The Quaker invasion of Massachusetts

. .^-^..3 1833 03687 4961

Gc 974. 4 HI 5q

HalloweU, Richard P. 1835-

1 904.
The Quaker invasion of

IVl?(<:;<^?»nhll<;pit- t c.

THE QUAKEE INVASION OF
MASSACHySETTS.

RICHARD P. HALLO WELL.

THIRD EDITIO

BOSTON:
HOUGHTOX, MIFFLIX AXD COMPAXY.

New York: 11 East Seventeenth Street.

(Cfji: fijUcrsiDi' Prcs'b^, viTambriDDf.
1SS4.

Allan County Public Ubraw
900 Webster Street .

PC Box 2270 '^

Fort Wayne, m 46801-2270

Copyright, 18S3,
Bt RICnARD P. HALLOWELL.

All rights reserved.

The Riverside Press, Cambridge:
Electrotyped and Printed by H 0 Houghton and Company.

_fe_ ^*. . A. v_y ;„> ^-> *~-'

PREFATORY NOTE.

: The object of this little volume is to cor-

rect popular fallacies and to assign to the
Quakers their true place in the early his-
D toxy of Massachusetts. Any one who con-

< suits it with the expectation of finding a de-

<^ tailed and harrowing recital of every case

^ of suffering by the Friends will be disap-

^ pointed. This branch of the subject is
^<" treated only so far as is necessary to illus-
trate the mode of persecution resorted to
by the Colonial authorities and the spirit
in which it was resisted by the Quakers.

In addition to Puritan laws and other

documents already published by the State,

the Appendix contains some very interest-

- "•^" ing evidence never before published, and

•^ ■ much material which, while it may be fa-

{y PREFATORY NOTE.

miliar to students who have made the sub-
ject one of special inquiry, will be both
new and instructive to the general reader.
R. P. H.
Boston, Mass., 4th mo., 1883.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I

PAGE

Introductory. — The Rise of Quakerism .... 1

CHAPTER n.

The Invasion. — Measures of Resistance and De-
fense 32

CHAPTER III.
The Warfare 56

CHAPTER IV.

Character and Conduct of the Invaders. — Mod-
ern Reviewers reviewed 69

CHAPTER V.
The Cause of the War, and its Results . . . .117

APPENDIX.

Colonial Laws for the Suppression of Quakers .... 133
Petition for Severer Laws against the Qualiers, October,

1658 153

The Examination of Quakers at ye Court of Assistants

March 7, 1G59-60 157

vi CONTENTS.

PAGE

James Cudworth's Letter, written in the Tenth Month,

1658 162

The Story of Hored Gardner 172

Recapitulation of the Sufierings of Laurence and Cas-
sandra Southiclt 173

A Brief Sketch of the Sufferings of Elizabeth Hooten . 177
Order for sending Quakers out of the Jurisdiction ; to-
gether with the Petition of John Rouse, John Cope-
land, Samuel Shattock and others to the King for

interference 182

The King's Missive . . .' 190

Order for Release and Discharge of Quaker Prisoners . 191

Subsequent Legislation and Persecution 192

Trial of Margaret Brewster and Others 193

Abstract from Joint Letter of William Robinson and

Marraaduke Stevenson 202

Letter of Slary Dyer 206

Abstract of Letter from 'William Leddra, written to his

Friends on the Day before his Execution .... 208

Daniel Gould's Letter 210

Letter from Mary Traske and Margaret Smith, accusing

the Government. 213

John Burstow's Letter 217

Letter from Josiah Sutbick, a Quaker, to the Deputies

assembled in the General Court 220

THE QUAKER IXYASIOX OF
MASSACHUSETTS.

CHAPTER I.

IXTRODrCTORY. THE RISE OF QUAKERISM.

PuElTANlSM, as the word implies, origi-
nated in an effort to purify the Protestant
Christian Church. It inaugurated a reform
almost as radical as the Protestant Refor-
mation.

At a later day the name was narrowed
in its significance, and was applied only to
those who adhered to Calvinistic doctrines
of religion, and attempted to establish both
in Old and New England a theocracy based
upon the jMosaic law and other teachings of
the Old Testament. It was the parent,
however, from whose loins issued the brood
of religious sects which, as we shall see,
divided the English people into hostile
camps, and ultimately bequeathed to us the
religious liberty we now enjoy.

2 THE QUAKER INVASION

Under Queen Eliztibeth, and notwith-
standing her repressive measures, Puritan-
ism secured a permanent foothold in the
English nation, and before the death of
James I. it had become a mighty power.
The introduction of the Bible into every
cottage in the land inaugurated a revolu-
tion of which the end is not yet. All
other literature was subordinated to tlie
Old and New Testaments. Daring the
greater part of the seventeenth century the
people abandoned themselves to ' the con-
sideration of questions appertaining to civil
and religious liberty, and to the solution
of religious problems. Ecclesiasticism, in-
trenched in the government, disputed with
bitterness and ferocity every step of the
people in the direction of freedom. The
daring but abortive effort of Laud to bring
about a reconciliation between Rome and
the Anglican Church contributed largely
to the overthrow of Charles I., and ended
in the execution of both the Archbishop
and his master,^ The bigotry and cruelty
of Laud were matched by the bigotr^^ and
cruelty of the Presbyterian. Milton be-

1 See accmint of Laud's trial. Neal's Ilistonj of the Puri-
tans, Toulmin's edition, vol. iii. p. 2-31.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 3

qneathed to us an epigram that will live
until religions intolerance ceases to plague
the world. It runs, '• new Presbyter is but
old Priest writ large."

During the period of the Commonwealth
toleration was fostered by the genius of Sir
Harry Vane, and in a measure by Oliver
Cromwell, but during those years and the
succeeding reigns of Charles II. and James
11., coercion and persecution, as well as
political intrigue, played a conspicuous part
in the vain effort to stay the progress of
free inquiry and to arrest the development
of liberal principles. Dissent increased
under the stimulus of restraint and perse-
cution. The middle of the century was a
period of intense excitement. The spirit of
controversy seemed to possess all classes.
Thousands of controversial books and tracts
were published. Parliament turned aside
from the consideration of state affairs to
discuss questions of religion. The courts of
justice were continually the arena of relig-
ious debate. Itinerant preachers addressed
multitudes of eager men and women in pub-
lic houses, in the market-place, in barns,
and in the open fields. Tlie churches were
filled with congregations gathered not only

4 THE QUAKER INVASION

to hear aggressive sermons delivered by reg-
ular pastors, but to listen to the harangues
of speakers representing other sects. At
Leicester, in 1648, no less than four differ-
ent sects met in the parish church for the
purpose of religious disputation. Officers
of the Parliament army, after exhorting
their soldiers in camp-meetings, visited
the churches and there assumed the role of
clergymen. One of the tenets of the Inde-
pendents was that " any gifted brother, if
he find himself qualified thereto, may in-
struct, exhort, and preach in the church,"
and laymen constantly had access to the
pulpit. It was not uncommon for some
one, after the usual service, to rise in his
place and proceed with his own exposition
of the law and the gospel. This was done
by Episcopal divines as well as by non-con-
formists. It is on record that, in 1656, Dr.
Gunning, afterwards Regius Professor of
Divinity at Cambridge and Bishop of Ely,
went into the congregation of John Biddle,
" the father of English Unitarians," and be-
gan a dispute with him.^

George Fox was a frequent visitor at the
" steeple-house." On very rare occasions he

1 Supplement to Neal, vol. iii. p. 556.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 5

imitated the example of the Bishop, but it
was his custom to wait quietly until the
minister had ended, when he would often
be invited to speak. The sects grew and
multiplied. The enumeration of them as
classified by Masson ^ is well worth repro-
duction. Beside the Papist who was faithful
to Rome and the Churchman who was loyal
to the bishops, there were Presbyterians,
Independents, Baptists or Anabaptists, Old
Brownists, Antinomians, Familists, Mille-
naries or Chiliasts, Expecters and Seekers,
Divorcers, Anti - Sabbatarians, Traskites,
Soul-Sleepers or iNIortalists, Arians, Socini-
ans and other Anti-Trinitarians, Anti-Scrip-
turists, Skeptics or Questlonists, Atheists,
Fifth Monarchy jNIen, Ranters, The Mug-
gletonians, Boehmenists, and Quakers or
Friends.

The ferment of religious and irreligious
speculation was something prodigious. In
1645 one Thomas Edwards, a prominent
Presbyterian, who is described as a " fluent,
rancorous, indefatigable, inquisitorial, and,
on the whole, nasty kind of Christian," pub-
lished the " Gangrogna," a catalogue of one
hundred and seventy-six miscellaneous "er-

1 Life, of Milton, vol. iii. pp. 143-159 ; vol. v. pp. 15-28.

6 THE QUAKER INVASION

rors, heresies, and blasphemies " of the sec-
taries, and dnring the following ten years
many others might have been added to the
list.

Mysticism and materialism, devout piety
and impious scoffing, noble conceptions and
shallow theories of liberty, honest self-abne-
gation and Pecksnitfian cant, all found utter-
ance in the babel of voices that resounded
through the nation. It was an age when,
as Milton phrases it, men undertook " to re-
assume the ill-deputed care of their religion
into their own hands again."

Inevitably, in such a transition period,
fanaticism played a conspicuous part. It
manifested itself in whipping, scourging,
mutilation of the bodies of offenders, in long
imprisonments, — some men and women liv-
ing for years in noisome and filthy gaols, —
and in the confiscation and destruction of
property. Weak minds were unhinged by
it, and men of strong intellects, and ordi-
narily of sober judgnient, defended and even
committed excesses, both in speech and ac-
tion, that to us, when they do not seem su-
premely ridiculous, are simply incredible.

Robert Barclay, author of the well-known
" Apology," an able " explanation and vin-

OF MASS A CII U SETTS. 7

dication " of Quakerism, was one of the few
controversial writers of tliat period whose
books are still read with interest and profit.
Pie was the peer of the best scholars, an ad-
mirable logician, and subtle even to profun-
dity. A contemporary describes him as a
man "sound in judgment, strong in argu-
ment, cheerful in sufferings, of a pleasant
disposition, yet solid, plain, and exemplary
in conversation. He was a learned man, a
good Christian, and able minister, a dutiful
son, a loving husband, a tender and careful
father, an easy master, and good, kind neigh-
bor and friend."

It taxes our credulity to believe that such
a man, even in such an age, could, in any
serious degree, be possessed by the spirit of
fanaticism, but even as late as 1672, being
overpowered by a sense of what he con-
ceived to be religious dutj^ he walked
through the streets of Aberdeen covered
with sack-cloth and ashes. Wc read with
a feeling of pity akin to sympathy, his ex-
planatory address to the people. " I was,"
he says, " commanded of the Lord God . . .
great was the agony of my spirit ... I be-
sought the liOrd with tears, that tliis cup
might pass away from me . . . and this

8 TEE QUAKER INVASION

was the end and tendency of my testimony,
— to call you to repentance by this signal
and singuHr step, which I, as to my own
will and inclination, was as unwilling to be
found in, as the worst and most wicked of
you can be averse from receiving or laying
it to heart." He further explains that he
acted " after the manner of some of the an-
cient prophets, and with similar motives."
It was accounted a great virtue by the Puri-
tans to imitate the ancient prophets, and
they searched their Bibles for names as well
as for example and divine law.

Hebrew names were almost as familiar
to the ears of that generation as the names
of Patrick and Bridget are to our own. It
was said that the genealogy of Jesus might
be learned from the names in Cromwell's
regiments, and that the muster-master used
no other list than the first chapter of j\Iat-
thew.^

In Brome's " Travels," a book published
in the latter half of the seventeenth century,
the author, with evident intent to ridicule
these manifestations of pious enthusiasm,
professes to have seen the following names
on a jury list in Sussex: "Accepted Tre-

1 Neal, vol. iv. p. 9G.

OF MASSACnrSETTS. 9

vor, Redeemed Compton, Faint-not Hewit,
Make-Peace Hoaton, God-Reward Smart,
Hope-for Bending. Eartli Adams, Called
Lower, Kill-Sin Pimple, Return Spelman,
Be-Faitbful Joiner, Fly-Debate Roberts,
Fight-the-good-Fight-of-Faith White, More-
Frnit Fowler, Stand-Fast-on-High Strino-er,
Graceful Herding, Weep-not Billino-, and
Meek Brewer." Neal, Hume, and other
historians accept this list vis one of genuine
baptismal names. Forster, in his " States-
men of England," recognizes its true charac-
ter, but believes that Brome was the victim
of a joke, and that he reports the names in
good faith. It is more probable, howevei',
that he was the perpetrator, not the victim
of the jest, for after reciting the list, he savs
soberly, and as if to justify his humor, " I
myself have known some persons in London
and other parts of this kingdom who have
been christianed by the names of Faith,
Hope, Charity, Mercy, Grace, Obedience,
Endure, and Rejoice," and he might have
added, Praise-God, for such was the name
of a member of Oliver Cromwell's Parlia-
ment.

Fanaticism revived old and enacted new
laws under which churches and cathedrals

10 TEE QUAKER INVASION

were despoiled with ruthless barbarism : im-
ages, pictures, painted glass, organs, copes,
and fonts were mutilated or destroyed.
Frenzied and pious Puritans drove horses,
swine, and calves into the churches and
baptized them with mock solemnity. They
tore up the surplice as a remnant of Baby-
lon and burned the book of " Common
Prayer." ^ In the Puritan " Anatomy of
the Service-Booke " we read, " As they are
altars of Baal, erected and maintained by
Baalites or Balaamites, so they, and all their
ceremoniall accoutrements, and the Service-
Booke itself, are an abomination." The
Litany is styled, " not the least sinful, but
rather the most offensive " part of the Lit-
nrgy.2

Bible phraseology was incorporated into
ordinary speech ; tracts and treatises were
full of it, orators adopted it, state papers
and proclamations were embodied in it.
Scriptural and unscriptural denunciation
and invective were legitimate weapons of
warfare, and the pens of controversialists
were often dipped in gall. Not only igno-
rant and obscure writers, but men conspicu-

1 Marsden's Later Puritans, pp. 55-57. Brome, p. 258.
Coit's Puritanism, p. Gl.

2 Coit, pp. 51-59.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. ll

ousfor their piety, learning, and refinement,
used language bitter, harsh, extravagant,
and offensive to good taste. The Rev. Dr.
Daniel Featlev, a Presbyterian and a mem-
ber of the historic Assembly of Divines at
Westminster, published a tract in 164-1,
entitled "The Dippers dipt; or the Ana-
baptists ducked and plunged over head and
ears at a disputation in Southwark," in
which he calls the Baptists an idle and sot-
tish sect ; a lying and blasphemous sect; an
impure and carnal sect ; a bloody and cruel
sect ; a profane and sacrilegious sect.^ In
the same year lie petitioned the House of
Lords that John Milton might be cut of?
as a pestilent Anabaptist.

Prynne ridiculed the church choir in set
terms. He said, " Choristers bellow the
tenor, as it were oxen ; bark a counterpart,
as it were a kennel of dogs ; roar out a
treble, as it were a sort of bulls ; and grunt
out a bass, as it were a number of hogs." ^

^Milton says of the bishops, " they . . .
shall be thrown down eternally into the
darkest and deepest gulf of hell . . . the
trample and spurn of all the other damned

1 Quoted in Ivimey's Milton, p. ]U4.

2 Quoted in Coic's Puritanism, p. 455.

12 THE QUAKER INVASION

. . . shall exercise a raving and bestial tyr-
anny over them . . . they shall remain in
that plight forever, the basest, the lower-
most, the most dejected and down-trodden
vassals of perdition." ^ In his reply to Sal-
masius, who, in 1649, published a vindica-
tion of Charles I., he calls him a " pimp "
and a " starving rascal," and denounces
him in quaint but vigorous verse thus: —

"And in Rome's praise employ his poisoned breath,
Who threatened once to stink the Pope to death." 2

It would be both pleasant and profitable
to pause a moment to contemplate Puritan-
ism in its larger and nobler aspect, but it
has a place in this treatise only so far as
it relates to Quakerism. The preceding
sketch of the religious enthusiasm and fa-
naticism that marked its rise and progress,
it is hoped, will serve a twofold purpose.
Though necessarily incomplete, it will aid
us to a better understanding of the nature
and significance of the conflict between the
Founders of jMassachusetts and the Qua-
kers, when we come to consider it, and in
the mean time it will, in a measure, indi-
cate some of the conditions under -which
Quakerism was developed.

1 C!oit, p. ibo. - Ivimey, p. 116.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. ]3

i George Fox was the founder of the sect..

! Macauhiy, utterly unable to uiulerstand or

appreciate this remarkable man. can '• see
no reason for placing him, morally or in-
tellectually, above Ludowick jMuggleton or
Joanna Southcote." He thinks his intel-
lect was " too much disordered for liberty,
and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam."
i Carlyle, with a deeper insight, recognizes

I in Fox a religious genius and reformer.

j " This man, by trade a shoemaker," he,

I says, "was one of those to whom, under

I ruder or purer form, the Divine Idea of

i the Universe is pleased to manifest itself,

... who therefore are rightly accounted
! Prophets, God-possessed. . . . Let some

[ living Angelo or Rosa, with seeing eye

! and understanding heart, picture George

Fox on that morning when he spreads out
his cutting- board for the last time, and cuts
cowhides by unwonted patterns, and stitches
them together into one continuous case, the
farewell service of his awl ! Stitch awav,
thou noble Fox ; every prick of that little
instrument is pricking into the heart of
slavery and \Yorld-worship, and the jMam-
mon.god. Thy elbows jerk, as in strong
swimmer's strokes, and every stroke is bear-

14 TEE QUAKER INVASION

.ing thee across the Prison-ditch, within
which Vanity holds her Work-house and
Rag-fair, into lands of true Liberty ; were
the work done, there is in broad Europe
one Free JNIan, and thou art he ! " Fox's
parents were members of the Established
Church, and were noted for their probity
and piety. He was born in Leicestershire,
England, in 1624. His school education
was limited and insufficient. Very early
in life he manifested a serious disposition,
sometimes bordering upon melancholy. His
pious mother, instead of luring him on to
the enjoyment of childish sports, encour-
aged his precocity, and, as a consequence,
he was never a boy in anything but years.
The child was father of the man. He was
honest almost to a fault. He would not re-
sent an affront, but never flinched in times
of trial. " Verily," with him, stood for
protestation and determination, and it was
a common remark among his companions,
that, " if George says ' Verily,' there is no
altering him." At the age of nineteen, and
for three continuous years, he experienced
mental suffering that would have unseated
an intellect less vigorous and rugged. He
withdrew from all companionship, but was

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 15

soon made miserable by the reflection that
he had forsaken his rehUions. Returning
home, he spent much of his time in solitary
meditation and prayer. The Bible \yas his
favorite, and almost his only study. His
condition, he tells us, was often one of ab-
solute despair. lie consulted preachers of
the various denominations, but found them
" miserable comforters." He likens them
to " an empty, hollow cask.".' The outcome
of this mental conflict was the conviction
that the paramount object of human exist-
ence is to get into a proper spiritual relation
■with the Creator. The moral faculties are
to be quickened, the law of Love must gov-
ern our relations with our fellow-men ; but
a spiritual oneness with the Deity attained,
the rest would follow as naturally as light
follows the rising sun. He learned that
the divine law is written upon the hearts
of men ; and that to construe or interpret
it correctly, he must give heed to the voice
of God in his own soul. His mission was
now revealed to him. "I -was commis-
sioned," he says, " to turn people to that
Inward Light — even that Divine Spirit
which would lead men to all truth."

This doctrine of the Liward Litrlit was

16 THE QUAKER INVASION

the corner-stone upon which Fox bnildecl
and upon which Quakerism rests. It was
no new doctrine. Neither Fox nor his as-
sociates laid claim to a discovery. It was
older than Christianity itself, but since the
days of Jesus and his followers, it had been
a mere theory, subordinate to doctrines em-
bodied in the creeds. Jesus, in substance,
taught the same lesson, but the Christian
Church had forgotten it. Christ had come
to be God, and the Bible the only revealed
word. Fox sought to restore primitive
Christianity by calling upon men not to
forsake Jesus, but to worship God and to
realize, in full, the relation to Him implied
when we call him Father. The epithet,
heretic, has so often been applied to the
early Quakers that it is frequently assumed
that they formally denied and denounced
theological opinions alleged to be funda-
mental. This is a serious error. It is true
they were not creed bound. " Where the
Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty," and
liberty of conscience, liberty to think and to
speak, not only found protection in a Quaker
meeting, but zealous advocates and defend-
ers wherever a Quaker voice was heard.
Such liberty inevitably develops variety

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 17

of opinion, and there was more latitude
among the Friends than witliin the narrower
limits of other sects. They all, however, be-
lieved in Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; in
Christ the Saviour ; in the atonement ; in the
resurrection ; and in the insph-ation of the
Bible. Nevertheless, they held that " the
letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life,"
and that to interpret the written word,
men must be inspired by the Spirit that
guided tlie hands of those who wrote it.
Fox said "the holy men of God wrote the
Scriptures as they were moved by the Holy
Ghost ; and all Christendom are on heaps
about those Scriptures, because they are
not led by the same Holy Ghost as those
were that gave forth the Scriptures ; which
Holy Ghost they must come to in them-
selves and be led b}^ if they come into all
the truth of them." Barclay, in his "Apol-
ogy," declares, " We do firmly believe that
there is no other gospel to be preached, but
that which was delivered by the apostles.
. . . We distinguish betwixt a revelation
of a new gospel and new doctrines, and a
new revelation of the good old gospel and
doctrines ; the last we plead for, but the
first we utterly deny." He is careful, how-

18 THE QUAKER INVASION

ever, to maintain the supremacy of the
Spirit, and in this connection he assures
the reader that some of his friends, " who
not only were ignorant of the Greek and
Hebrew, but even some of them could not
read their own vulgar language, who being
pressed by their adversaries with some cita-
tions out of the English translation, and
finding them to disagree with the manifes-
tation of truth in their own hearts, have
boldly afiB.rmed the Spirit of God never
said so, and that it was certainly wrong ;
for they did not believe that any of the
holy prophets or apostles had ever written
so; which, when I, on this account, seri-
ously examined, I really found to be errors
and corruptions of the translators ; who (as
in most translations) do not so much give
us the genuine signification of the words,
as strain them to express that which comes
nearest to that opinion and notion they
have of truth." On another- page he says
the Scriptures " may be esteemed a second-
ary rule, subordinate to the Spirit, from
which they have all their excellency and
certainty ; for as by the inward testimony
of the Spirit we do alone truly know them,
so they testify that the Spirit is that Guide

OF MASSACnUSETTS. 19

by wliicli the saints are led into all truth;
therefore, according to the Scriptures, the
Spirit is the first and prhicipal leader."

The famous Richard Baxter, in a discus-
sion with some Quakers, referring to this "
Inward Light, asked them, " If all have it,
why may not I have it ? " And a learned
Unitarian clergyman of Boston calls this
" one of his most pertinent c|uestions." If
so, Baxter must have been sorely pressed
and at his wit"s end for argument, for the
Quakers could not too strongly urge the
universality of the Divine Spirit, and their
response no doubt was, that having it, he
should heed it. Heed it, friend Baxter, and
it will lead thee into all truth. The diffi-
culty lay in his denial of it.

The logic of this cardinal principle of
Quakerism led straight to repudiation of
the authority of an ordained ministry, to
the withdrawal from church membership,
and the refusal to pay church tithes. In-
tellectual training alone cannot fit men to
be religious teachers. The Spirit of God
must first illuminate their souls and sanc-
tify their lives. The Puritans rebelled
against prelacy, and held in special abhor-
rence the forms and ceremonies borrowed

20 THE QUAKER INVASION

from Rome by the English Church. Com-
ing into power, they established their own
church and compelled an unwilling people
to conform to and support it. The Quakers
probed deeper. They rebelled against prel-
ate and presbyter alike. They claimed
not toleration, but liberty of conscience for
all as an inalienable right ; they demanded
the absolute separation of Church and
State; denounced the clergy as priests and
hirelings, and in spite of fiendish persecu-
tion refused to acknowledge their authority
or to contribute so much as a farthing to
their maintenance. Where the Spirit of
the Lord is, there is liberty ; and the spirit
of liberty was infectious. Others as well
as the Quakers asserted the religious equal-
ity of men and the sufficiency of the Holy
Spirit, and with stinging invective exposed
the pretenses of pious charlatans. In 1658,
John Milton, in an address to Parliament,
said, "For now commonly he that desires to
be a minister looks not at the work but at
the wages ... it were much better there
■were not one divine in the university, nor
no school divinity known; the idle sophis-
try of monks, the canker of religion. . . .
But most of all are they to be reviled and

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 21

shunned who cry out with the distinct voice
of hirelings, that if you settle not our main-
tenance by laws, farewell the gospel ; than
which nothing can be more ignominious,
' and, I may say, more blasphemous against

\ our Savioui', who hath promised without

■ this condition both his Holy Spirit and his

own presence with his church to the world's
! end." He continues, " Of which hireling

j even, together with all the mischiefs, dis-

! sensions, troubles, wars, merely of their own

I kindling, Christendom might soon rid ber-

I self and be happy, if Christians would but

! know their own dignity, their liberty, their

j adoption, and let it not be wondered if I

\ say their spiritual priesthood, whereby they

j have all equally access to any ministerial

I functions whenever called by their own

abilities and the church, though they never
; came near commencement or university."

j These bold, brave words might well have

j been uttered by Fox, or Burrough, or

j Thomas EUwood, the Quaker reader to the

I blind old poet.

With remarkable unanimity the early
Quakers held many views of religious ob-
ligation that brought them into direct con-
flict with the civil authorities and social

.22 THE QUAKER INVASION

usages. These views were known as "tes-"
timonies," and kter, when an organization
was effected, they were incorporated into
■what is known as the Discipline of the So-
ciety. Churcli ordinances, baptism, com-
munion table, prayer-book, were contemned.
Silent meditation, interrupted only by a
short prayer or exhortation by one or more'
of them, who, perchance, were moved by'
the Spirit, constituted their only form of
■worship. They substituted simple affirma-
tion for the oath, defending the innovation
with apt and telling quotations from Scrip-
ture. They held meetings for worship, and
"were generally careful to abstain from all
unnecessary secular employment on the first
day of the week, but they did not regard
it as especially the " Lord's day." They
claimed that " all days are alike holy in
the sight of God." They regarded the use
of the plural number in addressing one per-
son as a species of flattery, and adopted the
simple thee and thou of the Bible. Your
Holiness, Your Grace, Your Honor, etc.,
were " flattering titles," and therefore they
addressed all men by their Christian names
only. They declared " that it Is not lawful
for Christians to kneel or prostrate them-

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 23

selves to ;iny man, or to bow the body, or
to uncover the head to men. That it is not
lawful for a Christian to use superfluities in
apparel, as are of no use, save for ornament
and vanity. That it is not lawful to use
games, sports, plays, nor, among other things,
comedies, among Christians, under the no-
tion of recreations, which do not agree with
Christian silence, gravity, and sobriety."
They considered war " an evil as opposite
and contrary to the Spirit and doctrine of
Christ as light to darkness," and they w^ould.
not fight. They laid particular emphasis
upon the sacredness of the married rela-
tion, nevertheless their bigoted persecutors
denounced Quaker marriages as illegal, until,
in 1661, the courts confirmed the legality of
such marriages. Even as careful a writer
as Masson says " they had no religious cere-
mony in sanction of marriage."^ Professor
Masson, as his context proves, had ample
opportunity to avoid this blunder, and it
can only be accounted for on the theory
that his mind is prejudiced by the still pop-
ular notiun that the presence and offices
of an ordained minister are necessary to
make a marriage ceremony religious and

1 ii/e o/J/i7ton, vol. V. p. 20.

24 THE QUAKER INVASION

to secure the Divine sanction of the nup-
tial rites. The Qualvers thought otherwise.
They repucllated the chiims of the clergy,
and believed that God alone can join men
and women in the solemn covenant. " It
is their custom," says Sewel, " first having
the consent of the parents or guardians
. . . and after due inquiry, all tilings ap-
pearing clear, they in a public meeting sol-
emnly take each other in marriage, with a
promise of love and fidelity, and not to
leave one another before death separates
them. Of this a certificate is drawn, men-
tioning the names and distinctions of the
persons thus joined, which, being first signed
by themselves, those then that are present
sign as -witnesses." ^ This custom is still
in force, and, with some unimportant ver-
bal amendments, the phraseology of early
Friends is still preserved. After an appro-
priate silence, the groom and bride rise, and
taking each other by the hand, each in turn
repeats, " In the presence of the Lord and
this assembly, I take thee to be my wife
(or husband), promising, with Divine assist-
ance, to be unto thee a loving and faithful
husband (or wife) until death shall separate

1 History of the Quakers, p. 777.

OF MASSACnUSETTS. 25

US." For religious solemnity and tender,
touching simplicity, the Quaker marriage
ceremony has always challenged compari-
son, and if any one desires to feel and real-
ize tlie presence of God in a public or pri-
vate gathering, let him attend a Quaker
wedding.

One of the most popular slanders current
is the charge that the early Quakers held
all civil authority in contempt and were
willful law-breakers. So far from this, they
were an eminently law-abiding people, and
had profound respect for the office of the
civil magistrate. For the insignia of office
they had, perhaps, too little regard, but
for law on which social order and well-be-
ing depend, they showed a most exemplary
fidelity. George Fox said, " Magistracy is
for the praise of them that do well. . . .
jMagistrates are foi- the punishment of evil-
doers. . . . "We are not against, but stand for
all good government." Edward Burrough,
in 1658, wrote to Pilchard Cromwell, '• As
for magistracy, it was ordained of God to be
a dread and terror and limit to evil-doers,
and to be a defense and praise to all that do
well, to condemn the guilty and to justify
the guiltless." In an interview with the

26 THE QUAKER INVASION

King, in 1660, Richard Hubbertborn said,
" Tlaus do we own magistrates ; whatsoever
is set up by God, whether king, as supreme,
or any set in authority by him, who are for
the punishment of evil-doers, and the praise
of them that do well, such, shall we submit
unto and assist in righteous and civil things,
both by body and estate, and if any magis-
trates do that which is unrighteous, we must
declare against it, only submit under it by
a patient suffering and not rebel against
any by insurrections, plots, and contriv-
ances." Barclay's statement of the attitude
of the early Quakers toward the civil law
and the magistracy is equally clear and defi-
nite. He said, " Since God hath assumed
to himself the power and dominion of con-
science, who alone can rightly instruct and
govern it, therefore it is not lawful for any
whosoever, by virtue of any authority or
principality they bear in the government
of this world, to force the consciences of
others, , . . providing always, tbat no man,
under the pretense of conscience, prejudice
his neighbor in his life or estate, or do any-
thing destructive to, or inconsistent with,
human society ; in which case the law is for
the transgressor, and justice is to be admin-

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 27

istered upon all without respect of persons."
Perhaps it should be stated here that be-
cause Barclay was a highly educated gen-
tleman, and -wrote his best known works
as late as 1673-76, some modern critics in-
sinuate, if they do not broadly affirm, that
he does not fairly represent the Quakerism
of 1656 to 1662. Such criticism is fla-
grantly unjust. It is alleged that " the
crude and indigested notions which the
early Quakers uttered ' in a prophetical
way,' sounded like the wildest rant, to be
relieved of the reproach of blasphemy only
by being referred to a besotted stupidity or
a shade of distraction." ^ With a magician's
power, Barclay, it seems, transformed dis-
traction into sobriety. At his touch be-
sotted stupidity was metamorphosed into a
wise intelligence, and blasphemy into rev-
erential religion. This magician, and also
William Penn, we are informed, " wrought
out for the Friends a religious system for
belief and practice, which would do honor
to any fellowship of Christians at the pres-
ent time." The simple truth is, that cal-
umnies almost as harsh as the one just
quoted, marred the Avritings of distinguished

1 Massackusttts and its Earlj Ilistonj, p. 106.

28 THE QUAKER INVASION

divines in the seventeenth, as well as in the
nineteenth century. Barday, recognizing
vital religious truth in the " principles and
doctrines " contemptuously called " notions "
by our critic, wrote, not only an " explana-
tion," but a " vindication " of them. He was
a warm personal friend and admirer of Fox,
and was admirably fitted for the work by
education, sympathy, suffering, experience,
and knowledge. It would be a difEcult task
for any one to show wherein the " religious
system for belief and practice," elaborated
by him, differs in essential particulars from
the Quakerism of Fox, or Burrough, or
Hobberthorn. There is a striking corre-
spondence in their opinions concerning social
duty and the limit of their obligation to
civil government ; and, bearing in mind the
fact that they were not anchored to a creed,
we cannot but be impressed by the har-
mony of their doctrinal views. But this is
a digression. The reader who cares to pur-
sue the matter further should consult Bar-
clay's " Catechism," his "Anarchy of the
Eanters," and his "Apology." And for
Penn's testimony as to the " extraordinary
understanding in divine things," and the
" admirable fluency and taking way of ex-

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 29

pression," so characteristic of the " first
' Quakers," one should read his '■ Rise and

■ Progress of the People called Quakers."

Having noted some of the more salient

features of Quakerism, -\ve are quite pre-
1 pared to believe that in an age of intense

i religious excitement some of its more ar-

! dent professors vrere victims of religious

i zeal, and occasional]}^ were guilty of acts

inconsistent with proper decorum. It must

be added, too, that, when pushed in argu-
j ment, prominent Friends, including Fox and

I Penn, justified some of these acts by throw-

' ing responsibility for them upon the Spirit

j of the Lord. On the other hand, they dis-

j o\vnecl James Naylor and others on account

I of their fantastic extravagances.^ The num-

I ber of Quakers was counted by tens of

1 thousands, and at one period forty-two liun-

1 dred of them were in the gaols,^ not for any

j crime or misdemeanor, but because of their

i stout defense of liberty and their heroic re-

I sistance to religious tyranny. AVhen driven

I or dragged from their meeting-houses, they

j assembled in the streets ; and when tlie

i ■ 1 Se^ve^3 Uistortj, p. 159.

I - .Janney's Life of Fux, p. 477, and many other Quaker

U'stories.

30 THE QUAKER INVASION

meeting-houses were torn down they met
on the ruins, from whence they were driven
only by personal violence. Many of them
died in prison and many more suffered long
imprisonment only to resume their life of
sacrifice and trial when released. They
were courageous, aggressive, bold, and un-
sparing in their denunciation of sin and sin-
ners, but equally tender-hearted, loving,
and affectionate. Even women suffering
the tortures of the lash could kneel and ask
God to forgive the wretched men who dealt
the blows.^

The name Quaker was applied to them in
derision, but as indicative of their charac-
ter and aim, they called themselves Friends.
When they organized, it was not in order
to proclaim a creed or to build up a sect,
but for humane purposes, and, in Fox's
phraseology, for the " promotion of purity
and virtue." The only test of membership
was an habitual attendance at religious
meetings. If a stranger appeared in their
business meetings and wished to participate
therein, he was asked for a certificate from
Friends of his own town, indorsing, not his
soundness in doctrine, but his personal

1 New England Judijed, p. 61.

OF MASSACnUSETTS. 31

character. " This precaution," says Fos,
'■ was to prevent any bad spirit that may-
scandalize honest men, from bringino- re-
proach upon them."

Questions of policy were not settled by a
count of noses or a show of hands, but, after
grave deliberation and conference, by what
appeared to be the weight or solid judg-
ment of the assembly.

Quakerism in its social and moral aspect
was the synonym for brotherly love, purity,
simplicity, integrity, and benevolence. The
early Quakers not only advocated an en-
lightened revision of the criminal laws and
a reform in the treatment of prisoners,
which was then barbarous, bat they visited
the prisons, and sought out and aided the
poor, the friendless, and the outcasts of so-
ciety. They literally loved both friend and
foe. Hated, reviled, and persecuted of men,
they asked a divine blessing for their bit-
terest enemies.

32 THE QUAKER INVASION

CHAPTER II.

THE INVASION". MEASURES OF RESISTANCE

AND DEFENSE.

It is believed that numbers of the people
of the town of Salem, in IMassachusetts
(together with others of the Plymouth Col-
ony), had embraced the tenets of the Qua-
kers prior to the arrival of some mission-
aries in 1656, but there is apparently no
evidence to indicate that they had pro-
claimed themselves or adopted the name of
the despised sect. Had they done so, they
probably would have been at least named
in the recommendation of the Court made
in J\Iay of the same year, that " the 11th
day of Jane next ... be kept as a public
day of humiliation, to seek the face of God
in behalf of our native country, in refer-
ence to the abounding- of errors, especially
those of the Ranters and Quakers," etc.
Tliis is the first referenc:? to the Friends
found in the printed official records. When
it was made, riyniouth Colony had been

OF .VASSACnrSETTS. 33

settled thirty-five years, and the Massa-
chusetts Bay Colony, a quarter of a cen-
tury. Roger Williams, who, with all his
shortcomings, is fairly ranked Avith the
apostles of liberty, had been driven into
exile. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson had been sup-
pressed and banished. Sir Henry Yane had
returned to England discouraged and dis-
heartened. Coddington, one of the founders,
and afterwards a Quaker, had taken ref-
uge in Rhode Island, where he enjoyed
the liberty of conscience denied him here.
Winthrop had died lamenting the part he
had played in persecuting heresy.^ Sir
Richard Saltonstall, another founder, had
addressed his famous letter, from England,
to his old friends, in which he dejDlored
their "tyranny and persecution," and be-
sought them " not to practise those conrses
in a wilderness which you went so far to
pi-event." ^ His advice, it is needless to say,
was unheeded. John Endicott was Gov-
ernor, and John Norton the leading minister

1 George Bishop's New England Judged, p. 22G. First
published in 16G1, reprhited in 1067, with addition of a Sec-
ond Part. Again reprinted in 1702 and bound in one volume
with John Wliitins's Ansv:er to Cotton Mather, etc. For
references in tliis book, see tlie edition of 1702.

a Hutchinjun Papers, pp. 401-407.

