Skip to main content

Full text of "Rare Lincolniana"

See other formats 


O  ,    b  b  c^- 


,\/    >^ 


r 


THE 

MAGAZINE  OF  HISTORY 


WITH 


NOTES  AND  QUERIES 


Sxtra  Numter — N0.  32 


RARE  LINCOLNIANA— NO.  5 


Comprising 

SERMON  (April  16,   1865)         .  .  .  Rev.  Henry  P.  Thompson 

HISTORY  AND  EVIDENCE  OF  THE  PASSAGE  OF  LINCOLN  FROM 
HARRISBURG  TO  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  22-23,  1861. 

(The  late)  Allan  Pinkerton. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  SEEN  FROM  THE  FIELD 

General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain. 

LINCOLN  (Poem)  Hermann  N.  Hagedorn. 

SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF    ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN  Captain  George  R.  Snowden. 


WILLIAM  ABBATT 

410  EAST  32d  STREET  NEW  YORK 

1914 


THE 

MAGAZINE  OF  HISTORY 

WITH 

NOTES  AND  QUERIES 
Sxlra  Number — No.  32 

RARE  LINCOLNIANA— NO.  6 

Comprising 

SERMON  (April  16,   1865)         .  .  .  Rev.  Henry  P.  Thompson 

HISTORY  AND  EVIDENCE  OF  THE  PASSAGE  OF  LINCOLN  FROM 
HARRISBURG  TO  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  22-23,  1861. 

iThe  late)  Allan  Pinkerton. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  SEEN  FROM  THE  FIELD 

General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain. 

LINCOLN  (Poem)  Hermann  N.  Hagedorn. 

SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF   ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN  Captain  George  R.  Snowden. 


NEW  YORK 

BEPBINTED 

WILLIAM  ABBATT 
1914 

Being  Extra  No.  32  of  The  Magazine  of  Histobt  with  Notes  and    Queries 


RES    AHDUA     VETUSTIS     NOVITATEM     DARE;     NOVIS    AUCTORITATEM;     OBSOLETI8,     NITOREM; 
OBSCURis,  lucem;  fastiditis,  graticum;    dubiis,    fidem;    omnibus   vero    naturam, 
et  natural  sua  omnia. 

Itaque  etiam  non  assecutis,  voluisse  abunde  pulcheum  vtque  magnificum   est. 

(It  is  a  difficult  thing  to  give  newness  to  old  things,  authority  to  new  things,  beauty  to 
things  out  of  use,  fame  to  the  obscure,  favor  to  the  hateful  (or  ugly),  credit  to  the  doubtful, 
nature  to  all  and  all  to  nature.  To  such,  nevertheless  as  cannot  attain  to  all  these,  it  is 
greatly  commendable  and  magnificial  to  have  attempted  the  same. 

Pliny, — preface  to  his  Natural  History. 


256 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

OF  the  items  here  presented,  the  sermon  by  Mr.  Thompson 
is  unknown  to  most  Lincohi  collectors  in  its  original  form, 
and  is  so  scarce  that  no  copies  had  been  sold  at  auction,  so 
far  as  known,  until  one  appeared  in  1911.  It  is  listed  by  Judge 
Fish  as  No.  211,  in  his  Supplement.  Mr.  Thompson  (now  dead) 
was  then  in  charge  of  the  Reformed  Protestant  Dutch  Church 
of  Peapack,  N.  J.,  and  the  sermon  was  printed,  in  a  small  edition 
only,  at  the  request  of  the  members  of  his  church,  and  was  sub- 
sequently printed  also  in  Pulpit  &  Rostrum,  N.  Y.,  June,  1865. 

The  copy  from  which  we  print  was  kindly  furnished  us  by  the 
Librarian  of  Rutgers  College. 

Mr.  Pinkerton's  article  is  from  the  latest  edition — Fish  No. 
417 — comprising  forty-two  pages:  more  than  any  one  of  the  three 
preceding  editions. 

But  a  few  copies  of  each  were  issued. 

General  Chamberlain's  speech,  though  dating  only  from  190}^ 
is  already  scarce.     It  is  No.  280,  Fish  Supplement. 

Captain  Snowden's  address  is  practically  unknown  to  the  pub- 
lic, having,  like  General  Chamberlain's,  been  given  before  the 
Loyal  Legion  and  printed  only  in  their  own  proceedings,  in  less  than 
100  copies. 


