till*
, ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
, 3 1833 01745 7984
GENEALOGY
979.5
0R3Q
1904
THE QUARTERLY
Okegon Histoeical Society.
Volume V.]
MARCH, 1904
[Number 1
CONTENTS.
Clarence B. Sagle)/—"THE Mercer Immigration:" Two Cargoes of
Maidens for the Sound Country - - 1
T?iomasW. I*)-osch— The Evolution of Spokane and Stevens Counties 25
T. W. Davenport— Extract frosi "Recollections of an Indian Agent" 34
Jb/in J/fwto —Antecedents of the Oregon Pioneers and the Light
These Throw on Their Motives ;^
Peter H. 5wrne<<— "Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer."
Chapter III - 64
PRICE : FIFTY CENTS PEE NUMBER, TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR
THE Oreck)N Historical Society
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XT40586
THE QUARTERLY
OF THE
Oregon Historical Society.
Volume V ] MARCH, 1904 [Number 1
"TME nCECiK inniQEi^TlOKIf' TWO
C/^MQOES ©r n;^lBEKIS POM
TME 5Qmb COUiTlT.
By Clarence B. Bagley.
The early inigrations to Oregon were nearly all of the farm-
ing class and composed of families. The "Donation Act"
became a law September 27, 1850, and it proved to be a domi-
nant factor in the early development of the Willamette Valley.
Beginning with 1843, thousands of emigrants from the States
in the Mississippi Valley, but mostly from Missouri, Illinois,
Indiana, Ohio, Kentuclcy and Arkansas, sold out their small
holdings, put their wives and children into wagons and started
for Oregon. For this reason the great disparity in the num-
bers of men and women did not exist there comparable to
Washington and California.
California was admitted as a State in 1850, and almost the
entire population was males, attracted there from all over
the world by the discoveries of gold. Washington gained slowly
m population during the quarter century following its sepa-
ration from Oregon. Until about 1860 nearly all the increase
was on Puget Sound or west of the Cascade IMountains. Most
of it was composed of loggers, millmen, sailors, etc., who were
unmarried. The ratio of males to females was not less than
nine to one.
The "Donation Act" at first gave 320 acres to each unmar-
2 Clarence B. Bagley.
ried man, and 640 acres to husband and wife ; later this was
reduced one-half, and still later again oue-half. In the division
of the claim the wife had the choice.
As may be supposed there were few single women of mar-
riageable age. During the great Civil War it became a saying
that tlie cradle and the grave were robbed to supply soldiers,
and certainly the nursery was robbed for wives during the
period the "Donation Act" was in force. Marriages of girls
under fifteen years of age were common. I v/itnessed one near
Salem where the bride was only thirteen years old and the
groom more than three times that age. These early marriages
were almost all contracted that the brides might get their
' * claims. ' '
On Puget Sound the scarcity of women was a serious matter.
It affected the social, industrial and moral condition of the
several communities. It was a subject of frequent discussion
and a matter of earnest regret.
Charles Prosch, then editor of the Puget Sound Herald,
published at Steilacoom, and now enjoying a hearty and re-
spected old age in Seattle, appears to have been the first to
take up the subject for serious discussion. As early as October
22, 1858, an editorial headed "A Good Wife" appeared, and,
after paying her a glowing tribute by way of preparing his
bachelor friends for what was to follow, he said :
"Complaint has been made by several esteemed unmarried
friends of the great dearth of marriageable females in our
vicinity, and very truly. Many who are now wretched for
want of comfortable homes, with 'heaven's last best gift' pre-
siding therein, would lose no time in allying themselves with
the fair daughters of Eve if they would but deign to favor us
with their presence. There is probably no connnunity in the
Union of a like number of inhabitants, in which so large a
proportion are bachelors. We have no spinsters.
The young men here seeking life partners are every Wciy
fitted to assume the incidental responsibilities. They already,
in many instances, have comfortable homes, which only lack
the presence of females to render them in the highest degree
attractive. There are probably not less than fifty bachelors in
The Mercer Immigration. 3
and near Steilacooui, nearly all of whom are eager to put their
necks in the matrimonial noose. With few or no exceptions
they are abundantly able to provide comfortable homes, and
even to surround themselves with the luxuries of life. For
iTOod moral character they rank high; indeed, we may safely
challenge any connnunity of equal numbers in the world to
produce the same proportion of young men so little tainted
with vicious habits. It is in a great measure owing to their
freedom from vice that they have now such ample means. We
can and do conscientiously connnend them to the notice and
favor of the fair sex abroad. They would be considered very
desirable matches in large cities."
Again. August 26, 1859, with "Scarcity of White Women"
for a topic, he gave an admirable essay that now, nearly a half
century later, seems to me remarkable as a proof of the keen
insight into existing conditions and prescience of those to fol-
low evinced by its writer. AVith a few unimportant omissions
it was as follows :
" 'The white folks in Oregon, having no white women to
choose from, are marrying Indian squaws. '
The above is from a paper called the True Democrat, pub-
lished at Little Rock, Arkansas. How true it is of Oregon,
we cannot say; but we have freciuently been assured that the
reverse was the case there, and that marriageable white women
were plentiful. Unfortunately, it is too true of this beautiful
territory, and is one of the causes— the principal cause, we
might say— that operates to check its growth and development.
The proportion of white men to white women here is about
twenty to one. This vast disproportion of the sexes injuriously
affects this country in various ways. The men are unsettled
in their plans and discontented with their lot, though prosi>er-
ing liy their industry. They feel that, without wives, they are
without homes, and hence do not manifest that interest in the
country which they, would were the ties strengthened by t!ie
presence in their dwellings of cheerful helpmeets, to soothe
their cares and stimulate their energies. With all the comf ,irts
of life about them, or within reach, and an independence from
toil in early prospect, they yet feel that life has no charms for
4 Clarkmoe B. Bagley.
them, and are, therefore, reckless of whatever may befall their;.
This is a state of things not calculated to promote the inteicst
of any country, if long continued, and here especially it is to
be deeply deplored.
The intermarriage of whites with Indians is fraught with
many and serious evils. It has been asserted that it elevates
the Indian at the expense of the white race. While we ques-
tion the fact of its morally elevating the Indian race, we are
fully sensible of its demoralizing influence upon the white.
The effect of this species of amalgamation, as seen here, and
we believe, everywhere else, has been an almost instantaneous
degeneration of the white, with no visible improvement of the
Indian ; while the offspring are found to possess not only ^11
the vices inherent in the Indian, but unite with them the bad
qualities of the whites. This mixture of the races has pro-
duced some of the most noted outlaws of the Southwestern
States. It will create men of the same stamp here. It is Ihe
knowledge of this fact that has led to the enactment of laws
prohibiting these unnatural alliances.
But where there are no white women what are the white
men to do? is a question that has often been asked here.
Occasionally we hear of a young man going to the States and
getting a wife, or writing for one to come out. But it is not
every young man who has female acquaintances in the States
of suitable age or disposition for marriage. What are they to
do who unhappily have no female acquaintances at all? AVe
hardly know what to advise except to wait patiently and bide
their time. A very long time cannot now elapse ere we shall
have marriageable females enough in our own midst. The New
England towns are full to overflowing of intelligent young
women well trained to household duties, with no possible
chance of finding husbands at home. Sooner or later the tide
of female immigration will set in. Of this there is no uncer-
tainty ; it is only a question of time, but that we would hasten.
An appeal may, with propriety, be made to the good sense
of the large surplus of young women of the crowded cities of
the Northern and Eastern States, where all branches of female
labor are reduced to starving rates of pay, and where thous-
The Mercer Immigration. 5
ands upon thousands deem themselves fortunate to avoid
starvation. Among the female working classes in the States
there are some who have means sufficient to enable them to
come here, and we trust such will come, and leave their places
to those more needy. How much better oft' they would be
here as the wives of wealthy and prospering farmers, me-
chanics, professional men and merchants, than they are in
their present position. Immediate employment can be ob-
tained throughout the Territory at profitable wages by milli-
ners, dressmakers, school teachers, seamstresses, laundresses,
housemaids, etc. These pursuits are all seeking heads
and hands to follow them here, at higher compensation than
is obtained even in California.
Of the three thousand voters of Washington Territory, it
is safe to say that two thousand are desirous of entering the
marital state. Give them a chance and, our word for it, they
won't make long courtships. By the time these two thousand
are disposed of we shall have two or three thousand more,
judging from the large number of bachelors constantly set-
tling among us. Here is the market to bring your charms to,
girls. Don't be backward, but come right along— all who want
good husbands and comfortable homes in the most beautiful
country and the finest climate of the world.
Its view regarding the mixture of the races has proved in
the main correct. That has been unalloyed evil, and the
shame of it has saddened many households all over Puget
Sound. Half-breeds, carrying the blood in their veins of men
whose names are now historic, are known to all pioneers. Other
pioneers, after their dusky mistresses had borne them chil-
dren, cast them oft' and married white women. Some of these
men cared for their illegitimate progeny— others did not. In
either case the disgrace of it has darkened the lives of the
white wives and their children in all the after years. The
half-breeds have not become vicious or depraved, except in a
few instances. Some of them in youth showed talent that gave
much promise for the future, but failed of realization. In fact
most of them died in early life.
6 Clarence B. Bagley.
February 24, 1860, the following appeared in the advertis-
ing columns of the Herald:
Attention, Bachelors : Believing that our only chance
for a realization of the benefits and early attainment of matri-
monial alliances depends upon the arrival in our midst of a
number of the fair sex from the Atlantic States, and that, to
bring about such an arrival a united effort and action are
called for on our part, we respectfully request a full attend-
ance of all eligible and sincerely desirous bachelors of this
community to assemble on Tuesday evening next, February
28th, in Delin & Shorey's building, to devise ways and means
to secure this much-needed and desirable emigration to our
shores.
D. V. K. Waldron,
Egbert H. Tucker,
Christopher Downey,
Jas. E. D. Jester,
G. Ford,
O. H. White,
J. K. McCall,
E. 0. Ferguson,
0. C. Shorey,
And eighty-seven others.
The following week the Herald gave a short report of the
meeting and of another held a few days later, but did not
publish the full proceedings, owing to their great length.
June 1st, following, the Herald had an article more than a
column in length, mentioning the call for the meeting of the
bachelors. It said: ''Judging from the number of journals
which have bestowed notices on the object of the meeting
alluded to, it is fair to presume that nearly every city, town
and hamlet in the United States is acquainted with it. Our
attention has been called to some ten or twelve such notices in
papers published in as many different sections of the Union. ' '
Nearly a column from the Cincinnati Commercial was re-
printed. That paper treated the subject humorously, but
fairly, and gave the proposition its approval in most hearty
The Mercer Immigration. 7
fashion. I regret that lack of space prevents the repul)li('ation
of these remarks in fnll.
From time to time the newspapers mentioned the continued
scarcity of \^'omen here, but nothing practical was ever done
until early in 1861 a young gentleman, Asa S. Mercer, arrived
in Seattle, fresh from college. Besides having attractive man-
ners and plenty of confidence in himself, he found here am
elder brother, one of the oldest and most influential pioneers,
Judge Thomas Mercer, who numbered every man and woman
in the county his friend. Also Dexter Horton and Daniel
Bagley had been friends of the Mercer family at the old
home in Illinois. With these three pioneers to introduce him,
it was not long before young Mercer was one of the best known
young men on Puget Sound. He soon went to work in helping
to clear the old University site, and did much manual labor
of different kinds during the erection of the university l)uild-
ing in 1861.
In the fall of 1862 he became the first president of the Ter-
ritorial University and taught a five-months' term. All the
classes sat and recited in one room, the one in the southwest
corner of the building.
Judge Mercer often made it a subject of semi-jocose com-
ment that young women should be so scarce in this new com-
munity, and often suggested an effort to secure territorial
or governmental aid for bringing out from New England a
party of young women, who were needed as school teachers,
seamstresses, housekeepers, and for other positions far i-emoved
from that of household servants.
This set young Mercer to thinking on the subject, and the
more he thought o-f it the more he favored it. He talked the
matter over with William Pickering, then Governor of the Ter-
ritory, and with members of tke legislature, and while every-
body favored the proposition, the public treasury was empty,
and public credit fully fifty per cent below par, so he failed in
the effort to secure territorial aid. Nothing daunted, he went
fi-om place to place and olitained quite a number of generous
private contributions to a fund that enabled him to go to Bos-
ton, and there the proposition was placed bcfoiv tln' piihlw for
8 Clarence B. Bagley.
a lot of the girls and young women who had been made or-
phans by the Civil "War to accompany him to Washington.
Quite a large number evinced a willingness to go, but when
the time came to start only eleven had found courage to leave
their friends and make a journey of seven thousand miles into
n wilderness but thinly settled with entire strangers to them,
A few of these had to avail themselves of the means provided
by Mr. Mercer, but most of them paid their own way.
They left New York in March, 1864, came by way of the
Isthmus of Panama and San Francisco. At the latter place
quarters were secured for the party on the bark Torrent, which
brought them to Port Gamble, then called, Teekalet, and from
there the sloop Kidder brought them to Seattle about midnight
of May 16, 1864.
Their names were Lizzie M. Ordway, who never married;
Georgia Pearson, who married C. T. Terry of Whidby Island
— whose daughter Blanche has for years held a responsible
position in the office of the city superintendent of schools,
and who has jjerformed the duties of the position so accepta-
bly to the patrons of the school ; Josephine Pearson, who died
not long after her arrival in the Territory, unmarried ; Annie
May Adams, who married Robert G. Head, a well known
printer of Olympia in early days ; Miss Cheney, who married
Captain Charles H. Willoughby, one of the best known cap-
tains in the early United States revenue service, and who held
many other responsible positions ; Maria Murphy, who re-
turned East a good many years ago ; Kate Stickney, who mar-
ried Walter Graham, who then owned and lived on a beautiful
farm on the shore of Lake Washington and now known as
Brighton Beach (she did not live many years) ; Sarah J. Gal-
lagher, who became Mrs. Thomas S. Russell, and after his
death was quite wealthy, dying here in Seattle but a few years
ago; Kate Stevens, who married Captain Henry Smith, well
known on Puget Sound and in British Columbia; Miss Coff-
man, who married a Mr. Hinckley of Port Ludlow, and subse-
quently moved to California ; Miss Baker, who married a mem-
ber of the numerous and well known Huntington family of
Cowlitz County.
The Mercer Immigration. 9
There were also two male members of this party, Daniel
Pearson, the father of the Misses Pearson, and the other was,
I think, the father of Kate Stevens.
The Seattle Gazette of May 28, 1864, says: "We neglected
last week to notice the return home of our highly esteemed
fellow citizen, Mr. Asa S. JMercer, from the East, where he
has been on a visit for the greater part of the past year. It is to
the efforts of Mr. Mercer — joined with the wishes of the dar-
lings themselves — that the eleven accomplished and beautiful
young ladies whose arrival was lately announced, have been
added to our population. We understand that the number
would have been fifty, as at first reported, but many were not
able to prepare for the journey this season. The thanks of
the whole community, and of the bachelors in particular, are
due Mr. Mercer for his efforts in encouraging this much-needed
kind of immigration. ]\Ir. Mercer is the Union candidate for
joint councilman for King and Kitsap counties, and all bach-
elors, old and young, may, on election day, have an oppor-
tunity of expressing, through the ballot box, their appreciation
of his devotedness to the cause of the Union, matrimonial as
well as national."
His efforts had been so much appreciated that he had been
nominated unanimously to the upper house of the Territorial
Legislative Assembly. His opponent was M. S. Drew, who
then lived at Port Gamble, but has been for a great many
years a prominent resident of Seattle. The total vote in King
County was 148, and in Kitsap County about 90. Mr. Mer-
cer was elected by a considerable majority.
He served during the session ending the last days of Janu-
ary, 1865, and the first days of March following he was again
on his way East on the same errand that had engaged him on
his previous trip. A letter, dated April 17, 1865, at New York
City, to his brother in Seattle, aimouuces that he had just
arrived, having been much delayed on the Isthmus. It also
refers to the intense excitement existing over the assassination
of President Lincoln, two days previous.
He went to work at once, and met with encouragement wher-
ever he went. In three months he thought his plans were .so
10 Clarence B. Bagley.
well perfected that he could set the date for the return to
Seattle, as the following letter will show^ :
"Lowell, Mass., July 23, 1865.
Ed. Gazette: Through the Gazette and the territorial
papers generally, I wish to speak to the citizens of Puget
Sound. The 19th of August I sail from New York with up-
wards of three hundred war orphans— daughters of those
brave, heroic sons of liberty, whose lives were given as offer-
ings to appease the angry god of battle on many a plain and
field in our recent war to perpetuate freedom and her institu-
tions. I appeal to every true, warm-hearted family to open
wide the door and share your home comforts with those whose
lot is about to be cast in your midst. Let every neighborhood
appoint a connnittee of a lady and gentleman to meet us at
Seattle upon the arrival of the ocean steamer carrying the
party, with instruction to welcome to their homes as many of
the company as they can furnish homes and employment for.
Judging from the known intelligence, patriotism and
benevolence of the citizens of Washington Territory, I feel
confident that a home will be found ready for each one of the
three hundred young ladies I have induced to migrate to our
new but interesting country. I can cheerfully vouch for the
intelligence and moral character of all those persons accom-
panying me, and take pleasure in saying that they will be
a very desirable addition and help to the country.
Will the press generally aid us in getting these facts before
the people.
Very truly,
A. S. MERCER."
The Gazette published the letter, remarking that the expedi-
ency of bringing so large a number at that time into our thinly
settled country might be questionable, but added: "Be this
as it may, they will soon be here and depending upon our
citizens for homes. They have strong claims upon our sym-
pathies, and all who have the least patriotism should extend
the hand of fellowship to welcome, and will do all they can
to provide for them. They come to us the unprotected orphans
of the heroes whose lives were freely given for our country's
Thp: Mercer Immigration. 11'
salvation. The graves of their natural protectors now roughen
the battle fields of Freedom. We, on this distant shore, enjoy
the fruits of their valor and sacrifices, but we did not share
their sufferings, toils, and dangers. We are called upon by-
eve ry emotion of gratitude and sense of duty to protect and
provide for their children."
The few papers then published in Oregon and Washington
gave shnilar expressions of sentiment.
Copies of ]\Ir. Mercer's letter and the editorial of the Gazette
were printed and sent out to all the towns and communities
in Western Washington, with the acompanying circular:
"Seattle, Washington Territory, September 18, 1865.
Dear Sir: Acting upon the information inclosed, a large
and earnest meeting was held in this place on the 16th instant,
to devise ways and means for the reception and care of the
young ladies mentioned. Committees were appointed in the
several towns and places of the territory for that purpose— the
one at Seattle to act as executive committee, with Mrs. H. L.
Yesler, president on the part of the ladies, and W. E. Barnard,
the gentlemen. Hon. C. C. Terry was chosen treasurer and
Daniel Bagley was chosen corresponding secretary;
and yourself were appointed a committee for your
part of the territory. The objects are, first: To provide
homes and employment in families for as many as possible.
Second : To secure places for a time for others until they can
be permanently eared for; and, third: To collect funds and
articles to meet the immediate wants that must of necessity
be pressing upon their arrival. It is thought a large number
of blankets and of bed clothing of all kinds will be in demand.
Prompt and efficient action must be had, or embarrassment
and suffering be experienced by the orphans of our departed
heroes. Humanity and patriotism, alike, call upon us to make
their condition as comfortal)le as i:»ossible. They may be
expected here in a few days, hence something must be done
without delay. We cannot now stop to question the propriety
of Mr. Mercer's action. We trust it will result in good to the
territory and all concerned. Please report at once how many
we may send to your care, upon their arrival here. 'To do
>12 Clarence B. Bagley.
good, and to communicate forget not, for with such sacrifices
God is well pleased. ' Also, collect funds and articles and for-
wai-d or repoi't to me or the treasurer, Mr. Terry, of this place.
DANIEL BAGLEY,
Corresponding Secretary."
The responses were prompt and generous, and had the large
numl)er thus expected really made their appearance here, they
would have received a royal welcome and been entertained and
cared for most tenderly.
About two years ago a distorted account of many of the
incidents connected with this party came under my attention.
I enclosed it in a letter to Mr. Mercer, asking that he write
me an account of his experiences in Washington and New
York, which he did in due time, but a fitting occasion for its
publication has never before now seemed to appear. It is as
follows :
' ' Mayoworth, Wyoming, November 12, 1901.
Hon. C. B. Bagley, Seattle, Washington.
My Dear Sir : I am in receipt of your letter asking for an
account of the voyage of the 'Mercer girls,' as they were at
the time called, from New York to Seattle. Tempus fug it.
Ah, how the time has flown. It really seems but a few days
since, in the flush of youth and the vigor of young manhood,
I started out to do something for the commonwealth of Wash-
ington, which I dearly loved, and incidentally confer a bless-
ing upon those whom a presentation of facts might induce to
come and abide with us. But a reference to the calendar shows
that more than thirty years have sped away, and a glance at
present conditions reveals the fact that marvelous changes
have taken place in all things Washingtonian, save in God's
pyramids that rise in the Cascade and Olympic ranges. These
will ever stand as proud tokens of inflnite power and smiling
sentinels to guard the developments wrought by man.
Early in the year 1865, impressed with the future great-
ness of the Territory, and knowing her every need, I deter-
mined to aid that future by bringing to her shores of few hun-
dred good women. I had been taught to believe, and did be-
lieve, that practically all tlu^ goodness in the world came from
The Mercer Immigration. 13
the iutiueiice of puro-niinded women. At that time there was
not a sinj^le woman of marriageable age on Puget Sound or
the inlets north of Olympia, save two or three 'school
marms, ' who had accompanied me from the East the year
before, and they were all preparing their wedding trousseaux.
On the other hand, 'the woods were full' of single men —
strong, brave and true-hearted, who had gone West to help
subdue it and build a home. There were few families, and the
bachelor element was almost wholly beyond the reach of female
inlluence and its wholesome results. Most of these men had
taken claims along the various streams and commenced the
slow process of clearing. I*rospectively their farms were valu-
able, but at that time unsalable, save for a pittance. The cost
of a trip by steamer to the East was $250, not to mention inci-
dentals. Thus the round trip, with the necessary expenses of
finding a wife and returning to the 'Sound' would be $1,000
at least, and this was more than any claim in the country
would sell for. So it was evident that Mahomet could not go
to the mountains and the mountains had to be taken to Ma-
homet.
This was just at the close of the Civil War, when thousands
of widows and orphans filled the East, many of whom, I rea-
soned, would be glad to seek a home in the sunset land, then
terra incognita. Hundreds of government vessels were lying
idle and thousands of seamen were still on the pay rolls, with
bunkers overflowing with coal, at all of the government
wharves. My thought was to call on President Lincoln, tell
him of our situation, and ask him to give me a ship, coaled
and manned, for the voyage from New York to Seattle, I fur-
.jishing the food supplies. This, I was contident, he would
gladly do. Having sat upon Lincoln's lap as a five-year-old
lad and listened to his funny stories, and knowing the goodness
of his heart, not a shadow of doubt existed in my mind as to
the outcome.
The steamer arrived in New York about noon and I ai--
ranged matters so as to leave for Washington on the morning
train. Reaching the hotel office at 6 o'clock so as to breakfast
and be off, crepe greeted me from all sides, and a bulletin
14 Clarence B. Bagley.
announced the assassination of the President at Ford's Thea-
ter the night before. I was at sea without a compass.
Clearly nothing- could be done at Washington then. Wait-
ing the passing of the temporary shock to the people, I racked
my brain for a way out of darkness. The Governor of Massa-
chusetts, John A. Andrew, was at the moment the most talked
about and seemingly the most popular and influential man and
politician in the country. To him I would go with my story and
seek his aid. In due time he was approached and given a full
statement of my hopes and aims, with an honest but glowing
account of the resources and prospects of the country watered
by the American Mediterranean. He took hold in earnest,
and introduced me to Edward Everett Hale, who gave me
much help.
Passing over the months of hard and continuous labor in
the various departments at Washington, with the statement
that I had seen everybody, from President Johnson down the
line, all of whom approved of the enterprise but were afraid
to aid, I finally called upon General Grant and stated my
wants. Having been stationed for a number of years on Puget
Sound, he knew the situation and promptly promised his aid.
Calling at his office one morning, he said: 'Mercer, sit down
and read the morning paper until my return. I am going over
to the White House to meet the President and his cabinet and
will bring your matter to a head one way or the other. ' Half
an hour later he returned, and as he entered the door his salu-
tation was : ' Captain Crosby, make out an order for a steam-
ship, coaled and manned, with capacity to carry 500 women
from New York to Seattle for A. S. Mercer, and I will sign the
same.' Then, turning to me, he explained that the President
and all the members of the cabinet approved the' undertaking,
but were afraid to assume the responsibility of making the
order. They pledged themselves, however, to stand by Grant if
he would assume the risk. Half an hour's waiting and the or-
derly placed in my hands the dociiment that apparently settled
the Avhole question. Naturally I thought the order was good,
and instead of going to the quartermaster and having a suita-
ble vessel assigned, went out among the people to gather up
The Mercer Immigration. 15
the women, even issuing nearly 500 tickets for the trip.
Having- interested and secured about all the passengers
necessary to fill the ship, I returned to Washington to have
the vessel made ready and turned over to me. Accompanied
by Senator George H. Williams of Oregon, I called upon
Quartermaster-General ]\Ieigs with Grant's order. Unfortun-
ately the man in line first ahead of Senator Williams was an
individual who had furnished a horse to our soldiers and taken
a receipt for the same. The man had been paid twice for his
animal already and General Meigs recognized him. The quar-
ter-master fiew into a rage, ordered the man arrested and filled
the room with the smoke of vituperation and cuss words until
breathing was an actual effort. Presenting an order at this
time was fatal. Still black in the face from his recent experi-
ence, General Meigs looked at the paper a moment, then said :
' There is no law justifying this order and I will not honor it. '
Crestfallen, I retired, ^leigs was stubborn and the law was
with him. AVeeks passed and I was ready to give up the fight,
when one day in New York I received a letter from General
IMeigs saying that he had ordered a special appraisement of
the propellor Continental, a 1,600 ton ship, and that I could
have her at the appraisement for carrying my people to Seattle
notwithstanding the law required the sale to be at public auc-
tion. Eighty thousand dollars was the price, cash in hand.
That was not a price to 'stagger the world,' but it made me
tremble. Sitting in my room at the ^Merchants Hotel and can-
vassing every known avenue that gave the faintest hope of
leading up to this sum of ready money. I was surprised to
receive a card bearing the name ' Ben Holladay. ' Inviting him
up, he began the conversation by saying: 'I understand the
government offers you the Continental for .$80,000, and that
you have not the money. If you will let me have her I will fit
her for the trip and carry your people to Seattle at a nominal
figure.
Drowning men catch at straws. I was the asphyxiated in-
dividual and caught at the extended straw. The contest was
unequal. Air. Holladay had two good lawA^ers pitted against
an inexperienced youth, over-anxious and ready to be saeri-
16 Clarence B. Bagley.
fieed. Result— a contract to carry 500 passengers from New
York to Seattle for a minimum price, in consideration of
turning over the ship to him. Later— too late— I saw where
the 'little joker' came in. Had there been a clause statini>:
that 150 passengers were to be carried free, and $100 for each
additional passenger, all would have been well.
Being blind, I proceeded to list all of my passengers and
notify them of the date of sailing, issuing many tickets to
the girls free. A few days before the time fixed for departure
a long, scurrilous article appeared in the Neiv York Herald,
slandering me, stating that all of the men on Puget Sound
were rotten and profligate; that the girls would all be turned
into houses of ill-fame, and apealing to them to stay at home.
The old saying that a lie will travel a thousand miles while
the truth is putting on its boots was true in this case. Every-
where the article was copied, and before I could get my refer-
ences printed and counteract the calumny, two-thirds of the
passengers had written me, enclosing the Herald article, or
clipping from it, and declined further consideration of the
matter.
Armed with a handful of these letters, I called on Mr. Holla-
day and told him I was unable to carry out the contract as
to numbers, but would be ready with perhaps 200 people. For
reply I was told that the contract was off. But, as the ship
was to be sent to the Pacific, they would take such passengers
as I presented at regular rates. Then I saw the 'little joker'
of the contract.
Delays in fitting out the ship caused expense and numy an-
noyances, but we finally left New York on January 6, 1866,
and after a very pleasaiit run of ninety-six days made San
Francisco via the Straits of Magellan, touching at Rio Janeiro,
Lota, and Talcahuano, Chile, and at Charles Island, one of the
(Jalapagos group, lying under the equator and 600 miles out
from the west coast of South America. After some days' de-
lay in San Francisco the people were sent north in luinches of
ten to forty on the lumber ships trading between Sound ports
and the California metropolis.
The voyage was a remarkable one in many ways, but espe-
The Mercer Immigration. 17
cially so in the matter of health, no sickness of any kind
occurring after the first few days of debt paying to the God
of the Storm, save one case of child-birth, a baby girl having
come to the wife of a gentleman passenger, who, with his wife
and Continental baby, settled at Port Madison.
The young ladies comprising the party were selected with
great care, and never in the history of the world was an equal
inimber of women thrown together with a higher average
of intelligence, modesty, and virtue. They are now going into
the sere and yellow leaf of life with, as a rule, sons and daugh-
ters risen up to call them blessed. I have drifted away from
them, but I know that their influence upon the State has been,
as a whole, for good. God bless them and theirs.
You did not ask for details of experiences during the trip —
merel}^ for what might properly be termed the historic side
of the venture. Hence, I have given you a running outline
of the facts as they occurred. An incidental writing up of
the trip and the formation of the party would be pleasant
reading for some, but it would make too long a chapter for
a busy newspaper of to-day. There were many trying and
some amusing incidents in connection with the enterprise, one
of which, no doubt, even the nervous, active reader of the
day will appreciate.
One of the most enthusiastic supporters of my contemplated
'raid on the widows and orphans of the East,' as he was
wont to call it, was Governor William Pickering. The day
before I started to New York the Governor met me, shook my
hand warndy, and said : ' God bless you, Mercer, and make
your undertaking a great success. If you get into financial
trouljle and need money, do not hesitate to Avire me and I
will give you help. '
When I arrived in San Francisco I was broke — three lone-
some dollars being my all. With the hotel bills of the party
to pay and transportation to Seattle to secure, the situation
was somewhat embarrassing, to say the least. Remembering
the Governor's promise, I spent .$2.50 sending him this tele-
gram: 'Arrived here broke. Send .$2,000 quick to get party
to Seattle.' The next day I received a notice from the tele-
18 Clarence B. Baglev.
^raph office to call, pay $7.50 and receive a dispatch waiting
for me. Having but 50 cents, I could not buy the message.
However, I called at the office and asked to see the superin-
tendent. Explaining my impecunious state, I lold him of the
message to the (Jovernor, and suggested that he, the superin-
tendent, open the dispatch and see if it contained an order
for money. If so, I could pay— otherwise it was the com-
pany's loss. He opened the envelope and read, then burst
into a hearty laugh, and passed the message to me. It was
made up of over 100 words of congratulation, but never a
word about money.
Trusting that the above may cover what you desire, I have
the honor to be, Yours very truly,
A. S. MERCER."
A correct list of the names of the party who came out on
the Continental was never published, so far as I have been
able to find, although many attempts were made. The fol-
lowing is nearly correct, but may err in two or three particu-
lars : Albert A. Manning and wife, W. L. Mercer and wife,
John Wilson and wife. Dr. C. F. Barnard and wife, C. Board-
man, wife and child, J. Bogart and wife, R. Conant, Lewis A.
Treen. E. A. Stevens, W. Perrigo and wife, Mrs. J. S. Loud
and son James, Mrs. M. Osborne and son Eben S., C. S.
Spaulding and wife, Mrs. Pearson and son Daniel 0.. David
H. Webster, T. A. Lewis, B. Brady, F. Read, J. J. Tingley, H.
0. Hill, Rhodes and wife. Captain E. Pettis, wife and
son, Mr. Weeks and wife, ]\Irs. Grinnold and two daughters,
Mrs. Wakeman and three children and her mother, Mr.
Stephenson, wife and child, Mat A. Kelley, Mrs. Parker, Mrs.
Chase and two children, ]\Irs. Warren and two sons, Mrs.
Buckminster, ]\Ir. Peterson, wife and three children, Mr. Hor-
ton, S. S. Tingley, and the Misses Harriet F. Stevens, Annie
Stevens, Annie E. Stephens, Mamie Stephens, H. Stewart,
Sarah Davidson, F. Collins, A. Weir, M. Kenney, Clara M.
Lord, Carrie Bacon, E. Bacon, Nina E. Manning, M. A. Griffin,
M. Staples, M. J. Smith, Annie Peebles, Lizzie Peebles, Julia
Guthrie, Ida Barlow, L. Barry, A. Horton, A. Miller, M. Mar-
The Mercer Immigration. 19
till, Sarah A. Robison, and Misses Rhodes, Atkinson, Lawrence,
and Connor.
Several engagements had l^een made during the voyage out.
The h)cal paper of June 11, 1866, makes the following an-
nouncement :
]\Iarried— On the 27th ult., by Rev. D. Bagley, David II.
Webster to Miss Sarah A. Robison, of King County, W. T.
Even the arch-promoter of the immigration movement could
not escape Cupid's entanglements, as the following notice will
Nihow :
Married— On the 15th of July, 1866, at the IMethodist Prot-
estant Church in this city, by the Rev. Daniel Bagley, Mr.
Asa Shinn Mercer to Miss Annie E. Stephens, of Baltimore,
Maryland.
The Continental has often been represented as having been
captured by the Federal fleet while engaged in blockade run-
ning during the Civil War. This is not true. She was built
for the United States at Philadelphia in 1864. She was con-
structed of oak and hickory. Her length was 285 feet, beam
36 feet, depth of hold 17 feet. When turned over to Ben Hol-
laday she was practically a new ship and worth fully $250,000.
By the scoundrelly trick he relates in his letter Mercer was
robbed of a fortune. Captain Charles Winsor commanded her
on the voyage out. He was later succeeded by Captains Dall,
Bolles, Thorn, Metzger and others. William Law and John
Farrell, both widely known Pacific Coast engineers, came out
on her.
The Continental ran up to Portland and also to other Pacific
Coast ports for the ensiung four years, but September 27, 1870,
while crossing the Gulf of California, encountered a heavy gale
and foundered, eight lives being lost with her. She was com-
manded by Captain Chris Dale at the time, and, whether .justly
or unjustly, he was greatly blamed in connection with the
affair.
]\Iiss Harriet F. Stevens kept a record of the trip and fur-
nished it for publication soon after the arrival of the party
here. The following is briefly condensed therefrom :
"The steamer with its lessened quota of passengers, left New
20 Clarence B. Bagley.
Yoi-k .hiniiary 16, 1866, and ran at once into a severe storm
thai lasted two days," after which she says :
"As \v(^ i-eeovered our normal condition we bey,an to look
about us. With i>reat satisfaction Ave found that we had a
parly of iutelli,iient, amiable, sprig-litly people. The unmarried
ladies aiv mostly from New Enoland, and can boast a fair
share of beauty, grace and culture, which characterize the best
society of that region. It is impossible that the lovely girls
who are with us should have left the East because their chances
of matrimony Avere hopeless. One must look for some other
motive. One need only observe their lively appreciation of all
that is gj-and and novel in our experiences to feel assured that
the love of adventure, the ardor and romance of youth are suf-
ficient to account for their share of our Heg'ira. But are all
the unmarried ladies young ladies ? Certainly not ! Besides
the humble writer there are several equally venerable. Their
bright faces, wit and sound sense are, however, such that they
cannot fail to be desirable members of society in a new coun-
try."
Rio Janeiro w^as reached February 10, and, as several
days were passed in that beautiful harbor, all had interesting
visits to all parts of the city and its lovely suburbs. Rev. Mr.
Simanton, an American missionary at Rio, came to the ship
on the Sabbath and held religious services. They left that city
on the 18th.
The Straits of Magellan were reached March 1st, and over
three weeks were spent in making the passage through, as they
called at Port Gallant, Sandy Point, and Lota. At the latter
place they received their supply of coal, which accounted for
much of the delay.
The Galapagos Islands were reached April 7, and a brief
stay was had while some minor repairs to the engines were
made.
April 24th they arrived safely in San Francisco harbor.
In a letter to a local paper, a few weeks after their arrival
in Seattle, she says:
' ' I wonder if the good people of Washington Territory have
any idea of the discouraging circumstances under which the
The Mp:RrER Immioration. 21
handful of female iinmiyi-ants landed upon your shores! My
friend and myself, arriving in ISan Franciseo in good health
and high courage, wei*e surprised to find persons eounuissioned
bj friends in the East to seek us immediately on the arrival of
the Continental, render us all the services of which we stood
in need, and, if our spirits were so crushed that we desired to
I'eturn. secure a passage for us. We had just tinished what
we considered the happiest three months of our lives, and it
woidd be dit^cult to depict our state of mind, on reading letters
fi-om our friends bewailing our hard fate and beholding the
actual presence of their agents, whom we had never seen
before, but who evidently believed that we had been led by mis-
representation to take passage with a party of ignorant, vicious
people, from whose presence we should tiy as from a pestilence.
There was no end of testimony as to the dismal character
of Washington Territory ; the ignorance, coarseness and
immorality of its people, and the impossibility of obtaining
employment. It was added that the wrath of Washington Ter-
ritory was such that ]\Ir. Mercer's life was nearly in danger;
that its people utterly repudiated the whole thing. One lady
said in our presence : ' Of course, no respectable woman came
on the Continental;' another assured us that we should n(>ver
be respected on the Pacific Coast because we came in that dis-
reputable ship. Friends assured us that Puget Sound was the
last place in the world for women, and offered us all sorts of
inducements to remain. Those who felt warranted by relation-
ship positively vetoed leaving California. But Washington
Territory had been the land of our dreams for many months.
]\rany of us could not l)e satisfied until we had seen it, and we
determined to go on, although our hopes were greatly de-
pressed by such a mass of testinuniy.
Shade of Falstaff"! ITow this world is given to* lying! At
the first sight of your beautiful little village my spirits began
to revive. The fine structure occupying so grand a site, ami
devoted to education is not. I reflected, a bad commenlary on
the smaller houses Ix'low.
I now ])elieve that only the most conscientious determina-
tion not to awaken hopes Ihat would not be I'eali/ed has led
22 Clarence B. Bagley.
I\rr. IMoreor to give impressions of Seattle far below the truth.
There is niueh more of comfort and retinement than I expected.
But the one thini>' above all others with which I am satisfied
is the complete justification of Mr. Mercer's expedition, which
I find in the facts stated publicly by Rev. Mr. Bagley. It is
unfortunate that times have changed since the beginning of
the entei'pi-ise, but surely that is no fault of Mr. Mercer's. For
myself, 1 think the party is obtaining situations quite as rap-
idly as could be expected under the most favorable state of
affairs, and I believe that is the opinion which the party gen-
erally holds. I am happy to say, also, that they have experi-
enced the same agreeable surprises in regard to the country
and the people which I have expressed above."
December 18, 1865, Governor Pickering received a dispatch
from ]\Ir. INIercer in New York, asking for a loan of three
thousand dollars, and announcing that the party would sail
on the 22d of that month. The Governor had no private for-
tune and was unable to respond in any sum, but at once called
on the legislature, then in session at Olympia, to make an
appropriation from the territorial treasury.
Accordingly the ways and means committee of the House
of Representatives presented "House Bill No. 42 — An act
appropriating certain moneys to aid Mr. Mercer."
The majority of the committee recommended the appropria-
tion of four thousand dollars for the following reasons :
"1. The reputation of the territory is, in a measure, at
stake."
"2. The bare idea that five hundred ladies should be left
in the City of New York disappointed and unprovided for,
when they have come from their homes in good faith, is not
to be entertained for a moment by any man claiming to be
actuated by the feelings of humanity."
The minority submitted an adverse report, and after the bill
reached its third reading it failed to pass by a vote of eight
for and eighteen against it.
From San Francisco, besides the dispatch sent to Govei^nor
Pickering, mentioned by Mr. Mercer, he also sent the fol-
lowing :
The Mercer Immigration. 23
"To Daniel Bagley, Seattle.
Will you and Horton authorize Phillips to sign indemnify-
ing bond with me for two thousand dollars ?
A. S. ]\Iercer."
The guaranty asked for in the telegram appearing above
was not sent, but instead a dispatch was sent to Mr. ]\Iercer
authorizing him to use funds that had been entrusted to his
care by Mr. Bagiey for another purpose. This did not afford
the anticipated relief, for those funds had been used by "Sir.
^Mercer months before. Right there was the secret of ^Ir. Mer-
cer's failure at that time and at other times in his life. He
was ever prone to take whatever he urgently hoped for as cer-
tain of accomplishment. When he had been promised the ship
he took all else for granted. Large sums of money had been
put into his hands by his relatives and friends for certain pur-
poses. All these he diverted into this immigration scheme,
and the failure of the enterprise made it impossible for him
to pay l>ack these moneys. He broke up several of his best
friends and financially crippled others, and was made the sub-
ject of ugly charges by many of those whom he had injured.
That he had used these moneys for his personal benefit no one
claimed, but the fact that their money had gone toward the
accomplishment of the immigration scheme did not reconcile
to their losses those who felt they had been robbed by ]\Ir.
Mercer.
'Sir. ]\Iercer became interested in the matter of securing this
immigration to Washington Territory because he realized that
nuich public and private good would follow, but he did not
lose sight of the financial profit that might also be obtained
from it, as the following contract, with names omitted, will
show :
"I, A. S. Mercer, of Seattle, W. T., hereby agree to bring
a suitable wife, of good moral character and reputation, from
the East to Seattle, on or before September, 1865, for each of
the parties whose signatures are hereunto attached, they first
paying to me or my agent, the sum of three hundred dollars.
24 Clarence B. Bagley.
with which to pay the passag:e of said ladies from the East
and to compensate me for my trouble.
Seattle, W. T., March 1, 1865.
(Signed) A. S. Merger.
Names of second parties to the above contract,"
(Names.)
In all the earlier stages of his great work he was not actuated
by mercenary motives. He believed that his mission was one
of innuense benefit to the Territory and of great good to those
whom he might induce to come out here. His every action,
his whole attitude toward those who had entrusted themselves
to his guidance and care was that of a chivalrous, piTre-minded
American gentleman.
The years that have elapsed since then have verified and
justified his predictions as to the far-reaching and beneficial
etifects that were to result to the innnigrants themselves and
to the new land of their adoption. They have proved a bless-
ing to every community from the Cowlitz northward to the
boundary line. In public and at the fireside their teachings
and their example have conserved the well-being of the people
of which they a7id their children have formed an integral part.
THE E¥0LyTl©P ©F SFOMKIE iMPB
STEfEWS C@«K1T1ES,
By Thomas W. Pkosch.
Prior to 1800 tlie eoniity of Walla Walla was of vast area,
approaching 200,000 square miles. It included all of
Eastern Washington except a little strip along the Columbia
River known as Skamania County, in which were a few people
dwelling at the Cascades. Eastern Washington then meant all
that it does now, and, in addition, all of Idaho and parts of
Montana and Wyoming, reaching to the sununits of the Rocky
I\Iountains. In Walla Walla County at that time were perhaps
two hundred white people and one hundred times as many, or
about twenty thousand, Indians. The Indian wars of 1847-48
and 1855-56-57-58 had driven from this great and magnificent
region the few white settlers who had there endeavored to make
their homes, and the arbitrary exclusion orders of the military
authoi-ities generally prevented their return. A few daring
individuals were scattered about prospecting for gold, trap-
ping and hunting, trading, and occupying the country some-
what from the spirit of opposition and obstinacy — because
they were not wanted by the Indians or the Federal soldiery.
The policy of the territorial authorities was the reverse of that
of General Wool, Colonel Wright, and the War Department in
this respect. It favored the opening of the eastern lands to
settlement and the confinement of the Indians to reserved lands
set apart for their exclusive use. So Walla Walla County
was created at an early day with a view to encouraging the
location of white men and women within its borders. The same
idea prevailed later in the creation of other counties in the
immense district referred to. The operation was sometimes
a slow one, requiring repeated efforts, as will be seen in what
follows, concerning what are now two of the great counties of
the State of Washington.
By act of the Washington legislature, approved January
26 Thomas W. Prosch.
29, 1858, the county of Spokane was leg-ally created. The
boundary lines wei-e the Snake River from its mouth to the 46th
parallel; thence east along that parallel to the summit oC thi»
Rocky jMountains; thence north by the mountain tops to the
49th parallel; thence west by that parallel to the middle of
the Columbia River, and finally south by the river to the place
of beiiiiniing— the mouth of the Snake. A glance at the map
will show the inquirer that the area inclosed was immense,
exceeding that of quite a number of the States of the American
Union. Apparently there were a few people in the new county,
or at least the legislators thought so, as Lafayette Alexander
was appointed auditor; Patrick McKenzie, sheriff; Robert
Douglas, John Owen and William McCreary, commissioners.
There being no town, the county seat was located upon the
farm of Angus McLeod. The territory described was made to
compose a county for civil and military purposes, under the
general laws, rules and regulations governing other counties,
and entitled to elect the same officers other counties were
entitled to elect.
Nothing came of this legislation. In the months required
for printing the laws, the lack of postoffices and infrequency
of mails, and the impossibility, perhaps, of reaching the indi-
viduals named, may be found the reason or reasons for their
nonassumption of the offices and honors endeavored to be
thrust upon them. Or it may be that they could see inconven-
iences and expenses connected with holding office under the
conditions surrounding them, without compensating advjni-
tages, and that their inaction was of the nature of declension.
The following legislature took notice of the failure of the pre-
vious appointees to qualify and organize the county. By law
of the 18th of January, 1859, appointees were again provided
for as follows: Robert Douglas, John McDugald and Angus
McLeod, commissioners; Thomas Brown, sheriff; Patrick
McKen/Je, auditor; Thomas Sternsger, probate judge, and
Solomon Pelkey, justice of the peace. As several new
names appear among the appointees, it may be inferred that
they were either newcomers to the county or that the legis-
lators did not the year before know them. It is a fact that
Spokane and Stevens Counties. 27
difficulty was experienced more than once in finding a
sufficient number of suitable men to fill the offices in the
newly created counties of Washington Territory. This was
plainly the case in Spokane both in 1858 and 1859, as pro-
vision was not made in either year for treasurer, coroner,
assessor, constable, and other officers. The new officials were
authorized to hold their offices until the next regular annual
election, oi- until their successors were elected and qualified.
No election was held in Spokane County owing to the failure
of the newly appointed officials to qualify, organize and set
in motion the county machinery. There is reason to believe
that the few white people then in that vast region, dwelling
chiefiy in Bitter Root Valley, now in Montana, did not give
unqualified approval to the legislative creation. By petition,
signed in November and December of 1859, they plainly indi-
cated their disapproval of inclusion within the counl!y of Spo-
kane. They then asked for the creation of Bitter Root County,
extending five hundred miles along the western slope of the
Rocky Mountains from the 41st parallel to the 49th. As the
petitioners were chiefiy Hudson Bay Company men, French
Canadians and half-breeds, not at that time in good repute in
Washington Territory, their request was coldly received by
the legislature, and went unheeded and ungranted.
The teri'itorial legislature, which then met every year, was
determined not to be balked and defeated in this matter. In
January, 1860, it again took notice of the nonaction of its
appointees. In an act approved on the 17th of that month the
county of Spokane was second time legally created. The boun-
daries and limits were as before, to-wit : The 49th parallel on
the north, the Snake River and the 46th parallel on the south,
the Rocky Mountains on the east, and the Columbia River on
the west. This time the seat of government was fixed upon
the land claim of Dr. Bates. James Hayes, Faques Dumas,
and Leaman were named as commissioners; John
Winn, sheriff; R. K. Rogers, treasurer; Douglas,
auditor ; F. Wolf, coroner, and J. R. Bates, justice of the peace.
A partial organization of the county was efifected this time, the
commissioners holding their first meeting on the 9th of May,
28 THO^fAS W. Prosch.
l(SfiO, wlien they estalilished election precincts. July 18th
they ordered the first warrant drawn, for $24.50. August Sth
they fixed tlie li(iu()r license at $200 per annum, and billiard
table licenses at $80. The of^cials reported in 1861 225 white
people in the county, of whom only one was of the female sex.
The laruer number of men at this time is to be accounted for
by the fact that jiold had been discovered in that region and
a great num])ei- of miners and others were then rushing there
from all parts of the Pacific Coast. The officials also reported
assessable property to the amount of $142,174, consisting of
horses, cattle, farms and mills, upon which the Territory,
^\•hich was then conducted upon a very economical basis, levied
a tax of one null on the dollar, the charge being $142.17. Small
as it was, the amount was not paid promptly, the first report
of money received by the territorial treasurer from Spokane
County l^ing that of July 11, 1863, when $219.03 came to
hand : no more money being received, by the way, until seven-
teen years later.
Notwithstanding the remissness of the county officials, the
legislature proceeded upon the theory that things were moving
on and that there was a county there with increasing popula-
tion and political demands. Several new counties about this
time were cut oft' from Walla Walla and Spokane on the east,
named Idaho, Nez Perce, Shoshone, Boise and Missoula, and
these new counties were later included in the territory of
Idaho as organized in 1863. Meanwhile the Washington legis-
h.ture, January 27, 1860, gave to the Walla Walla district
court exclusive jurisdiction in Spokane County. This arrange-
ment continued two years when the legislature (January 3,
1862) established the district of Spokane County, with juris-
diction in Spokane and IMissoula counties, and court terms
to be held at the seat of Spokane County. January 2, 1862,
the office of assessor of Spokane County was abolished and
the duties formerly devolving upon that official were placed
upon the sheriff. January 19, 1863, the treasurer was author-
ized by law to loan the school funds in advantageous manner.
Why this was done does not become apparent from the record,
but it was i)rol)ably l>ecause there being no children there were
Spokane and Stevens Counties. "Ad
no schools and no bettor way of using the money. Another
court jurisdiction act was passed in January, 1863.
In conjunction with other counties Spokane was represented
in the legislatures of 1861-62-63-64: by John A. Simms, J. R.
Bates, B. F. Yantis, Daniel Stewart, and Isaac L. Tobey.
Tobey seemed to have a grievance against his Spokane con-
stituency, for on the 13th of January, 186-4, he introduced in
the house, bill No. 59, which he pushed with so much vig^tr
that in less than a week it had passed both houses and was the
law of the land. This bill declared "that the County of Spo-
kane is hereby annexed to Stevens, and the two counties here-
after shall compose but one county to be known as the county
of Stevens." Thus ended for the second time the county of
Spokane, the existence of which was uncertain, changeful and
troublous from its beginning, or attempted beginning, six years
before. By the new law Colville was made the county seat
until otherwise ordered by the people of the county. The
officers of Spokane County were continued as the officers of
Stevens County, and the legislative representation of both
counties was given to the one county of Stevens.
By act of January 20, 1863, Stevens County was created.
It was cut off from Walla Walla and included all that portion
between the Wenatchee River on the south, the 49th parallel
on the north, the Columbia River on the east, and the Cascade
Mountains on the west. It w^as named in honor of Isaac Ingails
Stevens, the first Governor of Washington Territory, 1853 to
1857, and delegate to congress from 1857 to 1861. Stevens
entered the Union army at the outbreak of the rebellion, and
was successively colonel, brigadier general and major general.
On the first of September, 1862, he was killed in battle at
Chantilly, Virginia. The honor paid to his memory on this
occasion by the legislature was a deserved one which met the
hearty approval of all citizens. W. B. Yantis was made sheriff
of the new county; Charles H. Campbell, auditor; Richard
Longfield, Doyle, and Hill, commissioners.
The seat was located temporarily at the store of H. Young.
For judicial purposes Stevens County was attached to Spo-
kane. It may be said that though Stevens has been continued
30 Thomas W. Prosch.
with numerous chant-es from that time to this, it now includes
almost nothing of its original area, it being at this time all
on the east side of the Columbia River except a small tract in
the north. B. F. Yantis introduced in the house the bill cre-
ating Stevens County. Stevens made its first contribution
to the territorial maintenance fund, $138, in the summer of
1864.
The legislature in January, 1865, legally defined the south-
ern boundary of Stevens County as connnencing at the eastern
boundary line of the Territory of Washington, where it is inter-
sected by Snake River ; thence down the river to the Columbia ;
thence up the Columbia to the north line of Yakima County;
ami thence west to the sunnnit of the Cascade Mountains. At
the same session the sheriff was authorized to collect Chinese
poll tax out of his county, pursuing any person who should
attempt to evade the same. This Chinese poll tax was a source
of considerable trouble and some income to the people of the
eastern counties in those days. In November, 1863, the com-
missioners of Spokane County instructed the auditor to write
to Dr. Isaac L. Tobey, the representative, to get a bill passed
by the legislature to tax Chinamen. They suggested .$1.50 per
month as a proper charge, collectible quarterly by the sheriff.
They also urged Dr. Tobey to have Stevens County attached
or annexed to Spokane, alleging that the citizens had failed to
organize their county as contemplated by law. The Columbia
River was a serious obstacle to the collection of the poll tax, as
the Chinese were chiefly placer gold miners and they only had
to cross the river to get from the clutches of the officers on
either side. The counties were consolidated as suggested, ex-
cept that Spokane was merged into Stevens instead of Stevens
into Spokane. By this union, and by the further law permit-
ting the sheriff to chase and capture the fleeing Chinese in
adjacent counties, it was hoped to either drive the Mongolians
out of the country or get from them substantial revenue.
In 1865, also, the judge of the Fii'st Judicial District was
directed once a year to hold a term of court at the seat of Stev-
ens County.
In 1865-66 Anderson Cox represented Walla Walla, Stevens
Spokane and Stevens Counties. 3]
and Yakima in the council ; in 1866-67 B. L. Sharpstein repre-
sented Walla Walla and Stevens in the eomieil, and J. J. H.
Van Bokkelen represented Stevens in the house; in 1867-68
Stevens and Walla Walla were represented in the council by
J. M. Vansickle, and in the house Stevens by W. P. Winans;
in 1869 C. H. IMontgomery represented Stevens in the house,
and J. M. Vansickle, Stevens and Walla Walla in the council ;
in 1871 H. D. 0 "Bryant represented Walla Walla and Stevens
in the council, and W. P. Winans in the house. Stevens being
in population the lesser county the joint councilman was
always from the other part of the district. In the election
of legislators the people there had some singular experiences.
In 1860 they chose Hon. W. II. Watson to represent them in the
house. That part of the Territory was not entitled to a mem-
ber according to law. On presentation of his claim at the capi-
tol he w^as refused a vote, but as partial compensation was
made doorkeeper. Watson seems to have been a butt of ridi-
cule among the members. One conniiittee suggested that His
Excellency, the Governor, appoint Judge Watson inspector
of customs at Colville. with the rank and pay of Indian agent,
and another connnittee recommended to the legislature the
creation of a new State east of the Cascade ]\Iountains, with
Judge Watson as chief magistrate. In 1862 Charles H. Camp-
bell was elected over B. F. Yantis by a vote of 48 to 38. Yantis
went to Olympia to contest the propriety of his opponent's
election. The latter was either frightened out of the field or
concluded that it was not worth while, and made no appear-
ance, Yantis being admitted with slight question and sei'ving
out the full term. In 1864 Isaac L. Tobey was re-elected to
the House of Representatives. The pay of members then
was $3 per day in currency, worth 40 cents on the dollar. As
he could not get to Olympia on the mileage allowance and could
not live there on the pay, Tobey resigned. The next year W.
V. Brown was chosen to represent Stevens in the house, but he,
too, refused the honor, and the county again was without a
champion in that body. In 1866-67 there were no returns at
the capital, but J. J. H. Van Bokkelen told the members that
he had been elected. Thev took his word for it. and he served
32 Thomas W. Prosch.
as from Stevens County. It probably made a difference with
the applicant for legislative honors in such eases what political
party was in power.
Stevens County was not of great moneyed assistance to the
'ferritory in the times under review. A number of years it
paid nothing into the treasury, and again only turned court
cost bills in as an offset to the regular Territorial tax. In the
70 's, however, it became an annual source of support.
By statute approved November 5, 1875, the seat of Stevens
County was located temporarily in the town of Spokane Falls,
on the south side of Spokane River, and until the qualified
electors of Stevens County should decide for themselves upon a
place for the permanent location of the county seat, the place
having the majority of votes cast at the next general election
to be declared the permanent seat of Stevens County. The law
directed the commissioners to have all the county records re-
moved to and properly housed in Spokane Falls on or before
May 1, 1876. In this case the created proved greater than the
creator. The county connnissioners declared the legislative
act non-operative, and books, papers and officials remained at
Colville instead of going to the then new village of Spokane
Falls, now the great and grand city of Spokane.
On the 30th of October, 1879, the Governor approved a legis-
lative act that for the third time created the county of Spo-
kane. Probably no other county in the United States has had
so many legal creations. The county as created on this third
effort included all the country now embraced within the limits
of Douglas, Lincoln, and Spokane counties, and more particu-
larly described as follows : ' ' Commencing at a point where the
section line between sections 21 and 28 in township 14 north,
range 27 east, strikes the main body of the Columbia River on
the west side of the island ; thence west to the mid-channel of
the Columbia River; thence up the mid-channel of the Colum-
bia River to the Spokane River ; thence up the mid-channel of
the Spokane River to the Little Spokane River; thence north
to the township line between townships 29 and 30 ; thence east
to the boundary line between Washington and Idaho Terri-
tories ; thence south on said boundary line to the 5th standard
Spokane and Stevens Counties. 33
parallel ; thence west on said parallel to the Columbia Guide
Meridian ; thence south on said meridian to the 4th standard
parallel ; thence west on the 4th standard parallel to the range
line between ranges 27 and 28 ; thence south on said range line
to the section line between sections 24 and 25 in township 14
north, range 27 east; thence west to the place of beginning."
W. C. Gray, John H. Wells, and Andrew Lafevre were ap-
pointed commissioners with directions to provide for a special
election for county officers to be held on the second Monday
in December. The seat was located at Spokane Falls, ])ut the
people were given authority to change the location by majority
vote at the next general election. Provision was made for
revenue for the new county, and for a continuation until
otherwise provided of all acts of a local nature then in force
in the county of Stevens. The town of Chene}^ was for a few
years the seat of Spokane County.
These two counties of Spokane and Stevens, and for sixteen
years the one county of Stevens, 1864 to 1880, have been carved
by the legislature into, at this writing, ten counties, namely:
Chelan, Okanogan, Ferry, Stevens, Spokane, Lincoln, Douglas,
Adams, Franklin, and Whitman. Their combined area is 28,-
548 square miles. Their population in 1900 was 125,848. Other
counties will be formed hereafter from the ten, and the
inhabitants will increase indelinitely in number as time
rolls on. As the reduced Spokane is today it is of 1,777 square
miles, and the reduced Stevens 3,945 square miles. Their com-
bined population, as both counties are increasing in this way
very rapidly, is probably not far from 100,000. The state-
ments immediately foregoing relate only to that portion of the
two counties within the present limits of the State of Washing-
ton. Spokane County, as created in 1858, extended east to
the summits of the Rocky Mountains, and included an area
now in Idaho and IMontana greater than that in Washington,
and which, also, is cut up into a number of counties and occu-
pied by many thousands of citizens.
'' lECOLLECTlOP J OF m
( Not yet published.)
'J'lie clitl'erenees observable in the various tribes and raees of
loankind are not, as many suppose, radical variations, that is,
so'.uethii'ii' of a different kind, but merely degrees of the same
kind. The nes;ro in his native state, hugging his fetish as a
preventive of disease or other misfortune, the idolaters bow-
ing down to blocks of wood or stone to appease the wrath of
their gods, as they read it in the earthquake, tornado, pestil-
ence or famine, seem to strike us at first as indicative of an-
other kind of creature, but upon more mature reflection we see
in all such a different, though a ruder manifestation of the
same human faculties, veneration and fear as modified by in-
telligence, or rather by ignorance.
Perhaps the educated Christian wearing his crucifix sus-
pended by a golden necklace would protest against being
linked with the savage, whose desire for immunity from dis-
ease or other calamity causes him to wear a charm ; and as re-
spects the beautiful work of art worn by the former and the
bag of stink worn by the latter, I would think the protest well
taken, but the actuating and basic sentiment finding expres-
sion in one by enlightened and in the other by barbaric means
is evidently the same quality of human nature. The Indians
of the West Coast were given to amulets or charms, and gen-
erally kept them secreted. They believed, too, in a multiplicity
of spirits distributed among the objects of nature, such as the
spirits of the mountain, the stream, and smaller things. That
is, the mountain had a "ta-man-a-was;" that was the name
given by many. They also believed in a Great Spirit, but
whether that idea was obtained from the missionaries, I cannot
tell. When I arrived in Oregon in 1851, the Indians everv-
Recollections of an Indian Agent. 35
where I met them talked about the Soldi Tyee, or God, though
they still spoke of the spirit of things.
In either ease he is not so far removed from civilized man
and his religious habits as some suppose, and if logical per-
ception is not sufficient proof of this, the conversion of the
savage to Christianity and the adoption l)y him of the Chris-
tian symbols with entire satisfaction of his inherited traits
ought to be conclusive. Through such manifestations it is
not hard to discover that the Indian is a religious being and
given to worship. He and his white brother are alike in seeing
God in the clouds and hearing him in the wind ; the only differ-
ence is, the red man's "soul was never taught to stray far
as the solar walk or milky way." In some respects, however,
I have been inclined to think him equally esthetic and more in
practical conformity with Christian teaching than his more
progressed white brother.
In the eastern part of Marion County, Oregon, there stands
an isolated and most strikingly regular and beautiful butte
some three hundred feet in height and covering nearly a sec-
tion of land. It was fringed about its base, at the time of
which I write, with fir groves, but its sides and well-rounded
and spacious top were devoid of timber, except a few old and
spreading oaks, and perhaps a half dozen gigantic firs, whose
weighty limbs were drooping with age. A meridian section
Hue passes over the middle of this butte, and four sections
corner near its top. While running this line and establishing
these corners in 1851, I observed many semi-circular walls of
stone, each enclosing space enough for a comfortable seat, and
as high as one's shoulders when in a sitting posture, upc^n
cross-sticks as high as the knee. And what was the purpose
of these stone chairs? I was determined to know, and the
older white residents said the Indians made them, but for
what purpose they could not say. I became a witness to the
use, and was particularly impressed with the fitness for what
I saw. Indians from the North and South traveling that way
generally camped upon the banks of the Abiqua Creek, a rapid
stream of pure, cold water, just issued from the mountains
upon the plain. The butte was near, and this they ascended
36 T. W. Davkkpokt.
and, taking seats within the stone sanctuaries, communed in
silence with the Great Spirit. Bowing the head upon the
hands and resting them upon the knees for a few moments,
then sitting erect and gazing to the West over the enchanting
valley interspersed with meadow, grove and stream, who can
tell but they felt as sacred and elevated religious emotion as
those who have succeeded them on the butte ? The Catholics
have purchased it and erected upon 'its summit an awe-inspir-
ing cathedral, and there upon Mount Angel, as they have
named it, the prayers of the religious ascend. The Indians'
name for this grand mount, dedicated by them to the service
of their God, was Tap-a-lam-a-ho, signifying in our language
]Mount of Communion ; the plain to the West Chek-ta, signify-
ing beautiful or enchanting.
Now, looking at and comparing the two modes of worship,
could any unprejudiced person fail to give the preference to
the so-called savage — that is, if we are to regaxd Christ's pre-
cepts as worthy of note f He did not climb to the top of Tap-
a-lam-a-ho to show off his good clothes, to be heard of men, to
proselyte, or to increase his worldly gear. What was his pur-
pose? Evidently religious worship. What was the burden of
his supplication? As to that we can only infer that, like
other human beings, he prayed for what he wanted. He was
not, however, in want of food, for the Abiqua was swarming
with trout; the valley was blue with the bloom of his edible
root, the sweet camas; from every grove came the love notes
of the grouse, and the mountains near at hand were populous
with bigger game. He did not want clothing, for the fur that
warmed the bear warmed him. In all that great valley of
the Willamette he had not an enemy from whom he sought
deliverance, and being no politician and not aspiring to place,
I have been at my wits' end in trying to fix upon a rational
subject of his prayer, except it be that unrest of spirit which
seeks escape from the bonds of clay and longs to rest in sub-
limer spheres, a characteristic of all the tribes of men. If not
so, why should he ascend to the mountain top to pray ? Why
not pray on low ground ? I put this latter question to the un-
ostentatious worshippers; and although they were untaught
Recollections of an Jndlvn Aoent. 87
in history, had never heard of Closes' interviews with Jehovah
ui)()n jMonnt Sinai, or of the earthly rende/vons of the Gre-
cian (iods and Goddesses upon Blount Olympus, their answer
pi-oved that they are at one with the whole human race, viz:
"Soh-li Tyee nut-lite wake si ah copa sohli illahee," which,
ti-anslated into our lauiiuaiie, means that (lod is near to tlu^
mountain top, or God is near hy in the mountains.
i^iTECEKI^lNlTS or TiHE OiEQOKl FIO-
PEERS mu THE imnr thhese
rnmw sp theim noiifES.
By John Minto.
CHAPTER I.
THE MOTIVE OF THE PIONEER HOME-BUILDERS IN OREGON.
It is the purpose of this paper to endeavor to give the pre-
vailing sentiment of the heads of families who crossed the
plains and mountains and made their homes in Oregon prior
to the settlement of the Oregon boundary question in June,
1846, on the subject of which nationality — that of the United
States or that of Great Britain — they intended to support by
their movement to and settlement here.
As a means of indicating my point of view, I will say that
I left England as a member of my father's family with a
strong bias towards the United States form of government, so
far as it differed from that of England in recognition of per-
sonal freedom and the individual right to have a voice or vote
in framing the laws to Avhich one should submit. I was only
in my eighteenth year, but I had heard much discussion on the
subject, and under the influence of my father's teaching had
been led to believe that under the United States Government
that personal freedom and the voting privilege could be at-
tained as conceded rights.
On the passage from Liverpool to New York I had oppor-
tunity to read "The Pioneers," by Cooper, and the picture of
life on the frontiers there given was a fascination to me, as,
very soon after landing, the name of Oregon became. Before
the end of my first year in America, I had resolved, if ever
opportunity served, I would go to Oregon. Before the end
of the second year I had answered the question of an American
much more intelligent than myself as to "which side I would
take in case I went to Oregon and war arose between the
Motives and Antkcedents of Pioneers. 39
Britain and United States governments for dominion over
the country. " With rising indignation at the doubt implied,
I replied: "The United States, of course!" and was let down
with the exclamation: "That's loyal, my friend." Between
this occurrence in 1842 and November, 1843, I had more in-
formation as to life on the Western frontiers. I declared my
intentions of citizenship in Washington County, Pennsylvania,
in that month, and, in February, 1844, started from Pittsburg,
Pennsylvania, to reach the frontiers of Iowa by the river sys-
tem of the ]\Iississippi, and at St. Louis fell into the human
tide setting towards Oregon. Every other plan of life was
forgotten.
Before noon of the day succeeding that on which I learned
there was a chance for me, by my labor, to get to Oregon, I
had as complete an outfit for the trip as my means could pro-
vide. AVith least possible delay I made my way to the ren-
dezvous of Gilliam's Company, about twelve miles west of the
present city of St. Joseph. Here I first met the leaders of
this movement, and next morning I was under verbal en-
gagement to give my labor in exchange for bed and board
from the Missouri River to Oregon. I had a fair outfit of
clothing, arms and ammunition for the trip. During the first
hour I was at the camp, I learned of a proposed donation of
land to encourage emigration to Oregon. It had little interest
for me. I was too young to properly value it.
Two of us, who had come from St. Louis on the same boat,
and as comrades by land part way, M^ere being entertained
by Colonel M. T. Simmons, when, in conversation with the
late W. H. Rees, the land question came up, and Colonel Sim-
mons said: "Well, the Donation Bill pas'-ed the Senate, but
failed to reach a vote in the House, but I believe that, or a
law like it, will pass, and I am going to Oregon anyhow. ' '
Simmons and Rees were the first two of Gilliam's Company
who attained legislative honors after arrival in Oregon, ami
from Simmons, Rees and I got information which led to oui-
engagement to help R. W. Morrison, a highly esteemed settlei-
near by. to get his family and effects to Oregon. Simmoir> w-
ceiv(M] his title, as did (iilliaiii, hv the election which foniicd
40 John Minto.
their followers into a rude military and civic organization for
our trip; and Morrison was the first Captain of four elected,
Rees was the First Sergeant with the duties of Adjutant, and
I was elected as Corporal. Honors were easy, but the proceed-
ings were conducted in serious earnest.
The family men of the body were almost all frontier settlers
in ]\Iissouri, sons and grandsons of frontier settlers of Ken-
tucky and Tennessee, tracing back to Virginia and North Caro-
lina. From Captain Morrison I learned that most of them
(himself included) had been influenced in their determination
tvj go to Oregon by a series of addresses delivered at various
points in 1842 in Missouri, then known as "Platte Purchase
by Pete Burnett," as they called him. Personally, Morrison's
reasons for the trip, given to his family relatives and friends,
in my hearing the day before leaving his Missouri domicile,
and which I fully endorsed, were : First, he believed that
Oregon of right belonged to the United States, and he was
going to help make that right good. Second, he supposed
there were many of the native race in Oregon who needed
instruction to a better condition of life than was then theirs;
and, though no missionary, he had no objection to help in that
work. Third, he was unsatisfied to live longer so far from
the markets, that there were few products he could raise whose
value in the world's markets would pay cost of production
and shipment — especially when the producer, who would
neither own nor be a slave, had to compete with breeders and
owners of slaves. For these reasons he was "going to Oregon
where there would be no slaves, and all would start in life
even. ' ' In this declaration Mr. Morrison was a representative
of the class of anti-slavery frontiersmen who came in 1843
and 1844 and took dominion over Oregon as American citizens
from the British occupancy of the Hudson Bay Company who
had held trade dominion over the country for twenty-five
years. I was not only glad but proud to be an assistant to
this family I had joined. My declared intent of citizenship
was carried inside my vest as my most precious possession.
Most of the families marshaling under Gilliam as a leader
were animated by sentiments so closely akin to those annunci-
Motives and Antecedp:nts of Pioneers. 41
ill I'd by j\Ir. ]Morris()ii that my feelings went out towards
thtMii closely to the relations of father or mother
o! bi-other or sister to me, according- to age. I be-
came "John" to old and young, and was pleased
with it, and it lightened the monotony of the journey
to me. Many of the older men besides General Gilliam had
seen service against the Indians and against the British at
New Orleans, but more interesting to me than the talk of these
men, even, was the camp tire traditions of Gilliam's sister (Mrs.
Sallie Shaw, wife of our second elected captain). Among her
ancestry five brothers and their friends had fought against
the British as far back as the Revolution.
The historian who settles to the belief that the movement
to Oregon was "a blind and unintelligent action, performed
by ignorant men, groping for exciting adventure," makes a
grave mistake against the truth. It was not by chance that
Thomas Jefferson interested himself for long years on the pos-
sible nature and condition of the western slope of the Rocky
Mountains. It was not by accident that he selected Meri-
wether Lewis to explore that country. It was not by accident
Lewis chose as his associate in the work William Clark —
younger brother of General George Rogers Clark — the winner
of the Northwest territory from the. British. It was not by
chance that a generation after Lewis and Clark's exploit, one
of the members of the United States senate was named Lewis
F. Linn and became devoted to the occupation of Oregon by
American citizens, and it was from Jefferson himself that
Thomas H. Benton — Linn's associate senator— received the
conception of planting 30,000 rifles in the valley of the Colum-
bia as good American statesmanship. No! Aided by informa-
tion slowly filtered from the campfires of adventurous men en-
gaged in the fur and j)eltry trade from St. Louis to the Rocky
Mountains and beyond, the character of the Oregon Country,
together with its rightful ownership, was the theme of thought
with leading frontiersmen passing from fireside to fireside,
more by social intercourse than a multiplicity of books or
papers. The few of these in use, especially on the southwestern
frontiers, were more influential in producing the Oregon fever
42 John Minto.
than ten times the number of publications of the same charac-
ter in the Eastern seaboard States or the eastern portion of
the then "West.
East of the Alleghanies Irving 's "Astoria" was read as lit-
erature mostly. On the frontiers of ^Missouri, Iowa, Illinois,
and Indiana, Lewis and Clark's journal was read and passed
from hand to hand for information till worn out.
The intluenee of this was indicated hy the fact we had ma-
ture members in our company bearing the Christian names of
Lewis and of Clark, Crockett and Boone. One of the youngest
and favorite boys of the family I served on the way w^as
named for Senator Benton of Missouri, another for Jefferson.
These were not accidental facts. They prove a kinship of
spirit — often of blood — to my mind.
On the way from St. Louis to Gilliam's camp the writer
received a very correct outline of Irving 's "Astoria'' from
Willard H. Rees, who was born and schooled in Hamilton
County, Ohio. After starting, the only books I could find
in Gilliam's train, except the Bible, were Lewis and Clark's
journal and the "Prairie," by J. Fennimore Cooper. This,
while the influences of social gatherings of the young on
the rough, stony clearings of the west slopes of the Alleghanies
after the labors of raising house or barn, a log rolling or corn
husking was ended, would still introduce a parlor play with :
"We'll inarch in procession to a far distant land,
We'll inarch in procession to a far distant land,
Where the boys will reap and mow,
And the girls will knit and sew.
And we'll settle on the banks of the pleasant Ohio."
The writer participated in such plays in Armstrong County,
Pennsylvania, in 1842.
The actual historical frontier had reached Western Missouri .
A rkansas, Iowa, Texas, Wisconsin, and ]\Iinnesota, and the tide
of frontier homebuilding enterprise had set definitely without
ir.uch regard to prospects of personal gain, to Oregon. As one
fired with the desire to participate in this movement, it shall
be my aim in a succeeding chapter to give my estimate of the
most intelligent men in Oregon in advance of the immigration
Motives and Antkoedents of Pioneers. 43
of 1844, and of tliose prominent in that year's movement !u
the next chapter.
CHAPTER II.
ESTIMATES OP LEADERS OF 1843 AND 1844.
Believing- no other single individnal exerted as large an in-
Unenee in swelling the number of home-building emigrants to
Oregon in the years 1848 and 1844 as Peter H. Burnett, I
would ask the reader to refer to Burnett's statement of the
considerations that impelled him to migrate to Oregon. (This
statement is found in the opening pages of the following
paper, pages 64 and 65.
His motives were patriotic as well as personal and pecuniary.
]\Ir. Burnett received the full consent of his creditors and
set to work most vigorously to organize a company, visited sur-
rounding counties, making speeches wherever he could get an
audience, and succeeded beyond his own expectations.
Without any disparagement of many able men who became
Mr. Burnett's fellow emigrants to Oregon in 1843-44, it is, I
believe, true that he was all round the best equipped man for
the work to be done in organizing American dominion over the
Columbia River Valley. There were five other men who rose
above the average of the emigration of 1843 to cope with the
conditions they were to meet and overcome— the three Apple-
gate brothers, Daniel Waldo, and J. W. Nesmith. Another man
whose patriotic zeal for the settlement of Oregon had sped him
on his way from Oregon to Washington and Boston during the
time when Mr. Burnett was engaged as he tells, was feeding a
fever of enthusiasm for the settlement of Oregon. Dr. Marcus
Whitman was making his wonderful winter journey to convey
his personal knowledge of the feasibility of reaching Oregon
with wagons to the national administration, handicapped by
his obligation to missionary association whose ignorant action
did much to blight the just fame of this most patriotic mis-
sionary. (Note 1.) It was natural for Peter H. Burnett to
Note 1.— Doubtless the discovery by Captain Gray of the mouth of the Co-
lumbia, and the founding of Astoria and its history by Irving ["Astoria" by
Irving was not published until 18:16], animated Hall J. Kelley and indirecUy
brought to and left in Oregon a few Americans who were here as permanent
44 John Minto.
recognize the spirit and value of Dr. Whitman and seek his
counsel for the journey before starting at Fitzhugh's Mill, to
trust his statements at Fort Hall as to the possibility of
getting thence to the Columbia River with their wagons
and to defend him against the unreasonable complaints of
his fellow travelers when receiving the benefit of the sup-
plies from his store. It was natural also for J. W. Nesmith,
after many years, to see the basis of humor in the florid
speech of Mr. Burnett at Fitzhugh's Mill, as well as his
serious and high estimate of the effect of Whitman's coun-
sel at Fort Hall, to trust his (Whitman's) guidance and
cling to their wagons placing himself with the foremost
of the working force clearing the way. Each of these men
were students of the human tide setting toward Oregon.
Burnett, much the most advanced, seeking to swell the tide
as' a possible means of giving him ultimate opportunity of
paying off the heaviest monetary obligations any man is sub-
ject to, crossed the plains and mountains with view to the
settlement of the Oregon boundary question, which, strange
to say, he did while continuing to lead the way in Americaniz-
ing the Pacific Coast from lower California to British Colum-
bia. Always a close student of men and things, and using his
personal influence by wotd and pen for peace, freedom and
justice, Peter H. Burnett carved a first place as an American
pioneer to the Pacific Coast. He should stand next to Whit-
man in that.
In several respects the life and service of Peter Henderson
Burnett typifies the best spirit of early Oregon's army of
occupation. Ever watchful to effect his public object peace-
fully, yet keeping constantly in \\ew his business obligations,
he was generous in the extreme in preferring other men to
setUers prior to March, 1843, but at that date the proceedings of forming the
Provisional American Government would have failed except for the pres-
ence of a free trapper class represented by Russell, Newell, Meek, and Eb-
barts, Virginians, and a very few ex-Canadian patriots like F. X. Matlliieu;
and this only began the contest for power, terminated by the homebuilders ar-
riving in 1843 and 1844, whose knowledge of legal forms and diplomacy caused
the officers of the Hudson Bay Company to accept the cover of the local laws of
Oregon for the property in their care.
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 45
positions they could fill more siieeessfully than he could him-
self. This spirit of "in honor preferring- one another" he
began on the way to Oregon by resigning the captaincy, to
which he had been elected, so that the company could be di-
vided and the "cow column" of loose cattle move forward
separate from the family wagons and the patient work oxen
have a better chance to feed. This was for the general food on
Uie way. There, perhaps, nevei- was a community interest
established as a governing power in which better fitted men
were given the places than during the period of the Pro-
visional Government of Oregon, continuing so until it was
superseded.
In two particulars P. II. Burnett was not sustained
by those coming latei": First, the law to discourage ne-
groes from coming or being brought to Oregon. Second,
the law forbidding the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits.
It is to the honor of the citizenship of Oregon that no man has
ever been molested on account of his race.
In drafting this law forbidding negroes and mulattoes com-
ing to or settling in Oregon the Hon. P. H. Burnett was repre-
senting a class rarely considered in legislation — the mother-
hood of the southwestern frontier. I remember distinctly
C'aptain Morrison saying, "In Oregon there will be no slaves
and we'll all start even," on hearing Mrs. Morrison say that
the only living creature of which she ever felt fear was a fugi-
tive slave. Mrs. Morrison at the time she said that was the
most complete embodiment of the gentleness of womanhood and
the courage of manhood I have ever seen in one personality.
P. H. Burnett in his law, which yet remains, though never
used, represented the just fears of girlhood and womanhood
of slaves fleeing for life and liberty. His being a true repi-e-
sentative of the Oregon pioneers was clearly demonstrated by
their" votes even as late as 1862 when General Lane retired
from his high estate as a public man and representative of
Oregon. At the election of 1862 only one man known to
sympathize with slavery and secession was elected.
The Applegate brothers, next to Burnett, claim attention
for effectiveness in Americanizing Oregon. The Hon. Jesse
46 John Minto.
Applegate was the i)ldest of the three brothers, and from a
})eeiiliar pei-sonal inainier and mode of thought had more per-
sonal intlueiiee among- men than his brothers, Lindsey and
Charles, though jierliaps both exceeded him in energy of char-
acter as men of action. They agreed as a family to put their
means into live stock, a i>hm in which they had been joined
by Diiniel Waldo, with whom Jesse Applegate had been a part-
ner in the ownership of a sawmill near St. Louis. (Note 2.)
Of the Applegate lirothers I think it may be safely said
the winning of Oregon for the United States was to them even
more a tirst oliject than it was of Mr. Burnett, and they were
more pasturalists than agriculturalists, as was Daniel Waldo.
All of these left land unsold in Missouri.
In public atfairs Jesse Applegate was the natural leader
upon the highest plane of thought for the future of Oregon
as an American community. He united in his character and
acquirements in a remarkalile degree the talents of statesman-
ship, civil engineer and a professional teacher by oral methods.
The writer was under his influence for more than a month
through much danger and toil, as a soldier, but the campfire
Note 2. — The ignorance of the mission board Doctor Whitman enlisted
under, the zeal for personal notice of some associated with him, and cold-blooded
critics who judge hiin after his heroic death at his chosen post (maintained for
eleven years as a school for the natives and seven years as a place of rest and
relief for the way-worn immigrant) may detract from this self-devoted man all
they please. To me who never saw him, but got my impressions of his public
spirit from fireside converse with other missionaries, he stands in first place as
an American hoinebuilder, Burnett next, among iiumigrants of 1843, Apple-
gate, Nesmith, Waldo, and others following.
The origin of the Applegate family, according to a brief sketch given the
writer by a daughter of Jessie Applegate, was English. Arriving in New Eng-
land as early as 1635; from thei'e to New Jerse.v, then to Maryland, and from
Maryland to Kentucky in 1781. Fighters in the Revolutionary War, and heredi-
tary enemies of British power. Waldo's father was from New England to Vir-
ginia in his youth. Nesmitli was of the Scotch-Irish colony of New Hampshire
—called his Oregon home Derry, and naturally affiliated with the Scotch-Irish of
Western Virginia, who filtered through Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri to
become the advance wave of the opposing force against the spread of British
dominion in America. Jesse Looney was from Alabama. T. D. Keiser from
North Carolina through Arkansas. A critical analysis of the origin of heads of
families in Oregon prior to the settlement of the Oregon boundary, will show
much the largest number to have been born south of Mason and Dixon's line, op"
ponents of Great Britain, and to slavery. The leading men coming in 1844 were
frontiersmen also, and would average with the last three names mentioned above
in character, but not with Burnett, Applegate, and Nesmith in nbility as legis-
lators in a formative period.
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 47
iiisti'iu'tioii yiven out to the younger men of the company of
sixteen by Mr. Appk^gate was amply worth the cost of facing
the danger and enduring the toil. From my point of view
the abilities of P. II. Burnett and Jesse Applegate supple-
mented each otlier.
Daniel Waldo was of a different mold than either of the fore-
going. Self-i-eliant in mind and aims, brusk in speech to blunt-
ness, a lover of truth and justice, he had the saving grace of
common sense in such a degree as made his selection as justice
of his district a happy choice for the time and place. His
residence amid the hills bearing his name was more the seat
of government in 1845-46 for the east side of the Willamette
Valley than was Green Point below Oregon City— the resid-
ence of Governor Abernethy. Industrial thrift, public spirit
and hospitality, and a quick perception of justice often enabled
Daniel Waldo to settle differences between men without forms
of law. As justice of the peace under the Provisional Govern-
ment of Oregon Mr. Waldo conducted his office much as his
father had conducted that of judge of his county in Virginia.
There were other heads of families who came in 1843 who were
men above the average as leaders. Jesse Looney, James Waters,
]M. M. McCarver, and T. W. Keiser, and to these past middle
life, may be added J. W. Nesmith and H. A. G. Lee, all except
Nesmith frontiersmen from southwestern States. Looney and
Keiser were general farmers. Waters seemed to give his atten-
tion mostly to defence against the Indians and assisting,
as much as his time and means allowed, arriving immigrants.-
General McCarver w^as a singular, if not an eccentric man.
His chief aim as a pioneer seemed to be the location of towns,
being concerned in locating Linnton on the Willamette, The
Dalles on the Columbia, and Tacoma on Puget Sound. . He
was an almost incessant talker, and although I never heard
a word against his integrity I never have been able to think of
^[•dvk Twain's "Colonel Sellers" without bringing to mind
my impression of General IM. M. McCarver.
As to Nesmith and Lee, they were both natural leaders.
Of the former it is sufficient to say he made his own standing
amongst men, though often rough and domineering. He filled
48 John Minto.
every one of the many positions of honor and trust worthily
and well.
H. A. G. Lee was a man of different temperament froiu
Nesmith. Quite as ambitious to serve he attracted young men
whom Nesmith 's tendency to domineer repelled. Lee's room
in the chief hotel at Oregon City in 1845-46 was almost a
common rendezvous for young men looking upward, and he
had nuich of the gentle teacher's talent characteristic of Jesse
Applegate, leaning more to military service. His dropping
out of Oregon life was a loss to the young community. That
occurred after the discovery of gold in California when we
lost many good citizens by murder and by reckless exposure in
placer mining, with a general result to Oregon of almost sus-
pended industries for a few years.
The leaders of the emigration of 1844, were mostly a second
installment of frontiersmen from the South rather than the
East, who had been largely induced to make the venture by
addresses delivered by Mr. Burnett, and by the publication of
Whitman's winter journey. There were a few more men of
mature age among them from east of the Ohio, and of single
men also.
,The whole of both years' emigration, so far as the writer
knew them, were conspicuous for individuality of character
and measure of acquirement. Even in business grasp, the dif-
ference between Peter H. Burnett and Daniel Delaney, though
both Tennesseeans, was innnense. Burnett, always a student
of books and men, and always working upwards, a failure in
his first efforts as a merchant he became a good success as a
lawyer, a leader of people, a lover of freedom, and a statesman
ardent in his convictions as to the value of the movement to
Oregon, he used his pen freely to his fellow citizens east of the
Rocky Mountains, yet lost no opportunity to mend his personal
fortune, paying off principal and interest of his debts; in a
word, lived in high endeavor and died in high honor.
Mr. Delaney, understood to be the man who came from East
Tennessee and defined the locality he left as "High upon Big
Pigeon, near K. Bullen's Mill," was a remarkably close econo-
mist in rearing live stock as well as in getting the produce of
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 49
the soil. He brought to Oregon a shive woman and three of his
five sons. He rarely purchased anything, living as much as pos-
sible on what the farm furnished. He planted a large orchard
on a very rocky piece of land and got fine results from it oy
thickly covering the surface with crops of straw produced
on the level land which was chosen more for keeping
stock through the winter without feed, than for grain. His
custom was to begin with so many breeding animals and
keeping them, increase up to the line of overstocking, sell
for cash, reserving a certain number to start again, hide
his money and keep on towards another sale. He did little
labor himself, leaving that for the slave woman and his
sons, who were all industrious and some of them very worthy
citizens. ]\Ir. Delaney's exercise was to go with his hounds
and rifle wherever, in the near vicinity, beasts of prey might
hirk, and depend on his dogs to bring them within range
of his rifle. He must, in this way, have destroyed very
many panther, lynx, and wild cats, as well as some bears,
and so was a benefactor to his neighbors. He seemed to
read his bible chiefly to find in it support for his dominion
over the soul and body of his female slave. His sales and
expenditures having been watched by a neighbor and pro-
fessed friend for over a period of twenty years he was mur-
dei-ed for his treasures. Such was the end of a pioneer of 1843,
whose life action in nearly every respect was the very opposite
to that of Peter H. Burnett, who wielded the largest influence
ajj leader of immigrants of 1843-44, and was the most complete
representative of the motive of the enterprise of Americaniza-
tion of Oregon and California, of which latter State he was
the first elective Governor.
It should not be understood leadership is claimed for Mr.
Burnett over all his brother pioneers in every respect. Some
(I think a large number) would have fought for dominion
after arriving here more readily than either he or Jesse Apple-
gate, his able co-laborer, in getting the leading men in charge
of the Hudson Bay Company's property to place it and them-
selves under the protection of the Provisional American Gov-
ernment.
50 John Minto.
It was coiiiiiioii rcpoi't that, in answer to a direct (^nestion of
Lieutenant William Peel to Hon. Jesse Applegate at the home
of the latter, "If he believed his neighbors wonld fight for
possession of Oregon?" "Fight, Lieutenant, yes; they would
not only tight you Britishers, but their own eounnanders also
if they did not eonnnand to suit them." I eannot vouch for
the truth of this. l)ut it sounds like Mr. Applegate, though he,
hi in -elf, was always for peaceful methods, if the object could be
so attained, as were Burnett, H. A. G. Lee, General Palmer,
Kobert Newell, and James Watei's, I believe. A strong indica-
tion that this (juestion and answer between Tjieutenant Peel
and i\Ir. Applegate did occur is the fact that within fifteen or
twenty miles of the Applegate residence, from wdiich Mr.
Peel and his party w^ere traveling northward, the wa-iter, lis-
tening to ^Ir. Daniel ]\Iatheny's question to Peel as to how he
liked Oregon, heard the latter deliberately reply, "Mr.