34 THE QUAKER INVASION

of the Massachusetts Colony, when the first
two Quaker visitors arrived, and the policy
of repression found in them the sternest of
supporters. Ann Austin and Mary Fisher
came here in a vessel, in July of 1656. The
laws referring to Quakers had not yet been
enacted, and there was no law, human or
divine, to prohibit their coming here or
bringing their books with them. On the
contrary, the " Body of the Libei'ties," en-
acted in 1641, was a guaranty of ample
protection by the authorities if they were
disturbed or molested. The prefatory dec-
laration reads : " We do therefore, this
day, religiously and unanimously, decree
and confirm these following rights, liber-
ties, and privileges, concerning our churches
and civil state, to be respectively, impar-
tially, and inviolably, enjoyed and ob-
served throughout our jurisdiction forever."
The first and second declarations are as fol-
lows : —

"1st. No man's life shall be taken away,
no man's honor or good name shall be
stained, no man's person shall be arrested,
restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any
ways punished ; no man shall be deprived of
tis wife or children, no man's goods or es-

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 35

tate shall be taken away from him, nor any
way inJamaged under color of law or coun-
tenance of authorit}^ unless it be by virtue
or equity of some express law of the coun-
try warranting the same, established by a
General Court and sufficiently published,
or in case of the defect of a law in any par-
ticular case, by the word of God. And in
capital cases, or in cases concerning dis-
membering or banishment, according to that
I word to be judged by the General Court."

I "2d. Every person within this jurisdic-

tion, whether Inhabitant or foreigner, shall
enjoy the same justice and law that is gen-
eral for the plantation, which we constitute
and execute one towards another, without
partiality or delay." -| ;=>1S308

In the face of this sti\tute, Endicott being
j out of town, the deputy governor, Richard

: Bellingham, sent officers aboard the ship,

; who searched the baggage of these two pas-

I sengers, and seized their books, which, by

j order of the authorities, were burned by

I the common executioner. The women were

i committed to prison, Avhere they were con-

; fined for five weeks, -when they were sent

back to Barbadoes, the master of the ship
being bound in one hundred pounds to take

36 THE QUAKER INVASION

them there, and ordered not to suffer any
to speak with them after they were put on
board. It seems that while in gaol they
used their own beds, which were brought out
of the ship ; these and their Bibles the
gaoler confiscated to satisfy his fees. Dui'-
ing their imprisonment no one was allowed
to visit or to speak with them, and a board
was nailed np before the window so that
none might see them ; they were denied all
writing material, and no lights were per-
mitted at night. They were so ill-fed or
so starved, rather, that Nicholas Upsall, a
church-member and freeman since 1631,
bribed the gaoler with five shillings a week
for the privilege of sending them provisions.
Prior to this humane deed, he, or some
other person whose heart had been touched
by their sufferings, — it was probably Up-
sall, — had in vain offered to pay the five
pounds penalty if permitted to visit the
prisoners. As is usual with official despots,
Bellingham made some show of legal pro-
cedure when this severe treatment was or-
dered. The council was convened, and a
declaration issued, wherein it was said that
" there are several laws long since made
and published in this jurisdiction bearing

OF ^fASSACnUSETTS. 37

testimony against heretics and erroneous
persons," and that Ann Austin and ]\Iary
Fisher, " upon examination are found not
only to be transgressors of the former laws,
but to hold very dangerous, heretical, and
blasphemous opinions ; and they do also ac-
knowledge that they came here purposely
to propagate their said errors and heresies,
bringing with them and spreading here sun-
dry books, wherein are contained most cor-
rupt, heretical, and blasphemous doctrines
contrary to the truth of the gospel here pro-
fessed amongst us. The council, therefore,
tendering the preservation of the peace
and truth enjoyed and professed among
the churches of Christ in this country, do
hereby order," etc. What very dangerous,
heretical, and blasphemous opinions the pris-
oners held, we are left to surmise. Quaker
authorities, however, furnish us a clew.
They relate that one of the women said
"■ thee," to Bellingham, whereupon he said,
"• he needed no more ; now he knew they
were Quakers." That little magic word
was sufficient for the chief inquisitor. We
are assured by one who should be excellent
authority, that the people of Massachusetts
were well informed as to the spirit and

38 THE QUAKER INVASION

actings of the Quakers and were on the
watch for theni.^ At last they had arrived.
These two women, it was clear, were Qua-
kers, and therefore they were heretics and
blaspheiners. It is to be observed that
■without any knowledge whatever of their
opinions, their arrest was predetermined
and they were imprisoned before they had
spoken a word. They were not accused of
crime, or misdemeanor, or with the utter-
ance of heresy They were arrested, re-
strained, aiid finally banished, solely be-
cause they were Quakers and had intended
to disseminate their opinions, if allowed to
remain here. The magistrates proceeded
under color of law, it is true, but none the
less in violation of the fundamental law
of the colony. However, we must not
overlook the plea set up by some modern
writers. The council, say these apologists,
derived their authority from the royal char-
ter. This document, after expressly provid-
ing that only such " orders, laws, ordinances,
instructions, and directions aforesaid, not
being repugnant to the laws and statutes of
our realm of England," shall be promul-
gated, proceeds to invest the government

1 Massachuselts and its Early History, p. 109.

OF MASSACnrSETTS. ?,9

with the war power. It provides " that it
shall and may be lawful to and for the
chief commanders, governors, and officers
. . . for their special defense and safety,
to encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by
force of arms, as well by sea as bv kind,
and by all fitting ways and means whatso-
ever, all such person and persons as shall
at any time hereafter attempt or enterprise
the destruction, invasion, detriment, or an-
noyance to the said plantation or inhab-
itants ; and to take and surprise by all
ways and means whatsoever, all and every
such person and persons, with their ships,
armor, munition, and other goods, as shall
in hostile manner invade or attempt the de-
feating of the said plantation, or the hurt
of the said company and inhabitants." We
Jive assured that " through letters from
friends at home," and their own familiarity
with "the abounding pamphlets of relig-
ious controversy of these days,"' the Puri-
tans were apprised of the dark designs of
these two desperate and warlike Amazons,
who in hostile bonnets and gowns had
invaded Boston harbor. To be sure the
Quaker books they brought witli them gave
the lie to the letters from England, but

40 THE QUAKER INVASION

what need to read them? One of the dread-
ful women had said " thee " to the deputy
governor, and her arrest prior to this her
declaration of war was thus amply justified.
The enemy had been surprised, " as well
by sea as by land ; " the invaders had been
captured, and for a time, at least, the colony
was safe. But could punishment too severe
be meted out to such dangerous captives ?
John Endicott thought not ; so he wrote a
letter from Salem saying that had he been
at home he would have had them well
whipped. An ordeal far more terrible than
scourging awaited them. By official order
these two defenseless women were literally
stripped of their clothing, and their bodies
were examined for witch marks in a man-
ner too indecent to be named.^ If any one
cares to know all that this implies, let him
consult TVinthrop's Journal, vol. ii. p.
397, where he will find a narrative in de-
tail of similar infliction upon the body of
INIargaret Jones, in the year 1648. The
recital is too disgusting and sickening to
be repeated. The treatment of that poor
woman was inexcusable, but it was just and
honorable as compared with the treatment
of Ann Austin and Mary Fisher.

1 Nezi} England Judged, p. 12.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 41

Before jMargaret Jones was arrested she
Lad aroused the superstitious fears of the
community. She had " a malignant touch,
as many persons (men, women, and chil-
dren) when she stroked . . . were taken
with deafness ... or sickness. She, prac-
tising physic, . . . her medicines were harm-
less, as anise-seed, liquors, etc., yet had ex-
traordinary violent effects. . . . Some tliino-s
which she foretokl, came to pass accord-
ingly." During her trial these alarmino-
facts were duly proved to the jury, and she
■was found guilty of witchcraft and hanged
for it. Governor Winthrop further narrates
that " the same day and hour she was ex-
ecuted, there was a very great tempest at
Connecticut which blew down many trees,"
etc. Tliough nothing can palliate the re-
volting torture to which she was subjected,
nor justify the final punishment, it may^be
urged that in view of her practices a su-
perstitious people might be pardoned for
putting her under restraint. Her predic-
tions, lier stroking, and her potions had ter-
rified the neighbors, and judging from the
record, she was arrested and tried, in obe-
dience to public sentiment. No such plea
can be entered in the case of Ann Austin

42 THE QUAKER INVASION

and Mary Fisher. They practiced no mys-
teries; tliey never had so much as a chance
to speak to man, woman, or child of Bos-
ton ; they were not transgressors of any hxw-
There is nothing in the whole history of
their case to relieve the blackness of the di-
abolical crime of which they were the vic-
tims. And yet a vice-president of the Mas-
sachusetts Historical Society tells us that
the advent of the Quakers here began in
" comedy " ! On the contrary, the advent
of the Quakers upon the soil of Massachu-
setts was marked by ghastly, grim tragedy
far more terrible than the subsequent hang-
ing of other Quakers, for it involved a liv-
ing death, more to be dreaded than the gal-
lows.

A few days after the enforced departure
of Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, another
vessel ancliored in the harbor with nine
Quakers aboard. They were immediately
arrested and were imprisoned for about
eleven weeks, when they w^ere sent away
in the ship that brought them, the master
of the ship having been compelled by an
arbitrary imprisonment to give security to
take them to England at his own charge.
The women were spared the shocking

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 43

witchcraft ordeal, and apparently starvation
was not attempted, but otherwise these
Friends were subjected to the same severe
treatment as their predecessors. During
their confinement Governor Endlcott bul-
lied them with threats of hanging. '-Take
heed,"' he said to them, '•ye break not
our ecclesiastical laws, for then ye are sure
to stretch by a halter."' It was charged
that they were guilty of '■ turbulent and
contemptuous behavior to authority," but
Bishop, a contemporary, whose integrity
is not nuestioned by any one, pronounces
this a " calumny forged out of your own
and the brains of your priests." Tliat it
was a false charge is probable, for in the
same Declaration, referring to Ann Austin,
Mary Fisher, and these men and women, the
authorities mendaciously assert that their
"•persons were only secured to be sent away
the first opportunity, without censure or
punishment."' Without censure or punish-
ment ! The father of lies might well be
staggered by such a shameless falsehood.

Early Friends, as has been shown, had
profound respect for authority leavened
with justice, but when officials degraded it
and themselves by acts of cruel tyranny,

44 THE QUAKER INVASION

they were prompt to resist and to rebuke.
In the present case it is quite possible that
some of the prisoners spoke their minds
freely to their oppressors when opportunity
offered. One of them, Mary Prince, it is
alleged, saluted Endicott as he passed the
gaol on his way to church, with such epi-
thets as "vile oppressor," and " tyrant," and
foretold thftt the Lord would " smite " him.
It is also said that when the ministers in-
terviewed her, she reproached them as
" hirelings, Baal's priests," etc. Grant the
correctness of these reports. Who does
not honor the brave woman, the victim of
Endicott's tyranny, for defying him with
the simple truth ? Who can censure her
for refusing with contempt and righteous
indignation the proffered offices of sancti-
monious ministers who satirized the words
of Jesus, " I was in prison, and ye came
unto me," by visiting her to convict her of
heresy and blasphemy, and with insuffera-
ble imperiousness to urge upon her the in-
fallibility of their own superstitious dog-
mas ?

The next act in this tragedy of errors
was performed while these nine Quakers
were still in gaol, but before any others had

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 45

arrived :incl before any of the residents had
avowed the Quaker name and faith. On
the 1-itli day of October, liJoG, the General
! Conrt enacti'd the first of a series of dis-

graceful laws, aimed exclusively at the
Quakers.! jt begins, " Whereas there is a
cursed sect of heretics lately risen up in the
I world, Avhich are commonly called Qua.

. kers," etc. This insulting vituperation is a
! fit inaugural to their bloody work, and aptly

I enough it is followed by monstrous calumny.

{ Their victims have given them no cause for

! condemnation, and as tliey are the only

I Quakers with whom they have as yet dealt,

j they are forced, as we shall see, to trump

j up the alleged misdeeds of Friends in Eng-

! land, and to utilize the slanders cidled from

! letters and controversial writings, in order

I to justify their charges. It is true that on

! another and later occasion they declare,

I " we Avere well assured by our own expe-

rience, as well as by the example of their
predecessors in jNlunster,"' that it was the
"design" of these prisoners "to undermine
and ruin the peace and order" of tlie col-
ony ; but the assertion is an afterthought
uusustained by evidence, and is as gross a

1 See Appendix, p. 133.

46 THE QUAKER INVASION

calumny as the one witli which it is coupled.
The Quakers were as innocent of the jNIun-
ster iniquities, which, by the way, occurred
in the preceding century, as the Puritans
themselves. The preamble to this law con-
tinues : " who take upon them to be im-
mediately sent of God, and infallibly as-
sisted by the Spirit to speak and write
blasphemous opinions, desiDising government
and the order of God in church and com-
monwealth, speaking evil of dignities, re-
proaching and reviling magistrates and min-
isters, seeking to turn the people from the
faith and gain proselytes to their pernicious
ways, this Court, taking into serious consid-
eration the premises, and to prevent the like
mischief as by their means is wrought in our
native land, doth hereby order," etc. These
calumnies are repeated under various forms
in the text of subsequent laws, and were
evidently relied upon to create a public sen-
timent that would justify the judicial crimes
premeditated. After again denouncing the
" blasphemous heretics,"' the law provides
heavy penalties for ship-masters and others
who may be convicted of bringing Quakers
to the colony. Xext, it is ordered, that
Quakers coming within the jurisdiction

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 47

"shall be forthwith committed to the house
of correction, iiiul at their entrance to be
severely whipped, and by the master thereof
be kept constantly to work, and none suf-
fered to converse or speak with them dur-
ing the time of their imprisonment, which
shall be no longer than necessity requireth.''
Quaker books or " writings concerning their
devilish opinions "' are next interdicted, and
persons who defend said books or opinions
are fined, for the first offense forty shillings ;
for the second offense four pounds, and for
the third offense they are first imprisoned
and then banished. Lastly, it is " ordered,
that what person or persons soever shall re-
vile the office or person of magistrates or
ministers, as is usual with the Quakers,
such person or persons shall be severely
whipped, or pay the sum of five pounds."

This formal declaration of war against
the Quakers was proclaimed in the streets
of Boston by beat of drum. Nicholas Up-
sall,i of whom mention has already been
made, was proprietor of the Red Lyon Inn,
and hearing the act read before his own
door, said, " that he did look at it as a sad

1 For biography see Tiie X. E. Uistorkal and Cunmlorji-
cal ReijiiUv for January, ISSO.

48 THE QUAKER INVASION

forerunner of some heavy judgment to fall
on the country."

The authorities, hearing of this, quickly
availed themselves of the opportunity to
make perfectly clear what was meant by
such terms as " reproaching honored mag-
istrates.'' They summoned Upsall before
the court the next morning, where he, " in
much tenderness and love," warned them
" to take heed lest ye should be found fight-
ers against God." He was fined twenty
pounds, Endicott saying, "I will not bate
him one groat." He was then banished,
with orders to depart in thirty days, four
of which he spent in g^ol, and before leav-
ing he was fined three pounds more for not
going to church.

On the 14th of October, 165T, a second
law was enacted, the vituperation and revil-
ing " usual " with the Puritan authorities
being a prominent feature of the text. It
provided for the forfeiture of one hundred
pounds by any one who knowingly brought
a Quaker mto the jurisdiction, and imposed
a fine of forty shillings for every hour's en-
tertainment of a Quaker by any resident. It
further ordered that any Quaker man pre-
suming to come into the jurisdiction after

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 49

having once suffered what the law requireth,
" shall for the first offense have one of his
ears cut off . . . and for the second offense
shall have his other ear cut oft" . . . and
every woman Quaker that hath suffered the
law here, that shall presume to come into
this jurisdiction, shall be severely whipped
. . . and so also for her coming again she
shall be alike used as aforesaid ; and for
every Quaker, he or she, that shall a third
time herein again offend, they shall have
their tongues bored through with a hot iron.
. . . And it is further ordered ,that all and
every Quaker arising from amongst our-
selves shall be dealt with and suffer the like
punishment as the law provides against for-
eign Quakers." ^

On the 19th of May, 1658, for a third
time the General Court issued its decree
against the Friends, forbidding, under se-
vere penalties, the holding of meetings or
attendance at meetings. This law, also, is
w-ell flavored with the usual reviling and
calumny."

On the 19th of October, 1658, the Court
enacted the fourtli law, in which they incor-
porated Endicott's threat, " take heed ye

1 See Appendix, p. 13G. " See Appendix, p. 13T.

4

60 THE QUAKER INVASION

break not our ecclesiastical laws, for then
ye are sure to stretch by the halter." The
preamble not only recites the old list of
calumnies, but lengthens it with fresh slan-
ders. It is followed by an order banishing
both visiting and resident Quakers upon
pain of death if they return. Very prop-
erly this order is amply padded with Puri-
tan railing and abuse.

On May 11, 1659, by a special order, the
county treasurers were authorized to sell
Daniel and Provided Southwicke, son and
daughter to Lawrence Southwicke,' to any
of the English nation at Virginia or Bar-
badoes, to satisfy the fines imposed upon
them "for siding with the Quakers and
absenting themselves from the public ordi-
nances." ^

Edmund Batter, the treasurer of Salem,
undertook to carry out this order. He
was a foul-mouthed villain who reveled in
assaults upon defenseless men and wom-
en, and who was never so happy as when
engaged in hunting down the Quakers.
Pages might be filled with a recital of his
infamous deeds as they are recounted by
Bishop, but he shall speak for himself, as
1 See Appendix, p. 174. - See Appendix, p. 175.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 51

his own recorded confession sufficiently in-
dicates his character. It may prove an in-
structive study to those modern writers who
note every expression of righteous indigna-
tion uttered by the Quakers, and roll it as a
sweet morsel under the tongue, meanwhile
remembering to forget the invective and
railing of the Puritans.

In the unpublished county court records
at Salem, there is the following entry under
date "26th 4mo. 1660." "Mr. Edmund
Batter being presented to this Court for
saying that Elizabeth Kitchin had been a
pawawing and calling her base c^uaking slutt
with divers other oprobious and taunting
speeches, the presentment being not fully
proved (he confest that he said to the said
Elizabeth) either have you beene, or she had
beene a pawawing and did say to her she
was a quaking slutt (meeting of her betimes
in the morning comeing as he supposed
from a cpuiker meeting, seeing also som
other persons that waies afected) comeing
that waye which she came, is by the Court
admonished and to pay fees of Court 30.s."

Innocent women were stripped to the
Avaist and thus exposed to public gaze, Avere
beaten with stripes until the blood ran

52 TEE QUAKER INVASION

down their bare backs and bosoms ; the ears
of men were cut off and the bodies of men
were beaten to a jelly, for attending Quaker
meetings and for testifying against "your
bloody and cruel laws ; " but cowardly bul-
lies and blackguards, such as Edmund Bat-
ter, when they insulted Quaker women, were
only admonished and obliged to pay court
fees ; nor did their indecency prevent their
being honored church-members and trusted
officials in the Puritan commonwealth,
which we are taught to believe was, par ex-
cellence, the stronghold of piety and moral-
ity.

This Edmund Batter hunted in vain for
a ship-master mean enough to sail freighted
with human victims for a Virginia market.
One captain, being approached, " to try
Batter, said, — that they would spoil all the
vessel's company," whereupon he replied,
with a testimony to the inoffensive char-
acter of the Quakers, rarely extorted from
Puritan lips. He said to the ship-captain,
" Oh, you need not fear that, for they are
poor harmless creatures and will not hurt
anybody." "Will they not so? (said the
ship-master) and will ye offer to make slaves
of so harmless creatures?" Whittier has

OF MASSACnrSETTS. 53

I immortalized this scene by rendering the

captain's answer in the following lines : —

" Pile my ;hip with bars of silver,— p.'iclv witli coins of Span-
ish gokl,
From keel-piece up to declc -plank, the rooma^e of her hold,
By the living God who made me ! — I would sooner in your
bay
i Sink ship and crew and cargo, than bear tliis child awav ! "

i On the 22d of May, 1661, finding the

hanging business had been somewhat over-
! done, the Court, with the customary cal-

j urany and vindictive epithet, enacted a new

statute, wherein it is ordered that Quakers,
I both men and women, are to " be stripped

j naked from the middle upwards, and tied

i to a cart's tail and whipped through the

town ; " also to " be branded with the let-
ter R on their left shoulder," and " the
constables of the several towns are em-
powered ... to impress cart, oxen, and
I other assistance for the execution of this or-

; der." ^ The author of " The New England

Tragedies in Prose " probably wrote his

1 See Appendix, p. 141. The persistent slander of the
Quakers is well illustrated by the terms of this law, in which
the Friends are described as "vagabonds." The history of
Friends, the world over, from the rise of the Society down to
the present day, does not afford a single instance of Quaker
pauperism or vagrancy. ^Teither the Colony nor the State
of Massachusetts was ever asked to spend one shilling for the
boaetit of a Quaker.

54 THE QUAKER INVASION

narrative under the full conviction that his
treatment of the Quakers is very magnan-
imous, and his criticism of the Puritans
sufficiently severe ; but in common "with
several other apologists, he manifests an
ignorance concerning the real mission and
character of the Quakers, combined with
an acquired or hereditary bias in favor of
the Puritans, by which he is emphatically
disqualified for rendering impartial judg-
ment. In alluding to the passage and the
enforcement of the inhuman law, of which
the pivotal sentence has just been quoted,
he says, with unconscious irony, " as the
clemency of the rulers began its gentler
sway, for a time, at least, the vehemence
of the disturbers seemed to increase." A
Daniel come to judgment ! Adopting the
prejudiced opinions of the historian Palfrey,
he believes that " seldom have entliusiasts
been more coarse, more unfriendly, more
wild and annoying than the eai-ly Friends."
His sympathy for the persecuted Puritans
is so aroused that, for the moment, the
spirit of old John Norton seems to possess
him. "With the vision of an innocent wom-
an stripped to the waist, hauled from town
to town, and flogged as she is dragged along

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 55

at the cart's tail, — with this brutal sight
in his mind's eye, he commends " the clem-
ency of the rulers," and, with implied sur-
prise, notes that under its " gentler sway "
the vehemence of the disturbers seemed to
increase. Such wretched twaddle is more
than discreditable. It is puerile ; and yet
it passes for historical criticism.

On the 27th of November, 1661, in obe-
dience to an order from Charles II., King of
England, to whom the Friends had applied
for relief, the Court ordered " that the ex-
ecution of the laws in force against Quakers,
as such, so far as they respect corporal pun-
ishment or death, be suspended until this
court take further order ; " ^ but on the 8th
of October, 1662, their fear of the King be-
ing allayed, they reenacted the law of JMay,
1661, with an amendment providing that
" the whipping be but through three towns ;
and the magistrates . . . shall appoint both
the towns and the number of the stripes in
each town to be given."

1 For this famous " King's Missive," and brief comment,
see Appendix, pp. lSS-191.

56 THE QUAKER INVASION

CHAPTER III.

THE WARFARE.

"We have now passed in review the Pu-
ritan legislation against the Quakers during
the six years of the reign of terror.^ The
story of its vigorous enforcement stains the
saddest page of our early history, — not
even excepting the witchcraft delusion, that,
at a later day, swept through the colony.
Incredible as the narration seems to us, no
one suspects that the sufferers or the Qua-
ker historians are guilty of exaggeration.

The tongue boring and the branding pen-
alties were not resorted to in this colony,^ but
three victims had their right eai's cut off,
and four suffered the death penalty. The
number of homes broken up by banishment
and the extent of the impoverishment of
families by confiscation of property have yet
to be computed. Nor is it known how many

1 For subsequent legislation, etc., see Appendix, pp. 191,
19-2.

- In the Xew Haven Colony, Humphrey Norton was branded
" H " tHeresy) in the hand.

OF JfASSACIICSETTS. 57

scourgings were inflicted. Dr. Ellis thinks
that about thirty victims had suffered whip-
pings by order of the General Court alone,
and many more from local courts, p7-ior to
the passage of the "vagabond law " in iNIay,
1661, and it is well known that a carnival
of cruelty followed the enactment of that
law.

To the credit of the people of the colony
it should be said that the passage of these
laws and their merciless enforcement were
not sustained by public opinion. It is true
that in October, 1658, a petition,^ signed
by twenty-five citizens, asked for severer
laws against the Quakers, but there is good
reason for believing that it was instigated
by John Norton and other ministers. It
did not represent the sentiments of the com-
munity. Remembering the fate of Nicholas
Upsall, it would have been hazardous for
any one to circulate or present a counter pe-
tition ; nevertheless, there were times when
public indignation was with difficulty re-
strained from manifesting itself by open re-
volt. This was notably true in the early
part of 1658, when the barbarous treatment
of William Brend by his gaoler was noised.

1 See Appendix, p. 153.

58 THE QUAKER INVASION

abroad. To quell the rising turmoil, and
to appease an exasperated people, the au-
thorities publicly promised to punish the
gaoler; but Brend, whose life for a time
hung by a thread, recovered, and the tu-
mult subsiding, the insincerity of the mag-
istrates was revealed. Their promise was
broken, the gaoler retained his office, and
his barbarity was applauded by pious John
Norton.

The law ordering banishment upon pain
of death had been passed with difficulty,
and by a bare majority of one vote.

In October, 1659, when William Robin-
son, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer
were sentenced to death, military precau-
tions were taken to prevent an outbreak.
A conception of the fears of the magis-
trates and the excitement of the populace
is possible, when we remember that the
population of Boston was, at the most, but
a few thousands ; and then read in the offi-
cial record that the prisoners were escorted
to the gallows by " Captain James Oli-
ver, with one hundred soldiers, completely
armed with pike, and musketeers, with
powder and bullet." A drummer marched
in advance of the condemned prisoners, and

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 59

when either of them attempted to speak,
the di-um was beaten. During the execu-
tion thirty-six soldiers were posted about
the town as sentinels, to preserve the peace.
Prior to the execution it was " ordered that
the selectmen of Boston shall . . . press
ten or twelve able and faithful persons,
every night during the sitting of this court,
to watch with great care the town, espe-
cially the prison, ■■ etc. Evidently a rescue
-was feared. At the same sitting of the
court two declarations were issued. One of
them is a long document' largely devoted to
a scriptural refutation of Quaker doctrines. ^
The other is mainly composed of a string
of calumnies designed to inflame the people
against the Friends. Both of them appeal
to the religious prejudices and bigotry of
the colony, and were evidently published
under the fear of righteous retribution by
an outraged community. Even stern John
Eudicott scented danger, and hastened to
vindicate the court from " the clamorous
accusation of severity."'

The authorities professed that they were
reluctant to execute the Quakers, and it is
true that at the solicitation of her son a

1 See AppenJLx. pp. 143-15Q.

60 THE QUAKER INVASION

reprieve was granted to J\Iary Dyer, by
■vs'bich her life was spared, only to be taken,
however, upon her subsequent visit to the
colony. It is very evident that they were
determined to make au example of Robin-
son and Stevenson, for they turned a deaf
ear to the earnest entreaties of their more
enlightened neighbors. John Winthrop,
Governor of Connecticut, said he would
beg them on his bare knees not to execute
the law ; and Colonel Temple said to the
court that if they really " desired their
lives absent rather than their deaths pres-
ent, he would beg them of you, and carry
them away at his own charge . . . and if
any of them should come amongst ye again
he would again fetch them at his own
charge." ^ This proposition was favorably
received by most of the magistrates ; but
the stronger wills of a few leading officials
overcame all opposition, and the order for
the execution was confirmed.

When Wenlock Christison, who is errone-
ously represented as having recanted,^ was

1 New England Judi/ed, pp. 157-158.

•- See The MemoriaL History of Boston, i., 187. A fac-
simile of Christison's letter is given on page 18S. "I, the
condemned man, do give forth under my hand, that if I may
have ruy liberty I have freedom to depart this jurisdiction,

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 61

convicted, tlie court deliberated for two
weeks before a verdict of guilty was ob-
taiued. Even then it was only tlirougb the
indomitable will of Endicott that a sentence
of death was secured. His more humane
comrades faltered, hesitating to add an-
other judicial murder to their list of crimes,
whereupon Endicott lost his temper, and,

and I know not tlwt ever I shall come into it any more."
By "freedom to depart," a mode of expression which is
peculiar to Friends even at the present day, the prisoner un-
doubtedly meant that having obeyed the call of sacred duty
by comin;:; here and testifying against the murder of his friend
■William Lcddra (who had been executed in March, 1G61),
nothing further was required of him at the time. He had
no vainglorious wish to suffer martyrdom, but was subject to
the will of the Lord, and would lay down his life when it
was required of him. What the Divine leading might be here-
after, he could not foretell. If it took him to Boston, the mag-
istrates would see liim again, but if not, he had no desire to
renew their acquaintance. Instead of "showing ihe white
feather," as the Rev. Mr. Dexter sneeringly puts it in his
book. As to Roger Williams, Christison was courageously
faithful to duty as it was revealed to him. For such a man
it was harder to retreat and by so doing subject himself to the
charge of cowardice, than it was to face death. His whole
life, so far as it is known, sustains this theorj'. The fact that
he did return into the jurisdiction and suffer further violence
from the hands of the same officials is sufficient refutation of
the charge of recantation so carelessly made by several writ-
ers. Had he obtained his release by a promise not to return,
the promise would have been kept, for in spite of an exagger-
ated manner of speech charged upon the early Friends, even
their most bitter detractors will concede that their word was
as inviolate as the judicial oaths of other men.

G2 THE QUAKER INVASION

flinging something furiously upon the table,
wished himself back in England, and said,
" You that will not consent, record it ; I
thank God I am not afraid to give judg-
ment ; " he then, amid confusion, " pi'e-
cipitately pronounced judgment himself."
This impetuous and relentless inquisitor was
eventually obliged to stay his hand from
further murder, and to satisfy his craving
for Quaker blood by drawing it from the
backs and breasts of helpless women .^

The story of William Brend's sufferings,
as related by Sewel, admirably illustrates
the extreme cruelty of the officials, the un-
yielding determination of the authorities,
and the disapproving public sentiment that
extensively prevailed. He says : " In the
latter part of the Fifth month, [1658], it
came to pass, that William Brend and Wil-
liam Leddra, having been at Salem, came to
Newbury ; where at the house of one Robert
Adams they had a conference with the
priest, in the presence of Captain Gerish,
who had promised that they should not suf-
fer ; but after the conference was ended, the
captain would not let them go, but on prom-

1 When the executioner -whipped Ann Coleman '-he split
the nipple of her breast, which so tortured her that it had al-
most cost her life." New Enyland Judged, p. 430.

OF JfASSACHCSETTS. 63

ise presently to depart the town ; wliieli be-
ing lutli to comply -with, as they were on
their way, they were sent for back, and
Captain Gerish riding after them, com-
manded them to return ; whicli thev refus-
ing, he compelled them thereunto, and sent
them with a constable to Salem ; where,
being brought before the magistrates, they
were asked ' whether they were Quakers? '
to v.'hich they answered, *■ that they were
such that were in scorn called so.' Next it
was objected to them ' that they maintained
dangerous errors.' They asking what these
errors were, it was told them, 'that they not
only denied that Christ at Jerusalem had
suffered on the cross, but also that they de-
nied the Holy Scriptures.' They boldly
contradicted this, and said 'they owned no
other Jesus but he that had suffered death
at Jerusalem, and that tliey :dso owned the
Scriptures.' Now although nothing could
be objected against this, yet they were car-
I ried to the house of correction, as such who,

: according to the law made at Boston, might

j not come into those parts. Some days after

' they were carried to Boston, where in the

}. next month they were brought into the

1 house of correction to work there. But

64 THE QUAKER INVASION

they, unwilling to submit thereto, the gaoler,
who sought his profit from the work of his
prisoners, would not give them victuals,
though they offered to pay for them. But
he told them ' it was not their money but
their labor he desired.' Thus he kept them
five days without food, and then with a
three-corded whip gave them twenty blows.
An hour after he told them ' they might go
out, if they would pay the marshal that was
to lead them out of the country.' They
judging it very unreasonable to pay money
for being banished, refused this, but yet said
' that if the prison-door was set open, they
would go away.' The next day the gaoler
came to Wm. Brend, a man in years, and
put him in irons, neck and heels so close to-
gether, that there was no more room left
between each, than for the lock that fast-
ened them. Thus he kept him from five
in the morning till after nine at night, be-
ing the space of sixteen hours. The next
morning he brought him to the mill to
work, but Brend refusing, the gaoler took
a pitched rope about an inch thick, and
gave him twenty blows over his back and
arms, with as much force as he could, so
that the rope untwisted, and then going

OF MASSACHUSETTS. ^o

away, he came again with another rope
that was thicker and stronger, and told
Brend, ' that he would cause him to bow to
the law of the country, and make him Avork.'
Brend judged this not only unreasonable in
the highest degree, since he had committed
no evil, but he was also altogether unable
to work ; for he wanted strength for want
of food, having been kept five days without
eating, and whipped also, and now thus un-
mercifully beaten with a rope. But this in-
humaai gaoler relented not, but began to
beat anew with his pitched rope on this
bruised body, and foaming at his mouth
like a madman, with violence laid four-score
and seventeen blows more on him, as other
prisoners, that beheld it with compassion,
have told ; and if his strength and his rope
had not failed him, he would have laid on
more ; he threatened also to give him the
next morning as many blows more. But a
higher power, who sets limits even to the
raging sea, and hath said, ' Hitherto shalt
thou come, but no further,' also limited this
butcherly fellow, who was yet impudently
stout enough to say his moraing-prayer. To
what a most terrible condition these blows
brought the body of Brend, (who because

66 THE QUAKER INVASION

of the great heat of the weather, had noth-
ing but a serge cassock upon his shirt) may
easily be conceived ; his back and arms were
bruised and black, and the blood hanging
as in bags under his arms ; and so into one
was his flesh beaten, that the sign of a par-
ticular blow could not be seen ; for all was
become as a jelly. His body being thus
cruelly tortured, he lay down upon the
boards, so extremely weakened, that the
natural parts decaying, and strength quite
failing, his body turned cold : there seemed
as it -were a struggle between life and
death ; his senses were stopped, and he had
, for some time neither seeing, feeling, nor
hearing, till at length, a divine power pre-
vailing, life broke through death, and the
breath of the Lord was breathed into his
nostrils. Now the noise of this cruelty
spread among the people in the town, and
caused such a cry, that the governor sent
his surgeon to the prison, to see what might
be done ; but the surgeon found the body
of Brend in such a deplorable condition,
that, as one without hopes, he said, 'his
flesh would rot from off his bones, ere the
bruised parts could be brought to digest.'
This so exasperated the people that the

OF MASS AC lie SETTS. 67

magistrates, to prevent a tumult, set up a
paper on their meeting-house door, and up
and dovrn the streets, as it were to show
their dislike of this abominable and most
barbarous cruelty ; and said, the gaoler
should be dealt withal the next court. But
this paper was soon taken down again upon
the instigation of the high priest, John Nor-
ton, who having from the beginning been a
fierce promoter of the persecution, now did
not stick to say, ' W. Brend endeavored to
beat our gospel-ordinances black and blue ;
if he then be beaten black and blue, it is
but just upon him ; and I will appear in his
behalf that did so.' It is therefore not
much to be wondered at, that these precise
and bigoted magistrates, Avho would be
looked upon to be eminent for piety, were
so cruel in persecuting, since their chief
teacher thus wickedly encouraged them to
it."

Further evidence of the advanced civil-
ization of the people, as contrasted with the
inhumanity of the ministers and magis-
trates, might be cited, but as this fact is
generally conceded, even by very partisan
writers, it is unnecessary to pursue the sub-
ject further. It may be well to suggest,

68 THE QUAKER INVASION

however, that had the right of suffrage
been extended to all citizens of character
and good repute, instead of being limited to
church-members, it is probable there would
have been an infusion of true religion and
humanity into the laws, and the colony
•would have been spared the tragic record
which now mars its history.

OF MASSACnUSETTS. 69

CHAPTER IV.

CHARACTER AXD CONDUCT OF THE IXVADERS.

MODERN REVIEATERS REVIEWED.

There are some facts and more fancies
in which popular writers believe they find
not only the casus belli between the Pu-
ritans and Quakers, but also great pallia-
tion and partial justification for the perse-
cution involved therein. At the outset we
are met with the assertion that the Qua-
kers had no right to come here, and that the
right to prohibit their coming was com-
plete. The simple act of entrance into the
colony, regardless of the object of the visit,
it is alleged, was an aggravated assault upon
the Puritan homestead.

This theory, first propounded by the Pu-
ritans themselves, has come to be accepted
as historical truth, and no one of our prom-
inent writers has thought it important to
state that the Quakers denied it with as
much emphasis, and with at least as great
sincerity, as the Puritans asserted it. The

70 THE QUAKER INVASION

Quakers clain^ed that as Englisliraen they
had the legal right to visit or to live wher-
ever the English flag proclaimed English
jurisdiction.^ This claim rested upon that
clause in the charter which expressly guar-
anties " all liberties and immunities of free
and natural subjects of . . . the realm," to
all Englishmen " which shall go to and in-
habit " jNIassaehusetts, or " which shall hap-
pen to be born there, or on the seas in going
thither or returning from thence." ^ The
authorities relied upon the same charter, in
which they professed to find warrant to
build a Chinese wall around the colony.
Kow the only clause of the charter that can
be used to justify such arbitrary legislation
is the one already quoted, and which, as we
have seen, is a grant of the war power to
the colonial government, and nothing more.
Legal quibbling was apparently as easy then
as now, and the charter, wrested from its
purpose, was made an instrument of tyr-
anny. But if the Puritans quibbled, their
apologists do something worse when they
justify the treatment of the Quakers on the
pretense that they had no business here,

1 See Bishop and other early Quaker historians.
- Massachusetts Records, vol. i. p. 16.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 71

and that, by coming, they forfeited their
rights; for the fact is. that four fifths of
them were residents of the colony, and
were recognized as sacli by the autiiorities
long before the persecution began. Upsall,
Southwick, and others were freemen. The
Baffums, Whartons, Shattucks, and scores
of others, were property hoklers and rep-
utable citizens. 1 Hereafter when the com-
ing of the Quakers is under discussion, in
the interest of justice let this fact be re-
membered, and let it not be forgotten, that
these people bravely maintained what they
believed to be their chartered rights. They
may have appealed, also, to the " Body of the
Liberties," previously referred to, which af-
forded ample guaranty of protection for both
residents and strangers. Paper guaranties,
it is true, availed them nothing; but they
are of essential value to us when judgment
is to be rendered. Sooner or later, the
opinion now popular with historians must
be reversed, and the claim of the Quakers,
both to come and to live here, will be sus-
tained.

