by 
'^ going to Rome." It seems to 
me very evident, that there ìs not 
any thing more mysterious in thìs 
passage, than ' that Galatea had 
. been an imperìous and expensive 
mistress to Tit^mis, and kept him 
from growing nch^ by draining him 
of his money as fast as he got it. 
When he was grown older and 
^iser^ he began to bave an affection 
for Amaryllis^ upon which Galatea 
forsook him. He now found a 
material difference; for Amaryllis 
loved him disinterestedly ; so that 
his present conditìon may be called 
liberty, and his former accounted 
servitude. Besides^ it may reason- 
ablj be iniagined> that Amiuryllis> 
having a real concem for the wel- 
fare of Tityrus^ though she was un- 
easy during his absence^ had herself 
persuaded him to go to Rome, in 
hopes to get some relief from the 
tyranny of the soldiers^ to whom 
thelands about Mantua weregiven. 
39. Ipsa te, TUyre, &c.] Servius 
thinks that by Pinus is meant 
Ceesar^ and by Fontes the senate. 
Perhaps there is a defect in this 
part of the copy; for he could 
hardly fail after this to explain Ar^ 
busta to mean the people. The 
other interpretei*s bave not adopted 
this, thinking> I believe, the alle- 
gory too far strained. Besides^ can 
it be imagined that so modest a man 

as Virgil would presume to repre- 
sent Caesar with the senaté and 
people of Rome^ bewailing his ab- 
sence ? There is a great beauty in 
the repetition of ipse in these lines^ 
which is not easily imitated in Eng- 
lish: but La Cerda's observatiòn, 
that ali the three genders are found 
bere, ipsi, ips(B, ipsa, is very triilingj, 
and more worthy ' of a schoolboy, 
than of a man of his leaming. 

40. Arbusia.'] The arbu stavrere 
lar ge pieces of gr ound pl^t edjwit h 
'e lms or òt^ teee a^^^t^ejdistMice, 
"commonly oftartY_fcetjJ^]éaye 
Toam~Jàjr^èarn_to grow between 
them. These treeswere jwruned in 
iuch a^an her^ as to serve for stages 
to the vìnes, wB jcFlwere pkntéd 
néar the m. The vin es fastened af- 
jerÀ is mann ejLtoJrees were^caUed 
arbust ivcB viles, See The twelfkh 
cEaptoToFCoIumella de arboribus. 

^1. Quid facerem, &c.] Tityrus 
answers the charge against him of 
unkindness to Amaryllis^ by saying 
that he had no other way to get out 
of servitude, than by gping to Rome, 
where he saw Augustus, that deity 
spoken of before, who restored him 
to his possessions. 

We leam from Appian, that wh^n 
the lands were diviaed among the 
soldiers, great numbers, both young 
and old, and women with their chil- 
dren, fiocked to Rome, and filled 
the jforum and temples with their 
lamentations, complaining that they 
were drìven from their lands and 
houses, as if they had been con- 
qùered enemies. Kmì m w^Xui «{/«v» 
riif 'irtcXlttf ùix$w«Lf heinifuiHtu rà t^- 



Nec tand prsesentes alibi cogno^cere divoé. 
Hic illum vidi juvenèm, Melibcee; qùotannis 
Bis senos cui nostra dies altaria fumant. 

goda IO pfopitiotn. Here, 
MeiibQeiu, I aaw that yooth, 
for whom my altart fo»^ 
every year for twelve days. 

yvrtUKts SifUL fli ^ùuìUii U r«v iy^Àf 

42. Prcetentes divosJ] La Cerda 
I interprete this propitiosjaventesque ; 
•] thongh he says he is not displeased 
' with those who tum the sense to 
I that manner of speaking» by which 
1 a god is said to be present, to whom 
^ sacrifices are offerea before his death. 
iThus Horace; 

j Celo tonantem credidimus Jorem 

i B^^are: prcetent Divut habelntur 

j Augustus, adjectis Britannis 

L Imperio, gravibusque Persis. 

and Tacitusi "Ara et fanum ex- 
'*' uruntur^ quae presenti HercuK 
l'' Evahder sacraverat." But the first 
interpretation is certainly riffhtj and 
we find prcesens used in the same 
sense in the nìnth Mneìd, where 
Nisus invokes the moon^ in the fol- 
lowing words : 
Tu Dea tu prcesent nostro succurre la- 

This cannot be understood in the 
iatter sense; the moon never hav- 
ing lived upon earth. The same 
author pbserv^s^ that there is a 
propriety in using the word Dipos 
nere; Dii signìfying the eternai 
Gods; but jSvi those who bave 
been taken from mankind. But 
Deus has already been used for Au- 
gustus in this very Eclogue^ Erit 
ille mihi semper Deus; and in the 
first iEneid, Juno calls herself Di- 
vorum regina; as she is called also 
Diva by iEneas, in a solcmn invo- 
cation, in the twelfth iEneid: 

Tum piu8 JBneas strìcto sic ense pre- 

Esto nane Sol testis, et hasc mihi tena 

Quam propter tantos potui perferre la- 

Et Pater omnipotens; et tu, Saturnia 

Jam melìor, jam Dioa precor. 

4S. Juvenem.} Augustus was about 
twenty-two years old when the di- 
vision of the lands was made among 
the soldiers. Servius says, he is here 
called juvenis, because the senate 
had published a decree forbidding 
any one to cali him boy. This wom 
seems indeed to bave been common 
in the mouths of his enemìes. 'Jhus 
Brutus^ in one of his letters to Ci- 
cero; ** Hoc tu. Cicero, posse fate- 
^^ ris Octavìum, et illi amicus es? 
** aut si me carum habes, vis Romse 
" videri, cum ut ibi esse possem, 
" commendandus puero illi fuerim ? 

** Ista vero imbecillitas et dea- 

*' peratio, cujus culjsa non magis in 
*' te residet, quam m omnibus aliis, 
'^ et Cffisarem in cupiditatem regni 
'* impulit, et Antonio post interìtum 
'' illius persuasit, ut ìnterfecti locum 
" occupare conaretur j et nunc pue» 
" rum utum extulit, ut tu judicares», 
*' precibus esse impetrandam salu- 
'^ tem talibus viris, miserìcordiaque 
*' unius, vix etiam nunc viri, tutos 

^' fore nos, haud ulla alia re. 

'^ Hic ipse puer, quem Caesaris no- 
" men incitare videtur in Caesaris 

" interfectores. Hanc ego civi- 

^* tatem videre velim, aut putem 
^* ullam, quae ne traditam quidem 
'^ atque inculcatam libertatera reci- 
" pere possit ? plusque timeat in 
'^ puero nonien sublati regis, quem 
" confidat sibi." 

44. Bis senos cui nostra dies cUta- 
riafumantJ] Thesetwelve days are 
with good reason supposed by the 



SbL^s^Vo'S^ ^^^ mthiresponsum primud dedit ille potentit 45 
"oSbSB;3«.'**^**°*^*** Paacite^ ut ante, boves, pue^: submittitetauros. 

dómtfietìtators tó bè òìie day in 

every month* Servius says they 
.were either the kalends or ides. 
\ La Cerda observes» that Augustus 
:^used to be worshìj^ed together 

iwkh the Lares, as appears from 

ibis passage of Horace ; 

\ Te multa prece^ te prosequitur mero 
I Defuso paterìs ; et Laribus iuum 
I Miicet nomen, vii Graeda Castoris 

Et magni memor Herculis* 

That the Lares were worshipped 
monthly, he proves from the fbl- 
lowmg passage of Tibullus : 

\ At mifaì contmgat patriOB celebrare im- 
\ nates, 

\ Reddereque antiquo merutrua ihura 
\ Lari. 

46. Submiitìte tcmrùsì] Servius 
seems to and^stand these words in 
a doublé senso ; as if they signified 
both ploughing tìie ground, and 
parupagating tìie species: exercete 
ierram et sobolem. La Cerda is net 
displeased with the first of these 
interpretation», thinkìng jugo may 
be understood : but he is of opinion^ 
that this is not the sense bere. He 
explaìns suhmittite to mean produdte 
ad paaium tauros, '^ This/' says he, 
" agrees with the preceding words 
*^ pascite hoeesy as if it had been 
•' said, both the cows and bulls 
'^ may be brought out to pasture. 
" In this sense ^pro/ert or producit 
*' the word is used hy Lucretius; 

*' ^At suaves deedala tellus 

** Submittit flores. 

" And by Seneca, in bis (Edipus 3 

" Lstus Cytfaeron pabulo semper novo 
*< iBstiva nostro prato submittit gregi. 

^' This manner of expression is bor- 
" rowed from the Greeks: for we 
'^ find in Pindar, Xéòtt i^tvt^ OvXX* 
" iiemfimi, Tellus verna jolia sub- 

" miitìi; and in Libanius, yii àviù 
" ri ìitéóq," These quotations how- 
ever do not seem full to bis pur-: 
pose ; nor does that, which Ruaeus 
helps him to.from Lucretius: 

Laetificos nequeat fcetus Summittere lèi* 



In these and raany other passages, 
which might be brought from the 
same pòet, submiito signifies indeed 
to bring forth : but surely there is 
great dinerence between bringing 
forth, as an animai doeS its young, 
or as the earth does flowers, whidi 
is the sense of Lucretius, and bring- 
ing fortfa the catde to pasture. These 
quotations radier conhrm the second 
sense given by Servius^ exercete so» 
bolem, Erythraeusinterprets the pas- 
sage under eonsideration, Suppìere^ 
sutcessorem mittere; that is, supply 
the herd with new bulls. This in- 
terpretation is not withont authority 
to support it. Varrò seems to bave 
used submittere in this sense ^ " Ca- 
'^ strare oportet agnum non mino- 
" rem quinque mensium, néque 
^^ ante quam calores, aut frigom^ se 
'' fregerunt Quos arietes submii- 
'^ tere Tolunt» potissimiun eligunt 
*^ ex matribus, queejgeminos parere 
'^ s(^ent." This is not very unlike 
an expressionin the third Georgick ; 

Et quos, aut pecori malint si^mitterè 

Cicero certainly uses it for sending 
a successor, in bis Oration de Pror 
vinciis Consulariòus ; " Huic vos 
'* non submittetis ? hunc diutius 
'^ manere patiemini ?" as does Jus- 
tinian also, in the second hook of 
Institutions : " Sed si gregis usum 
" fructum quis habeat, in locum 
" demortuorum capitum èx foetu 
*' fructuarius suimittere debet> ut et 
«^ Juliano visum est, et in vinearum 



MbU Fortunate senex, ergo tua rara mane- th^'^'SSrwui'iSa 



" demortuarum vel arborum locum 
*' alias debet substituere." These 
quotatìons sufficiently testify^ that 
submitto may siffnìfy to substUute: 
but yet I cannot help thinking, with 
Ruaeus,'that it is more naturai^ in 
this place, to understand ìt submit- 
titè taurosjugo, 

' 47. Fortunate senex, àc") Me- 
liboeus congratulates Tityrus on bis 
happiness in enjoying bis own 
estate^ tbougb small. 

It is evident from tbe repetition 
of the word senex in this passage, 
that/ Virgil did not intenda under 
\the name of Tityrus, to describe 
Ihimself, who was under thirty years 
tìf age, when he wrote this 

Tua rura."] It is the general 
opinion, that Virgil bere describes 
bis own estate, which does not seem 
to bave been very fertile, but part- 
ly rocky and partly fenny. Ruaeusf 
fs of opinion, that the lands ascrìbed 
to Tityrus cannot be supposed tobe 
barren, sìnce there is so frequent 
mention of bis flocks, pastures, and 
shades. He would therefore bave 
this descriptìon relate to the other 
lands àbout Mantua, and thus in- 
terprets the words of Meliboeus; 
*' You are permitted to cultìvate 
'* your own lands; though the rest 
" of the country, so fruitful before, 
*' is now deformed by tbe calamity 
" of war.** This is one of the most 
forced interpretatipns of that leamed 
comm^ntator ; who in other places 
condemns the allegorical expositions 
of others as trifling : and yet in this 
place he would persuade us, that by 
a land full of rocks and marshes, 
the poet means a country laid waste 
by armies. The words of Melibceus 
seem very plain and naturai. He 
congratulates bis friend, that he is 

in possession of an estate that is bis 
own; which though neither larg^ 
nor fruitful, abounding with stonea 
and marshes, yet is sufBcìent to af- 
ford him a decent support. It is not 
necessary to understand the words 
in die strictest sense, that it con- 
sisted entirely of naked rocks and 
rushes, without any good herbage. 
We find these hills were not so bar- 
ren, but that they afforded room for 
some vines, by the mention of a 
pruner in this very passage. Tityrus 
also was not without apples and 
chesnuts, as appears from the latter 
end of dus Eclogue ; where he men- 
tions also bis having plenty of milk ; 
and he has already told us, that he 
used to supply Mantua with many 
victims and cheeses! We bave many 
rocky lands in England, that are far , 
from being incapable of culture; 
and our fens are well knowii not to 
be wholly void of pasturage. Virgil 
might probably be fond of describ- 
ing his own estate in bis poems. 
The lands assigned to Menaicas, in 
the ninth Eclogue, may well be un- 
derstood not to be different from 
these of Tityrus. 

Certe equidem audieram, qua se subdu- 
cere colles 

Incipiunt, mollique jugum demittere 
clivo, ~ 

Usque ad aquam, et veteria jam firacta 
cacumina fagi 

Omnia carminibus vestrum serrasse Me- 

Here he describes them to begin at 
the declivity of the hills, and to end 
at the waters of the Mincius. Not 
unlike this is his descriptìon of them 
in the third Georgick, where he 
proposes to erect a tempie to Au- 
gustus on his own estate ; where he 
tells US bis fields lie on the banks of 
this river : 



aadJarge.eooiigh Cor 700; 
thoiuii mk£4 rocks* imi tt n» 
lén «Ath muddy nuhetcoven 
allyourpastures: yourmeg- 
aant aheep shall oot be in 
dsoscr fron unaccustooied 
rood; nor «hall they be in- 
fioctcd OTith the noidous dis- 
ttaes of nelgfabotiilng catde. 
Q fortunate old man, here 
anongst well known riven 
and «acred tpringa yeti «hall 
enjoy the cool «bade. 

Et ubi magna satis I quamvis kpis omnia nùdus, 
Limosoque palus obducat pascua juneos 
Non insueta graves tentabuni pabBla foet»»: 50 
Neo mala vicini pecoris contagia lasdent I 
Fortunate aenex^ hic inter flumina fiot% 
Et fontes sacros, frìgus captabìs opacum. 

Et viridi in campo templmn de mannore 

Plx>pter aquam, tardis ingens ubi flexibus 

Miadus^ et tenera pr«texit ^mudine rt- 
-., pas. 

The country about Mantua is moist : 
tot the river Mindus rùhs oiit of thè 
Latui Benàciis, now called Lago di 
Garda, and coming tó Mantua 
sprèads itself into a kke five miles 
lotiff, and then falls into the Po; 
wìiidh isf very apt to overflow its 
banks. Our poet himself descrìbes 
i^e moistness of this country in the 
dècond Georgiek ; 

Bt quaiem infelix amisit Maatua eam- 

Pascentom niveosherboso ifluminecjcnos. 
Non Ifquidi gregibus fontes, non gramina 


49. Limosoque palus obducat pas- 
eua Junco.'] Rushes are a certain 
indication of a wet Boil: but they 
are of great service in the most rot- 
ten morasses^ affording the only se- 
cure ground to tread upon ; which 
they effect by the strong matting of 
then: roota. 

50, Graves •foetas.'] Many 

critics contenda that fietas signifies 
such as bave brought forth theis 
youog^ notwithstanding the addi- 
ti<m of graves, which they will bave 
io mean in thìs pkce only heavy or 
steli» That animala^ which bave 
brought forth their young, are cali* 
ed fceiiB cannot be deiued. Our 
poet evidently uses tibe word in 
that sense, in the third Geor- 

-*«— Nec UìAfirtcB 
More patrum, nivea implebunt mulctra* 

Sed tota in 'dulcesconsument ubera gna* 


And in the eigfath Maéìd; 

— **«yiridi,/2rliinf» Mavortis in antro 
Prócubuisse lupam : geminos huìc ubera 

Ludere pendentes pueros. 

But it is no less certain, that ìt is 
also used to signify pregnani; as in 
the first ^neid ; 

— Loca/rte futentibus austrìs. 

And in the second ; 

— Scandit fatalis machina muros 
F(Bta armis. 

Varrò defines^ò^ra to be the time 
between concepiion and bringìng 
forth; ^' Nunc appello foeturam a 
" conceptu ad partum : hi enim 
*' pra?gnationÌB primi et extremi 
'' fine&" Besides the addition of 
graves^ which is sooften us^ by it- 
self io signify pregnante seems to 
put it past ali dispute. Burman ób- 
serves, that some point these verses 

Non insaeitb gravee tentabunt pabula; 

Nec mala vicini pecoris contagia indent: 

but he cohdemns it. If we admit 
this pointfing, the translation must 
rutì thus ; '• YoUr pregnant sheep * 
' * shall not be in danger from unac^ , 
**ctt8tomed food; nor shall your ' 
" dams be infected with the noxious 
" diseases of neighbouring cattle.*' 
52. FÌHminn mta.^ The Po and 
the Minoius. 



Hinc tibif-quee semper vicino ab limite Bspes^ 
HyblsDis npibus florem depasta salictì, 55 

.jSaepe levi somnum suadebit inire susarro» 
Hinc alte 8ub rupe caael; frondator ad auras. 
Nec tamen interea raue», tua cura, palcimbes, 

OB Olle 8ide the he«Ige tbAt 
booA^ yotir farìn, wnne fRe 
Hyfolean bees are aiways feed- 
Ing on the floweni of the ^B- 
lowtt «hall ofteiì invite yeti to 
sleep, wlth a eentle murkirar. 
On wiother nde the prchier 
under the high roclc «hall ring 
to the breejses. Nor in the 
mean time shàlt the hoane 
wood-pigeons, yoor delight, 

I 54. Vicino ab limite sapes,! The 
/ hedge which divides your land from 

55. Hyhkeis apìbus^ A figura- 
tive expression to denote the best 
bees ; for Hybla, a town of Sicily, 

«' was famous^ for honey. 

,* Ftorem depasta."] That is, de- 

l pasta secandum/orem^ or habens fio- 
rem depoBtum, a Grecism frequent 
in Virgil ; as Os humerosque deo si- 

" mlis in the first ^neid. 

Snlicti.'] Far saliceti : see the 
note on ver. 13. of the second 

The flowers of willows are cat- 
Icins; tìiey abound in chives, the 
scimmits of which are full of a fine 
yellow dust, of which the bees are 
said to make their wax. 

57. Alta,] Heinsius^ according to 
Burmàn^ found alte in one manu- 

Frondator.'] A pruner of vines;» 
for the other fruit-trees stand in no 
need of pruning, unless any one 
would fancy Tityrus to bave wall- 
fruit, or espaliers. Olìve-trees are 
the worse tor priuiing, as our poet 
himself tells us in the second Geor- 

Contra non ulla est oleis cultura ; neque 

Frocurvam expectent fhlceniy rastrosque 


But vines must be well pruned 
every year; 

Est etiam illelabor curandU vitìòus alter, 
Cui Dunquam exhausti satis est : namque 

omne quotannis 
Terque quaterque soluzn scindendum, 

glelMique versis 
JBternum frangenda bidentibus, omne fe- 

Fronde nemus. 

Thi8 rural pleasure of hearing the 
labouring people sing has not been 
fbrgotten1>y Milton^ in his L* Al- 

While the ploughman near at band»/ 
Whistles o'er the furrowM land. 
And the milkmaid singeth blithe, 
And the mower «rhets bis scythe, \ 
And every shepheid tells his tale* '- 
Under the hawthorn in the dater ( 

Servius says, ÙiaX frondator is some- 
tlmes used to signify a bird that 
lives among the leav'es^ and feèds 
upon them. Hence the Abbé de 
MaroUes has rendered it a nìghtin- 
galc; Sous la pente d'un rocker le 
Rcmignol ckantera. Thus also the 
Bari of Lauderdale has translated it 
a linnet ; 

Where from steep cliffs, shrill ' /t»fi^ 

stretch their throats. 
And turtles from high elms', complainìng 


He seems indeed to bave confounded 4 
the frondator and the palumbes to- 
gether ; for the steep cliffs relate to 
what is said of the former ; and 
stretch their throats seems to be 
taken from raucce, which belongs to 
the latter. 

57. Ad auras.] Burman men- 
tions ad aures, but he justly rejects 
this reading. Many understand ad 
auras to mean on high. Meliboeus 
had ji«rt mentioned the cool shade, 
a^ one of the great enjoyments of 
Tityrus: I believe therefbre, that 
he designs to express the pleasure 
of the pruner, in enjoying the cool 
breezes, and singing to mem ; for 
otherwise his work would be very 
hot, where the sun-beams being 
strongly reflected upon him, would 
give biro no great inclmatìon tosing. 



f** Xasyiii 1 

■-■■ iiiMliiliiilii iìiiiImii 

ÌS Tir. Ante 

Ab ^ 

IncB a]p> pHOEBtn- in Ktlicre 

60 , 


IMM. nados in Giare pèecs : 

& Amt,pama 

«k aBbaraa fina», exnl 

Am Amia 

FtethMbflKt^Mt Gewmmnm Ti- 

6D. -Aite ano «fj-j, Ac^ Ti- 
tyT»% «cfa tf» kd gìnd: die 



die GonHBSlDTi- 

Mt be 

L« Codk 

die pMt 9BMft Ime !• «ip- bdcDi^ pujof ai 

ifcj^to pbxalcnvBdùpboe^i 
T%iis as a zxwrof r 
Ad iad a AÌar » a lìigr of Gì imhij. Tkj 

taftdyBBMtasufidaCgMaBdto dieirealliy ìfiilii, cadieBwlfctgr 
aitar aie tol^ aie anoe kòs^ ^T ^^^ Ca^H^ ab die chi ov BÉcIn* 

a frÀoTtf^ bai bÀoi Md ta^e ennrtrr orlici Jid ^t oT 

bjdbepMsfiirdieaB. Ann & bctVKB d 

XKàw 2 Bbbhb fiads jadb ia aad die T%ni. Tbe 

tt-.Tc à a TcBctìai ■■■■■a^ift. b aow oZaed die SoHKr b vd 

aKOB&r^ tti t^ iBafne: vcsaL muti &èmA èuna die RliÌBe, 

SarsBniaexiB^^enmr^^JManiAv fàer. Othnssij.tiiatVfli^WfcstD 
«e^ im*^ csmaÈr: and faJai ii a^ aU die ^icaÉer ^^lafltr la bi» wiae. 
tf ^jraiuruL PoiB- Tij iiiÌMj.'mii.fhi TMaimìi iif inalili i 
as aaodk as peesS^ CaCEaaaehcs 
2 OBo^ie «f Jofaia; bot a» die dE&xJtr, hj sxps$^ dot U vas 

' in l'r vYif "ibi rHibai ui 

cvKsaCfT vita die i 

ca^ Cermmjt TsT-iaLl Tìcvras s ùr die G«niHi t» tinnk d^ i 

ìmz ar'jnpoaBÈuxSr tà.^ al' tbe T^r^ ni tiae cuancnr «f die 




nor ihaU th« turtle oeaae to 
moan Irom the lofty dm. 

Ut. Sooner theràore shall 
the Ught stags feed in the 
.sky» and the seas leave the 
fithes naked upon the ahoce: 
sooner shall the banished Par- 
thian drink of the Arar, and 
the German of the ligik, 
mutually esKhanging their 

Nec gemere aeria cessabit turtur ab ulmo. 
TiT. Ante leves ergo pascéntur in cethere 

cervi» 60 

Et freta destitueni nudos in litore pisce» : 
Ante, pererratis amborum finibus, exsul 
Aut Ararìm Parthus bibet, aut Germania Ti- 


60. Ante leves ergo, &c.] Ti- 
tyrus^ acknowledgìng the greatness 
of his happiness, declares, that it is 
ìmpossible for him ever to forget 
the obligatìons which he owes to 

In athereJ] La Cerda would 
fain read in aquore, if he could find 
the authority of any manuscript -, 
becauBe the poet seems here to op- 
pose the sea^ rather than the sky^ to 
the earth. Heinsius however^ ac- 
cording to Burman> did find in 
aguore in one of his manùscrìpts : 
bui this is not a sufficient ground to 
alter the text, the sense being very 
good as it is. 

61 . FretaJ] It properly signifìes 
a frith or strait> but is often used 
by the poets for the sea. 

Nudos'] Burman finds nudo in 
litore in a Venetian manuscript. 
Lord Lauderdale has translated it 
according to this reading: 

First nimble deer on empty air shall 

And seas leare to the naked shore their 


62. Pererratis amborum JinibusJ] 
Servius interpretspererro/ù^ lustratis 
vel errore confusisi and amborum, 

*Germanorum et Parthorum, Pom- 
ponius fancies amborum to mean the 
Ambi, a people of Arabia; but this 
is too trifling to need any consider- 

63. Aut Ararim Pnrthus bibet, 
aut Germania Tigrim."] Tityrus is 
herespeàkingofimpossibilitiesi that 

beasts should feed in the sky^ and 
fishes on the land -, that the Parthi*- 
ans should extend themselves to the 
river Arar, or the Germans to Ti- 
gris, which could not be effectéd 
any otherwise, than by a conquest 
of the whole Roman empire, wnich 
lay between those two rivers. Many 
critics bave censured Virgil, as 
being guilty of a notorious geogra- 
phical error in this place, represent- 
mg Tigris as a river of Parthia, and 
Arar as a river of Germany. They 
teli US, that Parthia is bounded on 
the west by Media, on the north by 
the Caspian, op the cast by Bactri- 
ana, and on th^ south by the de- 
sarts of Carmania; so that ali the 
large country of Media and part of 
Assyria lie between the Parthians 
and the Ti|pris. The Arar, which 
is now called the Soane, is well 
known to be a river of France, se- 
veral mil^s distant from the Rhine, 
tlie welllinown boundary of the an- 
cient Germany. It has been a com- 
mon answer to this, that Tityrus 
speaks with a pastoral simplicity; 
and that it is not necessary to repre- 
sent a shepherd as an exact geogra- 
pher. Others say, that VirgilToves to 
add the greater dignity to his verse, 
by enlargingthe bounds of countries 
as much as possible. Catrou solves 
the difficulty, by saying that it was 
hardly possible for the Parthian to 
6hanffe country with the German ; ' 
but t£at it was absolutely impossible 
for the German to drink the water 
of the Tigris in the country of the 




£cl.Z. »0r 63,^ 



Qnam nostro illius labatur pectore vultus. 


t7»an hi* coontehance thall 
slide ont of my heait. 

Paithians^ and for the Parthian to 
drink the water of the Soane in Ger- 
many : but this is little better than 
a qnìbble. Formy own part^ I see 
no great difBculty in imderstanding 
this passage accordìng to die most 
obvious meaning of the words. The 
Parthians had at that time éxtended 
their empire even beyond tlìe Tìgris^ 
and had made such conquests^ that 
they were become formidable to the 
Romans. Strabo tells us éxpressly^ 
that the border of tHe Parthians 
began from the Euphrates; the 
country on the other side^ as far 
as to Babylon, being linder the 
dominion of the Romans^ and the 
Princes of Arabia; the neigfabour* 
ing people joinin^ either with the 
Romans or Parthians^ according as 
they were nearer to one or the other; 
^0>Mf y lori rSf Uet^^tum ip^ns ^ 
Evf^driK ^ n mpeucf rà Im^ 
tX^vré 'Ttitfutit xctì ruf *A^aittf «1 ^vX- 
X«e^M, fUx^i "Bui^vXmncii, ài fcìf fiSx- 
A»v Uùtiutf, m ^ TóTi *Tàtfttùùti trg«- 
ix^m^ oJtf^n^ KM ttMvi^%»%<^i ùrtt, 
It was not far from the banks of the 
Euphrates, that Surena, the Par- 
thian general, defeatpd Crassus : so 
that Tigrìs must have been withìn 
the boimds of the Parthian empire. 
The extent and situatìon of this em- 
pire has been with great beauty and 
justness described by Milton, in the 
third hook of bis Paradise Regained : 

> Here thou behoUt'st 

Assyrìa, andher empire'sancientbounds, 
Araxes and the Caspian lake ; thence on 
As far as Indus east, Euphrates west, 
And oft beyond: to south the Persian 

And, inacoessible, th' Arabian drouth ; 
Here Nineveh, of length within her wdl 
Scv'ral days joumey, buUt by Ninus old, 
Of that first golden monarchy the seat. 
And seat of Salmanassar, whose success 
Tarael in long captivity stili mourns ; 
There Babylon, the wonder of alltongues, 
As ancìent, but rebuilt by him who twice 
JudiA and ai} thy fa * in P»Dawtfs heuM 

Led captive, and Jerusalem laid waste, 
Till Cyrus set them free; PersepoKs, 
His city, thére thoii seest, and Bactraì 

there f . 
Ecbatana her structure vast thete shews, \ 
And Hecatompylos her hundred gates ; ] 
There Susa by Choaspes, amber stream, j 
The drink of none but kings ; of laler ' 

Built by Emathian, or by Purthian hands,! 
The great Seleucia, Nisibis, and there 
Artaxata, Teredon, Ctesìphon, 
Tuming with easy eye, thou may*st be- 

Ali these the Parthian, (now some ages 

By great Arsaces led, who founded first 
That empire,) under his dominion hodis, 
From the luxurious kings of Antiodl^ 

won. ' 

It remaìns liow to shew, bow the 
Soane can be said to belong in any 
manner to Germany. It is past ali 
oontroversy that the Rline watf-al- 
ways aocounted tiie boundary be- 
^een Germany and Gaul. It was 
the eastem limit of Gaul, accord-^ 
ing to Strabo; Thf K^Amuì» retómv 
i^ù fiìf 'nk )urf«s ^*%9* rti Uv^faSk 
0^ T«$ txtbn^tthf BtùXdrtìKt riK ti tnlf 
KM rnf scT^ 9rg«tfw«TÓ^y«* ivro ìì «»«- 

The Arar, accordìng to tlìe sam'e 
author, rises in the Alps, passes 
between the countries of the Se- 
quani, jEdui, and Lineasi!, who are 
inhabitants of Gaul, and receiving 
the Dubis, or Doux, falls into the 
Rhone: *Vu ìt koÌ'^ì '^A^a^ uc rSf 
"AXfFWv, ó^t^off YnKòvMùvg rt km A.U 
^ùvtoìfg, Kcbì Atyxurtovg' ;r»^«X«6À>y 9* 
vWf^oi» r^y AofjQif he rSf xvrSv ò^Sf 
^t^ifafóv irXvrof, ìariK^ebriva^ rS «vó- 
futrty KM yiféfity^i l{ àfi^^i ^i'^» 
rvféfuayu tS 'fcìmvm. This conflux of 
the Soane and the Rhone is at 
Lyons, and without doubt in Gaul. 
The Sequani, a famous people of 
Gaul, were' bounded, according to 
Strabo, on the east by the Rhine, 
and on the west by the Soane: 



firam Iwncc^ Mioe of vi tP 
tberarcfaedAfrlcaiit: partof 
-«•ahaUfl» te Scvthia, «id 
tì)e npàrOaset or Crete, 

Mbl. At no8 bine alii sitìentes ibìmus Abà» : 
Pars Scythiaaa» et rftpiilam Cr£ts. sfimenius 

rm "AMt^f. We leam firom Cassar^ 
diat tne south barder of these peo- 
ple was the Rhone; '^ Quum Se- 
" quanos a provincia nostra Rho- 
*' danus divideret" Therefore the 
country of the Sequani answers 
nearly to that province of France 
which is now called Franchecomte. 
These pec^le, as Strabo tells us, 
were the ancient eneniies of the 
Romans^ and assisted the Germans 
in their incursions into Italy. They 
were enemies also to the Mduì, wbio 
were the first allìes of the Homans 
in Gaul, and hinl firequent conten- 
tions with them about the Soane> 
which divided their foord^s : Oi ìì 
'jLÌùiùt Kfiù 0vyy»|uV 'Ttffutuiff if^fuL- 
^i^rr; kmÌ ^r^Snot rSi Tecirrn ìr^M^X6$9 

^ù^ùi K0Ì vtSi V«t(iuuùii Ik x«AX0.v oTTiyo- 
nra lufì rotg *EÌ^ù^' óV* «"gir Tig^- 
9óVf 9F^»fftxi^^òVf vXXoix^i iutrà T«$ 
$ptì^ùv4 cbvrSfj rài hrì r«y *lraXm9 . . . 
x-pof 3t r»V( 'E^ovovì, xcÙ ita rttSìr» 

iéifòuf Tii69 i^iùvrfof &e^i taf "A^um, 
Xùù utprS 9'^órÌKUf r» dutytfytxà rsAif. 
Caesar tells us, that the Gauls were 
divided into two principal factioQs, 
at the head of which were the JEdaì 
on one side^ und the Sequani on the 
otber. The latter» not being able 
to subdue the former, called the 
«Germans from the other side of the 
Rhine to their assistance, who seated 
themselves in Gaul, grievously op- 
pressed the iBdui and their friends^ 
and in Caesar's time amounted to the 
number of a hundred ancj twenty 

thonsand, under the command of 
Ariovistus. Csesar sent an embasay 
to this king, requiring only» tbAt 
he would restor^ to the ,£dui I^MÌir 
hostages, permit the Sequani to do 
the same, and not bring over anv 
more Germans into Gaul. But An- 
ovistus insisted on his right of pos- 
session of the country, and claimed 
the iEdui as his tributarìes| esteem- 
ing the country on that side of the 
Rhone to be as much his province, 
as that on the other side belonged 
to the Romans. Thus we find the 
.Germans had extended their bounds 
to the west of the Rhine, as far as 
to the Arar or Soane, and claimed 
ali the country between the two 
rivers. as their own : so that jd^e 
Germans drank of the wiiters 
of the Arar, as they are' repre- 
sented by Virgil to bave done: 
and though Ariovistus was bea^tep 
by Csesar, and at that time coi^- 
pelled to retreat to the other side of 
the Rhine, yet it is highly probable 
that many Gennan ^xmlies re- 
mained among the Sequaiiì, who 
never were cordial friends tp the 
Eomans. Besides, it appeajrs both 
froni Cassar and Strabo, that oth4»r 
German nations had seated thein- 
selves in Gaul, who had tinve 
enongh, during the civil wars be- 
tween Cassar and Pompey, to sèttle 
thetnselves with greater security. 

65. Al nos hinc alii, &e.] Meli- 
boeus continues his discourse, and 
having praised the felidty of Tity- 
rus, enlarges upon the miseries of 
himself and his banished com- 

SUientes Afros,"] He calls the 
Africans sitientes, because of the 
great heat of that part of the world. 

66, Scifihiam,] The ancients com- 

Et penitus tato diyiaos orbe Brìtannos. 


and to the Bitta» qnke dU 
vidéd from the trhole wcnM. 

monly called ali the northem parts 
of the world Scythià. Meliboeus 
here ^ves a strong descrìptiotì e£ 
the miserable exile of his country- 
men ; some of whom are drìven to 
the hottest, and others to the cold- 
est parts of the world. 

Rapidum Creta veniemiia OaxemJ] 
Servius will have Creta in tbìs place 
ii0t to mean (he island òf that namCi 
bot chalk. He telU us of an Oaxis 
in Metopotamia, which^ rolììng with 
great rapi dity , carries down a chàlkv 
earih^ which niakes ite water turbid. 
He mijrs there is also a Scythian 
rÌYtt eftlled Oaxis; but he deniea 
thefé being any sudi rìver in CrMe^ 
H« then quotes a story fhmi Phi- 
Ikllietie?^ of one Oaxes, the son of 
Apòllo and Anchiale, who founded 
a dty in Crete^ and called it by his 
dWii name ; which^ he says, is also 
èonfinned by Varrò, in the foUow^ 
ttig versee 3 

'Quos magno Atichidle pànus adduétà. 

. . Bt^mibìs rapiens tellutem <Saxida pal<- 

Edldit in Dieta. 

Sèrvius has fbund but very few tò 
feìlow him in the fancy of inter- 
'^pretin^ Creta to si^ify chalk. That 
there is any such river as Oaxis ei- 
ther in . Mesòpotamia or Seythia, 
woiild be perhaps more difficult to 
proYC;» than diat it is in Crete. I 
do not find the mentìon of it in any 
ancient author; and could almost 
suspect» that Servius means the 
Araxes, a rìver of Armenia, which 
is indeed very rapid. It rests upon 
the auth(»*ity of Servius, that this 
rtv^ is either in Mesòpotamia or. 
Seyiìiia; and upon that of Virgil> 
that it is in Crete. I should there- 
AMfe make no doubt of placing it in 
Crete, were there no other authorìty 
tkan that of Virgil for so doing. 

But Servius himself has acknow- 
ledged that there was a city in 
Crete called Oaxes; whence it Ì4 
not improbable that there was. a 
rìver* also of the aame name. That 
there was ancieiitiy such a city in 
Crete as Oaxes or Oaxus, can hardly 
be doubted. Herodotus says etxw 
{X'éésly, that Oaaué k a cUy of 
GreU; ""jLm tm Vi^fm» 'Q<^{#f 9ÌX»$* 
Ap^omtisy in the first hook of bia 
Argonant̀s> culis Crete the (kuB^ 
ian land; . 4 

Vìbius Sequest^r aÀrms, that Odxes 
ì&s^ river of Crete, and that it gave 
name to the; city Oaxia, for which 
he quotes the above verses of Varrò ; 
" Oaxes Cretae, a quo civitas Òaxia. 
" Varrò hoc docet ; 

** Quo» magno Andiiàle pottus iulducta 

'« dolore, 
*' Et gemini3 cdpiens. tellurem Oaxi(ia 

*• palmis.*' 

The leamed reader will observe. 
Chat the verses qnoted by Servius 
and Vibius from Varrò, are the 
very same with those which have 
been produced from ApoUonius. La 
Cerda says, that the mention of 
Oaxes is very rare among the an« 
cients; but he thlnks the authorìty 
of Virgil suffident to determine tiuit 
tkere was a rìver known by that 
name in Crete ; especially consider- 
ing many monuments of anti^uity, 
with which Virgil was acquainted, 
are now lost. He then quotes ser- 
verai eminent authors, who have 
made no scraple to follow Virgil. 
Bàudrand, in nis Lexicon Geogra» 
phkcum, aÉrms, that Oaxes is a very 
cold rìver of Crete, on which Uie 
town Oaxus is situated, acoordÌD|^ 
to Herodotus ; and adds, that it is 



SSStaS^bASd't^riSS Eh unquam patHos tengo post tempore Bnes, 

ofmy country. 

called Oaxia by Vano and Vibius 
Sequester ; " Oaxes^ fluvìus Crete 
^* frìgidissimu9 Oaxum oppìdum, 
" teste Herodoto^ alluens^ quod op- 
" pidum Oaxes et Oaxia apud Var- 
'' Tonem appellatur^ sicut apud Vi- 
'* bium Sequestnun. Cujus nullum 
'^ exstat in Creta indidum," Mo- 
reri says almost the same with Bau- 
drand; " Oaxes, fleuve de Crete, 
*' extremement firoìd, avec une ville 
'' de ce nom. Herodote en fait 
** mention, dans le 3 livre. . Vibius 
*' Sequester et Varron nomnient la 
'' ville Oaxis et Oaxia.'* I cannot 
imagìne whence these lexicogra- 
phers discovered the coldness of the 
Oaxes. They both quote Hero- 
dotus amiss ; for he does not say a 
word of it in bis third book ; and 
only just mentions, in his fourth, 
that a city of that name is said to 
be in Crete : '^Eart tik X^ittik '04«|«$ 
ìró?ai. . And ^H» y«£ • Oifcia-àft «rif^ 
&n^mf tfMFé^ùq h r^ Oct^S : but does 
not say a word óf the river. To 
conclude; since it appears evidently;, 
from the authors above quoted, that 
there was a city in Crete called 
Oaxus ; and as there was probably 
a river of the same name -, we may 
conclude, that Virgil dìd not with- 
out good reason place tbis river in 
Crete. I must not however omit an 
objection of Eobanus, who thinks 
the quotation from Apollonius, in- 
stead of strengthening the argument 
in support of which it is proiduced, 
entirely subverts it. He observes, 
that the fir«t syllable of Oaxes, in 
Virgil, is short, whereas it is long 
in Apollonius ; whence he infers 
that they are not the same. If any 
one shall think this tnerits any at- 
tentìon, I would desire him to con- 
sidera that in the very next verse, 
the first syllable of Britannos is 

short, ndiereas it is long ii^ Lucre- 

Nam quid Brìtannum caelum differre 

67* Et penitus foto divisos orbe 
Britannos,^ Servius interprets |7e- 
nitus, omnino; and tells us that the 
Britons are here said to be divisos, 
because Brìtain was formerly joined 
to the continent, and is described 
bythepoetsasanotìierworld. Whe* 
ther Brìtain was formerly joined to 
the continent or not, nas been a 
subject of great dispute amongst the 
leamed, and is likely so to remain ; 
since the separation wa» more an- 
cient than any history now extant. 
Those who affirm that Britain was 
once a peninsula, look 'upon the 
verse now before us as an argument 
in their favour, thinking that Virgil 
would not bave called the Britons 
divisos tato orbe, if he had not known 
irom good authority that their 
country was originally joined to it. 
To this may be answered, that, if 
it had been known to the Romans, 
it could not bave been unknown to 
Julius Cassar, who was no less 
versed in literature than in arms; 
nor would he bave omìtted the men- 
tion of so remarkable a piece of 
history, in the account which he 
gives of our island. Besides, divisos 
does not necessarily imply, that Brì- 
tain was once joined to the conti- 
nent. We may say, that France is 
divided from Italy by the Alps ; but 
then we do not intend to express, 
that France and Italy were ever 
joined together, without the inter-^ 
vention of those mountains. Thus 
we find in the second Georgick, 
DiviscB arboribus patria, by which 
words it cannot possibly be imagined 
that the poet intended to signify^ 



Pauperi» et tuguri coogestum cespite cuJmen, f^e*fcS^'Sf SffSS^ 
Post aliquot mea regna videns rairabor arista»? ^^^^»^^»^^omejemi 

that countrìes, which were formerly 
joined together, are now separated 
bj trees* Therefore^ in the passagè 
before ivs, we cannot understalìd 
Virgil to mean any more^ than that 
Britain is a country so distinguished 
firom ali the then known parts of 
the earth, as to seem another world ; 
just as America has in later ages 
been called a new world. 

€8. En unquam, 8(c.'] It is in- 
tenireted unquamne, idiquandone^ 
and (^n unquam: but Ruaeus ob- 
serves, that these words only express 
a bare interrogation ; whereas Vir- 
oli means bere an interrogation 
joined with a desire; a sort of lan- 
guishing in Meliboeùs after the 
farms^ which he is obliged to quit 
We bave the same expression in 
the eighth Edqgue; 

■ En etit unquam 

lUe dies, mihi cum liceat tua dicere 

Eli erit, ut ISceat totunr mihi ferre per 

Sola Sophocleo tua carmixui digna cO" 

fhurno ? 

Herè the poet evidently expresses 
a desire to bave an opportunity of 
celebratìng bis patron s praises. 

69. Tuguri,} Fot tugurii, as 
peculi £ùT pecuUi ; ver, 32. 

Congestum cespite cnlmen,'} The 
roofs of houses were called culmina 
because they were thatched with 
strsLW (culmus). MelibcEus descrìbes 
the meanness of bis cottage, by re- 
presenting it as covered with turf. 

70. Post aliqwH ..... àristas^ 
Servius and most others interpret 
it^ after severaL years; takìng it fot 
a rural expressicdi^ using beards of 
com for harvests, and W^ ests fcnr 
years. La Cerda rejects this Inter- 
pretation, and declares hitnself a 
follower of the leamed Germanus^ 

whose opinion' he supports In the 
following manner; " As the jpoet 
" has already said indefinitely . tango 
*' post tempore, it is a contràdiction 
'^to add after sùme years, which 
^' eontrocts the expression to a short 
^'and in a manner definite timé. 
" Fot if it is never, and not after a 
"long iimet how can it be ajìer 
" some years? Besides this expres- 
''sion> nsany beards are post, for 
" many summers, seems to be parti'» 
" cular and silly ; just as if any one 
" should say mani^ clusters are post, 
" for many autumns. _Nor am I at 
''ali moved by the authorijty of 
" Claudian, who uses deetmas enien-^ 
" sus arietas'foT decem aimos, There« 
" fore Germanus wiU bave the par^ 
** tkàepost to sienlfy only the order 
'' of time, which makes the i^ep« 
'' kerd to speak thus ; Shall I ever 
" wonder at only a few slraggling 
" beards appearmg in my once floum 
" riskmgfieid^ As if he shotrld say, 
*' ShaU I never, nor after a long 
** time, seeittg the borders of my 
*^ country, seemg the roofofmy poor 
" cottage thatched ntìth tuff aeeing 
'* my realms, 'wonder at the appear" 
*^ ance of only a few straggling 
'' beards? Or more dearly, ShaU I 
" never be aUowed the small satiù 
*^ factum hereqfìer to see, her eafter 
'* to wonder at the deformity of my 
**Jleld? For he presumes^ that he 
" shall never^ return to the borders 
*' of bis country, to bis roof, to bis 
" realms ; and therefore shall never 
*' wonder at the tbiniiess of bis 
" com, This expliration is con- 
'^ firmed by the three following 
" verses ; in which the shcpfaerd 
^' complains, that his fields and 
'' cukivated kiids will be deformed 
" by the impious soldSer, and bis 
" com wasted by a barbarian, 



S''ttSt*^?Si"2SJSd In^PÌ^s hsBC tam edita novalia miles habebit? 71 

u^ f ic^^SS^ d£^ Barbarus has segetes ? En quo discordia dves 

d&cSSIT^s^^^^SSS^e Perduxit miseros ! en queis consevimus agros ! 

have sown thete fidda I 

" which is no^ìng else than that 
'' only a few straggling beards will 
*' remain. For woat else can be ex- 
" pected, when the fields are in the 
** possession of a soldìer and a bar- 
^'barìan?" To these objections 
may be answered, that therc is no 
contradiction between after a long 
ime and after some yeart, Surely 
any man may cali someyears of ba- 
ni^iment^ with the loss of bis estate 
a long ime, That Meliboeus does 
not say he shall never see hìs country, 
or he shall not see it after a long lime ; 
but makes a question whe£er he 
shall ever be permitted to return ; 
, at the same time expressing some 
little hope^ that it may come to 
pass^ as was observed in the note on 
ver. 68. That there is no ìmpro- 

Eriety in using beards for years^ it 
eing very naturai for a country- 
nian to measure time by harvests. 
The beards are a very conspicuous 
part of the bearded wheat^ which 
was the only sort known to the Ro- 
man husbandmen. Hence we very 
fì^uently find arisia put for the 
com itself^ as in the first Georgìck^ 
ChaomKm pingui glandem mutavit aritta, 

— "Segravidit procumbat culmus aristis: 

Àt si tritìceam in fnessem^ robustaque 

Exercebis humum» tólisque instabis art*- 


The beard, says Varrò, is called 
arisi a t because arescit primo, it 
withers first Therefore it is the 
first sign of the ripeness of the wheat^ 
and consequently of the harvest: 
hence it is no harsh figure in poetry^ 
to use the first conspicuous sign of 
harvest to express the harvest itself. 

Messii is used for summer in the 
fifth Eclogue ; 

Ante focum si frìgus erit; si mettis in 
umbra : 

and nothing is more firequent amonff 
the poets^ than to use summers and 
years promiscuously. In the last 
place^ that it seems more harsh, to 
understand aliquoi arisias to mean 
the bad husbandry of the soldiers to 
whom the lands were given, than 
to take posi aliquot arisias for post 
aliquoi annos, . Ru»us is wiUing to 
fancy post arisias to be used in the 
same manner, as tu posi careda la' 
tebas in thtfi^hird Eclogue; and to 
be a description of the lands of Me- 
libceus^ whose farm conslsted of a 
few acres^ adjoining to a poor little 
cottage^ Óie roof of whidi was so ' 
low, as hardly to appear above the 
tali com, and therefore it might be 
said to lie hid among the beards or 
behind them^ vosi arisias, I cannot 
helpbeing oi Dr. Trapp's opinion, 
that this interpretation is sirangely 

71. Novalia."] ^ See the note on 
ver. 71. of the first Georgick. 

72. Barbarus has segetes.] Hein- 
sius^ as he is quoted by Burman^ 
seems to approve of a different point- 
ìng in this and the preceding verse ; 

Impius haec tsm eulta novalia miles ha- 
Barbarus ? has segetes ! 

73. Perduxit.] Pieriusfoundper- 
duxit in the old Vaticani and Lom- 
bard manuscrìpts, and produxit in 
the Roman, Medicean, and some 
other manuscripts. Heinsius^ and 
after him Burman, reads produxit; 
but perduxit is Ùie common and 
most approva reading. 



Insere nimc, Melibcee, p3itos, pone ordine vites : 
Ite me», felix quondam pecus, ite capéllae. 75 
Non ego vos postfaac, viridi projectus in antro. 
Dumosa pendere procul de rupe videbo. 
Carmina nulla canam:'non, me pàscente, ca- 

Fiorentem cr^um et salioes carpetis amaras. 
TiT. Hic tamen hanc mecum poteris requies- 
cere noctem 80 

Now, MeUMBOS, ingnft yoQr 
pean, and plant your vlfm 
m rows. Go, my gotts, go 
my once happy cattle. Ishall 
no more aee yoa afar off, 
hangingdown from the biuhy 
rode, whiht I lepoae myself 
in the mowy cave. No more 
•hall I sl^: no more, my 
goati, shallyou phick lirom 
my band tl^ flowering éyti- 
tuf. and Utter willows. 

Tit. But yet yoa may reit 
bere thi« night with me 

^ En queis consevimus agros.] Pie- 
rius says it is his ws consevimus 
a^ in the Roman manuscript, and 
highly iq)prove8 of this reading. 
Burman observes^ that it is conse- 
vimus in Stephens's edition of Pie- 
rìus^ whìch Masvidus made use of ; 
but tbat it is consuevimus in the 
Brescia edition» whichUdeed seems 
to agree better with what Pierius 
says^ than consevimus. Catrou con- 
tends vehemently for consuevimus 
iustead of consevimus, and accord- 
ingly translates these words Mal- 
heureuses compagnes que tkabittide 
nous avoit rendu si cheres, For" this 
reading he depends upon the au- 
thority of an edition prìnted at Basii 
in 1586. But Burman observes^ 
that the expressions nsed in the 
Basii edition are idi copied from 
Pierius, without owning nis natne. 
74>. Insere nunc.'] '^ This is an 
'' ìronical apostrophe, of Meliboeus 
" to himself» wherein he expresses 
*' his indignation at his havitig be- 
" stowed so much vain labour in 
" cultivating his gardens and vines 
" for the use of barbarians. Nunc 
*' is a partide adapted to irony. 
" Thus Juvenal, 

" I nunc, et ventìs vitam committe»>w** 

75. Ite meas felix quondam pecus,'] 
pierius speaks of Ite meee qUomlam 
felix pecus as the common reading, 

which seems also to bave been ad- 
mitted by Servius.. But he found 
Ite mete felix quondam pecus in the 
Roman, Oblong, Lombard, and 
some odier manuscrìpts ; and thinks 
this last reading nas something 
sweeter in it. 

77. Dumosa pendere procul de 
rupe,] So Pierius found it in se^ 
vera! manuscrìpts, and in Arusianus. 
The common reading in his time 
was Dumosa de rupe procul pendere. 
He found Frondosa pendere procul de 
rupe in the Medicean manuscript. 
But he thinks it slipped in there 
from the paraphrase of Festus. 

79- Cytisum^ See the note on 
ver. 481. of the second Greorgick. 

80. Hic tamen, ^c.^ Melibceus 
seems to propose going on with his 
ìoumey j but Tityrus kindly invites 
nim to stay diat night, and partake 
of such fare as his cottage anbrds. 

Hanc , . . noctem'] '' In the 
" Lombard, Medicean, and most 
" other manuscrìpts, it is hoc me- 
" cumpot^ requiescere nocte, in the 
" ablative case, as most of the com- 
" mon copies have it But Arusi- 
" anus Messus, in Elocutumum li- 
*' bello, has hanc noctem, in the ao« 
" cusative." Pierius. 

In the Milan editions of ] 481 and 
158^, the Paris editions of 1541 and 
1600, the old London edition by 
IVnson, and in the Antwerp edition 
of 1 548, it is hoc nocte. The same 



Sid S^/^ciS55? Fronde super viridi, sunt nóbìsnìilia poftiOf 
aiuipie«tyJfnewche«e. ' Castane® moUes, et pressi copia lactis. 

reading ìs acknowledged also by 
Robert Stephen», Ruseus, and Mas- 
ricius. Guellius, Sussannaeus, Al- 
dus, Pulman, La Cerda, Heinsius, 
Cuningam, and Bur^ian, read kanc 
fiociem, which I find also in the Ve- 
nice edition of 1562, and in the 
prìnted copy of the Medicean. Hanc 
nodein seems to be the best reading, 
as it ^presses an invltatìon to stay 
the whok night, We bave several 
other examples à£noctem being used 
in like manner in the accusative 
case i as in the fourth Georgick, 

• At illav 

Flct noctem, 

in the first ^neid. 

In fademil]ius(iuN:<em tion amplius unsm 
FftUe dolo. 

And in the fifth, 

Compl^v inter i^ nwUinqm diemque 

In like manner we find the accusa- 
tive plural in the third ^neìd^ 

Err^n^us pelago totidem sine sid^re noctes, 

Aiid in the sixth, 

Noctes atque dies patet atri janua Dìtis. 


Vestibulum msomnis servat uoetesque 

And in the ninth, 

'mmmm Tibi qusin twcUs festina dìesque 

Poteris.] Pierius found poteras in 
the Roman and Medicean manu- 
scrìpts. Burman contends for this 
readiBff, whidì is also approved by 
Heinsius^ and several ouier editors. 
La Cerda, Ruseus, and many others, 
read poieris,'whìch is allowed also 
by Arusianus. 

81. Mitia poma.'] Matura, says 
Servius^ qua non remordent cum mor-- 
dentur. But the poet may mean 
mild, in opposition tp those sorta 
which are very barsh, and soiree fit 
to beeaten. Or perhaps mild ap- 
ples may be used for . such as are 
ma^e mild by culture^ to distinguish 
théai froin wildìngs or crabs. 

82. Castana molles.']. Servius in- 
terprets molle$^ mature^ again i but I 
do not know that chestnuts are 
soft when they are ripe. Some 
will bave moliti to mean nw and 
freah; others think the poet means 
a particular sort of chestnuts, which 
ìs distinguished by this epithet from 
the Casionea hir^uta. They are 
said, by Palladius, to lose the rough- 
ness of their husk, by being in* 
grafted on an almond ; 

Castaneamque traeem depulsis cogit 

Minori fructus Isevia poma sui. 

Perhaps we are to understand by 
Castanea molles roasted chestnuts; 
for the ancients were acquainted 
with this way of preparing them, 
as we find in Pliny, Torrere has in 
cibis gratius. 

Pressi copia lactis.'] Servius un- 
derstands this to mean cbeese; 
Emulcti et in caseum coàcti. Others 
think it means only curdled milk. 
1 believe it signìnes curd^ from 
which the milk has been squeezeil 
out, in order to make cheese. We 
find in the Aird Georgick, that the 
shepherds used to carry tìie curd, 
as soon as it was pressed, into the 
tovms; or else salt it, and so lay it 
by for cheese against winter; 

Quod siirgeote die aiuliece, horisque 

Nocte preniunt; quod jam tenetarii 

et sole cadente» 


Et jam summa procul villanun cnlmiDa fumanti ^ 
Majoresqae cadunt altis de moDtibus umbras^ 



onoke alar off, 

Sub lucem ezportans calathìs adit oppida 

Aut parco sale oontingunt, hjemiquc! 


It was therefore analogoiu to what 
we cali new cheese. 

83. Et Jam summa procul, Sfc.^ 
This descriptìon of an evening in 
the country is veiy naturai, and full 
of pastoraf amplici^. The smok- 

ing of the cottage chimnies ahewa, 
that the labourers have left off their 
work, and are preparìng their aup- 
pers. The lenraiening of die aha- 
dows that fidi Srcm the neighbour- 
ing hilLs ia entirelj rurale and de- 
scrìbea an ardess manner of mea- 
suring time, suitable to the inno» 
oenoe of paatoral poetry. 






pastor Corydon ardebat 

The ihepherd Conrdm 
temed tot the beaudlU A* 

1, Formosum pastor, 4rc.^ In this 
Edogue the poet describes the pas- 
8Ìon a£ a shépherd for a beautiful 
boy^ with wnom he is gready in 
love. The indinatìons to this un- 
natural vice were long before Vir- 
giUs time spread over great part of 
Bie world^ and may be looked upon 
as one of the greatest abominationa 
of the heathen^ there being se vera! 
instances of the wrath of God being 
peculiarly inflicted on such as were 
addicted to it However, it would 
be as unjust to censure \lrgfl par- 
ticularly for baving mentioned this 
crime without a mark of detesta^ 
tion^ as to condemn bim for bis 
idolatry, dian which nothing is 
more abominable in the sight of 
God. It would be very easy to 
excuse our poet^ by shewing the 
frequent mention of this vice by 
many of the most esteemed Greek 
and Roman wrìters, whose very 
deities were supposed to be guilty 
of it; but I do not choose to stùn 

these papers with the repetition of 
sudi homd impurities, and could 
rather wish it was possible to bury 
diem in oblivìon. Some indeed 
have ventured to affirm^ that this 
whole Edogue ù nothing but a 
warm description'of a pure friend- 
ship; but I fear an impartialreader 
will bè soon convinced, that many 
of the expressions are too warm to 
admit of any such interpretatton. 
This however may be saia in Vir- 
gil's commendatìon, that hekeeps. 
up to bis character of modesty^ by 
not giving way to any lasdvious or 
indecent words^ which few of bis 
contemporaries could know how to 
avoid even in treating of less crimi- 
nal subjects. The first five lines 
are a narration of Corydon's passion; 
in which the poet plainly imitates 
the be^inning of the 'fi^ «rm of 
Theocritus ; 


fiSaoraomfobo^''^ Delicìas domini: nec, qaid speraret» habebat. 

An amoroiu sliepheRl lov'd a.channing 

As fair as thou^t oould frame, or wìah 

Unlike his soul, ill-natur'd and unkind, 
An angd's body» wìth a fìiiy's mind. 


Corydon,'] T|ie commentatora 
are unanìmous almost in supposing 
that Vìrgìl means himidf under tbe 
feigned name of Corydon. They 
aeem persuaded that he was always 
thinking of himseif, and continually 
descrìbìng his own business and his 
own follies in these Bucolicks. In 
short, they make a mere Proteus of 
him, varyìng his shape in ahnost 
every Eclogue. . In the first he was 
Tityrus^ old, poor, and a servant; 
but bere, under the name of Cory- 
don, he is young, handsome, and 
neh. There he cnkiTated oidy^ a 
few barren acres, half covered with 
stones and rushes, on the banks of 
Mincius : bere he ìs possessed of fina 
pastuto» and has a thousand lambs 
feeding on the mountains of Sìcily. 
These are such inconsìstencics, that 
1 wonder any one can imagine that 
Virgil is both Ti^rrus and Corydon» 
For my own part I belieTO he is 
neither ; at least^ not Corydon, there 
beipg some room to imagine that 
he might mean himself under the 
name of Tityrus, a shepherd near 
Mantua, and an adorer of Augustus. 
It seems most probable, tmit the 
person of Corydon is as fictidous as 
the name. 

ArdebatJ] This verb is used also 
by Horare in an active sense ; 

Non sola comptos arM adulteri 
Critteif et aurum vestibus ìllitum 
Mirata, regatosque cultua^ 
^^«Amites, Hfilene Lacaena. 

It is allowed by the critics to be the 
strongest word that can be used, to 
express the most extreme passion. 

Therefore it does not seem to suit 
with the purity of a disinterested 

Alexim.'] The commentators are 
not so wdl agreed about the person 
of Alexis, as they are about that of 
Corydon. Servius seems to think 
it was Augustus, '' Cassar Alexis in 
" persona inducitur." Surely no- 
thmg can be more absurd, than to 
imagine that Virgil, who in the first 
Eclogue had erected altars to Au- 
gustus, should now degrade him to 
a shepherd's boy, delicias domini, 
and afterwards, formose puer. 
Would the poet bave dared to cali 
Augustus a boy, the very term of 
reproach used by his enemies, whicb 
Servius himself tells us was forbid- 
den by a decree of the senate, as 
we bave seen already in the note 
on ver. 43. of the mrst • Eclogue ì 
Not much less rìdiculous is the 
imagination of Joannes Lodovicus 
Vives, that Alexis is Gallus, whom 
at the same time he allows to bave 
been appointed by Augustus, to 
command over armies and pro- 
vinces. Virgil would not nave 
treated so great a person with such 
familiarity. In the tentb Eclogue 
indeed, where he celebrates an 
amour of Gallus, he represents him 
under the character of a shepherd ; 
but not without making an apology 
for that liberty. 

Nec te pceniteat pecoris divine poeta ; 
Et formosus oves ad (lumina pavit Ado« 

Servius menlions several other opi- 
nions conceming the real person of 
Alexis. He mentions one Alex*' 
ander, a servant of Pollio. It is 
pretended, that Virgil, beinginvited 
to dine with his master, took notice 
of bis extraordinary beauty, and fell 
in love with him j upon which Pol- 
lio made a present of him to the 

BucoLia ECL. il: 


Tantum inter defisas^ ttinbrosa oacumina^ fiigos 
Assidue veniebat : ibi base iticondita sdut . 
Montibus, et sylvis stubio jactabat inani. 5 

— O orud e li s Al exiy f»bil mea eariaiim cura» ? - 
Nil nostri miserere? mori me deniqve coges? 
Nudo etiam pacudes umbras et frigòra captant : 

He oolr ctme fttqpeDXXf a- 
taoùg the thidc beechet wlth 
«had^ top*; and there In aolK 
tude uttored theae incoherent 
words in vafai to the inoun* 
tains and woods. 

O oruel Alexis, have you no 
wgafdferaiyflonijr Mia fe fo u 
no compaasion f or me ì wUl 
700 at length compe) me tp 
die> Even ftòw the aheep «ir 
loytheoool ' 

poet Others think he was Csesar's 
poy, and that bis master delighted 
m hearing him praised. Servius 
mentions another opinion^ that the 
xiame of Pollio*s boy, who was 
giveri to Viroli, was Corydon. He 
concludes with sapng, that Alexis 
was a proud boy, but greatly in fa- 
vour with Pollio, to whoni Virgil 
made bis court by praising bis be- 
loved slave. Apuleius also affirms, 
that Alexis was a feìgned name for 
a boy belonging to Pollio ; but 
Martial seems to bave taken him 
for a favourite of Msecenas ; 

Sint Maecenates, non deerunt, Flacce, 
Virgiliumque libi vel tua ruradabunt 
Jugera perdìderat miseras vicina Cre- 
Flebat et abductas Tityrus aeger oves. 
Risit Tuscus eques, paupertatemque ma* 
Reppullt, et celeri jussit abire fuga. 
Acctpe divitias, et vatum xnaxlmus esto : 
Tu licei et nostrum, diut, Alexin 
Adstabat domini mensis pulcherrìmus 
Mannorea f undens nigra Falerna manu. 
Et libata dabat roseis carchesia labris. 

Qua poterant ipsum sollicitare Jovem. 
Excidit attonito pinguis Oalatea poets, 
Thestylis et ruhras messibas usta ge- 
Protinus f taliam concepit, et arma, vi- 
Qui modo vix culicem fleverat ore 

And in another £pigram we find. 

Et Maecenati Maro cum cantarei Akxim, 
Nota tamen Mara fusca Melaenis erat. 

From ali these different opinions, 
and more perhaps that might be 

recited, if it was Worth the while 
to enquire after them, the best con- 
clusìon we can maké seems to be, 
that Alexis was no real person at 
ali, but a mere creature of the poet's 

2. Delicias.'] It ìs a word com- 
monly used for a person or thlng 
of which any one is very fond ; thus 
Cicero, ''Quid amores, ac delicise 
" tuse Roscius?" and Catullua, 

Passer àdicite mese puellae ; 

and Martial, 

Reddito Roma sibi est; et sunt, te 
prsdde, Cesar 
DelìcUe populi, quae fuerant domigli. 

And again, 

Stellse delicium mei colomba. 

6. crudelis Alex'u ^c] Cory- 
don expatiates on the cruelty of 
Alexis» and represents the violence 
of bis own passion, by telling him, 
that even in the beat of the day, 
when ali animais seek to repose 
themselves, and the weary reaners 
retire under the shade to eat tneir 
dinners, he alone neglects bis ease, 
pursuing the steps of bis beloved. 

7. Coges,'] La Cerda reads cosis 
in the present tense, whidi he thinks 
more expressive' than the future: 
but the best authority seems to be 
for coges, as Pierius round it in the 
Roman manuscript. The same 
reading is admitted also by Hein- 
sius, Ruseus, and others. 

8. Nunc etiam pecudes umbras et 
frigora captarti.'^ In the warmer 
dimates, the shepherds are obliged 
to shelter their flocks from the beat 



STgSS S«5?SdThS Nunc virìdes etìam occultant spineta lacertos : 

ti;;X«vou*4h^^^^ Thestylis et rapidofessis mcssoribiis «stu 

reapenweartedwiththerapid . ,,. „ , _ , .^ ,. ,_. 



Allia serpyllumque herbas coiitundit olentes. 

in the middle of the day under 
rocks or spreading trees. ThU is 
consequently the most convenient 
time for them to refresh themselves 
with food and rest. See the note on 
ver. 331. of the third Georgick. 

9. Firides .... lacertos,^ The 
green liznrd ìs very common in 
Italy> and is said to be found also in 
Ireland. It is larger than our com- 
mon efì or sìotft, This animai is 
meotioned by Theocritus, in bis 
0«Xv0>(«, as marking the time of 
noon by sleeping in the hedges : 

' — - Hf )« TV fiUfmfti^iov vSiat tX»f/r, 

— Where now at burning noon ? 
What urgent business makes thee leave 

the town, 
Whiist bleating flocks in 8ba4e8 avoid 

the heats. 
And ev'ry lizard to bis hole retreats ? 


10. Thestylis.'] Servius tells us, 
that Thestylis was a country ser- 
vante and seems to think ber name 
was rather TestUis, because she 
dressed their dinner for the reapers. 
He seems therefore to derive ber 
name from testa, which signifies an 
earthen pan, This Ruseus thinks 
to be very insipida and not without 
reason. But Catrou seems fond of 
this interpretation, and ìndulges 
himself in an imagination^ that 
Thestylis, or rather Testylis, was Vir- 
gil's mother. It seems that old Ti- 
tyrus, the poet*s father, of whom 
we heard so much in the first 
Eclogue, was a potter by trade, and 
so his wife is bere represented 
under the name of TesiyUs. This 
old woman, it seems, was a good 
house-wife, and dressed the dinner 
' for the reapers with ber own hands. 
" La mere de Virgile ne seroit-elle 

" point représentée icy, sous le nom 
^' de TestiUt ? On s^ait que le pere 
" de Virgile étoit un Potier de terre 
'^ de son métier. D*ailleurs il est 
'* naturel que la mere de Virgile. en 
" bonne ménasere, se soit chargé 
" dans sa fam'.Ue d apprèter le dìner 
<' des moissonneurs." By ibis me- 
thod of criticising» we need not de- 

r'r of finding out, not only the fa- 
' and mother of Virgil, but even 
ali his relations and mends. To 
me it appears very absurd, that the 
mother of this wealthy Corydon,' 
who had a thousand lambs feedintr 
on the mountains of Sicily, should 
bave occasion to busy herself in 
dressing dinner for the reapers. Be- 
sìdes Thestylis is mentioned after- 
wards as a sort of rivai of Alexis, 
having begged two kids of Corydon, 
which he designed for Alexis. But 
I shall not pursue thisargumentany 
farther, seeing the learned critic 
himself, upon tecond thoughts, says 
it may seem more probable that 
Testilis does not come from the La- 
tin word testa, but that it is rather 
ThestiUs, a Greek name, taken 
from a sbepherdess of Theocritus, 
and that she was the cook-uiaid at 
Virffil's farm. Milton has a passage 
in bis L* Allegro, not very unlike 
this hefbre us ; 

Where Corydon and Thyrsis met. 
Are at their savonry dinner set 
Of herbs, and other' country messe»,' 
Which the neat-handed Phyllis dresses. 

11. Allia serpyllumque, 8fc.] These 
herbs seem to bave been used by 
the Roman farmers to recruit the 
exhaùsted spirits of those who bave 
laboured in the heat. Pliny ìnforms 
US, that garlic was much used in 
the country as a medicine; " Al- 



At lùecum raucis, tua dum vestigia lastro, 
Sole sub ardenti resonant arbusta cicadis. 

Nonne fìiit satius tristes Amaryllidis iras ] 4 
Atque superba pati fastidia? nonne Menalcan ? 
Quamvis ille niger, quarnvis tn candidus esses ; 
O formose puer, nimium ne crede colori. 
Alba ligustra cadunt, vaccinia nigra leguntur. 

Bttt whilft I poirae yiMir ftept 
undor the btuming fun, I job 
with tbe hoane dczém t& 

wiakiiiflr thc tTCCl TUMOIIIWl 

Waalt not better to endure 
the bitter anger of AmarylUs, , 
and her proud disdain ì Was 
it not better to endure Menai- 
cui Though he was black, 
and thoii art fair, yet, O 
charming boy, trust not too 
much in thy beauty. The 
wbite privet flowers drop on 
the eround, whilst the dusky 
hyadnths are gathered. 

" lium ad multa rurìs prsecipue 
" medicamenta prodesse ereditur." 
For serpyllum, see the note on ver. 
SO. of the fourth Georgick. 

13, Sole sub ardenti, 8fc.] The 
ckada nsed to sing niost in hot wea- 
ther, and in the middle of the day. 
See the note on ver. 328. of the 
thiird Georgick. 

14». Nonne fuit saiius, ^c] Co- 
rydon dedares^ that the cruelty of 
bis former loves^ however great, 
was more tolerable than the scom 
of Alexis^ whom he exliorts «ot to 
trust too much to so frail a thing as 

Amaryllidis.'] Servius tells us, 
that the true name of Amaryllis was 
Leria, a girl whom Msecenas gave 
to Virgili às he did also Gebes^ 
whom liie poet mentions under the 
feigned name of Menai cas. 'Ihe 
leamed Catrou is of opinion that 
Servius had no authority for it, and 
that they are rather fictìtious per- 
sons. In the first Eclogue, Ama- 
irllis was imagined to mean no less 
than Rome herself ; but bere she is 
degraded to a rustie slave. 

16. Qiuamvis ille niger, &c.] 
Servius, as he is quoted by Masvi- 
cius^ has the foUowing note on this 
passagej ** Quia Csesar Bomanos, 
*' Antonius J^gyptios habuit. An- 
" tonius niger dieitur propter M^ 
" gyptios, quos habuit." Burman 
wonders where Masvicius met with 
this note ; since it is noi to be found 
in any of the copies of Servius. It 
seems however to be of a piece with 

what we bave found in the note on 
Alexim in the first line; where Alexis 
is said to mean Augustus Csesar. 
If we couid be persuaded to belleve 
that, it would not be difficult to 
imagine Menalcas to mean Mark 
Anthony, the great rivai of Augus- 
tus. But this imagination is entirely 
destroyed by our finding, that the 
poet had fìnished ali bis Edoraes 
before the quarrel between those 
two great persons. 

18. Alba ligustra cadunt,] It is 
not very easy to determine what 
plant Virgil meant by ligustrum. 
AH that can be gathered from what 
he has said of it is, that the fiowers 
are white and of no vai uè. Pliny 
says it is a tree ; for in the twenty- 
fourth chapter of the twelflh hook, 
where he is speaking of the cypros 
of Egypt, he use^ the following 
words ; " Quidam hanc esse dicunt 
^' arborem quae in Italia Ligustrum 
" vocatur." Thus also we find in 
the tenth chapter of the twenty- 
fòurth hook, *' Ligustrum eadem 
'* arìwr est q use in oriente cypros." 
In theeighteenth chapter of &e Six- 
teenth book he (ells us it grows in 
watery plaoes; •* Non nisi in aquo- 
*^ sis proveniiint salices, alni, po- 
<* puli, siler, ligustra tesseris utì- 
♦'lissima.'* If the ligustrum of 
Pliny was that which is now com- 
monly known,by that liame, by us 
called fyrivei or primprint, and by 
the Italians guisirico, which seems 
a corruption of ligustrum, then he 
mistakeh in àffirming it to be 


ÌflVlf55^'cSii2?*o Despectus tibi ium, nec qui sim quasris, Akxi: 

the same with the cypros of Egypt, 
irhich is the elhanne or alcanna. 
For Prosper Alpinus, whosci au- 
thority cannot well be called in 

Suestion, found great plenty of the 
Icanna hi Egypt» agreeing suffi- 
ciently with die nvr^òt of Diosco- 
rìdes :' but at the same tìme he des- 
clares^ that the Italian ligustrum 
doea not gro^ in that country. Nor 
does its ffrowing in watery places 
agree with the modem ligustrum, 
Mrhich> according to ali the Italian 
botanists, is found in woods and 
hedgea in Italy as well as among us. 
Matthiolus^ in his commentarìes on 
Bioscoridea, says, that Serviusi 
among others, took the Ugustrum 
to be that sort of convohuiMS^ which 
we cali great bindfveed; '' Quìdaxn 
«< Hgusirum eam canvolvuli esse 
*' speciem autumant^, quse sepibusi 
^' fruticibus et arbu^tis se circum* 
*^ volvit, ac etiam sspius vitium 
" p^Us in vinetis, flore candido, lilii, 
'^seu calathi effiffie, quam ego 
'' la^vem ess^ smimcei^ nunquam 
" dubitavi : e quorum numero fuìt 
'' Servius Grammaticut, Firgiluc(my- 
'' wentator EcU^a secunda Bv^oii^ 
" corum. Nempe falsus, ut arbitror^ 
'' quod neglexerit in hac hiatoria 
" Pliniam consulere, Dioscoridem, 
'' et alios de stirpium natura disse^r 
'' rentes." Where Matthiolus found 
this opinion of Servius I cannot teli, 
unkss he. oiade use of 4ome copy 
very different from those which we 
npw bave. We find no mi^re in 
pur copies of Servius, than that the 
ligustrum is a very white, but 
^onten^ptible flower; ^' Ltigustrum 
*' «lutem flos est candidissimus, sed 
" vilissimus." Bodfieus a Stapel> in 
hi$ eommentaries on Theophrastos^ 
contenda, that the Ugustrum of the 
ppets i& the cmvolmluf. mqfor, or 
great hindweei, which^ he says, has 

its name a ìigando, because it bìnds 
ìtself about any trees or shrubs that 
are near it« He observes farther, 
Uiat this flower must be of a pure 
white; fpr which he quòtes the 
verse under consideration, and th<e 
following verses from Martial ; 

Quaedam me cupit, invide Frodile» 
Tota candidior puella cygno. 
Argenti), nive, lilio» Ugmtrom 

And this from Pontanus \ 

Candida nec nivaia ceaaura Ugoatra prui- 

Hence it is plain that the ìigwttrum 
must be a perfèctly white flower, 
being joined with swans, Silver, 
snow, and lilies. ^ To these autho- 
rìties he might bave added the 
following, which are quoted by La 
Cerda from Ovid ; 

Candidior folio nivei Galatea ligustri. 

And from Claudian ; 

Hsfec graditur. stellata rosis, haec alba 

He con9Ìder8 also, that the common 
ligustrum, or privet, has a white 
flower indeed, but not so pure as 
to be companxl with snow; and 
that it is not contemptible, bàving 
a sweet smeli, growtng in bunches, 
and so not «nfit for garlands. To 
this he adds, that the privH is 
called by Columella liguiiium ni"^ 
grum, to diatingoish it from tbat 
of the poet*s» in the . fbliowing 
verses -, 

Et tu, ne Corjdonis opes despcrnat 

Formoso Nais pueia formosior ipsa, 
Fer calathis violum, et migro pennlsta 

ligustro' . ' 
Balsama, cum casia nectens croceosque 


But Parrhasius, as he is qiloted by 
La Cerda, reads niveo instead of 



Quam din»pecorÌ8 mrai quam laetìi» almn- STLoS^kL^^SlSto^ 
dans. 20 "^ 

nigra. 1 bave sometìmes auspected 
that we ought to read, 

Fer calathis violam nigram, et permjsta 

HoweTer, from these observations 
Bodseus a Stapel infera, that the/z- 
gusirum of the poets is the ma-tmn 
of Theophrastus^ the rpA^^ ^m 
of DioscDiides, ani! the conoolvulus 
major of the modem authors. It 
has a flower whiter than any swan 
or SHOW, aod is at the same tìme a 
most vile and noxious weed, roojted 
out of ali gardena^ and unfit for gar- 
lands, withering, and losing its co- 
lon r as soon as gathered. It muM 
be acknowledged, that the great 
Undweed haa a very fair pretence 
to bé accounted the Ugustrum of 
yirgìlj on account of its name 
being derived from hindi ng, a li- 
bando; from the pure . whiteness of 
Ita flower I and from its being at 
the same time a con temp tibie weed. 
iSence Corydon might, with great 
propriety^ admonish Alexia not to 
truat toó much to hia &ir com- 
plexionj, since the whiteat of ali 
flowers fell tb the ground wlthout 
being gathered. We may also with 
good reaaon duspect^ that our privel 
iff not the plant inteoded^ b€K:auae 
theflowera are not fair enough, and 
yet are too aweet to he réjected 
with ' contempt. But it weigha 
aomething on the other side, that 
PKny has called the Ugustrum a 
treÌB in two difiereiit ptaces. For 
though he niight mistake, in think- 
ing it to be the same that grew in 
Egyilt and in 'the east 3 and mìght 
not be exact with regard to the 
place of ita growth ; yet he coald 
Dot eaatly be ignorante whetber 
what they called l^usirum in Italy 
waa a tree, or a vile weed^ and peat 
4»f the gardens. Nor ie that argu- 

ment to be whoUy slighted, which 
ia taken from the ancient name» 
UguUrum being preaerved in aome 
measure in the modem Italiao 
guistrìco. In conformity to the 
Inost common opinion^ I have trana» 
lated it privei; but if any one 
would change it for bindnfeedf I 
ah ali not greatly contend with him. 
De Marolles translatea it privet^ 
*' Lea fleura blancbea du troSaoe 
" tpmbent ea un moment»" . Lord 
Lauderdale iranslatea it only " the 
'' faireat flower/' Dryden haa it, 

' White lUiet Ile neglected on the plain. 

Catrou alao translatea it UUeg^ *' On 
** laiaae fimer lea ly» cjai n'ont que 
"de la beante.** This he dòea to 
give a better grace to bis translation, 
l;>eing aatisfied that the plani in 
qnèatkHi ia really the Iroetne or pri- 
vet, But it ia certain'y wrong to 
poi HUet in thia place, for they do 
not fall neglected ; but, mi the con- 
trary, are alwaya mentioned with 
great reapect by the poeta. Beaidea, 
we ahall find, before we bave done 
with thia Edogue, that lilies made 
a part of the rural garland, which 
Corydon intended to prepare for 
Alexia. Dr. Tnfp tranalatea H 
méM^fndé, by Wtech I éuppoae be 
means the binda eed ahready apokèh 
of, ' Dr. Tvkfnef, one of bur oìdeat 
Engfish botanists, wko- waa phyM» 
cian to the Duke of Someraet^in 
the reign of Edward thè Slkth, 
translatea convolt^uhi» tri/Atfywfe, 
hynàweed, and i^eedbynde; Gerard, 
whò WTote in the time of Qaeen 
Elizabelli, calla' it withwinde, binde^ 
weed, and keàge-bels: btit die 
more modem writera cali it only 
bindfveed; and, 1 think, the gar- 
denera aboot London coaim4inly cali 
it barehind. 


1 hne ji — , 



Mille meee Siculk e^rant in montibiis agnae; . 

Vaceinia nigra leguntur.^ ' Many 
take the vaccinium to be our bil- 
berry : others will bave it to be the 
berry of the privet, imagining the 
alba ligtistra to be the flower^ and 
the vaceinia nigra to be the fruit of 
the same plant. But I bave sheym^ 
in a note on ver. 183. of the fourth 
Oeorgick^ that Virgìl uses vaccinium 
only to express uie Greek word 
véUnéòi^ and that it is the very 
same flower with the hyacinth of 
the poets. 

•This allusion to the fading of 
flowers is an imitation of Theocritus; 

1 K»ì ri foÌo9 MttXn irrt, »»* o Xi^^ "^^^ 
1 Km) rè Uf »«X«y Imv ly i'^a^h »mi r»x** 

yi^r , , . 

Aiv»»9 ri x^tPùv l^rìt fJM^ainrm ku»a 

: KjhÌ xàXX^ tutXn irri rè ^TMÌtttì», &XX* 
j iXiV#» {J. 

Fair is the rose, but withen soon away.; 
Fair the sprìng violets, but soon decay; 
Fair is the lily, but in iaUing dies. 
And the white snow notlong unsullied 

Thus blooming youthful beauty quickly 


19. Despectus Ubi mm, Sfc*'\ In 
this paragraph Corydon boasts of 
bis wealtb^ bis skill in music, and 
the beauty of bis person. 

Qui.] It is qui8 in. many editions; 
but the best authority seems to be 
fbr ^tti. 

20. Qjaam dives pecoris nivei, 
,guam.'\ The editors do not agree 
about the pointiog of this line; 
some placing the comma after pe- 
coriSf and others after niveL The 
controversy therefore is, whether 
nivei agrees with pecoris or with 
laclis, Heinsius, as he is quoted 
by Burman, contends for the latter ; 
to nìaintain whìch opinion, he pro- 

dùces the ' follòwing autborities, 
from Ovid; 

Lac niveum potes, purpureamque sapam ; 

Lac mihi semper adest niveum. 

From Homer, 

— — Ka^r»iùftW9S yAXm Xiv»«v. 

From Tibullus, 

— — Nivei lacHi pocula mizta mero ; 
And from Seneca, 

Niveique laciis candidus fontes. 


— Libat et niveum insuper 
LacHs liquòrem. 

But these quotations only prove^ 
that milk has often the epithet 
^Tiiveum white bestowed upon it ; and 
it would not be difìicult to produce 
quotations from the same authors 
where this epithet is given also to 
cattle. I sball confine myself to 
our poet, who has spoken of milk 
in many places, without ever calling 
it niveum. He has indeed added 
that epithet to the milking pail, in 
the third Georgick • 

«. Nroea implebunt muktralìa vaccae : 

but the beauty of the pail consists 
in its whiteness, which is not owing 
to the milk contained in it, but,to 
the neatness of the dairy-maid^ 
and is therefore no useles epithet. 
On the other side we fìnd it fre- 
quently joined with wool, and cat- 
tle, being particularly expressive of 
their beauty. Thus we fìnd in the 
sixth Eclogue, 

Paaiphae, nivei solatur amore ^'inwfici. 

And in the first Georgick, 

Ter oentum nivei tondent dumeta ^vfitci. 


Lac milii Don sstale novum, non frìgore defit ^iSkl^th» ^ ^SmJ^ 

And in the thìrd, ' 

Mufìere sic fUveo kuue^ si credere dignum 

Pan deus Arcadi» captam te» Luna» 



Lanea dum nivea circumdatur infitta 

And in the fbarth iEneid, 

VeOerilnu niveit et festo fronde revinc- 

And in the sixth. 

Omnibus his nivea cinguntur tempora 

Thereforej io this place, it seems 
best to join nivei to pecoris, rather 
than to lactis, because it is more 
particularly expressive of the beauty 
of the former, and has not once 
been added to the latter by Vìrgil. 
Besides, our poet himseif, in the 
thìrd Georjgìck, gives particular di- 
rection, to choose white sheep for 
the flock; and is so nìce in this 
poìnt, that he will not su£fer the 
ram to bave a black tongue, for 
fear he should occasion dusky spots 
in his offsprìng; 

Continuoque gregìs villii lege moUibus, 

inum autem, quamvis aries sit candidus 

Nigra subest udo tantum cui lingua 

Rgice, ne maculis infuscet veliera pulUs 
• Nascentum t plenoque alium circumspice 


This, he says, was the very art, 
which Pan used, to obtain fleeces 
as white as snow; " Munera sic 
" nìveo, &c/' as above. Columella 
also extols the white sheep,- " Co- 
" lor albus^ cum sit optimus, tum 
*' etiahi est utilissimus." 

di. Mille mecB Siculis, &e.] He 
mentions Sicily in this place, because 

that island was famous for sheep ; 
perhaps also, because Theocritus, 
the father of pastoral p'oetry, was of 
that country. This, and the fol- 
lowìng verse are plainly written in 
imitation of the Cyclops of that 

^■^^ Bérk x*^* fi*^»^9 I 

iriim' ' j 

^/ ^*- , • i 

Ov ;^ii/«Mwr M^. 

Choice of new milk a thousand ewes 

UnnumberM cheeses load my homely 

In summer and in autumn they'abound, 
Nor fail in winter. 

2i2. Lac mihi non cestole novum, 
non/rigore defit*] Servius observes, 
that Virgil excels Theocritus in 
this place, who does not speak of 
milk, but of cheese. For there is 
notbing extraordinary in havihg 
cheese ali the year round : but to he 
always supplied with new milk, or 
colastrum, in winter as well as sum- 
mer, is a great excellence. Some 
othercommentators agreewith Ser- 
vius, in taking lac novum in this 
place for colostrum or colostra, which 
is the beestings, or first milk that 
Comes after the animai has brought 
forth. Thus Columella 5 " Sed 
** prius qaam hoc fiat^ exiguom 
*' emuìgendum est, quod pastores 
*' colosiram vocant:" and Plinyj 
'* Sicuti de lactis usu. Utilissimum 
" cuique maternum. Concipere 
" nutrìces exitiosum est: hi sunt 
'^ enim infantes qui colostrati appel- 
" lantur^ densato lacte in casei spe- 
'* ciem. Est antem cplostra prima 
'* a partuspongiosa densitas lactis." 
It Ì8 much esteemed in the country, 
by many people ; and that it was so 
by the ancient Romans, we may 



Caato, qw solUus» si quando annentavlóeabat^ 

^ gather from the folìowìi^g passale 
iniht Pcenpltts of PìbXus; 

Mea voluptasy mea delicia» mea vita, 

mea anìcenitas, 
Meus ocellusy meum labèllum, mea 9a>- 

lus, meum savium,' 
Meum mei, meum cpr». mea <:p|Mr9, 

meus molliculus caseus. 

And from the thirty-eighlh Epi- 
gram of the Chirt^enth hook of 
Martial ; 

Surripuìt pastor quae nondum.atantibus 

De primo matrum lacte coloitra damus. 

Jja Cercla thìnks, with better rea- 
8on^ that the sanse of the passage 
Ì9, that Corydon has so large a 
flock, that there never passes a day 
without a supply of milk just taken 
from the sheep. He justly observes, 
tliat the new milk mentioned in the 
Àfth Eclogue is the sarne^ because 
\và speaks of its frothing ; 

. iPocuJa bina novo spumarUia lacte quot* 
• ,anBÌ8. ■ 

The new milk mentioned in this 
quotation is for a sacrifice : and we 
find from another passage in Virgil, 
Uiat the milk used on those occa- 
sions was warm from the dug. It is 
In the sacrifice for Polydore, in the 
third ^neid, where he describes 
it as both warm and frothing 5 

Inferìmus tepido spumantia cymbia lacte. 

New milk was used also in the sa- 
crifice for Anchises, in the fifth 

Hic duo ritemero libans carchesia Baccho 
Fundit humi, duo, lacte nervo, duo san- 
guine sacro. 

Botlì these sacrifices were in the 
8pring> or beginning of summer^ 
when beestings were not to behad^ 
4be.lti»e fur the sheep to briog forth 
beiog in Noverober and Deceraber. 

Varrò tells us, that the fcest time tp 
admit the ram is from the setti ngóF 
ArcturuB tothesettingof the Eagle; 
that a sheep goes 150 days^aBd'so 
the (amb is yéaned abòdt the end of 
Autumn ; '' Tempus optimum ad 
** admittendum ab Arcturi occasu 
'^ ad aquihe occasum, quod qqae 
^' postea concipiunt, fiunt vegran- 
*' des, atque imbecille. Ovis praei^^" 
^' nans est diebus CL. itaque nt 
^' partus exitù àutuinnale cuiq àer 
" est modice temperatus^ et prìmi- 
" tus oritur herba< imbrìbus pirimrf'' 
'* ribus evocata." The setting of 
Arcturus was then reckoned to be at 
the latter end of May or beginnipg 
of June ; and the setting df the Eagk 
at the latter end of ^uìy. Thére-^ 
fore the time of yeanlng, which is 
the only possible time to have beest^ 
ings, must be from the latter end of 
October or beginning of Novem- 
ber to the latter end of December; 
and that it is in the winter season is 
confìrmed also by Columella^ who 
says, a lamb is the only animai that 
is conveniently brought into the 
world in winter : " Solusque ex om- 
" ni bus animalibus bruma nascitiir." 
Hence it appears, that 7ac novum 
cannot signify cdostra, which is to 
be had only in winter,- because it 
was certainly made use of in sacri- 
fices, wbicb were offered in the be- 
ginning of summer^ às were those 
at the obsequies of Polydore and 
Anchises mentioned already. To 
these we may add the j^mbarvalia, 
which urere celebrated a little before 
harvest, when there was no colostro 
to be met with. The poet may 
perhaps allude to the extraordinary 
fertility of the sheep in Italy, wbicii, 
as he has told us himself in the 
^econd Georgiqk> breed twice in a 

Bis gravida» pecudes. 

m<}OUQ- EC^. "• 


Aj9phÌ9it Dircc^OB ia ^fitfBo J^^^pc^tììff. 

24 p^-^^J>^^. 


But even then, we can hardly un-" 
derataod hìm ^o mean beesiing» in 
thi8 place ; unless we imagine, that 
Cory4qn jcojfttr^i^ed ^ wpll, 9^8 jto 
bave one or other ^^Ì3 «heep yq^p* 
almost every day. This however 
must be observed, tbat whether we 
underatand beesfiugs in tbis place^ or 
.milk warm from tbe dug, whicb 
last I tbiuk mucb the most probable^ 
yet tbose editore are greatly mis- 
takeo, who place the comma after 
astate f pointing tbe verse tbus : 

Lac mihi non «state, novum non fH- 
gore defit. 

By tbis they would insinuate the 
po6t*8 meaning to be, that Cory- 
don boasts of having milk in .the 
8ummer, aud even new milk in 
winter ; as if the 3>i^onder was* that 
be sbould have it in yirinter : whqi*eas 
ìt has been abundantly sbewn, that 
winter wastb^ very timefor having 
new milk, in whatsoever eense it 
may be taken. 

Servius mentions somebody under 
tbe name of VirgUiO'mastix, by 
whicb I suppose be means Bavius or 
Mffivius, who censured tbis verse, 
after having pointed it wrongbim- 
«elf, after this manner ; 

Lac mihi non testate novum, non fri* 
. gore: defit: 

that is, says be, seifnpet mihi deesL I 
mention this only to sbew whàt sort 
of crìtics they were who censured 

Frigore.] Gold is bere used po- 
.etically for winter. Tbus alsp in 
the mh Eclogue ; 

Ante focum, nfrigtu erit 

23. Canto qua solitus, fife] Tbus 
«Iso tbe Cyclops of Tbeocritusboasts 
of bis skiU in music.; 

Besides, I live the joy of ali the plain^ 
^o Cyclops can pretend so sweèt èi strajn. 

Si quotilo armenta voca^at.'] Tbis 
expression of calling tbe cattle seems 
to be taken from the manner of the 
anoi^ ^epherds, wbo did not 
drivi? their sfaeep ;before &em, as 
tbe custpn^ ■(s^oif/.ttiit.v^qPrt first 
(;atUqg à{(SW,i9^à i^yvig .CH^ itìxeìt 
pipèsj and the sheep readìly fol- 
lowed tiìem. We hav^ fréquent 
allusions to this.custom in the boly 
Scriptures. Tbus, in the hook cif 
Exòdus, Moses is said to lead the 
flock of Jetbro bis father-in4aw. 
In the twenty-tbird Psalm we read, 
" The Lord is my Shepberd, Ùiere- 
^' fore can I lack nothing. He 
" shall feed me in a green pastpre, 
" and lead me forth beside the wa- 
" ters of comfort." 'Jhu^ àUo in 
the seventy-seventb; ^^ Thpu Ud- 
*' dest ihy people tike sheep by the 
" band of Moses and Aaron :" and 
■ in xh,e ^ighti^tjh, " He^r, X^ .tbou 
^^Shqpìièrd ^f Israel, thou thiit 
" feaaeiit J[^e|^ like a sheep." We 
4nd an aUusìop .a] this custoip, 
Jn tlie tentb.chapter of Saint Jobn's 
Gospel : " He that entere^ not by 
'Mjhe door into tìie sheepfold, but 
" cl|mbeth up some otber way, the 
'^ sarne isa<thi€;f and a robber: but 
" he that enteretk in by the door, 
'' is tbeS)iepher4 pf the sheep. To 
'^ bim the porter openeth, and the 
" sheep bear bis voice,. i^nd f\e caileth 
'^ his (ìwn sh^p hv pame, and leadeth 
*' Xhem qut, 'And whenbìe pu^eth 
*^fa^tb MssOF» 8t^P^ hecgoéih he- 
^^fore Mi^m» jcmd the sheep foilow 
" him , for 4hey know fi is voice. And 
" a stranger will they not foilow, 
f' but T^ill flee from him ; for they 
" know not the voice of strangers.*' 

24. Amphion J^irams in Actao 
Aracy^ìUho,} Amphion and Zi^ua 




?toSJ'«5J*myS"on' thè Nec 8um adco informis : naper me in littore vidi, 


the sona of Jupiter, and Antiope 
the daughter of Asopus, built the 
walls of Thebes, which had seven 
gated^ and fortified them. with 
towers^ according to Homer ; 

' T^f ÌH fur * A fTtiimfTUf * A#«HrM0 Bvy»rfm, 

Kmì f lrt»i» i»9 vrmtT 'A^mm rt Znéif ri, 
Ol lefivu Q4Cnt t^ Isrirav iirrMirvAM*, 
Jl»^yttf9 r * ìwù w fÙ9 àit9fyttrÌ9 y Ó^ 

There movM Antiòpe with haughty 

Who blest th* almìghty thund*rer in ber 

Hence sprung Amphion, hence brave 

Zethus carne, 
Founders of Thebes, and men of mighty 

Tho* bold in open field* they yet surround 
The town with walls, and mound inject 

on mound, ; 

Here ramparts stood, there tow^ rose 

hj|^ in air. 
And here thro* <8ev*n wide portato rush*d 

the war. Pope. 

f The story of bis extraordinary skill 
in music, and his receiving from 
Mercury a harp, by the sound of 
which he caused rocks and stones to 
foilow him in order, and form the 
walls of Thebes, seems to bave 
been invented since the tìme of Ho- 
mer. Euripides mentions the com- 
ing of the gods to the nuptials of 
Harmonia, whenthe walls of Thebes 
were raised by a harp, and a tower 
by the lyre of Amphion, between 
Dirce and Ismenus; 

*A^/Uf4»t in .ATm' $it i/MHUHft 

"BXvén »v^»9tim, ^i^fuyyi rt rts^if ©nC**» 
TÀr *A/è^M9mt rt X6^»f S*« ^pyat àfi^rA 
Ativfut9 irir»/uÌ9 iri^»9 àft^ì /km**» 

Horace also speaks of the stones foL- 
lowing the lyre of Amphion, 

Mercuri^ nam te docilis magistro 
j^oyit Amphion lapides canendo. 

Sweet Mercury, far tanghi by you 
The luffàng itonet Amphion drew, 


And, in his Art of Poetry, explains j 
the meaning of the fable. | 

Sylvestres homines sacer interpresque } 

Deorum 1 

Cedibus et victu fcedo deterruit Orpheus ; | 
Dictus oh hoc lenire tigres rabtdosque le- { 

ones. \ 

Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor 

Saxa movere sono testudinis, et prece 

Ducere quo vellet. Fuit h«c sapientia 

Publica prìvatis*^ secernere, sacra pro- 

Concufaitu prohibere vago, dare jura ma- 

Oppida molirì, leges incidere ligno. 
Sic honor et nomen dìvinis vatibus atque 
Cazminibus venit. 

Orpheus^ inspir*d hy more than human 

Dtd not^ tu poeU feign^ tome tavage ìtecutt. 
Bui men, OS lawìett and at tvUd a* thep. 
And first dutuaded them from rage and 

Thus when Amphion buUt Ihe Thébàn tra//, 
They feign^d the ttonet óbey*d his magic 

Poetiy the first instructors ofmankind, 
BrougìU aU things to their proper^ native 

Some they appropriated to the gods. 
And some to public, some to private ends : 
Promiscuous love by marriage vas re- 

CiHes were IndU, anà usefid laws were 

So ancient is the pedigree of verse. 
And so divine apoei'sfunction. 

Lord Roscommoit. 

Propertius mentions the stones of 
Cithaeron, a mountain of Bceotia, 
being drawn by music to form the 
walk of Thebes 3 

Saxa CitheeronisThebas agitata per artem 
Sponte sua in muri membra coisse ferunt. 

Dirce ie the name of a celebrated 
spring near Thebes. Strabo places 



Cum placidum venti» staret mare: 




when the cahn lea was not 
dbtnrbed by the wind«. I 
ihould not fear Daphnis, 

it in the plain, whereìn Thebes is 
situated^ tnroUgh which also the ri- 
vers Asopus and Ismenus flow: 
"^O y«{ *Aa'tt^ùf xaì Vv/mim; ÌUt rtiv 
wùiw fiùvo'i Tùv* w^l rm &ifiSf uri X 
Mti i AfgxD K^n, MÌ nirytui. Pliny 
also enumerates ìt among the spiings 
or fountains of Bceotia ; ^' Prseterea 
" fontes in Boeotia^ (Edipodia, 
^' Psammate, Dirce, Epigranea^ A- 
"rethusa, Hippocrene, Aganippe, 
" Gargaphie." Euripides mentions 
Dir ce, as a spring near Thebes : 

Ai^xns rt nifut, itaXiftUn tr^ibrwfL Un, 

Behold the plains, along Ismenus stream^ 
And Dirce*8 fount, how vasi a host ap- 

and in many other places of his 
Phoenissee. Therefore it can hardly 
be doubted^ that Virgil calls Am- 
phion Dircaan firom this famous 
fountain of BoBotia^ because He 
built the walls of the Boeotian 

The opinions of autfacrs are vari- 
ous concerning the situatìon of Ara^ 
cynthus. Strabo says expressly it is 
in iEtolia : Kurà ìli rìit AfreA/«v $» 
12A8m;> pv If rS AtrttXtxS xar»}kiym 

fùvùf iyyvi rns nXtv^Sfòi wri rS 'Ag«- 
xvféfif, This author describes those 
countries in so exact a manner, 
that we cannòt easily misunderstand 
him. He says ^tolia is divided 
froni Aearnania by the river Ache- 
lous, which rises in the mountain 
Pindus^ and flows from north to 
south, through the Agraei, a peonie 
of iEtolia, and the Amphilodii. 
The Acarnanians inhabit the west 
side, as.faras the Ambracian bay, 
near the Amphilochi, and the tempie, 
of Actian Apollo : the ^toliaps ex- 
tend toward the east, to the Ozp- 

lae Locrì^ Pamassus, and the CBte- 
ans ; Air^Xei ^ff tmW xctì *Ak»^' 
fàm ò^évvn iXXiXùvs, fM^f '^Xfitrti 
V6f 'A;^fA«f«v ^ère^M9, fuvr» ìtù r«ff 
lù^xrm ««f rlff Iltviùv ^^óf f«rw, ÌU « 
'Ay^Mc/p AhétXtxùv féfvf, xa} 'AfA^t~ 
X0X09. 'Axa^fSiftf fùr rè ^^Ig la^atf 
fti^ùf ijC^m; rcv 9rùr»fuv fi^x^t rcv 
'AfJo^oKMév xiX'jrùv, rev xmrei 'A^<A«- 
X^^9 «*' "^^ '•€•" ^•«^ 'AxTtùv 'A^iXXof' 
féq, AtrttXóì <i rò «■(«$ Uf fu^t rSf 
*0^iXat9 Amt^tfy^ xaì tùv Ua^ietcév xtù 
rif Oìrmtn. Dionysius agrees with 
Strabo in the situation of Aracyn- 
thus; but he seems to speak of 
iEtoIia and Aearnania, as of one 
country^ under the nao^e of JBtolia; 
fot after having spoken of Dodona^ 
he says the country of the ^tolians 
lies next, under the mountain Ara- 
cynthus^ and that the river Ache- 
lous runs through the middle of it 

tns V virt^t le fint ilr/y viti ^x«irtftv *A^a- 

'Ay^AW Ai^tfXm ittiin fMym' r«S ha faU» 


tv^vrm IXk^ &ym *Ax*Xi'Us xfyv^ifnu 

Uence it is no wonder, that Pliny 
and Solinus should place this moun- 
tain in Aearnania; especially con- 
sidering that we read in Strabo, that 
there were frequent contro^ersies 
between the Acarnanians and ^^to- 
lians concerning their borders: 
"H^Tf^ xeù rh n«(«;^iA«f<r<9 xttXùVfiifny 
X/>»^^y V • «••T«^«5 IjtixAu^ii, ^^l^' 
Xinrùf hrdu rò xeùXtuh, rcvs ofùvf ovy- 
Xfi^vff» àù, rùvg àxoèuxfvfuuvf rùTf 
Axa^ftiott X4Ù vùig AÌttèXMg' \n^mrt^ 
Yti^ Tùìg ^ò^Xóii, ovx 8;^«vrf$ ìuuTnrÀg 
hixéif y •!, xXi»9 ìvUfUfci, Vibius 
Sequester places it in Attica : and 
adds^ that some place it in Arcadia i 
which perhaps, according to Bro- 
dseus and La Cerda, ought rather 
to be read Aearnania ; " Aracynthus 



i^óu^iS^'fi^^.^' Judicetè, inéinim, si iiun^ttàm feUàtìntfàgò, 

"in Attica, quidam in Arcadia di- 
" cunt/' Probably Vibiuà tóight 
place it in Attica, mttéìf ori the 
àathorrty òf Virgil, takiflg Aciao 
tò mean Attico. A likfe reaaon 
pefhaps Tùìght induce Stephamts te 
say it ìs in Boeotia, arid Servitis 
to tfffitm it 18 a Theban haountairi. 
This 'tò cdtttin, thàt when Strabo 
etiriiùéraiei the itìòtiiltaifis of bce- 
òtia, he does-not rtieiitiòri anything 
like Aracynthus. La Cerdi is of 
optnidtf, that we must abide by the 
authority of Ste|5hanus and SerVius^ 
in making Aracjrntbus a Boeotian or 
Theban moiintain. I would rather 
Smagine, that there wafi some àn- 
tieht stoiy, tlòW lost, of Amphioii*8 
feedirig hi6 herds on the thountains 
of iBtolia,- bt that some mountalìi 
of Bceotia was formerly called Ara- 
cyiithu*, it bèinff -«néll kttown, thcit 
many iplaces havè bhaiiged dièii* 
names, even before the time of any 
history now èxiàiii. 

If authors bave dìffiered concem- 
ing the situatìon of Aracjmthus, it 
wiU bè lirii^hed that thfeté faft» hot 
been much less variety of opìnions, 
with regard to the epithet Actcpus. 
Strabo says, that Attica wad called 
anciently Ade and Attica, becanse ìt 
lies imder mountains, and extends 
alorig the sea shore: Aia in rtutc 

ùTt ToTf ùMa-tf WtictfirvmìiA ri vXttWev 

fa^c^t Tov ZovMov. Pliiiy also affiims, 
that Attica wàs anciently called 
Acte; *' Attica aiitiquitus Acte vo- 
" cata.** This seems to ètrengthèn 
the authority of Vibius, who places 
Aracynthus in Attica.* But Strabo 
mentions another opinion after- 
wards ; that this country was said 
to be called A etica from Actaeori, 

Atthis and Attica from Atthis the 
daaghter of Cranans, Mopsopia from 
Mopaopns, Ionia fbom lon the son 
of Xuthus, and Posidonia and 
Athehs fìronl Keptune and Minét- 
ta: *Awtsiàiit fÀt yà^ àuel *A»tmiiff9s 
pdtnf. 'ArMd de xmi 'ArruÀv, iM 
'At^idés iti ¥iMMUt>, 1^' •{ Mci K^d9déì 

'lifu«fhim*'l09ó(t^ S«o9»v' nècttia- 
fUtf ìi «flsi 'AdiÌM$ &XÙ rmp ignffòfutf 
BtSt, Hence Marolles seems to bare 
derived hisauthorityforplacing Ara- 
cynthus in Boeotia near Attica; 
" C'est une montagne de Beotie 
" aupres de rAtfcique> qui a peut 
*' estre emprunté son nom de cét 
^' Actean si fameux, qui fut de- 
" voré par ses chiens." Servìu^ in- 
terprets it Uttorali, in which sense it 
is uséd in the fiftti ^neid ; ahd adds 
thàt i^ome take it to meati Atheni- 
ensi, hot that Ardcynthuà fd iieàr 
Athend, which indeed Wàs at first 
called Acte, but to express a pastò- 
ral simplicity, which is fi-equent 
with Theocritus. The same. says 
he, may be understood ctf Oaxes, 
which is cnlled a ri ver of Crete, 
whereas it is a mountain of Scy- 
Vtiìk, Guellitis, tò whose opinion 
La Cerda dèemà also to incline, in- 
tferpretsit stofìv aiìd raclcy; affirhi- 
mg that the Greeks called not ònly 
the sea shore, but craggy móun- 
tains also, iicrn ; " Piroper. B. 

*' Prata cmentaxitur Zethi, vìctorque ca* 
" nebat 
** P»ana Amphìon rupe, Aracynthc, 
•• tua t 

" qui locus facit, ut ab interpre- 
'' tum sententia dìsoedam, qui hunc 
'* Virgilii locùm enaiTantes accipi- 
" unt alii Aracjoithum Atticum ab 
" Acte, alii Viri^ilium studio, ut 
'^ exactius pastoritiam personam et 
*' imperitlam referret, Aracyh- 
"* thum, qui solus est in Acarnania» 



O tàAtnM lifaeaf Inéeaiil fibr solida m» 

a mlnd to livtf ^Nrlthittè fa tÌNl 

'' ki Attica eodtociisse: quamvid et 
*' Slèphanos AracyHfhttm in Boe- 
^' otia etìam constltuat: fdcit, in- 
*' qiiam^ tit ipsis asdéritirl hac in 
'^ parte non posisini^ qtiin malim 
*' Aracynthfim actieuiti, ut Pro- 
" per* saxosutn et petriéodum, ni- 
** miruni ut rupeni et scopulum^ ut 
'' Graeci mtctòf vdcaAt non solum 
*' littoralem Oràtii et regionem> 
*' futi •$ta^etBa)ìdir9'Mt Sed et réirò¥ 
" 9*r^é6ìn, ixù Tév *%^i tùùrh ayir' 
** ^aty « M fiYfvo-^m rtb xvfuiT» : 
" unde apud Hom. «-(«niv tMtnf 
^' tB-éltui§ à^ix^i : et àx.xn ir^«- 
*' Cxiif promontbrium, ^eu iscopu- 
'MuB : et iUr«i inquit Ammon. 
^' ftunt loca maria petHooàà, ut ^Im 
'\ arenosa. Jacob. Tusaiius cutn Ser- 
** vip itera Greece actaeum littótfa- 
** lemaecipitt malotamen cutn I^o- 
** pertio et littc^aletn^ et sàxosum 
'' sìtnuletru^m interprétcffi^ Docet 
** autem Eustathius, Ath^ìiénses 
•^''làrWi *\À%ttt^i 'Atrt»òvf,xiti *A*^éùl' 
^^ évi;, .ud* X^^Ht *AKTÌif iteti ^Aitrttieti 

"fcteXS^^W La Cerda adds ttt 
liiesé atithoriUed that o£ Oppian^ 
Whoiias sàiclj 

Hence; he condudes^ that Mons Ac- 
tesus i& the same with what GatuUus 
expresses by pnrruptus; 

At tum prcsruptoi tristem èonscettiiei* 

nnd Ovid calls scopulus adesus, pen- 
densque ; 

Nunc tcopulm «aucis j^det adesus aquis. 