257 


Digitized  by  tlie  Internet  Arcliive 

in  2012  witli  funding  from 

Tlie  Institute  of  Museum  and  Library  Services  through  an  Indiana  State  Library  LSTA  Grant 


http://archive.org/details/rarelincolnianaOOthom 


IN  MEMORIAM 


A    SERMON    DELIVERED    ON    SUNDAY    APRIL    16,    1865 
IN    THE    REFORMED    PROTESTANT    DUTCH    CHURCH    OF    PEAPACK,    N.    J. 

BY  REV.  HENRY  P.  THOMPSON 


Watchman,  what  of  the  night  ?  Watchman,  what  of  the  night  ?  The  watchman 
said,  The  morning  cometh,  and  also  the  night:  if  ye  will  inquire,  inquire  ye:  return, 
come.— Isaiah  XXI.     11,  12. 

THIS  brief  prophecy  concerning  Dumah,  or  Idumea,  consists 
of  few,  but  bold  and  highly  figurative,  expressions,   and   re- 
presents the  prophet,  though  at  present  enduring  afiliction 
with  his  people,  yet  as  confident  and  hopeful  in  reference  to  the 
future. 

A  few  words  of  explanation  concerning  the  time  and  circum- 
stances and  the  original  application  of  the  prophecy ;  and  then,  for 
the  main  body  of  the  discourse,  we  shall,  taking  the  prophet's  stand- 
point, and  considering  the  question  of  the  text  as  addressed  to  us, 
endeavor  to  answer  it  in  its  application  to  ourselves. 

I.  Let  it  be  observed  that  the  whole  is  dramatic — the  prophet 
himself  speaking  for  all  concerned.  The  prophecy  itself  was 
probably  spoken  during  the  time  of  the  Babylonish  capitvity.  It 
is  night  with  the  people;  the  night  of  a  dark  and  dreary,  and  ter- 
rible captivity.  It  is  a  time  of  calamity,  darkness  and  distress. 
But  a  little  time  ago  they  were  prosperous  and  happy  in  their  own 
land.  Now,  in  a  strange  land,  they  mourned  in  what  seemed  a 
hopeless  captivity.  Under  these  circumstances  the  prophet  is 
represented  as  placed  on  a  watch-tower,  looking  anxiously  for  the 
issue — ^watching  closely  every  turn  in  affairs,  whether  anything 
betokens  the  release  of  his  people.  Standing  thus  upon  his  tower, 
as  the  watchful  guardian  of  his  people,  noting  every  turn  in  the  po- 
litical affairs  of  the  nation,  and  also  of  their  enemies,  and  draw- 
ing his  conclusions  from  such  careful  observations,  he  is  addressed 

259 


6  IN  MEMORIAM 

by  one  from  Idumea.  This  was  the  land  bordering  on  the  south  of 
that  of  the  Jews,  and  its  inhabitants,  if  they  did  not  take  part  with 
the  Babylonians  in  destroying  Jerusalem,  at  any  rate  exulted  over 
its  destruction,  saying,  "Raze  it,  raze  it,  even  to  the  foundation." 
(Ps.  137).  This  Idumean  is  represented  as  calling  out  to  the 
prophet  and  tauntingly  inquiring,  "What  of  the  night?"  Is  there 
prospect  of  deliverance.'^  Will  Israel's  God  come  to  the  rescue? 
Are  the  signs  of  the  times  such  as  to  give  hope  of  speedy  release? 
Or,  is  there  no  such  hope,  and  merely  a  prospect  that  these  calam- 
ities are  to  continue?     "Watchman,  what  of  the  night?" 