1 Samuel Wiiithrop. a son of Governor Wiiithrop. was a
QuakLT. He does not ti-m-e in the Quaker aunals of IMassa-
chiisetti, but was a resident and a leading; citizen of Antigua,

72 TEE QUAKER INVASION

But the main charge in the indictment of
the Quakevs, and the one upon which Pu-
ritan apologists most rely to justify their
own clients, is that Quakerism manifested
itself here in the persistent and frequent
lawlessness and indecent conduct of its ad-
herents. We are taught to believe that the
Puritans were exasperated beyond endur-
ance, and that the solution of Puritan per-
secution is to be found in the extravagances
of the Friends. Will this plea bear the test
of examination ?

In the first place, it is to be remarked that
many writers accept this convenient solu-
tion, and recount the story as told by prej-
ndiced authorities, while others rake the
records, and, without caring to test their
correctness, parade every instance of misde-
meanor that they find charged upon the
Friends, with relentless fidelity to the pur-
pose of their search. In Grahame's History
it is related that one Faubord attempted to
imitate Abraham, and was only prevented
from sacrificing his son by the interference
of his neighbors. This story is copied by
a later writer and handed down as a speci-

where he bravely maintained the principles and testimonies
of Friends. Besse, vol. ii. chap. is. p. 371.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 73

men of a Quaker's '•blasphemous atroc-
ity." ^ Xow to the mind of any one who
has even slight knowledge of Quaker doc-
trines the account in itself convicts its au-
thor of malicious slander, for the Friends
maintained unqualifiedly that the old dis-
pensation had been superseded by the gos-
pel of Jesus, and that outward sacrifice was
an abomination.

One of the foulest calumnies that disgrace
the pages of history is perpetuated by the
Rev. Henry M. Dexter,^ who reproduces
a story told by Increase JMather, to the ef-
fect that two Quaker w^oaien and a man
named Dunen danced naked together. One
of the women, Mary Ross, said she was
Christ, and commanded Dunen, whom she
called the Apostle Peter, to sacrifice a dog.
Tliere is more of similar stuff which need
not be repeated. After the recital, the
reverend editor, probably to shield himself
from tlie charge of willful misrepresentation,
concedes that '• the better sort of the new
sect by this time had begun to repudiate
such excesses;" but, he adds, "the sober

1 R. H. Allen, in Tlie Nno England Tragedies in Prose,
p. 51.
- As to Rojir Williams, pp. 124-141.

74 THE QUAKER INVASION

portion of the population of New England "
found it " difficult to draw the line between
'Old' and 'New Quakers.'" This libel
upon the Friends was exposed by one of
them, a contemporary, who wrote a book
in answer to the " calumnies, lies and
abuses " heaped upon the Friends by Cotton
Mather, who repeats the story. Referring
to this particular calumny and to others, he
says, "our adversaries . . . rake up such
dirty stories to throw at us," and these
" mad pranks no more concern the Quakers
. . . than they do the Presbyterians." ^ But
the extent of the meanness of this attempt
by Mr. Dexter to dishonor the early Friends
is the more fully realized when he is found
characterizing them, in the same book, as
" mild and peaceful." - This he does when
he quotes their condemnation of Roger
Williams for the purpose of justifying his
own aspersion of Williams's character.
The attack upon early Friends by Hon.
Joel Parker,^ published by the Massachu-

1 Truth and Innoccnaj Defended, pp. 129-132. Bound in
one volume with Xeic England Jiuhjtd. Edition of 1702.

- As to Roger Williams, p. 82.

3 This ingenious lawyer describes the Quakers as "the
nuisance " of the colony, and proves (to his own satisfaction)
that they were not persecuted by the Puritan authorities.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 75

setts Historical Society, is a master-piece of
partisan pleading; but the nnfairness of
Mr. Dexter in his entire treatment of the
Quakers exceeds even that of Parker.

The " Magnalia " ^ of Cotton Mather is a
storehouse of ammunition for apologists ; and
writers who would not willingly do id jus-
tice are sometimes betrayed into misrepre-
sentation by consulting it and forgetting
to consult Quaker histories. A striking
example of this may be found in an arti-
cle by Mr. John Fiske of Cambridge, pub-
lished in " Harper's Mouthly Magazine " for
December, 1882. In this article Mr. Fiske
adopts the popular view of the merits of the
conflict waged between the Puritans and
Quakers, apparently without having ex-
amined the pages of a single Quaker au-
thority, and enlivens it with the addition
of Cotton Mather's statement, that the
Friends called the Bible the " ^Vord of the
Devil." A slight familiarity with this
branch of his subject would have been suf-
ficient to prevent JNIr. Fiske from marring
his entertaining and instructive paper by the
introduction of a stale calumny which even

1 Book vii. chnp. iv. The Quakor? are called " devil
driven creatures" and "dangerous villains."

76 THE QUAKER INVASION

partisan commentators have not liad tbe
presumption to renew, and which has been
refuted by every Quaker writer who men-
tions the Bible, and specifically by a con-
temporaneous authority. In his review of
Mather's charges, written soon after they
were made, John Whiting says, " And as
to any Quakers, whom he calls wretches,
ordinarily saying among the people, we
deny thy Christ ; we deny thy God, which
thou callest Father Son, and Spirit ; thy
Bible is the Word of the Devil; both these
charges we utterly deny, as false in fact,
and challenge him to prove who or when
any Quaker said so ; and if any ever did or
do, we should disown it and testify against
them ; for we abhor the very thoughts of
any such expressions." ^ Friend Whiting's
challenge, it need not be said, was never an-
swered. As the case stands, Mr. Fiske has
revived and extensively published a slander-
ous falsehood. But Mather, it should be
said, has excellent indorsement which jNIr.
Fiske may have seen. If not, he can find it
in the Diary of Judge Sewall, recently pub-
lished, wherein the Puritan judge seriously
defines Quakerism as "Devil worship." It

1 Truth and Innocenctj Defended, p. 89.

OF MASSACnrSETTS. 77

will be easy now to construct a, new justifi-
cation of the Puritans, for what more natu-
ral than for a people who worshiped the
Devil, and accepted the Bible as the in-
spired word, to maintain that the Devil
wrote it? This important theory beino-
conclusively established by the corrobora-
tive testin:iony of two pious and truthful
Puritans, one can only marvel at the for-
bearance of the colonial ministers and mag-
istrates.

In justice to Mr. Fiske it must be admit-
ted that ho is not singular in his methods
of research ; for with rare exceptions every
modern history of this subject confirms the
suspicion that when early authorities have
been consulted at all, it has been for the sole
purpose of confirming preconceived opin-
ions, and for the selection of material to be
used in extenuating the crimes of John En-
dicott, John Norton, and their associates. A
notable illustration of the slip-shod method
of some writers who aspire to become histo-
rians is furnished by ^Ir. H. C. Lodge. He
says the Friends were drunk with religions
zeal. He evidently believes that it Avas not
unusual for them to appear naked in pub-
lic, and he describes them as rioters and

78 THE QUAKER IN'VASION

disturbers of the peace.^ The " presentation
of facts '' which he professes to give is a
mere rehash of some of tlie worst and most
abusive attacks upon the Qualcers by older
writers and has no proper claim to be called
historical. In the preface to his book, Mr.
Lodge innocently assures the reader that he
makes " absolutely no pretense to original
research." Cela va sans dire.

Of the many apologists who essay to dea.1
with this subject, the Rev. Dr. George E.
Ellis is probably the best informed ; and
if he could but address himself to the mat-
ter with a mind free from the apparently
inevitable New England prejudice, he might
do history important service by correcting
the errors of his predecessors. He finds
something to admire in Quakers and Qua-
kerism, and something to condemn in Pu-
ritans and Puritanism. His judgments are
pot always consistent, and they sometimes
positively conflict with each other, but in
their general tenor and bearing they co-
incide with the conclusions and judgments
of other apologists. The main difference
is, that while such critics as Parker and

1 A Short nUtorjj of the EiKjUsh Colonies in America, p.
354.

I OF .VASSACHUSETT3. 79

Dexter indulge in wholesale condemnation
of the Fi-iends, Dr. Ellis's verdict is relieved
by some recognition of the Quaker virtues
and by a recommendation of mercy. He
concedes that " the Quakers had hold in
j common of an advanced truth, quick with

, the energy of the Spirit." He grants that

i " they were the advanced pleaders for a

I liberty which is now our life, for a form of

I faith and piety which alone has power for

I a free soul." Pie " can apprehend the high

I and pure motive which not only led, but

! really inspired these unwelcome missionaries

■ to our bay." He pays a tribute to their

\ '• sincerity " and to their " meek, but alwavs

! unflinching endurance of contumely and vio-

lence." He even admits that " much of
their terrible abusiveness of language was
■wholly free from malice and any ill-inten-
tion, but was prompted wholly from an
honest and severely righteous sense of the
errors and superstitions whicli they as-
sailed."

It is not easy for the ordinary mind to
understand how a people, confessedly gov-
erned by a sense of religious duty and led
and inspired to come here by a high and
pure motive, were at the same time im-

80 THE QUAKER INVASION

pelled by an " aimless spirit of annoyance,"
or that, " by every rule of right and reason,
they ought to have kept away." Nor is it
less difficult to realize that the pleaders for
a form of faith and piety winch alone has
power for a free soul uttered, " in a prophet-
ical wav," "crude and indigested notions"
that " sounded lilve the wildest rant," to be
relieved of the reproach of blasphemy only
by being referred to " a besotted stupidity
or a shade of distraction." There is a sharp
contrast, if not flat contradiction, between
the portraiture of the Friends, as we have
just seen it, and the following sketch, drawn
by the same hand. The Quakers, says Dr.
Ellis, were "seditious and rancorous visit-
ors," and " most of them " were '• lawless and
ignorant." They were " intrusive, pester-
ino-, indecent, and railing disturbers of early
Massachusetts," who " regarded themselves
as led by the Spirit to give 'testimony,'
which, as things then were, would subvert
all civil and religious order in this colony,
and overwhelm it with confusion and
anarchy. ... A spell wrought upon their
spirits, and they yielded themselves, as they
thought, to a guidance from above. . . .
Modest and pure women under this spell

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 81

would rush into the public highways, or
into a crowded place of worship, and, inde-
pendent of all the art or materials of dress-
makers, Avould make a distressing spectacle
of themselves. One such, coming into a
meeting-house in this condition, had smeared
herself with black paint as a sign, she said,
of the black pox, which, she prophesied,
j God would send on this cruel jurisdiction."

! This graphic picture is drawn for our con-

i templation in order to " relieve the burden

j of wanton and ruthless cruelty cast upon

I our legislators,"' who were '• beyond meas-

i lire provoked and goaded to the course

i which they pursued. , . . Their Quaker

! tormentors were the aggressive party ; they

I wantonly initiated the strife, and with dog-

■ ged pertinacity persisted in outrages which

1 drove the authorities almost to frenzy. , . .

Our Fathers cared little, if at all, for the
Quaker theology. They did not get so far
as that in dealing with them. . . . Our Fa-
thers dealt with them on the score of their
manners, their lawlessness, and their offen-
I sive speech and beliavior."

i It is inconceivable how an artist can

■j produce two such irreconcilable pictures as

! these with but one subject for liis model,

82 THE QUAKER INVASION

and ic must be left to Philip sober and
Philip drunk to settle their own differences,^
The substance of Dr. Ellis's diatribe against
the Friends is reproduced here, because, as
has been said, it is an epitome of current
misconception, and because the main argu-
ment used to justify the Puritans rests
upon this misconception. The aim and
purpose of Dr. Ellis is to portray the con-
ditions under which the Puritans were
"goaded," and thus to account for "the
course which they pursued." In opposition
to his view of the subject, three statements
or propositions are offered for the considera-
tion of the reader.

First. The testimonies of the Quakers
were not blasphemous, nor do they indicate
"a besotted stupidity or a shade of distrac-
tion." On the contrary, they were fer-
vently religious, and Avere often marked
by a vigorous understanding that would do
credit even to some of the wise men of our
own generation. Much of their testimony,
had it been heeded, would have strength-
ened the civil and religious order of the

1 For wliat Dr. Ellis has written about the Quakers, see
Massachusetts and its Earli/ Ilistonj ; The .Memorial History
of Boston, vol. i. ; and Proceedings of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, vol. sviii.

OF J/ASSACnrSETTS. 83

colony. They testified in behalf of a re-
ligious and social order that grows out of
an intelligent and just administration of an
enlightened government. Dr. Ellis has su-
perior facilities for historical investigation,
and no doubt holds in reserve much valua-
ble information accumulated duriu''- many
years of arduous study. If he has evidence
to sustain his cruel characterization of the
testimony of the Friends he ought to pub-
lish it. Such reports as are ordinarily ac-
cessible do not warrant his accusation ; and
until he makes it good by substantial and
conclusive proof, one is obliged to suspect
that he has carelessly adopted the unsus-
tained charges of some earlier writer.

The sermons of the Quakers were never
written nor reported ; bat there are letters
addressed to the authorities, now on file
with the court records, and also other letters
printed in Friends' journals and histories,
which not only reveal the religious and
mental character and the views of the writ-
ers, but may also fairly be relied upon to
indicate some of the prevailing Quaker o|)in-
ions, both as to ecclesiastical and civil law.
A fac-simile of the signatures of two Qua-
ker women to one of these letters is printed

84 THE QUAKER INVASION

in " The Memorial History of Boston " (vol.
i., p. 185). The letter is addressed "To
thee John Indicott and the rest of the rulers
of this jurisdiction." The editor calls it "a
characteristic letter," and one therefore
naturally expects to find it irreligious, where
it does not betoken "a besotted stupidity or
a shade of distraction." So far from this,
a profoundly religious feeling pervades the
whole letter, and the unsparing scriptural
denunciation is relieved by a tenderness and
pathos that free the writers from all suspi-
cion of malice. The women were evidently
of ordinary education, for their style is not
only quaint, but often obscure. It must be
remembered, howeverj that the writing of
even literary men in those days was prolix
and redundant, and much of it must be re-
constructed in order to be made perfectly
clear and readily intelligible to the modern
eve and ear. The spirit of this letter may
be judged from the following abstract : —

" We can rejoice that we are counted
worthy and called hereunto to bear our
testimony against a cruel and hard-hearted
people who are slighting the day of your
visitation and foolishly requiting the Lord
for his goodness and shamefully intreating

OF .MASSACHUSETTS. 85

his liidden ones whom lie has sent amongst
you to call you from the evil of your ways.
. . . The Lord our God is arising as a
mighty am] terrible one to plead the cause
of his people and to clear the cause of the
innocent: but surely he will in no wise
acquit the guilty who have shed the blood
of the innocent and ye shall assuredly feel
his judgment. . . . Woe, woe unto you for
you have forsaken the Lord, the fountain
of living water, and are greedily swallow-
ing the polluted waters that come through
the stinking ^ channel of your howling mas-
ter's nnclean spirits ; whom Christ cries
woe against and wlio cannot cease from
sin, having hearts exercised with covetous
practices : woe unto thenr (saith the Scrip-
tures) for they have run greedily after the
error of Balaam who loved the wages of
unrighteousness. . . .

"Surely the overflowing scourge will pass
over you and sweep away your refuge of
lies and your covenant with hell shall be
disannulled. . . . Oh that you had owned
the day of your visitation before it had been

1 This oUl En.:;li<h word, now almost obsolete except in
vulg-iir circles, was fainiliar to polite ears and iu fre(iiient use
in the seventeenth century. See quotation from Miltuu, p. 12;
and from Kev. John Higginson, p. 95.

86 THE QUAKER INVASION'

too late and had hearkened to the voice of
his servants -whom he hath sent unto you
again and again in love and tenderness to
yourselves. . . . And then these wicked
laws had never been made uor prosecuted.
. . . Your glorying will be turned into
shame and confusion of face and your
beauty will be as a fading flower which
suddenly withereth away. . . . We have
written to clear our conscience, and if you
should account us your enemies for speak-
ing the truth, and heat the furnace of our
aflBiction hotter, yet know we shall not fall
down and worship your wills ; . . . all the
sufferings that we have endured (from you)
for Christ, have not at all marred his visage
to us, but we still see more beauty in him ;
well knowing that as they did unto him so
they will do unto us, and now they are
come to pass, we remember that he said
these things. Maky Trask,

Maegaret Smith.

" From your house of correction where we have
been unjustly restrained from our children
and habitations, one of us above ten mouths
and the other about eight ; and where we
are yet continued by your oppressors that
know no shame. Boston, 21'' of y'^ 10""^
1660."

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 87

When Wenlock Cliristison was on trial
for his life, he said to the court, " Do not
tliink to weary out the living Goil by tak-
ing away the lives of his servants ! What
do you gain by it ? For the last man that
you put to death, here are five come in his
room: and if you have power to take my
life from me, God can raise up the same
principle of life in ten of his servants and
send them among you, in my room, that
you may have torment upon torment, which
is your portion ; for there is no peace to the
wicked, saith my God."

The righteous indignation of this heroic
soul is sometimes referred to as evidence of
a malicious spirit. Does it not rather show
the spirit of a martyr who, in the hour of
peril, was faithful to the memory of his mur-
dered friends and dared to confront their
executioners with uncompromising fidelity
to the cause for which thev died ?

John Burstow was one of the five Friends
referred to by Christison, who had come
into the presence of the court to support
him in the hour of trial. But little is
known of him beyond this fact, and that
while in gaol, in 10(31, he wrote a letter to
his persecutors in which he expresses his

88 THE QUAKER INVASION

belief that their hearts were hardened be-
yond redemption, and that the righteous
judgments of the Lord would be poured
forth upon them. His letter is unmistaka-
bly that of a Puritan who, having been con-
verted to Quakerism, nevertheless continued
to draw his inspiration mainly from the old
Hebrew prophets. A few sentences will
give the spirit of the letter, which, however
denunciatory it may be, is neither blasphe-
mous nor stupid. " Your assemblies are an
abomination to the Lord, your hands are
defiled with blood ... ye that have an ear
to hear, hearken and come forth from among
them that ye may be as fire-brands plucked
out of the fire, for as certainly as the plagues
were poured forth upon hard-hearted Pha-
raoh, shall the plagues and judgments of the
Lord be poured forth upon the inhabitants
of this town of Boston."

Josiah Southwick was a representative
Quaker. A full recital of his sufferings
would melt a heart of stone, and yet he
addressed a letter, from the gaol, to the
General Court, of which the following is an
extract. It fitly indicates the spirit of the
entire letter : " Some have said we are the
persecutors, but we know we are the perse-

OF MASSACHUSETTS, 89

cutecl : yet we can freely say, the Lord lay
not vour sin to your charge, for I believe
many of you know not what you do."

Duiiiig her imprisonment, .^Nlary Dyer
addressed a letter to the '-General Court at
Boston," in wliich she said, '-And have you
no other weapiMis to fight with against spir-
itual wickedness as you call it? Search
with the light of Christ in you and it will
show you of whom you take counsel. . . .
It is not my own life I seek, but the life
of the seed which I know the Lord hath
blessed. And I know this ; that if you con-
firm your law, the Lord will overthrow both
your law and you, by his righteous judg-
ments and plagues poured justly upon you.
In love and in the spirit of meekness, I
again beseech you, for I have no enmity to
the persons of any : but you shall know that
God will not be mocked."

Viewed from a literary, moral, or religions
standpoint, INIary Dyer's letters (and this
is equally true of the letters and other writ-
ings of very many early Quakers) compare
favorably with the best efforts of the lead-
ing Puritans. Daniel Gould, a compara-
tively illiterate Quaker, wrote a letter dated
" rod Hand the 3 month IGGO," and ad-

90 THE QUAKER INVASION

dressed " To the rulers & people of the town
& jurisdiction of bostene." He appealed to
them as follows: "I am grieved to see your
cruelty and your hard-heartedness against
a people that cannot flatter you nor will-
fully do you any wrong, but if any should
do you any wrong or trespass against any
man, let a righteous law take hold of such ;
but what need any law be made against
the innocent, those that do you no wrong.
. . . Concerning -religion let every one be
fully persuaded in his own mind and wor-
ship according as God shall persuade his
own heart, and if any worship not God as
they ought to do and yet livetli quietly and
peaceably with their neighbors and country-
men and doeth them no wrong, is it not
safer for you to let them alone to receive
their reward from him who said, I will ren-
der vengeance to mine enemies and reward
them that hate me. . . . Let God alone be
Lord of the conscience, and not man, and
let us have the same liberty and freedom
amongst you, as other Englishmen have to
come and visit our friends and kindred and
do that which is honest and lawful to be
done in buying or selling ; and if any have
a mind to reason or speak concerning the

OF JlfASSACnUSETTS. 91

way and Tvoi'slup of God, that they may not
be put in prison or punished for it, and so
let people have liberty to try all things and
hold fast that which is good." ^ Had the
rulers heeded the advice of this uneducated
but liberal and clear-headed Quaker, instead
of the bigoted counsel of the cultivated and
accomplished John Norton, they might have
established a civil and religious order in
the colony which would have forever marked
them as just and enlightened legislators.

The second proposition to be considered
is, that Avhereas Dr. Ellis's arraignment of
Friends gives the impressiou that extrava-
gant and offensive behavior was the rule
with them, the truth is that their extrava-
gances were comparatively infreqiient, and,
aside from their use of emphatic scriptural
language, were exceptional.

The tliird statement is, that the persecu-
tion of Friends was not only not the result,
but was the direct cause of such improprie-
ties as may be proved upon them. These
two propositions may be considered jointly.

As fair specimens of the invective in-
dulged in by the Quakers, Dr. Ellis quotes

1 For this auJ otht-r Quaker letters, see Appendix, pp.

92 THE QUAKER INVASlOy

some harsh language from the journal of
Humphrey Norton, which he found in the
British Museum. It is not in any. of our
libraries, but other Quaker works, written
during the same period, confirm the belief
that Friends, smarting under a sense of
wrong and personal injury, did not hesi-
tate to call men and things by tlieir right
names. And yet they were quick to forgive,
and they bore no malice. Their denuncia-
tion of persecution and superstitious church
ordinances was scriptural almost without
exception. It is impossible for any one to
cite a single instance of indecent railing by
a Quaker, such as Ave have seen was in-
dulged in Avith comparative impunity by
the Puritan Edmund Batter, a government
official and church-member. It may not
only be admitted, but all lovers of fair play
must find satisfaction in the fact, that
Friends resorted to scriptural weapons in
the unequal conflict. It is questionable,
however, Avhether the practice was so habit-
ual with them as is represented. It is more
probable that their invective was the special
utterance extorted by special or specific
deeds of Puritan violence. The Puritan
court records seem to confirm this view, for

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 93

the reports of arrests and trials are remark-
ably free from cliarges of rudeness of either
speech or behavior, and it is noteworthy
that in the scriptural ari^niment against
Quakerism written by John Norton and
published by order of the General Court,
October IS, 1659, it is alleged that '' the
practice of the Quakers ... is to belch
out railing and cursing speeches," but the
accusation is qualified by the words, " some
of them at least." ^ It is a mistake to sup-
pose that those Friends who indulged in
what, to polite ears of this age, sounds ex-
travagant and ill-mannered, were in any
way peculiar, or that they spoke in an un-
known tongue ; for tbey merely conformed
to the manners and customs characteristic
of the age in which they lived, and espe-
cially characteristic of the Puritans. This
has already been demonstrated as to Eno--
land, in the preceding pages, by quotations
from Puritan authors who called clergy-
men of the Established Church " Baal-
ites and Balaamites," and the " service
book " an "abomination," and by citations
of the acts and language of other men and
writers, including Milton. In Xew Eng-

1 See Appendix, p. liT

94 THE QUAKER INVASION

land the same customs were prevalent.
The Puritans were forward to abuse men
with their tongue, and were perfectly at
home in the Yindictive vernacular. We
have already observed how impossible it
was for them to enact a law aimed at
Friends, without ushering it in with a vitu-
perative epithet. In these laws and other
documents we are made familiar with such
terms as cursed sect of hereticks, blasphe-
mouth opinions, devilish opinions, pestilent
errors and practices, diabolical doctrine, per-
nicious sect, horrid tenets, instrument of
satan, rogues and vagabonds, incorrigible
rogues, etc. Charles Chauncey, President
of Harvard College, in urging the enforce-
ment of capital punishment, spoke of six
Quaker prisoners as " six wolves in a
trap," to which, in a later day, Elizabeth
Hooten retorted by denouncing the college
as " a cage of unclean birds."

In Hutchinson's History it is related that
at the ordination of Mr. Higginson, in 1660,
John Smith of Salem was arrested for mak-
ing a disturbance by crying out, "What you
are going about to set up, our God is pull-
ing down ; " while Bishop, without, however,
designating the time or occasion, quotes

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 95

Higginson as stigmatizing tlie Quaker's In-
ward Light as ''a stinking vapor from hell."
Were not the Puritans quite equal to tlie
Friends in extravagance of language and
the use of harsh and vindictive epithets?

It is commonly nnderstood that the Qua-
kers constantly interrupted the relifTious
meetings and the famous Thursday lecture
of the Puritans, but this is an error started
by some malicious or careless commentator
and greedily adopted by others. In rare
instances, such as the one Hutchinson re-
lates, they may have done so; but both Pu-
ritan and Quaker records prove that the
Friends, as a rule, waited until service had
ended, before delivering their testimony,
and the same witnesses prove that instead
of being impelled by an " aimless spirit of
annoyance " to address church congrega-
tions, they were inspired by an enlightened
distrust of religious ordinances and Chris-
tian ministration that fostered superstition,
dogmatism, and persecution. When they
attempted to hold their own meetings, they
were violently assaulted, their houses were
invaded, and they were haled before the
magistrates. A very large number of the
arrests, of which there is any report, were

96 THE QUAKER INVASION

made because Friends refused to attend
church and bravely mamtained their right
to hold meetings of their own. Edmund
Batter, the two Archers, Benjamin Felton,
Henry Skerry — all church-members — and
Thomas Roots, are named by Bisliop as the
"bloody huntsmen " who made themselves
especially prominent in ferreting out Qua-
ker meetings and dragging tlie " cursed
heretics " to judgment. The Quakers were
persecuted and goaded into going to the
sanctuary of these inquisitors, and, when
meeting or lecture was over, pi'otesting
against such outrages and the wickedness of
both Christian ministers and the religion
that sanctioned them. A careful search shows
that in two instances the Friends enforced
their righteous protests by the unique
method of breaking bottles. Two women,
Sarah Gibbons and Dorothy Waugh, went
through this dramatic performance in " 2d
Month, 1658," in the presence of John Nor-
ton, "as a sign of his emptiness." Both of
them had been, previousl}^ the victims of
persecution. In 1663, Thomas Newhouse,
another sufferer, bore his testimony in the
same manner, crying out, " So they should
be dashed in pieces." Newhouse subse-

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 97

quently fell from grace, and was disowned
as an apostate by nioi-e sober Friends, to
whom he was a frequent source of trouble.^
When Wenlock Christison was on trial for
his life, in 1661, Catherine Chattam at-
tended court, appropriately clothed in sack-
cloth and ashes. It is reported, also, that
Elizabeth Hooten,- who cauie here with an
express permit from the King to purchase
property and to become a resident, but was
refused permission to do so by tlie author-
ities, was arrested as a " vagabond " and
barbarously whipped for crying aloud, " Re-
pent," in the streets of Cambridge. Old
records and authorities contain these and a
few other illustrations of what are known
as the extravagances of the Quakers ; but
instead of bristling all over with them as
Puritan apologists would have us believe, it
is impossible to find any considerable num-
ber, and the few that are to be found are
readily traced to the persecution. Some of
the more familiar instances are counted as
men in buckram by the excited imagina-

1 AVilliam Ednuindson's Journal, p. GO.

- Believed to be tlie tirst convert to Quakerism made by
George Fox. See brief account of her sufferings in Appen-
dix, p. 1T7.

98 THE QUAKER INVASION

tions of writers, who magnif}'- their number
to a degree that would honor Falstaff.

The most serious of all the charges on the
score of extravagance deserves separate con-
sideration. One has a right to infer from
the sketch Dr. Ellis has given of the state
of affairs during the period which he de-
scribes, that it was not uncommon for Qua-
ker women to parade the streets and to en-
ter the churches un attired, and that the
colonial authorities were goaded into a re-
sort to bai'barous legislation by such wild
and crazy freaks.^ There is a serious mis-
apprehension of the truth here. The rec-
ords furnish instances of two women "who
were literally stripped of their clothing by
the authorities ; and many other instances
of women who were stripped from the waist
upwards and exposed to public gaze, but
from the arrival of Mary Fisher and Ann
Austin upon these inhospitable shores, in
1656, down to the passage of the " vagabond
law " in May, 1661, in which the cruelties
of corporal punishment culminated, — dur-
ing this entire time, there was not a single
case of such social indecorum by the Qua-

1 Massachusetts and its Eaiiij Ilislory ; also Tlte Memorial
History of Boston, vol. i.

I •

!

i

i OF MASSACnUSETTS. 99

kers, — not one. Dr. Ellis cites the case of
a woman who appeared in this condition in
Boston, her body being smeared with black
paint. Pie is wrong. The record shows
that this woman, Margaret Brewster, was
abundantly clothed, and it also shows that
; this event occurred in the year 1677 ; ^ that

is^ fifteen years after the last year of the times
of u'hich Br. Ellis professes to give a his-
tory ! In two instances only, once in " 9th
mo. 1662 ■■ and once in ^May, 1663, women
! appeared in public without their garments,

I and in both cases their acts were the result
I of persecution. A detailed report of the
I Wardwell case may serve to help us in ac-
counting for them. Thomas Wardwell was
a Puritan and a freeman of the Massachu-
setts colony. He lived in Boston, where
on November 23, 1634, his son Eliakim
I was baptized. Eliakim removed to Hamp-
1 ton about the year 1659. It is not known
I at what time he embraced the Quaker faith,
I but on April 8, 1662, he was fined for ab-
i sence from church on twenty-six Sabbaths.
i In December, 1662, Ann Coleman, Mary

1 Judge Sriwall's Diary, vol. i. p. 4'3. For a verv inter-
citin^JT R'port of ilarguret Brewstur's trial, etc., see Appendix,
op. 193-20-2.

100 TEE QUAKER INVASION

Torakins, and Alice Ambrose, at the insti-
gation of Rev. ]\Ir. Rayner, and by order of
deputy magistrate Richard Walden, were
stripped naked from the middle upward,
tied to a cart, and, thougli the weather was
"bitter cold," were driven through several
towns. On arrival at each town they were
cruelly whipped. At Dover, while the flog-
ging was being administered, the Rev. Mr.
Rayner " stood and looked and laughed at
it," whereupon Eliakim Wardwell, who was
also present, reproved the reverend gentle-
man for his brutality, and thereby added
one more piece of insolence to the list of
Quaker " outrages." For this offensive be-
havior he was put in the stocks along with
William Fourbish, who had also manifested
irreverence by rebuking the pious Rayner.
Soon after this event, Wardwell harbored
and entertained his friend Wenlock Christi-
sou. Such an offense was too grievous to
be overlooked, and the Rev. Seaborn Cot-
ton, with truncheon in hand, headed a party
of order-loving citizens, and marched from
his own home to the house of Wardwell,
some two miles away. Christison received
him and asked him " what he did with that
club in his hand." Pastor Cotton replied,

OF MASSACnCSETTS. 101

saying, " he came to keep tlie wolves from
his sheep." Christison was immediately
seized and dragged away. The wolf having
been secured, Wardwell, who, as head of
the family, was the bell-wether of ]\Ir. Cot-
ton's flock of sheep, was summoned to court
and fined. To satisfy tlie fine, his saddle-
horse was taken from him. The horse was
I worth fourteen pounds, and as this sum ex-

i ceeded the fine, a vessel of green ginger was

j left at his house to settle the account. But

i the green ginger speedily went the way of

I the horse, for Wardwell was soon fined

I acrain for his own and his wife's absence

I from church, and in time was rendered al-

most penniless by repeated seizures of his
property. The Rev. Seaborn Cotton, it
seems, had a sharp eye for business, and,
knowing the Wardwells would not pay for
preaching they did not hear and would not
countenance by their presence, he shrewdly
sold his '• rate "' — the sum of money the
Wardwells were obliged by law to contrib-
ute to his support — to one Nathaniel Boul-
ter. How large a shave this dealer in lapsed
church tithes charged Cotton, we shall never
know. We do know, however, that before
he concluded the baru'iiin he visited the

102 THE QUAKER INVASION

Ward wells under pretense of borrowing a
little corn for himself, which they willingly
lent him. Having thus surreptitiously dis-
covered the quantity of corn in the crib,
and its whereabouts, he, " Judas-like," went
and bought the " rate " and then returned
and " measured the corn away as he
pleased."

Lydia Wardwell was married to Eliakim,
October 17, 1659. She also was a Pu-
ritan, and a church-member to the manor
born, being the daughter of Isaac Perkins,
who was a freeman of the colony. She is
described as "a young and tender, chaste
woman," and was no doubt such. She be-
came a Quaker, with her husband, and in a
loyal, wifely way had shared the trials and
sufferings to which they had been doomed
during the few years of their married life.
She knew the story of Ann Austin and
Mary Fisher; she probably had witnessed
the flogging of her own friends, Ann Cole-
man, Mary Tomkins, and Alice Ambrose,
and had heard the laughter of the Christian
minister, as the lash descended upon their
naked bodies. Four of her friends had been
hanged and scores of others tortured. The
guest of her fireside had been kidnapped

I GF MASSACHUSETTS. 103

under her eyes ; the rapacious church tithe
dealer and pious magistrates had stripped
lier home of even tlie grass tliat grew in the
meadow. The burden laid upon this bride
was too heavy for her young spirit, and, in
the light of a subsequent event, it is reason-
able to suppose that it produced mental
aberration. The original narrator of her
sad experience states that while these troub-
les fell thick and fast and heavily upon hei-,
i she was repeatetUy sent for, to go to church,

! '• to give a reason " for her separation from

I it. Pestered and goaded by these demands,

! and probably with an imagination disor-

i dered by her sufferings, she answered a

sumiuons in ]\Iay, 1663, by disrobing her
body and, in this condition, entering the
church. It was '-exceeding hard," the nar-
rator says, '• to her modest and shamefaced
disposition," to pass through this terrible
ordeal. She went thus as a '• sign " of the
spiritual nakedness of her persecutors. This
strange and dreadful scene occurred at the
I church in Newbury. The sequel is far

! more shocking to us than the deed itself.

[ The poor soul was arrested and on the 5th

I of j\Iay, 1663, was sentenc'cd by the court at

i Ipswich to " be severely whipped and pay

104 TEE QUAKER INVASION

costs and fees to the marshall of Hampton
for bringing her, 10s. 6tZ. and fees, 2s. 6c?."
In accordance with this sentence " she was
tied to the fence post of the tavern . . .
stripped from her waist upwards, witli her
naked breasts to the splinters of the posts
and then sorely lashed with twenty or
thirty cruel stripes." ^ Previous to this, in
9th mo. of 1662, Deborah Wilson, who had
passed through much the same scenes and
sufferings, appeared, in the same manner
and for the same purpose, in the streets of
Salem. In her case the constable, Daniel
Rumbal, it is said, took compassion on her,
and she escaped with only moderate chas-
tisement. It is quite possible that the con-
stable had misgivings, or, it may be, positive
information regarding her mental condition;
for, subsequently, and after persecution was
measurably abated, she was arraigned " for
frequently absenting herself from the public
ordinances," and was dismissed because, as
the court record reads, '' she is distempered
in her head."

The acts of Lydia Wardwell, Deborah
Wilson, Thomas Newhouse, and ^Margaret
Brewster play a conspicuous part in the

1 Stio England J luhjed, pp. 3TG-3T7.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 105

Qiuiker melodrama which we are told pre-
ceded the Puritan tragedy. The truth is,
they were not the prelude but the after-
piece and the sequel to tlie tragedy. Tliey
are, however, repeatedly and persistently
cited in order to justify or to extenuate the
cruelties of the Puritan rulers. Such acts,
we are told, might well drive a sober peojile
to desperation, and tempt them to resort to
the most severe remedies. But will some
apologist take the trouble to explain by
vidiat process of reasoning the legislation of
1656 to 1661 can be attributed to offenses
committed in 1662. 1663, and 1677? His-
tory must be read backwards that this in-
tellectual feat may be performed.

The popular apologies for the Puritans,
that now pass for history and are to be read
in the pages of standard works (notably
those of Palfrey and Bancroft), as well as
in the historical essays of many other writ-
ers, are based upon an unwarrantable exag-
geration of the character and number of
Quaker offenses and upon a reckless con-
fusion of dates. ^ This serious and fatal de-
feet necessarily renders such historical crit-

1 Bryant and Gay's Popular Tliftovy of the United States
is a m. table exception. Mr. Gay is not only accurate in state-
ment, but impartial in his judjjments.