]\Iatheny, it is certainly the most beautiful country in its
natural state my eyes ever beheld," then after a slight pause,
continued : "I regret to say that I am afraid we (the British)
are not going to be the owners of it." This occurred wdthin
a month after the arrival of Lieutenant Peel and Captain
Parks in Western Oregon as emissaries of the British Gov-
ernment at the head of wdiich was Peel's father, Sir Robert
Peel. At that tiine the open discussion of this question
was often raised and sometimes hotly debated by the parties
confined together in a single chinook canoe. The writer
remembers having to take some very rough comments made
by a Scotch sailor named Jack McDonald for the shame-
fulness, as he termed it, of my preferring the American cause
against the country of my birth. I had to endure Jack's
tongue, he being in one end of the canoe and I in the other, but,
on landing he declined to support his right to question my
right of choice.
Early in 1846 the finishing of Doctor McLoughlin's flouring
mill at Oregon City was made the occasion of a ball by the
young Americans, many of whom had assisted in the building.
Lieutenant Peel and officers of the Modeste and of the Hudson
Bay Company at Vancouver were invited. It was a good
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 51
opportunity for :\Ir. Peel to poll the attendants as to their
national predilection, and by the aid of Robert Pentland, an
Englishman, the poll was made with the result that the ma-
jority present were Americans. A bet of a bottle of wine
between Peel and Newell afforded excuse for the poll. Peel
manifested chagrin at the result, pointed across the mill floor to
a man who might easily be guessed to be an Englishman, and
offered Newell another bet that that man would fight on the
side of Great Britain in case of war over Oregon. Newell took
the bet and Mr. Pentland went straight across the floor and said
to the man : ' ' Sir, which side would you support in case of war
over the Oregon boundary?'' The man without hesitation
replied : "I fight under the Stars and Stripes, myself ! ' ' The
man was Willard H. Rees, a neighbor of Newell and elected
with the latter in the general election of 1847. Robert Newell
was the ablest man of the American mountaineers.
As to Lieutenant Peel, he spent nearly a year in Oregon and
used all the means in his power to increase pro-British senti-
ment, to be very generally gently defeated.
There was probably no leader in the settlement at that time
who more certainly would have been ready -to take the field
for the American side than Cornelius Gilliam. As leader of the
largest following of the immigration of 1844, Gilliam was by
nature and prejudice most intensely opposed to British rule
over Oregon. He was met at The Dalles with a liberal present
of food sent by Dr. John IMcLoughlin. Wliile partaking of
this some of his family connection (one of his sons-in-law,
pro])ably) saw a chance to have a joke at his expense, and said :
"General, they are trying to buy you up in advance." This
raised a laugh, but Gilliam, who always took himself seriously,
said, "Well, I have no objections to living in good neighbor-
hood with the Hudson Bay Company as long as my rights are
respected, but if they cut up any rustics with me, I will do my
best to knock their stockade down about their ears." This
story in different versions was campfire gossip while the writer,
with Daniel Clark and S. B. Crockett, Avere engaged with a
boat loaned by Doctor McLoughlin, probably the very
boat which carried this present to Gillicm and his friends,
52 John Minto.
wlio uscmI it to help others of his company down to Linnton.
Original inti' thus in family fun, the incident kept in circula-
tion till the Whitman massacre, when on Gilliam's appointment
as connnander of the volunteers to go against the Cay uses,, it
took the shape of a rumor that Colonel Gilliam intended to
levy contribution on the Hudson Bay Company's property
and occasioned an exchange of letters between Chief Factor
Douglas and Governor Abernethy. (See Brown's History of
Oregon, pp. 333-9.)
From the writer's point of view to settle Oregon as citizens
of the United States was a prevailing sentiment among those
who came before the year of the Whitman massacre, and if
war had come, the Provisional Government would have put out
even greater energies to fight the British and Indians combined
than were exerted, as many of the heads of families besides
General Gilliam had been suckled on stories of the Revolution
of 1776 and the war of 1812. This influenced men from the
East and North as well as those from the South and western
frontiers, but the latter were in a greater degree under fireside
and campfire tuition as books were less common and much less
read. In Gilliam's trains the only two books I was able to
borrow were Cooper's "Prairie" and Lewis and Clark's jour-
nal— the first showing little usage and the latter in tatters from
much use.
To say that to save Oregon as rightful territory of the
United States is too high a motive to be ascribed to the early
pioneer homebuilders who crossed the plains and mountains
to Oregon between 1842 and 1847 is unjust— as Daniel Clark,
my traveling companion into Western Oregon, tersely put it
in answer to the question of a British ship captain (who had
just reached Vancouver with a cargo of goods for the Hudson
Bay Company) ,of where he came from and his purpose in com-
ing here, replied, "We've come from Missouri across the Rocky
Mountains ; we 've come to make our homes in Oregon and rule
this country." The writer was struck by this reply, received
from Clark the evening of the day after it was made, as a
concise statement of the general object of Gilliam's companies
of the 1844 movement. This was the first motive given in the
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 53
writer's heariug l)y R. W. IMorrison before leaving his Mis-
souri residence, which knit nie to his service on the way to
Oregon with his family and his effects. He was the first of
Gilliam's captains chosen by election. His sentiments per-
vaded Gilliam's following and those of Colonel Ford and
Major Thorp, and to deny them that motive as one of the most
impoi-tant of their lives is to ])ronoiince them in-atioiial men
wliich th(^y certainly were not.
CHAPTER III.
THE MEN THAT SAVED OREGON.
The boat on which I had taken passage from St. Louis to
Western jMissouri had bai'ely cast off and got into the stream
when I found myself among men who were talking of Oregon,
some with means to make their way, and others, like myself,
seeking opportunity to work their way. The large majority
of heads of families who crossed the plains in wagons in 1843
and 1844 were from the southern rather than eastern and
northern States. There were some of the single men from the
Middle West and even a few from Europe. But the largest
numl)er, both of heads of families and single men, traced their
oi-igin to the Scotch-Irish who had been pioneers inland
from the caravans of Virginia, INIaryland, and the Cai\)-
linas, and breaking over the Alleghanies became pioneers in
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, keeping with them family
traditions of battles against the English on such fields as
King's ]\Iountain and New Orleans and with the native race.
They were not a reading people, and were far from being a
money-seeking people, a prevailing ambition among them
was to be the most western members of their respective
families and to call no man master. They, in many cases,
were the sons of sons of frontiersmen for generations back.
l\Ien who, from choice, would rather struggle with and oV(>r-
come natural obstacles than jostle with men. They had gi'cat
and varied individuality and used many words (not negi'o-
isms) different from the yeoman class of New York or Pennsyl-
vania. As they left the frontier of ^Missouri for Oregon, they
showed little sign of atlrilion with recent European immi-
54 John Minto.
g-rants. Their freedom from that was perhaps caused by their
lack of school and post office facilities common to frontiers-
men, but bearing hardest against anti-slavery family life in
slave States, so much so that the emigration movement was at
this time rather away from than into the frontier slave States.
These very families gathering to follow Cornelius Gilliam to
Oregon had the getting away from the institution of slavery
very generally as a motive. Yet, while they remained in Mis-
souri, they had demonstrated their determination not to submit
to organized power which to their minds was more repulsive
than African slavery. Many of the very men who in 1843
selected P. H. Burnett as their leader to Oregon had followed
Gilliam's lead in the trouble arising between the Mormon set-
tlement at Far West, Missouri, and the pioneer settlers pre-
viously located. As it is an admirable illustration of the char-
acter of the men who followed Burnett and Gilliam to Oregon
later, I quote from Burnett's "Recollections of an Old
Pioneer," page 59. Mr. Burnett, then residing at Liberty,
Missouri, practicing law, was a member of an independent
militia company at that place called the Liberty Blues, who
were ordered to the battle ground, where Captain Bogard's
company and Patton's company of the Mormon Danite band
met. Mr. B. says : ' ' We were ready and were off before night,
and marched some ten miles under General Doniphan. The
next day we reached the scene of the conflict, and encamped
in open oak wood next to the prairie that extended from that
point to 'Far West.' * * * Among those who had fallen
in with us was a lad of about eighteen, quite tall, green and
awkward. He was dressed in thin clothing, and when put on
guard was told by the officer not to let any one take his gun.
He said : ' No one would get his gun. ' When the officer went
around to relieve the guard this boy would not permit him to
come near, presenting his gun with a most determined face.
In vain the officer explained his purpose; the boy was in-
flexible and stood guard the remainder of the night, always
at his post and always wide awake. The second night Doni-
phan's command were aroused from their sleep by the guards
reporting the approach of a body supposed to be Mormons.
Motives and Antecedents of Pionreks. 55
Doniphan called for twenty volnnteers to go ont to recon-
noitre and bring on the action." Of these volunteers Mr.
Burnett was one, mounted on a mare that had been trained
to race and carried him in front in spite of himself, the steed
thinking itself in a race. "I was about twenty yards ahead,
when, sure enough, we saw in the clear moonlight a body of
armed men approaching. We galloped on till within some
hundred yards, then drew up and hailed them, when, to our
great satisfaction, we found it was a body of militia U7ider
Colonel Gilliam from Clinton County, coming to join us.
Thus ended the alarm. * * * During all this hubbub
the boy who had persisted in standing guard the pi'(^-
vious night slept until some one happened to think ot'
him and asked where he was. He was then awakened
and fell into the ranks without hesitation or trepidation." So
much .as to the lighting spirit of the connnunity from
which Burnett and Gilliam got their following to Ore-
gon later. This meeting by moonlight, and joining forces
produced the surrender of the iMormon leaders, Josej-jU
Smith, Jr., Rigdon Wight and others, and Mr. Bui'-
nett proceeds to give a further characteristic of this people :
"As I understood at the time a proposition was seriously made
and earnestly pressed in a council of officers to try the pris-
oners l)y court-martial, and if found guilty execute them.
This proposition Avas firmly and successfully opposed by Doni-
phan. These men (the jMormons) had never belonged to
any lawful military organization and could not, therefore,
have molested military law. * * * j remember that I
went to Doniphan and assured him that we of Clay County
would stand by him. Had it not been for the efforts of Doni-
phan and others from Clay, I think it most probable that the
pi'isoners wcnild have been summarily tried, condeunied and
executed.
These ({notations are introduced here as illustration of the
physical and moral courage of this district from which, a few
years later, the largest proportion of the first homebuilders
started to Oregon. The n^adiness to fight is well shown by the
boy who would not give \\\) his gun, and by Colonel Gil Ham
56 John Minto.
with his eomniaiid seeking his Mormon enemies by moonlight,
and the higher courage that risks life deliberately to "stand
for justice, truth and right" by legal methods.
The two forces here were the pioneer class of American
citizens, mainly originating south of Mason and Dixon's line
used to establishing law and order on lands won from the na-
tice race, suddenly confi-onted by a horde of fanatics, mainly
gathered at that time from the strata just above the sub-
merged tenth of England's population, led by a comparatively
few men of mixed nationalities intent on the nursing into
existence of a new oligarchical religious system. The shrewd
Mormon leaders secured Doniphan and Burnett to defend
them under the forms of law in Missouri, which was done
under a condition of public feeling so near mob violence that
they were justified in one sitting within six feet of the other
with a loaded pistol in hand while each in turn made his plea
for law and order, and both came out of it with a moral power
over their unruly fellows which carved them big niches in
American history during the succeeding decade.
The pioneer element of Missouri succeeded, and ultimately
Mormonism became an important pioneer element in winning
to humanity the central portion of the great American desert,
while the frontier family life represented 'by those who drove
the Mormons from Far West came to the lower Columbia basin
and began planting the thirty thousand rifles of Jefferson's
conception, aided and encouraged by Floyd, Atcheson, Ben-
ton, and Linn, disciples of Jefferson. The means those states-
men proposed to use — armed occupation of Oregon, en-
couraged by a permanent interest in the soil — had just ended
the Florida war of seven years' duration — vexatious, harassing
and expensive— without either treaty negotiated or battle
fought. Homebuilders going there, as Senator Benton states,
' ' with their arms and plows. ' '
Dr. Lewis F. Linn, as already stated, introduced a bill into
the senate of the United States providing this land inducement
so liberal as to be of doubtful passage, and indeed failed to
pass the house, but it answered the purpose, and why it did
so may (as the writer believes) be largely answered by the
Motives and Antecedents of Pioneers. 57
fact the enterprise appealed to the imagination of a large
eoniiniinity of born frontiersmen of kinship, by blood or spirit,
dating back through seventy years of pioneer history com-
mencing with what is known as the Dunmore War in 1774.
From a historical pamphlet by E. 0. Randall, secretary of
the Ohio Antiquarian and Historical Society, largely pub-
lished in the West Virginia Historical Magazine for January,
1903, the writer culls the names of officers who took part in the
battle of Point Pleasant, deemed by some historical students
to have been really the first battle of the Revolutionary War
because fought by Virginia volunteers drawn from the eastern
slopes of the Blue Ridge in Virginia, many of whom had
reason for opposition to a recently proclaimed policy of the
British crown. Mr. Randall says: "The American colonists
had fought the French and Indian War with the expectation
that they were to be, in the event of success, the beneficiaries
of the result and be permitted to occupy the Ohio Valley as
a fertile and valuable addition to their Atlantic Coast lodg-
ments. But, the war over and France vanquished, the royal
greed of Britain asserted itself and the London Government
most arbitrarily pre-empted the territory between the Alle-
ghanies and the Mississippi River as the exclusive and par-
ticular dominion of the crown, directly administered upon
from the provincial seat of authority at Quebec. The parlia-
mentary power promulgated the arbitrary proclamation
(1763) declaring the Ohio Valley and the great Northwest
territory should be practically an Indian reservation, ordering
the few" settlers to remove therefrom, forbidding the settlers
to move therein, and even prohibiting trading with the Indians
save under licenses and restrictions so excessive as to amount
to exclusion.
On June 22, 1774, Parliament passed the detestable Quebec
Act, which not only affirmed the policy of the crown adopted
in the proclamation of 1763, but added many obnoxious fea-
tures by granting certain civil rights to the French Catholic
Canadians.
This policy of the crown stultified the patents and charters
granted the American colonies in which their ])roprietary
58 John Minto.
rights extended to the INfississippi and beyond, enil)racing the
very territory to whicli they were now denied admittance,
and ordered to vacate where located under previous grants.
The Quebec Act was one of the irritants complained of in
the Declaration of Independence "for al)olishing the free
system of Englisli laAV in a neighl)oring province establishing
therein an ar])itrary govermnent and enlarging its l)oun-
daries so as to render it at once an example and tit instrument
for introducing the same absolute rule."
Tliis was the condition in 1774 on the northern frontier of
Virginia at a time when the head of the Ohio Valley was
supposed to be part of that province. John IMurray, Earl
of Dunmore, Governor, held his allegiance due to the crown,
but he also was eager to champion the cause of Vir-
ginia as against either the Indians or her sister colonies. He
was avaricious, energetic, and interested in the frontier land
speculation. He had appointed an agent or deputy at Fort Pitt,
then deemed a Virginia town, and surveyors who were locat-
ing lands in the upper Ohio, who were attacked by Indians
and driven out. It was a bitter race war on both sides, ren-
dered more bitter to the Virginians by the very general belief
that the Indians were furnished arms, annnunition and cloth-
ing from Detroit by the Quebec Government througli French
traders, now its special pets.
"In May the Virginia House of Burgesses, of which George
Washington, Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson were mem-
bers, resolved with a burst of indignation to set aside the first of
June— when the Boston bill should go into operation— as a day
of fasting and prayer to implore divine interposition for avert-
ing the heavy calamity which threatens the civil rights of
America." GJovernor Dunmore at once dissolved that highly
impertinent King insulting body. Meanwhile the race war on
tlie northern and western frontier was growing more and
more serious where the heat of patriotic resistance to the
tyrannical measures of the mother country mingled with the
bitterness of the race war for proprietary rights. And Gov-
ernor Dunmore in August called out two bodies of militia
and volunteers consisting of fifteen hundred each. The north-
Motives and Anteoedents of Pioneers. 59
erii division chiefly from country west of the Bhie Ridge to
he coiinnanded hy Lord Dunmore in person. The southern
division roused in counties east of the Bhie Ridge, led by Gen-
eral Andrew Lewis. The two armies were to proceed by dif-
ferent routes to the mouth of the Big Kanawha, unite and
from thence cross the Ohio and penetrate the northwest coun-
try, defeat the red men and destroy all the Indian towns they
could reach. This was the plan made by Dunmore, but which
he failed to follow, thereby making his real intentions subject
to suspicions which cloud his name yet. It is with the com-
mand under General Lewis w^e have to deal while it was left
to meet the onset of the flower of the fighting force of the Ohio
tribes in an all-day 's desperate action, the Indians lieing under
connnand of Comstalk, the famous warrior of his day. Both
sides gi'eatly sufil'ered and were completely exhausted, the
Indians drawing off, cowed so that their lu'ave leader could
get no further fight out of them. The result was their
signing of a treaty Governor Dunmore had tried to make in the
Scioto Valley on the day of the battle of Point Pleasant,
though according to his plan of campaign he should have
joined Lewis at Point Pleasant. In the belief about his
failure and the brave and successful fight made without him
the seeds of distrust of England and her policies were sown
which nourished through three generations of family tradi-
tion l\y the fi'ontier settlers of the Ohio, Kentucky, Tennes-
see, Illinois, and Missouri, and reaching Oregon seventy
years afterward, nerved the arms and steadied the aims
of just such men as mustered under George Rogers
Clark at old Vincennes and Jackson at New Orleans. Just
such men as settled the Florida and Black Hawk Wars; and
just such men as took dominion over Oregon and as marched
through Mexico under Doniphan.
The writer was first led into this line of thought on reading
a very interesting paper in the West Virginia Historical Maga-
zine of October, 1902, by Miss L. K. Poage, of Ashland, Ken-
tucky, on the leaders who lived after participating in the bat-
tle of Point Pleasant, and seventy years later many of the
names of whom were found among the pi(meers to Oregon.
60 John Minto.
It is not the purpose of the writer to mar Mr. Randall's
fine description of the battle of Point Pleasant, October, 1774,
but to show the names of leaders in the fight and the extraor-
dinary proportion who never fought again. Beginning with
that of General Androw Lewis we have in Mr. Randall's list
Colonel Charles Lewis, brother of the general, Colonel William
Fleming, Colonel John Field, Captain Thomas Buford, Cap-
tains Evan, Shelby, and Herbert. Captains Shelby and
Russell were part of Colonel Christian 's force which, by faster
marching, arrived in time to take part in the battle.
Miss Poage's admirable paper is written from the native
Kentuckian's standpoint, and she confesses that it is "now
impossible to secure a complete list of the Kentuckians who
fought in the battle of Point Pleasant." I transcribe the
names she mentions who did: Isaac Shelby, Samuel M.
Dowell, Silas Harlan, Aezercah Davis, Abraham Chapline,
Colonel George Slaughter, James Trimble, "Wm. Russell (after-
ward colonel, but fifteen years of age when this battle was
fought) , two brothers, elames and John Sandusky, Simon Ken-
ton, who arrived as a messenger from Governor Dunmore,
Captain James Mongomery, James Knox, James Ilarrod — lead-
er of the first settlers of Harrodsburg, Kentucky — John Craw-
ford, "Colonel Joseph Crockett. This last is the name which
attracted the writer and led to writing this paper in hope
of stimulating pioneers to Oregon to gather up all they can
for the annals of this State on their origin. It has been well
said by one who has labored in this direction that the time
will come when the record of a pioneer to Oregon will be
equal to a title of nobility. Believing that, I give Miss
Poage's note on Colonel Crockett who was in Captain Rus-
sell 's command at Point Pleasant : ' ' For services in the
battle of Monmouth he was promoted to the rank of lieu-
tenant colonel. He spent the winter with Washington at
Valley Forge and was second in command to General Clark
in the campaign against the Northwestern Indians. He
moved to Jessamine County, Kentucky, in 1784. President
Jefferson appointed Colonel Crockett United States marshal
for the District of Kentucky, which office he held for eight
Motives and Antecedf:nts of Pioneers. 61
years, and while in office he arrested Aaron Burr in 1806."
The foregoing- brings us into line with the mind that con-
ceived Oregon and planned its exploration, Avho appointed
Meriwether Lewis to lead the exploration and commissioned
William Clark as his associate not Mathout knowledge (we
may easily conceive) of the services of Generals Andrew Lewis
and George Rogers Clark to liberty and progress.
Just seventy years from the date of the battle of Point Pleas-
ant the writer emerged fi-om the west timber line of tbe Blue
iMonntains of Oregon in comi)any with Daniel Clark and S. B.
Crockett. Learning recently that the latter was yet living
in his 81:th year, I wrote to learn if he was a family connection
with the Colonel Joseph Crockett before mentioned, and re-
ceived an affirmative reply. S. B. Crockett was one of the
most effective helpers in the pioneer movement of 1844, and in
that which reached Puget Sound in 1845, settling on Whitby's
Island in the Sound, he induced his father's family to follow
him also.*
We will now return to the rank and file of those who fought
the Battle of Point Pleasant. Mr. Randall tells us: "The
volunteers who were to form the army of Lewis began to
gather at Camp Union, the levels of Greenbrier (Lewisburg),
before the 1st of September. It was a motley gathering. They
were not the King's regulars nor trained troops. They were
not knights in burnished steel on prancing steeds. They were
not cavaliers, sons from the luxurious manors. They were not
drilled martinets. They were, however, determined, daunt-
less men, sturdy and weather-beaten as the mountain sides
whence they came. They were undrilled in the arts of mili-
tary movements, but they were in physique and endurance
and power Nature's noblemen, reared amid the open freedom
of rural life." * * * jf; -^^^g o^g hundred and sixty
miles from Camp Union to their destination at the mouth of
the Great Kanawha. The regiments passed through a track-
less forest so rugged and mountainous as to render their
*S. B. Crockett died at Kent, Washington, while this was in typewriter's
hands.
62 John Minto.
progress extremely tedious and lal)()ri()us. They marched in
long files through "the deep and gloomy woods with scouts
and spies thrown out in front and on the flanks, while axemen
went in advance to clear a trail over which they could drive
the beef cattle and the pack-horses laden with provisions,
blankets and ammunition. They struck straight through the
wilderness, making their road as they went. On September
21st they reached the Great Kanawha at the present site of
Charleston. Here they halted and built dugout canoes for
baggage transportation down the river, * * * arriving
there October 6th, to learn, in a few days, that Governor
Dunmore had changed his plans and had reached Kentucky
Plains Avith the object of making a treaty with the Indians
rather than fight them."
I have quoted Mr. Randall's description of the men and
their movement towards the point where the desperate fight
occurred on October 10, 1774, under circumstances which
must have sown the seeds of suspicion of Governor Dunmore 's
motives, which are not yet removed, and to call attention of
my readers to the close parallel between the men and the
methods of General Lewis' army and the homebuilders of
1843, who to reach the Columbia with their wagons (which
were, in fact, their traveling family homes) , cutting their way
through the dense timber growth in the Burnt River Canyon,
and through that of the Blue Mountains of Oregon, part of
them to descend the Columbia in boats and canoes and on
rafts, and part to take Indian trails of the mountain or river
gorge, and so reach Western Oregon. This was when the
change of dominion over Oregon began, and the finish was
initiated by a small portion of the immigration of 1844 de-
scending the lower Columbia late in 1845, and thirteen men
cutting a wagon road through the fifteen miles of heavy Ore-
gon forest to reach Budd's Inlet of Puget Sound.
The would-be historian who claims that Oregon was won by
an aimless movement of a restless, unreflecting, adven-
turous people has the rather hard fact to ignore of why a
cadet of the Crockett family was present, and a most effective
axeman and hunter in cutting out this last fifteen miles of
Motives and Aktkckdpjnts of Pioneers. 63
Anun-icaii family road to the tide wash of the Pacific. He has
yot to find a rational reason for the names of Jefferson, Lewis,
Clark, Russell, Fleming, Crockett, Boone, and many others
appearing not only as family names among early Oregon pio-
neers to Oregon, but these names and those of Floyd, Linn and
Benton were often bestowed on boy babies born in frontier
cabins after the time of the Lewis and Clark exploration to
successful overland emigration by family wagons. He has
got to explain why Oregon has towns and counties, and moun-
tains even, named for Jefferson, Lewis, Linn, and Benton.
Dominion over Oregon was the ripe fruit of patriotic states-
manship, conceived, cherished and nursed by Thomas Jeffer-
son, and consunniiated by poor men influenced by the spirit
of the lesser American patriots I have mentioned.
''lECOLLECTlOPS l^m OFUNHOIUS OP
BjT Peter H. Burnett.
"The Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer," by-
Peter H. Burnett, has become a very scarce book. It contains
what is prol)ably the most valuable single accoiuit of some six
years of the pioneer epoch of Oregon. It was written by a
painstaking, fair and able observer, who had a prominent and
creditable part in the history he narrates. lie had the great
advantage of a journal and other notes which were faithful,
contemporary records. Upon these he based his "Recol-
lections." Mr. Burnett's great activity as a correspondent,
and his concern to be just and true, naturally resulted in his
material, even, partaking of the definite, clear and complete
character of history. The Quarterly will reprint Chapters
III, IV, V, and VI, which cover the portion of the book per-
taining directly to Oregon. ^Editor.
CHAPTER III.
DETERMINING TO GO TO OREGON — ARRIVE AT THE RENDEZVOUS —
REMARKS ON THE NATURE OF THE TRIP.
In the fall of 1842 I moved to Weston, in Platte County, having
purchased an interest in the place. During the winter of 1842-43
the Congressional report of Senator Appleton in reference to Ore-
gon fell into my hands, and wa's read by me with great care. This
able report contained a very accurate description of that country.
At the same time there was a bill pending in Congress, introduced in
the Senate by Doctor Linn, one of the Senators from Missouri, which
proposed to donate to each immigrant six hundred and forty acres
of land for himself, and one hundred and sixty acres for each child.
I had a wife and six children, and would, therefore, be entitled to
sixteen hundred acres. There was a fair prospect of the ultimate
passage of the bill.
I saw that a great American community would grow up, in the
the space of a few years, upon the shores of the distant Pacific;
and I felt an ardent desire to aid in this most important enterprise.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 65
At that time the country was claimed by both Great Britain and
the United States; so that the most ready and peaceable way to
settle the conflicting and doubtful claims of the two governments
was to fill the country with American citizens. If we could only
show by practical test, that American emigrants could safely make
their way across the continent to Oregon with their wagons, teams,
cattle, and families, then the solution of the question of title to
the country was discovered. Of course, Great Britian would not
covet a colony settled by American citizens.
The health of Mrs. Burnett had been delicate for some three
years, and it was all we could do to keep her alive through the win-
ter in that cold climate. Her physicians said the trip would either
kill or cure her. I was also largely indebted to my old partners in
the mercantile business. I had sold all my property, had lived in
a plain style, had worked hard, and paid all I could spai-e each year;
and still the amount of my indebtedness seemed to be reduced very
little.
Putting all these considerations together, I determined, with the
consent of my old partners, to move to Oregon. I therefore laid all
my plans and calculations before them. I said that, if Doctor Linn's
bill should pass, the land would ultimately enable me to pay up.
There was at least a chance. In staying where I was, I saw no
reasonable probability of ever being able to pay my debts. I did
a good practice, and was able to pay about a thousand dollars a
year; but, with the accumulation of interest, it would require many
years' payments, at this rate to square the account. I was determined
not to go without the free consent and advice of my creditors.
They all most willingly gave their consent, and said to me, "Take
what may be necessary for the trip, leave us what you can spare,
and pay us the balance when you can do so."
I followed their advice, and set to work most vigorously to
organize a wagon company. I visited the surrounding counties,
making speeches wherever I could find a sufficient audience, and
succeeded even beyond my expectations. Having completed my
arrangements, I left my house in Weston on the 8th day of May,
1843, with two ox wagons, and one small two-horse wagon, four
yoke of oxen, two mules, and a fair supply of provisions; and arrived
at the rendezvous, some twelve miles west of Independence, and
just beyond the line of the State, on the 17th of May.
A trip to Oregon with ox teams was at that time a new experi-
ment, and was exceedingly severe upon the temper and endurance
of people. It was one of the most conclusive tests of character,
and the very best school in which to study human nature. Before
the trip terminated, people acted upon their genuine principles,
and threv/ off all disguises. It was not that the trip was beset with
66 Peter H. Burnett.
very great perils, for we had no war with the Indians, and no stock
stolen by them. But there were ten thousand little vexations con-
tinually recurring, which could not be foreseen before they occurred,
nor fully remembered when past, but were keenly felt while passing.
At one time an ox would be missing, at another time a mule, and
then a struggle for the best encampment, and for a supply of wood
and water; and, in these struggles, the worst traits r)f human nature
were displayed, and" there was no remedy iJut patient endurance.
At the beginning of the journey there were several fisticuff fights
in camp; but the emigrants soon abandoned that practice, and
thereafter confined themselves to abuse in words only. The man
with a black eye and battered face could not well hunt up his cattle
or drive his team.
But the subject of the greatest and most painful anxiety to us
was the suffering of our poor animals. We could see our faithful
oxen dying inch by inch, every day becoming weaker, and some of
them giving out, and left in the wilderness to fall a prey to the
wolves. In one or two instances they fell dead under the yoke
before they would yield. We found, upon a conclusive trial, that
the ox was the noblest of draft animals upon that trip, and pos-
sessed more genuine hardihood and pluck than either mules or
horses. When an ox is once broken down, there is no hope of sav-
ing him. It requires immense hardships, however, to bring him
to that point. He not only gathers his food more rapidly than the
horse or mule, but he will climb rocky hills, cross muddy streams,
and plunge Into swamps and thickets for pasture. He will seek
his food in places where other animals will not go. On such a trip
as ours one becomes greatly attached to his oxen, for upon them
his safety depends.
Our emigrants were placed in a new and trying position, and it
was interesting to see the influence of pride and old habits over
men. They were often racing with their teams in the early portion
of the journey, though they had before them some seventeen hun-
dred miles of travel. No act could have been more inconsiderate
than for men, under such circumstances, to injure their teams sim-
ply to gratify their ambition. Yet the proper rule in such a case
was to allow any and every one to pass you who desired so to do.
Our emigrants, on the first portion of the trip, were about as
wasteful of their provisions as if they had been at home. When
portions of bread were left over, they were thrown away; and, when
any one came to their tents, he was invited to eat. I remember well
that, for a long time, the five young men I had with me refused
to eat any part of the bacon rind, which accordingly fell to my
share, in addition to an equal division of the bacon. Finally they
asked for and obtained their portion of the bacon rind, their
Recollections of ax Old Pioneer. 67
delicate appetites having become ravenous on the trip. Those who
were in the habit of inviting every one to eat who stood around
at meal times, ultimately found out that they were feeding a set
of loafers, and gave up the practice.
START FROM THE REXDEZVOUS— KILL OUR FIRST BUFFALO— KILL
OUR FIRST ANTELOPE — DESCRIPTION OF THE ANTELOPE.
I kept a concise journal of the trip as far as Walla Walla, and
have it now before me. On the 18th of May the emigrants at the
rendezvous held a meeting and appointed a committee to see Doctor
Whitman. The meeting also appointed a committee of seven to
inspect wagons, and one of five to draw up rules and regulations
for the journey. At this meeting I made the emigrants a speech,
an exaggerated report of which was made In 1875, by ex-Senator
J. W. Nesmith of Oregon, in his address to the pioneers of that
State. The meeting adjourned to meet at the Big Springs on Satur
day, the 20th of May.
On the 20th I attended the meeting at the Big Springs, where I
met Colonel John Thornton, Colonel Bartleson, Mr. Rickman, and
Doctor Whitman. At this meeting rules and regulations were adopted.
Mr. Delaney, who was from high up on Big Pigeon, near Kit
Bullard's mill, Tennessee, proposed that we should adopt either
the criminal laws of Tennessee or those of Missouri for our govern-
ment on the route. Wiliam Martin and Daniel Matheny were
appointed a committee to engage Captain John Gant as our pilot
as far as Fort Hall. He was accordingly employed; and it was
agreed in camp that we all should start on Monday morning, May
22. We had delayed our departure, because we thought the grass
too short to support our stock. The spring of 1843 was very late,
and the ice in the Missouri River at Weston only broke up on the
11th of April.
On the 22d of May, 1843, a general start was made from the
rendezvous, and we reached Elm Grove, about fifteen miles distant,
about 3 P. M. This grove had but two trees, both elms, and a few
dogwood bushes, which we used for fuel. The small elm was most
beautiful in the wild and lonely prairie; and the large one had
all its branches trimmed off for firewood. The weather being clear,
and the road as good as possible, the day's journey was most delight-
ful. The white-sheeted wagons and the fine teams, moving in the
wilderness of green prairie, made the most lovely appearance. The
place where we encamped was very beautiful; and no scene appeared
to our enthusiastic vision more exquisite than the sight of so many
wagons, tents, fires, cattle, and people, as were here collected. At
night the sound of joyous music was heard in the tents. Our long
68 Peter H. Burnett.
journey thus began in sunshine and song, in anecdote and laughter;
but these all vanished before we reached its termination.
On the 24th we reached the Wakarusa River, where we let our
wagons down the steep bank by ropes. On the 26th we reached
the Kansas River, and we finished crossing it on the 31st. At this
crossing we met Fathers De Smet and De Vos, missionaries to the
Flathead Indians. On the 1st of June we organized our company,
by electing Peter H. Burnett as Captain, J. W. Nesmith as Orderly
Sergeant, and nine Councilmen. On the 6th we met a war party of
Kansas and Osage Indians, numbering about ninety warriors. They
were all mounted on horses, had their faces painted red, and had with
them one Pawnee scalp, with the ears to it, and with the wampum
in them. One of them, who spoke English well, said they had fasted
three days, and were very hungry. Our guide. Captain Gant, advised
us to furnish them with provisions; otherwise, they would steal
some of our cattle. We deemed this not only good advice but good
humanity, and furnished these starving warriors with enough pro-
visions to satisfy their hunger. They had only killed one Pawnee,
but had divided the scalp, making several pieces, some with the
ears on and part of the cheek. Two of this party were wounded,
one in the shoulder and the other in some other part of the body.
None of us knew anything about a trip across the plains, except
our pilot, John Gant, who had made several trips with small parties
of hired and therefore disciplined men, who knew how to obey
orders. But my company was composed of very different materials;
and our pilot had no knowledge that qualified him to give me sound
advice. I adopted rules and endeavored to enforce them, but found
much practical difficulty and opposition; all of which I at first
attributed to the fact that our emigrants were green at the begin-
ning, but comforted myself with the belief that they would improve
in due time; but my observation soon satisfied me that matters
would grow worse. It became very doubtful whether so large a
body of emigrants could be practically kept together on such a
journey. These considerations induced me to resign on the 8th of
June, and William Martin was elected as my successor.
On the 12th of June we were greatly surprised and delighted to
hear that Captain Gant had killed a buffalo. The animal was seen
at the distance of a mile from the hunter, who ran upon him with
his horse and shot him with a large pistol, several shots being
required to kill him. We were all anxious to taste buffalo meat,
never having eaten any before; but we found it exceedingly poor
and tough. The buffalo was an old bull, left by the herd because
he was unable to follow.
On the 15th of June one of our party killed an antelope. This
is perhaps the fleetest animal in the world except the gazelle and
Recollections op an Old Pioneer. 69
possesses the quickest sight excepting the gazelle and the giraffe.
The antelope has a large, black eye, like those of the gazelle aad
giraffe, but has no acute sense of smell. For this reason this
animal is always found on the prairie, or in very open timber, and
will never go into a thicket. He depends on his superior sight to
discern an enemy, and upon his fleetness to escape him. I have
heard it said that when wolves are much pressed with hunger, they
hunt the antelope in packs, the wolves placing themselves in differ-
ent positions. Antelopes, like most wild game, have their limits,
within which they range for food and water; and, when chased by
the wolves, the antelope will run in something like a circle, con-
fining himself to his accustomed haunts. When the chase com-
mences, the antelope flies off so rapidly that he leaves his pursuers
far behind; but the tough and hungry wolf, with his keen scent,
follows on his track; and, by the time the antelope has become cool
and a litle stiff, the wolf is upon him, and he flies from his enemy
a second time. This race continues, fresh wolves coming into the
chase to relieve those that are tired, until at last the poor antelope,
with all his quickness of sight and fleetness of foot, is run down
and captured. As soon as he is killed, the wolf that has captured
him sets up a loud howl to summon his companions in the chase
to the banquet. When all have arrived, they set to eating the car-
cass, each wolf taking what he can get, there being no fighting,
but only some snarling, among the wolves. This statement I do
not know to be true of my own knowledge, but think it quite prob-
able. It seems to be characteristic of the dog family, in a wild
state, to hunt together and devour the common prey in partnership.
Bruce, in his account of his travels in Abyssinia, relates that he
saw five or six hyenas all engaged in devouring one carcass; and
that he killed four of them at one shot with a blunderbuss, loaded
with a large charge of powder and forty bullets.
When the antelope once sees the hunter, it is impossible to stalk
the animal. On the trip to Oregon I tried the experiment without
success. When I saw the antelope, upon the top of a small hill or
mound, looking at me, I would turn and walk away in the opposite
direction, until I was out of sight of the animal; then I would make
a turn at right angles until I found some object between me and
the antelope, behind which I could approach unseen within rifle-
shot; but invariably the wily creature would be found on the top
of some higher elevation, looking at me creeping up behind the
object that I had supposed concealed me from my coveted prey.
The only practical way of deceiving an antelope is to fall flat upon
the ground among the grass, and hold up on your ramrod a hat or
handkerchief, while you keep yourself concealed from his view.
Though exceedingly wary, the curiosity of the animal is so great
70 Peter H. Burnett.
that he will often slowly and cautiously approach within rifle-shot.
On the IGth of June we saw a splendid race between some of our
dogs and an antelope, which ran all the way down the long line of
wagons, and about a hundred and fifty yards distant from them.
Greyhounds were let loose, but could not catch it. It ran very
smoothly, making no long bounds like the deer or horse, but seemed
to glide through the air. The gait of the antelope is so peculiar that,
if one was running at the top of his speed over a perfectly smooth
surface, his body would always be substantially the same distance
from the earth.
Lindsey Applegate gave this amusing and somewhat exaggerated
account of a race between a very fleet greyhound and an antelope.
The antelope was off to the right of the road half a mile distant,
and started to cross the road at right angles ahead of the train.
The greyhound saw him start in the direction of the road, and ran
to meet him, so regulating his pace as to intercept the antelope
at the point where he crossed the road. The attention of the ante-
lope being fixed upon the train, he did not see the greyhound until
the latter was within twenty feet of him. Then the struggle com-
menced, each animal running at his utmost speed. The greyhound
only ran about a quarter of a mile, when he gave up the race, and
looked with seeming astonishment at the animal that beat him,
as no other animal had ever done before. Applegate declared, in
strong hyperbolical language, that "the antelope ran a mile before
you could see the dust rise."
CROSS TO THE GREAT VALLEY OF THE PLATTE — BUFFALO HUNT —
DESCRIPTION OF THAT ANIMAL.
Ever since we crossed the Kansas River we had been traveling
up Blue River, a tributary of the former. On the 17th of June we
reached our last encampment on Blue. We here saw a band of
Pawnee Indians, returning from a buffalo hunt. They had quantities
of dried buffalo meat, of which they generously gave us a good supply.
They were fine looking Indians, who did not shave their heads, but
cut their hair short like white men. On the 18th of June we crossed
from the Blue to the great Platte River, making a journey of from
twenty-five to thirty miles, about the greatest distance we ever trav-
eled in a single day. The road was splendid, and we drove some dis-
tance into the Platte bottom, and encamped in the open prairie
without fuel. Next morning we left very early, without breakfast,
having traveled two hundred and seventy-one miles from the ren-
dezvous, according to the estimated distance recorded in my journal.
We traveled up the south bank of the Platte, which, at the point
where we struck it, was from a mile to a mile and a half wide.
Though not so remarkable as the famed and mysterious Nile (which.
REfOLLEC'TTONS OF AN OlD PiONEER. 71
from the mouth of the Atbara River to the Mediterranean Sea, runs
through a desert some twelve hundred miles without receiving a
single tributary), the Platte is still a remarkable stream. Like the
Nile, it runs hundreds of miles through a desert without receiving
any tributaries. Its general course is almost as straight as a direct
line. It runs through a formation of sand of equal consistence; and
this is the reason its course is so direct.
The valley of the Platte is about twenty miles wide, through the
middle of which this wide, shallow, and muddy stream makes its
rapid course. Its banks are low, not exceeding five or six feet in
height; and the river bottoms on each side seem to the eye a dead
level, covered with luxuriant grass. Ten miles from the river you
come to the foot of the table lands, which are also apparently a
level sandy plain, elevated some hundred and fifty feet above the
river bottoms. On these plains grow the short buffalo grass, upon
which the animal feeds during a portion of the year. As the dry
season approaches, the water, which stands in pools on these table
lands, dries up, and the buffalo are compelled to go to the Platte
for water to drink. They start for water about 10 A. M., and always
travel in single file, one after the other, and in parallel lines about
twenty yards apart, and go In a direct line to the river. They invar-
iably travel the same routes over and over again until they make a
path some ten inches deep and twelve inches wide. These buffalo
paths constituted quite an obstruction to our wagons, which were
heavily laden at this point in our journey. Several axles were
broken. We had been apprised of the danger in advance, and each
wagon was supplied with an extra axle.
In making our monotonous journey up the smooth valley of the
Platte, through the warm, genial sunshine of summer, the feeling
of drowsiness was so great that it was extremely difficult to keep
awake during the day. Instances occurred where drivers went to
sleep on the road, sitting in the front of their wagons; and the oxen,
being about as sleepy, would stop until the drivers were aroused
from their slumber. My small wagon was used only for the family
to ride in; and Mrs. Burnett and myself drove and slept alternately
during the day.
One great difficulty on this part of the trip was the scarcity of
fuel. Sometimes we found dry willows, sometimes we picked up
pieces of drift-wood along the way, which we put into our wagons,
and hauled them along until we needed them. At many points of
the route up the Platte we had to use buffalo chips. By cutting a
trench some ten inches deep, six inches wide, and two feet long,
we were enabled to get along with very little fuel. At one or two
places the wind was so severe that we were forced ^o use the
trenches in order to make a fire at all.
72 Peter H. Burnett.
On the 20th of June we sent out a party of hunters, who returned
on the 24th with plenty of fresh buffalo-meat. We thought the flesh
of the buffalo the most excellent of all flesh eaten by man. Its
flavor is decidedly different from that of beef, and far superior, and
the meat more digestible. On a trip like that, in that dry climate,
our appetites were excellent; but, even making every reasonable
allowance, I still think buffalo the sweetest meat in the world.
The American buffalo is a peculiar animal, remarkably hardy, and
much fleeter of foot than any one would suppose from his round,
short figure. It requires a fleet horse to overtake him. His sense
of smell is remarkably acute, while those of sight and hearing are
very dull. If the wind blows from the hunter to the buffalo, it is
impossible to approach him. I remember that, on one occasion,
while we were traveling up the Platte, I saw a band of some
fifty buffaloes running obliquely toward the river on the other side
from us, and some three miles off; and, the moment that their leader
struck the stream of tainted atmosphere passing from us to them,
he and the rest of the herd turned at right angles from their former
course, and fled in the direction of the wind.
On one occasion five of us went out on fleet horses to hunt buf-
faloes. We soon found nine full-grown animals, feeding near the
head of a ravine. The wind blew from them to us, and their keen
scent was thus worthless to them, as the smell will only travel
with the wind. We rode quietly up the ravine, until we arrived at
a point only about one hundred yards distant, when we formed in
line, side by side, and the order was given to charge. We put our
horses at once to their utmost speed ; and the loud clattering of their
hoofs over the dry, hard ground at once attracted the attention of the
buffaloes, which raised their heads and gazed at us for an instant and
then turned and fled. By the time they started we were within fifty
yards of them. The race was over a level plain, and we gradually
gained upon the fleeing game; but, when we approached within
twenty yards of them, we could plainly see that they let out a few
more links, and ran much faster. I was riding a fleet Indian pony,
and was ahead of all my comrades except Mr. Garrison, who rode
& blooded American mare. He dashed in ahead of me, and fired with
a large horse pistol at the largest buffalo, giving the animal a
slight wound. The moment the buffalo felt himself wounded that
moment he bore off from the others, they continuing close together,
and he running by himself.
I followed the wounded buffalo, and my comrades followed the
others. The moment I began to press closely upon the wounded
animal, he turned suddenly around, and faced me with his shaggy
head, black horns, and gleaming eyes. My pony stopped instantly,
and I rode around the old bull to get a shot at his side, knowing that
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 73
it would be idle to shoot him in the head, as no rifle ball will pene-
trate the brain of a buffalo bull. But the animal would keep his
head toward me. I knew my pony had been trained to stand wher-
ever he was left, and I saw that the wounded bull never charged
at the horse. So I determined to dismount and get a shot on foot.
I would go a few yards from my horse, and occasionally the buffalo
would bound toward me, and then I would dodge behind my pony,
which stood like a statue, not exhibiting the slightest fear. For
some reason the wounded animal would not attack the pony. Per-
haps the buffalo had been before chased by Indians on horseback,
and for that reason was afraid of the pony. At last I got a fair
opportunity, and shot the buffalo through the lungs. The moment
he felt the shot, he turned and fled. The shot through the lungs
is the most fatal to the buffalo, as he soon smothers from the effects
of internal hemorrhage. It is a singular fact that, before a buffalo
is wounded, he will never turn and face his pursuer, but will run
at his best speed, even until the hunter is by his side; but the
moment a buffalo is wounded, even slightly, he will quit the band,
and when pressed by the hunter will turn and face him. The animal
seems to think that, when wounded, his escape by flight is impossi-
ble, and his only chance is in combat.
On the 27th of June our people had halted for lunch at noon,
and to rest the teams and allow the oxen to graze. Our wagons
were about three hundred yards from the river, and were strung
out in line to the distance of one mile. While taking our lunch we
saw seven buffalo bulls on the opposite side of the river, coming
toward us, as if they intended to cross the river in the face of our
whole caravan. When they arrived on the opposite bank they had
a full view of us; and yet they deliberately entered the river, wading
a part of the distance, and swimming the remainder. When we saw
that they were determined to cross at all hazards, our men took
their rifles, formed in line between the wagons and the river, and
awaited the approach of the animals. So soon as they rose the bank,
they came on in a run, broke boldly through the line of men, and bore
to the left of the wagons. Three of them were killed, and most of
the others wounded.
CROSS THE SOUTH FORK — ARRIVE AT PORT LARAMIE — CHEYENNE
CHIEF — CROSS THE NORTH FORK— DEATHS OF PAINE AND
STEVENSON — CROSS GREEN RIVER — ARRmi
AT PORT HALL.
On the 29th of .June we arrived at a grove of timber, on the south
bank of the South Fork of the Platte. This was the only timber
we had seen since we struck the river, except on the islands, which
were covered with cottonwoods and willows. From our first camp
74 Pkter H. Burnett.
upon the Platte to this point, we had traveled, according to my esti-
mates recorded in my journal, one hundred and seventy-three miles,
in eleven days.
On July 1st we made three boats by covei'ing our wagon boxes
or beds with green buffalo hides sewed together, stretched tightly
over the boxes, flesh side out, and tacked on with large tacks; and
the boxes, thus covered, were turned up to the sun until the hides
were thoroughly dry. This process of drying the green hides had
to be repeated several times. From July 1st to 5th, inclusive, we
were engaged in crossing the river. On the 7th we arrived at the
south bank of the North Fork of the Platte, having traveled a dis-
tance of twenty-nine miles from the South Fork. We had not seen
any prairie chickens since we left the Blue. On the 9th we saw
three beautiful wild horses. On the 14th we arrived at Fort Laramie,
where we remained two days repairing our wagons. We had trav-
eled from the crossing of the South Fork one hundred and forty-one
miles in nine days. Prices of articles at this trading post: Coffee,
.$1.50 a pint; brown sugar, the same; flour, unbolted, 25 cents a
pound; powder, $1.50 a pound; lead, 75 cents a pound; percussion
caps, $1.50 a box; calico, very inferior, $1.00 a yard.
At the fort we found the Cheyenne chief and some of his people.
He was a tall, trim, noble-looking Indian, aged about thirty. The
Cheyennes at that time boasted that they had never shed the blood
of the white man. He went alone very freely among our people,
and I happened to meet him at one of our camps, where there was
a foolish, rash young man, who wantonly insulted the chief.
Though the chief did not understand the insulting words, he clearly
understood the insulting tone and gestures. I saw from the expres-
sion of his countenance that the chief was most indignant, though
perfectly cool and brave. He made no reply in words, but walked
away slowly; and, when some twenty feet from the man who had
insulted him, he turned around, and solemnly and slowly shook
the forefinger of his right hand at the young man several times, as
much as to say, "I will attend to your case."
I saw that trouble was coming, and I followed the chief, and by
kind, earnest gestures made him understand at last that this young
man was considered by us all as a half-witted fool, unworthy of
the notice of any sensible man; and that we never paid attention
to what he said, as we hardly considered him responsible for his
language. The moment the chief comprehended my meaning I saw
a change come over his countenance, and he went away perfectly
satisfied. He was a clear-headed man; and, though unlettered, he
understood human nature.
In traveling up the South Fork we saw several Indians, who kept
at a distance, and never manifested any disposition to molest us
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 75
in any way. They saw we were mere travelers through their coun-
try, and would only destroy a small amount of their game. Besides,
they must have been impressed with the due sense of our power.
Our long line of wagons, teams, cattle, and men, on the smooth
plains, and under the clear skies of the Platte, made a most grand
appearance. They had never before seen any spectacle like it.
They, no doubt, supposed we had cannon concealed in our wagons.
A few years before a military expedition had been sent out from
Fort Leavenworth to chastise some of the wild prairie tribes for
depredations committed against the whites. General Bennett Riley,
then Captain Riley, had command, and had with him some cannon.
In a skirmish with the Indians, in the open prairie, he had used
his cannon, killing some of the Indians at a distance beyond a rifle
shot. This new experience had taught them a genuine dread of
big guns.
. The Indians always considered the wild game as much their prop-
erty as they did the country in which it was found. Though breed-
ing and maintaining the game cost them no labor, yet it lived and
fattened on their grass and herbage, and was as substantially
within the power of these roving people and skillful hunters as the
domestic animals of the white man.
On the 24th of July we crossed the North Fork of the Platte by
fording, without difficulty, having traveled the distance of one hun-
dred and twenty-two miles from Fort Laramie in nine days. On
the 27th we arrived at the Sweetwater, having traveled from the
North Fork fifty-five miles in three days. On the 3rd of August,
while traveling up the Sweetwater, we first came in sight of the
eternal snows of the Rocky Mountains. This to us was a grand and
magnificent sight. We had never before seen the perpetually snow-
clad summit of a mountain. This day William Martin brought into
camp the foot of a very rare carnivorous animal, much like the
hyena, and with no name. It was of a dark color, had very large
teeth, and was thought to be strong enough to kill a half-grown
buffalo.
On the 4th of August Mr. Paine died of fever, and we remained
in camp to bury him. We buried him in the wild, shelterless plains,
close to the new road we had made, and the funeral scene was most
sorrowful and impressive. Mr. Garrison, a Methodist preacher, a
plain, humble man, delivered a most touching and beautiful prayer
at the lonely grave.
On the 5th, Gth and 7th we crossed the summit of the Rocky
Mountains, and on the evening of the 7th we first drank of the
waters that flow into the great Pacific. The first Pacific water we
saw was that of a large, pure spring. On the 9th we came to the
Bis? Sandv at noon. This day Stevenson died of fever, and we buried
76 Peter H. Burnett.
him on the sterile banks of that stream. On the 11th we crossed
Green River, so called from its green color. It is a beautiful stream,
containing fine fish. On the margins of this stream there are ex-
tensive groves of small cottonwood trees, about nine inches in
diameter, with low and brushy tops. These trees are cut down by
the hunters and trappers in winter for the support of their mules
and hardy Indian ponies. The animals feed on the tender twigs, and
on the bark of the smaller limbs, and in this way manage to live.
Large quantities of this timber are thus desti'oyed annually.
On the 12th of August we were informed that Doctor Whitman had
written a letter, stating that the Catholic missionaries had dis-
covered, by the aid of their Flathead Indian pilot, a pass through
the mountains by way of Fort Bridger, which was shorter than the
old route. We, therefore, determined to go by the fort. There was
a heavy frost with thin ice this morning. On the 14th we arrived
at Fort Bridger, situated on Black's Fork of Green River, having
traveled from our first camp on the Sweetwater two hundred and
nineteen miles in eighteen days. Here we overtook the mission-
aries. On the 17th we arrived on the banks of Bear River, a clear,
beautiful stream, with abundance of good fish and plenty of wild
ducks and geese. On the 22nd we arrived at the great Soda Springs,
when we left Bear River for Fort Hall, at which place we arrived
on the 27th, haveing traveled two hundred and thirty-five miles from
Fort Bridger in thirteen days.
Fort Hall was then a trading post, belonging to the Hudson's Bay
Company, and was under the charge of Mr. Grant, who was ex-
ceedingly kind and hospitable. The foi't was situated on the south
bank of Snake River, in a wide, fertile valley covered with luxuriant
grass and watered by numerous springs and small streams. This
valley had once Deen a great resort for buffaloes, and their skulls
were scattered around in every direction. We saw the skulls of
these animals for the last time at Fort Boise, beyond which point
they were never seen. The company had bands of horses and herds
of cattle grazing on these rich bottom lands.
Up to this point the route over which we had passed was, per-
haps, the finest natural road, of the same length, to be found in the
world. Only a few loaded wagons had ever made their way to
Fort Hall, and were there abandoned. Doctor Whitman in 1836 had
taken a wagon as far as Fort Boise, by making a cart on two of the
wheels and placing the axletree and the other two wheels in his
cart. ("Gray's Oregon," page 133.)
We here parted with our respected pilot, Captain John Gant. Dr.
Marcus Whitman was with us at the fort, and was our pilot from
there to Grand Ronde, where he left us in charge of an Indian pilot,
whose name was Stikas, and who proved to be both faithful and
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 77
competent. The doctor left us to have his grist-mill put in order
by the time we should reach his mission.
We now arrived at a most critical period in our most adven-
turous journey, and we had many misgivings as to our ultimate
success in making our way with our wagons, teams and families.
We had yet to accomplish the untried and most difficult portion of
our long and exhaustive journey. We could not anticipate at what
moment we might be compelled to abandon our wagons in the moun-
tains, pack our scant supplies on our poor oxen, and make our way
on foot through this terribly rough country as best we could. We
fully comprehended the situation, but we never faltered in our in-
flexible determination to accomplish the trip, if within the limits
of possibility, with the resources at our command. Doctor Whitman
assured us that we could succeed, and encouraged and aided us with
every means in his power. I consulted Mr. Grant as to his opinion
of the practicability of taking our wagons through. He replied that,
while he would not say it was impossible for us Americans to
make the trip in our wagons, he could not himself see how it could
be done. He had only traveled the pack-trail, and certainly no
wagons could follow that route, but there might be a practical road
found by leaving the trail at certain points.
LEAVE fort hall — sagebrush LANDS — SALMON FALLS — THE
SPEAR OF THE INDIAN FISHERMAN — CROSS SNAKE
RIVER— KILL A LARGE SALMON.
On the 30th of August we quitted Fort Hall, many of our young
men having left us with pack-trains. Our route lay down Snake
River for some distance. The road was rocky and rough, except
in the dry valleys, and these were covered with a thick growth of
sage or wormwood, which was from two to three feet high, and
offered a great obstruction to the first five or six wagons passing
through it. The soil where this melancholy shrub was found ap-
peared to be too dry and sterile to produce anything else. It was
very soft on the surface, and easily worked up into a most disagree-
able dust, as fine as ashes or flour.
The taste of the sage is exceedingly bitter; the shrub has a
brown, somber appearance, and a most disagreeable smell. The stem
at the surface of the ground is from one to two inches in diameter,
and soon branches, so as to form a thick, brushy top. The texture
of the stem is peculiar and unlike that of any other shrub, being all
bark and no sap or heart, and appears like the outside bark of the
grapevine. How the sap ascends from the root to the branches, or
whether the shrub draws its nutriment from the air, I am not able
to decide. One thing I remember well, that the stems of the green
growing sage were good for fuel and burned most readily, and so
78 Peter H. Burnett.
rapidly that the supply had to be continually renewed, showing that
they were not only dry, but of very slight, porous texture. Had the
sage been as stout and hard as other shrubbery of the same size
we should have been compelled to cut our wagonway through it,
and could never have passed over it as we did, crushing it beneath
the feet of our oxen and the wheels of our wagons.
The geographical features of the Pacific Coast are Asiatic in
their appearance, being composed of mountains and valleys. Our
hills swell to mountains, and our valleys are to the eye a dead level,
yet they generally descend about nine or ten feet to the mile. We
have consequently very little gently undulating land, such as is
generally found in the great Mississippi Valley. Gibbon, speaking
of the route of the army of the Emperor Julian well but concisely
describes the sageplains of this coast: "The country was a plain
throughout, as even as the sea, and full of wormwood; and, if any
other kinds of shrubs or reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic
smell, but no trees could be seen." ("Decline and Fall," chapter
xxiv, pp. 477-8.)
Colonel Mercer of Oregon, delivered a lecture in the city of New
York on April 6, 1878, as appears from the telegram to the "Daily
Alta" of the 7th, in M'hich he set forth the wonderful fertility of the
sagebrush lands, which until recently have been supposed to be
valueless. The sagebrush lands through which we passed in 1843
appeared to be worthless, not only because of the apparent sterility
of the soil, but for the want of water. With plentiful irrigation, I
think it quite probable that these lands in most places, might be
rendered fruitful. Water is a great fertilizer and nothing but
experiment can actully demonstrate how far these wilderness plains
can be redeemed.
On the 7th of September, 1843, we arrived at the Salmon Falls
on Snake River, where we purchased from the Snake Indians dried
and fresh salmon, giving one ball and one charge of powder for each
dried fish. We found several lodges of Indians here who were very
poorly clad, and who made a business of fishing at the falls. The
falls were about eight feet perpendicular at that stage of water,
with rapids below for some distance. The stream is divided upon
the rapids into various narrow channels, through v/hich the waters
pass with a very shallow and rapid current, so that the fisherman
can wade across them. The salmon are compelled to pass up these
channels, and readily fall a prey to the quick, sharp spear of tho
Indian fisherman. The spear consists of a strong, smooth pole,
ten or twelve feet long and an inch and a half in diameter, made of
hard tough wood, upon one end of which there is fastened a piece
of sharp-pointed buckhorn about four inches long. The larger end
of this piece of buckhorn is hollowed out to the depth of about three
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 79
inches and fastened on the end of the pole, which is tapered to fit
into it. To the middle of this buckhorn there is securely fastened
a thong or string of sinew, the other end of which is firmly attached
to the pole about one foot above the buckhorn, leaving a considera-
ble slack in the line. With this spear the Indian fisherman lies down
or sits close to one of these narrow channels with the point of his
spear resting near where the fish must pass. In this position he
remains motionless until he sees a fish immediately opposite the
point of the spear, as the fish slowly ascends the rapid current;
when, with the quick motion of a juggler, he pushes his spear clear
through the salmon before this powerful fish can dodge it. The
buckhorn at once slips off the end of the pole on the other side of
the fish the first flounce he makes; but he is securely held by the
thong attached to the pole. No spear could be more skillfully
designed or more effectually used than this.
One of our emigrants, having been informed before he started
on the trip that the clear, living waters of the Columbia and its
tributaries were full of salmon, had brought all the way from Mis-
souri a three-pronged harpoon, called a gig. The metallic portion
of this fishing instrument was securely riveted on the end of a
smooth, strong pole about ten feet long, and two inches in diameter.
The skillful fisherman held this gig in his right hand, raised above
his head, and, when he saw a fish fifteen or twenty feet distant, he
would pitch the weapon at his prey with such a sure aim as seldom
to miss his mark.
This emigrant was joyful when we arrived at the falls, it being
the first point where he could use his gig. He soon brought forth his
instrument from the bottom of his wagon, where it had remained
unused so long, and sallied forth to capture salmon. We all watched
with deep interest, as he stood by one of these narrow channels, gig
in hand. Very soon we saw him throw his gig, but he missed his
mark. Again and again he tried his skill, but always failed. The
fact was that the salmon, one of the most muscular of fishes, with
keen sight and quick motion, had seen the thrown gig in time, and
had effectually dodged it. Our emigrant came back greatly morti-
fied because the Indians could beat him in catching salmon. He
understood, after this trial, the difference between the agility of the
salmon of the Columbia and that of the sluggish catfish of the
Mississippi.
Before reaching the Salmon Falls we passed a large spring on
the opposite side of Snake River. This spring furnished water
enough for a large creek, which fell perpendicularly from a wall of
basaltic rock two hundred feet high, forming a most beautiful scene
on the river.
On the 10th of September we crossed the Snake River by fording
80 Peter H. Burnett.
without difficulty, and in crossing we l^illed a salmon weighing
twenty-three pounds, one of our wagons running over it as it lay on
the bottom of the pebbly stream.
The full-grown male and female salmon from the ocean enter the
streams that flow into it and, guided by a wonderful instinct, ascend
to the upper branches, where they can deposit their numerous
spawn in a place secure from enemies. The waters of these moun-
tain streams are so clear as to remind one of Dryden's description —
"Of shallow brook.s, that flow so clear,
The bottom did the top appear."
In the pebbly bottoms of these tributary streams the female sal-
mon hollows out a cavity of sufficient depth to form an eddy, in
which she can deposit her spawn without the danger of their being
swept away by the current. The one we killed was doubtless in
her nest which she refused to quit.
From all the information I was able to obtain while residing in
Oregon, grown salmon which once leave the ocean never return.
This was the opinion of Sir James Douglas, which was confirmed
by my own observation. But there seems to be a difference of
opinion on the question. I have lately conversed with B. B. Red-
ding upon the subject, and it is his opinion that about ten per cent,
return alive to the ocean, as about that proportion are caught in the
Sacramento River on the upper side of the gill nets used by the
fishermen. This may be the more correct opinion.
The male salmon is armed with strong, sharp teeth, and they
fight and wound each other severely. While the female is making
and guarding her nest, her mate remains close by, watching and
waiting with the greatest fidelity and patience; and, when any other
fish approaches too near, he darts at him with the utmost swiftness
and ferocity. The spawn is always deposited in the pebbly bed of
the stream where the water is swift and comparatively shallow,
and where other fish are less likely to molest them. The eggs hatch
in from forty to forty-five days.
For hours I have watched the efforts of salmon to pass over the
Willamette Falls at Oregon City. For a space of one or two minutes I
would not see a fish in the air. Then, all at once, I would see one leap
out of the water, followed immediately by great numbers. Some
would rise from ten to fifteen feet, while many would not ascend
more than four or five; but all seemed equally determined to suc-
ceed. They had selected the most practicable point and approached
very near the column of descending water, and rose from the eddy
caused by the reflow. Occasionally one would go over, but the great
majority pitched with their heads plump against the wall of rock
behind the torrent, and fell back more or less wounded, to try again.
There was a shelf in the rock three or four feet below the top, and
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 81
1 have seen salmon catch on this shelf, rest for an instant, then
flounce off and fall into the water below. So long as the salmon is
alive its head will be found up stream and every effort made, though
feeble, will be to ascend. Sometimes, when in very shallow water,
the fish may descend to a short distance to escape an enemy for the
time, but its constant instinct is to go up higher until it reaches
the place to deposit its eggs.
BOILING SPRING— FORT BOISE— BURNT RIVER— THE LONE PINE —
THE GRAND RONDE — THE BLUE MOUNTAINS — ARRIVE AT DR.
whitman's mission — ARRIVE AT WALLA WALLA.
On the 14th of September we passed the Boiling Spring. Its
v/ater is hot enough to cook an egg. It runs out at three different
places, forming a large branch, which runs off smoking and foaming.
It rises half a mile from a tall range of hills covered with basaltic
rock, and the plains around are covered with round rocks of the
same kind. The water is ci'^ar and rises at the head of a small
ravine.
On the 20th of September we arrived at Fort Boise, then in charge
of Mr. Payette, having trav*iled from Fort Hall, two hundred and
seventy-three miles, in twenty-one days. Mr. Payette, the manager,
was kind and very polite. On the 21st we recrossed the Snake
River by fording, which was deep but safe. On the 24th we reached
Burnt River, so named from the many fires that have occurred there,
destroying considerable portions of timber. It hardly deserves to
be called a river, being only a creek of fair size. The road up this
stream was then a terrible one, as the latter runs betv/een two
ranges of tall mountains through a narrow valley full of timber,
which we had not the force or time to remove.
On the 27th of September we had some rain during the night, and
next morning left Burnt River. Today we saw many of the most
beautiful objects in nature. In the rear, on our right and left, were
ranges of tall mountains, covered on the sides with magnificent
forests of pine, the mountain tops being dressed in a robe of pure
snow, and around their summits the dense masses of black clouds
wreathed themselves in fanciful shapes, the sun glancing through
the open spaces upon the gleaming mountains. We passed through
some most beautiful valleys and encamped on the branch of the
Powder River at the Lone Pine.
This noble tree stood in the center of a most lovely valley about
ten miles from any other timber. It could be seen at the distance
of many miles, rearing its majestic form above the surrounding
plain, and constituted a beautiful landmark for the guidance
of the traveler. Many teams had passed on before me, and at inter-
vals, as I drove along, I would raise my head and look at that
82 Peter H. Burnett.
beautiful green pine. At last, on looking up as usual, the tree was
gone. I was perplexed for a moment to know whether I was going
in the right direction. There was the plain, beaten wagon road before
me, and I drove on until I reached the camp just at dark. That
brave old pine, which had withstood the storms and snows of cen-
turies, had fallen at last by the vandal hands of man. Some of our
inconsiderate people had cut it down for fuel, but it was too green
to burn. It was a useless and most unfortunate act. Had I been
there in time I should have begged those woodmen to "spare that
tree."
On the 29th and 30th of September we passed through rich, beau-
tiful valleys between ranges of snowclad mountains whose sides
were covered with noble pine forests. On October 1st we came into
and through Grand Ronde, one of the most beautiful valleys in the
world, embosomed among the Blue Mountains, which are covered
with magnificent pines. It was estimated to be about one hundred
miles in circumference. It was generally rich prairie covered with
luxuriant grass and having numerous beautiful streams passing
through it, most of which rise from springs at the foot of the moun-
tains bordering the valley. In this valley the camas root abounds,
which the Indians dried upon hot rocks. We purchased some from
them and found it quite palatable to our keen appetites.
On the 2d of October we ascended the mountain ridge at the
Grande Ronde and descended on the other side of the ridge to a
creek, where we encamped. These hills were terrible. On the 3d,
4th, 5th, and 6th, we passed through the Blue Mountains, arrivinp;
at their foot on the 6th and encamping upon a beautiful stream of
water. On the morning of the 5th there was a snow storm on the
mountain. During our passage through the Blue Mountains we
had great difficulty in finding our cattle, and the road was very rough
in many places. Our camp was about three miles from the Indian
village, and from the Indians we purchased Indian corn, peas, and
Irish potatoes, in any desired quantity. I have never tasted a
greater luxury than the potatoes we ate on this occasion. We had
been so long without fresh vegetables that we were almost fam-
ished, and consequently we feasted this day excessively. We gave
the Indians in exchange some articles of clothing, which they were
most anxious to purchase. When two parties are both as anxious
to barter as were the Indians and ourselves, it is very easy to strike
a bargain.
On the 10th of October we arrived within three miles of Doctor
Whitman's mission and remained in camp uptil the 14th.
The exhausting tedium of such a trip and the attendant vexa-
tions have a great effect upon the majority of men, especially upon
those of weak minds. Men, under such circumstances, become
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 83
childish, petulant, and obstinate. I remember that while we were at
the mission of Doctor Whitman, who had performed such hard labor
for us, and was deserving of our warmest gratitude, he was most
ungenerously accused by some of our people of selfish motives in
conducting us past his establishment, where we could procure fresh
supplies of flour and potatoes. This foolish, false, and ungrateful
charge was based upon the fact that he asked us a dollar a bushel
for wheat, and forty cents for potatoes. As our people had been
accustomed to sell their wheat at from fifty to sixty cents a bushel,
and their potatoes at from twenty to twenty-five cents, in the
Western States, they thought the prices demanded by the doctor
amounted to something like extortion, not reflecting that he had
to pay at least twice as much for his own supplies of merchandise,
and could not afford to sell his produce as low as they did theirs
at home. They were somewhat like a certain farmer in Missouri at
an early day, who concluded that twenty cents a bushel was a fair
price for corn, and that he would not sell for more nor less. But
experience soon taught him that when the article was higher than
his price he could readily sell, but when it was lower he could not
sell at all; and he came to the sensible conclusion that he must
avail himself of the rise in order to compensate him for the fall
in prices. So obstinate were some of our people that they would
not purchase of the doctor. I remember one case particularly,
where an intimate friend of mine, whose supplies of food were
nearly exhausted, refused to purchase, though urged to do so by
me, until the wheat was all sold. The consequence was that I had
to divide provisions with him before we reached the end of our
journey.
On the 16th of October we arrived at Fort Walla Walla, then
under charge of Mr. McKinley, having traveled from Fort Boise,
two hundred and two miles, in twenty-four days, and from the ren-
dezvous, sixteen hundred and ninety-one miles, between the 22nd
of May and the 16th of October, being one hundred and forty-seven
days. Average distance per day, eleven and one-half miles.
DESCEND THE RIVER TO THE DALLES — LEAVE MY FAMILY THERE-
GO TO VANCOUVER AND RETURN— GOVERNOR FREMONT.
A portion of our emigrants left their wagons and cattle at Walla
Walla, and descended the Columbia in boats; while another, and
the larger portion, made their way with their teams and wagons to
The Dalles, whence they descended to the Cascades on rafts, and
thence to Fort Vancouver in boats and canoes. William Beagle and
I had agreed at the rendezvous not to separate until we reached
the end of our journey. We procured from Mr. McKinley, at Walla
Walla, an old Hudson's Bay Company's boat, constructed expressly
84 Peter IT. Burnett.
Ibr the navigation of the Columbia and its tributaries. These boats
are very light, yet strong. They are open, about forty-five feet long,
five feet wide, and three feet deep, made of light, tough materials,
and clinker built. They are made in this manner so that they may
be carried around the Falls of the Columbia, and let down over
the Cascades. When taken out of the water and carried over the
portage, it requires the united exertions of forty or fifty Indians,
who take the vessel on their shoulders, amid shouts and hurras,
and thus carry It sometimes three-fourths of a mile, without once
letting it down. At the Cascades it is let down by means of ropes
in the hands of the Canadian boatmen.
We employed an Indian pilot, who stood with a stout, long, broad
paddle in the bow of the boat, while Beagle stood at the stern,
holding a long steering oar, such as were used upon flat-bottoms and
keel-boats in the Western States. I remember that my friend
Beagle, before we left Walla Walla, expressed great confidence in
his skill in steering, as he had often passed the Ohio Rapids at
Louisville. But these rapids were nothing to those on the Colum-
bia. I have seen Beagle turn as pale as a corpse when passing
through the terrible rapids on this river.
Our Indian pilot was very cool, determined, and intrepid; and
Beagle always obeyed him, right or wrong. On one occasion, I
remember, we were passing down a terrible rapid, with almost the
speed of a race-horse, when a huge rock rose above the water be-
fore us, against which the swift and mighty volume of the river
furiously dashed in vain, and then suddenly turned to the right,
almost at right angles. The Indian told Beagle to hold the bow
of the boat directly toward that rock, as if intending to run plump
upon it, while the rest of us pulled upon our oars with all our
might, so as to give her such a velocity as not to be much affected
by the surging waves. The Indian stood calm and motionless in
the bow, paddle in hand, with his features set as if prepared to
meet immediate death; and, when we were within from twenty to
thirty feet of that terrible rock, as quick as thought he plunged his
long, broad paddle perpendicularly into the water on the left side
of the bow, and with it gave a sudden wrench, and the boat in-
stantly turned upon its center to the right, and we passed the rock
in safety.
While passing through these dangers I was not much alarmed,
but after they were passed I could never think of them without
a sense of fear. Three of our emigrants were drowned just above
the dalles, but we reached them in safety, sending our boat through
them, while the families walked around them on dry land. These
dalles are a great natural curiosity, but they have been so often
Rkcolleotions of an Old Pioneer. So
described that I deem it unnecessary to attempt any description
myself.
When we arrived at the Methodist mission, located at the foot
of the dalles, I saw at once that there must some day grow up a
town there, as that was the head of safe steam navigation. From
there to the Cascades, a distance of about fifty miles, the river is
entirely smooth and without a rapid. At the Cascades there is a
portage to be made, but once below them and there is nothing but
smooth water to the ocean. I determined at once to settle at The
Dalles; and, after consultation with Mr. Perkins, the minister in
charge, I left my family there and proceeded to Vancouver, where
I arrived about the 7th of November, 1843.
At Fort Vancouver I found Governor Fremont, then Lieutenant
Fremont, who had been there' a few days. He had left his men and
animals at The Dalles, and had descended the river to the fort for
the purpose of purchasing supplies, to enable him to make the trip
overland to California during that winter. The preceding year
he had made an exploring trip to the South Pass of the Rocky
Mountains, but this was his first journey to Oregon and California.
The Hudson's Bay Company furnished him, on the credit of the
United States, all the supplies he required, and sent them up the
river in one of their boats, such as 1 have already described, and
three Chinook canoes. These canoes are substantially of the same
model as the clipper-ship, and most probably suggested the idea
of such a form of marine architecture. They are made out of a
solid piece of white-cedar timber, which is usually one-quarter of
the first cut of a large tree. It is a soft wood, but very tough. This
timber grows upon the banks of the Columbia, below Vancouver, to
a very large size. It is easily split with wedges. The Indians
manage to cut and burn down the trees, and then cut and burn off
a part of the trunk, and split it into quarters. Then they hollow out
the inside of the canoe, mostly by burning. For this purpose they
kindle small fires along the whole length of the canoe, which they
keep steadily burning, and, by careful and constant watching, they
cause the fires to burn when and how they please. The outside
they shape with their tomahawks, and, before these were intro-
duced, they used sharp fiint-stones for axes. These canoes are
usually about thirty feet long, three feet wide, and two feet deep,
and are sharp at both ends, with a gradual taper from near the
center. No craft could have a more handsome model, or run more
swiftly. They are light, strong, elastic, and durable, and are pro-
pelled by paddles. The boat was navigated by Canadian French,
and the canoes by Indians.
Doctor McLoughlin and Mr. Douglas then chief factors at the fori,
advisee me to go for my family, and settle in the lower portion of
68 Peter H. Burnett.
Oregon, and kindly offered me a passage up and down on their
boat. We left the fort about the 11th of November in the evening,
while it was raining. It came down gently, but steadily. We
reached the foot of the rapids, three miles below the Cascades, be-
fore sundown on the third day. We found that the Indians could
propel their canoes with paddles much faster than we could our
boat with oars. We ascended the river to a distance of about one
mile above the foot of the rapids; and just before dark we en-
camped upon a sand-beach, the only spot where we could do so with-
out ascending higher up the rapids.
The Indians, with the three canoes, had passed on farther up
the river, and, although we fired signal-shots, they could not be in-
duced to return. They had with them the sugar and tea, and the
Indian lodge, composed of buffalo skins, neatly dressed and sewed
together. This lodge was in a conical form, about fourteen feet in
diameter at the base and eighteen feet high, with a hole at the
base of about two by three feet for a door, and one in the top for
the escape of the smoke; a deer-skin formed the door-shutter, and
the fire was built in the center, around which we sat with our
backs to the lodge, and when we lay down we put our feet to the
fire and our heads from it. In this way we could be warm and com-
fortable, and free from the effects of the wind and rain, without
being at all incommoded by the smoke from our small fire, as it
rose straight up and passed out through the hole in the top of the
lodge. The lodge was supported by long, strong, smooth poles, over
which it was tightly stretched. It was far superior to any cloth tent
I ever saw.
When we encamped it was cloudy, but not raining, and we were
very hungry after our day's hard work; but our bill of fare consisted
of salt salmon and cold bread. We knew, from the appearance of
the thickening but smooth clouds, that we should most likely have
a rainy night. The lower portion of Oregon lies between the tall
Cascade range of mountains and the ocean. This range runs almost
parallel with the Pacific Ocean, and about a hundred and twenty-
five miles from it. The clouds in the rainy season break upon this
range; and the Cascades are at the point where the mighty Colum-
bia cuts at right angles through it. We had been told that it rained
oftener and harder at the Cascades than at almost any other point
in Oregon, and, to our injury, we found it true.
Supper being ended, we laid ourselves down before a large fire.
Governor Fremont wrapped himself in his cloak, keeping on all his
clothes, and lay down upon a blanket. For myself, I had with me
two pairs of large, heavy blankets, one pair of which I put folded
under me, and covered myself with the other. Soon after we had
lain down the rain began to fall gently, but continued steadily to
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 87
increase. At first, I thought it might rain as much as it pleased
without wetting through my blankets, but before day it came down
in torrents, and I found the water running under me, and into the
pockets of my pantaloons and the tops of my boots. It was a cold
rain, and the fire was extinguished. I could not endure all this, and
I sat up during most of the remaining portion of the night upon a
log of wood, with one pair of blankets thrown over my head, so as
to fall all around me. In this way I managed to keep warm, but
the weight of the wet blankets was great, and my neck at last re-
belled against the oppression. I finally became so fatigued and
sleepy that just before day, when the rain had ceased, I threw my-
self down across some logs of wood, and in that condition slept
until daylight. As for Governor Fremont, he never moved, but lay
and slept as well as if in comfortable quarters. My position was
in a lower place on the beach than his, and this was the reason
why the water ran under me and not under him.
Next morning we rose fresh and fasting and ascended to the In-
dian encampment, where the Governor found our Indians comfort-
ably housed in the lodge, cooking breakfast. He was somewhat
vexed, and made them hustle out in short order.
It took us some days to make the portage, it raining nearly all
the while. At the head of the Cascades there were several large,
prelecting rocks, under one side of which the Indians could lie on
the c.^ean, dry sand, secure from the rain. They would build a fire
in fron^ and sit or lie under the projecting rocks; and, as they were
at home with their kindred and families, they were in no hurry to
go forward, and were not much disposed to go out in bad weather.
At the CasCcHles there is a celebrated salmon fishery, where the
Indians then Kved in considerable numbers, supporting themselves
in the summer upon fresh, and in the winter upon dried, salmon.
We were anxious to proceed, as Governor Fremont had still to
make the perilous journey to California, but there were only some
five to eight whites to several hundred Indians. But the cool, de-
termined, yet prudent, Fremont managed to command our Indians
and induce them to woi'k. When nothing else would avail, he would
put out their fires. Finding it necessary to work or shiver, they
preferred to work.
When we ha-d reloaded our craft, we set forward for The Dalles,
and we had not gone more than ten miles before we could see clear
out and beyond the clouds into the pure, blue sky. We were almost
vexed to think we had been so near to a sunny region all the time
we had been suffering so much from the rain. We soon reached
a point on the river above where there had been no rain, and from
that point to The Dalles we had cold, clear, frosty nights. We
arrived in The Dalles about ten days after leaving Vancouver. I
88 Peter H. Burnett.
went with the Governor to his camp of about forty men and one
hundred animals.
I was with Governor Fremont about ten days. I had never known
him personally before this trip. I knew he was on the way, but
he traveled usually with his own company, and did not mingle much
with the emigrants, as he could not properly do so, his men being
under military discipline and our emigrants not. He was then
about thirty years old, modest in appearance, and calm and gentle
in manner. His men all loved him intensely. He gave his orders
with great mildness and simplicity, but they had to be obeyed.
There was no shrinking from duty. He was like a father to those
under his command. At that time I thought I could endure as
much hardship as most men, especially a small, slender man like
Governor Fremont, but I was wholly mistaken. He had a small
foot, and wore a thin calf-skin boot, and yet he could endure more
cold than I could with heavy boots on. I never traveled with a
more pleasant companion than Governor Fremont. His bearing
toward me was as kind as that of a brother.
GO WITH MY FAMILY TO VANCOUVER — INDIAN TRADITION — THE
TOWN OP LINNTON.
I returned with my family to Fort Vancouver on the 26th of
November, 1843, and, as we passed the place of our encampment
on the sand beach below the Cascades, the Canadian boatmen
pointed toward it and laughed.
When we arrived at the Cascades on our return voyage we car-
ried our baggage upon our shoulders three-fourths of a mile, when
we reloaded and then "jumped" the rapids below. Until we had passed
the rapids on our downward voyage, I had no adequate conception
of the dangers we had passed through on the voyage from Walla
Walla to the Dalles. During that perilous passage 1 was one of the
oarsmen, and sat with my back to the bow of the boat, thus having
no fair opportunity to observe well. My attention was mainly con-
fined to my own portion of the work, and I had but little time to
look up. But, in running the rapids below the Cascades, I had noth-
ing to do but look on. It was almost literal "jumping."
There was then an Indian tradition that about a hundred years
before the Cascades did not exist, but that there was a succession
of rapids from the Dalles to where the Cascades are now. The
whole volume of the Columbia is now confined to a narrow channel,
and falls about thirty feet in the distance of a quarter of a mile.
This tradition said that the river gradually cut under the mountain
until the projecting mass of huge stones and tough clay slid into
the river and dammed up the stream to the height of some thirty
llErOLLEf'TIONS OF AN OlD PiONEER. 89
feet, thus producing slack water to the Dalles. And I must say
that every appearance, to my mind, sustains this view.
The Columbia, like most rivers, has a strip of bottom land cov-
ered with timber on one side or the other, but at the Cascades this
bottom land is very narrow and has a very different appearance
from the bottoms at places on the river above and below. The
mountain on the south side of the river looks precisely as if a vast
landslide had taken place there, and the huge rocks that lift their
gray, conical heads above the water at a low stage go to prove that
they could not have withstood that terrible current for many cen-
turies. In the winter when the water is at its lowest stage, immense
masses of thick ice come down over these Cascades and strike with
tremendous force "against the rocks, and the consequent wearing
away must have been too great for those rocks to have been in that
position many centuries.
But there is another fact that seems to me to be almost conclu-
sive. As we passed upon the river the water was at a very low stai;e,
and yet some twenty miles above we could see stumps of various
sizes standing as thick beneath the water as trees in a forest. The
water was clear and we had a perfect view of them. They were
entirely sound and were rather sharp in form toward the top. It was
evident that the trees had not grown in the water, but it had been
backed up over their roots and the tops and trunks had died and
decayed, while the stumps being under water, had remained sub-
stantially sound ; and the reason why they were sharp at the top was
that the heart of the timber was more durable than the sapwood
which had decayed. Another reason for the sharpness of the stumps
at the top is the abrasion caused by the floating masses of ice.
It was the opinion of Governor Fremont that these stumps had
been placed in this position by a slide which took them from their
original site into the river. But I must think that opinion errone-
ous because the slide could hardly have been so great in length,
and the appearance of the adjacent hills does not indicate an event
of that magnitude. It is much more rational, I think, to suppose
that the slide took place at the Cascades, and that the Indian tradi-
tion is true. Another reason is that the river at the points where
these stumps are found is quite wide, showing an increase of width
by the backing up of the water over the bottoms.
I procured a room for my family at Vancouver until I could build
a cabin. General M. M. McCarver and myself had agreed that we
would select a town site at the head of ship navigation on the Wil-
lamette River. The general, having no family with him, arrived at
the fort some time before I did, and selected a spot on the Willam-
ette about five miles above its mouth at what we then supposed to
be the head of ship navigation. Here we laid out a town calling it
90 Peter H. Burnett.
Linnton for Doctor Linn. It was a fair site, except for one small rea-
son: it was not at the head of ship navigation, which subsequent
experience prove to be at Portland, some miles above. I had a cabin
built at Linnton and lived there with my family from about the
middle of January until the first of May, 1844. We performed a
considerable amount of labor there, most of which was expended in
opening a wagon road thence to the Tualatin Plains, over a mountain
and through a dense forest of fir, ceaar, maple, and other timber.
When finished the road was barely passable with wagons. Our town
speculation was a small loss to us, the receipts from the sale of
lots not being equal to the expenses.
I found that expenses were certain and income nothing, and deter-
mined to select what was then called "a claim," and make me a
farm. I knew very little about farming, though raised upon a farm
in Missouri, and had not performed any manual labor of conse-
quence (until I began to prepare for this trip) for about seventeen
years. I had some recollection of farming, but the theory as prac-
ticed in Missouri would not fully do for Oregon. Mr. Douglas told
me that I could not succeed at farming, as there was a great deal of
hard work on a farm. I replied that, in my opinion, a sensible and
determined man could succeed at almost anything, and I meant to
do it. I did succeed well, but I never had my intellect more severely
tasked, with a few exceptions. Those who think good farming not
an intellectual business are most grievously mistaken.
PURCHASE A CLAIM — CLIMATE AND SCENERY OF OREGON — NUM-
BER OF OUR IMMIGRANTS— ASSISTANCE RENDERED
OUR IMMIGRATION.
Some time in April, 1844, I went to the Tualatin Plains and pur-
chased a claim in the middle of a circular plain about three miles
in diameter. The claim was entirely destitute of timber, except a
few ash trees which grew along the margin of the swales. The
plain was beautiful and was divided from the plains adjoining by
living streams of water flowing from the mountains, the banks of
which streams were skirted with fir and white cedar timber. The
surface of this plain was gently undulating, barely sufficient for
drainage. I purchased ten acres of splendid fir timber distant about
a mile and a half, for twenty five dollars. This supply proved ample
for a farm of about two hundred and fifty acres.
These swales are peculiar winter drains, from ten to thirty yards
wide, and from one to two feet deep. In the winter they were filled
with slowly running water, but in summer they are dry, and their
flat bottoms become almost as hard as brick. No vegetation of
consequence will grow in these swales, and the only timber along
their margins is scattering ash, from six to eight inches in diameter,
Recollkctions of an Old Pioneer. 91
and from twenty to twenty-five feet high, with wide, bushy tops.
The land on both sides of these swales being clean prairie, the rows
of green ash in summer give the plain a beautiful appearance.
During the five years I remained in Oregon the rainy season
invariably set in between the 18th of October and the 1st of Novem-
ber, and continued until about the middle of April, with occasional
showers to July. In 1845 there were showers in August sufficient
to sprout wheat in the shock. Always about the 10th of September
we had frost sufficient to kill bean and melon vines. The season
for sowing wheat and oats extended from the commencement of
the rains until the first of May, and the harvest began about the
20th of July. We had snow every winter but one while I was in
Oregon. At one time it was from six to eight inches deep, and
remained upon the ground about ten days. The Columbia River
was then frozen over at Vancouver; but this fact is not a true indi-
cation of the degree of cold, as this stream heads in a cold region,
and the ice forms above and comes down in floating masses, and,
when the tide is rising, there is little or no current in the river and
it then freezes over very easily. During the winter, and most gener-
ally in February, there is an interval of fine weather which lasts
about twenty days, with a cold wind from the north, and hard frosts.
But, during most of the rainy season, the rains are almost contin-
uous. Sometimes the sun would not be seen for twenty days in suc-
cession. It would generally rain about three days and nights with-
out intermission, then cease for about the same period (still remain-
ing cloudy), and then begin again. These rains were not very
heavy, but cold and steady, accompanied with a brisk, driving wind
from the south. It required a very stout, determined man to ride
all day facing one of these rains. They were far worse than driv-
ing snow, as they wet and chilled the rider through. The summers,
the latter half of the spring, and the early half of the fall, were the
finest in the world, so far as my own experience extends. Though
the rainy seasons be long and tedious, they are, upon the whole, a
blessing. The copious rains fertilize the soil of the fields and keep
them always fresh and productive. In my own best judgment, Ore-
gon is one of the loveliest and most fertile spots of earth. It is
destined to be densely populated and finely cultivated. The scenery
of her mountains and valleys is simply magnificent. Her snow-clad
mountains, her giant forests, her clear skies in summer, and her
green and blooming valleys, constitute a combination of the beauti-
ful that cannot be excelled.
When we arrived in Oregon we more than doubled the resident
population of the country. J. W. Nesmith, our orderly sergeant,
made a complete roll of the male members of the company capable
of bearing arms, including all above the age of sixteen years. This
92 Peter H. Burnett.
roll he preserved and produced at the Oregon Pioneers' Celebration
in June, 1875. I have inspected this roll as published in the "Ore-
gonian," and find it correct, except in the omission of the name of
B. B. Redding, who went to California, and included the name of
A. L. Lovejoy, who came the year before.
The roll contained 293 names, 2G7 of whom arrived in Oregon.
Of the 26 missing, six died on the way, five turned back on Platte
River, and fifteen went to California. He also gives the names of
many of the resident male population, and estimates their number
at 157. John M. Shively* made a complete list of all the emigrants
at the crossing of Kansas River, but that list has unfortunately
been lost. Judge M. P. Deady, in his address before the Oregon
Pioneers in June, 1875, estimated the immigration of 1843, men,
women, and children, at nine hundred. My estimate would not be
so high. I have always estimated the number arriving in Oregon
as not exceeding eight hundred.
