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Q. HORATI FLACCI EPISTVLAE.
THE EPISTLES OF HORACE.
«»-
Q. HORATI FLACCI EPISTVLAE.
>»v
THE
EPISTLES OF HORACE
EDITED WITH NOTES
AUGUSTUS S. WILKINS, Litt. D, LL.D.,
PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER;
EXAMINER IN CLASSICS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON'.
Hontron :
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK.
1888
\Tke Right of Translation is i-essiveif.^
First Edition printed, 1885.
Reprinted 1886, 1888.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO
3 1822 00591 7992
COLLEGAE SPECTATISSIMO
DE ACADEMIA NOSTRA MANCVNIENSI
EGREGIE MERITO
ADAVLFO GVILELMO WARD,
LITTERARVM LEGVMQVE DOCTORI,
QVI MIHI SEDECIM HIS ANNIS
AVXILIVM DOCTRINAM CONSILIVM PETEXTI
NVNQVAM DEFVIT
D. D. D.
PREFACE.
The need of a new edition of Horace's
Epistles with English notes will not be denied
by any one, who knows what important contri-
butions to the criticism of this work are still
inaccessible to English readers. The difficulty
of the task has made itself more and more felt
during every year which has been spent upon
the preparation of the present edition. I will
only say that, had not the excellent notes of
Mr Yonge been constructed on a different scale
from those here offered, or had there been any
hope of the early appearance of Mr Wickham's
long-promised second volume, the present work
would not have been undertaken.
The notes to the present edition may seem
to some too full and lengthy. For this fulness
there are three main reasons, (i) There are Latin
and Greek authors, whose works may properly
be provided with brief dogmatic notes, suited to
students who are not ripe for critical discussions.
viii PREFACE.
Horace, at least in his Epistles, does not appear
to me to be among this number. I do not think
that these can be read with profit by one who is
not prepared at least to follow the arguments
which have been advanced to support different
interpretations, and to understand why the pre-
ference is to be given to one rather than to
another. Besides, much may be learnt from
critics like Bentley, even when their conclusions
are not accepted. I have therefore thought it
necessary to give not only decisions but also
discussions on almost every point of difficulty.
(2) Parallel passages have usually been tran-
scribed, and not merely referred to. School-boys
will never, more advanced students will very
rarely, look up references: yet these furnish a
most valuable part of a commentary: and space
is of less importance than time under the present
conditions of classical learning. I may remark
that with very few exceptions every passage
quoted has been transcribed from the original
context. This adds immensely to the labour of
an editor: but it is necessary if he is to be more
than a compiler. In this way many false refer-
ences, handed down from one edition to another,
have been removed; many traditional parallels
have been found to be illegitimate, when taken
as they stand in their surroundings. (3) The
Epistles abound in references to persons, places,
customs and the like. In such cases I have
PRi^PACE. ix
usually endeavoured to give sufficient informa-
tion to explain the language of the text, leaving
further details to be sought in the ordinary
books of reference. But as a rule no statement
has been made without a reference to one of the
best and most recent authorities to support it.
These are intended as a protection to the reader,
not as an additional burden. Few students
have escaped the annoyance of finding in notes
statements which they are quite unable to verify,
and which often are only repetitions of current
errors. Much attention has been given to ques-
tions of orthography and etymology. There is
so much bad spelling and false philology to be
found in text-books of wide circulation, that it
seems worth while even to intrude upon the
student sounder views, as occasion offers: and
hints and references are not always thrown away,
even upon the teacher, A reference to Mr Roby's
excellent grammars has often removed the need
for a fuller note upon constructions.
For reasons stated in the Introduction, there
is no complete critical commentary. But the
variations of some of the principal editors are
noted at the foot of the text. Bentley's readings
have been given as a tribute to his unrivalled
eminence as a scholar : Munro's as representing
the soundest critical judgment which has been
brought to bear upon Horace, The readings
of Orelli's third edition may be regarded as
X PREFACE.
those of the text most widely current, although
in many cases they are inferior to those of the
sixth (minor) edition just issued by Hirschfelder.
Keller's decisions are those of a scholar inti-
mately acquainted with the MS. and other
authorities for the text of Horace, but not al-
ways using them on sound critical principles.
The editions, which I have found of most
service, are those of Bentley, Orelli, Dillen-
burger, Ritter, Kriiger and Schlitz, with Keller's
Epilegomena, and Conington's verse translation:
but others have been consulted, as occasion has
offered. For Acron and Porphyrion I have
used Hauthal's edition : for the Scholiast of
Cruquius the edition of 1597, kindly lent me by
Chancellor Christie. I have rarely mentioned
Macleane, except to differ from him. This
makes it the more imperative a duty to acknow-
ledge the service, which in spite of serious de-
ficiencies in accuracy and in scholarship, and
views in many respects now antiquated, his
vigorous common sense and manly judgment
have rendered to the study of Horace in Eng-
land. In 1853 his work was in some respects
as much before the time as in 1885 it is be-
hind it.
Two of our most distinguished scholars.
Professor Arthur Palmer, and Mr J. S. Reid,
have done me the favour of revising the proof
sheets. Their more important contributions
PREFACE. xi
appear with their names attached : but I am
further indebted to them for minor suggestions
and corrections, which could not be so acknow-
ledged. They are of course not responsible for
anything that appears here, but I trust that
their kind revision has not left any serious errors.
That all such should have been avoided is
hardly to be expected, where almost every line
of the commentary gives opportunity for a slip
in facts or in judgment.
Manchester,
February, xi
ADDENDA.
Ep. I. I, 19. Dr Maguire in HennaiJiena No. xi. p. 336
says: 'the first clause is Epicurean — I make the world suit me:
the second is Stoic — I make myself suit the world, the end of the
Stoic' This is a more correct view.
Ep. I. 7, 31. foras is used in Plaut. Rud. 170 for 'out' of a
boat.
Ep. I. 10, 48. Dr Maguire (1. c.) ^ioriiim is not twisted in
strands, but strained by the pull taut. Cp. torfos incidere fimes
(Verg. A. IV. 575) as the ships were riding at anchor.'
Ep. I. 13, 4. Prof. Nettleship in \\\t. Academy (Oct. 17, 1885)
suggests that ne sis is a standing exception to the general rule
tliat 7ie, with the 2 pres. subj. is not used in an imperative sense.
We have neftteris in I. 6, 40.
Ep. I. 14, 6. pictas is often used by Ovid in the Tristia and
Pontic Epistles for the loyal devotion of friends. I cannot
accept Mr Verrall's ingenious argument as proving that Lamia
was the name of the steward {Studies in Horace, pp. 126 ff.).
Ep. I. 20, 24. The compounds of prae are well discussed by
P. Langen {Plant. Krit. p. 244).
Ep. II. I, 47. It would have been more exact to say that
acemis — awpos: aupdT-qs= acervalis argumetitatio.
Ars Poet. 128. comiminis is not identical with volgaris in
rhetoric : cp. Cic. de Invent. I. 26 volgare est qiiod in plures
caiisas potest acLommodari, iit convenire videatiir: commune qiiod
nihilo minus in hanc quam in contrariam partem causae potest
convenire (quoted by Nettleship I.e.).
Ars Poet. 172. Prof. Nettleship most appositely quotes
Seneca Epist. 32, 4 0 qitando illud videlns tempns quo scies
tempus ad te 7ion pertinere! quo tranqiiillus placiditsqite eris
et crasiini negligens, et in sumina tui satietate! Vis scire quid
sit, qitodfaciat homines avidos fnturi? Nemo sibi contigit.
INTRODUCTION.
§ I. Date of the Epistles.
That the First Book of the Epistles of Horace was
published as a whole seems to be shown by the
introductory character of Ep. i. and still more plainly
by the language of Ep. xx. Such a course would be,
as Bentley proved, quite in accordance with the prac-
tice of Horace himself, and of contemporary poets.
The date of publication appears at first sight to be
given precisely by the closing lines of the last Epistle.
Forte meum si quis te percontabitur aevum,
me quater undenos sciat implevisse Decembres,
collegam Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno.
Lollius was consul in d.c. 21, and the other con-
sulship, at first intended for Augustus himself, was
ultimately filled up by the appointment of Aemilius
Lepidus. Hence it would seem as if we might with
confidence assume that Ep. xx., which is plainly
intended as an epilogue to the whole collection, was
written in that year, or at all events that Horace's last
xiv INTRODUCTION.
preceding birthday fell in that year, and that therefore
no letter in this book can have a later date. But it
must be noticed that (i) Horace's purpose would be as
well served if he employed to indicate his age a date
removed by several years from the actual date of pub-
lication: (2) Horace may have wished to bring in in-
cidentally a compliment to his friend LoUius (cp. Carm.
iv. 9, and Ep. i. 2, i note): (3) the consuls of the next
two or three years do not appear to have been men
of mark, and in some cases, at least, there would have
been metrical difficulties in introducing their names.
Hence there is nothing to preclude us from looking
further for indications of the date of publication. Now
in Ep. i. 12, 26 — 28 we have
Cantaber Agrippae, Claudi virtute Neronis
Armenius cecidit: ius imperiuraque Prahates
Caesaris accepit genibus minor.
This is a clear reference to the successful issue of
the campaign of Agrippa against the Cantabrians in
B.C. 20, and of the 'promenade in force' of Tiberius
Claudius, the step-son of Augustus, which in the same
year resulted in the restoration of Tigranes to the
throne of Armenia, and in the cession of the standards
won from Crassus by the Parthians. The same blood-
less triumph of Rome is again referred to in Ep. i. 18,
55) 56, where we find mention of the dux
qui templis Parthorum signa refigit
nunc, et si quid abest Italis adiudicat armis.
These two letters then must have been written in
INTR OD UCTION. x v
B.C. 20. Is there anything to point to a later date
than this? In the Epistles themselves there seems to
be nothing. It is a very doubtful conjecture which
finds in Ep. i. 17, 33 — 35 a reference to the triumphs
of Augustus and Agrippa in B.C. 19. But we have
also to take into consideration the relation of the
Epistles to the Odes. It seems pretty well established
that the first three books of the Odes were published
together, before any of the Epistles; indeed, the lan-
guage which Horace uses in Ep. i. i, and the refer-
ence to imitators in Ep. i. 19, alike force us to the
assumption of a tolerably long interval between the
publication of the Odes and that of the Epistles. Now
the date of the publication of Odes i. — iii. does not
admit of exact determination. There are arguments
which seem to point very strongly to B.C. 24 or 23 :
there are others which have been considered to point
to B.C. 19 (cp. Wickham's Introduction to the Odes,
Christ's Fastonan Horatianorum Epicrisis, Kirchner's
Quaestiones Horatianae, and Franke's Fasti Horatiani).
But on the whole the evidence for the earlier year
decidedly preponderates. It is therefore probable
that we may assume B.C. 20, or at the latest B.C. 19, as
the date of the publication of the first book of the
Epistles'.
^ If we are to accept Mr Verrall's very ingenious, but not
very convincing argument for the publication of Odes i. — iii.
in B.C. 19, it is not necessary perhaps to alter the date of the
publication of the Epistles ; but it would affect the interpretation
of two or three passages in them.
xvi INTR OD UCTION.
Of the individual epistles, Ep. i. 13 was evidently
contemporaneous with the publication of Odes i. — iii.
Of the others all those whose date can be assigned
with any certainty, appear to belong to B.C. 20. But
it is probable that Horace was engaged with this style
of composition more or less at various times during
the five years B.C. 24 — 20, that is to say from the
fortieth to the forty-fifth year of his age.
The conclusions to which we are thus brought are
practically the same as those maintained by Franke,
and supported by the weighty approval of Lachmann.
Bentley in his preface assigned a slightly later date,
and needlessly limited the time of composition to two
years (b.c 20 — 19); Ritter holding that Odes i — iii.
were published in B.C. 19 is compelled to postpone
the publication of the first Book of the Epistles to
B.C. 18.
The time of the publication of the Second Book
and of the Ars Poetica is open to more doubt.
But the dates of composition, which on the whole
seem most probable, are for Ep. ii. i about B.C. 13,
for Ep. ii. 2 about b.c. 19, and for the Ars Poetico^
B.C. 20 or 19. The reasons which lead us to these
conclusions will be found in the Introductions to
the several Epistles. If they are sound, Book II.
was pubUshed in B.C. 13, and the Ars may have
been issued earlier and separately.
The view, which till recently has been the most
generally accepted, assigns Ep. ii. i, 2 to a period
INTRODUCTION. xvii
after B.C. 13, and regards the Ars Poetica as unfinished,
and not pubhshed by Horace himself.
§ 2. The ComI>ositio7i of the Epistles.
Born in B.C. 65, Horace was studying at Athens
at the time of the death of Caesar in B.C. 44.
He joined Brutus, and was made miUtary tribune,
thus occasionally at least taking the command of a
legion. In B.C. 43 he appears to have been with
Brutus in Asia (Sat. i. 7, 18): in B.C. 42 he took part,
though not a very distinguished part, in the battle of
Phihppi. His return to Rome probably followed in
the next year; but some time must be supposed to
have elapsed before his talents can have won for him
the friendship of Vergil and Varius, and warranted
them in introducing him to Maecenas. After the first
introduction, nine months passed before Maecenas
admitted him to his circle (Sat. i. 6, 61). Hence we
cannot well assign to this an earlier date than B.C. 39.
With this date correspond the indications of Satire i.
5, apparently to be ascribed to B.C. 37, and of Sat. ii.
6, 40, written, as it seems, in B.C. 31, when the friend-
ship had already lasted seven or eight years. In the
latter year Horace was already in possession of his
Sabine estate : there is no clear evidence to show
when he received it, but apparently it was not long
before this time. During the time covered by the
Satires (about B.C. 40 — 30) Horace does not appear
w. H. b
xviii INTRODUCTION.
at all on terms of intimacy with Augustus — at this
time Caesar Octavianus. References to him are but
slight ; and there is still a tone of antagonism, if not
to Augustus himself, at least to his favourite poets and
musicians. Maecenas is always spoken of in language
of grateful affection, but the poet evidently minimises
the character of their intimacy, and takes great pains
to show that he aimed at no influence over his politics
or patronage. He writes as a dependent, although
at the same time, as one who meant to bear as little
as possible of the restraints or the burdens of depen-
dence. But during the period in which the first
three books of the Odes were produced (b. c. 31 — 24)
Horace takes a decidedly higher position. He feels
that his poetical powers are recognised. He must
have been conscious that, like Vergil in his way, he
was welcomed by the Emperor as contributing from
the side of literature to that revival of conservative
and religious feeling, to which so much of the policy
of Augustus was directed. At the same time he must
have been brought more frequently into immediate
personal relations with Augustus, though probably
these still fell far short of intimacy. But the lyrical
genius of Horace, exquisite as it was in the finish of
his art, was far from spontaneous, or copious. When
he had wedded the songs of Greece to the Latin lyre,
and had given to the world his perfect adaptations
or imitations of Sappho and Alcaeus, clothing in lan-
guage of unequalled felicity his commonplace re-
INTR on UCTION. xix
flexions on a narrow range of topics, tliere was no
inspiration to prompt him to further utterance. Hence
the comparative silence of the following years. His
earlier illusions had left him. Love had never been
for him more than a pastime, suited to the years of
youthful passion, but unbecoming to his maturer man-
hood. In wine he had a genuine but a quiet enjoy-
ment, with no Anacreontic enthusiasm to make him
its lyrist. The military triumphs of the Empire were
not inspiring, although when the call was made
upon him, he succeeded in celebrating them in odes
which rise to the requisite loftiness of tone. His
real interest at this time doubtless lay, as he tells us
himself, in the study of philosophy. But with him
it was no passion for the attainment of speculative
truth which prompted him. He felt the unsatisfying
nature of his life ; he was vexed at the constant
weakness of will which led him often into the failings
and vices, of which there was no keener critic than
himself, and he set himself to try to discover in
the precepts of the philosophers the secret which
might deliver from ' the random weight of chance
desires.'
We can see how his nature mellowed and ripened
in the search. He was far from finding all that he
desired; and sometimes half jestingly, sometimes (as
in Ep. i. 8) in all sad seriousness he confesses that
his quest has been a failure. But the quiet reading
and reflexion of those days at the Sabine farm
bz
XX INTR OD UCTIOM
have left deep traces on his later writings, and have
done not a little to lend them their inexhaustible
charm.
The Epistles are generally recognised as the most
attractive portion of the works of Horace. In their
form, if they do not attain to the finished art of the
better odes, there is a negligent grace which is hardly
less rare, and certainly not less delightful. The verse,
which even in the Satires is a vast improvement on
the jolting hexameters of Lucilius, and which there,
though it never rises so high as the best of Lucretius,
never falls so low as his worst, has here achieved
an easier flow. The diction has discarded the few
archaisms and vulgarisms still to be found in the
Satires, and is as pure a specimen of urbanitas as
the comedies of Terence, and the lighter letters of
Cicero. As to the substance, Horace shows here
■more than anywhere that he belongs to that most
delightful class of writers, who can be egotistic with-
out ever becoming wearisome or offensive. As he
says himself of Lucilius :
ille velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim
credebat libris, neque si male cesserat umquam
decurrens alio, neque si bene : quo fit ut omnis
votiva pateat veluti descripta tabella
vita senis.
And what a charming character it is which is thus
revealed to us ! Not without serious faults of temper
and self-indulgence. Measured by any high standard
of lofty aim or strenuous endeavour Horace often
INTR OD UCTION. xxi
falls short of the ideal. But how frank he is, how
courteous, how kindly ! How happily he adapts his
tone to the character and position of those whom he
is addressing ! He never falls into the vice of preach-
ing at his friends. It is but rarely that he begins
with moral disquisitions : he rather allows himself to
pass into them from some personal confession or
reflexion. The ripe results of his observation of men
and manners are not given forth pedantically, but in
a tone of friendly confidence, often accompanied by
a little gentle irony. The polemical literary criticism
of the Satires, as a rule sound enough, but some-
times narrow and unsympathetic, and often set forth
in a manner which must have gained him many
enemies, is entirely wanting in the ist Book of the
Epistles : and appears only in a modified form in the
Second.
Horace was not the first to employ epistles in
verse as a form of literature. In Greece the earliest
satirist Archilochus is said to have practised this
among other forms of composition. In B.C. 146 a
certain Mummius, probably the brother of L. Mum-
mius, the general in command, wrote home from
Corinth, epistolas versiaclis facetis ad familiares missas
(Cic. ad Att. xiii. 6, 4). Lucilius undoubtedly often
used the epistolary form in his satires, though the
traces which remain of it are but slight. It may be
noticed too that letter-writing was a branch of literature
which had reached high perfection at this time. We
xxii INTRODUCTION.
can form a clear conception of the standard generally
reached from the numerous letters of Cicero's friends,
included in the Epistolae ad Familiares. The literary
finish of many of them is such that it would have
been no very great step to take, even without pre-
cedent, for Horace to give a metrical form to such
occasional letters of daily life as Ep. i. 8, 9 or 13.
The name of serviones given by Horace himself
to the Epistles (Ep. ii. i, 250) as well as to the Satires
(Ep. i. 4, i) fitly describes the conversational tone
maintained throughout. Here too his style and
thoughts are sermoni propiora (Sat. i. 4, 42). The
various epistles differ of course very widely in the
degree of elaboration, as in the nature of their
themes. But everywhere we find a complete absence
of rhetoric. Horace's horror of public recitations did
him good service in preserving him from the faults
into which the practice led most of his contemporaries
and followers, with results fatal to the freshness. and
simplicity of later Latin poetry. He avoids, it is
true, the fluent negligence of his predecessors : but
he escapes equally the strained epigram and con-
torted rhetoric of his successors. For combined ease
and finish there is no Latin poet worthy to be placed
beside him, and he well deserves the place which he
has ever held close to the exemplaria Graeca, which
he studied so lovingly.
His rhythm and metre fitly answer to the general
tone of his work. Less cunning and subtle in their
INTRODUCTION. xxiii
harmonies than the exquisite verses of Vergil, his lines
have an easy grace of their own, not marred by an
occasional grateful negligence. The wonderful variety
of effects to which the dactylic hexameter lends itself
— not less ductile in the hands of a master than our
own blank verse, and with even greater possibilities
of varied music within its compass — had been shown
already both on Greek and on Latin soil. But it is
not too much to say that the full range of its capacity
would have remained unknown, if Horace had not
written his Epistles.
§ 3. The Text of the Epistles.
The textual criticism of the Epistles affords many
problems not easy of solution. There is no extant
MS. which holds an unquestioned place of paramount
authority, and which gives us a sure starting-point,
like the Ambrosian palimpsest (where it is legible)
for Plautus, or the Codex Bembinus for Terence.
The oldest MSS. are by no means so ancient or so
accurate as those of Vergil. Even in the best of
them there are many evident errors, and the most
conservative critic cannot always avoid deserting their
authority in favour of conjecture. What is of even
more importance, it is by no means easy to deter-
mine their mutual relations, or to construct a tahle
of their various lines of descent from the archetype.
An attempt to divide them into classes — the first
step towards a scientific treatment of their evidence —
xxi V INTR OD UCTION.
has been made by Keller and Holder, the laborious
editors of the most complete conspectus of MS. read-
ings as yet in existence. The main Hnes of their
classification may be stated thus.
Class I. includes a group of MSS. which seem to
be free from systematic alterations, although their
common source may have been less good than that
of the other groups.
The chief representatives of this class are, for the
Epistles,
A Parisinus 7900 a (saec. x).
a Avenionis (i.e. of Avignon), now Ambro-
sianus O 136 (saec. x).
y Parisinus 7975 (saec. xi).
E Emmerammensis, now Monacensis 14685
(saec. xii).
This class comes for the most part from Germany.
Class II. includes those MSS. which give indica-
tions of being derived from the 'Mavortian recension',
especially in the Odes, but also in the Satires and
Epistles. About the middle of the sixth century, a
recension of the text of Horace was undertaken by
Vettius Agorius Mavortius, consul A. D. 527. This
recension, as Keller thinks, was based upon a MS.
of great excellence, but already marked by some
distinctive readings, and many others were introduced
by its reviser, ingenious and plausible in themselves,
but not from the pen of Horace. Hence he argues
INTRODUCTION. xxv
that little weight is to be given to the readings of
this class, where they differ from those of both the
others.
To this class Keller and Holder assign
C Bernensis t^Gt,, probably the oldest of all
extant MSS. of Horace, written by an Irish
monk in the eighth or ninth century, as
is proved by some Irish glosses in the
margin. Unfortunately it ends at Sat. i.
134, thus including the Ars Poeiica (ex-
cept vv. 440 — 476), but omitting all the
Epistles.
V the vetus codex Blandinius (see below),
g the codex Gothanus, apparently derived from
V, and giving all the Epistles, but not the
Ars Poetica (saec. xv).
C Monacensis 14685, closely agreeing with B,
and hence only available for the Ars
Poetica.
Class III. derived from a very carelessly written
original, and marked by all kinds of errors, but with
traces of a good tradition, and as a rule very good
in orthography.
To this class belong
<^ Parisinus 7974 (saec. x).
i/f Parisinus 7971 (saec. x). The assumed com-
mon source of these two is denoted F.
1 Leidensis Sat. 28 (saec. x).
XX vi INTR OD UCTION.
\ Parisiniis 7972 (saec. x): these two are com-
bined as X'.
8 Graevianus (Harley MSS. in British Museum
2725): (saec. ix — x).
z Leidensis Vossianus 21 (saec. xii). These
two = 8'.
c Einsidlensis 361 (saec. x).
There are also two important MSS. which Keller
generally denotes as the Rtt family :
R Romanus (Vaticanus reginae Christinae 1 703)
of saec. ix or x.
■77 Parisinus 103 10 (saec. x — xi), with which
goes
L Lipsiensis (saec. x), to give the readings of
an assumed tt'.
This third class Keller traces for the most part to
Lorraine.
On the basis of this classification Keller lays down
the principle that the agreement of any two classes in a
reading is to weigh very heavily as against the reading
of the third ; and he confirms his position by a tabular
statement from which it would appear that out of 623
variations, in 582 cases two classes agree in the right
reading, in 41 they agree in the wrong one.
Unfortunately this system of classification, pro-
mising as it appears, has by no means met with the
unanimous approval of recent scholars. In the first
place Keller is compelled to admit that the lines of
INTRODUCTION. xxvii
demarcation cannot always be drawn very definitely.
Many MSS. vary between two or even three classes,
and there is not a single MS. which can be regarded
as always a faithful representative of the class to
which he assigns it. Thus A and E often give the
readings of Class II. rather than Class I., while F
sometimes falls into Class I., and the Rtt family con-
stantly wavers between them. An even more serious
objection is taken to the estimate which Keller forms
of Class II., and to the weight which he gives to V.
In an edition of Horace, published in 1578, Jacobus
Cruquius, professor at Bruges, frequently quoted the
readings of four MSS., which he said he had collated
in the Benedictine monastery at Blankenburgh (Mons
Blandinius) near Ghent, but which were shortly after-
wards (before the publication of his edition) destroyed
by fire during the civil wars. These MSS. were
thought by Cruquius to be about 700 years old ; and
would therefore belong to the ninth century : one,
known as vetiistissimus, he considered to be decidedly
older, perhaps by 200 years. The reading of these
MSS. differs in many places from the received text,
and it has always been a moot point among scholars
what weight is to be attached to them. Bentley set
a very high value upon their evidence, especially
where the vetustissiinus was expressly quoted. His
doctrine on this point, as on Horatian criticism gene-
rally, is accepted by the 'Berlin school', represented
by Lachmann, Meineke, Haupt and Lucian Miiller.
xxviii INTRODUCTION.
On the other hand Keller and Holder place these
MSS. along with B in the interpolated class, and
consequently rate them comparatively low. Keller's
arguments are set forth in his Epilegomena, pp. 800
— 803 ; they have been replied to by Dillenburger,
Mewes and most fully by Hoehn in a dissertation
published at Jena in 18S3 (pp. 55). The conclusion,
to which a careful consideration of the readings of V
in the Epistles has brought me, is given more than
once in the notes, and is identical with that which
Professor Palmer expresses in the Preface to his
edition of the Satires (p. xxxi) : ' I am disposed to
regard this famous codex as an interpolated descend-
ant of a better archetype than that from which the
Horatian MSS. are descended.' At the same time,
it seems to be evident that its antiquity was over-
stated by Cruquius, and that, as it was written in
minuscules, it could not have been earlier than the
tenth century.
With regard to the Epistles Hoehn's conclusion
is that in Book I. out of 117 recorded readings, 80
are certainly right, 19 wrong, 18 doubtful: in Book II.
of 38, 22 are right, 5 wrong, 11 doubtful; in the Ars
Poetica of 32, 23 are right, i wrong, 8 doubtful.
These figures may be on some points open to ques-
tion ; in particular, some of the readings noted as
doubtful are either almost certainly right, or point to
the true reading. But the general result is to show
how much better V stands such a test than any
INTRODUCTION. xxix
extant MS. could; and at the same time to prove
how little any one MS. can be taken as the basis of
our text.
The text given in the present edition is on the
whole a conservative one, following as a rule the evi-
dence of the best MSS. : but this course has not
been adopted because I have any great faith in the
trustworthiness of our traditional text, but only be-
cause it seems the safest course not to print any
conjectural emendation, except where the reading of
the MSS. is plainly indefensible, and where a con-
jecture approaches to certainty. If I have erred
here, I have erred with one of the safest of guides,
Dr H, A. J. Munro, who writes : ' I feel sure that
many passages yet need alteration, though I am not
satisfied with any that has been proposed.'
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
AGE OF
B.C. HORACE.
31 34 C. Julius Caesar Octavianus III. and M. Valerius
Messalla Corvinus consuls. Battle of Actium.
3° 35 Death of Antonius and Cleopatra. Octavianus
winters at Samos.
29 36 Octavianus returns to Rome, and triumphs on
Aug. 6th, 7th, 8th. The temple of Janus is
closed.
28 37 The temple of Apollo on the Palatine is dedicated.
27 38 Ti. Caesar takes the toga virilis (aet. xv). Octa-
vianus receives the title Augustus: and leaves
Rome for Gaul and Spain.
26 39 Augustus enters on his eiglith consulship at Tar-
raco. War against the Cantabri and Astures.
25 40 Augustus continues the war against the Cantal^ri
and Astures, but falls sick at Tarraco. His
lieutenants subdue these tribes, and A. Teren-
tius Varro destroys the Salassi. Augusta Eme-
rita (Merida) and Augusta Praetoria (Aosta)
founded. The temple of Janus closed.
24 41 Augustus returns to Rome in January. An altar
is erected to Fortuna Salutaris. The Cantabri
and Astures rebel, and are defeated by L.
Aemilius.
23 42 Augustus lays down his eleventh consulship, and
receives iiii/ierium proconsulare and tribuiiicia
xxxii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
AGE OF
B.C. HORACE.
potestas perpettia. Augustus Is cured of a dan-
gerous illness by Antonius Musa. M. Mar-
cellus dies. Ti. Caesar quaestor.
22 43 The conspiracy of Fannius Caepio and Licinius
Murena is detected and punished. Augustus
goes to Sicily.
2 1 44 Lollius consul. Augustus declines the other con-
sulship. After some delay and disturbances at
Rome Lepidus is elected consul. M. Agrippa
marries Julia. Augustus winters at Samos.
20 45 Augustus visits Asia and Syria. Prahates king
of the Parthians sends back the prisoners and
standards taken from Crassus. Tigranes is re-
stored to the kingdom of Armenia by Tiberius.
Agrippa finally subdues the Cantabri. Au-
gustus again winters at Samos.
If) 46 Augustus returns to Rome on Oct. 12. An altar
is erected to Fortuna Redux. Death of Vergil.
18 47 'Lex'^ViWa^ de??iarita}idis ordi7iihus. Tiberius gover-
nor of Gaul.
1 7 48 Ludi Saeculares. Agrippa leaves for the East.
16 49 Defeat of Lollius by German tribes. Tiberius
(praetor) accompanies Augustus to Gaul.
15 50 Augustus in Gaul. Tiberius and his brother
Drusus defeat the Raeti and Vindelici. Peace
made with the Germans.
14 51 Defeat of the Pannonians.
13 52 Tiberius consul. Augustus returns from Gaul to
Rome on July 4th. Altar erected to Pax. Dru-
sus left in charge of Gaul. Agrippa returns
from the East.
12 53 Augustus becomes Pontifex Maximus. Death of
Agrippa. Tiberius, governor of Illyricum, de-
feats the Pannonians. Drusus sails down the
Rhine, subdues the Frisians and defeats the
Chauci.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xxxiii
AGE OF
B.C. HORACE.
II 54 Tiberius marries Julia, and carries on war with the
Dahiiatians and Pannonians. Drusus erects forts
in Germany, and returns to Rome to take the
praetorship.
lo 55 Augustus visits Lugdunum (Lyons). An altar
erected to him there on July i. Tiberius and
Drusus carry on war.
9 56 Augustus returns to Rome on Jan. 30. Tiberius
has an ovatio for his successes. Drusus dies
from an accident.
8 57 Tiberius governor of Gaul. Death of Maecenas,
and of Horace on Nov. 27, a few days before
he had completed his 57th year.
W. H.
a = KelIer's ist class, a', a" divided evidence of this class.
;8= ,, 2nd class. /3', /3" ,, ,, ,,
7= ,, 3rd class. 7, 7" ,, ,, „
w, all MSS. w the great majority of good MSS. S" some
MSS.
B = Bentley: 0 = Orelli.
K = Keller" : M = Munro.
Ce^^c^t^^
^^^^ . <U^^</^.'^£^.
Q. HORATI FLACCI
EPISTULARUM
LICER PRIMUS.
I.
Prima dicte mihi, summa dicende Camena, /'Cl.U^
spectatum satis et donatum iam rude quaeris, Y. fi^^-tA
Maecenas, iterum antiquo me includere ludo.
Non eadem est aetas, non mens. Veianius, armis
Herculis ad postem fixis, latet abditus agro, 5
ne populum extrema totiens exoret harena.
Est mihi purgatam crebro qui personet aurem,
' solve senescentem mature sanus equum, ne
tf' ' ' , peccet ad extremum ridendus et ilia ducat.'
Nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono: 10
quid verum atque decens euro et rogo et omnis in
j( hoc sum:
,^ II condo et compono quae mox depromere possim.
«;rAc ne forte roges quo me duce, quo lare tuter,
f/ \\ nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri lu^-^
quo me cumque rapit tempestas deferor hospes.- 15
Nunc agilis fio et mersor civilibus undis,
I. — 6. exorei a^y: exo)-net y". 14. acfJicfus ^'y:
addiictiis a/3". 16. 7iuTsor w': vcrsor Aldus, Obbarius etc.
I — 2
0
4 HORATI EPISTULARUM [I. 17—
virtutis verae custos rigidusque satelles,
^ nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor
et mihi res non me rebus subiungere conor._jJ
Ut nox longa quibus mentitur arnica diesque 20
longa videtur opus debentlbus, ut piger ann^s • j.
pupillis quos dura premit custodia matrum, , ', -^ A-t ::/."
sic mihi tarda fluunt ingrataque tempora quae spem
consiliumque morantur agendi naviter id quod ■^'/-•-■'^
aequo pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aeque, 25
aeque neglectum pueris senibusque nocebit.
Restat ut his ego me ipse regam solerque elementis.
Non possis oculo quantum contendere Lynceus,
non tamen idcirco contemnas hppus inungui; ^.Z,;,^
nee, quia desperes invicti membra Glyconis, Z'^Jt^yU^
nodosa corpus nolis prohibere cheragra.
Est quadam prodire tejius, si non datur ultra. ^
Fervet avaritia miseroque cupidine pectus :
sunt verba et voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem
possis et magnam morbi deponere partem. 35
Laudis amore tumes : sunt certa piacula quae te
ter pure lecto poterunt recreare libello.
Invidus, iracundus, iners, vinosus, amator,
nemo adeo ferus est ut non mitescere possit, j
si modo culturae patientem commodet aurem. 40
Virtus est vitium fugere et sapientia prima
stultitia caruisse. Vides, quae maxima credis
esse mala, exiguum censum turpemque repulsam,
quanto devites animi capitisque labore; _
inpiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, 45
28. octdo (J OKM : oailos B. 32. quadam a'^'y' OKMB :
quodam a"^"y". -, ' „
I. 73.] LIBER I. 5
per mare pauperiem fugicns, per saxa, per ignis :
ne cures ea, quae stulte miraris et optas,
discere et audire et mcliori credere non vis?
Quis circum pagos et circum conipita pugnax
magna coronari contemnat Olympia, cui spes, 50
cui sit condicio dulcis sine pulvere palniae g^
Vilius argentum est auro, virtutibus aurum.
' O cives, cives, quaerenda pecunia primum est ;
J virtus post nummos : ' haec larms summus ab imo
prodocet, haec r_eciniuit iuvenes dictata senesque 55
laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto.
Est animus tibi, sunt mores, est lingua fidesque, ■'■ ' • '^
■ sed quadringentis sex septem milia desunt :
plebs eris. At pueri ludentes 'rex eris' aiunt,
'si recte facies.' Hie mums aeneus esto, 60
nil conscire sibi, nulla pallescere culpa.
/ Roscia, die sodes, melior lex an puerorum est 6 / '^ • "
nenia quae regnum recte facientibus offert,
et maribus Curiis et decantata Camillis ?
Isne tibi melius suadet qui, rem facias, rem, 65
si possis, recte, si non, quocumque mode rem,
ut propius spectesTlacrimosa poemata Pupi,
an qui Fortunae te responsare superbae
liberum et erectum praesens hortatur et aptat?
Quodsi me populus Romanus forte roget cur 70
non ut porticibus sic iudiciis fruar isdem, ' ."i^t<^ j.*-';.
nee sequar aut fu^iam quae diligit ipse vel edit, • '
dim quod volpes aegroto cauta leoni
48. discere Oj3 : diccre y. 56. /uinc versum hahent codices
omnes. 58. 7nilia w. destm^ a^y' KM : dcsint y"B. 72.
aut a^: ety',acy". 73. volpes y' : vulpes a§y".
6 HORATI EPISTULARUM [I. 74—
respondit referam : ' quia me vestigia terrent,
omnia te adversum spectantia, nulla retrorsum.' 75
i^X*" Belua multorum es capitum. Nam quid sequar aut
quem?
A pars hominum gestit conducere publica; sunt qui
«'»*-*-■■ . . ... - — " "
frustis et pomis viduas venentur avaras,
excipiantque senes quos in vivaria mittant ;
multis occulto crescit res fenr>re. Verum 80
\ esto aliis alios rebus studiisque teneri:
idem eadem possunt horam durare probantes? , rr n
'Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis praelucet amoenis'y '"* ,■77-/
si dixit dives, lacus et mare sentit amorem T
festinantis eri : cui si vitiosa libido 85
fecerit auspicium, eras ferramenta Teanum
tolletis, fabri. Lectus genialis in aula est :
nil ait esse prius, melius nil caelibe vita:
si non est, iurat bene solis esse maritis.
Quo teneam voltus mutantem Protea node?,, / 90^ ,,
./<<.v/Quid pauper? ride: mutat cenacula, lectos, ' - ■ -^
balnea, tonsores, conducto navigio aequo
v/ nauseat ac locuples quem ducit priva triremis^,^ •xivM
Si curatus inaequali tonsore capillos ^
occurro, rides ; si forte subucula pexae 95
trita subest tunicae vel si toga dissidet impar,
rides : quid, mea cum pugnat sententia secum,
quod petiit spernit, repetit quod nuper omisit,
aestuat et vitae disconvenit ordine toto,
diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis? 100
78. fi-iistis (J K : crustis BMO. 85. eri w'. 95.
occurri w' KM : occiinv B. 97. secum a/37' • }'i^<:'i^!i '/'•
1//
yU.U '^''f^''
II. IS-] LIBER I. 7
Insanire putas sollemnia me neque rides,
nee medici credis nee curatoris egere
a praetore dati, rerum tutela mcarum
<»ucx4jcum sis et prave sectum stomacheris ob ungucm
jde te pendentis, te respicientis amici. 105
' Ad summam, sapiens uno minor est love, dives,
liber, honoratus, pulcher, rex denique regum,
praecipue sanus, nisi cum pituita molesta est.
Troiani belli scriptorem, Ma^ime Lolli,
dum tu declamas Romae, Praeneste relegi :
qui quid sit pulchrijrn, quid ti^rpe, quid utile, quid non,
planius ac melius Chrysippo et Crantore dicit. "
Cur ita crediderim, nisi quid te distinet, audi. 5
t*^6 Fabula, qua Paridis propter narratur amorem
Graecia barbariae lento coUisa duello,
stultorum regum et populorum continet aestus.
^ y^ Antenor censet belli praecidere causam. ■
Qufd Paris? Ut salvus regnet vivatque beatus, 10
cogi posse negat. Nestor componere litis
inter Peliden festinat et inter Atriden :
hunc amor, ira quidem communiter urit utrumque.
Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi.
1/4*^ Seditione, dolis, scelere atque libidine et ira 15
loi. sollemnia (J . 105. respicientis w. sitspicicntis 'Q.
II. — I. lilaxime KM : viaxi7ne O etc. 4. planiics ayS
KM: plenitis y§. 5. distitiet a'y' K: deiinei a"^ M. 8.
aestus a^ KM : aestiiniy. 10. ijuid a^ KM : t/teodyB.
2.^fi3-'Kr
8 IIORATI EPISTULARUM [II. i6—
Iliacos intra muros peccatur et extra.
Rursus quid virtus et quid sapientia possit,
utile proposuit nobis exemplar Ulixen,
qui domitor Troiae multorum providus urbis
et mores hominum inspexit latumque per aequor, ro
dum sibi, dum sociis reditum parat, aspera multa
pertulit, adversis rerum immersabilis undis.
Sirenum voces et Circae pocula iiosti :
quae si cum sociis stultus cupidusque bibisset,
sub domina meretrice fuisset turpis et excors, 25
vixisset canis inmundus vel amica luto sus.
Nos numerus sumus et fruges consumere nati, wjU- ^4maA
sponsi Penelopae nebulones, Alcinoique •^^-'^luY^
in cute curanda plus aequo operata iuventus,
cui pulchrum fuit in medios dormire dies et 30
ad strepitum citharae cessatum ducere gukihi. ^ C'^v^-**-^/*-^*^
Ut iugulent hominem surgunt de nocte latrones :
ut te ipsum serves non expergisceris ? Atqui
si noles sanus, curres hydropicus; et ni
posces ante diem librum cum lumine, si non 35
intendes animum studiis et rebus honestis,
invidia vel amore vigil torquebere. Nam cur
quae laedunt oculum festinas demere, siquid
t^j est animum differs curandi tempus in annum ?
Dimidium facti qui coepit habet: sapere aude : 40
incipe. Qui recte vivendi prorogat horam,
18. Ulixat ay. Ulixem^. 23. Circae^. 31. ces-
satum KMO : cessaniem S" B. curam a^'y KMO : sommtin
/3" VB. 32. hominem S" BKM : homines O. 34. notes 5".
curres Oj3 : cures y. 38. ociibun a'^y BOKM : ocidos a".
4 1 . qui recte vivendi 7" BOMK (?) : vivendi qui recte a^y'.
II. 68.] LIBER I. 9
rusticus exspectat dum defluat amnis : at ille
labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevum.
Quaeritur argentum puerisque beata creandis
uxor et incultae pacantur vomere silvae.. 45
Quod satis est cui contingit, nihil amplius optet.
Non domus et fundus, non aeris acervus et auri
aegroto domini deduxit corpora febris,
non animo curas : valeat possessor oportet,
si comportatis rebus bene cogitat uti. 50
Qui cupit aut metuit, iuvat ilium sic domus et res
ut lippum pictae tabulae, fomenta podagram,
auriculas citharae collecta sorde dolentis.
Sincerum est nisi vas, quodcumque infundis acescit.
Sperne voluptates: nocet empta dolore voluptas. 55
Semper avarus eget : certum voto pete finem.
Invidus alterius macrescit rebus opimis :
invidia Siculi non invenere tyranni
maius tormentum. Qui non moderabitur irae,
infectum volet esse dolor quod suaserit et mens, 60
dum poenas odio per vim festinat inulto.
Ira furor brevis est: animum rege; qui nisi paret,
imperat : hunc frenis^ hunc tu compesce catena.
Fingit equum tenera docilem cervice magister
ire viam qua monstret eques: venaticus, ex quo 65
tempore cervinam pellem latravit in aula,
militat in silvis catulus. Nunc adbibe puro
pectore verba puer, nunc te melioribus offer.
46. contingit a^y' BOKM : contigit is V. 48. fedris 7*,
febres ^y" : febrem a. 52. podagram w' KOM : podagnivi B
59. irae ajSy' : iram 7". 61. catena ay : catcnis /3. 65
qtia BOKM : quam w'.
/ 1 1*^ -w
lo HORATI EPISTULARUM [11. 69—
Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem
testa diu. Quodsi cessas aut strenuus anteis, 70
nee tardum opperior nee praecedentibus insto.
III.
lull Flore, quibus terrarum militet oris
Claudius August! privignus, scire laboro,
Thracane vos Hebrusque nivali compede vinctus,
an freta vicinas inter currentia turres,
an pingues Asiae campi collesque morantur? 5
Quid studiosa cohors operum struit ? Hoc quoque euro.
Quis sibi res gestas August! scribere sumit?
Bella quis et paces longum diffundit in aevum?
Quid Titius, Romana brevi venturus in ora?
Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus, 10
fastidire lacus et rivos ausus apertos.
Ut valet? Ut meminit nostri? Fidibusne Latinis
Thebanos aptare modos studet auspice Musa,
an tragica desaevit et ampuUatur in arte?
Quid mihi Celsus agit? monitus multumque mo-
nendus, 15
privatas ut quaerat opes et tangere vitet
scripta Palatinus quaecumque recepit Apollo,
ne, si forte suas repetitum venerit olim
grex avium plumas, moveat cornicula risum
furtivis nudata coloribus. Ipse quid audes? 20
Quae circumvolitas agilis thyma? Non tibi parvum
ingenium, non incultum est et turpiter hirtum:
III.— 4. turres r OKM: terras VB. 22. et 0/37'
BOKAI: ncci'.
IV. 9-] LIBER I. 1 1
seu linguam causls acuis, seu civica iura
respondere paras, seu condis amabile carmen,
prima feres hederae victricis praemia. Quodsi 25
frigida curarum fomenta relinquere posses,
quo te caelestis sapientia duceret, ires.
Hoc opus, hoc studium parvi properemus et ampli,
si patriae volumus, si nobis vivere cari,
Debes hoc etiam rescribere, sit tibi curae 30
quantae conveniat IMunatius. An male sarta
gratia nequiquam coit et rescinditur, ac vos
seu cahdus sanguis seu rerum inscitia vexat
indomita cervice feros? Ubicumque locorum
vivitis, indigni fraternum rumpere foedus, 35
pascitur in vestrum reditum votiva iuvenca.
Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide iudex,
quid nunc te dicam facere in regione Pedana?
Scribere quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat, <^' . '^7
an taciturn silvas inter reptare salubris, , ■" '• ■ ^' J^
curantem quicquid dignum sapiente bonoque est ? 5
.Ui -Non tu corpus eras sine pectore : di tibi formam,
di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi.
Quid voveat dulci nutricula mains alumno, -? t-""-^ .T-w^.v/i-iC
qui sapere et fari possit quae sentiat, et cui
30. sit w' KM : si BO. 32. ac ff" BKM : at O. 33.
seu — seu BOKM : heu — heu S".
IV. — 5. boiioqtte a^y' : bottumque y" . 6. eras w. 7
dedenmt ay BOKM : dederant )3. 9. qui a'y BOKM : quam
12 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [IV. lo—
gratia, fama, valetudo contingat abunde, lo
. y ^ et mundus victus, non deficiente crumena P^'J <-<-^-^
Inter spem curamque, timores inter et iras '
omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum :
grata., superveniet quae non sperabitur hora.
Me pinguem et nitidum bene curata cute vises, 15
cum ridere voles, Epicuri de grege pore um.
V.
Si potes Archiacis conviva recumbere lectis
nee modica cenare times holus omne patella,
supremo te sole domi, Torquate, manebo.
Vina bibes iterum Tauro diffusa palustris
inter Minturnas Sinuessanumque Petrinum. 5
Si melius quid habes, arcesse; vel imperium fer.
landudum splendet focus et tibi munda supellex.
Mitte levis spes et certamina divitiarum
et Moschi causam: eras nato Caesare festus
dat veniam somnumque dies; impune licebit 10
aestivam sermone benigno tendere noctem.
Quo mihi fortunam, si non conceditur uti?
Parcus ob heredis curam nimiumque severus
adsidet insano. Potare et spargere flores
incipiam patiarque vel inconsultus haberi. 15
Quid non ebrietas dissignat? Operta recludit,
II. el fnundus a^y': et modus et y" ; et damns et H. crtt-
h'lena j3 BOM : crwiima ay K.
V. — 6. si w. II. aestivam w' BOK: festivam M Meineke.
12. quo S" : quid. fortitnam o!^'y BOK: fortuiia a"/3" M.
16. dissignat codd. opt. KM : dcsignat BO.
VI. 9-] LIBER L 13
spes iubet esse ratas, ad proelia trudit inertem,
soUicitis animis onus eximit, addocet artis.
Fecundi calices quern non feccre disertum?
contracta quern non in paupertate solutum? 20
Haec ego procuiare et idoneus imperor et non
invitus, ne turpe toral, ne sordida mappa
corruget naris, ne non et candiarus et lanx
ostendat tibi te, ne fidos inter amicos
sit qui dicta foras eliminet, ut coeat par 25
iungaturque pari. Butram tibi Septiciumque
et nisi cena prior potiorque puella Sabinum
detinet adsumam. Locus est et pluribus umbris:
sed nimis arta premunt olidae convivia caprae.
rTu quotus esse velis rescribe et rebus omissis ' 30
atria servantem postico falle clientem.
VI.
Nil admirari prope res est una, Numici,
solaque quae possit facere et servare beatum.
Hunc solem et Stellas et decedentia certis
tempora momentis sunt qui formidine nulla
imbuti spectent. Quid censes munera terrae? 5
quid maris extremos Arabas ditantis et Indos?
ludicra quid, plausus et amici dona Quiritis?
quo spectanda modo, quo sensu credis et ore?
Qui timet his adversa, fere miratur eodem
17. inertem ^y BOKM : inermem a^'. 19. Jcaindi
a'/Sy BOKM : facundi ol'^'y". 26. Btctram...Septicmfnque
S" BOKM : Brutwn Septimhwrque. 28. adsumam BOKM :
ad stimmatn w'.
14 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [VI. lo—
quo cupiens pacto: pavor est utrobique molestus, lo
improvisa simul species exterret utrumque.
Gaudeat an doleat, cupiat metuatne, quid ad rem,
si, quicquid vidit melius peiusque sua spe,
defixis oculis animoque et corpore torpet?
Insani sapiens nomen ferat, aequus iniqui, 15
ultra quam satis est virtutem si petat ipsam.
I nunc, argentum et marnior vetus aeraque et artis
suspice, cum gemmis Tyrios mirare colores;
gaude quod spectant oculi te mille loquentem;
navus mane forum et vespertinus pete tectum, 20
ne plus frumenti dotalibus emetat agris
Mutus et (indignum, quod sit peioribus ortus)
hie tibi sit potius quam tu mirabilis illi.
Quicquid sub terra est, in apricum proferet aetas,
defodiet condetque nitentia. Cum bene notum 25
porticus Agrippae et via te conspexerit Appi,
ire tamen restat Numa quo devenit et Ancus.
Si latus aut renes morbo temptantur acuto,
quaere fugam morbi. Vis recte vivere: quis non?
Si virtus hoc una potest dare, fortis omissis 30
hoc age deliciis. Virtutem verba putas et
lucum ligna: cave ne portus occupet alter,
ne Cibyratica, ne Bithyna negotia perdas;
mille talenta rotundentur, totidem altera, porro et
tertia succedant, et quae pars quadrat acervum. 35
VI. — II. exterret w. ^x/d-z-wa/ Jacobsius. 13. pehisve S"
EOK : peiusque M. 16. pctat 5" BOKM : petet a. 20.
navHS r OKM : gnavus B. 22. Mtitus et r BOKIM : Mu-
cins. 31. putas w OK: piites BM. et w' BOKM: ut.
35. quadrat a/3' OKM : quadrct ^"y B.
Vr. 62.] LIBER I. 15
Scilicet uxorem cum dote fidemque et amicos
et genus et formam regina Pecunia donat
ac bene nummatum decorat Suadela Venusque.
Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex:
ne fueris hie tu. Chlamydes Lucullus, ut aiunt, 40
si posset centum scaenae praebere rogatus,
' qui possum tot ? ' ait : ' tamen et quaeram et quot
habebo
mittam.' Post paullo scribit sibi milia quinque
esse domi chlamydum; partem vel tolleret omnis
Exilis domus est ubi non et multa supersunt 45
et dominum fallunt et prosunt furibus. Ergo
si res sola potest facere et servare beatum,
hoc primus repetas opus, hoc postremus omittas.
Si fortunatum species et gratia praestat,
mercemur servum qui dictet nomina, laevum 50
qui fodicet latus et cogat trans pondera dextram
porrigere: 'hie multum in Fabia valet, ille Velina;
cui libet hie fascis dabit eripietque curule
cui volet inportunus ebur.' Fratcr, pater adde;
ut cuique est aetas, ita quemque focetus adopta. 55
Si bene qui cenat bene vivit, lucet, eamus
quo ducit gula, piscemur, venemur, ut olim
Gargilius, qui mane plagas, venabula, servos,
differtum transire forum populumque iubebat,
unus ut e multis populo spectante referret 60
emptura mulus aprum. Crudi tumidique lavemur,
quid deceat quid non obliti, Caerite cera
48. primus aj3 BOKM : primum y. 50. laevum BOKM :
saevnm S". 51. fodicet S" V,QYM. : fodiat. 53. hie a^y'
OKM : is y" B. 59. populumque w OKM : Campumque B.
1 6 HORATI EPISTULARUM [VI. (^i—
digni, remigium vitiosum Ithacensis Ulixi,
cui potior patria fuit interdicta voluptas.
Si, Mimnermus uti censet, sine amore iocisque 65
nil est iucundum, vivas in amore iocisque.
Vive, vale. Siquid novisti rectius istis,
Candidas imperti; si non, his utere mecum.
VII. i
Quinque dies tibi poUicitus me rure futurum,
/Sex^tilem totum mendax desideror. Atqul^
si me vivere vis sanum recteque valentem, ■',
quam mihi das aegro, dabis aegrotare timenti,-^ - ' ■■■^ ' '^^^
Maecenas, veniam, dum ficus prima calorque 5
dissignatorem decorat lictoribus atris,
dum pueris omnis pater et matercula pallet,
officiosaque sedulitas et opella forensis
adducit febris et testamenta resignat.
Quodsi bruma nivis Albanis illinet agris, 10
ad mare descendet vates tuus et sibi parcet
contractusque leget: te, dulcis amice, reviset
cum zephyris, si concedes, et hirundine prima.
Non quo more piris vesci Calaber iubet hospes
tu me fecisti locupletem. 'Vescere sodes.' 15
' lam satis est.' 'At tu quantum vis telle.' 'Benigne.'
'Non invisa feres pueris munuscula parvis.'
'Tam teneor dono quam si dimittar onustus.'
64. patria a/37' BOKM : patriae 7". 68. $i non S"
BOM : si nil K.
VII. — 2. atqui /3' BOKM : atgtce a.§!'y. 6. dissigna-
torem KM : designatorem BO.
/.
/-
VII. 45.] LIBER I. 17
*Ut libet: haec porcis hodie comedenda relinques.'
Prodigus et stultus donat quae spcrnit et odit : 20
haec seges ingratos tulit et feret omnibus annis.
Vir bonus et sapiens dignis ait esse paratus :
nee tamen ignorat quid distent aera lupinis.
Dignum praestabo me etiam pro laude merentis.
Quodsi me noles usquam discedere, reddes 25
forte latus, nigros angusta fronte capillos,
reddes dulce loqui, reddes ridere decorum et
inter vina fugam Cinarae maerere protervae. ->**/v»*''^vt«/'
Forte per angustam tenuis volpecula rimam • u'a. -..."-^ •'- ^
repserat m cumeram frumenti, pastaque rursus 30
ire foras pleno tendebat corpore frustra.
Cui rnustela procul 'si vis' ait 'efifugere istinc, - ^-•l'
macra cavum repetes artum, quem macra subisti.'
Hac ego si compellor imagine, cuncta resigno;
nee somnum plebis laudo satur altilium, nee 35
otia divitiis Arabum Uberrima muto.^
iSaepe verecundum laudasti, rexque paterque
audisti coram, nee verbo parcius absens : tcf^-^^ /u^>^4^
inspice si possum donata reponere laetus. . _-:,,r,./^ ^c/
Haud male Telemachus, proles patientis Ulixi, 40
*non est aptus equis Ithace locus, ut neque planis
porrectus spatiis nee multae prodigus herbae :
Atride, magis apta tibi tua dona relinquam.'
Parvum parva decent : mihi iam non regia Roma,
sed vacuum Tibur placet aut inbelle Tarentum. 45
19. reli It jues r BOKM : relinqtiis. 22. faratus a'^y
BOKM: para turn a" ^". 29. volpecula u i^mfcduJaB. 34.
compellor S" : compcllar. 40. patientis 5" : saptentis, Ulixi
a'p'M: UlixeiyOB. 41. It/iace S'KOBM: Ithacae.
W. H. 2
1 8 HO RATI EPI^TULARUM [VII. 46—
Strenuus et fortis causisque Philippus agendis
clarus, ab officiis octavam circiter horam
dum redit atque foro nimium distare Carinas ^
iam grandis natu queritur, conspexit, ut aiunt,
adrasum quendam vacua tonsoris in umbra 50
cultello proprios purgantem leniter unguis.
'Demetri' (puer hie nqn_laeve iussa Philippi
accipiebat), 'abi, quaere et refer, unde domo, quis,
cuius fortunae, quo sit patre quove patrono.'
It, redit et narrat, Volteium nomine Menam, 55
praeconem, tenui censu, sine crimine, notum
et properare loco et cessare et quaerere et uti,
gaudentem parvisque sodalibus et lare certo
et ludis et post decisa negotia campo. .<'
'Scitari libet ex ipso quodcumque refers: die 60
ad cenam veniat.' Non sane credere Mena,
mirari secum tacitus. Quid multa? 'Benigne'
respondet. 'Neget ille mihi?' 'Negat improbus et te
neglegit aut horret.' Volteium mane Philippus
vilia vendentem tunicato scruta popello 65
occupat et salvere iubet prior. Ille Philippo
excusare laborem et mercennaria vincla,
quod non mane domum venisset, denique quod non
providisset eum. 'Sic ignovisse putato
me tibi, si cenas hodie mecum.' 'Ut libet' 'Ergo 70
post nonam venies : nunc i, rem strenuus auge.'
Ut ventum ad cenam est, dicenda tacenda locutus
50. adrastim (J : ahrasum. 51. ptirgante?!i u' : resecan-
/^w Mavort. 56. notiim u! : natttm'Q. 58. certo w' :
ciirto B. 63. neget ^'y BOKM : negat OjS". 67. mercen-
naria w' KM : mercenaria BO. . -
VII. 98.] LIBER I. 19
tandem dormitum dimittitur. Hie ubi sacpe
occultum visus decurrere piscis ad hamum,
mane cliens et iam certus conviva, iubetur 75
rura suburbana indiclis comes ire Latinis. f
Inpositus mannis arvum caelumque Sabinum
non cessat laudare. Videt ridetque Philippus,
et sibi dum requiem, dum risus undique quaerit,, -
dum septem donat sestertia, mutua septem''A'^-^'-'^^^0''-?'*-^ ** '
promittit, persuadet uti mercetur agellum. .
Mercatur. Ne te longis anibagibus ultra"''
quam satis est mprer, ex nitido fit rusticus atque
sulcos et vineta crepat mera, praeparat ulmos,
ihmoritur studiis et amore senescit habendi. 85
Verum ubi oves furto, morbo periere capellae,
spem mentita seges, bos est enectus arando,
offensus damnis media de nocte caballum
arripit iratusque Philippi tendit ad aedis.
Quem simul adspexit scabrum intonsumque Phi-
lippus, 90
'durus' ait, 'Voltei, nimis attentusque videris
esse mihi.' 'Pol me miserum, patrone, vocares, > -
si velles' inquit 'verum mihi ponere nomen. ^ „
Quod te per "genium dextramque deosque Penatis ^ <i3\
obsecro et obtestor, vitae me redde priori.' 95
Qui semel adspexit quantum dimissa petitis
praestent, mature redeat repetatque relicta.
Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede verum est.
93. ponere o/3 BOMK : dicere 7. 96. semel EOMK :
simul w'.
/C u
2 — '2
HO RATI EPISTULARUM [VIII. I—
VIII.
Celso gaudere et bene rem gerere Albinovano
Musa rogata refer, comiti scribaeque Neronis.
Si quaeret quid agam, die multa et pulchra minantem
vivere nee recte nee suaviter : baud quia grando
contuderit vitis oleamque momorderit aestus, 5
nee quia longinquis armentum aegrotat in agris ;
sed quia mente minus validus quam corpora toto
nil audire velim, nil discere, quod levet aegrum;
fidis offandar medicis, irascar amicis,
cur me funesto properent arcera vaterno; 10
quae nocuare sequar, fugiam quae profora credam ;
Romae Tibur amem ventosus, Tibure Romam.
Post haec, ut valeat, quo pacto rem gerat et se,
ut placeat iuveni percontare utque cohorti.
Si dicet 'recte', primum gaudere, subinda 15
praeceptum auriculis hoc instillare memento,
'ut tu fortunam, sic nos te, Celsa, feremus.'
Villi, '
Septimius, Claudi, nimirum intellegit unus,
quanti me facias. Nam cum rogat et prece cogit
scilicet ut tibi se laudare et tradere coner,
dignum menta domoqua legentis honasta Neronis;
VIII. — 3. quaeret 5" BOMK : qiiaerit T. 5. olcai7iqne
w' OMK : oleamveB. 12. ventostis S" 'BOMK.', ventiirus
vet. Bl. 14. percontare w'.
IX. — I. intellegit J.
X. .16.] LIBER I. 2
munere cum fungi propioris censet amici;
quid possim videt ac novit me valdius ipso,
Multa quidem dixi cur excusatus abirem;
sed timui mea ne finxisse minora putarer,
dissimulator opis propriae, mihi commodus uni.
Sic ego, maioris fugiens opprobria culpae, i
frontis ad urbanae descendi praemia. Quodsi
depositum laudas ob amici iussa pudorem,
scribe tui gregis hunc et fortem crede bonumque.
X.
Urbis amatorem Fuscum salvere iubemus
ruris amatores. Hac in re scilicet una
multum dissimiles, at cetera paene gemelli,
fraternis animis, quidquid negat alter, et alter,
adnuimus pariter: vetuli notique columbi, 5
tu nidum servas, ego laudo ruris amoeni
rivos et musco circumlita saxa nemusque.
Quid quaeris? vivo et regno, simul ista reliqui
quae vos ad caelum fertis rumore secundo,
utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso, 10
pane egeo iam mellitis potiore placentis.
Vivere naturae si convenienter oportet
ponendaeque domo quaerenda est area primum,
novistine locum potiorem rure beato?
Est ubi plus tepeant hiemes, ubi gratior aura 15
leniat et rabiem canis et momenta leonis,
X.— 3. at BOMK : ad <J. 9. fertis w' BOK : effcrtis v,
M. 13. />oncnda£^»e ui' BOMK : ^o>iendai/u£ V Sa.uppe. .
22 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [X. 17—
cum semel accepit solem furibundus acutum ?
Est ubi divellat somnos minus invida cura?
Deterius Libycis olet aut nitet herba lapillis?
Purior in vicis aqua tendit rumpere plumbum, 20
quam quae per pronum trepidat cum murmure rivum?
Nempe inter varias nutritur silva columnas,
laudaturque domus longos quae prospicit agros.
Naturam expelles furca, tamen usque recurret
et mala perrumpet furtim fastidia victrix. 25
Non qui Sidonio contendere callidus ostro
nescit Aquinatem potantia vellera fucum,
certiuS accipiet damnum propiusve meduUis
quam qui non poterit vero distinguere falsum.
Quem res plus nimio delectavere secundae, 30
mutatae quatient. Siquid mirabere, pones
invitus. Fuge magna : licet sub paupere tecto
reges et regum vita praecurrere amicos.
Cervus equum pugna melior communibus herbis
pellebat, donee minor in certamine longo 35
imploravit opes hominis frenumque recepit.
Sed postquam victo ridens discessit ab hoste,
non equitem dorso, non frenum depulit ore.
Sic qui pauperiem veritus potiore metallis
libertate caret, dominum vehet inprobus atque 40
serviet aeternum, quia parvo nesciet uti.
Cui non conveniet sua res, ut calceus olim,
si pede maior erit, subvertet, si n!iinor, uret.
18. divellai p'y BOMK : depellata^'. 24. expelles iJ
BMK : expellas O. 25. fastidia r 'BOWiL: fastigia £":
uestigia S" Stallbaum. 37. victo ridens M : victor violens
w OK : violens victo B. 40. vehet w' KM : vehit BO.
XL 1 8.] LIBER I. 23
Laetus sorte tua vives sapienter, Aristi,
nee me dimittes incastigatum, ubi plura 45
cogere quam satis est ac non cessare videbor.
Imperat aut servit collecta pecunia cuique,
tortum digna sequi potius quam ducere funem.
I Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae/ lAA^it-u^A^
excepto quod non simul esses, cetera laetus. 50
XL
Quid tibi visa Chios, Bullati, notaque Lesbos,
quid concinna Samos, quid Croesi regia Sardis, '^''^ """'■^^
Zmyrna quid et Colophon? Maiora minora\^ lama,
cunctane prae campo et Tiberino flumine sordent?
An venit in votum Attalicis ex urbibus una^ 5
an Lebedum laudas odio maris atque viarum ?
'^Scis Lebedus quid sit/ Gabiis desertior atque
Fidenis vicus : tamen illic vivere vellem,
oblitusque meorum, obliviscendus et illis,
Neptunum procul e terra spectare furentem. — 10
Sed neque qui Capua Romam petit, imbre lutoque
adspersus, volet in caupona vivere ; nee qui
frigus collegit, furnos et balnea laudat
ut fortunatam plene praestantia vitam ;
nee si te validus iaetaverit Auster in alto, 15
ideireo navem trans Aegaeum mare vendas.
Ineolumi Rhodos et Mytilene pulchra facit quod
paenula solstitio, campestre nivalibus auris, <»^ *»w.,v«^
XI. — 2. Sardis w BOMK : Sardes. 3. Zntyrna w' MK :
Smyrna BO. minorave u' OMK : tninorane B. 17. Rho*
dos w': Rhodus,
24 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [XL 19—
per brumam Tiberis, Sextili mense camlnus.ivu.
Dum licet ac voltum servat Fortuna benignum 20
Romae laudetur Samos et Chios et Rhodes absens.
Tu quamcumque deus tibi fortunaverit horam
grata sume manu, neu dulcia differ in annum ;
ut, quocumque loco fueris, vixisse libenter
te dicas. Nam si ratio et prudentia curas, 25
non locus effusi late maris arbiter aufert,
caelum, non animum, mutant qui trans mare currunt.
Strenua nos exercet inertia ; navibus atque
quadrigis petimus bene vivere. Quod petis hie est,
est Ulubris, animus si te non deficit aequus. 30
XII.
Fructibus Agrippae Siculis, quos colligis, Icci,
si recte frueris, non est ut copia maior
ab love donari possit tibi. Tolle querellas :
pauper enim non est cui rerum suppetit usus.
Si ventri bene, si lateri est pedibusque tuis, nil 5
divitiae poterunt regales addere maius.
Si forte in medio positorum abstemius herbis
vivis et urtica, sic vives protinus ut te
confestim liquidus Fortunae rivus inauret,
vel quia naturam mutare pecunia nescit, 10
vel quia cuncta putas una virtute minora.
Miramur si Democriti pecus edit agellos
cultaquCj dum peregre est animus sine corpore velox ;
•23. neu u : nee,
XII. — 3. ab love w. querellas w' MK : querelas BO.
8. prolimis w : protenus B.
XIII. 10.] LIBER I. 25
cum tu inter scabiem tantam et contagia lucri
nil parvum sapias et adhuc sublimia cures, 15
quae mare conpescant causae, quid temperet annum,
stellae sponte sua iussaene vagentur et errent,
quid premat obscurum lunae, quid proferat orbem,
quid velit et possit rerum concordia discors,
Empedocles an Stertinium deliret acumen. 20
Verum seu piscis seu porrum et caepe trucidas,
utere Pompeio Grospho, et, siquid petet, ultro
defer : nil Grosphus nisi verum orabit et aequum,
Vilis amicorum est annona, bonis ubi quid deest.
Ne tamen ignores quo sit Roman a loco res, 25
Cantaber Agrippae, Claudi virtute Neronis
Armenius cecidit; ius imperiumque Prahates
Caesaris accepit genibus minor; aurea fruges
Italiae pleno defundit Copia cornu.
XIII.
Ut proficiscentem docui te saepe diuque,
Augusto reddes signata volumina, Vini,
si validus, si laetus erit, si denique poscet ;
ne studio nostri pecces odiumque libellis
sedulus inportes opera vehemente minister. 5
Si te forte meae gravis uret sarcina chartae,
abicito potius quam quo perferre iuberis
clitellas ferus inpingas Asinaeque paternum
cognomen vertas in risum et fabula fias.
Viribus uteris per clivos, flumina, lamas. 10
27. Prahates w' K: Phrahatcs INI : Phraates TjO. 29.
defundit T BOKM : dcftidit.
26 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [XIII. n—
Victor propositi simul ac perveneris illuc,
sic positum servabis onus, ne forte sub ala
fasciculum portes librorum ut rusticus agnum,
ut vinosa glomus furtivae Pyrria lanae,
ut cum pilleolo soleas conviva tribulis. 15
Ne voigo narres te sudavisse ferendo
carmina quae possint oculos aurisque morari
Caesaris. Oratus multa prece, nitere porro,
Vade, vale; cave ne titubes mandataque frangas.
XIV.
Vilice silvarum et mihi me reddentis agelli,
quem tu fastidis habitatum quinque focis et
quinque bonos solitum Variam dimittere patres,
certemus, spinas animone ego fortius an tu
evellas agro et melior sit Horatius an res. 5
Me quamvis Lamiae pietas et cura moratur,
fratrem maerentis, rapto de fratre dolentis
insolabiliter, tamen istuc mens animusque
fert et amat spatiis obstantia rumpere claustra.
Rure ego viventem, tu dicis in urbe beatum. 10
Cui placet alterius, sua nimirum est odio sors.
Stultus uterque locum inmeritum causatur inique :
in culpa est animus, qui se non efifugit umquam.
Tu mediastinus tacita prece rura petebas,
nunc urbem et ludos et balnea vilicus optas: 15
XIII. — 14. glomus iJ : glomos. Pyrria w. 15. pilleolo
w' KM : pileolo BO. 16. ne w' OKM : neu B.
XIV.— I. Vilice w' OKM : Villice B. 9. atnat w :
avet B.
XIV. 44] LIBER I. 27
me constare mihi scis et discedere tristem
quandocumque trahunt invisa negotia Romam.
Non eadem miramur: eo disconvenit inter
meque et te. Nam quae deserta et inhospita tesqua
credis, amoena vocat mecum qui sentit, et odit 20
quae tu pulchra putas. Fornix tibi et uncta popina
incutiunt urbis desiderium, video, et quod
angulus iste feret piper et tus ocius uva,
nee vicina subest vinum praebere taberna
quae possit tibi, nee meretrix tibicina, cuius 25
ad strepitum salias terrae gravis : et tamen urgues
iam pridem non tacta ligonibus arva bovemque
disiunctum curas et strictis frondibus exples :
' addit opus pigro rivus, si decidit imber,
multa mole docendus aprico parcere prato. 30
Nunc age, quid nostrum concentum dividat audi.
Quern tenues decuere togae nitidique capilli,
quem scis inmunem Cinarae placuisse rapaci,
quem bibulum liquidi media de luce Falerni,
cena brevis iuvat et prope rivurn somnus in herba. 35
Nee lusisse pudet, sed'iion'incidere ludum. \^
Non istic obliquo oculo mea commoda quisquani ^ ^ ".
limat, non odio obscuro morsuque venenat :^^^'/ r^''*
rident vicini glaebas et saxa moventem.^\W^ ,y^
Cum servis urbana diaria rodere mavis ; "' 40
Rorum tu in numerum voto ruis : invidet usum
lignorum et pecoris tibi calo argutus et horti.
Optat ephippia bos, piger optat arare caballus.
Quam scit uterque, libens, censebo, exerceat artem.
19. tesqua u BKM : Usm O. 23. tus to' BKM : tkus O.
39. glaebas KM : glcbas u' BO. 40. diaiia w' : cibaria
Mavort.
2S HO RATI EPISTULARUM [XV. i—
XV.
Quae sit hiemps Veliae, quod caelum, Vala, Salerni,
quorum hominum regio et qualis via (nam mihi Baias
Musa supervacuas Antonius, et tamen illis
me facit invisum, gelida cum perluor unda
per medium frigus. Sane murteta relinqui 5
dictaque cessantem nervis elidere morbum
sulpura contemni vicus gemit, invidus aegris
qui caput et stomachum supponere fontibus audent
Clusinis Gabiosque petunt et frigida rura.
Mutandus locus est et deversoria nota 10
praeteragendus equus. ' Quo tendis ? Non mihi
Cumas
est iter aut Baias' laeva stomachosus liabena
dicet eques : sed equis frenato est auris in ore);
maior utrum populum frumenti copia pascat ;
collectosne bibant imbris puteosne perenriis 15
iugis aquae (nam vina nihil moror illius orae.
Rure meo possum quidvis perferre patique :
ad mare cum veni, generosum et lene requiro,
quod curas abigat, quod cum spe divite manet
in venas animumque meum, quod verba ministret, 20
quod me Lucanae iuvenem commendet amicae);
tractus uter pluris lepores, uter educet apros;
utra magis piscis et echinos aequora celent,
pinguis ut inde domum possim Phaeaxque reverti,
XY. — I. hiemps w' M : hiems BOK. 5. murteta w'.
7. sulpura KM : sulphura O : sulfura B. 10. deversoria
5" BOKM : diversoria. 13. equis '&II: equi u' O^. 16.
iugis aj3'7 BOKM : dulcis p".
XVI. 2.] LIBER L 29
scribere te nobis, tibi nos accredere par est. 25
Maenius, ut rebus maternis atque paternis
fortiter absumptis urbanus coepit haberi
scurra, vagus, non qui certum praesepe teneret,
inpransus non qui civem dinosceret hoste,
quaelibet in quemvis opprobria fingere saevus, 30
pernicies et tempestas barathrumque macelli,
quicquid quaesierat, ventri donabat avaro.
Hie ubi nequitiae fautoribus et timidis nil
aut paullura abstulerat, patinas cenabat omasi,
vilis et agninae, tribus ursis quod satis esset; 35
scilicet ut ventres lamna candente nepotum
diceret urendos correctus Bestius : idem
quidquid erat nactus praedae maioris, ubi omne
verterat in fumura et cinerem, 'non hercule miror'
aiebat 'si qui comedunt bona, cum sit obeso 40
nil melius turdo, nil volva pulchrius ampla,'
Nimirum hie . ego sum. Nam tuta et parvola laudo,
cum res deficiunt, satis inter vilia fortis :
verum ubi quid melius contingit et unctius, idem
vos sapere et solos aio bene vivere, quorum 45
conspicitur nitidis fundata pecunia villis.
XVI.
Ne perconteris fundus meus, optime Quincti,
arvo pascat erum an bacis opulentet olivae,
32. donabat a/3'7 OKM : donarat /3" : donaret B. 37.
correctus T K : correptus T : corrector BOM. 38. quicquid
w' OKM : si quid B.
XVI. — I. Quincti v. KM : Qicinti w' BO. 2. erum a^
KM: 7 kej-um BO. bacis w' OKM : baccis B.
30 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [XVI. 3—
pomisne an pratis an amicta vitibus ulmo,
scribetur tibi forma loquaciter et situs agri. , -.
Continui montes, ni dissocientur opaca;- ^<^iY-^^^^^^T.
valle, sed ut veniens dextrum latus aspiciat sol,
laevum discedens curru fugiente vaporet.
Temperiem laudes. Quid, si rubicunda benigni
corna vepres et pruna ferant? si quercus et ilex
multa fruge pecus, multa dominum iuvet umbra ? 10
Dicas adductum propius frondere Tarentum^,' <^-<^J^'^
Fens etiam rivo dare nomen idoneus, ut nee
frigidior Thracam nee purior ambiat Hebrus,
infirmo capiti fluit utilis, utilis alvo.
Hae latebrae dulces etiam, si credis, amoenae 15
incolumem tibi me praestant Septembribus horis.
Tu recte vivis si curas esse quod audis.^
lactamus iam pridem omnis te Roma beatum :
sed vereor ne cui de te plus quam tibi credas,
neve putes alium sapiente bonoque beatum, 20
neu, si te populus sanum recteque valentem
dictitet, occultam febrem sub tempus edendi
dissimules, donee manibus tremor incidat unctis.
Stultorum incurata pudor malus ulcera celat.
Siquis bella tibi terra pugnata marique 25
dicat et his verbis vacuas permulceat auris,
' tene magis salvum populus velit an populum tu,
servet in ambiguo qui consulit et tibi et urbi
3. an pratis /3 BM : et pratis ay OK, 5. ni y BOM :
j?a/3K. 7. discede>ts (1)' OK : descendais S" '. decedens^y^..
8. benigni w' BOKM : benignae. 9. ferant — iuvet w OKM :
ferimt — iiivafB, si ^y 'BOKM : eta. 14. utilis, utilis
w' BOKM : aptus et tttilis. 15. etiam si credis (o OKM. : et
(iam si credis) 'B. 22. fbretn u'BK'M.: febrim O.
XVI. 54-] LIBER I. 31
luppiter,' August! laudes agnoscere possis:
cum pateris sapiens emendatusque vocari, 30
respondesne tuo, die sodes, nomine? 'Nempe
vir bonus et prudens dici delector ego ac tu.'
Qui dedit hoc hodie, eras, si volet, auferet, ut si
detulerit fascis indigno, detrahet idem,
'Pone, meum est' inquit : pono tristisque recede. 35
Idem si clamet furem, neget esse pudicum,
contendat laqueo coUum pressisse paternum,
mordear opprobriis falsis mutemque colores?
Falsus honor iuvat et mendax infamia terret
quem nisi mendosum et medicandum? Vir bonus
est quis? 40
* Qui consulta patrum, qui leges iuraque servat,
quo multae magnaeque secantur iudice lites,
quo res sponsore et quo causae teste tenentur.'
Sed videt hunc omnis domus et vicinia tota
introrsum turpem, speciosum pelle decora. 45
*Nec furtum feci nee fugi' si mihi dicat
servus, ' Habes pretium, loris non ureris' alo.
' Non hominem occidi.' Non pasces in cruee corvos.
'Sum bonus et frugi.' Renuit negitatque SabeUus.
Cautus enim metuit foveam lupus accipiterque 50
suspectos laqueos et opertum miluus hamum.
Oderunt peccare boni virtutis amore.
Tu nihil admittes in te formidine poenae:
sit spes fallen di, miscebis sacra profanis.
30. pateris a'y BOKM : poteris a" : cupias /3. 40. me-
dicandum w' BOKM : meitdacetn. 43. res sponsore VBOKM :
responsore w'. 45. introrsum a^ OK : itttrorsus BM : hunc
prorsus. 46. dicat w' OK : dicit BM. 49. negitatque a/3
BOKM : negat atque 7.
32 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [XVI. 55—
Nam de mille fabae modiis cum surripis unum, 55
damnum est, non facinus, mihi pacto lenius isto.
Vir bonus, omne forum quem spectat et omne tri-
bunal,
quandocumque deos vel porco vel bove placat,
' lane pater ' clare, clare cum dixit ' Apollo,'
labra movet metuens audiri 'pulchra Laverna, 60
da mihi fallere, da iusto sanctoque videri,
noctem peccatis et fraudibus obice nubem.'
Qui melior servo, qui liberior sit avarus,
in triviis fixum cum se demittit ob assem,
non video. Nam qui cupiet, nietuet quoque: porro 65
qui metuens vivet, liber mihi non erit umquam.
Perdidit arma, locum virtutis deseruit, qui
semper in augenda festinat et obruitur re.
Vendere cum possis captivum, occidere noli:
serviet utiliter: sine pascat durus aretque, 70
naviget ac mediis hiemet mercator in undis,
annonae prosit, portet frumenta penusque.
Vir bonus et sapiens audebit dicere ' Pentheu,
rector Thebarum, quid me perferre patique
indignum coges?' 'Adimam bona.' 'Nempe pecus,
rem, 75
lectos, argentum. Tollas licet.' 'In manicis et
compedibus saevo te sub custode tenebo.'
' Ipse deus, simul atque volam, me solvet.' Opinor
hoc sentit, 'moriar.' Mors ultima linea rerum est.
61. iusto sanctoque S" BOKM : iustum sanctumque r.
66. vivet w' OKM : vivit B. 72. penusque w' BOKM :
penumque.
XVII. 26.] LIB. I. EPIST. XVII. n
XVII,
Quamvis, Scaeva, satis per te tibl consulis et scis
quo tandem pacto deceat maioribus uti,
disce, docendus adhuc quae censet amiculus, ut si
caecus iter monstrare velit; tamen adspice siquid
et iios quod cures proprium fecisse loquamur. 5
Si te grata quies et primam somnus in horam
delectat, si te pulvis strepitusque rotarum,
si laedit caupona, Ferentinum ire iubebo.
Nam neque divitibus contingunt gaudia solis,
nee vixit male, qui natus moriensque fefellit. 10
Si prodesse" tuis paulloque benignius ipsum
te tractare voles, accedes siccus ad unctum.
'Si pranderet holus patienter, regibus uti
noUet Aristippus.' 'Si sciret regibus uti,
fastidiret holus qui me notat.' Utrius horum 15
verba probes et facta doce, vel iunior audi
cur sit Aristippi potior sententia, Namque
mordacem Cynicum sic eludebat, ut aiunt:
'Scurror ego ipse mihi, populo tu: rectius hoc et
splendidius multo est. Equus ut me portet, alat
rex, 20
officium facio: tu poscis vilia, verum
dante minor, quamvis fers te nullius egentem.'
Omnis Aristippum decuit color et status et res,
temptantem maiora, fere praesentibus aequum.
Contra, quern duplici panno patientia velat, 25
mirabor, vitae via si conversa decebit.
XVII.— 8. laedit ^ QYM. : u' laeJet B. 21. vilia rem m
BOM : vilia, vertim w' : vilia, verumj S" K.
W H. X
34 HORATI EPJSTULARUM.[XYll.2^—
A\\.QY purpureum non exspectabit amictum,
quidlibet indutus celeberrima per loca vadet,
personamque feret non inconcinnus utramque:
alter Mileti textam cane peius et angui 30
vitabit chlamydem; morietur frigore si non
rettuleris pannum. Refer et sine vivat ineptus.
Res gerere, et captos ostendere civibus hostis,
attingit solium lovis et caelestia temptat.
Principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est, 35
Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum.
Sedit qui timuit ne non succederet: esto.
Quid? qui pervenit, fecitne viriliter? Atqui
hie est aut nusquam quod quaerimus. Hie onus
horret,
ut parvis animis et parvo corpore mains: 40
hie subit et perfert. Aut virtus nomen inanest,
aut decus et pretium recte petit experiens vir.
Coram rege sua de paupertate tacentes
plus poscente ferent. Distat sumasne pudenter
an rapias: atqui rerum caput hoc erat, hie fons. 45
'Indotata mihi soror est, paupercula mater,
et fundus nee vendibilis nee pascere firmus'
qui dicit, clamat 'victum date.' Suecinit alter
*et mihii'dividuo findetur munere quadra.
Sed tacitus pasci si posset corvus, haberet 50
plus dapis et rixae multo minus invidiaeque.
Brundisium comes aut Surrentum ductus amoenum
qui queritur salebras et acerbum frigus et imbris,
aut cistam effractam et subducta viatica plorat,
nota refert meretricis acumina, saepe catellam, 55
30. angui Priscian BM : augue w' OK. 43. sua BM :
sua w' OK.
XVIII. 19-] LIB. I. EPIST. XVIII. 35
saepe periscelidem raptam sibi flentis, uti mox
nulla fides damnis verisque doloribus adsit.
Nee semel inrisus triviis attollere curat
fracto crura planum. Licet illi plurima manet
lacrima, per sanctum iuratus dicat Osirim 60
'credite, non ludo: crudeles, tollite claudum:'
'quaere peregrinum' vicinia rauca reclamat.
XVIII.
Si bene te novi, metues, liberrime Lolli,
scurrantis speciem praebere, professus amicum.
Ut matrona meretrici dispar erit atque
discolor, infido scurrae distabit amicus.
Est huic diversum vitio vitium prope maius, 5
asperitas agrestis et inconcinna gravisque,
quae se commendat tonsa cute, dentibus atris,
dum volt libertas dici mera veraque virtus.
Virtus est medium vitiorum et utrimque reductum.
Alter in obsequium plus aequo pronus, et imi 10
derisor lecti, sic nutum divitis horret,
sic iterat voces et verba cadentia tollit,
ut puerum saevo credas dictata magistro
reddere vel partis mimum tractare secundas :
alter rixatur de lana saepe caprina, 15
propugnat nugis armatus : ' scilicet ut non
sit mihi prima fides et vere quod placet ut non
acriter elatrem? pretium aetas altera sordet.'
Ambigitur quid enim? Castor sciat an Docilis plus;
XVIII. — 15. rixatur u)V>0^: rixatoryiwx&iYi. caprina,
et B. 19. Docilis u BK: Dolichos OM.
2,6 HORATI EPISTULARUM. [XVIII. 20—
Brundisium Minuci melius via ducat an Appi. 20
Quern damnosa Venus, quem praeceps alea nudat,
gloria quem supra vires et vestit et unguit,
quem tenet argenti sitis importuna famesque,
quem paupertatis pudor et fuga, dives amicus,
saepe decem vitiis instructior, odit et horret, 25
aut, si non odit, regit ac veluti pia mater
plus quam se sapere et virtutibus esse priorem
volt et ait prope vera : ' meae (contendere noli)
stultitiam patiuntur opes : tibi parvola res est.
Arta decet sanum comitem toga: desine mecum 30
certare.' Eutrapelus cuicumque nocere volebat,
vestimenta dabat pretiosa : ' beatus enim iam
cum pulchris tunicis sumet nova consilia et spcs,
dormiet in lucem, scorto postponet honestum
officium, nummos alienos pascet, ad imum 35
Thraex erit aut holitoris aget mercede caballum.'
Arcanum neque tu scrutaberis illius umquam,
commissumque teges et vino tortus et ira.
Nee tua laudabis studia aut aliena reprendes,
nee, cum venari volet ille, poemata panges. 40
Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque
Zethi dissiluit, donee suspecta severo
conticuit lyra. Fraternis cessisse putatur
moribus Amphion : tu cede potentis amici
lenibus imperiis, quotiensque educet in agros 45
Aetolis onerata plagis iumenta canesque,
surge et inhumanae senium depone Camenae,
36. Thraex '^ YM.: Thraxui'O: T/irex B. 37. illius
7' BOKM: ullius a(3y". 46. Aclolis w' BOKM : Acv/us
Mein.
XVIII. 76.] LIB. I. EPIST. XVIII 37
cenes iit pariter pulmenta laboribus empta;
Romanis soUenme viris opus, utile famae
vitaeque et membris; praesertim cum valeas et 50
vel cursu superare canem vel viribus aprum
possis ; adde virilia- quod speciosius arma
non est qui tractet : scis quo clamore coronae
proelia sustineas campestria; denique saevani
militiam puer et Cantabrica bella tulisti 55
sub duce qui templis Parthorum signa refigit
nunc, et siquid abest Italis adiudicat armis.
Ac ne te retrahas et inexcusabilis absis,
quamvis nil extra numerum fecisse modumque
curas, interdum nugaris rure paterno : 60
partitur lintres exercitus; Actia pugna
te duce per pueros hostili more refertur ;
adversarius est frater, lacus Hadria; donee
alterutrum velox victoria fronde coronet.
Consentire suis studiis qui crediderit te, 65
fautor utroque tuum laudabit pollice ludum.
Protinus ut moneam (siquid monitoris eges tu),
quid de quoque viro et cui dicas, saepe videto.
Percontatorem fugito : nam garrulus idemst,
nee retinent patulae commissa fideliter aures, 70
et semel emissum volat inrevocabile verbum.
Non ancilla tuum iecur ulceret ulla puerve
intra marmoreum venerandi limen amici,
ne dominus pueri pulchri caraeve puellae
munere te parvo beet aut incommodus angat. 75
Qualem commendes etiam atque etiam adspice, ne mox
56. refi^^t w' BOKM : rcjixit. 58. absis w OKM :
abslcsli. 61. lyntrcs S" K: ii/Ures S" JiO}!.
38 HORATI EPISTULARUM. [XVIII. 77—
incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem.
Fallimur et quondam non dignum tradimus : ergo
quem sua culpa premet, deceptus omitte tueri,
ut penitus notum si temptent crimina, serves 80
tuterisque tuo fidentem praesidio : qui
dente Theonino cum circumroditur, ecquid
ad te post pauUo ventura pericula sentis?
nam tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet,
et neglecta solent incendia sumere vires. 85
Dulcis inexpertis cultura potentis amici:
expertus metuit. Tu, dum tua navis in alto est,
hoc age, ne mutata retrorsum te ferat aura.
Oderunt hilarem tristes tristemque iocosi,
sedatum celeres, agilem gnavumque remissi, 90
[potores bibuli media de nocte Falerni]
oderunt porrecta negantem pocula, quamvis
nocturnos iures te formidare tepores.
Deme supercilio nubem: plerumque modestus
occupat obscuri speciem, taciturnus acerbi. 95
Inter cuncta leges et percontabere doctos,
qua ratione queas traducere leniter aevum,
num te semper inops agitet vexetque cupido,
num pavor et rerum mediocriter utilium spes,
virtutem doctrina paret naturane donet, 100
quid minuat curas, quid te tibi reddat amicum,
quid pure tranquillet, honos an dulce lucellum
an secretum iter et fallentis semita vitae.
80. ut (0 OKM : aiB. 8r. fidentem iJ OKM : fidenter
B. 90. navumque u' O^yi'. gna7Jumqt4e'E. 91. potores
— Falerni, non habent codices melioris notae. 93. tepores w'
BKM : vapores O.
XIX. 15.] LIB. I. EPIST. XIX. 39
Me quotiens reficit gelidus Digentia rivus,
quern Mandela bibit, rugosus frigore pagus, .105
quid sentire putas, quid credis, amice, precaripj
'Sit mihi quod nunc est, etiam minus, ut mihi vivam
quod superest aevi, siquid superesse volunt di:
sit bona librorum et provisae frugis in annum
copia, neu fluitem dubiae spe pendulus horae. no
Sed satis est orare lovem, quae ponit et aufert,
det vitam, det opes; aequum mi animum ipse parabo.'
Prisco si credis, Maecenas docte, Cratino, '
nulla placere diu nee vivere carmina possunt
quae scribuntur aquae potoribus. Ut male sanos
adscripsit Liber satyris faunisque poetas,
vina fere dulces oluerunt mane Camenae. 5
Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus :
Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma
prosiluit dicenda. ' Forum putealque Libonis s^ "/^<^t- "
mandabo siccis, adimam cantare severis.' /
Hoc simul edixi, non cessavere poetae 10
noctumo certare mero, putere diurno.
Quid? siquis voltu torvo ferus et pede nudo
exiguaeque togae simulet textore Catonem, "/ i<^<-<^(7i'-V<
virtu temne repraesentet moresque Catonis?
Rupit larbitam Timagenis aemula lingua, 15
107. K/ r K: et S- OEM. no. neu w'OBKM: ne.
III. quae ponit S"M.: qui ponit S" M : quae donat 5" OH.
XIX.— lo. edixi ^y BOKM : edixit a.
40 HORATI EPISTULARUM.[^IX. iG^
dum studet urbanus tenditque disertus haberi.
Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile. Quodsi
pallerem casu, biberent exsangue cuminum,
O imitatores, servum pecus, ut mihi saepe
bilem, saepe iocum vestri movere tumultus! 20
Libera per vacuum posui vestigia princeps,- "^'^ "^^ '^-'' ^'•^ \
non aliena meo pressi pede. Qui sibi fidet, 1
, dux reget examen. pparios ego primus_ iambos '^' ^ ijiA-vXJ)
I ostendi .Latio, numeros animosque secutus
Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben. 25
Ac ne me foliis ideo brevioribus ornes
quod timui mutare modos et carminis artem,
temperat Archilochi musam pede mascula Sappho,- ^<*''*^'^-<^'^
temperat Alcaeus, sed rebus et ordine dispar,
nee socerum quaerit quem versibus oblinat atris, 30
nee sponsae laqueum famoso carmine nectit. ( .
Hunc ego, non alio dictum prius ore, Latinus
, volgavi fidicen. luvat immemorata ferentem
' ingenuis oculisque legi manibusque teneriri
Scire velis, mea cur ingratus opuscula lector 35
laudet ametque domi, premat extra limen iniquus:
non ego ventosae plebis suffragia venor
impensis cenarum et tritae munere vestis,
non ego nobilium scriptorum auditor et ultor
grammaticas ambire tribus et pulpita dignor. 40
^ Hinc illae lacrimae. 'Spissis indigna theatris " ''
scripta pudet recitare et nugis addere pondus'
si dixi, 'rides' ait 'et lovis auribus ista
servas: fidis enim manare poetica mella
te solum, tibi pulcher.' Ad haec ego naribus uti 45
22. fidit— regit ^QM.\ fidet— reget ui' \\.. .
XX. 19-] LIB. I. EPIST. XX. 41
8::tc- <-- r" - .■■ •■ ■^- •
formido et, luctantis acuto ne secer ungui,
'^ 'displicet iste locus' clamo et diludia posco.
Ludus enim genuit trepidiim certamen et iram,
ira trucis inimicitias et funebre bellum.
XX.
. . /. i- : i- .■ ^••■<^. - < ■ '
Vertumnum lanumque, liber, spectare videris,
scilicet ut prostes Sosiorum pumice mundus.
Odisti clavis et grata sigilla pudico,
paucis ostendi gemis et communia laudas,
non ita nutritus. Fuge quo descendere gestis: 5
non erit emisso reditus tibi. 'Quid miser egi?
quid volui?' dices ubi quid te laeserit; et scis
in breve te cogi cum plenus languet amator.
quodsi non odio peccantis desipit augur,
carus eris Romae donee te deserat aetas: lo
contrectatus ubi manibus sordescere volgi
coeperis, aut tineas pasces taciturnus inertis
aut fugies Uticam aut vinctus mitteris Ilerdam.
Ridebit monitor non exauditus, ut ille
qui male parentem in rupis protrusit asellum 15
iratus: quis enim invitum servare laboret?
hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentem
occupet extremis in vicis balba senectus.
Cum tibi sol tepidus pluris admoverit auris,
46. ungui w.
XX. — I. Vertumnum a^ BOM: Vortumnum 7K. 5.
descendere w' BOKM : discedere,. 7. quid w' BKM : quis O.
10. deserat ul OKM : descrit B. 13. vinctus w' BOKM:
unctits.
4a HO RATI EPISTULARUM. [XX. 20.
me libertino natum patre, et in tenui re, 20
maiores pennas nido extendisse loqueris,
ut quantum generi demas, virtutibus addas;
me primis urbis belli placuisse domique,
corporis exigui, praecanum, solibus aptum,
irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem. 25
Forte meum siquis te percontabitur aevum,
me quater undenos sciat inplevisse Decembris,
collegam Lepidum quo dixit Lollius anno.
28. duxit w BOM : dixit K.
Q. HORATI FLACCI
EPISTULARUM
LIBER SECUNDUS.
Cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus,
res Italas armis tuteris, moribus ornes,
legibus emendes, in publica commoda peccem,
si longo sermone merer tua tempera, Caesar.
Romulus et Liber pater et cum Castore Pollux, 5
post ingentia facta deorum in templa recepti,
dum terras heminumque colunt genus, aspera bella
compenunt, agros adsignant, eppida condunt,
ploravere suis non respondere favorem
speratum meritis. Diram qui centudit hydram 10
notaque fatali pertenta labore subegit,
comperit invidiam supremo fine domari.
Urit enim fulgere suo qui praegravat artis
infra se positas : extinctus amabitur idem.
Praesenti tibi matures largimur honeres 15
iurandasque tuum per numen ponimus aras,
nil oriturum alias, nil ortum tale fatentes.
I. — 6. facta wOMK : fata B. 16. nu/nai r BMK :
notnen 5"0.
44 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [I. i8—
Sed tuus hie populus, sapiens et iustus in uno
te nostris ducibus, te Grais anteferendo,
cetera nequaquam simili ratione modoque 20
aestimat, et nisi quae terris semota suisque
temporibus defuncta videt, fastidit et odit,
sic fautor veterum, ut tabulas peccare vetantis
quas bis quinque viri sanxerunt, foedera regum
vel Gabiis vel cum rigidis aequata Sabinis, 25
pontificum libros, annosa volumina vatum
dictitet Albano Musas in monte locutas.
Si, quia Graiorum sunt antiquissima quaeque
scripta vel optima, Romani pensantur eadem
scriptores trutina, non est quod multa loquamur : 30
nil intra est olea, nil extra est in nuce duri,
venimus ad summum fortunae, pingimus atque
psallimus et luctamur Achivis doctius unctis.
Si meliora dies, ut vina, poemata reddit,
scire velim, chartis pretium quotus adroget annus. 35
Scriptor abhinc annos centum qui decidit, inter
perfectos veteresque referri debet an inter
vilis atque novos? Excludat iurgia finis.
' Est vetus atque probus centum qui perficit annos.'
Quid qui deperiit minor uno mense vel anno, 40
inter quos referendus erit? Veteresne poetas,
an quos et praesens et postera respuat aetas?
'Iste quidem veteres inter ponetur honeste,
qui vel mense brevi vel toto est iunior anno.'
Utor permisso, caudaeque pilos ut equinae 45
paullatim vello et demo unum, demo etiam unum,
18. /zzV w'OMK : /z^r B. 28. Graiorum ^"BTSl : Graeco-
ritm a70K. 31. olea BK : okam w OM. 46- etiam
P.J30K : et item 7BM.
I. 75.] LIBER II. 45
dum cadat elusus ratione mentis acervi,
qui redit in fastos et virtutem aestimat annis
miraturque nihil nisi quod Libitina sacravit.
Ennius et sapiens et fortis et alter Homerus, 50
ut critici dicunt, leviter curare videtur
quo promissa cadant et somnia Pythagorea.
Naevius in manibus non est et mentibus haeret
paene recens ? Adeo sanctum est vetus omne poema.
Ambigitur quotiens uter utro sit prior, aufert 55
Pacuvius docti famam senis, Accius alti,
dicitur Afrani toga convenisse Menandro,
Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi,
vincere Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte.
Hos ediscit et hos arto stipata theatre 6o
spectat Roma potens ; habet hos numeratque poetas
ad nostrum tempus Livi scriptoris ab aevo.
Interdum volgus rectum videt ; est ubi peccat.
Si veteres ita miratur laudatque poetas
ut nihil anteferat, nihil illis comparet, errat. 65
Si quaedam nimis antique, si pleraque dure
dicere credit eos, ignave multa fatetur,
et sapit et mecum facit et love iudicat aequo.
Non equidem insector delendave carmina Livi
esse reor, memini quae plagosum mihi parvo 70
Orbilium dictare : sed emendata videri
pulchraque et exactis minimum distantia miror.
Inter quae verbum emicuit si forte decorum,
si versus pauUo concinnior unus et alter,
iniuste totum ducit venditque poema. 75
67. credit co'OMK : cedit B. 6(). Livi w'OMK : Lar^'i
B. 75. venditque w'OMK : vcnitque B.
46 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [I. 76—
Indignor quicquam reprehendi, non quia crasse
conpositum inlepideve putetur, sed quia nuper,
nee veniam antiquis, sed honorem et praemia posci.
Recta necne crocum floresque perambulet Attae
fabula si dubitem, clamant periissa pudorem 80
cuncti paene patres, ea cum reprehendere coner
quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit;
vel quia nil rectum, nisi quod placuit sibi, ducunt,
vel quia turpe putant parere minoribus et quae
imberbes didicere senes perdenda fateri. 85
lam Saliara Numaa carmen qui laudat et illud
quod mecum ignorat solus volt scire videri,
ingeniis non ille favet plauditque sepultis,
nostra sad inpugnat, nos nostraque lividus odit.
Quodsi tam Graecis novitas invisa fuisset 90
quam nobis, quid nunc esset vetus aut quid haberet
quod legaret tereretqua viritim publicus usus?
Ut primum positis nugari Graacia ballis
coepit et in vitium fortuna labiar aequa,
nunc athletarum studiis, nunc arsit equorum, 95
marmoris aut eboris fabros aut aeris amavit,
suspandit picta voltum mantamque tabella,
nunc tibicinibus, nunc est gavisa tragoedis ;
sub nutrice puella velut si luderet infans,
quod cupida petiit, mature plana reliquit 100
Hoc paces habuara bonaa vantique sacundi. 102
Romae dulca diu fuit at soUamne reclusa
mane domo vigilare, clianti promera iura,
cautos nominibus rectis axpandare nummos, 105
85. imberbes wOK : imberbi "QM.. 90. Graecis wOMK :
Graiis B. 105. cantos ijiOW^ : scriptos B.
I. 131.] LIBER JI. 47
maiores audire, minori dicere, per quae
crescere res posset, minui damnosa libido.
Quid placet aut odio est, quod non mutabile
credas? 10 1
Mutavit mentem populus levis et calet uno
scribendi studio, pueri patresque severi
fronde comas vincti cenant et carmina dictant. no
Ipse ego, qui nuUos me adfirmo scribere versus,
invenior Parthis mendacior et prius orto
sole vigil calamum et chartas et scrinia posco.
Navem agere ignarus navis timet, habrotonum aegro
non audet nisi qui didicit dare, quod medicorura est 1 1 5
promittunt medici, tractant fabrilia fabri:
scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim.
Hie error tamen et levis haec insania quantas
virtutes habeat sic collige. Vatis avarus
non temere est animus : versus amat, hoc studet
unum ; 120
detrimenta, fugas servorum, incendia ridet;
non fraudem socio puerove incogitat uUara
pupillo ; vivit siliquis et pane secundo,
militiae quamquam piger et malus, utilis urbi,
si das hoc, parvis quoque rebus magna iuvari. 125
Os tenerum pueri balbumque poeta figurat,
torquet ab obscaenis iam nunc sermonibus aurem,
mox etiam pectus praeceptis format amicis,
asperitatis et invidiae corrector et irae,
recte facta refert, orientia tempora notis 13b
instruit exemplis, inopem solatur et aegrum.
109. pueri w'O'MYL : pzierique'B. 114. «aw/« rBMK :
iiavim S"0.
4.8 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [I. 132—
Castis cum pueris ignara puella mariti
disceret unde preces, vatem ni musa dedisset?
Poscit opem chorus et praesentia numina sentit,
caelestis implorat aquas docta prece blandus, 135
avertit morbos, metuenda pericula pellit,
impetrat et pacem et locupletem frugibus annum.
Carmine di superi placantur, carmine manes.
Agricolae prisci, fortes parvoque beati,
condita post frumenta levantes tempore festo 140
corpus et ipsum animum spe finis dura ferentem
cum sociis operum pueris et coniuge fida,
Tellurem porco, Silvanum lacte piabant,
floribus et vino Genium memorem brevis aevi.
Fescennina per hunc inventa licentia morem 145
versibus alternis opprobria rustica fudit,
libertasque recurrentis accepta per annos
lusit amabiliter, donee iam saevus apertam
in rabiem coepit verti iocus et per honestas
ire domos impune minax. Doluere cruento 150
dente lacessiti : fuit intactis quoque cura
condicione super communi : quin etiam lex
poenaque lata malo quae nollet carmine quemquam
describi. Vertere modum, formidine fustis
ad bene dicendum delectandumque redacti. 155
Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artis
intulit agresti Latio. Sic horridus ille
defluxit numerus Saturnius et grave virus
munditiae pepulere : sed in longum tamen aevum
manserunt hodieque manent vestigia ruris. 160
Serus enim Graecis admovit acumina chartis
et post Punica bella quietus quaerere coepit
145. inventa wOMK : invecta B.
I. 190.] LIBER II. 49
quid Sophocles et Thespis et Aeschylus utile ferr^nt.
Temptavit quoque rem, si digne vertere posset,
et placuit sibi natura sublimis et acer : 165
nam spirat tragicum satis et feliciter audet,
sed turpem putat inscite metuitque lituram.
Creditur, ex medio quia res arcessit, habere
sudoris minimum, sed habet comoedia tanto
plus oneris quanto veniae minus. Adspice Plautus 170
quo pacto partis tutetur amantis ephebi,
ut patris attenti, lenonis ut insidiosi,
quantus sit Dossennus edacibus in parasitis,
quam non adstricto percurrat pulpita socco.
Gestit enim nummum in loculos demittere, post hoc 175
securus cadat an recto stet fabula talo.
Quem tuht ad scaenam ventoso gloria curru,
exanimat lentus spectator, sedulus inflat :
sic leve, sic parvum est, animum quod laudis avarum
subruit aut reficit. Valeat res ludicra, si me 180
palma negata macrum, donata reducit opimum.
Saepe etiam audacem fugat hoc terretque poetam,
quod numero plures, virtute et honore minores,
indocti stolidique et depugnare parati
si discordet eques, media inter carmina poscunt 1S5
aut ursum aut pugiles : his nam plebecula gaudet.
Verum equitis quoque iam migravit ab aure voluptas
omnis ad incertos oculos et gaudia vana.
Quattuor aut pluris aulaea premuntur in horas,
dum fugiunt equitum turmae peditumque catervae; 190
167. inscite S'OMK : inscitiis B : in scriptis S". 180.
aut w'OMK : ac B. 186. gattdet o^SEMK : plaiidct
7 : plaudit O. 187. equitis wOMK : equiti B. 188.
incertos wOMK : iugratos B.
W. H. 4
50 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [L 191 —
mox trahitur manibus regum fortuna retortis,
esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves,
captivum portatur ebur, captiva Corinthus.
Si foret in terris, rideret Democritus, seu
diversum confusa genus panthera camelo 195
sive elephans albus volgi converteret ora;
spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis
ut sibi praebentem niniio spectacula plura;
scriptores autem narrare putaret asello
fabellam surdo. Nam quae pervincere voces 200
evaluere sonum, referunt quem nostra theatra?
Garganum mugire putes nemus aut mare Tuscum,
tanto cum strepitu ludi spectantur et artes
divitiaeque peregrinae : quibus oblitus actor
cum stetit in scaena, concurrit dextera laevae. 205
Dixit adhuc aliquid? Nil sane. Quid placet ergo?
Lana Tarentino violas imitata veneno.
Ac ne forte putes me, quae facere ipse recusem,
cum recte tractent alii, laudare maligne :
ille per extentum funem mihi posse videtur 210
ire poeta, meum qui pectus inaniter angit,
inritat, mulcet, falsis terroribus implet
ut magus, et modo me Thebis, modo ponit Athenis.
Verum age et his, qui se lectori credere malunt
quam spectatoris fastidia ferre superbi, 2 r 5
curam redde brevem, si munus Apolline dignum
vis complete libris et vatibus addere calcar,
ut studio maiore petant Helicona virentem.
196. converteret w'OlMK : converterit B. 198.
iiimio a/3MK : mimo 7BO. 216. reddc wOMK :
impende B.
I. 246.] LIBER II. 51
Multa quidem nobis facimus mala saepe poetae
(ut vineta egomet caedam niea), cum tibi librum 220
sollicito damus aut fesso; cum laedimur, unum
siquis amicorum est ausus reprehendere vcrsum;
cum loca iam recitata revolvimus inrevocati;
cum lamentamur noii adparere labores
nostros et tenui deducta poemata filo; 225
cum speramus eo rem venturam ut, simul atque
carmina rescieris nos fingere, commodus ultro
arcessas et egere vetes et scribere cogas.
Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere qualis
aedituos habeat belli spectata domique 230
virtus, indigno non committenda poetae.
Gratus Alexandre regi magno fuit ille
Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natis
rettulit acceptos, regale nomisma, Philippos.
Sed veluti tractata notam labemque remittunt 235
atramenta, fere- scriptores carmine foedo
splendida facta linunt. Idem rex ille, poema
qui tam ridiculum tam care prodigus emit,
edicto vetuit nequis se praeter Apellen
pingeret aut alius Lysippo duceret aera 240
fortis Alexandri voltum simulantia. Quodsi
iudicium subtile videndis artibus illud
ad libros et ad haec Musarum dona vocares,
Boeotum in crasso iurares acre natum.
At neque dedecorant tua de se iudicia atque 245
munera quae multa dantis cum laude tulerunt
222. reprehendere w'OMK : rcJ-rcnJere B. 233. Cnoc-
riliis a/30M : Choeriljs 7I3K. 240. duceret cuOMK :
cudctct U.
52 HORATI EPISTULARUM [I. 247—
dilecti tibi Vergilius Variusque poetae,
nee magis expressi voltus per aenea signa
quam per vatis opus mores animique virorum
clarorum apparent. Nee sermones ego mallem 250
repentis per humum quam res componere gestas,
terrarumque situs et flumina dicere et arces
montibus impositas et barbara regna tuisque
auspiciis totum confecta duella per orbem
claustraque custodem pacis cohibentia lanum 255
et formidatam Parthis te principe Romam,
si quantum cuperem possem quoque: sed neque
parvum
carmen maiestas recipit tua nee meus audet
rem temptare pudor quam vires ferre recusent.
Sedulitas autem stulte quem diligit urguet, 260
praecipue cum se numeris commendat et arte :
discit enim citius meminitque libentius illud
quod quis deridet quam quod probat et veneratur.
Nil moror officium quod me gravat ae neque ficto
in peius voltu proponi cereus usquam 265
nee prave factis decorari versibus opto,
ne rubeam pingui donatus munere et una
cum scriptore meo capsa porrectus operta
deferar in vicum vendentem tus et odores
et piper et quicquid chartis amicitur ineptis. 270
268. operta w'BMK : aperta O.
11. 25.] LIBER II. 53
II.
Flore, bono claroque fidelis amice Neroni,
siquis forte velit puerum tibi vendere natum
Tibure vel Gabiis et tecum sic agat, ' hie et
Candidas et talos a vertice pulcher ad imos
fiet eritque tuus nummorum milibus octo, 5
verna ministeriis ad nutus aptus erilis,
litterulis Graecis imbutus, idoneus arti
cuilibet, argilla quidvis imitaberis uda;
quin etiam canet indoctum sed dulce bibenti.
Multa fidem promissa levant ubi plenius aequo 10
laudat venalis qui volt extrudere merces.
Res urguet me nulla; meo sum pauper in acre.
Nemo hoc mangonum faceret tibi : non temere a me
quivis ferret idem. Semel hie cessavit et, ut fit,
in scalis latuit metuens pendentis habenae : 15
des nummos, excepta nihil te si fuga laedit :'
ille ferat pretium poenae securus, opinor.
Prudens emisti vitiosum ; dicta tibi est lex :
insequeris tamen hunc et lite moraris iniqua.
Dixi me pigrum proficiscenti tibi, dixi 20
talibus officiis prope mancum, ne mea saevus
iurgares ad te quod epistula nulla rediret.
Quid tum profeci, mecum facientia iura
si tamen attemptas? Quereris super hoc etiam, quod
exspectata tibi non mittam carmina mendax. 25
8. imitaberis ajSBOMK : imiiabitiir 7' : imitabivittr 7".
16. laedit y'^lsl : laedat w'QK. 22. rediret bi'O'SlK. :
vcnirct B.
54 HORATI EPISTULARUM [II. 26—
Luculli miles collecta viatica multis
aerumnis, lassus dum noctu stertit, ad assem
perdiderat : post hoc vehemens lupus, et sibi et hosti
iratus pariter, ieiunis dentibus acer,
praesidium regale loco deiecit, ut aiunt, 30
summe munito et multarum divite rerum.
Clarus ob id factum donis ornatur honestis,
accipit et bis dena super sestertia nummum.
Forte sub hoc tempus castellum evertere praetor
nescio quod cupiens hortari coepit eundem 35
verbis quae timido quoque possent addere mentem:
' I, bone, quo virtus tua te vocat, i pede fausto,
grandia laturus meritorum praemia. Quid stas?'
Post haec ille catus, quantumvis rusticus, 'ibit,
ibit CO quo vis qui zonam perdidit' inquit. 40
Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri
iratus Grais quantum nocuisset Achilles.
Adiecere bonae paullo plus artis Athenae,
scilicet ut vellem curvo dinoscere rectum
atque inter silvas Academi quaerere verum. 45
Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato
civilisque rudem belli tulit aestus in arma
Caesaris Augusti non responsura lacertis.
Unde simul primum me dimisere Philippi,
decisis humilem pennis inopemque paterni 50
et laris et fundi paupertas impulit audax
ut versus facerem : sed quod non desit habentem
quae poterunt umquam satis expurgare cicutae,
ni melius dormire putem quam scribere versus?
Singula de nobis anni praedantur euntes; 55
44. vellem a/SOK : possi?n 7' : possem 7"BM.
II. S^.] LIBER IT. 55
eripuere iocos, Venerem, convivia, ludum ;
tendunt extorquere poemata : quid faciam vis ?
Denique non omnes eadem mirantur amantque :
carmine tu gaudes, hie delectatur iambis,
ille Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro. 60
Tres mihi convivae prope dissentire videntur,
poscentes vario multum diversa palato.
Quid dem? Quid non dem? Renuis tu, quod iubet
alter ;
quod petis, id sane est invisum acidumque duobus.
Praeter cetera me Romaene poemata censes 65
scribere posse inter tot curas totque labores?
Hie sponsum vocat, hie auditum scripta, relictis
omnibus officiis : cubat hie in colle Quirini,
hie extremo in Aventino, visendus uterque :
intervalla vides humane commoda. 'Verum 70
purae sunt plateae, nihil ut meditantibus obstet.'
Festinat ealidus mulis gerulisque redemptor,
torquet nunc lapidem nunc ingens machina tignum,
tristia robustis luctantur funera plaustris,
hae rabiosa fugit canis, hae lutulenta ruit sus : 75
i nunc et versus tecum meditare canoros.
Scriptorum chorus omnis amat nemus et fugit urbem,
rite cliens Bacchi somno gaudentis et umbra :
tu me inter strepitus nocturnos atque diurnos
vis canere et contraeta sequi vestigia vatum ? 80
Ingenium, sibi quod vacuas desumpsit Athenas
et studiis annos septem dedit insenuitque
libris et curis, statua taciturnius exit
70. humane wBOM : hazit sa>u K. 77. itrbcni
ojSOMK : ttrbis 7B. bo. contraeta rOMK : con-
tacta w' : non tacta C.
56 HORATI EPISTULARUM [II. 84—
plerumque et risu populum quatit: hie ego rerum
fluctibus in mediis et tempestatibus urbis 85
verba lyrae motura sonum conectere digner?
t Frater erat Romae consulti rhetor, ut alter
alterius sermone meros audiret honores,
Gracchus ut hie iUi, foret huic ut Mucius ille.
Qui minus argutos vexat furor iste poetas? 90
Carmina compono, hie elegos. Mirabile visu
caelatumque novem Musis opus ! Adspice primum
quanto cum fastu, quanto molimine circum
spectemus vacuam Romanis vatibus aedem :
mox etiam, si forte vacas, sequere et procul audi, 95
quid ferat et qua re sibi nectat uterque coronam.
Caedimur et totidem plagis consumimus hostem
lento Samnites ad lumina prima duello.
Discedo Alcaeus puncto illius ; ille meo quis ?
Quis nisi Callimachus? Si plus adposcere visus, loo
fit Mimnermus et optivo cognomine crescit.
Multa fero, ut placem genus irritabile vatum,
cum scribo et supplex populi suffragia capto :
idem finitis studiis et mente recepta
obturem patulas inpune legentibus auris. 105
Ridentur mala qui componunt carmina; verum
gaudent scribentes et se venerantur et ultro,
si taceas, laudant quicquid scripsere beati.
At qui legitimum cupiet fecisse poema,
cum tabulis animum censoris sumet honesti ; no
audebit quaecumque parum splendoris habebunt
et sine pondere erunt et honore indigna ferentur
verba movere loco, quamvis invita recedant
89. huicMlcBOMK : hicilliu}.
II. 143] LIBER II. 57
et versentur adhuc intra penetralia Vestae ;
obscurata diu populo bonus cruet atque 115
proferet in lucem speciosa vocabula rerum,
quae priscis memorata Catonibus atque Cethegis
nunc situs informis premit et deserta vetustas ;
adsciscet nova, quae genitor produxerit usus.
Vemens et liquidus puroque simillimus amni 120
fandet opes Latiumque beabit divite lingua;
luxuriantia compescet, nimis aspera sano
levabit cultu, virtute carentia toilet,
ludentis speciem dabit et torquebitur, ut qui
nunc Satyrum, nunc agrestem Cyclopa movetur. 125
Praetulerim scriptor delirus inersque videri,
dum mea delectent mala me vel denique fallant,
quam sapere et ringi? Fuit haud ignobilis Argis
qui se credebat miros audire tragoedos
in vacuo laetus sessor plausorque theatro; ijo
cetera qui vitae servaret munia recto
more, bonus sane vicinus, amabilis hospes,
comis in uxorem, posset qui ignoscere servis
et signo laeso non insanire lagoenae,
posset qui rupem et puteum vitare patentem. 135
Hie ubi cognatorum opibus curisque refectus
expulit elleboro morbum bilemque meraco
et redit ad sese, 'pol me occidistis, amici,
non servastis' ait, 'cui sic extorta voluptas
et demptus per vim mentis gratissimus error.' 140
Nimiram sapere est abiectis utile nugis,
et tempestivum pueris concedere ludum,
ac non verba sequi fidibus modulanda Latinis,
114. intra YiQ'^l : I'/i/^r wK..
58 HO RATI EPISTULARUM [11. 144—
sed verae numerosque modosque ediscere vitae.
Quocirca mecum loquor haec tacitusque recordor : 145
si tibi nulla sitim finiret copia lymphae,
narrares medicis : quod quanto plura parasti
tanto plura cupis, nuUine faterier audes ?
Si volnus tibi monstrata radice' vel herba
non fieret levius, fugeres radice vel herba 150
proficiente nihil curarier : audieras, cui
rem di donarent, illi decedere pravam
stultitiam, et cum sis nihilo sapientior ex quo
plenior es, tamen uteris nionitoribus isdem?
At si divitiae prudentem reddere possent, 155
si cupidum timidumque minus te, nempe ruberes,
viveret in terris te siquis avarior uno.
Si proprium est quod quis hbra mercatus et aerest,
quaedam, si credis consultis, mancipat usus,
qui te pascit ager, tuus est, et vilicus Orbi, i6o
cum segetes occat tibi mox frumenta daturas,
te dominum sentit. Das nummos, accipis uvam,
pullos, ova, cadum temeti. Nempe mode isto
paullatim mercaris agrum, fortasse trecentis
aut etiam supra nummorum milibus emptum. 165
Quid refert, vivas numerate nuper an olim?
Emptor Aricini quondam Veientis et arvi
emptum cenat holus, quamvis aHter putat ; emptis
sub noctem gelidam lignis calefactat aenum :
sed vocat usque suum, qua populus adsita certis 170
limitibus vicina refugit iurgia; tamquam
sit proprium quicquam, puncto quod mobilis horae
152. donarent w'OMK : donarint B.
161. daturas V7BOM : daturus aj3K.
II. 199-] LIBER 11. 59
nunc piece, nunc pretio, nunc vi, nunc morte
suprema
permutet dominos et cedat in altera iura.
Sic quia perpetuus nulli datur usus et heres 175
heredem alterius velut unda supervenit undain,
quid vici prosunt aut horrea, quidve Calabris
saltibus adiecti Lucani, si metit Orcus
grandia cum parvis, non exorabilis auro ?
Gemmas, marmor, ebur, Tyrrhena sigilla, tabellas, 180
argentum, vestis Gaetulo murice tinctas,
sunt qui non habeant, est qui non curat habere.
Cur alter fratrum cessare et ludere et ungui
praeferat Herodis palmetis pinguibus, alter
dives et importunus ad umbram lucis ab ortu 185
silvestrem flammis et ferro mitiget agrum,
scit Genius, natale comes qui temperat astruni,
naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum
quodque caput, voltu mutabilis, albus et ater.
Utar et ex modico quantum res poscet acervo 190
tollam, nee metuam quid de me iudicet heres,
quod non plura datis invenerit : et tamen idem
scire volani, quantum simplex hilarisque nepoti
discrepet et quantum discordet parens avaro.
Distat enim, spargas tua prodigus an neque
sumptum 195
invitus facias neque plura parare labores,
ac potius, puer ut festis quinquatribus olim,
exiguo gratoque fruaris tempore raptim.
Pauperies immunda domus procul absit : ego utrum
175. J?V ^?«a 5"B0MK '.siquiaw. 176. alterius
w'OMK : altcrnis V>. 199. domus p)-ocul absit w'O'SlK :
procul procul absit li.
6o HORATI EPISTULARUM. [11. 200.
nave ferar magna an parva, ferar unus et idem. 200
Non agimur tumidis velis aquilone secundo,
non tamen adversis aetatem ducimus austris,
viribus, ingenio, specie, virtute, loco, re
extremi primorum, extremis usque priores.
Non es avarus: abi. Quid? cetera iam simul isto 205
cum vitio fugere? Caret tibi pectus inani
ambitione? Caret mortis formidine et ira?
Somnia, terrorcs magicos, miracula, sagas,
nocturnes lemures portentaque Thessala rides?
Natalis grate numeras? Ignoscis amicis? 210
Lenior et melior fis accedente senecta?
Quid te exempta levat spinis de pluribus una?
Vivere si recte nescis, decede peritis.
Lusisti satis, edisti satis atque bibisti :
tempus abire tibi est, ne potum largius aequo 215
rideat et pulset lasciva decentius aetas.
212. levat S'^Q : ittvat tJViM.
Q. HORATI FLACCI
c
DE ARTE POETICA
LIBER.
Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam
iungere si velit et varias inducere plumas
■ undique collatis membris, ut turpiter atrum
A/'" Viesinat in piscem mulier formosa superne,
spectatum admissi risum teneatis amid? 5
Credite, Pisones, isti tabulae fore librum
persimilem cuius velut aegri somnia vanae
fingentur species, ut nee pes nee caput uni
reddatur formae. Pictoribus atque poetis
quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas. 10
Scimus, et banc veniam petimusque damusque vi-
cissim ;
sed non ut placidis coeant inmitia, non ut
serpentes avibus geminentur, tigribus agni.
Inceptis gravibus plerumque et magna professis
purpureus, late qui splendeat, unus et alter 15
adsuitur pannus, cum lucus et ara Dianae
et properantis aquae per amoenos ambitus agros,
aut flumen Rhenum aut pluvius describitur arcus.
Sed nunc non erat his locus. Et fortasse cupressum
62 Q. HO RATI FLAG CI [20—
scis simulare : quid hoc, si fractis enatat exspes 20
navibus acre dato qui pingitur? Amphora coepit
institui ; currente rota cur urceus exit ?
Denique sit quidvis simplex dumtaxat et unum.
Maxima pars vatum, pater et iuvenes patre digni,
decipimur specie recti: brevis esse laboro, 25
obscurus fio ; sectantem levia nervi
(deficiunt animique ; professus grandia turget ;
serpit humi tutus nimium timidusque procellae ; VrV^**.
qui variare cupit rem prodigiahter unam, ' yCi>J'--V " "
delphinum silvis appingit, fluctibus aprum. 30
In vitium ducit culpae fuga si caret arte.
Aemilium circa ludum faber mius et unguis '^
exprimet et moUis imitabitur acre capillos,
infeUx operis summa, quia ponere totum
nesciet. Hunc ego me, si quid componere curem, 35
non magis esse velim quam naso vivere pravo,
spectandum nigris oculis nigroque capillo/
Sumite materiam vestris, qui scribitis, aequam
viribus, et versate diu quid ferre recusent,
quid valeant umeri. Cui lecta potenter erit res, 40
nee facundia deseret hunc nee lucidus ordo.
Ordinis haec virtus erit et venus, aut ego fallor,
ut iam nunc dicat iam nunc debentia dici,
pleraque differat et praesens in tempus omittat.
In verbis etiam tenuis cautusque serendis, 46
hoc amet, hoc spernat promissi carminis auctor. 45
Dixeris egregie notum si callida verbum
reddiderit iunctura novum. Si forte necesse est
indiciis monstrare recentibus abdita rerum,
■26. hria w'OKM : Icnia B. 32. inins u: untts
^^ BOKM. 46—45 ordine inverse wO.
^
76.] DE ARTE POETICA. 63
fingere cmctutis non exaudita Cethegis 50
continget, dabiturque licentia sumpta pudenter ;
et nova fictaque nuper habebunt verba fideni si
Giaeco fonte cadent, parce detorta. Quid autem
Caecilio Plautoque dabit Romanus ademptum
Vergilio Varioque? Ego cur, acquirere pauca 55
si possum, invideor, cum lingua Catonis et Enni
sermonem patrium ditaverit et nova rerum
nomina protulerit? Licuit semperque licebit
signatum praesente nota producere nomen.
Ut silvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos, 6o
prima cadunt, ita verborum vetus interit aetas,
et iuvenum ritu florent modo nata vigentque.
Debemur morti nos nostraque ; sive receptus
terra Neptunus classes aquilonibus arcet,
regis opus, sterilisve diu palus aptaque remis 65
vicinas urbes alit et grave sentit aratrum,
seu cursum mutavit iniquum frugibus amnis
doctus iter melius ; mortalia facta peribunt,
nedum sermonum stet honos et gratia vivax,
Multa renascentur quae iam cecidere, cadentque 70
quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus,
quem penes arbitrium est et ius et norma loquendi.
Res gestae regumque ducumque et tristia bella
quo scribi possent numero monstravit Homerus.
Versibus impariter iunctis querimonia primum, 75
post etiam inclusa est voti sententia compos :
52. fidaqite iaOYJsl: factaque B. 59. frodiicere
u'OKM : procuc/ere B. nomen wOK^l: nu?nmuin V>. 60.
silvae foliis pronos (j}OYM.:silvisf vlia privosB. 65. steri-
lisve S^'BOK: sierilisque S"'M. diu palus wOM : palus diu
Y^: palus prius B. 68. facia u OK^l : cuncla B.
64 Q. HORATI FLACCI [77—
quis tamen exiguos elegos emiserit auctor,
grammatici certant et adhuc sub iudice lis est.
Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo;
hunc socci cepere pedem grandesque cothurni, 80
alternis aptum sermonibus et popularis
vincentem strepitus et natum rebus agendis.
Musa dedit fidibus divos puerosque deorum
et pugilem victorem et equum certamine primum
et iuvenum curas et libera vina referre. 85
Descriptas servare vices operumque colores
cur ego si nequeo ignoroque, poeta salutor?
Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere malo?^
Versibus exponi tragicis res comica non vult ;
indignatur item privatis ac prope socco 90
dignis carminibus narrari cena Thyestae.
Singula quaeque locum teneant sortita decentem.
Interdum tamen et vocem comoedia toUit,
iratusque Chremes tumido delitigat ore;
et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri 95
Telephus et Peleus, cum pauper et exsul uterque
- proicit ampullas et sesquipedalia verba,
si curat cor spectantis tetigisse querella.
Non satis est pulchra esse poemata; dulcia sunto
et quocunque volent animum auditoris agunto. 100
Ut ridentibus arrident, ita flentibus adsunt
humani vultus : si vis me flere dolendum est
primum ipsi tibi: tum tua me infortunia laedent,
Telephe vel Peleu ; male si mandata loqueris
aut dormitabo aut ridebo, Tristia maestum 105
vultum verba decent, iratum plena minarum,
92. decentem S"' (cum Bl. vet. Bern.) BM : decenter rOK.
101. adsunt wQY^iyi: adJlent'Q.
136.] DE ARTE POETIC A. 65
ludentcni lasciva, severum seria dictu^^ ^.xv-trvH*^^^
Format enim natura prius nos intus ad omnem
fortunarum habitum ; iuvat aut impellit ad iram
aut ad humum maerore gravi deducit et angit; no
post effort animi motus interprete lingua.
Si dicentis erunt fortunis absona dicta
Romani tollent equites peditestiue cachinnum.
Intererit multun:i divusne loquatur an heros,
maturusne senex an adhuc florente iuventa 115
fervidus, et matrona potens an sedula nutrix,
mercatorne vagus cultorne virentis agelli,
Colchus an Assyrius, Thebis nutritus an Argis.
Aut famam sequere aut sibi convenientia finge.
Scriptor honoratum si forte reponis Achillem, 120
impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer,
iura neget sibi nata, nihil non arroget armis.
Sit Medea ferox invictaque, flebilis Ino,
perfidus Ixion, lo vaga, tristis Orestes.
Si quid inexpertum scaenae committis et audes 125
personam formare novam, servetur ad imum
qualis ab incepto processerit, et sibi constet.
Difficile est proprie communia dicere ; tuque
rectius Iliacum carmen deducis in actus,
quam si proferres ignota indictaque primus. 130
Publica materies privati iuris erit, si
non circa vilem patulumque moraberis orbem,
nee verbum verbo curabis reddere fidus ^
interpres, nee desilies imitator in artum,- v
unde pedem proferre pudor vetet aut operis lex. 135
Nee sic incipies ut scriptor cyclicus olim :
114. divusne uiV>OYJA. 120. /wnoratiim wOK: Ho-
mercum BM. 136. cj'c/icus u OK^tl : cycHusB.
W. H. 5
66 Q. HO RATI FLAG CI [137—
'Fortunam Priami cantabo et nobile bellum.'
v'Quid dignum tanto feret hie promissor hiatii?
H^ Pjjturient_jnonteSj_ nas^ ridiculusmus.
Quanto rectius hie qui nil moUtur inepte r"'"'^ 140
' Die mihi, Musa, virum captae post tempora Troiae
qui mores hominum multorum vidit et urbes.'
Non fumum ex fulgore sed ex fumo dare lueem
cogitat, ut speciosa dehinc miracula promat,
Antiphaten Scyllamque et cum Cyclope Charybdinu
Nee reditum Diomedis ab interitu Meleagri,|x^i.S'4SM,v//^
nee gemino bellum Troianum orditur ab oyo£']iW/V^n^
semper ad eventum festinat et in medias res'.^"i'V*x^>,
( non seeus ac notas auditorem rapit, et quae
desperat tractata nitescere posse relinquit; 150
atque ita mentitur, sie veris falsa remiseet,
primo ne medium, medio ne discrepet imum.
Tu quid ego et populus mecum desideret audi :
Si plosoris eges aulaea manentis et usque
sessuri donee cantor 'Vos plaudite' dicat, 155
aetatis cuiusque notandi sunt tibi mores,
mobilibusque decor natiiris dandus et annis.
Reddere qui voces iam scit puer et pede certo y'"<'^v'*»-
signat humum, gestit paribus colludere, et iram . • ,. •'.
..fi6*^^-Colligit ac ponit temere, et mutatur in horas. <^^So^
• Imberbus iuvenis tandem custode remoto
gaudet equis canibusque et aprici gramine campi,
cereus in vitium flecti, monitoribus asper,
utilium tardus provisor, prodigus aeris,
139. parfurictit (JYL: faritiriunt 'S,0M. 141. tempora
w OK.: moemaBM. 154, plosoris a^YM.: plaiisoris^'O:
fantoj-is '&. 157. nattais wOlQsl: i?iatHris 'Q. 16 r.
imberbus a ^' {fi\. \&i,) 'BO^i: iinbcrbis a' ^"K.. .
I94-] DE ARTE POETICA. 67
sublimis cupidusque et amata relinquere pernix. 165
Conversis studiis aetas animusque virilis
quaerit opes et amicitias, inservit honori, />i..f-«.-»*-t-4. *77«-<
commisisse cavet quod mox mutare laboret.
Multa senem circumveniunt incommoda, vel quod
quaerit et inventis miser abstinet ac timet uti, 170
vel quod res omnes timide gelideque ministrat,
dilato?^ spe longus, iners, avidusque futuri,
difficilis, querulus, laudator temporis acti
se puero, castigator censorque minorum.
Multa ferunt anni venientes commoda secum, 175
multa recedentes adimunt ; ne forte seniles tf-'i*^ ^'**^,
mandentur iuveni partes pueroque viriles.
Semper in ad^unctis aevoque morabimur aptis. ,,. -^
Aut agitur res in scaenis aut acta refertur. ' -'< "
Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, 180
quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus, et quae
ipse sibi tradit spectator : non tamen intus
digna geri promes in scaenam, multaque tolles
ex oculis quae mox narret facundia praesens,
ne pueros coram populo Medea trucidet, - 185
aut humana palam coquat exta nefarius Atreus,
aut in avem Procne vertatur, Cadmus in anguemy'
Quodcunque ostendis mihi sic incredulus odi.
Neve minor neu sit quinto productior actu
fabula, quae posci vult et spectanda reponi; 190
nee deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus £^va_/-^.
inciderit ; nee quarta loqui persona laboret. ^
Actoris partis chorus officiumque virile
defendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus
172. spe longus .. .avidusque wOKM : spe lentus...paviditsque
B. 190, spectanda a^Vi: spectata ~^V>Qyi.
68 Q. HO RATI FLAG CI [195 —
quod noil proposito conducat et haereat apte, 195
Ille bonis faveatque et consilietur amice,
n ■ . . . -J c
et regat iratos et amet "picc^are timentis ; - * " ' '>-
ille dapes laudet mensae brevis, ille salubrem
iustitiam legesque et apertis otia portis;
ille tegat commissa deosque precetur et oret, 200
ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis.
Tibia non ut nunc orichalco vincta tubaeque
aemula, sed tenuis simplexque foramine pauco '■-^^'''''^
adspirare et adesse choris erat utilis atque
nondum spissa nimis complere sedilia flatu ; 205
quo sane populus numerabilis uip£lte parvus
fat frugi castusque verecundusque coibat.
Postquam coepit agros extendere victor et urbes
latior amplecti murus vinoque diurno
placari Genius festis impune diebus, 210
accessit numerisque modisque licentia maior;
indoctus quid enim saperet liberque laborum
rusticus urbano confusus, turpis honesto?
Sic priscae motumque et luxuriem addidit arti
tibicen traxitque vagus per puljDita vestem; 215
sic etiam fidibus voces crevere severis/ ', . / /(■ >/)
et tulit eloquium insolitum facundia praeceps,
utiliumque sagax rerum et divina futuri
sortilegis non discrepuit sententia Delphis. - '
Carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum, 220
mox etiam agrestes satyros nudavit, et asper
incolumi gravitate iocum temptavit, eo quod
illecebris erat et grata novitate morandus
197. feccare timentis w'M : pacare tiunentis BO: pacare
timentis K. 202. vincta w'OKM: iuncta B. 203. patuo
o;3B0KM : /a;-z;(? 7. 209. latior (aOYM.: laxiorV>.
255-] DE ARTE POETICA. 69
spectator, functusque sacris et potus et exlex.
Verum ita risores, ita commendare dicaces 225
conveniet satyros, ita vertere seria ludo,
ne quicunque deus, quicunque adhibebitur heros,
regali conspectus in auro niiper et ostro,
migret in obscuras humili sennone tabernas,
aut dum vitat humum nubes et inania captet. 230
Effutire leves indigna tragoedia versus,
ut festis matrona moveri iussa diebus,
intererit satyris paulum pudibunda protervis. ^ - \^ ^
Non ego inornata et dominantia nomina solum
verbaque, Pisones, satyrorum scriptor araabo; 235
nee sic enitar tragico differre colori
ut nihil intersit Davusne loquatur et audax
Pythias emuncto lucrata Simone talentum,
an custos famulusque dei Silenus alumni.
Ex noto fictum carmen sequar, ut sibi quivis 240
speret idem, sudet multum frustraque laboret
ausus idem : tantum series iuncturaque poUet,
tantum de medio sumptis accedit honoris.