106 TILE QUAKER INVASION

icism not only worthless but pernicious.
The muderu Qaakei- has a right to appeal
from the fiction to the truth of history in
vindication of his ancestors. There are
scholars in the old Bay State who are never
backward when the Puritan fathers are to
be defended. They are competent by
knowledge, experience, and ability to inves-
tigate and to report. Let any one of them
examine all the records carefully, with an
eye for the truth, and publish the evidence
upon which the verdict of these popular
writers is supposed to rest. It will be
found to be astonishingly meagre. Though
"screaming out through barred windows"
is believed to have been a popular Quaker
method of bearing testimony, but few such
cases are to be found, and they were jus-
tified by the provocation. Friends w^ere
sometimes punished by being put in the
stocks, and occasionally, while enduring this
enforced degradation, they testified aloud
against the wickedness and cruelty of the
authorities. Unless it can be shown that
the prisoners were punished because of
some social disorder, it would be unfair to
class such acts as extravagances. Instances
of tlie kind ar^- vpiy rare. If they are nu-
merous, let us have them.

r"

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 107

Inten-uption of chui-ch sei'vico occnrred
just often enougli to suggest the popuUu- fic-
tion as to its frequency. Do\vii to the pas-
sage of the inhuman law of IMay, IGGl, the
offenses were confined ahnost exclusively to
righteous rebuke of persecution, sometimes
by letter and sometimes verbally. At-
. tempts to adilress the niinisters and people

I at the close of sermon or lecture may have

' occurred a dozen times during the entire six

i years, though ordinary authorities do not

! furnish so many cases. Whether or not

] this class of offenses should be ranked with

the " extravagances," can be determined
; better after the whole mnttin'has been care-

fully reviewed. After the execution of four
I Qu.dvers, and especially after the passage

! of the law of May, 1661, or, to put it in an-

! other way, as the persecution wasied hotter,

i • the testimony of Friends became more
I marked, and perhaps more frequent, but

i even then the luunber of those who were

j gi-i'lfy of improper acts was by no means

I great. When we remember the bitter and

I persistent provocation, we can but admire

: the calm, quiet, and dignified self-restraint

! exhibited by "most" of tliom. Sliouldany

competent Puritan apologist attempt the

108 THE QUAKER INVASION'

examination suggested, let us have in full
the " wild rant," the outcome of " besotted
stupidity," with the circumstances under
which it was uttered, and the date. Let
him cite every case of Quaker indecorum
and indecency he can find, stating exactly
what was done o..' said, and giving the pre-
cise, or, if it is not known, the approximate
date of each event. Let him arrange tlaese
cases in the order of their occurrence, and,
side by side with them, quote the Puritan
laws with the dates of their passage, and,
also, all other provocatory acts of the
authorities. Let him report each in the
proper order of time — the numerous ar-
rests, the indictments, the pleas of the pris-
oners, the notes of the magistrates, the
trials, convictions, sentences, and punish-
ments inflicted, just as he finds them on
the records. It will not suffice to say that,
in general terms, the Puritans accused the
Quakers of " contemptuous behavior to au-
thority," unless substantiating evidence of
the alleged misdemeanor is produced, for,
as has already been shown, the Puritan offi-
cials did not hesitate to bear false witness
concerning the victims of their pious wrath.
Such evidence is clearly of slight value and

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 109

inadmissible, unless it is competent for one
and the same party to perfm-ni the functions
of jwdge, jury, prosecuting attorney, and
witness, all in one. It must be remem-
bered, too, that by '' contemptuous behav-
ior " the magistrates often referred to the
Quaker's custom of wearing the hat, to his
use of the singular number in addressiu'T
one person only, and to his refusal to take
the oath. These customs were not aimed
at authority, nor were they subversive of
social order, but, as the Puritans well knew,
they were matters of conscience. It was,
and is, manifestly absurd to pretend that
while the Friends wore hats in their own
assemblies and addressed each otiier in the
plain language, they wore the same hats
and used the same style of speech, in the
presence of government officers and church
ministers, as a mark of their contempt.

Too much of special pleading, reckless
writing, and rhetoric, have been expended
on this subject. It is time now for the
presentation of an impartial statement of
the truth, unadorned by efforts of the im-
agination. We need a well considered
judgment based upon the plain facts. Tiie
tenor of such judgment is beyond question.

110 THE QUAKER INVASIOX

It will be found that " most " of the Massa-
chusetts Quakers were not ignorant and
lawless, nor seditious and pestering, nor
rancorous and indecent, but that they were
fully as intelligent and well-informed, often
more enlightened, and, on the whole, quite
as well behaved and as guiltless of social
indecorum as the Puritans themselves.

A fair examination can result only in a
complete overthrow of the theory that they
were the aggressors, and " wantonly ini-
tiated the strife," and that by their wild
misdeeds the Puritans were " beyond meas-
ure provoked and goaded to the course
which they pursued." It will be seen that
the Quakers, not the Puritans, were goaded
and tormented, and that it is a reversal of
the truth to put it otherwise. Another
cause for Puritan cruelty must be discov-
ered. We have yet to learn what Quaker
offense so frenzied Bellingham as to drive
him to inflict such barbarous treatment
upon Ann Austin and j\Iary Fisher, im-
mediately upon their arrival here, in the
early part of 1656; what the outrage that
'' goaded " Governor Endicott into forward-
ing his letter from Salem, saying, had he
been at home, he " would have had them

OF MASSACHUSETTS. HI

well whipped "' ; wli;it the nature of the
offenses that led to the imprisonment and
treatment as criminals of Christopher Hol-
der, Thomas Thirstone, William Rrend,
John CopeU^^d, Mary Prince, Sarah Gib-
bons, ]Mary Whitehead, Dorothy Wano-h,
and Richard Smith, when they first came
here, in 1656. The li^t of objurgations
and indecencies that, in October, 1656,
" stung and goaded " the Puritans into
passing the first act in the series of cruel
legislation is yet to be given. The story of
Nicholas Unsall should follow this recital.
Tlie checkered career of this brave old man
will serve to iudicate the "seditious and
rancorous " character of the Quakers.

Mary Dyer and Anne Burden were the
first Quaker visitors who arrived after the
passage of the law of 1656. Mary Dyer's
career, and especially her bearing when she
faced death on Boston Common, will illus-
trate the "dogged pertinacity" with which
she persecuted her reluctant exi cutioners.
Endicott, it is said, gave her an opportunity
to save her life by lying, which, however,
she was too obstinate to do. This pure, in-
telligent, and devoted woman is pilloried in
history ^ as one " of the most insufferable

1 Memorial IlUtunj of Busiuii, vol. i. p. IGS.

112 TEE QUAKER INVASION

tormentors " of Boston. Of what insuffera-
ble acts was she guilty ? What is the evi-
dence upon which this description of her is
based ? The story of her companion is not
so widely known. It is interesting as a bit
of evidence to show how the authorities
were made desperate by the intrusiveness of
Quakers.

Anne Burden was not a preacher. She
came here to settle the estate of her de-
ceased husband. Bellingham, before whom
she was arraigned, could find no fault in
her, but said " she was a plain Quaker and
must abide the law." Though ill at the
time, she was thrust into gaol where she
was detained about three months. During
her imprisonment some tender-hearted peo-
ple collected debts for her to the value of
thirty pounds. Finally, she was shipped
direct to England. Her request to be al-
lowed to go to Barbadoes, as her goods
would bring a better price there, was re-
fused. Her property was assessed fourteen
shillings to satisfy the gaoler's fee, and
seven shillings for boat hire to carry her to
the ship — for though the captain offered to
carry her in his own skiff, without charge,
she was compelled to go with the hangman,

■ OF MASSACHUSETTS. 113

who, at Lev expense, h;id provideil one.
She was further robbed of goods to the
vahie of six pounds ten shillings, for her
passage, of which the captain never received
a shilling. She, however, on reachintj Lon-
don, though under no obligation to di:i so,
paid him in full. It is to be hoped that
when the Puritan version of this '• intru-
I sive " Quaker's story is told, we shall learu

! what became of tlie six pounds ten shillings,

; of which she was distrained, though it may

j be that in the '• frenzy " of the moment,

I produced by her '-pestering and indecent"

' conduct, such trifles were overlooked. Let

some one name, if he can, a single act of
\ this woman or a single act of any one of the

j few Quakers who preceded her, that justi-

\ fies or palHates the treatment she received.

I Another class of Quaker intruders has its

I place in our early history. Their '• Liwless

I fana.ticism,"' as indicated by the evidence

I ab(xit to be given, m:iy help to explain how

i the magistrates were beyond endurance pro-

j voked by these aggressors and "• wanton

I initiators "' of strife. It appears that James

I Cndwortli, a magistrate of New Plymouth

I and a captain, was left; off the bench and

I lost his cautainev, because he had enter-

114 THE QUAKER INVASION

tciined some Quakers at liis house in order
to become better acquainted with tlieir prin-
ciples, which, however, he never adopted.
He says, " the Quakers and I cannot close
in divers things, and so I signified to the
court I was no Quaker, . . . but as I was
no Quaker, so I would be no persecutor."
This Puritan Cudworth wrote a letter, dated
in the 10th month, 1668, graphically de-
scribing the condition of affairs in both
colonies, in which he says of the Quakers,
" They have many meetings and many ad-
herents ; almost the whole town of Sand-
wich is adhering towards them. . . . The
Sandwich men may not go to the Bay, lest
they be taken up for Quakers ; \V. New-
land was there about his occasions, some
ten days since, and they put him in prison
twenty-four hours, and sent for divers to
witness against him, but they had not proof
enough to make him a Quaker, which, if
they had, he should have been whipped ;
nay, they may not go about their occasions
in other towns of our colony, but warrants
lie in ambush to apprehend and bring them
before a magistrate to give an account of
their business. Some of the Quakers in
Rhode Island came to bring them goods, to

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 115

trade with them, and that for far reasona-
bler terms than the professing and oppress-
ing merchants of the country, but that will
not be sulYered." Referring to the imita-
tion of the Massachusetts Bay magistrates
by the Plymouth authorities, in their perse-
cution of Quakers, he significantly says,
" and now Plymouth-saddle is on the Bay
horse." This remarkable letter^ is too long
for reproduction here, but any detailed re-
cital of evidence would be incomplete with-
out it. It is a curious commentary upon
the " aimless spirit of annoyance " that led
many of the - pestering and intrusive "
Quaker visitors to the Bay. The letter
is also of collateral value here, because it
suggests the correction of a very serious
error whicli occurs in an essay by Judge
William Brigham. published b}^ the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society. Judge Brig-
ham asserts, with evident satisfaction, that
in New Plymouth colony there was a " law
against Quaker Ranters, but no Quaker had
a hair of his head hurt."' Judicially speak-
ing, it may be true that the Quaker hair
was not pulled in Plymouth as it was in
Boston, but Judge Brigham ought to have

1 See Appendix, pp. 102-172.

116 TEE QUAKER INVASION

known, and might easil_y have learned, that
the Plymouth authorities, though less harsh
and vindictive than their neighbors, Avere
nevertheless adepts in the business of scourg-
ing Quakers. What are we to expect from
untrained men, when a distinguished mem-
ber oi the bar is so heedless in his state-
ments ?

It is by no means necessary to produce
the entire record in order to confirm the
views expressed, or the positions taken here,
in opposition to opinions and theories that
prevail in the popular mind ; but the Pu-
ritan apologist who cares to revise his judg-
ment should read the whole of it. In his
review of 1658 he will not overlook the
glass bottle feat of Sarah Gibbons and Doro-
thy Waugh, but when he tires of this scene,
let him leave the church and watch for a
moment the threefold knotted whip as the
lash descends upon the back of Hored Gard-
ner. If he will listen closely, he will hear
this Quaker woman's voice, as it ascends to
Heaven, pleading for forgiveness of the per-
secutors.^

1 See Appendix, pp. 172, 173.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 117

CHAPTER V.

THE CAUSE OF THE TFAR AND ITS RESULTS.

Dr. Ellis says " our Fathers cared little,
if at all, for the Quaker theology. They
did not get so far as that in dealing with
them." On the contrary, their abhorrence
of the religious opinions or belief of the
Friends was the real cause of the persecu-
tion.

The cardinal principles and leading tenets
of Quakerism have been detailed in a pre-
ceding chapter, and therefoi'e only brief men-
tion of them is necessary here. In common
with the Puritans, the Quakers believed in
the divinity of Jesus, the Cln'istian atone-
ment, a future life either in heaven or hell,
and the inspiration of the Bible. In com-
mon with the Puritans, they condemned as
idolatrous the ceremonial service of the
Established Church, but they also denied
the efficacy of ordination, baptism, formal
prayer, and the sacrament of the Lord's
supper. They sought to restore the spirit-

118 THE QUAKER INVASION

uality and simplicity of primitive Christian-
ity. Their reliance upon what they called
the Inward Light, as a sufficient guide in
matters of religion, has always distinguished
them from all other religious sects. This
Inward Light may be briefly explained as
follows : God is an indwelling Spirit, and
Humanity is His holy temple. His law is
written upon the hearts of all men, and
obedience to it will lead them into all truth,
so far as religious truths are revealed to
men. . Through the operation of this law
the soul of man is accessible to his Creator.
It is the rule of life to which every one must
subject himself, and out of which duty is
evolved.

The Quakers were further distinguished
from other sects by their determined cham-
pionship of religious freedom. With other
men religious liberty was a matter of opin-
ion and political policy, but in the Quaker
philosophy it stood as a divine principle and
an inalienable birthright.

New England Puritans denounced the
Quaker Light as an ignis fatuus, and a
" stinking vapor from hell." For spirit-
ual and moral guidance they relied solely
upon the revealed law as contained within

OF JIASSACHUSETTS. 119

the limits of the Bible, and especially t!ie
Old Testament, a'nd, we mi^-lit add, thev
rested their ecclesiastical, civil, and penal
legislation upon the same authority. They
attempted to build up a theocratic govern-
ment. Leaving their native homes to es-
cape persecution, they established them-
selves here, only to deny religious liberty to
all comers. Toleration was only second to
heresy in their list of pernicious errors. If ,

we fully realize the differences that sepa- i

rated them from the Quakers, w^e shall see
that a conflict between the two was inevita-
ble. Resistance to religious tyranny was 1
an imperative and sacred duty with the
Quaker. Extermination of heresy and per-
secution of non-conformists were essential
articles in the creed of the Puritans. Let
us review the evidence. j
The first reference to Quakers in the !
colonial records speaks of their "•abounding
errors." Tlie first two Quakers arrive and
are found to hold " very dangerous hereti-
cal and blasphemous opinions."' Thev are i
clo-ely confined until they can be sent away !
in order " to prevent the spi'ead of their
corrupt opinions." The fu'.st count in the
indictment embodied in the preamble of j

120 THE QUAKER INVASION

the first law aimed at Quakers is stated in
the empliatie words, " cursed heretics," and,
as has been shown, succeeding laws are
aflame with charges of heresy and blas-
phemy. In October, 1658, John Norton
was employed by the Court to write an ex-
posure and refutation of Quaker errors.
The order reads, "Whereas this Court, well
undei'standing the' dangerous events of the
doctrines and practices of the Quakers, hath
by law endeavored to prevent the same, but
finding that some of them do dispense their
papers, so expressing themselves therein as
that they may deceive divers of weak capac-
ities, and so draw them in to favor their
opinions and ways, — now, for the further
prevention of infection, and guiding of peo-
ple in the truth, in reference to such opin-
ions, heresies, or blasphemies by them ex-
pressed in their books, letters, or by words
openly held forth by some of them, the Court
judgeth meet that there be a writing or dec-
laration drawn up, and forthwith printed,"
etc. In November, 1659, the Court, "by
the honored Governor," thanked j\Ir. Nor-
ton " for his great pains and worthy labors
in the tractate he drew up, and by order of
this Court hath been printed, wherein the

OF MASSACnUSETTS. 121

dangerous errors of the Quakers is fully re-
fated and discovered, and to acquaint him.
that this Court hath given him five hundred
acres of land . . . as a small recompense for
j his pains therein."

When this same Christian minister, John
Norton, volunteered to defend the inhuman
: gaoler who treated William Brend with

I such horrible barbarity, it was not because

i Brend was guilty of any breach of the civil

! law, but because " he endeavored to beat
our Gospel ordinances black and blue."
I In October, 1658, a petition addressed to
j the Court, asking for additional legislation
against the Quakers, complains of " their
I denial of the Trinity, ... of the person of
i Christ, ... of the Scriptures as a rule of
I life." 1 In December, 1660, in an address
j sent by the General Court to King Charles
I 11., the Quakers were complained of as
" open and capital blasphemers, open se-
ducers from the glorious Trinity, the soul's
Christ, our Lord Jesus, the blessed gospel,
and from the Holy Scriptures as the rule of
life," etc.

In the file of unpublished manuscript in
the state-house, Boston, there are papers

1 See Appendix, p. 154.

122 TEE QUAKER INVASI027.

indexed, " Minutes of the jMagistrates,"
dated 1659-60, and headed, "The Examina-
tion of Quakers at y° Court of Assistants in
Boston." ^ These papers do not indicate
the specific charges upon which the Quakers
were arrested, but are evidently memoranda
made during the progress of the trials.
In this collection there arc forty entries.
Three of them are too brief and indefinite
to indicate their subjects ; three state that
some of the prisoners entered court with
their hats on ; one states that two of them
disturbed the court and were carried out
by the gaoler ; one refers to a statement
made by some one else, that there was
a woman at Salem, " Consader Southwick,"
who said she was greater than Moses, for
she had seen God oftener than he had.
(This was, no doubt, a slander.) Of the
others, six mention the protests of the pris-
oners against the " wicked law," and tiven-
ty-six refer to the religious opinions ex-
pressed by, and, it is presumable, drawn
from them in the process of examination.

In view of this evidence and other facts
heretofore narrated, one is forced to the con-
clusion that our fathers were not only not

1 See Appendix, pp. 157-lGl.

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 123

indifferent to tlie theology, or what they
called the heresy, of the Quakers, but that
the policy of persecution which they inau""-
urated immediately upon the advent of
the despised and hated sect is directly
chargeable to their detestation of the al-
leged heresy, and to their fear of its bale-
ful influence upon the colony. It is no ex-
aggeration to assert that the Quakers were
dealt with almost exclusively on the score
of their religious opinions.

It has been said that a realization of the
radical differences between the Friends and
Puritans will lead to the conclusion that the
conflict was inevitable, but to appreciate
fully the nature of that conflict, it is impor-
tant to understand their agreements. The
coming of the Quakers into Massachusetts,
as tho subject is popularly treated, suggests
the descent of a horde of semi-barbarians
with pagan customs, grotesque manners, and
lawless habits, upon a God-fearing, sober,
and law-abiding community. This miscon-
ception is fatal to a proper understanding of
our early history. Quakerism, historically
defined, was an outgrowth of Puritanism,
lis ranks were recruited from the English
yeomanry. Some of the Friends, before

124 THE QUAKER INVASION

their conversion to peace pi-inciples, had
served in the armies of Cromwell, and most
of them had been attached to one or the
other of the non - conformist or Puritan
churches. This is especially true of the
New England Quakers. They were Eng-
lishmen by birth and blood, and Puritan
by education. While adopting the distinc-
tive principles of Quakerism, they retained
the characteristics that distinguished the
Puritan from the Cavalier. The martyrs,
Robinson, Stevenson, and Leddra, who, by
the decree of Endicott, Beliingham, and
Norton, were hanged on Boston Common,
rivaled their executioners in their hostility
to the Established Church and in their vir-
tuous horror of the profligacy and licen-
tiousness of the English court. The Qua-
ker testimonies, as enumerated in the Book
of Discipline, find their counterpart in the
sumptuary laws that grace the statute book
of the Massachusetts colony.^ The two

1 Referring to these laws and to the prevailing dress of the
colonists, :Mr. II. E. Scnddor well says that "the Puritans
. . . vainly sought for a correspondence between the outer
man and the inner sanctilied spirit." This i.s eqnally true of
the Quakers, hut the same writer classifies tlieni a; a people
"who w-ished to strip oil' all ob.--lructions to tli.' exliibition of
Nature." It would be useless to attempt to characterize sucli

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 125

parties held in common a living faith in the
wisdom and power of siinplieity, sobriety,
and godhness, combined with mm-e or less
enlightened theories of religious and social
equality and intellectual liberty. The in-
terpretation of the moral law by either
party was equally destructive to social sin,
and equally conducive to social welfare.
All Puritans were not Quakers, but all Qua-
kers were Puritans. Strong sympathies
and similarities intensified the heat of the
conflict. Family feuds are proverbially
bitter, and theirs was a family quarrel.
When Greek met Greek, then came the tug
of war. . Fortunately the methods of war-
fare were radically different. The one re-
sorted to coercion and the tortures of the In-
quisition to enforce an iron will, while the
other relied solely upon passive but inflexi-
ble resistance, patient endurance, aggressive
argument, exhortation, and appeals to con-
science.

It is often urged that the Puritan rulers
frequently " disclaimed power over the faith
and consciences of others," ^ and that their

writing;. It is easier to believe it was a slip of tlie pen, and, if
so, one tliat both Mr. Scmliler and tlie editor of tlie Memorial
Iliitorij of Boston will always re.^ret. See vol. i. p. 4S4.
1 Jlassachuscltsaiidits Karbj UUtorij, p. i07.

126 THE QUAKER INVASION

futile effort to keep the Quakers from en-
tering or residing in the colony was only a
defense against the " confusion and anarchy "
that would surely follow if they were tol-
erated here. This apology is as untenable
as the others which have been examined.
A disclaimer, to be of value, must be sus-
tained by corresponding action, and the
founders abundantly disproved the sincerity
of these professions. Their treatment of
adherents to the Established Church of
England may be in part accounted for by
the fear of the establishment of Episcopacy
here as a political power, under the auspices
of the English government, but there is no
1 such excuse for their treatment of Baptists

I and Quakers. They wei-e resolved, at all

|— hazards, to control the faith and consciences

j of the whole colony. We have seen that

\ . they were unremitting in their efforts " to

; prevent the spread of corrupt opinions."

' Quaker books were prohibited, men were

disfranchised for harboring Friends, Quaker
meetings were assaulted and dispersed, and
could be attended only at the risk of fine
and imprisonment. Non-attendance at the
regular church on the " Lord's dav " was a
criminal offense. The county court records

\ OF MASSACHUSETTS 127

I sho-^v that at Ipswicli and Salem alone,

during the four years from 1658 to 1661 in-
clusive, there were one liundi-ed and thirty-
eight convictions for attending Quaker meet-
ings and absence from public worship.
As there were but two hundred and eio-ht
; Sabbaths in the four years, the number of

i convictions seems sufficiently great, but, had

j there been a separate conviction for each

I offense, it would be very much greater.

i The officials would allow their victims to

live unmolested for several consecutive
! weeks, and would then swoop down upon

' them. The following entries illustrate their

: methods.

j Coimtij Court, Salem, 20* S'^MGSS. —

" Provided Sothwick convicted of her being

frequently absent from publike worship on

I the Lord's day & alsoe is sensured to pay

I 20^ for being present at two meetings of

I Quakers and alsoe is to be sett by the feet

j in the stockes one hower for chargeing the

I court to be persecutors — to pay b' costs

court."

" Nicholas Phelps is sensured by this
court to pay 40^' to the treasurer of this
county for defending a quakers meeting &
allsoe to be sent to the house of correction

128 THE QUAKER INVASION

at Ipswich for owning himselfe to be a
quaker & there to continue this Courts
pleasure : to pay costs 80*."

"SO: 9°^°. 1658. The wife of George
Gardner is fined by this Court 40* for 8
dayes absence from y® publique worship of
God; the Lord's daies."

The iron rule of conformity was nowhere
more savagely enforced than in Massachu-
setts. When at last Quaker fidelity to the
cause of religious liberty overcame the al-
most indomitable will of the rulers and
achieved a lasting triumph over despotic
bigotry, toleration succeeded persecution
with beneficent results. All dread, real or
pretended, of violence and disorder, van-
ished, and the Quakers were recognized as
law-abiding citizens, upright, intelligent,
peaceable, and useful members of society.

We are constantly reminded that in order
to judge the policy and acts of the Puritans
fairly we must remember that the colony
was settled during the first half of the sev-
enteenth, and not the last half of the nine-
teenth century. Only superficial criticism
will apply the tests of our present civiliza-
tion to events that occurred two hundred
and twenty years ago. That which would

OF JfASSACnUSETTS. 129

be oonrlemned in Boston to-day might have
been apf>lauded in Boston in 1660. These
suggestions are pertinent, but are they not
equally so when the Quakers are called to
judrment ? Let the persecutor and his vic-
tim stand or fall by the same rules of his-
torical criticism. One representative writer ^
draws a pleasant picture of the peaceable,
refined, and genial Quaker whom one may
meet at any time in our streets and public
ass nblies, and to whom the epithet " sly "
is t; • harshest that can be applied. This
exe) plary citizen, he assures tlie reader, is
a VI y different person from the Quaker
with whom the Puritans had to deal. This
inge lions appeal would be more just had it
been supplemented by the further reminder
thrt the liberal, courteous, and progressive
descendants from Puritan stock seen in our
business marts, court-rooms, and pulpits,
and to whom the epithet "smart Yankee"
is the most severe we can apply, is a very
different man from the Puritan with whom
the early Quakers dealt. The contrast be-
tween Elizabeth Hooten and Lucretia Mott
is far less marked than the contrast be-
t veen Edmund Batter and Nathaniel Very,

1 Dr. Ellis.

130 THE QUAKER INVASION

the present treasurer of the town of Salem.
Our Buffums, Shattucks, and Southwicks
are not exact copies of their Quaker a-ices-
I tors who bore these names, and we shall all

agree that our well-known Endicotts, Nor-
tons, and Higginsons are a vast imp ove-
i raent upon their Puritan forefathers.

The age of Puritanism was an age oj: re-
1 ligious bigotry, intolerance, and persecution,

■ relieved, however, by the liberal teachircc of

Milton and many other enlightened m i of
genius and talent. In New England, I lode
Island was the silver lining to the dark loud
that overhung Massachusetts. The li leral
principles and policy of Williams, Arnold,
j and the Quakers, Coddington and Easton,

I put to shame the rulers of this colony. The

j average New England Puritan was fai be-

hind contemporary English reformers, but
; the rulers here were behind the average

i New England Puritan. This was pa-^tly

I due to the system of government by which

all citizens except church - members were
disfranchised. The magistrates and min-
isters were reactionists, and were not sus-
tained even by their own followers. Ti eir
mission here, accepting their own statement
as to what it was, met with a richly de-

OF JfASSACHUSETTS. 131

sei-Yed fate. It was almost a complete fail-
ure. Their plan of government -was re-
piuliated and was succeeded by wiser polit-
ical arrangements and more humane laws.
Th-ir religion, though it long retained its
hold in theory, was displaced by one less
bigoted and superstitious. It is now a thing
of the past, a mere tradition, an antic^uated
curiosity.

The early Quakers, or some of them, in
common with the Puritans, may illustrate
some of the least attractive characteristics
of their time ; but they were abreast, if not
in advance, of the foremost advocates of re-
ligious and civil freedom. Tliey were more
tha advocates ; they were the pioneers who
by their heroic fortitude, patient suffering,
and. persistent devotion rescued the old
Bay colony from the jaws of the certain
death to which tlie narrow and mistaken
policy of the bigoted and sometimes insin-
cere founders had d<iomed it. They forced
them to abandon pretentious claims, to ad-
mit strangers without insulting them, to tol-
enite religious differences, and to incorpo-
rate into their legislation the spirit of liberty
"which is now the life-blood of our iiistitu-
t'ons. The religion of the society of Friends

132 THE QUAKER INVASION

is still an active force, having its full share
'of influence upon our civilization. The vital
principle — " The Inward Light " — scoffed
at and denounced by the Puritans as a de-
lirium, is recognized as a profound spiritual
truth by sages and philosophers.

APPENDIX.

COLONIAL LAWS FOR THE SITPPRESSION OF
QUAKERS. MASS. RECORDS, VOL. IV.

An a Gencrall Court, Itdd at Boston 14, of Octo-
ber, 16.jG.

"Whereas there is a cursed sect of brereticks
lately risen vp iu the world, w'^'^ are couionly
called Quakers, who take vppon them to be iiSe-
diate y sent of God and infallibly asisted by the
spirit to speake & wi'ite blaspliemouth opinions,
des[)fsing gouernment et the order of God in
church & couionwealth, speaking evill of dig-
nitjes, reproaching and revjling magistrates and
ministers, seeking to turne the people from the
faith, & g:ij»e proseljtes to theire pernicious
waies, this Court, taking into serious considera-
tio-i the p'mises, and to prevent the like mis-
chiefe as by theire meanes is wrought in our
native land, doth hereby order, and by the au-
thoritje of this Court be it ordered and enacted,
that what master or comander of any ship, barke,
pinnace, catch, or of any other vessell that shall
he'.iceforth bring into any harbor, creeke, or
coue w"^in this jurisdiccbu any knoune Quaker

r

134 APPENDIX.

or Quakers, or any other blasphemous hnsreticks,
as aforesajd, shall pay, or cawse to be pajd, the
fine of one hundred pounds to the Tresurer of
the couutrje, except it appeare that he v\'anted
true knowledg or information of theire being
such ; and in that case he hath libertje to eleare
himself by his oath when sutficijent proofe to
the contrary is wanting, and for default of pay-
ment, or good securitje for it, shall be comitted
to prison, & there to contjnew till the sajd
some be sattisfied to the Tresurer as afort>sajd ;
and the comauder of any such ship or vessel 1 that
shall bring them (being legally convicted) shall
giue in sufiicijent securitje to the Goun.y, or
any one or more of the magistrates who haue
power to determine the same, to carry ' them
backe to the place whence he brought them ;
and, on his refusall so to doe, the Gouerno"", or
one or more of the magistrates, are hereby im-
powered to issue out his or theire warrants to
comitt such master or comander to prison, there
to continew till he shall give in sufiicijent secu-
ritje to the content of the Gouerno'" or any of
the magistrates as aforesajd. And it is hereby
further ordered & enacted, that what Qu' ker
soeuer shall arive in this countrje from forraigne
parts, or come into this jurisdiccbn from any
parts adjacent, shall be forthwith comitted to the
house of correction, and at theire entrance to be
seuerely whipt, and by the master thereof to be
kept constantly to worke, & none suft'ered to
converse or speak w'^ them during the tjme^of

APPEXDIX. 135

thCiTe imprisonment, w"'' shall be no longer than
necessitje requireth. And further, it is ordered,
if :iny pson shall knowingly import into any
harbor of this jnrisdiccou any Quakers bookes
or writings concerning theire diuilish opinions,
shall pay for euery such bcoke or writting, being
legally prooued against him or them, the some
of live pounds ; and whosoeuer shall disperse or
conceale any such booke or writing, and it be
found w'^ him or her, or in his or her howse,
and shall not imediately deliuer in the same to
the next magistrate, shall forfeite and pay five
pourds for the dispersing or concealeing of euery
sue' booke or writing.

A nd it is hereby further enacted, that if any
person w"'in this colonje shall take vppon them
to defend tlie h;"eretticall opinions of the sajd
Quakers, or any of theire bookes or papers as
aforesajd, ex anuimo, if legally prooved, shall
be lined for the first tjme forty shillings; if they
sh; 11 persist in the same and shall so againe de-
fend it, the second tjme fower pounds; if still,
notw^'standing, they shall againe so defend &
m lintajne the sajd Quakers liaM-etiicail opinions,
th2y shall be coiuitted to the howse of correc-
tion till there be couvenjent passage for them to
b-e sent out of the land, being sentenced by the
Court of Asistants to banishment. Lastly it is
heereby ordered, that what pson or persons
soeuer shall revile the oftice or pson of magis-
trates or ministers, as is usuall with the Quakers,
such person or psous shall be seuerely whipt, or

136 APPENDIX.

pay the some of five pounds. This order was
publised 21 : 8 m", i'i(S, in seuerall places of
Boston, by beate of dnimme.

Att a Gennerall Court, held at Boston, 14- of
October, ]657.

As an addition to y*^ late order in reference to
the coming or bringing in any of the cursed sect
of the Quakers into tliis jurisdiction, it is or-
dered, that whosoener shall from henceforth
bring or cawse to be brought, directly or indi-
rectly, any knoune Quaker or Quakers, or other
blasphemous hsereticks, into this jurisdiccbn,
euery such person shall forfeite the some oi one
hundred pounds to y" couutrje, and shall by war-
rant from any magistrate be comitted to prison
there to remajne till the poenalty be satti^fjed
and pajd ; and if any person or persons w*in
this jurisdiccbn shall henceforth entertajne and
conceale any such Quaker or Quakers or other
blasphemous hasreticks, (knowing them so to be)
euery such person shall forfeite to the count rye
forty shillings for euery bowers entertajnment
and concealement of any Quaker or Quakers, as
aforesajd, and shall be comitted to prison, as
aforesajd, till the forfeitures be fully sattisfied
and pajd.

And it is further ordered, that if any Quaker
or Quakers shall presume, after they haue once
suffered what the lawe requireth, to come into
this jurisdiccbn, euery such male Quaker shall
for the first offenc haue one of his eares cutt

APPENDIX. 137

off, and be kept at worke in the howse of cor-

reuition till he cauu be sent away at his oune

chirge, and for the second olfenc shall haue his

other eare cutt of, &c. and kept at the howse of

' corr.°ction, as aforesaid ; and euerv woman

Quaicer that hath suffered the lawe heere that

shall presume to come into this jurisdiccon shall

I be severely whipt, and kept at the howse of cor-

I rectiou at worke till she be sent away at hir

j ouue-charge, and so also for hir coming ao-aine

she shall be alike vsed as aforesajd ; and for

j euery Quaker, he or she, that shall a third tjme

i heerein agaiue offend, they shall haue theire

{ toungues bored through w"' a hot iron, & kept

I at the howse of correction, close to worke, till

' thev be sent away at theire oune charge. And

i it is further ordered, that all & euery Quaker

i arising from amongst ourselves shall be dealt

■w'''; & suffer the like punishment as the lawe

provides against forreigne Quakers.

A i a Gcnnerall Courte held at Boston, the I'^th of
Mmj, 1G.5S.
That Quakers and such accursed ha^reticrpies
arising amongst ourselves may be dealt witiiall
according to theire deserts, and that theire pes-
tilent errors and practizes may speedily be pre-
vented, itt is heereby ordered, as an addition to
the former lawe against Quakers, that euery
such person or persons professing any of their
pernitious wajes, by speaking, writting, or by
meetings on the Lords day, or any other tjme,

138 APPENDIX.

to strengthen themselves or seduce others to
theire djabolljcall doctrine, shall, after due mea}ies
of conviction incurre the poenalty ensuing ; that
is, euery person so meeting shall pay to the
countrje for euery tjme tenn shillings, and euery
one speaking in such meetings shall pay five
pounds a peece, and in case any such person
hath binn punished by scourging or whipping
the first tjme, according to the former lawes,
shall be still kept at worke in the house of cor-
rection till they put in securitje w* two suificjent
men that they shall not any more vent theire
hatefuU errors, nor vse theire sinfuU practizes,
or els shall depart this jurisdictjon at theire
ouue charges ; and if any of them returne againe,
then each such person shall incurre the pceualty
of the lawes formerly made for straingers.

Att the second Sessions of the Generall Court,
held at Boston, the 19th of October, 1658.
Whereas there is a pernitious sect, comonly
called Quakers, lately risen, who, by word &
writing, haue published & maintayned ma.ny
dajngerous & horrid tennetts, and doe take vpon
them to chainge and alter the received laudable
customes of our nation in giving ciuill respect to
requalls or reuerence to superiors, whose actions
tend to vndermine the authority of civill gouern-
ment, as also to destroy the order of the
churches, by denying all established formes of
worship, and by w"'drawing from the orderly
church assemblies allowed & approoved by all

APPENDIX. 139

orthodox proffessors of the truth, and insteed
tliereof, and in opposition therevnto, frequentino-
private meetings of theire oune, insinuating
them-selves into the minds of the simpler, or
such :is are lesse affected to the ortler & gouern-
ment in church and coinonwealth,, whereby die-
uerse of our inhabitants haue binn infected &
sc(hiced, and not\v"'standing all former lawea
made (vpon experience of theire arrogant,
bold obtrusions to disseminate theire principles
amongst vs) prohibbittiug theire coming into
this jurisdiction, they haue not binn deterred
from . theire impetuous attempts to vndermine
our peace and hasten our mine.

For prevention whereof, this Court doth order
and enact, that euery person or persons of the
cursed sect of the Quakers, who is not an in-
]iabil;ant off but found w'^'in this jurisdiction,
shall be app'hended (without warrant), where no
magistrate is at hand, by any connstable, comis-
sioiier, or selectman, and conveyed from conn-
sta'jle to connstable, vntill they come before the
next magistrate, who shall comitt the sajd per-
son or persons to close prison, tliere to remajne
with out bayle vntill the next Court of Asis-
tants, where they shall haue a legall trjall by a
speciall jury, & being convicted to be of the sect
of; the Quakers, shall be sentenced to bannish-
meiit, vpon pajne of death ; and that euery in-
habitant of this jurisdiction being convicted to
bi; of the aforesajd sect, either by taking vp,
p iblishing, & defending the horrid opinions of

140 APPENDIX.

the Quakers, or by stirring vp mutiny, sedition,
or rebelljon against tlie government, or by taking
vp theire absurd and destructiue practises, viz',
denying civil respect & reuerence to requalls &
superiors, w"^dra\ving from our churcli aisem-
bljes, & insteed thereof frequenting private
meetings of their oune in opposition to church
order, or by adhering to or approoving of any
knoune Quaker, or the tenetts & practises of the
Quakers, that are opposite to the orthodoxe re-
ceived opinions & practises of the godly, and
endeavoring to disafFect others to ciuill gouern-
ment & church order, and condemning the prac-
tise & proceedings of this Court agaius: the
Quakers, manifesting thereby theire compljance
w* those whose designe it is to ouerthrow the
order established in church and comonwealth,
euery such person, vpon examination & legall
conviction before the Court of Asistants, in
manner as aboue sajd, shall be comitted to ,^lose
prison for one moneth, and then, vulesse ;hey
clioose voluntarily to depart the jurisdiction,
shall giue bond for theire good abbearance & ap-
pearance at the next Court of Asistants, where
continuing obstinate and refusing to retract &
reforme the aforesajd opinions and practises,
shall be sentenced to liaiinishment upon pajne of
death; and in case of the aforesajd voluntary
departure, not to remajne or againe to retiu-ne
into this jurisdiction w"'out the alowance of 'the
majo'' part of the councill first had & published,
on posnalty of being banished vpon pajne of

APPEND IX. 141

' death ; and any one magistrate, vpon informa-

tion giuen him of any snch person, sliall cause

' tliem to be app'hendeil, and if, vpon examination

of tlie case, lie fehali, according to ins best dis-

[ cretion, finde just ground for sucli complainte,

I he shall comitt such person to prison vntill he

come to his trjall, as is aboue expressed.

i Att a Gencrall Court of Election, held at Boston,

I 22d 3fay, 1G61.