When we arrived in Oregon we were poor, and our teams were so
much reduced as to be unfit for service until the next spring. Those
of us who came by water from Walla Walla left our cattle there for
the winter; and those who came by water from the Dalles left their
cattle for the winter at that point. Even if our teams had been fit
for use when we arrived, they would have been of no benefit to us,
as we could not bring them to the Willamette Valley until the spring
of 1844. Pork was ten and flour four cents a pound, and other pro-
visions in proportion. These were high prices considering our
scanty means and extra appetites. Had it not been for the generous
kindness of the gentlemen in charge of the business of the Hudson's
Bay Company, we should have suffered much greater privations.
The company furnished many of our immigrants with provisions,
clothing, seed, and other necessaries on credit. This was done, in
many instances, where the purchasers were known to be of doubtful
credit. At that time the company had most of the provisions and
merchandise in the country, and the trade with our people was, upon
the whole, a decided loss, so many failing to pay for what they
purchased. Many of our immigrants were unworthy of the favors
they received, and only returned abuse for generosity.
I remember an example, related to me by Captain James Waters,
an excellent man, possessed of a kind heart, a truthful tongue, and
a very patient disposition. As before stated, some of our immi-
grants passed from the Dalles to the Cascades on rafts made of
*John M. Shively is an engineer, and a plain, unassuming man, who was
possessed of much greater genuine ability than most people supposed, .lustice
has never been done him. He was in Washington City in the winter of lSJ.>-M(j,
and was the originator of the project of a steamship line from New York to this
coast by way of Panama.
I
Kkcollectio.ns ok an Old Pioneer. 93
dry logs. This was not only slow navigation, but their rafts were
utterly useless after reaching the Cascades; and they were com-
pelled to remain there for some days before they could descend the
river to the fort. In the meantime their supplies of provisions had
been consumed. Captain Waters was among the first of our immi-
grants to arrive at Vancouver, having no family with him, and he
at once applied to Doctor McLoughlin for supplies of provisions for
the immigrants at the Cascades, but had nothing wherewith to pay.
The doctor furnished the supplies and also a boat to take them up,
with the understanding that Captain Waters would navigate the
vessel and sell the provisions to the immigrants at Vancouver prices.
This was done, but many of the purchasers never paid, contenting
themselves with abusing the doctor and the captain, accusing them
of wishing to speculate upon the necessities of poor immigrants.
The final result was a considerable loss, which Doctor McLoughlin
and Captain Waters divided equally between them. I met Waters
myself with the boat laden with provisions going up, as I passed
down the river the first time, and there can be no doubt of the truth
of his statement.
DR. JOHN m'lOUGHLIN — JAMES DOUGLAS — POLICY OF THE HUD-
SON 'S BAY COMPANY IN ITS COURSE WITH THE INDIANS.
Dr. John McLoughlin was one of the greatest and most noble
philanthropists I ever knew. He was a man of superior ability,
just in all his dealings, and a faithful Christian. I never knew a
man of the world who was more admirable. I never heard him utter
a vicious sentiment, or applaud a wrongful act. His views and acts
were formed upon the model of the Christian gentleman. He was
a superior business man, and a profound judge of human nature.
He had read a great deal, and had learned much from intercourse
with intelligent men. He spoke and wrote French and English
equally well, having learned both languages while growing up from
childhood.
In his position of chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company he
had grievous responsibilities imposed upon him. He stood between
the absent directors and stockholders of the company and the pres-
ent suffering immigrants. He witnessed their sufferings; they did
not. He was unjustly blamed by many of both parties. It was not
the business of the company to deal upon credit, and the manager
of its affairs in Oregon was suddenly thrown into a new and very
embarrassing position. How to act so as to secure the approbation
of the directors and stockholders in England, and at the same time
not to disregard the most urgent calls of humanity, was indeed the
great difficulty. No possible line of conduct could have escaped
censure.
94 Peter H. Buknett.
To be placed in that position was a misfortune which only a good
man could bear with patience. I was assured by Mr. Frank Ermat-
inger, the manager of the company's store at Oregon City, as well as
by others, that Doctor McLoughlin had sustained a heavy individual
loss by his charity to the immigrants. I knew enough myself to be
certain that these statements were substantially true. Yet such
was the humility of the doctor that he never, to my knowledge, men-
tioned or alluded to any particular act of charity performed by him.
I was intimate with him, and he never mentioned them to me.
When I first saw him in 1843, his hair was white. He had then
been in Oregon about twenty years. He was a large, noble-looking
old man, of commanding figure and countenance. His manners
were courteous but frank, and the stranger at once felt at ease
in his presence.
Mr. James Douglas, (subsequently Sir James, and Governor of
British Columbia), was a younger man than Doctor McLoughlin by
some fifteen years. He was a man of very superior intelligence,
and a finished Christian gentleman. His course toward us was
noble, prudent, and generous. I do not think that at that time he
possessed the knowledge of men that the doctor did, nor was he
so great a philanthropist. I regarded him as a just and able man,
with a conscience and character above reproach. In his position of
Governor of British Columbia, he was censured by Mr. John Nugent,
of California, as I must think, without sufficient reason. Errors
of judgment Governor Douglas may have committed, as almost any
man would have done at times in his trying position, but he must
have radically changed since I knew him, if he knowingly acted
improperly.
It was most fortunate for us that two such noble men were mana-
gers of the company at the time of our arrival. Our own countrymen
had it not in their power to aid us efficiently. Many of them were
immigrants of the preceding season; others were connected with
the missions; and, altogether, they were too few and poor to help
us much. The company could not afford to extend to succeeding
immigrations the same credit they did to us. The burden would have
been to great. This refusal led many to complain, but without
sufficient reason.
From Doctor McLoughlin and others I learned a great deal in refer-
ence to the manner in which the business of the t",ompany had been
conducted. At the time of the doctor's arrival in Oregon, and for
many years afterward, the principal inhabitants were Indians, divided
into various small tribes, speaking different languages. These
Indians were mainly found upon the Columbia and its tributaries,
and far outnumbered the hired servants of the company. The task
of controling these wild people was one of great delicacy, requiring
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 95
a thorough knowledge of human nature and the greatest adminis-
trative ability. The doctor's policy was based upon the fundamental
idea that all men, civilized or savage, have an innate love of justice,
and will therefore be ultimately best satisfied with fair, honest
dealing.
The company had its various trading posts located at convenient
points throughout a vast territory. The Indian population being
about stationary as to numbers and pursuits, it was not very difficult
to calculate the amount of supplies likely to be required in each
year. The company was in the habit of importing one year's sup-
ply m advance, so that if a cargo should be lost, its customers would
not suffer. Its goods were all of a superior quality, purchased on
the best terms, and we were sold at prices both uniform and mod-
erate. Of course, prices in the interior were higher than on the sea-
board, but they never varied at the same post. The Indians knew
nothing of the intricate law of supply and demand, and could not
be made to understand why an article of a given size and quality
should be worth more at one time than at another in the same place,
while the material and labor used and employed in its manufacture
were the same. A tariff of prices, once adopted, was never changed.
The goods were not only of the best, but of uniform quality. To
secure these results the company had most of its goods manufac-
tured to order. The wants of the Indians being very few, their pur-
chases were confined to a small variety of articles, and consequently
they became the very best judges of the quality of the goods they
desired to purchase. No one could detect any imperfection in a
blanket more readily and conclusively than an Oregon Indian. There
was always kept an ample supply at each post, so that the customers
of the company were not driven at any time to deal with rival
traders, or do without their usual supplies.
It was evident that no successful competition with the company
could last long under such circumstances. No one could continue
to undersell them and make profit, and the competitor without a
profit must fail. The uniform low prices and the good quality of its
articles pleased the Indians, and the company secured their custom
beyond the reach of competition. The company adopted a system
that would work out best in the end, and, of course, was successful.
In the course of time the company induced the Indians to throw
aside the bow and arrow and to use the gun; and, as the company
had all the guns and amunition in the country, the Indians became
dependent upon it for their supplies of these articles. It was the
great object of the company to preserve the peace among the Indians
within the limits of its trading territory, not only from motives of
pure humanity, but from mercantile interest, as the destruction of
96 Peter H. Buknett.
the Indians was the destruction of its customers, and the consequent
ruin of its trade.
When the Indians went to war with each other, the doctor first
interposed his mediation, as the common friend and equal of both
parties. When all other means failed, he refused to sell them arms
and ammunition, saying that it was the business of the company
to sell them these articles to kill game with, not to kill each other.
By kindness, justice, and discreet firmness, the Indians w^ere gener-
ally kept at peace among themselves. They found it almost impos-
sible to carry on war.
But the task of protecting the servants of the company against
the attacks of the Indians was one of still greater difficulty. The
doctor impressed the Indians with the fact that the company was
simply a mercantile corporation, whose purpose was only trade
with the natives; that its intention was only to appropriate to its
exclusive use a few sites for its trading posts and small parcels of
adjacent lands, sufficient to produce supplies for its people, thus
leaving all the remainder of the country for the use and in the
exclusive possession of the Indians; and that this possession of
limited amounts of land by the company would be mutually bene-
ficial. Even savages have the native good sense to discover the
mutual benefits of trade. The Indians wanted a market for their
furs, and the company customers for its merchandise.
It was an inflexible rule with the doctor never to violate his
word, whether it was a promise of reward or a threat of punishment.
There is no vice more detested by Indians than a failure to keep
one's word, which they call lying. If it were a failure to perform
a promised act beneficial to the Indians themselves, they would
regard it as a fraud akin to theft; and, if a failure to carry out a
threat of punishment, they would consider it the result of weakness
or cowardice. In either case, the party who broke his pledged word
would forfeit their respect, and in the first case would incur their
undying resentment.
To guard against the natural jealousy of the Indians, and insure
peace between them and the servants of the company, it became
necessary to adopt and enforce the most rigid discipline among the
latter. This discipline was founded upon the great principle that,
to avoid difficulty with others, we must first do right ourselves. To
make this discipline the more eflficient, the doctor adopted such
measures as substantially to exclude all intoxicating liquors from the
country. When a crime was committed by an Indian, the doctor
made it a rule not to hold the whole tribe responsible for the un-
authorized acts of individuals, but to inflict punishment upon the
culprit himself. In cases of crime by Indians, the doctor insisted
upon just punishment; and, if the culprit escaped for a time, the
Recolle(^tions of an Old Pioneer. 97
pursuit was never given up until he was captured. In some cases,
several years elapsed between the date of the crime and that of
the capture of the fugitive. Certain and just punishment was al-
ways inflicted upon the criminal. This the doctor was able to ac-
complish through the company's agents at the different posts, and by
negotiation with the leading Indian chiefs, and the offer of rewards
for the arrest of the fugitive.
In this manner the doctor secured and kept the confidence of
the Indians. When he first arrived in Oregon, and for some time
thereafter, whenever boats were sent up the Columbia with sup-
plies, a guard of sixty armed men was required; but, in due time,
only the men necessary to propel the boats were needed. The In-
dians at the different portages were employed and paid by the
company to assist in making them.
The Indians soon sa\^ that the company was a mere trading estab-
lishment, confined to a small space of land at each post, and was, in
point of fact, advantageous to themselves. The few Canadian-French
who were located in the Willamette Valley were mostly, if not en-
tirely, connected by marriage with the Indians, the Frenchmen hav-
ing Indian wives, and were considered to some extent as a part of
their own people. But when we, the American immigrants, came
into what the Indians claimed as their own country, we were con-
siderable in numbers; and we came, not to establish trade with the
Indians, but to take and settle the country exclusively for ourselves.
Consequently, we went anywhere we pleased, settled down without
any treaty or consultation with the Indians, and occupied our claims
without their consent and without compensation. This difference
they very soon understood. Every succeeding fall they found the
white population about doubled, and our settlements continually
extending, and rapidly encroaching more and more upon their pas-
ture and camas grounds. They saw that we fenced in the best lands,
excluding their horses from the grass, and our hogs ate up their
camas. They instinctively saw annihilation before them.
As illustrative of the difficulties of Doctor McLoughlin's position, I
will state the facts of a few cases, as they were related to me sub-
stantially by the doctor himself.
The shore of the Columbia River in front of Fort Vancouver was
covered with cobble-stones, which were used by the company as
ballast for its returning ships. The principal chief of the Indians
concluded that the company ought to pay something for these
stones: and one day, in the presence of a large crowd of his people
(assembled, perhaps, for that purpose), he demanded payment of
the doctor. Of course, the doctor was taken by surprise, but at once
comprehended the situation. He knew, if he consented to pay in
this case, there would be no end to exactions in the future. How
98 Peter H. Burnett.
best to avoid the payment without giving offense was tlie question.
He linew that the Indians possessed a keen sense of the ridiculous;
and, after reflecting a moment, he picked up a cobble-stone and
solemnly offered it to the chief, saying: "Eat this." The Indians
present at once saw how ridiculous it was to demand payment for
that which was of no practical value to them, and set up a loud
shout of derisive laughter. The chief was so much ashamed of
his silly demand that he walked off in silence, and never after that
demanded payment for things of no value to him.
While the company's ships lay at anchor in the river opposite
the fort, the doctor occasionally granted a permit, written, to some
particular Indian to visit the ships. On one occasion he granted
such a permit to an Indian who was seen by other Indians to go on
board, but was not seen by them to return, though, in fact, he did
so return. Within a day or two thereafter, the brother of this In-
dian, being unable to find him, and suspecting that he had been en-
ticed on board the ship, and either murdered or forcibly imprisoned
for the purpose of abduction, applied to the doctor for a permit to
visit the ship. As the Indian concealed his reason for asking the
permit, the doctor supposed he was influenced by an idle curiosity,
and refused the request. The Indian returned again for the same
purpose, and was again refused. He came the third time, with the
same result. He then concluded that his brother must either be im-
prisoned on the ship or had been murdered, and he at once resolved
upon revenge. In the evening of the same day, about an hour be-
fore sunset, a shot was heard, and the gardener came running into
the fort in great terror, with a bullet hole through the top of his
hat, saying that an Indian had fired upon him from behind the
garden fence. The gates of the fort were at once closed, and all
hands prepared for defense. Upon subsequent investigation, the
body of the missing Indian was found in the bushes, in the rear of
the fort. He had evidently fallen down in a fit, and expired where
his body was found. No attempt was made to punish the surviving
brother, as he had acted under a very natural mistake.
On one occasion the Indians determined to take and sack Fort
Vancouver. The plot for this purpose was conceived, and in part
executed, with consummate ability.
Two of their most powerful chiefs quietly went from Fort Van-
couver to Nesqually, a trading post on Puget Sound, and remained
there several days. While there, they made themselves minutely
acquainted with everything about the fort. They then speedily re-
turned to Fort Vancouver, and at once sought and obtained an inter-
view with Doctor McLoughlin and his associates. One of the Indians
was the speaker, while the other carefully watched to see what im-
Reoollkctions ok an Old Pionp:er. 99
pression their statements would make. The company's interpreter,
a very shrewd Canadian, was present during the interview.
The Indians stated that they left Nesqually at a certain time,
which was true; and that the Indians in that vicinity had attacked
and captured the fort by surprise, and had slaughtered all the in-
habitants, amounting to a certain number of persons, which num-
ber they specified truly. The Indians were subjected to a severe
cross-examination without betraying the slightest embarrassment,
and without making any contradictory statements. When asked
how many persons were in the fort at the time, what were their
several ages, sexes, appearances, employments, and the position that
each occupied in the fort, they invariably gave the correct answer.
It was impossible to detect any contradictions in their statements.
All were perfectly consistent, as the only falsehood was the alleged
fact that Fort Nesqually had been taken and the people killed. The
doctor and his associates were greatly perplexed, and left in much
doubt. The Canadian interpreter was asked his opinion, and he
replied: "Let me sleep on it one night." Next morning he said he
did not believe the story; that the Indians were such liars that he
could not believe them; that they had before deceived them. This
view prevailed.
The object of these Indians was to induce the company to send
nearly all its men to Nesqually to punish the alleged murderers, thus
reducing the force at Fort Vancouver to such an extent that it could
be readily taken. These Indians knew, from the invariable practice
of the company, that such a crime, if committed, would not escape
punishment if practicable. If they could only make the doctor be-
lieve their narrative, he would at once dispatch an ample force to
Nesqually.
The traders in charge of interior trading posts were often exposed
to peril from Indians. The company could only keep a few men
at each post, and the Indians at times would become discontented.
A rude people, depending entirely upon the spontaneous productions
of Nature for a supply of provisions, must often suffer extreme want.
In such a case men become desperate, and are easily excited to rash
acts. Mr. McKinley told me that the Indians on one occasion at-
tempted to rob Fort Walla Walla, and were only prevented by the
most cool, intrepid courage of the people of the post.
CORRECTIONS.
The proof sheets of the article entitled "The Origin and Authorship of the
Bancroft Pacific States Publications: A History of a History'' should have been
sent to the author, but they were not, and as the author was not given an oppor-
tunity to see it, he wishes the following corrections made:
All parentheses which appeared as such in the cop j^ were in tended as footnotes.
In no instance should there be a colon before a parenthesis.
Page 289, read "a library on the beginning and early chapters of Pacific Coast
history such as in".
Page 293, read "See" for "see".
Page 294, read "Pamphlet" for "pamphlet".
Page 300, biography of Fisher should be onipreceding page.
Page 300, no comma after sixteen.
Page 303, read "purchase." for "purchase,".
Page 304, read "Preface" for "preface".
Page 305, read "Oak;" for "Oak."
Page 306, read "question)" for "question" and "1873." for "1873.)"
Page 319, read "often writing" for "after writing".
Page 320, the sentence beginning "With one exception" should not be included
in parenthesis with biography of Petrofl".
Page 328, no comma after "Denver".
Page 351, in the parenthesis "Histories" for "History".
Page 353, comma after Statesman.
Page 355, "Inter Pocula" for "inter pocula".
Page 359, "Chittenden (History" for "(Chittenden's History".
Page 363, "interpolation" for "interpretation".
ASAHEL BUSH, FOUNDER OF THE OREGON STATESMAN.
On page 370 in the paper on the "Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound" Joseph S.
Smith is given the credit for launching the Oregon Statesman. The paper was
started by the Hon. Asahel Bush.
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'BEQPPSIMQJ Zf 0EE90IM-EXFL0M-
UTIOP £S Ei^ELT SETTLEHEilW
Mt THE nOWTill OP TiE
coLanii/^ Earn, .
By H. W. Scott.
I trust I may be able to present the theme on which I am to
speak to-niiiht, tliou^uh my treatment of it will necessarily be
inadecjuate, in a way that will possess some interest for this
audience. My discourse is to ])e devoted to the discovery and
exploration of Ore.uon, and to the first settlement in Oregon,
of which Astoria was the seat. I can give the subject but
slight treatment, yet I indidge some hope that I may present
some parts of the histoiy in a way that may entertain you.
i\Ian, says the poet, is given power to look before and after;
and he adds that surely this power was not given "to rust in
us unused." Another remarks that if we are indifferent to
our ancestors and to what we have derived f i-om them, we are
not likely to look to the welfare of our posterity.
I believe it is with satisfaction that our people note an in-
creasing interest in the history of the "Origins of Oregon."
Attention to this history nnist become, more and more, a part
•Address delivered before the Clatsop County Teachers' Institute, April 19,
1901.
102 H. W. Scott.
of the education of our children and youth. Our system of
public instruction must be depended on as the main agency
in this work. The materials of the early history of Oregon
arc very rich and abundant. Indeed the amount of inaterial
is almost an embarrassment; and he who begins an address,
which necessarily must be brief, can do no better than to im-
itate the manner of the epic cyclist, Avho, in his invocation of
I he iiuise, asked to be instructed or permitted to begin any-
where—at any part of the story.
By invitation I am to-day to give a short acconnt of the
beginnings of our history, at this place where those begin-
nings were made. This locality was the destination of our
very first pioneers. Here was the scene of their work. Here,
in the vision of the poet, was the band of pioneers, founders
of commonwealths, the first low wash of the waves of migra-
tion, where soon was to roll a great human sea. We are ap-
proaching the end of the first centenary cycle of this move-
ment and the beginning of the second. It is especially fit there-
fore, that new interest in our history should now be awakened.
In preparation for the Lewis and Clark Centennial there
will be much to say and do, till that event shall have been
disposed of. During the next four years Oregon, and we
trust, neighbor States, also, will be busy with it. We had
the centennial of discovery in 1892, when Professor John
Fiske was here and delivered his admirable address on the
achievement of Captain Gray in his good ship Columhia. We
are now soon to have the centennial of the exploration which
confirmed to us the great country reached by the discovery.
The history of these transactions, as the beginning of Ameri-
can empire on the Pacific Coast, is a record of profoinid
interest. It has its place among the events of first importance
in the development of the United States.
The Spaniards, earliest navigators along the shores of the
Pacific, missed the Columbia River, and never penetrated the
great estuary since known as Puget Sound. Nevertheless, it
is well attested that the Spanish navigator, Heceta, in August,
1775, was off the mouth of the great river, noted its position
Beginnings of Oregon. 103
and observed the vast flow of fresh water; and within the
next thirteen years the place was distinguished on Spanish
charts as the month of the San Roque. It was examined by
Meares, an English navigator, in July, 1788, who, however,
reported that no river existed here. Nearly four years later
"this opinion of Meares was subscribed without qualification
by Vancouver, after he had examined the coast minutely,
und(M' the most favorable conditions of wind and weather,
and, notwithstanding the assurance of Gray to the contrary."
Thus Greenhow. The actual discovery of the mouth of the
river was made May 11, 1792, by Captain Robert Gray, a New
England navigator, who says in his log-book, under that date:
"Beheld our desired port, bearing east-south-east, a distance
of six leagues. At 8 a. m., being a little to the windward of
the entrance of the harbor, bore away and ran in east-north-
east between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms
of water. When we were over the bar we found this to be a
large river of fresh water, up which we steered." Captain
Gray remained in the river from the 11th to the 20th of May.
He ascended it about 25 miles. Meares left as a memento of
his failure the name of Cape Disappointment to the prom-
ontory on the north side, where the river debouches into
the ocean.
Gray, sailing out of the river to the northwai'd, met Van-
couver, who had sailed into the Straits of Piiea, and was
completing his examination of Puget Sound— so-called by
Vancouver for a member of his party. Later in the year
Vancouver sailed for the Bay of San Fra.ncise<\ leaving his
lieutenant, Broughton, to examine the Colund)ia River.
Broughton, in the Chatham., entered the rivei- in Novem-
ber, 1792. Finding it difficult to ascend the river with his
bark, small as it was, he took his launch and iiiadc^ his way
up the stream 100 miles. To the ultimate po-int he reached
he gave the name of Vancouver. All the way up and down
he sprinkled names plentifully. Walker's Island was named
for one of his men. To Tongue Point he gave the name it
bears to this day. Young's River and Bay he called for Sir
104 H. W. Scott.
(ii'oriie Yoiiiiii' dl' the British Navy. To CJray's Bay he s'ave
the name it bears as a coiiipliinent to the discoverer whose
ship had lain in it some months before. When Bron<i'hton
entered the river he found a small English vessel which had
been up the coast to the northward on a trading voyage, and
on its return southward had turned into the Columbia River.
This vessel remained in the river till Broughton was ready
to sail with his own brig, the Chatham. It was the bark
Jenny, and her commander was Captain Baker. His name is
perpetuated in Baker's Bay. The Chatham and the Jenny
went to sea together; and Baker, though disappearing then
and there from history, has left his name to us forever.
The importance to the United States of obtainment of a
footing upon the Pacific was seen even at this early day; but
it was appreciated only by a few of our statesmen. To
Thomas Jefferson the honor is due to quick and early appre-
hension of the significance of Gray's discovery. Confirmation
of our title to Oregon was associated in his mind with the
acquisition of Louisiana. Each was a necessary part of the
imperial scheme. Even before the acquisition of Louisiana
Jefferson had planned an expedition across the continent to
the Oregon country and to the Pacific Ocean. The expedition
was not organized, however, before the purchase from France
was completed ; for in fact we had no right to send an explor-
ing pai'ty through the country of the Upper Missouri. A few
years later the expedition of Zebulon Pike, into Colorado and
southward into Spanish territory was arrested by the troops
of Spain; but after the membei*s had been held as prisoners
for a time they were returned to the United States. France
probably would not have been prepared to arrest an expedi-
tion from the United States traversing her territory to reach
the Pacific Ocean; but with the completion of the Louisiana
purchase the danger of such an incident was averted. The
Lewis and Clark party was organized quickly after the pur-
chase, and started up the Missouri River in the year 1804.
Wintering at Mandan, on the Missouri, it pressed on in 1805,
])assed over the Rocky Mountains in the sunnner of that year,
Beginnings of Oregon. 105
descended the Konskooskie l)i-aneli of Snalce River, and fol-
lowed the great water courses of the West, till on the 7th of
November, 1805, the horizon of the Pacific Ocean burst upon
the view between the two lines of breakers that marked the
debouch of the great river into the great Pacific sea.
The country was already caUed "Oregon," though the
name had as yet obtained very little currency. In Carver's
Travels, published in London in 1778, the name had first ap-
peared. The origin of the name is one of the enigmas of
history. Carver professed to have received it from the
Indians in the country of the Uppin* Mississippi, where he had
been pushing his explorations. The Indians, he says, told
him of the River Oregon, flowing to the Western Ocean; but
how nnich of the tale was his own invention it is impossible
to say. He had a geographical theory and was seeking con-
firmation of it; for the great breadth of the country was
known from the general trend of the Pacific Northwest Coast
line, and it was naturally believed that so great a country
must contain a great river. Yet the Indians of the Upper
Mississippi country could not have known anything about it.
Carver hit upon the name "Oregon" in some way we never
shall know. Jefferson used the word in his instructions to
Lewis and Clark, showing that it was beginning to have a
vogue before "Thanatopsis" was written; but it was Bryant's
solemn poem, with its sonorous verse, which appeared in the
year 1817, that familiarized the word "Oregon" an J soon
put it on every tongue. Various accounts of tlic Lewis and
Clark expedition had appeared both in the United States and
Europe before the appearance of "Thanatopsis," but un-
doubtedly it was Bryant's expression, "Where rolls the Ore-
gon," that did most to spread the name before the world.
The men of the Lewis and Clark expedition were the first
Americans who came across the continent to the Oregon coun-
try and the Pacific Ocean. Alexander ^Mackenzie, twelve
years earlier, had come from Canada, passing through the
continent and over the mountains from Peace River, which
flows into Athabasca Lake, and thence discharges its waters
106 H. W. Scott.
through the Great Slave River and the Mackenzie, into the
Arctic Ocean. From the headwaters of Peace River Mack-
enzie passed on west to the stream which later tot)k the name
of Fraser River, and after following the river for some dis-
tance, struck directly west for the Pacific, which he reached
in July, 1793. Mackenzie was the first man who crossed the
continent to the Pacific Ocean north of the Spanish posses-
sions, which at that time had an indeterminate northern
boundary. This boundary was fixed afterward at the forty-
second parallel by treaty between the United Slates and
Spain.
On the results of the expedition of Mackenzie and of the
voyage of Vancouver the British Government was already
basing a large and general claim to sovereignty on the Pacific.
President Jefferson hastened the organization of the exploring
expedition to go overland from the United States, for the
purpose of strengthening the rights we had acquired through
Gray's discovery, and of anticipating further expeditions and
claims of Great Britain. Lewis and Clark were not here too
soon., for the English already had other expeditions in
preparation, and their explorers were on the Upper Columbia
but a little later than the return of Lewis and Clark from the
mouth of the stream. Simon Fraser, in 1806-8, followed to
the sea the river that bears his name, believing at first, as
Mackenzie before him had believed, that he was on the
Columbia; and another Englishman, David Thompson, whose
name is perpetuated in the well-known tributary of the Fraser,
was the first man who explored the upper courses of the
Columbia River, and some years later he followed it through
its whole course to the sea— arriving at Astoria in July,1811 —
some four months after the occupation by the Americans.
President Jefferson had been exceedingly anxious that the
Lewis and Clark expedition should escape the notice of Great
Britain and of the British Northwest Company, with whom
disputes about territorial rights were feared— but in fact, the
expedition did not escape their notice ; for no sooner did Lewis
and Clark appear on the Missouri than their expedition was
Beginnings of Oregon. 107
discovered by the British, and in 1805 the Northwest Company
sent out its men to establish posts and occupy territories on
the Columbia. This party, however, got no farther than the
Mandan villages on the ]\Iissouri, but another party, dis-
patched in 1806, crossed the Rocky Mountains by the passage
of Peace River, and formed a small trading establishment
near the 54th degree of latitude, the first British post west
of tlie Rocky IMountains. But it was not until 1811 that any
Englishman came through to the countiy of the Lower
Columbia, and then the Pacific Fur Company, or Astor party,
was already established here.
But north of the Columbia River there was basis for the
claims of Great Britain; and the controversy known in our
history as the Oregon Question, arose. Neither party was. in
truth, able wholly to exclude the other, but it was the expedi-
tion of Lewis and Clark that gave us the strength of our
argument. The talk on our side of "fifty-four-forty or fight"
was merely a cry of a party ; say rather the insolence of parti-
sanship, for Great Britain's claims to a standing below "fifty-
four- forty" rested on a l)asis too solid to be disposed of in this
way; and, besides, our claim of "fifty-four-forty" rested
merely upon a convention between the United States and
Russia, through which the latter had named "fifty-four-forty"
as the southern boundary of her American possessions. But
to this convention Great Britain was not a party, and she
justly declared that her rights could not be concluded through
any negotiation in which she had not participated, or in
whose results she had not promised agreement. The question,
therefore, was still open as between Great Britain and the
United States. Both countries had undoubted claims. Great
Britain, by retrocession of Astoria to the United States, after
the War of 1812, had acknowledged our right in the country.
She had, indeed, never made any serious pretension to the
territory south of the Columbia River, but had insisted on
that stream as the boundary line. AVe had, however, in Gray's
discovery, in the exploration of Lewis and Clark and in the
settlement of Astoria, a chain of title that made it impossible
108 H. W. Scott.
for us to consider this claim. Still, there could be no termina-
tion of the dispute till the slow migration of our people to
the Oregon country gradually established American influence
here; and finally the considerable migration of 1843 gave the
Americans a decided preponderance, especially in the country
scmth of the Columbia. But the boundary ciuestion di-agged
along, the British claiming as far south as the Columbia and
we claiming as far north as fifty-four-forty, till the final
settlement in the year 1846.
The hibernation of the Lewis and Clark party at Fort Clat-
sop is a familiar story here, especially, since so many of the
peoj^le have visited the spot and are perfectly acquainted with
the surroundings. It is known, of course, that the party first
encamped on the north side; but exposure to winter's winds
caused them to seek a more sheltered position on the south
side, to which they removed about one month after their
arrival. From the journal of Captain Lewis we ascertain that
rain sometimes fell here, even before there was an official
Weather Bureau to guage it. The country round and about
is very fully and accurately described in the journal. It is
hoped that the site of Fort Clatsop may be acquired for the
State. Officials of the State Historical Society have visited
it, and some negotiati(m has been had concerning it. The
spot where salt was made by evaporation of sea water for
use during the Mdnter and for the return journey has been
identified and inclosed. It is in Seaside Grove, between the
Necanicum and the ocean, and since identification the "salt
cairn" is seen by everyone who visits Clatsop Beach.
Hitherto the journal of Lewis and (Jlark with its descrip-
tions of the connti'y as it was then, of the Indians and their
mode of life, has been too little studied by our people. It
should be in all our libraries; knowledge of it is indispensable
to any fair conq:)rehension of the basis of our history. It
should be studied as the "Anabasis" of the Western World.
We are coming to the first centennial of this expedition and
intend to celebrate it ; but we shall not know much about it,
unless we study the journal of Lewis and Clark. Oregon is
Beginnings of Oregon. 109
under great oblig-ations to the labors of the late Dr. Elliott
Cones, for his edition of 1893, with notes and commentary—
the best ever published.
A first-rate authority for the condition of affairs at Astoria,
from the arrival of the Astoria party in March, 1811, till
abandonment of the enterprise in 1813, is Gabriel Franchere,
whose book, written in P^reneh and published in Montreal in
1819, was translated into p]nglish and repul)lished in New
York in 1851. Franchere, it is well known, came in the Ton-
quin. and remained in the country till Astor's partners here
sold out the business to agents of the British Northwest Qom-
pany, when he returned home, across the continent. It was a
large party that left Astoria Api-il 4, 1814. In all there were
ninety persons, who embarked in ten canoes. Franchere
reached Montreal in September. His statements make it cer-
tain that the partners of Astor could have maintained their
position in the country had they possessed resolution and
courage. Astoria was not in fact captured by the British,
but was transferred under a business arrangement to agents
of the Northwest Company. True, the British sloop of war
h'liccoon, of 26 guns, arrived at Astoria soon after the trans-
fer had been made, and it would not have been possible to hold
Astoria after that, even had the Americans <{esired. But
Franchere says the Pacific Fur Company need not have re-
tired from the country. "It was only necessary,'" he explains,
"to get rid of the land party of the Northwest C'impany, who
were completely in our power; then remove our ( ff'ects up the
river upon some small stream, and await results. The sk)op
of war arrived, it is true; but as in the case I suppose she
would have found nothing, she would have left, after setting
fire to our deserted houses. None of their boats would have
dai'ed to follow, even if the Indians had betrayed tluMU to our
lurking place. But those at the head of affairs had their own
fortunes to seek, and thought it more for their interest, douhl-
less, to act as they did; but that will not clear them in the
eyes of the world, and the ehai-ge of treason to Mr. Astor's
interests will always be attached to their charaeters. "
110 H. W. Scott.
The principal iu this betrayal of Mr. Astor's interests, as
well as those of the United States, was Duncan McDougal,
who had left the Northwest Company in 1810, to enter Astor's
service. He came out in the To'iiquin, and soon after took t(i
wife the daughter of old Concomly, chief of the Clatsops. An
anuising- account of the unctuous and piscivorous nuptials is
given in some of the chronicles of the time. There are fea-
tures of the story better suited to private reading than to
public recital. McUougal remained here till April, 1817,
when he finally left "Fort George" and returned to Canada.
In selling Mr. Astor out he seems to have been overborne by
the superior tact and force of J. G. McTavish, the principal
agent of the Northwest Company. One of his associates in
the Pacific Fur Company (Alexander Ross) says that Mc-
Dougal was "a man of but ordinary capacity, with irritable
peevish temper, the most unfit man in the world to head an
expiedition or to command men." Another chronicler says
that old Concomly, after the transfer, "no longer prided him-
self upon his white son-in-law, but whenever he was asked
about him, shook his head and said his daughter had made a
mistake, for, instead of getting a great warrior for a husband,
she had married a squaw." But we shall dwell here no fur-
ther on these incidents in the early social life in Oregon.
Other writers at first hand, besides Franchere, who have
dealt with this early history, are Alexander Ross and Ross
Cox, both of the Pacific Fur Company, or Astor party. Ross
came in the Tonquin, Cox in the Beaver, Astor's second ves-
sel; Cox's book was published iu London in 1831; that of Ross
in London in 1849. Ross spent not less than fifteen years in
the Columbia River region, after which he settled at Red
River. Cox's book covers six years at Astoria from 1811 to
1817. Both narratives have high value.
The same must be said of that portion of the journals of
Alexander Henry, which is devoted to the Lower Columbia
country. By the painstaking annotations of Dr. Coues, these
journals also have been made to possess an inestimable value
to all wh() feel an interest in the earlv history of Oregon.
Beginnings of Oregon. Ill
Alexander Henry, of the English party, came to Astoria
November 15, 1813. In his journal he has minutely described
the conditions then existing here. He visited the Willamette
country, of which he has given a description ; in one way or
another he mentions every man in the country at that time,
and, moreover, he made a special catalogue of theii- names.
His journal terminates al)ruptly, with an unfinished sentence
May 21, 1814. On the following day he was drowned in going
from "Fort George" to the ship Isaac Todd, wliicli was lying
in tlie river below. Donald McTavish, one of the old i)ro-
prietors of the Northwest ('ompany, and (ivo boaliiicii were
drowned at the same time.
Incomparable among those who have contributed to the
literature of this time is Irving; but the historical element in
his "Astoria" is overlaid on almost every page by the roman-
tic. He is everywhere on the borderland of romance, when
not wholly within its realm. But the art is of so high ciuality,
simple and unobtrusive, that the reader scarcely suspects the
nai'rative, wdiich is true, indeed, in its outline, and apparently
the perfection of truth, from the way it appeals to the
imagination, through the attractive dress in which it is pre-
sented. Irving 's story is an epic. Of his tale of the journey
of the overland party of the Astor expedition, an appreciative
reviewer has said: "No story of travel is more familiar to the
public than the tale told by Irving of this adventure, because
none is more readable as a tale founded on fact. The hard-
ships and sufferings of the undisciplined mob that sti-uggled
across the countiy were terrible; some deserteJ, some went
mad, some were drowned or murdered, and the survivors
reached Astoria in pitiable plight, in separate parties, at
different times. This was the second transcontinental expedi-
fiim through the United States, having been preceded only
by that of LewLs and Clark; but to this day no one knows
exactly the route. Irving plies his golden pen elastically, and
from it flows wit and humor, stirring scene and startling inci-
dent, character to the life; but he never tells us where these
people went, perhaps for the simple reason that he never knew.
112 H. W. Scott.
lie wafts us westward on his stronp; plume, and we look down
upon those hapless Astorians. but we niig-ht as well be balloon-
ing for aught we can make of this celebrated itinerary. ' ' As
to description of the route, this is a true criticism ; but Irving
has supplied the imagination with a truer picture of the hard-
ships of the expedition, coming and going, than any diary
written on the journey could have given us. Men who go
through hardships can seldom describe them. Indeed, the
most dreadful horrors that men suffer are little remembered.
The only descendant, so far as I know, of any member of
the original Astor party now living in Oregon is Colonel
Crooks, of Portland, Avho holds an official position in the 0.
R. & N. Co. His father, Ramsay Crooks, came with the
overland or Hunt party, and returned in the same w^ay. Much
of the journey both ways was made in winter, and the suffer-
ings of the party from destitution, fatigue and cold were
extreme. Ramsay Crooks and John Day were separated for
a time from their main party, were robbed by the Indians and
stripped of their clothing, and as the weather was still wintry
(it was early spring), they were saved only by simple good
fortune. Perhaps we should say it is "one of those mirac-
ulous escapes." Some of their companions, whom they had
not seen for a long time, and were not known by them to be
in the vicinity, appeared, and they were rescued. Day became
insane, and died, it is believed, at Astoria, for to that place
he was sent back by Indians after the party had started on
its return to the East. Crooks lived to an old age, and died
in the State of New York in the year 1859.
It has come to pass now, in the course of nature, that the
citizens of longest residence in Oregon are those who were
born here prior to 1840, or perhaps I should say 1842. With
the single exception of the venerable William, of Forest
Grove, I know no survivor of the innnigrants of American
nativity who came previous to that year. But there is a man
still living at Port Hill, in the Kootenai country, North
Idaho, who saw Oregon before any other person now living
Beginnings of Oregon. 113
saw it. This is David McLuuylilin, son of Dr. ]\IcLoughlin,
now over SO years of age.'
He was here.in his early boyhood, with his father, over 70
years ago. I am permitted to read an extract from a letter
MTitten by him to a friend in Portland, only a few days since,
which is very interesting. He says:
"Oregon was a fine country in my early days— a park on
a hirge scale, that could not be surpassed even by artificial
culture. It mattered not at what point innuigrants or
travelers entered this western shore of Americn, at cncb of
its thresholds a scene of beauty awaited them. Before the
Anglo-Saxon race penetrated the Rockies there was no civilza-
tion in the country that is worth mention. It was in its
natural state of beauty, romantic and grand, with its endless
prairies, streams and forests and wild animals of all kinds
for the use of man. Here and there, scattered throughout
the country, snow-ca]>ped mountains were to be seen, eidiauc-
ing the grandeur of its scenery.
"The Rockies for many long years served as a barrier
against the advance of civilization. This barrier was at last
overcome by the immigrants seeking after a new country in
the valleys of the far Columbia in 1835-49. But this is not
the place to commemorate the trials and privations endured
by the immigrants before they reached their final haven.
From the banks of the IMissouri to the western slopes of the
Rocky IMountains they struggled on with a constancy almost
unparalleled in history.
"The savage man, the savage beasts, hunger, thirst and
disease ; in fact, every kind of impediment which nature could
place in their way, had all been overcome with Anglo-Saxon
tenacity — yet the long journey and accunuilations of terrors
for their families had shaken the hearts of the stoutest among
them.
"It was between Walla AValla and Willamette valleys that
the immigrants suffered most, on account of the rains and
iDavid McLoughlin died in May, 1903.
114 H. W. Scott.
boisterous wcatlu'i- iu the fall of the year. I believe there was
not one but ji,ave a heartfelt prayer of thanks when they saw
the broad valley of the Willamette bathed iu the sunli<j;ht
beneath them and learnt from others that this was the land
of Opliir they sought and that these virgin acres were to be
theirs.
"Therefore, the immigrants and pioneers of Oregon, men
and women of the Anglo-Saxon race, who have given to the
western shore of the continent its greatness, deserve the
greatest praise, honor and reward for their valor and en-
durance in raising the Oregon region to its present rank of
greatness in so short a time. It is marvelous. It surpasses
nnagiuation of man. It has grown to an empire State in
wealth, population, culture, and in trade, all in about 60 years.
"They have cleared away the forests, bridged the streams,
built cities, spanned the continent and crossed and recrossed
and checkered it with highways of iron ; they have planted
orchards and vineyards upon side hills and in every valley
within its borders. It is marvelous to contemplate the
achievements and exploits of these people."
And to the missionary effort that preceded tlip general im-
migration a debt is due that never should miss acknowledge-
ment, Mdien the story of the acquisition and settlement of
Oregon is recited. The missionary enterprise began with
Jason Lee in 1834. Next came Samuel Parker in 1835.
Whitman and Spaulding, with W. H. Gray, followed in 1836."
In 1838 came Walker and Eells. By 1840 there were in
Oregon 13 Methodists and six Congregational ministers, 13
lay members of the Protestant missions, three Roman Catho-
lic missionary priests, and a considerable number of Canadian
settlers of the Roman Catholic faith. If the missionary effort
did not succeed as its authors hoped in its direct purpose of
helping the Indians to uplift and regeneration, it did succeed
greatly in its secondary purpose, which the American
missionaries ever kept in view, namely, in lending aid to the
foundation of a connnonwealth under the sovereignty of the
United States. Long time there was disinclination to give the
Beginnings of Oregon. 115
missionary work in Oregon the credit that justly was its due;
for after the rush of inuiiigTation began the missionary peo-
ple were, so to speak, inundated by it, and what they had
done was for a time overlooked. But going back, as now we
must, to the study of our "origins"— and we shall do this
more and more— we are compelled to recognition of the great
work which the missionaries did. I do not say that Oregon
would not have been held without them; but they were a
powerful factor in holding it.
The story of the toilsome march of the wagon trains over
the plains will be received by future generations almost as a
legend on the borderland of myth, rather than as veritable
history. It will be accepted, indeed, but scarcely understood.
Even now to the survivors who made the journey the realities
of it seem half fabulous. It no longer has the appearance of
a rational undertaking. Rapid transit of the present time
seems almost to relegate the story to the land of fable. No
longer can we understand the motives that urged our pioneers
toward the indefinite horizon that seemed to verge on the un-
known. Looking back at the movement now, a mystery ap-
pears in it. It was the final effort of that profound impulse
which, from a time far preceding the daAvn of history, has
pushed the race to which we belong to discovery and occupa-
tion of western lands.
Oregon, from the circumstances of her settlement and its
long isolation, and through natural interaction of the mate-
rials slowly brought together, has a character nhnost pecul-
iarly its own. In some respects that character is admirable
In others it is open to criticism. Our situation has made for
us a little world in which strong traits of character peculiarly
our own have been developed ; it has also left us somewhat—
indeed, too much— out of touch with the world at large. We
do not readjust ourselves readily to the conditions that sur-
round us in the world of opinion and action— forces now
pressing in upon us steadily from all sides.
The life of a community is the aggregate life of the individ-
uals who are its units, and the general law that holds for the
116 H. W. Scott.
individual holds for the socii'ty. Only as the conduct of the
man as an individual and of the man in society is brought
into harmony with surrounding forces, under the government
of moral law, can any connnunity make progress; and of this
progress experience becomes the test. In our day the multi-
plying agencies of civilization operating with an activity
constantly cunuilative and never before equaled, are turned,
under pressure of moral forces, into most poAverful instru-
ments for the instruction and benefit of mankind. It is prob-
able that nothing else has contributed so much to the help of
mankind in the mass, either in material or moral aspects, as
rapid increase of human intereourse throughout the world.
Action and reaction of peoples on peoples, of races upon
races, are continually evolving the activities and producing
changes in the thought and chai^acter of all. This influence
develops the moral forces as rapidly as the intellectual and
material ; it has brought all parts of the world into daily con-
tact with each other, and each part feels the influence of all
the rest. Connnon agents in this work are commerce in
merchandise and commerce in ideas. Neither could make
much progress without the other. Populations once were
stagnant. Now they are stirred profoundly by all the powers
of social agitation ; by travel, by rapid movements of com-
merce, by daily transmission of news of the important events
of the world to every part of the world. Motion is freedom ;
it is science, it is wealth, it is moral advancement. Isolated
life is rapidly disappearing; speech writing, the treasures of
the world's literature, diffused throughout the world, enlarge
and expand the general mind, and show how iiuich is con-
tained within humanity of which men once never dreamed.
The true life of a people is both a history and a poem ; the
history is a record of the material development resulting from
their indush'ial energy; the poem represents the growth of
character, the evolution of the moral, intellectual and spirit-
ual forces that make up their inner life. These two phases
must unfold together, if there is to be any real progress.
There is an antagonism between thenij yet each is necessary to
I
Beginnings of Oregon. 117
the other. Without cultivation of the material and mechan-
ical, which acts upon matter and produces wealth, man is a
mere idler and dreamer, at his best little better than the
Arabian nomad. AVithout cultivation of the moral sentiments,
or attention to the calls of his inner and hiijher nature, he
loses himself in o-i-oss materialism, and no answer is found in
him to appeal to ideas, to heroism, or to exalted vii'tue.
Phases of the life of a i)eople ])ass away, never to return.
Ill the first settlement of a country the conditions of nature
produce our customs, guide our industries, fix our ways of
life. Later, modifications take place, fashioned on changing
conditions. This process, long delayed through our isolation,
is now going on rapidly before our eyes.
In one of his ''Ramblers" Dr. Johnson says, ti-iily : "What-
ever withdraws us from the power of our senses ; whatever
makes the past, the distant or the future, predominate over
the present, advances us in the dignity of human beings."
The study of our own history is chiefly valuable foi- its
moral significance and influence. It fixes our attention upon
the organization and structure of our society, and carries the
influence of other times on into our own. It stirs up to ac-
tivity the forces and agencies that build up character, that
indicate duty, that prompt to action. These are the forces
we want. Busied only with our own times and the conditions
they present, we fall into levity; we forget what we owe to
our predecessors, and therefore do not know what we possess,
nor realize its value. Only can we know what we have or
where we are by study of the course through which our
present position has been attained. To live merely in the
present, without regard to the past, is to be careless of the
future. If a people do not know their own history it -is the
same as if they had no history. For, as Bacon says, in one
of his pregnant sentences: "The truth of knowing and the
truth of being is all one; the man is what he knoweth." It
is not enough that this historical knowledge be possessed by
the few. "The remnant" should not be only the custodians of
such a heritage. We may hope that study of our Pacific
118 H. W. SroTT.
Northwest history will now and henceforth receive the wide
attention it deserves. Not the least, therefore, of the grounds
upon which we ought to welcome the coming centennial of
exploration is the educational work in our own history that
it will effect among us. The inspiration of their past is the
greatest of motives for a proga*essive people.
This is a rambling address, not intended to concentrate
attention upon any particular event in our history, but
merely to contribute a little to the interest of a special
occasion, by passing before the mind some of the incidents
and events readily offered to the gleaner of our earliest
records, with some reflections thereon. The approach of the
Lewis and Clark centennial makes all this mass of matter —
and the mass of it is great— worth renewed study, for in the
celebration of this centennial we should have a knowledge of
the underlying facts of our history, as well as of detail and
proportion. It was the Lewis and Clark expedition that en-
abled us to follow up the claim based on discovery of the
Columbia River, and enabled us, moreover, to anticipate the
English in their further exploration and discovery. It en-
abled us to hold the country west of the Rocky INTountains and
south of the 49th parallel, to the United States. It gave us
the footing that enabled us to negotiate with Spain for the
southern boundary of the Oregon country, which Avas fixed
at the 42d parallel. And, as we were already firmly place<:l
on the Pacific Coast at the time of the war with Mexico, it
was one of the direct sources of our acquisition of California
by the double method of conquest and purchase. Thus we
have acquired on the Pacific a vast coast line; we have
established great and growing States, supported by a cordon
of interior States from the Mississippi westward; we are in
position for defense in war and for defense and aggression in
trade ; at our Pacifie ports we are nearest of all the great na-
tions of commerce and civilization to the trade of the Orient.
The Lewis and Clark expedition, to which the great results
so plainly run back, stands therefore as one of the leading
episodes of our national history. AYe must celebrate its
Beginnings of Oregon. 119
ceuteniiial in 1905, and celebrate it in a manner and on a
scale eonnnensiirate with its national and historical import-
ance. Oregon, of course, nuist take the lead in the prepara-
tion for this event. It is worth while, then, to use every
opportunity to awaken interest in the history of the begin-
ning's of American dominion in the Pacitic Northwest.
It is in this spirit that I have responded to the invitation
l"(>r the present occasion. On such a subject it is aliiust
natural to fall into tediousness or prolixity, by attempting
to cover too much ground. Short essays, or lectures, in series,
offer an excellent method for popular treatment of this great
subject, and this can be done with special thoroughness under
direction of our State educational system.
^ illEF illSTOlT Sr THE OIEQOKI
5rmn nmm^rmn zonwrnr.
By P. W. Gillette.
Away back, loiii^' bri'orc the while man had secji \hv Pacific
Coast or even America; before history in this country began,
and when vague legendry filled its place, and current events
were handed down from generation to generation by dim
traditions; and when, as the Indians say, the gorge of the Co-
lun]])ia through the Cascade Mountains was nuich narrower
than it is now, a part of the huge mountain fell into and
dannned up the great river. But ere long the impetuous
water forced its way through and under the fallen mountain,
leaving a natural bridge spanning the river. Unnumbered
ages passed, wdien an earthquake came, causing the earth to
shake, the mountains to totter, and causing the bridge to fall
into the river, filling its channel with masses of stone and
forming an obstruction to navigation now known as the
"Fall," or "Cascades of the Columbia." As far back as
Indian tradition goes, the Cascades of the Columbia have been
an important point on account of the break in navigation,
making a portage of ever^ything carried in boats an absolute
necessity.
Its importance was greatly increased by the extensive fish-
ing grounds made by the "long narrows," and rapid current
of the river at that place, enabling the Indians with spear
and scoop-net to capture vast quantities of salmon, which
made them an easy living, as well as an article of great value
in trade with other tribes. The village of Wish-ram at the
head of the falls was a mart of trade. Irving said: "These
Indians were shrewder and more intelligent than other In-
dians. Trade had shaipened their wits, but had not improved
their honesty, for they were a community of arrant rogues
and freebooters." They took every possible advantage the
History of Oregon Stram Navkjation Co. 121
location gave them, always making exorbitant demands and
charges for any privilege granted or service rendered, and
often robbed weak and unprotected parties. When Lewis and
Clark passed there with well-armed and well-drilled men they
were unmolested, but seven years later, when Wilson P. Hunt
arrived there with his half-starved, worn-out and discouraged
party, they were very trou])lesome and insolent. Soon after
this part of the country fell into the hands of the white men,
he, too, saw the importance of that location and eagerly seized
it, and was no less willing to make it a source of profit, in fact,
to use it "for all it was worth," proving that human nature
is the same, be it Indian or white man. F. A. Chenoweth,
aftemvards Judge Chenoweth, of Corvallis, settled at the
Cascades, and in 1850 built the first portage road on the line
of the old Indian trail, which had been in use so long "that
the memory of man runneth not to the contrary. ' '
His road was a railroad built entirely of wood, and the ear
was drawn by one lone nuile. The road was on the north side
of the Columbia, and at that time was in Oregon. I saw him
in Salem in the winter of 1852 and 1853, a Representative
from tlie Cascades. He was made a Circuit Judge in Oregon
Territory by President Pierce and lived to be an octogenariau.
Then there were no settlers east of the Cascade Mountains,
and no immediate prospect of any, so he sold his road to D. F.
and P. F. Bradford, who were either more hojn^ful of the
future, or had better foresight than Judge Cheneweth. They
rebuilt the road in 1856, making many improvements on it.
The Indian massacre at the Cascades occurred while this
improvement was being made. The men were attacked while
at work, and fled in all directions; one or two of them being
killed.
This road was rebuilt again in 1861, with iron rails, and
liad steam locomotives. It was the fii-st railroad of the kind
built in Oregon, and though small was the l)eginning of rail-
roading in the Northwest.
This was the first i-ailroad projx'llcd by steam ])()W('i' I ever
travelled upon.
122 P. W. GiLLETTK.
Some time later in the '50 's Colonel Riickel and H. 01m-
stead built and operated a portage road on the south hank of
the Columbia.
Before the portage roads and the steamships combined their
interests, the portage company received half the freight
charges on all freights to their destination. If the price was
$40 per ton from Portland to The Dalles, and that was the
regular price for many years, the portage men got $20 per
ton for carrying it around the falls, six miles.
The old Columbia was the first steamboat, I believe, to go
as far as the Cascades. The first steamboat built above the
Cascades was the James R. Flint, built by the Bradfords,
J. 0. Vanbergen, and James R. Flint, of San Francisco. She
was a small side-wheel boat, with single engine "geared" to
the shafts, and when in motion sounded more like a thrashing
machine than a steamboat. On her first trip down from The
Dalles old Dr. Newell was a passenger, and for a time seemed
nervous and disturbed. He finally asked one of the employes
what made that rattling sound. "Oh, that's only the cook
grinding cofi^ee," was the reply.
In the fall of 1861 the Flint was taken over the Cascades
and run between Portland and Oregon City. Later on she
was cut in two, lengthened, and the machinery of the old
Columhia put into her and named Fashion.
The Bradfords next built the Mary^, a double-engine boat,
to run between the Cascades and The Dalles. The Mary was
lying at the Upper Cascades at the commencement of the
Indian massacre in 1856, and was dispatched to The Dalles
in great haste for relief. She brought back a. company of
cavalry in barges.
About the same time a messenger was sent to Poi-tland and
Vancouver for assistance, and the steamer BcUe was dis-
patched, with Second Lieutenant Philip H. Sheridan and
40 men. This was Sheridan's first battle. In less than 10
years he had become one of the greatest heroes of his age, a
renowned general, and had made the name of Sheridan im-
perishable.
History of Oregon Steam Navigation Co. 123
Soon after building the Manj the Bradfords ])uilt the Tlas-
salo to run on the Cascades and Dalles route. In the mean-
time R. R. Thompson, L. W. Coe and others built a small
boat at the Upper Cascades to be taken to the Upper Colum-
bia beyond Celilo. When she was about ready to start out
on her first trip, by some mistake her lines were east otf before
she had steam enough to stem the current of the river and
she drifted over the falls. She received so little injury that
she was taken to Portland, fitted up and sold to go to Fraser
River. The same parties then built the Wiighi at Celilo in
1859. She was the first steamboat that ever disturbed the
waters of the Columbia beyond Celilo. The Wright made a
bushel of money for her owners.
The old steamer Belle, built by Captain Dick Williams,
S. G. Reed and others, was the first boat to run regularly
between Portland and the Cascades. In thos^ early days
there were no settlers east of the mountains, therefore nearly
all of the transportation business on the river was for
the Government, transporting soldiers, guns, military sup-
plies, etc.
Transportation between Portland and The Dalles was $40
per ton by measurement, and passenger fare proportionately
high.
The Government bought a quantity of hay at San Francisco
for the military post at Fort Dalles. By the time it reached
its destination it had cost "Uncle Sam" $77 per ton.
Buckle and Olmstead built the steamer Mountcin Bud- and
put her on the route between Portland and the Cascades, and
soon after built the little steamer Wasco, to run between the
Cascades and The Dalles, which, with their portage road,
gave them a through line to The Dalles; this was near 1859
or 1860. Their line, of course, took away much of the busi-
ness from the portage road on the north side of the river and
the boats running in connection with it.
Benjamin Stark, S. G. Reed, R. Williams, Hoyt and Wells,
owned the steamers Belle, Senorita, and Multnomah, one of
which ran from Portland to Astoria; the others, in connec-
124 P. W. GU.LETTE.
tion with the Bradford road and their boats, from the Cas-
cades to Tlie Dalles. 0. Humason owned the portage road
from Dalles City, around the dalles of the Cohimbia to Celilo,
15 miles, using oxen and mules and great freight wagons to
carry passengers, until the portage railroad was built in 1862.
Before the steamer Wright made her appearance on the
river above Celilo all freight was transported above Celilo on
what was dalled schooners, which were simply schooner-rigged
barges.
During the greater part of the year there is a strong wind
on that part of the river, which often enabled them to make
good time. I saw one or two of these crafts as late as 1862,
But they soon disappeared when steamboats came, and, like
all primitive things, were pushed aside by the hand of
progress.
By 1859 the transportation business had greatly increased,
and there being two complete lines between Portland and
The Dalles, produced strained relations between the two op-
posing companies, and a rate war seemed imminent. Several
efforts had already been made to combine all the different
interests under one management, but all had failed. At
length an arrangement was reached. The portage roads at
the Cascades and the steamboats, wharfboats and property
belonging with them, were appraised, each at its cash value,
the whole amounting to $175,000. On the 29th day of De-
cember, 1860, articles of incorporation were signed and filed
at Vancouver, Clark County, Washington Territory, incorpo-
rating the Oregon Steam Navigation Company, shares $500
each. There were 16 shareholders, the largest being R. R.
Thompson, with 120 shares ; Ladd & Tilton, 80 shares ; T. W.
Lyles, 76 shares; J. Kamm, 57 shares; J. C. Ainsworth, 40
shares; and so on down, the smallest share holder having but
three shares.
In October, 1862, the company filed new articles of incor-
poration with the Secretary of State, at Salem, and also with
the County Clerk of Multnomah County, Oregon, with a caj)i-
tal stock of $2,000,000, represented by 25 shareholders, at
History of Oregon Steam Navigation Co. 125
$500 a share. Bradford & Co. were the largest shareholders,
having- 758 shares; R. R. Thompson, 672; Harrison 01 instead,
558; Jacob Kannn, 354; and so on down, the smallest share-
holder having but eight shares.
This combination put both portage roads and the gorge of
the Columbia into the hands of a corporation, giving it per-
fect control of all transportation to and from every point
beyond the Cascades. Thus owning both portages and all
the steamboatSj it is needless to say that the Oregon Steam
Navigation Company found it unnecessary to consult any one
as to what prices they should charge. Such an opportunity,
with such unlimited power, seldom ever falls into the hands
of man. It made them the absolute owners of every dollar's
worth of freight and passage going up or down the great val-
ley of the second largest river in America.
In 1855 there were no settlers living beyond the Deschutes
River, but after that date they began to spread out over the
country pretty fast. Previous to that date, the government
had given transportation companies nearly all the carrying
trade they had. But by 1860 the natural growth of the
country was making considerable business. In 1861 the dis-
covery of gold at Orofino awakened a new life in the valley
of the Columbia. As if by magic the tardy wheels of com-
merce were unfettered, human thought and energy un-
shackled and turned loose with determined purpose to meet
the great emergency and reap the golden harvest.
From Portland to "Powder River, Orofino, and Florence
City" mines, the country resounded with the busy whirr of
trade. All the steamboats and portage roads were ta:xod to
their greatest capacity. So great was the demand for trans-
portation that the Oregon Steam Navigation Company had
to build new steamboats and improve their roads at the Cas-
cades. The old portage M-agon road at The Dalles was en-
tirely inadequate to do the immense business, and the com-
pany was obliged to build a railroad from Dalles City to
Celilo, 15 miles.
So enormous were the charges for freight and passage, I
120 P. W. Gillette.
am credibly informed, that the steamer Olainogan paid the
entire cost of herself on her first trip. It makes my head
swim now, as memory carries me back to those wonderfully
rushing days, when the constant fall of chinking coin into
the coffers of the company was almost like the How of a dash-
ing torrent. The Oregon Steam Navigation Company had
become a millionaire-making machine.
The price of freight from Portland to The Dalles, about
100 miles, was $40 per ton; from Dalles to Celilo, 15 miles,
$15 per ton ; from Dalles to Wallula, $55 per ton ; and from
Portland to Lewiston, $120 per ton.
All freight, excepting solids, such as lead, nails, etc., were
estimated by measurement, 40 cubic feet making a ton.
Passage from Portland to The Dalles was $8, and 75 cents
extra for meals. From Portland to Lewiston passage was
$60, and meals and beds were $1 each. Now the price of
freight between Portland and The Dalles on farm products
by boat is only $1.50 per ton; for passage, $1.50, and 25 cents
for meals. By the railroad, freight on farm products be-
tween Portland and The Dalles is $1.50 per ton, and passage
$2.75 ; between Portland and Wallula, by rail, freight on
farm products is $3.30 per ton; passage, $8.50. Between
Portland and Lewiston, by rail, freight on farm products is
$4.25 per ton ; passage, $14.60. At the present time freights
are classified, some classes being much higher than the prod-
ucts of the farm. Yet, notwithstanding the astounding re-
duction in rates, transportation companies of to-day are thriv-
ing and prosperous.
H. D. Sanborn, a merchant of Lewiston in 1862, informed
me that among a lot of freight consigiied to him, was a case
of miner's shovels. The case measured one ton, and con-
tained 120 shovels. The freight, $120 per ton, made the
freight on each shovel $1.
A merchant at Hood River said that always before the rail-
road was built freight from Portland to Hood River, 85 miles,
on a dozen ])ro(mis was $1.
History of Oregon Steam Navigation Co. 127
To better illustrate this method of measurement, I will
have to relate an anecdote:
When O.B.Gibson was in the emi)](iyim'nt of the company at
The Dalles, he went down to get the measurement of a small
mounted cannon that had to be shipped for the Government.
After measuring- several ways and figuring uj) the amount,
he seemed so much perplexed that he attracted the attention
of two soldiers w'ho were lying in the shade of a pine tree
near by. One of them finally called out. "What's the trouble
Cap?" "I am trying to take the measurement of this blamed
gun, but somehow I can't get it right," said Gibson. "Oh,
I'll show you," said the soldier, leading up a pair of har-
nessed mules that stood near and hitching them to the gun.
"Try it now, Cap." "Thanks, that makes it all right. I see
now why I could not get the correct measurement."
In measuring a wagon or any piece of freight the full
length, height and thickness were taken and carried out full
size, the largest way of the piece. To make this method of
measuring tonnage clearer, I will give one more illustration.
"Old Captain" T. W. Lyles, of San Francisco, was a large
stockholder in the company, and frequently visited Portland
to look after his interests. Once while here he attended a
meeting of the board of directors. After the principal part
of the business had been transacted, Captain Lyles arose and
said: "Mr. Chairman, I move that Eph Day, a purser on
one of our boats, be discharged from the service of the com-
pany." Now Eph Day was one of the favorite pursers, and
everybody sprang up to know what was the matter with I]ph
Day. After quiet had been restored Captain Lyles said: "I
see, gentlemen, that Epli Day is purser on a boat of only 150
tons register, yet I find that he comes in at the end of every
trip with a report of having carried from 250 to 300 tons
of freight, and, gentlemen, he substantiates his reports by
bringing in the cash for those amounts of freight. Now%
while I do not claim to be much of a steamboat man, yet I
can see, gentlemen, that if we allow our boats to be overladen
in this manner and made to carry twice as much as they were
12S P.W.Gillette.
designed to carry, they will soon be worn out and we will
have no boats."
The meeting' adjourned amidst roars of laughter, and Eph
Day kept his place and still measured up big loads of freight.
The Florence City gold excitement of 1862 brought the Ore-
gon Steam Navigation Company a flood of prosperity. They
could not possibly take all the business offered. At PortlaTid
the rush of freight to the docks was so great that drays and
trucks had to form and stand in line to get their turn in de-
livering their goods. Their lines were kept unbroken day and
night for weeks and months. Shippers were obliged to use
the greatest vigilance and take every advantage to get their
goods away. Often a merchant would place a large truck
in line early in the morning, then fill it by dray loads during
the day. That great rush continued for months. A San
Francisco merchant established a store in Lewiston and ship-
ped via Portland a large stock of goods, which arrived in
Portland in the spring, but they did not reach Lewiston until
late in the summer, because he had no one here to get them
in line to take their turn. So, notwithstanding th6 enormous
price of freight and passage it was impossible for them to
meet the demand. So great was the increase of business on
the Columbia, and so attractive the high rates received, that
it tempted the People's Transportation Company, of Salem,
to put on an opposition line to compete for a part of the
glittering prize. But they soon learned what they should
have known in the beginning, that it was impossible for any
one to compete with a company who held the valley of the
Columbia by the throat, and had undisputed possession of
the portage roads. So they were only too glad to withdraw,
and be satisfied with the Willamette River. Rates were cut
down some during the short contest, but were soon restored.
Some time in the '70 's Henry Villard was sent to Oregon in
the interest of German bondholders in the Holladay Railroad
and Steamship Line. Mr. Villard had been associated with
Mr. Gould in some railroad matters and had acquired a snug
fortune. During his visits to Oregon his shrewd business eye
History of Oregon Steam Navigation Co. 129
saw tlie great value and importance of the property oL" the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company, and he made up his mind
to capture the valuable prize if possible.
Some time in the fall of 1879 the press telegrams in the
Portland papers announced in the most plausible matter of
fact way that Jay Gould, who was then in the zenith of his
financial glory, was preparing to extend his railroad system
west, to the navigable waters of the Columbia, and was going
to put a line of steamboats on that river to operate in con-
junction with his road until it could be extended to the sea-
board. Those telegrams seemed so reasonable and business-
like that many really believed that Mr. Gould was going to
put this in'oject into operation. Not long after, and Ijcfore
the talk produced by them had died out, it was announced
that the Oregon Steam Navigation Company had sold its en-
tire property, with all its privileges and appurtenances, to
Henry Villard. Whether Mr. Villard had any hand in set-
ting up the Gould scare crow, I know not, nor do I knov/
Avhether it had any influence in causing the company to make
the sale, but a prominent physician of this city inft)rmed me
that after the sale was consummated, the papers all signed,
and it had become known the Gould story was all a hoax, the
president of the company was so chagrined and disappointed
that he fell ill and was confined to his bed for many days.
The doctor might have been mistaken, but he believed it him-
self, as he was a man who never told anything he did not be-
lieve to be true.
That valuable property was sold for $5,000,000. a small sum
for property possessing such wonderful advantages, and that
was then paying 15 per cent on the purchase price, with the
most flattering prospect of a rapid and constant increase.
For the year ending November 30, 1879, which was the last
year the Oregon Steam Navigation Company owned and oper-
ated their property, the income of the company was $1,600,-
000, while the expense, repairs, etc., amoimted to $850,000,
leaving a profit of $750,000. At that rate it would, in about
six and a half years, make enough to pay the purchase price.
130 P. W. Gillette.
'i'liey received about $3,000,000 more than the aetual cost
of the property. The $175,000 put in when the company
was first organized, in I860, was about all the cash ever put
up. That siimll sum was the prolific nest egg from which so
many fortunes and millionaires were hatched.
It may be interesting to mention that for many years after
the organization of the Oregon Steam Navig^ation Company
they paid no attention to or liad any boat on the river b.e-
tween Portland and Astoria, considering it of so little im-
portance as to be unworthy their attention. Not until the
salmon-packing business had reached considerable magnitude
did they give it any notice. In 1865 the company found the
Astoria route had grown to be of sufficient value to be worth
taking. All they had to do was to notify parties running
boats on that route that they wanted possession, and that the
company would buy their boats if the price suited. Of
course the price suited, because no one would be foolish
enough to oppose the Oregon Steam Navigation Company.
The Oregon Railway & Navigation Company grew out of the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company, continuing its business,
and almost immediately began the construction of a railroad
up the Columbia from Portland. That company was con-
trolled by men in touch with the modern business world in
the older States, and at once adopted a broader and more lib-
eral course, fully understanding that the rapid development
and settlement of the country would advance their interest
and increase their business. They soon reduced the rate of
transportation, giving the farmer better compensation for his
labor and encouraging him to produce more. The "live-and-
let-live" policy which they inaugurated at once gave a new
stinuilus to the whole country.
Unquestionably, the Oregon Steam Navigation Company
had held in check and kept back the growth of the country
east of the Cascade Mountains for years, though perhaps un-
intentional on its part. It had so long been accustomed to
receive such exceedingly liberal compensation for its services
that I have no doubt they believed farm products could not
History of Oreoon Steam Navigation Co. 131
be carried to Portland at rates that would leave anytliiiiu' for
the farmer. Captain James AV. Tronp, who commanded one
of the boats on the upper river, said to me that he had so
nuiny applications to brin<;' wheat to Portland, which he had
no authority to do, that he finally went to the president of
the comjiany and asked for permission to do so, but he was
infoi-med that it was impossil)le; that wheat was not worth
its transportation. The next season the people fairly bejiiied
him to carry their wheat to market, and he made another ap-
peal. That time the company yielded, and President J. C.
Ainsworth said: "Well, Captain Troup, you may try it, do
the best you can." Wheat has been pouring down tlu^ (^)-
lumbia ever since, and the Inland Empire is one vast wheat
field.
The career of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company was
a great success. It would have been almost impossible, even
under bad management, for it to have been anything else.
Its beginning was small, but, aided by the peculiar advantages
it possessed, and the growth of the country, it soon grew into
one of the greatest money-making concerns in America.
After years of solicitation and appeal, the government of
the United States began what it should have done years be-
fore, the construction of a canal around the falls of the Co-
lumbia, which has opened a free channel to trade and com-
merce that will forever unloose the hand of greed from the
throat of the Columbia River. It is almost as important that
a canal be constructed at the dalles of the river, and so give
one of the best wheat-growing districts of the earth an open
passage to the maz'kets of the world. It has become almost
one of the established policies of the governmeui: to free the
channels of our great rivers of all impediments to navigation.
In no other way can such valuable and general service be ren-
dered to the people.
It is not my desire to criticise or censure the managenunit
of Oregon's first great corporation, which was so intimately
connected with the early history, commerce, revenue, and
progress of our own State. Perhaps any other set of men
132 P. W. Gillette.
Avould have done the same tliiiiy uikU'i- similar eii'cumstaiices.
Nevertheless it is certaiiily a oreat misfortune to any people
to be so absolutely within the power of any man or set of men
as were the people of the Columbia Valley. It v/as too great
a power to be entrusted to the hands of men.
In reviewing the career of this most interesting corpora-
tion, one can but view with wonder and amazement the ease
and rapidity with which colossal fortunes were made. And
I can but regret, on their own account, that but one or two
of that company has left any little token of good-will or any
memento of kindness to the place or people where they were
so specially favored by fortune, and so liberally patronized by
the business public. Had they even erected a small drinking
fountain, where the faithful dray and truck horses, that indi-
rectly carted millions of dollars into their pockets, could have
slaked their thirst, that would have somehow served to amel-
iorate and soften the memory of them. But the most of them
seemed to prefer to be remembered only as members of a cor-
poration that took every possible advantage of one of the
most extraordinary opportunities that ever fell into the hands
of men to amass fortunes for themselves.
TBUE PCQlKHMlUqi 2F imt CO«PTT,
By W. B. DiLLARD.
AVhen the white people first reached the land now included
within the present limits of Lane County, the only tribe of
Indians that lived in it was the Callapooias, although it was
visited and made the place of short stops by various other
tribes.
The Callapooias were short, heavy set, and extremely dark,
with black eyes and straight hair. They had some traits of
character peculiarly of their own. They were rarely known to
connnit any act of depredation or lawlessness in the sight of
man or to raise their arm to injure him, but were ever ready
to take advantage of an unprotected woman, and compel her to
prepare for him a meal which he would sit down and enjoy,
or force her to remain a passive spectator while he helped
himself to the limited supply of winter's food. These In-
dians were ofttimes caught and severely flogged by the early
settlers, but never tried to get revenge on the body of the
man who flogged them. Even during the trouble with the
Rogue River Indians in 1853, the Callapooias remained
friendly to the whites, who, though did not think it safe to
trust them too far, but barricaded themselves in difiPerent
placets tln-oughout the country. In the southern part of the
county the settlers gathered at the house of J. Cochran and
prcjiared to resist an attack, but were not molested.
The chief of the tinbe was Shellou, a man of shrewd mind,
a close observer of nature, and renowned as a medicine man.
One winter the Klickitats, who were going south, were com-
pelled to camp near the Callapooias until the snow should
melt. Shellou, who claimed to have superhuman power, was
offered three horses if he would cause the snow in the moun-
tains to melt. He kept putting them off until he noticed that
it had turned warmer, and that the snow had begun to fall
134 W. B. DiLLARD.
f]*oiii the trees, then he accepted their proposal. The next
iiiorning the snow had nearly all disappeared, and he was
given the horses.
In the winter of '54 he was visited by the Klaniaths for
assistance for a sick scjiiaw. After he had used his skill as
a medicine man, she was able to resume her journey, but the
next night she died. This so incensed the Klamaths that the
next night they returned and killed the chief. Shellou was
the last chief of the tribe, though they still continued the
practice of allotting the different sections of the country to
members of their tribe, who regarded it as his illahee.
In 1856 the Government removed these Indians to a res-
ervation in Yamhill County, but only succeeded in placing
al)out one-half of the tribe (m the reservation. The rest re-
turned to their former abode, but have gradually disappeared,
until at present (1904) only one remains.
Though the Indian is no more, we have permanent re-
minder of his existence in the names he has left us ; thus :
Wineberry means red huckleberry; Willamette means "big
river, almost, not quite." The dispute in regard to the pro-
nunciation of the word was due to the fact that the nearer
to the mouth of the river one went, the broader the sound in
pronouncing it.
Spencer Butte was so named because Spencer, a man in
the employ of the Hudson Bay Company, being alone on the
butte in search of game, was killed by an Indian to avenge
the death of some of their tribe at the hands of some of the
representatives of the company.
Except the settlements of the fur companies at Astoria and
Vancouver, the first permanent settlement was made at
French Prairie, in the Willamette Valley, as the most favored
spot for farming, a nucleus for a future commonwealth.
When the stream of inunigration began to flow in it naturally
chose this valley for its home, so new settlements were made
at convenient distances from the old ones.
But one of these immigrants, wishing to select a place for
a home that would not be reached by very many men for at
Beginnings of Lane County. 135
least two years, so he could send word to his folks and friends
in the East and have room for them near him when they
would come. So in 1846 Elijah Bristow, with three com-
panions. Captain Scott, William Dodson, and Eugene F. Skin-
ner, left the settlements far behind and journeyed southward.
When this party reached a point on the Middle Fork, a few
miles southeast of its junction with the Coast Fork, to form
the Willamette, and had crossed the river and ascended the
south bank, they were struck with the l)eauty and grandeur
of the scene before them. Then E. Bristow. as he raised his
hat and let the refreshing breeze cool his heated brow, ex-
claimed: "What a i)leasant hill! This is my claim; here
will I live, and when I die, here will I be buried."
So he proceeded to erect a claim cabin, and stt^pped off his
claim of 640 acres. About October 1, 1846, he completed his
house, a log cabin, which was the first one erected in Lane
County. Mr. Dodson next marked off his claim, south and
east, and adjoining IMr. Bristow 's. Mr. Scott selected the
one on the north, which, however, he abandoned and settled
on the south bank of the McKenzie, opposite the mouth of
the jMohawk. The next spring ]\Ir. Skinner settled on the
claim on which a part of Eugene now stands.
The name Pleasant Hill was given to the claim of Mi'. Bris-
tow, at his request, by the legislature of Oregon in an act
passed December 27, 1847.
Late in 1847 quite a company arrived in Lane County by
way of the southeni route, or as follows: When 61 miles
below Fort Hall they crossed over the ridge into the Hum-
boldt Valley and down it for 300 miles ; thence 50 miles across
the desert to Black Rock; thence through Surprise Valley,
Fandango Valley, by Goose Lake, up Lost River, by Klamath
Lake, over the Cascades into Rogue River Vallej^; thence
across to and through Umpqua Valley to Lane County.
Among these immigrants were: Isaac Briggs, Elias
Briggs, Prior Blair, Charles Martin, and their families, who
settled near Mr. Bristow; Cornelius Hills, who settled across
the river north of Mr. Bristow ; Benjamin Davis, John Akin,
136 W. B. DiLLARD.
H. Noble, and C'liariu'] ^liilli<;aii, who settled near ]\Ir. Skin-
ner; while Abrani and Lonis Coryell settled near the jnnetion
of the Coast and IMiddle Forks. Their cabin, which was fin-
ished November 3, 1847, was the last honse alonji" the road till
one reaches the Sacramento Valley. The next year L. Cor-
yell and D. Hasty pnt in a ferry on the Ump(|na. They ex-
pected a large immigration, but were disappointed, though
they had a good trade in ferrying- miners on their way to the
gold fields in California. In May Coryell sold out to a Mr.
Hendricks and went to the gold fields, where he remained a
few years, when he returned to Lane County, where he still
resides, an honored resident of Crow.
In this year John Diamond and ^1. Wilkins settled near
where Coburg now stands, Jacob C. Spores settled at the place
afterwards known as Spores Ferry, while James Chapin set-
tled one and one-half miles of where Cottage Grove now
stands.
Other settlers of this year were : Cornelius Hills, E. W.
(Irififith, W. S. Davis, Ephriam Hughes, George Gilbert, A. O.
Stevens, Isaac Stevens, J. Ware, Snook, R. J. Hills, and
Luther White.
In the early '50 's J. Diamond, in company with four other
men, while viewing a road up the Middle Fork over the Cas-
cades scaled a lofty peak called Diamond's Peak, in honor of
the first white person who reached its snov^y smnmit.
These early settlements were made the nucleus around
which future immigTants settled. These pioneers had few of
the necessities, and none of the comforts, of life, but what
little they had they were ever ready to divide with the weary
traveler, and the cry of sickness, hunger, or distress was
quickly responded to. They had endured many hardships
and privations, but were eager to make life pleasant for those
who came after them.
The immigration of 1848 more than doubled the population
of the county; all of whom settled near some former settler,
except the Fergusons, Richardsons, Browns, and Hintons,
who formed the first settlements on the banks of the Long
Beginnings of Lane County. 137
Tom. During' this year Elias Brig'gs located a claim where
Springtield now stands, and a INIr. AVells took one where Cot-
tage Grove now stands. Spring-field was so named because a
spring bubbled forth in a field near the road, while Cottage
drove was named by Mr. Pierce, its first postmaster.
The year 1849 brought only a very few people to Lane
County, and 1850 and 1851 brought but few more.
In 18-18 President Polk appointed General Joseph Lane, of
Indiana. Territorial Governor of Oregon. General Lane,
coming by the southern route, arrived in Oregon March 2,
1849, and immediately assumed the duties of his office. Lane
County, named from Oregon's first Governor, was orf^anized
by an act of the legislature, passed January 24, 1851.
The first election was held the first Monday in June, 1851.
at which only 57 votes were cast, but so fast was the increase
in population during '52 and '53 that 394 votes were cast in
the election of June, 1853, that located the county seat on the
donation claim of Charnel Mulligan.
The first white child born in the county was a daughter of
H. Noble, born November, 1847. The second was a daughter
of Mrs. AVells., born March 15, 1848; and the third, a child
of J. Briggs, born June 21, 1848. The first native son was
Wade I\Iartin, born in the fall of 1848, while J. M. Hendricks,
the second, was born in June, 1849.
The first white person buried in the county was an innni-
grant, who died in 1846, and was buried abour three miles
south of Creswell. The sect)nd was a little child of ]\Irs. I.
Wells, who fell from a wagon and was killed. It was buried
at Skinner's. The third was a young man, 19 years of age.
l\v the name of Gilliam, who look sick at Blair's and soon
died.
Educational matters were not neglected during these early
pioneer day. The first schoolhouse was Iniilt near the home
of I\Ir. E. Bristow in 1850, its first teacher being W. W. Bris-
t(»w. The same year, and near the schoolhouse, was erected
the first church.
]Means of communication with the Eastern States was very
138 W. B. DiLLARD.
slow, very often taking as much as six months for people here
to hear from their friends or relatives in the East. When
the first post office was established at Pleasant Hill, in 1850,
the mail was carried from Oregon City on horseback. The
first mail carrier was Smiley Carter, and the second was Hart
Crosby.
The first couple married in the county was the widow
Wright and a man by the name of Luce. The second wed-
ding was a double one, in which George Coryell and Charles
Sweet married the McBee girls.
The first sawmill erected in the county was the one erected
by E. P. Castleman, on Blair's farm, but was moved to Clo-
verdale in 1851. There it was used to saw the timbers for a
flour mill, which was erected the next year by William R.
Jones.
In 1854 Jones and Gilfrey started a store, and in 1855 Gil-
frey laid out a townsite. Cloverdale was named by Jones
from a town in California, and was a prosperous village till
the coming of the railroad in 1871, when it was moved to the
present site of Creswell.
To the men who made these settlements we owe a debt of
gratitude that never can be paid. By their thrift, industry,
and endurance, they made possible the rapid growth and de-
velopment of Lane County. Then may not we, who are reap-
ing the fruits of their labors, say: "All hail the pioneers of
Lane County."
The foregoing was carefully compiled from notes set down
more than 30 years ago by Mrs. S. Rigdon, and corrected by
L. Coryell, a pioneer of '47. I have set down all that is not
already a matter of record.
By F. I. Hekkiott, Ph. D.
Our trite snyino- that "America is but another name for
Opportunity" might well be changed to "America is but
another name for Experiment." It is no exaggeration to
say that the people of the United States have done more
experimenting in the making of laws and in the administra-
tion of government than the people of any other nation on
the globe. This has resulted chiefly from the nature of our
nuiltiform government that is at once federal and national, as
regards the relations of States to each other and to the
Nation'al Government. Within our national jurisdiction there
are practically half a hundred sovereign States each and all
engaged in practicing the methods and arts of self govern-
ment. There is but little let or hindrance to experimenta-
tion in the making of laws and institutions.
But while there is the greatest range of freedom for
originality there is a surprising similarity in the fundamen-
tal principles of our laws and in the primary institutions of
the States. English connnon law and traditions are our com-
mon heritage and constitute the ground work of our institu-
tions. But what may be called the acquisitive or adaptive
disposition of Americans leads to the prompt observation of
the workings of laws in other States and to their adoption
where they work well. Moreover, by reasim of our peculiar
mode of creating territories out of the national domain it
has generally happened that the laws of parent or adjacent
teri'itorial organizations have been continued or "extended"
over the new territorial ae([uisitions; or they have been im-
posed (1(1 ixto'iin until the inhabitants could assemble llicir
'Reprinted from Annals of Iowa, July, 190J.
140 F. L. Herriott.
law-makers and enact a body of laws. But from the nature
of the conditions confronting pioneers they were almost cer-
tain to adopt bodily the laws of their ancestral States. The
social traditions and political inheritance of the first inhabi-
tants, or rather the dominant elements determined whether
the laws of this or that State were adopted.
We have some interesting examples of such transplanting
of laws in the establishment of the territories of Iowa and
Oregon. When Iowa was given a separate territorial exist-
ence in 1838 the laws of Wisconsin were "extended" over
the new Territory. The bulk of the laws adopted, however,
were those taken over from Michigan when Wisconsin was
cut off from that jurisdiction in 1834; and the major portion
of those were the growths from the ordinances made for the
government of the old Northwest Territory pursuant to the
great ordinance of 1787. But the members of the first ter-
ritorial legislature of Iowa knew little and cared less about
the genealogy of the laws they enacted in 1838-39. They
were but little learned in laws or in law-making. They had
no new and radical notions to promote. The late Theodore
S. Parvin, who was the first secretary of the council or senate
in 1838-39, has told us how little the members knew of the
real needs of the people, how ignorant they were of law-mak-
ing, how they selected here and there from th(3 statutes of
various States as fancy or State pride prompted them; how
each member felt in duty bound to get as large a number of
the laws of his own State enacted by the new Territcny. ' The
matter that was important and urged was to inaugurate the
new government and it did not signify much to them one
way or other what laws were adopted so that they gave the
people the form and substance of laws that would satisfy the
traditional notions. Professor Jesse Macy has shown us 2
how remote often the laws actually adopted wei'e from cor-
responding to or regulating the actual life and conduct of
•See Professor Macy's Institutional Beginnings in a Western Slate: Annals of
Iowa, ;?d series, vol. V, p. 337.
2Ibid.
Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon. 141
the daily affairs of the peopk^ in the first years of tlie terri-
tories.
We have in Oregon, however, a striking instance of the
conscious and deliherate adoption bodily of the laws of
another State. The event was of more than academic interest
to us in Iowa as the laws adopted by the pioneers in Oregon
were the statutes enacted by our first territorial legislature
in 1838-39.
The settlement of Oregon constitutes one of the romantic
chapters in our pioneer history and not the least noteworthy
in the annals of the diplomacy of our National Government.
Long continued efforts were made to arouse eft'ective interest
in that region ; but with meagre results. From 1820 on to
1829, John Floyd, of Virginia, and Thomas II. Benton, of
IMissouri, had striven earnestly in Congress to induce the
National Government to take vigorous steps to establish our
authority in that region and to give the pioneers the protec-
tion of laws and institutions established in accordance with
our forms and processes. But they failed. In 1838, how-
ever, another champion arose in the person of Lewis F. Linn,
another senator from IMissouri. He, like his colleague Ben-
tcm, sought to arouse public interest in the vast territory in
the far Northwest and between 1839 and 1843, the year of
his death, introduced various bills and resolutions relating to
Oregon, one of which in particular is of interest to lowans.
]\Ieantime events were rapidly conspiring in Oregon to
bring matters to a crisis. The settlers were more or less
divided in their allegiance. There were the active friends
and adherents of the Hudson Bay Company. The Americans
were greatly disturbed by local dissensions, personal jealous-
ies, contentions with the Indians, and religious rivalries. All
these things thwarted united, consistent, and continuous
efforts to bring about the establishment of our national au-
thority. In 1841 the need of civil organization was made
apparent on the death of a noted settler, Ewing Young, near
the Methodist INIission station in the Willamette Valley. He
died without heirs and how to distribute his property so as
142 F. L. Herriott.
to <i'ive valid title bronf^ht home to the settlers the fact that
they Avere in a land without laws and government. Steps
were taken to bring about the establishment of some form of
government. As a consequence of their proceedings one Dr.
Ira L. Babcock was appointed Supreme Judge with probate
powers, and it was resolved that "until a code of laws ho
adopted by this community Doctor Babcock be instructed to
act according to the laws of the State of New York, "i ['-] Va-
rious etforts were made between 1841, after that resolution
was taken, and 1843, to get under headway with the new
government, but they availed little until May 2, 1843. On
that date a meeting took place at Chanipoick (also given
Champoeg), between Salem and Oregon City, where amidst
tense feeling and by a close vote it was decided to establish
a "Provisional Government" and a committee of nine were
designated to draft a plan and to report to the people on
the 5th of July following. Speaking of that committee and
its work, Mr. J. R. Robertson, of Oregon, writing in 1900,
observes :
"This committee is of great importance in the history of
civil o-;overnment in Oregon, because of the responsibility
which rested upon it, and because of the excellence of its
work. Its members were neither learned nor acquainted with
the law, but they possessed good judgment and common sense.
Their meeting place was an old barn belonging to the Meth-
odist Mission."^
The report of the committee is interesting and instructive.
It exhibits tlie political thought and habits and wishes of
the pioneers, uninfluenced by the immediate surroundings of
civilization and the formal procedure and political ceremony
so important in the operations of political institutions. We
have there a practical illustration of the creation of a civil
iSee Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, vol. II, p. 101. Article by
H. W. Scott on "The Provisional Government."
[2A note in H. H. Bancroft's History of Oregon, vol. 1, p. 294, says: "At this
time there was but one copy of the laws of the State of New Yorlv in the colony."
—Editor.]
3 Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, vol. I, p. 35.
Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon. 143
society somewhat after the ftisliion dreamed of hy Rousseau;
and what is more, we perceive some of the notions expounded
by the French philosopher. The document presented sets
forth exalted principles of civil liberties and righteousness.
We, the people of Oregon Territory, for purposes of nuitual
protection, and to secure peace and prosperity among our-
selves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations until
such time as the United States of America extends their jui-is-
diction over us.
Be it therefore enacted hy the free citizens of Oregon
Territory -.
For the purpose of fixing the principles of civil and re-
ligious liberty, as the basis of all laws and constitutions of
government that may hei'cafter be adopted.