' Tilis he thinks 1s fally confifmed by 
the above quotati on frotn Proper- 
tìus, who cxplains Virgii, by pnt- 
tittg rupe where he has used actcEtis. 
To this I wcraìd add, that Proper- 
tius plainly mentjons Afacynmuè 
in this place as a mountain not far 
from Inebes: perhaps it was the 

same wìtb Githtefon, of whidi he 
had spoken a few linee befòre* Rtt-< 
seus is of opinion, that Aracj^thus 
is a Theban mountain extending to 
the sea, and agrees with Servìus in 
interpreting actceò, tittoralL The 
Bari of Lauderdale has translated 

My notes are sweet, aé were Aibphioii's 

When he near Thébe* téiìded his flock to 

Dryden s translation is^ 

Ami^iion vang not gweeter to Mft hefidU 
When suminon'd stoAst the Th^n tur* 
rets reaJr'd : , 

And Dr. Trapp's, 

I sinff, as that Dircsean sh^herd sung, 
Afil|3iion, if he ever fed hid flodks 
Oh high SiBótiàn AfacynthOft* to^ 

Catrou trandates a^tao Jracwnikó 
the mountains of Boaotii^ '^ Novt* 
'* vel Amphion, je chante les 
** mèmes aìrs que ce s^avant BeN 
'^ g&, lorsqu'il cofoduiloìi ees tmu- 
" peaux sur les mowHagms de Bé* 
'^ ode,*' In his note on this pas- 
sage, he relies on the authMÌty of 
i^tephaiitt«| fior pkcing Ameynliìus 
in Boeotia, and agrees with Gael- 
lius in the signìfication of ocUbus, 
rendering it VAractfnthe etcarpé, 
But after ali that has been said, I 
belieVe we may venture to afBrmy 
that «ut/rk is not used for any rocky 
places, unless they border upon the 
sea ; but frequentiy signifìes the sea 
fià^oK. Thus we i«ead in the efgh- 
teenth Iliad, 

In the twelfth, 

X*ì r* if' kxh *»kms Mj^wtu ìafttgn re 

And in the fifteenth Odyssty; 


^ce'SJrtSgsT'"****' *** Atque bumiles babitiure casas, et figere cervos, 

Thus also our poet himself uses acta 
for the shore in the fifth i^neid ; 

At procul in sola secret» Tròades acta 
Amissum Anchisen flebant. 

Thus also Cicero, in his fifth Ora- 
tion against Verres; '^ Ipse tamen, 
'* cum vir esset Syracusìs^ uxorem 
" ejus paruin poterat animo soluto 
" ac libero tot in acta dies secum 
'^ habere." We may therefore con- 
clude, that by the epithet aciao is 
meant, that me mountain Aracyn-.. 
thus extended to the sea; and 
therefore that Aracynthus actaus is 
to be ìnterpreted the rocky shore, or 
clìffs of Aracynihm ; as we say the 
cì^s qf Dover, 

25. Nec 8um adeo informis.Ji It is 
non instead of nec, in some copies. 

*' Thìs is a modest expression of 
*' his own beauty. Thus Cicero in 
''his oration for Coelius; ut eum 
^^'poeniteat non deformem esse natura, 
''^ where he means very handsome.** 


The herdsman in Ilieocritus 
boasts of his beauty ; 

T« ^i/éa ìuù itt»r»t yXmu^mrt^vu 

"Mj snowy forehead two black eye-brows 

My'eyes as grey as Pallas self could 

My mouth more sweet than curds. 


And Polyphemus also in the Bu- 

I Kaù_ yA^ ^9 •v^. tStés ìx" »a»ivf.Zs fU Xf- 

I yarrr 
*R yk^ ir^«y Sf irivm UiCXgitét, nt ìi yw 

1 Xam. 
For T*m not ugly, for last night I stood 
And view'd my figure in a quiet flood. 

It is plain, that Virgll imitates these 
two lines of Theocritus, in the pas- 
sage before us. 

Nuper me in littore vidi.] Ser- 
vius seems to think it imposable for 
a man to see his image m the sea ; 
and thinks the poet expressed him- 
self negligently in imitation of The- 
ocritus, who might more excusably 
put such words in the mputh of a 
Cyclops, either because he had an 
eye of vast bigness, or because he 
was the son of Neptune. But the 
leamed and judicious La Cerda has 
amply justined Virgil in ibis parti- 
cular. " Some," says he, " teli us, 
*' that the poet ascribed to the sea 
" a faculty of reflecting an image, 
" not so much fìrom th^ nature of 
'* things, as in imitation of The- 
*' ocritus: for they deny the possi - 
** bility of an image being renected 
'^ by tìie waves of the sea, which 
^' has always something oily and 
" fat swimming on its surface, any 
'^ more than by douded looking-* 
" glass, or water in which flesh has 
'^been boiled. But experience is 
, " against these arguments ; for the 
^* sea, when calm, does really re- 
" flect an image ; as these cavillers . 
" may find, if liiey will but give 
*' themselves the trouble to go to 
*' the sea side." Then he confirms 
it by several quotations from Aris- 
totle, Plato, Artemidorus, Lucian, 
Ovid, Statius,and others. who speak 
of the sea as of a mirror. 

27. Fallat.'l Some read Fallit, 
and others Pallet ; but most of the 
ancient manuscripts bave FuUat, 
which is approvedalso by Heinsius, 
Ruseus, and other good editors. 

28. tantum libeat, &c.] In 
ibis paragraph Corydon^ invites 
Alexis to live with him in the 
country, and partake of his rural la- 
bours ; and promises him in recom- ^ 
pence to teach him to play on thè 
shepherd's pipe like Pai^ himself. 

Thus the Cyclops, in Theocritus ; 



Haedorumque gregem 
bisco ! 

viridi compellere 


tnd to dihre a flock of g^oàtt 
wltli a green switch. 

nt/uuvM ^ IBiXóig eh iftìf tt/Atty xtà ytCx* 

But feed the flocks with me, or milk the 
' sheep. 

Or run the cheese, and'never mind the 
deep. Cbeech. 

Sordida ruraS] Servius observes, 
that tibi in this verse is to be under- 
stood as was twice repeated; 
Utinam Ubeat libi habitare mecum 
rura Ubi sordida; and interprets it 
tibi sordida, id est, qucs tu putas 

29» Figere cervos.'] Some un- 
derstand these words to mean the 
fixing of the forked poles, called 
furcGS or cervia to support the cot- 
tages. " Cervi/* says Varrò, "ha- 
** bent figuram literse V, a simili- 
*' tudine comuum cervi." They 
were used also in war, to obstruct 
the approach of an enemy. Thus 
Csesar; *' Hoc intermisso spatio, 
*^ duas fossas, quindecim pedes la^ 
^'tas, eadem altitudine perduxit: 
'^ quarum interiorem campestribus, 
'^ ac demissis locis, aqua ex flamine 
" derivata, complevit Post eas 
** aggerem, et valium duodecim 
'* pedum exstruxit. Huic loricam, 
*' pinnasque adjecitgrancftòus certis 
^^ eminentibus ad commissuras plu- 
" teorum atque aggerìs, qui ascen- 
'' sam hostium tardarent.** They 
are mentioned also by Livy ; " Ro- 
" manus ad Clitas, quas vocant, 
'' munimenta cervis etiam objeciis 
** ut viam intercluderet, a Macé- 
'^ donico ad Toronaicum mare per- 
" dudt*' Thus also Catullus ; 

Jam te non alius belli tenet aptius artes, 
Qu« deceat tutam castris prasducere fos- 

Qualiter adversus hosti defigere cervot, 

These quotations shew sufficiently 
the nature and use of the cervi : and 

that from Catullus has ahnost the 
very same words with those under 
consideration. Nor does it seem 
amiss, that Corydon, having just 
mentioned the cottages or huts of 
the shepherds, should immediàtely 
add, the props which support them. 
He is not inviting Alexis to partake 
of pleasures, but to engagé with 
him in rural labour, to content him- 
self with living in a poor hut, fix- 
ing poles, and driving goats ; as a 
reward for which laboùr, he pro- 
mises to teach him to excel in mu- 
sic. This sense is not wholly to 
be rejected. But the general opi- 
nion is, that the poetmeanshunting 
in this place, which is confirmed 
by a similar passage in the first 

Tum gruibus pedica3^ et retia ponere 

Auritosque sequi lepoxes : tum JIgere 

^tupea torquentem Balèarìs yerbeoL fìin- 

where JIgere damas, without ques- 
tion, means to merce the does; in 
which sense o£ piercing or tvounding, 
figo is frequently used. Thus in 
the first iElneid 3 

Pars in frusta secant, verìbusque tre- 
jnentiA Jlgunt : 

And in the fifith ; 

Plaudentem nigra Jlgit sub nube colum- 

And in the ninth 5 

Figite me, si qua est pietas : in me om- 
nia tela 

And in the tenth ; 

Tum Numitor jaculo fhitrìs de corpore 

jEneam petiit : sed non etjigere contra 
Est licitum : 


jt, nmiìM HAnofiis 

Pan hixfìmim \ 
pipe in the w(m 

Wtt^ Mecuff m»^ m sylW imitebere Pmi» ^«endn; 

^^m. Enne QHigW) velUt dii^i foi^i^ff» 

intorto^^ j:do, discrimina cost^ 
Ver medium qua spina dediti hastamque 



Pfadt, sti:i4entemque emlnus l^i^- 

^cit: «t tUa yolaii0ic]ypeo48t«jwuaBa, 

J&g5Pgimp Antborew lati» ipter et iUa 

Aq4 4b the ^eveirth:; 

mi-M- Buten adyersum aaegàéefixii 
Lpisìemi ga]^amg>ie4otci& 

On the other hanà, ìt must be ac- 
icnowledged^ that /go is sdso used 
to y£r, or Jhsten. Thus it siginifies 
;^^ng f)/an/j in the earth in the 
fourm Georgick j 

Ipsie labore manum duro Jlerat, ipse fe- 


fhi^ h is ^pS^My m^A m th^ ifirst 
sense, which has been given to 
Jlgere cervo^. There are npt WiWt- 
ìng other passagea» where ì% ì^ 
used also for fixing, Jastemng, pr 
siicki^g; aa HI the ihir4 4Snejdj 

^re cavo clypeum^ vPftflE^i jgea?mpep 

i'est^us iadvei;8Ì8^^ ; 

And in the sixth ; 

Occupat ^neas aditum, eoipusque re- 

Spargit aqua^ ratnumque adverso ,in ÌU 
mine ,figit : 

And inthetenth; 

Ili I i. Armaque JLau^ 

Donat habere humeris, et vertice rfigere 


Dixity telumque intprsit in hos^ ; 

Inde aliud super at^uc aliud JigtiquCf 

Ingenti gyro : 

And in oie raeventh j 

MiVltqsqie juiMiilHMMff hpqtittlHijB umis 
Ipsos ferre duces, inimicaqiie|M!flM00^. 

And in the twelfth ; 

Forte sacer Fauni foliis oleaster aòiaris 
l^ic steterat» p^^utis oUm yenerabi^ lig- 

Servati ex undis vibìjigere dona solebont 
Lfuwqi^^i 'Q^Of «t votai» suspeoieee vei- ' 


Hence it has been traijsferred to 
some figurative expressions; as Pi- 
gere oscula, Figere vesti^i(i, Figere 
wìUms, and Figere dieta. The Earl' 
of Lauderdale translates ihj^ passagé 
according to the latter i^^e : 

^ I qpicklx cQuld diverting jpastìme. fin^^ 
To shoot the staff, or faunt the swiher 

Aod Dryden, 

•Te vfounàiheftykig ieer. 

And Dr. Trajiìp, 

- And ihoot Hhejlying deer. 

30. Viridi cfìmpeUerehibisco.'] Ser- 
ybìB understands this ,to mean cbri^'- 
ing the kidfi tg the jaaarsh-mallpwa ; 
'*^ Ad JbibisQ^m compellere, scìlìcet 
^' « laote depulgpB. jHibiscus autem 
'' gen\is es^ herb»^^ eit sic dixit ki-^ 
''bisce, ad hibisc^m, ut it clamar 
*' c(eIo, id «5t, ad caeluQi/* In 
.Ifhis he is foUowed by Marolles, who 
jias :thus ^ndated .the p^asage cun- 
iter ecxisideratipu ; '' O .ȣ tu |We- 
^' npis plai^ir de .dememser aux 
*' «hampSj qui te semblent sì vi- 
'•' ìains ? et »i ttu voulais faabiter nos 
^' pe^ites ohjaumicsrea, pour a.bhatre 
'^ les cer^ à U chasse^tou pour con- 
*' traindre les cheureuìls de recourir 
^' à la verte guimauveJ' Thus also 
it is understood by the Earl of Lau- 
derdale ; 

The goatish berd drive to the mfdlQw 

A ■'. > ^ 


VffSi^mr f^jo^t. ' 

lyinUd lìf IT £it.€tfr. Ox/^ri-l^ /òr ^ tn-^.-i Tf^ ^ ff'hiàkkef JliK^Um 


Pan primas cftlmnos oera coQjani^èTd pluw* !Ste^^,Ì^S**** 

Rttseos also agrees wìtfa Servius^ 
beÌDg induoed by the authorìty ài 
Scaliger» who in a note on a passage 
of Varrò affirms, that the ancient 
shei^erds used to purge their cattle 
widì marsh-mallow* Dryden seetns 
to understand ìt in the same senae ; 

^— and from theif cotes 
With me to drive a-field the bipwsing 

But La Cerdathinks viridi hibisco is 
the ablativo case, being the instru- 
ment with wfaich the kìds are to be 
driven. In this he is followed by 
Dr. Trapp; 

To drive the kids a-field 

ÌFttfi a green wanéL • 

This learned gentleman has so well 
vindicated the latter interpretation, 
that I shall take leave to insert his 
whole note: *' That is, say some 
^' commentators, compellere ad vi- 
" rident hibiscam. Drive them to 
*' ìt, that they may feed upon it 
" To justify tìiis, àey allege that 
" of VirgQ in the -^neis, It eia* 
" mor calo for ad calum, to which 
^^ they might bave added that above, 
" in this very £clogue> Montibus 
''Jactabat. But those expressions 
" may be softened. In the former, 
" Gelo quasi in calo; which is 
'' nittch the same with per calum : 
^'and that again, With regard to 
^' the different paris of the air, or 
'' sky, supposes ad. In the latter, 
*'jactabQt includes dixit, whidi 
" really govems a dative case. But 
*' this we are now upon is utterly 
^' unnatural, and ungrammatical. 
*' I am therefore clearly of (^nion 
" with those who take hibiscus (and 
'' that it may be so taken De La 
** Cerda shews) for a large plant or 
^* lìitU tree, out of which wands 
'' may be made. And-then ali is 

'* plain ; compellere, drive tlhem 1 
'* with a wand of hibiscus, It is ' 
** oìàìy a metonifmia materie, con» 
*' tinually used not only in poetry, 
'' but in commcm discourse* Be- 
*' sides, Virgil no where mentions 
" this hibitcm, whatever it be, as 
" food for cattle : that baskets are 
" made of it, he informs us in the 
** last Eclogue; the only place» ex- 
*' cept thisy in which he mentions 
" it Or if it does bere mean such 
'* food, I should take it thus, com-' 
*' pellere, i. e. congregare, for so 
^' the word is sometimes used^ en^ 
'* tice them, or draw them together 
*' with it, not drive them to it. 
'* This would be good sense and 
" good grammar." 

The hibiscus or ibiscus is gaie- 
rally allowed to be the same with 
the althdBa, on the authority of 
Dioscorides, who says^ '* The al- 
*' thaa^ which some cali ibiscus, is 
'^ a sort of wild mallow, with 
" round leaves, like those of cy- 
" clatnen, and wooUy. The flower 
'' is like a rose, the stalk two cubits 
'^ high, and the root is white on the 
'* inside. It is called althaa on 
" account of its many virtues:" 

Aftnuiy tfdtiw- 'SÌMfMtmM }i mhJUU cut 
ri vaAmiA^ xtù vXifx/Ctrrét avrnf. 

Palladius also has '* atthaa^ hoc 
" est, ibiici folia et nidices/* But 
it ìs not eertaìn» either that hibiscus 
is the same with althaa, or that the 
aUhcBQ of the ancients is the very 
game plant that we now cali marsh- 
mallow. Pliny expressly says, the 
ibiscus is a son of parsnìp^ being 
more alender ; *' Hibiscum a paati- 
" naca gradlitate distat, damnatium 
'' in cibis» sed medicina^ utile:'* 



SS rfttTSii^rf^ Instituit: Pan curat ove», oviumque magistros. 


and agaìn, ** Pastinacse simile hi- 
** biscum, quod molocben agrian 
*' vocant.' • The same author gpeak s 
of the althaa in another place^ and 
makes it a sort of mallow, with a 
large leaf, and a white root : '' In 
'* magnis laudibus Malva est utra- 
" que, et sativa et sylvestris. Duo 
" genera earum^ amplitudine folii 
" discernuntun Majorem Graecì 
*' Malopem vocant in sativis. Alte- 
'* rara ab emoUiendo ventre, dictam 
'^ putant Malachan. E sylvestri- 
" bus, cui grande folium et radices 
'' albse, Althea vocatur, ab excel- 
'* lentia effectus a ouibusdam Aris- 
" talthea." Theophrastus is often 
quoted, as speakìng of the kibis- 
cus, whìch I believe must bave 
been taken from the Latin trans- 
lation, in which àx^aiet is rendered 
xbiscus by Gaza, for I cannot 
find it any where in the originai. 
He says the allliaa has a leaf like 
mallow, but larger, and more 
wooUy, a yellow flower, and a fruit 
like mallow: "Exp Ìì i ixBtu'et 
^iXXùv ftìf ofMtùf T») fMiXd^vi trXÌif 

lAttXuxòvq' eif^ói iì ft9Ì?ufoi, jut0^«f ^c 
•Uf futxdxfi» But neither this de- 
scrlption, nor that which was quoted 
from Discorides, agrees with our 
marsh-mallow/ For the leaves are 
not round, as Dioscorides describes 
it, nor is the flower yellow, as we 
find in Theophrastus. Some indeed 
pretend to read (ÀXetvùf instead of 
ftiXtuf : but though fuXat and niger 
are used for several red flowers, 
yet I believe pale flowers, such as 
those of the marsh-maUow, are 
never so called. Others think the 
abuHlon is the àx^atU; but the 
flower of the abùtilon has not the 
appearance of a rose, which it ought 
to bave, accordine to Dioscorides, 
nor has it the fruit of the mallow. 

accordine to Theophrastus. There- 
fore I wiU not affirm any thing posi- 
tively conceming either the althaa 
or the hibiscus; nor will I ventare 
to diflèr from those leamed men, 
who take them to be one plant, and 
the same with our marsn-mallow. 
But this I may dare say, that 
i)califfer had no authority to affirm, 
that the ancienthusbandmen purged 
their cattle with marsh- mallo ws ; 
of which I do not find the least hint 
in any of the writers on agriculture. 
Therefore I agree with &ose, who 
think it means bere only a little 
switch^ to drive the kids. 

31. Mecum una, ^c] Burman 
observes, that this line is wanting in 
one copy ; and that in another it is 
Meque una, which makes the sense 
to be, You shail drive the jlock, and 
at the same time imitale Pan in singing 
me, or rather, you skaU imitate me in 
singing Pan. But he thinks the 
common reading is as good. 

ImUabere Pana canendo.] " You 
" shall play on the pipe with me, 
'' after the example of a deity. 
'* For Pan is the God of the coun- 
^' try, formed after the similitude 
" of nature. Hence he is called 
*• Pan, that is, Universal: for he 
" has homs in likeness of the rays 
" of the sun, and of the homs of 
'' the moon : bis face is red, in 
*' imitation of the athet: he has 
" on hìs breast a starry nebris, or 
'* spotted skin, to represent the 
" stars : bis lower part is rough, for 
'< the irees, shrubs, and wild beasts : 
'* he has goats* feet, to shew the 
** solidity of the carth: he has a 
'• pipe of seven reeds, because of 
** the celestial harmony, in which 
'' there are seven sounds, as we 
** bave observed on ver. 646. of the 
" sixth .^neid, Septem discrimina 
" vocum: he has a crook, because 



Nec te poeniteat calamo tri visse labellum. 

Do not tUnk mudi to nib 
your ttp with a reed. 

" of the year, which retums into it- 
" self: becausehe is the God of ali 
" nature^ he ìs said to bave fought 
*' with Cupid, and to have been 
'* over come by him, because^ as 
" we read in the teoth £clogué, 
" Omnia vincit amor. Therefore, 
^' according to fables, Pan ìs said to 
" have been in love with the njrmph 
* ' Syrinx^ who being pursued by hmi 
*^ implored the aid of the earth^ and 
'* was turned into a reed, which 
'^ Pan, to sooth hLs passion^ formed 
" into a pipe/* Servius. 

Pan was esteemed by the an- 
cients to be the God of the shep- 
herds, and to preside over rural 
affairs ; thus our poet, 

— Pan curai oves, oviumque magistros : 

And in the first Georgick^ 
Pan ovium custos. 

He is said by Homer^ in one of bis 
hymns, to be the son of Mercury ^ 
and to have goats' feet and two 

Aiyéir^f h»i^ra, ^iX#»^r«». 

He is also called the God of shep- 
herds ; 

He is said tomake fine melody with 
reeds^ and to sing as sweet as a 

"Ay^nt i|«m«f, ìnàxmt viti fiòWatv ÀB^ó^m 
Ni^v/Mf^ «V» Av rif yt xn^^ifMt ir ^X(- 

"O^nty n r ìm^tt itéXttttvéUt ìf ittrA)i9t^t 

He is said to wear the spotted skin 
of a l3mx ; 

àvy»if tx^' 

We find also, in the same poem, 
that when Mercury fed sheep in 

Arcadia, he fell in love with a 
nymph, and married her ; that she 
brought forth Pan, at whose coun- 
tenance being affirighted she ran 
away; but that Mercury was ex- 
ceedingly delighted with him, and 
wrapped hìm up in a hare's skin> 
and carried him to the mansion ài 
the Gods^ and shewed him to Ju- 
piter and the rest, who admired 
him very much^ especi ally Bacphus, 
and called him Pan, bocause he 
rejoiced ali their hearts. 

'E^/Kir * ìvéa il éì iriftifes KyXXwuif Ì4^i9» 
'E»y oyit xaì Btit Jt», ^»^»(ir^*X* A*«^* 


'Afì^ì «TM^À Bvn'rSf* B^Xt yà^ iriBóf òy^is 

'Ex a ìriki^n ya/Mv ^ttKt^if, r»»i Y ìf /m- 

*EfifAU^ ^iXo¥ Viòvf &^et^ ri^«TiiV0» tiia^éeUf 
AtytiTó^fiff ìixi^vray vroXvx^oroit^ ^ìvyiXMra, 
^tuyt V itfotì^a^ kuittv V Si^et ^attta riéim* 
^ùft yà^^ it i^iv «V*» mfMÌXi%t9t nvyintM, 

Ai^»/Kiy0f X**V* ^' *^ vt^tM^ta detifMtit, 

/^i^fiunt ìf ir»»tf97^n i^t^xtfóió Xaytum. 
nig Xi Zn9Ì ndéi^t »mì iKXsts àéaftirtvif' 
àitj^t ìt Mv^99 Itfy. irdfTts V àf» Bv/^9 Iri^- 

^AéAfaròtf m^utXXa Y o hà»x^*( Atóvu^óf. 
HSm ìi fuì xùtXitfXàf in ^^iva fr«rii> 

Herodotus, in bis Euterpe, tells us, 
that the people of Mendes in Egypt 
esteemed Pan as one of the eignt 
deities, whom they looked upon as 
prior to the twelve : that they re- 
presented him as having the face 
and legs of a goat: that they also 
worship ali goats, especially the 
males; that both Pan and a goat 
are called Mendes in the Egyptian 
language ; and that some abomina- 
ble rites were used in this goat^ 
worship. T«v nétta rif mctà» SmIv 



SSftSf ^^Jja^»*" H«Bc eadood ut sciret, quid non fi»ciebal: Amyn 

I have a pipe compoaed of 


tas? 35 

Est mihi disparìbus septem compacta cicutis 

^mIv ^«W ytviff-^^i. y^ti^ùvvi Ti %f x«< 
yXv^0va'i M ^«^/^«(^o« aueì «i ay«X^e«r«- 
iroioj Ttfv TIeùfoi rSyeiX/iUy tutrcm^ 

nttìiUt* òirt ròtovTOf vófAt^ofm ùvee/ fttf, 
àX\* ofC9tùì rota-i ctXXùia-t ^ula-i, ùxiv ^8 
^ìuut r«iovT«y y^i^ùvvi »irof, ev fcót 
ìfiiùf irrt XiyUK o^ùtrcu ìì zretrrcts tùv^ 
tuyoi^ «I tAu^n&M, k») fiuXXùf vcv^ 
jl^a^Mf r0t ^Xiétr «tfì Ttfvnvf ài «ix«A«i 
rtfcàs fidateti txfivat' ht ^ rwrm uq 

fóytt trttftì rS Mif^c'/im fùfiS riBirxt. 
xtiXinf^ ^f 0, Tf T|ay0$ x^ n«f 
AìyvTTtoTÌ, Mifìnf, eyé»fTo 9* » r« f«^ 
«i«yvf ìw* IféW T«vT« Td TÉ^fl0$' yvvflMxi 
r^ayói Ifitoytrù ùvei^ttvìóf, tóvto k s^ri- 
ì^t9 it^^tivóif àmKvr: In the sanie 
book he tells us^ that the Greeks 
thought Pan to be the son of Pe- 
adcype by M^cury; n«vi ìi r^ he 
ThsnXi'ìntìy he rttvmg yà^ xctì *E^ut 
Xiytreu ytna-^eci vttù *EXXnftn o IT^ir. 
This ìndeed is not greatly to the 
honour of that lady, so famou9 for 
her chastity: much less is that, 
which has been related by some 
writers of a later date, that he was 
called n«F, because he waa the son 
of Penelope by ali her wooers. 
Bochart will have his name to be 
derived from the Hebrew JD pan or 
|1D pun, which signifies a great asto- 
nisknient, because su eh terrors are 
called panie. The same leamed 
writer observes also that JID is by 
some pronounced phun; whence 
Faunus is another name for the 
same deity. 

S2. Pan primus calamos, ^c] 
ITius he is mentioned by Bion, as 
theinventor of the shepherd's pipe ; 

\ 'Al i^ ^Xmyimthf¥ i Um, 

The fable of Pan being in love with 
the nyn>ph Syrinx, wbo fled from 
hìm till she carne to a river that 
stopped her flight> where she was 
tumed into reeds, ts related in the 
first book of Ovid*s Metamorplìoses. 
This poet tells us, that Pan, grasp- 
ing his arras full of reeds instead of 
the nyraph, stood sighing by the 
river side; where observing the 
reeds, as they were moved by the 
wind to make an agreeable sound^ 
he cut some of them> and joining 
them together with wax, formed a 
shepherd's pipe : 

Panaque, cum prensaxn sibi jam Syringa 

Corpore prò Nymphae calamos tenuisse 

Dumque ibi suspirat, iBotos in arundìne 

£ffedsse sonum tenuera, similemque 

quereliti : 
Arte nova vocisque Deum dukedine cap- 

Hoc mihi concilium tecum, dixisse, ma- 

Atque ita ^sparibus <:sl«ixiis eoiBpagìnc 

Inter se junctis nemen tenuisse puellce. 

35, Quid non faciebat Amyntas,'] 
Here again Catroa wiD have Amyn- 
tas to be one of VirgiPs supposed 
scholars, Cebes, and that he here 
stirs up Alexander, or Alexis, to 
emulate the ardoiir of Cebes ii> his 
j^joetical studies, 

S6, Est mihi disparibus, ^c] 
HavÌRg represen^ed the excellence 
of music, the shepherd now en- 
deavours to allure Alexis, by setting 
forth the great value of the p^ 
which he possessed, and by a pre- 
sent of two beautiful kids. 

Ihe shepherd*s pipe was com- 
posed of seven reeds, unequal in 
length, and of different tones. 



Fistula, Damcetas dóno mihi quam dedit olim: 
Et diziC» moriensi: Te nunc habet ista secun- 

Dixic DamcBtas : invidit stultus AmyntaB. 

whicfc I>aai€8tM Ibrnerty 

Sve me when he dfed, say- 
S>, You now are the seeond 
poneMor of it. Damoeta» 
«pAke: and ftxdteh AmyntaA 

joxned together with wax. Itie 
figure of it ìs to be seen in several 
moDuments of antiquity. Theocrì- 
tus indeed mentions a pipe of nine 

but seven was the ugual number. 

Cicutis,'] Cicuta is commonly 
thought to be hemlock. It is not 
to be supposed, that they ever made 
their pipes of hemlock» which is 
very offensive. It is probably used 
for any hollow stalk in general. Ser- 
vius says it raeans the space between 
two joints of a reed; '* Cicuta au- 
•* tem est spatium, quod est inter 
'* cannarum nodos." 

37- Dximcetas.'] Catrou is of 
opinion^ that Virgil, under the 
name of Damoetas, means the poet 
Lucretius» who was the reformer of 
the hexameter rerse. Thìs flute, 
says he, is a legacy, which Virgil 
had left him by Lucretius, who 
died the very day that Virgil put on 
his manly gown ; that is, about the 
time when our author began his 
most early poems. But Lucretius 
was not a writer of Bucolicks ; and 
it cannot be supposed, that Virgil, 
ai the age of sixteen or seventeen 
years, could be thought of conse- 
quence enough to be a successor to 
a poet of so established a reputation 
as Lucretius. 

39, Invidit stultus 4myntas.] Ser- 
vius^ as he is quoted by Mas vici us, 
says, that ooe Comifìcius, who pre- 
tended to write against Virgil, is 
meant bere: '' Amyntam Comi- 
'^ ficium vult intelligere, quia co- 
*' natus est cóntra Virgilium scri- 
*' bere, vel, ideo stultus, quia in- 

** vidit.*' But Burman observes, 
that this note is not to be found in 
any of the manuscrìpts or printed 
editions of that comraentator. 

" Virgil intends hereby," says 
Catrou, " to make Alexiinder iin- 
" derstand the progress that Cebes 
*• had made in pòetry. He was 
" come to such a height, as even 
** to envy his master t£e first glory 
" in versification. The works of 
'* a poet are represented under the 
" symbol of the instrument, to 
** which he sings. Thus Cebes en- 
** vies Virgil the flute which he had 
" received from Lucretius ; that is, 
** the glory of hexameter verse/* 
Thus, accordine to this leamed 
critic, Virgil , who had taken Cebep 
to instruct, and had succeeded S9 
well therein, as to make him a 
good poet, calls him a fool for emu- 
lating his master ; notwithstanding 
that four or five lines before he had 
proposed him to Alexander» as wor- 
thy of his imìtation. Besides, it is 
plain, that Damcetas bequeathed 
his pipe to Corydon with his dying 
breath, and that Amyntas enviel 
him the legacy at that very time ; 

Bt diait moriens : te nunc habet ista se- 

candam : 
Dirit Damtetas : invidit stultus. Amyntas* 

Therefore Cebes must bave been 
present, when Lucretius bequeathed 
nis poetical genius to Virgil, and 
bave envied him for it. Now is it 
possible for any one to suppose, that 
Virgil, at the age of seventeen, cquld 
be thought seeond to Lucretius, or 
that he had then instructed a yoatìb 
so well in poetry, that he àufuìd 
think of being his rivai ? 



I foond in a daogtroiu vallea ; 
their skiiu are spotted with 
white: they dradn the two 
dugt of a theep every day. 

ThestyUa has already begged 
that she may bave them } and 
she shall, nnce you deipise 


Prseterea duo nec tuta mihi valle reperti 40 
Capreoliy sparsis etiam nunc pellìbus albo, 
Bina die siccant ovis ubera : quos tibi servo, 
Jampridem a me illos abducere Thestylis orat: 
Et faciet : quoniam sordent tibi munera nostra. 

40. Praterea duo, ^c] Thus 
the Cyclops, in the ihìrteenth hook 
of Ovid*s Metamorphoses j 

Inveni geminos, qui tecum ludere possint, 
Inter se simìles, vix. ut dignoscere possis, 
Villosee catulos in summis montibus urss. 
Inveni : et dixi, domine servabimus istos. 

A rugged bear*8 rough twins I found 

The mountain late, scarce from each 

other known, 
Por thee to play with : finding these I 

My mistress you shall serve. Sandtb. 

Nec iuta .... valle."] He aug- 
ments the value of these kids, by 
telling Alexis, in what a dangerous 
place he had found them. It was 
VI a valley, probably between two 
rocks, of difficult and dangerous 
access ; or perhaps exposed to wild 
beasts or robbers. 

Reperti^ La Cerda understands 
this word to express, that these kids 
had been lost, and found again. 
Dr. Trapp is eamest for this ìnter- 
pretation, because he says they must 
nave been stolen by Corydon, if 
they had not been his own before ; 
and therefore ought to be restored to 
the right owner. But we may sup- 
pose Uiem to bave been wild kids ; 
and it is plain that they were taken 
from tbe dam, because they are put 
to a sheep to nurse. 

41. Sparsis eiiam nunc pellìbus al- 
bo,'] *' Kids at first hilve white 
" spots, which alter, and lose their 
*' beauty afterwards. Therefore he 
'* says, I reserve two kids for you, 
^^ which bave not yet lost the white 
" spots out of their skin/' Servius. 

Pierius found in a very ancient 
manuscript sparsis etiam nunc pelli- 
bus; Ambo bina die, S^, Catrou 
prefers this reading, and has ad- 
mitted it into the text. Burman 
rejects it, because it is not coun- 
tenanced by the best manuscripts ; 
and he thinks ambo superfluous, 
since we bave had duo already. 

42. Die.] " Virgil is wont to 
** use die for quotidie or uno die, 
" Ecl. ili. 34. Ma. xi. 397. thus also 
" Quintilian. x. de Inst. Orat. 3. 
'^ Firgilium paucissimos die compo- 
" suisse ' versus auctor est Varus." 

43. Jampridem a me illos, ^c] 
This is taken from the third Idyl- 
lium of Theocritus ; 

'H fitÀ9 Tòt Xtu»kv ìtìvfuiri»f tiHytt ^yXà^^m, 
la» fu tutìà Mi^^M*f«f *E^téeuùt & /MXa»i- 

Airu. xeù ìtt&Si m, Wù rv fut Mtaéfvirrif, 

I have a pretty goat, a lovely white, 
She bears two kids, yet fills three pails 

at night. 
This tawny Bess hath beggM, and beggM 

in vain; 
But now 'tis her's, since you my gifts 

disdain. Creech. 

Thestylis.] It is plain from this 
passage, that Thestylis is not the 
mother of Corydon, as Catrou 

Abducere orat,] *' Orat 

" ut abducat; thus in the tenth 
'^ Mneid, Donat habere for Donat 
" ut habeat." Servius. 

44. Sordent tibi munera, nostra.] 
Thus Horace ; 

Cunctane prs campo et Tiberino flumine 



Huc ades, O formose puer. Tibi lilia plienis 45 
Ecce ferunt Nymph» calathìs 


. ComfihithertOlovelvboy. 
See the nymphs are satneitog 

tìbi candida 7r:\*&kNL24'^"'^'''' 

45. Huc ades, ^c] The shep- 
herd beìng in doubt, whether these 
pres^itS' of the pipe and kids. are 
sufficient to engagé Alexia, renews 
his invitation by offering him a pre- 
sentof flowers, to be gathered by 
the hand of a fair nymph^ to which 
he adds some fruits, whlch he pro- 
poses to gather hlmself, and inter- 
mix with leaves of the finest odour. 

Hucr ades.'] " I bave observed 
'* this, form of words to be used* 
^^ both by the Greeks and Latìns, 
" in appellations full of love. Thus 
" Sappho to Venus, «xx« t? ^ sx^i 
^' sed huc tu ades ; and agaiin^ sX^t 
" fui xaà yt/v« nunc mihi ades. The- 
'^ ocritus^ in his fifth Idyllium, in- 
'* culcates it twice, «aa«ì yà^ t^f 
*' Zy %m, sed enìm ades, huc ades. 
" Virgil, in this place, Huc ades, 
*' O formose puer; and again^ Huc 
^' ades, insani feriant sine littora 
'* venti; and in the ninth Eclogue, 
" Huc ades, O Galatea." La Cerda. 

Lilia.] See ,the note on ver. 130. 
of the fourth Georgick. 

46. Calathis.] Servius observes^ 
that calathus is a Greek word^ for 
which the Romans used quasillum ; 
thus Cicero, At vero inter quasìUa 
appendebaiur aurum. La Cerda 
says^ that the calathus seems to bave 
been a basket used by the ancients 
for flowers, as may appear fìrom 
several passages besides this now 
before us. Thus Ovid ; 

■ Sporsosque sine ordine flores 
Secemunt calatkis : 

Ahà Sidonìus ; 

Cytisos, crocos, amellos, 
Casias, ligustra, calthas 
Calatali ferant capaces : 

And Prudenti US ; 

Floribus ut cumulet ealathis : 

And Jerom, '* Rosarum et liliorum 
" calathus." He observes also, that 
it served not only for flowers, but 
for ali. other country things^ as 
appears from the foUowing passages 
Afferai in calatìio rustica dona puer : 

And Columella 3 

Pomisque Damasci 

Stipantur calathi: 

And Nemesianus ; 

— Decerpunt vitibus ulmas. 
Et portant ealathis. 

Hence he infers that the poet did 
not transfer the word from work- 
baskets^ as some iniagine, because 
agriculture is the most ancient of 
ali arts : whence it seems more pro- 
bable^ that the word was transferred 
fìrom agriculture to work-baskets. 
This leamed crìtic proceeds to 
give a new signification to calathus. 
'' It means not only a basket^" says 
he, '^ but ali flowers, whlch when 
'^ they blow, expand into an orb. 
" The Latin Dictìonaries ìndeed 
" are entirely silent about it, but 
'^ we bave a proof from Ausonìus 
" and St Jerom. The former, in 
" that epigram, which begìns with 
" Ver eroi, et blando, &c. says 

** Nec mora^ rìdenti» calathi patefècit ho- 
*• norem, 
** Prodens inelusi semina densa croci : 

'' the latter, in his epistle to Pam- 
*' machius ; Quis parturienteìn ro^ 
*' sam, et papillatum corymhumy an- 
'* tequam in calathum fundatur or- 
" bis, et tota ruheniium foliorum 
" panda tur ambiiio, immature de^ 
*' messum, aquis oculis marcessere 
'^ videat ? 1 bis significdtion ìs 
'* drawn from the smiìlitude of a 


Mdthc^ rflSS^, ^°"' Pallentes violas et «amma papaverft carpenfi^ 

'^ basket in such flowers, when 
*^blown, wbich is confirmed by 
" Pliny, who.speaking of the lily, 
" uses the foUowing wordsi Foliis 
"foris striatis, ekab angustiis in la^ 
*^ titudinem paulatim se laaiantibus, 
" effigie calathi." Hence he con- 
cludes, that Virgll's meanìng per- 
haps may be^ that the nymphs brìng 
lilies, not in bud, but full blown, 
and doiible, dilata in wbemy ei ef- 
sformata in ceUathos jam plenos pra 
foliorum multitudine, et exuberantia. 
We might therefore, according tothls 
criticismi render lilia plenis calatkis, 
not lilies in full baskets, but lilies wìth 
fall cups or bells. This sense would 
be very good, if we had any reason 
to believe that doublé lilies were 
known or esteemed among the an- 
cients. There is inileed a doublé 
frhite lily, the litium albunif iw- 
ùdorum, flore pieno H. R. Par. But, 
as Mr. Miller observes, " there is 
'* no beauty in it, for the flowers 
'• seldom open, and have no scent, 
*' so that it scarcely deserves a place 
*' in a good garden." Therefore 
nnless it couid be made appear, that 
these doublé lilies are frequent in 
Italy, that they commonly open 
their flowers there, and afFord some 
smeli, we ought to adhere to the 
common interpretation. Virgil has 
Qsed the word calathis only in three 
other places. In the fifth Eclogue, 
it evidently signifies a sort of cup 
or drinking vessel ; 

Vina novum fundam calathis Arvisia nec- 

In the third Georgick it serves to 
express a basket, through whlch 
the whey is strained from the curd ; 

— > Quod jam tenebrìa et sole cadente 
Sub lucem exportans calathis adit oppida 

;See the note on ver. 402. In thè 

seventh ^neid it is used for a 
work «basket j 

..— - Non illa colo, calMisve Minerve 
Foemineas assueta manus. 

It is probable, that these several 
utensils were of the same shape^ nar- 
rower at the bottom, and broader 
at the top, which Pliny expresses 
by ab angustiis in latitudinem paulla» 
tini se laxantibus. The flowers of 
this form are called by us belU 

Tibi candida Nats.'] Tumebus 
observes that a Naiad is mentioned 
bere with great propriety ; because 
those nympha were fond of boys, 
and ran away.with Mylas. Colu- 
mella has imitated this passage, in 
some verses quoted already, in the 
note on Alba ligustra cadunt, 

47. Pallentes violas.2 That vio- 
lets are usually called black by the 
polets, and that our common vlolets 
are of a very dark colour, is well 
known. It is therefore to be con- 
sidered, what the poet means in this 
place by pale violets, 'ibis is cer- 
tain, that the common violet is 
often seen with white flowers ; and 
Ray affirms, on bis own experience, 
that both the purple and white vio- 
lets come from the seeds of the same 
plant. There is also a sort of vio- 
let, with a pale yellow flowcr, in 
shape resembling that species, which 
we commonly cali pansy or heart's- 
ease. It is the Viola bicolor arvensis, 
C. B. • It is a common weed amongst 
the com; and \ have formerly 
thought it to be the same that Vir- 
gil bere calls pallentes violas. But 
on a more mature consideration of 
what the ancient writers have de- 
livered, I rather believe the plant 
bere intended to be the stock gilli- 
flower or wall flower, which ali 
botanists with one consent allow 
to be what the ancients called 


JEd. JI. ver. 4'^. 


JPrvOèd hy WSaxtér éMbrd, /àrff.oHdWM lf%ittaÀ*n J'OTtdt 


Naccisflum. et tìorem jongit bene fÀonth anethi. ^Mver of 



leucoium, which is evidenti^ de- 
rived from Mtm^ %*, a fvhUe vkdet, 
Theophrastus says the leucomi^ is 
ooeoc theearliest ùósw^vs, aj^earìng 
even in the winter, if the weather 
i& uiild; but if it is col(>, some- 
thing later, in the sprìng: Taf» 
2t àt^Sv v^Sirtf hcjftuftrtu ri Aftw^fty, 

h$mx^'^ fv 3(«0. Phny, vho has 
tnuìslated tihis very passage, r»i* 
dcrs AuwMÀt ukda aibk; '^ Florum 
'^ piima ver nuncìantium viola alba. 
'* Tepidioribua vero locis etiam 
'< hyeoie emicat." Some, observing 
that these authors speak of the or viota alba, as appear- 
ing first in the apring, will nave it 
to be the 8naw*(irop> or lettcoium 
buìbosum, as it is commonly called* 
We mi^t as véli take it to be the 
primula veris, or primrose» the very 
nsme of whidh dedares it to be one 
of the earliest flovers. But the snow-> 
drop cannot be the plant in ques- 
tion; because Theophrastùa^ in an- 
other place, reckons it among those 
pianta, which bave a leafy stalk; 

^iiAXm^, AtfTÌ$, AftfM«l«ir. Now the 
snowidrop has no leaves upon 
the Btalk ; and therefore cannot be 
the leuoÀum of The ophrastua. Di-n 
osGorides thcMight the leucpium too 
well known to need any description. 
This unhappy negligence is so com^ 
mon among the ancients^ that the 
I^nts which they were best ac- 
qiudnted with are irequenthr leaak 
known by the moderna. He only 
saya there isa diiference in the co-» 
lour of the flowers, which are either 
white, or yellow, or blue or purple } 
Mvtuàw yfi^ip^in Irrii. "Brri ìi «^ 
TiM hf^*%^ **f' Tf }kùu* S yà^ Ai«* 

trù^fv^»v¥ i^V«frflr«. It may be 

thought strange, that à plant, which 
derives ita n^ne from whitenesa^^ 
should be sald to bave yellow^blue, 
or purple flowers : but it 19 the gene- 
ral opinion of the modem opta- 
nists, that it wa3 caHed white^ not 
from the eolour of its ftower» but 
fìrom the hoariness of it9 leaves. 
Caspar Banhinus^ not to quote any 
more of them^ says expressly^ 
*• Leuoium, id est, viola aìbch po- 
*' tius foHorum quam flonim ra- 
^'itìone." The colours mentioned 
by Dioscorides are ali to be met with 
in the ^tock gilliflower, except blue^^ 
whenee v xvetyùvv is sunposea by se- 
vera! critica to bave shpped into the 
text by some mistake. Marcellus 
affirms that blue 15 omHted in a very 
old Latin version of Dioscorides, 
which he had seen. This su^piqion 
is Gonfirmed also by Oribasiua and 
Serapio, who do not iQention bluCff 
though they copy ali the otber words 
of Dioscorides ewctly. Hippocrates^ 
in his hook tn^ì yvuuxilv^ ^Irté^, 
speaks of the black leucoium, Atv* 
X9t9f fi^df Tév ftiXe^fùs 1» $ttti ìaìf rh 
ttMf r^ÌTTòf Xi^'^''* which must 
be understood'of that sort with pw- 
ple flowers. That sort which bears 
yellow flowers can be no other than 
what we < ali the wail-Jlower, which 
has a sweet smeli, and hlows eaxly in 
the spring, and therefore agrees with 
what Theophrastus has said of the 
leucoium. It is indeed a stock gìlli" 
Jhwer rvith yellow flovcen, though it 
h»ppens to Jiave obtained a name pe- 
c uiiar to itself. It may be a matter of 
some diflìculty, to imagine how the 
ancients carne to give almost the 
same name to two sorts of plants, so 
different as violéts arid stock gflH- 
-flowers, Perhàps the first sort taken 
notice of by them might be that 
with the purple floWers, which 
being sometbing. like a violet, and 


I£5ff!S2?SSth3b? Tum, casia atque aliis intexens suavibus herbi». 

havìng hoary leaves^ mlght induce 
them to cali it XiwuUf, or whiie vio- 
leL Or perhaps the smeli alone^, 
which is the xnost remarkable prò- 
per^commonly observed in aviolet^ 
might be the occasion of their be- 
stowing on it a simUar name. The 
gìving the same general name to 
sverai species of plants, which 
bave a similar structure of flower 
and fruita is an exactness known 
only to the modem botanists> an^ 
hardly thought of till the latter end 
of the slxteenth century. ^ence 
it has been very usuai to cali plants 
of a like structure by different 
names^ and tfaose of different struc- 
ture by the same name. Nuoiber- 
less instances of this mìghtbe men- 
tioned^ as lily of the volley, which 
hardiy bears any other resemblance 
of a lily than its whìteness; and 
ground ivy, which seems to resemble 
Ivy in nothing else but its creeping. 
But we need go no farther than the 
plant under consideration. The 
word gilli/ìotver has been applied to 
plants most widely different from 
each other; the stock-gilliflower, 
which comprehends the wall nower; 
and the dove-gilli/lower, which 
comprehends the several sorts of 
camations and pinks. How these 
so different plants carne to bave die 
same name bestowed on them/ is 
not easy to imagine^ unless it was 
fiN>m the finenessof their smeli. The 
dove-gllliflower has the smeli of 
that sort of spice^ which is called 
dove^ and in Latin caryophyUum, 
From caryophyllum the French 
derive their girofle, which means the 
same spice. Henee they cali the 
flower, which has that smell^ gtro- 
jUer, which we bave corrupted to 
giUifiower. Chaucer» in his 9BUl* 

manmt of tj^e Uose, wrìtes h 

CErglobet transposing the l and the 
X of girojflier ; 

®ftm toag efee toexsng manp 
ag ^otoe e&Blofre, aitìr ««uor- 

And our old Tumer has gelover 
and geUifioure. Here we may ob- 
serve the error of those, who not 
knowing the derivation of the word 
gilliflower, bave affected to cali 
these plants jiily-ftowers. The 
species of leucoiutn naving also a 
fine smeli, obtained thereby the 
name of gilliflowers also. For the 
same reason, the French cali these 
last not only girofiier, but vìolier 
also, agreeable to the idea of the 
ancients. Thus mùch I thought 
necessary to say, in justification oT 
my translating pallentes violas wall- 
flowers. But I must stili beg leave 
to add a word or two conceming 
the epithet pallentes. We bave 
seen already, that the Romans 
called stock-gilliflowers vioUe oUmb. 
It is therefore plain that they com- 
prehended both them and common 
violets under the general name of 
viola, It is probable also, that when 
they intended to express any one 
particular sort, they added some 
epithet to distinguish it. Thus 
our poet, intending bere to express 
the yellow stock-^liflower, which 
we vulgarly distinguish under the 
name of wall-flower, added the 
epithet pallentes, or yellow. Pale- 
ness is that appearance of the 
human countenance, which hap- 
pens when the blood ceases ta 
aiììtnAte it. Thus diseases are called 
pale in the sìxth .£neid, because 
they oocasion this paleness of the 
PaOeiUetfue habitant MorU, 


M0IIÌ9. luteola pingit yaccinia caltha. 


ihe lets off the Mft bFadkith 
with yeUow murigfdds. 

In the third ^neid a face is said to 
be pale with hunger ; 

■ Pallida semper 

The paleness of death is frequently 
mentìoned ; as in the sixth ^Eneid ; 

At vero ut vuttum vidit morientU, et ora. 
Ora modis Anchisiades pdUentia mirìs : 

And in the fourth, 
— *- PaUida morte futura. 

In these nprthern parts ofthe world 
this paleness is indeed a sort of a 
faint^ dead whiteness: but in the 
warmer countries^ wbere the people 
are generally of a more swarthy 
cpmplexion^ tlieir paleness is rather 
yellow. Henee the Greeks and 
Romans^ hy paleness do not mean 
whiteness but yellowness, Virgil 
himsèlf gives the epithet pale to the 
olive, which is of a yellowish green ; 

Lenta salix quantum pàUenti cedit alivoB, 

The Greeks cali paleness 5%^^, and 
a colour used in paìnting 4^;^«> 
which is known to be yellow, and 
by US called yellow ochre. Theo- 
critus calls the paleness in the cheeks 
of dead Àdonis <»x^»; 

Horace, in the tenth ode of the 
third hook, speaks of the vio^^pa^- 
nes$ of a lover, which must be meant 
of the viola alba^ leucoium, or 

' O, quamvis ncque te munera nec preces, 
Nec tinctu» viola paBor amantium 
Nec vir Piena pdlice saucius 
Curvat. ' 

In^theniqete^nth epistle of the first 
book, _ wher<e he ia Jnveighing 
against servile imitators,.hesays, if 

he should happeh to grow pale, 
they would drink cummin to make 
themselves like him j 

..-p- Quod si 
PaUerem casu, biberent esangue cumi- 

This ailudes to a custom, which 
8om^ coxcombs had of drinking 
cummin to make themselves look 
pale, in imitati on of studious per- 
sons; as Pliny tells us; ". Verun- 
" tamen omne pallorem bibentibus 
^' gignit. Ita certe ferunt Portii 
*^ Latronis clan inter magistros di- 
^' cendi adsectatores similitudinem 
*' coloris studiis contractì imitatos." 
Dioscorides, speakìng of the same 
effect of cummin, cmls the colour 
occasioned by it «xJ?^**- T^eim 
^è KM ;^gAfr« iirì ri i^V'^Hy w<y«^fv«v 
TJ Kctì rvyx^Mfitfàf. Qvid,. in the 
fourth hook of bis Metamorphosis, 
compares paleness to box, which is 
known to be a yellow wood j 

■ Oraque Imxo 
PaUidiorà gerens : 

And agaìn in the eleventh ; 

— Buxoque simillimus ora 
Pallor obit. 

fiut, what is more fìlli to our pur^ 
pose, the same poetascribespa/cnex^ 
to gold, which is certa) nly what we 
should cali yellow. It is in the story 
of Midas, who tumed every thing 
he touched to gold. He took* up a 
stone, says the poet, and the stone 
grew pale with gold ; 

TolUt humo Baxum : saxum quoque pal- 
imi auro : 

And when that king ballied himself 
in the.river Pactolus, tfafi fìelds be- 
came pale with goldj 

Nunc quoque jam veteris percepto selline 

Arva rìgent,'£i»ro maà^spaUentìa g^ebis : 



bàSrSKSLSS?!^ Ifse ego cfliiJi tejgtm wwQfra famigiinie «Mah, 

Summa papavera!^ Servius sa¥s 
the poet mentions po^pies^ ùsiuo- 
dils, and dill^beoause papaver, nar~ 
cissuSt and aneiìms^ ìvere the names 
of tìiree "beautiful boys, who were 
tumed into those flowers. The 
sloorj of NsrcissBs Ì8 known> but I 
do w»t remember to bave read of 
the other two. Floppies hav^e been 
spokeo of .'at large in the note on 
▼er. 78. of the firrt; Georgick. The 
«irtlielieinteDdei 18 tiie oonunonted 
poppy, wiìich grows wild mnong 
4be oom. it ds'mentioned heve, as 
wéSL «a b^ TbeodrìtiE&> ^&3ma» it 
\rM ìinciendy osed in «ame little 
aamorouB foolerìes. Th» Cydops^ 
in lUieocrituSy telis <];datea he will 
.fanng ber «itWer white lilies, or ten^ 
4tr floppies mdi red p/oAcigó»w^ 

The GfM^ SciboHast %dl(8 us, tbey 
bad a custom of takìng a leaf of a 
poppy or anemony, [be means the 
petal or flower-leafj] and layin^ it 
on the thttaìb and fbre*finger of one 
band» and ^lappù^ it with tbe other. 
If it gave a crack, it was aéign theìr 
sweetbearts loved thera -, but if it 
fa¥)èd, tbqy lamented theìr disap- 
^xnntment. In the third Idyliìum, 
the goatherd tells AmarylKs, that 
be lately tried whetbet sbe loved 
Itìtti; but the tdephilon gave no 
'»%£^é'/nfU6 or crack 5 

Wbich Creecb thas U^ansktes» 

càU ihj« I kQcw» idM i .dmigiiVl ito 

Whether I should be bappy in my love : 
3 INMsttM tiie ùfi^Utef tait In t«te did 

It fsve no tucky «OBiid of gc»d «aicceis ; 

taking njAg^iAw to be the tiuZ—f, 
which is a sort of sedum or house- 
leek. Thescholiastmentiotisvarious 
opinions concerning this t«A«^<Aw, 
8Dcne taking rt to niean tbe poqjpy, 
oifaers sooofe other iiecb. He nys, 
they used to put it on tlieir arms^ 
andgive it a blow: if n onlyaiade 
tiie skin red, it was a sign of love j 
but if it made the skin sore, it was 
a sign of hatred. Csesalpinue ob- 
servesj that the ornithopodium por- 
ttilacce folio, which he calls ìele- 
phium, was uscd in lùs time for the 
same pùrpóse in Italy, and was 
tberefore called the herb of love, 
'" Telephìum vulgo, a nostrls herba 
«* amoris vocatur, herbula praecipue 

" in vìneis nascens Hujus fo* 

" lium cum saliva applicatum cu- 
«' tim rubificat, aliquando^ et pus- 
^' tulas excitat : unde nunc usus 
^^ puellarls in amore ex plorando : sì 
*' enim cutem mbefacit tantam, 
*' amoris putatur indici um: si pus* 
'' tiilas excitat, odii. Hunc usum 
'* antiqui poetse telephio tradìde- 
«' runt, ut apud Theooritum, ob 
*' id Philthronauoqueappellataest." 
What the Scholiastand Caeaalplnus 
have here related concerning the 
telephilon or tetephium h tìOt the 
same with what TheocrltusDiisiS said 
of il: for the ^goatherd did Aot 
look for its efifect on bis skin, but 
attended to the sound. It appears 
bowever, that not only the poppy» 
bulirtherBowers orleaves ateo were 
used for thts stiperstìtioi» purpose. 
But the f^v^^à w)MTtt^n» idf tb^ 
poppy meationed by Theocrilus 
shew lb»t the rea po^Py ^^ pwrti- 
cularly in use; whence we may 
conclude, tKat it was the sort bere 
imieDded by ViigA, wbo, like th« 
iìreek poet, has mentio»ed it eiong 
wiUt 4tÌM«. 




'Md Oitiitiiut>t 1001 it iny 
Anuoyffiitiie&to lov^ 

48. NamMnm.] Set tht note on 
ver. ìM. mf the fosrtli GeoT^ìck. 

Flotian . k ^ . bene itkirtii Andku] 
<wilh ro»ei3'Mid'wiimflow«rs^ lo make 
ti Mrìand lo wear 6iì ìhft «afe arri- 
vai «f the ^ydoved Ageaaax : 

*tlMM fróvr* yimr», luù tthtXoaf ^f*»f 

JSe tfaakb^ y€ tpoves^ 4xnd òiow^ye gentk 

S^ kt him land: ìhen MU my head 

he crowCdf 
IFUft dW, or wM^IOft^nSfOr lOtìk ro$et 

9PMbi 4nfiitt himh tht chtetfiA wine 


In ÙìéXv^tuévnm mentìon ìs made 
of a Bari of «rbovur covered irhfa 

XXttfKÌ ìk ^uUS^ts, ftmXoMf ^iétuft ìai0fy 

It is mentioQed sXèo by Columella» 
wbo seems io have wrìtten ia vbbà- 
tation of VirgU, 

Jit iMUft^odorati iUves SfMurguntiir Aneti. 

And again^ . 

' Cereaie fiapayer Anelo 

Il « oDMfnotily sowfi 'wìth'os in far- 
4»u%, afid 98 veiyltkeleniel; ì)ut 
dMbPS ffom ìt in being mutuai^ 
Mnalkr, isat so green^ and ^aving 
bniader> aoid lei^ aeedd, of a iess 
agnaable flavoar. The Hower is 
ytdlow, ìik« tbat of fenneJl, but 
MÉaller^ U does wk grow wild In 
49. Ohm.] Seedie notes on ver. 

21S. of the secofid Geovgick^ and 
<iti ver. SO. 4»f the toarOh» 

/fil«je«i*.] These Howers aftid 
4«erbs wore to bc worven wilo a gar- 
iatid. It was a cnsfeom amongst the 
ancKnts, to present sncti garlatids 
to those whom they loved. Thus 
Milton represents Adam Mreavìng a 
garland ItMr Ève ; 

— ^ Adam the while 
WHìting derirocB her Tetum, had wove 
Of clieioe&it flowers a gtotaia to adoni ; 
Her Ireisefl^ md her anutal laboon cmwd, 
As xQBpers oft .are wont tbeir har¥e8t 

Suaft&miheTÌm.] La Cerda thmks 
tbis may be meant of the «weetness 
of the oolour of these floivers, be- 
cause mom isused in that sense^ as 
wuaoe rubeni hffadnthut. Bot in this 
plaee^ it is certainly iised to «xpress 
the odour; for we bave presendy 

Blc poaots quoniam suave* miscetì» 

M. VBeoiuuL]' yoùtinvim ìs ibe 
same wUh the iémmèn of ibe <sriieek 
poets:; for which reasoa I bette 
tranalale U kffuckdk. See tbe note 
ofi ver% 18. of this Edogue. 

CaUkaJ] It ts heurdly possible to 
determiae certainly wiiat plant ttie 
poets meant bjr thetrio«d^/itf. We 
fifid^ by tbe ttpìlhet htéeoia in tbis 
place, tbat it had a ydbiw fio wer ; 
«vdiich Is confirnsed also by Oohi- 
meUa» wèo gives k the cpithet 

SwoL TOBa ì&nendat eontoiti iltamifia 

Therefoie ?t may very^ell be our 
cànman wtmgM, according to tbe 
general opimon. Ia Cerda wf^ it 



tiS"fi^S!^ià"u' hS Addam cerea prima; 
°^^" poma; 

hon(M erit Jj^oic quoque 

Ì8 the luphihalmus of Dloscorides^ 
and thence takes occasion io correct 
a passage ia Plìny. The wprds are 
tliese 5 " Bupbtbalmus similis boum 
" oculis^ folio Foeniculi^ circa op- 
*^ pida nascens, fruticosa caulibus^ 
" qui et manduntur decocti^ qui- 
''datn cachlam vocant." Here^ 
says he^ Dalechampìus inserta cai- 
cham in the margin ; but instead of 
them both I substitute caltham. It 
may not be amiss to consider, how 
well grounded the crìtìcism of thìs 
learned author may be. We find 
in Dioscorides almost the very same 
words with those just quoted from 
Pliny. He says^ buphthalmus, which 
.some cali cachlas, has thin and 
soft stalksj léaves like fennel^ and 
a yellow flower^ larger than ihat 
of anihemis, ahaped like an eye^ 
vrhence it had its name. It grows 
about towns, and in open places: 

i^éttXfuuiti' ù6tf Ktù ótifttccveu* <pvtrtu 
ÌÌÌ9 vtèiùiq, xaì wt^ì vàf vixuf. He 
uses almost the same words in bis 
descrìption of the chrysanthemum, 
which he says ìs also called chalcas. 
It is a tender herb and bushy, 
having smooth stalks and jagged 
leaves; tbeflowers are of a shining 
yellow colour^ and round like an 
eye^ whence it is so called. It 
grows pear tbwns, and the stalks 
are eaten as pot-herbs : X^ffdfétftóf 
n XttXxtis' r^v^t^drt^ trltù ò^fiftuèfn 

vàXvr^t^' afin fiiXtftù' Ir^v^Sif 9t/a- 
ioérrfic' xaì i^ÈmXfùf xmtMrtf^" ià xc6Ì 
óVTùtf MfuurTùU' ipvrreu vt^ì rag voAii^*. 
cijMvXàì y eùVTùv Xtt^nvùfroi, Thus 
.we fìnd^ that the buphthalmus is by 
some called cachlas, and the chri^- 

santhemum is alsp called chalcas, 
Whether mdx!XMf and x^XiU^ are 
both the salila word di{P<?neatly spelta 
or not^ has been a subject of dis« 
pute : but they seem aufficiently dif- 
ferent ; and therefore since Diosco- 
rides agrees with Pliny in saying the 
buphthalmus is called cacA/d^, there 
seems to be no occasion for La Cer» 
da*s correction. Besides^ it is plain^ 
that neither the buphthalmus nor 
the chry^anthemum is our marigold^ 
the leaves of which are neither 
jagged> like chrysanthemum, nor 
resembling fennel, as is said of the 
buphthalmus, Any radiated discous 
flower may be said to resemble an 
eye ; and Columella seems to hint 
at that siipilìtude^ when Jie says^ 

Pingit et in varìos terrestrìa inderà flares^ 
Candida Leucoia, et flav^ntia kivUna cal- 

Thus we cali our great dawf, which 
is a radiated discous flower^ the ox- 
eye daisu, 

51. Cana legam tenera lanugine 
mala,"] The fruits bere mentioned 
are almost universally affirmed to be 
quinces^ which witbout doubt bave 
a hoary down^ and thereforè so far 
agree with the poet*s description. 
The only objection I bave to this 
interpretation is^ that the quince is 
of so austere a taste, that the sfaep- 
herd could not think of offering' it 
to a young palate. Nor do I fìnd« 
that it is at ali better in those warmer 
climates > or that the Greeks or Ro- 
mans used to eat it raw : and it 
cannot be supposed th^t Corydon 
spake of dresaing it. We are told 
indeed by Plutarch^ that it .was an 
insti tution of Solon, that the bride 
sbouid eat a quince^ before she went 
to bed: but whether this was for 


Et vos, O lauri, carpam, et te, prozinia myrte^ S^JSà SJ^ 

■' 1^— ^Ml | I— M^<— — ■— I^IIM^^ M . —IIIIII M I «IMI I I MI H ll ■ 


O baf f, win 1 ga- 
tlMn n«9tiv o myr- 

some secret reason ; or that a mar- 
ried woman should be accustomed 
from the begìnning to some sort of 
austerity^ I will not take upon me 
to determiDe. Had it been proved^ 
that it ivas the custom to entertain 
the ladies wìth raw quinces before 
marriage» it woald bave been more 
to our present purpose. It seems 
more probable, that it was some 
other more delicious fruit. Pliiiy 
speaks of a sort of downy apples^ 
ivhich he calls mala lanata : but we 
are much at a luss to know what he 
meant; and the critics generally 
think the text to be very corrupt in 
that passage. I should imagine^ 
that the appleshere meant might be 
peacbes or apricocks, if Pliny had 
not informed as^ that they were not 
kDOwn in Italy till thirty years before 
bis tirne^ and that they were sold at 
a great pricej '^ Sed Persicorum 
'' palma Duracinis. Nationum ha- 
'' bent cognomen Gallica et Asi- 
'* atica. Post autumnum matures- 
'^ cunt> estate preecocìa intra tri- 
" ginta annos reperta^ et primo 
" denariis singula venundata. Su- 
" pematia e Sabinis veniunt^ pò- 
*' pularia ùndique. Pomum inno- 
^' cuum expeti tur aegris. Preti- 
" umquè jam singulis centeni num- 
'^ mi fuere^ nullius majore: quod 
'^ miremur^ quia non aliud fuga- 
" cius. Longissima namque de- 
" cerpto bidui mora est> cogitque 
" se venundari." It , may be 
questioned^ however^ whether Pliny 
meant apricocks in this passage, by 
the word pnecùcia; which perhaps 
raight be ased only as an epkhet to 
Pertica; and then it will signify an 
early sort of peach. This is certain^ 
that he mentions Armeniaca in the 
very next chapter, as a sort of 
plum i " Ingens postea turba Pru- 
" norum.-i'**— Necnon ab extema 

'^ gente Armeniaca, qus sola et 
'' odore commendantur." Perhaps 
àlso in this passage he might mean 
a sort of plum, which was called 
the Armenian plum ; and then there 
will bave been no mention ut ali of 
apricocks in. this author. However^ 
he certainly makes a distinction be- 
tween the Armeniaca and Prcecoces, 
whatsoever they were, as in the fol- 
lo wing passage, '' Flore t prima om- 
^' nium Amygdala, mense Janu- 
^^ ano : Martio vero pomum ma- 
'' turat. Ab ea proxime florent 
" Armeniaca, dein tuberes et prae- 
'^.coces. Illse peregrina; hae co« 
" actse :*' Palladins seems to speak 
of them as the same; " Armenia 
'^ vel praecoqua prunis, Duracina 
** Amygdalisadhaerescunt." Diosco- 
rìdes distinguishes between peacbes 
and apricocks, or Persica and ^r- , 
meniaca, and says the latter are 
smaller than the former ; T«^ % IIm- 
rtxtL fiSiXa ivtrrlfitùjQ». . . . T«^ 3i 
fiix^ùwti, iutXùVfiwti 'A^/Mftaxd, 'Pa- 
futtffri ci U^euxÀxut fV9T«^;^d^rf(« rafy 
tr^m^t^etì Mv. We fìnd by this 
quotation that apricocks were so 
well known in Italy in bis time, as 
to bave obtained a Latin name. 
The 9^mxiìtut is only prcecocia in 
Greek characters: and the more 
modem Greeks bave corrupted it, to 
fit^utóxxut, from which our English 
name apricock seems to be derived. 
It is not improbable also, that this 
fruit, when it was first brought into 
England, might be called a pracox, 
according to the Latin, whence our 
illiterate people imagining the last 
syllablé cox to be cbcks, concluded 
the word to be the plural number, 
and therefore that a was not the ar- 
ticle, but part of the word; and so' 
pronounced it aprecocks, and thence 
formed the singular aprecock, and 
apricockt as it is now written. Some- 


ffi^nM^Sm^"**^^ ^^ pofike ggmiaoi sxia.v« nÌKotìft odore».. SS 

thiryg Kke ìbis we find in the name 
oftbeffowercalled ftnemony, which 
in Greek ìs inftmn, and m Latin 
anemone, This we cndeavdured ta 
nmkean English word byremoving' 
the accent to iheantepennliimay and 
calling- it anemone, whence many 
taking the two first lettere of the 
word to be the article an, haye 
called it an emony, and rn the plu- 
ral ntimber emonies, which coirup- 
tion has got admtttanceintoMveral 
books of gardening. From what 
has been said^ it appears^ that the 
apples in questton may possiblj be 
the mala pracocia or apricocks; 
though I do net positively assert it. 
52. Castaneasque nucesJ] Some 
understand thepoet to speak of two 
sorta of fruit bere 5 both nùts and 
chestnnt?. La Cerda quotes Ovid, 
as making them differcnt in a pas- 
sage evidentlj- written in imitation 
of that before us ; 

Àfferat aut uvas, aut quas AmaryUis 
Et nane castanea?, none amat Dia 

But Heinsius reads^ 
At nunc castaneas non amat iUa nuces : 

SO that, according to this learnec! 
editor, Ovid makes them but one 
fruit, like Virgil. That chestnuts 
were called nuts, or castanéea nnces 
by the Romans, we need onìy quote 
the authority of Pliny; "Nuces 
** vocamus et castaneas, quanquam 
*' accommodatiores glandium ge- 
" neri." 

5S. Addam cerea pruna ;] Plums 
may be called waxen,from tbeirco- 
lour being yellow like new wax. 
Thus Ovid ; 

Ipoa tuis manibus sylvestrì nata sub 

MolUa fhiga leges: ipsa autumnalia 

corna . . . 

PMmaqmey non Mlim nigv» livtntki 

Verum «tiam generosa, novatqve Imtn 

tantia ceras. 

1 leave oot et between pruna and 
honos, on the authority of Pieriua, 
who obsenres it to be wanting m 
the Roman, Lombard, and Medi-^ 
cean manusGripts, and to hate been 
inserted by another band and with 
a different ink in the rest. Ho^i^ 
ever, most of the editors admit ei 
in this pkice. Ir is rejected by 
Masvicius, CatroD, Cunninghaio, 
and Barman. 

Honos erit huic quoque pomo.} It 
is the general opinion of. the com- 
nientators, that this refers to the 
plums just mentioned. The sense 
therefore is, that as AmarylKs was 
fom^ of chestnuts, so Alex» de» 
lights in plums ^ and on that ao» 
count plums shall be esteeroed a 
noble frutt. There is a thovght 
like this in the seventh Eclogue, 
where it is said, that though Her- 
cules loves the poplar, Bacehas the 
vine> Venus the myrtle, and Apollo 
the bay ; yet since FhylKs admires 
the hazel, the hazel shall be pre- 
ferred to them ali : 

Populus Alcidse gratissima : vitis laocho ; . 
Formosse myrtus Veneri: sua laurea 

Phyllis amat corylos : ittas dom Phyllis 

Nec myrtu9 vincet coryloe, nec laurea 


Pomum is certaioly used to express 
any sort of fruit almost that is eaten. 
Lord Lauderdale takes the pomm 
bere, not to refer to the plums 
already mentioned, but to mean 
apples distinctly 5 

Plnms too and apples do deserve our 

54. Lauri MtyWe.} See 



Rustkus es, Corydon: nec munera curat Alexie: J[^S?^ ^SS^thriS 
Nec si muneribus certes, concédat lolas. ^'^S^!^ì^^^SZ 

Eibeu, quid voluì misero mihi ? floribus Austrum wr^tchti£^i\^i wiiatiwre 


the notes on ver. 306. of the first 

56. Rusticus es, Corydon, SscJ] 
This Eclogue concTudes with a 
beautiful mixture of various pas- 
sioD. Corydon, having just ezpa- 
tiated on the plenty of gifts which 
he was preparing for Alexis^ on a 
fiiudden seems to fall into despair. 
He reflects on the meanness of bis 
own condition^ and on the little 
value of his presenta, in comparisoix 
with^ what the more wealthy loias 
had in his power to give. He no 
sooner mentions the name of hia 
rivai, than he bursts into an exda- 
mation at his own imprudence for 
so doing. Then being afresh agi- 
tated by love^ he expresses nis 
astoniishment to see Alexìs despise 
the country, which had been the 
seat of gods; endeavours to per- 
suade him to prefer a rural life be- 
fore any otber* He then expresses 
the violence of his desìre, and on a 
sudden recollects himself, reflects 
on the negligence in his ownaffairs» 
which this unruly pasaion had 
caused, and encourages himself lo 
give over hia folly and mind his. 

És,"] Pierius says it is est in the 
Roman manuscripti and ccriet in 
the next verse> iiistead of certes. 

57. lolai,'] Nanniua» as he is 
quoted by La Cerda, will have lo- 
las to be put for Augustus. Catrou 
tells US it la Msecenas. '* Alex* 
" ander," aaya he, " belonged to 
'' Msecenas, and Msecenas ìs bere 
" meant under the name of lolas. 
" Viigil foreaaw the difiiculty he 
'' should bave in obtaining this 
'' slave, Perhaps thè only method 

*' he took of asking for him was 
'* by this beautiful Eclogue.'* 

58, Eheu.] Musonius^ and after 
him Burman, contends, ^hat the first 
syllable of eheu is short; to con- 
firm which, they produce the fol-- 
lowing verse of Terence ; 

Quaeso, quid de te tantum meruisU? 

Hence they infer^ that we ought^ 
inatead of eheu to read keu, heu, 
like the Greek «u, m. Pierius 
seems to have found this reading 
only in the Roman manuscript. 
The quantity of the first syllable of 
eheu, in the verse quoted from Te- 
rence^ 18 diaputabìe. But Virgil 
has used it again, at the beginning 
of a verse^ in the third Eclogue; 

Eheu quam pingui macer est mihi taurus 
in arvo. 

Tibullus also has 
Perreus est eheu quisquis in urbe nianet. 

Achilles Statius indeed says it ia heu, 
heu, in the Vatican manuscript. 

Ciuid volui misero mihi 7] Ruaeus 
mentions three diflferent interpre- 
tations of this paaaage; 1. That of 
Ludovicus Vivea: 1 am pouring veraea to deaf cara; just 
as if I had cxpoaed my flowers to 
be tprn by the winds, and let in 
the dirty swine to trample in my 
clear springs. 3. That of Nannius ; 
1 have ruined myflouriahing àfiairs 
by this passlon. He contìrms tbls 
opinion by the two proverbs of the 
fiowers and the swine^ and by these 
ezpresaiona which foUow soon after; 
Qum te dementia apU ? Semputata 
tìbi, S(c. 3. That of Abranausj 
What have I said unawares'/' I 



I haFe IboHriily expotcd my 
ilowers to a touthern blast, 
and tee in the boan to my 
clear sprin^. Alas! whom 
do you fly thua madly? even 
the eods bave inhabited the 
woods, and Dardanian Paris 
abo. Let Pallas dwell in the 
towera, which she henelf has 
erected. The fìerce lionem 
punuei-the wolf; the wolf 
the kid ; and the wanton kid 
the flowering cytimu: thee 
X^orydon punues, O Alexis: 
eeery one'is drawn on by bis 
deardelight. Seehowthebul- 
locks bring back the ploughs, 
hung npon the yoke. 

Perditus, et liquidis immisi fontibusaprois. 
Qucm fugis, ali demens l habitarunt dii quoque 

sylvas, 60 

Dardaniusqùe Paris. Pallas, quas condidit arces, 
Ipsa coiat: nobls placeant ante omnia sylvae. 
Torva leaeqa 1 upum sequit ur, lupus ipse capellam : 
Florentem cytisum sequitur lasciva capella : 
Te Qorydon, O Alexi : trahit sua quemque vo- 

luptas. 65 

Aspìce ; aratra jugo refervint suspensa juvenci, 

have mentioned lolas and his more 
powerful gifts. Shoul^ Alexis bear 
this, he will c^rtainly prefer my 
moredangerous rivai, which will be 
as destructive to me, as if I had ex- 
posed my flowers to the southern 
blasts^ and my clear springs to the 
swine. La Cerda is of the same 
opinion \¥Ìth Abramus, and ob- 
serveSj that Corydon compares A^ 
lexis to flowers and clear springs^ 
and lolas to a stormy wind and a 
wild boer. But Dr. Trapp, on the 
contrary> makes the flowers and 
springs to be the former peace of 
Corydon*s tnind, and the winds and 
bear to be his passion for Alexis. 
'' Among the several interpreta- 
" tions," says he, *' of these allego- 
'' rical and proverbiai expressions, 
*' I choose this : By my folly in 
" indulging this mad passion I 
*' have raised a tempest in my 
" breast^ which before was quiet, 
*^ confounded and ruined myàffairs, 
'^ which before were well man«ged, 
•' flourishing, and successful/* 

60. Habitarunt dii quoque si/lvasJ] 
Thus Ovidj 

Cynthius Admeti raccas pavisse Pharasas 
Fertur, et in parva delituisse casa. 

Quod Phoebum decult, quem non decet? 
exue fastus, 
Curam mansuri quisquis amoris habes. 

61. Dardaniusqùe Paris.'] Paris; 
the son of Priam king of Troy, is 

said to bave fed sheep on die moun- 
tain Ida. 

Pallas.'} Pallas is said to have 
been the inventor of building. 

63. Torva lecena lupum, ^c] 
Thus Theocritus ; 

'A «7| r«y ttvrtfov, i Xi»9s rkf tSytt \ti»u^ 
*A yi^avót rUfor^éf, iyi Y Irì rìy fAtfutm- 

The goats their thyme, tljiewolves the 

goats pursue, 
The crane the plougb^ and I am mad 

for you. Ceeech. 

64i» Ci/tisum.'2 See the note on 
ver. 431. of the second Georgìck. .. 

66. Aratra jugo referunt suspensa 
juvenci.'} At the beginning of this 
Edogue, the poet had marked the 
time of noon by the feeding of the 
cattle under the shade, the lizards 
hiding themselves under thebushes, 
•the reapers sitting down to their re- 
past, and the cicada chirping in the 
thicketsj ali which cìrcumstances, 
having an immediate relation to the 
country, are mentioned with great 
'propriety. In like manner he how 
describes the dose of the day by the 
oxen bringiDg back the plough, and 
by tlie increase of the shadows. 
,, These words aratra jugo suspensa 
allude to the manner of bringing 
the plough home, when the labour 
of the day is over. It is then drawn 
backward; and as the share does 
noi then enter the ground^ tiie 



and the settinfctun doublet 
the increaaine uiadows: yet 

Et sol crescentes decedens duplicàUimbras : ^ ,„^,^^ ^^,. ^„ 
Me tamen urit amor, quis enim modus adsit ™«,;!SS^bStói,/" 

amori ? ^^ Corydon, Corydon, into 

amori r whatmadneMartthoufiaienl 

Ah Corydon, Corydon, quse te dementia cepit ! S'SicISfydS.'^'^'*' 
Semiputata tibl frondosa vltis in ulmo est 70 

^ labour of drawing it ìs inconsìder- 
i able ; and so ìt may be sald to be 
Jonly just hung upon the yoke. 
( Hoface also has alluded to thìs 
1 custom of drawing the plough back- 
? wards, and mentions it among the 
■ pleasure^ of the cotfntry i 

i Has Inter eptilas, ut juvat pastas oves 
\ Videre properantes domum ! 

Videre fessos vomerem inversum boves 
I Collo trahentes languido. 

67. ^0/ crescentes decedens dupli- 
cat umbras."] This descrìption of 
the evening by the lengtn of the 
shadows is very suitable to pastoral 
poetry. The first Edogue ends 
with thè same image ; 

Majoresque cadunt altis de montibus 

Pierius found discedens in some an- 
cient manuscripts ; but he thinks 
decedens to be the genuine read- 

68. Me iamen urit amor,'] This 
is a strong expression of the vehe- 
mence of Corydon's love. He has 
just observed. that it is now the 
cool time of the evening, notwitfa- 
standingywhich^ he is stili scorched 
by his furious passion. He seems to 
teli US, that the fire within hitn is 
so great, that he should not bave 
imagined the cool evening to ap- 
proach, if he had not seen the oxen 
retuming from their work, and ob- 
served the shadows to increase. 

69. ^h. Cori/don, Corydon, ^c] 
The shepherd begins at last to per- 
ceive the foUy of his passion ; and 
to'lamenthis error in havingneg- 
lected his necessary afTairs. This 

verse is plainly taken from one in 
the Cyclops of Theocritus ; 

*tt Kv»X*t^pf Kv»Xm^, irf ras f^iws*»'! 

70. Semiputata Ubi frondosa vitis 
in ulmo est.] Servius nas justly ob- 
served^ that bere is a doublé instance 
of neglect, the vines are half 
pruned^ and the elms are suffered 
to make long shoots. Some of the 
commentators bave thought this 
accusation of neglect cannot relate 
to the present time^ because these 
complaints of Corydon are uttered 
in the summer, which is not the 
season for prunìng vines. But 
there is really a summer as well as 
an autumnal pruning : and if this 
summer prumng is neglected^ the 
vines may well be saia tolbe but 
halfpruned. This summer prunii^ 
is mentioned by Columella ; " Pam- 
'' pinandi autem modus is erit, ut 
" opacis locis^ humidisque et frigi- 
" dis cesiate vitis nudetjir, foliaque 
" palmitibus detrahantur^ ut matu- . 
*' ritatem fructus capere possiti et 
" ne situ putrescat" The pruning 
also of the elni or other tree to 
which the vine clings is spokcn of 
by the same aiithor^ who says it 
must be done every other year, to' 
keep the vine from being over- 
shaded. '^ Arboris autem perpetua 
*^ cultura est, non solum ante dlli- 
'^ genter eaiidem disponere^ sed 
" etiam truncum circumfodere, et 
" quicquid frondis enatum fuerit, 
'^ altemis annis aut ^rro amputare, 
*' aut astringere, ne semula umbra 
*' viti noceat," 


nStok ratiMror rtme heofe*- 
aart basliven, and weare y oar 
Oiler» wlth soft nuhet. Yon 
wU find anotber Aiexia. if 
t&is diadaina you. 

Quiti tu filtqùid giiltem, potiu6 quoriim indigét 

Viminibus mollique paras detenere junco? 
Invénies alium, si te hic fastidit, Alexitn. 

71 . Quin tu aUquld saltetìL} Te- 
lepce has an expressìon, in the 
Andiia^ hot mùch unlìke thìs ; 

Ah ! , quanto satius est, te id operam 

Qui istum amorem ex' animo omoveas 
. tuo* quam id loqui 
Quo xnagis libido^fhistra incendatur tua. 

72. Detexere,"] Servins ìhter- 
prets ìt MuUum iexere, finire, per- 

Jkere ; for he says de in composi- 
tìon signìfies augmenting, 

73. Invénies alium, ^c] Thus 

I 'Eù^(i0us TmìJmMt lirmt tua nukXtw Ak- 

Here Polyphemus comforts himself 
with the hope of finding another 
Galatea, even more beautiful than 
her^ who has used him with so much 
disdain. Corydon mentions only 
die finding another/ Alexis^ without 
saying whether more or less beauti- 
fuL Lord Lauderdale interprets it^ 
that another Alexis will be more 

What if Alexis should disdain thee stili, 
T( he'is not kind, thou'lt ìneet with others 

Dryden understands the poet to 
mean, that Corydon will find 
another Alexis, more kind, though 
less beautiful i 

And find an eaaier love, though not so 

jitexim.'] Some read Alexis, 
mafcing the sense to be^ t^au will find 
another, if this Alexis dèspises yùu. 
But it is plain, that Servius rèad 
Alexìn or Alexim in the accusative 
case j for his interpretation is AUum 
Alexin, alium puerumforinosissitnurh, 
qui te minime spernat. Pierius found 
Alexim in the Roman manuscript. 
He says the letter after i is erased in 
the Lombard knaiiuscrìpt ; and in 
the Dblong one is appears to he 
written with another band and iiik. 

Serviossays^ some will bave Alexis 
in this place to stand for Augustus; 
and that we are to understand the 
poet to mean, Yùu mlljind another 
Emperor, if Augustus dèspises you 
for askins for your land, But he 
justly thinks the plain meaning is 
the best« 

Catrou interprets invénies alium, 
you foill find another scholar; "Si 
'* Alexis refuse de f avoir pour mai- 
'* tre, tu trouveras ailleurs un autre 
'^ disciple." But in the last of his 
notes^ ne seems almdst readpr to give 
up bis beloved allegorical mterpre- ' 
tation^ and begins to think there is 
more passion in this Edogue, than is 
usuala when we aspire only to bave 
the edùcatioh of a young person; 
and suspects that Virgit perhaps 
gave too much into the depraved 
taste of his àge. However^ he ìs 
"«nllinff to hope» that he otìly in- 
tended to shew what sentimenti a 
tender frìèndship is icapable of in- 





Menalcas, Damostas^ ÌPalìemon. 
Men. mJIC mihi, Damoeta, cujum pecus? an ^^SSt ta^^ tbaef 

1. Die mihif Damdeta, ^cj Thi^ 
Bdogue contains a dispute betwéen 
two shépherdìÉ^ of that sort which 
the critics cali Amoehea ftom 'A^i- 
^H, mutuai or alleniate. In this 
way of wrìting, the- persone are 
represented to speak kltefftately^ the 
latter always endeavoUi*itig to esi- 
ceed or at leastéqtiàl what nas been 
.said bv the ibnher; in whidi^ if he 
fails, he loses the victory. Here 
Menalcas and DamoMas reproach 
each other, and then sìng for a 
wager^ maklng Palaemon judge be-* 
tween them. Menalcas be^ns the 
conténtion^ by caslffìg some re#ec- 
tions on his rivai Mgòn, and hi8 
servant Damoetas. 

Damata.'] Vives, aecòvditig to 
custom^ wìU havB this £ck>gi]e also 
to be allègorìcal; aild that Vitj^l 
here méans himself again under me 
fictitious name of Damoetas. He 
t^ US, that the poet having ob- 
tajiìed the favòur of Aùgttstiis^ Pel- 
ilo, 'Msecenas, Gàlltts, and <^er 
menof quality^ niras «nviéd'by se- 

véràl leamed tnén, with òYie of 
whòm he contends héré under the 
name of Menalòaia. This ìival 
therefore is supposed to begin by 
asking Virgil by way of contefnpt^ 
^ho is the author of this pastoìTal? 
Is it Meliboeus? meanihg sòme 
scrìbbler, M&vius pérhaps^ or Ba- 
vìus. Virgil answers^ it is M^otì, 
that is^ some famous poet, Sudi às 
Gallus or Cinna. Catfoti fhinks it 
" would be hard to guess 'What au- 
'* thors Virgil intetìded to conceal 
" tindeif the names of Dafnoètas, 
"Menalcas, and Palaemon. Somein-^ 
" tetp^eter8,"sayshe,"havethoughl 
*' that Virgil here represented him*- 
'' self, and that under the persoli 
" of an adversàry, he had pointed 
" out one of the poets ^ho envied 
** him. But this is aéserted -w^àt^ 
" out any proof; and besldtes, itili 
'' not tjMTòbable that Virgil would 
^' have gìven himself «iià'% sorry 
'^ characte^ às elth^ of theilie two 
'' shepherds. The tébìroaches, 
'* whidi théy give each odier alter- 



I>Mi. No:to. 
Utely intraited 

to my 

Mot. O sheq). alwayi aa 
onbappy cattle ! whilst he 
courtt NeKtm and b alraid 
that ihe ihoold prefer me be- 

Dam. Nod^ ycnim ;£goms: nuper mihi tra- 

didit Mgoxì. 
Men. Infelix O semper oves pecus ! ipse 

Dum fovet, ac, ne me sibi praeferat illa, veretur ; 

" nately, are too aharp for VirgU 
** to care to draw so mudi hatred 
'' upon hìmself. I fancled at first, 
'' that they niight be Cebes and 
" Alexander^ Virgirs two scholars, 
** and that the poet represented 
'* hìmself under tne name of Pake- 
** mon. But I found too little prò- 
*' babilìty^ to ground a reasonable 
'' conjecture. I am therefore per- 
** suaded^ that Virgìl had no view 
" in thìs Edogue of any person of 
" note, or of any particular event 
*' It ìs naturai for poets sometimes 
f' to feì^ subjects to their liking, 
'' sometunes to adopt sudi as chance 
'* throws in their way. We may 
" venture to say, that Virgil bere 
** intended to imitate and exceed 
*' Theocritus, without any other 
'^aUusion. It is probable also, 
''that the poet did not write this 
'' Eclogue, till Pollio was advanced 
'' to the highest bonours. It is 
*' certain, that Virgil had already 
" written sc»ne rural poems, when 
'' he composed this. £veiy thing 
" else is uncertain." 

I am glad to find, that this leamed 
commentator bas at last rejected 
the allefforical interpretation, in 
whidi I heartily concur with bim, 
and think that the same arguments 
might bave served bim with regard 
to the two first Eclogues. 

The poet plainly imitates the 
NtffMif of Tbeocritus, which begins. 
with almost the same words ; 

B. EiVi /MI» S Ktf^f, tUh ml^v i h 

^t>MfU ; 
K. 0»«, AAJl' J^lytnH. fii^xif ìi (tM aìtrùt 

- Ci^um pecus.'] An old critic, it 

seems, rìdiculed tbese verses» think- 
ing cujusy cuja^ cvjum, not to be 
Latin ; 

Die mihi, Damoeta, cijum pecus ? arme I 
LaHnum 9 | 

Non, venixn iEgonìa, nostri sic ture io» { 

This question is, easily answered, 
by produdng the authority of Plau* 
tus and Terence. We find in the 
Curculio, €uja vox sonai procùl? 
and in the Rudens, Cujanam vox- 
mihi prope hic sonat f and Cuja ad 
aures vox mihi advolavit? in the 
Andria, Cujum puerum apposuisti? 
die mihi; and in the Eunuchus,' 
Quid, virgo cuja est. 

2. Non, verum JEgonis.'\ This 
answer of Damoetas seenos intended 
to sting Menalcas, wbo had asked 
bim tauntingly, wbose flock it was 
that he fed. i^on's, says he, that 
is, your wealthy and powerful ri- 
vai, as appears by what follows. 
For Menalcas replies with some 
sbarpness, that iBgon had better 
mind bis flock bimself^ than lose bis 
time in foUowing Neaera, which 
gives this bireling an opportunity 
to defiraud bim. 

8. Infelix semper oves pecus."] 
Pierius found oves in the Roman 
manuscript; but in the Lombard 
copy it had been altered to ovis., 
Oves is approved by Heinsius^ and 
several wtier good editors. La 
Cerda reads ovis, and says ovis pecus 
is put for oves, as làbor Herculis for 
Hercules. Dr. Trapp thinks it is 
iraproper and absurd ; and Burmanv 
jusdy observes^ that infelix oves 
pecus is like ignavum focus pecus in 
the fourth Geprgick. . 



Hic atienus oves'^custos bis mulget in bora : 5 
Et sùcctis pecori, et lac subducitur agnis. 
Dam. Parcius ista viris tamen objicienda 
-Novimus et qui te^-transversa tuentibus hircis, 

thit fordgn keeper millct the 
sbeep twice in an bour: and 
the cattle are defhmded of 
their nourishment, and the 
bunbs of their milk. 

Dam. Be more sparing» 
however, in your reproaches 
onmen. Weknowwhohad 
to do urith you, whiist the he- 
goats looked askanee; 

7. Pardus ista virìs, ^c] Da- 
moetas being stung with this insinu- 
ation of bis defrauding bis master^ 
reproacbes Menalcas witb some se- 
cret transaction of bis. Tbis draws 
xm some smart repartees^ in wbicb 
tbe manner of tbe common people 
is well imltated. Neitber of tbem 
justifies bimself ; but proceeds to ^ 
throw new reproacbes on bis ad- 

Servìus makes a stop after parcius, 
aDd interprets tbus; Do noi ma^e 
any great reproach of this ; but knoro 
that brave men are guitti^ qf rapine, 
Dr. Trapp*s interpretation seems to 
be mucb better; *' Tbink not 
'*^ men («. e. sucb as bave tbe spirit 
" and honour of their sex, wbatever 
" others may do) will bear sucb 
^' affronts as these." Catrou is of 
opinion, tbat tbe meaning is no 
more than tbis 5 " It is not fit for 
''a young sbepherd, tbus to re- 
'' proacb a full grown man." Dry- 
dcn translates it, 

Good words» young Catamite, at least to 

8. Novimus et qui te."] Here is a 
verb suppressed, wbicb Servius says 
is corruperint ; and indeed tbe wbole 
scope of tbe sarcasm seems to require 
some sucb word to be understood. 
Vives understands tbese words to 
mean, ** We bave seen your foolisb 
** and' ridiculous poem, wbicb tbe 
'^ people read witb indignation and 
''contempt, tbougb tbe 'easy and 
'^generous nobles only smiled." 
An old Englisb translator, W. L. 
follows Vives, in taking viderunt to 
be understood ; . . 

Yet, iU doth thee beseeme (take heede) 

to jeere. 
And taxe men thus : I know who once 

taw you, 
When ali the goats (ascance) did at ihee 

leere : 
And I could teli thee in what chappeU 

But the mild nymphes (thee scorning) 

dìd repine. 

Lord Lauderdale translates tbis pas- 
sage thus -, 

Be sparing how you charge with crimes 

But stili remember those that are your 

We know what you eommitted too, and 

When the he-goats look'd on your wan- 

ton fare ; 
We know where you profan*d the sacred 

Thougfa the nymphs panlon*d with a 

smìllng grace. 

Dryden's translation is, 

We know who did your htiinett, how» 

and when. 
' And in what chappel too you plaid *^ 

your prize ; 
And what the goats observ*d with 

leering eyes : 
Tbe nymphs were kind, and laught, 

and there your safety lies. 

Dr. Trapp keeps dose to tbe órìgi- 
nal> and suppresses tbe verb; 

Léss liberally tho*, at least on men, 
(Remember that) such scandal should'be 

thrown : 
We know by whom, and in what sacred 

You too were— while the he-goats look'd 

askance : 
But thank the easy lìyvaphBp they saw 

and smil'd. . 

Catrou renders it '^ Nous s^avòns 
*' et le temps, et le lieti— i—" and 



S^Jjy^n^i^^yiM Et quo, $ed feciles Nymph» rime, w:éìù. 
wh^tb^'^^'^kMy- Men. Tuni) credo, cum me arbustum videre 

con*s trees and voung vino « » 

w^hfllnaUc^lu>al. Mycoiiis, 

Atque mala vites incidere falce novellas. 

adds this note ; <' It will be ob- 
" served, without doubt^ that I 
" bave suffered myself to be car- 
*' ned along by the torrent of in- 
" terpreters. They ali affimi, that 
*^ Vìrpì understands something, 
'^ wbich be is ashamed to express. 
'^ However I do not see any ne- 
^'cessity to thìnk, that the poet 
" alludes bere to any abominable 
" crimej whicb was committed in 
" a tempie sacred to the nympbs. 
'^ One may imagkie, that he means 
" only the malice of Menalcas» in 
" breaking the bow and arrows of 
'^ Daphnis. His passion alFrighted 
*' the very goats." 

Trafuversa tuentibus hìrds.'] Vi- 
ves thinks this an admirable expres- 
sion of looking with contempt, wilb 
a leering eye, such as, accprding to 
Pliny^ a lion will not endure to look 
at him. The general opinion of the 
commentators is^ that thÌ6 action 
of Menalcas was so sbameful, that 
the very goats, the most libidinous 
of ali animala, tumed t^eir h^ads 
away^ that they might not behold it. 

9. Faciies.Jl La Corda under- 
stands facilés to mean tender or 
compassionate; because an angiy 
deity would bave destroyed Menal- 
cas ùar so vScandalouB a profiination. 
Burmanwill ha ve it to signify easy 
or ffood-natured; as if diey were 
ie%dy to bave granted afìivour them- 
selves. Virgil does not seem ever to 
bave used JacUis in this sense ; but 
he has sometimes used it to signify 
favaurable; as in the fourlb. Ueor- 

— — Tu munera supplex 
Tende peleas pacem» ^.fioUet venerare 

And in the fourth .^neid ; 

Expectet facUemque fujpam, ventofique 

Sacello,'] The Sacella, like our 
chapels^ were oommonly smaller 
edifioes dedìcatcd to the deities. In 
the country they often consecrated 
oaves^ and called them SaceUa. 
Such caves were sacred to the 
Napiea, according to Nemesianus; 

Quie coliti» sylvas, Dryades; quasque 
antra Napaa. 

Thus the faciles Nympha in this 
place may perhaps be the same with 
the faciles Napa<K in the fourth 
Georgick ; where we find they were 
propitìous to the prayer of Arìstseus ; 
as in this place» they were ready to 
pardon Menalcas. 

10. Tum credo, Src] Menalcas 
answers ironically^ that it was when 
hemalicìously injuredMycon's vine- 
yard; insinuatmg that Damoetas 
was guilty of sucn a fact Servius 
says it was a capital crime^ to cut 
another man's trees. 

Videre.'] Burman seems to be at 
a loss to understand who these are^ 
that saw. He says Castelvetrìus 
thinks videre r^èrs to those, whom 
Damc^tas said he knew» Novimus 
el qì$i tfi : he thinks it may refer to 
the goats^ .or pediaps be a general 
expression, tbeif sa¥>, that is> anjf 
f^du. It seeipas much more prò- 
bable^ that he refers to tbe nyjnpba> 
who are the last mentioned persons, 

1 1 . Mala . .falce*'] Servius under- 
stands ma^. to ire&r to the inten- 
tion of the person» who made use 
of the pzMiùng-hook. Burman con- 
tenda, that f»ala signifies bbint or 
rusty; because by sucb.anìnstru- 



Pam. Atit hìc ad veterea fÌEigos, quum Dapb- b£S^tT^,^%X^ 
nidÌ8 arcum 

the bow and arrom of Doyh- 

meni the plants wouìd be greatly 
injured. Servius also thinks, that, 
the injury consìsU in cutting th» 
^oung vines> becauseold ones are the 
bettei' for pruning. Virgil indeed, 
in the second Georffick, seemsto for- 
biti the prtinìng or young vines ; 

Ac dum prima novis adolescit frondibus 

stafi, / 

Pareendam teneris : et dum se laetus ad 

Palmes agtt, laxis per purum immissus 

Ipsa acies nondum falcis tentanda, sed 

uncis . 
CarpendflB manibas frondes^ interque le- 

Inde ubi jam validis «mplexac stirpibus 

Exierint, tum strìnge comas, tum bra- 

chia tonde. 
Ante reformidant ferrum : tum denique 

Exerce imperia, et ramos compesoe flu» 


Columella understands the poets 
memmg in this passage to be, that 
the vines are not to be pruned the 
first year, but are ti>be cut down to 
the ground afbef the second ; which, 
he says^ was an erroneous doctrìne 
taught by Virgil, Saeerna, Stole, 
and Cato ; *' lUam veterum opinì- 
" onem .damnavit nsus, non esse 
" ferro tangendos anniculos roaille* 
*'olo8, quod aciem reformident: 
" quod frustra Vìrgilfus, et Sasema, 
*' Stolonesque et Catones timue- 
•' runt, qui non solura in eo erra- 
'' bant, quod primi anni capilla- 
*' menta semìnum intacta patie- 
^'bantur, sed et post biennium 
^'cum vivi radix recidenda erat, 
'* omnem superfidem amputabant 
'' solo tenus juxta ipsnm articulum, 
*' ut e dtfro puUuìaret** Whether 
this (loctrine is erroneous or not, it 
ts plain, that Virgil condemned ibe 
pmnti^ of v'ines newly planted. 

Therefore the opinion of Servius, 
that the injury consìsted in pruning 
young plaxUs, ì& ta some m eas ur e 
confìrmed. Then we must so far 
agree with Burman, that there can 
hardly be any doubt, that the cut- 
ting them with a bad knife is very 

■^ Neu ferro Icpds retuso ^ 


says our poet himself. Columella 
also says, that the greatest care 
must be taken, to haye very hard, 
fine, and sharp tools; because a 
blunt knife is a loss of time to a 
pruner, and tears the vine and 
spoils it : ^' Super caetera illud 
'^ etiam censemus, ut duris, tenu- 
" issimisque et acutissimis ferra- 
" mentis totum istud opus exequa- 
'^ niur : obtusa enim et hebes, et 
'^ moUis falx putatorem moratur, 
'^ coque minus operis effidt, et plus 
'* laboris affert vmitori. Nam sivc 
" curvatur acies, quod accidit 
** molli, sive tardius penetrat, quo 
'^ evenit in retuso et crasso ferra- 
" mento, majore nisu est opus. 
^' Tum etiam plagse a^perae, at- 
•' que inaequales vites lacerant. 
'• Ncque enim uno, sed seepius re- 
'^ petito ictu res transigitur. Quo 
" plerumqùe fit, ut quod prsedltli 
*' debeat^perfrìngatur, et sic vitìs 
'' laniata, scabrataque putrescat 
" humpribus, nec plagae consanen- 
*' tur." Thus the reproach on 
Damcetas mnst be, either that he 
was employed by Mycon to prune 
his vines, and perforiti ed it with A 
bad instrument, or that he pruned 
such as were newly planted, which 
be ought not to bave done ; or else 
that he went by stealth into My- 
con's vineyard, and hacked the vines 
and elms, with an intent to destfoy 




tlKNi,paveneMattlcaa, watt 
rejud^ when thoa nwe«t 
thon given to the lad, and 
wouldest have died, if thoo 
hadst not done them tome 

Men. What wfli masten do, 
when thieves ara io auda- 


Fregiati et calamos : qus tu, perverse Mendica, 
Et cùm vidisti puero donata dolebas ; 
Et si non aliqua nocuisses, mortuus esses* 1 5 
Men. Quid domini faciant, audent cum ta- 
lia fures ? 

them. This last^ I believe« ìs the 
true sense. I do not remember to 
have found incidere used any where 
for prunin^. We find indeed in the 
eighth Eclogue^ 

Mopse novas incide faces ; 

which is cutting of branches fìrom 
ptnes or firs : but this sort of cut- 
ting is not with regard to any bene- 
fit intended to die tree by taking off 
superfluous branches, but means 
the cutting them off for our own 
use. In the tenth Eclogue it sig- 
nifies cutting letters into the bark 
of a tree; 

— Tenerisque meoaincidere amores 

In the third ^neid it is used to 
express the cutting of a rope asun- 

No6 procul inde fugam trepidi celerare 

Supplice, sic meHto^ tacitique incidere 


And in the fourth ; 

Festinare fugam, tortosque incidere fìines 
Ecce iterum stimulat. 

Hence it is transferred, in the ninth 
Eclogue, to signify cutUng off a 

I Novas incidere lites. 

Ali these significations of incidere 
seem to express an injury vith re- 
nard to the thìng cut, wmch is very 
different from pruning. The old 
Roman laws were very severeagainst 
such as injured their neighbours' 
trees, according to Pliny; " Fuit 
" et:^borum cura legibus priscis : 
'* cautumque est duodecim tabulis. 

" ut qui injuria ceddisset alìenaa, 
^' lueret in singulas aeris xxv." This 
we find confirmed in the thirty- 
scventh Book of the Digests, where 
Caius says, that those who cut down 
trees, especìally vines, are to be 
punished as thieves i " Sciendum est 
'^ autem eos^ qui arbores, et maxi- 
" me vites ceciderint, etiam tam- 
'^ quam latrones puniri.** Thus we 
see, that when Menalcas insinuatesi 
that Damoetas was guilty of this 
inìury to Mvcon's trees, he does in 
effect cali him thief. 

12. Aut hic ad veteres, ^c] Da- 
moetas retorts, widi an insinaation, 
that Menalcas had broken a bow and 
arrows, belonging to Daphnìs, cut 
of mere spite. 

16. Quid domini faciant, éj^J] 
Menalcas keeps up the same man- 
ner of insulting with which he be- 
gan. He set out at first with treat- 
ing him as a mean slave, asking hìm 
whose ragged sheep he tended ; and 
now he says, what usage may I ex- 
pect from the master, when bis slave 
darcs to treat me with such inso- 
lence ? He again accuses Damoetas 
as a thief, charging him with having 
stolen a gòat from Damon. 

Faciant.] Some read/aci^at; but 
Pierius found pacioni in the Roman 
and other ancient manuscrìpts. 

Fures,'] Servius says, /i*r is used 
for servus, which he conti rms by the 
authority of Plautus, who, speddng 
of a slave, uses this expression, 
" Homo es trium literarum,** by 
which he means fur. But if we 
consider the whole passage, as it 
stand s in Plantus, we shall find it 
does not come up to the purpose, for 



Non ego te vidi Damonis, pessime, capnim 
Excipere insidiis, multum latrante lycisca? > 
Et cam clamarem : quo nunc se proripit ìlle? 
Tityre,, coge pecus : tu post carecta latebas. 20 
Dam. An mihi cantando victus non redderet 
Quem mea carminibus meruisset fistula, caprum? 

Old not I Me you, aiiTah, 

•teal Damon** goàt, whilithii 
mongrel made a Krad I 


ine? and whiUt I caUed out. 
wEere does he bidè liimaelf r 
you skulked behind the 

Dam. Ought not he, whea 
I had ezceltod him in mualc, 
to bare given up the goat, 
which my pipe had won ? 

which Servius quotes ìU The fourth 
scene of the second act of the Aulu- 
laria is a discourse between Strobi- 
lus a slavC; and Gongilo and An- 
thrax two cooks. Congrio re- 
proaches Anthrax, as being unfit to 
dress a wedding-dinner^ being ac« 
customed only to prepai^ entertain- 
ments at funerals; '' Coquus i1)e 
** nondiali *8t^ in nonnm diem solet 
" ire coctam/' Anthrax answers, 
'* Tun* trium literarum homo me 
" vituperas ? Fur !" To which Con- 
grio replies, *' Etiam Fur trifurci- 
'^fer!" Here it is plain, that the 
cooks do not cali the slave^ but each 
other, thief; nor does it in the least 
^ppear^ that fur, is uscd in this 
place, by Plautus, as synooymous 
with servus. 

17. Non ego te vidi, *c.] Here 
he accuses him openly of theft; for 
he declares^ that he himself saw him 
steal Damon's goat. 

Pessime.'] This term of reproach 
18 used to a slave by Horace ; 

Non dices hodie» quorsum hsc tam pu- 
tida tehdUnt 

Furcifer? Ad te, inquam. Quo pacto, 
putirne ? 

18. Lycisca,'] Servius tells us, 
that the mongrel breed of dogs, ge- 
nerated by a wolf on a bitch is called 
Lycisca» Both Aristotle and Pliny 
mention this breed 3 but I bave not 
found the word Lycisca in any au- 
thor^ except in this passage of Vir- 
gil. Some take it to be the dofg's 
aame. Thus Dr. Trapp ; 

Did I not see you» varlet, by surpriae 
Filch Damon's goat^ Lycitca barking 
loud ? 

20. Carecta.] See the note on 
ver. 231. of the third Georgick. 

Servius mentions a story^ which 
some old allegorical interpreters 
pretended that Virgil alluded to in 
this passage. " Varus, a tragic 
" poet, haS a very leamed wife» 
** with whom Virgil had a criminal 
*^ conversation } and made ber a 
« present of a tragedy, which she 
'^ gave to herhusband^ as if she had 
''composed it herself. Varus re- 
" cited it as bis own, which Virgil 
'' here mentions allegorically, it 
'' having been the ancien t custom to 
" give a goat to those who excelled 
" in tragedy." Thus Virgil is sup- 
posed to shadow the stealing of bis 
tragedy under the robbing Damqn 
of bis goat. But Servius treats this 
as an idle story, and thinks the most 
óbvious meaning is the best. He 
adds, thatallegories areto berejected 
in pastoral writings, except» whcre 
the mention of the loss of lands ne- 
cessarily requires them. 

21. An mihi eantando, &c.] Da- 
moetas pustifies himself against the 
accusation of Menalcas, by aifirm- 
ing, that he had fairly won the goat 
from Damon^ by a trial of skill on 
the pipe. To this Menalcas an- 
swers with great contempt, treating 
him as a common piper about the 
streeto> ànd unfit to engagé in sucb 




To let yoQ know, tir. the 
goat was my own : and Da- 
mcn hfaneelf confesdcd ft to 
me; but aaid it was not in hia 
power to give ic. 