Silvis deducti caveant me iudice Fauni,
ne velut innati triviis ac paene forenses 245
aut nimium teneris iuyenentur versibus unquam,
aut immunda crepent ignominiosaque dicta;
offenduntur enim quibus est equus et pater et res, f,'_^ „
nee, si quid fricti ciceris probat et nucis emptor,
acquis accipiunt animis donantve corona. 250
Syllaba longa brevi subiecta vocatur iambus,
pes citus ; unde etiam trimetris accrescere iussit
nomen iambeis, cum senos redderet ictus
primus ad extremum similis sibi. Non ita pridem,
tardior ut paulo graviorque veniret ad aures, 255
70 Q. HO RATI FLAG CI [256—
spondeos stabilis in iura paterna recepit
commodus et patiens, non ut de sede secunda
cederet aut quarta socialiter. Hie et in Acci
nobilibus trimetris apparet rarus, et Enni
in scaenam missos cum magno pondere versus 260
aut operae celeris nimium curaque carentis
aut ignoratae premit artis crimine turpi.
Non quivis videt immodulata poemata iudex,
et data Romanis venia est indigna poetis.
Idcircone vager scribamque licenter? an omnes 265
visuros peccata putem mea, tutus et intra
spem veniae cautus? Vitavi denique culpam,
non laudem merui. Vos exemplaria Graeca
nocturna versate manu, versate diurna.
At vestri proavi Plautinos et numeros et 270
laudavere sales, nimium patienter utrumque,
ne dicam stulte, mirati, si modo ego et vos
scimus inurbanum lepido seponere dicto
legitimumque sonum digitis callemus et aure. /
Ignotum tragicae genus invenisse camenae 275
dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis,
quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora.
Post hunc personae pallaeque repertor honestae
Aeschylus et modicis instravit pulpita tignis
et docuit magnumque loqui nitique cothurno. 280
Successit vetus his comoedia, non sine multa
laude ; sed in vitium libertas excidit et vim
dignam lege regi ; lex est accepta chorusque
turpiter obticuit sublato iure nocendi.
Nil intemptatum nostri liquere poetae, 285
■260. missos cum magna wOKM: missus magno cum B.
265. an wOlsM: ui'Q. 277. quae wOl\.^i: qui B.
J
j-g^ j^6j , ^ DE ARTE POETIC A. 71
ausi deserere et celebrare domestica facta,
vel qui praetextas vel qui docuere togatas.
Nee virtute foret clarisve potentius armis
quam lingua Latium, si non offenderet unum 290
j_quemque poetarum limae labor et mora. Vos, o
t^Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite quod non
multa dies et multa litura coercuit atque
praesectum decies non castigavit ad unguem^
Ingenium misera quia fortunatius arte 295
credit et excludit sanos Helicone poetas
Democritus, bona pars non unguis ponere curat,
non barbam, secreta petit loca, balnea vitat.
Nanciscetur enim pretium nomenque poetae,
si tribus Anticyris caput insanabile nunquam 300
tonsori Licino commiserit. O ego laevus,
qui purgor bilem sub verni temporis horam !
Non alius faceret meliora poemata. Verum
nil tanti est. Ergo fungar vice cotis, acutum
reddere quae ferrum valet exsors ipsa secandi ; 305
munus et officium nil scribens ipse docebo,
unde parentur opes, quid alat formetque poetam ;
quid deceat, quid non; quo virtus, quo ferat error.
Scribendi recte sapere est et principium et fons :
rem tibi Socraticae poterunt ostendere chartae, 310
verbaque provisam rem non invita sequentur.
Qui didicit patriae quid debeat et quid amicis,
quo sit amore parens, quo frater amandus et hospes,
quod sit conscripti, quod iudicis officium, quae
partes in bellum missi ducis, ille profecto 315
reddere personae scit convenientia cuique.
294. praescclurn LI. vet. Bern. BM: pei-fecttim S"OK.
72 Q. HO RATI FLA C CI [317—
Respicere exemplar vitae morumque iubebo
doctum imitatorem et vivas hinc ducere voces.
Interdum speciosa locis morataque recte
fabula nuUius veneris, sine pondere et arte, 320
valdius oblectat populuni meliusque moratur
quam versus inopes rerum nugaeque canorae.
Grais ingenium, Grais dedit ore rotundo
musa loqui, praeter laudem nullius avaris.
Romani pueri longis rationibus assem x s^-*-'*^325
discunt in partes centum diducere. 'Dicat
filius Albini : si de quincunce remota est
uncia, quid superat ? Poteras dixisse.' 'Triens.' 'Eu!
rem poteris servare tuam. Redit uncia, quid fit?'
'Semis.' An haec animos aerugo et cura peculi 330
cum semel imbuerit, speramus carmina fingi
posse linenda cedro et levi servanda cupresso ? ^
Aut prodesse volunt aut delectare poetae,
aut simul et iucunda et idonea dicere vitae.
Quidquid praecipies esto brevis, ut cito dicta 335
percipiant animi dociles teneantque fideles ;
omne supervacuum pleno de pectore manat.
Ficta voluptatis causa sint proxima veris,
nee quodcunque velit poscat sibi fabula credi,
neu pransae Lamiae vivum puerum extrahat alvo. 340
Centuriae seniorum agitant expertia frugis, -
celsi:praetereunt austera poemata Ramnes :
omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci,
326. dicat uiOKJsl: dicas B. 328. stiperat ? coOKM :
superefQ. poteras a' ^yOl\.^l: poterat aB. 330. an
Bl. vet. Bern. BM : at £"0K. 335. quicqidd w'BKM :
quidquid O. 339. W(?a7BKM: nee ^O. velit a^M;
volet 7BOK.
373-] DE ARTE POETICA. 73
lectorem delectando pariterque monendo. ^-j/ u .
Hie meret aera liber Sosiis; hie et mare transit 345
et longum noto scriptori prorogat aevum.
Lpf^jt.Sunt delicta tamen quibus ignovisse velimus ;
nam neque chorda sonum reddit quern vult nianus et
mens,
poscentique gravem persaepe remittit acutum ;
nee semper feriet quodcunque minabitur arcus. 350
Verum ubi plura nitent in carmine, non ego paucis
offendar macuHs, quas aut incuria fudit
aut humana parum cavit natura. Quid ergo est?
Ut scriptor si peccat idem librarius usque,
quamvis est monitus, venia caret; ut citharoedus 355
ridetur, chorda qui semper oberrat eadem :
sic mihi qui multum cessat fif'Choerilus ille,
quem bis terve bonum cum risu miror; et idem.
/ indignor quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus.
Verum operi longo fas est obrepere somnum. 360
Ut pictura poesis : erit quae si propius stes
te capiat magis, et quaedam si longius abstes.
Haec amat obscurum, volet haec sub luce videri,
iudicis argutum quae non formidat acumen ;
haec placuit semel, haec deciens repetita placebit. 365
O maior iuvenum, quamvis et voce paterna
fingeris ad rectum et per te sapis, hoc tibi dictum
toUe memor, certis medium et tolerabiie rebus ||
recte concedi. Consultus iuris et actor
causarum mediocris abest virtute diserti 370
Messallae nee scit quantum Cascellius Aulus,
sed tamen in pretio est: mediocribus esse poetisj'.
non homines, non di, non concessere columnae. u-'^-^'^-^
358. terve 5'^Qyi: toujue 5'\\..
74 Q- HO RATI FLACCT [374—
Ut gratas inter mensas symphonia discors
et crassum unguentum et Sardo cum melle papaver
offendunt, poterat duci quia cena sine istis: 376
sic animis natum inventumque poema iuvandis,
si paulum summo decessit, vergit ad imum,
Ludere qui nescit, campestribus abstinet armis,
indoctusque pilae discive trochive quiescit, 380
ne spissae risum tollant impune coronae :
qui nescit versus tamen audet fingere. Quidni?
I Liber et ingenuus, praesertim census equestreni; j/p-frf^ \
summam nummorum vitioque remotus ab omni. '^^■'''■^^
Tu nihil invita dices faciesve Minerva; 385
id tibi iudicium est, ea mens. Si quid tamen olim
scripseris in Maeci descendat iudicis aures
et patris et nostras, nonumque prematur in annum, -'■
membranis intus positis : delere licebit
quod non edideris; nescit vox missa reverti. 390
Silvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum
caedibus et victu foedo deterruit Orpheus,
dictus ob hoc lenire tigris rabidosque leones.
Dictus et.Amphion, Thebanae conditor urbis,
saxa movere sono testudinis et prece blanda 395
ducere quo vellet. Fuit haec sapientia quondam,
pubhca privatis secernere, sacra profanis,
concubitu prohibere vago, dare iura maritis,
oppida moliri, leges incidere ligno ;
sic honor et nomen divinis vatibus atque 400
carminibus venit. Post hos insignis Homerus
Tyrtaeusque mares animos in Martia bella
versibus exacuit ; dictae per carmina sortes ;
et vitae monstrata via est ; et gratia regum
vW* 394^ lu'bis ^yKINI : arcis aBO.
434-] J^E ARTE POETIC A. 75
Pieriis temptata modis ; ludusque repertus 405
et longorum operum finis : ne forte pudori
■^ \_ sit tibi Musa lyrae sellers et cantor Apollo.
Natura fieret laudabile carmen an arte , 4^^..
quaesitum est: ego nee studium sine divite vetii ' ^ ^/,^*" '
nee rude quid prosit video ingenium; alterius sic 410
altera poscit opem res et coniurat amice.
Qui studet optatam cursu contingere metam
multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit et alsit,
abstinuit venere et vino ; qui Pythia cantat
tibicen didicit prius extimuitque magistrum. 415
Nunc satis est dixisse : * Ego mira poemata pango ;
I occupet extremum scabies ; mihi turpe relinqui est
et quod non didici sane nescire fateri.'
Ut praeco, ad merces turbam qui cogit emendas,
adsentatores iubet ad lucrum ire poeta 420
dives agris, dives positis in faenore numrpis.,^ , .
Si vero est! unctum qui recte ponere I5^sf^;^-J'^;,:,;;^;i^ ^
et spondere levi pro paupere et eripere atris A/*.vr<&*-<^c
litibus implicitum, mirabor si sciet inter
noscere mendacem verumque beatus amicum. 425
Tu seu donaris seu quid donare voles cui,
nolito ad versus tibi factos ducere plenum
laetitiae; clamabit enim 'pulchre! bene! recte!'
Pallescet. super his, etiam stillabit amicis
ex oculis rorem, saliet, tundet pede terram. 430
Ut qui conducti plorant in funere dicunt
et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo, sic
derisor vero plus laudatore movetur.
Reges dicuntur multis urgere culillis
410. prosti cJK: possitBOM. 416. nunc uK: nee
BOM. «(7M Bera. 423, a/mw'OKM: arlisB.
76 Q. HORATI FLACCI [435—
et torquere mero quern perspexisse laborent, 435
an sit amicitia dignus ; si carmina condes,
nunquam te falliint animi sub vulpe latentes.
Quintilio si quid recitares, ' Corrige sodes
hoc,' aiebat, ' et hoc :' meHus te posse negates
bis terque expertum frustra, delere iubebat 440
et male tornatos incudi reddere versus. -
Si defendere delictum quam vertere malles,
nullum ultra verbum aut operam insumebat inanem
quin sinci rivali teque et tua solus amares.
Vir bonus et prudens versus reprehendet inertes, 445
culpabit duros, incomptis axilinet atrum
transverso calamo signum, ambitiosa recidet
ornamenta, parum claris lucem dare coget,
arguet ambigue dictum, mutanda notabit,
fiet Aristarchus ; non dicet: 'Cur ego amicum 450
offendam in nugis?' Hae nugae seria ducent
in mala derisum semel exceptumque sinistre.
Ut mala quern scabies aut morbus regius urget
aut fanaticus error et iracunda Diana,
vesanum tetigisse timent fugiuntque poetam 455
qui sapiunt; agitant pueri incautique sequuntur.
Hie, dum sublimis versus ructatur et errat,
si veluti merulis intentus decidit auceps
in puteum foveamve, licet, ' Succurrite,' longum
clamet, ' lo cives!' non sit qui toUere curet. 460
Si curet quis opem ferre et demittere funem,
' Qui scis an prudens hue se proiecerit atque
servari nolit?' dicam, Siculique poetae
435. laborent a^: labo7-ant 7BOKM. 441. tornatos
wOKM : ter natos B. 450. non S''BOM : nee ff'"K.
462. proiecerit S''^0^: de iecerit S^ 'K.
476.] DE ARTE POETIC A. 77
narrabo interitum. Deus immortalis haberi
dum cupit Empedocles, ardentem frigidus Aetnam
insiluit. Sit ius liceatque perire poetis: 466
/ invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti.
Nee semel hoc fecit, nee si retractus erit iam
fiet homo et ponet famosae mortis amorem.
Nee satis apparet cur versus factitet, utrum 470
minxerit in patrios cineres, an triste bidental ■ -■
moverit incestus i certe furit ac velut ursus i^
obiectos caveae valuit si frangere c^atros, ■' ^
indoctum doctumque fugat recitator acerbus ;
quem vero arripuit tenet occiditque legendo, 475
non missura cutem, nisi plena cruoris, hirudo. -
473. clatros wK : clathvos BOM.
NOTES.
NOTES.
BOOK I. EPISTLE I.
Maecenas, as is plain from tlie opening words of this
Epistle, had urged Horace to resume the composition of lyric
verse. If any special occasion for this advice is to be sought,
it may probably be found in the journey of Augustus to the East
in K.C. 21, followed by the expedition of Tiberius to Armenia,
and the restoration of the Roman standards taken by Crassus
(cp. Ep. XII. 26). It would have been natural for Maecenas
to wish that his friend and/;-£'/4'''-'s^'ouldnot lose the opportunity
thus supplied for a panegyric on the Emperor and his policy.
Horace here expresses the reasons which had led him to devote
himself for the future rather to the study of philosophy ; differing
from the mass of mankind who value wealth above virtue, he
declares that it is only in the pursuit of the latter that true
happiness is to be found.
1 — 19. You -cvoidd fain, Maecenas, press vie into servia
again, but I have received my discharge; an old soldier may "well
be alloived to hang up his arms and rest, for fear of a break-down
at last. I am laying aside all trifling pursuits, and storing up
provision of wisdom, following no special school, but borne along
wherever the breeze may take me.
1. prima — Camena. 'Theme of my earliest Muse, and des-
tmed theme of my latest': Camena, one of the Italian goddesses
of song [earlier form Casnicna or Carmena (Varro de L. Lat.
VII. 26) from \Jkas 'sing', a rare instance of j lost without
lengthening in compensation (Roby § 193), but cp. Camillus,
probably from the same root, Vanicek p. 150], cannot cover any
reference to the satires, which were merely sermones. Either the
phrase is a conventional expression of high esteem ; cp. Horn.
II. IX. 97 ev aol ij.kv Xtj^w, aio 5' a.ni,op.a.i, imitated by Theognis
I — 4 (Bergk) w wa, At/tous l/ie, Aios t^kos, oiJiroTe aelo Xr](ro/j.a(.
apxbixevo^ oiid' aTroiravo/xevos, aW alel irpCJTOv ak nai liaraTOi'
^v re fiiffOLaiv aeicru}' and by Theocritus XVII. i eK Aibs dpxiJi-
fieaOa Kal e's Aia Xrjyere, Moiirat : cp. Verg. Eel. VIII. 11 : a te
(VoWio) principium, tibi dcsinet : or possibly the reference is to
W. H. 6
82 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
the epodes, dedicated to Maecenas, as Horace's first effort in
lyrics, by the poem placed first when they were published (so
Kitter).
summa = ultima as in Carm. in. 28, 13, Verg. Aen. 11. 3^4,
a usage for which stiprci/iiis is more common both in prose and
verse.
2. spectatum ' approved ' : the technical term, stamped on
the tessera (prize medal) which a gladiator received, after dis-
tinguishing himself in the arena. A large number of these
tesserae have been discovered : ' Ex osse eboreve sunt omnes,
exiguae molis, ansatae et ad gestandum appendendumve aptae,
formae longiusculae quadratae excepta unica recentissima sex
laterum. Singulis lateribus singuli versus inscripti sunt, ut a quo
incipias arbitrarium sit.' Mommsen Corp. Inscr. Lat. I. p. 195.
Mommsen was inclined, for various reasons, to doubt the current
opinion that these were presented at the close of a successful
fight, but there is some fresh support for this view in the recent
discoveiy of a bronze tablet recording a presentation probably of
this kind : cp. Corp. II. 4963, (where it is figured), Wilmanns
Ex. Inscr. Lat. II. p. 239. Ritschl has discussed the tesserae
very fully and supported the old view in Opusc. iv. 572 fF.
Cp. Friedlander Sitteng. 11^ 510. It is to be noticed that some
have the word spectavit (never spectattcs) in full : of these six are
now known to exist (cp. Ephem. Epigr. III. 161, 203; Garrucci
Syll. p. 651 and Tav. 11. 7). Mommsen thinks that spectavit vaz.^
mean * took his place as a spectator,' no longer in the arena.
donatum iam rude ' already discharged ' : the riidis was the
wooden foil with which gladiators practised Liv. xxvi. 51,4; and
hence a riidis was presented to a veteran as a sign that he was
no longer to take part in serious encounters. Cp. Suet. Calig. 32
Murmilloncm e liido rttdibits scciim batuentem et sp07ite prostratum
confodit ferrea sica ; and for the applied meaning Cic. Phil. II.
•29, 74 tani bonus gladiator riidem tarn cito? Ovid. Am. II. 9, 20
deposito poscitur ense riidis, Trist. IV. 8, 24 me qitoqtie donari iam
rude tempiis erat, with Mayor on Juv. VII. 171 ergo sibi dabit
ipse rudem. Hence riediarii — aTroTa^dixevoi, Gloss. Labb. : cp.
Suet. Tib. 7 (quoted below).
3. antique in itsmore strict sense, ' in which I served of old ':
cp. Luc. VI. 721 i^ivisaqiie claustra timentem carceris antiqui.
liido ' the training school' Indus gladiatorius, cp. Caes. de Bell.
Civ. I. 14 gladiatores quos ibi Caesar in ludo habcbat. includere
after quaeris a usage confined to poetry (e.g. Sat. I. 9, 8, Carm.
III. 4, 39, and later prose, e.g. Tac. Germ. 2; Roby § 1344).
Draeger's reference (11. 301) to Cic. de Invent. II. 26, 77 is not
in accordance with the best texts there : cp. Weidner ad loc.
4. mens 'desires' Carm. iv. 10, 7. Veianius: Porphyrion
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. 33
writes nobilis gladiator post imiltas palmas consccratis Hevciili
Ftindaiio ai-mis tandem in agcliiim se coniulit: there seems to be
no positive evidence that gladiators were regarded as under the
protection of Hercules; but this god would be as naturally
selected by a gladiator, as the nymphs by a fisherman Anth. Pal.
II. 494 or Hermes by a hunter ib. I. 223. A soldier similarly in
Anth. Pal. I. 241 says: 5e'Jat /x, 'HpaKXets, ' KpxecTpa.Tov lephv
oirXov, o<ppa Trort ^eaTov Traarada KeKXifx^va yijpaXia reXedotpi-i.
Cp. Carm. III. 16, 11. As the temple of Hercules at Fundi was
well known, it does not follow, as Ritter thinks that the agc-r must
have been in its neighbourhood : the term is here quite general,
'in the country.' For the case cp. Roby § 1174, S. G. § 489.
6. extrema harena, i.e. at the outside edge of the circus,
under the podium, where the more distinguished spectators had
their seats. Acron tells us, though possibly without any authority
beyond that of this passage, that gladiators who were suing for
their discharge {pctituri rudcm) used to betake themselves to the
edge of the arena that they might the more readily prevail upon
the people by their down-cast looks, a phrase singularly at
variance with what we learn elsewhere of the pride which they
took in their profession. Cp. Friedlander Sitteng. II^ p. 363. Most
modern editors accept this view, but it is open to grave objection.
Veianius, Horace says, hung up his arms in the temple of Her-
cules, and retired to the country, abandoning altogether his pro-
fession. Why? That he might not have so frequently to implore
the people to request his master to give him his discharge? But
he must have received his discharge already, if it was possible for
him to retire. Why then continue to beg for it? But we know
from Suet. Tib. 7 {munus gladiatorijim dcdit, rudiariis qtcibiis-
dam revocatis aiictoramcnto ccntcmim milium) that veterans who
had received their discharge were sometimes induced to re-appear
on special occasions. Veianius after his discharge, retired al-
together that he might not after so many victories, break down
and be compelled again and again to appeal as a defeated com-
batant for the mercy of the spectators. The desire that mercy
should be shown to a defeated gladiator was expressed by turning
down the thumbs (Plin. xxvni. 2, 5 polliccs, cum Javcamus,
premere eiiam proverbio iubcmur : cp. Ep. I. 18, 66, Juv. III. 36
with Mayor's note). The illustration thus becomes more closely
parallel with the metaphor of the race-horse which follows.
As exoro has in itself always the meaning ' to prevail upon',
we must here press the imperfect force of the present 'attempt to
prevail upon' : Roby § 1454, 3, S.G. § 591.
7. piirgatam, 'well rinsed,' for which purpose vinegar was
sometimes used, as we learn from Pers. v. 86. qui : for the
' inner voice ' cp. ib. V. 96 stat contra ratio et sccrctam gannit in
aurem.
84 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
personet, with an ace. here, as in Cic. Ep. Fam. vi. t8,
I. Verg. Aen. vi. 417: but absolutely in Sat. 11. 6, 115.
8. sanus = si sapis.
9. peccet ' break down '. ilia ducat ' strain his panting
flanks': ilia diccere is the same as ilia tt-ndereiu. Verg. G. iii.
506 (not, as Macleane, the reverse): cp. Aen. IX. 413 longis
singjtltibtis ilia pitlsat : Plin. N. H. xxvi. 6, 15 iumentis...non
tussientibus j?iodo sed ilia qiioqite trahentibus : all these phrases
mean ' to become broken-winded.'
10. itaque, not found in the second place in a sentence in
prose before Livy. Cp. Hand Turs.iii. 509, Kiihnast Liv. Synt.
p. 318-
ludicra 'toys', i.e. trifles (Ep. i. 6, 7), but not, as Macleane,
'follies'", "gono = depoi!o, as sometimes even in Cicero, e.g. de
Orat. III. 12, 46, de Off. in. 10, 43 ; Tusc. I. 11, 24 (Kiihner),
and often, especially with arma, in Livy.
11. quid verum sc. sit, a rare omission in prose : cp. Cic.
de Off. I. 43, 152 (Holden). Madvig § 4/9 a, obs. For verum =
'right' TO TrpeTTov: cp. Ep. I. 12, 24; Sat. II. 3, 312: idne est
veriim Ter. Andr. 629. It is not so much speculative as moral
truth of which Horace is in quest.
omnis in hoc sum ' I am wholly absorbed in this ' : cp. Sat.
I. 9, 2 totus in illis.
12. condo et compono ' I store up and arrange ', so as to be
able to produce at once, like a good condiis fj-cmiis.
13. ne forte roges : Roby § 1662, S.G. § 690; Ep. 11. i,
208 ac ne forte piites. Although Maecenas was doubtless aware
of Horace's independent position, this is not a sufficient reason
to suppose that there is here a change of subject to the reader in
general.
quo.-.tuter 'who is my leader, and what the home in which
I find shelter '.
dux = head of a school : Quint, v. 13, 59 duos diversartim
sectarum quasi duces. The terms donius and familia were often
used of a philosophic school (e.g. de Orat. I. 10, 42, HI. 16, 21):
hence the transition to lar, properly the household god, is natural.
14. addictus, at least as strongly supported by MS. authority
as adductus, and unquestionably the right reading here ; for the
metaphor of the gladiatorial school is still retained : cp. Petron.
117 uri, vinciri verberari ferrogtie nccari, et qiucquid aliud
Eumolpus iussisset : iamquam legitimi gladiatores domino corpora
animasque religiossinie addicimus : Quint. III. i, 22 neqite vie
cumsquam sectae velut quadam supcrstitionc iinbiitus addixi ; Cic.
Tusc. II. 2, 5; Hor. Sat. 11, 7, 59. The term was not under-
Bk. L Ep. I.] NOTES. 85
stood by the copyists, who therefoi-e regarded addtictus as the
easier reading. Addicttis, properly of an insolvent debtor, ad-
judged by the praetor as the slave of his creditor, is here used in
a reflexive sense 'not binding myself to swear obedience to any
master'. The infinitive is like that in Ep. i. i, 27. Magistcr
Sanmitiuni is used of the trainer of gladiators in Cic. de Orat. in.
23, 86. iurare in verba, cp. Epod. xv. 4 in verba iuraba: mea,
literally ' you swore adhesion to the formula which I dictated.'
15. quo...cunique : the same tmesis occurs in Carm. i. 7, 25 ;
Yerg. Aen. 11. 709; Cic. Tusc. II. 5, 15; with the pronoun in
de Orat. ill. 16, 60.
deferor : Cic. Acad. 11. 3, 8 ad qiiamctmque sunt discipUnam
quasi ttvipcsfate ddati.
16. agilis = TTysaKTiK-o J, i.e. I adopt the doctrines of the Stoics,
which make it a duty to take an active part in civic life. * If
virtue does not consist in idle contemplation, but in action, how
dare the wise man lose the opportunity of promoting good and
repressing evil by taking part in political life ' ? (Zeller, Stoics and
Epicureans p. 320 E. T.). Later Stoics however advised philo-
sophers not to intermeddle at all in civil matters (ib. p. 323).
fio : Lachmann on Lucret. in. 374 has shown how rare it is
for the second of two long vowels to be elided. Cp. Kennedy
P. S. G. § 256—2.
18. Aristippi : Cic. Acad. il. 42 alii volitpfafem finem
bonoi-nm esse vohcerunt , quorum priizceps Aristippiis Cyrenaiciis.
Aristippus who regarded the bodily gratification of the moment
as the highest pleasure represents a lower stage of the philo-
sophy of mere enjoyment than Epicurus himself. Cp. Zeller
Socratic Schools p. 295 E. T.
19. miM res. ..Conor; i.e. I endeavour to subdue all events
and circumstances to my own enjoyment, and not to become a
slave to circumstances. Cp. Ep. I. 17, 23 (note).
20 — 26. / pass my time in weariness and impatience until I
can attain to that virtue which alone blesses rich and poor alike.
20. quibus mentitur arnica ' whose love proves jade ' (Mar-
tin).
21. opus debentibus = operariis 'those who are bound to
give their service ', e. g. maid-servants with their daily task of
spinning, or day-labourers : not (as some) ' those who work for
debt '.
22. custodia 'charge' i.e. general oversight, to be dis-
tinguished from the legal guardianship [tutcla), which was never
assigned to the mother, for women were themselves always under
iutela, so that strictly speaking no one could hold the position of
pupillus to his mother.
86 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
23. spem...morantTir 'delay the fulfilment of my hope':
cp. Liv. XXIII. 14 si spem morare7itur.
24. naviter was the reading of the archetype (Keller), and
should not be replaced by the more archaic ^waz'/Z^r. The MS.
evidence for the more archaic forms of spelling in Horace is, as
a rule, very slight. He seems however to have preferred
gnatus as the substantive form, to distinguish it from the
participle natus, cp. Keller Epilog, on Seim. i. i, 83.
25. aeque, aeque repeated for the sake of emphasis by
anapho7-a to show that there is absolutely no exception. Cp.
Tac. Agric. 15 aeque discordiam praepositonim, aeque concordiain
siibicctis exiiiosam. The more usual construction is aeque... at-
qzie or et.
26. neglectum 'while its neglect', a participle in agreement
for an abstract noun with the genitive, like capta tcrbs ' the capture
of the city ', and the like, so common in Livy.
27 — 32. If I cannot attain to perfection, I can still put into
practice the elementary knowledge tvhich I possess.
27. restat, i.e. in spite of the hindrances which I meet with
in my attempts at progress.
elementa = (rroix«'« toi; Xb-^ov of Zeno, the Kvpiu Zbi,a.i of
Epicurus (Zeller p. 40S), general ethical principles.
28. possis. Roby§ 1552, S.G. § 650. oculo : ^cz^Z^j-, adopted
by Bentley, who proves that both constructions are legitimate (cp.
Cic. p. Lig. 3, 6 quantum potero voce confendam), for the quaint
reason that Horace was accustomed to anoint both his eyes with
salve (Sat. I. 5 30), has much less MS. authority.
Lyncens, one of the Argonauts, famed for his keen sight,
Kebov yap eirt-xdovloiv ircivTwu yever o^vrarov 6;Mfj.a (Pind. Nem.
X, 62): cp. Aristoph. Plut. 210 ^XeweLv o^vrepou rod AvyKewz,
Valerius Maximus (l. 8, 14) says ne illius qtiidem parvae admi-
rationis octdi, queni constat tarn certa acie lumimim itsum esse,
tit a Lilybaeo portmn /Carthagijtiensiitm egrediefties classes intue-
retur : there is no authority for assuming with Macleane (fol-
lowed by Martin) that his name was Lynceus; Pliny H. N. vn.
85, on the authority of Varro, says that it was Strabo. Cp. Cic.
Acad. II. 25, 8r.
29. Intingul, much better established here than inungi.
30. desperes. Roby, § 1740, S. G. § 740.
Glyconis, shown by Lessing first (Werke viil. 526) from
a Greek epigram (Anth. Pal. VII. 692 Y\vkwv, rh Tlepyafj-rivov
' Acridi kX^os, d Tra/oi/iapj^wv Kepavvos, 6 TrXariis TroSas, d Kaivos
'AT/Xas, a'i r' dw'/caroi x^P^s ippovn k.t.X.) to have been a
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. .87
famous athlete contemporary with the poet. This quite dis-
poses of the notion that there may be a reference to the Farnese
Hercules, the worl-c of the sculptor Glycon. The reading Mi-
lonis mentioned by Acron, is simply the substitution of a more
familiar name. Cp. Arrian Epict. Diss. I. i, 37 ohoh yap MiXuv
iffOfjLai, Kai 6fj.oj^ ovk d/xe\cD tov (Tuifiaros' ovde Kpolffos, /cat ovk
dfj-eXiS r^s KT-rjaecos' ovo' airXws aWov Tivb% tv,% eTTifieXeias, Ota
rrjv cLTToyvwcFLv tu)v uKpwp, dcf)iiyTdfxeda.
31. corpus proMbere cheragra. For the construction of
prohibere=' g\X3.T<l^ cp. Cic. de Off. II. 12, 41 cum prohibent
inuiria tenuioj-es (with Holden's note) : Carm. I. 27, 4 Bacchuni
prohibete rixis : similarly with arcere Ep. I. 8, 10. nodosa, gout
produces chalk-stones in the fingers, as with Milton, who in his
later years was ' pale but not cadaverous, his hands and fingers
gouty and with chalk-stones': cp. Sat. II. 7, 15 postijuani
illi instil cheragra coiitudit articiUos.
32. quadam...tenus, formed like hacte^tus, eatenus etc.,
introduced by Cruquius from the Bland. Vet. and defended by
Bentley against the earlier reading qnodani which has equal
MS. authority, but is only a copyist's correction, qiiadamtcniis
is used repeatedly by Pliny the Elder : the other form would
not be good Latin, tcniis never being employed with an adverb
of direction, Roby § 2164. I see no reason to suppose that
Horace is speaking with any irony here.
33 — 40. The cure for all diseases of the mind is to be found
in the magic spells of philosophy.
33. fervet'is fevered'. For the mood cp. Roby § 1553,
S. G. § 651. Horace appears to have been especially struck by
the greed for money in his own time, and refers to this with
great frequency: Sat. I. 4, 26, II. 3. 82; Ep. II. i, 119, II. 2,
148, &c. cupidine always masculine in Horace, never in Vergil:
Ovid's practice varies: cp. Neue For77ienlehre, I. 655.
34. vertoa et voces, ' spells and strains ', the former ap-
parently magic formulae, (Verg. G. 11. 129 miscucrtintque herbas
et non innoxia verba) the latter incantations, so that Horace
inverts the order of Euripides (Hipp. 478) ilalv 5' evrySai koI
\6yoi 6e\KTy}pL0L' (pavrjaerai tl rrjaSe (papfxaKov voaov. The term
voces however probably also includes instrumental as well as
vocal music (cp. Sat. I. 3, 8, Ep. i. 2, 23, A. P. 216), to both
forms of which great efficacy was ascribed in allaying pain; e. g.
Cell. IV. 13 proditum est, ischiaci cum maxivie doleatit, turn si
modulis lenibus tibicen incinat, mimii dolor es.
35. morbi, the ttix^oj of the Stoics.
36. certa piacula, ' specific remedies ' : as antiquissitno tem-
pore morbi ad iram deoruiii immortalium referebantiir (Cels.
Praef. i), the remedies provided by philosophy are spoken of as
88 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
'propitiatory offerings': cp. Carm. 1. 1%, 34. These 'remedies'
are the precepts contained in the books of the philosophers, which
must be read through thrice, after previous purification. The
magic efficacy of the number three is often referred to, e.g.
Theocr. 43, es rpis a.■K0(s^rivh^^3 koI rpis rdde, irorvia, (puvw,
Tibull. I. 2, 54 (er cane, tcr dictis despite carminibits, Hor. Carm.
I. 28, 36, Sat. n. I, 7. Libelliis probably keeps up the allusion
in piactda, and is not without a reference to the books of magic
charms, though it denotes primarily the writings of philosophers.
38. amator, 'licentious'. Cic. Tusc. IV. 12, 27 aliiid est
aniatorem esse, aliud amantem.
40. culturae, Tusc. 11. 5, 13 itt ager quamvis fertilis sine
niUia-a friictiwsiis esse iion potest: sic sine doctrina animus...
ctdtiira ante?n animi philosophia est.
41 — 52. At a7iy rate the first step in a virtuous life catt be
taken. Even this would free you frotn the toils which many
undergo, though they would escape them if they knew the true
value of things.
41. virtus, sc. prima: cp. Quint. Vlil. 3, i^i prima virtus
est vitio carere.
42. vldes. Horace has now quite passed away from Mae-
cenas, and is addressing the reader, as often.
43. repulsam. At this time the elections were nominally left
in the hands of the people (Suet. Oct. 40 comitiortiin pristimim
ins reduxit), although Augustus reserved to himself the right of
nominating half the magistrates, and of exercising a veto upon
unworthy candidates. Cp. Merivale c. XLIV. (v. 230).
44. animi capitisque, ' of mind and body ' : captit seems
to be used somewhat generally for the body, but it is difficult
to find an exact parallel.
46. per mare, etc. proverbial expressions, not to be pressed
in detail, cp. Sat. 11. 3, 56, Solon Fragm. xiii. (Bergk) 43
ffwevdei 5' aWodev aXXos' 6 nkv Kara ttovtov aXrlrai iv vrjucriv
XPV^t^f o'lKade K^pdos ayeiv IxQvoevr , avep-OLai. (popevjxevos ap-^a-
"KioKTLV, <pei5iaXi]v ^vxv^ ov5e/xLav deiJ.ivo%.
47. ne cures = ' ut non-cures'.
48. meliori, Ep. i. 2, 68.
49. circum pagos 'who goes the round of the villages':
cp. Sat. I. 6, 82 circum doctores aderat : Cic. p. Quinct. 6, 25
Naevius pueros circum amicos dimittit.
compita, ' cross-ways ', where spectators might easily collect,
especially (but not only) at the festivals known as Paganalia and
Compitalia, the former in January, the latter about the same
time (Marquardt Rom. Staatsverw. III. 193, 197). The scholiast
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. 89
on Persius IV. 28, writes compila sunt loca in quadrivits, quasi
turres, iibi sacrijicia, finita agri cultura, 7-ustici celcbrabant.
60. magna, the famous games at Elis. There were other
less celebrated Olympic games in Greece, coronari Olympla.
A Greek construction, (Trecpavovcdai 'OXv/jLiria 'to be crowned as
victor in the Olympian games '.
51. sine pulvere = axociT^. Plin. N. H. xxxv, ir J/ci-
vtachus pinxit Dexipputn, qui pancratia Olympia ciira pulveris
tactum, quod vacant (xkopltL, vicit. Milton, Arcopagitica, p. 18
(Hales), 'the race, where that immortal garland is to be run
for not without dust and heat '.
52. Horace throws out somewhat abruptly a philosophic
common-place, and then goes on to point out how it is practi-
cally denied by the conduct of most men.
53 — 69. All Rome is full of lessons of self seeking, and a
vian is measured by what he has, but even the boys knoiu that
this is not the true standard; and we are conscious that the pursuit
of virtue is worthier than that of money.
54. lanus sununus ab imo, a difficult phrase. Horace (Sat.
II. 3, 18) speaks of a medius lanus at which a man's fortune
was wrecked: and Cicero (de Off. II. 24, 87) of those who sit
ad medium lanum, plying their business as bankers &c. In
Phil. VI. 5, 15 he makes mention of a statue erected Z. An-
tonio a medio lano patrono, and adds Itattc? lanus medius in
L. Antonii clientela est? Quis unquam in illo lano inventus
est, qui L. Antonio millc nummum ferret expensum ? It is clear
therefore that medius lanus was equivalent to our 'Change; but
it is not certain what the precise meaning of Janus was. Becker
(Rom. Alt. I. p. 326), followed by Mr Burn (Rome and the Cam-
pagna, p. 105) supposes that three or more latti stood at various
points along the north-east side of the Forum, similar to the
lanus Quadrifrons which still stands in the Forum Boarium,
constructed of four archways, joined in a square, with an attica
or a chamber above them. He thinks that the bankers spoken
of by Horace and Cicero transacted their business partly in
these chambers, and partly below under the archways. It has
even been suggested that the foundations of the incdius lanus
have been discovered. But the scholiast of Cruquius says 'lanus
autem hie platea dicitur, ubi mercatores et feneratores sortis
causa convenire solebant'; and certainly lanus is often used
in the sense of an arcade or passage, rather than an arch.
Hence Dr Dyer in Diet. Geogr. 11. 774 b conjectures that
lanus was the name applied to the street at the north side of
the forum, a view supported at some length by Mr Nicholls in
his ' Roman Forum ', p. 240 ff. If this view be correct (and
it has the support of Bentley), we must translate ' the whole
90 Id OR ATI EPISrULAE.
Janus, from the top to the bottom '. We may notice however a
passage in Livy XLI. 27 et fonii/i porticibus tabcrnisqiie clauden-
dtiin et lanos ires faciendos, which somewhat supports Becker's
theory: the name of the town in question is lost, the passage
being much mutilated ; but it is possible that the constructions
described were in imitation of those at Rome : they were cer-
tainly not at Rome, as Mr King (on Phil. vi. 5) supposes. For
the phrase summits ab tmo=' from the top to the bottom', cp.
Ovid lb. 181 Iiigcribusque novcm qui \_Tityos^ sitmmus distal ab
imo.
55. prodocet = ' palam docet' 'holds forth,' or perhaps rather
' docendo praeit': the word is only found here; in TrpodidacTKeiv
the preposition sometimes seems to retain very little force ;
perdocet retained by Macleane has extremely little authority, not
being found in any good MS.
66. laevo...lacerto, a line repeated from Sat. I. 6, 74 and
rejected by many recent editors. But it is found in all MSS.,
and may perhaps be defended as heightening the irony : old and
young all repeat the same lesson, like a pack of school-boys, on
their way to school.^suspensi loculos, Roby § 1126, S. G.§ 471.
57, 58. These two lines are inverted in the earlier editions,
and in most good MSS. The usual order is due to Cruquius,
and is warmly defended by Bentley, whose authority has pre-
vailed with most recent editors. I feel by no means sure that
Ritter is not right in preferring the other order, which is far
better established, and which gives a Horatian abruptness. The
reading si for sed is weakly supported ; so is Bentley's desint for
desimt.
57. est, cp. 1. 33. lingua 'a ready tongue', fides either
' credit ', that is, a respectable position in money matters, though
not quite up to the standard for a knight (cp. Ep. I. 6, 36),
or perhaps better ' loyalty ' to your friends, to be connected
closely with lingua, and hence not, as Orelli thinks, tautologous
after mores.
68. quadringentis, sc. milibus sestertium, to the 400,000 ses-
terces fixed as the rating of the equites by the lex itidiciaria of C.
Gracchus. There was a census equester from the earliest times
(Liv. V. 7), but its amount is a matter of conjecture only (Becker
R. A. II. I, 250).
sex septem : for the asyndeton cp. Ter. Eun. 331 his mensi-
bns sex septem. Cic. ad Att. x, 8. 6 sex septem diebus. It does
not seem to occur with any other numerals; but cp. ter quater.
69. plebs, not in its legal sense, but in the general mean-
ing a 'low fellow.' So Hom. II. Xil. 213 dyj/xov eoura, on
which Hesych. comments drj/xoTTjv, Kal 'iva. tCov iroWlJiiv. cp. Sat. I.
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. 91
8, 10; Ep. I. 19, 37. Cicero apparently never uses it cither in
this general sense, nor of an individual.
rex eris si recte facies : Isidor. Or. viii. 3, 4 gives the full
trochaic tetrameter : rex eris, si rede facies, si non facies 7tdn
eris. The meaning is plainly ' if you play well, we will make
you our king' : an ambiguous meaning of recte, which Horace
turns to his own purpose. Conington's 'deal fairly, youngster,
and we'll crown you king' seems to miss the point. Fair play
alone is not enough for distinction in games.
60. hie: Roby § 106 8.
61. nil conscire sibi, ' to be conscious of no guilt ' : the use
of sibi after an imperative is somewhat like that in Cic. de Nat.
D. I. 30, 84 siln ii'is/>/ic-ere, ib. 44, 122 ittilitatum snariini, where
the subject is indefinite, although in the one case the second
person, in the other the first has preceded.
62. Eoscia.-.lex : L. Roscius Otho, trib. pi. in B.C. 67,
carried a law that the first fourteen rows of the cavea at the
theatre, next to the orchestra which was occupied by the senators,
should be reserved for the eguites : the law was very unpopular,
and in B.C. 63 Roscius was hissed in the theatre (Plut. Cic. 13),
but the people were pacified by Cicero, and Roscio thcatralis
auctori legis ignozieritnt, notatasque se [sc. triln(s\ discri?nine sedis
aequo animo tideritnt (Plin. N. H. VII. 30). Cp. luv. III.
153 — 159 ^ exeat \ inquit, ^ si piidor est, et de piiiviiio siirgat
eqiiestri, cuius res les^i non sufficit...sic libitum vano, qui nos
distinxit, Othoni\ (with Mayor's notes).
sodes ' please ' : there is no reason to doubt the explanation
of the word given by Cic. Orat. 45, 154 '' libenter verba iiingebant,
ut sodes pro si audes, sis pro si vis ' : si audes is found in Plant. Trin.
244, and audeo = avidus sum originally. For o as the popular
pronunciation of au cp. Roby § 250. The notion that it is the
vocative of a substantive = '^^ere (cp. Froehde in Kuhn's Ztsch.
XII. 159), is sufficiently disproved by die sodes, pater in Ter. Ad.
643; ijtfetos has its Latin cognate in soda/is Curt. Princ. Et. I. p.
312. Key's derivation from si voles (L. G. § 1361 n.) must be
wrong (ij because of the tense vrhich is evidently present, (2)
because while d often becomes /, / does not pass into ^/(Roby
§ 174, 4), except in very rare instances (Corssen Ausspr. i- 224;
Nachtr. 274, 276).
63. nenia ' ditty ' or ' jingle' : there is nothing here about ' a
sort of a song of triumph ' as Macleane thinks. The form naenia
has but slight authority.
64. Curila especially Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of
Pyrrhus. For the plural cp. note on Cic. de Orat. I. 48, 211.
decantata ' ever on the lips of. Cic. de Orat. 11. 32, 140.
65. facias, jussive subjunctive in quasi-dependence on a
repeated suadet : Roby § 1606, S. G. § 672.
92 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
rem ' money.'
67. propius, i. e. from one of the fourteen rows, lacrimosa
* tear-drawing ' : cp. lacritiioso fiimo in Sat. I. 5, 80.
Pupi, a poet of the time of whom nothing is known, not even
that he was popular, as Martin says. The scholiasts quote an
epigram as composed by him, which is far more probably due to
some ' goodnatured friend ' : fldntnt ainici et bene noti viortem
vieam, nam popiclus in me vivo lacrimatust satis.
68. responsare liberum et erectum ' to stand up boldly,
like a free man, and defy ', cp. Cic. de Orat. I. 40, 184 erectum
et celsiim, and Sat. 11. 4, 18, 11. 7, 85, 103.
69. praesens, standing by your side to help you, Ep. II. i,
134-
70 — 93. / have learnt that the views commonly followed lead
only to ruin : and besides, men vary so imich in the ffieans they
adopt, and even are capricious in the objects they pursue.
71. porticitous, the long covered colonnades, used largely
for resort in the heat of the day, or in wet weather. They were
frequently wide and long enough to drive in : cp. Mart. I. 12,
5 — 8 (of the villa of the orator Regulus), Hie rudis aestivas prac-
stabat porticiis u/nbras, heu quam paene noznim porticus azisa
7iefas ! nam stibito collapsa ruit, cum mole sub ilia gesiatics hiiugis
Regulus esset equis: luv. Vil. 178 — 1^0 balnea sescentis et pluris
porticus, in qua gestetitr dominus, quotiens pluit — anne serenum
exspectet spargatque Into iumenta recenii? The Campus Martius
under the Emperor became ' a forest of marble colonnades and
porticoes ' (Burn's Rome, p. 300). iudiciis 'opinions.'
73. quod volpes...respondit : the fable is known to us
from Bnbrius cm., but Porphyrion says ' Luciliana sunt haec'
Cp. L. Midler's Lucilii reliq. p. 126.
76. belua multorum capitum : Plat. Rep. ix. 588 9ijpiov
TTOLKiKov Kol TToKvKefpoXov : Shakspere Coriol. IV. I, I 'the beast
with many heads butts me away.' Scott 'Thou many-headed
monster thing ' (Lady of the Lake, V. 30).
77. conducere publica ' to take state-contracts ', not merely
the collectors of the taxes but all qtiis facile est aedem conducere,
fliimina, portus, siccandam eluvicm, portandum ad busta cadaver
(Juv. III. 30).
sunt qui... venentur, i.e. the captatores, who made it their
business to secure legacies, by currying favour with the un-
married and the childless. Horace satirises this class in Sat. II. 5.
78. frustis et pomis ' tit-bits and fruit ', instances of the atten-
tions {officia) or as Tacitus Germ. xx. calls them orbitatis pretia,
which were usual in such cases : cp. Mayor on luv. iii. 129, v. 98.
All MSS. of any value )\3.mq frustis : the crust is of most recent
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. 9Z
editors seems to be simply an attempt at emendation. But cp.
Sat. I. 1, 25.
viduas includes the unwedded, as well as the widowed : cp.
Llv. I. 46, 7 se rectius viduam et ilium caclil'em j'titKnim fttisse,
where vidtiain acts as the feminine of cacUhcm. [The tempting
derivation of the word from vi ' apart ' and dliavas ' husband '
must now be abandoned (Curt. Princ. i. 46) : the root is vidli 'to
be empty, lacking ', occurring also in ■r\iQto% : cp. Vanicek p. 966.]
79. excipiant, ahunting term, as in Carm. in. i^, 12. vivaria
'preserves', where animals were kept and fattened: Plin. vui.
52, 211 says of wild ho':\.x%vivaria conim ccicrantmquc silvcstriuiii
primus togati generis invenit Fulvius Lippicus, in Tarquiniaisi
feras pascere institiiit : nee din iinitatores defiiere L. Lticidhtset Q.
Hortensius : so that the custom had not long been introduced in
the time of Horace. In Sat. II. 5, 44 the eetaria are fish-ponds :
a meaning which is possible, but not so probable for vivaria
here.
80. occulto ' secret ', as being cither higher than that legally
allowed, or derived from loans to minors, who were protected by
the lex Plaetoria. Possibly, however, as Prof. Palmer suggests,
the reference may be rather to the unnoticed growth of interest :
cp. Carm. I. 12, \^ oeculto acz'O, and Ar. Nub. 1286 viropp^ovros
ToO xpovov.
81. esto 'granted that', a common phrase with Horace,
which generally indicates a transition from that which may be
conceded for argument's sake to another point which cannot be
conceded.
82. Idem nom. plur. durare intrans.
83. sinus ' retreat ', not ' bay '. Baiae was a favourite resort of
the wealthy Romans: cp. Becker's Gallus, so, VII. 'AH writers
making mention of it concur in this eulogy'.
84. lacus sc. Lucrinus (Carm. 11. 15, 3), mare sc Tuscum.
The rich man who has taken a fancy to Baiae at once begins build-
ing out into the lake or the sea the substructions for a splendid
villa: cp. Carm. ill. i, 33 — 36,11. 18, 17 — 22. Baiae itself was
at least two miles from the lake, but the whole coast was covered
with villas, and the name was not strictly limited; in fact there
was no distinct town of Baiae. Cp. Diet. Geogr.
85. eri here, as always in Plautus and Terence and in Cic.
de Rep. I. 41 according to the palimpsest, much better established
than /leri (Ritschl, Opusc. Ii. 409): this is however no decisive
reason against regarding the /i as etymologically justified : cp.
Curt. Princ. I. 246; Corssen Ausspr. I-468; and on the other
hand Brugman in Kuhn's Ztsch. xxiii. 95 ; and see note on de
Orat. I. 21, 98. vitiosa libido 'morbid caprice'.
94 HORATI EPISTULAE.
86. fecerit auspicium ' has lent its sanction ' : the auspicium
was properly the indication of the will of heaven : hence there is an
intentional oxymoron in the juxtaposition of ///^zV/f and rt^/^z'm^w,
the thought being like that in Verg. Aen. IX. 185 an sua cuicjue
dens fit dira cupido? The atispicium never suggested an action
(cp. Mommsen Rom. Staatsrecht'-'; I. p. 73 ff.), Imt only indicated
approval or disapproval : hence ' has prompted him ' would not
be an adequate rendering. The fact that he wishes for a thing is
a sufficient proof to him that it is right for him to have it.
Teanum sc. Sidicinum, an inland town of Campania, about
30 miles from Baiae, where it was now his whim to have a villa.
There was another Teanum in Apulia. Acron's notion that
Teanum 'abundans optirnis fabris ' was the home to which the
workmen were suddenly bidden to return, is not probable.
87. tolletis, perhaps future for imperative (Roby § 1589,
S.G. § 665 {b)), but it is at least as prolaable that the words are
used by Horace himself, not put into the mouth of the ems.
This view is taken in the text.
lectus genialis 'a marriage-couch', sacred to the Genius of
the family, where he provided that the house should never be
without offspring. Cp. Preller Rom. Myth. p. 69.
aula, properly 'front-court', 'he\-e = afnuin 'hall', where the
lectus gciiialis was placed, opposite the door (hence called adver-
sus Propert. V. ir, 85, Laberius in Gell. XVI. 9).
88. prius ' preferable ', a meaning for which Cicero would
have used antiqiiius, e. g. quod honeslhis, id inihiest antiqiiius (ad
Att. VII. 3): cp. Veil. II. 52, 4 neqtte prius, neque antiqiiius
quidquam habuit quam, etc.
caelibe : cp. Quint. I. 6, 36 ingenioseque visus est Gavius
caelibes dicc7-e veluti caelites, quod onere gravissimo vacent,
idque Graeco arginnento iiivit : yiideovs eniin eadern de causa did
adfiffuat, a theory which Quintilian justly includes sxaongfoedis-
situa ludibria. The word seems to admit of etymological expla-
nation as 'lying alone' : cp. Vanicek p. 156.
89. bene esse, ' it is well with '.
90. Protea. Sat. 11. 3, 71. Horn. Odyss. iv. 455.
91. cenacula 'garrets': Varro de L. Lat. v. 162 ubi
ccJiabant, ccnaculum vocitabant : posteaquam in stiperiore parte
cenitare cocpcriint, superioris doiiius universa cenacula dicta.
The word is never used in its original sense of ' dining-room'. Cp.
Mayor on luv. X. 18.
lectos, ' his seats ', apparently in the tavern which he
frequents for his meals : he does not possess lectos of his own,
any more than balnea. But cp. Ep. i. 16, 76.
Bk. I. Ep. I.] NOTES. 95
92. conducto navigio nauseat : he hires a boat, and goes
to sea for a change, though he gels sea-sick there just as much
as the rich man.
94 — 105. This inconsistency is so universal thai you do not
notice it in me, although you ridicule ?>ie for any carelessness in
dress.
94. inaequali tonsore. An ablative of attendant circum-
stances (Roby § 1240), 'when the barber cut awry': cp. luv. i. i,:^
assidtto ruptae lectore coluinnae with Munro's note in Mayor's
edition, and Prof. Maguire in Journ. Phil. III. 232.
95. subucula, *a shirt', of linen or cotton, says Orelli, but
there is no authority for this earlier than the third century a. d.
(Marquardt Rcim. Privatalt. II. 97). Cp. Varro in Non. p.
542, 23 posteaquam binas tunicas habere coepcrtint, institnerunt
vocare subuculain et indnsiwu. Siib-ti-cula contains the same
root ti as ind-ti-o, ex-u-o.
pexae, properly 'combed', hence 'with the nap on, fresh':
cp. Mart. II. 58, I pcxatus pulcre rides inea, Zoile, trita.
96. dissidet impar 'sits awry, and does not fit', rides :
Maecenas was himself noted for dandyism, whence the scholiasts
(probably wrongly) identify him with Maltinus in Sat. I. 2, 26.
What follows shews that Horace is now directly addressing
Maecenas, not the reader.
99. aestuat 'is as changeful as the sea'. Cp. Ep. Jac.
I. 6 o 70/3 OLaKpivofJ-evos ^OiKe kXvSwvi OaXaaarfS aviixL^ofieviji Kai
piTTL^ofi^viii. ' Sways to and fro, as if on ocean tost ' (Martin).
disconvenit, 'is out of joint,' only here and at i. 14, 18 in
classical Latin.
100. diriiit, aedificat. In Sat. 11. 3, 107 Horace makes
one of the charges brought against him by Damasippus to be
based on his love for building.
mutat quadrata rotundis, doubtless a proverbial expres-
sion : 'turn round to square and square again to round ' (Pope).
The varying construction of f?iuto allows us to regard the ro-
tunda as either taken or given in exchange. Sat. Ii. 7, 109.
101. insanire sollemnia me, 'that my madness is but the
■universal one', an accusative of extent, Roby § 1094, S. G.
§ 461. The Stoics regarded the wise man as alone truly sane :
Sat. II. 3, 44 que/u mala stultitia et quemcimque inscitia veri
caecum agit, insamim Chrysippi portictis et grrx autu?nat. Haec
populos, haec inagnos formula reges excepio sapiente tenet.
102. curatoris, the guardian appointed by the praetor by an
interdictum (Sat. II. 3, 217) to look after a lunatic : the charge
96 HORATI EPISTULAE.
would naturally fall to the near relatives; cp. Cic. de Inv. II. 148
lex est: si fiiriosus escit, adgnatum gentiliuntque in eo pcciiniaqiie
eiiis potestas eslo (xii. Tabb. v. 7 Schoell) : but if there was no
tutor legitimics the praetor would appoint. Cp. Juv. xiv. 288
curaioris egct qui navem mercibus implet ad summuin laliis w ith
Mayor's note.
103. tutela, not in its legal sense, but not without a refer-
ence to it, ' though you charge yourself with my fortunes '.
104. unguem. The Romans were accustomed to have their
nails carefully trimmed by the barber (cp. Ep. I. 7, 51), and ' an
ill-cut nail ' would imply either neglect or incompetence on
his part.
105. respicientis. Bentley objects that respicere is always
used of the regard that a superior has for an inferior (cp. Ps.
cxxxviii. 6, 'Though the Lord be high, yet hath he respect
unto the lowly'), and therefore accepts the conjecture of Hein-
sius, suspicientis, which is certainly far more usual in the sense
here required. But cp. Caesar, B. C. i, i sin Caesarcm rcspiciant
atqiie eixis gratiain scquaiitur, lit superioribus fcccrint temporibiis.
It is not, as Macleane says, much stronger than our 'respect',
but has a different connotation, implying rather regard for one's
wishes, or interests. Cp. Ter. Haut. 70 milium remittis tem-
ptis, neqiie te lespicis, 'you don't consider yourself.
106 — 109. The virtuous man is indeed as blest as the Stoics
deem him, except ivhen his digestion troubles him. Horace here,
as elsewhere, gives a humorous turn at the close to the argu-
ment, which he has been seriously propounding.
106. ad summam. Cic. de Off. i. 41, ad summam, ne again
de singulis: Sat. I. 3, 137 ne longitm faciam : luv. HI. 79 in
iumma, nan Maurus erat etc. So often in Pliny : cp. Mayor on
Ep. III. 4, 8.
uno minor love. Senec. Prov. i. 5 bonus ipse tempore iantum.
a Deo differt. Sen. Ep. 73,13 luppiter quo antecedit virum bonum ?
diiitius bonus est. Cic. de Nat. D. 11. 61, 153 vita beata par
ti similis deorum, nulla alia re nisi immortalitate, quae nihil
ad beate viv£nduin pertinet, cedcns caclestibus.
dives. Sat. I. 3, 124 si dives, qui sapiens est, 'he is abso-
lutely rich, since he who has a right view of everything has
everything in his intellectual treasury. Sen. Benef. vii. 3, 2 ;
6. 3, 8, I ' (Zeller, Stoics, p. 270). Cp. Cic. Acad. 11. 44,
136, and Parad. 6 on tiovos d ao(p6% irXoxjuios.
107. liber. ' The wise man only is free, because he only
uses his will to control himself (Zeller, I.e.). Cic. Parad. 5
OTt Ij.(jvo% 6 <70(p6s eXevOepos Kai iras afppuv SouXos.
Bk. I. Ep. II.] NOTES. 97
honoratus = a</ honores evectus : 'the wise only know how
to obey, and they also only know how to govern ' (Zeller).
pulcber, ' he only is beautiful, because only virtue is beautiful
and attractive' (Zeller). rex regum, Sat. I. 3, 136, Lucilius
(quoted here by Porphyrion) In tnundo sapiens haec omnia
habebit: forniosuSf dives, liber, rex solus vocetur.
108. pituita (trisyllabic, pThvTla; Catullus xxill. 17 h&s
pittiita nasi ; but L. Miiller (de Re Metr. p. 258) argues that we
must pronounce here, and in Sat. il. 2, "jG pltuita, on the ground
that in Horace there is no instance of synizesis with «, but only
with i. Cp. Roby § 92. The derivation given in Quint. I. 6, 36
"■ quia petet vitam,^ absurd as it is in itself rather points to I.
Miiller similarly Ca%^\o^% fortuTtus in luv. xiii. 255. Cp. Mayor
ad loc), the phlegm produced by the inflammation of any mucous
membrane ; hence probably here, as in Sat. 1. c. of a disordered
stomach; so also in Cato's prescription for an emetic, R. R. 156,4.
Orelli's quotations from Arrian's Epictetus I. 6, 11. 16, 13, &c.
imply however that the existence of catarrh was an objection
brought by some against the perfection of nature as taught by
the Stoics, answered by pointing to the provision nature had
made for the removal of it : hence the meaning may be ' except
when a cold in the head troubles you '.
EPISTLE II.
This epistle is addressed to Lollius Maximus, probably the
elder son of M. Lollius, to whom Carm. IV. 9 was afterwards
addressed. The date of the Epistle is not certain. The
eighteenth epistle of this book is also addressed to the same
Lollius, and we learn from that (v. 55) that he had served under
Augustus in the Cantabrian war of B.C. 25 — 24. It is not
improbable that after serving (as puer) in that war, he returned
to Rome, and took up again the practice of declamation, just
as Cicero did after his service in the Social War. In that case
B.C. 23 would be a plausible date to assign ; but the use of
puer in v. 68 is not inconsistent with a date a year or two
later. The practice of rhetoric under teachers was often carried
on long after the years of manhood had been reached. Cicero
was studying under Molo at the age of twenty-eight. The
date of Ep. xviii. is fixed by v. 56 at B.C. 20, and that appears
to be certainly later than the present one.
1 — 4. / ha7Je been reading through Homer again, and find
him a better teacher than all the philosophers.
1. Maxime, unquestionably the cognomen of Lollius : a
P. Lollius Maximus occurs, though at a later date, in Gruter's
Inscr. 638. iy and maxime cannot be explained, either as
W. H. 7
98 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
'elder', an impossible meaning, or (with Macleane) as a
' familiar, half jocular ' mode of address. The usual order is
inverted as in Crispe Sallitsti, Carm. ii. 2, 3 : Hirpine Quinti
Carm. II. 11, 2. Cp. Ov. Pont. II. 8, 2, ill. 5, 6, Maximt
Coita,
2. declamas. Roby § T458, S. G. § 595. Praeneste, abl.
always in e, except once in Propertius (ill. [ll.] 32, 3), Roby
§ 420, § 1170: cp. Neue Formenlehre, i. 232. Praeneste was
a favourite retreat for Horace, especially in summer (Carm. III.
4, 12 frigidum Praeneste), but there is no reason to suppose that
he had a villa here, as has been asserted.
4. planius is supported by better authority ^zn fleitins ;
besides, Chrysippus is said to have written 750 books, and the
commentarii of Grantor extended to 30,000 lines (Diog. Laert. I v.
24), so \h2X plcnins would be a singularly ill-chosen term. Chry-
sippus, 'the second founder of Stoicism' (e^ iL-q yap rjv XpucrtTTTros,
ovK av rjv Srod), who boasted that he had furnished the proofs of
the doctrines supplied to him by Cleanthes, was noted for his dry
and obscure style (Cic. de Orat. I. 11, 50 : Zeller Sfoies 45 — 48):
Grantor was said to have been the first to expound the writings
of Plato, and Cicero warmly praises his work on Sorrow (irept
ir^vdovs) : he assisted Pol'emo, the fourth head of the Academy,
and in Acadetnia vel imprimis fuit nobilis (Cic. Tusc. ill. 6, 12).
5. distinet was undoubtedly (according to Keller) the reading
of the archetype: detinet (adopted by many recent editors) only
a correction of the corrupt destitiet, which is found in some MSS.
Orelli's dictum, that detinet is used of an agreeable hindrance,
distinct of an unpleasant one, will not bear examination, though
the latter is commonly thus used: e.g'. Carm. iv. 5, 12. — It is
not certain whether crediderim would have been ci-edidi ' I
formed this opinion ' (Roby § 1450) or crediderim (Roby § 1560)
in direct speech : probably the former.
6 — ^16. Homer has gi7jen us in the Iliad a picture of the
suffering caused by the folly and the passions of kings and nations.
7. barbariae, i.e. Phrygia; cp. Verg. Aen. Ii. 504 barbarico
fostes auro spoliisque siiperhi, with the note of Servius ad loc.
TrS,i lj.r]"E\\rjv ^dpliapos. Ennius in Cic. Tusc. i. 35, 85 adstantt
ope barbarica. The Phrygian language was closely related to
the Greek (Curt. Hist, of Greece i. 35, 75; Pick Spracheinheit
Europas pp. 409 ff), but probably not more closely than the
Latin, a connexion which did not prevent the Greeks from
speaking of the Romans as barbari (cp. Plaut. Asin. prol. 10,
Trin. prol. 19), and Italy as barbaria (Poen. III. 2, 21). Homer
in the Iliad nowhere represents the Trojans as unintelligible to
the Greeks, and uses ^ap,8ap6(pt>}voi. only of the Carians (11.867),
Bk. I. Ep. II.] NOTES. 99
but no argument can be fairly drawn from this (cp. Gladstone
Jiiventus Mundi p. 452). Dionysius (Antiq. Rom. I. 61, 153)
says ort 5^ koI rh rdv Tp(iivv tdi'Oi'EW-rjfLKOv if Toh fiaXtffTa -qv
e/c HeXowovv-qaov Trore upixrj/j.evov, ecprjTai fjLev kuI aWots nai
TToXai, Xexf^Verat 5i Kal irpos e/J-ou 5t' 0X17^1' : but his account
does not include the Phrygians, and is based on the legendary
history of Dardanus.
duello, the earlier form of bellum, which is derived from it, as
bis from dais SiC. (Roby § 76, Corssen Ausspr. l"-^. 124—5):
Horace uses this form in Ep. Ii. i, 254, il. 2, 98; Carm. HI. 5,
38, III. 14, 18, IV. 15, 8. Here, as elsewhere, he seems in-
tentionally to adopt a mock heroic tone.
8. aestus ' fiery passions', (Sat. I. 2, no), not, I think, here
with any reference to the tide, but with a force more directly
derived from the primary meaning of the word (root idA ' burn ',
as in aestas, aWoj &c. Curt. I. 310). Cp. Ep. i. 8, 5.
9. Antenor, Liv. I. r Aeneas Antenorqtie pads reddeitdae
que Heleiiac semper anctores fnerant : cp. Horn. II. Vli. 350
hevr &yiT\ ' Kpyel-qv 'EXivr]!/ Kal KTrjixad' afi avry doio/xev 'At pel-
br^oLV a,yei.v.
censet praecidere : censeo here has the construction of iubeo,
which is very rare with the activeiv&.mXxvQ, except in Columella :
for a similar construction with the passive, where the gerundive
might have been expected, cp. Liv. 11. 5, i de bonis regits, quae
reddi ante ccnsua-a.nt, with Drakenboich's note, Kiihnast, p. 20,
447.
10. Quid Paris? just like quid pauper? (Ep. I. r. 91). The
reading of Bentley ' Quod Paris, ut salvus regnet vivatque beatus,
cogi posse negat', is supported only by inferior MSS. and has
little to recommend it. Cp. II. VII. 362 6.vTt.Kp\}% S a.-K6^t\tu,
yvvaiKa jxh ovk a7ro5ci(rw. For the omission of se hehre posse cp.
Verg. Aen. III. 201 ipse diem noctemque negat discernere caelo,
Roby § 1346.
11. Nestor, Horn. II. I. 254 f., IX. 96 f.
12. inter... inter, repeated as in Sat. I. 7, ir, Inter Heciora
Priamiden ani?)iosutn atque inter Achillcm ira fuit capitalis :
Bentley there (as here) attacks the reading, but it is well supported
by Cicero's practice with interesse, e. g. de Fin. i. 9, 30, de Am.
25, 95. Livy X. 7 has the repetition vfiih. certatum. — Peliden :
the ace. termination -en in the accusative of patronymics is every-
where much better established than the form in -em, and is
often necessary to the metre as in Sat. i. 7, it. Cp. Neue
Formenlehre i. 57 ; Roby § 473, S. G. § 150. In feminine names
TOO HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Horace uses the Greek form in the Odes, the Latin in the Satires
and Epistles, except perliaps in Sat. il. 5, 8i.
13. hunc, Agamemnon, not Achilles, as some have sup-
posed. The affection of Achilles is not noticed in the first book
of the Iliad, to which Horace is here referring, but in IX. 342 u)j
KoX iyw Tr)v €K 6vfiov (pLXeov (cp. Carm. II. 4, 3). On the other
hand Agamemnon says in I. 113 Kal yap pa KXvTaipLPrjo-Tprjs
irpo/S^^ouXo. 'urit 'fires', a term as applicable to love (Sat. I. 9,
6(5) as to rage.
14. qulcquid, Roby § 1094, S. G. § 461. plectiintur, Sat.
II. 7, 105 Urgo plcctor 'I pay for it with my back '. The word
is often used of undeserved or vicarious punishment : cp. Ov.
Her. XI. no al miser admisso plectitur ilk meol (with Palmer's
note).
15. seditione, as in the case of Thersites II. II. 115 ff.
dolis, Pandarus iv. 134 ff.
scelere perhaps especially referring to Paris, libidine including
not only the passion of Paris for Helen, but also the tyrannous
caprice of Agamemnon.
17 — 26. The Odyssey on the other hand shows us the value of
courage and self-control.
19. qui domitor...undis, an imitation of the first five lines
of the Odyssey : cp. A. P. 141.
providus, a very inadequate substitute for ttoXuV'?'''!.
21. dum parat, line 2, ' in trying to secure ', apfv/xevos : the
attempt was unsuccessful in the case of the socii.
23. Slrenum voces Odyss. xii. 39 ff., 154 — 200. — Circae
pocula Odyss. X. I36ff.
24. stultus cupidusque, ' in foolish greed': Odysseus did drink
of Circe's cup, but only after he had been supplied by Hermes
with a prophylactic antidote (Od. x. 318).
25. meretrice, a strong term intentionally chosen for emphasis
'a harlot mistress'. Though Circe is undoubtedly a type of sensual
f)leasure, there is nothing in the legend attaching to her which
justifies so strong a term.
turpis 'in hideous form', i.e. transformed into the shape
of a brute (Carm. II. 8, 4; Sat. I. 3, 100).
excors 'void of reason' (Sat. 11. 3, 67). For cor as the seat
of the reason cp. Cic. Tusc. I. 9, 18, de Orat. i. 45, 198 (note).
Here Horace (as in Epod. 17, 17) differs from Homer, who says
Bk. I. Ep. II.] NOTES. loi
of the comrades of Odysseus (Od. x. 230) ol h\ avQv ix\v ^x""
K€<pa\a,s <f)U3vqv re rpixa-S re Kai d^fjias, avrap vov% i]v i/xirtoos,
us TO irapoi irep.
27 — 31. IFe are not like Odyssetis, but like the wooers of
Penelope or the Phaeacian nobles, lazy and worthless.
27. numerus 'but ciphers', apparently a Grecism : cp.
Eur. Heracl. 997 ovk dpiO/xov a\X' ^Trjrvfxws dvdp' bvra. Troad.
476 iyeiva.fj.rjv TiKva, ovk dpid/xov aXXcjs, aW iTrepraTOVS ^pvywv.
Ar. Nub. 1203 dpidfjibs TrpO/SaT dWios d/jL<popr]s vevrjafxivot.
Conington well brings out the meaning ' Just fit for counting
roughly in the mass '.
firuges consumere natl, perhaps a humorous application of
the Homeric pporoi ot dpovprji Kafiirov ^dovaiv (II. VI. 142): for
Lire construction (which is contined to poetry) cp. Roby § 1363,
S.G. §540(3).
28. sponsi=/;v« 'wooers': the desired relation is simi-
larly anticipated in Epod. 6, 13 Lycambae sprctus infido getter
(cp. Verg. Aen. Ii. 344), Verg. Aen. IV. 35 aegram milli quon-
dam Jiexere tnariti. So in Ter. Andr. 792 socer—sponsae pater,
nebulones 'losel' Sat. I. r, 104, i. 2, 12. The close imi-
tation in Ausonius (Epist. IX. 13 — 15 Natn mihi nan saliare
epuluin, non cena dapalis, qualcm Pcnclopae ncbulonum metisa
procorum Alciitoique habuit nitidae cutis uncta iuventus) shows
that the word here goes with sponsi.
Alcinoi iuventus : cp. Horn. Od. viii. 248 — 9 alel S' ri/juv ^ah
Tf (t>i\r] KiOapls re X°P°''- '''^ eifxard t i^r]/xoi^d Xoerpa. re 0ep/xd Kai
evvai.
29. in cute curanda: so in Sat. 11. 5, n peUictdam mrare
is used of living at ease : cp. Ep. i. 4, 15; Juv. xi. 203 nostra
bibat vernum conti acta ciiticula solein.
operata ' busied ', an oxjmioron.
30. pulchrum = AcaXoV, honestum, 'glorious'.
31. cessatum ducere curam. This is a testing passage for
the value of the so-called ' V-prjncip ', i.e. the paramount im-
portance of the Blandinian MSS. and the other MSS. which supply
a Mavortian reading. While other MSS. give curam, this class
Ylas somnum. Now this difference cannot be due to an error of
transcription on either side : it must point to a distinct recension.
Which represents the more genuine tradition ? If we accept
somttutn, this necessitates a correction of cessatum. We can
understand 'to prevail on care to cease' (cessatum being then
a supine), but cessatum somnum is meaningless : Bentley sug-
I02 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
gests cessanfem: * to bring on the sleep that is slow to come'.
But why is sleep represented as ' slow to come ' ? Aaron's
note on ad strepitum ' quia adhibemus sonitum citharae ac lyrae,
ut facilius sopiamur' is a clear proof that he read somnum. Cp.
Carm.Ill. i, 20 non avium citharaeque cantus sommnti reducent.
It is a strong argument too that we need the mention of some
act, which is blameworthy, whereas to relieve one's cares by
song can hardly be so considered (cp. Carm. iv. ji. 35).
Besides, the transition is then more abrupt to what follows,
which is an appeal against undue indulgence in sleep. Hence
there is much probability in Mmiwo's recrealum ducere somnum
(Journal of Philology IX. 2 17) 'to bring on (or to lengthen) re-
newed sleep '. He defends this reading against the charge of'
tautology after V. 30 by pointing out that doi-mire is properly 'to
keep one's bed '. The argument that ctirani is very awkward
after curaiida, used in a different sense, appears to me to point
rather to its being the genuine reading; as this awkwardness
would be more likely to strike a critic, and to suggest an attempt
at emendation, than to be introduced gratuitously. Cp. note on
Ep. I. 7, 96. With Munro I have printed the current reading,
but with much doubt.
32—43. Jf men will not practise self-denial to prese7~ve their
health, bodily and menial, they zvill suffer for it. But they care
less for the latter than for the former, and are always fostp07iing
the effort to live aright.
32. hominem, unquestionably to be preferred to homines,
not only because of the MS. evidence in its favour, but because
hominetn occidere was the usual phrase for ' to commit murder ' :
cp. Ovid. Amor. in. 8, 21 — iforsitan et qiuttiens hotnincm ingula-
verit, ille indicet: hoc fassas tangis, avare, tnatius.' Cp. Ep. I.
16, 48.
de nocte ' ere night is gone ': cp. Ter. Adelph. 840 rus eras
ciDH flio cum primo luci ibo hinc, De nocte censeo.
latrones ' bandits '.
33. expergisceris, in the first place literally, but not without
a more general reference: ' won't you wake up?' For the tense
cp. Roby § 1461, S. G. § 597.
atqui: the vet. Bland, here agrees with the inferior MSS.
in reading atqtce, a very common corruption : cp. Fleckeisen,
Krit. Misc. p. 25.
34. noles sc. currere : the authority for tiolis is very slight.
The connexion of thought is missed by Orelli : Horace does not
imply that men never omit proper bodily exercise, because they
know that they will become diseased if they do : but says that
Bk. I. Ep. II.] NOTES. 103
if they neglect it in health, they will be forced to take to it as a
remedy : and in the same way, if men prefer indolent ease to
the study of philosophy, they will lose their rest from the dis-
quieting pain caused by jealousy or love. Porphyrio rightly ex-
plains * si non propter philosophiam vigilaveris, propter invidiam
at amorem dormire non poteris.' cures, though defended by
Bentley, has no good MS. authority, and is quite needless.
hydropicus, cp. Celsus iil. 21 hydroJ>icus 7nultum ambulatidum,
cii}'re7idum aliquando est.
35. posces librum, as Horace himself may have done, for in
Sat. I. 6. 122 ad quartain iaceo refers only to his reclining on his
lectus hiczibraioriiis, his ' easy chair in his study' as we should say,
as we see from the following words Iccto aut scripto quod me taci-
turn iuvet.
36. studils et rebus honestis, probably not a hendladys:
but studiis='' studies' as in Ep. II. 2. 82, Sat. I. 10. 2i. The
case is dative, not ablative.
37. Nam ' why ! ' a particle expressing surprise or indignation.
Cp. Plaut. Aul. 42 72a?n cur 7ne vcrberas. Ter. Andr. 612 naj7i
quid dicatn patril So in Greek ri yap KaKov ewotriaev • (Luke xxiii.
22). In such cases the force is the same as that of the interroga-
tive with nam suffixed, and some MSS. here have curnam.
38. oculum, not, as Bentley supposed, supported by the best
MSS. but still to be preferred to oculos as the neater expression.
festinas... differs, the omission of the copula is usual in the
case of two contrasted questions.
39. est animum : cp. Horn. II. vr. 201 BeXXepo^oVrTys...
oKaTo 6v dvixov Karihoov, translated by Cic. Tusc. Iii. 26, 63
ij>se suum cor edcns: Aesch. Ag. 103 riiv dv/j-o^opop (f)piva 'Kvirtji'.
40. dimidium...habet. There is a Greek proverb, of un-
certain origin dpxv di rot ij/xLcrv Travros: cp. Soph. Frag. 715 ?pyoi>
Se Travros TJr rts dpxnraL koKws, Kal rds TiXevrds eUds iad' ovtw<!
IXf'»'> our own ' well begun is half done'.
aude 'have courage': Verg. Aen. viii. 364 Aude, hospes,
contemnere opes. Ep. II. 2. 148.
42. rusticus exspectat 'is like the clown waiting' : defluat
Roby § 1664, S. G. § 692. \dcfluit preferred by Hand, Turs.
II. 341 is found in none of Keller's MSS. and could hardly stand.]
This seems to be a reference to a fable of a rustic waiting by the
banks of a river until all the water had run by : but as no trace
of such a fable has been discovered elsewhere, it may be only in-
vented by Horace for this passage. Whether Juvenal's rusticus
104 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
expedas (xiv. 25) is a reminiscence of this seems to be doubtful:
cp. Mayor ad loc.
43. in omne volubilis aevum, like Tennyson's brook ' But I
go on for ever'. The rapid rhythm seems to be intentionally
significant.
44 — 64. Men aim at securing the good thitigs oflife^ hut ?!o
worldly possessions can give health of body or of mind, and the:>e
are both needed for enjoyment.
44. argentum 'money' as in Sat. i. i, 86, II. 6, 10; Ep. I.
18, 23, a meaning common in Plautus (e.g. Trin. 418 nequaquam
argenti ratio comparet tamen), Juvenal and late prose, but not
found in good prose. A more common meaning is that of
'silver-plate', as in Ep. I. 6, 17; 16, 76; Sat. I. 4, 28; Carm.
IV. II, 6.
beata ' rich', Carm. I. 4, 14; III. 7, 3 ; Sat. IT. 8, i, as oX/3toy
is used for TrXovaio^ in Homer, pueris creandis ' to bear chil-
dren'. We are told by Gellius (iv. 3) that Sp. Carvilius divorced
a wife to whom he was warmly attached, because she bore him
no children, regarding this as ■3.XQ\\'g\o\x^^\x\.y quod iurare acenso-
ribtiS coactus erat, uxorcm se libenini quaeruiiduni gratia habi-
tia-um: cp. Plaut. Aul. 145 q2iod tibi sempiternum salitiare sit-,
liberis procreandis...volo te iixorem domum ducere. Suet. lul. 52
says that Caesar contemplated the proposal of a law ut iixores
liberorum quaerendorum causa quas et quot vellet dticere liceret.
From the language of August, de Civ. D. Xiv. 18 this seems to have
been used as the legal phrase in marriage contracts. There is of
course an intentional irony in the use of beata in this connexion,
as if a rich wife were needed to bear offspring.
45. pacantur ' are brought into subjection' like barbarous
lands, subdued by the Roman arms : cp. Ov. Ep. Pont. I. 2, 109
pacatius arvu?n. We might speak of the 'struggle' of the
pioneers of civilization with the forests of the backwoods. So
Herod. I. 126 tov X'^pov i^Tj/xepwrat,.
46. continglt, pres. as in Ep. i, 4, 10, from the continuous
result produced : a misunderstanding of this force has led to the
reading contigit is in the Bland, vet., inserted however per
lituram: for qualifications of the statement sometimes made
that contingit is only used of good things cp. Cic. in Cat. I. 7, 16
(note), or iVIavor on Cic. Phil. 11. § 7, optet, jussive. Roby
§1596, S.G. §668.
48. deduxit, the perfect of repeated actions ; in principal
sentences only employed in Augustan poets and later writers :
Roby§ X479, S.G. §608, 2 {d).
Bk. I. Ep. II.] NOTES. 105
50. cogitat ' means', often so used by Cicero in his speeches,
as well as in lighter prose and verse.
51. sic : i. e. no more than.
52. tabula being properly a planTc, sometimes has picta
added, when it is used in the sense of 'picture', as in Plaut.
Men. 144 tabidam pictam in paricte, Ter. Eun. 584, but more
commonly the epithet is omitted.
fomenta : evidently the parallelism with paintings and music
requires that this should denote something which is a source of
enjoyment to the healthy, but not to the diseased. Hence any
reference to medicinal applications, such as is assumed by
Macleane, for instance, is quite out of place. Dlintzer has shown
by a quotation from Seneca (de Provid. iv. 9 Quern specularia
semper ab afflatu vitidkarunt, cuius pedes inter fomenta subinde
mutata tepuerunt, cuius cenationes subdittts et parietibtis circtirn-
fusus calor temper avit, hiinc levis aura non sine periculo stringet)
that warm wrappings for the feet, analogous to our foot-muffs,
were regarded as a luxury : but a man suffering from the gout in
his feet would get little pleasure from them. Bentley's/'t'a'«^r«;/?
ior podagra7n has but slight authority, and the change from the
sufferer to the disease is pleasing rather than otherwise.
54. sincemm in the primary sense of the word 'clean' [the
derivation given in Lewis and Short is not quite exact : cp.
Corssen 1"^. 376]. The connexion of the thought seems to be:
an unhealthy body or mind spoils everything, just as a foul
vessel turns any contents sour. Then Horace goes on to lyain
Lollius against various diseases of the mind.
55—71. Pleasure is not worth the pain it brings: greed is
neva' satisfied: envy is the worst of torments : anger is short-lived
madness, and is followed by regret ; it must be mastered, and that
•when ofte is young, and the task is easy, and the gain enduring.
66. VOtO dat. cp. Sat. I. i, 92, 106.
57. alterius never even in iambic verse has the 1 (cp. Plaut.
Capt. 303), but this occurs once (in cretics) in Ter. Andr. 6*8,
and in Enn. Sat. VI. p. 158 Vahl. Cp. Ritschl's Opusc. II. 694
and Cic. de Orat. III. 47, 183, which shows that illius was a
dactyl ia the ordinary pronunciation of his own time.
58. Siculi tyrannl, proverbially cruel, especially Phalaris of
Agrigentum, the Dionysii and Agathocles at Syracuse. Cp. Cic.
in Verr. v. 56 145 tulit ilia quondam insula (Sicilia) ?nultos et
crudeles tyrannos. Juv. vi. 486 Sicula non mitior aula.
59. irae: moderor in classical Latin with dat. = f«r^, with
ace. goverti, direct.
Jo6 HO RATI EPISTULAE,
60. Infectum volet esse : Menand. p. 247 hravB' oa opyi^o-
fievos dvdpiOTros iroiei, ravd' varepov Xd^ois dv ■ijfj.apTijfiiva. doior
'indignation', the sting of a wrong suffered, as often, mens,
like Ovfios 'wrath': Carm. I. 16, 22; Verg. Aen. 11. 519.
61. odio inulto, dative, 'for his unslaked thirst for ven-
geance'.
festinat 'is eager to exact', cp. Carm. ir. 7, 24 depropC7-ari
...coronas, in. 24, 61 pecuniai7i proper et: Verg. Aen. IV. 575.
62. nisi paret, imperat : ' aut servus est aut dominus : nihil
enim est tertium', Bentl. Cp. Plaut. Trin. 310 tu si atzimutn
vicisti potiiis quam a7timus te, est qitod gaudeas.
63. tu : Carm. I. 9, 16. compesce, a word of very doubtful
origin: either (i) from con and pasco (Roby I. 253), or (2) from
compes, or (3) for com-perc-sco, from xooiparc to fasten, Corssen l^.
808, ii. 283, 411.
64. tenera cervice, descriptive ablative : Roby § 1232,
S. G. § 502.
65. ire viam qua : qt/a has the support of only a few MSS.
and those not the best : but it is rightly preferred by most recent
editors since Bentley, as the reading most likely to have been
corrupted: cp. Verg. Aen. I. 418 corripuere viam inierea, qua
semita monstrat ; Georg. III. 'j'j primus et ireviam; Liv. XXXII.
1 1 pedites (iubet), qua dux monstraret viam ire. In the last pas-
sage there is the same doubt as here, whether viaitt is governed
by ire or monstrat, in Livy the latter seems the more probable,
but here the rhythm, and the parallels from Vergil point to the
former, monstret has far more authority than the old reading
mojistrat.
venaticus...catulus : the position of catulus may perhaps be
explained by taking z'f«.= ' if meant for hunting', rather than as
a simple epithet. But the form of the sentence is somewhat
awkward. We should have expected rather : * the hound is
trained to bark at the stuffed stag's hide in the yard, before it be-
gins its service in the woods', latravit with ace. also in Epod. ,
5. 58. aula 'court-yard' as in Homer often (e.g. II. IV. 433),
for the usual Latin coliors or cors (cp. de Orat. II. 65, iS^^, note),
not as in Ep. I. i, 87.
67. adbibe, as we have elsewhere (Carm. 11. 13, ^2)pugnas
...bibit aure vulgus. Propert. iii. 6, 8 iiicipe, suspensis auribus
isla bibam and the like. There is no need to derive the meta-
phor from dyeing.
63. melioribus masc. cp. Ep. i. i, 48.
Bk. I. Ep. III.] NOTES. 107
69. Imbuta, not 'saturated ' but ' tinged ' for the first time :
cp. Cic. de Orat. ii. 39, 162 (note). Quint, i. i, 5 natura tena-
cissifni sumus eorum, quae rudibus annis percepitnus^ ut sapor,
quo nova imbiias, durat.
70. quodsi cessas, etc. Horace seems to be here expressing
his real sentiments in favour of moderation, but in a humorous
half-serious fashion. ' I have said my say: if you lag behind
in the race, or are fired with an enthusiasm, which carries you on
ahead of all others, in neither case can you expect my company :
I go on the even tenor of my way, waiting for no one, and tread-
ing on no one's heels.' The happy turn thus given to the con-
clusion will not escape the notice of any one, who is not con-
tented with the explanation that Horace 'gets rather prosy
sometimes, and thinlcs it is time to stop '. anteis : Carm. i. 35,
17, disyllabic probably by elision rather than synaeresis : Kennedy
P. S. G. p. 514, 'ita semper poetae Ausonio priores.' L. Miiller.
Ind.
EPISTLE III.
The date of this Epistle is clearly fixed by line i, to B.C. 20.
Julius Florus, to whom it is addressed, was one of the comiies of
Tiberius Claudius in his mission to the East, when he was
sent by Augustus to place Tigranes on the throne of Armenia
in the room of Artaj:ias, who had been murdered by his
own subjects (Merivale iv. 175, last ed.). According to Por-
phyrio, Florus wrote satires, ' among them some selected from
Ennius, Luciliusand Varro ', by which is meant doubtless that he
re-wrote some of the poems of these earlier authors, adopting
them to the taste of his own day, much as Pope and Dryden
re-wrote Chaucer's tales. The second Epistle of Book il. is also
addressed to him. — This epistle gives us a pleasant conception of
the literary tastes of the young nobles whom Tiberius had
gathered round him in his suite (cp. Ep. IX. 4), and a charming
picture of the relations of Horace, now in his 45th year, with the
younger aspirants to poetic fame, in its tone of kindly ad-
monition.
1 — 5. / want news of Tiberius. Are you in Thrace, at the
Uellespotit, or already in Asia ?
1. quibus terrarum oris, like Verg. Aen. i. 331 quihus orbis
in oris with the notion of ' on what distant shores '. militet 'is
serving' i.e. is with his army. Tiberius was accompanied on
this expedition by a considerable force to secure respect, but
fought no battles.
2. privlgnus 'step-son': Tiberius was not adopted by
io8 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Augustus until a.d, 3, after the death of his grand-children
Gaius and Lucius Caesar, the sons of Julia.
laboro, stronger than cupio: Sat. 11. 8, 19 nosse laboro.
3. Thraca, a poetical form { — Opq,Kr!) used also Ep. i. 16, 13
and by Verg. Aen. XII. 335. Ribbeck and Kennedy there read
Thraeca, and Keller here with one MS. has Tkreca : the latter
cannot well be right. Cp. Fleckeisen Fiinfzig Artikel, p. 30.
Servius on Verg. 1. c. says that Cicero used Thracam in the de
Rep., but the MS. (11. 4,9) has the later form Thraciam : cp.
Lachmann on Lucr. V. 30, Ellis on Catullus, iv. 8. In the Odes
(11. 16, 5, III. 25, 11) Horace according to his custom uses the
Greek form Thrace, so does Ovid, Fast. v. 257, Pont. iv. 5, 5.
Hebrus, proverbially cold: Carm. I, 25, 20; Ep. I. 16, 13.
Dr Schmitz in Diet. Geogr. says it is still sometimes frozen over.
The snow often lies thick on the Balkans in winter, but I can find
no other modern authority for the freezing of the Hebrus any
more than the Danube, which was frozen in the days of Ovid's
banishment (Trist. iii. 10, 31 — 2).
4. freta, the Hellespont : currentia; in consequence of the
large rivers which flow into the Euxine, there is always a strong
current outwards in the Hellespont. Cf. Lucret. v. 507, where
Munro quotes Shakspere's Othello III. 3, '■like to the Pontic sea,
whose icy current and compulsive course Jte^er feels retiring ebb,
but keeps due on to the Propontic and the •Hellespont.'' turres of
Sestos and Abydos. The tower of Hero at Sestos is often
mentioned, and Strabo XIII. 22, speaks of irvpyov rivd /car'
dvTiKpv TTJs 1iT)<jTod, (in Lucau IX. 955 Heroas lacri?noso litore
turres, the plural seems to be merely a poetical variation), but
we need not seek for authority for so natural a phrase. Bentley
adopts terras from the Bland, vet. : this seems to be one of the
numerous instances in which that MS. bears the mark of an
ingenious critical recension, rather than a genuine tradition.
Cp. Introd.
6 — 20. Tell me too what is being written by yon. Who is
attempting history? Is Titius still writing Odes, or trying his
hand at tragedy? Does Celsus remember the warnings he has
received to be m.ore original in his poetry ?
6. cohors 'suite'. Mommsen (Hermes IV. 120 ff.) writes
' comites are the attendants selected by the Emperor for a parti-
cular journey, amici the persons admitted by the Emperor at
a reception, especially his more intimate acquaintances. Thus
every comes is an amicus, but by no means every arnicus also
a comes. — Cohors amicorum = comites expeditionis cuiusdam. — The
political suite of the Emperor on a journey are generally described
Bk. I. Ep. III.] NOTES. . 109
as comifes : on the other hand cohors amicoitim Is more com-
monly used of those who accompany princes and ijovernors. '
Cp. also Rom. Staatsrecht II- 806-7. — Join qviid operum ' what
sort of works' : quae scripta componit Schol. euro = scire laboro.
7. sumlt : ' chooses ', as in A. P. 38: the infinitive is comple-
mentary, cp. Carm. I. 12, i qiicm vim in... sit mis cehbyarc with
Wickham's Append. II. i. Roby § 1362, S. G. § 540.
8. paces, ' times of peace'. Others interpret 'deeds in time
of peace ', a meaning which is not sufficiently supported by
Ep. II. I, 102.
9. Titius may possibly have been a son of M. Titius, the
consul suffectus in the year of the battle at Actium, where
he held a high command. The account given by the scholiasts
does not add much to our knowledge : Acron says that he tried
to transfer the profound thought and eloquence of Pindar into
Latin, and wrote tragedies and lyrics, of little value : Porphyrion
adds that he was very learned. All this may well be derived
from the text. The Comm. Cruq. says that his name was Titius
Septimius, and that there was a remarkable monument to him
beluw Aricia : the first part of this statement cannot be right, for
we have no instance as early as this of the combination of two
gentile names, like Titius and Septimius. Cp. note on Ep. i.
9, I. Horace does not appear to be 'deriding' him, but com-
bines with the expression of his belief that Rome ' would hear of
him before long', a gentle warning against too high-flown a style.
venturus in ora : cp. Prop. iv. 9, 32 venies tu qtioque in ora
•virttni ; Verg. G. in. 9 victorque virum volitare per ora, bor-
rowed doubtless from the phrase in the epitaph written by Ennius
for himself volito vivus per 0)-a virum (Cic. Tusc. I. 15, 34). It
is quite perverse to assume that the phrase has a bad meaning
here, as in Catull. XL. 5.
10. expalluit haustus, Roby § 1123, S. G. § 469. Cp.
Carm. Iti. 27, 28; i. 37, 23; 11. lo, 3 &c.
11. apertos, accessible to all, a metaphorical expression for
the easier styles of poetry. The contrast is between the fresh
natural springs of Pindar's poetry, and the artificial tanks (lacus,
Sat. I. 4, 37) and streamlets {rivos, cp. Munro in Journ. Phil. IX.
213) from which all could without trouble draw. For /ons
opposed to 9-ivus cp. Cic. de Orat. ir. 39, 162; Acad. i. 2, 8,
«/ ea a fontibus potiiis hauriant quatn rivulos consectenlur.
12. ut: Sat. 11. 8, i.
13. Thebanos, i. e. of Pindar ' the Theban eagle', auspice:
Carm. I. 7, 27. The auspex is primarily the official who declares
no . HO RATI EPISTULAE.
the will of heaven with regard to a contemplated act, i. e. the
augur: unless the passage from the Odes is an exception, it
is never used of the man under whose auspices anything is done
(cp. Bentley ad loc), but of the deity who sends favourable signs:
Verg. Aen. III. 20, VI. 45, Ov. Fast. i. 615. In the case of
the nuptiarum auspices (Cic. de Div. i. 16, 28, cp. Marquardt
Rom. Alt. V. 45 — 6, Mayor on Juv. X. 336) we have the mean-
ing of 'director,' 'superintendent', derived from the primary
sense.
14. desaevit 'does he work his rage out' Roby § 19 19, S. G.
§ 813 {d).
ampullatUT, 'dash on his colours,' a metaphor derived not,
I think, from the shape of the ampulla, but from its use to hold
pigments : cp. Cic. ad Att. I. 14, 3 nosti illas \rjKvdovs 'you know
how I put the paint on there'; cp. Plin. Ep. i. 2, 4: so XrjKudL-
^eiv in later Greek. Callimachus called tragedy XtjkvO'ios Muvcra.
(Frag. 319). There is no connexion whatever (as Orelli sup-
poses) with the gibe in Arist. Ran. 1208 sq. on XtjkvOcop olttu}-
\eaev, which turns solely on the rhythm. The more usual inter-
pretation, however, of ainpullari is ' to swell ', assuming that
the reference is to the round belly of the ampulla : cp. A. P. 97.
15. miM, Roby § 1150, S. G. § 473. Cp. Abbott's Grammar
of Shakspere § 220. Morris's Historical Outlines § 147.
Celsus, probably the same as Celsus Albinovanus, to whom
Ep. VIII. of this book is addressed.
16. privatas opes * stores of his own ', avoiding too close
an imitation of the classic writers who had already found their
place in the public library. Here too Horace is only giving a
kindly warning, and is not, as some have supposed, gravely
censuring Celsus for plagiarism,
17. Palatinus Apollo. In B. c. 28 Augustus had built a temple
on the Palatine to Apollo in commemoration of his victory at
Actium (Dio Cass. LIII. r) : and addidit poriicus cum biblio-
theca Latitia Graecaqiie (Suet. Aug. 29.) This building was
close behind the palace of Augustus, so that when the emperor
was in ill-health, the senate was summoned to assemble there
(Suet. 1. c. Cp. Boissier Promenades Archeologiqiies p. 70).
Mr Burn (Rome, p. 175) says 'the cloisters which surrounded
the temple united it with the famous Greek and Latin library':
but it seems rather that the porticns contained the libraries,
and not a distinct building, of which there is no trace. It is
plain, too, from inscriptions in which they are mentioned se-
parately, that the Greek and the Latin Libraries were quite
distiact, e.g. in the famous columbarium discovered in 1852
Bk. I. Ep. III.] NOTES. iii
(Wilmanns Ex. Inscr. Lat. pp. 125 ff.) we find two sons de-
scribed as both a bybliothece Latina Apotlinis (Wilmanns No.
389), another as ab bybliothece Graeca tartpli ApoUinis (ib.
401); and we find mention also of a Ti. Claudius Alcibiades
7nag. a bybliotluca Latina ApoUinis item scriba ab epistulis Lat.
in No. 2646. The splendid columns, doors and statues of the
'aurea porticus' are described by Propert. III. 29. For the
busts of authors which adorned it cp. Tac. Ann. 11. 83.
recepit ' has taken under his charge ', so that they may not
be touched with impunity.
19. cornlcula. Horace departs from the familiar Aesopian
fable (Babr. 72, Phaedr. I. 3) in two ways, by substituting a crow
for ^ graculus 'jackdaw', or possibly 'jay', and by representing
the feathers as dropped by various birds, each one of whom
comes to reclaim his own. Strictly speaking, corvus is the
generic name, including all the various species from the raven
{corvtis corax) and the carrion crow {corvus corone) down to the
jackdaw {coi-viis monedula), while comix is the rook, or (in
modern zoology) the hooded crow [corvtis comix). But the
words are often used loosely (cp. Keightley Notes on Vergil, Exc.
Vl.), and perhaps Horace means hy comicula (which is only used
here) the jackdaw.. Graculus Aesopi w2iS proverbial (Tert. adv.
Val. 12); and Lucian Apol. 4 says et \iyoUv ere tov koKowv
aKKoTplois irripois dyaWeadai.. The comparison and the main
thought are blended into one, as in Ep. i. i, a ; 2, 42 : we may
translate literally, or ' lest he be like a jackdaw, raising a laugh ',
&c.
20. coloribus ' plumis variorum colorum ' Schol.
20— 29. What are you attempting yourself ? You have ability
enough to win distinction in either oratoiy, law or poetry, if you
would put aside lower aims, and remember your duty to your
country.
21. agilis to Orelli appears to convey the notion of ver-
satility : I think it is simply studio indefesso, as Ritter says,
thyma : as Horace compares himself to a bee, gathering honey
from the blossoms of the thyme (Carm. iv. 2, 27), for saporis
praecipui mclla rcddit thymus (Colum. IX. 4, 6). So Sophocles
was called 'Ar^is yueXto-ffa : cp. too Plato Ion 534 A \iyovai....-fap
irpbs Tj/xas ol Troirjrai, otl diro KpTjvujv fxeXii'pvTui', e/c ^lovcrui' KTJTruv
Ttvuv Kai vairwv opeird/xevoi rdytieXT? rj/xiv <pepov(ji.v wcnrep ai /xiXifrai
Kai avTol oiiVw ireTOfievoi.
22. hirtiim ' rough ' as the result of neglect, the metaphor
being derived from land overgrown with weeds : we should say
rather ' unpolished'. The epithet hirtus applied by Veileius (11.
112 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
1 1) to C. Marius is the equivalent of ittcultis moribus in Sail. Jug.
85 > 39 : hence as Bentley saw, et, not nee, is the right reading.
It has also far better authority. In good prose an adverb of
quality, as distinguished from one of degree, is not used with an
adjective, as here, and in A. P. 3 turpiter atrum, Carm. III. 11, 35
splendide mcndax. Cp. Kuhner ii. p. 597. Nagelsbach Stil.
p. 239.
23. aculs, a metaphor derived from sharpening-a weapon,
Cic. Brut. 97, 331 iu illuc (in forum) veneras units, qui non
linguani modo aatisses exercitatione dkendi &c.; de Orat. III. 30,
121 non enim solum acuenda nobis neque procudenda lingua est.
So OTyyeLv yXwcrcray. The reference is to the practice of declama-
tion Ep. I. 2, 2.
civica iura respondere : the phrase in prose is tus eivile re-
spondere (Plin. Ep. VI. 15), cp. de Orat. I. 45, 198. For
respondere with an ace. ' to put forward in a reply, ' disputare ' to
put forward in discussion,' cp. Reid on Cic. Acad. Ii. 29, 93.
civieus is a poetical form for civilis (cp. Carm. ll. i, i, III. 24, 26),
like hosticus (Carm. ill. 2, 6) for hostilis ; it is not used by Cicero,
except in the technical phrase civiea corona (pro Plane. 30, 72:
in Pis. 3, 6).
24. amabile 'charming', with no direct reference to amatory
poetry, though doubtless including this.
25. hederae, the victor's wreath is made of ivy, because that
plant is sacred to Bacchus, by whom poets are inspired. Cp.
Carm. I. i, 29 doctarum hederae praemiafrontium. Verg. Eel.
VII. 25. Prop. V. I, 61 Ennius liirsuta cingat sua dicta corona:
mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua. Pindar calls Bacchus
Kiffffodirav debv (Frag. 45, 9), and Ki(rao(p6pov Ol. II. 50.
26. frigida curarum fomenta. There are two chief diffi-
culties here, the force of frigida, and the case of curarum.
Momenta being medical applications, are they intended to relieve
the curae, or do they consist in the curae} Is the genitive one
of the object (Roby § 131 2, S. G. § 525), or of material (Roby
§ 1304, S. G. § 523)? It seems to me that the curae, the pur-
suit of petty ambition and the love of money, are what Horace
wishes Celsus to abandon, as hindering him in attaining the
blessings which philosophy {sapientia) alone can give. In that
case, the fomenta must consist in the cicrae. Frigida will then
have its full natural meaning as ' chilling ', the cares are repre-
sented as chilling appliances which kill all generous warmth of
spirit. No difficulty arises from the fact that fomenta primarily
meant warm applications, for the word had acquired a more
general meaning, so that the medical writer Cornelius Celsus
can speak of both warm and cold, both dry and wi&t fomenta.
Bk. I. Ep. III.] NOTES. 113
Suetonius (Aug. 81) says that Augustus quia calida fovienta non
proderant, frigidis curari coactiis auctore Antonio Afusa. The same
cold-water bandages which would reduce inflammation might
naturally be regarded as chilling a healthy glow. If airarnm
is the objective genitive, we must give to foincnta the meaning
of ' remedies ', (as in Cic. Tusc. II. 24, 59 hacc stint solacia,
haec fomcnta siimvi07-um dolonitn: cp. Epod. XI. 17 ingrata fo-
nicnta vubnis nil nialiDU levanlia), and \.x■^T^%\a.i^ frigida 'feeble',
'powerless', as in Ov. Pont. iv. 2, 45 qicid nisi Picridcs, solacia
frigida, restat? But this leaves it too obscure what is meant
by 'the unavailing remedies against cares' which Florus is to
abandon. Orelli's way of taking ciirariiin as a genitive of origin,
/omenta arising from cares, leaves the origin and application of
the term /omenta quite unexplained. The dictionaries based on
Freund translate 'nourishment', i.e. all that feeds your cares,
an unexampled meaning, though supported slightly by the use
of the word for 'fuel' according to Serv. on Verg. Aen. I. 176.
Macleane says /omenta are here glory and such like rewards,
which I do not understand.
27. caelestis, which elevates one above such low earthly
cares, ires. Roby § 1530 (c), S. G. § 638.
28. opus, the task assigned (ifyyov), studium the chosen
pursuit (irpoalpecni). So Ritter: Orelli's practical and theoretical
pursuit of wisdom is less probable, parvi et ampli, small and
great alike can devote themselves to wisdom, properemus, Ep.
I. 2, 61.
29. nobis cari, cp. Ep. i. 18, loi. ca7-tis is not so much
'beloved', as 'highly esteemed'.
30 — 36. Let me know i/ yoti are on good terms nozv with
Munatiiis. You ought to be /-iends, and I shall be glad to see
you both sa/e back again.
30. sit has much more authority than si: Bentley has shewn
that either would stand by itself (cp. Ep. i. 7, 39; Roby § 1755,
S. G. § 747); but sit requires a full stop after JMmiatius, and a
note of interrogation at the end of the sentence beginning an
male, so that this may be a direct question. With Bentley's
est, which has no authority, I do not see how to account for
conveniat. Macleane's full-stop at rcscinditnr is positively bad
grammar ; if si can be used where we might have expected an
with the subjunctive, yet there is no instance in which this is
followed by an.
31. male sarta gratia, a metaphor from the sewing up of a
wound, which, if it does not heal, will break open again: sarcire
is the technical term for surgical sewing, as in Cels. vii. 8: coire
for joining so as to heal up, Cels. viii. 10 ; potest ea ratione et
W. H. 8
114 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
OS coire et volnus sanescere: cp. Ov. Trist. iv. 4, 41 Neve retrcu-
tando nonditm coetuitia rn>?ij>am vulnera.
32. rescinditur, Petron. 113 credo veiitus, ne inter initia
coeuntts g}-atiae cicatriceni rescinderet. Cic. Lael. 21, 76 amicitiae
simt dissitendae niagis quam discindendae. ac, much better than
at, which Orelli reads, putting ? at rescinditur. The translation
is ' You must write me word of this too, whether you make as
much of Munatius as you should. Or does your mutual regard,
like an ill-sewn wound, join to no purpose, and break open
again, and does some cause — be it your hot blood, or your
ignorance of the world — chafe you, wild as you are with your
untamed necks?' This, one would think, is sufficiently ' regular
and natural '.
33. renim inscitia is ' ignorance of the world ' in general,
rather than ' misunderstanding of the facts ' in any particular
instance, as Orelli takes it. Cp. de Orat. I. 22, 99 (note);
Caes. B. G. I. 44 no7t sc tarn imperiluin esse rcriiin lit no7i
sciret. Nagelsbach Stil. p. 59.
35. indigni — nimpere. Cp. A. P. 23:, Roby § 1361, S. G.
540 (2) ' 'twere shame to break the ties, which made you once
sworn brethren and allies' Conington.
36. in vestrum reditum, evidently, from your Eastern cam-
paign, cp. Carm. I. 36. Some absurdly take it of their recon-
ciliation ' reditum in gratiam '.
EPISTLE IV.
Albius Tibullus the poet was ten or twelve years younger
than Horace; he died shortly after Vergil (B.C. 19) when still
iuvenis (Epigr. Dom. Mars, in Baehrens' Tibullus p. 88), a
term which is just, but only just, reconcileable with the sup-
position (Cruttwell Rom. Lit. p. 299) that he was born about
the same time as Horace (B.C. 65), but which points more
naturally to a later date, indicated still more plainly by the
obiit adolcscens of the life in Baehrens, I.e. Ovid (Trist. II. 463)
tells us that he was known as a poet only after Augustus became
princeps, i.e. after B.C. 28. His ancestral estate at Pedum
(between Tibur and Praeneste in Latium) had been reduced
from what it once had been (cp. El. I. i, 19 — 20), perhaps in
consequence of the confiscations of B.C. 42, though of this there
is no positive evidence. He speaks of himself as poor, an ex-
pression which, in view of line 7 of this epistle, may be ex-
plained either by poetic modesty, or by the hypothesis of a
subsequent addition to his property by the favour of Messala,
his patron. The tone of the two (genuine) extant books of his
Bk. I. Ep. IV.] NOTES. 115
elegies confirms the impression of his character which we derive
from the language of Horace. He appears as a gentle, tender,
somewhat melancholy soul, marked more by genuineness of
natural feeling than by learning or force of expression. Carm.
I. 33 is also addressed to him. The date of the Epistle cannot
be precisely determined : there is no reason to suppose that it
immediately followed the publication of the Satires, none of
which are probably later than B. c. 30, and the tone is not that
which would be adopted in addressing a very young man. It
may therefore be safely placed within the limits assigned to the
Epistles generally, B.C. 24 — 20. At the same time the absence
of all reference to the odes points to a date not long, if at all, after
their publication. Ritter ingeniously endeavours to fix the date
to the beginning of B.C. 20; he argues that Augustus read the
Satires of Horace for the first time after his return from Asia
in September B.C. 19, when he made his well-known complaint
that the poet had made no mention of his intercourse with the
emperor, that Ep. XIII. was a reply to this complaint, and that
it was written in B.C. 18. But Tibullus could not have been a /\
critic of his satires before they were published. There are too tf - nt^
niairy__m£akJinks in this chain for ys to trust. to lU Another (tix^K I
independent argununt. tlmt in the winter of B.C. 21 — 20 he"^.
went down to Velia or Salcrnum to get fat (Ep. I. 15, 24), and
that here he is represented as having achieved his purpose
(1. 15) does not carry complete conviction.
1 — 16. A7-e you writing aitything, Tibullus, or quietly living
a wise marCs life? You have all the blessings that heart could
■wish. Live as if each day were to be your last ; and come and
see me, when you want anmsement.
1. sermonum : 'Satires': there is no reason to Include any
epistles here, although they seem to be included in Ep. 11. i, 250.
candide : 'fair', not necessarily favourable, but unprejudiced;
opposed to niger, as we find the word used in Sat. i. 4, 85.
2. Pedana: the town of Pedum seems to have disappeared
even in the time of Horace ; it is not mentioned by Strabo
and Pliny (ill. 69, 30) ranks the Pedani among the Latin peoples
who interiere si?ie vestigiis.
3. Cassi...opuscula: 'Hie aliquot generibus stilum exercuit,
inter quae opera elegiaca et epigrammata eius laudantur. Hie
est qui in partibus Cassi et Bruti tribunus militum cum Horatio
militavit, quibus victis Athenis se contulit. Q. Varus ab Augusto
missus, ut eum interficeret, studentem repperit, et perempto eo
scrinium cum libris tulit' Acron. Cp. Velleius II. 87 ultimus
autcm ex inteifectoribus Caesaj'is Parmensis Cassius morte poenas
dedit, ut dederat primus Trebonius. This was after the battle of
ii6 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Actium, although from Acron's note it would appear that he did
not understand it so, for Cassius served both with Sex. Pompeius
and with Antonius against Augustus. The letter in Cic. Ep.
Fam. XII. i3isperhapsfrom this Cassius (Drumann II. i6i — 163),
but cp. Ramsay in Diet. Biog. I. 627^. He is to be carefully
distinguished from the Cassius Etruscus of Sat. i. 10, 61,
although the Scholiasts all confuse them.
For opuscula of literary works cp. Ep. I. 19, 35. It is used
in the same way by Cic. Parad. 5.
4. inter reptare : many MSS. write these as one word. But
MS. evidence on such a point is worth little, and the word is
quite unknown elsewhere. Cp. Carm. in. 15, 5; in. 27, 51;
Sat. I. 6, 58 — 59; Epist. II. 1, 93 — 94; A. P. 425 inter nosccre.
reptare 'stroll' : the frequently asserted identity of repo and
serpo is more than doubtful : the meaning differs, serpo never
being used of men, except metaphorically (A. P. 28), and repo
often, and the phonetic process assumed is supported only by the
doubtful parallel ol rete (Curt. I. 330, 441).
salubris Ep. 11. 2, 77. Tibullus says of himself (iv. 13, 9
Epigr. i. Baehrens, p. 84) sic ego secretis possum bene vivere
si/vis, qua nulla huniano sit via trita pede.
6. eras: Many commentators take as =^0uj: 'nascenti tibi
non solum corpus sed etiam pectus eximium datum est.' Ritter,
which is hardly a possible force for the tense. Others explain
'semper quamdiu te cognovi'. It is simplest to say 'you used
not to be', when we were together, which certainly does not
imply (as Macleane says) a doubt whether he is so still. Prof.
Palmer adds "Prop. i. 13. 34: Non alio limine digitus ei'as :
eras = es but stronger, 'you are not and never were'. I think
the idiom is the same as in qjcanta laborabas CharybdiP
pectore, not, as Macleane says, for the 'intellect', but the
'soul', including of course the mental faculties, but denoting
especially the emotional side. In his own quotation from
Quintilian (X. 7, 15) pectus est quod disertos facit, et vis iticntis,
the context makes this quite clear: habenda in oculis, in adfectus
recipienda: pectus est enini etc idcoque impej-itis quoque, si modo
stmt aliquo adfectu cofieitati, verba non desunt. Cp. the famous
saying of Augustine *■ pectus facit theologum'' . So in Ov. Met.
XIII. 290 rudts et siite pectore miles 'a rough and soulless soldier' :
Her. XVI. 201 — 2 hiincine tu speres homincm sine pectore dotes
posse satis formae, Tyndari, nosse tuae ? where it is a man with-
out a soul for beauty. Often we may best translate 'heart',
e.g. de Orat. III. 30, 121, There are however instances where
the intellectual part seems the more prominent: e.g. Sat. II. 4,
Bk. I. Ep. IV.] NOTES. 117
90; Ov. Met. XIII. 326, 369; Prop. III. (iv) 5, 8 ille pariim cauti
pectoris egit opus.
I. dedgrunt: Sat.i. 10, 45; Corssen i*. 612; Neue/l3r;«^«-
lehre, II-. 392. Roby § 577, S. G. § 274. Here, as usually with
this quantity (cp. Wagner on Verg. Georg. IV. 393), some MSS.
have the pluperfect.
8. quid voveat, &c. 'what greater boon could a nurse
implore for her dear foster-child, if he could', &c. The earlier
editors made a muddle of this passage, by reading (with very
slight authority) qtiam for qui, supposing the expression of a
comparison to be needed after mains: this involved the further
change ol et cui into utqtie, and the insertion of tit after pari, all
quite gratuitous changes. The suppressed comparison is 'than
he already enjoys, supposing that he', &c.
9. sapere et fari ' to think aright and to utter his thoughts ' ;
cp. Pericles in Thuc. 11. 60 ouoei^bs Tjcrawv oiof.iaL dvai yvixvaL re
TO. beovTo. Kai epix-qvevffai raCra. The affection of a foster-mother
is proverbial : the wisdom of her prayers is doubted by Persius
II. 39, and Seneca Ep. 60 (quoted there by Casaubon). possit
Roby § 16S0, S. G. § 704.
10. contingat Ep. i. 2, 46.
II. mundus 'decent' : Sat. II. 2, 65 mundiis erit qui \ijiia?'\
non offcndat sordibus : victus may be tcmtis, yet not sordidus (ib. v.
53) ; cp. Ep. II. 2, 199. Carm. II. 10, 5 ff. Corn. Nep. Att. 13, 5
omni diligcntia mtinditiani non ajjliicntiant affdctabat. Some MSS.
have et modus et which is only a corruption of mud us: but on
the strength of this Bentley prints et domus et. crumena: Juv.
XI. 38 qiiis enim te deficicute crumena et crescent e gida manet
exitus.
12. inter... iras 'in the midst of, not felt by Tibullus
himself especially, as some have supposed, but marking human
hfe generally. Cp. note on Ep. I. 6, 12.
13. diluxisse, etc. 'that every day which breaks is your
last': dilucesco is less common than illucesco, but cp. Cic. Cat.
III. 3, 6 : the former describes the light as breaking through
the clouds, the latter as shining upon the earth.
14. grata. T&x.V\\orKi. 2^1 quidquid praeter spem evenict,
omne id deputabo esse in lucro. Plut. de Tranq. An. 166' t^s
aiipLOv rJKi.crTa oeofj.ei'os, ws (p-qcnv 'VlwiKOvpos, ijdiCTa wpdcreiffi. irpbs
TTjV axipLov.
15. me, sc. I have observed the Epicurean rule, which I
give you, as you will find, when you come and sec me. ping^em:
Suet. Vit. Hor. habitu corporis brevis fuit atque obesus, even
ii8 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
before his winter at Velia or Salernum. nitidum 'sleek' Sat.
II. 2, 128. bene curata cute 'in fine condition*, Ep. i. 2, 29.
vises Roby § 1466; S. G. § 603 'you must come and see'.
16. voles: it is better to place a comma after this, so that
porcwn is in apposition to nw, not the object of ridere. grege,
the usual term for a philosophic school: cp. de Orat. I. 10, 42 ;
Sat. II. 3, 44; but here used to lighten the metaphor m p07rttm.
Cicero (in Pis. 16, 37) addresses Piso as Epicure ttosier, ex hara
producte, non ex schola. The character of Epicurus himself was
not open to the charge of undue indulgence in sensual pleasures.
Cp. Aelian Van Hist. IV. 13, 'Epicurus the Gargettian_ cried
aloud and said "To whom a little is not enough, nothing is
enough. Give me a barley-cake and water, and I am ready to
vie even with Zeus in happiness." '
EPISTLE V.
The Torquatus who is here addressed is doubtless the one
addressed in Carm. iv. 7, 23, where Horace mentions his
eloquence, a suitable compliment for an advocate (1. 31). But
it is difficult to identify him with any one of the names
known to history. There was a L. Manlius Torquatus, consul
in the year of Horace's birth : his son was killed in Africa
in B.C. 48 (Cic. Brut. 76, 265; Bell. Afric. 96), but he may
have left a son of about the same age as Horace : this how-
ever is pure conjecture. The A. Torquatus, whom Atticus
aided after the battle of Philippi (Corn. Nep. Att. c. XI.,
cp. c. XV) is mentioned in the latter place so as to suggest that
he was considerably older than Horace. Some have suggested
C. Nonius Asprenas, on whom Augustus conferred the surname
Torquatus with the right to wear a gold chain, out of sympathy
for an accident which he had met with in the 'Trojan game',
(so Diet. Biog.) ; but if young enough to have taken part in the
Trojan game when revived by Augustus (not apparently before
B.C. 28), he is not likely to have been so intimate with Horace.
It is best to assume that he was some Manlius Torquatus, not
otherwise known. There is nothing to determine the date of
the Epistle, unless we accept Ritter's interpretation of 1. 9, which
would place it definitely in the summer of B.C. 20: but it must
have been written at least a year or two, probably somewhat
more, after the second consulship of Statilius Taurus in B.C. 26.
Horace invites the busy and wealthy advocate to a sim]:)le dinner
with him, if he can put up with the plain fare, which he will
furnish.
1 — 6. If you can put up with my humble home and Jure, I
Bk. I. Ep. v.] NOTES. 119
shall expect you to dinner this evening. I will give you the best
•wine I have, and all shall be ready.
1. Archiacis, so called from the maker Archias (cp. Phidiacns
from Phidias, Fausiacus from Paitsias), a 'faber lectorius' at
Rome. His couches were evidently not luxurious ; Porphyrion says
they were short ; to which Acron adds that the maker was short
too, on the principle, I suppose, of Dr Johnson's parody, 'Who
drives fat oxen, should himself be fat'. — The old reading
archdicis involves a false quantity, and rests upon no authority
worth considering. — recmnbere, as in Carm. iii. 3, ii and else-
where, for the more usual acatmbere.
2. cenare : coenare is a barbarism : the archetype certainly
read holus, not olus. onme generally explained as 'all sorts
of, not, of course, mixed in a salad, as Macleane supposes; but
equivalent to 'any kind that may be served up'. Cp. Fabri on
Liv. XXII. 41, 6 castra plena omnis fortunae picblicae privatacqiie
relinqtiit. But it is better to take it as 'nothing but': as in Cic.
de Nat. D. 11. 21, 56 onniis ordo 'nothing but order' : cp. Halm
on Cic. Cat. Iii. 2, 5. So Tras is sometimes used in Greek: cp.
Dobree's note on Dem. F. L. § 83 in Shilleto's edition (not.
crit.). For hohis as Horace's fare, cp. Sat. il. i, 74; 2, 117;
6, 64; 7, 30; Ep. I. 17, 15. patella dim. from patina, as
femella ivomfemina, lamella from lamina; Roby § 869.
3. supremo sole 'at sunset' (cp. prii7io sole Ov. Met. ix.
93; medio sole Phaedr. III. 19, 8), later than was usual, the ninth
hour being that generally chosen for dinner (Ep. I. 7, 70 — 71;
Mart. IV. 8, 6). A late dinner would be, according to the
Roman notions, a modest one; just as a banquet which began
early was supposed to be a luxurious one (cp. Sat. II. 8, 3).
Torquatus would also have time to finish his business, as in
Sat. II. 7, 33 Maecenas is too busy to dine before the lamps are
lit. Cp. Juv. I. 49 exnl ab octava Mariiis bibit (with Mayor's
note).
4. itenim sc. consule. T. Statilius Taurus was consul (along
with Augustus) for a second time in B. c. 26 ; he was one of the
most eminent men of his time at Rome, and had been consul
(suffectus) for the first time in B.C. 37. In B.C. 36 he command-
ed a fleet against Sex. Pompeius in Sicily; in B.C. 34 he received
a triumph for successes in Africa; at Actium in B.C. 31 he
commanded the land forces of Augustus; and in B.C. 29 he
defeated the Cantabri and other Spanish tribes. In B.C. 16 he
was left in charge of Rome and Italy during the absence of the
Emperor, with the title of praefectns urbi. — ilcritm is the word
always used of a second consulship: Gellius (x. i) reports an amus-
ing perplexity on the part of Pompeius, as to whether he should
I20 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
use in an inscription fej-tio or tcrliuni; the opinions of his friends
being divided, on the advice of Cicero he wrote tert. as found in
Corp. I. L. I. 615. Teriium, etc. are always written by Livy.
diffusa ' racked off' from the doliutn or cask into the aniphora
or jar, which was then sealed up and labelled with the date of
the year. Some MSS. have dcfusa, which means ' poured out',
from the crater or mixing bowl into the cups. (Sat. II. 2, 58.)
Cp. Cic. de Fin. il. 8. 23.
palustris : the ground round Minturnae on the Appian way,
near the mouth of the Liris in Latium was very marshy. It was
in these marshes that Marios attempted to conceal himself in
B.C. 88.
5. Mintiirnas. The Roman colonies at Minturnae and at
Sinuessa (more than nine miles to the south) were founded at the
same time in B. C. 296 (Liv. x. 2 1) and were ' coloniae maritimae',
with the right of Roman citizens : the two are often mentioned
together. The famous Mons Massiais overlooked Sinuessa, but
the wine grown in the plain was not of a first-rate quality:
cp. Mart. Xili. in de Sinuessaiiis vcjieritnt Alassica prclis :
condita quo qiiaeris consule? nullns erat. The Comm. Cruq. says
' Petrinus mons est Sinuessanae civitati imminens, vel ager Sin-
uessae vicinus': if the former, the wine may have been, as Ritter
suggests, a superior kind of Sinuessan, a Bergwein, which view
however is hardly consistent with the inter. The Falcrnus ager
was close to Sinuessa, but rather to the east than to the north.
6. arcesse: cp. Roby 1. p. 240. Journal of Philology vi.
278 ff. The form accerse, whether of different origin or not, was
undoubtedly in frequent use, especially in later times : it is quite
absurd for Macleane to speak of it as a ' corruption of the MSS. '
Here the word has its less common meaning ' send ', one as
legitimately derived from the primary force ' make to approach',
as the more usual ' fetch', which is here quite out of place.
imperium fer ' put up with my directions'. Horace repre-
sents himself as the dominies convivii (Cell. XIII. 11), for whom,
according to Acron, the term rex was sometimes used. This is
a usage to be distinguished from that in Carm. I. 4, 18 nee regna
vini sortiere talis.
7 — 15. Lay aside all your cares. To-morroiu is a holiday,
and so we will be merry to-night.
7. splendet, Roby § 1460, S. G. § 596: not of the brightness of
the fire, which would not be lit in summer, but of the cleansing
of the hearth or rather brazier, and the images of the Lares.
8. levls : if MS. authority is to weigh with us at all, we must
adopt this form here, not leves.
Bk. I. Ep. v.] NOTES. 1 2 1
certainina divitianiin ' the struggle for wealth ' (for the gen.
obj. cp. Livy i. 17 ccrtaiticii regni ct CKpido, Roby § 13 18, S.G.
§ 525 ('''))i possibly of the clients of Torciuatus, for the lex Cincia
as confirmed by a senatusconsultum of the time of Augustus
(Dio Cass. Liv. 18) forbade an advocate to receive any fee under
pain of refunding four times the amount : and in any case no re-
proach to the invited guest, as some have strangely supposed.
9. MoscM, according to Porphyrion a famous rhetorician of
Pergamum, who was accused of poisoning, and in whose trial
the most eminent orators of the day were engaged.
nato Caesare : Ritter takes this to be the birth of a Caesar,
i. e. of Gaius, the eldest son of Julia and M. Agrippa, the first
grandchild of Augustus, who was born about midsummer B. C.
20 ; cp. Dio LIV. 8 naX 7) '\ovKia. rov VoiCov ovojxaaQivTO. ^t£K€,
jBovdvcria re tls tois yevidXiois auTov dtdtos iSodrj. Kai touto fxev e/c
yp-q(pLa ixaroi iyivero. This removes all difficulty as to aestivam.
But was it possible for a Roman under Augustus to understand
any one but the Emperor himself, when the name Caesar was
used without qualification? It is used in 32 other passages by
Horace, and in only two. Sat. I. 9, iS, Carm. i. 2, 44, where the
context removes all possibility of doubt, it refers to Julius Caesar.
Hence it is hardly possible for us to understand the word here,
as some have done, with that reference, although this assumption
would equally remove the difficulty, Julius having been born on
July 1 2th (Kal. Amit. in C. I. L. Vol. I. 396). The birthday of
Augustus fell on Sept. 23 (a. d. ix. Kal. Oct.), and was observed
as a holiday : cp. Suet. Oct. LVii equitcs Romaiii natalcin eius
spontc atqiic coiiscnstt bidiio semper celebrariint. No doubt the
term aestivam could be applied with strict accuracy to any night
before the autumnal equinox, though it might not seem the most
natural epithet; but a difliculty is presented from the fact that
Horace (cp. Ep. I. 7, 5 ; 16, 16) and most of his friends would
not be likely to be in Rome at all during the unhealthy month of
September (cp. Juv. vi. 517 mettiique iubet Septenibris ct Aiistri
adveiitiim, and Mayor on Juv. IV. 56). Meineke (followed by
Haupt and Munro) attempted to remove the difficulty by reading
festivam : but ( i ) if this is the genuine reading, it is impossible to
understand how it should have been retained only in one or two
quite worthless MSS.: (2) it is very clumsy, so soon after /esti/s
in 1. 9 ; and (3) the word fcstivus does not occur in any classic
poet, but is especially suited to comedy. Hence L. Miiller
simply marks the word as corrupt. No really satisfactory solution
of the difficulty seems to have been discovered. It is possible,
as Mr Reid suggests, that the poem is a mere fancy piece, not
necessarily in close relation to actual facts.
10. somnumque, i. e. to sleep late into the day, not of the
122 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
noon-day siesta, dies : if the birthday of Augustus is meant, this
is marked in the Calendars as >P, a sign which, as Mommsen
(C. I. Lat. I. 367) has shown, denotes the day as a dies feriattis,
on which no business was to be done. Hence Torquatus would
not have to appear in the law-courts.
12. quo miM fortunam : the MSS. are pretty equally
divided between this reading anAforlima: Munro says (Introd.
p. 32) that ' all the best MSS. ' have the latter, and Ritter seems
to agree: but Keller stoutly denies this, and thinks that the
balance turns the other way. Unfortunately the usage of the
language does not give us much help in deciding between the
two. The accusative occurs in Ovid Am. in. 4, 41 quo tibi for-
i>iosa?n, si non nisi casta placcbal? and in 11. 19, 7 quo riiihi for-
tiinani, quae niinquam falkre ciiret ? Phaedr. III. 18, (^ quo mi,
inquit, mutam spccicm, si vincor sono. In these cases it might be
argued, as here, that the difference h&i^N&txs. forhma ■a.wd. fortund
(the way of writing the accusative in many MSS.) is so slight
that MS. evidence is of little value. But that the accusative is
legitimate is put beyond a doubt by Ov. Amor. ill. 7, 49 quo
milii fortunae tantum? Met. XIII. lO'i, quo ia?nen hacc Ilhaco?
and by Cato Distich. 4, 16 quo tibi divitias, si semper pauper
abiuidasl Cp. Ar. Lysistr. 193 Trot XevKov 'iinrov; and Markland's
note on Stat. Silv. i. 2, 188. On the other hand, that the abla-
tive is also legitimate has been made very probable by Conington
in his defence of the MS. reading quo nunc certamine tanto? in
Aen. IV. 98, although there even Kennedy accepts the conjecture
ccrtamina tanta. On the whole, as the accusative is the more
certainly established construction, and has plenty of authority
here, it is safer to read fortunam. The accusative is governed
by some verb understood, though what particular verb is to be
supplied was probably not distinctly conceived (cp. Roby
§§ II 28, 1441 : S. G. § 472, 5,83). For quo, which is certainly
not to be regarded with Orelh as a form of the old dative quoi,
cp. Sat. I. 6, 24 and Roby II. p. xxx note, fortunam^' wealth',
a meaning in which the plural is much more common in
classical Latin.
13. Ob heredis curam : cp. Carm. iv. 7, 19. The bitterness
with which the prospect of wealth passing to an heir was viewed,
was naturally increased by the childlessness so common at this time
at Rome. Augustus, Maecenas, Horace and Vergil all left no
son. Cp. Find. 01. XI. 88 eireX ttXovtos 6 Xaxuf iroLixivaiwaKTOv
dWdrpiov dmaKOVTt crrvyepu'TaTos.
14. adsidet = ' is next door to ', the metaphor being probably
derived from the seats in the theatre, where those of the same
social position were ranged together. The word seems to be used
nowhere else in this sense.
Bk. I. Ep. v.] NOTES. 123
15. vel inconsultus 'a madman, if you will': cp. Carm. II.
7, 28; III. 19, iS ; IV. 12, 28.
16 — 20. Wine has wonderful power to open the heart, to raise
the spirits and to quicken the wits.
16. dissignat, unquestionably the right reading, though
Macleane does not even notice it, lioth as being better supported,
and as the rarer word, and so more likely to be corrupted. Dis-
signa7-e is properly 'to break the seal', hence 'to open':
it is rightly explained by ' aperit', in Porphyrion's note. Prof.
Nettleship (journal of Philology, X. 206-8) is of opinion that
the word had acquired the further meaning of ' cum nota et igno-
minia aliquid facere', to perform any startling or violent act, any
act which upsets the existing order of things : ' and this', he adds,
' is exactly the sense required in the line of Horace, Of what
miracle is not intoxication capable?' Cp. Plant. Most. 413, Ter.
Adelph. 87, in both of which places dissign. should probably be
read, operta ' the secrets of the heart'. Sat. I. 4, 89 verax aperit
praecordia Liber: cp. Ep. I. 18, 38; A. P. 434: Plat. Symp.
217 E et /i^ irpiOTOv fjikv to XeyofJLevov olvos dvev re iraibwv koL fxerd
iraiSwv 7]v aXtjOris. Compare the proverbs in vino Veritas and
oij'os /cat Tratoes aXij^els.
inertem, 'coward' (Cic. Cat. 11. 5, 10) common in the
language of the camp as contrasted with strenmis ??iiles : cp. Ep.
I. II, 28, and Tac. Hist. I. 46, iners pro strenuo : hence much
better than inermcm, the point being the inspiriting power of
wine, not the follies which it can cause. Our ' Dutch courage '.
17. spes: cp. Ar. Eth. Nic. III. 8, 13 aXX' ol filv avSpeToi 8ia
TO, Trpoeipr]/j.iva OappaXeoi, ol S^ Sicl to oieaOai KpelTTovs elvai Kal
ixrjdkv avTLiradelv. tolovtov 5k woiovcn Kal ct fxedvaKOfieuoi ' eveXirides
yap yiyvovTai.
18. addocet, only here and in Cic. Cluent. 37, 104 addocti
indices, the ad being intensive, or denoting increase and progress.
Roby§§ 1833-4.
19. fecundi, 'teeming' like our ov^m 'flowing bowl': or
perhaps 'pregnant', like our 'pregnant wit': there is no need
to force the meaning of 'inspiring' (but cp. Ov. Met. IV. 697) :
the reading facundi, which has a good deal of support, would
lead to an intolerable tautology with disertos.
20. contracta ' cramped '.
21 — 31. / will take care that all is in good order, and that
the guests are well ohosen, so let nothing keep you away.
21. imperor 'I charge myself, apparently with the reflexive
force of the passive : but cp. Munro onLucret. II. 156. Horace
124 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
has similarly invideor in A. P. 56. The idiom is a colloquial one.
I think Orelli is wrong in supposing idoneus as well as imperor
to be connected with prociirare.
22. turpe = worn and faded, toral, 'coverlet ' placed upon
the t07-i, as in Petron. 40 advenerunt miiiistri ac toralia p)-opostie-
rimt toris : cp. Sat. II. 4, 84. For the form cp. capital, cervical,
Roby § 424.
23. corruget naris ' make you turn up your nose ' in dis-
gust. Quint. XI. 3, 80 names this among other movements of
the nose and lips which he considers indecorous.
ne non...ostendat ' that. ..fail not to show you '.
25. eliminet ' carry abroad ', a word used in the early poets in a
literal sense, and here in a somewhat more extended application :
cp. Pomponius in Non. p. 38 vos istic vianete : eliminabo extra
aedes conitigem, and other dramatists there quoted, and Quint.
VIII. 3, 31 nam inemini invcnis admodnm inter FoniponiiDii et
Senecam etiam praefatioiibiis esse tractatum an ' gradus eliminat^
in ti-agoedia did oportuisset. The force of the English derivative
seems to be due to mathematicians of a later age. Cp. the
quotation in Mart. i. 2 7, 7 (probably from some drinking song)
26. iungaturque pari: for as Seneca (Ep. xix.) says, anle
conspicicnduDi cum qiiibiis edas et bil>as, qiiavi quid edas et bibas.
Butram...Septicitunque, quite unknown persons, although the
names are found elsewhere, the former in an inscription (of
doubtful genuineness), the latter several times both in inscriptions
and in literature. Benlley first restored the true forms for the
corrupt Briitii7n...Septimiu)nqne. Orelli is too hard upon them
in comparing them wi:h Mnlvius et sciirrae of Sat. II. 7, 36;
they were plainly friends of Torquatus.
27. cena prior, ' an earlier engagement ' : potiorque puella * a
girl whom he prefers': -que appears here to have the force of
coupling alternatives, which are regarded as both acting to pre-
vent his presence, though not together : hence it is virtually dis-
junctive, as inVerg.Georg.il. 87, 139, 312, III. 121 (Conington),
and often in Lucretius (cp. Munro's index) : the engagement is
not necessarily to the piiella, though it may be. Martin rightly
renders ' unless he be engaged elsewhere or flirting with some
girl whom he prefers to any company '.
28. adsumam, ' I will have S. too ' : it is a striking proof of
the mechanical and careless way in which our MSS. were copied,
that Keller quotes only one as having this, the unquestionably
correct reading: all his others have ad stimniam, or some cor-
ruption of that reading.
Bk. I. Ep. VI.] NOTES. 125
umbrls 'guests whom you may bring': the umbrae were
guests not invited by the host, but brought by an invited guest,
as Maecenas brought Vibidius and Balatro to the dinner given
by Nasidienus (Sat. 11. 8, 22). Conington's rendering 'and
each might bring a friend or two as well ' is misleading : the
number of umbrae could not be more than four, if the jiarty was
not to exceed the approved limit of nine, three on each couch : be-
sides the remark was only addressed to Torijuatus, not to the
others.
29. premunt 'annoy'. caprae = ^/;r7/^.- caf^cr is similarly
used by Catull. lxix. 5, Lxxi. 1, and by Ov. A. A. in. 193:
the feminine form only here, though certainly not, as Orelli sup-
poses from any feeling of delicacy, which however desirable ac-
cording to our notions, is not likely to have occurred to Horace.
30. quotus esse veils, ' how large you would like the party to
be': 'name your number' (Con.) : cp. Mart. xiv. 217 die quotus
et quanti cupias cenare. Quotus asks a question, the answer to
which is to be given by an ordinal : hence we may compare the
Greek phrase rjpiOri vpea^eiiTris BtKaros avros : I have found no
exact parallel in Latin, but ' how many days ago ? ' (quotus iam
dies) answered by tertius iam dies est, is somewhat analogous.