Be it enacted that the following articles be considered as
the articles of a compact, among free citizens of this
Territory.^
There then follow a series of articles specifying the funda-
mental rights and privileges that should never be denied to
the inhabitants of the Territory, and setting forth in consid-
erable detail the nature, powers and methods of administra-
tion of a number of offices of the new government. Article
12 of section 2 of the proposed Articles, reads as follows:
The laws of Iowa Territory shall be the laws of this Terri-
tory, in civil, military, and criminal cases; where not other-
wise provided for, and where no statute of Iowa applies, the
principles of commono law and equity shall govern. [ ^ ]
After this comprehensive section the committee with super-
fluous caution proceeds to particularize a number of the
statutes of Iowa that shall be the law under the new govern-
ment, e. g., those relative to weights and measures, to wills
and testaments, vagrants, elections^ etc. Then again in Ar-
ticle 19 the following resolution is inserted:
1 The extracts from the "Report" of the legislative coinmittee given above are
taken from a typewritten copy given the Historical Department of Iowa bj' Pro-
fessor Edmond S. Meany, Head of the Department of History in the University
of Washington.
[-A. note in J. Henry Brown's "Political History of Oregon" — Provisional Gov-
ernment, vol. I, p. 102, says : "There was only one law book at this time in Oregon >
and that was a copy of the Statutes of Iowa."— Editor.]
144 I F. L. Herriott.
Hesolved, 'I'hat tlie following portions of the laws of Iowa,
as laid down in the statute laws of the Territory of Iowa,
enacted at the first session of the legislative assembly of said
Territory held at Burlington, A. U., 1838-9, published by au-
thority, Du Buqiie, Bussel, and Reeves, printers, 839. Cer-
tified to be a correct copy by Wni. B. Conway, Secretary of
Iowa Territory, be adopted as the laws of this Territory,
viz :
There are listed by title with reference to the pages whereon
found in the collection referred to in the resolution some
thirty-seven laws, including those already mentioned in Ar-
ticles 13, 14, and 15.^
This draft of a constitution or articles of government was
adopted at the meeting at Champooick, July 5, 1843. The
subsequent history of the Provisional Government that con-
tinued until the erection of the Territorial Government in
1848- [9J it is not necessary here to follow. The instrument
underwent some changes, but -none that vitally changed the
character of the original "compact."^ Under it their gov-
ernment, said one of their chroniclers, was " 'strong without
an army or navy, and rich without a treasury,' and 'so effect-
ive that property Avas safe, schools established and supported,
contracts enforced, debts collected, and the majesty of the
law vindicated.' "'^
The (juestion presents itself, why did the pioneers of Ore-
gon select the laws of Iowa for the regulation of their private
and governmental affairs? Why choose the laws of Iowa
1 The officers of the Provisional Government did not have a very staunch faitli
in the etlicacy of the article 12 of section 2 given as we find the "Executive Com-
naittee" in their report to the legislature urging that "the militia law of Iowa"
and "that the laws of Iowa be taken into consideration concerning blacks and
raulattoes." See their message of June IS, ISll, given in Bancroft's History of Ore-
gon. Vol. I, pp. -129, 430.
2 In lS-15 the legislature refused to call theirarticlesjof government a "constitu-
tion" but referred to it in submitting a revision to the people for approval as a
"compact."
3 Quoted by R<ibertson : Ibid, p. 39. In the "Organic Law" drafted in June,
1815, and adopted by the people at an election July 20, all specific reference to
Iowa's laws was omitted. See "organic and other .general laws of Oregon," 18l;>-
1872, pp. 40-51.
Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon. 145
ratlu'i- Ihaii those of Illinois, Mieliigaii, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
New York, or iMassaehnsetts? Why, after the resolution di-
i-eetinji- the use of the laws of New York, did the coiiimittee
set them aside and select the laws of the new Territory on
this side the Mississippi.^ Did the nKMuhers of that coni-
niittee that met in the barn of the ^lethodist Mission have
before them the statutes of these several States and after due
examinati( n and deliberanon decided that the laws of Iowa
were most lit for their circumstances? What sug'!G:ested and
what induced the aihiption of the connnittee's report that the
laws of Iowa should l)e adopted f In 1843 Iowa was but little
more than a name to the people of the East, let alone to the
pioneers of that remote Northwest. It could hardly be tliat
many of Iowa's first settlers had left our eastern counties and
iourneyed across the IMissouri and over the mountains, or
around by Darien an(] u]) the coast and found !od,L;nient in
the valleys of the Columbia.^ Bancroft asserts that the early
settlers in Oregon were not familiar with the laws of Iowa
which thi>y had adopted. ^ WHiat then led to their adoption?
It is not unlikely that some of the committee that drew
up the original draft for the articles providing- for the Pro-
visional Government possessed or happened to get possession
of a copy of the Iowa laws enacted in 1838-39, and thus it
was mere chance, and the urgency of circumstances, that
pressed the settlers on to the speedy establishment of some
form of government that brought about the transplanting of
Iowa's first laws to Oregon. It is to be recalled that the Ter-
I'itorial Printer at Burlington was delayed for months in
publishing our first laws because he could not get a copy of
1 There is evidence that lowans were very rnucli interested in Oregon and in
the emigration to the Columbia. In April, 1843, was organized at Bloomington,
Iowa, (now Muscatine) the "Oregon Emigration Company." David Hendershott
(a member of the third legislature of Iowa that met at Burlington in IStl) pre-'
sided at the meeting April 1. On April 19, a mass meeting was held at Blooming-
ton, in which Cxeo. M. Hinkley of Louisa County was in the chair and it was de-
cided to favor the organization of a compan.y to start for Oregon May 10. Sec ex.
tracts taken from lowci Territorial Gazette and other papers given in the Oregon
Historical Q.uarterly. Vol. 2, pp 191-11I2, pp. 390-3i)2 and vol. 4, iip. 177-17S and
pp. 403-104.
2 See H. H. Bancroft's History of Oregon. Vol. I, p. 42H.
146 F. L. Herriott.
tlu' statutes.' So thai it is not at all iiui)i-(»!)able the pioneer
hiw-iiiakers of Orei^on hail only the choice of the Iowa statutes
or nothing.
Another explanation may be ventured, however, that is
worthy of consideration. As previously stated. Senator
Lewis F. Linn, of Missouri, was an ardent champion of the
establishment of our national authority in the disputed region
in the Northwest. Between February 7, 1838, and his death
in 1843, he introduced a number of bills and resolutions, and
made various reports, all looking to the same end. On De-
cember 16, 1841, Senator Linn introduced a bill in the Senate
relative to the Oregon Territory that, among other provisions,
extended the civil and criminal laws of Iowa over all of the
territory west of the Missouri River, south of latitude 49 de-
grees, north of the boundary of Texas and east of the Rocky
Mountains. In addition, the jurisdiction of Iowa was ex-
tended over all the country from the mountains to the ocean
between latitudes 42 and 54 degrees. The bill also provided
that two associate justices of the supreme court of Iowa, in
addition to those already appointed for Iowa, were to be
placed in charge of two judicial districts to be established in
the region there specified, wherein they were to conduct dis-
trict courts after the manner pursued in the courts of Iowa.
This bill was referred to a select committee wdiich reported
favorably, but before it came up for consideration. Lord Ash-
burton arrived in Washington to negotiate with Webster with
a view to an adjustment of the boundary disputes then endan-
gering the peace between England and the United States.
On account of the delicate situation the Senate did not de-
bate the Linn bill until 1843, when, after a lively debate, the
bill passed the Senate February 3, 1843, by a vote of 24 to
22; ^ but it failed in the House.
lAnnals, vol. V, 3d series, p. 358. Note of the writer in "Chapters in Iowa's
Financial History."
2 See Benton's "Thirty Years View," vol. II, pp. 470-482, where the bill is given
in part. There is no indication in Senator Linn's speech of the reasons that led
him to provide for the adoption of the laws of Iowa. See Linn's speech in reply
to thatof Senator McDuffle in opposition: Congressional Globe, 1842-43; pp. 149-155.
Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon. 147
Here again a ((uestidu oCfers, why did a senator from Mis-
souri urge the imposition of the laws of Iivwa upon the people
of Oregon? Why not those of Missouri, or Illinois, or Michi-
gan, rather than those of a fledgling territory? Two ex-
planations suggest themselves.
The first explanation is that Iowa was adjacent to the Ter-
rilory in controversy. It was conseiiuently simply a matter
ol' course that Senator Linn should propose to extend over
Oi'cgon and the intervening region the government and laws
of the territory lying next to the lands in question. The
second is that Lewis F. Linn, Benton's colleague in the Sen-
ate, was a half l)rother of Henry Dodge, the first Governor
of Wisconsin and Iowa. They saw much of each other dur-
ing this period in Linn 's career ; for from 18-11 to 1845 Dodge
was the territorial delegate of M^isconsin in CongreSvS. It is
not, therefore, a violent presumption to believe that in the
course of their intimate conversations. Dodge gave Linn much
sage counsel and made suggestions that the latter made use
of. It would not be strange if Dodge should urge upon Linn
the wisdom of nmking use of the Iowa laws, made up as they
were chiefly of statutes that he, Dodge, himself had helped
to frame in the Council of Michigan, or had signed as Gov-
ei-nor of Wisconsin. The Iowa laws reproduced the tra-
ditional institutions and methods of administration connnon to
the free States carved out of the Northwest Territory. Hence,
it would be polite for a iMissourian, in those days when slavery
was charging the air with suspicion of everything that came
from south of Mason's line, if he wished to secure Northern
sentiment in favor of his bill, to urge the adoption of the
laws of a territory like Iowa.
Now, it is more than probable that the nature of the pro-
visions of Linn's bill had by 1843 become known to the pio-
nem-s in Oregon. Learning that the laws of Iowa were those
ui'ged for their government by their staimchest friends in
the halls of Congress, it would have been the natural and the
diplomatic thing, if such a suggestion is not preposterous,
for the committee that drew up the articles for the Provis-
148 F. L. Herriott.
ioiial (iovei'imn'iit lluit were fonnally adopted by the Ore-
gonians July 5, 1848, to have of set purpose adopted the laws
of Iowa because their actiou would then commend itself to
the friends of the 'i'erj-itoi'y in the East.
The attention of Judge C. B. Bellinscer was oalled to Dr.
Herriott 's paper and to the notes of Bancroft and Brown.
The work of Judge Bellin<i'er on the Oreg'on Codes, and his
special interest in the period of the Provisional Government,
make his statement on this matter valuable, if not conclusive.
He submits the following :
"I attach no importance to the Bancroft footnote. It is a
mere guess of the writer, and is not supported by any known
fact. If there had been such a copy as Bancroft refers to,
it is probable that the meeting of July 5, 1843, which adopted
the laws recommended by the legislative committee appointed
at the meeting of May 2nd preceding, would have adopted
the New York instead of the Iowa laws. There is nothing to
explain a change in the predeliction for the New York laws
shown by the meeting of 1841, unless it is the fact that the
legislative committee became possessed of the laws of the State
of Iowa, and had no other. Brown is to be relied on rather
than Bancroft. I knew Brown intimately. It is probable
that Brown's authority is Gray, and Gray is the only person,
so far as appears, who could speak from actual knowledge.
Gray says, of the proceedings of the meeting of 1841, 'I
query whether there was a single copy of the laws of that
State (New York) in the country for ten years after the last
resolution (the resolution of 1841) was passed. I know
there was none at the time, and only a single copy of the laws
of Iowa two years after.' Gray's History of Oregon, p. 201.
Gray's statement ought to be conclusive of the matter. He
was a member of the legislative committee of July, 1843.
The members of that committee were evidently without leg-
islative experience or legal knowledge. Some of the mem-
bers of the committee were opposed to sitting with open
Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon. 149
doors, because they 'did not want to expose their ignorance
of making- hiws. ' They feared that they 'might be ashamed
of what they had done.' In such a case copies of the laws of
other States, by which to model their own acts, would be in-
valuable. They happened to have the laws of Iowa, and
nothing else, and so these laws wei'e adopted. They were
adopted because of the copy which the committee possessed,
and that was reason (mough. There could be no question
about adopting- the laws of Missouri, since thei'e wasn't a
copy of the laws of that State in the country at the time.
Professor Herriott probably assumes that the framers of the
Provisional Government of July, 1843, were mainly immi-
grants from the states of Iowa and Missouri, as was the case
with reference to the population after the innnigration of
the fall of 1843. As a matter of fact, the framers of the
original Provisional Government were missionaries, lay mem-
bers, and Rocky Mountain men, together • with some of the
representatives of the Hudson Bay Company. It is doubtful
if either Iowa or IVIissouri was represented upon the legisla-
tive connnittee in question. Gray was a New York man, and
was an active promoter in the org-anization. I believe that
most of the other American members of that committee were
from New York, or other extreme Eastern States. Newell,
one of the mountain men, was, I believe, originally from Ohio.
The provisions of the Linn bill for the extension of the laws
of Iowa over Oregon, were probably not known by the meni-
))('rs of that committee, and there is nothing to indicate that
the (luestion of anti-slavery opposition to the adoption of Ore-
gon by the General Government was ever thought of. (iray
has undertaken to give a full report of the proceedings of the
committee, and a matter of that importance, if it had been
discussed, or even thouglit of, would certainly have been re-
ferred to in the proceedings which he has reported. Anent
Dr. Herriott 's suggestion that the laws of Iowa, rather than
those of Missouri, were adopted for fear .of anti-slavery in-
fluence in opposition to the recognition of the new govern-
ment, the pro-slavery influence in Congress would likely have
150 F. L. Herriott.
lu'e'u ('(|u;illy daiiiiei'ous to the aspirations of the promoters of
tlie Provisional (Government. It would have been the policy
of the le<>islative connnittee to have steered between Scylla
and Charybdis by picking- out the statutes wanted, and adopt-
ing' them as original enactments, and so avoid the dang-er of
olfending the susce{>tibilities of either party by showing par-
tiality for the laws of any particular State. It would be in-
teresting if a history of that lone Iowa statutes could be
obtained. The long and short of the matter is, that the leg-
islative connnittee adopted the laws of Iowa because they had
the laws of Iowa, and no other laws."
J. Quinn Thornton, in his "Oregon and California," (vol.
II, p. 31) published in 1849, in mentioning reasons why or-
ganization was not effected in 1841, says: ''They were, too,
without either books (excepting one copy of the Iowa
statutes), to which to refer for assistance in framing their
laws, or a press upon which to print them when framed."
Doctor Harriott's first surmise seems then to have the
strongest foundation. — Editor.
''iECOLLECTDOIMS £2 OFllNlllOPS ®P m
OLID) riOKlEEl'"— C0K1T1K1«EIB).
By Petek H. Burnett.
CHAPTER IV.
KocKY Mountain Trappeks — Their Peculiar Character-
Black Harris— Joseph L. Meek— 0. Russell-
Robert .¥ewell.
When we arrived in Orction we found there f number of
Rocky IMountain hunters and li'appers, who were settled in
the Willamette Valley, most of them in the Tualatin Plains.
The invention of the silk hat had rendered the trapping of
beaver less profitable. Besides, most of these men had mar-
ried Indian women, and desired to settle down for life. They
had been too long accustomed to frontier life to retiu'n to
their old homes. Oregon offered them the best prospects for
the future. Here was plenty of land for nothing, and a fine
climate.
These trappers and hunters constituted a very peculiar
class of men. They were kind and genial, brave and hos-
pitable, and, in regard to serious matters, truthful and hon-
est. There was no malice in them. They never made mis-
chief between neighbor and neighbor. But most of them
were given to exaggeration, when relating their Rocky Moun-
tain adventures. They seemed to claim the privilege of ro-
mance and fabe when describing these scenes. As exceptions
to this rule, I will mention Judge 0. Russell, now living in
El Doi-ado County, California, and Robert Newell, now de-
ceased. Their statements could be relied upon implicitly.
Having been so long accustomed to the idle life of the
Rocky ]\Iountains, they were not at first pleased with the
hard work and drudgery of farming. Meek told me that
soon after their arrival in Oregon they applied to Dr. Mc-
Loughlin to purchase supplies on credit. This application
152 Peter H. Burnett.
sislciilly. and finally asked the Doctor what they should do,
sistoiitly. and, tinally asked the Doctor what they shouhl do.
He I'eplied in a k)ud voice: "Go to work! go to work! go
to work!" Meek said that was just the thing- they did not
wish to do.
The romancing Rocky Mountain trapper would exercise
his inventive talent to its utmost extent in telling the most
extracn-dinary stories of what he claimed he had seen, and
he that could form the most extravagant tiction, with a spice
of plausibility in it, was considered the greatest wit among
them. The love of fame is inherent in the breast of man ;
and the first man in a village is just as proud of his position
at the first man in a city or in an empire.
I knew, in Missouri, the celebrated Black Harris, as he was
familiarly called, and was freciuently in his company. He,
perhaps, invented the most extraordinary stories of them all,
and thenceforward he had no rival. He said that on one oc-
casion he was hunting in the Rocky Mountains alone, and
came in sight of what he supposed to be a beautiful grove of
green timber; but, when he approached it, he found it to be
a perified forest; and, so sudden had been the process of pet-
rification, that the green leaves were all petrified, and the
very birds that were then singing in the grove were also
petrified in the act of singing, because their mouths were still
open in the petrified state. This story I did not myself hear
from Harris, but I learned it from good authority.
From these Rocky Mountain trappers I learned something
in regard to that interesting animal, the beaver. Many per-
sons suppose, from the fact that the beaver is always found
along the streams, that he lives, like the otter, on fish. This
is a mistake. The beaver lives entirely upon vegetable food,
and for this reason its flesh is esteemed a great delicacy. The
animal feeds mainly upon the bark of the willow tree, which
grows in abundance along the rich, moist margins of the
streams, and is a very soft wood, easily cut by the beaver,
with his large, sharp teeth. In countries where the streams
freeze over in winter, the beaver makes his dam across the
RErOLLEOTIONS OF AN OlD PiOXEER. 153
stream of mud and brush, so intermixed as to make the struc-
ture safe and solid. In this work he uses his fore-paws, not
his tail, as some have supposed. The tail is used as a pro-
pelling and steering power in swimming. The object in dam-
ming the stream is to deepen the water, so that it will not
freeze to the bottom, but leave plenty of room below the ice
for the storage of the winter's supply of food. In summer
the beaver cuts down the green willows, and divides them
into logs of proper length, so that they can be readily moved.
These logs are deposited at the bottom of the pond, and kept
down by nnid placed upon them. The willow in its green
state is almost as heavy as water, and these logs are easily
sunk and eonfiued to the bottom. On one portion of his dam
the beaver constructs his house, above the water, with an en-
trance from beneath. This gives him a warm home and safe
retreat in winter.
The mode of trapping the beaver is peculiar. The trap
itself is never baited. The animal has in his body a secre-
tion something like musk. The trapper finds out the home
of the beaver, and selects a place on the side of the pond
where the water is shallow near the shore ; and there, in the
edge of the stream, he drives down a stake of hard, seasoned
wood, which the beaver can not cut. To this stake he fas-
tens a chain that is attached to the trap, and then sets the
trap in water some six inches deep. On the shore, exactly
opposite the trap, he places a bait of the secretion. The
beaver always swims up the center of the pond, and when he
comes immediately opposite the bait he turns at right angles
and goes straight toward it, but is caught in the trap while
passing over it. So soon as he feels the trap he endeavoi-s
to escape, and drags the trap into deep water as far as the
chain will permit. The steel trap is so heavy that the beaver
can not possibly swim with it, but is confined by its weight
to the bottom, and is there drowned, as the beaver, like other
amphibious animals, can remain alive under water only for a
limited time.
The beaver is easilv tamed, and makes a very docile and
154 Peter H. Burnett.
inloi-estiii^' pet. He is remarkably neat and cleanly in his
habits, as nnieh so as the domestic cat, and almost as much so
as the ermine, which never pennits its snow-white covering
to be soiled.
I am not aware that any wild animal, except the glutton,
ever preys upon the beaver or otter. Their terrible teeth are
most formidable weapons, and few wild animals would ven-
ture to attack them. Besides, they are covered with a large,
loose skin and thick fur, so that the teeth of another animal
can hardly reach a vital part. It is a well-known fact that
one otter will vanquish a number of large, brave dog's. Every
bite of the otter leaves a large gash, like that made by the
huge tusks of the wild boar.
Among the most noted of these trappers was my neighbor
and friend, Joseph L. Meek, whose life has been written by
Mrs. Victor, of Oregon. Meek was a tall man, of fine appear-
ance—a most genial, kind, and brave spirit. He had in his
composition no malice, no envy, and no hatred. I do not re-
member ever to have heard that he had a personal difficulty
with any one. In relating his Rocky Mountain adventures,
he was given, like a majority of his comrades, to exaggeration.
His comrades told a story upon him, which he admitted to
me was true. A party of them, while in the Rocky ]\Ioun-
tains, were one day stopping to rest, when they saw a band
of hostile Indians, mounted and charging down upon them,
at the distance of a few hundred yards. Meek and his com-
rades mounted their animals in the hottest haste ; but the fine
mule Meek was riding became sullen and would not budge,
^leek screamed out at the top of his voice : ' ' Boys, stand your
ground ! We can whip 'em. Stand your ground, boys ! ' '
But his comrades were of a different opinion, and were fleeing
from the Indians as fast as possible. However, as the Indians
ai)i)roached, Meek's mule began to comprehend the situa-
tion, changed its mind, and set iff at its utmost speed in pur-
suit of its companions. In a short time Meek and his mule
were alongside of the fleeing luniters ; and very soon Meek
passed them, whipping his nuile and crying out most lustily:
Recollections op ar Old Pioneer. 155
"Come on. boys! We can't fiyht 'era! Come on, boys!
Come on ! "
I remember a story ^Feek told to myself and four others,
as we were returnint>- from Oreudn City to our homes in the
Tualatin Plains. He said that on one occesion he was out
huntinu' by himself, some four hundred miles from Brown's
Cove, in the Rocky ^Mountains, where his company were stay-
in^-, and that one nig'ht his horse escaped, leaving' him afoot.
He started on foot, with his rifle cm his shoulder; but the
flrst day he lost the lock of his iiun. so that he could kill no
ganie. The result was, that he walked that long distance,
less 15 miles, in eig"ht days, and without anything to eat, ex-
cept one thistle-root, and that purged him like medicine. He
said that toward the end of his trip he would often become
blind, fall down, and remain unconscious for some time; then
recover, and pursue his painful journey. At last, in this
way, he reached a point within 15 miles of Brown's Cove,
where one of his comrades happened to find him, and took
him into camp.
I replied : ' ' That was a most extraordinary adventure,
Joe; and, while I don't pretend to cpiestion your veracity in
the least, don't you really think you might safely fall a snake
or two in the distance"'" He declared it was four hundred
miles. ''But," said I. "may you not be mistaken in the
time?" He insisted he was only eight days in making the
trip on foot. "But, Joe," I continued, "don't you think you
may be mistaken as to the time in this way? When you had
those attacks of blindness, fell down, and then came to again,
don't you think you might have mistaken it for a new day?"
He said he was not mistaken. "Then," said I. "this thing of
walking four hundred miles in eight days, with nothing at all
to eat, and being physicked into the bargain, is the most ex-
traordinary feat ever performed by man." He said no man
could tell how much he could stand until he was forced to
try; and that men were so healthy in the Rocky ^Mountains,
and so used to hard times, that they could perform wonders.
]\leek was a droll creature, and at times very slovenly in
156 Peter H. Burnett.
his dress. One day in summer I called for him, sitting on
my hoi'se at his yard fence. He came to the door and put
his head out, but would not come to the fence, .because his
pantaloons were so torn and ragged. He was then sheriff;
and at the next term of our eurcuit court I drew up a fic-
titious indictment against him, charging him with notorious
public indecency; had it endorsed on the back: "People of
Oregcin vs. Joseph L. Meek. Notorious Public Indecency.
A true bill." and quietly placed it among the real indictments.
Very soon Meek was looking through the bundle of indict-
ments, and found this one against himself. He, of course,
supposed it genuine; and it would have amused an invalid to
see the expression of his face. I soon told him it was only a
joke, which was apparent upon the face of the indictment,
as it had not the signatures of the proper officers.
On one occasion he came to my house, wearing one of the
most splendid new white figured-silk vests that I had ever
seen, while the remainder of his dress was exceedingly shabby.
He was like a man dressed in a magnificent ruffled shirt,
broadcloth coat, vest, and [)antaloons, and going barefoot.
The second or third year aftei' my arrival in Oregon, and
in the month of October, befoi'e the rainy season set in, I was
about to start for Oregon City with a load of wheat, to secure
a winter's supply of flour, when Meek asked me to let him
put ten bushels in the wagon, and he would go with me. I
said all right; that I would be at his place the next moraing
early, with my wagon and team, and for him to have his
wheat ready. He promised he would. According to my
promise, I was at his house next morning by eight; but Meek
liad to run his wheat through the fan, and put it into the
sacks. The result was that I had to help him, and it was ten
by the time we were loaded up. In a great hurry, I asked
him if he had anything to eat, as I only had some bread in
the wagon, the only thing I could bring. I saw he was rather
embarrassed, and said : ' ' Have you any meat *? " " No ! "
"Have you any butter"?" "No!" "What, then, have you?"
"Plenty of squashes." I said: "Roll them in." He soon
Recollections op an Old Pioneer. 157
brought as many squashes as his long- arms and big hands
coukl carry, put them into the wagon, and were off. I drove
the team and he rode his horse.
On the way Meek rode ahead of me, and overtook Mr.
Pomeroy, going to Oregon City with a wagon k)aded with
fresh beef. Meek, in a good-humored, bantering way, said :
"Pomeroy, I have an execution against you. and I can not
let you take that beef out of this county." Pomeroy, with
equal good-humor, replied: "Meek, it is a hard ease to stop
a man on the way to market, where he can sell his beef, and
get the money to pay his debts." "Well," saiel Meek, "it
does look a little hard, l)ut I propose a compromise. Bur-
nett and I will have nothing to eat to-night but bread and
squashes. Now, if you will let us have beef enougli for sup-
per and breakfast, I will let you oft'. ' ' Pomeroy laughed and
told Meek to help himself. When we encamped, about sun-
down, some eight miles from the city, Meek did help himself
to some choice ribs of beef, and we had a feast. I had had
nothing to eat since tlie morning of that day but bread, and
I was hungry after my hard di'ive. I roasted the squashes
and !\Ieek the beef, and we had a splendid supper. I found
this beef almost equal to buffalo-meat. We both ate too
nuich, and ^leek conq)lained that his supi)ei' had given him
"the rotten belches."
I have already mentioned the name of Judge 0. Russell
as one of the Rocky Mountain men. He is a native of the
state of Maine, and came to the mountains when a young' man,
in pursuit of health. All his comrades agreed rhat he never
lost his virtuous habits, but always remained true to his prin-
ciples. He was never married. He was at one time one of
the executive connnittee of our Provisional CTOVernment in
Oregon, and most faithfully did he pei'fonn his duty. He
is a man of etlucation and of refined feelings. After the dis-
covery of gold he came to the mines, and has been engaged in
mining in El Dorado County, California, ever since.
When in Oi-egon, he was occasionally a guest at my house,
and would for hours entertain us with descriptions of moun-
158 Peter H. Burnett.
tain life and scenery. His descriptive powers were fine, and
he would talk until a late hoiu' at night. My Avhole family
Avere deeply attentive, and my children yet remember the
Judge with great pleasure. He was always a most welcome
guest at my house. He did not tell so many extraordinary
stories as the average Rocky IMountain trapper and hunter,
but those he did tell were true. I remember one instance.
He said that he and a colored man were out hunting to-
gether on one occasion, and wounded a large grizzly bear. A
grizzly bear, when wounded, will rush upon the hunter if
near him ; but, if at a distance from the hunter, the animal
will retire into thick brush, and there conceal himself as well
as possible. In this case, the bear crept into a small but
thick patch of willows, and so concealed himself that the
hunters had to approach very near before they could obtain
a shot. The Judge and his comrade, with loaded and cocked
rifles in hand, separately approached, on different sides, almost
to the edge of the thicket, when the grizzly, with a loud,
ferocious cry, suddenly sprang to his feet and rushed toward
the Judge, and, when within a few feet of him, reared upon
his hind legs, with his ears thrown back, his terrible jaws
dist(^n(led, and his eyes gleaming with rage. The Judge said
that he knew that to retreat was death, and that the only
chance was to make a sure shot. M^ith the accuracy and
courage of a skillful hunter, he fired as the bear stood up, and
gave him a fatal shot through the heart. The bear fell, and
the colored man came up as pale as a colored man could be,
and exclaimed, "that was a 'roshus animal."
Robert Newell was a native of the state of Ohio, and came
to the Rocky JMountains when a young man. He was of me-
dium height, stout frame, and fine face. He was full of
humanity, good-will, genial feeling, and frankness. He pos-
sessed a remarkable memory, and, though slow of speech, his
narrations were most interesting. In his slow, hesitating
manner, he Maiuld state every minute circumstance in its
proper place, and the hearer was most amply compensated in
the end for his time and patience. I knew him well, and have
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 159
often listened to his graphic description of incidents that
came under his observation while he was in the service of
tlie ^lissmiri Fur Company. I ivmember a very interesting
narration which I heard from him. I can only give the
substance.
The hii'cd men of the company were mostly employed in
ti-apping beaver and otter. A war grew up between the
whites and Indians, as usual.. It was not desirable to the
company, and its numager made efforts to secure peace. For
this pui'pose he consulted with Newell, and asked him if he
would be willing to go as a connnissioner to the Crow Indians
to treat for peace. Newell consented, upon condition that he
should only take with him an interpreter and a cook.
With these two men Newell boldly made his way to the
Crow camp. The Indian chiefs assembled in the council-
lodge, and the orator on the part of the tribe brought in a
bundle of small sticks. He connnenced and stated an ag-
gressive wrong against the Crows on the part of the whites,
and demanded for that a certain number of blankets. Hav-
ing done this he laid aside one stick, and then proceeded to
state another grievance and to lay aside another stick, and so
on until the bundle was exhausted. The number of these com-
])laints was great, aiul the amount of merchandise demanded
far exceedetl the ability of the company to pay.
Newell said that while this process was going on he felt
himsi'lf almost overwhelmed. He could not nuike a detailed
statement of wrongs connnitted by the Indians against the
whites sufficient to balance this most formidable account. He
had not prepared himself with a mass of charges and a bundle
of sticks to refresh his memory. In this emergency he de-
termined to take a bold, frank position, and come directly to
the point by a short and comprehensive method. When it
came to his turn to speak he told the council that he was sent
as the mere agent of the company, and was not authorized
to enter into any stipulation for payment to either party;
that he did not come to count over the wrongs committed in
the past ; that both parties had done wrong often, and it was
160 Peter H. Burnett.
difficult to say which party had been oftenest or most to blame ;
that he came to bury the past and to stipulate for peace in
the future, and wislied to know of them whether they would
nuitually agree to be friends for the time to come. This was
the best possible i^round to be taken, and so pleased the assem-
bled chiefs that they entered into a treaty of peace.
But, a very shoi't time after this treaty was made, and be-
foi'e Newell and his two men had left, a sad accident occurred
that well ni.tih cost Newell his life. One niiiht before bed-
time, the cot)k had hunji' a small kettle above the fire in New-
ell's lodiic, and had pretty well filled it with choice pieces of
fat butfalo meat, with intent to have a feast. After doinjjj
this, the careless cook went out, and the kettle boiled over;
and the first thing- that Newell saw was the fire blazing out
at the top of the lodge. When he first saw it he was at the
lodge of one of the chiefs, a short distance off. In the hurry
and confusion of the moment Newell ran to his lodge, seized
the kettle, and gave it a sudden sling, and it happened to
strike an Indian in the face and scalded him terribly. The
Indian gave a loud scream, which at once aroused all the
camp. The excitement was terrific. The act could not be
denied, and the injury was palpable and most grievous. It
was thought that both the eyes of the Indian had been put
out ; and his friends and kindred were vehement and loud in
their demands for punishment. The principal chief at once
sinnmoned a council to consider the case. The chiefs met in
the council lodge, while the people, including men, women,
nnd children, squatted in front of the door, leaving a narrow
passage for the prisoner, with his interpreter, to enter the
lodge. Newell said that as they passed through this enraged
mass of people they exhibited the utmost hatred against him,
especially the women, who manifested their intense animosity
in every way, by word, and gesture. In passing by them,
they would lean away and shrink from him, as if his touch
was pollution itself.
When he entered the dimly lighted council lodge all was
grim and i)r()foiin(l silence. Not a work was si)oken,nor a move
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 161
made, Tof soiiic lime. Then one of the chiefs commenced
lio\vlin<i- like a iari^e wolf, the imitation heinii' almost perfect.
After he had ceased there was a^ain profonnel silence for
some moments; and then another chief successfully imitated
the tierce cry of the panther; and then, after another pause,
a third chief most energetically imitated the loud cry of an
enraji:ed lirizzly l)ear. lie said that he had never witnessed
a scene of terror equal to this. All the chiefs except the
principal one seemed to be his enemies. He thought his
chance of escape exceedingly small.
The head chief was an old man of superior native intellect,
and, though uneducated, he understood human nature. He
seemed to comprehend the case well. He could see no mali-
cious motive for the act. He told Newell to state the facts to
the council truly, and he thought there might be some hope for
him.
Newell, through his interpreter, stated to them all the facts
as they occurred ; and this just statement, and Newell 's manly
and honest face, and frank manner, had a great effect upon
the principal members of the council. It was also found that
the poor Indian had not been so severely hurt as at first sup-
posed, and that his sight was not totally destroyed. The
council' sat nearly all night, and then decided to postpone
the case until time should show the extent of the injuiy. In
the meantime Xewell and his companions were not allowed
to depart, but were to be detained until the case should bo
finally decided.
But another painful incident soon occurred that seriously
imperiled their lives.
One day an Indian horseman was seen to approach the
camp rapidly ; and, when within some hundred yards, he dis-
mounted, rolled up his buffalo robe, took hold of one end of
the roll, and slowly and solemnly swung it around his head
several times; then folded it up, and sat upon it, and brought
both his open hands slowly down his face several times in
succession. The Indians in camp at once understood the sad
significance of these signs. They knew that he was a mes-
162 Peter H. Burnett.
seiig'er, si'iit to int'onii Ihein that the smallpox had broken out
at another camp of their tribe. He would not come near, for
fear of communicating' the disease to them.
Newell said that he had never witnessed such a scene of
sorrow as this. The women and children filled the camp with
their loud wailings and bitter lamentations; and despair sat
upon the countenances of the men. The Indians were now
more hostile than ever, because they be]iev(Kl that this terri-
ble scourge, far worse to them than war itself, had l)een in-
troduced by the trappers. They knew that this fell disease
was never heard of in their country until wliite men appeared
among' them. They thronged around Newell and his com-
rades, and it seemed that they would slaughter them outright.
But the old chief M'as equal to the occasion. He at once
mounted his horse and rode through the camp, saying to all
that it was useless to vv^eep and lament, and ordering the peo-
ple to pack up at once and be ofl for the Wind River Moun-
tain. This order was instantly obeyed; the cries and lamen-
tations at once ceased, and Newell said he never saw lodges
so quickly taken down and packed up as he did on this oc-
casion. In less than one hour the whole camp was on the
march to the place mentioned. In due time they arrived
safely at the Wind River jMountain, where the sky was clear,
the climate cool and healthy, and game abundant. It being
in midsunnner, the deer had followed up the melting snows
to crop the fresh grass as soon as it sprang up just below the
snow line, and to be in a cool atmosphere, where the flies
would not torment them. Here the Indians recovered from
their alarm and excitement. Not a case of smallpox appeared
in camp. All were healthy and had plenty to eat. The poor
fellow that was scalded recovered in this healthy locality, and
was not so seriously injured as was at first supposed. Newell
became popular with the Indians, and they at last let him
depart in peace.
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.
Soon after my arrival at Linnton,, I was consulted as to the
right of the people of Oregon to organize a Provisional Gov-
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 163
ennm'ut. At first I gave my opinion against it, thinking we
had no such right: but a few weeks' reflection satisfied me
that we had such a right, and that necessity required us to
exercise it. Counnunities, as well as individuals, have the nat-
ural right of self-defense ; and it is upon this ground that
the right to institute governments among men nuist ultimately
rest. This right of self-preservation is bestowed upon man
by his Creator.
We found ourselves placed in a new and very eml)arrassing
position. The right of sovereignty over the country was in
dispute between the United States and Great Britain, and
neither country could establish any government over us. Our
connnunity was composed of American citizens and British
subjects, occupying' the same country as neighbors, with all
their respective natural prejudices and attachments, and so
distant from the mother countries as to be to a great extent
beyond the reach of home influences. We had, therefore, a
difficult population to govern ; but this fact only rendered
government the more necessary.
We also found, by actual experiment, that some political
government was a necessity. Though political government
be imperfect, it is still a blessing, and necessary for the pre-
servation of the race. Without it, the strongest and most
reckless characters in the community would be tyrants over
the others. The theory of the wandering savage, to leave the
kindred of the murdered victim to revenge his death, would
not answer for a civilized race of men. The weak and timid,
the peaceful and conscientious, and those who had no kin-
dred, could not be protected under such a theory. Without
any law but that of individual self-defense, we found it im-
possible to get along in peace. When a person died, the worst
characters could seize upon his estate under some pretense
or other, and defeat the just rights of defenseless heirs. So
long as these violent, bad men had only to overcome and de-
feat single individuals, they had no feai's. It is only when
the condjined force of a whole conununitv is brought to bear
164 Peter H. Burnett.
upon these tlesperadoes that they can be effectually kept in
order.
As we could not, with any exact certainty, anticipate the
time when the contiictinw' claims of the two contending gov-
ernments would he settled, we determined to organize a Pro-
visional Government for ourselves. In this undertaking our
British neighbors idtimately joined us with good will, and
did theii- pai't most faithfully, as did our American citizens.
I was a member of "the Legislative Conunittee of Oregon"
of 184-1. It was composed of nine members elected ' by the
people, and consisted of only one house. The year before,
the people of Oregon had substantially organized a Provis-
ional Government ; but the organization was inu^>erfect, as is
necessarily the case in the beginning of all human institu-
tions. We improved upon their labors, and our successors
improved upon ours.
Our legislative committee held two sessions, one in June,
and the other in December of that year, each session lasting
only a few days. In our then condition, we had but little
time to devote to public business. Our personal needs were
too urgent, and our time too much occupied in making a sup-
port for our families. Our legislation, however, was ample
for the time. There was then no printing establishnumt in
Oregon. We passed an act in relation to land claims, the
tirst section of which provided that "all persons who have
heretofore made, or shall hereafter make permanent improve-
ments upon a place, with a ho)i(i fide intention of occupying
and holding the same for himself, and shall continue to oc-
cupy and cultivate the same, shall be entitled to hold 640
acres, and shall hold only one claim at the same time ; pro-
vided, a man may hold town lots in addition to his claim."
The seventh and last sectitm gave all persons complying with
the provisions of the act "the remedy of forcible entry and
detainer against intruders, and the action of trespass against
trespassers." This act was passed June 25, 1844. It will
be seen that the remedy against intruders was simple, cheap,
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 165
quick, and efficienl, and well adapted to existing circum-
stances.
By an act passed June 27. 1844, the executive power was
vested in a single person, to be elected at the then next annual
election by the people, and at the annual election to be held
every two years thereaftei-, lo hold his office for the term of
two yeat's. and receive an annual salary of $800. By the
same act the judicial power was vested in the circuit courts,
and in the justices of the peace; and the act provided that
one judge should be elected by the qualified voters at the
arniuaj election, who should hold his oi^ce for one year, and
whose duty it was to hold two terms of the circuit court in
each county every year; and for his services he should re-
ceive an annual salary of $500, and also legal fees for pro-
bate business. By the same act the legislative power was
vested in a house of representatives, composed of members
elected annually by the ]ieople.
The first section of the third article of the same act was
as follows :
Section 1. All the statute laws of Iowa Territory passed
at the first session of the legislative assembly of said Terri-
tory, and not of a local character, and not incompatible with
the condition and circumstances of this country, shall be the
law of this government, unless otherwise modified; and the
common laAv of England and principles of equity, not modi-
fied by the statutes of Iowa or of this government, and not
incompatible with its principles, shall constitute a part of the
law of this land.
Article V was in these words:
Section 1. All officers shall be elected by the people once a
year, unless otherwise priwided, at a general election to be
held in each county on the first Tuesday in June in each year,
at such places as shall be designated by the judge of the cir-
cuit court.
Sec. 2. As many justices of the peace and constables shall
be elected from time to tim-^ as shall be deemed necessary by
the circuit court of each county.
The seventh article fixed the time of holding the terms of
the circuit courts in the several counties, and gave the judge
166 Peter H. Burnett.
the powci- to (losiiiiiate the several places of holding said
terms by giving one month's notice thereof.
We also ])assed on June 24th an act consisting of eight sec-
tions, pi-ohibiting the importation, distillation, sale, and bar-
ter of arch'Dt spirits. For every sale or- barter the offender
was 1() pay a line of •1^20; and for establishing and carrying on
a distillery, llic offender was subject to be indicted before the
circuit court as fo]' a nuisance, and, if convicted, to a fine of
$100; and it was made the duty of the court to issue an order
directing the sheriff' to seize and destroy the distilling appa-
ratus, which order the sheriff' was bound to execute.
On June 22d an act containing 26 sections was passed con-
cerning roads and highways. On December 24tli an act was
passed allowing the voters of Oregon at the annual election
of 1845 to give their votes for or against the call of a con-
vention.
The following act in relation to Indians was passed De-
cember 23d:
Whereas, The Indians inhabiting this country are rapidly
diminishing, being now mere remnants of once powerful
tribes, now disorganized, without government, and so situated
that no treaty can be regularly made with them:
And Whereas, By an act passed in July 1843, this govern-
ment has shown its humane policy to protect the Indians in
their rights ;
And Wliereas, The Indians are not engaged in agriculture,
and have no use for or right to any tracts, portions, or parcels
of land, not actually occupied or used by them ; therefore,
Be it enaeied. hy the legislative committee of Oregon, as
follows :
Section 1. That the Indians shall be protected in the free
use of such pieces of vacant land as they occupy with their
villages or other improvements, and such fisheries as they
have heretofore used.
Sec. 2. That the executive power be required to see that
the laws in regard to Indians be faithfully executed; and
that whenever the laws shall be violated, the said Executive
shall be empowered to bring suit in the name of Oregon
against such wrong-doer in the courts of the country.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 167
All ad was passed on June 27th fixing the luiiiiber of mem-
bei's of the next House of Representatives at 13, and appor-
tioning the rei)resentation among the then five counties of
Oregon.
All necessary loea) hills wei-e passed, and onr little gov-
ernment was put into i)ra('tical and successful operation.
ITaviiig adopted the geiKM-al statutes of Iowa and the common
law, we had a provision for evei'v case likely to arise in so
small a community.
At first the great ditticulty was to make our little govern-
ment efficient. Our people lionestly differed very much in
their views as to our right to institute government. In 1843
there were 52 affit-mative and 50 negative votes. There were
so many of our people who were conscientiously opposed to
the organization of any government that Ave found it a deli-
cate matter to use force against men whose motives we were
sure were good. Still, government had to be practically en-
foi'ced.
Joseph L. INIeek was selected in May or July, 1843, for
sheriff". He was the very man for the position. He was both
as brave and as magnanimous as the lion. Do his duty he
would, peacefully if possible, but forcibly if he nnist. If we
had selected a rash or timid man for sheriff, we must have
failed for a time. To be a government at all, the laws must
be enforced.
Meek soon had his courage fully tested. A stout carpenter
n.-imed Dawson was engaged in a fight in the winter of 1843-
44. and a warrant was at once issued for his arrest, and
placed in ^Meek's hands to be executed. Dawson was no
doubt of opinion that we had no right to organize and en-
force our government. Meek went to Dawson's shop, where
lie was at work at his bench with his jack-plane. Meek walked
in, and said laughingly, "Dav\'son, I came for you." Daw-
son replied that Meek had come for the wrong man. Meek,
still laughing, said again, "I came for you," and was about
to lay his hands on Dawson, when the latter drew back with
his jack-plane raised to strike. But i\Ieek was nv)t only stout,
168 Peter fl. Burnett.
but at'livc and ])i'ave; and, seizing the plane, he wrested it by
force from Dawson. Dawson at once turned around and
picked up his l)road-axe; but at the moment he faced Meek
he found a coclced ])istol at his breast. Meek, still laughing,
said: "Dawson, I came for you. Surrender or die!" Very
I'ew men will jx'i'sist luider such circumstances; and Dawson,
though as brave as most men, began to cry, threw down his
broad-axe, and went with Meek without further objection.
Dawson declared that, as he had to submit, every other man
nnist ; and he was no longer an enemy of our government.
This intrepid performance of his official duty so established
Meek's character for true courage in the exercise of his office
that he had little or no trouble in the future; and the au-
thority of oiu' little government was thus thoroughly estab-
lished.
CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE — HARDSHIPS ENDURED BY THE EARLY
SETTLERS.
We were a small, thinly settled community, poor and iso-
lated from the civilized world. By the time we reached the
distant shores of the Pacific, after a slow, wearisome journey
of about two thousand miles, our little means were exhausted,
and we had to begin life anew, in a new country. The wild
game in Oregon was scarce and poor. The few deer that are
found there seldom become fat. The wild fowls are plentiful
in the winter, but they constitute an uncertain reliance for
families settled some distance from their usual places of re-
sort. Besides, we had no time to hunt them, and the weather
was generally too wet to admit of it. Had the country con-
tained the same amount and variety of wild game, wild fruits,
and honey as were found in the Western States at an early
day, our condition would have been better. But the only
v/ild fruits we found were a variety of berries, such as black-
berries, raspberries, strawberries, blueberries, and cranber-
ries, which were not only abundant, but of excellent quality.
We only found one nut in the country, and that was the
hazelnut in small quantities. There were no wild grapes or
plums, and no honey.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 169
For the first two years after our arrival the great difficulty
was to procure provisions. The population being so much
increased by each succeeding fall's immigration, provisions
were necessarily scarce. Those who had been there for two
yeare had plenty to eat ; but after that the great trouble was
to procure clothing, there being no raw materials in the coun-
try from which domestic manufacture could be made. We
had no wool, cotton or flax.
But, after we had grown wheat and raised pork for sale,
we had new difficulties in oui" way. Oiu- friends were ar-
riving each fall, with jaded teams, just about the time the
long rainy season set in. The conmiunity was divided into
two classes, old settlers, and new, whose views and interests
clashed very much. ^lany of the new immigTants were child-
ish; most of them discoiu'aged. and all of them more or less
embarrassed. Upon their arrival they found that those of
us who preceded them had taken up the choice locations, and
they were compelled either to take those that were inferiol'
in quality or go farther from ship navigation.
There was necessarily, under the circiuustances, a great
hurry to select claims; and the newcomers had to travel over
the country, in the rainy season, in search of homes. Their
animals being poor, they found it difficult to get along as
fast as they desired. Many causes combined to make them
unhappy for the time being. The long rainy seasons were
new to them, and they preferred the snow and frozen ground
to the rain and mud. There were no hotels in the country,
as there was nothing wherewith to pay the bills. The old
settlei's had necessarily to throw open their doors to the new
immigrants, and entertain them free of charge. Our houses
were small log cabins, and our bedding was scarce. The
usual mode of travel was for each one to carrj^ his blankets
with him, and sleep upon the puncheon floor. Our families
were often overworked in waiting upon others, and our pro-
visions vanished before the keen appetites of our new guests.
"They bi-ed a famine wherever they went."
As illustrative of the then condition of things, I will relate
170 Peter H. Burnett.
an incident Avliich I had from good authority. An old ac-
quaintance of mine, whom I had known in Missouri, came to
Oregon in 1844, and selected a claim on the outskirts of the
settlements. He was a man of fair means and had a large
family. His place was upon the mainly traveled route which
led to the valleys above and beyond him. The consequence
was that he was overwhelmed with company. He had to
travel many miles to secure his supplies, and had to trans-
port them, especially in winter, upon pack-animals. He was
a man of very hospitable disposition, but the burden was so
great that he concluded he could not bear it. The travelers
would eat him out of house and home. He determined, un-
der the severe pressure of these circumstances, to put up a ho-
tel sign. He went into the woods, cut down a tree, split out
a slab some two feet long and one wide, shaved it off smooth
on both sides with his drawing-lniife, and wrote upon it with
charcoal, "Entertainment," and swung it upon a pole be-
fore his door. The result was that travelers passed by with-
out stoj^ping. as they had naught wherewith to pay, and were
too honest to pretend to be able. IMy friend said that for two
months he had the greatest relief. His stock of provisions
lasted nuich longer, and he was quite easy in his circum-
stances. But at the end of the two months he began to be
lonesome ; and by the time the third month had passed he be-
came so lonely that he took down the sign, and after that he
had plenty of company,
(^ur new immigrants not only grumbled much about the coun-
try and climate in general, but had also much to say against
those of us who had written back to our friends, giving them
a description of the country. In the winter of 1848-44 I had,
while at Linnton, written S(mie hundred and twenty-five fools-
cap pages of manuscript, giving a description of the journey
and of the country along the route, as well as of Oregon. I
had stated the exact truth, to the best cif my knowledge, infor-
mation, and belief; and my connuunications were published
in the Neiv York JI<'i-(ild, and were extensively read, es-
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 171
peciallj' in the Western States.* I, therefore, came in for mj'
full share of censure. They accused me of misrepresentation.
In a letter I wrote on the Sweetwater, a tributary of the
North Fork of the Platte, I stated that, up to that point, the
road we had ti-aveled was the finest natural route, perhaps,
in the world. With out any regard to the place from which
the l(4ter bore date, they construed it as a description of the
oil tire route. Consequently, whenever they came to any very
bad road, they would most commonly say, "this is more of
Burnett's fine road."
In my conmnmications published in the Herald, I gave
as much statistical information as I could well do, giving the
prices of most kinds of personal property; and, among other
articles mentioned, I stated that feathers were worth 37 1-2
cents a pound. Two or three years afterward, the demand
having increased faster than the supply, the price went up
to (32 1-2 cents. I was therefore accused of misrepresentation
in this case. They would say: "Now, Burnett, here is a
plain case. You said feathers were worth 37 1-2 cents, and
we find them worth 62 1-2 cents." I would answer: "That
seems to be too plain a case even for a lawyer to get around;
yet, I have this to say, that I did not assume to act the
prophet, but only the historian. I told you what the price
was then, and not what it would be two or three ye-Avs later."
I remember that on one occasion, in passing a house late in
the fall, I saw that a new innnigrant family occupied it, from
the fact that it had previously stood vacant; and I deter-
mined to call. The lady told me the name of the State from
which they came, gave me other particulars in regard to the
family, and asked me how long I had been in the country.
Finally she inquired for my name; and, when I told her it
was Bui-nett, she said: "AVe abused you a great deal on the
I'oad. I suppose we ought not to have done it, but we did
do it." I could not but laugh, there was such perfect frank-
ness in her statement. It was the whole truth and no more.
♦These letters are reprinted in tlie December Quarterly, 1902, (Vol. Ill, No. 4.
172 Peter H. Burnett.
I said to her : ' ' Madam, that makes no difference. On a trip
like that some one must be abused, and it is well to be some
one who is not present."
I made it a rule never to become irritated, and never to
enter into any heated discussion with them in reference to
the country or the journey to it. My usual plan was to listen
kindly to their complaints. They often declared that the
count ly was so poor they would return to their former homes.
In such cases I would good humoredly reply that "misery
loved company; that we found ourselves in a bad fix. and
wanted our friends to come here to comfort us ; that, as to
their going back, it was out of the question ; that, if the coun-
try was as poor as they supposed, they would never be able
to get back; and, if it was not so bad as they believed, they
would not wish to return ; and that, anyhow, we had them
just where we wanted them to be, and they had better make
up their minds to stand it."
At any public gathering it was easy to distinguish the new
from the old settlers.
Tbey were lank, lean, hungry, and tough ;
We Avere ruddy, ragged, and rough.
They were dressed in broadcloth, and wore linen-bosomed
shirts and black cravats, while we wore very coarse, patched
clothes ; for the art of patching was understood to perfec-
tion in Oregon. But, while they dressed better than we did,
we fed better than they. Of the two, we were rather the
more independent. They wanted our provisions, while we
wanted their materials for clothing. They, seeing our rag-
ged condition, concluded that if they parted with their jeans,
satinets, cottons, and calicoes, they would soon be as destitute
as we were ; and therefore they desired to purchase our pro-
visions on credit, and keep their inatei'ials for future use.
This plan did not suit us precisely. We reasoned in this way,
that if they wished to place themselves in our ruddy condi-
tion, they should incur the risk of passing into our ragged
state— they slu)uld take the good and bad together. We
therefoj-e insisted upon an exchange. After much grumbling
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 173
on their part, the parties ultimately came to an agreement.
Bnt in many cases the new immigrants had nothing to give
in exchange, and we had to sell to them on credit.
I remember that a new immigrant purchased a place in my
neighborhood one fall, and in the succeeding month of June
came to my house and asked if I had any wheat in my gar-
ner. I told him I had. but I was compelled to purchase some
clothing for my family, and my wheat was the only thing I
had with which I could pay for the articles we required;
Ihat I could not see how we could do without, or how else to
obtain them. He said his wife and children were without
anything to eat, and that he had a good growing crop, and
would give me three bushels after harvest for eveiy bushel I
would let him have now. I could not withstand such an ap-
peal, and said I would furnish him with the wheat, and would
only require the same quantity after harvest.
But the state of discontent on the part of the new immi-
grants was temporary, and only lasted during the winter.
In the spring, when the thick clouds cleared away, and the
grass and flowers sprang up beneath the kindling rays of a
l)right Oregon sun, their spirits revived with reviving nature ;
by the succeeding fall they had themselves become old set-
tlers, and formed a part of us, their views and feelings in the
iiu^aiitime having undergone a total change.
It was interesting to observe the influence of new circum-
stances upon human character. Among the men who went
to Oregon the year I did, some were idle, worthless young
men, too lazy to work at homCj and too genteel to steal ; while
some others were gamblers, and others were reputed thieves.
F>ut when they arrived in Oregon they were compelled to
Wdi-k or starve. It was a dire necessity. There were thei'c
11(1 al)Ie I'elatives or indulgent friends upon whom the idl<!
could quarter themselves, and there was little or nothing for
the rogues to steal ; and, if they could steal, there was no
i-eady way by which they could escape into another connnu-
nity, and they could not conceal themselves in Oregon. 1
never saw so fine a population, as a whole community, as I
174 Peter H. Burnett.
saw in Oregon must of the time I was there. They were all
honest, because there was nothing to steal; they were all
sober, because there was no licjuor to drink; there were no
misers, because there was no money to hoard, and they were
all industrious, because it was work or starve.
In a community so poor, isolated, and distant, we had each
one to depend upon his own individual skill and labor to
make a living. My profession was that of the law, but there
was nothing in my line worth attending to until some time
after my arrival in Oregon. I was therefore compelled to
become a farmer. But I had not only to learn how to carry
on a farm by my own labor, but I had to learn how to do
many other necessary things that were difficult to do. It was
most ditficult to procure shoes for myself and family. The
Hudson's Bay Company imported its supply of shoes from
England, but the stock was wholly inadecpiate to our Avants,
and we had no money to enable us to pay for them ; and as
yet there were no tan-yards in operation. One was com-
menced in -my neighborhood in 1844, but the fall supply of
leather was only tanned on the outside, leaving a raw streak
in the center. It was undressed, not even curried. Out of
this material I made shoes for myself, my eldest son, and a
yoiuig hired man who was then living with me. To keep
the shoes soft enough to wear through the day, it was neces-
sary to soak them in water at night.
My father, in the early settlement of Missouri, was accus-
tomed to tan his own leather, and make the shoes for the
family. In my younger days he had taught me how to do
coarse sewed work. But now I had to take the measures of
the foot, make the last, fit the patterns to the last, cut out the
leathers, and make the shoes. I had no last to copy from,
never made one before, and had no one to show me how. I
took the measures of all the family, and made what I sup-
])(ised to be eight very nice lasts and upon thehi I made the
shoes, using tanned deer-skin for the females and small boys,
'^riie shoes were not beautiful, nor all comfoi'table, as th(>y
were not all good fits.
JvEOOLLIOCTIONS OF AN OlD PiONEER. 175
In the fall of 1846 my brother, William, came to Oregon,
and afterwards lived with me about nine months. He was a
good mechanical genius, and could do well almost any kind of
work. He could make a splendid last and a good boot. One
day I showed him my lasts. He was too generous to wound
the feelings of his elder brother by criticising his poor work.
He said not a word, but in a few days thereafter he made a
pair of right and left lasts for himself. I observed how he
did it, and the moment the first last was about finished I saw
that mine were very poor. They were almost flat, scarcely
turning up at the toe at all. I quietly took my lasts and
east them into the fire, and then set to work and made an
entire new set; and I never gave up the attempt until I suc-
ceeded in making not only a good last, but a good shoe.
In the course of about two years we had other tan-yards in
successful operation, where we could have hides tanned on
shares. I had in the meantime made a trade for a small herd
of cattle; and after this I had an ample supply of good
leather, and upon that i)(unt I was at ease.
The greatest difficidty I had to encounter for the want of
shoes was in 1844. I had sown some three acres of wheat
about the first of May, and it was absolutely necessary to en-
close it by the first of June to make a crop. I did not com-
mence plowing until about the 20th of April. My team was
I'aw, and so was I, and it required several days' trial to en-
al)le us to do good work. While I was engaged in making and
hauling rails to fence in my wheat, my old boots gave out en-
tirely, and I had no time to look for a substitute. I was worse
ofi" than I was when Avithout a hat in Bolivar, Tennessee.
I was determined to save my wheat at any sacrifice, and I
therefore went barefoot. During the first week my feet were
very sore; but after that there came a shield over them, so
that I could work with great ease, and go almost anywhei-e
except aiiumg thorns.
But we had another trouble on our hands. By permission
of a neighl)or of ours, a sincere niinistei', we were allowed to
occupy temporarily the log cabin then used for a church.
176 Peter H. Burnett.
upon condition that I would permit him to have services
there every Sunday. Our minister was always regular in
his attendance, and the congregation consisted of about thirty
persons. I could not well absent myself from church, as it
was my duty to attend. I therefore quietly took my seat in
one corner of the building, where my bare feet would not be
much noticed. The congregation collected, and the services
went on as usual, with the addition of some church business,
which happened to come up on that occasion. The sea-
breeze set in early that day, and before the church business
was finished it became quite cool. Our minister was a thin,
spare man, very sensitive to cold, and requested me to make
a fire in the stove. I did not hesitate a moment, but went
through the congregation and made the fire. They wore
moccasins, and stared at my bare feet as I passed.
There was no money in the country, and the usual cur-
rency consisted in orders for merchandise upon the stores,
or wheat delivered at specified points. Our community had
an ample opportunity to practically learn the value of a
sound circulating medium. No one who has not had the
]iractical experience can fully appreciate the true importance"
of such a medium as a great labor-saving device.
A savage people, who have little or no property to sell,
and very few wants to gratify, may get along with a system
of barter. An Indian generally has nothing to sell but furs
and peltries, and wants nothing in return but arms, ammu-
nition, blankets, tobacco, beads, and paint. All he wants he
can find at one place, and all he has to dispose of he can
readily bring to the same place. But the property of a civi-
lized race of men is so various in kind, so large in amount,
and the ownership and possession change so often, that a good
circulating medium is a very great, if not an absolute, neces-
sity. For example, a farmer may have a pair of oxen for
sale, and may want a pair of plow-horses. In ease there be
no circulating medium, he will have great difficulty in making
an exchange. He may find a number of persons who have
plow-horses for sale, but none of them may want his oxen.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 177
But should he, after much inquiry and loss of time and
labor, succeed in finding some one who has a pair of plow-
hoi-ses to exchange for a pair of oxen, most likely there will
be a difference in value; and how shall this ditt'erence be ad-
justed?
In the course of my pradicc as a hiwycr, 1 had received
orders upon an American merchant at Oregon Oity until the
amount to my credit upon his books was $49. I called upon
him to take up the amount in goods ; and he said to me :
"•Judge, my stack is now very low, and I would suggest to
you to wait until my new goods shall arrive from Honolulu.
I am going there to purchase a new supply, and will return
as soon as I can." I readily assented to this suggestion.
After waiting about three months I heard he had returned
with his new stock; and ]\Irs. Burnett and myself set about
making out a memorandum of what we wanted. But the
great difficulty was to bring our wants within our means.
After several trials we made up our memorandum, consisting
mostly of drygoods,. and only six pounds of sugar. I went
to Oregon City, and at once called upon the merchant. I
asked him if he had any satinets? None. Any jeans?
None. Any calico? None. Any brown cotton? None. I then
asked what he had. He said tools of various kinds, such as
carpenters' implements, and others. He said he feared I
would think the prices high, as he had to pay high prices, and
must make a little profit upon his purchases. This statement
was no doubt true. He had purchased in a market where the
stocks were limited and the prices high.
I then made a selection of several implements that I had not
on my memorandum, which amounted in all to about thirteen
dollars, and found the prices more than double those at Van-
couver. I became tired of paying such prices for articles I
could do without for the time, and inquired if he had any
brown sugar, and at what price. He said plenty, at 12 1-2
cents a pound. This was the usual price, and I replied at
once that I would take the balance in sugar. I went home
knowing that we had sugar enough to last for a long time,
178 Peter H. Burnett.
and Dial wc (Muild use Oregon tea. Tliere grows among tlie
fir timber of that country a suutU aromatic vine vvliich makes
a very pleasant tea, about as good as the tea made from the
sassafrass root in the Western States.
On aiiollier occasion, AvhiU' T was judge of the supreme
couii, a \(iuug hired man, my son Dwight, and myself had on
our last wiu'king-shirts. Tt was in harvest time, and where
or how to procure others I could not tell. Still I was so
accustomed to these things that I was not much perjolexed.
Within a day or two a young man of my acquaintance w^'ote
me that he desired me to unite him in marriage Avith a
young lady whose name he stated. I married them, and he
gave me an order on a store for $5, with which I purchased
some blue twilled cotton (the best I could get), out of which
my Avife made us each a shirt. The material wore well ; but,
having been colored with log-wood, the shirts, until the color
faded from them, left our skins quite blue.
I never felt more independent than I did on one occasion,
in the fall of 1847. In the streets of Oregon City I met a
young man with a new and substantial leather hunting shirt,
brought from the Rocky ]\,Iountains, where it had been pur-
chased from the Indians. I said to him, "Avhat will you take
for your leather hunting shirt?" He replied, "seven bushels
of wheat." I said at once, "I will take it." I measured out
the grain and took the article. I knew it would last me for
several years. I found it a most excellent article of dress in
clear weather for rough work. I wore it to the California
gold mines in the fall of 1848, and after my arrival there
during most of the winter of 1848-49. A nephew of mine
took it with him to the mines in the spring of 1849, and it
was lost to me. I regretted this loss, because I desired to pre-
serve it as a memento of old times. It was made of the best
dressed buckskin, • with the flesh side out, to which the dust
would not adhere; and it was easily kept neat and clean for
that reason.
For the first two yeai's after our arrival in Oregon Ave were
frequently Avithout meat for weeks at a time, and sometimes
Recollections ok an Old Pioneer. 179
without bread, and occasionally witliout both bread and meat
at tlie same time. On these oceasions if we had milk, butter,
and potatoes, we were well content.
I remember on one occasion that several <ientlemen from
Oreiion City called at my house in the Plains, and we had no
bi-ead. I felt pained on my wife's account, as T supposed
slu^ would be lii-eatly mortified. But she put on a cheerful
smile and s>ave them the best dinner she could. Oregon was
a fine place for rearing domestic fowls, and we kept oui-
chickens as a sort or reserve fund for emergencies. We had
chicken, milk, butter, and potatoes, for dinner; and our
friends were well peased, and laughed over the fact of our
iiaving no bread.
In JMay, 1845. we were entii-ely without anything in the
house for dinner. I did not know what to do, when my wife
suggested a remedy. The year before we had cultivated a
small patch of potatoes, and in digging had left some in the
ground, which had sprung up among the young wheat. We
dug a mess of these potatoes, which sufficed us for a meal,
though not very good. That year I sowed about one acre in
turnips, which grew to a large size. The vegetables most
easily grown in new countries are lettuce, turnips, potatoes,
and squashes.
The country improved rapidly in proportion to our popu-
lation. The means of education were generally limited to
ordinary schools. In the course of three or four years after
my arrival in Oregon, our people had so improved their places
that we were quite comfortable. There was no aristocracy
of wealth, and very little vice. I do not think I ever saw a
more happy community. We had all passed through trials
that had tested and established our patience; and our condi-
tion then was so much better than that of the past that we
had good cause for our content. Few persons could be found
to complain of Oregon.
become catholic— my general rule as to charges ac^ainst me.
In the fall of 1844 a Baptist preacher settled in my iiume-
diate neighborhood who had the published debate between
180 Peter H. Burnett.
Campbell and Pureell; and, as the Catholic (juestion was
often mentioned, and as I knew so little about it,
1 borrowed and read the book. I had the utmost
confidence in the capacity of Mr. Campbell as a debater; but,
while the attentive readinu' of the debate did not convince
me of the entire truth of the (^atholic theory, I was gTcatly
astonished to find that so much could be said in its support.
On many points, and those of s^reat importance, it was clear
to my mind that Mr. Campbell had been overthrown. Still,
tliere were many objections to the Catholic Church, either
not noticed by the Bishop, or not satisfactorily answered ;
and I rose from the readinp; of that discussion still a Prot-
estant.
But my thoughts continually recurred to the main positions
and arguments on both sides, and, the more I reflected upon
the fundamental positions of the Bishop, the more force and
power I found them to possess. My own reflections often
afforded me answers to difficulties that at first seemed insur-
mountable, until the question arose in my mind whether Mr.
Campbell had done full justice to his side of the question.
Many of his positions seemed so extreme and ill-founded that
I could not sanction them. All the prejudices I had, if any,
were in his favor; but I knew that it Avas worse than idle to
indulge prejudices when investigating any subject w^hatever.
I w'as determined to be true to myself, and this could only be
in finding the exact truth, and following it when known.
My mind was therefore left in a state of restless uncer-
tainty; and I determined to examine the question between
Catholic and Protestants thoroughly, so far as my limited
opportunities and poor abilities would permit. In the prose-
cution of this design. I procured all the works on both sides
within my reach, and examined them alternately side by side.
This investigation occupied all my spare time for about
eighteen months.
After an impartial and calm investigation, I became fully
convinced of the truth of the Catholic theory, and went to
Oregon City in June, 1846, to join the old church there. There
RErOLLECTIONS OF AN OlD PiOXEER. 181
1 found the heroic and saintly Father De Vos, who had spent
one or more years aniono' the Flathead Indians. He re-
eeived nie into the church. The reasons for this change are
set forth substantially in my work' entitled "The Path AVhich
Led a Protestant Lawyer to the Catholic Church," fi^om the
preface to which the foreuoing- statement is taken.
I was the only Catholic amon^- my inimerous living rela-
tives. None of my ancestors on either my paternal or mater-
nal side had been Catholics, so far as I knew. All my per-
sonal friends were either Protestants or non-professors, ex-
cept four: Dr. McLoughlin, Dr. Long, and ]\Ir. Pomeroy, of
Oregon, and Graham L. Hughes, of St. Louis. Nine-
tenths of the people of Oregon were at that time op-
posed to my religion. Nearly all the Catholics of Oregon
were Canadian-French, in very humble circumstances, many
of them being hired, menial servants of the Hudson's Bay
Company. I had no reason for the change from a popular
to an unpopular religion but the simple love of truth; and,
as I have so long borne whatever of censure may have been
heaped upon me in consequence of this change. I think I can
aft'ord to die in the Old Church.
When I was a young man I was often nuich concerned as
to what others might think of me; and at times I was deeply
l)ained by what others did say of me. Li due time, however,
and after full consideration and more experience. I came to
this tinal conclusion, that it was my duty to do what was
right in itself, and to avoid so far as I could even the appcur-
(i)icc of evil ; and then, if othei'S wrongfully blamed me, it
would l)e their fault, not mine. I saw I could control my-
self, and was therefore responsible for my own conduct, but
I could not control others, and was not responsible for their
actions, so long as I did right myself, and avoided all appear-
ance of evil. If I should make myself unhappy because other
people erred in their judgment of me. then my happiness
would l)e within their power and in their keeping. I thought
it my duty to keep my happiness under my own control so
far as I could. I had confidence in the good sense and justice
1S2 Peter H. Burnett.
uf good men, and was perfectly willing to await their ulti-
mate decision. When I knew I was in the right, I was able
and prepared to bear the censure even of the wise and good;
but I "did not hanker after it."
I never would engage in newspaper controvei^sies or per-
sonal S(iuabbles. If I was unjustly censured, I paid no atten-
tion to it, and gave myself no trouble about it. In this way
I have mainly led a life of peace with my fellow men. I have
very rarely had the sincerity of my motives called in ques-
tion. The general course of the press toward me has been
impartial and just.
I have never claimed to be a lihcral man, as many people
construe that almost indefinable term; but I have scrupulously
sought to be just to all men. The character of a just man is
enough for me. I esteem and reasonably desire the approba-
tion of good men ; but I love the right more. I can do with-
out the first, but not the last.
But I must depart from my usual course to notice certain
charges against me by W. H. Gray, in his "History of Ore-
gon." My nephew, George H. Burnett, Esq., of Salem, Ore-
gon, was a guest at my house in San Francisco in January,
1878, and mentioned to me the fact that such charges had
been made. I had never seen the work at that time. In May,
1878, I procured and read the book. I notice these charges
because they are in the form of Jiistoncal facts or opinions.
Had Mr. Gray made these charges verbally, or m a newspa-
per article, I should never have noticed them in any form.
misstatements of w. h. gray.
On pages 374-5 Mr Gray, in speaking of the members of
the legislative committee of 1844, says :
Peter H. Burnett was a lawyer from Missouri, who came
to Oregon to seek his fortune, as well as a religion that would
pay best and give him the most influence ; which in the legis-
lative committee M^as sufficient to induce that body to pay no
attention to any organic law or principle laid down for the
government of the settlements. In fact, he asserted that there
were no constitutional provisions laid down or adopted by
the people in general convention at Champoeg the year pre-
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 183
vioiis. ^Ir. Burnett was iiiKiiiestioiiably the most intelligent
lawyer then in th(^ country. ITe was a very ambitious man —
smooth, deceitful, and insinuating in his manners.
As regards the impntation of improper motives to me in
the above extract, if intended as the assertion of fact, such
assertions are untrue; and, if intended as expressions of opin-
ions, such o]iinions ai-(> mistaken. These charges are made
not only without i)i"oof, l)ut against both the evidence and
the fact.
I went to Oregon for three purposes:
1. To assist in building up a great American community
on the Pacific Coast.
'2. To i-estore the health of Mrs. Burnett.
3. To become able to pay my debts.
Before I became a believer in the truth of the Christian
religion, I had sought fortune with avidity, but, after that
fundamental change in my views, I ceased to pursue riches,
and ray only husiness object was make a decent living for
my family, and pay what I ow^ed. Considering the large
amount of my indebtedness, I could not have been so vis-
ionary as to suppt)se I could accomplish in distant and isolated
Oregon more than the three objects mentioned.
As regards my change of religion, and the motives which
led to it, I have already stated the simple truth. At the time
1 joined the Old Church I was independent in my pecuniary
circumstances, so far as a deceit living was concerned. I
had a claim of 640 acres of most excellent land, well im-
jiroved, and well stocked with domestic animals and fowls.
With the industrious and sober habits of myself and family,
we were secure of a good living.
As to my influence in the committee, it could not possibly
have arisen from any change of religion, for these simple
and conclusive reasons : That I was then a Protestant, without
any idea of becoming a Catholic, and every member was op-
posed to the Catholic religion. My influence arose from the.
fact of my qualifications and my good character. Waldo,
McCarver, Gilmore, and Keizer had traveled wath me across
184 Peter H. Burnett.
the plains, and had seen me fully tested in that severe school
of human nature. Waldo knew me by reputation, and Gil-
more personally, in Missouri.
As to the assertion that I was very "ambitious," the fact
is not correctly stated. I had a reasonable desire for dis-
tinction, but never so great as to induce me to sacrifice my
personal independence or compromise my true dignity. I
never sought any position under the Provisional Government
of Oregon, and I do not remember to have personally asked
any citizen to vote for me. I was elected a member of the
legislative body in 1844, and again in 1848, and judge of the
sui)reme cpurt in 1845, without any serious efforts on my part.
I have been a candidate before the people six times: once in
^Missouri, twice in Oregon, and three times in California ; and
I was seccessful in every case. I resigned the office of dis-
trict attorney in Missouri to go to Oregon in 1843, and my
seat in the legislature of Oregon in 1848 to come to Califor-
nia, and the office of governor of this State in January, 1851,
when the salary was $10,000 per annum. I was appointed
on the 14th of August, 1848, by President Polk, one of the
Justices of the Supreme Court of of the Territory of Oregon.
My commission did not reach me until the spring of 1849, in
California. This appointment I declined, as I could not
accept it and pay my debts. This was done before any move-
ment was made to organize a State Government in California,
and before I had any expectation of being governor. I can
safely say that the remark of President Jefferson, in regard
to the office-holders of his time, that "deaths were few and
resignations none," can not .justly apply to me.
As to the charge of being deceitful, it is the precise oppo-
site of the truth. No man of decent manners and good char-
acter ever called upon me without receiving my candid opin-
ion, where I had any mature judgment upon the question.
I am not a disj)utatious spirit, ready to engage in a wordy
quarrel upon any and every subject, however trivial ; but in
regard to all important subjects, on all proper occasions, I
am frank to speak just what I think.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 185
As to the falsity of all these charges, I can refer to all good
men who have known nie longest and best. I lived in Mis-
souri some twenty-one years, and have resided in California
nearly thirty years, and I appeal to all good men who have
known me. without regard to their religion or ]ilnee of na-
tivity.
THE (QUESTION WHETHER THERE WERE ANY CONSTITUTIONAl,
PROVISIONS IN THE LAWS OF 1843 CONSIDERED.
The legislative committee of 1811: did maintain the posi-
tion that there were no constitutional provisions adopted by
the people at their mass meeting, July 5, 1813.
It appears that there were two publications claiming to be
copies of these laws; one by Charles Saxton, published in
1846, and the other by the compiler of the "Oregon Ar-
chives," in 1853. (Gray's "Oregon,'' 352.) I shall use
the copy given by Mr. Gray, as he ought to know best, and
which is found in his history, beginning on page 353.
At a meeting of the people held May 2, 1843, at Champoeg,
the proposition to establish a Provisional Government was
put to vote; and, upon a division, there were found to be
52 for and 50 against it. (Gray's "Oregon," 279.)
At that meeting, Robert Moore, David Hill, Robert
Shortess, Alanson Beers, AV. H. Gray, Thomas J. Hubbard,
James A, O'Neal, Robert Newell, and William Dougherty
[William M. Doughty?] were chosen to act as a legislative
committee, and instructed to make their report on the 5th of
July, 1843. at Champoeg. (Gray, 280-81.)
On the 5th of July, 1843, said connnittee made their re-
port, which was adopted at the mass meeting of citizens at
Champoeg. The (juestion whether there were any, and, if so.
what constitutional provisions in the laws adopted at said
meeting, was one that admitted of discussion: i)ut, upon as
full a consideration of the sub.ject as our limited time and
opportunities allowed, we became satisfied that there were
none.
In their report the committee say, "the legislative com-
mittee recommend that the following oruunic lairs be
186 Peter H. Burnett.
adopted." The term organic does not necessarily mean con-
stitutional, because whether the laws were constitutional or
not, they were equally organic. We were aware of the fact
that there were no lawyers among the members of the com-
mittee, and that there were then no law-books in the country,
except one copy of the statutes of Iowa ; but we knew tliat the
meinliei's were Americans, and that all Americans competent
to I'cad a newspaper must know that the fundamental laws of
the United States, and of the several states, were called con-
stiUifions; and hence we supposed that the committee would
sui'cly have used the plain, ordinary, and appropriate term
constitution to designate their fundamental law, had they in-
tended it as such.
But, besides the want of proper language to designate a
constitution, the nature of the laws themselves seemed to
show a different intent. From the face of the code, no one
could tell where the constitutional laws ended and the statu-
tory began. It was either all constitution or all statute.
All were adopted at the same public meeting, and were recom-
mended by the same committee. That committee "recom-
mended that the following organic laws be adopted." Now,
whatever laws were recommended by them were all of the
same character, (u* they failed to distinguish one portion from
another. There being no mode of amendment provided, these
laws, if constitutional, could only be amended in violation of
their own terms; that is, by revolution. If considered as
statutory provisions, then there was a plain mode of amend-
ment provided in article VI, section 2, which enacts that "the
legislative power shall be vested in a committee of nine per-
sons, to be elected by the qualified electors at the annual
election. ' '
The code goes into the most minute provisions, such as fix-
ing the fees of the recorder and treasurer, and for solemniz-
ing marriage. It also contains a militia law, and a law on
land claims, and a resolution making the statute laws of Iowa
the laws of Oregon. Such pi'ovisions, in their very nature,
are but statutory.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 187
Considering the "organic laws," (so named by the com-
mittee) as composing a constitution, not amendable except by
revolution, the legislative committee of 1844 had nothing to
do worth mentioning. In this view it was a useless body,
constituted for an idle and vain purpose. We came to the
conclusion that our legislative committee had practical legis-
lative power, and that it was our duty to exercise it. While
we were not disposed to make useless changes, we were obliged
to amend the code in many respects, as will be seen from what
follows.
Article VI. section 2, vests "the judicial power in a su-
preme court, consisting of the supreme judge, and two justices
of the peace, a probate court, and justice court." If a ma-
jority of the persons composing the supreme court, under
this quaint and original theory, could make the decision, then
the two justices of the peace could overrule the supreme
judge. If, on the contrary, it required the unanimous con-
sent of all three, then there would often be no decision at all.
Our connnittee amended this by the act of June 27, 1844.
The first section of the second article of that act is as follows:
"Section 1. The judicial power shall be vested ui the circuit
courts and as many justices of the peace as shall from time to
time be appointed or elected according to law." The second
section provides for the election of one judge, and makes it
his duty to hold two terms of the circuit court in each county,
at such times and places as shall be directed by law; and the
third section fixes the jurisdiction of the circuit courts, in-
cluding probate powers.
The fifth article of section 2 vested the executive power in
a committee of three persons. This provision Avas adopted
not because it met the approbation of the legislative committee
of 1843, but from necessity, as their instructions were against
a governor (Gray's "Oregon," 349). We repealed this pro-
vision, and vested the executive power in a single person.
Article XVII. All male persons of the age of sixteen years
and upward, and all females of the age of fourteen years and
upward, shall have the right to nuirry. When either of the
188 Peter H. Burnett.
parties shall be under twenty-one years of age. the consent
of the parents or gnardians of such minors shall be necessary
1() the validity of such matrimonial engagement. Every or-
dained minister of the gospel, of any religious denomination,
the supi'eme judge, and all justices of the peace, are hereby
authorized to solemnize marriage according to the law, to
have the same recorded, and pay the recorder's fee. The
legal fee for mai'riage shall l)e ^1, and foi' recording 50 cents.
This extreme law made the marriage of persons under the
age of twenty-one years, without the consent of their parents
or guardians, invalid, and therefore void; thus subjecting
the young people to the charge and consequences of living in
a state ()f adultery, and their innocent children to all the
consequences of bastardy.
Our committee passed the following act :
An Act Amendaiory of the Act Regarding Marnage.
Section 1. That all males of the age of sixteen years and
upward, and all females of the age of twelve and upward,
shall l)e deemed competent to enter into the contract of mar-
riage.
Sec. 2. That when eithei- of the parties about to enter into
the marriage union shall be minors, the nmle under the age
of twenty-one year, or the female under the oge of eighteen,
no ]iei"son authorized to solemnize the rights of matrimony
shall do so without the consent of parent or guardian of such
minor; and in case such person shall solemnize such mar-
riage without the consent of the parent or guardian of such
minor, he shall be liable to pay such j^arent or guardian the
sum of $100. to be recovered by action of debt or assumpsit
lief ore the proper court: Provided, however, that the want
of such consent shall not invalidate such marriage.
Sec. 8. That all acts and parts of acts coming in conflict
with this act be and the same are hereby repealed.
The legislative committee of 1843 was properly called a
ccnuiiittee, because its duty was to prepare a code to be
submitted to the mass meeting of citizens, held on the 5th of
July, 1843, for their approval or rejection; the legislative
power being exercised by the people themselves on that oc-
casi(m. But, as already statedj the legislative power was
vested by the sixth article, section 2, of the laws of 1843, in
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 189
a committee of nine persons. To call a legislative body a
committee was a misnomer; and we amended that provision
by vesting the legislative power in a Honse of Representatives
composed of members elected annnally by the people.
The laws of 1843 made no provision for the support of the
government, except i)utting in circulation a subsci-iption
p;iper, as follows:
We, the subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves to pay annu-
ally to the treasurer of Oregon Territoiy the sum affixed to
our respective names, for defraying the expenses of the gov-
ernment: Provided, That in all cases each individual sub-
scriber may at any time withdraw his name from said sub-
scription, upon paying up all arrearages and notifying the
tivasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw.
Our committee were fully satisfied that no government
could be practically administered without taxation ; and we
therefore passed a revenue law containing twelve sections.
The law of 1843 in relation to land claims is as follows:
Article I. Any person now holding or hereafter wishing
to establish a claim to land in this Territory, shall designate
the extent of his claim by natural boundaries, or by mai'ks at
the corners and upon the lines of said claim, recorded in the
office of the Territorial Recorder, in a book to be kept by him
fcr that purpose, Avithin twenty days from the time of making
said claim : Pr&vided, That those who shall be already in
possession of land shall be allowed one year from the pas-
sage of this act to file a description of their claims in the re-
corder's office.
Art. II. All claimants shall, within six months from the
time of recording their claims, make permanent improvement
upon the same, by building or inclosing, and also become oc-
cupant upon said claims within one year of the date of said
record.
Ai't. III. No individual shall be allowed to hold a claim
of more than one square mile, or six hundred and forty acres,
in a square or oblong form, according to the natural situa-
tion of the premises, nor shall any individual be al)le to hold
more than one claim at the same time. Any person complying
with the provisions of these ordinances shall be entitled to
the same process against trespass as in other cases provided
bv law.
190 Peter H. Burnett.
Art. IV. No person shall bo entitled to hold snch a claim
npon city of town lots, extensive water privileges, or other
situation necessary for the transaction of mercantile or
mannfacturing operations: Provided, That nothing in these
hiws shall be so construed as to affect any claim of any mis-
sion of a religions character made prior to this time, of any
extent not more than six miles square.
Oin- coiiimittee passed the following act, June 25, 1844:
.1;; Act in rdaiion to Land Claims.
Section 1. That all persons who have heretofore made, or
shall hereafter make, permanent improvements upon a place,
with a hotia fide intention of occupying and holding the same
for himself, and shall continue to occupy and cultivate the
same, shall be entitled to hold six hundred and forty acres,
and shall hold only one claim at the same time: Provided,
A man may hold town lots in addition to his claim.
Sec. 2. That all claims hereafter made shall be in a square
form, if the nature of the ground shall permit; and in case
the situation will not permit, shall be in an oblong form.
Sec. 3. That in all cases where claims are already made,
and in all cases where there are agreed lines between the
parties occupying adjoining tracts, such claims shall be valid
to the extent of six hundred and forty acres, although not in
a S(iuare or oblong form.
Sec. 4. That in all cases where claims shall hereafter be
made, such permanent improvements shall be made within
two months from the time of taking up such claim, and the
first settler or his successor shall be deemed to hold the prior
right.
Sec. 5. That no person shall hold a claim under the pro-
visions of this act except free males over the age of eighteen,
who would be entitled to vote if of lawful age, and widows :
Provided, No married man shall be debarred from holding a
claim under this act because he is under the age of eighteen.
Sec. 6. That all laws heretofore passed in regard to land
claims be and the same are hereby repealed.
Sec. 7. That all persons complying with the provisions of
this act shall be deemed in possession to the extent of six
hundred and forty acres, or less, as the ease may be^ and shall
have the remedy of forcible entry and detainer against in-
truders, and the action of trespass against trespassers.
On December 24, 1844, we passed the following explanatory
and amendatory act:
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 191
Section 1. That the word "oeenpaney." in said act, shall
be so construed as to require the claimant to either personally
reside upon his claim himself, or to occupy the same by the
personal residence of his tenant.
Sec. 2. That any person shall be authorized to take six
hundred acres of his claim in the prairie, and forty acres in
tlic timber, and such parts of his clahn need not be adjoining
to each other.
Sec. 3. That when any two persons take up their claims
jointly, not exceeding- twelve hundred and eighty acres, they
may hold the same jointly for the term of one year, by mak-
ing the improvements required by said act upon any part
of said claim, and may hold the same longer than one year
if they make the said im})rovements within the year upon
each six hundred and forty acres.
The land law of 1844 dispensed with recording of claims, be-
cause, under the then existing condition of the country, it
was an onerous burden upon the new immigrant. The great
body of the immigration arrived late in the fall, just as the
rainy season set in; and to require each locater of a claim
to travel from twenty to one hundred miles to the recorder's
office, and return through an Oregon winter, was indeed a
harsh condition. Under the land law of 1843, the old set-
tler was allowed one year within which to record his claim,
while the new settlers were only allowed 20 days. Besides,
i-eeording a claim without a proper survey was of very doubt-
ful utility, as parties would be very apt to include within
their lines more than six hundred and forty acres.
By the land law of 1843, as will be seen, all persons, of
every age, sex, or conditioUj could hold claims. If a man
had several sons, he could hold one claim for himself and
each of his sons, though under age; and, as each claimant
had six months within which to make his improvements, and
one year within which to become an occupant, from the date
of the record, the act left open the door to speculation, and
monopoly to a grievous extent. A man having a number of
children could record one claim in the name of each child
one month before the annual arrival of the new immigrants,
and that record would hold the land for six months; thus
192 Peter H. Burnett.
forcing the late comers either to go farther for locations, or
purchase these claims of his children. Besides, this act did
not require the locater to make his improvements with the
h(y)ia fide intention of occupying and holding the claim for
himself, but only required the improvements to be made;
thus allowing claims to be made for speculative purposes.
But one of the most objectionable provisions of the land
law of 1843 was the proviso allowing each mission six miles
scpiare, or 36 sections of land. From what Mr. Gray says,
page 314, it appears that this proviso was adopted to gain
the support of those connected with the Methodist and Cath-
olic missions; as, without such support, it was feared the
attenq)! to establish a government at that time would fail.
The connnittee of 1843, in their short experi'ence. learned one
great truth ; that civil government is a practical science ; and
that, while a true statesman can adapt his legislation to ex-
isting circumstances, he can not create or control them ; and
for that reason he is often compelled to choose between evils,
and to support measures that his individual judgment will
not approve. Our legislative connnittee of 1844 were placed
in more independent circumstances ; and, having no fear of
the mission influence, we repealed this proviso.
THE LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE OP 1844 — MISTAKES OF W. 11. GRAY.
On page 383 Mr. Gray, speaking of the legislative com-
mittee of 1844, says:
"In fact, the whole proceedings seemed only to mix up and
confuse the people; so much so that some doubted the ex-
istence of any legal authority in the country, and the leading
men of the immigration of 1843 denounced the organization
as a missionary arrangement to secure the most valuable
fa inning lands in the country."
The writer is correct as to the fact of confusion and oppo-
sition among the people, but most sadly mistaken as to the
true cause. It was not the measures passed by the legisla-
tive committee of 1844. but the laws of 1843 that caused the
confusion and o]>position. It is very true that many of "the
RECoLLE("rioNs OF AN Old Pioneer. 193
It'adiilii' nu'ii of the iiuiniiii'ation of 1843 denonnced the or-
^•anization as a inissionary arrangement to secure the best
farming- lands in the eonntry. " They had nnieh apparent
reason for their opposition, and tliat reason was found in the
laws of 1843, especially in the ])roviso allowing each mission
six miles square, and not in the land law of 1844, which re-
jx'aled this objectionable proviso. Whatever else may be said
against the laws of 1844, tlu>y were plain, simiile, and con-
sistent, as a whole, and could not have produced the con-
fusion mentioned.
The first time I was \n Oregon City, to the best of my
recollection, was whiMi I went there to take my seat in the
legislative committee in June, 1844. Previous to that time I
do not remember to have seen the laws of 1843. After all
the examination I could give them, I saw that no regular and
efficient government could be sustained without a revenue ;
that no certain and reliable revenue could be had without
taxation; that no system of taxation could be enforced unless
the great and overwhelming majority of the people were sat-
isfied with the government, and that such majority would
not support the organization unless they believed they were
receiving an equivalent in the form of protection for the
money they paid in the shape of taxes. Many good men
doubted our legal right to organize any government. Our
object was to gain the consent of all good men ; and, to do
this, we must make good laws. Of course, the bad would
oppose all government.
In consulting upon our then condition, we were for a time
nnich perplexed to know what peaceable course to pursue, in
order to secure the consent of all good men to our organiza-
tion. We knew that Americans were devotedly attached to
two things: Land and the privilege of voting. Our com-
mittee, therefore, passed an act to provide by taxation the
means necessary to support the government, the fourth sec-
tion of which was as follows: "Sec. 4. That any person
refusing to pay tax, as in this act required, shall have no
194 Peter H. Burnett.
l)('iiofi1 of tlio laws of Oi'egon, and shall be <lis<iua]ified from
voting at any election in this country."