J/«R. You conquer hlm in 
playing i Wa« you cver ma- 
ster of a pipe joined with 
vraxf I« it not yourcufltom. 
fm blockhead. In the public 
roads to apoU a «orry tune 
witn a screeking Straw ì 

Dam. Are you willing there- 
forb, that we should put it to 
tlie triaJ, 

Si nesok^ meus iUe caper tak : et mthi Dsmon 
Ipse &tebatur, sed reàdetie posse negabat. 
Mbn. Cantando tu illaisD ? aut unquam libi 
fisCula eera • 25 

Junota fuit ? noo tu m trivUs, indocte, solebas 
Strìdenti miserum stipula disperdere Carmen ? 
Dam. Vis ergo intor iios, quid possit uterqiiff 

25. Cantando tu illum?'] Some 
8uch word as overcome is bere net es- 
sarily understood to agree with tu. 
It is omitted, no doi3)t, in imita- 
tion of the contemptuous style of 
tbe vulgar. pur common people 
would say, You play ! You- 

AulJ\ Jt is haud in the Medicean 
manuscript^ accordìng to Pierius. 
According to this reading^ it ought 
to be interpreted, You conquer km 
in play'mg ? ^ou never was master of 
apipejomed wUh wax, 

Fistula cera Juncifl.'] Pamcetas 
affirmed, that he Jbad won ^ goat 
from Damon, by excelling him in 
playing on the pipe. Menalcas 
questioni! bis being possessed of an 
instrument deserving the name of a 
pipe^ or fistula, which was com-. 
posed of severa! reeds joined to- 
gether^ according to the invention 
of Pan, mentioned in the second 
Eclogue. This passage is an imi- 
tation of the fifth Idylliura of The- 
ocritus ; 

*E»rà^af ev^tyya; ri S* «v«ir< fin Ko^»- 

Thy pipe ! what pipe hadst thou, thou 

slavish lout, , 

Could'st thou and Corydon do ought' 

but toot 
On oaten alraws^ to please the foolish 

|?OMt? CnZECH. 

juncta,'] Pierfus found mncta 
in the Rmnan and other manu- 
scrìpts : but he justly prefcrsjuficto. 

36. In triviis,! Trivia ar^e the 
places where tfaree roads me^; 
nrhich are consequently v^ pub» 
lic. Thus Menalcas représents Da- 
mcetas as a common piper in places 
of public resort* 

. 27. Stridenti miserum^ 8ipJ] Ijt 
is hardly possible to express more 
contempt, than is useid in these 
twords. He wHl n,ot alloM^ bis ad* 
yersary's instrument to de^rye the 
tname of a pipe^ but cali? it a ftraw 
'ir stubble, stipula; and lulds the 
lithet stridenti, to shew that even 
is Straw, instead of a mellow 
und-, made a screaking noise^ 
e tune he plays upon this instru- 
ment is called ndserumy a sorry one ; 
and even this sorry tune he is said 
tospoil, disperdere. '1 he very sound 
of this verse is worthy of observa- 
tion. Milton has imitated it in bis 
Lycidas : 

Their lean and floshy songs 

Grate oq their scrannel pipes of wretched 

28. Vis ergo, Sfc.Ji Damoetas^ 
in order to put a stop to any fqrther 
reprqaches^ challenges Menalcas to 
sing with him for a wager^ and 
ofièrs to stake a yoimg cow of pon- 
siderable value. 

Menalcas^ in the BòVKùXubrruì of | 
Theocritus, proposes a wager almost j 
in the same words; | 

FìcissimJ] He proposes that sert '^. 
of contentimi^ called Amabea, in l 

8UC0LIC. ECL. ni. 


Expcriamur ? ego hancTitalatn, neforte recufleu, 
JBis veoit aà rouJctram, binos alit ubere fetus, 
Depòno: tu die, meciim quo pignore certes. 31 
Men. De grege Aoa .9uj5Ìm (qiiipquam depo- 
nere iecum. 
Est mihi nanique domi pater, est injusta noverca: 
Bisque die numerant ambo pecu^ alter et hioedQs, 
Ve^rum, i4 quod ntalto tute ipse fatebere majus. 
Insanire libet quonìam tibi, pocula ponam 56 
Fagina, cslatum divini opus Alcimedpntis ; 

what eacb Af w cm do? I Ut 
thfscow; ahdto let you knov 
the vaine of her, «he cornei 
twice.eY£ry day to tb» i^ 
and «uckles two calve* : say 
what wager you are wUline 

to IftV. ^ 

^én. 1 L'are not lay any 
part of the dock for a wager 
vA'.h yqu- F<V I taye a fyr 
tticr at home, and a severe 
atep-<BQther j w^o both còmit 
the sheep twice every day, 
and one of them the goata. 
^^t. $ÌQce yoa have a mind 
to be mad, 1 wiH lay what 
you voi^adf ytiiì alloiw tfi be 
znuch better, two beechen 
cups, therarvedwork of tbe 
divine Alcimcdop : 

fwhich they sisg altecnatelf. See 
*the note on ver. 1. 

^. Vilulam.} ìt k plun, that 
vUuIa canaot mean a cs^ in thia 
jUaee ; hècause ahe ìs said to giye 
milk^ and to have t^o yoang ones. 
It is used no doubt for a young còw, 
as virgo is for a young woman^ 
thougE ahe haa had chfldren. 

32. De grege non au^m, ^c] 
Menalcas answers, that he tioea not 
dare to stake any pait of the fiotk, 
because of the strietness of his faiher^ 
and Beverity of his st^mother ; but 
offera a pair of &ie cups, whidi he 
deacoìbes afier a beautiful manner. 

This is an imitatjon of the Bdi;- 
' x,$huurv«à of Theocrttus; 

ÌOh BfiffS vritM tff.f9r \rù ;^aXifr0f • *arn^ 

1 cannot stake a lamb ; so shouid I lose, 
Mj fether's jealous, and my mother 

cross ; 
Tbese watch, thcy know bow niany 

lambs I keep ; 
Both Qount my lambs at night, and one 

my sheep, Creech. 

Thk last line of the transktion is 
added from Virgll; for Theocritus 
says no more^ than that they count 
aU the abeep at eveniog» The 
korned reader will /òbserfie, with La 
Gevda, bow, m«Ah the i«ai|»lioB ex- 
ctl» the originai: ^' Thcoeritus eays 

" barely> / rifili noi lay. Viigil addg 
" an (Mtiament^ Idare not Uiy, 
** Theocritns says, My father is dif- 
'^ ficuJUt, whereas fadiers are laau- 
** idly Yisry ihdolgent to thair chil. 
*^ dmi. But Virgil mentiona only 
'^ diere beìog a &ther at home, 
** which Ì8 a suffifiient restraìnt to 
<< a dutìful aoD. Theooritas men- 
'* tions only a mother; bat Virgil 
" a step-mother, and a severe one 
« too." 

86. Pocula ponam faginaJ] Pliny 
tells US, tliat beechen cupa were 
anciently esteemed. Thardbre we 
may suppose» these frere fine old- 
fashioned cups, whioh^ though ad. 
mhred in die country, would bava 
been dejspise^ at Rome in V^r^'s 
tu»^. The cc^nu^totqr* ^▼ill 
haxe iheae baacthei^ cups 4;o he in- 
tended to express 4)he poverty of die 
sheplierds, umich I tMnk could not 
be the meanim. of 4he poet Da- 
mcetas had o&red to lay a good 
oow; and now Menalcas proposes 
rather a beechen cup^ which he s^ys 
is of far greater value. It was no 
great mark of poverty in a shepherd, 
to be able to part with a cup, which 
was of much greater value than a 
good oow. 

S7* Bmni opus Akimedonlis,'] It 
8ei»m8 probable, by this e»presÌBÌon> 
tliat theoe had been a, fiimous car- 
v«r, named Alcùnedon. But I 



^^.S^'^ w«T3taS Lenta quibu8 torno facili superaddita vitis 


have not found the mention of him 
In any other author. Perhaps he 
was a friend of our poet, who was 
villing thcrefore to transmit his 
name to posterìty. By his name^ it 
appears^ that he must have been a 
Greek^ and consequentl^ a man of 
some quality ; for Fliny informa us^ 
that in Greece, none but gentle- 
men vere permitted to leam that 
art, and painting;. which law was 
first procured by Eupompus, the 
master of Apelles ; ** £t hujus au- 
" toritate efiectum est, Sicyone pri- 
'^muim deinde et in Ma Gracia, 
^' ut pueri ingenui ante omnia dta- 
" graphicen^ hoc est^ picturam in 
*' buxo docerentur^ recipereturque 
'^ ars ea in primum gradum libe- 
'^ ralìum. Semper quidem honos 
'^ei fuit^ ut ingenui eam exerce- 
** rent, mox ut honesti, perpètuo 
" iMterdicio ne siervUia docerentur, 
*' Ideo neque in hae, neque in io- 
^ '* reutice, ullius qui servierit opera 
" celebratìtur." 

SS, Lenta quibus tomo, 8f e] This 
beautiful descrìption of the cup is 
I^aìnly an imitation of that m the 
first Idyllium of Theocritus. 

[ Ty 9%fì fiàv MiXn futfvtrtu v^t xt^vìtf 
. Ki^eòfìXix^V «iMW'/MWff * & h tiwr avrò 

Besìdes a cup» with'sveetest wax^o'eiv 

A fioe two-handled pot, and newly made; 
Stili of the tool it smells, it neatly shines. 
And round the brìm a creeping ivy twines, 
With crocu» miz'd, where seem the kids 

to browse, 
Thìe berrìes ciop» and wanton in the 

boughs. Ckeech. 

It ìs hardly possible for a translation 
to be more enoneous than these 
two last lines. K«j^m x^wkni sig- 
nifies a fniit of a yellow or safiron 
cplour^ which Creech hàs rendered 

crocus. But crocus or safiron is a. 
fiower, not a fruit. I must confbss, 
it was some time before I could 
discover where Creech found the 
kieU in this passage of Theocritus. 
I suppose it must be from mistaking 
the sense of the word l^i|. It sig- 
nifies those claspers or tendrils, 
which the vine and other scandent 
plants use to sustain themselves in 
climbing. The Romans cali it cla-^ 
vicula or capreóbu, Hence the 
translator findmg fX<( to be capreolus 
in Latin, which also signifies a kid, 
took it in the latter sense. But he 
ought to have known, that thou^ 
cùpreolus is used both farakid and a 
tendril; jet fXi{ signifies only the 

Torno7\ " Salmasius and La 
'' Cerda understand two arts to be 
^' bere spoken of^ that of the tùr- 
*' ner, and that of the graver. 
*f They say, a vinci dusters^. and 
'' figures of men^ cannot be formed 
"by the tomus, or lath, which 
" shaves and smooths the wood» 
" but only by the graving-tool, 
" calum or scalprum, hy which the 
'^wood or metal ìs cut and hoU 
"lowed. They will have quibus, 
" in this passage^ to bé the ablative 
'^ case, and torno the dative, ren- 
'^ dering It thus, in quiÒus lenta vi- 
*' tis per célaturam addita est torno, 
^^ sive materia jam tornata, that is, 
*' in which a bending vine is added 
'* ty. graving to the lath, or tumer's 
" instrument, or to the wood that hai 
*"' already been turned. In the first 
" place^ I am of opinion^ -that to 
" use tomus far the turned wood ìs 
" not Latin. 2. I find, that toreu- 
^* mata, which^ in the old glossarìes, 
" are expounded opera tomo rata, 
''are promiscuously taken by the. 
" most approved wrìters for carved 
" work : sudi as cups and bowls. 

Diffiiso» hedera vestit pallente corymbo*. ' 


and ovennteadff the 
tjucters Wtth pale hrf. 

*' that bave the figurés of men and 
*' beasts embossed. Thus Martini, 
**^ 1. ìv. 39. Solus.Phidiaci toreuma 
** cali, Thus also Cicero^ against 
*' Verres, frequently in the same 
'' sense. 3. Pliny> 1. xxxiv. 8. men- 
'^ tions Phidias^ as the inventor 
'^ of the art of turning, and Pply- 
'^ detus^ as the.perfecter of it; and 
'^ thàt these were sculptors and 
" statuarìes^ as well as tumers, is 
" numifest . Wherefore I beli^ve» 
" that though.the tornus is really an 
'^ instruinent distinct from the c^- 
*^ lum and scalprum,,Ciistaai has.ob- 
^* tained. to use them promiscu* 
''ously" ftuAUS. 

Vitis.'^ '^Manyunderstandavine 
" and an Ivy to* be interwoven, I 
^' agree vith Nannius, that the ivy 
*^.tSone is meant ; and take vitis 
*' for a brandi of ivy, vimen he-- 
" dera, which Pliny calla viticula; 
" and hedera for the ledves of ivy, 
'* in this sense ; a branch of ivy 
'^ interminglesitsown dusters with 
" pale leaves." Ruìbus. 

" How can a vine cover ivy- 
*' berries, or any thing else, with 
** ivy4eaves? or can vUis signify 
" ivy ? Or if it signiiìes a vine, can 
*^ hedera be put ier pampini; or 
'* cotymboifat racemo» 9 Serviosand 
" De La Cerda are silent upon this 
*' grfiat dìfficulty : and so are ali the 
** rest, exoept Ruséus, who says 
" that Pliny (I wish he hacL told us 
'^ fohere) uses viticula for vimen he- 
'' derm,^ This, if it be true, goes 
" a great way. For if vUis may 
'' bere signify ivy, ali is plain. 
** The rest understand ivy and a 
*^ vine jntermii^led : but tnen they 
** teli US not how to account for the 
*' marinerà of expressing, which is 
f* the only point to be cleared. 
*' They say, Thùf is meant : but the 
*' questicm is, How càn mch words 

" meap such a thing I For my.part, 
*' 1 think Ruaeuss opinion may be 
*' right i if his quotation from 
" Pliny be true : especially con- 
** sidering how nearJy ivy and a 
" vitie are akin to each other in 
« the property bere expressed by 
" lenta, i. e. Jlexilis, and in creep- 
" ing ùp, or round some other 
*' body: and tògreover^, 
*' aud vimen spring from the same 
" root, vico/' Dr. Trapp. 

I ani glad, that itis in my power 
to satisfy this learned gentleman, in 
his greatest difficuUy, and at the 
same time to justify Ruseus from the 
suspicion of qaottng faldely. Pliny 
does really use viticula for a branch 
df ivy, in the eleventh chapter of the 
twenty-fourth bóok, where he (bus 
describes the apocynum ; *' Frutex 
" jest, folio ederas, moUiore tamen, 
'^ et, mihus longis viticulis, semine 
"acuto, diviso, lanuginoso, gravi 
" odore," It must however be ob* 
served, that viticula does not pecu- 
liarly signify the branch of Ivy ; for 
it is used for that of a vine by Pai- 
iadius ; '/ Item vituU marini pellis 
*• in medio vinearum loco uni su- 
" perjecta viticuìag creditur contra 
'^ imminens malum totius vineae 
*' membra vestisse." It does ntìt 
seem improbable, that Virgil might 
use vitis in this place, not for avine 
properly so called, but for a branch 
climbing with tendrils, or viOeula. 
Our gardeners cidi this sort of 
branches, as in melons and cucum- 
bers, vines. Thus Mr. Miller, in 
his Gardener*sDictionary,speaking 
of cucumhers, says, ** Theri lay 
" put the runners. of the vines in 
" exact order, and be careful in 
" ibis work not to disturb the vines 
'' too mudi, nor to. bruise. òr break 
f' the ieaves. This digging of the 
" ground wilUooscn it, and théreby 


gSSifSHfThTJ^SS In medio duo, sigea, Coiion; etqujg fuJt rilen 40 

'' rtnéet it ea«y for tbe roofs of the 
'' plants to strike ìbto it, hs olso 
** render the surface of the e&rth 
'* more agreeable to the vines that 
*' rtin upon it." Thig,*I think^ ìd 
eértaìn^ tbat corymhus signifieB the 
cluster of berries of mi ivy, and not 
of ft vine* To condade, I bdieve, 
that VÌI» Unia really signifìes^ not à 
Yine hearing grapes^ but a vine, òr 
bending branche 

39. Hedera . . . paZZen^^*] Man^ 
sorts of ixy are mentioited by the 
HDcients; mos^ of which seem to 
foe rather varieties thao distinet ape^ 
(iies. Theophrastus says the three 
prìncipal sorts are the white^ the 
black, and tbat which ìs eulled 
helix; HòXvpìiit ^ ò Knr^, i fd$ 

• f^b^, im) t(^«i> « sAi|. The 6/acJ( 
id our common ivy,* aìid tho helix 
seémà to be only the same plant, 
befOré ìt is arrived to t()e per* 
feetlofr of bearrog frait For at 
first the leaves are angular^ and thè 
if hole plant clings dose to the wall 
or tree that supporta it : but when 
it Comes to flower» a new shoot ìé 
éetached fròm the supporta hearing 
^oufidifth leaves without atngles^ 
Tbat the heìia: is the ivy in its bar-^ 
1^11 state, is plaìn from the account 
wfaieh Theophrastus gives of ìt. 
He says the kaves are angalar, and 
more «leàt than those of ivy^ Which 
bAs them mòte round and sinopie* 
He adds «liso, that it it barren : 

itdtì yà^ rm ^ii9iXti^ ^XÙ9T9f het^u; 
^ 1% fiM^irifTt, wdà rS ymituìn *u) 

^HpH^B&n^ iutì A^^' jttU rS fiitttt rSf 
»)i9ifcdtùi9' Kùtì fri fS iaut^f uf»i, 
Aè for the white ivy, ìt seeras to 

be unlóiowiv to U8« Some indeed 
imagine it to be that vàriety> of 
wbicb the leaves are variegated 
whh white» Burt Theophrastus ex- 
pressly mentions the whiteness of 
the fruit. For be says some bave 
onìly the frutt white, and others the 
leaves ako ; AitMÌ$ yà^ i fdt tm «4cj- 
vrS fU»f, è ì$ XMÌ n7$ ^vXX»t4 iati, 
Dioscorides nlso mentions threé 
principal sorts of ivy, the white« the 
black, and the heUx. The whìce 
bears a white frult ; the btoèk has 
either a biade, or saffrort'^ookured 
fruit, which is called by the vulgar 
Dionysia; the heUjt bears no fruit 
at ali; but has white twigs, and 
Small, an^uìary re<idish leaves ; 
Kio-oif ^n?^)sÀt %x^ itti^t^àti V4Ì9 »«r 
£ì^, vàt il ytvftfuireù'rttf r^' Atyfe- 

T«< y«^ i. fUt Tif XtVtÙtf, é ìì fli>Mt, è 

ìt fXi{' féìf évf XwtÀ9 ^i(u rh tim^^ 
^9 XtVJt«», ó dì féiXuig fciXoM i n^mJ* 
t^^ftct* ìi 2ì »«< iìuiru4 Atèfvnèf x«*> 
Xévvir « ^f tXi^ uxtt^irii Ti èrrlt tcag 
XtvM t^u rà KXifiutTA, nttl t« ^vAXte 
hKje^à tuù yétnmìn xttj i^v^^mt Pliny 
has coafounded the ivy witb the 
cistust beiog deeeived l^ the simi« 
litude of the Greek namcs ; that 
of ivy being 9urrH or sttoréi, and 
that of the cìslus Wnwf. The fol- 
lowing word» plainly • beldng to 
the cwtef, " J>tto geneta ejos pri* 
'* ma, «It reliquafom, mas et foe*- 
'* mina. M^jot traditur mas^ ^or* 
'^ pore, et fc^io duriore ac pin*^ 
'^ guiore, et flore ad purpuram ac« 
" cedente. Utriusque avtem fios 
'' similis elBt Rosse sylvestri, nisi 
" quod carét otJore." The flo^i^er 
of the oistus does rndeed bear a re-^ 
sembiance to that of the wild rose ; 
but it would be difficult to fìnd any 
sUch simìiitude in tbe ity. What 
relates to tbeivy isforthemost part 
taken from Theophraetus. '^ Ivy 

Deficfipsit radio totum qui gentìbus orbem ? 


«ho dMCribed «ith tiis atiff 
tàe wholé «orid to the na- 

*' 18 now saìd to grow in Asia. 
*' Tbeophrastus denied it, and said 
*' it did not grow in India> except 
'* on the mountain Merus : that 
** Harpalus did ali that was in his 
** power to plant it in Media, but 
'' in vain : tliat Alexander how- 
*' over, on account of its scarce- 
" ness, crowned his army with it, 
'* when he returned from the con- 
'^ quest of India, after the example 
*' of Liber Pater, the thyrsi of 
" which deity, and the helmets 
" and shields, are now adorned with 
** it by the people of Thrace in 
'^ their solemn rites. It is an ene- 
'^ my to ali trees and plants ; it 
** breaks down walls and sepul- 
/' ebrea ; and is very grateful to 
** the coldness of serpents ; when ce 
" it is a wonder that any honour 
'^ should be given it." Then fol- 
lows the passage relating to the 
cistus, after which he thus proceeds; 
'* There is a white and a black ivy, 
'^ and a third sort which is Ccdled 
*' helix. These sorts are again 
*' subdivìded, for one is white only 
'* with regard to the fruit ; another 
" has the leaves also white. Of 
^^ those which bear a white fruit, 
*'^ some bave a thicker and larger 
'* berry, the clusters being formed 
*' into an orb, which is called co- 
" rymhu$. The selinìtium has a 
'* smaller berry, and looser cluster. 
'' Some of them bave their berries 
*' black, and others of* a safifron Co- 
" lour, which the poets use in their 
'^ crowns. The leaves of it are 
" not so black, and it is called by 
^' some Dtony^Ù7, . and by others 
*^ Bacchica, and has the largest 
" corymhi of any of the black sorts. 
" Some of the Greeks roake two 
** kinds of this also, from the co- 
''.lour of the berries, the erythra- 

*' num, and ^)e chrysocarpum. But 
'^ the helix is very distinguishable^, 
" being very different in the forra 
'' of its leaves, They are small 
" and angular, and more neat; 
'^ whereas those of the other sorta 
^* are plain. It differs also in the 
" length of the iniemodia, but 
" chicfly in its barrenness ; for it 
'' bears no fruit. Some do not 
'^ think its difference to be speci- 
" ficai, but owing only to its age 5 
'< and affirm that what at first is a 
'' ìtelix, grows aflerwards to an ivifm 
*' But their mistake is evident from 
«' there being several sorts of heUx, 
" of which three are very remark- 
" able, One is herbaceous and 
"green, which is the most com- 
'* mon, another is white, and a 
** third varìegated, which is called 
" the Thracian. The leaves of the 
" green sort are thinner, disposed in 
" better order, and fuller : those of 
" the second sort are quitedifierent. 
«' Of the varìegated ivy one sort 
'^ has thinner leaves, disposed in 
*' order, and full ; in another sort 
" ali these properties are neglected. 
*' The leaves also are larger in somC' 
'* than in others : and they dififer 
" also in the form of their spots. 
** Also of the white sort some are 
" whiter than others. The green ^ 
" grows chiefly into length. The 
" white destroys trees, and by de- 
" priving them of ali their juice 
*' increases so much in thickness as 
*'' to become a tree itself. The 
" signs of its beginning to bear 
'' fruit are the size and breadth of 
" its leaves, and the standing up 
'^ of its shoots, which otherwise 
'* are bending : and though ali sorts 
^' of ivy strike roots f^om theit 
^' branches; yet in this sort they 
'' are most branched and strong. 




^SbSlS^SSSSuSS Tempora qu» messor, quae curvus araWr habe- 

.houldoUcm. ^^^p ^2 

'^ The black comes next to it. But 
»' this is peculiar to the white, that 
" it sends forth branches from 
'* amoDgst the leaves^ and girts a 
** tree quite round^ wbich it does 
'* also upon walls, tbough it can- 
'* not encompa83 them. Hence, if 
'• it 18 cut off in several places, it 
'' stili continues to live^ and has as 
'^ Aany striking^ of roots as it has 
"branches, by which it preserves 
'' itself, and sucks andstrangles the 
'' treés upon which it grows. There 
** is àlso a difference in the fruit of 
'' the white and black ivy ; for in 
** some the berries are so bitter, that 
'' no bird will touch them. There 
*' is also an upright ivy, which 
" stands without any support ; and 
*'Ì8 therefore pecuìiarly called 
**' cissos; whereas the chamcecissos 
^' always creeps on the ground.** 
The learned reader will compare 
this passage of Pliny with what 
Theophrastus has said in the eigh- 
teenth chapter of the third hook of 
his History of Plants. It is plain, 
that these a^'ncient writers descrìbe a 
sort of ivy with a tvhileJruU as well 
known to them; but I cannot find 
that any of the moderns are ac- 
quainted with it. The white ivy 
was esteemed more beautiful than 
the common sort, as appears from 
the following verse in thcseventh 
Eclogue ; 

Candidior cycnis, hederafmnoiior alba, 

See the note on that passale. 

40. Conon."] Servius thinks thè 
Conon here ìntended was the fa-. 
mous general of that name, whom 
the shepherd mentions expressiy as 
being well known ; but forgets the 
name of the philosopher. This 
Conon is mentioned by Plutarch> 

in the life of Lysander, as admiral 
of the Athenian navy. He was sur* 
prised by the Peloponnesians under, 
the command of Lysander, who 
destroyed his ships, Conon hiraself * 
escaping with only eight vessels to 
Euagoras king of Cyprus. Others,, 
with more probabUity, thihk the 
Conon under consideration to have 
been a mathematician, and the 
fHend, or as some say, the master, 
of the famous Archimedes, who 
speaks of having sent some tbeo- 
rems to him, at the begìnning of 
his book nf^r'£Aixivy ; T«y9rdWK«MyA 

Kùfuv^rnavui tx^tf yty^ttfCfMMf, He 
presently aflerwards mentions his 
death as a misfortune, many valua- 
ble discoveries being left imperfect ; 
and gives him the character of a 
geometrician of uncommon skill, 
and extraordinary application. The 
problems, which he lefl, remained 
untouched for several years, till 
Archimedes him self took themJnto 
consideration: Kmm ^i ùÙk liutnt 
AtfCò» li rkii ftdmvnf etvrSiv ;^«y0v, 

xai rctvret vdrrtù tv^iff, ìuù «AA« %*»À 
g|fv^«9, xaì w\ T0 «-AfTd», 9-^0«7«7fy vnfl 
yWfAtr^Mf. *Mxtortifif^» yà^ vrei^^tt- 
rttf uÙtS ffvnnf •Z ritf rv^ùvouf in^i 

r) (l£^HfMÙ, XtÙ ^tX9Téfluf VTtfidXXùV' 

r«y. Mttà il rat Vidimai rìXivràt 
wXXSh ituff 'IrtytyWifUftn, ov^ v^' 
iióf 4v^Ì9 rSf w^óZXnfAoirmf tcìr^tùfifiaB'ti 
KVùtfttftifùy fi^vXófuu 9f ìuey h UMar*v 
tcùrSf ^^«^nytutrBtu. At the be- 
ginning also of his Ttr^aiymtvfùi 
^»0Jò^xSf, he speaks of him as an 
intimate friend of himself. and of 
Dositheus, and calls him an ex^ 
cellent ceometrician, and wonder- 
ful mathematician : 'Akùvo-»; Kmétm 


Necdisitn ttlis labra admovi, sed condita servo. {^SJSS? S^^'S^^"^ 

rt9À K K«v«ydf yuÌ0iff9 yfymr^tUy tttùì 
ywfttr^tof •iteùòt Uft§9, tóv fiÀf nnAfv- 
Tv»t«r&f ttfvcit iXv^^ftw, i( %m ^ix&v 

^«ùvfitaertlv rtfif. This Conon ìs also 
celebrated bj Catullus, in bis Epi- 
gram on tbe constellation of Ber&- 
nice's hair^ as a famous astronomer; 

. ; Omnia qui magni dispexit lumina mundi, 
^ Qui stellarum ortus comperit atque 
\ , obitus, 

I Flammeus ut rapidi Solis nitor obscure- 
f tur, 

\ Ut cedant certis sidera temporibus, 
l Ut TViviam furtim sub Latmia saxa re- 

! legane 

Dulcis amor, gyro devocet aerio : 
) Idem me ille Conon celesti lumine vidit 
I E Beroniceo vertice .cxsariem, 
. .^ Fulgentem òlare : quam multis illa Deo» 

'; Laevia protendens brachia, pollicita 

Tbe four last lines are taken from 
two of Callimachus^ wbich are pre- 
served by Theon in bis comment on 
Aratus. Tbis leamed commenta^ 
itor informs us, tbat Conon consti- 
tuted this constellation, to compii- 
nient Ptolemy king of Egyptj Ol 
ìt iiXttxtimf tùùtùùi Aéy«V0-«, ÌHùfm il e 

^nUiK vXùJucfAùt l| tùùrSv kuvuotì^ìtì' 

TWf XMÌ K.»X?iÌfCtt)^6Ì VOV ^TÌf, 

f 'R ìi Kèfm fé f(Xi^/'iy iy niM vh Bt^óvUnt 
i B«rr(v;^«v Sf Muvn «'««*«» ìéfi»* ^sTt» 

He 18 mentioned also by Proper- 
tius ; 

'> Me creat Archyt» soboles Babylonius 
;^ Horos, 

Horos, et a proavo ducta Conone do- 

Et quis fiat alter, ^c] This is 
a true example of pastoral simplicìty ; 
for tbe sbepherd ts not bere guilty 
of a blunder, wbich some commen- 
tators propose as an ini^tance of it 

in other places : but he forgets the 
name of tbe other mathematician^ 
and ' describes him by bis works. 
But the commentators are as much 
at a Ipss ' for bis name as tbe shep- 
herd. Hardly any person noted for 
knowledge in astronomy has wanted 
a patron, to place bis image on this 
poetical cup. Servius thinks it was 
either Aratus, Ptolemy, or Eudoxus. 
La Cerda nientions besides these, 
Hesiod, Anaxìmandér, and Archi- 
medes^ the latter of wbom he pre- 
fers, thinking it most probable, that 
the artist would join those on the 
same cup, wbom he knew to bave 
been joìned in friendship, and to 
bave excelled in tbe same studies. 
Rustis mentions Aratus, Hesiod, 
and Archimedes, but thinks it more 
probable, that the poet means tbe 
latter, who was the disciple, or at 
least the friend, of Conon. If by 
Ptolemy, Servius means the famous 
mathematician of Alexandria, he 
is guilty of a gross error ; for He 
liv^ long after Virgil's death, in 
the tirae oiP Antoninus. Eudoxus, 
the Cnidian, was a famous astrono- 
mer, geomètrician, pbysician, and 
legislator. He was taugbt geome- 
try by Archytas, and pbysic by 
Philistion of Sicily. He is said also 
to bave been one of Plato's audi- 
tors, and to bave travelled into 
Egypt, where he studied a year and 
four months. He wrote several ce- 
lebrated pieces in astronomy, geo- 
metry, and other sciences, was 
very famous among the Groeks, 
compiled a body of laws foE bis own 
country, and died about the year of 
Rome 401. Suidas says he wrote of 
astronomy in verse. Cicero, in bis 
second book de Divinatione, saya be 
was an auditor of Plato, and the 
prince of astronomèrs ; " Ad Cbal« 
*' dseorum monstra veniamus: de 
M 2 



mSSfhSSJftr?^ Dam. Et nobis idem Alcimedon duo pocula 


*' quibus £udoxu8> Platonis audi- 
" U«, in astrologia, judicio doctis- 
'* simorum hominum^ facile prìn- 
*' cepsy sic opinatur^ id quod scrip- 
** tum relìquit^ Chaldseis in prs. 
*' dictione^ et in notatione cujusque 
*' vit» ex natali die, minime esse 
* ' credendu m /' Thus Eudox u s. may 
possibly be the person intended; 
diough it is much to be doubted, 
because we do not bear that he 
ever wrote concerning agriculture. 
Hesiod seems to bave a mucb better 
claim to the honour of being en- 
graven on our eup. He was bom 
at Ascra in Boeotia, and is thought 
by some to bave been older thion 
Homer; otbers make bim his con- 
tempotary; and otbers place him 
after the age of that great poet. 
But^ if we may believe himself^ 
be was at least contemporary witb 
Uomer ; for he has told us« that he 
lived' in the age succeeding the 
beroes who warred at Troy, and at 
the same time mea^ures an age by 
the lìfe of man. .His poem con- 
c^min^ the times and seasons for 
agriculture ig sufficiently known; 
and Pliny tells us, that he was the 
first who wrote on that subject; 
*' Hesiodus^ qui princeps omnium 
" de agricultura praecepit." Our 
poet also himself professes to write 
m imitation of this author ; 

f Ascrsumque cano Romana per oppida 

AnaximaBder^ according to Dio- 
genes Laértins, was a philosopher 
of Miletus> and flourished under 
Polycmtes^ tiie tyrant of Samos. 
He was the first inventor of the sun* 
dial^ and geographical maps, and 
constructed a sphere. But ìt does 
. not appèar that ne wrote any thing 
for the service of husbandmen. Ar- 

chimedes was a famous mathemati- 
cian of Syracuse, a relation and 
friend of Uiero, king of that city. 
He has been celebrata bv ali bisto- 
rians> for the wonderful efiect of 
his engìnes in defending that town 
against the Romans. Marcellus^ 
who laid dose siege to the place, 
caused some of thegallies to befast- 
ened together, and towers to be 
erected on them, to drive the de- 
fendants from the wall. Against 
these Archimedes contrived engines, 
which threw heavy stones and great 
pieces of timber upon those which 
lay at a distance, by which means 
some of the gallies were broken in 
pieces. As for those which lay 
nearer, some were taken hold of by 
great grapplinej-ìrons, which lifted 
them up^ shook out the men, and 
then threw them down agaìn into 
the water : óthers were lifted up 
into the air, and dashed tò pieces 
against the walls, or thrown upon 
the rocks. In like manner was the 
army overwhelmed witb showers of 
stones and timber; so that Mar- 
cellus was forced to lay asìdè the 
assault, but after some time the city 
was taken by surprìse, and Archu 
medes was killed by a soldier, who 
did not know him, to the great 
grief of the Roman general,' who 
made use of ali possible means to 

E reserve him. He is said also to 
ave contrived a glass sphere, 
wherein the motions of the heavenly 
bodies were shewn. Claudi an has 
celebrated it in the following epi- 

Jupiter in parvo cum cemeret cethera 
jRìsit, et ad superoa talia dieta dedit 
Huccine mortalis progressa potentia 
Jam meus in fragili luditur orbe 

BUCOLia ECJL. Ili. 8^ 

Etrooliicircum estansas amplexusacantho; 45 SSl^tSi^^**'**"**'*'* 

Jura polì, rerumque fidem, legefique de- 
Ecce Syraeusius franstulit arte setiex. 
IdcIiuus variis famulator spirìtiis astrisi 

Et vivum certis motibus urget opus. 
Percurrìt proprìum mentitus sìgnifer an- 
Et simulata novo Cynthia mense redit. 
Jamque suum volvens audaz industria 
Gaudet, et humana sidera mente regit. 
Quid falso insontem tonitru Salmonea 
niiror ? 
iBmula naturse parva reperta manus. 

Whett in a glats*g narrow space confttì'd 
Jone saw thefabric of ih* Almighty mind. 
He smiTd, and said. Con mortal'i art alone 
Our heav^nly laboura mimic wUh their 

The SyracuHan'i brittk world containt 
Th* eternai lawy whkh through ali nature 

Fram'd by ?iis art aee stara Unnumber*d 

And hi iheir courses roUing orbs return. 
His sun through various sìgus descriòes 

tJie year. 
And ev*rì/ month his mimic moons op- 

Our rivaPs laws his little planets bind. 
And rule ihcir motions vith a human 

Salmoneus coiM our thunder imitate^ 
But Archimedes can a world create. 

We may observe frora what has been 
saìd conceraing the most justly ce- 
lebrated mathematicìan, and from 
the whole tenor of his writings, 
that his genius led him almost 
entìrely to medianics. I do not 
lemember the least hint in any 
authoT, of his having applìed his 
knowlede^e in astronomy to agricul- 
ture. Therefore I cannotthlnkhis 
being the friend or dìsciple of Co- 
noli> is a sufficientreason to suppose 
him to be the person intended. It 
seems more probable» that those are 
m the right, who assign the place to 
Arstus. He was born at Soli or 
Selae^ a city in Cilicia, and flou- 
rished in the reign of Ptolemy Phi- 

ladelphus, king of Bg3rpt« and An- 
tigonus Gonatas^kin^ of Macedon. 
He was pursuing his s^udies àt 
Athens, when Antigonus sent for 
him. He was present at the mar- 
riage of that monarchi with Phila 
the daughter of Antipater, was 
much esteemed by them, and lived 
at their court till the time of his 
death. His ^cuwfàw, a poem^ 
which is stili extant, has been 
famous through ali ages. We may 
conclude, that it was of great au- 
thority among the Greeks, from St. 
Paul's quoting part of a verse from 
thìs poem, in his oration to the 
Athenians ; 

T*i; yk^ mÙ yifSf ì^fAif, . 

For we are also his offlspring. 

Cicero indeed seems to say, in his 
first hook de Oratore, that Aratus 
was ignorant in astronomy; but at 
the same time he allows, that he 
treated of that subject excellently ni 
verse; " Si constat inter doctos,! 
^' hominem ignarum astrologia; or-i 
^' natissimis atque optimis versibusj 
^^ Aratum de cselo stellisque dixisse.'^ 
Nay he himself translated Aratns 
into Latin verse. He was translated 
also into Latin by Germanicus Cas- 
sar, and Avienus, and the number 
of his ficholiasts and commentators 
is very great. Even Virgil himself 
has translated several lines from this 
Greek poet, and inserted them in 
bis Georgid^s, as may be seen in 
the notes on that part of our au- 
thor*8 Works. Now, as Aratus has 
described the several constellations 
in his poem, with the prognostìcs of 
the weather, he answers exactly to 
the character, which the shepherd 
aives of thephilosopher, whose name 
he had forgotten. As he was an 
authof admired by the greatest per- 



SSJf*S4^''^IiodS & Orpkèaque in medio poeuit, sylvasque sequentes. 

ìtmìxtg him. 


sons, and as he was thought worthy 
bf imitation by our poet himself^ it 
is most probable^ tnat he was the 
person intended in the passage now 
under consideratìon. 
I 41. Radio.'] The radiìis h SL st&ff 
{or rod, used by the ancìent mathe- 
Jmatìcians in descrìbing the various 
[parts of the heavens and earth^ 
and in drawing figures in sand. It 
is mentioned again in the sixth 
^neid, in that beautiful passage, 
where the poet speaks of the arts in 
which other nations excel the Ro- 

Excudent alii spirantia moUius fera. 
Credo equidem: vivos ducent'de xnar- 

more vultus ; 
Orabunt causasmelius; ctdiquemeatM 
Descrìbeut radio, et mrgentia rìderà diceni, 

Toium .... orhem,'] He means 
the whole system of heavenlybodies. 
Aratus has particularly described the 
several constellations. 

42. Tempora qua messor, 5rc.] 
Aratus is very particular in describ- 
ing the seasons^ and signs of the 

43. Nec dum illis, 5fc.] The 
commendation of a cup, drawn 
irom its having never been used, is 
to be found in the sixteenth Iliad; 

"Evéet Vi et ìitaf Xf»t nrvyftiin §Vtli rìg 

OvT* àfi^Sif trSn^Mtf all' avraiv »7éóita 9éUf. 

From thence he took a bowl of antique 

Which never man had stain'd with 

ruddywirie. Pope. 

Thus also Theocritus in the first 
Idìfllium ; 

• i OuS in ita «•«ri ;^uK9s Ifiùv B-iytv, «XX* l« 

It never touch'd my lips, unsoilM and 
new. Ckeech. 

44. El nobis id&n, ^c.'] Da- 

moetas, unwilling to allow any su- 
periority to his adversary, or to give 
him any opportunity of evadine the 
contest, accepts his offer, and agrees 
to stake two other cups, made by 
the same workman, which he de- 
scribes with equal beauty; hot in- 
sists upon it, that they are not equal 
in value to the heifer, which he had 
offered at firét. 

Idem Alcimedon duo pocula feciL'] 
Here Damoetas preserves his equa- 
lity : he offers two cups, as weU as 
Menalcasi and they are both made 
by the band of the same famous 

45. Et molli circum, ^cS] Thus j 
also Theocritus, j 

TlttfT» t àfKpì ìiirmt itt^nriimiTM ^^is \ 

MoUi , . . acantho.2 The acan* 
thus is spoken of at large, in the note 
on ver. laS. of the third Georgick. 
But it may not be amiss to say some- 
thing in 't his place, conceming the 
epithet vy^cf, which Theocritus be- 
stows on the acanthus, and Virgil 
renders mollìs, It properly significa 
moist or lìquid, which cannot be the 
sense in this place : but it is also used 
figuratively by the Greeks, to. ex- 
press soft or ben^ng, in which seuae 
the vy^h of Theocritus, spd the 
molUs of Virgil is here to be under- 
stood. The younger Pliny, in the 
description of his garden, has an, ex* 
pression very mudi to this purpose ; 
^^ Acanthus in plano mollis, et, pene 
'^dixerim, liquidus" And a little 
afterwards ; " Post has acanthus 
" hinc inde lubricus et flexutms/' 
Henee we may observe, that both 
Greeks and Romans were inclinable 
to usefiuidj softyaxìd bending, in the 
same sense. . 

46. Orphea,"] See the note coi 
ver. 454. of the fourth Georgicit. 



Necdma iUis labra admovi^ sed condita servo. SS^fbStk^^Iff*^ 

Sylvasque sequentes,'] Thas «lao 
our poet, in the fourth Georgick ; 

Septem illum totos perhibent ex ordine 

Rupe sub aerìa deserti ad Strymonis un- 

Flevisse, et gelidis haec evoluisse sub 

Mulcentem tigres, et agentem Carmine 


' Fot teo'n conimued monikt, iffame say 

The wretched swain hit torrmo» did renew i 
. By Stfymoti't freezing ttreanu he saie 

The rocks • vere mov'd mth pity io his 

Trees bent thcir heads io hear htm *ing 

his wrotigSf 
Fierce tygers couch'd around, and klVd 

theirfawmng tongues, Dkydvìv» 

Thus also Horace ; 

Aut in umbfosis Helìconis oris, 

Aut super Pindo ; gelidove in Hsemo ; 

Unde vocaUm temere insecuta 

Orphea tylvce» 
Arte materna rapidos morantem 
Fluminum lapsus celeresque ventos, 
Blandum et auritas Jidibus canoris 

Ducere quercus. 

G*er Hdicon's resaunding grove^ 
0*er PìndtUt or cold Hcemus* hUt ; 
Whence list'ning woods did gladly move 
And throngM to bear sweet Orpheus' 

wond^rous quill. 
Hcj by his mother*s art, cotUd Und 
The headlongfury ofjthejloods ; 
AUay rough storms, appease the wind^ 
And loosé from their fixM roots the danc- 
ing woods. Creech. 

Ovid enumerates the several trees> 
vbìch being moved by the music 
txf Orpheus, carne and formed a 
sbady grove about th^t divine mu- 

•Collis erat, collumque super pianissima 

Area quam viridem faciebant gramiois 

Umbra loco dcerat. Qua postquam parte 


Diìs genitus vates, et fila sonantia moviti 
Umbra loco venit. Non Chaonis abfuit 

Non nemus Heliadum, non frondibus 

esculus altis, 
Nec tiliffi molles, nec fagus, et innuba 

Et Corylifragiles, et fraxinusutilis has^js, 
Enodisque abies, curvataque glandibus 

Et platanus genialis, acerque coloribus 

Amnìcolaeque silnul salices, et aquatica 
■ lotos, 
Perpetuoque virens buxus, tenuesique 

Et bicolor myrtus, et bacds caerula 

tinus : 
Vos quoque flexipedes hederae venistis, 

et una 
Parapinese vites, et amìcte vitibus ulmi : 
Ornique» et pice», pomoque onerata ru- 

Arbutus, et lentae victoris prsmia palmae : 
Et succincta comas, hirsutaque vertice 

pinus ; 

Grata Deum matri.-^ 

Adfuit buie turb» metas imitata cu- 


A hiU there was ; a pUUne upon thàt hill ; 
Which in ajlowrie monile Jlourisht stilli 
Yet wanied shade, TVhich, when ihe 

God*s déscent 
Saie downe, and toucht his weU tun^d tn- 

A shade receiv'd. Nor trees ofChaoiiy, 
Thepqplar^ various oaks that pierce the 

Soft linden, smooih^rinde heech, unmar^ 

ried òayes^ 
The Male hasdf asìtt whose ttpeares we 

Unknoitiejirre, the salace shading planes, 
JRough chesnuts, maple fleci with d\ffbrent 

Sireame-bordering toìUoWy lotus Uwing 

Tcugh boxe whóm never sappie spring/or^ 

sa&3s ; 
Tlieslender tamarisk, with trees tkai beare, 
A pnrple Jigger nor myriles àbsent vere. 
The wanton ivy wreath'd in amorous 

Vines bearìng grapes^ and elmes support" 

ittg vines, 
Straight service trees^ trees drcpping piich^ 

fruii red 



I^ yon comUertbehclEBr, tht 
capi are of muill ▼ajue. 

Afen, You sfaall not get off 
to-day: I wìll engagé with 
▼ouoiLyourownteniu. Do 
out let him be judge, who is 
cmning aloag; oh I it is Pa- 

Si ad vitukm «pectes, nihìl est qttod pocuUi 

Men. Numquam hodie effugies, veniam, quo- 
camque vocaris. 49 

Audi^t haec tantum vel qui vcnit» ecce, Palsemon : 

Arhutut ; fhese % resi accompaned. 
With Hniber 'pahnes, of victory the ^prize : 
And up-right pine, whote ìeaves like bris- 

tles rise ; 
Prized 6y the mother ofthegodt: — 
The 9pyre4%ke oppresse in this fhrong ap^ 

peares. Sandts. 

To this fable Milton alludes^ in the 
foeginning of his seventh hook ; 

But drive far off the barbarous disso- 

< Of Bacchus and hù revèllers» the race 
Of that wild rout, that tore the Thracian 

In Rhodope, where woods androcks had 

ears ^ 
. To rapture, 'till the savage clamóur 
. diown'd 
Both harp and voice; nor could the 

muse defend 
Her son. 

Heinsius found sequaces 'msiead of 
éequentes, in one of his manuscripts ; 
but sequenies is certainly better, 
which representsthe trees in the very 
action of following.Orpheus. 

47. Necdum illis, c^c.] Here 
Damoetas repeats the very words 
of Menalcas, that he may not allow 
him any superiorìty. 

48. Si ad vitulam specles, é^c.'] 
In this line Danicetas answers that 
of Menalcas, 

I Verum id quod multo ^ute ipse fatebere 
.majus. ^ 

Menalcas had affirmed that his cups 
were of far greater value, than the 
cow which his adversary had offered. 
Here Damoetas answers, that he 
would stake two cups, in no degree 
inferior to his $ but at the same time 
deckres, that they are far inferior 
in value to the cow, which he of- 
fered at first. 

Spectes Inudes.'] Pierius 

found spectas and laudas, in the 
Lombard manuscript, and spectas in 
the Medicean. 

49. Nunquam hodie effugies, 4*^.] 
Damoetas had first provoked Me- 
nalcas to a trial of skill : but now 
Menalcas challenges him ; and that 
he may not get ofi^, accépts of the 
wager» on his own terms ; appeals 
to a neìghbour, who happened to 
pass by, and proposes him for judge 
of the controversy between thiem. 

f We must observe, that Damoetas 
had closed his speech with a con- 
tempt of the cups whioh Menalcas 
had offered, affirming, that they 
were by no means to be pi^t in com- 
petition with a good cow. Menal« 
;cas answers brìskly, that this shall 
:not serve him for an excuse 5 for 
though his father, and particularly 
his stepmother, would requìre an 
I exact account of ali the cadle from 
his hands; yet he was so sure of 
(victory, that he would venture a 
good cow, that Damoetas mìght 
/bave no pretence to decline the con- 
; troversy, or to say that the prize 
Iwas not worth contending for. 

Venìam quocunque vocaris,"] La 
Cerda interprets this ad quemcunque 
vel locum, vel judicem, vel conditio- 
nem. I take the meaning of it tò 
be, / fvill engagé rvith you on yout 
own terms; that is, / am so sure of 
victory, that L will venture to stake 
a cow, that you may have no excuse, 

50. Audiat hac tantum'] Lacan, 
in the fifth Idyllium of Theocritus, 
wishes for a friend to come and 
judge between him and his antago- 



Efflelam poitlvM) ne quemquan) vMe lacmsas. ^^ja ^ ^^tb^r j^ 
Dam. Qaiii age, siquid ^ai^es; in me mova *^^!!|rco^^;ifTOBhftye 

non erit Ulja l . K no dlay S**]^ wì 

Nec quamquam fugio, tantum, viome Paketnon^ q a?j|i^OT fjg^én^^o 

Senslbua heeo imis (res c«t non, pav^m) reponas, *^«f » '» *« ^ « o^^é 

Pal. Dìcite: quandoquidem in mo|U conse- arflL^^'Si^Jg?*^?^* 



^ But who shall judge, and who shall bear 

US plaf 9 
I wish the herdsman Lieop carne ibis 
> way. CbVBCH. 

But Menalcas has mudi l^e advan- 
tage of the Greek shepherd : for he 
does not wish for a friend to be 
judge ; but ofibrs the deeision to a 
neS^bour^ who comes along by 

^ Vel qui venitJ] " Menalcas, see- 
'' ing a shepherd at a distance» pro- 
^ poses to make hìm jodge, let nim 
^ be who he will. This is the 
" force of the words vel aui vénit, 
** As he Comes nearer, ne finds 
^'him to be Paleemon, and cdls 
*f him by hìs name, and speaks with 
^'morc confid^ce to Ws rivai, 
5^ Effieiam pesthao ne, Sfc'* Rujbus. 
Palamon.'] " Palaemon Rem- 
^"^mius, afiimeas gramraarian un- 
'f der Tiberius, boasted that Virgil 
^ had prophesied of him, when he 
** made efaoice of Painmon to be 
** jud^e between two poets." Ca- 


51. Foce.^ Some understand MM« 
to be meant of Hnging ; but others, 
with better reason, think it a}ludef 
to the reproachful wor48 that h|ive 

6fi. Quia age, ^.] Damcstaa 
bids him leave wrangling, apd ber 
gif! te sine, if he Sas any thing 
worth hearing, tells him he is ready 
to answer hira^ and calls upon Fa- 

Iflpmon to he^ attentivejy, and 
ludg^ between them, 

equini age^ siquid haòesJ\ Thu| 

Si quia habes.'} " Lambinus, in 
'^ his notes on P&utus, r^ids si quid 
" agis, as dp several others also. 
^f Horace has Qulcquid habes, age,, 
" depone tutis quribus^ axìd Terenc^ 
" frequently ; also our poet in the 
«nintìi Éclogue, Inclpe si quid' 
•* habe^. Plptius also acknowleoges 
** habes in the fifth Eclogue, ver^ 
"11, In tlve gloss of 3ie royal 
'* manuHcript^ it ii? explain^d s% qtiìd 

^^ potes," BURMAN. 

53. Nec quenqufim fugìo.l Thisis 
a direct answer to what Mpnalcas 
had said,- '^ Nunquam hodie effu- 

Tifc?»^ Pa'Umpn.l Seryius ob- 
se; ves, that Damoetas sooths Palae- 
mpp, by givìng him the friendly 
epltbet of neighbour. 

55. Dicite quandoquidem, 4*^.]f 
Palaemon, being chosen judge ór 
this controversy, exhorts them to 
begin, describes the beauty of the 
place and season, and appomts Da- 
m<»tf» te Pipg fir^t, and J>Iei?a)w^ 
^fter him. 

Dicite is used bere for canile. Jp 
if y»Ty fr«quwt amoftg the po^s, 
bptìi <J»e§k and ppmw, to uifi «a* 
apd fiffg p?-on)is(ì^ously, Tw ^Vi^i^ 



and now every fleM, noar 
every tree bring« forth. Now 
the woods are green, now the 
leason is most beautiful. Be- 
gln, Damoetas, and do you 
foUow, Menalcas. You ahall 
ling alternate! y, the Muses 
love alternate singing. 

Dam, Ye Muses» begin firom 
Jupiter, ali things are full of 

Et nunc omnis ager, nunc omnis parturìt arbos : 
Nane frondènt sylvae, nuncformosissimusannus. 
Incipe, Damoeta : tu deinde sequere, Menalca. 
Altemis dicetis : amant alterna Camenae. 
• Dam. Ab Jove principium Musa? : Jovis om- 
nia piena : . 60 

* In molli,'] '* In is wantìng in 
" the two Leyden copies^ and in 
'' that of Vossius. It is consedimus 
'^ umbra in the Venetian, which 
*^ perhaps is repeated from Ecl. v. 
'' 3. where the shepherds sit under 
'' a shade. So in Eoi. vii. 45. 
'* somno mollior herha, Ovid. Met. 
^^ iv. 514. mollibus incubai herbis, 
" and X. 513. mollibus herbis im- 
'^ posuere, But the librarians fre- 
*' quently confound umbram and 
^' kerham" Burman. 

This description of the season is 
veiy beautiful. The grass is soft 
and agreeable» . the fields shew a 
fine verdure^ the fruit-trees are full 
of blossoms^ the woods are ali co- 
vered with green leaves. The har- 
mony of rthe numhers is as delicate 
as/tbe s^a^pn itself, which is bere 
painted by the masterly band of our 
poet, , 

56- Paxtufit,] This word doesnot 
nec^ssarily signify the trees hearing 
fruita for we see it is applied also to 
the grass of the field. Thus in the 
l^cond Georgick, tiie poet> speaking 
of the spiring, says^ 

\ ' Parturìt almus ag-er; zepbyrìque tepen- 

'^ . tibusaurìs 

^ . Laxant arva sìous ; 

which cari be understood onìy of the 
first appenrance of the grass and 

• 57. Frondènt.'] Frondes sfgnifies 
not merely the leaves, but the an- 
nual shoots of a tree. Therefore 

frondènt sylvcR means, that the trees 
are full of young shoots, and con- 
sequently clothed with leaves. 

58. Incipe Damata^ <^c.] Thus 
Theocritus, in the ninth Idyllium, 

•\ Bmm§Ximrìtè Aàpn, vù ^ if^at *l^^*» «r^S- 

I «ff 

Sing, Daphnis, sing, begin the rural lay; 
Be^, sweet Daphnis; neJLt, Menalcas, 

59. Alierms dicetis.^ " Palae- 
" mon, as being judge, orders the 
'.' rivals to exercise themselves in 
'* the Aaioebean way. We shall soon 
^* see, that ali its laws are strictly 
'' observed. I am not surprised, 
*' that thissortof poetry should be 
^/ so pleasing to the Muses 3 for il 
" has something particularly agree- 
'* able in it. Father Sanadon, in 
'^ a collection of poems^ on the 
*' birth of the prince of the'Astu- 
" rias, has revived this sort of £c- 
^' logue, and composed one wortby 
'' of the time of Virgil." Catrou. 
Some copies bave aliemi instead of 
alterms. . 

Camen^B,'] So Varrò thinks it 
should be written:. we generally 
find. Camoena. It is a name used 
for the Muses, and, according to 
Varrò, derived from Carmen, 

60. Ab Jove principium, <^c.] Da- 
moetas being willing to open, bis 
song in sucha manner,that it shall 
be impossi ble for his aptagpnist ta 
surpass it, begins with Jupiter him- 
self, whom he claims for bis patron. 
Menalcas, in' his turn, lays claim 
to the patronage of Apollo, which 
he enforces, by saying he is always 
provided with gifts suitable to that 



Ille colit terras» illi niea carmina curse. 

He givesplenty tó ourlìèlds, 
he regards my song. 

Ah Jove principium Musa,'] Ser- 

j viu3 says these words are capable of 

I two interpretàtions, either The be- 

ginnir^cf my song is from Jupiter; 

l or, OmìiseSy Ut us oeginjrom Jupiiér, 

' La Cerda understands it in the for- 

mersense; But Ruseus ju^tly pre- 

fers the latter, becaùse we have a 

parallel passage in the seventeenth 

; Idyllium of Theocritus, where the 

muses are invoked in like manner : 

\ . ' 

I'Ex Atcs «eA;«'A*««'^«» »»* «iV A/« A.«yiri, 
. Begin with Jove, my muse, and end with 

The old translation by W. L. is in 
some measure according to the first 
interpretation ; 

Their first commence from Jove the 
muses take. 

The Earl of Laiiderdale follows the 
latter 3 

Almighty Jove my muse shall first re- 

Aad Dryden ; . « 

From the great Father of the Gods above 
My muse begins. 

And Dr. Trapp; 

With Jove, ye muses, let the song b^in. 

SerVius bas justly observed, tHat 
this distich is an imitation of Ara- 
tus, who begins hia poem thiis; 

U£<reu y wé^tMeùtf àya^eH, /tt^rh fi ^d^ 
•' rté. 

In like manner Orpheus begins 
hia song, in the tenth hook of Ovid's 
Metamorphoses ; 

Ab Jove, IVfusa parens, cedunt Jovis 
omnia regno. 

Òarmina nostra move. Jovis est mihi 
, saepe potestas 
Dieta prius. 

From Jove, O riluse^ my mofher, draw 

my verse, 
AU 60W toJove : Jove*s power we oft re- 

hearse. Sandts. 

The Muses were nine sisters, the 
daùghters of Jupìter and Mnemo- 
syne. Their names were Clio, Eu- 
terpe, Thalia, Melpomene, Terp- 
sichore. Erato, Polymnìa, Urania, 
and Calliope, who was the most 
excellent of them ali accordi ng to 

*Efviet ^uyuri^ts fuyeiXoo Atòg \xyiyau7eu, 
KXciw r* , EvrS^iTff ri, QóiXua, re, MiXtrd- 

fii^n «•«, . 
Ti^^i;^0^U r , *£^arii ri, n«Xv^w« r , 0&- 

^ann ri, 
KuWió^n B-*' flit ^^tipt^itrrurn »«'ri» à^ra^ 


Jom omnia piena,]. Several of 
itid- ancien t philosophers were of 
opinion, that one soul animated the 
universe, and that this soul was the 
Deity. Plutarch, in hìs treatise on 
the opinions of philosophers; tellsus, 
that ali, except those who assert the 
doctrine of a vacuum and atoms, 
held the universe to be animated. 
Sec the note on ver. 221. of the 
fourth Georgick. In the sarae trea- 
tise we find, that Thales, Pythago- 
ras, Plato, Àristotle, Dicaearchusj 
and Asclepiades the physìcian', sup-, 
posed the soul to be incorporea!, self- 
moying, a thinking substance, and 
the Constant action of a naturai or- 
gan endued with lifej oSroi mprts 

N 2 



rlth me. 


Men. Et m« Phoebus amati Phmbo stia 
semper apud me 

ifymtufv ^ttnf i^ùfTùi hrtXij^f : and 
iim, ÈLCtofiììtìg to Pytfaagoras and 
Plato, the soni is immortala and 
wken tt leaves the body^ returns 
to the soul of the world ; nv^ttyi^ 
'0itg, ti>Jiruv 0t^^»^r*f &tu ri» 4^;^> 
^MV9W» ^«^ Ili TÒ xùv «-«ni; ^^v 
àfd^^v 9r^ìf ri IfMAywi, Thal^s 
seémg to ìiave been the first Who 
adVànced, that the soul or mind of 
the world is the Deity; ror thus 
Plutarch informs us ; 0«^S( nw 
r«v tUrféw ei^y. We learn from the 
aaufe amhòr^ that Sóc^ates and 
Plato, who were of the sam)^ opi- 
Aiòh tdncerning the Umversa> e«ip« 
posed three principles^ Gtodi Mat- 
tar, «ììd Idèa: thni Ood t» the 
mind of the world ; Mattèr lìie first 
iUbjèfet óì generation and corrup- 
tion ; and Idea an incorporeal sub- 
stance in the conceptions and ima- 
jginations of Ood; ^itn^étm E*'- 

trrtufòi *A!^fai«q, cu */à^ «tvfà 9t^ì 
w«n^ Umti^év ìtìgM, rffk ^if^» 
^9 eùt, TÌy '^Any, riif 'itUr m-ti ìi 
i 0ù$ é nvi, ''rxn 2t ri t nr m ^ mt 
vf^Zrn ytmu xttì ^^«ff , 'l^ ^ «M» 
aawfutróf b róif mfutn tute rtuf if«É- 
r^rltuf rw dsov* Oi^ mw f^i rw 
kirftév. Jupiter being the sìft|>reQ9te 
of the fabulous deities, hU name 
is frequently used by the poets to 
eicpress the one Grod, whom thfe 
wisest of the philos4)iphers acknow- 
ledged as the Sool or Mind of the 
tmiverse. Thus Vlrgil bere calla 
him Jupiter, Jovi$ omnia piena ^ 
bui in the fQurth Geoi^ick he calls 
him God; Deum namque ire fer 
innne^i and in the sixth JBaeid^ he 
calfe him Spirit and Miad 1 

•Fritociplò cmiÈtà^ «è tèlM^ tàtòjiftaqiufe 

Lu<»nteiiM|ùé globùm Luii», Ittanlàquc 

^^Um intil» àUt, totamqu* infitì» per 

Ment agìtat molem, et miagno se corpoce 


, 61. lOe com ierras:\ JServius in- 
terprets colite umat, which he con- 
firms by a passage in the first ^- 
neid, Vnamfosthabvta co\xm9Q Samo, 
where coluisse means amasse. RjJ®"^ 
frfeVld^rS it ìtUfcecundat terràs, Tlms 
also bis learned countryman Ma- 
i^lìes, &eiit tuyqùi cultive Ics cìifimps; 
and W. L. He fertile makes the 
land; hnd the Earl of Lauderdale, 
Hedoìhestheearth; and Dr.Trapp, 
Hefor the world promdes ind'i^igenti 
and Catrou, // donne de la féconiité 
à nos campagnes. Diyden'a para- 
phrase seems to be m the same 
setide J 

To Jove the care of hcav'n and earth be- 

My flock» he blesfics. * 

lUi mea carmina cori».] " Poèts^ 
^^ at« ìiAdef lèe erotectìon of the 
''Gods; thusOv^d, 

«< At sacri vates^etDivataicaratdciaA^*. 

f' And Tibulkkà; 

M «.^ m^nm servat tatda fkoeUuu*' 


ee. Et ine PhioAus amat, Src] 
" Damoetaa had bé^^ with Jupi- 
" ter, and therefore it was ^ifficult 
««» tós «ilV^fStót 1» *5sc frigger. 
'* kfenàléaB howèVèi', aetoì-dh^to 
" the lawa of the Amcebean Bc- 
" logue, carries die thought far- 
" ther, and corrects that or bis ad- 
« Vettary. The firsrt: had boafisted 
« thrit ^ttpfter l(^hÌB Vèrsta': ttóa 
^ was presumption. Tlie ^sfetJònd 
^ siQrs he has piesentB always at 
'hand> to offer to the 0«l of 


MufiéTa «ttiit ì&wìj et «ttiive rybené hyaclnthus. Snàt.*^ '*^ *^ *^*' 

" verte: tibia ispietyandniòfdntj" 


SeTv^niB thìnkft théM nvords oa- 
pablfe cif a doubhe mtex)>retatioil ; 
dther he onlj tequaU bis idmrsiary, 
tliat God, whoià each wotàùps, 
bdng to him iupreme : ot «Ise he 
intenda to go iamer, mamùng by 
nnd JPhoBhus iéOes me, that not only 
Jupiter^ bttt Apollo abo loved hinii 

Burman finds <it tne ia sonoe ma*- 

Ph«ÌMt.Ji r Tfoe sanie wi& 
^^AjiDlloand Sol, the sonof Jójpt*- 
''ter and Latona, teho bore him 
/' at the same tinie wii^ Diana, in 
5' the ÙBlaod Delo6> the itiventor oF 
''physic; aùd the God of din- 
** nation^ poetiy, Kiod muisic. He 
*'T$ra» cafied Phcebo» qua$i ^déis 

68. Lauri.'] The lautus ié noi 
«UT laund, but bay, m is sheWti 
in the note on vet. S06t of the first 

Apòllo ^as in ìart nitfa Dat»hnè> 
tiie dttiq^ter of Péneat. Shebeing 
pursued by faini> atul almoet xkvér^ 
taken, besòught hcnr fatber to hairè 
pity on ber; PemMis beard ber 
fMrayer, afeid to pveserve ber dtitatkf 
frokn the TÌolatìòn «f ApoUo, changed 
Ikt iiHo a bay-tt-ee. The God 
beingdìsappeiìnfCed of peaseBsiag thè 
nyaph^ resolt^d that the tree ihouid 
foe his iayowìte^ itad isojoy the 
greatest honoors, Accòrdtng to Ovid* 
in the first Ixx^ èf hàs Metainor<^ 

€ul Deu^ at conjux quoiiiam mea non 
potes esséy ^ 

Afbor étìa edite, dfitft^ itieà« Seìiiptir liti* 

Tu ducibus Latiis adeds» cum ista tri* 

Yox «antìt; ìét hmg» xileni l^àpitoffift 


FotUhm AagiAtì «addiA fkUflsJÀfi «Ustot 
Ante fores aubia* mediamque tuebete 

Smt&i rubtn^ hgmÀnihns.'\ Hyà^ 
càithus» Who wae anothec favoarìte 
of Apollo^ and unhappily kiUed by 
hlm^ was changed mto die flowèr 
called hyatinth by the poets. It 
Ì8 however rery dmerent from any 
di die sorts of hyadndi wkich we 
cultiràte in our gardens. See the 
nòte òn vèr. 16& of fin» feiirth 

*^ it is oertaiù^ thit the law of 
'' the AmoBbeaii> or responsive 
*"' verse, is thts;^ that die last 
^' tipeskat mmt piroduoe aonieihing 
^' better^ or at least equal i other>- 
** wise he is oveicomei Dnnastas 
'' therefiffe» ite thia oontention for 
'' hottour, bcgìna inost arragandy. 
*' He assiunes to himsetf Juptter, 
" who fiUsall tèings» he wlll ìeave 
" nothing to bis i^versary, whom 
" he intends to overwhelm with 
"the power of so great a deity. 
" Add to this the great baugbtìness 
^' xs^Hìé first verse. Menakasbelng 
*'itt these straits, lays hold on 
^'that dinty, whotn he \atìm^ to 
" be nert to Jtqpker. and «ttpfeme 
^ in poetry. He adds «n alrection^ 
*» whtdi i8 vanting in the<frt ; for 
^ it fs moi^ to say ^ lofim me, dian 
*' he regtmfs my terseci, tìe adds a 
" reciproca love; he loves me imd 
''I love him, fbr I esteem and 
" honour his gifts. What if you 
•* should admìt die expficatron of 
" Servius? Phasbus also loves me; 
'' that is> Jvpikr it/f^m me, mnd 
*' Pkabus ài». I have èwo deities, 
'' and jou bave but one. Lastly^ 
•' riiere is no pledgé between Da- 
'' moetas and Jupiter; but a jmat 
** one lietween wmbìciuimrL Hioe- 
^iMt; he alwfiy» ^"^Vf ^ ^"'^ 
** iMiys aiki iiyttoinflis. Thene ss m 



th^S^t^^f^^'* I^A^- M*'^ "*® Galatea petit lascivo, puella ; 

^ doubt of bis being conqueror 
^ bere. Compare this witb Thè- 
^ ocTÌtus> rttì MSàveu fM ^t^MfTt, the 
^ Museg love me. Tbe otber an- 
^ 8wer9> xaì yà^ ì/i* 'fìfrdXX^wp ^iXm, 
^ and jpollo lavet me. It was no 
^ great matter for bim to get tbe 
^ better^ for tbe first bad not art 
^ enough to preclude bim. But it 
^ was a^great difficulty for Menai- 
^ cas to overcome^ wben Jupiter 
' was already engaged. Lastly^ 
' our poet, witb more propriety^ 
' opposes one God to ' anotber, 
' whereas tbe Greek poet sets 
' Goddesses against a God, and 
^ tbose very Goddesses too, that 
^ are tbe companions, and even 
' tbe servants, of Pboebus. There 
' are many tbings delivered con- 
' ceming Jupiter and * Pboebus, 
' wbicb sbew tbem often to dis- 
'agree. Tbeocritus goes on, the 
^ muses love me 

** — — woXò itXióv a rÒ9 àóiìòf 

' mtich more than the singer Daph- 
' nis, Here the Greek poet falls 
' short, for tbe otber sbepberd op- 
' poses notbing to tbis part. Wbat 
■ Tbeocritus introduces afterwards, 
' conceming tbe goats and fine 
' Tarn, is good. Calpurnius, Ejcl. IL 
^ wbo -sfollo WS both poets, tbus 
^ imitates tbis part. Idas says first, 
'* Me Sylvanus amat, dociles mihi donat 

"'Et mea frondenti circumdat tempora 

" To wbicb Astacbus answers, 

" Et mihi Flora comas parìenti gramine 

** spargit, ^^ 
" Et mihi matura Pomona sub arbore 

*« ludit." La Cerda. 

If I migbt venture to delìver my 
opinion in an afiair, wbicb seems 
to bave been determined by tbe 

general consent of tbe ciitics, I 
should say, tbat tbe law wbicb they 
bave enacted witb regard to the 
Amcebean poetry is not j u st. If the 
last speaker must necessarily equal, 
if not excel, wbat bas been saia by 
tbe first, I do not see bow it is 
possible for the last ever to come ofi^ 
witb conquest ; at tbe best be can 
but make a drawn battle of it. In 
tbe present Eclogue, tbe critics 
endeavour to prove, tbat Menalcas 
is equal to Damcetas in every cou- 
plet, and in some superior. Surely 
tben be excels liim, and ougbt in 
equity to obtain tbe prize ; or else it 
is impossible for tbe last speaker ever 
to gain tbe victory. . If Ùììs was the 
case, Who would, ever engagé in 
sucb a contention, wbere the first 
speaker cannot possibly lose tbe vie- 
tory, and tbe last can never get it ? 
Tbis imaginary law tberefore seems 
to be absurd; tbe natttre of tbe 
Amcebean poetry being ratber tbis ; 
tbat two persons speàk altemately an 
equal number of versesj tbat tbe 
latter is obliged to produce some- 
thing tbat has relation to wbat bas 
been said hj tbe former ; and tbat 
tbe victory is obtainedby bim, who 
bas pronounced tbe best verses. Pa- 
Isemon, who is cbosen for judge be- 
tween our two sbépberds, declares 
tbemjto be equal'; wbence we may 
conclude, tbat VirgQ intendedeitber 
tbat they sbould be equal in every 
couplet, or else tbat sometimes^one 
sbould excel, and sometimes tbe 
otber. Witb regard to the two 
couplets now before us, it must be 
allowed, after ali tbàt the com- 
mentators bave said, tbat. the first 
cannot be excelled. Therefore Me- 
nalcas does not attempt to emulate 
tbe first line, wbich is in praise of 
Jupiter, tbe supreme Deity. He 
only answers to tbe end of the se- 

y^ ^.-«i 



Et fugit ad salices, et se cupit ante videri. 65 

and nini to hidfr henelf «- 
mong the willows, but wishes 
I may see her first. 

cond line^ iUi mea carmina cura, 
hj saying that he himself is the fa- 
vourite of Apollo, the God of verse ; 
to which he adds as an instance of 
the yeneration which he has for thìs 
deìty, that he takes care to be con- 
stantly provided with such gifts as 
are agreeable to him. It is said, 
that Menalcas makes choice of 
Apollo, as the next deity in order to 
Jupiter. But, according to Horace, 
Jupiter is infinitely great, and above 
ali comparison^ and the next to 
him, though at an immense dis- 
tance, is Pallas : nor is Apollo men- 
tioned till not only Pallas^ but even 
Bacchus and Diana bave been ce- 
lebrated ; 

Quid prìus dicam solitis Parentis 
Laudibus ; qui res hominuxn, ac deorum 
Qui mare et terras, variisque mundum 

Temperai horis? 
Unde nil majus generatur ipso ; 
Nec viget quicquam simile, aut secun- 

Proximos illi tamen occupavit 

Pallas honores. 
Proeliis audax, neque te silebo, 
Liber, et saevis inimica virgo 
Belluis : nec te metuende certa 

Phoebe sagittis. 

Whom first $ thaUI creating Jave 
WUh pioui duty gtadìy sing, 
That guides below^ and rule* abovct 

The great Disposero and the mighty King 9 
Than he none greater, next him none 
That can he, is, or toas ; 
Supreme he stngtyfUs the throne; 

Yet Pallas is àUow'd the uearest place, 
Thy praises, Bacchus, hóld in war^ 
My wìUing muse willgladly shew. 
And, virgin, thee tohom tygersfear ; 

And Phcebus dreadfulfor unerring bow. 

For my own part^ I should give the 
preference to the couplet of Damoe- 
tas ; though it may be said^ in fa- 
vour of Menalcas, that he has 
answered as well as it was possible 
for him to do, when his adversary 
had assumed a patron above ali imi- 

tation. Thus perhaps a candid 
judge will be loth to bestow the 
victory on Damcetas; seeing it 
could not be expected that Menalcas 
should perform an impossibìlity. 
But yet it must be allowed, that 
Damoetas, being to speak first, bad 
a right to take advantage of ii, 
which he has donè with success, anil 
is therefore superior to his adver- 

; 64. Malo me Galatea, ^c] The 
shepherds having celebra^d the 
deities, whose patronage they claim, 
proceed next to the mentipn of their 
loves. Damoetas boasts of the 
wantonness of his Galatea, wlio 
throvvs an appiè at him, and then hide herself,but wishes 
at the same time, that she may not 
be unseen. In answer to this, Me- 
nalcas boasts of the fondness of his 
Amyntas, who'comes so often to 
him, that his very dogs are ac- 
quainted with him. 

These two couplets are an imita- 
tion of the same number, in the 
fifth Idyllium of Theocritus. Co- 
matus says, 

éufiu. > 

Tbe fair Calistris, as my goats I drove, 

With apples pelts me, and stili murmurs 

love. . Cresca. 

Lacon answers. 


And me smooth Cratid, when he meets 

me, fires ; 
I barn, I rage, and am ali wild desires» 

It must however be allowed» that 
the copy is superior to the originai. 
The commentators discourse, with 



not better known to m 

Mew. At miiii 8Qte offlsrt Qlttv» nem ignis 

Amyntas : 

mMQt for m7 Yenui: fbr I MotlOF Ut jaCd Slt CaniDVIS nOD Dell^ DOStriS* 

Dam. Parta me«^ Vinari »mit mimerà: nanw 
que notavi 

miich shew of leaming^ on these 
app]e« which Galateathrows at her 
loY^r ; but I believe Virgìl inteoded 
PO greater mystery, tfean to deaeri be 
naturally the little wantonoess of a 
country girl, who endeavours to 
inalce ber lover take notici of ber, 
and then mos away and hides ber- 
self, hopipg at the sanie time, tbat 
he willoot be very dull at discover- 
rag her. Horace^ who was better 
versed in these affai rs than most of 
tiie leamed critics, bas alluded also 
to these little coquettries^ 

Kuxic et latentla prodìtpr intùno 
<]rTatu9 puellie risus ab aogulo. 

J^m» Itw to hear the hmng mai4^ 

Wbom youth haih Jir'df ani leatOy 

Byhefomn Hàteritig taugh letmffd^ 
Anàforc*d inio hor *Wf '# atm», 

Mx. Pope, in bis first pastoral, ha4 
bis eyes on these passages of Virgil 
and Horace, 

Me gentle Delia beckons firom the pìaìn, 
Tvpfi bmL fR MHMies enMusfl ncv es^jer 

But feigns a laugh to see me ecarch 

And \)af ithat ysxi^ ^ wiUix)^ 4iMr ìs 

^, At mihi sese affiri» ^c] JNfe* 
nalcas urges the Constant affection of 
htt AfiàyfKas, ia opposkiofi to tbe 
leirity of Galatea, S^rviys ob;ieTv^, 
that tbls is stronger than wb^t f^e- 
nalcas has.sai4« ^ccording to the 
law of Amoebean poetry, 

^7, JkUafì^ S(me iuìder^t»K|d 
thiflt^»ean Diana; but it wouid 
be a presumption in a shepherd to 
represent a goddess so familiar witb 
him^ fls to be .acquaitited wkh bÌ9 
dogs. It seems more reasonable to 

think it was a servant-ipàid, or one 
at least of the fami)v. 

Catrou is of opinion that Menal- 
cas bere has the advantage agaio, 
or isAtleastequal. '* Galatea^* says 
he, '' bestows on one iv mark of 
*' her affection, by tbrowing/apples 
^' at bim. Amyntas gives a greater 
'' to the other, by offeriag bim* 
'' self to bis friend of bis own ac- 
^' cord. Tbe image of th^ sbep- 
''herdess rupning away, and yet 
'' being willing tò be seen^ is efe- 
" gant and easy. That of the dogs 
*' of Menalcas, which always know 
" Amyntas, and caress him, has 
'* something in it agree^ble and 
" naturai" 

I b^evfi the readisr will be more 
inclinable to prefer the cou^et of 
Damcetas. The descriptiop pf Ga- 
latea's b^baviour is wond^rfully 
pretty and naturai ; and iporj9 to be 
liked than the €orward Condness of 
Amyntas. Milton makes it an ex« 
cellence in Ève, that ahe was not 
obmoiu, noi obtrusk>e, Mr. Pope 
sterna to be of the same ppinion^ 
for in b{s first Eclogu^e^ when Stre- 
phon has spok^n the Jines quoted 
above, Daphnis does not ontwer 
bim, by boasting of the forwardnesa 
of bis n)i«tres8 ; but d?scribes ^er 
as runoipg away, yet be 

The sprìghtiy Sylvia trìps along the 

JShe nim, bujt bopes ^he 4oe9 not ntn 

While a kind glaaee at her punaer iies, 
How much at vafntaict are ner leet and 

68. Parta mea Veneri, ^c] The 
shepherds fìow boast of tbe pre- 



Ipse iocùm,. aerìfle quo ccHigessere palumbes* 
Men. Quod potui, puero sylvestri ex arbore 
lecta , W 

the place, whe« tbj. Whr 
ikig'^xrm barn buHt^ - cbefr 

Min. 1 bave done the be*t 
I could : I Iiave sent niy ttOi' 
ten golden apples 

sents which they maketo their love^. 
Damoetas says he intends to send 
ring-doves to Galatea ; but Me- 
oalcas answers^ that he has already 
seqt ten golden apples to Amy ntas, 
aaà will send as many more the 
next day. 

The first couplet is an imitation 
of one in the fifth Idylliunoi of the- 
ocrìtus ; 

(Knyò fàthtrS rf fttt^iff ttvri»» póf^m, 

l'U give my deàx a dove; in yonder 

Vìi climb, and take ber down, for there 


MecB Veneri,'] It is rio un usuai 
thing with the Greek and Roman 
writers, to use Venus for a mistress. 

6Q, A'érÙB . . . palumbes.'] The 
palumbes or palumbus of the Latin 
writers, and the ^drvtt or ^*ov« 
pf the Greeks, is our ring-dove, or 
queest, called also in the north^ a 
cushaL It differs from the common 
pigeon, or dove, in being largerj 
and having white spots on each side 
of the neck, like a collar or neck- 
lace^ whence it is called palumbus 
iorquatus, and by us ring-dove, 
Anstotle, in the thìrteenth chapter 
of the fifth book of his History of 
Ani mais, says, " There are several 
*' species of the pigeon or dove 
'\ kind. Oue sort is called viXffi^, 
" which is smaller than the com- 
*' mon pigeon, and hard to tame: 
*' it has blackish feathers, and its 
" feet are red and rough ; for 
'^ which causes it is never bred in 
'* houses.. The ^àrrm is die largest 
" sort of ali, and the next is the 
•' éìfàs ; this is a little bigger than 
" the common pigeon : and the 
" least of ali is the r^vym j" Tmv 

% ^^MTt^òuìSf Ttfy;^;«ftt ^>utt %rrtt r» 
ym* trrt yi{ lineai wiXw^^ taci -artgi- 

a-ùf }t yinrtu fiZXXòv i vt^ttm^d' i 
ìì vtXuৠxst) fà>Mf Kdt fMK^h x«à 
ì^^^vw^^ tcetì v^tcxvTf^vf, ito Kcù ev- 

iùi Tgg^ir (UytTTW fcìf Wt rSf TòtòV' 

rttt k (pdrrtc ia-rì, ìivrt^òf Jè i òUdg' 
»vm ìì fMK^S ftii^ttf ' irrì rnq ^ «rtgi- 
oragSf IXct^trròv ìì rSt rotovrtiv i 
T^vyMf. The vtXuàf is probably 
our rock-pigeon, which is small, of 
an ash-colour, and breeds on the 
rocks. The éhàg is our stock-dove 
or wood-pigeon, which has purple 
feathers, as if stained with wine, 
whence it is called òìtà^ and vinago. 
The Tgwy*'» is the turtle^dove, and 
the (p»rrtù is the ring-dove. These 
last build in high trees, whence 
V irgli calls them aeria. The amo- 
rous disposition of doves, and their 
reputed conjugal fidelity, make 
them a proper present from a lover 
to his mistress. Propertius seems 
to hàvemeant our ring-dove by his 
columha iorquala ; 

Sed cape torquatct, Venuf O regina co- 
Db meritum ante tuos gàttinà seeta 

CongessereJ] Burman tells us, 
that Heinsius had written cmcessere 
in the margin ; but cangerò has been 
used in the same sense by pther 
good authors. Thus Plantus, in 
the Rudens ; 

Creda ajium in aliam beluatn hominem 

Illic in còlumbum, predo, leno vertitur. 
, Nam in columbari ejus collum haut 

multo post erit ; 
In nervum mille hodie nidofnenta con» 


7Q.'€bapd.potWf^cJ\ This cou- 


tnm a ^ 

i£fU Aurea mala deoem tabi : tarm altera mittatn. 

plet is taken from the third IdifUium 
of Theocritua ; 

Ten apples I bave aent, jrou shewM the 

Ten more to-morhm; ali I pluck fu 

thee. Cbesch. 

We fiee here, that Theocritus says 
apples simply wkhout aoy epithet; 
mi perhaps Virgil might mean no 
inore by golden, than to express the 
ezcellence of the apples. Itis how- 
ever the geaeral opinion of the cri- 
iics, that some particular fruit, 
difiereni from what we cali siinpty 
apples, Ì3 intended. Some will have 
citrons to be the fruii in question: 
but they were not planted in Italy 
till long after VirgiPs tinae. Our 
|>oet hiiBself, in the second Geor- 
^ick, where he ^peaks of the distin- 
guishing of countries by their trees^ 
makes the citron peculiar to Media. 
Tberefore this fruit cannot be tbe 
;golden appiè, which the shepherd 
gathered in a wood, silvestri ex ar- 
bore leda. Much less can it be the 
òrange, as Catrou hafl translated it^ 
making it to be gathered also from 
a wikling; '* C'étoit dix oranges, 
" que j'avois cueillies sur un Sauva- 
*'geon.** So far was the orange 
from growii^ in the woods of Italy 
in thofle days^ that the fruit itself 
Was wbolly anknown to the anei- 
«nts. The more general opinion of 
« the learned is, that these golden ap- 
ples are quinces, which someaflSrm 
to have been spoken of by the an^ 
'dentB under the name of melimela, 
beirtg so called from their yelìow 
colour like honey. But Pliny says 
expressly* that the melimela were 
named from their having the toste, 
iMitthe'cofoavof^honey; ^' Mastea 

" a celeri tate mitescendi^ quae nunc 
*' melimela dicuntur a sapore melico^ 
Thus also Martial, 

Duldlms aut certant qus meUitneìa £eivìs. 

We have seen already^ in the note 
of ver. 51. of the second Edogue, 
that the quince has a taste too au- 
stere for the palate of a youn^ per- 
son; and Martial seems to allude 
to this austerity^ when he says, that 
if you preserve quinces in lioney^ 
you may then^ if you please» eall 
tliem melimela ; 

Si tibi Cecropio tatuxBia Cydomà melle 
Ponentur : dicas haec melimela licei. 

It may with better reason he af- 
firmed, that the pomegranate is the 
golden appiè. This fruit is common 
in Italy, and grows even in the 
woods, as we are assured by Matthi- 
oIqs, a learned Italian -, " Nusqnam 
^' non cognita sant in Italia: siqui- 
**^ dem inibì et in hortis, et in vine- 
" tìs, et in viridariis eorum frequen- 
" tissinie visuntur arbores. Syl- 
'* vestre alterum^ alterum domasti- 
'' cum. Sylvestres sponte nascun tur 
'• in colli bus, et marltimis locis, et 
*'• aridis." Thus far it ap:rees with 
the golden apples, which eitlier grew 
on a wild tree, or were gather^ in 
a wood^ sylvestri ex arbore, Let us 
now consider thedescription, which 
Ovid gives of the go2(fen apples, with 
which Hippoo^enes won Atalanta, 
in the tenth hook of the Metamor- 
phoses ; 

Est ager, indlgeiue Tamasenum nomiiie 

dicunt ; 
TèlliirÌB Cyprìee pars optìma: quem mihi 

Sacfavene aencs : tempUaque accedere do- 

Hanc jussere meis. Medio nitet art»r 

in arvo; 
Fulva comaniy fulvo nunis mpiUtotìbua 




Dak- O quott^ Qt qu» notói Gftlale^ locata ,,^i5eri Wc^J2£ 

'x I wokcn to ine ! a i e ¥?ÌB(Mk 

est ! lMìirM)mfiP4rttotlìe«af4# 

PdTtem aliqumn venti divum reTeratist ad aure». 

Hinc trìa forte mea veniens deoerpta fe- 

Aurea poma manu. 

AJieìd there U, to fertile rume, ihro* aU 
Rich Cypruty which fftey Damatoeniàt caB. 
Antiquate thit to my honour vow*d : 
And therewith ali my tempks are endow*d. 
A tree there JUmritht on that pregnant 

Whoit glittering kaves, and hranchet, 

shone with gold, * 

Three golden apples, gatheredfrom that 

By chance I braught. 

Pliny mentions Tarnascus, as one of 
the fìfteen towns of Cyprus. We 
learn from a Greek poet, qupted by 
Athenaeus^ that a pomegrapate- 
tree was planted in that ìsìand by 
Venus, wbich was hìghly esteeiued ; 
"E^i^òf ìì |y MtXiCòict ttvrà rctvrct rà 

(pd96u§ hrtipi^u, 

Aiiii^ev ^yriv^etiy vuri (petvtVy \f fUvn 

By comparÌDg. this Greek author 
with Ovid, we find that the tree 
planted in Cyprus, and hearing 
golden apples, was a poniegranate- 
tree. Now^ that the fruit of this 
tree was descr ibed to be of a yellow, 
or golden colour, we find in the 
fifth hook of the Metamorphoses^ 
where itis called poZ^/t, which we 
bave already observed, in the note 
on ver. é6. of the second Eclogue^ 
to be ascribed to gold by the sanie 

Puniceum curva decerpserat arbore pò- 

mum: • 
Sumtaque/7ai2m/i septem de cornice grana 
Presserat ore suo. 

More authors migbt be quoted, but 
what we bave already said }s snflì- 

cient to prove^ that the golden ap- 
plea of the poeta are pom^zCQmtM,, 

In these coupletsMenalcas seems 
to bave the advantage $ for Danioe- 
tas only had a present in view for 
Galatea; but Menalcas has already 
made a present of ten pomegranates 
to Amyntas^and desìgqs tp send)iim 
as many niore. 

72. quotieSi ^c] Damoetas 
speaks in a rapture of the soft things, 
which Galatea has saie! to hfm ; and 
invokes the winds to carry part of ' 
theni even to the ears of the gods. 
Menalcas, in oppoeition, exprèsses a 
complaiqt of Aipyntas leaving him 
to keep the nets, whilst he himself 
goes to hunt. 

73. Partem aliquam venti^ 4^.1 
The comoientators are dividea 
about the meaning of this passage. 
Servius understands it to signify^ 
that the .words of Galatea are so 
sweet, as to be worthy of being 
heard even by gods. La Cerda i§ 
of the same opinion, and adds^ tha^ 
the winds wei*e thought hj the an- 
cients to be uiessengers between thè 
gods and men. Thus PrydeQ 
translates it> 

Winds on your wings to heàv^n her ac- 
centa bear, 
Such wordH as heav'n alone ìs fit to liear. 

CiBtrou gives a quite different sensei^ 
^r he supposes the shepherd to de^ 
sire the wmds to carry only a part; 
to the Gods, for feax they should be 
jealous; '^ Zephirs, nen portez 
'^ qu*une partie aux oreilles de9 
" dieux ! iU en sgroient jaloua:" 
Ruffius hints at the best ioterpreti|r 
tion/ the shepherd intreajts thf 
wiods to bear at lea^t some part of 
her words to the Gods, tliat th(^ 



to^mTi^^^SS^ Men. Quid prodest, qood ine ipse anìsio non 

do not despUe me in yoar • * . 

heaft,iflmu«tkeeptheiieta SpemiS. Amvnta. 

Dam.o ioia«,tend piiyuii bi, dum tu sectaris aDFos, CffO rctui serro ? 75 
Dam. Phyilida mitte mini : meus est natalis, 
loia : witnesses of the promises^ 
which Galatea has made to him. 

74. Ciuid prodesi, S^cJ] Menal- 
casboasts also of the love that Am3m- 
tas bears to him, and adds a kind 
complaint, thàt thìs is not sufficiente 
since he will not let him partake of 
the dangers, to which he exposes 
himself in the chace. 

La Cerda is afraid, that the vic- 
liory will here be thought to belonjz 
to Damoetas. He owns it is a di£ 
ficult place, and therefore strains 
hard, to shew wherein Menalcas 
excels. He objects to the first cou- 
plet, that Damoetas boasts of no- 
thing but words, and shews ho^ 
little they are to he depended upon. 
This is mere trifling, since he him- 
self allows them to be sCich words 
as were fit even for gods to hear. 
Surely nothing can be mòre elegante 
than the rapture in whicli Damoetas 
speaks of the promises of his mis- 
tress, and his prayer to bave them 
confirmed by the gods. We may 
therefore venture once more to 
allow him the victory. 

76. Phyllida mìtte mihi, S;c7\ 
Damoetas calls upon lolas, to semi 
Phyllis to him, and invites him to 
come himself, when the Ambar- 
valia are celebràted. Menalcas 
claims Phyllis, as his favourite mis- 
tress, and boasts of the tendemess, 
which she shewed at partihg with 

Meus est natalis?^ The ancients 
lUsed to celebrate tìie day of their 
.birth with much cheerfulness, and 
invite their friends to partakè with 
, them. Thus Plautus in his Captivi ; 

1 _.. Heo. Quìa natalis est dies. 
\ Ero. Proptereaatervocarimeadcoenam 

And in the Pseudolus -, 

!Nam mihi hodie natalfs dies est ; decet 
eum vos omnes concelebrare ; 
Pernam, glandium, cailum ; samen, fa- 
^ cito in aqiia jaceant. Satin* audis ? 
^^agnifice volo enim sumxnos viros acd- 
j pere, ut mihi rem esse reantur. 

And in the Persa ; 

;'•— ^ Hoc age, accumbe: hunc diemr 

; Meum nafealem agitemus : amoenimi : 
\ date aquam manibus, apponite men- 


The thirteenth Elegy of Ovid's 
third hook de Ttisitbus, is on his 
birth-day, wherein he laments, that 
being banished into such a dismal 
country, ìt is not in his power to 
celebrate the day with such solem- 
nities as usuala the wearing of a 
white garment, crowning the aitar 
■^ith flowers, and offering fì'ankìn- 
cense^ and holy cakes ; 

Quid tibi cum ponto? num te quoque 
Caesaris ira 
Extreiham gelidi misit in 
mum ? 
Scflicet expéctas soliti tibi moris hono- 
Pendeat ex humeris vestis ut alba meis ? 
Fumida cingatur florentibus ara coronis ? 
Micaque sollemni thuris in igne sonet ? 
Libaque dem prò me genitale notantia 
tempus ? 
Concipiamque bonas ore fa vente preces ? 

Martial mentions it as an unusual 
thing, to invite any one to celebrate 
a birth-day, who was not esteemed 
a friend; 



Cura faciam vitula prò frugibus, ipse venite. 
Men. Phyllida arpo ante alias : nam me dis- 
cedere flevit : 

Whea I offer a hdfer for the 
Jiruits of the earth, do 700 
come younelf. 

Mm. O Iola«, I love Phyllls 
above ali othen ; for she wept 
at my departure. 

Ad natalìcias dapes vocabar, 
Eflsem, cum tibi» Sexte, non amicus. 

La Cerda thinks Damcetas desires 
lolas to send her to him^ as an 
agreeable present, because it was the 
custom also to send presents on those 
occasìons. But it seems more pro- 
bable^ thathe invites her as a friend. 
loia,'] lolas may be supposed to 
be the father of Phyllis. 

77. Cum faciam vitula, ^c] The 
shepherd invites Phyllis to a merry 
entertainment; but her father to 
a more solemn feast He means 
the Ambarvalia, in which they of- 
fered sacrifice for the success òf the 
corn. This solemnity is beautifully 
described by our poet in the first 
Géorgick. See ver. 339. 

Faciam,] Facere signifies to sa- 
crifice, and the victim is put in the 
ablative case : thus faetam vitula in 
the passage before us signifies io sa- 
erpice a heifer. La Cerda justly 
observes, that rem sacram, or some 
such words, must be understood 
after faciam, in confirmatìon of 
which, he produces a quotation of 
Livy, which comes up fully to the 
purpose ; " Omnibus divis rem divi- 
" nam thure, ac vino fecisse,** 

Vitula,] We may observe, that 
this Eclogue began with a reproach, 
that Menalcas threw upon bis ad- 
versary, that he was only a hireling, 
that fed the flocks of others. Da- 
moetas, being stung with this oblò- 
quy, takes occasion more than once, 
ta represent himself as a man of 
property. He oiFered at first to 
stiEJce a heifer, which Menalcas was 
unwilling to answer, because the 
herd was not his own, but bis fa- 
ther's. Uere again Damoetas sets 
forth his own abili ty, and brags of 
ofTering a heifer, at the Ambarvalia, 

which was a sacrifice peculiar to 
wealthy persons : for the poorer sort 
contented tìiemselves with offering 
a lainb, as we find in Tibullus ; 

Vos quoque feliois quondam, nunc pau« 
. peris horti 

Custodes, fertifl munera vestia Lare». 
Tunc vitula innumeros lustrabat csesa ju- 
Nunc agna exigui est hostia magna 
Agna cadet vobis, quam circum rustica 
Clamet, io messes, et bona vina date. 

Ip$e ventto.] He treats lolas, the 
father of Phyllis, with much re- 
spect, inviting him to the Ambar^ 
valia, a solemn sacrifice, to which 
every one was obliged to come with 
the strictest purity, as we read also 
in Tibullus ; 

Quisquis adest faveat : fruges lustrasnus 
et agros, 
Ritus ut a prisco traditus extat avo. 
Bacche veni, dulcisque tuia e cornibus 
Pendeat, et spicis tempore cinge Ceres. 
Luce sacra requìescat humus, requiescat 
Et grave suspenso vomere cessat opus. 
Solvite vincla jugis s nunc ad presepia 
Piena coronato stare boves capite. 
Omnia sint operata Deo: non audeat 
Lanificam pensis imposuisse manum. 
V08 quoque abesse procul jubeo : disce- 
dat ab aris 
Cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus. 
Casta placent superìs: pura cum veste 
Et manibus purìs sumite fontis aquam. 

78. PhylUda amo, S^^ Menal- 
cas, in answer to Damoetas's pre- 
tending to invite Phyllis on his 
birth-day, declares, that he loves 
her above ali others ; and calls lolas 
to witness, with what teridemess she 
took her leave of him. 


long finrewdl. 

Dam. A wolf b a dreadinl 
tUln^ to the'foids, nUn to the 
tipe con, winds to the trees: 
to me the anger ofjMnaryHl». 

Men, Rain ì» a ddightful 
tUng to the «eed, «rbutes to 
the weaned kid«, » 


Et longum formose valey^mquit» loia. 
Dam. Triste lupus stabulisi inaturis frugibus 
imbres, 80 

Arbof ibi» veiHf) nobi« Amaryllidis ir». 

Men. Dulce satis humor, depultis arbntus 

f Me discedere jkv'U,'] For dU- 
icessum meumjlev'\t, a Grecisin. 

79* Longum formose vale, vale, 
inquit,'] Longum vale, and ater- 
num vale, are Grecisms frequently 
/ used. Servius takes notìce^ tliat tìie 
ìast syllable of the second vale is 
short, becduse it comes before a 
vowel, as in Te Corudon o Alexl 

Jo/a.] Servius takes Mas to be 

another natne fór Meualcas; so 

thaty according to him> v/e should 

intei^ret this line, inquii, O for^ 

mose loia, vale, longum vale. Ma- 

rolles is of the same opinion^ for he 

translates it, adieu mon bel lolas. 

But Ruaeus lias given a mudh better 

ìnterpretation. "loia," says he, 

I " is not a word spoken by PhyUis 

) *' to lolas, but by Menalcas to lolas. 

• " For as Damoetas had before ad- 

•' dressed himself to lolas, saying, 

; '* lolas, send PhyUis to me : so 

l " now Menalcas also addresses hìm- 

; " self to the same person, O loius, 

'' I love Phyllisr 

Here we may agree with the cri- 
tics, that the victory belongs to 
Menalcas. Damoetas endeavours to 
obtain the aflfecticHi of i'hyllis by an 
mvitation,* but Menalcas has al- 
ready gained it. Besides, tiiere is 
a greater tendemess and delicacy 
in the latter couplet thim in ìthe 

80. Trisie lupus stabuVts, Sfc] 
Damoetas, finding bis rivai to bave 
tiie advantage, with regard to Phyl- 
^ lis, tirrns the discourse to another 
mistress^ and declares nodliiDg is 
more terrible in bis opinion than 
' ^ anger of Amaryllis. Menalcas 

answers, that nothing is so delight- 
ful to him as Amyntas. 

The first couplet seems to be an 
imitation of some verses in the 
BéimùXixrrtcì of Theocritus ; , 

|Aì»)^m fitìv x^H"*^ ^oCt^iv x»»ifp u^ttfi 7 

Rough 8torms to treeF, to birds tb« trea* 

cherous snare, 
Àte frightful evil6> sprìnges to the bare» 
Soft Tirgin*s love to man. Crejsch» 

Imhres^ Heinsius found imher 
in tliree ancient manuscripts. 

%2, Dulce satis humor,^c.'] Thus 
also Theocrhus, in the ninth Idyl- 

*JlÌv Ì\ xà ^H'yiy X^ ^u»iX«r aio ìì 

Sweet is the heifer^s sound^ and sweet 

the kine, 
Sweet is the pipe*s, the 8wain*6, and sweet 

Ì9 mine. CftE£CH. 

Depulsis arhutus hcedis,'] The 
goats are fond of the arbute, or 
strawberry-tree. Thus our poet^ 
in the third Georgick ; 

Post hinc digressus jubeo frondentia ca- 

Arbi^ta sufficere. 

Thus also Horace ; 

Impune tutom per nemus arhiiot 
Quserunt latentes, et thjma deviae 
Olentis uxores mariti. 

See the notes on ver. 148. of the 
first Georgick, and ver. 300. of the 

Depulsis signifies weaned^ a Ittcie^ 



Lenta salix £xto peoorì, mìhi solus AinynUs. 
Daat. PoUio amat nostrani, quamvis est ru- 
stica, Musam : 

tm<Hnf wttjow» to the png' 
nant cattle, Aznynta* aloa^ 

Dam* Though my song Is 


1^ beìngunderstoocLvhichisexpressed 
in the «ev«nth Eclogue^ 

Bepuhot a lacte domi qus clauderet 

Varrò uses depulms also for being 
weàned ; ** Cuna depuld sint agni a 
•' matrìbus.*' La Cerila thinks the 
Aepherds are equid in these oou- 
plets: but Catrou, according to 
cufltom, affirms that Menalcas has 
the advantage. ^' The images," 
saya he, '• which Menakas bere 
'' presents to the mind, «re more 
'' agreeable than tàose of bis ad- 
^'versary. A wolf, unseasonable 
'' faìna, and tempestuous winds, are 
'' the ornament of Damòetas's dÌ9- 
" course. In tèat of Menalcas, 
*' we bave favourable rains, and an 
«'agreeable nourìsbment to the 
" HockSi*' According to this way 
of reasoQing, Menakas ougbt to be 
esteemed inferìor to Damoetns, in 
the two preceding contentions, in 
one of which he complainfl of the 
unkindness of Amyntas, and in the 
other speaks of the grief of Phyllis, 
both mclandioly images. Yet this 
learoed gentleman gìves the pre- 
ference to Menalcas on both these 
occasiona. In the present case they 
nay jnstly be esteemed equal, one 
Tepvesenting how much be dreads 
the 'displeasure of Amaryllis ; and 
the other how much he esteems the 
iaYour of Amyotas. Nay, Virgil 
himself seems to be of this opinion ; 
fbr àt the dose of ibis Eclogue, he 
makes Pàleemon determine, thàt 
he who give% a good description of 
bisidiffidence in love is equal with 
bìm, who describes well bis hiqppy 
auccess in the same passìon ; 

Et vitula tu dignus, et hic, et quisqtiis 
' Aut metuet dalces, aut experìetur ama- 

84. Tollìo amat nostrani, ^c."] 
Damcetas introduces a new subject, 
and boasts that PoUio is fond d bis 
poetr^. Menalcas lays bold on this 
occasion to cel^rate Pollio, as 
being a poet himself. 

C. Asinius PoUio was a XH>etjf 
orator, and histoiian, and a greut 
patron of poets, especiallyof Virgil 
and Horace. He was chosen con- 
sul in the year of Rome 714. The 
next year he had a trìumphdecreed 
him for bis victory over the Dal- 
matìans, at which time Ruaeus 
supposes this Eclogue to be written. 
because mention is here made of 
preparing vlctims for PoUio. Ho- 1 
face addresses the first ode of the 
second hook to him« in which we 
find, that he wrote conceming the 
civil wars, that he composed tra* 
gedies, thàt he was an orator, and 
that he triumphed over the Dal- 
matians ; 

M otum ex Metello consale civicum 
fiellique causas, et vitia, et modos» 
Ludumque fortunse, gravesque 
Principum amiettiaa, et arma 

Nondam expiatis uncta cmorlbas ; 
Periculose plenum opus alee 
Tracta» : et incedis per iga&s 
.Suppositos cineri doloso. 

Paulura severae Musa Tragcediae 
Desit theatris : mox^ ubi publicas 
Res ordìnaris, grande munus 
Cecropio repctes cothurno : 

Insigne moestìs presidium reis. 
Et consulenti, PoUio, curis ; 
. Cui lauNis seternos bonores 
Dalmatico peperit triumpbo ; 

Jam nunc minaci murmurc comuum 
Per8tr[;igis aures : jam litui strepunt; 
Jam fulgor armonim fugoces 


^* *S£r*** * **"* '^ Keridesj Titalam lectori pascite vesCro. 66 

Térret equos, equitumque vultus. 
Audire magnos jam videor duces, 
' Non indecoro pulvere sordidoB : 
Et cuncta terrarum suhacta» 
Prieter atrocem animum Catonis. 

Sad jffitonert guarda and^dory o/the bar. 
The Senate^t orade, and great in war, 
WhotefaUh and virine aU prodaim ; 
To whom the German triumph «mm» * 

And never'fi^ng ghriet •fa crown : 

The ground* and vices ofour wart, 
Our civil dangerì and ourfears. 
The sport of chance, and tum$ offaU, 

And imploiu arme ihatJUyw'd 
WUh yet unexpiated blood ;. 

The great Triumvirate, 
AMiheirìe^gueeJiUal to ihe Roman state ; 
A dangerous work you write, and tread 
Cerjkmes hy treatheroui athet hid; 
Yet thi9 you xprite^ and give tojkme 
A ìatting monument ofomrjidher^t shaime* 
Bvt hM ihy mouming Muie^Jòrbear 
To tread Ihe crowded theatre, 
TiU quiet, ipread oVr ttate-afairt, 
ShaU lend thee Hmefor meaner cares ; 
And ihen in^ir*d wiih tragic rage 
Return to thefirtaken stage. 
And numm thefiuits andfoUies ofiheage: 

MelMnks ihe Hwnpefs threafning sound 
Disturlfs our rett wUhJlerce iàairmSf 

And front the shming arms 
A dreadfid lìghPmng spreads around ; 
It darts palefiar thro* cò'ry eye. 
The horses start, and trernbUng ridersjly. 

' MethtnksthexparUkeci^tains^shoutsare 
WUh sordid dust how gìoriously &e- 

smear*d ! 
In Uoodlseethe sdldiers rotf, 

Iseethe worìd dbey, 
AU yield, and own great Ceesat*s sway^ 
Eofcept the stubbom Cato*s haughty souL 

Seneca^ in bis hook de Tranquillìtate 
Aninii, raentions him as a great 
orator ; "Et magni, ut dixi, viri 
^' quidam sibi menstruas certis die- 
*' hu8 ferias dabant: quidam nul- 
'* lum non diem inter otium et cu- 
" ras dividebant Qualem Pollio- 
" netti Asiniqra orator em magnum 

^' meminunus, quem nulla rea ultra 
*' deoìmam retinuit Ne epistolas' 
*' quidem post eam horam legébat^ 
*' ne quid novce cur» nasceretur, 
*' sed totius dieilassitudinemduabus 
" illis horis ponebat.** He was the 
first^ that erected a public library 
in Rome^ as we find in Pliny^ lib. 
vii. e. 30. who adds, that the statue 
of Vano beinff erected in his life- 
time; in that Hbrary^ by so great an 
orator and citizen, was no less glory 
to him^ than the naval crown given 
him by Pompey the Great^ whén 
he had finished the piratic var. 
'' M. Varronls in bibliotheca, qu» 
*' prima in orbe ab Asinio.Pollione 
^' de manubiis publìcata Ronue est^ 
'* unius viventis posita imago est : 
'^haud minore (ut equidem reor) 
*' gloria^ principe oratore et cioè, 
^' ex illa ingeniorum^ que tunc 
'^ fvLìt, multitudine^ uni nane co- 
^^ ronam dante> quam cam eidem 
'^ Màgnus Pqpipeius piratico ex 
'' bello navalem dedit.** He men- 
tionathis library agaìn in lib. xxxv. 
e. 2. " Asinii PoUionis hoc Ro- 
*' mas inventum^ qui prìmus bibli» 
*' oihecam cllcando, ingenia homi- 
*' num rem publicam fecit." The 
sameauthor mentions PoUio's fine 
coUection of statuesi by Praxiteles 
and other famous masters^ as the 
reader will find at large in lib. 
xxxvi. e. 5. Plutarch mentions him 
as an intimate friend of Julius Ce- 
sar^ and one of those who were 
present with that great man/when 
ne deliberated concernìng the pas- 
sage of thè Rubicon. Thesame ao- 
thor quotes Pollio's account of the 
battle at Pharsalia, and speaks of 
his being with Csesarin Amca, and 
assisting him in putting a stop to 
the fii^t of his men^ when they 
were surprised by Scipio. The 
younger Pliny mentions him in a 



Men. PoUio et ipse facit nova carmina, pa- r^^^Sffu^^^SST 
scile tflurumi 

list of tke greatest men in Rome; 
" Sed ego verear né me non patis 
^' deceat quod decuìt M. TuUium^ 
** C. Calvum, Asinium PolUonem, 
*• Marcum Messalam> Q. Hor- 
'• tensium, M» Brutum, &c." Vel- 
leius Paterculus also, speak ing 
of the men of extraordinary ge- 
nius who adomed the Augnstan 
age, inserts the name of Poi Ho in 
that ìlliistrìous catalogne ; ** Jam 
*' pcenesupervacaneum vìderi pot- 
'^ est, eminenttum ingeniorum no- 
*' tare tempora. Quis enim igno- 
'* rat diremtos gradibus «tatis fio- 
'* roisse hoc tempore Ciceronem, 
'*,Hortensium, saneque Crassum^ 
*' Catonem, Sulpicium ; moxque 
** Brutum'^ Galidium, C(Blìum> Cal- 
*' vum, et proximum Ciceroni 
'* Cffisarem ; eorumque velut alum- 
*• DOS, Corvinum, ac Pollionem 
'^ Asiniunif aeaiulumque Thucydidis 
** Sallustium.*' In another place, 
he mentions his steadìnessy and 
fìdelity to Cscsar's eanse ; ** Asi- 
'/ nius autem Pollio, firmus pro- 
'^ posilo, et Julianis partibus fidus." 
The.89ine liistorian mentions an- 
other instance of hìs integrity. 
There had been a great friendship 
between him and Anthony ; but 
after the latter gave himself up to 
an infamous commerce with Cleo- 
patra, Pollìo wouid .bave no more 
concern with him ; bat when, Au- 
gustus ìnvited hira to join wilh his 
forces in the'flght at Actium, he re- 
fused to he engaged on either side; 
'^ Non praetereatur Asinii Pollionis 
'^ factum et dictum memorabile. 
*' Namque cum se post Brundù- 
*' siniEtm pacem continuisset in Ita- 
" lia, neque aut vidisset unquam 
" reginam, aut post enervatum 
" amore ejus Antonii animum, par- 
" tibus ejus se miscuissct, rogante 

*' Caesare, ut seciim ad bellùm^ 
** profieisccretur Actiacum. : Mea, 
" iuquit, in Antonìum majora^me- 
** rita feunt, illius in me beneficia 
*' notiora : itaque discrimini vestro 
*' me subtraham, et ero prseda 
*' Victor is.** 

85. Pierides vitulam, ^J] Ser- 
vius understand» thls to mean^ ** ei- 
'* ther feed his herds, because he 
" reada ibis poem, or nurse up a 
" heifer fof him afta reward." Ru- 
seus makes a faìrther use of this pas- 
«age. He thinks the time of the 
puUication of this Eclogae may be 
discovered from the verses before 
US. . He is of opinion, that the men- 
tion of a heifer and afterwards of a 
bull refers to the time of his obtain- 
ìng a triumph for the Dalmatiab 
victory ; these apimals being sacri- 
ficefl on such occasions to Jupiter 
Capito! inus. That triumph being 
. noted in the Fasti to liave hnppéned 
on the eìghth of the kalends of No- 
vember, in the year of Rome 715, he 
concludes, that this Eclogue must 
probably have been written about 
the middle of October, when Vir- 
gil was about 31 years old. His 
learned countryman. Catrou, is of 
another opinion. He thinks, that 
DamoBtas pro(¥)ses to breed up a 
heifer for him, as a tnan of taste in 
poetry ; and that Menalcas proposes 
a young bull, as for òne, who was 
himself an illustrious poet. Bur- 
man, in his note on the next cou- 
plet, takes nova carmina to signify 
heroic and epic verses, being in- 
• duced by a note of Acron on Ho- 
race, where he says, that the lyric 
poets used to sacrifìce a heifer, the 
tragic a goat, and the others. a 
bull. He quotes Ramus also, who 
says a heifer was a reward for bu- . 
colie poets, which Burman says he 



h^^lJS^^JSi Jam cornu petat, et pedibus qui spargat arenam. 


took from Servìus^ and wishes he 
had added the authority of some 
other writer. I believe indeed it 
will be difficult to prove, that either 
heifers or bulla were ever offered in 
sacrìfice by poets, or given to them 
as a reward. We know that the 
goat was a reward for tragedy : but 
1 cannot find the least hint in any 
ancient author^ coneemiifg a like 
reward for the other sorts of poetry. 
Nor Ì8 it easy to imagine^ that it 
should be customary for poets to sa- 
crifice a buU^ which was esteemed 
the greatest victim that could be 
offered to the gods. Thus Pliny, 
*' Hinc victiniae opimae, et lau- 
" tissima deorum precatio." Nay, 
our poet himself has told us as much 
in the second Georgick ; 

Hinc albi, Clitumne, gregei, et maxima 

Taurut * 

VicHma^ ssepe tuo perfùsi flumine sacro, 
Roipanos ad tempia deum duxere trìum* 

There does indeed seem somethìng 
like an ollusion to a heifer being a 
reward for sudi as excel in bucolic 
poetry, in the dose of this Edogue^ 
where Palspmon tells the contending 
ahephenis, that each of them de- 
serves a heifer; " et vitula tu dìg^ 
l'nus et hic' But perhaps the 
judidous reader wiU be of opinion^ 
that this alludes only to the heifer^ 
which the shepherds had agreed to 
stake. I dare not venture to make 
an absolute decision in an affair so 
yery doubtful ; and therefore shall 
l^ave it to be considered^ whether 
tìiis passage may not relate to the 
Ambarvalia, in which we bave seen 
already, that a heifer was the usuai 
offering for wealthy persons. Ac-. 
coMing to this interpretation, Da- 
mcetas desires the Muses to feed a 
beifer for their friend and patron; 

to which Menalcas answers^ '' Poi- 
'^ lio is not only a patron of the 
, ^^ Muses, but also a poet hfmself : 
" ther^ure inscead of a heifer, the 
'' usuai victim of wealthy shep- 
*' herds, feed a bull, the greatest of 
^^ ali victims for so illustrious a per- 
" son.'* Those who will not adrait 
of this exposition, may take that of 
Ruaeus, which is certainly very 

. 86. PolUo ei ipsefacity *c.] We 
|have seen already, in the notes ón 
llthe preceding couplet, that PoUìo 
vwas an excellent poet. 