To  this  the  prophet  returns  a  prompt  reply,  carrying  with  it 
both  instruction  and  warning  to  the  enemies  of  his  people.  "The 
watchman  said.  The  morning  cometh,  and  also  the  night."  In 
place  of  the  night  of  darkness  and  calamity,  and  mourning  and  dis- 
tress, which  now  hangs  over  the  people  of  God,  light  and  joy  shall 
arise.  "The  morning  cometh — and  also  the  night."  The  morning 
cometh  to  us;  and  when  it  is  come,  mark  it,  the  night  cometh  also, 
but  not  to  us.  When  the  morning  dawns  upon  us  radiant  with 
light  and  joy,  night,  with  its  pall  of  darkness,  shall  fall  upon  our 
enemies.  You  ask,  "What  of  the  night?"  I  tell  you  plainly,  "the 
morning  cometh"  to  us,  but  the  night  also — a  night  of  calamity,  of 
darkness,  of  overwhelming  defeat  and  dismay  to  our  enemies. 
Having  given  the  inquirer  this  answer,  the  prophet  intimates  that 
if  he  was  disposed  to  ask  further  concerning  the  matter,  he  should 
not  hesitate  to  do  it.  "If  ye  will  inquire,  inquire  ye."  The  matter 
was  now  clear  to  the  watchman's  eye,  and  he  was  disposed  to  give 
the  information.  And  yet,  even  in  this  warning,  behold  the  heart 
of  the  man  of  God  going  out  in  tenderness,  even  towards  his  ene- 
mies— towards  the  enemies  of  his  nation,  the  enemies  of  righteous- 
ness and  truth.  I  have  answered  your  question — but  now,  if  you 
seriously  wish  to  learn  further  concerning  the  matter,  ask  with 
earnestness  and  with  proper  regard  to  the  prophetic  character  and 
for  God,  and  it  shall  be  told  thee.     And  then  he  adds,  "Return, 

260 


IN  MEMORIAM  7 

come,"  Turn  from  your  evil  ways;  repent  of  this  your  great  sin 
and  folly  in  opposing  God,  and  the  ways  of  truth  and  righteous- 
ness, and  then  "come,"  and  you  may  be  accepted  of  Him,  and  the 
night  which  is  now  threatened  may  yet  be  dispelled,  and  the  morn- 
ing, bright  with  joy,  yet  dawn  upon  you.  Thus  far  in  explication 
of  the  text.  The  prophecy  is  brief,  but  beautiful — beautiful  in  the 
promptness  and  confidence  of  its  utterance — beautiful  in  the  ful- 
ness and  importance  of  the  truth  it  contains,  "Alike  for  the  af- 
flicted and  persecuted  friends,  and  the  persecuting  and  taunting 
foes  of  God."  Such  were  the  original  circumstances  under  which 
these  words  were  uttered,  and  such  the  application  of  them  in  ref- 
erence to  the  friends  and  enemies  of  God  and  of  righteousness. 

But  it  was  not  merely  for  those  times  and  circumstances  that 
these  words  were  spoken.  We  are  taught  that  "all  Scripture  is 
given  by  inspiration  of  God,  and  is  profitable  for  doctrine,  for  re- 
proof, for  correction,  for  instruction  in  righteousness."  They 
were  written  then  for  our  instruction,  for  our  warning,  for  our  com- 
fort.    Let  us  then 

II.  Faithfully  consider  and  apply  them,  remembering  that 
they  are  God's  words,  not  man's,  and  that  they  were  written  by  in- 
spiration of  the  Holy  Spirit,  for  our  consideration  and  profit, 

1.  Specifically  to  individuals.  There  are  times  and  circum- 
stances in  the  history  of  every  one  which  form  a  parallel  with  those 
we  have  just  reviewed;  times  when  sorrow  and  darkness  gather 
round,  and  the  soul  for  the  time  is  bereft  of  peace  and  joy  and  hope. 
The  affliction  may  be  in  mind,  body  or  estate;  and  the  cloud  may 
remain  for  a  longer  or  a  shorter  period,  as  God  deems  best  for  his 
own  glory  or  the  good  of  the  afflicted.  In  a  thousand  forms  man 
is  subject  to  trial,  and  needs  the  cheering  rays  of  God's  word  of 
promise  to  support  him  therein.  And  it  is  when  man  is  enabled  to 
take  hold,  by  faith,  of  those  promises;  when  he  can  clearly  see  and 
fully  reaUze  that  God  doeth  all  things  well,  and  that  he  is,  by  af- 

261 


8  IN  MEMORIAM 

fliction  or  trial  sent,  but  accomplishing,  in  the  best  way,  His  own 
infinitely  wise  and  holy  purposes — it  is  when  man  fully  realizes 
this,  that  he  rises  above  his  sorrows,  and  looks  forward  with  hope 
and  confidence  to  the  brighter  morn  which  shall  ere  long  appear. 