I Til's Court, being desirous to try all meanes,

i w"" as much lenity as may consist w"' our safety,

! to prevent the intrusions of the Quakers, who,

i besidt s theire absurd & blasphemous doctrine,

I doe, like rouges & vagabonds, come in vpon vs,

I «fc haue not bin restreined by the lawes already

provided, haue ordered, that euery such vaga-
I bond Quaker found w"'in any part of this juris-

diction shall be app'hended by any person or
I persons, or by the conustable of the toune

j wherehi he or she is taken, & by the connstable,

I or, in his absence, by any other person or per-

' son; conveyed before the next magistrate of that

shel e wherein they are taken, or comissioner
invested w"" magistratticall power, & being by
I the ■ sajd magistrate or magistrates, comissioner

j or cumissioners, adjudged to be a wandering Qua-

ker, viz', one that hath not any dwelling or or-
I derly allowance as an inhabitant of this jurisdic-

tion, & not giving ciuil respect by the vsuall
I gestures thereof, or by any other way or meanes

j manifesting himself to be a Quaker, shall, by

142 APPENDIX.

warrant vnder the hand of the sajd magistrate
or magistrates, comissioner or comissioner;;, r''
rected to the connstable of the toune wherein he
or she is taken, or in absence of the connstable,
or any othere meete person, be stripped naked
from the midle vpwards, and tjed to a carts
tayle, & whipped thro'' the toune, & from thence
imediately conveyed to the connstable oC the
next toune, towards the borders of our jurisdic-
tion, as theire warrant shall direct, & so from
connstable to connstable till they be con-\'eyed
thro*" any the outward most tounes of our iuris-
diction. And if such vagabond Quaker shall
returne agaiue, then to be in like manner |app'-
heuded & conveyed as often as they shall be
found w^'in the limitts of our jurisdiction, pro-
vided euery such wandering Quaker, hauing
beene thrice convicted &, sent away as aboue-
sajd, & returning againc into this jurisdiction,
shall be app'hended & comitted by any magis-
trate or comissioner as abouesajd vnto the house
of correction w"'in that county wherein he^ or
shee is found untill the next Court of hat
County, where, if the Court judge not meel : to
release them, they shall be branded with the
letter R on theire left shoulder, & be seve -ely
whipt & sent away in manner as before ; and
if after this he or shee shall returne againe,
then to be proceeded against as incorrigible
rogues & ennemys to the comon peace, and shall
imediately be app'hended Cc coiuitted to i-he
comon jaylc of the country, and at the ne'xt

APPENDIX. 143

Court of Asistants sliall be brought to tlieirc
tryall, & proceeded ag' according to tlie lawc
made anno 1658, page 36, for tlieire banish-
ment on paj-ne of death. And for such Qua-
kers as shall arise from amongst ourselves, they
sha.H be proceeded ag' as the former lawe of
anno 1658, page 36, doth provide, -vntill they
haiie beenc convicted by a Court of Asistants ;
& being so convicted, he or shee shall then be
barnished this jurisdiction; & if after that
they shall be found in any part of this jurisdic-
tio , then he or shee so sentenced to banishment
shall be proceeded against as those that are
straingers & vagabond Quakers in manner as is
abcue expressed. And it is further ordered,
that whatsoeuer charge shall arize about app'-
heoding, whipping, conveying, or otherwise,
about the Quakers, to be layd out by the conn-
stribles of such tounes where it is expended, &
to be repajd by the Tresurer out of the next
country levy ; and further, that the connstables
of the seuerall tounes are hereby empowred
from tjiue to tjme, as necessity shall require, to
impresse cart, oxen, & other asistauce for the
execution of this order.

The following Scriptural argument, " To vin-
dicate the justice of this Courts proceedings
iu refference to the Quakers," was circulated
throughout the Mass. Colony, by order of the
" Generall Court" Oct. IS'S 1659 :

14:4 AFPENDIX.

Many of that sect of people which are com-
only called Quakers hauiiig, from forreine parta
& from other colonjes, come at souiidry time?,
and in seuerall compaiijes & noumbers into this
jurisdiction of the JMassachusetts, & those lessf;r
punishments of the house of corrections & Lq-
prisonment for a tjme hauing beene inflicted on
some of them, but not sufficing to deterr &
keepe them away, but that still they haue pre-
sumed to come hither, vpon no other ground or
occasion (for ought that could appeare) but to
scatter theire corrupt opinions, & to drawe oth rs
to theire way, & so to make disturbance, and tno
honnored Generall Court having herevpon made
an order & lawe, that such persons should .be
bannished & remooved hence, on pajne of deai;h,
to be inflicted on such of them, as after the:re
bannishment should presume to returne & come
hither againe, the making & execution of the
aforesajd lawe may be cleered to be warrantable
& just vpon such grounds & considerations us
these, viz. :

1. The doctrine of this sect of people is d'3-
structive to fundamental! trueths of religion, as
the sacred Trinitje, the person of Christ & the
holy Scriptures, as a perfect rule of faith & life,
as M"' Norton hath shewed in his tractate against
the Quakers ; yea, that one opinion of theires,
of being perfectly pure and w"'out sinue, tends
to ouerthrow the whole gospell & the very
vitalls of Christianitje, for they that haue no
sinne, haue no neede of Christ, or of his sattis-

APPEXDIX. 145

faction, or his blood to cleanse them from theire
sin lie ; no need of faith to believe in Christ, for
imputed righteousnes to justify them, as being
perfectly just in themselves ; no neede of re-
pentance, as being righteous & w%ut sinne, for
repentance is only for such as have siune ; no
neede of growing in grace, nor of the word and
ordinances of God, that they may grow thereby,
for what neede they to grow better who are al-
ready perfect ? no neede of Christian watchful-
nes against sinne who haue no such ennemy as
sinne dwelling in them, as Paul had, but are
free from the presence and being of sinne, &
therefore Christ needs not to say to them, as
sometjmes to his disciples, ' "Watch &. pray, that
yee enter not into temptation; the spirit is will-
ing but the flesh is weake ' ; for hauing no such
flesh or weakenesse in them, they haue no such
neede of watchfuluesse ; they haue no neede to
purify themselves dayly, as all Christians should,
for they are perfectly pure already ; no neede to
put off the old man and put on the new, like the
Christians to whom Paul wrote his Epistles, for
whot neede they to doe this when they are al-
ready w'^out sinne, and so w"'out all remainders
of the old nvm ? Such fundamentalls of Chris-
tianitje are ouerthroune by this one opinion of
theires, & how mucli more by all theire other
doctrines! jS^ow, the cofnandment of God is
plajne, that he that presumes to speake lyes in
the name of the Lord & turne people out of the
way which the Lord hath comanded to walk in.

146 APPENDIX.

such an one must not Hue, but be put to death ;
Zach. 13 : 3 ; Deut. 13 : 6; & 18: 20 ; & if the
doctrine of the Quakers be not such, let the
wise judge.

2. It is the coiuandment of the blessed God,
that Christians should obey magistrates. Tit.
3 : 1 ; & that euery soule should be subject to
the higher powers, Eom. 13 : 1 ; yea, be sub-
ject to euery ordinance of man for the Lords
sake, 1 Peet. 2 : 13 ; & yeeld honnor &, reuer-
ence or feare to such as are in authoritje, Prou.
2-4: 21; 1 Pet. 2: 17 ; & forbeare all cursing
and reviling & evill speeches touching such per-
sons, Exod. 22 : 28 ; Eclesiast. 10 : 20 ; Tit. 3 :

2 ; Acts 23 : 5 ; & accordingly good men haue
beene wont to behaue themselves w'^ gestures
and speeches of reuerence and honnor tojvards
superiors in place and power, as Abraham 1; owed
downe himself to the Hittites, Gene. 23 : l-, 12 ;
Jacob & his wives & children unto Esau, Gene.
33 : 3, 6, 7 ; Josephs brethren vnto Joseph,
being governor in iEgipt, Gene. 42 : 6 ; & 43 :
26 & 28 ; Joseph to his father Jacob, Gene. 48 :
12 ; Moses to his father in lawe Jethro, Exod.
18: 7; Ruth to Boaz, Ruth 2 : 10 ; Dauid to
Saul, 1 Sam. 24: 6; ... 1 Kings 1: 16, 23,
31 ; w"" otherr that might be added. And for re-
viling or contemptuous speeches, they haue binn
so farre therefrom that they haue spoken to and
of theire superiors w"^ termes & expressions of
much honor & reuerence, as father, 1 Sam. 19 :

3 : 1 Kings 19 : 20 ; & 2 : 2, 12 ; master, 2 Kings

! APPENDIX. 147

I 6 . 15 ; 1 Sam. 24 : 6 ; lord, Gen. 33 : 13, 14 ; 1

i Pet. 3: 6; my lord, 1 Sam. 24: S; Gen. 44:

IS, 19. 20; 1 Sam. 1: 1.5, 26; most noble

Festus, Acts 26: 2.5 ; most excellent Tlieophilus,

i L;uke 1:3; and the like ; that servant of Abra-

' liy-m's, Gen. 24, doth call Abraham by the terme

; & title of master, a matter of twenty times or

; not much lesse, in that one chapter ; and on the

contrary, it is noted as a brand & reproach of

false teachers, that they despise dominion and

are not afnijd to speake evill of dignitjes, 2 Pet.

2: 10; Jude 8; thongh the very aingells would

not doe so vnto the divill, 2 Peet. 2:11; Jude

9. Now, it is well knoune that the practize of

the Quakers is but too like these false teachers

whom the apostles speake of, & that they are

i farre from giving that honnor & reuerence to

I magistrates which the Lord requireth, & good

i men haue giuen to them, but on the contrary

I show contempt against them in theire very out-

j wijrd gestures & behavior, & (some of them at

least) spare not to belch out rajling & cursino-

speeches. . Wittnes that odjous, cursi'ng letter o'f

Humphrey Norton ; and if so, if Abishaj may

I be judge, they are worthy to die ; for so he

I thought of Shimej for his contemptuous carriage

and cursing speeches against Dauid, 2 Sam. 16 :

r ; & 19 : 21. And though Dauid at that tjme

did forbeare to put him .to death, yet he giues

i chardge to Solomon, that this Shimej haning

cursed him w"" such a grievous curse, he should

Eot hold him guiltlesse, but bring doune his

148 APPENDIX.

hoarje head to the graue w"" blood, 1 Kings .2 :
8, 9 ; according to which direction King Solomon
caused him to be put to death, Vers. 44, 46.

3. Also, in this story of Solomon & Shimej, 1
Kings 2, it is recorded how Solomon confined
Shimei to Jerusalem, chardging him vpon pajue
of death, not to goe out thence, & telling him
that if he did he should dye for it, which con-
finement when Shimej had broken, though it
were three yeares after, & vpon an occasion that
might seeme to haue some weight in it, viz., to
fetch againe his servants that were runne away
from him. yett for all this, the confinement being
broken, Solomon would not spare him, l)ut putts
him to death ; and if execution of death be h\w-
full for breach of confinement, may not the same
be sajd for breach of bannishment? Confine-
ment, of the two, may seeme to be much
sleighter, because in this a man is Ijmited to one
place »S: debarred from all others, whereas in
bannishment a man is debarred from no phice
but one, all others being left to his liberty ; the
one debarres him from all places, saue that it
giues liberty to one ; the other giues liberty to
all places, saue that it restraines from one ; and
therefore if death may be justly inflicted vpon
breach of confinement, much more for returne
vpon bannishment, which is these Quakers case,

4. There is no man that is possessed of house
or land, whereiu he hath just title & propriety r.s
his oune, but he would count it vnreasonably
injurious that another who had no authoritje

APPEXDIX. 149

thereto should intrude & enter into his house
w"'out his. the ouno" consent; yea, and when
the ouno' doth expressly prohibitt & forbidd the
same. Wee say, when the man that so pre-
sumes to enter hath no authoritje thereto ; for if
it were a connstable or other olficer legally au-
thorized, such an one might indeed enter, uot-
w^'standing the householders dissent or charo-e
to the contrary ; but for them that haue no au-
thoritje the case is otherwise. And if such one
should presume to enter into another man's
house & habitation, he might justlv be im-
pleaded as a theite or au vsurper ; & if in case
of such violent assault, the owno' should, se de-
fejidendo, slay the assaylant &, intruder, his
blood would be vpon his oune head. And if
private persons' may in case shed the blood of
su.di intruders, may not the like be graunted to
them that are the publicke keepers and guard-
iar.'s of the coiSonwealth? Haue not they as
mv ch power to take away the Hues of such, as
contrary to prohibition, shall jnvade & intrude
into theire publicke possessions or territorjes as
private and particcular persons to deale so w"*
til em tliat, w"'out autlioritje, shall presume to
enter into theire private & particcular habita-
tions? which seeraes clearly to be the present
cr.se ; for who canii belieue that Quakers are
connstables ouer this colonje, to intrude them-
scdves, invade, & enter, whither the colonje will
or no, yea, & notw"'standing theire expresse
prohibition to the contrary? If in such violent

150 APPENDIX.

and bold attempt they loose theirs Hues, they
may thank themselves as the blameable cause &
autho" of theire onne death.

5. Who cann make question but that a man that
hath children & family both justly m-.xj, &, in
duty ought to, preserve them of his chardge (as
farre as he is able) from the daingerous com-
pauy of persous infected w"^ the plague of pesti-
lence or other contagious, noysome, and mortall
diseases ? and if such persons shall offer to in-
trude into the mans house amongst his children
& servants, notw"'standing his prohibition and
warning to the contrary, & thereby shall jn-
dainger the health & liues of them of the
familje, cann any man doubt but that in snch
case the father of the familje, in defence "of
himself & his, may w^'stand the intrusion of
such infected & daingerous persons & if other-
wise he cann not keepe them out, may kill
them ? Now, in Scripture, corruption in minde
& judgment is counted a great infection & de-
filement, yea, & one of the greatest ; for the
apostle, saying of some men that to them there
is nothing pure, giues this as the reason of it,
because euen theire minde & conscience is de-
filed. Tit. 1 : 15 ; as if defilement of the minde
did argue the defilement of all, & that in such
case there was nothing pure ; euen as when lep-
rosie was in the head, the preist must pronounce
such a man vtterly vncleane, sith the plague was
in his head, Levitt 13 : 44. And it is the Lords
comand that such corrupt persons be not re-

APPENDIX. 151

' ceaved into house, 2 John 10. which plainly

enough impljes that tlie householder hath power

to keepe them out. & y' it was not in theire

power to come in if they pleased, whither the

householder would or no. And if the father of

; a particcular family may thus defend his chil-

i dceu & household, may not magistrates doe the

like for theire suhjects, they being nursing

I fathers and nursing mothers by the account of

I ( od in Holy Scripture? Isaj. 49: 23d. Is it

! not cleare, y' if the father in the family must

I keepe them out off his house, the father in the

i comon wealth must keepe them out of his juris-

I diction ? And if sheepe & lambes cannot be

j preserved from the dainger of woolves, but the

woolves will breake in amongst them, it is easy

; to see what the shephard or keeper of the

■ slieepe may lawfully doe in such a case.

6. Itt was the comandment of the Lord Jesus
I Christ vnto his disciples, that when they were

j persecuted in one citty, they should flee into

i -A other, Math. 10 : 23 ; & accordingly it was

h^i oune practise so to doe many a tjme, both
when he was a child, Math. 13: 14; & after-
wards, 12: 15; Joh. 7: 1 & S; last, 10: 39;
and so was also the practise of the saints.

Wittnes what is written of J:icob, Gen. 27 :
4 2, 43 & 23: 5 ; of Moses, Exod. 2 : 14, 15 ;
of Eljas, 1 Kings 19 : 3 ; of Paul, Acts 9: 24,
25, 29, 30, & 17: 13, 14; & of the apostle,
iiets 14: 4, 5, & others, who when they haue
jjeene persecuted, haue fled away for theire oune

152 APPENDIX. '

safety ; and reason requires that when men haue
liberty vnto it, they should not refuse so to doe;,
because otherwise they will be guilty of temjDt-
ing God, & of incurring theire oune hurt, ss
having a faire way open for the avoiding
thereof, but they needelessly expose themselves
thereto. If therefore, that which is donne
against Quakers in this jurisdiction were indeed
persecution, as they account of it, (though ia
trueth it is not so, but the due ministration c f
justice ; but suppose it were as they thinke it to
be) what spirit may they be thought to be acted
& led by, who are in theire actings so contrary
to the comandment & example of Christ & of
his saints in the case of persecusion, which these
men suppose to be theire case ? Plaine enough
it is, that if theire case were the same, theire
actings are not the same, but quite contrary, so
that Christ and his saints were led by one spirit,
and those people by another; for rather then
they would not show theire contempt of autho •-
itje, and make disturbance amongst his peop ;,
they choose to goe contrary to the expresse dirt ;-
tions of Jesus Christ, & the aprooved examples
of his saints, although it be to the hazard & per-
rill of theire oune Hues.

153

PETITION FOR SEVERER LAAYS AGAINST
THE QUAKERS, OCTOBER, 165S.1

■ To the Honored General Court now afsembled at
\ Boston.

I The humble Petition of vs whose Names are

I Yuderwritten : Humbly slieweth.

; That where as through the good hand of the

; Lord, this Country hath for seuerall yeares past,

j by means of the pious care& faithfullnes of those

\ \v\\\c\\ haue satt att y" helme, beene preserued

; from many menacing dangers, both as to its

■ ciuill & religious interest, in respect of w'^'* we
may not but allwayes acknowledg o'^selues w*
great thankfullnes debtors to tlie Lord first, and
then to o"" gouernors in the Lord yett finding by
experience, Satan is not wanting to this day by

. himself and instrum*- to attempt new wayes, vnto
tbe disturbing, nay we may truly say the Sub-
verting of o'' ciuill & religious Polities, as well
at; in other p''ts.
j- And although, this hath in its measure beene

j taken notice of, & foreseene by this Hon'' Court

; ill respect of many who haue of late audaciously

intruded themselues among vs, vnder the name
i of Quakers, wlience your pious Endeauours haue

'\ I eene exerted to free vs of soe great an Euill

threatned.

,' Notwithstanding, in so much as the i^rouision
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. '246.

154 APPENDIX.

y' is already made [by reason of their prodigious
insolency] doth not secure vs of the future en-
joym' of o'' ciuill & religious Libertyes, as is to be
desired. Wee therefore take o''selues bound,
both in conscience to God, and faithfullnes to
this Gouermn' and people, whereof we are a part,
to present the following Propositions to yo'' most
serious considerations, & y' at such a time.

1^'. Not liere to ex;xmine their malignity ags*
the establishm' of ciuill Gouermn', in the hamls
of any such, as is subseruient to y^ end thereof
viz' the good of y^ people.

whether these persons, are not indeed to be
looked at, as professed Enemies to y' christian
Magistrate,^ and open Seducers of y° people there-
from, where they are permitted to be, they call-
ing disobedience, vnto a great part of y° 5"" Com-
mandm", obedience : we say of y^ 5'^ commandna',
y^ foundatio of y^ p''cepts of y^ 2"^ table, and this
they hauld forth as openly, if not as much, as
ags' y'' power of y^ Magistrate, in matters of le-
ligion belonging to the first Table.

2'''. Whether, their practise vnder pretence of
new light, tends not manifestly, to y*" vtter sub-
version of the verry body of religion, witnes, thesir
deniall of the Trinity, y' is to say, the Trinity of
persons, or distinct subsistances in y^ diuine na-
ture, their deniall of y^ person of Christ, of y^
Scripturs as a rule of life, & of y^ whole church
institution of y^ Gospell, y" ordinary means
appointed for y^ conuersiou and edification of
Soules.

1 See Capital Law title Conspiracy.

APPENDIX. 155

3^^. Whether, tlieir iucorriiriblenes after soe
much means vsed both for their conviction, &
preserving this place from contacrion, being such,
as by reason of their malignant obduratices, dayly
increaseth rather then abateth o'' feare of y"* Spirit
of Mnncer, or Jo° of Leyden reviued, & conse-
quently of some destrucduo eiiill impending : Itt
be not necessary, after y' example of other chris-
tian comoQ weales infected w"* pests, not more
perillous then these are, and y^ common & vni-
uersally approued argum' of se dcfendendo, vpon
y^ sad experience of y" remedy hitherto applyed,
is not only not effectuall, but contemned, and
abused w"' y' highest hand, if after y" sentance
of banishm- added therevnto, they shall still pre-
sumptuously obtrude themselues vpon this juris-
diction, whcth'' we say, it be not necefsary to
punish soe high incorrigiblenes, in such and soe
many capitall euills, w"" death, rather y" expose
religion, this gouermn', & y" whole people to
both temporall and etern" ruine. And as for
any y' may arise among o'Selues after conviction
of being quakers w''-^ an admonition therevnto,
they shall still continue obstinate, y'' then they
in like man'' may be sentenced to banishm', and
if thay shall againe presumptiously obtrude them-
selues vpon this jurisdiction, y' y^° thay may be
proceeded w"' as y" others.

Much Hon"^ these Propositions humbly & re-
ligiously presented [yo'' Servants are far fro pre-
scribing any thing to yo"" wisdomes] w'^ o''
prayers y' a diuine Sentence may proceed out of

156

yo"' mouth, & y' yo' lips may not transgress in
judgm', concerning some efFectuall & speedy ex-
pedient, y* may crowne you with being y^ jnstru-
meutall Sauior^ of this people, in soe weighty a
cause, & in this hower of N E temptation and
together w"" deliuerauce from o'' feares, minister
matter of perpetuall thanksgiuing on yo"" behalfe
vnto o''selues, who are

Yo" most humbly devoted in all christian Ser-
vice.

W" Dauis
James Johnson
Nathaniell Williams
Henry Powning
John Euered alies Webb
Hezekiah Ysher
Thomas Bumsted
Tho Clark
Theodore Atkinson
Willyam Dinsdale
Tho : Snow
John Hull
Anthony Stoddard

Natha: Duncan
John Wilson
Will Colbron
James Penn
Ed Raynsford
Robert Waker
Tho :\Iarshall
Will Hudson
William Salter
Henry Phillips
Thomas Savage
John Newgate

157

Tr.'F, EXAM. OF QUAKET!S AT Y>^ COURT OF
A.SSISTAXTS IX BOSTOX, JIARCH 7, '50-GO.i

Josepli Nicliolion. Jane bis wife, and "Wains-
loc^e Christophersonne.

Christopher sayth he owns y'' Scripture to be
a irue declaracon of X' & be true words ; be
saith v*^ mind o( God man must Icnow as they
did w""'' gave forth y*" Scriptures ; X' is y" rule for
evrie one to walk by.
X' is y^ word.
' the letter kills ; y'^ Spirit givetb life.

I have not put y^ Scripture in y^ roome of X'.

■Nichols to y^ Gov'' : thou errest, not knowing

y'^ Scripture nor y'^ pow' of God, thou art not

come to v' w'^^ gave forth y° Scriptures. God

• he.areth us, all th. is but jangling.

Chi'ist. X' sayth sweare not at all, love y'^ en-
emies, S^ he y' swears is out of y*^ Doctrine of X'.
Xicholson. you er from y'' Scripture iu keep-
ing y^ 1st day instead of y" Sabbath. Wee owne
i ministers of y*" word, but not of y*" letter, they

y* take titles were nev' sent of God.

that X' in whom I believe is a Spirit, a savio''
*^ to y"^ M'^""" Denis : thou nev heardest by voice,

hearken to y° voyce of X' w"'in.
: y' will shew the thy sins.
' C'hristoph. he hath a body. one body, &

ic one spirilt. & no other but w' is meant iu y'

r' place Preaching, realiug. singing, done by y'

1 ilassachusetts Archives, vol. x. pp. 2ul-2G4.

158 APPENDIX.

Spirit of y^ Lord we owne. Ail other is an
abominacon.

Christoi^h. in obedience to y^ Lord we come
hither.

Nicholson. Wee owne qnakering to be' of
God, and wee owne quakers whom you so call
to be children of God & to be of y™ they call
quakers.

Christopher & Jane also answered Each of y"
for thems. that they were of them they called
Quakers.

The Jury was called over to y" all, and li'bty
given to y™ all to challenge any of y™ off y®
Bench.

March 8'", 1660.

Joseph Nicholson sayth y'' law ag^' Quakers is
a wicked law, & not of God.

His wife denyes y^ law as not of God.

TV. Christophson sayth as a witness for God &
his law he stands ag"' you & yo'' law, & y' y^ law
ag^' y° quakers is ag^' y* law of God and is a cor-
rupt law neither pure nor holy, seeking for
bloud; & Christ fulfilled y'^ law w"^'' appoint mur-
derers to be put to death.

Sayth he saw y^ law before he came at M, &
he came for a testimony ag"' this cruelty ; & the
God of order y° know not. In y'^ name & feare
of God I am come.

J. N. sayth y^ God y' made Heaven ($• Earth is
not yo'' God.

"W. C. sayth the true God y' made heaven «&
earth we know ^ owne.

APPEXDIX. 159

]M;iuli. Stanly sayth she bears witnes ag'' y° law,
for X' came not to kill but to save.

"Win. King saytli be is warned of God not to
(,'oe. & y' lie will stay, tho banislied.

W. Christoph. sayth that he owned y'^ scrip-
ture to be a true declaraccon, but not y" mind of
God, & sayth that we know not y'^ word of God,
ik, y' not one man here can prove y° scripture to
be y'' word of God. Sayth they ai'e y'^ words of
God, but not y^ word ; he sayth w' he sayth is
trutli according to Scripture, & y' be stands hero
a witnes for God.

jNIargarett Smith sayth she denies y"^ law, &
stands as a icitnes ag" j" same.

Beiij. Buiflower sayeth he hath fulfilled y^ law
of God, & done all y' it rec^uires.

Kich. Ju" Endecutt. I stand as an evidence
ags' ys: thou knowest not y" pow"" of God, & y'
w"^'' thou callest heresie in me shall stand for ev.
higher than thee, although as high as y'^ Pope

Chambline. sayth y' he find not y" opinion
of y'^ Quakers to be cursed, but y' w*^*" shall stand
when all yo" shall fall.
I W" King sayth he own y"^ Scripture to be a
true declaraccon of y'' word of God.

jMary Trask. & Smith & Martha Stanly, in a
contemptuous & seditious mann. began & con-
tinued to speak, to y^ disturbance of .Court, so y'
y*" Court was forced to charge y^ Jailor to cary
l/'" out of y° Court.

W" King sayth I am sure God doth & will
plead d" cause.

160 APPENDIX.

i

from Redding/. ■

Benj. Bulflower came into Court w"^ his hat
cockt: i-eraaineingon his head. & refusing to puU
it of w coinanded. & said he could justifie his
accon by y'^ Scripture. Alleading for his prccfc
y' Scripture, y' God threatned his people y' for
y'" sin he would bring a nation ag"' y" y' would
not Hon"' y^ person of y'' old man. . :

being examined in Court, '

Asserted, y' after y^ Dissoluccou of y® Body &•,
soule. y" body should nev be united to y^ soule
more, y' y'^ first day of y" weeke was not y® sab-
boath but y" last day of ye weeke. y^ 7th day.

Martha Stanly, late of tenterdon in Kent. & a'
single woman.

Saith she had a message from y*^ Lord, to vis-'
sitt her freinds in prison at Boston, her message
was to turn people from darknes to light to y^
virtues w^'in : in her measure she hath spoaken
y^ same. & shall go on to y"^ laying down her life. ■

Saith wee meet w"* many y' tell us we must
sin whiles we live.

as any keep to y^ light made manifest in con-
science they sin not.

Sayth I acknowledge my selfs to be one of y"
whom y'^ world in scorne call quakers.

Jn° Cliambliue of Boston came into Court w"*
his Hatt on.

ffrom Salem.
W" King w"" his Hatt on &, jMary Trask &
Mary Smith came into Court.

APPFynix. 161

owned f they were at a meeting at Whartons
on y"^ Sabboath day. & y' they were such as y=
world called Quakers, this all of y™ pticularly
owned.

W" King sayth "Wharton was not at horns w
they were there — 'and I am sure We have
obeyed y'= voyce of God in w' we have done &
God sayth wo. be to y" pastors y' destroy y^
f ock of'X'.

March 9, 60.

Major Hawthorne at Dinn'' w* y^ Gov'' &
maiestrates at a court of assistants, said that at
Salem y'' was a woman called Consader Southieck,
y' said shee was greater y° Moses, for Moses had
seen God but twice & his backe parts, & shee
had seen him 3 times face to face, instancino- the
plijce (i. e.) her old House one time, & by such
a swamp another time.

Also he said a woman of Lin being at y' meet-
ing w W" Robinson was y'' who pressed much y^
.ieeking for y° pow'' w'hin. shee asked him How
shee should come to feele y^ pow"" w"^in. He
"old her y' shee must cast of all attendance to or-
dinances, as publike p''ching, pray'', reading y"=
Scripture, & attending to times of Gods worP, and
then wayte for the communicaccon of y'^ pow''

and He added y' Hee y' will do so, it will
not be long, but y'^ Devill will appeare, either
more explicitely, or at least implicitely to comu-
necate hims —

11

162

JAMES CUDWORTH'S LETTER, WRITTEN IN
THE TENTH MONTH, 1658.1

As for the State and Condition of Things
amongst us, it is Sad, and like so to continue ; the
Antichristian Persecuting Spirit is very active,
and that in the Powers of this World : He that
will not Whip and Lash, Persecute and Punish
Men that Differ in Matters of Religion, must not
sit on the Bench, nor sustain any Office in the
Common-wealth. Last Election, Mr. Hatherly,
I and my Self, left off the Bench, and my self

I Discharged of my Captainship, because I had

j entertained some of the Quakers at my House,

i (thereby that I might be the better acquainted

with their Principles) I thought it better so to
do, than with the blind World, to Censure, Con-
demn, Rail at, and Revile them, when they neither
saw their Persons, nor knew any of their Prin-
ciples : But the Quakers and my self cannot
close in divers Things ; and so I signified to the
Court, I was no Quaker, but must bear my Tes-
i timony against sundry Things that they held, as

j I had Occasion and Opportunity : But withal, I

j told them, That as I was no Quaker, so I would

be no Persecutor. This Spirit did Work those
tvfo Years that I was of the Magistracy ; during
j which time I was on sundry Occasions forced to

j Declare my Dissent, in sundry Actings of that

i^ Nature; which, altho' done with all Moderation

of Expression, together with due respect unto
1 Heio England Judged, p. 1G8.

APPENDIX. 163

the Rest, yet it wrought great Disaffection and
Prejudice in them, against me ; so that if I should
sav, some of themselves set others on "Work to
frame a Petition against me, that so they might
Irave a seeming Ground from ethers (tiio' first
moved and acted by themselves, to \:\y me what
they coukl under Reproach) I sliould do no
■\Vrong. The Petition was with Nineteen Hands ;
it will be too long to make Rehearsal : It wrought
puch a Disturbance in our Town, and in our
.Military Company, that when the Act of Court
wasread in the Head of the Company, had not I
been present, and made a Speecli to them, I fear
there had been such Actings as would have been
of a sad Consequence. The Court was aoain
'followed with another Petition of Fifty Four
.Hands, and the Court return'd the Petitioners
■an Answer with much plausibleness of Speech,
carrying with it great shew of Respect to them,
;readily acknowledging, with the Petitioners, my
'Parts and Gifts, and how useful I had been in
.my Place ; Professing they had nothing at all
Against me, only in that Thing of giving Enter-
tainment to the Quakers ; whereas I broke no
Taw in giving them a Nights Lodging or two,
and some Victuals : For, our Law then was, — If
'any Entertain a Quaker, and keep him after'he
is warned by a Magistrate to Depart, the Party
fio entertaining, shall pay Twenty Shillings a
Week, for Entertaining them. — Since hath been
made a Law, — If any Entertain a Quaker, if
but a quarter of an Hour, he is to forfeit Five

164 APPENDIX.

Pounds. — Another, — That if any see a Quaker,
he is bound, if he live Six Miles or more frora
the Constable, yet he must presently go and give
Notice to the Constable, or else is subject to the
Censure of the Court (which maybe Hanging) —
Another, — That if the Constable know, or hear
of any Quaker in his Precincts, he is presently
to apprehend him ; and if he will not presently
Depart the Town, the Constable is to Whip him,
and send him away. — And divers have been
Whipp'd with us in our Patent ; and truly, to)
tell you plainly, that the Whipping of thern
with that Cruelty, as some have been Whipp'cl,
and their Patience under it, hath sometimes been
the Occasion of gaining more Adherence to themi,
than if they had suffered them openly to have
preached a Sermon. I

Also another Law, — That if there be a Quai-
ker Meeting any where in this Colony, the Party
in whose House, or on whose Ground it is, i,s
to pay Forty Shillings ; the Preaching Quakei-
Forty Shillings ; every Hearer Forty Shillings -.
Yea, and if they have Meetings, tho' nothing bo
spoken, when they so meet, which they say, so
it falls out sometimes — Our last Law, — That
now they are to be apprehended, and carried be-
fore a Magistrate, and by him committed to bo
kept close Prisoners, until they will promise to
depart, and never come again ; and will also pay
their Fees — (which I perceive they will do nei-
ther the one nor the otlier) and they must be
kept only with the Counties Allowance, which is

APPENDIX. 165

but small (namely, Course Bread and Water.) Xo
Friend may bring them anything ; none may be
permitted to speak with them ; Nay, if they have
BToney of their own, they may not make use of
that to relieve themselves. — j

In the ^Massachusets (namely, Boston Colony) :

after they have Whipp'd them, and cut their Ears, I

they have now, at last, gone the furthest step I

tliey can : They Banish them upon pain of
Death, if ever they come there again. We ex- ,
pect that we must do the like ; we mnst Dance
a'"ter their Pipe : Now Plimouth-Saddle is ou the
Bay-Horse (viz, Boston) we shall follow them on
the Career : For, it is well if in some there be not
a Desire to be their Apes and Imitators in all
their Proceedings in things of this Nature. All
these Carnal and Antichristian Ways being not
of. God's Appointment, effect nothing as to the
Obstructing or Hindring of them in their Way
or Course. It is only the Word and Spirit of
the Lord that is able to Convince Gainsayers :
I'hey are the jMighty Weapons of a Christian's
Warfare, by which Great and Mighty Things
are done and accomplished. They have many
IMeetings, and many. Adherents, almost the whole
Town of Sandwich is adhering towards them ;
and, give me leave a little to acquaint you with
tlieir SufTerings, which is Grievous unto, and Sad-
dens the Hearts of most of the Precious Saints
of God ; It lies down and rises up with them,
and they cannot put it out of their Minds, to fee
aad hear of poor Families deprived of their Com-

166

i forts, and brought into Penury and "Want (you

I may say, By what Means ? And, to what End ?)

I As far as I am able to judge of the End, It is to

I force them from their Homes and lawful Plabi-

i tations, and to drive them out of their Coasts.

The Massachusets hath Banish'd Six of their In-
habitants, to be gone upon pain of Death ; and I
wish that Blood be not shed : But our poor Peo-
ple are pillaged and plundered of their Goods ;
and haply, when they have no more to satisfie
their unsatiable Desire, at last may be forced to
flee, and glad tliey have their Lives for a Prey.

As for the Means by wliich they are impover-
ished ; These in the first place were Scrupulovis
of an Oath ; why then we must put in Force an
Old Law, — That all must take the Oath of
Fidelity. — This being tendered, they will not
take it ; and then we must add more Force v;o
the Law ; and that is, — If any Man refuse, or
neglect to take it by such a time, he shall pay
Five Pounds, or depart the Colony. — When
the time is come, they are the same as they
were ; Then goes out the Marshal, and fetcheth
away their Cows and other Cattle. Well, an-
other Court comes. They are required to take
the Oath again, — They cannot — Then Fi-ve
Pounds more: On this Account Thirty Five
Head of Cattle, as I have been credibly in-
formed, hath been by the Authority of our
Court taken from them the latter part of this
Summer ; and these People say, — If they have
more right to them, than themselves, Let them

AFPEXDIX. 167

take them. — Some that liad a Cow only, some
Two Cows, some Three Cows, and many small
Cliildren in their Families, to whom, in Summer
time, a Cow or Two was the greatest Outward
Comfort they had for their Subsistance. A poor
Weaver that hath Seven or Eight small Chil-
dren (I know not which) he himself Lame in
his Body, had but Two Cows, and both taken
from him, The IMarshal asked him, Wliat he
would do ? He must have his Cows. The Man
said, — Tliat God that gave him them, he
doubted not, but would still provide for him. —
To fill up the Measure yet more full, tho' to the
further emptying of Sandwich-Men of their out-
ward Comforts. The last Court of Assistants,
the first Tuesday of this Instant, the Court was
.pleased to determine Fines on Sandwich-Men
for Meetings, — sometimes on First Days of the
Week, sometimes on other Days, as they say :
They meet ordinarily twice in a Week, besides
the Lord's Day, — One Hundred and Fifty
Pounds, whereof W. Newland is Twenty Four
Pounds, for himself and his Wife, at Ten Shil-
lings a Meeting. W. Allen Forty Six Pounds,
some affirm it Forty Nine Pounds. The poor
Weaver afore spoken of, Twenty Pounds.
Brother Cook told me, one of the Brethren at
Barnstable certified him. Tiiat he was in the
Weaver's Idouse, when cruel Barloe (Sandwich
Marshal) came to demand the Sum, and said, he
was fully informed of all the poor Man had, and
thought, if all lay together, it was not worth Ten

168 APPENDIX.

Pounds. What will be the End of such Courses
and Practices, the Lord only knows. I heartily-
and earnestly pray, that these, and such like
Courses, neither raise up among us, or bring io
upon us, either the Sword, or any devouring Ca--
lamity, as a just Avenger of the Lord's Quarrel,
for Acts of Injustice and Oppression ; and thaf;
we may every one find out the Plague of his owa
Heart; and putting away the Evil of his own
Doings, and meet the Lord by Entreaties of
Peace, before it be too late, and there be nc
Remedy. Our Civil Powers are so exercised ii
Things appertaining to the Kingdom of Christ, in
Matters of Religion and Conscience, that we cat
have no time to effect anything that tends to the.
Promotion of the Civil Weal, or the Prosperity
of the Place ; but now we must have a State-
Religion, such as the Powers of the World will
allow, and no other : A State-Ministry, and u
State way of Maintenance : And we must Wor-
ship and Serve the Lord Jesus as the World
shall appoint us : We must all go to the publick
Place of Meeting, in the Parish where lie dwells,
or be presented ; I am Informed of Three oi-
Fourscore last Court presented, for not coming to
publick Meetings ; and let me tell you how they
brought this about : You may remember a Law
once made, call'd Thomas Hinckley's Law, —
That if any neglected the Worship of God, in
the Place where he lives, and sets up a AYorship
contrary to God, and the Allowance of this Gov-
ernment, to the publick Prophauation of God's

APPENDIX. 169

Holy Day and Ordinance, shall pay Ten Shil-
li.igs, — This Law would not reach what then
was aimed at : Because he must do so and so ;
that is, all things therein expressed, or else
break not tlie Law. In March last a Court of
Deputies was called, and some Acts touching
Quakers were made ; and then they contrived to
make this Law serviceable to them ; and that
was by putting out the Word [and] and putting
in the Word [or] which is a Disjunctive, and
makes every Branch to become a Law. So
now, if any do neglect, or will not come to the
publick Meetings, Ten Shillings for every De-
fect. Certainly we either have less Wit, or
more money, than the Massachusets : For, for
Five Shillings a Day a Man may stay away, till
it come to Twelve or Thirteen Pounds, if he
had it but to pay them. And these Men alter-
ing this Law now in March, yet left it Dated,
Jane 6. 165L and so it stands as the Act of a
General Court; they to be the Authors of it
Seven Years before it was in being ; and so you
yourselves have your part and share in it, if the
Recorder lye not. But what may be the Reason
that they sliould not by another Law, made and
dated by that Court, as well effect what was in-
tended, as by altei-ing a Word, and so the whole
Sense of tlie Law ; and leave this their Act by
the Date of it charged on another Court's Ac-
count? Surely the Chief Instruments in the
Business, being privy to an Act of Parliament
for Liberty, should too openly have acted repug-

170 APPENDIX.

nant to a Law of England ; but if they can do
the Thing, and leave it on a Court, as making it
Sis Years before the Act of Parliament, there
can be no danger in this. And that they were
privy to the Act of Parliament for Liberty, to
be then in being, is evident, That the Deputies
might be free to act it. Tliey told us. That now
the Protector stood not engaged to the Articles
for Liberty, for the Parliament had now takon
the Power into their own Hands, and had given
the Protector a new Gath, Only in General, to
maintain the Protestant Religion ; and so pro-
duced the Oath in a Paper, in Writing; whereas
the Act of Parliament and the Oath, are both
in one Book, in Print: So that they who were
privy to the one, could not be Ignorant of the
other. But still all is well, if we can but keep
the People Ignorant of their Liberties and Priv-
iledges, then we have Liberty to Act in our ovn
Wills what we please.