Nova carmina.^ Servius inter- 
prets nova by magna, miranda: 
Burman will bave it to mean herok 
and epic poems, because Acron 
says, Alios (which he inteiprets 
epicos) poetas taurum immolasse. 
It may probably mean no more, than 
that Pollio was at that time com- 
posing some new poem. 

87. Jam cornu pttai, S^cJ] These 
circumstances make a gooddescrìp- 
tion of a youn^ bull, that is just 
come to maturity. This line is 
repeated in the ninth Mneìà, ver. 

Itcan hardly be doubted but that 
the victory bere belongs to Menal-« 
cas. Damoetas speaks of Pollio 
onljr as a ]udge of poetry : but Me- 
nalcas celebrates him, as being a 
good poet himself. Damoetas of^ 
&rs him a heifer: but Menalcas 

Eroposes a bull for him. Thus the 
Ltter excels the former in each par- 
ticular. The shepherds are now 
equal; Damoetas excelling in the 
first, second, and fourth, and Me- 
nalcas in the third, fiftii, and 
seventh i for they were equal in the 
sixth ; as they will also appear to be 
in the remaining part of this CQn« 



Dam. Qui te, PoUio^ amat veniat; quo te ,h2foiwBoI^&l^ 

^.,^^.4^ ^,.,J^*. honours, whìch he rcjoiccB to 

quoque gaudet: ieetheeattain;lethoneyflow 

Mella fluant illi, ferat et rubus asper amomum. b?Imbie'beSr spS». ""* 

88. Qui te. Pallio, amat, *c.] 
Datnoetas, unwilling to &dl short of 
his adversary, in the praises of Pol- 
lio, expresses the highest regard for 
hjià» and wishes that aU who love 
him maj reach the same honours. 
Menalcàs, on the other sìde^ ex- 
presseis the strongest detestation of 
the detractors from that great man. 

Veniat quo te quoque gaudet,"] Here 
no doubt venisse must beunderstood> 
*aecording to Servìus, who adds^ 
that the poet alludes to the consul- 
ship, which Pollio obtained, after 
baving taken Salone, a city of Dal- 
matia: though others affirm, that 
the victory over the Dalmatians was 
in the year after the consulship. 
Burman differs from his predeces- 
sors, and says, '' he does not well 
'^ understand what Servius and the 
'' rest after him mean about the 
/' cQtisulship of Pollio^ and venisse 
^' being understood, which he thinks 
" they can hardly prove. But," 
says he, " it appears from the fol- 
" lowing couplet, that Damoetas 
'' here censures the arrogance of 
'' Menalcas, who endeavoured in a 
*' manner to make himself equal 
" with Pollio, by sayiuii: Pallio 
*' amat nostram, S^c, to which he 
'^ now answers, that Damoetas, 
'^ who loves Pollio, ought to bc 
" endued with that poetical genius, 
** for which he hears Pollio to be 
*' celebrated, and ought to bave 
" honey flow, that is, be master dT 
" a honey eloquence, and àble to 
** treat of the most difficult sub- 
*' jects with the greatest sweetness." 
Then he seems to think that we 
ought to read veniat quo te quo- 
que laudet, taking ^uo to be used for 
ut, and interprete it, may he i^me io 

sing 1/our praises, and may he he 
furnished mth ali eloquence. I must 
confess myself to be as much at a 
loss to understand this leamed cri- 
tic, as he is to understand Servius 
and his'foUowers. I do not see how 
it appears from the foUowing cou- 
plet, that Damoetas here censures 
the arrogance of Menalcas; nor 
was it Menalcas, but Damoetas 
himself, that said Pollio amat nos^ 
tram, 4*c. nor can I comprehend, how 
it can be an answer to that arro- 
gance to say, ^''Ihat Damoetas, 
'* who loves Pollio, ought to be 
** endued with the same poetical 
'* genius." His words are, " Sed 
" ex sequenti Menale» disticho ap- 
'* paret Damoetam hic perstrinxisse 
" arrogantiam Menalcae, qui se 
" fere PoUioni sequare voluerat, di- 
" cendo, Pollio amat nosiram, 8fc, 
'' cui nunc respondet, Damoetam 
" illum, qui Pmlionem amat, de- 
<< bere etiam instructum esse facul- 
'' tate illa poetica, qua Pollionem 
'* celebrari audit, &c." It is to 
be hoped, that tiiis leamed critic 
will explain this passage farther, in 
some future edition, His taking 
quo for ut, and inserting laudet for 
gaudet, seems violent ; for he does 
not say, that he is countenanced in 
this reading by so much as one 
single manuscript To conclude^ I 
do not see it necessary to suppose, 
that the passage before us alludes to 
the civil or military honours of Pol- 
lio : it may possibly aim at thosé 
only which he had acquired as an 

ÒQ, Mella fiuant iUu'^ Burman, 
as was observed in the preeeding 
note, interprets this to mean elo- 
quence. It seems rather to allude 



JMw. Let him,who doet not 
hate BaTluf , love thy vertes» 

Men. Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina 
Msevi: 90 

to the happiness of the golcìen age, 
in which the poets feign that honey 
dropped from oaks. Thus we read 
in the ne^t Eclogue ; 

Et durae quercus sudabunt roscìda mella. 

Seé the note on ver. 131. of the 

first' Georgick. 

Ferat et rubus asper amomutn.'^ 

Rubus is wìthout doubt the bram- 

ble, or blackberry-bush. 

Servius says the amomum ìs an 
^ssyrìan flower; to prove which, 

he quotes these words of Liican; 
.*' Vidn» messis amomum.** The 

£arl. of Lauderdale translates this 


Who loves thee, PoIIio, $11 those blessings 

Sweet honey pelds, or myTtles which thy 

hedges bear. 

Dryden renders it myrrh ; 

Lpt mtfrrh instead of thorn bis fences 

Dr. Trapp translates it spìces, and 
Catrou des parfums. Theophrastus 
tells us^that some say the amomuni 
is brought froQi Media, and others 
from India; Tò ìì »ct^a(M(Mf tcut 
ìifMffuty ti fdf U Mnìutts ci y s| 
'lììSf. Dioscorides says 'Mt is a 
*^ little shrub, with branches bend- 
" ing and turning« like a cluster of 
" grapes. It has a sort of flower, 
*' smful, and resembling a stock- 
*' giUi flower. The leaves are like 
" those of bryony. That from 
" Armenia is accounted the best, 
•" which is of a goldish colour, has 
." reddish stalks, and a very sweet 
*' smeli ;" "AfMfMt irrt ^otfMtffMi 

969 MPTM* ÌXIK % TI tUtì Uf^, f^f^^'^^ì 

^ tff XtvttùtùV ^ifXX» ìì fi0v$fU oiuittr 
««AA4rr«v ÌH Irrì t« «^^iviév, ;^v0t- 

fùf, ivùiÌH iicMàii. The same aùthor 
speaks of a worse sort from Media, 
and another from Pontus. Ruaéus 
quotes this description of Diosco- 
rides. But these words '* In Assy- 
" ria, Armenia, Ponto, et Media op- 
'* timum" are not just ; for Dios- 
corides does not mention Armenia, 
and says expressly that the amomum 
fì*om Media, which grows in moist 
and plain places> is less effìcacious : 
T^ ìì flnìtMt ita TO Ì9 vtìUti tcai » 
ìpvì^ùtf ró^ctf ^M9-d'«< aìufcùTért^òf . 
Pliny seems to speak of it as a clus- 
tei from an Indian vine; though 
he says others are of <^inion, that 
it is a shrub like a myrtle, a span 
high, thfet it is gathered with the 
root, and is veiy brittle; that the 
best sort is like the leaves of the 
pomegranate-tree> not wrinkled, 
and Of a reddish colour; and that 
it grows aiso in Armenia, Media, 
and Pontus ; *' Amomi uva in usu 
*' est, ex Indica Vite labrusca; ut 
*' alii existimavere, frutice myrtu- 
'^ oso, palmi altitudine : carpitur- 
'' que cum radice, manipulatim 
*' leniter componitur, protinu« fra- 
*' ^le. Laudatur quam mnxime 
'* Punici mali foliis simile, nec tu- 

" gosis, colore ruffb Nascitur 

" et in Armenia parte, qu$? vo- 
'^ catur Otenae, et in Media^ et in 
'* Ponto." It has been a matter of 
great question among the modem 
writers, whether we are at predent 
acquainted with the true amomum 
of the ancients. It is sufficient for 
our present putpose to know, that 
there was such a spice or perfame, 
in high esteein among them, and 
that it came from the eàstern parta 
of the world, Therefore, when 
Damoetas wishes that Pollio*s frìends 


Atque idem juagat vulpes, e* mulgeat hircos. Sk'h^ìr*'* ***^"* 

maygather amomum from brambles, 
he makes a- second allusidn to the 
happiness of the golden: age. Thus 
•we find again in the next Eclogue ; 

Assyrium ^ulgo nascetur amomum. 

90. Qui Bavium non odit, éj^c,"] 
Menalcas chan^ces the subject from 
the admirere of Pollio to his de- 
tractors; and, as Damoetas had 
wished ali happmess to the former, 
so he expresses the greatest detesta- 
tion of the latter. ^* We see 
" plaioly," says Catrou, ^* what sort 
^' of opposition there is between 
** the two couplets of Oamcetas 
** and Menalcas. The former 
" wishes the friends of PoUìo, as a 
'' reward for their good-will, equal 
'' honours to those whìch had been 
^* decreed to this ìllustriouS Roman* 
'' Pollio had been consul^ and had 
'^ obtained a triumph for his con> 
*' qiiest of Dalmatia. The second 
'^ wisbes ali those^ who do not de- 
*' spise the verses of Bavius^ as a 
" punishment for their ili taste^ may 
*' esteem those of Maevius, a worse 
** poet stili. Biit; in short, what 
"relation is there between Havius 
'^ and Pollio^ between a hero and 
«' a bad poet? And if there is 
<' none, where are the ìaws of the 
<^ Araoebean Eclógue ? A passage 
*^ of Symmachus may perhaps clear 
" up this dark place, which the in- 
'* teppreters bave not explained : 
*' Non idem honor, says Symma- 
^* chus, in pronuntiandis tabulisy 
*' P. Póllioni, quam liavio fuit/ 
" neque par issopo et Rossh fama 
*' processit. Here this author puU 
*' Pollio and Bavius in competition, 
'^ and seems to give the preference 
'^to Baviusr They were both 
<' poets, and composed dramatìc 
" pieces. Bach of them had his 
" partMan»; but Virgil was for Poi- 

'* lio, his benefactor. In this Ec- 
*' logue, he makes a farious attack 
'Vupon the rivai of his friend. 
'' He would have those, wIiq esteem 
*' him, be accounted stnpid enough 
*' to be guilty of the grossest ab- 
" surdtties. I know, that in the 
'* ìast editions of iS3nnmachus the 
'^ text has been altered, and that 
'^ they read Ambimo ìnstead of 
^' Baino. But, what right had they 
" to put Ambivius with Pollio? 
" was it not more naturai to follow 
" the old editions, and to jòin Pol- 
** lio with Bavius, as Virgil has 
'' done ?" But Burmaashews plaìn- 
ly enough that the p^sage in Sym- 
machus, on which Catrou grounds 
his«criticism, is either corrupted, or 
not to the purpose. The Pollio 
there mentioned is, even according 
toCatrou'squotation,P. Pollio. Now 
our Pollio was not V. Pollio, but C. 
Asinius Pollio, and it has been 
proyed that there was no such pet- 
6on as Publius Pollio in the whole 
Asinian family. 1 1 is more probable, 
that Pollioni has slipped into the text ^ 
of Symmachus by mistake, and that 
we ought io read Puhlio only ; for 
there was, it seems, one Publius, a 
player, who is there opposed to Am- 
bivius, another player, who is men- 
tiorìed in anothér episUe of Syramar 
chus. Cicero also mentions Am- 
bivius Turpio, anactor, in his hook 
de Senectuie, In truth,. ali that is 
said aboyt Bavius by the commen.i 
tators is doubtful : and I believe.we 
know no more of him at present, 
than what Virgil has told us ; that 
he was a very sorry poet ; and thdt 
he died in the year of Rome 720, 
in Cappadocia,» according to the 
chronicle of Eusebius ; '* Olyipp. 
" clxxxix. 3. M, Bavius Poeta, quem 
'' Virgilius Bucolicìs notat, in Cap- 
** padocÌ4 moritvr." 



àJSSiiJdSSSlbSSS!!^ I>AM. Qui legitis flores, et humi nascentia 

growontiiegiouiid, (raga^ 

As for Maevius^ we know rather 
more of hìm ; for Borace, as well 
as Virgil, has taken careto transmit 
hìs name to posteritv. The lyrìc 
poet prays heartily that he may he 
shipwrecked^ and vows a sacrifioe 
to ' the storms if they vili but de- 
atroy him -, 

f Mala soluta navis exit alite» 
I Ferens olentem Mevium 
) Ut horrìdis utrumque verberes latus, 
Auster^ memento fluctibus. 

Opima quod si prseda curvo littore 

Porrecta mergos juverìs ; 
LibidÌDosus immòlabitur caper, 
( Et agna tempestatibus. 

Tbai cunei «fttp, ihat Hinking Mceviut 
hore^ * 

Wm an m amen Irft the shore; 
S<nUh-»indt ie ture ydu raUe the sufOUng 
And ttouày leat herfeebk tidee, 

Then ifi see thee tpread a dainty disk 
To hungryfowly and greedy ftsh, 

A goat and lamb thaU then my vùwt 
And both OuM die to thank the storm. 

The Works' of these poetasters have 
not reached to our times, and pro- 
bably did not survive their author$ : 
so that we must rely wholly on Vir- 
gl's testimony for their character. 
This great poet's declaring àgainst 
them has caused their names to be 
always mentioned with contempt 
and rìdiciile. Pope^ in his Dunciad, 
has placed Bavius in Elysium, on the 
banks of Lethe, where he is em- 
ployed in dippin^ the souls of tìie 
duU, before their entrance into tìiis 
world ; 

Here, in a dusky vale, where Lethe rolJs, 
Old Bavius sits, to dip poetic souls. 
And blunt. the sense, and fit it for a siculi 
Of solid proof, impcnetrably dull. 

'' The wonderful satirical sharp- 

^' ness of these lines, Qui Baviunt 
'' non odit^ Stc" says Dr. Trapp, *' is 
" likewìse known to a proverb. 
'* It is pleasantto see the poet dash- 
** ing two dunces against one another, 
^* to make sport for himself and 
^' his reader. We may be aure 
*' they were not only dull, but en- 
'^ vious and maìicums scribblers ; Vir- 
'' gii had certainly been abused by 
•' them ; otherwise he, who "was 
'* the most candid, and best-natured 
'' man in the world, would not bave 
" been so severe'upon th^m.** Here 
I cannot agree wiui this ingenious 
gentleman, that Virgil had certainly 
been abused by them, in which case, 
it would have been more suitable ta 
his candour and humanity, to have 
taken no notice of them. The of- 
fence, which they had committed, 
was certainly against PoUio, who 
was Virgirs friend, and a man of 
the greatest merit What Menai- 
cas said would have been no answer 
at ali to the former couplet, if these 
bad poets had not been enemies to 
Pollio. Before we quit these an- 
cient dunces, I would beg leave to 
consider, whether what Virgil has 
said of them is not capable of a bet- 
ter interpretation, than that which 
is generally reccived; " Let him 
'^ who does not hate Bavius, be 
'^ punished with liking the poems 
'* of MfiDvius." Wherein does the 
punishment consist? It would in* 
deed be a punishment to a person 
of good taste, to be obliged to read 
bad poetry; but surely it can be 
none to him that likes it We know 
that both Bavius and Maevius were 
contemporary with Virgil ; perhaps 
Bavius was the older of the two^ 
and his verses allowed without dis- 
pute to be ridiculously bad. Let us 
suppose then^ that Maevius was the 



Frìgidus, O pueri! fugite hinc, latet anguis in Si'ffin^g?!^*:"**^*"*^* 

adversì^ry of Pollio: the satire in 
this case will be very plaìn. and 
tìitrongly levelled a^cainst Mseviiis. 
The sense then will be, that none 
can bear the poetry of Maevìus, 
but such ns are so senseless as ter like 
the wretched verses of Ba vi us. This 
«ense seems tome more delicate, and 
more like Virgil. We may strengthen 
this interpretation by donsidering 
an almost similar circumstance. We 
are'told thàt Settle was once a rivai 
of the famous Dryden, and had a 
strong party on bis side. If any 
friend of Dryden wouldhaveshewed 
bis contempt of that unworthy an- 
tagoriist, could he bave done it bet- 
ter than by naming some incontest- 
ably bad poet, such as Withers, for 
ìnstance, and saying, ** Let him 
" that doe3 not hate Withers, ad- 
" mire Settle?" Would not the sa- 
tire, in that case, be more delicate, 
and strong, than if that friend had 
named twoof Dryden*s antagonists, 
and said, *' Let him that does not 
'* hate Blackmòre, admire Settle?'* 
There is no great matter of satire in 
naming two poets together, who 
are neither of them in esteem. But 
to compare a poet, who has many, 
admirers, with anotheì* that has 
none, is treating him with ridicule 
and contempt. We may conclude 
therefore, that Mtevius had bis ad- 
mirers, and that Virgil, being in- 
cènsed against him for abusing his 
friend Pollio, was resolved to shew 
his contempt of him, by telling 
him he Was no better a poet than 
Bavius. Dryden has translated this 
line most strangely ; 

Who hates not living Bavius, let him be 
Dead Maevius^ doom*d to love thy works 
and thee : 

Wherè this famous translator disco- 

vered, that Mseviiis was dead, whén 
this Eclogue was written, I can not 

91. Atque idem juu gai, S^c,"] Here 
Menalcas says, that such as can 
like the poetry of Maevius, are ca- 
pable of employing themselves in 
the grossest absurdities. 

92. Qui If^siiis flores, Sfc] '' In 
*' these and the follo wing couplets, 
" the shepherds seem to be grown 
"friends: they do not^sting one 
" another, a» beforej but only op-' 
'* pose one sentence to another; in 
*' which they appear to me to be 
'* always equal. The allegories, 
'' which some bave iroagined, do 
'' not please me. Dàmoetas ad- 
^' monishes the boys to avoid the 
*' flowers of the meadows^ where 
'^ snakes lie hid : Menalcas wams 
" the sheep to keep from the banks 
" of the rivers, where there is dan- 
i*' ger." La Cerda. 

^ervius understands this ailego- 
rically. He says it is a hint to the 
Mantuans/ who lived among armed 
soldiers^ that were as dangerous as 
so many serpents. Vives interprets 
it, *' You that study the librai 
M artSy avoid this venomous poet.'* 
Catrou thinks it is a metaphor taken 
from the country, to shew the dan- 
ger of those passions, which capti- 
vate the heart He understands 
love to be the snake in the grass. If 
this passage must be understood al- 
legorlcally, I should rather follow 
the interpretation of Vives, because 
it continues the subject of the pre- 
ceding couplet. But I believe it 
would be better, with La Cerda, to 
understand these verses literally. 

Humì nascentia fraga.^ Tina 
epithet humi nascefUia }s very pro- 
per; it expresses the manner in 
which strawberries grow> for th^ 



. Ye 


go farther, it Is aoc Mfe to 
tnist t' ■ 

Men. Farcite oves nimium procedere: non 
bene ripae 

plants which bear them trail upon 
the ticround^ and are therefore more 
likeìy to conceal serpents. 

94. Farcite oves, S^cJ] Servlus 
interprets pcncite procedere to mean 
prohlbftey servate ne procedant,^ This 
Ruseus justly thinks to be harsh and 
without exumple. The other in- 
terpretation, he observes, is coun- 
tenanced by this line of CatuUus ; 

Nil metuunt j arare, nihil promittere 

It is conformable also to a lìke ex- 
pression of Theocritus, in the fifih 
Idyllium ; 

'SiTT* aiti r&t H§rim Tmi fitHuéHit' J5Ì* »•- 
*£lt ri mmrtivTtt r»vr$ yitix$^»f, f ri f$u^7' 


Servius also understands this couplet 
aìlegorically, and thinks it alludes 
to.the story of Virgll's being in clan- 
ger of his life from Arrius the cen- 
turion, if he had not thrown him- 
self into the ri ver. Vives tells us 
the whole story: ^' Arrius the 
'* centurion was placed in Virgil's 
" lands^ and when Virgil retumed 
"from the city with Caesar's edict, 
" by which Arrius was cotnmanded 
" to quit his possession. the centu- 
" rion assaulted Virgil with his 
'' drawn sword, and pursued hitn, 
«* till he tl^rew himself into the 
*' Mincius, and swarp to the far- 
"ther bank." Dr. Trapp is of 
opinion, that " to put the rara for 
" the shepherd, however allegorica! 
" it may be, is not very naturai : 
" and there is little agreement, says 
'' he, between fklling into a river 
'' accideihtally, and leaping into it 
'' designedlv." Catrou thinks the 
allusion to love is stili carried on, 
anìd that the meaning of this cou- 

plet, is, that love is a sUppery shore, 
from which we may easily fallhead- 
long into the torrent, if we do not 
carefuÙy avoid the brink. I believe 
we had better keep to the literal 

Non."] Daniel Heiusius has nam 
instead of non, which surely must 
be a mistake. 

95. Etiam nunc] Barman finds 
etìam sua ia one roanuscript. 

96. Tityre pascentes, 4*c.] These 
couplets continue the subject of 
takmg care of the flocks. 

Servius thus allegorizes the pas- 
sage before us; '* O Mantua, re- 
" frain from the endeavour to re- 
" cover thy lands : for when it shall 
'* be a proper time, / will rvash them 
" ali, that is, I will purge them ali 
'* before Caesar, when he shall re- 
'< turn from the fight at Actium. 
'' He uses this expression in fonte 
" with great proprìety; for he 
" liimself was afraid to receìve liis 
" land from Ceesar's friends, as 
" from some little streams ; but 
'^ now he tells the Mantuans, |liat 
'' he will obtain the benefit from 
*' the fountain head, from Cssar 
** himself." But Virgil, if we 
may believe the writers of his life, 
finished ali his Eclogues seven years 
before the fight at Actium. Vives 
interprets this couplet in the same 
manner, and takes in fonte tomean 
. Augustus ; but he does not raention 
Actium. Catrou understands it as 
a caution, to avoid being surprìsep 
by dangerous inclinations. Dryden 
translates this couplet thus ; 

From rìvers drive the kids, and tling 

your hook : 
Anon 1*11 wash 'em in the shallow bròok. 

What does he mean by and sling 
your hook ? 

BÙcoLia ECL. ni. 


Creditur: ipse aries etiam tiunc veliera siccat. 95 
Dam. Tityre, pascentes a flumine reice capel- 
Ipse, ubi tempus erit j rfmnes in fonte lavabo. 
Mbn. Cogito oves, pueri : si lac praeceperit 
Ut nuper, frustra pressabimus ubera palmis. 
Dam. Eheu, quam pingui macer est mihi 
taurus in arvo! 100 

the ram himsclf fa cven n»w 
drying his aeece. , 

Dam. O Tityn»» kecp the 
goat» back firom the rlver : I 
mysclf wUl wMh them ali m 
the fountaln, when it «hall be 
a proper time. 

Men, Fold the sheep, my 
boys : if the beat «honld dry 
up the rnUk, we shall press' 
their dugs in vain with onr 
hands, as we did some time 

Dam, Alas I in how fatten- 
ing a field is my bull lean ! 

Reice!] " Here is first a syncope, 
*• rejice into re-ìcSi then a con- 
** traction of two short vowels into 
" a long diphthong, re-ìce ^ into 
'* reke. Thus we nave eicit for 
*' ejicit in Lucretius ; 

'* Nec radicitus e vita se tollit et eicit.** 


97» Omnes in fonte lavabo,'] Thus 
Theocritus, in the fifth Idyllium ; 

98. Si lac praceperii astus.'] " That 
*' is, praripuerit, ante cceperit, ante 
** verterit. Hence preceptors are so 
" called^ because they first take a 
*^ thinff, and conceive it in their 
*^ mind^ before they teach others. 
" Gi&nius thinks we shouid read 
^* perceperit far invaserit, after the 
" manner of the old Latin writers. 
'' Thus Pacuvius, in his Medea, has 
** Horror percipit; and Plautus, in 
** his Amphitr^o, Nam mihiy 4^. 
'' mihi horror membra misero per* 
** cipit dictis tuis ; and Lucretius, ' 
'* lib. 5. 

'* Aera percipiat calidis fervoribui ardor, ' 

^' But I think we ought not to 
** change the text" La Cerda. 
Ruaeus interprets it^ either of dry- 
ing up the milk, or corrupting it 
so, as to make it go away. W. L. 
makes use of a word, which I do 

not remember to have seen else- 
where j 

If beate, as erst it did, the miìkforutow. 

The Earl of Lauderdale translates it. 

Drive home the ewes, my lads, lest heat 

Their milk, as late we press'd their dugs 

in vain. 

Dryden's translation is, 

To fold my flock ; when milk is dried 

with heat ; 
In vain the milk-maid tugs an empty 


And Dr. Trapp's, 

Boys,' fold your sheep : if summer dry 

the milk, 
As lately, wc shall squeeze the teat in 


He explains it io his note by praoc- 
cupaverit, which, without doubt, is 
the true meaning. Catrou seems to 
think it raeant curdling the milk; 
*' Si la chaleur venoit a tourner leur 
'* laits." 

100. Ekeu quam pingui, Sfc] 
Damoetas laments, that his herd is 
subject to the passion of love, as 
well as himself. Menalcas answers, 
that love is not the occasion of the 
leanness of his siieep, biit some fas- 
cination. ' 

Eheu,2 Some read Heu, Heu, 
which answers to the Greek ex- 
pression Ai, «f. 




Love k the tame deitractlon 
of the cattle, and of the mas* 
ter of the cattle. 

Menu Tfte^e cectainly do 
aot oufier by love i their fleah 
scaioe «ticka to their bones. 
I know not what eye he- 
witchea the tender lamba. 

Dam. Teli me In what land 
the apace of heaven ia ex* 
tended thvee etta and no 

Mem amor exitium pecori est, pecorisque ma- 
Mbn. His certe neque amor causa est ; vìx 
osstbus bsreot. 
Nescio quis teneros ooulus miki fiiseinat agnos. 
Dam. Die quibus in terris, et eris milii mag- 
nila Apollo, 

Mac&r est mihi taurus^ Thus 
Tfaeocrìtos, in hfs Noftilf ; 

In arvo.2 Pierius and Burman 
tìnd in erm in several manuscripts^ 
which reading they approve^ because 
the ervum, a sort of vetch, is said 
by Aristotle, Coluraella, and Pliny^ 
to fatten cattle. La Carda quotes a 
passage from Plautus, in confirma- 
tion of this reading; Ervum da~ 
turiti* estis, bubu» quodferam: but 
he says he follows the most leamed, 
who retain in arvo. 
. 102. His certe*, S^c."] Damce- 
tas had ascrìbed the leanness of his 
bull to love, a passion by which 
himself was tormented; but Me- 
nalcas tells him^ that this cannot be 
the case of his young lambs, which 
are mere skeleton»; and therefore 
some other cause ought to be,as- 
signed, which he thinks to be fasci- 
nation or witchcraft. 

Fix ossiòns hcerent.'] Thus Theo- 
critus, fn his N«^mV ; 

Ti{y«f fih ì^ rei ras fro|TMf etvrk >^u9reu 

103. Ocidus . . . fascinai.'] It 
ig an opinion^ which stili preyails 
among the ignorante t^at witches^ 
and ower evil disposedpersons^ bave 
a power of injaring both persons 
and catde^ by looking at them with 
a malicìous eye. 

104. Die quibus in terriSf ^c] 
Damcetas, to put an end to the 
coptroversy, proposes a rkldle to his 

antagonista who^ instead of solving 
ir, propose» another. — 

Asconius Pedianua^ according to 
Servius and Philargyrivus, affirmed 
that he had heard Virgìl himself de* 
dare, that he had left these riddlea, 
on purpose to torture the grammai* 
rians in solving them, and that the 
first alluded to Cselius of Mantua. 
This Caélius, jt seems^ was an ex- 
travagant fellow, that spent his 
estate in luxury^ and left himself no 
more land than sufficed fbr his se-* 
pulchre. This solution makes the 
rìddle to be a sorry pun ttpon tbe 
name of Caelius^ spatium c€eli being 
supposed to mean« not the space ef 
heaven^ but the space qf CaUus, 
But Virgil does not use to trìfle in 
this manner. Servius tells ns^ that 
others think it alludes to the wéll, 
which the philosophers digged at 
Syene, to ^ew, that on the eigbth 
of the kalends of July the sun shone 
perpendicularly over that jdace: 
that others would bave it mean the 
shield of Ajax, on which the fon» 
of the heavens was expressed; other» 
a cave in Sicily, through which 
Proserpìne was carried off bv Plato: 
and others the place called munduB 
in the rites of Ceres : but these he 
thinks are too high for a country- 
man. Philargyrius speaks of a welU 
into which tney used formerly to 
descend in order to celebrate their 
mysteries, the orb, or circumfe- 
rence of which was no more than 
tfaree ells, that they might thereby 
discover the produce of the year : 


TreftpftteatcoelispàtiatnnonamidiasÉlDaSé 105 jjdjwniwdbegifeitApoiJo 

when they were at the bottom, they 
oould see no mote of the sky, than 
what atiswered te the cilt;uniference 
of the well. He mentions also the 
Sicilian cave^ and the shield not of 
Ajax, but of AchiUes. Fiutar eh tells 
US, in hìs life of Romulus, that when 
Rome wasfounded^ they duga trench 
round the place, where aì^erwardé 
the Comitia stood, and threw ìnto it 
the first-fruits of evety thing that 
was either tiseful or necessary ; and 
then that every man took a turf of 
his own country, and threw it into 
the trench; that this trench wa« 
called Mundus, which they took 
for their centre, and described the 
city in a circle round it. This he 
says was done according to the rites 
of the Tu$can8. Festus relates» 
fVom Atteius Capito, that this 
trench lay open three days, which 
werp accounted most strictly reli- 
gioils, Hetìce La Cerda observes, 
that we ougfat to consider atten» 
tively, that this trench, which was 
called Mundus or the World, lay 
open just three days. He then 
proTes, that mundus and caslum are 
often used in the same sense, and in- 
fersr from ali this, that the three ells, 
mentioned by the poet, allude to 
the three days, and that the calum 
alludes to the tretìch or mundus, 
Thi^ critidsm he itePcribes to Ciaco- 
nius, and àdds, that he thinks it 
prdbable, that Virgil, who wa« 
well versed ih wh*t concemed tbb 
Romans, Woukl choose to allude to 
the affkìrs of thait people, of whom 
he takes fréqnetd opportunities to 
celebrate the glorìes. Rueros» be-* 
sides the interpretations akeady men^ 
tioned^ favoun us with three óthiers ; 
l. Vompotatsè refers it ta one Cae- 
lus, whose Sfatue was but three cu- 

bits, . 2. Alciatus understands it of 
an ovetì, the mouth of whioh was 
three ells wide. 3. Others of any 
wfell, from which any person being 
let down, sèes no more of the sky 
than the breadth of the well. Out 
of ali thes,e various opinions, Ruanis 
leaves his reader to choose which 
he likes best. Dr. Trapp thinks 
the story of Cselius and his motitt- 
*nent a poór jat» and a vefy t)t* 
différent pìifi vnió the bàrgmn; and 
declares himsèlf either fóf thè welt 
or the oven. Catrou thiéiki» die 
most simple intetpretation the best» 
because it is most within the reatih 
of a shepherd's uiiderstandmg, and 
therefore declares for the well, Btir* 
man relates two or threé xìthér iti- 
terpretations, which are not vcrv 
material, andatlast léave^ the di^- 
ficulty as he found it. For my 
'own part, 1 do not pretcwd to any 
sitili in the solution of rìddles ; but 
I shall hope for the reacier's excvnàe 
tf I offer one interpretation mote^ 
which I bave not met with among 
ali the various opinions of the com- 
mentators. Might not the shep*'' 
herd mean a celestial globe or spkere 9 
That the ancients had the use of 
.such instruments, is ceiiain. Pliny, 
lib. ii. cap. 8. ascribes Ùte inten* 
tion of the sphere to Atlas; " Cir- 
'^ eulomih quo<}ue céeli ratio in 
'' terne mentione aptius dicetur^ 
** quando ad eam tota peltinef, Sig- 
'* niferi modo inventiotiibus non 
" dilatis. Obliquìtatem ejus in* 
" tellexisse, hoc est, rerum fores 
" aperuisse, Anaximander Milesius 
'' traditur primus olympiàde quin- 
'^*quagesimà octava. Signa deind^ 
** in eo Gleostratu8> et prima Ari- 
" etis ac Sagittarìi. Sphderam ip* 
*' sam ante multo Aitai" In lib. 



Men, Teli me in what land 
flowers grow. 

Men. Die quibus in terris iQscrìpti nomiria 

viiì. cap. 56. where he speaks of 
the ìnventors of things^ he ascribes 
the invention of astronomy to At- 
las^ and that of the sphere to Anaxi- 
mander; ^' Astrologiam Atlas, Li- 
" byae filius ; ut alii, ^Egyptii j 
*' ut aliì^ Assyrii. Sphseram in ea 
*' Milesius Anaximander." Dio- 
genes Laertius also ascribes the in- 
vention of the sphere to the sanie 
Anaximander ; ^AfeiiffiMìì^cq U^etiitL^ 

ìùv, MtXio-t^ «XAtf Kctt e-^M- 

^«y KctnerKivctat. Damoetas might 
possibly allude to the gìass sphere 
of Archi medes, which has been 
spoken of already^ in the notes oo 
ver. 40. It will he objected by 
some perhaps; that three ells is a 
much larger dimension than ìs ever 
found in any celestial globe. But 
we do Qot know, how larga these 
instruments used to be made by the 
ancients. Besides^ the critics are 
not agreed whether the ulha was an 
eli or a cu bit. See the note on ver. 
355. of the third Oeorgick. Now 
if we suppose it to mean a cubit; 
a circuinference of three cubits will 
agreewith the measure of the globes 
in common use among us. Others 
perhaps will object, that a globe 
represents the whole heaven, where- 
as Virgil speaks only of a space, or 
part of the sky. To this I answer, 
that spatium signifìes not on)y a 
part> but the whole measure of any 
thing. Thus Juvenal uses it to 
express the whole dimension of a 
turbot ; 

— Hadrìaci spatium admirabìle rhonibi. 

Pliny also uses spatium for the mea- 
sure of a man, firom the crown of 
the head to the sole of the foot; 
* •• Quod sit hominum spatium a vesti- 

" gio ad verticem, id esse passis 
^* manibusintetlongissimos dìgitos 
" observatum est." If any une 
should doubt of the signìfìcation of 
the word patet, which 1 render /oòe 
extended, let hira consult Caesar, 
who, in bis seventh hook de Bello 
Gallico, uses paleo . to express the 
extension of a plain 3 *' Ante oppi- 
^* dura planities circiter millia pas- 
" suum tria in longitudinem paté- 
'' bat;'* and these words are re- 
peated twice in the same hook. 
Pliny also evidently uses patet for 
extends; " Sylvarum longitudo est 
" schoenorum XX : latitudo di- 
'^ midium ejus. Schoenus patet, 
" Eratosthenis ratione, stadia XL." 
Thus we fìnd> that spatium coeli 
patet tres ulnas, may justly be trans- 
la ted the space qf heaven extends 
three ells ; or the sky is extended to 
the dimension of three eUs, or three 
cubits, which agrees very well with 
a celestial globe. If the reader 
dislikes this interpretation, I am not 
obstinate in defending it; he may 
take any of the others, which he 
likes best. 

106. Die quihus in terris^ ^c,"] 
Servius explains this riddle to mean 
the hyacinth of the poets^ which 
has been largely considered, in the 
note on ver. 183. of the fourth 
Georgick. Servius however is 
mistaken^ when he says the hya- 
. dnth retaìns only the name of Hya- 
cinthus, and not of Ajax ; for the 
reverse is true. AI, AI, was in- 
scribed pn that.flower only to ex- 
press the notes of lumen tation fpr 
the death of Hyacinthus ; but they 
constitute half the, name.of Ajax. 
It is indeed the general opinion > 
that the hvacintb is the iiower in 

Naficantur flores : et PbyHlda golns-habeto. 


ifMcribed léth t!he itfame.of 
Unga, and PhylUf^haU be 
Tour own. 

questioD j but La Cerda has pro- 
posed another solution òf the riddle, 
which is not unworthy of our con- 
sidefation. He rejects the common 
interpretation^ for being^ too ob- 
vious. But perhaps, when Virgil 
wrote this Eclogue^ the story of the 
metamorphosis of the blood of Ajax 
into a hyacinth might not be al- 
together so trite as it is among us, 
who bave been aceustomed to read 
it in Ovid at school. He proposes 
a new solution, with rather too 
much confìdence> though is is very 
ingenious. He produces a coin, 
which hàs the image of Augustus 
on one side^ with this inscription, 
the other flowers, with L. AQVI- 
he says are the flowers to which 
Menalcas alludes, as if he had said, 
you ask where tlie heaven extends 
only three ells, meaning the Ro- 
man Forum: and I on the other 
side ask you, in what country 
fiowers grow with the names of 
kings, meaning Augustus, whose 
name we strike on our coin among 
flowers. He adds a conjecture, ihat 
perhaps the name ofFlorens, a sort 
of money, was derhed from these 
flowers. He then answers several 
objectipns, which he thinks may be 
made to his interpretation. I do not 
recite them, because the judicìous 
and leamed Ruseus has made one, 
which overturns the whole solution. 
" This learned man,* says he, " did 
" not remember, that the surname 
'' of AugxisttLs was not bestowed on 
'' Octavianus till the year of Rome 
" 727, in the seventh consulship 
'' of Octaviùs, and third of Agrip- 
'* pa, when Virgil was 48 years 

'* old. New thè Bucolicks were 
*' published when Virgil was 32." 
This chronological objection is, I 
believe, not to be answered. Ru« 
seus therefore justly concludes, that 
we must bave rccourse to the more 
naturai and pastoral interpretation of 
the hyacinth. But the authority 
of Nannins, which he produce^, to 
shew, that the name of Hyacin- 
thus as well as that of Ajax is ex- 
pressed by AI, can hardly be ad- 
mitted. He reads Hiacinthw in- 
etead of Hyacmthus, and so by . 
taking ia backwards, finds part of- 
the name to be ai, This is strain- 
ing most extravagantly ; and Ru- 
serus acknowledges, that this* read- 
ing of Hiacinthus ìscotUra commu- 
nem Grada totius fidem. Ruseus 
observes farther, that Ajax and Hya- • 
cinthus were not kings, but the 
sons of kings, and that Virgil calls 
them kings, in the same manner 
as he calls Lavinia and Ariadne 
queens in other places. I shall not 
stay to enquire whether Ajax was 
actually possessed of the crown of 
Salamis. This is certain, that he 
commanded their troops at the siege 
of Troy ; and the chief commanders 
in that war are generally looked 
upon as kings. Nor is it necessary 
to prove that the name of Hyacin- 
thus was meant in this passage, to- 
gether with that of Ajax ; since Vir- 
gil might poetically speak of kings 
in the plural number, when only 
one king was intended. Pope, who 
has imitated these riddles, in his 
first pastoral, has thought himself 
at liberty also to use monarchs in 
the plural number, where he alluded 
to a circumstance, that belonged 
only to one single monarch : 



to'SiStVffATSi Pai- NranogrtmmìnterTosuntMOQitipoDare 

vewy between yotot 700 «te- 1;^. , 

•enre the cow, and he aboj iivfo • 

é^^t'SS^^^ Et vituìa tu dfgtras, et tócr et qmfqnfe rarares 
ceoLt'^tón^myiad^^ Aut metuet (lulces. aut experìetur amaros. 1 10 

the rUU: the meadows «« ^^ ,. . . • , ., 

«uffidentiy mototened. CiAudite jam rivos, puen : sat prata biberant. 


$ay, dhepherd, say, in wèat glad soli ap- 

A woDdVoua tree, that iacred moiìarchs 

Teli me but this, and l'U disclaiìn the 

And give tbe conqaest to thy Sylvlà's 


Naj, teli me finA* in what mora htppy 

The thìstle springs, to which the lily 

yields ? 
And then a nobler prise I will resign 9 
For Sylvia, chanmag Sylvia, sball be 


107. Phyllida solus habeto,'] Phyl- 
lìs was one, whom both the shep- 
herds claìmed ; one saying Phyllida 
mitte mihi, axià the other Phyllida 
omo ante alias, ' But now Menalcas 
seems so confident of liis having 
puzzied Damoetas, that he offers 
to give him a sole right to her^ if he 
can solve the riddle. 

108. Non nostrum inter vos, ^cJ] 
Palsemon declares, that it is not in 
his power to decide which has the 
better^ and desires them to make an 
end of their contention. 

Servius makes a stop after non ; 
so that the sense will bie thus ; No: 
Utsmy pari to decide. In this he is 
follo wed by some other critics. 
Othets undérstand a question to be 
asked; Is it not my part to decide? 
These interpretatìons seém to bave 
this foundatiod 5 Menalcas yroposes 
to resign rtiyÓis to his rivai, on 
eondition that he solves the riddle, 
which Palaemon objects to, because 

the prize, for which they coiiténd, 
is a Gow. Hold, says he, you for- 
get that you are contending for a 
cow, and now offer to stake your 
mìstress. I, who am chosen judge, 
will not su&r you to depart from 
the originai terms of your conten- 
tion, but will decide the dontroverey 
myself. This intérpretation mi&ht 
be admitted: but Ruaeus and othcrr 
sood judgés choose to undérstand 
me words in the most pìain sense ; 
that Palaemon dedares himself ùn- 
able to decide which of them has 
performed best 

109. Et vituh tu dignuà, S^."] 
Pakemon determines,' that each of 
the shepherds deserves a cow fbr hi» 
reward, and every one also, who 
shall give so just arepresentation of 
the hopes and feats of love. 

111. Claudite jam rivos, 4*r.] 
Some undérstand, that Palaemon, 
having given his decision, now turns 
to his own servants, and gives them 
direction to stop the rills, thàt hrtvd 
overflowed themeadows sofflciently. 
j But the most general cTpinìon is, 
that he speaks flgiiratively, allnding 
to the comfort, which the meadows 
receive from the overflowing rills. 
Hence Catrou, ra h?8 translation, 
gives the metaphor its pn)per sense ; 
" Put an end to your dispute.' I 
•* have receìved suflScient pleasnre 
•• in hearing you.'* In rho«e rocky 
and warm countries, ir is customarv 
to refresh their thirsty fields tvith 
rills of water, which they coflect 
together, and then itirn the coarse 


of the water to the field that requires Tate tumn carmen nobis, divine poeta, 

it; 88 our poet has beautifuUy de- <*'»'« '°V<" ***' *" «"oàne: quale per 

SCribed it in the first Georgick j d,^^™. .olente dtim tertingoete 

£t cum exustus ager morìentibus sestuat rivo. 


Ecce superdlio divosd tramitis undam Dr. Trapp here produces a like me- 

EUdt: ma cadens raucum per laevia taphor from the holy Scriptures; 

&rX«»tebri«iue «enti. ten>per.t ;; % '«««*""« «"«U drop as the 

ajya. *'rainj my speecb snall dista as 

*' the dew, as the sroall raìn upon 

We find in the fifth Eclogue a '' the tender herb, and as the 

coniparison of good poetry to the '' showera upon the grass," Deut. 

quenchingof thirst; xxxu.% 





NlCELIDES Musse paullo majora canamus. 

Non omnes arbusta juvant, humilesque myricee- 

Sì canìmus sylvas, sylvas sint consule dignae. wóòd^l)è~w^thyofToòci«iii. 

Ye Sldlian Muae8,let ut king 
of something more grand. 
The vincyarts and humble 
tamaikks ddight noe alL If 
we àae of the woods, let the 

j 1. SiceUdes Musa, 4^.] In the 

verses of the Sibyls there were some 

IpropbecieSj which foretold^ that a 

Iking should beborn into the world 

labout this time, under whom the 

'; happiness of the golden age should 

I be restored. These prophecies the 

Ipoet applies to a child, that was 

|born, or just ready to come into the 

t world in the consulship of bis great 

f friend Pollio. He therefore invokes 

/ the Muses to raise bis verse above 

i the common pitch of pastoral poetry. 

' He invokes the Sicilian Muses^ 

; bécause Thepcritus^ the father of 

h pastoral poetry, was a Sicilian. 

Majora canamus.'} Whilst Virgil 

was writing bis Eclogues and Geor- 

gìcks, he seems to bave had frequeut 

impulses to write something above 

bis present subject. Tbus in the 

begiqning of the third Georgick^ 

■ — «Tentanda via est, qua. me quoque 
ToUere hùmo, victorque vtrum volitare 
... per ora.- • 


Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere 

Caesarìs, et nomen fama tot ferre per 

Tithoni prima quot abest ab orìgine Cib- 


2. Non omnes arbusta juvant."] { 
The subjects of pastoral poetry are ) 
of themselves too mean to give de-^' 
light to many readers. 

Arbusta.] See the note on ver. 
40. of the first Eclogue. 

Humilesque myrica.] The ta- 
marisk sometimes becomes a pretty 
tali tree ; but it is generally low and 
shrubby. Ij is very common on 
the banks of tho rivers in Italy, 
This plant was first brou^i^ht into 
England in Queen Elizabeth*s time 
by Archbishop Grindall, as a sove- 
reign remedy for ihe spleen, ac-» 
cording to Camden. 1 1 is humilesque 
genesta, in the Medicèan manu- 
script, according to Pieriiis. 

3. Si canimus sfflms, <Jv.] The 


th2cIiSS?^g^**^''' Ultima Cumaei venit jam carminis aetas: 

poet is willing to raìse bis pastoral 
verse above the common style, and 
though be stili brings bis images 
from the country, yet to make it 
wortby the perusal of a Roman 
consul. Thus Mr. Pope, in bis 
fìne imitation of thts £clogue ; 

Ye nymphs of Solyma ! begin the song : 
To heav^nly themes sublimer strains be- 

The mossy fountains, and the sylvan 

The dreams of Pindus, and th' Aonian 

Deljght no mor o 

iS'iii^.l Pierius says it is sunt in 
moBt of the ancient manuscrìpts. 

! 4. Ultima Cumai venit, ^c^] He 
now -bBgins the gxrbject of the Ec- 
lògue, which is the Sibylline pro- 
pbecy of new and happy days, the 

i return of Astraea, and of the golden 

C»m€£i carminis.] The general 
opinion is, that there were ten hea- 
then prophetesses^ or Sibyls, Ibc/ 
Delphian, Erythrsean, Cumsean, 
Samian, Cuman, Hellespontic, Ly- 
bian, Phrygiao, Persian, and Tt- 
burtine. One of these, wbether 
thè Cumaean or Erythraean, is not 
certain, and some say it was the 
Cuman, carne to Tarquin, king of 
Rome, and dffered him nine vo- 
lumes of prophecies, for which she 
demanded a great price. When 
tbis proposai was rejected by the 
king, she withdrew, and burned 
three volumes, and coming again 
before the king, asked the same sum 
for the sìx. Being rejected again, 
she did as before, and returned 
with the remaining three volumes, 
insisting stili upon the same price 
which she bad demanded for the 
whole. The king imagining there 

was something extraordinary in 
them, from this un usuai conduct of 
the Sibyl, bought them of ber, and 
caused them to be laid up among 
the sacred arcbives of Rome. Two 
men were appointed to bave the 
care of this treasure : their number 
was afterwards increased to ten, and 
at iast to fìfteen. When the ca« 
pitol was bumt, a little before the 
diclatorship of Sylla, these sacred 
volumes perished in the flames. 
The «enate, to remedy this loss, 
sent messengers ali over Italy and 
Greece, to.collect as many verses 
of the Sibyls as could be procured. 
Theyfound about a thousand, which 
were brought to Rome, and kept 
with the greatest care, till at Iast 
they were burnt by etilico, in the 
time of the emperor Honorius. 
What these verses were is not now 
certainly known ; for those which 
are now extant under the name of 
the Sibylline Oracles, are not vnth^ 
oùt reason generally thought to be 
spurious. This however we may 
conclude, from the Eclogue before 
US, that they foretold the birth of a 
child, to happen about that time ; 
under whom the wórld should enjoy 
peace and happiness. Tiiis must 
certainly allude to ourblessed Savi* 
our, of whose birth thè prophecies 
in Isaiah are so like many verses in 
this Eclogae, that wemay reason- 
ably conclude, that those truly in- 
spired writings bad been Been by 
the Sibyls themselves, or at least 
by Virgil. In the oration of the 
Emperor Constantine to the clergy, 
as we fìnd it in Eusebius, there is an 
acrostic of the Erythraean Sibyl 
preserved in Greek verse, the inìtial 
letters of which, taken togèther, 



Magnus ab integro sae^clorum nascitur ordo. 5 lìjjig*^"***' ««geib«gi« 

Jesus Chrìsty the Son of God^ the 
SaviouTy the cross : 

"Sm^ut rtf^v »^iuu wa^m» luà m^cm» 



*lXnv»n f^i^ ri irvXas ti^xrnt àfiet»» 
Sòg^ «■«ri ireu"» nx^Sv Ig Ikiu^t^uf ^A»t 

■ Tws àyiétfSì àitóf^ug ri rò ru^ mìm^n 

'OiriTM'» r)f 9r^é3^t ÌXetStr r«Ti varrei A«- 

B^nfós r ix ir»fr«tf X^rett xmÌ ^^uyfiìs 

*ExXU'4'U ri>Mt ntXict/f lU-T^m ri* ;^9^ii«i. 
Où(»fà9 uXJlu, fimfis ìi ri ^iyyot i>MTm. 


*l0^ r* S^n itt^ots ìrreUf xeù ireuret ^éiK»ffg» 
Oùx ùf irXéh ^Uf yn yòt^ ^^vx^ii^ot j»r« 

Svy *nymi «'«ta/m) »K;^X4^0yrif Xu^évrn, 

*£l(uotMr«t r» ftiXXe» mai ih 9%f»Mrtb xU-fMu, 
Ta^ro^tfiy ;^«9f ìu^u ^tótÌ y»7a ;^a90tf^a. 
"H^fM-iy S* la») fiv/ut &tou fiag'iXSìtt Mireunrit» 
'Pt^u t éUfatUtf itcroféif 9rv^, HH y$ 


' , tu \uXof ly iri^TÓts rò xi^as ri ^oéoù/itwf 

"tìmfi ftirZot tnsrtùs Ì» hShtut ^rnymt* 
'PaC^fff ^Mftsuuu^tt ^àviftin yt x^mrn^u» 
OuTf i W9 Vfiéy^^iis Sy ix^rtx^uis ^tit 


'Sttrhf àiiimrof ^et^tXthg ò ^atévf tnx 

Ihe pious einperor acknowledi|;;es, 
that many looked upon these verses 
as a forgery of some over zealous 
Christian. But he says^ they are 
certainly genuine, apd were trans- 

lated into Latin by Cicero^ wbo 
was naurdered long before the birth 
of Christ. We do not find, these 
verses in any of Cicero*s works 
that are now extant; yet itis hardly 
to be imagined^ that Constantine 
would so openly ha ve appealed to 
them, if they had not been extant , 
in his time. This however is cer- 
tain, that there were verses of the 
Sibyls in the custody óf the Quin* 
deceìnviri in Cicero's tinoe, which 
were said to foretel a king, and were 
written in the manner of an acro»- 
tic. For that author, in his second 
•hook de Divinatioue, gives us to 
understand, that there was a de- 
sign of applying the Sibylline verses, 
which furetold a king, to Julius 
Ceesar. Hence he takes occasion 
to combat the authority of the 
verses, and d^clares, that no pro- 
phecy ought to be believed, that 
mentions any thing so contrary to 
the constitution of the Roman Re-» 
public. He argues, from their 
being acrostics, that they could 
not be genuine, becaUse the care 
and exactness required in composing 
an acrostic is inconsistent with the 
fìiry which is said to bave possessed 
the Sibyls, when they uttered their ' 
predictions : 'f Sibyllae versus ob- 
*^ servamus, quus illafurensfudisse 
'* dicitur : quorum interpres puper 
'' falsa qusedam hpminum fama 
'/ dicturus in senatu putabatur» 
'f eum, quem re vera regem habe- 
'* baraus, appellandum quoque esse 
/' regem, si salvi esse vellemus . . • 
'* Non esse autem illud Carmen fu« 
'' rentis, quum ipsum poema de« 
V clarat, est enim magis artis, et 
" diligentiae, quam incitationis et 
" motus, tum vero ea> quse «»(dr-> 
*' Ttxis dicitur, quum deinceps ex 
*' primis versus litteris aliquid con- 



w^gn of flatucu letufos : 


Jam redit et Virgo» redeunt Satuniìa regna: 

''nectitur, ut io quibusdam £n* 
** nianis. Id certe ma^s est ad- 
" tenti anìmi^ quam furtntis. At- 
*' que in Sibyllinis ex primo versu 
" cujusque sententiae primis litterìs 
*' illius sententi» Carmen omne 
" praetexitur. Hoc scriptoris est, 
^^ non farentis; adbibentis diligen- 
" tiam, non insani. Quamobrem 
" Sibyllam quidem sepositam^ et 
" conditam habeamus, ut, id quod 
" proditum est a majoribus, injussu 
*' senatus ne legantur quidem libri, 
'' vàleantque ad deponendas potius 
" quam ad susci piendas religiones : 
'^ cnm antistitibus agamus, ut quid- 
*' vis potius ex illis libris, quam re- 
*' geiri proferant ; quem Romae 
*' postbsec nec dii nec homines esse 
" patiantur." These argiunents of 
Cicero are by no means a proof 
that the verses of the Sibyls were 
forged ; and if they were, it is 
plain, that it was done long before 
there were any Christian s to forge 
them. Several of the most primi- 
tive Fathers, in their disputes with 
the heathens^ appealed to the verses 
of the Sibyls, in which they told 
them, they mìght see plainly that 
the coming of Christ was foretold 
by their own oracles. This argu- 
ment would bave been of no weight, 
if the learned men of those times 
had not known that such verses 
were extant before the coming of 
Christ : and it is not easy to ima- 
gine, that they could bave been so 
famous over ali Italy and Greece so 
early as the time of Justin Martyr, 
Who lived about the middle of thè 
second century. if they liad been 
forged by the Christians. St. Au- 
gnstin, in his exposition of the 
Epistleof St. Paul to the Romans, 
iays, he should not easily bave he- 
lieved that the Sibyl prophesied of 

Christ, if Virgil, whom he calla 
the most noble of the Roman .poets^ 
had not prefixed to his poem on the 
renovation of the age, which seems 
to agree with the kingdom of Clnrist^ 
the line now under consideraticm ; 
'• Fuerunt enim prophetse non ip- 
'' sius, in quibus etiam aliqua in- 
" veniuntur quae de Christo audita 
" cednerunt, sicut etiam de Sibylla 
" dicitur: quod non facile crede- 
*'rem, nisi quod poetar um qui- 
'* dam, in Romàna lingua nobi- 
'* lissimus, antequam dicéret ea de 
'* innovatione seculi^ quae in Do- ' 
" mini nostri Jesu Christi regnum 
'* satis concinere et convenire vide- 
" antur, praeposuit versum, dicens, 

*< Ultima Cumaei jam venit carminis 
" flBtas. 

** Cumseum autem carmen Sybilli- 
*' num esse nemo dubitaverit." 

The same learned Father, in bis 
eighteenth book de Civitate Dei, 
mentions the same acrostic with 
that which is quoted above. He 
tells US he saw it first in a sorry La- 
tin translation, but afterwards Flac- 
cianus, a proconsul, an eloquent and 
learned man, having some dìscourse 
with him conceming Christ, shewed 
him a Greek book, in which were 
some verses of the Èrythraean Sibyl, 
and pointed out an acrostic > the 
initial letters of which were 'ln^vs 
X^ta^og, 0»v Ytcf «■«•nìg, Jesus Christ, 
the Son of God, the Saviour. He 
then sets down the Latin vérsion, in 
which the acrostic is far from i)e- 
ing well preserved j 

Judicii sìgno tellus sudore madescet. 
£ caelo rex adveniet per seda futurus : 
Scilicet in carne prsesrens ut judicet or- 

Unde Deum cernent incredulus atque 

fidelis * 



Jam nova progenies cselo demìttitur-alto. 

DCNf iK neif vranény fe i 
down from li%h M>.v€ii* 


. Celsam cum sanctis, svi jam termino in 

Sic anime cmn carne adefunt, quas ju- 

ctioet ipse. 
Cum jacet incultus densis in veprìbus 

Rejicient simulachra viri, cunctam quo- 
que gazam : 
- £xuretterra8Ìgnis,pontumquepolumque 
Inquirens, tetri portas effrìnget Avemi, 
Sanctorum sed enim cunctas lux libera 

Tradetur, sontes sternum fiamma ere» 

Occultos actus retegens, lune quisque lo* 

Secreta, atqoe Deus reserabit pectora 

l\inc erit et luctus, stridebunt dentibus 

Erìpitur solis jubar, et chorus interìt 

Solvetur caelum, lunarìs splendor obibit, 
. Dejiciet colles, valles extollet ab imo. 
Non erit in rebus hominum sublime, vel 

Jam ffiquantur campis montes, et caerula 

Omnia cessabunt, tellus confrapta perìbit. 
Si6 parìter fontes torrentur, fluminaque 

Sed tuba tunc sonitum tristem dimittet 

ab alto 
Orbe, gemens facinus miserum varìosque 

labores : 
Tartareumque chaos monstrabit terra de- 

Et coram bic Domino reges sistentur ad 

Decidet e caelis ignisque et sulpburìs 


St. Augustin obsj&rves, that in ali the 
writings of this Sibyl, whether she 
was the Erythraean, as some think, 
or the Cuman, accQrding to others, 
there is not the least mention of the 
gods of the heathen being to be wor- 
shìpped ; but there are some things 
against them and their worshippers, 
so that she may seem to be one of ' 
those who belong to the city of 
God. He then throws together 
some scattered quotations of Lac* 
tantius fròm one of the Sibyls, 

which most eyidently relate to 
Christ, and concludes with iiiform- 
ing US, that some place the Ery- 
thrsean Sibyl in the time of Romu- 
lus, and others in the time of the 
Trojan war. • 

What has beén said ih this note 
relates chiefly to the Erythraan Si- 
byl; but it maybe observed, that 
many thought there was but one 
Sibyl, or confounded them ali to- 
gether : thus the poet uses the Cu- 
msean for any Sibyl, she who pro- 
phesied at Cumae being most fa- 
mous in Italy. 

5. Magnus ab integro, <^c.] He- 
siod mentibns five ages of ' the 
world; 1. The golden àgè, in the 
days of Saturn, when mén liyed like 
the gods, in security, without labour, 
ivithout tròuble, and not subject ta 
the miseries of old age. Their deaOl 
waslike going to sleep ; they enjoyed 
ali the conveniences of li fé in tran*- 
quillity 5 the earth produced pleiity 
ofallfruits Without tillage. 2. The 
Silver age, in which nien were less 
happy, being injurious to each 
other, and neglecting the due wor- 
ship of thè gods. 3 The copper, or, 
as we commonly cali it, the brazen 
age, in which men discovered cop- 
per, made themselves armour with 
it, and were given to violence and 
war. 4» The age of demi-goda 
and heroes, who warred at Thebes. 
and Troy. 5. The iron age, in 
which Hesiod lived, which was to 
end when the men of that time 
grew old and grey. Thus, by the 
great order of the .ages beginning 
anew, Virgirmeans that the gol- 
den age was then retuming. 

6. Jam redit et virgo.l 'The 
Emperor Constantine, and many 
other pious Christians, wiU bave this 
to allude to the blessed Virgin, But j 
Virgil certainly meant Astraea ori 




Tu modo nascenti paero^ quo ferre» primom 

1 Justioe, whp 18 aaid by the poets to 
have been driven from earth to bea- 
yen by the wickedness of mao- 
kind; and therefore ber retuming 
ìs one sìgn of the restoration of the 
golden age. In the aecond Geor- 
gick, our poet, with greatpropriety, 
represents ber a» baving iMade ber 
la^ abode on earth in the country ; 

— — Estrema per i1]o8 

Justitia excedens terrU vestigia fedt 

Hesiod niakes àm, or Justice^ to 
he the daughter of Jupiter and 
Themis i 

A<vn^ iyAytr» Ai^r*^ ^^» «} rw* 

But in bis description of the ages^ 
Aiìmf and N^cmk leave earth and 
go to heaven ; 

It appears to me that 'Sifunf must 
mean also Justice in tbis place, and 
be the same with AUn, whom he 
bad meiìtìoned a few lines before, 
together with A<^^ or Modesty, 
where he says, neither of them sball 
converse with men ; 

Oint t^rat»' 

But in the &uyfU he makes Ni- 
fu^ts to be the daughter of Night; 

Here indeed be descrìbes Nemesis 
as the vengeance of the gods, as the 
word is commonly uhderstood ; but 
it cannot have that meaning in the 

former passage, where be speaks of 
ber leavìng eartb^ becauae of the 
wickedness of men. It must there 
necessarily meàn Justice, or else 
bave slìpped into the text erro- 
neously for some otber word. Ara- 
tus, speaking of the consteUation 
Virgo, makes a question, whether 
she was the daughter of Astrseus, 
the father of the stars, or of some 
otber» and callsher Aixn, or Justice ; 


^Av^^MTMf, mg ìnétf Wtx^óftn r^H «i»« 
"H^X*''* ^ kifà^ttvemf tutritavrin' ùvHwt 

OtHiirèT ù^mwf kmfmr» ^vXc yvnunSnf 
'AXX' àffuHi ÌMaénntf »mì iJitféirn w%^ 

Kmi I A/uffir tutìSuiu*. 

He tells US also, that aft^r the cop- 
per age began, and men made war 
one with anoUier, she bated them, 
and went up to heaven ; 

*A>A* Un ^ ufuttfu Iriha^mf, »5 T ìyL 
XmX»iifi yiuht «'{«rt^Mf «Xmm'ì^m Ì^$Sf 

Kéù r«ri fuw^^atvm A/»if «hìmvv yiwi àtt^fSw^ 

Ovid calls ber Astrsea, and says she 
was the last of the deities that left 
the earth, on account of the wicked- 
ness of the iron age ; 

Vieta jacet Pietas ; et Virgo c«de ma- 

Ultima cslestum terras Astraea l'eliquit. 

Asircpa^ last ofaìl the heavenly Urth^ 
Affrightedy leaves the hlood^ied earth, 


Desinet» ac loto surget gens aurea tnyndo, 


ja «boni tilt irai age «hall 
begin to £dl, and the golden 
age diali rise over the whole 

I do not remember, lliat I bave 
found tbe name Astreea in any au- 
dior older than Ovìd, and suspect, 
that we ought to interpret Asiraa 
virgOj the Astnean Virgin, from her 
father Astfwus, and not the virgin 
Astma. Thus Daphne is called 
nympha Pene'ia, ike Penéian nj^mph, 
from her father l^eneus, and not the 
nymph Penéia. If this suspickm is 
weli grounded^ itis a common er*- 
ror to cali Justiee Astraa, 

Redeunt Saturnia regna,'] Hesiod 
«ay« the golden age was under the 
reign of Satum in heaven ; 

O* fàf M Kfcfcv n^tut ì^ nt^fSf iftCm^ 

I 7- Jani nova progenies, ^cJ] 
(The emperor Constantme is of opi- 
j nìon^ that this verse plainìy alludes 
*. to our blessed Saviour; Tevr«F T»€«- 

-Tìi^t f|sXafe4^ Tf'u^twrMy xccì rò m 
uyt^rtirn? B^naict/»^ »r«&^«-n}0i| favori" 
^lòfy 9 Ti net rov ^ffv ìuàé^ avnomt 
9t^ì ni àlfieu Xifyuf rh i|a;^r«ray rSh 
xttrà 'irttXutf irùtnrSf 

"Eflftv tvur» fUn irknéhg iiH^m ì^tuaén, 

8. Tu modo nascerai, ^c'.^ The 
poet now invokes Lucina^ and en« 
treats her to favour the birdi of the 
ìnfiuit, of whom there were such 
great expectations at this time ; and 
declares, that it was to be in the 
consulship of Pollìo. 

Nascenti puero^ The child^ that 
was to be bom in that age, when 
; the world should be at peace, as was 
fforetold by the oracles, was with- 
> out doubt our blessed Saviour. But 
j tbe poet, ignorant of the true sense 
^ of the prophecies, xmderstands them 
I to mean the peace which was set* 

tled when he wrote this Eciogue^ 
and applies ali tlie blessings^ which 
were promised to the reign of Christ^ 
to a child that was then expected to \ 
come into the w(»rld. The con^^ i 
mentators bave not determined^ 1 
wìth any certainty^ what child it ^ 
was to whom these promised bless-* 
ings are ascribed by the poet Ser- 
vius tells US, that Asinius PoUio 
having laken Salotiae, a city of Dal- ; 
matia, and obtained a triumph, and / 
afterwards the consulship^ bad that j 
very year a son, who was called Sa- j 
lonmus, irom the name of the cap- ; 
tive city, and that this Saloninus is 
the child whom Virgil bere cele- 
brates. 'ibis opinion is generally, 
received, on the authority of Ser-i 
vius. But Ruaeus shews plainly\ 
that this must be a mistake. He } 
observes, that Saloninus was not thè/ 
son, bat the grandson of Pollio, and . 
that he could not be boni about the | 
time of writing this Eclogue, be- ' 
cause he died a young man sixty 
years afterwards, being designed the 
husband of Tiberius Cassar's grand- 
daughter, for proof of which he re- 
fers US to the thtrd hook of the An- 
nals of Tacitns. The words of 
Tacitus are these ; " Ghiere eo 
" anno viri iilnstres, Asinius Salo- 
*' ninus, M. Agrippa et Politone 
'^ Asinio avis, fratre Druso insignis, 
'^ Csesarique progener destinatus." 
Here indeed Tacitus does not say 
expressly, that Asinius Saloninus 
was a young man, but it may be> 
supposed, that he was many years 
under sixty, when he was proposed • 
for a husband to the Emperor's 
grand-dauffhter. Ruseus farthe? 
observes, that the son of PoUio wajH 
named C. Asinius Gallus, and not 
Siiloninus, which is certain. Be*^ 
sides, it may be considered^ that 
Tacitus calls M. Agrippa tbe grand- 


p; virgilu:marokis 

thf cmaàpoooìiùwtisgaf. Casta fave Lucina : luus jam regnai Apollo. IO 

fiUliei* òf Soipnìnus^ Agrippa must 
therefore bave been bis motner's ùl- 
tber; and indeed Tacitus bimself 
[nforms us, that Vipsanìa^ the 
laugbter of Àgrìppa» was married 
to Tiberius^ and afterwards to 
3 Gallus. '^ Ducta in ma- 
\^ trimonium Vìpsania M. Agrippse 
^ filia, quse quondam Tiberìì uxor 
' fiierat/* New Tiberìus was bom 
Ittle above a year before the con- 
iulshlp of Pollio, that ìs^ under Le- 
|)idus and Plancus» just after the 
I>attle of Philipp!, as we are in- 
jformed by Suetonius ; " Natus est 
f Roms in palatio, XVI. Cai. 
t' Decemb. M. ^Emilio Lepido 
V iterum, L. Munatio Plance Coss. 
^,^ post bellum Philippense. Sic enim 
y in fastos actaoue publica relatum 
f est." Dio tells us, that after the 
|eath of Agrippa, who had married 
^ulia, the daughter of Augustus, 
iTiberius was compelled to part with 
bis first wife, the daughter of Agrip- 
pa, by a fbrmer marriagc, who had 
one child by him already, and was 
big with another, aod totake Julia; 
'X2( yàv9 'Ay^fWoK • . • hrs^pixu . » . 
Tùf Tt^i^tM x»ì eixKff ir^óa^tXsr^ . • • • 
%st4 v^ocùTFùoTTetaròtg xttì hctlfov rnv ytiy- 

ti^a \% iaXMì fi^H yttfMTW óSrecf, »»} 
*iÌK90f T« fthìiìn r^i^ùvo-xt, ri ?8 |y yet- 
fT^ì t)C*v't^9 W TI 'UtfXtttf $1 iyyvic^, 
From these authorities considered 
together it appear&, that Saloninus 
could not possibly be born till 
niany years after bis grandfather 
PoUio was consul. For before bis 
mother Vipsania was married to bis 
fath^r Asinius Gallus, she iiad been 
wife to TiberiuB, and had two chil- 
dren by him ; and this very Tibe- 
rìus could not be above two years 
old in the consulship of Pollio. This 
divorce also is placet! by Dio in the 
consulship of M. Valerius Messala 

Barbatus, and P. Sulpicius Quìrì- 
nius^ which was twenty-eight years 
after that of Pollio. Iherefore so 
far was this Saloninus from being 
born in bis grandfather s consulship^ 
that> according to Dio, he could 
Hot possibly come into the world 
till near thirty years after it. Ru- 
seus also observes^ that Pollio did 
not take Salonse till the year after 
bis consulship ; so that he could not 
give that name to a son^ who was 
born before he had obtained the 
victory. We may therefore con^ 
elude, with Ruseus^ that this story 
of Saloninus, who^ according to 
Servius^ died alniost as soon as born^ 
is not to be credi ted. That leamed 
commentator seenis to be of opi- 
nion^ that the childi whose nativity 
the poet celebratesi is Asinius Gal- 
lus, who might perhaps be bom 
when bis father was consuL But 
other leamed men are of opinion^ 
that the glories prophesied of this 
child are greater than could with 
decency be supposed to belong to a 
sou of Poìlio: and therefore iha^ 
the child intended is more probably 
some near relation of Augustus bim- 
self. The authors of Ùie Journal 
de Trevonx suppose it was Drusus, 
the son of Livia Drusilla, who was 
with child of him by her former 
husband Tiberius Nero, when Au- 
gustus married her. Thus Suetonius^ 
*' Liviam Drusillam matrimonio 
** Tiberii Neronis, et quidem 
^' praegnantem abduxit, dilexitque^ 
*' et probavit unice, ac perseve* 
*' ranter." But Dio Cassius places 
the afl^ctioh of Augustus to Livia^ 
and bis repudìating bis former wife 
Scribonia, who had just born him a 
daughter, in the consulship of Lu- 
cius Marci US Censorinus and C 
Calvisitis Sabinus, who were con- 
suls the year after PoUio j T«f ^hrim 



TequeadeodecushoettvvtecQtisùle^ìmbit» - ^oi?^o,Sfflffi&S 

of the age cdmmeace ; 

Kdì Veupf XtATfàf incttrtvcrtcf « . . ì'9i| 

2ià Tóvro temi rnf "Zx^^ptUùtit r$Kt!vrdv 0/ 

cording to the sanie accurate au- 
thor, it was in the following year, 
when Appius Claudius Pulcher 
and C. Norbahus Flaccus were 
consuls, that Augustus married 
Livia, who was tSen six months 
gone with child, by Tiberius Nero ; 
*Ex} y 'A^tx/ov ti KXxvìtAv xet) FctUv 

Hufjoenùv pTUTcif .T«t^« n éZf 

rin lytMT«, xtù ò Ketìo-cc^ t«v Atùvf»f 

tynftVt* 919 ^1 ^VyotTn^ fAÌt AlóvUf A^9V' 

0-ov, U if n TùTs htr^rtf ir tS Aft;«tì»- 
fMTi lyp/ùfu, Kctt letvrh farà ròv It 
Metxùoficc ìirreùv xctrtj^Hrxró' yviìi ìf^ 

Jtmeu' *xt htvu yf «J ctvT9V fAtìvtt «to». 

, Sne was deli vered of Claudius Dru- 
sus Nero, whora Augustus retumed 
to his proper father ; XvnnwìTtt ^ i 
yvyv rS KcUrtt^t, rUru KXetvèiof A^àv- 
inf N6^«n>«* xeet eiùrùf ò Kuto-et^ iftixtro, 
luti rS vxr^ì ixtf*^f. It is true 
indeed, that Drusus was in- 
tended to succeed Augustus, but not 
till after the death of Marcellus; 
and we find, that when Augustus 
married Livia he was so far from 
looking upon the chiìd as his own, 
that he sent him away to his father 
Tiberius. Besides the time of his 
tirth will by no means agree with 
the time of writing this Eclogue, 
whìch was when PoUio was consul, 
whereas Drusus was born under 
Claudius and Norbanus, so that his 
mother could not even be with child 
of him during the consulshlp of C, 
Asinius PoUio. It is with much 
greater probability, that Catrou.has 
asserted Marcellus, the son of Gc- 
tavìa, to be the child in question. 
** In the year of Rome," says he, 
"714, when Asinius PoUio and 

'* Domifjus Calvinus were cònsuls, 
''the people of Rome compelled 
'^ the triumvirs Octavian and Àii- 
'* thony to make a riurable peace 
*' between them. It was hoped, 
" that thereby an end would he 
*' put tò the war with Se^tiis 
'* rompey, who had^ made himself 
*' master of Sicily, and by the 
'* interruption of commerce, h^d 
'* caused a famine in Rome. To 
/^ make this peace the more firm^ 
'* thev would nave Anthony, whose 
'* wife Fulvia was then dead, marry 
" Octavian Caesar's sister Octavia, 
'^ who had lately lost ber Jiusband 
'* Marcellus, and was thén big^ 
'' with a child, of which she wa» 
*' delivered, after ber marriage 
" with Anthony. This child fe- 
*' tained the name of his own fa- 
'' ther Marcellus, and as long as 
*' he lived, was the delight or his 
*' uncle Octavian, and the hope of 
'^ the Roman people., It is he that 
*' is the subject of this Eclogue. 
'' Virgil addresses it to Rollio, who 
'* was at that time consul, and 
'* thereby makes a compliment to 
'* Capsar, Anthony, Octavia, and 
''PoUio, ali at once. The Mar- 
'* cellus whose birth is bere cele- 
"^brated, is the same whose death 
" is lamented by Virgil in the sìxth 
" ^ueid. The poet borrows what 
" was predicted by the Cumsean 
" Sibyl, cpnceming Jesus Chrìst; 
" and appiies^it toUiis child." This 
learned Jesuit is so confideht of the 
truth of bis assertion, that he has 
made no scruple to alter the usuai 
title of this Eclogue, and to cali it 
Marcellus, Indeed the fitness of 
Marcellus, to be the subject of our 
Eclogue, and the authorìty of onè 
so tìiroughly versed in the Roman 
histo^y hs Catrou, would make one 
subscribe almost implicitly tó this 




*»* PolUo ; et inpipi^nt mfigni pw^edere menses. 

STBtem. But befqre we give our en-; 
tire assent to it, it may not be amiss 
to consider the weight of bis argu» 
ments. 1. " Dio relateS;^ that Oc- 
''tavia, the mother of Marcellus^ 
'^ was married to Anthony^ in 
^'the consulship of PqIIìo, and 
** adds, that at the time of this 
^^ mairiage, she was big with child 
'* by Marcellus^ ber fonner husr 
"band, who was lately dead." 
Dio does say expressly, that Octap- 
via the aister of Augustus, was at 
that time mairied to Anthony, being 
then big with child ; »»/ rnf '0»r«- 

é M^ «vtS? fnrXivni»», tutì xUvra» 
w^jMfwmvv'MiMfu. 2. " Servius, on 
'^the sixth hook of the iSneid, 
y aays, Marcellus was eighteen 
<( years old when he died at Balse, 
'* Periit decimo ociavQ, in Baiano, 
^^fJow Dìo places bis death in the 
''year of Rome 731, therefore 
" Deckoning backwards from 731 
" to 714, we shall find the eighteen 
'* years as»gned by Servius. How-i 
^' ever,as Marcellus did not die till 
*' the latter end pf 731, he must 
*^ bave been near 19 when he died, 
" which is the age assigned him by 
*' F. Labbe, in bis Chronology/* 
The words of Servius are, ^' Hic 
^^ decimo sexto anno incidit in va^ 
" letudinem ; et perìit decimo oc* 
*' tavo, in Baiano, cum sedilita-? 
'^ tem gereret." But, with that 
leamed writer^s leave^ if Marcellus 
was boni in 714, he could but just 
bave entered into bis eìghteenth 
year in 731. Propertius, who livedat 
the time, and ought to bave known 
the trae age of that illustrious young 
Romanj says he died in bis twen- 
rieth year. 
Ocdttit, et misero steterat vigesimiu 
aonus. . 

Catrou endeavoursto get rìd of this 

difficulty, by saying, " that no- 
" thing is more obsoure than the 
" sìgnification of this line of Pro- 
*' pertius. How can it be niade 
*' out, that gteterat vigesimus aanus 
" means that Marcellus had reached 
*' bis twentieth year? On the con- 
*' traiy, it is more naturai to un- 
" derstand thereby, that bis twen- 
" tieth year was stopped, and that he 
" would never see it. This is the 
" force of the word sleterat, and 
" this expression agrees with a per- 
** son, who . is almost nineteen. 
*' However, if Propertius did mean 
'' that Marcellus was twenty, it is 
'* being very exaqt for a poet not 
'^ to mistake one single year/' As 
for the word steterat^ Catrou cer- 
tainly strains it to a significatian, 
that cannot be admitte<l. The 
word is not so obsc^ire as he would 
bave US believe. Sto, applied to time, 
signifiesthe appointed timedecreed 
by fate for owr death. In tbi? sense 
it is pJainly used by Yirgil, in the 
tenth iBneid ; 

Stat tua cuique dkt, breve et irreparabile 

Omnibus est vite. 

Therefore the words of Propertius 
evidently mean, that Marcellus died 
in bis twentieth year ; so that I do 
not see any other way of getting rid 
of this difficulty, than by supposing, 
that Propertius, as a poet, did not 
thìnk himself obliged to be exact to 
à year or two. Catrou mentions 
anotherobjection against bis system. 
" Marcellus was aedile, the year 
" in which he died, and at that 
"time Tiberius was only quaestor. 
*' But, according to Paterculus, 
"Tiberius .was then nineteen: 
" therefore Marcellus must at least 
"bave been twenty, becausè he 
" had a place superior to that of 



Te duce, si qua manent scelerìs vertigia nostri «SSrf^ «^^^ 

main, ••'- 

" Tiberius. Otherwise Augustus 
" mast have preferr«d the younger 
" before the elder." To fhis ób- 
jection Catrou gives the folUming 
dnsurer i *' Marcellus was near nine» 
'' teen as weìl as Tiberius. Au* 
^' gusttts had a mind to bare botk 
*' these oflfices in bis own faniily. 
*' He gives the auperior offioe to hk 
" nephew^ who had just inarrìed 
'' bis daugbtet Jalia^ in preference 
'* to the son of bis wife. Wbat 
" reasoD ìs there to be snrprìsed at 
'' tbi8 ì For my part, I take t^ie 
'* opinion of F.'Labbe to be so far 
'' preferaWe to that of F. Salien, 
'^ that I shouid embrace it, even 
'^ though I was not interested as I 
^'am^ to e9tablish Marcenos the 
•^hero of this Eclogue/' Tbis 
seems to be a sufficient answer to the 
objection: only the leamed father 
btts strained the point a little too 
far^ in making Marcellas and Ti- 
berius to be of the sano e age ^ for 
Tiberhis must have been two years 
oldef than the hero of this £c- 
logae. Thus far I have considered 
the arguments^ which Catrou uses 
in support of bis system, and the 
objections brought against it, with 
the utmost impartìality. I shall 
DOW beg leave toexamine a circum- 
stance or two, which perhaps may 
glve some ligbt into thia difficnhy. 
Dio teìls US, that when Augostus 
was consci the tenth time, together 
with C. Norbanus, that is, in the 
year of Rome 7S0, there was a de- 
cree of the senato made, that Mar- 
cellus shouid then have a seat in the 
senate, and leave to. sue for the 
oonsuisbip ten years before the law- 
ful a^e; and diat Tiberius shouid 
havQ leave to sue for any office fi ve 
yeart before the usuai time j where- 
upon the former was itiimediEtelv 

DEMuie sedile, and tbe Lrtter quaestor ;. 
Tf T% Hm^KiìOm f^kmuà vi h rH§ 
f9Tgi»'niyi)ci^i, tua rvi* uanvalmf ìmtt 
Sflim tnrn niru mufUTréy «MtH mm* xmì 
rit TiCi^4f, «fin v^ò Ud^ms i^jfif ' 
mn rh avrò nvré wmlirm ìiùBw »tù 
wm^Xpfim yt wrti ftHf, rmftimt, heu9H 
ìì, Ày^tttòfus, mtèMxfinnu» But 
though Dio seems to say, that by 
tbis decree Marcellus had libevty to» 
sue for the consulshìp only, before 
the usuai time, we nnist certainly 
nnderstand that it extended to 
otber offices i else it could bave had 
no efifect in procuring the sedileship. 
It k not certainly agrecd by the cri- 
tìcs, what was the legai age for 
ebtaini ng these offiees. Lipsius say s 
a quaestor was to be twenty-five, 
and an sdile twenty-seve» or 
twenty-eight. The leamed Dr« 
Middleton, in bis Treatise on the 
Roman Senate, takes the quóBiionatk 
ùge, tvkich was the same with the 
semtiorian, to have been thirty years 
complete» We have see» already» 
that Tiberius was bom Nov. 16» 
712* Therefore he could be no 
more than eighteen yaars complete^ 
when he was chosen qoestor. But 
he was allowed to sue for tbat office 
five years before the It^al time; 
therdfore be was to have leave to do 
that at eighteen which othevs might 
do at twenty-three. Tbis falls 
short òf the lowest qusestorian age 
that bas been supposed by two 
years. To reconcile this difficulty, 
we must bave recourse to another 
passage In Dio, where Maecenas 
advises Augustus to alter the laws 
relating to the age of magistrates, 
so as to reduce it to that which is 
assigned by Lipsius ; for he would 
have the senatorian age to be twenty- 
iive, and the praetorian tbirty; 
*E9 h r» rvni^téf wwnMUHtmrirus 
s 2 



dSi^^^wSSun™ ^ Imta perpetua «olveat fonnHluie terraSi 


..... rmfM»9wmf tt, Kmì m^^mf- 
ftÌ9urnh i hftM^0wrtH, ^fiWytlrth' 
nt9, ^^tmumuTtU' ytfiftéft . 1 1 appears 
by this, that there was a consulta-i 
tÌQn about that tìme con cerni ng the 
alteration of these laws, and we 
XDay conclude that twenty-three was 
then settled to be the qusestorian 
age; for otherwìse Tiberius could 
not bave been niade qusstor in 
730. Now if Marcellus was born 
about the latter end of 714, the 
year of Pollio's consuUhip, he was 
sixteen in 730. He was ehabkd to 
sue for an office ten years hefore 
the usuai time, which made him 
equal to twenty-six, three years 
more than Tiberius, which differ- 
ence we find to bave been between 
the sediles and qnsestors. Thus it 
seems highly probable, that Aii- 
gustus had fìrst settled the age of 
a qusestor to be twenty-three, and 
that of an aedile to be twenty-six, 
about the year of Rome 725> for it 
was in that' year that Mscenas 
gave the ad vice above mentioned ; 
and that afterwards^ in the year 
730, being willìng to advance bis 
nephew and son-in-law to those 
dignities^ he procured the decree to 
be made, that Marcellus, who was 
then sixteen, might sue for the 
«edileship ten years before the usuai 
tìme, and that Tiberius., who was 
then eìghteen, might do it five 
years before the usuai ti me, which 
enabied them to enjoy the respective 
offices, to which he intended to 
promote them. This appears to 
me to be a strong confirmation of 
.Catrou*s system, as it makes it 
highly probable, that Marcellus 
was born about the latter end of the 
year of Rome 714, and conse- 
quently, that he was the hero of the 
Edogue DOW under consideration.. 

10. Casta fave Lucina,'] Lucina 

is the goddess presidi ng over child' 

birth Some will bave her to be 

the same with Juno, because. the 

women in labour used to cali opon 

Juno Lucina for help. But Cicero, 

in bis second hook de Natura Deo^ 

rum, tclls US expressly, that she ìs 

the Moon, whom the Greeks caU 

Lucina and Diana, and the Romans 

Juno Lucina, He adds, that she 

presides over, chi Id- birth, because 

the time of pregnancy is counted 

by the revolution s of the moon; 

and mentions a jest of Timaeus, 

who having related in bis history, 

that the tempie of the Sphesian 

Diana was burnt òn the same night 

that Alexander was boro, added, 

that it was no vt^onder, when Diana 

chose to be from home, to attend 

the labour of Olympias ; '^ Luna 

*' a lucendo nominata sit: eadem 

'^ est enim Lucina. Itaque ul 

'* apud Grsecos Dianam, eamque 

^' Luciferam, sic apud nostros Ju- 

'' nonem Lucinam in pariendo in-* 

^' vocant : qusei quidam Diana om- 

^' nivaga dicitur, non a venando, 

" sed quod in septem numeratur 

'^ tanquamvagantibus. Dianadicta, 

** quia noctu quasi diem efficeret. 

f Adbibeturautem ad partu9,quod 

'^ ii maturescunt aut septem non- 

'^ nunquam, aut plerumque novem 

'^ lunse cursibus : qui quia mensa 

'' spatia conficiunt menses nomi- 

" nantur. Concinne quidem, ut 

'' multa, Timaeus ; qui cum in 

^' historia dixisset, qua nocte natus 

'' Alexander esset, eudem Dianse 

" Ephesise templum deflagravisse, 

" adjunxit minime id esse mìran- 

*^ dura, quod Diana, cum in partu 

*' Olympiadis adesse voluisset, ab- 

'' fuissct dòmo.'* Catullus also, in 

bis Ode to Diana, says expressly. 



lUe Deuin vitam acdpiet, Qiviiqae TÌdebit l5 ^"J^ *||!sr ^ SL^ 

mized with goda, 

fhat she is Juno Lucina, Trìvia, 
and the Moon 3 

Tu Lucina dolentibus, 
Juno dieta pùerperis. 
Tu potens Trìvia» et notho «s 
Dieta lumine Luna. 

Tu cursu dea menstruo 
Metiens iter annuum. 
Rustica agrìcolae bonis 
Tecta frugibus cxples. 

Virgil uses the epithet casta, because 
Diana was a virgin. We may ob- 
serve^ by the invocation of Lucina 
bere, that the child was not yet 

Tuusjam regnai Apollo.'} Apollo 
wftB the brother of Diana, whìcfa 
seems to be the cause why iuus is 
bere used, thy own Apollo, that is, 
iky brother Apollo* Servius says, the 
poet bere aìludes to the last age, 
which the Sibyl had said should be 
under the sun; and at the sanie 
lime to Augustus, to whom a sta- 
tue was erectedy with ali the distinc- 
tlons of Apollo. He observes also, 
that Octavia, tlie sister of Au- 
gusUis, was thought to be meant by 
Lucina. La Cerda mentions an« 
other opinion, that Apollo himself 
might be then said to reign, be- 
cause bis prophecies by the mouth 
of the Sibyl were then fulfilled: 
but he himself seems to think that 
Augustus is meant. Ruseus thinks 
that Apollo himself is intended, 
whose prophecies were now ful- 
filled. Catrou is fully persuaded, 
that Lucina and Apollo are Octavia 
and Augustus. " That iUustrious 
*' lady,*' says he, " had ali the cha- 
'^ racters of the chaste goddess. 
*^ The regularity pf ber conduct 
*' was alwa^s without reproach. 
^' She Ì8 invited to cast a favourable 
** look Olì Marcellus in bis birth, 
'' as the child will soon be invited 
" to smile on bis modi^r. The 

** allwry of Lucina and Apollo, 
'* apjmed to Octavia and Cdssst, 
** has?8ometfaing noble and happy" 
'< in it. It is easy to perceive Cse* 
^' sar under the figure of Apollo: 
*' the triumvir was fond of being; 
*' honoured under the name of this 
" god. The preceding year he 
'^ had erected a tempie to hùn $ and 
** as Anthony had taken the name 
'*of Bacdius, Octavian took the 
** name and the symbols of Apollo. 
^^ It would bave been an indiscre- 
'* tion m the poet, to bave màde 
*' use of the word regnai, if he 
*' had applied it directly, and with- 
" out a metaphor, to Csesar. But^ 
*' heappliesitimmèdiatelyto Apollo, 
'' and it was a received term, in* 
'* speaking of a planet or of a ccn--' 
" stellation." That Octavia was. 
a lady of the strictest virtue is cer- 
taìn i but it does not seem to be a 
consequence of ber virtue, that she 
was co be invoked under the name 
of Lucina, to favour ber own de- 
livery, which seems to be a very 
odd imagìnation. Nor will the 
child be invited to smile on bis mo- 
ther, but to know his mother by 
ber smiling on him. See the note 
on ver. 60. As for the tempie ot 
Apollo, if we may belteve Dio Cas-' 
sius, it was after the sea fight at 
Actium that Augustus made of* 
ferìngs to that deity, who was pe^ 
culiarly worshipped at Actium, and 
buUt a larger tempie fór him,- 
which was not finished till twelvé 
years after this £clogue was written. 
As for Anthony, the same author 
tells US, that it was after the jpeacé 
made between Augustus and him 
that he went into Greece, and took 
upon him the name of another Bac- 
dius, in which the people were fond 
of humouring him, toni the Athe^- 
nians carried it so far as to make a 


^AS!'^'^^ ^ *^ Pérmixtoè herotw, et ipse tìdebitur illis ! 

match between the new Baodius 
and their goddess Minerva. An- 
thony approved of the marrìage, 
and demanded of them a large sum 
of money for her portion. Thus 
acGorditig to Dio^ Anthony*s tak- 
ìng the name of Baochus was 
noi till afìber the time of writing 
this Eclogue^ and the building (^ 
the tempie of Apollo was inany 
years after that. Some bave been 
so weak as to imagìne^ that the 
poet here alludes to a famons sup- 
per meotioned by Suetunius^ where 
Angostus and bis friends took upon 
themselves the character of several 
deittes^ and Augustns th^t of Apollo^ 
whìch is hìghly improbable, Thisr 
story is nat very authentic, acoord-' 
ìng to Sixetonius hìraself^ and ff 
Augustus had this frolickr it was in 
"pnvtde ; *^ Ccena quoque ejus se- 
'' " cretior in fabulìs fuit" It was 
performed when there was a scar- 
€ity in the city, which might prò- 
bably he that which happened socn 
after the agreement between Au-* 
gustuB and Anthony, and therefore 
might noi happen soon enough to 
gire rise to any expression ih this 
Edogue. It was censured as an 
ìmpiouft and profane action, by ali 
that knew of it ; and therefore, if 
there is any trath at ali in the story, 
it coimot be imagined^ that Virgil 
would compliment Auffustus with 
the name of a deity, which he had 
2U9Sumed at a riotous entertainment, 
and had reason to be heartily 
ashamed of. A better reason for 
Augustus to be called Apollo, than 
any I bave seen prodnced, might 
hfive been hrought frmn thebegin- 
ning ^ thfuferty-fifth hock of Dio ; 
where we are uHà, that one prin- 
cipal reason, why Julrna Cessar 
theugbt of maktng Augustus his 
heiff, was that his moSier Atlia 

affirmed positively» that Ae had 
conceived him by Apollo; that 
having slept in the tempie of that 
god, she seemed to admit the em- 
braces of a dragon, apd that her 
reckoning went on duly from that 
time. But it seeras not at ali 
likely, that Virgil would bave in- 
sinuated in this Eclogue, which is 
dedicated to PoUio, that Augustus 
then reigned. PoUio was the friend 
of Anthony, and had a large share 
in reconciUng the two great trium- 
virs. Now if Virgil would make 
his court to Pollio, he should at least 
bave said tbey reigned jointly. In 
trnth, I beliere the compliment was 
desìgned to PoUio himsàf. He was 
at that time the chief magistrate, 
had a large share in brìnging about 
the reconciliation, was a patron of 
the Muses, and a goòd poet him- 
self. Tlierefore Apollo mìsht he 
said to reign, when one of his fa- 
vourite sons was in so high a .station. 
It may be observed also, that the 
poet immediately slides into the 
mention of Pollio*8 consulship, as 
the appointed time for ali these 
promised blessings. 

IL Te consule.2 Here the poetr 
plainly points out the time whenl 
this Eclogue was written. It wasl 
in the consulship of C. Asinius Pol-\ 
lio, that is, in the ycar of Rome\ 

12. Póllio.'] See the note on ver. 
84}. of the third Eclogue. 

Magni menses,"] Servius says, the 
poet fdlodes to the months July and 
August, which were so called ih 
honour of Julius and Augustus Gse- 
sar, whereas their names' were 
Qnintilis and Sextilis bef<M'e. But 
Kuseus jnstly òbserves, that this 
could not be true of August, which 
had not that name tiH aft^ the 
death oÌ Cleopaeré, and the tbree 



Pacatumqw r^g^t patriis virtulibu» ofb^m» S?rt?;ìftrS.*&^^ 

triumphs of A,ugustu8> nay ikot till 
the year of Rome 727» Great bere 

jsuch a time^i a» has not yet been 

13, Te duce, &c.] The poet 
having mentioned the consulship of 
FoUio, ìmmediately tells biro, that 
under bis conduct ali the remains qf 
the civil war shall be extinguished* 

We see plainly, that Polli o is the 
pèrson on whom Virgil depends^ 
for puttìng a period to the civU wars,, 
which he means by the wkkedness 
of the Rojnans^ scelevis nostri. In 
prder to a full uuderstanding of thìa 
passage^ let us copsider as briefly 
as. we can the state of the Roman 
àffairs at that time. The civil war 
betweeh Julius Csesar and Pompey 
began in the year of Rome 705, 
and notwithstanding the defeat of 
Pompey, at PharsaHa, in the next 
year, it was not ended till about the 
latter part of 709. Thìs cessation 
wa^ but very short ; for in less than 
half a year, Julius Cassar was mur- 
dered in the senate-house, when 
he was consul the fifth time. ìm- 
mediately the capitol was seized by 
themurderers, the Forum filled with 
armed soldiers by Lepidus, and the 
whole city was in confusion. Lepi- 
dus, who then had the command of 
an army, intended, under pretence 
òf avenging the death of Caesair> 
to set up himself. Mark Anthony,, 
who was Caesar's coUeague in the 
consulship, brought the mangled 
corpse into the Forum, shewed bis 
wounds, and read bis will to the 
peonie, in which be had made bis 
n^phew Qctàvius bis beir in the first 
place, and Anthony and Decimus 
brutus, and some others of the 
murderers, in the second, and had 
ieft bis gardens by the riyer side to 
the peoplé, and thirty drachmas to 

each of tbem. Tbis raised a mosl^ 
violent turault among the people, 
and an ardent desire to revenge the 
death of that great man. Tbis 
gave an opportunity td Anthony o( 
assumingan almost arbitrary pow^^ 
who fin£ng Lepidus to be a person 
capable of giving bim much disturba 
ance, made an alliance with bim^ 
befitowi»g bis daughter in marriagq 
on the son of Lepidus. Octaviua 
was pursuing bis studies at Apollo- 
?LÌa> having been sent tbither, with 
part of the army, to wait tbere for 
bis uncle, who was preparine to 
make war against the Partbians* 
But being mformed of Ceesar-s 
death, and of bis having eonstituted 
bim bis beir, be bastened to Rome, 
wbere be was treated with con- 
tempt by Anthony, who looked 
upon bim as a mere boy, and one 
or no consequence. Qctàvius there- 
fore joined with the Patrician party, 
and particularly witii Cicero, who 
bavipg conceived an Implacable ha- 
tred against Anthony, supportedtbe 
young man in opposition to bim. 
With tbis assistance, be soon levied 
an army, and, together with the new 
consuls for the year 71 1> marched 
against Anthony, who then beld 
Decimus fixutus besieged in Mutina. 
The town was relieved, and An- 
thony put to flight, with the loss of 
the two consuls, who fell in differ- 
ent engagements. The senate now 
became jealous of Octavius, and 
endeavoured to depress bin) as much 
as they had before exalted biro. 
They invested bis enemies with 
power, giving the province of JVia- 
cedon to Marcus Brutus, one of 
Caesar's murderers, Syria to Cassiu^, 
anotber of tbem, and the com- 
mand of the navy to Sextiis, ,,the 
son. of Pompey. Octavius, being 
informed of these alterations, carne 



•tt52^^'itea?'&tal At tibi prima, puer, nullo mnnmeala culto, 

giìftt, withoot cnltore, ' 

to an agreement with Anthony and 
Lepidas, and marched back to 
Rome, where he was presently 
jchosen consul^ and had the govem- 
ment of the city committed to him. 
He was then adopted into the fa- 
mily of Csesar^ and took upon him 
the name of Caius Julius Csesar 
Octavianus, according to Dio. The 
senate^ who did not know of the 
private, agreement that young Cse- 
isar had màde -with Anthony and 
Lepidus^ sent him against them^ and 
at the same time iiivited Brutus and 
tassius to march towards Rome. 
But Caesar meeting Wlth Anthony 
ànd Lepidus^ had a private con- 
ference with them ; they agreed to 
divìde the govemment between 
fhem^ and by thcir joint interest, 
Lepidus was chosen consul for the 
ensuing year 712. The union of 
€hese three powérful persons was 
called the Triumvirate. They re- 
tunied separately to Rome, eiach 
with his own army, and there put 
in execution the horrìd agreement 
made between them, of putting ali 
to death whom each of them looked 
upon as his enemy, and this wìth- 
Dut the least appearance of niercy. 
It would be long and disagreeable to 
rélate theparticulars of these shock- 
ing barbarìties; how husbands were 
betrayed by their wives, fathers bv 
their sons, and masters by their 
slaves, into the hands of their miir- 
derers. It was made a capital 
crirne to conceal any of the pro- 
scribed persons, or even to shew 
any màrk of soitow for their death. 
In the méan time Brutus and Gas- 
slus had gathered a considerable 
wmy near Philippi, a city of Mace- 
don, on the connnes of Thessaly. 
'Cfldsar and Anthony marched against 
them : the battle was fought with 
fury on bath sides : the victory in- 

clined to the trìumvirs, and Cassius 
first, and then Brutus, slew them- 
selves. Many others, who either 
had been concemed in tJie murder 
of Julius Caesar, or knew them- 
selves to be in the number of the 
proscrìbed, or feared the hatred of 
the tri^virs, fell upon their own 
sworàs. The two conquerors now 
divided the world between them, 
making little account of Lepidus ; 
and Anthony undertook to keep ali 
quiet in Asia, and Cassar to do the 
àame in Italy, engaging at the samé 
time to settle the soldiers in the Ita- 
lian lands. This was performed in 
àie year 713, when P. Servilius and 
Lucius, the brother of Mark Aù- 
thóny, were choSen consuls. This 
division of the lands drew a gene- 
ral hatred on Caesar; the soldiers 
being generally discontented with 
the portion that was given them, and 
the lawful owners being justly exss- 
perated at the loss of their estates. 
This gave an opportunìty to Fulvia, 
the wife of Mark Anthony, who 
had a quarrel with Caesar, and was 
a woman of a most turbulent spirita» 
to draw the dìsafTected to her party! 
Her husband's brother Lucius, the 
consul, joined with her in endea- 
.vouring to oppréss Caesar, who 
marched against them, and besieged 
them in Perusia, a city of Hetruria. 
The town was strong, and held out 
'a long time : but it was taken thè 
next year, in the con s ulship of Do- 
mi tius and PoUio. Fulvia escaped 
to her hu sband, and endeavoured a 
reconciliation between him and Sex- 
tus Pompey; and Caesar soon re- 
duced ali the other towns of Italy. 
Anthony, being incited by his 
wife, came to Italy against Caesar^ 
took Sipos, a town of Apulia, and 
laid siege to Brundusium. Agrippa 
retook Sipus; but Servilius Rullus, 



Errantes hederas passim cura beccare tellus, Srth*ESw?^ 

every whdCb 

vho was sent to relieve Brundusìmn^ 
was Buddenly attadked by Anthony^ 
and routed^ many of bis soldiers 
being slain, and many also desert- 
ing. Rome was now under the 
greatest terror ; the flames of civil 
war were now breaking out with 
fresh fury : nothing less than new 
battles^ proscrtptions, and murders^ 
were to be apprehended. But it 
happened very luckily tliat Fulvia, 
who bad a cbìef band in blowing 
«p the flame^ died; whereupon Pol- 
li© the consul, who was a great 
friend of Anthony, and desirous to 
recai him fpom the luxurious life 
which he had leamed in Asia and 
Egypt> projected a reconciliation. 
IMflpcenas also, who had no less" 
regard for Caesar, did bis endear 
vour to bring him to a reconcilia- 
tion. This was happily effected by 
the joint concurrence of these two 
woròiy persons ; and as a pledge of 
their a^eement, Octavia, Caesar's 
beloved sister, was marrìed to An- 
thony. It was hoped, that this 
lady, who had ali the omaments as 
well as virtues of ber sex, would be 
able to draw Anthony from bis li- 
eentious way of living. She was 
then with child by ber former bus- 
band, Marcellus, and it can hardly 
be doubted, but that it was this un- 
born child that Virgil alluded to in 
this Eclogue. Cassar and Anthony 
entered Rome in great triumph to- 
gether, and nothing less thui the 
most solid and happy peace was then 
expected. It was to this peace 
therefore that our poet ascribed 
the happiness of the golden age ; 
and to Pollio. the chief autbor of 
it, that he dedicated the poem un- 
der consideration. Since he had 
performed an action of such import- 
ance, as the reconciliation of these 
great and powerful enemies, he 

might justly teli bis patron, that 
what little sparks now remained of 
the civil wars, would be easily ex- 
tinguished under bis conduct Whe- 
ther it succeeded according to die 
poefs expectatìon or not, is not my 
business nere to examiue. I bave 
taken upon me to explaui the m«^i- 
ing of my autbor; but not to she^v, 
that he was endued with the spirit 
of prophecy. 

Siqua manente *c.] Therc were 
stili some remains òf the civil war ; 
for Sextus Poropey at that time re- 
tained the ships, which had been 
put under bis govemment, and m- 
fested the coasts of Italy. Vir^ 
expresses bis bope, that Pollio wHl 
by his prudence compose this diffa*- 
ence also, since he had just effected 
a more difficult reconciliation. 

15. IlleDeumviiamaccipietféj^.'] 
He now tums bis discourse to the 
infant, and predicts his future 

Hesiod, in his description of the 
golden age, says, they lived like gods. 
Catrou observes, that *' Virgil 
" would not bave spoken thus of a 
" son of Pollio. As for Marcellus," 
says he, '' it is probable that Cae- 
'^ sar caused him to he brought up 
" as his own son, from the very 
*' moment of his birth. He was 
" his own nephew, and he had no 
*' son. We know that he adopted 
'* Marcellus ; and as history has 
^' not pointed out the time of this 
^' adoption, we may believe, and 
'' Virgil insinuates it in this Ec- 
" logue, that it was from the very 
" time of bis birth. In short, 
^^ would. he bave given up the bope 
" of his family to the educatipn aqd 
" discretion of Anthony ? In this 
'' sense therefore Virgil says, that 
^^ Marcellus was going to live a- 
^* mongst gods and heroes. He had 



tSLSSÌSStì^rS!^ ''*^ Mi^taque ridenti colqpaftia fundet acantho. 20 

** tkc foloocì of both in bis veins, 
'^ bekìg C«esar by bis motber, and 
'' MvtceWuè by his fatbér/* But 
thÌ8 chikl does not seem to bave 
beén boni at tbe time of writing this 
Eeiogue. It is bowever not impos- 
mìÀe, thsLt AugQstns should adopt 
him, éven before bis blrtb. Wc 
bave seen already, tbat when be 
raarried Livia, he sent tbe cbijd as 
80on as bpm to bis trué fatber Ti- 
berius. In tbepresent ca9e,Octavia 
bftd nio former husband living. to 
wbom sbe mìght return tbe cbild 
Wben born. It m'is^hx therefore very 
mobably be stipukted, tbat tbe in- 
fant sbould be retumed to bis near- 
est relation, wbo was bis motber's 
brotber, Augustus. Nor is it im- 
probable, tbat Aueustus sbould 
engagé to make it ms beir, if it 
proved a male, aud be bad no son 
6f bis own. Or perhaps it might 
be tan artiele of tbe peace, tbat as 
Octavia was so nearlyrelated tobotb 
the triùmvirs, being the sister of 
one and wife of me otber, and 
pledge of tbe peace itself, tbat tbe 
child of wbicb sbe was tben preg- 
iumt sbould be beir to both. But 
these are onlj conjectures, and are 
neitber to be proved nor contra- 
dictedfrombistory. Itmustbefrom 
such an adoption, that Marcellus 
couid clatm any relation to tbe gods; 
for Catrou forgets bimself, wben be 
«ays he bad divine blood from bis 
motber. Julius Capsar derived bis 
descent from lulus or Ascanius, tbe 
son of iBìneas, the son of Venus : 
bis sister's daughter was married to 
Octayius, by wbom sbe bad young 
0$:taviu8, wbo was called also Octa- 
vianus, and Augustus Cesar: there- 
fore Augilstus was also of divine de- 
floent : but Octavia was tbe daugb- 
ter of Octavius by a former Wife, 
àrid tberefore a mere mortai. 