It  is  this  assured  confidence  that  God  lives  and  rules  in  heaven 
and  in  earth;  that  he  takes  cognizance  of  all  that  transpires,  and 
that  he  is  directing  all  things  for  the  furtherance  of  his  own  glory 
and  his  people's  good;  'tis  this  that  forms  the  "silvery  lining"  to 
any  cloud,  no  matter  how  heavy  or  how  long  soever  it  may  have 
hung,  and  gives  the  promise  of  the  coming  morn.  To  one  thus 
sustained  and  comforted  and  cheered,  "The  morning  cometh." 
Night,  with  its  dark  clouds,  may  have  hovered  long,  but  when  thus 
he  takes  hold  on  God,  the  morning  is  at  hand. 

2.  What  may  thus  be  said  of  individuals  is  likewise  applicable 
to  communities  and  nations,  for  they  also  are  subject  to  sorrow, 
trial,  and  grief. 

And  surely  words  of  divine  promise,  of  comfort,  and  joy,  and 
hope,  were  never  more  applicable  than  those  of  my  text  to  our  own 
nation  now! 

A  long,  dark,  dreary  night  has  rested  on  the  nation.  As  the 
clouds  increased  and  grew  heavier  and  blacker,  till  at  length  they 
burst  in  all  the  wild  fury  of  rebellious  war  over  the  land,  and  as  the 
demoniac  energy  of  those  in  rebellion  seemed,  for  a  time,  success- 
fully to  threaten  the  very  life  of  the  Government,  men  stood  ap- 
palled and  dismayed.  When  they  saw  the  Government  of  their 
fathers,  which  had  proved  so  great  a  blessing;  which  had  been  built 
up  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people ;  which  had  been  cemented  by 
so  many  tears  and  prayers,  and  trials  and  sufferings;  and  which 
had  already  become  a  beacon-light  for  the  down-trodden  and  op- 
pressed of  all  nations — when  they  saw  that  Government  ruthlessly 
assailed  and  its  very  existence  jeopardized,  men's  hearts,  for  a  time 
sank  within  them.     And  even  when  we  had  strong  confidence  in 

262 


IN  MEMORIAM  9 

God,  that  He  would  not  allow  such  gross  wickedness  eventually 
to  triumph,  yet  the  trial  was  accompanied  by  so  much  at  which 
the  heart  sickens;  by  so  great  sacrifice  of  blood  and  treasure  and 
life;  so  many  homes  were  made  desolate  and  so  many  hearts  made 
to  bleed,  that,  ever  and  anon,  we  were  ready,  as  we  looked  over  the 
dark  scene,  to  exclaim,  in  the  words  of  the  text,  "Watchman,  what 
of  the  night?     What  of  the  night?" 

But  now,  God  be  praised,  the  night  seems  almost  past.  To 
the  question  of  the  text,  as  thus  applied,  we  answer,  with  grateful 
hearts,  "The  morning  cometli!"  W^ith  what  beaming  countenan- 
ces, with  what  cheerful  expressions,  with  what  bounding  hearts  of 
joy  have  the  people  of  this  land  congratulated  each  other  over  the 
events  of  the  past  two  weeks!  The  night  of  rebellion — of  that 
which  has  caused  untold  suffering  and  trial  and  sorrow — is  well 
nigh  spent.  And  now  the  "morning"  breaks!  This  tremendous 
conflict,  this  gigantic  strife,  which  through  four  long  years  has  been 
waged  with  unabated  fury,  which  has  clothed  in  mourning  almost 
every  family  in  the  land,  and  which  counts  its  victims  not  only  by 
tens  but  hundreds  of  thousands,  is  at  length  about  to  close. 

The  Government  has  been  maintained,  righteousness  has  been 
vindicated,  and  high-handed  and  organized  wickedness  been  well- 
nigh  crushed.  "The  Republic  has  been  saved,  and  not  only  saved, 
but  exalted  as  a  witness  for  the  rights  of  man  and  the  truth  of  God 
before  all  nations.  Its  cause,  from  the  first  hour  of  the  war,  was 
justified  by  faith;  through  its  continuance  it  has  been  sanctified 
by  loyal  blood;  and  now  this  cause  is  glorified  by  the  solemn  ap- 
proval of  the  God  of  the  whole  earth." 