We are wrapped up in a Labyrinth of Con-
fused Laws, that the Freemens Power is quite
gone ; and it was said, last June Court, by one, —
That they knew nothing the Freemen had there
to do. Sandwich-Men may not go to the Bay,
lest they be taken up for Quakers : W. Newland
was there about his Occasions some Ten Days
since, and they put him in Prison Twenty Four
Hours, and sent for divers to Witness against
him ; but they had not Proof enougli to make
him a Quaker, which if they had, he should have
been Whipp'd : Nay, they may not go about

APPEXDIX. 171

their Occasions in otlier Towns in our Colony,
but Warrants lie in Ambush to Apprehend and
bring them before a Magistrate, to give an Ac-
count of their Business. Some of the Quakers
in Rhode-Island came to bring tliem Goods, to
Trade with them, and that for far Reasonabler
Terms, than the Professing and Oppressing Mer-
rhants of the Country ; but that will not be suf-
fered : So that unless the Lord step in, to their
Help and Assistance, in some way beyond Mao's
Conceiving, their Case is sad, and to be pitied :
.md truly it moves Bowels of Compassion in all
sorts, except those in place, who carry it with a
liigh Hand towards them. Through Mercy we
liave yet among us worthy Mr. Duustar, whom
the Lord hath made boldly to bear Testimony
against the Spirit of Persecution.

Our Bench now is, Tho. Prince, Governour ;
•Mr. Collier, Capt. Willet, Capt. Winslow, Mr.
Alden, Lieut. Southworth, W. Bradford, Tho.
Hinckley. Mr. Collier last June would not sit
on the Bench, if I sate there ; and now will not
sit the next Year, unless he may have Thirty
Pounds sit by him. Our Court and Deputies last
Jane made Capt. "Winslow a Major. Surely we
are all Mercenary Soldiers, that must have a
JMajor imposed upon us. Doubtless the next
Court they may choose us a Governour and As-
sistants also. A Freeman shall need to do noth-
ing but bear such Burdens as are laid upon him.
Mr. Alden hath deceived the Expectations of
many, and indeed lost the Affections of suchj as

172 APPENDIX.

I judge were his Cordial Cliristian Friends ; who
is very active in such Ways, as I pray God may
not be Charged on him, to be Oppressions of d
High Nature.

THE STOKY OF HORED GARDNER.^
Hored Gardner, who being the Mother of
many Children, and an Inhabitant of Newport
in Rhode-Island, came with her Babe sucking at
her Breast, from thence to Weymouth (a Town
in your Colony) where having finished what she
had to do, and her Testimony from the Lord,
unto which the Witness of God answered in the
People, she was hurried by the baser sort to
Boston, before your Governour, John Endicot,
who after he had entertained her with much
abusive Language, and the Girl that came with
her, to help bear her Child, he committed them
both to Prison, and Ordered them to be
whipp'd with Ten Lashes a-piece, which was
cruelly laid on their Naked Bodies, with a three-
fold-knotted-Whip of Cords, and then were con-
tinued for the space of Fourteen Days longer in
Prison, from their Friends, who could not Visit
them. The Women came a very sore Journe/,
and (according to Man) hardly accomplishable,
through a Wilderness of above Sixty Miles, be-
tween Rhode-Island and Boston ; and being kept
up, after your Cruel Usage of their Bodies, might
have died ; but you had no Consideration of this,
or of them, tho' the Mother had of you, who after

1 Reported in New England Judged, pp. 60, 61.

APPEXDTX. 173

the Savage, Inhumane and Bloody Execution on
her, of your Cruelty aforesaid, kneeled down,
and Prayed — The Lord to Forgive you —
which so reached upon a Woman that stood by,
and wrought upon her, that she gave Glory to
God,- and said, — That surely she could not have
done that thing, if it had not been by the Spirit
of the Lord, — 11th of 3d Month, 1G.38.

EECAPITULATIOX OF THE SUFFERINGS OF
LAUREXCE AND CASSANDRA SOUTHICK.i
First, while members of their Church, they
were both imprisoned for entertaining strangers,
Christopher Holder and John Copeland, a Chris-
tian duty, which the apostle to the Hebrews ad-
7ises not to be unmindful of. And after seven
weeks imprisonment, Cassandra was fined 40^.
ibr owning a paper written by the aforesaid
persons. Next for absenting from the public
Avorship and owning the Quakers' doctrine. On
the information of one eaptain Hawthorn, they
xvith their son Josiah were sent to the house of
TOrrection, and whipped in the coldest season of
the year, and at the same time Hawthorn issued
)iis warrant to distrain their goods for absence
from their public worship, whereby there were
taken from them cattle to the value of 4/. 15s.
Again they were imprisoned with others for be-
ing at a meeting, and Cassandra was again
whipped and upon their joint letter to the magis-
1 Cough's Ilistory of the Quakers, vol. i. pp. 379-381.

174 APPENDIX. i

trates before recited the other appelhmts were
released, but tliis family, although they with the
rest had suffered the penalty of their cruel law
fully, were arbitrarily detained in prison to their
great loss and damage, being in the season of
the year when their affairs most immediately de-
manded their attendance. While they were in
prison, William Maston coming through Salem
in his way to Boston, brought them some pro-
visions from home, for which he was committed
to prison, and kept there fourteen days in the
cold winter season, though about seventy years
of age. And last of all were banished upon pain
of death by a law made while they were impris-
oned, and consequently against which they had
not offended : Thus spoiled of their property,
deprived of their liberty, driven into banish-
ment, and in jeopardy of their lives, for no other
crime than meeting apart, and dissenting from!
the established worship, the sufferings of this in-
offensive aged couple ended only with their lives.'
But the multiplied injuries of this harmless
pair were not sufficient to gratify that thirst of
vengeance which stimulated these persecutors,
while any member of the family remained unmo-
lested : During their detention in prison, they
left at home a son and daughter named Daniel
and Provided; these children, not deterred by
the unchristian treatment of their parents and
brother, felt themselves rather encouraged to fol-
low their steps, and relinquish the assemblies of
a people whose religion was productive of such

APPENDIX. 175

relentless persecution, for their absence from
'vliich they were fined lOZ. though it was well
known they had no estate, their parents having
been reduced to poverty by repeated fines and
extravagant distraints; wherefore to satisfy the
fine, they were ordered to be sold for bond-slaves
by the following mandate : " —

Att a Generall Court of Election, held at Boston,
llth of May, 16.39.1

COUNTY TREASURER AUTHORIZED TO SELL
QUAKERS.

Whereas Daniell and Provided Southwicke,
Sonne & daughter to Lawrence Southwicke, haue
binn fyned by the County Courts at Salem &
Ipswich, ptending they haue no estates, resolving
-jot to worke, and others likewise haue binu
v'yned, & more like to be fyned, for siding w"* the
Quakers & absenting themselves from the pub-
iicke ordinances, — in ans'' to a quo^stion, what
course shall be taken for the sattisfaction of the
fines, the Court, on pervsall of the lawe, title
Arrests, resolve, that the Tresurers of the seu-
erall countjes are and shall hereby be impowred
to sell the sajd persons to any of the English na-
tion at Virginia or Barbadoes.

Letter of Laurence Southich and others."
This to the Magistrates at the Court in Salem.
Friends,

"Whereas it was your pleasures to commit us

1 Mass. P.ecordf, vol. iv. part I. p. 366.

2 Xiic Enijland Judged, pp. 74, 75.

I
176 APPENDIX.

whose names are under-written, to the house of
correction in Boston, although the Lord, th^
righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth, is our
witness that we have done nothing worthy of
stripes or of bonds ; and we being committed by
your court to be dealt withal as the law provides
for foreign Quakers, as ye please to term us ; and
having some of us suffered your law and pleasures,
now that which we do expect is. That whereas we
have suffered your law, so now to be set free by
the same law as your manner is with strangers,
and not to put us in upon the account of one law'
and execute another law upon us, of which accord-
ing to your own manner we were never convicted,
as the law expresses : If you had sent us upon the
account of your new law, we should have expected
the jailer's order to have been on that account,
which that it was not, appears by the warrant,
which we have, and the punishment which we
bare, as four of us were whipped, among whom
was one that had formerly been whipped ; so now
also, according to your former law. Friends, let
it not be a small thing in your eyes, the exposing,
as much as in you lies, our families to ruine.
It's not unknown to you, the season and the time
of the year, for those that live of husbandry, and
what their cattle and families may be exposed
unto ; and also such as live on trade : We know^
if the spirit of Christ did dwell and rule in you
these things would take impression on your spir-
its. What our lives and conversations have been
in that place is well known ; and what we now

APPENDIX. 177

suffer for, is much for false reports, and un-
groaiuled jealousies of Jieresy and sedition. These
things lie upon us to lay before you : As for our
parts, we have true peace and rest in the Lord in
all our sufferings, and are made willing in the
power and strength of God, freely to offer up
our lives in this cause of God, for which we suf-
fer: Yea, and we do fiud (through grace) the
enlargements of God in our imprisoned state, to
whome alone we commit ourselves and families,
for the disposing of us according to his infinite
wisdom and pleasure, in whose love is our rest
and life.

Laurexce )
Cassandra - Southick.

JOSIAII )

Samuel Shattcck.
Joshua BuFFUii.

From the house of bondage in Boston, wherein we are
made captives by the wills of men, although made free
by tlie Son. John 8-36- In which we quietly rest, this
16th of the 5"°. 165S.

A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE SUFFERINGS OF
ELIZABETH HOOTEN, AS RELATED IN
SEWEL'S HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS,
pp. 3S3-3S5.

The usage Elizabeth Hooten met with, I can't
pass by in silence, because of her age, being
about sixty, who hearing of tlie wickedness com-
mitted by those of Xew-England, was moved to
make a voyage to America.

In order thereto she went from England in the
12

178 APPENDIX.

year 1661, having one Joan Broksiip with her, a i
woman near as aged as herself, who freely re-
solved to be her companion : and because they
could not find a master of a ship that was willing
to carry them to New-England, because of 'he
fine for every Quaker that was brought thither, i
they set sail towards Virginia, where they met
with a ketch which carried them part of the way,
and then they went the rest by land, and so at
length came to Boston. But there they could
not soon find a place of reception, because of the
penalty on those that received a Quaker into i
their houses. Yet at length a woman received
them. Next day they went to the prison to visit
their friends ; but the gaoler altogether unwilling
to let them in, carried them to the Governor En-
dicot, who, with much scurrilous language, called
them 'witches,' and asked Elizabeth, • what she
came for ? ' to which she answered, ' To do the '
will of him that sent me.' And he demanded,
' what was that ? ' she replied, ' To warn thee
of shedding any more innocent blood.' To
which he returned, ' that he would hang more
yet ; ' but she told him, ' he was in the hand of
the Lord, who could take him away first.' This
so displeased him, that he sent them to prison,
where many more of their friends were. After
consultation what to do with them, they were
carried two days' journey into the wilderness,
among wolves and bears : but by Providence they
got to Rhode-Island, where they took ship for
Barbados, and from thence to New - England

APPENDIX. 179

again, and so they returned to Boston. But then
they were put into a ship which carried them to
Virginia, from wlieiice Elizabeth departed to Old
England, where she staid some time in her own
habitation.

But it came upon her to visit New-England
again ; and so she did, taking her daughter Eliza-
beth along with her. And being arrived, those
of the magistrates that were present, would have
fined the master of the ship an hundred pounds
for bringing her over contrary to their law. But
he telling them, that Elizabeth had been with
the king, and that she had liberty from him to
come thither to buy her a house, this so puzzled
these snarling persecutors, that they found them-
selves at a loss, and thus were stopped from seiz-
ing the master's goods.

Elizabeth being come to Boston, notwithstand-
ing the rulers, went to them, and signified that sho
came thither ' to buy a house for herself to live
int' She was four times at the court for that
pi-.rpose, but it was denied her : and though she
said, ' that this denial would give her occasion, if
she went to England again, to lay it before the
king,' it was iu vain, and had no influence upon
them.

Departing then, and passing through several
places, she came to Cambridge, and was thrust
into a stinking dungeon, where there was nothincr
to lie down on or sit on. Here they kept her
two days and two nights, without affording her
anything to eat or drink ; and because a certain

180 APPENDIX.

man ia compassion brought her a little milk, he
was also cast into prison, and fined five pounds.
Being brought to the court, they ordered her
to be sent out of their coasts, and to be whipped
at three towns, with ten stripes at each. So at
Cambridge she was tied to the whipping-post, and
laslied with ten stripes, with a three - stringed
whip, with three knots at an end: At Watertown
she had ten stripes more with willow rods ; and
to make up all, at Dedham, in a cold frosty
morning, she received ten cruel lashes at a cart's
tail. And being thus beaten and torn, she was put
on horse-back, and carried many miles into the
wilderness ; and towards night they left her there,
where were many wolves, bears, and other wild
beasts, and many deep waters to pass through:
but being preserved by an invisible hand, she
came in the morning into a town called Reho-
both, being neither weary nor faint ; and from
thence she went to Rhode-Island, where coming
to her friends, she gave thanks to God, for hav-
ing counted her worthy, and enabled her to suf-
fer for his name-sake, beyond what her age
and sex, morally speaking, could otherwise have
borne.

After some stay there, she returned to Cam-
bridge, about eighty miles, to fetcli her linen and
clothes, which the inhuman persecutors would
not suffer her to take with her when they had
whipped her. Having fetched these things, and
going back with her daugliter and Sarah Cole-
man, an ancient woman, she was taken up by the

APPEXDIX. 181

constable of Charlestown, and carried prisoner to
Cambridge ; where being asked by one of tiie
magistrates whose name was Daniel Go;m"in,
' wherefore she came thither, seeing they had
warned her not to come there any more : ' she
answered, ' that she came not there of her own
accord, but was forced thither ; after she had
been to fetch her clotiies, which they would not
et her take with her when she was whipped, and
sent away ; but that now returning back she was
I taken up by force out of the highway, and carried

thither.' Then the other old woman was asked,
! ' whether she owned Elizabeth and her religion ? '

i to which she answered, 'she owned the Truth.'

j And of Elizabeth's daughter he demanded, ' Dost

i thou own thy mother's religion ?' To which she

I was silent. And yet they were sent to the house

! of correction, with order to be whipped. Next

I morning the executioner came betimes before it

! was light, and asked them, ' whether they would

j be whipped there ? ' which made Elizabeth ask,

j ' whether he was come to take away their blood

! in the dark ? ' and ' whether they were ashamed

I that their deeds should be seen : ' But not heed-

i ing what she said, he took her down stairs, and

j , whipped her with a three-stringed whip. Then

j lie brought down the ancient woman, and did the

I like to her. And taking Elizabeth's daughter

he gave the like to her also, who never was there
i . before, nor had said or -done anything. After

this Elizabeth the mother was whipped again at
a cart's-tail at Boston and other places, where she

182 APPENDIX.

came to see her friends ; siuce which I have sev- ('
eral times seen her in England in a good con- ;
dition. ^ /

ORDEE FOR SENDING QUAKERS OUT OF \
THE JURISDICTION.! /

Jtt is Ordered that all the Quake''s now in
prison, except the persons Condemned to be
whip' be acquainted w"' the new lawe madt
against them and forthwith released from prison,
and sent from Constable to Constable out oC
this Jurisdiction and Jf they or any of them be
found after twelve howres w'Mn the same he or
they shall be proceeded w'^ according to the
lawe made this present Court. The magis"' haue
past this w"" Reference to the Consent of theire I
brethren the dep's hereto \

Edw Rawson Secret \

7 June, 1661. j

The Deputyes Consent hereto, withall Desire-
ing that Browne & Peirson may ptake of the
same liberty with the rest, Desireing o"' Hono''*
Magists Consent hereto

The magis's Consent not Edw Rawson Secret, ;
but Agree y' y° 2 psons shall only be whip* at
y" Carts tayle in Boston not exceeding twenty
stripes & so dischardged w* y" Rest if theire
brethren the Depu's conseirt hereto

Edw Raavsox Secret
Consented to by the Deputyes

Wm Torrey Cleric
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 273. ;

APPEXDIX. 183

This order was issued under the fear of inter-
ference by the Crown. ^ Samuel Shattuck, who
iiad been banished upon pain of death if he re-
(.urned, was now in Enghmd, and with others
bad petitioned the King to '• restrain the vio-
lence of these Rulers of New-P]nglaud." The
petition may be found in vol. i. of Besse's " Col-
lection of Sufferings," where it is given as fol-
lows : —

A Declaration of some Part of the Sufferings
of the People of God in Scorn called Quakers,
from the Professors in New-England, only for
the Exercise of their Consciences to the Lord,
and obeying and confessing to the Truth, as in
his Light be had discovered it to them.

L Two honest and innocent Women stripped
stark naked, ar.d searched after such an inhuman
manner, as modesty will not permit particularly
0 mention.

2. Twelve strangers in that Country, but free-
irn of this Nation, received Twentij-iliree Whip-
ngs, the most of them being with a Whip of
'hree Cords with Knots at the Ends, and laid on
ith as much Strength as could be by the Arm

,f their Executioner, the Stripes amounting to
Three Hundred and Secentij.

3. Eighteen Inhabitants of the Country, being
•ee-born English, received Twenty three Whip-
'nr/s, the Stripes amouutin^ to 7\co Hundred
AFiftg.

4. Sixty Four Iinprisonmoits of the Lord's
1 Sewel, Besse, and others, cuulirm this statement.

184 APPENDIX.

People, for their Obedience to his Will, amount-
ing to Five Hundred and Nineteen Weeks, much
of it being very cold Weather, and the Inhabit-
ants kept in Prison in Harvest-time, which was
very much to their Loss ; besides many moro
imprisoned, of which Time we cannot give u
just-Account.

5. Two beaten with Pitched Ropes, the blows'
amounting to an Hundred and Thirty nine, by;
which one of them was brought near unto Death,
much of his Body being beaten like unto a Jelly,
and one of their Doctors, a Member of tlieir
Church, who saw him, said. It luould be a Mira-
cle if ever he recovered, he expecting the Flesh
should rot off the Bones, who afterwards was
banished upon pciin of Death. There are many
Witnesses of this there.

6. Also an Innocent Man, an Inhabitant of
Boston, they banished from his Wife and Chi"
dren, and put to seek an Habitation in tt
Winter, and in Case he returned again, he w
to be kept Prisoner during his Life, and for i
turning again he was put in Prison, and ha
been now a Prisoner above a year.

7. Twenty Five Banishmeiits upon the Pena
ties of being whipt, or having their Ears cut, c
branded in the Hand, if the}' returned.

8. Fines laid upon the Inhabitants for mef
ing together, and edifying one another, as t
Saints ever did; and for refusing to Swear,
being contrary to Christ's Command, amountii
to about a Thousand Pounds, beside what th

APPENDIX. 185

have done since that we have not heard of, many
Families, in which there are many Children, are
almost ruined by their unmerciful Proceedings.

9. Five kept Fifteen Datjs in all, 2ciihout
Food, and Fifh/ Fight Days shut up close by
the Gaoler, and had none that he knew of ; and
from some of them he stopt up the Windows,
hindring them from convenient Air.

10. One laid Neck and Heels in Irons for Six-
teen Hours.

11. One very deeply burnt in the Right-Hand
with the Letter (H) after he had been ivhipt
with above Thirty Stripes.

12. One chained to a Log of Wood the most
Part of Ticcnty Days, in an open Prison, in the
"Winter-time.

13. Five Appeals to England denied at Bos-
ton.

14. Three had their Pdght Ears cut by the
Hangman in the Prison, the Door being barred,
and not a Friend suffered to be present while it
was doing, though some much desired it.

1.5. One of the Inhabitants of Salem, who
since is banished upon Pain of Death, had one
Half of his House and Land seized on ichile lie
was in Prison, a Month before he knew of it.

16. At a General Court in Boston they made
an Order, That those who had not tchere-ivithall
-0 answer the Fines that were laid upon them
for their Consciences, should be sold for Bond-
men and Bondwomen to Barbadoes, Virginia, or
any of the English Plantations.

186 APPENDIX.

17. Eighteen of the People of God were at
several Times banished upon pain of Death; six
of tliem were their own Inhabitants, two of
which being very aged People, and well known
among their Neighbours to be of honest Conver-
sation, being banished from their Houses and
Families, and put upon Travelling and other
Hardships, soon ended their Days, whose Death
we can do no less than charge upon the Rulers
of Boston, they being the Occasion of it.

18. Also Three of the Servants of the Lord
they put to Death, all of them for Obedience to
the Truth, in the Testimony of it, against the
Wicked Rulers and Laws at Boston.

19. And since they have banished Four more
upon Pain of Death, and Twenty Four of the
Inhabitants of Salem were presented, and more
Fines called for, and their Goods seized on to
the Value of Forty Pounds for meeting together
in the Fear of God, and some for refusing to
Swear.

These Things, O King ! from Time to Time
have we patiently suffered, and not for the
Transgression of any just or righteous Law,
either pertaining to the Worsliip of God, or the
Civil Government of England, but simply and
barely for our Consciences to God, of which we
can more at large give thee, or whom thoU'
mayst order, a full account (if thou will let us
have Admission to thee, who are banished tipon
Pain of Death, and have had our Bars cut, who
are some of us in England attending upon thee)

APPENDIX. 187

I both of the Causes of our Sufferings, and the

; Planner of their disorderhj and illegal Proceedings

' against us ; they began with Lnmodestg, went

on in IiiJiumanitg and Crueltg, and were not
satisfied until they had the Blood of Three of the
Martyrs of Jesus : Revenge for all which we do
not seek, but hiy them before thee, considering
: thou hast been well acquainted with Sufferinn^s,

I ' and so mayst the better consider them that suf-

j fer, and mayst for the future restrain the Vio-

i lence of these Eulers of New-England, having

• Power in thy Hands, they being but the Chil-

: dren of the Family of which tliou art Chief

! Ruler, who have in divers their Proceedings ^br-

: feited their Patent, as upon strict Enquiry in

! many Particulars will appear.

i And this, 0 King ! we are assured of, that in

j Time to come it will not repent thee, if by a

I close Rebuke thou stoppest the Bloody Proceed-

I ings of these Bloody Persecutors, for in so doing

j thou wilt engage the Hearts of many honest

j People unto thee both there and here, and for

I such Works of Mercy the Blessing is obtained ;

I and showing it is the Way to prosper : We are

I Witnesses of these Things, who

I ' Besides many long Imprisonments, and many

i ' cruel Whijipings, had our Ears cut,

\ John Rouse

i joiix coi'elaxd.

Besides many long Imprisonments, divers cruel
Whippings, with tiie seizing on our Goods, are

188 APPENDIX.

banished upon Pain of Death, and some of us
do wait here ia England, and desire that we may
have an Order to return in Peace to our Fam-
ilies,

Samuel Shattock Josiaii Southick
Nicholas Phelps Joseph jS'icHOLSoif
jAjfE Nicholson

Commenting upon the above petition, Besse
says : —

" This representation of their case to the King,
with the earnest and incessant solicitations of Ed-
ward Burrough, and others, on their behalf, pro-
cured a Mandamus from that Monarch by which
an effectual stop was put to the proceedings in
New-England of putting men to death for Relig-
ion, by which their blind zeal and fury would
otherwise probably have destroyed many inno-
cent people. Nevertheless they yet continued
by cruel whippings, and other barbarities to de-
monstrate that they repented not of their former
cruelty, but that they were restricted by force of
the Kings authority, and not from any alteration
in their own tempers or inclinations, as will
plainly appear by the narrative of their proceed-
ings."

It is probable that Besse is not entirely accu-
rate in stating that the presentation of this peti-
tion " procured a Mandamus," though it doubtless
prepared the way for one. When it was presented
the news of the execution of Leddra at Boston
had not reached England. Sewel, who is an

APPEKDIX. 189

earlier authority than Besse, states that the kino-
hud seen a copy of George Bishop's account of
the "cruel persecution," and was so much af-
fected by it that lie resolved to interfere. His
resolve was soon after confirmed by the " news
of William Leddra's deatli." Edward Burrou"-h
having obtained an audience, said to the kiiTg,
"There was a vein of innocent blood opened hi
his dominions, which if it were not stopped,
would overrun all." To which he replied, " But
I will stop that vein." The Mandamus was
granted forthwith, and Shattuck was empowered
to carry it to Boston. Whittier's poem, ''The
King's Missive," makes it unnecessary to repeat
here a detyiled account of Shattuck's arrival, for
this poem is, or sliould be, in every American
household. The reception of the Missive by
the Massachusetts authorities placed them in a
dilemma. They dare not obey the command to
send tlie prisoners to England for trial, ^ nor could
they proceed with the cases in their own court.
There was but one course left by which they
could avoid a conflict with the Crown. Hither-
to, gaol deliveries implied scourging and banish-
ment of Quaker prisoners. Eor once, it was
necessary to forego tiiese pious festivities. Pros-
ecution and persecution must be suspended tem-
porarily ; such Quakers as were in gaol must be
set at liberty. An order for their unconditional
release and discharge was issued. Sewel gives

1 Thfi Quakers had repeatedly appealed to be sent to Eng-
land for trial.

190 APPENDIX.

the text of the Royal Mandamus, and the or-
der for the release of the Friends, as follows : —

Charles R.

Trusty and Well-beloved, We Greet you well.
Having been informed that several of Our sub-
jects amongst you, called Quakers, have been,
and are Imprisoned by you, whereof some have
been Executed, and others (as hath been repre-
sented unto us) are in danger to undergo the
like : we have thought fit to signify our pleasure
in that behalf, for the future ; and do hereby re-
quire, that if there be any of those people called
Quakers amongst you, now already condemned
to suffer death, or other corporal punishment, or
that are imprisoned, and obnoxious to the like
condemnation, you are to forbear to proceed any
further therein ; but that you forthwith send the
said persons (whether condemned or imprisoned)
over into this our kingdom of England, together
with the respective crimes or offenses laid to
their charge ; to the end that such course may be
taken with them here, as shall be agreeable to
our laws, and their demerits. And for so doing,
these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant
and discharge. Gii-en at our court at Whitehall,
the 9lh day of September, 1661, in the loth year
of our reign.

By his majesty s command,

William Moeris.

The superscription was, '• To our Trusty and

APPENDIX. 191

Well-beloved, John Endicot, Esq. and to nil and
every other the governor, or governors, of our
plantations of New-England, and of all the col-
onies thereunto belonging, that now are, or here-
after shall be ; and to all and every the ministers
and officers of our said plantation and colonies
whatsoever, within the continent of New-Eng-
land."

Order for Release and Discharge of Quaker

Prisoners}
" To William Sailer, keeper of the prison at

Boston :

You are required by authority, and order of
the general court, forthwith to release and dis-
charge the Quakers, who at present are in your
custody. See that you don't neglect this.

Hi/ order of the court,

Edtvard Rawsox, Secretary."

Boston', the 9th of December, 1661.

A Quaker jubilation - followed this gaol deliv-
ery, but t!ie liberty tliey enjoyed was of short du-
ration. Fear of further interference from Eng-
land having been allayed,^ tiie law of May 22,
1661, with slight modification, was reenacted.
This was done on the Sth of October, 1662. The
tires of persecution were rekindled. Jolin Endi-
cott pursued tlie Friends with relentless cruelty
until, in March, 1665, death ended his wicked
and bloody career.

1 Seivel, p. 321. - Besso, vol. ii. p. 22G.

s See the king's letter, June 23, 10G2, authorizing "sliarpe
lawes," etc., .Mass. Records, vol. iv. part II. pp. 164-166.

192 APPENDIX.

BelliDgham succeeded Endicott, but was less
persistent, and instances of cruelty, under his ad-
ministration, are not numerous. His clemency
■was due in part to the interference of royal com-
missioners, who, on the 24ih of May, 1G65, sub-
mitted a series of demands to the General Court,
one of which was, that the Quakers should be
allowed to attend to their secuhir business with-
out molestation.^ Bellingham died in December,
1672. In November, 1675, persecution was re-
vived by the passage of a law prohibiting Qua-
ker meetings," and in May, 1677, it was further
provided, that the constables should '• make dili-
gent search" for such meetings, and should
" break open any door where peaceable entrance
is denied them." ^ For a brief period it seemed
as if the scenes of 1661 and 1662 were to be re-
enacted. Men and women were seized, dragged
to gaol, imprisoned, fed on bread and water,
fined, and publicly whipped. In the 6th month
(August) fourteen Quakers were taken at one
meeting,- and in the following week a second ar-
rest of fifteen was made. Most, if not all of
them, in addition to other punishment, suffered
flogging at the whipping post. These are the
latest cases of corporal punishment noted by
Besse. The Friends rallied in increasing num-
bers and once more the authorities were forced
to respect their rights. It was during this period
of excitement that Margaret Brewster was ap-

1 ifass. Records, vol. iv. part II. p. 212.

2 Ibid. vol. V. p. 00. 3 Ibid. p. 134.

APPENDIX. 193 i

preliended for the performance of an act which, i

however peculiar or fanatical it may be consid- '

ered, was refined and dignified as compared with |

tlie brutal indecency of the Court when she was |

on trial. The following report of the trial will
well repay the- reading. It is worth remarking
that while Margaret Brewster furnishes Puritan
apologists with most productive capital, no one
of them has yet acknowledged the obligation by
naming the cause of her performance, the cir-
cumstances attending it, the conduct of her
judges, or the punishment meted out to her. •

Tridl, or Examination, of Margaret Breioster,

and others, at the Court in Boston, on the Atk

of the Sixth Month, 1677.^

Clerk. Margaret Brewster

M. B. Here.

Clerk. Are you the "Woman ?

31. B. Yes, I am the Woman.

Governour.- Read the Mittimus.

The Mittimus was read.

Governour, to the People. What have you to
lay to her Charge ?

Constable. If this be the Woman, I don't
inow ; for she was then in the Shape of a Devil :
I thought her hair had been a Perriwigg, but it
was her own Hair.

The Constable said more, but so faintly and
low as not to be understood.

1 Besse, vol. ii. pp. 261-265.

2 Jolm Leverett.

13

194 APPENDIX.

Gov. You hear your Accusation.

31. B. I do not hear it.

Gov. Are you the Woman that came mto Mr.
Thatcher's Meeting-house with your Hair fru-
zled, and dressed in the Shape of a Devil ?

M. B. I am the Woman that came into Pries,.
Thatcher's House of Worship with my Hair
about my Shoulders, Ashes upon my Head, my
Face coloured black, and Sackcloth upon my
upper Garments.

Gov. You own yourself to be the Woman.

M. B. Yea, I do.

Gov. What made you come so ?

M. B. 1 came in Obedience to the Lord.

Gov. The Lord! The Lord never sent you, for
you came like a Devil, and in the Shape of a
Devil incarnate.

31. B. Noble Governour ! Thy Name is
spread in other Parts of the World for a mod-
erate Man, now I desire thee and thy Assistants
to hear me with Patience, that I may give an Ac-
count of my so coming among you.

Gov. Too moderate for such as you : But go
on.

3T. B. The Lord God of Heaven and Earth,
the Maker and Creator of all Man kind, laid this
Service upon me more than tliree Years ago to
visit this bloody Town of Boston.

Here some spake to the Governour to stop her
from speaking any more ; but the Governour
said, Let her go on.

31. B. And when the appointed Time drew

APPENDIX. 195

near, the Lord pleased to visit me with Sickness,
before I could clearly give up to this Service,
and as I may say, I was raised as one from the
Dead, and came from my sick Bed to visit the
bloody Town of Boston, and to bear a living Tes-
timony for the God of my Life, and go as a Sign
among you ; and as I gave up to this Service, ray
Sickness went away. It is said the Prophet
Jonah was three Days in the Whale's Belly, but
. I could compare my Condition to nothing, but as
if I had been in the Belly of Hell for many
"\7eeks, and I think I may so say for some
Months, until I gave up to this Service; and
now if you be suffered to take away my Life,
I am very vrell contented.

Gov. You shall escape with your Life.

Simon Broadstreet. You are a Blasphemer.

T^r. B. I have not blasphemed.

S. Broadstreet. I cannot believe what you say
to be true.

M. B. Canst thou not believe ? Well, I am
sorry thou canst not believe.

Gov. Are you a married Woman ?

M. B. I am.

Gov. Did your Husband give Consent to your
Coming?

M. B. Yea, he did.

Go'}. Have you any Thing to shew under his
Hand?

31. B. He gave his Consent before many Wit-
nesses in Barbadoes, and said, He did believe this
Service was of God, and he durst not withstand

196 APPENDIX.

it, but was willing to give me up to this Ser-
vice, as many in Barbadoes can witness ; and
now, if you be suffered to take away my Life,
I can now lay down my Head in Peace, for I
have thus far done what the Lord required at ray
Hands, and am clear of the Blood of all People
in this Place, so far as I know ; aud the Desire
of my Soul is, that it may be with this Town as
it was with Nineveh of old, for wlien the Lord
sent his Prophet Jonah to cry against Nineveh,
it is said. They put on Sackcloth, and covered
their Heads with Ashes, and repented, and the
Lord withdrew his Judgments for forty Years :
And my Soul cries to the Lord that this People
may repeut, that the Lord may spare them yet
forty Years : For it was in true Obedience to
the Lord, and in Love to your Souls, that I was
made to come as a Sign amongst you, for I feel
that in my Heart at this Moment, that I could
even o-ive up my Life, to be sacrificed for the
Good of your Souls. I have nothing but Love
in my Heart to the worst of my Enemies here in
this Town.

Gov. Hold, hold "Woman, you run too fast.
Silence in the Court.

M. B. Governour ! I desire thee to hear me a
little, for I have something to say in Behalf of my
Friends in this Place : I desire thee aud thine
Assistants to put an End to these cruel Laws that
you have made to prosecute my Friends for meet-
ing together to worship the True and Living
God. Oh Governour ! I cannot but press thee

APPENDIX. 197

again and again, to put an End to these cruel
Laws that you have made to fetch my Friends

i from their peaceable Meetings, and keep them

' three Days in the House of Correction, and-thea

1 whip them for worshipping the True and Living

I God : Governour ! Let me entreat thee to put

} an End to these Laws, for the Desire of my Soul

i is, that you may act for God, and then would you
prosper, but if you act against the Lord and his

j blessed Truth, you will assuredly come to noth-

] ing, the Mouth of the Lord hath spoken it , for

i if you will draw your Swords against the Lord

j and his People, the Lord will assuredly draw his

I Sword against you ; for there never was any

i Weapon formed against God and his blessed Truth

1 that ever prospered : It 's my Testimony for the

j Lord God of my Life.

j i Gov. Hold Woman. Call Lydia Wright.

j ! Cleric. Call Lydia Wright of Long-Island.

! ' Z. Wright. Here.

I . Gov. Are you one of the Women that came in

I [ with this Woman into Mr. Thatclier's Meeting-

I ' house to disturb him at his Worship ?

L. IF. I was ; but I disturbed none, for I came

I : in peaceably, and spake not a Word to Man,

:' Woman, or Child.

I ' Gov. What came you for then ?

i L. W. Have you not made a Law that we

1 ', should- come to your Meeting ? For we were

\- ' peaceably met together at our own jMeeting-house,

; and some of your Constables came in, and haled

1 some of our Friends out, and said. This is not a

198 APPENDIX.

Place for you to worship God in. Then we asked
him, Where we should worship God ? Then they
said, We must come to your publick Worship.
And upon the First-day following I had some-
thing upon my Heart to come to your publick
Worship, when we came in peaceably, and spako
not a Word, yet we were haled to Prison, and
there have been kept near a month.

S. Broadstreet. Did you come there to hear
the Word ?

L. W. If the Word of God was there, I was
ready to hear it.

Gov. Did your Parents give Consent you
should come thither ?

L. W. Yes, my Mother did.

Gov. Shew it.

L. W. If you will stay till I can send Home, I
will engage to get from under my Mother's Hand,
that she gave her Consent.

Juggins, a Magistrate, said, You are led by
the Spirit of the Devil, to ramble up and down
the Country, like Whores and Rogues a Cater-
wawling.

L. W. Such Words do not become those who
call themselves Christians, for they that sit to
Judge for God in JNIatters of Conscience, ought
to be sober and serious, for Sobriety becomes the
People of God, for these are a weighty and pon-
derous People.

Gov. Did you own this Woman ?

L. W. I own her, and have Unity with her,
and I do believe so have all the faithful Servants

199

j ' of the Lord, for I know the Power and Presence
I ! of the Lord was with us.

J , Juggins. You are mistaken : Yon do not know

I ! the Power of God ; you are led by the Spirit and
I ■ Light within you, which is of the Devil : There
j I is but one God, and you do not worship that God
I ; which we worship.