Cp. Ep. II. I, 35.
31. postico ' the back-door ' such as has been found in many
Pompeian houses. Senec. de Brev. Vit. 14, 4 says quam mtdtl
per rcfertum clientibtis atrium prodire vitabunt et per obscitj'os
aedium aditiis profugient.—lzXiQ 'give the slip to'.
EPISTLE VL
Nothing is known of the Numicius, to whom this Epistle
is addressed, and his name is only introduced to keep up the
epistolary form, for nothing turns upon it. Nor is there any hint
to assist us in determining the date : it may have been written at
any time within the limits between which Horace seems to have
practised this style of composition. The general purpose of the
Epistle is to recommend a philosophic calm as the true way of
regarding the various objects of human desire. But from v. 31
to the end Horace adopts a tone of strong irony, urging Nu-
micius, if he will not accept this theory of life, to pursue with
resolute energy whatever end he may choose to propose to
himself.
1 — 8. The happy man is he who cares for nothijis^ over-much.
Some can gaze unmoved even on the grand phenomena of the
heavens. How do you think that we ought to feel zvith regard to
wealth and honour ?
126 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
1. nil admirarl corresponds to Tennyson's 'wise indifference
of the wise ', the drapa^ia of the Epicureans, for apztd Epiairum
duo bona sunt, ex qtiibus suminn?n illud beaiiimqiie componitur,
ut corpus sine dolore sit, animns sine perturbatione (Seneca Ep. 66,
45), the diradeia of the Stoics, to whom all emotions were for-
bidden (Cic. Acad. II. 43, 135), except in the modified form of
exjiraOeiai. (Zeller, Stoics, pp. 253, 291). The adnnra7-i would
naturally bring along with it the optarc and expetere, with which
it is often conjoined; e.g. Cic. de Off. I. 20, 6(), where one of
the marks of a ^fortis ani??ius et magnus ' is ctt?n persnasiim est
nihil ho7ninem nisi qtiod honestum decorumqtie sit ant admirarl
aut opta?'e ant expetere oportere.
3. hunc 'yon'.
4. momentis ' courses ', the Tpoirri of Epicurus in Diog.
Laert. x. 76, not of time, as in Sat. I. i. 7. Cp. Ep. I. 10, 16.
formidine 'dread', i.e. superstitious alarm.
5. imbuti: cp. Ep. I. 1, 69 (note), and Cic. de Fin. i. 18,60
superstitio, qna qni est imbutus, quietus esse jticnqiiam potest :
hence translate ' without a touch of dread', spectent : the in-
dicative has very little authority and is quite indefensible.
quid merely introduces the question, as in Cic. de Off. II. 7, 25
qtcid censennts SJiperiorem ilhun Dionysium, quo cruciatu tirnoris
angi solitiwi? de Orat. I. 17, 79 quid censes, si ad alicuius inge-
niu?n vel }?iaius ilia, quae ego non attigi, accesserint, qualem illiim
et quantum orator em futnnini? pro Rose. 17, 49 quid censes
hunc ipsum Sex. Roscium, quo studio et quo intclligentia esse ift
rusticis rebus ? Macleane's interpretation ' what do you suppose
they think ' &c. is quite baseless.
7. ludicra quid, plausus, etc. This line has been punctuated
and explained in at least five different ways : (i) ludicra quid,
plausus, ludicra being then translated 'games': the objections
to this are {a) that although the singular is often so used,
there is no authority for the plural; but cp. Madvig on Cic.
de Fin. i. 20, 69: \b) that with et following, another copula
is needed before plausus: (c) that, if the games are regarded
from the stand-point of the giver, they are not naturally an
object of admiration; if from the spectator's point of view, there
is an abruptness in passing on to the prizes of ambition. (2) lu-
dicra qidd plausus, plaicsiis being the genitive after ludicra 'the
toys of applause', i.e. 'worthless applause', like vilia rerum,
strata viarum etc. Then line 7 refers to the prizes of ambition,
as mimera...Indos to those of covetousness. But (a) plausus is not
a word which lends itself naturally to this genitival construction :
{b) it is not likely that Horace, in asking a question as to the
value to be set upon these things, would imply his own opinion
Bk. I. Ep. VI.] NOTES. 127
of their worthlessness in the very form of the question. (3) iudi-
era ? qtiid plaiisus, connecting liidicra with maris. This is open
to the last objection; and besides nnuiera maris is a far more
natural expression than licdicra maris. (4) Ittdicra quid, plaiisiis,
where plausus is the ace. plur. in apposition to ludicra. This
involves the same prejudging of the question : perhaps too the
plural, though sometimes used, is less natural than the singular.
(5) Keller has ...Indos? Ludicra. Quid plausus &c., ludicra
being then the answer of Numicius. This is very abrupt, and
would naturally imply a similar answer after v. 8. (4) seems
open to fewest objections.
dona, so. honorcs et iinpcria; cp. Carm. I. i, 7.
Quiritis, collective, as so often in Livy, but apparently not
elsewhere before his time: cp. Drager Hist. Synt. i. 3; Kiihnast
Liv. Synt. 63 : cp. Tac. Germ. 37 non Samnis, non Poeni.
8. qiio...modo ' id est, quo iudicio, qua spe ', Comm. Cruq.,
not merely a tmesis for quoDiodo which always has the final
vowel shortened.
9 — 16. The fear of loss or suffering is 7iot less disturbing
than the greed for gain or honour, and they are alike in their
effects: virtue herself should not be pursued to an extreme.
9. fere 'as a rule', cp. Caes. B. G. 11 r. iS fere libenter
homines id quod volunt, credunt. — miratur &c. ' over esteems
them in the same way as he who craves '. For mirari in this
sense of caring about, with some feeling of dread, cp. Luc. 11. 28
necdum est ille dolor, sed iam metus ; incubat amens, miraturque
mahitn.
10. pavor 'the excitement': (cp. Cic. Tusc. IV. 8, 19
p>avorem, metum mentem loco moventem) the ^a/u/3os or eKTrXrj^ts
which is inconsistent with real happiness. Cp. Verg. Aen. v.
x-^-j exsultantiaqui haurit corda pavor pulsans ((jeorg. in. 105) of
the excitement of a race.— utrolDique 'in either case'. This
word does not contain the same element as ubique, but is formed
by adding the suffix -bique to the stem utro- : utrtibique is only a
late and corrupt form, although supported by fair authority here.
Cp. Corssen Nachtr. p. 27. Hence correct Roby I. § 525, S. G.
§ 222.
11. simul = «'w?// ac Roby § 1717, S. G. § 721, not as
Kriiger, an z.A.v&x\)—pariter. species, 'appearance' of any object
of fear or desire.
exterret, 'flutters' with \}ci& pavor which it excites. Jacobs,
Lect. Ven. p. 157, conjectures external (i.e. exsternat, formed
on the analogy of consternat), which is approved by Lachmann
128 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
on Lucret. IV. 1022 (where he similarly reads externayitur for
txterrentur, ' are scared '), Haupt, etc. The word is found
twice in Catullus (LXIV. 71, 165) and three times in Ovid
(Met. I. 641, XI. 77, Ibis 431) in just the sense here required,
and therefore is not 'unclassical' as Keller says. But exterret
may be defended by Verg. Aen. XI. So5 Jitgit ante omnes exter-
riius Arriins iaetitia mixloqiie inetu (cp. G. III. 434), Lucr. II.
1040 novitate exterritus ipsa.
12. gaudeat, etc., 'whether he rejoices', etc., not as Keller
takes it, with a colon at metuatne, the jussive subjunctive. 'This
classification of the emotions under four heads originated with the
Stoics, but in Horace's time had become a commonplace. Cp.
Verg. Aen. VI. 733 hinc metiiH7it ctipiuntque, dolcnt gaudentque,
quoted by Augustine de Civ. D. xiv. 3 as a Stoic echo. Cp.
Plat. Phaed. 83 B yfiovQiv Kal eTridufiiioi' Kal 'Kvirusv koI (po^uv.'
J. S. R.
13. spe, 'expectation', with the ambiguous meaning shown
also in pavor and exterret. This is more common vv^ith the verb
spero (cp. Verg. Aen. I. 543, II. 658, etc.) than with the sub-
stantive ; but cp. Sail. Jug. LXXXViii, i contra spent snam lae-
tissimis animis excipilur. Cat. XX. 13 mala res, spes viulto
asperior with Kritz's note.
14. defixls oculis, 'You stare, look blank, grow numb from
top to toe'. Con.
16. ultra quam satis est. There is no reason to suppose
(with Macleane) that Horace is speaking either ironically or
'with an unusual fit of enthusiasm'. The need of moderation in
pursuit even of virtue is a commonplace with philosophers: cp.
Cic. pro Mur. 30, 63 nostri illi a Platone et Aristotck, 7?toderati
hommes et tunperati aiiint... omnes virtutes mediocritate qtiadam
esse temper atas. Cic. Tusc. IV. 25, 55 stiidia vel optimanun reriun
sedata tamcn et tranquilla esse debent. ib. IV. 29, 62 etiam sivir-
tiitis vehementior appctitiis sit, eadem est om7iibus ad dcterrendiun
adhibenda oratio.
17 — 27. Set your heart ott the treasures of art, on fame and
on ivealth, if you will: but remember that y oil will soon have to
abandon all.
17. I nunc, 'go now', an ironical imperative to do something
which under the circumstances is impossible, or at least not to be
expected, usually followed by et, as in Ep. 11. 2, 76. Cp. Pers.
IV. 19 i nunc.sujia, where Jahn remarks 'irridentis vel expro-
brantis formula', and gives many other examples.
argentum, here ' plate', as in Sat. i. 4, 28, Juv. i. 76, etc. ; not
'money', artis, 'works of art', cp. Carm. iv. 8, 5 divite me
Bk. I. Ep. VI.] NOTES. 129
scilicet artinm qiias ant Parrhasius protidit ant Scopas. So in
Soph. O. C. 472 KpaTr}p4s elaiv avSpos eOx^ipos rix^-q.
18. suspice, opp. of despice. colores, 'dyes', i.e. vesics
purpureas.
19. loquentem, very rarely used, as the context requires that
we should understand it here, of public speaking; which is almost
always dicere, opposed to conversational talk {loqici) : cp. Cic.
Orat. 32, 113 nee idem loqiti est quod dicere: de Orat. III. lo, 38
veqiie enim cona/nur docere eiim dicere, qui loqui nesciat. So
Eupolis (Dem. 8) said of Phaeax XoKtiv S.pi.(7Tos, ddwcLTdiraros
Xiyeiv (Meineke Com. II. 461).
20. navus. Bentley prints gnavus, which has however but
little support from the MSS. From Cicero's words (Orat. 47, 158)
noti eraiit, et navi et nari, qiiibus cum in praeponi oportcret, dulcius
visum est ignoti ignavi ignari dicere qitam ut Veritas posttdabat,
it might seem that the forms with g were unknown to him. But
gnavus is often found in good Ciceronian MSS. and is admitted
by the best editors (e.g. Halm in de Imp. Pomp. 7, 18) : narus
seems nowhere to occur, nor is gnotus actually found except in
the grammarians. It is very doubtful v^\vt\\\e.x gnavus is from the
same root zsgnarus, the meaning being entirely different (Corssen
I. 83): but cp. Curt. Gr. Etym. I. 220. forum for business pur-
poses, as in Ep. I. 19, 8, not (as Lewis and Short take it there)
for legal or political pursuits : cp. cedere foro = \.o become bank-
rupt, and de Imp. Pomp. 7, 19 hacc ratio pecuniarum...quae in
foro versatur. vespertinus, Roby § 1017, S. G. § 452.
21. dotalil)us, coming to him through his wife, and therefore
not due either to inheritance, or to his own energy and business
skill, emetat, only found here.
22. Mutus, probably the name of a real person, known to
Horace's readers. Orelli remarks that Horace, though often
borrowing his types of character from Lucilius, does not limit
himself to them. JMidus is found as a cognomen on an inscrip-
tion, quoted by Bentley, who restored the true reading for the
Vulgate, Mucius, iiidignum.
indigTium, an exclamation, as in Ov. ]\Iet. v. 37 nisi post
altaria Fhineics isset, et {indigmcm !) scelcrato profuit ara. Am.
I. 6, I Janitor, indignum, dura religate catena. So malum,
mirum, nefas, etc. Macleane's indignum quod sit, is much less
good, quod sit, Roby § 1740, S. G. § 740.
24. quicquid, etc. Cp. Soph. Aj. 64^) airavd' 6 /xaKph^
Ka,vapL9fJi.r]To^ Xpovoi <f>iiei r' ddriXa Kal <pa.vivTcx. KpuTTTerai. in
apricum, 'to the light of day' = in apertum ; if the word be, as is
w. H. g
I30 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
commonly supposed, contracted from aperi-cii-s it is used here,
but apparently here only, in its primary sense (Roby § 774).
26. porticus Agrippae, erected by M. Vipsanius Agrippa in
honour of Neptune, and adorned with paintings of the exploits of
the Argonauts ; hence called porticus Vipsania, or Nephuii, or
Arg07iaiitarum (Juv. VI. 153). It was thrown open to the public
in B.C. 25 (Dio Cass. Lili. ■27) and would naturally be a fashion-
able lounge. Cp. Burn's Rome, p. 332.
via Appi, the regina viartun, as Statius Silv. 11. 2, 12 calls
it, led to Capua and afterwards to Brundisium, and would often
be crowded by Roman nobles travelling to their villas in Cam-
pania, or to Greece and the East.
27. Numa and Ancus are joined, as being the two most
popular of the early kings; cp. Ennius' line adopted by Lucret.
III. 1025 hoiiina sis [ — suis] ociilis etiam bomis Ancu' reliquit,
and Carm. IV. 7, 14.
28 — 35. If y oil are suffering, seek the refnedy. So, if virtue
is the true path to a happy life, aim at securing this. If rvealth,
then do your ut?7iost to grow rich.
29. vis, a direct statement for a hypothetical one. Roby
§1553. S. G.§65i.
recte 'aright', here equal to beate, not in a moral sense, as in
Ep. I. 2, 41.
30. virtus una, as the Stoics taught.
31. hoc age 'attend to this alone': a phrase borrowed
apparently from the formula with which an official at a sacrifice
called for reverent attention from the bye-standers : cp. Sat. II.
3, 152; Lucret. I. 42 nam neque nos agere hoc pati-iai tempore
iiiiquo possiunus. deliciis = volupiatibus.
putas has much more support in the MSS., and is much
better suited to the preceding vis, than Bentley's/«to, which he
thinks 'mollius et verecundius'.
verba 'mere words' ; cp. the last words of Brutus in Dio
XLVII. 49 t3 tXtjixov dpeTT], X670S ap ijcrd' ' iyu de ae ws ipyov
TJffKow ai/ S' dp' idovXeves Tvxv-
32. lucum ligna ' a sacred grove but logs', portus occupet
'reaches the port before you', and so anticipates you in the
market; not as in Carm. I. 14, 2.
33. Cibyra was in the extreme south of Phrygia on the bor-
ders of Lycia : its position has been identified by inscriptions found
on the spot (Spratt's Lycia i. 256) ; it 'does not seem very favour-
Bk. I. Ep. VI.] NOTES. 131
able for commerce, for it is neither on the sea, nor on a great
road. We may conclude however that probably the grain of the
valley of the Indus (a tributary of the Calbis), and the wood and
iron of Cibyra might furnish articles of commerce. Iron ore is
plentiful in the Cibyratis'. G. L. in the Diet. Geogr. Bithsmla
had some important ports, and large navigable rivers, which
brought down the protluce of the interior, especially timber and
marble: cp. Carm. i. 35, 7 ; iii. 7, 3.
34. rotundentur ' be rounded off', an expression not else-
where used, but Petron. 76 has uno cursu centies sestertium
corrotundavi. — altera a second set of talents, as numerous,
totidc7n being equivalent to 7niUe talenta: cp. Catull. 5, 8 basia
mille, deinde centum, dein niille altera, dein secunda centum.
\'erg. Eel. III. 71 aurea mala decern misi: eras altera miitam.
porro et : et is omitted by some good MSS. but is probably
right.
35. quadrat is better supported than qitadrd, which seems to
be a careless assimilation to the preceding subjunctives : ' the part
which squares the heap' is a periphrasis for a fourth thousand.
36 — 48. Wealth of course brings many blcssuigs in its train,
and a rich man is better off than a king ; so if this is your goal,
push on towards it stoutly.
36. fidemque ' credit'; not however, as Orelli says, solely in
money matters. Juv. III. 143 quantum, quisque sua nummoruju
servat in area, tantum habet et fidei (with Mayor's note).
37. regina Pecunia ' queen cash ' : Juv. I. 112 inter nos
sanctissima divitian(?n mates t as, etsi fnnesta Pecunia templo non-
dutn habitas. It is doubtful whether the references in Arnobius
and Augustine (quoted by Mayor ad loc.) to a dea Pecunia have
any better basis than such jests as these, although we must not
forget the very common tendency of the Romans to deify
personifications. Cp. Mommsen i. 173.
38. Suadela = Ilei^a;, also called Suada by Ennius in Cic.
Brut. 15, 59 ut quam deam in Pericli labris scripsit Etipolis
sessitavisse, huius hie medullam nostrum oratoi'cm fuisse dixerit.
For Peitho as an attendant on Aphrodite cp. Preller Rom. Myth.
237-
39. Cappadocum rex, Archelaus : Cicero says of his prede-
cessor Ariobarzanes in ad Att. VI. i, 3 nullum aerarium, nulliim
vectigal habet .. .nihil illo regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius, and
ad Att. VI. 3, 5 erat rex perpauper. The Cappadocian slaves
were regarded as of little value : cp. Pers. VI. 77 ; Mart. X. 76, 3:
Cic. post Red. 6, 14 Cappadocem modo abreptuni de grege venalium
diceres.
9—2
132 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
40. ut aiunt 'as the story goes', Ep. i. 7, 49 ; 17, 18, etc
41. si posset, Roby § 1754, S. G. § 748.
scaenae, the only legitimate form : cp. Corssen i. 325, Roby
§ 259. Plutarch Lucull. c. 39 tells the story thus: 'When a
praetor, with great expense and pains, was preparing a spectacle
for the people, and asked him to lend him some purple robes for
the performers in a chorus, he told him he would go home and
see, and if he had got any, would let him have them : and the next
day asking how many he wanted, and being told that a hundred
would suffice, bade him take twice as many : on which the poet
Horace observes, that a house is but a poor one, where the valu-
ables unseen and unthought of do not exceed all those that meet
the eye'.
42. qui, Roby § 379, S. G. § 206. The chlamys, being a
Greek garment, would not naturally be found in large numbers
in a Roman house.
44. toUeret, Roby § 1783, S. G. § 765 ; the subject is the
giver of the show, who had made the request.
46. fallimt = Xaj'^d,j'et. furibus 'pilferers': Orelli thinks
the slaves in particular: cp. Verg. Eel. III. 16 quid domiiii
faciant, audcnt ami taiia fares? but in neither passage is this
meaning necessary: see Kennedy ad loc.
48. repetas 'return with each new day to'.
49 — 55. If the honours of the state arc lahat you desire, then
busily canvass for them.
49. species 'state', especially of a magistrate: Tac. Ann.
JV. 6 siia consiclibics, sua praetoribtis species.
50. qui dictet nomina, the so-called nomenclator, who ac-
companied a candidate on his canvass, in order to whisper to him
the names of influential citizens whom he might meet. Cp. Cic.
pro Mur. 36, 77 quid quod habes novienclatorem? in co qtiidem
fallis et decipis, nam si nomine appellari abs te cives tuos honesturn
est, turpe est eos notiorcs esse servo tuo quam tibi. In B.C. 72
when Cato was standing for the military tribuneship, the employ-
ment of noincnclatores was forbidden by law, though the law was
rarely obeyed. Nine years later it had been repealed or was
regarded as obsolete, even by Cato. Cp. Plutarch, Cat. 8.
51. fodicet, ' nudge ' : the nomenclator is of course on the
outside of the path, his master having the wall to his right:
cp. Sat. II. 5, 17. For the action cp. Ter. Hec. 465 La. die
iussisse te. Ph. noli fodere. iussi. Roby § 962 is probably right
in assigning to fodicare a frequentative, rather than an intensive
(Macleane) or diminutive force. Almost all MSS. have saevum
Bk. I. Ep. VI.] NOT£S. 133
or smum for laevutn, whence Ritter repeats serviim, a conjecture
which has deservedly found but little support: saevum though
admitted by some editors is not defensible.
cogat, ' press ', with enertry. trans pondera, a very difficult
phrase. The old interpreters explained it as referring to stepping-
stones placed in the road : thus Comm. Cruq. pondera lapidcs
qui per vias in opera danttir (read porrigiintiir) ant [qui per J
latera viariim positi altiores \sunt\. Gesner explained ultra
aequilibriuin corporis cum pericnlo cadendi, comparing Ov. Met.
I. 13 7!ec circiimfuso pcndebat in acre tclliis ponderibus libra/a
siiis: Lucret. II. 218, VI. 574, Lucan I. 57, a view which,
though ignored by Macleane, has received the weighty support
of Lachmann (on Lucret. p. 381), Haupt (on Ov. Met. I. 13)
and Ritter, as well as Conington : 'at risk of tumbling down'.
Orelli takes it of the weights on the counter of a shop, support-
ing his interpretation by the picture of a shop at Pompeii, and
Keller warmly approves : but is it possible to understand so im-
portant a limiting notion as ' of the shop ' ? Others interpret
pondera of obstacles generally. The old view has recently been
advocated by T. Mommsen [Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1874, p. 466 ff.),
Nissen {Pornpeian. Slitd. p. 566), and Kriiger. Overbeck Pom-
peii'^ p. 56 describes the broader streets as having three such
stepping stones (Fig. 19), the narrower, one. It is admitted
that there is no evidence, except in the scholiasts, that these were
called pondera: but in face of the difficulties still attaching to
Gesner's interpretation (and especially to the force which it
requires us to give to trans), it is perhaps best to follow the
earlier view, which must have been based upon some traditional
authority, seeing how little there is in the words themselves to
suggest it. The picture thus suggested is that of a candidate
in the cumbrous whitened toga, pressed by his attendant to
hurry across the street in order to shake hands with an in-
iluential elector on the path opposite. The street was usually
narrow, in Pompeii never more than about 24 feet broad, and
often only nine or ten, inclusive of the paths (marlines), but the
latter were as a rule nmch raised.
52. Fabia, sc. tribzt, one of the original country-tribes.
Velina, one of the two added latest, in B.C. 241. Both are
frequently mentioned in inscriptions.
53. hie, sc. a third man. Bentley read is, which has much
less authority, and would necessarily refer back to i//e.—rCvd
dare libet. The forms of free election were allowed to remain
during the time of Augustus, who himself took part in the
canvassing (cp. Suet. Oct. XL. cowitiorum ius pristimtm
reduxit), and the elections of B.C. 19 gave rise to serious dis-
turbances: it was only Tiberius who made the sanction of the
134 HO RATI E FISTULA E.
comitia merely formal: cf. Tac. Ann. i. 15, and Merivale Hist.
c. XLIV. ad init.
54. curule ebur, sc. the sella airnlis, a distinction enjoyed
by the curule aediles, praetors, and consuls, inportunus, 'ruth-
lessly' : cp. Cic. in Cat. I v. 6, 12 (note).
55. facetus=blande et comiter, ' politely', apparently a col-
loquial usage : cp. Ter. Heaut. 521 7nulier C07nnioda, faceta haec
meretrix. adopta : Spartianus says of the emperor Didius
Julianus (c. 4) senatitm ct eqiiestrem ordinem in palatium veni-
entem admisit, atqiie iiniimqiiemque, nt erat actus, vel patrem vel
Jirni7n vel pareiUcin affaiiis blandissiine est.
56 — 64. If good dining is good living, then he off to the
market betimes, to secure its choicest dainties, and take Gargilius
for your model.
56. lucet, 'day has dawned', i.e. it is time to be off in
quest of dainties.
57. piscemur, venemur. ' Let us go off for fish and game ' :
but only, as Gargilius did. to the market-place. This seems
better than to take the words of literal fishing and hunting, which
are not necessary for the life of an epicure,
58. Gargilius, probably a character in the satires of Lu-
cilius. The name is not a fictitious one, but occurs in in-
scriptions.
59. diflfertum forum populumque —forum differtum popnla,
as in Sat. I. 5, 3 forton Appi differtum nautis. Bentley took
objection to the repetition of pop^tbim and popnilo, and to
differtuni applied to papulum for which conferticm would be
more usual ; and therefore very confidently read ca7npnm for
popiilum. But the repetition may be defended by the emphasis
laid upon the presence of the people as spectators : and the
use of differtum by a zeugma, like that in Ep. II. i, 159 lex
poenaque lata: cp. A. P. 443. Besides it has been pointed out
that though the forum was crowded in the morning, the catnpus
was not much frequented till the afternoon. And even in the
contracted forms the similarity between campum and populum
is not great enough to make the conjecture probable.
60. unus.-.e multls, 'one of all the train', as in Verg. Aen.
V. 644, not here in the proverbial sense, found e.g. in Sat. I. 9, 71,
Cic. Tusc. I. 9, 17 (Kiihner), &c.
61. crudus, properly 'raw' (connected with cruar, Kpfa$,
etc. Vanicek p. 174), is applied alike to undigested food, and
(as here) to the eater who has not yet digested it. Indulgence
in a hot bath too soon after dinner is censured as a mark of
Bk. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 135
a glutton by Juv. i. 142 and Pers. IIT. 98. From the numerous
references collected by Major, it seems to have been regarded
as a means of hastening digestion, though one dangerous to
health.
62. Caerite CQrz,= Cac!'ilibiis tabulis. Madvig (Riim. Verf.
I. 409) considers that it is impossible to explain the reason
why the lists of the civcs sine siiffragio were called the tabulae
Caeritum. Gellius XVI. 13 asserts that the inhabitants of
Caere were made mumcipes sine stiffragii hire because they
took charge of the Roman sacra at the time of the Gallic
invasion (cp. Liv. v. 40) : and that the name was afterwards
applied versa vice to those whom the censors degraded and
deprived of their votes. There is some reason to suppose that
what was originally a mark of honour for the Caerites became
a badge of inferiority, after they had been defeated in an attempt
to throw off their connexion with Rome (cp. Madvig, op. cit.
p. 46).
63. remigium ; cp. Ep. I. 1, 24 ff. Ulixi : the form Ulixci
is almost equally well supported here. Cp. Roby § 482. S. G.
§ 160.
64. interdicta voluptas, i.e. the slaughtering of the sacred
cattle of the Sun-god : Hom. Od. i. 8, xii. 340 ff.
65. Mimnennus, an elegiac poet of Colophon, contempo-
raiy with Solon: a fragment is preserved in Stobaeus (Frag.
1. Bergk) rls 5k ^ios, tL 8k Tepirvov arep xpv<^^v^ 'A(ppodlr7)s ;
Tidval-qv ore fjLot. .firjKeri ravra fiiXoi. Propertius (l. 9, 11) says
of him//«i' in amore valet Alimnernii versus Homero.
66. istis, 'than what you have now before you '. Cp. Isocr.
ad Nicod. 1 1 , xpo) To'i% elp-rjfieyois, rj ^tjtci /SeXriOj rovTuv. candidus,
' frankly '. si non. Keller reads with some good I\ISS. si nil.
EPISTLE VII.
The date of this Epistle has been given by Ritter as the
autumn of B.C. 21. He argues from Ep. I. 2, 2 that Horace
was at this time at Praeneste, within view of the Alban hills
(v. 10), and was intending to go down to Velia or Salernum
for the winter (Ep. i. 15). In this year also Augustus left
Sicily for the East, and sent Agrippa (now married to Julia)
to take charge of home affairs ; hence Maecenas was relieved of
his more important public duties, and would have been all the
more at leisure to enjoy the society of Horace, so that he com-
plained of his absence. But there are too many conjectural
links in this chain of argument to enable us to accepjQLwUh
136 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
confidence. It is by no means certain that Ep. II. is to be
assigned to B.C. 21. Horace was doubtless often at Praeneste,
and perliaps spent more winters than one by the sea. Franke
with not less probaliility assigns both this epistle and Ep. II.
to B.C. ■23. Sir T. Martin well remarks: 'This Epistle will
always rank among the most valued of Horace's poems. It
shows the man in his most attractive aspect, — simple, frank,
affectionate, tactical, manly, and independent. No one can
read it without feeling that dear as Maecenas was to Horace,
and deeply grateful to him as he was for his generosity, and
for the friendly spirit witliout which generosity itself would
have been odious to the poet, not even for him would Horace
forego a tittle of that freedom of thought and action which he
deemed to be essential, not less for his self-respect than for his
personal happiness '.
1 — 13. / have stayed aiuay from Home muck longer than
I told you I should: but I am sure you will excuse me, Maecenas,
for I am afraid to be in town at such an unhealthy season. J
intend logo down to the sea for the winter, but /shall be back again
with you in the spring.
1. quinque dies; 'five days or so', a colloquial phrase, for
any short period; cp. Sat. i. 3, 16 qimique dicbus nil erat in
loculis.
rure : this form for the locative rwi occurs again in Ep.
I. 14, 10, twice in Ovid and twice in Tibullus. In Plaut.
Trin. 166 it is found in the MSB. though Ritschl reads ruri
(cp. Cas. I. 22), and Madvig leaves it in Liv. vil. 5, 9, xxxviii.
53, 8. With an epithet the form rure is always used. Cp.
Kiihner li. 354. Roby § 1168, 11 70. There is nothing to
fix the meaning here to Praeneste, as Ritter supposes, or to
Tibur, as others have argued from V. 45. Horace may probably
refer rather to his Sabine farm.
2. Sextilem : this month received the name ' August ' in
B.C. 8 (Dion. Cass. LV. 6), cp. Merivale iv. 255.
desideror: Roby, § 1460; S. G. § 596. atqui : most MSS.
have fallen into the very common error of substituting atque.
3. sanum recteque valentem, ' free from disease, and in
sound health' as in Ep. i. 16, 21. Cp. Cic. Acad. 11. 7, 19
si \sensus'\ et sani sunt ac valentes. The reading of some inferior
MSS. recteque videre valentem is due solely to the wish to fill
up the gap left by the accidental omission of sanitm ; Bentley's
suggestion recteqtie vigere valentem is needless.
4. mlhi das aegro, not (as Macleane) ' you let me go,
Bk. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 137
because I was sick ', but ' you are ready to give me, if I am
sick '.
6. ficus prima : the fig ripens towards the end of August
and the beginning of September; cp. Carm. III. 23, % pomifero
grave tcmpus anno. There were also early spring figs, formed
even before the leaves (cp. Plin. xv. 18, 71 sunt praeterea eaedem
serotinae et praccoccs, bifei-ae, alba ac nigra, cum tnesse vinde-
miaque maturescentes ; xvi. 26, 113; Meyer on Matth. xxi. 19,
Trench Miracles, p. 451), but these are of course not referred
to here.
6. dissiRfnatorem : this form is the only one recognized
by good jMSS. and by inscriptions. Cp. Ep. I. 5, 16. The
dissignator was the man who marshalled the funeral procession,
not the dominiis Jitncris of Cic. de Leg. Ii. 24, 61 dotnimisque
funeris utatur accenso atque licioribus (as Macleane says), but
one of his accensi (cp. Marquardt Privatalt. I. 357 note). Acron
says here designatores diciattur qui ad locum [? lucum'] Libitinac
in funere praestanti conduciintnr, ut defuncti cum honorc ej-
ferantur. The name was also given to the officials who assigned
places in the theatre: cp. Plant. Poen. prol. iS...neu lie/or
verbum aut virgae micUian/, neu dissignator praeter os obam-
bulet, neu sessum ducat, dum histrio in scaena siet, whence it
is clear that the lictor is here used generally for ' attendant ',
with no reference to magistrates, as Ritter supposes: cp. Lip-
sius ad loc.
7. pueris : cp. Mart. x. 62, 12 acstate pueri si valent, satis
discunt.
8. ofiBciosa 'in showing attentions': for officia in the sense of
the duties of civility due from clients and from citizens generally
see Mayor on Juv. in. 126. The term would include the morn-
ing salutatio, the deductio i7t forum, visits to the sick, attendance
at weddings, funerals, or when the toga, virilis was assumed,
and the like.
opella 'petty business': cp. Ep. 11. 2. 67. The word occurs
only here and in Lucr. I. 11 14.
9. testamenta resignat 'unseals wills', i.e. causes deaths,
A will was usually written on tablets of wood or wax; a senatus-
consultum (of the time of Nero, Suet. Ner. 17) enacted that they
were to be tied up with a triple thread, and then wax was to be
put over the thread and sealed by the testator, and also by wit-
nesses. When sealed a will was deposited with some friend, or
in a temple, or with the Vestal virgins. After the testator's
death as many of the witnesses as possible were collected, and
after they had acknowledged their seals, the thread was broken,
and the will read. Cp. Huschke Jurispr. Ante-Just. p. 53S.
138 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
10. Albanis: the snow would naturally lie on the Alban hills
earlier than on the plain of the Campagna. bruma for winter
generally, as in Carm. IV. 7, 12; Ep. I. 11, 19 and often. For
the greater frequency of frost and snow in ancient times than at
present in the same latitudes cp. Ep. I. 3, 3. quod si: cp. Verg,
Aen. V. 64, praeterea si nana diem mortalibus almiiiji Aurora
extulerit : Catull. Xiv. 17 si liixerit 'come dawn' (Ellis). So
we find often dicam...si priiis dixero: Cic. Acad. II. 20, 64, de
Off. II. 6, 22, Plaut. Capt. 248, etc.
11. vates tuus, i. e. the humble friend whom you honour
with the exalted title of 'bard': cp. Carm. I. i, 35 quodsi me
lyricis vatibus inseres, II. 6, 24 vatis amici etc. L. Miiller De
Re Metrica p. 65 ff. shows how this old-fashioned name fell
into contempt in the early Latin poetry, and regained all its
earlier honour with Vergil (e.g. Eel. ix. 34). Cp. Munro on
Lucret. I. 102 : Ep. il. i, 26.
12. contractus 'huddled up', eVlKe^-u(^c5s as in Lucian
Saturn. 9, 9 eirLKeKV(p6Tes...afi(pl ttjv Kayuvov. Others take it as
'in retirement': cp. Verg. Moret. 77 qnis enim contractior illo?
Senec. de Tranq. An. 9 habilare cont radius ; others again com-
pare velis contractis, and translate ' quietly'.
13. hirundine : the return of the swallow was proverbially
the sign that spring had arrived: cp. Ov. Fast. 11. 853 veris
praemintia vcnit hirundo : Cic. ad Att. x. 2 XaXayeOcra iam
adest: Anth. Pal. II. 279 o Tr\6os upa'ios. Kal yap \a\ayevcra
XE^'Scbv 17517 /lifx^XwKeu xti xapi'eis Zdcpvpos : Ar. Eq. 419 dpa via,
XeXiSctv. Hesiod represents the song of the nightingale as com-
mencing after the rising of Arcturus, i.e. sixty days after the
winter solstice (Op. et Di. 568).
14 — 24. You have not enriched me, as the boor did his gtusts,
with what had no value for him. This luotdd have been a natural
reason for ingi-atitude. Bui you, while ready to satisfy the wants
of those who deserve it, knoiv the value of your gifts, and I will
meet you worthily.
14. Calaber: the name is chosen only to make the story
more vivid. There seems to be no evidence that pears were
especially abundant in Calabria.
16. benigne, 'I'm much obliged', a polite phrase for re-
fusing the offer (cp. v. 62), like /caXcSj, /cdXXto-ra and the like in
Greek (Ar. Ran. 503 ff.).
19. relinques has much more support than rclinquis.
20. spernit et odit, ' does not value and in fact dislikes'.
22. ait esse paratus, a Greek construction, found first ap-
Ek. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 139
parently in Plaut. Asin. 634 quas...Diahuhis ipsi dattirus dixit :
cp. Catull. IV. I Phasclus ille...ait fttisse navium celcrrimus :
cp. Carm. III. 27, 73 uxor invicti Jovis esse inscis. Plaut. Pers.
431, 642 has iwii/io iratiis esse. Roby § 1350. dignis ' for the
worthy', i.e. to meet their needs.
23. lupinis used to represent money on the stage, or for
counters in games: cp. Piaut. Poen. iii. 1, lo Ac. a^^ite, inspi-
cite: durum est. Co. profecto, spcctatores, comicum : niacerato hoc
pi7t_^iies fiunt anro in barbaria boves. Tliey are still so used in
Italy.
24. dignum pro laude ' worthy in accordance with the re-
nown'; Munro on Lucret. V. i {quis potis est dignian pollenti
pectore carmen cottdere pro rertim maiestate) quotes instances of
digitus pro from Ter. Hec. 209, Cic. Div. in Caec. 13, 42
(where however Baiter rejects dignum). Sail. Cat. LI. 8. But
Mr J. S. Reid has convinced me that the passage in Lucretius
does not exhibit this construction, dignum going with pectore,
and pro viaiestate being parallel to pro mcritis just below.
Laude is the praise which Maecenas receives, not that which he
gives : Martin's version, though neat, is in this respect mislead-
ing, ' For me, 'twill be my aim myself to raise, even to the
flattering level of your praise'. Cp. A. P. 282, Cic. de Orat.
II. 73, 296, Juv. vni. 74.
merentis, sc. bene merentis, 'my benefactor'. Verg. Aen.
VI. 664 quique sui memores alios fcccre mercndo; Prop. V. 11,
loi sim digna merendo. Ov. Pont. II. 2. 96 laurea decreta me-
renti. So very often in inscriptions, e.g. Wilmanns, 1382, 1389,
1398.
25 — 28. Bttt the service I can render must be proportional
to my powers, and I am. not young as J once was.
25. usquam, with a verb of motion, also in Sat. II. 7, 30, i.
r, 37 : quoqiiam and iicquoquam are not common after Terence.
26. latus, chest, i.e. lungs: Ep. I. 12, 5, cp. Quint. Xli. 11,2
neque enim scientia modo constct orator... sed voce, latere, firmitate.
nigros : Horace describes himself as praecanus (Ep. i. 20, 24):
at this time he could not have been more than 45 at most. A
Jrons angusta or tenuis (Carm. I. 35, 5) or brevis (Mart. iv. 42,
9), i.e. one on which the hair hung down low, was regarded as a
beauty : Pliny describes the statue of an old man as having rari
et cedentes capilli, lata frons (Ep. III. 6, 2).
27. loqiil = TO \a.\€i.v Roby § 1 344, S. G. § 534, "my plea-
sant voice and laugh, the tears I shed'. Con.
28. Cinarae, perhaps the only one of the women's names
mentioned by Horace, which points to a real attachment on his
I40 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
part: cp. Carm. IV. r, 3 bonae Cinarae, iv. 13, 21, Cinarae
brevis amtosfata dederunt: Ep. I. 14, 33.
29 — 36. If I am attacked as being like the fox xuhich could
not escape from the corn-bin in which it had eaten its fill, I ivill
give you back everything: I am sincere in my preference of a
simple life, and prefer my freedom to boundless wealth.
23. volpecula : Bentley protests against this reading with
more than his usual energy. He calls upon fox-hunters, farmers
and men of science to bear witness that a fox could not eat corn
if he were never so hungiy: he has not the teeth to do it with.
Besides no fox however lean could creep through a crevice in a
corn-jar, unless it was large enough to let all the corn out.
Again how could a fox, a creature haunting the woods, have got
into a house at all, or have been content to remain within doors
long enough to be positively fattened in the corn-jar? Besides
St Jerome expressly mentions a mouse in referring to the fable
by Aesop from which this is borrowed. Hence he confidently
restores nitediila 'a shrew-mouse' for the present volpecula.
Many recent editors, and both Conington and Martin in their
translations, have followed him; but the soundest verdict has
been given by Munro (Introd. p. xxiv.), ' Bentley's famous nite-
dula for volpecula deserves all praise : it is brilliant ; is what
Horace ought to have written : — but I sadly fear did not write,
not from ignorance probably, but because he had in his thoughts
some old-world fable, whose foxes were not as our foxes'. We
might almost retort upon Lachmann, who strongly supports
Bentley (on I>ucret. in. 1014), in his own words 'vocabulum
Horatio restitutum qui [non] accipiunt rationem et genera fabel-
larum ignorant'. Keller aptly remarks that the list of animals
appearing in fables is a strictly limited one, that the fox often
plays a part inconsistent with its natural habits, and finally that
a weasel would be more likely to eat a mouse than to give it
good advice ! It may be noticed that the weasel {•yaKr\) was
often tamed and kept in Greek and Roman houses on purpose
to keep down the mice, the cat being comparatively rare, indeed
not commonly used as a domestic animal until the third or fourth
century A. D. Cp. Academy Vol. X., p. 317, Houghton's Natural
History of the Ancients, pp. 40—50.
30. cumeram ; cp. Sat. I. 1.53, where Acron notes 'c.
dicimus vas ingens vimineum, in quo frumenta conduntur...sive
cumerae dicuntur vasa fictilia similia doliis, ubi frumentum suum
reponebant agricolae'. pasta, the participle of the reflexive
{nxm. pascor, used actively. S. G. § 567.
31. foras ' out ' — of the corn-bin or of the house? The word
is in the vast majority of instances used of coming out of a
house; but occasionally (e.g. Caes. B. C. 11. 11, 4: 14, i) of a
Bk. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 141
town: hence the more indefinite meaning seems legitimate even
in classical Latin: it is common in later Latin. — pleno, not
necessarily as Bentley argued, of a fattened, but rather of a dis-
tended body: cp. Aesop, dXaiTr?;^ i^oyKwdelffa rrjv yacrr^pa; so
Babr. Ixxxvi.
32. procul 'hard by': cp. Sat. ii. 6, 105, Verg. Eel. vi. 16,
Geo. IV. 424, Ter. Hec. 607 <jucm cum istoc scnnoiicm habneris,
procul hinc sfans acccpi.
33. cavum, for a mouse's hole in Sat. il. 6, 116.
34. compellor 'assailed', Sat. II. 3, 297 tie conipellarcr inul-
tiis: cp. Cic. Phil. in. 7, 17 Q. Ciceronan coinpellat cdicto, ncc
sentit aniens coinmcndationem esse conipcllatioiicni suam. resigno
'I transfer back to you': Fest. p. 281 M. 7-esignare au/iqiii dice-
bant pro rescriba-e, and Hor. Sat. II. 3, 76 diciantis quod tu
nunquatn rescribere possis.
35. satur altilium, i.e. only when I have myself had my
fill of dainties. Carm. III. 16, 21 — 44 is the best commentary
on this passage.
37 — 45. You knoiv that I have always been modest and grate-
ful: but I roill gladly give back yotir gifts ivhich, if purchased at
the cost of my independence, wotild be as unfit for me to receive, as
horses were for Teleiitachus.
37. verecundum, i.e. my modesty in not pushing my own
claims, although, Horace goes on to add, I have always fully
acknowledged my debts to you, both in your presence, and in
your absence.
rex : 'patron', as in Ep. I. 17, 20 and 43. Juv. i. i3'i,
V. 14, 161 (with Mayor's note).
38. audisti, 'you have been addressed', Ep. i. 16, 17,
Sat. II. 6, 20: the Greek d/coueiv, imitated by Milton P. L. III. 7
' or hear'st thou rather pure ethereal stream '.
39. si possum: Roby § 1755, S. G. § 747. reponere = re-
signare.
40. Telemaclius : Horn. Od. iv. 601 t-K-Kowi 5' f/y '\e6.K-r]v
OVK d^ofxai, 605 — 7 iv 5' 'IOclkt) ovt dp dpi/Moi evp4es oSre ti.
"KeilMov. aiyi^oTos Kal piaXKov (T-qparoi 'nnropoToto. 01) yap tls
v-qawv tTTTrTyXaros oi)5' evXeifxwv. patientis, supported by much
better MSS. than sapientis, and confirmed by Homer's epithets
TToXurXas, iro\vT\T)fj.ij)v, raKaaicppuv,
42. spatiis, i. q. araSiov, Dor. <nra5iov (cp. Curt. Et. I.
337) ' coui'ses' : Verg. G. i. 513, Ep. i. 14, 9, etc.
43. Atride: cp. Sat. 11. 3, 187 Atridd,vetas cur? Roby
142 HOE ATI EPISTULAE.
§ 473, S. G. § 150. tibi seems to go equally with apta and
relinqtiam.
44. regia of Rome as the p7-inccps urbitun (Carm. iv. 3,
13), the domina (Carm. IV. 14, 44), not merely 'magnificent'
as in Carm. 11. 15, i.
45. vacuum: cp. Ep. 11. 2, 81 qtiod vacttas desiimpsit Athe-
nas : ' quiet ', free from disturbance, not ' desolate ' as vacuae
Acerrae in Verg. G. 11. 225.
imbelle, ' peaceful ' : in Sat. II. 4, 34 the epithet molle applied
to Tarentum has reference to its reputation for effeminate luxury,
which can hardly be denoted here.
46 — 98. A story will show how ill-suited gifts often bring
ruin to the recipient.
46. Philippus, L. ]\Iarcius (cons. B. c. 91), an orator distin-
guished for his energy and biting wit. Cp. Cic. de Orat. ill. I,
4 homini et vehementi et diserto et impri7nis forti ad resistendum,
Philippo: Brut. 47, 173 (there was in Philippus) sunima liber-
tas in oratione, miiltae facetiae : ...in altercando cum aliquo
acideo ct malcdicto facdus. He was an adherent of Sulla in the
civil wars, fortis refers to his boldness in oratory, not in war,
in which he won no distinction. Cp. Liv. XXI. 4 ubi quid
fort iter et strenue agendinn essct.
octavam circiter horam, i.e. between i and 2 p.m. (not,
as Orelli, between 1 and 3). Philippus had had a long morning's
work : Martial (iv. 8) says itt quintain varios extendit Roma
labores : sexta qiiies lassis, septima finis erit. After the work
of the day followed exercise and the bath: it was only the
unemployed who could dine as early as the eighth hour : cp.
Ep. I. 5, 3, and see below v. 71.
48. Carinas, a quarter {viciis) lying chiefly in the 4th regio
of Rome, on that part of the Esquiline Mount, towards the
West or South-West, which in earlier times was called the
M. Oppius, above the Subura. Some said that its name was
derived from the fact that viewed from the Palatine it bore some
resemblance to the keel of a ship {carina), others that it
was called so from naval decorations. The Sacra Via com-
menced at the Stieniae sacellum in the Carinae, and Philippus
would have gone along this road from the Forum to his house.
The Carinae was a fashionable quarter (cp. Verg. Viii. 361
laiitis...Carinis) where Q Cicero had a house, and also Pom-
peius, Tiberius, and others, nimium distare : the farthest part
of the Carinae can hardly have been more than half a mile
from the Forum.
49. ut aiunt, 'as the story goes ', Ep. i. 6, 40; 17, [8.
Bk. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 143
50. adrasum : all Keller's MSS. have this form, not abra-
sum, which is not only badly supported but incorrect, for homo
adraditur, barba abraditicr : ad is here intensive (Roby, § 1834,
S. G. § 801) 'closely shaven', but as a man who has just been
shaven is closely shaven, we may take it, if we please, here
as — recens rasuiii with Orelli, without seeking (with Yonge)
for any precise parallel. The word seems to apply to the beard
only, not, as some take it, to the head, comparing Ep. I. 18, 7
where the connexion is quite different.
umbra, 'booth', as in Greek o-kio. for crKrjvri. The booth
was empty, because the busier customers had been trimmed
earlier in the day ; the man was sitting, leisurely paring his own
nails, a duty generally undertaken by the barber (cp. Plant.
Aul. 310 qui/i ipse pridem tonsor laigtiis dcrnpscrat, colkgit,
oi/uiia abstulit pracsegmiiia. Mart. in. 74), and his comfortable
repose attracted the interest of Philippus. There is nothing
to show (as Macleane supposes) that ' he was jealous, and
resolved to spoil his independence, if he could ' : v. 74 certainly
does not prove this.
52. non laeve = oi) (r\-atws: the adverbial form is not found
elsewhere. Demetrius was the \1%\X3.\ pedisequus of Philippus.
53. unde domo, 'where he comes from'. Cp. Verg. viii.
1 14 iinde do>no = Tr6div oiKodiv. Orelli says the word is fre-
quently used in inscriptions to denote the town from which a
man comes.
54. quove patrono : a freedman had no father, in the eyes
of the law, but his place was taken to a certain extent by his
patronus. In the account brought back by Demetrius the men-
tion of the name Menas (a Greek name contracted from Metiodo-
rtts, like Hennas for Herinodoriis, Detnas for Detnodorus (?) etc.
cp. Moulton's Winer p. 128, Lightfoot on Coloss. iv. 12, 15)
sufficed to show that he was a freedman ; hence no further
answer is given to this question, for Voltcius must have been his
patron.
55. Volteium : several of this gens are mentioned in history,
and the name occurs on a Pompeian inscription. No. 1782 of
the Corp. Inscr. Lat. Vol. IV.: esse is understood, and the fol-
lowing accusatives are in apposition.
56. praeconem : v. 65 shows that he was not an official
herald, but an auctioneer: cp. A. P. 419: Cic. de Nat. Deor.
III. 34, 84 hacc per praeconem vendidit. Mayor on Juv. Vii. 6.
sine crimine : for a preposition with its case serving as an
adjective cp. Ov. Am. i. 3, 13 sine crimine mores, Trist. iv. 10,
144 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
71 sine critnine coniunx, Cic. de Orat. I. 23, 105 loqicacitaicn
sine usii (note).
notum properare 'well known for working with energy':
for the construction cp. Sil. Ital. XII. 330 Deliiis avcrtet pro-
pio7'a pericula vatcs Troianos notiis semper t?iiiinisse labores.
This is an instance of Horace's free use of the infinitive (cp.
Ritter on Carm. I. i, 18 or Wickham's Appendix II.) and is
better than Orelli's interpretation, which places a comma after
notum and takes it absolutely. Bentley inclines, though with
doubt, to the reading sine critnine natiim, but, besides having
very slight MS. support, this is ill suited to a freedman sine
patre. — loco 'at the right time', not quite (as Yonge) orav rvxVt
but rather ev KaipQ. Cp. Carm. IV. 12, 28, Ter. Ad. 216, Roby
§1172, S.G. §488.
cessare 'taking holiday'; cessare otiari et iiicunde vivere
Comm. Cruq. Ep. I. 10, 46, II. 2, 183 &c.
58. parvis 'humble' like himself. — lare certo 'a house of
his own'; he is not like Maenius in Ep. i. 15, 28. Bentley 's
suggestion curto would be redundant after tenui eenszi.
59. ludis: sc. scaenicis et circensibus: these were held only
on days of general holiday, so the limitation post decisa negotia,
is not needed in this case.
campo, sc. Martio; Carm. i. 8, 4, Sat. 11. 6, 49, Ep. l.
11,4. The usual time for exercise in the ca?npus was the eighth
hour : the amusements there practised were running, jumping,
wrestling, boxing, spear-throwing, riding, swimming in the
Tiber, and ball playing.
60. scitari, a good instance of the reflexive deponent 'to
make myself informed', Roby, § 734, 14 19: the word is not
used in good prose.
61. non sane = 01) iraw, but in both cases the question has
been raised whether the negative is strengthened or weakened
by the added particle. The former seems to be the case : cp.
Cope's Gorgias App. ii., Cic. de Orat. II. i, 5 (note), de Off.
II. 2, 5 hand sane intellego: Ep. II. i, io5. Sat. II. 3, 138. Hence
we must reject Orelli's vix as an equivalent.
62. toenigne : cp. v. 16.
63. neget, ' is he to refuse me?' Roby S. G. § 674.
improbus 'the impudent fellow', from the point of view of
Demetrius. We need not, with Orelli, tiy to weaken the force
of the epithet by referring to our colloquial use of words hke
'wretch', or 'rascal'.
64. mane, 'next morning '.
Bk. I. Ep. VIL] NOTES. 145
65. tunicato: the cumbrous toga was seldom worn by the
poorer classes at Rome, except on ceremonial occasions. Tac.
Dial. 7 valgus imperitum et ttinicatiis hie populus. Augustus
was annoyed at the disuse of the national dress, and forbade the
citizens to appear in the foram or circus without the toga
(Suet. Aug. 40). In the country it was still less used: Juv.
III. 171 pars viagna Italiae est... in quo nemo iogain sumit
nisi viortuus (cp. Mayor's note); Mart. X. 47, 5 toga rara;
51. 6 tunicata quies.
scruta, * odds and ends ', the connexion commonly asserted
with the equivalent Greek ypxir-i] is doubtful : cp. Vanicek
p. 210 and 1 1 21. SertUator : scruta :: chiffonier : chiffon.
66. occupat = ^^a^'ft, comes upon him before he sees him.
prior: the inferior would naturally be the first to offer a salu-
tation; cp. Mart. III. 95, I nunquam diets ^ ave\ sed reddis,
Naevole, semper .. .cur hoc expect cs a me, Togo, Naevole, dicas,
nam puto, nee melior, Naevole, nee prior es.
67. excusare 'began pleading... us his reason'. Cic. Phil.
IX. 4, 8 excusare moj'bum.
merceimaria : all good MSS. here (as usually) give the jut,
where the first n represents the assimilated d of vieixed, the
second a suffix -on: cp. Roby § 942, i. The meaning therefore
cannot be (as Macleane says), 'the bonds of buying and selling',
which would involve no merees, but his salaried duties, 'hireling
bonds': cp. Sat. I. 6, 86 si praeco parvas...viercedes ssquerer.
68. domum venisset, for the morning sabitatio, which
would be expected from an inferior after the compliment of such
an invitation.
69. providisset : cp. Plaut. Asin. 447 non herele te provide-
rem: quaeso ne vitio vortas ; Ter. Andr. 183 erus est, tieque pro-
videram. sic. ..si 'on condition that' Roby § 1571.
70. ut libet ' as you please', i.e. if you wish it.
72. dicenda...tacenda, i.e. whatever came into his head,
with no suggestion of blame, as in Demosth. de Cor. § 157 koI
^oq.$ pTjTa Kai a.pp7]Ta ovond^ui'. There is a similar asyndeton in
fanda ncfanda (Catull. LXIV. 405) ; cp. Cic. Tusc. V. 39, 114,
where there is a series of such contrasts. In Pers. iv. 5 the
phrase is used quite differently: see Gildersleeve's note or Con-
ington.
73. dimittitur ' is allowed to go home.' Orelli's notion
that Mena needed a kindly hint that it was time for him to go is
not required. Like all the compounds of mitto, dimitto often
means to allow to go, rather than to send.
W, H. 10
146 HORATI EPISTULAE.
74. occultum = ^/(?;-/7^;« in Ep. I. i6, 51. piscis: the par-
ticle of comparison is omitted, and the metaphor is incorporated
with thj main clause, as often: cp. Ep. I. i, 2.
75. certug 'regular', one who could be relied upon : Bent-
ley's suggestion of scrits, as in Sat. ii. 8, 33, 'coming in at a
moment's notice to fill up a gap', is quite needless.
76. mra, 'estates', has the construction oi riis : cp. Verg.
Aen. I. 2, Lavinaqiie venit litora.
indictis Latinis. The fcriae Latinae were not siatae but
conccptivae, i.e. were held at a time fixed each year by the con-
suls, and proclaimed by a pi-acco. Until they had held this fes-
tival on the Alban Mount, the consuls were not allowed to
leave Rome (Liv. XXI. 63). The festival was made the occasion
for a general holiday, and was always accompanied by a histi-
tiiim, so that Philippus had no legal business to keep him ia
the city. Mommsen Hist. I. 41 — 42.
77. impositus mannis, not 'on horseback', in which case
the plural (which some editors have explained as for imi ex
mannis) would barely be justifiable; but in the carriage drawn
by manni, as in Carm. iii. 27, 7. Orelli quotes Ov. Pont. ill.
4, \oofilius et iitnctis, tit pniis, ibit equis, where however iundis
determines the meaning of the phrase more clearly : as in Verg.
Aen. XII. 736 cum prima in proelia iunctos conscendcbat eqiios.
In Verg. Aen. ix. 777 (quoted by Lewis and Short for the use of
equi for a chariot) there is nothing to point to the singular force.
But cp. Ov. Her. 11. 80 inqiie capistratis tigribits alta sedet of the
car of Bacchus drawn by tigers. Homer has often iVTroi in this
sense, e.g. II. v. 13, rw ^Iv a(j) 'Linrouv, 46 Iwrruv eirLprj(x6fj.evov,
X. 330 fJ-Tj /j.Tjv Tocs 'iinroKjw avrjp eTrox'^crerat dXKos.
manni 'were small Gallic horses ['cobs'] famous for swift-
ness and evidently in great demand at Rome for use in harness.'
Munro on Lucret. III. 1063 ctirrit agens viannos ad villain praeci-
pitantts: cp. Ov. Am. 11. 16, 49 rapientibus esseda maiinis ; but
they were also used for riding; cp. Auson. Ep. viri. 7 vel cele-
rem inannum vel riipUim terga veredum conscendas, propere dum-
modo iani venias, though apparently only in an emergency. I
cannot find the authority on which Forcellini (followed by Orelli)
defines a mannus as 'animal ex equo et asina natum'.
Sabinum : the shortness of the holiday (six days) prevented
Philippus from visiting any of the sea-side retreats in Campania.
arvmn caelumque, i.e. the fertility of the soil, and the pleasant
climate. Probably the pracco had rarely been able to leave
Rome ; for as a rule a Sabine farm was not much valued : cp.
Carm. II. 18, 14 and Ellis on Catull. xliv. 2.
Bk. I. Ep. VII.] NOTES. 147
79. requiem 'recreation' (Cic. de Am. 15, 52). rlsus
'amusement' (Sat. ii. 2, 107). uudique 'from any source' =
quoquo, modo.
dum...doiiat 'by giving him': diun is used with an inten-
tional negligence in two slightly varying senses, septem ses-
tertia, at this time worth about £60.
83. nitido 'trim townsman': Martin 'dapper cit'.
84. crepat, cp. Sat. I. 3, 13, reges atqiie tetrarchos, ovinia
magna, loquens: 'has nothing but furrows and vineyards on his
lips'. Cp. Carm. I. 18, 5; Cic. de Orat. II. 22, 94 (note); Cic.
ad Att. IX. 13, I rncra scclcra loqitimtur.
praeparat ulmos, i.e. for vines, which were trained to grow
up them, as still in Italy : cp. Carm. II. 15, 4 platanusqtte caelebs
(which could not be used for this purpose, because of its broad
and shady leaves) cvincat ulmos: Epod. 11. 10, aJidta vitium
propagine altos marital populos : Verg. Georg. II. 361 siimmasque
seqtii tabulata per ulmos. Here Mena is represented as pruning
the tabulata or tiers of branches by removing intermediate
boughs and superfluous twigs. 'The trees were planted in rows,
forty feet asunder, if the land between them was tilled for corn
(as was usually the case), otherwise twenty feet ; the distance
between the trees in the row was to be twenty feet. The trees
as they grew were to be pruned, so that the first seven or eight
feet of their stem might be free from branches. Above that
height the branches on each side were to be formed into tabidaia
or stories, three feet asunder, and not in the same plane, on
which the vines might be trained. The vine was to be planted a
foot and a half from the tree. Colum. v. 7, de Arb. 16, Plin.
XVII. 23 [199 — 203]' Keightley on Vergil's Georgics p. 352.
Pliny adds nobilia vina noii nisi in arbustis gigni and sexto anno
maritantur.
85. studiis dat. as in Quinct. ix. 3, 73 immorl Icgationi.
senescit: Ep. 11. 2, 82.
87. mentita: Carm. iii. r, ^o fundus mcndax, iii. 16, 30
segetis certa fides; Sil. Ital. vn. 160 of the Falernian district
dives ea et nunquam tellus mentita colono.
enectus: Priscian ix. 6, 34 quotes this line and compares
Livy (xxi. /^\)fatnefrigore, illuvie squalore enccti and Cic. Tusc.
I. 5, 10 cneclus siti Tantalus (in a quotation from an unknown
poet), adding 'sed proprie necatus ferro, nectus vero alia vi per-
emptus dicitur'. Neue {Formcnkhre II. 554) gives other in-
stances of enectus but quotes only Pliny for cnecattis. Ritter's
notice that Mena worked his ox to death in trying to make up
for his losses is a little farfetched : it is simpler to suppose that
the soil of the farm was stony.
148 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
£8. media de nocte: Roby § 1911, S. G. § 812 {d): he will
not wait for the daylight before he carries out his impatient
resolve. cabaUum, usually of a riding horse, as in Sat. i. 6, 59,
Ep. I. 14, 43, Juv. X. 60 (cp. III. 118), but here probably of a
cart-horse, as in Ep. i. 18, 36. Mena is not likely to have kept a
'cob', as some render it.
91. A.\yniZ = diin patiens lahoris : cp. Ep. I. 16, 70. attentus
nd rem (Ter. Ad. 834) : cp. Sat. II. 6, 82 asj>ey et attentus
qiiaesitis.
92. pol: Ep. II. 2, 138. This expression was used both
by men and women (Gell. xi. 6, Macrob. i. 12, 28) though the
latter preferred as a rule mecastor, probably because of the
resemblance in sound to castttm and castitas (Preller, Rom.
Myth. p. 653). Terence never uses this form, but in Plautus
jt is common.
93. ponere = imponere: cp. Sat. I. 3,42 isti errori nomen
virtus posuissct honestum : so rcdivai Bvofj-a. The inferior MSS.
give dicere, which is an explanatory gloss. Cp. Plaut. Pers.
IV. 4, 25 nunc ct ilium miscrum et me niiserarn aeqiiom est
nominarier.
94. quod, Roby § 2214, S. G. § S71, 5. Cp. Verg. Aen.
II. 141 quod te per superos . . .oro with Conington's note: ib.
VI. 363. Ter. Andr. 289 quod ego per hanc te dextram oro
ct geniiim tuom (Wagner). For the genius or tutelary spirit
cp. Ep. 11. 2, 187, and see Preller, Rom. Mytli. p. 567: 'the
genius as such is always good, and the source of the good
gifts and hours which brighten the life of the individual man,
and also the source of his physical and mental health, in a
word, his good spirit: hence the oaths and conjurings by one's
own genius or that of another, in which latter case along with
the genius of a friend, his right hand, i.e. his honour, his eyes,
i.e. the light of his body, or his Penates, i.e. the sanctities of
his house and home, are often named'.
96. qui semel aspexit. Horace, after his fashion, sums
up the lesson of the foregoing story in brief. The reading semel
appears to be found only in the cod. Mart, of Cruquius: all
other MSS. have the meaningless simiil, which has come in
from v. 90. It is possible that aspexit is due to a like blunder
on the part of a copyist : in any case it is an awkward repetition,
especially as the word is used in a somewhat different sense.
But cp. circumdata in Sat. I. 2, 96, 99, acccdcre. Sat. II. 3,
149, 154. Keller conjectured, but has now withdrawn, agnovit.
Cp. Ep. I. 17, 4.
93. verum, 'right'. Sat. il. 3, 212, Ep. i. 12, 23. So often
Bk. I. Ep. VIII.] NOTES. 149
in Livy. pede: apparently only a variation of the idea in
modulo, ' foot-rule '.
EPISTLE VIII.
This Epistle was written in B. c. 20, and is addressed to the
Celsus Albinovanus who is mentioned in Ep. I. 3, 15 as one
of the suite accompanying Tiberius in his expedition to Armenia.
It may possibly have been sent at the same time as Ep. ill.
The tone is curiously self-reproachful ; it is not likely to have
been adopted by Horace simply in order to relieve his own
feelings : iuch a view would be inconsistent with the relations
which seem to have existed between Horace and Celsus, who
was probably young enough to have been his son. It is more
likely assumed to prepare for, and at the same time to soften, the
kindly warning to a friend whose pride in his advancement at
court seemed to require a check.
1 — 12. J)^ar my greetings, Muse, to Cehiis; and if he asks of
7>te, tell him that I am but ill content with my own temper, sloth
and fickleness.
1. gaudere et bene rem gerere, ' greeting and good wishes '
= X0.ipeiv Kal ev irpaTTeiv : cp. Plaut. Trin. 772 — 3 salntem ei
nnntiet verbis patris : ilium bene gerere rem et vale re et vivere.
Perhaps there is here a reference also to his duties as secretary
(scriba) : ' wishes for his success in his new office '. Alblnovano:
an instance of an agnomen added to a cognomen, as in the
case of the poet Pedo Albinovanus: the origin of the name is
obscure; Ritter suggests Albium Intimalium (now Ventimiglia)
in Liguria as a possible place of origin. The name was borne
by a P. TuUius sixty years before this in the civil wars (Appian,
B.C. r. 62), and by a M. Tullius contemporary with Cicero
(ad Quint. Fr. II. 3, 5).
2. rogata, sc. a me ' at my request '. refer ' bear ', as
often with mandata etc., where 7-e has the meaning not of
'back', but of execution of a duty; cp. the similar use of airo-
didoi/xi; there is no reason to suppose tiiis letter an answer to one
from Celsus. comiti : Mommsen [Hermes, IV. p. 122) argues that
comes is used here merely as 'companion on a journey', not tech-
nically, as in Ep. I. 3, 6. In v. 14 cohorti denotes the suite.
3. quid agam: cp. Ov. Trist. I. i, 17 si quis quid agam
forte requirat erit, vivere me dices, salvum tamen esse negabis.
multa et pulchra minantem, ' in spite of many fine pro-
mises', not limited to literary work, but extendir.g to the
conduct of life generally. For the phrase see Sat. 11. 3, 9.
J50 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
4. graudo : Carm. III. i, 29 non verberatae grandine
viiieae,
5. oleamve: supported by good MSS. against the vulgate
oleamqite, which Bentley first expelled. Either would stand,
Imt the former is better, aestus, Carm. i. 17, 18. momorderit,
Sat. II. 6, 45.
6. longlnquis. Cattle were driven from farms in the moun-
tains to the ' distant ' pastures of Apulia and Lucania in the
summer-time, as is still the custom. Cp. Epod. i. 27, 28, Carm.
I- 31.5-
8. velim, reported reason after die.
10. cur, 'because': Carm. l. 33, 3 nezt decantes elegos cur
tibi iiinior laesa praeniteat fide: Cic. ad Att. III. 13, 2 me saepe
acctisas, cur hunc meum casum tarn graviter feram : so in Ver.
III. 7, 16 primum illud reprchendo el accicso, cur in re tarn
vctere quicquam novi feceris. In all these instances 'asking
Avhy ' perhaps gives the true force better.
arcere : the construction is as in Ep. i. i, 31, A. P. 64.
12. ventosus, 'fickle as the wind'. Ep. i. 19, 37. Even
Eentley does not attempt to defend the reading of the vet.
Bland. venUtriis, though supported by some of his own older
MSS., as against the express testimony of Servius on Aen. iv.
224, which is older than any of our MSS. It is evidently only
the correction of a grammarian who thought that Tibure must
mean 'from Tibur'; and is another indication that in some
places at all events the famous Elandinian MSS. give us a
clever recension, rather than a genuine tradition.
Tibur : Horace frequently represents himself as staying at
Tibur; and Suetonius (Vit. Horat.) says vixit pliirinnim in
secessu riiris sui Sabini aut Tibnrtini, dotnusque eiiis ostcndittir
circa Tibiirni liiciilian. I think it quite impossible with Orelli
to understand such passages as Carm. IV. 2, 30 — 32, iv. 3, 10
as referring to Horace's Sabine farm, which must have been at
least 12 miles from Tibur (cp. also Carm. in. 4, 21 — 24):
Carm. 11. 18, 14 would at most prove that seven or eight years
before the date of this epistle he had only one estate in the
country, and (especially if we accept Madvig's interpretation of
satis as abl. of said) would not tell at all against his ownership
of a dotnus elsewhere, which M-ould not bring him any income.
Ritter's notion that a house at Tibur was given to Horace by
Augustus as a reward for the carmen saeculare in B.C. 17 is
ingenious, but has little support. I do not see why we should
reject the clear testimony of Suetonius: Horace does not de-
scribe his house at Rome any more than that at Tibur, but
Bk. I. Ep. IX.] NOTES. 151
no one doubts that he possessed one. It seems better to punc-
tuate after than before vciicosus, in spite of Ritter's pleading for
the latter.
13 — 17. If all is well with him, bid him bear his fortune
wisely, if he wishes to retain our regard.
13. rem gerat et se, ' he prospers in his duties and in
himself.
14. iuveni, at this time 23 years of age. ut, cp. Ep. i.
3. 12.
15. subinde 'then', not as in Sat. il. 5, 103 'from time to
time'. The word is often used in both senses by Livy: cp. Vlll.
27, 1 aliiid subinde belliim with IX. 16, 4 itaque subinde cxsecun-
tur legati: cp. Kuhnast Liv. Synt. p. 357: but is not used by
any earlier author.
17. ut tu, etc. The tendency to vanity, which seems to
have exposed Celsus to the danger of publishing poems with
little originality in them (Ep. I. 3, 15), here called for a friendly
warning, strangely misunderstood by some editors, who have
found in it a serious censure.
EPISTLE IX.
Septimius, on whose behalf this charming letter of introduc-
tion was addressed to Tiberius Claudius, was undoubtedly the
friend who is greeted with so much affection in Carm. II. 6.
The Comm. Cruq. says that his name was Titius Septimius, and
identifies him with the Titius of Ep. i. 3, 9. This is highly im-
probable, for the combination of two gentile names was at this
time unknown. There is no other reason, besides this assumed
identity, to suppose that the occasion of this letter was the expe-
dition of Tiberius to the East ; and the omission of the name of
Septimius in Ep. i. 3 makes it improbable; domo (v. 4) and
gregis (v. 13) pohit rather to an introduction of the usual kind.
There is nothing to determine the date, except that it is likely
to have been before rather than after B. c. 20.
1 — 13. Septimius of course Jzno'vs better than 1 do, Claudius,
what influence I have with you. I have tried to excuse myself,
but I would rather appear foiivard than selfish, and therefore 1
venture to introduce liim to you as ivo7-thy of your friendship.
1. nimirum 'of course', used by Horace ironically in Sat.
II. 2, 106 ; but not in Sat. II. 3, 120, Ep. i. 14, 11; 15, 42, li.
2, 141. (L. and S. are misleading here.) Lucretius and Cicero
seem always to use the word seriously : Livy and Tacitus have
152 HO RATI EPISTULAE,
the ironical force. Cp. Hand Tursell. iv. 203 ff. unus 'is
the only man who', not quite ' better than all others' as in Sat.
II. 6, 57 and often with superlatives.
3. scilicet 'you must know', i.e. just fancy! Sat. II. 2,
140. tradere 'introduce', as in Sat. i. 9, 47 hunc hominem si
velles tradere: Ep. I. 18, 78; Cic. ad Fam. vii. 17, 1 sic ei te
commendavi et tradidi, ui gravissime diligentissinieqiie potui.
4. mente 'judgment', i.e. approval. Neronis 'of a man
like Nero', more emphatic than tua.
legentis honesta: cp. Tac. Ann. vi. 51 of Tiberius egregius
vita famaqiie, qnoad privatus vel in iiiiperio sub Aiigusto
fitit. Ep. I. 3, 6. The discretion of Tiberius was so con-
spicuous at an early age that he was called 6 irpeaPvTTjs : cp.
Philo Leg. ad Caium § -26: irpbs rb aefivorepov re /cat aiKXT-qpore-
pov ffxeSov €K ■Kpdyr-q's TjXLKias eiriKXivQs elx^"- Horace shows
admirable tact in the manner in which he adapts his lan-
guage at once to the elevated tastes and the reserved temper
of Tiberius.
honesta 'all that is virtuous': cp. Sat. I. 6, 63 qtii fie^-pi
secernis honestum : the expression is somewhat more general,
and therefore more complimentary, than if the masculine had
been used, as in Sat. I. 6, 51 catitztm dignos adsumere : cp.
Carm. I. 34, 14 insignem alteiiuat dens, obsciira proinens. We
find hovfextr p7-ima viroruf>i (Lucr. I. 86 'a harsh expression'
Munro), summa ducum Atrides (Ov. Am. I. 9, 37).
6. valdius 'better', A. P. 321 valdius oblectat.
8. mea minora, i.e. my influence as less than it really was.
9. dissimiQator, like the dpwv who 5oKei dpvelaOM rk virap-
XOVTO, rj iXaTTu Troieip (Ar. Eth. IV. 3).
opis ' power', as in Verg. Aen. i. 601 fion opis est nostrae.
commodus ' willing to oblige'.
10. maioris culpae, i.e. selfishness.
11. frontis urbanae, the cool assurance of a man accus-
tomed to society (Ep. i. 15,27), as opposed to the pudor rusti-
cus (cp. Cic. ad Fam. v. 12, i deterruit pudor quidam paene
subnisticus). frons never (like os, e.g. Cic. de Orat. I. 38, 175)
carries in itself the meaning of boldness or impudence, but
derives this force from the adjective: cp. Carm. II. 5, 15 pro-
terva f route: Quint. Ii. 4, xd invereamda frons. praemia, not
'prizes' but 'privileges' or advantages. Cic. Tusc. v. 7, 20
Xerxes refcrtus omnibus pracmiis do7iisque fortunae : descendi
' I have made up my mind to avail myself with a certain notion
Bk. I. Ep. X.] NOTES. 153
of reluctance : Cic. ad Fam. Vlil. 8, 9 alteram utram ad condi-
cionem descendere volt Caesar : Li v. xxiii. 14, 3 ad tiliimum
prope desperatae reipitblicae auxilium...descendit ; Verg. Aen. V.
782 preces descendere in omnes. Hence there is no reference what-
ever to the arena (as Macleane supposes), as though it could be
regarded as the summit of impudence for Horace to introduce a
friend.
12. depositiun laudas pudorem ' you praise me for putting
my blushes by'.
13. tul gregis 'as one of your company', not =cokors
'suite', but much more general. Cp. Cic. de Orat. II. 62, 253
gregales : ad Fam. VII. 33, i gregalibus illis, quibics te plaiidente
vigilamus amissis. For the gen. cp. Carm. in. 13, 13 fies
nobilhim tu qitoqiie fontiiim. Madvig § 284, obs. 2 quotes Cic.
pro Caec. 35, 102 Arimimnses, quos qiiis ignorat duodccim colo-
niarutn fuisse? Cp. Roby § 1290. S. G. § 520.
fortem bonumque. a conventional phrase of commendation
like *ca\o^ KO.'yixdov 'true-hearted worthy man': cp. Sat. II.
5. I02.
EPISTLE X.
Aristius Fuscus was an intimate friend of Horace, addressed
by him in Carm. I. 22, and mentioned also in Sat. I. 9, 61 ; 10,
83, in the former case as playing a mischievous joke upon him,
in the latter among other friends as optimits. Some MSS. here
have the heading Ad Aristiitm Fusaim Grammatiaim, and
Acron on Sat. I. 9, 61 says hie fitit grammaticiis illius temporis
doctissimus : here he says he was a writer of tragedies, while
Porphyrion calls him a writer of comedies. There is mention
also of Arista Fusci grainmatici liber ad AsiniitJii Pollioneni (cp.
Orelli ad Sat. 1. 1.). It is clear that he was a literary man, and
from this epistle it appears that he did not share Horace's love
for the country and its pursuits. There is nothing to determine
the date of this epistle, but it may well come within the limits
assigned to the others in this book, i.e. between B.C. 22 and
B.C. 20.
1 — 11. Greeting to my friend Fiiscus, so like me in every-
thing, except that he is a lover of the town, I of the country ; for
I can now only etijoy a simple life.
1. iubemus, plural for the singular, as so commonly in
Cicero: it is less common to have a plural substantive: but cp.
Cic. ad Att. i. i, 2 excurrcmiis legati ad Pisonem: Roby § 2298,
S. G. § 904.
154 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
3. dissimiles: to take this (with Kriiger) as 'unlike him',
still referring to Horace alone, while get?ielli is a true plural,
is very harsh. It is much better to punctuate more fully at
a mat ores.
at cetera has not so much support from the better MSS. as
ad cetera; but the latter is so evidently the grammatical correc-
tion of a copyist, who did not see the construction of cetera ('as
to all other things', as below in 1. 50; cp. Carm. iv. 2, 60;
Verg. Aen. III. 594 at cetera Grams) that all good recent editors
have without hesitation adopted it. The punctuation of these
lines is veiy uncertain. Bentley has aiiiatores ;... dissimiles :..^
animis : — pariter: colutJibi, Orelli a7nalores,... dissimiles,... animis
...pariter...cohi7nbi. Munro again amatores...dissi?niles;...a}iimis,
. . .pariter :... cohimbi, Kriiger a77tatores, . ..dissimiles : . . .animis...
pariter... colutnbi: Keller agrees with Munro's view, which is vir-
tually the same as Bentley's. It is clearly better (i) to connect
dissimiles with ge//ielli rather than amatores, (2) to take columbi
with nidiwi servas rather than adtiuimics. Orelli unnaturally refers
adituimtcs to the action of the pigeons rostra amantissime conse-
rentes, which was called columbari. Translate ' A lover of the
country, I send my greeting to Fuscus, a lover of the city. In
this one matter, to be sure, much unlike, but in all else all but
twins, with the hearts of brothers; whatever one denies, the
other denies too, and M'e assent alike : we are like a pair of
pigeons long attached and well known to each other, but you
keep your nest, I praise &c.'
paene, a much better orthography than pene, which Munro
prints here, apparently only by oversight. Cp. Carm. 11.. 13,
21 ; Sat. I. 1, loi; 5, 72; Ellendt on Cic. de Orat. I. 3, 10.
C. I. L. I. 1009.
5. vetuli: Fuscus appears on intimate terms with Horace
in Sat. 1. 9, which must have been written about 15 years before
this epistle.
7. circumlita 'overspread': the unusual expression for cir-
ciundata seems intended to suggest the smooth softness of the
moss.
8. quidquaeris? 'in short', a very common phrase, espe-
cially in Cicero's letters, when a writer drops details and makes
a general statement: cp. Cic. ad Att. 11. i, 2 with Boot's note.
It is not quite as Orelli says 'ultro tibi omnia dicam': but rather
' why ask about each point?' The rendering in the Globe edi-
tion ' do you ask why?' is a very curious sHp.
regno ' I feel myself a king'.
9. effertis; the authority for this form is too strong to
Bk. I. Ep. X.] NOTES. 155
allow us to reject it, with some good editors, as simply a gloss
on feriis ; and the rhythm, which would be decisive in Vergil,
carries far less weight in Horace. Cp. Cic. Ep. IX. 14. i te
summis laudibus ad caelum extuleruiit.
rumore secundo 'with loud applause', lit. 'with approving
cries'. The phrase seems to have been a poetical common-
place: Macrobius (Sat. vi. i, 37) in illustration of Verg. Aen.
VIII. 90 ergo iter i)iceplum pera^i^iint riiniore scctaido quotes from
Sueius [of uncertain date] redeunt referujii rumore peiita secundo ;
and Nonius (p. 444, 2) adds to the line from Vergil one from
Ennius (Annal. vii.) populi rumore secundo, and an example in
prose from Fenestella, a later contemporary of Livy. Cp. Cic.
de Div. I. 16, 29; Tac. Ann. in. 29.
10. liba 'cakes' made of flour and milk or oil (Athen. III.
125 f. irXaKovs e/c yaXaKTos Irpiiov re Kal fiiXiTOi ov'FusfjLoioL Xl^ov
Kokovcri), and often spread with honey. Cato de R. Rust.
LXXV. directs that they should be made of pounded cheese, fine
flour, and an egg. For the placenta (which is here identical
with the libiun) he gives much more elaborate directions in
c. Lxxvi. Placenta is a curious instance of a Greek loan-word
(TvXoiKOiVTa ace.) transformed by popular etymology at an early
stage: cp. Hehn Kulturpflanzen'^ p. 492, Mommsen I. 206; libum
is identical with our loaf, and has lost an initial c, as that has
lost an h (A. S. hldf); cp. Corssen Nachtr. p. 36. The-priest's
slave ran away, because he was tired of being fed on the
sacrificial cakes.
11. pane egeo : Horace has the ablative also in Carm. I. 22, 2 ;
but the genitive eight times : in four other instances the word is
used absolutely. Cicero has the ablative frequently, the geni-
tive only in two doubtful instances (ad Att. vii. 22, 2 cp. iJoot;
ad Fam. IX. 3, 2) ; Plautus, Sallust, Livy (twice ; but more
usually the ablative), and later writers have the genitive.
12 — 21. There is no place better than the country for leading
a life of simple conformity with nature : the climate is so mild,
the herbage so fragrant, the water so pure.
12. convenienter naturae ; i. e. if we are to take the rule of
the Stoics as our guide, which makes it the summum bonum
blxoKoyoviJ.hojs rrj (puaei ^rjv: this Cicero (de Off. iii. 3, 13) ex-
plains to mean cum virtute congruere semper, cetera autem, quae
secundum naturam essent, ita legere, si ea virtuti no7t repug-
narent. But probably Horace used the phrase in a looser
fashion.
13. ponendaeque domo : it is apparently only the rarity of the
form domo for the dative — Neue Formenlehre I. 520 quotes it
156 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
only from Cato (three times) and an inscription — which has led
to the reading ponendaque in the vet. Bland., although Neue
thinks the ablative may possibly be defended by Tac. Ann. III.
19 is finis fnit ulciscenda Germanici morie, XIV. 4 prosequitin-
aheiiJitem artius ocidis et pectori kaerens, sive explenda si?nula-
tione sen etc. But this construction is too unnatural to be forced
upon Horace without overwhelming authority, which there cer-
tainly is not here. The thought is compressed, and, if expanded,
would run somewhat thus, ' and if the first thing to be done is to
choose the suitable sphere, as you would first choose the site if
you were building a house'.
15. tepeant; of course the winters are not milder in the
country than in town ; but Horace is thinking of his own country-
house, sheltered by hills from the colder winds.
16. rabiem Canis : the dog-star rises on July ■20th, but
liecomes visible only on July 26th. The sun enters the constel-
lation Leo on July 23rd,
momenta: perhaps best taken as in Ep. I. 6, 4 of 'motions',
i.e. the celestial movements which bring the Sun near to the
Lion, which his keen rays are represented as stinging into a
fury, thus causing intense heat. Others translate 'time' during
which Leo is passing, ' influence ' or ' attacks '. Conington renders
'Or when the Lion feels in every vein. The sun's sharp thrill,
and maddens with the pain'. Momentum means sometimes a
motion, sometimes a moving force.
18. 6.\YeY[sA = abnnnpat. This is better than the v. 1. de-
pellat, both as better supported on the whole, and as a less
obvious readmg. Cp. Verg. G. III. 530 somnos abnniipit cin-a :
Ov. Am. II. 10, 19 amor somnos abrutnpat.
19. olet: the mosaic pavements, so well known to us from
the remains of Roman villas (cp. Becker Gallus 11. 245 — 251),
were often sprinkled with perfumes. Libycis; the Numidian
marble is often mentioned: e.g. Carm. Ii. 18, 4: cp. Plin.
H. N. XXXVI. 8, 6.
lapillis : 2000 distinct pieces of coloured marble have been
counted in a single square foot of one of the mosaics at Pompeii
(Becker p. 249).
20. vicis 'quarters' or 'streets' of the city, plumbum: in
the time of Horace water was brought into Rome by five or six
large aqueducts (afterwards increased to fourteen), each supply-
ing one large reservoir {castcllum). Sometimes leaden pipes
ifistulae or titbuli) were used instead of or within the water-
channel (speciis) of the aqueduct ; but more commonly they were
employed to distribute the water from the castdliim to the public
Bk. I. Ep. X.] NOTES. 157
pools and fountains {lacits et salienics), from which water was
fetched for domestic purposes (cp. Sat. I. 4, 37), or afterwards to
castella privata. Cp. Martinus de Aijiuieductibus Urbis Roinae,
Becker Rtim. Alt. i. pp. 701 — 708, or the excellent article on
Aquaediictiis by P. S. in the Diet. Ant.
22 — 25. Even those who live in towns endeavour to imitate
the charms of the country : so poiucrful is natitre.
22. nempe 'why', quoting something which is universally
admitted: cp. Sat. I. 10, i. Roby § 517, S.G. § 218. vaxlas
'variegated', referring to the diversified colours of the marble,
the tnarmor maculosuni of Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 5 ; cp. Sen.
Thyest. 646 immane tectum^ cuius auratae irabes variis columnae
nobiles f>iaculis ferunt, Epist. 115, 8 nos [delectant] ingentiutn
maculae columnarum. Becker Callus I. 36 mentions six different
kinds of variegated marble in fashion at Rome, Numidian,
Phrygian (or Synnadic), Taenarian, Laconian, Thessalian, and
Carystian.
silva, the jtemus inter pulclira satum tccia of Carm. in. 10, 5 ;
at the back of a Roman house there was very commonly a*
garden surrounded by a colonnade {peristylium) ; to this some
have given the special name viridarium^ but it seems very doubt-
ful whether the word was so restricted. Cp. Suet. Tib. LX,
Cic. ad Att. Ii. 3, 2 (where the viridaria are seen through the
windows of the house), Petron. c. ix, etc. The silva belonging
to the house of Atticus on the Quirinal (Corn. Nepos Att. xiii. 2),
to which Orelli refers, does not appear to have been within the
building.
23. quae prospicit agros : it appears from Carm. iii. 29, 5
that the town-house of Maecenas on the Esquiline had a view
over the plain as far as Tibur and Tusculum.
24. expelles is found 'in all MSS. of any critical value'
(Keller), and was shown by Bentley to be the trae reading :
Macleane does not notice it, even as a variant ! The tense seems
to carry here the notion of an incomplete action, i. e. a fruitless
endeavour. For the metaphor here used for violent and contu-
melious ejection, cp. Catull. CV. 2 Musae furcillis praccipitem
eiciunt, where Ellis quotes diKpocs Cidelu from Ar. Pax 638 and
Cic. ad Att. xvi. 2, ^furcilla extrudimur.
25. mala fastidia 'perverse daintiness', furtim Ep. I. i, 18.
26 — 33. A kno7vledge of the truth, indifference to fortune,
and contentment with a little are the true essentials to happiness.
26. Sidonio, etc. The very expensive true Tyrian or Sidonian
purple was imitated by a dye extracted from a kind of lichen or
158 HORATI EPISTULA^.
litmus (now called archil or cudbear) : cp. Quint. Xll. lo, 75 ut
lana tincta fiico citra purpuras [i. e. without any admixture of
the genuine purple] placet; at si contuleris Tyriae lacernae,
conspcctu melioris ob7-uaiur, tit Ovidhis [Rem. Am. 707] ait.
Aquinum was at this time a large and flourishing city, hut there
is nowhere else any reference to its dye-works. For purpura,
cp. Mayor's full note on Juv. i. ■27. The stem of Sidon is
always Sid5n-, except once in Silius, but o is often found for
metrical reasons in the adjective, callidus 'as a connoisseur',
Sat. II. 7, loi. ostro dative.
28. propiusve medullis 'closer to his heart', i.e. one
which he will feel more deeply : propiusve has far more support
than propiiisque, and was rightly restored by Bentley : Macleane
writes 'I prefer -que'.
30. plus nimio 'quite too much', lit. much more than they
should : nimio is the abl. of measure, and is used in the sense so
common in comedy, = mitlto. So not only in a letter by Antonius
(Cic. ad Att. X. 8, a) but five or six times in Livy, e.g. i. 2, 3
^iim nimio plus qiiam satis tiitiun esset accolis rent Troianam
crescere ratus, II. 37, 4 nimio phis qiiam velleni nostrorum
iiigenia sunt mobilia. It is somewhat conversational, but cp.
Carm. I. 18, 15; 33, i.
31. quatient : Carm. Iii. 3,4 mcnte qtiatit solida. pones,
as in Sat. 11. 3, 16 ponendum aequo animo, Ep. i. i, 10; 16, 35,
Carm. III. 10, 9.
33. reges 'princes', i.e. the wealthy, as in Sat. 1. 1, 86, not,
I think, as Orelli takes it, with a reference to the Stoic paradox.
34. cervus equum: this familiar story is said to have been
invented by Stesichorus, in order to warn the people of Himera
not to place themselves in the power of Phalaris (Arist. Rhet.
II. 10, 5). Bentley on Phalaris I. p. 106 oddly prefers the
authority of Conon 'a writer in Julius Caesar's time' who gives
Gelon as the name of the tyrant: but cp. Cope's note on
Aristotle.
35. minor = ^Vrw;', as melior= KpeirTuv.
36. opes 'help', so more commonly in the singular.
37. victo ridens: I have followed L. MUller and Munro in
admitting this conjecture into the text, although Bentley's words
perhaps remain the fittest commentary ; ' illud victor violens in
mendo cubare facile sentio ; medicinam tamen polliceri vix
audeo'. Violens can hardly bear the sense which Ritter assigns
to it 'qui vim sive exitium hosti tulit'; still less can it express
(as Macleane thinks) the struggle with which the horse won hi$
Ck. I. Ep. X.] NOTES. 159
victory, of which the fable has no trace; and as Bentley shows
no epithet to victor is really wanted. Haupt's vicio ridcns is an
ideal emendation so far as the ductus littcrariim goes, and
answers to the phrase in Phaedrus (iv. 3, 5) where a like fable is
told of the horse and the boar, quern Jorso lez'ans, it in hostem
iacttis. The horse may doubtless be permitted to laugh as a
sign of triumph in fable. Bentley had already suggested victo,
and the addition of the r is still more easily explained if the next
>vord began with that letter.
39. metallls : a considerable portion of the Roman vcctigalia
was derived from mines in the provinces. Those in Italy were
forbidden by a decree of the senate to be worked. Cp. Diet. Ant.
p. 1x84 b. Plin. N. H. xxxiii. 78.
40. improbus 'in his greed : ' vehet has a great predominance
of authority in its favour, and is not to be rejected for vehit
simply on the ground of the preceding carets nor need we regard
it as assimilated to the following subjunctives.
42. olim of any indefinite time, as in Sat. I. \,ii, tit pueris
olim dant crustula blandi doctorcs, Plaut. Mil. 2 clarior qitam
solis radii esse olim quam sudumst soleitt.
43. uret 'will gair, Ep. I. 13, 6; Prop. iv. (v.) 3, -23 nutn
tcncros urit lorica tacerfos? so uri 'to smart' in Sat. II. 7, 58;
Ep. I. 16, 47. As in Ep. I. i, 2; 7, 74, etc. the main thought
and the comparison are blended in the form of the expression.
If a man has a fortune too lai^e for his position and needs, he
will be led into extravagance and so ruined ; if he has too small
a one, he will be pinched.
44. laetus 'if you are well pleased with your lot': vives is
the future after an expression, equivalent to a hypothetical clause,
analogous to the subjunctives in Roby § 1534; but dimittes
is equivalent to an imperative, Roby § 1589, S. G. § 665 (l>).
45. plura cogere, the last reproach, one would think, to
which Horace was open.
46. cessaxe. Ep. i. 7, 57.
48. tortum digna seq\ii...fuiiem: the general meaning of
the metaphor is plain enough: its exact reference has been much
disputed. Various commentators have thought of a prisoner led
by his captor, an animal led to sacrifice, a rope wound round a
windlass, a tow-rope, the 'tug of war', or even of a dance (cp./w
inter eas restiin ductans saltabis, Ter. Ad. 752, Spengel). As
tortus is a standing epithet of a rope (Verg. Aen. iv. 575;
Ov. Met. III. 679; Catull. Lxiv. 235, I'ers. v. 146), no special
force need be assigned to it here : hence the first or second view
i6o HO RATI EPJSTULAE.
is the simplest. Mr Reid writes! 'perhaps the line should be
explained by Prop, iv (v) 3,21 dignior obliquo funcm qui torqitcat
Ocno, aetertiusque ttiam pascat, aselie, famem. Ocnus, eternally
twisting the rope for the donkey to eat, was a favorite subject
with painters, and even a remote allusion to it would be easily
caught. In this case Horace has strongly personified peamia,
and says in effect that it oftener represents the imperious donkey,
which swallows up the labours of Ocnus, than the patient Ocnus
who serves the donkey. This view is not free from objections,
but every other interpretation leaves toriiini quite otiose '.
49. dictabam, the epistolary past imperfect, used from the
point of view of the recipient, Roby § 1468, S. G. § 604. putre
'crumbling': an inscription has been found referring to the
restoration of this very temple, vetusj/rt/t* dilapsam, by Vespasian ;
and the ruins of the temple have been discovered by F. Belli :
cp. Bullet, dell' Inst. 1857, p. 151 ff.
Vacunae, the name of a Sabine goddess very variously
identified. Acron quotes Varro as identifying her with Victoria
et ea maxime hi gaudent qui sapientia vineunt: but Comm. Cruq.
quotes the same passage from Varro as showing that she was
Minerva quod ea maxime hi gaudent., qui supientiae vacant.
Others compared her with Bellona, Diana, Ceres or Venus, so
little did her attributes suit any goddess in particular. The fact
that Vespasian in restoring her temple dedicated it to Victoria
proves that this identification became the official one. But
doubtless Horace is here playing on an assumed connexion of
her name with vacare, as the patron goddess of holidays.
Preller (Rom, Myth, p, 360) believes that it is derived rather
from vacjco, and that it refers to her patronage of the drainage so
necessary for the swampy land near Reate, where was her princi-
pal temple (cp. Ov. Fast. vi. 301, Merkel).
50. excepto, Roby § 1250, S. G. § 505. esses, Roby § 1744,
S. G. § 740. 2. cetera, Roby § 1 102, S. G.§ 462.
EPISTLE XI.
Nothing is known of the BuUaUus to whom this Epistle is
addressed. There is no reason to assume (with Ritter) that he
must have visited Asia in the train of Augustus, when he made
his tour in the East in B.C. 21 — 19. Hence there is nothing
whatever to determine the date of the letter.
1 — 6. What did you think of the famous cities of Asia ?
Have they no charm in your eyes in comparison with Rome? Or
are you etichanted with one of the towns in Pergamus ? Or are
Bk. I. Ep. XL] NOTES. i6i
yon so tired of travelling that you are contented 'with any quiet
resting-place?
1. Quid tibi visa ' what did you think of?' Orelli needlessly
supposes a confusion between quid tibi videtiir de...? and qiialis
ttbi videtiir? Cp. Ter. Plun. 273 sed quid vidctur hoe tibi
mancipium? Cic. ad Fam. IX. 21. i quid tibi videor in cpistulis?
2. concinna 'handsome', apparently from the fine buildings
which adorned it, especially the famous temple of Juno : con-
ciniins usually carries the meaning of neatness and regularity,
and therefore cannot mean (as Ritter says) grata et apla ad
habitanduin. Augustus spent two winters there, B.C. 31 — 30,
and B.C. 30 — 29.
regia ' royal seat' : Sardis is nom. plur. at 2dp5«y.
3. Zmyrna : no good MSS. give the form Smyrna, either
here or in Cicero (cp. de Rep. I. 8, 13, pro Balb. 11, 28, Phil. xi.
2, 5). The views of the grammarians are discussed by Rlr Ellis,
Catidlus- p. 344. Cp. Munro on Lucret. iv. 11 26.
minorave fama : a much-disputed passage. The MS. evi-
dence seems decidedly in favour of minorave, not minoranc.
Keller warmly supports the former, reading y'awa.? and takes it
as a poetical equivalent for et cetera, interpreting ' what did you
think of the other towns, whether greater or less in repute?'
e.g. Ephesus, Miletus, Pergamum, etc. Munro has the same
reading, without comment. It is not possible to translate ' were
they greater or less than their reputation ? ' for -ve is never used
in disjunctive questions, where two alternatives are contrasted.
(Cases like Verg. Aen. X. 93 aut ego tela dedi, fovive Ciipidine
bella ? are quite different.) If this is to be the meaning, it is
necessary to read minorane fania ? But it is better with Dillen-
burger to place a comma after minorave fama, translating 'are
all, whether greater or less than their reputation, of little account
in your eyes compared with ? ' etc.
4. sordent ? Some editors print a comma here, instead of
beginning a fresh question with an venit : the point is not of
much importance, but it is perhaps better if we read minorave,
to make the first question end at sordent. There is no gram-
matical objection to -ne, an, an, introducing three alternatives.
campo, at once the finest part of Rome, since the erection of
stately buildings there by Agrippa and others, and the scene of
its most fashionable life.
5. An venit, etc. 'or have you set your heart upon one of
the cities of Attalus as your home?' e.g. Pergamum, Apollonia,
Thyatira.
W. H. II
iC2 HO RATI EFISTULAE.
6. Lebedum, a small town on the sea between Smyrna and
Colophon, odio maris, cp. Carm. II. 6, 7 lasso maris ct viarum ;
Tac. Ann. II. 14 tacdio viancni ac maris ; Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 4, r
non dtihito qnin, quoad plane valcas, ic ncque navigationi iicqiie
viae coiiuiiittas.
V — 10. These lines are marked in the codd. Bland, as a dia-
logue between BuUatius and Horace, thus : Bull. Scis...sit?
HoR. Gabiis...vicus. Bull. ta)nen...fiirentem. We need not
assign Gabiis...viais to Horace: but it is very probable that the
whole passage is to be regarded as spoken by Bullatius. There
is a close parallel in Ep. I. 16, 41 — 43, where the answer of a
supposed interlocutoi: is similarly brought in without any intro-
ductory word, and Horace demurs with a sentence beginning
with scd. We get additional point in line 26, if we suppose the
reference there to be to Lebedus. This view has the support of
Haupt and other good recent editors. Sir T. Martin supposes
that Bullatius had expressed himself to this effect in some letter
to Horace : this is hardly necessary. The idea may have been
drawn from his character. Lebcdiis is a desolate place, bui I should
be glad to live there in retirement, watching the raging sea.
7. Gabiis : cp. Juv. vi. 56, x. loo, where Gabii and Fidenae
are coupled as unimportant places. Of Gabii, Dionys. Hal.
Ant. R. IV. 53 says vvv fxev omeri. ffwoiKov/jL^vr] iraaa, TrXrjp ocra
IxepTj wavdoKeverai. Kara ttjv obov [i.e. the road to Praeneste]
Tore 5e troKvdvdpwiros /cat ei.' ris dXXr] fieyaXij.
8. Fidenis: Verg. Aen. vi. 773 shortens the first syllable,
nrbc-mqzee Fidenam, Juvenal 1. c. like Prop. iv. (vj i, 36 length-
ens it.
veUem. Roby § 1536, S. G. § 644.
9. Oblitus, ' my friends forgetting, by my friends forgot,'
Con. and Martin; a version imitated from Pope's imitation of
Horace, Eloisa to Abelard, 207:
'How happy is the blameless Vestal's lot,
The world forgetting, by the world forgot.'
11. lutoque. Some commentators have gravely doubted
whether there was mud in the Appian Way. Lucilius (Frag.
88 Lachm.) seems to have found some : 07nne iter est hoc labositm
atque Ititosum. The road was at this time strewn with gravel
{glarea) instead oi silex. Wilmanns, no. 935.
11 — 16. A^ay, but what may be good enough for a time, will
not satisfy one always.
12. caupona. The metaphor of an inn was commonly
employed by the philosophers of the time, e.g. Arrian Epict.
Bk. I. Ep. XL] NOTES. 163
II. 23, 36. Dean Alford had inscribed on his tomb Dever-
SORIUM VIATORIS HiEKOSOLYMAM PROFICISCENTIS.
13. frlgus colleglt, ' has got thoroughly chilled ' : cp. Verg.
Georg. III. 327 iiIh sitirn colUgerit hora : so in Ov. Met. v. 446
the inferior MS.S. have sit'un collcgerat, though there the better
have concepcrat. It is more common to Und/ngus contrahere.
fumos, used in Sat. I. 4, 37 as a place of public resort,
though not, as the dictionaries based on Freund have it, as ' a
warming-place'; apparently ihe furni were public bake-houses
(Juv. VII. 4), and Horace means to say that when a man has got
very cold, he will go anywhere where he can be well warmed,
without meaning to stay there.
17 — 21. The pleasure resorts of the East do not suit ojie 7vho
is in sound health.
17. Incolumi facit [id] quod, ' is to a healthy man what.'
Editors generally quote as parallel the use of facere with the
dative for 'to suit', as in Prop. IV. (ill) 1, 20 non faciet capiti
dura corona meo, or more commonly with ad, as in Ov. Am. I.
2, 16 frena minus scntit qjtisquis ad anna facit. Her. VI. 128
Medeae faciunt ad scelus otnne manus. But in this construction
an object is never expressed or (as here) implied.
18. paenula, a rough woollen or leather cloak worn in
rainy weather : cp. Juv. v. 79 cum.. . viulto stillaret paeinda nimbo,
with Mayor's note. The Greek form (paivoX-qs is perhaps only an
attempt at assimilation from the better-established ^e\6vr]s : cp.
Tisch. and W. H. on 2 Tim. iv. 13. Nothing is known of the
derivation of the word in either language.
campestre, i. q. subligaculum, a light apron, originally worn
under the toga in the place of the tunic, a custom retained by
candidates for office, and by some old-fashioned people (cp. on
A. P. 50), but more commonly retained only as the sole garment
worn in the exercises of the Campus. Lewis and Short are mis-
leading in supposing it to have been generally worn in hot
weather in place of the tunic. Cp. Marquardt R'dm. Privatalt.
II. 159 with the references there.
19. Tiberis, in summer it was customary to bathe in the
Tiber : Carm. III. 12, 6, Sat. II. i, 8.
caminus [whence our chimney, Fr. cheminee, through cami-
nata] a fixed ' stove', as compared with the moveable foculus or
brazier. Chimneys do not appear to have been common in
South Italy, and few have been found at Pompeii except in baths
and bake-houses, but in Rome and in Northern Italy they were
doubtless frequently in use. Cp. Overbeck Pompeii, p. 340, and
hence correct Becker Callus, 11. 269.
1 64 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
20. voltum 'look', expression: cp. Conington on Verg.
Eel. I. 64, and Ov. Trist. i. 5, 27 dam iuvat et voltu ridet
Fortiina seretio.
21. laudetur: cp. Verg. Georg. 11. 412 laudato ingcntia
rura, exiguuvi colito with Conington's note.
22—30. Enjoy then thankfully and without delay any happi-
ness that Heaven may graiit you, and never mind where you are
living. That does not secure happiness ; it is not a change of place
but a tranquil mind which makes one happy.
22. fortunaverit, ' has made a happy one', so used by Cicero
(in his Epistles) and Livy.
23. in annum, of an indefinite time, as in Ep. i. 2, 38.
24. te vixisse libenter ' that you have enjoyed your life'.
26. artoiter 'that commands', quite like our own idiom.
Lebedus stands quite out into the sea, and commands a view of
the Caystrian gulf.
27. non animum mutant : cp. Aesch. in Ctes. § 78 ov yap
rov Tpoirov, dWd tov tottov /xofov fxeTr/Wa^ev, Cp. Ep. I. 14, 12,
Carm. 11. 16, 19 ff.
28. Strenua inertia, an l^vp-dipov : 'ever-busy idlers that
we are', Martin. Cp. Senec. de Tranq. 12. 2 inquieta inertia,
de Brev. 11, 3 desidiosa occupatio.
exercet ' torments '.
29. bene vivere. Roby, § 1344, S. G. § 534.
30. Ulubris, called vacuas by Juv. x. 102. It was a dull
village in the Pomptine marshes.
EPISTLE XII.
In Carm. I. 2Q Iccius is represented as about to join the
expedition of Aelius Gallus against the Arabs (B.C. 25), and
Horace makes merry over his abandonment of philosophical
studies for military aspirations. From this Epistle, written
about five years later (v. 26), we learn that he had been placed
in charge of the Sicilian estates of Agrippa, and that he was
now acting as his agent [procurator), a position with which,
Horace tells him, he ought to be well content. Agrippa had doubt-
less received land in Sicily in acknowledgement of his services in
the war against Sextus Pompeius (b.c. 36), possibly also when he
was summoned to Sicily to marry the emperor's daughter Julia
(b.c. 22). This letter seems to be an answer to one from Iccius,
in which he appears to have lamented that the claims of his
duties left him little leisure for his studies. Commentators have
I3k. I. Ep. XII.] NOTES. 165
busied themselves much with the character of Iccius. It is
evident that he was not as well satisfied with his post as Horace
thought that he ought to have been : but apparently only because
he would gladly have had more time for philosophy. There is
nothing to stamp him as either miser or misanthrope. Pompeius
Grosphus, whom Horace here introduces to his friend, was a
rich Sicilian knight (Carm. II. i6, 33 — 36): it is a plausible
conjecture that he was the son or grandson of a Sicilian Greek
Eubulidas, surnamed Grosphus, of high character and great
wealth (Cic. in Verr. ii. 3, 23, 56), who may have received the
franchise through Cn. Pompeius, and so have taken his name.
1 — 6. You need pray for no greater blessings, leeius, than
ai-e within yoicr reach already. With health, a eoiiipetenee is all
that is to be desired.
1. fructibus 'revenues', lit. produce: so Liv. xxi. 7 in
tantas creverant opes sett maritimis sen terrestribus fructibiis seu
etc.
2. recte, not 'wisely', or 'with discretion', but 'aright', as
you are entitled to.
non est ut = oi!K- ^anv oVwy: cp. Carm. 11 1. x, 9 est iit viro vir
latins ordinet arbiista sidcis ; Lucr. v. 147 iltini item non est ut
possis credere.
3. Tolle querellas 'a truce to murmuring', Con.
4. rerum usus 'the right to enjoy things', as contrasted
with the actual ownership: cp. Ep. 11. 1, 15S ff. suppetit 'is
sufficiently supplied' : cp. Cic. de Orat. III. 35, 142 cui res non
suppetat.
5 — 6. Taken from Theognis v. 'jig Itov toi irXovrovcTLt' orcp
TToXiis dpyvpos i(TTLv...Kal y to, Zeovra, ndpecrTiv yaarpi re Kal
TrXevpdis Kal Troalv d^pdiradeiv. Cp. Plutarch Solon, c. i.
lateri: Ep. i. 7, 26. It is better to regard this as referring
to health, than (with Schiitz) to food and clothing.
7 — 11. A man tvho is accustomed to live simply, zvill not
change his habits, if he groias ivealthy.
7. in medio positorum 'what is within your reach': cp.
Sat. I. 2, 108 transvolat in medio posit a ct fugientia capiat.
Cic. de Orat. I. 3, 12 (note). There is no reference here, as
Macleane supposes, to the use oi ponere for 'to place upon the
table', as in Sat. il. 2, 23. The genitive is governed hy abste-
mitis: cp. Plin. XXII. 24, 115 mulieres vini abstemiae: Roby
§ 1336, S. G. § 530-
forte sim])ly generalizes, and shows that Horace is not speak-
ing of Iccius in particular, but is assuming a case.
i66 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
8. nrtica 'nettles', according to Plin. xxi. 55, 15 and
Celsus II. 20 a common article of food among the poor, as indeed
they are still. Sea-urchins (iirtica marina) are a delicacy, and
cannot be meant here.
sic vives protinus 'you will go on to live in the same way'.
ut 'even if, Roljy § 1706; S. G. g 714 (d).
9. Fortunae rivus, apparently a somewhat inaccurate remi-
niscence of the story of Alidas, who by bathing in the Pactolus
transferred to that river his fatal gift of turning ail that he
touched to gold. Cp. Ov. Met. XI. 142 — 5 rex iussae siiccedit
aquae: vis aiirca tiiixit fiuvien et humaiio de corpore cessii in
amnein. Nunc qiioquc iam vcfcris percepto scniine venae arva
rigent, aiiro 77iadidis pallentia glaebis. But Prop. I. 14, 11 ttim
viihi Pactoli veniunt stcb tecta liqnores, shows how proverbial
the reference had become. For the derivation of confestim
cp. Roby I. p. 220 note. It is not certain, however, that
there was not a form of the root fed as well as fend, to which
this group of words might be referred: cp. Vanicek p. 392.
10. vel quia...vel quia : i.e. if a man's previous abstemious-
ness was due to a love of economy, this will not be changed with
his fortune; or if it was due to a contempt for pleasure in com-
parison with virtue, this will be equally unchanged.
11. cuncta, as the Stoics would teach.
12 —20. Yon have shown mitck gi-eater wisdom than Demo-
critus in not neglecting your duties, and yet continuing your
interest in philosophy.
12. miramur 'we wonder', not in admiration, but ratlier
in astonishment that a philosopher should be so abstracted,
although it is much more astonishing that you with all your
business cares should find leisure for such profound enquiries.
pecus edit agellos: cp. Cic. de Fin. v. 29, 87 Democritus...
nt quam fiiinime animus a cogitationibus abduceretur, patri-
inonium neglexit, agros deseruit incultos. Zeller doubts even the
statement that he neglected his property, much more the exag-
gerated stories connected with it. Cp. Fre-Socratic Philosophy
II. 213 note.
13. peregre est 'was roaming'.
14. cum tu 'and that though you', inter ' surrounded by ',
cp. Ep. I. 4, 12.
scabiem et contagia lucri 'contagious itching for pelf.
Iccius must have been frequently brought into contact with
men whose hearts were set upon making money, but was not
carried away by their example.
Bk. I. Ep. XIL] NOTES. 167
15. nil parvum: cp. Thuc. vii. 87, 4 ovhlv 6\iyov i$ ov5iv
KaKOTradrjuavTes. adhuc 'still, as of old'. SUblimia = to. /tter^wpa,
cadesiia, themes such as those mentioned in the following lines.
16. quae mare conpescant causae : cp. Verg. Georg. 11. 479
qua vi viaria alta tit?ncscant obicibiis ruptis riirstisqiie in se ipsa
residant.
quid temperet annum, i.e. causes the various seasons: cp.
Carm. I. 12, 15 qiii mare ac terras variisque tnuiidu/n teiitperat
lioris.
17. sponte as the Epicureans would maintain : iussae as
the Stoics held, who believed in a controlling Deity. Vtrgil's
palantcsque polo Stellas (Aen. IX. 21) is not parallel, for the
reference there is to a miraculous phenomenon; but cp. Cic. de
Rep. I. 14, 12 earuni qiiiiique stellarmii quae errantes et quasi
vagae nomitiarctitur. Hence the stellae here are the planets,
though Cic. de Nat. De. 11. 20, 51 denies that they can properly
be called errantes.
18. premat otoscnrum 'hides in darkness': obsciirum is
predicative. The reference is to the phases of the moon, not to
eclipses.
19. quid velit et possit ' what is the purpose, and what the
effects of...'
Concordia discors, an oxymoron : cp. Ep. I. 1 1, 28. Cp.
Scnec. Nat. Quaest. vil. 27, 3 non vides qiiam contraria inter se
eletnenta.sint'i Gravia et levia suttt, frigida et calida, timida et
sicca. Tata huitts 7}iiindi Concordia ex discordibus constat. The
doctrine of Empedocles was (Diog. Laert. VIII. 76) (yToix^la. fxkv
ilvai T€TTapa, Trvp, vSojp, ')'fjv, d^pa, (piXiav re rj avyKplverai Koi
veLKo% y diaKpbeTai. Cp. Reid on Cic. Lael. 7, 24; and Plato
Soph. p. 2^2 E: 'Ionian, and more recently Sicilian muses
speak of a one and many, which are held together by enmity
and friendship, ever parting, ever meeting' (Jowett's Introduction
Vol. Ill-, p. 395).
20. Stertinius is mentioned in Sat. II, 3, 33, and called
sapientiim octavits (ib. 296). The Scholiasts say that he wrote
220 books on the Stoic philosophy. Nothing else is known of
him. The name is made without change into an adjective, as is
usual with proper names : cp. le.\ Julia, via Appia etc., and very
commonly in poetry, though Madvig § 189, 11 limits this to 'a
man's public or political works and undertakings': so Kiihner
I. p. 672. Cp. Carm. IV. 12, 18 Sulpiciis...horrcis, Translate
'whether E. or the shrewdness of Stertinius dotes'.
21 — 24. Whatever your views on philosophy, it lulll be
worth your xvhile to make a friend of Grosphus.
1 68 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
21. seu piscis seu, etc. i.e. whatever the simple fare that
you are living on, for simple I know it is. Fish is not, I think,
mentioned here as a delicacy, as in Sat. II. 2, 120; 4, 37, Ep. I.
15, 23: there is usually something in the context to point to that
suggestion, where it is found; and the thought sive laittc sive
pai-ce vivis (Comm. Cruq.) is out of place in connexion with the
philosophic Iccius. In trucidas there is a reference to the
Pythagorean doctrine of metempsychosis, accepted by Empe-
docles : cp. Hieronym. ad lovin. II. p. 331 probaho non
Einpcdoclis et Pythagorae nos dogma sectariy qui propti:r ixere/M-
ypvxuaiv oi/ine quod moveiur et vivit edenditm non ptttant, et
ciiisdem criniiiiis reos arbitrantitr, qui abictcm qitcyciimqiie
sttcciderint, aiitts parricidae sunt et venefici. ' Whatever the lives
which you are sacrificing for your food, whether those of fishes,
or only those of leeks and onions,' i.e. whether you follow
Empedocles in believing that even vegetables have souls, or do
not. Ritter objects that we do not hear elsewhere that the
Pythagoreans abstained from leeks and onions. Horace does
not imply that they did, but only that in eating them they thought
they were destroying living beings. They would have had little
enough to live on, if they had abstained from everything which
involved the death of either animal or vegetable. His own
notion that Horace is asking Iccius to employ Grosphus in
catching fish and gathering onions as part of \.\\e fntctns Agrippae
is not likely to find many supporters.
22. utere 'make a friend of. Ep. I. 17, 2.
ultro involves a slight oxymoron after 'si quid petet', for it
properly means 'unasked'. Here we may translate 'readily'.
23. venun 'right', Ep. i. 7, 98. Cp. Milton Par. L. iv.
750.
24. vills est annoiia ' the price is low' : Horace derives this
expression from Xen. Mem. Ii. 10, 4 vvv hk 5td to. wpayiJ.a.Ta
evuforaTovs Icrri <pi\ovs dyadov's KTTJffacrdai., but whereas Socrates
there means to say 'the times are so bad, that a small service is
enough to secure a man's friendship', Horace's thought seems
to be rather that when a good man is in want, his demands are
not likely to be exorbitant, and hence it will not cost much to
secure his friendship.
25 — 29. / can send you news from Rome of victories in the
West and East, and of an excellent harvest.
25. ne ignores... loco res : for the accidental Leonine verse,
produced by the assonance of these two phrases, cp. Ep. i. 14, 7;
Wagner on Verg. Georg. I. 157; Aen. IX. 634 transigit. /, verbis
virlutcm ilhide superbis, where the rhythm is perhaps intentional.
Ov. Met. XIII. 378 Si lYoiae fatis aliqiiid restare pntalis is
Bk. I. Ep. XII.] AZOTES. 169
probably spurious. For the construction cp. Ep. 1. 1, 13; 18, 58;
19, 26; 58; II. I, 208.
26. Cantaber : Dio Cass. I.IV. 1 1 tov% re iu rrj 7]\iKtgi vavra^
oXiyov 5ii(pdeipe Kai rovs '\onrovs rd re oirXa dcfxiXero sal is to. inoia
€K tQv epvtxvQv KaTi^iijiaaiv. This was in B.C. 20, althougii the
campaign was not closed till K.c. 19. Cp. Merivale iv. 120.
27. Annenius. The submission of Armenia to Tiberius had
been a bloodless one. Cp. Tac. Ann. 11. 3. At the request of
the Armenians Augustus had sent to them Tigranes, a prince
who had been living in exile at Rome, to take the place of a
king whom they had dethroned and murdered. P"or the various
coins of Augustus, bearing the legend Armenia Capta, cp.
Mommsen Mori. Ancyr. p. 77. Orelli refers also to one having
a figure of Armenia on bended knee, but 1 have not been able to
verily his reference.
Prahates is the spelling of the better MSS. : Phraatcs has
much less authority, both here and in Carm. II. 2, 17. The
Men. Ancyr. V. 54, VI. i, 4 has Fhrates.
28. genibus ra.vsior=szipplex : gmibus is to be referred to
Prahates 'inferior by his (bended) knees', i.e. thus testifying his
humbled position, not, as apparently Orelli, at the knees of
Caesar. There is something of exaggeration here too, although
Tacitus (Ann. 11. 1) says citncta venerantiiiiii ojflcia ad Aiiqitstiiin
vertcrat, and in the Mon. Ancyr. (p. 84 Momms.) Augustus says
Parthos trhwt exorilititm Rotnanoruni spolia ct signa j-eddcre ihihi
siippliccsqtie amicitiain popiili Rotnani petere coegi. Horace refers
to these surrendered standards again in Ep. I. 18, 56 ; Carm. IV.
15, 6; Ovid in Trist. il. 227 and Fast. vi. 465.
29. defundit : the present seems to point to the time of
writing as that of late summer in B.C. 20. The perfect dtpudit
has less support, and is due to a wrong assimilation to cecidic and
accepit: diffundit or diffiidit have but slight authority and are
not so suitable in meanmg here. It is needless to suppose with
Ritter that this letter was written in the summer of B.C. 19. There
would have been time enough for news of the successes in Spain
and the East in B.C. 20 to reach Rome before the end of the
summer: and Ep. I. 3, 3 does not necessarily imply that it was
winter when Horace wrote that letter.
I70 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
EPISTLE XIII.
This letter is nominally addressed to a certain Vinius, who
has been charged with the delivery of some of Horace's poems
to Augustus. From the jest in v. 8 it is clear that his cognomen
v/as Asina, or perhaps (as Porphyrion calls him) Asella ; the
more usual form of the name being however Asellus (e.g.
Claudius Asellus in Cic. de Orat. ii. 64, 258, Annius Asellus
in Cic. in Verr. Act. 11. i, 41, 104). Acron calls him C. Vinius
Fronto, giving Asella as his father's cognomen. From his
possession of three names it is clear that he was not a slave : on
the other hand the tone, which Horace adopts in addressing
him, shows that he was not, as some have supposed, a friend of
the Emperor. It is a plausible conjecture, although nothing
more than a conjecture, which finds in him one of the five
yeomen farmers on Horace's Sabine estate (Ep. I. 14, 3). The
real purpose of the letter was doubtless to indicate to Augustus
that Horace had no intention to thrust his trifles upon him,
when not in the humour for them. It has been generally
assumed that the voliimiiia contained the first three books of the
Odes. If this was the case, we must assume that this Epistle
was considerably earlier than Epist. i, the first lines of which
cannot have been written immediately after the publication of
the first important collection of Horace's lyrics. There is
nothing in this letter which tells against Franke's (very generally
accepted) view, that the first three books of the Odes were
published together in B.C. 23. Nor on the other hand is there
anything in it inconsistent with Christ's belief that they were
not published before B.C. 20. This question must be decided
by other considerations, mainly by the interpretation of Carm. I. 3,
and II. 9. Cp. Wickham's Introduction. — Augustus was absent
from Italy from the latter part of B.C. 22 until October B.C. 19.
It has been generally assumed that Horace sent Vinius from his
Sabine villa to Augustus at Rome. If so, the date assigned by
Christ becomes untenable. But he argues with some force thrt
as Horace's publishers, the Sosii, were at Rome, it is much
more probable that a copy of his poems was sent from the
capital to Augustus when he was still abroad. Certainly the
language of v. 10 is almost too exaggerated to be humorous, if
applied to the five and twenty miles or so of excellent road (the
via Valeria and via Tihitriina) which lay between Varia and
Rome. Ritter supposes the date to have been the early part of
B.C. 18, which is probably too late. Cp. Introduction.— There
is little to be said in favour of the view, which some have
adopted, that the Satires were the volnniina sent at this time to
Augustus. The Satires were probably completed by B.C. 30;
Bk. I. Ep. XIIL] NOTES. 171
and they must have been familiar to Augustus long before any
date plausibly assigned to any one of the Epistles. For the
story told by Suetonius which Ritter here presses into his service
see the Introduction to Ep. 11. r.
1 — 9. Give 7ny volumes, Viniiis, to Augustits, if you fi^id lie
is in the Ittmtourfor them, but do not annoy him by obtriisivctiess.
If the burden is too much for you, drop it rather than deliver it
clumsily,
2. reddes : Ep. I. 10, 44 (note). Vini : the MS. evidence
is in favour of Vinni, but inscriptions have I'inius, and this form
is the one used by Tacitus (Hist. i. i) and Suetonius (Galba xiv.)
for Galba's colleague in the consulship.
3. validus : Augustus was always a valetudinarian (Suet.
Aug. LXXXI. graves et periculosas valetudines per omnem vitam
aliquot cxpertus est), and had several serious illnesses at this
time of his life. Cp. Sat. 11. i, 18 nisi dextro tempore Flacci
verba per attentam non ibunt Caesa7-is aurem ; Ov. Trist. I. i. 92
si potcris [sc. liber] vacuo tradi, si cuncta videbis initia, si vires
fregerit ira suas.
4. ne pecces : Sat. 11. 3, 8S 7te sis patruus mihi shows that
this may be taken as a negative imperative ; but it may quite
as well be regarded as final. Cp. Koby § 1600 (note), S. G. § 668.
5. sedulus 'officious': cp. Ep. 11. i, 260, Sat. i. 5. 71.
opera vehemente ' by your impetuous zeal '.
6. uret 'galls', Ep. i. 10, 43. sarcina : the quantity of the
i is to be accounted for by the fact that sarcio has also the shorter
stem sarc-.
cbartae : ' In Catullus' days the Romans used only papyrus,
never parchment, for a regular liber or volumen. Books made
up like ours and written on parchment seem to have come into
use about Martial's time.' Munro on Catullus p. 53.
7. perferre like abicito has for its object sarcinam, not
clitellas, as Ritter takes it. To qtio supply the antecedent ibi,
to go with inpingas ' dash down '.
8. ferus ' wildly ', like an unbroken animal.
9. fabula 'the talk of the town': cp. Epod. xi. % fabula
quanta fiii.
10 — 19. Push on to Rotne: but doti't cany my book like a
clown, a dritnken slave-girl, or a humble guest ; nor tell every
one that you are on your way to Caesar. Take good care of it.
10. lamas : 'lacunas maiores, continentes aquam pluviam
seu caelestem, airo rod Xai/xov, quae ingluvies est et vorago viarum
172 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
seu fossae fluviorum. Hinc quoque dictae sunt Lamiae puerorum
voratrices. Ennius : silvarum salius, latehras lamasque lidosas''
Comm. Cruq. The derivation which he suggests is of course
absurd : lama is for lac-via (cp. liina for liic-na, exdmen for
cxag-nieit, limtis for lie-nuts), while Lamia (A. P. 34o) = Aa,ma
is akin to Aa/xupds 'greedy'. From the fact that the word is
found nowhere else (except in Festus) until it reappears in the
Romance languages (cp. Diez Romance Dictionary (ed. Donkin)
p. 266 ; and Dante Inf. xx. 99 nan niolto ha corso, chetrova una
la7?ia), it seems to have belonged to the popular dialect. ' Push
on stoutly over hills, streams and bogs.' If Horace is really
referring to the road between his Sabine estate and Rome, these
words are a ludicrous exaggeration, hardly to be defended by the
plea that the expression may have been proverbial.
11. Victor propositi 'achieving your purpose', iyKpar^i rod
(TKOTTov Or. ' But when you've quell'd the perils of the road ' Con.
12. sic.ne A. P. 152. Roby § 1650. S. G. § 684.
13. rusticus agnum : * imaginem ridiculam propter con-
tinuas bestiolae motus et curam hominis ne in solum desiliat, ne
ab ipso fortasse laedatur.' Or.
14. glomus has the support of the best MSS. Glomes,
though the usual reading before Bentley, has but slight support,
and is not Latin : globos has still less. Lucret. I. 360 has in
lanae gloinere, but the derivatives are always glomero etc.
Pyrria or the corrupted Pirria is the reading of all MSS.
collated by Keller. Most editors have adopted the {oxm. Pyrrhia,
but as Lachmann (on Lucret. p. 408) first remarked ' 7icqiic
Graecae neqne Romaiiae fcminae no>nen est\ Macleane explains
it as 'formed from Pyrrha, the name of a town in Lesbos, like
Lesbia, Delia etc' But the adjective from Pyrrha is Pyrrhias
(Ov. Her. xv. 15), while Lesbius, Delius, &.C., are common.
The name of a male slave, Pyrria, in the Andria of Terence
seems a corruption of Ilupptas, which occurs in Aristophanes
and elsewhere, and is derived from iruppos, ' red '. The Scho-
liasts tell us that Pyrria was the name of an ancilla in a
play by Titinius, who stole a ball of wool, but being drunk
at the time, carried it so clumsily that she was easily detected.
As Titinius wrote comocdiae togalae it is probable that the girl
was an Italian, in which case her name may well have been
Pnrria, the form found in the MSS. being then a corruption
like Sylla for Sitlla. Porphyrion actually has Purria, and P.
Piirreiits is found on an inscription. L. Miiller, Meineke and
others simply mark the word as corrupt.
15. pilleolo, a much better form \.\\an pileolo: cp. Fleckeisen,
Fiinfzig Art. 25. All good MSS. give it here.
Bk. I. Ep. XIIL] NOTES. 173
tribulls properly means a man of the same tribe, and perhaps
it is best taken so here, the notion being that a wealtliy man at
Rome has invited to dinner a poor member of the same tribe,
living in the country, doubtless with a view to his vote and
interest. But as the Inbiis came to be used in contrast with the
cqiiitcs and the Senate (cp. Mart. VIII. 15, 3 dat populus, dat
grains eqitcs, dat hira Sefiattis, ct ditant Latins tertia dona tribiis)
so tribtdis acquired the meaning of plebeian : cp. Mart. IX. 50,
7 of a toga nunc anns et tnmulo vix accipicnda tribnli, ib. 58, 8.
Hence it is possible that this may be the meaning here : but we
have no evidence of this force of the word in the time of Horace.
The humble guest comes bringing under his arm the dress-shoes
{soleac) in which he would be expected to appear in the dining-
room, although he would put them off when he took his place at
table (Sat. II. 8, 77), and the felt cap which he would need when he
went home at night. He cannot afford to come in a litter, nor
even to have a slave to attend upon him.
16. Ne seems to have far more support than Bentley's neu
or L. Miiller's nee and there is something not unpleasant in the
abruptness, even if we retain the semi-colon at Caesaris. The
stress lies on the last word. Vinius is not to tell everybody that
the reason why he is in such hot haste is that he is on his way
to Augustus.
narres, evidently imperative here. Cp. 1. 4.
18. nitere porro, 'push on'. Horace humorously supposes
that people will come crowding round his messenger, eager to
know what he has brought. Bentley (without remark, and
Orelli supposes, by accident) printed nitere. porro, and this read-
ing has been adopted by some editors ; but nitere seems to
require an adverb much more than vade, and the rhythm is
certainly against the pause after the fifth foot. Yor pon-o of place,
not time, cp. Liv. I. 7, 6 agere porro armentum occepit ; IX. 2, 8
si ire porro pergas.
19. cave, scanned, as so often in Plautus and Terence, cave:
cp. Sat. II. 3, 38, 177 ; 5, 75 ; the pronunciation can is not on
the whole so probable, though apparently supported by the story
in Cic. de Div. 11. 40, 84. Persius (l. 108) has vide.
titubes, often used, like our 'trip', of blundering generally
(cp. Ter. Haut. 361 vemm ilia nequid titubet, and Plaut. Pseud.
939 at vide ne titubcs, Mil. 248, 946 &c.), but here still keeping
up the jest of v. 10 : if an ass were to stumble and fall, he might
smash his load, if fragile, as Horace represents his poetry to be.
At the same time, as Orelli points out, we find the phrases
foedus,Jide/)i, iura or leges frangere.
174 HORATI EPISTULAE.
EPISTLE XIV.
This letter, though nominally addressed to Horace's farm-
bailiff", may be regarded as really an apology for his love for the
country, intended for his friends at Rome. It thus takes up the
theme of Ep. X. and of the earlier part of Ep. Vli., while it is
the reverse of Sat. II. 7. Whether the bailiff" deserved all the
hard things here said of him is a question which has been asked,
bat cannot be answered. Horace may have been intending to
give an example of the class of bailiff's, ^igainst whom Columella
utters his warning (i. 8, i) : praemonco ne vilicam ex co geiiere
strvortim, qui corpore plaaceriint, institiiamits : ne ex co qtiideiii
ordine, qui tirbanas ac delicatas artes exerciierit. Socors ct somni-
culostun genus id mancipiortcm, otiis, campis, circq, theatris, alcae,
popinae, liipanarihus consuetiim, nunqtiam non easdem incptias
somniat (quoted by Orelli). There is no indication of the date.
1 — 5. Come, bailiff, let its see whether you or I best do our
ditty.
1. "Vilice : the form invariably found in good MSS. and in-
scriptions. Lachmann on Lucret. I. 331 showed that / not //
was used between a long i and a short one : so viille, but inilia.
villa, but vilicus : cp. Roby § 177. The viliats was the head
slave on a farm, whose duty it was to look after the proper dis-
charge of all farm works : Cato de Re Rust, cxlii. ■vilici officia
quae sunt, quae dom inns praecepit, ea omjiia quae in fitndo fieri
oportet, quaeque eini parariqite oportet, eadein titi cur et facial que
nioneo, donmioque dicio audiens sit. Cato gives in c. II. a very
amusing account of the way in which a good economist will call
his vilicus to a strict account for any neglect or deficiency.
mihi me reddentis, 'that makes me my own master again',
i. e. where I can live as I please, without being distracted by the
endless claims made upon me at Rome. Cp. Sat. 11. 6, 23 — 39,
60 ff. The woods on Horace's Sabine estate are mentioned in
Carm. III. 16, 29 silvaque iugerum paucoruni, and in Ep. I.
16,9.
2. habitatuin quinque focis, 'though it furnishes a home
for five families'. Horace in Sat. il. 7, 118 speaks of his
familia rustica as consisting of eight operae ('hands'). Hence
Ritter presses the force of the past participle, thinking the mean-
ing to be that whereas five free coloni formerly worked the estate,
now eight slaves tilled it. But the lack of a present participle
passive in Latin often leads to the use of the perfect participle,
where a present would have been more natural (e. g. Liv. xxx.
Bk. I. Ep. XIV.] NOTES. 175
30 sperata victoria) : hence we may fairly translate by the present.
Horace wishes to indicate that his estate, though small, is no
contemptible one, and it is more to the purpose to refer to its
present tenants than to its past occupiers. The eight opcrac
doubtless tilled the 'home-farm' under the vilicus. The patres
were probably free coloiii (Carm. I. 35, 6 pauper rtin's coloiuis :
II. 14, 12 sive inopcs erimus coloiii), who tilled the rest of the
estate, paying to Horace as the dominus either a fixed rent, or
as so often now in Italy, a portion of the produce. In the
former case they A^'ould be said ad pecuniain niitnc7-atam con-
diicerc, in the latter they were called partiarii, i. e. metayers.
Cp. Dig. XIX. 2, 25, § 6. Others, less plausibly, suppose them
to have been free hired labourers, under the direction of the
vilicus. Sir T. Martin, for instance (Life of Horace, p. Ixxiv.),
says 'the farm gave employment to five families of free coloni,
who were under the superintendence of a bailiff : and the poet's
domestic establishment was composed of eight slaves'. His
version is inconsistent with this view, but not, I think, less in-
correct : —
'That small domain which, though you hold it cheap,
Sufficed of old five families to keep,
And into Varia sent, in days gone by,
Five worthy heads of houses.'
Conington's rendering,
'Which though ye sniff at it, could once support
Five hearths and send five statesmen to the court'
might be misleading to one not familiar with the provincial use of
'statesman' for a small landholder (cp. Halliwell's Diet. s. v.).
He evidently regards \!ti& patres as Horace's predecessors in the
ownership of the estate.
fools 'households' : cp. Herod. I. 176 al 5^ dydiI)K0VTa iariai
ourat irvxov rr]viKavTa eKhr)p.iov(Tai, koI ovtu) ■Kepi.eyivovTO.
3. Vaiiam, a town on the Anio, eight miles above Tibur, on
the via Valeria, just where the valley of the Digentia, in which
Horace's estate lay, joined that of the Anio. The patres probably
went there to market, and for local elections etc. It is now
called Vicovaro.
4. spinas used of vices or lesser failings in Ep. II. 2. 212,
Cp. also Sat. i. 3, 34 — 37. 'Let us see which can root out the
thorns the more stoutly, I from my breast, or you from the land.'
5. res = fundus.
176 HO RATI E PIS TULA E.
6 — 10. IVe differ very widely in our views of (own and country
life.
6. Lamiae pietas et cura ' Lamia's love and trouble ' : this
cannot mean, as some liave taken it, ' my love for Lamia' : pietas
seems never to be used with an objective genitive, and it is
doubtful whether it could denote an affection not based upon any
natural ties, such as exist in the case of parents or kinsmen.
L. Aelius Lamia is the man to whom Carm. III. 17 is addressed,
and who is also mentioned in Carm. I. 26, 8. He was of a
noble and wealthy plebeian family (cp. Juv. iv. 154, vi. 384, Tac.
Ann. VI. 27), and attained the consulship in A.D. 3. He held
high office under Tiberius, and was honoured with a public
funeral when he died in A.D. 33. The name of Q. Aeiius Lamia
occurs on a coin of this date, and this appears to be the brother
here referred to. Lucius must have been the elder brother, as
he bore his father's praenomen, but he must himself have been
young at this time, for we cannot date this epistle less than
about fifty-five years before his death, and as he was appointed
praefectiis ttrbi in A.D. 33 he cannot have attained extreme old
age, though Tacitus speaks of his vivida senecttis. The date of
Carm. I. 26 is uncertain, but is probably as early as B.C. 30.
moratur has much more authority than moretur. Quamvis
is followed by the indie, also in Ep. i. 17, i and 22; 18, 59;
Sat. I. 3, 129, II. 2, 29; 5, 15; Carm. I. 28, 11, iii. 7, 25; 10,
13; A. P. 355; by the subjunctive only in Carm. ill. 11, 17, iv.
2, 39; 6, 6: Ep. I. 18, 92, II. 2, 113 (where see notes) the
word is twice used adverbially. Vergil uses it only twice with
the indie. (EcL lil. 84, Aen. 542), but often with the subjunctive,
once at least adverbially (Aen. VII. 492). Livy frequently uses
it adverbially, twice with the indie. (ll. 40, 7; xxxiil. 19, 2),
never with the subjunctive. Ovid often has the indicative. So
have Celsus and Nepos, both prose writers, probably contem-
poraries of Horace.
7. maerentis — dolentis: the assonance is doubtless acci-
dental: cp. note on Ep. I. 12, 25. Maereo is to express grief,
doleo is to feel it: cp. Cic. ad Att. XII. 28, 2 niaerorem ntiniii,
dolorem nee potni, nee, si possem, vellem.
8. insolabiliter, a an-af \ey6iJ.ei>ov. About 80 of these have
been noted in the works of Horace, istuc 'where you are now',
i.e. to the woods and fields, mens animusque = wCs Kal 6v/x6s:
'mens meliora intellegit, animus adesse cupit', Ritter, 'my judg-
ment and my heart'.