It  is  right  that  we  should  rejoice  and  be  glad,  that  now,  at 
length,  "The  morning  cometh."  It  is  right  that  we  should  with 
grateful  hearts,  give  thanks  to  God — the  God  of  battles — that  he 
has  given  us  the  victory.  And  as,  with  glad  hearts,  we  emerge 
from  the  trial  which  has  so  long  pressed  upon  us,  let  us  pray  God, 
let  us  humbly  and  earnestly  beseech  Him,  to  direct  us  henceforth 

263 


10  IN  MEMORIAM 

to  live  to  his  glory.  Sin  must  be  punished;  such  is  the  immutable 
law  of  God's  government;  and  as  nations  have  no  existence  here- 
after, their  sins  must  meet  their  punishment  in  this  world.  May 
we  not  hope  that  ours  have  now  been  expiated.'* 

But  now  as  to  the  future.  Do  you  believe  that  God  can  turn 
the  hearts  of  the  children  of  men  to  the  ways  of  righteousness  and 
truth?  That  He  can  give  wisdom  and  discretion,  and  honesty  of 
purpose  and  all  needful  qualifications  to  our  rulers?  And  do  you 
believe  that  He  hears  and  answers  prayer?  See  to  it,  then,  that 
you  be  not  chargeable  with  utter  neglect  of  duty  in  this  matter  in 
that  you  never  prayed  for  God's  blessing  on  your  country;  that 
you  never  asked  Him  to  give  our  rulers  wisdom  and  to  turn  our 
people  to  the  practice  of  righteousness  and  truth;  that  you  never 
asked  even  that  you  yourselves  might  be  led  by  God's  Spirit  to 
know  and  to  do,  what  is  right  in  your  relations  as  citizens. 

God  is  the  Sovereign  Ruler,  and  righteousness  and  truth  shall 
prevail,  let  who  will  cavil  or  resist.  In  this  assurance  we  rejoice, 
and  our  faith  is  confirmed  therein  as  we  see  it  exemplified  in  the 
promise  of  the  bright,  approaching  morn  for  our  land.  But  as  we 
rejoice,  and  as  we  firmly  stand  for  the  right  and  resist  the  wrong, 
let  us,  in  word  and  deed,  say  to  those  who  have  done  evil,  "Return," 
"Come."  The  prophet  declared  that  "the  morning"  was  at  hand 
for  those  that  feared  the  Lord  and  walked  in  His  ways,  but  that 
"the  night"  was  also  coming  for  those  who  resisted  the  ways  of 
righteousness.  And  while  he  boldly  and  fearlessly  uttered  the 
warning  against  evil  and  the  evil-doers,  he  cordially  and  tenderly 
entreated  them  to  turn  from  the  evil  unto  righteousness.  Even  so, 
while  we  stand,  firm  for  the  right,  let  us  also  show  that  we  are  ever 
ready  to  welcome  repentant  returning  ones  to  the  true  brotherhood 
of  righteousness  and  peace. 


But  lo!  in  the  midst  of  all  our  rejoicings  and  the  bright  hopes 
which  have  so  lately  cheered  and  animated  us,  the  nation  is  sud- 


264 


IN  MEMORIAM  11 

denly — Oh,  how  suddenly — plunged  into  profoundest  sorrow  by 
the  untimely  death  of  its  Executive  and  head.  But  forty-eight 
hours  ago  the  nation  was  at  the  height  of  joyful  exultation  over 
the  decisive  victories  which  gave  promise  of  a  speedy  peace  and  a 
restored  Union  to  a  long-suffering  people.  To-day  every  loyal 
heart  must  suffer  the  terrible  shock,  and  swell  with  overburdening 
grief  at  the  calamity  which  has  been  permitted  to  befall  us  in  the 
assassination  of  our  Chief  Magistrate.  The  flags  that  were  so 
lately  flung  to  the  breeze  in  token  of  a  nation's  joy  that  peace  and 
an]  established  Government  and  Union  and  brotherhood  were  so 
near  at  hand,  to-day,  draped  in  the  emblems  of  mourning,  must 
hang  at  half-mast,  for  its  chosen  chief  is  dead.  The  nation  mourns; 
for  her  honest,  her  brave,  and  fearless,  and  yet  tender  and  sym- 
pathizing ruler  and  head  lies  low  in  death.  She  mourns;  for  it  is 
the  commander-in-chief  of  her  army  and  navy  who  has  fallen — 
who  has  fallen  too,  not  by  disease,  nor  in  the  accepted  peril  of  war 
— ^but  by  the  foul  stroke  of  a  cowardly  assassin.  The  nation 
mourns,  because  just  now,  on  the  eve  of  reunion  and  reconstruc- 
tion, she  looked  with  high  hopes  and  with  confidence  to  the  un- 
swerving integrity,  the  manly  independence,  and  the  unfaltering 
firmness  of  her  Chief  Magistrate  to  guide  her  safely  through  the 
dangers  which  yet  beset  her. 