By this provision we plainly said to each citizen substan-
tially as follows : "If you are not willing to pay your pro-
portion of the expenses of this government, you can not sue
in our courts or vote at our elections, but you must remain an
outlaw. If any one should squat or trespass on your claim,
or refuse to pay you what he owes, you can have no pro-
tection from our organization. If you can do without our
assistance, we certainly can do without yours."
This provision very soon had its legitimate effect. As the
elections a]iproached, those who had been opposed began to
doubt, and finally yielded. The friends of the organization
were active, kind, and wise in their course toward those op-
j)osed. When one opposed to the government would state
that fact, some friend would kindly remind him that his claim
was liable to be "jumped," and that he could not alone de-
fend his rights against the violent and unprincipled; and
that it was a desolate and painful condition for a citizen, in
a civilized community, to be an outlaw.
After the laws passed by the legislative committee of 1844
became known, there was no serious opposition anywhere.
It is my solemn opinion that the organization could not have
been kept up under the laws of 1843.
On page 375, Mr. Gray, speaking of the legislative com-
mittee of 1844, says :
"On motion of Mr. Lovejoy (another lawyer), the several
members were excused from producing their credentials."
This statement is true so far as it goes; but, without the
explanatory facts, it might convey a false impression. The
laws of 1843 made no provision as to the manner of conduct-
ing elections, except by adopting the laws of Iowa; and as
there was but one copy in the country, and this was the first
election held in Oregon, and as two-thirds of the voters were
late immigrants, the various of^cers of the election knew
nothing of their duties, and gave no credentials to the mem-
bers elect; and, of course, they could produce none. We
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 195
knew that wo had been fairly elected, and our respective con-
stituents also knew the fact, and no one was found to dis-
pute it; and, as credentials are only evidence of the fact of
the election of the person mentioned, we had in this case the
next best evidence to prove our election. We did the best we
could under the circumstances.
"Such bein<i- the composition of the h'uislative committee
of Oreg'on in 1<S44. it is not surprising that interests of classes
and cliques should find advocates, and that the absolute wants
of the country should be neglected. The whole time of the
session seems to have been taken up in the discussion of per-
sonal bills." (Page 378.)
I find it dil^icult to justly characteri/e this sweeping mis-
statement.
The two sessions of the committee of 1844 occupied to-
gether fifteen to seventeen days; and in that time we passed
43 bills, some of them of considerable length, and most of
them of general importance. Among these 43 acts there were
not exceeding eight that could be properly termed personal,
viz. : Act granting Hugh Biu-ns a right to keep a public
ferry; act authorizing Robert Moore to establish and keep a
ferry ; act to authorize John McLoughlin to construct a canal
around the Willamette Falls; act for the relief of John Con-
nor ; act appointing Jesse Applegate engineer ; act authoriz-
ing L. H. Judson and W. H. Wilson to construct a mill-race
in Champoeg County; act amending the several acts regu-^
lating ferries; act for the relief of J. L. Meek.
These acts were all just in themselves, and some of them of
public importance. Public ferries are public conveniences.
The act to authorize John McLoughlin to construct a canal
enabled him to bring the water to propel his extensive flour
mill, and was of much public benefit. The act for the
relief of John Connor was a short act of one section, re-
mitting a fine and .restoring him to citizenship. The act ap-
pointing Jesse Applegate engineer authorized him to survey
a route for a canal at the expense of J. E. Long, and report
the result to the next session of the legislature. The act au-
196 Peter H. Burnett.
thori/ijiii' Jiidson and Wilson to construct a mill-race was of a
similar nature to the one in res^ard to John ATcLouiihlin.
The act to amend the several acts regulating ferries simply
fixed the rate of toll of the two ferries across the "Willamette
River, at Oregon City. The act for the relief of J. L. Meek-
is a short (me, giving him further time to finish the collection
ol* the I'evenue for the year 1844.
The acts of the legislative committee of 1844 will fill some
thirty printed pag'es, while the laAvs of 1843 only occupy
seven pages of Gray's "History." If we spent a part of our
time in the discussion of personal bills, we passed but a few
of them, and did a large amount of other legislative work.
"The proposed constitutional revision was also strongly
recommended by the executive committee, and the legislative
committee went through the farce of calling a convention, and
increased the number of representatives, and called it a leg-
islature." (Page 383.)
The executive connnittee, in their comnumication to our
conuuittee, dated December 16, 1844, says :
We would advise that provision be made by this l)ody for
the framing and adoption of a constitution for Oregon previ-
ous to the next annual election, which may serve as a more
thorough guide to her officers and a more firm basis of her
laws."
It will be seen that, while the executive connnittee recom-
mended that provision should be made for the framing and
adoption of a constitution previous to the next annual elec-
tion, they did not suggest the mode in which this should be
done. Our legislative committee thougrht that a convention,
composed of delegates elected by the people for the sole and
o)ilij purpose of framing the fundamental law, was the Ameri-
can, and the proper mode. When the people come to choose
delegates to a constitutional convention, they are very apt
to duly appreciate the great importance of the work to be
done, and will therefore generally select the best and most
competent men for that great purpose. The body that forms
a constitution should have but one task to accomplish, for the
Recollections of aii Old Pioneer. 197
siiiipK' and conclusive reason that nothing is more difficult than
to frame a g'ood constitution. The greatest statesmen and the
mightiest intellects among men have essentially differed as to
the true theory of a constitution. The members of a constitu-
tional ])ody should not have their attention distracted hy or-
dinary statutory legislation. A perfect constitution has never
yet been framed, and, most likely, never will be.
While we could not see the gi'eat and immediate nccessUy
of a constitution for mere temporary government, we thought
that, if the subject sought was necessary at all, then the
woi'k sh(mld be well and thoroughly done, so that our con-
stitution would be an honor to our new country. Believing
as we did, that a constitutional convention was the only ap-
pi'o])riate and competent body to frame a constitution that
would stand the test of fair criticism, and be beneficial in its
practical operation, and not seeing any pressing necessity for
immediate action, we did not go "through the farce of call-
ing a convention," as asserted by the author; but we passed
the following act, December 24, 1844 :
Section 1. That the executive committee shall, in the man-
ner prescribed by law for notifying electicms in Oregon, notify
the inhabitants of all the respective counties qualified to vote
for members of the legislature at their next annual election,
to give in their votes for or against the call of a convention.
Sec. 2. The said votes shall be in open meeting received,
assorted, and counted, and a ti'ue return thereof made to the
executive committee, agreeable to the re(iuisitions of the law
regulating elections.
Sec. .'5. It shall be the duty of the executive to lay the re-
sult of the said vote before the legislative committee for
their information.
While we had oui- doubts as to the necessity of a consti-
tution for a mei-e tempoi'ary government (which we then had
every reason to l)elieve would last only a year or two), we
thought it but just to submit the question of calling a con-
vention to the people for their decision. It is usual to submit
such a question to the people, as was lately done in California
The treaty of June 15, 1846, between Great Britain and the
198 Peter H. Burnett.
United Stales, settled the (luestioii of sovereignty over Ore-
gon in favor of our country ; and the act of Congress creating
a Territorial Government was passed August 14, 1848. The
treaty was delayed beyond our reasonable expectations; and
the creation of a Territorial organization was postponed by
the Mexican AVar, which was not foreseen by our com-
nrittee in December, 1844.
We did increase the niunber of representatives from 9
to 13, and we really thought we were moderate in this re-
spect. According to Mr. Gray's estimate, the immigration
of 1843 amounted to 875 persons, and the whole population at
the end of the year to about twelve hundred people. (Page
360-61.) If, then, some three hundred and twenty-five per-
sons were entitled, under the laws of 1843, to nine members
in the legislative committee, how many representatives should
1200 have under the law of 1844? We only increased the
number from 9 to 13, when the same ratio of representa-
tion to population would have given us 27. We did call the
law-making body of Oregon a legislature, and left off the
word "committee" for reasons already stated.
*A BRIMFIELD HEROINE— MRS. TABITHA BROWN.
How a plucky woman from Hampden County, Massacliu-
sette, made her way to Oregon and started the Pacific Univer-
sity. A thrilling story of peril from exposure, starvation,
and Indians. The heroine a Massachusetts woman of sixty-
six years.
(The following letter has recently come to light, showing what
hardships a company of emigrants from Missouri to Oregon endured
in 1846. It was written by Mrs. Tabitha Brown, the widow of Rev.
Clark Brown, who preached in Brimfield from 1797 to 1803. Mrs.
Brown was a daughter of Dr. Joseph Moffet, physician in Brim-
field, his native place, some 40 years. Mrs. Brown was born in 1780,
ard was therefore sixty-six years old when she made the journey
that she describes. This letter was written in 1854, In her seventy-
fifth year. For some time after becoming a widow she was a teacher
in Maryland and Virginia, and afterwards, to improve her situation
and to help her boys, she removed to Missouri, where she lived a
good many years. Within this period the other members of her
father's family became widely scattered, and their locations unknown
to her. In 1846 she stated for Oregon with her son and daughter
and their families, a Captain John Brown, brother of her deceased
husband, accompanying them. She was eight months on the way,
and the amount of suffering she passed through, and the courage
with which she met it, will be seen in the letter itself.)
Forest Grove, Oregon Territory, August, 1854.
My Brother and Sister:
It is impossible for me to express to you the unspeakable pleasure
and happiness your letter of the 29th of June gave me. Not hearing
from you for so great a length of time, I had concluded myself to be
the last one of my father's family remaining here, a pilgrim in the
wide world, to complete the work that God gave me to do. Oh, that
i could be present with you and Margaret and relate in the hearing
♦Reprinted from "Congregational Work" June, 1903. Compare Quarterly,
September, 1902, (No. 3, vol. III.)
200 DoruMENTS.
iif your chlldi'eii tlio imniproua vicissitndos and dangers T liavo on-
countered by land and sea since I parted with you in Brimfield. It
would fill a volume of many pages. But I will give a few items
from the time I left Missouri, in April, 1846, for Oregon.
THE PARTY AND THEIR OUTFIT.
I expected all three of my children to accompany me, but Mathano
was detained by sickness, and his wife was unwilling to leave her
parents. I provided for myself a good ox wagon-team, a good sup-
])ly of what was requisite for the comfort of myself, Captain Brown
and my driver. Uncle John insisted on coming, au'l crossed the
plains on horseback. Orus Brown, with his wife and eight children,
Virgil K. Pringle, Pherne Brown, husband and five children, fitted
out their separate families and joined a train of forty or more for
Oregon, in high expectation of gaining the wished-for land of prom-
ise. Our journey, with little exception, was pleasing and prosperous
until after we passed Fort Hall. Then we were within eight hundred
miles of Oregon City, if we had kept on the old road down the
C'olumbia River.
THE FALSE GUIDE.
But three or four trains of emigrants were decoyed off by a ras-
cally fellow who came out from the settlement in Oregon assuring
us that he had found a new cut-off, that if we would follow him we
woulil be in tire settlement long before those who had gone down
the Columbia. This was in August. The idea of shortening a long
journey caused us to yield to his advice. Our sufferings from that
time no tongue can tell. He said he would clear the road before us,
so that we should have no trouble in rolling our wagons after him.
Rut he roblied us of what he could by lying, and left us to the depre-
dations of Indians and wild beasts, and to starvation. But God was
with us. We had sixty miles of desert without grass or water,
mountains to climb, cattle giving out, wagons breaking, emigrants
sick and dying, hostile Indians to gimrd against by night and <lay,
if we would save ourselves and our horses and cattle from being
nrrowed or stolen.
We were carried hundreds of miles south of Oregon into Utah
Territory and California; fell in with the Clamotte [Klamath] and
Rogue River Indians, lost nearly all our cattle, passed the Umpqua
Mountains, 12 miles through. I rode through in three days at the
risk of my life, on horseback, having lost my wagoa and all that
T had but the horse I was on. Our families were the first that
started through the canyon, so that we got through the mud and
rocks much better than those that followed. Out of hundreds of
wagons, only one came through without breaking. The canyon was
Documents. 201
strowii with ilcad p;ittl(\ lirolcoii wayoiis, liods, olotlnng, and evory-
tliino; but provisions, of which latter we were nearly all destitute.
Some people were in the canyon two or three weeks before they
could get through. Some died without any warning, from fatigue
and starvation. Others ate the flesh of cattle that were lying dead
by the wayside.
After struggling through mud and water up to our horses' sides
much of the way in crossing this 12-mile mountain, we opened into
tlie beautiful T^mpqua Valley, inhabited only by Indians and wild
beasts. We liml still another mountain to cross, the Oalipose, besides
many miles to travel through mud, snow, hail, and rain.
A DEEADFUL JOUENEY.
Winter had set in. We were yet a long distance from any white
settlement. The word w^as, "fly, everyone that can, from starvation;
except those who are compelled to stay by the cattle to recruit them
for further travel." Mr. Pringle and Pherne insisted on
my going ahead with Uncle John to try and save our own lives.
They were obliged to stay back a few days to recruit their cattle.
They divided the last bit of bacon, of which I had three slices; T
had also a cup full of tea. No bread. We saddled our horses and
set ofP, not knowing that we should ever see each other again. Cap-
tain Brown was too old and feeble to render any assistance to me.
I was obliged to ride ahead as a pilot, hoping to overtake four or
five wagons that left camp the day before. Near sunset we came
up with the families that had left that morning. They had nothing
to eat, and their cattle had given out. We all camped in an oak
grove for the night, and in the morning I divided my last morsel
with them and left them to take care of themselves. I hurried
Captain Brown so as to overtake the three wagons ahead. We
l>assed lieautif\il mountains and valleys, saw but two Indians in the
distance during the day. In the afternoon Captain Brown com-
])lained of sickness, and could only walk his horse at a distance be-
hind. He had a swimming in his head and a pain in his stomach.
In two or three hours he became delirious and fell from his horse.
I f\-as afraiil to jump down from my horse to assist him, as it was
one that a woman had never ridden before. He tried to rise up on
his feet, but could not. I rode close to him and set the end of his
cane, which I had in my hand, hard in the ground to help him up.
1 then urged him to walk a little. He tottered along a few yards and
then gave out. I then saw a little sunken spot a few steps ahead
and led his horse to it. and with much difficulty got him raised to
the sadiUe. \ then told liim to hold fast to the horse's mane and I
would lead liv the liridle. Two miles ahead was. another mountain
202 DOOIIMENTR.
to climb over. As wo roar'lio<l tho foot of it ho was able to take
the bridle in his own hand and wo passed over safely into a large
valley, a wide, solitary place, but no wagons in sight.
The sun was now setting, the wind was blowing, and the rain was
drifting upon the sides of the distant mountain. Poor me! I crossed
the plain to where three mountain spurs met. Here the shades of
night were gathering fast, and I could see the wagon tracks no
further. Alighting from my horse, I flung off saddle and saddle-pack
and tied the horse fast to a tree with a lasso rope. The Captain
asked me what I was going to do. My answer was, ' ' I am going to
camp for the night. ' ' He gave a groan and fell to the ground.
I gathered my wagon sheet, which I had put under my saddle,
flung it over a projecting limb of a tree, and made me a fine tent.
I then stripped the Captain's horse and tied him, placed saddle,
blankets and bridles under the tent, then helped up the bewildered
old gentleman and introduced him to his new lodging upon the bare
ground. His senses were gone. Covering him as well as I could
with blankets, I seated myself upon my feet behind him, expecting
he would be a corpse before morning.
THE SITUATION.
Pause for a moment and consider the situation. Worse than alone,
in a savage wilderness, without food, without fire, cold and shivering
wolves fighting and howling all around me. Dark clouds hid the
stars. All as solitary as death. But that same kind Providence
that I had always known was watching over me still. . I committed
all to Him and felt no fear. As soon as light dawned, I pulled down
my tent, saddled my horse, found the Captain able to stand on his
feet. Just at this moment one of the emigrants whom I was trying
to overtake came up. He was in search of venison. Half a mile
ahead were the wagons I hoped to overtake, and we were soon there
and ate plentifully of fresh meat. Within eight feet of where my
tent had been set fresh tracks of two Indians were to be seen, but
I did not know that they were there. They killed and I'obbed Mr.
Newton, only a short distance off, but would not kill his wife be-
cause she was a woman. They killed another man on our cut-o*tf,
but the rest of the emigrants escaped with their lives. We traveled
on for a few days and came to the foot of the Calipose Mountain.
Here my children and my grandchildren came up with us, a joyful
meeting. They had been near starving. Mr. Pringle tried to shoot
a wolf, but he was too weak and trembling to hold the rifle steady.
They all cried because they had nothing to eat; but just at this
time their own son came to them with a supply, and all cried again.
Winter had now set in. We were many days crossing the Calipose
Documents. 203
]\I(>uiit;ii)i, alile to go ahead only a mile or two each day. The road
had 1o be cut and opened for us, and the mountain was covered with
snow. Provisions gave out and Mr. Pringle set off on horseback to
the settlements for relief, not knowing how long he would be away,
or whether he would ever get through. In a week or so our scanty
])rovisions were all gone aud we were again in a state of starvation.
Many tears were slied througii the day, by all save one. She had
passed tlirough many trials suflticient to convince her that tears
would avail nothing in our extremities. Through all my sutferings
in crossing the plains, I not once sought relief by the shedding of
tears, nor thought we should not live to reach the settlement. The
same faith that I ever had in the blessings of kind Providence
strengthened in proportion to the trials I had to endure. As tlie
only alternative, or last resort for the present time, Mr. Pringles's
oldest sou, CUark, sliot down one of liis father's best working oxen
and dressed it. It had not a particle of fat on it, but we had some-
thing to eat — poor bones to pick without bread or salt.
BLESSED BELIEF.
Orus Brown's party was six days ahead of ours in starting; he
had gone down the old emigrant route and reached the settlements
in September. Soon after he heard of the suffering emigrants at
the south and set oft" in haste with four pack horses and provisions
for our relief. He met Mr. Pringle and turned about. In a few days
they were at our camp. We had all retired to rest in our tents,
hoping to forget our misery until daylight should remind us again
of our sad fate. In the stillness of the night the footsteps of horses
were heard rushing toward our tents. Directly a halloo. It was the
well-known voice of Orus Brown and Virgil Pringle. You can realize
the joy. Orus, by his persuasive insistence, encouraged us to more
effort to reach the settlements. Five miles from where we kad en-
camped we fell into the company of half-breed French and Indians
with paekhorses. We hired six of them and pushed ahead again.
Our provisions were becoming short and we were once more on an
allowance until reaching the first settlers. There our hardest strug-
gles were ended. On Christmas day, at 2 P. M. I entered tke house
of a Methodist minister, the first house I had set my feet in for
nine months. For two or three weeks of my journey down the
Willamette I had felt something in the end of my glove finger which
1 supposed to be a button; on examination at my new home in Salem,
I found it to be a 6^/4 -cent piece. This was the whole of my cash
capital to commence business with in Oregon. With it I purchased
three needles. I traded off some of my old clothes to the squaws
204 Documents.
for liiickskiii, worked tliom into gloves for the Oregon ladies and
geiilloiiien, which cleared me upwards of $30.
THE BEGINNING OF PACIFIC UNIVERSITY.
Later I accepted the invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Clark, of Tualaten
Plains, to spend the winter with them. I said to Mr (Jlark one day,
"Why has Proviilenee frowned on me and left me poor in this world.
Had he blessed me with riches, as he has many others, T know right
well wliat I would do." "What would you do'?" '^I would estab-
lish myself in a comfortable house and receive all poor children and
be a mother to them." He fixed his keen eyes on me to see if I was
in earnest. ' ' Yes, I am, ' ' said I. "If so, I will try, ' ' said he, ' ' to
help you." He purposed to take an agency and get assistance to
establish a school in the plains. I should go into the log meeting-
iiouse and receive all the children, rich and poor. Those parents
who were able were to pay $1 a week for board, tuition, washing,
and all. I agreed to labor for one year for nothing, while Mr.
Clark and others were to assist as far as they were able in fur-
nishing provisions. The time fixed upon to begin was March, 1848,
when I found everything prepared for me to go into the old meeting-
house and cluck up my chickens. The neighbors had collected what
broken knives and forks, tin pans, and dishes they could part with,
for the Oregon pioneer to commence house-keeping with. I had a
well-educated lady from the East, a missionary's wife, for a teacher,
and my family increased rai)idly. In the summer they put me up a
boarding-house. I now had 30 boarders of both sexes, and of all
ages, from four years old to twenty-one. T managed them and did
all my work except washing. That was done by the scholars. In
the spring of '49 we called for trustees. Had eight appointed. They
voted me the whole charge of the boarding-house free of rent, and
I was to provide for myself. The price of board was established
at $2 per week. Whatever I made over my expenses was my own.
In '51 I had 40 in my family at $2.50 per week; mixed with my own
hands 3,423 pounds of flour in less than five months. Mr.Clark made
over to the trustees a quarter section of land for a town plot. A
large and handsome building is on the site we selected at the first
starting. It has been under town incorporation for two years, and
at the last session of the legislature a charter was granted for a
university to be called Pacific University, with a limitation of
$50,000.00. The president and professor are already here from Ver-
mont. The teacher and his lady for the academy are from New
York. I have endeavored to give general outlines of what I have
done. You must be judges whether I have been doing good or evil.
1 have labored for myself and the rising generation, but I have not
Documents. 205
quit hard work, and live at my ease, independent as to worldly con-
cerns. I own a nicely furnished white frame house on a lot in town,
within a short distance of the public buildings. That I rent for
.$100 per year. I have eight other town lots, without buildings,
worth $150 each. I have eight cows and a number of young cattle.
The cows I rent out for their milk and one-half of their increase. I
have rising $1,100 cash due me; $400 of it I have donated to the
University, besides $100 I gave to the Academy three years ago.
This much I have been able to accumulate by my own industry, in-
dependent of my children, since I drew GV^ cents from the finger of
my glove.
I
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Reminiscences (secured by H. S. Lyman)—
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Chapter III 64
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THE QUARTERLY
Oregon Historical Society.
Volume V.] SEPTEMBER, 1904 [Number 3
CONTENTS.
Ansel F. ^emcnttaj/— BOTANISTS OF the Oregon Country, - - - 207
Literary Remains of David Douglas, Botanist of the Oregon
Country— I: 215
Reprint of his "Sketch of a Journey to the Northwestern Part of the
Continent of North America During the Years 1824-20-20-27;" with
Editorial Prefatory Notex, and "A Brief Memoir of the Life of David
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Continued, --------------- 272
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THE QUARTERLY
OF THE
Oregon Histoeical Society.
Volume V.] SEPTEMBER, 1904 [Number 3
iOT/^KIlSTS ©r TiE OIEQOM
ITIT.
By Ansel F. Hem en way.
This paper will attempt to consider those who have made
the more important botanical collections and researches in
"The Ore^fon Country," that is in that part of Northwest
America which was once called the Oregon Territory. It in-
cluded what is now Oreg'on, Washington, Idaho, and parts of
jMontana and Wyoming.
The fii-st botanical collectors to visit ''The Oregon Coun-
try" came with exploring expeditions. They made collec-
tions along the Coast, but were not careful in keeping record
of the localities from which they obtained their specimens ;
so that when the collections were taken to Europe, specimens
from Oregon, California. South America, and various islands
of the Pacific Avere mixed. The species names of some of our
indigenous plants are all there is to remind us that these
collectors ever existed.
Thaddaeus Haenke was perhaps the first botanist to visit
Oregon. He collected specimens along the Western Coast
of the American continent from Patagonia to Bering's Strait.
He first saw the coast in 1789. He died in Bolivia in 1817.
His collections are now^ at Madrid and at Prague,
20S Ansel F. Hemenway.
Archibald ]\Ienzies, a Scottish botanist, first came to the
Northwest Coast in a trading vessel in 1786, or, as some aii-
thrrities sm.v, in 1779. In Vancouver's expedition he was sur-
iz'eon on the ship Discovery. In the account of Vancouver's
voyage about all the mention of Menzies is the statement that
they named an island in the Columbia after him. His col-
lections were sent to England.
Josef M. IMocino. a Spanish botanist, coasted from Cali-
fornia to Nootka in 1792. There were several Russian botan-
ists that made collections in Oregon and California, between
1816 and 1824. Among them may be mentioned G. H. v(m
Ijangsdorff. A. von Chamisso. Johann F. Eschscholtz, and
Baron von Wrangel.
The most important of the early botanists of the Pacific
Coast was David Douglas. As the Quarterly begins, in the
pages following this sketch, a reprint of the original memoir
of the life of Douglas and of his letters and journal descril)-
ing his explorations in the Oregon country, the reader is re-
ferred to that account. With Douglas came Dr. John
Scouler, a physician and scientist. They sailed around South
America, then northward, entering the Columbia April 7,
1825. They tarried at its mouth and began their collec-
tions by finding the pretty salal blossoms, Gaultheria Shallon.
The rest of the month of April was spent at Fort George.
As it rained nearly every day, they did not have a pleasant
time for botanical excursions. They next went to Fort Van-
couver, where for ten days they made extensive collections.
Returning to Fort George, they made botanical explorations
till the last of May.
Dr. Scouler makes mention of the abundance of Camas,
Camassia Esculentia, the bulbs of which formed so important
part of the Indians' food. They found some rare flowers,
such as Pyrolas and the Orchids, Calypso borealis and Coral-
lorhiza inatta. Then leaving Douglas, Dr. Scouler crossed
the bar of the Columbia for the second time and sailed on a
trading vessel along the coast of Washington up to Nootka.
On July 7 the vessel started back and arrived at the Columbia
Botanists of Oregon Country. 209
September 7, 1825. Durinsr this trip Seouler visited almost
every accessible bay or inlet which he passed. Along the
coast of Washington the lichens and mosses were so plentiful
that he could find forty different species in an hour. He
also mentions the abundance of Saxifrage and mimulus on
the rocky banks of the bays and rivers. Many of the Indian
tribes were so treacherous that they did not dare to leave
tlie vessel to make collections of furs or plants.
Returning to Fort George and finding it deserted. Dr.
Scolder proceeded to Fort Vancouver, where he found Doug-
las. For fifteen days Douglas and Seouler made excursions
and examined specimens; but as the weather had been very
dry, they found but few flowers. Dr. Seouler left Douglas
September 20, and on October 25 sailed out of the Columbia
for the Sandwich Islands.
One of the first generalizations that Dr. Seouler makes
about "The Oregon Country" in his "Journal of a Voyage
to Northwest America — Columbia. Vancouver, and Nootka
Sound." is that the damp climate favors an abundant growth
of mosses and lichens. In this journal (still in manuscript,
but soon to be published in the Quarterly) he does not attempt
to give many names of the flowers he found nor the species
of those he does mention. As he was a physician, he seemed
to be much more careful in his zoological notes. He gives
a minute description of the external and internal organs of
almost every new species of fish or bird he found, while he
describes in detail but few flowers.
Thomas Nuttall. the botanist, who visited the Columbia
valley in 1834-5, did, perhaps, the most work for the botanical
knowledge of the flora of the United States as a whole. He
was born in England in 1786. A love of natural science, he
says, and perhaps also a hope to improve his position in the
world brought him to the United States when only 22 years
old. In spite of poverty and consequent necessity of work-
ing for a living, he had at this age a good knowledge of the
language and history of his country and was somewhat fa-
miliar with natural historv and even with Latin and Greek.
210 Ansel F. Hemenway.
He had beeu interested in mineralogy, but his first visit to
Professor Parton, a Philadelphia botanist, "decided his voca-
tion to the worship of flora, to whose shrine he remained de-
voted to the last days of his life."
In 1810-11 Nnttall, with Mr. John Bradbury, went up
the Missouri River to the Mandan villagre. They accom-
panied to that point Wilson P. Hunt's overland expedition,
a part of the Astor enterprise. Later he explored the Mis-
sissippi and Ohio valleys. As a result of these investiga-
tions he published in 1818 "The Genera of the North Ameri-
can Plants." "Upon this w^ork principally stands the repu-
tation of Mr. Nuttall as a profound botanist." Then he ex-
plored the Arkansas River and its tributaries, traveling more
than 5,000 miles in a period of sixteen months, mainly over a
country never before visited by scientific explorers. In
1832 he wrote a "Manual of the Ornithology of the United
States and Canada."
In March. 1834, Nuttall started for the Northwest Coast
with the Wyeth Expedition, arriving at the Snake River in
the following August. Then they went to The Dalles and
down the Columbia to Fort Vancouver. Nuttall made several
short trips into the surrounding country collecting botanical
specimens, exploring the Willamette as far as the falls. On
December 13, he started for the Sandwich Islands to winter.
In the following spring he returned and made further ex-
cursions, going up the Columbia as far as The Dalles. In
October he went again to winter in the Sandwich Islands.
The next summer he spent in California, after which lie re-
turned to his home in Massachusetts. The results of this
journey were published in 1840 in the "Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society." Thomas Nuttall spent the
last seventeen years of his life in England, where he died
September 10, 1859.
IMl". Nuttall did not enjoy himself in society; he had such
a retiring disposition. "To me," said Mr. Nuttall, "hard-
Botanists of Oregon Country. 211
sliii)s and privations are cheaply purchased if I may but roam
ovt'i- the wild domain of Primeval Nature and behold.
'Another Flora there of bolder hues,
And richer sweets beyond our garden's pride.' "
Elias Durand in his "Memoir of Thomas Nuttall," says:
"No other explorer of the botany of North America has per-
sonally made more discoveries, no writer except perhaps Asa
dray has described more new genera and species."
Mr. W. D. Brackenridge and Dr. Charles Pickering, bot-
anists with the United States Exploring Expedition, under
Ijieutenant Wilkes, went from the Columbia by land to Cali-
fornia in 1841. An account of their collections was given by
Dr. Torrey in the Botany of the Expedition, to which the
writer has not had access.
Dr. John S. Newberry and Dr. J. T. Cooper made some
botanical explorations in Oregon and Washington in con-
nection with the Pacific Railroad Surveys. In the report of
this Survey, Vol. VI, part III, Dr. Newberry gives some gen-
eral observations on the plant life in Northern California and
•Oregon and also a description of the forest trees in the same
i-egion. Most of the botanical names of the trees he men-
tions have been changed since his time. From this report
we may conclude that he made collections in the Cascade and
Coast ^Mountains, the Klamath, Des Chutes, and Willamette
Valleys, as well as in California and Nevada. In A-^oi. XII..
Part II., there is a botanical report by Dr. J. T. Cooper, who
visited many parts of Washington and Oregon. He does
not mention as many trees as Dr. Newberry^ but he gives a
description of most of our common shrubs. He also made
some observations on the life in fresh and salt water.
]\r. Duflot de Mofras, who was sent by the French govern-
ment on an expedition to the west coast of North America
in 1840-2. seems to have interested himself in making a
botanical collection. In an appendix to his "Explorations
du Territoire de Oregon des Californies" there is a catalogue
of the i)rincipal plants of the Northwest Coast. It cnuiiioi--
212 Ansel F. Hemenway.
ates about 290 species, but has not the form and accuracy
to be of much scientific value.
Captain John C. Fremont had predilections for botany,
but his passage through the Oregon country (on the trail of
the pioneers to Fort Vancouver and thence along the eastern
slope of the Cascade range to California) was accomplished
during autumn and winter months, unfavorable for attention
to plant life and the work of collecting. His collections are
described by Dr. Torrey in "Plantae Fremontianae" in the
"Smithsonian Contributions" for 1850.
Fremont mentions meeting a German botanist named
Luders on the Columbia, at a little bay below the Cascades,
which was called after him Luders' Bay.
Professor A. Wood made important collections on his
journey from San Diego through Oregon in 1866.
In recent times there have been so many who have more
or less extensively investigated the flora of this part of the
United States that only a few of the more important of
them will be mentioned. The following have made important
collections or investigations in Oregon: Messrs. Joseph and
Thomas Howell, of Milwaukie; Mr. R. D. Nevius, of The
Dalles; Professor Henderson, now in the University of Idaho;
Professor J. G. Leramon, of California, and Professor B. J.
Hawthorne, of the University of Oregon. Mr. W. Suksdorf.
of White Salmon; Mr. W. C. Cusick, of Union, and Professor
C. V. Piper, of Pullman, have made important collections
in Washington. The work of Dr. Henry N. Bolander and
Mr. E. Hall also covered a wide range of collections on this
coast.
The one who has done the most substantial work for the
botany of the northwestern part of the United States, Mr.
Thomas Howell, is worthy of a more detailed discussion. He
came to Oregon in 1850. He wished to know the plants and
trees that grew about him, so he began collecting as early
as 1876. But he soon found that there was no work that
described completely the flora in this section of the United
States. He undertook, to overcome this difficulty, the enor-
Botanists of Oregon Country. 213
uiuus task of familiarizing himself with the plants of Oregon,
Washington, and Idaho and then collecting and writing de-
scriptions of them. Mr. Howell thus began the writing of his
"F]t)ra of Northwest America" in 1882. When he had pre-
pared the first fascicle of this work he found another obstacle
to surmount, for there was no typesetter in Oregon able to
"set up" the technical matter. But the indefatigable col-
lector was not to be thus hindered from bringing together
the results of years of field experience, so he learned to set
type, and during the past eight years has "set up" form
after form until the 816 pages have been printed. It is the
only botanical work that covers this part of the United
States.
Mr. Howell 's descriptions are usually general enough to
include possible variation. While he has divided several
families, he has not favored the elevation of every variety
to the rank of a species. He has followed the arrangement of
Bentham and Hooker. His work describes 3,150 species;
2.370 of which are herbaceous flowering plants. The rest are
trees, shrubs, sedges, and rushes. As Mr. Howell wished
to see for himself every floM^er he described, he necessarily had
to endure many hardships in making journeys to out-of-the-
way places. He has done all this work purely because he
loved the science, without hope of any remuneration at the
end worth considering and with practically no aid but the
encouragement of his friends. During the printing of the
"Flora" his friend, Mr. Martin Grorman. gave him aid of a
more practical value by reading and revising the proofs. Mr.
Howell has donated his large collection of plants to the
herbarium of the University of Oregon, where it is now being
deposited. The people of this State might well honor Mr.
Howell for his unselfish efforts to advance the scientific
knowledge of our Northwest Coast.
The great diversity of soil and variation of climate and
altitude in this Oregon Country has offered a very rich field
for botanical investigations. Our plants have remained so
long undescribed that they seem to a botanical student to
214 Ansel F. Hemenway.
take delight in showing all sorts of variation irom their
Eastern cousins. Our lower forms of plant life, which are
very numerous, have not yet been thoroughly investigated
or described, but it is to be hoped that Mr. Howell will re-
ceive enough encouragement to induce him to write a second
volume which will describe these lower forms.
Bibliography of sources of material not mentioned in the
paper :
David Douglas: Journal of Mr. Douglas's travels in Hook-
er's Companion to the Botanical Magazine, Vol. II., London.
David Douglas, Botanist, Leisure Hour, Vol. 32, page 206.
London.
Discoverer of the Giant Pines, Leisure Hour, Vol. XL,
page 454. London.
An Early Hero of the Pacific, Overland Mo., August,
1871.
Thomas Nuttall: Popular Science Mo., Vol. 46, page 689,
1895. , ' I h
U. S. Exploring Expedition Reports:
Vol. XV. Botany, Phanerogamia, by Asa Gray, published
1854-56.
Vol. XVI. Botany, Cryptogamia, by W. D. Brackenridge,
published 1854-56.
Vol. XVII. Botany, Phaenogamia. by John Torrey, pub-
lished in 1874.
UTEMiY iEH/^lKlS OP hmih
mW^MS, iOT/^PlST 2F TBIE
OKEQ0K1 CO«PTiT.
[Reprinted from "The Companion to the Botanical Magazine," Volume II,
London, 1830.1
EDITORIAL PREFATORY NOTES.
Several of the following numbers of the Quarterly will
be taken up largely with the publication of the journals of
two scientists, David Douglas and Dr. John Scouler. These
men rendered the different branches of natural history con-
spicuous services through explorations conducted in the "Ore-
gon Country." Dr. Scouler came as surgeon to the Hudson
Bay Company's vessel, the William and Anne, and gave his
attention mainly to the fauna of the Pacific Northwest during
the year 1825. Mr. Douglas came at the same time and con-
tinued his work in this region mainly as collector of plants
with intense, one might almost say desperate, zeal during
the major part of the time from 1825 to 1833.
The journal kept by Dr. Scouler during his explorations
in the Pacific Northwest has, I believe, never been published.
Through the keen search for Oregon material, conducted by
Mr. Charles E. Ladd, of Portland, it was secured for the
region to which it mainly pertains, and it was generously
turned over to the Oregon Historical Society. It will be
published in the pages of the Quarterly along with the re-
print of the Douglas material. Probably not a copy of the
work containing the Douglas narrative is to be found in Ore-
gon. It is believed that the value of both of these docu-
ments will be materially enhanced by their being brought
into conjunction. They will be found to be very interesting
and exceedingly important sources of Oregon history.
These documents represent the best type of contemporary
records of extensive and intimate experiences with the In-
216 F. G. Young.
dians and with the Hudson Bay people. They contain ac-
curate observations of the conditions in Oregon during a
decade for which other sources are very scarce. Students of
nature in the Pacific Northwest will take keenest delight in
every word of these pioneers of science on this coast. These
modest accounts of the noble daring of lonely travelers as
they took their lives into their hands and penetrated the vast
solitudes of "Old Oregon," suffering extreme privations and
enduring appalling hardships for the benefit of mankind,
will appeal to all. Now and then they meet with natives ready
to stoop to acts of basest treachery. When we consider the
motives of these pioneers, their fortitude and their persist-
ence, I think that we shall be impressed with the fact that
the quality of their heroism is unique.
An explorer in that early time covering the ground so
thoroughly as did Douglas was of necessity brought into in-
timate contact with pretty much all the white people estab
lished here. He saw all that was here and all that was being
planned. His records, therefore, afford not a little help to-
ward an understanding of the forces and tendencies shaping
affairs on Oregon soil.
It will be remembered that it is this Douglas for whom
the Douglas spruce {Pseudotsuga Dmiglassi) was named.
Wliile it is quite fitting that the tree that is the monarch
of the forests of the Pacific Northwest — the largest and most
important timber tree— should bear the name of this in-
defatigable explorer of the flora and fauna of that region,
yet the reader of his journals and letters will be struck with
the fact that it was the sugar pine {Finns Lambertiana) that
impressed him most. He was virtually a worshiper of it.
There was no limit to the sacrifice he was willing to make
to secure specimens of its cones and twigs. Having found it
he went into ecstasies over it.
This number of the Quarterly contains the first install-
ment of the memoir, journal and letters of Douglas. It is
the record of these investigations of the flora of the Pacific
Noi'thwest and of California that won for him high rank
Botanists of Oregon Country. 217
aiiiDiiir the botanists of the world. The collections of Douglas
furnished the major portion of the materials of several "in-
estimable works." These, says Dr. Hooker, "will constitute
a lasting memorial of Mr. Douglas 's zeal and abilities ; whilst
not only in this country (Great Britain), but throughout
Europe and in the United States of America, there is scarcely
a spot of ground deserving the name of a garden Avhich does
not owe many of its most powerful attractions to the living
roots and seeds which have been sent by him to the Horticul-
tui'al Society of London." A list of 154 plants is given
in the body of the records as introduced from the Pacific
Northwest into Europe by Douglas. A list of forty-seven
more represents those secured in California. Douglas's own
statement of his collections, to be found in a letter written
October 23, 1832— which w^as a year before his w^ork in the
Pacific Northwest closed— is as follows: "I think that I
added not less than 150 undescribed species this year, includ-
ing some new genera, which will bring up the entire amount
of flowering plants to scarcely less than 7.000 distinct
species."
GENERAL SCHEDULE OF DOUGLAS 's MOVEMENTS.
Leaves England in company with Dr. Scouler for the
Columbia July 25, 1821. Enters the Columbia April 7, 1825.
Leaves Fort Vancouver with the Annual Express for Eng-
land (overland to Hudson Bay) March 20, 1827. Leaves
England for second exploration of the Columbia country Oc-
tober, 1829. Arrives in the Columbia June 3, 1830. Ar-
i-ives in California from the Colum))ia December 22, 1830.
Goes to the Sandwich Islands August, 1832. Returns to Fort
Vancouver October, 1832. Leaves for the Sandwich Islands
November, 1833. Was killed there July 12, 1831.
AN OUTLINE OF HIS EXPLORATIONS.
On the outward voyage the William and Anne touches
at the Madeira Islands, Rio Janeiro, Juan Fernandez, and
Gallipagos Islands. The notes of the naturalists indicate
that they are very active at the above points and through-
218 F. G. YouNa.
out, the voyajj:o. The vessel arrives opposite the month of
the Columbia on February 12, 1825. It crosses the Colum-
bia bar April 7th. For some two weeks botanical operations
are carried on near the mouth of the river. Both sides
are visited and expectations are realized. Fort George is
about to be abandoned. Douglas makes the newly located
Fort Vancouver his headquarters from April 20 to May 10.
In company with Dr. Scouler he goes down the Columbia.
Returning alone at the end of the month he departs up
the Columbia June 20 to a point a few miles above Celilo
Falls. On July 19 starts to return down the river that
he may prosecute researches at the coast. Arrives at Van-
couver August 5th. Dries and packs collections until
the 18th. On August 19 ascends the Willamette, passing the
falls and continuing for two days beyond to a village of
Calapooia Indians twenty-four miles above the falls. Camps
several days near a "saline" spring. A hunting party goes
west over a ridge of mountains. At this camp Douglas's
attention is first called to the seed of "a remarkably large
pine." These seeds were carried by the natives in pouches
and eaten by them as nuts. He learned that the tree grew
in the mountains to the south. Returns to Vancouver "richly
fraught" with "treasure collected."
Spends a few days in arranging specimens and drying
seeds. On the 5th of September, with an Indian chief as
guide, he proceeds to the Cascades, where he tries to reach
the summits of the mountains, first on the north side and then
on the south. On the 13th he re-embarks for Vancouver.
Spends the rest of the month of August packing collections.
Dr. Scouler returns from a voyage to the north. A wound in
Douglas's knee, received in packing, disables him for several
weeks. On October 22 he starts down the Columbia in a
small canoe, accompanied by four Indians. He aims to visit
Dr. Scouler and old shipmates on the William juid Anne,
which is about to weigh anchor for England. He misses the
vessel and continues on a trip to Grays Harbor and the Che-
halis River, as he had planned. Sufifers great liai'dships,
Botanists of Oregon Country. 219
exposed to a season of incessant rains, the wound in his knee
still giving: him much trouble. From the upper Chehalis he
crosses over to the Cowlitz and passes down to the Columbia.
Reaches Vancouver November 15 from a very unsatisfactory
trip. Poor health and inclemency of weather preclude any
tliouglit of botauy from November 15 to December 30. On
December 18 the Annual Express arrived at Vancouver. .^s
it had left Hudson Bay before ship had arrived from
p]ngland, he was "heavily disappointed" in not receiving
anything from home. On December 24 rain drives him from
his ])ark hut. Dr. McLoughlin invites him into his half-
finished house. On Christmas Day his troublesome knee pre-
vents his joining the gentlemen in an after-breakfast airing
on horseback.
An extended account of the fauna of the Columbia fol-
lows. Douglas evidently turned his investigations in that
direction during the remaining winter months.
He feels constrained to devote another season to ex-
plorations of the Columbia coiuitry, even though this decision
meets with the disapproval of the Horticultural Society of
London. His plans now are to return home by crossing the
continent to Hudson Bay in the spring of 1827. Should
circumstances forbid his doing that he will proceed to Eng-
land by sea.
Pi-oposes to make Walla Walla, Spokane, and Kettle Falls
liis headquarters during the spring and summer months of
1826 that he may do justice to the upper country. Hopes
to send the most of his collections by the vessel leaving Van-
couver in November and to carry package of seed across to
Hudson Bay in the spring of 1827. On March 20, in com-
pany with McLeod and Ermetinger, he starts up the Colum-
bia. They have trying experiences with the Indians in pass-
ing Celilo Falls. Reach Priest Rapids April 1. On April
6 they arrive at the establishment on the Okanogan River.
Proceeds thence to the junction of the Spokane with the
Columbia. Botanizes there until the 19th, then accompanies
l)arty to Fort Colville, near Kettle Falls. On May 9 he starts
220 F. G. Young.
for abaiuloiied establishment at Spokane that he miyht meet
there a Canadian who possessed extensive knowledge of the
country and its productions, and who, Douglas wished, sliould
repair his gun. On the 13th he goes back to Kettle Falls.
l-5otaiiiz(>s th(> surrounding country. June 5 starts for Walla
Walla. From Ihe 17th to the 24th makes firet excursion to
the Blue Mountains. Between June 2H and July 3 makes
second trip to the Blue IMountains. On the 10th starts down
the Columbia to meet company bringing letters. Anxiety
much allayed on receiving letters, read and reread. On the
18th goes with a party up the Snake to "its forks" (150
miles). On the 25th makes side trips into the Blue Moun-
tains. On the 31st starts overland to Kettle Falls via Spo-
kane. In crossing Cedar River loses seeds, notebook and
knapsack. From August 7 to 15 busy collecting plants.
Hearing of chance to send collections by last direct vessel to
England for some years, he prepares to start for Vancouver.
Troubles between Indian parties prevent his securing a guide.
On the 19th sets out with one Indian. On the 23rd arrives
at Okanogan settlement. Meets there McDonald and Ermet-
inger. ' ' At noon of the last day of August, the day previous
to that (the 1st of September) on which the ship was fixed
to sail, landed at Point Vancouver, whence in poor plight,
weary and travel-soiled, glad at heart, though possessing
nothing but a shirt, leather trousers and an old hat, having
lost my jacket, neck-kerchief and w^orn out my shoes, I made
my way to the fort, having traversed 800 miles of the Colum-
bia Valley in twelve days, unattended by a single person ex-
cept my Indian guide." September 1 gets chests into boat
leaving for the Dryad. September 2 to 15 gleans seeds of
species of plants collected the year before.
On the 20th of September starts on an expedition to the
Umpqua, "or Aguilar River." to procure cones of "gigantic
pine." On the 22nd arrives at McLeod's encampment at
McKay's abandoned establishment on the Willamette. Coun-
try having been burned ovei*. conditions are very unfavorable
for botanizing. Adventure with "grisly bear" in the upper
Botanists of Oregon Country. 221
Willamette Valle}'. On the 16th strike the Umpqiia. Douglas
soon sets out for the upper courses of the river in search for
the "much-wished-for" pine. Lies stunned for several hours
from fall into deep iiully. On the 24th experienced terrible
storm. At midday of the 2r)th reached his "lou^-wished-
i'ov pine." Loses no time in examininii- trees and collecting'
l\vi>:s and cones. Is impressed with it as "beautiful and
iumiensely grand." Makes and records measurements of a
large tree. The report of his gun, fired to bring down cones,
i-eveals his presence to eight Indians. Thes show spirit of
fiendish hostility and render his situation perilous in the ex-
treme. Douglas's coolness and his tactics, showing a grim
determination to defend himself, cowed them. October 28
to November 7 travels to camp on lower Umpqua, and is
there exposed to severe drenching winter storm and threat-
ened by skulking bands of hostile Indians. Starts back to
Vancouver, which is reached after a journey of twelve days
of extreme misery, disheartened by the loss of nearly the
whole of his collections while crossing the Santiam.
December 9 revisits coast in hopes of replacing some of
the objects he had lost. The undertaking still more un-
fortunate than the first. Suffers wreck of canoe and returns
home to Vancouver sick of effects of wet and cold. On the
6th of March once more visited the sea and was again driven
Ijack by bad weather, having failed this third and last time.
On March 20, 1827. by the Annual Express, in company
with Dr. McLoughlin, he started for England. It is "an
interesting country" he could "not quit without much re-
gret." Goes via Fort Colville and Kettle Falls. The long,
arduous tramp across the continent is described in detail.
Arrived at the York Factory, Hudson Bay, about August
11. Botanized a month. Sailed from Hudson's Bay Sep-
tember 15. Arrives at Portsmouth on the 11th of October.
His great success in so perilous an exploration made him
a "lion among the learned and scientific men in London.""
Dr. Hooker summarizes the results of Douglas's expedition.
Plans are soon made for another. This time he was Xo do
222 F. G. Young.
for California what had been done for the Columbia region.
He was not, however, able to stay away from the Oregon
country. He was equipped also for making astronomical,
meteorological, geographical, and other observations, and was
to extend his explorations even into Siberia.
Left England October, 1829. Arrives . in Oregon on
June 3, 1830. Spends six months in Oregon, but the journal
of his activities from this time on on the Pacific Coast in Ore-
gon and California is lost. We have only brief accounts in
letters. The journals of his former expedition had from time
to time been carefully dispatched to the Horticultural Society
of London, which had been his main support. But soon after
starting on his second exploration changes took place in the
Horticultural Society which impelled Douglas to resign as
its collector, and there was then no one to whom he was
bound to conmnmicate the results of his investigations. It
will be noticed later also that he met with a very disastrous
accident, in which he lost many of his records.
Arrives at Monterey from the Colmnbia December 22, 1830.
Goes to the Sandwich Islands August, 1832. Early in March,
1833, was at Puget Sound. On March 19 starts up the Co-
lumbia to Okanogan with a cattle party. His plans to go to
Thompson's River, Alexandria, and upper Caledonia, and to
come down through the Fraser River country. On the 13th of
June is wrecked at Stony Islands in the Fraser River and
loses his botanical notes and journal. He returns broken in
strength and spirit. Coming back via Thompson 's River and
Okanogan he tarries for a time at Walla Walla. Made oc-
casional journeys with Mr. Pambrun to the Blue Moiuitains.
Attempted the ascent of Mount Hood.
Soon starts for the Sandwich Islands with the intention
of proceeding from there to England. He makes ascent of
Mount Roa and on July 12, 1834, is found dead in a pit dug
as a trap for wild cattle on the islands.
a lllEFnEnODl ©FTInlE UrC OF
HE, hmm iioq^L/^i, wdth
EXTMCTs fmn ms
LETTElSo
By Sir W. J. Hooker.
It is not willingly that the following- record of the suc-
cessful labours of ]\Tr. David Douglas in the field of natural
history and of his lamented death has been so long withheld
from the pul^lic ; a circumstance the more to be i-egretted, be-
cause his melancholy fate excited a degree of interest in the
scientific world which has rarely been equalled, especially to-
wards one who had hitherto been almost as unlaiown to fame
as to fortune. But the writer of this article was anxious
to satisfy public curiosity by the mention of some further
particulars than what related merely to Mr. Douglas's bo-
tanical discoveries; and this could- scarcely be done but
through the medium of those friends whose personal ac-
quaintance was of long standing, and especially such as knew
something of his early life. This has at length been accom-
plished through the kindness of Mr. Douglas's elder brother,
Mr. John Douglas, and of INIr. Booth, the very skillful and
scientific gardener at Carclew,the seat of of Sir Charles Lemon,
Bart. It is to Mr. Booth, indeed, that I am indebted for al-
most all that iTlates to the subject of this memoir, previous
to his entering the service of the Horticultural Society, and
for the copies of some letters, as well as several particulars
relative to his future career.
David Douglas was born at Scone, near Perth, in 1799, be-
ing the son of John Douglas and Jean Drummond,* his wife.
* It is not a little remarkable that the mother of Mr. Douglas should have borne
the same name with that of another enthusiastic naturalist, who nearly at the
same age, and after devoting a similar number of years to scientific researches
upon the same vast continent of North America, met with an untimely grave
224 Sir W. J. Hooker.
His father was a stone iiiasoii, possessed of good abilities and
a. store of ii'eneral iiiforniatioii. rarely surpassed by persons
ill his sphere of life. His family consisted of three daughters
and as many sons, of whom the subject of this notice was
the second. At about three years of age he was sent to scliool
in the village, where the good old dame,
"Gentle of heart nor knowing well to rule,"
soon found herself mastered by her high-spirited little scholar,
who
"Much had grieved on that ill-fated morn,
When he was first to school reluctant borne,"
and took every opportunity of showing his dislike to the re-
straint by playing truant, or defying the worthy lady's au-
thority. At the parish school of Kinnoul, kept by Mr. Wil-
son, whither he was soon sent, David Douglas evinced a
similar preference to fishing and bird-nesting over book
learning ; he was often punished for coming late, not knowing
his lessons, and playing the truant; but no chastisement af-
fected him so much as the being kept in school after the usua]
hour of dismissal. His boyish days were not remarkable for
any particular incidents. Like others at his time of life, he
was lively and active, and never failed of playing his part
in the usual sports of the village ; a taste for rambling, and
much fondness for objects of Natural History being, how-
ever, very strongly evinced. He collected all sorts of birds,
though he often found it difficult to maintain some of these
favorites, especially the hawks and owds. For the sake of
feeding a nest of the latter, the poor boy, after exhausting
all his skill in catching mice and small birds, used frequently
to spend the daily penny with which he should have procured
bread for his own lunch, in buying bullock's liver for his
owlets, though a walk of six miles to and from school might
well have sharpened his youthful appetite. He was likewise
much attached to fishing, and very expert at it, and when he
soon after arriving at a neighboring island, almost at the very same period as the
subject of this memoir. It will be seen at once that I allude to Mr. Thomas
Drummond.
Memoir of David Douglas. 225
could not obtain the proper tackle, had recourse to the sim-
ple means of a willow wand, string, and crooked pin, with
which he was often successful. From his earliest years
nothing gave Douglas so much delight as conversing about
travelers and foreign countries, and the books Avhich pleased
him best were "Sinbad the Sailor" and "Robinson Crusoe."
The decided taste which he showed for gardening and collect-
ing plants caused him to be employed, at the age of 10 or
11 years, in the common operations of the nursery ground,
attached to the garden of the Earl of Mansfield, at Scone,
under the superintendence of his kind friend and master, Mr.
Beattie, with the ultimate view of his becoming a gardener.
Here his independent, active, and mischievous disposition
sometimes led him into quarrels with the other boys, who, on
complaining of David to their master, only received the re-
ply, "I like a devil better than a dult," an answer which
showed that he was a favorite, and put a stop to further ac-
cusations. In the gardens of the Earl of Mansfield he served
a seven years' apprenticeship, during which time it is ad-
mitted by all who knew him that no one could be more in-
dustrious and anxious to excel than he was, his whole heart
and mind being devoted to the attainment of a thorough
knowledge of his business. The first department in which
he was placed was the flower garden, at that time under the
superintendence of Mr. McGillivray, a young man who had
received a tolerable education, and was pretty well acquainted
with the names of plants and the rudiments of Botany. From
him Douglas gathered a great deal of infonnation, and beinir
gifted with an excellent memory, he soon became as familiar
with the collection of plants at Scone as his instructor. Here
the subject of this notice found himself in a situation alto-
gether to his mind, and here, it may be said, he acquired
that taste for botanical pursuits which he so ardently fol-
lowed in after life. He had always a fondness for books,
and when the labor of the day was over, the evenings, in
winter, invariably found him engaged in the perusal of such
works as he had obtained frt)m his friends and acquaintances.
226 Sir W. J. Hooker.
or in inakinii' extracts from them of portions which took his
fancy, and which he would afterwards commit to memory.
In sunnner, again, tlie evenings were usually devoted to short
liotanical excursions, in company with such of the other
ymiiiu iiM'ij jiK wci'o of a siiiiihir tui'ii of niiiifl to liiiiisclf, l)uf
whether he had then any intention of becoiuing a botanical
collector we have now no means of ascertaining. He had a
small garden at home, where he deposited the living plants
that he brought home. It may be stated that these excur-
sions were never pursued on the Sabbath day, his father hav-
ing strictly prohibited young Douglas from doing so, and
this rule he at no time broke. The hours which might be
called his own were spent in arranging his specimens and
in reading with avidity all the works on Travels and Natural
History to which he could obtain access. Having applied to
an old friend for a loan of some books on these subjects, the
gentleman (Mr. Scott), to David's siu-prise, placed a Bible
in his hands, accompanied with the truly kind admonition,
"There, David, I can not recommend a better or more im-
portant book for your perusal."
It has frequently occurred to us, when admiring the many
beautiful productions with which the subject of this memoir
has enriched our gardens, that, but for his intercourse with
tAvo individuals, Messrs. R. and J. Brown, of the Perth nur
sery, these acquisitions, in all probability, would have been
"The flowers on desert Isles that perish."
At this period of Douglas's life, these gentlemen were very
intimate with Mr. Beattie. and their visits to Scone afforded
opportunities to him to gain their acquaintance. Both were
good British Botanists, and so fond of the study as annually
to devote a part of the summer to botanizing in the High-
lands ; hence their excursions were often the subject of con-
versation, and it is believed that from hearing them recount
their adventures and describe the romantic scenery of the
places they had visited in search of plants, Douglas secretly
formed the resolution of imitating their example.
Memoir of David Douglas. 227
Having completed the customary term m the ornamental
department, he was removed to the forcing and kitchen gar-
den, in the affairs of which he appeared to take as lively an
interest as he had previously done in those of the flower
garden. Lee's Introduction to Botany, and Bonn's Cata-
logue, his former textbooks, if they may be so termed, were
now laid aside, and Nicol's Gardener's Calendar taken in
their stead. The useful publications of Mr. Loudon, which
ought to be in the hands of every young gardener, had not
then made their appearance ; so that his means of gaining a
theoretical knowledge of his business were very limited, when
compared with the facilities of the present day ; but what was
of more consequence to one in his situation, he had ample
scope for making himself master of the practical part, and it
is but justice to state that, when he had finished his appren-
ticeship, he only wanted age and experience in the manage-
ment of men to qualify him for undertaking a situation of
the first importance.
His active habits and obliging disposition gained the
friendship of Mr. Beattie, by whom he was recommended to
the late Mr. Alexander Stewart, gardener at Valleyfield, near
Culross, the seat of the late Sir Robert Preston, a place then
celebrated for a very select collection of plants. Thither
David Douglas went in 1818, after having spent the preced-
ing winter months in a private school in Perth, revising
especially such rules in arithmetic as he thought might be
useful, and in which he either had found or considered him-
self deficient. He was not long in his new situation when
a fresh impulse seized him. The kitchen garden lost its at-
traction, and his mind became wholly bent on Botany, more
especially as regarded exotic plants, of which we believe one
of the very best private collections in Scotland was then
cultivated at Valleyfield. Mr. SteAvart finding him careful
of the plants committed to his charge, and desirous of im-
provement, encouraged him by every means in his power.
He treated him with kindness and allowed him to participate
iu the advantages which he had himself derived from having
228 Sir W. J. Hook eh.
access to Sir R. Preston's botanical library, a privilege of
the utmost value to one cireunistaneed like Douglas, and en
dowed with such faculties of mind and memory as he pos-
sessed. He remained about two years at Valleyfield, being
foreman during the last twelve months to Mr. Stewart, when
he made application and succeeded in gaining admission to
the botanical garden at Glasgow. In this impro\ing situa-
tion it is almost needless to say that he spent his time most
advantageously and with so much industry and application
to his professional duties as to have gained the friendship
and esteem of all who knew him, and more especially of the
able and intelligent curator of that establishment, Mr
Stewart Murray, who always evinced the deepest interest in
Douglas's success in life. Whilst in this situation he was a
diligent attendant at the botanical lectures given by the pro-
fessor of Botany in the hall of the garden, and was his
favorite companion in some distant excursions to the High-
lands and islands of Scotland, where his great activity, un-
daunted courage, singular abstemiousness, and energetic zeal
at once pointed him out as an individual eminently calculated
to do himself credit as a scientific traveler.
It was our privilege, and that of Mr. Murray, to recom-
mend Mr. Douglas to Joseph Sabine, Esq., then honorary'
secretary of the Horticultural Society, as a botanical col-
lector; and to London he directed his course accordingly in
the spring of 1823. His first destination was China, but in-
telligence having about that time been received of a ruptm^e
between the British and Chinese, he was dispatched, in the
latter end of May, to the United States, where he procured
many fine plants, and greatly increased the Society's collec-
tion of fruit trees. He returned late in the autumn of the
same year, and in 1824 an opportunity having offered
through the Hudson's Bay Company, of sending him to ex-
plore the botanical riches of the country in the Northwest
America, adjoining the Columbia River, and southward to
wards California, he sailed in July for the purpose of prose-
cuting this mission.
Memoir of David Douglas. 229
AVe are now come to tlie most iiiterestinji' period of Mv.
Douylas's life, when lie was abont to midertake a long voyage
and to expk)re remote regions, hitherto nntrodden by the foot
t>f any naturalist. In these situations, far indeed fi^)ra
the abodes of civilized society, frequently with no other com-
panion than a faithful dog, or a wild Indian as a guide, we
should have known little or nothing of his adventures were
it not for a journal which he kept with great care (consider-
ing the difficulties, not to say dangers, which so frequently
beset him in his long and painful journeyings), and which
has been deposited in the library of the Horticultural So-
ciety of London. From that journal is here selected w^hat-
ever is likely to prove interesting to our readers ; and these
extracts, with some occasional observations and extracts from
the few letters which were received by his friends during
the continuance of this mission, will prove more than an\^
language we can employ, Mr. Douglas's high qualifications
as a naturalist and traveler.
Jif CTCM Sr^ JSUIKIET T2 TMEMSRT M-
WEJTiiKl MlTiSrTSIECflNlTlPEPT
@F MOKTi ^nmim humn^ the
TEi^li 1 §2^-25-26-27=
By David Douglas, F. L. S.
While so much geographical information has, of late
years, been added to the general stock of knowledge, and so
many distinguished individuals have assiduously devoted
their talents to the investigation of the northern parts of
this country, the Horticultural Society of London, desirous of
disseminating among the gardens of Britain the vegetable
treasures of those widely extended and highly diversified
countries, resolved on sending a person experienced in the
modes of collecting and preserving botanical subjects,
and of transmitting seeds to England. I had the pleasure
of being the individual selected, having previously extensively
traveled on the eastern parts of the same Continent for a
similar purpose. Before entering on this brief statement, I
must beg to return my grateful thanks to John Henry Pelly,
Esq., Governorj and Nicholas Garry, Esq., Deputy-Governor
of the Honorable the Hudson's Bay Company, for the kind
assistance I, on all occasions, experienced at their hands, and
for much valuable information received both before and after
my arrival in England. To the enlightened zeal with which
these gentlemen forward every enterprise for the advance-
ment of science, and to the warm interest they always showed
on my behalf, I am happy to have this occasion of bearing
my grateful, though feeble testimony. I also beg leave to
thank the different residents, partners, and agents of this
company, both individually and collectively.
I embarked on Sunday, the 25th of July, on board the
Hudson's Bay Company's brig, William and Ann[e], Captain
Henry Hanwell, destined for the entrance of the lliver Colum-
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 231
bia. 'l\) beguile the niouotoiiy attending long voyages, I lielJ
myself fortunate in having a companion in Dr. Scouler*
of Glasgow, a man skilled in several, and devotedly attached
to all, branches of Natural History, a pupil of Dr. Hooker,
by whom he was powerfully reconnnended to the H. B. C. as
surgeon to the vessel, in order that he might have an oppor-
tunity of i)rosecuting his favourite pursuit. A few days of
favorable weather carried us clear of the shores of England,
and on the 9th of August we passed the high grounds of the
Island of Porto Santo, and anchored on the following after-
noon in the Bay of B^unchal, Madeira. So far as the ex-
perience of a two days' visit went, I was much gratified with
this delightful island. My companion and I visited the sum
mit of one of the highest mountains, stocking our herbaria
with several interesting, though not new plants; we also
walked into the vineyards in the neighborhood of the town,
saw the hospital, churches, and other establishments, and
resumed our voyage on the 12th of August towards Rio
Janeiro. As we approached the Equator, the temperature
increased, its greatest height being 84 degrees in the shade
at 3 P. M. on the 21st, and its mininnim 59 degrees. The
mornings were peculiarly pleasant and fine. Near the Cape
de Verd Islands, the Exocaetus volitaiis was frequently seen,
skimming from wave to wave, and sometimes dropping on
the deck of our vessel, which lay very low in the water; the
screaming noise of Phaeton aethereus and the never absent
Procellaria -pelayia, or Mother Gary's Chicken, formed the
only alleviation to the motonony of sky and water. For ten
degrees on each side of the Line, the weather was very varia-
ble, sometimes calm, sometimes with thunder and lightning,
and sudden gusts of wind, which rendered this part of our
voyage somewhat tedious. We, however, arrived within sight
of Cape Frio on the 26th of September. Towards evening
the ship was surrounded by a vast variety of sea birds, and I
saw for the first time the Albatross, Diomedea exulans.
* Lately Professor of Natural History in the Andersonian University, Glasgow,
and now Professor of Geology in the Royal Dublin Institution.
232 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
Tlu' iiiatiiiiHcont prospect of the liarboi- of Kio is well
known. One feature in Brazilian scenery which particularly
strikes the European eye is, that the pahns always grow
largest on the summit of the highest hills. During my stay
I had the pleasure to become known to William Harrison,
Esq., residing at Botofogo, through whose instrumentality
many beautiful plants* have been introduced to England,
and who bestows great pains on collecting subjects in other
departments of Natural History, illustrative of Brazil. In
company with this gentleman and his relation, Mr. Henry
Harrison, I made a short journey to the interior, where I
was excessively gratified with the rich luxuriance of the
fonest, though the season was too early to display it in all
its glory, and particularly delighted with the curious and
endlessly varied forms of the Orchideae. Mr. Harrison culti-
vates with great success about seventy species of this family
of plants, by simply nailing them to the garden wall, and
giving them the assistance of the bark or wood whereon they
naturally grew, to aid them in climbing and supporting
themselves. He possesses also an aviary, containing several
rare and beautiful native birds.
I also made the acquaintance of the late Jolui Dickson,
Esq., surgeon, R. N.^ who was never so happy as when he
had the opportunity of doing any act of kindness. On the
15th of October I quitted this charming place with much
regret, increased by having been scarcely able to add any
dried plants to my collection, owing to the earliness of the
season and the continued rain. For a few days, until we
got clear of land, the weather was changeable, accompanied
by wet in the evenings.
At 4 a. m. on Tuesday^ the 19th of October, a fine breeze
sprang up, and we bore away for the south, gradually leav-
ing the fine weather. Off the River Plata, in latitude 37 de
grees south, longitude 37 degrees west, immense shoals of
Fucus pynfo finis passed the ship, some specimens of which
* Of these, especially the Epiphytes, a very great number have been figured in
the Botanical Magazine and Register.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 2^S
mecisiired sixty iVet in length, with a stem, at the thickest
part, of three inches in diameter. On the root was a variety
of Asterias, Beroe, and other Molluscae. In this parallel
Procellaria Capevsis and P. fuligittosa began to be connnon,
and I captured several with a small hook and line. In pass-
ing between the mainland and the Falkland Islands, Novem-
ber 5, an indescribable and piercing chillness told us we were
draM'ing near the dreary and inhospitable regions of Cape
Horn, of which in a few days longer we became fully aware
While within the parallels of 50 degrees and 59 degrees
south latitude, I caught sixty-nine specimens of Diomedeae.
consisting of D. exidans, fuliginosa, and cJdororhynchos ; the
last, though a smaller bird than the first, reigns lord para-
mount over the rest, and compels them all to flee at his ap-
proach. It is stated by most authors that these birds are
taken with the greatest ease during calm weather, but I have
invariably found the reverse to hold good ; it was only during
the driving gusts of a storm that I could secure them, and
on such occasions they fight voraciously about the bait, the
hook often being received into the stomach. The appearance
of these birds is grand and majestic; the largest which T
ever saw measuring twelve feet four inches, from tip to tip
of the extended wings, and four feet from the point of the
beak to the end of the tail. As respects their flight, the same
remarks apply to all the species. When sitting on the water
their wings are raised exactly like a swan ; when feeding
they are somewhat higher, with a constantly tremulous motion
like those of the hawk tribe; and when elevating themselves
from the water to soar in the air they first walk the water,
skinnning the surface with the points of their pinions for the
distance of several hundred yards, before they seem able to
raise themselves, which they finally do with the utmost grace,
and with scarcely any apparent movement of their wings.
They are of a bold and savage disposition, which is especially
displayed when they are captured.
Of Larus and Procellaria I caught many by the same
means— a hook baited with fat pork. In these latitudes a
234 Journal and Lettp:rs of David Douglas.
white-striped ])(>ri)c)ise was observed, of smaller size, but equal
velocity in its inotious with the common one. Till we passed
the 50 degrees parallel of south latitude on the Pacific side of
the continent, we were subject to boisterous weather, high
seas, hail, rain, and thick fogs. On the 14th of December
the Island of Massafuera was distinctly seen, distant seven
leagues, appearing like a dark bare rock. We passed near
enough to ascertain that it was far from being fertile, though
a little verdure might be descried in the valleys, with some
stunted trees on the hills, and a few goats browsing on the
rocky clefts. A high surf breaking on the beach prevented
a boat from being sent on shore, and we consequently bore
away for the Island of Juan Fernandez; the wand failing,
however, we did not reach it till ten days afterwards. This
classic island, which might be properly termed the Madeira
of the southern hemisphere, is very mountainous and vol-
canic; its hills beautifully clothed with verdure to their
summits, which, except in very clear weather, are enveloped
with clouds, the scorched and rocky soil admirably contrasting
with the deep green of its lovely vegetation. On the second
day we landed in Cumberland Bay, so named by Anson in
1741. As we approached the shore we were surprised to ob-
serve a small vessel lying in the bay, and on the beach a little
hut, with smoke arising from it. M^hen on the point of
stepping from the boat a man, to our astonishment, sprang
from the bushes and directed us to a sheltered creek. He gave
us the following account of his adventures. His name is
William CJark, a native of Whitechapel, London, and being a
sailor, came to the coast of Chili about five years ago, in a
Liverpool vessel, called Solland, and was there discharged.
He is now in the employment of the Spaniards, who visit
Juan Fernandez for the purpose of killing seals and wild cat-
tle, both of which are plentiful. His companions, five Span-
iards, were on the other side of the island, following their
customary pursuit, and came to see him once a week, during
which time he was left to take charge of the little bark and
other pi'operty. The poor fellow, when he first observed us.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 235
took us for pirates, as we were all armed, and abandoning his
hut. fled to the woods, but hearing ils speak English, he sprang
from his retreat and welcomed us with a pleasure which it
would be difficult, to describe. He had spent five weeks here,
and meant to .stay about as much longer. His cloihing con-
sisted of a pair of coarse woolen trousers, of which it would
he hard to detect the original material and color, with a
cotton and a flannel shirt, and a hat (he preferred, however,
going bareheaded), but no coat. The surgeon and I gave
him all that we could spare from our own slender stock, for
which he was very thankful. His little hut was built of
stones and turf, thatched with the straw of the wild oat. In
t>ne corner lay a bundle of straw and his blanket ; a log of
Avood to sit upon composed all the furniture. His only cook-
ing utensil was a common castiron pot, with a wooden bottom,
in which he boiled his food by sinking it a few inches in the
floor of his dwellingj and placing the fire round the sides.
He longed to taste roast beef (having had none for seven
years), and one day tried to bake some, as he termed it; but
the bottom of his culinary apparatus, as might be expected,
gave way in the process, so that poor Clarke was unable to
accomplish his new fashion of preparing the national dish.
It was agreeable to find that this poor exile possessed a
good deal of information ; his library amounted to seventeen
volumes — a Bible and common prayer book, which he kept
concealed in a secret place when his Spanish companions
were with him ; some odd volumes of "Tales of my Landlord"
and "Old Mortality;" several of voyages, and Cowper'.=5
poems, out of which he had learnt by heart the one upon
Alexander Selkirk; and what is still more worthy of notice,
a finely boimd copy of "Robinson Crusoe," of which the poor
fellow might himself be considered the latest and most com-
plete edition. Like most English sailore, he had no aversion
to rum ; I gave him a single dram, which, as he had been long
unaccustomed to it, made him forget his exile, and, like the
heroes of Troy,
"He fought his battles o'er again, . j
And slew the slain three times."
236 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
A few years ago the Spaniards formed a colony here, but
it is now abandoned, the houses and fort are destroyed, and
twenty-six pieces of large cannon lay upon the beach. The
vestiges of a church are still to be seen, witKthe following in-
scription upon the lintel of the door: ''La casa de Dios es la
piierta del cielo, y se color ada, 24 Septemhre, 1811." The
house of God is the gate of heaven, built 24th September,
1811. Near this is a circular oven built of London fire-brick,
seven feet in diameter within, bearing a date 1741, and there
fore probably built by Anson during his residence. Some
pigeons, of a small blue species, now occupy it as their cote.
There were eggs in. but no young ones; I pointed it out to
Clark, and advised him to make use of this colony. In the
old gardens were Pea,ches of three or four sorts, growing
hixuriantly with fruit about half ripe; Quinces, Apples, and
Fears. We took some of these fruits for puddings, with
abundance of Figs in a vigorous state of bearing. Vines
thrive well, and were in blossom. The only fruit which was,
however, in perfection, was a large, pale-reddish Strawberry,
of which the fruit had a not unpleasant flavour; the leaves,
stem, and calix very downy. I dried a paper full of its seeds
lest the species should prove indigenous to this island or the
coast of Chili.
Before leaving Juan Fernandez I sowed a small quantity
of Vine, Pears, and other fruit-seeds which I had brought
with me, and a portion of culinary vegetables, leaving some
with Clark, whom I recommended to try them in various
parts of the island, as radishes were the only vegetable he
had. We spent part of a day in fishing, and caught a sort of
rock cod and a small fish, which was unknown to me. Both
were good eating. On quitting the shore Clark presented us
with a fine female goat (not, however, one that had belonged
to Robinson Crusoe, as it was quite young) ; we left him
standing on a large stone on the beach, expecting to see us
again the next morning, but hardly had we reached the ship
when a strong easterly wind set in, and we were speedily
carried far from that enchanting spot, and from my new and
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 237
iiilen^stiiiii- a('((iuuiitaii('e, Clai-k. No pen, indeed, can correctly
describe the charniiiiu' and i-ural apjiearance of this island,*
the nunierons rills descendinii' through the valleys, ovei'-
shadowed l)y luxuriant verdure, and terminating' in dark re-
cesses and rocky dells, where waved the feathery fronds of
Lonialia, ^Ispidia, and Polypodia, several species of which are
new and of truly pi'incely form and growth. On the hills
*Mrs. Marie Graham (now Mrs. Callcott) gives a no less charming account of
Juan Fernandez, and the view from her talented pencil engraved in her "Journal
of a Residence in Chili" bears her out in her description. "It is," she says, "the
most picturesque place I ever saw, being composed of high perpendicular rocks,
wooded nearly to the top, with beautiful valleys ; and the ruins of the little town
in the largest of these heightens the effect. It was too late to go ashore when we
anchored ; but it was bright moonlight, and we stayed long on the deck at night,
admiring the extraordinary beauty of the time." "The valleys are exceedingly
fertile, and watered by copious streams, which occasionally form small marshes,
where the Pankc grows very lu.xurlantly, as well as water cresses and other
aquatic plants. The little valley where the town is, or rather was, is full of fruit
trees, and flowers, and sweet herbs, now grown wild ; and near the shore it is cov-
ered with radishes and seaside oats. After dinner I walked to the valley called
Lord Anson's park; and on our way found numbers of European shrubs and herbs,
'Where once the garden smiled,
And still where many a garden-flower grows wild:'
and in the half-ruined hedges, which denote the boundaries of former fields, we
found apples, pears, and quince trees, with cherries almost ripe. The ascent is
steep and rapid from the beach, even in the valleys, and the long grass was dry
and slippery, so that it rendered the walk rather fatiguing, and we were glad to
sit down under a large quince tree on a carpet of balm, bordered with roses, now
neglected, and rest, and feast our eyes with the lovely view before us. Lord Anson
has not exaggerated the beauty of the place, or the delights of the climate ; we
were rather early for its fruits ; but even at this time we have gathered delicious
figs, and cherries, and pears, that a few more days' sun would have perfected. I
was quite sorry to leave our station in the park and return to the landing place
to embark for the dark close ship."
"The next morning," she remarked, "I had reached a lonely spot, where no
trace of man could be seen, and where I seemed to have no communication with
any living being. I liad been some hours alone in this magnificent wilderness .
and thought at first I might begin with exaltation to cry,
'I am monarch of all I survey.
My right there is none to dispute.'
yet I very soon felt that utter lonliness is as disagreeable as unnatural; and Uow-
per's exquisite lines again served me —
'Oh solitude ! where are the charms
That sages have been seen in thy face?
Better dwell in the midst of alarms.
Than reign in this horrible place.'
And I repeated over and over the whole of the poem, till I saw two of my com-
panions of the morning coming down the hill, when I hurried to meet them, as if
I had really been 'out of humanity's i-each.' "—Ed.
238 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
grow several kinds of Escallonia, Berheris, Lobelia, Hordeum.
and Avena. During my short stay I g-athered seventy dis-
tinct and highly interesting plants. The species of birds
were few, and not beautifnl ; I killed a Strix, and several of
the dark kind of Columha, which is very abundant.
Our course was then directed to the Oallipagos, lying un-
der the Equator, in longitude 80 degrees west, which we pleas-
antly gained on the 9th of January, 1825, having kept our
Christmas day in latitude 37 degrees south, longitude 84 de-
grees west, by feasting on the goat which Clark had given us,
and drinking the health of our friends in England. The
heat is by means so oppressive in the same latitude on the
Pacitic as the Atlantic Ocean, for though the difference in
the mercury is trifling, there is a cooling breeze which always
renders the air agreeable. We passed along the east side of
Chatham Island, which is mountainous, and apparently bare
of vegetation; and went on shore the following day on James's
Island, about thirty-seven miles further west. The whole
of the Gallipagos are mountainous and volcanic, with vestiges
of many craters, covered with lava, but the hills do not seem
to exceed 2,000 feet above the level of the sea. Their verdure
is scanty, as compared with most tropical countries, owing,
apparently, to the parched nature of the soil and the absence
of springs of fresh water. The only spring I saw was flow-
ing from a crevice in one of the craters; some of the trees
attained a considerable size in the valleys, but they are not
numerous, and with little variety of species. The birds,
however, are abundant, and some of them exceedingly hand-
some, but so ignorant were they of man's devices that they
suffered themselves to be killed with a stick, so that a gun
was only needed when they sat high on the top of a tree or
rock. Many of the smaller kinds perched on my hat, and
even unconsciously settled on the gun (that instrument (,'f
their destruction) which I carried on my shoulder. During
my visits to the island of two hours a day for three days T
killed forty-five individuals of nineteen genera, all of which
I skinned carefully, and had then the mortification of losing
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 239
all but one, a species of Sula, from the constant rain that
prevailed for twelve days after leaving the Gallipagos.
Among them were two kinds of Pelican, fonr of Sula, and four
Hawks (one of the latter was particularly fine, of nearly an
orange color), and a very small Pigeon. A species of rock
cod was so abundant near the shore as to be taken withoul
any bait, and the sharks were so voracious as to bite con-
tinually at the oars, as their points were raised from the water.
The woods teemed with land tortoises; some weighed 400
pounds, and the shores with turtle. With my collection of
plants I was almost as unfortunate as that of birds — out of
the 175 species which I gathered I could save but fifty, and
these in a very miserable state, as I had no place below in
the vessel where I might store them, nor could I pack them
damp, and the rain ruined everything exposed on the deck.
There wa.s nothing, however, which I regretted so much as
the destruction of a specimen of a new Lacerta. from twenty
to thirty inches long , of a dark orange color, and with a
rough, warty skin. We had made good soup of these crea
tiu'es when upon the island. Never did I experience greater
mortification than from the loss of these collections, the
Gallipagos have been so little visited by scientific persons,
that everything becomes of interest which is brought from
thence, and I have now little or nothing to show that I have
been there ! I have, however, secured seeds, in a good state,
of a very singular species of Cactus, which grows in the val-
leys. The trunk is two or three feet in diameter, and from
forty to fifty feet high; it belongs to the section Opuntia, and
has large bright yellow flowers, and very long flexible spines.
Also of a fine Gossypium or cotton plant, which is a shrub
four to ten feet high, with yellow blossoms and yellow cotton;
and of a plant which will probably be found to belong to the
Co)iifeme. The thermometer stood frequently at 96 degrees,
and the heat was most oppressive ; on one occasion, when the
rain ceased for an hour, and the sun broke forth, it raised
such a steam from the ground as proved almost suffocating.
After leaving James's Island, we passed along the east
240 Journal and I.etters of David Douglas.
side of Albeiiiai'le Island, so near as to ascertain that it was
inhabited, from seeino; lio'hts upon it after dark; some blue
lio'hts which were sent off from our ship were also answered,
but instead of being able to land, we were suddenly driven off
the slicre by a tremendous thunder stoi-m. Never did T wit-
ness aiiytliinii' eifual in grandeur and singularity to the vivid-
ness and curious forms of the flashes of lightning; four tons
of water were obtained from the sails and deck, which proved
a most acceptable relief to us, increasing our allowance, and
enabling us to wash our clothes. The remainder of our
voyage within the tropics was attended with variable winds,
frequent rain, and almost nightly storms of thunder and
lightning. In latitude 34 degrees north, I caught an unde-
scribed species of Albatross, akin to Diomedea fuliginosa. but
a smaller and less powerful bird. The D. exulans, as found
in the higher latitiides of the Pacific, is much smaller than it
is in the Southern Hemisphere, and will probably prove a
distinct species. Our second mate, who kindly assisted me
in taking these birds (and, as I mentioned before, they can
only be captured in the most stormy weather), fell upon
the wet deck, being driven down by the violence of the gale,
and fractured his thigh so severely as to suffer most dreadful
torture for several succeeding weeks.
On the 12th of February we were in the latitude of the
Columbia River, longitude 136 degrees west, but the weather
was so boisterous, with such a tremendously heavy sea run-
ning, that we were obliged to lay to, day afte-r day. endeavor-
ing repeatedly to enter, for six weeks, up to the 1st of April,
and suffered more storms than we had done during the whole
of our previous voyage of eight months. On the 3rd of April
we saw Cape Disappointment twenty-eight miles ahead, and
were approaching it with a fair breeze when a strong westerly
wind again drove us out to sea ; a second attempt was made
three days after, when we got within four miles, but with
no better success. In short, we could declare the hurricanes
of Northwest America to be a thousand times worse than
those of the noted Cape Horn. In this latitude there is
abundance of a small species of Physalis, of a transparent
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 241
azure hue, which were frequently washed on the main-yard
by the spray breaking over the vessel.
At last, on the morning of the 7tli. a favorable wind ris-
ing, we were within forty miles of the entrance to the harbour,
and joy and expectation sat on every countenance, all hands
endeavoring to make themselves useful in accomplishing this
wished-for object. Dr. Scouler and I kept the soundings,
and safely passed over the sandbar, where many vessels have
been injured and others lost. AVe happily gained the much-
desired harbor, and anchored in Baker's Bay, on the north-
side of the Columbia, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. Several
cannon shots were immediately fired to announce our arrival
to the establishment seven miles up the river, but they were
not answered. Thus terminated my long and tedious voyage
of eight months and fourteen days. TJie joy of viewing land,
and the hope of being able, in a few^ days, to range through
this long-desired spot, and to resume my wonted pursuits and
enjoyments, may be easily imagined. We spent the evening
in great mirth, and went to rest early at night, happy to be
able to sleep without the noise and motion and other dis-
agreeable attendants of a long sea voyage. I think I may
truly reckon this as among the happiest moments of my life.
The following day, April 8. was so rainy and cold that
we could not leave the ship, but the next morning Dr. Scouler
and I went ashore on Cape Disappointment. On stepping
out of the boat we picked up Fuhiis Spectahilis {B. Beg. t.
1444) and Gnulihcyia Shallon, with several other plants which
had only been kno\^^l to us in the Herbaria, or by name.
Many species of Vaccinium. not however yet in flower, with
TiarcUa and Ileuchem, both in full blossom, grew in the
woods. In a few hours we returned to the ship, amply
gratified. AYe found that during our absence a canoe with
one Canadian and several Indians had been sent from the
fort, bringing fresh provisions, potatoes and butter. The
latter also offered game, dried salmon and fresh sturgeon,
willi dried roots and preserved berries of several kinds, for
harlt-r. and as they jnit many questions to us, by the aid of
242 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
a little Enu'lisli jiiid many sig'iis, we viewed them with imieh
curiosity and intei-est. The natives showed themselves suffi-
ciently shrewd in bargaining for the trinkets, molasses, and
bread which we gave them in exchange for their provisions.
The practice of compressing the forehead, of perforating: the
seplum of the nose and ears, and inserting shells, bits of cop-
pei-, beads, or in fact any kind of hardware, gives a stranger
a curious idea of the singular habits of these people.
On Monday, the 11th, the ship went up the river, and
anchored on the side opposite the establishment at Point
Ellis, and the following day we werte received by Mr. Mc-
Kenzie, the person then in charge, who informed us they
were about to abandon the present place for a more com-
modious situation ninety miles up the river, on the north
side. Also, that the chief factor, John McLoughlin, Esq.,
was there, but would be down as soon as he received intelli-
gence of the ship's arrival. From Mr. McKenzie we ex-
perienced great attention,, and though we did not quit the
vessel till the 19th, I was daily on shore. With respect to the
appearance of the country, my expectations were fully real-
ized, in its fertility and variety of aspect and of soil. The
greater part, as far as the eye could reach, was covered with
Pines of various species. The Atlantic side of this great
continent much exceeds the western coast in the variety of its
kinds of forest trees; there are no Beeches, Magnolias,
Gleditschias, or Juglans.. and only one kind of Oak and of
Ash on the Pacific side.
Cape Disappointment, on the southern [northern] bank
of the river at the ocean, is a remarkable promontory of rock,
forming a good sea-mark, elevated about 700 feet above the
level of the sea, and covered with Pines and brushAvood. The
country to the northward, near the ocean, is hilly. The
opposite point, called Point Round, or Point Adams of
Lewis and Clark, is low, and in many places swampy; a
ridge of low hills runs for about forty miles southward,
skirting the sea, as far as Cape Lookout [Tillamook Head],
so named by Vancouver. The breadth of the Columbia is
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 243
about five miles at its month, not including Baker's Bay,
which has a deep bend ; the current is very rapid, and pro-
duces great agitation when the wind blows from the west-
ward, dashing the water over the sand-bar quite across the
river, so that no channel can be perceived, and it becomes
impossible for a vessel to go out or in with safety.
My paper for preserving plants being all in the hold of the
ship, I could do but little in collecting, though we continued
our excursions every day, when the weather permitted, and
were frequently meeting with objects which caused us much
gTatification. Nothing gave me, I think, greater pleasure,
than to find Hookeria liicens in abundance in the damp, shady
forests, growing with a plant whose name also reminded me
of another valued friend, the Menziesia femiginea. All my
paper and trunks were sent ashore on the 16th, and on the
19th I embarked in a small boat with ]Mr. John McLoughlin,
the chief factor, who received me with demonstrations of the
most kindly feeling, and showed me every civility which it
was in his power to bestow.
The folhnving night, at 10 p. m., we arrived at Fort Van-
couver, ninety miles from the sea. the spot where the officers
of Captain Vancouver completed their survey of the river
in 1792. The scenery round this place is sublimely grand —
lofty, well-wooded hills, mountains covered with perpetual
snow, extensive natural meadows, and plains of deep, fertile,
alluvial deposit, covered with a rich sward of grass, and a
profusion of flowering plants. The most remarkable moun-
tains are Mounts Hood and Jefferson, of Vancouver, which
are at all seasons covered with snow as low down as the
summit of the hills by which they are surrounded. From
this period to the 10th of May, my labour in the neighbor-
hood of this place was well rewarded by Fihes sanguineum
(Bot. Reg. t. 1349. Bot. Mag. t. 3335), (a lovely slirub),
which grows abundantly on the rocky shores of the Colmnbia
and its tributary streams, producing a great profusion of
flowers and but little fniit, except in the shady woods,
where the lilossoms are comj^ai-atively few; I also found
244 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
Berheris AquifoUum (Bot. Reg. t. 1425), B. glwmacea
(Ejusd. t. 1426. De Cancl. B. nervosa of Pui'sh), Acer
macro pit yll Km (Hook, Fl. Bar. Am. v. 1. t. 38), and Scilla
esculenta (Bot. Mag. t. 2774), the Quamash of the natives,
who prepare its roots in the following manner. A round
hole is scraped in the ground, in which are placed a number
of stones and a fire is kept burning on them till they are
red hot, when it is removed and replaced by some brush-
wood and straw, on which the roots are laid (covered with
leaves, moss, or str»aw, with a layer of earth), and they re-
main there until they are baked or roasted, a process which
occupies a few hours, after which they are taken out and
hung up to dry. Sometimes the natives bruise these roots or
pound them into cakes and round lumps, which they lay
upon the shelves in their lodges for winter use. When
cooked they have a sweetish and by no means unpleasant
taste, and a very palatable beverage might probably be pre-
pared from them. Lewis and Clark observe that they are
apt to produce bow^el complaint if eaten in large quantities,
as they certainly do flatulence. The plant abounds in all
alluvial plains, on the margins of woods and banks of rivei"S.