9. fert 'would fain hurry me': amat 'would gladly': cp.
Carm. III. 9, 24 teciun vivere amein. Bentley's conjecture avet
is thus needless.
Bk. I. Ep. XIV.] NOTES. 177
spatiis, Ep. I. 7, 42. 'claustra sunt carceres et est translatio ab
equis circensibus facta': Porph. The liars in front of the carceres
or stalls, in which the chariots and horses were posted, kept them
from the course, until the signal was given. The calx was not,
as Macleane saj's, the line from which they started, but that
which marked the goal, and hence it is often contrasted with
carceres, e.g. Cic. de Sen. 23, 83 nee vera velim quasi decurso
Spatio ad carceres a cake revocari.
10. rure. Ep. I. 7, i (note): 'you praise the townsman's,
I the rustic's state ' Con. I do not see why we may not take it
thus : but Kriiger contends this would have required vivcntcs,
as in Sat. I. i, 12, and with Ritter regards the phrase as a
brachylogy for ego te vivcntein ru?'e, tu me viventein in urbe
beatum dicis. Carm. iv. 0, 45 non possidcntcin multa vocavcris
rede beatum supports the former view.
11 — 17. The fault is not in tJie place. You are fickle, but I
am consistent.
11. nimirum 'of course' carries with it no irony here; cp.
Ep. I. 9, I (note).
12. uterque. Although Horace passed in v. 11 from the
case of his bailiff and himself to a general reflexion, he still has
in his mind the position of two men wishing to exchange stations.
We may retain the indefiniteness of 'either' in translation.
stultus 'in his folly', inmeritiun 'innocent': Carm. i. 17, 28
immeritam . . .vestem : Sat. II. 3, 7 immeritus... paries.
13. seefFug^t: Carm. 11. 16, io patriae quis exsul se quoque
fugit?
14. mediastinus ' drudge ', one who was placed in medio, at
every one's beck and call. The Scholiasts (followed by Roby
§ 840) suppose some connexion with cuttv, and limit the use to
town-slaves; but the word may be used of any kind of drudge:
cp. Columella I- 9, 3 mediastinus qualiscunque status potest esse,
dummodo perpetiendo labori sit idoneus. Lucil. ap. Nonium,
p. 143 (1. 418 Lachm.) vilicum Aristocratem, 7nediasti>tum atque
buhulctcm. Astti was not indeed unknown to archaic Latin : but
it seems more probable that the word was formed after the analogy
of clandcstinus, where, if -des- was originally, as Corssen I- 462
thinks, the stem of dies, all consciousness of its origin had long
been lost. Orelli's derivation of mesquin from this word is
erroneous : cp. Diez, Etym. Diet. Prof. Palmer suggests that
mediastinus = mc2iX\\x%, a middle man, who stands between the
slave and his labour.
tacita prece : cp. Ep. I. 16, 60, Pers. v. 184 labra moves
tacitus.
16. constaxe : his character was changed then since Sat. 11.
7,28!
W. H. 12
178 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
13 — 30. You care only for the low sensual pleasures of the
town ; and hate hard work.
18. miramvtr, Ep. i. 6, 9. disconvenit, Ep. i. i , 99.
19. tesqua 'wilds'. The scholiasts say that this was a
Sabine word; it seems to have no extant cognates, except perhaps
in the Sanskrit ink' k' ha (phonetically equivalent to tiiska) ' empty'.
Cp. Vanicek p. 315. Lucan Phars. VI. 41 has sallus neiJtorosaque
tesca: otherwise the word is found only in archaic writers. Tesca
is coupled with templum in the augurial formula quoted by Varro,
L. L. VII. 8. Horace probably uses a colloquial term suitable to
the supposed speaker.
20. amoena: Ep. i. 16, 15.
21. fornix 'brothel', originally an arched vault: Juv. ill.
156, XI. 171.
uncta ' greasy'. Orelli prefers the explanation of the Comm.
Cruq. 'nidore redolens, et optimis cibis plena'; because Horace
el.sewhere uses the word in the sense of ' luxurious ' or ' rich ' :
Ep. I. 15, 44; 17, 12. But here some contempt is evidently
implied: cp. Sat. II. 2, 62 qnaecunqtie imimcndis fervent allata
popinis. The popina 'cook-shop' was a place of low resort : the
form of the word points probably to a Campanian, not a Greek
origin, as Lewis and Short suppose. It would regularly corre-
spond in Oscan to a Latin coquina, only found in late writers.
Cp. Curtius Gr. Etym. 11. 65.
22. incutiunt ' inspire ' ; more commonly with meitim, ti-
morein and the like: but cp. Lucret. i. 19 o?7inibus incutiens
blandum per pectora amor em.
23. angulus iste, a contemptuous term used by the vilicus,
as we might say ' hole and corner'. Pepj^er and frankincense of
course did not grow in Italy at all; Horace nowhere speaks of
wine as produced on his own estate (cp. Ep. I. 16, Carm. II. 18,
14): the vile Sahiniim of Carm. I. 20 may have been bought in
the dolium and only bottled by Horace. This is better than to
assume that the wine, good enough to put before Maecenas, did
not deserve to be called wine in the opinion of the vilictis.
VLva, = quam uvam. All the good Mss. of Horace give tus,
wherever the word occurs : hence we cannot with Orelli defend
this, on the strength of two inscriptions of the time of Augustus,
which have thurarii.
24. tabema. The villa of Horace was some three or four
miles from the nearest high road, which might be expected to be
supplied with tabernae diversoriae. Orelli quotes from Varro de
Re Rust. I. 2, 23 si agcr secundum viam et opportuniis viatoribus
locus, aedificandae tabernae diversoriae^ quae sunt. . fructuosae.
Bk. I. Ep. XIV.] NOTES. 179
26. strepitmn 'strains': not, as Orelli takes it, 'cantum
crepitantem atque absonum': cp. Ep. i. 2, 31, and Carm. iv.
3, 1 8 dtUcem quae strepitmn, Pien, tetnperas.
terrae gravis 'with lumbering tread', lit. 'a heavy burden
to the earth'.
et tamen, i.e. and yet, though you can get no diversions as
you complain, yon have to work hard. Conington takes it some-
what differently: 'And yet methinks you've plenty on your
hands'.
27. iampridem, taken by some editors to imply a reproach
to the vilicus who ought to have seen to these fields long before:
but it may also mean that the land had been long neglected
when it came into the hands of Horace.
28. strictis frondibus : Verg. Eel. 9, 60 hie 7ibi densas
agricolae stringiiiit frondes. This was done when the herbage
was parched, in the summer and autumn. Cp. Columella vi. 3
a quo tempore (Kalendis Juliis) in Kaletidas Noveinbres tola
aestate et dcinde autumno satientnr fronde. exples : Verg.
Georg. III. 431 ingluviem explet.
29. rivus, the Digentia (Ep. I. 18, 104): pigro, i.e. if you
have nothing else to do.
30. docendus : cp. A. P. 67 aninis doctus iter melius.
31 — 39. / once liked a gay town-life : now I care only for
the quiet of the country.
31. nostrum concentum dividat 'breaks up our harmony'.
32. tenues...togae, opposed to crassae (Sat. i. 3, 15), were
worn by men who cared about their dress. They do not seem
identical with the togae rasae of Mart. II. 85, which were only
worn in the summer ; still less with the syntheses (as Ritter
says), for these are expressly contrasted with the toga in Mart.
VI. 24; but were of a finer stuff than the ordinary toga. Cp.
Becker Callus lu^ 206.
nitidi, i.e. with perfumed oils, not only at banquets, but in
some cases all day long: cp. Cic. in Cat. II. 10, 22 pexo capillo
nitidos, pro Sest. 8, 18 unguentis afHuens, calamistrata coma.
Ov. A. A. III. 443 nee coma vos fallal liquido nitidissima nardo,
...nee toga decipiat filo ienuissij?ia.
33. inmunem 'though I brought no gift': cp. Carm. in.
23, 17 immunis arani si tetigit fnanus, iv. 12, 22 non ego te
meis immunem meditor tingere poculis. Cinarae : Ep. i. 7, 28.
34. liquid! 'clear', i.e. strained through a colum, or other-
wise refined: cp. Sat. li. 4, 51 — 58, Mart. Xli. 60 1> pallere...ut
12 2
i8o HO RATI EPISTULAE.
liquidum potet Alauda merum, turbida sollicito transmit tere Cai-
Cuba sacco. This process was necessary for the stronger wines,
so that the epithet is not out of place here, as Ritter thinks.
36. incidere 'to cut short'. Verg. Eel. 9, 14 nmas inci-
dere lifes. There is a kind of zeugma, piideret being understood
with incidere.
* No shame I deem it to have had my sport :
The shame had been in frolics not cut short'. CoN.
38. limat from lima 'a file', hence 'to diminish 'or 'dis-
parage'. But Lachmann on Lucret. iii. 11 (p. 143) justly
pointed out that Horace here intends a play upon the phrase
Innis oculis=obliquo oculo 'askance', and compares the Plautine
dolum dolare (Mil. 938).
morsuque : cp. Carm. IV. 3, 16 iam dente minus mordeor
invido.
venenat, 'nove, id tst fascijtat^ Comm. Cruq. Horace seems
to have been the first to use the word in a metaphorical sense.
It occurs with its literal force in Lucret vi. Sao.
39. rident: doubtless good-humouredly, but Horace's figure
and habits must have unfitted him for active exercise. Hence
Dill, is hardly right in his note ' non ob imperitiam poetae, sed
quod elegantiorem hominem his laboribus exerceri vident et
mirantur'.
glaeba and gleba seem equally well authenticated forms, but
the former is the earlier; so too caepe and cepe, Cp. Ribbeck
I'rol. Verg. p. 414, Brambach Hiilfsb. s. v.
Madvig (Advers. Crit. Ii. 61) argues that the stop should
follow servis not 7noventefn. The emphasis, he says, lies upon
iirbana, which must therefore be brought into prominence, and
cum servis is out of place in the second sentence, for the vilicus
would be in the company of slaves quite as much in the country
as in the town. But a vilicus would not be allowanced in the
country. Besides, as Keller justly points out, horunt then be-
comes unintelligible. The juxtaposition of servis and urbajta,
though not quite a hypallage, naturally suggests to the mind the
notion of town-slaves, which horum takes up.
40 — 44. You ivould fain change your place, though others
envy you. Every one should be contented with what lie is most
fit for,
40. diaria : one or two MSS. have cibaria as a gloss, and
this has displaced the true reading in some other MSS. Keller
thinks it was an innovation of Mavortius. rodere, 'munch',
suggests poor and limited fare.
•Bk. I. Ep. XV.] NOTES. i8i
41. honun voto nils: 'you would fain hasten to join their
number'.
usum lignorum : Nonius p. 164 quotes from Pomponius the
Atellan poet, longe ab iirbe vilicari, quo erus rarcntcr venit,
no7i vilicari sed domiftari est nica sentaitia.
42. calo is properly a soldier's servant, and so Ritter takes
it here, supposing that the calo envies the vilicus his enjoyment
of what he himself cannot get in the camp. But the word came
to mean, not only a groom in general (Sat. I. 6, 103), but any
low servant, or drudge (Sat. i. 2, 44: Senec. Ep. ex. 17 lectica
formosis itnposiia calonibus) : hence it is better to regard it as
= mediastinus.
argutus 'shrewd' as in Sat. I. 10, 40, A. P. 364; the man
is sharp enough to know where he would be better off. Mac-
leane's suggested alternative 'noisy' is quite out of place:
besides, when applied by Horace to persons with reference to
the voice, it is always a term of praise: cp. Carm. III. 14, 21,
IV. 6, 25, Ep. II. 2, 90.
43. piger goes best with cahalhis ; it is not only laziness
which makes one dissatisfied with his condition; and the ox
would have had a more active life, if he could have taken the
place of the horse. The rhythm points in the same direction,
but not very cogently: cp. Ep. I. 5, 7 : 6, 48; II. 2, 75. Many
editors take it as going with both substantives.
44. quam scit etc. The line of Aristophanes (Vesp. 143 1)
IpSot Tty rjv '^Kacrros ei5eir] rex"''!" had passed into a proverb, as
we see from Cic. Tusc. I. 18, 41 bene enim ilia proverbio Graeco
praecipitur : quam qnisque norit artem, in hac se exerceat.
EPISTLE XV.
This Epistle must have been written after the famous
physician Antonius Musa had brought the cold-water treatment
into fashion by his cure of Augustus in the year B.C. 23 ; and
probably not long after, although the arguments by which
Ritter attempts to fix the date as the autumn of B.C. 21 are
more ingenious than convincing. Horace writes to a friend, who
is called in the MSS. inscriptions C. Numonius Vala, to tell him
that he cannot spend the coming winter, as he had previously
done, at Baiae, and to make enquiries about Velia and Salernum.
He humorously compares himself to a certain Maenius who
liked to have the best of fare, when he could get it, but put up
readily with plain dishes, when nothing better otfered.
1 82 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
1 — 25. Yoii must tell me all about the climate, the food, the
water, the game and fish of Velia and Salernum ; for my doctor
tells me I may no longer winter at Baiae, much as the place
grumbles at viy desertion.
1. sit (like pascat in v. 14, bibant in v. 15, educet in v. 22,
and celent in v. 23) depends upon scribcre in line 25. The
involved structure of these lines, with their two long parentheses,
is intended to preserve the negligent tone of a familiar letter.
Veliae, a town of Lucania originally founded by the
Phocaeans, when driven out of Corsica, where they had for a
time found a home after the destruction of Phocaea, about
B.C. 540. Its Greek name was 'TA77 or 'EX^a. It was a
prosperous commercial town, and was noted for its excellent
climate, so that Aemilius Paullus, the conqueror of Perseus, was
sent there by his physicians when suffering from a troublesome
disease (Plut. Aem. c. xxxv). The soil in the neighbourhood
according to Strabo (vi. p. 254) was poor (v. 14), and hence
the inhabitants lived largely by fisheries (v. 23). Not long
after its foundation it became the seat of the famous Eleatic
school (Xenophanes, Parmenides, Zeno). Salernum was a
Campanian town delightfully situated on the north shore of the
modern gulf of Salerno. It was of much importance in the
Middle Ages, when it belonged to the Normans, and afterwards
to the Hohenstaufen, and the House of Anjou, and was the seat
of the greatest medical school in Europe. Some modern au-
thorities (e.g. Swinburne, Travels in the Two Sicilies, III. 185)
consider it unhealthy because it is screened from the north, and
exposed to the south wind, which brings up 'most pernicious
miasma' from the plain stretching to the south, toward Paestum.
The town still has a population of over 20,000.
2. via : Horace would travel from Capua as far as Salernum
by the excellent via Fofilia, a branch of the via Appia: he could
get on to Paestum (about half way to Velia) by a fair branch
road; but there seems to have been no Roman road for the rest
of the way.
Baias : Ep. I. i, 83. The epithet liqmdae applied to it in
Carm. III. 4, 24 shows that the air of Baiae was noted for its
clearness: Cicero however (Ep. Fam. ix. 12) speaks as if there
were some at any rate whom it did not suit : gratulor Bails
nosti'is, siqiiidem, tit scribis, salubres repente factae sunt : 7iisi
forte te amant et tibi adsentantur, et tamdiu dum tti ades sunt
oblitae sui. In any case Horace's physician had forbidden him
to go there, as he had usually done in the winter.
3. Antonius Musa, a freedman physician, had cured
Augustus in B.C. 23 of a serious liver complaint by the cold-
Bk. I. Ep. XV.] NOTES. 183
water treatment (Suet. Oct. Lxxxi) and by a free use of lettuces
(Plin. N. H. XIX. 8, 38). He now recommended the former to
Horace, who therefore had no need to resort to the vapour baths
over the sulphur springs at Baiae.
tamen, although it is Musa's fault, not mine.
4. gellda: Plin. H. N. xxix. i, 5 mentions a certain Charmis
of Massilia, \\\\o fn'gida etiam hihcrnis algoribus laT'ari persuasit.
Mcrsit aegros in lacus. Videbamus setus consulares usque in
osientationcm rigcntes.
cum =* now that'.
6. murteta : Celsus lil. 1 7 siccus calor est et arcnae calidae,
et laconici, et clibani, ct qitarunJani naturalium sudationum ubi
a terra proftisus calidus vapor acdijicio inclitditur, sicut supa-
Baias in viurtetis habemus. Vitruv. II. 6 also describes the
buildings erected over the natural jets of sulphurous vapour.
6. cessantem 'chronic', lingering, nervls : apparently these
vapour baths were especially efficacious in cases of muscular
rheumatism.
elidere 'to drive out', a technical medical term : cf. Cels. II. 15
gestatio uiilissima est...eis qiiibus lentae morborum reliquiae
remanent, neque aliter eliduntur. Baiae is represented as
bearing a grudge against invalids who have courage to follow
Musa's severe regime.
8. caput : Celsus recommends the douche for strengthening
the head and stomach : I. 4 capiti nihil acque prodest atque aqua
frigida: itaque is, cui hoc iiifirmum est, per aestatem id bene largo
canali quotidie debet aliquanidiu subicere: IV. 5 qui stomachi
resolutione laborant, his perfundi frigida, atque in eadeni natare,
canalibtis eiusdem subicere etiam stovtachu?n ipsum...consistere in
frigidis medicatisqiie fontibus ...salutare est.
9. Clusinis : at Clusium itself there do not appear tohavebeen
any springs of note ; and the place itself was unhealthy, because
of the miasma arising from the marshes produced by the over-
flowing of the Clanis (Tac. Ann. I. 79), until these were drained
by the grand-dukes of the house of Lorraine. At S. Casciano de
Bagni, about twelve miles to the south of Clusium, there are
baths of ancient date, and it has been suggested (Dennis Cities
of Etruria II. p. 291) that Horace may have been referring to
these. There is no important town nearer to these than
Clusium. But perhaps Horace's language does not require any-
thing more than the ordinary springs, not wanting in the hilly
country round Clusium itself. It has been suggested that the
baths (mentioned by TibuU. in. 5, i vos tenet Etruscis manal
quae fontibus unda, unda sub aestivum non adeunda canevi) may
1 84 HORATI EPISTULAE.
have been those at Clusium : but as Heyne justly observes
'habuit autem et olim et nunc Etruria aquas salubres pluribus
locis'. Besides those were clearly hot baths, while the springs
at Clusium were cold.
Gablos: Ep. I. II, 7: Strabo V. 3 Iv hi ry iriZlu! roi'/np 6
' Aviojv di^^eicn Kal to, 'AXjSovKa KoXov/xeva pel lidara xj/vxpa iK
TToWuv Trrjywv, vpos iroiKiXas vocrovs Kal irivovai Kai iyKadrjfxivoLi
vyuiva. In Juv. VII. 4 cum iam celebres notique poetae balneolum
Gabiis co7iducere teinplarcnt Prof. Mayor thinks the point to be
that in so small a place but little custom could be expected.
But there are indications that owing to its cold baths it to some
extent recovered its prosperity : of. Burn's Rome and the Cam-
pagna p. 382.
10. nota, sc. eqiio. The horse wanted to turn do^vn to the
right, as usual, where the road branched off, and led through
Cumae to Baiae. This was apparently at Capua : the via
Domitiana, which led straight from Sinuessa to Cumae along
the coast, was made by the Emperor Domitian (Stat. Silv. IV. 3) :
Orelli is misleading here.
12. stomachosus habena 'pulling angrily at the rein' : habena
IS the ablative of instrument; 'venting his anger with'. Habena
is strictly a single strap or rein; hence usually in the plural of a
bridle.
13. sed, i.e. but it is no good saying anything, for &c.
equis: the singular equi, according to Keller, has more
authority : but Bentley seems right in regarding this clause as a
general reflexion, in which case the dative, as he has shown,
is the case required, equi must then be regarded as wrongly
assimilated to cques.
14. populum, not an uncommon expression for the inhabi-
tants of a mtinidpinm: cp. Wilmanns Ex. Inscr. Lat. 1194,
1219 a, 1804, 1809, &c., where we have S. P. Q. T, of Tibur.
16. collectos...imbres, i.e. in tanks (/«««).
16. iugis might seem redundant after perennis : hence some
editors have read dulcis, the reading of the vet. Bland, and a few
other MSS. But, as Bentley saw, dtilcis is here out of place:
rain-water is not less dulcis, i.e. not more salt or bitter, than
spring-water. We have therefore here another instance of an
attempt at emendation in the vet. Bland., which though at first
sight attractive, will not bear examination. The pleonasm is not
offensive or unparalleled : cp. Ep. i. 7, 42, Cic. de Or. iii. 48, 184
perennis et projiuens. Bentley quotes from Arnoh'wis perpetuae et
iuges calamitates : iiigiter et pe7-petuo is a law-term, and Doederlein
(Syn. I. 10) thinks that iuge and perenne auspicium are the
Bk. I. Ep. XV.] NOTES, 185
same, in spite of Cic. de Div. II. 36, 77 and Servius on
Verg. Aen. ill. 5.^7. Brugman (Curt. Stud. iv. 148) regards
itigis 'living' applied to water as quite a different word from
itigis 'constant'. lugis may be used either of the water
(Cic. de Div. 11. 13, 31 aquae iugis colore) or of the spring
(de Div. I. 50, 112 haustatn aquarn de iugi piitco; de Nat. D. II.
9, 25 ex piiteis ivgibus aqua/n calidain ti-ahi : cp. Sat. II. 6, 1
iugis aquae/ons. Cp. Roby § 784.
nlMl moror 'I don't care about': cp. Plant. Trin. 297 nil
ego istos moror facceos mores, with Brix's note ; and ib. 337.
Horace knew that the wine was indifferent, and was therefore
prepared to take his own supply with him. The wine of
Surrentum, not far from Salernum, was a thin light wine,
recommended to convalescents (Plin. H. N. xiv. 8), called by
Tiberius generosiim accium and by Caligula nobilis vappa, though
Persius speaks of it as lene (ili. 93) : Horace (Sat. Ii. 4, 55)
seems to regard it as requiring to be mixed with strong Falernian,
before it was good to drink.
17. quidvis 'anything', not 'any kind of wine', which
would necessarily have been quodvis, as Heinsius pointed out.
19. cum spe dlvite: cp. Ep. i. 5, 17.
21. iuvenem, i. e. as though I were young again. Lucanae
shows that Horace is now thinking of Velia, not of Salernum.
22. apros : Lucanian boars are mentioned in Sat. il. 3, 234;
8, 6. Cp. Mayor on Juv. i. 140 — 141, v. 116.
educet; cp. Ov. Pont. I. 10, 9 qitod mare, quod telhts,
adpone, quod educat aer.
23. echlnos 'sea-urchins': Sat. 11. 4, 33 Miseno oriuntur
echini t Juv. iv. 143 settiel aspecti litiis dicebat echini: Plin. Ep. i.
15, 3 ostrea, vulvas, echinas, as the dainties at a banquet.
Athenaeus III. 41 says ^Echini if eaten with vinegar and honey,
parsley and mint, are sweet and easy of digestion'.
24. Phaeaz, i. e. like one of the courtiers of Alcinous :
Ep. I. 2, 28.
25. accredere, a rare word, used however by Plaut. Asin.
620, 845; Lucret. in. 856 and Cic. ad Att. vi. 2, 3. In Plautus
the preposition seems to have no especial force, in Lucretius the
force is 'to believe this too'; in Cicero {vix accredens) and here
ct/ seems to be intensive 'fully believe'.
25 — 46. Maenius of old liked to get the daintiest fare he
could, by the exercise of his wit ; bict if at any time his gluttony
was reduced to satisfy itself on plain coarse food, he was a merciless
1 86 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
censurer of epicures. I am like him., and fully appreciate comfort
when I can get it.
26. Many MSS. and some old editions begin a new epistle
here, failing to notice the connexion between this sketch of
Maenius the glutton, and Horace's humorous expression of his
intention to live on the best fare that he can get. For the rapid
transition cp. Ep. I. 7, 14, and 46.
Maenius, a character attacked also by Lucilius, and mentioned
in Sat. I. 3, 21, perhaps also in Sat. I. i, loi (but cp. Ritter ad
loc). Porphyrion says 'qui de personis Horatianis scripserunt,
aiunt Maenium scurrihtate notissimum Romae '. He was said
to have prayed aloud in the Capitol on the Kalends of January
that he might owe 400,000 sesterces, explaining his prayer to
one who asked him the meaning of it, by saying that he owed
at the time 800,000. Some have supposed, but without good
grounds, that he was the Pantolabus of Sat. I. 8, 11.
27. fortiter ' in a spirited fashion ' ; ironical, like Pers.
VI. 21 hie bona dente grandia magjianimiis peragil puer.
urbanus (Ep. i. 9, 11) is best connected with scurra, as in
Plaut. Most. 15 tu urhaniis vero scurra, dcliciae popli, rus mihi
tic obiectas? From Plaut. Trin. 202 tci-bani assidni cives, quos
scurras vacant, we see that scurra had not quite the same sense
as in Horace, but meant rather 'lounger', 'gossip'. In CatuU.
XXII. 2 the u)-banus equals the scurra of V. 12, a 'wit', quite
in a good sense, a meaning which is found even in Cicero (pro
Quinct. 3. II nam ncque partim facctus scurra Sex. Naevius
ncque inhu7nanus praeco est unquam existimatus), although from
de Orat. 11. 60, 247 it appears that the bad sense was beginning
to be predominant. Hor. Sat. I. 5, 52 shows the change
complete ; scurra =parasitus ' spunger '.
28. praesepe 'crib', cp. Plaut. Cure. 227 tortnento non
retineri potuit ferreo quin reciperet se hue esutn ad praesepim
snam : so Eur. Eurysth. fr. 6 ijV rts olkovv wXovcriav ^XV 'Poltvtjv.
29. inpransus, i. e. if he had had no meal that day : the
frandium was the first substantial meal of the day, usually taken
at midday.
civem...lioste 'friend from foe' : the earlier meaning of the
word /wj-/w = ' foreigner' (Cic. de Off. I. 12, 37; Varro L. L.
V. 3 ttim eo verba dicebant peregrinum) had become obsolete by
the time of Horace, and should not be thrust upon him here :
cp. Plaut. Trin. 102 hostisne an civis comedis, pay-oi pendere.
The form dignoscere has no support here : the word occurs first
in Horace (cp. Ep. II. 2, 44), then in Ovid ; in prose in Colu-
mella and Pliny. Cp. Brambach iJiilfsb. p. 34.
Bk. I. Ep. XV.] NOTES. 187
30. saevus fingere : similar infinitives after adjectives, called
prolative or complementary iiifin. by Kennedy and Wickham,
occur in Ep. i. i, 14 ; 2, 64 ; 7, 57 ; 16, I'z ; 17, 47 ; A. P. 163,
16-;, 204 ; in the Satires in i. 4, 8, 12 ; II. 3, 313 ; 7, 85 ; 8, 24 ;
and no less than 24 times in the Odes. They form a marked
feature in the style of Horace.
31. pernicies...macelli 'the ruin, and storm and abyss of the
market ', because he burst down upon it, carryhig havoc with
him, and swept off everj-thing into his insatiable maw. Cp. Plant.
Capt. 903, 911. For the barathrum at Athens see Dr Hager in
Journ. Phil. Viil. 12. The word is used somewhat differently
in Sat. II. 3, 166, but cp. Plant. Cure. 122 age ecfuiidc hoc\y\xi\\m\
cito m barathrtim. niacellum seems to have denoted originally
a slaughter-house, thence a meat-market, but it came to be
applied to a market for all kinds of provisions : cp. Varro L. L.
V. 147, Donatus on Ter. Eun. 355, Curt. Gr. Etym. I. 407.
32. donabat will stand very well as the main verb of the
sentence. Bentley's conjecture donarct leaves Maenhis without
any proper construction ; and the reading donarat of the vet.
Bland, and other important MSS- on which it is based seems
only an assimilation to quaesierat.
33. nequitiae ' his wicked wit '.
35. vilis is evidently needed with agninae more than with
omasi [like ' tripe ' a Keltic word] which was always a cheap
coarse food ; there are many instances in the Satires of et in the
second place in its clause: e.g. I. 3, 54; 6, 11; 10, 71 etc.
Plautus (Capt. 8i6) complains of the butchers who sold lamb
dear : apparently he expected it to be cheap. It is nowhere
mentioned as a dainty.
36. lamna, contracted for lamina [better spelt lammind\,
as in Carm. 11. 2, 2. Torture by the application of red-hot
plates of metal is often mentioned, e.g. in Plant. As. 543 ad-
versum stetimics lamninas crucesqite conipcdcsque., ncrvos, catenas,
carcerem, numellas, pedicas, Iwias, impactoresque acerminos gnaros-
que nostri tergi: Lucret. III. 1017, verbera, carnijices, robur, pix,
lammina, taedae, Cic. in Verr. v. 63, 163 cum ignes ardentesque
lamminae ceterique criiciatus admovebantur.
ut diceret : the man's coarse gluttony is humorously re-
presented as entitling him to censure severely epicures, and
spendthrifts.
nepotmn, Epod. r, 34 : Sat. i. 4, 49 {nepos filius) ; 8, 11;
Sat. II. I, 53; 3, 225 ; Ep. II. 2, 193. The word is also common
in Cicero in this sense, but not apparently elsewhere.
i88 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
37. Bestius is introduced also by Persius vi. 37, but so as
to add nothing to what we can gather from this passage. He
was evidently an extravagant liver so long as his means held
out, and afterwards an unsparing critic of extravagance. The
character may veiy probably have been derived from Lucilius.
All the MSS. have either correctus or corriptiis : the latter
appears to give no good sense; but the former may, I think,
well be interpreted ' like Bestius after his reformation '. Lambinus
asserted that he had found 'in antiquissimo coAicq' corrector, and
this reading, though probably only a conjecture, has been adop>ted
by many subsequent editors. Bentley warmly defends it, quoting,
with his usual readiness, several passages in which corrector is
used for ' critic ' or ' censor ', and assuming that Bestius was a
proverbially severe censor. As the reading found in all known
MSS. yields a sufficiently good sense, I have followed Ritter
and Keller in retaining it. — Maenius is of course the subject of
diceret, and Bestius is in apposition, as in Veil. Pat. II. 18
Mithridates...odio in Romaiios Hannibal.
39. verterat in fumum, a proverbial expression for ' con-
sumed ' : we need not enquire what particular metaphor was in
the mind of Horace.
miror — si: Roby § 17571 S. G. § 747. Cp. ^au^ctfw d.
41. turdo : Sat. II. 2, 74 ; 5, 10. volva : the matrix of a
sow was and still is considered a great delicacy in Italy. It was
prepared with spices and vinegar, and eaten as a relish with
wine : Athen. III. 59 i/xirivovTi S4 ffoi (pepirw rotocSe rpdynfia,
yajT^pa Kal ixr)Tpav etpdiju i/os, 'iv re Kvp-ifo} iv r bi^ii 5pL)xet koL
(n\(plip €/ji.l3ej3au(7av. It was more costly than any other kind of
meat commonly eaten, as Keller shows from Diocletian's edict
of A. D. 301 de pretiis vc7ialium (c. iv. 3 ed. Mommsen). Prof.
Palmer quotes very happily Alexis (Meineke Com. Graec.
p. 738 ed. min.) vi^lp irarpas fxev ttSs rts dTrodvrjffKeLV deXei, vwep
5^ /JLT/Tpas KaWifxeduv 6 KdpajSos ecpdrjs i'crws irpoaelr^ dv d'Wws
aTToOaveiv.
42. hie : cp. Ep. I. 6, 40. It is of course the pronoun,
although Macleane by comparing ivravd' elpii seems to take it as
the adverb. In Ter. Andr. 310 /« si hie sis aliter sentias, hic=
ego, not in hoc loco: cp. Spengel's note ad loc.
44. unctius 'richer' of food, as in Ep. I. 17, 12 of persons.
Cp. Mart. V. 44, 7 unctior cena.
46. fundata ' based upon ', not quite ' invested in ' : the
meaning seems to be that no man is in this case considered wise
and fortunate, unless all can see from his handsome marble
[nitidis) villas how firm is the basis on which his financial
prosperity rests. Cp. Cic. p. C. Rab. Post. I. 1 fortunas fundatas
Bk. I. Ep. XVL] NOTES. 189
atque optime constitiitas. The wealthier Romans possessed a
surprising number of country seats. Cicero was never accounted
a very rich man ; but he had fourteen or fifteen, eight of them
of considerable size and beauty. (Watson Select Epistles, p. 127.)
EPISTLE XVI.
The tone adopted in vv. 17 ff. of this Epistle makes it pretty
clear that the Quinctius, to whom it is addressed, was a man
younger than Horace. The eleventh Ode of the second book is
addressed to a Quinctius Hirpinus; and it has been argued
from the mention of cani capilli in v. 15 of that Ode that this
Quinctius must have been at least as old as Horace. But it is
probable that the reference there is only to the poet himself,
and that the levis inventus of v. 6 is more applicable to his
friend. There is therefore nothing to prevent us from supposing
that the Ode and the Epistle are addressed to the same man.
He appears to have already attained conspicuous success in his
ambitious career; and may with some probability be identified
with T. Quinctius Crispinus, the consul of B.C. 9. (The sur-
name Hirpinus of Carm. II. 11 presents difficulties as yet
unsolved : cp. Wickham's Introduction.) Chronology, as well
as his character as optinius, prevents us from identifying hira
with the worthless T. Quinctius Crispinus, praetor in a.d. 2:
but Orelli thinks that he may have been his father. The Epistle
cannot have been written before B.C. 27, when Octavianus
received the title of Augustus (v. 29); as Horace was in posses-
sion of his Sabine estate by B.C. 33, and as Quinctius at this
time knew very little about it, this goes to show that the friend-
ship between Horace and himself was not of long standing.
There is nothing to fix the date more precisely.
1 — 16. / will tell you all about my Sabine estate, Quinctius,
that you may not have the trouble of asking me as to its produce.
It lies in a shady valley : the climate is good, trees abundant, and
the stream as cool and clear as the Hebrus. This dear and
chartning retreat keeps me in health even in autumn.
1. ne, not imperative, but dependent on scribetur (v. 4).
Quinctl, the form found on coins of the Augustan time : the
great majority of MSS. have Quinti, but some (including the
vet. Bland.) have retained the earlier form.
2. arvo, properly land prepared for corn, but not yet sown:
cp. Varro R. R. I. 29, i seges dicitur quod aratum satum est ;
a>-vum, quod aratum necdu?n satum est: but the word is com-
monly used for corn-land generally. Mr Simcox {Hist. Rom.
190 HO RATI E FISTULA E.
Lit. I. 309) says : ' We see that most (?) of his friends thought
more of the value of his farm than of its beauty, and turned first
to the question whether it grew corn or oil, because there was a
profit to be got out of oil, while com could not be depended
upon for more than a living'. This last statement is correct
(cp. Momrasen Hist. II. 375, 6), but it may be doubted whe-
ther the fact was in the mind of Quinctius. The various alter-
natives are not, strictly speaking, mutually exclusive : the
orchard was sown like any corn-field, and where the vine was
trained on living trees, corn was cultivated in the intervals
between them (Mommsen il. 364 note).
bacis, here, as always (Ribbeck Proll. Verg. p. 391), better
established than baccis.
opulentet, a rare word, found for the first time here.
3. an pratis. Keller strenuously, but not successfully,
defends the reading et praiis, which would join two substan-
tives, not more closely connected than any other two in the
list. Bentley restored an from the vet. Bland, and other good
MSS.
amicta : Ep. I. 7, 84 (note). I cannot think, with Macleane,
that these two lines are 'to be understood as a description,' and
that Horace is recounting the different productions of his farm.
H. puts aside the question as to the productiveness of his estate,
and dwells in preference on its natural charms.
4. forma 'nature' or 'character': Varro R. R. I. 6, i
formae cum duo genera sint, tma, quam natura dat, altera,
quam sationes imponunt etc.
loquaciter, i.e. with all the fulness of a proud owner. The
most recent descriptions of the estate are to be found in Martin's
Horace (Vol. 11. p. 233), and in the Antiquarian Magazine for
June 1883: cp. also the account in Milman's Life of Ho7-ace (p.
loi), and that reprinted in Martin's Horace (Ancient Classics for
English Readers) pp. 70—72 from che Pall Mall Gazette. The
main point at issue is whether the farm lay on an elevated pla-
teau near Rocca Giovane (as Rosa thinks), or on the right bank
of the Digentia, two or three miles further up the valley, opposite
to the village of Licenza. The latter view is far more probable.
5. continui montes, not quite, as Conington, ' in long con-
tinuous lines the mountains run': there are no marked moun-
tain chains in this part of the Sabine territory, but rather a
broad continuous mass, broken only by the valley of the
Digentia, running from north to south. The most conspicuous
of these mountains is the Monte Gennaro (4163 ft.), rising high
above the rest as seen from the plain of the Campagna: this
Bk. I. Ep. XVI.] NOTES. 191
was probably Horace's Lucretilis, though some have found this
in the Monte Corrignaleto, above Rocca Giovane.
ni 'except that': with continui we must understand sunt;
a general statement is made, and then a qualification is intro-
duced, which modifies it (Roby § 1574, S. G. § 654). The full
expression of the thought ^vould be 'the mass of the hills is
unbroken, at least it would be, supposing they were not to be
parted by' etc. Keller argues strongly in favour of the reading
si, which is found in some MSS., and which he supposes
(though apparently without sufficient reason) to be implied in
Porphyrion's interpretation. He urges that tlie reading 7ti
implies that the estate consisted mainly of a mass of mountains,
and Schiitz admits this; but I cannot see that this necessarily
follows. Even if it is too much to say with Kriiger that we
must supply as predicate ' are in the neighbourhood, surround
my estate', there is no great ambiguity in beginning the descrip-
tion by saying 'the mountains are unbroken': Quinctius knew
that Horace lived in a mountainous district. Keller takes si
continui montes dissocientur as the protasis, and laudes as the
apodosis, which produces a cumbrous sentence, not in Horace's
style. Besides this strains the meaning of continui, which he
interprets as 'separated only by a narrow valley'. He seems
also to be wrong in his view of the nature of the valley. He
regards it as running east and west, so as to be protected by the
mountains on the one hand from the north wind, on the other
from the noonday sun and the scirocco. But the valley of the
Digentia runs nearly due north and south ; and this is clearly
implied in vv. 5 — 6. dextrum must be used, just as we use
'right bank' of a river, for that part which is on the right hand
of one following the course of the stream. Thus the rising sun
shines on the slopes of the hills to the west of the river, which
face the east; and the setting sun shines in the same way on
the slopes to the east. Kriiger thinks that the villa must be
regarded as facing the north, so that its right (eastern) wall
would catch the rising sun, but there is nothing to suggest the
villa as the standpoint. Some maps appear to mark a small
valley branching off from the valley of the Digentia, and running
east and west, just where the villa of Horace is placed by Rosa
(so Midler in Smith's Atlas and Piale's Piaiita delta Canipagna
Komand); but this is not well defined, and is several hundreds of
feet above the course of the stream. Hence it seems more pro-
bable that Horace is referring to the main valley.
sed ut, limiting : the valley is on the whole shady, but yet
such that the sun shines upon one side of it in tlie morning,
upon the other in the evening.
7. discedens has better authority than the old reading
192 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
descendens. Eentley read deccdens, quoting in support Verg. Eel.
II. 67, Georg. I. 112, IV. 466, and Ep. I. 6, 3 ; but it is not
necessary to depart from the MSS.
vaporet may mean simply ' warms' as often in Lucretius vapor
means 'heat' (cp. v. x 131) ; but perhaps it is better to interpret
with Orelli 'tepido vapore obducat'.
8. quid, si ferant, sc. dicas. The subj. pres. does not here
suggest that the hypothesis is merely imaginary, but ferant is
attracted into the mood ol dicas: 'if you were to learn this, you
would say ', &c. Bentley reads ferunt and iuvat, which would
be necessary if dicas did not follow, suggesting the same form to
be supplied after quid. Macleane's comma after t{?>thra, instead
of a note of interrogation, makes the construction unintelligible.
Prof. Palmer believes the true reading to be quid quod here and
quod for si in v. 9 : quod then fell out after quid in v. 8, and
before quercus in v. 9. Several good MSS. omit si and have et
in V. 9, and some have quodsi here, which facts seem to point to
some corruption. Certainly quid si as it stands here, seems
quite unparalleled. In that case, we must of course lead/erunt.
benigni has better authority, and is more poetical than
benigne: some MSS. have benigjtae: Lucretius iv. 60 uses
vepris as a feminine, and Priscian (v. 8, 42) says that the gender
was common with ' vetustissimi'; but Vergil (Georg. III. 444,
Aen. VIII. 645) and Columella treat it as masculine. Munro
thinks that the evidence points to the feminine here (note on
Lucret. 1. c.) though he prints benigni. Cp. benignus ager Ov.
Am. I. 10, 56.
9. vepres 'bushes': usually thorn-bushes, as in Verg.
Georg. III. 444 hirsuti secuerunt corpora vepres ; but not neces-
sarily, not apparently here, for although the sloe-tree [prunus
spinosa) has thorns, the wild cherry (cornus masctda) has not. A
senatus consultum in Front. Aquaed. 129 has arbores, vites,
vepres, settles. The wild cherry is indigenous in Italy, although
the cherry proper was only introduced in Cicero's time. For
sloes cp. Plin. N. H. XV. 13, 44 pruna silvesiria ubique nasci
certiim est.
10. fruge, here equivalent to glandibus, but in Cic. Or. 9,
30 of corn contrasted with acorns : ut inventis frugibtis glande
vescantur.
11. Tarenttun: the charms of Tarentum are sung of in
Carm. II. 6, 9 — 20, wliere Horace places it next to Tibur,
Lenormant [La Grande-Grtcel. 20) writes of the little village of
Citrezze near Tarentum, with its little chapel of S. Maria di
Galeso: 'la beaute des eaux, et I'ombrage des arbres touffus,
creent une sensation de fraichear dont le charme, sous ce cliraat
Bk. I. Ep. XVI.] NOTES. 193
ardent, ne saurait se dccrirc'. Hence De Chaupy (quoted by
Macleane) is hardly juslilied in saying that the valley of Licenza
now not only equals but infinitely surpasses the verdure of
Tarentum.
12. fons, identified by the scholiasts with the fons Bandu-
siae of Carm. in. 13, i : but it is not even certain that the latter
was not in Apulia. The name of this spring must have been
the same as that of the stream, i.e. Digentia (Ep. i. x8, 104).
dare idoneus, a Greek construction: cp. Ep. \. 1, 11 (note).
13. frigldior: Ep. I. 3, 3 (note), ambiat 'flows winding
through', not 'flows around'. We should say rather 'so that
Hebrus is not cooler or clearer in its winding course through
Thrace'.
14. capiti...alvo : Ep. i. 15, 8 (note).
utilis, utilis : the repetition is not out of keeping with the
negligent style of a familiar letter, and is supported by a great
preponderance of authority. Either from a deliberate correction
or from the loss of one of the words (actually occurring in one
MS.), some MSS. read aptus ct utilis.
15. dulces 'dear to me', amoenae 'charming in themselves',
objectively. Bentley read ct (jam si a-cdis), 'and, if you believe
it, now that you have heard my account', and several good
editors have followed him. But there is sufficient distinction
between dulces and ainocnne in meaning, to bear the weight of the
etiam 'and even'. Mr Reid thinks all attempts to explain si
crcdis unsatisfactory, and suggests that Horace may have written
the very common si qiiaeris: cp. Lucil. 1006 (Lachm.) scnnonc
bonot et, si quaeri\ libenter. This does not touch tha difficulty
as to the force of cttnocnae.
16. tibi, ethic dative, showing that the health of Horace
was a matter of interest to Quinctius. Septembribus boris: cp.
Ep. I. 7, 5ff., Sat. II. 6, 19.
17 — 24. You are universally accounted a happy man : but
don^t trust the judgment of others in this: for they may not kno'cu
your W2ak points, and no one is really happy but the good.
17. quod audis 'what you are said to be' : Sat. Ii. 3, 298 ;
6, 20 ; Ep. I. 7, 38. Cp. Xen. Mem. 11. 6, 39 aXXa avfTOfiuTdTr)
re Kai d<TtpaKe(rTa.Tr] Kai KaWicrTT] 656s, wKpLTO^ouXe, o tl dv (SovXy
5oK€iv aya6bs (Ivan, tovto Kai yevicOai dyadbv ireipdffdai, translated
by Cic. Off. II. 1-2, 43.
18. iactamus 'we have been speaking of, without any
notion of boasting : there may perhaps be, as Ritter thinks, a
W. H.
13
194 HORATI EPISTULAE.
sug£:;estion of thoughtlessness in the language. Cp. Conington
on Verg. Aen. I. 102. For the construction with oninis Roma
cp. Carm. IV. 1, 50 iion semel diwimcs '■io triumphe'' civiias
omnis.
19. plus quam tibi : Acron well compares for the thought
Pars. I. 7 ncc te qiiacsivcris extra.
20. alivun sapiente : alius has the construction of a compara-
tive also in Ep. 11. i, 240 alms Lysippo, and in Sat. II. 3, 208
species alias veris. Cp. Cic. ad Fam. XI. 1 (in a letter written by
Brutus) 7iec qtiicquavi aliud libertaie communi qiiaesivisse : Roby
§ 1268, S. G. § 513. Cp. Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 25 aKka. tQiv 5iKaiu:i'.
21. sanum : the metaphor, as is frequently the case in these
epistles, is made the main proposition. We should say rather
'and act like a man who should conceal a disease' etc.
22. sub 'up to': Mr Roby (§ 2129) admits for siid with ace.
of time only the meanmg 'just after' : but usage and the origin
of the construction alike seem to point to 'towards, just before'
as a force quite as legitimate. Cp. Sat. I. i, 10; 11. i, 9; 7j 33'
109; and Palmer's notes on the Satires, p. 380.
23. tremor : cp. Pers. III. 100 ff. Some editors suppose that
the sick man disguises his fever until dinner-time that he may
not have to sacrifice his meal, others that he may spare the feel-
ings of his guests (!): but Horace appears to mean simply that
a vice not cured may break out. at the most inconvenient times.
unctis, food was commonly taken in the fingers, forks being
unknown except for kitchen purposes, and spoons little used :
cp. Ov. A. A. III. 755 carpe cibos digitis,
'2A. pudor malus ' a false shame '.
25 — 31. Praise only suited to Augustus you vjould refzise to
take to yourself . Why take c7-edit for wisdom and virtue?
25. tibi with pugnata, not with dicat: the latter construc-
tion, defended by Schiitz, requires us to give to dicat the meaning
adsignct, which is without authority. The scholiasts however
take tibi— in tuum honoirm.
26. vacuas 'open' to flattery, called by Persius IV. 50
bibulas.
27 — 28. tene — luppiter, a quotation, according to the scho-
liasts, from the panegyriciis Attgusti by L. Varius, the tragic poet.
30. pateris seems to be the best supported reading : poteris
of some MSS. is only a corruption, and cupias of others a gloss
upon it. For the construction, which is a Grecism, cp. Carm.
I, 2, if^patiens vocari Caesaris uitor; and Ep. i. 5, 15.
Bk. I. Ep. XVI.] NOTES. 195
31 — 40. The pleasure naturally derived from a reputation for
virtue rests on no sure basis : and unfounded praise is as 'ujorthless
as gi'oundhss blame.
31. sodes: Ep. I. I, 62 (note), respondesne : Schiitz argues
that -7te must here, as in Ep. i. 17, 38, and as so often in Plautus
and Terence, — in Cicero only in videsne etc. — have the force
of nonne, the fact being assumed tliat it is so. This seems to be
right, ctunpateris being 'in allowing yourself to be ' etc. (Roby §
1729, S. G. § 731). The metaphor is derived from a levy or a
census, where the citizen answers, when he hears his own name
called. Cp. Liv. III. 41 cdicitur dilcctus: iuiiiorcs ad nomina
respondent.
nempe admits the justice of the implied assertion : 'to be sure
I do, for' etc.
33. qui sc. populus.
34. indig^iio sc. eici dcfcrantur fasces, detrahet has some-
what better support than detrahit. The illustration is not very
suitable : for the abrogatio imperii, although theoretically pos-
sible, was exceedingly rare. Cp. Mommsen Rom. Staatsr. X"
606 — 609.
35. "^0119 = depone: Carm. in. 2, 19 iiec sumit ant ponit
secures arbilrio papillaris aurae. The object oi pone is, as Bentley
saw, /loc, i.e. nomen viri boni et pnidentis ; the intervening men-
tion of the fasces, being thrown in parenthetically by way of
comparison, is no sufficient objection to this view, as Schiitz
argues. If we i'dke. fasces as the object, we are compelled to give
a forced meaning to meum, 'it is my prerogative to give and to
take away offices' : besides, we lose the contrast between tristis
and detector.
pono : Horace uses the first person here only in order to
avoid the apparent invidiousness of the second. The fact that
he himself never stood for any office conferred by popular
election, thus does not at all come into the question.
36. Idem. Bentley argued that this must be of the first
person, connecting it with inordear, and putting a full stop, not
a note of interrogation, at colores. His notion of the drift of the
passage is : — if I am elated by praise which I do not deserve, I
should also be stung by charges however groundless. He rightly
sees that the falsus honor and the mendax infamia affect the
same man. But Horace's point seems rather to be that as false
charges would not affect the man, in whose position he is for the
moment placing himself, so an unfounded reputation for virtue
ought not to delight him. Hence idem is best taken with
clamet, of the populus.
I.". — 2
196 HORATI EPISTULAE.
furem sc. me esse, pudicum, always in a sense more restricted
than our 'chaste', of freedom from the worst forms of vice.
37. laqueo coUum pressisse paternum, used for the extreme
of villany in Carm. II. 13, 5 ilhini et parentis credidcrim siii
frcgisse ccrvicoii, Epod. III. 1 parentis olim si qiiis impia maim
senile guttiir fregerit.
38. colores, much better supported than coloreni. Eentley
admitted that the singular was much more common (cp. Carm.
I. 13, 5; IV. 13, 17), but held that the plural could be eyplained
of the colour coming and going, the man turning red, then pale,
then red again. And this is probably right. He quotes Prop.
I. 15, 39 i]uis te cogebat vniltos pallcre colores?— \\\e.{oxze.o{\y\\\ch
Schiitz in vain endeavours to impair — and Lucian Eun. ir
Trai'Toios y)v h fivpia TpaTrh/xevos xpwjuara. So too Plato Lys. 222
B iravTooaTrd ri<pUL XP'^I^^-'^"- Browning's 'cheek that changes
to all kinds of white' is a close parallel to the phrase in Pro-
pertius.
40. medicandum is unquestionably the right reading, being
supported alike by the weight of MS. authority, and by the
requirements of the sense. The old reading viendacem still
retained by Kriiger, involves a false antithesis : for there is no
reason why vicndax infaiiiia should terrify mcndaccs especially.
The genesis of this blunder is made clear by the various readings
in the inferior MSS.: a copyist's slip must have given incndican-
dttin by assimilation to mendax and inendostnn, and from this
came by conjectural correction niendacem and viendiciim. A
viendosits requires curatio ; he is conscious of serious faults,
though not those which a mendax infamia ascribes to him.
41 — 45. The poptilar judgment of a man is oftett erroneous,
being based on mere external correctness of conduct.
41. qui servat. The definition of the 'good man' is that
which would be given by the popular judgment, one having in
view only external rectitude of conduct, and a good reputation.
But Horace shows that these may go along with grave moral
defects, known to all who are familiar with the man, as he really
is. Schiitz well reminds us of the Pharisees of the Gospels.
consulta patrum: i.e. the man is a bonus in Cicero's sense of
the word, a good Conservative, not inclined to make light of the
authorities.
leges iuraque: leges are the positive enactments or 'statutes'
of the comitia centitriata, with which the ])lebiscita of the comitia
tributa came to be practically identical: ius is 'law' in its
widest sense, iiira being either the various component parts of
Lk. I. Ep. XVI.] NOTES. 197
ius, or 'rules of law', legal provisions, either contained in the
XII. tables, or added by the praetors. Cp. Diet. Ant. s.v. Ius:
and Gaius I. 2 constant atttcni iiira popitli Komani ex Ici^lnis,
plebis consultis, constitiitionibus principum, edict is corn in qui ius
ediccndi Iialienl, responsis prndcntiuin.
42. iudice: in private suits a single index decided questions
of fact, after a praetor had i)Ut the case into the proper form for
hearing, and settled any question of law involved. Cp. Gaius
IV. 39—43-
43. res sponsore. All MSS. exxept the vet. Bland, have
rcsponsore^ which Ritter in vain endeavours to defend. Bentley
showed convincingly that rcsponsor is never used for qtii iura
rcspondet, and that if it was, the word would be out of place
here, for a good man is not required to be a learned lawyer.
But sponsor is the regular word for one who stands as surety,
and thus secures a man his property. Cp. Corn. Nep. Att. 9
ipsi atiteni Fuh'iac tanta diligentia ojjicitun siiitin praestitit, ttt
mdluvi stiterit vadimoniitm sine Attica, sponsor omnium reritm
fucrit. Bentley well quotes Pers. V. J'S^Si as giving all the
three characters here mentioned by Horace : verterit hunc domi-
nus? vtoinento iurhinis exit ]\Iarcus Damn. Papae! JMarco
spondente recusas credere ttt juimtnos? Marco sub iudice
palles ? Marcus dixit : ita est. adsigna, Marce, tabellas.
causae: the form caussa (like cassia and divissiottes) was
used, according to Quint. I. 7, 20, in the autographs of Cicero
and \'ergil : but it has no authority here, though Bentley
adopts It.
44. vicinia, the people of the same quarter or vicus : Sat.
II. 5, 106, Ep. 1. 17, 62.
45. introrsum is supported by much better authority than
hntrorsus, which Bentley prefers for the sake of euphony: some
inferior JNISS. have hunc prorsus.
46 — 56. A ma7t inay possess some merits without possessing
all, and he may be kept from sin only by the fear of detection.
46. dicat: dicit which would be more regular has very little
authority.
47. loris non ureris: cp. Epod. iv. 3 Ibcricis pcrtisie
funibus,
49. iDonus et frugi: ^ bonus servus honesta sequitur, _/;7/P7
domino utilia'. Ritter.
negitatque is unquestionably right, although many good
MSS. have carelessly enough negat a/qiie. It is very doubti'ul
198 HORATI EPISTULAE.
whether negitat, which is found not only in Plautus, Lucretius
and Sallust, but also in Cicero, is intended here to have any
archaistic tinge, as some have supposed.
Sabellus : Porphyrion says this means Horace himself, add-
ing ' sed in hoc nomine est quaedam facies integritatis. Ver-
gilius [Aen. Viii. 638] Citribitsqiie severis\ Horace is then
speaking in his character as a Sabine land-owner 'a plain Sabine
like myself. Lachmann however says (on Lucret. iii. 1034)
'Apuli sunt huic (Lucilio) pro importunis ac petulantibus, ut
Horatio pro simplice Sabellus'. The meaning is then 'a man
who speaks his mind'. The term is a little out of place here:
one does not see why great frankness was needed to dispose of
a slave's assumptions.
50. foveam 'the pitfall': A. P. 459. Cicero Phil. iv. 5,
12 compares Antonius to an iininanis tciraque bdiia quae in
foveam incidit.
51. opertum sc. esca : cp. Ep. I. 7, 74 occulium ad ha-
muli i.
miluus, a dactyl, as in Epod. xvi. 32, and always in Plautus
and Phaedrus. Cp. Wagner on Plant. Aul. 314, Lachmann on
Lucret. Vi. 552, Bentley on Phaedr. I. 31, i. The trochaic
scansion appears first in Pers. IV. 26. The form mihiiis is very
late. The 'kite-fish' is mentioned by Pliny Nat. Hist. ix. 26,
82 along with the hirundo as a flying fish. (In Ov. Hal. 95
the best editors now read iiili.) Orelli calls it 'piscis rapax ex
doradum genere', but what these dorades are, I cannot discover.
The flying gurnard is now called by zoologists daciylopterus,
the triglo hirundo being the sapphirine gurnard : the milvus
may perhaps be the coryphae7ia, a fish which changes its colours
very beautifully in dying; this is not the case with the true
dolphin, which is really a mammal, like the porpoise.
53. tu is anybody, not Quinctius in particular nor the slave
addressed. — in te added because of the indefiniteness of nihil:
with a more definite object like scelus, dedecus, /acinus and the
like, it would not have been used.
54. sit, jussive: cp. Mart. vill. ^6, 5 sint Maecenates,
71011 deerunt, Flacce, Alarones. miscebis, 'you will make no
difference between': cp. A. P. 397.
55. unum, sc. medium : the suggested reading unam
would involve a ridiculous exaggeration. The reading of the
text was that familiar to Augustine (quoted by Keller) who has
si de iitnumeris viilibus fnimcutoruin amittat unum modiitm
(de Mendac. xii).
Bk. I. Ep. XVI.] NOTES. 199
56. non facinus: Horace is not, as Orelli supposes, speak-
ing as a Stoic, and adopting the paradox that all sins are equal,
which he ridicules in Sat. I. 3, 96. Nor is he, as Ritter thinks,
making the master discourse like a Stoic to his slave; but he
simply asserts that if the extent of the pilfering is limited only
by the fear of detection, this does not affect the character of the
act, a view in which there is nothing paradoxical.
67 — 62. One ivho is virtuous to outward appearance tnay
cherish evil desires in secret.
57. omne forum, not, as Macleane seems to suppose, all
the /or a, but like oinnis domits in v. 44, 'the whole forum'.
At the date of this Epistle Xhe. forttm Aitgusti was probably not
finished, for we know from the story in Macrob. Sat. II. 4 that
Augustus was much dissatisfied' with its slow progress. The
temple of Mars Ultor, which formed part of it, was not dedi-
cated until B.C. 2, although part of the forum was opened before
this date (Suet. Aug. xxix). Hence only i\\Q fortiin Koinamtin
and the small forum yidinm were in use at this time. There
were several tribunalia in the forum, but the 'vir bonus' would
only attract the eyes of those around the one, at which he hap-
pened to be acting at the time as iudex.
58. vel porco vel bove. According to the rules of the
pontiffs an ox was the proper animal to sacrifice to Juppiter,
Neptune, Mars, or to Apollo: a pig to Juno Lucina, Ceres,
Bona Dea, and Silvanus. Cp. Marquardt Rom. Staatsverw. III.
168. But doubtless the victims varied with the means of the
sacrificer.
59. Clare : Martial (l. 39, 6) quotes among the signs of a
good man nihil arcano qui roget ore deos ; and the rule of
Pythagoras (quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 26, 173) was
fiera ^wvrjs €vx^(r0ai. This passage of Horace is imitated by
Pers. II. 3 — 16; and in Ovid Fast. V. 675 — 690 a merchant is
represented as coming to the fountain of Mercury near the
Capene gate, in order to get the god's pardon for his deceit in
the past, and his aid for similar tricks in the future. Conington
(on Persius 1. c.) says 'Horace apparently merely means that
while the worshipper asks the gods for one thing his bent is set
on another': but this view is hardly reconcileable with the
language of the text.
60. Laverna, the Roman equivalent to our Saint Nicholas :
cp. Shakspere, Henry IV., Part I., Act II., Sc. i: ' If they meet
not with Saint Nicholas' clerks, I'll give thee this neck'. Schol.
Cruq. derives the name from latere, because thieves, he says,
were once called latcrnioncs and laverniones (cp. Gadshill's words
200 HORATI EPISTULAE.
in Shakspere, I.e., 'we have the receipt of fern-seed, we walk
invisible'), a derivation accepted by Donaldson on the strength of
the more than doubtful identity of Laviniis and Latinus. Acron
connects the word with lavarc, thieves being called lavatores, I
suppose, because they 'clean out' travellers. But the only legi-
timate derivation is from the root he or laii 'to gain', found in
airo-\av-u3, \-qts, lucrum, lafro, etc. (Curt. Gr. Elyni. No. 536).
Arnobius IV. 24 says of Laverna, cum Mcrczirio simul fraudibus
praesidct fiirtivis. Preller, Klnn. Myth. p. ^rS (cp. p. 459) con-
siders Laverna a bye-form of Lara (the Dea Jlluta and Mater
Larum), a goddess of the dark and silent under-world, and hence
the patroness of thieves (as St Nicholas is said to have acquired
his functions from a confusion with 'Old Nick'), but this does
not account satisfactorily for the form of the word.
61. da with inf., as doties in Carm. i. 31, 17,
lusto sanctoque restored by Bentley from the vet. Bland, and
other good MSS. for the old reading iustum sauctumquc, which
is only a copyist's alteration: cp. Sat. i. i, 19 atqui licet esse
beatis, I. 6, 25 ficriqiie tribuno, Cp. Roby § 1357, S. G.
§ 537 W-
62. obice : the form obiice is found in no good MS. here, or
in Carm. iil. 10, 3. Roby § 144.
63 — 72. Oue lulio is a slave to his baser passions is no free
man, but should be treated as a coiaardly prisoner of war, and set
to sotne tiseful toil.
63. qui 'how': Ep. i. 6, 42; Sat. 11. 2, 19; 3, 241, 260,
275, 311, etc.
64. in triviis fixum : repeated by Pers. v. in inque Into
fixnm possis transcendcre nummuni, where the scholiast says that
it was a common joke with boys at Rome to solder a coin to the
pavement {assem in silice plu7nbatiim infigere) in order to ridi-
cule those who stooped to pick it up, crying ' try again ! ' Schiitz
considers this a forced explanation, and takes fixum as ' stick-
ing', somewhat as in Sat. II. 3, 294. The exaggerated phrase of
Petronius c. XLIII. ah asse crevit et paratus fuit quadrantem de
stercoi-e mordicus tollere rather points to this view.
66. mihi ' in my eyes' Roby § 1148, S. G. § 477.
67. perdidit anna, i.e. is a pi^a(nri.s, a coward who has
flung away his arms. Bentley showed that this phrase was quite
the correct one : 'prodere enim signa publica recte dixeris : pri-
vata cuiusque arma non item : sed traderearma, proicere, abiccre,
amittere, perdere\ Cp. Plant. Epid. 55 (Goetz) eit me perdidit.
quis? ille qid arma perdidit.
Bk. I. Ep. XVL] NOTES. 201
69. captivmn : i. e. a man who is absorbed in the pursuit of
money, is not worthy of the name of a free man : treat him as a
captive, and let him do the work for which he is fit. Lehrs
objects that the passage is out of place here, and that v. 73 fol-
lows V. 68 better, if the- intervenin;,^ lines are omitted. But they
add a touch of scorn to Horace's treatment of the man who
' makes haste to be rich', and are in his best style.
70. diirus 'unsparingly', Ep. i. 7, 91.
72. annonae prosit, i. e. let him serve to keep down the
price of corn, by bringing in plenty from abroad. For the effect
of imported corn on agriculture in Italy, cp. Mommsen, Hist.
III. 77.
penusque : this neuter form is quoted from Horace by
Servius and I'riscian : some inferior MSS. have peniiin: Roby
§ 398, S. G. § 121. Cp. Cic. de Nat. De, II. 27, 68 est omne,
quo vesciintur homines, pcniis.
73 — 79, A truly good man tvill viainfain his fearless iitde-
fcndeiice. An admiralsly vivid and dramatic adaptation of Eur.
Bacch. 492 — 498. Dionysus, in the guise of a young Lydian
stranger is brought before Pentheus, king of Thebes, charged
with introducing the Bacchic orgies among the Theban women.
Students of contemporary literature will remember how happily
this passage is used by Cardinal Newman {History of my Re-
ligious Opinions, p. 294).
74. patique : Ep. I. 15, 17. Cic. Tusc. 11. 7, i-j paticlur,
perferct, non succttmbet.
75. indlgmun: cp. v. 34. bona, in Euripides the long
tresses and the thyrsus, borne in honour of the god.
76. lectos, the most valuable part of the furniture of the
house. Ep. I. 1,91. Cp. Cic. Farad. \. % 7ieque ego iinquaiii.
bona perdidisse dicam, si qnis pccus ant sitpellectilem amiserit.
argentum : Ep. i. 6, 17.
in manicis : elpKTOiai. r ^voov aCiixa aov (pvXd^o/xev. Eur.
79. hoc sentit : in Eur. the delivery is brought about by a
miraculous shaking of the palace of Pentheus (v. 605), but Horace
interprets to suit his own purpose.
moriar: cp. Sen. de Prov. 6, 7 ante omnia cavi {deus), ne
quid vos teneret invitos: patet exit us : si pugnare non vultis, licet
fugere.
linea, the calx or winning line (our ' tape') at the end of a
race-course: i.q. Ypa/x/x/;; cp. Eur. Antig.fr. 11, eTr'' a.KpduiJKO/iei'
ypap.iJi.riv KaKWv. Electr. 953 f. -Kplv dv riXoi ypappf^s IVryrat Kal
iripas Kup-tpr; ^iou.
HO RATI EPISTULAE.
EPISTLE XVII.
This Epistle contains advice to a certain Scae%'a, as to the
course which should be adopted to secure and to profit by the
favour of the great. Nothing is known or conjectured with
probability of the man to whom it was addressed. The scholiasts
say that his name was Lollius Scaeva, and that he was a Roman
knight. This notion is based upon the assumption that this
Epistle and the next are addressed to the same man, which is
demonstrably false. The cognomen Scaeva is found at this
period in use with the Junian and Cassian ^v//to, but there is no
evidence to connect Horace's friend with either of them. Nor
is there any indication of its date, unless indeed we may assume
that in writing v. 33 Horace had in his mind the triumph of
Augustus in B. C. 29. But in any case the Epistle must have been
written after that date. Some critics have found grievous fault
with the tone which Horace here adopts. But it does not come
to much more than this, that a cynic's life is not necessarily the
best, and that modesty is the best policy : no very degrading
doctrine, if not ideally elevated.
1 — 5. / 'diill give you some advice, Scaeva, as yotir elders
tJioiigh I know yon do not need it.
1. consulis. Ep. I. 14, 6 (note).
2. tandem : Horkel's conjecture tcnucni is very ingenious,
and has been actually adopted by Meineke : but it is not neces-
sary.' No parallel seems to have been adduced for the use of
tandem in dependent questions : but there is no reason why it
should not be retained from the direct interrogation ; and
although it usually denotes some slight impatience on the part of
the speaker, this is often so slight as to be hardly perceptible.
uti 'to associate with' = xp^o'^a'.
3. docendus adhuc evidently goes with amiculns: it would
be quite superfluous, if referred to Scaeva. The diminutive has
the force of ' your humble friend '.
4. adspice, siquid: Roby § 1754, S. G. § 748.
5. cxaes — velis. For i\\e perf. inf. cp. A. P. 98, Sat. I. 2,
28, II. 3, 187; the construction is archaic and poetic, not in
Cicero or Caesar : Driiger, Hist. Synt. § 128.
6 — 12. Choose the line of life ivhich has most attractions for
yon. There is much to be said for a life of retirement, as well as
for one ofselfadvancemetit.
6. prirnam in horam: the client would have to be up and
out before sunrise, in order that he might greet his patron be-
Ek. I. Ep. XVIL] NOTES. 203
times : cp. Mart, iv, 8, i prima salutuntcs atqiic altera coiitcrit
hora.
8. laedit : most MSS. have lacdet, which is only a careless
assimilation to iubcho. — Ferentinum, a lonely place in the Herni-
can country, according to the Schol. Cruq. intinicipiuin viae Labi-
canae ad xhiii lapiJcni. The town is olten mentioned by Livy:
Horace evidently speaks of it as a proverbially quiet place,
although the extant remains show that it was a considerable
town. There is no mention of it in history after B.C. 21 1, so that
it may have been a decaying place in the time of Horace. It
must be distinguished both from an Etruscan town of the same
name (Tac. Hist. II. 50) which some however have supposed to
be intended here, and from the Fcrcntiiiac Incus (Liv. i. 50), ad
caput Fcreutiimm (Liv. II. 38) which was at Marino, near Alba
Longa. Cp. Diet. Geogr.
10. fefellit 'has passed unnoticed ' = XA7;^e;'. Cp. Ep. I.
18, 103. The word is used with an accusative of the person in
Carm. ill. 16, 32, and Epod. in. 7, without one in Liv. xxii. 33,
I speculator Carthagiuienshwi, qui per bicnnuim fe/ellcrat,
Jioviae deprchensiis, who often has it in both constructions : cp.
Fabri on Liv. XXI. 48, 5. Ovid's line (Trist. III. 4, 25) crede
viihi bene qui latuit, bene rixit has become ])roverbial : both
Horace and he seem to have borrowed the thought from the
saying ascribed to Epicurus \ade ^iwaas, criticized by Plutarch
in his treatise el KaXws dp-qrai to 'Kdde ^liLaas.
H. prodesse tuis: cp. v. 46, which can hardly however
have a direct reference to Scaeva, as Schiitz supposes,
12. • siccus, not quite, as in Ep. T. 19, 9, Carm. i. iS, 3, iv.
5, 39, Sat. II. 3, 281, 'sober', but rather 'hungry' as in Sat. II.
2, 14; cp./aucibus siccis of hungry wolves in Verg. Aen. Ii. 388.
Macleane's quotation of iirl ^rjpulac from Theocr. I. 51 is not
really parallel.
ad unctum: Comm. Cruq. explains 'pauper et tenuis ad
opulentum et locupletem', and this view has found much sup-
port. But it is very doubtful whether in any of the passages
where nnctus is applied to persons, it can have this force. On
the other hand unctnni is used several times for 'a rich meal' :
cp. A. P. 422, and Pers. VI. 16 eenare sine undo: so Ep. I. 15,
44 melitis et unctius. Hence it is better to take the word here
too as a neuter.
13 — 42. A life such as Aristippus led is pleasant and profitable
(13 — 22), fits a man for any position (23 — 32), a}td is no dis-
honour (33—42).
13. sl pranderet holus: %o prandere luscinias in Sat. Ii. 3,
204 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
■245 ; the story is told by Diog. Laert. II. 8, 68 napiovra irori
avTov (ApiaTLWTTov) Xaxo-va ir\vvu}v ALoyivT]^ l(TKU\f/e Kai (p-qalv,
€1 ravra Ifxades irpo<T<pipeadai, ovk dv Tvpdvvwv auXds eOepdireve?.
6 Sk Kal (TV, elirev, e'iirep ribus dvOpuiiroi^ onCKelv, ovk dv Xdxava
^irXvves. patienter 'contentedly', reglbus, the words of Diog.
Laert. show that we need not take this in the more general
meaning of 'the wealthy', as in Sat. I. 2, 86 : the reference is in
the first place to Dionysius the elder, at whose court Aristippus
spent some time (Lucian Paras. 33). Orelli thinks Ihat prandere
is used instead of cenare here, because holies was better suited to
the light dJjeihier than to the more substantial dinner; but cp.
Ep. II. 1, i68 emptiini caiat ho/iis, of one who is certainly not
poor. Besides it would weaken the point to say 'if you could
make your lighter meal off vegetables' : if the difference is to be
pressed, surely the main meal of the day ought to have been
mentioned. Ritter rather daringly suggests that the Greek is
incorrectly recorded by Diog. Laert. and that a pun may have
been intended: el dpiardirj ' ApidTLirrros Xdxafa /c.r.X. But the
aor. ind. is the right tense, not the pres. opt. Hence we must
be content with supposing that Aristippus passed Diogenes in
the morning, when the latter was washing vegetables for his
prandhim. The modern Italian /;'««(//<? or /rawit? is 'dinner'
as opposed to colazioiie 'breakfast', but the word seems never
to be used so in good Latin.
14. si sciret regibus uti : Orelli reminds us of the saying of
Epicurus (Diog. Laert. X. 121) koX [lovapxov ev Kaipc^ depaweujat,
TOV (T0<p6v.
15. utrius : Horace has illius always with the exception of
Sat. I. 10, 67, and so alterius, iitriiis, ntnitsqtie, ullius^ tmms
(but unhis in Carm. iv. 9, 390, mdliiis (but nitll'ms in v. 22, and
in I. I, 14). For Cicero's practice cp. De Orat. ill. 47, 183
(note).
18. eludebat 'parried': the reading illitdehat has little
authority and is unsuited to the passage, in which there is no
mockery.
19. milii 'for my own profit', hoc 'this conduct of mine',
not referring to the latter of the two alternatives, but to that
which is nearer to the thought of the speaker. Cp. Sat. II. 2,
29.
20. equus ut me portet : Bentley first showed clearly that
this goes with officium facio, not as previous editors had taken it
with est. The phrase was a proverbial one in Greek : I'ttttos fie
<j)epei, fiaaiXevs fxe rp^rpei: cp. Diogen. Paroem. V. 31, where it
is explained as the answer of a certain Corraeus in service under
Philip, when his mother begged him to ask for his discharge.
Bk. I. Ep. XVIL] NOTES. 205
21. offlcium facio : ' I pay my court ' : for officia in this sense
cp. Ep. I. 7, S (note).
villa, verum: this is the reading of the Schohast, supported
by all MSS. of any critical vahie, and is rightly adopted by the
best modern editors, as Kilter, Schiitz and Keller, JNlunro being
the only important exception : villa rcnim might be dcfendetl
by fida 1-cium Sat. II. 8, S3, vatia rcritin Sat. 11. 2, 25, ahdita
n-niin A. P. 49, amara curariiDi Carm. IV. 12, 19 etc.: cp.
Munro on Lucr. I. ^if^ strata viariiin. But on the other hand
Horace is fond of ending a line with vcrum : cp. Sat. l. 2, 92,
Ep. I. I, 80, II. 2, 70 (where some MSS. have reriim, as here,
against the sense), 106, A. P. 303: hence there is no reason for
departing from the great preponderance of aiUhority. The best
INISS. have simply verttin ; some have verum cs, which is more
likely to be a grammatical correction, and this is a case where
the harder reading is to be preferred. The construction appa-
rently is 'tu poscis villa, verum poscis dante minor', i.e. but in
making your demand you place yourself in a position of infe-
riority to the bestower.
22. fers 'you boast': Verg. Aen. v. 373 qui se Bchrycia
vzniens de gcntefercbat.
nulUus is masculine: nentinis occurs in Plant. Capt. 761
(Brix), but fell out of use before the time of Cicero.
23. color: 'form of life': Sat. Ii. i, 60 quisqiiis crit vitac
color.
24. temptantem 'aiming at', praesentibus aequum : cp.
Carm. III. 29, 33 quod adest, memento componcre aeqiais. prae-
sentibus appears to be the dative of the neuter plural, 'equal to
the circumstances of the moment'; although Klotz {Diet.) takes
it as ablative, and some translators follow him, rendering 'con-
tent with his present lot'. But is there any parallel to this use
of acquits? The commentators as a rule ignore the difficulty.
fere Ep. i. 6, 9 (note). Diog. Laert. 11. 8, 66, says of Aristippus
7)v LKavo'i apixoaaadai. kol tott^j kuI xP^"V ^^^ irpocTunn^ xai naacLv
iripiffTaaiv dpfxoblw^ inroKplvaadai.' oib Kal trapa Aiovvaicf) twv
aXKwv evSoKi/j-iL p,a.Wov del to vpoaireabv tv diaTLde/xevos.
25. duplici panno, the diirXois of the Cynics, a large cloak
(al'olla) also called rpi^wv, worn doubled to serve at once as a
XiTciv (tiiiiiea) and x\ap.v% (gallium). Cp. Mayor on Juv. III.
115 audi /acinus maioris ahollae: Diog. Laert. VI. 22 rplSuva
SnrXuaas TrptSroj, Kara rivas ota t6 dvdyKriv ^x^'-" '^^■^ eveudeii'
avTu}, irripav re iKOfxiaaTo. Hence Diogenes is called by Cercidas
(Diog. Laert. Vi. 76) 6 ^aKxpocpSpas, onrXoei/xaTos, aitiepijidcrKas.
The words of Diog. Laert. make it plain that we must under-
stand duplici literally, not, as some have taken it, 'coarse'.
2o6 HO RATI E FISTULA E.
paiino 'rag', paKos, is used contemptuously. patientia =
Kaprepia 'endurance', like fatienit:)' a.hove.
27. alter sc. Aristippus. Cp. Diog. L. II. 8, 67 5l6 irore
"ZTpwruva, ot 5k HXaruva irpbs avrov eiirecv col /jlovu) dedorai /cat
X^O'Pvda (popeiv Kal pet/cos. Plut. de fort, et virt. Alex. i. 8
'AplaTiirwov Oavfxd^ovffL tov ^wKpaTLKOv, otl Kal rpl^uvi Xtro; kol
^iiK-qdlq, "xXaixvdt, xpw^e''OS 6t ap.<f)0Tip03v ir'fjpei. to eilaxVI-^ov.
29. non inconcinnus 'not disagreeably': cp. Sat. i. 3, 50;
Ep. I. 18, 6.
utramque i.e. of the richly dressed man, or of the ill-clad
one.
30. Mileti: for the purples of Miletus cp. Verg. Georg. in.
306 qiiainvis Alilcsia viagno vcllera intite7ttur Tyrias incocta
coloi-es. As a rule it is the wool of Miletus, not its dye, which
is celebrated: cp. Ar. Lys. 729, Ran. 541, Theocr. xv. 125
etc.
cane et angui: Priscian quotes this line as a proof that
Horace used angui as the ablative; but Keller says that all the
best MSS. have angiie. The dog and the snake were both
regarded as animals of evil omen : cp. Ter. Phorm. 705 monstra
evcncruiit mihi : iiiti'oiit in aedis ater aliemis canis, anguis in
inipluviiim decidit de tegulis. Plaut. Merc. IV. 4, 21 (uxorem)
dixeras te odisse aeqiie atqiie anguis. There is not likely to be
any reference to KvfiKos, as Schiitz supposes, peius vitabit is a
less natural expression than peius timet of Carm. IV. 9, 50.
The scholiasts tell a story, which perhaps has no other basis
than the words of Horace in the text: aiunt Aristipptim, invi-
tato Diogene ad balnea dedisse operant tit omnes prius egrede-
rentur, ipsiusqite pallium induisse, cique reliqtdsse pmpU7'eum ;
quod Diogenes indiiere cum nollet, suum 7-epetiit. Ttim Ari-
stippus inerepavit Cynicum faviae scrvientem, qui algere mallet
quam conspici i7i veste purpurea. Serenus in Stob. Flor. V. 46
tells a better story of Aristippus and Plato : Atowcrios 'ApicrrLir-
TTOV Hireidev dwodi/uLevov tov Tplj3wva wopcpvpovv IfxdTLov TrepcjBa-
XeaOai, Kal ireLadeh eKelvo's to, aura Kal YlXaTuva TVOLelv ij^iov. 6
Sk 'i(pri '■ ovK dv 5vval/J.T]v drfKvv evSvvai. CToXrjv.' Kal '' kpiffTLWiroV
Tod auTov, i<pr), iffrl Trocrjrov' ' Kal yap ev l3aKxevp.aaLv over 7? ye
adKppuv ov OLaipOaprjcrerai'. The quotations are from Euripides
Bacchae 836, and 317 — 8.
33. res gerere: there may well be a general reference here
to the successes of Augustus, but there is probably no direct
allusion to his triumph of B.C. 29.
34. caelestia temptat, i.e. -is the way to scale the sky.
Bk. I. Ep. XVII.] NOTES. 207
Cp. Carm. III. 2, -2 1 virtus rcchiiicns iinvicritis iiiori caelum
negata te7nptat iter via.
36. non cuivis etc. ' it is not the lot of every one to be
able to visit Corinth': i.e. every one has not the means to
indulge in the pleasures provided so abundantly, but at so higli
a price, at Corinth. According to the testimony of Gellius
(r. 8, 4), Strabo (viti. 6, 20), the scholiasts here, and the Greek
paroemiographi, the proverb oi) ■komto's dvdpbs is Kdpivdov ^cd' 6
irXovi originated in the exorbitant demands made by Lais and
other notorious courtesans of the place, on those wlio sought
their favours. But the context shows that this origin had been
almost if not entirely forgotten, or Horace could not have \ised
it thus of the prizes due to preeminent virtue. Still less can
there be any reference, as Erasmus after Suidas thought, to the
dangerous entrance to the harbour. The old notion that cofi-
tingere was only used of good fortune has long been discarded.
Cp. note on Cic. Cat. i. 7, 16, Mayor on Phil. 11. 7, 17, Reid on
Lael. 2, 8.
37. sedit ' renounces the attempt'; like KaOrjaOai of remain-
ing inactive. Cp. Ter. Ad. 672 an sec/ere oportuit doml tain
grandem viigitie/n, where Donatus remarks ^ sedere prcprie
ignavae cessationis est': Verg. Georg. lil. 455 7neliora deos
sedet otnina poscens. Cic. Sest. 15, ■3,^isdem considibus sedentibus
(Holden). Mr Reid thinks however that the contrast with
pervenit requires that sedit should have rather the meaning
' takes a low place ' : a force common enough in the literal sense,
as in Lucret. v. 474 depressa sederent. The perfects are
' gnomic ', as in Ep. I. 2, 48 (note), A. P. 343.
non succederet, impersonally 'things should not go well
with him' : as in Ter. Andr. 670 hac non successit ; alia adgi-e-
diemur via. Sometimes succedo is used with 7'es, or inceptum, as
the subject, but apparently never like our 'succeed'" with a
person as the nominative. For this, proccdere may be used, e.g.
Sail. Cat. I.
esto ' very good' : cp. Ep. i. 81 (note).
38. fecitne = noniie fecit, as so often in Plautus and
Terence. So jnetninistine in Cic. Cat. I. 3, 7.
39. hie, i.e. in the answer which we give to this question.
quod quaerimus: cp. Reid on Cic. Lael. 18, 65, de Fin. iii.
8, 29, V. 12, 34.
42. experiens 'enterprising': Cic. pro Cluent. 8. 23, A.
Aurius vir fortis et experiens : in Verr. III. 21, 53 homo ttavus
et indtistritts, experientissimtis \ac diligentissimus\ arator.
2o8 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
recte petit ' is right in seeking '.
43 — 62. One icho is payin;^ court to a great man should
abstain from (i) direct Ocggifig (43 — 51), and more indirect
attempts to extract money (52 — 62), or real cazises of complaint
•will not meet with attention.
43. sua has far less authority than suo ; but Bentley and
Lachmann (Lucret. p. 238) seem right in preferring the former.
Keller and Schiitz think an epithet is more required with rege,
used in the transferred sense of 'patron', than •with, paiipertate,
which can stand alone, the limitation, which of course is neces-
sary, being then supplied by the context. Cp. Plaut. Stich.
454 tarn confuio, giiam potis, meum me optcntiiriim regent ridi-
culis logis. But it is certainly more pointed to say 'those who
say nothing before a patron of their own poverty': and the
great probability that sua would be assimilated to rege by tran-
scribers, influenced, it may be, by the caesura, outweighs in
this case the MS. evidence.
45. atqui etc. 'but this was the main point, this the source
of your conduct': erat not, as Macleane, 'this is the point I
was coming to'; but 'the point which we had in view', in vv.
II, 12, viz. to get as much as possible out of your patron.
46. indotata: to allow a sister to marry without a proper
dowry, was regarded as a great disgrace : cp. Plaut. Trin. 681;
ne mi hanc famam differant, me germanani meain sororem in
conciihinatum tibi si sine dote dem, dcdisse magis qiiam in matri-
monium. qius me improbior pcrhibeatiir esse? haec Jamigeratio
te honestet, me conlutulentet, si sine dote duxeris.
47. nec vendibilis 'not saleable' i.e. I can find no pur-
chaser for it : there is no need to suppose, with some editors,
that there was any legal obstacle to the sale.
pascere firmus : another of Horace's favourite infinitives
after an adjective: cp. Ep. I. 15, 30 (note), firmzis =' safe \
'trustworthy '.
48. succinit 'chimes in', like another of a troop of beggars,
joining in the cry.
49. 'et mihi!' It is best with Porphyrion, Keller, Schiitz
and Kriiger to take these words alone, as the cry of the second
beggar. Otherwise the future flndetur must be explained as
equivalent to an imperative, w-hich is too strong even for the
mendici impudentia, which Orelli finds here. Translate 'the
cake will be divided, and the gift parted between you'. Horace
means ' if you beg so shamelessly, you will attract the attention
of others, and so you will have to share with them, what other-
wise you might have kept all to yourself.
Bk. I. Ep. XVIL] NOTES. 20^
quadra, not, I think, 'the morsel', but as in Verg. Aen. vii.
ii5:,cp. Mayor on Juv. v. 2 and Athen. ill. p. 114 c (quoted
there) a/)Tous...ous 'Paj^ai^ot Kodparovs \iyovcnv.
60. conms : the reference cannot be to the familiar fable of
the crow and the fox (Phaedr. I. 13, Babr. I.xxvii), as Schiitz
thinks : in that there is no rixa, no invidia. Horace must
either have had an inaccurate remembrance of the story, or have
been thinking of quite a different one, in which the crow by the
noise which it made over some booty which it had discovered
attracted others to claim a share in it.
52. Bnindisium might be visited by the patron for busi-
ness or on state-affairs, as by Maecenas : cp. Sat. I. 5. Sur-
rentxim for pleasure: it was especially famous for its mild and
salubrious climate, Stat. Silv. II. 2, Sil. Ilal. V. 466 Zcphyro
Surrentiim inolle sahtbri.
53. B2iLQ'\ir2i% = asperitaies i/ineris Acxon. So used by Mart.
IX. 58, 5 gtiae Flaminiafu secant salebrae. The roads to Brun-
disium and Surrentum were among the best in Italy.
55. refert 'repeats' i.e. imitates: cp. Ep. i. 18, 62, Tac.
Ann. I. 26 casdcm artes Dnisum rettulisse : Cic. Cluent. 31, 86
ie illud idem... nunc rettulisse demiror,
catellam, evidently here a diminutive of catena, not of
catulus, as some have taken it; comparing Mart. I. no; III. 82,
19; XIV. 198, Prop. III. (IV.) 3, 55, Juv. VI. 654. The chain
is a more natural accompaniment of the feriscclis than the
favourite dog, and besides can be more easily replaced by the
lover's generosity, which is to be awakened by the complaint.
5S. trivlis, chosen by the impostor as the scene of his acci-
dent, because there would there be most passers-by.
59. planum: a Greek word (cp. Ev. Matth. xxvii. 63
iKeivos 0 trXdvoi etitev in '^^v), used also by Cic. Cluent. 26, 72
Hie planus improbissiiniis. It is better to have a full stop after
planum, rather than a comma, as some editors have.
60. dicat: an asyndeton: 'though he says'. Osirim: the
worship of the Egyptian deities was at this time much on the
increase at Rome, so that Augustus (Dio Cass. Liii. 2) did not
allow their rites within the city. Cp. Boissier Religion Romaine
I. 334 ff., Marquardt Handb. III. 71. The people looked upon
them with great awe (Val. Max. i. 3, 3); and hence the oath
of the impostor. To suppose, as most editors do, that the
man was himself an Egyptian, and swore by his country's
deities, would be to assume that his distress was not only in
this instance genuine, but also bore the evident stamp of
genuineness.
W. H. 14
210 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
61. tollere; A. P. 460.
62. peregrinunx : i.e. one who does not know your tricks.
rauca: Porph. says 'ad ravim', i.e. 'till they are hoarse',
which has found much support. But it is not easy to see why
the neighbours should bawl so long at the impostor, as to ruin
their voices over him. The word more probably denotes only
the harsh dissonant cries of the mocking crowd.
EPISTLE XVIII.
This epistle is in some MSS. and by the scholiasts taken as a
continuation of the preceding one, and the latter even speak of
'Lollius Scaeva'. I'he only justification for this is that at first
sight the main theme, the manner in which an inferior should
associate with a superior in rank and wealth, appears to be the
same in both. But a little consideration shows that the position
of Lollius is very different from that of Scaeva. The latter is
evidently of narrow means, and probably of humble origin : his
object in courting a patron is to obtain a decent livelihood : the
former is in possession of an ancestral estate (v. 60) with a lake
on it large enough to be made the scene of a sham sea-fight,
represented by two fleets of boats manned by numerous slaves.
The date is fixed by vv. 55 — 57 to B.C. 20: it is therefore ex-
ceedingly improbable that the epistle was addressed, as the
scholiasts say and as Ritter believes, to the Lollius who was
consul in B.C. 21 (Ep. I. 20, 28) : but it may probably have been
addressed to his son. Lollia Paulina the wife of Caligula, was
the daughter of M. Lollius consularis according to Tac. Ann.
XII. I. Pliny N. H. IX. 35, 118 speaks of her as the grand-
daughter of the consul of B.C. 21. This latter statement is quite
in harmony with chronology, for she was married to Caligula,
her second husband in A. D. 38, and in A. D. 49 was put forward
as a candidate for the hand of Claudius : hence she can hardly
have been born before A. D. 10. The account given by Tacitus
is reconcileable with that of Pliny only on the assumption that
the son of M. Lollius the consul of B.C. 21 was himself <r<7«j«/
siiffcchis, though his name does not appear in the Fasti, and
hence we cannot determine the date. If the reading maxime is
right in Ep. II. i, the father of Lollius must have been the man
to whom the two epistles were addressed ; for it was the custom
of the eldest son to bear his father's praenomen. If we read there
Alaxime, the identification remains probable, although there is
not the same evidence for it.
Bentley on v. 37 assumes that the powerful friend whom
Lollius courted was Tiberius : but if this had been the case, it is
Bk. I. Ep. XVIII.] NOTES. 211
hard to suppose that there would have been no reference in
vv, 55 — 57 to the fact that Tiberius was in the East at the same
time as Augustus. Besides, the elder Lollius was a bitter enemy
of Tiberius (Suet. Tib. xii.; Tac. Ann. iii. 48). Kitter thinks
that the epitliets vencrandus (v. 73) 3.nA fotens (v. 86) prove that
it must have been some member of the imperial house, and that
Tiberius and Agrippa are both excluded by the fact that they
were absent at this time from Rome, while Augustus is plainly
not intended : hence he assumes that Claudius Drusus, the younger
brother of Tiberius, at this time 18 years of age, must be referred
to. It is better to leave the question undetermined.
The tone of the epistle has been severely censured by some
editors : e.g. by Macleane. But the key to it seems to be found
in the epithet liberrime of v. i. This means more than 'of an
ingenuous disposition', as Macleane renders it. Taken in con-
nexion with v. 5 ff., it plainly denotes an outspoken frankness, in
danger of passing into offensive rudeness. Horace blames in the
most explicit language all unworthy servility, and points out the
dangers and vexations of a court-life very frankly. But seeing
that his young friend is embarked upon it, he gives him the
advice which his temperament seemed most to require. That a
man who is thrown into the society of one superior to himself in
social station should not offend him by persistently obtruding his
own opinions on matters of trifling importance, by displaying his
own vices and follies, by prying into secrets, and betraying them,
by finding fault with his friend's tastes and pursuits, by incon-
tinent loquacity, and by introducing to him unworthy acquain-
tances, is surely nothing ' very degrading ' and is far removed from
refined servility.
1 — 9. A true frietid, Lollius, 'will not stoop to play, the
parasite : but it is almost a luorse fault, if he becomes boorish and
rude. Virtue lies in the mean.
2. Bcurrantis Ep. i. 17, 19 : speciem Ep. ir. 2, 124, pro-
fessus sc. te : in Carm. I. 35, 22 nee comitem abnegat the con-
struction is doubtful : some understanding se (in which case it
would be parallel to this passage), others te, others again tibi.
Cp. Page, Ritter (or Schlitz), and Wickham ad loc. Perhaps
however we may take amicum as directly governed by professus,
like agere amicum, mentiri iuvenem (Mart. iii. 43, i).
3. meretrlci : the long vowel in the second syllable is very
rare: but this passage shows that Roby i. 94 (note), S. G. p. 16
(note) is not right in saying that it is never found.
4. discolor : prostitutes were required to wear a dark toga,
women divorced for adultery a white one, while matrons of good
character wore the white stola (Comm. Cruq. on Sat. I. 2, 63 :
14 — 2
212 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
cp. Juv. II. 68, Mart. II. 39, vi. 64, 4; Becker Gallus III. 64-5):
and some have found a reference to that practice here. But it is
more probable that discolor is used as in Pers. V. 32 Mille ho'
mmtim species et rertun discolor iisiis, merely for 'different'. Cp.
viiae color in Ep. i. 17, •23, Sat. 11. i, 60.
distabit with dative as in Carm. iv. 9, 29 paiilum sepultae.
distat inertiae celata virttis : these instances show what the con-
struction is in Ep. I. 7, 23; II. I, 72. So the dative follows
dissidens in Carm. II. 2, 18; diffei't in Sat. I. 4, 48, A. P. 236:
discrcfat Carm. I. 27, 5; Sat. I. 6, 92, II. 3, 108; Ep. II. 2,
193; A. P. 152,219. Some of these cases might be explained as
ablatives, but others cannot, and none need be so taken.
5. diversum etc. Translate 'the opposite to this fault is
almost a greater fault'.
6. inconcinna: Ep. i. 17, 29.
7. commendat, not for coninicndare vidt, but with a certain
irony.
tonsa cute 'with hair clipped to the skin', the sign of an un-
skilful barber, as intonsiiin was of one who put on old-fashioned
ways. There is no need to change the reading here to quae ctite
se intonsa commendat, as Doederlein suggests. But strictly
speaking toiidere was used of cutting short per pectine»i ' over a
comb' (cp. Plaut. Capt. 265) and radere of shaving close (cp.
Mart. II. 27, 5 11071 tondd, inqitam, quid igitur facit? radit). In
Mart. XI. II, 3 the ionsus minister is opposed to the comatiis
afterwards in fashion: so in x. 98, 8 we ha.ve praesta de grege
sordidaqiie villa tonsos horridulos...filios sitbidci. Cp. Conington
or Jahn on Pers. III. 54, where detonsa inventus is the term ap-
plied to students of Stoicism.
8. dici mera : the reading before Bentley was viera did:
but it is very inelegant to have the fourth foot composed of a
single word, and that a spondee. The rhythm however is not
uncommon in Lucretius, and occurs at least once in Vergil Aen.
VII. 625, where there is a pause after the pyrrhich. dum volt:
cp. Ep. I. 19, 16.
9. medium ( = /j.iaov tl) vitiorum: cp. Aristotle's definition,
Eth. Nic. II. 6. IffTLP Tj dpeTTJ e^is TrpoaipeTiKr;, ev neabTftTi. ovcra
rfi TTpbs r;|Uas.../xeo"6r7js Sk 8vo KaKiHv, ttJs ixkv Kad' vvep^oKriv rrjs
Si Kar' ^WeLt^iv. So Cic. de Off. I. 25, 89 nunquaf/i enim
iratns qui acccdet ad poenam mediocritatoii illam tejicbit, quae est
inter nimiuin et parum, quae placet Peripatcticis: cp. Brut. 40,
149; Carm. II. 10, 5 aurcam mediocritateui.
10 — 20. One ijian obsequiously catches up his patron^ s words,
tvhile another ivrangles about the merest trifles.
Bk. I. Ep. XVIII.] NOTES. 213
10. iml lectl : the table in a Roman dining-room had couches
on three sides of it : the iiniis lecius was tlie couch on tlie left-hand
of one standing on the fourth side, and looking towartls the table.
This couch was generally assigned to the scurrae, if there were
any in the party: in Sat. ii. 8 it is occupied by the host with a
scurra on eitiier hand. The derisor, while flouting at others
would be servile towards the patron: Porphyrion takes it as
'eorum derisor qui in imo lecto accumbunt', a man who jeers at
fhe humbler guests: but this is not likely to be right. Nor is
Schiitz right in taking imi Iccti as an attribute to alter. It is
perhaps not necessary with Kriiger to suppose ut omitted, as in
Ep. I. 2, 42; 6, (>i: the first man is not compared to but is a
derisor, whose place is on the lowest couch.
12. tollit: i.e. he calls attention to words that drop from
his patron's lips, and might otherwise pass unnoticed. Cp. A. P.
368.
14. reddere : cp. Cic. de Nat. Deor. I. 26, 72 ista a vobis
quasi dictata redditntur : Ep. I. i, 55. The dative magistro
seems to depend upon reddere, not on dictata.
partis secundas: in the mimes the role of the actor who
played the second part seems to have been to follow the lead of
the chief actor, and to imitate him in word and gesture, with
perhaps something of caricature. Suetonius (Calig. LVII. ) tells
a curious story : ctim in Laureolo mi/no [Mayor on Juv. viil. 187]
in quo actor proripiens se riiina sangidnem vomit, plnres secun-
darum ceriatiin experiment lun artis darent, cruore scaena abim-
davit.
- 15. rizatur. The difficulty of this passage seems to me to
have been exaggerated by many commentators, who propose all
kinds of emendations. Keller e. g. takes objection to the asyn-
deton between rixatnrTinA propHgnat,to the obscure construction
of nugis between propugnat and armatiis, to the late Latinity
of the construction of propiignare with the dative, and to the
meaning 'furious' which he thinks must be attached to annattts.
None of these seem to me serious difficulties. Asyndeton is by
no means unexampled in Horace ; nttgis is clearly connected by
the context vi'iih. propugnat ; the construction of propugnat with
the dative is perfectly natural, even if it does not actually occur
in any good writer ; and armatus here has its usual sense. The
rendering 'takes up arms and fights in defence of trifles' is quite
legitimate and appropriate. Muretus removed the asyndeton by
reading rixator (accepted by Keller and Kriiger), but this is not
found before Quintilian (xi. I. 29). The vet. Bland has rixatus,
for which, as Bentley also pointed out, rixans would certainly
have been required. Bentley's own correction, to read caprina
ct is clumsy. Ribbeck ingeniously but needlessly reads animatus
214 HORATI EPISTULAE.
foi armattis, comparing Accius V. 308 ed. Ribb. ut nitnc^ cum
atiimatns iero, sails armatus sunt. Schiitz takes proptignat
absolutely, and joins migis armatus: 'he maintains his own
view, with no other weapons than nonsense', which seems very
harsh. The conjecture of Withof, which Keller approves, pro
pugno 'instead of a fist' is perhaps the worst that has been
suggested,
de lana caprina: most commentators take this as a pro-
verbial expression for something non-existent, and quote as
parallel Lucian Hermotim. § 71 (p. 818) irdfTes, cjs Sttos elireiv,
TTfpl 6vov ffKids fxaxovTai ol (pi\oao(povvTes. Surely an ass has a
shadow! (Cp. Ar. Vesp. 191, where the scholiast explains the
origin of the proverb.) Porphyrion shows better judgment: 'de
villo ut quidam dicunt, caprorum, pilos non setam dicens esse,
sed lanam'. He is ready to come to blows on the question
whether goats' hair, used for weaving into cloth {cilicmm: Cp.
commentators on Acts xviii. 3, or Farrar's Saint Paid I. 23), is
properly to be called wool or not. According to the Roman
jurists It was. Cp. Heumann Handlex. s. v. In Ar. Ran. 186
however we have es oVou Tro^as as equivalent to Utopia : cp.
the commentators there. For rixa of an interchange of blows
cp. Tac. Hist. I. 64 iurgia primiim, niox rixa: Cic. de Oral.
II. 59, 240 (note), Mayor on Juv. xv. 52; ill. 288.
16. scilicet ut ' to think that ' : Horace is fond of this phrase,
using it five times in the Epistles, but nowhere quite in this
sense. Cp. Sat. 11. 5. 18 titne tegam spiirco Daniac latusl But
perhaps, as scilicet is very rare in interrogative sentences, we
should read scilicet : ut, i.e. ' to be sure ! the notion that &c '.
17. non sit mihi prima fides ' I should not be believed
before every one else', vere, with placet, not with elatrem,
which is already provided with acriter.
18. sordet: Ep. I. 11,4. Ritter and others put a comma at
elatrem, not a note of interrogation, thinking that itt non sit
and 7it non elatrem both depend on sordet, in the sense of 'on
the condition that ', but this is very awkward. The abruptness
of the text is much more pointed. ' I would not care to have
my life over again at that price'.
19. Docilis has much more authority than any other form,
is recognized by the scholiast, and is found elsewhere as the
name of a freedman. Dolichos ' Long ' would be suitable enough
as the name of a gladiator, if it had more authority. The old
commentators were divided in opinion, according to Porphyrion,
as to whether Castor and Docilis were actors or gladiators ; but
as they seem to be matched, the latter is the more probable.
Bk. I. Ep. XVIIL] NOTES. 215
20. Mlnucl via: this road is mentioned again in Cic. ad
Att. IX. 6 : cohortcsqiie sex, quae Albae fuisscnt, ad Curium
Miniicia transissc. Now by comparing Cacs. B. C. I. ■24, where
the same fact is mentioned, with c. 15 of the same book, it is
clear that the cohorts were not at Alba Longa, but at Alba on
the Fucine Lake. Hence Macleane has quite a wrong conception
of this road when he speaks o-f it as running between the via
Latina and the via Appia, about half-way l)etween Tusculum
and Aricia. Indeed a glance at the map will show that there is
no room for a high road between the via Latina, which runs
along one side of the Mons Alhanus and the via Appia, which
passes under the other. The via Miniicia must therefore have
been either another name for the via Valeria, which led through
Tibur to Alba and Corfinium, and so on to the sea at Aternum,
or perhaps more probably for a part of it. From Strabo [v\.
p. 283) we learn that there were two roads from Beneventum to
Brundisium, one, the Appian road, passing through Tarentum,
and better adapted for carriages, the other adapted only for
mules, passing through Herdoniai, Canusium and Egnatia. The
latter was that taken by Maecenas and his suite on the journey
described by Horace in Sat. I. 5. Mr Bunbury (Diet. Geog. II.
1282a) thinks it 'not improbable' that this was the Via Minucia:
Schiitz (on Hon Sat. i. 5, 77) states the same view positively;
Prof. Palmer suggests that the road from Beneventum to Canu-
sium was a cross-road connecting the two great roads. This
last view is the only one which I can reconcile with the words
of Cicero taken in connexion with Caesar's account. The nature
of the country does not admit of a road straight from Alba to
Beneventum, and there is no indication of such a road in the
Itineraries. The statement of some editors that the Via Minucia
was constructed by Ti. Minucius the consul of B.C. 305 (Liv.
IX. 44) seems to rest on no authority, and is withdrawn by Orelli
in his later editions.
21 — 36. A rich friend will not tolerate vice, gambling, vanity,
or ostentation in one beneath him, even though he is by no fneatis
free from faults himself; and the wish to i?take a shozo may lead
to ruin.
21. damnosa: 'ruinous', 'partim ut Ep. II. i, 107 damnosa
libido, quia amicae amatores emungunt, partim quia corpus ipsum
enervant. Ov. ex Pont. I. 10, 33 vires adimit Vc7ieris damnosa,
vohiptas ' Or.
praeceps 'fatal'. Pers- v. 57: hunc alca decoquit, ill e in
Venerem putris.
22. gloria 'vanity': /cfroSo^i'a, which leads a man to spend
too much on dress and perfumes.
?i6 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
23. argehti : if this be taken as denoting money, there is
tautology in the next line ; besides the character here described
is one who is reproved not for greed of money, but for wishing
to make as much display as a far richer man. Hence Schiitz
takes argcntitm as 'plate', as in Ep. I. 6, 17; 16, 76; 11. 2, 181 ;
Carm. iv. i r, 6, Sat. i. 4, 28. fuga (v. 24) is then the attempt to
iavoid a reputation for poverty, rather than poverly itself. But it
is difficult to resist the force of the parallel auri sacra fames and
the like, which point to the the meaning * money '.
Importuna 'insatiate': op. Palmer on Sat. II. 5, 96.
25. decern vitiis instructior cannot be ' furnished with ten
times as many defects' as iNIacleane and others translate: decern
is merely a definite number chosen for the sake of vividness,
instead of the indefinite 'many', as we might use 'a dozen'.
Orelli well compares Plant. Merc. 345 (Goetz) ita anwii clecem
in pectore incerti ccriant. Cp. A. P. 365. The ablative vj that
of measure after a comparative.
26. regit 'schools him'.
28. prope vera ' pretty nearly true'. Ep. I. 6, r. conten-
dere = certare of v. 31.
30. arta — toga 'a toga of little breadth'. The toga seems
unquestionably to have been of an oval form [cp. Rein in Becker's
Gallus'' III. 143], but folded, as a rule, along the greater axis
of the ellipse. Hence in wearing it the breadth would be mea-
sured from the shoulders downwards; and a toga, if too broad,
would be either inclined to trail, or would be necessarily arranged
in too elaborate folds. In Epod. iv. 8 Horace speaks of an
ostentatious fellow Sacrain metiente viam cum bis triiim ulna'
rum toga. Orelli is quite right in explaining this as ' toga quae
propter longitudinem ad imos talos demissa meiiatitr viam, id
est, earn semper tangat et radat', although Macleane, from not
understanding the way in which a toga was arranged, rejects
this view. For Sat. li. 3, 183 cp. Palmer's note ad loc.
coinitera = c/iente;/i. There is no reference to a journey.
31. Eutrapelus, a name given to P. Volumnius, a Roman
knight, to whom Cicero addressed two of the letters in his col-
lection ad Familiares (vii. 32, and 33), on account of his polished
wit. Cp. Ar. Rhet. 11. 12, 16 /cot (piXoy^XicTes [oi v^oi.]' 816 Kal
evrpaTreXoi' 77 yap evrpuTreMa ireiraibevixiviq vj3pis ecxriv. From
Eth. Nic. II. 7, 13 and iv. 8, 10, it is seen that evrpaireXia was
regarded by him as the just mean between j3u}/j,o\oxlo- ' buf-
foonery' and dypoLKia, the ' boorishness ' which is deficient as
regards to i?5i) t6 iv TraidLo.. There is a very interesting discussion
Bk. I. Ep. XVIIL] NOTES. 217
of the history of the word, and the stages hy whicli it reaches
the bad meaning found in Eph. v. 4 [\x-i\hk dvo/xai^tjOu} iv v/xiv...
/MuipoXoyia i] einpaireXia ['jesting' R. ^^], to, ovk duiJKOi'Ta) in
Trench's Synonyms p. i iS f. He adds justly ' there is certainly
nothing particularly amiable in the story which Horace here
tells '.
cuicumque = si citi.
32. beatus etc. ' haec cogitabat vel diccre solebat Eutrapelus'
Schol.
34. Inlucem: cp. Ep. i. 17, 6.
lionestum officium, not, I think, as in Ep. i. 17, 21, of the
attentions due to his patron, though some good editors take it
so, but more generally.
35. nuinmos alienos pascet 'he will let his debts grow',
especially by the dvaTOfi.icr/j.oi, by which the interest due was
added to the principal, as often now by usurers renewing bills.
ad imuin, 'finally', a rare use of the phrase, for which ad
extremiim and ad postremiiin are more usual. In A. P. 126 ad
imum — ^Xo the last '.
36. Thraex erit, i.e. he will turn gladiator, the last resource
of the fast young Roman nobleman: cp. Juv. xi. i — 23. Tliraex
seems the best form to adopt here, although found in only one
or two good MSS. But Orelli's canon, that Tliracx or Threx
is the form used in Latin to denote a kind of gladiator, Tlvax
for a Thracian, does not hold good always.
37 — 38. Do not be inqtiisilivc, but keep secrets entrusted to yoii.
37. illius : the old reading was tdlhis, which Bentley first
rejected as out of place here; it is evidently only due to a false
assimilation to ^tnquani. But the preponderance of MS. au-
thority for nllins is so great that Keller thinks it must have been
an error in the archetype. Illius refers to the/c/tvw (v. 44) and
ve7ierandus (v. 73) amicus, whoever he may have been, who
appears as ille in v. 40. The counsel here given is nearly iden-
tical with that of vv. 62 — 71; and it comes in with a certain
abruptness after what has been said of the extravagant and
self-indulgent dependent. Hence Lehrs places vv. 72 — 75 imme-
diately after v. 36, a course which makes the connexion more
natural, and supplies in domimis a natural reference for illius.
Schiitz, accepting this transposition, further places vv. 69—71
after v. 38, and thereby brings v. 68 into very suitable juxta-
position with V. 76. Tiiere can be no doubt, I think, that this
greatly improves the sequence of the thought, and in a writer
2i8 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
like Lucretius might be accepted with little hesitation. Whether
it is legitimate in Horace is a question which depends upon the
view taken of the general soundness of the traditional text.
38. tortus: cp. Carm. in. 21, 13 tu [so. merum] lene tor-
menium ingenio adinoves pier unique duro: A. P. 435 torquere
mero.
ira : surely the irritation felt by LoUius, if ever his patron
treated him with harshness or injustice, though some take it of
angry threats used by those who wish to learn the secret.
39 — 66. Do 7iot obtrude your (Twn pursuits, or disparage and
avoid those of your patron. You are well able to distinguish
yourself in hunting or the games.
39. aliena, here those of the patron.
41. AmpMonis. Euripides in his Antiope introduced Am-
phion and Zethus the two sons of Antiope as at variance on the
value of music, and in an extant fragment (188 Dind.) Zethus
remonstrates with his brother: d\X' i^^.ol ttlOov' iravcraL fieXujSu'P,
iroXeixiojv ■ S^ evfj-ovalav dcr/cft" roiavr' duSe koL do^eis (pOovelv,
aKaiTTuiv, dpuiv y^jv, ttoijxvlol's eTriaTaT(2i>, dXXois rd KOfj.\pd ravT^
a(pds cro0icr/iara, e'^ cSj/ Ktvolcnv eyKaroiK-qcreis dofiois. The story
was familiar to Roman readers from the Antiopa of Pacuvius,
perhaps the most famous and admired of his plays (cp. Sellar's
Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 136, Ribbeck's Romische
Trag'ddie, pp. 281 — 301) : Cicero speaks of Zethus in Pacuvius
as almost declaring war upon philosophy (de Orat. II. 37, 155),
and of Amphion 'qui, vituperata musica, sapientiam laudet'
(de Inv. I. 50, 94: cp. ad Hereon. II. 27, 43, de Rep. I. 18,
30). Ritter points out that in works of art Zethus is sometimes
represented as a shepherd, sometimes as a hunter.
gratia— dissiluit ' the friendship was severed '.
42. suspecta, as leading to effeminacy, severo : Prop. iv.
(ill.) 15, 29 et durufn Zethum et laxj'imis Amphiona mollem.
46. Aetolis, a 'literary' epithet, recalling the famous Caly-
donian hunt. For the significance of such epithets cp. Sellar's
Vergil, p. 235 f. The reading Acoliis first suggested as a
conjecture by Ulitius (Vliet), has since been found in an inferior
MS., and has been adopted by Meineke and other good editors.
It is explained as a reference to the very fine but strong nets
made of the flax grown near Cumae (Plin. H. N. xix. i, 10),
a colony from Cyme in Aeolia. So Gratius (Cyn. 35) has
Aeoliae de valle Sibyllae. But Bentley justly remarked that it
was impossible for Horace to have used such a far-fetched ex-
Bk. L Ep. XVIII.] NOTES. 219
pression (especially in epistolary style), when Cuvianis would
have suited the metre equally well.
47. senium 'gloom' or ' moroseness ' : so Pers. i. 26 has
en pallor scnitinujne ! of poets, and Sen. Hipp. 917 moruiii
senium tristc. In Epod. 13, 5 ohdiicta solvatur froiite seiicctus,
sencctiis is used in just the same way.
inhumanae ' discourteous ', not as a perpetual epithet, but
only under the circumstances.
48. pariter, i.e. like your patron, pulmenta =////;« t'w/ari'a
in Sat. II. 2, 20, a passage like this in its general drift: the
word is contracted for ptdpamciitum (Cic. 'fuse. v. 32, 90
ptilpamcntiun fames) and has nothing to do with puis, as some
have fancied. Puis ' porridge ' is the simplest and most ordinary
fare of the labourer (Plant. Most. 815), pulnioilum or pitlpa-
mentiim a tit-bit or savoury morsel, eaten with bread = 6-./'ov.
49. sollemne opus, in apposition to the preceding clause,
not an independent proposition. Hunting is called Roiiiana nii-
litia in Sat. II. 2, 10.
53. coronae 'the ring' of spectators, as in A. P. 38 1.
Cp. Mart. VII. 72, 9 sic pahnam tibi...nnctae dd favor arbiter
coronae.
64. proella campestria, the fencing matches and similar
amusements of the Campus Martius.
55. Cantabrica bella, i.e. in B.C. 27—25 when Augustus
was himself in Spain. Dio Liii. 25 — 29; JNIerivale, iv. 114
—119.
56. refiglt 'is taking down': Carm I. 28, ir clipco — refixo.
In B.C. 20 Phraates, king of the Parthians, made a treaty with
Augustus, promising among other things to restore the standards
taken from Crassus at the battle of Carrhae : cp. Ep. I. 12, 27
(note). The perfect rcfixit, which was found in most editions
before Bentley's, has very slight authority.
57. armis. Eentley suggested, but did not print, a7~i<is,
arguing that there was no other nation besides the Parthians
from whom arms were or could be reclaimed, and showing that
aditidicare was the technical term for assigning disputed estates
to one of the claimants. But (i) armis is abl. not dat., (2)
arvis ' arable land ' cannot be used in the general sense of
finibtts, except in a more poetical style than Horace is here
employing, e.g. in Ovid, where it is common.
58. ac — nugaris. The clause ne — ahsis is parenthetical,
and suggests, not the purpose of the principal action, but the
reason of mentioning it: Roby § 1660, S. G. § 690.
«2o. HO RATI EPISTULAE.
absid : on Bentley's conjecture abstes Orelli passes the just
judgment : ' coniecturis vel maxime supervacaneis adnumerari
debet'.
59. quamvis — curas : Ep. I. 17, i ; cp. Palmer on Sat.
11. 2, 30.
fecisse: Roby § 1371, S. G. § 541 {b).
extra numenim = Trapa t6v pvBtxhv {tov jSlov): extra modum
= Trapa /xeXos, 'out of tune and tune '.
60. rure : Roby § 1 1 70 : S. G. § 486.
61. exercitua, 'your forces', i.e. of slaves. Actia pugna :
Verg. Aen. vili. 675 Actia bclla and elsewhere : the more
regular form Actiaciis is used by Ovid. Met. xiii. 715, xv.
166, and in prose.
62. hostili more, i.e. quasi re vera hostes inter vos essetis.
63. lacus, i.e. the lake on your father's estate.
64. velox, ' swift ' as being winged, in accordance with the
usual representation of Nike or Victoria in works of art. There
is probably no reference, as Ritter thinks, to the rapidity with
which the battle of Actium was gained. Cp. Sat. I. i, 8.
66. utroque pollice : cp. Plin. H. N. xxviii. 2, ii,polliccs,
cumfavcaiiiiis, premere eiiam provo'bio iiibemtir. The opposite
to this is pollicem vertere: cp. Juv. III. 36 verso pollice volgi,
cum libel, occidunt popnlariter. It is not quite clear what
gesture is denoted by the two expressions. Mayor on Juv. I.e.
writes ' those who wished the death of a conquered gladiator
turned {vertebant, convertebant) their thumbs towards their
breasts, as a signal to his opponent to stab him : those who
wished him to be spared turned their thumbs downwards [pre-
viebant), as a signal for dropping the sword '. But others take
premere as 'to close': so Ritter and Schlitz, and if I mistake
not, Georges in his Lexicon ('den Daumen einschlagen ') :
L. and S. have the vague phrase 'to close down': White *to
press down'. In Prop. III. (iv.) 10, 14 et nitidas presso pollice
Jinge comas, the phrase evidently means simply ' pressing your
thumb upon them '. The versus pollex is also called infestus
(Quint. XI. 3, 119), and from App. Met. II. c. ^\ (Hild.)
it is plain that this means 'upturned': porrigit dexteram, et
ad instar oraloriim confirmai articulum ; duobusque infimis con-
clusis digitis, ceteros emincntcs porrigit, et infesto pollice cle-
vtetzter subringens, infit.
67—85. Be careful of your words: avoid curious questions:
do not allow yourself to be enamoured of any of your patron^ s
Bk. I. Ep. XVIII.] NOTES. 221
Jiotisehold : be cautious in introductions, and do not attempt to
defend the univorlhy.
68. de quoque, perhaps best taken with Bentleyas = r/ de
quo: Porphyrid rightly says that there are three questions y//iV/
'dicas^ de quo dicas, c id die as. So Cic. in Pis. 31, 75 tti quid, tu
apud qttos, in de quo dicas, intellegis? It is however quite
legitimate to take quoque as the ablative o{ quisquc, although the
ex]3ression is not to be explained with Orelli and others as for
quid de quocunque homine dicas: rather it implies that in each
individual case care is to be used. Cp. Madvig's De Finibus,
Jixcursus VI. p. 836 note.
71. emissum 'let slip': A. P. 390 nescit vox missa revei'ti.
I doubt whether the generally assumed reference to an arrow
allows sufficiently for the idea of carelessness here involved. Cp.
Menander Frag. 607 Mein. ovt €k x^P°^ /j-edifra Kaprepcis (sic
Cobet) Xidov pq.ov Karaax'^^v, ovt otto yXwjffyjs \6-yov.
72. non — ulla, to be taken closely together = ;«///«. For
the question of non with imperatives cp. J. E. Nixon in the
you rnal of Philology VII. 54 — 59: Palmer on Sat. 11. 5, 91 :
Drager Hist. Synt. i, 286.
iecur: frequently regarded as the seat of the emotions: cp.
Carm. i. 13, 4 mc2i>n fei-vcns dijjicili bile tntnet iecur, ib. 25, 15
ieciir ulcerosum. Sat. I. 9, 66 mcuin iecur tcrere bills.
75. beet aut — angat : if the patron grants your request, he
will think that he has discharged all obligations, though his gift
is really of little value: if he is churlish and refuses you, this will
cause you pain. There was a story to the effect that Vergil
received from Maecenas a favourite slave named Alexander, and
from Pollio another named Cebes. Cp. Ribbeck Narr. p. xxxi.
78. quondam 'at times:' cp. Carm. 11. 10, 18 quondam
citkara tacentcin suscitat Musam: Sat. II. 2, 82 Iiic tamen ad
melius potei'it transcurrere quondam, Verg. Aen. II. 367 quondam
etiaf?i victis redit in praccordia virtus: cp. VI. 877. In Cic. ad
Fam. II. 16, 2 quoted by L. and S. for this meaning of <7?/t7«rt'a/;/,
we must certainly render 'of old': in de Div. I. 43, 98 quid
cum saepfi lapidum, sanguinis non nunquain, terrae interdum,
quondam etiam lactis iniher dejluxit the climax not less plainly
points to 'once' as the meaning. Hence it is doubtful whether
this usage is found in Cicero. Cp. the similar use of olim.
tradimus 'introduce'. Ep. i. 9, 3.
79. premet : ' crushes ', with a stronger force than in Ep. i.
19, 36 : so often in Tacitus: cp. Boetticher Lex. Tac. s. v.
222 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
80. Tit — serves. If you have been deceived and have intro-
duced a man who proves unworthy, do not attempt to stand by
him, in order that you may not exhaust your influence, but may
preserve it unimpaired for the protection of one whom you know
well, and who looks to you for help, when assailed by calumny.
Bentley's conjectures at zxi^ fidcnter are quite superfluous.
82. dente Theonino : the scholiasts tell us that Theon was a
very witty and abusive freedman, who so offended his patron by
his bitter jests that he was turned out of his house, and had a
farthing left to him that he might buy a rope and hang himself.
Nothing further is known of him, and even this is not very trust-
worthy.
circumroditur : cp. Sat. i. 4, 81 absaitem qui rodit amicttm.
ecquid sentis 'do you feel at all?' i.e. 'don't you feel?'
84. tua res agitur : cp. Juv. iii. 198 — 200.
36 — 95. It is a hard task to retain the favour of the poiuerful,
for y oil must always fall in zuith their humours.
87. metuet is perhaps a little better supported than metuit.
88. hoc age 'give all your mind to it': Ep. I. 6, 31 (note),
Ter. And. 186, 415.
91. The spuriousness of this line does not admit of a ques-
tion. It is not found in any of the good MSS., and contains two
inexplicable difficulties : (i) bibuli potores is, as Bentley saw, little
better \hvcv potaiites potores, while to connect bibuli with Falerni
is to do reckless violence to the meaning of the word : (2) media
de node could only mean 'as early as midnight': cp. Ep. I. 2,
32; 14, 34. It is evident that some copyist (not before the Xlth
century) feeling the need of a subject to oderunt introduced
potores and then attempted to make up the line by a clumsy
adaptation of Ep. I. 14, 34 qucm bibuhim liquidi media de luce
Falerni. The subject to oderunt may be derived from porrecta
pocula. I.e. porrigcntes pocula. It unquestionably makes a neater
line to retain potores and omit oderunt, as is done by Meineke,
Haupt, L. Muller, Kriiger and Schiitz. But I cannot see how
we can be justified in rejecting a word which is found in all
our good MSS. and retaining one which appears first in the
inferior ones. How are we to conceive of the history of the
line, if the true reading potores was ousted for centuries by ode-
rutit, and then suddenly reappeared, bringing with it a spurious
ending to the line? It is quite astounding to find Macleane say-
ing in face of the evidence against it ' the verse must remain till
a better can be found '. Any editor of the xixth century could
Bk. I. Ep. XVIIL] NOTES. 223
make up a line, that Horace might possibly have written, which
is more than can be said for this blundering product of the Xlth.
93. tepores has far more authority than vcipores, and the
nature of the evidence in favour of the former is such as to
exclude altogether Orelli's notion that it may be a gloss on
vapores. Macleane stands, I think, quite alone among recent
editors in following Orelli. It is true, however, that tepor
generally denotes a mild warmth (cp. Lucrct. Ii. 857 calidum
tepidumqiie vaporcin 'heat moderate or violent' JNIunro), and the
earliest instance quoted for the meaning of 'feverishness' is from
Ammianus XIX. 4, 2 tepore febriuvi arescmit,
nocturnos undoubtedly suggested the unlucky media de node
to the medieval copyist.
iures, not simply due to the preceding qiiamvis, but hypo-
thetical (cp. Ep. II. 2, 113), as Palmer notices on Sat, II. 2, 30.
94. nubem, a common metaphor, which we may retain in
translation: 'banish the cloud from your brow'. Cp. Soph. Ant.
528 v€((>eK-r) 5' 6(ppviiiv vTrep alp.aTbiv pedos aiffxvvei: Eur. Hipp.
173 arv-^vov b'6(ppv(i3v vecpos av^lverai: Shakspere Ant. and Cleop.
III. 2, 52 'Will Caesar weep? He has a cloud in 's face'. Con-
ington's version ' unknit your brow ' reminds us of Taming of the
Shrew v. 2, 'unknit that unkind, threatening brow'.
95. obscurl = ' mysterious' Kpv^ivov^. The modesty which
prompts to reserve often makes a man appear to be disguising
his thoughts with a view to deceive. Cp. Cic. de Off. III. 13, 57:
hoc an tern cclaiidi genus .. .non aperti^ 7ion sii/tplicis, non ingenui,
non iusti, iion viri boni (est), versnti potiics, obseuri, astiiti,fal-
lacis, malitiosi, callidi, veteratoris, vafri.
96 — 103. Whatever you do, study philosophy, which alone
cati give you the secret of a happy life.
96. leges: Roby § 1466; S. G. § 602, 'you must study for
yourself... (to learn) how' &c.
98. Num — num : Bentley's ;?^ — ne, retained from the early
editions (perhaps only by oversight) has practically no authority.
Ritter and Schiitz join semper inops 'never to be satisfied': it
seems better to regard agitet as a jussive subjunctive retained
from the direct question [Roby § 1612, S.G. § 674 (/')] and to
translate 'whether you are always to be tormented by a craving
that is unsatisfied'. There is no need for study and instruction
before a man can learn whether he is tormented : his desire is to
know whether he will ever escape from his torment. Orelli is
nearly right with his 'num te lucri et potenliae cupiditas, cui
iM HO RATI EPISTULAE
semper deest aliquid et quae nunquam expleatur, agitare de-
beat'. We arrive however at much the same meaning if we con-
sider that the direct question would have been agitatne me semper,
with the present used for the future.
99. mediocriter utilium : 'things indifferent' 'quae Stoici
a.8Ld(popa vocabant' Or. Cp. Cic. de Fin. III. i6, 53 quoniam
aiitetn omne, qtiod est bonuvi, primum loeum tenere dicimus,
necesse est, nee boniim esse nee malum hoe, quod praepositiim
{■jrpo7]yiJ.^vou) vel praccipuitm nominanuts : idqiie ita definimus,
quod sit indiffcrens {aSM(popov) cum aestimatione mediocri. These
dSLd<popa inckide in the Stoical theory all things generally con-
sidered good by men, with the exception of virtue, which is the
suinmum bonum.
100. doctrina : the familiar inquiry of the philosophers: cp.
Plat. Meno ad init. ^x^'^ /^ot elTrtiv, cJ Stix-pares, dpa didaKTOv,
Tj aperrj ; tj ov dLdaKTOu aW a(TKr]TOv ; 17 oi'Ve daKrjTou ovre
liadrp-ov, dXXd (pvcr€i irapayiyueTai toTs dvOpioirois ij dWui tivI
rpoirip. Similarly in the Protagoras, Socrates argues against the
view of Protagoras that virtue can be taught, though in the
course of the discussion he affirms that virtue is knowledge
'which is the most teachable of all things'. Cic. Part. Or. 64
quonam pacto virtus pariatur, naturane an ratione an tisu,
101. quid te tibi reddat amicum, another reminiscence of
Plato: cp. de Rep. X. 621 c. biKaioavvriv fxerd (pp^vrjcreus iravrl
rpoTTip emT7id€Vcrojji,ev, 'iva Kal tjimv avToh <pl\oi, wpLev Kal roiS
6eoh.
102. pure=^wr«'^ 'what gives you untroubled calm'.
honos, public honours, especially office, which is often in-
consistent with money-making. Hence Schiitz's proposal to read
ae for an would really injure the sense. There are three alterna-
tives suggested : but honos cannot be for honestas, as some have
taken it, for there is no contrast between virtue and a retired
life.
lucellum : a remembrance of this line, or of Sat. IT. 5, 82
tecum partita lucellum would have enlightened those persons who
were puzzled by Mr Lowe's proposed motto for the match-tax
stamp, ex luce hicellum. The v^'ord is used also by Cicero.
103. fallentis: Ep. i. 17, 10.
104 — 112. In my own quiet country-home, my prayers are
only for competence and independence. Contentment I will pro-
vide for myself, if J ove gives me life and prosperity.
Bk. I. Ep. XVIIL] lYOTES. 225
105. Mandela; cp. Mr Justice Lawson's words in the Aiiti-
quarian Magazine for June 1883, p. 2S9 : 'The river Licenza,
Horace's Di<;entia, flows through the bottom of the valley far
beneath us [at Vico Varo], a limpid stream, speeding to ji in the
Anio. On the opposite side of the river, situate upon a lofty
eminence, is a village now called Cantalupo Bardella, which
is Horace's Mandela, described by him as ' rugosus frigore
pagus' from Us lofty position. We may well fancy Horace,
as he ambled along this road, observing the villagers coming
down the hill to draw their supplies of water from the Digentia
flowing at its base'.
107. ut milii vivam : the old reading was nt, which Keller
defends, accepting the interpretation of Porphyrion 'provided
that'. Bentley rejected this, partly because 'omnes libri paullo
vetustiores' have ct, partly because he doubted this use of iit,
when not followed by tanien, and almost all recent editors have
followed him. But the clear preponderance of the best MSS. is
in favour of ut (unless we attach overwhelming weight to the
vet. Bland.), and I cannot but think that internal evidence as
strongly supports it. Mihi is emphatic: 'for myself, and not
for the vain demands of frivolous society. Reading ei, we must
take the two wishes as independent: 'May I have as much as I
now have or even less, and may I live to myself, for all of life
that yet remains, if it is the will of the gods that aught should
yet remain'. Is it good sense for a man to wish to have what
he now has, or ez'en less, without adding the conditions on which
he is willing to be content with less — in Horace's case the re-
tention of his independence ? As to the usage of ut, how does
this passage differ from Cic. ad Yum. IX. 6, 4 libenter omnibus
omnis opes concesseritn, ut ( — if only) mihi liceat vi nulla inte>--
pellante isto modo viixre : or from Tusc. II. 6, 16 quam tiirpi-
tudinem non pe7-tiilcrit ttt ( = if only) effugiat dohrem ? Mr Reid
thinks that the fact that Horace corrects himself in vv. iii — 112,
and says he ought to ask the gods only for external things, and
to guarantee himself that he will deal with them aright, shows
that he had previously prayed for a right frame of mind. But
this he does in v. no.
109. librorum : cp. Sat. 11. 3, 11, where Horace takes out a
collection of Greek poets to his retirement in the country.
110. neu introduces a further wish ; hence much better than
ne, which has little support. ' Nor make my life one flutter of
suspense' Con. Cp. aestuat Ep. I. i, 99; 7iatat Sat. II. 7, 7.
111. Bed, far better, as Bentley well showed, than the old
reading /^arr. '■ qui donat c\ quae donat et qui ponit et quae pott it
paribus fere singula testimoniis comprobantur' Bentl. Tiie Bian-
W. H.
15
226 HORATI EPISTULAE.
dinian MS S. (among others) have i7z/z/'i?;z?V, but 5^?<z has been veiy
generally recognized as due only to a false assimilation to Jovis.
It is almost necessary to have a limiting object to orare.
ponit is so very commonly used by Horace in the sense of
'lay down' (Carm. III. 2, 19; 10, 9; IV. 12, 25; Sat. II. 3, 16 ;
Ep. I. I, 10; 10, 31; 16, 35; A. P. 469) that it is difficult to
believe that he used the word here in the sense of 'bestow'.
The confusion between D and P is one of the most common in
uncial MSS. The passage in Carm. I. 34, 14 f. hhtc apicein
rapax Forhma aim stridore acuta sustuUt, hie postiisse gatidct,
which decided Bentley, after some hesitation, to accept /<?;///, is
not closely parallel, for there the action is more vividly pictured
than here. On the other hand, if ponit had come by simple
corruption from donat we should have expected to find the
intermediate stage ponat (found in one MS.) more widely
diffused ; and if ponit was the original reading, donat would be
an almost inevitable gloss. Hence it is perhaps best on the
whole to retain ponit. ["I take the word to have the meta-
phorical sense corresponding to its literal use of banquets (Sat.
II. 2, 23; 4, 14; 6, 64; 8, 91). Jupiter 'sets before' us things
as his guests." J. S. R. This is supported by the similar use of
aufertl\
112. det vitam : cp. Ov. Pont. 11. r, 53 di tibi dent annos !
a te nam cetera siimes : Trist. V. 11, 15 nee vitam nee opes nee ius
mihi civis adeinit.
ml: it is noteworthy that almost all MSS. have the unmetrical
mihi: so often even the best have a genitive in -//, where the
metre requires i.
EPISTLE XIX.
This Epistle recalls the tone of Satires IV. and x. in Book
X. The epistolary form is more completely than elsewhere in
this book a mere form ; but it is natural that Horace's scorn
of his imitators and rejoinder to his critics should be addressed
in the first instance to his patron Maecenas. The letter cannot
be earlier than the publication of the first three books of the
Odes : otherwise there is nothing to fix its date. It is evidently
separated by a considerable interval from Carm. iv. 3, when
envious carping criticism had been silenced by the general
recognition of the poet's merits: Romae p)-incipis urbium dig-
natiir siiboles inter amabiles vattim poncre me choj'os, et iam
Jente minus mordeor invido.
Bk. I. Ep. XIX.] NOTES. 227
1 — 20. Cratinus of old, Maecenas, held that poems destined
to immortality were always inspired by wine ; and from the
earliest days poets have been topers, I said that the sober were
better fitted for business than poetry : and since then my imitators
have been ahvays drinking. But more is tieeded for successful
rivalry, than an aping of dress and looks.
1. docte : cp. Carm. in. 8, 5 docte scrmones utriusqtie linguae.
Cratino : the fondness of Cratinus for wine was made the
subject of many jests among his contemporaries. Aristophanes
in tlie Peace (700 — 703) says that lie died of grief at seeing a
jar full of wine smashed in an invasion of the Lacedaemonians,
a joke which gains instead of losing point, if we accept the
statement of the Schol. on Ar. Av. 521 that he was living at
the time. Cp. also Schol. on Eq. 400 d}s...fj.e0vaoi' dLaj3d\\ei
Tbv KpaTTvov. He adds that in his play of the UvtIvt] Cratinus
represented himself as lawfully married to Ku/xijidia, who wished
to leave him, and to bring an action against him for neglect,
because he had deserted her for M^di). Athenaeus (11. 9 p. 149
Schweigh.) has preserved an epigram on him by Nicaenetus,
olvus Toi xo-p'-^vTL Tre'Xet Taxi)s IVTros aoiZi^' ilocjp Se irlvwv ovoiv
dv T€KOL (jo(p6v. ravT iXeytv, ^Lovvcre, Kal 'iirviev ovx ^yos aGrCoO
Kparlvos, dXXa wuptos uouofi irLdov.
2. placere diu go together, for vivere needs no adverb :
Carm. IV. 9, 11 vivuntqut commissi calores Aeoliae fidibus
puellae,
3. potoribus : Schiitz takes this as an ablative, like textore
in V. 13. I think it is unquestionably a dative (Roby § 1146,
S. G. § 476) ; and cannot see why a construction found twice
at least in Vergil (Aen. I. 440 negue cerniticr ulli. III. 398 malts
habitantur moenia Graiis), and several times in Ovid (Her.
IX. 46 ; Fast. II. 61, III. loS, 325, v. iio; 303; Trist. V. 10. 37
etc.) should be pronounced by Mr Page on Carm. I. 6, 2 ' quite
inadmissible' in Horace: Madvig allows non ttni aut alteri
■militi...audiuntur in Liv. V. 6, 14, and quaercntibus jitrinqtie
ratio initur in Liv. i. 23, 10, though in xxii. 34, 8 he cor-
rects to cojitemni a patribus desiei-int. For apparent instances in
Cicero (eg. De Am. 11, 38) cp. Madvig on de Fin. i. 4, 11.
Here direct agency is denoted: in v. 13 /^x/^rt' indicates rather
the instrumentality, ' by the help of or ' thanks to '. Both these
cases differ materially from those in which the ablative of the
substantive is accompanied by an adjective, for which cp. note
on Ep. I. I, 94.
ut 'ever since', Roby § 1719, S. G. § 723. The Muses
drank at first only from springs like Castalia and Hippocrene :
but since the days when Bacchus enrolled ('tanquamin legionem
2 28 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
suam : nam hoc verbum militare est' Porph.) the frenzied poets
among his troop of followers, they too have borne the traces of
their nightly potations. Lambinus and Bentley placed a full
stop ■3X poetas, and a comma after sanos, taking til as a particle
of comparison, but this is clearly less good.
male denotes either the deficiency of what is good or the
excess of what is bad, like the prefix ve-: cp. vesaniis, vegrandis
on the one hand, and V'^pallidus on the other (Sat. I. 2, 129):
so male pcrtinax Carm. I. 9, 24, 7nale dispar ib. 17, 25; but
male fidits (Verg. Aen. 11. 23), 7nale gratus (Ov. Her. vii. 27)
etc. Cp. Sat. I. 3, 45, and 48. The inspired frenzy of poets
has been a commonplace at least since the days of Democritus.