"The  plot  included  the  murder  of  Secretary  Seward  also,  and 
all  the  circumstances  show  that  the  same  political  fury  and  hate 
which  lit  the  flames  of  the  great  rebellion,  inspired  these  hellish 
deeds;  and  by  so  much  as  these  detract  from  the  splendor  of  our 
triumph  in  its  utter  subjugation,  by  so  much  do  they  brand  with  a 
deeper  and  more  damning  infamy  its  plotters,  its  leaders,  its  abet- 
tors, its  sympathizers,  its  character  in  impartial  history." 

Abraham  Lincoln  is  dead!  His  work  is  done,  and  its  record  is 
on  high.  Never  man  had  greater  responsibilities  laid  upon  him; 
never  man  was  called  to  a  more  difficult  and  trying  position,  and 
never  did  man  receive  more  overwhelming  testimony  of  the  grati- 

265 


12  IN  MEMORIAM 

tude  and  trust  of  a  confiding  people.  But  he  is  no  more.  His 
memory  will  be  embalmed  in  a  greatful  nation's  heart  for  untold 
generations  yet  to  come. 

Turn  we  once  again  to  the  question  of  the  text,  and  ask, 
"Watchman,  what  of  the  night?"  Under  this  new  darkness — this 
seemingly  enigmatical  dispensation,  "What  of  the  night?"  I 
answer,  be  firm  and  undismayed,  for  "The  morning  cometh." 
You  and  I  may  fall  by  the  way  ere  we  behold  the  full  glory  of  its 
ushering  in,  but,  "With  a  glory  beaming  far,"  it  surely  comes. 
The  glory  of  a  peace  and  prosperity  and  brotherhood  which  the 
past  has  not  known.     The  signs  of  the  times  portend  this. 

God  is  teaching  us,  by  this  sad  event,  "Not  to  put  our  trust 
in  man;"  "Not  to  put  our  trust  in  princes."  He  is  teaching  us 
that  the  preservation  of  the  Government,  the  safety  of  the  Re- 
public, does  not  depend  upon  any  one  man,  or  set  of  men;  only  let 
the  people  learn  righteousness,  let  them  fear  the  Lord,  and,  putting 
their  trust  in  him,  walk  worthy  of  their  high  privileges,  and  all  will 
be  well.  The  republic  has  been  saved  through  Divine  mercy  nerv- 
ing the  hearts  and  strengthening  the  arms  of  the  loyal  millions  as 
they  passed  through  fire  and  blood  to  attain  this  purpose.  Saved, 
"so  as  by  fire,"  yet  saved,  honored,  and  exalted  in  the  eyes  of  all 
nations!  And  though,  one  by  one,  the  men  of  Israel  die,  the  God 
of  Israel  lives;  and  if  the  people  will  but  trust  in  Him,  working 
righteousness  and  eschewing  evil,  the  morning,  radiant  with  light 
and  blessing,  shall  soon  again  dawn  upon  us. 

3.  Thus,  too,  not  only  for  ourselves  and  for  the  nation,  but 
in  a  wider  application,  for  the  world,  shall  righteousness  and  truth 
prevail  over  wickedness  and  error. 

When  Christ  came,  the  whole  world  had  become  corrupt,  and 
save  only  the  few  thousands  of  Israel,  had  lost  even  the  true  knowl- 
edge of  God.     Satan's  kingdom  had  taken  deep  root;  its  branches 

2G6 


IN  MEMORIAM  13 

towered  toward  heaven  and  filled  all  the  earth:  and  as  a  conse- 
quence men  lived  in  wretchedness  and  woe,  and  died  in  hopelessness 
and  despair. 