Pyrola aphylla (Hook Fl. Bor. Am. t. 137), Caprifolium
occidentale (B. Reg. t 1457), and a multitude of other
plants, delighted me highly ; nor can I pass over the beauty,
I might say the grandeur, of Lwpinus polyphyllus Bot. Reg.
t. 1096, and var. alhiforiis, t. 1377), covering immense tracts
of low land on the banks of streams, with here and there a
white-flowered variety, and growing to a height of six or
eight feet, wherever the ground was partially overflowed.
The Gaultheria Shallon (Bot. Mag. t. 2843, Bot. Reg. t. 1372),
is called by the natives Salal and not Shallon, as stated by
Pursh, whose figure and description are, however, good; it
grows abundantly in the cool pine forests, most luxuriantly
in the shady places near the ocean. I have seen it as far as
forty miles above the Grand Rapids of the Columbia River,
but it is not so vigorous as when found nearer the sea. The
fruit is abundant and very good, so that I hope it will ere
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 245
loii^' find a place in the fruit gaixleii as well as the orna-
mental border. I aJso gathered, among other curious plants,
a noble species of Arbutus. A. procera (Bot. Reg. t. 1753).
We had abundance of excellent salmon, brought to us by the
native tribes, which they sold veiy cheap. I retm^ned to
Fort Vancouver at the end of the month, having increased
my collection of plants by seventy-five species, and also killed
four quadrupeds and a few birds.
Till the 20th of June, I employed myself in the vicinity
of Fort Vancouver in procuring seeds of early flowering
plants, and collecting various objects of natm^al history,
when I availed myself of the departure of the boats for the
inland establishments, to accompany them as far as seemed
advisable. Starting from the mouth of the river at 8 o'clock
in the morning, in a small boat with one Canadian and five
Indians, we proceeded about forty miles that day. The cur-
rent was strong, owing to the melting of the snow on the
mountains, and when we came to open parts of the banks,
unobstructed by timber or rocks, I botanized as we went along.
We supped on roasted sturgeon and bread, with a basin of
tea, and slept in the boat which we dragged on shore. The
next day we passed the Grand Rapids, forty-six miles above
the Fort ; the scenery at this place is wild and romantic, with
high mountains on each side, clothed with timber of immense
size. The Rapid is formed by the river passing through a
narrow channel, 170 yards wide ; the channel is rocky, ob-
structed by large stones and small islands, with a fall of 147
feet, the whole rapid being about two miles long. In many
places the banks rise perpendicular to a height of several
hundred feet, over which are some fine water fails; the rocks
are chiefly secondary, sandstcme, limestone, and blue granite
Whole petrified trees are visible close to the water's edge,
both of Pine and Ace)' Macropliyllum.
This being the season of salmon fishing, I had oppor-
tunities of seeing prodigious numbers taken simply with a
small hoop or a scoop-net, fastened to the end of a pole. The
fish are of excellent ([uality and average about fifteen pounds
246 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
in weight. In the still parts of the water, iunnense quantities
are caught in these nets, to which are attached spindles formed
of the wood of Thuja plicata, which is very buoyant and which
serve as corks, while small oblong stones answer the purpose
of lead. The rope of the net is made from a species of Salix,
or from the Thuja, and the cord of Apocynum piscatonum
{A. hyjjerici folium?), a gigantic species peculiar to this
country, whose fibre affords a great quantity of flax.
The country continues mountainous as far as the lower
branch of the Multnomak River, the Belle Vue I'oint of Van-
cover, about seventy miles from the ocean, where the banks
again become low, and the background rises gradually. On
the south, towards the head water of the Multnomak, we saw
a ridge of snowy mountains, and one which was very conspicu-
ous and of a conical form in the distance, far exceeding the
others in height. This, I have no doubt, is Mount Jefferson,
of Lewis and Clark. Another was equally striking due
east, and one due north; the former. Mount Hood, and the
latter Mount Saint Helens, of Vancouver; their height must
be very great, at least 10,000 or 12,000 feet, and I am in-
formed that two-thirds are continually wrapped in snow, of
which there is hardly any sensible diminution even in sum-
mer, immense barriers of ice rendering every attempt to
reach the summits quite impracticable. From the Grand
Rapid to the Great Falls, seventy miles, the banks are steep,
rocky, and in many places rugged; and the hills gradually
diminish in elevation, and are thinly covered with stunted
timber and shrubs but a few feet high. Here we were no
longer fanned by the huge Pine, the Thuja and Acer, nor
gratified by observing the perpetual quiver of the beautiful
Populus tremuloides. Far as the eye can reach there is but
a dreary waste of barren soil, thinly covered with scanty
herbage. Here, however, I found the beautiful Clarckia
pulchella (Bot. Mag. t 2918), Calochortus niacrocarpus
(Bot. Reg. t. 1152), Lupimis aridus (Bot. Reg. t. 1242), and
leucopkyllus (Bot. Reg. t. 1124), Brodiaea grandiflora (Bot.
Mag. t. 2877, Bot. Reg. t. 1183), etc. The present bed of
Journal and T.etters of David Douglas. 247
the river at the falls is 600 feet lower than the former one,
and of decomposed gi-anite. I could not at this season go
hiii'her than a few miles above the falls, but was amply re-
jiaid by Piirshia iridentafn* (Hook. Fl. Bor. Am. t. 1. t.
58), Bartonia alhicauUs (Bot. Reg. t. 1446), Bartonias al-
hicmdis, B. (Bot. Mag. t. 2894. Bot. Reg. 1174), and several
Penisiemons, | and seeds of many desirable plants, many of
which I secured during this expedition.
Early in the mor)ning of the 19th of July, I descended
the river in an Indian canoe for the purpose of prosecut-
ing my researches on the coast, a design which was in a
great measure frustrated by the tribe among whom I
lived going to war with the nations residing to the north-
wartl, in that very direction which I intended to follow.
During my stay several persons were killed and some
wounded in a quarrel. The principal chief in the village,
Cockqua, treated me with the utmost fidelity, and even built
me a small cabin in his own lodge, but the immense number
of fleas occasioned me to remove to within a few yards of
the river; still my friend was so much intei'ested in my
safety that he watched himself a whole night, at the time
when he expected the war party. In the morning about
300 men in their war garments, danced the war dance, and
sang several death songs, which caused in me certainly a
most uncomfortable sensation, and the following morning
brought us seventeen canoes, carrying nearly 400 men,
when after several harangues, it was mutually agreed to
suspend hostilities for the present.
A sturgeon was caught by one of my companions which
measured twelve feet nine inches from the snout to the tip
of the tail, and seven feet round the thickest part, and its
weight exceeded 500 pounds. Among the plants which I
found on this occasion were Lupinus littoralis (Bot. Mag. t.
*To this genus the Cerocarpus of Humboldt and Kunth is very nearly allied,
of which a species was afterwards found by Mr. Douglas in California.— Ed.
tSee Bot. Reg. and Bot. Mag. for several of these beautiful genus introduced
by Mr. Douglas.— Ed.
248 JoiIRNAT. AND LeTTERS OF DaVID DoUGLAS.
21)52), Ciirvx Meiizicsii, Jkhchs Meiiziesii ;iii<l filohcKsKS, Vac-
oinkim O'vatum, parvifolium (Hook Fl. Bor. Am. v. 1. t.
128), and ovalifolium (Hook. Fl. Bor. Am. v. 1. t. 127). I
also obtained seeds of the beautiful Spiraea ariaefolia (Bot
Reg. t. 1367), of Gaultheria Shallon, Ribes sangumem, Ber-
beris. and other valuable and interesting plants.
Before taking leave of my Indian friends, I purchased
several articles of wearing apparel, things used in their
domestic economy, etc., for which I paid in trinkets and
tobacco. I arrived at Fort Vancouver again on the 5th of
August, and employed myself until the 18th in drying the
specimens I had collected, and making short journeys in
(piest of seeds and other plants ; my labours being materially
retarded by the rainy weather. As there were no houses
yet built on this new station, I first occupied a tent which
was kindly offered me, and then removed to a lodge of deer
skin, which soon, however, became too small for me in con-
sequence of the augmentation of my collections, and where
also I found some difficulty in drying my plants and seeds.
A hut constructed of the bark of Thuja occide'ntalis was my
next habitation, and there I shall probably take up my win-
ter quarters. I have only been in a house three nights since
my arrival in Northwest America, and these were the first
after my debarkation. On my journeys I occupy a tent
wherever it is practicable to carry one; which, however, is
not often, so that a canoe turned upside down is my occa-
sional shelter; but more frequently I lie under the boughs
of a pine tree, without anything further. In England, peo-
ple shiver at the idea of sleeping with a window open; here
each person takes his blanket and stretches himself, with
all possible complacency on the sand, or under a bush, as
may happen, just as if he were going to bed. I must con-
fess that although I always stood this bivouacking remark-
ably well, and experienced no bad effects from it, I at first
regarded it with a sort of dread, but now habit has rendered
the practice so comfortable to me, that I look upon any-
thing more as mere superfluity.
Journal and Lettkrs of David Douglas. 249
But to I'etuiMi I'l'diii this digression: I agaiu set tvtt' on
the 19th for the purpose of ascending the River ^Tultnomak,
one of the southern tributaries of the Colimibia. This is
a very fine stream, with remarkably fertile banks; thirty-
six miles above the junction ^\nth the Columbia are falls of
fort.v-three feet perpendieula.il height, over which the whole
breadth of the river is precipitated, farming one unbroken
sheet at this season of the year, but in spring and autumn
divided into tlu-ee channels. There is but little current
thus far, as the stream is gorged back by the waters of the
Columbia. The portage over the falls is no small under-
taking. I killed several of the Cervus Leucunis, or long
white-tailed deer, as well as some of the black-tailed kind,
('. macrotis. Two days farther took me to the village of
the Calapoori Indians, a peaceful, well-disposed people,
tweuty-fom" miles above the falls, and where I formed my
camp for several days. A hunting party started from
hence, proceeding westerly over the ridge of mountains.
Near my encampment was a saline spring, to which the deer
frequently resorted, as well as the beautiful ringed species
of Columha, whose elegant movements when picking up and
licking the saline particles that were found round the edge
afforded me great amusement. In the extensive plains,
bounded on the west by the mountainous woody part of the
coast, and on the east by high mountains, and as also on the
l)anks of the River Sandiam. one of the rapid branches of the
Multuomak, grows abundance of the Escholtzia Califonii-ca
(Bot. Reg. t. 1168. Bot. Mag. t. 2287), also his tenax (Bot.
Reg. t. 1218, Bot. ^lag. t. 3343). Nicotiana miiltivalvis (Bot.
Reg. t. 1067), two new species of Trichostemma, and many
other delightful plants. I procured some curious kinds of
Myoxus, Mus, Arctoniys,. a new species of Canis, of singidai*
habits, and a genus of animals which had been hitherto unde-
scribed (probably Geomys Douglasii of Richardson's Fauna
Boreali- Americana). In the tobacco pouches of the natives
I found the seeds of a remarkably large Pine, which they eat
as nuts, and from whom I learned that it grows on the moun-
250 Journal and Lettf^^rs of David Douglas.
hiiiis lo tlie south; no time was lost in ascertaining the ex-
istence of this truly grand tree, which I named Pinus Lam-
hertiana ; but no perfect seeds could I find, and I returned to
my rendezvous at Fort Vancouver, richly fraught with the
treasure I had collected.
A few days were devoted to arranging my last collection,
and drying the seeds I had gathered, without loss of time, on
the 5th of September, having engaged a chief as my guide,
and accompanied by one Canadian, I started on a journey to
the Grand Rapids. Two days were consumed in ascending
the Columbia, though I was favoured with a fair wind ; I
pitched my camp close to Chumtalia's (my guide) house, tak-
ing the precaution of having the ground well drenched with
water, to prevent the annoyance of fleas, from which, however,
I did not wholly escape. On the Saturday morning, as soon
as Chumtalia learned that it was my intention to visit the
summit of the mountains on the north side of the river, he
forthwith fell sick, and presently framed an excuse for not
accompanying me on the expedition. He, however, sent a
young-er brother to guide me, together with two young men
from the village, and I left the Canadian at the tent, to take
care of my books, etc., charging Chumtalia to supply him with
salmon, and to see that no harm should befall him. To en-
courage my guides, I was under the necessity of giving them
the whole of the provisions the first day, except four small
biscuits and a little tea and sugar; at our first encampment,
about tAvo-thircls up the mountain, Ave left our blankets, in-
tending, after having reached the summit, to return thither
and sleep. But our path being dreadfully fatiguing, climbing-
over the shelving detached rocks and fallen timber, the night
overtook us ere we had reached the top. I killed a half-
grown eagle, on which we fared, and with a little tea, made
in an open kettle, and drunk out of vessels formed of bark,
we i)assed a tolerable night, with(uit any bedding'. Previous
to lying down, 1 used the precaution of drying all ray clothes,
which were drenched with perspiration from the violent
exercise I had taken. The following day, in the dusk of
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 251
evening:, I regained my camp, faint and weak, but mueli
pleased to find that all had none well during my absence. My
feet suffered so severely from this three days' journey that
I was totally unable to prosecute my fatiguing researches
without taking some rest, and therefore amused myself with
fishing and shooting seals {I'hocn vitcUina) , which were
sport inn' in vast nnml)ers in the rapid where the salmon are
particularly abundant. Two days after 1 succeeded in per-
suading Chumtalia to attend me to the mountains on the
south side of the river, which he willingly did. The ascent
was easier than the former one, and I reached the top after
a labourious walk of fifteen hours, having had the good for-
tune to fine a new species of Pine, Pin us Nohills and P. ama-
bilis, the grandest trees of the tribe. Hclonias tenax,. with a
new Rhododendron and a second Pterispora (?), also some
interesting individuals of the genus Bihes, rewarded my
fabour; on the rocky part of the mountain, Arhvtus tomentosa
(Bot. Mag. t. 3320. Bot. Reg. t. 1791), was not rare, and I
procured seeds of several species of Pentstemon. On the
morning of the 13th I re-embarked in my canoe and soon
after midday reached Fort Vancouver, so different is the
length of time occupied in ascending and descending the river.
There I had the pleasure to find Dr. Scouler returned from
his noi'tliern voyage, and so delighted was I to hear of his
success, and he to be informed of my movements, that we
sat and talked over our respective journeys, till the sun, rising
over the noble stream, apprised us that a new day had begun,
and sent us oft' to seek a few hours' repose. The rest of this
month was devoted to packing my collections, consisting of
sixteen large bundles of dried plants from America, and eight
gathered in other places, a large chest of seeds, one of birds
and quadrupeds, and another containing various articles of
dress, etc. A portion of each kind of the seeds was reserved
in order to be sent aci'oss the c(mtinent in the ensuing spring.
An originally slight wound which I had received, now be-
coming troublesome, compelled me to desist from my labours
iV=r some weeks, by which I lost a valuable portion of time.
252 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
at an iniportaut season of the year; from the 23rd of October
to the 15th of November, was thus passed.*
In consequence of receiving this wound on ray left knee,
by falling on a rusty nail, when employed in packing the
last of my l)oxes, T was unfoi-tunately prevented from carry-
ing my collection to the shi]i myself, aud accordingly wrote
a note to Captain llanwell, re(iuesting he would have the good-
ness to place them in an aiiy situation, particularly the seeds,
and that, if possible, their place of deposit should be above
the level of the water. To this note I received a very kind
answer, assuring me that my directions should be attended
to. On the 7th my leg became violently inflamed, and a
large abcess formed on the Imee joint, which did not sup-
purate until the 16th. This unfortunate circumstance, oc-
curring at the period when I wanted to be employed in gather-
ing seeds, gave me much uneasiness ; but learning, on the 22nd
of October, that the ship had been detained by contrary winds,
and finding myself better, and being also very desirous of
losing as little time as possible at this important season, I
left Fort Vancouver in a small canoe, with four Indians, for
l:he purpose of visiting my old shipmates, on my way to
Whitby's Harbour of Vancouver, or the mouth of the Chee-
lieelie River, in latitude 48 degrees north, near which place
grow some plants of which I had previously obtained but
imperfect or no specimens, or of which I wished to collect
the seeds. Among them was HeJonias tenax, a very desira-
ble plant for cultivation. I camped at the junction of the
Multnomak River with the Columbia, after having made a
distance of twenty railed, when a strong westerly wind setting
in from the sea obliged me to have my canoe examined, and
new-gummed before starting again; I had not proceeded many
miles when it struck against the stump of a tree, which split
it from one end to the other, and compelled me to paddle
hastily to shore with the water rushing in upon me. During
the time the Indians were employed in repairing the damage,
*As the period included within these dates covers the time during which
Douglas made the arduous trip to Grays Hai'bor the transcriber must have been
confu.sed.— Ed. Qxjartekly.
Journal and Lettp:rs of David Douglas. 253
I turned cook, made a basin of tea for myself and cooked
some salmon for my companions, after which we proceeded
on our route. About 8 o'clock the same evening we put
ashore at the villao-e of Oak Point, to procure some food,
wlien an Indian handed me a letter from Dr. Scouler, the
suroron of the ship, in whicli my friend informed me that
Ihcy would not probal)ly leave the bay for some days, and as
the vessel had been seen there that mornino:, I was desirous of
writing- to Mr. Sabine at the latest possible date. After ob-
taining: a few dried salmon, and a wild goose, we proceeded
four miles farthei- down the river till midnight, when we
stopped to take a little supper, hoping before <laybreak the
next morning to reach the sea, from whence we were still
about foi-ty-five miles distant. At 4 o'clock in the morning
a strong breeze set in from the sea, which produced a very
angry swell on the river, and obliged me to coast along its
shore (a measure indeed almost necessary under any state
of wind, because my canoe was in so frail a condition) and
afterwards to haul our bark across a narrow neck of land at
Tongue Point, when unfortunately a sudden change of wind
enabling the ship in the bay to weigh her anchor we missed
her by just one single hour! This was a severe disappoint-
ment, as besides not seeing Dr. Scouler. I had my letters writ-
ten all ready to hand on board.
Leaving my canoe men to lie down and sleep, I took my
gun and knapsack, and proceeded along the bay in search of
seeds. At dark I returned to the lodge of Madsue, or "Thun-
der." one of the Chenook chiefs, where I found his brother.
Tha-a-mnx, a chief of the Cheeheelie River, on Whitby's
Harbour, and as he was then going home I acceded to his re-
quest to accompany me. The following morning Com Comly,
the chief of all the Chenooks on the north side of the river,
sent his canoe with twelve Indians to ferry me across the
Columbia to Baker's Bay. on the south [north] side, which
they perfoi-mcd with great skill, though a. violent storm over-
took us in the middle of the channel, by which we lost a few
|i( unds of flour and a little tea, all the provisions we had ex-
254 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
eept s<uiie ounces of chocolate, whicli I carried in my pocket.
This canoe was so much larger and more commodious than
my own, that I had succeeded in bargaining for the loan of
it, and I attribute my preservation to the strength of the boat
and dexterity of the Indians; by which, though the sea re-
peatedly broke over us, we reached the shore in perfect safety,
and encamped at sunset near Knight's River, in Baker's Bay.
In the evening I gave the two chiefs a dram of well-watered
rum, which pernicious li(|uc:r they will, generally speaking,
make any sacrifice to obtain. I found, however, an exception
in my new guide ; on my enquiring the reason of his tem-
perance, he informed me that some years ago he used to get
drunk, and become very quarrelsome ; so much so, that the
young men of the village had to take and bind him hand and
foot, which he looks upon as a great disgrace, and will taste
spirits no more. In lieu of drinking, however, I found him
an expensive companion, from his addiction to tobacco. So
greedily would he seize the pipe and inhale every particle
of smoke, that regularly five or six times a day he would fall
down in a state of stupefaction. In self-defense I M^as
obliged to smoke, when I fomid that my mode of using the
Indian weed diverted my companion as much as his had me.
"Oh," cried he, "why do you throw away the food? (smoke).
See, I take it in my belly."
The following day, during the whole of which the rain
fell in torrents, we made a small portage of four miles over
Cape Disappointment, the north point of the Columbia, to
a small rivulet that falls into the ocean, twelve miles to the
northward. I found the labour of dragging my canoe occa-
sionally over the rocks, stumps, and gulleys that intercepted
our way extremely ti*ying, especially as my knee became more
and more stiff and troublesome from the damp and cold.
On reaching the bay, I proceeded along it for a few miles,
when the thick fog obliged me to encamp under a shelving
rock, overshadowed with large pines, a little above tide mark.
After a comfortless nighl I resinned my journey at daylight,
and having been disappointed of procuring any salmon at
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 255
the village which we passed, because it was abandoned, we
pushed on with as much speed as possible to Cape Foul-
weather,* which we gained, after proceeding forty miles along
the coast. The rain continuing to fall heavily the next day,
we sent the canoe back to the Columbia from this place, it
being also impossible, with so few hands, to carry it over a
portage of sixteen miles. The Indians, too, were solicitous
to leave me. when they knew that all the provisions were ex-
hausted. The wind increased about midnight, two or three
hours after they had departed, to a perfect hurricane, accom-
panied with sleet and hail, which obliged us twice to shift
our camp, as the sea rose unusually high and almost reached
us, and which also rendered me very anxious about the safety
of the Indians, who, as I afterward learned, were so fortunate
as to gain the shelter of a creek until the storm abated. "We
had no protection, save what was afforded by our wet blankets
and a few pine branches, and were destitute of provisions. ' A
few berries of Ardutus Uva-Lrsi were all that could be got
at this place, and the wind and heavy rain almost rendered it
impossible to keep up any fire. All the wild fowl had tied
to the more sheltered spots; not a bird of any kind could be
seen. Long ere daylight we were ready to leave Cape Foul-
weather;! well convinced that it deserv'ed its name, as there
appeared no likelihood of procuring food, we walked along
the sandy beach to endeavor to reach Whitby Harbour,;];
where my §ruide expected to meet a fishing party. On arriv-
ing there, when we found the village deserted, I can hardly de-
scribe the state I was in. While my guide and the Indians were
collecting some drift-wcod, I made a small booth of pine
branches, straw and old mats. ]My blanket having been
drenched all day, and the heavy rain affording no oppor-
[*The point on the north side of the entrance to W^illapa Harbor. Douglas
used Vancouver's nomenclature which did not always stick.— Ed. Quarterly.]
tOn the map belonging to the Flora Boreali Americana, and drawn up under
Mr. Douglas's inspection, probably by error, Cape Foulweather is represented as
on the south side of the Columbia and Whitby Harbor on the north. [The name
"Foulweather" has been retained to designate a headland about one hundred miles
south of the mouth of the Columbia.— Ed. QrARTERi.Y.]
\X Gray's Harbor.— Ed. Quarterly.]
256 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
t unity of dj-yinti' it, I deemed it imprudent to lie down to sleep,
and accoi-dinuly spent the night sitting over the fire. The
following day found me so broken down with fatigue and
starvation, and my knee so much worse, that I could not stir
(tut. We fared most scantily on the roots of Sdfjittdria
sdfi'dtifol'ui and LupiiiKs liftoraJis, called in the Chenook lan-
guage SoniuchhiH. till, crawling out a few steps with my gun,
I providentially saw some wild birds, and killed five ducks at
one shot. These were soon cooked, though one of the Indians
ate his share raw. To save time in plucking the fowl, I
singed off the feathers, and, with a basin of tea, made a good
supper on one of them. I had certainly been very hungry,
yet. strange to say, as soon as I saw the birds fall, my appetite
fled, and I could hardly persuade myself I had been in such
want.
Our fiiie having attracted the attention of my guide's
friends living on the other side of the bay, who were looking
out for him, they sent a canoe. Arriving at midnight, I was
asleep, and did not know of the fortunate circumstance till
he woke me in the morning, for he had not allowed them to
make any noise to disturb me, since I had taken little or no
rest during three preceding nights. As we were crossing
the bay together I killed two gulls, one large and white, with
a bluish hue on the wings, which were tipped with black, the
other of equal size, but all mottled with gray, also a species
of Colynihus: but I had no opportunity of preserving them.
I reached my guide's house at dusk, and remained there
several days, partaking of whatever they could spare, and
treated with all the kindness and hospitality which Indian
courtesy could suggest. During this time I procured a little
seed of Helonias tenax. though not so much as I could wish,
owing to the lateness of the season, with abundance of the
seeds of a splendid Carex, and a Lupine (L. littoralis). The
roots of the latter plant are collected by the natives, and
roasted on the embers, and they are tlie Liquorice alluded to
by Lewis and Clark ; they contain nuich farinaceous sub-
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 257
stance, and are a very nutritive food; as mentioned above,
the natives call them Somuchtan.
On the 7th of November I proceeded up the River Chee-
heelie, with ray guide, in a canoe, stoppino- at such places as
presented anything new. On the 11th I had attained a dis-
tance of sixty miles from the ocean, when, discouraged by
the deluges of rain which fell, and finding that ray canoe was
too large to proceed further, owing to the cascades and occa-
sional shallowness of the water, I discontinued ray voyage,
which was intended to extend to the source of the river, and
dismissed my guide, after making him such presents as I
deemed were well deserved by the zeal and kindness I had
experienced at his hands. Before leaving me, however, this
man, called "The Beard" by his tribe, entreated me to shave
hira, as he raakes sorae pretensions to civilization, and irai-
tates English manners with considerable nicety. T complied
with his request, and invited him to come and see rae at the
New Year at the fort, when I would give him a smoke and a
dram, and shave him again. He asked me farther, "to let
all King George's chiefs know about him when I spoke to
them on paper. ' ' This river is a large stream nearly as wide
as the Thames, very rapid, inteiTupted in many parts with
cascades and having steep and rocky banks covered with
woods, like those found on the Columbia.
At the village Avhere I stopped I bargained with an Indian
to carry my luggage on his horse to the Cowalidsk River.
ff)rty miles distant, a considerable stream, which empties
itself into the Columbia. I had sorae difficulty in arranging
with the fellow, and found hira the most mercenary rascal
I ever yet met. Having no alternative, I had to give him
twenty shots of annnunition, two feet of tobacco, a few flints,
and a little verraillion.
This distance, though not more than forty miles, took two
days; the low places in the plain were so many lakes, the
rivulets had overflowed their banks, and the difficulty of
ascending and descending the numerous woody hills was
ureatlv increased bv these causes. It rained both days; we
258 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
had consumed all the berries I had collected, and Mr. Mac-
kenzie, who accompanied me, suffered severely from eating
the roots of a species of Narthecium. Fortunately we found
at the Cowalidsk a small boat which Schachanaway, the chief
had borrowed from the establishment a few days before; and
ho also ^-(We us some roots, di'ied salmon, and a goose {Anas
Ca)i<t<leHsis.) The following day we descended the river to
the Columbia, and on the 15th of November landed a I Forr
Vancouver. Seeds of Helonias tenax, Euhus spectahilis
(Bot. Reg. t. 1424), were the only things I saved in this un-
fortunate journey.
IMy return up the Columbia was effected by means of my
cloak and blanket, which I used as sails. It was midnight
of the 15th when I reached Fort Vancouver, after an absence
of twenty -five days, during which I experienced more fatigue
and gleaned less than in any trip I ever made in this country.
From this period, the middle of November, to the end of
December, my infirm state of health, and the prevalence of
the rainy season entirely precluded any thonght of Botany.
At midday of the 18th, the annual express, consisting of two
boats and forty men, arrived at Fort Vancouver, from Hud-
son's Bay. whence they had started on the 21st of July. At
a distance of several miles we had descried them, rapidly de-
scending the stream, and as in this remote country, it is only
once a year that the post, if T may so call it, arrives from Eng-
land, we eagerly hurried to welcome our guests, each con-
gratulating himself on the prospect of receiving letters from
home. I, for one, was heavily disappointed ; to my great re-
gret, the party informed me that there was no parcel, letter,
nor article of any kind for me, and though this was aceonnted
for by the circumstance that they had quitted Hudson's Bay
before the arrival of the ship which sailed for that port from
England in the month of May, still it was tantalizing to reflect
that whatever might have been sent to me by that vessel, must
now lie on the other side of the great Continent of America
until November of next year. Mr. McLeod. the gentleman
in charge of this expedition, informed me that he had met
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 259
Captaiu Frauklin's party on Cumberland Lake, on their way
to Bear Lake, their winter residence. I learned also that a
^Ir. Drummond, whom, from the description, I could not
but. hope was my old botanical acquaintance, the nurseryman
at Forfar, was attached, as Naturalist, to the expedition, and
that he had accompanied Mr. McLeod so far as the Rocky
Mountains, where he meant to spend the winter season near
Peace River and Smoking River. Mr. McLeod, whom I find
to be a very agreeable person, informs me that he has passed
the last five yeai's on Mackenzie's River, of the country lying-
near which he possesses more knowledge than any other per-
son. The natives, whose language he speaks fluently, assui'c
him that there is a river, running parallel with Mackenzie's
River, to the west, and equaling it in size, which falls into
the sea near Icy Cape. He had assembled the Indians with
a view to making a journey in that direction, when orders
arrived which obliged him to start for Hudson's Bay. In
this gentleman may be seen what perseverance can effect, as
he had visited the Polar Sea, and the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans in the short space of eleven months. The sea, to the
westward of Mackenzie's River, is said to be open after July,
so that little difficulty or exertion would be found in going to
ley Cape by land.
During the brief intervals of good weather I crawled out
whenever my wounded leg enabled me to move, and taking
my gun collected some birds, or went to the woods in search
of mosses and other cryptogamic plants. Till the 15th of
December there was hardly any frost, and the weather, when
dry, was very pleasant, though the cold was considerable dur-
ing nights. But on the 24th of that month, the rain fell in
such torrents that my little hut of Thuja bark became un-
tenantable, the water standing fourteen inches deep on the
floor; ]\fl'. McLoughlin kindly invited me to take up my quar-
ters with him in his half-finished house, and thither I re-
moved all my little articles on the morning of Christmas
Dav. After morning service was over, the gentlemen of the
260 Journal and I.ktters ok David Douglas.
fi)rt took au airing on horseback, in which my troublesome
knee, much to my vexation, prevented my joining.
January 1, 1826: The commencement of a new year, in
such a far-removed corner of the globe, where I am almost
cut off from all civilized society, suggests many reflections.
On New Year's Day, 1824, I w^as on the Atlantic, returning
to my native land from North America; on the same day, this
time twelvemonth, I was scudding over the Pacific, between
the Island of Juan Fernandez and the Gallipagos; and as to
where I may be ere another year revolves, is known only to
the all-wise Disposer of events.
ACCOUNT of the ZOOLOGY OP THE COLUMBIA.
So few events occurred between this date and the 1st of
March that my journal is not worth transcribing. I may,
however, mention some birds of this country that came under
my notice; and first, the Silver-lieaded Eagle {Aquila leuco-
cephala of Richardson and Swainson!), a grand creature,
abundant wherever there are rivers containing fish. These
birds perch on dead trees and stumps overhanging the water,
and are invariably found near cascades and falls. They are
Avary and difficult to be killed, although other species of eagles
do sometimes overcome them. The voice is a shrill whistle.
They build their nests in large trees, not confining themselves
to dead trunks, and appear always to select the most con-
spicuous situations, such as the tops of steep rocks, points
and necks of land, where they may be almost certainly looked
for. Two, three, and four young ones are hatched at a time,
which keep the nest, and continue on the tree much longer
than most birds, seldom quitting the vicinity of the place
where they are reared. The color of the first plumage is a
brownish-black, which in the first spring assumes a mottled
grey, lightest on the head and tail ; the second year these
parts become perfectly white, and the body black. I killed
one of these birds flying, last July, during an excursion of
twelve days, which I had made principally for the sake of
obtaining the roots or seeds of a Cyperus mentioned by Pursh
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 261
ill his preface. The bird, a fine large male, was perched on
;i stump ck)se to the vilhige of Cockqua, one of the principal
chiefs of the Chenook nation. This tribe was at war with
the ('latsops and some other Indians, as mentioned before,
and many were the feats of strength and dexterity which
they performed, in order to show their superior power, among
which were hitting a mark with bow and arrows, antl a gun.
One individual passed the arrows through a small hoop of
grass, six inches in diameter, thrown up in the air by another
pers(m, and then with his rifle struck a mark 110 yards dis-
tant, explaining that none of King George's chiefs could do
the like, any more than chaunt the death song, and dance war
dances with him. On this bravado, deeming it a good oppor-
tunity to show myself a fair marksman, the poor Silver-
Headed Eagle was made to pay for it. I lifted my gun,
which was charged with swan shot, walked to within forty-
five yards of the birdj and throwing a stone to raise him,
brought him down when flying. This had the desired effect;
many of the natives, who never think of the possibility of
shooting an object in motion, laid their hands on their mouths
in token of fear, a common gesture with them. The fellow,
however, still showing himself inclined to maintain his superi-
ority, gave me a shot at his hat, which he threw up himself,
when my shot carried away all the crown, leaving nothing
but the brim. My fame was hereupon sounded through the
whole country, and a high value attached to my gun. Ever
since I have found it of the utmost importance to bring down
a bird flying when I go near any of their lodges, at the same
time taking care to make it appear as a little matter, not done
on purpose to be observed. With regard to the hat in ques-
tion, I may mention that it was woven of the roots of Heloitias
tenax, which the Indians of the Columbia call Quip-Quip, and
on my observing the tissue with attention, Cockqua promised
that his little girl, 12 years of age, should make me tln'ee
or four after the European shape, giving me at the same
time his own hat, and a large collection of baskets, cups, and
pouches of the same material, for which I paid in tobacco,
262 Journal and Lettkks of David Douglas.
knives, nails, and gun-fliuts. Tlie roots of Cyperns and
Thuja are also used for the same purpose. Coekqua kept
his promise, and after three months brought me the hats,
one on which had initials woven in with a dark-stained Fucus.
I gave him for these and for ten pieces of wood, made of
Spiraea Capitata, each tipped with a beaver's tooth, and used
in playing one of their games, one blanket, value 7 shillings,
and some beads, rings, and needles, as a present to the little
girl who wrought the hats. When returning last summer
from the Grand Rapids, I saw one of these Silver-headed
Eagles take a small sturgeon out of the water, and as he was
soaring over my head, I lifted my gun and brought him down.
The claws of the bird were so firmly clenched through the
cartilaginous substance of the fish's back, that he would not
let go till I introduced a needle into the vertebrae of his
neck. The sturgeon measured fifteen inches long, and
weighed fom pounds.
The large Brown Eagle is less plentiful than most species
of its tribe, and not so shy. It is also less ferocious than the
Silver-headed Eagle, of which it stands in great fear. I was
able to kill but one, and an examination of its stomach, which
was full of small birds, seemed to show that it does not live
on fish.
The Small Eagle appears to be rare, as I never saw more
than one pair, of which I killed one. Its fiight is very quick,
and though inferior in size and strength to the other Eagles
of this country, it boldly pursues them all. I can not say
what is the nature of its food. The legs and feet are of a
light and bright blue.
The hunters inform me that the Calumet Eagle {Aquila
Chrysaetos, Richardson and Swainson), is found two degrees
south of the Columbia, in the winter season, and I saw two
specimens which had been killed there.
A species of Buzzard or Vultu7-e {Sarcoramphos Cali-
forniaHUs of Vigors) is the largest bird seen here, except the
Wild Swan. I killed only one of these interesting birds, but
the buckshot which went through its head spoiled the speci-
Journal and TjEtteks of David Douglas. 263
men for {n-eservatioii, whicli I exceedingly regret, as I am
sure the species is yet undescribed. I have since fired at
many of them with every kind of smaller shot, but without
effect. Seldom more than one or two of these Buzzards are
seen together; but when they can find the carcass of any dead
animal, they gorge so gluttonously that it is easy to knock
them down with a stick. I shall shortly try to take them
with a baited steel trap. The color of this species is similar
to the Canadian Buzzard which I sent home, the beak and
legs bright yellow. Its wing-feathers are highly prized by
the Canadian voyagers for making the stems of their to-
bacco pipes.
Of the Hawk tribe I have seen but four species, and was
al)le to preserve only two of these. One is pure white, and
about the size of a sparrow-hawk, a very active bird, and in
constant pursuit of all the other sorts, which invariably shun
its society.
The Magpie, so common with us, and abundant also in the
upper part of the country at all seasons, is very rare near
the coast; there seems to be no specific difference between it
and the bird of Europe, except that this is larger, and the
feathers in the tail of the male are of a brighter and more
azure purple. The American Magpies have the same trick as
ours of annoying horses which have any sore about them. T
preserved a pair of them.
The Wood Partridge is not a rare bird, although by no
means so abundant as many of the tribe on the other side of
the continent. These birds frequent high gravelly soils on
the outskirts of woods, among hazel bushes and other brush-
wood ; but are so shy that the breaking of a twig is sufficient
to raise them, as they generally harbor in the low thickets,
it is only by a chance shot on the wing that they can be se-
cured. I preserved two pairs of this fine species, but had
the misfortune to lose one of the males, which could not after-
wards be replaced, by the depredations of a rascally rat, who
mutilated it so much as to render the specimen unfit for send-
ing home. On the Multnomak River there is a species of
264 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
l*ai-li-iiliie, very diniiimtivo in size, not so lai'ge as an English
Thrush, with a long- azure crest, and head and neck of the
same hue, the rest of the bird being an uniform pea-grey.
I have not seen it myself, but have provided one of the
hunters with shot to procure it for me.
In the upper country are two or three kinds of Grouse;
one a very hxrge bright grey bird, as large as the smaller size
of Turkeys, is plentiful and easily procured; another, about
the size of a hen, of a blackish color, is also abundant ; it
cackles exactly like the domestic fowl, and never flies, but
runs along the ground.
The Large Grouse I have not seen alive, but often ob-
served its tail-feathers and part of the skin, decorating the
war-caps of the Indians from the interior.
A species very distinct from the Cuculus cristatus of Wil-
son, is the Small Blue Jay {Garrulus Stelleri 1 Vieillot) ; in-
deed I do not remember to have read any desci'iption at all
according with it. Unlike the conmiou Jay of our country,
which is very shy, and in autumn is seen in large flocks, but
never near houses, the Jay of the Columbia is very tame, and
visits the dung-hills of the Indian villages, like an English
robin, sometimes thirty or forty of the birds coming together.
It is of a darker blue than the European kind, and has a
black crest. Three of them are preserved.
The Large Horned Owl seems not very abundant; I never
saw more than twelve or fourteen. One I killed by the light
of the moon, having watched for it during several successive
evenings; it was not, however, the species I was in quest of,
which is much larger than the Snowy Owl, and of a yellowish
))rown color.
There are two species of Crow, one large and the other
small ; the lesser kind is shyer and not so abundant, being only
seen on the banks of rivers and near old encampments, where
it feeds upon carrion. This bird is in my collection ; it was
killed in February.
In the Wild Fowl there appears little difference from what
iiencrallv inhabit the wild districts of America. The com-
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 265
mou Vanadian Wild Goose {Anas Canadensis 'I), with the
(rrey or Calling Goose, and the Small White Goose, are abuu-
dixnt im all the lakes, marshes, and low grounds, as well as
on the sand banks in the Columbia. They migrate to the
northward in April, and return in October. The male of the
Grey Goose is a handsome mottled bird. A pair of each of
these Geese is in my collection.
There are thi-ee species, or else distinct varieties of the
Sican. First, the Common Swan, then a smaller bird of the
same color; and thirdly, another, equal in size to the fii*st,
bluish grey on the back, neck, and head, and white on the
belly; it is probably specifically distinct, as the color is pre-
served in all stages of its growth, and it is not so common as
the rest. All these frequent like places as the Geese, and
migrate at the same time. To my regret, I was only able to
obtain one specimen, a female of the last species.
Of the ten or twelve species of Ducks found on the Colum-
bia. I could obtain but three.
jNIy desire of preserving animals and birds was often frus-
trated by the heavy rains that fell at this season. Among
the kinds of the latter which chiefly deserve attention are,
Tetrao Sabini and Richardsoni, Sarcocamphos Calif ornica,
Corvus Stelleri, and some species of the genus Anas. There
are several kinds of Cervus, Canis, Mus, and Myoxus, though
the variety of quadrupeds is by no means so great in the
northwest as in many parts of America.
The Elk {Cervus Alces), which the hunters say agrees
precisely with the Bichc of the other side of this great con-
tinent, is found in all the woody country, and particularly
abundant near the coast. There are two other species of
Deer — one is light grey, white on the belly and inside the legs,
with a very long tail, a foot to fifteen inches long. It is
called by the hunters le Chevreuil, or Jumping Deer {Cervus
leucurus), and is very small, with horns about eighteen inches
long, and much curved inward, very round, and not more than
once or twice branched.
The other species is the Black-tailed Deer {Cervus
■2()() Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
nuicroiis of ►^ay), iif a darker luie on the back, and bluisli-
•irey, the belly yellow; its tail is shorter, not exceeding from
eight inches to a foot, and the ears remarkably large, much
like those of an Ass, and of the same dark color as the tail.
This is a considerably larger animal than the Ckevreuil, and
less plentiful ; both are found in the upland countries, all
through the great range of mountains which extend across
the lands of the Snake and Flathead Indians. I sent last
October to England a young Chevreuil which I had killed on
the Multnomak River, where these creatures are remarkably
abundant. As nothing could be more interesting to me than
a knowledge of this genus. I have instructed several of the
hunters in the mode of preparing the skin, and furnished
them with a small quantity of preserving powder; so that I
do hope to obtain at least a pair of each.
There are two sorts of h'ahhit and one of Hare, but none
of them have I seen alive; the latter, which is only found in
the interior, is said to be very large.
On the Multnomali there is a most singular kind of Fox,
smaller than any other except the White Fox of Northeast
America, its extreme length being only from thirty-three to
forty inches. The hair is remarkably short and very coarse,
and what is most singular, each hair is brown at the bottom,
white in the middle, and black at the points, which gives the
creature a light grey colour; the belly white, and the sides of
the neck and body as well as the forehead, brown; the ears
and nose somewhat black, and it has a grey beard and a black
stroke from the shoulders to the tip of the tail. The pro-
pensity which this Fox exhibits for climbing trees distin-
guishes it from all the other species ; he mounts with as much
facility as a Squirrel. The first I saw was on the Multnomak,
where this kind of Fox is by no means rare.
A large Lynx (FeMs rufa, Richardson and Guldenst) was
started by Mr. McLeod and me when we were on a hunting
excursion in the month of February. The small Bulldog be-
longing to that gentleman caught it by the thi'oat and killed
i1 without any further trouble. It was a full grown female,
Journal and Letters ok David Douglas. 267
and the skin not being niiieli injnred, I mean to have it neatly
jireserved. >
Several kinds of Mice and Rals are found on the banks of
the rivers, but I have been nnable to eateh any more of a
singular species with pouches, of which large numbers had
visited us last autumn. The Ground Rat, or Arcfomjis
[Arcfoniys bracliyurusi) . of whose skins the Cheiiook and
other tribes of Indians ni;d\e their robes, I hear are plentiful
in the upper parts of the Cowalidsk River, but my enfeebled
state when I was there last November prevented my hunting
for any, and my subsequent attempts have been unsuccessful.
On the Multnomak River, about thirty-six miles above its
junction with the Cohunbia, there are fine falls, about forty
three feet in perpendicular height, across the whole river in
an oblique direction ; when the water is low they are divided
into three principal channels, but when it is high the whole
stream rushes over in one unbroken sheet. This place was
at one time considered the finest hunting ground for Beaver
(Castor Fiber, var. Americanus) , west of the Rocky Moun-
tains, and much have I been gratified in viewing the lodges
and dams constructed by that wise and industrious little
animal. The same place is frequented by large numbers of
a species of Peer (probably the Cerviis Wapiti described as
being seen by Captain Franklin's party) ; but though seven-
teen of these creatures, male and female, were killed during a
stay that I made there in autumn, 1825, only a small young
male, about four months could be ceded to me for preserva-
tion, owing to the great scarcity of provision.
The quantity of salmon (Salmo Scoulerif Richardson)
taken in the Columbia is almost inci-edible. and the Indians
resort in great numbers to the best fishing spots, often travel-
ing several hundred miles for this purpose. The salmon are
captured in the following manner : Before the water rises,
small channels are made among the rocks and stones, dividing
the stream into branches, over which is erected a platform or
stage on which a person can stand. These are made to be raised,
or let dow)i, as the water falls or rises. A scoop net, which is
268 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
fastened round a liooj) and held by a pole twelve or fifteen
feet long, is then dropped into the channel, which it exactly
fits, and the current of the water carrying it down, the poor
salmon swims into it without being aware, when the individual
who watches the net instantly draws it and flinas the fish on
shoi-e. The handle of the net is secured by a rope to the plat-
form, lest the force of the w^ater shouJd drive it out of the
fisher's hand. The hoop is made of Acer Circiiiatum., the net
of the bark of an Apocynum. W'hich is very durable and tough,
and the pole of pine wood. The salmon is of good quality,
generally weighing from fifteen to twenty-five pounds, some-
times more. I measured two— the first was three feet five
inches long from the snout to the tip of the tail, and ten inches
broad at the thickest part, it weighed thirty-five pounds; the
other was three feet four inches in length, nine inches broad,
and a little lighter Both were purchased for two inches of to-
bacco (about half an ounce), and value two pence. In Eng-
land the same quantity of salmon could not be obtained under
£2 or £3, nor would it eat so nicely crisped (a great point
with epicures) as mine has done ; when cooked under the shade
of a princely pine far removed from the abodes of civilized
life. It is wonderful how" much comfort, at least how much
of the feeling of it. can consist with such a place, and under
such circumstances, where I have been surrounded by hun-
dreds of individuals who had never seen such a white face as
mine before, and whose intentions, w^ere I only to judge by
their weapons and appearance, were very hostile. Great Avas
their astonishment when, after having eaten my salmon, I
prepared an effervescing draught, and swallowed it, hoiling.
as they believed. Their belief in good and bad spirits made
them consider me as one of the latter" class, and when, be-
sides drinking this "boiling water," they saw me light a
tobacco pipe with my lens, they called me OUa Piska, which
in Chenook language signifies Fire. A pair of spectacles
which I placed on my nose caused no less surprise, and tho
hand was innnediatcly laid on the mouth in token of dread
and astonishment. On sandA^ shores the salmon is caught as
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 269
in Entrland. with a drauiiht net, also made of Apocynum
bark, and floated with bits of wood, particularly where the
bottom of the river is free from rocks or stumps.
The Sfiirgpon {Acciix'iisrr traitsrnoiita'nus., Richardson)
attains a leiiiith of ten fed, and a weisiht of 400 to 500 pounds
ill the Columbia, (^m^ of these was presented me b}^ my In-
dian friend, Coekqna. some months a^'o, and as to eat the
whole was a feat even surpassing the powers of "one of King
George's chiefs," I requested him to select the part which he
considered the best, and cook it for me. This request he took
as a great compliment, and I nmst do him the justice to say
that he afforded me the most comfortable meal I had enjoyed
for a considerable time, out of the head and spine of this fish.
A small Trout is also found abundantly in the creeks of
the Columbia.
Among the most interesting of the plants which I gathered
last year is a species of Tobacco, the Nicotiana pulvendcnta of
Pursh, correctly surmised by Nuttall to grow on this side of
the Rocky Mountains; though whether this country, or the
Rocky Mountains themselves, or the banks of the Missouri,
be its original habitat, I am quite unable to say. I am, how-
ever, inclined to think that it is indigenous to the mountains,
where the hunters say that it grows plentifully, especially in
the country of the Snake Indians, who may have brought it
from the headwaters of the Missouri, which they annually
visit, and distributed it thus in both directions, east and west
of the great chain of the Rocky Mountains. I first saw a
single plant of it in the hand of an Indian at the Great Falls
of the Columbia, but though I offered two ounces of manufac-
tured tobacco, an enormous remuneration, he Avould on no
account part with it. The Nicotiana is never sowed by the In-
dians near the villages lest it should be pulled and used before
it comes to perfect maturity; they select for its cultivation an
open place in the wood, where they burn a dead tree or stump,
and strewing the ashes over the ground, plant tlie tobacco
there. Fortunately, I happened to detect one of these little
plantations, and supplied myself, without delay or iunnediate
270 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
stipulations for payment, with both specimens for drying and
seeds. The owner, whom I shortly met, seeing the prize under
my arm, appeared much displeased, but was propitiated with
a present of European tobacco, and becoming good friends
with me, gave the above description of its culture, saying that
Avood ashes invariably made it grow very large.
I was much disappointed at being unable to obtain cones
of a fine Pinus which grows abundantly on the banks of the
Columbia. The trees were too large to be felled with my
hatchet, and, as to climbing, I had already learned the pro-
priety of leaving no property below on such occasions. The
top of the tree, whei'e the cones hang, was also too weak to
bear me, and its height so great that all my attempts to bring
them down by firing at them with swan-shot were unsuccessful.
On the 20th of February, Jean Baptiste McKay, one of
the hunters, returned to the establishment from his hunting-
excursion to the southward, and brought me one cone of the
species of Pinus, which I had requested him to procure last
August, when I was at the Multnomak. The first knowledge I
had of this grand tree was derived from the very large seeds
and scales of the cone which I had seen in the Indian's shot-
pouch. After treating the latter to a smoke, which must
be done before any questions are put. I inquired and found
that he had brought this prize from the mountains to the
southward, and as McKay was going in that direction, I
liegged him to procure me twelve cones, a bag of seeds, a few
twigs and some of the gum. Being, however, late in autumn
ere he arrived at the place where the trees grow, all the seed
was gone, and he therefore brought only a cone to show me ;
but as he gave strict orders to his Indian friends, I feel cer-
tain of securing abundance of it in the summer. This species
belongs to Pursh's second section; the tree measures from
twenty to fifty feet in circumference, and is one hundred and
seventy to two hundred and twenty feet high, nearly un-
braiiched to within a short distance of the top where it forms
a perfect umbel. The trunk is remarkably straight, the wood
fine, and yielding a great quantity of resin. Growing trees.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 271
which have been burned by the natives to save the trouble
of felling- them or of collecting other fuel, a practice to which
they are greatly addicted, produce a quantity of a saccharine
substance, used for seasoning in the same way as sugar is by
civilized nations. The cone measured sixteen inches and a
half in length, and was ten inches round at the thickest part.
The country of the TJmptqua Indians, two degrees south of
the Columbiaj produces this tree in the greatest abundance.
The seeds are collected in the end of summer, dried, pounded,
and made into a sort of cake which is considered a great
dainty. To mj^ inquiries respecting it, the poor Indian an-
swered by repeated assurances that he would give me plenty
of this cake when I visited his country, which is the surest
proof of its being much prized, as these people will, on every
occasion, offer the greatest rarity or delicacy to a stranger.
The same person brought me also an Elk's snare and a netted
purse of ingenious workmanship, made of a most durable
grass, which, from what I have seen, will probably prove a
new species of Ilelonias. Of this plant he has also promised
to procure me roots and seeds.
(To be continued.)
IIECOLLCCTIQMS £S 0F11N11QPS IP m
By Petkb H. Burnett.
CHAPTER V.
The Act in Ixcgard to Slavery and Free Negroes and 3Iulat-
toes— Misrepresentations of W. H. Gray.
Mr. Gray, in speaking of the legislative committee of 1844.
says :
"There was one inhuman act passed by this legislative
committee, which should stamp the names of its supporters
with disgrace and infamy." (Page 378.)
"The principal provisions of this bill were, that in case
a colored man was brought to the country by any master of
a vessel, he must give bonds to take him away again or be
fined ; and in case the negro was found, or came here from any
quarter, the sheriff was to catch him and flog him forty lashes
at a time, till he left the country." (Page 278.)
"The principles of Burnett's bill made it a crime for a
white man to bring a negro to the country, and a crime for
a negro to come voluntarily ; so that in any case, if he were
found in the country he was guilty of a crime, and punish-
ment or slavery was his doom." (Page 379.)
"At the adjourned session in December we find the execu-
tive urging the legislative connnittee ... to amend their act
relative to the corporal punishment of the blacks, etc." (Page
379.)
"To the honor of the country, Peter H. Burnett's negro-
whipping law was never enforced in a single instance against
a white or black man, as no ofScer of the provisional govern-
ment felt it incumbent upon himself to attempt to enforce it. ' '
(Page 383.)
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 273
This is all the information given by Mr. Gray as to the
provisions of this act, and nothing is said as to its amendment.
The act is as follows :
An Act in Regard to Slavery and Free Negroes and Mu-
LATTOES.
Be it enacted by tlie legislative committee of Oregon as
follows :
Section 1. That slavery and involuntary servitude shall
be forever prohibited in Oregon.
Sec. 2. That in all cases where slaves shall have been,
or shall hereafter be, brought into Oregon, the owners of such
slaves respectively shall have the term of three years from the
introducti(m of such slaves to remove them out of the country.
Sec. 3. That if such owners of slaves shall neglect or
refuse to remove such slaves from the country within the time
specified in the preceding section, such slaves shall be free.
Sec. 4. That when any free negro or mulatto shall have
come to Oregon, he or she (as the case may be), if of the age
of eighteen or upward, shall remove from and leave the
country within the term of two years for males and three years
for females from the passage of this act ; and that if any free
negro or mulatto shall hereafter come to Oregon, if of the age
aforesaid, he or she shall quit or leave the country within the
term of two years for males and three years for females from
his or her arrival in the country.
Sec. 5. That if such free negro or mulatto be under the
age aforesaid* the terms of time specified in the preceding
section shall begin to run when he or she shall arive at
such age.
Sec. 6. That if any such free negro or nuilatto shall fail
to quit the country as required by this act, he or she may be
arrested upon a warrant issued by some justice of the peace,
and, if guilty upon trial before such justice, shall receive upon
his or her bare back not less than twenty nor more than thirty-
nine stripes, to be inflicted by the constable of the proper
county.
Sec. 7. That if any free negro or mulatto shall fail to
quit the country within the term of six months after receiving
such stripes, he or she shall again receive the same punishment
once in every six months until he or she shall quit the country.
274 Pkter H. Burnett.
Sec. 8. Tluit when any slave shall obtain his or her free-
dom, the time specified in the fourth section shall beg-in to rim
from the time when such freedom shall be obtained.
United States of America,,
State of Oregon,
Sec^ketary 's Op'fice.
Salem, Jnne 10th, 1878.
I, S. F. Chadwick, Secretary of the State of Oreg'on, do
hereby certify that I am the custodian of the great seal of the
State of Oregon. That the foregoing copy of original bill for
an act in regard to slavery and free negroes and mulattoes
])assed the legislative committee of the Territory of Oregon
Jnne 26, 1844, has been by me compared with the original bill
for an act. etc., on file in this ofifice, and said copy is a correct
transcript therefrom, and of the whole and of the original bill.
In witness whereof, I have hereto set my hand and affixed
the Great Seal of the State of Oregon, the day and year above
written.
[seal] S. F. Chadv^ick,
Secretary of the State of Oregon.
By Thomas B. Jackson,
Assistant Secretary of State.
The executive committee, in their communication to the
legislative committee, dated December 16, 1844, made this
recommendation :
"We would recommend that the act passed by this assem-
bly in June last, relative to blacks and nmlattoes, be so
amended as to exclude corporal punishment, and require
bonds for good behavior in its stead." (Oregon Laws and
Archives, 58.)
At the December session I introduced the following bill,
which was passed December 19, 1844:
An Act Amendatory of an Act passed June 28, 1844, in
regard to slavery and for other pltrposes.
Be it Enacted hy the Legislative Committee of Oregon as
follows :
Section 1. That the sixth and seventh sections of said act
are hereby repealed.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 275
Sec. 2. That if any such free iieyro oi- mulatto shall fail
to (luit and leave the country, as required by the act to which
this is amendatory, he or she may be arrested upon a warrant
issued by some justice of the peace -. and if g'uilty upon trial
before such justice had, the said justice shall issue his order
to any officer competent to execute process, directing said
officer to give ten days' public notice, by at least four written
or printed advertisements, that he will publicly hire out such
free negro or nuilatto to the lowest bidder, on a day and at a
place therein specified. On the day and at the place mentioned
in said notice, such officer shall expose such free negro or
mulatto to public hiring; and the person who will obligate
himself to remove such free negro or nuilatto from the country
for the shortest term of service, shall enter into a bond, with
good and sufficient security to Oregon, in a penalty of at least
one thousand dollars, binding himself to remove said negro or
mulatto out of the coimtry within six months after such
service shall expire; which bond shall be filed in the clerk's
office in the proper ccmnty ; and upon failure to perform the
conditions of said bond, the attorney prosecuting for Oregon
shall commence suit upon a certified copy of such bond in
the circuit court against such delinquent and his sureties.
It will be readily seen how much the original act differs
from Mr. Gray's statement of its substance.
Not a word is said in the original act about the criminality
of the master of a vessel in bringing a colored man into the
country. The assertion that "the sheriff' was to catch the
negro and flog him forty lashes at a time until he left the
countr-y, " is not only untrue, but the statement conveys the
idea that the sheriff was himself to be the sole judge, both
as to the guilt of the negro and as to how often the flogging
should ])e repeated. The act, on the ccmtrary, required a
judicial trial before a justice of the peace, and that the punish-
ment should only be afflicted in obedience to his ordei* by a
constable. The general right of appeal to a higher court ex-
isted in these, as in other cases, under Section 3, Article II.,
of the "Act regulating the judiciary and for other purposes."
The statement that the principles of the original act
"made it a crime for a white man to bring a negro to the
cimntry" is equally" untrue, as will be readily seen. A cruue
276 Peter H. Burnett.
is an offense for which the party may be arrested, tried, con-
victed, and punished; and there is no provision in the act
authorizing the arrest of a white man for any act whatever.
It is perfectly clear that Mr. Gray either willfully mis-
represented the original act, or attempted to state its sub-
stance from memory; and if the latter be true, then, as his
memory was bad and his prejudices great, he misrepresented
the measure, and made it much worse than it really was.
There can be no excuse for the misrepresentation of an act
by a grave historian, especially one that he condemns in the
harshest language, w'hen he has easy access to the act itself.
But he not only essentially misrepresents the original act
itself, but entirely ignores the amendatory bill ; and does it
in such a way as to increase the censure of the legislative
committee of 1844. There are two modes of falsehood; false
statement of fact, and false suppression of the truth. The
historian first misrepresents the substance of the original act,
then informs the reader that the executive urged its amend-
ment, and then suppresses the fact that the act was amended.
This mode of historical misstatement and suppression left-
the reader to say to himself : ' ' These men first passed an act
containing objectionable provisions, and then obstinately re-
fused to amendj when their attention was urgently called to
the error." Throughout his history of this act he repre-
sents it as unamended and as in full force according to its
own terms; and his last words in regard to it are that "Bur-
nett's negro-whipping law was never enforced in a single
instance against a white or black man, as no officer of the
provisional govertiment felt it incumbent upon himself to
attempt to enforce it."
It will be seen by an inspection of the original act itself
that it was prospective, and that not a single case could possi-
bly arise under it until the expiration of two years after its
passage; and that no officer was required to act until he was
commanded to do so by the regular warrant or order of a
justice of the peace. In the meantime, and eighteen months
before a single case could possibly arise under the act, it was
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 277
amended by the very same body that passed the original bill,
and at the instance of the very same member who intro-
dnced it.
An act that is simply prospective, and does not take effect
until two years after the date of its passage, is an incomplete
measure, liable to be amended at any time before it goes
into operation; and, if amended before any one suffers any
injury from its eiToneous provisions, those provisions are as
if they never had been. It is like a bill imperfect when first
introduced by a member of a legislative body, and so amended
by the author, before its final passage, as to remove its ob-
jectionable features. In such case no sensible man would
censure the introducer for mistakes he himself had corrected.
All that could be said is, that the second sober thought of
the member was better than his first hasty thought.
It -was substantially so in this case. In the hurry of the
June session of 18-44 I could not think of any other mode of
enforcing the act but the one adopted ; but by the December
session of 1844 I had found another and less objectionable
remedy, and promptly adopted it. This remedy was not the
one urged by the executive committee, as will easily be seen.
Neither myself nor the other members who voted for the
original bill are responsible for the objectionable features of
the measure, because we ourselves corrected the error. I
maintain as true this general proposition : that a person who
commits a mistake, and then corrects it himself, before any
one suffers in consequence of it, deserves a commendation in-
stead of a censure; because the act of correction shows a love
of justice, and a. magnanimous willingness to admit and cor-
rect error. All the intense indignation of the historian is,
therefore, thrown away upon an imaginary evil, about which
he is as much mistaken as the girl that wept over the imagin-
ary death of her imaginary infant.
On page 378 the historian gives, professedly from the
Journal, the yeas and nays upon the final passage of the
original bill, as follows: "Yeas, Burnett, Gilmore, Keizer,
Waldo, Newell, and Mr. Speaker MeCarver— 8; nays. Love-
278 Peter H. Burnett.
j(ty aiiil Hill — 2." He llieii informs us, as already stated,
that the executive urged the amendment of the act at the
December session, 1844; and then, on pages 380-3, gives the
communication of the executive committee in full. Now, as
he had the Journal before him, why did he not follow it up
to the short December session, and ascertain what the legisla-
tive committee had done, if anything, in regard to amending
this act?
His history of the proceedings of the committee of 1844
is very short; but, concise as it is, it is full of flagrant mis-
representations. There was one act, however, that he affirma-
tively approved; and yet, so great was his prejudice, that he
wrongfully imputes a bad motive for a confessedly good act.
He says, on page 379: "Mr. Burnett claimed great credit
for getting up a prohibitory liquor law, and made several
speeches in favor of sustaining it, that being a popular meas-
ure among a majority of the citizens."
All our legislation under the provisional government was
based upon the settled conviction that Oregon would be the
first American State on the Pacific. We considered ourselves
as the founders of a new State of the great American Union.
At the time this measure was passed, each State had the
constitutional right to determine who should be citizens and
who residents. Any person born on the soil of a State had
the natural, moral, and legal right to a residence within the
State, while conducting himself properly; because the place
of one's birth is an accidental circumstance, over which he
can have no control. But, for the very reason that every
human being has the right of domicile in the place of his
nativity, he is not, as a matter of right, entitled to a residence
in another community. If that other community denies him
the privilege of such residence, it denies him no right, natural
or acquired, but only refuses a favor asked. The territory
of a State belongs to its people, as if they constituted one
family; and no one not a native has a right to complain that
he is not allowed to form one of this family. Although
every one, under the broad and enlarged principles t)f law
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 279
and justice, has the riglit to ({iiit his origiiia] doiuicik^ at his
pleasure, he has not the equal right to acquire a new residence
in another community against its consent. "The bird has
the right to leave its parent-nest," but has not for that rea-
son, the equal right to occupy the nest of another bird. A
man may demand his rights, and justly complain when they
are denied ; but he can not demand favors, and can not rea-
sonably complain when they are refused.
The principle is no doubt correct that when a State, for
reasons satisfactory to itself, denies the right of suffrage and
office to a certain clasSj it is sometimes the best humanity also
to deny the privilege of a residence. If the prejudices or
the just reasons of a comnuuiity are so great that they can
not or will not trust a certain class with those privileges that
are indispensable to the improvement and elevation of such
class, it is most consistent in some cases to refuse that class
a residence. Placed in a degraded and subordinate political
and social position, which continually reminds them of their
inferiority, and of the utter hopelessness of all attempts to
improve their condition as a class, they are left without
adecjuate motive to, [or"?] ivastc their labor for, that improve-
ment which, when attained, brings them no reward. To have
such a class of men in their midst is injurious to the dominant
class itself, as such a degraded and practically defenseless
condition offers so many temptations to tyrannical abuse.
One of the great objections to the institution of slavery was
its bad influence up(m the governing race.
Had I foreseen the civil war, and the changes it has pro-
duced, I would not have supported such a measure. But
at the time I did not suppose such changes could be brought
alxmt; and the fundamental error was then found in the
organic laws of Oregon adopted in 1843. Article IV., Sec-
tion 2 of those laws conferred the right to vote and hold
olRce upon every free male descendant of a white man, in-
habitant of Oregon Territory, of the age of 21 years and up-
ward. ("Gray's Oregon," 354. )' While the organic laws
of 1843 professedly admitted (dl of the disfranchised class
280 Peter H. Burnett.
to reside in the Territory, they were so framed as to etifectually
exclude the better portion; for surely every intelligent and
independent man of color would have scorned the pitiful
boon offered him of a residence under conditions so humiliat-
ing.
For years I had been opposed to slavery, as injurious to
both races. While I resided in Tennessee and Missouri there
was no discussion upon the subject of manumitting the
slaves in those States. I was not then in circumstances that
made it proper to discuss the question. But when I arrived
in Oregon, the first opportunity I had I voted against slavery
while a member of the legislative committee of 1844. I pre-
sided at a public meeting at Sacramento City January 8,
1849, that unanimously voted for a resolution opposing
slavery in California. This was the first public meeting in
this country that expressed its opposition to that institution.
A public meeting was held in San Francisco February 17,
1849, which endorsed the resolution against slavery passed at
Sacramento. ("Alta California," February 22, 1849.)
As already stated, one of the objects I had in view in
coming to this coast was to aid in building up a great Ameri-
can connnunity on the Pacific ; and, in the enthusiasm of my
nature, I was anxious to aid in founding a State superior in
several respects to those east of the Rocky Mountains. I
therefore labored to avoid the evils of intoxication and of
mixed races, one of which was disfranchised.
W. H. Gray— Criticism Upon the History op Oregon.
It is more charitable to impute Mr. Gray's misrepresenta-
tions to inveterate prejudice than to deliberate malice. Some
men seem to become the slaves of prejudice from long in-
dulgence, until it grows into a chronic habit; and it is about
as easy to make an angel of a goat as an impartial historian
of a prejudiced man. His book, in my best judgment, is
a bitter, prejudiced, sectarian, controversial work, in the form
of history; wherein the author acts as historian, controvertist,
and witness.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 281
I readily admit that circuuistances may place a good man
in this unpleasant position; but, if so, he should fully eom-
]M'ehend the extreme delicacy of the situation, and should rise
with the occasion to the dignity of temperate and impartial
history. He should make no appeals to prejudice, and should
not, in advance, load down with derisive epithets those he,
in his own opinion, is finall.y compelled to condemn ; but should
err, if at all, on the side of charity, and not against it.
The great Dr. Samuel Johnson, in speaking of Burnett's
"History of his own Times," said: "I do not believe that
Burnett intentionally lied; but he w^as so much prejudiced
that he took no pains to find out the truth. He was like a
man who resolves to regulate his time by a certain watch, but
will not inquire whether the watch is right or not." (Bos-
well's "Life of Johnson." vol. II., p. 264.)
I think this opinion applicable to Gray's "History." I
know he has done myself and the legislative committee of
1844 great injustice; and I have every reason to believe that
he has been equally unjust to others.
For example, the historian gives the letter of Mr. McBean,
written at Fort Nez Perees, dated November 30, 1847, and
addressed to the board of managers of the fludson's Bay
Company at Fort Vancouver, and the letters of Mr. Douglas
and Mr. Hinman to Governor Abernethy (pages 519, 524, and
580). I will give so much of these last two letters as may be
necessai-y to the point I make:
Fort Vancouver, Decemher 7, 1847.
George Abernethy, Esq. — Sir: Having received intelli-
gence last night (on the 4th), by special express from Walla
Walla, of the destructimi of the missionary settlement at Wai-
latpu hy thje Cayuse Indians of that place., we hasten to com-
immicate the particulars of that dreadful event, one of the
most atrocious which darken the annals of Indian crime.
James Douglas.
Fort Vancover, December 4, 1847.
Mr. George Abernethy— Dear Sir: A Frenchman from
Walla Walla arrived at my place on last Saturday, and in-
formed me that he was on his way to Vancouver, and wished
2H'2 Peter H. Burnett.
iiir 1() assist in proc'iirin*^' him a eaiioe iiniuediately. I was
veiy inquisitive to know if there was any dil^iciilty above.
He said four Frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to
<ivt others to occupy their places.
I innnediately got him a canoe, and concluded to go in com-
pany with him in order to get some medicine for the Indians,
as they are dying otf with measles and other diseases very fast.
I was charged with indifference. They said we were killing
in not giving them medicines, and I found, if we were
not exposing our lives, we were our peace, and consequently I
set out for this place. This side of the Cascades I was made
acquainted with the horrible massacre that took place at
Wailatpu last Monday. * * *
Alansan Hinman.
The words " (on the 4th) " are put into the letter of Mr.
Douglas by the historian to call the attention of his readers
to the discrepancy in the dates of the two letters. Upon
these two letters he makes the following comments, among
others (page 531) :
There is one other fact in connection with this transaction
that looks dark on the part of Sir James Douglas. It is shown
in the dates of the several letters. Mr. Hinman 's is dated
December 4th; Mr. Douglas's, December 7tli; that to the Sand-
wich Islands, December 9th. Now, between the fourth and
seventh are three days. In a case of so nuich importance and
professed sympathy, as expressed in his letter, how is it that
three, or even two, days are allowed to pass without sending a
dispatch informing Governor Abemethy of what had hap-
pened, and of what was expected to take place?
The distance from Wailatpu (Dr. Whitman's mission) to
Walla. Walla (Fort Nez Perces) was about twenty-five miles,
and from Walla Walla to Wasco])um (Mr. Hinman 's place
at the Dalles) about one hundi'ed and forty miles. The
massacre took place on the afternoon of Monday, November
29, 1847. Mr. McBean states in his letter, dated Tuesday,
the last day of November, 1847, that he was first apprised
of the massacre early that morning by Mr. Hall, who arrived
half naked and covered with blood. As Mr. Hall started at
the outset, his information wa.s not satisfactoiy ; and he
Recollections of am Old Pioneer. 283
(MeBean) sent his interpreter and another man to the mis-
sion. As the two messeniiers had to travel twenty-five miles
to the mission and the same distance back again, Mr. Me-
Bean's letter mnst have been written late on Tnesday night;
and the messenger lie sent to Vanconver mnst have l(^ft on
Wednesday morning, Dcccmhcr 1. This messengci- nuisi
have traveled the^ one hnndred aiid forty nviles from Waila
Walla to the Dalles on one horse, and conld not have reached
there before late on Friday, December 3. To do this he
wonld have to travel abont forty-six miles a day. To go
from the Dalles to Vanconver in a canoe, and be "Mnnd-
hound'' at Cape Horn (as Mr. Gray states on page 517), in
much less time than three days, would be very difficult in-
deed. No one knew any better than Mr. Gray the distance
traveled, and the time it would occupy under the then exist-
ing circumstances.
The historian, on page 535, gives the commnnication of
(lovernor Abernethy to the legislative assembly of Oregon,
dated December 8, 1847. How, then, could Mr. Hinman be
at Vancouver on Saturday, December 4, 1847? And, had
he written his letter there on that day, why did it not reach
(lOvernor Abernethy two or three days in advance of that of
Mr. Douglas, dated Decembei- 7? But there is on the face
of Mr'. Hinman 's letter itself conclusive evidence that liis
date, (IS given, is an error. He says: "A Frenchman from
Walla Walla arrived at my place on last Saturday." Now,
if his letter had been correctly dated December 4, 1847, then
the "last Saturday" mentioned wonld have been November
27, two days before the massacre took place. It seems plain
that Mr. Hinman and the Frenchman arrived at Vancouver
Monday evening, December 6, and that Mr. Hinman wrote
his letter that evening, and Mr. Douglas his the next day, as
he states. Upon this supposition Mi'. Hinman could correctly
say, "the horrible massacre that took place at Wailatpu last
Mimday. It may be that the figure 6 in Mr. Hinman 's letter
was mistaken for the figure 4 ; or it may have been a typo-
gi'aphical error in publishing the letter; or Mr. Hinman.
284 Peter H. Burnett.
ill the cxcitciiicut of tlu' iiioiiieiit. niHy have mistaken the date.
That, thei-e was a mistake in the date of Mr. Hinman's letter,
as given by the historian, is quite certain.
Would an impartial historian have made so gross a mis-
take as this against any man of respectable standing, whom
he accused of the most atrocious crime? Would he have
seized upon this discrepancy in dates as evidence, without
careful investigation? An impartial historian will put him-
self on the side of the accused when weighing and scrutiniz-
ing testimony, however guilty he may think him to be. He
will not form an opinion that the accused is guilty unless he,
the impartial historian, thinks the good and legitimate evi-
dence amply sufficient; and therefore, in his view, he need
not rely, even in part, upon false testimony; and he will be
the more cautious and careful, in proportion to the gravity
of the crime charged. The massacre being a most noted event,
and its date being Monday, November 29, and ]\Ir. Hinman's
letter December 4, it was easy to see that the latter day was
Saturday. But the historian "was so much prejudiced that
he took no pains to find out the truth."
It seems that a public meeting was held in Oregon on
the 18th of February, 1841, at which a committee of nine
persons was chosen "to form a constitution and draft a code
of laws;" and that the Rev. F. N. Blanchet was one of this
committee. At an adjourned meeting, June 11, 1841, the
historian says:
His Jesuitical Reverence, F. N. Blanchet,, was excused from
serving on the committee, at his own request. The settlers
and uninitiated were informed by his reverence that he was
unaccustomed to make laws for the people, and did not mider-
stand how to proceed; while divide anel conquer, the policy
adopted by the Hudson's Bay Company, was entered into with
heart and soul by this Reverend Father Blanchet and his
associates. (Pages 199, 200 and 202.)
Now, with regard to the question of motive, why should
the historian apply derisive epithets to the accused at any
stage of the inquiry, and more especially before the author
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 285
had submitted liis proofs! In other words, would an im-
partial and enlightened historian seek, by the use of such
epithets, to prejudice his readers against the accused in
advance, and before the testimony was submitted? It will
be seen that the writer emphasizes the phrase, "Ilis Jesuitical
Reverence," so that Ihc rejidcr may not forget this derisive
and bitter expression. A decent respect for the feelings of
others, as well as a due regard to the dignity of histt)ry, would
have restrained the impartial historian from the use of such
language at every stage of the investigation. Whenever
either a good or a bad motive may plausibly be given for the
same act, the historian is very apt to impute the bad motive,
as he did in this case. I do not think a sing'le instance can
be found in the whole book of 624 pages whero the author
has erred on the side of charity. He is not one of those noble
and exalted natures that would magnanimously state the case
more clearly in behalf of the accused than the accused would
be able to do himself.
In reference to the act in regard to slavery, free negroes,
and mulattoes, I find these entries in the journal of the
House of Representatives, July 1 and 3, 1845 ("Oregon Laws
and Archives," pages 83 and 85) :
IMr. Garrison introduced a bill to repeal the several acts in
regard to negroes in Oregon.
The House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Straight
in the chair.
Wh*n the committee rose, the chairman reported that the
connnittee had had under consideration:
The bill to divorce M. J. Rice ;
The act to repeal the several acts on slavery ;
An act to fix the time and place of the sittings of the
Legislature;
An act to divorce F. Hathaway; also
The report of the committee on revision, which had been
adopted.
Report was received, and the bill to divorce F. Hathaway
was read a third time and passed ; also, the bill to divorce
M. J. Rice; also, the bill concerning acts on slavery.
286 Peter H. Burnett.
Thus, Ihe act which Mv. (iray asserts could not be ex-
ecuted was r-epealed about one year before it could have taken
etieet in a sin tile case, Mr. Gray being present when the re-
pealing act was passed. The historian seems to have had
about as vague a conception of the matter he was treating
as a. man with a distorted vision would have of the country
represented.
p]]>ECTED Judge of the Supreme Court— Strange Resolu-
tion—Jesse Applegate.
On the 18th of August. 1845, I was elected by the House
of Representatives Judge of the Supreme Court of Oregon.
On the 4th of December, 1845, the House, on motion of
]\rr. Gray, passed this resolution :
Fesolved, That the Supreme Judge be called upon to inform
the House whether he had examined the laws enacted by the
pi'evious legislature of this territory ; also, to inform the
House how many of said laws are incompatible with the or-
ganic articles of compact, adopted by the people on the 25th
of July, 1845, if any there be. (" Oregon Laws and Archives. ' '
127.) '
To this strange and singular resolution I made a firm
but respectful answer, declining to decide in advance, and
before proper cases came up before the court, whether an
entire code of laws was constitutional or not.
On the 12th of December. 1845, the speaker informed the
House that he had communications from the Supreme Judge,
which he had been requested to present to the House. The
conununications were read and referred to the committee on
the judiciary. On the same day Mr. McCarver. from the
judiciary committee, reported back the conununications from
the Supreme Judge, which were then referred to a select
committee of five, consisting of Messrs. Gray, Hendrick, Gar-
rison, McClure. and McCarver. ("Oregon Laws and
Archives," 140-41.)
There is no further mention of these communications in
the journal, as no report was ever made by this select com-
mittee. There was not a single lawyer among the members
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 287
of 1845; and it is quite probable that this committee found
it veiy difficult to coerce a Supreme Court to decide questions
of law before cases were properly brought before it.
My extracts from the laws of 1844 are taken from "Ore-
jjtm Laws and Archives, by L. P. Grover, Commissioner,"
except the act in reg-ard to slavery, and the fourth section
of the act on ways and means, which latter is found in Gray's
"Oregon." 395, as part of Dr. White's report to the Secre-
tary of War. These two acts are not found in Grover 's
compilation. The act in regard to slavery, free negroes, and
mulattoes is a certified copy from the original on file in the
office of the Secretary of State. My reference to the journals
of 1844 and 1845 are to the same compilation.
In the summer and early fall of 1846 Jesse Applegate, at
his owTi expense as I then understood, opened a new wagon
road into the Willamette Valley at its southern end. He met
the emigrants at Fort Hall and induced a portion of them
to come by that route. They suffered great hardships before
they reached the end of their journey. This was caused
mainly by their o^^^l mistakes. Though he was much cen-
sured by many of them, he was not to blame. He had per-
formed one of the most noble and generous acts, and deserved
praise rather than censure. I traveled with him across the
plains ^n 1843, and I can testify that he was a noble, in-
tellectual, and generous man; and his character was so per-
fect as to bear any and all tests, under any and all circum-
stances. The Hon. J. W. Nesmith, in his address before the
Oregon pioneers in June, 1875, paid a glowing tribute to the
character of "Uncle Jesse Applegate." I knew him long
and well, and shall never cease to love him so long as I live.
I left him in Oregon in 1848. He was then a rich man,
for that time and that country. I did not see him again until
1872, a period of nearly twenty-four years. In the meantime
he had become a gray-haired old man. He and myself are
near the same age, he being about two years the younger.
One day, without my knowing that he was in California, he
walked into the Pacific Bank in San Francisco. I knew.
288 Peter H. Burnett.
from tliL' serious expression of his face, that he was an okl
friend; but, for the moment, I could not place him or call his
name. He was so much afifected that his eyes filled with
tears, and he could not speak. I shook his hand cordially.
invited him to sit down, and sat down by him, looking him
full in the face one moment, when it came into my mind that
he was my old friend, and I exclaimed, " Applegate ! " and we
embraced like brothers.
We talked about one hour, and in this conversation he
gave me his history since I left Oregon. He removed to the
Umpqua Valley, where for a time he had fine lands, stock,
and other property. At length he determined to go into the
mercantile business, for which he had little or no capacity
Said he : " To make a long story short. I did business upon
this theory. I sold my goods on credit to those who needed
tliem most, not to those who were ahle to pay, lost $30,000, and
quit the business."
Any one knowing Jesse Applegate as I do would at once
recognize the truth of this statement. It was just like the
man. His fine intellect and his experience in life said no ;
but his generous heart said yes; and that kind heart of his
overruled his better judgment. In his old age his fortune is
gone ; but his tiiie friends only admire and love him the more
in the hour of misfortune.
In starting from ^lissouri to come to this country in 1843,
Mr. Applegate announced to his traveling companions, as we
have been credibly informed, that he meant to drive the
Hudson's Bay Company from the countiy. To reach the
country independent of them, he had sold or mortgaged his
cattle to get su]iplies at AA'alla Walla. On arriving at Van-
couver, he found Dr. ^IcLoughlin to be much of a gentleman,
and disposed to aid him in every way he could. The doctor
advised him to keep his cattle, and gave him employment as a
surveyor, and credit for all he required. This kind treatment
closed Mr. Applegate 's open statements of opposition to the
company, and secured his friendship and his influence to keep
his ^Missouri friends from doing violence to them. He carried
this kind feeling for them into the legislative committee.
(Gray, pages 421-422.)
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 289
As already stated, a portion of the immigrants left their
cattle at Walla Walla. This they did under an agreement
with Mr. INIcKinlay, then in charge of the fort, that we should
have the same niunber and description of cattle in the Wil-
lamette Valley from the herds of the Hudson's Bay Company.
AVhen we arrived at Vancouver, Dr. McLoughlin and Mr.
Douglas candidly stated to us that our American tame cattle
would suit us much better than the cattle of the company,
and they advised us to bring our cattle from Walla Walla
during the next spring. The same advice was given to all
the immigrants who left their cattle at Walla Walla. We
all saw at once that this advice Avas not only generous, but
practically sound. Mr. Applegate, as I understood at the
time, made the same arrangement with ]Mr. McKinlay that
others of us did. That Mr. Applegate sold or mortgaged his
cattle at Walla Walla for supplies must be a mistake. He
needed but little if anything in that line; and to have mort-
gaged so many cattle for so small an amount would have been
the greatest of folly. He could not have needed provisions,
so far as I can remember, as he must have purchased wheat
and potatoes from Dr. Whitman like most of us.
On arriving at Vancouver. Mr. Applegate, no doubt, found
a veiy different state of things from what he anticipated when
starting from Missouri. He did find Dr. McLoughlin and
Mr. Douglas to be much of gentlemen; for it was very difficult
indeed for any man. who was himself a gentleman, to keep
the company of those two men and not find out that they were
both gentlemen in the true sense of that term. Mr. Apple-
gate no doubt concluded that, if these men were really op-
posed to American immigrants, they took the most extraor-
dinary w^ay of showing it. That Mr. Applegate purchased of
the companj^ at Vancouver some supplies on credit is very
probable, because he was amply good for all he engaged to
pay. He was honesty personified, and was an admirable
worker, both as a farmer and surveyor. He also had a fine
band of American cattle; and such cattle were then the most
valuable property in Oregon. Jesse Applegate and Daniel
290 Peter H. Burnett.
Waldo \vere the owners of more cattle than any other two
men in our immigration.
The Act to Prohibit the Introduction, Manufacture, Sale,
AND Barter of Ardent Spirits.
I have already mentioned the happy eondilion of society
in Oreji:on, and the causes which produced it. This only con-
tinued until the beginning' of 1847.
The act of 1844 to prohibit the introduction, manufacture,
sale, and barter of ardent spirits was amended by the House
of Representatives of 1845. The same body drew up and
su))mitted to the people, for their approval or rejection, a
new and amended organic law, which was adopted, and which
conferred upon the legislature the power to pass laws to regu-
late the introduction, manufacture, and sale of ardent spirits.
This amendatory bill was reported by W. H. Gray from the
committee on ways and means, and was passed December 6,
1845, by the following vote: Yeas, Gray, Garrison, Hen-
dricka, H. Lee, ^McClure, and McCarver— 7. Nays, Foisy,
Hill, Straight, and Newell— 4. On the 8th a motion to re-
consider was lost by the following tie vote : Yeas, Hendricks,
Hill, B. Lee, Smith, Straight, and Newell ; nays, Foisy, Gray,
Garrison, H. Lee, McCarver, and McClure. (Gray's "Ore-
gon," page 440.)
The amendatory act is incorrectly given by Mr. Gray on
pages 440-41. by omitting the first section entirely. The first
section of the original act was amended by inserting the word
"give" after the word "barter" in two places; and the sec-
ond section was amended by inserting the word "give" after
the word "barter" in one place, and the word "gift" after
the word "barter" in the second place.
Section 4 of the original act was as follows;
Sec. 4. That it shall be the duty of all sheriffs, judges,
justices of the peace, constables, and other officers, when they
have reason to believe that this act has l)een violated, to give
notice thereof to some justice of the peace or judge of a court,
who shall immediately issue his warrant and cause the offend-
ing party to be arrested; and if such officer has jurisdiction
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 291
of such case, he shall proceed to try such offender without
delay, and give judgment accordingly; but if such officer
have no jurisdiction to try such case, he shall, if the party be
guilty, bind him over to appear before the next circuit court.
This section was stricken out, and the following inserted in
its stead:
Sec. 4. Whenever it shall come to the knowledge of any
officer of this government, or any private citizen, that any
kind of spirituous liquors are being distilled or manufactured
in Oregon, they are hereby authorized and required to proceed
to the place where such illicit manufacture is known to exist.
and seize the distilling apparatus, and deliver the same to the
nearest district judge or justice of the peace, whose duty it
shall be immediately to issue his warrant, and cause the house
and premises of the person against whom such warrant shall
be issued to be further searched; and in case any kind of
spirituous liquors are foimd in or about said premises, or any
implements or apparatus that have the appearance of having
been used or constructed for the purpose of manufacturing
any kind of spirituous liquors, and deliver the same to the
judge or justice of the peace who issued the said warrant.
Said officer shall also arrest the person or persons in or about
\^mose premises such apparatus, implements, or spirituous
liquors are found, and conduct him or them to said judge or
justice of the peace, whose duty it shall be to proceed against
said criminal or criminals, and dispose of the articles seized
according to law.
It will be readily seen that these amendments radically
changed the original act, in several most material respects.
By the amendment to the second section of the act, it was
made a criminal offence to give away ardent spirits. This
would prevent the master of a ship entering the waters of
Oregon from giving his seamen their usual daily allowance of
liquor while the vessel remained within imr jurisdiction. So,
a private citizen, without the advice of a physician, could not
give the article to any one, for any purpose, or under any
circumstances.
By the provision of the fourth section as amended, all
officers, and even private citizens, were not only authorized,
292 Peter H. Burnett.
but required (without any warrant having been issued first by
a court or judicial officer) to seize the distilling apparatus;
and in such case each officer and each private citizen was to
be himself the judge of both the fact and law, so far as the
duty to seize the apparatus was concerned. This was giving
to each individual citizen of Oregon a most extraordinary
power, and making its exercise obligatory.
The fifth section of the amendatory act. as given by the his-
torian, Avas as follows :
■ Section 5. All the fines or penalties recovered under this
act shall go, one-half to the mformant and witnesses, and the
other half to the officers engaged in arresting and trying the
criminal or criminals ; and it shall be the duty of all officers in
whose hands such fines and penalties may come to pay over
as directed in this section.
This was a most unusual and extraordinary provision. To
give a portion of the penalty recovered to the informant and
arresting officer was not very improper; but to give another
portion of such penalty to the witnesses and judges, thus
making them interested in condemning the accused, is indeed
most extraordinary; and I apprehend that such a provision
never before occurred in the history of legislation among civil-
ized men. The author of this fifth section must have had great
confidence in the power of money.
These objectionable features were so great, in the view
of Governor Abernethy, that he recommended a revision of
the amendatory act, in his message to the House of Repre-
sentatives, December 4, 1846. (Gray, 442.)
The House of Representatives, at the December session,
1846, passed an act entitled "An Act to regulate the manu-
facture and sale of wine and distilled spirituous liquors." This
act Governor Abernethy returned to the House with his objec-
tions, as set forth in his veto message of December 17, 1846.
In this message he said, among other things :
The act lying before me is the first act that has in any
manner attempted to legalize the manufacture and sale of
ardent spirits. At the session of the Legislature in June, 1844,
an act was passed entitled "An Act to prevent the introduc-
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 293
tioii, sale and distillation of ardent spirits in Oregon"; and,
as far as my knowledge extends, the passage of that act gave
general satisfaction to the great majority of the people
throughout the territory. At the session of December. 1845,
several amendments were proposed to the old law, and passed.
The new features given to the bill by those amendments did
not accord with the views of the people ; the insertion of the
words "give" and "gift" in the first and second sections of
the bill, they thought^ was taking away their rights, as it was
considered that a man had a right to give away his property
if he chose. There were several other objections to the bill,
which I set forth to your honorable body in my message. I
would therefore recommend that the amendments passed at
the December session of 1845 be repealed; and that the law
passed on the 24th of June, 1844. with such alterations as will
make it agree with the organic law, if it does not agree with it,
be again made the law of the land. It is said by many that the
Legislature has no right to prohibit the introduction or sale of
liquor, and this is probably the strongest argument used in
defense of your bill.
The bill was passed over the veto of the Governor by the
:^^llowing vote: Yeas, ^lessrs. Boon, Hall, Hembree, Louns-
dale, Loony, Meek, Summers, Straight, T 'Vault, AYilliams, and
the Speaker, 11 ; nays, Messrs. Chamberlain, McDonald,
Newell, Peers, and Dr. W. F. Tolmie, 5.
Mr. Parker, in a public address to the voters of Clackamas
County, in May, 1846, charged that rum was sold at Van-
couver contraiy to law. This charge was based upon rumor.
Mr. Douglas, in a communication to the "Oregon Spectator,"
published June llj 1846, among other things says:
If. with reference to these supplies, Mr. Parker had told his
hearers that her majesty's ship Modeste now stationed at Fort
Vancouver, had, with other supplies for ship use from the
stores of the Hudson's Bay Company, received several casks
of rmn; or if, referring to the company's own ships, he had
stated that a small allowance of spirits is daily served out to
the creivs of the company's vessels, and that other classes of
the company's servants, according to long accustomed usage,
receive on certain rare occasionfis a similar indulgence, he would
have told the plain and simple truth, and his statement would
not this day have l)een calk'd in ((uestion by me. These acts
294 Peter H. Burnett.
which I fully admit , and would on no account attempt to con-
ceal, can not by the fair rules of construction be considered as
infrin^-in^jf upon any law recognized by the compact which we
have agreed to support, in connnon with the other inhabitants
of Oregon. (Gray. 447.)