Cp. Cic. Div. I. 37, 80 iiegat sine furore Democritus quemquam
poetani magnum esse posse, quod idem dicit Plato (Phaedr. 245 a).
Cp. A. P. 295, Sat. ]i. 3, 322.
4. sat3Tis faunisque : the Satyrs were always regarded as
attendants of Bacchus : cp. Carm. II. 19, 4. The Fauns are
here introduced as typifying the earliest Italian poetry : cp.
Ennius in Cic. Brut. 19, 71 versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque
canebant, and Mommsen Hist. I. 230: 'the earliest chant in
the view of the Romans, was that which the leaves sang to
themselves in the green solitude of the forest. The whispers
and pipings of the ' favourable spirit ' (Faumis from favere) in
the grove were repeated to men by the singer [vates), or by the
songstress (casmena, carniciiia) who had the gift of listening to
him, with the accompaniment of the pipe, and in rhythmically
measured language [casmen, afterwards carmen, from canere) '.
5. fere ' as a rule ' : Ep. i. 6, 9.
6. laudibus vlnl, i.e. by the epithets which he applies to
it, jne\try57;s, iJ.e\i(ppwv, tjSvttotos, evrjvwp, fieuoeiKT^s : cp. also
II. VI. 261 ai>dpl 5i KiKpLTjuiTi jj.ivo's fiiya otvos ae^ei. vinosus
^=z'inosus fuisse.
7. pater, a term of respect for the father of Roman poetry :
cp. pater Chrysippus in Sat. I. 3, 126. Prop. III. 2, 6 Unde
pater sitiens Kntiius ante bibit : and Plato's 6 iraTrjp -qixQiv \lap-
p.evidrjs. There may also be a reference to the fact that he lived
in days of old (cp. senis of Lucilius in Sat. il. i, 34), but not, as
Ritter supposes, to the age which he reached. Ennius said of
himself iiunqtiain poetor, nisi si podager.
8. prosiluit ' sprang forth ', as if eager to take part himself
in the wars of which he was singing. Yet 'he celebrates the
heroism of brave endurance, rather than of chivalrous daring :
the fortitude that, in the long run, wins success, and saves the
State, rather than the impetuous valour which achieves a barren
Bk. I. Ep. XIX.] NOTES. 229
glory' Scllar, Roman Poc'/s of the Republic" p. 113. The wars
on wliich he dwelt most fully in his Annals were that with
Pyrrhus, the Second Punic war, the Macedonian, the Actolian
and the Istrian wars.
8 — 9. forum — severis. Cp. Catull. v. 2 ritmoresque seniun
severionim. The question into whose mouth Horace puts these
words depends upon the readint; in v. 10. The old reading
edixit has been again defended by Schiitz, who argues that
Liber is to be taken as the subject. 'The knowledge of Roman
conditions cannot surprise us in a God, especially as he is in-
troduced under his Latin name; and to lay stress upon the
anachronism destroys the jesting tone of the passage'. But
even if we allow this, the whole context shows that Horace is
ridiculing his own slavish imitators, not the poets who fell in
with the ordinance of their patron deity. Bentley rightly saw that
pallerem in v. 18 made this quite clear. The attempts that have
been made to find a subject in Cratinus or Ennius are still less
successful. The piiteal Libonis — a low circular wall built round
a spot in the forum, which had been struck by lightning,
between the Temple of Castor and that of Vesta (cp. Marucchi
Descrizioiie dd Foro Romano Roma 1883 p. (>^), by Scribonius
Libo, possibly theaedile of B.C. 193, but more probably the trib. pi.
of B.C. 149 — was certainly not known to Cratinus, and probably
not to Ennius. Hence it is much better to accept the reading
edixi, which has good MS. authority. The word is used with a
certain mock solemnity 'I laid down this law', as in Sat. II. 2, 51 ;
3, 227, with a reference to the praetor's edict. Perhaps it is
better with Bentley to suppose that Horace had expressed this
opinion 'inter convictores ' than to press passages like Carm. i.
18, 3; III. 35 and Ep. i. 5, 16—20, the last of which, at any rate,
would hardly be in general circulation by this time.
The Scholiasts here and on Sat. li. 6, 3ji tell us that the
praetor's tribunal was set up at the piiteal Libonis : but Mr Palmer
rightly points out that in neither of these passages, nor yet in
Pers. IV. 49 (where cp. Conington's note) is there any reference
to legal business. It is better to take it simply as 'the Exchange',
where business men, and especially money-lenders meet. Cp.
Cic. pro Sest. 8, 18 alter., puteali et foeneratoriim gregibiis
injlatus. The question whether there were not two or even
more puteals in the Forum is one not easy to decide : cp. Diet,
Biogr. II. 780 A (where there is an engraving of a coin with a
representation of the /. Libonis) : Burn's Ro/ne and the Cam-
pagna p. 86 : Nichol's Roman Forum p. 129. If however the
Scholiasts here and on Pers. iv. 49 are right in saying that the
p. Libonis was near the Fabian arch, it can hardly have been
identical wi-th the puteal of Attus Navius in the Comitium (Cic.
de Div. I. 17, 33: Liv. i. 36: Dionys. iii. 71) where his famuus
2 so HO RATI EPISTULAE.
•whetstone and razor were buried. In any case the former was
the more famous by far, so that it could be named by Cicero and
Persius without any qualifying epitliet.
9. siccis: cp. Carm. i. i8, 3 siccis omnia nam dura deiis
propostiit.
11. noctTxrno — diumo. This line curiously resembles in
rhythm A. P. 269 Nocturna versate tnanu, versate dmrna ; it
has even been supposed to contain a parodying reference to it,
which is just possible, if we accept with Prof. Nettleship the
earliest date assigned to the Ars Poetica. For olere v. 5
Horace substitutes the stronger word piitere: cp. Mart. I. 29
Hesterno foetere mero qui credit Acerram, fallitur: in lucem
semper Acerra bibit. The epithet diitrno is not however quite
correctly attached here to the wine : the meaning is 'they stink
all day of the wine which they vie with each other in drinking at
night', not, as in Martial, that they sit up drinking into the next
day. Cp. Carm. IV. i, 31 ncc ccrlare iuvat mero 'to join the
drinking bout' Page.
12. pede nudo: Plutarch says of Cato of Utica (c. vi)
TToXXd/cis dvi;7r657?Tos /cat ax^Twv els rb d-rj/xoaiov irporjei. fxer^ apiaTov,
and in c. I. speaks of the firm and immoveable expression of his
face. Some have thought that Horace is referring here rather to
the elder Cato, doubting whether he would have ventured to
choose Caesar's bitter enemy as his type of virtue, and reminding
US that the younger was himself only an imitator of the elder,
liut Carm. I. 12, 35 Catonis nobile Ictiim seems answer enough
to the first : to the second we may reply that it is far more in
harmony with the context to understand a contemporary as the
object of imitation, than one who had died more than a century
before. Cp. Mommsen Hist. iv. 156. 'A strange caricature of
his ancestor... he even formed a school, and there were individuals
— it is true they were but a few — who in their turn copied and
caricatured afresh the living pattern of a philosopher'. Cic. ad
Att. II. I, 10 speaks of Servilius as Catonis aemulator, and often
mentions Favonius, who we learn from Dio xxxviii. 7 was
called the 'ape of Cato': Mom.msen applies to the latter the
hardly less uncivil phrase of Cato's Sancho (iv. 315). Cp. the
proverb ' cucuUus non facit monachum '.
13. textore, if taken as a kind of instrumental ablative (see
on V. 3) needs no correction.
15. rupit 'ruined': many editors suppose that larbitas
strained himself till he burst, in the attempt to rival Timagenes
in loudness of voice and fluency of speech ; but this is quite
inconsistent with nrbamts. It seems rather that he brought
himself into trouble by imitating the bitter wit of Timagenes.
Bk. I. Ep. XIX.] NOTES. 231
Kriiger well compares Val. Flacc. V. 341 lumina rmupere fletit
with Ov. A, A. I. 129 lacrimis corrunipere ocellos. Conington's
rendering
The wretched Moor, who matched himself in wit
With keen Timagenes, in sunder split
is based upon the story given by Acron: 'cum Timagenem
philosophum post convivium et inter pocula declamantcm vellet
imitari et non posset, invidia quodammodo discerptus est',
though he seems rightly to reject the notion that rupit means
simply rupit invidia. Any notion of envious rivalry seems out
of keeping with the next line.
larbitam: the Scholiasts tell us that this man was a Mau-
retanian, named Cordus — possibly the same as the Codrus of
Verg. Eel. Wi. id invidia rionpanUtr ut ilia Codro — who was
nicknamed larbitas from larbas, the king of the Gaetulians who
appears in the Aeneid (iv. 196). Timagenes was a rhetorician
of Alexandria, who was brought as a prisoner to Rome by
A. Gabinius in B.C. 55, and was at first employed as a cook, and
a litter-bearer, but was afterwards ransomed by Faustus Sulla.
He opened a school of rhetoric, and met with much success,
acquiring the favour of Augustus. But afterwards he offended
the emperor by some bitter jests upon his wife and family, and
was compelled to retire to the estate of Asinius PoUio at
Tusculum.
17. vitiis with imitabile, not, as Schiitz says, with decipit,
which can well stand alone. Cp. Juv. XIV. 40 qiioniam dociles
imitandis turpibtis ac pravis oinnes siimus. In the context he
refers to Brutus and Cato.
18. pallerem can only mean 'if I were pale' which I am
not. Conington's 'should my colour fail' is rather misleading.
Horace describes himself as sun-burnt in Ep. i. 20, 24.
exsangue cuminmn : cp. Plin. H. N. xx. 14, 57: omnc
(cuminum) pallorem bibentibus gignit. Ita ca-te fcriint Porcii
Laironis clari inter magistros dicendi asscdatores similitiidineni
coloris studiis contracti imitatos. Persius as usual imitates
Horace in his pallentis gi-ana aimini (v. 56). Exsangitis does
not appear to be used again in this sense of 'causing paleness'
before Claudian (in Ruf. 11. 130 exsanguis Riijinum pcrculit
horror) ; but Persius Prol. 4 has pallidam Pircncit in the same
sense : and so Propert. v. [iv.] 7, 36 cnm insidiis pallida viiia bibi.
The practice of drinking vinegar to make the face look pale and
interesting has not been unknown in later days.
19. servTim: 'hoc novum et fortius quam servile', Ritter.
Ovid has serva maniis (Fast. VI. 558) and scrva aqua (Am. i. 6,
232 HORATI EPISTULAE.
26). The word is not, as L. and S. say, akin to Germ, schiver
'heavy', but from root SER 'bind' Curt. Et. 355, or possibly
from root sar 'protect', a derivation whiclihas the advantage of
connecting it with serva7-e.
20. bilem i.e. wrath. Sat. I. 9, (>(>, II. 3, 141. tumultus
'the coil you make', Con.
21 — 34. / am no slavish imitator myself. Like my Greek
predecessors, I have maintained ?ny own originality, in spite of
my debt to them.
21. per vacuum ' on ground unclaimed by others ', a legal
term. Gaius 11. 51.
22. pressi: Lucr. III. 3 inque tuis nunc ficta [i.q. fixa]
pedum pono pressis vestigia signis.
23. reget examen : ' imitatus regem apium se sequentium
ducem ' Porph. Keller says that fidet and reget have much
more authority thanyfi/// and regit. As the vet. Bland, here sup-
ports the bulk of his MSS. I have followed him with little hesi-
tation. The corruption appears to have begun with reget, to
which fidet was afterwards assimilated. Ritter reads fiJit — •
reget.
Parios : Archilochus was born at Paros, though he lived a
roving life. Though not strictly speaking the inventor of the
iambic metre (Mahaffy Greek Literature I. 157) he was the first
to use it largely in literature. But he also employed the elegiac
verse, introduced shortly before his time by Callinus.
primus : Catullus had previously employed iambic trimeters
(to say nothing of the dramatic poets) ; but Horace in his Epodes
had been the first to imitate the more complex 'ETrySoL For
Epodes I. — X. he used the metre in which most of the extant
fragments of the Epodes of Archilochus are written ' metrum lam-
bicum Senarium Quaternarium ' : of the Archilochium II"
(Epod. XIII.) and III" (Epod. XI.), the Pythiambicum I"" (Epod.
XIV.) and II" (Epod. XV. and xvi.), and the Alcmanium (Epod.
XII.) we seem to have no specimen preserved from Archilochus.
The Archilochium IV" (cp. Archil, fr. 103) is used in Carm. I.
4: the Archilochium I" (cp. Archil, fr. 85) in Od. IV. 7, which
in spite of its position is probably an early production. It is
probable however that Horace in every case had a Greek example
before him : cp. Bentley's note on Epode xi.
24. animos ' spirit '.
25. agentia 'which pursued': when Lycambes of Paros
refused to give his youngest daughter Neobule to Archilochus,
as he had promised to do, the latter assailed him with such
Bk. I. Ep. XIX.] NOTES. 233
bitter verses that he hanged himself. Cp. Epod. vi. 13. agitan
is more common in this sense.
26. brevloribus 'humbler' or * scantier', not, as some have
taken it, 'less enduring', like breve liliiitn (Carm. I. 36, 16),
nimiuin breves Jiores amoenae rosae (ib. II. 3, 14). Horace is
arguing in defence of his own originality. It is true, he says,
that I imitated the metres of Archilochus: but so did Sappho
and Alcaeus, and no one accuses them of plagiarism, for their
themes and style are altogether different : and so are mine.
Bentley in one of his most convincing notes first brought out
clearly the connexion and interpretation of this passage, which
had ver)' commonly been misunderstood. Even now Ritter sup-
poses that Horace draws a distinction between his Epodes and
his Odes : but this ruins the sequence of the thought, ne — ornes
Roby § 1660, S. G. § 690.
27. artem, ' technique.'
28. temperat — Sappho: 'masculine Sappho moulds her
Muse by the measure of Archilochus ' : tempcrare is the regular
word for giving artistic shape to a composition, especially of
music: cp. Prop. II. 34 ( = lir. 26), 80: lalefacis canmn, docla
testmiine quale Cynthius impositis teviperat articulis. Carm. iv.
3, 1% 0 testiidinis aureae diiUein quae strepitiim, Fieri, temperas.
pede is not ' foot ' but ' measure ', denoting the whole line, as in
Carm. IV. 6, 35 Lesbiiim servate pedem : A. P. Si.
mascula is a term of praise, not of blame, as the Scholiasts
strangely suppose.
29. ordine, best understood with Bentley of the arrangement
of the various lines used by Archilochus in a strophe: e.g. the
Archiloehus junior (arboribusqiie comae) was coupled by Alcaeus
with a dactylic he.xameter (Hor. Od. iv. 7), by Archilochus him-
self with an iambic trimeter (Frag. 104).
30. nee — quaerit. The difference between Alcaeus, at any
rate, and Archilochus as to their themes was hardly so great as
we might imagine from these passages. Alcaeus seems to have
attacked Pittacus with no less bitterness than Archilochus showed
to Lycambes, though on political as much as on personal grounds.
We can discover also ' the same enjoyment of love and wine, or
rambling about the world, and of adventure ' (Mahaffy, Greek
Literature \. Y). 181). Sappho's poetry on the other hand was
almost entirely confined to the passion of love, atris: cp.
Epod. 6, 15 atro dente: so niger in Sat. I. 4, 85.
31. famoso ' libellous ' : Sat. II. i, 68 : famosa epip-ammata
in Suet. Caes. 73 ; famosi libelli in Tac. Ann. i. 72. The ear-
liest instance in which the word has a neutral meaning, if not
234 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
a positively good one is in A. P. 469 'much talked of. Even
in Tacitus it has hardly acquired the meaning of 'renowned' :
cp. Hist. III. 38, and Heraeus on Hist. I. 10.
32. hunc, unquestionably Alcaeus. Archilochus was not
included among the lyric poets, strictly speaking. Catullus and
perhaps Calvus h?.d already used the .Sapphic metre ; but no
one as yet the metre of Alcaeus. Cp. Carm. III. 30, 13 dicar...
princeps Acolium carmen ad Ilalos deduxisse modos: Carm. I.
32, 5; IV. 9, 3.
34. ingenuis 'gentle', not, as Porph. says, claiming a moral
superiority over his predecessors, Archilochus and Lucilius (who
is altogether out of the question), who had indulged in great
license of language; but contrasted with the vmtosa plebs of
V. 37. The audience for whom Horace wrote was one of
'gentlemen', such as those named in Sat. I. 10, 81 — 90. Con-
ington happily renders
Well may the bard feel proud, whose pen supplies
Unhackneyed strains to gentle hands and eyes.
35 — 41. / am disparaged in public though liked in private,
because I take no unworthy steps to secttre applause.
35. cpuscula : Ep. i. 4, 3.
36. premat 'disparages'. A.V.162. Verg. Aen. xi. 402
ne cessa...extoUere viris gentis bis victae, contra pre7nere ar?>ia
Latini: Quintil. xii. 10, 14 praecipue presserunt eum (M. Tul-
lium), qui vidcri Atticormn ijnitatores cupiebant, Tacitus often
uses the word in this sense,
37. ventosae : Ep. i. 8, 12.
plebis does not seem to be limited, as Orelli says, to the
poetae et grammatici infimi ordinis: it naturally refers to all
who could be gathered to listen to a recitation. For recitations
at Rome cp. the exhaustive note of Prof. iVIayor on Juv. in. 9.
38. impensis cenarum : the numerous instances of feasts
given to the people by those who would gain their favour are
collected by IMadvig Vei-fassung etc. 11. 363.
tritae : cp. Pers. I. 54 scis comitem horridiihim trita donare
lacerna : Mart. XII. 72, 4 tritae praeiiiia certa togae.
39. nobilium : is this ironical or not? If it is, we must
take it thus: ' I never listen to these illustrious writers, and re-
taliate upon them by reciting my own poems, and therefore I
have no need to stoop to court the critics'. But it seems better,
as there is no indication of irony in the context, and nothing
pointing to poetasters rather than to critics as in his thoughts, to
Bk. I. Ep. XIX.] NOTES. 235
take it as seriously meant, and as referring lo Pollio, Vergil,
Varius and others of the circle round Maecenas : ultor is then an
expression of kindly humour, and not of bitterness, as in Juv. I. i
' I who listen only to writers of name and fame, and retaliate
upon them, do not deign to court etc' ]lentl. argues that
Horace did not recite his own ]ioems : but the very passage to
which he refers, shows the conditions on which he did : Sat. I. 4,
73 nee rceito eiii(piam nisi amicis, idque coaclus, non ubivis
coramve quibuslibet. The 'Globe' version: 'I will not lower
myself by listening to and defending grand writers, so as to
curry favour ' etc. is impossible.
40. grammaticas : Porph. takes tribus to refer to the
crowds of scholars, pulpita ' chairs ' to the teachers. But as the
metaphor is evidently that of a candidate courting the suffrages
of the Roman tribes at an election, and as the grammarians
themselves, rather than their pupils, would be the voters, it is
better to take grammaticas^grammaticorum, and pulpita as a
touch to add graphic force, ratlier than as introducing a distinct
class, tribus has probably a touch of contempt in it, like our
own 'tribe' and (pv\ov. The />it//t/tem was properly the plat-
form of the stage (Ep. 11. i, 174, A. P. -215, 274), but here it is
transferred to the dais on which the teacher's chair [cathedra Sat.
1. 10, 91) would be placed.
41. hinc iUae lacrimae. In the Andria of Terence old
Simo tells how his son Pamphilus shed tears at the funeral of
a neighbour of theirs named Chrysis. At first the father took
it to be a sign of his son's affectionate character, that he was
so much touched by the death of a mere acquaintance. But it
turned out that Chrysis had left a charming sister: and when
the old man saw her (v. 125) percussit ilico animum. Atat,
hoc illitd est, hine illae laeriiuae, haec illast iniserieordia.. The
phrase became proverbial, and was used as here even when there
was no question of actual tears. Cp. Cic. pro Gael. 25, 61 sin
autem iam iaut suberat siimiltas, exstincta erat consiietudo, disei-
diiim exstiterat, hine illae laeriiuae nimirum et haec caicsa est om-
nium horwn sceleriim aiqiie criininum.
41 — 49. My critics ridictile tny modesty as affected, hut I will
not cross swords zuith the?n, and so I decline a combat, which could
only lead to ill feeling.
tlieatris, evidently not the public theatres, but private halls
used for recitations. These were lent by rich patrons to poets
and rhetoricians : cp. Mayor on Juv. vii. 40.
spissis ' thronged' : cp. A. P. 205 spissa sedilia.
42. nugis, in humble disparagement of his own slight pro-
ductions: cp. Sat. I. 9, 2. with Palmer's note.
236 HORATI EFISTULAE.
43. rides 'you are laughing at us '. ait ' says one' Pers. T.
40 rides, ait. Juv. IX. 6^ improbtis es cian poscis, ait : ijiquil is
more common (cp. Sat. I. 4, 79; 3, 126; 11. 2, 99), aw being
rarely used where the speaker's words are directly quoted: but
cp. Cic. Orat. 11, 36. Verg. however has the construction
several times.
\<yri.% = Aiigttsti. Horace never directly applies this name to
the Emperor, as Ovid does without scruple : and in the mouth
of his critics it perhaps carries something of a sneer.
44. manare with a quasi-transitive force, like p^lv.
45. tibi ' in your own eyes '. naribus uti ' to sneer at
them openly'. Cp. Sat. I. 6, 5 naso siispendis adunco: 11. 8, 64
Balatro siispendens oinitia naso. Ep, I. 5, 23.
46. acuto — ungui: cp. Carm. I. 6, i^ proelia virgimiin sectis
in iiivenes itnguibics aci-ium. Horace implies that the malice of
his opponents is such that they will stoop to any kind of attack.
Scratching however was a recognised method of carrying on
combats at Sparta. Cp. Cic. Tusc. V. 27, 77. Pausan. iii.
14, 8.
47. iste locus ' the place you have chosen ' : iste has much
more authority here than Hie, and is better in itself.
'diludia dicuntur tempora, quae gladiatoribus conceduntur,
ut intra dies quinque pugnent ' — Acron. The word occurs no-
where else.
48. ludus plays upon diludia: 'I call for a respite of the
struggle, for a struggle though only in sport' etc.
g^enuit : gnomic aorist, Ep. i. 2, 46 note, trepidum 'ex-
cited'.
EPISTLE XX.
This Epistle is evidently intended as the epilogue to the
First Book. It has been supposed that the reference in vv.
27 — 28 fixes beyond dispute the date of the publication of the
book : but cp. Introduction. The book is humorously addressed
as though it were a young slave, eager to escape from the safe
retirement of his master's house, to see the great city, and to
find himself lovers there, while he is ignorant of the dangers that
await him, and the risk of desertion and neglect, when return
will be impossible. The special inteiest for us lies in the lines
which give so graphic a sketch of Horace's personal appearance
and character. — Ovid in Trist. i. i addresses his own book in
very similar language. Cp. Mart. I. 3.
Bk. I. Ep. XX.] NOTES. 237
1 — 8. You -will not slay modestly at home, my book ? Then
he off; but you will be sortyfor it.
1. Vertumniun. Vertumnus seems to have been originally
the god of the a>uiiis vertcns, i.e. both of the spring and of the
autumn, but especially of the latter with its rich stores of fruit :
cp. Colum. X. 308 7ncrcibiis et vcrnis dives Vertumnus abiindet:
Propert. IV. i, \\ seti quia vertentis fructum praccepimus aniii,
Vertutnni rursus creditur esse sacrum. Perhaps it was only
from the significance of his name that he was credited with the
power of changing himself into any form that he pleased. His
temple was in the Vicus Tnsais, one of the busiest streets in
Rome, full of all kinds of shops, and also of houses of ill repute.
This circumstance may have contributed to the further explana-
tion of his name as the deus invertoidarum rerum, id est merca-
iurae (Asconius in Verr. il. i, 154, p. 199). Propertius (iv. i)
has a charming poem upon him: and Ovid Met. Xiv. 623 ff. tells
how he won the love of Pomona. Cp. Preller Rom. Myth. p.
397—9-
lanum : a temple of Janus was at the bottom of the Argile-
tum, which was not, as Macleane says, a street leading out of
the Vicus Tuscus, but on the opposite side of the Forum (Burn's
Rome p. 79), near the Subura, also a disreputable quarter.
There are references in Martial to the book-shops in the Argile-
tum (i. 3, I ; 117, 9). Porph. says 'lanus quoque similiter vicus
est'. Cp. Ep. I. I, 54 note.
spectare ' to have your eyes upon ', with wistful longing. So
apparently in Verg. Eel. in. 48 si ad vitulinn spectas.
2. scilicet * of course ' ironically, giving the reason in the
book's mind.
prostes 'be offered for sale', not without a double entendre.
Sosiorum, probably brothers, freedmen of the family of the
Sosii, possibly of the C. Sosius praetor in B.C. 49. They are
mentioned as booksellers also in A. P. 345. In the Greek
writers who mention C. Sosius (Plutarch, Dio and Josephus) the
name is written with to: if this is correct, and not due simply to
assimilation to ^waiOeos and the like, we must assume synizesis
of the i in both passages of Horace.
piuniee : 'after the volumen was completed and rolled up,
both ends of the closed roll were smoothed and polished with
pumice' Munro Criticismi of Catullus p. 54, against Ellis's
commentary on CatuU. XXii. 8 pumice omnia aequata: cp.
CatuU. I. 1 — 2 qitoi dono Icpidum novum libelliim arido modo
pumice expolitum? Ov. Trist. I. i, 11 nee fragili geminae po-
lianitir pumice frontcs. Mart. viii. 72, i nondum murice cultus
238 HORATI EPISTULAE.
aridoque morsii ptimicis aridi folitus. Macleane is wrong here
first in speaking of parchment rolls, instead of papyrus, aiiti
secondly in supposing that the outside skin was polished with
pumice: the parchment {mcmbmna) used as the wrapper of the
papyrus roll was stained purple or saffron. Tibull. III. i, ()
luiea sed niveuin involvat membrana libellum, pwnex et canas
tondeat ante comas.
3. claves : books not ofTered for sale were kept in locked
and sometimes sealed cases {scrinia) or chests [arniarii), usually
of cedar to keep off moths. Cp. Mart. I. 66, 5 — 8 sccreta qtiaei-e
carinina et rndes ciiras qtias 7iovit iiniis scrinioqiie signatas cus-
todit ipse virginis pater chartae, quae trita diiro 7ton inhorriiit
inento, where an unpublished poem is compared to a young girl,
as here to a boy. Menander speaks of keeping a wife not only
barred, but even sealed up: ocrrts hk fxox^ols Kai oia ffeppayia/xdriiju
(Tcifet dafxapra, Spau tl drj 8oku>v ao(f>6v, /xdrcnos e(jTL koX (ppovu>i>
ovS^i> (ppovel. Cp. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 414 — 42S. Store-cham
bers were often sealed, both in Greece (Aristoph. Lys. 1199)
and at Rome, Plaut. Cas. 11. i, i obsignate cellas, rejerte anuliini
ad iit,e.
4. paucis : Sat. I. 4, 73. ostendi gemis : for the constrac-
tion cp. Ep. I. 15, 7. communis 'what is open to all': coin-
muiiis locus was a euphemism for a house of ill-fame.
5. fuge, explained by schol. Cruq. 'devita conspectum
hominum, ne redeas deterior '. Schiitz defends this interpreta-
tion, denying that fugere can mean simply ' to huriy off, but
Senec. Epist. 108, 25 nunqiiam Vergiliiis dies dicit ire, sed
fugere, quod currendi genus concitatissimum est is surely a
sufficient defence (cp. Verg. Aen. v. 740) : and we may further
note that the book is represented as running away from its
master's house. The asyndeton in non erit reditus is slightly
in favour of Schiitz's view: it is a little more natural to regard
the appended clause as giving the reason for what has been said,
than as a caution to be borne in mind, translating ' for there
will be' rather than 'but remember there will be'. But on
the other hand, as this is a valedictory address, and as Horace
in vv. 19 ff. gives his book a commission to discharge, it seems
quite necessary that he should express somewhere his assent,
however reluctantly, to its departure.
descendere : Bentley arguing against the current reading
discedcre (which has only the slightest MS. authority, if any)
shows by a large collection of passages that descendere was the
regular word for going down into the Forum.
6. emisso : Ep. i. 18, 71.
Ek. I. Ep. XX.] NOTES. 239
7. quid volui? Vcrg. Eel. 11. 58 heit, licit! quid voliii
miscro rniiu ;
ubi quid : the great preponderance of MS. authority is here
in favour of quid, and Keller admits that it must have been
found in the archetype, though he is inclined to think it an
error for quis, which Yonge, Ivitter, Schiitz, Kriiger, L. Mliller
and Orelli all retain. It is certainly more natural to have quis,
referring to mtiator : but perhaps quid may be defended of an
act, ratlier than a thing.
laeserit still kce]is up the double reference : cp. Ov, Her.
V. 103 nulla rcparabilis arte laesa pudicitia est.
8. in breve te cogi : applied to the book this means ' that
you are rolled up and replaced in your case'; in its reference to
the young slave it means ' that you are brought into sad straits '.
Cp. Ter. Haut. 669 hac re in aiigitstttui oppido nunc mcae
cogiintitr copiae.
planus ' sated '.
9 — 18. You may be liked 'ucll etioti^h zvhen yott are young;
but the time will come when you zuill be neglected, or sent out of
the coujtliy ; and a dismal old age awaits you.
9. quodsi... augur 'if the prophet [i.e. Horace] does not
lose his foresight in liis vexation with the offender'.
10. deserat, the reading of the archetype, may well be
defended, as expressing the anticipation in tlie mind of Horace
that it will be so. Cp. A. P. 155 sessuri donee cantor. ..dicat.
Bentley allows descrit to stand in his text without remark, but
this is barely possible, and has little authority. Cp. Ep. I. 18,
61, Roby § 1664, S. G. § 692. deserct would stand, but it has
very little support in MSS. Perhaps we should see here an
early instance of the construction so familiar in Tacitus (Drager
Hist. Synt. II. 585) where donee is regularly used with the sub-
junctive without any suggestion of either expectation or purpose.
aetas, ' youth ', rarely so used, unless the context clearly
points to this meaning: in most, if not all the passages quoted
as parallel, e.g. Ter. Andr. 54, 286, 'time of life' is a better
translation: but Cic. de Off. II. 13, 45 tua aetas iitcidit in id
bellum is a clear instance of this force. So Cispa. in Greek and
aetatula in Plautus. For iniens aetas cp. Halm on Cic. de
Imp. Pomp. § 2.
11. sordescere, ' to lose your bloom '.
12. tineas: cp. Sat. 11. 3, i iS cui stragula vestis, blattarum
ac titiearuDi epidae, putrescat in area: Ov. Pont. i. i, 72 condilus
ut iineae carpilur ore liber.
240 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
inertes, 'barbarous' in the earlier sense of the word: cp.
Cic. de Fin. II. 34, 115 {artcs) qiiibiis carebant inertes a maio-
ribus 7iominantur. So Kriiger and Schiitz take the word, so
that we have an anticipation of Juvenal's (in. 207) divina opici
rodebant carmina mures. Others render ' sluggish', but then the
epithet, though not unsuitable, is somewhat otiose.
13. fugles of your own accord to find kindlier treatment
in the provinces, where what was out of date at Rome, might be
regarded as a welcome novelty : mitteris by the bookseller,
vinctus ' tied up ' as a parcel of goods : Bentley completely
disposed of the earlier reading taictus. There is still a reference
to the fate which might befall a slave who had fallen into habits
of vice. Cp. Liv. XXV. 2. Africa and Spain were at a later
time famous seats of Latin learning. — In A. P. 345 Horace
mentions as a sign of a good book that it was sent into the
provinces : so Mart. XII. 3. So novv-a-days the book-markets
of the colonies are supplied both with popular novelties, and
with ' remainders '.
14. monitor, sc. Horace himself, ut ille etc. The source
of this allusion is not known to us. There seems to have been
some story of a donkey-driver, who could not get his ass away
from the edge of a precipice and so, losing his temper, gave
him a push which sent him over.
15. rupes 'cliffs' as in Caes. B. G. 11. 29 oppidiim egregie
iiatiira mnnitum cum ex omnibus in circuitu pa>'tibus altissimas
rupes despectusque haberet,
16. servare : cp. A. P. 467 invitum qui scrvaf, idem facit
occidenti.
18. occupet 'should come upon you': Tibull. I. 10, 40
quern... occupat in parva pigra senecia casa. Tlie language is
still that which might be used alike of a book and a boy :
' stammering age shall find you teaching boys their letters in
distant (and therefore low) quarters of the town'. In Sat.
11. 3, 274 it is said of an old man cum balba fcris annoso verba
palato, but in a somewhat different sense: there balba verba
are ' lisping words of love '. In Juvenal's time Horace was already
used as a school-book (vil. 226 cum totus decolor esset Flaccus
et haereret nigiv Juligo Maroni: cp. Mayor's note), though in
Sat. I. 10, 75 he by no means desires such a fate for himself.
19 — 28. When you can get an audience, tell them of my
humble birth, and the pavour I have found with the great, of 7tiy
looks, my tetnper, and my age.
19. sol tepidus. Very different interpretations have been
given of this phrase. In the first place is tepidus here opposed
Bk. I. Ep. XX.] NOTES. 241
to 'hot' or to 'cold'? As the word properly denotes a mild
warmth, it is found sometimes in one sense, sometimes in the
other, but the former is much the more common : cp. however
Ep. I. 18, 93. In Carm. Ii. 6, 17 tcpidasque praebet luppitcr
bruiiias and Sat. 11. 3, 10 si vaciuiin tepido ccpisscl viliula tccio,
the notion suggested is that of a comfortal)le warmth : in Sat. i.
3, 8i tepidiim ins is 'sauce half-cold'. The same force attaches
to tcpco in Sat. I. 4, 30 {sol) quo vespertina tcpet rcgio, and in Ep.
I. 10, 15 est tibi plus tcpcant hicmcs: and apparently also in
Carm. I. 4, 20 where tcpcbunt is a weaker word than the pre-
ceding cakt. Hence we must decidedly reject Macleane's 'heat
of the day' and Conington's 'summer afternoons', and find
some time when the sun has already lost something of its heat.
Orelli argues for the time towards evening, quoting Mart. iv. 8,
7 hora libdlorutn decima est, Eitphcvte, incortan: (we may add
Mart. X. 19, 18 seras tutior ibis ad lacernas. Haec hora est tua,
cum furit Lyacus, cum regnat rosa, cum madent capilli, ) sup-
posing that Horace's 'benevoli lectores', after scattering to their
houses for dinner, would gather again to listen to his book re-
citing the poems it contained. But Martial is intentionally dis-
paraging his own epigrams, when he represents them as only fit
for the after-dinner amusement of revellers, and there is no
reason to suppose that evening was the time usually chosen for
public recitations. If we accept this interpretation of sol tepidiis
it is better to think, with Kriiger, of the loiterers round the shop
of the Sosii, who would be more numerous in the evening than
at any other time : cp. Horace's description of his own practice
in Sat. I. 6, 1 13. There is plenty of authority for this use ol sol
as marking a part of the day : cp. Sat. I. 4, 30 : Sat. I. 6, 125:
Sat. II. 4, 23. But others suppose that Horace is still regarding
his book as a schoolmaster ; and that sol tepidus refers to the
cooler days after the holidays (Sat. I. 6, 75, with Palmer's note),
when the schools would be full again ; or, as some again say,
to the milder weather after the spring holidays. In that case he
would be giving a gloomy prophecy that few but schoolboys
would read his poems. This is barely in keeping with the tone
of the following part of the letter, which is much better fitted
to be addressed to the general public than to boys using the
poems as a first reading-book. The scholiasts were fairly
puzzled by the line, and write sheer nonsense. Comm. Cruq.
has ' cum plures coeperint te legere et audire : secundum morem
librariorum loquitur, qui circa quartam vel quintam horam
dictata pueris praebere consueverunt, quo tempore sunt tracta-
biliores\ Another has 'tunc enim dictata accipiunt pueri, cum
beneficio solis cera facilius deletur'. But why in either case
plwcs ? Another explains sol tepidus as popularis favor. Per-
haps the simplest explanation after all is Ritter's, who takes
it to mean ' when the weather is neither too hot nor too cold
W. H. 16
242 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
for you to have a good audience'. The conjecture sal Icpidits
has been made and even approved ! Meineke assumed a loss of
some lines after v. 18 in which a link was supplied (ib. V. 71).
There seems to be a reference back to v. 4.
20, libertino patre : Sat. i. 6, 45—6. in tenui re : his
father was inacro pauper agello.
21. pinnas and pcnnas : Lewis and Short well state the re-
lation of these two forms, on which others, e. g. White, are less
satisfactory. Here the balance seems to turn in favour of the
former.
nido with maiores 'too great for my nest to hold'. Cp. Sat.
II. 3, 310 corpord maiorem: Carm. II. 11, 11 aeternis minoi'em
consiliis.
23. 1)6111... domique: the rhythm of the line is certainly in
favour of the interpretation, which connects these words with
placuisse rather than w'vOn primis. But is it possible to suppose
that Horace should have ventured to assert that his military
exploits won him favour with the primi urbis, even admitting
that he would have placed Brutus and Cassius in this position ?
We need not take his humorous phrase in Carm. 11. 7, 10 relicta
non bene par mu la as a seriously intended confession of cowardice;
but neither is there any reason to suppose that he particularly
distinguished himself. Besides Augustus, Pollio, Munatius
Plancus, Messala and others were distinguished in war as well as
in peace.
24. corporis exigui sc. esse: 'short' not slight: cp. Suet.
Vit. Hor. habit 11 corporis f nit brevis atqiie obesus, qnalis et a sevict
ipso in satiris describitiir et ab Augusta hac cpisttda... Vereri au-
tem 7?iihi videris, ne maiores libelli tui sint, qiiam ipse es. Sed si
tibi statura dest, corpusculu7n non dest , etc. If in satiris does
not refer by a slip of memory to this passage, Suetonius was
thinking of Sat. 11. 3, 309 aedificas, hoc est, longos imitaris,
ab ivio ad siimnnuii totus moduli bipedalis, where the latter
clause is of course only a simile, though it gains in point from
Horace's short stature.
praecanum 'grey before my time '. So the scholl. explain the
word. In almost every other instance in which prae is com-
pounded with an adjective, the force is simply intensive, e.g.
praealtus, praecalidus, praecclsus, praeccler, etc. ; and it is as a
rule only when compounded with verbs that prae has the meaning
of 'before-hand'; hence Schiitz (after Plewes) maintains that the
meaning must be 'very grey'. But the formation oi praematnrus
differs in no way from that o{ praccamis, and that oi praecox, prae-
sagus, praenujitius very slightly. So we may rest content with
Bk. I. Ep. XX.] NOTES. 243
the traditional explanation. Cp. Roby Vol. I. pp. 381, 384.
Mr Palmer suggests that the meaning may be 'grey in front',
comparing wwo Kporacpwv neXd/jLecrOa irdvTa yTjpaXioi., Horace
speaks in Carm. II. 11, 14 of himself and Ilirpinus as rosacauos
odorati capillos: the date of this ode cannot be lixed precisely,
but it was written at latest three or four years before this epistle.
In B.C. •24 (Carm. ill. 14, 25) he \5 albescens.
sollbus aptum ' fond of sunning myself. This is the
reading of all MSS. and of the scholiasts, and may, I think, be
defended. Keller quotes Ov. Met. III. 596 partus puppibiis
aptos, which is not very similar, nor is Lucret. VI. 961 hue
aeeedit uti tioii omnia quae iaciuntur corpora cumqtie ab rebus,
eodem praedita sensu atgue codem pacta rebus sint omnibus apta,
which he regards as completely analogous, for apta is there
'adapted to affect' rather than 'fitted to enjoy'. Sat. Ii. 5, 45
aptus amicis is really a closer parallel ; so is Sat. I. 3, 29 aptus
aeutis naribus 'fitted to meet': the word is rather a favourite
one with Horace, occurring 14 times. Cp. Juv. vii. 58 cupidus
silvaru7n apt usque bibciidis fontibus Aoniduin. Mr Reid com-
pares Ov. Met. XIV. 25 Circe, neque enim flammis habet aptius
ulla talibus i7tgcnium, and thinks that it is simply an inverted
way of saying that the sun was suited to Horace's constitution,
a case of hypallage in fact; so Met. l. 681 aptam pastaribtis
umbram. But few passages in Horace have given occasion for
more numerous attempts at emendation, for the most part very
infelicitous. Kriiger {Anhang p. 375 — 6) mentions seven such
attempts (besides Herbst's solibus ustuin, which he himself
adopts), and Schiitz adds one more, solHcitatum (!). It seems to
me that there are more serious objections against one and all
of the proposed readings than against the text of the MSS.
For the practice of sunning one's self {apricatio) cp. Plin. Ep.
III. 5, 10 (of the elder Pliny) aestate, si quid otii, iacebat in
sole... post solein plerumque frigida lavabatur. ib. VI. 16, 5
tisus Hie sole, max frigida. III. i, 8 (of Spurinna) in sole, si caret
vento, ambulat tiudus. The usual place for this was the kelio-
caminus 'sun-oven' built on purpose. Cp. Mayor on Juv. xi.
203, and Pers. v. 179 aprici senes.
25. irasci celerem : Horace's quick temper may possibly
be referred to in Carm. in. 9, 22 improbo iracundiar Iladria ;
and more directly in Sat. Ii. 7, 35. It is exaggerated in Sat.
II- 3) 323 nan dico harrendam rabiem.
27. Decembres : vSuetonius gives the date of Horace's birth
as sexto idus Decembris. The year of his birth is fixed by Carm.
III. 11, \ 0 nata 7necum consule Alanlio, and by Epod. 13, 6
tu vina Torquato move consule pressa ??tea to the consulship of
L. Manlius Torquatus and L. Aurelius Cotta in B.C. 65, a date
which Suetonius also gives.
16 —2
244 HORATI EPISTULAE.
28. dixit has no authority worth considering, dtixit was
unquestionably the reading of the archetype. On the other hand
collcgam dicere is the regular technical term for the ' nomination '
of a consul after his election by a colleague >vho for any reason
had been previously elected (cp. Mommsen Rom. Staatsr. i^.
■209). The question then arises whether it is more probable that
Horace should have employed a phrase nowhere else found,
and extremely hard to explain by the usage of the language, or
that an error of one slight stroke should have crept into the
archetype. When we consider passages like Epod. i, 15; 4, 8 ;
Sat. I. 6, 102; 10, 86; Epist. I. 5, 28; 7, 96, to take only cases
where the archetype was unquestionably corrupt, we cannot, I
think, hesitate which way we should decide. Porph. explains
duxit by sortitiis est ' quia sortem duci dicimus ' : but there was
no question of the lot in the election of consuls : Ritter not
much more happily says ' respicit eiusmodi munera, ad quae
agenda simul progressi sunt consules, ut alter ab altero duce-
retur'. Obbarius explains 'took as his companion', a meaning
found only where there is some reference to a journey. Orelli
says ' veluti fracccdens Lollius post se quasi comitem aliquanto
tardiorem duxit Lepidum '. Macleane calls this ' far-fetched ',
but has nothing to suggest. Some have even compared ttxorem
diicere i For the circumstances cp. Introduction.
BOOK II.
EPISTLE I.
We have seen already from the First Book that the order in
which the Epistles were arranged for publication is not the
same as that of the dates of their composition. As in publish-
ing the first three books of the Odes, the Epodes, the first book
of the Satires, and the first book of the Epistles, Horace placed
at the beginning a poem addressed to his patron Maecenas, so he
may have wished to give the first place in this second book to an
Epistle addressed to Augustus, although this may not have been
the earliest to be written. We have therefore to look for other
indications of its date. Ritter thinks that he has found two
such. On the kalends of August in B.C. 12 an altar was
dedicated at Lugdunum to Augustus: cp. Suet. Claud. Ii:
Claudius natus est...Kal. Atig. Licgudimi, eo ipso die quo priviitm
ara ibi Attgusto dedicata est: Liv. Epit. cxxxviii. ara divi
Caesar is ad confli(eritc7n Araris ct Rhodani dedicata: Dio Cass.
LIV. 32 TTpocpaaei tTi^ iopTrjs 77V Kal vvv ivepl tov rod Avyovarov
^uifwv ev AovySovvoj reKovcn: Strabo IV. 3, 2 rb re lepbv to dca-
beixdkv VTTO iravTiiiv koiv-q twc VaXaTtjiv Kaiaapi ry 2e/3a(rrai trpb
ravTTjs idpvrai ttjs woXeus [sc. Lugdunum] iirl rrj avfji^oXrj tQv
TTora/xwi'. To this altar Ritter finds a reference in V. 16. But the
language seems too general to be so limited in its reference. It
denotes a habit rather than a single act. In B.C. 19 an altar
to Fortuna Redux was decreed in honour of Augustus by the
Senate (Mon. Ancyr. c. 11): if any special reference is in-
tended, it is more likely that this is intended. But Sueto-
nius (Aug. c. Lix.) says provinciarnni plcraeque super tcmpla
et aras ludos quoqiie qitinqiiennalcs paene oppidatiin consti-
tuerunti and although this refers doubtless mainly to a later
portion of his reign, the custom may have begun early. Hence
no conclusion can safely be drawn from the phrase in v. 16.
Another argument has been drawn from v. 255. Dio Cass.
(liv. 36) tells how in the winter of B.C. 11 — 10 the Senate
decreed that the temple of Janus should be closed ; but this
246 HORATI EPISTULAE.
decree was not carried into effect in consequence of an inroad of
the Dacians and a rising of the Dalmatians, followed by a
campaign under Drusus in Germany. Ritter argues from this
that the Epistle must have been finished before the news of
these fresh wars had reached Rome, when it was still expected
that the temple of Janus would be closed. But the temple of
Janus was closed three times during the reign of Augustus
(Suet. Aug. XXII., Mon. Ancyr. Ii. 45). The first time was in
B.C. 29, after his return from Egypt; the second in B.C. 25, at
the close of the first Cantabrian war. The date of the third
closing cannot be determined. Orosius (vi. 22) assigns it to
the year of Christ's birth, a tradition apparently accepted by
Milton {Hymn on the Nativity, stanza iv.): this rests on very
slight authority, but Mommsen (on Mon. Ancyr. p. 32) is not
disinclined to accept it as approximately true. In any case the
reference in v. 255 is too general to admit of being pressed.
More valid arguments have been adduced by Vahlen [Monats-
berichte dcr Berliner Akndtmie 1878, pp. 688 ff.). In v. iii
Horace refers to his resumption of a form of poetical com-
position which he had formally renounced. This can only mean
lyric poetry. Now the Carmen Saeculare was written in B.C.
17, and most if not all of the Odes in the Fourth Book between
B.C. 17 and B.C. 13. There appear to be references to some of
these in vv. 252 ft", (e.g. to v. 25 ff., xiv. 11, 29, 33, xv. 6, 9),
or at least to the themes of which they treat. Hence the Epistle
can hardly have been written before B.C. 13. In this year
Augustus returned to Rome after an absence of three years in
Gaul, and remained in Rome until B.C. 10.
Suetonius (vit. Horat.) tells us that Augustus post sermones
quosdam lectos complained that there was no mention made of
himself, and said to the poet irasci vie tibi scito, quod non in
plerisque eiusmodi scriptis fiteaon potissimum loqiiaris. An
verens, ne apud posteros infame tibi sit, quod videai-is familiaris
nobis esse ? In this way exprcssit eclogam ad se ctdus initium
est: Cum tot sustineas, e\.c. Ritter thinks that Suetonius was
mistaken in supposing that this Epistle was the one written by
Horace in answer to the remonstrances of Augustus ; and argues
that it must have been Ep. I. 13. His reasons for this view are
(i) that this was written too long after the publication of the
Satires, and (2) that Augustus in acknowledging the receipt of
Horace's libellus complains of it as being as short as the poet
was himself: pertulit ad me Dionysiiis libellum tuum, quern
ego, ut excusantem, quantuluscunque est, boni co?tsulo. Vereri
auteni mihi videris, ne tnaiorcs libelH tui sint, qttam ipse es. Sed
si tibi statura dest, corpii<:culum non dest. Itaque licebit in sex-
tariolo scribas : quo circuitus voluviinis tui sit oyKud^ffTaros,
sicut est ventriculi tui. It may be replied to the first of these
objections that Sermones is by no means necessarily limited to
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 247
Satires: in this very Epistle (v. ii^o) it evidently includes the
Epistles. Hence if, as we shall see reason to believe, the second
and third Epistle of this book (the latter the so-called Ars
Foetica) were written before the first, they may well have been
the Scrmoiies mentioned by Suetonius. The answer to the
second is that Horace himself in v. 4 apologises for the brevity of
this poem, and the sportive protest of Augustus is a reply to
this apology. Hence there is no valid reason for rejecting the
express testimony of Suetonius. Mommsen (Hermes XV. 105)
believes that the Epistles of the first book are the scrmones
qiiidam, and that, though they must, as he admits, have been
published some time previously, the slightness^ of the acquaint-
ance between Horace and the Emperor before the publication of
the Carmen Saecjclare prevented Uie latter from having any
knowledge of them. It seems to me very doubtful whether
Mommsen is right in limiting the intimacy of Augustus with
Horace so completely to the last few years of his life.
This Epistle has always been a favourite one. It contains a
great deal of shrewd criticism with some of those happy auto-
biographical touches, which Horace knew so well how to throw
in. IVIommsen indeed {Hermes XV. 103) calls these three
Epistles 'the most graceful and delightful works in all Roman
literature '.
With all the claims iipo7i your time, Caesar, I should
be unpatriotic, if I were to address you at length.
1. solus : Augustus did not lose the support of Agrippa
until B.C. 12, but since B.C. 17 he had been in the East, return-
ing to Rome this year, about the same time as Augustus re-
turned from Gaul. But Horace is speaking of the responsibility
of empire ; and with a natural license.
2. moribus. The position which Augustus assumed as a
'saviour of society' and reformer of morals is often dwelt upon
by the poets of his time, and is admirably described by M. Gaston
Boissier in his Religion Romaine, vol. I. 67—108. Cp. Mommsen,
Staatsr. I1-. 686 note r. With moribus the scholiast rightly sup-
plies suis not tuis : for the combination of mores and leges
cp. Carm. III. 24, 35 quid leges sine inoribus vanae proficiunt?
4. morer tua tempora ' waste your time' : just as we have
in Ep. I. 13, 17 oculos auresque tiioi-ari, 'to make eyes and ears
dwell upon a thing', so here the tempoi-a, the time which
Augustus had at his command for important business, is repre-
sented as in danger of being taken up with Horace's poetry.
The plural tenipora in prose always seems to carry with it some-
thing of the force of Kaipol 'opportunities' for doing anything,
not merely the lapse of time: thus often = 'crisis', 'emergen-
cies'.
248 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
5 — 17. The most illustrious heroes have not found recognition,
■while on earth, because of envy. You alone receive due honours
while still -with us.
5. Liber pater here, as often, has the history of the Greek
Dionysus simply transferred to him. ' The notion of his being
a protector of the vine was easily extended to that of his being
the protector of trees in general. This character is still further
developed in the notion of his being the promoter of civilization,
a law-giver, and a lover of peace (Eurip. Bacch. 420; Strabo X.
p. 468; Diod. IV. 4)', Diet. Biog. Augustus is similarly com-
pared to the deified heroes in Carm. I. 12, 22, 25 ff., 33 ; in. 3,
9; IV. 5, 35 f. There is a remarkable parallel (probably a
reminiscence) in Quint. Curt. viii. 5 Herculemct patrem Liberum
et cum Polluce Castorem novo nuviitii {Alexandro) cessuros esse
iactabant : and further on ne Herculem quidcni et patre/n Liberum
prius dicat deos, qiiam vicissent secum viventium invidiam.
6. templa, apparently in its earlier wide sense 'quarters':
cp. Ennius in Varro de Ling. Lat. vii. § 6 (Miiller) utius erit
ijuem tu tolles in caerula caeli templa ; and again (ib.) 0 magna
templa caelitum commixta stellis splendidis.
7. colimt, connected by a sort of zeugma with terras and
genus. With the former it would more naturally mean ' dwell
on', but from its connexion with the latter, it acquires a kind of
reflected force of ' caring for '. Cp. Verg. Eel. III. 60 ab love
principium...ille colit ta'7-as.
8. agros adsigTiant, i.e. institute property in land. Sat. I.
3, 105. The technical force of the word comes out in the official
designation of the tresviri agris dandis assignandis. Cf. C. I. L.
!• 583 with Mommsen's note, and the epitaph of M. Livius
Drusus, ib. p. 279 vii.
10. contudit, because according to the story the hydra's
heads were bruised by the club of Hercules, Carm. iv. 4, 61 f.
11. fatal! 'assigned by the fates', Carm. III. 3, \() fatalis
incestusqjie itidex. The twelve labours enjoined upon Hercules
by Eurystheus were made obligatory by the cunning of Juno,
who had induced Juppiter to swear that the descendant of
Perseus born first on that day should rule the other.
12. supremo, Ep. I. i, i (note), 11. 2, 173, 'only by his last
end'.
13. urit 'pains' here the ej'es: used of thirst (Sat. I. 2,
114), gall (Sat. I. 9, ()6), of a shoe (Ep. i. 10, 43), a burden
(Ep. I. 13, 6), and of blows (Ep. i. 16, 47, Sat. il. 7, 58).
artls^eTnTTjSeiijuaTa, 'qualities', almost identical with vir-
tutes : cp. Carm. III. 3, 9 hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules
enistis arces attigit igneas.
Bk. 11. Ep. I.] NOTES. 249
16. praesenti 'while still with us'; as contrasted with
the demi-gods who received honours only after their deaths.
Augustus is the one exception to the rule Virtutem iiicolitviein
odivius. But Monimsen rightly takes this also as a proof that
this Epistle cannot have been written before the return of
Augustus to Rome in B.C. 13. It would be otherwise incon-
ceivable that the poet who wrote abes iam niinium din (Carm.
IV. 5, 2) should throughout make no reference whatever to his
absence, it he was now sjiending his second or third year in
Gaul.
16. iurandas aras : iurarc, like iwoixvi'vat (Ar. Nub. 1237
iTTUixvvs Toiis Oeovs), dvofj-yvvaL (ib. 123'2 Kal .ravr ideXrjafii
OTTO/UOffai fiot, TO'us deovs;) — cp. Zeus dpLvi'fj.evos (ib. 1241) — takes
an accusative of that by which one swears (Verg. Aen. xii.
197 terrain, mare, sidera iuro)'. hence it can be used in the
passive.
numen has in its favour not only the vet. Bland, but also
the excellent MS. R, although the majority of MSS. have
nomcn: the former was restored to the text by Bentley, and has
since received the support of many good editors. Kriiger and
SchUtz still prefer nomeii; but the regular phrase was either
iiirare per numen or iitrare in ftotiien. Suet. Calig. 24 has
per numcn Dritsillae deieravit : and in Tac. Ann. I. 73 all good
recent editors have adopted the correction of Freinsheim violahtm
periurio numen Augusti, though the MS. has nomen. Cp. Ov.
Her. IX. 371, XIII. 159, Pont. i. 10, 42. Servius too who
quotes these lines on Verg. Eel. i. 7 and Georg. i. 24 has
(according to the best MSS.) miinen, and adds ' sic Lucanus de
Nerone [Phars. I. 63] sed mihi iam numen'. Mommsen holds
that this phrase cannot refer either to the altar to Fortiina redux
dedicated when Augustus returned to Rome in B.C. 19, or to
that of Pax Augusta of July B.C. 13, because neither of these
deities could have found a place in oaths. It must refer, he
holds, to the invocation of the genius Augusti between lupfiter
optimus maximus and the Di Penates, which was part of the
remodelling of the worship of the Lares Compitales. This appears
to have been due to a decree of the senate, passed during the
Emperor's absence, although not fully carried out until a later
date. Cp. Carm. iv. f,, '^\ Paribus tuum 7)iiseet nuvien. Cp.
Corp. I. Lat. II. 172 si sciens fallo fefellerove, tuvi me liberosque
vtcos lupiter optimns maximus ac divus Augitstus cetenque omnes
di immortales expertem patria incohimitate fortunisque ODinibus
faeiant (found at Aritium vetus in Lusitania).
18—27. But in other respects the Romans now scorn con-
temporary merit, and are blindly partial to what is ancient.
18. tuus Mc 'this people of thine', i.e. the Roman people,
so devoted to thee. lientley, after quoting instances of hie
25 o HORATI EPISTULAE.
mens, ille ttius etc., decides to read hoc on very slight authority,
joining in hoc u7io: but then, as Ribbeck has shown, the next
line becomes quite superfluous, for iinitm is sufficiently explained
by 15 — 17. It is possible however that unois masc, taken with
te.
21. suis temporibus ' the measure of life assigned to them ',
The epithet which would more properly belong to the authors
is transferred to their works.
23. veterum, neuter, not masculine, as is shown by cetera,
semota and defuncta. Cp. Tac. Ann. II. 88 vetera extollinuis
recentiiiin incuviosi. tabulas, the laws of the Twelve Tables,
carried by the decemvirs.
25. aequata 'made on equal terms', a probably unexampled
force of the word, which leads Mr Reid to conjecture that we
should read aeqiia icta; but the transference of meaning is hardly
too bold for Horace : to Gatoiis we must supply cum from the
following clause. Dionysius Halic. (iv. 58) says that he saw in
the temple of Zei)s iria-Tios on the Quirinal a treaty made by Tar-
quinius Superbus with Gabii, written on the hide of the ox slain
at the ratification of the treaty. Cp. Niebuhr Jlisl. I. 512. For
treaties with the Sabines cp. ib. pp. 231, 561.
26. pontificum litiros, properly the books containing the
laws of ritual and worship (Cic. de Orat. i. 43, 193, Macrob.
Sat. I. 12, 21), but probably including also the annales pon-
tificum or annales maximi. Cp. Cic. de Orat. II. 12, 52
(note), where Cicero speaks of the entire absence of ornament
in their style. Cp. Teuffel, Rom. Lit. §§ 6},, 66.
volumina vatum: 'veteres libros March vatis aut Sibyllae':
the oracles of the Sibyl were written in Greek; but there were
current at Rome certain Carmina Marciana in Saturnian verse,
ascribed to a prophetic Marcius (as Livy XXV. 12, and Pliny
H. N. VII. 33 say), or to two brothers of the name according
to Cic. de Div. I. 40, 89, which foretold the defeat of Cannae,
and enjoined games in honour of Apollo. The date of these is
unknown, but cp. Weissenborn on Livy I.e.
27. Albano in monte: 'quia Egeria nympha dicebatur
loqui cum Numa Pompilio in Albano monte ' Acron. This legend
does not appear elsewhere in quite the same form; but Ritter
labours hard to show that it is equivalent to that which places
the grove of Egeria at Aricia, which was not indeed on, but at
the foot of the Alban mount. Cp.' Ov. Met. xv. 487, Servius
on Verg. Aen. VII. 763 eductum Egeriae lucis. Ov. Fast. III.
261 — 2. He is however clearly wrong in supposing this grove
at Aricia to be that mentioned in Juv. in. 17, which was
close to the Capene gate at Rome, sixteen miles away. Burn
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 251
writes {Rome and the Cani/>agna, p. 218) 'The worship of
Egeria was probably indigenous to the grove of Diana at Aricia,
where we find that there was a shrine and fountain of Egeria;
whence it may have been transferred by Nunia (?) to the valley
and fountain outside the Porta Capcna.' Egeria was one of the
Camenae, and while we read of the Vallis Egeriae, the grove
with the temple in it is spoken of as ihe Lucus Camenarum
(Becker Rom. Alterth. I. 513 — 515)- If therefore the Camenae
were worshipped at Aricia, it would be natural enough to speak
of them as uttering their primitive poetry on the mountain which
rose above their grove, especially for those who remembered the
muse-haunted Helicon and Parnassus. We may compare Quintil.
X. I, 99 in comoedia inaxiinc claudicamtcs, licet Varro A/tisas,
Acli Stilonis sententia, Flaiilino dicat scrmone loctituras ftcisse,
si Laiine loqui vclknt.
28 — 33, // is absurd to argue that because the oldest Greek
writers are the best, it is so also at Ro?ne.
28. Graiorum: so Bentley with the vet. Bland, and some
few other MSS. Most MSS. have Graecoruin.
antiquissima quaeque points to the oldest writings as a class
as better than later works, whereas antiqjiissimum quodque
would have indicated that their merit was in each case in
proportion to the antiquity. Madvig Gramm. g 495 points out
that in the older and good writers the plural usage is confined
to the neuter. But Plaut. Men. 571 has uti quique sunt optumi:
Most. 155 optumi quique expetebant a me doctrinain sibi : Cic.
Lael. 10, 34 in opiimis quibusque honoris certamen; de Off.
II. 21, 75 leges ct proximae quaeque duriorcs (where Reid corrects
proxima) : Livy i. 9, 8 proxiiiii quique. But it is only in Justin
and Florus that this usage becomes conmion.
29. pensantur, very rarely used in this primary sense of
'weigh', and not in its derived meaning of 'repay' by any
writer earlier than Horace.
30. trutlna (Sat. I. 3, ']2) = TpvTa.vq (the first syllable of
which is long) ; so machina = ;a77xaJ'72, bucina = /3uKav7;. Cf. Roby
§ 239.
31. olea, Bentley's correction for oleam of almost all MSS.
has met with very general acceptance. It seems impossible to
suppose that intra is a preposition, while extra is so evidently an
adverb. It is necessary then to supply in to govern olea from
the following in nuce, precisely as cum above in vel Gabiis
vel cum Sabinis: so in Carm. Iii. 1},, 2 quae nemora ant quos
agor in specus the m has to be anticipated : cp. Verg. Aen. vi.
692 quas ego te terras et quanta per acquora vectum accipw.
252 HORATI EPISTULAE.
In Ep. I. 2, i6 which Orelli adduces to defend the MS.
reading, extra is just as much a preposition as intra : and
similarly in Li v. XXXI. 24 intra earn {portam) extraque. Schiitz
says that ijitra oleam conveys the just meaning, whereas extra
nucem would mean not 'on the outside of the nut' but 'apart
from it' and that therefore the construction was necessarily ,
changed. I think Bentlcy's emendation a great improvement.
The sense is : if we are to be led astray by comparing things which
though alike in some respects differ in others, like Greek and
Roman literature, then we may as well argue that an olive has
no stone because a nut has none, or a nut no shell because an
olive has not. We may go on to say that there is nothing lacking
to our perfect success, even in painting, in music, or in athletics.
32. fortunae: Schiitz (after Lehrs) objects to this word;
and says that it was a very poor compliment to Augustus for
Horace to regard it as absurd to suppose that the Romans had
reached the height of fortune under him. He suggests atlturae,
though in good Latin this word never has the meaning which
would be required here of the result of cultivation, but only the
process (cp. Ep. I. i, 40). Ribbeck despairs of the line, unless
he is allowed to transpose it to after 107. 1 do not see any fatal
objection to the traditional interpretation, as above, though cer-
tainly the logic is neither clear nor good. Porphyrion oddly
takes it of poetry, ' sed hoc intellegi quam a se dici maluit.'
pingimus : the four main branches of a liberal education
among the Greeks were ypafxixara, 'yv/j.vaaTiKri, /xovaiKri and (as
some added) ypa(pLK7]. Literature is here omitted, perhaps be-
cause the superiority of contemporary Greeks was not so clear
in this as in the other three. Painting, music and athletics were
alike despised by the Romans until the days of the Empire.
34 — 49. /( 2s quite impossible to draw any fixed line between
the old and the 7iew.
34. Vina: Pindar praises old wine and new poems (01. ix.
48 alVet 5^ iraXaLdf fj-ev olvov, avOea S vfivwv veuripwv).
35. quotus : the answer would have been expressed by an
ordinal.
adroget: we might be content with the meaning 'claims'
here and in A. P. 122, while that is clearly the force of the word
in Sat. II. 4, 35; but in Carm. IV. 14, 40 that rendering is less
S2i\.\sia.c\.oxy: fortima . . .optatuin pe7-actis imperiis decus adrogavit.
Mr Pa"e there suggests a possible connexion with the force of
prorogo 'grant in extension', so that adrogo would be 'grant in
addition' just as abrogo means 'to take away' originally by a
proposal addressed to the people, so adrogo may mean simply to
'add to'. Orelli's notion that the meaning here is derived from
the formal adrogatio or adoption in the comitia is not probable.
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 253
36. decldit 'has dropped off' like falling leaves: cp. Plaut.
Trin. 544 solstitiali niorbo decidunt.
38. finis 'limit', not, as Acron says, definition.
42. respuat, the reading of the best MSS., is at the same
time, as Bentley showed, the only tense which will suit both
praesens and postcra. Earlier eilitions had cither respuit or
resptiet. In the preceding line Ecntley proposed to replace
poetas by prohosqiie, a suggestion which certainly improves the
'concinnity' of the passage, but is not needful. For the rhyming
of the two X\ixc.'!> poetas. ..aetaSt which was one of his objections to
the reading of the MSS., cp. A. P. 99-100, 176-7; Verg.
Aen. I. 319-320, 625-6; III. 656-7: Gossrau {\\\^. de Hcxamctro
Virgilii) quotes eleven more instances from the Aeneid. Most
of these seem to be purely accidental, like those in Horace : but
in the more archaic poets there are traces of an intentional use of
rhyme (cp. Ennius in Cic. Tusc. i. 35, 85) and in a later age
Eustathius expresses his admiration of Hom. II. xxii. 383-4.
43. honeste 'with honour', i.e. he will not disgrace those
among whom he is ranked.
45. caudae pilos : it is possible that there is a reference here
(as the editors generally suppose) to the story told by Plutarch
of Sertorius, how "when he had called all his army together, he
caused two horses to be brought into the field, one an old feeble
lean animal, the other a lusty, strong horse, with a remarkably
thick and long tail. Near the lean one he placed a tall strong
man, and near the strong young horse a weak despicable looking
fellow : and at a sign given, the strong man took hold of the
weak horse's tail with both his hands, and drew it to him with
his whole force, as if he would pull it oft"; the other, the weak
man, in the mean time set to work to pluck off hair by hair from
the great horse's tail : the former of course effected nothing, while
the latter had soon removed the whole tail: whereupon Sertorius
said : ' You see, fellow-soldiers, that perseverance is more prevail-
ing than violence, and that many things, wliich cannot be
overcome when they are together, yield themselves up when
taken little by little'" (Clough's Plutarch, III. 400). But as
Horace is not teaching a moral lesson here, but simply illustra-
ting a logical process, I see very little reason to suppose that this
story was in his mind at all. The hairs in a tail may very well
have been a current example in the schools, like the grains in a
heap. The fallacy of the cpdXaKpos invented by Eubulides is a
somewhat similar instance.
46. etiam seems to be supported by the majority of good
MSS., and is strongly comfirmed by the imitation in Pers. VI. 58
adde etiam tinuin, nnum ctiain; it means 'still', as in its com-
254 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
mon use with comparatives. Bentley with some good MSS.
read et i/ein, comparing I'er. Andr. 77 sed postquam annus accessit,
pretiiim poUiccns, umis ct item alter: Lucret. iv. 553 asperitas
atitem vocis Jit ab asperitate principiorwn, ct item Icvor levore
creatiir: add Ter. Adelph. 230 mulieres complures et item, hinc
alia quae porta Cyprum. But etiain may certainly stand.
47. cadat elusus 'foiled and overthrown', a metaphor from
a gladiator, mentis acervl 'the diminishing heap', in Greek
crwpetTjjs ' quam, si necesse sit, Latino verbo liceat acervalem
appellare' (Cic. de Div. 11. 4, 11). The nature of it is explained
by Cic. Acad. II. 16, 49 captiosissimo genere interrogatio7iis iitiin-
tur, qicod genus minime in pliilosophia probari solet, ctun aliquid
viinutatim et gradatim additur aut demitiir. Soritas hoc vacant,
quia acervu7?i eppiciitnt zino additograno. Cp. also II. 29, 93 with
Reid's note. Chrysippus met the difficulty by refusing to answer
some time before his questioner reached the critical point: he
was so troubled by the sophism that Persius humorously calls it
his own, VI. 80 inventus, Chrysippe, tuifinitor acervi. We must
carefully distinguish the sorites as a logical trick playing upon the
meaning of the word 'heap' (crcopos) from the similarly named
but wholly different 'chain-argument' {kettenschluss), in which
the predicate of each of a strmg or 'heap' of premisses is the
subject of the next. Cp. Jevons Logic p. 156, or Thomson's
Laws of Thought, p. 199. Forcellini s. v. confuses them: the
definition in the dictionaries based on Freund 'a sophism
formed by accumulation' does not really suit either. Some
editors say that the argument which proceeded by way of addi-
tion was called the struens acej-vus, that which went on gradually
diminishing was called the ruens acei-vus. I cannot discover the
authority for this statement.
48. redit in fastos 'goes back upon the annals'.
49. Libitina : an ancient Italian goddess, originally of gardens
and of pleasure generally, called also Lubentina (from lubet, lu-
bido, etc.). Afterwards she came to be regarded as the goddess
of burial, by a transition strange to us, but not unexampled in
Italy, where the Sabine Feronia is compared both with Flora
and with Persephone, and in Greece where Aphrodite sometimes
is represented as Persephone: cf. Preller Rdtn. Myth. p. 387,
Gi-iech. Myth. I. p. 275. Servius Tullius is said to have or-
dained that in every case of death a piece of money should be
contributed to her chest ; and biers and other necessaries for
funerals were kept in her grove {luciis Libitinae) on the Esquiline,
and let out on hire. Here too the undertakers {Libitinarii) had
their quarters. Cp. Carm. III. 30, 6; Sat. II. 6, 19 ; Mart. X.
97; Liv. XL. 191 3 pestilentia ..tanta erat, ut Libitina ad fttnera
vix sufficeret (Madvig) : XLI. 21, 6 ne liber or utn quidem funeribus
Libitina siifficiebat.
Bk. 11. Ep. L] NOTES. 255
50 — 54. Tlure is a conventional style of laudation of our older
poets nozu current, which secures them general approval.
BO. Ennius is cdAXeAfortis mainly because of the brave spirit
in which he sung of the battles of Rome. Cp. Ep. i. 19, 7. At
the same time he served with distinction among the ^Iessapian
allies of Rome in the second Punic War. Prof. Sellar in his ad-
mirable study of Ennius says : ' This actual service in a great war
left its impress on the work done by Ennius. Fragments both of
his tragedies and his Annals prove how thoroughly he understood
and appreciated the best qualities of the soldierly character.
This fellowship in hardship and danger fitted him to become the
national poet of a race of soldiers' {Roman Poets, p. 67). But
to compare him with Homer is to put him to a test which he
cannot be expected to stand : ib. p. 102.
61. leviter moczx^-securus esse Porph. Bentley, with
his usual masterly insight, saw that Porph. had hit the mark by
interpreting : ' Ennius is now sure of his harvest of fame, about
which he had previously been anxious, and so cares little for the
promises of his Pythagorean dreams'. Horace is here setting
forth the high reputation which the older poets were enjoying in
his own day, not criticising them from his own point of view, and
censuring Ennius for carelessness, as some editors have wrongly
supposed. — Bergk has shewn that Horace probably takes Varro
as his type of the critici, several of the judgments here passed
closely agreeing with those of Varro in various works.
52. quo cadant ' what becomes of.
somnia : Cic. Acad. II. 16, 51 {Ennius) cum somniavit, ita
narravit ^visits Hotnei-us adesse pocta\ This was at the begin-
ning of his Annals, as we learn from the scholiast on Pers. VI. 10
cor iubet hoc Enni, postquam dcstertuit esse Maeonidcs Quintus
pavone ex Pythagorco, rendered by Conington ' so says Ennius'
brain, when he had been roused from dreaming himself Maeo-
nides Quintus developed out of Pythagoras' peacock'. The
scholiast explains this by saying that the soul of Ennius had
passed through five stages, a peacock, Euphorbus (cp. Carm. I.
28, 10), Homer, Pythagoras, Ennius ; and Porphyrion here saj's
'in principio Annalium suorum somnis se scripsit admonitum,
quod secundum Pythagorae dogma anima Homeri in suum corpus
venisset.' I cannot find any authority, except in this passage,
for the statement that Homer's soul passed into Ennius : certainly
Cicero (1. c.) says nothing about it, as Conington's note on Pers.
Prol. 3 asserts ; and in Lucret. I. 116 — 126 we have simply the
statement that Ennius taught the doctrine of metempsychosis,
and that Homer appeared to him ' pouring out briny tears', and
revealed to him the nature of the universe, a vision which Mr
Sellar thinks evidently suggested the dream in which Hector
256 H OR ATI EPISTULAE.
appeared to Aeneas (p. 109). The line vicniini me fieri pavum
(Ann. V. 15 Vahl.) refers apparently only to Ennius himself.
Tertullian gives the order as Euphorbus, Pythagoras, Homer, a
peacock by a bold anachronism. Mommsen's words 'The re-
markable vision, with which the poem (of the Annals) opens, tells
in good Pythagorean style how the soul now inhabiting Quintus
Ennius had previously been domiciled in Homer and still earlier
in a peacock ', seem based on the language of Persius, which
may only be a distorted expression of the satirist ; cp. Conington's
note. Conington here renders
' nor cares how he redeems
the gorgeous promise of his peacock dreams',
53. non—nojine, as in Carm. iii. 20, i non vides, and often
elsewhere. Bentley first gave the true meaning to this passage, by
making it interrogative, ' Did I say that Ennius is now sure of
his place? Why even Naevius, so mucJi more archaic a writer, is
still always in our hands, and familiar to us, as if he were almost
one of our own time'. Naevius served in the First Punic War,
and therefore could not have been born later than about B.C. 260 :
he died about B.C. 200. (Cicero Brut. 15, 60 says in B.C. 204,
but there is reason to believe that he lived at least three or four
years longer : cp. Mommsen Hist. 11. 437 note.) Ennius was
born B.C. 239, and died B.C. 169, so that Cic. Tusc. i. i, 3 makes
a slip in speaking of him as older than Naevius, unless, as is pro-
bable, the words there used are due to an inaccurate marginal
gloss. In any case the poetry of Naevius was decidedly more
archaic than that of Ennius.
55 — 62. Even when the early writers are set against each other,
the question is only zuhich has the more striking merits, not what
are the faults of each; and the fashionable critics think they can
be labelled by appropriate epithets in each case.
55. aufert ' carries off' as his special distinction.
56. Pacuvius (B.C. 219 — 129), the sister's son of Ennius.
The extant fragments of his tragedies (about 400 lines), admirably
discussed by Prof. Sellar, and more in detail by Ribbeck {Rdmische
Tragodie, pp. 216-339) do not enable us to determine precisely
why the epithet of doctus is given to him, though they 'bear evi-
dence to his moral strength and worth, and to the manly fervour,
as well as the gentje humanity of his temperament '. It is pro-
bably because of his wide acquaintance with Greek literature :
but we need not be concerned to maintain the justice of the epi-
thet.
Accius (B.C. 170 — about B.C. 90): oratorical fervour and pas-
sionate energy are conspicuous in his fragments (cp. Sellar, pp.
146-7). Quintilian says (x. i, g-j)viriujn Attio phis tribuitur,
Bk. II. Ep. L] NOTES. 257
Pacuvhim viden doctioreni, qiti esse docti adfectant, volinif. The
form Attiiis seems to be the one found in the best MSS. of
Quintilian (cp. Halm): on the other hand no MS. whatever has
that form here, and on Cic. de Orat. III. 7, 27 Ellendt says 'a
libiis standum, qui, quod sciam, ubique fere It ignorant'. Cp.
Teuffel AV/«. Lit. § iiq, i 'The equally well-attested forms
Attius and Accius may he owing to a dialectical ditTercnce [?].
In the Imperial period, the form with tt gained the ascendancy,
and the Greeks always wrote 'Attjos'. It is singular that the
evidence should be so divided, seeing how rare it is to find ci
.and ti confused in early authorities. Cp. Roby l^. p. LI I,
Corssen Anssfrache I. 50 — 67, 11. 1003. Both in Horace and in
Quintilian a few M.SS. have Actiiis. Ribbeck in his Fragmenta
Tragicontm (1871) adopted the form Attius, but in his Koni.
Trag. (1875) he always has Acciiis.
Both Pacuvius and Accius attained to a great age, but pro-
bably senis means only ' writer of the olden time ' here, as in
Sat. II. I, 34, of Lucilius.
57. Afranitoga: ' bene^^rt." togatasenimscripsit Afranius'
Porph. The togatae were comedies, depicting Roman or Italian
characters and manners, as opposed to the paUiatae, comedies
like those of Plautus and Terence derived from Greek sources,
and retaining Greek dravtatis pasonae. I-. Afranlus was the
chief writer of togatae, born about v,.c. 150: his plays were of a
very immoral character (cp. Quintil. X. 1, 100; Auson. Epigr.
LXXI. 4), but in style they attained to something of the elegance
of Terence. He freely borrowed from Menander, as well as from
other writers (cp. Macrob. Sat. VI. i, 4 Afranius iogatancin
scriptor...non invcrcctinde respondais argiientihis quod plura
sumpsisset a Alenandro ' Fateor\ inquit ' sitmpsi non ab illo niodo
sed tit quisqtie halmit conveniret quod viihi, quod me noii posse
vielius faccrc credidi, etia/n a Latino') and the critics pronounced
that his style was worthy of his model.
68. ad exemplar Epicharmi : Orellijustly says that it is very
difficult to determine the exact meaning of this line, because we
have not the means of comparing Plautus with Epicharmus, of
whose comedies we have few considerable fragments preserved.
He thinks \}s\z.\. propcrare^ad eventu/n fcstinare (A. P. 148), and
that it refers to the rapid progress of the action of the plays. So
too Teuffel § 97, 2. Schiitz understands it of rapidity of produc-
tion. Mahaffy says that ' it seems only to apply to the easy flow
of the dialogue' {Greek Lit. I, p. 403) ; but Sellar is more nearly
right in extending it to ' the extreme vivacity and rapidity of
gesture, dialogue, declamation and recitative, by which his scenes
were characterised' {Roman Poets, p. 194). It must always be
remembered, though many critics seem to forget this, that Horace
is not giving his own opinions, but those which were commonly cur-
\V. H. 17
253
HO RATI EPISTULAE.
rent. Epicbarmus was born in Cos about B.C. 540, but was
brought as an infant to Megara in Sicily, and enjoyed much repu-
tation at the court of Hiero in Syracuse about B.C. 490. He is
said to have reached a great age.
69. Caecilius Statius, an Insubrian Gaul by birth, flourished
at Rome at the same time as Ennius, dying one year after him in
B.C. 168. lie was placed at the head of all the Roman comic
poets by Volcatius Sedigitus (a critic quoted by A. Gellius XV.
■24) Caecilio palniam statiio dandam comico, Plaiitus secundus
facile exstiptrat ceteros, etc. while Terence only comes sixth in
his list. He is often quoted by Cicero, who however censures
his bad style (Brut. 74, 25S, ad Att. Vil. 3, 10), and was distin-
guished especially for skill in the management of his plots.
Nonius (p. 374) quotes Varro as saying In argtimentis Caecilius
poscit palmani, in ethcsi Tercntius, in scrmonibus Plaulus. His
gravitas seems to have been shown in his sententious maxims
(Sellar, p. 202). The ' art ' of Terence appears in the careful
finish of his style. Cp. Caesar's lines quoted by Sueton. Vit.
Terent., where he calls him dimidiate Menander and pMri sermo-
nis ainalor,
60. arto * thronged ', too narrow for the numbers : cp.
spissis...iheat9-is in Ep. I. 19, 41. There however the theatra
are the private recitation-halls : here they are the public theatres,
of which there were three permanent ones in Rome at this time,
one built by Cn. Pompeius in B.C. 55 near the Circus Flaminius,
one built by Augustus in honour of Marcellus (not finished
however until B. C. 11), important remains of which are still stand-
ing near the Tarpeian Hill, and a third built by Cornelius
Balbus between the other two. It had previously been the
custom to perform plays in temporary wooden theatres, often of
great magnificence.
61. potens, so mighty, and yet so wanting in critical dis-
cernment. The strange lack of great dramatists or poets of any
Icind in the half century preceding Lucretius and Catullus seems
due partly to the 'separation in taste and sympathy between the
higher classes and the mass of the people ' (Sellar, p. 265) which
made literature the amusement of a narrow circle, and partly to
the disturbed political conditions of the time. The continued
popularity of the old tragedians may be ascribed to the extent to
which they represented some of the best features in the old
Roman character (ib. p. 151).
62. Livi: Livius Andronicus, who in B.C. 240 first brought
upon the stage a Latin translation of a Greek tragedy.
63 — 75. A sound critic must adi)iit that these early writers
have many defects of archaism, harshness, and carelessness. A few
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 259
happy phrases or lines must not lead us to regard a whole poem as
perfect.
63. est ubi= ^frric Sre, ' at times ' : hence peccat, not peccei,
which has very sliglit authority, is the right mood. Cp. Ep. II.
2, it>2, Sat. 1. 4, 24, Roby § 1687.
66. pleraque ' much ', not ' tlie greater part' ; the meaning
here found is more common in later Latin tiian in Cicero, if
indeed it is found at all in his writings.
67. credit : Bentley fights hard for cedif, but admits that
credit may stand, and it is supported by all MSS. of any import-
ance.
68. mecum facit 'supports my view', Ep. 11. 1, 23. love
aequo 'with the favour of fieaven', i.e. in his sound senses. Cp.
Sat. II. 7, 14 iniquis Va-t7iiiuiis, II. 3, 8 dis iratis. Iniquus
meaning 'unfavourable', its opposite aequtts comes to mean not
merely 'impartial' but 'favourable': ^'erg. Aen. VI. \i^ pauci
quos aeqinis amavit hippiter ; and so often.
69. delendave : -ve has much more authority here than
•que, and was rightly restored by Bentley. Schiitz objects that
dileiida esse rcor does not differ sufficiently in meaning from
insector to make a disjunctive particle legitimate ; Init the differ-
ence, though not great, is enough to admit of the disjunctive.
Livi: Bentley argued warmly against this reading, contending
that the works of Livius Andronicus were too antiquated and
rough for any one to maintain that they were exactis minimUin
distatilia: hence he eagerly accepted the reading of some IVISS.,
including most of Keller's first class, Laevi. But Laevius, the
writer of epuTOTraiyvia, was not at all fit to be placed in the
hands of school-boys : besides, he was probably a contemporary
of Cicero, and 'attracted a certain interest only by his com-
plicated measures and affected phraseology' (Mommsen, Jdist.
IV. 589: cp. Teuffel, /^om. Lit. § 138, 5). The poems of Livius
not unnaturally took their place in a study of the development of
Roman literature.
70. plagosum : the word does not appear to be used else-
where in this active sense: it is found in Appuleius in the sense
of ' much-beaten '. We may compare the use of tiodosus, ap-
plied to a usurer in Sat. II. 3, 69, to gout in Ep. I. i, 31, Ov.
Pont. I. 3, 23; but to a vine-stick in Juv. viii. 247. The
primary force of -osus ' abounding in ' lends itself to either
usage.
71. Orbilium, one of the masters at Rome, to whose lessons
Horace was taken by his father (Sat. I. 6, 76 — 82). According
to Suetonius (de Gramm. 9) he was a native of Beneventum
17 —2
26o HORATI EPISTULAE.
who, after serving for a time in tlie army, taught tor several years
in his native town, and came to Rome when fifty years of age in
the consulship of Cicero (h.C. 63), where he taught maiorc fama
qxiam eniolitmcnfo. He died in poverty when nearly a hundred
years of age. Suet, quotes for his severity towards his pupils
this passage, and a line written by Domitius Marsus (a younger
contemporary of Horace, who wrote epigrams), si quos Orbilms
fcTiila scitticaque cecidit. If Suetonius's dates are to be trusted,
he had only very recently died, when this epistle was written.
dictare, Koby § 1372, S. G. § 543 (4). It is hardly a legitimate
inference from this phrase that ' boys wrote, in part at least, their
own schoolbooks, as books were rare and costly' (see Church's
Rojiian Life, p. 7), and that Orbilius ' was accustomed to enforce
good writing and spelling with many blows'. Ep. I. j8, 13 and
I, 55 show that the purpose of the dictation was that pupils
might learn by heart. Cf. Cic. Nat. D. I. 26, 72, de Fin. iv. 4,
10, Mayor on Juv. V. 122. Nor were books very costly at
Rome : at least in Martial's time the cost of MS. books was
even less than that of well-printed books now. Cp. Ep. XIII. 3
where he says that his whole book of Xenia will leave a profit
to the publishers if sold for two sesterces. Doubtless copies of
Livius were somewhat scarce.
72. exactis 'perfectly finished', properly of works of art.
Cp. Uv. Met. I. ^o-) forma hommis...sed titi de fuarmore coeptOy
non exacta satis.
74. concinnior 'better-turned': the word is properly used
of regular beauty. Ep. I. 11, 2.
75. ducit 'carries off': but it is not quite clear what the
metaphor is. Bentley thinks it might perhaps be derived from
the notion of a handsome slave, set at the head of a row offered
for sale: but he recognizes the objections to this view, and in-
clines rather to take it as ' deceives ', with poema as the nomi-
native : it is then necessary to read venit for vendit with one
MS. Schiitz understands Livius as the subject, and takes
ducit (with some other editors) as ' produces as a specimen ' :
this is very doubtful. It is best to carry on versus as the sub-
ject, and to take ducit = trahit, 'brings after it', either, as
Orelli says, into quarters to which it would not otherwise make
its way, or into the favour of the purchaser. The phrase ducere
familiam (Cic. de Fin. iv. 16, 48, ad Fam. VII. 5 accedit quod
familiam ducit in iure civili) 'to be the first,' might lead us to
regard the phrase here as an extension of that usage.
76 — 89. It 7nakes jne indignant to hear the new blamed,
because it is netv, the old honoured, solely because it is old.
Honest criticism of the earlier writers is forbidden owing to self-
suffcience, false pride, and ill-zvill towards contemporaries.
Bk. 11. Ep. L] NOTES. 261
76. qulcquabi : used where we might have expected ali-
quid, because indignor = /f/vv ;/^« possum, and is tluis virtually
negative. Cp. Madvig Gr. § 494 b, and note on Cic. Cat. I. 3, 6
quamdiu qxiisquain crU...vives.
reprebendl: Keller asserts that the contracted form reprendi,
preferred here and in vv. St, ■212 by some editors, does not
occur before the middle of the tenth century A.n., and that the
archetype certainly had reprchendi. Mr Munro thinks that
Horace 'perhajis always wrote repreitdire for reprchcndere of
MSS. as twice he certainly did'. But it is to be noticed that in
both these cases (Sat. 11. 10, 55, Ep. l. 18, 39) r^praid- has the
short vowel.
crasse 'coarsely': crassa Minc)~'a in Sat. il. 2, 3 'home-
spun mother wit'. The opposite is tenui Jllo in v. 225. Cic.
ad Fam. IX. 12, 2 calls his speech for Deiotarus »iititttsculurn
levidense crasso filo.
77. putetur: Roby § 1744, S. G. § 740, 2. The subjunctive
does not depend here upon the non quod, as contrasted with the
sed quia, but it is equally to be understood after the latter, as
expressing the alleged reason for the censure.
79. crocum : flowers were strewn upon the stage, and
saffron jaice sprinkled upon it, for the sake of the fragrance:
cp. Lucr. II. 416 ct cum scaeita croco Cilici pcrfusa rccens est:
Ov. Art. Am. I. 104 nee fiici-iUit liqiiido pttlpita j-tibra croco:
Plin. N. H. XXI. 6, 33 vino mire congruit \crocuni\, praccipue
dulci, trittiin ad theatra rcplcnda : Sail. Hist. II. 29 croco sparsa
humus. The masculine form is generally used for the plant,
the neuter for the expressed juice ; hence the word here is pro-
bably neuter: but the distinction is not always observed.
Attae. T. Quinctius Atta was a writer of comoediae iogatae,
who died according to Jerome on Euseb. Chron. in B.C. 78. His
fragments (cp. Ribbeck Com. Lat. pp. 160 — 164) abound in
archaisms, but are vigorous in style. Cp. Teuffel Rom. Lit.
§ 120. The cognomen is explained by Fest. s. v. p. 12 (Miiller)
as proper to those qui propter vitium crurum ant pedum plantis
insistunt ct attingunt magis tcrram quam ambulant, not differing
therefore much from Plautus. Some have not unnaturally supposed
that there is a reference to this in perambulat ; but undoubtedly
the primary meaning of this is explained aright by Acron : in
scenam recepta est, tibi florcs sparguntur. ror]ihyrion has a
curious notion that it refers to the undue length at which in a
play called Matertera he went through the names of the various
kinds of flowers.
81. patrea ' elders ' as in v. 109.
262 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
82. Aesopus especially distinguished for tragedy ; Koscius
equally eminent in both; hence gravis — ' impressive ', doctus
'skilful'. Cic. often speaks of both: cp. de Orat. I. 28, 129,
30; 6r, 258; pro Sest. 57, 121; 58, 123, etc. The former of
these great actors was living in B.C. 55, the latter died in B.C.
62. The best account of them is given by Ribbeck, Rom.
Tragbdie, pp. 671 — 675.
85. imberbi is probably the reading of the vet. Bland. : at
least Cruq. has that form here and on A. P. 161 quotes the vet.
Bland, as his authority for iinhi'ilnts. Hence most good editors
have adopted it here, though Keller prefers imherbcs^ found in all
his MSS. Lucil. 977 (Lachm.) has inibcrbi androgyni. Cp.
Neue, Formenl. 11. 88.
perdenda : the only instance in classical Latin of a finite
passive form from perdo is in Sat. II. 6, 59, but perditiis of
course is common: and perdundus occurs in Sail. Cat. XLVi. 2.
86. iam=z'«;« vera, 'in fact'. Saliare carmen : the chants
[axamentd] of the Salii or priests of Mars, instituted according
to Livy I. 20 by Numa, had become almost unintelligible even
to the priests themselves by the time of Quintilian (l. 6, 40
Salioniin carmina vix sacerdotibiis szei's satis iittelUcta) : for the
extant fragments cp. Wordsworth's Fragments and Specimens,
pp. 564-6.
89. livldus 'in his envy': Sat. I. 4, 93 lividus et viordax
videor tihi ?
90 — 102. The Greeks, who furnish our models, never shotved
this jealousy of ivhat was nezv : ihty gladly welcomed all fresh
forms of art, turning readily from one to another.
90. quodsi : Roby § 2209(f), S. G. § 871, 5.
^2. tereret 'thumb': viritim 'each for himself, publicus
VSUS, i.q. populus, dum utitur. 'To be read and thumbed by
the public, as they severally enjoy it'.
93. posltis bellis. At what date was this? It is evident
that Horace is thinking mainly of Athen?, and doubtless the
great outburst of Athenian art and literature followed upon the
close of the Persian Wars: cp. Aristot. Pol. V. 6, p. 1341 'As
the increase of wealth afforded them better opportunities of
leisure and quickened the moral aspirations of their souls, the
result was, even before the Persian wars, and still more after
them in the full flush of their achievements, that they essayed
every kind of education, drawing no line anywhere, but making
experiments in all directions. Thus the use of the flute among
other things was introduced into the educational curriculum'
(translated by Welldon, p. 242). Hence almost all editors have
Bk. II. Ep. I] NOTES. 263
assumed that this is the period meant. But Schiitz objects (i)
that art and literature had reached a higli development before
this date: (2) that after this time, when all arts were at their
height, the Greeks carried on fierce wars witli each other. He
therefore lays stress on titigari and viliiim as indicating blame,
not sufficiently accounted for by the manner in which the more
rigid Romans were accustomed to regard tiie accomplishments in
which the Greeks excelled : and considers that ' wars were laid
aside' only after Greece lost her independence, and a 'kindly
fortune' preserved her from civil strife by the peace which Rome
imposed upon her subjects. In support oi this view it may be
urged that Horace is not speaking of the excellence attained by
Greece in various departments of art, but only of the capricious-
ness with which, like a spoilt child, she turned from one amuse-
ment to another. But it is hard to believe tliat fortiina aeqtta
can refer to the time of the national degradation of Greece, and
not to the prosperity and vigorous national life which followed
the repulse of the barbarians. And though Horace is not giving
unqualified praise to the pursuits of the Greeks, he is certainly
commending the versatility which led them to try so many forms
of mental activity, and so caused the production of the new
works, which in his day had become the ancient models. Schiitz's
view seems to me inconsistent with vv. 90 — 92, and therefore to
be rejected in favour of the current explanation, nugariis com-
monly used of amusements, which are not directed by any serious
purpose: cp. Sat. II. i, 73; i. 9, 2; Ep. I. iS, 60; li. 1, 141.
94. Titiiun, which has been attacked by some critics, need
not denote more than an undue devotion to pleasure, inconsistent
with the rigour of earlier manners, labier ' drift'. Horace uses
this archaic form of the infinitive also in Sat. I. 2, 35, 78, 104 ;
II. 3, 34; 8, 67 : Ep. II. 2, 148, 151. Vergil has the form six
times : it is common in Catullus and Lucretius, but occurs only
occasionally in later poets. There is one instance in the Odes,
Carm. iv. 11, 8. For the origin of the inflexion cp. Corssen II*.
478—9. Roby§6i5.
95. athletarum, mainly in the great national games. Cp.
Carm. IV. 2, 18 ; 3, 4, for the zomSyu\2i.'(\on ptigU...equus.
96. marmoris aut eboris : the chief sculptors in marble or
ivory (and gold) flourished at Athens : but the leading school of
workers in bronze was at Sicyon and Argos. The earliest bronze
statues are referred to Samos, the earliest marble ones to Chios :
cp. Overbeck Griech. Plast. pp. 69 — 72.
97. suspendit 'let eyes and thoughts dwell in rapt attention':
cp. Sat. II. 7, 95—97.
98. tibicinibus may refer to dithyrambs (Miiller, Greek Lit.
II. p. 77 ff.) in which the music took a prominent place, and
364 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
cannot denote, as Lambinus supposed, comedies, for tibicines
were employed as much for tragedies as for comedies. Cp.
Ribbeck J^om. Trag. p. 24. But perhaps it is, as Orelli thinks,
only an instance of the species put for the genus, and so denotes
music generally.
100. reliquit : the subject is Graecia, not, as some have sup-
posed, pitella.
101. This line is evidently out of place, as it stands, and
breaks the connexion of the thought : which is ' When wars were
over, Greece took to various forms of art, turning readily from
one to another. This was the result of peace and prosperity
there. At Rome tastes in old days were different'. Hence
Lachmann suggested that it should be placed after v. 107 (cp.
Lucret. p. 37) : then nmtabilc'x'n taken up very naturally by inuta-
vit in V. 108, as vidit by viderc in Carm. iv. 4, 16, 17; and we
have a suitable introduction to the sketch of the changed tastes
at Rome.
102. paces 'times of peace' as in Ep. r. 3, 8 : cp. Lucret. v,
1230 voitorum faces.
103 — 117. At Rome men were in old days taken np wholly
with practical duties : but ncnu every 07ie takes to tvriting, even I
myself, who had }-enoimccd it ; and though for all other pursuits
some knoivlcdge is required, no one thinks himself too ignorant to
make verses.
103. diu. Horace paints more in detail the early customs
of Rome, whereas he had been content to hint at the warlike
activity of the Greeks in the phrase /^wV/j bellis.
sollemne= 'consuetudine usitatum', Comm. Cruq. reclusa
does not acquire the meaning of our ' recluse ' until late Latin.
104. mane: cp. Sat. i. i, \o sub galli cantum consultor ubi
ostia pulsat : Cic. pro Mur. 9, 22 vigilas tu, Sulpici, de node ut
tuis consultoribus respondcas. Hence promere gives the reason
for the vigilare : ' to be up betimes with open house, and to give
legal advice to clients' : promere, because legal rules and
methods of procedure were long kept as the exclusive property of
the patricians: cp. Cic. pro Mur. 11, 25, de Orat. I. 41, 186
(note).
105. cautos ' secured ', the technical term in law, as Bentley
showed by many examples, though he needlessly preferred the
reading scriptos, which has very slight, or more probably no MS.
authority. Cp. L)ig. L. 13, i si cui cantum est honorarium
videamus an petere possit. The reading rectis is better sup-
ported than certis, though both are technically used in this sense.
nomina is used for 'debtors' also in Sat. I. 2, 16, much as we
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 265
might speak of a 'good name' on a bill. Cp. Cic. ad Fam. V.
6, 2 ut bontirn nomen existimer ; ad Att. V. 21 nam aut bono
nomine centesimis con tent us erat ; aut tion bono quaternas cen-
tc-simas sperabat : in Verr. v. 7. 17 clamare ilU...pecuniam sibi esse
in nominibus ; numeratam [cash] in pracsentia non habere. Trans-
late 'to lead out money secured by good names'.
106. maiores audire goes with per quae, etc. by a slight
zeugma, as well as minori dicere : ' to leaiu from elders and to
teach a junior the means by which', &c.
107. damnosa, cp. Ep. i. 18, 21 dam nosa I'enus. The refer-
ence is here only to the injury which self-indulgence may cause
to one's fortune.
108. calet 'is fired': Orelli quotes Lucian's description of
the people of Abdera (de conscr. hist, i) as seized with a fever
(irvpfTii)) for tragedy, Cp. Juv. vii. 52 insanabile scribcmli
cacoethes.
109. puerique : so Cruquius read, without however quoting
his authority. Horace never makes the first syllable in patres
long except in arsis: Vergil always hti.9> patres preceded by -que,
except in Aen. vil. I'^d perpeltiis soliti patres consuiere mensis,
where the long vowel occurs in thesis. Keller objects that there
is a certain climax in patres here ; but the expression is more
forcible if we take it as 'young and old alike'.
110. fronde comas viiictl. The garlands, which were
almost a necessary item for the cornissatio after dinner, were
made of flowers, especially violets and roses, and leaves, such as
i\y, myrtle, and parsley, were only used when flowers could not
be procured (cp. Garm. i. 4, 9; 36, 15 ; 38, 5; 11. 7, 25; iv.
II) 3)1 or when simplicity was desired: but here the diners
assume the poet's bays. Cp. Becker Callus^ iii. 315 — 324.
dictant ' dictate', the verses being composed ex tempore, and
the poet desiring that every word should be taken down by the
guests. Cp. Sat. I. 4, 10.
111. nullos versus : cp. Ep. i. i, 10. The reference is of
course only to lyric verse.
112. PartMs mendacior: if there was any truth in the
charge implied in this comparison, the Parthians must have de-
generated much from the Persians : attrxiCTo;' "yap avroiai to \pe\)-
SeaBai vevo/xLCTTai (Herod. I. 138): Trai.dfvov(n di rovs iraidas rpia
fiovua, Itnrevd.v Koi To^eueiv Kal d\r]di^e(Tdai (ib. 136). Porphyrion
here says ' bene Parthis, qui perfidi sunt, et qui Romanos duces
fraudibus saepe deceperunt', and Acron refers especially to their
attacks upon Crassus. Certainly the death of Crassus himself
266 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
was due to a treacherous abuse of tlie forms of negotiation (Meri-
vale II. 23). But charges of faithlessness have been always
brought against a dreaded enemy with or without reason from
the time of the perfidia plus qnatn Piinica which Livy ascribes to
Hannibal (xxi. 4, 9) to Napoleon's perfide Albion. Cp. iiifidi
Persae in Carm. IV. 15, 23. This passage must have been writ-
ten after B.C. 17 when Horace returned for a while to lyric
poetry.
prius orto sole, not like the old Romans, to give ad-
vice to their clients, but to begin composing. 'J'his is not neces-
sarily inconsistent with ad qiiartam iaceo of Sat. I. 6, 122, for
there he is not represented as sleeping, but as reading and writ-
ing in his lectiilus.
113. scrinla are cases of books, which he might wish to refer
to. Sat. I. I, 120.
114. habrotonum 'southernwood' or 'Pontic wormwood'
(Munro on Lucr. iv. 125), is mentioned elsewhere as a useful
medicine. Plin. xxi. 92, 160 iisus el foliis [habrotoni], sed niaior
semini ad excalfaciendum, idea iie^-vis utile, tussi, erthopnoeae,
convulsis, rtiptis, lumbis., uriuae angustiis.
115. quod medicorum est. Bentley not unnaturally found
fault with the tautology involved in the mention of physicians, after
qui didicit dare: and suggested inelicoritm—vielici. But the pas-
sages which he quotes do not suffice to show that melicus can be
used as equivalent to miisicus: in Lucret, V. 334 organici melicos
peperere sonorcs the word means merely ' tuneful ', and in Plin.
VII. 24, 89 <z Simonide melico it means 'a lyric poet', not a
musician. It would be better to allow the repetition to stand,
than to remove it by such an uncertain conjecture. But, as Prof.
Palmer has pointed out to me, medici is often used in the sense
of 'surgeons' rather than 'physicians', e.g. Plaut. Men. 885.
117. indocti doctique 'unskilled and skilled alike': doctus
like (70005 is a common epithet of a poet : cp. Carm. I, i, 29
with Wickham's note.
118 — 138. Yet the love of poetry has its practical advantages :
poets escape many vices ; they help to train the young to virtue, and
aid in the worship of the gods.
119. siccolllge: Sat. 11. i, 51 sic collige jnccuni. avarus :
so Ovid A. A. III. 541 nee nos ambilio ncc amor nos tangit ha-
bendi. Pope's imitation is
' And rarely Av'rice taints the tuneful mind'.
120. non temere 'not lightly', Sat. 11. 2, 116, Epist. ii. 2,
13, A. P. 160.
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 267
hoc studet : tliis construction of stitdco and similar verbs is
only I'ound witli neuter pronouns or adjectives like oi/iiiia. Roby
§ 1094. For riaut. Mil. 1437 cp. Tyrrell's note.
122. socio 'partner', Carm. iii. ^4, 60. Cp. Cic. pro
Rose. Am. 40 in rebus Diiitoribus fallcre sociiiin tiirpissimum est.
A provision of the XII Tables made this a capital offence in
the case of a client: patronus si dieiiti fj-audcm fcccrit^ sacer esto.
Condemnation in an action pro socio involved iitfirnia (Gains iv.
182). Incogitat is a dV. \ey. Horace is fond of new compounds
oiin: cp. Epod. 3, iS; 5, 31, 34; n, 15, &c.
123. pupillo: Ep. I. i, 22.
slliquls ' pulse': the word is used by Verg. (Georg. I. 74) for
the pod of Ici^umcii: Juvenal XI. 58 and Pers. ill. 55 have it in
the same general sense as here.
secundo, not made ol siligo (Juv. v. 70, with Mayor's note),
but secundarius panis, such as Augustus preferred (Suet. Aug.
76).
124. mllltiae: genitive denoting that in point of which the
adjective is used: Roby § 1320, S. G. § 526. Cp. Sat. i. 10, 21
seri studiortini etc. Others less correctly take it as the locative,
or (with Orelli) as the dative. In Tac. Ann. in. 48 (quoted by
Orelli) impigcr militiae et acrtbtts ministeriis the last three words
go not with impiger, but with a following adeptus, Cp. Tac.
Hist. I. 87 urbanae militiae impiger: so Hist. II. 5 acer miiitiae,
III. 43 streiiutis militiae. Draeger Syntax des Tac. § 71 a.
125. si das : i.e. if you allow that the state can be served by
the more retiring virtues, which the poet teaches.
126. balbum :. of old age in Ep. I. 20, 18.
127. obscenls: a better established spelling than obscaenis
(obsroenis being altogether wrong: but cp. Corssen I.- 328): the
first element is clearly obs- as in obs-olesco, os-fendo etc. Corssen
refers the second part to coenum 'mud' (cp. in-qitin-are) and so
apparently Curtivis I. 343: others consider the root to be the
same as in scaevus, referrnig to Festus p. 201 cum apiid antiques
oinnesfere obscaena dicta sint, quae mali oininis habebantur.
iam nunc : before the time comes when he will have to apply
such lessons, i.e. 'in earliest youth'. Cp. Propert. IV. (v.) 11, 93
disciteventiiram iam nunc sentire scncciam ; A. P. 43 ut iam tiunc
dicat iam nunc ( = at once) debentia did.
130. orlentia tempera: explained by Porphyrion 'proponens
exempla multa efficit, ut orientia tempora, hoc est venientia,
cuius modi futura sint, aestimemus et instruamus ex ante gestis'.
Lut this is hardly a legitimate meaning of instrucre tempora.
268 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Better 'the successive generations' with Orelli, or simply 'the
rising g.', as in Veil. II. 99, 1 or'tentitim iuveniim tJigenia. Verg.
Aen. VII. 51 priiiiaqtie oriens crepta iuventa est.
131. aegrum 'sick at heart' as often in Cicero.
132. cum pueris puella: unquestionalily a reference to the
choirs of youths and maidens for whom Horace had written the
Carmen Saeculare. In Carm \. ^\ we have a similar, but briefer
hymn. Livy XXVII. 37 describes how a chorus of twenty-seven
maidens sang hymns composed for them by Livius Andronicus,
as they went in procession through the city, in honour of Juno
Regina,
134. praesentia numina ' the favour of the gods '. For
fraesens 'propitious' cp. Ep. I. i, 69: Cic. in Cat. 11. 9, 19
(note).
135. caelestis aquas: Carm. Saec. 31, 32 nntriant fetus et
aqiiae sahibrcs et lovis atinie. The same expression is used for
rain in Carm. iii. 10, 20.
docta 'taught' by the poet : as in Carm. Saec. 75. blandus:
Carm. IV. i, 8 blandae iicvenum preces ; III. 23, 18 non sump-
tuosa blandior hostia ; I. 24, 13 T/ireicio blandius Orpheo. The
notion is that of winning favour by entreaty.
138. manes 'the gods of the lower world'; not the shades
of the departed : cp. Verg. Aen. XII. 646 vos 0 viihi niimcs estc
boni, quoniafn superis aversa voluntas: similarly in Georg. IV. 505
(of Orpheus) (7/C17 flctit 77ianes, qua munina voce moveret? The
word meaning originally 'the good ones' (Preller Rom. Myth.
pp. 73, 455, Curt. G>: Etym. I. 408), it is applied ]3rimarily to
the spirits of ancestors, worshipped as still powerful for good
over the fortunes of their descendants, and then to all the deities
of the lower world, among whom these came to be reckoned.
139 — 160. Poetry had its rise luilh us in the rustic merry-
makings of hardest, and the Jests bandied to and fro, at first
innocent, but afterguards growing scurrilous. Then this rough
style of verse tvas checked by laiv ; but it was only acquaintance
with the literature of Greece which banished the earlier coarseness.
139. fortes ' stout fellows ' = ad laborem validi ac seduli :
Schol. So Sat. II. 2, ii-,fortem colonum: Verg. Georg. 11. 472
pa! tens operiun exiguoquc adsucta inventus of the inhabitants of the
country.
140. condita post frumenta: so Arist. Nic. Eth. viii. 9, 5
finds the source of the earliest festivals in harvest-homes, when
men met together TLp.a.% d.Trov^/j.oi'Tes rots dto'is, Kal avrols dvaTrav-
ffeis Tropi^ovTe% fj.ed' Tidoviji.
Bk. 11. Ep. I.] NOTES. 269
141. ferentem: the tense denotes what was usual, not the
state at the particular lime: 'which was wont to bear toil in the
hope of respite'.
142. pueris et conluge, in apposition to soclls operum ; the
wife and chiklren are the partners of his toils, slavery being
regarded as unknown in those good old days. Uenlley rightly
rejected the et, which earlier editors had before /wtv/V ; cp. Sat.
II. 2, 115, and 128.
143. Tellurem: Varro R. R. I. i, 4 invokes the gods who
are agricolanim duces: pri»ium...lovem ct Tellurem: sccuiido
Soletn et Lunam:...tertio Coerem et Libcnim:... quarto Robigutn
ae Floraiu :...item Miiiervam et Venerein:...nec non ctiam Lyni-
pham et Boiiuin Ezeiitutn. Roughly carved altars to Silvanus
are not uncommon in museums : several such have been found in
England, one of which records the slaying of a great wild boar
which had defied earlier hunters.
porco: Cato R. R. 134 says fn'usi/uam mcssim facics, porcarn
p}-aecidaneain hoe modo fieri oportct. Cereri \porca praecidaned\
porco fi'inina, &c. (The repeated words are bracketed by Keil
after Pontedera.) It is clear therefore \.\\aX. porcus may be epicene,
and it should be taken so here, as Tellus was joined with Ceres
in the sacrifice: cp. Varro ap. Non. M. p. 163 heredi porca prae-
cidanea suscipienda Tellnri et Cereri: Serv. on Verg. G. I. 21.
But there is no need with Lambinus, and I^. ^liiller to xftaA porca.
Horace has the masculine form in Carm. iii. 17, 15 ; Sat. II. 3,
165; and Ep. i. 16, 58; the feminine in Carm. iii. 23, 4.
lacte: milk is offered to Priapus in Verg. Eel. vii. 33. pia-
bant=/iV eolebant, or more exactly //«;« (i.Q.propitiic»i)/aciebaut.
144. Genium: Ep. i. 7, 94 (note): A. P. 209. memorem:
the genius, remembering how brief is the life of the man, with
whom his own is bound up, desires to be merry as long as he
can.
145. Fescennlna llcentla. Livy (vir. 2) in describing the
origin of dramatic representations at Rome says Vernaculis artifi-
cibus, quia ister Tusco verba litdio vocabatur, nojuen histrionibus
indituvi : qui non, sieut ante, Fesccnnino versu siviilem incomposi-
tum teinere ac rudem alternis iaciebant, sed impletas modis saturas
descripto iam ad tibicinem catitii motuque congruenti peragebant.
The original Fescennine verses therefore consisted of a rude and
extempore exchange of repartees. Paul. Diac. (p. 85 Miill.) says:
Fescennini verms, qui canebantzir in nuptiis, ex tirbe Fescennina
dicutitxtr allati, sive ideo dicti, quia fasciniim putabantur arcere.
There was an Etruscan town Fesccnnia or Fescennium on the
Tiber, near Falerii (Plin. 111. 5, 52, Verg. Aen. vu. 695), and
the unquestioned connexion of the Atcllan plays with Atella in
2 70 HORATI EPISTULAE.
Campania seems to lend some support to this local origin of the
term. But on the whole the second explanation is to be pre-
ferred, though not quite in the form given (from Festus) by
Paulus : fascimim denotes primarily the evil eye, but as this
was supposed to be averted by the use of an obscene symbol,
fascimim came to be a synonym for the symbol itself. As the
effects of the evil eye were especially to be dreaded in marriage
the chanting of obscene verses was considered an essential part of
the nuptial ceremony, and it was almost solely in this connexion
that the Fescennine verses survived in the later days of the
Republic. Cp. Catull. LXI. 120 ite din taceat procax Fescenniua
iocatio (so Munro: Fascennbia locutio Ellis): Sen. Med. w^festa
dicax fundat convicia Fcsccnniniis : and see Munro's Criticisms
and Elucidations of Catulltis, pp. 76 — -78. The abusive songs,
however, by which soldiers tried to avert the frowns of Fortune
from a general during his triumph, were of the same nature, and
the term was occasionally used of scurrilous verses of any kind :
cp. Macrob. II. 4, 21 tc/>iporibiis trnunviralibns Follio cudi- Fes-
cenninos in eiim Atigustus scripsisset, ait at ego taceo, non est
enim facile in eum scribere qui potest praescribere, ib. III. 14, 9
Cato senatorem tion ignobilevi spatiaiorem et Fescenninum vocat.
Cp. Nettleship in Joitim. Phil. xi. 190.
inventa. Bentley, on the ground of the assumed Etruscan
origin of these verses, read invecta, objecting at the same time
to the phrase invenire licentiam. But the foreign origin is
exceedingly doubtful: it is impossible (with Teuffel. Rovi. Lit.
§ 5) to combine the two derivations of the term Fescenninus,
and the form which the word takes is due probably only to a
popular etymology, like that which has given us yerusalem
artichoke for girasole (Max MUller Lectures il. 368), while, as
Schiitz justly says, it is difficult to see what other word Horace
could have used for invenire. Besides, the custom of rustic merry-
making, such as is described by Verg. Georg. 11. 385 — 392,
would more naturally give rise at home to this interchange of
sportive and licentious abuse, than lead to its importation from
abroad. We have specimens of this rustic abuse in Theocrit.
Id. IV. V. VIII. X., Verg. Eel. III.
147. accepta 'handed down', from one year to another,
as the time of harvest came round. This is perhaps better than
Orelli's ' welcome ', which would however be a perfectly legitimate
sense.
148. amatoiliter 'in friendly fashion', iam saevus 'now
growing savage'.
149. coepit verti : it is not necessary (with Schiitz) to defend
this construction, by pointing to the middle force of verti.
Although in classical prose coeptus sum is as a rule used with a
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 271
passive infinitive, Tacitus regularly uses coepi: we find in Lucret.
II. 614 coepisse crcari: Ov. Met. III. jo6 coepcre vioveri: creari
= nasci (cp. Munro), and movcri=se tnovcre: but cp. Ep. i,
15, 27, A. P. 21.
160. impune minax 'assailing with impunity', because no
law as yet checked excess. There can be no reference here,
as Schiiiz tliinks, to the Fescennine verses sung at marriages,
for these were never discouraged, even in the most refined times,
cruento ' that drew blood'.
152. super. This use of super for de is not found in good
prose between Cato super tali re, and Livy, except in Cicero's
letters (e.g. ad Att. X. 8, lo sed /tar super re niviis), where he
often adopts the more conversational style of the comedians.
From Flautus five instances are quoted. Cp. Drager, Hist.
Synt. § 300.
lex : the first law enacted as to mala carmina was that passed
by the decemvirs in the Twelve Tables: cp. Cic. de Rep. iv.
10, 11 nostrae XII tabulae cum perpancas res capite saiixissent,
in his hanc quoqiie sanciendam putaveruiit, si quis occentavisset
sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faccret Jla<^itiumve alteri.
There was in the time of Horace a further lex Cornelia, passed
by Sulla in B.C. 81, de iniuriis, which included libellous pub-
lications. As the punishment w'as capite, it seems that fustis
refers to the old punishment of ihefustuarium or cudgelling to
death.
153. lata. The phrase ferre legem meant properly only to
'bring forward' a law, not to carry it, which is perferre: Cic.
Cornel. Fragm. 13 (Baiter) est utique ins vetandi, cum lex
feral ur, quamdiu non perfertur, quoted by the dictionaries as
establishing this difference, has no authority, because the reading
given is only due to conjecture (cp. Ascon. p. 70 Orell.) : but
cp. ib. 14 nee gravius iucipere ferre, quam perferre: Liv. Ii.
56, 9 attt hic.vtoriar, aut perfcram lege?n: XXXIII. 46, 6 legem
exte?nplo promulgavit pertuiitque : X.KXVI. I, /^ patres rogationem
ad populum fei'7-i iusserunt...si ea pei'lata rogatio esset, turn... rem
integrant ad senatum referrent. P. Cornelius cam rogationem
pertulit. But when there was no need to distinguish sharply
between the proposal of a law and the passing of it, ferre was
occasionally used for the latter; cp. Cic. Corn. Frag. 11 (the
senate declares) quae lex lata esse dicatur, ea non videri populum
teneri: ib. 9 Cottae legem. ..anno post quam lata est a fratre eius
(abrogatam) : Cic. pro Sest. 25, 55 legum nniltitudinem cum
earum, quae latae sunt, tum vero, quae pronnilgatae fuerunt ;
ad Att. I. 1 4, 5 Senatus...decernebat ut ante quam rogatio lata
esset, ne quid ageretur: and often. In such cases it is perhaps
best to translate 'put to the vote '. In the juristsy^/vv seems to
272 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
mean simply 'to enact', so latae sanctiones, etc. The dictionaries
do not treat this usage satisfactorily, and fail to recognise its
extension. Here lata is connected properly with lex, and by
zeugma -wx^h. poena: we may translate ' enacted'.
154. describi : cp. Sat. I. 4, 3 si qtiis erat digntis describi,
quod mains ac fur, quod vioeclms forct. So often in Cicero for
depicting the bad features in a character : cp. Reid's note on pro
Sulla 29, 82.
vertere modum ' changed their tone '. Ritter assumes that
there is here a definite reference to the substitution after the
decemviral legislation of more innocent jesting, such as the
Atellane plays and the exodia, for the earlier political lampoons.
But there is no reason to believe that Horace is speaking with
historical accuracy : the various stages, which Livy (vil. 2)
sketches, were all long after the time of the decemvirs. The
supervision of the authorities over public literary efforts seems
to have been severe and continuous (cp. Mommsen Hist. i.
474), and the result not simply what Horace here describes
(ib. II. 432 'the restrictions thus stringently and laboriously
imposed by custom and police on Roman poetry stifled its very
breath').
155, bene, opposed to male, of the moral tone, not the
artistic quality of the writing.
156. Graecia capta, again a certain historical laxity. Greece
cannot be said to have been subdued before the capture of
Corinth in B.C. 146: but Greek literature was familiar to the
educated at Rome, and the Greek dramas brought upon the
stage in the form of translations and adaptations more than half
a century earlier by Naevius, Ennius, and Plautus. It is very
doubtful whether we can, with Ritter, force the phrase into
harmony with history by understanding Graecia to denote the
Greek cities in Italy and Sicily. Horace is doubtless looking
rather at the general fact that Greece though conquered in arms
proved victorious in letters than at the precise chronological
sequence.
158. numerus Saturnius : its general character is well de-
scribed by Macaulay in the Introduction to his Lays of Ancient
Rome. The fullest recent discussion, with a collection of all
extant Saturnian verses, is that by L. Havet De Saturnio Lati-
nortitn Versu (Paris, 1880, pp. 517). The metre appears to
have been used very rarely after the time of Naevius. There are
however some rude instances in sepulchral inscriptions, e.g.
C. I. R. 34. Hermann, Ep. Doctr. Metr. p. 214 thinks that
they were used by Varro in his Satires, but this is very doubtful.
The typical instance is Dabtint maliim Metelli \ Naevid J>oetae :
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 273
but the numerous irregularities, which are admissible, fully justify
Horace's epithet of honidus. Cp. Wordsworth's Specimens
p. 396.
defluxlt ' passed out of use '. grave virus ' the noisome
venom': virus is any offensive fluid; the word is sometimes
used metaphorically, as in Cic. Lael. 23, 87 apiid qticni evomet
virus accrbitatis suae: sometimes it means simply 'stench', as
in Lucret. 11. 853, and perhaps in VI. 805.
159. mtinditiae 'elegance'. The verse and dicticm of
Ennius, though rough in themselves, were polished as comiDarcd
with the poetry of Livius and Naevius.
160. hodieque 'and even yet', in the Fescennine verses
and the Atellan plays.
161 — 176. The Romans were late in taking to the drama:
for ti-agcdy they have sufficient elevation and passion, but lack
painstaking finish. Their comedy, luhich they think easier, though
failure here is more inexcusable, is ruined by haste in produc-
tion, due to greed.
161. serus refers to ferus victor, i.e. the Romans. Ritter
thinks that the sense requires that this should refer to some
individual writer who came comparatively late in the line of
Roman poets, and \.ak\r\g Punica bella io include the Third, finds
this writer in Accius, who in his Libri Didascalion seems to have
made a learned study of the Greek tragedians, as well as his
Latin predecessors (Teuffel, Rom. Lit. § 119, 7). The lines 165
— 167 apply sufficiently well to Accius, hultcmptavit }-em cannot
surely be referred to any individual, except to the first who
wrote tragedies in Latin. It is better therefore to regard the
whole passage as denoting the general characteristics of the
Roman dramatists : serus will then mean 'late in the history of
the city'. [It is almost impossible to believe that vv. 166 — 7
were not written with reference to some person. Ennius,
Pacuvius or Accius must have been taken as a specimen of
the Roman tragic writers, just as Plautus is taken as a specimen
of the comic writers. The words serus enim etc. apply very
well to Ennius, who was probably not free from military service
till after he was 35 years of age. The sense of temptavit rem is
strictly limited by digne : the person (whoever he be) tried
whether he might not worthily render what had before been
rendered unworthily. I cannot think the text right as it
stands. J. s. R.] Perhaps chartis disguises some corruption.
162. post Pimlca bella. The Third Punic War is not
here included, as of less importance than the other two. Aulus
Gellius XVII. 21, 45 quotes from Porcius Licinus (flor. B.C.
100) Foenico bello secundo Alusa pinnato gradu intulit se belli-
W. H. 18
274 HORATI EPISTULAE.
cosam in Romuli gentem feram. This is somewhat more accu-
rate than Horace, for 'even during the Second Punic War
dramatic performances went on uninterruptedly, inasmuch as most
of Naevius' works and one half of Plautus' literary exertions
(though perliaps the less fertile half) fall into the time of this
war' (Teuffel,y?(7w. Lit. I. p. 104). But perhaps it is better (with
Schiitz) to connect quietus closely with post Punica bdla, 'en-
joying peace after the close of the Punic wars'.
163. Thespis, the traditional founder of the Attic tragedy :
op. A. P. 276. Horace here neglects the chronological order, as
in Sat. I. 4, 1 Etipolis atqiie Cr-atinus Aristophaiiesque poetae.
Euripides could not have been brought into an hexameter verse,
at any rate in the nominative case.
164. temptavlt rem 'made the attempt': rem is not, as
some editors suppose, the object of vertere, attracted out of its
place ; the construction is like that in Liv. i. 57, 2 ternptata res
est, si capi Ardea posset, II. 35, 4 ternptata res est, si disicere rem
possetit.
vertere 'translate', without an object expressed.
165. placult sibi. Prof. Sellar admirably brings out in his
Roman Poets of the Republic, chap, v., the reasons for the satis-
faction found by the Romans in the drama : cp. especially p.
151 : ' The popularity and power of Roman tragedy, during the
century preceding the downfall of the Republic, are to be
attributed chiefly to its didactic and oratorical force, to the
Roman bearing of the persons represented, to the ethical and
occasionally the political cast of the sentiments expressed by
them, and to the plain and vigorous style in which they are
enunciated '. We have fragments more or less important from
119 tragedies of this period, covering 285 pages in Ribbeck's
edition.
166. spirat tragicum satis ' has sufficient tragic inspira-
tion' : cp. Carm. iv. 3, 24 qnod spii-o et placeo, si placco, tunm
est: for the construction cp. Roby § 1096-7, S. G. § 461. Stat.
Silv. V. 3, 12 alt am spiralis.
feliciter audet refers apparently to the boldness of the
language, especially in Pacuvius and Accius. Cp. A. P. 56 ff.
167. inscite : the vet. Bland, with some inferior MSS. has
in scriptis, but with inscitiae as a correction. Bentley reads
inscitiis, on the strength of Horace's preference for an adjective
rather than an adverb in such cases, pointing out at the same
time that this accounts better for iii scriptis : but these arguments
do not warrant us in departing from the MSS. inscitia, 'want
of skill', is not so strong a term as inscientia, 'ignorance': cp.
Cic. de Orat. I. 22, 99 (note).
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 275
lituram: cp. A. P. 292 — 4. Caecina in Cic Ep. I-'am.
VI. 7, I mendto/t scripturae litura tollilur: Sat. I. 10, 72 saepe
stilum vertas, iterum quae digna legi sint scriptitrus. Cp.
Pope's imitation
'Even copious Dryden wanted or forgot
The last and greatest art, the art to blot'.
We mny remember also, in Ben Jonson's Discoveries, the criticism
on Shakspere : "I remember the players often mentioned it as
an honour to S. that in his writings, whatsoever he penned, he
never blotted out a line. My answer hath been, ' Would he
had blotted out a thousand',"
168. ex medio 'from daily life'.
axcessit: some of the best MSS. here have accersit. For
a discussion of the relation of the two forms or words cp.
yotirnal of Philology, VI. 278 ff. The vet. Bland, has accessit ;
but it is clearly better to take res as ace. plur. rather than nom.
sing.: the perfect tense is out of place; and if res is the subject
of accessit, it must also be taken as the subject of creditiir, in-
stead of comoedia ; but the latter gives a much more satisfactory
sense.
170. venlae 'indulgence': even uneducated spectators can
see the absurdities of unnatural comedies.
171. quo pacto 'in what a fashion'. Is this intended for
blame or praise? Editors are divided in their judgment. Acron
leaves the ambiguity: Porph. has qicatn indecenter, incongrue:
and so Conington renders
' What ill-sustained affairs
Are his close fathers and his love-sick heirs''
Lambinus on the other hand argued that as Horace in A. P. 270 ff.
blames his rough metre and coarse wit, there would be little left,
if he did not allow him even the credit of vigorous character-
painting : and Schiitz points out that in criticizing Roman tragedy
Horace first recognizes merit, then adds blame, and that the blame
in the case of Plautus comes in clearly in v. 174. But Horace is
here pointing out that comedy, though thought to be easy, is
really difficult, and it is not unnatural that he should at once give
proofs of his position. That the criticism is hardly warranted,
and that Plautus really shows much power in his vivid sketches
of character, is not reason enough for us to reject an interpreta-
tion which would show that Horace judged a popular favourite
too severely. Hence the expression ' Look at the way in which
Plautus sustains, &c. ' may fairly be regarded as implying
censure.
ephebi: properly a youth between 18 and 20 years of age.
Cp. Ter. Andr. 51 postqtiain excessit ex ephebis : Eun. 824 iste
18—2
2 76 HO RATI E PIS TULA E.
ephebus. The word is used by Cicero in its strict sense, de Nat.
1). I. 28, 79 Athenis cum essem, e gregibus epheborum etc., but
not apparently by Plautus. There is an interesting account of
the Ephebi in Capes' University Life at Athens : cp. Hermann,
Gr. Alt. I. § 176.
172. attenti: Ep. i. 7, 91.
173. Dossennus : Atcllanarum scriptor, Comm. Cruq.
This is probably only a guess, and an unlucky one, which has
misled many editors. The evidence for the existence of such
a writer is very slight and untrustworthy, and it seems quite
clear that Horace is speaking throughout of Plautus. Dossenmis
was a standing character in the Atellan plays. Varro de Ling.
Lat. VII. 95 says: dictum inandier a tnandendo, itnde 7nandiicari,
a quo ill Atellanis ad obsenum vacant Jllandncu in, where Miiller
corrects (Addend, p. 303) the corrupt words to Dossenum.
Ritschl (Parerg. Praef. p. XII I.) at the suggestion of Bergk, on
the strength of this, interprets the present passage ' quantus ipse
scurra sit in scurris parasitis describendis ', pointing out that
Horace here touches upon the four leading characters of the
fabiila palliata, but censures Plautus especially for his treatment
of the fourth. Suetonius Galb. 1 3, after describing the niggardli-
ness of Galba, adds qiiare adventus eiiis non perinde gratus
fuit : idqiie proximo spectaculo apparuit : siquideni Atellanis
notissimum canticum exorsis Venit ione simus a villa, cuncti
simul spectatores consentiente voce rcliquam partem retulcriint
ac saepiiis versu repetito egerunt. Here the corrupt words have
been corrected by Lachmann to Vetiit Dorsennus, though Roth
prefers to read with Casaubon, Onesimus, which is certainly much
nearer to the MSS. The point evidently lies in the avaricious
character of the man named, whoever he may have been. Teufifel,
Rom. Lit. § 9, 3 says ' Dossennus (dorsum) is a cunning sharper,
the dottore ' : I do not know that there is any other basis for
this view than the conjecture as to the derivation of his name
(' baud dubie a dorsi gibbere dicta' Ritschl), the hump-backed
man being regarded as wise, as we see from Aesop. From the
name Mandncus it seems more probable that Dossennus was
a glutton, ' quae persona magnis malis et crepitantibus dentibus
insignis in pompa Circensium ludorum duci solebat ' (Miiller on
Varro, 1. c.) : and this is the view taken by Prof. Nettleship in a
paper read before the Oxford Philological Society. Ritschl
however prefers to regard the name as used here quite generally
for a buffoon, without reference to the special features of the part.
Festus, p. 364 M. quotes from an Atellan play by Novius called
Duo Dosseni. Cp. Ribbeck, Fragm. Com. p. 257 and 274.
Plin. N. H. XIV. 13, 92 says sed Fabius Dossennus his versibus
decentit, etc. It is possible that this writer got his name from
the character, which he may have resembled, or played well (so
Bk. 11. Ep, I.] NOTES. 277
Miiller, Addend, p. 303) : but Bergk's view that Fabius is not a
poet at all, but a learned lawyer (Ritschl, Parcrg. Praef. XIII.)
is quite consistent with the context in Pliny (cp. ib. p. 105),
Finally Senec. Ep. LXXXIX. 6 quotes an inscription on the tomb
of Dossennus ^ hospcs resiste et sophiam Dosscttni legc\ a quota-
tion which certainly raises more difficulties than it removes.
The view taken by Ritschl of this passage can hardly be
said to be certain, in face of the corrupt state of our scanty
authorities; but it is at least more plausible than any other
interpretation as yet put forward. Orelli ignores it, Schiitz
disputes it, but Ritter, Dillenbiirger and (with more hesitation)
Kriiger accept it.
174. quam non adstricto bocco 'with how loose a sock':
the socais {Kpirrrk) or 'slipper' of comedy is contrasted with the
cutliiirnus (Kotiopvos) or ' buskin ' of tragedy in A. P. 80. Cp.
Milton's ' If Jonson's learned sock be on'.
175. loculos, properly any sort of a casket or satchel (cp.
Ep. I. I, 56), used of a purse or money-box, also in Sat. I. 3,
17, II. 3, 146, and by Juvenal I. 89, etc. (cp. Mayor's note).
The charge here brought against Plautus ' may very probably be
true, and is by no means to his discredit ' (.Sellar, Roman Poets,
p. 164: the context is well worth reading). The play-wright sold
his play to the magistrate who gave the shows at which they
were acted. Terence is said to have received 8000 sesterces for
his Eunuchus, more than any play had produced before.
176. cadat ' fails', for which Aristotle uses e/c7rt'7rre:v (Poet,
17. i; 18,5; 20,5).
stet 'holds its own', i.e. succeeds: cp. Ter. Hecyr. 15
partim sum eariim exactiis, partim vix steti ; Cic. Orat. 28, 98
niagnits orator... si seinel constiterit, nimquain cadet.
recto talo ' steadily ' ; borrowed from the Greek, e. g. Pind,
Isthm. VI. 12 bpd(^ iffraaas eirl <r4>vpip, and imitated by Pers. V.
104 recto vivere talo. ' This criticism is to a great extent true',
Sellar I.e. Not that Plautus was without a natural pride in the
success of some of his plays, but ' his delight was that of a vigor-
ous creator, not of a painstaking artist '.
177^207. A dramatic writer is dependent iipon his audience ;
and very often upon the baser part of them. Even the better
educated care for little now but spectacle.
177. gloria 'fame', as opposed to the desire of making
money.
ventoso ' airy ', not without a suggestion of the fickleness of
fame; cp. Ep. i. 8, 12; 19, 37.
278 HORATI EPISTULAE.
178. lentus 'indifferent', 'irresponsive'; cp.lcntissimabrnc'
chia in Sat. I. 9, 64.
Inflat ' inspires ', almost equivalent to rejicit below. There
does not seem to be any suggestion of pride here, any more than
in Cic. in Pis. 36, 89 ciiin tibi spe falsa... aniinos rumor in-
Jlasset.
180. aut : Bentley's ac has very slight authority, and is not
needed.
valeat ' no more of ! ' or ' good-bye to ' : res ludicra, i. e.
the drama. So we have partes litdicras sustinuerKnt in Suet.
Ner. II, and qui art em liidieram /aciu7it is a jurist's term for
actors.
181. macrum — opimum, with a humorous exaggeration for
' depressed ' and ' triumphant '.
182. audacem, i. e. the poet who is bold enough to run
the risk of failure from popular indifference.
184. depugnare, stronger than Orelli's vianiis intciitarc :
rather ' to fight it out '.
185. eques: the knights, i.e. the wealthier and better
educated part of the audience (cp. note on Ep. I. i, 62), would
naturally differ in their tastes from the mass of the spectators.
Cp. Sat. I. 10, 76 satis est eqintem ??iihi platidere, nt aiidax,
contcniptis aliis, explosa Arbiiseiila dixit. A. P. 113, 248.
media inter carmina : Terence (Hecyr. Prol. i. i — 5, and
11, 25 — 34) pathetically complains that the first lime his Hecyra
was acted the audience went off to see a rope-dancer, and the
second time tliey deserted him in order to get good places at a
gladiatorial show, carmen is used of a tragedy in A. P. 220,
and includes dramatic poetry in v, 69. Cp. Tac. Ann. Xi. 13
is carmina scacnae dabat.
186. ursvim : bears were brought in to fight with mastiffs
[inolossi) : forty bears were baited in the circus at the games
given by the aediles in B.C. 169 (Liv. XLIV. 18): one hundred
at the games in B.C. 61 (Plin. H. N. viii. 36, 131). Sometimes
tame bears were shown (Mart. i. 105, 5).
pug^es ' boxers ', were a favourite sight with Augustus :
Suet. Oct. XLV. spectavit studiosissime piigites, et tuaxime
Latinos.
gaudet : so the vet. Bland, and other good MSB. The first
letter having become obliterated in some copies, plandei was
written by conjecture, and appears in many MSS. The tense
being evidently wrong, subsequent copyists wrote ptatcdit, which
is found only in inferior MSS. Orelli's pleading for plaudit is
very weak.
Bk. 11. Ep. I.] NOTES. 279
plebecula, used by Cic. only in ad Att. I. i6, ir. Pers. iv. 6
as usual imitates Horace. Suet. Vesp. xviii. puts the word
into the mouth of Ves]iasian : sincrct se plchccularn pasccre, with a
notion of contempt, and perhaps also as a specimen of the rough
language of the low-born emperor.
187. equitis : Bentley reads eqni/i, which is perhaps a move
usual construction, but not to bo thrust upon Horace against the
IMSS.
188. Incertos ' wandering ', turning restlessly from one
object to another, and therefore not caring to give the fixed
attention needed for a drama, not accompanied by much spec-
tacular display. Bentley's emendation ingratos has deservedly
found little approval.
189. aulaea, from avXaia, derived according to Scrvius on
Verg. Georg. ill. 25, 'ab aula Attali in qua primum inventa
sunt vela ingentia'. It is more probable that the word meant
originally the portiere of a hall. In the theatre the curtain was
dropped at the beginning of the performance below the level of
the stage, and raised at the conclusion. Cp. Verg. G. 1. c. ;
Ov. Met. III. Ill sic tibi tolliintiir festis aulaea theatris: Cic. pro
Cael. 27, 65 delude scabllla concrcpant : aiilacum tollltur, i. e.
all is over. AH MSS. here have atilea, which Keller is inclined
to think Horace may have written. But the confusion between
ae and e came in as early as the first century after Christ, and
it is better to follow the true orthography.
premuntur ' are kept down '.