Dwùque videbU.'^ Wbattbepoet 
bere says concemmg gods and he- 
roes, seems to relate ratber to tbe 
general descrìption of the golden 
age, than to any circumstances, 
wbicb can be supposed to bave 
really bappened at tbat time. We 
need only compare this passage witb 
the sixtìi and seventb verses of tbe 
nintb cbapter of Isaiah, io be satis- 
fied that either tbe Sibyl or tbe poet 
bad seen that propbecy. " For 
\'' unto US a Child is born, unto us a 
; '* Son is given, and tbe govemment 
^'* sball be upon bis sboulder : and 
{'* bis name shall be called Wonder* 
i'* fui, Counsellor, tbe mighty God, 
J." the everlasting Fatber, the Prince 
> *' of peace." 

17. Pairm virtìdibus^ By bis 
father's virtues, l believe we must 
understand those of Augustus, wbo 
must already bave adopted him, as 
was said before. We cannot well 
understand him to mean those of 
Anthony, bis motber's busband; 
for bis licentious life was too well 
luìown at tbat time, and gave greal 
offence to Pollio bimself. Nor can 
it well be supposed, that the poet 
would thus express bimself of a son 
of Pollio, if tbat was the infant in- 
tended : for a prediction of bis son 
becoming the ruler of tbe world, 
publisbed under bis patronage» 
would bave exposed hoxh poet and 
patron to danger, at a time wben 
the triumvirs were in full power. 

13. Ai Ubi prima puer, 5fc.] He 
foretels the blessings wbicb sball 
attend tbe birth of tbis infant. 

Tbere is a very great sìmilitude 
between this passage and tbe follow- 
ing qaotation from Isaiah; 

" Tbe wildemess and the solitaiy 
. <^ place shall be fflad for them : and 
' '^ tbe desert sball rejoice, ànd blos- 
l '^ som as the rose, <^kap. xxxv. ver* 


li 39 

Ip8«& lacte domuni referent distenta capeHse 

TbigfMa ut thdr own accoìi^ 
thalibrlng home thdr dun 

r' i. The glory of Lebanon shall 

I '' come unto thee« the fir-tree^ the 

' *' pine-tree, and the box togeihet, 

"chap. Ix. ver, 13. The wolf 

< " also shall dwell with the lamb, 

; ^^and the leopard dhall lie down 

; " with the kid : and the calf, and 

** the young lìon^ and the fatlin|r 

; *' together, and a little child shaU 

'* lead thera. And the cow and 

'" the bear shall feed, their young 

;*< ones shall lie down together : and 

" the lion shall eat Straw like the 

^* ox. And the sucking child shall 

: " play upon the hole of the asp, 

*' and the weaned child shall put 

I '< his band on the adder's den> chap. 

; '' xi. ver. 6, 7. 8." 

At iibu'] ''In the Roman ma- 
" nuscript it is ac Ubi; and after- 
*' wards again ac simul instead of at 
" simul : but in ali the other ancient 
'^ manuscrfpts it is al.** Pierius. 

Nullo aiUu."^ The earth prò* 
ducing its fruits without culture is 
a mai^ of the golden age. Thus 

/ Ipsa quoque immunis» rastroqoe infacta, 
nec uUis 
Saucia vomerìbus, fear ,ae dabat omnia 

The yet'free earth didofher owne accorda 

Untome wHh phughs, àU tori» offruÙ 

qford. Sandts. 

19. Erranies hederas,! The epi- 
thet errantes expresses the creeping 
quality of Ivy, which shooting roots 
from every joìnt, spreads itself over 
every thing that it can lay hold on. 
See the note on ver. S9. of the third 
Eclogue. Ivy was a plant used in 
the diaplets of poets^ Whence some 
think that Virgil prophesies, that 
thìs ìnfant willbecome agreat poe^. 
Thus in the seventh Eclogue ; 

Pastores Jiedera cresceotem ornate Poe-. 

Arcacte8> invidia nmipantur ut ilia Codro. 

■ Aut si ultra placitum budarìt, ìaecare 
Cingile, ne vati noceat mala lingua fur 

Here we see that ivy and baccar are 
used together^ as in the passage now 
under consideration. But perhaps 
this passagemay be better explaiBed» 
by suppusing^ that the ivy gxowin^ 
up for the infant signìnes rather 
that he will be celebràted by poetai 
in which sense it seems to be ìued 
in the eighth Eclogue ; 

— Accipe jnssis 

Carmina ccerpta tuia, atque banc tint 

tempora circum 
Inter victrices hederwn tibi serpere laurot. 

Baccare.'] That the laccar, hac- 
ckaris, or baccaris was esteemed an 
herb good against enchantmentS;» ia 
plain from the passage just now 
quoted from the seventh Eclogue* 
According to Dioscorides, it is a 
sweet-smelling herb^ that is used in 
garlands j the leaves of it are rough^ 
and of a middle size between those 
of violet and mullen : the stàlk is 
angular^ about a cubii In helght, 
with some appendages : the flower 
is white^ incliningto purple, and of 
a sweet smeli : me roots resemble 
those of black hellebore, and smeli 
very like cinhamòn: B«»v^4$ /3«-» 

T»fn *OTt tìWCnS fUU OTtl^CtWUetTUCH' ff 

rit^v fw Kttì pXùfCév' »ttv)ì»f 2ì yptui" 

futfiM, Pliny has not describ^ed itjf 
but he tells us, that the smeli of it 
is very like cinnamon^ and quote» 
the authority of Aristophanes, to 
prove that it is not a barbarous 
name> but a Greek one ; '* Bacoar 
'^ quoque radices tantum odoratus 


itìft2*rf^SStS£r^ Ubera : nec raagDOs metuent armenta leones. 

** est, a quibusdam nardum msti- 
" cum appellatimi. Unguenta ex 
'* ea radice fieri solita apud anti- 
'' qvLos, Aristophanes priscse cornee- 
*' oiae potita testis est. Unde qui- 
^* dam errore falso barbaricam eam 
** àppellabant. Odor est ei cìn- 
" namomo proximus." Of the se- 
veral plants which the modems 
haye supposed to be the baccar, ìt 
is more easy to sav which is not 
the plànt, than which is. Some 
bave thought dary to be the bac^ 
cor ; but its root is not like the 
black heDebore, nor has it any 
smeli of cinnamon. Others bave 
propeseli the avens, or herb ben- 
net 5 but the flower of that is yel- 
low. Fox-giove Ì8 thought by some 
to be the plant; but neither the 
form of the root nor the smeli seem 
to agree with the baccar. The bo- 
tanists of Montpelier wouid bave 
the plant which we cali ploughman*s 
spikenard to be the baccar, whence 
that herb is commonly called bac- 
charis Morupeliensium : but it seems 
rather to be the conyza of the an- 
cients, and is figured by Matthiolus 
under the name of conyza major, 
This last learaed author confesses 
ingenuously, that he never was ac- 

r^inted with the true baccar, till 
dreas Lacuna sent him a dried 
specimen of it, which he had ga- 
thered about Rome. This plant, 
as Lacuna affirms in bis letter to 
Matthiolus, has every progerty 
ascrìbed by the ancients to the bac-- 
car. Matthiolus has given a figure 
of it; but the authors since bis 
time do not agree, even conceming 
the plant which he has figured. 
The general opinion seems to be, 
that it is only a difFerent represent- 
ation of bis conyza major or the 
bacckaris Monspeliensium, To me 
they appear veiy differenti and the 

bacckaris of Matthiolus seems ra- 
ther to represent some spedes either 
of verbascum or blattaria. I be- 
lieve it is the blattaria purpurea 
C, B, the leaves of which resemble 
the conyza major Matthklu Bat 
whether this is the true baccar of 
the ancients or not, I dare not 
positively affirm^ and am afraid the 
root does no greatly resemble that 
of the black hellebore. 

20. Colocasia»'] The colocasia is, 
without doubt, an Egyptian plant. 
Dioscorides affirms, that it is the 
root of the Egyptian bean, which 
some cali pontic. It grows chiefiy 
in Eg^t, and is found in the lakes 
of Asia and Cilicia. It has leaves 
as larffe as an umbrella, a stalk a 
cubit long, and of the thìckness of 
a finger, a rosaceous fiower, twice 
as big as a poppy. When the flower 
goes off, it bears husks lìke little 
bags, in which a smallbean appears 
be^rond the lid, in form of à bottle, 
which is called ciborion or cibotion, 
a little ark, becausethe bean is sown 
on the moist earth, and so sinks in- 
to the water. The root is thicker 
than a reed ; it is eaten both raw 
and boiled, nnd is called collocasia. 
The bean is eaten green, and when 
it is dried it turns black, and is 
big^er than the Greek bean : 'O ìì 
AlywTOH K.mfM( óf mei norruùf 
fUiXova-i, ^XuoTf fdf yiwrtu If AU 
yvxr^' xmì h 'Ari» ìì xxì h KiAìxìW 
hrms XifMcui tù^ioxtrm' %« ì% ^vXXùf 
fwyti àff mrao-ùf, xccvXh ìì TnxvM»r 

énaut ^i^u ^voTuet irtc^ttxXia-M éuXeùtur-^ 

^Sfixis XùU0é)ivÌ' X«AiiT«l }l KlCtf^Mf 

S KtCéirur età ri rnf ^inuttf tùv Kvdfuu 
yiftrétii itvTw hrtétfiifov u9 ìxftMXm, 
•urtf ri tk ri vìa^ i^UfutùV ft^» ^ì 


Ipsa tìbi blandos fundent cunabula flores, SS, pSto^^wf ^^ 

é K xìMfif ^jQ^ttrxweu fnh xctì X^^V^' 
in^wfétìs ì% yiwrm ftbiof' »«ù fM^uff tùv 
'Exxntufv. Theophrastus tells us, 
that the Egyptian bean grows in 
marshes and lakesi the stalks, at 
the longest^ are four cubits^ and of 
the thickness of a finger^ and re- 
sembling a reed, without joints; it 
has divisions on the inside, like a 
lily. It bears a head at the top, 
like a honey-comb -, with one bean 
in each celi, appearing a little abov'e 
it, in nùmber about thirty. The 
flower is twice as big as that of a 
poppy, and of the colour of a rose : 
the head rìses above the water. A 
great leaf grows by each bean. .... 
The root is thicker than the largest 
reed, and has divisions like the stalk. 
It is eaten raw and boiled and 
roasted, by the inhabitants of the 
marshes. It grows spontaneously 
in great plenty. It is also sown in 
the mud, with plenty of chafiP, that 
it may sink down without corrupt> 
ing; and thus they make their 
plantations of beans. ... J.t grows 
also in Syrla and Cilicia: 'O h 
KvttfMi ^ytrtu fdt l» rdi« l'xurt xtù rtuf 
Xiftvtuf' MCoAÒ$ ^ì xmv fMix^f ftìf i 

ai ^axrvXuuòg' Offici et xtùXtifM fUùXMcS 
|\mw^«Q «yoy«Ttf' ^M^VTUi ìi h^óàtf 
tx,U itóXov ituXnMfeti ofMWs Tù7s x^ivott' 
fsr/ rovrot }% i xaiìt» ^ct^ofMtct 0^i)«/« 
%m^i^u' xetì h Ixdrrm rSf xvrrti^Mf 
xvttfAOi fux^lf tnn^M^éff xvtw, w>Siéo9 
ìì «ì 7r)iUTT6t r^uixùrrA' rò ^s Ayèùi 
hwXtlo'iov S ftnxtffcf' x§^f^* ^ 0^<«y 

af xtiTUxo^ii' hrtiìM óì Tùv v^cttPf i 
U' wtt^a^vtTtu il ^vXX» fctytiXA 
TTu^' txttmv rSf xvufcttf, .-. . . 'H ^ì 
fi^m 7rttx,vr{^* tùv xttìUfMv tov wec^vni^ 
T««, xeti impunti cfMittf i^ovrct rf 
xmvXf' fa^lùva-t ì* xùrtiv xaì òffMHf, xeù 
i^^àp, xuì ùxrir xtcì ol wi^ì rà Vau, 
Téira» w«# x^Srrtu' ^Ureu fiìt «Zf xm 

wtXvi mirifiMtH> ^v ftìf àX>ià xttrttQdX' 
Xé»&tf fy miXS* «;^t;^«^0Y»fTf; iS fAaXk 
x^d; TÒ xèfnnx^foU y% xeù foiicu xtù w 
ìut^éet^^fm' XU4 «lira xartcoxtva^ùvn 

Tùìff xvdfint^ rifSVM ^ì •vTàg xmì 

h Xv^lu XU4 xttrk ' KiXtxietf, Here 
it may be observed, that Theo- 
phrastus does Dot give the least hint, 
that either the Egyptian bean, or 
any part of the plant is called co^- 
casia, But Pliny, as well as Dios- 
corides, afiìrms that they are the 
same plant. He mentions the stalk 
as the part tbat is eaten, says the 
Egyptìans used the leaves to drink 
out of, and adds, that in bis time 
it was planted in Italy; '^ In 
'* iEgypto nobilissima est coloca- 
** sia, quam cyamon aliqui vocant. 
*' Hanc e Nilo metunt, caule cum 
** coctus est araneoso in mandendo, 
'^ thyrso autem, qui inter solia 
" emicat, spectabilì, folits latissi- 
'' mis, etium si arboreis compa- 
*' rentur, ad similitudinem eorum 
'^ quee personata in nostris omni^ 
" bus vocamus. Adeoque Nili sui 
*< dotibus gaudent, ut ìmplexis 
'* colocasìse foliis in variam spedem 
" vasorum, potare ^ratissimum ha- 
** beant. Seritur jam hac in Ita- 
*' lia." We find this plant men- 
tioned also by Herodotus, who does . 
not cali it either cyamos or colocasia, 
but lili/; and speaks of it imme- 
diately after the lotos, which he 
calls a 2t/y also. There grow in the 
Nile, says he, other lilies also re* 
semblìng roses. The fìruit of these 
grows upon different stalks, pro- 
ceeding from the same root, and re- 
sembles the combs of wasps. It 
has several seeds, of the bigness of 
the kernels of olives, sticking to- 
gether; which are eaten either green 
or dry; ^Eo-nìì xui ìixxtt x^ifui fù^ 
^ùia-i Ifc^t^utt if rS irùrttfm yifófom 
x»4 rxvjeL' <{«'»« xu^irét If liXXvi xdXvxt 



l^t%?dSSf^hS!borJS! Occidet et serpens, et fallax herba venetil 

•oa aluUl perish. 

ìrm^péfiiftì ht lìif fSjtt, yinttu Kn^lf 
9^vtM9 Hufl ùUétér»rér Ir révrf r^tncrÀ 
•r«» n TVf^y ìWik iyinrm ^^vd* 
r^tSywm ìì jmU «nraXA rt&vrm ttmì tiZm. 
Trosper Alpinus^ in bis hook de 
PlarUis Mgyptiy assures us^ thai the 
Egyptiaiì name of this plaot is 
culcas, which the Greek writers 
mìght easily change to the more 
agreeable sound of coloauia. He 
says, no plant is better knuwn orla 
more use among them ; the root of it 
being eaten as commonly as turnips 
among us. But he seems to ques- 
tiona whether it is the same with the 
Egyptian bean of the Greek au- 
thors^ hecause he could never meet 
with any one that had seen either 
stalk, fiower^ or fruit of it. Howef er^ 
by the figure which he has given of 
the leaves, it is the plant^ which C. 
Bauhinus has called arum maximum, 
Mgyptìacum, quod vulgo colocana. 
But whether this arum is the very 
Egyptian bean of Tbeophrastiis, is 
not greatly material to our present 
purpose^ since it is certain^ that it 
is tne culcas of the modem Egyp- 
tians, and the colocasia, which be- 
gan to be planted in Italy in Vir- 
gil's time. When this Eclogue was 
written the colocasia was a rarity» 
' newly brought from Egypt; and 
therefore the poet speaks of its 
growing commonly in Italy. as one 
of the glories of the golden age» 
which was now expected to return. 

Acantho'] The acanthus bere 
meant is the acacia, an Egyptian 
tree, from which we obtain the 
gum arabic. See the note on ver. 
119. of the second Georgick. 

21. Ipsas.'] The commentators 
observe, that ipsw, in this place, is 
very expressive^ and answers to 
«vtW in Greek i so that ipsa ca- 
petite signifies as much as mvròfutré*, 

and M^' UuTÀi, that is> of thevr 
own accora. 

Distenta,'] This epithet èxpreases 
the fulness of the dug, which 
makes it strut Thus Lucretius, 

Hinc fessa pecades pingoes per pabula 

Corpo» deponunt^ et candens Itetous 

Uheribus manat distentis. 

And Horace^ 

Claudensque textis cratibus letum pecus. 
Distenta siccet ubera. 

22. Nec magnos metucnt armenta 
leones.'] This is plainly taken from 
Isaiah^ as are also some verses of the 
Sibyl to the sarae purpose^ quoted 
by Lactantius. 

23. Ipso tibi blandos, 4*c.l Some 
of the commentators wiU bave it^ 
that the poet bere alludes to a story^ 
which is told conceming bis own 
nativity; that a twig of poplar^ 
being planted when he was bom^ 
soon grew up to be a tali tree. But 
a pojuar does not bear any beautifìil 
flower» : so that, allowing the story 
to be true, this passage does not 
seem to allude to it. . 

24. Occidet et serpens.] " The 
*^ Sibyl had used this expression^ in 
" an evident prophecy of the com- 
" ing of Christ. Virgil has trans- 
'' ferreri it to thebirth of Saloninus. 
*^ Sannazarius has used it in its 
'* proper sense j 

** Orddet et serpen*^ mUerot qute prima 

** parente» 
«• Elusiti porten1\ficù imbuta venenis,^ 

La CfRBA. 

Fallax herba tfemenù'] <' He does 
'' not mean the cicuta^ with which 
'' every one is acquainted, but Ùmt 
" Sardi niao plant, which being 
" like apiasirum, deceives peeple : 



Occidel: Asayrium vulgo hascetur amomum* 25 

UHI AMyrtta I 

''or the aconiie, as in the second 

\ *< ..— . Nec miserofi fallunt aconita le- 
: *• gentes." Servius. 

Apifuiirum is what we cali baum. 
See the note on ver. 63. of the 
fourtà Geor^ck. Pliny says this 
herb is poisonous in Sardinia; 
^' Apiastrum Hyginus quidem me- 
^' lissophyllon appellat* Sedin con-' 
^' fessa danmatione est venenatum 
^ in Sardinia." If the poet di<i 
^lean any particular herb^ I should 
understand him of the aconite, vhich 
seems to be confirmed by the verse 
that Servias has quoted. Rnaeus is 
of opinion, that he meana ali venom- 
' OHS herhs in general. 

525. Assyrium vulgo nasceéur amo^ 
mumJi " In the Lombard manu- 
*' script it is Assyrium et vulgo. 
" But the seiitence is neat and ele^ 
" gant> without the copulative par- 

*.' tìcle." PlERIVS. 

Servius says the amomum is a 
aweet-ttnelling plani, whìch grows 
only in Aasyria. But so far is it ftom 
growing only in Assyria, that it is 
not-eaid by any of the ancient writ^ 
ers of naturai hi story to grow in 
Assyria at alL See the note on ver. 
89. of the third Edogue. It is 
well known to be customary with 
poets, and particularly Virgili tò 
extend the names of countries as 
far as possible. We bave seen^ in 
the notes of the first Eclogue^ tìiat 
the empire of the Parthians is ex* 
tended tp the utmost bound that it 
ever reached. In the same manner 
we must understand Ass3rria in this 
place, the greatest extent of which 
empire it may not be amiss to de- 
acribe. on this occasion. We read 
in the second: hook of Kings, that 
Sennaeherib, king of Assyria^ sent 
this mesaage to Hezekiah; *' Let 

" not thy God, in whom thou 

'^ U UUM79v| UVil^l f C ■ • CZRTf? J" awLj IIIS > 

" Jerusalem shall not be deliverà 
" into the band of the king of As- 
*' S3rria. Behold^ thou hast heard 
. ** what the kings of Assyria bave 
*' done to ali lands, bv destroying 
*' them utterly; and shalt thou be 
'* delivered? Have the gods of the 
<' nations delivered them whìch my 
*' fathers have destroyed^ as Go- 
" zan, and Haran^ and Rezeph, 
*' and the children of Eden which 
^'were in Thelasar? Where ìsthe 
'< king of Hamath^ and the king 
<' of Arpad, and the king of the 
*^ city of Sepharvaim, of .HenaJt 
^' and J vah ?*' Gozan is situated on 
the Caspian sea> Haran was one of 
the royal seats of the kings of Me- 
sopotamia, Rezeph was a city of 
Syria^ Thelasar was a city of Ba- 
bylonia^ Hamath and Arpad were 
citieji of S3rria> Sepharvaim waa a 
city on the ri ver Euphrates^ between 
Babylon and Nineveh. Isaiah also 
puts these words into the mou^ of 
the king of Assyria; '' Is not 
*' Caino as Carchemish? is not 
" Hamath as Arpad ? is not Sama» 
''ria as Damascus?" Caino waa 
a city where Bagdad now stands, 
and gave name to a large region 
called Chalonitis. In the second 
hook of Kings^ eh. xvi. we find 
that Tiglath-pileser took Damasous, 
and carrìed the people to Kir, which 
was a city and large region of Me- 
dia, and must therefore have been 
conquered before that time by the 
Assyrians. In eh. xvii. we find that 
Sb^maneser " took Samaria^ and 
'' carried Israel away into Assyria, 
'' and placed them in Halah and in 
'• Hal)or, by the river of Gozan, 
*' and in the cides of the Medes •/* 
and that " the king of Assyria 
" brought men fVotn Babylon, and 



ÌaJte*to 1S1te*?rS£f Sf -^t sin^ul heroum laude», et facta pareritis 

^5^d^o*tow**4S3[ Jam legere, et ause sit potéris cognoscere virtus; 

vlrtue is; the fiéld shall gra- t», „. ii .• n .4. 

duaiiy grow yeUow with Molli pauliatim flavescet campus arista, 

aoCker bearda. 

** from Cuthah, and from Ava, 
'^ and from Uamath, and from 
'* Sepharvaim, and placed them in 
*' the cities of Samaria, instead of 
*' the children of Israel." Halah 
and Habor are by some thought to 
be Colchis and Iberia, and by others 
to be a region between Assyria and 
Media. Cuthah is Susiana. £zra 
mentions the Dinaites, Apharsath- 
chites, Tarpelites, Apharsites, Ar- 
chevites, Babylonians, Susanchites, 
Dehavites, and Elamites, as the na- 
tions that had been transplanted to 
the cities of Samaria. The Aphar- 
sathchites were a people that in- 
habited the bottom of the moun- 
tains next to Assyria ; the Arche- 
vites were on the east of Pasitigris, 
between Apamia and the Persian 
gulph ; the Susanchites were the 
people of Cuthah, or Susiana ; and 
the Elamites were the Persians. We 
read also in the twentieth diapter of 
Isaiah, that the king of Assyria con* 
quered Egypt and Éthiopia. Thus 
the Assyrìan empire containednot 
only Assyria properly so called, but 
also Armenia, Media, Susiana, part 
of Persia, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, 
Cilicia, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and 
Ethiopia. Therefore the amomum 
being confessedly a plant of Arme- 
nia and Media, which were for- 
merly subject to the Assyrian em- 
pire, is said by the poet to be an 
Assyrian plant. It was in high 
esteem, as a rich perfume^ and 
therefore it is one of the glories of 
this age, that so rare a plant would 
be made common. 

26. At simul herourrif SccJ] The 
poet havin^ declared the blessings 
that shall attend the birth of this ex- 
pected child; describes those which 

shaU accompany bis youth. Other 
signs of the golden age shall ap- 
pear; but it shall not yet be per- 
fectly restored. Navigation, agri- 
culture, and war àhall not yet en- 
tireìy cease. 

Heroum laudeSy S^cJ] Servius in- 
terprets the praises of heroes to 
mean Poetry, the actions of bis 
father HistOTy, and the knowledge 
of virtue Philosophy ; and observes, 
that these sciences are placed in the 
proper order in which a youth 
ou^ht to study them. 
) Facta pareniis.^ If Marcellùs 
]was the subject of this Edogue; as 
jseems most probable ; by hìs father 
j must be meant Auffustus, who seems 
|to bave adopted him, even before 
jhis birdi: unless any one will sup- 
pose that the poet means Anthony, 
who was an intimate friend of Poì- 
llo, and had really performed many 
great action s. But I believe the 
poet rather means Augustus. 

ParentisJ] Pierius found paren^ 
tum in the Roman manuscript 

28, MoUi arista.'] Servius 

interprets molli, fertili La Cerda 
renders it matura et coacta, and says 
that we may use uva moUis and po- 
mum molle, to express ripe grapes, 
and ripe apples, in imìtation of Vir- 
gii. Ruaeus also interprets it ma- 
turis aristis, Dr. Trapp also trans- 
lates it, 

Ripe yellow harvests on the fields shall 

" So molli" says he, " is interpret- 
" ed by the commentators ; and 
'^ though itmay seem strange, since 
^^ corn is hardened not somned by 
'' being ripe ; yet it must be con- 
" sidered that the word Jlavescit is 


Incultisque rubens poidebit sentibus uva, ' 


rad tbc teddcolns dnster 
■hall huiff on the ancoltl' 

'' in the sanie verse^ and that corh 
*' is not yellow tili it is ripe. I 
*' think molli thei^fore must relate 
" to tke tagte ; which is softer and 
** mellower^ as any fhiit is riper." 
But^ on the most carefal examina- 
tion of ali the numerous places^ 
where this adjecdve has been used 
by Virgili we shall not find a single 
passage, in which it is used to sìg- 
nify ripeness. The only instance 
that can he pretended is castanea 
molles in the first Eclogue^ ver. 82. 
But the word has been shewn to 
bave another sense, in the note on 
that verse. It is applied to the 
softness of wool, in the eighth 
Eciogue ; 

— •— Mdli cinge haec altana vitto. 

And in the sectmd Georgick^ 

Nemora JEthiopum móUi canentia 


And' in the third^ 
— — Oreg«8 vOHt lege molHbut albos. 

And in the fourth^ 

— Dum fusis fnoOìaiwMM 
. Devolvuot, 

Hence this epìthet is ffiven tothe 
sbeep themseives^ wbidi are caUed 
molle pecus in the third Georgick^ 

— Olacies ne ffigida l«edat 
Molle pecut: 

And in the ninth .^Sneid^ 

Impastiu ceu piena leo per ovilìa turbans^ 
Suadet enim vesana fames manditqùe 

MoUe pecus. 

In the fifth Eciogue it is used to 
express the softness of a coverìngof 

— '— PoiHs lentaa intexere mottibut has- 

And in the fourth iÓneid, 

— MoUique fluentem 
Fronde premit crìnem. 

In the eighth iEneid it signifies the 
softness of an embràce; 

— — Niveis bine atque bine diva lacertis 
Cunctantem amplexu modi fovet 

In the tenth iSneid it is used for 
the softness of the boarybair of old 

Canentem molU piuma duziaae fleneetam. 

In the second Geor^ck it signifies 
the softness of little images } 

Oscilla ex alta suspendunt tnoOia pintu ' 

In the third Geoi^^ck it is used for 
the softness of a bit^ to be put in the 
mouths of young borses ; 

^.^i Det molHbus ora capistris : 

and for the softness of a sheep-cote^ 
covered with Straw ; 

- — 5^<B&ii/l« edico in moffitef bcrbam 

It is applied also to a coucb, or 
chair, in the eighth iSneid j 

Jf off iftiM a «lniH# opera ad fiOnilia suxigit : 


Ca8t«jducebant sacra per urbem 
PUetOii matres in moUibut. 

Water is called soft in the tenth 

MoUibut extulit undis ; 

and wine also in the first Geor^^ck ; 

Tunc agni pingues^ et tunc tnoUiuima 

Tunc tomni dulces. 

It is an epithet frequently ^ven to 
fiowers> not to express theur ripe- 
ness, but their debcaey ; ais in thè 
second Eciogue; 



g*gjj^*«*»">»tt«»«^ Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida meDa. SO 

MófUa lutooia pingit'tMiccNifa caltb» e 
and in the fiflh; 

Pro «loffi wcia^ prò purpureo Narcisso 
Caiduus, et spUis. surgit^ paliunis acu- 

where it is plainly opposed to Uie 
sharpness of thoms : and in the 

Ule latus niveum molli fultus hyacintho : 

alfio in the first iEneid> 

— ^- Fotum gremio dea toliit in altos 
Idaliae lucps, ubi moUis amardcus il]um 
Floribos et dalci aspirans complectitur 

And in the sevénth; 

n I Motte* ìiU sumere thyrMti . 

MoUihui intexens orhabat cornua tertU, 
And in the eleventh ; 

Qualem virgìneo demessum pollice flo- 

Seu nuMt violas, seu lauguentis bya- 


It signifies also the aoftness of grass ; 
as in the third Edogue ; 

-^- In ntoUi consedimus herlnu 

And in the seventh ; 
— — » Somno mottior herha. 

And of meadows ; as in the tenth 

Hic gemini fontes, bic moUiaprata: 
and in the second Georgidi ; 

' MÒtttbus inpratit. 

3t h used also for a soft and gentle 
fiame, as in the seoond .Sìneid ; 

-^— Tractufue innoxia motti 
Lambere fiamma comas : 

andinthefourth; . 

-I*— Est motti* fiamma meduUasu 

Itisi^Uoused to «xpiress >the soft-» 
ness and ease of sleep; as in the 
second Gecnrgick ; 
— — Mottesipie sub arbore tomnis 

and in the third ; 
^ Motte* sub dio carpere 9omno*. 

And of a pleasing shade, inviting to 
sleep ; as in the third Georgick ; 

^^^^ Motti succedere amfàustmbree t 

and of a fine, mild season ; as in 
the first Georgick ; 

>^-«<^ Breviorque dies et mottior tetta*, 

Hence it is applied to effeminate 
persons, as in the first Georgick ; 

India mittit ebur, moUe* sua tbura Sa- 

and to the easy hoars of access to 
any person, as in the fourth ^neid ; 

Sola viri motte* aditu*, et tempora noras: 


TenCaturutn aditus, et qus fhotti**ima 

Tempora : 

of which sort Bremolliajussa, in the 
third Georgick, and ninth .^eìd ; 
and moUia fatu, in the twelfth. In 
die eleventh, we find the stinga 
and irritations of the mind twicè ex- 
pressed by stimulis haud mollibus, 
MoUis Ì9 also frequenti^ applied to 
any thing that is bending and pli- 
able, as mólh sUet* in me second 
Georgick; also for any sort of bas- 
ket-work ; as in the third Edogue; 

Viminibus mottique paras detezere jmim» ; 

and in the eleventh jEneid ; 

— ;? Crates, et motte feretrum 
Arbutds texunt virgis, et vimine quemo. 

Thus the acanthus is called moUis in 
the third Eclogue, because of its 



Pauca tamen suberunt prìscfle vestigia fraudis, ^efoS^t^!>r^i[S£ 

easy bending; and in the fourth 
Georgick we find^ 

lUe comam ntollts jam tum tondebat 
acanthi ; 

when he had said but a few lines 
bc^ore^ ... 

— Flexi tacuissem' vimen acanthi. 

In the same sense it ìs nsed to ex- 
press die flexibillty or ductility of 
gold, when drawn into wire or 
thread ; as in the tenth iEneid ; 

^ FuBos cervix cui lactea critied ' 

Acdpit, et moUi sabnectit circulus auro : 

-— — Molli zDater quam neverat auro. 

In the thìrd Georgick it signifies 
the tender bending of the legs of a 

. — Pecorìs generosi piillus in arvis 
Altius ingredìtur, et moUia crura reponit. 

Hence it is transferred to signify 
bowed, or bent to obedience 3 as in 
the third Georgick ; 

Belgica vel melius moUi feret esseda 

and in the eleventh Mneìà; 

\ Latini 

Clamorcm tollunt^ et moUia cóUa refle- 

Thus also in the eighth iEneid it is 
applied fìguratively to the wateri^ of 
a river, to express the subjection of 
the nations that dwell onits batiks s 

~— JSupkrate» ibat jam mollior undis. 

Lastly^ it is used for the easy descent 
of a hill^ in the ninth Eclogues 
, .».«. MoUique jugum demittere clivo» 
And in the third Georgick ; 

■ ■ MoOà devertitur orbita clivom 

These, I think, are ali the places 
where Virgil has used the adjective 

molÌMy and there does not seem to 
be one, where it can be interpreted 
either ripe or fertile. We must 
therefore seek for some other intera 
pretation of molli arista, It inaa 
been observed> in the note on ver. 
219. of the first Georgick, that the 
triticum or wheat of the ancients was 
bearded, and a passage from Cicero 
was there produced^ wherein the 
beard of wneat is described as a 
prickly fence^ to defend the ear 
from the injuries of birds. There- 
fpre we may understand the mean- 
ing of the passage under considera- 
tion to be, that the com sball no 
longer stand in need of this fortifi- 
Q^tioti, this pallisade, this vaUum 
aristarum, as Cicera calls it; to de* 
fend it from injuries ; but shall 
spring up spontaneously^ and grow 
ripe with soft and tender beards, 

29. This epithet is 
used to express the ripening of the 
grapes, as flavescens was for that of 
the com. 

Pendebit,'] La Cerda observes, 
that this word properly describes 
the vineyards in Italy, where the 
Vines Tun up on high trees, and so 
the dusters bang down. 

Sentibus,2 I take sentes not to 
mean anyparticular speciesof plant; 
but to be a general word for ali wild» 
thomy plants. Thus Isaiah, chap. 
Iv. 13. •' Instead of thethorn shall 
'' come up the fir-tree, and instead 
^' of the brier shall come up the 
" myrtle-tree.*' 

Uva,"] It has been observed, in 
the note on ver. 60. of the second 
Georgick, that uva does not signify 
a single grape, but the whde clutter. 

30. ti dura quercus, 5fc.] Ho- 
nèy is said to bave dropped fVom 
trées in the golden age. See the 
note on ver. 131. of the first Geor- 

V 2 



SSi^toSflSTb^f: Q^ tentare Thetim ratibus, quse cingere muri* 

SSdto^itottonmsoniSe Opoida, qu8s jubeant telluri ìnfindere sulcos. 

eartH. "nìeire aliali then be .t .\ m- i ' i ,' 

«nother Tiphys,«Bd mother Alter erit tum 1 iphys, et altera quae vehat Argo 

31. Patuca tamen suberurU, «^c] 
Thf restoration of the golden ^e is 
not to be perfect^ till ibis ch& is 
grown to mll manhood. It has been 
said already> at thelatter end of the 
note on ver. 13. that ibis Eclogue 
was written at the time of the re- 
conciliation between Augustus and 
Aiithony>.and that ìt is to this re- 
conciliation that the poet ascrìbes 
aU the blessings of peace^ which 
were expected at that time. But 
the son of the great Pompey was 
stili in some measure master of the 
sea^ and an enemy to both the tri- 
umvirs. Therefore the great work 
o£ peace was not wholly perfected; 
though the poet hoped to see it 
soon established, by the authority 
and wisdom of the consul ; as he 
said a few lines above ; 

Te dace si qua manent sceleris vestigia 

Irrita perpetua solvent formidine terras. 

Prisca fraudi»,'] I take these 
words to mean the same with sceleris 
nostri, in one of the verses just 

32. Tentare Thetim ratibus,] The- 
tis was said to be the daughter of 
Nereus and Doris. She was mar- 
ried to Peleos^ the son of ^acus, 
by whom she had Achilles. The ti s 
is certainly used here for the sea it- 
self. I have taken the liberty to 
makeuse o£ a Scripture expression^ 
in translating these words, which I 
thought migbt be warranted in a 
poem^ allowed to contain so many 
idlnsions to sacred prophecies. 

38. Telluri infindere sulcos.] 'Mn 
*' the Roman manuscrìpt> ìt is tel^ 
*^ ìurem infindere sulco : in the Ob- 
'^ long Vatican, sukis. The Lom- 

'^ bard^ Medicean^ and some others 
" follow the common reading." 

34. Jlter erit tum Tiphys.'] 
" When Pelias had received an an- 
'* swer from Apollo^ that he should 
*' be deprived of bis kingdom and 
" life by one who came to sacri- 
*' fìce with onefoot naked $ it hap- 
" pened soon after^ that as Jaspn 
*' was coming to sacrifice^ he met 
*' Juno> in the form of an old wp- 
" man, who pretended not to be 
*' able to get over the ford of a ri- 
^' ver, upon which he carrìed ber^ 
'^ and lost one of bis shoes in the 
*' mud. Pelias therefore^ apprer 
'' bending bim to be the dangerous 
" person, sent him to Colchis» 
" to fetch the golden fleece of the 
** Tarn, that had transported Phrixus 
" and Helle. Jason^ in obedience 
*' to this command^ built the ship 
'^ Argo, assembled the youth of 
" Greece to accompany him in 
" hìs expedition, and had Tiphys 
•' for his pilot." Sebvius. 

Argor] The Argo was the first 
long ship^ with sails^ built by the 
Greeks. Before tbat time they had 
used only round vessels of burden^ 
and always kept within sight of the 
shore -, but now they were to launch 
farther, and to guide the ir ships by 
the stars. The etymologists are 
greatly divided about the derivation 
of the name of this ship. The more 
general opinion, and perhaps the 
best, is, that it was so called from 
the master-builder of it, Argus the 
son of Danaus. This Danaus was • 
the brother of iBgyptus, who was 
proba bly the same with Sesac or Se- 
sostris, king of Ègypt, and fied from 
that country in a long ship^ after 



Ddectos heroas: erunt etiam altera bdla, S5 SS?t£?£Si2b?^' 
Atqueiterumad Trojammagnusmittetur Achillcs. ES*»^ à £^ t5^!* 

the pattern of whìch the Argo was 
built Others, among whom Cicero 
seems to bave been, think it was so 
called^ because the Argives sailed in 
it. A third opinion is^ that its 
natne is derived from «^70^ swift; 
bùt that word signifies also, and per- 
haps more properly; slow; whence 
that joke of Martial on slow sailors ; 

At VO8 tam placidas vagì per undas. 

Tuta luditis otium carina, 

Non nautas puto vos^ sed Argonautat» 

A fourth opinion is^ that it had its 
name from Argus^ the son of 
Phryxus. Others again derive it 
from the Hebrew word JJ^lk ereg, 
which signifies weatìng, or texture, 
to which purpose Catiillus is quoted^ 
who^ speaking of the buildingof this 
very ship, uses the foUowing ex- 
pression ; 

Pinea conjungens inflexs texta carins. 

be produced^ to prove that iexoy and 
its derìvatives^ are applied, to Che 
building of ships. Lastly, Bochart^ 
having spoken of the gauU, a sprt of 
round vessels, says he is of opinion^ 
that the PhoBnicians opposed tothose 
round ships the H3^K p^DD naves 
arca or arco, as the Syrians pro- 
nounce it> that \%, ships of lengtk, 
or« which is the same thing^ lung 
ships. Hence the first long sbip 
built by the Greeks was called Argo, 
by changing e into g: thus they 
change Caius to TtUn, and Cmeus 
to rftuf* The reader will choose 
which of these derivations he lìkes 
best ; for my own part^ I should . 
prefer either the first or the last 
Bochart also gives a probable expla- 
nation of the fiction^ that the Argo 
was endued with a power of speak- 
ing^ from some of the timber of the 

Dodonean grove being put into the 
ship by Pallas. He observes, that 
the Hebrew word HHl signifies both 
to speak an d to govern. Hence ITìSn 
dobera, when used as a participle^ 
signifies speaking; but when a noun> 
a skip, which is govemed, From 
this homonymy^ says he, the^fable 
arose> that the ship itself, or some 
timber in it> was vocale by which 
timber we are to understand the rud^ 
der, which does not ^eak, but gO" 
verns the ship. 

85. Delectos heroas.'] These cho« 
sen heroes are the Argonauts, so 
called because they sailed in the ship 
Argo. They accompanìed Jason, 
in hisexpedition to Colchis^ to fetch 
the golden fleece: they were the 
flower of ali Greece^ iand were fifty- 
two in number. Pindar calls them 
the flower qf sailors, and Theocri- 
tus the flower of heroes: hence Vir- 
gil calls them chosen heroes. Sir 
Isaac Newton proves, by many 
good arguments^ that this expedf*» 
tion was about forty-three years 
after the death of Solomon^ three 
hundred years later than the time 
settled by the Greek chronologers. 

Erunt etiam altera bella. "2 " No- 
'^ thing is more just than the pro- 
'* phecy of Virgil. A bloody war 
*' at last reduced Sextus Pompey to 
'' quit Stcily^ and to meet bis death 
*' in Asia by Anthony. The con- 
^' juncture of affiiirs^ the prepara- 
'^ tions made by Octavian, and 
*' above all^ the disposition of men's 
'^ minds, gave room for the pre« 
" diction of the poet/* Catrou. 

36. Atque iterum ad Tryam, 4*c.] 
The story of the siege of Troy^ and 
the yalour of Achilles/ are too well 
known, to need any còmment in 
this place. 3ut I cannot pass by in 



nJKthSlSSiSSSl^ Hinc, ubi jam firmata virum te fecerii «tas, 
ttem:*nSi ^^mS Cedct et ipse mari vector : nec iaauticà piiiUs 

silence an observation of th^ le^rn^^d 
La Cerda^ concerning a mistake of 
Cicero and Eustathius. The for- 
mer in one of his epìstles says» that 
Homer did not bestow. tì^e epithet 
9eré)Jin^0H, the taker ofcities, either 
QO Ajax or Àclnlles^ hut on Ulysses : 
tb9 latter^ in his commentary on the 
8econd Iliade says, that Homer ^alls 
Ulysses vrtéXtiFé^éé^, who took only 
the city Troy, because it wa^ tb^ 
head of the war: but he calla 
Achilles by that name only onp^, 
though he, had taken several cjties. 
La Cerd^ ^cuses them both of for- 
getfulness. He aìlows indeed, that 
Ulysses is often called tt«a/«-«(^m> 
f^nd poìnts out eight places, two in 
the ìli ad and six in the Oydssey : 
but at the same time he refers us tp 
three places iq the Ilìad, where the 
aame epithet is glven to Achilles. 
The first is in the eighth Iliad, where 
Minerva tells Juno, that Jupiter 
was prevailed upon by Theitis to 
favour Achilles; 

The same words are repeated near 
the beginning of thefìfteenth Iliad, 
when Jupiter relates to Juno the in- 
tercessipn of The^ìs for ber son. 
The third place is in the twenty- 
frturth Iliad, where Jupiter tells 
Thetis, that the gods had disputed 
nine days aboat Achilles and the 
body of Hector ; 

To conclude the notes on this 
paragraph, it-may be observed, that 
Virgìl cannot be supposed to mean, 
that the Argonauts and heroes that 
warred at Troy will return again; 
but that other eminent mariners 

'A;i^4XX«i* irr«A/- 

will arise^ other jRimous vessels^otheK 
wars, and other ^reat commandeffli 
At the time of writitg this Eclpgu^, 
m)tw|thstanding the happy peacQ 
just composed between Augustus 
arid Anthony, great preparationa 
were making agaìnst Sextus Pojn- 
pey, who had acquired such fi^me 
in naval exploits, that the people 
did not scruple to cali him another 
Neptune. iBesides he presently 
after grew so formìdable, that the 
triumvirs were compelled to make 
peace with him. 

37. Hinc ubi jam firmata, ^cJ] 
The poet, having spokeh of the de«- 
fects that shall remai n during the 
childhood and youth of theexpected 
infant> now comes to speak of the 
fulness of blessings that shall at^ 
tend the completion of the golden 
age, when he shall bave attained to 
the full state of manhood. 

Lucretius has an expression like 
this in his third hook ; 
Inde ubi robustU adolevit viribus «tas» 

38. Cedei et ipse mari vectùr.'] 
Servius tells us, that vedor signifies 
him that is carried, as well as him 
that carries, the merchant as well 
as the mariner; though^ according 
to Burman, this note is wanting in 
several copies of Servius ; so that we 
may questioni whether it was the 
genuine opinion of that ancìent 
grammarian. Rusus however has 
adopted it; ** Tam actìvé dicitur 
" prò eo qui vehit, quam prò eo qui 
*' vehitur.** Dr. Trapp seems to 
be surprided at this, and says vec<or 
" is a very partìcular word: it sig- 
" nifies both actively and passively ; 
^' vehens and vectus: as if vietar 
** should signify both the conqueror 
^' and the conquered. I do not re- 
*' member any parallel instance in 



Mtttabit merces : omnis feret omnia tellus* 
Non rastros patietur huipMSjuQQn vinea.falcem : 
Robustus quoqaejam tauris juga solvei arator. 
Nec variós discet mèntiri lana colores : 49 

Ipae sed in pratis aries jam suave rubenii 

ry land thall beir erey tbkig. 
Tbe ground sball not endnre 
the harrows, nor the vinrml 
die prunfaigwhook: aqd the 
•trong plooghmaii ahall take 
off tbe.yoke» frani bb bui- 
Mlm: Nor «hall 'thè wòdl 
leam to counterfdt vttiott 
coloun. But the ram hfanadf. 
in the meadows, àhall have 
hk fleece tinged, wmetfanéa 
with the fine red or the purple. 

<^all tbe langua^/' But I beHev^ 
thÌ8 criticìsm of the grammarians is 
Wktfaout fcHindatioB ; and thatvee/oD 
Ì8 used only in the active sense, for 
the person who «arrìes*- Thus tf 
merchant may be called a vector or 
carrier of gt)ods^ when he goes 
with Ihem 'himself i and a niastei' 
of*a éùp ÌB really a vector likewwe, 
or carrier of good and passengérs^ 
thoug^ he himsélf niay be said to be 
carried in the ship. Wé cali a f)er- 
8on> who undertakes the carriageof 
goods by land, a carrier, wiUiout 
imy renard to bis goii^ oiifoot, on 
horaìGfback^ or in bis own waggon ; 
kxi¥bìcii last case^ I fancy il^ would 
be thought an impertinent disttnc- 
tioh to say he was then carried, and 
tlierefore not a carrier in the active 
sende òf the word. 

Nautica pmus.'] Ships used to be 
• bttilt of the wood of pine-trees; 
whence it ts usuai with the poetato 
ose pinus for a ship. 

39. Mutùbit mereee.'] The an- 
eicnt way of traffic was b^ changing 
Otte commodity for another, as is 
atltl practised in those countries, 
where the use of money is not yet 

Omnis feret omnia teltus.'] In the 
aeoond Georgick* the poet tells us, 
ftiat ali lands cànnót bear ali thtngs; 

Nec vero teme forre omnea omni^ pos- 

But bere be mentions the reverse, 
that in this restoration of the golden 
age every country will bear ali sorts 
of products ; which wìll make navi- 
gation useless. 

40. Non rastros, ^cJ] In this 
new age the earth is to produce every 
thing spontaneously : the earth wiìl 
have no occasion to be torn with 
harrows, or the vineto be wounded 
with pruni ng-hooks. 

41. Robustus.'] Burman fìnds 
róbustis in some copies, whìch 
mtght be àdmittéd ; bui I helievé 
robustus is the true read i ng. Lucre- 
tius has robustus moderator ata tri, in 
bis fifkh hook 5 ' 

Nec róhugtus erat curvi moderator aratri 
Quiéqaaùi, tiec sdbat ferro molirìcr arva. 

And ngain in, hìs sixth hook ; 

Trsterea jam pastor, et annentarius 

Et robustus item curvi moderator aratri 
. Languebant, 

4/2. Nec ffarios discet, &c.] He 
calla the colours, which are given 
to wool by art, false or fictitious. 
Thus wè read in the second Geor- 

Alba neque Assyrìo fuscatiir lana veneno. 

48. Ipse sed in pratis, 4*c.] In» 
stead of this false tincture, he says 
the sheep shall be clothed with 
wool of the finest colours. Servius 
tells US, that, in the books of the 
Tuscans, it was delivered, that 
when a ram should be seen stained 
with an unusual colour, tbe greatest 
felicity should attend the chiefrùler. 
Many passages may be collected 
from the writers of the lives of the 
emperors, where such extraordinary 
omens are said to bave attended 
their births. Nor are authors want- 
iag who teli os of such fine sheep 


SriftìSSfJ***' ^'"v^ Murice, jam croceo mntabit Tellera luto : 

being to be seen in distant coun- 

Suave rubenti murice.'] Mure» 
aignifies ali hard and sharo bodies; 
as we find itused inthefitth.£neid 
for the sharp points of a rock ; 

Concusse cautes, et acuto in murice remi 
Obnixi crepaere, illisaque prora pependit 

Valerius Maximus uses it for the 
tribulus, or calirop, a spìked ìnstni- 
ment used in wbi, to obstruct the 
approach of an enemy; " Aviti 
*' spirìtus egregius successor Scipio 
'' JÈÌmilianufl, cum urbem prae- 
'^ vahdam obaideret, suadentibus 
" quìbusdam^ ut circa moenia ejus 
^'ferreos murices spargerete omnia-* 
*' que vada tabulis plumbatis con- 
'^ stemeret, habentibus davorum 
'' cacumina^ ne subita eruptione 
*^ hostes in presidia nostra impetum 
'' facere possent : respondit^ non 
'^ esse ejusdem^ et capere idiquos 
" velie, et timere." Thus it is used 
also by the naturai historians to 
express a sort of shell-fish, which is 
set about with splkes. Ofthiskind 
was thatcelebrated fish» firom which 
the Tyrian colour was obtained. 
It is caìled purpura and murex : but 
it is much to be doubted^ whether 
it was the same colour with that 
which we now cali purplc ; it seems 
ratfaer to bave been eitner scarlet or 
crimson. We find in this pasfsage, 
that it was a beautiful red^ mave 
rubenti murice. In the fourth M- 
neid it is represented as a glow- 
ing or very bright colour ; 

— Tyrioque ardébat murice laena 
Demissa ex humeris : 

and in the ninth ^Eneid it is saìd to 
be a bright colour ; 

Pietà croco, eifidgewH mirice vesti». 

44. Crucco luto."} Some take era» 

ceo hUo to be put bere for croco luteo, 
yeUom saffron. Saffiron itself is of a 
fiery or deep orange colour, ap- 
proaching to red : but the tincture 
of it is. a deep yellow, like the yelk 
of an egg, or a marigold flower, 
which is called luteola caltha in the 
second Eclogue. Others will bave 
lato to be a contraction of Uiteo, the 
name of an herb mentioned by Vi- 
truvius, which was used to give a 
ffreen tincture to blue, and must 
uerefore necessarily afford a yeUow 
tincture itself; for nothing but yeU 
low can change blue into green; 
'^ Item,** says Vitrnvius, '^ qui non 
" possunt chrysocolla propter carì- 
'* tatem uti, herba quse luieum 
" appellatur coeruleum infidunt, 
'' et utuntur virìdissimo colore." 
Pliny calla the herb lutea, in the 
fifth cbapter of bis thirty-third 
hook, where he is speaking of chry- 
socoUa; '^ Nativa duritia maxime 
'^distat, luteam vocant. Et ta- 
'' men illa quòque herba, quam 
" luteam appdlan^ tingitur." And 
again, ** Parsetoniura quonìam est 
'^ natura pinguissimum, et propter 
'' leevorem tenacissimum, atr&- 
^' mento aspergitur, ne parstonii 
'' candor pallorem chrysocolke af- 
'' ferat Luteam putant a lutea 
** herba dictam, quam ipsam cae* 
'' ruleo subtritam, prò cnrysocolla 
'' inducunt, vilissimo genere at- 
" que fidiacissimo." I believe tJie 
hitum of Viroli, the luteum of Vi- 
truvius, and tne lutea of Pliny, mean 
one and the same herb: and it is 
evident, from what ali three bave 
said of it, that it must be one that 
afibrds a yellow tincture. There is 
hardly any question to be made of 
its bem|^thatherb| whidi our Eng- 
lish writers of botany describe un- 
der the name of luteola, wild woad, 
and di^ers' weed. The dyers about 


l^onte sua sandyx pascentes vestiet agnoa. 45 tS?iaJS?StoolJ?aoS!d* 

London cali it woold, a name which 
I ào not reniember to bave met 
with ii^ any aathor, and use ìt in 
dying yellow botb wool and 8Ìlk. It 
ìs ooiiimon on walls, and in wa«te 
places, and is sown in the fields for 
the use of the dyers. It grows to 
about a yard in height; has long, 
narrow leaves ; and the flowers and 
seed-vessels cover great part of the 
branches of the stalk. vV^en ìt is 
dried, it acquires a yellow coìour ; 
and being bound up in bundles for 
sale, it b^s some rude resemblance 
of sheaves of pom. 'Jhe resem- 
blance of the name^ tvoold, and the 
frequent use of it in dying, lias oc- 
casioned some to confound it with 
Ufoad, from which it is very differ- 
ent. £esides the tvoad is called isa- 
tis, and glmium, and afibrds a blue 
tincture ; though it is also used for a 
foundation of other colours. The 
woad also is bruised in a mill^ dried^ 
powdefed, and goes through' several 
preparations, bifore it is fit for die 
use of the dyer, whereas the wooid 
or luiufk ìs used entire^ in its full 
perfection of ripeness. 

45. Sponte sua sandyx, Sfc,"] San- 
dyx is spok«n of by PHny as a cheap 
materica for painting ; *' Prseterea 
*' e viliorìbus, ochra, cerussa usta, 
'' sandaracha, sandix, syrlcuro^ atra- 
" mentum." I believe this cheap 
sort of sandyx was made of the 
factitious sandaracha, which was a 
preparatiqn of white lead ; for the 
true sandaracha, which seems to be 
our native red arsente, was saìd to 
come from an island of the Red Sea. 
Pliny has led roany of the commen- 
tators into an errot^ by imagining, 
that Virgil spake of it in tbis place 
as an herb; ^^ Sandaracham et 
" ochram Juba tradit in insula ru- 
" bri maris Topazo nasci : sed inde 
" non pervehuntur ad nos. Sanda- 

'* racha quomodo fieret diximus. 
'* Fit adulterina et ex cerussa non 
'' in fornace cocta. Colos esse de- 
'' bet flammeus. Pretium in^libras 
'^ asses quini. Haec si torrea- 
'^ tuìr^ «qua parte rubrica admixta, 
" sandycem facit. Quanquamanim^ 
'' adverto Virgillum existimasse 
<' herbam id esse« ilio versu> 

<< Sponte sua sandyx pascentes vestiet 
** agnos.** ; 

Here Pliny seems to censure Virgil, 
as being mistaken, in representing 
sandyx as an herb on which the 
lambs fed, and thereby changed the 
colour of their wool to scarlet^ But 
,if he had read Virgil with due afc- 
tention, he would nave perceived 
that the poet does not represent thp , 
sandyx as an herb, any more than 
he did the murex in tne preceding 
verse. Servius also affirms roundly 
that sandyx is an herb } '' Sandyx 
" herba est» de qua sandycmrjLS tin- 
/' guitur color." La Cerda, falling 
into the €iame-error, says sandyx is 
both an herb» and a colour; and 
adds, as bis own opinion, that un- 
less sandyx be understood to ipsaa an 
herb, the epithet pascentes is super- 
fi uous. But surely this leamed com- 
nientator did not consider the whole 
passage; for hìs argument would 
iproye murex alsoto be a n herb, which 
he himself allows to be a fish. Fas~ 
centes is no more superfluous than in 
pratìs, and no on,e has imagined 
that the poet meant, that the ram 
should tinge bis fleece, by feeding 
on a shell-fìsh in the meadows : why 
then must the sandyx he the food of 
the lamb, any more than the, murex 
is that of the ram ? Let us consider 
the whole period together. The 
poet tells US, that there shall no 
Joi\ger be occasion to give any ar- 
tificial colour to the wool : far the 



toSdSd^lB^a^^ Talia mela soia dixerant, cuirité, fusis 

Ddlet. nroceed Te r^ i . i •!• t*^ l ?_ _ r* 

to ^ tpindie^^pfo^ ye c^nggr^gg stabili fatoruiD numine ParcaB* 

i«et after thimuaner. 

Attempt the greatett ho- 
noun, for the time shall now 

Aggredere, O roagnos, aderit jam tempus, honores, 

sheep shall beadornedwìth the fihest 
colours naturaUy. The wórds ipse 
and 8]9onte sua are used to shew^ diat 
it will be the work a£ nature, and 
not of art He does not mean, 
that the sheep will feed on the pur- 
ple-fish, the woold, and tìie sandyx; 
but that the^ shall bave fleeces as 
beautiful, as if they had been stained 
by those materiius. I bave ren- 
dered sanéfyx vermilion, because it is 
a colour well known among us, and 
answers to the image inlended to be 
giyini by the poèt : thòugh perhaps, 
u it was necessary to be exact, we 
flhoUld not find any English word to 
express it The coTour meant in 
tfais place was certainly red, and 
miffht probably come near to our 

46. Tàlia ascia tuis dìxerunt cur- 
rite.'] " IntheMediceanmanusdipt 
^' k is dixerunt currere, as Mdixerunt 
** was put for edixerunt, or affir- 
*' tnaverunt ; by the same figure 
'' by whìch donai kabere is used in 
''ànother place. But Servius ac- 
*' knowledges the iinperative cur- 
" riie. Npr must it be omitted, 
'* that in our time chiefly they be- 
*' gan to Write seculttm witfaout a 
'^ diplithong : some grammarianis 
^' aissign for a reason of this, that 
" the word is iterlved a sequendo. 
'* Bot the ancient marbles bave 

" uBculum wiUi an <e diphtììong, 
'' as we réad in the Roman manu- 
" script In many ancient coins 
^ ** also (E diphthong is to be ob- 
'* served, às sacularia in one of 
** P, Septirous Geta; ànà saaili 
^'feUcitas in one of Faustina, and 
^ '' so in most of the rest ; though in 
" a Silver one of Otho there is secul, 
*' widi a flEingle e," Pieriits. 

47. Parca.} The Parca, ac- 

cording to Hesiod, were the daugh- 
ters of Night; tiieir naméé '«rere 
Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos; 
they had the disposai of good and 
evi! to men, according to thei^ de- 

Emi ìlUi^mg m) KM^mg ìytlfmrt nfXtfrcfvtnr, 

Klr àfi^m ri éttit ri ra^atZueimi If &r«tf- 

0»)Mr«ri AifyMiiri iuà ìunn ;e«X«#» 

But in another place, he makes 
them the daughters of Jupiter and 
Themis ; 

Aivri^«y ^yaytr$ Xt*ei^f &ifiuf, 4 rS»iv 

Ev9§fitnf n, A/mr» n, tuù Ei^mr nAi- 

Air i^y m0àUt/ft »mrmhnv$t*t fi^tUfi* 
U»t^ms f, f$ «rXiiVm» ri/Mi» iri^t fuiritrm 

KXW« ri, Adxt^^* «••» »ttì'*Ar^»it99' al r* 

B9nT$7t à9é^(u*9ign l^w kymin n »«•!» 

These three si^rs are entrusted with 
the condact of the thrcad of human 
life, which they cut off, when the 
fatai time is come. They are bere 
introducéd by Virgìl, as command- 
ing tlie thread belonging to this 
glorious age to run on without in« 

48. Aggredere, O magnos, 4^.] 
Virgil having now brought liis nero 
on to the full state of manhood, calfs 
upon him to assume bis destined 
honours, and to save the totterinff 
world; and then T)reaking forth 
ihto a poetical rapture, wishes that 



CaraDeum soboles^magnum JoyìsiQcremeintum} 2wS?aSÌM*^S5e*^^ 
AspicecoQvexo nutantem fondere mundum, 50 t^wS^^toteZi^h^^ 

he himself may but live so long^ as 
to haye an opportunity of qelebrat- 
ìng his actions. He smrms, that ao 
divine a subject wìll raise bis verse 
above the poetry, even of Orpheus 
inspired by bis mother Calliopea, 
and of Linus assisted by bis father 
Apollo. ^ Nay he goes so far as ito 
say, that Pan himself shall yield to 
him^ even though bis own Arcadia 
ahould be judge. 

Magnos konoresJ] These great 
hpnours mean the magistracies, the 
great offices ahddignities of the Ro- 
man commonwealth: 

Aderìtjam tempus,'] These worda 
mean the completi on of that age, 
in which it was lawful to sue for 

49. Cara Deum sobóles, «^c] 
D^m is bere put for deorum. 

'* Would it bave been proper to 
'' bestow these illustrious appella- • 
"tions on a son of PpUio? Surdy 
" y irgli does not bere pour them 
*' forA without reason. But whàt 
*' young prince could at that time 
*' deserve to be called the child of 
" gods, and the illustrious offspring 
«'of Jupiter? Without doubt, it 
'* must bave been one of the famrly 
" of the Cffisars. But did there 
'* come into the world at that time 
«' any otber children of the family 
'* of Csesar ? They alone descended 
*'from Jupiter by ^neas^ who 
" was the son of Venus. But did 
'* there at that time come into thè 
*' world any child of the family of 
** Cassar^ except young Marcellus? 
*' Tiberius was not yet entered into 
** the house of Octavian by bis mo- 
*'ther, and Drusus was not yet 
"born. Certainly, the more we 
** thinkj the more we dìscover Mar- 
'f cellus to betheperson/* Catrou. 

Ithas beenalreadyobserved^ that 

Octavia^ the half sister of Au- 
gustus^ and mother ù£ Marcellui^ 
wks not dèscénded fìrom the Càf- 
sars. We must therefore bave re- 
course to the adoptidh of Marcellus 
by Augustus. 

50. Aspice canvexo, ^c,'] • Ser- 
vius interprets this> " the world 
'* bends with its present evils, ànd 
" rejoices in its future good." 
Otbers; says La Cerda^ explain 
die passage.thus ; " Bebéld^ that ìs^ 
'^ talee care, that the World inay^ 
«'rejoice. But this chan^ng of 
*« the signification of the verb seettis 
''very poor. The verb aspice is 
'« evidently to be taken in the com- 
«' moti sense in both places. But 
" I will bere he^ leave to give ali- 
« other explication of these three 
" verses. What if the poet should 
" say, not J^ehold hom the world 
'' bends to destntction : behold kow 
** ali things afe joyful under thi^in' 
**fluence; but, Behold how the mòrìd 
" bends Jrom the destruction, into 
*^ fvhich it was sunk, towards a 
'^golden state; behold and coniem- 
^' piate how ali things are now more, 
^* joyful ? Thus the sense will be, 
'* that the world bends from the 
*' iron age to the golden, and not 
'«the contrary. 'Hiis explication 
*« is favoured by Servius and Ger- 
'* manùs, who bere acknowledge 
** an ^;rMMer«^«0'i(, that is, says 
'* Servius, a revolution of ali things 
«* òy means of the stars, But what 
*' will be the change, if the World 
'^ falls into destruction, for wfaich, 
''it was ready before? Besides, 
" after the childhoód and youth 
*' of Saloninus, in which almost 
"ali things were golden, why 
" should we world run àgam to 
" destruction? The sense therefore 
" is properly this : In your infancy 



S^^f SSJ'in'd^thS'h^ Terrasque, tractusque maris, coelumq^ 
^^«'' ^ . fundum: 

uè prò- 

'Mhe golden age shall begln^ for 
** the èàrth sh^ produce flowers, 
*' &c. in your youth it shall be 
•^ brought to perfection, fot the 
*' ears shall giow yeUow in the 
'' fields, &c. but there shall stili 
*' be some footsteps of ancient 
*' fraud : when you are quite a man, 
'^ there shall be no fraud, no plough - . 
'^ mg, no sowing, the earth shall. 
" ànord every thing spontaneously ; 
*' purple shall grow upon the rams> 
'* and these times shall be very 
" happy/ with the consent of the. 
*' fates. Surely, at this point of 
*' time, it would be impertment to 
" say, that the world bends to evil : 
*' it would square better with this 
" felicity to say, See how the world 
'* moves and changes itself. to every 
** sort af felicity j which shall kappen, 
*^ when you are a man,'\ Ruaeus 
assente to this opinion, and inter- 
prete it the world moving itself for 
Joy; ^' Gestientera, et prae loetitia 
" commoventem se." Catrou pa- 
raphrases this passage, accòirding to 
the interpretatìon of Servius ; 
" Voyez, d'une part, le monde 
** chancellant sous le poìds de sa 
^'grandeur! La mer, la terre et. 
^' les cieux, tout s'ebranle. Voyez, 
'* de rautre, lallégresse revenif à 
*' rUnivers, aux approches d'un 
'^ siécle heureux/' But his leamed 
countryman De MaroUes had ren-. 
dered it in the other sense; *^ Re- 
^' garde le monde balancé sur son 
** propre poids. Vòy les terres, les 
" seins de mer, et les cieux élevez, 
'' avec tout le reste des creatures 
*' qui se rejoùìssent pour le* retour 
«'. d'un siede si heureux." Our old 
translator, W. L. seems to be of . 
La Cerda's opinion ; 

Cóme, see the world, decrepit how, and 

E'né nodding ripe, with ita own pon- 

drous heape ; 
The seas, and earth, and highest hea- 

vens view ; 
How ali things in them ali doon even 

For Joy of this fame age now to ensue. 

The Earl of Lauderdale foUows 
Servius ; 

And now behold the unfix'd tott'ring 

Seas, earth, and hèav'n into confusion 

hurl'd : 
Nature again puts on a smìling face. 
And ali with joy th' approacbing age 


And Dryden also, 

See, lab'ring nature calls thee to sostain 
The nodding frame of heav'n and earth 

and main ; 
See to their base restor'd, earth, seas, 

and air. 
And joyful ages from behind, in crowd- 

ing ranks appear. 


See the globous wéight 
Of earth, of heav'n, of ocean, nod, and 

shake ! 
See how ali things enjoy the future age. 

'' Convexo fondere" says this leamed • 
gend^nan^ '' is bere the same with 
'^ convexi ponderìs, or nudis ; not' 
" govemed of nutantem, as most* 
'^ imagìne : it being Jmpossible that 
" the globe should bend, qt reel, 
*' with its own weight. But what 
f < then is the meaning of nutantem ? 
" With, or under what, does it 
'* nod or stagger? With its guilt- 
*' and misery, say some; and so 
** wants to be succoured by this 
'* new-boira hero. But that to 
*' othera seems not to agree with 
''the happiness. which is ascribed* 
" even to the first divisioo, to the' 
*f beginning of this happy age. 
** And therefore they say it either 


Behdld how ali thlngs t^ 
at the approaching age i 

Aspice, venturo tetentur ut omnia saeclo ! ?«5«id^?^- »«?*««« «**^e 

^' nods^ i. e. moves and shakes it- 
'' self, with Joy and exultation ; 
" i^vhich is pretty harsh to my ap- 
'' prebension : or^ which is not 
'^ much better, inclines and tends 
" to another^ i. e. a yet more happy 
'' state ', vergentem, say they^ nutan- 
" temque in meliorem statum, After 
'^ ali,! like the- first interpretation 
*' best; for as to that reason 
*' alleged against it/ the change 
" of the world from bad to good, 
" from miserable to happy^ could 
'* not be instantaneous. It would 
" be ielle for Virgil to say, that 
'' while he vvrote this, the world 
^' was actually in so gpod and happy 
'' a state, when ali the world knew 
* * the contrary. His meaning ther&« 
'' fore must be^ that the child being 
'' uow born, the age is as good as 
'* come; it will commence very 
'^speedily; even in his infancy. 
'^ It was excellent sense therefore 
*^ to say, the world at present 
^' labours with itsguilt and misery; 
*' but yet rejoices at the very near 
*' prospect of the happy change, 
*' which is in a manner begun 
" already. So that Aspice mundum 
'' nutàniem, i. e. malis suis prasenti- 
'* bus, is perfectly reconci leable with 
" the next words, aspice venturo 
" latentur ut omnia sceclo'* The 
solution of tbis difficulty seems 
principali^ to depend on a right 
understanding of nutantem. The 
verb nulo is used by Virgil only in 
two other places. In tì^e ninth 
.£neid, it is used in a comparison of 
the waving of the piume of a 
helmet to that of the head of a 
spreading oak ; 

IpsiintuSy dextra ac laeva, prò turribus 

Armati ferro, et crittU capita alta coruscù 
Quales aeri» Uquentìa flumina circum, 
Sive Padi rìpis, Athesin seu propter 


Consurgunt geminse quercus, intonsaque 

Àttollunt capita, et sublimi vertice nu^ 


This passage leaves the matter 
whoUy undecided ; forthe.oaks are 
not said to nod, either to destruction, 
or to a better state. It is plainly 
meant only of their noddìng to and 
fro, as they are moved by the 
wind. But in the second iBneid, 
it is evidently used to express the 
nodding or tottering of a tree, to 
ìts destruction ; 

Ac veluti summis antiquam in montibus 

Cum ferro accisam, crebrisque bipennibus 

Eruere agricolae certatiin; Illa usque 

£t tremefacta comam concusso vertice 

Vulnerìbus donec paulatim evlcta» supre- 

Cong^muit, traxìtque jugis avulsa rui- 


Besides, this nodding of the tree is 
mentiohed, as the similitude of the 
ruin of a great city. I believe ifr 
would be difficult to produce even a 
single instance of nuto being used to 
signify the nodding, or bending of 
any thing, from a woVse state to a 
better : we may therefore venture 
to conclude, that in the passage be- 
fore US, it signifies, that the world 
is nodding or tottering towards its 
fall, or at least that it is bending, 
shaki ng, and in danger of ruin. 
La Cerda is mlstaken, when he 
imagines, that the poet usès this 
expression at that point o^ time, 
when his hero is upon the verge 
of manhood. It would indeed then 
bave been impertinent to bave said 
the world was at that time in dan- 
ger of min. But it is evident, that 
Virgil now speaks in his own per- 
son, at the time of writing the Ec- 



pjnir'^^%«'?j^'^ O nulti tam.lQOgffi iq»n«»t pan ultima viti?, 
S^um'!^ Tbadwor! SpicUu», £t qi(antum sat erit tua dicere facta \ 

pheos shall not luipaM me in ' -VT • ■! • mi • ^^ 

poetnr, nor Linus; thousii Nou me carmmiDus vmcet nec Thracius Or- 

oneinoaldbeliivouredbynli 'V 

mothcr, and the other by hit pheUS, SS 

Nec%uius: buie mater quamvìs, atque huic 
pater adsit : 

logue : for otherwise he would not 
bave said venturo saclo; whereas 
La Carda understands him to speak 
of the new age as considerably ad- 
vanced. The sense therefore is 
this ; he calla upon the child to be- 
- hold the depraved conditìon of man- 
kind> the Roaian state almo3t torn 
in pieces^ by a long series of ci vii 
wars^ and just ready to sink by its 
own weight ; yet even no w, when 
at the very brink of destruction» 
comforted by the prospect of future 
happiness^ under bis influence. This 
they had good reason to hope for« 
seeing bis mother> yet witb cbild of 
bim, was at this tlme the ble^sed 
instrument of a peace between the 
two great triumvirs^ when they 
wcre at the very poiot of tearing the 
worM asunder by their discord. 

52. Ltstentur.^ It is Uetantur 
in the Roman manuscript, accord- 
ing to Pierius. Heinsius, according 
to Burtnan^ found latentur in ali 
bis nxanuscripts. 

53. Tarn longaJ] " In the Lom- 
^rbard and Medicean manuscripts 
*' it is iam longe. But tam longce 
'« vita is the true reading, whicb 
'* isacknowledged also by Servi us." 

! 55. Thracius Orpheus,"] He was 
! the son of CEagrus^ a king ór ri ver 
;of Thrace, by the Muse Calliope. 

See the notes on ver. 454. of the 

fourth Georgick^ and ver. 46. of 

the tbird £k;logue. 

{ 5d, LiniLS,'] He was the son of 
: Apollo/ by thi Muse Terpsichore, 

and the master" of Thamyras>, Her- 

cules, and Orpheua^ whoni lie in- 
structèd in music and poetry. Dio- 
genes LaSrtius says he was a The- 
ban, and the son of Mercury by 
the Muse Urania. The same au- 
thor tells us/ that he wrote con- 
ceming the generation of the world, 
the courses of the sun and moon, 
and the generations of animals and 
£5ruits, in neroic verse : that he was 
killed with an arrow by Apollo, 
in Eubcea^ where bis epitapn waa 
tobe seen, ex pressing, that iie was 
a Tbeban, and the son of the Muse 
Urania. *lìw y«vf tr»^iìL (aU 'a3ii- 
ftU^H ysyovf M«v^«H4K, *'^'^. ^ ^' 

ituùts A/v«f Th ìì Aiff •wrcùitt 

U9tu *E^v tetti ffvnK Ov^ttfUf* 9rd<- 
na-M ^ xécrfuyùviuf, ixiw tuù àtAiin}( 
ff'o^fiWy^ tutì t/&ttf luà Ktù^ìrSf yivims. 

Th il A/m» rtXtvrncrm Iv 

It is plain, however, that Virgil 
takes him to be the son of Apollo -, 
as does Martial also, in an epigram 
on the death of Severus the son of 
Silius, where he observes, that the 
gods themselves could not avert the 
death of their sons : Apollo had lost 
Linus, Calliope Orpheus, Jupiter 
Sarpedon, and the emperor Domir 
tian his son Domitian ; 

lii'estinata sui gemerei cum fata. Severi : A 
Silius, Ausonio non sem^ «rcLpotens: 1 

BùéóLio. eòl; iv. 


Nay, ahould Pan cootend with 
me, and. AicadiK.rt>mliL he 
judge, even Pan binuelf» 
thougn Arcadia wert Judge» 
^ ébaabì ovm UoMelf to^ìe 

Incipcj parve puer, risu cognòscere matrem : 60 **^B^oiittièbot,toteiwr 

t^y mother by her smUe : 

Ori^i Calliò^ea, Lilio fòrniòèìi^ A^òlld. 
Pan etiam, Arcadia mecum. si judicQ cérteW 
Pan etiatn Arcadia dicat se judice victum. 

(Cum grege Pieno moestus Phoeboque 
Ipse fueum Aevi, dixit ApoUo^ lAnum. 
Respexitque suam, ^ùtt stabat proxixna 
CalUopen, et ait; tu quoque vulnus 
Àspice Tàrpeium, Pallatinumque Tonan- 
Ausa nefas Lacheftis Ifitat utrumqué 
' Jovetii. 
Numina cum videas durìs obnoxia fatis, 
Invidia possis exonerare deos. 

57* CaUiopèa,] She was one of 
thè nine Muées^ and este^ed to 
preside over heroìc poetry. 

Apollo.'] Thegodof verèe. These 
ancient poets are fabled to be the 
children of Apollo and the Muses^ 
because they excellèd in poetry and 

58. Fan.'] Thìs deity was ehiefly 
adored in Arcadia^ \nìere hb was 
said to bave been begotten. See the / 
note on ver. Sì, of the óeoond £c'- 

Eiiam.] Pierius found deus, in- 
fltead of etiam, in the Oblong ma- 
nuscript 'f where^ in the next line 
it Ì8 Pan etiam, 

do. Incipe parùe puer, <^.] Vir- 
gil concludes this noblefv Eclogue^ 
with calling upon the child to dis- 
tinguish bis mother by her smiles ; 
b^canse those children^ on whom 
their parents did not smile at their 
birth, were accounted nnfortunate. 

RUu cognòscere matrem,] It is a 
dispute among the commentators^ 
whether the poet bere means, that , 
the chtld should know bis mother 
by'her smiling on him^ or that he 
should ackriowledge bis mother 
by smiling oii her. Sérvius seemB 
to be of the foruter opinion ; " As 
*' persons grown up," says he, " take 

'^ notice of one another by speak- 
'^ ìngy so infants shéw their parents 
^^ that they know t^em, by smiling 
^^ on them. Therefore the sense is 
*' this; Begin to smile on your 
" parents, and relieve them from 
*^ their solicitude by that good 
'^ omen, that they may siiiile agaia 
" upon you." And yet a little 
after, Servius assigns the cause ci 
Vulcan's being thrown out of hea^ 
ven, to be bis mother's not smiling 
on him, because oÌ bis deforraity. 
La Cerda contends for the smiling 
of the child, and iquotes several in- 
stances of the smiles of infants be- 
ing spoken of with pleasure; par- 
ticularly one from Catullus, in the 
EphthaUmium of Jidia and Manlius ; 

Torquatus, Volo, parvulus 
Matrìs e gremio suo, 
Porrigens teneras manua» 
Dulce rideat adjpatrem, 
Semibìante labellob 

This inassage of Catullus is indeed 
very pretty and naturai : butit does 
not come up to the purpose, folr 
which it is quoted. It cannot pos- 
sibly allude to a new bom infanta 
for he speaks not only of Its »nil- 
ing on the father^ but of its putting 
out the band to him, an action; óf 
which no child is capable till it ìs 
sèveralmonths old. The sftme may 
be said of the othér authorìties, 
which La Cerda produces to sup- 
port bis opinion. Catrou ascribes 
the smile to the child, as do also ali 
our £nglìsh translators. Bttt the 
leamed Rusèus thinks it better tò 
understand this passage of the smil- 
ing òf the mother, in which he fol- 
lows Erythraeus and Bembus. Thìs 
must certainly be the most naturai 



SjgSdSSiSften^tto.*^ Matri Ipnga decem tulerunt fastidia menses. 

interpretatìon, seemg it is a most 
extraordìnary thing fór a chìld to 
smile as soon as bom. Pliny says, 
it is not usuai before the fortieth 
day ; '^ Hominem tantum nudum^ 
'' et in nuda humo^ natali die ab- 
'^jicit ad va^tus statim et plora- 
^' tum^ nuUumque tot animalium 
" aliud ad ìacrjrmas, et has pro- 
" tinus vitae principio. At hercule 
" risus, prsBCox ille et celerrimus, 
" ante quadragesimum diem nulli 
'^ datur" The same author men- 
tions Zoroaster, as the only person 
that ever laughed on the day of his 
birth ; bùt he does not mention it as 
an omen, either good or bad: for 
his fìiture wisdom was predicted by 
the palpitation of his braìn ; " Ri- 
^^ sisse eodem die quo genitus esset^ 
^'~unum hominem accepimus Zo- 
" roastrem. Eidem cerebnim ita 
*' palpitasse, ut impositam repelleret 
*' ]!nanum« futurae prsesagio scien- 
" tiae." Herodotus mentions also 
a smile of Cypselus, the son of 
Etion, which saved his life. The 
murderers took him from his mo- 
ther as soon as bom ; but the child 
happening to smile on the man, 
•into whose hands his mother de- 
livered, him, so softened his inìnd, 
that he spared the child's life. But 
this early smile of Cypselus is not 
méntioned as any omen of his fu- 
ture felicity, but as the accidental 
means of his presérvation. To this 
howevei* we may oppose the history 
of Moses, whose infant tears had 
the same elFect, in prevailing on 
the daughter of Pharaoh to pre- 
serve him. Solomon also, who ex- 
' celled ali other monarchs in power, 
wealth, and wisdom, tells us, that 
he cried as soon as bom, which he 
mentions as a thlng common to ali 
men ; *' When I was bom, I drew 
'' in the common air, and fell upon 

" the earth^ which is of like nature, 
^' and the J^rst voice which I uttered 
. *' was cryin^i as ali others do," la- 
deed it does not appear ijiat the 
ancients had any opinion, that the 
smiling of a new bom infant was 
an omen of future ffreatness ; nor 
could such an acciaent be easily 
drawn into example ; since we do 
not find any more recorded than 
Zoroaster and Cypselus. But it is 
very naturai and usuai for the mo- 
ther to smile on the child 5 her de- 
livery seeming to her a sufficient 
recompence for her former sickness 
and pain, as we find it expressed in 
St John's Gospel; '^ A woman when 
'^ she is in travaÓ hath sorrow, be- 
^^ cause her hour is come : but as 
*' soon as she is delivered of the 
" child « she remembereth no more 
" the anguish, for joy that a man ìs 
" bom into the world." Besidcs rt 
is plain, from the tbilowing lines of 
this Eclogue, that the good omen 
was supposed to be the smijés of 
the parents on the child. There- 
fore it seems to be a perverting of 
the meaning of the poet, to make 
him s&y, Smile on thy mother, that 
she may smile on ihee. To conclude, 
I thiiik we may very well, with 
Erythraeus, Bembus, and Ruseu^, 
understa]^ the smiles to be those 
of the mother. 

CognoscereJ] Those, who un- 
derstand this passage of the smiling 
of the child, strain the verb cog- 
noscere to signify> that the . chUd 
shòuld àcknowledge or own his mo- 
ther, by smiling on her : but I do 
not find any ìnstance of its having 
been used in that sense. 

61. Mairi longa decem, <^c.] 
Servius says, the poet uses the èx- 
pression of decem menses, because 
males are bom in the tenth month, 
and females in the ninth, which is 



Incìpe, parve puer : cui fìon risere parentes, 

Begin, O Uttle boy; for he, 
on wnom his parents have 
not smiled, 

a very triflìng observation, and not 
founded on trulh. Many of the 
commentators take the ten months 
bere spoken of to be ìntended to 
shew^ that the mother of thìs child 

- went a mohth widi him longer than 
the usuai lime ; and give ìnstances 
of some extraoidinary persons being 
bom at the end of ten months. It 
is well known, that the usuai tìme 
of a- woroan's gestation is nine ca- 
lendar months, or forty weeks* 
Now if it could be made appear^ 
that the ancients ever made use of 
a nionth of four weeks, ten such 
months would be the just time of 
gestationy and wé shouid not need 

' to seek for any farther solution of 
the question b^ore us. The perio- 
dica! lunar month indeed, wliich 
is the time of the moon*s motion 
from one point of the zodiac to the 
same again^ ìs twenty-seven days 
and almost eight hours ; whence a 

. lunar mooth, is frequently reckoned 
to contain four weeks. pr twenty- 

. eight days. But the ancient Roman 
month* was that which is called the 
lunar synodical monjth^ or the time 

. betweeq new moo^rand new moon^ 
which is about twenty-nine days 

. and a.lialf . Thus as the jìeriodical 

.lunar month is reckoned in round 
numbers to be twenty-eight days, 
^ is the . synodical in like manner 
accownted tobe thirty. Thus Pliny 
speaks. of the revolution of the moon 
being performed in twenty-seven 
days, and the third part of a day; 

. but he makes the complete lunar 
month to 'consist of tnirty days, 
twelve of which months make a 
year; for the old year was 360 
days : *^ Proxima ergo cardini, 
" ideoque minimo ambitu, vicènis 
'' diebus septenisque et tertia dici 
" parte peragit spatia eadem, quae 
t' Saturni si^s altissimum triginta. 

^* ut dictum est, annis. ODeinde 
'^ morata in coilu solis, biduo, cum 
*' tardissime, a tricesima luce rur- 
'^ sus ad easdem vices exit: haud 
" scio an omnium quap in caelo 
'^ pernosci potuerunt magistra. In 
'*' duodecim mensium spatia opur- 
*^ tere dividi annura: quando ipsa 
," toties solem, redeùntem ad prin- 
** cipia consequitur." Thus ac- 
cording to Pliny, the month is 
thirty days ; of which space of time 
he must also be understood, when 
he says some are born in the seventh 
.month, others in the eighth, and 
some in the beginning of thè tenth 
and eleventh, but those children 
seldom live, who are born before the 
seventh : " Caeteris animantibus 
*' stàtum et pariendi, et partus ge- 
/' rendi tempus est: homo toto 
*' anno et incerto gignitur spatio. 
" Alius septimo mense, alius octa- 
*^ vo, et usque ad initia decimi un- 
'' decimique. Ante septimura men- 
*' sem haud unquam vitalis est.'* 
That children are born in the 
seventh and eighth month, is con- 
firmed by experienccj and the 
usuai time is in the beginning of the 
tenth mònth ; for nine months of 
thirty days make but 270 days, a 
period which falls ten days short of 
the usuai time of gestation. But 
if we reckon with more exactness 
by the synodical month, wherein 
the mòon passes frona its conjuoQ- 
tion with the sun, and enters in con- 
junction with itagain, we shallfind 
nine of those months to make but 
266 days, a period which falls 
fourteen days short of the usuai 
time, which is 280 days. Thus we 
shall iìpd the usuai time of the birth 
of a child to be at the end of the 
ninth calendar month, and of the 
tenth month of four weeks, in the 
beginning- of the tenth ^lonth qf 



SSJS^.%^^lJ?h!fbS Nec deus hunc mena, dea nec dignata cìibai 

by a goddcss. ^^ , 

thirty days^ by wliich the ancient 
Romans reckoned^ and in the mid- 
dle of the tenth synodical month. 
Tlierefore Virgil might very well 
mention the qualms of ten months> 
wìthout any imagination^ that the 
roother was to go longer than the 
usuai ttme: for this Eclogue^ as 
has been already observed^ was 
written before the birth of the child. 
Ovid, in the third hook of hisPo^c^ 
speaking of the old year of ten 
months^ thinks that number was 
chosen> either in respect to the num- 
ber of the fingers ; or else because a 
woman brings forth in the tenth 

Annua erat dècìmum cum luna repieve- 
rat orbcm, 
Hic nostris magno tunc in honore fuìt : 
Seu quia tot digiti, per quos numerare 
solemuB ; 
Seu quia Mi pUnofatmkM mente pmit. 

And Haunes^ a celebrated poet and 
physician^ in hls Ode to the famous 
Sydenham^ has mentionedtfae tenth 
month as the stated time of de- 
livery ; 

O qui capacem nobilis artifex 
Eludis Orcum ; quo tamen ibimus 
Cnncti, quot humanae parentes. 
Et deHnuB tuKt ordo lume, 

Thus we bave no reason to believe, 
that Virgil desìgoed any ihiog ex- 
traordinary in this passage ; nor in- 
deed does it appear, that tbe an- 
cients had any notion, that tb^ 
birth of a child after the usuai time 
denoted any future happiness or 
grandeur. Pliny mentions a Ro- 
man lady, who, by three husbands, 
had four child ren, two of which 
were born in the seveoth month, 
one in the eighih, and one in the 
elevenih. Cotì>u1o> who was born 
in the seventh, and Suillius Ruffus, 

who was born in the eleventh, had 
equal fortune, for they were both 
ooBSuls; and Caesonia, who was 
born in the eighth, carne to he an 
empress, being the wife of Cali- 
guht: ** Vesiilia C. Herdicii, ac 
*' postea Pomponii atque Orfiti cla- 
*^ rissimonim civium conjanx, ex 
** bis qoatuor partus enixa, Sem- 
*^ pronium septhno mense genuit, 
" Suillinm Ruffum undecimo, Cor- 
** bnk>nem septimo, utramque Con- 
*' sulem : postea Caesoniam, Caii 
" princìpis conjugem, octaTO.*' 

ru/ertml.] Servìus «ays, that 
some read 4ibstulerìni, making the 
sense to be, Si ngeris, abstukrmi 
decem meitses nuitri ttue bmgafiuiidia, 
which La Cerda justly thinks ridi- 
culouB. This last crittc observes, 
that idi the commentators that he 
had seen agree in èxpìaining fero 
in this place (or avifero, which is 
not Latin, inelegante and wìthout 
example. Certainly/crrp oUcui sig- 
nifies to bring to any one, not to take 
from any one. The making of the 
last syUaMe bat one short, tuìèrunt, 
ìs a poetica! licence, not very un- 
usual. Thus we read stetenmt and 
miscuerunt for tteterunt and mi- 
sene runt : 80 that there ìs no occa- 
sion to read iulerint, as some have 
done, withont any good àatliorlty. 

62. €«{•] Some read ^t, on 
the authorìty of Qulntilian, who 
speaks in the followhig manner: 
*' Est figura et in numero : vel cum 
" singulari pluralìs subj ungitur, g/«- 
*' dio pugnacissima gens Romani, gens 
*' enim ex roultb. Vel e diverso, 

" Qui non ritere parentu, 

** Nec deus hunc tnetua, dea nec ugnata 
•* elidili ett, 

*' £x illis enim qui non risere hunc 
'^ non digaatus (|eus, nec dea dig- 



*^ nata/' The same author tells ns, 
tbat when he was a boy> th« Ro- 
mans used to wrìte quoi in the da- 
tive case» to distiitgttish it from the 
nominatiye qui, and that in his time 
it began to be written cui. Scaliger, 
in bis note on the duìce rideat ad pa* 
trem of Cathllus, quoted above, 
Bientioos this passage of Virgili 
and read» gui non rUere parente», fot 
^i no» rìeere ad parentesi Thta in« 
terpretatioa is delended alao by La 
Cerda, and otbers. Pierius de- 
darea^ that not one of the aneient 
Bnmiiacriptahave qui; but conatantly 
elther eot or quoi in the dative case. 
It 18 elfi in the folio edittons printed 
at Milan in 1481^ Venice 1562, and 
Paris l6Q0j and in the oetavo edi- 
tions 8t Milan in 15S9, Antwerp 
1543, 15ao, Venìee 1576, and in 
the old edition at London by Pyn- 
son. Heinsius also, both father and 
son, Ru»us, Catrou, and most 
other editors^ read cui, It is cui also 
m the Paris edttion in 1540 in 
quarto^ by ^issannseus, and in that 
m 1541 : but in both these editions 
qui U put in the margin. Robert 
Stephens reads qui. • Goellius de- 
clares himself for qui, on the au- 
thorlty of Quintiliano and takes 
parenies to be the vocative case; 
'^ Quamvis multi codices cui legante 
" tamen ab ea sententia me posset 
''.Quintiliani lib. 9* auctoritas qui 
'^ qui accipit: ut talis sit sententia 
*' et hujus versus ordo^ O parentes, 
'' hanc> ex illis qui non risere» nec 
'* deus est dlgnatus mensa, nec dea 
" est dignata cubili." Vives also 
reads qui, and taking the child bere 
spoken of to be that son of Pollio» 
who died soon after bis birth» sus- 
pects that these lines were added by 
Virgil after the dcath of the child. 
Pulman adds a note in the margin^ 
which seems to difier from the 
general opinion; for he says^ the 
son of Pollio smiled as soon as be was 
bom, which is a bad bmen> and 

therefore he soon died« Cuningam 
reads qui, and Burman cui. It 
seems to me more probable» that 
Quintilian read this passage negli- 
gently^ than tliat ali the aneient 
manuscripts should be cormpt, 
which, with (Mie consent, read cui 
or quoi in the dative case. We find 
another instance of the dative case 
being used aft^r rideo, to signify the 
smiiiN^ on any one, in uie fifUi 

— Riiit pater optimus M. 

63, Nec deus hunc mensa, Sfc."] 
*' Here ia certantily a denuneiation 
*' of some inmiinent calamity U> the 
'' child, if he does not know his 
** mother 1^ a smile. 1. Servius 
^' explains it of Valcan, to whom 
'* the child would be like : now 
" when Vukan was boro, his 
'* parents Jupiter and Juno^ did not 
'* smile on nim:, wherefore he was 
'* thrown down br them to the 
** island Lenmos, wnich caused him 
" to be lame, after which he was 
** neither admitted by Jupiter to 
^* the table of the gods» nor by 
'* Minenra to be ber husluuidv. But 
" this story of Servius does not 
" agree with Homer^ who gives 
" Vulcan a place in the celestial 
^^ banquet. 2. Politian explains it 
" of the Genius and Juno^ which 
'' will not be propitious to the 
'* child. For it is manifest» from 
" Seneca's epistles^ and Pliny, that 
" the ancients ascribed to every 
'* man» as soon asbom» a Genius 
'' and Juno. But ali the, learned 
" are agreed, that the Genius was 
'' ascribed only to the males, and 
'^ Juno only to the females ; and 
** therefore both a Genius and Juno 
" to one and the same son of Pollio 
" are more than could be allotted. 
" But what Philargyrìus here ad- 
" vances» can by no means be ad- 
'* mitted^ that at the bìrth of chìl- 
'^ dren of high rank^ a bed used 


^' to be màde. for Juno Lucina^ and 
" a table spread for Hercules, or 
'' according to others for the Gè- 
'^ nìus. Politlanus indeed produces 
*' two passages of Varrò ; ih one 
" of which we are informed, that 
" boys used to be mìtiated to Educa; 
^' Potìna, and '■ Cuba^ the gods 
^' of eating, drinking^ and sleep- 
" mg ; in the other, that when 
*' noble children were born, a bed 
'^ was made for the conjugal gods, 
'^ Pilumnus and Picumnus. Bpt 
" from these places, we can only 
''•deduce, that a table used to be 
'^ spread for the goddesses>'and a 
" bed for the gods; whereas Vir- 
*' gii on the contrary ascribes a table 
'^ to a god and a bed to a goddess; 
** Therefore I solve the difficulty 
" two- way^; 1. By the tahle 1 un- 
'' derstand the education and nu- 
'* trition ' of the chìld^ over which 
^' the Genius is acknowledged by 
" ali to preside : by the hed I un- 
" derstand his marriage^ over 
" which Juno is known to preside. 
*' Thus the sense will be. The Ge- 
'' nius will not permit tkis • boy to 
'' grotv up, or torecdve nourishment; 

'or if he does permit it, Jùho'^ will 
' not permit him to celebrate a happy 

* marriage, 2. It roay also be 
' thus explained, If you do noi 
' know your molher by her smiling on 
' you, you will be unfortunate, and 
^ not arrive to tìtat Itje and feUow-. 
' skip of the gods, which I have al- 

* ready prolnised yoù. Now thi» 
' life of the gods, or apotheosis, 
' consisted- chiefly of two particu- 
' lars; the sitting at the table of 
' Jupiter, and the marriage of 
^ some goddess. Thus Horace de^ 
' scribes the divinity of Hercules 
^ by Jovis interest optatUepulis im- 

' piger Hercules. He had also 
^Hebe, -the goddess of youth, 
' given him for a wife. ^ Thus Vir- 
' gii also expresses the immortality, 
' which he promises to.Augustus, 

*• Teque sibi generum Tethys emat omitU 
«* hui undis, 

' Therefore the threats of Virgil , 
- will amount to this; You shall I 
' «0^ ^j<^ l^^ lif^ tfgods, because '■ 
^ neither Jupiter will admit you to \ 

his tahle, nor any goddess to ber ' 

bed" RujEus. 





Menalcas, Mopsus. 

Men. f^UK non, Mopse, boni quoniam con- 

venimus ambo, 
Tu calamos inflare leves, ego dicere versus, 

Men. Since we are met to- 
gether, Mopcus, aad bave 
each of US oor excellence, 
you in p^aying on the slender 
reeds, and I in ainging venet» 

1. Cur non Mopse bonù 4^.] 
Two shepherds^ Menalcas and Mop- 
sus, after mutuai complìments on 
their skili in poetry^ make choice 
of the death of Daphnis for the 
«ubject of their song. Mopsus 
laments his death, and Menalcas 
cdebrates his apolheosis, Menalcas 
begins with inviting Mopsus to 
play on his pipe, whilst he himself 
sings; to wnich Mopsus answers^ 
that he is ready to obey him^ as be- 
ing his superior. The former in- 
vites his friend to sit under a shade 
of elms and hazels; but the latter 
proposes, that they should rather 
retire into a cave, overspread with 
wild vines. 

Servius tells us, that under the 
character of Menalcas Virgil is 
meant ; and ^milius Macer^ a poet 
of Verona^ and friend of , Virgil, 
under that of Mopsus^ Catrou 
will bave the dialogue to be between 

Virgil and Alexander^ the young 
slave, whom this critic supposes 
to be meant under the name of 
Aleids, in the second Eclogue. It 
would be dìfficult, and of no con- 
sequence perhaps, to ^ determino^ 
whether Mopsus was iBmilius Ma- 
cera or Alexander^ or any particu- 
lar person. Menajcas and Mopsus 
may bpth be suppòsed fictitious 
names of shepherds, introduced to 
form thls dialogue : though it may 
be said, that if Virgil ever intends 
to represent himse^ in any of his 
Eclogues, it is most probably under 
the feigned name of Menalcas. 
Philips has imitated this Eclogue^ 
in his third pastoral, called Albino, 
wrìtten on the death of the Duke 
of Gloucester, son of Queen Anne. 

Boni dicere and injlare is a/ 

. 2. Tu calamos inflare, 4^.] ,The- 
ocritus, in his eighth Idyllium, re- 



why ahoiild we not iit down 
hef«t amonff tfie elmi Inter- 
woven withluseb ì 

Mop, Yoo are the oldeit, it 
it my dutr to obey joa, Me- 
naloM : whether we dt «nder 
the ahade made doubtful by 
the waving zephyr^ or rather 
go hito yonder cave : do but 
tee how the wild vfaie bang* 
over the cave with tcat t ercd 

Hìc corylis mixtas inter considimus ulmos? 
Mop. Tu major : tibi me est equum parere, 
Menalca: 4 

Sive sub incertas Zephyris motantibus umbras, 
Sive antro potius succedimus : aspice ut antrum 
Sylvestris raris sparsit labrusca racemis. 

presenta two shepherds» as equally 
skilled in piping and singing ; 

"Aftftf 0U^iA%9 ì$Ì»nf»ÌMt9>àfl^ Aiti», 

Leves.^ Servius seems to make a 
doubt^ wbether leves agrees with 
calamos or with versus ; but he justly 
decides in &vour of calamos. 

8. ConsidimHs.2 So Heinsius reads 
it» on the authority of several ma- 
nuscripts. The common readìng is 

4. Tu major,'] Servius says, this 
may mean, either that Menalcas is 
older than Mopsus, or thathis merìt 
is greater^ id est, vel natu vel me- 
rito, Russus^ wrthout any hesita- 
tion, renders it tu natu major; and 
observes, that though Menalcas is 
bere said to be the elder, yet they 
were both young ; for Mo(>sus says 
to Menalcas^ sed tu desine plura 
jmerj and m another place Menal- 
cas says to Mopsus^ fortunate puer, 
tu nunc. Catrou^ in order to sup- 
port bis opinion, that Mopsus is 
Alexander, translates it, you are the 
master : which he thinks^ serves to 
express^ that Alexander was Vir- 

STs slave; and therefore he adds, 
at it was bis duty to obey him. 

5. Sive sub incertas, (^cj Mop*- 
sua expresses himself with great 
modesty and deference to Menalcas. 
He assents to bis proposai of sitting 
under the trees, but hints an ob- 
jection to the uncertamty of the« 
sbade^ as they were moved about 
by tìie wind } and expresses a de- 
sire of i^oing rather into a cave, the 
convemences of which he beauti-i 
Atlly describes. 

7. Labrusca^] The labrusca or 
wild vine of the ancients probably 
did not difier specìfìcaUy from that 
which was cultivated. Pliny in- 
forms US, that the grapes of the 
labrusca were gathered before the 
flowers were gone off, dried in the 
shade upon Imen cloths, and laid 
up in casks -, that the best sort carne 
from Parapotamia, the next from 
Antioch and Laodicea^ and the 
third from the mountains of Media; 
that thls li^st was the fìttest for me- 
dicai uses ; that some preferred that 
which grew in Cjrprus; that the 
African sort was iised only in medi- 
cine, ancl was called mmsaris;^ and 
that the white was better than the 
black ; and thatit was called ceaa/i- 
ihe ; " Eodem et oenanthe pertinet* 
'^ Est autem viti» labrusoB uva. 
*' Colligitur cum flore, cum optime 
«* olet. Siccatur in umbra, sub- 
" strato linteo, atque in cados con- 
*' ditur. Praecipua ex VxtstpotSL- 
" mia, secunda ab Antiochia, at- 
'^que Laodicea Syriae, tertia ex 
" Montibus Medicis. H»c utilior 
'< medicine?. Quidam omnibus iis 
'* prseferunt eam, qua in Cypro 
"insula nascìtur. Nam quae in 
«' Africa -fit, ad medicos tantum 
'* pertinet, vocaturque massarU. 
" Omnis autem ex alba labrusca 
" prsBStantior quam e nigra." In 
another place uie same author tells 
us^ that Ùìe labrusca is called by the 
Greeks ampeìos agria ; that it bas 
Uiick and whitish leaves, is jointed» 
has a chapped bark, and bears red 
berries j " Labrusca quoque cenan- 
'^then fert^ satis dictam^ qusB a 



M«N. Mòntibus in nostris solus libi certet J^iat'So£"ca?^cSSIS 
Amyntas. ^"^^^ 

** Grseds ampelos agria appellatur^ 
^ spisftis et óoìdicai^bufl foliis« g&- 
'' niculata, rimoso corticc j fert 
"uvas rubentes cocci modo." In 
another place he telis us expressly^ 
that the ìabrusca is a wild vmej 
'^ Fit e ìabrusca, hoc est^ vite svi" 
" vestri, quoti vocatur oenanthi- 
'' num." In another place, he says 
the cenanthe is the product of the 
wild vine, without any inention of 
the word ìabrusca; " Omphacio 
'' cohaeret csnanthe, quam vites syl- 
*' vestres ferunt'* We ha ve seen 
already, that the ìabrusca of the 
Romans is called ampelos ngria, or 
wUd vine hy the Greeks» and that 
the clusters, gathered before the 
flowers go off are called cenanthe. 
Dioscorides^ in his fourth hook, 
speaks of a wild vine, which cannot 
possibly be the ìabrusca; for he 
says it has the leaves like those of 
guxlen nightshade; ^vxx» il ófum 
rr^vxw xnfTMàf' Probably this chap- 
ter may be spuriousi and ìf it is 
genuine, it is no easy matter to af- 
fimi what plant he there intended 
to describe. But in the second 
chapter of the fifth book, the same 
title is repeated, and he there in- 
fbrms US, that the wild vine is of 
two sorts, in one of which he tells 
US, that the grapes do not ripen, 
but that in its flowering state it biears 
what is called cenanthe; that the 
other bears small, black, astringent 
fruits; and that the leaves, st^ks, 
and tendrils bave the same virtues 
with the cultivated vine ; "AféwiXé^ 

Xayftifnr Oìftitdnf i }i rtf tiAm^a^ii 

/UK^lfftù^ éZnt' XM ft,ÌXMt9» MEÌ «tv- 

mmÌ mi 'iXacMs xmì ti imiiXaÌ, é(islm% ^ 
ifM^i», A little afterw^rds^ in the 

chapter of CEnanthe, he says it is 
die fruit of the wild vine, whilst it 
is in flower ; it is gathered upon a 
linen cloth, dried in the shade» 
and laid up in earthcn vessels ; the 
best Comes from Syria, Cilicia, and 
Phoenicia : ^ OhÀ9^ %m>>urcu i «% 
ày^Ui ifAwiXèv xet^xiq' iirùrt èa^u' 
iiixoTtB^^m il iu US #««»T«y iyyu$f 
cffT^dtuHf rtfAAfy»yr«K tuti in^fvtMf 
fsrì i^éfièv, » nuSr tutMuwm ^ )«- 
9wm 89 2v^, iuti ¥j>ututf, xtù Om- 
v/iMf. From' these authoritìes we 
may venture to affirm, that the 
ìabrusca is a real vine, runnlng wild, 
without any culture. The pro- 
priety therefore of preferring the 
cave before the ehns consists in this; . 
the trees were subject to be moved 
about by every gentle blast, and 
therefore the shade which they af- 
forded was uncertain: but the aive 
was overspread by a wild vine, 
which, for want of culture; was 
luxurìant in branches and leaves. 
This the poet expresses, by saying 
the clusters were scattered, that if , 
iew in number. Now the want of 
pruning wlll spoil the hearing of a 
vine, and at the same time sufier it 
to run to wood, as the gardeners 
express it This luxuriaot vine 
therefore made a thick and certain 
shade about the entrance of the 

8. Mòntibus in nostris, ^c] Me- 
nalcas assents to the proposal of 
retiring to the cave; and the two 
shepherdsdiscourse as they go along. 
Menalcas tells Mopsus, tl^t, inali 
their neiffhbourhood, none can con- 
*tend wim him but Amyntas; and 
Mopus is offended at the com- 

Tibi certet.'} It is a Gredsm, for 
iecum cerici. 

Amyntas.'] Catrou will have it 




What If he thould 
. also to excel Apollo 


Men, Besin fint, my Mop- 
sus, whelner you will slxìg 
the flames of Phyllis, or the 
praises of Alcon, or the quar- 

Mop. Qaid si idem certet Phcebom superare 

Men. Incipe, Mopse, prior, si quos aut 
Phyllidia ignes, 10 

Aut Alconìs habes laudes, aut jurgia Codri. 

a^ain^ that Cebes^ the other ima- 
ginary slave and scholar of Virgil, 
and rivai of Alexander, ìs bere 

9. Phcebum superare."} Catrou 
hnagines, that Virgil himself is bere 
meant under the name of Phoebus, 
an arrogance very incon^istent With 
the roodest character of our poet. 
He observes, that " the character 
*' of Am3aitas was drawn in the 
** second Eclogue. He' insolently 
*' pretended to equal bis master. 
" He was envious of the flute, 
" which was bequeathed to him, 
" invidit stultus Amyntas* Here he 
" carries bis confidence to such a 
*' length as to defy Phoebus bim- 
'^self, that 18, Virgil." The 
poet might mean the same person 
under the name of Amyntas in 
both Eclogues ; but it does not 
thence appear that he meant Ce- 
bes or ìndeed that such a person 

10. Incipe, Mopse, prior, <^.] 
Menalcas/ perceiving that he had 
offended Mopsus, by comparing him 
with Amyntas, di'ops the discourse, 
and desires him to sing tìrst, pro- 
posing at the same ti me some sub» 
jects for bis poetry. Mopsus chooses 
rather to sing some verses which 
he had lately made; and tells Me- 
nalcas, that when he heard them, 
he might judge, whéther there was 
any comparìson between him and 
Amyntas. Menalcas endeavours to 
pacify bis anger, and dìeclàres, that 
in bis opinion Amyntas is far infe- 
rìor to him. 

Catrou understands tbis speedi of 
Menalcas to signify, that he. would 

bave Mopsus begin, that he may be 
able to judge between him and 
Amyntas j and paraphrases Incipe 
Mopse prior thus ; *' A fin que je 
" puisse juger de voùs et de lui, 
*' chantez-moy de vos vers, et com- 
" mencez le premier." But tbis 
cannot be the sense, because when 
Mopsus, in the next sentence, re* 
peats bis (iispleasure at being com- 
pared with Amyntas, Menalcas im- 
mediately replies, that, in hisjudg- 
ment, Amyntas is far inferior to 

PkvUidis ignes.'] Phyllis was the 
daughter of Lycurgus, king of 
Thrace, and fall in love with De- 
mophoon, the son of Theseus, by 
Fbaedra, havìng given him enter- 
^tainmenti as he was retuming from 
the Trojan war. Detfìophòon being 
obliged to go to Athens, to setde 
bis affairs there, promiséd to return 
soon and marry ber. But when he 
was unexpectedly detained beyond 
the appointed time, PhylKs in de- 
spair hanged herself. Sèe the Epis- 
tle of PhyUis to Demojphoon in 

11. Alconis laudesJ] ^' He was 
" a Cretan archer/ and one of the 
" compariiòns of Hercules: he 
'* was so skilful, as never to miss 
" bis aim. He could shoot ibrough 
" a ring placed on a man*s head ; 
" split a hair with the point of his 
" dart ; and stick' an arrow with- 
'* 9Ut a head on the point of a sword 
•^ br spear.' Whennis son was as- 
*' saulted by a dràgon, he shot an 
*' arrow at him so dextrously, as 
" to wound the- serpent, without 
^' hurting bis son." Servius. 



Begin, andTitynu shall tend 

Incipe: pascentes serysfbit-Tityrus hoedos. thefeédingkiL. 

Mop. Immo haec, in viridi nuper quae cortice tr^S^JS^^vcraST^wiS?*? 

latdy wrote on the green 

Jnreia Coàri.'] Codrus, the son 
of M eLsmthus^ was the last king of 
the Athenians. Wben bis country 
was invaded by a powerful army, 
and the oracle at Delphi had fore- 
told that the victory should fall to 
that people^ whose king sbould be 
slain ; the enemy gave striet com- 
mand to their whole army^ that 
every one should abstain frona hurt- 
iog Codrus. But this ^enerous 
prince^ disguising himself in the 
nabit of a shepherd, took occasion 
to quarrel with some of the enemies* 
foragers^ by which means he lost 
his life, and pres^rved his country. 
Thus I collect the story from Vel- 
leius Paterculus and Valerius Maxi- 
itìus, who differ very little in tlieir 
relation of it. Paterculus says these 
enemies were the Lacedasmonians^ 
Valerius Mnximus does not name 
diem^ and Justin says they were the 
Dorians. Paterculus expressly men- 
tions the quarrel ; '* Deposita veste 
*' regia, pastoralem cultum induìt, 
*' immixtusque castris hostium de 
'* industria, imprudenter, rixam 
" cienSi interemptus est.'* Valerius 
Maximus says he wounded one of 
the foragers, and thereby provoked 
him to kill him; " Depositis in- 
•** signibus imperii, familiarem cul- 
V tum induit, ac pabulantium ho- 
'* stium globo sese objecit, unum- 
'^ que ex iilis falce percussum, in 
*' caedem suam compulit." Thus, 
though this author does not men- 
tion the word quarrel, yet it is plain 
from his account, that Codrus 
sought to pick a quarrel with the 
foragers, by wounding one of them, 
and thereby lost his own life. Ci- 
cero, about the latter end of his 
first hook of Tusciilan Questions, 
mentions his throwing himself into 

the middle of his enemies in difiguise^ 
and the prediction of the oracle^ 
that the death of the king would be 
the preservation of the country; 
'' Codrum, qui se in medios im- 
** miisit hostes, famulari veste, ne 
'* posset agnosci, sì esset omatu re- 
" gio : quod oraculum erat datum^ 
" si rex interfectus esset, victrices 
'' Athenas fore.** The same au- 
thor, in his Consolation, informs 
US farther, that Codrus was deified 
by the Adienians, for his piety to 
his country ; " Quid vero ili», 
'* omnis piane doctrinae oranisque 
'* sapientias parentes, Athenae ? non- 
" ne Codrum regem suum, ob pie- 
*' tatem in patriam, meritaque illa> 
" quibus excelluit, magno consensu 
"in deos retulerunt?" Codrus is 
c^lebrated also by Horace ; 

• Codrus prò patria non timidi» mori. 