I I L. W. I believe thou speakest Truth, for if

I ' you worshipped that God which we worship, you
j would not persecute his' People, for we worship

the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the
I same God that Daniel worshipped.

! ' So they cried, Take her away.

Then Mary Miles was called.
I 1 Clerk. Mary Miles of Black-point.

j , 31. M. I am here.

I ' Gov. Do you live at Black-point ?

j ( M. M. Nay : My former Living was there, but

I j my outward Living is now at Salem, when I am
\ at Home.

Gov. Are you a married Woman ?
I M. M. Nay, I am not married.

; Gov. Did you come into Mr. Thatcher's Meet-

\ ing- house with this Woman that had a black
. Face ?
; 31. 31. Yea, I did.

Gov. What was the Cause ?
31. 31. My Freedom was in the Lord, and in
Obedience to his Will, and the Unity of his Spir-
it, I came.

Gov. So, so, then you had Unity with her, it
seems, but you had not Communion with her, for
you had not a black Face.

200 APPENDIX. \

M. M. I had good Unity with her, and do be- |
lieve, and witness, and bear my Testimony for i
the Lord, that it was his Work and Service that '
j . she went in ; therefore I had Unity and Fellow- I

ship with her, and the Lord in his due Time will i
I reveal and manifest his own Work. i

I Gov. Hold your Tongue, you prating House- '

I wife ; you are led by the Spirit of the Devil to \

\ run about the Country a wandriug, like Whores

and Rogues.
: M. M. They that are led by the Spirit of God

deny the Works of the Devil : The Earth is the
Lord's and the Fulness thereof ; and he can com- .
mand his Servants to go wheresoever he pleaseth
to send them ; and none can hinder his Power,
for it is unlimited.

Cryer. Take them away, and carry them to '

; Prison. \

M. M. Yea, I am made willing to go to Prison, |

and to Death, if it were required of me to seal the /

i ' Testimony of Jesus with my Blood, as some of

my Friends and Brethren have done, whose i
Blood you have shed, which cries to the Lord for j
Vengeance, and the Cry will not cease till Ven-
geance come upon you.

Tlien Barbara Bowers was called. i

Margaret Brewster answered, Barbara Bowers
was not concerned with us in this Service.
Gov. Let us hear what she says.
B. Bowers. I was in the Meeting-house, but did
not go in with them.

Then they were all carried to Prison again,

APPENDIX. 201

and about an Hour after brought again into the
Court, when the Governour being present, the
Clerk read the Sentence as follows, viz.

Margaret Brewster, You are to have your
Clothes stript off to the Middle, and to be tied to
a Cart's Tail at the South Meeting-house, and to
be drawn through the Town, and to receive
twenty Stripes upon your naked Body.

M. B. Tlie Will of the Lord be done : I am
contented.

The Clerk proceeded, saying, Lydia Wright
and Mary Miles, You are to be tied to the Cart's
Tail also. Barbara Bowers, you are to be tied
also.

31. Brewster. I told the Court before, that Bar-
bara was not concerned with us in the Service,
and therefore I desire you may remit her Sen-
tence ; for I knew not of her Coming with us,
neither did I see her with us, till we came into
the Common-Gaol : Therefore I desire she may
not suffer.

Gov. Take her away.

Gaoler. I am loth to pull you.

M. B. I will go without pulling, and ^o as
chearfully as Daniel went to the Lion's Den, for
the God of Danit'l is with me ; and the God of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, goes along with me :
The same God that was with the three Children
in the fiery Furnace goes with me now ; and I
am glad that I am worthy to be a Sufferer in
this Bloody Town, and to be numbred amongst
my dearly and well-beloved Brethren and Sis-

202 APPENDIX.

ters, that sealed their Testimonies with their
Blood.

So they were carried to Prison again, ^this
being the Seventh-day of the Week ; and on
the Fifth day following, the Sentence was exe-
cuted. '^

During the Examination of these Women,
they appeared altogether unconcerned as to
themselves, being fully resigned to whatsoever
Sufferings might be their Portion ; stedfastly
maintaining their full Assurance of a divine
Call to the Service they went upon, and a per-
fect Peace and Serenity of Mind in yielding
Obedience thereunto : In all which they seem to
have really exercised the Faith and Patience of
the Saints and People of God.

ABSTRACT FROM JOINT LETTER OF WIL-
LIAM ROBINSON AND MARMADUKE STE-

VENSON.i

We that are Free-born English-men, we de-
mand our Liberty for the Exercise of our pure
Consciences in this Country, as well as other
English-men ; we being Free-born English-men,
we may, by the Law of God, claim our Liberty
before many other People : We who are not
Transgressors of the Law of God, neither of
any Law or Decree that is according thereunto,
What is the Reason that we should be Banished
upon Death, out of your Jurisdiction, more than
1 New England Judged, pp. 252-259.

I i APPENDIX. 203

: ! any other People ? What, is it because we are

I i Turners of the World upside-down ? What, is

' I it because we are termed Ring-leaders of a Peo-

I pie, that are, in Scorn, called Quakers ? What,

i is it because the Laws of our God, which we

i ' Obey, aie different from all the Unrighteous and

I ') Bloody Laws of New England ? What, is it

j I because we cannot Obey the Commandment of

j : the Rulers of New England, that have com-

' manded us to Bow to the Spirit that ruled in

j ; Haman, which now rules in these bloody Rulers

i [ of Boston, and elsewhere in New England ?

I I Nay, I say, the Lord our God hath Raised, and

, I is Raising, the Royal Seed and Spirit that ruled

i j in Mordecai, that could not, nor cannot Stoop

I nor Bow to the Spirit that ruleth in proud

j I Haman : I say, see and behold, if the same

} Spirit rules not in you, ye Rulers, Chief Priests,

I ! and Inhabitants of Boston and elsewhere. . . .

' I Are not you preparing a Gallows to Hang us

! ; thereon, as Haman did for Mordecai ? But,

! ! take heed, We Warn you in the Name of the

i Lord God, consider what you are going to

! ; do : In the Name of the Lord we demand,

j j that we may have Liberty, for the Exercise

I I of our pure Consciences, within your Juris-

; / diction, as well as other English- men, seeing

\ 1 that you cannot lay to our Charge, the Trans-

j gression of any Law of God, we being ]Men

' that Fear the Lord God of Heaven and Earth ;

and we come not for any Thing of yours, God

; is our Witness ; it is not for any Thing that

1
I

204 APPENDIX. \

you have, that we come for ; for we do not [

lack any outward Thing ; for many of us have ;
both Houses and Land of our own, and Silver

also, in Old England, so that we seek not any i
Thing that you have (God is our Witness, whom

we Serve in the Spirit of Truth, who 'lath con- {

strained us to leave all, and to follow him) that \

it is not the "World (that doth perish with the )

handling thereof) that we seek or labour for, but '

the Good and Eternal Welfare of the Sons of |

Men : For the Seed's sake, which is Oppressed .
in New England, and other parts of the World,

do we Labour, and Travel, and Suffer all man- j
ner of Hardships : For Christ's sake are we

become Fools, and do Suffer all manner of Evil '

to be done unto us. Christ said unto his Dis- '

ciples, They shall do all manner of Evil to you, I

for my Name sake; but those that did it, and (

those that do it, know neither God, nor his Son )

Jesus Christ, neither have they the Love of God '|

abiding in them : ... It is written in the \

Warrant, whereby we were Committed to Pris- |

on. That we shall be Tryed according to Law. (
We desire no more, than to be Tryed according
to Equity, Truth, and true Judgment, to be

Tryed according to the Law of God ; but your ,

Law, you unjust Men, we deny to be Tryed by 1

it ; for you are both our Accusers and Judges ; j

which is not according to the Law of God : For, I

Equity and Truth Judgeth and Condemneth all ]
unsound Judgment, Unrighteousness, Partiality

and Respecting of Persons. . . . This is a Warn- i

APPENDIX. 205

in;,'- to you all in New-England, who have had a
Hand in persecuting the Saints and Children of
tlie Lord (who are hy you, in Scorn and Con-
tempt, called Quakers). Give over your Cruelty;
cease from Oppressing the Innocent ; for the
Lord God hath regard unto their Sufferings, and
the Lord God is Risen, and Arising, to plead
their Cause agaiust all their Enemies, and all
their Adversaries must fall before them ; for the
Lord is with them, and the Shout of a Mighty
Prince is among the Innocent People, called
Quakers ; and this is the Day of their Suffering,
and the Day of your Cruelties and Persecution
upon them, within this New-England : But the
Day of their Deliverance draweth near, and the
Day wherein they shall Rejoyce in the Lord,
the God of their Salvation, who is mighty to
Save, and able to Deliver them out of the
Hands, and out of the Mouths of Devourers,
and from the Jaws of the Ungodly and Cruel
Men ; who will take Vengeance at that Day
upon all bloody-minded Men and blind Perse-
cutors : And at that Day you shall find that the
Lord will be too hard for you, tho' you now
Boast in your Wickedness. And thus far I am
Clear, and have cleared my Conscience to you
at this time : And whether you will hear, or for-
bear, I am clear of your Blood : I who am now
a Sufferer under you, with my Brother and Com-
panion, whose Lives are not dear unto us, to lay
them down as a "Witness against such a Bloody,
and Unrighteous, aud Hypocritical Generation :

206 APPENDIX.

And this we are ready to Seal with our Blood,
for the breaking of your Bloody Law.

From us, who are in Scorn called Quakers, -who
are Sufferers under Zions Oppressors. The 6th
]\Ionth, 1659.
In the Common Gaol, in the Bloody Town of Bos-
ton.

William Robinson.
Marmaddke Sevens on.

LETTER OF MARY DYER.i \

The 2Sth of the Sth Month, 1659. )

Once more to the general court assembled j'
in Boston, speaks Mary Dyar, even as before :
my life is not accepted, neither availeth me, in
comparison of the lives and liberty of the truth \
and servants of the living God, for which in the ',
bowels of love and meekness I sought you : yet, i
nevertheless, witli wicked hands have you put ]
two of them to death, which makes me to feel, '
that the mercies of the wiclied are cruelty ; I
rather choose to die than to live, as from you, as
guilty of their innocent blood : therefore seeing
my request is hindered, I leave you to the right-
eous Judge, and searcher of all hearts, who, with
the pure measure of light he hath given to every i
man to profit withal, will in his due time let you '
see whose servants you are, and of whom you I
have taken counsel, which I desire you to search )
into : but all his counsel hath been slighted, and I
1 Sewel's History of the Quakers, p. 265. !

APPENDIX. 207

I you would none of his reproofs. Read your

portion, Prov. i. 24 to 32. For verily the ni^ht
Cometh on you apace, wherein no man can work,
: in which yon shall assuredly fall to your own

; master. In obedience to the Lord, whom I serve

; with my spirit, and pity to your souls, which voii

! neither know nor pity, I can do no less than once

! more to warn you, to put away the evil of your

I '• doings, and kiss the son, the light in you, before
j his wrath be kindled in you ; for where it is,

; nothing without you can help or deliver you out

I of his hand at all ; and if these things be not so,

I then say, ' there hath been no prophet from the

i Lord sent amongst you.' Though we be nothing,

j yet it is his pleasure, by things that are not, to

i bring to uanght things that are.

i : When I heard your last order read, it was a
j disturbance nnto me, that was so freely offering

j ' up my life to him that gave it me, and sent me
; hither so to do, which obedience being his own
I work, he gloriously accompanied with his pres-
ence, and peace, and love in me, in which I
rested from my labour; till by your order and
' the people, I was so far disturbed, that I could
not retain any more of the words thereof, than
, that I should return to prison, and there remain
forty and eight hours ; to which I submitted,
' finding nothing from the Lord to the contrary,
that I may know what his pleasure and counsel
' is concerning me, on whom I wait therefore, for
I he is my life, and the length of my days ; and as
I said before, I came at his command, and go at
I his command. Maky Dyak.

208 APPENDIX.

ABSTRACT OF LETTER FROM WILLIAM
LEDDRA WRITTEN TO HIS FRIENDS ON
THE DAT BEFORE HIS EXECUTION.i

Most dear and inwardly beloved,

The sweet influences of the Morning-Star, like
a flood distilling into my innocent habitation,
hath so filled me with the joy of the Lord in the
beauty of holiness, that my spirit, is as if it did
not inhabit a tabernacle of clay, but is wholly
swallowed up in the bosom of eternity, from
whence it had its being.

Alas, alas, what can the wrath and spirit of
man, that lusteth to envy, aggravated by the heat
and strength of the king of the locusts, which
came out of the pit, do unto one that is hid in
the secret places of the Almighty ? Or unto
them that are gathered under the healing wings
of the prince of peace ? under whose armour of
light they shall be able to stand in the day of
trial, having on the breast-plate of righteousness,
and the sword of the spirit, which is their weapon
of war against spiritual wickedness, principalities
and powers, and the rulers of the darkness of this
world, both within and without ! Oh, my be-
loved ! I have waited as a dove at the windows
of the ark, and have stood still in that watch,
which the Master, (without whom I could do
nothing) did at his coming reward with fulness
of his love, wherein my heart did rejoice, that I
might in the love and life of God, speak a fev^
i Sewel, p. 312.

APPENDIX. 209

words to you sealed with the spirit of promise,
that the taste thereof might be a savour of life,
to your life, and a testimony in you of my inno-
cent death : and if I had been altogether silent,
and the Lord had not opened my mouth unto
you, yet he would have opened your hearts, and
there have sealed my innocency with the streams
of life, by which we are all baptized into that
body which is in God, whom, and in whose pres-
ence there is life; in which, as you abide, you
stand upon the pillar and ground of truth : for,
the life being the truth and the way, go not one
step without it. lest you should compass a moun-
tain in the luilderness; for, unto everything there is
a season. . . . fear not what they .can do unto
you : greater is he that is in you, than he that is
in the icorld: for he will clothe you with humil-
ity, and in the power of his meekness you shall
reign over all the rage of your enemies in the
favour of God ; wherein, as you stand in faith,
ye are the salt of the earth ; for, many seeing
your good works, may glorify God in the day of
their visitation.

Take heed of receiving that which you saw
not in the light, lest you give ear to the enemy.
Bring all things to the light, that they mag be
proved, whether they he lorought in God ; the love
of the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust
of the eye, are without the light, in the world ;
therefore possess your vessels in all sanctitica-
tion and honour, and let your eye look at the
mark: he that hath called you is holy: and if

21 0 APPENDIX.

there be an eye that offends, pluck it out, and
cast it from you : let not a temptation take hold,
for if you do, it will keep from the favour of
God, and that will be a sad state ; for, without
grace possessed, there is no assurance of salva-
tion : by grace you are saved ; and the witness-
ing of it is sufficient for you, to which I com-
mend you all, my dear friends, and in it remain,
Your brother,

"William Leddra.
Boston gaol, the 13th of the First Month, 16|^

DANIEL GOULD'S LETTER.^
To the rulers <§• peopele of the toun S^ Jurisdiction

of bostene.

It is writen in the criptuars w'^'^ you say is
youar rule, y' Christ sayed, lern of me. Whear
is it writen or declared in the criptuars y' Christ
ever tought or commanded eny to parciquet, to
put in prison or to bannish any for thear relegin ;
but is it not writen to the contry, & did not he
say to his desippels, let them alone, these be
blind leders. Now if we wch yee call quakrs be
the blind leaders then see if you do not mak it
manifest also that you . . . For his desipels
obayed his command & let them alowen, but y®
do not. Now what doe you exspect to be judged
by when your own condems you so plainly. Con-
seder it well, the blind ledars were them that did
not belive in the light but denyed the light and
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 265.

APPENDIX. 211

would dim up sum other way & so be in the
wrong way, there foar caled blind leders out of
tiie light. . . . Again consider of whom yee
lerne, for Christ said to his desipels, resist not
evel, bat yee have put in prison & bainshed
them that have dune you no wrong nor thoght
eny towards you. And Peter speking of his snf-
arings, said he left us an exsampell y' we should
follow his steps; now thearfore consider iu youer
selves & in your secrit chambers lay it to hart
and with the true light which will deceive no
man, sarch & see in whose steps ye are, whether
in the steps of the sufarars or in the steps of the
pursiqutars, for I am greved to see your cruelty
and your hard hartedues against a peopell that
cannot flatar you nor willfully doe you eny
wrong, but if any should doe you any wrong or
trespas against eny man, let a rightus law take
hold of such ; but what ned any law be made
against the inuosent ; those y' doe you noe wrong.
. . . Conserning religun lete every one be fully
parswaded in his owen mind & worship acording
as God shal preswad his owne hart, & if any wor-
ship not God as thay ought to doe & yet liveth
quietly & pesably with ther naibers & contery
men & doth them noe wrong, is it not safar
for you to let them aloene to receive thear re-
ward fi'om him who said I will render venganse
to myne ennmy' & reward them that hate me.
Let God alone be Lord of the conscience & not
man, & let us have the same lihurty & freedom
amongst yee as other ingleshmeu hav to cum and

212 APPENDIX.

visit owar frends & kindered, & doe that wich is
honest & lawful to be done in bying or seling ;
and if any have amind to reason or spek con-
sarning the way and worship of God, that thay
may not be put in prison or punished for it ; soe
let peopel have libarty to try all thing & hold
fast that which is good : I allso desiar you serisly
to consider & give me an answar to these towe
querys. . . . whether Gallio did well being a
deputy, yea or nay, when the Jewse brough
Paule to the jidgment seate, saying this felow
preswads peopell to worship God contrary to the
law, & his ansar was, if it wear a matar of wrong
or wicked leudues to y^ Jewes, reason would that
I should bear with you, but if it be a questyon
of words or names of yor law, lok you to it, for
I will be no judg on such matters ; & he drove
them fram the Judgment seat. Acts the 18"", 13,
14, 15, 16. Whether Gemaliall, being a doctor of
luw, did councell well, yea or nay, when . , .
took counsel to kill the apostels after hee had
told them of sume that were scatared & brought
to naught, & said, take hede to your selvs of
what you intend to doe touching these men and
let them alone, for if this counsel or this work
be of man it will came to naught but if it be of
God yee cannot overthrow it, lest yee be found
fighters against God. Read the Acts, 5"", from
33 to 40. Dannial goulld

rod Hand the 3 month 1660.

APPENDIX. 213

LETTER FROM MARY TRASKE AND MAR-
GARET SMITH, ACCUSING THE GOVERN-

MEXT.i

To Thee John Indicot & y'^ rest of y" rulers
of this jurisdiction, who are given up to fight
ag'' y^ Lord & his truth in this y'= day wherein
its sjDringing forth, & by y" comliues of it hath
y*^ Lord o'' God constrained us to take up y'= cross
and to follow him through greate tryalls & suffer-
ings as to y^ outward. And herein we can rejoyce
y' we are counted worthy &, called hereunto to
beare our testimony against a cruell & hard-
hearted people who are slighting y*^ day of yo""
visitation & foolishly requiting y*' Lord for his
goodnes, & shamefully iutreaced his hidden ones
whom he hath sent amongst yo" to call yo"^ from
y^ evill of yo'' waies, y' yee might come w"* them
to partake of his love & feel his life & power in
yo'' owne hearts ; y' with us y'"' might have been
brought to be subject to y^ higher power, Christ
Jesus ; whom yo"" should have been obedient to
and hearkned to his judgments while he stood at
y^ dore & knocked (for he will not alwaies strive
w'^ man) & then it should have been well w'^
yo"^. But seing yee are gone from this y* leadeth
into tenderues, love & meeknes, & to doe unto
all as yo'^ would be done unto; therefore yee
are given up unto a Spirit of Error & hardnes
of heart & blindnes of miud ; y*^ eye of yo"" minds
being blinded by y" god of this world ; so y' yo'*
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 267.

214 APPENDIX.

cannot se our life w'^'* is hid w* Christ in God,
who is become our light & life & hope of glory
and our exceeding greate reward ; in whom we
doe reigue ; yea surely y^ God of Jacob is w"" us
w'ever yo" may be able to say against us : for be-
hold y'' Lord our God is arising as a mighty and
terrible one to plead y° cause of his people and
to cleare y"^ cause of y'' innocent ; but surely he
will in no wise acquit y'^ guilty who have shed
y^ bloud of y'^ innocent ; & yee shall assuredly
feel his judgments who have wilfully put forth
yo'' hands against his Chosen ; & yee have cut
of y" righteous from amongst yo" & are still tak-
ing councell against y" Lord, to proceed against
more of his people, but this know, y^ Lord our
God will confound yo'' councell & lay your glory
in y" dust, & to whom will yo'' flee for help ;
whither will yo" goe to hide yo'' selves ; for verely
y^ Lord will strip of all yo'' coverings, for yo" are
not covered with y'' Spirit of y*' Lord, therefore
y^ wo is gone out against yo" ; for yo' place of
defence is a refuge of lies & under falsehoods
yee have hid your selves ; wo : wo : unto yo", for
yo" have forsaken y'^ Lord, y^ fountaine of living
water, & are greedily swallowing y^ pointed wat-
ers y* comes through y'' stinking channell of yo""
hireling masters unclean spirits, whom Christ
cries wo against, & who cannot cease from sin,
having hearts exercised w"' coveteous practices :
wo unto them (saith y*^ scripture) for they have
run greedily after y'' Error of Balaam who loved
y" wages of unrighteousnes ; & are seeking in-

APPENDIX. 215

chantments against y*" seed of Jacob ; but there
divinations against Israeli y*" Lord will confound;
and all yo'' wicked councells bring to nought : wo
unto yo" y' decree unrighteous decrees & write
greiviousnes, y' yo" have prescribed to turne
away y*^ poore & needy from there right. Have
ye not sold yo"" selves to works wickednes, & are
strengthning yo'' selves in your abomination till
y^ measure of your iniquity be full ; surely y*'
overflowing scourge will pas over yo" & sweep
away yo'' refuge of lies, & yo'' covenant w"" hell
shall be disauulled ; for loe, destruction & misery
is in yo"" way & y'^ way of peace yee doe not
know, for yo" are gone from y'' good old way
after yo"" owns waies, therefore y** way of boli-
nes is hid from your eyes. O y' yo" had owned
y° day of yo' visitation before it had been to
late, & had hearkned to y'^ voice of his servants
whom bs hath sent unto yo" againe & againe in
love & tendernes to yo'' soules ; but yo" would
not hearken unto y^ Lord when he called, there-
fore when yo" cry & call he will not heare yo".
Although you may call unto him yet he will not
answer ; he will laugh at yo'' calamity when it
Cometh ; for yo" have set at nought all his coun-
cell, & have chosen rather to walke in yo'' owne
councell ; but this know, y' if you had hearkned
to \^ councell of y'^ Lord (y"^ light) w'^'^ is now
yo'' condemnation, & had waited there to know
his will ; then yo" should have knowne it ; and
then these wicked lawes had never been made
nor prosecuted by yo", w'^'' yo" have made in yo''

216 APPENDIX.

owne wills, contrary to y® law of God, w** is pure
and leadeth all y' yeldeth obedience to it into
purity & holines of life. And for our being obe-
dient to this law w"'' y'' Lord hath written in our
hearts, we are hated & persecuted by yo" who are
in Cains nature murdering y"^ just; yea, surely
y*^ cause is y'' Lords, for w'^'' we have suffered all
this time, & y'^ batteiris y' Lords, & he will arise
and stand up for them y' faithfully beares forth
there testimony to y° end. And yee shall be
as broken vessells before him which cannoc be
joyned together againe ; therefore feare & trem-
ble before y^ Lord, who is coming upon yo" as a
theife in y*' night ; from whom yo'' shall not be
able to hide your selves, & will ^reward yo" ac-
cording to yo'' workes ; whose judgments are just ;
and he is risen to plead w"' unjust rulers preists
and people, who are joyned together in a profes-
sion of godlines, & glorying in it but denying y°
power thereof in them where it apeares ; but your
glorying will be turned into shame & confusion of
face, & yo'' beauty will be as a fading flower w'^'^
suddenly withereih away ; & this yo" shall find
to be true in y^ day when y'^ Lord shall accom-
plish it upon yo". And we have written to cleare
our conscience, & if yo" shouM account us yo'
enemies for speaking y'= truth, & heat y* furnace
of our affliction hotter, yet know we shall not
fall downe & worship yo'' wills ; neither esteeme
all y*^ dumb idolls, after w"'' yo" are led, of no
other use but to be throwne aside to y'^ moles and
y* batts, for so is y^ shadows (if it were of good

APPENDIX. 217

things to come) to y"" substance, & y' w'='' seemed
glorious hath no glory in respect of y' vi"'^ ex-
celleth ; & all the sufferings j' we have endured
(from yo") for Christ hath not at all marrd his
visage to us, but we still se more beauty in him;
well knowing, y' as they did unto him so they
will doe unto us, & now they are come to pas, we
remember y' he said these things.

Mary Traske
Maugaket Smith
From yC house of Correction wliere we have been
unjustly restrained from o' children & habitations
one of us above tenn months & y" other about
eight; & where we are yet continued by yo' opres-
sors y' knows no shame ;
Boston 21"' of y' lO""" 1660 ;

JOHN BURSTOWS LETTER.i
The day of yu"" visitation is gon over yu"" heads :
when yee had y" light yee walked not in it; then
darkness overtooke you & y'^ light judged & con-
demned you : then yee hated y^ light because
yu'' deeds wear evil, & now yee are in y* nidit
wherin noe man can worke or doe any thin a-
w'^'' is exsepted of y*" Lord. Your prayers are
sinne & stinke, & an ill saver are you to y" Lord
ou"' God, & yu'' assemblies are an abomination to
y" Lord ; yu'' hands are defilled w"' blood : yu''
eyes are full of adultery & yu'' harts is as a cai"-e
of unclean spirits, & y' w'^^ should be a house of
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 269.

218 APPENDIX.

prayer is become a denn of theives & robers, and
yee comitt ludeness & are joyned w"' y^ destruc-
tion w'^'' is swiftly coming upon you : yee y' have
an eare to heer, barken & com fortli from among
them, y' yee may be as fier brands plucted out
of y'' fier, for as sartainely as y'= phxuges was
powered forth upon hard harted Faro, shall y^
plauges & judgements of y^ Lord be powered
forth upon y'^ inhabitanc of this towne of bos-
ton ; & then yee shall know who itre y^ faulce
prophets ; wheather we w*^"^ pronounce judge-
ments & plauges, or yu'' hierling prists w°^ spacke
peace to you whilest you put into their mouth.
And they are blind leaders of y" blind, & yee
shall fall & perish : boath yee & yu'' prists whose
king is the angell of y^ botomless pit ; & out of
y^ botomless pitt have thay their wisdom w'^'^ thay
feede you w"' ; all w'^'^ is earthly, sencuall, divil-
ish. And this earthly & darty wisdom is y^ sar-
peuts meat w*^*" is had in you : but now is y"' seed
of y^ woman made manifest to bruse y^ sarpents
head : and wee tread upon scorpions & handell
sarpents & cast out unclean spirits by y^ power
of y'^ Lord, and thay cannot hurte or destroy, in
all his holy mountaine.

"Who can make a seperation betwixt y'^ presh-
ous & y*^ ville amongst you : or who can deserne
betwixt y'' clean & y'^ unclean amongst you, for
y*^ word of y^ Lord is gon forth & y^ decree of y^
Lord is sealed, & thus it is fellen out to this
wicked & untoward generation whose last estate
is worse then their beginning ; whose house was

APPENDIX. 219

once swept and garnished, but a spirit seven
times worse is entered into them & y"= parfection
of wickedness is among them. This is y° word of
truth seen & declered in y^ light w"'' tryeth and
deserneth all spirits, wheather thay will heer or
forbear. Saith y' Lord spacke thou unto them,
but thay will not barken unto thee, for thay will
not barken unto me, y'= light w'^'' reproveth them
and woundeth them in y'^ secrets of their harts,
but thay have revolted more &, mor & have not
greived nor remembred the affection of Joseph
but have comitted whordoms against y'= Lord
and joyned w"^ y" adulterated spirit w'='' huutes
after y* preshaus life to destroy it. There for y'
w*^"" is for destruction to destruction, y* w'^*' is y°
sword to y*" sword, y' w"^"" is for tier to y'= tier.
And this shall be the end of them all : he y' is
unjust lett him be unjust still : he y' is filthy lett
him be filthy still, & he y* is righteous let him be
righteous .still, & he y' is holy let him be holy
still. And to y' w'='' yee are joyned to shall yee
take yo"" portion. And y'' reward of yu'' workes
mine eye shall not pitty : or regard yu"' crye when
in y^ bitterness of yu'' soules yee cry out for y®
extreame anguish & horror w'^'' shall be on yu"'
spirits ; but as I have called & you regarded not,
soe shall you call & cry, but I will not answer
you w"" y^ least drope of water or mixtuer of
peace to Ease y' spirit, w"^*^ shall be tormented,
but y" druges & y*^ cup shall yee drinke, w"^*^ is
prepared for you w"'out mixtuer. Lett not yu''
prists deceive you by spakiug peace to you, for

220 APPENDIX.

you & thay shall be cast into y" bed of torment
together.

This is y" word of truth to you : Declared in
y" Life & power of y^ Lord.

John. Burstow

Boston Jayell :

The First day of y" 4 month
1661.

LETTER FROM JOSIAH SUTHICK, A QUA-
KER, TO THE DEPUTIES ASSEMBLED IN
THE GENERAL COURT.i

Freinds a few lines I thought good to lay be-
fore you, being moved by y« Lord theruuto. ...
O freinds, for so I can call you : I am at enmiti
with nothing in you but y* w'''' sets it selfe ags* y^
libertie of y*" Lords redeemed ones : w"'' is to serve
y^ Lord w"^ y^ whole hart & y° spiret, & not in y®
leter : whose praise is not of men but of God :
what shall I say or how shall I speake unto you :
let prejudices & ungrounded jelosies be set aside:
and let us reason togeather : . . . take heed you
take not y'' place of God upon you to judg where
God would hav you judg your selvs : for this
know y* y" god of heaven, hath searched our
harts : & discovered to us y^ truth, & for folow-
ing & obeying y'' truthe are wee made ofenders
and transgressors of your lawes & hath rather
chose to suffer under y'" nor obey y™ : because
we have sertiuly found y' your wills & require-
ings have bene contrari unto y'' will of our God,
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. s. pp. 251, 252.

APPENDIX. 221

therfore we dare not submit to y'" in obeying y™:
. . . Did Christ persecute them y' called him a
blasphemer or did he desire ani bodili punish-
ment on them y' sayd hee cast out divells by
belsebub y'' princ of divells : is not his counsel!
other weise ; did not he say love your ene-
mies, bless y" y' curss you, doe good to y™ y'
hate you, pray for y" y' despitefuUy use you and
persecute you : y' yee may bee y'' cliildren of
your father which is in heaven; for he maketh
his sun to rise on y'= just & on y^ unjust : and
maketh his rayne to rain on y'^ evile & on y°
good : some have sayd wee were y^ persecuters ;
but wee know wee are y^ persecuted, yet wee can
freely say, y° Lord lay not your sin to your
charge, for T beleve mani of you know not what
you doe: . . . doth not Christ say, hee y' smiteth
thee on y^ one cheek turn to him y^ other also :
have you such a spiret in you : ... is it y'
spiret y' doth so rage when it is not honored or
bowed too : consider your selvs & deale playnely
wth your own harts be not deceivde . . . iiave
you not a law made by w'^'' you can make all doe
as you doe & as it were say as you say, or else to
y'^ prisson & whipiug poste : . . . . are you not
out of y" right way : doe such actions proseed
from the spirete of Christ or y'= spiret of meek-
nes wch y^ falen brotlier is to be recovered with :
. . . where Christ saytli doe good, there you
doe evil : where hee sayth love, there do you
hate : where hee sayth hold your hand, there doe
you smite : where hee sayth judg your selvs,

222 APPENDIX.

theire doe yee judg others & leave your seivs
uujudged, & with y' spiret w*^*^ is unjudged in
your selvs, doe yee judg us & condemn us, but it
revileth us not, for wee have y' peec you cannot
give nor take away : . . , But hee y' knoweth
my hart knoweth I desire nothing more then y'
you may know him & return unto him you have
fought against : for what you doe unto any of
Christ's servants, hee looks upon it as don unto
himself : let these lines not be slited by you, but
what you aprehend is not acording to truthe in
y™, let me have a reply derected unto a freind
of y* Lord & a prissoner for keeping his com-
mands : who am with held from my fameli voca-
tions & kept in y^ house of opression in boston.
Known by name Josiah Suthick . . . From my
hart I wish you may doe y* thing y' is right be-
fore y^ Lord : wch you wiH doe as his counsell
you take : wch in a word is this ; doe unto all
men as yee would hav y™ doe unto you : & in
y' you will have peace : & wether you heare or
forbeare, I am cleer of you before the Lord, the
God of my salvation in whom I trust & desire
for ever to follow & obey both in prosperiti and
in adversity. J. S.

They lust after bloud, it is just with God they
should have bloud to drink. From y^ house of
corection in boston, y'^ 21 of y° 8 mo"" 61.

For y'' hands of ye Deputies in Generall, at
present asembled in Boston. Let this be read
amongst you, because it conserns you all.

I^^DEX.

AiLEN's (R. H.) Kew England
Trageilif.s in Prose criticised,
54,73.

Ambrose, Alice, publicly
whipped, 100.

Austin, Ann, arrives in Boston,
3-1 ; her arrest and persecu-
tion, 3J-10.

Barclay, Robert, humiliates him-
self, C-S ; hio views on the
Scriptures, IS ; on the civil
law and magistracy, '2G ; his
qualifications as a writer, 2S.

Barclay's (Robert) Apoloyij, 17,
2S ; Catechism, 28 ; Anarchy
of llie Ranters, 2S.

Batter, Edmund, treasurer of
Salem, 50 ; insults a Quaker
woman, 51 ; attempts to sell
the Southwicks, 52 ; perse-
cutes the Quakers, 9(j.

Baxter, Richard, on the Inward
Light, 19.

BeUingham, Gov. Richard, con-
venes the coimcil for banish-
ment of Ann Austin and JIary
Fislier, 3G ; succeeds Endicott,
102 ; death of, 192.

Besse's (Joseph) Collection of
Sulferings, 72, 1S3, ISS.

Bidiile, John, the father of Eng-
lish Unitarians, 4.

Bishop's (Georse) Xew England
Judged, 30, 40, 43, CO, 70, 94,
90, 104, 102, 172, 175, 202.

"Body of the Liberties," the,
extracts from, 34, 71.

Bowers, Barbara, trial of, 200.

Brend, William, barbarous treat-
ment of, 57, 02-67,

Brewster, JLirgaret, 99, 104 ;
trial of, 193-202.

Brigham, Judge William, on the
Quakers in New Plymouth Col-
ony, 115.

Brome's (James) Travels over
Scotland, England, and Wales,
S, 10.

Bryant and Gay's Popular ffis-
torg of the United Slates, 105.

Biu-den, Anne, 111 ; imprisoned
and banished, 112.

Biirrough, Edward, 21, 25; his
appeal to the King, 188.

Burstow, John, letter of, to his
persecutors, 87, 217.

Carlyle's (Thomas) opinion of
George Fox, 13.

Charles I., overtlirow of, 2.

Charles II., King of England,
orders laws against the Qua-
kers suspended, 55, 189.

Chattam, Catherine, dresses in
sackcloth and ashes, 97.

Chauncey, Charles, President of
Harvard College, 94.

Cliristison, Wenlock, letter of,
CO ; sentenced to death, 01 ;
his speech to the court, 87 ;
harbored by Eliakim Ward-
well, 100.

Coddiugton, WiUi.am, 33.

Coercion and persecution under
Charles II. and James II., 3.

Coit's (Thomas Winthrop) Puri-
tanism, 10, 11, 12.

Coleman, Ann, torture of, G2, 99.

Colonial laws for suppression of
the Quakers, 133-1.32.

Copeland, John, 111 ; petitions
the King in behalf of the Mas-
sachusetts Quakers, 183-187.

Cotton, Rev. Seaborn, a perse-
cutor of the Quakers, 100.

224

Cromwell, Oliver, 3.

Cudworth, James, proscribed for
entertaining Quakers, 113 ; let-
ter of, 114, 16-2.

Pexter's (Rev. H. M.) As to
Soger Williams, 61 ; its calum-
nies against the Quakers,73-75.

Dyer, Mary, sentenced to death,
58 ; reprieved and subse-
quently executed, 60 ; her let-
ter to the General Court, 89 ;
her courageous bearing, 111 ;
letter of, 206.

Early Quakers, doctrines of the,
16-31.

Edwards, Thomas, publishes the
G-rangraenaj 5.

Edmundsou's (WiUiam) Journal,
97.

Ellis, Rev. George E., his treat-
ment of the Quakers consid-
ered, 78, 1'29 ; his inconsisten-
cies, 79-82.

Ellis's (Rev. George E.) Massa-
chusetts and its Early History,
32, 82, 98, 125.

Ellwood, Thomas, 21.

Endicott, John, Governor of Mas-
sachusetts Colony, 33 ; bullies
and threatens the Quakers, 43 ;
denounced by Mary Prince,
44 ; fines Upsall, 48 ; defends
execution of the Quakers, 59 ;
sentences Christison to death,
62 ; letter of Mary Trask and
Margaret Smith to, 84 ; re-
ceives and obeys the King's
Missive, 191 ; renews his per-
secutions, 191 ; death of, 192.

Examination of Quakers in Bos-
ton, 157-161.

Fanaticism in the seventeenth

century, 0, 9.
Featley, Rev. Dr. Daniel, his

tract on the Anabaptists, 11 ;

his hostility to Milton, 11.
Felton, Benjamin, 96.
Fisher, Jlary, arrives in Boston,

34 ; her arrest and persecution,

35-40.
Foiu:bish, TVilliam, put in the

stocks, 100.
Fiske's (John) careless repetition

of slanders against the Qua-
kers, 75-77.

Forster's (John) Slaiesmen of
England, 9.

Fox, George, visits and speaks
in steeple - houses, 5 ; the
founder of Quakerism, 13 ;
opinions of Macaulay and Car-
lyle concerning, 13 ; his par-
ents, 14 ; early religious ex-
perience, 14 ; his mission
revealed to him, 15 ; his views
on magistracy, 25.

Gardner's ( George ) wife fined for

absence from church, 128.
Gardner, Hored, whipping of.

Gibbons, "Sarah, 90. Ill, 116.

Cough's (John) History of the
Quakers, 173.

Gould, Daniel, letter of, to the
rulers and people of Boston,
90, 210.