190. fugiunt 'are flying across the stage', with no notion of
flight, as Orelli supposes. Cicero writing to Marius (Ep. Fam.
Vir. I, 2) says quo qiildetn apparatii nan duhito qtiin anlmo
acqulssimo cariieris : quid enlin dclectatlonls habent sexccnti nmll
in Clytaemnestra aut in Equo Troiano creierrarum tria milla
aut armatura varla pedilatus ct cquitatus in allqiia pugna ?
quae popularem adinh-atlonem habuerunl, dclcctatloncm tlbi
nuUam attullssent.
191. regum fortuna - reges infortunati.
192. esseda ' chariots ', light open two-wheeled carriages,
said to have been used first by the Belgae (Caes. B. G. IV. 33,
V. 16) and employed by the Britons as war-chariots.
pilenta 'carriages', covered two-wheeled vehicles, easily
swinging (and thus connected with plluiii the ' swung ' or hurled
weapon, Vanicek, Diet. p. 1184) and used for ladies (' quibus
vehuntur reginae captivae', Acron), and for religious proces-
sions.
^8o HORATI EPISTULAE.
petorrlta ' waggons ', four-wheeled carnages, used especially,
according to Acron and Porphyrion here, for slaves. Cp. Palmer
on Sat. I. 6, io6. Essedum and peiorritum are probably both
Keltic words, but cp. Fest. p. 206 petoriUim et Galliaon vchi-
ailum esse, el nomen eiiis dictum esse existiinant a numero mi
rotamim: alii Osce, quod hi qiioque petora quattuor vocaut.
naves, either the rostra of captured ships, or perhaps even
ships themselves, drawn in a triumphal procession by means of
machinery. We have no detailed description of a Iriuviphus
navalis (cp. Liv. xxxvii. 6d, xlii. 20, XLV. 42), but the coins
struck by Q. Fabius in commemoration of his triumph for a
victory at sea bear the image of a quadriga with Jupiter in it,
and under the horses a ship's beak. Cf. Marquardt, Rom.
Staatsv. ii. 570.
193. ebur, i. e. statues of ivory and gold : Livy speaks of
tusks carried in procession in the triumph over Antiochus (xxxvii.
59 tulit i}i triump/w...el>unieos doites MCCXXXI) but these
would not be suited for a display on the stage.
Corinthus, not restricted to vessels of Corinthian bronze,
as Acron seems to imply, though doubtless including these, but
all the spoils of Corinlh, and also probably a painting of the
city. So Porphyrion : ' quia imagines eius oppidi fabricantur, ut
in triumphali pompa transire possint '. Cp. Cic. in Pis. 25, 60
quid tandem habet iste rnrrus? quid viucti ante currum duces? '
quid simulacra oppidorum ? quid aurttm ? quid argentum ?
Tibull. II. 5, 115 tit Mcssallinum celebrem cum praemia belli
ante suos currus oppida victaferet. Liv.xxvi. ii,i cjim simulacra
captarufu Syracusarum. Cic. Philipp. Vlll. 6, 18 : de Off. II.
8, 1% portari in triumpho Massiliam vuiimus : and many similar
passages. Even images of rivers or river-gods were carried in
triumph : cp.Tac. Ann. il. 41 vecta spolia, captivi, simulacra mon-
tium, Jluminum, proeliorum. Ov. Pont. III. 4, 103, Hist, IV".
2, 36.
194. Democritus, the laughing philosopher: cp. Mayor on
Juv. X. 28 : Cic. de Orat. 11. 58, 235 (note) : Sen. de Ira 11. 10, 5
Democritum aitint nunquam sine risti in publico fuisse. Pope in
his Imitation takes the same example, but a philosopher, whose
laughter was less easily raised, would have been more to the
point.
195. diversum genus, the accusative retained after a passive
verb, not simply the so-called Greek accusative of respect, as in
Verg. Aen. in. 428 Delphinum caudas utc'o commissa luportim,
Roby § 1126, S. G. § 471. Orelli, not so well, takes genus as
the nom. in apposition to panthera. 'A panther mingled in its
unlike nature with a camel', i.e. the giraffe or camelopard : cp.
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 281
Plin. N. H. VIII. 18, I'l Camelopardalis dictatoris Cacsaris Cir-
censibus ludis (h. C. j,(^) primutn visa Koinae.
196. elephans albus : white elephants are proverbially very
rare, being really albinocs. Even the famous white elephants
of Siam seem to be really of a slate colour. Cp. ' Daily News '
for Jan. 31. 1884. The form in -ans is that best supported
here, though doubtless the n was not pronounced : but cp.
lirambach Lat. Ortltogr. p. 267, Roby § 495, S. G. § 166. —
Bentley's convcrtent has very slight support, and would hardly
be defensible, if it had more.
197. ludis lpsis = quam ludos ipsos: Sat. I. i, 97 se nnn
tinquam sci~vo melius vcsliirt: Verg. Aen. I. 15 qitani hinofertur
(erris ina:^is omnibus unam cohiisse. This usage M'ith an adverb
seems limited to poets: cp. Kiihner Gramm. II. 976.
198. nimlo appears to have decidedly more authority than
the vulgate fuimo, the vet. Bland, being here supported by some
of Keller's best MSS. It is also the reading which is apparently,
though not really, the harder, for it is doubtful whether mimus
can be used, as Orelli says, 'pro quovis histrione', and it is not
easy to see why Horace should not have used the plural for the
actors on the stage. ¥ ox plus nimio cp. note on Ep. I. 10, 30.
199. asello surdo : Horace has packed two proverbial ex-
pressions into one, for the sake of greater emphasis : cp. Ter.
Haut. 222 ne illc hauscit quatn mihi mute surdo narretfabulam,
and Zenob. v. 42 ovy rts iXeye fxvOov 6 5e to. ura iKivet, " eh
dvaL(Tdr)(jiav tivCov 17 Trapoifda tlp-qrai,
202. Garganum : Carm. II. 9, 6 aquilouibus qiicrceia Gargani
laborant. The forests of Garganus have now almost entirely
disappeared, as is also the case very largely in the Apennines.
203. ludi, a term equally applicable to the ludi scaem'ci and
to the ludi circenses, so that we need not suppose with Orelli
any reference to the latter, artes 'works of art': Ep. i. 6, 17.
204. oblitus 'bedizened'; Mr Yonge compares Milton's
'besmeared with gold' in Par. L. V. 356. The word is used in
the sense of 'overloaded' in ad Her. iv. 11, 16 si crebrae
conlocabuntur [exornationes], oblitam rcddcnt oratiouem ; Cic.
Brut. 13, 51 cloqucntia...ita pcrcgrinata est tola Asia, lit se
cxternis oblineret moribus: so that Eckstein's conjecture obsitits,
though neat, is needless.
206. sane emphasizing tiil: 'not a word'. Cic. de Oral. il.
I, 5 (note).
207. veneno 'drug', i.e. dye. The pur]ile {murex) of Ta-
rentum was considered second only to that of Tyre (Plin. ix. 39,
282 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
63). 'At the spot called Fontanella is the Monte di Chiocciole
[snail-shells], a hill enthely formed of the shells used in making
the purple dye'. Hare Southern Jtaly, p. 332. The wool of
Tarentum was also famous: cp. Carm. II. 6, 10. For the ques-
tion as to the nature and colour of the Roman violae cp. notes
on Verg. Eel. 11. 47, Hor. Carm. in. 10, 14 (Page and Wickham).
203 — 213. lam not speaking from any disinclination to the
theatre: a great dramatic poet seems to me a true magician.
208. ne putes : Roby § 1660, S. G. § 690.
209. me laudare maligne 'that I am niggardly in my praise '.
210. per extentum funem...ire, a proverbial expression for
anything difficult: cp. Arrian Kpict. III. la, 2 dvoKoXov iarL Kai
TO eVt (r;(oi;'iou TreptTrareiv Kai ov fiivov 5vaKo\ov, dXXa Kai e-rriKiu-
ovvov. per is the preposition usually employed to denote motion
over, as in Carm. II. i, 7 incedis per ignes 'on the thin crust
of ashes beneath which the lava is glowing '.
211. inaniter 'by illusions', i.e. without any real cause for
it all. [Exactly so used in Cic. Acad. II. 11, 34 at7n sit in
certiim, vere inatiiterque moveatiir ; ib. 15, 47 cum animi inajtitet
7Hoveantiir eodem modo rebus eis, quae nnllae sint itt cis qtiae
sint, where Cic. is representing the KevowdOeia or Sid/cej'os
iXKiia-fios of Sextus: cp. de Fin. V. i, 3 me quidcm... species
qtiaedam commovit, inaniter scilicet, sed commovit tamcn : Tusc.
IV. 6, 13 cum inaniter et effuse animus exsultat, turn ilia laetitia
gestiens vel nimia did potest, quam ita definiunt, sine ratione
animi elationcm. J. S. R.]
214 — 218. Let other poets too have a share in your patronage
214. et Ms 'to these too': et is not used after age as a
simple copulative, but always has the force of 'also ' : cp. Kiihner
on Cic. Tusc. ill. 13, 28, and Mayor on Nat. Deor. i. 30, 83.
215. fastidia ferre : cp. Verg. Eel. 11. 14 Amaiyllidis...su-
perha pati fastidia. superM 'fastidious' as in Sat. II. 2, 109; 6,
8/-
216. redde 'give' as due, not 'give back': this force is
common with 7-eddere: e.g. Carm. 11. 7, 17 obli^atam redde lovi
dapem, II. 17, 30 reddere victimas... memento ; it is found also
with rcponere, repetere, reposcere, &c. , and is a slight extension of
the meaning of 'restoration to a supposed normal state': Roby
§ 2102. So aTToStSdyat, etc. are used. Bentley's reading ?w/tv/(^/t',
the gloss of a worthless MS., is quite needless.
munus Apolline dig:nuin, Ep. i. 3, 17 (note).
218. Helicona : Helicon was regarded as the home of the
Muses as early as the time of Hesiod (Theog. i), who in early
youth is said to have tended sheep on it, and Pindar (Isth. vil.
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 283
57): and on it there was a grove sacred to them, described fully
by Pausanias. The eastern or Boeotian side on which this lay
aoounded in springs, woods and fertile valleys, herein sharply
contrasting with the savage wildness of Cithaeron. Cp. Words-
worth's Greece, pp. 258 ff.
219 — 228. That we do not enjoy this more often, is due to our
oxun intriisii'cncss, stisceptibility, and vanity.
220. ut vineta caedam mea, evidently a proverbial expres-
sion, though not found elsewhere. But cp. Tibull. I. 2, 100 qnid
nicssis uris accrba tuas? Horace good-humouredly includes
himself in the number of the pestering poetasters, though no one
could have been more free from the faults which he here de-
scribes, than he was himself.
223. loca, used, for metrical convenience, for locos 'pas-
sages', the form always used in prose in this sense. Conversely
loci is occasionally used in poetry (Lucr. iv. 509: Verg. Aen. I.
306, II. 28, etc.), once in Livy (v. 35, i) and often in Tacitus in
the sense of 'places' for loca. Cp. Neue Forinenlehre i^ 542 — 3.
inrevocati ' though not encored ' : for the 'scenic ' use of revo-
care, cp. Holden on Cic. pro Sest. 56, 120: Reid on pro Arch.
8, 18: Liv. VII. 2 Liviiis...ciem sacpins revocatiisz'oceni obtiidisset.
Ov. Am. III. 2, 73 sed cnim rcvoccite, Quirites, et date iactatis
tinaiqite signa togis.
225. tenui deducta filo 'fine-spun*. For the metaphor cp.
.Sat. I. 10, ^^ forte epos acer ut nemo Varitts ditcit: Sat. II. 1,3
futat...mille die vcjsns deduci posse. For filum see Reid on
Cic. Lael. 7, 25 aliud quoddam fditm orationis tiiae, and Cic. de
Orat. II. 22, 93 erant paitllo ttberiore filo. Translate 'that the
toil and fine workmanship spent upon our poems is not noticed'.
227. commodus 'obligingly': Q.zxm..\v.%,\ donarem pateras
grataqtte comtnodits, Censorine, vieis acra sodalibus,
228. egere vetes 'bid us want no longer'.
229 — 244. Bitt after all great merits should be celebrated by
great poets. Alexander ivas a ridiculously bad judge of verse,
though a sound critic of art.
229. est operae pretium 'it is worth while', a phrase of
transition: cp. Sat. I. 2, 37, 11. 4, 63. Ennius has ^audire est
operae pretium, procedere recte qui rem Romanam, Latiumque
augescere voltis\ quoted by the Schol. on Sat. i. 2, 37. Operae
is of course genitive, but in est operae it is dat., cp. Roby § 1283.
230. aedituos 'temple-keepers', veoiKopovi. Merit is per-
sonified as a goddess, whose shrine is kept by the poets who sing
her praises.
284 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
233. Cboerilus. There were three well-known poets of this
name, (i) Choerilus of Athens, one of the earliest tragic poets,
who produced many plays between B.C. 523 and B.C. 483: (2) C.
of Samos, the composer of an epic poem on the Persian wars, a
younger contemporary and friend of Herodotus: (3) C. of lasos,
also an epic poet, but of a very inferior kind, who followed
Alexander to Asia. This last is the one here meant: in A. P.
357 he is taken as the type of a poet who sometimes ' deviates
into ' excellence. Acron here says that he had only seven good
lines in his poem on the exploits of Alexander, for each of
which he received a gold piece. On A. P. 357 he adds that
Alexander had bargained to give him this reward, on condition
that the bard should receive a blow for every bad verse, and
that he died of the blows. The king is reported to have said
malle se Thcrsitcn Homcri esse qtiam Choerili Achillciit, which
does not look as if he was so bad a judge of poetry as Horace
represents him to have been. Alexander was not only the pupil
of Aristotle, but also himself an enthusiastic student of Homer:
possibly, as Schiitz thinks, Horace's low estimate of his critical
powers was simply due to the fact that there was no good
poem extant of which he was the theme.
incultis et male natis ' rough and misbegotten ' : versilms is
dative, as in Ovid, Trist. 11. 10 acceptiim refero vcrsibus esse nocens.
234. rettulit acceptos 'set down to the credit of : acceptum
rcfcrre is the regular phrase for to enter on the receipt side of
accounts, opposed to expe7istini ferre : cp. Cic. Phil. II. i6, 40
es^o enim amplms sestertiujn ducentiens acceptum hereditatibus
retttili.
regale. The right of coining gold was always reserved to
themselves by the kings of Macedon, as by the kings of Persia
and afterwards by the Romans : while subject states and dis-
tricts were often permitted to coin silver (cp. Gardner's Greek
Coins, p. 26): and there may probably be a reference to this
here: cp. owt sovei-eign, and SapetKos, which is apparently derived
not from Darius, but from the Persian dard, ' king'. The coins
of Philip had on one side a head of Ares, on the other a chariot,
not as some editors say the king's head (Gardner, p. 188). There
is no instance of a realistic portrait of an earlier time than
Alexander (ib. p. 175).
nomisma ; this is the earliest instance in which this purely
Greek word occurs in Latin: Martial has it several times.
Philippos : the Philtppus ox Philippeus (with or without minz'
Pitts) was a gold piece, coined by Philip H. of Macedon to replace
the Persian darics, which had up to his time been the gold
coinage most widely current in Greece, probably as a preparation
Bk. II. Ep. L] NOTES. 285
for his great scheme of conquest (Mommsen, Rom. Mihizw.
p. 52). Five of them were equal to the niina (cp. Plaut. Rud.
I3t4): the average weight of those extant is 8 '6 grammes
(Hultzsch, l^Ielrologie, p. 242-3). If estimated by the present
value of the amount of gokl they contain, their value is about
£1. 3J. 6(/. : but if measured by their relation to the drachma
(20 times 9j</-), the value is nearly identical with that of the
French napoleon or twenty-franc piece, i.e. about \(}S. 3^/. The
relation of silver to gold was generally taken as i to 10, though
we find it varying between this proportion and i to 13^ : now it
is normally i to 15^. (Cp. Hultzsch, JSIdrologic-, p. 240, and
Tabell. XVI.)
235. notam labemque 'mark and blot', remlttunt 'pro-
duce': Sat. II. 4, 69: 8, ^i.
236. atramenta includes writing-ink, painter's black, black-
ing for boots, and in short all kinds of dark fluids.
239. edicto: cp. Plin. N. H. VII. 37, 125 idem hie intperator
edixit, tie ipds ipsttm alius qiiam Apclks pingcret, ijttam Pyrgo-
teles scnlpc)-ei, qtiam Lysippus ex acre duaret. But as there
were representations of the king by other artists we can only
understand this to mean either that Alexander gave commissions
himself to no others, or that he never sat to any one else. Cp.
Overbeck, Gricchische Flastik-, II. Qi.
Apellen: cp. Ep. I. 2, 12 (note). Apellcs painted Alexander
as bearing the thunderbolt (Plutarch, Alex. 4).
240. Lysippo: for the case cp. Ep. I. 16, 20 (note). The
advance in statuary made by Lysippus is thus described by Pliny
XXXIV. 8, \() pliiritnum tradiiur cotitulisse capillum cxprit?iendo,
capita tninorafacicjido, quam antiqui, corpora graciliora sicciora-
que, per quae prcceritas sigiioriim viaior viderelur. He limited
himself to bronze casting, and never worked in marble.
Propert. IV. (ill) 9, 9 says gloria Lysippi est animosa effingere
signa.
duceret : Bentley defends the conjecture of Lambinus <-;/-
de7-et, arguing that ditccre cannot be applied to the metal itself,
but only, as in Pliny 1. c. and elsewhere, to that v.'hich is formed
out of the metal. But cudere would be an improper term to
use of work which was cast, not hammered. The extension of
the usage oi ducere seems quite legitimate, and may be defended
(with Schiitz) by phrases like ducere filum for ducere Jilo carmen :
in Ep. I. 6, 17 aera is used for signa ex acre facta.
242. subtile 'exact': Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 10, 85) gives a
very different account of Alexander's critical faculty: Alcxandro
Alagno frequenter in officinain ventitanti...iinperite tnulla dis-
serenti [Apelles] silentiujn comiter suadebat, ridcri cum dicens a
pueris, qui color es ta-ercnt.
286 HORATI EPISTULAE.
videndis artibus: Schiitz is perhaps right in taking the case
to be the dalive ; but he is not correct in saying that with the
ablative in would have been required ; Drager ii-. 8^9, S50
gives many instances in which the gerundive is used in the
ablative, much as here : videre is used with an extended force =
visit acstimare or videndo diiudicare. If however we accept
Overbeck's view that Alexander's restriction only extended to
his own commissions, we may perhaps interpret videre as ' pro-
vide': cp. Cic. de Orat. III. i, 2 (note), ad Att. V. i, 3, and
Munro on Carm. i. 20, 10.
244. Boeotum, gen. plur., Roby § 365, S. G. § 115, not ace.
sing., as some have supposed. The dull, heavy air of Boeotia is
often contrasted with that enjoyed by the Athenians, who were ai'et
6:d Xa/jLTrpordTov ^aivovres dfipw aidipos (Eur. Med. 829): cp. Cic.
Fat. 4, 7 Athetiis tcniie caelum, ex qtto actitiorcs etiani fittatitur
Attici: crassitm Thebis, itaqnc pingues Thehani: deNat.D. il.
6, 17 tit ob cam ipsam cattsam, quod etiam quibiisdam regionibns
atqiie urbibiis coniingcre videmns, hebetiora ut sint hominiim
ijtgcnia propter cadi plcniorem iiatiiram, hoc idem gencri humano
eveticrit, etc., where Prof. Mayor quotes Strabo (ll. 3, p. 102 ff.)
as attacking Posidonius for maintaining this doctrine : 01) 70^
(pmei 'Adrjvatoi fxev <pi\6\oyot, AaKedaifiovioi. 8e ov Kai 01 iyyvrepu}
GTj/Saiot, dXXa fjidWov 'idet. So Juvenal X. 50 quotes Democritus
as a proof summos posse viros et magna exempla daturos vcr-
vccnm in patria crassoqtte sub acre nasci : cp. Mayor's note for
other instances of the influence of climate on the mental and
moral character. 'Instead of the pure and transparent atmosphere,
which is one of the chief characteristics of the Attic climate,
the air of Boeotia is thick and heavy in consequence of the
vapours arising from the valleys and lakes'. Diet. Geogr. i.
414 a. Cp. '^oxA%viox\\d Athens ami Attica, '^. 241. Pindar,
01. VI. 152 speaks jestingly of the proverbial Boicor^a us, and
Cratinus called the Boeotians 'Zvo^oiwroi. For the tense of
inrarcs cp. Sat. I. 3, 4, Madvig § 247, 2, Roby § 1532,
245 — 250. You have shown yourself a better jtulge in the case
of Vergil and Varius,
245. dedecorant : the subjects VergUius Varlusque are
transferred, as often, to the relative clause.
246. munera, i.e. the gifts which the poets had received
from Augustus : Acron here says that each had already received
from him 1,000,000 sesterces. There is no other authority for this
sum; but at his death in B.C. 19 — some years before the date of
this Epistle — Vergil's fortune is said to have amounted to
10,000,000 sesterces, mostly if not entirely due to the bounty of
patrons. Varius was apparently older than Vergil, but survived
him and was one of his literary executors : there is nothing to
Bk. II. Ep. I.] NOTES. 287
show whether he was alive or not at this time. Horace praises
his epic poetry (Sat. I. 10, 44); but his most famous work was
his tragedy of Thyestes, which Quintihan (x. i, 98) ranks with
the Greek master-pieces.
multa dantis cum laude : i.e. all men warmly praise such
judicious liberality, instead of laughing at it, as in the case of
Alexander and Choerilus. Ritter oddly thinks that the words
refer to the lively gratitude of the recipients.
247. VergUius: cp. Palmer on Sat. i. 5, 40 'the weight of
MSS. and scholiasts of Horace here and elsewhere is mostly on
the side of Virgilins : but these cannot be set against the
Medicean and other early MSS. of Virgil : see Wagner Orthogr.
Verg. p. 479'. Add Ritschl Optisc. ii. 779 ff.
248. express! 'reproduced ' : the metaphor is taken from
plastic figures in clay or wax, and then becomes more general,
and is used of imitation generally: cp. Cic. de Orat. ill. 12, 47
vitia itnitationc ex aliqiio exprcssa: pro Arch. 6, 14 mult as nobis
imagines fortissimorum viroriim expressas scriptores Gracci el
Latini reliqtieriint.
aenea: both in Vergil and in Horace much better established
than ahenea, which, as Mommsen has shewn {Her»ies I. 467), is
not found in inscriptions to denote the bronze tablet used as a
military diploma, before A.D. 134.
250 — 270. / would myself gladly sing of your deeds, if I had
the power, and did ndt fear to bring my august theme into ridicule
as well as myself
250. sermones here includes both Satires and Epistles, not
merely the former, as Acron says. The style of the Epistles,
though somewhat more careful than that of the Satires, is essen-
tially the sermo quotidianus ; cp. Palmer's Preface to the Satires
p. XXIII. and ad Her. ill. 13, 23 sermo est oratio remissa et
Jinitima quotidianae locutio7ii. Conington renders;
Nor is it choice (ah, would that choice were all!)
Makes my dull Muse in prose-like numbers crawl.
So in Sat. II. 6, 17 Horace speaks of his musa pedestris. Pro-
pertius 11. i, 17 — 42 similarly ascribes his love-poetry to his
incapacity for loftier strains.
251. res componere gestas, i.e. to write a historical epic
poem.
252. arces montibus impositas, stormed by the Roman
armies: cp. Carm. iv. 14, 11 arces Alpibics impositas.
253. tuis auspicils : Augustus from B.C. 23 onwards held a
perpetual proconsulare impe7-ium over the whole empire, and
288 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
even in the senatorial provinces he had an inipenii/n mains, which
made their governors formally subordinate to him. Hence the
'iustus triumphus' could no longer be enjoyed by successful
generals, who were only serving under his auspices, not under their
own. During the earlier part of his rule, he sometimes allowed
a triumph, but afterwards (apparently after B.C. 15: cp. Furneaux
on Tac. Ann. I. 72) this honour was reserved to members of the
imperial house. Cp. Suet. Aug. XXXVIII. nee parcior in bdlica
virttde hoiioranda, super triginta ducibus iustos triumphos et ali-
quanta pluribus triumphalia ornamenta dccernenda ciinwit ; and
c. XXI. domuit partitn dudu partirn auspiciis suis Cantabriam,
Aquitaniam, Pannoniani, Dalniatiam cum Illyrico omni ; item
Kaetiam et Vindelicos ac Salassos.
255. lanum: cp. Introduction to this Epistle.
256. PartMs : Carm. Saec. 53 iam mari terraque man us
potentcs Aledus Albanasque timet secures: Sat. II. 5, 62 iuvenis
Parthis horrendus : Ep. i. 12, 27.
257. cuperem, attracted into the tense oipossem.
258. recipit ' admits of. Cp. Suet. Aug. LXXXix ingenia
saeculi sin omnibus modis fovit : rccitantes et benigne et patienter
audivit, nee tantum carmina et historias, sed et oration's et dialo-
gos. Covtponi tafnen aliquid de se nisi serio et a pracstantissimis
offendebatur, admoiiebatque praetores, ne paterentur nomen suuni
commissionibus ['prize declamations'] obsolefieri. The term
maiestas was properly applied to the people as a whole, but even
Cic. in Pis. 11, 24 vj^t-i x'loi 2^ con'sxA, magna maiestas consulis:
in Phaedr. II. 5, 22 ttim sic iocata est tanta maiestas ducis the
term is not so much used as a title, as in accordance with Phae-
drus's well-known preference for abstract words.
259. ferre recusent: cp. A. P. 39 qindfcrre recusent, quid
valeant umeri.
260. stulte, quern diligit, urguet : this punctuation, adopted
by Bentley and most recent editors, is undoubtedly better than
that which connects stulte with diligit. This would be very
inappropriate, if referred to Augustus.
232. discit, sc. aliquis, to be supplied from the qins in the
relative clause.
264. nilmoror: Horace puts himself for the moment in the
place of the emperor : ' I care nothing — and therefore I am sure
that you do not '.
Of&<iiam = seduh'tas above.
ficto in peius voltu: cp. Plin. Ep. v. \o pidores pidchram
absolutamque formam 7-aro nisi in peius effingunt. Aelian has
Bk. II. Ep. I.] AZOTES. 289
a curious story (V. II. IV. 4), ' I hear that there is a law at
Thebes enjoining all artists, and painters, and sculjitors, to
improve upon their subjects in representing them. The law
threatens with a penalty those who in sculpture or painting
represent them as uglier than they are ' {roh ds to x^^p^i' Tore rj
■n-Xdaacnv ij ypd-^acri). There is of course no reference here to
intentional caricature.
265. proponi cereus ' to be exposed as a waxen image ':
i.e. to have a caricatured portrait of myself offered for sale. It
was customary to make the imagines of deceased ancestors of
wax (Plin. H. N. XXXV. 2, 6 expressi ccra voltiis singulis dis-
ponebantnr arniariis); and the art may naturally have been
transferred to living persons of celebrity. Sometimes these were
made by means of a plaster cast taken from the face of the
subject. Cp. Marquardt J\oi/i. Privatalt. I. 246. There is a
very life-like wax mask to be seen in the Museum at Naples
(Mus. Borbon. XV. 54) which was found in a tomb at Cuniae:
it still has traces of paint upon the face. Cp. Darembcrg
and Saglio's Diet. fig. 1291.
267. pingui 'stupid': Sat. II. 6, 14.
una cum scriptore meo : Horace does not seem to mean
more than 'I slioukl be involved in the disgrace which will
come upon the poet who makes me his theme, when his worth-
less poem is sent off to be used for waste paper'. The sug-
gestion that he may mean ' bust and poem alike would be
discarded as rubbish ' does not seem so good.
268. capsa, properly a book-case (Sat. I. 4, 22), here hu-
morously put for a bier.
porrectus, stretched out at length like a corpse, operta is
the reading of all MSS. of any importance, and may well be
defended. Sometimes a corpse was carried out to burial on an
open couch or bier [Icctics, feretnim), sometimes in a coffin
[capnhts) carried on a frame [sandapila), cp. Marquardt Fiivat-
alt. I. 360 ; and the latter was the more usual with the poorer
classes; Becker, Gallics'* in. 364. Many recent editors prefer
aperta, which Orelli thinks denotes more contempt : but the
reverse is the case, if we are to accept the analogy of funerals.
269. vicuin, probably the viais Tiisais of Sat. 11. 3, 228.
270. quicquid: Pers. I. 43 adds mackerel: nee scombros
metueniia cannina nee tits; which he gets from Catull. xcv. 7
Volitsi annates... laxas scombris saepe dalmnt timieas. Our
modern equivalent is to be found in the trunk-makers and
pastry-cooks. Cp. Martial vi. 60, 7 Qitain viulti tineas pasennt
blattasque diserti, et rediiniint soli eannina docta coqiii, HI. 2, 4
ne...turis piperisqiie sis cucullus.
W. H. 19
EPISTLE II.
The Floras of this epistle is the Julius Floras to whom
Horace addressed the third epistle of the first book. Now, as
then, he appears attached to the suite of Tiberius Nero. But
while the date of the former epistle admits of being determined
precisely, it is less easy to fix the date of the present. Almost
every year between B. c. 20 and the death of Horace witnessed
some campaign or journey into the provinces on the part of
Tiberius, on any one of which Florus may ha\'E accompanied
him. There are only two considerations which help us to
decide, (i) Horace speaks very strongly of his entire aban-
donment oi carmina, i.e. lyric poetry. This excludes the period
of the composition of the Carmen Saeculare and the odes of
the fourth book, i.e. B.C. 17 — 13. (2) The phrase accedente
senecfa (v. 211) may have a reference to his own position at the
time. If so, this inclines us to go down as late as B.C. 12,
when Tiberius, after holding the consulship in B.C. 13, was
governor of Illyricum, and quelled a revolt among the Pan-
nonian tribes. But as Horace speaks of himself z.spraecanus in
B.C. 20 (Ep. I. 20, 24); and as Crassus in Cic. de Orat. II.
4, 15 calls himself senex when only in his fiftieth year, we need
not lay much stress on this. The really decisive question is
whether it was possible for Horace, after the 'Indian summer'
of his lyrical productiveness to return to the same position of
renunciation which he had taken up before it. Vahlen argues
that this was not possible, and therefore assigns the present
epistle to B.C. 18, when he thinks that Tiberius was absent in
Gallia Comata. But Mommsen shows that this absence fell in
B.C. 16, a date excluded by considerations previously noticed.
He therefore ascribes the letter to B.C. 19, in the autumn of
which year Tiberius returned with Augustus to Rome from the
East. Schiitz follows Vahlen : Ritter and Lucian Miiller adopt
the later date, Ritter even placing it as late as B.C. 10. The
balance of evidence seems decidedly to incline in favour of the
earlier date. There is a great similarity of tone between this
epistle and the first of the first book. In both Horace pleads
that increasing years have left him no taste or power for lyric
poetry; and make it a duty for him to study philosophy. Here
he lays stress also on the hindrances arising from city life, and
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 291
his disgust at the ' mutual admiration ' cliques of contemporary
versifiers.
1 — 24. If you were to buy a slave, Florus, hitnving well
his faults, you would have no right to complain of the vendor.
1. bono: cp. Ep. I. 9, 4 (note), and Furneaux's excellent
study of the character of Tiberius in his edition of the AnnaLs
of Tacitus, Introd. c. viii.
claxoque refers to the high birth and position of Tiberius,
if we accept the earlier date for the epistle: if we take the later
date, it carries also a reference to his military exploits. Cp.
Carm. iv. 4.
3. Tibure (for the form cp. Ep. I. 8, 12 note) vel Gabiis
shows that the boy was of Latin birlh, not one of the less
valuable slaves, imported from the East.
4. candidus 'fair' of complexion, as in Sat. I. 2, 123, not
fuscus, like Hydaspes in Sat. II. 8, 14; or perhaps 'without
blemish'. It would be out of place to refer it here to his moral
qualities.
talcs ad imos : a proverbial expression : cp. Cic. pro Rose.
C. 7, 20 nontie ab ijnis unguibus usque ad verticem summum ex
fraude, fallaciis, niendaciis constare totus videitir ?
5. fiet eritque, mere tautology on the part of the fluent
slave-dealer with. an imitation of legal surplusage : there can be
no suggestion, as Schdtz supposes, in erit, that the boy will not
run away.
nuniinorum milibus octo, about £-0, a very low price for
a slave with any attractions and accomplishments. The sei-vi
litterati of Calvisius Sabinus cost 100,000 sesterces each (Seneca
Ep. XXVII. 7). The value of slaves at Rome naturally ranged
within very wide limits (cp. Wallon, Histoire de r Esclavage, 11.
159 — 174) : Cato the Censor never gave more than 1500 drachmas
(about ;!^54) for any slave (Plut. Cat. i), and in his censorship
required that a slave under twenty years of age, who had been
purchased for 10,000 asses (about ^^30) or more, should be as-
sessed at ten times the price paid for him, on which assessment
he then laid a triple tax in order to discourage this form of
extravagance (Liv. XXXIX. 44). Martial on the other hand
(I. 59, I, II. 63, i) speaks of young slaves as sold for 100,000
sesterces (nearly ;^8oo). Perhaps from ;i^50 to £Go may be
taken as an average price for an ordinary slave : Davus in Sat.
II. 7, 43 speaks of himself as bought for 500 drachmae: i.e.
about f^iQ. [Under the Republic a thousand sesterces were
19 2
2 92 HO RATI E FISTULA E.
worth about ;^8. 17^., under the Empire they were worth about
£"]. 16s. ^d. : but our authorities do not enable us to determine
the date of the change. Mommsen ascribes it to about B.C. 15.]
6. verna, a slave bred at home, and therefore fit for do-
mestic duties, not mere field-work.
ministeriis, dat. with aphis, ad nutus 'at the beck':
cp. Cic. Or. 8, 24 ad eoriim arbitriwn ct niitiim toios sc fingunt \
and for the plural ad Fam. XII. i regies omncs mitits tiicmur.
7. litterulis imbutus 'with some slight knowledge of
letters': imbiilus of itself carries a depreciatory, not an in-
tensive force, as Ritter says: cp. Ep. i. 2, 69 (note), and Cic.
Tusc. I. 7, 14 an tu dialccticis ne imbntiis quidem es : Suet, de
Gramm. 4 apiid maiores, ait Orbiliiis, cum familia alicuiiis
venalis pyoduceretitr, non temere queni littcratuni in titzdo, sed
littcratore^n inscribi solitum esse, quasi non perfectiun litteris,
sed imbiitum. The diminutive' litterulis adds to the disparaging
lone: Schiitz indeed denies that it can refer to the extent of the
knowledge, only to the nature of the subject. But it does not
matter much whether we say e.g. 'elementary lessons in
chemistry', or 'lessons in elementary chemistry'. Cp. Cic.
Att. VII. -2, 8 Chrysippum vera, qttcvi ego propter littcrularum
nescio quid libenter vidi, in honore habui, discedere a puero I
arti cuilitaet: an educated slave might be used as a reader
(anagnostes), copyist {librarius, scriba) or amanuensis (servus
ab epistolis). Cp. Ter. Eun. 472 ff. en eunuchum tibi, qiiam
liberali facie, quam aetate intcg7-a! ...fac pcrichmi in litteris, fac
in palaestra, in musicis: quae liber um scire aequo mst adules-
centem sollerton dabo.
8. imitaberis, the reading of all the best MSS. has been
altered into iniitabitur by some copyists, who did not understand
the figure of speech, and therefore fancied, oddly enough, that
the boy was being praised for skill in modelling. Acron rightly
explains id est, tanti ingenii est zd Jiectas cum quo velis taviqiiam
argillain udain. Pers. III. 23 has udum ct inolle lutum es of one
still capable of training. For the construction cp. A. P. 33.
9. indoctum 'in an untrained fashion': Roby § 1096, S. G.
§ 461. bibenti, when a man would be less critical. Ihe dealer
does not lay too much stress upon his slave's accomplishments,
for fear of leading the purchaser to think that there must be
serious faults to account for his being offered so cheap.
10. levant : levioreni faciiint, viinuunt Comm. Cruq.
11. extrudere, quite equivalent to our 'push off'. The
Elandinian MSS. with Keller's third class have cxcludere, which
Cruquius wishes to read: 'excluduntur enim quae claustris
Lk. II. Ep. II.] A-'OTES. 293
exemta venui proponuntur', an interpretation which is as fauUy
as the language in wliich it is suggested. Keller quotes Ter.
Hec. 173, Plaut. Mil. 977 (but see Tyrrell's note), Asin. 586, as
instances in which cxcludo appears as a false reading lor ex-
trude.
12. meo in acre, so Cic. in Vcrr. iv. 6, 11 has homiuem
video non viodo in acre alicno nulla, scd in suis nuinmis multis
esse ac semper fuisse. pauper often denotes not poverty but
means slender yet sufficient, as contrasted with indigus or egens.
Cp. Ep. I. 10, 32.
13. mangomim, ' the slave-dealers'. The derivation of the
word majii^o (which the dictionaries based on Freund by an over-
sight say is post- Augustan), from fxayyavou ' a charm or philtre',
commonly given is incorrect. The words may be ultimately
akin ; but the meanings diverge too widely to admit of direct
derivation. It can hardly be doubted that mango is identical
with our -monger (A.-S. mangere 'a dealer'). Germ, -mengei-,
from mangian ' to traffic', and ultimately from mang^a mixture'.
The use of mangottico, etc. with the notion of ' to deck out, set
off' is later, and seems to be derived from the practice of the
mangones, and not vice versa.
non temere : Ep. 11. i, 120. I would not do this for every-
body.
14. cessavit, 'shirked his work': cp. ccssator Sat. il. 7,
100.
ut fit 'as usual', as boys will do : cp. Cic. Verr. Act. 11. ii.
23, 56 queri, ut Jit, incipiunt.
15. in scalis latuit: the wooden staircase in the corner of
the house (so always at Pompeii) furnished the most natural tem-
porary hiding-place : cp. Cic. pro Mil. 15, 40f;/wi't» z7/i'[Clodius]
Jtigiens in scalarum latcbras abdidisset: Phil. II. 9, 2 i nisi se Hie
in scalas tabcrnae librariae coiiiccisset: Cic. pro Corn. frag. 50
corrcpsit in scalas (quoted by Schol. vet. on Juven. vii. 118).
pendentis not to be connected with in scalis, as is done by
Acron, though he inconsistently adds (in Hauthal's text) et in
media do/no ad timorem incufiendutn habena pcndcbat, which is
doubtless correct. The whip [habena — lorum, as in Verg. Aen.
VII. 380 of the whip used by a boy to lash his top) was hung up
in some conspicuous part of the house.
16. des nummos, there are three possible ways of taking
this phrase: (i) as a hypothetical subjunctive in apodosis to .r«
velit, (2) as a conditional subjunctive without si expressed (Roby
§ 1552, S. G. § 650, I. (a) : cp. Sat. 11. 3, 57): (3) as a jussive
subjunctive. In the first two cases the speech of the vendor ends
294 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
at hahenae : in the last, it goes on the end of v. i6. The decision
between these interpretations depends mainly on the reading
adopted as the last word in the line. The great majority of MSS.
have lacdat, but the vet. Bland, has laedit. If we adopt the
latter, with Bentley, Meineke, Munro, Ritter, Haupt, and
L. Miiller, it seems best to take des as jussive, and as said by
the vendor : ' let me have the money, if the fact which I have
mentioned, that he once ran away, does not trouble you '. (Cp.
Roby § 1575, S. G. § 657 {b).) It is however quite possible, with
Schiitz, to render ' should you give him the money, assuming that
you are not troubled', &c. (Roby § 1569, S. G. § 653), 'then he
would carry off his prize'. He argues that this is made necessary
by the fact that the vendor who is desiring to minimize the slave's
offence, would not return to it again, and use such a hard word
about it as fuga, when he had already said enough about it to
satisfy the requirements of the law. There is something in this
argument, but it is hardly strong enough to make us force upon
Horace so awkward a construction, as that which is involved in
supposing three conditional clauses, in successive subordination
{si quis vtiit — (si) des — si laedit), to precede our apodosis. If we
read lacdat, it is then almost necessary to accept the first view,
and to put the line into the mouth of Horace ' you would give
him the money, supposing you were not to be troubled', &c.
ferat is then added by asyndeton, as a second apodosis. The
great probability that laedit, if the original reading, would have
been assimilated by copyists to the neighbouring subjunctives is
enough to make us decide in its favour.
excepta : cp. Sat. ir. 3, 285 mentem, nisi litigiosiis, exciperet
dominus, citm venderet: Gell. iv. 2, i in edicto aedilititfi cttrulium,
qua pai'te de mancipiis vendundis caiitutn est, scriptum sic fuit:
titiiliis se?'z>orum singitlortifn iitei scriptus sit, cocrato, ita titei in-
tellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive quoique sit, quis fugitivus
errove noxave sohitus non sit.
17. poenae sectirus : 'without any fear of a penalty' for
selling a slave without giving due notice of his defects. Roby
§1320; S. G. §526.
18. prudens 'with your eyes open', deliberately. A. P.
462. Sat. I. 10, 88, II. 5, 58.
lex, the conditions of sale, not (as Schiitz) the state of the law.
est in some MSS. is placed before tibi, in others after tibi, in
others at the end of the line, in others it is omitted altogether.
Probably the original reading was tibist ; and the est was written
over it, and afterwards introduced in various places (Keller).
Schiitz has shown that it could not well be omitted here, between
two verbs each in the second person.
Bk. II. Ep. IL] NOTES. 295
19. insequeris — 5tw\-as. moraris 'annoy', as in Cic. in
Verr. II. 78, 191 t/uid moraris? It is impossible with Ritter to
put vv. 18 — 19 into the mouth of the vendor, and to suppose
hunc = TovTovi = ' m&\ Horace only uses the indicative in place
of the subjunctive for vividness.
21. talibus officiis, i. e. such friendly attentions as you are
now demanding from me. The case is probably dative 'of work
contemplated' (Roby § 1156, S. G. §481) as White takes it,
rather than abl. as in L. and S.
mancum : Sat. 11. 7, 88.
mea is curiously out of place : still it is too bold to take it
with Mr Yonge as neut. plur. for ine = Toiifxov. Pronouns are
often attracted towards the beginning of a sentence.
22. iurgares: 'scold': cp. note on v. 171.
rediret : much better in itself, and far better supported than
veniret, which Bentley (silently and perhaps by oversight) retains
from the older editions. Florus expected a letter from Horace
in answer to his own. Cp. Ep. I. 13, 2.
23. turn, i. e. at the time when I told you this.
mecvun facientia: Ep. 11. i, 68.
24 — 25. You complain too that I do not send you the poems
which I promised.
24. attemptas 'assail', try to upset, super hoc 'besides ' =
ad hoc, perhaps ablative here (cp. Sat. 11. 6, 3; 7, 88), although
in prose it would certainly have been accusative. It is less good
to take it as = a'^ hoc, as in Ep. 11. i, 152, A. P. 429, Carm.
Saec. 18.
26 — 54. A soldier who had fought bravely when poor would
not do the same when enriched. So I was once compelled, after
I had left Athens and taken part in the civil war, to take to poetry
as a means of getting a living. But now that I have a cotnpetence,
I should be mad indeed itot to prefer rest to writing.
26. Luculli, in the war with Mithridates B.C. 74 — 67. The
reason why this story is told here is given in v. 52. Porphyrion
calls the man Valcrianus, which is not a proper name, but denotes
that he was one of the soldiers who had belonged to the army in
Asia, commanded by Valerius Flaccus in B.C. 85, and afterwards
by Fimbria, whom they deserted in favour of Sulla. They are
mentioned under this name also by Sallust, Hist. III. 36 (Dietsch),
41 (Kritz). Cp. Mommsen Hist. ill. 306, 311.
viatica, properly 'travelling money' [whence the usage in
the Church for the administration of the Eucharist in preparation
296 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
for the last journey], then a soldier's private stock of monej',
his savings, as here, and in Tac. Hist. I. 57, 5, Suet. Caes.
LXVIII.
27. ad assem, quite equivalent to our to a penny': cp. ad
unum, Verg. Aen. v. 687, and often.
28. vehemens: this form is given here in all MSS., but the
same is the case in v. 1 20 where the metre makes veinens necessary.
Lachmann on Lucret. II. 1024 [nam tibivementer nova res molitiir
ad aiiris acccdere) shows that vehe??iens is not necessarily an ana-
paest anywhere before a letter of Marcus Aurelius to Fronto
(P- 53K that in Lucretius III. 152, 482 and VI. 517 there is good
authority for veinens, and that even Cicero uses i.'cinens: cp. Boot
on ad Att. viii. 5, i. Probably vcniens is right here too.
lupus, another instance of the use of metaphor for simile,
which is so common in Horace. Ep. i. i, 2; 2, 42; 7, 74;
10, 42. [Perhaps a camp word in this application : cp. Liv.
III. 66, 3 occaecatos lupos intestina rabie occasionem opprimendi
esse: Ov. Trist. I. 2, 17 eqnes mstructiis perterrita inoenia htsirat
more hipi. j. s. R.]
30. praesidium, 'garrison', <f>povpa, not (ppovpiov, which is
denoted by locics summe muniiiis (Schiitz).
31. rerum : cp. Carm. IV. 8, 5 divite-artiuni.
32. donis honestis, 'gifts of honour', such as the coroiia
vniralis, the hasta ptira, phalerae, torques aureae, etc. The vet.
Bland, has opimis, which one editor (Stallbaum), but probably
only one, has ventured to adopt. It is a clear instance of the
tendency to arbitrary alterations, which appears so perplexingly
in this famous MS. by the side of precious indications of the
genuine tradition.
33. super, 'in addition', adverbial, bis dena sestertia,
about £\lo. nummum, not very commonly used after sestertia,
denotes here 'in cash'.
34. sub hoc tempus: Ep. I. 16, 22 (note), praetor here in
its original sense, as 'general': aTpar-qyo^ is the regular Greek re-
presentative of the word, even when used oi tYie. praetor urbanus.
36. mentem, 'resolution ' : it would be hard to find a passage
in prose, where mens so nearly approaches to the force of animus,
or rather anitni: cp. Verg. Aen. XII. 609 demittunt mentes, for
which the phrase elsewhere used is apparently always demittere
animum.
39. catus, 'sharp', a word said by Varro L. L. VII. 46 to be
Sabine, and used several times by Ennius, but only once by
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 297
Cicero, and then with an apology: cp. de Leg. I. i5, ^t, prudens,
et, nt ita dkam, catus. Horace has it in Carm. III. 12, 10, catus
iaculari. Cp. Reid on Cic. Acad. II. 30, 97.
40. zonam : for the custom of carrying money in a belt cp.
the passage from a speech by Gains Gracclius, preserved in Cell.
XV. 12, cum Romam profeclus sum, zoiias, i/itcis plcnas argc7iti
exiuli, eas ex provincia iiiaties rettiili. This practice does not
seem to be mentioned in classical Greek [Xen. Anab. I. 4, 9
quoted by Mr Yonge is not an instance] : but cp. Matth. x. 9,
ii.i\ KT-q(Tr](Td€ xpvcTOv fi-qde oipyvpov firjde x^^i^o" ^'5 Tas ^ivvas ifxdv.
So Livy XXXIII. 29, 4 negotiandi ferme causa argciituin in zonis
habentes commeatibus erant. In Plant. Trin. 862 sector zonarius
is a 'cut-purse'.
41. cantigit: Ep. i. 2, 46 (note).
42. AcMlles: cp. Quint, i. 8, 5 optime institiitum est ut ah
Homero atque Vergilio lectio inciperet: Plin. Ep. Ii. 14, 2 in foro
piteros a cejituinviralibits caicsis auspicari ut ab IJotnero in scholis.
43. bonae agreeing with Atbenae 'kind', almost equivalent
to grato below. Others, not so well, connect the word with
artis, comparing Tac. Ann, i. 3, 4 Agrippam riidein boiianim
artium.
44. vellem: the MSS. vary here between vellem, possim, and
possein: but Keller seems to be right in saying that the first has
the most authority, while the last (though preferred by many
good recent editors) has the least. With vellem, ut must be taken
as consecutive 'so that it was my desire', i.e. 'and inspired me
with the wish': with possevi, ut would probably be final 'that it
might be in my power'.
rectum carries with it the mathematical sense of a 'right'
line, as well as the moral sense; and hence is opposed to curvus:
so pravus originally means 'crooked', and our 'wrong' is what
is 'wrung' aside or perverted. Skeat quotes from Wyclif ' wrung
nose' for 'crooked nose'. Persius IV. 12 again imitates Horace:
rectum discernis, ubi inter curva subit, vel cum fallit pede regida
vara.
dignoscere, retained by many editors, is quite without au-
thority.
45. silvas Academi : cp. Eupolis frag. 32 Mein. h eva-Klois
dpSfioicriv 'AKa^Tj/jLov deou, whence Diog. Laert. III. 7, calls it
yv/jLvdaiov wpodffTeiov d\cn£des. The enclosure sacred to the hero
Academus lay about three-quarters of a mile outside the walls of
Athens on the road which ran through the Outer Ceramicus to
Colonus. Its olive groves and plane-trees were famous : they
298 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
were planted by Cimon, for 'the Academy, which was berore
a bare, dry and dirty spot, he converted into a well-watered
grove, with shady alleys to walk in, and open courses for races'
(Plutarch Cimon c. 13). Sulla in his siege of Athens is said to
have cut down the trees, but they must have been replanted by
this time. Plato had been wont to teach there, a custom followed
by his successors. Cp. Cic. de Fin. v. i, 2 venit enim niihi Pla-
tonis in mentetn, quern accepimtis prinmni hie disputare solitum:
cuius etiam illi propinqui hortuli non mevi07-iam solum viihi
afferunt, sed ipsum vidcntur in conspectic nzeo ponere. Hie Speii-
sippus, hie Xenoerates, hie eius auditor Polemo: euitis ilia ipsa
scssiofuit quatn vidcmus. "When Horace was at Athens the head
of the Academic school was Theomnestus, whose lectures Brutus
attended after the murder of Caesar (Plut. Brut. XXIV.). The
expression however seems to be here a general one for the study
of philosophy: Horace nowhere shows any special attachment
to the Academic doctrines : he professes himself rather a follower
of Epicurus, though occasionally attracted to Stoic views of life
and the universe.
46. dura tempora, i.e. the struggles between the murderers
and the avengers of Caesar, emovere 'tore me away'. Brutus
induced Horace to follow him into Asia: cp. Sat. I. 7, 18;
6, 48.
47. civilisque: the order is civilisque aestus [l. 1, 8] tulit
me rudern belli in arma non responsura etc.
48. Caesaris August! : so united only here by Horace : Vergil
has the title twice, Aen. vi. 793, viii. 678.
responsura 'fated to prove a match for', with something
of the ironical humour which always marks Horace's references
to his military experience. Cp. Sat. II. 7, 85 responsare cupidi-
nibus, ib. 103, 11. 4, 18, a usage apparently confined to Horace.
49. unde = a3 «r;«w. simul primum : a rare combination,
rejected by Gronovius and Drakenborch on Liv. VI. i, 6 interim
Q. Fabio simul primum magistratu abiit, dies dieta est, and pro-
nounced 'everywhere suspicious' by Draeger Hist. Sytit. il. 573;
but sufficiently established by this passage. Simul ae primum is
used by Cic. in Verr. Act. II. i. 13, 34, and by Suet. Caes. XXX.,
Nero XLIII. Horace did not, like Pompeius Varus and other of
his friends, join the forces of Sextus Pompeius and continue the
struggle, but gave up arms at once.
BO. inopem: Horace's father's estate had evidently been
confiscated after the victory of the triumvirs.
51. paupertas: it was perhaps with the proceeds, direct or
indirect, of these early verses (which Ritter wrongly limits to
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 299
lyrics) that Horace bought himself the clerkship in the Quaestors'
office, which put him out of the reach of absolute want, before
he secured the patronage of Maecenas. These poems probably
included some of the earlier epodes and satires, 'which have no
value, except as showing how badly even Horace could write'
(Martin), and more of the same kind which have happily been
lost. But Horace is of course humorously exaggerating in his
suggestion that the greater part of his poetry had been produced
under the stress of poverty. He had received his Sabine estate
by about B.C. 34, and probably all his works, except the first
book of Satires, were published after this date. Cp. Theocrit.
XXI. I d ■Kevla...iJ.6va rds r^xfas iyeipet. Hirschfelder argues
that, as there is no sufficient evidence that the booksellers paid
autiiors for their works (cp. Marquardt AVw. Privalali.- p. 805),
Horace can only mean that ' nihil ab eis quos i/?ipitg)iavissct sibi
eri pi posse vidcbat' and that thus he attacked without fear. But
this view is hardly consistent with impidit.
52. quod non. dQ&il^qtcod salis sit: hzJoeixteTa.=7ii(ftc, aim
habeo.
53. cicuta 'hemlock' was used as a febrifuge: cp. Plin.
H. N. XXV. 13, 95 cictitae scmini et foliis 7-efrige7-atoria vis.
There is no need to suppose with the Schol. that cicuta is here
put loosely for ellehortis: the plants are quite unlike, and the
medicinal use of hemlock, denied by Lambinus, is common even
yet. Persius, as usual, imitates in v. 144 — 5 calido sub pectore
mascula bilis intiiniuit, quod non extinxa'it urna cictitae. For
the plural 'doses of hemlock' cp. Kiihner Ausf. Gr. Ii. 51 — 55,
60. S. G. § 99 [c). poterunt — ni putem Roby § 1574, S. G.
§ 654, 2.
55 — 57. Then again, with my youth i}iy poetical powers have
left me.
55. anni: cp. Verg. Eel. ix. 51 om7tia fei-t aetas, atiimum
quoqjie. Or. quotes from [Plat.] Epinom. 976 A ocrwi/ cSpat...
Xrjt^oPTai Trjv Tiiv ^cpoov <pvaiv.
euntes 'as they go' : Carm. Ii. 14, 5 quotquot cunt die's. Ov.
A. A. III. 62 Indite: eutit anni more Jluentis aquae.
56. iocos: Ep. i. 7, 26 — 28.
57. quid faciam vis ? 'what am I to do?' i.e. how am I to
resist them ? with something of the impatience of the French que
voulez-vous? Roby § i6o6. S. G. § 672.
58 — 64. Thirdly, tastes vary so much, that I cannot please
every one.
59. carmine: Ep. i. 3, 24. iambis, i.e. such as the epodes:
I. 19, 23. Cp. Nettleship in Journ. Fhil. Xii. 55, note i.
300 HORATI EPISTULAE.
60. Bioneis. Bion the Borysthenite, a teacher of philosophy
at Athens towards the end of the fourth century and the be-
ginning of the third, a pupil of the Academy, Crates, Theo-
phrastus, but especially Theodorus the Cyrenaic (called the
Atheist), was more distinguished as a wit than as a philo-
sopher. Diog. Laert. iv. 46 — 57. Acron says in lihro, qucm
edidit, moniacissimis salibiis ea, quae apiui poctas sunt ila
laceravit, tit ne Homero quidem parceret, which is in harmony
with the words of Diogenes ev^'V'js rjv koL irapi^b-qaai....Kal oXws
Kol fj.ov(nKrjv Kal yeo^fierpiav duTrat^ev. Cic. Tusc. Disp. III. 26,
62 gives an example of his coarse wit as directed against
Agamemnon : in quo facctiiin illiid Bionis, pcrinde siitltissiinum
rcgem in luctu capillum sibi evellcre, qtiasi calviiio maeror
levaretur. Among other sharp sayings ascribed to him is Tr\v
(piXapyvpiav fxy^rpo-KoKLv Tr6.ar]s /ca/ci'as dfai, which may be the
source of i Tim. 6, 10. The Bion, No. 7 in Did. Biog. is
undoubtedly to be identified with the Borysthenite, though there
distinguished from him. sermoniljus, 'satires': Horace's satires
have with one exception little or nothing of the cynical profligacy
which seems to have marked the writings of Bion.
sale nigro, 'coarse wit': black salt would be at once
stronger and less refined than the purified condiment. Cp.
Sat. II, 4, 74: I. 10, 3.
61. tres, the smallest number of guests, who could form
a party: cp. Gell. XIII. 11, 2 \_M. Varro in satiris Meftippcis]
dicit convivaruni njuncriwi incipcre oportcre a Gratiarimi nmnero
et progredi ad Musarum. But even in so small a number there
would be differences of tastes. prope=/£;-f, 'I might almost
say'.
62. multum : Ep. I. 10, 3 vuilfiim dissimiles,
63. renuis tu, quod : Bentley read remiis quod tu, but the
change in the leading subject is rather agreeable than otherwise.
64. sane, not concessive, as Orelli, but intensive with in-
visum: cp. v. 132 below, 11. i, 206. acidum keeps up the
metaphor of the feast, and seems especially to refer to wine.
65 — 80. Fourthly, the distractiotis of life in Rome are so
great that it is itnpossible to compose.
65. praeter, 'beyond', rather than 'beside': cp. Reid on
Cic. pro Sull. 3, 7.
67. sponsiun; 'to stand security'. Sat. 11. 6, 23 Romae
sponsorem me rapis. Ep. i. 16, 43.
auditum scripta: the nuisance of recitations soon became
almost intolerable at Rome: cp. Cic. Att. Ii. 2, 2 coniurasse
Bk. II. Ep. IL] NOTES. 301
mallem quam rcslitisse coniitrationi, si ilium viiJii audiendum
fu(asst»i: Ep. i. 19, 39. Mayor on Juv. iii. 9.
68. cubat, 'lies sick'. Sat. I. 9, 18 trans Tiberim longe
ctihat is: (where Palmer quotes Ov. Her. xx. 164 /lacc cubat, ilk
valet), II. 3, 289 mater ait pucri nwnscs iam quinque cubantis.
The Quirinal was at the extreme N.E., the Aventine quite at
the S.W. of the city.
70. humane 'prorsus ut i-meiKQs' Or. i.e. = probe, admodinii;
and no fatal objection lies against this force of the word, hii-
maniis like dydpujirtvos (cp. Deni. in Mid. 527 ai'6pcoirivr) Kal
fierpia (TKrirpis) often means 'reasonable' : so Cic. Phil. XIII. 17,
36 7nodcrate aiit humane. Cp. ad Att. XIII. 52, 2 homines visi
sumtis ' we showed ourselves reasonable beings '. Many editors
have hesitated to accept it. Ribbeck conjectures (very badly)
hotnini tcni, as if two men would have found the distance
shorter ! Frohlich suggested hand sane, which has naturally
met with much approval. If we suppose that HAVTSANE
became by the obliteration of two letters H V I A NE the cor-
rection to HVM ANE must have followed as a matter of course.
There is also strong confirmation from Terence, whom Horace
seems to have known by heart, in Adelph. 783 edepol com-
missatorem haud sane commodu)n. But the parallel of iineiKUs
is too close to allow us to say with confidence against all MS.
evidence that Horace could not have used humane. We do
not gain much by assuming with Schiitz that humane points to
a man as the measure of the convenience, 'convenient for one
who is but a poor human being'. This is an equally unexampled
use, and destroys the parallelism. Another plausible suggestion
is that of Jeep (in Kriiger's Anhang) insane commoda, comparing
Plaut. INIil. 24 insane bene (but there A has insamnn).
verum. 'Yes but you say', introducing an objection, with
the force which at enitn so often has in prose. Verum assents,
but introduces a qualification: cp. Kiihner II. 686.
71. plateae is marked pldtea in the dictionaries based on
Freund and in Georges, with this passage and Catull. XV. 7
noted as exceptional instances of the short penultimate. But it
is short also in Plaut. Trin. 840 sed quis hie est qui in plaicam
ingrediiur (an anapaestic dimeter), Ter. Andr. 796, Eun. 344,
1064, Phorm. 215, Adelph. 574, 582. I can find no instance of
the long penultimate, which might have been expected from the
derivation of the word from TrXareta, (cp. Philem. Frag. 55 Mein.
Tr]v TrXaTilav crot ixovu) ravrrjv TreiroirjKev 6 /SacriXeus ;) earlier than
Prudentius Perist. IV. 71 Christus in totis habitat plateis ; and
Auson. Ep. X. 22. We have a parallel to the shortening in
balineum from ^oKavelov chorea, gynaeeeum, etc. (Roby § 229).
Macleane says 'it suits Horace to shorten it'.
302 HOE ATI EPISTULAE,
purae, 'clear'; i.e. free from obstructions: cp. Ov. Met.
III. io() piirus ab arboribus, spectabilis undique campus: Liv.
XXIV. 1 4, 6 puro ac patenti canipo.
72. calidus, 'in hot haste'; cp. Sat. I. 3, 53: Carm. ill.
14, 27, where however the meaning is rather 'impetuous'.
redemptor, 'a contractor' for buildings, as in Carm. in. i, 35
hue freqiiens caementa dcinittit redemptor cicm famulis. mulis
gerulisque, instrumental ablatives, indicating how the con-
tractor showed his impetuosity. It is quite illegitimate to say
with Macleane that '■ cntji is omitted': Kriiger compares military
expressions such as ivgenii exercitii, omiiibzis copiis, quadrato
agmine : but the addition of the epithet makes all the difference
(Roby § 1234); equis virisque in Cic. de Off. in. 33, 116 is
evidently proverbial (cp. Holden's note). The gerit/i, 'porters'
are the same as ihs /amie/i of the passage in the Odes. The
word does not appear to be used elsewhere in quite so general
a meaning.
73. machina, apparently 'a crane' which 'swings' {torqtief)
stones or beams needed for building, properly called tolleno,
but sometimes by a metaphor like our own, ciconia, cp. y^pavos.
74. robustis, i.e. built for heavy loads, not quite as Orelli
•magnis largumque spatium occupantibus', Sat. I. 6. 42 si
plostra diicenta coiicurrantqtie foro tria fiinera. The form plos-
trum was the more vulgar one, therefore it is admitted only in
the Satires, while the evidence of MSS- in the Odes and Epistles
is in favour o{ plajtstrnm. Cp. Suet. Vesp. 22 Mesthim Florum
consularem, admonihis ab eo, ^tl^ViSirs. pot/us qtiarii plostra. d/ee/ida,
postero die F/aurum salulavit. The use of wheeled vehicles
was forbidden in Rome until ten hours after simrise, except in
the case of those employed in connexion with public buildings,
temples, etc. (as probably here and in Juv. III. 214), of market-
carts leaving the city, and of certain privileged persons. Cp.
Marquardt, Rom. Frivatalt. II. 319 ff. Friedlander, Sittcng.
I. ch. I. App. 3.
75. fugit ; Galen noticed among the signs of madness in a
dog TO aX67ws Tp^x^iv, which is still regarded as an indication of
irenzy: fitrit, the reading of some inferior MSS. would be need-
less after rabiosa.
76. i nunc : Ep. I. 6, 17, note.
77. scriptorum, of poets especially, as in Ep. 11. i, 36 and
elsewhere.
urbem : the great preponderance of MS. authority is in
favour of the singular here. Many recent editors have preferred
the plural, on the ground that the singular after what has gone
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES, . 303
before could only be understood of Rome. This would certainly
be the case, if ncnnts, used in a generic sense, had not come
between : but the parallelism justifies us, I think, in following
the best MSS. Cp. Juv. vii. 57, Ov. Trist. I. i, 41, for the
commonplace of the poet's love of retirement.
78. rite cliens Bacchl 'in loyal allegiance to Bacchus'.
nV£ = 'as is fit'. Cp. Carm. 11. 19, iii. 25.
79. strepitus: Carm. ill. •zq, \z fnmu7n et opes strepihinique
Roniae. The continual noise at Rome is one of its worst terrors,
as painted by Juv. Sat. III.
80. contracta : the vet. Bland, had cantata, evidently only a
correction for the reading of the great majority of MSS. contada,
which is clearly indefensible, as Bentley showed. He argues him-
self in favour of non iacta, but contracta which he rejects contume-
liously (' quasi vero poetae, quo nobiliores, non eo maiora et clariora
vestigia post se relinquant'), really comes to much the same
thing : paths which few have trodden, and which therefore offer
no broad beaten track. Conington rightly has
'Tread where they tread, and make their footsteps out'.
\co7itracta does not give the right contrast to strepitus. Possibly
catata is a corruption oi pacata. J. S. R.]
81 — 86. Retirement from the world mahes a matt ridicitloin
even in a quiet town like Athens: and hoiv can I venture to
pursue my studies at Rome ?
The connexion of these lines with the context is not very clear,
and the thought not logically developed. Hence some have re-
jected them as spurious. But the drift seems to be somewhat as
follows. Life in Rome, as we have seen, is ill adapted for poetic
composition. But if a man grows old in studious retirement, he
unfits himself for practical life. I do not choose to retire from
society and make myself a laughingstock, a course which is needful
for true inspiration : nor, on the other hand, can I write here.
Hence expect no more lyrics from me. Some critics have oddly
enough supposed that Horace must himself be the ingenium, and
have thence argued that he must have lived seven years at Athens.
That he is not is shown clearly by the contrast with ego, and not
less hy hie, i.e. at Rome. Plat. Theaet. 174 has an amusing
sketch of the philosopher, how 'on every occasion, private as
well as public, when he appears in a law-court, or in any place
in which he has to speak of things which are at his feet and
before his eyes, he is the jest, not only of Thracian handmaids
but of the general herd, tumbling into wells and every sort of
disaster through his inexperience. His awkwardness is fearful,
and gives the impression of imbecility ' (Jowett IV. 324). Jacobs'
304 HO RATI EFISTULAE.
interpretation, approved by Orelli, 'even those vi'ho have given
years to quiet study sometimes fail to secure success as popular
poets, and how can I satisfy myself with what I can produce
amidst all this ' gives a less satisfactory connexion of thought.
81. sibi desumpsit 'has chosen as his Jiome'. vacuas: Ep.
I. 7, 45 vacuum Tibur.
83. curis 'studies', i-mTrjdev/xaTa, especially philosophy.
statua taciturnius : cp. Sat. Ii. 5, 40 infantes statuas: Lucian
Imag. I. ax^vT} ae /cat t<2v dvOpiavTujv dKLv-qroTepov diro(pavu.
exit 'turns out', not necessarily at Athens, as some have ex-
jilained, but still less at Rome, as Orelli says, which is at variance
with the contrast in Mc.
86. digner, not (\mte = coner, a reading found in some MSS.,
but rather 'am I to think myself fit for this task, and so set my
heart upon achieving it?' A rhetorical question of this kind is
usually not introduced in Latin by the 'and', which would be
natural in English.
87 — 105. Fifthly, mtituai admiration has reached such a pitch
here, that I can fivui no favour unless I am willing to humour and
flatter every one in my turn, but if I refuse to write, I can live at
my ease.
87. frater...ut alter. This line can hardly be genuine, as
it stands. All attempts to explain yO-^to-...?^/ z.% = ta?n frata'no
animo ut, and to defend the expression by Sat. 1. 1, 95 quidam...
dives ut mctircturnummos [where however the true reading is pro-
bably qiii tarn] or Sat. I. 7, 13 irafuit capital is, ut ultima divideret
mors (cp. Sat. II. 7, 10), break down utterly : y)'(7/d'/' is not an
adjective of quality with which an adverb of degree can be easily
understood. Nor is the 'Globe' rendering legitimate: 'There
were two brothers at Rome:— their compact was that the one
etc' Bentley, who well explained (against Heinsius) the con-
nexion of the passage with the general line of thought in the
epistle, admitted that the text as it stood was indefensible, and
added ' magni sane emerim interpretem, qui locum hunc expedire
possit'. His own suggestion (though not regarded by him as
certain enough to be placed in the text) was Pactus erat Komae
consulto rhetor 'a rhetorician at Rome had bargained with a
lawyer': a construction which he illustrates with his usual fulness.
Meineke thought that a line must have been lost, owing to the
copyist's eye falling on two similar syllables recurring; and would
read
Frater erat Romae consul ti rhetor, ut[erque
alterius laudum sic admirator ut] alter
alterius etc.
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 305
In this reading the thrice repeated alter is far from elegant,
and the combination iitcrqiie altcriiis very dubious Latin. Keller
removes the latter difficulty, but increases the former by substi-
tuting ct alter for utcrqiie. But, as Bentley saw, there is no point
in making the two men brothers (as there is in v. 183), and the
corruption is likely to be in the word f rater. Schiitz suggests
faiitor, which goes far to remove the difficulty. It is a favourite
word with Horace in very similar expressions; cp. Sat. i. 10, 2
tarn Lucili fatitor : Ep. II. i, 2}, sic faiitor veterum : Ep. I. 15, 33
neqtiitiae fautoribits : Ep. I. 18, 66 faiitor laudabit: and the
meaning of the substantive allows it to take or to dispense with
an adverb, as much as an adjective could. That there was
mutual patronage may well be left to be understood from the
context. [Prof. Palmer suggests auctor erat cousiilto, a reading
which restores a good classical phrase : ' a rhetorician proposed
to a lawyer '. ]
88. meros honores 'nothing but compliments': cp. Ep. i.
7, 84, Cic. de Orat. il. 22, 94 (note): Catull. xill. 8 contra ac-
cipies meros amores, quoted by Orelli, is not really parallel : cp.
Ellis ad loc.
89. Gracchus, undoubtedly Gains, who is praised by Cicero
Brut. 33, 126 as a greater orator than his elder brother Tiberius:
eloqtientia qiiidein ncscio an habuisset parcm lumincm. Bentley
suggested as a correction Crassus, i.e. L. Licinius Crassus, the
famous orator, who takes a leading part in Cicero's three books
De Oratore. Cicero (Brut. 39, 145) describes how a case was
argued on the one side by Crassus, and on the other by his friend
and colleague in the consulship L. Mucins Scaevola the Pontifex
k/ eloqiteiitinm iuris peritissiimis Crassus, iuris pcritornm elo-
qucntissinms Scaevola putaretiir (cp. De Orat. I. 39, 180 note).
Hence the line of Horace would gain in point by the substitution of
Crassus for Gy-acchus: but this is not a sufficient reason to induce
us to abandon the MSS. If Horace had any particular Mucins
in view, it was probably the colleague of Crassus: but several
other members of the family were distinguished for their legal
learning, especially P. Mucins Scaevola Pont. Max. (the father
of the colleague of Crassus, consul himself in B.C. 133) and Q.
Mucins Scaevola Augur (the father-in-law of Crassus, consul
H.c. 117). Hence perhaps we should translate 'so that the one
was a Gracchus, the other a Mucins'.
foret huic ut Mucius ille : all known MSS. have Jiic ut Mucins
illi, but as early as 1516 this was corrected into the now all but
universally received hiiic ille. It is plainly impossible to believe
that Horace should have written ut hie illi Gracchus foret, hie
illi Mucins. Keller adduces examples oi hic-hic, but none where
ille is also used in the passage. This line must therefore be re-
W. H. 20
3o6 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
garded as one of the instances in which the archetype was clearly
corrupt. Even IMacleane, who holds that it is inexcusable to
desert the MSS., docs not attempt to defend their unanimous
evidence here.
90. qui minus 'in what way less?' Sat. ii. 3, 311 qui ridi-
ciiltis mhiits illo? ib. 7, 96 qui pcccas minus atque ego? Translate
'And are our tuneful poets less troubled by this madness?' Qui
minus is merely a rhetorical question, and does not at all mean
quo viodo fit ut minus J Bentley's conjecture versat for vexat is
needless; this absurd 'mutual admiration' based upon vanity is
not really, as he thinks, a matter of pleasure in the long run,
rather than annoyance.
91. carmina compono 'I am a writer of lyrics'; though for
the time being Horace had abandoned this form of composition,
he speaks of it as his most distinctive style.
hie, prolmbly Propertius, who delighted to be regarded as the
Roman Callimachus (v. 100: cf Propert. V. i, 63 — 64). If
chronology forbids us to regard him as the bore of Sat. I. 9
(cf. Palmer's edition, p. 219), written about B.C. 35, he had pro-
bably published most of his elegies before the date of this epistle.
'The charge of belonging to a clique of mutual admirers might
with a show of fairness be brought against one who, amongst
other instances of exaggeration, compared his friend Ponticus to
Homer (l. 7, 3 — 4). The expression caclaiuni novcin Alusis
opus is not more extravagant than many in Propertius. V. 96
is probably a hit at P.'s frequent use of the metaphor with re-
ference to himself. Ag'oXn fastu and molimine just hit the im-
pression which the style and perhaps the bearing of P. would
make upon an unfavourable observer. V. 94 is a clear allusion
to P.'s exultation at the reception of his poems into the Palatine
library: see IV. i, 38 and note. Even Romanis has its sling:
I. 7, 22. Lastly, I trust that it is not fanciful to see in the two
words adposccrc and optivus, which are each only found in one
other passage in Latin, a travesty of P.'s love of archaisms.'
(Prof. Postgate's Introduction to his Select Elegies of Propertius
pp. xxxiii-iv).
mirabile visu caelatumqus novem Musis opus! an admiring
exclamation not, I think, used by the author of his own work,
as most editors take it, but of mutual compliment, as seems to
be required by the context. Bentley olijected (i) that visu
could only be used of external appearance, which is out of the
question here : (2) that caelaium Musis could only mean 'adorned
with figures of Muses' (as in Ov. Met. Xiii. no caelalus itna-
gine 7nuiuii, ib. 684 longo caclavcrat argunicnto). Hence he
wished to govern these words by circiun specteinus, taking them
in apposition to aedcin. If they are interpreted of a bock he
Bk. II. Ep. IL] NOTES. 307
argues that it is necessary, if of a temple it is at least an im-
provement to read for caclatnin sacrainin. But we may reply,
without pressing the fact that visus is used for any kind of
appearance, (i) that niirabilc visit had become a stereotyped
compound expression for 'admirable', (2) that the construction
of caclo with the ablative does not exclude an entirely different
construction with the dative of the agent. Cp. Ep. il. r, ^7.
novem : all the Muses must have had a hand in such an exquisite
work of art !
93. fastu 'airs' : molimine 'importance', the bearing of a
man ^gtti magna molitur'. circum-spectemus : so Sat. i. 2,
62 — 7, intcr-cst, Sat. II. 3, 117 — 8 lutdc-octoginta, A. P. 424 — 5
intcr-}tosce7-e. Here the rhythmical effect is perhaps intended
to suggest the slow important look.
94. vatibus dat. 'free to receive the works of.
aedem, the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, with its
annexed libraries. Ep. I. 3, 17. Porphyrion is wrong in ex-
plaining (a note which he gives also on Sat. I. 10, 38) 'aedem
Musarum in qua poetae recitabant': the recitations follow in
v. 95. But there seem to have been statues of the Muses in the
temple of Apollo and public recitations were given there, at
least in later times: cp. Mayor on Juv. Vll. 37.
95. sequere, i.e. to the place of recitation, whatever it might
have been, not necessarily to the temple, procul 'hard by'.
Sat. II. 6, 105, Verg. Eel. vi. 16. Schiitz not so well interprets
'at a distance', so as to slip away, if you feel inclined.
96. ferat 'brings' as his contribution to the recitation, qua
re i.e. what the grounds are, on which, etc.
97. caedimur...Sainnites, Liv. ix. 40 Roinaiii ad Jionorem
deiim insignibus arviis hostiiuii tisi sunt: Campaid ab sttperbia
et odio Samnitiiiin gladiatores {quod spcctaculum inter cpulas erat)
eo ornatu arinarunt : Sainnitiiimquc nomine compcllavcnint. Sil.
Ital. XI. 51 qicin eliam exhilarare viris convivia cacde }?ios olim,
et misccre epulis spcetacttla dira certanlum ferro. Athen. IV.
39 Ka^Trai'ai' Tives Trapo. rd cvtxirocna fiovojxaxovcri. The brutal
custom of these gladiatorial combats doubtless spread from
Capua to Rome under the /ater Empire: but I have found no
passage which bears out Macleane's statement 'among the amuse-
ments that rich men had at their dinners were gladiators who
fought with blunt weapons' (cp. Becker Callus''^ III. 261- — 2).
If this were so, he could hardly be right in translating ad prima
hinii7ia 'till the lights came in'. The after-dinner amusement
would not begin until the lights were lit (cp. Sat. II. 7, 33 sub
luinina prima): and if there is any reference to a sham-fight
for the amusement of a dinner-party, it is necessary to translate
20 — 2
3o8 HORATI EPISTULAE.
'when lights are first lit'. But I doubt whether it means more
than 'like well-matched gladiators, whose protracted struggle
lasts till the darkness of evening puts an end to it '. Horace
humorously represents the stock of poems which they bring and
alternately inflict upon each other, drawing out mutual compli-
ments, but really inflicting painful weariness, as inexhaustible.
Pers. IV. 42 caedimns inqiie vicem pt'aebemus crura sagitiis
imitates the turn of the expression, but in a different con-
nexion.
99. discedo 'I come off' from the contest, as in Sat. i. 7, 17.
Prof. Palmer suggests that this use corresponds to the laudatory
abi of V. 205. Alcaeus Ep. i. 19, 29; Carm. 11. 13, 26 fF.
puncto 'vote'. When by the Lex Gabinia of B.C. 139 the
ballot had been introduced in the election of magistrates, it was
the custom for the voting-tablets to be distributed by rogatores:
these were then marked by the voters, and placed in cistae,
from which they were taken out and sorted by diribitores. That
these then reported the results to certain ciistodes, who (as
Macleane says) were 'appointed to take the votes and prick off
the number given for each candidate', is a very doubtful in-
ference from Cic. in Pis. 15, 36 "vos rogatores, vos diribiiores, vos
ciistodes fiiisse tabularum. It is more probable that the diri-
bitores reported directly to the presiding magistrate, who declared
the election ; and that Cicero simply means that the Senators
showed such interest in his case that they took charge afterwards
of the voting-tablets for fear of fraud. The passage in the text
shows plainly that the pnnctum cannot have been used merely
to record a vote already given. On the other hand, the voting-
tablet itself was probably given out blank, and marked by the
voter with the initials of the candidate for whom he voted : at
least this seems the only explanation of the phrase of Cicero de
Dom. 43, 113 postca quam intcllcxit posse se...a L. Pisone con-
sule praetorem rniitiitiari, si modo eadein prima litera competito-
rem habitisset aliquem, a condition which would have left an
opening for fraud. We must then suppose (with Prof. Ramsay
Rom. Ant. p. 109) that the term piiiutum for a vote was re-
tamed from the days of viva voce voting, when the rogatores
would ask each voter, as he passed along the pontes for whom
he voted, and record the answer by pricking a tablet. So we
still retain the term 'polling booth' even under the ballot.
Piinctiim is used for 'vote' similarly in A. P. 343, Cic. pro
Plane. 22, 53 non nuUas [tribus tulerunt] piinctis paene totidem,
pro Mur. 34, 72 recordor quantum... pitnctoriim nobis dctraxerint
(where Long misunderstands the meaning of the words of Festus
s. V. suffragatores : cp. Miiller's note).
100. adposcere 'to demand in addition', only found else-
where in Ter. Haut. 838. See Postgate's remark above.
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 309
101. Mlmnennus : cp. Ep. r. 6, ^i,. Although Callimachus
(flor. B.C. ■260 — 240) was ranked by some critics (e. g. Quintilian
X. I, ^'S> cuiKS princcps hahctur Callimachiis, with Mayor's note)
as the first of elegiac poets, Horace seems to have agreed with
Ovid, Am. I. 15, 14 quamvis iiigcnio non vaUt, arte valet. In
any case Mimnermus (flor. B.C. 640— 600) was the first louse
elegiac verse for love poetry (cp. Prop. I. 9, 11 plus iti amorc
valet Mivitiervii versus Homcro), and it was naturally a higher
compliment to give to an erotic poet the name of the founder of
his style of poetry, than that of one who was not especially dis-
tinguished in this department, and who had devoted himself also
to so many branches of literature, prose as well as verse.
apXiyo^ adopfivo, adscito Porph. The word is properly a
legal term : Gains i. 154 vocantur autem hi qtii nomi)iatiin testa-
mento iutores dantur, dalivi; qui ex oplione sumujitur, optivi.
Hence it means 'any which he may choose'. Macleane is not
exact in rendering 'desired', nor is there any reason to suppose
this only a later use. The tutoris opiio was sometimes given to
a woman by the will of her husband or father (Lav. XXXix. 19, 5).
In the time of Claudius women above the age of puberty were
released from the guardianship of their agnates, which had been
ordained by the Twelve Tables, and allowed to choose their
own tutor (Gains l. 157) and in the Lex municipii Salpensae
(circ. A.D. 81) c. 22 the ius tutoris optandi is spoken of as no new
thing. The word is much more likely to be an archaism.
crescit ' is glorified'.
103 — 105. So long as I am myself composing, and am a
candidate for popularity, I have to put up with much : but as
soon as I return to my senses, I can stop my ears when poets
recite, and fear no revenge on their part. Keller has a mark of
interrogation at auris, which is not so good.
Orelli argues that the rhythm of the verse requires us to take
Inpune with legentibus, understanding that the poetasters can
thenceforward recite without any fear of retaliation on the part
of Horace (as in Juv. I. i — 3). But the context requires us rather
to regard Horace as now able to do what he dared not do before.
104. studiis 'ambition', not as in v. Si. mente recepta
cp. A. P. 296.
105. obturem: Roby § 1534, S. G. § 642.
106 — 128. Bad poets, though ridiculed, are delighted with
their oivtt productions. But good poetry requires rigorous self-
criticisin, with a careful treatment of the diction ; and case in
writing comes only of laborious training.
3 TO HO RATI E FISTULA E.
107. scribentes 'while they are writing', i.e. in the mere
act of doing so. Cp. Catull. xxil. 15 nequc idem iinqiiam aeqiie
est beatus ac poema cum scribit.
108. si taceas, laudant, i. e. it is their habit to praise their
compositions, and they would do so, even if you should say
nothing about them. Cp. Mayor on Juv. X. 141, Roby § 1574,
S. G. § 654. beati goes with laudant rather than with scripsere, or
else there would be a tautology after gazidcnt scribentes.
109. legitimum 'according to the rules of art'; A. P. 274.
feclsse, not aopiar^os as Orelli says, but used because the result
rather than the process is theoljject of desire. SoinEp. i. 17, 5.
Cp. Roby § 1374, S. G. § 541 (b).
110. cum tabulis ' along with his tablets ', i. e. when he
begins to write. Wax tablets were used for the first rough draft,
which might need correction (cp. Sat. I. 10, 72 saepe stiluvi ver-
tas) ; then the fair copy was made upon paper. These tablets
for notes were often called /«^^///<z;yj' (Plin. Ep. i. 6, i ; in. 5, 15)
or simply cerae. I doubt much whether there is any 5iXo7ta, as
Orelli supposes, playing upon the tabulae ceiisoriae. But in the
following lines words are used, which certainly point to the cen-
sor's functions: splendor is a word especially applied to iheordo
eqiiester (e.g. Cic. de Fin. II. 18, 58 eqiies Romamis splendidits,
pro Sext. Rose. 48, 140 cqiiestrem splciidorem) ; and loco movcre
recalls tribu movcre,
honest! 'conscientious', one who will act loyally as duty bids
him.
111. audebit 'he will resolve' V. 14S. Ep. i. 2, 40. quae-
cnmque sc. verba.
112. ferentur ' will be current ' when published. So Keller
and Schiitz, quoting Lucil. xxx. 4M. ( = 906 L.) eC sola ex
jmillis nittic nostra poemata Jerri. Others ' will be judged ',
comparing Verg. Aen. VI. 823 idcunque fcrent ea facta niinores.
Orelli, less probably, takes the metaphor as that of a river 'quae
rapido cursu fertur', cp. Sat. I. 4, \\ Jincret liitiilenttcs.
The future yi?;r«/«r though it has but slight MS. authority is
clearly necessary : Ritter almost alone retains the reading of
the best MSS. Jeruntur.
113. invita keeps up the personification of the verba which
has been suggested by the metaphor of the censor, and perhaps
too by honore indigna.
114. versentiir intra penetralia Vestae : Schiitz (after
Porph. : ' id est, domi') takes this to mean simply the privacy of
the poet's own house, from which the poems are not yet sent
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. . 311
forth by publication; and accounts for the unusual expression by
saying that the poet is regarded as the keeper of a shrine. He
•thinks the point to be that the poet is to exercise a severe criti-
cism upon his writings before entrusting tliem to the general
judgment. But it is doubtful whether poictralia Vcstae could
thus be used of a private house, even though there was usually an
altar to Vesta on the hearth. Besides this separates the words too
much in thought from invita reccdaiit ; it is better to render
' although they may be reluctant to retire, and may still cling to
the sanctuary of Vesta's fane'. In tiie temple of Vesta tliere
were certain mysterious objects, accessible only to the Vestals
and the Pontiffs, and carefully kept from tlie eyes of the multi-
tude : they were kept in the pouts interior or penetrale of the
temple, shut up in earthen vessels, and were regarded as the
pigiiora imperii (Liv. xxvi. 27, Ovid, Fast. vi. 359, 439). The
most famous among these was the Palladium: but there were
also other divine figures (especially of the Penates) and mystic
emblems. (Preller, Rom. Myth. p. 543). Keller interprets
'although they may be phrases hallowed by antiquity, which it
seems profanation to touch'. jNIacleane's paraphrase ' the verses
though they may be expunged, still are kept in the author's desk,
because he has a regard for them and cannot make up his mind
to destroy them' is quite impossible. Orelli thinks the point to
be 'although you may plead that, as they are not yet published
you need not be so severe with them '. The only difficulty in the
way of the interpretation proposed above (which does not differ
much from Ritter's) is that there is no positive evidence that the
temple of Vesta. had the privileges of an asylum. But the notion
of a sacred protection was always associated with the Vestal
Virgins: if they met a condemned criminal in the street he was
set free; and their intercession carried the greatest weight.
(Preller, p. 540). Hence it is not too much to assume that those
in danger might have recourse to the temple for at least tempo-
rary protection. So Conington,
'And cling and cling like suppliant to a shrine'.
115. populo : the rhythm and the sense alike require this to
be connected with obsciirata, not with bonus, which can well
stand alone, nor with eruet, which would make the taste of the
people, which Horace elsewhere scorns, that which he desires to
gratify.
116. speciosa 'brilliant' or 'beautiful', opposed to verba
(jiiae pamm splciidoi'is habent, Cp. Quint. I. 5, 3 licet enimdica-
vuis aliqitod propriitm, spcciostcm, sublime.
117. Cetbegis: M. Cornelius Cethegus (consul K.c. 204) is
mentioned by Cic. Brut. 15, 57 as the first quern extet et de quo
sit vieinonae proditum eloqueiitem fuisse, et ita esse habitum.
312 HORATI EPISTULAE.
Ennius ]:>raised his siiaviloqiiens os (Annal. IX. 304) and said he
•was called '' flos ddibatns popuU Snadaeque inedulla'. Cato cen-
sorius was consul in B.C. 195. The plural denotes ' men like C.':'
cp. Cic. de Orat. I. 48, 211 (note), Cope on Arist. Rhet. II. 22, 3.
Bentley on Lucan i. 317,
118. situs, properly 'neglect', 'letting alone', hence the
result of neglect, 'mould', -rust', 'squalor'. Cp. Verg. Aen.
A'll. 440 z'icta situ...senectus. Georg. I. 72 et segncin patiere situ
durescerc campuin. Seneca, in the very interesting Epistle (vi.
6) in which he points out how many words used by Vergil had
become obsolete in his own time, says (§ 5) id ago...nt hoc in-
tellegas quantum apitd Enniiim et Acci7if?i verboriiin situs oc-
cupazierit, cttm apiid htcnc quoque, qui cotidie excutitur, aliqua
nobis subducia sint.
informis 'unseemly'. Horace himself indulges but rarely
in archaisms, whether of vocabulary or inflexion, and these are
much more common in his earlier writings than in his later ones.
(Walz, Dcs Variations de la langne d'Idorace -pp. ^i — 59.) Cicero
de Orat. in. 38, 153 allows an occasional nse of unfamiliar [inicsi-
fata) language to the orator : inusitata sunt prisca fere ac vettis-
late ab jisu cotidiani sermonis iain din interrnissa, quae sunt
poet arum licentiae liberiora quam nostrae.
119. nova ' newly coined' words.
Quintilian (vill. 3, 24) says verbis propriis dignitatem dat
antiqiiitas: na tuque et sanctiorevi et magis admirabilem faciunt
orat'ioncm, quibus non qiiilibet fuerit usurus, eoqiie ornainento
acerrimi iudicii P. Vergilius unice est usus. Cic. I.e. novantur
autem verba quae ab eo qui dicit ipso gigtiuntur ac fnmt, vel con-
iungendis verbis, lit haec [expectorare, versutiloquae] : sed saepe
vel sine coniunctione verba tioi'aiitur nt ille senitis desertus,
ut di genitales, ut hacarum ztbertate incurvescere.
Walz [op. cit. pp. 59 — 77) after excluding all words, not
found elsewhere, but apparently technical, or for other rea-
sons not to be assigned to Horace himself, gives a list of 130,
or about one in every 60 lines ; a proportion less than that occur-
ring in Vergil who has about one in every 40 lines. He justly
concludes that the originality of the style of Horace is due
mainly to the skill with which he used the existing stores of the
language: as Quintilian says (x. 1, 96) Horalius varius figuris et
verbis fclicissitne audax.
usus, personified as in A. P. 71, and spoken of here as a
'begetter' of new words, while there it is the despot who decides
upon their fate. Orelli supposes that there is a brachylogy : the
poet coins words, which meet with so much approval and such
wide adoption, that they seem to have been in use from the
Bk. II. Ep. IT.] NOTES. 313
earliest stages of the language. It is difficult to find this in the
text ; Pope's imitation is based upon a similar interpretation
(' For use will father what's begot by sense'). The fact is that
Horace is not speaking here of coiniiii^ new terms, so much as
adopting and so stamping with his sanction those which have
but lately become current, and are not yet recognized as classical.
Hence adsciscet which is used of admitting strangers to the
franchise, or recruits into a legion. It is impossible to resist the
force of the parallel passage in A. P. 70 — 72, or we might be
tempted to give to iisits the force of 'his needs', as in Sat. I. 3,
102 arinis, quae post fabricaverat ttsus.
' New phrases, in the world of books unknown,
So use but father them, he makes his own.' Con.
120. vemens : cp. note on v. 28. The poet must have the
swift strong rush of a full stream, without losing clearness and
purity of style. Cicero Brut. 79, 274 says of M. Calidius: /;-/-
mum ita piira erat [oratio], ut nihil liquidius, ita libcre Jluebat,
tit 7iusqiiam adhaeresceret.
121. beabit, a favourite word with Horace (Ep. i. 18, 75;
Carm. II. 3, 7, IV. 8, 29), but not often used elsewhere, except
in the comic poets. It may perhaps be reckoned (as by Walz)
among his archaisms.
122. luxuriantia, sc. verba, of a redundancy in style, com-
pared to the rank growth of trees not duly pruned. The meta-
phorical reference is confirmed, not, as Schiitz thinks, disproved
by conipescet : cp. Verg. Georg. 11. 370 ravios compesce fliientis:
ib. I. 112 luxiiricm sef^dicin taicra depascit in herba: Cic. de
Orat. II. 23, 96 luxuries stilo depascenda est (i.e. must be kept
down by the practice of writing) ; Quintil. X. 4, i luxuriantia
aJstringere. ..duplicis operae.
sano, i.e. one which does not emasculate : cp. A. P. 26.
123. virtute, not 'merit', but rather 'energy, vigour'.
The other faults can be set right : this admits of nothing but
complete excision.
'Cut show no mercy to an empty line'. Pope.
Orelli, overlooking this, thinks that there would be a tautology
after compescct, and would translate toilet 'will raise', i.e. add
force to. His first quotation from Quintilian is garbled: for the
second, IV. 2, 61 supra modiim se tollens oratio would have been
more to the point. But it is not likely that Horace would have
used a term so likely to he misunderstood. Cp. Plaut. Asin.
783 ergo, ut iubes, tollain, i.e. 'I will strike it out'. The codd.
Bland, and some other MSS. have calentia. To defend this, and
interpret toilet of a father 'tanquam infantem natum, ut nutriat
educatque' is the blindest partisanship.
314 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
124. ludentis, 'of one in sport', not 'of an actor': et
torquebitur, 'and yet he will exert himself to the utmost'.
As the proverb has it, 'easy writing makes hard reading', so
a writer to seem at his ease, must put forth all his powers. One
of the most striking illustrations is Addison's style, which
attained its consummate ease only after the most careful revision.
Pope has again caught the point admirably;
But ease in writing flows from art, not chance.
As those move easiest who have learn'd to dance.
The apparent ease of motion of the trained dancer is due only
to long continued effort.
125. Satyrum...movetur: Roby §1120 {a), S. G. § 469.
The Satyr would dance lightly, the Cyclops heavily and clumsily :
cp. Carm. I. i, 31 nyinpliaruniqite levcs cum Satyris chori:
Sat. I. 5, 63 pastorcni saltarct titl Cydopa rogabat: Verg. Eel.
V. 73 salt ant is Satyros imitabitiir.
126 — 140. A man who is labouring under a delusion may
be a very happy man, and it is not akuays kind to dispel it.
126. praetulerim...ringi. Horace has been throughout this
Epistle attempting to prove to Florus why he must expect no
poems from him. Here he argues that as great exertions are
necessary to success, lejeu ne vaiit pa^ la chandelle. There are
some people who are blissfully unconscious of the worthlessness
of their own productions, and live in a pleasing state of self-
satisfaction. This he confesses, with some irony, to be the
happier state. But it is over for him now. He is like a man
who has been cured of an agreeable delusion, and restored to
the hard realities of life. He knows he cannot write good poetry
without an effort, and it is not worth his while to make it. It
is plain therefore that Horace is speaking of himself, and not
of some one else, as Macleane says; and that there is no need of
a note of interrogation at ringi, as Kriiger and others prmt.
For the mood and tense cp. Roby § 1540, S. G. § 644 [b).
128. ringi, 'to be worried': cp. Ter. Phorm. 341 duin
tibi fit quod placeat, ille ringitur: ringi (Macleane's ringere is
non-existent) is to show the teeth, used of an angry dog. Here
the meaning is to be vexed with a sense of failure, not generally
(as Schiitz) of the morose gloom (senium) of the philosopher.
haud ignobilis; quidam may be understood from the relative
in the next line. Pseud. -Arist. Mir. Ausc. § 30 tells the same
story of a man at Abydos : Aelian has a similar one of an
Athenian Thrasyllus, who fancied that all the ships sailing into
the Peiraeus belonged to him, until his brother got him cured.
Argls: the Romans changed "Ap7os into Argi on the analogy
of names like Delphi, Veil, Gabii, etc., and perhaps misunder-
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 315
standing the termination as an ace. plur. No other form but
Argis is found for the dat. and abl.; the genitive does not occur:
the accusative Argos is usually masc. plur. (perhaps always in the
historians) as in Vcrg. Aen. II. (j^^atrios ad Argos: but occa-
sionally neuter, as in Carm. i. 7", 9 aptiim dicit cquis Argos
(so in Ovid, but not in Verg.). Cp. Neue i- 477, 629.
130. sessor, 'sitting regularly'. Cp. Juv. xiv. 86 (Mayor).
133. ignoscere servis : a reluctance to do this is treated as
a sign of insanity in Sat. I. 3, 80 ff.
134. signo lagoenae: wine flasks were always sealed up:
cp. Mart. IX. 87, 7 mmc signal mens anultts lagoenain. Q.
Cicero tells Tiro (Cic. Ep. Fam. xvi. 26, 2) that his mother
used to seal up even the empty ones ne diccrentur inani's fiiisse,
quae fiirtim essciit exsiccatae. Lagoena and lagona are both
legitimate forms, but not lagena: the first has the best support
here, the second in Juvenal. Cp. Fleckeisen Fiinfzig Aitikd 20.
135. rupem : Sat. 11. 3, 56 — 60; A. P. 459.
136. opibus, Orelli says would have been ope in prose. It
is doubtful whether even in verse the two can be thus inter-
changed. In Carm. lll. 3, 28 Hectoreis opibus is 'by the might
of li.' : in Ep. I. 10, 36 perhaps 'resources' is a better rendering
than 'aid'. Cp. Cic. ad Att. ix. 16 Caesar iam opes meas, noit
ut supcrioribiis litteris, opem expectat.
137. expiilit : cp. Catull. xliv. 7 expuli (?) iussim: Tibull. (?)
IV. 4, I Hue ades et tenerae niorbos cxpelle piiellae.
elleboro is much better established both for Horace
and for Vergil (Georg. III. 451 Ribb.), than hellcboro. Elle-
lionts, for which the pure Latin word was veraini/n (Lucret.
IV. 640, Pers. I. 51), though a poison if taken unduly, was a
favourite remedy for insanity. The best grew at Anticyra :
cp. A. P. 300 (note). Sat. 11. 83 neseio an Anticyram ratio
illis [avaris] destinet oninem. Persius as usual overstrains the
expression : Anticyras vielior sot'bcre meracas.
bilemque: bile, especially when black {/j-^Xaiva x°^v)< was
considered to cause frenzy or melancholy. Cp. Plaut. Amph.
720 — I afra bili percita est. Nulla res tarn ddiranlis homines
eoncinnat cito ; Capt. 590 ati-a bills agitat liomincm: Cic. Tusc.
D. III. 5, II qneni nos fitrorctn, /xeXayxoXiaf illi vocant. Sir
A. Grant on Ar. Eth. Nic. vii. 7, 8 rightly says 'With the
moderns the term melancholy is restricted to the cold and
dejected mood: while the ancients much more commonly applied
the term /ieXayx*''^""'^ to denote warmth, passion, and eccen-
tricity of genius: cp. Ar. Probl. XI. 38 to ttj (pauraaig. aKoXovOeip
Tttxiws 70 ixiXayxoXtKoi/ elvai e(TTlv\ Prior [Alma 210 — 11)
has the older sense of the word: 'Just as the melancholic eye
3i6 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Sees fleets and armies in the sky'; but I have found no otlicr
instance in English.
138. pol: Ep. I. 7, 92.
140. gratissimus: the Abydene in Pseud. -Aristot. I.e. said
iKiivov avTiJ rbv xp^^^v rjbicFTa (ie^Lwadai..
141 — 144. Sixthly, {and hi all soberness) the right occupation
for a man of my years is to care less about harmony in verses, and
more about a true harmony of life,
141. sapere, i.e. to devote one's self to philosophy, not as in
V. 128 of a knowledge of the laws of poetry, nugis are the lu-
dicra of Ep. I. i, 10.
142. pueris primarily with concedere, but supplied again
after tempestivum, 'to give up to boys the sport which is season-
able for them': Ep. I. 14, 36.
143. sequi 'to try to find' : A. P. 240 carmen sequar. fldl-
bus : cp. Carm. IV. 9, 4 verba loquor socianda chordis. The case is
abl. as we see from Verg. Eel. X. 51 carmina pastoris Siculi mo-
derabor avena; the lyre plays the tune, by which the rhythm of
the verse is regulated. Mihi may be understood as the agent.
Orelli quotes Hand Tursell. I. 473 to show that ac non is used
rather than et non where the meaning is 'and therefore not'.
Sat. II. 3, 135, Ep. I. 10, 46.
144. numerosque modosque: Ep. i. 18, 59. Cp. Plat.
Prot. 326 B Tras 7(ip 6 /Sios ro\i avOptli-Kov cvpydfiias re Kal euap-
IMoarias deirai.
145 — 154. Hence I set myself to reflect upon the true cure for
the common disease of avarice.
146. lymphae: used for the water of a spring in Carm. 11.
3, 12; II, 20; III. II, 26; 13, 16; Sat. I. 5, 24 (as in Lucret.
Verg. and Ovid): for the water-nymphs ib. v. 97. LVMPHIEIS
corresponding to NTM<J>AIS appears in a bilingual inscription
in the Naples Museum (C. I. L. 1238, Ritschl P. L. M. Lxxii. D,
Garrucci 1670). It is probable that the change from N into L
was due to a Greek dialect, not to the adoption of the word into
Latin. Cp. Curt. Gr. £tyjn. II. 45. diumpais in the Oscan
tablet of Agnone (ii. 9) seems to hQ — Nymphis.
sitim: Carm. II. 2, 13 crescit indiilgens sibi dims hydrops,
nee sitim pellit. Dropsy is often accompanied by thirst, which
must be resisted, as much as possible.
147. quod 'seeing that', not directly dependent M^on faterier
(Ep. II. I, 94). Horace returns so frequently to the vice of
avarice that it is clear that he considered it one of the most
common failings of his time: cp. Ep. I. i, 53.
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 317
149. monstrata 'prescribed'. Verg. Aen. iv. 636 nion-
strata piacitla: Georg. IV. 549 monstratas aras: Juv. X. 363
vionstro quod ipse tibi possis dare: Gronov. on Sen. de Ben. IV.
28 medicina ctiam scelcratis opem vtonstrat.
151. curarier ' to be treated', of course not 'to be cured' as
L. and S. render. In most of the cases to which they assign the
meaning 'cure', it is much better to translate 'tend' or 'treat'.
Even in Liv. xxi. 8, i sometimes quoted as a clear instance of the
meaning 'cure' the other rendering is quite as legitimate, cor-
pora curair is Liv}''s regular phrase for 'to take food'. Cp.
Drakenborch on Liv. xxi. 54, 2.
audleras, from the talk of people in general, who are apt to
think that wealth means happiness. Ep. I. r, 53.
152. donarent: so all MSS. in accordance with the princi-
ple that even in stating a general truth, the tense of the verb on
which another depends determines the sequence. Cp. Cic. de
Off. II. I, I qtie/n ad mod inn officia ducerentur ab hotiestate... satis
explicatitin arbitror (with Holden's note). Roby § 1508. S. G.
§ 620. Hence Bentley's donarinl, which he introduced by con-
jecture, adding 'ita loquuntur qui pure scribunt' is indefensible.
154. "plQjAoic — ditior: Carm. Ii; 12, 24 plcnas Arabiim
domos.
155 — 179. Ifiveallli made yotc nnsc, yon ought to devote yottr-
self to this. But really all yon can secure is the enjoyment of
7vhat yon need. IVhat is commonly regarded as ownership- give^
no more pleasure to the temporary proprietor than is derived from
the use of the produce by any one who can buy it: and no one can
really own anything in perpetuity.
156. nempe 'of course', often ironically, but not so here or
below V. 163: cp. nimiruni above: so Sat. i. 10, i; 11. 3, 207;
7, 80, 107.
158. libra et acre. Gaius I. 119 thus describes the process:
Est aiitem mancipatio...imaginaria quaedam vcnditio: quod et
ipstim ins proprium civium Rotnanorum est ; eaque res ita agitur.
Adhibitis non mimis qttam qninque testibus civibus Romanis pit-
berihus, et praeterea alio ciusdem condicionis qui libram aeneam
teneat, qui appellatur libripens, is qui mancipio aecipiat rem, aes
tenens ita dicit : hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum esse
aio, isque mihi emptus est hoc acre aeneaque libra : deinde acre
percutit libra>n, idque aes dat ei a quo viancipio accipit, quasi
pretii loco. The articles sold by mancipation were slaves, oxen,
horses, mules and asses, and landed property in Italy. The coin
or ingot was of bronze, because in the early days that metal was
alone used for coinage: the balance was employed because all
money was originally weighed out by the purchaser (Gaius ib.
§132).
3i8 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
mercatus — est : the perfect is better supported, and much
better suited to the sense than inercatiir, the reading of Orelli
and Macleane.
159. consultis as in v. 87. mancipat 'makes your property'.
Strictly speaking jnancipare could be used only of the transfer-
ence of chattels by the formal maucipatio just described. But
uninterrupted enjoyment (usiis, tisucapio) of moveable property
for one year, of immoveable for two years gave a legal title, in
the case of res niancipi and res nee viancipi alike; and this is
here loosely described by the term niancipare. The word is used
by Tacitus (Hist. 11. 71) for 'give up to' — liixii el saginae manci-
patus empinsqiic [not in Cic. de Sen. 11, 38: cp. Reid's note],
but nowhere else quite as here. The line of thought is 'If not
merely purchase, but also continuous enjoyment makes property
your own, then there is no advantage in the ownership of a large
estate : you enjoy it just as much if you can purchase enough of
its produce to supply your needs'. Cp. Cic. ad Fam. vii. 30 id
cuiiisqiie est propriian, quo qiiisque friiitur atque lUiliir.
160. Orbius is quite unknown.
161. daturas has been preferred by most editors since
Eentley to the alternative reading ddturus. Keller has returned
to the latter on the strength of what he considers the better MSS.
But the codd. Bland, and other good MSS. have daturas, and the
word seems to go better with the 'corn-fields' (segetes) than with
the bailiff: cp. Verg. Georg. 11. 440, 520.
163. temeti, an old word used by Plautus, and by Cato ac-
cording to Plin. XIV. 13, 90 Caio idco propiuquos feininis osculum
dare [scripsil], ut seirent an teniclum olerent. Hoc turn vino nomen
erat, tinde et tcmulentia appellata. Ahstemius is also akin : cp.
Gell. X. 23, I aetatem abstemias cgisse, hoc est vino semper, quod
temctum prisca lingua appellahatur, abstinuisse; and as the root
seems to denote confusion and darkness, we may connect temere
and tenebrae. The passage in Cic. (de Rep. IV. 6) cited by
Nonius is virtually a quotation from the old law. Cp. Juv.
XV. 25.
modo isto: Lachmann {on Lucret. p. 197) wished to read
inodo sto in order to avoid the elision of an iambus in an acute
syllable, quite correctly, so far as the pronunciation goes; but
there is not a trace in the MSS. here of this spelling.
164. mercaris. The purchaser of the estate has to pay the
price down, while a man who buys the produce secures all the
advantage of it, and has only to pay by instalments. But, as
Schiitz notices, Horace seems to forget that after the full value
of the land had been paid in these instalments, the purchaser of
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 319
the produce would still have to go on paying for all that he
wanted, trecentis milibus nummorum, i.e. about ;^240o.
166. numerate, not in the technical sense of 'ready money'
(cp. Ep. II. I, 105 note), as the dictionaries based on Freund
say, for then the construction becomes inexplicable, but 'by what
you have paid down'. You must pay in any case, says Horace;
the only question is whether you have just paid, or paid long
ago. Here olim = quondam of the next line. Cp. vivere rapto
in Verg. Aen. vii. 749, and often in Livy, e.g. VII. 25, 13.
Mr Yonge rightly says that the stress lies on the participle, not,
as would be required in our idiom, on the finite verb : hence
vivas iiiimerato^iiKincravcris. Cp. A. P. 104 (note). Sat. II.
2, 32.
167. emptor quondam go together, 'a man who bought of
old', as late tyrannus in Carm. ill. 17, 9: cri semper Icnitas \\\
Ter. And. 175 : neqiie enim ii^/iari sii/inis ante inaloruni [rdv izplv
KOLKiIiv) in Verg. Aen. I. 198. But the great preponderance of
MS. authority is in favour not of quondam, but oi qiioniatn; and
Keller warmly defends this reading, placing a comma at olim,
and the note of interrogation at aenum. His arguments are
(i) that the position of quondam makes its grammatical connexion
somewhat obscure; and (2) that quondam is not found with a
substantive until later Latin. The objections to quoniam are
(i) that it is rather a prosaic word, found only in the Satires
(l. 6, 22; II. 3, 201 ; 4. 25 ; 6, 52) though , used by Vergil and
other poets : (2) that it is much more in the style of Horace
to have a short rhetorical question, followed by an example,
than a long argumentative question, such as the retention of
quoniam would involve. A rhetorical question does not well
admit of the addition of the reasons, which determine the
answer. Besides, with a question ending at aenum, sed fol-
lows very awkwardly. The place which quoniam would take in
the line might be defended on the plea of metrical convenience.
But as quondam and quoniam would be represented in the MSS.
by almost indistinguishable abbreviations, their evidence need
not go for much : and the former clearly makes the better con-
struction.
Ariclni Veientis et arvi: suhurl)ana praedia at Aricia or Veil
would be of more value than those at a distance from Rome.
Cp. Tac. Ann. Xiv. 53 per haec siiburbana incedit. Veil had
been lying in ruins since its capture by Camillus (B.C. 3^6), and
its land had been divided among the soldiers of Julius Caesar in
B.C. 45. These formed a small colony, which was dispersed
during the wars of the triumvirs, and Propertius iv. (v.) 10, 29
in a poem probably written about the time of this epistle speaks
of the land within its walls as given up to herdsmen and reapers.
320 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Towards the end of the reign of Augustus a Municipium Au-
gitstmn Vcicns was established on the old site, and continued to
exist at least for three or four centuries. Isola Farncse does not,
as Orelli says, mark the site of Veii, but is separated from it by
a deep ravine. Cp. Dennis, Cities and Cemderies of Etruna
l'^ I — 42. For Aricia cp. Sat. I. 5, i.
163. emptum is the emphatic word: 'if a man has bought
land of old. ..the vegetables on which he dines are bought:
bought too are the logs', etc.
169. sub noctem gives an instance where 'towards' is a
better rendering than 'just after': 'as the chill of night comes
on'. Cp. Sat. II. I, 9; 7, 109; Epod. II. 44. Verg. Georg. i.
211 usque sub extreiniiin brumae intractabilis itnbrem.
170. suum, i.e. 'he calls all (the land) his own': usque...
qua 'as far as the spot where': adsita not simply 'planted',
as Servius explains in Verg. Aen. VI. 603, ad being virtually
redundant, as in adsiinilis. The word is used in Varro R. R. i.
16 and 26 for 'planted near': vitis adsita ad holus. An old
grammarian (Agroec. p. 2274 P.) explains adsita arbor est, cui
incoliinii aliiid quod sustincat adiiingitur. Horatius ''qua popu-
lus adsita surgit', quippc qui vitibus maritata sit. But this
meaning is, when found, only derived from the context, as in
Catull. LXI. 102, velut adsitas vitis implicat arbores ; and is here
out of place. The poplar is here not used for the support of
vines, but only to mark the boundaries, as the beeches in Verg.
Eel. IX. 9 ttsque ad aquaiii, ct vetercs, iam fracta cacuiniiia,
fagos.
171. limitibus. The limitcs were properly strips or balks
of land, left uncultivated in order to mark the boundaries of
estates and used as highways. Niebuhr Hist. Rom. Vol. II.,
App. I. and II. describes very fully the Roman practice ai limi-
tatio: the use of the word limes is also admirably discussed by
Dr Hort in Camb. Journ. of Phil, for 1857, p. 350 ff. in ex-
plaining Tac. Ann. I. 50 limite?n scindit. The case may be
either dative or ablative of place. Schiitz less probably takes it
as an ablative of instrument ; but the liinites were certi before
the tree was planted. Cp. Verg. Aen. XII. 898 (saxum) limes
agro posit us, litem ut discerneret agris.
refugit: both the word and the tense have caused much diffi-
culty to the critics. Bentley adopts the reading of some inferior
MSS. refgil, which he takes as equivalent to resolvit, without
however supporting the meaning by any parallel instance.
Others have suggested refligit, refulat, or refriugit : the last
of which is the best, if any conjecture is needed. But it is not
too bold a metaphor to speak of the tree as itself avoiding the
Bk. 11. Ep. 11.] NOTES. 321
quarrels, which it enables the owner to avoid. So Varro, in
speaking of this very custom of planting trees to mark boun-
daries, says (R. R. i. 15) praclerea sine sacpt is fines praedii
sationibus notis arboriitn tutiores Jiunt, nc familiae 7-ixenlur cum
vicinis, ac liinites ex litibus iudicem qiiaeraiit. Serunt alii
circuni pinos...aUi cupressos...alii ulnios (Cicero pro Caec. 8, 22
adds olives). In Ter. Andr. 766 recte ego semper fugi has miptias
' I have always tried to avoid ' is said not by the bride or bride-
groom, but by the father of the latter. The perfect tense may
he used as in Verg. Aen. 11. 12 qiianqtiam animus meminisse
horret, luctuque refitgit as expressing 'the instantaneous and
instinctive action of the feeling' (Con.): or may be aoristic, as in
Ep. I. 19, 48, 'has been known to avoid': cp. Carm. i. 28, 20.
Cp. Aen. X. 804, Georg. I. 330 \\\v^xQ fugit is used in descrip-
tion, of an instantaneous effect.
vicina iurgia 'differences with the neighbours': so Soph.
Ant. 793 viLKo% ^vfatfjLov. Bentley says ^iurgia sunt lites\ I3ut
the two are not quite synonymous. Cp. Nonius p. 430 iurgittm
et lis hanc habent distantiam. lurgium levior res est: si qiiidem
inter benevolos out propinqiios dissensio vel concertatio iurgium
dicitur: inter inimicos dissensio lis appellatur. 31. TuUius de
Rep. lib. III. : 'adrniror nee rertmi solum, sed verborum etiam
elega7itiam. Si iurgant, inquit. Benevolorum coticertatio non
lis iiiimicorum iurgium dicitur''. Et in sequenti: ' iurgare
igitur lex putat vicinos, non litigare'. But in the legal phraseo-
logy of de Legg. 11. 8, ig fcriis iurgia amovento he uses the
word in its archaic sense of ' actions at law ' generally. The
word is derived from ins, but is not a compound of ago: cp.
Ritschl, Op. II. 427. Cp. Ep. II. I, 38.
172. sit. Roby § 1580: S. G. § 660. The pres. subj. is
used in such sentences, unless there is historic sequence, even
though the hypothesis is not one viewed as possible. For the
sentiment cp. Sat. II. 2, 129 — 133.
puncto : cp. Sat. I, i, 7 horae momenfo, where Palmer shows
that the phrases are not synonymous, but that punctum expresses
a much briefer period of time than momentum. Punctum tern-
foris is by far the most usual expression, but Lucret. IV. 201 has
puncto diei.
173. nunc prece, nunc pretlo : with intentional alliteration,
cp. Ov. Fast. II. 805 instat atnans hostis precibus pretioque
minisque: nee prece nee p}-etio nee inovet ille minis.
morte suprema 'by death which closes all '. Cp. Ep. 11. i,
12 : I. 16, 79 : so ulli}?ia Tnors in Sat. I. 7, 13.
174. ia altera. lxiia.=: in alterius tura, i.e. potestatem. Cp.
Verg. Geoig. iv. 37 utraque vis (sc. frigoris et caloris); Aen. iv.
W. H. 21
32 2 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
357 tester utrnmqtte cafiit, and other instances quoted by Munro
on Lucret. II. 433. See Reid on Cic. Acad. I. 2, 5 utramque
vim,
175. sic quia : Keller holds that the archetype here had
si, but admits that sic is a necessary correction.
176. alterius is somewhat redundant, being really implied
in heredeni: but Bentley does not much improve matters with
his alternis: for the passage which he quotes from Lactantius
does not suffice to show that altei-nis can be used of regular
progression, not of change backwards and forwards. Por-
phyrion's explanation ' ut fluctus super se invicem veniunt' does
not necessarily imply that he read alternis.
177. vici rustici ; Acron explains villae, but the word
conveys more than that : rather ' estates ', or as Mr Yonge
suggests 'manors'. Cp. Cic. ad Att. I. 4 Crasstim divitiis
supero, atqtie oi7iimi7ii vicos et prata contemiio (where Boot is
clearly wrong in taking vicos to be landed property in the city) :
ad Fam. xiv. i, 5 scribis te victim vendituram. In Ep. I.
II, 8: 15, 7 (grouped with this passage and that last quoted
in the dictionaries based on Freund) the meaning ife quite
different.
Calabris...Lucani: flocks of sheep were pastured in the
plains of Calabria or Apulia during the winter, and driven up
into the hills of Lucania or Samnium for the summer. Cp.
Epod. I. 27, pecusve Calabris ante sidus fei'vidnni Lucatia
mutet pasciiis: Varro R. R. II. i, 16 itaqiie greges avium lottge
abiguntur ex Apulia in Samnium aestivatum: II. 2, 9 mihi
greges in Apulia hibcrnabant, qui in Reatinis tnontibus aestiva-
bant. Cp. Carm. I. 31, 5 no>t aestuosae grata Calabriae a?ynenta.
A similar practice is still observed in Spain for the Merino
sheep.
178. metit: Orcus is the true reaper after all; 'est trans-
latio a segete ac messoribus', Porph.
180 — 189. Some men value highly what others care nothing
for. Even brothers have strangely different tastes, and the reason
for this is mysterious.
180. TsTTliena sigilla, little bronze statuettes of deities, of
which numbers are still preserved in museums. Porphyrion
says apud Tuscos pritnos Italiae signa de fiiarmore processerunt:
but marble has been already mentioned ; besides, these would
not be called sigilla. Cp. Dennis Cities and Cemeteries of
Etruria T? Ixxiv., and li. p. 233 for a figure of one of the
most archaic. Cic. de Nat. D. I. 85 novi Epictireos omnia sigilla
venerantes. These were often carried about attached to the
person, like Louis XI's little leaden images of the saints.
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 323
181. argentum, here clearly *pl.-ite': cp. Ep. I. 2, 44
(note). Gaetulo: 'Afro, ac per hoc Mauro : sigiiificat enim
purpuram Girbitanem' Porph. The geographer Pomponius
Mela III. II says Nigritarum Gaetulariimque passim vagantiuvi
tie litora qiiidem infecunda sunt purpura et tnurice ejficacissimis
ad tingetuhim. The island of Girba (modern Jerbah) orMeninx,
as it was earlier called, lies to the south-east of the Lesser Syrtis.
The Lotophagi were said to have liveil there : but it was not
near the territory occupied in historic times by the Gaetulians,
who extended to the sea only to the S.W. of Mauretania. (At
the same time we may notice that Juvenal XI V. 278 — 9 places
the Gaetiila aeqiiora to the east of Calpe, and that Strabo (XVII.
p. 829) makes the Gaetulians extend as far as the Syrtes.) It
was here mainly that the purple fish was found (Plin. v. i, 12
mm ebori cit7-o silvae cxquirantiir omncs scopidi Gaetitli muricibtis
purpuris: VI. 31, 201 tiec JMaiiretajiiae insularum certior fama
est: paiicas viodo constat esse ex adverso Aiitolohun a Juba re-
pertas, in quihus Caetiilicam ptirpuram tinguere instituerat :
IX. 36, 127 Tyri praecipuus hie Asiae, JlJe^iittge Africae et
Gaetulo Utore oceani, in Laconica Europae. Porphyrion is
therefore in error in supposing that Horace puts Gaetulian
for Girbitan purple : the former was the more famous of the
two. Cp. Carm. II. 16, 35 te bis Afro viurice tinctae vestiunt
lanae.
182. curat : the indie, is much better established here than
the subj. But if Horace had meant, as most editors say 'the
wise laian', could he have used the indicative? Orelli's ex-
planation 'quia certum est, indicative utitur, cum illud sunt qui
non habcant a casu tantum pendeat ', is not satisfactory. The
poet rather denotes himself: 'I know one at least who does
not care to have'. So Conington rightly takes it, and
Dr Kennedy in the P. S. G. p. 456. Cp. Roby §§ i68o, i68i,
S. G. §§ 703, 704.
183. cessare: Ep. I. 2, 31; 7, 57. Brothers unlike in cha-
racter and tastes are common enough in history and in fiction :
but probably Horace was most familiar with the pairs who
appear in the Adelphi and the Hautontimorumenos of Terence.
184. Herodls, i.e. Herod the Great who reigned B.C.
39 — 4. The most famous palmgroves, according to Pliny, N. H.
V. 14, 70 were near Jericho: Hiericuntem pal met is consitam,
fontibus 7-iguam. Strabo XVI. 2, 41 says of Jericho ivravOa d' ia-rlv
6 (poivLKUif, fi(ui.yiM^vr]v ^x^" i^"-^ dWrjv vXrju rjixirov koL eijKapirov,
-TrXeovd^iov 5i t(^ (polviKi, iwl /jlt^kos aradiuv eKarbv Sidppvros anas
Kal fiiCTTOs KaToiKiwv' IffTi 6' avTou Kal ^aaiXeiov Kal 6 tou ^aXcrdnov
vapadeicros. Tacitus too (Hist. V. 6) speaks of the palmetis
proceritas et decor in Judaea.
21 2
324 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
pingfuibus, 'rich' i.e. productive, as often of soil: e.g. Ep.
^- 3> 5> Verg. Georg. i. 14 pinguia diimeta, ib. IV. \i% pingtiis
horlos, etc. Schiitz says 'productive of rich palm-oil', and the
'Globe' version has 'unctuous'. I cannot find any authority
for supposing that palm-oil was known to the ancients: Pliny
says nothing about it in describing the palms (N. H. XIII.
26 — 50), and the palms of Jericho were certainly date-palms.
Ritter oddly says ' ubi pinguia unguenta parantur delicatis ho-
minibus iucunda'.
185. importunus, 'merciless', both to others and to himself.
Cp. Ep. I. 6, 54 (note), Palmer on Sat. II. 5 — 96.
186. mitiget, 'reclaims', cp. pacantur in Ep. r. 2, 45.
This passage is rather against the notion of Lachmann on
Lucret. v. 1203 that pacare there refers to the expulsion of
wild beasts, flammis : ' Palladius directs that when land is
covered with trees, a distinction must be made between that
which is naturally good and that which is poor, as from the
former the timber should be merely removed, and the land
ploughed up [voinerc = i&Xto): whereas in the latter it should be
burned, in order that the soil may be enriched with the ashes
left behind '. (Daubeny, Roman Husbandry, p. 94.)
187. Genius: Ep. 11. i, 144 (note), natale . . . astnun.
Horace tells us (Sat. I. 6, 114) that he was fond of standing by
the astrologers in the Circus, and listening to their predictions,
without any great faith in them: in Carm. Ii. 17, 17 — 22 he
uses the language of astrology merely as poetical ornament, and
in a manner which shows his own indifference to it ; in Carm.
I. II he condemns it as an idle superstition. Persius, as usual,
imitates the language of Horace, and like him does not profess
to know what his own horoscope is (v. 45 — 51). After the time
of Horace, astrology received a considerable impulse at Rome
from the patronage of Tiberius: cp. Tac. Ann. 11. 27, 2; 32, 5;
VI. 20, 3, and Hist. I. 22, 2 mathematicis ...gemis ho77iinum...
</Hod iJi civitate nostra et vetabitiir semper et retinebitur. Cp.
Mayor on Juv. X. 94.
temperat 'controls': Pers. 1. c. has the same word, but in
a different sense: quod me tibi temperat astnun 'a star which
fuses me with you'.
188. mortalis : viewed in itself, and as a part of the divinity
which rules the universe, the genius is immortal, as Apuleius
says (de deo Socr. c. 15) is dens, qui est animus suns cuique,
quamquam sit immortalis, tamen quodammodo ciwi homine gig-
nitur. But as regards the individual (in unum quodque caput)
it is mortal, and on the death of the man to whom it is attached,
it returns into the universal soul of the world. Of the Stoics
Bk. II. Ep. IL] NOTES. 325
some believed that all souls existed independently until the end
of the world's course, when they would be resolved into the
Divine Being, others that only the souls of the wise retained
for a time this independent existence. The Epicureans held
that the soul was dispersed immediately upon death from the
fineness of its atomic composition. Cp, Zeller, Stoics and
Epicureans, pp. 217, 454. Marc. Aurel. iv. 21. The theory
of the re-absorption of the soul into the sum total of being has
been defended in more recent times. Cp. Archer-Hind's Intro-
duction to Plato's Phaedo, p. 18. The notion that the genius
of the individual is but a part of the World-soul explains how
it can be regarded as ' controlUng the natal star '.
189. albus et ater ' fair and gloomy ' according as men
are fortunate (evbtxl^ov^i) or unfortunate (KaKoSa/^oces) : albits
is properly a dull white, as atcr is a gloomy black, while can-
didus denotes a bright white: hence albus is used of the paleness
of disease (Carm. 11. 2, 15, Epod. 7, 15), but also in Carm.
I. 12, 27 of a star of good omen. But albus and atcr are often
coupled, cp. Cic. Phil. 11. 16, 41 albus aterne ftieris ignorans:
CatuU. xciil. 2 nee scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.
190 — 204. For my 07U7i part, I believe that the pleasures of
life shotdd be enjoyed, but with moderation; and therefore my
wishes are limited.
190. utar, best taken absolutely, 'I will enjoy what I
have', not, as Schiitz, either understanding ^^6-«^V, or anticipating
modico acci-vo. Cp. Pers. vi. 22 utar ego, utar, with the context.
ex modico acervo : the miser in Sat. i. i. 51 defends himself
by the plea at suave est ex magno tollere acervo. res 'the
occasion'.
191. heres: Ep. i. 5, 13. Horace had no natural heirs,
and ultimately left his property by a verbal declaration to
Augustus, cum urgente vi valetudinis non sufficerct ad obsignandas
testamcnti tabulas (Suet. Vit. Horat.).
192. datis, i.e. than what he may actually have received.
193. volam 'it will be my wish'. The future is occasioned
by the preceding futures tollam and metuam : otherwise the
present would be more natural. simplex, 'unsuspicious' or
'frank', nepoti, 'spendthrift' as Ep. i. 15, 36 (note): for the
case cp. Ep. I. 18, 4 (note).
195. neque...neque, ' without being.. .yet you do not, etc'
197. ac potius: our idiom is 'but rather': cp. Cic. de
Orat. II. 18, 74 (note).
326 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
Quinquatribus, the 'spring holidays', which were observed
not only in schools, but as general festivities, from March 19
to March 23. Ovid (Fast. ill. 809, ^10 fiimt sacra Minervae,
nomina quae iiindis qidnque dicbus kahent) derives the name
from the fact that the holiday extended over five days : but
Festus (p. 254 M.), l)y quoting forms like Triatrus, Sexatrus,
etc. shows that the word was applied originally only to the
first day of the festival, and that it denotes the fifth day after
the Ides. Cp. Mayor on Juv. X. 115 toiis Quinquatribus optat.
olim, Ep. I. 3, 18.
199. domus. Bentley attacked this reading, as inconsistent
with the metaphor of a ship in the next line. One MS. of no
great excellence repeats procul which Bentley gladly accepted.
But this repetition, though common enough in passages of earnest
and impressive diction (e.g. Verg. Aen. VI. 258 procul 0 procul
cste profani : Ov. Fast. Ii. 623, Metam. Viii. 589 etc.) is not
well suited to the quiet tone of Horace here. Some MSS. of
the third class omit domus and absit (not, as Bentley supposed,
domus only) : but this is clearly due to an accident, and does
not justify the suspicion of Orelli and others that the genuine
word has been lost, and that domus is due only to conjecture.
Meineke approved the conjecture modo, but in Horace we
always find modo, and that only after dum or si. This difficulty
is avoided by Jeep's conjecture, adopted by Krliger, tuodo ut
procul. No satisfactory substitute for domus has been proposed,
and the word is in itself not indefensible, although Macleane
says 'it has no meaning here'. There is nothing metaphorical
in this line, and consequently no clashing of metaphors. We
may fairly assume, with Ritter, that pauperies i?ii»iujida domin
represents pauperies immmidae domus (cp. Carm. III. i, 42):
Horace goes back in thought to the costly ornaments of the
house mentioned in vv. 180 — 182, and says that all these may
well be spared : provided the straitened means are not such as
to produce sordid surroundings, a man's lodging makes no
more difference to himself than the size of a ship would, in
which he might happen to be sailing.
utrum — an. This is at first sight a startling substitution of
the dependent double interrogative for the alternative hypo-
thesis sive—sive. But it is to be explained by supposing that
some expression like nihil distal was present to the mind of
Horace, for which he afterwards substituted fcrar ujius et ide)?i.
Hand (Tursell. I. 302) quotes Ov. Rem. Am. 797 Daunius an
JAbycis bulbus tibi missus ab oris, an venial Jllegaris, noxius
omnis ei-it, where the explanation is similar. In Fast. III. 779
Ovid uses an as parallel to sive...stve, where we have a transition
from alternative hypotheses to a direct question. This leads
the way to the interchange of the two, as in Tac. Ann. xi. 26
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 327
she — an ratus: XIV. 59 sive — seti — an, and to their complete
confusion in later Latin : cp. Driiger Hist. Syttl. II. 466.
201. non agimur, concessive, ' we are not driven on, it is
true': cp. Ep. i. i, 33; 6, 29.
aquilone secundo : the strong north wind, even if favour-
able, might swell the sails to a dangerous extent : hence
it is here used of perilous prosperity. The aquilo is clams in
Verg. G. I. 460, and in G. ill. 196, 7 scatters the arida nubila,
while it is siccus in Lucan iv. 50. Elsewhere it brings storms
and snow, but rarely rain : hence the derivation from agua is to
be rejected without hesitation, in favour of that from aquilus
'dark' (Vanicek, p. 13). Cp. Carm. ii. 10, 23 contrahes vento
niviium secundo iurgida vela,
202. aetatem ducimus 'we drag out our life'. Epod.
17, 63 ingrata niiscro vita ducenda est. austris: the south wind
is usually regarded as stormy (tiirbidus, Carm. iii. 3, 4), rainy
(iimidus, Verg. G. l. 462, pluvius, Ov. Met. i. 66), and cold
{frigidus, Verg. G. IV. 261, hibernus, Tib. I. i, 47): cp. Verg.
Aen. V. 6q6 imber...densisqiie tiigcrrimus austris. But cp. Verg.
111. 60, V. 764.
203. vlrtute: Schiitz, who renders 'excellent capacities',
and denies that a man can have too much virtue, has forgotten
Ep. I. 6, 15 — 16. loco, 'position'.
204. extreml . . . priores : cp. Ep. i. 2, 70—71. usque,
'ever'; A. P. 154, 354 and often.
205 — 216. But true wisdom consists in avoiding not only
avarice, but also all other distracting passions and fears, and in
renouncing t/ie pleasures of life, wlien you can no longer e7tjoy
them in accordance with the rides of virtue.
205. non es: again concessive. Horace is not addressing
Florus, but any reader; cp. Ep. i, i, 28. aM, 'very good', a
colloquial use: cp. Plaut. Asin. 7O4 em sic: abi, laudo: Ter.
Adelph. 564 laudo: Ctesipho, fatrissas : abi, virum te iudico.
206. fugere: the codd. Bland, and other good MSS. have
fuge: rite caret which Beiitley in his Curae novissimae (ll. p.
172 Zang.) approves in the form fuge rite. Caret, etc. But
there is at least as much authority for the text, which seems to
have been altered only because the copyists did not understand
the perfect tense, or, perhaps, as Keller thinks, from a mis-
understood correction of an unmetricaiy«^''^;^«/.
inani: Ep. 11. i, 2ri (note).
207. ira, sc. mortis: for the sense cp. Lucret. in. 1045 lu
328 HO RATI EPISTULAE.
ziero dubitahis et indignabere ohire? For ira 'rage' followed by
a genitive of that which occasions it cp. Liv. i. 5 ob ira?n pracdae
amissae : XXI. 2 ob tram interfecti doinini. 'Anger' would not
come in naturally before vv. 210, 211. The conjecture dirae
for et ira is worse than needless.
208. terrores magicos must be taken together. Some
editors separate by a comma, taking magicos to be 'wizards',
but this usage is doubtful, and terrores is too general to stand by
itself here.
sagas : cp. Cic. de Div. I. 31, 65 sagire enim sentii-e acute
est: ex quo sagae atius, gtiia imdta scire vohmt, et sagaces
dicti canes. From the notion of prophetic power that of witch-
craft was easily developed: cp. Carm. I. 27, 21.
209. lemures : Porphyrion explains ' umbras vagantes
hominum ante diem mortuorum et ideo metuendos : et putant
lemures esse dictos quasi Remtdos a Remo, cuius occisi umbras
frater Romulus cum placare vellet, Lemuria instituit, id est,
Parentalia quae mense Maio per triduum celebrari solebant'.
The derivation is of course erroneous : the origin of the M'ord is
uncertain, but it has been suggested (cp. Vanicek, p. 169) that
it may be connected with clcmens, meaning 'kindly': cp. manes
Ep. II. I, 138 (note). The Lemures were usually identified
with the larvae, spirits who in consequence either of wicked
lives or of a violent death were doomed to restless roamings
about the world at night ; while the lares were the spirits of the
good departed ones. But sometimes the term lemures was used
to include both larvae and lares (Preller J?b?n. Myth? p. 499).
The festival of the Lemuria, at which they were honoured for
three nights (on May 9th, nth and 13th), is described by Ovid
Fast. V. 419 — 492. The connexion with Remus is simply due
to ' popular etymology'.
Thessala : the Thessalian witches were said to draw down
the moon and the stars from heaven : cp. Epod. 5, 45 — 46 :
Plat. Gorg. 513 A ras tt}v aeKrjvqv Kadaipovaas ras QerToXldas:
Plin. N. H. XXX. i, 2 Meitander Tkessalam cognominavit fabu-
lam, complexajn a7nbages femina7-U7n detrahentium lunam ; Ari-
stoph. Nub. 749 yvvaiKa <pap/j.aKi5' ei TrptafjLevos QeTToXTjv Kadi-
\OL/J.l vilKTWp TT]V (jekrfvi^v.
210. g^ate numeras : ' quod non faciunt nimium timidi
ad senectutem et mortem, quia ex natalibus multis obitum iam
propinquum perhorrescunt' Porph. Cp. Mart. X. 23, i — 4 ia>ii
numeral placido felix Antotiius aevo quindeciens actas Primus
Olytnpiadas, praeteritosqite dies et totos respicit anuos, nee meluit
Lcthes iaiji propior IS aquas. Cp. Pers. il. I, 2.
Bk. II. Ep. II.] NOTES. 329
212. levat is much more pointed than iuvat, and is adopted
by most good recent editors since Bentley, though it h.is not
much Ms. authority. Cruquius quotes it from three codd.
Bland. Cp. Epod. ii, 17; 20; Carm. Saec. 63; Sat. Ii. },,
292; Ep. I. 8, y. spinis : Ep. i. 14, 4.
213. recte 'aright', i.e. in accordance with virtue: so
rectum = KaTopOu/xa.
decede peritis 'make way for those who have learnt the
lesson': peritis is dat. as in Vcrg. Eel. viii. 88 serae dcccdcre
nocti, Cp. Lucr. iv. 962 agediim gnatis concede.
214. lusisti : 'ludere ubi cum verbis edendi bibendique
consociatur, semper amoris ludum denotat, ut in Graeco wal^fLv,
icdleiv, irivfLv' (Ritter); cp. Carm. in. 12, i aniori dare liiduin.
P'estus (p. II M.) quotes from Livius Andronicus affatim edi,
bibi, hisi, probably a mistranslation of Horn. Od. XV. 372.