Some crìtics however will bave 
Phyllis, Alcon, and Codrus, to be 
only pastoral names, to which opi- 
nion RusBus also seeros to incline. 
There was also, according to Ser- 
vius, a famous poet named Codrus, 
contemporary with Virgil. He is 
mentioned with applause in the 
seventh Eclogue, 

'Nymphae, noster amor, Libethrides : aut 

mihi Carmen 
Quale meo Codro, concedite; proxima 

Versibus ille facit. 

But it seems much more probable, 
that the poet alluded to the several 
stories above mentioned. 

12. Pascentes servabit Tiiyrus 
h<edos.l Thus Theocritus, in the 
first Idyllium ; 

Taf y Oiyas iyiif \f r^t m/miiw*!. 

13. Corticc fagi,J It was the an- 



lift coBlfiDd WHumak 

^^ Carmìoa dfsscrìpsi, et modnbBs «It^rq^i notavi, 
E^^perìar ; tu deiode jabetp e«rtet AmyntM. 15 

cimt custom in Italy, to write <m 
the bitrfcs ctf tree9, a^ it was in 
Egyp^ to, writé on the pap^ru^, 9 
SQjtt of ruabi fi*o<n whicb the word 
pfl^jcr ia derìyed. Pliny, «niongst 
the usea to which the barks of trees 
were applied^i mentiona, that spies 
uaed to write on th^m their intel- 
ligences to generala. He alao 
speaka of aome religious uaea ef the 
bark qf beech^treea; *' Cortex et 
^' fi^3> tilÌ8B, abieti^ picese, in 
'Vmagno usp agreatiunp. Vaaa, 
'' Qprbeaque, «q patentiora quae- 
'' <|ain measibua convehendìa vin- 
''demiiaque faciuntj atque prae* 
" t^xta t^guriorum. Scribit in re- 
•' ^nti a4 4nce8. ei^plorator, inci- 
** d^i^a Ut^r^ a aucco. Necnon in 
'^ quodam uan ivacrorMm religioaua 
'* eat faj^i qortex. Sed no^ durat 
" arbor ips&" 

14. Modulam alterna notam!^ I 
hAve trwaUted thia^ aeeording to 
the iiiterpretation of La Cerda; 
** Qwa\ ^a modulatua anni;» notavi 
*^ alterna, id eat, alternatimi vì^ 
*^ delÌQet> inflana jam fiatulam^ jam 
^fjQap^na Carmen. Itaque alter- 
^^ i^tio hic refertur Jam ad flatum 
^^ calami» jam ad aonitum oiia.*' 

15. Tu deinde juMo certeé Amyn- 
jfcM.] Catrou thinka thia a atrong 
confinnation of hia ayatem. " Do 
'^ but give attention/* aaya he, " to 
'' theae expreaaiona, jubeio certei 
*' Amyntas, and you will perceive 
** a maater, who commanda. Ce- 
f' bea and Alexander were at once 
*^ the alaves, and the disciplea of 
** Virgil." But it ia certain, that 

JubeQ la not alwaya uaed for com- 
manding like a maater, aa may be 
proyed from many inatancea taken 
from Virgil. I ahall only aelect a 
finw, where Catrou hin^aelf renderà 

itotbarwiae. In thf foorlJi E^pgue, 

Quae tentare Thetim rat|bus, quge cin- 

gere mmifl 
Oppida, que jubeant telluri infiiida« 


Herejubeant aignifìea no more tfaan 
to cause, aa Catrou has justly trans- 
lated it ; " Elle nòna porterà encore 
•* à courir lea mera, et à culti ver la 
*' terre.** In the aecond ^neid, 
Capya, aqd aopae other wise men 
are aaid tp advise, that the^horse 
ahould be thrown into the aea^ fur 
it ia plain itwaa not in their power 
to conimand it ; 

At Capys» et quorum melior sententia 

Aut pelago Oanaum insidias, suspectaque 


Thua alsp Catrou tranalates it; 
" Capya de aon còte, et avec Jay 
" tputes lea meilleurs tétes da pays 
•' étoìent (favU, pu qu*il fallott jet- 
'^ ter à la mer le trompeur et dan- 
*' gereux préaent d*une nation artì- 
** ficieuse.** Thua alao, in the third 
^ueìcl, wheQ the companions of 
jEneaa are terrifled by the Harpies, 
aqd are in no condition to aaaume a 
power pf <?PinmandÌQg, juhent is 
used, whiph th^re aignifìea no more 
than to ^uimv9^ri 

At sódis subita gelidus formidine san- 

Dirìguit; qecidere animi: neo jaxn ansp 

plius armis, 
Sed votis predbusque jubent exposcere 


Accordingly Catrou renderà it thus ; 
" Mea compagnona^ à cea mota, 
*' furent tranaia d'effiroy. Ce n'eat 
" plua avec lea armea qu*]ls songent 
*' à combattre lea Harpiea, c*eal par 

6UC0LIC. EGli. V. 

MèK. Loita sftlix qaàlitUiik pdltiirti cedit 



ine ^ów & 
pale (dive, 


'' des pmr«s qu*ìls t'effarcmt de ka 
'' flécbir.'* In' the fifth iEneid the 
Trojans cannot be tbougbt to as- 
sume ja power of «onimanding 
i£nea8^ wheo it Ì8 saìd df them» 

--^'^-Ciiiicti 8im«l Me À^tìiebant 
DardfUndiB, reddique Vira promisaa ju» 

ìlete Catrou xmdetst&nés Jubebant 
io meati no more tban tkei^ said; 
*' Les TfOyetìS en murmuroient 
*' déja^ et disoienl qù'il falloit lui 
" adjugér le tauiteau." In thesame 
book^ cad it bé imagined, that Pa^ 
linunis could be commanded to be 
ignortint ? 

Meae salis placidi VHlttun fluctut^ue 

Ignorale jubei f 

Catrou there uoderètands jtdfes to 
meaii no more than do yau think ; 
'' Cragfez voas que jIgbDre le pea 
" de confiance qu*oti doit ayoii* au 
'' calme passager d'un mer trom- 
*'peuBer' In the.twelfth iBnéid 
indeed the populace might be said 
to command ; 

ExòHiur tTe{ndo8 ìnter discordia cires : 
Urbetn alii reaetare jubent, et panfleilé 

DardanidiSy ipsumque trahunt in moenia 


and yet eren bere Catraa tbinks 
Jubent means no more than theif pro^ 
pose ut desire; " Lb. craintfe exdta 
^' la discorde parmì les citoyens, et 
" les partagea en dìVers sentimens. 
" Les uns veulent qu*on livre les 
^'portés aux Troyens^ qtt'on les 
"re^oire daiis la ville, et qu*on 
" traiiie le Roi, ma^;ré luy/ftut les 
^'rempartà." Thus we see tiliat, 
eveti in the opinion oi this leamed 
crìtic himself, jubeo does not al- 
ways signify to command as a master. 

Therefore his system is not ocnriu 
firmed by this exfNressitiB ; Aor 11 it 
INToved, that Amjmtas, muoh ime 
that Mopsus, was the slave of Mén 
nalcas» Thus the words in auestkm 
probably mean no more toàn M 
Amyntas contend fnth ine, or Ut 
AnytUas contend tpUk me, ìteither ù£ 
which expressions signifies any 
power in Menaìcas of cdttunaiiding 
Amyntas. This is ft^reeable alào to 
the apology, which Menaleas imnHetf 
diately makes, with a oerenooriyhòi 
usuali y observed by tnasteréto their 

16. Lenta $aUx quantum, 4^.] 
.There is a comparison like this, bqt 
much more prolix. In the 'Afs% 
of Theocritus ; 

*0^#«* taf j^fi^Mrw , 3rM fiSiKif fi^éXHé | 
^Owwe» 9a^mM,n Kt^é^ì^ r^yàfèéió y0lMU•^ 

»v, ; 

"ìvfAiràtrm XtyvpMfH Smammi «rtvtntSr \ 

As much as spring excels the frost and 

AU inuch ds {^ums àtt sWeété^ than a 
" 8loe| 
As much as ewes àrè thicker fleec'^ than 

Ab much as maids exeei thrìce manied 

As ttn«h as éòits are mihhlei' tlum a 

Ab much as tbnisbés pleèse UM Usi'n- 

ifig ear 
^ More than the meaner sòAgsters o^ the 

So much iby pre8en<ie cfaéeitfj 

The moBt remarkable property ot 
the ivillow ÌÈ its flexibility, whence 
it is called lenta : the epitbet pallenti 
is no less prò per to the olive; for ito 
leaves are of a yellowish green co- 
lodr. Thè Shape of the Teaves of 
these two treés is not very different; 

z 2 



SiS totS *^iet kSS,**^' PuDÌceis humilis quantum saliunca rosetis : 

but the use of the olive is greater, 
bejrpnd ali comparison. 

17. HumiUs saJmnca.'] The sa- 
Uurica is a plant not certaìnly known 
at present. It is either the same 
with the nardus celtica, or else 
entirely unknown. Some are of 
opinion^ that they are the same ; 
others affirm^ that the saliunca of 
Pliny cannot he the same with the 
nardus celtica, because he speaks 
of them as different plants; and 
others again think^ that the saHunca 
of Pliny is not the same with that 
bere spoken of. Those who think 
the nardus celtica and the saliunca 
are the same^ ground their opinion 
on a passage in the seventh chapter 
of the first hook of Dioscorides» 
where we are told^ that the nardus 
celtica is called alìungìa about Ge- 
noa. '^ The nardus celtica,** says 
this ancient author, ^' grows on 
'^ the mountaijis of Liguria, where 
*' tliey cali it aliunsia. It grows 
'^ also in Istria. It is a small, 
'^ bushy plant, and is made up in 
" bunches with the roots. It has 
" longish leaves, of a yellowìsh 
'^ colour, and a yellow flower." 
*^H ^i KiAtmÌi N»^?d$ yfyy«r«i ftìf h 
ro7g Ketrà A<yvg/«y cLXfmrif, ìiFi^upltii 
MfOfAetrfiifm AXtovyyut' yiffctreu ^i |y 

inFólttv6tt, ìif6ùi fuixifof, There seems 
such a simili tude between the words 
àXtòvyyut and saliunca, that it is no 
wonder that they should he thought 
intended for the same. But others 
go more boldly to work, and affirm, 
that the copies of Dioscorides are 
faulty, and that we ought to read 
either «Xiovyxtt, or «-«AMvyiu». But 
this is only a conjectural emenda- 
tion, not supported by the authority 

of any manuscript. We must there- 
fore depend no farther on this argu- 
ment, than the similitude' between 
aliungia and saliunca. Let us sée 
now what Pliny has said of his 
saliunca. In the seventh chapter of 
the twenty-first hook, he tells us, it 
has a most noble smeli, but is not 
fìt to he used in garlands ; ^' Illa 
'* quoque non omittenda differenti», 
*' odoramentorum multa nihil per- 
'' tinere ad coronomenta; ut irin 
" atque saliuncam, quanqu^m no- 
" bilissimi odoris uti*amque/* He 
gives US a few lines afterwards the 
reason why it is not fìt for gar- 
lands ; it seems it is too short to ad- 
mit of being woven, is more pro- 
perly an herb than a iiower» has a 
bushy root, and grows in Pannonia, 
or Hungary, and the open places of 
the Norìcan Alps, or mountains 
which border upon Germany ^ 
^' Saliunca foliosa quidem est, sed 
" brevis, et qu» necti non possi t. 
^' Radici numerosa cohseret, herba 
*' verius quam fìos, densa veluti 
" manu pressa, breviterque cespes 
" sui generis. Pannopia hanc gig- 
** nit, et Norici Alpiumque aprica." 
In the twentieth chapter, he says it 
is gpod to stop vomitings, and to 
strengthen tlìe stomach, which is a 
virtue ascribed also to the nardus 
celtica by Dioscorides. ** Sali- 
" uocae radix, in vino decocta, 
^' sistit vomitiones, corroborat sto- 
" machum." As for what Pliny 
has said about the nardus gallica, 
it is by no means sufficient to prove, 
that it was a different plant from 
that which he calls saUunca, The 
Celtic nard, or French spikenard, is 
a species of Valerian. It is now 
found in great plenty on the moun- 
tains that divide Italy from Ger- 
many, and on the mountain^ about 



Jttdtcìo nostro tantum tibi cédit AmyntiM. S^» £fa2»r*t2^*; ^ 

Mot. Sed tu desine plura, puer: successimus an^'ore^my^'uS! 

" -• , ^A come to the cave. 

antro. 19 

Extìnctum nymphae crudeli funere Daphnìm 


fell by« cruel 

Genoa, near Savona. Il is a very 
low plant> and has a very fiagrant 
smeli: hence as the poet had op- 
posedthe willow to the olive, whìch 
itsomething resembleS; though it is 
far inferior to it ; so he opposes the 
saUunca or French spikenard, a low 
. plant, of a sweet smeli, to the rose, 
a flower not only excelling in odour, 
but also in beauty. We are told 
by some authors, that tl^e inha- 
bitants of the Tirol Alps cali the 
nardus ceUica in their own lan- 
.guage seliunck. If this may be de- 
pended on, we need not wonder, 
how the same plant carne to be 
called saliunca by Virgil and Pliny» 
and ti?uùiyyuc by Dioscorides. 

18. Judicio nastro, <^c.] Me- 
nalcas^ to pacify Mopsus, assures 
him, that he was so far from tbink- 
ing Amyntas equal to him> that, 
in his judgment, he is as far infe- 
rior to him, as the willow, which 
is valued only for its flexibility, is 
to the olive, asa plantof the greatest 
use; or the French spikenard, a 
little» fragrant herb, that grows oo 
the barre n ipountains, is to the 
rose, a plant admired by ali, on ac- 
count of its beauty and frngrance. 

19. Sed tu dedne, «^c.] Mop- 
sus is satisfìed with the> apology of 
Menalcas, desires him to say no 
more, and, as they are by this timo 
arrived al the cave, begìns his song 
withaut any fartb'er ceremony. 

La Cerda ascrìbes the first line to 
Menalcas, making Mopsus begin 
with Ejclinctum nymphà. But it 
seems much more naturai to put 
these words in the mouth of Mop- 
susj to desire his friend not to 
launch out any farther in his praises. 

PuerJ] This word is a con tra- 
diction to Catrou*s system. Surely 
it wouid not become a scholar,. 
much less a slave, to cali his master 
my lad. 

Successimus, 2 In some copies it 1» 

20. Daphnim.] . " Many are of 
*' opinion^ that une Daphnis a 
'* shepherd is hcre lamented. He 
<< was the son of Mercury, and 
^' exposed by his mother; but he 
" was found by the shepherd» 
" among some bay-trees^ whence 
'' they gave him the name o£ 
" Daphnis. He became so excel- 
^* lent, both in hunting and mu-^ 
'* sic, that a nymph fcU in love 
" with him^ and bound bim by an 
" oath to keep faithful to ber. A» . 
'* he was following his cows, he 
*' happened to come near the pa* 
" lace, where the king's daughter, 
f' admiring hia beauty, lay with 
" him. When the nymph caqae 
" to know this, she deprived him 
" of his sight : but^his father Mer- 
" cury, whose aid he implored, 
"took him up to heaven^ and 
* ' caused a spring to rise yp in the 
" place, which is called Daphnis ; 
" and the Sicilians offer an.annual 
" sacrifice near it. Others will 
'* bave Julius Cassar, who was 
'' slainin the senate with twenty- 
" three wounds, to be represented 
'" aUegorically under the name of 
** Da^nis. This they confirm by 
'^ the words crudeU funere. Those^ 
'* who diìnk Julius Caesar is meant, 
^^ will bave us to understand by 
** the mother, Venus; by the Uons 
" and iygers, the people whom he 
" subdued ; by the ihiasiy the sa- 




SySq^*^^^ Flebant t voi eofyll teÉtm et flumim nymphbt 

** cMte^ whièh he mad«^ a» Pm- 
" Hfès maximus; by the heaùtUul 
"Jiock, the Roman people; but 
'' crudeli funere may be appHed to 
^any oiìe. Othefs understand 
** Quintilius Varus, a kiiifiitìail of 
" Virgil, of whom also Hoface 
'* speaks ; Èrgo Quìniilium jxrpe- 
*' tuus sopor urget. Some wìA have 
^ it, that Vitgd bete lamènts the 
" death of his own brother Flac*. 
" cus/* Sbatius. 

'' Some will have it, that Vir- 
** sii bere lamenta the death of Ba- 
'^lonmud^ ótherd, of bis brother 
*' Flaecas. Daplmìs, the don of 
^' Mercury, is saie) to have been a 
*' shepherd of exquisite beauty. 
'' Bemg belòved by thè nymnh 
** Lyca, he ptomised hef , that )ie 
*' would not bave to do with any 
'* otheìf n^omaiì ; but he deceived 
*'hef. Béing for this crime de- 
^ prived of his sight, though he 
"comforted himself with poetry 
'* afad tauÈÌc, yet he did not live 

*' long." I^HILAROYRIUS. 

'* The death of Daphiìis, which 
'• Was caused by love, is descrìbed 
"at largé by Theocritus, in his 
•'Tbyrsis. But, that Quintilius 
" ìÈ ììttè tinderstood utideK" the 
<' namé of Daphnid, seems tò ap- 
'* peat from that expre&sion of Ho- 
*' race, NuUiflebilior quam tibi Vvr^ 

'* gin This was Quintilius 

^' of Cremona, who i^ ibentioned 
** by Eusebius, in his Chrotiicle; 
*' Quintilius Cremonensis, Virgilii 
" et Horatii familiarìs tìioritur.'^ 


Ludoviclid Vives, with more 
pìetv than jùdgment, as Rueeu&( 
jnstly observes, thinks, that as in 
the precedtng Eclogue, the poet 
celebrated the btrth of Jesus Christ^ 
fipom the Sibyllinè Orades ; so in 
this Eclogue, he speàks of oui* 

Lord's death and ascens&ón,^ firom 
other verses of the Sibyls, which he 
ascribes to Julius Cassar, under the 
name of Daphnis. La Cerda seems 
to think, ^t nothing fkrther h 
meant, than a poetical lametitttiòn 
of the shepheni Daphnis. Julius 
Scaliger will have it to be FladcUii^ 
the brother of Virgil, and endea^ 
vours to coAfirm this opinion by àn 
old distich of an uticertain poet; 

Trìstia fata tui dum Aes in Daphnkle 

Dócte Maro> Arattem diis immottalibiid 


But Joseph Scaligèr id of opinion, 
that Julius Osesar was the DaphnU 
of our póet. To this opinion 
Ruseus subscribes, and thinks thi9 
Bologne was written, when sótne 
plays or sacrìficès weTé <^lebfated 
in honour of Julius CtèstìX. Thici 
lèalned crìtic observes, fhat it 
eould not be Saloninus, the pté- 
tended son of Pollio, who is said tò 
have died young, and therefore 
douid not yoke tygers to Hìé chatiot, 
and instUute ddnces to Bàcchui i lìòt 
Quintilius Cremonensis, who did 
not die till the year *7S0, long aftèìf 
ali the Eclogues werè finished. Aé 
for the notion of Flaccus, he thinks 
it improbable, tbat a poet, so re-« 
markable for his modesty, shouìd 
celebrate his own brother, àn òb^ 
scure person, in so sublime a man- 
ner. Catrou allows, that several 
passages in this Eclogue agree per-* 
fectly well with Julius Csesar; bUt 
at the same time he findiS severa! 
others to be inexplicable, suppbsing 
he was the subject of the poerid. He 
allows also, that it appears mote 
noble to make a heiTo the ébbject^ 
than an òbseureyoung man, brought 
up in the country : but he ftpprer* 
hends that ibis is the rea! truth; 
which he supperts by the foUowing 



Cam, complexA mi «o^pw mJMiHibUQ otti» 
Atque Deos atque astra vocat crudelia mater. 

the mberàmebody of her «on, 
called both the gods and the 
consteUatioiu crud. 

arguments. 1. The author of Vir- 

ST'9 Ufe 9SmfM fa §3^prw» wwfls, 
at he lamented the death of his 
brother Flaeeos, under the name of 
Daphnis: '* Axoìeit .... !Flacc\im 
''jam adultum^ cujus exitum sub 
^^nonme Paphni^» defl^/' 2. 
Thìs traditìon was epread so far, that 
we find in the old commentators die 
two veraes quoted above, which 
confirms thìs opinion. This learned 
J^uit prof^sses so groat a regard for 
old traditions, that he is determined 
to interpret the present Eclogue ac- 
cording to this authority. But per- 
haps some readers may qpt be so 
fcfad of old traditions, as to depend 
en the authority either of thai di- 
stiche or of the lire of Virgil asoribed 
to Donatus. I shall add one obser* 
vation^ that Daphnis oould notbe 
that QuintìlÌM Varvjs, ta whom 
Itie Mxti» Eclc^uei is g^iMvatly aup- 
posed to be addressed ; for ha was 
slainby the Germaqs, several years 
after the deatlì of Virgil. Upon 
the whole it seems most probable^ 
that Virgil designed to celebrate^ 
either merely the Sicilian sh^pherd 
DaphnÌ8> whose death Theocrìtas 
laments, in bis first Idylliuin; or 
else Julius Csesar^ wmch last I 
think is the general opinion. Cm- 
4éfifyMre may bc» referred to either 
of thera ; for Daphnis is said to bave 
diad far love, and Julius Csesar was 
iqurdered* The lanientation of the 
nyipphs is most applicable to the 
Sicihan Daphnis. 

SI, Vqì cortili ie^ies et Jiumina,'] 
This apostrophe to the inanimated 
baings is yery poetica! and beau-r 
tiful. The same figure is used also 
by the orators : thus Cicero, in bis 
psatìon for Milo ; ^* Vos ^im Al- 
^' bani tumuli, atque luci, vos in- 
'* quam, imploro atque obtestor. 

•' vosque Albanórum; pbrut9 ar«, 
''sacrprum populi Ronoapi socig^ ^ 
•• et aeqyales." Thus PhUip? ; 

Th# piogK mo^er cameni wilb gtifif. op- 

Yq' Qonscious tree9 and fountainS| can 

With what sad accento and what mov- 

$h« fili'd Ui9 gppve, an4 imp<n1iin'4 th^ 

And ^v'Ty star upbraided with his doatb. 
When in her widow*d arms^ dev9id qi 

f^ «l^spM hvr ipiv 

23, MaterJ] Rufieus is pf opi- 
nion that Rome is bere meapt^ yie 
poet qalling that city thq motter of 
JuUus Caesar. 

'< It is certain/ tliat Julius C^^ 
" sar had no ipotber alive at the 
**tinie pf his murder. Thpse 
"therfifore, who wiU at ali ad- 
*' ventiires bave him tp be the per- 
** son intended, bave j^ecourse to 
" interpretations more inffenious 
'' than true. Some fancjr, toat un- 
*' der the figure pf this mother, 
" whpholds per son ih her arms, 
'* we are to understand Calpumia, • 
** the wife of Cssar. Others, that 
*' Rome is designed under this alle* 
" gory. Others again, that Venus 
*^ is bere represented> who was tjie 
" mother of the whole Julian race. 
^ It is easy enough to perceive, 
'« without any other proofs, that 
'* these are suppleracnts to truth, 
*' where truth itself is wanting. 
*« With regard to VirgiPs bre^ier, 
'< it is probable that his mother 
'^ was yet alive, and raade ber cries 
" he heard even to heaven." Ca- 


But, with this learned critic's 
leave, I may venture to say, that 
not one of tìie interpretations men- 
tioned by him is more obscurejthan 



ODqpiìiiit,diiitiigtiioK<te7f. Non ùUipastos illis ég/^te diebus, 

hÌ8 favourìte system. That Virffìl 
ever had such a brother^ or ìf ne 
had^ that his mother was alive to 
lametit his death^ is very far from 
being certain. For my own part> T 
rather believe, that Venus is the 
mother here mentioned ; and I am 
confìrmed in this opinion, by an al- 
mosi parallel passage in tl^e fifteenth 
book of the Metamorphoses. Ovid 
there represents Venus to be terri- 
fied at the approach of Caesar's 
death; she discovers ali the fears 
and tenderaess of a mother ; con- 
siders the injury as offered to her- 
self ; intercedes with the gods for 
bis preservation ; smites her own 
breast, and endeavours to hide him 
in the same cloud, in which she had 
préserved Paris and ^^neas ; and as 
soon as he is killed, comes into.the 
senate -house ìnvisihle, keeps his 
soul fì'om being mixed with the 
common air, and carries it up to 
the sky, where it kindles, and be- 
comes a star. 

■ Q uod ut aurea vidit 

^neae genitrix; vidit quoque triste pa- 

Pontifici l«tam ; et conjurata arma mo- 
veri ; 

Palluit : et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, 

Aspice, dicebat, quanta mihi mole pa- 

Insidise, quantaque caput cum fraude 

Quod de Oardanio solum mihi restai 

■ M 'In me acui sceleratos cernitis enses, 

Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque re- 
pellile; neve 

Caede sacerdotis ilammas estinguile Ves- 

Talia nequicquam loto Venus anxia 

Verba jacit, superosque movet. 

Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utra- 

Pectus; et iBneaden molitur conderé 

Qqq prias infesto Paris est erepfus Atti- , 

de» • 
Et Diomedeos JBneas fugerat enses. 

Vix ea fatus erat ; media ciun sede Se- 

Constitil alma Veiius nulli «emenda; 

Caesaris erìpuil membris, nec in aeia 

Passa recentem animam, celestibus in- 

tulit astrisy 
Dumque tulit, lumen capere, atque ig* 

nescere sensit: 
Emisitque sinu. Luna volai allius illa : 
Flammiferumque Irahens spatioso limile 

SteHa micat. 

24. Non ulli pastos, 4*c.] Mos- 
chus, in his Epitaph ou Sion, in- 
trocluces the herds mouming-for his 
deajth, and refusing to feedj 

»al aS ^0ff ai «•»«•) vavpus 

Thus also Philips j 

No joyous pipe was heard, no flocks 

were seen, 
Nor shepherds found upon the grassy 

green ; 
No calile graz'd the field, nor drunk the 

No birds were heard to warble thro* the 

wood. » 

*' Nothing can be more elegantly 
*' expressed," savs Catrou, '* than 
" this ruràl grief It might happen 
" literally at the death of Virgil's 
'' brother : but with regard to Cae- 
*^ sàr, it can be understood only 
" in figure, and in metaphor." 
But in opposition to this, a passage 
is quoted from Suetonìus; where 
we are told, that this very thing 
happened just before Caesar^s tleath. 
The historian tells us, that the 
horses, which that great man had 
consecrated, when he passed the 

nm9i:iG. mu ly. 


Frigia», Dapbni, hoves a^ Smnmi n.lH* 9^ ff„Tt4^i^,S^ 
que amnem . 25 S^fJr^J^'n^bfi^'"^ 

Libavit quadrupes, nec graminis attigit herbam. *™*' 

Rubicon, and had fed at lar^e ever 
since, were observed to abstam fVqm 
dieir food ; ' ' tVoximis dìebus equo- 
''piip greges, quos in trs^iciendo 
<' ftubicone flamine consecraret, 
'^ ac vagos ^ et sìne custode dimi- 
*' ^rat, comperit pertinacissime pa- 
** i)ulo abstinere, ubertimque fiere." 
Tbis Ì8 a strong argumeht in fa- 
vqiir of their opinion, who think 
Julius Cassar was intended under 
^e name of Dapbnis. 

25. Nulla,] La Cerda observes, 
that the using of two negatives in 
this place, nulia ncque, is a Gre- 
cism ; because in Greek two ne- 
gatives make ìhe negation stronger, 
whereas in Latin they make an 
affirfnative. -Some wouid read ulla 
ì^erfi jnstead of nuUa . But the best 
critics approve 9f nulla, and al- 
Ipw it, with Là Gerda, to he a 
Grecism. We fìnd miUa used in 
iik|9 manner by "Pxppertius, in >die 
nineteenth Elégy o£ bis sècond 

NuUuf erit castis jwrenum <joi?iiptor fa And in Uieeleventh 5 

them it plainly signifies a horse. 
Tbu9 V» read ìxi the ttùrd JSxnàA ; 

Quatuor hic, primum omén, equot fa 

gtiamipe v|di 
Tondentes campum late, cs^dore nivali: 
^t pater Anchises : bellum, Q terra liofh 

pita portas: , 
BéUo armantur equii bèllum hmc ar» 

mcsnta mfaantut : 
8^ iamen ij^icm oìipi ^^rru ^^u^^edere 

Qùadrupedei ; et fnena jugo conciMcdia 


And in the eightb ) 

-rrrit clamor, et agmine fiicto 
Quàdrupedante putrem ^onitu qiiatit un- 
gul(i campum. 

And in the tenth ; 

Jam tandem enimpit, et ìnter 
BeUatods equi cava temposa coiòidt 

Tollit se arrectum qufuirftj^t, «t calcil^u» 

auras ' ' 
Verberat, effùsumque eqi^tetn super ipse 

ImpHcat» ejectoque facumbit i^enan» 


Qm te blanditiis non sinat esse probam 
Nulla ncque ante tuas^ orietur rixa fene- 
Kec tibi c]an^t«e soionus àmams erit. 

Tib^llus indeed makes use of ulla 
nec, in the firsjt Elegy of fais fourth 
book ; 

.Ulh nec a^eas volucns perlabitur aaraa, 
^ec quadrupes densf^ depascitur aspera 

26. Quadrupes.] I bave followed 
Ruasus in rendering it a horse, 
which is the most generous and use- 
fui of ali quadrupeds. The word is 
used in several other places by Vir- 
gili and in almost every one of 

Continuo adversb Xjqrfienus ^et * ocar 

Connixi incurrunt hastis, prtmique rui- 

Pant .sonilu ingenti, pesfractaque qua- 

Pe(;tora pectorìbus rumpunt. 

And again, 

At juvenis, vidsse dolo ratus, avolatipse, 
Haud mora, conversisque fugax {^ufértor 

Quadrupedemque citum ferrata calce fa- 


And a^ain, 

Quadrujpedumque putrem cursu ijuaiit 
ungula campum. 

J!he only plaoe^ where quadrupes is 
A a 



^^^oods*^édar?°^' Daphni, tuum Poenos etiam ingemuisse leonés 

used for any other animai is in the 
seventh iEneid j and there indeed 
ìt si^ifies a stag 3 

Saucius Bt quadnijpes nota inter tecta re- 
fugit. . ' . 

27. Pcenos leones.'] Carthage was 
a famous city of Africa. He there- 
fore says' Carthaginian lions, for 
Afrìcan. Africa abounds with lions 
and other wild beasts. Theocri- 
tus represents the lions lamenting 
Daphnis in the woods; and joins 
other wild beasts wjth them, 

Ttivoy fitùv BStff Ttifo* XvMt ù^v^uvro, 
Ttìvov x^ ** Ì^UfAOto Xwv &nxXaufft B^ecvófr»» 

For him the wolves, the pards, and ty- 

gcrs moan'd ; 
For him with frightful grief the lions 

groan'd. Crbech. 

Ruaeus seems to think, that this 
TO^ntion of the African lion alludes 
to the victories obtained by Julius 
Caesar, in Africa, over Cato, Scipio, 
and Juba. Catrou seems under a 
great difficulty to make this passale 
auit with his system. '' It will be 
*' thought surprising," says he, 
'^ that the death of a countryman 
^' should be lamented so far as 
^^ Africa. I allow it ; but Virgil 
*' had already obtained friends and 
" reputation in ali places, where 
^' Rome had colonies, arihies, and 
" governors. Without doiibt, this 
" favourite of Maecehas and Octa- 
'* vian received condolences frora 
" ali parts. Besides, Sicily, where 
'^ the scene of this Eclogue seems 
'' to bave been laid, was iiot very 
*' far distant from Africa. It raight 
^'therefore be feigned poetically, 
'^ that the groans of an afflicted 
'" family were heard even to Africa* 
This seems very extravagant; and 
Virgil does not spéak of tne groans 
of 3ie afflicted famQy ; but only 
says the mountains and woods e- 

choed the lamentations of the lions. 
He does not give the leastbint, that 
they were heard any where, but in 
their own habitations in Africa. 
Nor does there seem to be any occa- 
sion for that appearance of exact- 
ness, in placing the scene in Sicily ; 
since even that island lies at such a 
distance from Africa, as to make it 
a most absurd imagination, that 
the roaring of Vìons could be heard 
so far. According to Strabo, the 
very shortest passage from Lily- 
baeum, the nearest promontory of 
Sicily, to Carthage is fifteen hundred 
stadia; and he speaks of it as a 
most incredible story, that a very 
quick-sighted man is said to bave 
discovered from thence the setting 
out of the Carthaginian fleet froip 
their port ; "trrt il luù itxl AìxJUÌùv 
rtv>MX,tcrty ìitù^fut hrì A<Gwi» x^Xm^fu^^ 
TtrttcMVM flit^ì TS^ct^%tÌ6m' xttf^ « Ji 

àyùftóféif he KM^X!^ùyùg (nut^tif Ta& 9 
AthuQui», The roaring of the Car- 
thaginian lions therefore must bave 
been heard above 170 of our mea- 
sured miles. But we will be as 
favourable as we can to this system, 
and take for Carthage the nearest 
land of Africa, which is the pro- 
montory of Mercnry, the distance 
of which from Lilybaeum is 700 
stadia, or 80 of our miles. . Even 
then the lions must bave roared as 
loud as so many pieces of artillery, 
to be heard. in any part of Sicily. 
Therefore this placing of the scene 
in Sicily is of no seryice to Catrou*s 
system ; since it is impossible, either 
that. the groans of the family could 
be heard in Africa, or the roaring 
of the lions, so far as Sicily. Thus 
the scene may as well be laid near 
Mantua, one impossibility being as 
good as-another. For roy own part. 



Ittterìtum montesquQ feri sylvsqoe loqaantur. J!»t_«v«.^e LibyM itoM 

Daphnis et Armenias curru subjungere tigres T^^S 

bunentcdtbydeath. IXq;»lùils 
;ht men to yoke tygen to 

I take the poet*s tneanìng to be, 
that the death of Daphnis^ caused 
' so universal a grief, that even the 
wild beasts in the desarts lamented 
hiin, a thought, which has been 
shewn already to be taken from 

29. Daphnis et Armenias, éjfc.'] 
'' This plainly alludes to Caesar; 
" for it is certain, that he first of 
'^ ali brought the solemnities of Li- 
'' ber pater to Roma:* Servius. 

Ruaeus calls the authority of Ser- 
vius in question j and affirm.s that 
the solemnities of Bacchus were 
known at Rome long before. He 
therefore thinks it may rather be 
saìd, that they were afterwards cer 
lebrated with greater magnificence 
by Julius Caesar, because he ob- 
tained a sigoal vìctory pver the sona 
of Pompey at Munda, on the very 
day òf the Liberalia, ou which day 
Pompey is said to bave gone out to 
wor four years before. These diffi- 
eulties -bave given room to Catrou 
to triumph over those, who will 
bave Julius Caesar to be intended 
under the name of Daphnis. '' The 
" desire/* says he, ." of finding 
'^ Julius Ciesar in this place, has 
'^ uiade Servius invent a fact which 
" never existed. This commentator 
*' pretends, that Ceesar first insti- 
" tuted at Rome the feasts of Bac- 
" chus. He is greatly mistaken, for 
^' we find mention of them inalmost 
" ali the Latin authors, and parti- 
'^ cularly in Livy. Since the time 
" of Servius, they bave «ontented 
" thetnselves with saying, that per- 
*' haps Caesar added a lustre to these 
^' feasts. This is guessing; for is 
' ' it instituting the feasts of Bacchus, 
" to adom them with new ceremo* 
" nies? InstituU Daphnis thiasos m^ 

^' ducere Baccho, But since- ^ea ve 
<' is taken to guess, why may not 
'^'I also guess, that Virgils bro- 
" therwas the first, who established 
" the feasts of Bacchus in his vil- 
" lage. We know it was a country 
•' solemnity ; that the peasants ce- 
*' lebrated it with sports, and that 
'* they composed rustie songs in ho- 
'' nour of this god. Certainly we 
*' may forra conjectures on the cif- 
*' cumstances, when the foundation ' 
*' is grounde<l «pon proof." But 
Catrou does not argue yery fairly, 
when he quotes the authority of 
Livy, to prove that the feasts of 
Bacchus were known in Rome be- 
fore Caesar's time. What we find 
in Livy is in his thirty-ninth hook, 
where he gives a large account of 
raost abominable debaucheries, and 
horrid crimes, that were perpetrated 
in the Bacchanalìa, which occa- 
sioned the senate to abolish these 
solemnities, above a century before 
Caesar's time. This is no proof that 
they were not used in Caesar's time; 
perhaps he might restore them, and 
therefore be said to institute them, 
We know that Mark Anthony^ 
Caesar*s great favo urite, afPected to 
imitate Bacchus, being drawn in a 
chariot, ero w ned with ivy, and 
holding a thyrse. See the note on 
ver. 7. of the second Georgìck. 
But however, if conjectures bave 
been formed, in òrder to reconcile 
this passage with Julius Caesar's 
actions i it is by no means to be 
inferred from thence, that we are 
at liberty to form what conjectures 
we please about Virgll's brother. 
Some passages in this Eclogue can 
hardly be applied to any other per- 
son than Julius Caesar, wbence it 
is not unreosonable to suppose, that 



this had some relation to him^ though 
ìt capnot be afcrsoluiely verified by 
any jiistorian now extant. It seems 
very (frobabie^ tbat Caesar nii^ht 
peiforiQ someceremonres in hunour 
of Bacchus^ a8 it y(&s on one of bis 
festivaU that he obtaìned the sig- 
nal victory over the sons of Pompey 
at MuncUr. This victory appeared 
8o considerable, that, according to' 

' Piutarch, '* When he carne back 
" from the fight, he tohl bis friends, 
" that ile had often fought for 
^' victory, but this was the first 
*' trme th^t he had ever fought for 
'* life/'. The victqry was obtained 
co the feast of the Dioni/sia, in Più* 
tarch's words, rf rSv At^ivo-wf I«^tS, 
which the Roroa'ns called Liberalia ; 
for thus Hirtius speaiis of the very 
same. battlej '' Ipsis JAheralibus 
*' fusi fugatiqùe Don superfuissent, 
"nisi in eum loeum confugissent, 
'< ex quo érant elessi»" Now the 
JOionysia or Liberalia could not be 
th^ sanie festival with the Baccha* 
nalia, which we read pf in Livy ; 
for tìie historian tells us, théy were 
àt first celebrated three times in the 
year, ancl afterwards fi ve times in a 
monfh; but we know that the Li» 
hèralia was an annual festival, ob- 
genred on the seventee'nth òf March. 
The country soleninity, òf which 
Catroìi speaks> was in autdmn, in 
the time o^ vintage, a very differ- 
ent season from that of thè Libe- 
ralia. But èìnce inahy coiifouhd 
the several feasts of Bacchus to- 
gether, as if they were but one, I 
shall beg leave to.make afew obser- 
vationsj whereby it will appear, thkt 
the batti e| of Munda cóuld not bave 
been on any otber festival of Bac- 
chus, thah that which wàs cele- 
brated In March. Dio Òassi u s say s 
expressly, that Caesar was obliged 
tò march against t^òriipey's sòhs ih 

winter ; Mirai H ruvr» »ÌtU ti «y«p- 
f^o-^S, xaì rei VT^UTtVfcccr» IstìpmXav* 
hno-xifTti Ci v^ò(r?i!fio&f, litetyKdr^ iuù 
|y tS xPfiSu vàXtfi^a-M ; and that the 
news of the victory àt Munda was " 
brought to Rome the evening be- 
fore the Parilia; and that sacri - 
fices were thèrefore offered oh that 
festival ; T« ti y«g Tlx^iXuc iVflr«3^d- 
ftt» tfd«y«r«y, òvtoi yt tcéts h» r^y xó- 
X«», ùTi ìf ecvTòTg vcriaro àxxà Ìm tJ» 
Tòv Ketia-ct^ài »/xn», ori i àyyiXM ecvrtis 
tJ v^&n^Mtù x^ùf ia^n^eùf i^ttarò, «•«- 
^5d. Tlie pàrilia or palitia was 
obsérvcd.^.òn the twenty-first of 
Aprii. Hirtius also tells us, that 
yóuhg Pompey*s head was brought 
to Caésar oh the twelfth of Aprii. 
«'Ad convàllem autem àtquè exe- 
** sum lòciim Ut speluncam Pòin- 
'^ peius se occultare coepit, ut a 
*' hostris non facile invéniretUr, nisi 
** càptivoruih indicio. Ita ibi in- 
" terficitùr. Quum Caesar gradiè- 
" batùr Hispalim, pridie Id. Aprilis 
'* caput allatuin, et populo datum 
^' est in con^pectum." Thus we 
bave the còncurrent testimonies of 
Hirtius and Piutarch, that this 
Victory was obtained on the very 
day of a festival of. Bacchus; ahd 
of Hirtius and Dio, that it wstó • 
sòtfae time before the bnd of Atìril. 
Now there is not any festival of 
Bacchus at tliat time of the yeàr, in 
the Roman calfehdar, éxcept that 
óf March Ì7j which must thère- 
fore bè the ì)U>nìfSÌa of Piutarch, the 
Liberalia òf Hittius, and the day of 
Capsar's victory. It is thèrefore far 
from iraprobable, that Caesar mi^Kt 
shew sotìSe particular regiird to Bac- 
chus, silice he had obtained dne 
òf bis most considerablé Vidiories 
bn a day Sàcrèd to thàt deity ; hor 
is it very improbable, that wheh 
Atitìtorty was dnlwn in a charibt, . 
^ifththé thyrse, «nd òthel: irtsignià 



Et foliìstl«(itft9 ifttttere moIlibiBs ilastaa. 
Vitis ut a^boribti6 decori est, ut TÌtibtrs uvtt^ 
Ut gregibus Tauri, segetes ut pinguibus arvis; 
Tu decus omne tuis: postquam te &ta tulerunt, 
Ipsa Palesa agFo% àtque ipfte reliquit ApoUo« $è 
Gfànèìk ^pè ffmbuft iitaridavhnas hatàea mMs^ 
IhÌFeiix lolium, et steriìes dohiihalitur aveìiae. 

vineis M oriKunent %o trbttf 
aa clusten to ^. yìms« 9» 
bulls to the herdi, as com ttì 
the fruii fui fields; ao wast 
ehott-«lM whole gJory of thv 
frienda: after the fatea tooK 
thee away^ even Pales and 
Apollo thftoaelyes foraook the 
R«d»k OKétk In ihoae fcN 
*0W8, In which v/é bai^ aown 
pHiinp barley, the UfiHapt^ 
dàrnH and the vìM «lata pr*« 

,n ^^«'yT» 

of Baecbùs^ he might do $t in imi* 
tatidn of hìd great màster Cesar. 

Armenias iigres.'] They used tt> 
. yoke tygers, to draw the ^harìot ctf 
Bacchus. Jàfius Ceesar obtain^d a 
^reat vietory over Phaniaoes^ kh^ 
ef Fontùs, a couiltry bordering o^i 

Curru.'] For eurrui. 

I smgìng and di^ièiBg, used at festit* 
' vals. 

Batcko,'] Pierius observes, that 
the prinled editiona geìierally bave 
Bncchoy but that it is Bàoeki in ali 
the andent manuscripts. 

81. Et foliit lènfus, ^r\ Thlsis 
what thèy called hthfrte: it wés a 
spear twìsted i<ound with branòbea 
of vine and tvy ; iffhìdh. thdae 
i^ho assisted at the «olemnitìes of 
Bacchas used to carry iti l&eir 
hafads, leaping and singing at the 
) safatie time; 

82.^ VUis ut arboribu9, é^c.'] This 
beautiful passage is truly pastorali 
and iat exceeds one of the Banale 
kind in the ei^hth Idyllium of 
Theoeritus 5 

f^^l^» *9 0»»^^ *i /3^ 

Atotkl^ the Odks, and ^^ra^ cdtnmefids 

thè plain ; 
Fat eolves do gittte the cows, and cows 

the BwaUi. CaxECH» 

By the vihe beìnjf an bi^ttàmeiit to 
the treeSj is meant its adortiitig the 
elms by which it ia supp^itd. 

Thus Philips] 

Às corn the vales, ahd trees tlie tiiliB n 

So thou to thine an ornament was boiM* 
Since Ihou, delicious youtb, did«t quit 

the plain»} 
Th' ungrateful gròUnd we till with ^it- 

léss pains ; 
In labout*d ftimAv* 8éW the chéieto of 

And over einpty flhtaves ia harvast 

sweat t 
A thin inetéase biit ^òoìty éubstaufee 

Ahd thOTtis and thfetk» ov«r»{)reaid the 


35. Ipsa Pales, <^f.] Thesè 
two deities are mentioned tògether 
also at the beginnìng of the third 
Georgick 5 

T6 quoque, niagim Pùieg, «t te^ itMbKH 

randoi eaneiàus 
Pattw io Atn^ryto, 

Séè the tidte On that passagé. 

This desertìon of the fieldis by the 
gòddess òf i^hepherds and the god òf 
nìtisic and poettjr is a figui4tiii5 
e*|)resàion òf the ^éf tìf the shep* 
héras fòt thfe Idss of Daphtìis. l bey 
wercSD affli<5ted, thàt they ncgletited 
the care of their sheep, aìid had 
hot spii'its to sing, in which theh» 
chief divcrsión tonsisted. 

3€, QhU>us.2 Pierius féund qui* 
d^em in isome ancient manuscripts. 

AT. I^fklix Mium, 4v.] This 
line òccars agftitt ili the first GeòN 
mck, vet. 154. Seé the «tttfe. Bht 
Pierina obseevès^thkt doihìiìarttUY \n 
to be found ònìy ih thiè jirinted 
topiee of tìbiis Eèlugue^ it being \ 



Xte^dM^&'SiSe Pro ™oUi viola, pro purpureo Narcìsstì, 
j^and jthe ptìiuro. with Carduus et spinis fiurgit paliurus acutis. 

cuntur inali the ancientmanuBcripts 
that he had seen. He observes, that 
it ìs dominantur indeed in the Geor- 
gicks^ where the verses are more 
numerous than in the Bucolicks. 
, 38. Pro molli viola.'] The soft- 
ness and delicaey of this sweet flower 
ìs opposed to the sharpness of the 
prickly pianta mentioned presently 

Pro purpureo narcisso.'] There is 
a species of white daffòdil, with a 
poiple cup. See the note on ver. 
122. of the fourth Georgick. Pur- 
pureus is also frequendy used for any 
brìght or beautiful colour ; though 
very different from what we now 
cali purple. 

Sg. Spinis surgit paliurus acutis.'] 
There has been some controversy 
, amòng the modem writers^ con- 
ceming the paliurus of the ancients. 
Theophrastus, lib. i. e. 5. tells us 
it is a shrub ; (p^vyetuf (it ought to 
he Bdftvóf) ìì ri ixó èiljiis xdì vùXi/- 
mM)^9f, fuùì wéXwc?itiCòfy étòf fidròg, 
Tltcxiòv^H» In cap. 8. he says it is 
prickly, and joins it with the bram- 
ble : ò 21 fidróg xttì e IleùXiòv^ «x«y- - 
Bèiìn. In lib. iii* e. 4. he says it grows 
in the plains ; ràìÌKoi it tòÌì zrùUt^, 

xit^, àxi^> ^nXfflC, OTTPuet, xv?ietaT^òf^ 
fUki», UttXiùvpci, ofyteÌK»fb», tiXAt^òg, In 
c, 17. he tells us it bears three or 
four seeds in a sort of pod, that the 
seed has an oiliness like that of flax, 
that it grows in the same places 
with the bramble, and that the 
leayes fall off every yearj *'0 ti 
JletXiùVj^òs %^u ^ut^t^ài, . «Lxe^rrpt ìiì 

h XtIcS rin rh Ktù^TTót i^u, x«lÌ Itit^ 
rm (pOxXtìff m 5 r^U n rirre^ùt yhtrM' 
X^Sfvtit ìì cùvréÌ4 w^lf révf fiUjc^ ài 

Utr^ùè ttiirrémi' I^ yA^ révm yAinc#^- 

T«T» Mti XixHt iinCl^ 1% TéU AiMV 

axi^fut* ^MT4M ^f futi Wì r«r$ i^u}(«K> 

jfrrty }f coti r# d/f^Mv treUvìpw . ^vA- 
XcCùXòv )f Kttì «vp^* «Wf( n fttfMH t^ti" 
^vXXùv. Dioscorides and Pliiiy say 
little more, of the paliurus, thaa 
that it is a well known, prickly 
shrub. Columella^ when he gives 
directions about making a quick 
hedge, Vecommends the strongest 
thoms, such as the bramble, pali^ 
urusy and white thom; '^ Ea sìnt 
" vastissimarum spinarum» . maxi- 
** méque rubi, et paliuri, et ejus, 
" quam Graeci «wóo^rty, nos sen-» 
*^ tem canis appellamus." If we 
consider these quotations well, we 
can hardly doubt, that the paliurus 
of the ancients is the rhamnus folio 
subrotundo, Jructu compresso C. B. 
which is cultivated in our gardens 
under the name of Christ's thom) 
and is supposed to be the thom o£ 
which the crown was made, that 
was put upon oui^ Saviour*s head. 
This shmb grows abundantly in 
Italy in uncultivated places^ and is 
very common in the hedges, for the 
stréngth of its thorns makes a very 
good fence. It usually bears about 
tìiree seeds, which are indosed in 
as many cells, and covered with a 
fungous husk. Thus it agrees with 
aU that is said of it by the ancient 
writers; there being no exception 
to be macie, except that the seeds 
do not grow in a pod. But Theo- . 
phrastus does not cali it absolutely 
a pod^ but a sort of a pod^ I» XéAf 
rin; and indeed XtA!ùi is used by 
the Greek writers in niany other 
senses^ though it does most properly 
and generaUy signify whàt we cali 
a pod. 



Spargile humucn foliis, indùcite fontibus um- 
bras, . 40 

Pastòres : mandat fieri sibi talia Daphnis. 
£lt tumulumfacite» et tumulo superaddite Carmen. 
Daphnisi ego in sylvis hinc usque ad sidera notus: 
Formosi pecoris cnstos formosior ipse. 

Sprèad the gixniod- with 
leaves, ve shqpheida, and 
form a shade over the foun- 
tains : Daphnis commands 
floch ìbàngs to be done for 
hiin. Raisealao a monumenr, 
and add a vene to the monu- 
mei>t: I Daphnis am cele- 
brated from tnese woods even 
to the «kies : the shepherd of 
A beautifal flock; but more 
beautiful myself. 

40. Spargile humum foUis.'] It 

"w^as a custom among the ancients^ 

-to dcatter leaves and flowers on the 

ground in honour of eminent per- 

sons ; and some traces of this cus- 

'tom renoain among us at present. 

Inducìiefontihus umbras.'] Pierius 

found this readìng in most of the 

ancient roanuscripts. But he says it 

ìs aras in the Roman manuscript, 

instead of ttmbras ; andfrondilms in 

some copies, instead of fontibus. 

Catrou reads frondibus aras. " Be- 

*' sìdes," says he, " that the words, 

*' which I have preferred, are to 

*' be found in the ancient manu- 

^* Scripts, they form a more true 

^^ image with respect to a dead per- 

'^ son. We do not read any where 

'' that arbours were made over 

''^ foiintains, to honour funerals; 

*' and we often read that altars and 

** tombs were co vered with branches. 

" Thus at the death of Polydore, 

'' the altars were covered with 

" C3rprc8s, and the branches were 

'• interwoven with blue ribbands ; 

** Stant Mantbu» arce, 

•* Cceruleis maaias vittis, titraque cupretso,'* 

But this leamed crifiic might have 
read m Varro's fifth hook de Lingua 
Latina, that the Romans had a festi- 
val called Fontinalia, on which they 
crowned the fountaihs with gar- 
lands ; " Fontinalia a fonte, • quod 
^' is dies feriflB ejus. Ab eo autem 
" tum, et in fontes coronas jaciunt, 
" et puteos coronant." He might 
' have read also in the ninth Edogue, 

Q uia humum florentìbus herbis 
Spargerei ? aut viridi Jòntes inducefet 

Pope has ìraìtated .this passage» in 
bis fourth Pastoral 5 

Ye weeping loves, the stream with 

myrtles hide. 
And break your bows, as when Adonis 

And with your golden darts, now useless 

Inscrìbe a verse on this relenting stone ; 
Let nature change, let heav'n and earth 

Fair Daphne's dead» and love is now no 


42. Tumulum.^ A heap of earth 
for a monument. 

Carmen,'] An epigram or in- 
scription, which is thought to be 
best, when contained in two lines. 

43. Daphnis ego, ^cJ] This 
dìstich far exceeds that, which it 
seems to imitate, in the first Idyl- 
lium of Theocritus ; 

A«^m; ìyin S^t rnm, i rikt ^iett Zi% M- 

That Daphnis I, that bere my oxen fed, 

That bere my bulls and cows to water 

led. Creech. 

The Greek poet mentions only the 
rural employments of the shepherd 
Daphnis 5 but VirgiI represents hia 
Daphnis as a person, whose fame 
had reached up to heaven. 

44. Formosi pecoris custos, ^c] 
Catrou ìs of opinion, that this men- 
tion of'the beauty of Daphnis agrées 
very well with Virgirs brother^ 
who^was a young shepherd. Bat 
he thìhks it a cold compliment to 
' Cffisar,' wbo was fifty-six years old 
when he wos rourdered^ an age> 



Mem» Yonr 
poet,.te no tea 


• ^ • to 

Men, Tlde ti^om cjEinnen nobH 4irói^ poetai; 
STt^^'J??^»?*»? tSS Quale sopor fessi» in gramìne, quale p^r ^stum 
mcr.wkifaiivfaigtfftam? Dulcif aouiB $a)ieiite sùìdi restÌB£Fuei*e rivQ4 4C 

iwoit Walter. Yoo Aqnal yMv • * 

^^ter^n^Mdy in pbying, Nee calamis fiolum sequlp^f as, sed vpce ff^t- 

bat In slnging t 


fwy i »' i " I t i j i . . 

wben men do not use to t>e adnilred 
iot Xìmr beauty. Put w^ are to 
considera that if Julius Cs^Sfir w^ 
tbe subjeqt of thìs Eclogue, he b ali 
along represepted under the charac- 
ter of ashepberdj that no]:.Mng ìs 
more frequent than to speak of 
great rulers as sh^herds; and in 
%\i^ last place, that this hero is de- 
scribed by the historians ns having 
a very comely person. We may 
l^erefore very well understand this 
expression, of bis beiog more beau- 
H^l hiroself than his beautiful 
flock^ to mean^ that Julius Cascar 
r^ided the greatest natioQ in tbe 
9/oxìA, .aj>d tbat he himsf^lf was 
tbe OK^ ecKpc^ll^nt person among 

^, TaU t¥um cgrmen, 4k^.] Ii{er 
Q«l0a9 greaMy commends tbe poer 
try of Mopsus ; aud mod^tiy offer^ 
to sjipg some yerses^ \yhìch he him- 
self bad composed on tbe snme 

Virgil seenis in this plaq^l^) bave 
hod \n his view the folio wing vejrsos 
in Itle elgbt Idyllium of Xb.eocri- 

$weet is thy voice, and siveet the tunes 

you play'd. 
Fair Daphnis, thro* my «ass thy aongs 

have pass'd» 
/Swctet tQ th^ nwi^y 9» boQ^ to iìie 

Ù^* Creecb. 

But howfar the copy€xceeds the 
originai , is very obvìous. Tbeoori- 
tus coHipares the sweetness ^f tbe 
poety of 'Da[^nis to the taste of 

ììoney ; hut Virgil is more ( 
He copf jìar^s t(ie soag of Mopsus 
tp the restii^ of wearied lipabs on 
the gf^ss, and to the queoching of 
thirst in sunatner with a livin^ 
sprjng of 8\Feet vater. Tbe Gre^ 
poet barely mentions honey; but 
Virgil is no^ contented with the 
bare mei^tion of sleep: it is t)ie 
sleep of a weary person ; aad t)iai; 
iipon 4;be frash grass» Thus alao 
he does npt ogly speak of queach- 
iog itbirst with water; but this 
Ihirst is ai4gmen|;,ed by its being in 
tbe hei^t of summer: the jivater 
nJso js sweetj 9pd is takea from a 
livìog sprijfg. Pb^ips ^as imit^ed 
tbis p«ss^ge^ j^ bis fourtii PfSLStto- 

i<fot hidf so sweet are mldnight winds, 

that move 
In dsoFsie muimurs i>*er tha waTiag 

I^or dropping ><rater$, that in grots dìstil. 
And wi^ a tin^ling sound their caverna 


v^us tbi«ks ibis 9Ì)udes to Theocn- 
tus and Virgil, But he is certajinly 
mistaken; fyr it is Mopsus thatìs 
^a^d tp equal bis .master : now Vir- 
giil is not JMopsjus, but l^ife^alc^^. 
Ruaeus thinks^ that Papbpis is tl^e 
D>^t^ of .Mopsus.^ Bvit, if we 
agree Avith this learpecì cpmipejQ- 
i,aAQ^r» tìasiX Dapbpi:» is. Julius Cffi^^r, 
it will be very difficult to compre- 
hejaù )^ow Mopsus ,can ,be ;3aid to be 
(Qq\i^ or .secoii4 1,0 that g^at mau« 
Virgil ^iwsjeif Ì9 Menalcas; Me- 
nalc£^ ;s b^ no means inferior to 
Mopsus ', and therefore, aceording 
to this interpretation^ Vii*^.! must 



JPQriuntfle puer, tu ni^Qc.eris alter ab ilio.: 

Nos tamen hieec quocunque mpdo til^i nostra S|Sm?"^Ì^"ttSÌ 

O fortunate youth« you alu^l 
tiow be accoulited the "^ ^' 


Dicemus, Daphninque tuum toUemus ad astra : 

as thcy are, in iny turaj'and 
oi) win lurt up your Daphnb to 

represent hìmself as equal to Julius 
Caesar^ which is absurd. Catrou 
jùiinks this line is a full confirtna- 
tion of his system. *' If there has 
" Iiìtherto,''says he, '^ been any ques^ 
*': tion, whether this Edogiie treats 
'' of a, master and scholar, there 
" cannot now be any longer dòubt. 
*^Virgil is charmed with the fine 
'Vver^es of his scholar. He re- 
," traete what he hadsaid at the 
/'. beginning of the conversation. 
" He had pìven Alexander the ho- 
** nour only. of the pipe, and had 
** taken to himself that of singing 

•• Tu calamos iufiare Uvei, ego dicere versus, 

*^ But now he confesses himself to 
" be equalled in both by his dis- 
" cjple.** This . argument is not 
weak ; for Menalpas does indeed at 
the beginning challenge to himself 
the superìority in. smging, and al- 
Iqw Mopsus to excel in piping ; and 
in this place he confesses that Mop- 
sus equals his master not only in the 
latter, but in the former too. There- 
fore, by comparing die second line 
-widi uxe forty-eighth, we might 
conclude that Menalcas was the 
.master,, and Mopsus the. disciple. 
But> hpwever this argument may 
-be . in Catrou's favoiir, there are 
oth^rs which make no less against 
Jdim, The fear which, Menalcas 
dì^coversof disobliging Mopsus, his 
P'/rpetual complaisance to him, and 
the n^odesty with which he intro- 
fliices bis own verses, by no means 
agree ,:with the , superiority of a 
master. Nor does the freedom 
'^nich IVfopsus uses to Menalcas suit 

with the character of a disciple. 
,Menalras always speaks like a mo- 
dest person, such as Virgil himself 
is represented to bave been. It can- 
not therefore be imagined, that he 
would much upon him, as 
to applaud Mopsus, and cali him a 
divine poet, for being equal to him- 
self. It seems most probable, that 
Theocrìtus was the master intended, 
.whora Virgil professedly imitates 
in his Ec^Qgues. 

49.' Tu nunc erìs alter ab Ulo,'] 
Servius interprete this. Tu solus posi 
illum hucolicum Carmen scrihis. La 
Cerda parapKràses it, Nam post ilfi^m 
erisyjam nunc alter magister opinione 
mortalium. .Both these commen- 
tators therefore seem to understand 
these wprds to mean, that Mopsus 
is worthy to succeed TheocrituS, 
and to be esteemed bis equal. But 
Catrou understands it in a quite dif- 
ferent manner. " The equality 
" that Virgil has niade between 
** Alexander and himself is always 
'^ accompanied with subordination. 
/* You .sball be the first after your 
" master, says he. It was al- 
'^ ways a great matter for Alexander 
" to be preferred before Cebes." 

50. Nos lumen hac quocunque 
modo, Sfc."] Menalcas speaks with 
great modesty of his own verses. 
He makes an apology for them, and 
seems to offer them only as being 
obligecl to produce sómething in his 

51. Daphninque tuum tollemui ad 
astiar^. By i^our Daphnis seems to 
be meant your patron ^ or your yh- 
vourUe. By tollemus ad astra is 
meant the apotheosis of Daphnis. 

B b • 



rt^f?k?SSfiov(iml Daphnin ad astra feremus: amavit nos quoque 

Mog, U it pottible to lay a Daphllis. 

N^oniy the youSfuBSSf Mop. Ali qiucquam nobis tali sit munere 

WMworthytobecdcbrated} . o 

majus r 
Et puer ìpse fuit cantari dignus : et ista 

5^ Amnvit nos quoque Daphnis."] 
This sentence^ in the opinion of 
Catrou, is a sufficient proof, that 
Julius Caesar is not Daphnis. "The 
" poet/' says he, " had not appeared 
" m the world in the lifetime of 
*' this dìctator. There ìs, in thìs 
" verse alone, a difficulty insur- 
"mountable to those, who ac- 
'' knowledge Cassar for the subject 
"of this Eclogue." It must be 
acknowledged indeed, that it does 
not appear from àny hìstory now 
extant, that Virgil was in favour 
"v^ith Julius Caesar, or even so much 
as known to hira. But although 
this cannot be certainly proved, it is 
far from improbable: for Virgil's 
estate lay near Mantua, a city of 
the Cisalpine Gaul, which was 
C8Bsat*8 favourite pì'ovince. Ru- 
aeus thinks it enough, that Caesar. 
favoured the Mantuans, for Virgil 
to say amavit nos quoque. But if 
we consider that Julius Csesar was 
himself a leamed man, and a fa- 
vourer of letters, we shall think it 
nót absurd to suppose^ that a ge- 
nius like that of Virgil was not un- 
known to him. It is allowed that 
the Eclogue, which is commonly 
placed first, was written within three 
years after Caesar was murdered. 
The subject of it is, the poet*s 
grateful acknowledgment of the 
preservation of his farm by Au- 
gustus. This could not be the first 
of his Works ; since he tells us him- 
self, in the ninth Eclogue, tiiat he 
Baved his lands by his verses ; 

Omnia carixunibus vestrum s^rvasae Me- 

naicàm, , , 

Thus it is plain, that he had written 
something considerable enough, to 
obtaìn the favour of Augustus, with- 
in three years after the murder of 
Julius Caesar. Perhaps it might be 
this very Eclogue, wherein he la- 
ments the dead) of that great man, 
and celebrates hisadmission among 
the gods, that gained him this fa- 
vour. Bui idiether that lucky 
poem was tlie present Eclogue, or 
any other composition, it seems not 
very difiìcult to suppose, that a 
poet, who was capablè of pre- 
serving his estate by his verses, 
might three years beforerecommend 
himself to the notice of the dìcta- 
tor by his poetry. We may there- 
fore conclude, from the words be- 
fore US, that our poet had been fa- 
voured by Julius Caesar, notwith- 
standing the sìlence of the authors 
of his life, in this particular. 

53, An quicquam, 3rc.] Mopsus 
expresses an araent desire of hearing 
these verses of Menalcas, and adds, 
that he had already heard them 
much commended. 

54. Puer,'] Servius observes, that 
this must be understood of Daphnis, 
because Caesar was not a boy, but 
a man advanced in years, when he 
tvas murdered. Ruaeus thinks, that 
the poet uses this word by choice^ 
because Caesar was received among 
the celestial deitiea> to whom a 
perpetuai j uven ile vigour is ascribed. 
Perhaps Virgil might make use of 
this expression, to disguise in some 
-measure his intent of celebratìng the 
late dictator, before it was quite 
safe to declare himself openly oh 



Jampridem Stimicon laudavit carmina nobis. 55 ìdth^^^ìSm^f^i 

MENr Candidus insuetum miratur limen ^ ikr^?%e shining Daphnb 

>^% . admires the entrance ot hea- 

Olympi, yen. 

that side. If that was the case, 
this Eclogue was probably written 
in , the year of Ron^e 712, before 
the battle of Philìppi. 

55. Stimicon,'] *' Servìus affirms, 
" that under the name of Stimicon, 
'^ that poet meant Msecenus. I 

/' readìly agree with Servi us ; for 
'* Alexander had a relation to Mae- 
"cenas; he was bis slave. As 
*' for Virgil, Msecenas was his 
" patron» and the protector of his 
•' verses.'V Catrou. 

The learned Father is always 
ready to catch at any little circum- 
3tance^ that seems to favour his 
system. Servius does not assert this; 
but only says, that some take Stì- 
micon to be Mae^^enas, and others 
say that Stimicon was the father of 
Theocritus. Besides^ these words 
of Servius are of doubtful autho- 
rity, being wanting in some copies. 
Probably Stiniicon is only a fìctìtious 
name of a. shepherd^ as well as Me- 
nalcas and Mopsus. 

56. Candidus insuetum, <^c.] 
Mopsus having lamented the death 
of Daphnis in five and twenty verses, 
Menalcas now ceìebrates his apothe- 
osis in an equal number. 

This apotheosis of Daphnis is re - 
lated in so sublime a man ne r, that 
it is bardly possible to imagine^ that 
the poet could intend a meaner 
person than Julius Cassar, who was 
deified about the ti me that Virgil 
was engàged in writing bis Ec- 
logues. Dio Cassius informs us, 
that in the beginning of the year 
712, wben Lepidus and Plancus 
were consuls, the triumviri erected 
a chapel to Caesar in the Forum, 
in the very place where his body was 
burnt. They carried about one of 

his statues in the Circensìan gàmes^ 
together with another of Venus. 
They decreed supplications to him 
otì the news of any vie tory. They 
ordained^ that his birthday should 
be celébrated by ali men with joy 
and crowns of bay ; and that those, 
who neglected this should be .sub- 
ject to the curses of Jupiter and 
Caesar: if they were senators, or 
the sons of senators, they were to 
pay a large fine. It happened* that 
Caesar was born on the day that was 
sacred to the Ludi Apollinares : 
therefore they ordered his birthday 
to be celébrated thè day before that 
festival ', because it was forbidden 
by the Sibylline Oracles to make 
that day sacred to any other god 
than Apollo. They ordered also, 
that none of Caesar's relations should 
have his statues carried at theìr fu- 
nerals, because he was reoUy a god : 
his chapel also was made a sanctu- 
ary, where no person, who had fled 
thither from punishment, could be 
seized upon ; a privilege which had 
not been granted to any deity> since 
the ti me of Romulus. Now, as 
this was the only, dei fica ti on that 
happened about the time that these 
Eclogues were written 5 it seems 
most probable, that it was the sub- 
ject of that now under considera- 
tion. Catrou hardly knows how 
to reconcile the passage before us io 
his system^ an(l seems a little in- 
clinable to make some concessions 
to his antagonists. *' Here," says 
he, '' Virgil soars so high, that it 
" is hard to perceive that he is 
" speaking of his own brother. 
" He places him in heaven, and puts 
'* the starsand clouds under his feet. 
** This has made people Jmaginé,^ 


SSlSSSffS?^ *"^ "'*" Sub pedibusque vWét riubes et sidera Dàphniii 

'* thàt Julius Csesàr is* fiere* ui- 
" tended. Rome^ say they, had 
" placed him àmong her gods^ aiid 
" nere the poet describes bis apo-' 
*' theosis. 1 must confess, that I 
*' myself was so dazzled with the 
" splendor of this passage^ that I 
'^ should bave joinecj in the com- 
" moti opinion, if my regard tor 
^' tradition^ and the disagreementa 
" between this opinion, that Julius 
" Caesar was bere intehdéd, and 
" the reàt of the Eclogue, had not 
*' forced me to leàn another way. 
*' It is no wonder therefore, that 
" the poet should place bis brother 
'* on Olympus. It is a right óf 
'* poesy to make gods. It is to 
'^ poetic fictions that antiquity for- 
" merly owed ali its heavenry wor- 
^^ship. Virgil teaches Alexander 
'' not to degenerate from the no- 
'' bìlity and rights of the first poets. 
'' He had formerly promised Varus 
'^ to exalt him to heaven, if he 
" «vould save his lands ; 

*• Cantante* mbUtMferent ad tidera cycnù 

" He performs in favour to his 
'' brother, what he had promised to 
'^ a friend.** These arguments do 
not seem to prove the point, in fa- 
vour of whicb they are produced 
by the learned critic. There are 
no disagreements between the opi- 
nion that Julius Caesar was in- 
.tended, and the other parts of this 
Eclogue: oh the contrarv, what 
was obscure or doubtful In Uie song 
of Mopsus, seems now to be made 
plein and clear by the versesof Me- 
nalcas. Mopsus gave room to sus- 
pect, that Caesar was in tended; 
but Menalcas puts it past ali doubt, 
by celebrati ng his apotheosis; si'nce 
Julius Caesar was the only person, 
to whoni divine honours had at that 

tìine'beéii 'à^cfceór by the Romans. 
We need not enter into the contro - 
versy, whether the poets' were' the 
inventors of the héathen religion : 
but surely wé miy affirib, that Vh*- 
gil would not bave presumied to 
bave exalted his oWn brothér tothe 
rank of a eod ; an' honout, which 
he did not pretend to béstow on any 
of his patróns except Augustus him- 
self, who at that ti me was nìaster 
of thè Roman empire, and adopted 
son and heir of their new deity Ju- 
lius Caesar. To conclude, I do nói 
see how the poet performed his 
promise of exalting; bis patron Va- 
rus to the skìes, by niaking a god 
of his own brother. Besides, tìiei*e 
never was any such promise madé to 
Varus. He only, promises to exalt 
his name to the skiés, if he will but 
preserve Maiitua. The entìre pas- 
sage alluded to is in the ninth 
Eclogue, and runs thus ; 

Vare, tuum nomen, superet xpodo Man- 

tua nobis . 
Mantua, vie miserse nimìum vidna Cre- 

Cantantes sublime ferent ad sidera cycni. 

Thy natne, O Vartu, iifthe Innier pow^r* 
Preterve our pìaintf and ihield the Man» 

tuun tow^n, 
Obnoxiotu by Cremona** nHghb^ring crime) 
The wtngg qf twanSy and itronger pinion*d 

Shaìl raUe aioft, and toaring bear abome 
TK immortai gift ofgraiitude to Jave. 


Here is not the least hint of aiiy 
deificatiòn of Varus ; but only a 
promise of endeavouring to make 
bis. name immortal. 

InmetumUmenr\ This expresaìon 

Xifies, that Daphnis is newìy 
itted among the goda, whldb 
agrees exactly with the condition of 
Julius Caesar at that time. 

Some read lumen instead ofUmen. 

tìG^UC ECL. V. 


possessthe woods, ;tna'atT the 

Etffo alacris sylvasj et ctetéra rara voluptas, p,,.....^,. „„„„,. ....... .„. 

.^ *^ . TV j 11 country, Pan, and' tHc sHep- 

Panaque, pastoresque tenetrDryadesque puellas- hcnir.«ndtheDrya*tiTmph». 

^ ^ * ^ . . r»r> N** ^onger doea the wolf he 

Nec lupus insidias pecori, nec retia cervis 60 |7„f J°^|5i»^^^ 
Ufla dolum meditantur: amatbonuìs otìaDaph- ^ 

the stagi : tHe go<Kl Daf^mf^ 
is a lòver of peace. 


Thi? passage ie imitated by Pope^ 
ili bis fourth pastoral j 

But sec ! where Daphne wond'riug 

mounts on high, 
Above the clouds, above the starry sky ! 
Eternai beautìes ^aoe the shining focene, ' 
Fields aver fresh, and grotes for ever 

There while yoii rest in amaranthine 

Ofr frbnà thosé meads select unfading 

Behold US kindly who your name im- 

Daphne, our goddess, and our grief no 


Olt/mpi.'] Olympus is a moun- 
tam of Tbessaly, on the borders of 
Macedonia. It is of so great a 
heigbt, tbat the poets bave feigned 
thè top of it to reach to heaven. 
Eience it is frequéntly used fòr hea- 
ven itself, às it evidently is in this 
?kce; bedause, in the next verse, 
>apbnis is said to sée under bis feet 
not only the clouds, but also the very 

58. Jlacris.2 Some read alacres, 
making it agree with siflvas. 

This cheerfulness of the country 
seems to be opposed to that passage 
ofMopsus; Non nlli prtstosj Sfc. 

Phiirps has thiis imitated the pas- 
sage before Us j 

For this the golden skies no longer 

The planets shine indulgent on our isle. 
And rural pleaSureS round about us 

Hills, dales, and woods with BÌirilling 

pipes resound ^ 
The boys and virgins dance with gar- 
. lahds crown'd, 
And hail Albino blest. 

59. Panuque, pastoresque, ^cJ] 
Thiy is opposed to ver. 35. where 
Mopsus mcntibiìB, that Pales and 
Apollo deserted the fields, when 
Daphnis died. 

Pana.2 See the note on ver. Si. 
of the éecond Eclogue. 

DryadasJ] The Dryads are the 
nymphs, who preside over the 

6Ò. Nec hpus insidias jjecori.'] In 
the 'H^teK?J<nt6s of Theocritus, tìiere 
is a like prophecy of Tìresks, with 
regard to Hercules : tbat when he 
shall be taken up into heaven, the 
trolf shall see the kid without at- 
tempting to hurt it 5 

'AfitCùtifUV vtof uiòt — — — 

61. Amat bonus otia Daphnis.'] 
Catrou uses this passage for an ar- 
gument to prove that Daphnis is 
not Julius Caesar. " It is difficult," 
says he, " to make this love of 
*' peace fall upon a warrior and a 
" conquerór. This is not praising 
" Cassar by a circumstance that 
" distinguishes him." It. must be 
acknowledged, that Julius Caesar 
is most admired for bis skill and suc- 
cess in war: he is known to bave 
been the greatèst general of bis own, 
and perhaps of any other agc. But 
this was not the only excellence for 
which that great man was admired 
by bis contemporaries j fbr he was 
known to shine no less in peace than 
war. Hi's own writings are a stand- 



SìwPu^ttStSìSShS: Ipsi IsBtitìa voces ad sidera jactant 


Dg monument of bis capacìty as a 
listorìan. Cicero, in his book de 
Claris Oratvribus, mentions him as 
me òf the hest orators, and com- 
nends his cominentaries as a pat- 
em of good writing: " Caesar 
' autem rationem adbibens, con- 
' suetudinem vitiosam et corrup- 
^ tam, pura et incorrupta consue- 
' tudine emendat. Itaque cum ad 
' hahc elegantiam verborum Ld- 
^ tinorum, qua? etiam si orator 
^ non sìs^ et sis ìngenuus civis Ro- 
' manus> tamen necessaria est^ ad- 
' jungit illa oratoria ornamenta dir 
' cendi: tum videtur tanquam ta^ 
' bulas bene pietas collocare in 
' bono lumine. Hanc cum ha^ 
' beat praec^puam laudem in com- 
' munibus^ non video cui debeat 
^ cedere splendidam quandam mi- 
' nimeque veteratoriam rationem 
^ dicendi teoet, voce, motu, for- 
< ma etiam magnifica, et genero- 

* sa quodammòdo. Tum Brutus. 
' Orationes quidem ejus inihi ve- 
^ hementer probantur, complures 
^ autem legi. Atque etiam com- 
^ mentarios quosdam scripsit rerum 
' suarum ; valde quidam, inquam, 
^ probandos. Nudi enim sunt, 
' recti, et venusti, omni ornatu 

* orationis, tanquam veste de- 
^ tracta. Sed dum voluit alios 
' habere parata, unde sumerent, 
^ qui vellent scribere historiam, in- 
^ eptis gratum fortasse fecit, qui 
' volunt illa calamistris inurere ; 
' sanos quidem bomines a scriben- 
^ do deterruit. Nihil enim est in 
' historia, pura et illustri brevitate 
' dulcius.*' The same. great ora- 
Dr, in his defence of Q. Ligarlus, 
hough he himself had joined with 
*ompey, acknowledges however, 
hat Csesar fought in his own de,- 
ence^ that his army contended only 
or their own rights and their ge- 

neral's dignity; that, when he had 
gai ned a complete victory^heshewed 
such clemency,' that none of his 
enemies were put to death, bui 
those who fell in battle ; and that 
he had a memory for every thing 
but injurìes: ".Quando hoc quis- 
'' quam ex te Caesar audivit, aut tua 
" quid òliud arma voluerint, nìsi a 
** te contumeliam propulsare ! Quid 
'' egit tuus iile invictus exercitus, 
'^ nisi ut suum jus tueretur, et dig- 
" nitatem tuam? ..... Cognita 
'* vero clementia tua, quis non eam 
" victoriam probet, in qua occiderit 

*^ nemo, nisi armatus ? 

" Sed parum est me hoc memi- 
" nissi : spero etiain te, qui oblivìsci 
*' nihil soles, nisi injurìas, &c." 
And, in one of his letters to Cae- 
cina, he extols his gravity, justice, 
and wisdom ^ ** In quo admirari 
*^ solco gravitatem, et justitìam, et 
'' sapientiam Caesaris." It would 
he endless to quote autborities to 
the same purpose. These few, 
which have been taken from the 
writings of one, who was of a con- 
trary party, are sufficient to shew, 
that Caesar excelled in peace as well 
as w^r. We are to consider, that 
he is spoken of in this Eclogue, un» 
der the feigned character of a shep- 
herd. It would have been absurd 
to have commended him as a great 
warrior : and therefore the poet ' 
mentions only the milder part of his 
character. Surei y we ought not tó 
wonder, that Virgil should choose to 
celebrate this eloquent orator, this 
judicìous historian, this merciful 
conqueror, this forgetter of injurìes, 
this grave, just, and wise man, as a 
lover of peace y ^ Amai bonui òtta 

62, LcBtiiia.'] Heinsius, accord- 
ing to Burman, found hetitia in 
one manuscript. 

Intonsi montes; ipsse jam cannina rapes, 


the very roeb «etom tbc 

63. Intonsi montes,'] Servius in- 
terprets this sylvosi, inaedui; and 
La Cerda incaduiy sylvosi, non re- 
secti, Ruseus renders it incuUi, It 
ìscertain thatthe literal meaningof 
tondeo is to shave a beard or to shear 
a sheep, or goat. Thus in the first 
Eclogue we bave, 

— ^— TVwiien^i barba cadebat. | 

Aod in the ninth ^neid» 

Ora puer prima sìgnans intorua juventa 

in the first sense : and many pas- 
sages in the latter; as in the third 
Georgick 3 

Nec minu8 interea barbas ìncanaque 

Cinyphìi tondent birci, setasque coman- 



-^Vel cum tornii illotus adhsBsit 
Sudor * 


Aut tonsum tristi cootingunC corpus 

' Andi 

Nec tondere quidem morbo illuvieque 

Veliera, nec telas possunt attingere pu- 


And in the fourth Georgick, and 
first JBneid; 

-^-^^TonsUqtte fenint mantilia viliis ; 

And in the twelfth ^Eneid; 

— Puraque in veste sacerdos 
Setigerae foetum suis, intotiMmque bi- 

Attulit, admovitque pecus flagrantibus 


It is used also for shearing^clipping, 
or cutting tlìe young shoois or 
branches of berbs and trees. Thue 
in the fourth Georgick we read^ 

Ille comam mollis jam tum tond^af 
acanthi : 

And in the second Georgick, 

Garlands are said, in this sense to be 
tonsa; as in the third Georgick; 
Ipse caput toruas foliis omatus olivse ; 

And in the fifth ^neid; 

Ipse caput tatum foliis evinctus oliva: 

Tatua coma pressa corona. 

A tree^ which has not heen topped, 
is said to be intonsa, as in the ninth 
u^eid ; 

Consurgunt gemine quercuF, iniotuaquc 

Attollunt capita. 

Hence oars seem to have been called 
tonscB, because they are cut from 
trees -, as in the seventh Mueìà ; 

In lento luctantur marmore tonue; 

And in the tenth. 

Sodi consurgere tonsis^ 
Spumantesque rates arvis inferre Lati* 

Not .80 much as one of these pas- 
sages confirms the interpretation 
which Servius and La Cerda give of 
intonsi fnontes. A plant divested of 
itfi^ branches or leaves may be said 
indeed to be tansa or shom ; but we 
do not find any one instance pitonsa 
being applied to the earth, when 
the trees which grew upon it are 
felled. We ought therefore to un- 
derstand intonsi montes to mean those 
barren hills, on which no flocks are 
fedj no grass is mown, and no corn 
is reaped. Thus in the first Geor- 
gick toìtdeo is used to express the 
feeding of cattle; 

Ter centum nivei tondent dmneta juvenci: 



»fto*ìyS!KllriI^3rfe ^P'** sowiit iirbiifte: I^ua» 4eii& iUe,JMenalca. 

And in the diird £neid ; 

Efuot in gramine vidi 

Tondeniei campum late. 

In the first Georgick it signìfiesiiie 
.skowiiig of a meadow 3 

Nocte; leves gtìpuUe melius» noote arìda 


In the same Georgick^ SerVius him- 
seìf ìnterprets ìonsas novales, agros 
messos, or corn fields ihat liave been 
reaped ; 

Alternis idem UnucLt cessare fiovaks 
Et segnem patiere sita durescere cam- 

In the fourth Georgick, the poet, 
speaking of the Amellus, sajB, 

Tontit in vaUibtis illum 
Pastores, et curva Icgunt prope flumina 

Here Serviiis interprets tonsU, non 
sylvosis; and . compares it with the 
intonsi montes now under consider- 
atìon. This indeed is the only pas- 
sage, that can strengthen the inter- 
pretation of Servius But, as tonsis 
in vallibus raay very easily be under- 
stood to mean in vaUeys tvhere caitle 
kave grazed ; this single passage, of 
doìibtfìjl interpretation, is riot suf- 
fici ent to contirm the opinion of 
Servius aAd La Cerda with regard to 
intonsi monies, Nay, La Cerda him- 
self renders <oiim in vallibus, valleys 
that have been morvn, See tìie notes 
xìTì ver.- li. of the first, and ver. 
'277. of the fourth Georgick. 

6J!. Deus, deus ille, Menalca.'] 
'Menalcas in a kind of rapture 
hears the mountains, rocks, and 
-woods re-echo to him, that Daph- 
nis 18 reàlly a god. It has been ob- 
servèd already, that Virgil had prò- 
bably read the pròphecies of Isaiah. 
The linea now beforeius have a ^eat 

fesemblaace to .the twenty-^tbird 
verse of>the forty-fourtb chapter 
of that aublime prophet; '^ Break 
'^ forth into singing, ye moun- 
'^ taims, O Ibrest, and every tiee 
^'therein; for the Lord hath re- 
^'deemed Jacob." Pope has imi- 
tated the passage under consìdera- 
tion, in bis Messiah ; 

A Godf a God ! the vocal hills replj, 
• The rocks proclaim th' approacfaing 

Catrou himself thinks this espres- 
sion of the poet so strong, that it is 
hard to get the better of our pre- 
judices against applying this verse to 
VirgiVs brother. '* But,'* says he, 
'* why may npt the Latin poet be 
" allowed to maké a god of bis 
" brother, under the name of 
" Daphnis ì The Greek poeta have 
" been suffered to place Daphnis 
** among the gods. We must not 
'' he surprised at these apdheoses of 
'* shepherds. We find examples of 
** tbem in all<>the poets, who have 
"writtenBuadicverses." Theleam- 
ed critic would bave done well^ if he 
had obliged us with a few examples, 
out of those numerous apotkeoses of 
theBucolicpoets. ^or my Qwn part, 
I do not at present recoUect any of 
them. As for the Sicìlian Daphnis, 
Theocritus represents him djring fbr 
love, as a mere mortai : and in the 
whole fabulous story of him, as ìt 
is related by Dìodorus Siculus, there 
is not the least hint of bis having 
e ver been esteemed as a deity i. that 
circumstance being only mentioned 
by Servius; on what audiority I 
know not. It can hardly be ima- 
gined iherefore, that these words 
could be applied to any other than 
Julius Csesar, who was the only 
mortai at that tirae advanced to a 
i^at among the gods. 



Sis bonus, Ofdwquetuisl enqu8tuor.«ra8: 65 ^^/^^^& 
Ecce da9s tìbi, Daphni, duoque aitarla Pboebo. &"iLphiS.'.'i^SJSita^^ 


65. Sìs bonus, felìxqne tuis,'\ 
He invokes the new god to be pro- 
pìtious to bis worshippers. Thus 
Theocritus, in the ^v^ctxòwriM ; 

"iXùtét wv, (piX* "AÌmi, xeù Is viaiT* «v^v^ff- 

Thus also our poet, in the first 
^Eneid ; 

Sis felixj nostrumque leves quaecunque 
laborem ; • 

And in the twelfth ; 

— Vos O mihi M anes 
£ste boni. 

En quatuor aras, ^cS] " I have 
'* made^ says he, four altars^ aras: 
^' two for you, O Daphnis, And 
** two altars aras for Apollo, which 
'' aie aitarla. For we know, that 
'' ans were consetrated both to 
*' supemal and infemal deities ) but 
" that aitarla belonged only to the 
*' supemal deities, being so called 
^' ab aliitudine, These he ascribes 
" to Apollo as to a god ; but to 
*' Daphnis he raises omy aras : be- 
*^ cause, though he calls him a god, . 
^' yet it is manifest that he was a 
*^ mortai/* Seevius. 

La Cerda is of opinion, that the 
poet speaks bere witliout any distinc- 
tion of ara and altare^ becaùse at 
first he comprehends ali the four un- 
der aras. But Servius was aware of 
this: he allows that they are ali 
called ans. He looks upon ara as 
a narae for altars in general; but 
he takes altare to be a peeuliar sort 
of ara, consecrated only to the ce- 
lestial gods. There does indeed 
seem tP have been some distinction 
made by the ancientis between ara 
and altare; but at the same time it 
is certain, that Virgil does not 
make any such distinction ; for, in 

the second ^neid, he calls the 
very .same individuai aitar both ara 

and altare ; 

^dibus in mediis, nudoque sub atheris 

Ijigens ara fuit, juxtaque veterrima 

Incumbens arcr^ atquc umbra complexa 

Hic Hecubfl, et natae noquicqù&m alia- 

fife circum, 
Praecipites atra ceu tempestate coluixibae. 
Condensai, et divum ami)lexae simulàcra 


And a little afterwards,^ Sjieaking of 
the . very same aitar ; 

aitarla ad ìpsa trementexn 


In the fourth ^neid, an aitar con- 
secrated to the infemal deities is 
called both ara and altare; 

Stant arat circum, et crines effusa sa- 

Tercentum tonat ore deos, Erebumque, 

Tergeminamque Hecaten, trìa virginia 

ora Dlanae 

Ipsa mola, manibusque piis altaria juxta. 

In the first Eclogue, he calls the 
altars, on which ne ofiers saqrifice 
to Augustus Cassar, in bis life-time 

Hic illum vidi juvenem, Meliboee, quot- 

Bis senos cui nostra di«s attoria fd- 


If the altars erected to Augustus, 
who, from bis adoption by Julius 
Ciesar, was named Divi filius^ w^fic 
called altaria; much more might 
those be so called, which were 
raised in honour of the father, who 
was supposèd to be already in 

66. Duoque altaria Phcehor\ Thia 
equalworshipof Daphnis and Apollo 



To thee wlll 

^lilrrothtoJ'SiàSS Pocula bina novo spumantia lacte qaotannfe, 
^'mhmi^th^fSn^ Craterasque daos statuam tibi pingois olivi : 

chieay wlth plenty of wine, ^^ , . • • i -i • • r> U 

tX multo imprimis buarans convivia Baccho, 

seems to allude to Csesar's being 
bom on the day of the ludi Apolli-' 
nares; whence, as has already been 
observed from Dio^ it was decreed, 
that Caesar's festival shòuld be ob- 
served on the day before that which 
was sacred to Apollo. 

67. 'Pocula bina novo spumantia 
lacte.'] Theocrìtus speaks of milk 
and oil bein^ offered to the nymphs^ 
in bis fifth Idyllium. 

'SrmfS ìi M^a^a^ fiiymv XiMMTf yJbm»" 


One bowl of milk I to the nymphs will 
crowiiy . ' 

And one of oil, if that will draw thee 
OD. Cbeech. 

Also of milk and honey being 
offered to Pan ; 

'Srm^S %* htrit fàf ym»>MS rìf limi ymXm' 

Eight bowls of milk to Pan l'il freely 

Of honey eight, if that will draw thee 

on. Cbeech. 

Our poet also speaks of milk^ 
honey, and wine being oSèred to 
Ceres at the Ambarvalia, in the 
first Georgick ; 

Cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis ado- 

Cui tu ìactefavos, et miti dilue Baccìw» 

Ovid; in the fourth hook of bis 
FaHi, ipentions the ofiering of warm 
milk to Paìesj 

Sylvicolam te^i4) Uuie precare Palen. 


Tum licct, appoàta valuti cratere ca- 
' jneUa, 

,Lac niveum potcs, purpurean^que sa- 

As does Tibullas also, in bis first 

His ego pastoremqne meum luatiare 
quota nnis. 
Et placidam soleo spargere lacte Palen. 

In the third JBneid warm milk ia 
ofiered, in the funeral obsequies for 
Polydorus ; 

Inferimus tepido spumantia cymbia latte. 

In the fifth .^Ineid, a libatioo is 
made of two cups of wine, two of 
new milk, and two of sacred blood, 
to the manes of Anchises ; 

Hic duo rite mero libans carchesia Bac-* 

Fundit hnmi, duo ìacU nooOf duo san- 
guine sacro. 

Now lacie.2 See the note on ver. 
22. of the second Edogue. 

68. Crateras.'] " Craler, a Greek 
'^ word, K0tmi^, from xi^Jifuvf/u mi- 
'' tceo, and that from xi^ttf a horn : 
" because the. ancients roade use 
** of homs, or cups in the shape of 
'* homs, and mixed wine and water 
" in them." Rujeus. 

Duos.J Heinsìus reads duo, as 
it is found in some of the ahcient 

69. Et multo imprimis, éjfc'Ji This 
is plainly an imìtation of a passage 
in the seventh Idyllium of Tbeo- 
critus ; 

Kyv^^ T% 4#^4(A^ ri, rèXvyfaf^.wrté n 



Ante focum, sì ffigus eritj si messis, in umbra, 70 gf^toS? W *^ttf ta 
Vina novum fundam calathis Ariusia nectar. ^'ìivl^^^.'T^ 

KmÌ wUfuu fut^MxStf féifèvafàtt 'Aytivm»- 


AiTmtftf «tfXixM'^i ìuù 1$ rgyy» ;^tiX«f Ì^ii- 

A&XntnSvn Hftttìóé irétféinr tJt fàf, *A;^c(- 

EJt 3). AMMéHr/rmi^ i ìì Tlr^H ìyyvén 

rif wtut ras InUts n^tU^mr§ Li^nt i 

^Then shall my head be crown'd 

With dill, or wall-flow'rs, or with 

roses bound, 
Whilst in full bowU the cheerful wine 

goes round 
Before the hearth : there one shall parch 

my beans : 
- WhiJst on a couch of flow*rs my elbow 

leans : 
Sunk in a bed of fragrant herbs TU 

And suck the very dregs of the capacious 

Achames and Lycopites shall play. 
And Tityms shall sing the tender lay, 
How Daphnis» by a stranger's beauty 

Like the fair snow in summer heat ex- 


Thasalso Philips; 

Myself wiU lavish ali my little store, 
* And deal about the goblet, flowing o*er. 
Old Moulin there shall harp» young 

Mico sing. 
And Cuddy dance the round amidst the 

And Hobbinol his antick gambols play. 
To thee these honours yearly will we 


When we our shearìng feast and harvest 

To speed the plougb, and bless our 

thiiving sheep. 

10. Ante focum, ^c^ Itisplain, 
that Virgil alludes to two different 
sacrìfices; one in winter and the 
other in summer. Hence many 
have thought^ that he means the 
Compilalitia, which were sacrìfices 
offered to the manes^ in two dif- 
ferent seasons of the year. It 
appears however, frora ver. 75, that 

the poet meànt a sacrifice to the 
nymphs in winter, and the Ambar' 
valla, a solemn sacrifice to Ceres in 
summer. He promises to comme- 
morate Daphnis twioe in every 
year, that ìs, at each of the solem- 

71. Calathis.'] Calathus is most 
commonly used for a basket* See 
the note on ver. 46* of the second 
Eclo^ue; In this pkce it certainly 
signifies a drìnking vessel. The ca- 
laikus seems to have been narrower 
at the bottom, and broader at the 
top. Martial uses calathus for a | 
drìnking cup, in the sixtieth epi» ; 
gram of the ninth hook ; 

Expendit veteres calathosx et si qua fu- ) 
erunt j 

Pocula Mentorea nobilitata manu. 

It is used in the same sense in the 
hundred and seventh epigram of 
the fourteenth book, entiUed Ca^ 

No8 Satyriy nos Baochus amat, nos ebria 
Perfuaos domini lambere docta pedes. 

Ariusia.2 So Pierius found it in 
the most ancient itaanuscripts. This 
word is variously wrìtten, Arvisia, 
Afusia, Areusìa, Arelhusia, 8iC, But 
the prìnted copies generally have 
either Ariusia or Arvisia. ' It l's Ar- 
visia in the old London edition by 
Pynson, in the Milan edition, 1481, 
fol. Venice, 1561, fol. Paris, 1600, 
fol. 1540 and 1541, 4to. anU in the 
Antwerp edit. 1543, 8vo. Robert 
i^tevens, Guellius, La Cerda, and 
Huseus, have Arvisia al so; and yet 
Guellius, in bis note on this word 
quotes a passage from Plutarch, in 
which he reads «7y«y àfiùvo-nf. Aldus, 
Pulman, both Daniel and Nicholas 



SS*i?g\"o m^e^'^AiS Cantabant mihi Damcetas et Lyctius'^gon; 
bcfcm shall imitate the Uanc- galtantes satyros imitebitur Alphesiboeus. 73 

rBurman^ read Ariusia. This Ariu- 

^sian wine was brought fwnn the 

i sland Chios, now Scio, and was 

esteemed the best of ali the Greek 

wines; eW i 'A^mpoi/a x^^tt, r^«- 

Xfict xaì ùxifatùi oretètén <»V«y r^uut^ 

I W«»9, ' diMV et^ia-Tóf ^óv9U rSif 'EX^n- 

\ uKSf. Pliny al so speaks of thts 

^wine^ as being in liigh esteemj 

*' In fiumma gloria post Homerica 

'^ illa^ de qoibu8 supra dìximus, 

'* fìiere Tha&tnni^ Cbiunique : ex 

" Chio qaod Ariusium vocant." 

n/'ibius Sequester says this wine 

jcomes from Arvis, a mountain of 

IScio; '* Arvis in insula Chio^ unde 

'*" vinum Arvisium" 1 believe Vi- 

bius is mistaken in calllng it a moun* 

tain ; for Strabo seems to speak of 

it as a region or provìnce. He says 

indeed» that the Ariusian region is 

craggyand rough, and void of ports; 

but then the whole island is known 

to be mountaìnous and rugged. He 

would hardiy bave called it a craggy 

and rough country, ìf it had been 

one single mountain, as Vibius re- 

presents it. Besides, according to 

Strabo, the Ariusian coast makes a 

third part of the circumference of 

the whole island ; being three hun- 

dred stadia, whereas the whole is 

nine hundred. *^H il Xìo^ rh fch 

vì^Ì'ìfXòw ia-rì orctìiatf lìfcutùO'Uì vet^à 

ynf ^t^ùfiim *A^touo-$eù %(l»^ . . . 

rrttèiàt^ orov t^mkùtÌmv» The island 
is to this day faraous for wine, of 
which great quantities are exported 
to the. neighbourin^ islands : and 
the vjheyards even now most in 
esteem, are those of Mesta, the 
òhief town of the ancient Ariusia. 
They dry their grapes in the sun for 
seven or eight days before they press 
them. There are medals of Scio, 
with buiiches of grapes impressed 
on them. 

Neciar.'] This word Is comraonly 

used for the drink of the gods, 
and for any thipg that is remark- 
ably sweet and pleasant. The Ari- 
usian wine was particularly sa 
called : and we are infon^ed by the 
famous Toumefort, that the pre- 
sent inbabitants of Scio gh^ the 
name of nectar to a particular sort 
of wine, which is made in thè an- 
cient Ariusia. 

72. Cantabunt mihì, &c.] Stng- 
ing and dancing were parte of re- 
ligious worsliip among the ancieAts. 
( Lyctius.'] Lyctus was a city of 
'Crete, whence Idomeneus is also 

[»lled Lyctius, in the third ^neid ; 

Et Salentinos obsedit milite campos 
Lyctius Idomeneus. 

73. Saìianies satyros hnitab'UurJ] 
The satyrs were a sort of demi* 
gods, that attended upon Bacchus. 
They are represented as having 
homs on their heads, crooked haiids^ 
shaggy' bodies, long tails, and the 
legs arìd feet of goats. . They were 
imagined to dance in ali sorts of uii- 
couUi andlascivious postures ; which 
were imitated in the satìrical dances, 
which made a part of the hea- 
then worship. It seems probable, 
that some large sort of monkey or 
baboon, that had been seen in the 
woods, gave the first oceasion to 
feign the existence of these half-deir 
ticH. Pliny most evidently means 
some sort of monkey, under the 
name of satyr. In lib. vii: cap. 2. 
he says satjFrs are found in some 
mountains of India, that they are 
very liimble, run sometimes on ali 
four, sometimes erect like uien^and 
are so swift, thàt it is dilBcult to 
take them, except they are eìther 
old or sick ; " Sunt et sati/ri sub- 
*' solanis Indorum montibus, Car- 
'^ tadulorum dicitur regio, piemicis- 
'^ simum animai : tum quadrupedes. 



Hsec tibi semper eront, et oum soll«inia vota "^t^^^^^^^ 
Rbddemus Nymphis, et cum lustrabimus agros. S?mKSd';tewe*S.St 

a lustratìon of the fields. 

*< tum recte currentes humana effi- 
" gìe, propter velocitatem nfsi senes 
** aut segri, non capiuntur." In lib. 
viii. cap. 54. he plainly ranges them 
amongst the species of monkeys and 
apès^ and says they are more mild 
and tractable than other sorts ; " Si- 
*^ miarum quoque genera hominis 
*« figurse proxima, caudis inter se 

*' distinguuntur EfFeratior 

*' Cynocephalis natura, sicut mi- 
" tissima satyris et sphingibus/* 
In lib. xi. cap. 7^. he speaks of 
their having bags in their jaws, in 
which they lay up their food, and 
take it out again with their hands 
to eat, nvhich ia khown to be trae 
of monkiesf <^ Condit in thesauros 
''^ m^illarum cibum sphingiorum 
'' et saty forum genus : mox inde 
^^ sèneim ad mandendum manibus 
** ex^omit." Strabo^ speaking of 
the country, between tìie rivers Hy- 
daspes and Acesìnes, which was 
under the dominion of Porus, whom 
Alexander the Grea^t overcame, r«- 
■lates a remarkable story conceming 
the monkdes of those parts. The^e 
animals, being naturally fond of imi- 
tation, had leamed^ it seems, to 
mimic the discipline of the armies 
in their neighbourhood. A great 
multitude of them stood upon an 
open bill in order of batde: and 
the Macedonians^ taking them for 
an army of enemies^ di:ew up in 
order to attack them ; but being in- 
formed by Taxilus, who happened 
to be with. Alexander, what sort of 
an eneray it was that they were 
going to engagé with, they desisted 
from their eìiterprise, and returned 
into thè camp; 'E» ìì tJ x%x,^o^ 

h rd^u xccrà ftiruTTòf zFóXXovg, xuì yu^ 

rcf Tolf iXi^tivrtfVf air^ecràfn^v À«<6MV 

voXtfUiovi' fMiBùfTcti ìì zra^à Te^{Xùv, 
cvvifTCi Ton rS fioM-tXÙ, rhv «AjjSvMf^ 
v9twrmv»trB9U. Severa! authors of cre- 
dit make mention of satyrs having 
beenseenin varioùsplacesj bùt we • 
may venture to affirm, that these 
satyrs^ if really seen, were only 
great monkies. 

Qancing was much usèd in reli^ 
gious solemnities^ not only by the 
idolatrous nations, but by the Jews 
also. We read ih Exodus^ that 
afW the passage of the Israèliteti 
through the Red Sea, " Miriam die 
*' prophetess, the sister of Aaron^ 
'^ took a timbrel in her hand> and 
'' ali the women wetit out after 
'' her, with timbk'els and with 
^' dances. And Miriam answered 
" them, Sing ye to the Lord, for 
" he hath triumphed gloriously; 
^' the ^ borse and bis rider hath he 
" thrown into the sea." In the 
second hook of Samuel w« find, 
that David " danced hefore the 
*^ Lord" The royal Psalmist calls 
upon the people to praise the Lord 
in the dan^e, and to prmse him.foitk 
the timbrel and dance, These 30- 
lemn dances were perverted by the 
heathen, and made use of to excite 
impure thoughts; for which reason 
they were justìy hiìd »nside by the 
Ch ristia ns. 

7 4f. HiEc Uhi semper erunt.'} These 
sacrifices to Daphnis were not to 
be temporary, but perpetuai. We 
fin d bere plainly expressed, what two 
sacritìces they were, in which Daph- 
•nis was to be annually commemo^ 
rated; in that to the Nymphs^ and 
in the Ambarvalia, 

75. Nymphis.'] It does not ap- 



2e%£.*SiS?i!tt!BfiS Dum juga montb aper, fluvies dum piseb ama- 

duJl love the ttieams, u:^ ng 

pear, that the Roinans offered any 
sacrifices to the nymphs in their 
houses. The two sacrifices here 
spoken of were one in the fìeUIs, 
and the other before the hearth. 
The Ambawalia were celebrateci 
in the open fìelds^ and therefore 
that to the nymphs must bave been 
within doorsj antefocum. This has 
occasioned much trouble to the 
commentators ; but the best solu- 
tion of the difficulty seems to be 
found by a quotation from Athe- 
naeus, whìch Guellius has given us. 
That author tells us, that, according 
to Timseus^ one Damocles was a 
flatterer of the younger Dionysius. 
It being the custom in Sicily to 
sacrifìce to the nymphs within 
doors, and to dance round them, 
this Damocles slighted the nymphs, 
and danced before Dioiiysius, saying 
it was not fit to dance before inani- 
mated deities ; Ti^d; y h r? ^im^u, 
xtcì fixMTJi r«y ioro^iSf AnfMzXuù ^mcì 
vìf Atóiva-Zov Tòv yf4VTf(0v rh xóXutuù, 
ìèéfn òvr^ iucTÙ XtxtXtkf évTms vùturétu 
tcttrà ras éxiati T»Tf Nvft^cuf, xeù «-f^/ 
T<i ùydXfiutrx irufvxji^Uf fAtévaxòftiPùUg 
^^XMa4éu TI «tgi T^f Hai, i AnfCéKXtif 
Utrxs ràq 'Avft^oiy xtù ù^tif ùv ìut ^f^m-^ 

Atcvvo-Mf, It ìs plain from this 
passage, that it was a custom in Si- 
cily to worship the nymphs within 
doors, and to dance round their 
images, Therefore, as Daphnis is 
supposed to be a Sicilian shepherd, 
we must understand the poet to al- 
lude to this Sicilian sacrifìce. 
i Cum lusttaUmus agros."] This 
plainly alludes to the Ambarvalia, a 
sacrifìce to Ceres, which he describes 
in the first Georgick, ver, SSS, Jn 
this solemnity, he tells us himself. 

that they sung and danced satirical 
dances. * 

Det motas in oompositos et carmiiia diot 

76. Dum juga moniis aper, S^t] 
There is a similar passage in the 
first iEneid, where JÈneas professes 
bis gratitude to Dido in almost tbe 
same words ; 

In freta, dum fluvìi current, dum mon* 

tibus umfarae 
Lustrabunt convexa, polu9 dum àden 

S8mper honos, nomenque tuum» kudes- 

que manebunt. 

It ìs easy to observe, with what 
propriety thepoetexpreSses the same 
sentiment under different charac- 
ters. iBnea:?, being a great per- 
ponage, declares his gratitude shafl 
last as long as the rivers run info 
the sea, the shadaws clrcle rovnà 
the tops of the mountains, and the 
sky supplies food to the stars. These 
expressìons suit very well with a 
person in high life, who may be 
supposed to understand philosophy. 
But the simple shepherd hardly 
knows what course the rivers take; 
and therefore keeps within the spfaere 
of his own knowledge, and talks of 
the fishes loving the rivers, the wHà 
boars the mountains, the bees the 
thyme, and the dcada the dew. 
These es^pressions are ali within the 
compass of a shepherd's knowltìdge: 
this is truly pastoral simplicity. 