Grahame's (James) History of
the Else and Progress of the
United States of Aorth Amer-
ica, 72.

Gunning, Dr., Bishop of Ely, 4.

Higginson, Rev. John, of Salem,
94, 95.

Hireling ministry, a, MUton'a
views concerning, 20.

Holder, Christopher, 111.

Hooten, Elizabeth, 94; barba-
rously whipped, 97 ; the first
convert to Quakerism, 97 ; her
sufferings, 177.

Hubberthorn, Richard, 26.

Hutcliinson, Airs. Ann, banished,

Hutchinson Papers, the, 33, 94.

I vimey's (Joseph) Life and Times

imey
of Jo

ohn Milton, 11, 12

Janney's (Samuel M.) Life of

George Fox, 29.
Jones, JIargaret, 39 ; hanged for

witchcraft, 41.

"King's Missive," the, 55, 189-

Laud's (Archbishop) abortive at-

225

tempt to reconcile Rome and
the Anglican Ciiurch, 2 ; exe-
cution of, 2.

Leddra, William, imprisoned and
scourged, 62-04 ; put to death,
61 ; letter of, 203.

Lodge's (H. C.) A Short iTi.!-
tonj of the English Colonies in

Macaulay'9 (T. B.) estimate of
George Fox, 13.

Marsden's (J. B.) Later Puri-
tans, 10.

Missackti-selts Archives, the, ex-
tracts from, 153-101, 1S2, 210,
213, 217, 2-20.

Massachiiselts Historical Society,
Proceedings of the, 82.

Massachusetts, General Court of,
enacts laws against the Qua-
kers, 45, 48, 49, 53 ; suspends
and reiJnacts them, 55 ; employs
Jolm Norton to write a refuta-
tion of Quaker errors, 120 ; pe-
titions to, against the Quakers,
121, 153.

Massachusetts Records, 70, 191-
192 ; extracts trom, 133-152,
175-177.

Masson's (David) Life of MiUon,
5, 23.

Hatlier, Cotton, his abuse of the
Quakers, 74 ; his Magnolia, 75.

Memorial Ilistort) of Boston, the,
82, 85, 38, 111, 125.

Miles, Mary, trial of, 199.

MUton, John, epigram on the
Presbyterians, 3; denounced as
a pestilent Anabaptist, 11 ; an-
athematizes the Bishops, 11 ;
replies to Salmasius's vindica-
tion of Charles I., 12; liis views
on a hireling ministry, 20.

" Jlinutes of the Magistrates " of
Boston, 122.

Mott, Lucretia, 129.

Muggleton, Ludowick, 13.

Munster miquities, the, 45, 4G.

Naylor's (James) fantastic ex-
travagances, 29.

Neal's (Daniel) History of the
Puritans, 2, 8.

Nowhouse, Thomas, 9G, 104.

Nowland, \V., imprisoned, 114.

Norton, Humphrey, branded for
heresy, 56 ; journal of, 92.
15

Xorton, Rev. John, leading min-
ister of the Massachusetts Col-
ony, 3.3 ; his hatred of the Qua-
kers, 57, 58, 67 ; his scriptural
argmneut against them,93,120;
recompensed therefor, 121; his
defense of Brend's gaoler, 121.

Parker's (Hon. Joel) attack upon
early Friends, 74.

Penn's CWiUiam) Rise and Prog-
ress of the People called Qua-
l-ers, 29.

Petition, for severer laws against
the Quakers, 121, 153 ; to the
Kmg for mterference, 183-187.

Phelps, Nicholas, fined and im-
prisoned, 127.

Philanthrophy of the Quakers,
31.

Presbyterians, the, bigotry and
cruelty of, 2 ; Jlilton's epigram
on, 3.

Prince, Mary, denounces Endi-
cott, 44 ; imprisonment of. 111.

Prynne's ridicule of church
choirs, 11.

Puritanism, defined, 1 ; its growth
and spread, 2-12 ; Quakerism
an outgrowth of, 123.

Puritans, the English, Scriptural
names adopted by, 8, 9 ; de-
spoil churches and cathedjals,
10.

Puritans in Massachusetts, their
persecutions of the Quakers,
32-08, 99-104, 120-128 ; their
assertion that Quakers had no
right to enter the colony re-
futed, 09-71 ; their strong and
abusive language, 94 ; modem
apologies for, 105 ; their accu-
sations against the Quakers,
108 ; their abhorence of Qua-
ker opinions the cause of the
persecution, 117 ; their denun-
ciations of the Inward Light,
118; their intolerance, 119;
their plan of government a
failure, 131.

" Quaker," a term applied in de-
rision. 30.

Quakerism an outgro%vth of Puri-
tiuiism, 123.

Quakers, the, their doctrines and
beliefs, 10-31 ; their views on
the Inward Light, 16, US ; on

226

liberty of thought and speech,
IG ; on the Scriptures, 17 ; on
an ordained ministry and
church tithes, 19, 20 ; on bap-
tism, communion, prayers, and
oaths, 22; on the Sabbath,
22 ; on titles, 22 ; on war, 23 ;
on marriage, 23 ; a law-abiding
people, 25 ; persecution of, 29 ;
style themselves Friends, 30 ;
their test of membersliip, 30 ;
modes of procedure, 30, 31 ;
philanthropy, 31 ; arrival of
Qualier missionaries at Bos-
ton, Massachusetts, 32, 34 ;
their arrest, 35 ; abuse and ban-
ishment of, 3S-40 ; arrival of
others at Boston, 42 ; more im-
prisoned and banished, 42 ; the
General Court enacts laws
against, 45, 48, 49, 53 ; women
stripped and whipped, 51, 02 ;
falsely branded as vagabonds,
53 ; temporarily reUeved by
the " King's Missive," 55 ;
mutilated, hanged, banished,
and scourged, 56, 57, 62-GG ;
popular sympathy with, 57-59,
6G-GS ; their right to enter
the colony, 69, 70 ; four fifths
of them residents before the
persecution, 71 ; slanders
against, 72-74 ; their treat-
ment by modem " histori-
ans," 75-82 ; their testimonies
considered and vindicated, 82-
91 ; not guilty as a body, of
improper behavior, 91 ; special
accusations against examined,
94 ; the cases of Lvdia Ward-
well and Deborali WUson, 99-
104; interruptions of church
service, 107 ; their custom of
wearing the hat, 100 ; persecu-
tion of, in the Plymoutli Col-
ony, 114 ; their religious opin-
ions the real cause of the
persecution, 117 : tlieir leading
tenets common with those of
tlie Piu-itans, 117 ; radical dif-
ferences,119; summary of pros-
ecutions against, in Boston,
122 ; themselves Piu-itans, 125 ;
their final triiunph, 128 ; tlieir
religion stiU an active force,
132 ; colonial laws for their
suppression, 133-152 ; examin-
ation of, in Boston, 157-161 ;

order of banishment, 182 ; pe-
titton the King to interfere,
183 ; the King's Missive, 189,
190 ; prescriptive laws reeu-
acted, 191 ; trials of, 193-202 ;
letters of WiUiam Robinson,
Marmaduke Stevenson, JIary
Dyer, and other leading
Friends, 202-222.

Rayner, Rev., instigates whip-
ping of Qualier women, 100.

Religious controversy and debate
in England during the seven-
teenth century, 3.

Robinson, William, sentenced to
death, 58 ; letter of, 202.

Roots, Thomas, 90.

Rouse, John, petitions the King
in behalf of the Massachusetts
Quakers, 183-187.

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, deplores
persecution by the Founders,
33.

Scriptures, the, Quaker views
concerning. 17.

Scudder, H. E., 124.

Sects in the seventeenth century
enumerated, 5.

SewaU's (Judge Samuel) defini-
tion of Quakerism, 75 ; Diary,
99.

Sewel's (WiUiam) BUlory of the
Quakers, 23, 29, 177, 188, 206,
208.

Shattuck, Samuel, petitions the
Iving in behalf of the Massa-
chusetts Quakers, 183.

Skerry, Henry, 90.

Smith, Margaret, letter of, to

. Governor Endicott, 84, 213.

Smith, Richard, 111.

Southcote, Joanna, 13.

Southwick, Consader, 122.

Southwick, Daniel and Provi-
ded, ordered to be sold into
slavery, 50 ; Provided fined,
127.

Southmck, Josiah, addresses a
letter to the General Court, 88,
175, 220.

Southwick (Southick), Laurence
and Cassandra, sufferings of,
173 ; Laurence, letter of, 175.

Stevenson, Marmaduke, sen-
tenced to death, 53 ; letter of,
202.

Temple, Col., endeavors to pre-
vent execution of Quakers, GO.

Thirstone, Thomas, 111.

Toleration fostered under the
Commonwealth, 3.

Tomkins, Mary, publicly
whipped, 100.

Trask, Mary, letter of, to Gov-
ernor Eudicott, S4, 213.

TJpsall, Nicholas, sends provi-
sions to imprisoned Quakers,
3C : laments anti-Quaker legis-
lation, 47 ; fined and banished,

Vane, Sir Henry, 3, 33.
Very, Nathaniel, 129.

Wardwell. Eliakim, 99; put in

the stocks, 100.
■Wardwell, Lydia, case of, 99-

102 ; her cruel punishment,

104.

EX. 227

■U'ardwell, Thomas, 99.

Waugh, Dorothy, 9H, 111, 116.

Whitehead, Mary, 111.

Wliiting, John, refutes Cotton
Mather's slanders, 7(5.

Whiting's (John) Truth and In-
nncenqi DefendeiU 74, 76.

Whittier's (John G. ) lines on Cas-
sandra Southwick, 53 : poem
on the King's Missive, 1S9.

Williams, Roger, driven into ex-
ile, 33.

Wilson, Deborah, the case of,
104.

Winthrop, John, Governor of
Comiecticut, protests against
hanging Quakers, CO.

Winthrop, Jolm, Governor of
Slassachusetts, regrets his per-
secution of '"heresy," 33.

Winthorp, Samuel, son of Gov.
Winthrop, a Quaker, 71.

Winthrop's (John) Journal, 40.

Wright, Lydia, trial of, 197.

^tantiarti anb ^popular SiBrarp 25ooh;S

SELECTED FROM THE CATALOGUE OF

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY.

JOHN Adams and Abigail Adams.

J Familiar Letters of, during the Revolution. i2mo, §2.00.

Louis Agassiz.

Methods of Study in Natural History. lUus. i6mo, $1.50.
Geological Sketches. First Series. i6mo, $1.50.
Geological Sketches. Second Series. i6mo, ^1.50.
A Journey in Brazil. Illustrated. Svo, ^5,00.

Thomas Bailey Aldrich.

Story of a Bad Boy. Illustrated. i2mo, Si. 50.
Marjorie Daw and Other People. i2mo, $1.50.
Prudence Palfrey. l2mo, $1.50.
The Queen of Sheba. i6mo, $1.50.
The Stillwater Tragedy. i2mo, Si. 50.
From Ponkapog to Pesth. i6mo, S'—S.
Cloth of Gold and Other Poems. i2mo, Si-SO.
Flower and Thorn. Later Poems. i6mo, $1-25.
Poems, Complete. Illustrated. Svo, S5.00.
Mercedes, and Later Lyrics. i2mo.

American Commonwealths.

Edited by Horace E. Scudder.
Virginia. By John Esten Cooke.
Oregon. By William Barrows.

(In Preparation.)
South Carolina. By Hon. \V. H. Trescot.
Kentucky. By N. S. Shaler.
Maryland. By Wm. Hand Browne.
. Pennsylvania. By Hon. Wayne MacVeagh.
Each volume, i6nio, Si. 25.

Others to be announced hereafter.

2 Houghton, Mifflin and Companys

American Men of Letters.

Edited by Charles Dudley Warner.
Washington Irving. By Charles Dudley Warner.
Noah Webster. By Horace E. Scudder.
Henry D. Thoreau. By Frank B. Sanborn.
George Ripley. By O. B. Frothingham.
J. Fenimore Cooper. By Prof. T. R. Lounsbury.

(/« Preparation.)
Ralph Waldo Emerson. By Oliver Wendell Holmes.
Nathaniel Hawthorne. By James Russell Lowell.
Margaret Fuller. By T. W. Higginson.
Edmund Quincy. By Sidney Howard Gay.
William Cullen Bryant. By John Bigelow.
Bayard Taylor. By J. R. G. Hassard.
William Gilmore Simms. By George W. Cable.
Benjamin Franklin. By John Bach McMaster.
Edgar Allan Poe. By George E. Woodberry.
Each volume, with Portrait, i6mo, $1.25.

Others to be announced hereafter.

American Statesmen.

Edited by John T. Morse, Jr. ■;

John Quincy Adams. By John T. Morse, Jr.
Alexander Hamilton. By Henry Cabot Lodge.
John C. Calhoun. By Dr. H. von Hoist.
Andrew Jackson. By Prof. W. G. Sumner.
John Randolph. By Henry Adams.
James Monroe. By Pres. D. C. Oilman.
Thomas Jefferson. By John T. Morse, Jr.
Daniel Webster. By Henry Cabot Lodge.
Albert Gallatin. By John Austin Stevens.

{In Preparation. )
James Madison. By Sidney Howard Gay.
Patrick Henry. By Prof. Moses Coit Tyler.
Henry Clay. By Hon. Carl Schurz.
Each volume, i6mo. Si. 25;

Others to be announced hereafter.

Standard and Popular Library Books. 3

Mrs. Martha Babcock Amory.

Life of Joha Singleton Copley. Svo, $3.00.

Hans Christian Andersen.

Complete Works. 10 vols, crown Svo, each $1.50.

Francis, Lord Bacon.

Works. Collected and edited by Spedding, Ellis, and Heath.

15 vols, crown Svo, $33-75.
Poptdar Edition. With Portraits and Index. 2 vols, crown

Svo, $5.00.
Promus of Formularies and Elegancies. Svo, J5.00.
Life and Times of Bacon. Abridged. By James Spedding.

2 vols, crown Svo, $5.00.

William Henry Bishop.

The House of a Merchant Prince. A Novel. i2mo, Si. 50.
Detmold. A Novel. iSmo, $1.25.

Bjornstjerne Bjornson.

Norwegian Novels. 7 vols., i6mo, each $1.00.

British Poets.

Riverside Edition. Crown Svo, each $1.75 ; the set, 6S vols.

#100.00.

Akenside and Beattie, I vol. Goldsmith and Gray, i vol.

Ballads, 4 vols. Herbert and Vaughan, i vol.

Bums, I vol. Herrick, i vol.

Butler, I vol. Hood, 2 vols.

Byron, 5 vols. Milton and Marvell, 2 vols.

Campbell and Falconer, i Montgomery, 2 vols.

vol. Moore, 3 vols.

Chattcrton, I vol. Pope and Collins, 2 vols.

Chaucer, 3 vols. Prior, i vol.

Churchill, Parncll, and Tick- Scott, 5 vols.

ell, 2 vols. Shakespeare and Jonson, I
Coleridge and Keats, 2 vols. vol.

Cowper, 2 vols. Shelley, 2 vols.

Dryden, 2 vols. Skelton and Donne, 2 vols.

Gay, I vol. Southey, 5 vols.

4 Houghton, Miffli?! and Company's

Spenser, 3 vols. Wordsworth, 3 vols.

Swift, 2 vols. Wyatt and Surrey, I vol.

Thomson, I vol. Young, i vol. i

Watts and White, I vol. I

John Brown, M. D. (

Spare Hours. 3 vols. i6mo, each $1.50. j

Robert Browning. i

Poems and Dramas, etc. 15 vols. i6mo, $20.50.

Complete Works. New Edition. 7 vols, crown Svo, $12.00.

Jocoseria. New Poems. i6mo, $1.00. Crown 8 vo, $[.00. ■

William Cullen Bryant.

Translation of Homer. The Iliad, i vol. crown 8vo, $3-00.

2 vols, royal Svo, $9.00; crown Svo, $4.50.
The Odyssey, i vol. crown Svo, $3.00. 2 vols, royal Svo,

$9.00 ; crown Svo, $4.50.

Sara C. Bull.

Life of Ole Bull. Portrait and illustrations. Svo, $2.50.

John Burroughs. - \

Wake-Robin. Illustrated. Locusts and Wild Honey. ■'

Winter Sunshine. Pepacton, and Other Sketches.

Birds and Poets. Each volume, i6mo, $1.50.

Thomas Carlyle.

Essays. With Portrait and Index. 4 vols. i2mo, $7.50.
Popular Edition. 2 vols. l2mo, $3.50. 1

Alice and Phoebe Cary. i

Poems. Hoimehold Edition. l2mo, $2.00.
Library Edition. Portraits and 24 illustrations. Svo, $4 00.
Poetical Works, including Memorial by Mary Clemmer.
Svo, full gilt, $4.00.

Lydia Maria Child. ;

Looking toward Sunset. i2mo, $2.50. ' \

Letters. With Biography by Whittier. i6mo, $1.50. i

Standard and Popular Library Books. 5

James Freeman Clarke.

Ten Great Religions. Svo, $3.00.

Ten Great Religions. Part II. Comparison of all Relig-
ions. Svo, $3.00.
- Common Sense in Religion. i2mo, $2.00.

Memorial and Biographical Sketches. i2mo, §2.00.

James Fenimore Cooper.

Works. Household Edition. Illustrated. 32 vols. i6mo,

each $1.00; the set, $32.00.
Globe Edition. Illustrated. 16 vols. i6mo, $20.00. {Sold

only in sets.)
Sea Tales. Illustrated. 10 vols. 1 6mo, $10.00.
Leather-Stocking Tales. Household Edition. Illustrated.

5 vols. i6mo, $5.00.

M. Creighton.

The Papacy during the Reformation. 2 vols. Svo, $10.00.

Richard H. Dana.

To Cuba and Back. i6mo, $1.25.

Two Years before the Mast. i6mo, $1.50.

Thomas De Quincey.

Works. Riverside Edition. 12 vols. l2mo, each $1.50 ; the

set, $iS.oo.
Globe Edition. 6 vols i6mo, $10.00. {Sold only in sets-)

Madame De Stael.

Germany. i2mo, $2.50.

Charles Dickens.

Works. Illustrated Library Edition. With Dickens Dic-
tionary. 30 vols. i2mo, each $1.50 ; the set, $45.00.
Globe Edition. 15 vols. i6mo, each $1.25.

J. Lewis Diman.

The Theistic Argument, etc. Crown Svo, $2.co.
Orations and Essays. Crown Svo, $2.50.

F. S. Drake.

Dictionary of American Biography. Svo, $6.00.

6 Houghton, Mifflin and Company's

Charles L. Eastlake.

Hints on Household Taste. Illustrated. 8vo, ^3.00.
Notes on the Louvre and Brera Galleries. Small 4to, J2.00.

George Eliot. . .

The Spanish Gypsy. A Poem. i6mo, $1.50.

Ralph Waldo Emerson.

Works. Riverside Edition. II vols, each §1.75; the set,

I19.25.
^'■Little Classic" Edition. II vols. i8mo, each, J1.50.
Parnassus. Household Edition. i2mo, j52.oo.
Library Edition. 8vo, J4.00. _ ', _^.

F. de S. de la Motte Fenelon.

Adventures of Telemachus. i2mo, $2.25.

James T. Fields.

Yesterdays with Authors. i2mo, $2.00. Svo, $3.00.

Underbrush. iSmo, 51.25.

Ballads and other Verses. i6mo, $1.00.

The Family Library of British Poetry. Royal Svo, $5.00.

Memoirs and Correspondence. Svo, $2.00.

John Fiske.

Myths and Mythmakers. i2mo, $2.00.
Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy. 2 vols. Svo, $6.00.
The Unseen World, and other Essays. i2mo, $2.00.
Excursions of an Evolutionist. {In Press.)

Dorsey Gardner.

Quatre Bras, Ligny and Waterloo. Svo, $5.00.

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.

Faust. Part First. Metrical Translation, by C. T. Brooks.

i6mo, $1.25.
Faust. Translated by Bayard Taylor. 1 vol. crown Svo,

$3.00. 2 vols, royal Svo, $9.00 ; crouti Svo, $4.50.
Correspondence with a Child. i2mo, S1.50.
Wilhelm Meister. Translated by Carlyle. 2 vols. i2mo, ?3.oo.

Arthur Sherburne Hardy.

But Yet a Woman. i6mo, gi.25.

Standard and Popular Library Books. 7

Bret Harte.

Works. Ne-jj Edition. 5 vols. Crown 8vo, each iz.oo.
Poems. Household Edition. i2mo, $2.00. Red Line Edi-
tion. Small 4to, $2.50. Diamond Edition, $1.00.

Nathaniel Hawthorne.

Works. "Little Classic" Edition. Illustrated. 25 vols.

iSmo, each $1.00 ; the set $25.00.
Fireside Edition. Illus. 13 vols. l6mo, the set, $21.00.
Globe Edition. Illustrated. 6 vols. i6mo, the set, $10.00.
J\lew Riverside Edition. Introductions by G. P. Lathrop

II Etchings and Portrait. 12 vols, crown Svo, each $2.oc

George S. Hillard.

Sbc Months in Italy. i2mo, $2.00.

Oliver Wendell Holmes.

Poems. Household Edition. l2mo, $2.00. - ■ -

Illustrated Library Edition. Svo, $4.00.

Handy-Volume Edition. 2 vols, iSmo, $2.50.

The Autocrat of the Breakfast-Table. Crown Svo, $2.00.

Handy-Volume Edition. iSmo, $4.25.

The Professor at the Breakfast-Table. Crown Svo, $2.00.

The Poet at the Breakfast-Table. Crown Svo, $2.00.

Elsie Venner. Crown Svo, $2.00.

The Guardian Angel. Crown Svo, $2.00.

Medical Essays. Crown Svo, $2.00.

Pages from an old Volume of Life. Crown Svo, $2.00.

John Lothrop Motley. A Memoir. i6mo, $1.50.

Augustus Hoppin.

A Fashionable Sufferer. i2mo, $1.50.
Recollections of Auton House. 4to, $1.25.

William D. Howells.

Venetian Life. i2mo, $1.50.

Italian Journeys. i2mo, $1.50.

Their Wedding Journey. Illus. i2mo, $1.50 ; iSmo, $1.25.

Suburban Sketches. Illustrated. i2mo, $1.50.

A Chance Acquaintance. Illus. i2mo, $1.50; iSmo, $1.25.

8 Houghton, Mifflin and Company's

A Foregone Conclusion. i2mo, $1.50.

The Lady of the Aroostook. i2mo, $1.50.

The Undiscovered Country. i2mo, 51.50.

Poems. iSmo, $1.25.

Out of the Question. A Comedy. i8mo, $1.25.

A Counterfeit Presentment. iSmo, $1.25.

Choice Autobiography. Edited by W. D. Howells.

8 vols. iSmo, each $1.25.

Thomas Hughes.

Tom Brown's School-Days at Rugby. i6mo, $1.00.
■ Tom Brown at 0-xford. i6mo, $1.25.
The Manliness of Christ. i6mo, ^i.oc; paper, 25 cents.

William Morris Hunt.

Talks on Art Series I. and II. 8vo, each $1.00.

Henry James, Jr.

A Passionate Pilgrim and other Tales. i2mo, $2.00.

Transatlantic Sketches. i2mo, $2.00.

Roderick Hudson. i2mo, $2.00.

The American. i2mo, $2.00.

Watch and Ward. iSmo, $1.25.

The Europeans. i2mo, $1.50.

Confidence. i2mo, Si. 50. "* ■

The Portrait of a Lady. i2mo, $2.00.

Mrs. Anna Jameson.

Writings upon Art Subjects. 10 vols. i8mo, each $1.50.

Sarah Orne Jewett.

Deephaven. iSmo, $1.25.
Old Friends and New. iSmo, ^1.25.
' Country By-Ways. iSmo, $1.25.
Play-Days. Stories for Children. Square l6mo, $1.50.
The Mate of the Daylight. (/« Press.)

Rossiter Johnson.

Little Classics. Eighteen handy volumes containing the
choicest Stories, Sketches, and short Poems in English
Literature. Each in one vol. iSmo, $1.00 ; the set, $18.00.
9 vols., square i6mo, $13.50. (Sold only in sets.)

Standard and Popular Libi-xry Books. 9

Samuel Johnson.

Oriental Religions : India, Svo, $5.00. China, 8vo, $5.00.

Persia, Svo. {hi Press.)
Lectures, Essays, and Sermons. Crown Svo, $1.75.

T. Starr King. »

Christianity and Humanity. With Portrr.it. i6mo, $2.00.
Substance and Show. i6mo, $2.00.

Lucy Larcom.

Poems. i6mo, S1.25.

An Idyl of Work. i6mo, $1.25.

Wild Roses of Cape Ann and other Poems. i6mo, $1.25.

Breathings of the Better Life. i6mo, $1.25.

George Parsons Lathrop.

A Study of Hawthorne. iSmo, $1.25.
An. Echo of Passion. i6mo, $1.25.

Charles G. Leland.

The Gypsies. Crown Svo, $2.00.

George Henry Lewes.

The Story of Goethe's Life. Portrait. i2mo, §1.50.
Problems of Life and Mind. 5 vols. Svo, $14.00.

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.

Poems. Cambridge Edition. Portrait. 4 vols. i2mo, §9.00.

2 vols. i2mo, $7.00.
Octavo Edition. Portrait and 300 illustrations. SS.oo.
Household Edition. Portrait. l2mo, $2.00.
Red-Line Edition. Portrait and 12 illus. Small 4to, $2.50.
Diainond Edition. $l.oo.

Library Edition. Portrait and 32 illustrations. Svo, S4.00.
Christus. Liousehold Edition, %z.oo ; Diamond Edition, $1.00.
Prose Works. Catnhridge Edition. 2 vols. l2mo, $4.50
Hyperion. A Romance. i6mo, S1.50; paper, 15 ce.its.
Kavanagh. i6mo, $1.50
Outre-Mer. i6mo, $1.50, paper, 15 cents.
In the Harbor. Portrait. i6mo, Si.oo.

lo Houghton^ Mifflin and Compa7iy''s

Michael Angelo; a Drama. Illustrated. Folio. (In Press.)
Twenty Poems. Illustrated. Small 4to, $4.00.
Translation of the Divina Commedia of Dante, i vol.

cr. Svo, $3.00. 3 vols, royal Svo, 313.50 ; cr. Svo, $6.00.
Poets and Poetry of Europe. Royal Svo, $5.00.

James Russell Lowell.

Poems. Red-Line Edition. Portrait. lUus. Small 4to, $2.50.

Household Edition. Portrait. i2mo, $:.oo.

Library Edition. Portrait and 32 illustrations. Svo, $4.00.

Diamond Edition. $ 1 .00.

Fireside Travels. i2mo, $1.50.

Among my Books. Series I. and II. i2mo, each %?. 00.

My Study Windows. i2rao, $2.00.

Thomas Babington Macaulay.

England. Riverside Edition. 4 vols. 1 2mo, $5.00.

Essays. Portrait. Riverside Edition. 3 vols. 1 2mo, $3.75.

Speeches and Poems. Riverside Edition. i2mo, I1.25.

Harriet Martineau.

Autobiography. Portraits and illus. 2 vols. Svo, ^6.00.
Household Education. iSmo, $1.25.

Owen Meredith.

Poems. Household Edition. Illustrated. i2mo, $2.00.
Library Edition. Portrait and 32 illustrations. Svo, $4.00.
Shawimit Edition. l6mo, $1.50.

Lucile. Red-Line Edition. 8 illustrations. Small 4to, $2.50.
Diamond Edition. 8 illustrations. §1.00.

J. W. MoUett.

Illustrated Dictionary of Words used in Art and Archse-
ology. Small 4to, $5.00.

Michael de Montaigne.

Complete Works. Portrait. 4 vols. i2mo, $7.50.

William Mountford.

Euthanasy. i2mo, $2.00.

Standard and Popular Library Books. 1 1

T. Mozley.

Reminiscences of Oriel College, etc. 2 vols. i6mo, $3.00.

Elisha Mulford.

The Nation. Svo, $2.50.

The Republic of God. Svo, $2.00.

T. T. Hunger.

On the Threshold. i6mo, §1.00.
The Freedom of Faith. i6mo, $1.50.

J A. W. Neander.

History of the Christian Religion and Church, with Inde.-c
volume, 6 vols. Svo, $20.00 ; Index alone, $3.00.

Charles Eliot Norton.

Notes of Travel and Study in Italy. i6mo, $1.25.
Translation of Dante's New Life. Royal Svo, $3.00.

Francis W. Palfrey. .

Memoir of William Francis Bartlett. i6mo, S1.50.

James Parton.

Life of Benjamin Franklin. 2 vols. Svo, $4.00.
Life of Thomas Jefferson. Svo, $2.00.
Life of Aaron Burr. 2 vols. $4.00.
Life of Andrew Jackson. 3 vols. Svo, $6.00.
Life of Horace Greeley. Svo, $2.50.
General Butler in New Orleans. Svo, $2.50.
Humorous Poetrj- of the English Language. Svo, $2.00.
Famous Americans of Recent Times. Svo, §2.00.
'Life of Voltaire. 2 vols. Svo, $6.00.
The French Parnassus. i2mo, $2.00 ; crown Svo, $3.50.

Blaise Pascal.

Thoughts, Letters, and Opuscules. i2mo, $2.25.
Provincial Letters. i2mo, $2.25.

Elizabeth Stuart Phelps.

The Gates Ajar. i6mo, $1.50.
Beyond the Gates. i6mo, $1.25.
Men, Women, and Ghosts. i6mo, 51.50.
Hedged In. i6mo, $1.50.

12 Houghton, MiffMn and Company's

The Silent Partner. i6mo, $1.50.
The Story of Avis. i6mo, $1.50.
Sealed Orders, and other Stories. i6mo, $1.50.
■ Friends ; A Duet. i6mo, gi.25.
Doctor Zay. i6mo, $1.25.
Poetic Studies. Square i6mo, $1.50.

Carl Ploetz.

Epitome of Ancient, Mediaeval and Modern History. (In
Press.)

Adelaide A. Procter.

Poems. Diamond Edition. ^l.oo.

Red-Line Edition. Portrait and illus. Small 4to, $2.50.

Henry Crabb Robinson.

Diary, Reminiscences, etc. Crown Svo, $2.50. j

A. P. Russell. .1

Library Notes. Crown Svo, $2.00. ,

Characteristics. Crown Svo. [In Press.) '.

John Godfrey Sa.xe.

Works. Portrait. i6mo, $2.25.

Poems. Red-Line Edition. Illustrated. Small 4to, $2.50.
Diamond Edition, gi.oo. , I

Household Edition. l2mo, $2.00. I

Sir Walter Scott.

Waverley Novels. Illustrated Library Edition. 25 vols.

i2mo, each $1.00 ; the set, $25.00.
Globe Edition. 100 illustrations. 13 vols. i6mo, $16.25.
Tales of a Grandfather. Library Edition. 3 vols. i2mo,

14-SO-
Poems. Red-Line Edition. Illustrated. Small 4to, $2.50.
Diamond Edition. $ i .00.

Horace E. Scudder.

The Bodley Books. Illus. 7 vols. Small 4to, each $1.50.
The Dwellers in Five-Sisters' Court. i6mo, Si. 25.
Stories and Romances. i6mo, $1.25.
Dream Children. Illustrated. i6mo, $1.00.

j Standard and Popular Library Books. 13

I

'.^

Seven Little People. Illustrated. i6mo, $1.00.
Stories from my Attic. Illustrated. i6mo, $1.00.
The Children's Book. Illustrated. 4to, 450 pages, $3.50.
Boston Town. Illustrated. i2mo, $1.50.

W. H. Seward.

Works. 5 vols. [In Press.)

Diplomatic History of the War. [In Press.)

John Campbell Shairp.

Culture and Religion. i6mo, $1.25.
Poetic Interpretation of Nature. i6mo, $1.25.
Studies in Poetry and Philosophy. i6mo, $1.50.
Aspects of Poetry. i6mo, $1.50.

William Shakespeare.

Works ; edited by R. G. White. Riverside Edition. 3 vols.

crown Svo, each, $2.50.
The Same. 6 vols. Svo, each $2.50. [In Press.)

Dr. William Smith.

Bible Dictionary. American Edition. The set, 4 vols. Svo,
$20.00.

James Spedding.

Evenings with a Reviewer. 2 vols. Svo, $7.00.

Edmund Clarence Stedman.

Poems. Farringford Edition. Portrait. l6mo, $2.00.

Victorian Poets. i2mo, $2.00.

Hawthorne, and other Poems. i6mo, $1.25.

Edgar Allan Poe. An Essay. Vellum, iSmo, $1.00.

Elizabeth Barrett Browning. An Essay. iSmo, 75cts.

Harriet Beecher Stowe.

Agnes of Sorrento. i2mo, $1.50.

The Pearl of Orr's Island. i2mo, $1.50.

The Minister's Wooing. i2mo, $1.50.

The May-flower, and other Sketches. i2mo, $1.50.

Nina Gordon. i2mo. Si. 50.

Oldtown Folks. i2mo, $1.50.

Sam Lawson's Fireside Stories. Illustrated. i2mo, $1.50.

14 Houghto7i, Mifflin and Cojnpanfs

Uncle Tom's Cabin. loo Illustrations. i2mo, $3.50.
Popular Edition. i2mo, $2.00.

Bayard Taylor.

Poetical Works. Hottsehold Edition. i2mo, §2.00.

Dramatic Works. i2mo, $2.25.

The Echo Club. iSmo, $1.25. ■''

Alfred Tennyson.

Poems. Household Edition. Portrait and illus. i2mo, §2.00.

Illustrated Crown Edition. 2 vols. 8vo, $5.00.

Library Edition. Portrait and 60 illustrations. 8vo, $.j.oo.

Red-Line Edition. Portrait and illus. Small 4to, $2.50.

Diamond Edition. §1.00.

Shawmut Edition. Illustrated. i6mo, S1.50.

Idylls of the King. Illustrated. i2mo, $1.50.

Celia Thaxter.

Among the Isles of Shoals. iSmo, $1.25.
■ Poems. Small 4to, $1.50.
Drift- Weed. Poems. i8mo, §1.50. " ■

Poems for Children. Illustrated. (In Press.)

Henry D. Thoreau. ,. ' :

Works. 8 vols. i2mo, each gi. 50; the set, $12.00. ' '*'

George Ticknor.

History of Spanish Literature. 3 vols.'Svo, JSio.oo.
Life, Letters, and Journals. Portraits. 2 vols. Svo, $6.00. .
Cheaper Edition. 2 vols. l2mo, $4.00.

J. T. Trowbridge.

A Home Idyl. i6mo, §1.25.
The Vagabonds. i6mo, $1.25.
The Emigrant's Story. i6mo, $1.25.

Herbert Tattle.

History of Prussia. [In Press.)

Jones Very.

Poems. With Memoir. i6mo, $1.50.

Standard and Popular Library Books. 15

F. M. A. de Voltaire.

History of Charles XII. i2mo, $2. 25.

Lew Wallace.

The Fair God. A Novel. i2mo, $1.50.

Charles Dudley Warner.

My Summer in a Garden. i6mo, Si.oo. ' '

Illustrated Edition. Square l6mo, $1.50.

Saunterings. iSmo, $1.25.

Back-Log Studies. Illustrated. Square i6mo, Si -So.

Baddeck, and that sort of Thing. iSmo, §1.00.

My Winter on the Nile. Cro\\Ti Svo, S2.00.

In the Levant. Crown Svo, $2.00.

Being a Boy. Illustrated. Square i6mo, $1.50.

In the Wilderness. iSmo, 75 cents.

William A. WTieeler.

Dictionary of Noted Names of Fiction. i2mo, $2.00. j

Edwin P. Whipple.

Works. AWj Edition.

Literature and Life. . ".

Essays and Reviews. •

Character and Characteristic Men.

The Literature of the Age of Elizabeth. ■ ' • '" ' ■■ -

Success and its Conditions. ■. - •

6 vols, crown Svo, each $1.50.

Richard Grant White. " .

Every-Day English. i2mo, $2.00.
Words and their Uses. i2mo, $2.00.
England Without and Within. i2mo, §2.00.

Mrs. A D. T. Whitney.

Faith Gartney's Girlhood. i2mo, Si 50.

Hitherto. i2mo, Si-5o.

Patience Strong's Outings. 121110, Si -50.

The Gaj-^vorthys. i2nio, Si-SO.

Leslie Goldthwaite. Illustrated. i2mo, Si. 50.

Wc Girls. Illustrated. i2mo, Si. 50.

1 6 Standard and Popular Library Books.

Real Folks. Illustrated. i2mo, gi.50. ■- ' -.

The Other Girls. Illustrated, ismo, $1.50. • '

Sights and Insights. 2 vols. 1 2mo, $3.00.

Odd or Even. 1 2010, $1.50.

Boys at Chequasset. i2mo, $1.50.

Mother Goose for Grown Folks. i2mo, $1.50.

Zerub Throop's E.xperiment. i2mo, $1.50. {hi PressJ)

Pansies. Square i6mo, $1.50.

Just How. i6mo, $1.00.

John Greenleaf Whittier.

Poems. Household Edition. Portrait. i2mo, $2.00.
Cambridge Edition. Portrait. 3 vols. l2mo, $6.75.
Red-Line Edition. Portrait. Illustrated. Small 4to, $2.50.
Diamond Edition. |l.oo.

Library Edition. Portrait. 32 illustrations. 8vo, $4.00.
. Prose Works. Cambridge Edition. 2 vols. i2mo, ?4.so.
John Woolman's Journal. Introduction by Whittier. $1.50.
Child Life in Poetry. Selected by Whittier. Illustrated.

i6mb, $2. 25. Child Life in Prose. i6mo, $2.25.
Songs of Three Centuries. Selected by J. G. Whittier.

Household Edition. l2mo, $2.00.

Illustrated Library Edition. 32 illustrations. 8vo, $4.00.

J. A. Wilstach.

Translation of Virgil's Works, 2 vols. cr. Svo. [In Press.)

Justin Winsor.

Reader's Handbook of American Revolution. i6mo, $1.25.

J. H. D. Zschokke.

Meditations on Life, Death, and Eternity. Cr. Svo, 52.00.

A catalogue containing portraits of many of the above
authors, with a description of their works, -will be salt
free, on application, to any address.

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY,
4 Park St., Boston. ii East 17TH St., New York.

HECKMAN

BINDERY INC.

JUNE 99