Now  from  all  this  Christ  came  to  deliver  us.  He  came  to  call 
men  back  to  happiness  and  God.  But  that  this  might  be  accom- 
plished Satan's  power  must  be  overthrown.  Knowledge  must  take 
the  place  of  ignorance;  a  true  worship  that  of  superstition;  holi- 
ness of  vileness;  justice  of  oppression,  and  love  to  God  and  man 
become  the  ruling  motive  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  men.  The 
standard  of  righteousness  and  truth  was  then  set  up  against  every 
form  of  iniquity.  Henceforth  a  continued,  vigorous,  determined 
warfare  was  to  be  waged  against  the  powers  of  hell  which  had  so 
long  ruled  the  world;  and  wherever  and  in  whatever  form  evil  man- 
ifested itself,  it  was  to  be  met  and  resisted  and  overcome  by  the 
power  which  had  been  inaugurated  and  put  in  operation  for  that 
purpose.  He  who  came  to  destroy  the  works  of  the  devil  and  to 
restore  man  to  his  God,  established  the  means  adapted  to  that  end. 
The  spiritual  religion  which  Christ  gave  to  man,  bearing  with  it  the 
energizing  power  of  Divinity,  is  accomplishing  that  work;  and 
though  it  seem  long  delayed,  it  shall,  in  His  own  good  time,  be 
made  complete.  That  system  of  religion  is  "the  mighty  power  of 
God  to  the  pulling  down  of  the  strongholds  of  Satan"  in  every  form. 
It  is  one  which  encircled  in  its  design  and  was  to  bless  by  its  influ- 
ence the  whole  family  of  man.  As  such  this  system  of  Divine  truth 
has  gone  forth  in  the  ages  that  are  past,  not  as  a  feeble  instrumen- 
tality, but  as  mighty  to  the  overthrowing  of  Satan's  kingdom. 
Millions  in  the  past  have  been  enlightened  thereby  and  brought 
under  its  saving  power.  Mighty  forms  of  organized  wickedness 
and  oppression  have  been  overcome;  and  what  it  has  done  in  the 
past  it  is  still  accomplishing,  with  continually  increasing  power, 
throughout  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

In  its  beginnings,  indeed,  it  seemed  but  a  little  cloud — the 
size  of  a  man's  hand — shedding  its  drops  of  influence  in  the  land  of 

267 


14  IN  MEMORIAM 

Palestine.  But  as  we  stand  and  look  upon  the  moral  world  to-day, 
we  can  but  exclaim,  with  confidence  and  hope  and  triumph,  "The 
morning  cometh!"  No  longer  in  the  land  of  Palestine  alone,  amid 
a  few  thousands  only,  with  here  and  there  a  little  company  to  dis- 
seminate the  truth,  but  in  all  quarters  of  the  earth,  in  Europe, 
Asia,  America;  yes,  and  in  Africa  too,  and  in  the  islands  of  the  sea, 
millions  have  felt  its  power  and  turned  to  God.  The  "stone  which 
was  cut  out  of  the  mountain  without  hands"  is  fast  becoming  "the 
mountain  which  shall  fill  the  whole  earth."  Righteousness  and 
truth  and  holiness  shall  eventually  triumph. 

And  amid  all  the  noise  and  din  of  War;  amid  the  battle  cloud 
and  smoke  which  have  so  long  hung  over  our  own  beloved  land,  we 
discern  the  onward  march,  the  steady  advance  of  truth  and  right- 
eousness over  error  and  iniquity.  A  long,  dark,  dreary  scene  of 
evil  has  prevailed,  but  lo,  the  morning  breaks! 

And  so  throughout  the  moral  wastes  of  earth — the  world 
thrown  open  to  the  Gospel,  the  increased  and  increasing  spirit  of 
liberality  among  God's  people;  the  rapid  multiplication  of  copies 
of  the  Word  of  God,  every  Church  built,  every  herald  of  the  cross 
sent  forth,  every  sermon  and  tract  and  word  printed  or  spoken  for 
truth,  hastens  and  adds  new  promise  of  the  coming  millennial  morn. 
"The  morning  cometh"  for  truth,  and  righteousness,  and  holiness, 
and  God:  "And  also  the  night"  for  unrighteousness,  injustice,  op- 
pression, and  iniquity  of  every  form.  These  may  yet  linger  long 
before  they  are  finally  and  fully  overcome.  Satan,  working  through 
the  evil  hearts  and  inclinations  of  men,  will  not  readily  yield  the 
prize  of  a  world  of  human  souls.  But  as  surely  as  the  morning 
breaks  for  truth  and  holiness,  so  surely  comes  the  night  to  Satan 
and  all  his  emissaries  and  works.  The  word  of  the  Lord  hath 
spoken  it,  and  in  His  own  time  He  will  bring  it  to  pass.  His  truth 
is  marching  on  to  the  destruction  of  every  opposing  force,  and  all 
the  past  gives  promise  of  assured  success. 