Aristotle says the wild boars \\^^ 
in bushy, cra^gy, n^rrow, shady 
places ; a/ ^f Sii ett ay^tett rtv Yfi' 
^fùf À^x^fcifov i^tiffrt, rix/rtvvi ìi f^^ 

r»vf rivóv?, xmÌ i^ùx^iftf^vf fiid)itrFii, 

in the. twélfth Iliad, represents tbe 



>unique thymo pascentur apes, dura rore ci- 

Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque ma» 

Ut Bacòho Cererique, tibi sic vota quotannìs 
AgricolsB tacient: damnabis tu quoque votis. 80 

•0 long as the beea shaf I fieed 
on the thyme, io Ione as the 
cicadae shall feed on tne dew, 
thy honour, and thy name, 
and praisea shall enuufe Ibr 
ever. To thee «hall the hus- 
bandmen oflfer annual Vows, 
astoBacchiuandCeres: thou 
also shalt judge them by tlidr 

mountains as habiiations fur wild 
boai^9 ; 

'Ay^m^Mfé fvi^^tf Uizirty rat r h l^&n 
*Ai^^m9 niì xvfSn ìix»rm »«X«m^*v iifr», 

Philips has imitateci this passage ; 

While mallow kids, and endive lambs 

pursue ; 
While bees love thyme, and locusta sip 

the dew ; 
While birds delight in woods their notes 

to strain, 
Thy name and sweet memori&l shall re- 


77. Dutnque thymo pascenlur apes.] 
Thyme has always been esteemed 
as the best food for bees. See the 
note on ver. 1 12. of the fourth 

Rore cìcckLb.'] Aristotle says, 
that the cicada has no mouth, but 
thrusts out a trunk like a tongue^ 
whereby it sucks in the dew ; *0 ^ 
•ìtTT^ fcòfóf rSf Tótùvrtfv, xkì rSf tixxtff 

fftr^óTéóKÌrr^«if ri yXttrrùuììf, futx^of 

^V^ T^sip<r«i ftÀittì. Thus also The- 
ocrìtus^ in the fourth Idyllium ; 

^-*"M« flr^JMf Ar/^iroiy m^in^ S rsm|; 

Doesshe, like insects,/£»2 upon- the dew$ 


79* Baccho Cererique.l Bacchus 
and Ceres were frequently worship- 
ped together. See the note on ver. 
7, and 344. of the first Georgick. 
Perhaps the poet might not allude» 
in ibis place, to the joint worship of 
Bacckusand Ceres; but mean, that 
as Bacdius was worshipped on ac- 

count of the vintage^ and Ceres on 
account of the harvest, which are 
the two prìncipal cares of a hus- 
bandman; so Daphnis, or Julius' 
Cssar^ diould be no less invoked m 
the country, than those two great 
deitìes. In like manner, at the be- 
ginning of the Geor^cks, he prays 
Augusto 8, a new deity, to preside 
over husbandry ; 

Ignarosque viac mecum mUeraitu agrèi' 

Ingredere et votis jam nunc assuesoe 


80. Damnabis tu quoque votis.'] 
Servius understands tnese words to 
mean, that when Daphnis, as à 
god, shall begin to bestow blessings 
upon men, he will oblige them to 
perform the vows, by which they 
nave obtained those blessings. La 
Cerdathinks we shouldread votiìn- 
stead of votis, which he takes tò be 
better Latin. In confìrmation of 
this opinion, he quotes three pa^i- 
sages from Livy, one in the fifUi 
hook, '' Furere civitatem, qu» 
'^ damnata voti;" another in the 
tenth, " Bis ej.osdem voti damfiata 
" republica in religionem venit ;'* 
the third in the twenty-seventh 5 
*' Damnarenturque vo forum, quae 
" prò ipsis suscepissent.** Buthow- 
ever, he thinks the common reading 
may be defended by a passage in 
the fourth hook of Sisenna ; *' Quo 
^' voto damnati, foetum omnem 
'' dicuntur ejus anni statim consé- 
" crasse.** Heipsius, according to 
-Burman, says he was once of opi- 
nion, that it-ought to be voti; but 



M0p. Wliat «m I giT« yoa, 
vrhat presenta^ in retura for 

Mop. Quas tibi, qu» tali reddam prò cariniiie 
dona ? 

he concludes^ that npthìng ought to 
be altered, in contradictioii to ali 
the anclent manuscripts -, especially 
as we find voto damnati in Siseniìa^ 
and *' Omnium mortalium opera 
*' morialitaie damnata sunt" in Se- 
neca. Ruaeus gives a gòod expli- 
catìonofthe senseofthis passage: 
! '' He who makes a vow, desires 
' " something from God, and pro- 
*^ mises something to him at the 
*' same time. If God grants bis 
'^ request^ then he, who makes the 
** vow, Ì8 in a marrner judged, and 
'^ pbliged to perform • his promise. 
" Thus God is said damnare votis 
" or voti, when he grants the re- 
*^ quest, and so obliges the person 
** to perform what he had pro- 
^^mised." He also quotes à pas- 
sage from the third Decade of Livy, 
which is full to this purpose; 
" Deos, Deasque precabantur, ut 
^' illìs faustum iter felixque pugna 
. " esset : et damnarentur ipsi voto- 
" rum, quflB prò iis suscepissent." 
jHe refers also to ver. 237. of the 
.fifth iEneid> where voli reus is used 
'in the same sense. Erythraeus justly 
oensures Nonius and Agretius, for 
interpreting damnabis, lil}erains; 
ma affirms, that, on the contrary, 
it signifies obligabis. He observes, 
that this expr^sion plainly declares 
Daphnis to be really a god ; for he 
will not only bave vows made to 
him by the husbandmen, but he 
will shew himself to be a god, by 

franting their petitions, and thereby 
oiding them to the performance 
of their vows. De MaroUes trans- 
lates it, Thou shalt oblige them by 
benefits to serve thee; " Et par les 
^ ." biens faits tu les obligeras à te 
*' servir." Catrou translates it, 
. You shaU have-a tight to exact the dc- 
cfrniplùhmetìt of their votvsj " Vous 

^^ serez en droit d*en exiger lac- 
*' complìssement." This leamed 
critic finds something even bere 
to confi rm his system. Hesays, that 
tu quoque signifies even you ; and that 
these words express a surprise, that 
even a shepherd should receive the 
vows of mortals. But surely thià is 
straining very hard for a coofirma- 
tion. For does not tu quoque, in 
this place, signify the very same 
with Te quoque magna Pales at the 
beginning of the tìiird Georgick"? 
Could any one in his senses ìmnmne, 
that the poet meaiis, in that place, 
any surprise that Pales should be 
celebrated, when he calls ber magna 
at the same time. The leamed 
Father himself has no such ima- 
gination, when he translates that 
Georgick. W. L. translates it> 

Yea thou their vowe!s shaH binde them to 

Lord Lauderdale does not seem to 
bave taken the rìght sense of the 
words in question ; 

So may'st thou awe us with thy power 

And make ohlations on thy altars shine. 

Dryden translate» it literally ; 

Such' annual honours shall be giv'n, and 

Shalt hear, and sheii condemn thy sup- 

pliants to their vow. 

The last line, I beliève, woidd be 
better thus, 

Slialt Tiear, and bind thy suppliantt to 
their vow. 

Dr. Trapp translates it, 

Thou too shalt be invok'd, and hear oùr 

<* Damnalìis" sayshe> "for obUgahis. 

." You shall oblige your votaxies by 

^^ their vows/i.(p. to the pexform- 



Nam neque me tantum, venieodB>sibilu8 Austri, 
Ne« pereussa juvant flncta tmnJBlj^ nec qoae 
Saxosas inter decurrunt flumina vaBes. 

Men« Hac te nos fragili dònroimus ante 

cicuta. 85 

HaBC nos : Formosum Corydon ardebat Alexim : 

kamOthtt m «he vldipcft 
of the iMQg teftth, nor tlie 
flSQtlie 黣Sag of mevv^Ves, 
deUght M mufih, nor rifcn 
nmoiag taBOODgthmtotkyra.' 
leys.. .1 

Afe». Bat fint I wiU make 
you a preteat of thb ned. 
Thit tauj^ht me to «iny 
**Foraioiutn Corydoa aide- 
bat Alexim:" 

'' ajft;e of their vows, t. e, you shall 
" bear their prayers." 

81. Qua tibi, <^c.] Menalcas 
has extolled the sweetness of Mop- 
dus's song, coroparìng it to the de- 
L*ght whìch rest gives to the weary^ 
and fresh water to the thirsty. Now 
Mopsusreturns the complimenti and 
icompares the verses of Menalcas to 
ihe gentle southern breezes^ the 
marmiiring of the waves against 
the shore, and the fall bf waters 
among rocks. 

82. Venientis sibilus Austri.^ He 
compares the song of his friend, not 
to the strong blasts of the south ; 
but to the gentle gale, when it is 
beginning to rise. 

83. Nec percussa Juvant, ^cJ] 
In like manner we must understand 
these wordsto mean the gentle dash- 
ing and murmurìng of the waves 
against ihe shore, and not the roar- 
ing of the billows in a storm. 

84. Saxosas inter, 4^.] Theo- 
critus, in his first Idyllium, com- 
pares the sweetness of a song to wa- 
ters falli ng down from a high rock ; 

Tn/ atti lUf ^ir^t KttruXifCirlu i^^^^iv 

And sweeter notes thy pipe, deor shep- 

herd, fiU, 
Tban raurmuring sprìngs that roll from 

yonder bill. Cbeech. 

85. Hac te nos fragili, Sfc.^ la 
the precerling paragraph, Mopsus 
declares himself at a loss for a pre- 
sent worthy t)f his friend's accept- 
ance : but Menalcas prevents him, 

lefsires his acceptance df the 
which he had siing the sé- 

id third Eclogne. 

tbimus.2 Someread donavi" 

neh is not countenanced by 

luscript of note. 

TéBC nos, Sfc."] VirgiV seems \ 
pretty plaìnly to intimate, that he 
means nimself under the name of 
Menalcas, by representing that 
shepherd ad the antbor of the Alexie 
Hhd the Palsemon. It is etident 
from this passage that those t«rò 
Eclogues were written before the' 
present, because they are bere eie- 
pressly mentioned. And, as the 
poet does not give the least hint 
here of bis having composed* any 
other, it seems probable, that these 
were the three first Eclogues which 
our author con^osed. Many critica 
are of opinion that the Titynis was 
«lot really the first, notwithstanding 
the place which is gtven it in ali the 
editions. We may therefore ven- 
ture to say that these three were 
written before it. The Tityrus 
was certainly wriifen in the year of 
Rome 713, when the lands were 
divided among the soTdiers: and the 
Pollio was composed in 714, when 
Pollio wa» comul. We must there- 
fore- en/Ieavour to. fix' some time 
before 713 for the writing of the 
other three Eclogues. It seems pro- 
bable, that the Daphnis was written 
in 712, when divine hononrs werè 
given to Julius Caesar-; and before 
the battle of Philippi, v^hich Was 
fought at the latter end of that 
year. For the Roman aiS^trs being^ 
D d 




P«cii.,aa?SÉÌ3?"^^" Haec eadem docuit, Cujum peeus, an Meliborì. 
m^^'S^Jt^*^ Mop. At'flHsume pedum, qùod me, cum 

remariEabteforittevenjointt» < >< ^ 

and adomed with ^raat : SacpC ro^arct,. 

at that lime in a very unsettled state, 
tbe poet would not venture tò cele- 
brate the apotheosis of Julius Cassar 
opeoly; but cbose to do ìtjfttlttr 
the feigned character of a Sncilijh 
shepherd. As for the Pala&on^ ìt 
seems to bave been dedicltted to 
PolUo, or at least written u}i(kr his 
protection,. as he is tbe on» person 
therein celebrated. We must there- 
fore seek for some period of time, 
when Pollio waa powerful in those 
parts. We find« by comparing tbe 
several historians of those times, 
that this great man was a Constant 
companlon of Julius Csesar, during 
the ci vii wars between him and 
Pompey. We rcad that he was 
present at the very beginning of 
that war, when Cassar passed the 
Rubicon. We find him also in tbe 
same company at the battle of 
Pharsalia, and in Africa. Dio tells 
us> that when Ceesar returned 
from the Spanish war, Pollio was 
left in Spaìn with the command of 
an army, whicb he did not quit 
till after the death of Cssar. Since 
therefore we find, that Pollio was 
engaged abroad^ from the breaking 
out of the civil «war to the death 
of Caesur, which was in March 
71 Oj it 18 most probable, that the 
Èclogue in question was written be- 
tween that time and the year 712. 
The year 711 began with the march 
of the new consuls» Pausa and 
Hirtiusy in cot^junction with young 
Cffisar, as Augustus was then called> 
to reUeve Decimus Brutus, who 
was then besieged in Modena by 
Mark Anthony. After the raising 
of this siege, Augustus raarohed to 
Rome^ where he procured himself 

to he chosen consul^ ahout the lat- 
ter end of August, and Anthony 
towards the Alps^ when he was 
joined by the army of Lepidus. _ We 
may gather from Appian» that Pol- 
lio "was at the head of two legions, 
when Anthony marched ugainst 
D. Brutus; that the senate wrote 
to him to war against Anthony, 
when he retreated towards the Alps ; 
that Augustus wrote to him, to 
join with them, after the recon- 
ciliation between him and Anthony 
was begun ; and that accordingly 
Pollio joined Anthony soon after 
with his two legions, and brougbt 
over Plancus also to join him with 
three more. These a£Pairs were 
transacted in the Cisalpine Gaul, in 
which Mantua was situaled, and 
about the end of tbe year 711. At 
this time therefore, when Pollio 
was so considerable in those parts, 
we may reasonably suppose, tbat 
the third Eclogue was written, in 
which ^he, and he alone, is cele- 
brated. As for the Alexìs, it is 
very diificult to say when that was 
written, as there is no allusion in it 
to any public transaction. It seems 
to bave been written before the Pa- 
Iscmon, by.its being placed first 
in the passage under consideration. 
Perhaps it was published before the 
death of Julius Cassar, and ap- 
proved bv him; for the poe^ias 
hinted already, in this Eclogue, 
that he was favoured by Ceesar, 
amavit nos quoque Dapknis. 

88. At tu sume pedum, &c.] Mop- 
8US at last insists upon his friend*8 
acceptance of a shepberd's crook, 
the vaine of which ne sets forth, 
by telling him, that anotber had 

BUCOLIC. ECL. V. • 203 

Non tulìt Anfigenes, et erat tum dignus amar4, iJ^^UlSd Sfolto 
Formosum paribus nodis iftquq^sere, MeDalca. ^y to £ beio^ ^^^ ""^ 

eamestly desired it in vain, and by ness of its joints> and in its being 

describìng the beauty of the crook adomed with brasen rings. In like 

ìtself. manner the goat-herd makes a pre- 

Pedum is the shepherd's crook ; sent of a crook, 19 the 0«Aw0-mi of 

a staff with a hook at the ^d, by Theocritus ; 

which they aitch l^e sheep by their . ^ ^.^,^ ^. ^^^ 

legs. Ihe beauty of this crook W£,réi,l^a,»é^apì^i^,^0Sn»»ì^ì 

seema to bave consisted in the evenr bay l*' Akmiuf «^jiM-^My U AOg l^Mf. 






Prima Syracosio dignata est luderè versu to'tfJsSduSrìt^*'^^ 

1. Prima Si/racosio, Sfc] " The 
*^ young shepherds, Chromis and 
'^ Mnasylus^ having been often 
*^ promised a song by Silenus, chance 
'* tò catch hlm asleep in this Ec- 
*' logue 5 where they bind him 
'' hand and foot, and then claim 
'« bis promise. Silenus, finding they 
*' wouid be put off no longer^ be- 
** gins bis song; in which he de- 
*' scribes the formation of the uni- 
*' yerse, and the originai of ani- 
'' mais, according to • the Epicu- 
^^ rean philosophy ; and then runs 
^^ through the most surprising trans- 
** formations which bave happened 
^^ in nature since ber birth. This 
*' Edogue was ciesigned as a com- 
'« pliment to S)rro the Epicurean, 
^* who instructed Virgil and Varus 
** in the principles of that philo- 
«' sophy. Silenus acts as tutor, 
<* Chromis and Mnasylus as the 
*' two pupils/' Lord Roscommon. 

Some give this Edogue the title 
of Metamorphods» others of Theo- 
logia, and others of Varus : in many 
of the old manuscripts it is Faunor- 

rum, SatyroTum, Silenorum, ddecia- 
ito : the common title is Silenus. ' 
The poet, by way of introduc- 
tión to this Edogue^ tells us, that 
he was the first diat atteinpted to 
write in imitation of Theocritus ; 
that he had once attempted herbic 
poetry, but Apollo -reproved him, 
and advised him to tend bis sheep. 
Prima,'] It is bere used advér- 
btally for primo. See the nòte on 
ver. 12.' of the first Georgiclc. 

Some understand by this wordi 
prima, that this was the first Ec-j 
logue that .Virgil composed ; but, as| 
Ruaeus justly observes, these very 
words. Prima Syracosio dignata- esi 
ludere versu f prove that this wasno^ 
the first Edogue: for, as he here^ 
tells US that he was the first wboi 
imitated Theocritus, it is plain tfaal 
he had imitated him before thi 
writing of this Edogue. 

" It is not from this verse that I 

'.' conjeeture thut this Edogue 

" ought to precede that of Tity- 

*' rusé It is for anotber reasotn, 

, '* that i ani going to p^reduée. It 



S'iff^Sd.f"^ Nostra, nec erubuit sylvas habltare, Thalia. 

^ud^mc'bySi'Sir^^**' Cum cancrem reges et praelia, Cynthius aurem 

** is true^ that the author of the 
** life of Virgil seems here to con- 
'^ tradict hiihself. He affirms, io 
" one-'place^ that the Tityrus was 
'^ the first Belone which the poet 
** composed* It appears, says he, 
** that Virgil had not composed any 
" Eck^ue before the Tityrus, frotn 
*' the Jourth Georgick ; where he 
'^ distinguishes his Rucolicks by the 
^ £clogue of Titynis, 

<* TUyre te patuloe- cecini tttb tegmine 

** He adds besides, that the poet 
** spentthree years in composìng his 
^' Bueolicks, Bucolica triennio per^ 
^^ fedii -That is, if one can be- 
*« lieve it, that Virgil began his 
" first Eclogue about the year of 
** Rome 713, and finished the last 
** after the year 715. The same 
'^ author also relates, that the ^Si- 
" lenus was recited by Cytheris, 
** before a full audience, in uè pre* 
'* sence of Cicero. This last fact 
'^ cannot possibly be true, supposìng 
'* the Tityrus was Virffil's first 
'* performance in this kind. Cicero 
" was dead when our poet com- 
** posed the Tityrus. In so mani- 
^* fest a contradiction, I incline to 
*• the side of the story of Cytheri», 
" which is attested also by Servius. 
*' As for the conjecture formed by 
** tìie writer of VirgiPs life, that 
*' tìie Tityrus was his first Eclogue, 
'* it is grounded upon a very fri- 
^' volous argument. The quota- 
*^ tion from the fourth Georgick, 
** which is tìie only support of it, 
*' proves only, that Virgil, in the 
*' edition of his Bueolicks, had 
"placed the Tityrus in the front. 
*' It is said also, that Virgil madeall 
5' bis Ecloguesr in three years. 
'* Therefore Cicero could not hear 

" an V one of them. But, in the 
" onginal, it is perfecit, tlutt is, he 
" perfected them, he made them 
«« fit to appear. Thus tliis Eclogue 
" might nave been prior to the Ti- 
" tyrus, and Cytheris might bave 
*' recited it in the presence of Ci- 
** cero.** Catrou. 

That the Tityrus was not the 
first of our auihor*s Eclogues, seems 
highly probable: but at the same 
time it is no less probable, that the 
Silenus was not written before it. 
In the ninth Eclogue the poet 
promises to exalt Varus to the 
skies, which he has not performed 
any where but in this Eclogge. 
The ninth Eclogue was written 
after the Tit)rrus; and therefore 
the Silenus was posterior to them 

SifracosioJ] . Theocritus was of 
Syracuse, a famous city of Sicily. 
Virgil therefore, writing Bueolicks, 
in imitation of that author, calk 
them Syracusian or Sicilian verse. 

Dignata estJ] The Roman poets 
before Virgil had treated of higher 
subjects : therefore he was the first 
who condescended to describe the 
low characters of shepherds. 

Ludere velsu."] Thus in the fìrat 
Eclogue ; 

Ludere quce vellem calamo pennisit 
agresti ; 

And in the fourth Georgick, 

Carmina qui luti pastorum. 

2. Tlialia,'] Thalia was one of 
the nine Muses. Her name seems 
to be put here for muse in general. 

3. Cum canerem reges, ^c.'] It is 
said that Virgil once attempted to 
describe the actions of the Alban 
kings ; but that, being deterred by 

(the harshness of their names, he 



VeIlit,etadmonuit: Pastorelli, Tity re, piogues Jl^^JlSS^r-hrA 
Pascere oportetovesjdeductumdìcere Carmen. 5 Ì?ta SSt m«Ìi^e?ÌSì«!°** '** 

^T l'V' é. • j» Now, O Vanis, will I exer- 

Nunc ego, namque super tibi erunt qui dicere cue my runa muw with a 
laudes, ^ 

desisted^ and applied himself to the 
writing of Bucoiicks. 

Cynthius,'] Cynthus is the pame 
of a mountain of Delos, where 
Apollo and Diana were bom ; 
wEence they are called Cynthius 
and Cynthia. 

4. Pingues pascere.'] Serviussays^ 
these words are put fìguratively for 
pascere ut pinguescant 

5. Deductum dicere Carmen.'] A 
metaphor taken from wool, which 
ìs spun thinner. 

6. Nunc ego, Sfc] In the follo w- 
ing verses^ the poet makes a dedi- 
cation of thìs Ediogue to Varus. 

Servius tells us^ that the Varus 
here intended had overcome the 
Germans, an^ thereby gained much 
glory and wealth. He adds, that 
some are of opinion^ that it was the 
Varus, who was slain in Germany 
with three legions, and lost the< 
standards, which were afterwards 
recovered by Germanicus the son of 
Drusus : that others will' bave it, 
that, when Asinius PoUio was over- 
thrown, Alfenus Varus was made 
lieutenant-general in 'bis room by 
Augustus, uiat he presided over the 
province beyond the Po, and took 
care, that Virgil's lands, which had 
been restored to him, should not be 
taken 'away again by the soldiers. 
As for the Varus, who gained so 
much glory and wealth by overcom- 
ing the Germans, there seems to be 
a profound silence conceming him 
among the historians. Csesar indeed, 
in bis eighth hook de Bello Gallico, 
mentions one Quintus Atius Varus, 
who was prefect of the borse under 
Caius Fabius in Caesar's army, and 
did good service against Dumnacus. 

Caesar gives him the character of a 
man of singular courage and con- 
duct. Jt seems to be the same Va- 
rus, that Caesar mentions again, ih 
bis third hook de Bello Cioi/t,. under 
the name of Quintus Varus^ He 
was then prefect of the borse under 
Cneius Domitius in IN^acedon, 
where he fell into an ambush, that 
was laid for him by Scipio. Varus 
defended himself bravely, repulsed 
the enemy, killed about eighty of 
them, and retreated to the camp, 
with the loss only of two raen. 
This Varus, might probably bave 
attended Caesar in bis expedition 
into Germany ; but whatsoever 
glory he might gain there, it is cer- 
tain, that neither Csesar, nor any 
of bis officers, gained any wealth in 
that country. This German story 
of Servius must therefore be a mis* 
take ; for there had been no other 
expedition against the Germans, 
when Virgil wrote the Eclogue un- 
der consideration. As for the Va^ 
rus, who was slain in Germany, he 
is well known in history by that 
misfortune. Uis name was Pub- 
lius Quintilius Varus. He was 
Consul in the year of Rome 741, 
together with Tiberìus; and pe- 
rished, with bis army, in Germany, 
in 762. Dio tells us, that after he 
had been governor of Syria, he 
was sent, in the same quality, into 
Germany, where he attempted to 
rule, as over a conquered nation, 
and to fleece the people of their 
money, which they were resolved 
not to bear. But t)nding that the 
Roman s were strong about the 
Rhìne, they contrived to circum- 
vent Varus, and draw him farther 


SefiSc^r'lSS.Sr' ^ ^^^» ^^^^ cupiant, et tristia condere bella. 

up into the country. They pre- 
tended to live in peacè and friend- 
ship with him, and made him be- 
lieve, they were so perfectly obe- 
dient to him, that there was no oc- 
t^asion for many soldier3 to keep 
them under. There were two of 
their chiefs among the conspirators, 
Arminius and Se^emerus, who 
"were perpetually with Vania, and 
greatly in his confidence. They 
persuaded him to disperse his sol- 
diers in several distant garrisons^ 
where they pretended the weakness 
of the places or danger of robbers 
required them. Having thus weak- 
ened his army, they raised a report 
of an insurrection in some distant 
parts of Germanyj which drew 
Vanis to march that way with 
what forces he had about him, en- 
rumbered at the same tlme with 
many carriages, and women, and 
boys, thinking himseìf safe in a 
country subject to his command. 
These chiefs contri v ed to stay be- 
hind, under pretence of gatherìng 
Auxiliaries tojointhem. Butìnstead 
of this, they killed the Romans, 
who were dispersed among them, 
and drew their own forces together, 
whìch had been privately- made 
ready, and assaulted Varus, as he 
was marching through a moun- 
tainous country, entangled with 
woods, when tbe soldiers were fa- 
tigued with cutting down great 
trees, and making bridges. A great 
storm of wind and rain happening 
'at the same time, the Romans were 
hardly able to stand upon the un- 
equal, slippery ground : whìlst the 
Germans, being acquainted with 
the by-paths, wounded them at a 
distance, and then engaged them 
band to band. In this manner they 
skirmished for two or three days, 
when the Romans were quite borne 

down with fatigue and wounds. 
In this distreseed condition, Varus, 
and other prìncipal officars, fearìng 
they should be either slain or taken 
prisoners, chose to fall upon'tbeir 
own swords. When Augnstus heard 
the news, he is said to bave rent his 
garments, and used other expressions 
of thehi^hest grief. Suetonius also 
mentions this misfortune of Varus, 
and says, that three legione, with 
the general, lieutenant-generals, and 
ali the auxiliaries were lost: that 
when the news came, Augnstus ap- 
pointed a guard to watch ali night 
in the city, for fear of tumults: 
that he vowed great sports to Jupi- 
ter, if he would restore the decay- 
in£^ state of the commonwealth : 
that he let his hair and beard gn)w 
for several months, in the mean 
time frequently knocking his head 
against the doors, and crying out, 
Restore the legiofis, Varus : *' Quin- 
''tili Vare; legiones redde." Vel- 
leius Paterculus, who lived about 
the time of this misfortune, gives 
this character of Quìntilius Varus: 
that he was ofa family rather il- 
lustrious thàn noble ; of a mild and 
quiet temper, indolent both in body 
and mind^ more accustomed to tbe 
inactivity'of a camp, than to the 
fatigues * of war j so far from a 
contempt of money, that when he 
was appoìnted govemor of Syria, 
he went poor into a rich provìnce ; 
and came away rich, leaving tl\e 
country poor : that, when he werìt 
into Gerniany, he behaved, as if 
those stubborn people were to be 
subdued by laws instead of arms: 
that, being circumvented by the 
Germans, he shewed more skill in 
dying than in fighting j and sokilled 
himself, as his father and grand- 
father had doiie before him. 'ihe 
same author mentions another Quin- 


Agrestem tenui meditabor arundine Miuam. ^•^ '*^"* ^^ dreadfai 

tilius Varus^ who fouffht again&t 
Cassar at Philipp!, and when the 
bjattle was lost, slew himself. This 
was probably the father of the Va- 
rus> òf whom we have been speak- 
in£, and to whom Virgil is gene- 
rauy supposed to have dedicated this 
Eclogue. But notwithstanding the 
concurrent opinion of the most 
leamed critics has gìvèn tìie ho- 
nour to him ; some material ob- 
jections may be formed a^ainst their 
determination. The division of the 
lands was made in the year of Ronie 
713, when Virgil made use of the 
interest of his fì*iend Varus with 
Csesar^ to obtain the restitution of 
his estate; and we are told, that 
Varas was then in the highest de- 
gree of esteem and favour with 
Caesar. It may seem strange there- 
fore^ that this ^reat favourite was not 
advanced to the Consulate till near 
thirty years a^rwards. Ànodier 
objection may be made to the age of 
Quintilius Varus. He is said to 
have studied philosorphy together 
with Virgil. He must tfaerefore 
probably be about the same age; 
and indeed he eould not be much 
younger, to deserve to have his wars 
celebrated^ et tristia condere bella: 
for Virffil was but in his thirtieth 
year, when the lands were divided. 
Now, if he was of the same age 
with Virgil, he must have been near 
eighty when he killed himself in 
Germany ; an age too great for the 
oommand of a newly conquered 
province, where the pec^le were 
known to be very robast, and in- 
clinabletorebel. Besides, the histo- 
rians would hardly have passed over 
in silence the remarkable circum- 
staace of his kiUing himself at so 
great an age. A third objection 
arises from the character given of 
Quintilius Varus by Velleius. It 

is hard to ima^ine, that a man so 
mild, quiet, indolent, and inactive 
by nature^ could be celebrated by 
Virgil as a great warrior, whose 
brave actions were sufficient to em- 
ploy many pens in praise of them. 
The third person meutioned by Ser- 
vius is Publius Alfenus Varus. This 
man was bred a tailor, as w6 fihd 
in Borace; 

^Alfeaus vafer, omnì 

Abjecto instrumento artis, clausa^ue. ta- 

Sutor erat. 

Having good naturai parts^ he ap- 
plied himself to the study of the 
law, and became very eminent in 
that profession; and was chosen 
Consul in 755, Aulus GelUus says 
he was a lawyer, the disciple of 
Servìus Sulpicius, and cutious in an- 
tiquities. He speaks of some books 
pf his wrìting : but there is not the 
least mention any where of , his 
having ever applied himself to arms. 
Besides, as he did not come to be 
Consul till forty years after this 
Eclogue was written, it is not pro- 
bable that he was at that time a 
man of sucfa interest, as to obtain 
the preservation of Mantua. As 
for his succeeding Pollio, in a mili- 
tary command, and his presiding 
over the province beyond the Po j 
they are mere dreams of Servius, or . 
of some idle scribe, who has stuck 
his own fictions into the writings of 
that celebrated commeutator. There 
is one person more, who is thought 
to be the Varus intended, Quinti- 
lius Cremonensis, whQ is said, by 
Eusebius in bis Chronicle, to have 
been intimate with Virgil and Ho- 
race,.aQd to have died in the first 
year pf the ISgth Olympiad, which 
answers to.the year of Rome 7^0 : 
" Olymp. clxxxix. 1. Quintilius 
E e 



'J^£?h^Ì^ Noninjassa^caiio: ai quis tamea haec quoque, 
**!»««»' si quis 

'' Cremonensis Virgilii et Horatii 
" familiarìs moritur/* Horace, in 
his Art of Poetry, speaks of him as 
a judicìous and candid critic. 

Quintilio sì quid redtares; Corrige, 

uodes, , 

Hoc, aìebat, et hoc: melius te posse 

Bis terque expertum frustra ; delere ju- 
.* bebat. 
Et male tornatos incudi reddere versus. 
Si defendere delictum, quam vertere, 

tnalles ; 
Nullum ultra verbum, aut operam in- 

sumebat inanem, 
Quin sine rivali teque et tua solus amares. 

QuintUius, ifhis advice tvere ask'^df 
Would freely teli you what you shotdd 

Or, ifyou could not, bid you hlot U out. 
And with more care tupply the vacancy ; 
But ifhefouiid you f and, and óbttinatet 
And apter to defend than rnend your 

With siknce kave you to admire yourself. 
And tokhoiU rivai hug your darling hook. 
Lord Roscommon. 

It ia to the same person, tbat the 
eigbteenth Ode of the first hook is 
commonly supposed to be addressed, 
the inscription being ad Quintilium 
Varum : though some will bave that 
inscription to be false, and it is said 
to be wanting in most manuscripts. 
But the twenty-fourth Ode is with* 
DUt doubt composed on the death of 
this person. It is addressed to Vir- 
gil, as to his particular friend, and 
Quìntilius is there celebrated, as 
having been a man of exemplary 
modesty, fidelity, and truth : 

Ergo Quintilium perpetuus sopor 
Urget ? Cui pudor, et justitiee soror 
Incorrupta fides, nudaque veritas. 
Quando ullum inveniet parem? 

Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit : 
Nulli flebilior, quam tibi, Virgili. 
Tu frustra pius, heu, non ita creditum 
Poscis Quintilium deos. 

Ruaeus affirms, that the addihg of 
the surname of Varus to this Quìn- 
tilius Cremonensis, is a mere fiction 
of the grammarians, and not coun- 
tenaneed by any ancien t author. 
But whether his surname was Varus 
or not, it does not appear, from any 
thing tiiat has been said of him, that 
he ever shone in war : nay we roay 
conclude that he did not; since 
Horace, in the Ode on his death, 
has not said a word of his military 
glory. Having now enquired into 
the characterof ali those, who bave 
been supposed to be the Varus bere 
intended, I cannot help being of 
opinion, that it is Quintus Atius 
Varus, mentioned before, who 
served under Julius Caesar, with 
such reputation, in the Gallic war, 
and adhered to him in the ci vii war; 
unless any one will shew, that he 
died before the tlme of writing this 
Eclogue, a fact, which I bave not 
been able to discover. 

7. Et tristia condere bella,'] Some 
commentators bave fancied tbat this 
epithet tristia alludes to the fatai 
war in which Quintilìus Varus 
perished. But, as has been already 
observed, it was not any war at ali; 1 
for he vainly attempted to govern 
the Germana by laws, and not by 
arms : and as for the action in which 

he fell, it did not deserve the name 
of a battle, being a mere slaughter. 
Besides this action, such as it was, 
happened several years after the 
death of Virgil. 

8. Agrestem tenui, ^c.'] See tlie 
notes on ver. 2. of the second 

9. Si quis tamen, ^cJ] *' Though 
" Apollo has deterred me from de- 
" seribing your actions in heroic 
^^ verse ; yet if any one shall read 



Captus amore leget, te hostrae, Vare, rayricae, 10 JiST^^ ^S^^tE^yS 
Te nemus omne canet: "nec Phcebo gratior ulla CTc*I^Vow«Stóagtnoijls 

Quam sibi quae Vari praescripsit pagina nomen. 

Pergite, Pierides, Chromiset Mnasilus in antro y°"»8 

anjr page more pl^sine to , 
PhoBbuii, than tbat which 
bean the iiame of Vania in 
its front. 
Proceed, yc Muses: The 
ChromlA and Mnadlus 

'^ these Bucolicks^ he shall fìnd 
*' your name scattered in the woods, 
^' or pastora! writing^s : and it is 
*' thus scattered. every where, be- 
'* cause I know, that no writings 
'^ are more pleasing to Phcebus, 
*' than those which bave your naaie" 
'* prefì&ed. And indeed the ninth 
. '^ £clogue roakes frequent mention 
'' of Varus/' Ruìbus. * 

13. Fergvte Pierides, <^c.]^ The 
poet now proceeds to the subject of 
bis Eclogue^ and relates how two 
shepherds^ or perhaps satyrs, with 
a nyinph, found Silenus asleep, and 
bound him', to obtain a song^ which 
.he had often promised^ and as often 
deceived them. 

Serviqs tells us, that '^ Virgii 
'' bere designs to set forth the £pi- 
'^ curean philosophy, which both 
'* Virgii and Varus had ieamed 
" under Siro; and that heìntroduces 
'* Siro speaking, as it were under 
'* the person of Silenus. By Chro- 
*' mis and Mnasylus, he means 
^^ himself and Varus ; to whom 
'' he adds a girl, io shew the 
f' full Epicurean doctrine, which 
^^ teaches^ that notbin^ ìs perfect 
** witbout pìeasure.** In the life of 
Virgii also, which is ascribedto Do- 
natusy it is said that he and Varus 
were disciples of this Syro; *' Au- 
" divit a Syrone praecepta Epicuri, 
^f cujus doctrinae socium habuit 
'* Varum.*' Catrou endeavours to 
confirm this story by a quotation 
from the Catalecta, ascribed to Vir- 
gii. This little piece is entitled Ad 
villam Scironis, and runs thus ; 

Villula, quae Scironis eras, et pauper 
Venim fili domino tu quoque divitifiB : 
Me tibi, et hos una mecum, quos semper 
Si quid de patria tristius audiero, 
Commendo, in primisque patrem: tu 
nunc eris illi, 
Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cre- 
mona prius. 

*^ Virgii," says Catrou, " when he 
'* was afraid bis family would be 
'^ turned out of their estate at Ari- 
^' des, endeavoured to find a re- 
" treat for his parents. He cast bis 
^' eyes upon a fartn, that Syro had 
" in the country ; and thereupon 
'^ made an , epigram, the Latin 
'* and elegance. of which discover 
** the band of Virgii." Indeed 
the commentators are so well agreed 
about this story of Syro, tbat it 
may seem presumptuous to doubt 
of it. That there was an Epicu- 
rean philosopher of chat naine, in 
Virgil's time, is certain: Cicero, 
in an epistle to Trebianus, men- 
tions him with respect, as his friend ; 
^* Haec prsedicatio tua mihi valde 
^^ grata est, eaque te uti facile pa- 
" tiar, cum apud alios, tum me- 
" hercule apud Syr onera nostrum 
'* amicum. Quae enim facimus, ea 
'* prudentissimo cuique maxime 
" probata esse volumus." Thè 
same ^uthor, at the latter end of 
his second hook de Finibus, spèaks 
of him as.a very good andlearnied 
man; *' Credo Syronem dicis et 
'' Polydemum, cum optimos viros, 
'^ tum doctissimos homines." I 
will not therefore attempt to con- 
Ee 2 



Mw filenm lylng adeep fai a 

Silenum poeri somno vidare jacentem. 

tradict this receìved ^ry, that Vir- 
gH had studied the Epicurean phi- 
E)sophy under this Syro. But I do 
not believe, that tìie Varus, io 
whom this Èdogue was dedicated, 
studiéd under him at the same time. 
Varus was probably at that time in 
Gaul with Julius Cassar. But, 
not to insist any longer on that ar- 
gument, I cannot be persuaded 
that Virgil would represent this ex- 
cellent person in such a condìtion, 
as Silenus ìs here placed before us ; 
drunk, and asleep^ and this not 
once ,by accident; for it was his 
Constant custom^ ut semper ; his 
garland tumbled off his head, and a 
heavy flaggon, battered with often 
falling, hanging up near him. Such 
a description of an Epicurean phi- 
losopher might bave been made by 
an enemy of that sect : but the Epi- 
cureans themselves disclamed such 
debaucheries. Virgiltherefore, who, 
at least in his younger days, favoured 
the Epicurean doctrines, cannot be 
ìmagined to describe the leamed 
Syro in a manner so contrary to the 
avowed principles of Epicurus. As 
for the Epigrara quoted by Catrou ; 
supposing it to be written by Virgil, 
which die most leamed critics 
deny ; it seems rather to prove, that 
Silenus is not intended to represent 
Syro. The philosopher is there re- 
presented ashavinglived in a ornali 
house; with a poor bit of land, not 
sufficient to tempt the avance of the 
soldiers ; and yet to bave thought 
himself neh in the possession of it. 
This does not agree with the cha- 
racter of a man, who indulged him- 
self in daily riots and debaucheries. 
It is abundantly more probable, that 
Virgil did not intend to represent 
any person whatsoever uncter the 
character of Silenus: but that he 
rather alluda to an old fable, which 

Servius has related from Theopom- 
pus: *' This story of Silenus is not 
<' feigned by VirgÓ ; but taken 
" from Theopompus. He relates, 
'' that Silenus being dead dnink 
*' was seized by some shepherds of 
'^ king Midas and bound ^ that 
'' afterwards, his bands slipping off 
*' spontaneously, he ansWered se- 
'« veral questions of Midas concern- 
" ing naturai philosophy and an- 
'' tiquity." ^lian alto» in the 
eighteenth chapter of the thìrd 
book, quotes this conference of 
Midas with Silenus ùùm Theo- 
pompus. Ovid, in the eleventh 
hook of the Metamorphoses, men- 
tions Bacchus having lost his tutor 
Silenus, who was t^en dnmk by 
some Phrygian husbandmen> bound 
with garlands, and camed to fiieir 
king Midas. but restored by him to 
ikicchuS) with great joy 5 

Nec satis hoc Baccho est. Ipsos quoque 

deserit agros : 
Cumque eboro méliore, sui vineta Ti- 

Pactolonque petit: quainvìs non aureus 

Tempore, nec caris erat invidiosus arenis. 
Hunc assueta cohors, Satyrì, Bacchseque 

frequentant : 
At Silenus abest, Titubantem annisqae 

Ruricolae cepere Phryges: vinctumque 

AA regem traxere M idan : cui Tbradus 

Orgia tradiderat cum Cecropio Eumolpo. 
Qui simul agnovit socium . comitemque 

Hospitis adventu festum gcnialiter egit 
Per bis quinque dies, et junctas ordine 

Et jam stellarum sublime cóegerat agmen 
Lucifer undecimus, Lydus cum Istus in 

Rex venit; et juveni Silenum teddit 


Thus we see there was a current 
story^ th^ Silenus was found drunk. 



Inflatum hestemo venas, ut scmper laccho. 15 ^l^^h^^^^SS^tS 

preceding day. 

and bound with garlands> after 
^wrhich he reveaìed to men the secreta 
pf natufe, and tràditions oF the 
ancients. We need not therefore 
look farther fbr any other meaning 
in this Eclogue, than that the poet, 
iiaving a mind to treat of these sub*' 
jects, puts them in thè mouth of 
Silenus, whom he feigns to be 
treated by two young pef sons, in the 
sàme ipanner as lie was in Phrygia. 
Ckromis et Mnasylus .... pueri,'] 
These are generally thought to bave 
been satyrs. Servio s seems to think 
-the word jmeri to be used in this 
place^ because tiie Sileìtì, before 
they grow old, are satyrs. I rather 
believe they were shepherds; be- 
cause we find in the old story, qiioted 
firom Theópompus, that they were 
country peonie, who bound Silenus, 
and carried him to Midas. 

14. SUenum.'] Mlìan tells usi, 
that Silenus was the son of a nyinph : 
and thiit he was of a nature inferior 
to the gods» but superior to mor- 
tals: Hvft^i di 9-imV ^ ^tXnùf tSttfj 

ìi tt^uTTàn luà ^tìtfUmi j|v. We inay 
gather from the ver'ses just quoted 
from Ovid, that he was the tutor 
and coxnpànion of Bacchus. He ìb 
[^ken of also, in the fourth hook 
of the Metamorphoses, as one of the 
attendants of Bacchus, old, drunk, 
reeling, and scarce able to sit upon 
bis ass; 

Tu bSjugum pictis insignià fraenis 

Colla premislyticumt Baccbse Satyrique 

sequuntur ; 
Qnique senex ferula titubantes ebrìus 

artus • 
Sustinet, et panda non fortiter hsret 


The same poet, in the third hook 
of bis Fasti, describes this old deity 
in a ridiculous situation. Bacchus. 
it $eems, after his^conquest of India, 

passed through.Thrace, where his 
attendants, making a great clang 
with their brazen arms. drew vast 
nambers of bees after them, which 
Bacchus confined in a hollow tree, 
and so discovered the use of honey. 
Silenus and the satyrs, having tasted 
of this new delicacy, sought ali over 
the woods for more. The old deity, 
hearing the buzzing of bees in a 
hollow elm, said nothing to his 
companìons, having a tnind to keep 
the honey to him self. He jogged 
his ass slowly on to the tree, and 
leaning against it began toplunder 
the hi ve i when the beesrusned out 
upon him, and stung his mouth^ and 
his bald paté. In this condition poor 
old Silenus tumbled down, 'and his 
ass kicked him; which made hìtfi 
cali aloud ft>r heìp. The satyrs raii 
to his asdstance, and could not help 
laughingy to see him limp about/. 
witih hts swollen lips. Bacchus aldo 
laughed heartily, and cured h» dtd 
tutor's face, by daubing it ttvier 
with mud : ^ 

Jamqne erat ad Rhodopen, Pangseaque 
floirda ventum ; 
^riferae comitum concrepuere manm. 
Ecce novae coeunt volucres tinnitibiis 
Quaque movent sonitus aera, sequuii' 
tur apes. 
CoUigit errantes, et in arbore daudit 
Liber : et inventi prsmia mellis habet. 
Ut Satyri Isvisque senex tetigere sapo- 
rem ; 
Quaerebant flavos per neiìius omne 
Audit in exesa strìdorem examinis ulmo : 
Adspicit et ceras dissimulatque senex. 
Utque piger pandi tergo residebat aselli ; 
Applicat bunc ulmo, corticibusque 
Constitit ipse super ramósa stipite nixus: 
Atque avide trunco condita mella 
Millia cabronum coeunt, et vertice nudo 
Spìcula defigunt, oraque summa no- 



SSdJuy^jS?!.^'*"'^ Serta procul tantum capiti delapsa jacebant: 

lUe cadit preceps» et calce ferìtur aselli: 
Inclamatque suos, auxiliumque rogat. 
Concurrunt Satyri, turgentiaque ora pa- 
Rident : percusso claudicai ìUe genu. 
Ridet et ipse deus ; limumque inducere 
His paret monitis, et linit ora luto. 
Melle pater fruitur: liboque infusa ca- 
Jure repertori candida mella damus. 

15. Ut semper."^ These words 
express the perpetuai drunkenness 
of Silenus. 

lacchoJ] One of the names of 
Bacchus. It is here put for wine. 

16. Procul tantum.] Servius ìn- 
terprets ìtjust by, and quotes a pas- 
sage from the tenth ^neid, wnere 
he thfnks procul signifìes , near: 
" Modo prope, id est, juxta, Nam 
''ideo intuì it tantum capiti delapsa, 
'' ut ostenderet non longius provo^ 

.*Mutam coronam, ut est X. Ma. 
" 836. procul area ramo dependet." 
According to La Cerda, this passage 
should be thus translated; onli/ his 
garlands being f alien Jrotn his head 
lay at a distance, This leamed com- 
mentator observes, that among the 
ancients, the wcaring ofagarland 
was a mark of drunkenness, which 
he confimi s by some quotations from 
Plautus ; '' Capiam mihi coronam 
'' in capite, assimilabo me esse 
*' ebrium -" and '* Cum corona 
" me derideto ebrius /* and " Quid 
" video ego, cum corona ebrium 
*' Pseudolum tuum?** and " Quae 
'' isthaec audacia est, te sis inter- 
" diu cum corolla ebrium ince- 
" dere ?" But It was a stili greater 
mark of drunkenness, to bave the 
garland fallen from the head. For 
this he quotes Ovid ; 

Ergo amor, et modicum circum mea 
tempora vinum 
Mecum est, et madidis lapsa corona 

And Statius ; 

— — «Effusi passim per tecta, per agros. 
Serta inter^ vacuosque mero crateras, an- 

Proilabant sub luce deum. 

Heìice La Cerdaconcludes, that Vìi- 
gil's meaning was, that Silenus had 
ali the marks of drunkenness about 
him, only there was no garland on 
his head, for that lay at a distance. 
Thus he thinks Virgil iutended a 
jestupon Silenus 3 for by seeming 
to excuse bini as wunting one mark 
of drunkenness, he thereby repre^ 
senta him more strongly in that con- 
dition ; " Sed vide argutiam Vir- 
*' gilìi. Ponit notam quae deerat 
*^ ad communem ebri^tatem, ut 
" exaggeret ipsam ebrietatetaa. Per- 
'^ inde ac si dicat; baberet. notas 
" omnes ebrietatìs, si esset corona 
** in capite: sed hanc esse lapsam 
*^ major erat ebrieias.*' This jest 
will perhaps be thought toolow and 
trifling for Virgil. Ru8bus> ' after 
Turnebus, thinks the meaning of 
this passage to be, that the garlands 
lay at a distance, only fallen from 
his head, not broken or trampled 
on. ^^ Sic explicat Turtiébus haoc 
'* vocem, tantum: serta 'procal ja- 
'^ cebant : tantum delapsa e capite^ 
'^ non rupta, non calcata." Ma- 
roUes renders it a' good way off; 
'^ Le chapeau de iieurs qu'ìl portoit 
" d'ordinaire, estoit tombe de sa 
** teste, assez loin de lui." Catrou 
translates un peu loin. Drydcn*s 
translation is,, 

His rosìe wreath yvas drqpt not ìong bc" 

Born by the tide of wine, and floating on 

the floor. 

Dr. Trapp translates it, 

From his head, ai distance fall'n 
His garland lay. 

£t gravis attrita pendèbat cantharus ansa. 


and bis henry flaggon hune 

These words procul and tantum 
are not to be found logether any 
where in Virgil, except in the pas- 
sage before us. That procul does 
signify ai a distance can hardty be 
questioned ; or that ìt sometimes 
signifìes ai a great distance, or far 
off. In this sense it is plainly used 
in the third Georgick ; 

Atqae ideo tauros procul, atque in sola 

Pascua : 

And in the third iEneid; 

Principio Italiani, quam tu jam rere 

Vicinosque ignare paras invadere portus 
Longa procul longis via dividit invia 


And in the sixth ; 

» Procul O procul este profani 
Conclamat vates, totoque absistite luco. 

And in many otber places. But the 
most general meaning of procul 
seem^ to be^ al a small distance, of 
which we bave frequent examples in 
our poel. Thus in the third ^Eneid, 
it is used to express the distance be» 
tween the Trojan coast and Thrace, 
which is very smali, those countries 
being divided only by the narrow 
«traits of the Heliespont ; 

Littora tum patrìte làcrymans, portusque 

Et campos ubi Troja fuit : feror exul in 

Cum sociis, natoque» Penatibus, et mag*' 

aìs diis. 
Terra procul vastis^ colitur Mavortia 

Thraces arant. 

Here indeed some will bave procuZto 
belong to vasiis campis ; and not to 
the distance between Troy and 
Thrace, but to the extent of Thrace, 
rendering it longe laieque coUtur. In 
the sanie hook, he speaks of seeing 

Camarina» Gela, and Agragas pro^ 
cui, which cannot well be under- 
stood to mean qfar off ov ai a great 
distance, ^neas is here represented 
as sailing along the sonthern coast of 
Sicily, on which these cities were 
situated : and, as it is well known 
that the ancient navigators kept as 
closeto the shore as they could, these 
places must bave been pretty nearj 

Hinc altas cautes, projectaque saza 

Radimus, et fatis nunquam concessa 

Apparet Camarina procul, campiqué 6e- 

Immanisque Gela, fluvìi cognomine'dicta. 
Arduus inde Agragas ostentai maxima 

Moenia, magnanimum quondam genera- 

tor equonim. 
Teque datis linquo ventis, pohnosa Se- 

lìnus : 
Et vada dura lego saxis Lilybeìa caecis. 

In the tenth ^neid procul is used 
when Turnus and Pallas are drawn 
so near, as not only to see, but to 
bear each otber speak ; 

At Rutulum abscessu juvenis, tum jussa 

Miratus, stupet in Turno: corpusque 

per ihgens 
Lumina volvit, obitque tnid proculaatm 

nia visu. 

In the.same hook is the passage 
which Servius producés, to confimi 
the opi n ion that procul signifìes near, 
Mezentius is there represented lean- 
ing against the trunk of a tree, with 
bis helmet hangingon the branches, 
which is said to be procul; 

Interea genitor Tyberìni ad fluminis nn- . 

Vulnera siccabat lymphis, corpusque le- 

Arborìs acclinii trunco: procul aerea 

Dependet galea, et prato gravia arma 




STwStitSffikbSMterf Aggreau, nam aspe seoex «pe oarminis ambo 

hù own garlaods. 

Here the branches canpot be sup- 
poséd to be at any great distànce 
from the trunk : and therefore pro- 
gni in this place must signify no n^ore 
than a small distànce. Ruseus him- 
self, who opposes the opinion of 
Servius, in bis note on this passage, 
cannot heìp acknowledgìng, that 
procul does not always express a 
sreat distànce; but he afiirins that 
it constantly signifies some distànce 
At least ; ^' Servius aliique hinc prò- 
*'bant, procul significare juxta: 
" itemque ex ilio Ecl. vi. 16. Serta 
" procul tantum capiti delapsa jace- 
** bant. Ego in eam opinionem 
^^ adduci non possum : et puto, 
'* procul, non quidetn longam sem- 
*' per distantìam ; sed aliauam sal- 
*' tem significare." I believe, we 
may agree with Rusbus, that pro^ 
cui always signifies at some diif lance, 
how little soever : but at the same 
time I must say, that on a careful 
consideration of ali the numerous 
pas^ages, where Virgil has lised 
ibis word, it may generally be un- 
derstood to mean at a very small 
disiance, wìthin reach, or wUhin 
sight, so that they, who derive pro^ 
cui from porro ob oculis, or prò 
oeuUs, do not seem greatly to err. 
With regard to procul tantum^ I am 
verily persuailed, that it may be 
rendered near, or just by : for as 
tantum non signifies n'early, or al- 
' most, that is, barelli not ; so tantum 
procul may he well understood to 
signify, barely at a distànce, or hardly 
at any distànce at ali, that is, near, 
or just by. 

Capiti.'] For capile. Theancients 
often made the ablative to end in i 
instead òf e. 

17. Et gravis attrita, ^c] The 
cantharvs was a sort of drinking 
vessel, with ears or bandi es, sacred 
to Bacchi! s, and therefore properly 

made use of by bis tutor. Marìus 
is accused by Pliny of insolence, for 
having presumed to drink out of 
these vessels, after bis victory over 
the Cimbri; " C. Marius post vic- 
*' toriam Cimbrìcam cantharis po- 
*' tasse Liberi patris exemplo tra- 
•' ditur, ille arator Arpinas, et ma- 
*' nipularis imperator." Valerius 
Maximus ai so mentions this action 
of Marius, as the highest arrogance } 
because, by constantly drinking out 
of a cantharus, he endeavoured to 
represent bis own actions as equal 
with the great victories of Bacchus : 
" Jam C. Marii pene insolens fa- 
" ctum ; nam post Jugurthinum, 
•' Cimbricumque, et Teutonicum 
" triumphum, cantharo semper po- 
''tavìt: quod Liher pater incly- 
'^ tum ex Asia ducens triumphum, 
^' hoc usus poculi genere ferebatur : 
*' ut inter ipsum haustum vini 
** viotorise ejus suas victorias com-* 
*« pararet" 

There is soraething very espres- 
sive in the descrtption, wbich the 
poet gives of the flaggon in this line. 
It is said to be gravis, heavy, to de- 
note its capaciousness : the handle 
is attriia, batteréd with much use : 
and the flagi>:on hangs down by the 
handle ; he is too dlrunk to sustain 
it, and too fond of it, even in this 
almost senseless condition, to let it 
go out of bis band. The Earl of 
Koscommon, in bis excellent trans- 
lation of this Eclogue, seems not to 
have been aware of this last parti- 
cular; for he represents the can^^o- 
rus as hal^ging up by him, full of 

Uis trusty flaggon,/»// ofjtotent juice 
Was hanging hy, worn thin with age and 

Dryden represents it, as hung up in 
triumph ; 



Luserat, injiciunt ipsi» ex vincala sertis. 
Addit se sociam, timidisque supervenit ^gle: 20 
^gle Naiadum pulcherrima : Jaxnque videnti 
Sanguìneis frontem moris et tempora pingit. 

for the old ddty had ofien 
decdved them both with the 
bope Qf a song. iEgle made 
heraelf their c(nnpanion, and 
encouraged them not to fear: 
Agle the mÒ8t beautìAil ot 
the Naiads : and just aa he be- 
gan to open Us eyes^ pafaited 
hb fordieàd and tempfea with 
blood-red mulberrles. 

His empty can, with ears half wotn 

Was hung on highy to boast the trmnìph 


18. Ambo.'] The ancients fre- 
quently wrote ambo for ambos, Ser- 
viusacknowledges am6ointhìs place. 
Pieriuà found tlie eame reading iii ali 
the andeìLt tDanuscrìpts. He teUs 
US also^ that Carisius affirmed^ that 
it was so writteh by Vìrgil himself. 

19. Injiciunt ipsis ex vincula sertisJ] 
These inferior deities or demi-gods 
sieem àlso to bave required some 
force to beused^ in order to gain an 
answer front tbem. In tìiis manner 
Proteus Ì8 treated by Aristseus, m 
the fourth Georgick. Thns Ovid 
also, in the third book of his Fasti, 
represents Faunus and Ficus sur- 
prised by Numa. These deities 
were accustomed to drink of a par- 
ttcular fountain. Numa sacrificed a 
sheep near it, and left a flaggon full 
of good wine near it, hìding him- 
self and his companions in a cave. 
The deities drank plentifully of the 
wine, atìd fell asleep ; when Numa 
took his advantage of them, bound 
them, and having asked pardon for 
the liberty he had taken with theur 
persons, obtained an answer to 
what he desired to know ; 

Lucus Aventino suberat nìger ilici» xana- 
Quo posses viso dicere, Numen ìnest. 
In medio gramen, muscoque adoperta 
Manabat saxo vena perennis aquas. 
Inide fere soli Faunus Picusque bibe* 
Huc venit, et Fonti reiL Numa mactat 
Plenaque odorati Diis ponit pocula Bac» 
Cumque suìs antro condttus ipse latet. 

Ad solitos veniunt sylvestria numina 
fontes : , 

Et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 
Vina quies sequitur : gelido Numa pro- 
dit ab antro, 
Vinclaque sopitas addit in arcta ma- 
Somnus ut abscessit, tentando vincula 
Rumpere, pugnante» ibrtius. illa. te» 
Tum Numa, dii nemorum, factis ignos- 
cite nostriSy 
Si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo. 
Quoque modo possit fulmen monétrarè 
Sic Numa, sic quattens cornua Fau- 
nus ait : 
Magna petis, &c. • 

20. Timidis.] These youngst^s 
were afraid by themselves to attack 
Silenus^ and therefore a Na'iad assists 
them. It seems by this, that Chro- 
mis ami Mnasyluswererather young 
shepherds than satyrs: for if they 
had been satyrs, they wou)d not 
bave been so much afraid of Silenus ; 
nor would they bave wanted the 
assistance of a nymph. 

21. JEgle Natadum pulcherrhna.'] 
Mgle is said to Kave been the daugh- 
ter óf the Sun and Neaera. The 
Naiads were the nymphs, that pre- 
sided over running water. Here 
Virgil makes four syllables of Nai- 
adum: in the tenth Eclogue, he 
makes but three syllables of Noi- 

Naiades indigno cum Gallus amore per* 

Jamque videnti!] That' is/ just 
when be began to open his eyes: 
when he was beginning to recover 
from the efiects of his drunkenness. 

22. Sanguineis frontem moris, ^cJ] 
Servius says, many are of opinion^ 




He, «fidling af the deceit, 
«ays, To wfiat punKMe are 
these bonds ì Unbind me. mj 
boys: itiBeitouchthatlhave 
been made vUible. llearken 
to the song you desire : you 
shall have the song; and as 
in her, ahe shall be rewarded 
' another way: with that he 
beglns. Then might yoa SM 
the Fauna and wild beasts 
dance to his measure, and 
the stubbom oaks bend thdr 
headsi Ndther does Pamas- 
81» so much delight in Apollo, 
nor do Rhodope and Ismarus 
•0 mudi admve Orpheui. 

lUe dolum ridens : Qua vincala necUtis? inquit. 
Solvite me, pueri : satis est potuisse videri. 
Carmina, quse vultis, cognoscite : carmina vo- 

bis ; 25 

Huic aliud mercedis erit: simal incipit ipse. 
Tum vero in numerum Faunosque ferasque vi- 

' deres 
Ludere, tum rigidas motare cacumina quercus. 
Nec tantum Phoebo gaudet Parnassia rupes, 
Nec tantum Rhodope mirantur et Ismarus Or- 

phea. 30 

that this alludes to thè red colour 
being sacred to the gods Guellius 
thinks this painting of the face of 
Silenus with mulberries was tb make 
a jest ofhim, fucum faciens, Uludens, 
et OS seni, ut Coipicua inquit^ sub- 
linens, But La Cerda proves, that 
the opinion méntionéd by Servius 
is right^ and plainly shews^ that the 
ancient Romans did really paint the 
images of their gods red. ' Hence 
he concludes, that i^gle did not 
paint his face to make a jest of 
nim, but to render him more pro- 
pitious. Pan is represented as 
Btained with the samè colour^ in 
the tenth Eclogue ; 

Pan deus Arcadiae venit, quem Tidimus 

Sanguineis ebuH baccis, minioque ru- 


ServiuSj and other commentators» 
teli US, that the poet bere alludes to 
the weU known story of Pyramus 
and Thisbe^ in which the mulberries 
are said to have been whìte at first; 
but that they becatiie red by being 
stained with the blood of those 
lovers. But we have seen, in -the 
passage just quoted^ that the epithet 
sanguineis or blood-red is given to 
the dwarf-elder. 

23. Ille dolum ridens, éjfc.'] Sì- 
lenusy' waking, and finding himself 

bound> laughs at the trick^ and 
gives diem such a song as draws the 
deities of the woods about him, and 
makes the very woods bend their 
heads to bear. 

24. Saiis est potuisse videru] Ac- 
cordine to Servius, the demi-gods 
were visible only when they thought 
fit If this be the case, Chromis and 
Mnasylus must have been shep- 
herds; for surely Silenus' was 
always vistble to the satyrs. 

27. /» numerumJ] That is, to 
the measure of his song ; they kept 
time with the music. 

FaunosJ] The Fauns are rural 
deities; as we read in the first 
Geprgick ; 

— AgreiBtum prssentia numìna FàunL 

They are called Fauns à fando, be- 
cause they speak personaily to men. 
See the note on ver. 10. of the first 

2Q. Parnassia rupesJ] See the 
note on ver. 29I. of the third 

30. Rhodope."] A mountain of 
Thrace, the country of Orpheus. 
This mountain js repreSented as 
resounding the lamentations of the 
Drvads for the death of that poef s 
wife Eurydìce, in the fourth Geor- 
gick 5 



Namque canebat uti raagnum per inane coacta 

For he i 

> bow théiMdft 

J ntnE. 1 

„ - of eartfa, and air, and water^ 

Semina, terrarumque, animaeque, marisque fii- ^ì^ìS^im^^S^, 


At chorus squalis Dryadum clamore 

Implerunt montes e flerant Rhodcpeke 


Mirantur.'^ So Pierius found it 
in the Roman and. Oblong manu- 
scrìpts. This reading is admitted 
also by Heinsius. Burman also. 
finds mirantur in several manu- 
Scripts. The common reading is 
miratur, in the singular number. 

Ismarus.'] A mountain of Thrace. 
See the note on ver. 37. of the 
. second Georgick. 

OrpheaJ] See the notes on ver. 
46, of t^e third Eclogue^ and ver. 
454. of the fourth Georgick. 

SI. Namque canebat, Sfc,'] Si- 
lenus begins bis song^ wìth de- 
scribing me creation of the world^ 
accordìng to the Epicurean phi- 

Accordingto the doctrine of Epi- 
curus, there were two principles of 
ali things ; Bod^, and toid ; that is^ 
Matter, and Space, The particles 
or smallest parts of mattar are solid, 
and indivisìble ; but by acddentally 
uniting^ they form compound bo- 
dies. These particles or atoms^ of 
which ali visible bodies are còm- 
pounded, our poet calls teeds, By 
the immense void is meant the space 
in which these bodies are moved 
about> and find opportunities of 
uniting. Thus Lucretius ; 

0mni8> ut est, igitur, per se^ Natura, 

CoQsistit rebus; nam Corpora sunt, et 

• Hec io quo sita sunt, et qua diversa 

. moventur ; 
Corpus enim per se communis deliquat 

Sensus; quo nisi prima fide* fundata 

Haud erit occultis de rèbus quo reféren- 

Confirmare animi quioquam ratione quea- 

Tum porro Locus, ac Spatium, quod 
Inane vocamus. 

Si nullum foret, haud usquam sita cor- 
pora possent 

Esse, neque omnino quaquam diversa 

Thif aU connsts o/Body and of Space : 
That movet, and this qffbrdi the motion 

That Badie» are, %pe allfrom Sente re* 

Wftote notìce ifin thit we disbelieve, 
On what con reaaonflx$ on what reìyf "ì 
What ruìe the truth of her deducOon» 1 

try f 

In greater secret* ofphUosophy 9 J 

Suppose no Void, asformer reasons prove. 
No Body could enjoy a place, or move ; 
Besides these txvo, there is no third degree 
Distinctfromboth: nought that has pew*r 

For if^tis tangi5le^ and has a place, 
TwBody; ifintangible, 'tis Space. 

32. Semina,'\ In like manner 
Lucretius often calls the atoms 
ieeds of things ; ' 

Invenies intus multarum* «e^tnina rerum' 
Corpora celare, et varias cohibere figuras. 

AnimaJ] Anima seems also to 
bave been used for air,^ by Lucre- 
tius, in bis sixth hook ; 

Ventus ubi, atque anima subito vis max- 

Ennius, as he is quoted by Varrò, 
in the fourth chapter of the second 
hook de Re Ritsiica, uses anima for 
the air. " Ejus [agriculturte] prin- 
*' cipia sunt eadem quae mundi esse 
" Ennius scrìbit : aqua, terra, ani-- 
'^ ma, et* sol." .Thus also Cicero, 
in bis second hook de Natura dee^ 
rum, calls the air an animable and 
spirable nature: " Principia enim 



how hùBì thae iirincipletull 
the elements, and the tender 
orboftheworidonitcd. Then 
how the earth began to con- 
solidate, and to dnve the wa- 
ten into the sea, and by de- 
txee$ to take the forms of 
things. And then how the 
eartn was astonbhed àt the 
shining of the new san. 

Et liquidi simul ignis : ut bis exorcli^ priinis 
Omnia, et ipse tener mundi concreverit orbis. 
Tura durare solum, et discludere Nerea ponto 35 
Coeperit, et rerum paullatim sumere formas. 
Jamque npvum ut terree stupeant lucescere solem. 

'^ terra^ ita in media parte mundi> 
^' circumfiusa undique est hac ani- 
'^ inabili et spirfibili natura^ cui no- 
*' men est aer/' 

Marisque."! Heìnsius^ Masvicius, 
Barman^ and others read marisve : 
but the sense seems torequire maris- 
quCf as Aldus, La Cerda, Ru»us^ 
and many other editors bave it. 

The poet uses the sea for water 
in general. 

33. Liquidi simul ignis.'^ " Pure, 
''^that \9, athereal, whicfi Cicero 
^' calla ignitutn liquarem, Thus Lu- 
" cretius, vi. 204; 

*• Devdet in terram liquidi color aureus 
** ignis." Servius. 

Of these four elements^ Earth, 
Air, Water, and Fire, every thing 
else Ì8 compounded. 

35, Solum.2 *' It originally sig- 
** nifies the sole of the foot. Thus 
*' Lucretius, i. 924. 

Pieridum jperagro loca, nttUius 

** Avia 

•* Trita solo. 

^ Hence the covering of that part 
' of the foot is called solca, Hence 
^ also the Earth is commonly called 
' sólum, accordìng to Varrò, lib. iv. 
' de Ling. Lat, because it is trod 

* upon by the sole of the foot. Nor 

* is it confìned to signify the Earth ; 
^ for it is used also for any body, 

* that is placed under another, and 
^ sustains it. For the Sea, Mn, 
'V. 198. 

" — roj^* tremit icttbus cerea jmppis, 
** SubtrahìUirque solutn. 

« Also for Heayen^ Ot)ù2, MeL l 73. 

*^ Astira terient oeeleste solum. 

/* But it generally signifies the 
^" Earth, not only in the singular, 

" but also in the plural numl^r> as 

*' in Geor. i. 80 3 

** Ne saturare fimo pingui pudeat sola." 


Discludere Nerea ponto.'] The 
meanìng of this passage Ì5,«that the 
Earth, by giowing compact and so- 
lid, forced the waters to retìre fìrom 
it, and to form the seas. That is, 
by this meansthe sea was separateci 
or distinguished^ which is the piroper 
meaning of discludere, Thus Lu- 
cretius, speaking of the formation 
of the world, by thè separation of 
the atoms into difFerent places, and 
then combining together, acqording 
to their sìmilar natures, uses the 
word discludere in much the same 
sense with Virgil ; 

Diffugere inde loci partes coepere, parés- 

Cum parìbus jungi res, et àiacludere 

Membraque dividere, et magnas dispo- 

nere partes 
Omnigenis e prìncipiis. 

Nereus a sea-god, and father of 
the Nereids, is bere put for the 

Ponlvs is used for the cavity of 
the sea. 

37. Novum solem,"} The 

poet does not, as some imagine, 
speak accordi ng to the opinion of 
thòse, who imagine the sun to perish 



Altìus atque cadant submotis nabibus ìmbres: 
Incipiant sylvie cum primum surgere, cuoique 
Rara per ignotos errent animalia montes. 40 
Hinc lapìdee Pyrrhas jactos, Saturnia regna, 
Caucaseasque refert volucres, furtumque Pro- 

His adjungit, Hylan nautae quo fonte relictum 

aiidattlie friliag of thowei» 
lirom the high npDfteddoudi : 
whea the woodt first began 
to rise, and a fiew anfamlt to 
wander ovor tìfC unknown 

Theo he relatet the itonet 
thrown by Pyrilia, the xelsn 
of Satnrn, and the Urdt of 
CanoMit, and the theft of 
PrometHeuf. To theie he 
add».at what fountahiHi^ 
was loet, when the nuurinen 

every night, and be renewed the 
next morning. He only means the 
first appearance of the sun in the 
new formed world. 

38. Atqtte.'] Pierìus found utque 
in the Roman manuscript. 

40. Per ^notosJ] Pierìus found 
per ignaros in the Roman manu- 
script, and quotes the authority of 
Aulus Gellius^ for ignarus being 
sometimes used for ignoraius or ig- 
notus. But surely the common read- 
ing in this place is the basi. 

41. Hinc lapides, 5fc.] Silenus 
having sung of the first formation of 
the world^ proceeds to mention the 
renovation of it by Pyrrhaj Saturn, 
and Prometheus ) and then adds 
some otber ancient fables^ >p?herein 
he shews the evil consequences, that 
follo w perturbations of the mìnd, 
the impure passion of Hercules for 
Hylas, the un naturai lust of Pasi- 
phai^, the vanity of the daughters 
of Prcetus the avarìce of Atalanta, 
and the ambition of Phaeton. Tbus, 
as Catrou has justly observed, it is 
without reeson, that some bave 
blamed Virgil for connecting these 
storles with an account of the form- 
ation of the world. These fables 
are not introduced at random ; for 
they setforth the moral doctrine of 
Epìcurus, that we ought to avoid 
ali perturbations of the mind. 

Lapides Pyirha jactos,'] See the 
note on ver. 62. of the first Geor- 

Saturnia regna.Ji By the reign of 

Saturn, is meant what 4he poets 
called the golden age. See thefourth 

42. Caucaseasque refert volucres, 
4*c.] Prometheus^ the son of Ia«- 
petuSj having formed a man out of 
day, animated him with the fire 
which he had stolen, by applyìng a 
ferula to the chariot-wheds of the 

sun. Jupiter^ ofiended at bis auda- 
ciousness, ordered Mercury to chain 
him to a rock on the mountain Cau- 
casus, where an eagle or vulture is 
continually gnawing his liver. 

Caucasus is a mountain between 
the Euxine and Caspian seas. 

43. HylanJ] Hylas was a young 
lad who accompanied Hercules in 
the Argonautic ezpeditwn. He was 
lost in a fountain, where he went to 
draw water; whence he is said to 
have been carried away by a Naiad. 
The Argonauts called for him a 
long tiroe in vain ; wbence it is said, 
that an annual custom was esta- 
blished of calling aloud for Hylas. 
The thirteenth Idyllium of Theo- 
critus is on the subject of Hercules 
and Hylas. 

The Greek poet thus represents 
the hero calling on his beloved ; 

Thrice did he Hylas cali, and ihrìce he 
mourn'd ; 



hefw àH ttie Éhdffe retonndcd 
Hvlaa, Hylas ; he alto condolet 
vìthPactphae, in her love of 
the mowy bull, happy if herds 
liadnevcrbeen. Al^uiihappy 
^, what madnett liath pot- 
•ened theei The daughten 
of Proetns filled the plahu 
with fidae lowings : but yet 
aot <me of them soneht nich 
•hamcful embrace* of cattle ; 
though «he waa afraidof be> 
ine yoked to the plough, and 
tttlen felt for honu on her 
onooth fordiead. Ah, tm- 
happy eirl, thon dost now 
wanoerm the mountain» ! he 
lesting ìàs snowy dde on the 
Tènder hyadnth, ruminates 
the pale herbs under a shady 
hohn-oalL: or followt one of 
the great herd. Surround, 
ye Nymphs, 

Clamassent: ut littus, Hyla^ Hylà^ omne so- 
nare! ; 
Et fortunatam, si nunqaam armenta fuìssent, 45 
Pasiphaen nivei solatur amore juvenci. 
Ah, virgo infelix, quae te dementia capiti 
Prcetides implenint falsis mugitibus agros : 
At non tam turpes pecudum tamen uUa secuta est 
Concubitus: quam vis collo timuisset aratrum, 50 
Et saepe in laevì quaesìsset comua fronte. 
Ah, virgo infelix, tu nunc in montibus erràs 1 
Ille latus niveum molli fultus hyacintho. 
Ilice sub nigra pallentes ruminat herbas : 
Aut aliquam in magno sequitur gi'ege. Ciaudite 
Nymphse, 55 

Thrìce Hyla& heard the voice, and thrice 

return'd : 
But amali the sound, which thro' the 

wavea did rise, 
Tho' near, he distant seem'd, so weak 

the cnes. Crjeech. 

Nauta.'] The Argon auts. 

QuQfonteJ] It was not certaioly 
known in what particular fountain 
he was lost. 

46. Pmphaén.] Pasiphaé was the 
daughter of the sun, and wife of 
Minos king of Crete. She is said to 
haye f alien in love with a bull. 

47. Virgo."] See the note on ver. 
.263. of the third Georgick. 

48. Proetides.] The daughters of 
PircBtus, king of the Argìves, having 
conipared theìr beauty to that of 
Juno, were afflicted with a madness^ 
which made thèm fancy themselves 
to he cows> running about the 
'fields, and lowing. They were 
cured of this disease hy Melampus, 
who had one of them' in marrìage 
for bis reward. He tells Pasiphaé, 
that though tliese ladies fancied 
themselves to bé real cows, yet they 
were not possessed by such a pas- 
Sion as her's for a bull. 

Falsis mugitibus.] Their lowings 

are called false, because they were 
not real cows, bui only fancied 
themselves to be such; and therefore 
endeavoured to imitate the voice of 
those animals. 

53, Fultus hyacintko.] " Among 
'' the ancien ts every one was said 
'* to be fultus by whatsoever he 
'^ rested upon. Thus we read pul- 
*' vino fultus in Lucilius. We find 
** also in the seventh ^neid; 

'*.Atque fiarum effultus tergo stratisqne 

«• VeOeribus." Serviti s. 

54. Pallentes ruminat herbasJ] 
The rumen, or paunch, is the first of 
the four stomachs of ihose animals, 
which are said to ruminate» or chew 
the cud. They at first swalloW their 
food hastily, and afterwards return 
it ìnto their mouths, to be chewed 
over again. The food so returnèd, 
in order to be chewed a secònd time, 
is called the cud; whence they are 
said to chew the cud. The grass, by 
being swallowed the first lime by a 
bull, or other ruminating animai, 
loses its verdure in some measure, 
and becomes yellowish ; whence 
Virgìl caUs the cud pallentes herbas. 



Dictseae Nymphae^ neniomm jam clftUcUte saltus : 
Si qua forte ferant oculis sese obvia nostris 
Errabunda bovìs vestigia. Forsitan illum, 
Aut herbsB captum viridi, aiit armenta secutum, 
Perducant aliquae stabula ad Gortynia vaccse. 6Ò 
Tum canit Hesperidum miratam mala pueilam : 

ve Dietim ìHjmt^tmxtoimA 
f|ie lawns of the foresta, and 
search if the wandering foot- 
8tep« of the bull may happen 
to meet our eyes. Perhapa 
some cows may bring hhn to 
the stables of Gortyna, either 
captivated with the greea 
gnus, or foUovdng the herda. 
Then he sings the maid, who 
adoiired tlie apples of the 

56 DictceteJ] Diete is the name 
of a mountain of Crete.- It seems 
to be put bere for Crete itself. 

SaUus.l See the note on ver. 
471. of the second Georgick. 

58. Forsitan illum.'] Servius un- 
derstands the poet*s meaning to be^ 
a fear lest the bull should go to 
GnoBSus^ the regal seat of Mìnos, 
the husband of Pasìphae^ and a de- 
sire thathe should rather go to Gor- 
tyna." Ruseus understands hìm to, 
mean the very contrary; that, if 
the nymphs do not carefully guard 
the lawns^ the bull may perhaps fol- 
low the cows to Gortyna. The 
Earl of Roscommon understands 
this pas3age in the same sense ; 

Perhaps, while thus in search of him I 

My happier rìvals bave èniic'd him home. 

But Vives takes it in a quìte dìffer- 
ént sense; that Pasiphae repents of 
her unnatural passion^ and desires 
that the bull may be driven away 
firom her^ lest bis presence should 
serve to renew ber desires. 

60. Stabula ad Gortynia.'] Gor- 
tyna was a famous city of Crete, 
near which the &mous labyrinth is 
stili to be seen. It is now a heap of 
ruins^ among which are visible 
many columns of marble, granite, 
and red and white jasper. The 
Turks, who are now in possession 
of the country, bave carried away 
the finest, and in some places set 
them up as gates to sorry gardens. 
The herds of . the s^in are said to 
have.been kept near ibis city. 

61. Hesperidum miratam mala pu- 
eilam.'] Virgìl bere alludes to the 
fable of Atalanta, the daughter of 
Schoeneus, king of Scyros, an island 
in the iGgean sea. She wds wamed, 
by the oracle of Apollo, not to 
marry ; and therefore she studi ously 
avoided enteripg into that state. 
The beauty however of this prin- 
cess was so great, that she could not 
avoid the solicitation of many 
lovers. Being endued with great 
swiflness, she made this propo^ to 
them; that whosoever could out- 
run her should be her husband ; but 
if any one was exceeded by her, he 
should forfeit' bis life. Hippoin enes, 
the son of Megareus, wno was the 
grandson of Neptune, not discòu- 
raged by thef ate of se veral unhappy 
lovers, was determined to contend 
for the prize. Atalanta, being 
pleased with bis person and charac- 
ter, was loth to be the cause of bis 
death, and used ali the ar^^umeuts 
in her power to dissuade him from 
the atte^ipt ; but ali in vain. Hip- 
pomenes, having invoked Vénus, 
was favoured by ber, and furnished 
with three golden apples fì?om the 
gardens of the Hesperides. They 
began the race: and when Ata- 
lanta began to gain ground, Hippo- 
menes threw down à golden appiè, 
which so surprised Atalanta with 
its splendor, that she turned aside to 
take it up. This being done a se- 
cond and a third time, gave Hip- 
pomenes an opportunity of getting 
before her, and thereby obtaining 
bis beauteouS' prize. Hìj^MfQeiies 



SrSiShSrJSftSiiiSsS T^^^ Phtóthontiada» musco circamdat amarae 
in^S.Sfl^'^^eSSSd^ Cortìcis, atque solo proceras erigit alnos. 
tfal^^^i^^iMbitotbe Tum canit errantem Permessi ad flumina Oallum 

Aoidan moontaliw» 

neglected to render due thanks io 
Venus for his success^ which so ex- 
asperated the goddess against him, 
that she causa them to pollute a, 
tempie of Cybele> who pnnished 
them by tuming them into lions, 
and yokmg them to her chariot. 
See the tenth hook of Ovid's Meto- 

62* Tum Phaethottiiadas, é^c.^ 
Phaétusa, Lampetie, and Lampe- 
tasa were the sisters of Phaeton, 
who being reproached by £paphus 
king of Egypt, as having falsely 
pretended to be the son of Sol, beg- 
ged of his father to permit him to 
drive his chariot for one day, tfaat 
he might prove himself to be his 
son. This being granted, he guìded 
the horses so unskilfully, that the 
earth began to bum, and would bave 
been consomed, if Jupiter had not 
killèd him instantly with a thun» 
derbolt, and thrown him into the 
river Eridanus. His sisters, having 
sought for him a long time^ at last 
found his body on the banks of that 
river, where tìiey consumed them- 
selves with weeping,, and were 
tumed into trees. Virgil calls tbese 
trees alders bere 5 but in the tenth 
.£iBeid, he seems to màke them 
pc^lars 'j ' 

Namque ferunt luctu Cycnum Phaetontfe 

Populea* inter frondesg umbramque so- 

Xhim canit, &c. 

64. Tum canit errantem, £rc.] 
The poet, having represented the 
evil effects of unruly passions, in 
these several examples, iiow repre- 
sents the move happy eondition of a 
wise man, who devotes himself to 
the quiet stttdies of lìt^ature. Un- 

der this character, he takes an op- 
portunity of payiog a most elegant 
compliment to his friend Gs^us, 
who was a good poet He repre- 
sents him to be introduced by one 
of the^Muses to the presence of 
Apollo, where the whole assembly 
rises up to. do him honour, and Li- 
nus presents him with the pipe, 
which formerlybelongedto Hesiod. 
The person bere spoken of ìs 
Comelius Gallus, a native ofFrioul, 
contemporary with Vir^, being 
about three or four years younger. 
He obtained the favour of Augustos, 
aod was raised by him from a low 
eondition to great bonours, as we 
are informed by Suetonius ; " Ne» 
'' que enim temere, ex omni nu- 
^^ mero, in amicitia ejus afflicti re- 
" perientur, praeter Salvidienum 
'* Rufum, quem ad consulatum U8«> 
" que, et Cornelium Gallum quem 
'• ad praefecturam ^Egypti, ex in-* 
^*Jlma utrumque fortuna, provex" 
*' erat" At the time of writing 
this Edogue, Gaìlus, in ali proba- 
bilità, was wholly engaged in bis 
studies. He seems to bave been 
with Angustus in the fight at Ac- 
tium ; for, according to Dio, we 
find him the very next year, 7^4, 
at the head of an arniy, marching 
against Mark Anthony, and taking 
Paraetcnium, whilst Augustusseized 
on Pelusium. The so)diers, whom 
Gallus commanded, had formerly 
served under Anthony, who made 
no doubt of regaìning diem by fair 
words ; or if that attempt fkiled, of 
subduing them by force, taking a 
siifficient strength with him, t^tfa 
by sea and limd. Anthony carne 
up to the very walls, to speak to the 
soldiers ; but Gallus- ordered ali the 


AooaftiatiKmteBiitdmtftritutiftBOforttm; 65 £^^p^!S^,''^^ 

trutnpets to sound^ so that it was 
not possìble to bear a word; and 
making a sudden saUy killed some 
of lus men. Gallus idso made use 
o£ a «tirtitaMii against ^ navy of 
Antbonjr. m caused eereani chaìns 
to be coneeoled under water > in the 
Bight*dme> et the entranoe of the 
haveui at the same time keeping 
btft a slight guard. Anthon/s ahìp$ 
boUly entered the poit, tninking 
thems^ves aeoMre enougb^ whea 
Galltts^ by means of enpuei pre- 
pared on purpoiie, straiteaed the 
chains, confined the fhipi, foumed 
fiofse and sunk therest. Aiiguetus, 
flft the same tieoe, having entered 
Egyptby Pdusium» made the coun- 
try trìbut«ry, aiìd anpoluted Gallus 
gevernor, Buit Gams was so in- 
tffficeited witb ppwer> that he vented 
<^probriottS sp^ecb^ against Au-* 
geetue, bdiaved bimsdif ili in many 
ieipeGfes> and grew #p y^m, at to 
eseet et^tues for himeelf in niQSt 
parts of £g3rpt/an(l inscribehisown 
a<^Qfl OH the pyramids. He was 
accused of these ctìm^ before the 
fl^ittUte, wJiere eevtnel of his own 
crealures appe^red egainet bw: 
and the fiicts weneprovedeoplaiiily 
agMnKt bim, that th^ eenate cm»" 
deimied him uoani«iou8l)r to be 
btiw'fthfd^aodto fprfeìtaUhts geods 
to Auguttus. GaUiM, xiot being 
able to endure this aentence, killed 
himself, in the year of Rome 7i27^ 
accòrdiog to Eusebius, 7^8 ae- 
cording to Dio. Suetonius tells us, 
that Aiiguttas Umi^ited hk death^ 
and complained^ that he alene hod 
lìot the liberty to be angry with bis 
frieods just ^o far as he bad a jaind. 
Ovid, in bis aeccmd hook de Tridi» 
Imi, aays the crìme-of Gallus wae 
bis ioe great liceptiousness in bis 

Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lyoorida^ 
Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero. 

Eusebius tells us, it was in tibe for- 
tìetb yeir of his age that be kSlkd 
faimseif ; *' Olymp. CLXXXVIIt 
" S* Comelius Galltifi^ Foiùjulìeiw 
*' tàs poeta, a quo prùnum JEgy*' 
** ptum xvetam suora diximne, qua^^ 
'' dragesimo sBtalls suft tnno pvo-^ 
" pria se matiu tntcrfecit.** Qtdn- 
tihan mentioas hitn es an elegine 
poet» and thinks hSs style hatìDier 
than that of either Tibullus or fv^ 
pertius; " E^gia Gmea quoque 
'^ pioyoeantts ; cufus mihi teiMiis 
*^ atque elegai» mauue videto» 
''autor Ttbttllus. Sunt qui Pio^ 
'' pertium n»lÌRt Oridiiis vUó* 
** queliscirior; pcut dtiftor QùUuèJ* 
It is easy to fAMire, from what has- 
been said^ that soiae writers hfije 
been guilty of a very gf^m cnwr, 
in confounding this éomelius Gal- 
lus with Asiaiue Galbia, die soa pf 
the fametis Pc^Hq. Asinius PoQio 
died In ttie year of Rpoie 7^7» ^ 
the eigbtieth year of ibis age rso tibat 
he must bave been wider twealy 
when Cornelius Gallus was bona. 
The Asinii was one of the best fa- 
railiee ki Rome 5 «nd therefore it 
oould not be Asinius Gallus that 
was raised from a low condition^ 
aoeoiding to Suetonius. Ovidsays, 
the crime of Gallus thepoet waethe 
toogreatlicentiousness of his tongue. 
Ilits agrees wilb what Dio has said, 
coneembg éhe cause oftàe disgraoe 
ofComcli US Gallus: but it does not 
agree with the cluiracter of Asinius 
Galltts, wbo was cru^y put to 
death by Tiberiue, without being 
cpnvkted of an^ crime whatsoerer. 
Besides, Eusebius expressly calls 
Còmeliiis Gallus a poeC^ a characÉer 
whioh we do not nnd aaoribed to 



f8Ì*SrnÌ?«D ta^S^ S Utque viro Phabi chorus asBurrexerit omnis : 

taod^i^lu^^ hV^ Ut Linus hsec iili divino cannine pastor, 

adorned wkh Sowcn. and ^71 •!. ^ ... 

bitter anaiiaee,tpakethi]sto l^loriDus atoue ODIO crines omatus amaro. 

himin heavvnly vene: A^. _. . _2 \ . . 



of Dixerit: 


libi dant calamos, en acdpe^ 

A«imas Gallus, though bis fatfaer 
Pallio is said to bave excelled in 
that art. It is evident tberefore, 
tbat Coraelius and Asinius Gallus 
vere very difierent persona; and 
that the poet, wbom Virgil cele- 
brates in this and in the tenth Ec- 
logue, was no other than that Cor- 
iielius Gallus, who killed himself in 

Permessus is a riyer of Bceotia, 
rising in the mountain Helicon, and 
sacred to the Muses. Hesiod, in 
the introduction to bis &uyfU, 
q>eaks of the Muses inhabiting the 
mountain Helicon, and bathing 
themselves in Permessus; 

K«/ Tf 9rÈ^Ì tcfnnif Ì0uiim 9ri^0* m^mXMn* 
Kmi Ti X»Mtr»fiUftu ri^$9m ;^#«« Tltyi^t»79f 

KaXtòsf tfu^9v»f, 
Tlius also Propertìus; 

Nondam etiam Ascraeos norunt mea car- 
mina fontes, 
Sed modo Permessi Jlumine lavit amor, 

65. Aonas in numtes.'] See the 
note on ver. 11. of the third Geor- 

Una sororunu'] One of the nine 
Muses, to whom the mountain He- 
licon was feigned by the poets to 
be sacrèd. 

.66. Uique viro, Sfc^ It was a 
custom among the ancients^ to rise 
frorn their seats at the entrance of 
any person whom they intendèd to 
honour. There could not be a 
giseater compliment imaginedtobe 

paid to Gallus, as a poet, than for 
the Muses to rise up, on his being 
introduced into their company. This 
respect was paid to Virgil by the 
people of Rome, who rose up 
when his verses were recìted in the 
theatre, and shewed the same re- 
verence to his person, as they did to 
that of Augustus himself; as we 
read in the dialo^e de Oratonbu», 
ascrìbed to Tacitus; " Malo se^ 
" curum et secretuni Virgilii se- 
" cessum, in quo tamen neque apud 
^ divum Augustum gratia caruit, 
** neque apud populum Romanum 
'' notitia. Testes Augusti episto- 
*' lae, testis ipse populus, qui auditis 
*Mn theatro versibus Virgilii, «tr-- 
'^ rex'U universus, et forte praesen- 
" tem spectantemque Vir^lium ve- 
^'neratus est, sic quasi Angus- 
'' tum." 

67*' L%nus7\ See the note on ver. 
56. of the fourth Éclogue. 

Pastor,'] Itdoesnot appear that 
Linus was really a shepberd. Per- 
haps Viigil represents him under 
that character, as he does himself, 
and Gallus, in these Bucolicks. 
'Thusalso Hesìod represents himself^ 
asfeeding his lambs under the moun- 
tain Helicon; 

A? fu ^éf 'ÌUÌ^»9 X»>M9 Qihl^M &9ÌÌh, 

"AfHff WM/ieiifùvf *EXMÌh»s wrò {«^«m. 

68. Apio.'} See the note on ver. 
121 . of the fourth Georgick. 

69. Hos tUfi dant calamos, 4^.] 
Hesiod himself does not speak of a 
pipe being given him by the Muses ; 
but of a branch of bay, by which 
he was inspired to sing of things 
past and future ; 

fiucoiìc. ecl: vn 


AscraBO qnos ante seni: quibus Ule solebat 70 ^^^y^^:^^^^ 
jCantando rigidas deducer^_monJ;ìl3us jorn , 
£lìs tibi Grynaei neoioris dicatur orìgo : 

he used to bring down the 
atubbom achrtneft-from-the 
mountaìns su he $ung. With 
this shalt thou rdate the 
origin of the Gry^ean forest ; 

However^ as Hesìod had represented 
himself as a shepherd^ Virgil seems 
to have represented Linus under the 
sano e character^ and therefore with 
propriety makes him give a ehep- 
neras pipe to Gallus, the veiy same 

. pipe with which that ancient poet 
sung his immortai verses. Plutarch, 
in his "£«•«» vù^Sn ovftTÒcritf^ gives 

'an account of the dedth of Hesiod. 
A Milesìan, who together with He- 
siod lodged at the house of a Lo- 
crian^ debauched his landlord*s 
daughter. Hesiod, though entirely 
innocente was suspected of being 
privy to the fact The brothers of 
the girl fell upon him in a wood^ 
and murdered him, together with a 
fpllower of his, whose name was 
Troilus, Their bodies wei*e thrown 
into the sea ; and that of Troilus 
was carried up'the ri ver Daphnus, 
and left upon a rocl^y island not far 
from the sea ; whence the rock ob- 
tained afterwards the name of Troi- 
lus. But the body of Hesiod was 
immediately taken up by some doU 
phins, and carried to Rium and 
Molycria. It happened, that the 
Locrians were celebrating somegreat 

' soletfinities at Rium, when, won- 
dering at the great appearance of 
dolphins, theyrandown to the shore, 
and found the body of Hesiod newly 
murdered. As they were greatly 
affected with the loss of a mah so 
mùch admired, they immediately 
sought for themurderers, and having 
discovered them, threw them into 
the sea, and pulled down their 

house» They buried Hesiod in^ the 
wood, andkept his sepulchre secret^ 
hecause the Orchomenians, by ad- 
vice of an orade, endeayoured to 
find his sepulchre, that they might 
carry off his remains, ànd bury 
them in their own country. The 
same author, in his treatise con- 
ceming the sagacity of animals, tells 
US, that Hesiod*s dog discovered the 
murderers by running furiously, and 
barking at mem. 

70. Ascrao senL"] Hesiod. See 
the note on et mis fuit alter, ver. 
40i of the third Eclogue. 

72. GryruBi nemorisJ] '' It is a 
f* grove in the bórders of Ionia> 
*« dedicated to Apollo by his daugh- 
'" ter Gryno: or it may havet its 
" name from Grynea, a city of 
** Moes'iai where is a place, at ali 
" times of the year dothed with 
" trees, rushes, grass, and various 
" flowers ; abounding also with 
'* fountains. This city had its 
"name from Grynus, the son of 
" Eurypylus, king of Moesia, who 
'' brought assistance tq the Greeks 
'' against the Trojans. Eurypylus 
" was the son of Telephus, the 
"son of Hercules and Auge,^by 
'" Astioche the daughter of Laome- 
" don. Grynus, when he carne to 
" eiijoy his father's kingdqm, and 
" was invaded by his netghbours, 
'* sent for aid to Pergamns, the àon 
"*of Neoptolemus and Androma- 
" che, by whose assistance he be- 
^' carne victorious, and founded 
/' twpcities: one he called Perga- 
" mus, after the name of his ally ; 
" and the other Grynium, as he 
'**.was dirécted by an oracle of 
" Apollo. As Calchas was plantìng 
*' vìnes in this gfove;, a certain ati- 

' Gg2 



l^jEwSS iSiJBiSil Ne quU sit ki^ii% quo %e plus jactet ApoUo. 

" gttr in the ùeigfabourhoodpassing 
'^'Hbyy toid' nini ne did' wniug^ fòF 
'' it was QOt lawful to Uste of new 
'' Wfne made thefe. Bat Calchàs 
'' went on wtth bis work, and when 
'' he had made hìs vintage, invited 
*' his tietghbourd, and the augur 
^ among the test, to supper, pro- 
'^ duced his tv ine, and as he was 
" going to make a libation on the 
"hearth tò the goda, toid them, 
*' he would not only drink of it 
'' himself, but give some also to 
'* the gods and his friends. The 
*/ augur made the same aoswer as 
^* before ; at which Calchas burst 
'' intó such a fit gf laughing, tbat 
" he was suddenly choKed| and let 
" his cup fall. Varrò savs, that 
'' ali sorts of chains^ ano botids 
'' whatsoever^ used to be taken ojBT» 
'' when any one entered into the 
" grove of Grynean Apollo. It is 
" said also^ that Calclias and Mop- 
** sus had acontention inthis grove 
*' concerning their skill in dlvina- 
'* tion : and when they disputed 
" about the number of apples on a 
'^ certain trce, the victory fell to 
*' Mopsus, at whiph Calchas g^rieved 
'* himself to death, This is con- 
*' tained in the verses of Eupho- 
" rion, which Gallus translated in- 
" tò Latin j whence Gallus says, 
" at the end of the tenth Eclogue» 

' ^ Ilo, eé Chalcidico qua tunt fnihi condita 

** Carminai 

" for Chalcis ì§ a city of Kuboea^ 
'' the country of Euphoryon," Sbr- 

I believe the reader will be of 
opinion^ that Gallus had need 
ehough of the àssistance of the 
Muses» to make tliese idle stories 
shine in verse. The works botb of 

Euphorlon and Gallus are now 
losc 5 wthszwìè ean forin no jiidg- 
ment of the merit either of the 
autbar or tran«Ìatof« The veises, 
which Servius quotes from th<> tenth 
Eeiogue, seem mther io prove, that 
Otllus trrote in ìmitatlon of Theo- 
critus ; for the sepond line of that 
quotation runs thtis ; 

CwaÙDtif jmiorU Skuii moAUàbor «twNk 

Wé may therefore suppose» that by 
Chalcidico versu ì« meant, %hàt 
Gallus took his subject Irom Eu- 
phorion, but wrote in the slyle of 
Theocritus ; as in this Eclogue Vir« 
gii seems to intimate, that he wrote 
after the manner of Hesiod* As 
for Euphorion, Suidas tells n», tbat 
he was the son of Polymnetus, of 
Chalcis in Eubo^a; that he learned 
philosophy of Ijacys and Pryuuvis, 
and poetry of Archebulus, a poet 
of Thera : that he was boro in the 
126th Olympiad : that he was of a 
yellow complexion, fat^and bandy- 
legged: that he was made chief 
lìbrarìan to Antiochus the Great, 
kinff of Syria -, in which country he 
died : that he was buned «t Apa- 
mea, or, according to others» at 
Antìoch: that he wrote in heroìc 
verse a hook entitled 'HcrA^, 
and another called M«4^»jr/«, or n 
Miscellany, becajise it contained 
various stories: that he called bis 
work Mopsopia, because Attica was 
formerly so called, from Mopsopia 
the daughter of Oceanus, and his 
poem extends to Attica a thouaaod 
years: that he collected the 0ra<- 
cles of a tbousand years, which bave 
been verified by the event 2 which 
he digested into five books, caUed 
i ^Aftatm x^ynÀf, or ihejifth ihmuand. 
Hence we may observe, that as 
EuphQrìon caUed one of bis books 



Quid loquar? ut Sc^Uam Nisi» ttt quain ùaoà^S^^g^ir^'S^S'ti 
secata est, ^ghter«fMhi»,«ofii^ 

after the'name ot Hesiod, it is pro- 
bable that he wrote in imitation 
of that ancient poet^ who is said 
to have written Georgicks» whìch 
arenowlost: and indeed Euphorion 
is m^ntioned as a writer of agrl- 
cttlture by Varrò. We may there- 
fore venture to condode, that Eu- 
phorion had spoken of thìs Grynetfi 
grove in some poem wherein he 
imitated Hesiod ; and that Gallus 
had about this time translated it, 
orperhaps imitated it; for in the 
next line> Vtrgil seems to intimate, 
that this grove is so adorned by the 
pen of bis friend Gallusi that Apollo 
will prefer it before ali the groves 
that have been dedicated to him. 

Strabo places Gryniumin Molliti 
and speaks of an ancient orade 4>f 
Apollo tbere, and a sumptuons tem«- 
ple built of white stonei M«#iW h 

fimfi^ rSf hlkiut ìmr f2ir« wé)J)^fm 
M«^i9ct9é9, r^ufé0f, Mmì it^lf 'Air«AA«Mc, 

74. Quid hqwiTy <^c.] The poet 
just mentions the fables of Scylla 
and Ter0us» with which he eon- 
cludes the soiig of Silenus* 

UiSoyllixmNiti^utquam,] Tbere 
as a great controversy amonff the 
critics» abottt the reading of tiiis 
passage. * In most editions we find 
atU S^Uam Nifi quam; acoording 
to which reading, V iigil speaks bere 
but of <me ScyUa« the daugfater t>f 
Nisas> and ascribaB tx> her what is 
said of anotber Scilla, the daughter 
of Phorcos, Pienus found ut ScyU 
Uun in the Roman manuscript ; and 
an Sc^llafn Nisi aut yuamfama secutti 
eti in another ancient manuscript 
We have therefore the authority ài 
one manuscript for reading ut before 

Scyllam, and inserting aut between 
Nisi and quam, which last is ooun- 
tenaiioed also b^ Servms. In the 
Lyons edition, m folio, 151 7^ it is 
aui Scyllam Nisi mtt quam. The 
sàme reading is admitted also by Da- 
niel Heinstus and Pulman. Catrod, 
and Cuningam read ut Scyllam Nhi 
aui quam. M arolles also interprets 
the passage before us accordingto 
this reading; '' Que diray-je de 
'^ ce quii raconta de Scille ffle de 
** Nise ? ou bien de ceUe qui à ce 
** que Fon dit, fut entour^, ^c." 
Thus also the leamed Bari of Ros- 

Why should I «peak of the Mfganan 

Far love perfldious, and by love betray'd? 
And her, who round with barklng mon- 

The wsnd'iìng Greeks Odi frìghted aoeif I) 


Atìd Dryden ; 

Wbj ahovld I sing the doubk ScyOaU 

The first by love transform'd^ the last by 


Our old translator W. L# under^ 
stands the poet to speak only of the 
daughter of Nisus ; ^ 

What shotild I speake of Scylla, NSsus 

Who in the gulfe the Gredan shipa tur^ 
moyrd ; 

And the Earl of Lauderdale \ 

Wbj Bhonld I aing of Scylla, noce the 

Of her white rocks and foomlng seaa 

gain her a name ; 

And Dr. Trapp; 

Why should I teli how Scylla, Nisus 

With barking monsters» round her waist 

Vex*d the Diilichian ships. 



^^hSf1SitÌS>SS!'y^ Candida sucdnéUm latrantibus inguina riiòo- 

La Cerdd ìs strongly of the eame opi- 
nion^ and warmly vìndicates the 
poet firoin the censure of those, who 
accuse him of having confounded 
twQ &bles together. He blames 
those, who have altered the text 
with a view of bringing the poet off 
.firom this ìmputation^ and under- 
takes to justify him, even acoording 
to the common reading; /' The 
/' poet," says he, '*did neither con- 
"found two stories togeUier, nor 
*' falsify them, but only delivered 
" what had been delivered before. 
" Know then, that not only Scylla 
" the daughter of Phorcus, but 
/^also Scylla the daughter of Nisus, 
" was tumed into sea^dogs. I shall 
" say nothing of the dauffhter of 
" Phorcus, for the poet has not 
'^spoken of her, as ali know and 
*' believe, and therefore censure 
'' him. As for the other, about 
'^ whom the dispute is, I shall pro- 
" duce three testimonies, of Strabo, 
« Ovìd, and Lucretius. The first 
^'says, in his eighth hook, that 
'* Sa^llaum, which w in Hermione, 
'^ is said to have taken its namefrcm 
*^ Scylla the daughter of Nisus; 
^'for she, being in love mth Minos, 
'^ hetrayed Nisaa to him, and jvas 
" therefore thrown inta the «co, and 
'* being toised about a long time btf the 
" toaves, at last obiained a sepulchre 
" at this place. Or, as ii is better 
** expressed in the Greek^ 2xvAA«m«» 

" NiV«tf ^vyttr^i^. The second in 
** his Amores; 

*« Per not Scylla patri canos furata ca- 

'* Pube premit rabidot, ingumibusque 
" , **canes, ^ 

" The last, in his fifth hook 5 

*' Aut rapidu canUnu tucdnctas 

*• Coi]^bu8 Scyllas." 

Ruseus adds another quotation ùosn 
the fourth hook of Propertius, 
where the two Scyllas are plainly 
spoken of as one; 

Quid mirum in patrìos Scyllam stevisse 
capillos ? 
' Candidaque in saevos inguina versa 
canes ? 

These passages are ali fairly quoted, 
and suflSciently prove, that if Vir- 
gil did confound the two fables to» 
gether, he was sufficiently kept in 
countenance by other authors. I 
should therefore readily admit of 
tliis vindication of our poet, if we 
had not the aiithority of manu- 
scripts for a better and more exact 
reading, which 1 have therefore ad> 
mitted into the text. Nor is Ruae- 
us averse from l^is reading, which 
he allows to be amended, not with- 
out the authority of manuscrìpts; 
" lidemque non male versum emen- 
" dànt ex fide MSS." What makes 
me stili the more willing to admit 
of this^emendation, is tnat Vìrgil 
himself has mentioned the fable of 
Nisus and his daughter Servila being 
tumed into birds, in the first Geor- 
gick: whence I conclude that he 
could not so openly contradict hjm- 
self, as to teli of her being tumed 
into a monster, in this Eclogue. 

For Scylla, the daughter of Ni- 
sus, see ver. 404. of the first Geor- 
gick, and the note on ver. 405. 

Scylla, the' daughter of Phorcu», 
was greatly beloved by Glaucus, 
who, not beinff able to obtain her 
favour, applied to Circe for her as- 
sistance. But Circe, being in love 
with Glaucus, resolved to get rid 



Dttlichias vexasse rates, et gurgitein alto, jabjjj^twobied the thip. ot 

of ScylUu She poisoned the water 
where S<ylla used to bathe ; so that 
as 8oon as she went in up to the 
middle» she found her lower parts 
surrounded wìth barkìng monsters. 
Scylla being affrighted, ran away, 
not imagìning these monsters tó be 
partof herself^ and was tumed into 
a dangerous rock^ in the strait be- 
tween àidlj, and the contine nt of 
Italy. See*ver. 420. of the third 
Maeìd, and the latter end of the 
thirteehth^ and beginnmg of the 
foiirteenth books of Ovid*8 Meta- 

7o. Dulicliias vexasse rates, Jj^c.'] 
The poet bere alludes to a passage 
in the twelfth Odyssey ; 

Tif^ U ftu 2«tfXX« yXnpvfSu U min Wm- 

t»%i^àfUHs y U ni» é^9 Mfut luù /uf 

*T^i^ aulirmi Ifù ìk ^èiyyrro ttm» 

*lX^v€t VMS iktytigt Ì»X99 xark tlhtr» 


'▲rr4<Myr«> Irurtf Xm^^ ìfftih éù^%' 
*ns iiy À0Wtu^9rru àM«fT9 ir»rì vrir^' 
AbrtS V tM éufifTi Mom^étt x%xX^ytvretf, 

Ot»ri0vn in xuw ìfnig Tìév ì^akfuStt 

When lo ! fierce Scylla stoop'd to seùe. 

her prcy, 
tStretch'd her dire jaws, and swept six. 

men away ; 
Chiefs of renown ! loud echoing shrìeks 

I turn, and view them quivering in the 

Thej cai], and aid witb outstretch'd 

arms implore : 
In vain they cali t (hpse anns are 

stretch*d J10 more. . 

As from some rock that overhangs the 

The silent fisher casta th' insidioùs food, 
Wìth fraudful care he waits the finny 

And sudden lifts it quivering to -thè 

So the foul monster lifts her prey oni 

So pant the wretches, stniggliog in the 

In the Wide dungeon she devours her 

And the flesh trembles wfaUe she chums 

the blood ; 
Worn as I am with griefs, with care de» 

cay'd ; 
Never, I never, scene so dire survey'd ! 
My shiv'ring blood congeard forgot to 

Aghast I stood, a monument of woe ! 


Dulichìas^ Dulichium is one of 
thoseislands in the lonìan sea, called 
Echinades. It lies over a^ainst the 
month of the rìver Ach^ous^ and 
was subject to the dominion of 

VexasseJ] We are informed by 
Aulus Gellius^ that some ancient 
grammarìans^ among whom was 
Comutus Anneeus, m their com- 
menta on Virgil, found fault with 
this word, as being ili chosen and 
mean. They thought it applicable 
only to triding uneasinesses; and 
not strong enough to express sogreàt 
a misery, as the being devoured by 
a horrid monster. But that leamed 
critic affirms it to be a vcry strong 
word; and thinks it was derived 
from vehere to carry, which ex- 
presses force ; because a man is not 
in bis own power, when he is car- 
ried, A man who is taken up, and 
carried away by violence, is properly 
said to be vexatus, For as taxare 
is a much stron^er word than tan- 
gere, from whIch it is derived ; Ja- 
dare ihanjacere; and quassarethan 
quatere ; so is vexare also more fpr^ 



im4 p9 b$m^0n tte ébmm 

iiuurinen,aUtt v^th 

tathede^gttlphf orhow'_ . 
lebted the toni Umbs of Te- 
mur what a faanqtiet, what 
presenti Pbilomela prepared 
far him ì wiCb what coium 
he locnht the deaerts : and 
with what wiQgi theunnappfy 
^ few iSiit,1>cron jS 

He «hiffs ali that the happy 
Eurotai neanl«and command- 
fdhis hay-tiectto }eani,wh«t 
rnoeba saag or old : 

Ah timtdos oanto» canibiis laocrmieiiiaritìis? ' 

Aut ut mutatos Terei narraverit artus ? 
Quas illi Philomela dapes, quae dona pararit ? 
Quo cursu deserta petiverit, et quibu^ ante 80 
Infelìx sua iecta wpervolitaverit^is? 
Omnia quae^ Phisho quondam meditante, beati» 
Audiit Eurotas, jussitqne ediscere lauros, 

cible than its primitive vehere» And 
though in common speech^ one who 
is incommoded by smoke, wind, or 
dust^ is said to be vexatus; yet we 
are net to relinquish the origiiud 
and proper sense of the wwd, as it 
was used by the aneients. He con- 
firms this by a quotatìon firom an 
oration of Cato, where> speaking of 
the greatest calamity thatever Italy 
endured, he makes use of the verb 
vexo ; *' Quumque Hannibal ter- 
^ ram Italiam lacerarot atque vex- 
'raret;*' and another firom the 
fourth oration of Cicero against 
Verres; " Qu» ab Ì3to sic «pollata 
^ at<|ue direpta est, ut ma ab baste 
'^ aliqno^ qui tamen in bello religi-* 
^'onem et consuetivHnis jura re- 
" tineret, sed ut a baròaris pra* 
'f donibus velata esse videatur." 
' 7B, Avi ut mutato» Terd^ ^c] 
See the note on Ter, 15. of the 
fourth Georgick. 

80. Quo cunu deserta, é^c."] The 
Bari of BoscommoQ under^ùmds 
this passale to mean, that Philo* 
mela flew into the wood, and Froe- 
ne contioued hov^sdug about the 

Or teli the Hiracian tyrant»s alter*d 

And dire revenge of Philomela's rape» 
Who to thosf woods diirects ber moum- 

ful course, 
Where she had suffer'd by inc^stuous 

Wbile loth to leave the palaee too well 

Progne flies hoverìng round» and thinks 

it stili her own. 

Drydeti faas paraphrased it in snch 

a manner» as to represent the trana^ 
formation of Tereus» Philomela» 
and Procne i 

Vbm nnrlidi'd Philomel the song ex* 

The crvaai^ rerealM; the sigt^r» aia«l 

And hove in fieids the lapwing Teteus 

Iftie warUing nigbtingok tu wo«ds «om- 

While Progpc màkii9 op cbimney tops 

her moan ; 
Aad hoven «^ the ftAam «nos her 


Dr. Trapp thinks both verses retate 

Or how pf Telali»* nK^tamorpko^ó^ f«!»i 
He sungi fùf hm what presenta what 

a feast 
By vengeful Pkilomela wftt prepar*d. 
mth what a sight h^ sought the 4e8art 

On the same wings» with wjb«€|i (ÌU- 

fiited change {> 
He flutter'd round the palao^ Ance his 


82. Omnia qua Pìicebo, ic] "Hie 
poet condudw dus fine Ediogue 
with telUng wh that Siknus relalied 
ali the stories also» whieh Apollo 
himself song on the banks of the 
Eurotas» Mrhen he courted hi£i dar- 
ling Hyacinthua, 

83. Eurotas.'] This ri ver, ac- 
cordi ng to Strabo» has its sprìng ' 
nearthatof Alpheus: fortheybom 
rise near Asea» a village belcmging 
to Megalopolis» in the Peloponnesus. 
They both run under ground for 
some furlongs» and then break out 
again ; when 'the Alpheus takes ita 
course through the Pisatis^ and the 



the Talleys echo Ms song to 
the akietj till loch tfane u 

lUe canit : pulsse referunt ad sidera valles ; ^ 

Cogere donec oves stabulis, numerumque referre toS^iS^'^tothlfoSu 

^"^ A**^ ««r%a«l^ Illa n 11 r> m«» m n fift tv* 

Jussit, et invito processit Vesper Olympo. SG 

and made his appeanuice in 
the unwilUng heavens. 