(Mommsen 11. 420: but cp. Wordsworth, Fragments and Spe-
cimens, p. 569.) So Arrian Exped. Alex. II. ■;, 5 translates the
epitaph on Sardanapallus (from the Assyrian) av 6e, w ^eVe,
kaQii /cat TrFve /cat iratfe, ws raWa to, dvOpuinva ovk ovra tovtov
a|io, while Plutarch de Fort. Alex. II. p. 336 C. has ^adie, Trhe,
dippoSiaiat^e' raXXa 8^ oi/Sev.
215. abire as from a banquet, or the comissatio which
followed. Cp. Sat. I. i, 119 ; and Lucret. III. 938.
216. lasciva decentius ' that may more becomingly make
merry', cp. A. P. 106: the reading liantiits has very slight sup-
port, and only comes from Carm. I. 19, 3 et lasciva Licentia.
pulset 'drive you out'.
ARS POETICA.
The place now generally assigned to the Epistola ad Ptsones,
as the third epistle of the second book, rests upon no ancient
authority. In the MSS. it always appears, detached from the
other epistles, either after the Fourth Book of the Odes, or after
the Carmen Saeculare. H. Stephanus first placed it at the
end of his edition : and Cruquius set the fashion, which has
recently been revived, of denoting it as Epistolarum Lib. II.
Ep. III. The editors, who have given it this position, seem to
have been led to do so by their view as to the date of its pro-
duction. It has been commonly supposed to be the latest of
the works of Horace; and the want of structural completeness,
which it undoubtedly displays, if regarded as a poetical treatise
'on the Art of Poetry', has been considered as a proof that it
was never finished, and probably was not published by the poet
himself. This theory has been further confirmed by the assump-
tion made as to the identity of the Pisones, to whom the epistle
was addressed. Porphyrion begins his commentary with the
words : hicnc libriim, qui inscribitur de arte poetica, ad Lucium
Pisonem, qui postea urbis cnstosfuit, ei usque liber os mi sit ; natji et
ipse Piso pacta fuit et stiidioriim liberaliiim atttistes. This Lucius
Piso was the son of the enemy of Cicero : he was bom B. c. 48,
and was consul in B. c. 15. After some years' absence in Pam-
phylia and Thrace he returned to Rome in B.C. 11, and was
granted the insignia of triumph for his victories over the Bessi
(Tac. Ann. VI. 10). Under Tiberius he was p7-aefectns iirbi, an
office which he held for twenty years, according to Tacitus (cp.
Furneaux on Tac. Ann. vi. 11, 5), dying in A. D. 32 at the age of
So. Now it is just possible that this Piso had two sons, old
enough to be addressed as iuvenes, before the death of Horace
in B.C. 8, and Borghesi believes that he has discovered evidence
that one of them was consul stiffectiis in A.D. 7, in which case
he must have been born not later than B.C. 26 (Mommsen Rom.
Staatsv. i.^ 553 note 4). But it is only by straining probabilities
to the utmost, that we can bring these young Pisos into con-
nexion with Horace ; and the difficulty thus arising makes us
NOTES. 331
inclined to look for other indications of an earlier date, which
would show that the statement of Porphyrion is erroneous.
These indications have been put together in an excellent paper
by A. Michaelis {Comnicntationcs in houorem Theodori Alotnm-
sent, Berlin 1S77, pp. 420 — 432), and supplemented by Prof.
Nettleship in the Journal of Philology, Vol. XII. pp. 43 — 61.
(i) V. (not, as commonly given, Spurius : cp. Jordan in
Herfiies viii. 89 f.) Maecius Tarpa is mentioned in v. 387 as a
critic whose judgment would be of value to a young composer.
Now in B.C. 55 Maecius was entrusted by Pompeius with the
superintendence of the plays and other spectacles, which were
to be produced in the stone theatre, which he had just built.
It is indeed conceivable that at that time he was not more than
30 years of age, and that in b. c. 8 he was still hving at the age
of 77 ; but it is much easier to understand the reference, if it
was made some ten or twelve years earlier. Horace mentions
him as a critic of plays in Sat. i. 10, 38, but the date of this is
probably about B.C. 35.
(2) In V. 371 Aulus Cascellius is mentioned as a type of a
learned lawyer, in connexion with Messalla, who is a type of
eloquence. The language used indicates that both were living,
and certainly Messalla was. But Cascellius was already famous
in B.C. 56; and although he reached old age, it is barely pos-
sible that he was living in B.C. 8. (Macrob. 11. 6, i, Val. Max.
VI. 2, 12.)
(3) On the other hand in v. 438 Quintilius Varus is spoken
of in a manner which implies that he was dead at the time.
But the terms of the reference suggest that he had been known
to the young Pisos, and was not long dead. Now Eusebius (in
Jerome's translation) assigns his death to B. C. 24 (cp. Carm. I.
24, 5), and there is no reason to doubt this statement.
(4) The reference to Vergil and Varius in v. 55 is much
more appropriate, if we suppose them both to be living, or at
any rate, if we suppose the Aeneid to have been very recently
published. Horace is evidently contending for a right which
was disputed by the critics of his time, and in the thick of the
battle : he is defending the school to which he himself, as well
as Vergil and Varius, was attached against criticisms like those
of Agnppa (Suet. Vit. Verg. 44 : cp. Nettleship in Conington's
Vergil, Vol. !.■* p. xxix.). But in the latest years of his life the
'Augustan' school of poetry had already won a decisive victory,
and its leading writers were recognized as classic models. There
was no longer need for the warm and strenuous pleading for
that freedom in dealing with language, which was now gene-
rally conceded: it was sufficient to assert it quietly in the tone
of Ep. II. 2, 115 ff.
(5) Horace's tone in speaking of himself points to the earlier
rather than to the later date. There is no reference to his ad vane-
332 AUS FOE TIC A.
ing years, as e.g. in Ep. ii. 2, 55 f. ' There is nothing of the air
of a man who is weary and feels that his woric is done' (Nettle-
ship). It is true that in v. 306 he says that he is now writing
nothing himself; but this expression may be referred just as
well to that period of inactivity which followed the publication
of Odes I. — III., and to which Horace refers in Ep. i. i, as to
that which marked the latest years of his life.
(6) The metrical structure of the Epistola ad Pisones has
been carefully examined by Haupt and Michaelis, without lead-
ing to any very definite conclusion. But in some points it stands
midway between the F'irst and the Second Book of the Epistles.
(7) Prof. Nettleship has remarked that the Rhine (v. iS)
would not be a welcome theme for poets or their patron after
the defeat of Lollius on its banks in B.C. 16. (Tac. Ann. I. 10.)
On the other hand we must not forget the brilliant campaigns ot
Drusus in B.C. 12, 11, and 9.
(8) The arguments for the traditional date drawn from v. 63fif.
break down upon a more correct interpretation of that passage,
for which see notes in loc.
(9) It is noteworthy that there is no trace of intimacy with
Augustus in this epistle. His name is not even mentioned. Now
Horace was probably in very close relations with the emperor
after his return to Rome from the East in B.C. 19.
All indications therefore agree in pointing to a time not far
removed from the date of the First Book of the Epistles, i. e.
about B. C. 20, as the date for the composition of the Epistola
ad Pisones, But this date is quite incompatible with the identi-
lication of the Pisos given by Porphyrion. It only remains
then that we should regard this as an unlucky guess of the
scholiast, or rather of the unknown authority on whom he drew ;
and see what other Pisos are available. The name was a very
common one in Rome at this time, and no little care is required
in reading Cicero or Tacitus to keep its various bearers distinct.
But one of the most eminent was Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, the
consul of B. c. 23. He had fought against Caesar in Africa, and
had afterwards joined Brutus and Cassius. After the amnesty
which followed the battle of Philippi, he had kept aloof from
public life, until Augustus urged him to accept the consulship.
He was probably some ten or twelve years older than Horace.
His eldest son Gnaeus was consul in B. C. 7 and must therefore
have been born not later than B._c. .£0. But another fact enables
us to determine the date of his "Birth more precisely. At his
death in A. D. 20 he could appeal to Tiberius per qiiinque et
quadraginta annoi-um obsequiitm, \\'hence it appears that he
must have entered upon public life not later than B. C. 26.
We must therefore place his birth in B.C. 44, so that at the
death of Quinctilius he was in his twentieth year. This Piso
plays an important part in the earlier years of the reign of
NOTES. zzz
Tiberius, and was accused of hastening the death of Cermanicus.
(Cp. Tac. Ann. il. 43, 55, 57, 69 — 81, ill. 1 — 18.) His younger
brotlier Lucius was consul in B.C. i, and must therefore have
been born not later than B. c. 34, while it is probable that he
may have been born some yeais earlier. If these are the Pisos
addressed in this epistle, we have in the case of the father, as in
that of Messalla Corvinus (Carm. III. ■21, 7), Sestius Quirinus
(Carm. I. 4, 14), Pompeius Varus (Carm. Ii. 7), and Torquatus
(Carm. IV. 7), an instance of the loyalty with which Horace
clung to the friends who had gone through with him the cam-
paign of Philippi.
The title ' Ars Poetica', or 'De Arte Poetica Liber', is found
in almost all MSS. Quintilian viii. 3, 60 writes id tale est nion-
striim, quale Horatiiis ni prima parte lihri de arte poelicajifi^t:
and in the Epist. ad Tryph. 2 (prefixed to his Institutio) says
ustts Horatii eonsilio, qui in arte poetica sttadet, nc praccipitetur
editio, nouiunque prahatur in atinu/n. Later grammarians regu-
larly use the same title, and it is employed also by Porphyrion
and the so-called Acron. There is no evidence that it comes
from Horace himself; it was probably invented by an early
editor, and it is not very suitable to the contents of the epistle,
suggesting, as it does, a regularity and completeness of treatment
to which the poem makes no claim, and which indeed seems to
be intentionally avoided. But a name which has been so long
in use cannot be abandoned without inconvenience; and it may
be accepted on the authority of tradition, provided we do not
allow it to mislead us as to the real character of the epistle.
Porphyrion adds to the words previously quoted in quern
librum congessit praeccp'a Neoplolcnii rod llapiavou no7i quideni
omnia, sed emine7itissuna. Much difficulty has been found in
accepting this statement. Ritter altogether rejects it : ' Nam
Horatium sua hausisse ex poeta recente et parum cognito, qualis
fuit Neoptolemus grammaticus et Alexandrinorum studiis imbutus
(cp. Meinekii Analecta Alexandr. p. 375J, credat Judaeus Apella'.
But it is not likely to have been a mere invention, and the case
is quite unlike that which we have just been considering, where
there was probably a confusion between two persons of the same
name. Michaelis in his early dissertation de Aiictorihtis quos
Horaiius in libra de Arte Poetica sccutus esse viddur (Kiel 1857),
argued that Horace could have borrowed very little from Jiea-
ptolemus. first because Horace is above all other poets of his
time free from the influences of the Alexandrian school, with its
pedantic erudition and tortuous diction, and secondly because he
seems to have had in view in respect of metre mainly the practice
of his countrymen, and because his references to the early history
of the Greek drama are too confused and inaccurate to have been
derived from an Alexandrian scholar. The first of these ob-
jections is sufficiently met by Prof. Nettleship's reply that there
334 ^J^S POETICA.
is no reason for ascribing to the criticism of Alexandria the cha-
racteristics of its poetry: on the contrary ' from one point of view
the de Arte Poetica seems to bear an Alexandrian stamp : it con-
tains the neatly-formulated criticism of a refined, intelligent and
well-trained scholar, not that of a philosopher whose eye is set
upon great things'. The second is met, at least in part, by his
valuable suggestion that Horace is sometimes translating or para-
phrasing his Greek original, sometimes adding his own comments
in the way of limitation, expansion or illustration from con-
temporary life and thought. With this qualification, there is no
reason why we should not accept the statement of Porphyrion.
It is not necessary to assume that Horace borrowed from no
other sources : but Michaelis has sufficiently disproved the theories
which would derive a large part of this epistle from Democritus,
Crito, Plato (in his Phaedrus), or Aristotle. From Varro he may
have obtained something, but we have no means of determining
how much.
The epistle is certainly not a complete 'Art of Poetry'. Some
important branches of the subject are omitted altogether : others
are discussed with a fulness quite disproportionate to their im-
portance. It is sometimes difficult to trace the sequence of the
remarks; and digressions and repetitions appear to abound.
Many attempts have been made to remedy a disorder, which
was supposed to have originated either in the unskilfulness of
those who published, after Horace's death, the fragmentary
drafts of a poem, to which his own revision would have given
unity and completeness, or else in the poet's own ' habitual in-
dolence, which prevented his ever producing a complete work of
any length' (Macleane). But such attempts have had no real
basis to go upon : they have rarely satisfied any but their pro-
pounders: and each suggested rearrangement has been declared
by later critics to make matters only worse. It has been too
commonly overlooked that very probably Horace intentionally
avoided in this, as in other epistles, the appearance of a formal
regularity of treatment. The epistle, like the Satiira, from
which it originated, was of the nature of a familiar chat, rather
than a set treatise, and precisely marked divisions and sub-
divisions were quite foreign to its nature. Still with the help
of Prof. Nettleship's valuable suggestion as to the relation of the
poem to its Greek source, we may find in it traces of an orderly
though not strictly systematic arrangement of subjects.
The epistle may be divided into three main sections. In the
first (r — 72) the poet is enjoined to look to the unity of his style
and conception, and to avoid all that is out of keeping. In the
second (73 — 288) these general principles are applied to the
various kinds of poetry, and especially to the drama, which is
discussed at length. In the third (289 — 476) the manifold re-
quisites for a successful cultivation of poetry are dwelt upon, and
NOTES. 335
the young Pisos are warned of the difficulties which suiround
the poet who is not fitted by learning, genius, and painstaking
labour for his high vocation. The further development of these
general divisions must be reserved for the running analysis. But
one point calls for further remark, in the space which is given to
the criticism of the drama. While only 24 lines are assigned
to epic poetiy, no loss than 170 are devoted to dramatic poetry.
For this various reasons have been given. It has been suggested
that Horace himself, who was certainly not without dramatic
power, may have contemplated writing for the stage, at the time
when his somewhat scanty fountain of lyrical inspiration seemed
to be running dry. Others have found the explanation in the
hypothesis that the young Pisos had shown tendencies in that
direction. But without denying the possibility of either of these
suppositions, it may be suggested that Horace has rather in view
the awakened interest in the drama, prevalent in his own day,
and among his own set. In the generation of Cicero dramatic
literature had fallen out of favour; and though Quintus Cicero
was proud of having written four tragedies in sixteen days, the
rapidity of the production shows how little it was regarded as a
serious pursuit. But of Horace's contemporaries some of those
of highest mark had devoted themselves to tragedy. Asinius
PoUio, Varius, and Ovid, all won high distinction in this branch
of literature, and although Augustus had the good sense to cancel
his own tragedy of Ajax, the fact that he had written it shows
the direction which the current was taking. It is probable that
Horace, in devoting so much attention to the criticism of the
drama, did so in recognition of the prevalent literary tastes, and
with the wish to influence them in the direction of profounder
study of the true classical models.
1 — 37. 77^1? Jirst requisite for a work of art is harmony and
proportion hetiveen the various parts, which alone can secure unity.
Porphyrion says pri^num praeceptu?n est ire pi ttjs aKoXovdias, i.e.
consistency in dealing with the several portions (vv. r — 9). Prof.
Nettleship suggests that the praeceptum of Neoptolemus is trans-
lated or paraphrased in vv. i — 5, and that 6 — 9 form Horace's
comment. In painting the neglect of organic unity results in a
ridiculous monster : the effect is not less absurd in poetry.
1. hmnano — equinam: the inverted order {chiasmus) adds
emphasis. For creatures 'ex alienigenis membris compacta' cp.
Lucret. v. 878 fif. Perhaps we may suppose Horace to be thinking
especially of a centaur, a harpy and Scylla.
2. velit, Roby § 638.
inducere 'penicillo adiungere' Comm. Cruq., which Orelli
adopts. But Acron is more correct with his imponcre 'lay on', as
Or.'s quotation shows : Plin. Il.N.xxxv.6,26sipurpuramfacere
336 ARS POETICA.
vialunt (pictores), caertileutn siiblinunt, mox purpurismm ex ovo
indiicmit. Bentley objected to phivias as denoting only the
feathers covering the body, not the wing-feathers, which he
thought the context required. The distinction though usually
is not always observed, and is not in question here : the
monstrous form is represented as having the body of a bird, which
would be covered v<\\.\\ pluinae.
3. undique collatis membris, probably the dative after
inducere, not the abl. abs. (as Orelli thinks), for the indirect
object after inducere can hardly be spared : sic is understood from
the following tit, as in v. 8 etc. 'and to spread feathers of
varied hues over limbs brought together from all sides in such a
way that ' &c. Ritter places a comma at flumas, understand-
ing inducere simply of the horse's neck (wiih et ei understood),
and taking collatis viciiibris as abl. abs. This leaves the body
undescribed.
turpiter atrum go together, as in Ep. I. 3, 22 turpiter
hirtian: aXram.=fo£dictn 'hideous': Ep. II. 2, 189.
4. in piscem 'in beluam marinam, i.e. pistricem' Acron,
whence some have read atrani ..in pristim: cp. Verg. Aen. III.
/^2'] posti-ana imniani corpore pistrix of Scylla, X. 211 in pristim
dcsinit alvtis of Triton. [For the form of the word cp.
Nettleship on Aen. iii. 42 7. J But the general term is at least
as good as the more specific one, if not better.
6. spectatum ' to a private view ', of course the supine.
7. aegri seems to have rather more authority than aegris
which Keller defends, and it is a better parallel to cuius, vanae
'unreal'. Cp. Ep. il. i, 210 (note).
8. fingentiir is required z.{ltx fore, by the sequence of tenses,
Yio\. fingiintur.
species 'fancies': vanae species, as Schiitz points out, are not
in themselves blameworthy in a work of imagination : only they
must not be inconsistent, like the dreams of a man suffering
from fever.
nec pes nee caput, a metaphor suggested by the comparison
with a picture. Cp. Plant. Asin. 729 nec caput nec pes sermoni
adparet. Capt. 614 garriet quoi neqiie pes umquain neque caput
compareat. CLc. ad Fam. vii. 31, 2 tuas res ita contractas, ut,
quemadmodum so'ibis, nec captit nec pedes.
■uni proleptic : ita ut una fiat.
9. reddatur 'is adapted to'. 'Natura rerum dat, poeta
reddit ut debitum' Or.
NOTES. 337
pictoribU3...potestas : the objection of a critic (subjectio),
as Acron says, or as Prof. Nettlcship prefers to regard it, another
dictum quoted from the Greek, to which Horace suppHes the
necessary qualification.
10. aequa: Acron interprets this as 'equal'. The connexion
then is: 'poets have just as much licence of unrestricted imagina-
tion as painters have : but we have seen that there are limits in
the one case; therefore there must be also in the other'. Orelli
and Schiitz reject this interpretation, preferring to translate
'reasonable', as in acqinim iiis etc. But 'a reasonable power of
unlimited licence' is a contradiction in terms, not to be defended
by saying that quidlibd is an intentional exaggeration, corrected
m the next line.
11. petimus quasi poetae, damus quasi critici. Acron.
12. coeant : cp. Ep. I. 5, 25 lU coeat par inngatiirqzte
peri.
13. geminentur ' are paired '.
14. inceptis = ' plans '.
15. purpureus 'brilliant': for the wide sense in which this
word is used cp. the commentators on Cann. iii. 15, 15, iv. i,
10 or Verg. Aen. vi. 641. Orelli thinks there is a reference to
the latus clavus which bordered the toga praetexta, or to the
flounce {instita), sometimes attached to the stola. This hardly
suits the context: the paiini are not attached as appendages
to the body of the w'ork, but incorporated here and there
in it.
16. lucus et ara. This and the following instances are
probably taken from contemporary poets, but we cannot identify
any of them.
18. Rhenum, an adjective, as Carm. iv. 4, 38 Metauritiu
fluf?ieti : Tac. Hist. IV. 12 ma)-e Oceanum.
19. nunc ' at the moment '.
erat, from the point of view of the reader, who goes back to
the time of writing the poem.
cupressum. The scholiasts tell a story of a bad painter,
who could paint nothing but a cypress. A shipwrecked man
requested him to paint a picture of his disaster, that he might,
according to the custom, carry it about, and get alms (Juv. xiv.
301 mcrsa 7-ate naufragiis assem dum rogat et picta se tempesiate
tuetur). The painter asked if he did not want a cypress intro-
duced ; which gave rise to a Greek proverb /xtj rt koj. Kvn-api(Taov
6e\€Ls; applied to one who wishes to introduce ornaments out of
place.
W. H. 22
338 ARS FOE TIC A.
21. coepit institui: cp. Ep. ii. r, 149 (note). The urceus
or ' pitcher ', though not necessarily smaller than the amphura,
was so as a rule : and the sentence gains in point if we suppose
that to a vessel of the size of an atnphora, the shape of an urceus
was given ; at any rate, it was something very different, rota,
of course the potter's wheel: cp. Senec. Ep. xc. 31 Atmcharsis,
ittquit, invcnit 7-otam figuli, aiiiis circuitu vasa forinantur. But
it is mentioned by Homer II. xviii. 600. exit : cp. Pers. I. 45
non ego, cum sc}-ibo, si forte quid aptius exit, quando haec rara avis
est, si quid tamen aptius exit, laudari tnetua/n,
23. quidvis, a reading restored by Bentley for the vulgate
quod vis : the latter has the support of almost all MSS., and
would mean quod instituis : but this is very frigid, and Ritter is
the only recent editor who defends it.
diuntaxat ' provided only it be'. Cp. Reid on Cic. Lael.
§ 53. simplex, i.e. constituting a single and uniform whole.
24 — 31. Prof. Nettleship takes these lines to be again a para-
phrase of the Greek original, with Horace's comment in vv.
32 — 37. The desire to avoid a fault must be directed by know-
ledge, or the opposite fault is incurred.
25. specie recti ' by our idea of what is right' : species is not
here in a bad sense, a mere phantom: cp. Quint, viii. 3, 56
KaKo'g-qKov vocatur quicquid est lUtra virtutem, quoties ingenium
iudicio caret et specie boni fallitur: omnium in eloquenlia vitiorum
pessimum. The word is often used in Cicero with the meaning
of ' general notion ' = ihia..
26. levia 'smoothness', Tr\v XeiorriTa of the rhetoricians, to
which vigour and energy [SeivoTris) was in danger of being sacri-
ficed. Bentley preferred tenia, which has very slight authority :
the passage from Cic. Brut. 48, 177 sunt eius aliquot orationes ex
quibus...lenitas eius sine nervis conspici potest, adduced in support
of this reading, tells really rather against it. We do not want
quite a repetition of the same idea, but a slight variation, as in
brevis, )( obscuriis. A man who aims at an excellence is in
danger of falling into a fault, closely connected with it : but
tenia would denote not an excellence, but a fault. Keller points
out that as the archetype was undoubtedly written in capitals,
the difference between the two words is not so slight as it is in
MSS. written in small letters.
nervi : cp. Cic. Brut. 31, 121 qiiis Aristotele nervosiorl
Quint. VIII. proem. 18 resistam iis, qui omissa rerum, qui nervi
sunt in causis, diligentia qtiodam inani circa voces studio scnescunt.
In good Latin nervus, like vivpov, always denotes sinews or
tendons (literal or metaphorical) : cp. Celsus vill. i nervi quos
NOTES. 339
rivovrai Graeci appellant, but sometimes appears to include
also what we call ' nerves ' : see Mayor's note on Cic. Nat.
Deor. II. 55, 136. Galen (born a.d. 130) was the first to limit
vexjpov to the meaning ' nerve ', in its present sense.
27. animi 'spirit', professus grandia: cp. Quint, x. 2, 16
plerumque (imitatores) declinant in pciits et proxima virttiiibus
vitia coinprchcndiint fiiiiitque pro grandibiis tuinidi.
28. serpit humi. Horace mixes the metaphors of one who
fears to soar and so creeps along the ground, and of a sailor
who hugs the shore in his dread of a storm. Cp. Carm. II. 10,
I ff. Perhaps there is a reference \.o pcdcstris oratio.
29. prodigialiter occurs in good Latin only here and in
Colum. III. 3, 3. In Plaut. Amph. "j^i prodis^Ialis Iiippiter is
the god who sends marvels. Hence the word seems to mean
' so as to produce a marvellous effect '. Kriiger and Keller (in
his smaller edition) adopt Jeep's punctuation and interpretation
qtd vai-iare cupit, rem prodigialiter unam, ' he who desires to
give variety paints — a marvel of unity — a dolphin in the woods'
etc., referring to IMadvig on Cic. de Fin. II. 23, 75 rem videlicet
difficilem et obsciirain. But it is doubtful whether variare can
thus be separated from rem ; and there seems no reason to depart
from the natural rendering: 'he who wishes to lend variety to
one and the same subject so as to introduce a marvel '. This
Keller now admits. Perhaps it is better to take unam as
merely denoting 'one and the same', rather than as 'simple'.
30. delphinmn : the Greek St\(pii> or 8e\<pis becomes
usually de/p/iimes in Latin, as iXeipas becomes elephantiis ; but
Ovid has twice delphin as the nom. (found occasionally in other
poets), and five times ddphina as the ace. sing. : Vergil (once —
Aen. VIII. 673) and Ovid (three times) have delphines as nom.
sing., and Vergil (Eel. VIII. 56) has delphinas as ace. plur. Ovid
has the abl. delphine'm Met. XI. 237, and the gen. plur. delphi-
num is found thrice in Vergil and once in Propertius. But these
Greek forms are entirely confined to poetry : cp. Cic. de Nat. D.
I. 27, 77, Neue, Formenlehre I." 322.
32. Aemllium ludum, according to Porph. a gladiatorial
school near the Forum, built by an Aemilius Lepidus, who can-
not now be identified with any one of the many who bore that
name at or about this time.
imus was confessedly the reading of the archetype, but
Bentley's conjecture iitius has found ahnost universal acceptation ;
not only those editors who usually follow him, but even those who
set least value on his judgment admit it. Macleane says ' there
can be no doubt that it is the true reading ', and Keller ' after
weighing the whole question a hundred times, iintis appears to
340 ARS FOE TIC A.
me the more correct '. But I cannot but think that Ritter,
Krliger and Schiitz are right in defending imus. It is not
necessary to accept Porph.'s explanation ' hoc est, in angulo
ludi tabernam habentem' though it may well be founded on a
genuine tradition, as the details which he adds (see below) are
not likely to be mere invention ; while Acron's interpretation of
the word as a proper name is the last refuge of a despairing
commentator. But I do not see why hmis should not have the
natural force of 'the lowest in rank', i.e. the poorest, or most
unskilful. Bentley had of course no difficulty in showing that
turns is often used of preeminent excellence (cp. Sat. I. lo, 42;
II. 3, 24; 6, 57) ; but why is it necessary to suppose that Horace
had in view a particular craftsman, who was distinguished for
his skill in details, but failed in his works as a whole? It is
surely legitimate to say ' the poorest smith who lives by the Aemi-
lian school will represent you nails, and imitate waving hair in
bronze': and if so, there is no reason to depart from the MSS.
Jordan {Hermes, Vol. IX. 416 ff.) shows that probably around
the outer walls of the Indus there were tabeniae, let out to fabri
by the builder or lessee of the school : he thinks that the last of
these facing the main street was tenanted by the faber in ques-
tion under the sign of a figure of Polycletus, which gave rise to
the name by which (according to Porph.) the Indus was after-
wards known, when turned into a bath {quod nunc Polycleti
balineum est). If it is not legitimate to take the expression as a
general one, and some particular craftsman is denoted, this view
seems defensible.
'Fix on some casual sculptor, he shall know
How to give nails their sharpness, hair its flow'. Con.
Orelli seems wrong in regarding elaborate accuracy in the re-
presentation of the hair as a great merit in a sculptor. After
the path had once been pointed out (according to Pliny N. H.
XXXIV. 8, 19 by Pythagoras of Rhegium : but cp. Overbeck,
Gesch. d. Griech, Plastik, p. 183), it was not hard to follow it.
33. mollis 'waving', as often in Vergil, e.g. Eel. in. 45
molli acantho, applied to hair by TibuU. I. 8, 9 quid tibi 7iunc
mollis prodest coluisse capillos ?
34. infelix opens suniina ' failing in his work as a whole ':
sumtna may be best taken as the ablative of the part concerned
(Roby § 1 2 10, S. G. § 497) : Bentley puts a comma after operis,
which is then the genitive of the part concerned (Roby § 1320,
S. G. § 526), a construction which is legitimate enough in itself,
but here leaves summa to stand by itself very awkwardly.
ponere 'represent', often used of plastic art, as in Carm. iv.
8, 8 sollers nunc hominem ponere, nunc dcum : so coniponere in
the next line.
NOTES. 341
me esse vellm: cp. Cic. in Cat. i. 4 ciipio me esse clementcni,
with note.
36. pravo, cp. Ep. 11. c, 44 (note).
37. spectandiun = <7'/^«;/w qui specter: cp. Carm. i. 32, 11
Lycum nigris oculis iiigroqite crine decorum.
38 — 41. The subject chosen must be within the poet'' s pozvers.
38. aequam:=/rt;rw, 'not too much for'.
39. versate 'consider'. Or. thinks that the metaphor is
taken from porters, who ' onera manibus versant, antequam in
humeros tollant', but it is too common to need such an explana-
tion : cp. Plaut. Trin. 223 midtas 7-es simitu in ineo corde vorso.
ferre recusent, Ep. 11. i, 258.
40. potenter = Kard to Swarov 'in accordance with his
powers'. So Porph., and this view has been generally adopted.
But the word occurs nowhere else in anything like this sense, any
more than Suz/arcDs by which Ritter renders it : Schiitz quotes
(from Forcellini) Quint. Xil. 10, 72 tit dicat iitiliter, et ad efficieti-
dum quod intendit pot enter, which is clearly not parallel. May
not the meaning be rather 'with self-restraint', as opposed to the
common force of impotens and ifttpotejiter? So Cic. Tusc. Disp.
I. 3, 6 hoininis est intempei'anter abutentis et otio et litteris,
and Acad. I. i, 2 intempcrantis enim esse arhitror scribere quod
occultari velit. [I think the sense is 'he who spends all his powers
on the choice', i.e. 'who uses every effort to choose aright'. J. S.R.]
41. facimdla : cp. Cato's golden rule for an orator ' rem
tene, verba scquentur\
42 —44. The virtue of arrangement lies in a choice of tvhat
has to be said at the time.
42. ordinis, repeated by anaphora, as the subject-matter of
this and the next two lines. The general rule Trept t^s evra^iai
(Porph.) is given in brief, for the detailed precepts depend
entirely on the nature of the matter dealt with.
venus 'charm', v. 320.
aut ego fallor 'or else I am quite mistaken', i.q. ni fall or.
Cp. Ov. Met. I. 607 aut ego fallor, aut ego laedor : Liv. praef. aut
me amor suscepti negotii fallit, ant, etc. The reading of many
inferior MSS. hand or haut is not an indication of the original
identity of the two words, as some have thought (cp. Donaldson's
Latin Gi-atnmar, p. 194) : the notion of a connexion between
the two words is now abandoned by all scholars (cp. Corssen
Ausspr. II. p. 595) : but is due simply to a misunderstanding of
the phrase.
342 ARS FOE TIC A.
43. iam nunc, 'at once', 'at this very time', Ep. II. i,
127, Carm. il. i, 17; ill. 6, 23: the pioper arrangement is
secured by not saying anything which is not immediately neces-
sary to the clear comprehension of the narrative or the sentiment.
Bentley argues that iam mine — iam nunc can only mean ' at one
time — at another time', quoting Pers. v. no iam 7iiciu astringas,
iam 711UIC granaria laxcs? where it certainly has this meaning.
He therefore takes away the comma after did. But the sense
which results ' to say sometimes [everything], and sometimes to
postpone much that ought to be said', is so poor that we cannot
possibly accept it.
44. pleraque 'much' as in Ep. 11. i, 66 (note) : so plcnim-
qiie ' often' in Ep. I. 18, 94, and above in v. 14.
dlfiFerat expresses rather the purpose of the poet, oinittat his
action : hence there is no tautology.
46—45. Bentley first transposed these two lines, so that hoc
— hoc means ' one word — another word' ; many of the best recent
editors have fallowed him, and his reasoning seems to be irre-
sistibly cogent. No error is more common in MSS. than the
omission of a verse, which afterwards is restored to a wrong
place : and hoc — hoc seems almost inexplicable, if referred to the
topic of order. It is extremely otiose to say that the composer of
a poem long promised is to make a selection of his subject-
matter. Schiitz attempts to defend the traditional order, but
with little success. His argument that dicat, differat and omittat
need aiictor as a subject is not strong : the subject is easily
supplied from hiinc of v. 41 : and the change to the second per-
son dixeris is not harsh, and does not require the introduction of
a new theme.
45 — 59. Familiar 'words acquire freshness in a new connexion ;
and neiv words may be coined with discretion.
46. tenuis, here a word of praise, not blame = jm3/27/j,
XeTTTo's. Cp. Carm. II. 16, -^^ spiritum Graiae teniiem Camenae.
serendis 'connecting', suggesting both the avoidance of
hiatus, and awkward juxtaposition, and also fresh syntactic com-
binations.
47. callida innctura: Orelli quotes as instances from Horace
himself splendidc mendax, insanientis sapientiae consultus,
atiimae magnae prodigiis. Prof. Nettleship happily refers to the
charge brought against Vergil by Agrippa that he had been
suborned by Maecenas to invent a new kind of affectation, which
consisted in an unusual employment of ordinary words, and was
therefore difficult of detection (Sucton. xliv. novae cacozeliae
NOTES. 343
rcperforem, non tnmidae nee exilis, sed ex eomniunibus verbis
atque idea latentis) ; and quotes phrases like recens caede, tela
exit, tendit iter velis (Conington's Vergil, Vol. l.* pp. xxix. —
xxxiii.).
limctura cannot refer, as some have supposed, either to com-
position, or to metaphor.
49, indiciis = cTTjAteiots. 'Indicia verba appellavit : philo-
sophi enim dicunt indicandarum return causa inventas esse voces.'
Porph. Perhaps this use of indicium is intended as a case of
callida itaictura.
abdlta rerum 'new conceptions', not previously brought to
view. The great majority of MSS. read reriim et, which was
omitted (silently) by Bentley, and which almost all editors recog-
nize as indefensible. There is a similar erroneous addition in
Ep. II. I, 73.
60. cinctutis = (7«i cinctii induebantur. The cinctus was a
broad waistband, or loin-cloth, worn by the old Romans instead
of th*"e tunica under the toga, and by the younger men in their
exercises in the Campus, whence it was also called campestre.
The younger Cato wore it in accordance with the ancient practice
(Ascon. p. 30, 9 Or. Cato praetor iudiciurn, quia aestate agebatur,
sine ttmica exerciiit, eampestri sub toga cinctus), and Porph. here
says : oinncs enim Celhcgi uiium morem scrvaverttnt Komae...
nunquam enim tunica usi sunt : idea cinctutos eos dixit quoniam
cinctus est genus tunicae infra pectus aptatae. As the arms and
breast were left bare Lucan II. 543 speaks of exsertique manus
vesana Cethegi ; and Sil. Ital. VIII. 587 has ipse tcmero exsertus
gentili more parentum difficili gaudebat eqiio. This must be dis-
tinguished from the cinctus Gabinus, which was the old way of
wearing the toga in time of war. Cp. Marquardt, /\om. Privatalt.
II. 159, 167. Several figures wearing the cinctus are represented
in Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnaire des Antiquitcs, p. 11 73.
51. continget ' you will be allowed ' : not very commonly
used so without the dative expressed, as in Ep. I. 17, 36,
II. 2. 41.
Tp\JidexiteT=cum pudore, i.e. 'with moderation'.
52, fictaque : Bentley wished to change this into factaqite,
because ol fingcre in v. 50, but the repetition is pleasing rather
than otherwise. The phrase faccre novum vcrbum is good
enough in itself: cp. Cic. Oral. 62, 211 with Sandys' note.
habebimt fidem 'will find acceptance' or 'credit'. The
limitation is at first sight by no means clear. Why should
newly-coined words find favour only if they come falling like
344 ARS FOE TIC A.
streams from a Greek source ? Is Greek alone the lawful foun-
tain-head of a new vocabulary? Lehrs supposed a line to be
lost, closing with aut si, so as to supply the missing alternative.
But Schiitz appears to interpret more correctly by pointing out
that two ways of supplying what is lacking are touched upon in
vv. 45 — 53 : (i) by a skilful connexion which adds new force to
current words: (2) by new words coined to express new ideas.
The second cannot be supplied from the stores of the Latin lan-
guage, or this method conies to coincide with the first (as e. g.
when 'booking' is used to describe the purchase of railway
tickets) : hence it must be met from the Greek. It is hardly
possible, with Orelli, to suppose that Graeco fonte cadcre means
simply to be constructed on a Greek model, and refers to com-
pounds such as centimamis [eKaroyxei-pos), or phrases like aurum
vestibus illitum (xpi'coTracrTos), or Cicero's indolcntia for (XTra^eia.
Madvig's et si {Adv. Crit. II. 62) is attractive, but not necessary.
parce detorta ' ddducta ciun parsimonia\ Or. 'a little altered
in form', i.e. modified so as to have the form of genuine Latin
words, like aynphora from diii<popevs, flacciita from 7r\a/ioi}s, etc.
But this is not consistent with his interpretation of Graeco fonte.
Cp. Cato as quoted by Priscian IX. p. 487 H. Marrucini vocan-
tur, de Marso detorswn nomen.
53. quid autem is used in introducing a statement which
removes an objection which might have been made to a previous
statement : ' why indeed ?'
54. dabit...ademptuni: 'grant to. ..and refuse to V.': the
thought might have been more exactly expressed by datum —
adimet. Some copyists, not understanding that the reference is
to the critics of Horace's own time, changed dabit into dcdit,
quite needlessly. These critics allowed a free use of words
borrowed from Greek to the old dramatists ; why refuse it to
contemporary poets ? Vergil was attacked for his use of Greek
words : cp. the quotations from Macrobius in Conington's Vergil,
Vol. I.* p. xxxiii. Among the words censured are diits, dacdala,
tneterica, choreas, hyaliis. Cp. Cic. de Fin. III. 4, 15 si Zenoni
licuit ciini rem aliqitam invcnisset imisitatam, inatiditum guoqtie
ei rei nomen irnponere, cur non liceat Catoni? where Cato Minor
is meant, not as Schiitz says, by an oversight, Cato Censorius.
55. Varioque : Varius is connected with Vergil also in Ep.
11. I, 247. Some MSS. have Varoque, as in Verg. Eel. ix. 35.
For the freedom with which Plautus adopts Greek words in a
Latinized form cp. Sellar, Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 165,
or Encyd. Brit. XIV. 331 b.
56. invldeor for the more usual invidelitrmthi^cpdovovixai:
cp. impe7-or Ep. I. 5, 21, credor Ov. Trist. ill. 10, 35. Priscian
NOTES. 345
in commenting upon this (xviii. 18, 13S) compares Ep. I. 14, 41
inviiiet usum, but the ace. of the thing grudged, tliough not found
in Cicero, occurs in Livy, Vergil (Ech vii. 58, Aen. viii. 509),
and Ovid.
Catonis : the modernised form in which his only important
extant treatise De Re Kiistica has come down to us i">recludes us
from ascertaining in what way he enriched the Latin language.
Ennius did very much to fix the literary pronunciation of Latin,
and to determine its vocabulary.
69. producere nomen : Bentley on very slight authority read
procudere and (on none) numnium, which Ribbeck adopts as
necessary. But procudere is really tautologous after sii^nattim:
we need both ' to coin' and ' to utter' ; and the metaphor being
sufficiently expressed in these words 7iomen is required for its
application. The metaphor of coinage applied to language is a
very common one: cp. Quint. I. 6, 3 idcndum plane scnnone tit
nunimo, ctd puhlica forma est.
praesente nota 'with the current stamp'. Plin. N. H.
XXXIII. 3, I'i, si's^natiim est (aes) fiota peciidiim. Acron explains
notamine praescntis tcmporis.
60 — 72. All mortal things are doomed to change and to perish ;
and so too words.
60. foliis is an abl. of instrument 'by means of their leaves',
i.e. by the growth of new leaves, while the earlier ones fall off
[or 'parted from their leaves' on the analogy of niiitari civitate
(Aes. Salp. c. XXII. ; Cic. Balb. 31), mutari finibus (Liv. V. 46,
ii), mutari volnntate (Cic. ad Fam. v. 21, i). In all these cases
the abl. is strictly one of respect, but the notion of severance comes
in. J. S. R.]. The silva corresponds to the aetas, the folia to the
individual verba. Bentley printed silvis folia, supposing \.'h:xX folia
could be lengthened before /;--, which would be unparalleled in
Horace. The quotation in the grammarian Diomedes p. 394 P. nt
folia in silvis is probably due only to a slip of memory, for it is
hard to see how it should have been altered into the reading of all
MSS. if genuine. He also ingeniously suggested privos {ox pronos,
comparing Lucret. V. 274 privas vuitatiir in horns and 733 inque
dies privos, with the explanation of Paulus p. 226M. privos pri-
vasqtie antiqiii dicebant pro singulis, and Cell. X. 20, 4 veteres
priva dixcrunt, quae nos singula dicimus. But in annos stands
very well by itself for ' each year' as Carm. II. 13, 14 in horas =
' every hour' : and there is no reason to ascribe an archaism to
Horace here. That Gellius supports his statement by a quotation
from Lucilius is, as Schiitz notices, an indication that he did not
find the word in Horace. Acron well explains /;w;^j- as declives
et cito labetites, instabiles, vohibiles. Orelli rejects this explana-
tion, and interprets 'ad finem vergentes' : but the birth of new
346 ARS POETICA.
leaves is suggested as much as the loss of old ones. It is doubt-
ful however whether foliis can mean by itself 'by the growth of
new leaves', even with the antithesis of pj-iina cadunt : the pas-
sages quoted by Vahlen (on Aristot. Poetik" p. 88) by no means
suffice to establish this. A mediaeval commentary paraphrases
prima, scilicet, folia, cadunt, nova succresctmt, ita vcttts aetas
verboriiin, id est, verba in vetere aetate ittventa i)itcreiint, et modo
nata...flore7it. Hence Prof. Nettleship {Journal of Philology,
XII. 51) suggests that the line originally xz.x\ prima cadunt, nova
succrescuttl ; vetus interit aetas: the words ita verbortim having
been originally a gloss upon aetas: and this he finds confirmed
by a passage in Jerome which runs (cu?n) alia vcnerit generatio
primisque cadentibus foliis virens silva succreverit. Lehrs had
already suggested the loss of a line after v. 60 in which succi-esczait
occurred. The only difficulty as to accepting Nettleship's inge-
nious suggestion is the doubt whether verboru?n can be spared.
— The metaphor is doubtless suggested by Homer, II. VI. 1 46 — 9
cii) nep ^OXkwi' yever), toIt) Se Kai ufSpuiv. <pvWa to. fiiv t dve/xos
Xafiddis X^f'j •St^.'^a 5^ 6' uXtj TrjXedooicra (pvet, Sapos S' eiriyiyveTai
upr)' ws dvdpwv yever) rj fiiv (pvei i) 5' diroXrjyei — a passage which
has found many other echoes in literature.
63. debemur: cp. Simonides frag. 122 Bergk Oavdru} irdvrfs
d(pei\6iJ.e6a. Ov. Met. X. 32 omnia debemur vobis (dis inferis).
sive receptus etc. The western coast of Italy was very
deficient in good harbours (though not so bad as the eastern, but
cp. Cic. de Orat. iii. 19, 69). Hence at the time when Sextus
Pompeius was threatemng Rome with a strong fleet, Agrippa,
the admiral of Augustus, found it necessary to construct an arti-
ficial port. On the coast of Campania, between Misenum and
Puteoli, there were two small lakes, the Avernus and the Lucri-
nus, separated from each other by a strip of land about a mile in
breadth, while the latter, the outer lake, was divided from the
sea by a narrow belt of sand or shingle. It seems that the sea
occasionally broke through this, and that Julius Caesar accord-
ingly had it strengthened, in order that the fish-preserves of the
Lucrine lake might not be disturbed. Agnppa now further
strengthened this barrier by facing it with stone, but pierced it
with a channel to admit ships, and also connected the two lakes
by a canal, so as to form a safe and capacious harbour, called
the Tortus Julius. Vergil (Georg. 11. 161 — 164) speaks of this
work as one of the glories of Italy. But though the Lacus
Avernus was of great depth, the Lucrinus was but a shallow
lagoon ; so that the operation was not permanently successful,
and even in the time of Strabo the harbour was practically aban-
doned. Merivale (ill. 261) seems to be in error in ascribing its
abandonment to the construction of a harbour at the mouth of
the Tiber by Octavius; for the partus Augusti near Ostia,
NOTES. 347
though planned by Julius Caesar, was, according to the best
authorities, coiiunenced only by Claudius (cp. Boissier, Frotne-
nades Archcologiqiics, p. 269 ; Burn, Koine and tlie Campagna,
p. 370). But whether there is any reference here to this work,
as is almost universally assumed, is very doubtful : see on v. 67
below.
64. arcet, here with the ace. of the thing defended, and the
abl. of that from which it is defended. In prose it is more
common to have the ace. of the thing kept off, and the ablative
(with ab) ofthat from which it is kept off.
65. regis opus : Meineke thinks the singular here inde-
fensible, holding that it could only mean ' the work of one who
was a king', a title always rejected by Augustus, as by Julius:
and therefore suggests regiiim opus, like regiae moles in Carm. II.
15, 1. The suggestion has found much favour: and I am by no
means sure that the vulgate can be defended. Cp. Theocr. I. 32
7uvd Tt QtOsv BaidaKfia.
palus diu. The MSS. read diu palus : Bentley first ob-
jected to the unparalleled shortening of pa/us, and suggested
palus prius : Gesner's palus diu, in which the long vowel is not
elided but shortened in hiatus, has in its favour si me anias of
Sat. I. 9, 38 and Vergil Eel. VIII. 108 an qui amant, Aen. VI.
507 te amice. [Ovid Met. I. 155 Pelio Ossam, and III. 501
vale, vale inquit et Echo, are no more parallel than Verg. Georg.
I. 281 and Eel. III. 70 from which they are copied ; and in
Propert. iv. (ill.) 11, 17 Omphale in tanticm Palmer ingeniously
reads Jaidanis in tantum.'\ The hiatus is common in Lucretius
and Catullus : cp. Munro on Lucr. II. 404 and Lachm. Comm.
p. 176. Although we cannot very confidently ascribe it to Ho-
race here, especially as the instances apparently similar shorten
the vowel in the first not the second thesis, it is less improbable
than the shortening of the final syllablo of paliis, to which no
sort of parallel can be adduced. Hence the best recent editors
admit it. But I am by no means sure that Bentley's/a/«j-/r2«j-
is not a safer correction. PRIV would easily become DIV.
Or if it dropped out after palus, diu might be inserted to make
out the line. Macleane entirely misunderstands Quint. I. 7, 3
which in no way ' shows that later poets had followed Horace's
licence'. Both Servius and Priscian had the reading of the
MSS. and remark upon the shortened final syllable, but quote
no other instance of it.
sterilisve, though it has not much more authority than steri-
Usque, is clearly the better reading.
The scholiasts explain this to refer to the draining of the
Pomptine marshes by Augustus : Pomptinas paludes Augustus
exsiccavit et habitabiles reddidit iniecto aggere lapidum et terrae.
348 ARS POETICA.
But although Julius Caesar intended to attempt this work (Suet.
Jul. XLiv.), and perhaps met with some partial success, reclaim-
ing some land which Antonius proposed to divide among the
poorer citizens (Dio. XLV. 9), there is no evidence that it was
carried out by Augustus : and Mr Long [Notes on Plutarch Caes.
LVIII.) points out some engineering difficulties which would
make the complete fulfilment of the task almost impossible.
67. seu cursum mutavit amnis. Porphyrion says ' Tiberim
intellegamus : hunc enim Agrippa derivavit, qua nunc vadit :
antea per Velabrum fluebat', and similar notes are given by
Acron and Coram. Cruq. But the Velabrum M'as drained by the
Cloaca Maxima in the time of the kings, and the Tiber never
flowed through it. Suet. Aug. xxx. says ad coercendas inun-
daiiones alveuin Tibe^-is laxavit ac repiwgavit^ conipletuin olini
ruder ibits et acdijiciontm prolapsionibus coartatuin : but of this
we have no further details. For the inundations of the Tiber
cp. Carm. i. 2, 13 — 20: hwt friigihtis shows that in this place
the damage done to the city cannot have been prominent in the
mind of Horace. But the three instances of great works of men
here mentioned as perishing are strikingly parallel to what Plut.
Caes. LVIII. says of the schemes of Julius Caesar: 'He had also
a design of diverting the Tiber, and carrying it by a deep chan-
nel directly from Rome to Circeii, and so into the sea near Tar-
racina, that there might be a safe and easy passage for all mer-
chants who traded to Rome. Besides this he intended to drain
all the marshes by Pomentium and Setia, and gain ground
enough from the water to employ many thousands of men in
tillage. He proposed further to make great mounds on the
shore nearest Rome, to hinder the sea from breaking in upon
the land, to clear the coast at Ostia of all the hidden rocks and
shoals that made it unsafe for shipping, and to form ports and
harbours fit to receive the large number of vessels that would
frequent them. These things were designed without being car-
ried into effect'. Now it seems pretty clear that the draining of
the Pomptine marshes was never carried out to an extent suffi-
cient to justify Horace's language, if taken strictly. There is
great probability therefore in the view of Preller (Aufsdtze,
p. 515 ff. ) that Horace has in view throughout the designs of
Julius rather than any works actually executed by Augustus. It
would be a very doubtful compliment to the reigning emperor to
take great engineering operations of his as instances of works
doomed to pass away ; whereas it would be natural for him to
speak thus of gigantic schemes commenced a quarter of a cen-
tury before and never completely carried out. We must there-
fore suppose Horace to be using a kind of poetic anticipation,
'assuming the great dictator's plans to have been achieved,
still they are destined to fail in the long run'. SoNettleshipl.c.
p. 52 note.
NOTES. 349
68. facta is not often used for opera, perhaps never in
prose: but Ovid Ilcr. x. 60 lias noii honiiiium video, non ego
facta I'onm, where tlie last words translate ipyo- PoQv : so that
Bentley's substitution o{ cuticta is needless.
69. nedum— stet, Roby § 1658, S. G. § 688. Key's notion
(Z. G. § 1228), that exisdiwes is omitted for the sake of brevity,
will not stand examination. But in cases like the present Mr
Roby's way of stating the usage needs to be modified or rather
inverted : the 'greater event', i.e. the perishing of all works of
men, is rhetorically regarded as having for its purpose the pre-
vention of the 'less event', the continued currency of words.
sermonum, a very rare, perhaps unparalleled use of the plural,
for 'style' or 'language'. Carm. ill. 8, 5 docte sermones utrius-
que linguae is quite different, if the usual interpretation is correct.
70. multa renascentur: archaisms were much affected by
the writers of the second century after Christ, such as Fronto,
A. Gellius, and Apuleius. Our own time has similarly wit-
nessed a great revival of archaic words in poetry.
72. ' arMtrium quod statuimus nulla causa allata ; ius
facultas quam ceteri ultro agnoscunt : norma regula a nobis
praescripta cui ceteri obtemperant' Orell. penes personifies
USUS 'in whose hands'. Cp. Ep. II. 2, 119.
73 — 309. In this second main section of the poem Horace
applies his general principles to the treatment of different kinds
of poetry, passing from one to the other with little formality,
but dwelling mainly upon the drama.
73 — 85. Ho?7ier fi7-st wrote hexameters ; then folloived elegiac
verse of uncertain origin : iambics were invented by Airhilochus
for his lampoons, and adopted both by comedy and tragedy. Lyric
verse is fitted for hymns, for odes of victory, and for songs about
love and wine.
74. Homerus : the invention of the hexameter was ascribed
to the Delphic priests, and it is no improbable conjecture that
the earliest epic poetry — which in any case must have existed
for centuries before the Iliad assumed its present foiin — was of
purely religious origin. Cp. Mahaffy's Greek Literature, I. pp.
15 — 17. The hexameter arose, as may be seen from the im-
portance of the caesura, from a combination of two short lines,
the first normally -^^ | —.^^ | -^ the second the same in struc-
ture but with an anacrusis, and an added syllable at the end
_ I _w^ I — .w. I _ II _, From this the pentameter was formed
by the omission of the added elemeni:, in the second half. Thus
the character of the verse was entirely changed. Cp. Cole-
ridge's version of Schiller's lines :
In the hexameter rises the fountain'' s silvery column :
In the pentameter aye falling in melody back.
35° ARS FOE TIC A.
75. impariter, one of Horace's oLwai. \ey6fxepa. queri-
monia, i. e. elegy. Horace seems to allude to the traditional
derivation of ^Xeyos from ^ ? Xiyeiv 'to say ah me', a derivation
quite impossible for scientific etymology. As the word denoted
primarily a plaintive tune played on the. Phrygian pipe, it is
probably of Phrygian origin (Mahaffy, i. p. 157). The Phry-
gian ai)\r]ai.s became widely familiar in Greece in connexion
with the worship of Dionysus and the Phrygian Mother of the
Gods, especially through the compositions of Olympus : and
there is reason to believe that it was especially used in laments
over the dead : cp. Plutarch, de el c. XXI. 6 avXbs 6\I/k Kal Trpu>t)v
iroXfJ-rjae (puvqv e0' lixepTolcnv dcpeivai, rbv di TrpiaTov xpovov
elXKero Trpbs r a irivO-q, Kal rriv nepl ravra Xeirovpyiav ov fidXa
^vTLfxov ovM (paidpav eTx^'^t f''"' efxlxdv iravTa-Kaaiv. But it vi'as
Callinus of Ephesus (circ. B.C. 665) who first wrote verses in
elegiac metre, to be sung to the accompaniment of the pipe.
(Bergk, G)-. Litteratiirgesch. II. 125 tf.) His poems were not of
a religious character, but adapted for ordinary social intercourse.
The only important fragment which we possess (some twenty
lines) was intended to stir up his countrymen to greater energy
in their struggle with the Magnetes (Bergk, ib. pp. 178 — 180).
Archilochus somewhat later used the same metre as a vehicle
for the expression of the most varied emotions, introducing
many references to his personal history. Tyrtaeus (circ. B.C.
600 — 5S0) followed more closely in the steps of Callinus, dealing
in his Yiwojjla. with the internal disorders and external dangers
of Lacedaemon. Mimnermus of Colophon (circ. B.C. 575) wrote
mainly, but not exclusively, love-poems, and hence is often regarded
as the inventor of the erotic elegy (cp. Ep. II. ■z, 100), here denoted
by voti sententia compos 'the feelings of one who has gained
his prayer', i.e. of a successful lover. The 'sweet and tender'
character traditionally ascribed to the poetry of Mimnermus is
not, in the opinion of Bergk [ib. II. 262), justified by ' the vigor-
ous and manly tone' in which he expresses even sorrowful emo-
tions: but a large proportion of the extant fragments consist of
querimoniae over the approach of old age. His love for the
flute-girl Nanno, who rejected him, was not voti compos. In-
deed successful love is rarely a theme for elegiac verse : hence
Michaelis prefers to understand the words here of the epigram.
77. exiguos refers mainly to the slighter and less dignified
character of elegiacs as compared with hexameters, as Ovid
(Am. II. I, 21) calls them Icves : but it may allude also to the
more confined metrical structure. Cp. Tennyson's 'tiny poem'.
78. grammatici ' our teachers ', i. e. professors of litera-
ture, as in Ep. I. 19, 40. The origin of the doubt may have
arisen from the fact that there was nothing plaintive or mournful
in the stirring ' elegies' of Callinus.
NOTES. 351
79. Archilochum : Ep. i. 19, 23 — 25 (notes), iambo: the
word ta/xj3os is undoubtedly derived from lairToi 'to fling' (Curt.
Etyni? 537, E. T. 11. 154), and denotes originally a flinging, or
a verse flung at another, whence /a/x/3ij'w 'to lampoon'. When
Aristotle Poet. V. 6 says of Crates TrpQros 17/34^ dcpifievos rrji
lafi^iKTJs ideas KadoXov Troieiv \6yovs Kai /j-vdovs he refers to the
cliange from the mere abuse of the earliest stages to a regular
comedy.
80. socci, Ep. II. I, 174. Comedy is mentioned before
tragedj', though later in origin, or at any rate, later in reaching
literary development, perhaps as being more akin in subject to
the satire of Archilochus. Mr Mahafty thinks that we cannot
say what metre was used by Thespis, for the recitations with
which he separated the choral parts of the earliest tragedies
(I. 234): but as the next tragic poet Phrynichus used iambic
trimeters, while it is expressly said that he was the first to
introduce trochaic tetrameters in tragedy, although nothing of
the kind is said about his use of iambics, it is pretty clear that
the latter must have been used by Thespis. Yet Aristotle Poetics
IV. 18 says TO re /nerpov ex Terpafierpov Id/J.^eiov eyevero, as
though the earliest tragedies had been in tetrameters : cp. Rhet.
III. I. 9 (below). Four or five iambic lines, ascribed to Susarion,
the reputed introducer of comedy into Athens from Megara, are
preserved, but they are not genuine. Comedy can hardly be
said to have taken literary form before the time of Cratinus,
and he used iambics largely, though not exclusively. Bergk
however (G. L. III. 107) thinks that the use of iambics was
even earlier in comedy than in tragedy. Undoubtedly the
reason for the choice of this metre is that given by Horace,
that it comes nearest to the ordinaiy rhythm of prose. Cp.
Arist. Rhet. III. 8, 4 6 6' tajj.j3os avrr] ecmv i] Xe^is t; tuiv ttoWu-v'
5io yadXtora Trai'rcjv tuv fxerpuv lafx^na (pOeyyovrai Xeyovres. So
in III. I, 9 he speaks of tragic poets who sk twv TeTpaixirpoiv
eis TO lap-^iLov fiere^rjaav oia to ry Xoyu) touto tuv piiTpwv ofioio-
TaTov elvai tiZv dXXwi', and in the Poetics IV. 18 he says /j-dXiaTa
yap XeKTLKov twv /jLerpuv to iap.'fidov icm' arip.t1ov d^ tovtov'
irXelcrTa yap ia/x^ela Xeyofxev ev rrj SiaXiKTi^ Ty wpos ciXXt/Xous :
a remark repeated by Cic. Orat. 56, 189: cp. Cic. de Orat. III.
47, 182.
cotumi. All MSS. have cotiirni here and everywhere in
Horace, and, as Keller says (Epil. on Carm. 11. i, 12), in every
author who has been carefully collated. Cp. e. g. Riese praef.
Ovid. I. p. xiii. Certainly all MSS. give it so in Quintil. x. x,
68 and in Propert. 11. (iii.) 34, 41, while Nettlesliip adopts it in
Vergil, e.g. Eel. viii. 104. There is therefore no reason to doubt
that this form for Kodopvoi had established itself in popular
usage. But cp. Ribbeck Proll. in Verg. p. 424, where he shows
that the evidence is divided.
352 ARS FOE TIC A.
81. popularis strepitus, the murmur which always rises
from any large assembly, and drowns everything but the clearest
and most marked elocution. The frequent recurrence of the
ictus in iambic rhythm makes it sliarper and more easily audible
than a metre which contains more siiort syllables. Cp. Cic. de
Orat. III. 47, 182 (note).
82. natum rebus agendis ' suited by their nature to action'.
So Arist. Poet. XXIV. 10 to 5k laix^LKOv kuI rerpaixerpov KiprjTiKd,
TO fJ.eV OpXril^TLKOV, to Sk -KpaKTLKOV.
83. fidibus, dat. 'to the lyre'. The object of dedii is
referre: cp. Roby S. G. § 534, and v. 323 dedit — loqui. The
two main divisions of lyric (or more properly metic) poetry
were (i) the Dorian, or choric poetry, beginning with Terpander
of Lesbos, who flourished at Sparta B.C. 670 — 640, and in-
cluding Alcman, Tlialetas, Arion, Stesichorus, Ibycus, and most
famous of all Simonides and Pindar: this was public, choral,
and elaborate in rhythm, and its subjects were religious or
national, including the glory of victors in the games : (2) the
Aeolic, of which Alcaeus, Sappho and Anacreon were the chief
representatives and in which personal emotions were expressed
in simpler metrical forms. To the former Horace refers in vv.
83, 84, to the latter in v. 85.
85. libera vina 'the freedom of wine', practically equivalent
to 'the wine which frees men' from their cares (Ep. I. 5, 16 f.);
or else, as Orelli takes it, of the free speech of those who have
drunk much wine (cp. Sat, I. 4, 89; li. 8, 37).
86 — 118. Not only must the right diction (45 — 72) and the
fitting metre (73 — 86) be chosen, but also the proper tone and
style must be maintained. Horace here begins to deal especially
with dramatic poetry, which he keeps in view almost exclusively
up to V. 294. One 'tvlio cannot keep up the tight tone in treating
his characters does not deserve the name of poet. Tragedy and
comedy have each their appropriate style, though sometimes they
seem to pass ijtto each other. A successful play must touch the
feeliftgs of the audience, and for this language well adapted to
the position and character of the personages tnusi be employed.
86. descriptas 'marked out', assigned to tragedy and comedy
respectively. Blicheler would read here against all MSS. dis-
criptas 'apportioned'. For the difference between the words
cp. Cic. de Sen. 2, 5; and 17, 59 with Reid's notes.
vices seems never to mean 'parts', the translation often
given to it here. Comparing Carm. IV. 7, 3 mutat terra vices
we see that vices may denote the states into which a thing passes
by change, as well as the changes themselves. Here it is ' the
differences', operumque colores is added to explain vices: cp.
NOTES. 353
V. 236, and Sat. II. i, 60 viiae color. We must say 'style' or
' tone '.
88. pudens prave ' from a false shame '.
90. prlvatis, i.e. suited to daily life: a shocking tragedy in
the life of a king ought not to be described in verse suited to
the ordinary affairs of a simple citizen.
91. cena Thyestae : the story of Thyestes, tricked by his
brother Atreus into eating the flesh of his own two sons, is told
by Aeschylus Agam. 1517 — 1536 (cp. Soph. Aj. 1294), and was
made the subject of a tragedy by Varius, the friend of Horace,
which according to Quintilian X. i, 98 citilibct Graccarum com-
parari potest, cocna is a barbarism : Fleckeisen, Funfzig Artikel
10.
92. This line has been transposed to after v. 98 by L. Miiller,
and rejected by Lehrs and Ribbeck. Certainly it rather breaks
the connexion of the thought, and could well be spared, but it
may be defended as a generalising remark introduced by Horace,
to bear out what he said in v. 86: qiiacqiie then refers not to
tragedy and comedy, which is hardly possible grammatically
(though occasionally qnisqiie is used where iiterque would be
more correct), but to all kinds of poetry, decentem is the reading
of the Bland, vet. and the excellent Berne MS. restored by
Bentley, and adopted by the best editors since. The construction
then is singula siium qiiacqtie locum teneaiit, (quoniam) sortita
(sunt locum) decentem. Schiitz and Keller defend deccnter, con-
necting it with tcneant.
93. et comoedia 'even comedy', as well as tragedy.
94. Cliremes, a name borne by old men in the Andria,
Phormio, Hautontimorumenus of Terence, and by a young man
in the Eunuchus. The reference here is probably to the severe
language of Chremes in Haut. v. 4. Horace uses the word of
a miser in Epod. I. 33, borrowing it from some unknown
comedy. Perhaps the name was applied to old men from a
belief in the absurd old etymology ' a xpeMTrrecr^at screare, quia
senes screare solent'. It is really connected with xp^M-'i''^ 'to
snort', diXiHgyim etc. (Fick, IVtb."^ I. 582, Curt. Gr. Et. I. 250) :
the Chremes of the Eunuchus is an ' adulescens rusticus '.
delitigat only found here, de- is intensive.
95. plerumque 'often' as in v. 14. tragicus 'in a tragedy',
like Davus coinicus in Sat. il. 5, 91 : cp. Cic. in Pis. 20, 47
tragico illo Oreste et Athcmante dcmentiorem : Caec. ap. Cic.
Lael. 26, 99 comicos stultos senes. sermone pedestri : cp. Carm. II.
12, 9 tuque pedestribus dices historiis proclia: Sat. lI. 6, 17 quid
prius illustrem satiris musaque pedestri? Quintil. X. I, 8i mul-
W. H. 23
354 A£S FOE TIC A.
turn enim supra prosam orationem, qiiam pedestrem Graect vacant,
sttrgit [Plato]. Photius quotes from Aristoph. [Fr. 713 D.] -n-avaai
fieKi^dovc aXKa TrefTj /xoi (ppacov. and Plato Soph. 237 A has
ire^ri re wSe iKacrTore Xeyoou Kal nera (ifTpiov. This use of the
word is very common in later Greek.
96. Telephus was the son of Hercules by Auge, daughter of
the king of Tegea. At his birth he was exposed on Mount
Parthenius, and his mother fled for refuge to Teuthras, king of
Mysia, who being childless adopted her as his daughter. When
Telephus was grown up, he went forth in search of his mother,
and arrived at Mysia, at a time when Idas was endeavouring to
expel Teuthras from his throne. Telephus having defeated Idas
was offered by Teuthras the hand of Auge, and the succession
to the throne: but their relationship was discovered before the
marriage took place. When the Greeks were on their way to
Troy, Telephus was king of Mysia, and being married to a
daughter (or sister) of Priam he drove them back, but stumbling
over a vine, he was wounded by Achilles. The wound could
not be cured until in pitiful guise he went to Agamemnon, and
monittc Clytaemucstrat Orestan infantem de cunalmlis fapuit,
7)imitans se cum occisiirtim, nisi sibi Achivi mederentiir (Hygin.
Fab. CI.). Achilles was prevailed upon to cure him with the
rust of the spear which had inflicted the wound. Plays were
written upon this story by Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides,
Agathon, Ennius and Accius. Sophocles in his ' Telephus or
the Mysians ' (cp. Frag. 358 — 368, 510 D.) dealt with the former
part of the legend : but Euripides, in a play of which we have
some 30 fragments preserved, mainly through the scholiast's
notes on the merciless parodies by Aristophanes (cp. Fragm.
697 — 727 Dind.), treated the latter part, representing Telephus
in the greatest misery. For the plays of Ennius and Accius
based upon this cp. Ribbeck Rom. Trag. pp. 104 f., 344 f.
Peleus was banished from Aegina by his father Aeacus for
the murder of his half-brother Phocus, and fled to Phthia, where
he was received and purified by Eurytion, who gave him his
daughter Antigone in marriage, and a third of his kingdom. In
the hunt of the Calydonian boar Peleus killed Eurytion by
accident, and fled to lolcus, where he was again purified by
Acastus. Here Astydameia [or Hippolyte Carm. ill. 7, 18],
wife of Acastus, fell in love with him, and when her love was
rejected, accused him to Acastus, as Hippolytus and Bellerophon
were accused under like circumstances. Acastus. in revenge left
him asleep on Mt Pelion, after taking away his sword, that he
might be a prey to the beasts. Peleus on awakening was attacked
by Centaurs, but saved by Chiron. Then followed his famous
marriage with Thetis. Afterwards Peleus gathering an army be-
sieged Acastus in lolcus, and slew Astydameia. For the numerous
NOTES. 355
variations in the legend cp. Bicl. Bwc^. s.v. Sophocles in his
Peleus seems to have represented him as expelled by Archander
and Architeles sons of Acastus (Frag. 434—442 D.), Euripides as
banished by Acastus (Frag. 620—626 D.j. liut as Isocr. Evag.
192(5 speaks of him as Kara. iroWov's aWovs Kivduvovs euSoKifxyjcrai,
we caimot say what part of his life of varied adventure was
especially in the mind of Horace.
97. proicit 'throws aside': proikit is quite indefensible, in
spite of the arguments of Prof. J. B. Mayor in Cic. de Nat. I).
Vol. I. p. Ixvi. Cp. Munro on Lucr. i. 34, Brambach Hillfsb.
§ 20, II.
ampuUas, Ep. i. 3, 14 (note): sesquipedalia, polysyllables,
such as those much in favour with the early Latin dramatists.
Gellius XIX. 7 quotes from Laevius focdifrai^us, piidoricolor,^
trisacdisenex, dukioriloqmis and others. Pacuvius wrote Nerei
repandirostnim iucurvicervuum pecus. Crates (quoted by Athen.
X. 418 c) speaks of 'iin] Tpnri)xv QerraXiKuis Ttrix-qiiiva, i.e. cut
into big pieces, such as the Thessalian gluttons loved.
98.. si curat cor : the neglect of the caesura is intentional,
to imitate the carelessness of artistic form in one feeling deeply.
Cp. Pers. I. 91 qiii me void incitrz'asse qiicrdla ; and for the
perf. infin. Ep. I. 17, 5 note. The evidence of the best MSS. in
Horace (cp. Keller Epil. on Carm. 11. 9, 18), in Vergil (Ribbeck, ■
Proll. 429) and Ovid (Merkel, Praef. II. p. viii.), is uniformly in
favour of querella, not giterda. Cp. Lachmann on Lucret.
p. 204, Munro on Lucr. I. 39. Brambach, Lat. Orthogr. p. 259,
defends querela on the authority of the grammarians.
99. pulchra ' fine' when judged by the canons of art : dtilcia
'charming' to the feelings and hearts of the readers. Gesner
quotes the French saying : La beaiite est pour C esprit, la douceur
est pour le cceur. Bentley's conjecture ///r« is unfortunate. He
shows with his usual learning that pura verba denotes plain,
simple language (cp. Sat. I. 4, 54), but does not Tpvo'ie i\\a.t ptdckra
is here out of place. On the contrary his quotations from Sat. I.
10, 6 and Ep. 11. r, 72 bear out the meaning here assigned
to it.
101. adsunt (or assimt, Roby i. p. 49 note) is the reading
of the MSS. supported by Acron's 'in praesto sunt'. Bentley
eagerly accepted what some earlier scholars had suggested,
adjient, supporting it by a quotation of some anonymous gramma-
rian, doubtless made from memory. But the three-fold repeti-
tion ol flcre would be far from elegant, and the antithesis would
1)6 disagreeably forced, with thisTeadmg. For adcsse ' to support'
with help and sympathy cp. v. 204, Ep. I. 17, 57: so often in
Cic. and Livy. Halm reads in Tac. Hist. III. 55 vulgus aderal
(MS. haberat) in the sense of 'responded to'.
■2.x— 2.
356 ARS FOETICA.
102. dolendum est : Acron here quotes ' illud Ciceronis
ardeat orator, si viilt indiccm ince)tdere\ apparently an inaccu-
rate reminiscence of Cic. de Orat. II. 45, 189, 190. Porphyrion
quotes a story of Demosthenes declining to plead the cause of a
man who said he had been beaten, because he told the story with-
out any emotion, and only undertaking the case when the man
repeated the tale of his wrongs for the third time, with tears of
indignation.
104. male mandata go together, and are an instance of the
idiom noticed on Ep. II. 2, 166, where the participle really
expresses the main proposition : ' if the words which you utter
are ill assigned to you', i.e. unsuited to your position and
emotions.
105. maestum ' dejected', almost always of an outward
expression of grief: hence dolor and niaeror are contrasted in
Cic. Ep. Att. XII. 28, Phil. XI. I. Cp. Uoederlein Syn. in. 234.
107. lasciva 'sportive', with no evil connotation. The word
is used ten times by Horace, and never in a distinctly bad sense :
cp. Ep. II. 1, 216.
severum seria : * inter serins et severiis hoc discriminis est,
ut prius fere semper dicitur de rebus, posterius de hominibus'.
Ruhnken on Ter. Eun, in. 3, 7 (513) — ait velle agere mecum
rem seriam.
109. iuvat 'gladdens', rare in this sense as a personal verb;
and perhaps only here with a person not a thing as the subject :
cp. Oarm. I. i, 23 inullos castra iiivant.
habituin=€^ij' or cxhjxa. 'condition'.
111. motus probably never, even in poetry, used without
animi for ' emotion '.
interprete lingua, 'by the agency of the tongue'. The
origin of the word is very doubtful ; cp. Curtius, Gr. Etymfi
p. 660.
113. equites peditesque, 'one and all' from the highest to
the lowest. Bentley objects (i) that the phrase is never used to
cover the whole people, except with a distinctly military refer-
ence, or as in Liv. I. 44 edixit zit omnes civcs Romani, equites
peditesque-, in sitis qiiisque centiiriis in canipo Martio adessent :
(2) that Horace professes elsewhere to care only for the judgment
of the educated (cp. Sat. I. 10, -^6 satis est eqititem 7>iihi platidere) :
and therefore bids us read equitesqtie patresque ' hbrariorum populo
valere iusso'. This reading receives some support from Mart.
XIV. 120, where the phrase is used of the educated as opposed to
the unlearned : Qtia?nvis me ligiilam dicant equitesqtie patresque,
NOTES. 357
dicor ab indocih I'm^da gratntuaticis. But here the expression is
more forcible, if all the audience is supposed to lau<;h at the
incongruity of language, and there is nothing unnatural in the
phrase, used with a certain tone of sportiveness.
cachinniun ' est verbum secundum dvo/jLaTOTrouav fictum a
sono risus'. Acron.
114. divusne an lieros : this reading (or, what is perhaps
to be preferred, diz'osiw) has the support of by far the most and
the best ]\ISS. But the contrast between a god and a hero is
not as great as we might think that the context requires : hence
many emendations have been proposed. Erasmus cleverly
suggested divesne — an Irtis (the beggar of the Odyssey), Landinus
Daviisne — herusne, approved by Feerlkamp, Lambinus Davusne
— Erosne : but the JJavtis of a few inferior MSS. is doubtless due
only to an untimely remembrance of v. 237 : and there is a very
strong objection to it in the fact that, as Orelli points out,
Horace is here dealing solely with tragedy, where a comic slave
is quite out of place. And unquestionably where the geds appear
in tragedy (as in the Eumenides, the Ajax, the Hippolytus and
elsewhere) their tone is calmer and more dignified than that of
human characters, however heroic.
115. maturusne senex: cp. viaturosque paircs Carm. iv.
4. 55-
116. matrona potens, reproduced in Juv. i. 69 of a woman
of high rank, like Clodia.
sedula nutrix, such as the garrulous gossip of the Choe-
phorae, whose language (vv. 734 — -765) would ill suit a lady of
high degree. The nurse who narrates the fate of Deianeira in
the Trachiniae is not garrulous.
117. mercator vagus, a part assumed as a disguise by the
attendant of Odysseus in the Philoctetes 542 ff.
cultor, like the axirovp-^h^ MuKT/z/aZos in the Electra of Euri-
pides.
virentis : there is almost equal authority for vigeiitis, but the
use of this word as an epithet of a^elli would be quite un-
exampled.
118. Colchus, a fierce barbarian, like Aeetes : Assyrius,
soft and effeminate, like Xerxes in the Persae. The word
'Assyrian' was used with great latitude by the Latin poets, for
any Oriental: cp. Carm. II. 11, 16; III. 4, 32 liloris Assyrii
viato?-: Verg. Eel. iv. 25, Georg. 11. 465: Lucan VIII. 2^2 et
poliis Assyrias alter noctesqiie dicsqite vertit.
Thebis : the Thebans were often represented as rude, lawless
and overbearing, e.g. Creon in the Antigone and Oed. Colon.,
358 ARS FOE TIC A.
Eteocles in the Sept. Theb. and the Phoenissae. Of the stupidity
commonly ascribed to them (Ep. II. i, 244) there is, I think, no
trace in tragedy. Argls (Ep. 11. 1, 12S note) : the Argives are
contrasted with theThelxans, probably because of the prominence
of the legends, dealing with the struggle between them, in the
tragic cycle. If Agamemnon is the typical Argive, the character
is one of proud dignity.
119 — 130. Either foUo'V the co7nmon story for your plot, or
invent a consistent one for yourself. The former is ojten the
easier task.
119. aut...finge. This line would perhaps be more in place
after 124 : for fama 'the current tradition ' refers more naturally
to the plot of the play, which is dealt with in 125^1351 than to
the character of each individual.
120, scriptor 'when writing', not a vocative, as many
editors, including Bentley, prefer to take it. It is almost neces-
sary to define rcponis.
honoratum : this use of the word for 'illustrious' [cp, Ep. I.
I, 107 note] is so rare, and seems so otiose in itself here, that
Bentley boldly replaced it by Homereum : and this has been
accepted by some of the best modern editors. But it is a
form found nowhere else, hence L. Miiller prefers Bentley's
alternative Homcriacum, which is supported by the analogy
of Hellcspontiacus, Tartessiacits, etc. The adjective in prose
is Boinericiis, and this, as Schlitz shows, is only used where
there is a reference to a particular passage in Homer : e. g.
Cic. de Leg. I. i, 2 Homericits Ulixes Deli se procerattt ct
tcneram palinam vidisse dixit, i.e. 'Ulysses in Homer (Od.
VI. 162) said that he had seen', etc. The epithet honora-
ttim may be best defended, by bringing out its full meaning :
'when in the receipt of his due honours' : where Ire complains
that he is dri/iiTjros as in II. I. 644, or is lamenting over Patroclus,
the epithets of v. 121 are less suitable to him. Still in Cic. de
Leg. I. II, 32 it is used simply as contrasted with ingloriiis. For
Cic. Orat. 9, 32 see Sandys ad loc. [I think Horace may have
written inoratum in the sense oiinexorabilcm: cp. Prop. V. 11, 4
non exorato slant adamante viae. J. S. R.]
122. armis dative, as in Ep. 11. i, 35, Carm. IV, 14, 40.
123. Ino the wife of Athamas, king of Thebes, fled from her
maddened husband, canning with her her two sons Learchus and
Melicertes. Athamas seized the former and tore him to pieces :
Ino fiung herself into the sea with the latter, and they were
changed, the mother into the sea-goddess Leucothea, the son into
Palaemon. Cp. Ovid Met. IV. 4^6—541 : Horn. Od. v. 333 ff.
The woes of Ino (Iz/oOs d'xi?) became proverbial, and ' she was
NOTES. 359
made especially by Euripides a true ideal of sorrow', Prellcr,
Gr. Myth. I. 473 note. The schol. on Aristopli. Vesp. 14 13 says
ih-rjya-ye 5^ Eiipnridrjs TTJf 'Ivw toxpaf inro tt]s KaKOiraddas. Cp.
Eur. Frag. 402 — 427 D.
124. perfidus Ixion : the faithlessness of Ixion was shown
by his conduct to his father-in-law Eioneus, to whom he had
promised many presents. When he came to claim them Ixion
prepared a trench full of hot ashes, lightly covered over, into
which Eioneus fell and was destroyed. Ixion thus became
according to Aeschylus (Eum. 441) and Pindar (Pyth. il. 21 ff.)
the first murderer of a kinsman, and was seized with a frenzy,
which ceased only when he was purified from his guilt by Zeus.
The treachery with which he repaid the god, and the punish-
ment inflicted upon him, are known to all. Cp. Carm. ill. 11,
21. Aeschylus wrote a tragedy upon his storj', Fragm. 86 —
90 D. : cp. Nauck, 7rag. Gr. Frag. p. 22.
lo vaga : her wanderings are described in the Prometheus
of Aeschylus.
Orestes was tristis during his exile after the murder of his
mother, as in Aesch.'s Eumenides, and Eur.'s Orestes and Iph.
Taur.
126. ad imum ' to the last' as in v. 152.
128. difficile est proprie commimia diccre. Acron ex-
plains communia as 'intacta, non ante dicta', adding that when
a theme has been once treated by any one, it is proprlitm, no
longer open to all. In this view communia is identical with
inexpcrtiim of v. 125 and igtiota uidictaqne of v. 130. Orelli,
with many recent editors, extends the meaning of coinmitnia, so
as to cover all general and abstract notions, such as anger, cru-
elty, cowardice and the like ; and takes proprie dicere— 'to give
a concrete character to', i.e. to embody in consistent and vivid,
pictures of individuals. This interpretation altogether ignores
the correspondence between communia and publica matcries on
the one hand, and proprie and privati iuris on the other ; but
the parallelism is too close to be accidental. A meaning which
lies on the surface may after all be the right one. Horace has
just been saying: ' If you choose a subject not previously treated
dramatically, you must take care to be consistent in the por-
traiture of your characters'. Now he seems to add: 'But this
is comparatively easy : the difficulty arises when you endeavour
to treat familiar themes in a distinctive and individual manner.
You are selecting a theme from the Iliad : then you are wise to
confine yourself to simply throwing Homer's poem into dramatic
shape, instead of attempting an originality of handling, which
would probably lead you into inconsistencies'. If this view of
36o ARS POETICA.
the drift of the passage is tenable, then communia will retain its
usual meaning in x\\e.\.ox\z~volgaria (cp. kowo. 6v6ixaTa = iv fi^aip
K€ifjL€va Ernest. Lex. Techi. p. 183); and will be identical with
fublica matcries, not as 'what is open to all', but as 'what is
familiar to all'. Translate then with Conington (p. 199 note),
'It is hard to treat hackneyed subjects with originality'. This
interpretation is found (among others) in the Schol. Cruq, The
first view has the weighty support of Prof. Nettleship {Joiirn.
Phil. XII. 52 note), but I think the third is on the whole the
best. There is a discussion of the passage in Boswell's Life of
Johnson, c. xxx.
129. deducis...proferres : the tense and mood of these two
verbs require us to suppose that Piso was already engaged upon
a tragedy based upon the Iliad, and are hardly consistent with
Nettleship's view that Horace is referring here solely to epic
poetry. It is not legitimate to say, with Ritter, that dedticis
would in prose have been deducas. The metaphor is the fami-
liar one from spinning; cp. Ep. 11. i, 225: hence the reading
didiicis of some MSS. is out of place. Aristotle (Poet. 23) says
that the Iliad and the Odyssey furnish material for one or at
most two tragedies each, while several could be made from
Cyclic poems such as the Little Iliad or the Cypria. But cp.
Mahaffy, Gr. Lit. i. 83.
131. publica materies, according to Orelli's view of this
passage, the store of mythic and epic stories, from which all
might draw at will. But it is better to take it as ' themes
already handled', which can be made all a poet's own, by origi-
nality of treatment. Orelli's ov/n example of the story of
Electra, as treated by Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, is a
very good one, but less applicable to his own view, than to that
here preferred. Cp. Milton's name 'sad Electra's poet', which
shows how he thought that Euripides had appropriated the
theme.
132. vilem patulumque orbem 'the cheap and easy round'
of the mode of treatment previously adopted. A familiar theme
may be so treated that the situations ^\■hich it produces may be
viewed in a different light, and the reflexions {sententiae) sug-
gested may be quite fresh. Of this there is a splendid example
in Browning's Balaiistion'' s Adventure. I do not think that
Schiitz is right in referring orbis to a set of familiar stories, for
which Ritter reminds us that kvk\os was the technical name ;
and certainly Orelli's quotations of to, kvkXu) from Aristotle's
Rhetoric are quite misleading, and his rendering ' round-about
phrases' highly improbable.
133. verbo verbmn reddere. The earlier Roman dramatists
often did little more than translate very closely their Greek ori-
NOTES. 361
ginals. Enniiis e.g. translates almost literally Eur. Med. 502 ff,
in his Medea, frag. x. Ribbeck.
134. desilies In artum ' plunge into a place where you will
be cramped'. A writer who begins by co]iying too closely a
Greek original either in treatment, or in diction, will soon find
that he is as it were working in fetters. Mr Yonge reminds us
of Aesop's fable of the goat in the well : but orbis suggests
rather the notion of a horse running a race. Cp. Cic. Acad. 11.
35, 112 cum sit campus in quo exsulta)-e possii oratio^ cur earn
tantas in a7igusHas...compellemus?
135. pudor. The copyist will either be ashamed to aban-
don a method which he has once adopted ; or if not, he will
find that it is impossible to deviate from the line which he has
taken up, without falling into incongruity.
136. nee — inciples. Horace appears to pass here, by one
of his rapid ti^ansitions so common in this epistle, from the
drama to the epos, to which indeed the cautions of the last five
lines are almost as applicable as to the drama itself.
cyclicus : Bentley adopted the form cyclius from some infe-
rior MSS., but kvk\los is never used in Greek in the sense for
which kvkXikos is the regular term, except once, and then pro-
bably for euphony. The 'Cyclic poets' were those epic poets,
who probably after the Iliad and the Odyssey had assumed their
present form, wrote upon various legends, more or less closely
connected with the Theban and Trojan wars. They did not, as
has been erroneously supposed, intentionally write a cycle of
poems ; but the grammarians put together by their aid a cycle
of legends. Their position and works have been exhaustively
discussed by Welcker in his Epischer Cyclus : there is a full
account of them in Mure's Literatm-e of Atitient Greece, Vol. II.,
and a briefer one in Mahafty's Greek Literature, Vol. I. pp. 85
— 89. The most noteworthy were Stasinus, Arctinus, Lesches,
Agias and Eugammus. The poet, to whom Horace here refers,
has not been identified. Perhaps indeed he had no particular
■writer in view, but is censuring the lack of simplicity in the
school as a whole. In that case 0\vai. = aliquancio. The line, it
is to be noted, contains nothing in itself too high-flown, as some
have thought. Hence Peerlkamp thinks that the blame of Ho-
race is directed to the extravagant language which he supposes
to have followed it, and which would have been recalled to the
Pisos by his citation of the opening line. In that case, it would
be very odd that Horace should have omitted just that which he
thinks open to censure. But the line, though not extravagant
in itself, contrasts unfavourably with the modest and unassuming
tone of Homer's introduction. It has been noticed that the
first book of the Iliad is entirely without similes.
362 ARS POETICA.
133. feret 'produce': hiatu ' mouthing'.
139. parturient is the reading supported by the evidence
of all Keller's MSS. of any value, and by citations of Probus,
Servius and Jerome. Bentley justly urged that verbs in -iirio,
'quae meditativa recte vocant grammatici', have even in the pre-
sent a future force : '' parturio perinde est ac si dicas, mciiitor
parere, inibi est tit pariain\ He therefore contends that partu-
rient cannot stand: 'hoc est, olim meditabuntur parere: quando
erit, obsecro, ut mus iste nascatur?' and reads parturiunt,
which many good editors have accepted. His argument would
be sound, if we gave to parturient simply a future force ; but it
may fairly be defended, as parallel to incipies of v. 136 'if you
do begin so, it will be a case of "Mountains in labour, and out
comes a mouse"'. This is perhaps better than to forsake the
MSS. and assume that parturiunt has been carelessly assimi-
lated to nasccttir. Nonius p. 479 M. quotes esin-ibo from Pom-
ponius and Nonius, and Ter. Haut. 981 has esurituros. — The
expression was proverbial. Athenaeus XIV. 6, p. 616 d, says
that Tachos, the king of Egypt, insulted Agesilaus, who was of
small stature, by quoting Cuhiviv opos, Zev% 5' e<pOj3€iTO, t6 5' ^re-
Key fJ-VV.
141. die — urbes. Horace gives a compressed rendering of
the first three lines of the Odyssey (cp. Ep. i. 2, 19):
'Avdpa fioi ^vvewe, MoOcra, iroXuTpoirov, os /j-dXa ttoWo,
TrXayxdVt ^'"'^^ TpotJjs lepbv TrroXledpov ^Trepcre,y
TToXXwj' 5' di'dpunrwi' 'ioev darea Kal voov 'e^vu.
tempora may be defended by Troiana tempora testatus of
Carni. 1. 28, 11, and Ov. Met. XI. 757 Friatmcsqjte novissima
Troiae tempora sortitus. Bentley read with some inferior MSS.
moenia, suggesting tAso funera : the latter would be the better,
but no change is needed.
144. cogitat 'his plan is': speciosa miracula 'striking
marvels'.
145. Antipliaten, the king of the Laestrygonian cannibals
Odyss. X. 100 ff. Scyllamque, separated rather awkwardly
from Charybdim, with which Scylla is coupled in Od. xii. 87 ff.
as usually, by the mention of the Cyclops, whom Odysseus
encounters in Odyss. ix. 160 ff. Hence Bentley suggested Cir-
camque, which, like so many of his emendations, is perhaps
what Horace ought to have written, and certainly what he did
not write.
146. reditum — orditur, a compressed expression for 'nor
does he act like the writer who began etc' Homer of course
himself says nothing about the return of Diomede. The scho-
NOTES. 363
liasts say that AiUimachus, in relating the return of Diomede,
began with the history of Meleager, the brother of his father
Tydeus, and filled twenty-four books before he even got as far
as the campaign of the Seven against Thebes, in which Tydeus
fell. But as the Thebais of Antiniachus — a poem, which though
not generally popular, won for its writer in the judgment of
some critics a place next to Homer (cp. Quintil. X. i, 53 with
Mayor's note) — can barely have touched upon the return of
Diomede from the Trojan War, there is probably some error in
the tradifion. Welcker Ep. Cyclus p. 103 supposes the refer-
ence here to be to the return of Diomede to Aetolia after the
campaign of the Epigoni against Thebes. But it is hardly pos-
sible to understand the ' reditus D.' of anything but his more
famous return from Troy (cp. Verg. Aen. VIII. 9, XI. ■226 etc.).
Hence it is better to suppose that there is no reference to Anti-
machus or his Thebais at all, but to some Cyclic poem, now
unknown, belonging to the legendary cycle of the Nocrrci.
147, gemino — ab ovo, i.e. from the birth of Helen. Servius
on Verg. in. 33S says Ledam hippitcr in cygmun tmitatits gravi-
dam fecit, quae ovum fepcrisse dicittir, itnde iiati sunt Helena,
Castor et Pollux. Horace here follows another form of the story,
according to which Castor and Pollux were born from one egg
(cp. Sat. II. i, 26 ovo prognatiis eodem), Helen from another. It
is possible that gemino ovo means 'the two eggs' : cp, Cic. p. Scst.
38, 82 gemini nominis er7-ore 'from a mistake caused by his having
two names', Verg. Aen. i. ■274 geminam p7-olem, ill. 535 gemino
imiro, IV. i,io geminum solem.
14S. ad eve-ntum festinat 'goes straight on to the crisis'
without undue digressions, or losing the thread of his narrative.
in medias res: as in Odyss. i. 11 ivff aXkoi ix.lv TravTes, acroi
<j)vyov aiirvv oXtdpov olkoi laav etc. So the Iliad begins with a
scene in the tenth year of the siege; and Vergil plunges into
the midst of his narrative (Aen. I. 34) with the words: z'ix e
conspectu Siculae telluris in altum vela dabant lacti etc. Prof.
Nettleship ( Vergil and his Ancient Critics in Conington's
Vergil I.'* p. xxxvi.) happily suggests that this passage in Horace
is intended as a defence of Vergil against contemporary obtrec-
iatores 'nescientes hanc esse artem poeticam, ut a mediis inci-
pientes per narrationem prima reddamus ' (Servius on Aen. p. 4
Thilo). Cp. Cic. ad Att. I. 16, i respondebo tibi varepov
Trporepov, '0/.t.7jpi.Kws, Quint. VII. 10, 1 1 7ibi ab initiis incipiendum,
ubi ?nore Honierico e mediis vel ultimis ?
151. mentitur 'uses fiction': cp. Aristot. Poet. 25 deoidaxe
SI naXiaTa'O/xrjpos Kal roi/s dWovs fivdij X^yeiv us od. ita — ne :
cp. Ep. I, 13, 12.
364
ARS FOE TIC A.
152. discrepet: Cic. de Fin. v. 28, 83 respondent extrema
primis, media tttrisque, omnia omnibus.
153 — 178. The characters of the drama are to he handled in
accordance with the tendencies of their several times of life.
153. tu, as general as in v. 119, 128, etc. The line is
somewhat weak, and could well be spared, or transferred to
after 155, as Peerlkamp suggests; but we have seen frequently
that a certain tone of negligence was intentionally preserved by
Horace in this epistle.
154. plausoris: Bentley attacked this reading of the MSS.
and scholiasts, on the ground that it would be intolerable with
plaudite so soon following. But his suggestion faidoris is no
improvement. A fantor or cUujuenr would be sure to stay to
the end. A dramatist desires, not the patient attention of
personal friends, or hired applauders, but the genuine interest of
the general audience. Meineke and Peerlkamp read for si
planso7-is, spectatoris, and Schlitz's arguments do not convince
me that this would not be far better, if we ventured to desert
the MSS. But plausor need not be limited to a paid claqueur,
as SchiJtz seems to think ; it may denote one who persistently
applauds (Ep. II. 2, 130): and applause was not confined to
the end of the play, as we see from many references in Cicero.
aulaea: Ep. 11. i, 189 note.
155. cantor: in the best MSS. of the Trinummus of
Plautus and of all the plays of Terence, the characters are
denoted not by initial letters, but by Greek capitals, and when
the same actor took two parts, the same letter was prefixed to
each (Ritschl, Praef. Trin. p. Iv.). To the \yord plaitdite, with
whicli a Latin comedy always closes, is prefixed w. Bentley
supposed that this was a corruption for CA, i.e. cantor (on
Ter. Andr. v. 6, 17) : but this is inconsistent with the use of the
other Greek letters (cp. Ritschl, Proll. Trin. p. xxx.). Now the
word cantor may take one of two meanings, whence much con-
fusion has crept into our authorities: for canere is used both of
playing on the flute, and of singing with the voice. In a
Roman play, as Ritschl first clearly showed, there were three
kinds of delivery, (i) recitation, (2) recitative, and (3) lyric
song. The first was proper to iambic diverbia, unaccompanied
by the flute : the second to iambic or trochaic septenarians,
accompanied by the flute (and included in the term cantica)
(cp. Cic. Tusc. I. 44, 107 cum tam bonos sepCenarios fitndat ad
tibiam) : the last to the lyric monologues, which were always
sung, and which were cantica proper. Livy VII. 2 tells us that
Livius Andronicus, having been encored in these last until he lost
his voice, introduced the custom of having a young slave, standing
NOTES. 365
near the flute-player, to sing the cantica, while the actor accom-
panied him with approiiriate gestures. — -Now Ijcntlcyassumcil that
the cantor was the tlute-player, and that ' cantoris erat depositis
ex ore tibiis plaudite insonare '. Hermann on the other hand
Opusc. I. 302) argues tliat the cantor and the histrio were one
and the same, quoting Cic. de Sen. 19, 70 neqiie enim histrioni,
lit placeat, peragcnda fabida est, tnodo in quoctimqiie fttcrit acta
probetur ; ncqiie sapientibus tisqiie ad 'plaudite' veniendiim est: and
Quintil. VI. i, 52 tmic est eominovenditm thcatnan ciim veutiim
est ad ipsuin illiid, quo veteres tragoediae coinocdiacque clitduntur,
plodite. The passage in Cic. only means that a good actor
need not be vexed, if he has to leave the stage before applause
is formally challenged, by himself or some one else : the
passage in Quintil. says nothing on the present point. I
believe that the cantor was neither the flute-player, nor an
ordinary actor, but the singer to whom the cantica had been
committed throughout. The usual books of reference are not
clear on this point. That cantor may mean 'actor' simply has
been argued from Cic. p. Sest. 55, i i<S nam cum ageretiir togata,
calerva tola clarissima concentatione in ore impiiri hominis
imniinens contionata est...Sedtbat exanimatiis ; et is, qui anlea
cantoriim convicio contioncs cclcbrare siias solebat, cantorum ip-
soriiin vocibus eiciebatiir. On this passage Mommsen, Rom.
Gesch. III. 307, after speaking of the professional demagogues,
and their paid applauders, goes on to say : ' the well-trained
throats {Gurgeln) oi the staff of the theatres were a coveted
article for these standing thunderings' (a passage oddly mis-
translated by Dr Dickson, E. T. iv. 295, and by Dr Holden
ad loc.) ; and this, he says, is the meaning of the passage in
Cicero. He had been accustomed to hire strong voices from
the theatre to applaud him: now these voices were used to turn
him into ridicule. But the narrative is too obscure for us to be
able to determine what kind of cantores these were, and how they
came to be all singing together in a comoedia togata. I find no
other passage in which i'a«/^r appears to mean 'actor' : Suet. Calig.
LVii. is certainly not one. Cp. note on Cic. de Orat. i. 60, 244.
157. naturis : so all MSS. Bentley's matiiris has found some
favour; it gives at first sight an excellent antithesis to mobilibus,
while naturae are not happily described as mobiles (cp. Ep. I. 10,
24), and the trajection of et is quite in Horace's way. But after
all niatiirus does not afford the best contrast to vwbilis: and
mobilibus naturis et antiis may be taken as a hendiadys 'natures
that change with years'.
158. reddere voces 'reply in words', not 'repeat words'
(as Or. and Schiitz) heard from the mother or the nurse : cp.
Verg. A en. I. 409 ve7'as atuiire et reddere voces, and Catull.
LXiv. 166 nee missas ajidire queunt ncc reddere voces.
366 ARS POETICA.
pede signat liumum = imprimit vestigiis suis. Acron.
159. colludere, in this sense only here. Cic. has the word
in the sense of 'to act in colkision'.
iram colligit: so Verg. Aen. ix. 63 has colkda rabies edendi.
Ov. Met. I. 234 colligit os radian. Peerlkamp quotes a number
of passages in which colligere iram or iras is used of one 'qui,
sumpto aliquo tempore, caussas irascendi omnes, unde potest,
repetit et meditatur, ac tandem iram omnem, ita collectam,
effundit': e.g. Lucr. i. 723, Lucan i. 207, 11. 33. Hence with
one old edition he reads concipit. This might ha%'e been a more
natural expression, but there is no imperative reason to desert
the MSS.
150. ponit: Ep. i. 16, 35 note, mutatur : Roby, S. G.
§566.
in horas : Sat. 11. 7, 10 vixit inaeqitalis, clavwn tit imttarct
in horas.
161. imberbus: so vet. Bland. Cp. Ep. 11. i, 85 note.
custode, so. the paedagogus, whose office Horace's father himself
discharged for his son : Sat. I. 4, 118, i. 6, 8r.
162. campi sc. Martii ; Carm. i. 8, 3, Ep. I. 18, 54.
163. cereus flecti, \\\i(t kviora tolli C^xra.. Ii. 4, 11. "The
adjectives are only more or less coloured forms oi facilis, and
the construction arises from the conversion of the impersonal
'facile est hunc flectere' into a personal 'hie facilis est flecti'."
Wickham 'Odes' App. il. 2. Roby § 1361,8. G. § 540. The
characters here assigned to youths, to men in mature life, and to
old men follow closely those of Aristotle Rhet. II. 12, from whom
they were probably borrowed; thus ccreiis fiecti—^\jix^r6.^oko%.
134. utilium tardus provisor, prodigus aeris : Ar. ^iXo-
'X^pTjIJ.aTOL oe ijKiaTa olo. to fj.rjirws tvotias TreTreipaadai.
165. subliniis = ;(/e7a\6i/'iixos : Ar. kuI (pCkosiixoi niv elcri,
/jLuWov 5k (piKoviKoi. inrepoxv^ yap eiriBvfiil i] ve6Tr]i. i] 5k vLkt]
virepoxh T's- " The ^tXort/xta of youth seems to be represented by
Horace's aipidus ' desirous ', that is of honour or gloiy, not of
course of money, covetous or avaricious." Cope ad loc.
amata relinquere pernix: Ar. koX axpiKopoi -n-pos tos iiri-
Ovfxias' Kal a(pb5pa p-kv eTriOup-oucrt, Ta%^ws 5e iravovTaL.
167. inservit honori : Ar. <f>i\oTipLe?TaL irpb? d'XXous, ' he
devotes himself to securing honour': cp. Cic. de Fin. 11. 35, 117
adulesccntcs quos snis coiniuoJis inserviitiros arbitrabimitr. Cic.
de Off. II. I, 4 honoribns inservire is quite different and means
'to devote myself to the discharge of my public duties in high
office'. In Ep. Fam. XVI. 17 the word is used of 'taking care' of
one's health. (In Tac. Ann. xiil. 8 it is due only to conjecture.)
NOTES. 367
168. commisisse : v. 98 note. Tn.ox= fosfen, as Scrvius notes
on Georg. I. 24, quoting Carm. III. 6, 47 max clatiiros fro^enietii-
vitiosiorem. The explanation post, written over mox, has given
rise in some inferior MSS. to the reading pennntare, probably
from a misunderstanding of the abbreviation p'mutare.
169. vel — vel 'both — and', used where both reasons might
be correctly alleged. Cic. de Oral. I. i, 3 note.
170. quaerit: cp. Ep. I. 7, 57 : Ar. 1. c.^irpbs rb avfj-cpipov
^Coa-iv {ol trpicr'fivTepoi), oXK ov irpbs to Ka\6i', fji.aWoi' rj Set, oia to
^iXavTOi ilvai....ovr' eindvixrp-LKoi otJre irpaKTiKol KaTo, ras iniOvpiias,
dXXd KaTci Tb KfpBos. 'Aristotle as well as Horace confines him-
self almost exclusively to the delineation of the unfavourable
side of the character of old age, suppressing its .redeeming
features.' Cope ad loc.
171. gelide : Ar. KaTeipvy/xivoi yap elaiy, ol 5^ (vioi) Oep/xoi.
uffTe TTpoudoTroiriKe rb yrjpas Ty deiXiq.' Kal yap 6 (pb^oi Karaipv^is rts
iffTlU.
172. spe longus : Aristotle describes old men as Si'irA-
iri5as, i.e. slow to form hopes,, and this seems to be the meaning
required here. But can spc longus hea.T that meaning? There
is no other instance of the phrase : but spes louga is used several
times by Horace to denote 'a far-reaching hope', a hope which
requires much time for its fulfilment, cp. Carm. I. 4, 15 viiae
SHDimabrcvis spent nos vctat incohare longaj)i : ib. I. 11, 6 spatio
brevi spem loiigam rcseccs. But the hopes of old men are
necessarily short in their anticipations, and so spe longus seems
to give just the wrong meaning. Hence Bentley read spe
lent us, which he took to mean 'slow to conceive hopes'. But it
is very doubtful whether this could mean anything but ' tenacious
of hope', and hence it amounts to the same thing as spe longus
in his interpretation of the latter. The MS. reading may how-
ever lawfully bear the meaning 'holding long to his hopes'.,
that is to say, not expecting the speedy fulfilment of them, as a
young man does, and therefore not pushing on strenuously (iners)
to realise them. Much as Horace borrows here from Aristotle,
it is not necessary to suppose that he follows him in every point :
Cic. Fam. 11. 16, 6 has recorder desperatioues corum, qui sencs
erant adulcscente me : eos ego foriasse nunc imitor et utor aetatis
vitio: but this only shows the possibility, not the necessity of a
similar idea in Horace. Orelli and L. S. retain the explanation
of Forcellini 'tardus et difficilis ad sperandum', without meeting
the grave difficulties raised by Bentley.
avidusque futurl is a not less difficult expression : Bentley,
to make Horace reproduce Ar.'s koL hiCKol Kal iravTa irpo(po-
p-rjTiKol, read, on quite worthless authority, pavidusqtie : but the
poet has in view rather KaX (piXb^woi Kal /.(.dXiara tVi ry TfXivrali}
368 ARS FOETICA.
•q^ipq., bih t5 rod iTrovTcs eTvai t^v fTrtdvfilav' Kal ov 8k ivSfeTs,
TovTov fj.a\i(jTa iin.dvfj.ov(Ti. Hence the meaning is ' eager for
longer life '. Cp. Soph. Frag. Acris. 64 D rod ^rjp yap oyoeij
ws 6 yripdaKuv ip^. So Acron rightly explains it. But again we
must confess that the expression is unparalleled, and hardly in
keeping with Horace's frequent use oi futuriim elsewhere.
173. difficilis ' cross-grained ', Sat. Ii. 5, 90 difficilcin ct vioro-
swn.
queriilus: Ar. Rhet. II. 13, 15 odev odvpriKol elaiu Kal ovk
evrpaireKoL ol''5^ (piXoyiXoLOi.
laudator temporis acti: ib. § 12 StareXoOcri yap to. yevo/xeva
X^yovres' avaixt.ixv7]<T Kop-evoi yap ij5ovTai.. Like Nestor in Homer.
174. minorum : Ep. 11. i, 84.
175. niulta...adunuiit: 'anni venire dicuntur ad quadra-
gesimum sextum usque annum, inde abire'vssa. accedente senecta'.
Comm. Cruq. This phrase, like that in Sophocles, from which
it was possibly borrowed (Trach. 547 opw yap T\'^y]v r-qv fih
epTTOvffav TTpdcrw, Trjv dk (pdivovaav), 'supposes an d/f/i??, a definite
point to which life ascends and from which it descends ' : cp.
Wickham's note on Carm. 11. 5, 14, a passage which, as he
justly points out, is not really parallel. The French say Un
homme siir son retotir. Cp. Tennyson's Miller's Daughter:
There's somewhat flows to us in life,
But more is taken quite away.
Schiitz prefers a second explanation given by Acron, according
to which all years that lie before us are called venientes, and
those which are past are recedcntes. The old man has few years
before him, and therefore cannot expect so many coninioda as the
young man. Conington renders
Years as they come, bring blessings in their train :
Years as they go, take blessings back again.
This is ambiguous, but points in the direction of Schiitz's
view.
176. ne forte, etc. You must remember this, lest you should
assign the characters wrongly. Schiitz connects this with moi-a-
bimur, not with adimunt: and certainly the connexion of thought
with V. 178 is closer than with v. 175. For the rhyme cp. v. 99
note.
178. aevo goes with adiunctis as well as with aptis. The
adiiincta are according to Acron quae bene haereant et congrua7it
a^/a/z.- = attributes, to, Kad' avra o-u/x/3e/37j/c6ra, or 'necessary
accidents'. Cp. Mill's Logic I. 7, § 8, and Cic. Acad. I. 5, 21
quae beatae vitae adiuncta sunt, ' things inseparable from a
NOTES. 369
happy life'. [Orelli's ra. irapaKelneva. has no classical aulhority,
though often used in text-books of logic]
^//a indicates that the connexion denoted by aditiucta is a
natural one. The transposition {hypcrbaton) of -que is common
enough in Horace, e.g. Sat. i. 6, 44 corniia quod vimatquc tubas,
II. 3, 130, etc.: aevicm is used for 'time of life' in Ep. I. 20, 26
and in Verg. G. ill. 100 animos acviinique notabis, as elsewhere:
morari may well be used for 'to dwell with care upon'. Hence
none of Ribbeck's reasons for rejecting this line has any cogent
force. There is a good deal of authority here for inorabitur: but
it is so awkward to supply scriptor, that we must regard this
reading as simply an oversight, perhaps due to agitur.
179 — 188. Things seen on the stage impress the audience,
more than things reported: but there are some scenes not Jit to
be represented in action.
179. in scaenis: the plural, used also in Verg. Aen. I. 429,
IV. 471 scaenis agitatus Orestes, seems to refer to the various
occasions on which a play would be acted ; ' in theatres ' : it is
apparently never used of a single stage. The form scenis is
quite indefensible: cp. Ribbeck Prol, Verg, p. 387. Corssen
\? 325-
acta refertur, as in the Greek tragedies by an S.y^^Xo'i from a
distance or an 640,776X05 from the house before which the scene
was laid.
180. segnius: cp. Cic. de Orat. III. 41, 16^ facilius ad ea,
quae visa, quam ad ilia quae audita sunt, mentis ocidi feruntur :
and more fully in II. 87, 357. Peerlkamp would transpose
demissa and subiecla, quoting several passages in which demittere
is used for 'rem alte in animum mittere ', or subicere for 'leviter
suggerere '. But these meanings do not necessarily attach to
the words, and there is no objection to saying 'things which
pass into the mind through the ears', or 'which are brought
before the eyes'. For sztbiecta — viroKeifxeva cp. Reid on Acad.
I. 8, 31. For the eyesight as compared with the other senses
cp. ib. II. 7, 20.
181. fidelibus : cp. Herod. I. 8 (Zto. yap rvyxdvei, dvOpdi-
voKTiv ebvTa dinaTOTipa 6(pda\fMo}v.
182. ipse tradit: 'ipse mihi trado quod video; at alter
mihi tradit quod narrat'. Acron.
183. digna geri : Sat. I. 3, 24 dignusque notaii (with
Palmer's note): i. 4, 3 digitus describi. promes : Ep. i. i, ,87
(note).
184. facundia praesens ' the eloquence of one who is now
on the stage' : this is better than to take it of one who witnessed
W. H. 24
370 ARS FOE TIC A.
the deed, as many editors do, iox praesens is naturally contrasted
with ex oatlis.
185. ne restored by Bentley for nee, which seems to have
no authority. It is 'iva. fj-i), not fx-q, as he rightly takes it. In the
Medea of Euripides, tlie cries of the children, as they are being
murdered behind the scenes, are heard by the audience (vv. 1271,
1277): the chorus tells Jason of their fate (v. 1309), and then
Medea appears in a chariot drawn by dragons, with the bodies
of the children (v. 131 7). In Seneca's play, in spite of the
rule of Horace, the murder took place on the stage.
186. Atreus: cp. v. 91.
1S7. Procne, according to the Greek form of the story, was
changed into a nightingale, Philomela, her sister, into a swallow :
the Romans generally made Philomela the nightingale, and Pro-
cne the swallow, perhaps wrongly connecting the name of the
former with fxiXos. Cp. Wagner and Conington on Verg. Eel.
VI. 78 — 9. The legend is most fully given by Ovid Met. VI.
412 — 676, and best discussed by Preller Gr. Myth. 11. 140 — 144.
Cadmus in anguem: cp. M. Arnold Etiipedocles on Etna:
And there, they say, two bright and aged snakes,
Who once were Cadmus and Harmonia,
Bask in the glens or on the warm sea-shore,
In breathless quiet, after all their ills.
Cp. Eur. Bacch. 1330 ff. 'In another play Eur. actually repre-
sented on the stage the commencement of the change, as is shewn
by the following somewhat ludicrous lines, fragm. 922, ot'/xot,
8pdKti)v jjLOi. yiyyeraL to 7' riixicrv riKvov, TreptTrXaKij^i ry XoiTry
iraTpl. Cp. Ovid Met. IV. 5S4, and Milton P. L. ix. 505.'
(Sandys ad loc.)
188. incredulus refers to v. 187, not so much to 185 — 6.
189—192. A play must be of due length, and the intervention
of a deity must not be needlessly employed.
189. quinto actu: for quam qiiintum actum, the ace. being
an ace. of extent after productior=longior. Greek tragedies were
divided into iTreia68M with a irpiXoyos and an ^^o8os, divided
by choric songs (cp. Aristot. Poet. c. xil. [perhaps an interpola-
tion]) ; but the number of the eTreicrdSLa was not always the same.
In the Oedipus Tyrannus for instance there are six ' episodes ',
with five (TTdatiJLa and a TrdpoSos (cp. Jebb's edition, p. 8); in
the Oedipus Coloneus there are five. The establishment of the
rule requiring three acts {nam tragocdia in tria dividitni; ex-
pectationem, gesta, exituvi: Donat. on Ter. Adelph. iii. i), or
including the prologue and the epilogue five, has been assigned
to Varro (cp. Ribbeck Riim. Trag. p. 642). It was quite un-
known to the comic dramatists; the division of each of the plays
NOTES. 371
of Plautus and Terence into five acts is due only to the gram-
marians, and is often very unskilfully made (cp. Lorenz Einlei-
tung ziir Mostdlaria., p. 17); perhaps it is due only to this dic-
tum in Horace. The modern division into acts dates from the
edition of J. B. Pius, Milan, 1500 ff. (Teuffel, Rom. Lit. § 86).
But Donatus/;v7^. Ter. Adclph. says haec ctiain ut ce/era hidus-
cemodi poemata qiiiiiqiie actus habcat neccsse est choris divisos a
Craecis poetis, qitos etsi ri'tinendi causa iam inconditos spectaiores
viitiime distmguunt Latini coinici...tamen a dvctis vetcribtis dis-
creti atqiic dishtncti sunt. Still there were no doubt pauses in
the action of most, if not of all plays; and these were filled up
by the music of the flute-player. Cp. Plaut. Pseud. 574 R. (at
the end of Act I.) Tibiccn vos i)ilcrca hie dclectaverit. So pro-
bably at the end of Acts I. III. and IV. of the Mostellaria the stage
was left empty, but not at the end of Act II. — Cicero evidently
knew only the division into three acts: cp. ad Quint, fr. I. i, 16,
46 illud te ad extreinum el oro ct hortor, ut tanquam poctae honi
et adores industrii solent, sic tu in cxtrema parte et conclitsione
mitneris ac negotii tui diligentissiniits sis, ut hie tertius anmts
imperii tui tanquam tertius actus perfcctissit7ius ct oniatissiinus
fuisse videntur. In de Sen. 19, 70 modo in qiiocunquefuerit actu
probetur\\& seems to use actus loosely for 'scene'. — The justice
of the rule has been often, and not without reason disputed : and
some of the greatest modern playwrights, especially among the
French, prefer the division into three acts.
190. spectata has certainly less authority than spectanda
(especially as the old Berne MS. has exspectaiida), but it seems
to be required by the sense. In Sat. I. 10, 39 where spectanda
is certainly right, many MSS. have spectata, but here the con-
verse confusion seems to have taken place. There is a tautology
in 'to be brought forward once more to be seen', which there is
not in 'after it has once been seen, to be brought out again'.
[Why not take rcponi as 'to be laid aside'? spectanda will then
come in ; ita reponi ut spectanda sit: i.e. the play may still hope
for some more performances. J. s. R.]
191. nee deus iutersit, ex machina, as the proverbial ex-
pression has it. According to Pollux IV. 128 t] ix-qxavrj deovs
SelKwcri Kal T/pcos roiis ev a.ipi...Kal Keirai Kara Trjv dpicrrepav trapo-
5ov, iiirep T-qv (XK7)vr]v rb v\pos. Plat. Cratyl. p. 425 D says wairep
ol rpay(ji5oTroioi, eireLOav tl diropuxriv, irri to.? fj.Tr)xavds Kara(p€v-
yovcri deovs aipovres, and similarly Cic. de Nat. D. I. 20, 53 ttt
tragici poetae, cum explicare argument i exitum non potestis, con-
fugitis ad dcum. Aristotle (Poet. XV. 11) says (pavepov otl Kal
ras Xucrets twv fivBcov e^ aiiTov del tou ij.v9ov avfxjiaiveLv, Kal firj
uicnrep kv ttj Mijdeig. dwo ij.rixa.vris. But no deity appears in the
Medea. In the nine plays of Euripides where the deus ex ma-
china appears, 'the distinct purpose is to bring the action to a
24 — 2
372 ARS FOE TIC A.
peaceful close, and calm the minds excited and disturbed with
the calamities, and still more the apparent injustices, sufl'ered by
the actors' (Mahaffy is ?<;7^/a'i'5, p. 122). In the Philoctetcs of
Sophocles the appearance of Heracles ex machina is needful in
order that the strug<;le between two human wills, neither of
which could yield without an inconsistency fatal to the dramatic
picture, might be terminated by an expression of the divine will.
In some at least of the plays of Euripides there is also 'dignus
vindice nodus', an entanglement that calls for a deliverer.
192. quarta... persona. Tragedy began with a dialogue
between a single actor and the leader of the chorus; Aeschylus
introduced a second actor, Sophocles a third (Arist. Poet. IV. 16
KOX TO T€ tQv VTrOKpiTWV TtXtJOoS (^ ivbs ils 8uO TTpoJTOS Ato'X'J^OI
Tiy ay e...r pel's 8^ Kal ffKijvoypacpiav 2o^okXt;s), employed also by
Aeschylus in his later plays, i.e. in the trilogy of the Orestea
(probably not in the Prometheus)-. These three actors formed a
troop, and one troop was assigned by the archon to an approved
dramatist. If it was necessary for some words to be said by a
fourth character, when the three actors were already on the stage,
these were spoken by one of the chorus as a irapaaK-qviov or
irapaxopriyvP-'^ (cp- 1 hcatre of the Greeks, p. 268). It has been
supposed that the Oedipzis Coloneus required a fourth actor, but
there is no difficulty in supposing that the part of Theseus was
divided between the second and the third actors, the former
taking all except vv. 886 — 1043, and that in the latter part of
the play the few words spoken by Ismene were treated as a Tra-
pacTKriviov (cp. Campbell's Sophocles l.- p. 284, or Schneidewin's
Einleitiing ad fin.). In the Andromache of Euripides 545 ff.
while Andromache, her young son Molossus and Menelaus are
still upon the stage, Peleus enters: but the speeches assigned to
Molossus are few and brief, and were probably spoken for him by
one of the chorus concealed. In the Choephori of Aeschylus the
three lines (900 — 902) which form the whole part of Pylades,
were spoken by the actor who was also the olKiTrjs, as the Schol.
says iVa fj.-q 5' Xiyuaiv. Hence there is no real exception to this
law in the Greek tragedians. Of course unite characters were
freely introduced.
loqvil laboret ' push in his words ' so as to distract the atten-
tion of the spectator, or better 'show anxiety to speak'.
193 — 201. The part of the chorus in tragedy.
193. actoris partis... defendat: the chorus should not stand
outside the action of the piece, and simply fill up the intervals
between the scenes with songs slightly, if at all, connected with the
plot(ejui36\t/ia) as often in Euripides and especially in Agathon, but
should take as direct a part in it as an actor does. We must not limit
this, as some have done, to the case mentioned in the preceding
NOTES. 373
line, where a fourth speaker is required. Cp. Soph. O. T. 2';GiL
It is a mistake also to sup]')ose that a chorus was not introduced
in Roman tragedies : it not merely sang its songs between the
scenes, but took part in the action (cp. Kibbeck J\lvii. Trag. pp.
637 — 9). But as the orchestra was fitted up with seats in the
Roman theatre, the chorus must have taken a place upon the stage,
and thus been more closely connected with the action than in
Greek tragedy. Aristotle says (Poet. xvin. 19) koX rhv xop6i> Be
fva Set i'lroKa^ilv tuv viroxpLTijv koI fxbpLov elvai rod 6\ou Kal
ffvvayuvl^eaOai, firj uiairep vap' VlvpLTriori dW wcrrep Trapd ^ocpo-
K\ei. In .Seneca's tragedies the choruses are quite unconnected
with the plot. For Sophocles cp. Campbell's Sophocles c. XIII.
194. intercinat followed by the accusative without a pre-
position as in Carm. i. 14, 19 iitterfusa nitoitis aeqitora Cydadas.
This construction of a compound verb becomes very common in
Tacitus: e.g. Ann. II. ()Jlunicn Visurgis Romanos Cheniscosque
intei-Jluebat (so Hist. III. 5), III. 23 qui cognitionem intervene-
rant: Drager Hist. Synt. I. 35a
196. bonis faveat: the chorus almost invariably expresses
the view of right-minded spectators.
197. peccare timentis is the reading of almost all MSS.
Bentley objected to it, because (i) if equivalent to boni, it is
otiose aher faveat bonis: (2) Ep. I. 16, 52 seems to indicate that
those who avoid sinning from fear are 'servilia ingenia', un-
deserving of any favour. (3) amet is not the word H. would
have chosen. Hence, on very slight authority, he read pacarc
tumentis, and this reading has been adopted by some good
editors, e.g. Meineke, Haupt, and L. Midler. It has been
argued that tnmentis is at least as tautologous after irafos as the
jSIS. reading after bonis, and that antet pacaie is by no means a
natural expression for pacet. The former objection Bentley anti-
cipated by pointing out that tinnidus is used for the result not
only of anger, but also of grief (Cic. Tusc. ill. 12, 26; 31, 76),
to which Orelli adds pride, comparing Sat. II. 3, 2\7, purum est
vitio tibi, cian tiiinidum est cor? Doederlein warmly defends
and Keller accepts pacare timentis ; which Bentley suggests as
an alternative, coniparing .Senec. Ep. LIX. nil stiiltitia pacatuin
liabet: tain snperne illi nietics est, qitam infra. On the whole
there is (as Munro says) no sufficient reason for departing from
the MSS., though Bentley's reading gives what Horace might well
have written. The chorus should show their affection for heroes
or heroines, who though tempted to commit a sin shrink from
doing so. We may perhaps with Ritter take bonis as nearly
equal \.o fortibns, those who feel no temptation to go wrong.
198. mensae brevis, i.e. of a table on which there is a cena
brcvis Ep. I. 14, 35.
374 AliS FOETICA.
salubrem lustitiam 'the blessings of justice': so taken the
epithet is not out of place, as Peerlkamp thinks.
199. apertis portis: cp. Carm. iii. 5, 23 poriasque non
clausas.
200. tegat commissa, as in Sophocles Electr. 469, Philoct.
391, Eur. Hippol. 712, Elect. 271, etc.
oret: Peerlkamp's suggestion to take Fortunam out of the
dependent sentence as the object, is tempting, but leaves deosque
precetur too indefinite.
202 — 219. The music, which accompanied the choi-iis, undcr-
ivent great changes as luxury increased, and the language of the
chorus becanie viore ornate.
202. tibia : the old Phrj'gian pipe was made originally of
a reed (aiAos xaXd^ij'os as Pollux X. 153 calls it), as we see from
the familiar story of its invention by Athena. The goddess
threw it away, finding that its use disfigured the features, and it
was taken up by Marsyas, who appears in legend and in many
works of art as the champion of flute-playing, as against the lyre-
music of Apollo. Cp. Plin. H. N. XVI. 36, 166 calamus vera
alius totus concavus, qtie?n vacant syringia)n, utilissimus fistulis.
Afterwards the wood of the box, the lotus, and the cedar, bored
(terebrato buxo Ov. Fast. VI. 697) and pierced with holes was used
for the purpose. This was subsequently enlarged so as to gain
a greater range and fulness of sound, almost equal to that of a
trumpet, and strengthened with bands of metal. (Ivory or bone
was used for the material of the pipe: cp. Verg. G. ii. 193,
Propert. iv. (v.) 6, 8, Plin. H. N. XVI. 35, 172 nunc sacrijicae
Ttcscorum e buxo, ludicrae vera e loto ossibusque asininis et argento
Jiunt, but not for bands: hence correct Diet. Ant. p. ii3o<^.)
Orelli, after Fea, supposes that these large pipes were made in
pieces, and that the metal bands were used in order to put the
pieces together : this is possible, but not proved.
oriclialco, a kind of yellow copper or natural brass quod prae-
cipuatfi bonitalem admirationemque diu obtinuit nee reperitur
longo iam tempore effeta tellure (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 2, 2). The
Greeks called it 6peixa\Kos (Hes. Scut. 122, Hom. Hymn. Ven.
9): the word is common in Plautus in the form aurichalcum (e.g.
Mil. 658 (Tyrrell), Pseud. 688, Cure. 202) and seems to be used
vaguely for a precious metal, though in Cure. 1. c. it is distinguished
from aurtim. Verg. Aen. xii. 87 has alboque orichalco, where the
force of the epithet is doubtful: cp. Conington ad loc. Cic. de
Off. III. 23, 92 speaks of it as only worth one-thousandth part
of the value of gold : cp. Holden's note.
vlncta has much more authority than Bentley's iuncta: and
NOTES. 375
Verg. Eel. II. 32 calainos ccra coniungere phires, and Eel. III. 25
fistula ccra iuncta refer to a very different musical instrument.
tubaeque aemula : the lengthening of the tibia by means of
the brass vincturac would tend to make it as powerful as a
trumpet.
203. tenuis of sound 'thin, weak', pauco, very rare in the
singular: but Gell. XX. i, 31 has Iniurias fadas xxv assibits
satixerunt. Non otnnino omnes iniurias aere isto pauco diluerwit:
Bell. Afric. LXVII. 2 pauco trilici numcro: Vitmv. I. i, 6 paucam
manuiu. The word is similarly used by Appuleius, and there-
fore seems to have belonged in this usage to the scrino plebeius.
panv, found in some MSS. is clearly an attempt at correction.
foramine: 'Varro ait...quattuor foraminum fuisse tibias apud
antiquos, et se ipsum ait in templo Marsyae vidisse tibias quattuor
foraminum. Quare quaterna tantum foramina antiquae tibiae
habuerunt: alii dicunt, non plus quam tria' Acron. The tibiae
pares in the British Museum (found at Athens) are about 15 inches
long, and have five holes at the top and one underneath. Those
represented in pictures found at Pompeii (e.g. Musce de A'aples,
Vol. III. 35, and 154) are about twice that length, but have not
the holes clearly marked.
204. adspirare=(xu;'ai;Xe"v 'to give the note to', adesse
' accompany'.
206. (iMO = in qztae. numerabilis ' easily counted ' : Horace
was the first to use the word, which is probably derived from the
similar use o{ evapl6/j.7]To?, as in Plat. Symp. 179 c. iroXXuiv ttoXXA
Kal KoKa ipyaffa/x^vuiv evapid/xTiTois 5-^ Ticnv ^doaav rovro y^pas ol
Oeol. Cp. Theocr. xvr. 87 dpidpLarovs awb ttoXXwi'. sane not
with nutnerabilis, but 'of course'. Schiitz takes away the comma
after parvus, that utpote may go with the adjectives of v. 207,
holding that the reason why the people came in small numbers
to the theatre was not only because they were few, but also
because they were virtuous and temperate. But these latter
qualities would make them content with simple music, not keep
them away from the theatre altogether: this abstinence was no
virtue in the eyes of the ancient world. Or. rightly says that
castus verecundusque have reference to the religious feelings of
the audience.
208. urbes appears in all MSS. with one unimportant ex-
ception. Bentley adopted (in silence) the reading of some earlier
editors urbem, and Schiitz follows him, arguing that the reference
can only be to Rome, as in the preceding lines. But there is no
reason to doubt that Greece was in the mind of Horace quite as
much as Rome, if not more so, for there was apparently no great
change in the music or diction of the chorus at Rome, The ex-
376 ARS FOE TIC A.
pression is a loose one for 'as cities grew': strictly speaking the
circuit of tlie Roman wall was never altered between the time of
Servius TuUius, and that of Aurelian, a period of more than
800 years. It is not easy to recall any Greek town, of which
the expression is quite accurate, although Syracuse had new
quarters added to it by Gelo. The Long Walls of Athens were
not built to include a growing population, but for military
reasons.
209. latior Bentley held could only mean 'thicker', and
hence he read laxior, quoting with his usual learning instances
in which the latter word is used in the sense here required.
But lattis exactly equals our ' broad ', which could be used here
without any danger of misleading the reader.
diurno: to drink wine by day was regarded as excessive self-
indulgence in the earlier times. Cp. Palmer on Sat. il. 8, 3 de
medio potare die. Veiy little wine was drunk, as a rule, during
the meal : the comissatio was quite distinct, and often at another
place: cp. Liv. XL. 7, 5 qiiin comissatuni adfratrem imus?
210. placari Genius, a Latin idiom (cp. Ep. 11. i, 143,
Carm. III. 17, 15 cia-abis Genintn), but this does not show that
Horace is necessarily thinking only of Rome.
impune : *non contradicente aut lege aut moribus' Acron,
'with no fear of blame or punishment'.
211. numerisque modisque : Ep. 11. 2, 144.
212. laborum : Verg. Aen. x. 154 libera fati, Lucan vi. 301
libera leguni Roma, a construction imitating that of eXevOepos.
Horace has (Carm. III. 17, 16) czim fatimlis operuDi solulis, and
(Sat. II. 2, 119) opcriim vacuo.
21.3. turpis honesto : special seats in the theatre (the orchestra)
were not assigned even to senators before B.C. 194: cp. Liv.
XXXIV. 54: for the lex Roscia cp. Ep. I. i, 62. For the special
seats assigned to bankrupts [decoctores) cp. Cic. Phil. 11. 18, 44.
214. sic 'quia indoctus erat populus' Acron. motum
Orelli takes of the quickening of the time, and also of dancing
adapted to this: the former has been already indicated in v. 211,
and the latter only seems to be here denoted.
Inzuriem 'wanton gestures', indulged in by the piper as he
moved backwards and forwards over the stage in his long robe
(Ep. II. I, 207).
216. voces 'notes', severis: the music of the harp was
always regarded as much graver and less passionate than that of
the flute, and therefore was the only music allowed by Plato in
his ideal State.
NOTES. 377
crevere: according to the current story the harp had but
four strings at first, and this number was increased to seven by
Terpander (flor. B.C. 670 — 640), and to ten (or eleven, cp. Diet.
Biog. III. 1148/') by Timotheus (fi. 420 — 380): cp. ISIUller's
Greek Lit, 11. 76. IJut the first part of this statement seems very
doubtful: Bergk Gr. Lit. II. 122, 211, Mahaffy Gr. Lit. I. 168.
217. tiilit 'produced', i.e. brought along with it, as in Verg.
Aen. X. I(j2 fidirn laitira vdustas. praeceps 'bold', 'daring':
cp. Quint. XII. 10, 73 vitiosum et eoirt(ptum diceitdi genus,...
(]uod praecipitia pro sublimibus habet. Plin. Ep. IX. 26, 2 debet
orator saepe accedere ad praeeeps: nam plerutnqiie allis et e.xcelsis
adiaeent abrtipta. eloq.iUUin, a poetical form for eloqueiitia, used
by Verg. Aen. XI. 383 tona cloqido, luv. X. 114, and in later
prose. — The abruptness of the transition from the music to the
tliction of the chorus, led Ribbeck to consider this and the follow-
ing line spurious : but it is not out of place to note the change in
language as well.
218. sagax 'skilled in', with the genitive, as in Columell. i.
praef. 22 sagacissimiis rerian naturae, divina, cp. Carm. III.
27, 10 imbritim divina avis.
219. sortilegis : divination by sortes, strictly speaking, was
not practised at Delphi, although it was at Dodona (cp. Cic. de
Div. I. 34, 76), and especially in Italy at Praeneste and Antium :
cp. Mommsen, Hist. I. 187 n. : but the teiin was commonly ex-
tended to any utterance of an oracle, as in Verg. Aen. iv. 346
Lyciae sortes, Ov. Met. III. 130 Phoebeis sortibtis, Cic. de Div. 11.
56, 115, where the word sors is used of the answer sent from
Delphi to Croesus.
non discrepuit DelpMs, with a compressed comparison, for
sententia Delphoriim: expressions like 'that of are avoided in
Latin, either by such compression or by the repetition of the
substantive. Cp. Cic. de Orat. I. 4, 15 (note), Mayor on luv.
III. 74, Holden on Cic. de Off. I. 22, 76.
220 — 224. The satyric drama developed out of tragedy, and
was inte7ided to atJtuse the spectators towards the close of the day.
220. vilem Ob hircum. Although the derivation of rpayudla
from Tpdyos 'a he-goat', because this was the prize offered for
.success in it, is now abandoned by the best authorities, who derive
the word rather from the goat-like appearance of the chorus,
who were dressed as satyrs (cp. Bergk Gr. Lit. in. 12 — 13,
Donaldson Theatre of the Greeks'' p. 6s), it was that generally
adopted by the ancients ; and there is no doubt as to the fact
that a goat was regularly offered in sacrifice to Bacchus (cp.
Verg. Georg. 11. 380), and that this goat was assigned as the
prize to the leader of the victorious chorus.
r
378 ARS FOE TIC A.
221. mox etiam: Orelli (after Hand Turs. in. 656) renders
•forthwith too', in order to avoid the apparent discrepancy with
Aristotle Poet. IV. 17 Std rb e/c aarvpiKOu fieTa^aXeiv, which
represent satyric drama as older than tragedy. If there is a
contradiction, this is but a lame way of removing it. But the
fact seems to be that while tragedy originated in the song of a
band of satyrs, — as Aristotle implies — and hence for a time
tragedy and the satyrical drama were identical, as it developed,
it came to be far removed from them, and the chorus was dif-
ferently constituted : until Pratinas of Phlius, a contemporary
of Aeschylus, restored the chorus of satyrs, and wrote plays for
them, which were the beginning of a newsatyiic drama (Donald-
son I.e. p. 69, Bergk iii. 261).
The length at which Horace discusses the satyric drama,
which is commonly supposed to have been quite unknown to
Roman literature, and took but a subordinate place even in
Greek, seems to require some explanation. It has been sug-
gested that one of the Pisos, or perhaps even Horace himself
had had thoughts of naturalizing it at Rome, where the comic
drama at this time stood in much need of something to revive it.
But Prof. Nettleship has given some reasons irom Diomedes
(p. 490 K.) to think that the Romans had a satyric drama.
Vv. 220 — 224 he regards as a translation from the Greek critic,
whom Horace is using throughout, vv. 225 — 250 as his own ex-
pansion and correction.
nudavit. It is not unusual for a poet to be represented as
doing himself an action, the doing of which he describes: so Sat.
I. 10, 36 Alpiniis iiignlat Alemnona, i.e. describes how Memnon
was slain, Verg. Eel. VI. ^6 Pasipkaeii itivei solaiitr amore iicvenci,
i.e. tells how P. solaced herself, and often. But here we have a
bold extension of this usage. Peerlkamp objects that the satyrs
were always nudi, i.e. clad only lightly in skins, and that niida-
vit is therefore out of place : but Horace is doubtless thinking
rather of the chorus, who were made to throw off their usual dress,
and appear as satyrs. Cp. Munro's critical note on Lucr. v. 971
where niida dabant is now read for the 7iudabaiit of the MSS.
asper 'roughly', 'coarsely'.
222. incolumi gravitate 'without any sacrifice of dignity',
sc. of the tragic characters who were introduced at the same
time; — there is nothing comic in the character of Odysseus in the
Cyclops of Euripides: nor apparently in that of PIcrakles in the
Syleus (cp. Bergk Gr. Lit. in. 242) —
'and tried
If grave and gay could flourish side by side' (Con.):
or perhaps rather ' without sacrificing his own dignity as a tragic
poet'. Hurd's view that it means 'bidding farewell to serious-
NOTES. 379
ness' is ingenious: and he defends it by Carm. ill. 5, 12 incolumi
loveet urbe Roma, and Mart. v. 10, 7 Ennius est Icctus salvo tibi,
Kama, Alarone ; but in the former passage this meaning is very
improbable, while in the latter the point of the epigram ab-
solutely requires that we should interpret 'during the life-time
of Vergil '. It is not more possible for incoliimis to bear this
sense (although even Mr Yonge admits it) than it would be for
us to say that a man was faring well, to indicate that some one
had said 'farewell' to him.
temptavit, the form best supported orthographically seems
to be due to an early popular confusion with contcmptiis, etc.
Etymologically the form should be tento, as a frequentative from
teiido. Cp. Roby § 964. Corssen i.- 122.
223. morandus: 'spectator grata erat novitate retinendus,
qui veniebat post sacrificia iam pransus, iam potus'. Acron.
224. functusque sacris: Dramatic representations at the
Dionysiac festivals began very early in the morning (cp. Arist.