It seems perfectly plain from Mr. Gray's own history that
the final overthrow of this measure was mainly brought about
by the following causes:
1. The extremely harsh and erroneous amendments of
1845.
2. The mistake of the same body in using the word "regu-
late" instead of "prohibit" in the organic law of that year.
3. The sale of rmu to the Modeste by the Hudson's Bay
Company.
This last act, however excusable it may be considered under
the then existing circumstances, gave the opponents a plausible
ground for objection.
That the original act was approved by the people is shown
by the following extract from the message of Governor Aber-
nethy, dated February 5th, 1849 :
The proposed amendments to the organic law will come
before you for final action : to amend the oath of office, to
make the clerks of the different counties recorders of land
claims, etc., and to strike out the word "regulate" and insert
the word "prohibit" in the clause relating to the sale of ardent
spirits. The last amendment came before the people for a
direct vote, and I am happy to say that the people of this
territory decided through the ballot-box, by a majority of the
votes given, that the word "prohibit" should be inserted. This
makes the question a very easy one for you to decide upon.
("Oregon Laws and Archives," pages 273-4.)
Jesse Applegate was a member of the House of Representa-
tives in 1845, but his name does not appear as voting upon the
final passage of the amendatory bill, he having- previously re-
signed his seat.
TREATY OP JUNE 15, 1846 — POLICY OP THE HUDSON'S BAY COM-
PANY—H. A. G. LEE— INDIAN CHARACTP^R.
On the 15th of June, 1846, a treaty was concluded between
Great Britain and the United States which acknowledged the
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 295
soverciiiiity of our eountiy over that portion of Oregon lying
south of the 49th parallel of north latitude. This was known
in Oregon as early as December of that year, as the fact is
mentioned in Governor Abernethy's niessage, dated December
1,1846. (" Oregon Laws and Archives. " 158.)
The linal settlement of the conflicting claims of the two
governments in this manner did not siu'prise any sensible
man in Oregon, so far as I remember. It was what we had
every reason to expect. We knew, to a moral certainty, that
the moment we brought our families, cattle, teams, and loaded
wagons to the banks of the Columbia River in 1843, the ques-
tion was practically decided in our favor. Oregon was not
only accessible by land from our contiguous territory, but we
had any desirable number of brave, hardy people who were
fond of adventure, and perfectly at home in the settlement of
new countries. We could bring into the country ten immi-
grants for every colonist Great Britain could induce to settle
there. We w^ere masters of the situation, and fully compre-
hended our position. This the gentlemen of the company
understood as well as we did. In repeated conversations with
Dr. IMcLoughlin, soon after my arrival in Oregon, he assured
me that he had for some years been convinced that Oregon was
destined soon to be occupied by a civilized people. The reasons
for this conclusion were most obvious. The country, with its
fertile soil, extensive valleys, magnificent forests, and mild
climate, was admirably fitted for a civilized and dense popula-
tion. Its local position on the shores of the Pacific marked it
as a fit abode for a cultivated race of men. Besides, the natives
had almost entirely disappeared from the lower section of
Oregon. Only a small and diseased remnant was left.
The colonization of the countr}% either by British or Amer-
icans, would equally destroy the fur trade, the only legitimate
Inisiness of the company. No doubt the gentlemen connected
with that company thought the title of their own government
to Oregon was superior to ours -, while we Americans believed
we had the better title. I read carefully the discussion between
Mr. Buchanan, our Secretarv of State, and the British Min-
2y6 Peter H. Burnett.
ister; and while I thought our country had the better title,
neither claim could be properly called a plain, indisputable
riglit, because much could be and was said on both sides of the
question. But, while our title might be disputed, there was no
possible doubt as to the main fact, that we had settled the
country.
When the managers of the company had arrived at the
conclusion that Oregon must be inhabited by a civilized race
of men, they undoubtedly determined to do all they could
reasonably and justly to colonize it with their own people.
These gentlemen were as loyal in their allegiance to their own
country as we were to ours, and were prepared to go as far
as enlightened love of country would lead them, and no
farther. It is very true that the company, by expending the
larger portion if not all of its large capital, could have colon-
ized the country in advance of the Americans. But, what
proper inducement had the company thus to sacrifice the
property of its stockholders'? Colonization was not its legiti-
mate business. Why, then, should a mere mercantile corpora-
tion waste its means and ruin its business to settle Oregon?
If the settlement of the country was of national importance to
Great Britain, then the expense should have been borne by that
government itself, and not by the few subjects who happen
to be stockholders of the company. Any one well acquainted
w^ith all the facts and circumstances, and who will carefully
and thoroughly examine the subject, must see that the only
motive the managers of the company had to settle Oregon with
British subjects, in preference to American citizens, w^as one
of patriotism or love of country. In a pecuniary point of
view, the company saved more money for its stockholders by
the treaty than it could have done had the country fallen to
Great Britain.
But while the managers of the Company, as British sub-
jects, preferred to colonize Oregon with their own people, they
were not, as enlightened and Christian men, prepared to use
criminal means to accomplish that purpose. In the address of
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 297
John MeLoughlin and James Douglas to the citizens of Oregon
in March, 1845, they say, among other things:
The Hudson's Bay Company made their settlement at Fort
Vancouver under the authority of a license from the British
government, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty
between Great Britain and the United States of America,
which gives them the right of occupying as much land as they
require for the operation of their business. On the faith of
that treaty they have made a settlement on the north bank of
the Columbia River, they have opened roads and made other
improvements at a great outlay of capital; they have held
unmolested possession of their improvements for many years,
unquestioned by the public officers of either government, who
have since the existence of their settlement repeatedly visited
it; they have carried on business with manifest advantage to
the country ; they have given the protection of their influence
over the native tribes to every person who required it, without
distinction of nation or party; and they have aft'orded every
.assistance in their power toward developing the resources of
the country, and promoting the industry of its inhabit-*
ants. . . .
Permit us to assure you, gentlemen, that it is our earnest
wish to maintain a good understanding and to live on friendly
terms with every person in the country. We entertain the
highest respect for the provisional organization ; and knowing
the great good it has effected, as well as the evil it has pre-
vented, we wish it every success, and hope, as we desire, to
continue to live in the exercise and interchange of good offices
with the f ramers of that useful institution.
This address was inclosed with the following letter to the
executive committee of Oregon:
Vancover, March 18, 1845.
Gentlemen : I am sorry to inform you that Mr. Williamson
is surveying a piece of land occupied by the Hudson's Bay
Company, alongside of this establishment, with a view of
taking it as a claim ; and, as he is an American citizen, I feel
bound, as a matter of courtesy, to make the same known to you,
trusting that you will feel justified in taking measures to have
him removed from the Hudson's Bay Company's premises, in
order that the unanimity now happily subsisting between the
American citizens and British sub.jects residing in this country
may not be disturl^ed or interrupted. I beg to inclose you a
298 Peter H. Burnett.
copy of an address to the citizens of Oreyon, which will exphiin
to you our situation and the course we are bound to pursue
in the event of your declining: to interfere. I am, g^entlemen,
your obedient humble servant,
j. mcloughlin.
William Baily,
OsBORN Russell,
P. G. Stewart^,
Executive Committee of Oregon.
To this letter, the majority of the executive committee of
Oregon, acting for the whole, made this reply :
Oregon City, March 21, 1845.
Sir: We beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letters-
one dated 11th of March and the other 12th of ]\Iarch— accom-
panied with an address to the citizens of Oregon.
We regret to hear that unwarranted liberties have been
taken by an American citizen upon the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's premises, and it atfords us great pleasure to learn that
the offender, after due reflection, desisted from the insolent
and rash measure.
As American citizens, we beg leave to offer you and your
esteemed colleague our most grateful thanks for the kind and
candid manner in which you have treated this matter, as we
are aware that an infringement on the rights of the Hudson's
Bay Company in this country, by an American citizen, is a
breach of the laws of the United States, by setting at naught
her most solemn treaties with Great Britain.
As representatives of the citizens of Oregon, we beg your
acceptance of our sincere acknowledgments of the obligations
we are under to yourself and your honorable associate for the
high regard you have manifested for the authorities of our
provisional government, and the special anxiety you have ever
shown for our peace and prosperity ; and we assure you that
we consider ourselves in duty bound to use every exertion m
our power to put down every cause of disturbance, as well as
to promote the amicable intercourse and kind feelings hitherto
existing between ourselves and the gentlemen of the Hudson's
Bay Company, until the United States shall extend its jurisdic-
tion over us, and our authority ceases to exist.
We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants,
OsBORN Russell,
John McLoughlin, Esq. P. G. Stewart.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 299
These papers appear in Gray's "Oregron," pages 409-11, as
a portion of Dr. White's report to the Secretaiy of War.
This attempt to locate a claim in the vicinity of Vancouver
was made by Williamson and Alderman. Williamson was
apparently a modest and respectable yonng man, while Alder-
man was a most notorious character. He was well known in
( )re,u()n from his violent and unprincipled conduct. He was
always in trouble with somebody. He went to California in
the summer or fall of 1848, and was killed in the latter
portion of that year, at Sutter's Fort, under justifiable cir-
cumstances.
I have given these extracts from the address to the citizens
of Oregon, that the then managers of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany might speak for themselves ; and I have given the reply
of Messrs. Russell and Stewart, of the executive committee, to
show the opinion of those intelligent, calm and faithful Amer-
ican officers upon the general subject.
That the facts stated in the address are true there can be
no reasonable doubt. The facts were all within the personal
knowledge of Dr. McLoughlin and Mr. Douglas, and they
could not be mistaken about them. If untrue, then they de-
liberately and knowingly made false statements. To make
statements that could be so readily contradicted by the people
of Oregon, if untrue, would have been the greatest folly.
Besides, the high character of these gentlemen, especially that
of Dr. INIcLoughlin, forbids such inference. Dr. McLoughlin,
during his long and active life, gave such conclusive proofs of
the possession of the most exalted virtue that no man of re-
spectable ability and good character would at this late day
question his integrity or doubt his statement of facts within
his OAvn knowledge. He voluntarily became, and afterward
died, an American citizen.
But the truth of their statements, especially that one
Avhich declares that "they had given the protection of their
iiiHuence over the native tribes to every person who required
it. without distinction of nation or party," is shown by the
fact that no American immigrant was killed by the Indians in
300 Peter H. Burnett.
Oreg-on until late in the fall of 1847— seventeen months after
the treaty between Great Britain and the United States settled
the question of sovereignty over that portion of Oregon south
of the 49th parallel of north latitude in our favor, and twelve
months after that fact was known in that country, and when
the company could not have had any adequate motive to oppose
American immigration to acknowledged American territory.
It is true, some thefts were committed by the Indians upon
the inmiigrants; but I apprehend that these were not more
numerous or common than usual with Indians under like cir-
cumstances. While it is not my intention to enter at large
into the subject, I will give an extract from the long letter of
H. A. Gr. Lee to Dr. E. White, assistant Indian agent, dated
Oregon City, March 4, 1845. It is, in my judgment, the most
sensible and just description of Indian character I have ever
seen in so few words. After stating, among other things, that
"avarice is doubtless the ruling passion of most Indians," the
writer goes on to say:
The lawless bands along the river, from Fort Walla Walla
to The Dalles, are still troublesome to the immigrants ; and the
immigrants are still very imprudent in breaking up into small
parties, just when they should remain united. The Indians
are tempted by the unguarded and defenseless state of the
immigrants, and avail themselves of the opportunity to gratify
their cupidity. Here alknv me to suggest a thought. These
robbers furnish us a true miniature likeness of the whole
Indian population whenever they fail to obtain such things
as they wish in exchange for such as they have to give. These
are robbers now. because they have nothing to give ; all others
will be robbers when, with what they have to give, they can
not procure what they wish. I am satisfied of the correctness
of this conclusion from all that I have witnessed of Indian
character, even among the praiseworthy Nez Perces. And
should the government of the United States withhold her pro-
tection from her subjects in Oregon, they will be under the
necessity of entering into treaty stipulations with the Indians,
in violation of the laws of the United States, as preferable to
a resort to force of arms.
Hitherto the immigrants have had no serious difficulty
in passing through the territory of these tribes; but that
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 301
their i)asvsage is becoming more and more a subject of interest
to the Indians is abundantly manifest. They collect about
the road from every part of the country, and have looked on
with amazement; but the novelty of the scene is fast losing
its power to hold in check their baser passions. The next
innnigration will, in all probability, call forth developments
of Indian character which have been almost denied an exist-
ence among these people. Indeed, sir, had you not taken
the precaution to conciliate their good feelings and friendship
toward the whites just at the time they were meeting each
other, it is to be doubted whether there had not been some
serious difficulties. Individuals on both sides have been mutu-
ally provoked and exasperated during the passage of each
immigration, and these cases are constantly multiplying.
^luch pi''udence is required on the part of the whites, and
unfortunately they have very little by the time they reach
the Columbia Valley. Some of the late immigrants, losing
their horses and very naturally supposing them stolen by the
Indians, went to the bands of horses owned by the Indians
and took as many as they wished. You are too well acquainted
with Indians to suppose that such a course caji be persisted
in without producing serious results. (Gray's "Oregon,"
pages 414-416.)
Governor Abernethy, in his message to the Legislative
Assembly of Oregon, under date of December 7, 1847, says:
Our relation with the Indians becomes every year more
embarrassing. They see the white man occupy their lands,
rapidly filling up the country, and they put in a claim for
])ay. They have been told that a chief would come out from
the United States and treat with them for their lands: but
they have been told this so often that they begin to doubt the
truth of it. At all events, they say: "He will not come till
we are all dead, and then what good will blankets do us?
We want something now." This leads to trouble between the
settler and the Indians about him. Some plan should be
devised by which a fund can be raised, and presents made to
the Indians of sufficient value to keep them quiet, until an
agent arrives from the United States. A number of rob-
beries have been connnitted by the Indians in the upper coun-
try upon the emigrants as they were passing through their
territory. This should not be allowed to pass. An appropria-
tion should be made by you sufficient to enable the Superin-
tendent of Indian Affairs to take a small party in the spring.
302 Peter H. Burnett.
ami demand restitution of the property, or its equivalent in
horses. Without an appropination, a suilficient party would
not be induced to iio up there, as the trip is an expensive
one. ("Oreiion Laws and Archives," page 210.)
We were delicately situated in Oregon up to near the
close of 1846, when news of the treaty between Great Britain
and the T^'nited States reached us. We knew that under
foi-mer treaties the citizens and subjects of both governments
were privileged to occupy the country jointly; but that joint
occupation of the territory did not mean joint occupation of
the same tract of land or of the same premises, but the part}^
fii-st in possession was entitled to continue it until the ques-
tion of sovereignty should be settled. Our community was
c<miposed of American citizens and British subjects, inter-
mingled together as neighbors, with all their respective na-
tional attachments, manners and prejudices; and we had
our full share of reckless adventurers and other bad men.
The extremists and ultras of both sides would have brought
us into armed conflict, and perhaps involved the two countries
in war, but for the manly good sense of our leading men, sup-
ported by the great majority of the people.
It was most fortunate for us that the executive office of
our little provisional government was at all times filled, not
only by Americans, but by those who were well fitted for that
position, both as to capacity and conciliatory firmness. T
have already spoken of Osborn Russell ajid P. G. Stewart,
who acted as the executive committee during part of the years
1844 and 1845. They were admirable men for that position.
They were succeeded by George Abernethy, who filled the
position until the provisional organizatiou was superseded
by the regular territorial government, luider the act of Con-
gress of August 14, 1848.
Governor Abernethy was precisely fitted for the position
in every respect. Though he had no regular legal education,
he was a man of admirable good sense, of calm, dispassionate
disposition, of amiable, gentle manners, and above the influ-
ences of passion and prejudice. He did his duty most faith-
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 303
fully to the utmost of his ability; and his ability was ample
for that time and that country. He fully comprehended the
exact situation, and acted upon the maxim, "Make haste
slowly," believing- that such was not only the best policy.
but the best justice. Time amply vindicated the wisdom and
efficiency of the course he pursued. We attained all our
hopes and wishes by peaceful means. "Peace hath her tri-
umphs," greater than those of war, because the triumphs
of peace cost so much less. It is a matter of doubt whether,
in the settlement of any portion of America by the whites,
any greater wisdom, forbearance, and good sense have been
shown, except in the celebrated case of William Penn.
MASSACRE OF DR. WHITMAN AND OTHERS— INDIAN WAR-
ITS RESULT.
On Monday, November 29, 1847, the most horrible
massacre of Dr. Marcus AVhitman, his lady, and others, by
the Cayuse Indians, took place; which event, in the just
language of Mr. Douglas, was "one of the most atrocious
which darken the annals of Indian crime." Within a few
days other peaceful Americans were slaughtered, until the
whole number of victims amounted to from twelve to fifteen.
This painful event was made known at Oregon City on De-
cember 8, 1847, as already stated.
I knew Dr. Whitman well ; I first saw him at the rendez-
vous near the western line of Missouri, in May, 1843 ; saw
him again at Fort Hall ; and again at his own mission in the
fall of that year, as already stated. I remember that the
first I heard of the false and ungrateful charge made by a
portion of our immigrants (an account of which I have
already given) was from his own lips. I was standing near
his house when he came to me with the painful expression
of deep concern upon his countenance, and asked me to come
with him to his room. I did so, and found one or two other
gentlemen there. He was deeply wounded, as he had ample
cause to be, by this unjustifiable conduct of some of ouii
people. He stated to us the facts. I again saw him at my
394 Peter H. Burnett.
hoinc on the Tualatin Plains in 1844. He called at my house.
and, findino- I was in the woods at work, he came to me
there. This was the last time I ever saw him. Our relations
were of the most cordial and friendly character, and I had
the greatest respect for him.
I consider Dr. Whitman to have been a brave, kind,
devoted, and intrepid spirit, without malice and without re-
])roach. In my best judgment, he made greater sacrifices,
endured more hardships, and encountered more perils for
Oregon than any other one man ; and his services were prac-
tically more efficient than those of any other, except perhaps
those of Dr. Linn, United States Senator from Missouri. I
say perhaps, for I am in doubt as to which of these two men
did more in effect for Oregon.
The news of this bloody event thrilled and roused our
people at once ; and within a very short time, considering
the season and other circumstances, we raised an army of
some five hundred brave and hardy men, and marched them
into the enemy's country. Several battles were fought, the
result of which is well and concisely stated by Governor Aber
nethy, in his message to the Legislative Assembly of Oregon,
under date of February 5, 1849 :
I am happy to inform you that, through aid of the terri-
tory to go in pursuit of the murderers and their allies, and
of those who contributed so liberally to the support of our
fellow citizens in the field, the war has been brought to a
successful termination. It is true that the Indians engaged
in the massacre were not captured and punished ; they were,
however, driven from their homes, their country taken pos-
session of, and they made to understand that the power of
the white man is far superior to their own. The Indians
have a large scope of country to roam over, all of which
they were well acquainted with, knew every pass, and by
this knowledge could escape the punishment they so justly
merited. In view of this the troops were recalled and dis-
banded early in July last, leaving a small force under the
command of Captain Martin to keep possession of the post at
Wailatpu, and a few men at Wascopum. Captain Martin
remained at Wailatpu until the middle of September, when
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 305
the time for which his men had enlisted expired. He, how-
ever, before leaving:, sent a party to bring in the last com-
pany of emig-rants.
The appearance of so many armed men among the Indians
in their own country had a very salutary effect on them ;
this is seen by their refusing to unite with the Cayuse Indians,
by their profession of friendship to the Americana, and by
the safety with which the immigration passed through the
Indian country the past season.
Heretofore robberies have been committed and insults
offered to Americans as they pass along, burdened with their
families and goods, and worn down with the fatigues of a
long journey, and this was on the increase ; each successive
year no molestation was offered in any way. On the con-
immigration suffered more than the preceding one. But this
trary, everv^ assistance was rendered by the Indians in cross-
ing rivers, for a reasonable compensation.
Having learned the power and ability of the Americans,
I trust the necessity of calling on our citizens to punish them
hereafter Avill be obviated. ("Oregon Laws and Archives,"
page 272.)
This attack of the Indians was attributed by some persons,
and especially by ]\Ir. Spaulding, to the instigation of the
Catholic missionaries in that country. I thought the charge
most unjust, and think so still. The charge was too horrible
in its very nature to be believed unless the evidence was
conclusive beyond a reasonable doubt. There were most
ample grounds upon which to account for the massacre, with-
out accusing these missionaries of that horrible crime. Mr.
Spaulding and myself agreed to discuss the matter through
the columns of a small semi-monthly newspaper, published
by ]\Ir. Griffin, and several numbers were written and pub-
lished by each of us; but the discovery of the gold mines in
California put a stop to the discussion.
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THE QUARTERLY
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Volume V.] DECEMBER, 1904 . [Number 4
TB1E JUBICI^ET OF OlEQOKIo
By Charles E. Wolverton.
The judiciary of this State as a system or department
of government is of interesting parentage. It was born of
necessity, in primitive, organic times in the history of the
Northwest and consisted of a single supreme judge, in-
vested with none other than probate jurisdiction. It com-
prised also the executive department of government and
antedated the legislative. It was above the law, for at that
time the common law had not become our peculiar herit-
age and there was no statute book to control its action.
It was truly a creature of circumstances. An event of no
unusual moment if it were in these times, gave rise to its
organization — the death of a citizen leaving an estate to
be administered. The organization Avas accomplished at
a meeting of the settlers by the election of a judge, a clerk,
and a high sheriff, all anterior to the formation or adop-
tion of any provisional or organic law. It was resolved
that until a code be adopted by a legislative committee
for which provision was also made, the judge should be
instructed to act according to the laws of the State of New
York. A writer of early times asserts, however, that the
instructions were to act "just as he pleased." Dr. Ira L.
Babcock was the person chosen, and was thus made both
308 Charles E. Wolverton.
judge and executive of the settlement. It is interesting to
note that there was not a copy of the code of the State of
New York at the time in the country, nor for a number of
years afterward, but a copy of the Iowa code was brought
in about two years later. The court, it is said, entered at
once upon its duties and disposed of the estate to the en-
lire satisfaction of the community. The next step in
formative development was the creation of a supreme
court, a probate court, and justices' courts, the former to
consist of a supreme judge and two justices of the peace,
with a jurisdiction both appellate and original. Its origi-
nal jurisdiction extended to cases of treason, felony, and
breaches of the peace, and to civil cases where the sum
claimed exceeded $50. To safeguard justice it was pro-
vided that no justice of the i3eace should assist in trying
any case that was brought before the supreme court by
appeal from his judgment. The idea was not lost sight
of as it was later incorporated into the constitution of the
State when the supreme court was composed of judges at
nisi prius, inhibiting any one of them sitting as a trier of
the cause in the first instance from taking part in the de-
cision in the appellate jurisdiction. But, notwithstand-
ing this injunction of obvious propriety, the criticism was
sometimes indulged that the manner of organization gave
rise to a bond of sympathy and fellow-feeling between the
judges, the tendency of which was to affirm the action of
the trial court, or, perhaps, rather to make a reversal
more difficult than if the supreme court was entirely a
distinct tribunal in its personnel as well as in its jurisdic-
tion from that entertaining original cognizance. In the
further development of government, by the organic law,
the judicial power was vested in a supreme court and such
inferior courts of law, equity, and arbitration as might
from time to time be established by law. The supreme
court consisted of one judge to be elected by the house of
The Judiciary of Oregon. 309
representatives with appellate jurisdiction, but with power
to issue writs of habeas corpus, mandamus, quo warranto,
certiorari, and other original remedial writs, and to hear
and determine the same. In its appellate capacity it was
also accorded authority to decide upon and annul any
laws enacted contrary to the provisions of the articles of
the organic act, thus recognizing a fundamental principle
which has now become firmly and unalterably established
in American constitutional jurisprudence, that an act be-
yond the authority of the lawmaking body to adopt by
reason of restrictions and limitations placed upon its pow-
ers, is void and without binding force and effect, and that
the judiciary may rightfully so determine and declare.
This state of initial construction was followed by the ter-
ritorial government established by Congress, whereby the
judicial power of the territory was vested in a supreme
court, district courts, and others of less authority. The
supreme court was composed of a chief justice and two
associate justices who were authorized each in his own
district to hold the district courts as well. A little more
than a decade later the State was admitted into the Union
under the present constitution creating the supreme court,
to consist of four justices, with power in the legislature to
enlarge the number to seven, the justices being charged
with the duty of holding and presiding over the circuit
courts, which are of general and original jurisdiction. B}^
authority of another clause of the same organic law the
election of supreme and circuit judges has been since pro-
vided for in distinct classes, with which system you are
familiar. Under the constitution the powers of the gov-
ernment are divided into three separate and distinct but
co-ordinate departments, the othcials intrusted with the
functions thereto being all elective, with the inhibitive
injunction that no person charged with official duties
under one of these departments shall exercise an}' of the
310 Charles E. Wolverton.
functions of another except as expressly provided for in the
constitution itself. Thus has been evolved by slow de-
grees the judiciary system as at present constituted, aris-
ing from a mere improvision to meet an exigency to a
perfectly organized functionary with precisely defined,
powers and exact jurisdiction. Many judges have sat and
presided in the tribunals thus organized, all with honor,
I think, without exception, and not a few with signal
ability and distinction, two of the most illustrious and well
beloved of whom were members of the constitutional con-
vention and are still in active business emplo3'ment. I
refer to our venerable and esteemed fellow citizens, Judges
George H. Williams and lleuben P. Boise.
One of the central ideas of this arrangement of the de-
partments of government, divorcing them from the contact
and control of each other, was, no doubt, as it was with the
framers of our Federal constitution, to establish an inde-
pendent judiciary — -"the firmest bulwark of freedom" —
emancipated not only from the influence of its coordinate
participators in government, but also from the merely po-
litical and partisan influences so often promotive of indi-
viduals to official position, and this by reason of the nature
of the business with which it is intrusted — to interpret and
construe the laws adopted and promulgated by the coordi-
nate branches and to determine their validity from a con-
stitutional point of view, as well as to determine all man-
ner of contest between litigants, including the State. In
exercising this high function of construing enactments,
the intendment of the legislature must govern, of course,
and it is by giving heed to this cardinal principle that
new policies of government are inaugurated and reforms
set on foot, but it was not designed that the judiciary
should look back of this into the general scramble for
power and to permit the peculiar motives that may have
induced individual action to influence its judgments. If
The Judiciary of Oregon. 311
it were otherwise it could hardly sit as an impartial
arbiter in many cases of vital moment to the common-
wealth and its citizens. It must not be understood b}'-
this that the court should be unmindful of the current
of events that set in motion policies of government, for
it is by giving heed to them that it is enabled to inter-
pret the laws and ordinances of the lawmaking bodies
and to administer justice intelligently. Alike with the
other departments, the judiciary is subject to the in-
fluence of public opinion, that consensus of individual
thought that moulds and gives caste to measures and
political action in government. In epitome, it should
not be swayed and tossed about by every shifting breeze
that is in one quarter to-day and in another to-morrow,
but it should be ever sensitive of the gulf streams, the
deep running currents, which are of the sea. Judgments
can not stand against public opinion any more than the
promulgation of laws and executive decrees, for they will
in some way be avoided and their force as precedents de-
stroyed. A peculiarly striking incident of the kind is the
decision in the Dred Scott case, which in its political as-
pects has been accounted vulnerable and has been wholly
disregarded. The most searching yet courteous criticism
of this case was one made by the illustrious patriot and
citizen whose name we honor on this occasion. It has
gone down in history and was so skillful and masterly as
to defy successful disputation. You will readily recall the
political conditions then prevalent. Franklin Pierce was
the outgoing and James Buchanan the incoming presi-
dent, both of whom had referred in public utterances to
the forthcoming decision of the supreme court; Roger B.
Taney, who rendered the prevailing opinion, was chief
justice; and Stephen A. Douglas, the champion of the
Nebraska Doctrine. After putting numerous questions
touching the action of these men and the delay in the
I
312 Charles E. Wolverton.
long looked-for decision, Mr. Lincoln likened these things
unto "the cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse
preparator}^ to mounting him when it is dreaded that he
may give the rider a fall." Then in his inimitable style
he says: " We can not absolutely know that all these exact
adaptations are the result of preconcert, but when we see
a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we
know have been gotten out at different times and places,
and by different workmen — Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and
James, for instance, — and when we see these timbers
joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a
house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fit-
ting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different
pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not
a piece too many or too few — not omitting even scaffold-
ing— or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in
the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such
piece in — in such a case, we find it impossible not to be-
lieve that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all
understood one another from the beginning, and all
worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the
first blow was struck."
Personally, I have felt that the criticism was unjust to
the distinguished chief justice, whose purity of character
and whose uprightness and integrity as an individual and
as a jurist was beyond reproach, as it leaves the impress
that he had prejudged the cause. Such a thing was not
to be thought of and surely was not intended by the crit-
icism, but the elucidation was at once so felicitous and
apropos as to lead to the utter rout and vanquishment of
Stephen and Franklin and James.
Coming back to our own State judiciary, it is not to be
denied that at times there has been cause for pertinent
criticism, but these have been rare, and from the earliest
organization it has merited and received the respect, good
The Judiciary op Oregon. 313
will, and esteem of the people of the commonwealth, whose
hands are the support and mainstay of all institutions of
a republican form of government, and this is the highest
encomium that can come to a public functionary. It has
consistently maintained a commendable independence as
a department in the State government, in both the peculiar
and the broad sense in which it was designed and in suit-
able accord with the genius, the spirit, and disposition of
the times, and it is earnestly to be hoped that it will con-
tinue to grow in grace and in the confidence, favor, and
esteem of every citizen from the humblest to the greatest
of this, our beloved commonwealth. Such, I am assured,
will be its conscientious endeavor to be signified by its
good works.
TME LESSOMS OF InllSTOlT Mb
E¥©LaTl©IM.
By T. W. Davenport.
We can say with probable truth that whatever promotes
the comfort, competence, and happiness of man, in a word
his well being, must be considered in the direct line of
progress and the proper object of human endeavor, but
when we come to examine his environment we find him
beset, within and without, by enemies that compel him to
expend a great part of his time and energy in fighting for
the privilege of existence ; and examining further we are
forced to the conclusion that much of his remaining time
and force is expended in useless labor or for the procure-
ment of things which are positively harmful. In a large
view and contemplating an ideal career of enlightenment,
peace, prosperity, and moral excellence, his history ap-
pears to be a perpetual repetition and jumble of incon-
sistencies whereof no intelligence can see the trend or
outcome. And of all his foes, himself is the worst, the
most inveterate. That wise and noble woman, Frances
E. Willard, condensed the question of progression when
she said, "Our problem consists in saving man from him-
self." That has ever been the problem whether under-
taken designedly by such superior characters as Miss Wil-
lard or the spontaneous operation of the postulated forces
of evolution.
That every human being, from the cradle to the grave,
is struggling for the betterment of his condition, as he
sees it, (couched in Pope's language, "Oh happiness ! our
beings end and aim,") and that he follows the line of least
resistance to obtain it, may be assumed as an axiom in
Lessons of History and Evolution. 315
human affairs, but that any or all philosophers can, from
the heterogeneous mass of human history, lay bare the
chain of causation from age to age and demonstrate an
upward movement, is so far merely an aspiration. One
form of government follows another; republics succeed
monarchies and monarchies succeed republics ; nations
rise and fall, civilizations wax and wane, and along the
whole course from the earliest dawn of recorded history
to the present, the individual man has shown the same or
equivalent characteristics and powers, the ancient as com-
petent physically, intellectually, and morally as the mod-
ern ; as great in liis capacities and achievements in all
departments of human endeavor, language, sculpture,
painting, poetry, oratory, devotion of self to altruistic aims
or to war, in all as forceful if not superior to the man of
to-day. And where is the fitness of human institutions
and the measure of progress to be found anyway, except
in the individual? In him is the fruition, sum, and sub-
stance of it all. In him cultivated, competent, fraternal,
industrious in all works hel})ful, is the acme of all schemes
of salvation.
So, the question now, after all the centuries of toil, tur-
moil, anguish, and destruction, is. What form of govern-
ment or society is best suited to and most promotive of
general individual improvement and excellence? ,And
as the individual can advance only by the volitional exer-
cise of all his faculties in normal proportion, the answer
is self-evident, that it must be one in which the freedom
of the individual is limited only by the equal freedom of
others. That is, a government wherein justice is estab-
lished upon the predicate of equal natural rights — in a
word, the right of progression ; but that such a govern-
ment is deducible from the lessons of history, is one of
perpetual doubt and debate, for the reason that the data
are too voluminous, too uncertain, too much omitted, for
316 T. W. Davenport.
even the wisest and best to agree. Witness the battle be-
tween tliose intellectual giants, Macaulay and John Stuart
Mill, after which the forces of monarchy, aristocracy, and
democracy stood as before. Indeed, the general residuum
of such contests inclines to the dictum that the form of
government best adapted to a people is to be found by ex-
periment, which to a conservative means the one in which
they are at any time placed. And this does not militate
against the doctrine of evolution, for every state of society
is merely a point in the path of development, to be left
when the evolutionary forces compel an onward move-
ment. The materialistic school of evolutionists of which
Herbert Spencer is the head, does not admit of a spiritual
or rational principle in the cosmos, but that every mani-
festation of life and organization is the result of the blind
interaction of matter and motion and of course without
design or purpose. Their essential and controlling prin-
ciple that the fittest survive, is alike applicable to human
and to brute, and being a law of nature is a sufficient war-
rant for anything that takes place. With such fatalistic
people, what ought or ought not to be, is only an academic
question ; as a stimulus to action for the removal of ob-
stacles in the upward path, is irrelevant; whatever is, is
right; at least it is irremediable. Is it not enough to say
that the tendency of such teaching is to deter human effort
and therefore bring on inertia which b}' a law of nature
produces decay? Of course the fittest survive. Who doesn't
know that that is a bald truism ? and that the crucial ques-
tion is, How to become fit? Is it by lying supinely and
muttering "Do what we may, the mills of the gods grind on
regardless either of our aid or our hindrance ?" That
seemed to be the predicament of Edward L. Youmans, the
ablest and most active promoter of Spencerianism in
America, as related by Henry George in his "Perplexed
Philosopher."
Lessons of History and Evolution. 317
Mr. George writes : Talking one day with the late E. L.
Youmans, the great popularizer of Spencerianisrn in the
United States, a man of warm and generous sympathies,
whose philosophy seemed to me like an ill fitting coat he
had accidentally picked up and put on, he fell into speak-
ing with much warmth of the political corruption of New
York, of the utter carelessness and selfishness of the rich,
and of their readiness to submit to it, or to promote it
whenever it served their money-getting purposes to do so.
He became so indignant as he went on that he raised his
voice till he almost shouted.
Alluding to a conversation some time before, in which
I had affirmed and he had denied the dut}' of taking part
in politics, I said to him, " What do you intend to do about
it ? " Of a sudden his manner and tone completely changed,
as remembering his Spencerianism, he threw himself back
and replied, with something like a sigh, "Nothing! you
and I can do nothing at all. It is all a matter of evolu-
tion. We can only wait for evolution. Perhaps in four
or five thousand years evolution may have carried men
be^'ond this state of things. But we can do nothing."
Evidently Professor Youmans had only a partial view
of the synthetic philosophy, for to be synthetic it must
include everything that is, not only man but his works,
and such was the task Mr. Spencer had set for himself, of
accounting for all that is knowable concerning human
beings in their ascent from protoplasm, via monkeydom,
to "beings of large discourse that look before and after."
He nowhere says that man's faculties and volition,
though derived from the evolutionary grind, are not as-
sisting factors in the continuous development.
The law of heredity is an incident of evolution and he
finds the genesis of it in the registered experiences of the
race. Conscience was evolved from the fear of punish-
ment transmitted through the nervous system. And it
318 T. W. Davenport.
would not do to admit that evolution had produced an
organ for which there was no use, and thus bring causa-
tion to an untiniel}^ and inglorious end. As well say that
an eye was not made to see, or a leg to walk, and that the
use of them did not contribute to fit their possessor for
adaptation to his environment.
Mr. Spencer was too good a logician to be caught in a
trap like this. On the other hand, he finds use for the
full developed conscience, and shows that malefactors are
unfit and will not survive the ordeal of the social compact.
Whether Mr. Spencer has been successful in following the
order of nature and pointing out how things came to be,
is a matter about which speculators will differ, but there
is one consolation for those who are not content to sit
down and wait for the Spencerian evolution to correct
social aberrations, he could not make man different from
what he is whatever his ancestry or the genesis of his
being. We know that man's volition and consequent
action can, and does, influence and determine conditions
favorable and unfavorable to his w^elfare. He can go up
or go down with respect to his normal, physical, or mental
constitution. He can be happy or he can be miserable in
conformity to the doctrine of evolution and without vio-
lating a single law of his nature. This ma}' seem to some
to involve a paradox, but we should bear in mind that
natural laws can not be violated ; that wdiat is termed a
violation is merely passing from the operation of one law
to that of another.
A person basks in the morning sun and feels an invig-
orating and agreeable warmth, while the vertical rays at
noon diminish his strength and give him pain, both states
being in harmony with natural laws, though the latter
produces abnormal conditions. Without gravitation our
present material existence would be unthinkable ; without
a proper observance of it, destruction surely awaits us.
Lessons of History and Evolution. 319
This, no doubt, is one of the mills of the gods, but whether
it grinds for us or against us depends upon ourselves.
And passing from the purely physical to vital phenomena,
the laws are no less imperative and the consequences no
less certain, if not so immediately disastrous, in case of a
departure from normal relations. There is no moment of
man's existence when he is not subject to the law of causa-
tion, but this may not imply the kind of fatality that dis-
couraged Professor Youmans.
Granting the Spencerian view, that he is an organized
aggregate of consequences, the result of natural selection
operating through all preceding environments, aiid thus
an heir of all the past, still he has risen from the beast
and become what he is, a volitional, intellectual, social,
moral being, whose acquired faculties. are not useless but
are assisting factors in continuous development.
And granting that the exercise of them is within the
domain of law and a resultant, everything is in motion ;
the world is full of promptings to congruous action by
rational beings. The fall of rain or snow is a sufficient
inducement to seek shelter or the falling tree to stand
from under. The life within and without, the conse-
quences of individual and collective actions, the experi-
ences of pleasure and pain, furnish abundant incentives
to orderly conduct. But man misperceives, misunder-
stands, and misadventures ; all men more or less ; some
so wayward and eccentric as to encroach upon the rights
of others, and therefore requiring restraint. Hence the
need of government and the resulting questions, of what
kind shall it be, how much, how administered, and where
applied ?
And although history and evolution are incompetent to
answer the whole of them, there are partial answers in
both. History can say positively, not the " eye-for-an-eye
and tooth-for-a-tooth" principle; not the vendetta, not
320 T. W. Davenport.
anarchy, not theocratic inquisition, not autocracy or abso-
lutism. The lessons of history condemn them all. But
as o-overnment arose out of individual transgression,
ought it to stop with the punishment of the transgressor?
That was no doubt the primitive idea, since negatived by
the lessons of experience, but toward which the material-
ists have a strong leaning. Herbert Spencer was opposed
to the free school system or education of children by the
State, as he thought their education was a duty belonging
to the parents, and therefore a private function which ought
not to be saddled on the public. He looked with alarm
upon all sorts of so-called paternalistic legislation, and pub-
lished an essay entitled, "The Coming Slavery ?" That
it is the duty of every person to be self-regulating, self-
supporting, to fulfil all his obligations to his family and
to society, and to take all proper means for accomplishing
those ends, is more than a Spencerian maxim ; it is of
general acceptation. But he should have seen, as no
doubt he did see, that especially defective individuals
whether incompetent or perverse, involve the general wel-
fare and therefore become a matter of general concern,
and in default of proper correctives by private means, of
collective control.
Mr. Spencer would not de>ny that an enlightened social
state is more promotive of orderly conduct than one half
civilized and that repressive measures would be in less
demand, wherefore the education of children and the
general diffusion of knowledge is more than a private
affair and becomes a matter of general concern.
But all experience proves that individuals and parents
neglect or are incompetent to fulfil their obligations in
this respect, and the question immediately arises as to
whether those charged with governmental functions
should be alike remiss and rely solely upon repressive
measures for the protection of society? If reason is to be
Lessons of History and Evolution. 321
the guide, the answer is not difficult and must be in the
negative. And while, as has been said, there is no ob-
servable difference betw^een the historical ancient and the
modern, as to strength and virility of mind and body, the
latter stands higher in the social scale by reason of the
accumulations of the centuries between.
Invention, discovery, experience in all the ways of life,
scientific research, etc., all have lifted him into a serener
and more reflecting atmosphere than his brother of the
dim and cloudy past, enjoj^ed. He has outgrown the
swaddling clothes of race-childhood ; the genetic myths
which held him enthralled have lost their potency ; evil
is no longer the work of the devil, but excesses in his own
nature and of qualities in themselves useful and essential.
And out of it all has grown the unalterable conviction
that man's actions are not chance products, but the legiti-
mate consequences of congenital conditions as affected by
the physical and social environment, and the no weaker
conviction that without a modification in some of these
antecedents no reformation can take place.
Certainly, if the hereditary organization, the individual,
the man, acts out of harmon}'- with the society in which
he is placed, there must be a change of something to bring
him into conformity therewith or else reason has no place
in human affairs. Modification, change, yes — but how,
where ? These are the questions which society has l)een
trying to answer from the first. Not, however, by a pa-
tient and methodical examination of all the elements of
the problem, but in a spontaneous and impulsive sort of
way, and upon the assumption that it is the duty of the
individual to conform to whatever social environment,
without any assistance other than the law and its penal-
ties.
For thousands of years the chief business of govern-
ment has been lawmaking and law enforcement, with
322 T. W. Davenport.
their coiicoinitaiits, pains, and privations, the lash and
thumbscrew, the dungeon, fagot, and gibbet, all based
upon the undoubted belief that the human will is free and
that a suihciont punishment will turn it. This is one as-
pect of the ease, that of considering society and its organ,
government, as a homogeneous compact actuated by a de-
sire for the public good. But the major truth of history
concerning government, whatever its manifestoes, is, that
it is now and has been for all time an ever-varying re-
sultant of the contending impulses, passions, sentiments,
and aspirations of mankind; an establishment whereby
the dominant forces or classes in society control and ex-
ploit the rest. Looking at it with an optimistic eye, we
think there are signs of improvement, of evolution if you
wish, by which the masses are gradually emerging from
the ancient thraldom of ignorance and superstition and
asserting their equal and inalienable rights. Not that hu-
man beings are any more inclined to relinquish the pos-
session of power and privilege than formerly ; not that
they are more shocked at the sight of cruelty, rapine, and
war, but that they have a clearer and larger view of social
and governmental relations and a more extensive world-
fraternity or cosmopolitanism. Some have asserted a gen-
eral and large increase of altruistic feeling to account for
the liberalizing tendency of governments and peoples, but
this is unproven. Now, as of old, there are philanthro-
pists and moral philosophers who point and lead the way
to justice, but the conflicts of selfishness urge in the same
direction. As Lincoln said of politics that "it is an ag-
gregation of meannesses for the public good," so we can
say with equal cynicism and truth that governments in
general are the representative heads of privileges, oper-
ating in the name of the State and yielding upon compul-
sion to the demands of those who have been despoiled.
The English people have a liberal and, in many respects,
Lessons of History and Evolution. 323
a grand government, as compared with other monarchies,
but viewing it under the lime light of history, it easily
falls within the last definition. In England the conserva-
tives call this popular appeal for justice "the ugly rush,"
and not strange at all to say, it is the great reformatory
force in the British Empire.
Justin McCarthy, in his History of Our Own Times,
Vol. 2, page 149, writes : " Parliament rarely bends to
the mere claims of reason and justice. Some pressure is
almost always to be put on it to induce it to see the right.
Its tendency is always to act exactly as Mr. Saloman did
in this case ; to yield when sufficient pressure has been
put on to signify coercion. Catholic emancipation was
carried by such a pressure. The promoters of the Sun-
day Trading Bill yield to a riot in Hyde Park. A Tory
government turn reformers in obedience to a crowd who
pull down the railing of the same enclosure. A Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer modifies his budget in deference
to a demonstration of match-selling boys and girls. In
all these instances it was right to make the concession ;
but the concession was not made because it was right."
Reforms in the United States come pretty much in the
same way ; by the remonstrances and disorderly demon-
strations of those who feel the pinch of injustice, and of
those who not feeling it themselves, sympathize with those
who do and look with alarm at the encroachments of privi-
lege in the guise of law. Keeping away from present poli-
tics, we can say that Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts
brought about a repeal of the summary and heartless laws
for the collection of debts, and Dorr's rebellion in Rhode
Island brought an extension of the suffrage to persons not
having the previous property qualifications, though Dorr
himself was imprisoned for lawlessness. To say that all
perversions in the name of government should be pa-
tiently borne and conformed to until removed by the pow-
324 T. W. Davenpokt.
ers and tendencies which brought them to pass, means
simply that they would be perpetual, for the beneficiaries
of wrong do not surrender except upon compulsion. We
flatter ourselves that in this country the people rule and
that the government is a ready reflex of the popular needs,
but alack and alas ! it is the same perpetual conflict known
in all other countries and in all other times ; let us hope
a diminishing conflict indicative of the time when the
establishment of justice shall be the earnest purpose of
all men.
Silverton, February 19, 1905.
JKETCfl OF 1^ J0«1IIET TO POMTBl-
WESTCMKi wmri or tkie coimti-
PEKiT 2P nmru ^nsiK^ humn^
THE TtmS 'i82^"''25-'2&-''27.
Bj' David Douglas, F. L. S.
Jteprinled from '■'The Companion to the Botanical Magazinv," Volume II,
London, 1S30.
II.
SUMMER EXCURSIONS ON THE COLUMBIA RIVER.
Mature consideration of what I have been already able
to effect in this country, and of the great amount that yet
remains to be 'done, has satisfied me of the propriety of
remaining here for another year, that I may explore it
more satisfactorily. I feel that I should otherwise be
neglectful of the interests of the Society which sends me,
though I am so doubtful whether my determination will
meet with the approbation of my employers (though not
doubtful of the integrity of my motives), that I will cheer-
fully labour this season without any remuneration, if I
am only allowed a small sum of money to supply myself
with clothing. Thus I hope my conduct will be pardoned
if not approved. Two considerations weigh much with
me. Firstly, I involve the society in little or no expense;
and, secondly, having been an invalid during the latter
part of the seed-harvest, I have, of course, missed of pro-
curing many things which it woald be most desirable to
possess, particularly of the vegetation of the Upper
Country, towards the head waters of this river, and the
boundless tracts that lie contiguous to the Rocky Moun-
tains.
I could have crossed the Continent this season to Mon-
326 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
treal, and would most gladly have done so, but for the con-
siderations just mentioned. Should circumstances forbid
my accomplishing this desirable object in the spring of
next year (1827), I shall without further delay, embrace
the earliest opportunity of returning to England by sea,
but the length of time consumed by the voyage renders
me unwilling to do this. The expected arrival in Sep-
tember of George Simpson, Esq., Governor of the Western
Districts, gives me hope that I shall not be subjected to
this unpleasant necessity.
During this spring and summer, therefore, my head-
quarters will be either Walla-wallah, the lowest, Spokan,
the middle, or Kettle Falls, the highest, on the Columbia
and its branches. At each of these places I shall make
such a stay as seems desirable, and the extreme distance
not much exceeding five hundred miles, frequent journeys
between them can be effected without difficulty. A vessel
may shortly be expected on this coast, and as I shall not
return hither, probably before November, I mean to leave
the whole of my collection ready packed, to be trans-
mitted by her to England, reserving a package of seeds,
which it is my intention to carry across the country to
Hudson Bay.
March 1st to 20th. — This time was devoted to accom-
plishing the package into two boxes of the residue of my
collection, and making preparations for my journey into
the interior, and the continual rains which fell enabled
me to work at this job the more assiduously. The kind-
ness of Mr. McLoughlin enabled me to take thirty quires
of paper, weighing 102 pounds, which with the rest of my
other necessary articles, is far more than I could have
ventured to expect, considering the labour and difficulty
which attend the transportation of luggage over the por-
tages, etc.
In company of John McLeod, Esq., a gentleman going
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 327
to Hudson Bay, and Mr. Francis Ermetinger, who was
bound for the interior, with two boats and fourteen men,
I started from Fort Vancouver, on Monday, the 20th, at
4 o'clock at noon [?]. Owing to the rain and adverse
wind, and a strong current against us, it was the evening
of the next day before we reached the Grand Rapids.
Here the scenery is grand beyond description. The high
mountains are covered with Pines of several kinds, some of
great magnitude, with their lofty wide-spreading branches
loaded with snow ; while a rainbow stretches over the
vapour formed by the agitated waters, which rush with
furious speed over the shattered rocks and through the
deep channel of the stream, producing a melancholy
though pleasing echo through the still and woody valley,
where the vivid green of the Pine contrasts agreeably
with the reflection of the snow.
On Thursday, the 23d, we proceeded on our voyage with
a strong westerly wind, which enabled us to hoist a sail,
and reached the lower part of the Great Falls at dusk,
where we camped in a small cove, under a shelving rock.
Fortunately, the night was fine and the moon bright, which
was the more agreeable, as the wind would not allow of
our tent being pitched. Here we were placed in a dan-
gerous predicament, from the natives, who collected in
unusually large numbers, and showed every disposition
to be troublesome, because they did not receive so ample a
supply of tobacco as they had expected. We were obliged
to watch the whole night. Having a few of my small wax
tapers, on which I lay a great value, still remaining, I
lighted one, and sat down to write to Mr. Murray of Glas-
gow, and to arrange in paper some Mosses that I had col-
lected the preceding evening. Daylight was a most glad-
some sight, as may be imagined, after spending the hours
of darkness surrounded by at least four hundred and fifty
savages, whose manners announced anything but amicable
328 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
feelings towards us. As no one in the brigade could con-
verse with them much better than myself, little could be
done by persuasion. However, discovering that two of
the principal men understood the Chenook language which
I am slightly acquainted with, I found this circumstance
of some advantage. After taking a hurried and anxious
breakfast on the rocks, we proceeded several miles up the
river, and in the afternoon made the portage over the
Great Falls, where Mr. McLeod was apprized that the In-
dians were lying in wait with the intention of attacking
us and pillaging the boats. This warning proved too cor-
rect. No sooner had they received the customary present
of tobacco than they became desirous of compelling us to
encamp for the night, that they might the better effect
their purpose. The first symptoms of hostile intentions
which we observed, was their cunning trick of sprinkling
water on the gun-barrels of our party ; and, when the
boats were ordered to be put into the water, they would
not allow it to be done. As Mr. McLeod was laying his
hand on the shoulders of one native to push him back,
another fellow immediately drew from his quiver a bow
and a handful of arrows, and presented it at Mr. McLeod.
My position at the time, at the outside of the crowd, en-
abling me to perceive this manoeuvre, and no time being
to be lost, I instantly slipped the cover off my gun, which
was fortunately loaded with buckshot, and presenting it
at him, I invited him to discharge his arrow, when I
would return it with my own weapon. Just at this mo-
ment, a chief of the Kyemuse tribe, and three of his
young men, who are the terror of all the other tribes west
of the mountains, and the staunch friends of the white
people (as they call us) stepped in among the party and
settled the affair without any further trouble. This very
friendly Indian, who is one of the finest figures of a man
I have ever seen, standing six feet six inches high, then
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 329
accompanied us several miles up the river to the spot
where we intended to encamp for the night, and was lib-
erally remunerated by Mr. McLeod for his courageous
and timely interference and friendship. I being King
George's chief, or the "(irass Man," as I am called, bored
a hole through the only shilling which I possessed, and
which had been in my pocket ever since I left London,
and observing that the septum of his nose was perforated,
I suspended the coin to it b}' a bit of brass wire, a cere-
mony which afterwards proved a seal of friendship be-
tween us. After smoking with us, our friend left us to
return to the Indian village, promising that he would not
allow us to be molested. As we could not, of course, think
of sleeping that night, I employed myself in writing a
letter to Doctor Hooker :
LETTER TO DR. HOOKER.
Great Falls of the Columbia River, March 24, 1826.
Dear Sir : From Dr. Scouler you must have obtained a good de-
scription of Northwest America, and be made acquainted with many
of its treasures. He left me in fine spirits ; and when we were to-
gether, not a day passed in which you were not spoken of. His depart-
ure I much regret ; w^e had always been friends and here our friendship
increased. When botanizing along the shores of the Columbia River
and in the adjoining woods, we would sometimes sit down to rest our
limbs, and then the conversation often turned on Glasgow and Ben
Lomond. If a favourite Moss caught his eye. and was eagerly grasped
and transferred to the vasculum, the remark was pretty sure to follow,
" How much would Dr. Hooker like to be with us." I felt very lonely
during the first few weeks after Dr. Scouler had sailed.
The upper country here appears such an interesting field, and so
difi'erent from the vegetation that prevails along the coast, that I have
determined to devote the whole of this year to exploring it; though
somewhat doubtful whether I am justified in so doing, as my orders
were strict from Mr. Sabine nob to outstay the departure of the ship
which leaves the mouth of the Columbia in 1826. I trust, however,
that my arrangements will meet his approbation, or, at least, not incur
his displeasure. The probability is that I shall be enabled to reach
the Rocky Mountains in August, when, with what I may previously
obtain, I hope to have a most splendid collection.
330 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
During- the past winter, I have been continually picking up Musci
and Jnngcrmanniir, and forming a collection of birds and other ani-
mals. My Ijnowledge is somewhat limited in these families, so that I
hardly dare to pronounce as to what may be new ; but I take care to
secure everything I can lay my hands upon. It would have been in
my ])ower to make my way to Montreal this season, and would have
gladly embraced the opportunity of seeing such an extensive and inter-
esting country as lies between; but to overlook the inviting prospect
now before me was more than I could do. I rejoice to tell you of a new
species of Finus, the most princely of the genus, perhaps even the
grandest specimen of vegetation. It attains the enormous height of
from one hundred and seventy to two hundred and twenty feet, with a
circumference of fifty feet, and cones from twelve to eighteen inches
long! I possess one of the latter, measuring one foot five inches long,
and ten inches round the thickest part. The trunk grows remarkably
straight and destitute of branches till near the top, where they foi-m
a perfect umbel; the wood of fine quality, yielding a lai-ge quantity of
resin. Growing trees of this Pinus, which have been partly burnt by
the natives to save themselves the trouble of collecting fuel, a custom
to which they are greatly addicted, produce a substance which, I am
almost afraid to say, is sugar ; but as some of it, together with the
cones, will soon reach England, its real nature will then be correctly
ascertained. This Pinus is found abundantly two degrees south of the
Columbia River, in the counti^y of the Umptqua tribe of Indians, who
collect its seeds in autumn and pound them into a kind of cake, which
they consider as a kind of luxury, using also the saccharine substance
that I have described above, in the same way as civilized nations do
sugar. I intend to bring home such an assemblage of specimens as
will allow a correct figure to be taken of this tree, and also to try
my success with a bag of its seeds.
I hope to make some addition to the genus Phlox, and to obtain P.
speciosa (Bot. Reg. t. 1351), if it be in existence. Of Liliaceous plants
I am sure there must be a great variety.
I heard of Captain Franklin's party from Cumberland Lake on the
way to Bear Lal?:e, their winter residence. Dr. Richardson did not
write to me, as the party who brought me the news only spent a few
minutes with them. I leai'n there is a Mr. Drummond attached to
them as naturalist (whom I take to be Mr. D., of Forfar.) He is on the
opposite side of the mountains at Peace River.
There is here a Mr. McLeod, who spent the last five years at Fort
Good Hope, on the Mackenzie River. He informs me that if the
natives, to whom he is perfectly known, can be credited, there must
exist a northwest passage. They describe a very large river that runs
parallel with the Mackenzie, and falls into the sea near Icy Cape, at
the mouth of which is an establishment on an island, where they go to
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 331
trade ; they say the people of it wear long- beards, and are very wicked,
having hanged several of the natives to the rig-g-ing. Considerable
dependence may be placed on these statements, as Mr. McLeod showed
me some Russian coins, combs, and articles of hardware, such as are
very different from what can be obtained from the British Trading
Company. But the most convincing proof, and which proves the diffi-
culty of transportation or navigation, is their malleable iron pots of
coarse workmanship, and containing four and six gallons each. The
whole account seems plausible. Mr. McLeod assembled all the natives
last j'ear with the purpose of accompanying him thither, when he was
obliged to dej^art for Hudson Bay. The sea is said to be open after
July. In this gentleman there is an example of what may be done by
perseverance, as in the short space of eleven months he visited the
Polar Sea, the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Perhaps not an individual
alive has gone through such a succession of miseries and hardships.
My intention is to endeavor crossing the Continent of America in
the spring of next year (1827), failing which, to take the earliest op-
portunity of reaching England by sea. My store of clothes is very
low, nearly reduced to what I have on my back, — one pair of shoes, no
stockings, two shirts, two handkerchiefs, my blanket and cloak; thus
I adapt my costume to that of the country, as I could not carry more,
without reducing myself to an inadequate supply of paper and such
articles of natural history.
P. S. At the Junction of the Spokan River v)ith the Columlmi, Lat.
47 1-3° jV., Long. 119° Went, April IStJi. — Since writing the above, I
have found Phlox speciosa of Pursh, a delightful plant, of which the
description will require some alteration ; and also a new species, equal
to it in beauty and near P. setaceu, with abundance of Pnrshia tridcn-
tata with yellow flowers. I can hardly sit down to write, not knowing
what to gather first.
The next morning, the 25th, this disagreeable business
being settled, we started at daylight, and continuing our
upward course during the three next days, reached the
Walla-wallah Establishment on the 28th, where I was re-
ceived with much kindness by Mr. S. Black, the person
in charge. The whole country between this place and the
Great Falls is nearly destitute of timber, the largest shrub
being Tigarea (Purshia of the Flora Boreali Amncricana)
tridentata, which we use for fuel in boiling our little kettle.
I also noticed several large species of Artemisia (A. arborea
among them), that were new to me, and, indeed, the
332 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
whole aspect of vegetation is quite dissimilar from that of
the coast. To the southeast, at a distance of ninety miles,
is seen a ridge of high snowy mountains, which, running
in a southwesterly direction for three hundred miles,
terminate near the ocean. There I might hope to find
all or most of the plants of the Rocky Mountains, and
Mr. Black has kindly commenced arrangements for my
making a journey thither early in June, which will oc-
cupy fifteen to twenty days.
Thursday, the 30th. — We proceeded early this morning
on our way, I walking generally on the bank of the river,
as I found the cold very prejudicial to my stiff knee,
which was the better for a little exercise. The country,
too, was quite a plain, as far as the junction of Lewis and
Clarke's River, which is a fine stream, from one hundred
and twenty to one hundred and fifty yards wide in many
places, and very rapid, abounding, as well as many of its
tributaries, with salmon. Its whole course, from its
source in the Rocky Mountains till it joins the Columbia,
is not less than fifteen hundred miles. The soil in this
neighborhood is a light brown earth, which the wind
frequently blows up in mounds or hills fifty feet high,
whereon grow several species of Lupinus and Oenothera,
with some singular bulbous-rooted plants, and occasional
shrubs of the beautiful Purshia tridentata, which is the
largest vegetable production seen here. The same aspect
of country continues as far as the Priest's Rapid, which
we reached on the 1st of April, where it becomes
mountainous, with scarcely a vestige of herbage or ver-
dure of any kind, except in the valleys. The rocks which
bound the river are of limestone and very rugged, and
this is considered one of the most dangerous parts of the
whole river. During the time occupied in making the
portage of nine miles, I wrote to my friend Doctor Scouler
of Glasgow :
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 333
to dr. scouler.
Priest's Rapid, on the Columbia River,
Lat. 48° N., Long. 117° W., April 3d, 1826.
My Dear Sir: By this time I hope you are once more in England,
and that your long voyage has terminated to your satisfaction, 'i'our
friends would, no doubt, naturally entertain melancholy thoughts
about you, owing to your absence having proved so much longer than
was expected : and I know by experience how much yovi must have
felt.
Since you left me there has been no person to join me in my walks,
and for several weeks I felt very uncomfortable, being especially
grieved at not having seen you before your departui'S, owing to a hurt
that one of my legs received when packing my boxes, and which has
troubled me, I am very sorry to say, almost ever since. Although in
a state very unfit for enduring much exertion. I left Fort Vancouver
on the 22d of October, for the purpose of seeing you in my way to
Whitby's Harbor, near the Cheeheelie River. On the evening of the
23d I put ashore at Oak Point to procure a little food, when an Indian
gave me your letter, in which you stated your expectation of remain-
ing a few days longer, and as the ship had been seen on that day, I
lost no time in boiling my kettle, and having re-embarked at 11 P. M.,
I was in hopes of reaching the bay before daylight. Unfortunately,
the wind was adverse, and my Indians being much fatigued, I did not
arrive till 10 o'clock, when I heard, to ray great disappointment, that
you had left the river only one hour before. I found Tha-a-mu-u, or
"the Beard,"' Concomly's brother, to whom you had spoken of me.
He is an old man: at his request I shaved him, that he might look
more like one of King George's chiefs. He accompanied me all the
way along the coast, and for sixty miles up the Cheeheelie River,
where I crossed a tract of land, near Mount St. Helens, to the Cowa-
lidsk River, which I descended to its junction with the Columbia.
This was the most unfortunate trip I ever had ; the season being so
late, and my knee becoming more and more troublesome, I was under
the necessity of laying by. as an invalid, for three days, on Cape Foul-
weather, in a hut made of pine branches and grass. Being unable to
go abroad and shoot, I fared, of course, but scantilj^; some specimens
of Procellaria, Larus, and one of Colymhus, which I killed, were spoiled
by the excessive rain. The only plant I found, worthy of notice, was
an Eviogonum, and I also procured the seeds of several kinds previously
in my possession, among them Helonias tenax and a fine large-fruited
species of Carex. This excursion took twenty-five days, and reduced
me to such a state of weakness, that I could do little more for the
season. During the winter, in the short intervals of fair weather, I
crawled to the woods, in search for Mosses, but my knowledge of this
334 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
tribe of plants is insufficient to enable me to determine accurately
what they are. I lost no time in forming a collection of birds, as
nothing could be done in Botany; my sight, however, which was always
weak, is much impaired during the last few months; without pain or
inllammation, a dimness has come on which is a great loss to me, es-
pecially with the use of the gun, which, as you know, I could handle
to some advantage. I am in possession of a species of Pinus, the finest
of the genus, and hope soon to have abundance of better specimens
and ripe seeds. (Here follow the details, which are precisely similar
to what Mr. D. had mentioned in his foregoing letter). This is un-
questionably the most splendid specimen of American vegetation —
what would Dr. Hooker give to dine under its shadeV As for Mr.
Lambert, I hardly think he could eat at all if he saw it.
I possess another species of 3finmJus, a line plant, but not equal to
yours. In the middle of this month I quitted the ocean, and might
have crossed the Continent this season, but from what I had seen of
the country lying toward the head waters of the Columbia River, I
could not think of forsaking such an inviting field, or departing so far
from the interests of the Society by which I am employed. I expect
to reach the mountains in August. How glad I shall be to join you in
our usual trip of [to] Ben Lomond, where we shall have more time and
a keener relish for talking over our journeys in Northwest America.
Mr. McDonald is gone to Thompson's River, in the interior.
Pardon the shortness of this note, as I have neither time nor con-
venience for writing — no table nor desk : this is penned upon the top
of my specimen board, under which are some exceedingly interesting
things.
April 2d to 0th. — Continuing our journey without inter-
ruption, we reached the Establishment on the Oakanagan
River, one of the northern branches of the Columbia,
where we were kindly received by the Factor, Mr. An-
nance, but the ground being covered three or four feet
deep with snow, nothing could be done in the way of Bot-
any, and my attempts to secure specimens of the Wild
Grouse of the country were also unsuccessful. I observed
a beautiful yellow LicJien growing on the dead brushwood,
April 9th. — My companions and I resumed our route
early this morning, sometimes walking and sometimes on
horseback, where the portages are very long and rugged,
and on Tuesday, the 11th, arrived at the Junction of the
Spokan River with the Columbia, where we found John
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 335
W. Dease, Esq., who, with fourteen men, was on his way
to the Kettle Falls, ninety miles higher up the Columbia,
the furthest of the tiiree points, which I designed to make
my headquarters for the summer and autumn. The great
kindness and attention this gentleman showed me con-
tributed no little to my comfort. He is brother to the
person of the same name who is now accompanying Cap-
tain Franklin on his second Arctic land expedition.
This part of the Columbia is by far the most beautiful
and varied I have yet seen ; the plains are extensive, but
studded with Pine trees, like an English lawn, with rising
bluffs or little eminences clothed with small brushwood
and rugged rocks sprinkled with Ferns, Mosses, and
Lichens.
Two or three days were here devoted to dr34ng my
paper, which had got wet, arranging my plants, and writ-
ing to INIr. Sabine, my brother, and Mr. Munro, which
notes I delivered to Mr. McLeod, who starts to-morrow,
the 14th, for his long trip to Hudson Bay, and has most
kindly engaged to convey my tin box of seeds and a few
other articles which we will consign to Mr. McTavish. I
also met Mr. John Wark here, from whom I received
much attention last year. In a few days I intend pro-
ceeding to the Kettle Falls, where I shall make such a
stay and such excursions as best promise to accomplish
the objects of my employers.
Among the most interesting plants which I have just
gathered, is one of a genus perfectly distinct from Lilium
(though apparently the L. pudicum of Pursh), as its style
is invariably three-cleft. It is abundant in light dry soil
everywhere above the Falls. I shall try to preserve its
bulbs, as it is highly ornamental. The natives eat the
roots, both raw and roasted on the embers, and collect in
July a large store of them, which they dry in the sun, and
lay by for winter use. A lovely Dodecatheon is also plen-
33G Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
tiful here, growing with a white variety: when these
pretty flowers are seen together, they lend a grace to the
scanty herbage of American spring that agreeably calls to
mind "the wee crimson-tipped flower" and "the faint
primrose-beds" of my native land.
From Sunday, the 15th, to Wednesday, the 19th, I con-
tinued making several trips in the country contiguous to the
Junction of the Spokan River, and this more for the sake
of viewing the general aspect of the soil, and estimating
its future productions, than for any object of natural his-
tory that I might now pick up, the season being too early
in spring to afford much.
Wednesday, the 19th — On this day, at noon, I accompanied
Mr. Dease, who with two boats and a party of fourteen men,
was proceeding up the river to a new settlement, called Fort
Colville, near the Kettle Falls, ninety miles further on.
The whole distance is mountainous and rugged, becoming
increasingly so as we approach the territory of the Rocky
Mountains. Many kinds of Pine are seen on the banks,
three species particularly — P. resinosa, a Pinus, very sim-
ilar to P. taxifolia of the coast, and P. Larix, the latter
more numerous than the others, and attaining a great size.
I measured some, thirty feet in circumference ; and several
which had been leveled to the ground by the late storm.s,
were one hundred and fort3'-five feet long, with wood per-
fectly clean and strong. A thick sward of grass covered the
ground, interspersed with shrubs which at this early season
it was impossible to determine. The hills are still par-
tially clothed with snow, and while the days are warm, the
cold is severe at night. The greatest elevation of the
thermometer was G5 degrees, and its minimum 28 degrees,
during the twenty-four hours ; a striking difference! Dur-
ing this voyage we met with several parts of the river,
where the rapids obliged us to make long and difficult
portages^ sometimes three in a day. We generally started
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 337
very early, breakfasting a little before noon, and coiitinued
our progress till dark, about 7 o'clock, when we camped
for the night, and found our suppers of salmon and dried
buffalo meat highly acceptable.
Saturday, the 22d. — Arrived this night at the Kettle
Falls, where the whole stream is precipitated over a per-
pendicular ledge, twenty-four feet high, besides several
smaller cascades, which shiver the water into the most
picturesque snowy flakes and foam for the distance of one
hundred and fifty yards, where a small oval rocky island,
studded with a few shrubs and trees, separates the channel
in two.
Here I spent between a fortnight and three weeks, mak-
ing daily excursions, during which I obtained some inter-
esting plants, and killed several birds that I had not before
seen in the country. Among these was a pretty black
species of Partridge, ^\h\Qh. at this season was not at all shy,
and of which I secured three specimens ; a small Pheasant,
and a Curlew, apparently quite distant from the European
species, being never seen near marshy places, but abundant
in dry ground, where it lays its Qgg on the bare soil. The
plants that pleased me best were Erythronium grandi-
florum of Pursh (Bot. Reg. t. 17SG), which is extremely
beautiful, especially when seen growing, as is commonly
the case, with the Dodccatheon mentioned before, and with
a small species of Puhnonaria ; also Claytonia lanceolata,
of which the roots, though insipid, are eaten by the poor
Indians, both raw and roasted ; two species of Posa, and
a lovely evergreen shrub, probably a Clethra^, which is
abundant in the woods here, and I trust may yet be equally
so in the shrubberies of Britain.
Tuesday, May 9th. — Having apparently exhausted all
the objects of interest which the very earl}^ season of the
1 No Jiosa appears in any of Mr. D.'s collections.
338 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
year afforded in this vicinity, I quitted the Kettle Falls of
the Columbia, and taking two horses loaded with my pro-
visions, which consisted of dried buffalo meat, tea, and a
little sugar, and with my blanket and paper (by the aid
of these animals also hoping to get an occasional lift over
the worst places of my route), I set out across the moun-
tains, for the abandoned Establishment at Spokan, distant
about one hundred and ten miles. My object was to see
Mr. Jacques Raphael Finlay, a Canadian Sauteur, now
resident here, who is possessed of extensive information
as to the nature of the country, its animals, vegetable pro-
ductions, etc. To him Mr. Dease kindly gave me a note
of recommendation, and I had for my guides his two
young sons. The melting of the snow, which swelled the
mountain rivulets into angry torrents, rendered our way
difficult and circuitious; often the meadows were so over-
flowed that the ground would not bear the horses, which
became much fatigued by their exertions and frequent
falls among the rocks. After traveling about twenty-seven
miles we camped for the night, and starting by daylight
of the next morning (Wednesday, 10th) reached at noon
a small, but very rapid river, called by the Indians Bar-
riere River, having traveled for seven hours without food.
No natives being near to help us across in their canoes,
my two young companions and I had the alternative of
making a raft or swimming, and being all well accustomed
to the water, we chose the latter. Unsaddling the horses,
we drove them in, and they all crossed with safety and
ease, except one poor animal, which getting entangled by
its hind legs, among some brushwood at the bottom,
struggled for a long time, till the impediment giving way,
he finally relieved our anxiety by gaining the other side.
I myself made two trips across, carrying my paper and
gun the first time and my blanket and clothes the second ;
— the latter articles I was obliged to hold above water in
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 339
both my hands, a difficult and tedious process, during
which, as if to render my labour fruitless, it hailed heavily.
When I landed my whole frame was so completely be-
numbed that we were under the necessity of stopping to
kindle a fire, and to indulge m}' guides with a smoke, after
which we proceeded. At night a severe pain between my
shoulders and general chilliness ke|)t me from sleeping.
1 rose, boiled my kettle, and made some tea, then dried
niy blanket, and substituted for my damp shirt a spare
one, in which I had rolled by plants ; but feeling no bet-
ter, and being unfortunately without medicine, I started
on foot at a little before 4, and driving the horses before
me, got into a profuse perspiration which considerably
relieved my suffering.
Near this spot was an Indian burying ground, certainly
one of the most curious I had yet seen. All the property
of the deceased was here deposited near their graves, their
implements, garments, and gambling articles. Even the
favourite horse of the deceased is not spared; it is cus-
tomary to shoot the animal with a bow and arrow, and
suspend his skin, with the hoofs and skull, just above the
remains of his master. On the trees which are around the
burying place, small bundles may be seen, tied up in the
same manner as the provisions which they carry when
traveling. I could not learn whether this was intended
as food for the dead or propitiary offerings to the divini-
ties. Within the grave the body is placed in a sitting
posture, with the knees touching the chin, and the arms
folded across the chest. It is difficult to gain any infor-
mation on these subjects, as nothing seems to hurt the
feelings of these people so much as alluding to their de-
parted friends.
Thursday, the 11th. — At 7 this morning we gained the
summit of the last range of hills that lie between the Co-
lumbia and Spokan rivers, and beheld one of the most
340 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
sublime views that could possibly be, of rugged moun-
tains, deep valleys, and mountain rills. At noon reached
the old Establishment, where Mr. Finlay received me
most kindly, regretting at the same time that he had not
a morsel of food to offer me, he and his family having
been subsisting for several, at least six, weeks on the roots
of Phalangium Quamash{S cilia esculenta, Bot. Mag. t. 2774),
called by the natives all over the country, Camass, on
those of Lewisia rediviva, (Bot. Misc. t. 70), and on a black
Lichen (L. Jubatus), which grows on the pines. The mode
of preparing the latter was as follows : After clearing it
thoroughly from the dead twigs and pieces of bark to
which it adheres, it is immersed in water, and steeped till
it becomes perfectly soft, when it is placed between two
layers of ignited stone, with the precaution of protecting
it with grass and dead leaves, lest it should burn. The
process of cooking takes a night, and before the Lichen
cools, it is made into a cake much in the same way as the
Phalangium Quamass, when it is considered fit for use. A
cake of this kind, with a basin of water, was all that Mr.
Finlay had to offer me. Great, therefore, was my pleas-
ure at being able to requite his hospitality by giving him
a share of the provisions with which Mr. Dease's liber-
ality had supplied me, and which, though far from luxu-
rious fare, was yet the best that he and his family had
tasted for a long time. I had also some game in my sad-
dle bags which I had killed by the way, and of which I
gave him half. The principal object of my visit to Mr.
Finlay was to get my gun repaired, and as he was the only
person who could do it within a distance of eight hundred
miles, and this article being a matter of perhaps vital im-
portance to me, I hastened to inform him of my request,
though my imperfect knowledge of French, the only lan-
guage that he could speak, much limited our intercourse,
and prevented my deriving from him all the information
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 341
that I wished to obtain. Having taken a walk up the
river in the afternoon, I found, upon my return at night,
that Mr. Finlay had obligingly put my gun into good
order, for which I presented him with a pound of tobacco,
being the only article I had to give.
Two days were devoted to botanizing in this neighbor-
hood, where I found three fine species of Ribes in flower:
the R. aureum, which bears, as Mr. Finlay informs me, a
very large and excellent j^ellow berry (he never saw it
black or brown, though I afterward found this variety);
a white-blossomed, apparently new species, whose snowy
and fragrant long spikes of flowers are enough to recom-
mend it for culture in England, even without considering
its abundant produce of well-flavoured and black currants,
which resemble those of our country, except in being
rather more acid; and another kind, with a green flower,
that is succeeded by a small black gooseberry. Of all
these, and many other plants, I engaged Mr. Finlay to
collect specimens and seeds for me ; as well as of an in-
teresting kind of Allium, which grows about forty miles
distant, and of which the roots, that I saw, were as large
as a nut, and particularly mild and well-tasted.
These species of the Ribes I afterwards found to be R.
viscosissiiYium (Hook. Fl. Bor. Am., v. 1, t. 86), R. petio-
lare, and R, tenuijiorum., (Bot. Reg. t, 1274).
I also saw a new Pinus (P. poiiderosa), and two kinds of
Misseltoe, one large and growing on this Pine ; and the
other a smaller plant — (Arceubothrium Oxycedri, Hook.
Fl. Bor. Am., v. 1, t. 99), parasitical on Pinus Banksiana,
which is not rare here, though of smaller stature than it
attains on the other side of the Rocky Mountains. A
large bear, Ursus horribilis, was killed by Mr. Finlay, but
it was too large to be preserved. Among the seeds I pro-
cured were those of Pentstemon Scouleri (Bot. Reg. t. 1277),
Claytonia lanceolata, Erythronium grandifiorum (Bot. Reg.
342 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
t. ITSO), and Rubus NutJcanus (Bot. Reg. t. 138G, Bot.
Mag. t. 3453).
Saturday, the lo'th.—As I thought of bending my steps
again toward the Cohimbia, Mr. Finhiy offered that one
of his sons should escort nie, to which I agreed. Before
(|uitting him, I made some inquiry about a sort of sheep
found in this neighborhood, about the size of that de-
scribed by Lewis and Clarke, but, instead of wool, having
short, thick, coarse hair, of a brownish-grey color, whence
its name of Mouton Gris, as it is called by the voyageurs,
is derived. The horns of the male, weighing sometimes
eighteen to twenty-four pounds, are dingy white, and form
a sort of volute, those of the female bend back, curving
outwards at the point, and are from ten inches to a foot
long. The flesh is fine, equal to that of the domestic sheep.
It inhabits the lofty mountains, and is seldom seen in any
numbers except on those whose summits are covered with
perpetual snow. Mr. Finlay gave me hopes that when he
visited the high mountains farther up the country in au-
tumn, he might be able, notwithstanding the shyness of
these animals, and the inaccessible places to which they
generally betake themselves when disturbed, to procure
me a specimen of this highly interesting creature. To
Mr. Finlay's sons I offered a small compensation if they
would preserve for me the skins of different animals,
showing them at the same time how this should be done.
On my way back from Spokan lliver to the Columbia,
I was obliged to take the same way of crossing the Bar-
riere River as I had done when coming, and again
suffered a good deal from the wetness of my clothes, as I
had no change whatever with me. I however added Rihes
viscosissimum of Pursh (Flora Boreali- Americana, tab. 7G)
to my collection, which pleased me much, and on the
whole felt myself well rewarded for the toils of my excur-
sion, by the many new plants I had gained, and by the
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 343
advantage of getting my gun properly repaired. For two
days, however, after my return to the Establishment at
the Kettle Falls, I was so indisposed as to keep my bed
with fever and a violent pain between my shoulders, prob-
ably occasioned by wet, cold, and fatigue.
Friday^ the 19th, to Thursday, the 25th. — This time was
spent in making several excursions; on one occasion I
crossed the Columbia to Dease River, one of its most north-
erly branches, and which had never before been entered
by any European. Mr. Kitson, in a canoe with two In-
dians, went on purpose to explore it, but after having
proceeded ten miles, during which I walked along the
banks, that I might better judge of its productions, the
stream proved so rapid that we were obliged to give up
further progress and return. This river seems, like most
of the others, to have its source in the Rocky Mountains.
Friday, tlie 2Gth. — Started at daylight for a trip to the
hills south of the Kettle Falls. The weather was warm,
thermometer S6 degrees, and sitting down to rest awhile
under the shade of a large TJiuja occidentalis, in a valley
near a small spring, I fell asleep and never woke till late
in the afternoon, when being twenty miles from home, I
would have gladly have taken up my c|uarters there for
the night, but that I feared Mr. McLoughlin, who expected
me back, would be uneasy. I therefore returned with all
speed over a mountainous and rugged M'ay, and arrived
near midnight, and found him on the point of sending
two Indians to seek for me; his anxiety, however, lest
any accident should have befallen me, was changed into
hearty laughter wlien he heard of the manner in which
I had been spending my time.
The next week was devoted to collecting specimens of
plants, preparatory to leaving this place for a journey to
the plains below.
Monday, June the oth. — Rose at half-past 2, and had all
344 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
my articles given in charge to Mr. Dease, and m}^ tent
struck before 5, when I took some breakfast, and in com-
pany with Mr. W. Kitson, bade farewell to the wild ro-
mantic scenery of the Kettle Falls. The river is much
swollen by the melting of the snow, being fourteen to six-
teen feet above its usual level, where it is six hundred
yards wide. As soon as our boats got into the current,
they darted down the river with the velocity of an arrow
just loosed from the bowstring. One half hour took us to
Thompson's Rapids, the place where the striking appear-
ance of the shattered rocks and water is noticed in my
journal of our ascent. Here our boatman, Pierre L'Etang,
observed that the water was in fine order for shooting or
"jumping," as he called it, the Rapid. Good as this plan
appeared to him, I must confess that my timidity would
not allow me to remain in the boat. Although I am no
coward either in the water or on the water, and have
gazed unmoved, and even with pleasure, on the wildest
uproar and tumult of the stormy deep, yet to descend
these cataracts by way of sport and where no necessity
called for it, I could not resolve to do. Therefore Mr.
Kitson and I got out and walked along the rocks. No
language can convey an idea of the dexterity exhibited by
the Canadian boatmen, who pass safely through rapids,
whirlpools, and narrow channels, where by the strength
of such an immense body of water forcing its way, the
stream, as in the present instance, is lifted in the middle,
to a perfect convexity. In such places, where you think
the next moment must dash the frail skiff and its burden
of human beings to destruction among the steep rocks,
these fellows approach and pass over with astonishing
coolness and skill, encouraging themselves and one an-
other with a lively and exulting boat song. We reached
the junction of the Spokan River the same afternoon,
having in the short space of eight hours accomplished a
Journal and Letters op David Douglas. 345
distance of ninety miles, which will give some idea of the
rapidity of the current ; forty miles lower still we en-
camped at night opposite the Cinqpoil River, on the south
side of the Columhia : and, soon after midday on Tuesday,
arrived at the Oakanagan Establishment, where I found
my old friend, Mr. Wark, with W. Conolly, Esq., M. Pam-
brun, and a James Douglas, all of whom, with a party of
men, were on their way from Western Caledonia to Fort
Vancouver, with Mr. F. Ermetinger (brother of the gen-
tleman of the same name who had accompanied me in the
spring) coming from Thomson's River.
The next day (Wednesday, 7th) I proceeded, with a bri-
gade of six boats, towards Walla- wallah, at the junction of
Lewis and Clarke's River, which I intend to make my head-
quarters for six or eight weeks. Passed the Stony Islands,
where I found Pentstemon venustum (Bot. Reg. t. 1809), and
P. speciosum (Bot. Reg. t. 1270), a place in the river about
half a mile long, exceedingly rugged and dangerous, at 4
o'clock, and shortly afterwards camped earlier than usual,
two of our boats having been broken. This circumstance
gave me some hours among the rocks on the banks of the
river, which I spent to great advantage. Under some
stones I discovered and killed a rattlesnake, three feet long.
The thermometer had indicated 92 degrees in the shade
at noon, and at night the heavens presented an entire
sheet of lightning, unaccompanied either by thunder or
rain. The next morning we started, as usual, very early^
and breakfasted at the Priest's Rapid, on fresh salmon and
buffalo tongue. Arrived at night at the Walla-wallah,
where having had very little sleep since leaving Kettle
Falls, I hoped to obtain some hours of repose, and accord-
ingly stretched on the floor of the Indian Hall at that
establishment, whence, however, I was shortly driven by
the attacks of such an immense swarm of fleas as rendered
repose impossible, and my attempts to procure it among
34G Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
the bushes were equally frustrated by the annoyance of
two species of ants, one very black and large, three quar-
ters of an inch long, and the other small and red. Thus
I o-ladly hailed the approach of day, and as soon as I could
see to make a pen wrote the following letter to Mr. Sabine,
which I consigned to Mr. Conolly who was immediately
about to proceed to Fort Vancouver, whence a ship was
daily expected to sail for England:
June 9th, 1S36.
Dear Sir : As an unexpected opportunity of communicating- with
the coast has just presented itself, I thus embrace it, sending also the
whole of my gleanings, amounting to upwards of one hundred species,
distinct from those transmitted in the collection of 1825. Among
them ai'e six species of Jit5e.s, two of which, I think, will prove new ;
jB. Viscosissimmn of Pursh (whose description will require some alter-
ation), which is surpassed by few plants; and a fourth, very inter-
esting, .though less showy species; the others are B. aureum, and one
belonging to the section Grossularia, with green flowers. A few days
after I had the honor of writing to you, on the 12th of April, from the
Spokan River (where it joins the Columbia), a letter which was sent
across this great Continent, I started for the Kettle Falls, ninety miles
farther up, where I remained until the 5th of this month, making ex-
cui'sions in such directions as seemed calculated to afford the richest
harvest; and although this has fallen somewhat short of my expecta-
tions, I yet do not consider my time as having been thrown away, many
of the species being new, and the rest but imperfectly known. About
the 25th of this month (June) I propose making a journey to a ridge of
snowy mountains, about one hundred and fifty miles distant from this
place, in a southerly direction, which will occupy fifteen to eighteen
days; and, after securing the result of this trip, will make a voyage
up Lewis and Clarke's River as far as the Forks, remaining there ten
or twelve days, as appeal's necessary, and returning overland in a
northeasterly [westerly?] direction to my spring encampment on the
Kettle Falls. Shortly afterwards I mean to accompany Mr. Wark, who
is going on a trading excursion to the country contiguous to the Rocky
Mountains, and not far distant from the Pass of Lewis and Clarke, thence
gradually retracing my steps over the places I have ah-eady visited, or
yet may visit, so as to reach the ocean, as I hope, about November.
The difficulty which I find in conveying the dift'erent objects that
it is desirable to collect becomes considerable, and often 1 am under
the necessity of restricting myself as to the number of specimens,
that I may obtain the greater variety of kinds.
I have been fortunate in procuring two pairs of a very handsome
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 847
species of Bock Grou!<c, found only in mountainous grounds; and as
none of this sort are found east of the mountains, I am in hopes it
may prove new. A pair of Curlews, of singular habits, very unlike
the rest of the tribe, which frequent dry soils, and roost in trees, with
a small /e»(o7e Fheamnt, ai*e all that I have been able to get ready for
adding to this collection. The birds are packed in a small box with
three bundles of plants. Having so much to do I find it impossible to
send, at this time, a copy of my journal, which I much regret. Among
my plants are five splendid specimens of Pentstemon, only one, the
P. cccruleum, of Pursh, is yet described; abundance of Pumhia tri-
dputata, both in flower and fruit; several species of Rubus and Lupi-
nus; and two kinds of Primus, all of these being different from what
I sent last year from the coast. I am now in the finest place for the
Large Grouse, and hope shortly to procure some.
It always affords me the greatest pleasure to mention the kindness
and assistance I receive from the persons in authority here. Thank
God, I enjoy excellent health. There is nothing in the world could
afford me greater pleasure than hearing from you and my other
friends, and most sincerely do I hope that, in the course of autumn,
this may come to pass. D. Douglas.
To .Joseph Sabine, Esq., etc.
I then wrote, and particularly begged the attention of
my kind friends at Fort Vancouver, to the articles which
I sent for conveyance in the next ship. Mr. ConoUy, be-
fore departing with Mr. Wark and the other gentlemen,
handsomely presented me with twelve feet of tobacco,
more than two pounds, to assist me in my travels during
their absence. This article, being, as it were, the currency
of this country, and particularly scarce, will enable me to
procure guides and to ol)tain the cheerful performance of
many little acts of service, and it is therefore almost in-
valuable to me.
In this neighborhood grow several beautiful kinds of
Phlox and Penfstemon, also a fine species of Erlogonum
(E. sphxrocephalum) and of Malva.
Having, as I before mentioned, taken almost no rest for
five nights, I lay down shortly after dispatching my letters,
but was scarcely composed when an Indian arrived with
news that the expected ship had arrived in the river. He
348 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
brought me a parcel and two letters; the latter I eagerly
orasped, and, hoping one was from Mr. Sabine, tore it
open, when I found that it was in the writing of Mr.
Goode ; the other was from my friend, Mr. William Booth.
A note from Mr. McLoughlin, at Fort Vancouver, di-
minished my fears lest there sliould be no more letters for
me, by stating that feeling unwilling to confide to the In-
dian such communications as appeared to come from the
Horticultural Society, he had kept them until his own
people should return.
Never in my life did I feel in such a state of mind. An
uneasy, melancholy, and yet pleasing sensation stole over
me, accompanied with a passionate longing for the rest of
my letters ; for though I do enjoy, in a measure, the lux-
ury of hearing from home, yet there is no intelligence yet
from my near relations and friends. It is singular, that
seldom as the post goes and arrives in this uninhabited
and remote land, I should still have heard from England
within five hours of sending off my letters to that country.
Till two hours after midnight I sat poring over these let-
ters as if repeated reading could extract an additional or a
different sense from them ; and when I did lie down, little
as I had slept lately, I never closed my weary eyes. The
next day found me considerably indisposed, and the intense
heat confining me to the tent, I employed myself with re-
pairing my shoes and shifting the papers of my plants.
Up to Wednesday, the 14th, I remained here, chiefly
employed in making short trips along the banks of the
river, which was rendered so rough by a stormy westerly
wind, that no canoe could go upon it, even to fish. Thus, no
salmon having been caught for three or four days, I had
nothing but a little boiled horse flesh to eat, and was glad
to eat of this scanty fare with a roasted Arctoinys\ or
^A. Irachyurus.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 349
Ground Rat, a creature common in this country, where it
burrows in the sand under bushes and lives on the fruit
of Purshia tridentata, and the leaves of several species of
Artemisia. I found the flesh somewhat rancid, or rather
of a musky flavor, probably from the bitter strong-scented
plants on which it feeds. The Indians of the Walla-wal-
lah and Kyemuse tribes call this animal Limia.