Eurotas through Laconia, runnlns 
by Sparta> passing through a sniaU 
valley at Helos^ falls into the sea 
between Gythium, which is the 
marìtimc town of Sparta^ and A- 
craea;. 'fu V [• 'AA^im^] m rSn «v- 
rSif rixtÈf, l{ St Mii • Ev^éirttf' kaXu- 

w?\nvUf «AAifX«f9 %x,àwra 9u» wmr^, sS 
«^r flUwrit et Xtx^ifTH TTctfui' ìvms ^ 
V9rò T^fy tri 0-v;i^Mtfff crr«^/«v(^ «vimA- 
Atftwi xdXit, uB^ i fdf fi( rh AaiuntKnt, 
9 9* li; Tilt n«0-«riy iiutT«yfr«#. ^O ^v 
9V9 Eù^^chas .... ««(* «VTJfv rif 2x«(- 
T«y f Vi/;, auti ii^tìn «i/A«y« tih^ ^«^d» 
ju»rie tI "£Adf, .... ii»)i^«r0'i jMfr«|tf 

*A»Mdti9. Apollo Ì8 said by Ovid 
to nave forsaken Delphi for the 
bànks of the £urotas^ when he was 
in love with Hyacinthus ; 


In medio positi caruerunt cannine Del- 

Dum deus Eurotauj ìmmunitamque fre- 


The Eurotas seems to have been a 
favourite rìver of both Apollo and 
Diana; for we read in the first 

Qualis in Eurotas rìpis, 

Exercet Diana choros. 

aut per juga 

Jussiique ediscere lauros,"] The 
banks of the Eurotas are said to 
abound with bay-trees. Hence per- 
haps Apollo was fancied by the an- 
cients to be more particularly fond 
of this river than of any other. 
Pope has imitated this verse, in bis 

Thames heard the numbers, as he flow'd 

And bade his wìUowb learn the moving 

85. Cogere donec oves, é^cJ\ At 
the end of the first Edogue, the 
evening was described by the smok- 
ing of the cottage chimneys, and 
lengthening of the shadows : in the 
second, by the oxen bringing back 
the plough : and bere we bave the 
rJsing of die evening star, the ga« 
therìng of the sheep into their folds, 
and the counting of their number. 
These images are perfectly rural, 
and suited to pastoral poetry . 

86. Fesper.'] The planet Venus, 
when she goes before the sun, is 
called Lucifer, or the moming star: 
but when she fdlows the sun, she 
is called Hesperus, or Vesper^ and 
by US the evening star. Thus Ci- 
cero, in bis second book de Natura 
Deorum; " Infima est quinque er- 
«' rantium, terrseque proxiraa stella 
" Veneris, quae fuo-^^éf Grsece, 
** Lucifer Latine dicitur, cum ante- 
'< greditur solem : cum subsequitor 
** autem, Hesperos." 

Invito Olimpo,'] The very skies 
were so dehghted with this divine 
song, of «Silenus, that they were 
sorry to see the evening proceed^ 
and put a stop to their entertain- 
ment. Milton has a thought some- 
thing like ibis, in bis seventh book ; 
where Adam tells the angd, that 
the sun will gladly stay to bear bis 

And the great light of day yet wants to 

Much of his race though steep, suspense 

in heav'n 
Held by thy voice, thy potent voipe be 

And longer wilI delay to hear thee Xeìì 
His generation, and the rising birth 
Of nature from the unapparent deep. 






Melibobus, Corydok, Thyrsis. 

Mel. Forte sub arguta consederat ilice ^*SàS'!^!&^SSb^- 
Daphnis, «*• 

1. Forte 9uh arguta, S^cT^ In 
this Eclogue is represented an aoie- 
bean contention between two shep- 
herds, Corydon aud Thyrsis. Tbey 
are described sìtting under a tree^ 
in company with Daphnis, who 
seems to bave been appointed to 
jùdge betWeen them. Meliboeus^ 
happening to pass that way in 
quest of a goat that bail strayed^ 
is spied by Daphnis, who calls him, 
and insists on bis staying to bear 
the dispute. The whole affair is 
related by Meliboeus. 

The commentators, according to 
custom, are divided coneeming the 
persons, whom Virgil is bere sup- 
pòsed to represent under the fetgned 
names uf Daphnis, Mdiboeus, Cory- 
don, and Thyrsis. Servius says, 
that Daphnis is the Sicilian shep- 
herd, spokenX)f in the fifth Eclogae, 
whom he now caìls a diviner, 
which he thinks is confirmed, by 
bi9 telUng Meliboeus, in the way of 
divination, that bis goats are safe; 

Caper t\bi $alvu8 et hasdì. Vives 
takes the whole Eclogue to repre- 
sent a famous contention at Rome 
between two poets, at wbicb Virgil 
was presenta he therefore supposes 
Daphnis to bp one of Ceesar's 
ìearned friends, Meliboeus to be 
Virgil, and Corydon to be oneof 
VirgiVs friends I either Gallus, Va« 
rus, or Pollio. Some wiil bave 
Corydon to be Virgil, and Thyrsis 
one of bis contemporary poets and 
rivals. La Cerda is positive, that 
the poet feigns a contention betwéen 
himself and Theocritus, whom he 
represents under the character. of 
Thyrsis. Ruaeus is of opinion, 
that Corydon may be either Gallus, 
or Pollio; Thyrsis one of bis ri- 
vals; Daphnis a common friend; 
and Meliboeus Virffil hin^self. Gar 
trou will bave it, that the two con*^ 
tending sbepherds are Cebes and 
Alexander^ Meliboeus is either Mae* 
oenas or Pollio, and Daphnis Vir- 
gil himself. Thus^ according ta 



Sli^S!5^tSàk!^^S£^ Compulerantque greg^ Corydon et Thywìs in 
•unum : 

these various opinions^ Daphnis may 
be either the ancieat shepfaerd of 
SicUy, or one of C«8ar*8 learned 
frìends, or a friend of Gallus and 
Pollio^ or Virghi himself: Meli- 
boeus may be either Virgili FoìUo, 
or Maecenas: and Corydòa may 
be either Gallus> or Varas, or Pol- 
lio, or Virghi himself» or one of 
his scbòlars. Here we may observe 
that Virgil Ì8 8upposed to be repre- 
sented under any of the four cha- 
racters, ezeept that of Thyrsis. It 
might with equal reason bave been 
Bupposed^ that Virgil intended to re- 
present a contention between him* 
self, and either PoUio, Gallus» or 
Vanu ; that he meant himself by 
Thyrsis, and therefore out of com- 
plaisance, gave the victo/y to his 
patron. But in tnith, I believe he 
did nbt inteiid to deaoribe any par- 
ticular person in thts Eclogue ; but 
only to imitate Theocritus; ibr 
f here 18 not any paisage in the whole 
poem, that seems to allude to any 
private character. The subject is 
wholly pastoral ; and the verses of 
the two eontending shepherds relate 
«Dtireiy to their own rural a&irs, 
to their own friendshìpa, and lo 
thetr own amours. 

jirguta.^ Servius interpreta it 
canora, $iridula. Nothiog is.more 
frequent witk the poets, tbaa to 
&peak of the whisperìng or murmur-- 
tng of trees. Thus Theocritus be- 
gina his first Idyllinm ; 

*A irtrì tm$ wmymUt /UXUi§rm. 

B^iaeus thinks this epithet may be 
i^)|died Co trees» either on account of 
the birds ainginff on their branches^ 
or of the wioa whisdrag among 
their leaves. 

Consederai.'] In some copies it 
is comiderat 

Ilice.'] Castelvetrius» es he is 
quoted by Barman, idfirms, that 
neither holm-oaks, pines, junipers, 
nor cbestnats grow in the Mantuan. 
It Is hardly to be imagined, that 
Virgil could be ignorant of the trees 
that grew in his owu neghbourhood. 
Olir learned Ray, whose authority 
in this case is worth that df a hun- 
dred grammarìans, affirms, that the 
liolm-oak is common in most of the 
provincesof Italyj " In Hetruria 
''aliisque Itali» provinciis, pr»- 
*' sertim ad mare inferum, inque 
" Gallia Narbonensi, et Hispanìa, 
'^ in sylvis, collibus, et campestri- 
" bus maritiniis passim et copiose 
" provenit" The same author 
observed the pine in great plenty in 
severa! parts of Italy; particularly 
near Ravenna, where there is an 
entire lai^ wood of these trees, 
extending itself to the sea-side. He 
tells US also, that chestnuts abound 
in Italy. He does not indeed par- 
ticularly mention the juniper aa an 
Italian plant ; but he seems to speak 
of it as growing in ali parts of Eu- 
rope. Hawever, if we will believe 
Màtthiolns, a learned Italian bo- 
tanist, the juniper is very common 
in his country $ *' Major et minor 
'' juniperi species tn ploribus Italiee 
" loda repei-itur. Tuscia urbacas 
'' alit, proceram arboirem 
** assurgunt: visunturque hae fre- 
'* queutes in agro nostro Senensi ; 
'' quarum fructus sylvestrìbi» et 
'* crassior et dulcior habetur.** . 

'2. Compulerantque greges^ 4^.] 
This is an imitation of the begtn- 
ning c^ the sizth Idyllium of Theo- 



l%ynisoTe8,Cor7d<mdistenta8lacte<»pdlaa. "^^^S^^SÌì^ 

Ambo fiorentes setatibus, Arcades ambo : 

!Et cantare pares, et respondere parafi. 5 

Huc mihi, dom teneras defendo a frigore myrtosi 

mjak. Bothwereintfaeflowtr 
of their ««e, both Arcadlao* : 
both equa] in daging, ao4 
ica4y to aaMver. Hitber« taf 
goat, tbe very ntber pf my 
flock h»d wMdered, wfail«t 

Danustafl* And th^ hexxlsman Daphni? 

Thdr llocks io feed, and took one sfaadj 

Tiie one was beaided, of a chaimiog 

Tlic otber joung. down cloth*d faw 

lovdy face. Creech. 

Tlnu also we read at the begìnning 
of the eightfa IdyllLum ; 

Both yellow locks adorn'd, and both 

trere young ; 

Bóth rarely pip*d, and both divinelj 

fluag. C&EECH. 

In unum.'] Understand locum; 
for this ìs a literal translation of the 
f/( lue x!*V ^^ Theocrìtus. 

4. Arcades ambo.] Servius says, 
they were not really Arcadlans, be* 
cause the scene is laid near Mantua ; 
I but so skilful in singìng^ that they 
i might be taken for Arcadians. La 
Cerda thinks they are called Arca- 
dians^ to signìfy^ that they were 
strong lasty young fellows ; beeause 
the Arcadians were famous for be- 
ing robust and hardy. Ruaeus thinks 
they were etther really Arcadians, 
or rather like Arcadians m the art 
of singìng ; beeause the scene is not 
laid in ^cadia; but in the Cisal- 
pine Gaulj on the banks of the 
Mincius, not far firom Mantua. Ca- 
tron is of opinion, that, as Cebes 
and Alexander were slaves brought 
from a foreign country, Virgil took 
the liberty of feigning them to be 
Arcadians ; beeause they were equal 
in singÌDg to the Arcadians, a peo- 

ple so much celebrated by the poets. 
Arcadia is well known to be an in- 
land country of Peloponnesus. It 
was &mou8 for its excellent pastu* 
rage, vaat numbers of herds and 
flocks, and its extraordinary wor« 
ship of the £od Pan, to wbom a fu* 
mous temp^ was erected in Tegea. 
This deity was said to bave invented 
the shepherd's pipe; and the Arca* 
dians were famous for their skill in 
mufiic. They are said to bave been 
taught b^ Arcas^ the son of Calino 
bv Jupiter, to build cottages, to 
clothe themsfilves with the skins of 
beasts» and to Uve ofì acorns, beech* 
mast, and other food of the same 
kind. This rendered them a very 
hardy and strong peonie ; andma^ 
them able to repel me violence of 
their neighbours, wfaen they invaded 

6. Huc,'] So Fierius found it in 
the Medicean manuscript: though 
he prefers kic- Heìnsius also and 
Burman found huc in several manu* 
scripts. In the Milan edition 1481^ 
ana that of Lyons, 1517^ in folio, 
and in the Paris editions in 4to^ 
1540 and 1541, and in the Lon* 
don edition by Pynson, it is kic, 
which reading ako is admitted by 
Pulman, Heinsius, Masvicius, Huae- 
ùs^ Cuningam, and Catrou. But 
Aldus, Robert Stephens, Guellius» 
La Cerda, and Burman read hnc; 
as I find it also in the fòlio editions, 
of Venice 1562 and Paris Ì600, 
and in tbe Antwerp edition of 

Dum teneras, &c.] The men- 
tion of defending the myrtles from 
the cold has occamoned some trou- 
ble to the «cMaamentators, in set» 



I «ee Dtphnb ; aitd M MK» M 
Ne aees me, he calls out. Come 
hither, O MeliboBos} joar 
goat b alfe, and yoar kids; 
and if yoa can stay, rett un- 
dertheahade. YourbuUocks 
will cerne hither throtigh the 
meadows to drink or their 
ownaccord: bere the verdant 
Mfaidos hai covered thebanks 
with tender leavei; and the 
«warmt buz from the sacred 

Vir gr^s ipse eaper deerraverat: atque ego' 

Aspicio : ille ubi me cóntra vìdet ; Ocias, inqait, 
Huc ades, O Melibcee ; caper tibi salyus et hop^di ; 
Et, si quid cessare potes, requiesce sub umbra. 10 
Huc ipsi potum venient per prata juvenci : 
Hic viridis tenera prsetexit arundine rìpas 
Mincius, eque sacra resonant examina quèrcu. 

tling the ti me of year, in which thìs 
Eclogrue is said to be wrìtten. Ser- 
VÌU8 says, some understand this pas- 
sage in the plain and obvious sense 
of the MTOrds : others, who affirm it 
was in summer^ understand dùm de- 
fendo ajrigore to mean^ / am cover- 
ing ihem agaimt the future cold: 
omers understand it to sìgnify dura 
mihi defensaculum praparo myrtos a 
Jrigore, that is, qua sunt sìne fri- 
goribus, Surely this last interpreta- 
tion is as harsh as can be imagined. 
La Cerda prefers that of covering 
them against the future cold; be- 
cause the greenness of the banks, 
the growing of the reeds, the buz- 
zing of the bees, and the shade of 
the holm-oak sufficiently declare the 
season to be the Spring. Catrou 
thinks the epoch of this Eclogue is 
March or Aprii, when the weather 
is cool enough to require a shelter 
for the more tender trees. Bur- 
man,, observing how various the 
opinions of the commentators are 
on this subject, and finding teneros 
in one manuscript, and myrtus in 
another, is willing to think the text 
may bave been corrupted, and that 
we ought to read, 

Hic ego dum teneros difendo a /rigore 
fcetus ; 

as we read Ovium teneros depelkre 
Jbetus, in the first Eclogue. For 
my own part, I do not see any rea- 
son to suppose the textto bave been 
corrupted, or any difficulty in under- 
standing this passage according to 

the plain meaning of the words. It 
is well known, that the Myrius com- 
munis Italica C. B, or common Myr^ 
ile, grows plentifuUy in Italy, espe- 
ciidly on the coast of the Tyrrhene 
sea; but even in Italy it does not 
love cold, especially when planted 
in gardens; " Myrti montes non 
*' amant quin et Jrigidos edere 
" tractus," says MatthioTus. These 
m3rrtles of Meliboeus were young 
and tender, and therefore stood in 
need of shelter: and it is plain, 
that a cool season is intended, by 
the words a /rigore. The argu- 
ment drawn fVom the shade of the 
holm-oak proves nothing; because 
those trees are green ali the winter ; 
nor is any one circumstance men- 
tioned, which does not agree with 
the beginning of the spring, the 
season which Catrou has nghtly 

) 7. yir gregis.'] This expression 
is used also by Theocritus, in the 
^ghth Idyllium ; 

12. Hic viridis, ^c] The ver- 
dure of the fields aojoining to the 
Mincius seems to nave been re- 
markable: our poet mentions it 
agaìn in the third Georgick; 

Et viridi in campo templum de nuirmore ' 

Propter aquam, tardis ìngens ubiflexìbus 

errai ^ 

• Mincùu, et tenera prcetexU arundine - 


13. Sacra ... . ; quercu,'^ The 



Quid facerem? neque ego Aldppen, nec Phyl- 

lida habebam ; 
Depulsos a lacte domi quas clauderet agnos: 15 
Et ccrtamen erat, Corydon cum Tbyrside mag- 

Posthabui tamen illorum mea seria ludo. 
Alternis igilur contendere versibus ambo 
Coepere : alternos Mus» meminisse volebant. 
Hos Corydon, illos referebat in ordine Thyrsis. 
Cor. Nymphae, noster amor, Libethrides: 
aut mihì Carmen, ^1 

WhatooQldldor I had ort- 
ther Afcbpc nor PhjlUs, to 
•hut up tbe weaned lamba at 
home: and it was a great 
contentian, Corydon and 
Thynis. However, I made 
my own busineM give way 
to their qxvt. Tbey b«gan 
therefore to contend with al' 
ternate venes: the Muies 
woald have them aing alter- 
nately. Corjrdon becan, and 
Thyras answered in liit tura. 
Qrtr. O ye Llbethriaa 
Kymphs, my deUght,. dther 
inapire me with such poema. 

oak was accounted sacred, not only 
by the Greeks and Romans, but 
aLso by the Britons and Gauls. 

Resonant examina»'] Thus Theo- 
critus^ in the first Idyllium ^ 

— — T«fvi2 ì^é$t, J)i MvmtMt, 

14. Jlcippen nec Phyllida.'] Ser- 
vius is of opinion^ that these were 
mistresses of the singers 3 andthere- 
j fore that the meaning of these words 
I ìs^ I neither had Alcippe, like one, 
I nor Phyllis like the other. La Cerda 
agtees with Servius, but Ruseus 
thinks they were the servants of 
Meliboeus. Catrou embraces this 
last opinion : and indeed the former 
would have quite destroyed his sys- 
tem: for we cannot suppose^ that 
Cebes and Alexander^ who are said 
to have been Virgil's slaves^ had 
each of them a maid-servant of his 
own. It must be confessed how- 
ever, that the opinion of Servius is 
the most naturai. 

16. Et certamen erat, ^.] '' He 
** speaks figuratively, it was a great 
'' contention^ one with another^ ille 
** cum ilio, as if you should say> It is 
'* a great . contention^ Virgil with 
*' Cicero. He seems tó have used 
'' the nominative case for the gè- 
" nitive, Corydonis,'' Servius. 

La Cerda understands it to be a 
figurative expressiòn ; certamen be- 
ing put for cerlator; so that, ac- 
cordmg to him^ it should be ren- 
dered Corydon mas a great contender. 
Burman says, it is an elegant appo- 
sition» like that of Cicero; " Unum- 
'* que certamen erat relictum, sen- 
" tentia Volcatii." 

18. AUemis igilur, ^c."] In like ( 
manner we read in the thìrd.Ec- 

AlternìB dìoetis : amant alterna Camenae. I 

21. Nympha, nostèr amor, 4c.] 
*^ This first amebean contains a 
'' prayer for poetry. Corydon en- 
" treats the Muses to give nim sadi 
'^ a power of verse, as they have 
"bestowed on Codrus; otherwise 
" he declares he will give over the 
"art" RujEUS. 

Thyrsis answers by calling on the 
Arcadian shepherds^ to crown some 
rising genius with ivy, to break the 
heart of Codrus ; or to crown him 
with laccar, to defend him from the 
influence of a malicious tongue. 

Nymphas .... Libethrides,'] Ac- 
cording to Strabo, Libethrum is 
the name of a cave in or near the 
mountain Helicon, which lies near 
Pamassus, consecrated to the Libe- 
thrian nymphs or muses, by the 
Thracians who inhabited thoseparts. 



VSfh^^&tS^L^A Qu^e ^^ Codros concedite: prcndma Phoel» 

fioct to the tvtset of PhcBbcM : 

were called Viete», and were after- 
wards succeeded by the Macedo- 
nians ; ^O fàt «Jr 'EXuim «v wéXv in- 
vtm^ff T«v lìm^M^tréu IfUfuXXMf irr<y 
Wvtf, M»r« TI v'^éf xtù wt^ifi^^ét, 
ìkftipm y«i^ X6tJM/ói?M rà 0^, k»Ì wtrfm- 
in' wt^tyni^iTm ìt tv vdXX^ ^^f* 

«V Ti^, &^éuM9 UMt Tévf lòf *EXtxmm 
TtUi M«vr«M€ .MB^<|Mf9wyra(c* . «V .x«i m 
n<l{/«V> Mei T0 Af/&|i^^«V^ luti TÌiv n/|w- 

Xtuff % n/ffff* i»A<9rÓH-«y ^ leirnvir, 

In the tenth hook also he tells iis^ 
that Libethrum anciently belong^ 
to the Thracìans^ who ii^bitéd 
BoBotia, and dedìcated the mountain 
Helicon and the cave of the Libe- 
thrìan Nymphs to the Muses ; IIii. 
• ^M yttp, tutì '^OXvfMTf, 1UÙ Ui^xXtt, 
xmi Ai/Ct|df dy ri w»XtU69 ìit S^mcm %»- 
^U »«i %^* wf iì ixàva-i Mmttùivtf* 

vùuq ®etUtf df rìif fiòéitrUv hròixiaumf, 
HTt^ KAÌ rò rSf AkJ^fl^^utìm ìilvfitpSf 
«yr^dv x«e5ii^«ner. Pllny speaks of 
Libethra. a fountain in Magnesia ; 
'^ Thessalia? annexa Magnesia est^ 
"cujus fons Libethra." Pompo- 
nius Mela seems also to speak of 
Libethra as a fountain ; ** Terrae 
" interiores claris locorum nomi- 
'^ nibus insignes, pene nihil igno- 
'* bile ferunt. Hinc non longe 
^' est Olympus, hic Pelion, hic 
*' Ossa» montes gigantum fabula 
" belloque memorati : bis Musarum 
" parens domusque Fieria : hic no- 
" vissime calcatum Grato Herculi 
" solura» saltus GSteus ; hic sacro 
'• nemore nobilia Tempe ; hic Li- 
'^bethra, carminumque fontes ja- 
*' cent'' Solinus also mentions 
Libethrus^ a fountain of Magnesia; 
*' Sednetranseamus praesidium poé- 

'* tarum> fona Libethrua et ipie 
" Magnesi» est.** Servius sa^s 
Libethrus is a fountain of Bceotia, 
where the Muses vere worahippeci ; 
and that the poet calls them Libe- 
thrides from that fountain, just as 
they might be called Hippocrenides 
from the fountain Hippocrene. He 
adds, firom VarrOj that the Njqnphs 
are the same with the Muses, the 
reason of which is, that the motion 
of water is muslcaL Vibius Seque- 
ster mentions Lìbethros a fountain 
of Rceotia^ and Libethris a mountain 
of ^tolia. La Cerda contends, that 
the Libethrian Nymphs are differ- 
ent from the Muses ; in confinn- 
ation of which he quotes Strabo 
and Pausanias.^ As for Strabo» the 
passagea above queted from that au- 
thor seem rather to prove^ that- they 
are not different : but the quotation 
from Pausanias seems f uli to bis pur- 
pose ) for that author calls it the 
Libeóirian mountain, and says 
there are statues vpon it of the 
Muses, and of the Libethrian 
Nympha : K^^éftms ì* miUvi «( nv- 
trt^ilxùfra S^df imx,u rtA&il^^ff, «y^A- 

^«f» irtxXnrif fori A&f&^Uv. Ru9eii8 
seems to think it a fountain, on the 
authority of Solinus, and renderà 
Nymphas Muses. Catrou says, 
'' The Njnmphsof Boeotiaare called 
" Libethrides: by these Nymphs we 
*' ought perhaps to understand the 
" Muses ; to whom a cave in Boe- 
** otia, called Libethrum, was con- 
^* secrated.*' Thus, according io 
these varìous authors, Libethrum, 
Libethra, Libethrus, or Libethria, 
may be either a cave, a mountain, 
or a spring, either in Baeotia, Mag- 
nesia, or ^tolia. In this great va- 
riety of opinions, I believe it will 
be safest to abide by the authority 
of Strabo^ who^ in two difi^^ent 

tìOCOLPG. ÈGLi Vii. 


Vereibus ili© facits éut ri ribn pdsSUn^ùs óihnes, ^^^^ ^^""^ ** «« ^' 

places^ àffirms Libethrum to be a 
cave. By what he has said of it, 
we inaj quèstion Mrhéther it was a 
cave in the mountain Helicon itéelf^ 
or «nother bill in that neighboor- 
hood, in which this sacred cave was 
to be found. If we take the latter 
sénse^ we shall make Strabo agree 
with those who cali Libethruni a 
mountain :. and thus the Libetbrian 
cave wiU he a cave in the moun- 
tain Libethrum, of Boeotia, near 
Helicon. We bave séen that Pliny 
places the fountaìn Libethrain Mag- 
nesia ; but he does not say a word 
of its being sacred to the Muses ; 
nor do they seem everto havemade 
their babitation eitlier in Magnesia 
or ^tolia. There might possibly 
be' a fountain called Libethra in 
Magnesia, as well as a mountain 
calieri Libethrum in Boeotia : for 
we find there was not only the 
mountain Helicon in that country» 
but also a rivér of the same name in 
Macedonia. Hence the other geo- 
graphers may easily be supposed to 
bave confounded the ' Magnesian 
fountaìn with the Libetbrian moun- 
tain or cave ; and to bave ascribed 
to one what belongs to the other. 
We may thexefbre venture lo con- 
clude, diat the Libethriasi N3rmphs 
are no other than the Muses ; and 
that they were so called froui a cave 
in Libethrum^ a mountain of Hc^* 
otia» which, as well as Helicon^ was 
consecrated to those deìties. 

22. Meo Codro.] We bave the 
authority of some copies of Serviua 
to prove, that Valgius, in bis Eie- 
gieSj mentioned Codros^ as con- 
temporary with Virgilj " Codfos 
'* poeta ejusdem temporis fuit, ut 
" Valgius in suis Eiegis refert.'* 
But the verse», not only of Codtus, 
but of Valgius also, are now lost.: 
and even this note of Servius iis 

doubtfttl ; fbr> acconling^to Rurman, 
it is wanting in several Tttatiuscripts. 
We may conclude howevér, fliat 
this Codrus was contemporary with 
Virgil, from bis being bere men- 
tioned ; that he was his friend, 
from his calling him my Codrus ; 
and that Virgil thought him a goòd 
poet; because he says, he makes 
verses next to those of Apollo. 411 
these expressions are put into the 
mouth of Corydon, to whom he 
assigiis the victory at lastj and 
therefore we ma^^ believe, that what 
he says is conformable to the opi- 
nion of Virgil himself. . Juvénal 
speaks of one Codrus, as a sorry 
poet, at the beginning of his ftrst 

Semper ego auditor tantum ? nunquam- 
ne repon&iD, 

Vexatufl toties rauci Theselde Codrì ? 

Impune ergo mihi recitaverit ille toga- 

Hic elego8 ? impune diem consumpaeHt 

Telephus ? aut summi piena jam mar- 
gine ]ibri 

Scriptus, et in tergo, nec dum finitU9 

Shall I bui heat stiUf never pay that 

r«,'rf with hoartc Codriu" Theseit o*rt 

and ó*te 9 
Shall he, nupunUh'*dt read me tedvouM 

He elegiet $ hugc Tclephui whoìc dayet 
Unpiints7i*d tpend me $ or Orest^s^ vfH 
Margent and otitside, but uotfinish^d yct» 

He also ridfcules the poverty of 
that poet, in bis third Satire ; 

LectuR erat Cedro Procula minor, uroeoli 

Oraamentum abaci : nec non et parrulUt' 

Cantbarus, et recuba'ns sub eodem mar- 
more Chiron, . . ' 

Jamque vetus Oraecos servabat cista Ù- 

Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures, 
I i 


ffiSSS^SS*^***^'**" Hic arguta sacra pendebit fistola pina. 

Kil halmit CedniSv quii enim neg«t ? et 

tamen illild 
Perdidit infelix totum nil : ultimus au- 

jErumnee cumulus, quod nudum, et 

frustra rogsntem 
Nemo cibo, nemo hospitio, tectoque ju- 


Shorter thanU dwarfì-'anfe Codrut had a 

Itemy nx, little jug» onU cupboard't head ; 
Item, heneath it gtood a two ear*d poi 
By ChiroiCs herltai: lastly fie hadgot 
A cheit teith aome Oreek authore^ where 
. thejkrce 

Barbaroui mice gnwtdd never dying verte- 
. W7to hnawt not Codrut notMng had $ yet 

Byfire^ poor wretch, he ali that nothing 

And to accumulate the heggar*t grief. 
None gaoe him houte^room^ or a meoTt 

relief, Staptltok. 

His poverty is mentioned also by 
Martial, in the fifteenth epigram 
of the third hook; 

Plus credit nemo, quam tota Codrus in 
Cum sit tam pauper, quomodo ? cse- 
cus amat. 

But as these poets, who flourished 
in the reign of Domitian, speak of 
Codrus as their contemporary; he 
cannot be the person whom Virgil 
bere mentìons. 

Proxima.] Understand carmina, 
^S. FacU.'] Facit carmina is used 
also in the third Eclogue -, 

Pollio et ipse facit nova carmina. 

Aut si non possumus omnes, 4*c.] 
This passage seems to be very ob- 
scure; and the commentators give 
US very little light into it. Servius 
only refers us to a like expression in 
the eìghth Eclogue; and thinks he 
. ought to bave said aut si ego non pos- 
suiH, The sense of the passage in 
the.cjghth Eclogue is this) The 
poet having relattd the verses of 

Damon» calls upon the Muses to 
relate, those of Alphesiboeus^because 
we cannot ali do ali thiugs; non 
omnia possumus omnes. It seems 
therefore to be a proverbiai expres- 
sion, of our not being able to do- 
every thing of ourselves, without 
the assistance of a deity. It is 
agreed by general consent, that by 
hanging his pipe on a pine, is meant 
that he will relinquish his art. But 
then, why shouM he for ever give 
over singing, if he cannot equal hisF 
friend Codrus^ whom he allows to 
be second to Apollo? La Cerda in- 
terprets si non possumus omnes to 
mean^ ifi cannot ospite to the dig^ 
nity of so great a verse: but then 
why does he say omnes, when he 
means only hìmself ? Ruaeus passés 
it over without any remark; and 
only renders it si non omnes possumtis 
id ossequi : that is^ if we cannot ali 
obtain tt: but who are t'bese allP 
Marolles translates it '' ou si tous 
** tant que nous sommes^ ne pou- 
'* yons y par venir." Catrou under- 
stands Corydon to meàn^ if it is a 
favour that the Muses do not grani to 
any one : " ou, si c'est une faveur 
" que vous n'accordez a personne ;" 
but then how does oìnnes sìghify 
any one ? W. L. translates it. 

Or if wee cannot ali so happy bee. 

The Earl of Lauderdale -, 

But since that ali meo cannot reacb the 

Dryden ; 

Or if lay wishes bave presum'd too high» 
And stretch'd their bounds beyond mor- 

. Dr. Trapp follo ws Dryden, in sup- 
posing id ossequi to be understood, 
and says it means to write as'well as 
Codrus ; 



Thyr. Pastores hedera crescentem ornate ,JJJ;^g^^Jjg^^ 
poetam 25 twngpoet. 

«..i— Orifthat 

We cannot ali obtain. 

I be^ìeve at last we must consider 
nonpossumus omnes, as the samc pro- 
verbiai ezpression with non omnia 
possumus omnes, that is^ we cannot 
do every thìng without the assistane^ 
of a dàty, or òy our own strength. 
According to this construction the 
sense will be tbìs : '' O ye Muses^ 
" iQspìre me tp wrile such verses 
" as Codrus ; or else, if, as we 
'* commonly say^ we cannot aU do 
** every thing, that is, if you refuse 
" your assistance, and I cannot 
*' perforai thisby my own strength^ 
'^ I will bang my pipe here on the 
'^ sacred pine> that is, I will never 
" attempt to make any more 
" verses." 

24. Sacra pendebit Jistula pinu."] 
flt was a custom among the an- 
ìcients» when they gave over any 
' employment, to devote their in- 

struroents, and bang them up in 
some sacred place. To this custom 
Horace alludes, when he says, 

Nunc arma- defiinctumque bello 
Barbiton iùcnurìes habebit, 

Tbus also BI 

Pendebatque vagi pastorìs in arbore ve* 
Garrula sylvestri fistula sacni deo. 

The pine was sacred to Cybele^ who 
turned ber belovcd Atys or Attìs info 
that tree ; as we read in the tenth 
hook of Òvid's Metamorphoses ; 

£t succincta comas^ hirsutaque vertice 

pinus ; 
Grata deum matri. Siquidem Cybelelus 

Exuii hac hominem trunooque induruit 


25. Pastores kedera, 8fc,l It is 
4be general opinion of iSe com- 

mentators^ that Thyrsis.spc^s here 
in contempt of Codrus^ whom Co- 
rydon had extolled. fiut I rather 
think, that Virgil intended a com- 
pliment to that poet in these linea 
of Thyrsis, as well as in those of 
hìs antagonist. The compliraent 
is more direct in the former^ and 
more oblique in the lattar. Cory- 
don declares bis poetry to be next 
to that of Apollo^ and invokes the 
Muses to assist him in writing after 
the same manner. Thyrsis does not 
in the least dispute the goodness of 
bis poetry; but calls on the Arca- 
dian shepherds to instruct some 
young poet to write in such a man- 
ner^ as to become the envy of Co- 
drus. Thus, though Thyrsis» in 
oppositionto his antagonist who had 
mentioned Codrus as his friend, 
wishes some future poet may equal, 
or perhaps exceed him; yet he 
thereby tacitly confesses, that he is 
superior to ali present poets. Hence 
It is plain, that Virgil contrìves^ 
with great elegance, to make the 
friend and enemy of Codrus concur 
in his praise. 

Mederai^ llie ivy wasfrequently 
used by the ancients in crowning 
poets. Thus Horace i 

Me doctarum hederce prcemiafroniium 
Dii8 miscent superis. 

Thus also our poet himseli^ in the 
rìghth Edoguei 

A ccipe jusds 
Carmina coepta tuia; atque hanc aine 

tempora circum 
Inter victrices hederam tibi serpere lau- 


The ivy with yellow berries is said 
by Pliny to be the sort used in the 
crowns of poets. See the notes on 
ver. 39, of the third Eclogue; and 
•ver. 258. of the second Georgick. 



Mt*^iSP^?^f& Arca^es» invidia Jiin^antur ut ilia Codro. 
S\glS, toid*?S*SJ5; Aut si ultra placitum laudarit, bajccare frontcm 

Servios says the poets are crowned 
with ivy. as if they vere dedica t?d 
^ Bflcch^s; because the poetica! 
fary i» like that of the B^c)iana- 
lians i or p^rhe^ps because ivy Ì8 ev^r 
greei)« ^s good poe^ry deserves ^ter- 
oity. A late witty writer has 8ai4> 
t|i4t ivy Ì8 a just emUem of a 
o^urt-poet; because it is creeping:, 
4irit/, and dangl'mg, 

ÒrescetUem orna^ paetam»'] Pie- 
rif|8 found ntu^euiem in the Roman 
andMedioean ma^iuacripts : but he 
looks upon cresc&Uem as the genuine 
jea4ing' Hein^ius al^ and Burman 
find nas^niem in some manuscripte^ 
4n4 crc$c^ni€m in others. 

i^ervius seems to underst^nd this 

groping poet to be spoken by T^^y'''' 

sis of bimself. La Cerda doubts ; 

j" incertum an. se an alium queipvis 

/ '* int^lligat." 

27. ^ut si yUra placìium^ Sfcl^ 
Servius interprete ultra placitum^ 
mimice^ irrmrie; uUra quam placco 
et m^eor; Guellius «aysi thut ultra 
pUfcUum, laudare is die same with 
that expressipn of Plutaroh^ in his 
treatise wt^ rtv tewrii' ìftmpif èutfr 

9^t^ wti^M yfóiftnf r#y furaifttf, zctì oviy- 
txtfitiprv^uf if(iiy/M» xù?^£ittti» fiui^àtf 
iviXtvhi^f v^ùtrnj^òf $ Tiftft ré ixtcffUf 
wec^irruf, vT»^rorn(« La Cerda also 
thinks this passage of Plutarch 
much to the piurpose. The phi- 
losopher is speaking of the ple&- 
sure it gives a man tu be praised by 
others; and of the ofiènce it. gives 
to others to bear a man him- 
sielf. '* In the first place," says he, 
" it is a breach of modesty, for a 
" manto prais^ himself ; because he 
'* ought rather tp be cut of couq- 
'^tenanc6« when anoth^ pr^ises 
/' him, Se^ndly, it is ungustr be- 
.'5 cause he asaumes to himacjfi 

" what he ought to receive fnm 
" another. In the third phu», it 
" obh'ges US either by our silence, 
'' to seem uneasy and to envy bim: 
" or else tojoin in praising him co»- 
*' trar^ to our opinioit, and to testifr 
'* our approbation ; and con«- 
" quently to be guilty of a disho- 
'* nourable flattery, by praising i 
" man to h\s face/* 'rhis praising 
a man conlrarif to our opinion does ìd- 
deed seem to be the meaning' of ul- 
tra placitum laudare : but the poet 
seems to bave had some farther de- 
sign in this passage; because he 
speaks of a charm to bé made useof 
against an evil tongue. La Cera 
refers ]us to a passage in the second 
chapter of the seventh book of Pliny, 
where he speaks of a traditìon^ that 
there were some families in Africa, 
whose praiseé had the poiver ofdC' 
stroying cattle, withering trees, and 
killing children ; '' In eadem Afri- 
*' ca faniìlias quosdam effiiscinan- 
" tinm, Isigoiiius et Nymphodorns 
"tradunt: quarum laùdetiione in- 
' tereant probata, arescant arboree, 
*' emoriantur infantes ** That 
leamed commentatcn* adda, that it 
was usuai among the ancients, 
when they praised any one, to aàà 
ptasJÌBcine or piafiscini, that is «/>« 
fascino, thereby declaring, that tbey ' 
praised sincerely, without àny ìD 
intention. He con&ms this by & | 
quotation from the Setina of T^' i 
niu8> where one says^ Paula mea, 
amaòo; to whieh another adds, 
*« Poi tu ad laudem addito pra^t 
*' Jiscini, ne puella Jhscinefur" He 
adda another quotation from the 
lìflh scene of the second act 4i the 
i{u(^f (^ Piautus ; where Sqepar- 
nio a slave, having drawil tip < 
bujoket of water ùn% afa w«ll, and 
appjauded himaelf for h^v^ dpoe 



CSngite, ne vati noceat mala lingua futura 

tli«t iB tvfl taagoé oiftf not 
Imrt tha future poct. 

Cor. Setosi caput hoc apri tibi. Delia, parvus cooJm ta&rathSTbnd 

\ 4»f»h|jrtledlw, 

it with i^nusual facility, cries out 
prafiscine^ fot fes^r he should hurt 
himself^ by praiaing his action too 
much 'y , 

Vifp DI immorlides ì in aqua nunqaain 

Voluptatem inesse tantam ! ut hanc traxì 

Kimio minus altus puteus visa'st quain 

Ut sìne labore hanc extraxi ! jjrcejlscitic ! 

Ruaeus also refers us to a like pas- 
sale in the fourth scene of the se- 
cond act of the Asinaria ; 

Prtefitcme hoc nunc dixerìm! nemo 

etiam me accusavit 
Merito meo, neque me Athenis alter est 

bodie quisquam. 
Cui credi recte sque putent. 

•We may therefore conclude^ that 
the sense of the passage under con- 
sideration v$ this ; Thyrsis wiihes, 
that the risìng poet may break the 
heart of Codrus vith envy -, and 
for fear he should bestow any si- 
nister praises on him, whìch by their 
fascinating quality mi^ht injure 
him, he would bave bis head 
jcrowne:! with Laccar, a plant endued 
* w^h a^faculty of re9Ì8ting witchcraft. 
it Ì8 certain, tbat the ancients were 
very creduloug with regard to fascia 
iìation> Qr witchcraft ; and as the 
ignorant country peopl^ 2»re usually 
niost addicted to sup^stition ^ Vir- 
gili with great propriety, puts such 
expressions as these in the mouths 
of nis shepherda. 

JBaccare.] See the note on ver. 
19 of the fourth Eclogue. 

28. Mala lingua.'] Our country 

people, even at this day^ impute 

; ipany disorders of them8w4ve6 and 

) their cattle to an evU tongue; and 

soperstitìously believe that some 

: crpss old women» by rautterìiig some 

fascinating words, are really the ) 
cause of those disorders. / 

It is, I think» universally agreed^ 
that Corydon has the victpry in 
this first part of the contention. 

29* Seton capulj ^cJ] Corydon: 
promises to Diana the head of a 
boar, and the branches of a stag ; 
and if she will make him successtul 
in hnnting» to erect a niarble stat^e • 
of ber. Thyrsis addresses himself i 
to Prìapus, and tells bim, that 
though from his poverty he may 
expect only an ofiering of milk and 
cakes j yet, if he will cause his 
fiock to increasè^ instead of a mar- 
ble statue he will make him a 
golden one. 

La Cerda says, that Guellius 
proves from Eustathius^ that the 
head of the wild boar, when killed, 
Used to be i>ffered to Diana. But 
Guellius does not say this : he quotes 
Eustathius, to prove, that the head 
of the boar used to be given to the 
person, who had given him the first 
wound; and confi^ms this by the 
story of Meleager and Atalanta in 
Ovid. His words are these ; '' Hpm. 
** 11. I. 

'* ubi docet Eustathius, lege venar 
'' tionis prspmiura caput ferae an- 
^* tiquitus reddi rite solitum pii- 
'* mum ex ccetu feram jaculato, 
" his verbis; rnftuitnu Vn f*ix€* ^ 
" fvf TéX^mx»v, xtiì fUhurvtù ^ x«. 

'* ha^ùf, f «ly», S rà, li JEi^«;!uì, % if 

" «AJ€«*» «^ 'f^ rtiffi»Xn9: qui et idem 
" prius paulo docuit, Mdeagrum 
^ capite et tergore apri CaJydonii 
^'amasiam Atalantam demeriusse. 
'' Tu auten lector, an ùhkièm il^- 
*' hm pastur hia^ an %en«tkm«imoi* 



i^SSJSfSj**ifSf ^J Et ramosa Mycon vivacis cornua cervi, SO 

^y*'SSSf*2r*"i^ Si propriuin hoc frierit, l«vi de marmore tota 

be comd w^[hKa% ta»! Puniceo stabis suras evincta cothumo.' 

**rein respexerit videris." But 
vhat La Cerda quotes from the 
Scholiast on the Plutus of Aristo- 
phanes Ì9 full to the purpose. He 
says, it was the custom of the hunters 
to nail up part of the prey, as the 
head or the foot^ against a tree in 
the wood, in honour of Diana; 
^ESk Sv Tdvc Bìi^ovrrtcf rntt étypetì fu^»$ 
TI T«v ^n^ùfavév, KUptOiìif, ì ^H^a «-^m*- 

«My T«p vXmf ^^ Ttftnf rn^ 'A^ti- 
fuìàf, Thus Nisus, in the ninth 
.^^eid, calla the Moon^ or Diana 
herself, to witness^ how often he 
has hunff up against her tempie part 
of what he has taken in hunting 3 

Suspìcìens altam Lunam, sic voce preca- 

Tu dea> tu praesens nostro succurre la- 

Astrorum decus, et nemorum Latonia 

Si qua tuis unquam prò me pater Hjrrta- 
cus arìs 

Dona tulit; si qua ipse meli venaHbu» 

Suspendive tholo, aut sacra ad fuHgkt 

! jyelial] Diana or the Moon was 
the daughter of Latona, and god- 
dess of hunting. She was called 
Delia, as her brother Apollo was 
also called Delius from the island 
Delos^ which rose out of the sea on 
purpose to affbrd a place for La- 
tona to be delivered of them. 

Parvus Mi/conJ] Servius 

interprets parvus, vel humilisy vel 
pauper, vel minor atate; and says 
Mycon is either his son or hìs patron. 
Ruseus takes Mycon to be Cory- 
don's friend. 

; " Corydon is represented as full 
" of respect for the chaste goddess, 
'* whom he inyokes. He dares not 
^' ofier her a present with his own 

'^hands, but borrows those of a] 

*' young shepherd." Catrou. - 
( 30. Ramosa.] Thus Pliny^ speak- 
ling of the homs of animals^ saysy 
/ ** Nec alibi major naturse lascivia : 
j " lusit animahum armis : sparsit 

'' haec in ramosy ut cervorum." 
^Thus also our Foet again> in the 

jfìrst .^ìneid ; 

I Ductoresque ipsos primum capita alta 

. Cornibut arbore», sternit. 

Vivacis.'] Stags are usuaily said 
to live to a great age. The Karl of 
Lauderdale erroneously translates 
vivacis, asyet scarce dead*- 

Sì, Si proprium hoc JueTitJ] 
'' That is, if you sball make it as 
" it were my own, and perpetuai. 
" Thua ^n. i. 76. 

** Connubio jungam stabili» propriamque 

" And ^n. iii. 85. 
*' Da propriam Thymbrce donumi 

«' Also iÉn. vi. 871. 
<* ^Propria hsc si dona fìiissent. 

" But what is that hoc ? That I 
'* should make such verses as Co- 
" drus, says Servius ; but errone- 
'' ously : for what bave Diana, the 
'* boar, and the stag, to do with 
*' poetry ? This is a better sense ; 
" as I bave succeeded in the hunt- 
'' ing of this boar and stag, so 
" may this success be perpetuai.** 


Tota."] It was a frequent prac- 
tice, to make onty the head and 
neck of a statue of marble. There- 
fore Corydon vows an entire statue 
of marble to Diana. 

32. Puniceo stabis, ^c] In the 
first iEneid, Virgil represents Ve- 



Thyr- Sinum Jactis, et h«^ te liba, Priape, tìiSrf^"^^"^ 


ywi to aqpéct a 


nus in the disguise of aTyrian hun- 
tressj with purple buskins on ber 

Virginibus-Tyrìii moB est gestore phare- 

Purpureoque alte suras vincire cothurno. 

Ruaeus seems to understand^ that 
the statue was to be of porphyry, a 
red sort of marble ; Catrou tbioks 
the statue was to be marble^ and 
the buskins porphyry ; " Je vous 
" érigeray une statue de marbré^ et 
" j'ordonneray au sculpteur de luy 
" faire un brodequin de porphyre." 

SurasJ] The calves of the legs. 

Cothurno.'] A sort of boot luade 
use of by hunters. 

35. Sinum,'] The sinum seems 
to bave been a l£trge vessel^ with a 
big belly^ tike what we cali a jug, 
and in tf^e east parts of England a 
gotck. Varrò says il is a large wine- 
vessel^ so qalled ah sinu, because it 
has a larger belly than the poculum 
or drìnking cup ; ** Vas vinarium 
*' grandius Sinum ab sinu^ quod 
" Sinum majoremeavatìonemquam 
" pocula habebat.** Servius ob- 
serves, that the first syllable of sinum 
ìs long, whereas that of sinus, a 
hosQm, is short. Hence Vossius is of 
opinion^ that It is not thence de- 
riveda as Varrò imagined. He ra- 
ther thinks Turnebus in the right^ 
who derìves it fròm ^ìVdf , vortex, it 
being usuai to change ) into ;. He 
thinka an objection may be made 
a1«o to this derivation ; because this 
sort of vessel was not turbìnated. 
Hence he is of opinion that it may 
perhaps rather be derived from ìint», 
^rso,,g^ro; because the milk is 
tur ned about in it. This he strength- 
ens by the authority^of S. Isidore» 
who says^ " Sinum vas, inrquo bu- 
'' tyruro conficitur." It is plain. 

that bpth S. Isidore and Vossius take 
sinum to be what we cali a óhurn. 
But it is plain from Varro^ that it 
was a vessel made use of for wine 
as well as milk : besides> it does no^t 
appear to me that the art of chum* 
ing milk to make butter is so ancient. 
Lactis .... Uba.] The inferior 
deities did not use to bave victims 
offered them ; but milk^ cakes, and 
fruits. In an epigram of Catullus, 
Priapus is represented speaking of 
these oiTerings, and desiring also to 
bave agoat sacritìced to hini^ but in 

Florido mihi ponitur pietà vere corolla 
Prìmitu, et tenera virens spica moUis 

arista : 
Luteae violae mihi, luteumque papaver, 
Pallentesque cucurbite, et suave olentta 

Uva Pampinea rubens educata sub um- 
Sanguine hanc etiam mihi, sed tacebMt 

Barbatiis linit hirculus, comipesque ca- 

Pro qùeis omnia honoribus haec necesse 

PrsBstare, et domini hortulum, vineam- 
que tueri. 

'' Libum was a kind of cake, 
'' made of flour, honey, and oiU 
" It was so calted, because part of 
" it was thrown by tbe sacrìficers 
'' into the fire, and offered to the 
'* gods : for libare often signifies to 
•' sacrifìce; though it is properly 
" used only for pouring out liqùors ; 
'* being derived from WCiv^ stillo.'* 


Priape.] This deity was fabled 
to be the son of Bacchus and Venus, 
according to Diodorus Siculus^ who 
thinks this story arose from the ob- 
servation^ that wine provokes to 
venery ; MvéùXéyéva'if òSt «i ^ttXttfì 

ìirti, 7ft$»vSi rn* yinrif rttvrnt f{«v«v- 



t^itu. Expecteìpe sat esr: «ulto» «i paaperts hcriu 

im04m wfh rat Ap^éii9iuitiMÌ Hétds' 
rivif 3i ^tté-ì ri m^éf rm M^mwmt 

?Ji/»9% tò ytfftttMéf fii^téf, titrtéf turd^" 
^f t9c '^M9t0t rSh m9é0iiw0f xtù }m»* 
funit m ilfrmrrm rh mt/m, rv^fif r^f 
ué^fdrùu rtfsSk* The same author 
relates also a strange fable of the 
EgyptiaiiSi coDoerning thia deity^ 
which the curious reader may 
fiod in the foitrth hook. He addi, 
that Priapus was worshipped, mot 
only io temples, in citìes^ but. 
also in fields and viUages; where 
he is the giiardìan of vineyards and 
gardens : that he is honoured in ali 
the sacrifices to Bacchus^ with great 
mirth and lesting ; T«$ 2ì rtf2ti tu 
fiinv lutrà «-«A<y à^énfiévnt ttvr^ h rtits 
tt^(U(, iix\à tut^ tuùrà r«f iy^ùtxJmSt 

MMÌ rm KÌ9Fm iti di w^òì f «v; /Sm^mm- 
y«9r«( ti r»* kmXSyj rò^rùf KàXxa^f 
wa^fif'tiyùmf' if .TI rati rtXtTMf ùv 
fuit9 AMtvrttuuug, «tXXd tutì rtuf itX- 

^ ri9$9t fMTit '^éttéf lùtù wm^Mi wt^^u- 
cuyùfinéf h tmì ^vrluf, This deity 
was represented to be of a very 
defbrmed and most obscene figure, 
with a scythe in his band, to afl^ght 
tfaieves and birds, and served for 
the same porpose as our scarecrows. 
He was often cut out of any rough 
block of wood, as Horace descrìbes 
him, in the eightli Satire of the first 
book. This poet adds^ that his 
head was crowned with reeds> to 
terrify the birds; 

Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lig- 

Cum faber incertuSy scamnum, fkeeretne 

Maluit essedeum. Deus inde ego* fu- 

rum aviumque 
Maxima formido. Nam Aires óextn, 


J palus. 

Ast importunas vDluctes in vertice àfundo 
l'I erret flxa, véCatque nòtia oonsidere ih 

Our poet represents him with a 
scythe made of willow^ and alludes 
to his beìng peculiarly worshipped 
at Lampsacum^ a city on the HeU 
lespont^ in the fourth Georgick ; 

Et custos hinitn atque avium, cum falce 

Hellespontiaci aervet tutela PriàpL 

Propertius also speaks of his terri- 
fying the birds with his scythe ; 

I Pomosisque ruber. custos pbnatur in 

I hortis, 

/ Terreat ut ssva falce Priapus aves, 

Martial» in the sixteenth Epig^nm 
of the sixth'book^ desnres Kriapus 
not to su€er ony to enfter ìAto fais 
garden, but such as are agreeable 
to him ; 

Tu, qui falce vfros terres, et pene cinse- 
Jugera sepositi pauca tuere ]oci. 
Sic tua non intrent vetuU pomarìa fures ; ■ 
Sed puer, aut longis pulchra puella 

hi the forty-ninth Epigram of the 
sixth book, he introduces Priapus^ 
^)eaking of himself , as being maàe 
not of any coitimon wpod, bttt of 
cyprcss; because it is incorrupti- 

Non sum de fragili dolatas ulmo, 
I<lec plass st&t ri^da supina verta. 
De ligno mihiquolibet colùmna est, 
Sed viva generata de cupresso : 
Que rtec sscula centies peracta, 
Nec longflè cariem tìmet senect». 

BuV in the fortièth Epigram of the 
eighth book, he treats FViapus with 
more liberty; and tells him, if he 
does not keep his wood from being 
stolen, be wul throw his imàge into 
the fire. 



SI fcetiira gr^^ supplev^rit^ nmem mtc^ 

e^Rw N^ifVf GftlafeK, ibyrno nsihi dnCéior «*htBett!'^eSr*5ybi^^ 

Kòn horti, neque paltnitis beati, 
Serf rari nemoris, Prìapie, custos, 
Ex quo ntttua es» et potes rebasei, 
Fqraees, moneo, manus repellas, 
Et syìvam domini focis rcserves. 
Si defecerit hsc, et ipse lignum es* 

94u Expeetare sai esL'] He tells 
Friapus, that he csutnot expect a 
better oflèring i&oni hkii, than milk 
flod cake»; beeause the gardeR, 
^vindi he has put andev his d^e, is 
biit a poor ooK 

. S5. Marmoristtm.] Thicr seems to 
be an esdxiairsgaiit bd«Bt e£ Thjm^y 
that he had made a statue of marble 
for tMs éeity : for it does not ap- 
pear that bis ÌYòag«)B wó-e ever 
n»de of any tbing l^mt wood in 

Here agMii the vietory ii univer- 
81% f iven Xxsf Corydon, wbo ad- 
dreine» himseif with due reverence 
to Diana ; and sends hie pi^sents to^ 
ber by the hands ef an unoorrupteif 
youtb, notpresumiagto'carry them 
himselftosoehasteagoddes's. Thyr- 
sto oppose» the obscene Priapus 
to the pure Diana, and vaìnly boasta 
of makitig a statue (^ that éeìty-, 
not oniy of m«rble> but even of 

$?• Nerìme GakUemJ] Here, aa 
in the tbird Eclogaé> the shepheida 
pus» icaniediately fìom the kivtx^- 
ti«n of their deities to tbe (iiention of 
theìrloves. Corydonaddnesseshkn* 
self to Galatea> aud witìi the most 
tender eX|ires8Ìon, aad in the softest 
nombers, in vites ber to come to him 
in the evening. The passion of 
Tbyrsis is more violent and rough ; ' 
he uae» seveval eKeoratÌ9n9> and pn>^ 
test^ that bis expectataon of hin* at 

nìght^ makes the day seem lenger 
ihan a whde year. 

Galatea was a sea-nymph^ the r 
daughter of NereuB and Doriis : sfae 
was beloved by the Cyelops Poly- 
pbemus ; and ber beauty U EXMieb i 
celebrated by the poets. Thus the 
Cyclops^ addressed ber in ^e de* 
venth IdyUiuna of Theocritus;: 
•^Xl. Xttmii TaXé>ttm, ti t^y f iA.U^* k^é- 

Fair maid, and why dosi thou thy love 

More white than curde, and pleasing to 

my eyes ; 
More soft than lambs, mate ìTaaton 

than a steeìr ; 
But to the sense, like gràpfes unripé, 

severe, Ca££CH. 

Thùs atso, itì t*e thittcenrth hook of 
Ovid's Metamorphoses ; 

Càndidior nivei folio, Galktea, ligustri; 
Florìdfor pratis; longa procerior alno; 
Splendidior vitro ; tenero lascivior hsdo ; 
Levior assiduo detritis squore cònfchis ; 
Solibus hibernls aestiva gratior umbra; 
Nobilior pomis; platano conspectior alta; 
Lucidior glacie : matura dulcior uva; 
MoUior et cygni phimis, et laetè coacto ; 
Et, si nort fìigias, rlgttó fonttosior horto, ^ 

O Gtthteay ntore than %, vMte ; 

More fresh then flowrie meadsg than 

gioite more bright ; 
Higker then alder-trees ; thm kidt more 

SmòQ&er then shela tohereon the turgej 

drive ; 
More vfishtthm xHnter*9 w«, or mMmtt'g 
* aire ; 
More sieeet then grapet ; then a^giesfar 

more rare ; 
Clearer then ice; more seetnly ffien taU 





bcautìS'tSJ^wISfSVvfS Candidior cyrais, hedera formosior alba : 
teSs'JetSS't^^tìirrt^ Cura primum pasti repetent praesepia tauri, 
foryour JoTFdoa!*"^ SÌ Qua tui Corvdoiiis habct te cura, venite. 40 

T^, May I seem to you ^ '' r>. i .. » ^ • •• • 

mwe bitter than sardinian Thyr. Immo ego Sardois videaT tlbl aiDarioF 


Sqfter then tender curds, or dotane of 

More fiirep ifjixt, then gardens òy the 

Ofsprings inchacH, Sandvs. 

Ruaeus is of opinion^ that Corydon 
here celebrates a Galatea, that was 
bis own rural mistress^ under tbe 
chiiracter of the famous Galatea. 
But I believe the Poet rather intend- 
evi to praise the sea nymph, in itni- 
tation of Theocritus: for we haye 
a fragment also, in the ninth Ec- 
logue, where Galatea is spoken to 
in the following beautiful nianner; 

Huc ades, O Galatea: quis est nam 

ludus in undìs ? 
Uic vei' purpureum, varios hic ilumina 

^Fundit humus flores : hic candida popu- 

lus antro 
Imminet^ et lente texunt umbracula 

Hac ades: insani ferìant sine lìttora 


Come^ Galatea^ come^ the seasforsake s 
What pleamres con the tides, tvith tìteir 

hoane murfnurs maAe9 
See, on the shore inhabitg purple gpring ; 
Where nigfUmgales their laoesick ditty 

See meadt with purling streams, with 

jUyw*Ti tfie.ground, 
' The grottoes cool, ttith thady pqplar* 

And creeping vines on arbourt tvecptfd 

Come tften, and leave the teavis tumula 

het f/ie wild surges vtdnly "beat the shore, 
' Drtden. 

TAywio.] See the note pn ver. 
112. of the fourth Georgick. 

HybUe.'] Strabo tells us^ that this 
was the ancìent name of the dty^ 
but that it afterwards was caljed 

Megara, by a colony of Dorians, 
who went to Sicily, under the con- 
duet of Theocles, an Athenian : 
that the ancient names of the other 
cities are forgotten ; but that of 
Hybla is remembered, on account 
of the excellence of the Hyblsean 
honey j Tows ìì Aa^ticts Méy«^«, rnv 
"icZXctt v^ón^év KCùXwftifni, Ai ftlt •Zw 
. zFùXttg ùwcir un' to ^Ì t« "tC^^us àvùfAec 
rvfiftkm hùt tÌh à^vntit rcv 'xZxcuév ftk- 
>ur6i. La Cerda observes, that the 
modem name of this town is Avola, 
quasi Apola, vel Apiola, ab apibus. 
Hence we raay observe the delicacy 
of the expression of our Poet 5 
stveeter than the tkyme of Hybla ^ 
that is, *sweeter than the most fra- 
grani herh, from which the bees ex- 
traci the most delicious honey. 

SB» Hedera formosior alba,"} Ivy 
is spoken of at large in the note 
on ver. SQ, of the third Eclogue^ 
Whatsoever plant the white ivy 
of the aneients was, it is plain 
from this passage, that it was ac- 
counted the most beautiful. Virgil 
does not seem to bave mentioned 
this species in any other place; 
for where he uses the epithet/)a//£Rf, 
it is most probable, that he means 
that sort with yellovv berries, which 
was used in the garlands, with 
which poets used to be crowned, 
Of this species farther notice will 
be taken, in the note on ver. 13. 
of the eighth Eclogue. 

39, Cum primum pasti.'] This 
description of the eyening, by the 
cattle coming home to their stalls, 
is entirely pastoral. 

41. Sardois videar iibi amarior 
herbis.] Dioscorides says expressly. 


Horridior rusco, projècta vilior alga; 


more horrid than botchen- 
broom, moir^ contemptible 
than ifi^ected sea^wrack. 

that the poisonous herb of Sardinia 
is a species of fiar^d^uf, ranurtcu-' 
lus, or cròwfoot, For, in his chap- 
ter concerning the fia.r^dx^f, he 
says there is another sort^ which is 
more hairy, and has longer stalks, 
and the leaves more divided: it 
grows plentifully in Sardinia^ is very 
acrid, and is called wild smallage ; 

tvg rSf¥ ^vX}icttf yrXUerroif U ^ec^ìmU 
ytwfAimf, ì^iftvTenor Ò iti xcct oiXtut 
ay^iw K»Xùvo-t, In the sixth hook, 
the same author has a chapter 
concerning the Sardinian herb, 
in which he tells us, that the 
herb called Sardonius is like thero- 
riunculus ; that being taken inward- 
ly it deprives a person of his un« 
derstandìng^and causes convulsions, 
with a distortìon of the mouth^ 
which resembles laughing ; thnt 
from this shocking effect, a Sar- 
dinian lavgh is become a common 
expression ; '^H Jì "Z^^ómf. Xty^m 

wU fittr^d^év uìog ùv<rtk, xe^iìa-u n 

Kùbì crrdcfuer» fiirà rvnTimq ^uXt^f, 

ii ituBwwi xcù ó a^eù^ìóncg ytXug evie 
iv^ifiàif \f rS fii» lut^ùtfuXfirm, He re- 
commends as a cure for this dis- 
order first a vomit, then large 
draughts of water aiìd honey and 
milk; frequent embrocations and 
anointings of the body with warm 
medicines; bathing in water and 
oil, with much friction; and su eh 
medicines as are used in convul-'^ 
sions. The fiar^d^ff of Dioscori- 
des seems to be the Ranuncuhs pa- 
lùstris apii folio Usvis C. B. or 
Round-leaved water crorvfoot, the 
leaves of which are like those of 
smallage, and of a shining green. 
The flowers are yellow, and very 
small, ih proportipn to the size of 

the plant. The fruit is an oblong 
head, composed of several smalla 
naked, smooth seeds. It is com- 
mon in watery places, and is very 
hot and burning; as indeed most 
sorts of r'anunculus or cròwfoot 
are. There is another sort of rfl- 
nunculus, which C. Bauhihns calls 
Ranunculus palustris, apii folio, Ut" 
nuginosus, and says it differs from 
the other, in being hairy, and 
having the leaves more divided. 
This agrees very well with the de- 
scrìption^ which Dioscorides gives 
of the Sardinian cròwfoot, and is 
probably the very herb in question. 
As for the effect of it on the human 
body, I do not remember any ac- 
count of its having been taken in- 
wardly: but it is well known, that 
most sorts of cròwfoot, being ap- 
pliedoutwardly, exulcerate the skin, 
and bave much the same effect with 
blisters. Hence it is not ìmproba- 
ble, that they might occasion con- 
vulsions, and distortions of the 
countenance, if taken inwardly. 
One sort of cromfooU which is com- 
monly known under the name of 
Thora and Thora Valdensium is 
abundantly known to be poisonous. 
The inhabitants of the Alps are 
said to squeeze out the juice of it in 
the spring, and to keep it in the 
hoofs and homs of bullocks : and to 
dip their weapons in it, by which 
means they are almostsure of kill- 
ing any beast that they wound. This 
is confirmed by the noble hist6rian> 
Thaunus ; who, in his relation 
of the cruel persecution of the 
Vaudois, by the Duke of Savoy, 
at the instigation of the pope, in- 
forms U9, that these miserable peo- 
ple, being provoked by repeated in- 
juries, took up arms in their own 
defence } arid that in a battle which ^ 
they fought with the Duke's forces^ 



Ìé^aJK ìh2y'3f*«S Si mihi non hiecln toto j«m teogìor amm est. 
JSSti^j^?^?"^ * Ite domum pasti, si quis pudor, ite juvenci., 44 

thay loBt but very few of their owu 
men; nrhereas tiie enemy lost a number, very few'af tbie 
woulìded escaping with tbeir Uves. 
This tbe bìstorìan imputes \o tbeir 
pustom of poìfoning Uieir wei^ns 
with the jaice of tSora; and addf, 
that notwìthstandiog it was present 
cjeath tp any animai» yet the 4esb uf 
th« qieature was eaten with impu- 
nity^ being pnly rendered more ten- 
der ^ ''Ad exaggerandum rei piira*- 
*' culum addunt qui eaa res scrip- 
*'■ sere, nulh^ fere ex iis, qui a 
'^ V^densibus sauciati sunt, mor* 
'* tem evasìsse. Cujus rei cau»- 
*' sam indaganti praeter miraculum, 
*' quod semper obtendi minime fé- 
^'rendum est^ mihi a fide dignis 
'* n^uratqm est, apud Convallenseis 
'*' in usa esse^ ut gladiorum acies, 
/^ spiqula, venabula, sagittas, glan- 
'' des plumbeas, ac estera missilia 
'^ For^ vulgo apud eos dictse seu 
'* potius Phthorae succo, qu« illis 
^' loci^frequens nascitur et vulgari 
'' toxici nomine appellatur, ìnfici- 
'^ ant, quod prsesentissimum vene- 
'^ num esse sciunt medici. Ejus et 
'^ longe alium in re dispari usum in- 
'' ter Alpinos, quem minime reti- 
*' cendum putavi, mirabitur lector. 
*^ Gallinas ^c puUos et hujusmodi 
'* yolucr^is, quarum carnes edules 
*^ in diversoriis apponuntur, cultris 
" eo succo illitis sub alas figunt, 
" quo icti mox emisso sanguine ex- 
'^ animantur^ nullo vitio inde con- 
'^ tracto ; tantum cames ex eo te- 
- '« neriores redduntur, et statini hos- 
'* pitibus comedendas apponuntur : 
'^ quofl rerum naturalium vestìga- 
'^ toribus amplius discutiendum re- 
" linquo." But> to return to our 
Sardinian herb, it seems to bave the 
epithet bitter in this place, to ex- 

press the severe eflects of it : or it 
may b^ ìikf^J ealled hiUer; for 
Dioscprides says the crow/oot bas 

42. Rusco.'] This is a {Hrickly 
pbmt, which grows in the woods. 
It is ealled botchers-broom and 
knee-boljy. Sue tbe note «n ver. 
413, of the second Georgick. 

Projeda viUor alga,"] W^ bave 
severai specìes of submarine pianta, 
which are craamonly cajlm alga, 
Jucus, or sea^nfrack, But that 
which the àncients pecuHarly ealled 
so, grew about the island af Crete, 
and i^orded a purple coionr. Ray, 
in bis Synopm Stirpium Brìlanmioa- 
rum, says, when he was in North- 
umberland, the fìsheimen told him 
of a sort of sea-wrack, which grew 
on that coast ; and was not only 
purple itself, but even stamed the 
fishes with the same coloar. J. 
Bauhinus speaks of a sort of «ea- 
tvrack, wfaiich was brought him 
from Crete» and he gives it the 
name of Alga tmctorUi^ The sub- 
marine plants are frequently toni 
from the rocks by storms, tosaed 
about by the sea> and at last thrown 
upon the shore. Tbe alga, when 
thus treated, in ali probability loses 
its cdour, and becomes useless; 
whence Virgil may well speak of it, 
when ca&t away in that manner, ss 
a very contemptible weed, projecta 
vilior alga. 

43. Lux,'] Light is bere used 
for day. 

44. Ite dotmin, 4^] Thyrsis 
seems to speak to the catde to go 
home, asif he was outofall tem- 
perandnatience. Indeedthiawhole 
tetrastich haa such an air <^roogh- 
ness, that it Is no wondev to ilnd 
the Qovaxo^i3$AUm give the prefer- 


Cor* Mvaood foixtBS» et somno mottior htaiMf mSr*Mft?Sm 
£k qiuB vos rara viridis tegit arbutas urobrm iSi^!^S!Ìl^ 

enee tp the tender and ddicate ex- 
pressions of Corydon. 

45. Mìiscosi fontes, «f-c] Cory- 
don now oelebrates die benefit of 
coolness and shade to the cattle, 
^hich are abroad hi the heat of 
summerj Thyrsìs extols the con- 
venience of warnith and a good fere 
"within doors in winter. 

Muscosi.'] This cpithet is very 
espressive of coolness : because moss 
will seldom grow where there is any 
consìderable degree ofheat 1 1 grows 
most easily on banks that face the 
north ; and it may be generally ob- 
served, that the side of a tree, 
which is exposed to the north^ is 
more covercd with moss^ than that 
which receives the southern sun. 
Thus it may be concluded, that a 
mossy fountain is cool at the same 

Somno molUor herba.']. Riu^s in- 
terprets thia sqft, and inviting lo 
sleep. In this he is foUowed by 
Catrou^ who translates it, " Ga- 
'' zons si propres à nous faire goùter 
** un sommeil paisible." And 

Ye mossy sprìngs, ìAvitìDg easy akep. 

But Marolles translates it literally, 
'^ FontainesquicQulez sur la mousse^ 
* ' tapis d'herbe plus doux que le som- 
" meiì ;'* as does also our old Eng- 
lìsh translator, W. L. 

Yee mossy fountai^es and yee herbs 

which bee 
Sofier than sleepe : 

And the Bari of Landerdale, 

Ye mossy fountains, grass tnore soft than 

And Dr. Trapp, 

Ye mossy fbuntS) and grass more toft 
tham sletp. 

*' Some^" says this leamed gocìtle* 
man, " interpret rnoXHor by molìis^ 
'' and somno hj ad sonmwn finvi^ 
'^tandttml. That is very harsh. 
" And Tneocritus uses mis very 
'' expression umv |m«X4ck#ti#« : 
*' which can bear no construction 
*' but tbe literal : Besides other àu- 
** thorities^ which de La Cerda pro- 
** duces. Grass softer than sìtep 
*' may indeed sound strangely to 9 
^* mere English reader : but the 
'' ancients were our masters, and 
" were at least as good judges of 
" sense and expression as we are." 
The passage of Theocritus, to 
which Dr. Trapp aUudes^ is iti the 

Which is thus translated by Creedi ; 

No, rather go with me, and ev*éy Mèp 
Shall tread on lambf-skin» wool, mère 
top than tleep* 

The same expression is repeated in 
the 2v(«Mtt0*MM ; 

r^mprift Avm^ fÈMXmtUitt^èt 

See purpAe tap'stry, ttfier fi» than tìeep» 

Softer than steep does not 
me a more harsh figure» than downy 
sleep, which is used frequently by 
our modem poets. 

46. Viridis .... arbutus.'] The 
arbute» or strawberry-tree is an 
evergreoi tree of low «tature, com- 
mon in the woods of Italy. Bello- 
nius says it m>ws to a very gceat 
bigness on the mountain Athos. 
Seethe note on ver. 148. of the first 
Georgick, and ver. 300. rf the 


BfeMbv t» AmSm» tke fine 
lo ■a òclw i, the m^Pftie t» 
bandM Venni» Mi «nm bay 
toMMibw. PhvUlitowM lu» 
ariis » l«ig « nvjiU» ihatt 
Igwlhw^iwlHwi' the iwyvtl* 
oor the tey of Ptio^tas éMl 

Uffulbe Mkii'QioiebeKi- 
tMkil hi vvoùitt tbe> piae ht 
awéeii^,lheMtei>in rlyer«, 
wm fir OH high mouatalM. 

> 11^1 aften tWit me, the 
. »l» the «voifl ih«U yVM 
to yoa, and the piee hi the 

Ud» Thiu much I remem- 
ber, and that the vanquished 
Thxiiii.C9iitfindedin vaJn. 


ÓoB. PopukfrAloid«r9iMÌ8$ia%viiìtIiiee6o: 
FormossB nyrta» Veneri, sua httir^à Phoebo* 
Phyllis amat corylos : illas dum PhylHs amabit, 
Nec myrtus vincet corylos^ nec laare» Pboebi. 

Tavit. Fraiiinus in ^Ivi» pnlcherruni^, pinns 
in hortis, 65 

Populus in fluvHe, sbies in montibas altis : 
Saspius at si me^ Lyckia formoee) revisas, 
Fraxihus in i^Ivis cedal. tibi, pirrai^ m hortis, 

MfiL. HeBC mcmini, et victum frustra con* 
fendere Thyrùn. 69 

preseli tation of an uniTersal gladness 
at tfie approach of Phyllis > than of 
tbe. desolation at the absence of 

61. Populus Alcìda,'] Corydon 
novir mentions some trees, in which 
severaldeHiesdelight: anddeclaresy 
tiiat he prefers the hazel to any of 
tìlfimf because it is the favourite of 
Phyllis. Thyrsis answers by an 
apos t ro p he to Lycidas, and tellina 
him> that the fìnest trees shall yìeld 
toihìin, if he wLU let Mm bave bis 
company often. 

Pùpuius Alciéa gratissinia.'] It is 
fabled» that Hercules^ who is aUo 
called Alcides, crowned bis- head 
wiùk the twigs, of a white poplar^ 
growing on the' banks of Aeheron, 
when he returned from the Infèmal 

62. Formos€B myrtus Veneri.^ The 
myrtle was« sacred to Venus, either 
because it loves the sea-sbore^ and 
Vèniis herself sprang from the sea: 
or because it is a plant of extraordi- 
luiry beauty and sweetness. 

65. Pinus in hortis.2 Somewould 
read pinu9 iti. oris; because Plutacoh 
has used the epithet ^rct^dxi$f or ma^ 
riiime, when speaking of a pine- 
tpee. But theré ars several sorts of 
pìhe-^trees^ nian§( of which are sel- 
doai: aeen^ except on mountaius. 

The sort bere intended is probably 
the pitiM sativa, or manured pine, 
wbich ia coBimooly eultivated in 
gardens. It is also fòund wild in 
Itdy, particularly about ìbKvenna^ 
where^ as Ray. inftmns ss;, there is 
a large wood of these trees ^ which 
extends itself to the sea-'side. But 
as it is certain^ that pine-trees wer« 

Slanted by the Ronians bi theit gar- 
eos, there cannot be any occasìon 
to alter the text. 

Here again the victory is by ge- 
neral consent adjxadged to Corydon. 
There is a pecuUar di^anee in his 
compliment to Phyllis. The mak- 
ing ber ^vourite tree equal to those 
which were cftosen by Hercnles, 
Bacchus^ Venus, and Apolk>> re- 
presents ber as a goddess>and makes 
her in a maniier ecjjual té those dei- 
ties. The tlìought of maMrtg^the 
finest trees yield to Lycida's condi- 
tiona11y> is a compliment rather to 
Tl^iyrsis hiniaelf» whe assinuAs tbat 
power, than to Lycidas, whom he 
vainly attempts to extol as highly 
as Corydon had extòlled Phyllis. 

69u Htec memitth ^c.'] Meli- 
bòsus now resumes bla nanradoo, 
and informs us, that Corydon ob- 
tained the victory. 

Memini,J It governs an accusa- 
tive case» as'weU as a g^iijve. 



Ex ilio Corydon, Corydon est tempore nobis. ?«« ^ toe cwrydon. » 

il CorydoA forme. 

Thus we read in the ninth Eclogue ; 

— — -Numeros memini» si verba tene- 
rem. , 

Victumfrusira contendere T%5rr«n.] 
" The victory is ac^udged to Cory- 
*'don; because Corydoo^.in the 
'' first amcebean, begins with piety 
'^ to the gods 3 Thyrsis with rage 
'* against bis adversary. In the 
'' seconda Corydon invokes Diaoa^ 
** a chaste goddess : Thyrsis an ob- 
'' scene deity Prìapus. In the third, 
'' Corydon addresses himself to Ga- 
'' latea with mildness : Thyrsis with 
" dire imprecations. In the rest 
*' Corydon's subjects are generally 
'* pleasing : those of Thyrsis the 
*' contrary." RuìBus. 

70. Ex ilio Corydon, *c.] Ser- 
vius thinks there is an ellipsis here^ 
which Corydon^ out of rustidty^ 
does DOt fili up. He supplies it with 
Victor, nobilis tupra omnes. Ru«us 
thinks this interpretation harsh ^ 
and that it may be more simply in- 
terpreted thus; '' From that tim% 
'' Corydon is looked upon by us as 
" truly Cordon; that is^ truly 

'* worthy of the fame, in whidi he 
*' flourishes^mong ali.'* Marolles 
translates it, *' Depuis ce temp8*la> 
*' Dous avons tousiours tenu Cory- 
*' don pour le mesme Corydon qu'il 
" estoit attparavant." Catrou trans- 
lates ìt, '* Dès lors Corydon prit 
** dans mon estime une place, m^filj 
" conserverà toùjours;'* andsaysin < 
bis note, '' The translatioo woold 
'* perhaps bave appeared more 
" litera), if I had translated it 
" thus; Des lors Corydon, fut Cory- 
*' don pour moy^ I cnose to render 
** the thought of the pdet, rather 
" than to copy bis texttoo literalty.** 
The Earl of Laoderdale translates 

Hence Coiydon I connt thee happy 

And Dryden, 

Since when» *tis Coiydon among the 

Young Coiydon witbout a rivai ra^&. 

And Dr. Trapp, 

———From that time 

Tis CoiydoD, His Cotydon for me» 






Damon, Alphesib(eus« 

PaSTQRUM Musam, Damonis et Alphesi- 

Immemor herbarum quos est mirata juvenca, 
Certantes, quorum stupefactee Carmine lynces, 
Et mutata suos requierunt flumina cursus : 

W« will tdate the lOQff of 
the ahepherds Damoa aad Al- 
phedboena, whom the hdfer 
admired at thcy oootendedt 
foigettìnghergrus; at whoee 
long the ooncet were asto- 
nlahed; andtheiivenchaiis- 
ing their coune stood tdU: 

r. Pastorum Musam, 4^.] This 
Eclogae conì>ists of two parts. In 
the first, Damon complams of the 
cruelty of Nisa, who has preferred 
Mopsus before him. The second 
contains several incantations niade 
use of> to recover the love of Daph- 
nis; and is evidently an iiuitatìon 
of the ^a^fuuuir^M of Theocrìtus. 
The first five lìnes contain an intro- 
duction to the whole poem ; which 
prepares us to expect somethìng ex- 
traordinarjr^ and worthy of our at- 

3. Lynces.! See the note on ver. 
264. of the third Georgick. 

4. Mutata suos requierunt, ^c] 
Thus Horat e. 

Tu flectis amnes, tu mare barbanxm. 

The grammarìans are divided about 
the construction of the passage be- 
fore US. Servius bere takes requie^ 

runt to be a verb active, govemiog 
suos cursus, and interprets it cursus 
proprios reiardaverunt, et quietos esse 
fecerurU. He confìrms tnis ìnter- 
pretatìon by a llke expression in 
Sallust, ^' Paululum reouietis mili- 
'^ tibus^" and by another in Cal- 

Sol quoque perpetuoB meminit rèquies- 
cere cursus. 

He adds, that we say both ego qui" 
esco, ' and quiesco servum, that ia, 
quiescere, facto. La Cerda acknow« 
fec^es that requiesco may be taken 
actively, and adds to the quotation 
from Cidvus another from Proper- 

Jupiter AlomenaB geminas requteverat 
aietoB, . 

But he rather thinks it to be a Gre- 
cism ; mutata suos cursus, changed as 



bSSeSH."*"^ *^ ** Damonis Musam dioemus et AlphesiboeL 


art SHiSàtaS^*^ Tu mihii aeu ngni snperaB jmm iaxa Timavi : 

focki of the grest TfmaTin: 

io their course^, « fif^uve frequendy 
used by VirgiL lleittsius, ncoording 
to Burman, adds anotber quotation 
from Propertìus, 

Quamvis ille suam Ias9u0 ftqjnieatat Ave- 
nam ; 

And one from Symmachus ; ^' Qui- 
*' esco igitur has partes." But fae 
seems howevar ratiier to think it is 
a Greek construction. Ruseus says 
it mayjje either active or neuttf : 
but he prefers die active, and adds 
a quotation irom Seneca ; '' Quam 
'^ tuas laudes populi quiescant.*' 
Dr. Tnqm «s doubtfui; *' Either 
^JUminOt * says he, *' requienint 
5'^rtrfttW, i. e. tétfmescere fecerunt ; 
*' wlttoh 4s |iistifiéd hj ot&er autho» 
^' ildes» OtFlumnamuMa[iSffio9A\ 
*' 9UOS cursus" That requiesco may 
be used actively, is indeed suffi- 
ciente pvoved by the above quo- 
tations. But Virgil constantly uses 
it as a neutet, in every part of his 
'W(fAi6 : and dts he ìs known to be 
(bnd of Grecrsms, it seems more 
}tiist to guppose the expressìon before 
n$ to be a tìrecTstn, and requierunt 
tu be ft verb neuter. 

^. Tu mihiy S^c!] The poet now 
niakes an elegant and polite dedrca- 
tm of ihÌB Eclogue. 

The principal dìfficuky attending 
the explication of tbis Eclogue is to 
detergine, who the great general 
and poet is that VirgiThere chooses 
for ms patron, ^d at what time it 
was written. Servius, and most of 
the commentators after him, are of 
opinion, that it is dedicated to Au- 
gustus. Joseph Scaliger, in hiS 
Animadvevaions on the Chrcnides 
of Eusebius, is positive^ tbai it was 
PolHo. This. leamed critic is of 
dpitrìon^ dmt Pollio had two tri- 
umphs, one ihe year before h|s con- 

•ulship, for a vicUiry over the Dal- 
ttiatians, and takìtig the ciQr Salo- 
n», as it is related by Servius ; an- 
otber for the conquest of the Par- 
thini, the year after his consulship^ 
whldi is related in the Fasti Capito^ 
lini. He observes, that the river 
Timavus is in the Venetian territory, 
tdiidi Pollio held a considerable 
tioie for Mark Anthony in opposi- 
tion to Augustus, performing also 
many great action» about Altinum, 
and other citìes of that region, ac- 
cordingto Velleius; ** Pollio Asi- 
ani us, cum septem legionibùs, dia 
" retenta in potestaté Antonii Ve- 
*' netia, magnis speciosisque rebus 
'^ circa Altinum, aliasque ejus regi- 
" onw urbes e£tis, Ac.** Hencene 
condudes, that it was at the tkneof 
his performing these great actions» 
that Virgil d^icated this Eclogue. 
RusBus «grees with Scaliger, that 
Pollio is the person : but he differs 
from hìi^, with regard to the time. 
He observes, that it is plaSn from 
what Velleius has said, that these 
great actions of Pollio, before his 
consulship, were performed agalnst 
Augustus : whence he infers, that 
Virgil had more sense, thran to pratse 
Pollio on any such account. He 
therefore rather tUnks h was dedi-. 
cated, when Pollio was retuming 
to Rome, from Dalniatia, not in a 
direct journey, but visiting the 
coasts of llìyricum and Venetia by 
the way. Catrou, after ali that 
has been saidby Scalìgér and Ruae- 
us, stands up for Augustus. ^* Those 
" interpreters,'* says he, *' who ac- 
'^knowledge Pollio here, support 
'* their opinion by proofs. They 
" say that this illustrious Roman, 
** the year after his consulship, ac- 
" cording to Dio, marched against 
s " the Dalmatians, and that Virgil 



Si ve arata IHytici legìs «eqtiorìs : en erit aiMjuuti * ;;j«?«l*«»J".««-** 

, the shMv of thelllyilÉfli 
Will that day ever come. 

'* dedicateci this Edogue tò him, 
" when he was retuming vietorioud. 
''They add, that in his iretum 
^^fróìti Dalmatia he mi^t pass 
/'alótig the coast of Illyricum, or 
*f travel over the rocks near the 
"Tlmavtis, at his entrance intò 
'* Italy. Thtts fer nothìng ìs bet- 
"ter estafolished than their con- 
"jecture. But they can hardly 
^* ex|>laìti these words of the poet, 
*' A te princìpium, tihi desinei. Vir- 
" gii promise^ the hero, to whom 
^ he dedicates this Edogue, that 
'* he will end his works with him, 
***a9 he began with him. It does 
*'not appear, that either the first 
'^ or the last words of our poet 
''were dedicateci to Pollio. Be- 
'• stdes, what has been lately ìn- 
*^ vented, to apply this passi^ to 
''PòlKo, does not seem naturai. 
** No body denies, that these words 
'• agree perfectly wi!ii Octavìan 
^ Caesar. The Eclefgne di Tity- 
^ ras, which is placed at the be- 
*' ginning of Virglfs woirks, and 
•' <fee iEneid, which is the last of 
*• his poems, are both dedieated to 
^' Augnstus. But it is said, that 
** Virgìl could not speak of Octa- 
" vian CfiBsar, as cotistàig lUyri- 
** cura, and marcbing over 3ie rocks 
" of Timavus, at any other time, 
** than when the Triumvir was re* 
^' tuming conqueror ttom Dabvia- 
** tia. Bnt Oetavian did not march 
'^ agunst the Dalmattans tiU after 
'* tiie publication of Virgil's Bo-' 
''colidcs. For Oaesar did not 
*' siibdue the Dabnatians till t^e 
** year of Rome 719, and the Ec* 
*' tegttes wea-e published in 71 7, 
'' l%is is the argument of those 
'' who maintaìn, that the hero, to 
*' whom this £el<^ae is dedieated, 
'^ was Pollio, and not Octavian C«- 
" sur. But I diali endeavour to 

** fliwfw, that Vìrgil mìght address 

'' this work to Cassar, snd that he 

" is the conqueroY, whose glory is 

*'here celebrated. The ^mavus 

** is a river of Frioul, whlch erap- 

** tìes itself into the Adriatic. It 

^ is naturai either io cross this ri- 

* ver, or to coast H, in netuming 

^ by land ^m Macedon to Italy. 

'* Csesar therefbre, after thè battle 

^^ of Philippi, might return to 

** R^me either by land or sea. If 

*• he retumed by «ea, he mij^t 

** pass along the coast of Illyricum. 

" Thus V^rgil says feo Octavian, 

'« sive oram Tlìvrid legis tfqmris. 

** If he retumed by land, he -must 

'* of necessity pass over the bordcrs 

•' of the Timavus. Virgfl thcre- , 

*' foiie, being in doubt, which way 

** Octavian would come, says to 

" him, seu magni siiperas jam àttxa 

" Tiniitvi, Thas this poem was 

'* not presented to Caesar, after his 

'* expedition to Dalmatia. I aBow, 

•' that ali his Eclogues were pub- 

"lisfeed before that time. It is 

" more probable, that Virgfl com- 

*' posed this, or at least that he de- 

" dicated it to Octavian, when the 

*' defeat of Brutus and Cassìus was ^ 

'* published at Rome. Virgil, llkc 

'* a good courtier, celei^rates the 

" conqueror, even before his arri- 

** vai in Italy; at the time When it 

" was not known exactìy whicl^ 

'* way he would return. Here some 

** wifi ask, how it can he supposed, 

" that this Eciogue is prior in time 

**to that which is placed at the 

«* head of the editions? For Octa- 

" vian, after the battle of PhiHppi, 

" was uponhis march toward Rome 

** in December 71 2i and the distri- 

" bution of the Mantuan lands was 

*' not made till 713. For my part, 

** I see no difiìcnlty in maintaining, 

" that Virgil composed some of 



JdSìhl^SrtìiSr**^*^ **" Die dies, mihi cum liceat.tua dicere facta ! 

^' his Edogues, before that which 
^' begìns, with TUyr(B tu patuke, 
*' 4*c. I have eLsewhere answered 
^^tìie difficulties on that subject 
" The general mistake^ that Vir- 
*' gii represented himself under the 
^' Tityrus of the first £clogue> ha» 
" occasìoned another. It has been 
*' imagined, that the poet did noi 
" know either Rome or Augustus, 
" till after the distrìbution oi tibe 
'^ Mantuan lands. For my part^ 
'' as I have discovered the father oi 
'^ Virgil, under the person of Ti- 
*' tyrus> I am at liberty. I see no 
'* reason not to belìeve, according 
'* to the two aocient authors of Vir- 
" gil's life, one in verse, and the 
*« other in prose« that the poet wns 
'^ known at Rome before the Ec- 
" logue' of Tityrus, and according 
''to Tiberius Donatus, that he 
'' was in the service of Augustus. 
<* He might therefore dedicate this 
" Eclogue to him after the battle 
** of Philippi, thatis, some months 
'* before his father had his farm at 
" Andes restored. By this system, 
*' which is not to be found else- 
^' where, the ancient and modem 
'' ìnterpreters are reconciled, and a 
*;' light is given to the first verses of 
" this Eaogue." Burman treats 
thÌ9 system of Catrou, as a mere 
fiction ; and thinks, that nothing is 
more naturai thau to suppose, that 
Pollio was then marching at the 
head of his army into Dalmatia: 
whence the poet makes a doubt, 
whetber he had yet passed the Ti- 
mavus, and got beyond Istria, and 
from thence^ marching along the 
coast of Illyricum, had penetrated 
into Dalmatia. Uence the poet 
foretels the happy event of the war, 
and prophesies, that the day is at 
band, when he shall be enabled to 
celebrate both his great actions, and 

his sublime poems. This opinion 
of Burman appears to me much the 
most probabie, and the most a^p'ee- 
able to the histoiy of those times. 
As for the two triumphs of Pollio^ 
mentioned by Scaliger, the first is 
related merely on the autbority of 
Servius, who probably means'thé 
same Dalmatian war, which ali 
agree to bave bèen in the year after 
PoUio's consulship, and places it by 
mistake in the year before it. What 
Velleius Paterculus mentions, was 
acted chiefly aboiit Altinum ; for it 
was by possessing that country, that 
Pollio hindered Cae«ar*ssoldiers,who 
were coming out of Macedon, from 
eniering into Italy. Had he prò- 
ceeded into Illyricum at that time, 
and busied himself in the siege of 
Salonas, as is pretended, he had 
done very little service to Anthony, 
or disservice to Augustus. We must 
therefore agree with Russiis, that 
the time of writing this Eclogue was 
not when Pollio had held the Vene- 
tianterritory for Anthony; butthat 
if it was dedicated to him, it must 
have been at the time of his victories 
over the Dalmatians, and other peo- 
pie in those parts. Thus far how- 
ever we may differ from Ruaeus^ 
that it was not at his return from 
Dalmatia, but when he was uppn 
his march into that country. The 
expressions which our poet uses, of 
longing to celebrate his actions, . 
seem to relate rather to his settiog 
out with good omens, at the begin- 
ning of a war, than to his retuming 
crowned with success. As for the 
system of Catrou, he seems to make 
his <:hief objection against Pollio, 
that the words a te principium Obi 
desinet, are more applicable to Au- 
gustus than to PoUio : but it does 
not appear» that Virgil began his 
Eclogues with Augustus, since that 



Eti erit, ut lipeat totum mihi ferre per orbem, ^' SS,^ ^^^^ÌS 

world thy poems, 

learned critic himself contenda thai 
the Tityrus was not the first Eclogue 
of our author. Thìs objection 
shàll be farther considered in the 
note on that passage. That this Ec- 
logue was not dedicated to Augus- 
tus^ after he had conquered the 
Dalmatislns^ is allowed by Catrou : 
it remains therefore to be con- 
sidered^ whether it can with any 
probability be supposed^ that it was 
dedicated to him^ when he was re- 
tuming from the battle of Philippi. 
^ We find in Dio, that Augustus did 
not cross the Timavus in his return 
to Italy; for then he must bave 
come the whole journey by land, 
but that he carne by sea : for the 
historian tells us expressly, that he 
was so sick in his voyage, that it was 
reported at Rome that he was dead ; 
Kmou^ ^f Ig rnv 'IreùXUf à^tt^fiièn' km 
€ùMf i y«r»( sv Tf fj ^-ù^iiùù xeù h rS 

ìóì^9 Téli &f T^'ttififi xa^eta-xfi*» Appian 
also. tells US expressly, that Caesar's 
greatest danger was at Brundusium ; 
whence it appears, that he returned 
to Rome the nearest way he could : 
passing directly by sea from Dyr- 
rachìum, and neither marchi ng 
through lUyricum, nor coasting 
along the shore of that country: 
KMtau^i ^» U T«» *?^ftnv 8fr«M«rn ij ri 

iaruurìvfifs t kmÌ ^ifióii Ìinppyx4f uùrh tutt 
rthdfttt, Here then was no great 
encouragement for Virgil to dedi- 
cate his poem to one, of whom he 
had more reason to question whe- 
ther he was dead ór alive, than whe- 
ther he was returning home by land 
or by sea. Besides, it is well known, 
thatas soon as the battle at Philipp! 
was over, Augustus and Anthony 
made ^n agreement, that the latter 
should march into Asia, aud the 

former should return directly into 
Italy, and take the care of dividing 
the promised lands among the ve- 
terana. This would require a quick 
dispatch^j and it must be imagined, 
that Augustus would come the 
nearest way tu Rome, and not think 
of sailing ali round the Illyrian coàst« 
muchless of passing byland through 
the whole length of that barbarous 
country, and entering Italy by Ve- 
netia, which he must do, if he 
crossed the Tìmavus, and so come 
quite round the whole Adrìatic. 
These things beingconsidered^, with 
some others, which will be men- 
tioned in the following notes, we 
shall make no difficuUy to affirm, 
that the person to whom this Ec- 
logue is addressed was Pollio, and 
that it was when he was at the 
head of his army, marching into 11- 
lyricum, at the latter end of tbe 
year 714, or beginning of 715, 
when L. Marcius Censori nus, and 
C. Calvisius Sabinus were consuls : 
for in this year we find, according 
to Dio, that Pollio quelled an io- 
fiurrection of the Parthini, a people 
bordering on Dalmatia : TS ì* Isri- 
ytytófunt, h i» A«vit<d$ n Md^tUf xaì 
r«i«$ ^«Sivóf inrdnvo'etif ìytHTù 

KOS etùrvt ù nat?aàt9 f^d^ttif isretpatf. 

Seu magni Éuperas jam scusa Tu 
fnart.] Strabo says, that in the very 
inmost part of the Adrìatic sea, 
Timavum is a remarkable tempie, 
which iias a port, ah elegànt grove, 
and seven springs of sweet water, 
which forming a broad and deep 
river, run presently into the «ea: 
£y mn» di tu fivxf r»v - Ao^fv 9Mt 

%V7F^ffsÌi, xeù ^n^ki ^ v&retfiUùv vhtvùg 



S^tadS^SfiSS? ^ Sola Sophocleo tua carmÌBAdìgiuicothnniof 10 

TfT jtfd /Mu wmtfiM, Our poet, io 
the first Mtìciiì, describes the Ti* 
mavus, as rushìng down from a 
mountain witb great vìoleoce, 
through nine mouths \ 

Antenor potuit, mediia «lapsus Achivis, 
Illyricos penetivre ainus, atque intima 

Regna Lìbumorum, et foptem superare 

Onde per ora novem, vasto eum mur^ 

more montis, 
It mare proruptnm, et pela^ premit 
> arva sonanti . 

•The saxa Timavi, in the passag^ 
under consideration^ and the fons 
Timavi, in the first iEneid, both 
relate to the mountain s in which 
that ri ver rìses^ which those were to 
surmount^ who went out of Italy 
into Jllyricum. 

7. Swe oram Illyrici legis cequo' 
Ta."] Illyricum, lUyris, or Illyria, 
18 that whole country, whidb lies on 
tlie northem side of the Adrìatic, 
oppKMsite to Italy. It is commonly 
diyided into two regions, Libumia 
on the east, and Dalmatìa on the 

Ijego ìs used for keeping near l^e 
coast at sea, in the second Geor- 

Primi lege littoris oram. 

Burman is of opinion, that it may 
as well be meant of mardiìng by 
land near the shore. 

En erit ungìiam.! See the note 
on ver. 68, of the first Edogue* 

10. Sola Sophocleo, ^e.] So- 
pfaocles the Athenian was esteemed 
the prince of tragic poetry. He 
is said to have been the first, who 
introduced the c<^thumus or buskin, 
which was a kìnd of boot, reaching 
up to thè calf of the leg, and having 
thìck soles of cork, to make the 
actor appear taller than bis naturai 

ma. This passage, is a sttong 
proof, that PoUio is the person bere 
iQtended. It appears sufficiemtly^ 
that this great person was a wrHer 
of tragedies^from the foUowingliiies 
of Uorace, addressed to Pollio ; 

Panlum severse Musa TragoediK 
Desit Uieatris : mox, ubi publiccii ' 
Res ordinarie, grande munua 
Cecropio repetes cothumo. 

Those, who will have Augustns to 
be meant, strain hard to make him 
a poet and a writer of tragedies. 
But the only authority they are able 
to produce ìs that of Suetonlus, 
who mentioQS his writing a tragedy 
calìed Ajax. But even Suetonras 
seems to think the emperor was but 
a SOTry poet; and says expressly, 
that though he began bis Ajax widi 
much spirit, yet he found bis style 
to fiag in SUOI a manner asbe went 
on, that be destroyed his play: 
^^ PoSticam summatim attigit. Utras 
** liber restat scrìptus ab eo bexa- 
" metrìs versibus, cujus et argu- 
'' mentum et titulus est SicQia. £x- 
*' tat alter aeque modicus Epigram- 
'^matum, quae fere tempore bal^ 
" nei medìtabatur. Nam tragc»- 
^' diam magno impetu exorsus^ acm 
*' succedente stylo^ abolevit : qaw- 
" rentibusque ainicis quidnam Ajax 
^' ageret, respondit^ Ajaoem snum 
^' in spongiam incubiiisse/' It is 
hardly probable, diat Augustus bad 
begun th'ìs tragedy before the battle 
of Philippi ; for he was too young 
for such sok attempt, when Julius 
Ceesar was mordofed; and from 
that time to the battle of Phili{^i, 
he does not seem to have been at 
leisuie to make verses. Some will 
have tua carmina to mean^ not the 
verses of Augustus, but the verses 
written in his praise; which is a very 
forced interpretation. ' 



A te principium ; tib! desinet : aceipe jussis 


lì. A le principium tiòi desinet.'] 
This is the expression, whìch is 
thought to be a full proof, that the 
patxon jof ibis Edogue is Auguatus. 
The Tityrus, the fost Eclogue, ce- 
lebrates Augustus ; and the Mneid, 
die last of our poet*s works^ is also 
^mìitem. in honour of hkn. Catrou 
ia under a necessity of not allowing 
the Tityrus to be die first Edogue^ 
because It could not be written be* 
€ore the divìsion of the landa ; and 
conaequently; if that was the first^ 
the Fharoiaceutrìa could not possi- 
bly be dedicated io Augustus, wben 
he was retuming from Philippi. He 
therefore supposes^ either Uiat this 
was the first ; or else that Virgil al- 
ludes to some other poetn dedicated 
to Augustus, whìch he did not think 
worthy of being preserved. I agree 
with the leamed father, that some 
of the Eclogues were written be- 
fore the Tityrus. It is very pro- 
bable, that the Alexis^ the PalsB^ 
mon, and the Daphnis were ali 
written before it But it is by no 
means probable, that this, which is 
allowed, by the general eonsent of 
the commentators, to be the tìnest 
of ali the Eclogues, except the Pol- 
ito^ should be the first attempt of 
our poet. As for any oth^ poem, 
dedicated to Augustus, and after- 
wards suppressed^ it is a mere con- 
jecture, wìthout any foundation> and 
therefore does notrequire to he con- 
aidered. But if it is necfssary to 
take the expression before us in the 
•trictest sense, that Virgil really be- 
gan and ended with the same pa- 
tron; it might with more proba- 
biMty be asserted that it was meant 
cmly of the Eclogues ; and then 
Gallus will be the person. It is 
certain^ that the last Eclogue was 
deroted to Gallus ; and wc need 
only take up the common tradition^ 

that the Silenu9 w«s publiahed bef- 
fare the death of Cicero, and suppose 
that to be the first attempt of our 
poet ; jand we shall bave as good a 
proof in behalf of Gallus^ as any 
that has beeo prodaced in favour o£ 
Augustus. Catrou himself thinks 
we ought not to reject the common 
tradition, that the Silenùs was read 
in the theatre ; and that Cicero 
cried out Magna spes altera Roma» 
Now we may remember, that Gal- 
lus was oelebrated with great ele- 
gance in that poera. Therefore^ if 
tbat story be true^ the Silenus was 
probably the very first of these eom- 
positions i and consequently th^ be- 
gan and ended with Gallus. Tbus 
we see, that this argument proves 
either nothing or too much. Our 
old translator W. L. in bis note on 
this passage, explains it thus } *' I 
*' began this kind of pastoral verse 
^' at thy command, and will cease 
'* to goe on in this kinde likewise 
*' any farther, when it shall please 
'*thee to command." This mter- 
pretation might be admitted^ but 
in truth, this expression of beginning* 
with any one and ending with him, 
was no more than a high compli- 
ment amongst the ancients. In the 
ninth Iliad, Nestor prefaoes a speech 
to Agamemnon in the following 
manner ; '' O most august Atrides^ 
" O king of men, Agamemnon ! 
" In tfaee will I end, in thee will I 
'' begin ; because thou art king 
'* over many people^ and Jupiter 
*' has given thee a sceptre and laws 
" to provide for them :" 

*£» rtf} ftìf Xi|^«. fi* f &^fiuu, «ifyuttf 

AmSv ìrrì ÌmI) »«/ TM Ztòi iyyttdXJlt 


But the famous old orator, having 
M m 



bSS^th^SiJSSuS Carmina coepta tuis, atquc hanc sine tempon 

thytempletainoagfeuevlc- Circam 

Scalee had the coid duuie Inter vìctrices hedcram libi serpere lauros. 


jmi, whea the dew oa the Friffida vix Cffilo noctis dcccsserat umbra, U 

wuer^MiisnuMtagneaiiie « •••»». 

*"* ^ "*" Cura ro8 in tenera pecori gratissimus nerba est: 


made this ceremonious preface^ does 
not think himself obliged litendly to 
end with the praisea of Agamemnon 
as he liad begun ; for he closes his 
apeech with telling him he had in- 
jured Achilles^ and persuading him 
to make restitution ; 

*E^iri rw, «ri, ìstytAst B^tnf^ »»u^f 
OSri luti nftirt^ y$ »mv* fuiXm ym^ r«i 


E7{«f 9 M^ ^i^t0V9fy h àéàfar»! «^ ìrt» 

'Uri/An^mtf ixin ym^ t:^us yi^S* àXX* ìn 

mÙ Wf 

• When fìom Pelides' tebt you forcM the 

I first oppos'dy and faithful, durst dis- 
suade ; 

Bui bold of soul, when headlong fury 

You wrong'd the man, bj men and gods 
admir'd : 

Now seek some means his fatai wrath to 

With pray'rs to move him, or with gifts 
to bend. Pope. 

This is ending with Achilles, ra- 
ther than with Agamemnon. Thus 
we are not to understand the pas- 
sage before us literally ; or to ima- 
gine that the poet meant^ in strict- 
ness of speech^ either that he had 
begun his poems with PoUio, or that 
he would end them with him. 

Accipe jussis, Sfc.'} 'ihus in the 
sixth Eclogue^ " Non inìussa 
'' cano/' This passage pleads 
strongly for PoUio. If Augustus 
was the person iotended^ Virgil 

mast have received his (!(Hnmaiidst0 
write this Eclogue^ before he weii 
into Macedon agaìnst Brutus ani 
Cassius. Bui it does not appeartk 
Virgil was admitted to the friend 
ship of Augustus^ till afìer the ér 
tributioD of the landa. For èva 
then, we find in the ninth Eé(^, 
that the poet implores the protec- 
tion of Varus; which he wouM 
bave had no occasion to bave dm, 
if he himself had been in thefaroor 
of Augustus^ as the i«rriters ofìi' 
life would bave us believe. 

13. Victrices . . . lauros,'] Crowns 
of bay were wom by oonquerors in 
their triumphs. Hence Ruseus con- 
cludes, that this expression rekte^^ 
the triumph, y/hiai Pollio obtaincd 
for his victory over the Dalmatians. 
But it seems more probable^ tis faas 
been already observed^ thatitisa 
poetìcal prediction of bis yìcìoTj, 
which happened to be verified. 

Hederam libi serpere.'] The poe- 
tical ivy is that sort with golden ber- 
ries, or Hedera baccis aureis. The« 
is a very great poetica! delicsc/^ 
this verse. The ivy is well known 
to be an hunible^ creepiog pto- 
Therefore, when he entreats his pa- 
tron to permit this ivy to creep 
among his victorious bays, be de- 
sìres him to condescend to accept d 
these verses in the midst c^ ^ 

14. Frìmda vix calo, 4*^.] Tbc 
poet now begins the subject ofi'^ 
Eclogue, and represents thedespair- 
ing lo ver Damon, as having sa*"? 
ali night^ and beginning his coib- 
plaints with the first appearance 0i 
the moming. 



Incmnbens tereti Damon sic ccepit olivae. 
Dam. Nascere, praeque diem veniens age, 
Lucifer, almum : 
Conjùgis indigno Nisse deceptus amore, 
Dum queror, -et Divos, quanquam nìl testibus 

Profeci, extrema moriens tamen ailoquor bora. 
Incipe Maenalios mecum, roea tibia, versus. 21 
Maenalus argutumque nemus pinosque loquentes 

Damon Ictning agalnte a 
round ollve-tree thus began. 
Dam. Arìae, O Ludfer, and 
preceding bring oa the day ; 
whiist I, decetved by the 
crael lore of Nita, mf orlde, 
tompl^, and dying Invoke 
the goda in my last hour, 
though I have hitherto prò- 
fited nothhig by caUing tbem 
to iwitneas. B^ wftn me, 
<ny pipe, the Msnalian 

Mkiuìiis al wayi bà» a wfab- 
pering wood,and vocal ptaiei : 

16. Incumbens tereti olivaJ] Some 
imagine the pk)et to mean, that Da- 
mon is leaning on a stick made of 
the olìve-tree; but this ìmage is 
very low : surelj he describes him 
leaning against the tree itself Any 

f^ng round> as a pillar, or the 
[body of a tree, is calied teres. La 
Cerda observes a great beauty in 
the yariety of plants^ with which 
Virgil distinguishes his pastoral 
scenes. In the first Eclogue, Tity- 
rus is represented ly ing at ease under 
a beech: in the seconda Corydon 
vents his complaints, not to the 
beech es alone^ but to the woods 
' and mountaìns: in the third^ Palse- 
mon invites the shepherds to sit 
down on the soft and verdant grass. 
In the ù£th, Menalcas and Mopsus 
retire into a cave, overshadowed 
by a wild vine : and bere Damon 
pours forth his lamentations under 
the shade of an olive-tree. 

17. Nascere pneque diem, éj^cJ] 
Damon begins with calling upon the 
dawn to rise, and bring on the day s 
and opens due subject of his com- 
plaint, the infidelity of Nisa. 

Lucifer,'] Lucifer is generally 
widerstood to mean the pUnet Ve- 
nus, when she is seen in the morn- 
ing, and is the last star that disap- 
pears, as the day comes on. The 
poets seem to have imagined, that 
it was a star, which by its rising 
denoted the approach of the mom- 
ing. It was supposed to be the fa- 

vourite star of Venus, whence the 
lover invokes it with propriety, 
Thus our poet, in the second 
^neid ; 

Jamque jugis summs surgebat Lucifer 
Ducebatque diem : 
And in the eighth ; 

Qualis ubi oceani perflisus Lucifer unda, 
Quera Venus ante alios astrorum diligit 

Extulit 08 sacrum c8elo> tenebraaque re- 


Perhaps it was the same with Au- 
rora, or the dawn. 

18. Coftjugis.'] It is plain,