Av. 784 ff., Aesch. in Ctes. p. 467, Dem. in Mid. p. 538): it is
commonly said that the satyric dramas were exhibited towards
the evening : this is quite inconsistent with the prevalent doctrine
as to the production of plays in tetralogies, unless, indeed, each
poet had a whole day to himself, as Bergk {Gr. Lit. III. p. 24)
thinks ; but considering the slight support which that doctrine
has (cp. Journal of Philology VII. 279 — 292) this is not a serious
objection. Bergk holds {Gr. Lit. in. 19 ff.) that originally
comedies only were produced at the Lenaea, and tragedies at
the Great Dionysia, but that at a later time the comedies were
preceded by tragedies, and the tragedies by comedies, so in-
terpreting the law quoted by Demosthenes in Mid. p. 518. If
this is correct, at least at the Great Dionysia, the satyric dramas
may have been played towards the evening, when they no longer
formed part of a tetralogy (if they ever did). That they fre-
quently were played independently is clear from the statement
of Suidas that Pratinas wrote fifty plays, of which thirty- two were
satyric. — We do not know when the sacrifices, with which a
banquet was always associated, were offered : perhaps during the
interval for the second or later apicrTov (Bergk III. p. 31), which
may have come between the tragedies and the satyric dramas.
At the Dionysia it was considered the duty of all loyal wor-
shippers of the deity to drink freely, 'and reeling own the mighty
wine-god's power' (Becker Charicles, p. 178). Cp. I'lato Leg. VI.
775 TTLueiv 8^ ei'j n^d-qu oOre aWodi irou Trpewei, ttXtjv ii> rali toO tqv
olvov SovTOi deou ioprais.
exlex, i.e. ready to defy all laws, with no reference to any
special enactment.
<
38o ARS FOE TIC A.
\y 225 — 233. But in the satyric drama care must be taken that
f. the langua^^e is not low, or on the other hand bombastic.
I 225. ita...ne, less common than ita...ut: but cp. v. 151.
commendare, i.e. to try to win the favour of the audience for
the satyrs, by putting jests into their mouths.
226. seria Ritter seems to be right in taking of the grave
language of the heroic characters in the satyric drama, ludo of
the jests of the chorus of satyrs: 'to pass from grave to gay'.
228. nuper, not necessarily in a tragedy performed on the
same day, though, as Ritter says, when this was the case, it
would give additional point to the warning : nuper is used with
great latitude of meaning.
229. migret in taliernaa ' should descend to dingy hovels',
i.e. use the language common in such places : tabtrnae usually
denotes booths or workshops, as in Cic. in Cat. iv. 8, 17, Acad.
II. 47, 144, and very rarely (without any qualifying adjective)
taverns ; so there is no need to take it so here, as Macleane does,
or to suppose that obsairas indicates that they were underground.
C^. pauperum tabernas in Carm. I. 4, 13.
230. vitat would more regularly have been vitet (which is
found in a few inferior MSS.) in a sentence subordinate to captet:
but dum is so constantly used with the pres. indie, that the con-
struction is retained here even against the rule.
nubes et inania, i.e. high-flown, empty verbiage, especially
out of keeping with the general tone of the drama.
231. efifutire indigna: for the infinitive cp. Ep. i. 3, 35;
Sat. I. 4, 3 dignus dcscribi. Roby § 1361, S. G. § 540 (2). For
futis and cognate words cp. Curt. Gr. Et. i. p. 252.
232. mover! Ep. ir. 2, 125: 'sunt enim quaedam sacra, in
quibus saltant matronae, sicut in sacris Matris deuni' Acron.
This refers doubtless to the Hilaria on March 25th : cp. Marquardt
Edm. St. III. 357. So too of Licymnia (probably intended for
Terentia, the wife of Maecenas) in Carm. II. 12, 17 qiiam nee
ferre pedem dedecnit choris, nee certare ioco, nee dare bracchia
ludentem nitidis virginibus sacro Dianae Celebris die. For the
way in which dancing was generally regarded cp. Sail. Cat. X.xv.
Sempronia...saltdre clegantius qiiain necesse est probae, where
Cook quotes Servius on Verg. Georg. I. 350 saltationem aptam
religioni nee ex ulla arte venicnteni.
I 234 — 243. The language of the satyric drama is to be some-
thing between that of tragedy and that of coinedy.
.\ 234. dominantia, a translation, probably used first by
• Horace, of the Greek Kvpio. 'proper'. Cope Introduction to
NOTES. 381
AfisfolWs Rhetoric p. 282 (note) writes ^Kvpiov (ivofia) is the
"proper" word by which any object is designated, and [which is]
commonly employed to denote it. It is therefore opposed to all
the other kinds of words: to all figurative, foreign, archaic, or
in any way " uncommon" words.. .any words which strike us as
strange or unusual'. Cicero de Orat. in. 37, 149 contrasts
propria verba with metaphorical {quae transfcriintur) and newly
introduced or coined [quae novanius et faciinus ipsi) expressions.
Cp. Orator 24, 80, Quint. Vlll. 3, 24 {propria, Jlcta, translata)
Arist. Khet. in. 2, 2.
nomina... verba: ov6ixaTa...fir)iiaTa, 'nouns and verbs' covered
with Plato the whole of language (cp. Cratyl. 431 B \6yoi ydp
irou, ws eyiipLai, i) rovruiv [pri/uLCLTUP Kal dvo/xdroji'] ^vvdeais ecTLV :
cp. 425 Aj : and though Aristotle added the avvdicxixos m\(X the
Stoics completed the 'parts of speech', the names of the tv.-o
chief classes were often used in the same wide sense, as here.
Cp. Sat. I. 3, 103 donee verba quibus voces seiisusqiie notarenl,
iiontinaque invcnere. But cp. Palmer there.
235. satyrorum scriptor, i.e. if I were to write satyric
dramas: the Greek critics denote these sometimes by the word
adrvpoL-. e.g. Demetr. de Eloc. 169 (Rhet. Gr. ix. 76 Walz)
oi}5^ -yap eiTLVO-qcreiev dv ris rpayqidiav Trai^ovcrav, eirel adrvpou
ypd^iL dvrl Tpay(jjdias. Horace means to say that he would not
confine himself strictly to the plainest language, and avoid so
completely the elevated tone of tragedy as to reduce his semi-
divine characters to the level of slaves in comedy.
236. dififerre with dat. as in Sat. r. 4, 48 nisi qtwd pede certo
differt serinoni, sermo merus: cp. v. 152; Ep. II. 2, 193 : colon
lip. I. 17, 23.
237. Davus, a common slave's name, said to be from Aaoj, a
Dacian, the older name of this tribe having been Aaot, according
to Strabo vil. 304. Tlie name occurs in the Andria of Terence;
— Forcellini and the dictionaries based on Freund say also in
Plautus, but this is an error : no character in Plautus bears the
name; it occurs only in Amphitr. 361 as a jest. Cp. Sat. i, 10,
40, and II. 5, 91 where the name is typical, as here, and 11. 7, 2
where it is ascribed to a slave belonging to Horace.
et audaz : a striking instance of the value of the vet. Bland.
and the oldest Berne MS. when in agreement. These (and
the Munich MS. C, which comes from the same source as the
Berne MS.) alone have et; all other MSS. have the evidently
erroneous an.
238. Pythias, not the ancilla in the Eunuchus of Terence,
but according to Acron a girl in a comedy of Lucilius, who
cheated her master out of a talent. As Lucilius is not known
382 A/?S POETJCA.
to have written any comedies, it is probable that, with Orelli,
we should substitute the name of Caecilius. Cp. Ribbeck Coin.
Lai. Frag. p. 8i.
emuncto, a coarse expression, chosen intentionally to illus-
trate the style too low for the satyric drama : ' chiselled '.
Terence once (Phorm. 682 cmimxi argento seiies) puts it into the
mouth of a slave, Plautus has the phrase more frequently : cp.
Epid. 494 qui me cmunxisti imicidiim minwni preti : Most. 1108
Th. dcdisti verba. Tr. qui tandem ? Th. probe ined emiinxti.
Cruquius took the metaphor to be one of 'milking', but the
context in the last passage, and the use of the Greek diro/j.iJTTeii'
(cp. Menand. Fragm. 482 yipwv dTrefxe/xvKT ddXios) make it clear
that this is not the case. Bentley's emendation, according to which
this word is read in Caecilius ap. Cic. Lael. 26, 99, is not to be
accepted, as e.g. in Long's text.
Simone, a rich old man, probably the master of Pythias.
239. Silenus, the oldest of the satyrs, and their leader
(cp. Eur. Cyclops), though riotous and fond of wine, was yet
always represented as full of knowledge and wisdom, so that
Vergil can not unsuitably put into his mouth a philosophical
exposition of the origin of the universe and the early history of
man (Eel. vi. 31 ff.). Similarly when captured by Midas he is
said to have taught him profound secrets as to the nature of
things and the future. Cp. Cic. Tusc. I. 48, 114; and Diod. Sic.
IV. 4 (pacri 5e /cat TraiSaycoybv Kal Tpo(pia crvviTrecrdaL Kara rds
(TTpaTelas avrip [^lovvaw] ^eL\r]voi>, €iariyi)T7]v Kal SiSdcr^aXoi'
yivbixevov t(2iv KaWiffTwv €TnT7i5€VfjidTWi>, Kal fieydXa cvfi^aX-
Xeadai ti2 Aiovvaui irpos aper-qv re Kal 56^au. Evidently it was
not proper to put into his mouth the language of a low and
knavish slave.
240. ex noto flctmn carmen sequar. Horace has been
speaking hitherto only of the ia/iguage of the satyric drama, and
to this he returns in v. 244: hence most editors explain carmen
as genus dicendi 'a style of verse', defending this meaning by
carminibiis in v. 90. Then ^etnm is 'artistically composed',
and ex noto 'out of familiar materials'. Schlitz doubts whether
carmen can fairly bear this meaning, and holds that the scholiasts
are right in taking it to refer to the substance of the poem. In
that case the verses must be out of place here : they must either
be transposed to after v. 250, or else (as Schiitz suggests) find a
place somewhere in the passage vv. 125 — 135, or be rejected
altogether with Ribbeck. They are too good in themselves for
us readily to accept the last alternative, and carmen may, I
think, fairly refer to the style.
sequar 'I will aim at': Ep. 11. 2, 143.
NOTES. 383
241. sudet, V. 413, Sat. I. 10, 28 exsudd caiisas. Orelli
well quotes Pascal Pensies I. 3 Les tncilUtirs livres sont ceux
que chaque ledeur croit qu'il aitrait pti fairc: and Wieland says
that these lines contain 'one of the greatest mysteries of art,
which Horace could blab very contidently, without fearing that
he was betraying any tiling to the a^i'^rots'. But the mystery
has no special reference to the satyric drama.
242. series: cp. v. 46 in verbis serendis. iunctura v. 48.
The parallelism gives strong support to those who take carmen
to refer to the language, not to the substance.
243. de medio sumptis: cp. Cic. Or. 49, 163 verba legenda
siint...non lit poetae exqicisita ad sonuin sed suinpta de medio:
cp. de Orat. I. 3, 12 in medio posita. III. 45, 177 iacentia stistn-
limus e medio. Quint, v. 7, 31 verbis qiiain maxime ex medio
sumptis, tit, qui rogatur, intellegat, aiU ne intellegere se neget.
This phrase too may be used of the matter, but is more naturally
taken of the language.
244 — 250. If the Fauns use the language of the streets, the
better class of the audience will be offended.
244. deducti sc. in scaenam : so Acron rightly explains it.
Fauni, virtually the same as the Satyrs, though corresponding
more exactly to the HavlaKot., who along with the Satyrs attended
upon Bacchus. Cp. Ep. I. 19, 4.
245. ne velut innati triviis : the Fauns are not to speak as
if they were natives of the city, and so fall into one of the tv(fO
opposite vices of language, affected sentimentality, and disgrace-
ful coarseness. It has been supposed that innati triT'lis and
forenses are opposed to each other, the former denoting the
vulgar rabble, the latter the more educated men, who could take
part in the business of the law-courts ; in that case there would
be a chiasmus, the former referring especially to v. 247, the
latter to v. 246. But there is no sufficient authority for the force
so assigned to forensis, and ac would require to be replaced by
aut. 'Born in the streets and almost dwellers in the forum' is
simply a phrase for townspeople. But there is probably also a
reminiscence of the Greek feeling against spending too much
time in the ayopa.; cp. a-'^opalo's, TrepiTpi.p,fj.a ayopdi etc. (Act. Ap.
XVII. 5: Plat. Protag. 347 e: Liv. subrostrani). Cp. f actio
forensis m Liv. ix. 46, 13.
246. iuvenentur, a word coined doubtless by Horace, on
the analogy of augurari, auspicari, interpretari, vclitari etc.
{Roby§96i), to represent veavieveaOai or fieipaKLcveadai. The
word might denote the spirit and vehemence of youth, as when
Aristotle Rhet. ill. 11, 16 says etVt 5^ inrep^oXal /aetpa/cicJScis-
ff^odpdTTjTa yap dtjXovcnf. But the context shows that it is used.
384 ARS POETIC A.
as in the passages quoted by Ernesti Lex. Techn. s.v. fxeipa-
AtuJoes to denote ' afl'ectatio concinnitatis a gravitate virili
alieiia '. teneris, often used of amatory lasciviousness, as Cic. in
Pis. 36, 89 cum tuis tcncris saltatoribus, and perhaps in Pars.
I-35-
247. crepeiit: Ep. I. 7, 84. dicta 'jests', as so often in
Cic. de Orat. 11., e.g. 54, 221 (note).
248. quibus est equus, i.e. the whole class of equites, who
had a census of more than 400,000 sesterces, not of course only
the cqidtcs equo publico, the 18 centuries iuniorum: the ex-
pression is loose, but intelHgible.
pater: only ingenui born in wedlock had a legal father,
hence slaves and freedmen are excluded : cp. Liv. X. 8, 10
patricios prima esse factos ...qui patrem ciere possent, id est, nihil
ultra quam ingenuos. But there is no reference to patricians
here, as Ritter thinks.
res, i.e. substantial citizens.
249. frictl ciceris, still a common article of food in Italy
{cccio fritlo): cp. Plant. Bacch. 763; in Plant. Poen. 323 we
have Iriticum et f rictus nuces, which shows that fricti goes also
with iiucis. Nux includes, and probably here specially denotes
'chestnuts', casiancae nuces of Verg. Eel. II. 52. Martial speaks
of cicer as the cheapest kind of food, i. 104, \oasse cicer tepidum
constat. The Atj^os KvafioTpu^ of Aristoph. Eq. 41 i-efers not
only to his favourite diet of beans, but also to the use of them in
the ballot.
250. aequis...aiiiinis 'with favour', as in Verg. Aen. iv.
372 /uiec oculis Pater aspicit acquis, VI. 129 quos aeqinis amavit
luppitcr, and often. Orelli wrongly ignores this use.
251 — 274. The iavibic jnetre used in tragedy must be handled
with great care, and the Greek models, 7iot the rough Latin
tragedians are to be imitated.
251. iambus v. 79 (note). The elementary character of
the information here given is probably intended as a modest
introduction to the advice which Horace thought it needful to
give to the Pisones, who may have shown tendencies to negli-
gence in the matter of metre.
252. unde...iambeis. Porphyrion explains the connexion
thus: 'Omnes versus tragici trimetri appellantur. Quaeri autem
solet cur trimetri appellentur, cum senos accipiant pedes. Quo-
niam scilicet tanto brevitas est pedum, ut iuncturae binos com-
plectantur pedes'. This explanation seems to justify us in
keeping to the MSS., which have no variation, except that a
few have accedcre for accrescere, which is doubtless only a gloss.
NOTES. 385
' Because of this rapid character it (the iambus) bade the name
'trimeter' attach itself to the iambic lines, although, etc' For
the very common attraction oi trimeiris into the case oi iaiiibcis,
cp. Sat. II. 3, 47 qui tibi 7iomcn insano ttnposucre. Roby § 1059,
S. G. § 441 (b) : accrescere denotes the gradual adhesion of the
name to that which is not properly denoted thereby. — But a
conjecture of Ribbeck's which substitutes viomen for noinen has
recently found much approval. He holds that Horace is here
describing three stages in the history of the iambic line : (i) when,
as with the iambographers, the line usually, though not always
consisted of pure iambi v. 254 : (2) when, as in the Greek
dramatists, the pace was moderated, and spondees might be
found in the first, third and fifth places, v. 255: (3) when, as in
the Roman dramatists, spondees were sometimes found in every
foot but the last. He interprets them 'Hence even to the
iambic verses {iafi^e'ia) of the iambographers which are to be
measured as trimeters, has the iambus so to say done violence,
by forcing upon it a quickened pace in excess of its natural
rapidity, by repeating six times the same foot'. Monun, con-
tracted for movimen is either that which causes motion, or that
which is moved, or simply motion. The word is fairly common
in Lucretius, e.g. vi. 474 e salso fuoiiiine fonti, and was else-
where restored by Scaliger by a tolerably certain conjecture for
nomen: e.g. Manil. I. 34 viomiiiaque et ciirsus signorum, Aetna
213 spiritiisinjiabit monicn laiigueiitibiis acre, on which cp. Munro's
note. This conjecture and the interpretation therewith con-
nected were accepted by Keller in his editio minor of 1878,
but in the Epilegomena (1S80) he returns to the MS. text.
Kriiger ^'' (^«//a;2^p. 384) also approves. Schiitz on the other
hand rejects it : and I think rightly. The point to be explained
is why a verse consisting of six feet should be called a triineter
verse : and Ribbeck's conjecture goes no way towards explaining
this. Nor is it easy to see to what previous sLige of the verse
the iambus added a quickened pace, even if we assume, which
is far from certain, that a line with six beats in it is more rapid
than one with three. Finally the more frequent occurrence of
pure iambic lines in writers like Archilochus, Simonides of
Amorgos and Hipponax, is by no means established by their
extant fragments: it rests solely on the testixiiony of gram-
marians, which perhaps means no more than this, that the
iambograplier sometimes wrote poems in pure iambics, as we
know was done by Catullus (iv. xxiv.) and Horace.
254. primus ad extremum: cp. Ep. I. i, 54 ('note), non
ita pridem. These words present a very grave difficulty, for in
the earliest iambics known, written 600 years before this time,
spondees are found frequently in the uneven places. Cp. Archil,
fr. 22 Bergk^: Kal/J.' ovt id/x^uy oCre TepiruXiwy [i^Xei, Various
W. H. 25
386 ARS POETICA.
attempts have been made to remove the historical inaccuracy.
Some have suggested that non ita pridem might mean ' not long
after', a notion quite witliout support. Others have assumed that
the reference is only to Latin iambic verse, as written in the time
of Horace, but then it is not less incorrect as a historical state-
ment. Ribbeck suspects a lacuna, containing some such words
as ' it was not long ago that [the iambus appeared in this form
here and there with us: but with the Greelcs etc.]: and Schiitz
fears a serious corruption. But the difficulty is best solved by
supposing, with Orelli, that Horace is giving, not a historically
exact, but rather an ideal sketch of the development of the verse,
describing its various stages as they ought to have been in theory,
rather than as he had reason to know that they had been.
Iambic lines ought to have been originally pure, and afterwards
to have admitted spondees. Mr Reid ingeniously suggests that
we should read non ita: pridem etc., 'Not so: long ago' as in
Verg. Aen. ii. 583. But there a question precedes.
256. paterna : Ribbeck cannot get quite clear about the
ancestry of the iambus, and therefore prefers witli C. F. Her-
mann the conjecture of a certain Dutchman, alterna. This is
to miss the sportive tone of the whole passage, in which the
iambus is made to give orders, to welcome, to be obliging and
long-suffering, and to act in friendly fashion. A foot that can
do all this, may surely be allowed 'hereditary rights'. — Horace
omits to mention the last place, to which of course the iambus
also held tenaciously. Peerlkamp has thought it necessary to
remedy this omission, by reading sextave, sed for socialiter.
This last word is another of the aira^ Xeyoixeva which are so
common in this Epistle. It means ' admitting into partner-
ship'. Perhaps a comma should be placed at quarta, so that
non.-.quarta may be parenthetical.
258. hie sc. iambus, not, as some have taken it, as an
adverb, nobilibus 'famous', here ironical. Horace means that
the iambus appeared so rarely that they were hardly deserving
to be called iambic trimeters; in some of the extant fragments
there are lines which consist wholly of spondees, with the excep-
tion of the last foot. But L. Midler Eniiius p. 343 denies that
this censure is on the whole justified.
260. cum magno: this position of the words, for which
Vergil would certainly have written magna cum, along with the
spondaic character of the line produces a rhythm which imitates
the sense.
262. premit, sc. iambus, or rather its rare appearance : cp.
Liv. III. 13, \ proiiebat reu7n praeter volgatam invidiam crimeii
tmiun.
JSrOTES. 387
263. non quivls. Cicero judges more favourably the per-
ception of a popular audience : cp. de Orat. III. 50, 196 at in
his [nn/neris et 7nodis\, si panliun modo offcnsiiiii est, thcatra tota
reclamant.
264. et...poetis 'and indulgence is granted to Roman poets,
which poets ouglit not to need'. Peerlkamp, thinking that this
line and the preceding one contain an objection made to
Horace's too great strictness, to which he replies in the following
line, reads nee data, etc. and Schiitz much approves. But the
lines are just as well taken as a concession made by Horace:
'I admit that etc' poetis is strictly the dative, but requires to
be understood again as an ablative after iiidigna.
265. vager 'am I to move unchecked by law?' an: Bentley
adopted the reading at, which has very slight authority, carrying
on the question, and interpreting: 'AH the audience do not
notice faults, and those who do, excuse them. Am I therefore
deliberately to depart from the rules of art, and write carelessly,
feelmg sure that I shall be safe, in my caution within the limits
of the indulgence granted, even though I should suppose that
every one will see my faults'. This makes good sense: but it
is not necessary to depart from the MSS. It is equally good to
interpret: 'Or am I to assume that all will notice my faults,
and therefore avoid them, cautiously keeping within the sphere
in which I may hope for indulgence?' The latter is the alterna-
tive to be chosen: but Horace immediately goes on to say that
this is not enough of itself. The Greek models show that more
than a mere avoidance of faults is needed for excellence. Ribbeck
puts the mark of interrogation at 7nea, and joins tutus... cautus
with vitavi: this would be an improvement, if it were not for
the awkwardness of deiiique coming so late in the sentence.
Orelli's view 'Or falling into the opposite error, am I to suppose
that all will see my faults, but none the less consider myself
safe from .censure provided I take care that no verses which
are too rough or absolutely unmetrical drop from me constantly?'
does not bring out sufficiently the contrast of the two alternatives :
the latter in his interpretation is merely equivalent to scribere
licenter. In this case he could hardly be said viiavisse culpam.
For tutus 'cautious' cp. v. 28.
268. vos sc. Pisones.
269. noctunia...dinrna. There is a curious resemblance
in the fomi of the verse to Ep. I. 19, 11.
270. vestri, the reading of all MSS. of any importance,
and as Bentley showed, much better in itself than nostri, which
would be out of place in the mouth of a freedman like Horace.
Plautinos: for Horace's opinion of Plautus, cp. Ep. 11. i,
170 ff.
25—2
388 ARS FOE TIC A.
274. digltis : the fingers were used, not only to count the
feet, but to mark the icdts: cf. Carm. iv. 6, 35 pollicis ictum:
Quintil. IX. 4, 51 tempora etiam aninio metiimlur et pedum et
digilorttm ictu intervalla signant qiiibusdam notis.
275 — 284. Thespis is said to have been the inventor of tragedy,
and Aeschylus to have improved it.. Comedy folloived, atid was
highly approved, until its license had to be checked by law.
276. Thespis (flor. B.C. 536) was undoubtedly the inventor
of tragedy : all our authorities agree upon this, liut Horace has
strangely mixed up the origin of tragedy with that of comedy.
The bands of revellers (/cw/xot) who went about the country irapa.
rots ''A.drjvalois eirl a/xa.^<2y Kadrjfj-evoi and ^crKunrrov dWjjXovs Kal
eXoihopovvro iroXXd (Schol. on Lucian Ze^s 1payq)d6s VI. p. 388),
developed into the Old Comedy: and 'it is clear enough that the
waggon of Thespis cannot well consist with the festal choir of the
Dionysia: in fact this old coach, which has been fetched from
Horace only, must be shoved back again into the lumber-room'
(Gruppe Ariadne, p. 122). Horace's account is equally incon-
sistent'with the poetical requirements of the Athenian public
trained by the enlightened policies of Solon and Peisistratus'
(Mahaffy Gr. Lit. I. 234). Thespis composed his dramas 'for
city feasts and for an educated audience'. He acted himself;
but whether he was the leader of the chorus, and only delivered
a kind of epic recitations between the choric songs, as Mahaffy
holds, or held a dramatic dialogue with the leader of the chorus,
as is the more usual opinion, is a point which our authorities do
not enable us to determine with certainty. Bergk {Gr. Lit. II.
257) distinguishes the 'choir-master' from the 'choir-leader',
and thinks that at first the former delivered the speeches, and
that afterwards there was sometimes a dialogue between the two.
277. canerent agerentque is rather a loose expression, see-
ing that there was only one actor, the rest being merely singers.
Bentley's conjecture of qui for quae is very attractive, and has
been accepted by Ribbeck, L. Miiller and Schiitz.
peruncti faecibus ora: this was limited to comedy, where
the actors are said, according to a somewhat doubtful story,
to have smeared their faces with the wine-lees of the new
vintage {jpiii^, and hence to have got their name rpvyifdoi. This
word is rather contemptuous and is never used of tragedians, cp.
Bentley on Phalaris i. p. 342 ff. (ed. Dyce).
278. personae : there is no reason (with Macleane and Rib-
beck A't>V/7. Tmg. p. 661) to reject the derivation of this word
from personare, quoted from Gavius Bassus by Gellius V. 7: cp.
Corssen i.- 482 — 3, Vanicek, p. 1217. It is possible that the
change of quantity may have been effected by a popular assimila-
tion to TTpbawKov. The mask was not invented in order to
NOTES. 389
strengthen the sound of the voice, although it seems to have had
this effect: but neither was it invented by the Romans, so the
argument drawn from this falls to the ground. It was undoubt-
edly introduced by 'i'hespis to enable the reciter to assume
different parts. Horace here ascribes to Aeschylus inventions
which must have been made long before his lime, probably in
consequence of his reputation as an improver of scenic properties
generally. Cp. Suidas: A^trxi'Xos evpe ■n-poau)Tr(la5eLva. Kai xp^l^o-ci-
KeXptiTM^fa ^x^"* '''"^^ TpayiKovs, Kal rais dpiivXaLS, rais KaXovfxi-
vais ifi^drais, KexprjcrOai. On the Roman stage the mask was
first used (according to Donatus) by Minucius Prothymus ab»ut
B.C. 120 — 100. Others say that Roscius first used it. Ribbeck
{Rom. Trag. p. 661) suggests that Minucius may have been the
director of the troupe in which Roscius acted. As the orchestra
was seated for sjjectators at Rome, they were brought much
nearer to the actors than in Greece, and the innovation was dis-
liked (Cic. de Orat. III. 59, 221 scms...pe7'sonatum lie Roschtm
quidem viaguo operc laudabant), although the fire in the actor's
eyes was still visible (ib. Ii. 46, 193). AesopUs seems to have
acted, at least sometimes, without a mask (Cic. de Div. i. 37, 80
vidi...in Aesopo tantum ardoreni viiltuitm atquc ?uotiiitiii, etc.).
honestae, 'handsome' Verg. Georg. II. 392.
279. pulpita, in Greek hKpl^a^: cp. Plat. Symp. 194 B
Ava^alvovTos eVi tov OKpl^avra p-erk ti2v inroKpLTwv.
280. magnumque loqui is explained by Macleane 'to arti-
culate loudly', on the ground that 'there is nothing about style
here'. But in face of the frequent references in Aristophanes to
the lofty elevated style of Aeschylus, it is hardly possible to
suppose that there is no allusion to it. There is of course a
natural connexion between a loud utterance and high-flown dic-
tion: cp. Arist. Ran. 823 /3pi;xw,uecos ^Vet prj/xara ■yop.<poTray7J,
and 1004 d\\ w wpicTos tuv 'EWtJ^'wi' Trvpyuxxas prjuaTa. aep-va Kal
KoapiTjffas rpayiKoi' \-qpov k.t.X. For iiiii c. abl. cp. Reid on
Acad. II. 14, 44, Roby § 1226.
281. his, so. Thespis and Aeschylus: Susarion, the reputed
founder of the Attic comedy, was at least as early as Thespis :
but 'comedy did not attract attention at first because it was not
a serious pursuit. Thus the archon did not assign a chorus to
the comic poets till late... but it was not until it had attained to
some degree of form that its poets were recorded ' (Arist. Poet.
c. v.). Chionides is called the first writer of the old comedy
irpurayoiviaTT^s ttjs dpxaias KUfxq}5ias Suid.): Magnes was nearly
contemporary; next to whom came Cratinus (born B.C. 519)^ the
real originator of political comedy (cp. Mahaffy Gr. Lit. I. 424).
We do not know of any victory that he gained earlier than
B.C. 452, which was shortly after the death of Aeschylus.
390 ARS FOE TIC A.
282. excidit, not as Schlitz ex latide, but rather as Orelli
puts it, 'Trapprjaia impetu quodam suo delapsa est in petulantiam'.
c'x- denotes the change from a previous state, but it is not neces-
sary that what this state was should be indicated in the context.
283. lege: Suidas s.v. 'Ai'TtVaX"? says e'SoVet ouros t/'Tj^ttr/ua
iretroirjKfvai /xtj Zeiv Kiii/JLUiOeiv e^ ovofxaros : this was in B.C. 440 ;
but the law was repealed three years afterwards. The law
passed by Syracosius (B.C. 415) seems to have been solely to
restrict comic writers from taking as their subject the profanation
of the mysteries. Cp. Meineke Co^n. Gr. Fr. II. 949. The
oligarchs of B.C. 411 seem to have silenced political comedy by
terror not by law.
284. turpiter must go with oMicuit ; the disgrace lay in
the fact that the outrageous violence of the chorus had brought
upon it the restraint of the law.
285 — 294. Versatility and talent are by no means -wanting to
the Roman poets: they have even shotvn originality in the dramas
taken from their national histoiy ; they might jival the Greeks if
they were not so deficient in patient finish.
288. praetextas. On the analogy of togata and palliata
this word, which is derived from the toga praetexta worn by
magistrates at Rome, ought to be praetextata ; and this form is
that usual in the grammarians. But Asinius Pollio in writing to
Cicero (Ep. x. 32, 3 and 5) twice uses praetexta: so does the
writer of the ancient life of Persius, ascribed to Suetonius,
scripsit etiam Flaccit: in pueritia praetextam: and Paulus p. 223
M. ha.% praetextae appellantnr ijnae res gestas Romanonim habent
scriptas, where Midler calls this form the more correct. The
fabiila praetextata was first written by Naevius, who composed
two on the early history of Rome, Ltipiis and Romulus — the
latter possibly the earliest source of the familiar legend— and one
Clastidium, on contemporary history, all three of great merit,
according to Ribbeck: cp. Rom. Trag. pp. G^ — 75. Twoprae-
textae are ascribed to Ennius, one to Pacuvius, and two to
Accius. For the comocdia togata of Afranius and others, cp. Ep.
II. I, 57 (note).
290. unum quemque: cp. Ep. 11. 2, 188 (note). Orelli
thinks that by 'a malicious irony' Horace is here illustrating the
carelessness which he censures : but no such explanation suits
the parallel instances.
292. PompUius sanguis, the nominative for the vocative in
solemn address as in Carm. I. 2, 43 almae filiiis Maiae: Livy
has not only audi tu, populus Albanus (l. 24, 7), but even agedum
pontifex puhlicus populi Romani (vill. 9, 4) : cp. too Verg. Aen.
Vlil. 77, Ov. Heroid. xiv. 73 : hence it is needless to resort to
NOTES. 391
any explanation such as Orelli's 'non vocantis, sed declarantis
esse videtur'. Cases like v. 301 o ego laeviis. Sat. 11. 1, 107 o
magmis posthac inimicis n'siis, II. 7, 69 0 toties servus and the like
are entirely dififerent. Peisius simply copies Horace in I. 6i
vos o patricius sanguis. Cp. Kiihner Aiisf. Grannn. i. p. 282.
According to Plutarch Num. XXI. Numa Ponipilius had four
sons, Pompus, Pinus, CaJpus, and Mamercus, from wliom the
Pomponii, Pinarii, Calpurnii, and Mamercii were respectively
descended. The real origin of the name Calpiirnhis is quite
unknown : Pompilius is formed from a SabelHan poiiipe corre-
sponding to the Latin quinquc: cp. Corssen I.- 116.
293. dies 'time' and therefore feminine (Roby § 337, S. G.
§ 106), not singular for plural, coercuit 'pruned.'
294. praesectum : this is a case in which the combined evi-
dence of the Bland, vet. and the oldest Berne MS. force us to
adopt a reading which at first sight is less attractive than the
\nlgatQ perjlrtum. The latter would agree with quod and must
be taken as proleptic after casligavii 'to perfection'. But if this
reading is genuine it is hard to see how the much rarer word
praesectum should have got into our oldest authorities. Besides
it is somewhat tautologous with ad unguevi. Workers in wood
or stone were accustomed to test the finish of their work by
passing the nail over it: cp. Columell. XI. 2, 13 materies si
roborca est, ab uno fabro dot art ad unguem debet: Apul. de Deo
Socr. Prol. p. 106 Hild. non lapidem afferam — ieviter ex onmibtis
oris ad unguem coaeqtiatum. [Similarly Verg. Georg. 11. 277
uses in unguem quadret for 'exactly tally'.] Persius at once
imitates and explains in I. 64 ut per leve sojeros effundat iunctura
unguis; and Horace has Sat. I, 5, 32 ad unguem /actus homo.
Now it is a common experience that the nail is more sensitive to
irregularities, when it has just been pared; and this is the mean-
ing suggested by praesectum: it does not imply, as Keller,
Schiitz and others imagine, that tiie nails were cut away as
hindrances; this meaning would, it is true, be inconsistent with
the use of the idiom, but it is not required by the participle.
liexice p7-aescctu)n is really better in itself, as well as better sup-
ported thati perfectujH. It is commonly said that this Latin
idiom is imitated from the Greek ets ocuxa, but it is doubtful
whether the Greek phrase has always reference to the same
usage : in the saying ascribed to Polycletus xo-^^^'^Tarov dvai.
TO ^pyov, OTav iv 6vuxi 6 irrfKos yiyvriTai the meaning seems to be
rather that the task is most difficult when the minutest details
have to be reproduced in the clay model: cp. Overbeck Gesch.
d. Gr. Plastik i.^ 355. See however Wyitenbach's note 011 y
Plutarch Moralia, p. 86 A. _>Y
295 — 308. This careful polishing is quite inconsistent with
the notiojt that poetry is produced in a kind of inspired frenzy. J %
392 ARS POETIC A.
would rather keep my sanity as a critic, and teach others, with-
out attempti)7g verse myself.
296. excludit sanos : cp. Cic. de DIv. r. 37, 80 negat sine
furore Democi-itzts qiiemqiiain poetain magnum esse posse, quod
idem dicit Plato (sc. Phaedr. 245 A os 5' a.v dvev /xavias Movcrwv
iirl TTOLriTiKas 6vpas drpiKrirai, ireiadds (is dpa eK t^xj-t^s iKavos
TroLTjTT^s (ffo/ievos, a.Te\7jS avros re Kai rj Troirjais viro rrjs tusv fiaivo-
fxivwv 7} rod aurppovovvros i](pavl<jdri: cp. Thompson's note) : and
similarly in de Orat. II. 46, 194 (see note there). According to
Diog. Laert. ix. 7, 48 Democritus wrote a book on poetry, in
which something like Plato's words may have been found. Cp.
Cic. pro Arch. 8, 18 accepimus...poetam.., quasi divine quodam
spi^-itzi inflari ^) Sat. II. 7, 117.
297. bona pars, just like our 'a good part', *a good many' :
so in Carm. iv. 1, 46 meae vocis bona pars. Sat. I. i, 61 bo7ta
pars hominum: Lucret. v. 1025 has bona magnaque pars ; so
Ter. Eun. 123: Cicero has it in his dialogues (de Orat. 11. 3, 14)
not in his speeches. It strikes one as a somewhat colloquial
usage: hence the phrase in the Odes may not be really parallel,
though Wickham takes it so. non unguis ponere, i.e. neglects
]:)ersonal appearance, cp. Ep. I. 7, 50 (note). Schiitz quotes
Tatian's description of the Cynics (adv. Graecos, p. 87) KOfiTjv
e'irieifJ.4i>oi, ViiiyuvoTporpovaiv ovvxo-S drjpiwv Trepi^epovres.
298. barbam, properly the mark of a philosopher (Sat. II.
3i 35 sapientein pascere barbam), but allowed to grow by all who
were careless of their appearance. The public baths were great
centres for social reunion.
299. nanciscetur: the indefinite subject *a man 'is supplied
rather awkwardly after bona pats: hence Ribbeck suggests to
read qtn for si, a good conjecture, if any was needed.
300. Anticyris : hellebore grew abundantly at Anticyra in
Phocis, a town on a small peninsula, to the east of the Crisaean
Gulf. It was not far removed from Cirrha, but I doubt the con-
nexion between the names which Prof. Palmer assumes (on Sat.
II. 3, 82). Many persons came to reside there for medical treat-
ment (ib. 166). There was another Anticyra on the Spercheius
at the head of the Maliac Gulf, and it is asserted (but only on
the late authority of Stephanus) that hellebore grew there too,
and that the natives professed to have cured Heracles of his
madness. An attempt has been made (sanctioned even in the
Diet. Geogr. and in Kiepert's maps) to discover a third Anticyra
to suit this passage by straining an expression in Livy xxvi. 26,
in which Anticyra is said to be in Locris : but even the text
there is doubtful, and the words brevis navigatio a Naupacto est
are interpreted by the immediately subsequent addition that the
town was attacked on the third day. Strabo's language too by
NOTES. 393
no means requires us to assume the existence of a third homo-
nymous town. The words of Horace here are evidently used
loosely. If a commentator came across the phrase 'Ten Karls-
bads would not cure you', he would hardly think necessary to
determine the geographical position of all the ten.
301. tonsori Licino. According to Acron and Schol. Cruq.
Licinus was a barber, who was made a senator by Caesar because
of his enmity to Pompeius. There was a Licinus who was a
Gaul, taken prisoner by Caesar, and made his dispensafor: he
was afterwards emancipated and high in favour with Augustus,
who made him procurator of Gaul in B.C. i6 and 15. There he
acquired great wealth, which became proverbial : cp. Pers. II. 36,
Juv. I. 109 ego possidco plus Pallante et Licinis (with Mayor's
note) ; xiv. 305 p7-aedives Licinus: Sen. Ep. cxx. 10 quorum
itomitia cuvi Crasso Licinoque nnmerantur. On him was written
the excellent epigram (commonly but wrongly ascribed to Varro
Atacinus), quoted here by the scholiasts: iMarmoreo tumulo
Licinus iacct, at Cato nullo, Pompeius parvo: quis putet essedeos?
The good reply to this couplet is modern : cp. Madv. Opusc. 11.
pp. 202 — 4; and hence correct Simcox Lat. Lit. I. 247. — It is
commonly assumed that Licinus, the wealthy freedman, was the
barber of the text. The evidence in favour of this is simply that
the scholiasts quote as written of the latter the epigram upon the
former. It is extremely doubtful whether Horace would have
allowed himself this contemptuous reference to the former pro-
fession of one high in favour with Augustus: and even if we
accept the later date assigned to this work, there is no trace of a
loss of this favour, such as Orelli is obliged to assume. Ritter
needlessly assumes three of the name. The simplest way is to
reject altogether the story of the scholiasts, that the barber be-
came a senator, along with the absurd reason for it. So Diet.
Biogr.
o ego laevus: 'how stupid I am.*
302. purgor will stand very well; prirger, which Peerlkamp
proposes, would have been more usual ; but it is only found in
two unimportant MSS. Cp. Seneca quoted by Roby § 1683
nunqumn, inquit Co7-nelia, 7ion felicem me dicam, quae Gracchos
peperi. The verb is here used strictly in a middle sense, like
Kadaipofxai, hence bilem is not exactly a Greek accusative, as
Orelli calls it; cp. Roby § 1102, 11 26 — 7, S. G. § 462, 471.
sub...lioram 'in the season of spring': cp. Carm. i. 12, 16
variis horis. We might well translate here 'as the season of
spring comes on': cp. Ep. I. 16, 22 (note), il. 2, 169, Zumpt
§ 319, and Capes on Liv. xxi. 2, i (oddly misinterpreted in L.
and S.). Celsus 11. 13 says that hellebore, which was a strong
purgative, is best taken in spring; and Porph. here has ojimcs
^
394 ARS POETICA.
•verno tempore ptirgationem suniunt, quod vacatur KaOapriKov, a
custom by no means unknown to anxious mothers nowadays.
303. faceret, sc. if I did not take a purgative in spring.
304. nil tanti est : either (i) 'it is not at all worth while',
where nil=ovoiv, a strong negative, or (2) 'nothing is worth
such a cost', i.e. even the reputation of a poet is not worth the
loss of one's reason. The force of the phrase in Cic. ad Att. 11.
J 3, 1 and V. 8, 3 supports the previous view. Cp. Madv.
Gramm. § 294 obs. 3, Opusc. 11. 18S ff. Roby § 1193, S. G. §494.
COtis : so Isocrates, when asked why he taught others to
speak but never spoke himself, replied koX al a/cofot axnal fikv
Te/xeii> ou Bufavrai, rbv ok aidrjfjoi' o^ia. Kal TfxrjTLKOi^ iroiovcriv
(Ps.-Plut. lit. X. Oral. 4).
306. munus et ofEicium, sc. scribendi, to be understood
from nil scribens : of the two words officium is the stronger, as
carrying witir it the idea of moral obligation.
307. opes, 'stores' of material : formet 'moulds': v. 108,
126, Ep. II. I, 128. The derivation of the \soyA forma ixovsx the
root dhar 'to hold in', whence ^%o frcniim etc. (Curt. Princ.
I. 319) shows that 'mould' is the primary meaning of the word:
if we take it to be fromyir 'strike' (with tick KZ. XX. 173),
it exactly = rii7ros. Hence there is no vcrTepof wfjorepov as Peerl-
kamp supposes.
308. virtus, i.e. a true knowledge of the canons of the
poetic art : dperrj.
309. Here begins the third main division of the poem, and
the rest of it is but an expansion of the ideas of vv. 307 — 8.
309 — 322 {itnde paretitur opes) . The first requisite for zvritittg
is sott ltd judgment and wide knowledge of human character, which
can best be gained by a study of philosophy : and this will win
favour for a play.
recte sapere, 'a sound judgment and correct knowledge'
of the matter to be dealt with, as it is clear from the context.
Orelli goes too far in giving the word a general meaning : 'recte
cogitare atque iudicare de omnibus rebus'.
310. rem, i.e. especially the facts of human nature and cha-
racter. Socraticae : besides Plato and Xenophon, Horace pro-
bably was thinking also of the writings of Aeschines (cp. Zeller,
Socrates, p. 208, E. T.), and perhaps Antisthenes : whether he
included the later Academics and Stoics, as Schiitz thinks, is
very doubtful. For other pupils of Socrates who wrote cp. Reid
on Cic. Acad. Ii. 23, 74.
311. verbaquc.sequentur: cp. Cic. de Orat. 11. 34, 146
NOTES. 395
(note), III. 31, 115 rcruin enim copia verhonint copiam gignit ;
Cato's rule rein tcne, verba sequcntur ; and the saying of Asinius
Pollio, quoted here by Porphyrion male Itcrcle evcniat verbis
nisi rem seqitantur. Acron reminds us how Menander used to
say that he had finished a play as soon as he had settled the
plot, even if he had not written a line.
312. quid detoeat, 'his duties towards' etc. not, of course,
with any special reference to himself, but generally what duties
are owed by men. Hence it is needless with I'eerlkamp to
change the second quid into qnis.
314. conscripti, 'a senator'. Paul. D. p. 41 M. conscripti
diccbantur, qui ex equestri ordine fatribus adsc7-ibebantur, ut
nuinerus senafonnn explcretur. Livy, il. i, 10 says deinde
[senatus]... /«/;■«;« nuincruin pj-imoribus equesiris gradus lectis
ad ccc sumiiuxm explevit, traditumque inde fertur, ut in senatutii
vocarentur, qui patres quique conscripti essent: conscriptos, vide-
licet novum in scnatum, appellabaiit lectos. Festus, }). 254 M.
says that 164 plebeians were thus added to the senate. Ac-
cording to this story, which has been generally accepted, the
familiar phrase /«/;'ij conscripti is iov patres et conscripti. It is
quite clear that Livy and Festus are in error in supposing the
newly added senators to have been plebeians : it is absurd to
suppose that at a time when the plebeians were admitted to no
magistracy, they should have constituted a majority of the
governing council (cp. Madvig Verf. it. Fena. i. 125, Herzog
Gesch. d. R. Staatsv. I. 130). But it is further probable that,
in spite of the credence given to it by some of the best autho-
rities, e.g. Becker, Momnisen, Lange, and Madvig, the story,
and with it the current explanation of the 'phxz.'iQ patres conscripti,
is to be rejected altogether. Conscripti is a very doubtful equi-
valent for adlccti, and that patres meant the patrician senators
alone cannot be regarded as established, in spite of Mommsen's
arguments in Rom. Forsch. I. 21S ff. Hence Ihne /v'()/«. GcscJi.
I. 116 [E. T. 137 — 8] and Willems, Le Senat I. 38 — ^i. Droit
Romain pp. 187 — 9 maintain thai patres conscripti means simply
'the fathers (patricians) who are on the roll'. Thus we can
understand Cic. Phil. xiii. 13, 28 mutavit calceos, pater con-
scriptus factus est. Conscriptus alone occurs only here. The
strongest argument for the current view is drawn from the
quotation in Festus, p. 254 '' qui patres qui conscripti'' vocati
sunt in cicriam, which Mommsen, Rom. Forsch. I. 254 (note)
regards as rei^roducing the formal summons of the herald in the
forum.
iudicis: Sat. i. 4, 123 (note).
315. partes: Ep. 11. i, 171.
318. vivas voces, 'language faithful to life': cp. Plat.
396 ARS POETICA.
rhaedr, 276 A X6701' IdvTO. kcu ifx\J/vxov, ov 6 yeypafifiivoi eiSuXov
uu ri, XiyoLTO 5i^ata)y. veras, preferred by Lambinus, has very
slight authority and is only a gloss.
319. speciosa locis : loci has two chief meanings in rhetoric :
(i) 'common- places', i.e. passages of abstract exposition or
discussion, which can be introduced in any place where they
may suit the context, but which are not limited to any particular
occasion: (2) 'topics' or 'sources' from which arguments may
be derived, or 'heads' under which they may be arranged. The
word is very common in Cicero's rhetorical writings in both
senses: cp. note on Cic. de Orat. I. 13, 56, where the /:;« deal
with such subjects as the gods, piety, friendship, justice, and the
like. In Quintilian's time the former meaning was the more
usual, and he sometimes follows it, e.g. vii. i, 41 plerique...
coiitenii sunt locis speciosis modo vcl nihil ad probationem con-
ferentibiis: but sometimes he returns to the other meaning, v.
10, 20 locos appcllo non tit vtilgo mine intellegimtiir, iit luxiiriam
ct adidteriinn ct similia, sed sedes argiuncntoriim in qiiibus latent,
ex qicibus sunt petenda. It is generally assumed that the first
meaning is that employed in this passage, 'a play striking from
its brilliant passages'. Curiously enough Porph. gives exactly
the opposite interpretation ' colligit saepe magis placuisse fabu-
1am, quae nudis narraretur verbis, quoniam res spectatorem
delectarent, quam quae locis communibus explicaretur'. If he
had our text, he must have taken versus inopes rerum=/(?a
communes, the latter phrase having acquired by his time some-
thing of that notion of triteness and feebleness which attaches
to our own 'common-place remark', but not to a 'common-
place book'. But Schiitz argues strongly for the second meaning
of locus here, in the sense of the psychological principles from
which the poet's sketches of character are to be drawn. Then
morataque recte does not add a quite distinct idea, but develops
the first. 'Sometimes a play, if it is vivid in its way of dealing
with characters, and paints them aright, even though it has no
grace (Ep. i. 6, 38), from its lack of weighty and artistic language,
gives more pleasure to the people, and keeps their attention
better than lines which have no substance and melodious trifles'.
Schiitz takes as an example those characters in Shakspere which
are always life-like, even when there is something repugnant to
our taste in the language which they use. Certainly if a play
has at once brilliant passages and true pictures of character, it
is hard to see how it can be nidliits veneris sine pondere et arte.
Ritter oddly interprets of the scenery of the poem. It would be
quite possible to understand, merely 'in places'. Many inferior
MSS. have iocis.
323. Grais : so all MSS. here: cp. Ep. II. i, 90. ore
rotundo, the aroy-a. CTpoyyxiKov of the Greeks, denoted a
NOTES. 397
smooth, easy style of utterance, so that Dionys. Hal. de vi
Demosth. 19 uses ffTpoyyvXr) Xi^is as opposed to fj.aKpd and
irXareTa of 'well-rounded' periods, and ascribes to Lysias (Jud.
Lys. 6) r) <jvaTpi(povaa to. vorjaara Kal ffrpoyyvXtjos eK<p^povaa X^^is.
The style of Lysias is nearly the exact opposite of what some
people mean when they talk of speaking ore rotii>ido. Co-
nington's 'ready wit and rounded phrase ' wdl do.
326. in partes centum : the language is here not intended
to be exact; the duodecimal, not the decimal method of subdi-
vision was always used at Rome. The as was divided into 1 2
iinciae, tlie iincia again into 4 sicilki, or 24 scripiula qx scripiila ;
sometimes even the scripuluni was divided into 2 si/iiplia, each
■5-7-ff of an as. From scrupulus (a small scriipus) comes
scruple: the explanation of the by-form scriptulum is not clear.
Probably it is a translation of ypdfj.f.La, wliicli came to coalesce
with scnipulus. Cp. Roby L p. 447 f. S. G. § 1S9, Hultsch
Gr. u. Horn. Metrol.^ p. 145.
dicat: Bentley's conjecture dicas is quite unnecessary. Cp.
Carm. i. ■27, 10 dicat Opiintiae f rater JMcgillae. Acron says
that Albinus was a usurer. Tliis is probably only a guess.
327. quincunce : cp. Roby I. c.
328. superat: so most MSS.: one or two have siiperest,
one superet which Bentley accepted : but the indicative lends
liveliness to the dialogue: Roby § 1761, S. G. § 751. Supero
not sitpersum seems to be the technical word in such a case.
poteras is the reading of most MSS. ; a few have poterat.
Bentley adopts this, taking it as placed in the mouth, not of the
supposed teacher but of Horace himself, as a part of the nar-
rative : poterat dixisse, Triens. This is fairly good, but a need-
less departure from^ the MSS. The past impf. is best explained
as an expression of some slight imiDatience : 'you might have
told me by this time'; not as simply for the pres. (with Keller,
&c.), comparing Sat. II. r, 16, for there too we have 'an imper-
fect of neglected duty' as Prof. Palmer calls it. Nor is it 'you
used to know' (as Macleane says), which ignores the force of the
perf. inf. Cp. Roby § 1535, S. G. § 643.
eu = €i5 often used by the comic poets in approval. Cp. Brix
on Plant. Mil. 394.
329. redit 'is added' sc. to the quincunx: it denotes the op-
posite of the previous action, not merely its reversal fit 'is the
amount', a technical term: cp. the tabula Velcias in Bruns'
Fontes^, p. 201.
330. an: all Keller's MSS. read ad, which is indefensible in
itself, but points to at: on the other hand the Bland, vet. and B
398 AI^S POETICA.
with a few others have an, and their authority ig enough to make
us accept it, as it is at least as good: Roby § 2255, S. G. § 888.
Macleane seems to think it a conjecture of Bentley's.
aerugo used in Sat. I. 4, roi of the canker of malice, here
denotes the canker of avarice. Properly it is the rust upon
copper coin. In Apul. Met. I. 21 atriigini semper intenizcs it
seems to be used as a contemptuous expression for money, but
that is not a sufficient reason why we should take it so here, as
Hildebrand {ad loc.) contends.
331. speramus has more authority than sperennis; as Bentley
says 'utrumque probum est, ut nescias utrum utri praeferendum
sit '. So Cicero often has censemus and arbitraviur.
332 — 365 [quid deceat, quid non). A poet must be brief, not
extravagant, and neither empty nor too severe. Some slips may
be pardoned ; and a poem must be judged as a whole; and with
regard to its gene7-al style.
332. cedro, the resinous exudation of the cedrus or juniper-
tree, was used to preserve books from decay: it was smeared on
the unwritten side of the roll: cp. Vitruv. 11. 9, 13 ex cedro
oleum, quod cedrium dicitiir, nascitur, quo reliquae res tmctae, uti
etiat?i lib?'i, a tineis et a carie non laedutitur. Ov. Trist. ni. i,
13 qztod neque sum cedro Jlavus nee pumice levis. Hence Pers.
I. 42 has cedro digna locutus. cupresso : cp. Schol. Cruq. ' cu-
pressus autem est cedri species, unde confici solent capsulae, in
quibus reponebantur scripta poetarum contra tineas.' The lines
333 — 4 may be from the Greek: the comment then will be
vv. 335—365-
335. brevls : Horace is himself one of the first masters of
the terse speech that sticks.
338. dociles and fideles are predicates and may be translated
best by adverbs.
337. omne...manat: Bentley suspected this to be a line
foisted in by the monks, like many single hexameters in Juvenal.
His suspicions are groundless here.
339. ne is the reading of most MSS. restored by Bentley for
nee: it is here final, not imperative, velit has the support of
the better MSS. and I do not see why we should not retain it:
many of the best editors prefer volet.
340. Lamiae. According to a Libyan legend Lamia was a
beautiful queen beloved by Zeus, but bereft of all her children
by Hera, whereupon she retired into a lonely cavern in the midst
of wild rocks, and there became a treacherous and greedy
monster devouring the children of others from spite : cp.
Aristoph. Pac. 758, Vesp. 1035, 1177, Verrall Studies in
NOTES. 399
Horace, p. 121, Preller Gr. Myth. I. 484. The name is doubt-
less derived from Xdyttos Siiaw', with which is connected
Xci^ta = x<i<''Ma''a- In Apul. Met. I. 17, v. 11 the word is simply
one of abuse = ' old witches'. The vampire Lamia, who appears
in Keats's poem, is of later origin, extrahat, i.e. describe how
it is drawn: cp. 221 (note).
341. centuriae senlorum, consisting, in each division of the
Servian classification, of those who were over 45 years of age.
These older men cared nothing for plays whicli had no useful
lessons in them.
342. Ramnes, the first of the three original centuries of
knights, the other two being Titles and Luct-rcs (Liv. i. 13).
Much difficulty has been found in understanding why Ramnes
should be used here to denote the younger part of the audience.
15ut the term seems only to have been used of the knights equo
publico, who served as cavalry, not of those who belonged to the
ordo equester by virtue of their census ; and the period of service
for cavalry was limited to ten campaigns, so that all these equites
would be under 30. Hence Q. Cicero de pet. cons. 8, 33 de-
scribes them as Ilia adidcsccntuloniin actus, Liv. II. 13 as proceres
iuvcntutis, while he makes Perseus spealc of them as equites
seminarium senatus (XLII. 61). There is no special reason why
Jiamnes should have been chosen, rather than one of the other
centuries. Cp. Madvig Verf. u. Vcrw. I. 161 — 2. celsi =
'haughty', whether we take it as an epithet, or as an adverbial
predicate with praetereunt, cp. Liv. vii. 16 celsi et fcroces in
proeliiwi vadunt, and Cic. de Orat. I. 40, 184 (note).
343. punctum: Ep. il. 2, 99 (note).
345. Sosiis : Ep. i. 20, 2. The question has been raised
whether an author received anything directly from his publisher;
it seems clear that he did, at least in the time of Seneca (de
Benev. VII. 6) and Martial (xi. 108) : cp. Becker Gallup II.
389 f. If the demand was good, the publisher would be able to
make a good profit: Mart. xiv. 194 (on Lucan) sunt quidam qui
me die tint noii esse poetam ; sed qui me vendit, bibliopola putat.
mare transit : here just in the opposite sense to Ep. i. 20,
13 (cp. note). Martial was read in Gaul, Spain and Britain, and
complains tliat he gets no profit from his British readers (xi. 3,
6). Pliny Ep. ix. 11 is delighted to find that his works have a
good sale at Lugdunum.
346. longtun prorogat 'extends to a distant day', proleptic :
as Soph. Trach. 679 fjid^ov' eKTevQ \byov. Schiitz connects
longum nolo 'known to distant parts', not so well.
347. ignovisse : v. 98 (note). Just as the string of a lyre
may give the wrong note, or a bow miss its mark, so a man can-
not always produce the result at which he aims.
400 ARS FOETICA.
350. quodcumque minabitur, sc. ferire: Madvig {Adv.
Crit. I. p. 68) writes 'neque enim Horatium a. p. 350 scripsisse,
quod omnes toties legimus...{in quo durissime ita auditur infini-
tivus, ut adiiciatur etiam se: quodcunque se percussurum
esse minabitur; nam minari aliquid longe aliud est), hoc,
inquam, eum non scripsisse ostendunt codices, in quibus est,
iide quidem dignis omnibus, quocunque, hoc est, quoicun-
que.' The confusion between quod or quo (from quoi) and
cui is a common one in MSS. (cp. Madvig Emend. Liv?,
p. 350, Roby II. p. xxxiii.). But Madvig is in error in sup-
posing that quocunque has good MS. authority here: it ap-
pears in none of the MSS. collated by Keller or by Ritter, and
the only trace of it which I have been able to discover is in the
inferior Berlin cod. 269 quoted by Schiitz. Hence it is perhaps
better to keep to the unusual construction which is not unintelli-
gible, rather than to depart from the MSS. minor is a stronger
expression {qx ^cto.
352. offeudar, fut. ind. rather than pres. subj. aut...aut:
it would seem at first that there is not sufficient distinction
between the sources of error for the strongly disjunctive par-
ticles: but incuria appears to refer to faults arising simply from
carelessness, paruin cavit to those due to the difficulties of the
task, against which sufficient care had not been taken.
353. quid ergo est? 'How stands the case then?' Bentley
restored the est, which earlier editors had omitted, asserting
that quid ergo alone is used only when it is a kind of rhetorical
introduction to a following question; 'what then?'. It is doubt-
ful whether this dictum would bear examination, except for
Cicero. Cp. Reid on Cic. Acad. I. 4, 13.
354. scriptor llbrarius, ' a copying clerk ', a slave set to this
employment by his owner in order to produce books either for
his own library or for sale, Cp. Marquardt Riim. Privatalt. I.
P- 157-
355. quamvis 'however much': for the construction cp.
Ep. I. 16, 6; 17, r, 22.
[et] citharoedus : Bentley read ttt, which is good in itself, but
has very slight authority.
356. ridetur: Roby §1421.
357. multum cessat, 'often neglects his duty': Ep. ii. 1,
14. Choerilus, Ep. 11. i, 232.
358. Ms terve, 'twice, or even thrice', whereas his terque
(v. 440) is 'twice, ay and thrice:' the former = raro, the latter =
saepe: cp. Bentley on Epod. V. 33, where he rightly restored
bis terque. Here most MSS. have bis terque, which Keller and
Schiitz retain, attempting without much success to combat
Bentley's distinction.
NOTES. 401
359. quandoque=<7«aw(?'(V?o/<///^; cp. Roby § 2290, S. G.
§ 219. dormltat, the only frequentative from a verb of the
fourth conjugation, and hence with T, except sdtari, Koby § 964.
The Greek grammarians and philosophers delighted to discover
inconsistencies and errors in Homer, most of all Zoilus, known
as 'OfiripoixaffTi^. Lucilius (vv. 439 — 442 Lachm.) censured the
extravagance of the story of Polyphemus. Ribbeck, holding
that the current text gives just the wrong meaning, reads tn-
digiicr witli, a mark of interrogation at JJomerus, and at idem
for et idem. This is attractive ; for the ordinaiy reading seems
to be quite inconsistent with vv. 351 — 2: if Horace is not
offended by a few faults, why should he be indignant at occa-
sional nodding? But in this somewhat loose writing Horace
appears to have shifted his point of view. 'If a poet commits
but few faults, these can be overlooked. If he is always blunder-
ing, we ridicule him, even when to our astonishment he occa-
sionally goes right. But if he is to be judged by a higher stand-
ard, then he must expect us to be annoyed at his slips. But
after all he ought to be pardoned even for them, if his task is a
long one.' So the vulgate may be allowed to stand.
360. operl longo: so the large majority of good MSS.
Some have opei-e in lo7tgo, which would have required ftiit:
besides the personification of the work is pleasing rather than
otherwise, though Ribbeck holds that Bentley has by no means
proved that a work can sleep.
361. ut pictura poesis. The comparison of a painting to
a picture was made by Simonides : d 2,i/j.uiviSr]s ttjv fxiv ^ccypa-
(piav iToL7}(jiv (TLwirQaav Trpocrayopeuei., ttiV 8i noirjcnv ^uiypacpiav
\a.\ovaav (Plut. de glor. Ath. 3), repeated in ad Herenn. IV. 28,
39 poema loqiiens picticra, pictura taciturn poema debet esse. The
misleading character of this utterance of 'the Greek Voltaire'
Lessing has brought out well in the Vorrede to his Laocoon.
But here, as Orelli well points out, the reference is only to the
external aspects of the two kinds of art, not to their points of
internal resemblance.
362. abstes: a (xtt. \iy. Keller thinks that the reading
aptes of the good MS. B points to the spelling apstes.
364. argutum acmnen : Reid on Cic. Acad. I. 2, 7 points
out how often argute is joined with acute in Cic. ^^
366 — 384 (qtio virtus, quo ferat error). Mediocrity is pe)-- \\^
initted in tilings necessaiy, not in things which ai'e produced oitly A
to give pleasure. Hence no one should write poetry without the
requisite skill.
368. tolle: Ep. I. 18, 12. certis, not the same as quibus-
dam, but defining more precisely. Cicero de Orat. i. 26, 118
W. H. 26
402 AJ^S POETICA.
explains why we are such severe critics of those arts which exist
only to give us pleasure, and which miss their end altogether if
they fail to do so.
370. mediocris, the only adjective with stem in -o-i which
regularly retains -is in the nom. sing. masc. Neue Foriiienl. Ii.
lo. diserti, strictly speaking not so strong as 'eloquent' (cp.
Cic. Brut. 5, 1 8 M. Antonhis...disertos ail se vidisse miiltos,
eloqiientem omnino neinimin)^ but here practically equivalent
to it.
371. Messallae. M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, the patron
of TibuUus (circ. B.C. 65 — A.D. 2), and perhaps known to Horace
at Athens, won high distinction as lieutenant to Cassius at
Philippi. Afterwards he attached himself to Antonius, but in
B.C. 36 he joined Octavian, and in B. C. 31 he was consul and
commanded the centre of the fleet at Actium. Of his eloquence
Tacitus Dial. 18 says Cicerone mitior Cofvintis et didcior et in
verbis magis elaboratus (cp. c. 21 ad fin.): Quintil. X. i, 113
At Messalla 7iitidtis et candidiis et qiudam Jiiodo praeferens in
dicendo 7iobiUtatem siiavi, viribiis minor [quam Asinius]. He
and Asinius Pollio are commonly coupled as the last of the older
group of orators (Quint. X. i, 23). There is a very good notice
of him in Smith's Diet. Biog. no. 8. Cp. Carm. in. 21, Sat.
I. 10, 29.
Cascellius, an eminent lawyer, distinguished however not
so much for his learning (Dig. I. tit. II. 2, 45 Trehatiiis periiior
CasccUio, Cascellius Trebatio eloqiientior fiiisse dicitnr, Ofilius
ittroqtie doctior) as for his wit and boldness (Macrob. II. 6, i
iuris constdtiis urbanitatis mirae libertatisqne: cp. Val. Max.
VI. 2, 12 vir iiu-is civilis scieniia clarus, quam perictdose con-
tumax!). It was not this Cascellius to whom Scaevola the
augur used to refer clients who consulted him on praediatorian
law (Cic. p. Balb. 20, 45, Val. Max. VIII. 12, i), for Scaevola
died shortly after B. C. 88, by which time Cascellius cannot
have gained any reputation: besides Mr Reid (on Cic. I.e.) has
shown that Valerius was mistaken in supposing that the Cas-
cellius of Cicero's story was a lawyer at all. He may have
been the father of the lawyer. Cp. Introd. The evidence which
connects Cascellius with B.C. 56 is the story told by Macrobius
(1. c), that he was consulted by a client at the time when
Vatinius was giving a gladiatorial show, probably in the year
when he was candidate for the praetorship.
372. in pretio est: 'has his value.' [This is a regular
phrase of persons or things which not holding the highest place,
are yet of some value. Cf. Plant. Asin. I. i, 46 tti p7-imtts
seniis: nos tanicn in pretio stiimis : Poen. I. 2, ii"; pri/num prima
salva sis et secunda tit seciindo salve in pretio; tertia salve extra
NOTES. 403
tretium: Volcat. SeJ. ap. A. Gell. xv. -24 A'aevius fretio in
lertiost. A. P.] mediocribus : Roby, § 1357, S. G. § 537 (f).
373. non homines, non di: some MSS. invert these clauses,
but coliimnae comes in much better as an anti-climax with the
order in the text: the word is itself a burlesque exaggeration
of the usual term //Az^ (Sat. i. 4, 7O for the posts in front of
the booksellers' shops. Cp. Palmer's note there. We may
translate 'counters'.
374. symphonia is any kind of orchestral or choral music :
so ptieri symphoniaci (Cic. p. Mil. ■21, 55) are singing-boys: but
the oxymoron is doubtless intentional. Cicero often speaks of
the symphonia as an accompaniment of banquets. Cp. Senec.
Ep. 54 in comissationibtis nostris plus cantorum est, quam in
theatris olim speclatorum fuit. Becker, Callus^ in. 261.
375. crassum: thickness was generally considered a fault
in the perfumed unguents, supplied by the hosts at a dinner
(Cami. II. 3, 13, 7, 1}, fitnde capacibiis nngue7ita de conchis. III.
14, 7. Catullus XIII. II says he can furnish nothing but the
perfume: there Ellis quotes Xen. Symp. 11. 3 rt ovv; el /cat
(xtjpov Tis rifuv iveyKOLL, 'iva Kal evwdig, eaTiuifjieda ;). Cp. Plin.
N. H. XIII. T, 2 omnia ungiienta acutiora finni costo, amo7no...
crassiora niyrrho: ib. 3, 4 qiiosdam crassiiudo maxime delectat,
spissum appellantes. Unique iam, tion solum perfundi unguentis
gaudent.
Sardo melle : Porph. says ' Corsicum et Sardum mel pessimi
saporis est' : this was in consequence of the bitter plants (Verg.
Eel. VII. 41 ego Sardoniis vidcar tibi amarior herbis) and the
yews (ib. IX. 30 sic tna Cyrnacas fugiant examiiia taxes) which
grew there in abundance, and made it asperrimum (Plin. N. H.
XXX. 4, 10). Cp. Ov. Am. I. 13, 9 quatn {ceram) puto de longae
collect u m flore cicutae melle sub infami Corsica misit apis.
papaver: cp. Plin. N. H. xix. 53, 16S papaver candiduni,
cuius se7nen tostum in secunda juensa cum melle apud antiquos
dabatur. The Spartans in Sphacteria were supplied with ix.t]kwv
[iefj.e\iTwtilvq, to allay hunger. Cp. Kriiger on Thuc. IV. 26.
376. duel cena, like actatem duciinus (Ep. 11. 1, 202), vita
ducendaest (Epod. 17, 6},) etc.
377. natum, v. 82. inventum, v. 405.
378. decessit has 'fallen short of: discessit, adopted by
Lambinus, has very slight authority, pauliun : so all MSS.
here, the cod. Veron. of Livy (Monimsen p. 169), and the best
MSS. of Cicero: even in Plautus (e.g. Epid. 238, Cure. 123)
and in Lucretius the older form paullus nowhere appears in
26 2
404 ARS FOE TIC A.
our MSS.; hence />aii /urn is rightly retained by Munro, e.g.
I. 410, in spite of Lachmann on in. 1014. Augustus wrote
f>ai(/o in the Afon. Ancyr. iii. 21, and so the MSS. have in
Verg. Eel. IV. r. On the other hand Paullus is the form of
the proper name on coins and inscriptions, though MSS. are
divided. Cp. Sat. i. 6, 41. The word is not directly connected
with paucus (as Roby, § 868, says) but is more probably for
pauriihis. Cp. Corssen II- 531 — 2.
vergit ad imum, 'approaches the lowest ' : i.e. is little better
than the worst.
379. armis, not, as Orelli, such as are mentioned in the
next line, but 'weapons' for sham fights: cp. Ep. I. 18, 54.
380. pilae : indoctus nowhere else is followed by the gen.
but cp. sollers lyrae in v. 407, Roby § 1320, S. G. § 526. Cp.
Sat. II. 2, II sen pila velux...seii. te discus agit. For the various
kinds of ball-play cp. Marquardt Rbvi. Privatalt. II. 420 — 425,
or Pri}7ier of Rom. Ant. p. 37. The ball and quoit were held
in high esteem, but the hoop [trocJuis) was rather despised:
cp. Carm. iii. 24, 57, Ov. Trist. 11. 486, iii. 12, 22, Art. Am.
III. 383 sunt illis (sc. viris^ celeresqne pilae iaculmnqiie trochique
artiiaqice et in gyros ire coadus equus. The hoop was set with
rattling rings : cedat ut argtitis obvia turba trochis (Mart. XIV.
169).
381. Bpissae; Ep. i. 19, 41, and v. 205. impune = ;w;-i/(?.
coronae: Ep. i. 18, 53.
382. versus. It is better not to place a comma after versus,
as Bentley does : iiescio does not govern versus, but rather
pingere repeated.
383. liber, opposed to servns, ingenuus opposed to -liber-
tinus. Understand est, not, as Orelli, siun; for to qtiidni we
supply audeat not aiidaiDi.
census... summam, cp. Cic. p. Flacc. 32, 80 vohiisti 7>iagmcm
agri moduvi censen. . .cum te audisset servos sues esse censum. Roby
§ 1 127 says this is the only other instance of this construction of
censeor. Gell. Vll. 13, i has classici dicebantiir, qui cxxv. niilia
aeris ampliusve cetisi erant, but this is later than Roby's limits.
The construction with abl. is more common, and from this use
comes the very frequent meaning in later writers 'to be valued or
distinguished for': e.g. Mart. i. 61, 3 censetur Apona Livio sup
tellus: the accusative construction seems to have given rise to the
curious use in Ovid, Ep. Pont. I. 2, 137 hanc . . .dilectam est inter
comites Marcia censa suas. For the equestrian census cp. Ep.
I. I, 57-
384. vitio, interpreted by Acron as v. corporis, hence qui
sanus est. But that is not to the point here : it means only ' there
NOTES. 405
is nothing against him ' : cp. Ep. I. 7, 56. The inappropriate-
ness of the plea makes any reply on the part of Horace super- •
fluous. <fi^
385 — 390, Eveti if yoti arc ivell qualified to write do not be f^
in /laste to publish.
385. tu, so. maior Pisonum: dices 'will, I am sure, say*.
Invita Minerva, explained by Cic. de Off. I. 31, no neque enim
attinct 7iaturae repiignare nee qtiicqnam scqui, qtwd asseqni non
queas, ex quo viagis emei'git, quale sit decorum illtid, ideo quia
nihil decet invita Miverva, ut aiunt, id est adversante et reptig-
nante natura. Minerva, the goddess of the mental powers, —
the name being akin to tuens- — came to stand for them by met-
onymy, as Ceres for corn, Bacchus for wine, and Juppiter for
the sky (if this be the true explanation of the usage). Cp. Sat.
II. a, 3 crassa Mincrza, Cic. de Am. 5, \() pifigui ]\linerva.
386. id — iudicium 'such is your judgment', a construction
more common with the relative.
ollm 'at any time'.
387. Maeci: cp. Introd. Bentley restored the true form of
the name.
388. nonumque...in annum. It can hardly be doubted
that (as Philargyrius on Verg. Eel. IX. 35 says) there is a direct
reference to the Smyrna of C. Helvius Cinna: cp. Catull. xcv.
1-2 Smyrna mei Cinnae nonam post denique tnessem qttam
coepta est nonamque edita post hicvievi: Quint. X. 4, 4 Cinnae
Smyrnam navem annis acccpiimis factam. In his case the long
elaboration seems to have led to obscurity; but Vergil greatly
admired him (Eel. IX. 35). Cp. Teuffel J\o}n. Lit. § 210, 7-3.
But Horace seems to refer not so much to the time spent upon
the composition, as to the interval to be allowed to lapse be-
tween its completion and publication, and so Quintilian takes it
in his dedicatory letter to Tiyphon: quibus componendis...paulo
plus qua7n Inenniu7n...i77ipendi:...usus deinde Horati consilio,
qui i7i arte pwctica suadet, 7ie praecipiletur editio...dahai7i iis otiu7/i,
ut ref7-ige7-ato itive7itio7iis a7nore diligc7iter repctitos ta7nqua7n lector
perpf7ide7-e/>i.
389. membranis 'the parchments'. Usually 7/ie>nb/-ana
denotes the parchment case or wrapping of the papyrus roll,
which formed the liber: cp. Ellis on Catull. XXII. 7, with Munro
OJt Catullus p. 53 (quoted on Ep. i. 13, 6); but that meaning is
out of the question here. Schiitz thinks that this passage proves
that parchment was sometimes used for the rough draft of a poem:
but this is unlikely in itself, as parchment was very expensive,
and besides it spoils the point, which comes out better if we
suppose that, even after the fair copy had been made, the poem
^
406 AI^S POETICA.
was to be put aside for nine years. Cp. Palmer on Sat. Ii. 3, 2
si raro scribes, ut toto non quater anno inembranam poscas.
Probably at this time the author's own copy was made on durable
parchment, and copies for sale on the cheaper papyrus. Cp.
Becker Galhis^ II. 372. Birt, in his careful discussion of the use
of parchment in Das antike Buclnvescn, thinks that parchment
was used for the first sketch, because writing could be cleaned
-off it, better than o^ cliarta of papyrus. Cp. pp. 56 ff
390. nescit...reverti: Ep. i. 18, 71.
391 — 407. The power of poetry is sheivn by the stories of Or-
phcits attd A}nphio7i: it laid the foundations of civilization: and
men were roused to war and taught wisdom by its strains,
391. silvestres, i. e. when ' wild in woods the noble savage
ran'. Sat. i. 3, 99 ff.
sacer = sacerdos Thrcicius of Verg. Aen. vi. 645. in-
terpres : Eur. Rhes. 936 /xvaTTjpiuv re twv aTroppryrwc <pavds
Idd^fv 'Op^tevs. 'Orpheus, the son of the Muses, was a singer
inspired equally by Apollo and by Dionysus' E. Curtius Hist. 11.
78. Plato Protag. 3160 mentions him with Musaeus as having
introduced reXerds Kal xPVO'/^V^^°-^i but in Rep. II. 364 E he
attacks the mendicant prophets who 'produce a host of books
written by Musaeus and Orpheus, who were children of the
Moon and of the Muses — that is what they say — according to
which they perform their ritual'. Aristotle doubted the genuine-
ness of the poems current under the name of Orpheus (de An. i.
5, 15), and, if Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 38, 107 reports him cor-
rectly, even his existence. The Orphica now extant are mainly
later than the Christian era. Cp. K. O. Midler Gr. Lit. i.
25, and Bergk Gr. Lit. I. 392 — 401.
392. caedibus : Aristoph. Ran. 1032 'Qp4>ev% nkv -yap reXe-
rds ^' Tjfiiv Karedei^f (povuiv r direx^o'&Cii..
393. tigris : the beasts appear following Orpheus first in
Eur. Bacch. 564 ev raj's '0\ii/xTrov daXafiais, ivda ttot' 'Opcpevs
Kidapi^wv ^vvaytv 5iv5pea MotycraiS, ^vvayiv 6rjpas dypwras. In
Eur. Iph. Aul. 1211 (cp. Med. 543), we have only the stones, as
in Carm. i. 6, 7; 24, 13 we have the trees: but in Aesch. Ag.
1630 rjje wavr' dirb ^doyyijs x°-P^- I"^ the accounts of the my-
thologers the beasts became prominent.
rabidosque : this reading is supported by many of the best
MSS. including Bland, vet. and Bern., and is therefore to be ac-
cepted. Keller from his point of view thinks that the scale turns
decidedly in favour of rapidos. That i-apidus may mean 'fierce'
is sufficiently proved by Vergil's use of the word of heat (Eel. Ii.
10: cp. Conington's note), of the sun (Georg. I. 92), of fire
(Georg. IV. 263) and of the dog-star (ib. 425). But here there
NOTES. 407
is no need to introduce it: and Lmire strongly confirms rabidos.
In Lucret. iv. 712 rabidi Icones, V. 892 n?/'/(//j f(T«//'«j, the MSS.
have rapidi and rapidis, altered the former by Wakefield, the
latter by Bentley, with the approval of Lachmann ('debebat
scire leones rapidos Latine dici non posse ') and Munro. I doubt,
with Conington, whether Lachmann does not go too far, though
of course he only means 'in the sense of ravening'. Keller
quotes 7'apidique Uonis from Lucan vi. 337, but \Vcber and
Weise both have rabidiqiie., though (as usual) MSS. are divided.
394. urbis has much more authority (including Bland, vet.
and Bern.) than arcis, and it is hard to see why Bentley ignored
it; still more why Orelli and Haupt should have preferred
the latter: the arx Thcbana was founded by Cadmus, hence
called Cadmea, while according to Pausanias (ix. 5, i — 3) Am-
phion and Zethus built the lower city. But the chronological
relation between Cadmus and the two brothers is given differ-
ently in different authorities : cp. Grote History of Greece, Part I.
c. xiv. It is curious that Homer knows nothing of Cadmus:
in the Odyssey (xi. 262) Amphion and Zethus build the walls of
Thebes. 'The story about the lyre of Amphion is not noticed in
Homer, but it was narrated in the ancient itn] is l^vpoiwrjp, which
Pausanias had read : the wild beasts as well as the stones were
obedient to his strains (Pans. IX. 5, 4). Pherecydes also re-
lated it (frag. 102 Didot)' Grote 1. c. Cp. Carm. iii. 11, 2
niovit Amphion hpides caneiido : Ep. I. 18, 41.
395. blanda: Ep. 11. i, 135.
396. sapientia, predicate, with the infinitives in apposition.
397. publica, etc. Plorace follows the division of the
Roman law : cp. Gains II. 2 summa itaque reriim divisio in duos
artiatlos didiuitur: nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani.
Divini iuris sunt vchdi res sacrae et religiosae. 10. Hae auteni
quae himiani iuris sunt aut piiblicae sunt aut privatae.
398. concubltu vago = the venere7n incertam of Sat. I. 3,
109. The Epicurean conception of the early history of man
upon the earth, which Horace has in view here, is given fully in
Lucret. V. 925 — 1457. On much of it Darwin's Descent of Man
furnishes an interesting commentary, maritis 'the wedded'.
Dig. XXIV. I, 52 i>iter maritos nihil agitur. Apul. Met. VIII. 2
soboli noiwutn maritorum. The use here shows that it is not
solely 'post-classical' as L. and S. say. But coniuges is more
common in this sense : cp. Catull. LXI. 237 boni coniuges, LXVI.
80 tina)ii>/iis coniugibus.
399. ligno: 'aereis enim tabulis antiqui non sunt usi, sed
roboreis. In has incidebant leges, unde adhuc Athenis legum
tabulae ajoyes vocantur' Porph. They were also called Kvp^eis:
4o8 ARS POETICA.
for the difiference between the two cp. Lidd. and Sc. s. v., Plut.
Solon c. XXV. (Vol. i. p. 193 Clough). Dionysius says that the
Twelve Tables were tubt engraved on bronze (crrT/Xats x'^^'<^«'S :
so Mommsen I. p. ■iqo), but other authorities say ivory (Pom-
ponius in Dig. I. 2, 2, cp. Niebuhr Hist. 11. 316 note): and
Arnold {Hist. i. 256 note) thinks that Livy's simple tabulae (ill.
34) points to wood.
400. sic: i.e. as civilization grew, vatibus: Horace is
thinking of mythical poets like Linus, Orpheus, Musaeus.
hondr : in v. 69 Horace uses honos : honos is far more com-
mon in Cicero and Livy than honor and is the only form used by
Vergil. Horace, Ovid, Tacitus and the later poets use the two
forms indiscriminately. Even Plautus varies, if we may trust
the MSS. : cp. Trin. 663 and 697 with Ritschl's note. Note that
the s is never retained, except in iambic words : arbos is on a
different footing. Cp. Neue Fornunl. i. 169, Lachmann on
Lucret. vi. 1260.
401. insignis, not an epithet of Homerus, but 'gaining
fame after these'.
402. Tyrtaeus, an Athenian sent to the aid of the Spartans,
when hard pressed by the war with the revolted Messenians.
The legends about him vary greatly : Bergk {Gr. Lit. II. 247)
fixes his date at B.C. 640: others less correctly assign it to
B.C. 683. Cp. Grote Hist. Pt. Ii. c. 7. We have about 120
lines of his elegiac poetry, containing exhortations to valour,
and smaller fragments of his i/j-jBarripia, anapaestic marching
songs. His poetry was highly prized at Sparta, and sung in
time of war : on the strength of it Leonidas pronounced irim
dyadbs viui> xpvxa-s alKaWeLf. Cp. Bergk Gr. Lit. II. 244—2^^8,
Poet. Lyr. Gr? 393 — 405. Quintilian, X. i, 56 says quid?
Horatiiis frttstra Lyrtaeiim LLomero siibitingit? where Mayor
quotes passages from Dio Chrys. in which the two names are
coupled. But Crates the philosopher maintained that passages
like Horn. II. xv. 496 ff. were more rousing than anything in
Tyrtaeus. mares, Ep. i. i, 64.
403. exacuit : Bentley on Carm. I. 24, 8 shows by many
instances how regularly Horace uses a singular verb with
several subjects if all, or at least the nearest one, are singular.
Cp. Wickham on Carm. I. 3, 10; Bentley on Sat. I. 6, 131.
sortes: v. 219 (note), Mommsen Hist. i. 187 (note). The
oracles of Delphi, of Bakis and of the Sibyl are probably
especially intended. 'A strange coincidence! that from that
Delphian valley whence, as the legend ran, had sounded the
first of all hexameters {^v/j,(p^peTe TTTepd t oiwvol ktipov re jxi-
Xtcro-ai)... should issue in unknown fashion the last fragment of
NOTES. 409
Greek poetry which lias moved the hearts of men, the last
Greek hexameters which retain the ancient cadence, the ma-
jestic melancholy flow'. Ilellenica p. 4S9.
404. vitae monstrata via est, by the gnomic poets,
Solon, Theognis, Fhocylides : Mahaffy 6>. Lit. i. 175, 187 ff.
Bergk Gr. Lit. 11. 296, 332.
gratia regum; Pindar, Simonidcs and Bacchyliiles were
patronised by Hiero and Thero, Anncreon by I'olycrates of
Samos. ' The rise and prevalence of tyrants in Greece, and
their desire of spreading cultm-c about them, created a demand,
and a comfortable prospect for professional court poets'. Ma-
haffy I. p. 206.
405. Pieriis: by the time of Horace this had become a
merely conventional literary epithet of the !\Iuses: but its earlier
usage (Hesiod Op. i Moucrat WupiriQ^v, aoiS^trt xXetoucrat, Sappho
Irag. 4 ^p65ui> twi> e/c Iliep/as) is of much importance as pointing
to an early school of Greek poetry in that part of Thessaly
about Mt. Olympus. Cp. Geddes LLoiiio-ic Question pp. 25, 241.
ludus 'festivals': cp. Ep. 11. i, 140 ff. Acron refers this
to the lyre, Orelli to the dramatic representations at the Dio-
nysia to. Kar aypoiis in December, which marked the close of
the year's toil : both unduly limit the meaning. But Acron
is right in taking et.. .finis as a quasi-adjectival addition, 'to
finish their long toils'.
406. ne...sit, not imperative, but final: '(this I say) lest'
etc. So take Carm. 11. 4, i ne sit ancillae tibi amor piidori...
prills... movit, and IV. 9, i ne forte credas etc. Cp. Ep. I. i, 13.
407. sellers: so all good MSS. here, and usually : solas is
nowhere admissible.
408 — 418. Not only natural ability, but also trained skill
is needful for success in poetry.
408. natura...an arte: a theme often discussed. Pindar
was perhaps the first to lay stress on the great importance of
01/77, as compared with /xeXirr]: cp. Olymp. II. 86 {155) co<p6s
6 TroXXd fiOws (pva' /madovres 8^ \dppoL irayyXoiacrlq., KopaKe^
(lis, aKpavTa yapverov Atbs Trpbs opvixa. deiov, where Dr Fennell
finds a reference to Simonides and Bacchylides : Prof. Jebb
doubts whether Simonides can be included (journal of Hellenic
Studies, III. p. 162). So Olymp. IX. 100 (152) rb 5^ (pvq,
KpaTtarov aTra;'" TroXXut 5^ didaKrais dvdpunrup dpeTaci kX^os tvpov-
aav apeadai, avev 5^ Oeov ctcnyap-ivov o\i (jKaLOTepov Xl^V/^'
^K(x<XTov. But in 01. XI. 20 he admits dr]^ai.s M k€ <f>vvT aperq..
Naturally Horace's solution of the question — that both natural
gifts and training are needed — is the one generally accepted :
cp. Plat. Phaedr. 269 D et p.iv aoi inrapx^i (pOcrei pT]TopiKt^ that,
4IO ARS POETIC A.
^<T€i (>7]T(i}p fWoyifios, TrpoffXa^uiv iiri(XTrifj.r]v Kal fjLeX^rrjv. Cicero
in his dd 0>-alore often expresses his opinion that the first
requisite for the orator is natural capacity (e.g. i. 25, 113 sic
sentio, naturam priiniini atqiie ingfniitm ad dicendum vim ad-
ferre tnaxiinam) but that he must also be omnibus eis artikis,
qttae swat libero dignae, pcrpolitus (§ 72): and p. Arch. 7, 15
he says: ego mitltos homines cxce/leuii animo ac virtute fiiisse et
sine doctrina, naturae ipsius habilii prope divino, per se ipsos ct
moderatos et graves fuisse fateor. Etiam illiid adiungo, sacpiiis
ad laiidem atqtie virtutem naturam sine doctrina quam sine
iiatura valuisse doctT-inam. Atque idem ego hoc contendo, ctim
ad naturam eximiam et ilbistrcm acccssei-it ratio qiuudam con-
formatioqzie doctrinae, titm illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singu-
tare solcre existerc. Cp. Ovid Trist. II. 424 Enniiis iiigcnio
maximus, arte rudis: and Am. I. 15, 14 quamvis ingcnio non
valet, arte valet, of Callimachus. Quintil. I. Prooem. 26 ilhid
tarn en in primis testandiim est, nihil pracccpta atque artes valere,
nisi adiuvante natura.
409. vena: in Carm. Ii. 18, 10 Horace claims for himself
ingeni benigna vena; the metaphor is from mining: cp. Cic.
de Nat. Deor. 11. 39, 98 adde etiam reconditas auri argentiqut
venas, and ib. 60, 151. <l>\i^ is used in the same way.
410. prosit is supported by all MSS. of any value, and may
I think, be defended: Quint. V. 10, 121 has non magis hoc sat
est quam palaestram didicisse, nisi corpus cxercitationc, continen-
tia, cibis, ante omnia natura itivetur, sicict conl7-a ne ilia quideni
satis sine arte profuerint. Bentley read possit, and this reading
has been very generally adopted: ''quid possit, rl dwair' av,
quid laudabile, quid egregium pariat. At quid prosit, rl au
djipeXoi, minus est humiliusque, quam quod poscit sententia'. Of
course, the two words are often confused in MSS.; but this
only makes the fact that possit appears in one or two inferior
copies (and in John of Salisbury's quotation) tell more against it,
than if it were found in none. Bentley similarly prefers possiint
to prosiint in Carm. I. 26, 10 nil sine te mei prosunt honores.
Many editors (e.g. Munro, L. Miiller, Hirschfelder, Schiitz, etc.)
follow him here, but not there. The cases seem to me closely
parallel.
rude 'untrained', not as Acron 'stultum'. sic 'to such a
degree'.
411. coniurat: cp. Carm. i. 15, 7 Graecia coniurata tuas
rmnpere 7iuptias. Cicero never uses the word except in the
bad sense 'to conspire'; but Vergil and Livy have it simply for
'band together': cp. Ter. Hec. 198 quae haec est coniuratio?
utin omnes mulieres eadem aeque studeatit nolintque omnia!
412. metam, properly denoting the two turning-posts in
the Circus: hence the word acquires two distinct meanings (i)
NOTES. 411
turning-post, (2) goal. The former is far the more common;
e.g. in Verg. Aen. V. 159 inelatnque teitebat (cp. 129 viridcm
frondcnti ex ilice mctavi) means 'he was just at the point where
he had to turn round': Conington apprehends the meaning, but
repeatedly uses the term 'goal' to denote this point : surely this
is not legitimate; tlie 'goal' was the portus alius of v. 243, by
reaching which the race was won. L. and S. are clearly wrong
in taking the meta here as the winning-post. Cp. Carm. I. i, 4
viclaque fa-vidis evitata rolls. Cic. pro Gael. 31, 75 in hoc flexu
quasi aelalis Jama adidesccnlis faulum haesil ad 7nelas, But the
word is frequently used metaphorically in the sense of a limit :
Verg. Aen. I. 278 his ego iicc melas reriim nee tempora pono: III.
714 longarian haec vicla vianiin. In Ovid Art. Am. IT. 727 ad
inelam properale siimil the word is used metaphorically in its
literal meaning, as in Trist. I. 9, i delin- inoffcnso vilae lihi lan-
gere inelam: in iv. 8, 35 the plural is used, apparently in the
sense of ' goal ' : nee procul a tnelis, quas paene lenere vidcbar,
curricula gravis est facia ruina iiieo. I can find no passage in
prose in which mela is used for 'goal' except Varro L. L. viii.
16, 31 siqicis diipliccm pulal esse suiniiiam, ad quas tnelas nalurae
sil perveiiieiiduin in usu; the regular word is calx; Ep. I. 14, 9.
Gr. ii<T7rXr;^ = starting-point, not goal, as Rutherford says on
Phrynichus p. 146. Cp. Plat. Phaedr. 254 E There is a striking
parallel in the use of Kafiwr-^p for 'goal': cp. Cope on Ar. Rhet.
HI. 9, 2 iirl Tois KafiTTTTJpaiv iKXiiovrai.
413. puer 'when a boy': sudavit et alsit 'has borne heat
and cold' : the tense is the true perfect, not the gnomic or aoris-
tic perfect.
414. PytMa cantat 'plays at the Pythian games'; the con-
struction is like that of Ep. i. i, ^o coronari Olynipia ; c^i.saepe...
Olympia vicil Enn. in Cic. de Sen. 5, 14. At the Pythian games
one of the chief contests was in the vop-o^ IlvdtKos, a description
in music of the fight of Apollo with the Python, including a song
of victory and a dirge over the monster. This was introduced
by Olympus (Miiller Greek Lil. I. 209), but was not limited to
the pipe; the lyre was also used (Curtius Hisl. 11. 82, Bergk
Gr. Lil. II. 127). The victor at the first three Pythian contests,
after they passed into the hands of the Amphictyons (b.c. 590),
was Pacadas (Miiller, p. 215).
416. nunc is the reading of all our older authorities, and is
quite defensible: 'nowadays men think it enough to say'. Bent-
ley contended that the contrast was not between the present time
and the past, but between athletes and poets ; and therefore
read on very slight authority ncc, which has been very generally
accepted. But surely this is to force too strictly logical an expres-
sion upon Horace, There is no lack of clearness in saying
'athletes and musicians have to prepare themselves with much
412 ARS FOE TIC A.
self-denial for their public appearances, but nowadays men are
satisfied with saying that they would account it a disgrace not to
be able to write poetry, even though they have never studied the
art'. Ritter, Schiitz, Keller, Kriiger, Dillenbiirger and others
retain nunc, the Scholiasts knew no other reading, and Conington
evidently adopts it for his translation. If any correction were
needed, I should prefer Jeep's htcic to Bentley's nee.
417. occupet extremum scabies 'deuce take the hind-
most': according to Porphyrion 'hoc ex lusu puerorum sustulit,
qui ludentes solent dicere : quisquis ad me novissimus venerit,
habeat scabiem'. L. Miiiler has rearranged the line, so as to
make a trochaic tetrameter catalectic, like that quoted in Ep. i.
I, 59; habeat scabiem quisqtds ad me I'hierit novissimus. Acron
describes the game somewhat differently.
418. sane, not 'modestly' (more sani hominis), nor yet 'cer-
tainly' ( = utique Or.), but 'altogether', like sajie sapis often in
Plautus.
419 — 452. Tlie judgment of flatterers must not be accepted, but
a rich poet can hardly tell true fi'iends from false ones. Quinti-
lius was an honest critic ; and a good man will never conceal his
friend's errors from him.
420. ad lucrum 'to make their profit out of him'. A crier
endeavours to attract purchasers by promising them good bar-
gains; a rich man, who writes verse, attracts an audience of
flatterers by the hope that they will gain something. Hence
V. 421 is not superfluous, as Schiitz thinks, but necessary to the
meaning. It is repeated from Sat. i. -z, 13 in a different con-
nexion, just as Ep. I. I, 56 is repeated from Sat. I. 6, 74, and
Sat. I. 4, 92 from Sat. i. 2, 27, though the last instance is not
quite parallel. The satirists are full of instances in which a
dinner was the reward for listening to the host's poetry: e.g.
Mart. III. r haec tibi, non alia, est ad cenam causa vocandi, versi-
ciilos recites tit, Ligurine, tuos ; etc. • cp. II. 27, III. 45, VII. 42,
IX. 14.
422. si vero est: vero does not here introduce a climax, as
Schiitz thinks, but is simply adversative : a rich poet can get
plenty of admirers, but I shall be surprised, if he can tell a true
friend from a deceiver.
unctuin: Ep. i. 15, 44. ponere 'serve up': Sat. 11. 2, 23;
4, 14; 6, 64; 8, 91; Pers. I. 53 calidu>n scis ponere sumen.
423. levl 'of little cxeAW — leviflde: the word has no refer-
ence here to moral character. But as this use is rare of persons,
and Z.S pauperis very seldom accompanied by an epithet, Geel
has ingeniously conjectured velit. Words like modo and domo
are frequently confused. Cp. Plaut. Most. 432 (Bonn. =417
NOTES. 413
Lor.), Cic. de Orat. ir. 13, 54 (note), atrls 'gloomy', like
atrae ctirae Carm. iv. ir, 35. Beiitley's suggestion artis suits
impllcitum, but is quite needless.
424. mirabor: Ep. i. 17,26. inter noscere : cp. Ep. 11. 2,
93 (note): Sat. I. 2, 63 quid inter \ est...?
425. beatus ' for all his fancied happiness '.
427. tibi factos: Ep. i. 6, 25. The ethic dative tibi diieere,
which Schiitz prefers, would \ta.ve factos too isolated.
428. pulcbre, etc.: cp. Mart. 11. 27 Laudantem Seliiun cenae
cum retia tend it aceipe, sive les;as, sive patronus agas : ^effecte!
graviter! cito! neqtiiter! eiigc! beateV Hoc volui. Facta est
iam tibi cena ; tace.
429. super Ms : Ep. 11. i, 152 (note): his seems to denote
'one set of lines', i.e. those intended to inspire terror. But Sat.
]I. 6, 3 would warrant us in taking it here as 'moreover', though
this would not be lawful in prose.
430. saliet : admiration was expressed by rising ; ]\Iart. X.
10, 9 saepiiis assurgavi recitanti cannina? Cp. Reid on Cic.
de Am. 7, 24 stantes plaiidebant. The parasite over-does his
delight: Quint. II. 2, 9 at nunc proni atque succincti ad omtiem
clausidam non exsnrgiint mode, venitn e'.iam exciirrunt, et cum
indecora exsultatione conclamant. Cp. Pers. i. 83 Trossulus
exidtat tibi per subset iia lez'is.
431. conduct! : in the earlier times of the republic women
(praeficae) were hired to sing a dirge over the departed one, in
accordance with a custom which seems to have been almost uni-
versal in the ancient world; cp. the commentators on Eccles. xii.
5, St Matth. ix. 23. Becker Gallus"^ in. 360 thinks that these
women are here intended, and that the masc. is to be defended,
as denoting a class. Cp. Nonius p. 145 M. nenia, incptum
et inconditum carmen, quod cenducta miilier, quae praefica dice-
retur, his quibus propinqui non essent (this is an erroneous limita-
tion) mortuis exhiberet. Paulus, p. 223, gives a similar defini-
tion, and quotes from Naevius haec quidem hercle, opiuor, praefica
est, sic 7nortuu7n collaudat. Varro (ap. Non. p. dd M.) says haec
7nulier vocitata olim praefica usque ad Poenicum bellutn : but the
name is used by Plautus True. ll. 6, 14, and even by Lucilius
(xxil. frag. I M. vv. 808-9 Lachm.) merccde quae conductaefient
alieno in fiinere praeficae multo et capillos scindunt et clamant
magis ; and even if the name fell out of use, that is not sufficient
reason to suppose that the custom died out, with Marquardt
Rom. Privatalt. i. p. 358 : at any rate the nenia was regularly
sung by boys and men, as at the funeral of Pertinax (Die
LXXIV. 4). Porphyrion has 'Alexandriae obolis conducuntur,
qui mortuos fleant, et hoc tam valide faciunt, ut ab igno-
414 ARS FOE TIC A.
rantibus [a cognatis?] illoium fuisse credantur, qui efferuntur.
Hi ergo vocantur dpyjvi^Soi.^ If Alexandrine is not corrupt, this
looks as if he knew nothing of the custom at Rome. Keller
says that there were 'Spitalerinnen' in Ulm till far into the
present century who 'howled' for pay at funerals.
433. derisor : Ep. I. i8, ii. plus, more usual than inagis
with verbs of emotion.
434. reges 'princes', i.e. wealthy men, as in Sat. i. 2, 86
regibiis hie nios est, Sat. II. 2, 45 epulis regum. Still it may have
its usual force here.
culillis : Keller on Carm. i. 31, 11 — the only other place
where this word is found — shows that the evidence is strongly in
favour of this form as &ga.m%t aclullis : the derivation is uncer-
tain, but the word is probably akin to atligna— kvKLxvv (Fest.
p. 51), and it certainly has nothing to do with ciilleiis, as Acron
says.
435. torquere: Ep. I. 13, 38. The story of Tiberius, quoted
by Orelli, is of very doubtful applicability, perspexisse : v. 98.
latoorent seems to be on the whole better supported than
lahorant ; Bentley says 'sane quid modus subiunctivus hie faciat,
non video', and most recent editors (even Keller) follow him.
But surely the relative clause is suboblique. If the construction
had been ' dicunt reges etc. ', the subjunctive would have been
almost necessary ; as it is, it is at least legitimate.
436. an 'to see whether': in such cases an affirmative
answer is suggested : cp. Zumpt § 354, v. 462. condes : Ep. i.
3. 24-
437. sub volpe. In Aesop's fable of the fox and the crow,
the fox plays the part of a crafty flatterer bent upon securing
something for himself, and so here is used for the adscntator of
V. 420 ff. It is quite needless to say, with many editors, that
'fox' is here used for 'fox's skin', or to try to bring in the skin
by bold emendations : e. g. Peerlkamp s'agge^is.fallent sub arnica
pelle latentcs, Ribbeck volpes sub pelle latentes, as if there were
several foxes in one skin ! Pers. V. 116 forces the note as usual,
fronte politus astutam vapido sei-vas in pcctore volpem.
438. Quintilio : Quintilius Varus of Cremona, whose death
in B.C. 24 Horace laments in Carm. i. 24, where he ascribes to
him incorrupta fides nudaque Veritas : he is probably the Varus
of Epod. V. and Carm. i. 18, and was also a friend of Vergil,
who insigni Concordia et familiaritate usus est Quintili Tuccae
et Vari, but he must not be confused with Varius or with Vergil's
Alfenus Vams : aiebat shows that he was dead at this time.
sodes: Ep. i. i, 62 (note), recitares, frequentative : Roby § 1716,
S. G. § 720 (though he omits si: but cp. Kiihner II. § 214, 5;
NOTES. 415
Madvig § 359, Liv. III. 36, 8 si qiiis colles^am appellasset, iia dis-
cedebat, &c.). Sat. I. 3, 4 is not parallel, l)ecause the verb in the
apodosis is also in the subjunctive, which makes the sentence a
pure hypothesis.
439. negates : Roby § 1552, S. G. § 650.
440. bisterque : v. 358.
441. tomatos : Bentley argues at great length that though
the anvil and the lathe can each be metaphorically applied to
verses, they cannot be applied at the same time, and also that
ioriiatus like limatiis could only be used of something properly
finished, so that it admits of no adverb. He suggests tcr natos (a
most unlucky conjecture), ' if they have thrice come out bad verses ',
comparing Ep. 11. i, 233. A thrice-repeated birth is at least
as odd as the combined metaphors. That the tornns was used of
metal has been shown by several passages quoted by Fea. If the
finishing tool has been thrice applied without success, the mis-
shapen thing must be placed upon the anvil and hammered up, so
that a new start may be made ; but not (as Orelli thinks) with a
new lump of metal, which is against reddere. Some editors have
adopted the conjecture formatos, which is weak. Cp. Ovid
Trist. I. 7, 29 ablatum mediis opus est inciidibics illud {sc. Meta-
morphoses), defidt et scriptis tdtimalima vieis : Propert. iii. 32,
43 iucipe iatJi angiisto versus includere toj'iio. diroTopveveiv is
common in the same sense.
442. vertere 'to change' (Ep. i. 25, 39) with a slight zeugma,
delictum being the faulty line. This is better than to say with
Orelli that there is a reference to the phrase stiliim -jertere^ or
with Schiitz, that it is for avertere ' to remove it '.
444. q'iun='to hinder you from': cp. Sat. 11. 3, 42 nil
verbi pereas quinfortiier addain. Roby §1646,8. G. §682. sine
rivali : cp. Cic. ad Quint. Fr. iii. 8, 4 <? di, quam ineptits, quaiu
se ipse amans sine rivali.
445. vir bonus et prudens : Ep. i. 7, 22; 16, 32. inertes
'weak', the virtute ca7-cniia of Ep. ti. 2, 123.
446. incomptis= z^a/to of Ep. 11. i, 233. atnun, both
'black' in colour and also 'gloomy' as being a sign of condem-
nation; so Pers. IV. 13 nigrutn viiio praejigere theta 'to obelize
wrong with a staring black mark ' (Con.).
447. signum, the obelus — , which was made with a cross
stroke of the pen, to signify condemnation : cp. Lucian XL. 24 6
Ttt voQa. eTn(j7}iX7)vaiJ.evoi t(2v iirwv if ttj vapaypacprj tQv 6j3e\u}p.
A X was similarly used, and that may perhaps be rather intended
here; but one MS. has obehun as a gloss.
transverso cannot be the same as -jerso, as some take it.
41 6 ARS FOE TIC A.
anxhitiosz, — supej-Jiua, according to the scholiasts like luxuri-
antia of Ep. II. 2, 12-2: perhaps rather 'pretentious'; cp.
Quint. I. 2, 27 si ambitiosis ulilia praeferet : XII. 10, 40 affedatio
et ainbitiosa in loqiiendo iactantia.
448. panun Claris. Horace like Vergil is singularly free
from the affected obscurity of the imitators of the Alexandrian
literature. Cp. Nettleship's Life of Vergil pp. xxii., xxiii. Sueton.
vit. Hor. p. 298 Roth.
449. arguet 'will point out': the meaning of 'censure' as
applied to things seems to be somewhat later.
450. Aristarclius, the great Alexandrian critic, who did so
much to establish the text of Homer in the middle of the second
century B.C. His merits were first shown by the publication of
the Venetian Scholia on Homer by Villoison in 1788. They
have been discussed best by F. A. Wolf in his famous Prolegomena,
by Lehrs de Afistarc/ii Siiidiis Homer ids (ed. 3, 1882), and by
Pierron in his edition of the Iliad. There is no reason to suppose
that he was unduly severe, though he was strict in his critical
principles. Pope (Diinciad I v. 203) calls Bentley 'that awful
Aristarch', in a passage which does infinite injustice to one who
was among the freshest and most vigorous of writers, as well as
in the foremost rank of our scholars. Cicero ad Att. I. 14, 3 meis
oratiojiibus, quariiin tu Aristarchus es.
451. nugae 'trifling faults'.
452. derisum exceptumque sinistre 'flattered and treated
uncandidly', as Mr Yonge rightly takes it.
453 — 476. A poet is as dangerous as a maji with an infectious
disease : if he gets hold of you y he will bore you to death with his
recitations.
453. morbus regius: Celsus in. 24 derives this name for
the jaundice from the costly remedies which had to be applied,
which were only within the reach of the wealthy [rcges) : per
omne tempus iitcnduin est exercitatione, frictione...lecto diam et
condavi cultiore, lusii, ioco, ludis, lascivia, per quae mens
exhilaretur, ob quae regius morbus didus videtur. Pliny says
(xxil. 24, 114) Varro regium cognominatutn arquatoruni inorbum
tradit, quoniain mulso curetur, vt'hich, I suppose, comes to much
the same thing. The other name for it morbus arquatus is still
more obscure : the explanation of Celsus that it is so called
because the yellowish tinge caused by it reminds one of the
colour of the rainbow (arcus caelcstis) is not very satisfactory.
Jaundice is not at all contagious: perhaps the notion that it was
arose from the depression of spirits caused by it.
451. fanatiCUS error, properly a frenzy inspired by (the
NOTES. 417
oriental) Bellona: cp. Juv. iv. 123 ut fanaticiis oesiro fercussus,
Bdlona, tuo diviiiat, with Mayor's note: here it is evidently
'lunacy': for iracunda Diana is an explanatory addition, not, as
Schiitz thinks, a different kind of disorder. Acron here has
'■fanaticinn crrorem pati dicuntur, qui a fanis pereutiuntur, id
est qui lymplialico agitantur. Sicut lunaticum aut morbosum,
ita insanum poetam iugiunt sapientcs'. This use of the word
luuaticus is not common before the Vulgate. Diana, though not
strictly the same as Luna, was often identified with her, as by
Catull. XXXIV. 15, 16 tu potens trivia ct notho es dicta liimiiu
Luna: cp. Carm. iv. 6, 38.
455. vesanum: Ribbeck prints vaesanus in Vergil: but
there is not much authority for that form here.
456. agitant 'tease': cp. Sat. I. 3, 133 velliint tibi barhaia
lascivi pitcri.
457. sublimis 'with head in air', nom. sing. A misunder-
standing has led to the reading sublimes in some MSS.
ructatur, a rather coarse expression: but the word may have
undergone a change like that of ipevyofxai in Hellenistic Greek:
cp. S. Malt. xiii. 35 epev^o/xai KeKpvfijxiva airo KaTa[Bo\TJi with
Can's note, and Lobeck on Phrynichus p. 6^.
459. in puteum: cp. Ep. 11. 2, 133. The story of Thales
v.-ho fell into a well as he was looking up at the stars, is referred
to by Plato Theaet. 1 74 A.
longum 'aloud', so that the sound goes far; imitated from
Homer's /xaKpov dvaev, II. III. Si.
460. non sit, not imperative, as Kriiger and others (cp. Sat.
II. 5, yr f!oii etia7n silcas), which is inconsistent with the context;
nor yet 'coniunctivus pro futuro positus' as Hand says, but the
hypothetical subjunctive, rather loosely used after decidit. tollere :
cp. Ep. I. 17, 6i.
461. si curet: most MSS. have sic, a good instance of the
carelessness which is often found towards the end of a work.
The editions before Bentley had for the most part si qiiis curet
against the MSS. Bentley corrected, calling attention to the
practice of Horace, when a word is repeated, not to allow the
accent to fall in the same place ; tollere ciiret, si ciirct quis.
Keightley has collected a number of instances from Greek and
Latin, and from various modern languages, in a note on Milton's
Lycidas v. 165 weep no more, xvoful shepherds, weep no mSre ;
e.g. Soph. Phil. 1041 riaaade, riaaad' ' dWa n^ XP^'"i' T^ori. Cp.
also Lachmann on Propert. p. in, and Hermann Opusc. 11.
283 ff.
demittere is of course the right form, but most MSS. have
di??iittere.
W. H. 27
41 8 ARS POETIC A.
462. qui scis an : cp. v. 436. Plaut. Most. 58 qui sds an
iibi isttic pritts eveniat qtiam mihi? Roby § 1764. prudens
'deliberately'.
proiecerit seems to have quite as much authority as deiecerit
which Keller and Schiitz prefer : ' ideo hie praeferendum proiece-
rit, quia proicere animam, proicere se, quae in bonis scriptoribus
saepe occurrunt, ubique habent significationem voluntarii discri-
minis deque eo dicuntur, qui servari aut nolit aut desperet',
Bentl. Keller's argument that deiecerit is better after decidit and
deviittere seems to me to point the other way,
463. Sicullque poetac. The accounts of the death of Empe-
docles varied : the best authenticated is that after an active poli-
tical life in Agrigentum he was compelled to leave it and retire to
the Peloponnesus, where he died (probably about B.C. 432) : his
followers seem afterwards to have invented in his honour a myth
that he had disappeared mysteriously at a sacrificial banquet ;
while his enemies accounted for his disappearance by saying that
he had thrown himself down the crater of Etna, in the hope that
he might be considered to have been carried to heaven, but that
the trick was discovered when one of his bronze sandals was cast
up by the volcano. Others said that he had been killed by a fall
from a chariot, that he had hanged himself, or that he had been
drowned by accident : cp. Diog. Laert. viii. 63 ff. Zeller, Gr.
Phil. \? 500 (note). Mr Matthew Arnold in his splendid poem
'Empedocles on Etna' accounts for the suicide as that of one
who was ' dead to life and joy' from brooding over the problems
of human life and destiny.
464. deus : cp. Emped. frag, xa/per', iyuS'vfifiiv deos afjippo-
TOi, ovKiri OvriTos. Empedocles was a strong believer in metem-
psychosis, and this may have been distorted into the basis of such
a charge.
465. frigldus, explained by Acron as stultus : ' Empedocles
enim dicebat tarda ingenia frigido circa praecordia sanguine
impediri'. His own line is al/xa yap dvdpunroi.s irepiKapSiov ian
v6rifxa, from which, as Conington remarks on Verg. Georg. 11. 484,
the statement of Acron is at any rate a natural inference. But
the reference is too obscure to have been intended by Horace
here, frigidus is rather 'in cold blood' : Schiitz objects that it
ought rather to have the opposite meaning 'chilled with terror',
and that a man cannot do such a deed in cold blood, a criticism
supported by Mr Arnold's ' Leap and roar, thou sea of fire ! My
soul gloivs to meet you t Ere it flag, ere the mists of despojidency
and gloom Rush over it again, Receive me! save me P Still,
helped out by the antithesis — itself very frigid, if it were not in
jest — with ardentem, it may bear this meaning. It is better at
any rate than Schiitz's, ' because he was cold '.
NOTES. 419
467. idem occidenti : cp. Lucrct. in. 1038 eadcm aliis
sopitii' quietest (Ilomerus), iv. 11 74 eadem facit... omnia turpi
'she does, in all tilings, the same as the ugly woman', Roby
§ i\\i. Seneca Phoen. \oo occiderc est vetare cupientetnmoj-i.zew
exaggerated imitation, for Horace only means that in each case
violence is done to the wishes of the person concerned. This is
the only spondaic hexameter in Horace.
468. iam 'at once' with fiet.
469. famosae 'notorious'; Ep. i. 19, 32. .
470. cur, i.e. what sin he has committed, in consequence of
which the gods have sent upon him this frenzy.
471. bidental : when a place was struck with lightning, it
was the custom condcrc fidvien, with a sacrifice of sheep {bidentes),
and to enclose the spot with a wall. Another derivation quod
bis fidmine percussuiii est is evidently wrong, though Acron
prefers it. Cp. Pers. II. 27 evilandumque bidental with the
scholiast's note, and Juv. vi. 587.
473. valuit, common in ])oetry iox potiiit ' has succeeded in
bursting'. Roby § 1454, S. G. § 591, 2.
clatros, the only form justified by MSS. and inscriptions.
The word is an early derivative from KXydpa (used by Cato
R. R. 4), and hence follows the rule for Latin words. Cp.
Cic. Or. 48, 160, with Sandys' note, and Roby § 132.
476. noa missura...hirudo 'like a leech, which will not let
go' : the simile passes into a metaphor, as often in Horace : cp.
Ep. I. 2, 42.
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
abi, ii 2, 205
ablative, i r, 94
Academus, ii 2, 45
Accius, ii I, 56
accredo, i 15, 25
aceivus, ii i, 47
Actia pugna, i iS, 61
actus, A. P. 189
addictus, i i, 14
admirari nil, i 6. i
adrasus, i 7, 50
adrogo, ii 1, 35
adsidet, i 5, 14
adsitus, ii 2, 170
Aemilius ludus, A. P. 32
aequalus, ii r, 25
aequus, c. dat. i 17, 24 : A. P.
10
acre, in meo, ii 2, 12
aerugo, A. P. 330
Aesopus, ii 1, 83
aestivus, i 5, 10
aestus, i 2, 8
aetas, i 20, 10
Aetolis, i 18, 46
Afranius, ii i, 57
agilis, i I, 16 ; 3, 21
agnina, i 15, 35
Agripnae porticus, i 6, 2^
aio, c. nom. and inf. i 7, 32
Albanus, i 7, lo; ii i, 27
Albinovanus, i S, i
albus, ii 2, 1S9
alius, with abl. i 16, 20; ii 1,240
alterius, i 2, 57
amoenus, i 16, 15
Amphion, i 18, 40
ampulla, A. P. ^7
ampullari, i 3, 14
Ancus, i 6, 27
Antenor, i 2, 9
Anticyra, A. P. 300
Antimachus. A. P. 146
Antonius Musa, 115,3
Apelles, ii i, 239
Apollo Palatinus, 13, 17; ii 2,
94.
Appi via, i 6, 26
apricus, i 6, 24 (cp. Vcrrall's
Studies in Horace, p. 143)
aptus solibus, i 20, 24
Aquilo, ii 2, ^ol
Aquinuni, i 10, 26
arbiter, i ir, 26
arceo, A. P. 64
arcesso, i 5, 6; ii i, 167
Archiacus, i 5, I
Archilochus, i 19, 23
argentum, i 2, 44 ; 6, 1 7 ; 18,
23
Argi, ii 2, 128
argutus, i 14, 42
Aristarclius, A. P. 450
Aristippus, i i, i8; 17, 13
Aristius, i 10 (intr.)
Armenius, i 1 2, 27
artes, ii i, 13
artus, i 18, 30
27—3
42 2
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
arvum, i i6, 2
Asella, i 13 (introd.)
Assyrius, A. P. 118
astrum, ii 2, 1S7
ater, ii 2, 189; A. P. 3; 446
Atrides, i 7, 42
Atta, ii I, 79
audire, i 7, 38; 16, 17
Augustus (his health), i 13, 3:
(his pohcy), ii i, 2
aula, i I, 87; 2, 65
aulaea, ii i, 189
auspex, i 3, 13
auspicia, ii i, 253
auspicium facere, i 1, 86
austri, ii 2, 202
avidus futuri, A. P. r72
Baiae, i i, 83; 15, 2
barathrum, i 15, 31
barbaria, i.e. Phrygia, i 2, 7
beatus, i 2, 44
benigne, 17, 16, 62
Bestius, i 15, 37
bidental, A. P. 471
bilis, ii 2, 137
Bion, ii 2, 60
Bithynus, i 6, 33
Blandinian MSS.: readings of,
i ^. 3I' 3.1' 46; 3,4; S, 12;
10, 13; 1 1, 7; 16, I, 3, 43 ;
18, 15: ii I, 198 : ii 2, 11,
28; 16, 33, 80, 123, 206
Boeoti, ii i, 244
books, i 13, 6; (locked un).
20, 3; (exported), 20, 13
Brundusium, i 17, 52
Bullatius, i 1 1 (intr.)
burial, ii i, 268
caballus, i 7, 88
Cadmus, A. P. 187, 394
Caecilius, ii i, 59
caelebs, i i, 88
Caerite cera, i 6, 62
Caesar Augustus, ii 2, 48
Caesar's birthday, i 5 10
Calaber, i 7, 14
calo, i 14, 42
camena, i i, i
caminus, i 11, 19
campestre, i ir, 18
campus, i 7, 59; 11, 4
canis, i 10, 16
Cantaber, i 12, 26
Cantabrica, i 18, 55
cantor, A. P. 155
Cappadoces, i 6, 39
capra, i 5, 29
Carinae, i 7, 48
Cascellius, A. P. 371
Cassius, i 4, 3
catella, i 17, 55
Cato, i 19, 12 ; ii 2, 1 16
catus, ii 2, 39
caupona, i 11, 12
cautus, ii i, 105
cave, 1 13, 19
cedrus, A. P. 332
Celsus, i 3, 15 ; 8, i
cenacula, i i, 91
censeo, c. inf. i 2, 9
census, c. ace. A. P. 383
cereus, ii i, 265, c. inf. A. P.
163
cessare, i 7, 56 ; ii 2, 14, 183
Cethegi, ii 2, 117
cheragra, i i, 31
chiasmus, A. P. i
Choerilus, ii i, 233; A. P. 357
chorus, A. P. 193
Chremes, A. P. 94
Cibyra, i 6, 33
cicer, A. P. 249
cicuta, ii 2, 53
Cinara, i 7, 28 ; 14, 33
cinctutus, A. P. 50
civicus, i 3, 23
clatrii A. P. 473
claustra, i 14, 9
Clusium, i 15, 9
cohors, i 3, 6
columnae, A. P. 373
communia, A. P. 128
comparison, a particle omitted,
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
423
1 I. 2; 2, 42; 3, 19; 7, 74;
10, 43; ii 2, 18; A. P. 474
compesco, i 2, 63
compita, i i. 49
concinnus, i 1 1, 2
conducti, A. P. 431
confestim, i 12, 9
conscriptus, A. P. 314
contractus, i 7, 12
Corinthus, i 17, 36; ii i, f93
cornicula, i 3, 19
corona, i 18, 53; A. P. 38 1
coronari, c. ace. i i, 50
cor rectus, i 15, 37
corvus, i 17, 50
cotumi, A. P. 80
Ctatinus, i 18, i
crepo, i 7, 84; A. P. 247
crocus, ii i, 79
crudus, i 6, 6i
cubare, ii 2, 68
cumera, i 7, 30
cuminum, i 19. 18
cupido, 7nasc. i i, 33
curari, ii 2, 151
curator, i r, loi
Curii, i I, 64
custodia, i i, 22
cyclicus, A. P. 136
dancing, A. P. 232
dative of agent, i r8, 3
Davus, A. P. 237
delphis, A. P. 30
Democritus, i 12, 12; ii i, 194
detortus, A. P. 52
dicere collegam, i 20, 28
diffusus, i i., 4
dignus, c. inf. A. P. 183
dilucesco, i 4, 13
diludia, i 19, 47
discolor, i 18, 4
dissignare, i 5, 16
dissignator, i 7, 6
distare, c. dat. i 18, 4
Docilis, i 18, 19
dominantia, A. P. 234
domo (dat.), i 10, 13
dormitat, A. P. 359
Dossennus, ii i, 173
ducere, ii 1, 75 ; (ilia) i i, 8
duellum, i 2, 6
ebur curule, i 6, 54
echini, i 15, 23
egeo, c. abl. i 10, i r
elections, i r, 43: 6, 53
elegiac verse, A. P. 75
elenienta, i 1, 27
elimino, i 5, 25
elms, used for vines, i 7, 84
Empedocles, A. P 463
emungere, A. P. 238
enectus, i 7, 87
Ennius, i 19, 7; ii i, 50 (i
Ephebus, ii i, 171
Epicharmus, ii I, 58
Epicurus, i 4, 16
-erunt, in perf. ind. i 4, 7
esseda, ii i, 192
Eutrapelus, i 18, 31
experiens, i 17, 42
exterret, i 6, 1 1
Fabia (tribus), i 6, 52
facetus, i 6, 55
fallere, i 17, 10
famosus, i 19, 31; A. P. 469
fanaticus, A. P. 454
fatalis, ii I, 11
F"auni, i 19, 4 ; A. P. 244
fecundus, i 5, 19
Ferentinum, i 17, 8
feriae Latinae, i 7, 76
ferre legem, ii i, 153
Fescenninus, ii i, I45
ficus, i 7, 5
Fidenae, i II, 8
filum, ii I, 225
tirmus, c. inf. i 17, 47
foci, i I4, 2
fodico, i 6, 51
fomenta, i 2, 52 ; 3, 26
forensis, A. P. 245
forma, A. P. 307
forum, i 16, 57
424
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
frictus, A. P. c;49
frigidus, A. P. 465
frigus colligere, i n, 13
frons, i 9, 1 1
frusta, i i, 78
fiinem sequi, i 10, 48
fares, i 6, 46
furni, i II, 12
Fuscus, i 10 (introd.)
Gabii, i 11, 7; 15, 9
Gaetuliis, ii 2, 181
Gargilius, i 6, 58
genius, i 7, 94 ; ii i, 144; 2, 187
goat, sacrificed to Bacchus, A.
P. 220
Gracchus, ii 2, 89
grammatici, A. P. 78
grex, i 9, 13
habenae, i 15, 12
Hebrus, i 3, 2
Helicon, ii i, 218
Herodes, ii 2, 184
hexameter, A. P. 74
hirtus, i 3, 22
hirundo, i 7, 13
hoc age, i 6, 31
honor, A. P. 400
honoratus, A. P. 120
hostis, i 15, 29
humane, ii 2, 70
iambus, A. P. 79, 252 i".
larbitas, i 19, 15
Iccius, i 12 (intr.)
idem, c. dat. A. P. 467
imbutus, i 2, 69 ; 6, 5; ii 2, 7
imperor, i 5, 21
importunus, i 6, 54
improbus, i 7, 63
imum, ad, i 18, 35; A. P. 126
imus, A. P. 32
imus lectus, i 18, 10
in medio, i 12, 7
inaniter, ii i, 211
incolumis, A. P. 222
indignum! i 6, 22
indoctus, c. gen., A. P. 380
inducere, A. P. 2
infectus = undone, i 2, 60
infinitive, substantival, i 8, i
Ino, A. P. 123
inservire, A. P. 167
intercino, A. P. 194
invideor, A. P. 56
lo, A. P. 124
Ixion, A. P. 124
iam nunc, A. P. 43
lanus, i I, 54; 20, i
iecur, i 18, 72
iudex, i 16, 42
iugis, i 15, 16
lulius Florus, i 3 (introd.) ; ii
2 (do.)
iurandus, ii i, 16
iurgia, ii 2, 171
iuvenari, A. P. 246
laeve, i 7, 52
lama, i 13, 10
Lamia, i 16, 6; A. P. 3 40
lamna, i 15, 36
lana caprina, i 18, 15
lascivus, A. P. 107
latus, i 7, 26
Laverna, i 16, 60
laws against comedy, A. P. 283
Lebedus, i 11, 6
lecti, i I, 91 ; 16, 76
leges and iura, i 16, 41
lemures, ii 2, 209
Leonine verse, i 12, 25
liber, c. gen. A. P. 212
Liber, ii i, 5
Libitina, ii i, 49
librarius, A. P. 354
libum, i 10, 10
Licinus, A. P. 301
limare, i 14, 38
limites, ii 2, 171
linea, i 16, 79
littenilae, ii 2, 7
Livius, ii i, 62
loca, ii I, 223
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
425
LoUius, i 2 (introd.)
longus (spe), A. P. 172
loqui, i 6, 19
Lucanus, i 15, 21
ludere, ii 2, 214
ludicra, i i, 10 ; 6, 7
lupini, i 7, 23
lupus, ii 2, 28
lympha, ii 2, 146
Lynceus, i i, 28
Maenius, i 15, 26
maereo, i 14, 7
male, i i8, 3
mancipatio, ii 2, 158
mancipo, ii 2, 159
Mandela, i 18, 105
manes, ii i, 13S
mango, ii 2, 13
manni, i 7, 77
mariti, A. P. 398
Maximus, i 2, i
mediastinus, i 14, 14
Menas, i 7, 54
Messalla, A. P. 370
meta, A. P. 412
metalla, i 10, 39
metempsychosis, i 12, 21
miluus, i 16, 5t
Mimneimus, i 6, 65 ; ii 2, 10 1
Minerva (invita), A. P. 3S5
Minturnae, i 5, 5
Minuci via, i 18, 20
miraii, i 6, 9
mollis, A. P. 33
momenta, i 6, 4; 10, 16
mdratus, A. P. 319
moror nihil, i 15, 16; tempora,
ii I, 4
Moschus, i 5, 9
Mucins, ii 2, 89
niundus, i 4, 1 1
murteta, i 15, 5
Mutus, i 6, 22
Naevius, ii i, 53
nebulones, i 2, 28
nedum, A. P. 69
nempe, i 10, 22
nenia, i r, 63 ; A. P. 431
nepos, i 15, 36; ii 2, 193
nervi, A. P. 26
Nestor, i 2, 11
nimio plus, i 10, 30
nimiiuni, i 9, i; 14, n; 15,
42; ii ^. 141
nitor, A. P. 280
noinina, A. P. 234
nolus, c. inf. i 7, 56
nudare, A. P. 221
iiumen, ii i, 16
numerato, ii 2, 166
IS'umicius, i 6 (intiod.)
obscenus, ii i, 127
occupo, i 7, 66
officiosus, i 7, 8
olim, i 10, 43
Olynipia, i i, 50
omne holus, i 5, 2
opella, 17,8
opes, i 10, 36; ii 2, 136
optivus, ii 2, loi
era, venturus in, i 3, 9
Orbilius, ii I, 71
orichalcum, A. P. 202
orientia tempora, ii 1, 130
Orpheus, A. P. 391
Orthography: —
aeneus, ii i, 248
baca, i 16, 2
causa, i 16, 43
cenare, i 5, 2; A. P. 91
coturnus, A. P. 80
culilli, A. P. 434
descriptus, A. P. 86
elleborus, ii 2, 137
eri, i i, 85
holus, i 5, 2
lagoena, ii 2, 134
mercennarius, i 7, 67
iiaviter, i i, 24
navus, i 6, 20
nenia, i i, 63
obice, i 16, 62
paulus, A. P. 378
426
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
pilleolus, i 13, 15
Prahates, i \^, 27
proicit, A. P. 97
querella, A. P. 98
scaena, i 6, 41; A. P. 179
sellers, A. P. 407
tempto, A. P. 222
tus, i 14, 23
vilicus, i 14, I
Osiris, i 17, 60
Pacuvius, ii I, 56
paenula, i 11, 18
palus, A. P. 65
pannus, i 17, 25; A. P. 15
Parthi, ii i, 112, 256
parturio, A. P. 139
paucus, A. P, 203
pavor, i 6, 10
pectus, i 4, 6
Pecunia regina, i 6, 37
Pedum, i 4, 2
Peleus, A. P. 96
Peliden, i 2, 13
penetralia Vestae, ii 2, 114
peiius, i 16, 72
perfect, of repeated action, i
1, 48
persona, A. P. 278
personare, c. ace. i i, 7
petorrita, ii 1, 192
pexus, i I, 95
Phaeax, i 15, 24
Philippi, ii I, 234
Philippus, i 7, 46
piacula, i I, 36
Pierius, A. P. 405
pila, A. P. 380
pilenta, ii I, 192
pipes for water, i 10, 20
pituita, i I, loS
plagosus, ii i, 70
planius, i 2, 4
planus, i 17, 59
platea, ii 2, 71
plausor (see plosor)
plaustrom, ii 2, 74
Plautus, ii I, 58, 171
plebecula, ii i, 186
plosor, A. P. 154
pol, i 7, 92
pollex, i 18, 66
Pompilius, A. P. 292
pondera (trans.), i 6, 51
pono, i I, 10; 7, 93; 16, 35;
18, hi; a. p. 34, 422
pontificum libri, ii i, 26
popina, i 14, 21
porcus, ii 1, 143
porticus, i I, 71
Portus lulius, A. P. 63
posticum, i 5, 31
potenter, A. P. 40
praecanus, i 20, 24
praeco, i 7, 56
Praeneste (abl.), i 2, 2
praesectus, A. P. 294
praesens, i i, 69
praetexta, A. P. 288
prandere, c. ace. i 17, 13
premere, i 19, 36
Procne, A. P. 187
procul, i 7, 32
jjrodigialiter, A. P. 29
Propertius, ii 2, 91
Proteus, i I, 90
prudens, ii 2, 18 ; A. P. 462
pulmenta, i 18, 48
pumice, i 20, 2
punctum, ii 2, 99, 172
Pupius, i I, 67
purple, i 10, 26; 17, 30; ii r,
207
purpureus, A. P. 15
Purria (not PyrrhiaJ, i 13, 14
puteal, i 19, 9
putre, i 10, 49
Pythia, A. P. 414
Pythias, A. P. 238
quadam...tenus, i r, 32
quadra, i 17, 49
cjuaeris, c. inf. i i, 3
quamvis, c. ind. i 14,6; 17, r;
18,59
quarta persona, A. P. 192
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
427
Quinctius, i 16 (introd.)
Quinquatrus, ii 2, 197
Quintilius Varas, A. P. 438
quisque, ii I, ^S
quo mihi, c. ace. i 5, i 2
quondam, i 18, 78
quotus, i 5, 30; ii i, 35
rabidus, A. P. 393
Ramnes, A. P. 342
reddere, ii I, 216
regius morbus, A. P. 453
repiehendo, ii i, 76
reptare, i 4, 4
repulsa, i i, 43
respicere, 1 i. 105
responsare, i I. 68
rex, i 7, 37 ; A. P. 434
rhyming lines, ii i, 42
ringi, ii -z, 128
rixari, i 18, 15
Roscia lex, i i, 62
ructari, A. P. 457
rudis, i I, 2
rare (loc), i 7, i
Sabellus, i 16, 49
Sabinum, i 16, 4
saga, ii 2, 208
sal, ii 2, 60
salebrae, i 17, 53
Salernum, i 15, i
Saliare carmen, ii i, 86
Samnites, ii 2, 97
sane, ii 2, 64, 132
sapere, i 4, 9
Sardum mel, A. P. 375
sarta gratia, 13, 31
Saturnius, ii I, 158
Scaeva, i 18 (introd.)
scalae, ii 2, 15
scitari, i 7, 60
scrinia, ii i, 1 13
scruta, i 7, 65
scurra, i 15, 27
secundus, i 10, 9
securus, c. gen. ii 2, 17
sedere, i 17, 37
senium, i 18, 47
September, i 16, 16
Septimius, i 9 (introd.)
Sextilis, i 7, 2
siccus, i 17, 12
Sidonius, i lo, 26
sigilla, ii 2, iSo
Silenus, A. P. 239
siliquae, ii i, 123
silva (in a town), i 10, 23
Silvanus, ii i, 143
sincerus, i 2, 54
sit omitted, i i, 10
situs, ii 2, 118
slaves, their value, ii 2, 6
socius, ii I, 122
Socraticae chartae, A. P. 310
sodes, i I, 62; 16, 31
sortes, A. P. 219, 403
Sosii, i 20, 2 ; A. P. 345
spatia, i 7, 42
species, A. P. 25
speciosus, ii 2, 1 16; A. P. I44,
319
spectatus, i r, 3
spes, i 6, 13
sponsi, i 2, 28
sponsor, i 16, 43
sponsum, ii 2, 67
Stertinius, i 12, 20
stringere frondes, i 14, 28
Suadela, i 6, 38
sub, c. ace. i 16, 22 ; ii 2, 169 ;
A. P. 302
subinde, i 8, 15
subucula, i I, 95
succedere, i 17, 37
summa = ultima, i I, I
super, ii I, 152; 2, 24; A. P.
429
supremo sole — at sunset, i
5, 3
symphonia, A. P. 374
taberna, i 14, 24; A. P. 229
tabulae, ii 2, no
talus rectus, ii i, 176
tanti est, A. P. 304
428
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
Tarentiim, i i6, ii
Taurus (Statilius), i 5, 4
Teanum, i i, 86
Telemachus, i 7, 40
Telephus, A. P. 96
Tellus, ii i, 143
temetum, ii 2, 163
templa, ii i, 6
tempora, ii i, 4
tenuis, A. P. 46 ; t. toga, i 14,32
tepidus sol, i 20, 19
tepor, i 18, 93
tesqua, i 14, 19
tessera, i i, 2
testamenta, i 7, q
theatra, ii i, 60
Thebanus, i 3, 13
Thespis, A. P. 276
Thessalian witches, ii 2, 209
Thraca, i 3, 3; 16, 13
Thraex, i 18, 36
Tiber (diverted), A. P. 67
Tiberius, i 9, 4
tibia, A. P. 202
Tibullus, i 4 (introd.)
Tibur, i 8, 12
Titius, i 3, 9
toga, i 18, 30
tonsus, i 18, 7
tornatus, A. P. 441
Torquatus, i 5 (introd.)
tradere, i 9, 3
tragicus, A. P. 95
tribulis, i 13, 15
trutina, ii i, 30
tunicatus, i 7, 65
Tyrtaeus, A. P. 402
Ulixes, i 6, 63
Ulubrae, i 11, 30
umbra, i 7, 50
umbrae, i 5, 28
unctus, i 15, 44; 17, 13
urit, i 2, 13; uret, i 10, 43;
13, 6: cp. i 16, 47; ii i, 13
urtica, i 12, 8
usus, ii 2, 119
uti, ' to associate with ', i
17, 2
utrobique, i 6, 10
utrum...an, ii 2, 199
Vacuna, i 10, 49
Vala, i 15 (introd.)
Valerianus, ii 2, 26
vanus, A. P. 7
vaporo, i 16, 6
Varia, i I4, 3
Varius, ii i, 246
vates, i 7, II ; ii I, 26
vehemens, ii 2, 28, 120
Veianius, i i, 4
Veii, ii 2, 167
Velia, i 15, i
Velina (tribus), i 6, 53
venientes anni, A. P. 175
vepris (its gender), i 16, 8, 9
VergiHus, ii i, 245, 247
Vertumnus, i 20, I
verum, i 7,98; 12, 23; 17,
21
viatica, ii 2, 26
vicus, ii 2, 177
viduus, i I, 78
villas, i 15, 46
Vinius, i 12 (introd.)
vivaria, i I, 79
voces, i I, 34
volpecula, i 7, 29
volva, i 15, 41
Zethus, i 18, 40
Zmyrna, i 11, 3
zona, ii 2, 40
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MATHEMATICS. 13
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