Thursday, June 15th. — At 4 a. m. set off for a walk on
some rocky grounds, near the river, having breakfasted
on the same food as I had had for some previous days,
but long before noon felt greatly exhausted, being unable
to get so much as a drink of w^ater. My eyes began also to
distress me exceedingly ; the sand which blows into them,
with the reflection of the sun from the ground, which in
many places is quite bare, having made them so sore and
inflamed that I can hardly distinguish clearly any object
at twelve yards distance.
Friday, IGth. — The weather being pleasant, I began pre-
paring for my great excursion to the mountains; and sent
accordingly to the Indian camp, to bid my guide be ready
at sunrise. During the night I was annoyed by the visit
of a herd of rats, which devoured every particle of seed I
had collected, eat clean through a bundle of dried plants,
and carried off my soap-brush and razor! As one was tak-
ing away my inkstand which I had been using shortly be-
fore, and which lay close to my pillow, I raised my gun,
which, with my faithful dog, always is placed under my
blanket at my side, with the muzzle to my feet, and hastily
gave him the contents. When I saw how large and strong
a creature this rat was, I ceased to wonder at the exploits
of the herd in depriving me of my property. The body
and tail together measured a foot and a half ; the back is
brown, the belly white ; while the tail and enormous ears
are each three quarters of an inch long, with whiskers
three inches in length, and jet black. Unfortunately, the
350 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
specimen was spoiled by the size of the shot, which, in
my haste to secure the animal, and recover my inkstand,
I did not take time to change; but a female of the same
sort venturing to return some hours after, I handed it a
smaller shot, which did not destroy the skin. It was in
all respects like the other, except being a little smaller.
I am informed that these rats abound in the Rocky Moun-
tains, particularly to the north, near the Mackenzie and
Peace rivers, where, during the winter, they destroy al-
most everything that comes in their way.
On Saturday, the 17th, my guide did not arrive on the
camp until 8 a. m., and I was uncertain whether he would
come at all. The horses were not brought from the
meadow, nor the provisions put up. Considerable time
was lost in explaining to the man the nature of my jour-
ney, which was thus effected. I told it to Mr. Black, in
English, and he translated it in French to his Canadian
interpreter, who again communicated it to the Indian in
the language of the Kyemuse tribe, to which the latter
belongs. As a proof of the fickle disposition and keen-
ness at making a bargain of these people, he no sooner
had ascertained the proposed route, and his future re-
muneration, than he began stating difficulties, in preface
to a list [of] present wants, among which were food for
his family, who had been starving, as he assured us, for two
months, owing to the failure of the salmon fishery; then
shoes for himself, and as his leggings were much worn,
leather for new ones. Then followed a request for a stalk-
ing-knife, a piece of tobacco, a strip of red cloth for an
ornamental cap. Tbis bargain occupied two hours, and
was sealed by volumes of smoke from a large stone pipe.
Mr. Black offered kindly to send a bo}^ twelve years
old, called the Young Wasp, the son of his own interpreter,
with me, who, understanding a little French, might com-
municate my wishes to the guide, a proposal which I
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 351
thankfully accepted, but, some days after, I had reason to
fear the young rascal told the Indian the very reverse of
what I bade him, for after we had, with great difficulty,
gained the summit of the snowy mountains, after many
days of severe labor, from Saturday, the 17th, to Wednes-
day, the 21st, when I proposed to descend on the other
side, my guide made serious objections to accompany me.
All I could suggest through the medium of the boy, to
remove his fears, seemed only to increase them : he as-
sured me that the Snake Indians, with whom his tribe
was at war, would steal our horses, and probably kill us ;
and as it was imposssble either to force him to accom-
pany me or to find my way alone, I was reluctantly com-
pelled for the present to give up the idea of proceeding
in that direction.
I had not been long on the much-desired summit of
this mountain, which is at least nine thousand feet above
the level of the sea, and seven thousand five hundred feet
above the platform of the mountainous country around,
and the snows of which had certainly never been pressed
by an European foot before, than my view of the sur-
rounding scenery was closed by the sudden descent of
a heavy, black cloud, which presently broke in thunder,
lightening, hail, and wind. The heavens seemed as on
fire with the slare, and the thunder echoed from the
other peaks, accompanied with gusts of furious wind,
which broke many of the stunted Pines, and unmerci-
fully pelted me with the cutting hail. Glad was I to leave
the summit which I had so much longed to gain, and to
descend to my camp ere night arrived. I was much re-
freshed during my weary walk, which the want of snow-
shoes rendered, on the high parts, much more fatiguing,
by eating the berries of Ribes aureum, which I found in
great quantities, and of exquisite flavour, both yellow and
black, the former most common, and the size of common
352 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
currants. As I observe that this shrub only produces its
fruit when growing in very dry sandy places, never
where the soil is rich, and very sparingly if it is at all
moist, it would be worth the while of cultivators at home
to attend to this circumstance. As I had tasted nothing
but these berries all day, I found a small basin of cold
tea at night, with some dried salmon, particularly re-
freshing.
The storm continued unabated, by which my poor
horses were so alarmed that it was necessary to tie them
to some trees close to our camp ; but the chief disadvan-
tage arose from its being impracticable to keep a fire
lighted, and, as I was afraid to lie down in my soaked
clothes, I stripped, and rolling myself in my blanket, soon
fell asleep, but awoke about midnight, so benumbed with
cold, that I found my knees refused to do their office.
Having rubbed my limbs most vehemently with a very
rough cloth, to restore animation, I succeeded at last in
making a little fire, when some hot tea did me more good
than anything else could have done. If ever, however,
my zeal has been damped, it was on this occasion ; my
guide, too, and interpreter, were so much disheartened by
the difficulties of the way, the dreadful storm, and the
want of provisions, that I finally consented to return, and
regained the Columbia on the night of Saturday, the 24th,
after an absence of nine days, during which time I had
not seen a human face, save those of my two companions.
I was, however, fully determined to resume my journey
in this direction without much delay, the ground appear-
ing very rich in objects of interest, among which, that
which had gratified me most, was a beautiful P^ronia
(P. Brownii, the only individual of this genus in Amer-
ica), with a flower that is dark purple outside, and yellow
within, blooming on the very confines of perpetual snow,
while it grows poor and small on the temperate parts of
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 353
the niountains, and vvliolly disappears on the phiins below.
A lovely Lupine (L. Sabi7ii, Bot. Reg. t. 1485), with large
spikes, twelve to eighteen inches long, of yellow flowers,
covering whole tracts of the country for miles, and re-
minding me of the "bonny broom," that enlivens the
moors of my native land, gave me much pleasure. The
specimens in my collection will show how desirable an
acquisition this would be to our gardens. The crevices
of the rocks were adorned in many places with a white-
flowered Pedicularis, and a new Draba, while several
species of Pentstcmon fringed the mountain rivulets, and
a yellow Ei'icgonum (E. sphxrocephalum) sprang up in the
cretices of granite rocks. Of Lupinaster macrocephalus
{Trifolium, megacephalum) (Pursli), which never grows be-
low three thousand feet on the mountains, I am most
anxious to obtain seeds ; also of Trifolium altissimum
(Hook. Fl. Bor. Am., v. 1. t. 48.)
Monday, 2Gth. — Being more and more anxious of mak-
ing a second journey to the same mountains, I sent again
to my guide, and bade him prepare to accompany me ; on
which he instantly began to plead that he had not re-
covered from the fatigue of his former excursion, and
finally refused to go. Perceiving that this statement was
by no means true, at least to the extent that he wanted to
make me believe, I was on the point of trying the effect
of a little personal chastisement, in order to teach him,
that since I was paying for his services I had a right to
require them, when he made his escape without loss of
time. I afterwards learned that the "Young Wasp," as
the interpreter's son was called, had told the poor igno-
rant being that I was a great Medicine Man, which, among
these poor people, is considered equivalent to possessing
necromantic power, and having intercourse with evil
spirits. Also, that if he accompanied me, and acted so
as, in any way, to incur my displeasure, I should trans-
354 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
form him into a grizzly Bear, and set him to run in the
woods for the rest of his life, so that he would never see
his wife again. It is not to be wondered that these fears
acted powerfully on the Indian, and caused him to be-
have in the way he did.
Mr. Black afterwards furnished me with another guide,
whom I took the more readily, as he was no smoker, and
such a knave that nobody would dare to steal from him.
It is, however, worthy of notice, that among these people
conlidence answers best. An instance of dishonesty has
hardly been ever known where property has been in-
trusted to their hands. . Another good point in their
character is hospitality. A stranger can hardly imagine
the kindness he will receive at their hands. If they have
a hut they entreat you to enter it, or failing that, if the
day is wet, one of brushwood is quickly made for your
use, and wdiatever they possess in the way of food is set
before you. On one occasion I was regaled with steaks
cut from a Doe of the Long-Tailed Deer (Cervus leucurus),
accompanied by an infusion of ^ sweetened with a
small portion of sugar. The meat was laid on the clean
foliage of Gualtheria Shallon, in lieu of a plate, and our
tea was served in a large wooden dish, hewn out of a
piece of solid timber. For spoons we had the horns of
the Mountain Sheep, or Mouton Gris of the voyageurs,
formerly mentioned.
The garb of the Umptqua [Umatilla ?] tribe of Indians,
of whom Centrenose (a native name) is the chief, consists
of a shirt and trousers, made of the undressed skins of
small deer. The richer individuals decorate this garb
with shells, principally marine ones, thus showing their
proximity to the sea. The females wear a petticoat made
of the tissue of Thuja occidentalism like that wdiich is used
2The word is quite unintelligible in Mr. Douglas' Journal.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 355
by the Chenook Indians, and above it a kind of gown of
dressed leather, like the shirts of the men* but with wider
sleeves. The children fled from me with indescribable
fear, and, till assured of my amicable intentions, only one
man and one wonuui could be seen, to whom I gave a few
beads, brass rings, and a pipe of tobacco.
Arrangements having finally been made, I set off, and,
in three days, reached the snowy mountains, w^here I was
on the whole disappointed, finding little that was different
from what I had seen a fortnight before; and, after suf-
fering severely from pain in my eyes, which rendered
reading or writing very difficult, except in the morning,
and haunted continually by the thought that our people,
who were daily expected from the coast, would have ar-
rived and brought my letters, I returned to my camp on
the Walla-wallah on Monday, the 3d of July, and spent
the rest of that week in botanizing in that neighborhood
and packing my seeds, for which I had to make a box,
and drying and securing my plants.
On the following Sunday, the 9th, an opportunity hav-
ing offered of sending to the coast, I wrote to Mr. Sabine,
giving a short account of my proceedings since I had last
addressed him, exactly a month previously ; but as this
letter is only a repetition of what my journal has just
stated, it is unnecessar}^ to copy it here.
In hopes that by going two or three days' journey down
the river, instead of prosecuting my researches for plants,
in an opposite direction, I might meet the party who are
expected from the coast, and thus earlier obtain possession
of my much desired letters, I embarked at 10 a. m. of
Monday, the 10th, and, the river being at its height, pro-
ceeded for two or three hours at the rate of twelve miles
an hour, when the great swell obliged us to put on shore.
And as the same cause rendered it impossible to fish for
salmon, a horse was killed, on whose flesh, with a draught
o5G Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
of water I made my supper. After a cheerless night,
during which the mosquitoes were excessively trouble-
some, I proceeded about fifty miles the next day, when I
breakfasted on similar fare. While doing this, an Indian,
who stood by my side, managed to steal my knife, which
had been further secured by a string tied to my jacket ;
and as it was the only one I possessed, for all purposes, I
offered a reward of tobacco to get it returned. This bribe
being ineffectual, I commenced a search for its recovery,
and found it concealed under the belt of one of the knaves.
When detected, he claimed to be paid the recompense ;
but as I did not conceive him entitled to this, as he had
not given it at first (nor given it at all indeed), I paid
him certainly, and so handsomely, with my fists, that I
will engage he does not forget the 3Ian of Grass in a hurry.
Having halted at night below the Great Falls of the Co-
lumbia, I saw smoke rising, and thinking it might be
Indians fishing, walked thither in quest of salmon. In-
stead of their savage countenances I found, however, to
my great delight, that it was the camp of the brigade from
the sea. I can not describe the feeling which siezed me,
when, after traveling some weeks together with Indians,
I meet a person whom I have known before; or if even
they are strangers, yet the countenance of a Christian is
at such times most delightful. In the present instance
I had the additional happiness of finding myself in the
society of those who had ever treated me with cordiality,
and who now seemed to vie with one another in acts of
kindness toward me. Observing my dejected and travel-
worn plight, one fetched me some water to wash with,
another handed me a clean shirt, and a third busied himself
in making ready something more palatable than carrion,
for my supper ; while my old friends, Messrs. McDonald
and Wark, handed me those best of cordials, my letters
from England. Two of these, from Mr. Sabine and my
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 357
brother, were peculiarly gratifying. Those persons who
have never been, like nie,.in such a remote corner of the
globe, may perhaps think I should be ashamed of my own
weakness on the present occasion ; but long as I had been
kept in ignorance of everything respecting my dearest
friends, my anxiety was not allayed by one perusal of my
letters, and no less than four times during the night did
I rise from my mat and read and re-read them, till, ere
morning dawned, I had them, I am sure, all by heart.
The first thing I did, after this sleepless night, was to
write a few lines of acknowledgment to Mr. Sabine, and
by sunrise I was again seated in the boat, on my return
up the river, and with new spirits resumed my employ-
ment of botanizing during the frequent portages that we
made, previous to arriving at Walla-wallah on Saturday.
Thence, on Monday, the 17th, I accompanied Messrs.
Wark and McDonald, who were going by water, with a
party of twenty-eight men, to the forks of Lewis and
Clarke's River, about one hundred and fifty miles from
the Columbia, and as the marches these gentlemen pro-
posed to make would be short, I hoped to obtain most of
the plants which grow on the banks of this stream.
Tuesday, ISth. to Monday, 2 Jf,tli. — Lewis and Clarke's River
is a stream of considerable magnitude, in many places from
two hundred and fifty to three hundred yards broad, very
deep and rapid ; its general course is easterly [westerly?].
At twenty-five miles from its junction with the Columbia,
the country near its banks changes from undulating and
barren to lofty, rugged mountains, and not a blade of
grass can be seen, except in the valleys and near springs,
where a little vegetation survives the intense heat. We
rose always at daybreak, and camped at 3 or 4 p. m., during
which [?] interval, the thermometer commonly standing
in the shade at 108 degrees of Fahrenheit, it was danger-
ous to attempt traveling, unsheltered as we were by any
358 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
screen from the scorching sun. In the cool of the even-
ing we generally made fifteen or twenty miles more.
Except that good water may always be obtained, there is
nothing to render this country superior, in summer, to the
burning deserts of Arabia. Salmon are caught in the
river, and sometimes in great numbers, but they are
neither so plentiful nor so good as in the Columbia ; we
obtained occasionally a few from the Indians, to vary our
standing dish of horse flesh, boiled, or roasted at the end
of a stick ; but such is the indolence of these people that
they will almost rather starve than incur much labor in
fishing. I found great relief from the burning heat by
bathing every morning and evening, and, though the
practice is certainly enfeebling, yet I doubt if I could at
all have prosecuted my journey without it.
Monday, 24th. — Arrived at the forks of the river at
dusk, where we found a camp of three different nations,
upwards of six hundred men, able to bear arms : these
were the Pierced-Nose Indians, the Chawhaptan and the
Chamniemucks. The chiefs, or principal men of each
tribe, came and stayed with us till late, when they pre-
sented us with some favorite horses.
Tuesday, 25th. — Understanding from my companions
that their stay here would be for a few days, I was desir-
ous of making a trip to the mountains, distant about sixty
miles, and part of the same ridge which I had visited, in
a part much to the southeast, during spring. As, how-
ever, no arrangement had yet been made with the natives,
it was deemed imprudent for me to venture any distance
from the camp ; but, on Wednesday a conference being
held, which terminated amicably, and with all the pomp
and circumstance of. singing, dancing, haranguing, and
smoking, the whole party being dressed in their best gar-
ments, I took advantage of the conclusion of this novel
and striking, spectacle, to beg the services of one of Mr.
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 359
McDonald's men, named Coq de Lard, and with him to
start on an exploring trip in the direction of the said
mountains. My companion and friend (guide he could
not be called, as he as equally a stranger to this country
as m3'self,) traveled two days, when we reached the first
ridge of hills. Here we parted, I leaving him to take
care of the horses, and proceeding alone to the summit,
whence I found nothing different, as to vegetation, from
what I had seen before, but was much struck with a re-
markable spring that rises on the summit, from a circular
hollow in the earth, eleven feet in diameter; the water
springs up to from nine inches to three feet and a half
above the surface, gushing up and falling in sudden jets ;
thence it flows in a stream down the mountain fifteen feet
broad and two and a half feet deep, running with great
rapidity, with a descent of a foot and a half in ten, and
finally disappears in a small marsh. I could find no bot-
tom to the spring at a depth of sixt}' feet. Surrounding
this spring, which I named Munro's Fountain, is a beau-
tiful thicket of a species of Ribes, growing twelve to fif-
teen feet high, and bearing fine fruit, much like gooseber-
ries, as large as a musket-ball, and of delicate and superior
flavour. I hope it may be allowed to bear the specific name
of R. Munroi (Bot. Reg. 1. 1300). The Pania (P. Broivnii),
mentioned before, with Abronia vespertina, and a fine
XylosteuTti, and Ribes viscosissimum, also grew here. On
joining my guide we examined the state of our larder, and
finding that provisions were low, and our appetites keen,
we determined to regain our friends' camp, and traveling
all night, arrived there at sunrise. Hardly, however, had
I lain down to sleep, than I was roused by the call to arms,
which, to a Man of Grass and of Peace, is far from welcome.
A misunderstanding having arisen between our interpreter
and one of the Indian chiefs, the latter accused the former
of not translating correctly, and words failing to express
3G0 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
sufficiently his wrath, he seized the poor man of lan-
guage, and tore off a handful of his long Jet hair by the
roots. On being remonstrated with for this violence, the
Indian set off in a rage and summoned his followers, sev-
enty-three in party, who came all armed, each with his
gun cocked, and the arrow on the bowstring. As, how-
ever, every individual of our camp had done all that was
possible to accommodate matters, we took things coolly,
and apparently careless of the result, stood, thirty-one in
number, to our arms, and asked if they wished for war?
They said "No ; we only want the interpreter to kill him,
and, as he is no chief, this could not signify to us." But
our reply was, that whether chief or not, each individual
in our camp, though he were only an Indian, was entitled
to our protection ; and if they offered to molest him, they
should see whether we had ever been in war before or not.
The coolness, which we took care to show by our counte-
nances as much as in our speech, had the desired effect,
and they earnestly begged for the peace which we were
certainly quite as glad to grant. Many speeches were
made on the occasion, and, to judge by the gestures of
these children of nature, and the effect wdiich their ha-
rangues produce, some of them must possess oratorical
powers of no mean description. The affair ended, as
usual, by an interchange of presents. Still, though friend-
ship was restored, it would have been highly imprudent
to venture myself away from the camp, and I spent the
time, till the 31st of July, in arranging and securing what
I had already collected, when I parted with Mr. McDonald,
who descended the Columbia, and accompanying Mr. Wark
and two men, departed overland in a northeasterl}' [west-
erly?] direction, towards Kettle Falls, on the Columbia, and
reached the Spokan River on Thursday, the 3d of August,
where I was kindly welcomed at the old establishment by
my former host, Mr. Finlay. The next day I left him for
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 361
the Columbia, and came to a favorite fishing-place of the
Indians, who were busily engaged in snaring salmon, in
traps made of basket work and shaped like funnels. Here
they had already caught one thousand seven hundred fish
in one morning, having speared and thrown on shore that
number, while man}^ more remained within the snare
awaiting their fate. The spear is pointed with bone, laced
tight to a pointed piece of wood, which again is frequently
fastened to a long staff with a cord. During the best part
of tlie fishing season, from one thousand five hundred to
two thousand salmon are caught on an average in the day.
Again, as in the spring, I had to cross Barriere River by
swimming, and on Cedar River, a small but rapid stream,
that flows about nine miles farther [on?] into the Columbia,
had a narrow escape from losing my horse, and receiving a
severe hurt. The animal stuck in the bank, which is very
steep and slippery, after crossing, and, in his struggles to
get free, gave me a sharp blow and threw me head fore-
most into the river ; the force with which the poor beast
did this, enabled him, however, to extricate himself from
what he probably felt would otherwise have proved his
grave, and I received no other injury than a terrible duck-
ing, from the effects of w^hich a walk of several miles en-
abled me to recover, with the loss, however, of all the
seeds I had been collecting during this trip, and of my
knapsack and notebook. After an absence of two months,
I was kindly re-welcomed to the Kettle Falls, by Mr. Dease,
on the evening of Saturday, the 5th of August. Several
species of (Enothera, Trlfollum, Artemisia^ and a novel
Eriogonuni were added to my stores.
August 7th to Tuesday, 15th. — Continued collecting
seeds, drying and packing plants, but learning from Mr.
McLoughlin that the vessel at Fort Vancouver would not
sail for England until the 1st of September, and that it is
the last which will probably proceed thither direct for
362 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
some years, and, as I have a collection of seeds ready to
go, amounting to one hundred and twenty species, gleaned
this year, I am very desirous of sending everything that
I can muster by her. By some means or other I must
endeavour to reach the ocean, carrying my collection to
be despatched homeward. I therefore packed up a share
of my paper and seeds, with what little linen I could
snare, intending to leave the box at this place, whence it
will be forwarded across the Rocky Mountains to Fort
Edmonton, where I hope to find it early in June. Mr.
Dease kindly took the trouble of speaking to the Little
Wolf, a chief of the Oakanagan tribe of Indians, to con-
duct me to Oakanagan, as the Columbia is now so full of
rapids, cascades, and whirlpools, that I could not proceed
by a canoe, unless I had six or eight men to manage it;
nor is there, indeed, any boat here large enough for the
purpose.
17th. — Packed a bundle of dry plants in my trunk,
among my little stock of clothing, consisting of a single
shirt, one pair of stockings, a nightcap, and a pair of old
mitts, together with an Indian bag of curious workman-
ship, made of Indian Hemp, a species of Apocynum, He-
lonias tenax, and Eagle's quills, used for carr3dng roots and
other such articles. A party of twenty-one men and two
females arrived, belonging to the Cootanie tribe, whose
lands lie near the source of the Columbia, for the purpose
of fishing. Between these and the tribes on the Colum-
bia lakes, about sixty miles above this place, who are now
similarly engaged at the Falls, an old quarrel exists, which
causes much uneasiness to Mr. Dease and all our people.
The parties met to-day stark naked, at our camp, painted,
some red, some black, others white and yellow, all with
their bows strung, while those who had guns and ammu-
nition, brought their weapons charged and cocked. War
caps, made of the Calumet Eagle's feathers, were the only
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 363
particle of clothing they had on. Just as one of these
savages was discharging an arrow from liis bow, aimed
at a chief of the other party, Mr. Dease hit him such a
blow on the nose as stunned him, and the arrow fortu-
nately only grazed the skin of his adversary, passing
along the rib opposite to his heart without doing him
much injury. The whole day was spent in clamour and
haranguing, and unable to foresee what the issue might
be, we were prepared for the worst. Mr. Dease, however,
succeeded in persuading them to make arrangements for
peace, and begged this might be done without delay on
the morrow, representing to them how little they had ever
gained by their former wars, in which they had mutuall}^
butchered one another like dogs. Unluckily for me, my
guide, the Wolf, is equally wanted by his party, whether
to make war or peace, therefore I am obliged to wait for
him.
Friday, ISth. — Bustle and uproar, terminating towards
evening in a proposal of peace the next day ; and as this
must be sealed by a feast, tlie Wolf can not be expected to
stir till it is over. Mr. Dease, however, has kindly spoken
to an Indian who is in the habit of going journeys for
him, to guide me, as my time is becoming short, and I
hope to start to-morrow early.
Saturday, 19th. — Set off this morning carrying only as
provision a little dried meat, tea, and sugar, and a small
tin pot. My gun being unluckily out of order, Mr. Wark
kindl}^ lent me a double-barreled rifle pistol, and perhaps,
going alone and unprotected, it is best to carry nothing
that can tempt these savages. Being ill off for clothing,
Mr, Dease gave me a pair of leather trousers, made of
deerskin, and a few pairs of shoes, which were highly ac-
ceptable ; he also provided me with three of his best
horses — one to carry my luggage, one for my guide, and
the other for myself. A single shirt and blanket were all
364 Journal and Letters of David Douglas,
that I carried, more than was on my back, and thus
equipped I set out for Oakanagan, distant two hundred
and lifty miles northwest of this place. It was very re-
luctantly that I allowed myself to be dissuaded from ven-
turing by water. I however hoped somewhat to shorten
the journey, by cutting off the angle between the Colum-
bia and Spokan River, especially as the path throughout
was likely to be very mountainous and rugged. The heat
being extreme, and the night beautifully clear moonlight.
I traveled rather more by night than day, starting gen-
erally at 2 A. M., and stopping to rest and lie down for a
few hours about noonday. Unfortunately, my guide and
I could not hold converse, neither knowing a syllable of
the other's language.
On the second day I arrived at some Indian lodges, just
where I wanted to cross the Spokan River, and the people,
who were fishing, assisted me in getting the horses over
and carried me and all my property to the other side in a
canoe, for which I rewarded them with a little tobacco.
The country was almost invariably a trackless waste, with
scarcely a particle of herbage remaining on the gravell}^
and sandy soil. My meals generally consisted of dried
salmon and a little tea, which I boiled and then sucked
the infusion from thei leaves ; but for three days after
passing the Spokan, I was much distressed for the want
of drinkable water. Stagnant pools, often so impregnated
with sulphur that not even the thirsty horses would touch
it, were all we could find ; and when we did arrive at a
tolerable spring, not a twig could be collected for fuel, —
and I vainly attempted to boil [in] my little pan with grass,
the stems of a large species of Triticum. Glad should
I have been of the shelter of a tent, but, though I carried
one, the fatigue of pitching it under such a burning
sun was more than I could encounter; and when the
water proved such as I could not use, I took nothing,
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 365
thirst being much more frequent at this time than hunger
with me. During tliis journey I passed by the stonj^
chasm, which was once tlie bed of the Cohimbia Kiver, a
truly wonderful spot, in some places eight or nine miles
broad, and exhibiting such rocks in the channel as must
have occasioned prodigiously grand cascades, with banks
of perpendicular height, rising to one thousand five hun-
dred and one thousand eight hundred feet — in other places
perfectly level, and diversified with what must have been
fine islands. The rock everj'-where appeared volcanic,
and I picked up several pieces of vitrified lava. Two hun-
dred miles, I am informed, does this deserted and dry bed
extend, communicating with the present channel of the
Columbia at the Stony Islands, making a circular sweep
of a degree and a half south, which is cut off by the
straighter line of the river's present course. The plants
peculiar to the rocky shores of the Columbia are to be seen
here and in no intervening place. Here and there was a
thick sward of grass which proved most acceptable to our
w^eary beasts, for the springs were all so bitter and impreg-
nated with sulphur (another symptom of volcanic agency),
that it was seldom they would drink, and the haste Avith
which they hurried to a small pool of better water was
near proving fatal to one, for he stuck there so firmly that
my guide and I (enfeebled by fatigue) were too weak to
extricate him, and I had loaded my pistol to put an end
to his misery and struggles, when my guide, in a fit of ill
temper, struck the creature severely on the nose that he
reared, and the point of my penknife, with which, as a
last hope, I goaded his side, induced him to make such a
desperate bound as delivered him from the difficulty.
Wednesday, 23d. — Last night was dreadfully hot, and
the whole heavens in a blaze with sheet lightning.
Parched like a cinder Avith heat and thirst, I lay down
and passed a few miserable hours in vainly trying to ob-
360 Journal and Letters of David Douglas.
tain some sleep. Happily, the road was less rugged, and
at midday I found myself on the banks of the Columbia,
opposite the Oakanagan Establishment, where an old man
who was spearing salmon, helped us to cross the horses,
and put me and my guide over in a small canoe. Here
I found my kind friends, Messrs. McDonald and Ermet-
inger, who supplied me with a change of linen and some
comfortable food. Gladly would I have tarried here two
or three days to rest and recruit myself, but my time was
too precious; and having communicated to these gentle-
men my desire to push on immediately for the coast, that
I might put my collections on board the ship which was to
sail so shortly for England, they kindly made arrange-
ments with some Indians to conduct me to the junction
of Lewis and Clarke's River. Meanwhile, I wrote a few
lines to Mr. Dease and sent them by the return of my
guide, who had behaved entirely well, and who is to stay
here two or three days to rest himself, and having picked
up a few seeds, and changed my plant-papers, I went
early to bed ; but the doors being left open, on account of
the heat, and the windows, which are made of parchment
instead of glass, not closing tightly, the mosquitoes found
free access. Thus I was under the necessity of abandon-
ing the house, and betook myself to a sort of gallery over
the gate, where I obtained some sound sleep.
Before leaving this place next morning, I took break-
fast, and thankfully accepted a little tea and sugar, which,
with a small portion of dried salmon, was all that my
kind friends had to give. The stock of dried meat that I
had received from Mr. Dease was not, however, quite ex-
hausted, so that I considered myself pretty well off, par-
ticularly when they kindly added a little tin shaving pot,
the only cooking utensil they could spare. Two miles and
a half from this place a disaster deprived me of these
gifts; in passing the canoe down a rapid, I took the pre-
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 367
caution to lift out luy paper, plants, seeds, and blanket,
and was carrying these along the shore, when a surge
struck the canoe in the middle of the rapid, and swept
every article out of it except the dried meat, which had
fortunately got wedged into the narrow place at the bot-
tom. The loss of the tea and sugar and the pot was a
great one in my present situation, but still I deemed my-
self happy in having saved the papers and seeds, though
my collection of insects and my pistol were also gone. As
I have described the appearance of this part of the Col-
umbia on my ascent, I shall say but little of my return.
The passage of the Stony Islands, which is considered a
dangerous place, was facilitated by hiring an Indian who
lived close by, and was better acquainted with this narrow
channel (only twenty to thirty feet wide and excessively
rapid) than my guide, and who thought himself well
paid with a few crumbs of tobacco, and a smoke out of
my own pipe. Two days after, having quitted the canoe,
near the Priest's Rapid, and walked several miles along
the shore, while my two Indians should accomplish this
difficult piece of navigation, I waited some time for their
arrival, and feeling alarmed for their safety, returned a
good way to look for them, when I found them seated
comfortably on the shore, under a small cove, and treat-
ing their friends to a share of the tobacco I had given
them. At Walla-wallah I was too weak and reduced to
partake of the fare which Mr. Black, the person in charge,
kindly set before me, but only begging him to procure
me a guide to convey me to the Great Falls, lay down on
a heap of hrewood, to be free from mosquitoes, and slept
till morning. I paid my former guide with ten charges
of ammunition, and gave him some tobacco (that univer-
sal currency) to buy his provisions on the way home ;
then taking a larger canoe, and two guides, set off on the
morning of Saturday, the 26th, for Fort Vancouver. I
308 Journal and Letters of Daaid Douglas.
had the good fortune to purchase a fresh salmon from a
party of Indians soon after leaving Walla-wallah, and my
acquaintance with the channel enabled me to drift se-
curely at night over a part of the river, where the Indians
of some neighboring lodges are in the habit of stopping
and pillaging the boats which pass. The next day I ar-
rived at the Great Falls, where I found from live hundred
to seven hundred Indians, but was sorry to learn that the
Chief Pawquanawaha, who had been my last guide to the
sea, was not at home; but as I am now en pays de co7i-
naissance, and can speak the language tolerably well, I
easily procured two others, one of whom I knew before.
The CJdefess refreshed me with nuts and whortleberries,
and I proceeded fifteen miles, where I camped for the
nio-ht. A large party of seventy-three men came to smoke
with me, and all seemed to behave decently, till I found
that my tobacco box was gone, having been taken from
the pocket of my jacket, which I had hung up to dry,
being drenched in the canoe while descending the Falls.
As soon as I discovered my loss I perched myself on a
rock, and, in their own tongue, gave the Indians a furi-
ous reprimand, applying to them all the epithets of
abuse which I had often heard them bestow on another ;
and reminding them that though they saw me only a
Blanket Man, I was more than that, I was the Grass Man,
and therefore not at all afraid of them. I could not, how-
ever, recover my box, but slept unmolested after all the
bustle. On Tuesday, the 29th, I reached the Grand Rap-
ids, but found the river so rough, from a high wind which
raised the water in great waves, that I was obliged to halt,
and betook myself to the lodge of Chamtalia, my old
guide, who set before me a hearty meal of whortleberries
and fresh salmon. He then spoke of accompanying me
in a larger canoe and two Indians, to the sea ; but seeing
that the kind fellow was busily employed at this time in
Journal and Letters of David Douglas. 309
curing his salmon, I refused his services, and hired Ins
brother and nephew instead. I hastened on, lest the
wind, which had been rising for some days, should in-
crease so as to delay my progress, and, by great exertion
and starting before daylight, accomplished the desired
object: and at noon of the last day of August, the day
})revious to that (the 1st of September) on which the ship
was fixed to sail, landed at Point Vancouver, whence in
poor plight, weary and travel-soiled, glad at heart, though
possessing nothing but a shirt, leather trousers, an old
hat, having lost my jacket, neckerchief, and worn out my
shoes, I made my way to the Fort, having traversed eight
hundred miles of the Columbia Valley in twelve days,
unattended by a single person except my Indian guides.
'' lECOLLECTnOKlJ SB ©FIIKIIOIMJ OF
m OL^ FIQKlEEi/'
[CONCL,UDi:D.]
By Pbtek H. Buknett. ' •
CHAPTER VI.
DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN CALIFORNIA DETERMINE TO GO TO
THE MINES ORGANIZED A WAGON PARTY.
I had been a member of the legislative committee of
1844, had taken a leading part in that little body, and had
done what I considered my fair proportion of the work,
under all the then existing circumstances. We had
adopted a code of laws, which, though imperfect, was
ample for that time and that country. I looked forward
to the speedy settlement of the question of sovereignty
in our favor, and it was so settled within two years there-
after.
As before stated, I went to Oregon to accomplish three
purposes. I had already assisted to lay the foundation
of a great American community on the shores of the Pa-
cific, and the trip across the plains had fully restored the
health of Mrs. Burnett. There was still one great end to
attain — the payment of my debts. I had a family of eight
persons to support, and a large amount of old indebted-
ness to pay. My debts were just, and I believed in the
great maxim of the law, that "a man must be just before
he is generous." Had the essential interest of a large
body of my fellowmen, in my judgment, required further
sacrifices, I vvould have made them most cheerfully. But,
the foundation of a great community on this coast having
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 371
been laid, all else would naturally follow as a matter of
course, as there were others competent to continue the
work.
The obligation to support my family and pay my debts
was sacred to me, and I therefore gave the larger portion
of my time to my own private affairs so long as I remained
in Oregon. I did not then foresee the discovery of gold
in California, and for this reason my only chance to pay,
so far as I could see, was to remain and labor in Oregon.
I had not the slightest idea of leaving that country until
the summer of 1848. Before I left I had paid a small
portion of my indebtedness. I always had faith that I
should ultimately pay ever}' dollar.
In the month of July, 1848 (if I remember correctly),
the news of the discovery of gold in California reached
Oregon. It passed from San Francisco to Honolulu,
thence to Nesqualy, and thence to Fort Vancouver. At
that very time there was a vessel from San Francisco in
the Willamette River, loading with flour, the master of
which knew the fact but concealed it from our people for
speculative reasons, until the news was made public by
the gentlemen connected with the Hudson Ba}^ Company.
This extraordinar}'^ news created the most intense ex-
citement throughout Oregon. Scarcely anything else was
spoken of. We had vanquished the Indians, and that war
for the time was almost forgotten. We did not know of
the then late treaty of peace between Mexico and the
United States; but we were aware of the fact that our
government had possession of California ; and we knew,
to a moral certainty, that it would never be given up.
Many of our people at once believed the reported dis-
covery to be true, and speedily left for the gold mines
with pack animals. I think that at least two thirds of the
male population of Oregon, capable of bearing arms,
started for California in the summer and fall of 1848. The
372 Peter H. Burnett.
white population of Oregon, including the late immi-
o-rants, must have amounted then to from eight to ten
thousand people. Before we left, many persons expressed
their apprehensions that the Indians might renew hos-
tilities during the absence of so many men. But those of
us who w^ent to the mines that fall (leaving our families
behind in Oregon) had no fears of any further attacks
from the Indians. Time proved we were right.
These accounts were so new and extraordinary to us at
that time, that I had my doubts as to their truth, until I
had evidence satisfactory to me. I did not jump to con-
clusions, like most people ; but wdien I saw a letter which
had been written in California by ex-Governor Lilburn
W. Boggs, formerly of Missouri, to his brother-in-law
Colonel Boon of Oregon, I was fully satisfied. I had
known Governor Boggs since 1821, was familiar with his
handwriting, and knew Colonel Boon ; and there was no
reasonable cause to doubt. This letter I read about the
last of August, 1848.
I saw my opportunity, and at once consulted my wife.
I told her that I thought it w^as our duty to separate again
for a time, though ^ve had promised each other, after our
long separation of fourteen months during our early mar-
ried life, that we w^ould not separate again. I said that
this was a new and special case, never anticipated by us ;
that it was the only certain opportunity to get out of debt
within a reasonable time, and I thought it my duty to
make the effort. She consented, and I came to California,
and succeeded beyond my expectations. I paid all my
debts, principal and interest, security debts and all. Time
conclusively proved the wisdom and justice of my course.
I set out to accomplish three important objects, and,
thanks be to God, I succeeded in all.
When I had determined to come to California, I at once
set to work to prepare for the journey. All who preceded
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 373
me had gone with pack animals ; but it occurred to me
that we might be able to make the trip with wagons. I
went at once to see Doctor McLoughlin, and asked his
opinion of the practicability. Without hesitation he re-
plied that he thought we could succeed, and recommended
old Thomas McKay for pilot. No wagons had ever passed
between Oregon and California. Thomas McKay had
made the trip several times with pack trains, and knew
the general nature of the country, and the courses and
distances ; but he knew of no practicable wagon route, as
he had only traveled with pack animals.
This was about the first of September, 1848. I at once
went into the streets of Oregon City, and proposed the
immediate organization of a wagon company. The prop-
osition was received with decided favor ; and in eight
days we had organized a company of one hundred and
fifty stout, robust, energetic, sober men, and fifty wagons
and ox teams, and were off for the gold mines of Califor-
nia. We had only one family, consisting of the husband,
wife, and three or four children. We had fresh teams,
strong wagons, an ample suppl}^ of provisions for six
months, and a good assortment of mining implements. I
had two wagons and teams, and two saddle horses ; and
I took plank in the bottoms of my wagons, with which I
constructed a gold rocker after we arrived in the mines.
We were not certain that we could go through with our
wagons, and thouo-ht we mio;ht be caus^ht in the moun-
tains, as were the Donner party in 1846. In case we had
been snowed in, we had plenty of provisions to live upon
during the winter. Besides, we were apprehensive that
there might be a great scarcity of provisions in the mines
during the winter of 1848-'49. The only article I pur-
chased in the mines was some molasses, having every-
thing else in the way of provisions.
374 Pp:ter H. Burnett.
Advances of outfits were made to such men as Hastings and his
party, Burnett, and other prominent men ....
Those who proposed going to California could readily get all the
supplies they required of the company by giving their notes payable
in California.— Gray's "■Oregon,'' 361.
This is a mistake, so far as I was concerned. I had
plenty of wheat, cattle, and hogs, and did not need ad-
vances. My outfit cost very little additional outlay, for
the simple reason that I had my own wagon and teams,
except one yoke of oxen which I purchased of Pettigrove,
in Portland, and paid for at the time. I had the two
horses that I took with me, and all the provisions that I
required, except a few pounds of tea. I had an ample
supply of sugar, for reasons already stated. I had all the
clothes required, and plenty of tools, except two picks,
which I got a blacksmith in Oregon City to make. I do
not remember having purchased a single article on credit.
OFF FOR CALIFORNIA — INCIDENTS OF THE TRIP.
I was elected captain of the wagon party, and Thomas
McKay was employed as pilot. We followed the Apple-
gate route to Klamath Lake, where we left the road and
took a southern direction. Thomas McKay, myself, and
five others, well armed and mounted, went on in advance
of the wagons to discover the best route, leaving the
wagons to follow our trail until otherw^ise notified. We,
the road hunters, took with us plenty of flour, sugar, and
tea, and depended upon our guns for meat.
We passed over comparatively smooth prairie for some
distance. One evening we encamped at what was then
called Goose Lake. It being late in the season, the water
in the lake was very low, muddy, and almost putrid. Vast
flocks of pelicans were visiting this lake at that time, on
their way south. I remember that we killed one on the
wing with a rifle.
The water being so bad, we drank very little, and left
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 375
early next morning. We traveled over prairie some twenty
miles toward a heavy body of timber in the distance, then
entered a rocky cedar grove about six miles in width. As
our horses were not shod, their feet became sore and ten-
der while passing over this rough road. We then entered
a vast forest of beautiful pines. Our pilot told us that, if
he was not mistaken, we should find in the pine timber
an Indian trail; and, sure enough, we soon came to a
plain horse path through the open forest. We followed
this trail until sunset, and encamped in a small, dr}^
prairie, having traveled all day beneath a hot October sun
without water. Our little party were sober, solemn, and
silent. No' one ate anything except myself, and I only
ate a very small piece of cold bread.
We left this dry and desolate camp early next morning.
About 10 o'clock one of our party saw a deer, and followed
it to a beautiful little stream of water, flowing from the
hills into the forest. We spent the remainder of the day
on the banks uf this clear branch, drinking water and
eating a badger. When I first drank the water it had no
pleasant taste, but seemed like rainwater; but my natural
thirst soon returned, and I found that no luxury was
equal to water to a thirsty man. We sent out three or
four hunters for game ; but they returned about 2 p. m.
with a large badger. This was all the meat we had. We
dressed and cooked it well ; and, to our keen and famished
appetites, it was splendid food. The foot of the badger,
the tail of the beaver, the ear of the hog, and the foot of
the elephant are superior eating. I have myself eaten of
all but the last, and can speak from personal knowledge;
and, as to the foot of the elephant, I can give Sir Samuel
Baker as my authority, in his "Explorations," etc.
We left next morning thoroughly refreshed and rested ;
and we had not traveled more than ten miles when we
came in sight of Pitt River, a tributary of the Sacramento.
61^
Peter H. Buknett.
It was here but a small creek, with a valley about half a
mile wide. When we had approached near the stream,
to our utter surprise and astonishment, we found a new
waffon road. Who made this road we could not at first
imao-ine. A considerable number of those coming to
California with pack animals decided to follow our trail,
rather than come by the usual pack route. These packers
had overtaken us the previous evening, and were with us
Avhen we discovered this new wagon road. It so happened
that one of them had been in California, and knew old
Peter Lassen. This man was a sensible fellow, and at
once gave it as his opinion that this road had been made
by a small party of immigrants whom Lassen had per-
suaded to come to California by a new route that would
enter the great valley of the Sacramento at or near Las-
sen's rancho. This conjectural explanation proved to be
the true one.
So soon as the packers found this road, they left us.
No amount of argument could induce them to remain
with us. They thought our progress too slow. This left
our little party of road-hunters alone in a wild Indian
country, the wagons being some distance behind.
We followed the new road slowly. One day, while pass-
ing through open pine woods, we saw an Indian some
two hundred yards ahead of us. He was intent on hunt-
ing, and did not see us until we were within a hundred
yards, charging down upon him with our horses at full
speed. He saw that escape by flight was impossible; so
he hid under a clump of bushes. We soon came up, and
by signs ordered him to come out from his place of con-
cealment. This command he understood and promptly
obe3'ed. He was a stout, active young man, apparentl}^
twenty-five years of age, and he had a large gray squirrel
under his belt which he had killed with his bow and
arrow. He evidently feared that we would take his life ;
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 377
but we treated him kindly, spent some time conversing
with him as well as we could l)y signs, and then left him
in peace.
From the point where we struck the Lassen road, it
continued down the river in a western direction ten or
tifteen miles until the river turned to the south and
ran through a caiion, the road ascending the tall hills,
and continuing about west for twenty to thirty miles,
when it came again to and crossed the river. The same
day that we saw the Indian we encamped, after dark, on
a high bluff above the river. We had had no water to
drink since morning, and we had traveled late in the
hope of finding a good encampment.
The night was so dark, and the bluff was so steep and
rough, that we could distinctly hear the roar of the
stream, as it dashed among the rocks below. At length,
one of our men determined to go for water. He took
with him a small tin bucket; and after having been ab-
sent a considerable time, he returned with the bucket
about one fourth full, having spilt most of the water on
his return to camp. The amount for each of us was so
small that our thirst was increased rather than dimin-
ished.
The next morning we left early, and followed the road
to the crossing of the river, where we arrived about noon.
Here we spent the remainder of that day. The valley at
this poiift was about a mile and a half wide, and without
timber, and the descent into it was down a tall hill, which
was not only steep, but heavily timbered. In the middle of
this valley there was a solitary ridge about a mile long and
a c^uarter of a mile wide at its base, and some two hundred
feet high, covered with rocks of various sizes. We deter-
mined to discover, if we could, a new and easier route
down the hill. For this purpose we ascended this ridge,
from the summit of which we could have an excellent
378 Peter H. Burnett.
view ol the face of the hill, down which our wagons must
come.
While we were quietly seated upon the rocks we saw an
Indian emerge from the edge of the timber at the foot of
the hill, about three fourths of a mile distant, and start in
a brisk run across the intervening prairie towards us. I
directed the men to sit perfectly still until the Indian
should be hidden from our view, and then to separate, and
let him fall into the ambush. We occupied the highest
point of this lonely ridge, and we knew he would make
for the same spot for the purpose of overlooking our camp.
We waited until he came to the foot of the ridge, from
which position he could not see us, and then we divided
our men into two parties, each party taking up a different
position. Very soon the Indian came within about thirty
feet of one of our parties, and suddenly found himself
confronted with four rifles pointed at him, with a com-
mand by signs to stop. Of course it was a perfect sur-
prise to the poor old Indian. Pie was about sixty years
old, was dressed in buckskin, had long coarse hair and
dim eyes, and his teeth were worn down to the gums.
Notwithstanding the suddenness and completeness of
the surprise, the old hero was as brave and cool as pos-
sible. I had with me only an axe with which to blaze the
new and better way, in case we found it, and was at first
some little distance from the Indian. As I came toward
him with the axe on my shoulder he made thefmost ve-
hement motions for me to stop and not come any nearer.
I saw that he was apprehensive that I would take off his
head with the axe, and at once stopped and threw it aside.
At first he would allow no one to come near him, but
coolly wet his fingers with his tongue and then deliber-
ately dipped them into the sand at the foot of the rock on
which he sat, and, with his trusty bow and arrow in his
hands, he looked the men full in the face as much as to
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 379
say, "I know you have me in your power, but I wish you
to understand that I am prepared to sell my life as dearly
as possible." I never saw a greater display of calm, he-
roic, and determined courage than was shown by this old
Indian. He was much braver than the young Indian we
had seen the day before.
One of our men who was a blustering* fellow and who
was for displaying his courage when there was no danger,
})roposed that we should kill the old Indian. I at once
put a daniper upon that cowardly proposition by stating
to the fellow that if he wanted to kill the Indian he could
have a chance to do so in a fair and equal single combat
with him. This proposition, as I anticipated, he promptly
declined. I was satisfied that there was no fight in him.
. After some time we were permitted one at a time to ap-
proach him. We offered him the pipe of peace, which
he accepted. He would let our men look at his bows and
arrows one at a time, never parting with both of them at
once. He was evidently suspicious of treachery. We stayed
with him some time, treating him kindly, and then left
him sitting on his rock. This was the last we saw of him.
We considered this mode of treating the Indians the most
judicious, as it displayed our power and at the same time
our magnanimity. We proved that we intended no harm
to them, but were mere passers through their country.
They evidently appreciated our motives, and the result
was that we had not the slightest difticulty with the Indians.
After crossing the river the road bore south, it being
impossible to follow down the stream, as the mountains
came too close to it. Next morning we left our camp and
followed the road south about ten miles, when we came
to a beautiful grassy valley, covered w^th scattering pine
timber. This valley was about two miles wide where the
road struck it, and ran west, the very direction we wished
to go. It seemed a defile passing at right angles through
380 Peter H. Burnett.
the Sierra Nevada Mountains, as if designed for a level
road into the Sacramento Valley.
We were much pleased at the prospect, and followed
this splendid road rapidly about eight miles, when, to our
great mortification, we came to the termination of this
lovely valley in front of a' tall, steep mountain, which
could not be ascended except by some creature that had
either wings or claws. Upon examination, we found that
old Peter Lassen and his party had marched west along
this narrow valley to its abrupt termination, and then had
turned about and marched back to near the point where
they entered it, thus wasting some ten or fifteen miles of
travel. The two portions of the road going into and com-
ing out of this pretty valley were not more than half a
mile apart; but this fact was unknown to us until after
we had brought up against that impassable mountain.
This was a perplexing and distressing situation. Our
own pilot did not like this route, as it was not going in
the right direction. How to get out of this line of travel,
and get again upon the river, was the question. We
spent the greater part of one day in exploring a new route,
but found it impracticable. In our explorations, we found
a lava bed some two miles wide. It was clear to us that
old Peter Lassen was lost, except as to courses, and was
wholly unacquainted with the particular route he was
going. Our own pilot knew as little as Lassen, if not less.
Our wagons, we knew, would soon overtake us ; and we
determined to follow Lassen's road ten or fifteen miles
farther to see if it turned west. Several of us started on
foot, and found that the road, after leaving the valley,
went south about ten miles, and then turned due west,
running through open pine timber and over good ground.
We returned to the camp in the night, and decided that
we would follow Lassen's road at all hazards. We awaited
the arrival of our wagons, and then set forward. We
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 381
found the road an excellent one, going in the right direc-
tion ; and we soon found ourselves upon the sumniit of
the Sierra Nevada Mountains.
The summit was almost a dead level, covered with
stunted pines. We passed between two peaks. The as-
cent on the eastern side was ver}' gradual and easy. We
encamped one evening on the summit near a small lake;
and it was so cold that night that ice formed along its
margin. This was about the 20th of October, 1848. We
knew when we had passed the summit, from the fact that
the streams flowed west. Though the beds of the streams
were dry at that season of the year, we could tell which
way the water had run from the driftwood lodged in
places.
While on Pitt River, we knew from the camp fires that
Lassen's party had ten wagons ; and from all appearances
we were pretty sure that they were some thirty days
ahead of us.
OVERTAKE TETER LASSEN AND HIS PARTY ARRIVAL IN
THE SACRAMENTO VALLEY.
Wc pressed on vigorously, and soon reached the wide
strip of magnificent pine timber found on the western
side of the Sierra Nevada. We had not proceeded many
miles, after entering this body of timber, before I saw a
large, newly-blazed pine tree standing near the road.
Approaching, I found these words marked in pencil :
" Look under a stone below for a letter." It was a stone
lying upon the surface of the ground, and partl}^ imbedded
in it. It had been removed, the letter placed in its bed,
and then replaced. No Indian would ever have thought
of looking under that stone for anything. I did as di-
rected, and found a letter addressed to me by my old friend
and law partner in Oregon City, A. L. Lovejoy, Esq., one
of the packers who had gone ahead of us. The letter
382 Peter H. Burnett.
stated that the}- had overtaken old Peter Lassen and a
portion of his party, lost in the mountains and half
starved. That ver}^ evening we overtook Lassen and half
of his party in the condition described by Lovejoy. In
abou teight days after we had first seen Lassen's road, we
had overtaken him.
Peter Lassen had met the incoming immigration that
fall, and had induced the people belonging to ten wagons
to come by his new route. This route he had not previ-
ousl}^ explored. He only had a correct idea of the courses,
and some general knowledge of the country through
which they must pass. So long as this small party were
traveling through prairies, or open woods, they could
make fair progress ; but the moment they came to heavy
timber, they had not force enough to open the road. After
reaching the wide strip of timber already mentioned, they
converted their ten wagons into ten carts, so that they
could make short turns, and thus drive around the fallen
timber. This they found a slow mode of travel. One
half of the party became so incensed against Lassen that
his life was in great danger The whole party had been
without any bread for more than a month, and had during
that time lived alone on poor beef. They were, indeed,
objects of pity. I never saw people so worn down and so
emaciated as these poor immigrants.
The people that belonged to .five of the carts had aban-
doned them, packed their poor oxen, and left the other
half of the party a short time before we reached those
that remained with the other five carts and with Lassen.
We gave them plenty of provisions, and told them to fol-
low us, and we would open the way ourselves. Of course,
they greatly rejoiced. How their sunken eyes sparkled
with delight ! Our pilot, Thomas McKay, overtook an old
woman on foot, driving before her a packed oxen down a
long, steep hill. When he approached near to her, he
I
Recollections of an Old I'ioneer. 383
made a noise that caused her to stop and look hack.
" Who are you, and where did you come from?" she asked
in a lond voice. He informed her that he was one of a
party of one hundred and fifty men, who were on their
wa}^ from Oregon, with wagons and ox teams, to the Cal-
ifornia gold mines. "Have you got any flour?" "Yes,
madam ; plenty." " You are like an angel from heaven!"
And she raised a loud and thrilling shout that rang through
that primeval forest.
Lassen and our pilot followed the trail of the packers
for «ome twenty or thirty miles, as it passed over good
ground, but through heavy timber. We had from sixty
to eighty stout men to open the road, while the others
were left to drive the teams. We plied our axes with
skill, vigor, and success, and opened the route about as
fast as the teams could well follow.
At length the pack trail descended a long, steep hill, to
a creek at the bottom of an immense ravine. Old Peter
Lassen insisted that our wagons should keep on the top
of the ridges, and not go down to the water. When the
first portion of the train arrived at this point, they had
to stop some time on the summit of the hill. How to get
out of this position without descending into the ravine
below was a perplexing question. Our pilots had been to
the creek, and would not let us go down the hill. In look-
ing for a way out of this dilemma they discovered a strip
of ground, about thirty feet wide, between the heads of
two immense and impassable ravines, and connecting the
ridge we were compelled to leave with another. It was
like an isthmus connecting two continents. Over this
narrow natural bridge we passed in safety.
That evening a large portion of our company camped
on the summit of a dr}' ridge, among the intermixed pine
and oak timber. They had traveled all day, under a hot
October sun, without water. This was the first time those
384 Peter H. Buknett.
M'ith the wagons were compelled to do without water at
night. They chained their oxen to their wagons, as the
animals would have gone to water had they been turned
out. The ox has a keen scent, and they smell water at
the distance of one or two miles. It was another sober,
solemn, and silent time. Scarcely a word was spoken,
and not a mouthful eaten.
By daybreak next morning we were off, and had only
gone about five miles when we came to the edge of a pine
forest. From this elevated point we had a most admirable
view. Below at the seeming distance of ten, but the, real
distance of twenty miles, lay the broad and magnificent
valley of the Sacramento, gleaming in the bright and
genial sunshine ; and beyond, and in the dim distance,
rose the grand blue outlines of the Coast Range. The
scene was most beautiful to us, thirsty as we were. How
our hearts leaped for joy ! That was our Canaan. Once
in that valley, and pur serious difficulties, our doubts and
fears, would be among the things of the past. But the
last of our trials was the most severe. We had still to
descend to that desired valley over a very rough road.
From the place where we stood, we could see three tall,
narrow, rocky ridges, with deep ravines between, running
toward the valley. Neither our pilots nor any of us
knew which of the three ridges to take, and we had no
time to explore. We contemplated the scene for a few
moments, and then looked down the ridges for a short
time, and chose the middle one at a venture, not knowing
what obstructions and sufferings were before us. We had
in our company two classes. One was eager to enter the
valley as early as possible, while the other had no desire
for haste. I belonged to the latter class. I had lived and
suffered long enough to have acquired some caution.
The last camp before the one where a portion of our
people had done without water had plenty of grass, fuel.
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 385
and water. We had been rapidly descending the western
side of the Sierra Nevada for some days before we over-
took Lassen and his party ; and we knew that we could
not be very far from the Sacramento Valley. Besides this
evidence, we found the red oaks appearing among the
pines ; and this was a conclusive proof that we were not
far from that valley. I saw that there was no necessity
that the wagons should follow our pilots so closely. Our
true policy would have been to remain where we first
found the oak timber until our pilots had explored and
selected the route into the valley. We could have safely
remained at that good camp a month longer than we did.
But one portion of our people had the gold fever too badly
to be controlled. We who were more patient and cautious
were willing that those hasty and ambitious men should
go on ahead of us, if they desired to do so. Our two classes
were well matched, like the man's oxen, one of which
wanted to do all the work, and the other was perfectly
willing that he should.
I had directed the men in charge of my wagons and
teams to remain in that good camp until they should re-
ceive other orders. I then assisted to open the road to the
natural bridge mentioned. After that, the road ran
through open woods and over good ground to the point
where the pines terminated. I determined to leave the
foremost wagons at that point and return on foot to the
good camp, where I arrived in the evening. Next morn-
ing early I took my best horse and started on after the
foremost wagons, deciding that my own wagons and teams
should remain where they were until I knew they could
reach the valley by that or some other route. The dis-
tance from the point where I left the foremost wagons to
the good. camp was about fifteen miles. About 10 o'clock,
A. M., I arrived at that point, which I had left the morn-
ing before; and, looking down toward the valley, 1 could
386 Peter H. Burnett.
dimly discern some of the white-sheeted wagons on their
dry and rugged way to the valle3\ I followed them as
fast as I could at a brisk trot. At the distance of about
eight miles I came to an immense mass of rock, which
completely straddled the narrow ridge and totally ob-
structed the way. This huge obstacle could not be removed
in time, and the wagons had to .pass around it. They
were let down the left side of the ridge by ropes to a
bench, then passed along this bench to a point beyond
the rock, and were then drawn up to the top of the ridge
again by doubling teams.
I passed on about six miles farther, and came to another
'huge mass of rock entirely across the top of the ridge.
But in this case the sides of the ridge were not so steep,
and the wagons had easily passed across the ravine to the
ridge on the right. Soon, however, the ridges sank down
to the surface, leaving no further diffiulties in the way
except the loose rocks, which lay thick upon the ground.
These rocks were of all sizes, from that of a man's hat to
that of a large barrel, and constituted a serious obstruc-
tion to loaded wagons. We could avoid the larger rocks,
as they were not so many ; but not the smaller ones, as
they were numerous and lay thick upon the ground. In
passing over this part of our route two of the wagons
were broken down.
About noon I met one of our party who had been to the
valley, and was on his return to the good camp, where his
wagons and teams as well as mine were left. He reported
to me that the route was practicable ; and I sent word to
my men to come on the next day.
I arrived at the camp in the valley, near a beautiful
stream of water, a little after dark, having traveled that
day about thirty-five miles. I could hear the wagons com-
ing down that rough, rocky hill until midnight. Some of
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 387
the people belonging to the foremost wagons had been
without water nearly two da^'S.
Next morning I started on foot to meet my wagons, and
found them on the middle ridge, this side the first huge
mass of rock, about sundown. They had plenty of water
for drinking purposes, and chained up the oxen to the
wagons. Next day they came into camp in good time,
without suffering and without loss.
ARRIVE AT THE HOUSE OF PETER LASSEN ORIGIN OF THE
TERM "prospecting" ARRIVAL AT THE
MINES MINING.
We left the first camp in the valley the next morning,
and, after traveling a distance of eight miles, arrived at
the rancho of Old Peter Lassen. The old pilot was in the
best of spirits, and killed for us a fat beef ; and we re-
mained at his place two or three days, feasting and rest-
ing. All organization in our company ceased upon our
arrival in the Sacramento Valley. Each gold hunter went
his own way, to seek his own fortune. They soon after
scattered in various directions.
A day or two after we left Lassen's place, we were sur-
prised and very much amused upon learning that the
packers who had left us in such a hurry on Pitt River
were coming on behind us. As stated on page 266, they
had descended a long steep hill to a creek at the bottom
of an immense ravine. They followed down this stream
west for some miles, when they came to an obstruction in
their route that they could not possibly pass, and were
compelled to return up the stream east until they found
a place where they could get out of this ravine on its north
side. They came to the creek on its southern side, and
thought their best chance to escape was to be found on
its northern bank. In this way they were detained in the
mountains three or four days longer than we were. They
388 Peter H. Burnett.
had plenty of provisions, and bad suffered but little. We
therefore rallied them heartily, all of which they bore with
the best of humor. Our ox teams had beaten their pack
animals, thus proving that the race is not always to the
swift.
In passing down the valley, we encamped one evening
near the house of an old settler named Potter. He lived
in a very primitive style. His yard, in front of his adobe
building, was full of strips of fresh beef, hung upon lines
to dry. He was very talkative and boastful. He had been
in the mines, had employed Indians to work for him, and
had grown suddenly rich ; and, as his head was naturally
light, it had been easily turned. He came to our camp
and talked with us until about midnight. It was here
that I first heard the word "prospecting" used. At first I
could not understand what Potter meant by the term, but I
listened patiently to our garrulous guest, until I discovered
its meaning. AVhen gold was first discovered in Califor-
nia, and any one went out searching for new placers, they
would say, "He has gone to hunt for new gold diggings."
But, as this fact had to be so often repeated, some practical,
sensible, economical man called the whole process "pros-
pecting." So perfectly evident was the utility of this new
word, that it was at once universally adopted.
We arrived in a few days at Captain Sutter's Hock
Farm, so called from a small tribe of Indians in that vi-
cinity. I called on the agent, and made some inquiries
as to the mines. He replied that there was no material
difference between the different mining localities, so far
as he knew. Those on the Yuba River he knew to be
good.
We forded the Feather River a few miles below Hock
Farm, and then took up this stream towards the Yuba,
and encamped a little before sundown near the rancho of
Michael Nye. Doctor Atkinson, then practicing his pro-
IvKCOLLKCTIONS OF AN OlD PiONEER. 389
fessioii ill the valley, cjime to oar camp. I inquired of
him who resided in that house. He replied, "Mr. Nye."
"What is his Christian name?" "Michael." I had known
Michael Nye in Missouri, and my brother-in-law, John P.
Rogers (who was with me) and Nye had been intimate
friends when they were both young- men. We at once
called upon Nye at his house. He received us most
kindly. He and his brother-in-law, William Foster, with
their families, were living together.
Next morning we left for the Yuba ; and after traveling
some eight or ten miles, we arrived at noon on the brow
of the hill overlooking Long's Bar. Below, glowing in
the hot sunshine, and in the narrow valley of this lovely
and ra[)id stream, we saw the canvas tents and the cloth
shanties of the miners. There was but one log cabin in
the camp. Tliere were about eighty men, three women,
and five children at this place. The scene was most beau-
tiful to us. It was the first mining locality we had ever
seen, and here we promptly decided to pitch our tent. We
drove our wagons and teams across the river into the
camp, and turned out our oxen and horses to graze and
rest.
We arrived at the mines November 5, 184S ; and the
remainder of the day I spent looking around the camp.
No miner paid the slightest attention to me. They were
all too busy. At last I ventured to ask one of them,
whose appearance pleased me, whether he could see the
particles of gold in the dirt. Though dressed in the garb
of a rude miner, lie was a gentleman and a scholar. He
politely replied that he could ; and taking a handful of
dirt, he blew away the fine dust with his breath, and
showed me a scale of gold, about as thick as thin paper,
and as large as a flax seed. This was entirely new to me.
In the evening, when the miners had quit work and re-
turned to their tents and shanties, I found a number of
390 Peter H. Burnett.
old acquaintances, some from Missouri and others from
Oreo-on. Among those from Missouri were Dr. John P.
Long and his brother Willis, for whom this bar was named.
I had not seen either of them for about six years, though
our families were connected by marriage, Dr. Benjamin
Long, another brother, having married my youngest sister,
Mary Burnett. I was perfectly at home here.
Next day my brother-in-law, John P. Rogers, my nephew,
Horace Burnett (both of whom had come with me from
Oregon), and myself, purchased a mining location, front-
ing on the river about twenty feet, and reaching back to
the foot of the hill about fifty feet. We bought on credit,
and agreed to pay for it $300 in gold dust, at the rate of
$16 per ounce. We at once unloaded the two wagons, and
sent them and the oxen and horses back to Nye's rancho,
where we made our headquarters.
As already stated, I had brought from Oregon new and
suitable plank for a rocker, in the bottom of my wagon
beds. The only material we had to purchase for our
gold rocker was one small sheet of zinc. I went to work
upon the rocker which I finished in one day ; and then
we three set to work on the claim with a will. I dug the
dirt, Horace Burnett rocked the rocker, and John P. Rogers
threw the water upon the dirt containing the gold. Within
about three or four days we were making $20 each daily,
and we soon paid for our claim. We rose by daybreak,
ate our breakfast by sunrise, worked until noon ; then
took dinner, went to work again about half-past 12, quit
work at sundown, and slept under a canvas tent on the
hard ground.
In the summer months the heat was intense in this
deep, narrow, rocky, sandy, valley. The mercury would
rise at times to 118 degrees in the shade. Dr. John P.
Long told me that the sand and rocks became so hot
during the day, that a large dog he had with him would
Recollections op an Old Pioneer. 891
suffer for water rather than go to the river for it before
night. The pain of burned feet was greater to the poor
dog than the pain of thirst. After our arrival the days
were not so hot.
Tliis was a new and interesting position to me. After
I had been there a few days I could tell, when the miners
quit work in the evening, what success they had had dur-
ing the day. When I met a miner with a silent tongue
and downcast look, I knew that he had not made more
than $8.00 or $10 ; when I met one with a contented but
not excited look, I knew he had made from $10 to $20;
but when I met one with a glowing countenance, and
and quick, high, vigorous step, so that the rocks were not
much if at all in his way, I knew he had made from $20
to $50. His tongue was so flexible and glib that he would
not permit me to pass in silence, but must stop me and
tell of his success. Ordinary hands were paid $12 a day,
and boarded and lodged by the employer. • I knew one
young man who had been paid such wages for some time,
but finally became disgusted and declared he would not
work for such wages. It cost $1.00 each to have shirts
washed, and other things in proportion. There was no
starch in that camp, and shirts were not ironed.
THE DONNER PARTY.
During my stay in the mines I was several times at
Nye's house, and on one occasion I was there three days.
I became well acquainted with William Foster and family.
Foster, his wife, and Mrs. Nye were of the Donner party,
who suffered so much in the winter of 184G-'47. Mrs.
Nye did not talk much, not being a talkative woman, and
being younger than her sister Mrs. Foster. Mrs. Foster
was then about twenty-three years old. She had a tine
education, and possessed the finest narrative powers. I
never met with any one, not even excepting Robert
392 Peter H. Burnett.
Newell of Oregon, who could narrate events as well as
she. She was not more accurate and full in her narra-
tive, but a better talker, than Newell. For hour after
hour, I would listen in silence to her sad narrative. Her
husband was then in good circumstances, and they had
no worldly matter to give them pain but their recollec-
tions of the past. Foster was a man of excellent common
sense, and his intellect had not been affected, like those
of many others. His statement was clear, consistent, and
intelligible. In the fall of 1849 I became intimately ac-
quainted with William H. Eddy, another member of the
party. From these four persons I mainly obtained my
information on this melancholy subject. I can not state
all the minute circumstances and incidents, but can only
give the substance as I remember it; for I write from
memory alone.
The Donner party consisted of about eighty immigrants,
including men, women, and children. They were so called
because the men who bore that name were the leading
persons of the party. They decided for themselves to
cross the Sierra Nevada by a new road. L. W. Hastings,
then residing at Sutter's Fort, went out to meet the incom-
ing immigration of that fall, and advised the Donner party
not to attempt to open a new route, but his advice was
disregarded. He returned to the fort and reported the
fact to Captain Sutter, who sent out two Indians with five
mules packed with provisions to meet the party.
The party had arrived at a small lake, since called Don-
ner Lake, situated a short distance from the present site
of Truckee City, and some fifteen miles from Lake Tahoe,
and had erected two log cabins upon the margin of Don-
ner Lake, when the Indians arrived with the mules and
provisions. This was in the month of November, 184G.
Up to this time there had been several comparatively
light falls of snow. Foster said he proposed to slaughter
Kecollections of an Old Pioneer. 393
all the animals, includint^ the fat mules sent out by Cap-
tain Sutter, and save their flesh for food. This could
have readily been done then, and the people could have
subsisted until relieved in the spring. But the immi-
grants were not in a condition to accept or reject this
proposition at once. They were unacquainted with the
climate, could not well understand how snow could fall to
a depth of twenty or thirty feet, and were so much worn
down by the tedium of the long journey, and the absence
of fresh meat and vegetables, that they were not prepared
to decide wisely or to act promptly. Besides, the idea of
living upon the flesh of mules and poor cattle was natu-
rally repugnant to them. It is very probable that many
of them considered such food unhealthy, and that, crowded
as they were into two cabins, the use of such poor food
might produce severe sickness among them, and many
would die of disease.
While they were considering and discussing this prof)-
osition, a terrible storm came up one evening, and snow
fell to the depth of six feet during the night. The poor
animals fled before the driving storm and all perished ;
the next morning there was one wide, desolate waste of
snow, and not a carcass could be found. The little sup-
ply of provisions they had on hand, including that sent
by Captain Sutter, they saw could not last them long.
They now fully comprehended their dreadful situation.
It was a terrible struggle for existence.
It was soon decided to start a party across the moun-
tains on snowshoes. This party consisted of ten men,
including the two Indians, Ave women, and a boy twelve
years old, the brother of Mrs. Fostei'. I once knew the
names of the eight white men, but at this time I can only
remember those of William H. Eddy and William Foster.
The women were Mrs. Foster, Mrs. McCutchin, Mrs. ,
then a widow, but subsequently Mrs. Nye, INIrs. Pile, a
394 Peter H. Burnett.
widow, and Miss Mary , sister of Mrs. Foster, and sub-
sequently wife of Charles Coviland, one of the original
proprietors of Marysville, so named for her.
This little party left the cabins on snowshoes, with one
suit of clothes each, a few blankets, one axe, one rifle with
ammunition, and a small supply of provisions. The sum-
mit of the mountain where they crossed it was about fifty
miles wide, and was covered with snow to the depth of ten
or fifteen feet, and they could only travel from five to
eight miles a day. On the summit and for some distance
beyond it, not an animal could be found, as the wild game
always instinctively fled before the snows of winter to the
foothills, where the snows are lighter, and they could ob-
tain food and escape from their enemies in flight. In the
spring the wild grazing animals ascend the mountain as
the snows melt, to crop the fresh grass and escape the flies.
For the first few days they made good progress ; but while
they were comparatively strong they could kill no game,
because none could be found, and their provisions were
rapidly consumed. When they had reached the western
side of the summit, they encamped, as usual, on the top
of the snow. They would cut logs of green wood about
six feet long, and with them make a platform on the snow,
and upon this make their fire of dry wood. Such a foun-
dation would generally last as long as necessary ; but on
this occasion it was composed of small logs, as the poor
people were too weak from starvation to cut and handle
larger ones ; and there came up in the evening a blind-
ing, driving snowstorm, which lasted all that night and
the next day and night. New snow fell to the depth of
several feet. They maintained a good fire for a time, to
keep themselves from freezing ; but the small foundation
logs were soon burnt nearly through, so that the heat of
the fire melted the snow beneath, letting them down grad-
ually toward the ground, while the storm above was falling
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 395
thick and fast. Toward midnight they found themselves
in a circular well in the snow about eight feet deep, with
the ice-cold water beginning to rise in the bottom. After
the foundation was gone, they kept alive the fire by set-
ting the wood on end and kindling the fire on top. While
they were in this condition, one of the Indians, who bad
been sitting and nodding next the snow wall until he was
almost frozen, made a sudden and desperate rush for the
fire, upsetting and putting it out.
Eddy urged them to quit this well of frozen death, as it
was impossible to live where they were, with their feet in
ice water. They all climbed out of the well, spread one
blanket on top of the snow, then seated themselves on
this blanket, back to back, and covered their heads with
the others. In this painful position they remained for
the rest of the night, all the next day and night, and until
some time after sunrise the last morning. During this
time four or five of their number perished, one of whom
was a boy. Mrs. Foster spoke of this young hero with
the greatest feeling. His patience and resignation were
of the martyr type. When we were reduced to half a
biscuit each, he insisted that she should eat his portion
as well as her own, but this she refused.
From this scene of death the survivors proceeded on
their melancholy journey down the western side of the
mountain. That evening, after they had encamped and
kindled a blazing fire, one of the men, who had born the
day's travel well, suddenly fell down by the fire, where he
was warming himself, and expired. The cold, bracing
air and the excitement and exertion of travel had kept
him alive during the day ; but when he became warm his
vital energies ceased. This is often the case under like
circumstances. I have understood that deaths occurred in
this manner among Fremont's men, while making the
trip from Oregon to California in the winter of lS4o-'44.
396 Peter H. Burnett.
At this camp another of the men sat down by a pine tree,
leaned himself against it, and died.
The remainder of this snffering party continued their
journey. All the other men dropped off one after an-
other, at intervals, except Eddy and Foster. When they
had almost reached the point of utter despair, Eddy saw
a deer, and made a good shot killing the animal. This
supplied them with food for a few days. After it was con-
sumed, they met with a party of Indians, who furnished
them with a small quantity of provisions.
At length they arrived at the last encampment, and
within six or eight miles of Johnson's rancho, on the east-
ern side of the Sacramento Valley. Next morning Foster
was unable to continue the journey, and refused to make
another effort to walk. Eddy was the stouter man of the
two, and he proceeded on his tottering course, leaving
Foster and the five women at the camp. It was all Eddy
could do to walk ; but, most fortunately, he soon found
two friendl}^ Indians, who kindly led him to Johnson's
place, Eddy walking between them, with one hand on the
shoulder of each Indian.
They arrived at Johnson's house in the afternoon.
Johnson was then a bachelor, but he had a man and his
wife living with him. This lady was an admirable woman,
full of humanity, and possessed of excellent sense, firm-
ness, and patience. She knew from Edd3''s condition what
the poor sufferer needed. There were also several fami-
lies of late immigrants residing temporarily in that vi-
cinity. About ten men promptly assembled, and started
for the camp, taking with them everything that was nec-
essary.
The relief men were piloted by the two humane Indians,
and reached the camp a little after dark. Foster said that
when they heard the men coming through the brush
toward the camp, the women began to cr}^ most piteously,
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 897
saying they were enemies coming to kill them ; but Foster
comforted and pacified them by declaring that the men
coming must be friends. The relief men soon came up,
and were so much affected by the woeful spectacle that
for some time they said not a word, but only gazed and
wept. The poor creatures before them, hovering around
that small camp fire, had been snowed on and rained on,
had been lacerated, starved, and worn down, until they
were but breathing skeletons. The clothes they wore were
nothing but filthy rags, and their faces had not been
washed or their heads combed for a month ; and the in-
tellectual expression of the human countenance had al-
most vanished. No case of human suffering could have
been more terrible. No wonder that brave and hardy
men wept like children.
Of all the physical evils that waylay and beset the thorn}^
path of human life, none can be more appalling than star-
vation. It is not a sudden and violent assault upon the
vital powers, that instinctive and intellectual courage may
successfully resist ; but it is an inexorable undermining
and slow wasting away of the physical and mental ener-
gies, inch by inch. No courage, no intellect, no martyr-
S})irit can possibly withstand this deprivation. When
there is an entire deprivation of ^ food it is said that the
greatest pangs of hunger are felt on the third day. After
that, the stomach, being entirely empty, contracts to a
very small space, and ceases to beg for food ; and the suf-
ferer dies from exhaustion, without any violent pain.
But, when there is an insufficient supply of food, the
severe pangs of hunger must be prolonged, and the aggre-
gate amount of suffering before death is most probably
increased.
The relief party did everything required for the poor
sufferers, and next morning carried them to Johnson's
house. The lady in charge was careful to give them at
398 Peter H. Burnett.
first a limited supply of food at a time. It required all
her firmness and patience to resist their jjassionate en-
treaties for more food. When the poor, starved creatures
could not persuade they violently abused the good lady
because she did not comply with their demands. Eddy
said that he himself abused her in harsh terms. All this
she bore with the kind patience of a good mother, waiting
upon a sick and peevish child.
I expressed m}' surprise to Eddy and Foster that all the
women escaped, while eight out of the ten men perished,
saying that I supposed it was owing to the fact that the
men, especially at the beginning of the journey, had per-
formed most of the labor. They said that, at the start,
the men may have performed a little more labor than the
women ; but taken altogether, the women performed more
labor than the men, if there was any difference. After
the men had become too weak to carry the gun, it was
carried by the women. Women seemed to be more hope-
ful than men in cases of extreme distress; and their or-
ganization seems superior to that of men. A mother will
sit up and wait upon a sick child much longer than the
father could possibly do.
The Eddy party were about thirt}^ da^'s in making the
trip.. Other parties left the cabins and made their way
into the settlement, after losing a considerable j^ortion of
their number on the way. Many died at the cabins from
starvation. Forty-four of the Donner party escaped, and
thirty-six perished.
a lonely grave death of david ray john c.
Mcpherson.
The first Sunday after my arrival in the mines, I was
strolling on the side of the hill back of the camp, among
the lonely pines, when I came suddenly upon a newly-
made grave. At its head there was a rude wooden cross,
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 399
and from this symbol of Christianity' I knew it was the
grave of a Catholic. I never learned anything of the his-
tory of the deceased. He was, most probably, some ob-
scure and humble person. He had died and was buried
before my arrival.
"But the sound of the church-going- bell
These valleys and rocks never heard ;
Or sighed at the sound of a knell,
Or smiled when a Sabbath appeared."
Another death occurred in camp, and while I was there.
It was that of David Ray. He was about thirty-five years
of age, and his wife about thirty. They had five children,
the eldest a daughter about twelve. They started from
the State of Indiana in the spring of 1848, intending to
locate in some of the agricultural valleys of California,
not then knowing that gold had been discovered. But
when they arrived they determined to stop at the mines
for a time, and thus came to Long's Bar, on the Yuba
River.
Mr. Ray's business partner, Mr. Wright, was about the
same age, unmarried, and sober, honest, industrious, and
generous. He assisted Ray to build the only log cabin in
the camp, for his wife and children without charge. This
house was a rude structure of one room, about sixteen feet
square, with a clapboard roof, wooden chimney, and dirt
floor. Yet it was the palace of the camp, and was the
only place where one could enjoy a cheerful fire without
being annoyed by the smoke. At all the cloth shanties
and tents we had to make our fires in the open air.
About two weeks after my arrival Mr. Ray was attacked
with fever, and died within a week. Neither he nor his
widow had any relatives in California, and all the people
of the camp were late acquaintances, except Mr. Wright.
Our tent was near Mr. Ray's house and we soon became
acquainted. He and his wiie were devoted Methodists.
400 Peter H. Burnett.
She was a small, delicate woman, with a sweet musical
voice and an eloquent tongue.
We buried him among the stately pines, in the open
woods, where the winds might murmur a solemn and
lonely requiem to his memory. All the people of the
camp left their work and attended the burial ; and I never
witnessed a more sorrowful scene. There were no tearless
eyes in the assemblage. No clergyman was present, but
at the lonely grave of her husband Mrs. Ray made an im-
promptu address, which affected me so much that I soon
wrote out its substance, preserving her own expressions
so far as I could remember them. The following is a copy
of what I then wrote :
O David I thou art cold and lifeless. Little dost thou know the sor-
rows thy poor and friendless and sickly wife now suffer:?. Thou art
g'one from me and from our children forever. Thou wert ever kind
to me ; you loved me from my girlhood. O friends ! he was a man
without reproach, beloved by all who knew him. He was a Just man,
honest in all his dealings. He did unto others as he wished they
should do unto him. He defrauded no one. He w^as a pious and steady
man; a profane oath had never escaped his lips, even from a boy ; he
was never found at the grog shop or the gambling table. He it was
who lifted the prayerful hands. His creed was peace. He died in his
right mind, with a conscience void of reproach, and committed bis
children to my charge. The only thing that wounded his conscience
was the reflection that, on the road from Indiana to this country,
he was compelled to do things that grieved his righteous soul — he
was compelled to labor on the Sabbath day. But he is gone to a bet-
ter world, where his weary spirit will be at rest. Oh, if he had only
died in a Christian land I But the thought of his being buried in this
lonely and wicked place I He has left me alone in a land of strangers,
a poor, sickly, weakly woman. Who shall now read to me from the
Bible, and wait upon me in my sickness? For months and years he
waited upon his sickly wife without a murmur. He was ever a tender
husband to me, but he has gone and left me. Who is here to sympa-
thize with me ? Ah, me, what shall I do '?
While in the mines I became acquainted with John C.
McPherson, a young, genial spirit from old Scotland.
He was a generous soul, and cared little for wealth. On
Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 401
Christmas eve he composed a very pretty song, hegin-
niiig, " Yuba, dear Yuba." He has since written many
poetical pieces, and many prose communications for the
newspapers. One thing can be said of genial, kindly
McPherson, that there is not a particle of malice in his
composition. No one ever thought of suing him for
libel, for he never wrote a harsh word of any one, living
or dead. No one then in the mines except McPherson
had poetic fire enough in his soul to write a song. We
spent many pleasant evenings together, around the camp
tire at Long's Bar.
lEflEWS.
The Yamhills. An Indian Romance. By J. C. Cooper,
author and publisher. (McMinnville, Oregon: 1004.
pp. 187.)
This is an indigenous production. It matters not whether or not
the author is a native son he draws his thought and sentiment direct
from the soil, the woods, the streams, and the mountains of Oregon.
He finds all the elements of a home here and lives his life here in
wholeness.
This book is a gem. (I am not speaking of its formal literary
character, though that is creditable.) It is calculated to make the
thoughtful reader orient himself, as it were, in the Oregon environ-
ment. Having read it he will plant his feet more firmly on Oregon
soil and be here at home. The sympathetic reader laying aside this
book will find thenceforth that all things Oregonian assume not quite
so bare, bleak, and somewhat forbidding an aspect as of yore, but that
all will develop background and halo of color and sentiment.
It seemed a comparatively easy matter for the first generation of
Oregonians to load themselves up in canvas-covered wagons and bear
the trip across the plains and become fixed and prosperous on their
donation claims; but it seems decidedly difficult for the second gener-
ation of Oregonians to nourish their thought and sentiment in this
new home. It is probably inevitable that generations should come
and go, maintaining "but a weak and flabby spirit of local patriotism,
before their social mind and heart attain deeply rooted strength and
vigor drawn from their native haunt. With the help of a book like
this, however, we shall soon have our own " Quest for the Holy Grail "
and our own " Niebelunycn treasure'" as themes for our future literary
masterpieces. This modest little book of Mr. Cooper's reminds us
pleasantly that the land we occupy has been the scene of real human
interests for aeons before our day of traffic and trouble. Other and
greater books — notably those of Professor Thomas Condon and Super-
intendent Horace S. Lyman have done the same. Yet Mr. Cooper's
does it in a unique way.
The title and sub-title sufficiently indicate its scope.
Wheeler: The Trail of Lewis and Clark. 403
The Trail of Leivis and Clark, ISO^-lOOi. By Olin D.
Wheeler. (New York and London : G. P. Putnam's
Sons. 1904. Two vols., pp. xxiii, 377; XV, 419.)*
Such an account of the Lewis and Clark exploration as will avail to
get the spirit and salient incidents of that achievement into the con-
sciousness of this generation of Americans was greatly desired. Mr.
Wheeler's work has in it the qualities that promise much toward the
accomplishment of that end. Considerable previous experience with
surveying parties in the far west gave him acquaintance with the
plains, mountains, and cafions and gave him also zest for just the line
of investigation that the preparation of these volumes demanded. Be-
cause of his long connection with the Northern Pacific Railway he
had unusual facilities for thorough field work.
Passages from the texts of the Lewis and Claik Journals and from
the literature of the later exploitation and development of the region
traversed by the expedition are most skilfully chosen to bring out pic-
tures of the scenes and the development of the important and critical
incidents in the progress of the exploration. The author's narrative
giving the setting and connection of the events upon which the atten-
tion is arrested is lively and effective. The text is strongly i^einforced
with a wealth of fine illustrations, including facsimiles of manuscript
documents, reproductions of old cuts and drawings, and' maps and
photographs of the sites of incidents as they appear at the present
time. The reader is thus enabled to see the successive stages of the
historical process through which present-day conditions along the line
of the trail were developed. The historical pilgrim or tourist with
these books in his hands can with equal facility trace conditions back
and see the difficulties encountered by Lewis and Clark and their
party. We ai^e made to see not only the topography of the country,
but also the Indian lite, and the animals and plants upon which the
party depended for subsistence. This thoroughness of treatment is,
however, confined to the part from Fort Mandan to the Pacific.
Mr. Wheeler makes us not only see the party as it moves along its
toilsome and sometimes dangerous route, but also enter into their life.
This he accomplishes by going carefully into the organization and per-
sonnel of the expedition. In this manner he contributes much new
material to soui'ces of the history of the exploration. Having ac-
quainted us with the characteristics of the separate individuals, he is
easily able to take us into their daily struggles and privations because
of having had experiences himself somewhat similar to those of the
explorers. Although the author is on the whole sympathetic with the
* From the American Historical Revieiv, January, 1905.
404 Reviews.
conduct of the expedition, he is independent, and he comments with
practical judgment upon the tactics and every-day conduct of the ex-
plorers.
There is an introductory chapter of twenty-six pag-es on "The Loui-
siana Purchase." This brings out correctly the priority of the incep-
tion of the exploration, but a-s an attempt at a review of the diplomatic
history affecting- this western country the chapter is a positive blem-
ish. It should be either rewritten or omitted. It must have been an
afterthought. The following excerpts will serve as evidence: "Spain
had held the island of New Orleans on both sides of the stream to its
mouth" (p. 3): "This [the claim of the United States under the Loui-
siana Purchase] included the greater part of Texas — to which the
claim of the United States would seem to have been a righteous one —
west of the Great River ; . . . the treaty of 1819, in which Spain ceded
all of East and West Florida, and all country west of the Mississippi
north of the forty-second degree of latitude and westward to the Pa-
cific, to which she claimed ownership" (p. 15). The author also gets
into trouble when, out of his province, he remarks that Meares sailed
into Baker's Bay (II, 232). It is true that the British commission on
England's claims to the Oregon country in 1826 made this claim, and
that Travers Twiss contends for it as a fact, yet the log-book of Meares
does not admit of that interpretation. The blemishes are virtually
confined to the preliminary chapter. The work as a whole is well
done and is readable.
F. G. Young.
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
OREGON Historical Society
SOURCES OF THE HISTORY OF OREGON
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Number 1.— Jotjrnai, of Medorem Crawford — An Account of His
Trip Across the Plains in 1842. Price, 25 Cents.
NU3IBER 2.— The Indian Council at Walla Walla, Mat and June,
1855, BY Col. Lawrence Kip— A Journal. Price, 25 Cents.
Numbers 3 to 6 Inclusive.— The Correspondence and Journals of
Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth, 1831-6.— A Record op Two Expeditions,
FOR the Occupation of the Oregon Country, with Maps, Introduction
AND Index. Price, 81.10.
The Proceedings of the Oregon Historical Society for 1S08-9,
Including Paper by Silas B. Smith, on " Beginnings in Oregon,"
97 Pages. Price, 25 Gents.
The Proceedings of the Oregon Historical Society for 1899-1900,
Including Two Historical Papers, 120 Pages. Price, 25 Cents.
QUARTERLY OF THE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
No. 1, Vol. V, March, 1904.
Clarence B. Baffle}/— "Ttik Mercer Immigration:" Two Cargoes of
Maidens for the Sound Country --.-... i
Thomas W. ProscJi— The Evolution of Spokane and Stevens Counties 25
T. W. Davenport— Ektract from "Recollections of an Indian Agent" 34
Jb/i/i. 3/i7i^o— Antecedents of the Oregon Pioneers and the Light
These Throw on Their Motives 38
Peter H. jBwrne^— "Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer."
Chapter III - ^ 64
No. 2, Vol. V, June, 1904.
H.W. Scott— Begij^ni'sgs of Oregon— Exploration and Early Settle-
ment AT THE Mouth of the Columbia River ----- 101
P. TT. Gillette— A. Brief History of the Oregon Steam Na^'igation
Company 120
TT. B. Dillard—TnE Beginnings of Lane County ia3
F. I. B'erWoW— Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Oregon - - - - 139
I'eter H, 5«rne^<— "Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer."
Chapter IV 151
Documents— A Brimfield Heroine— Mrs. Tabitha Brown 199
No. 3, Vol. V, September, 19(M.
Ansel F. ^(?>nenw'«2/— Botanists of the Oregon Country, - - - 207
Literary Remains of David Douglas, Botanist of the Oregon
Country- I: ...----.----.. 215
Reprint of his " Sketch of a Journey to the Northwestern Part of the
Continent of North America During the Years 1824-25-2(5-27;" with
Editorial Prefatory Notes, and "A Brief Memoir of the Life of David
Douglas," by Sir TF. J. Hookei:
Peter H. S!trne«— Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer.—
Continued, --------------- 272
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