2G8 


IN  MEMORIAM  15 

If  the  workers  of  iniquity,  if  those  who  despise  or  condemn 
God's  righteous  ways  will  inquire  farther  about  this  matter,  "in- 
quire ye."  The  vision  is  clear;  the  revelation  complete;  the 
promise  sure.  Satan  and  his  works  and  followers  shall  be  over- 
thrown. God's  truth,  and  power,  and  justice,  and  indignation, 
too,  shall  be  known  against  His  enemies  as  well  as  His  love  and 
mercy  toward  them  that  fear  and  love  His  name. 

In  view  of  all  this,  know  assuredly  that  all  opposition  to  God 
shall  be  overcome.  He  will  be  exalted  God  over  all;  and  all  who 
continue  in  rebellion  against  Him,  who  turn  aside  from  His  ways, 
who  will  not  be  governed  by  His  truth,  lose  not  only  the  richest 
enjoyments  and  blessings  here  and  hereafter,  but  ensure  to  them- 
selves everlasting  punishment  and  woe.  Now  He  calls  you  by 
His  grace.  Now  He  pleads  with  you,  saying,  "Return,"  "Come" 
and  offers  you  pardon  and  blessing,  such  as  only  God  can  give. 

Again,  to  those  who  profess  to  love  and  serve  God:  Are  you 
rendering  a  real  and  hearty  service,  or  is  it  only  partial .f*  Is  it 
your  great  aim  to  be  entirely  conformed  to  the  will  of  God,  or  are 
you  keeping  back,  as  Ananias  did,  a  part  of  the  price,  reserving  the 
privilege  of  exhibiting  an  unholy,  unbrotherly,  and  unchristian 
temper  whenever  your  ideas  of  propriety,  or  your  prejudiced  views 
may  be  crossed  or  thwarted  by  the  truth  of  God,  as  exhibited  in 
His  Word  or  in  the  life  and  conduct  of  others?  Examine  and  see; 
try  yourself  by  the  rule  of  God's  Word,  and  remember  that  "not 
every  one  that  saith  unto  me.  Lord,  Lord,  shall  enter  into  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,  but  he  that  doeth  the  will  of  my  Father  which 
is  in  heaven."  We  are  living  in  times  and  circumstances  in  which 
we  cannot,  without  great  guilt,  shut  our  eyes  or  ears  or  steel  our 
hearts  against  the  reception  of  God's  truth,  as  shown  in  His  provi- 
dential dealings  with  us.  See  to  it  that  ye  quit  yourselves  like  men 
in  the  discharge  of  the  grave  responsibilities  laid  upon  you. 

God's  wonder-working  hand  has  been  as  plainly  manifest  in 
our  recent  history,  as  a  nation,  as  ever  before.     The  dark  night  of 

269 


16  IN  MEMORIAM 

rebellion  and  war,  in  which  our  giant  wrong  and  shame  have  per- 
ished, will  be  succeeded  by  the  brightest  day  which  ever  dawned 
upon  a  regenerated  people.  But  you  have  duties  as  well  as  priv- 
ileges in  the  future.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  lives  have  been 
sacrificed,  but  it  will  not  have  been  in  vain  if  now  each  one,  stand- 
ing in  his  place,  will,  in  the  fear  of  God  and  with  direct  reference  to 
his  glory,  discharge  individual  responsibility. 

Our  great  and  good  leader,  our  noble  President,  has  fallen, 
just  as  his  eyes  beheld  the  gilding  of  the  coming  morn.  Thus,  by 
his  blood,  he  sealed  the  testimony  which  in  life  he  gave  for  the 
cause  of  human  liberty — ^for  the  cause  of  righteousness  and  truth. 
But  when  the  enemies  of  liberty  and  truth  slew  him,  they  all  unwit- 
tingly placed  upon  his  brow  the  martyr's  wreath.  If  there  was 
one  thing  yet  wanting  to  complete  the  circlet  of  his  glory  here, 
they  gave  it  him  when  they  caused  it  to  be  said,  that  for  the  prin- 
ciples for  which  Abraham  Lincoln  so  faithfully  labored,  so  patiently 
endured,  he  laid  down  his  life  also.  And  now  he  wears  the  victor's 
crown  in  glory.  "He  rests  from  his  labors  and  his  works  do  follow 
him." 

Finally,  be  of  good  cheer  in  reference  to  the  future  of  our  land. 
We  have  passed  through  fire,  but  it  was  to  purify,  not  to  destroy. 
We  have  passed  through  the  storm,  but  it  was  to  strengthen,  not 
to  overcome.  We  have  passed  through  the  flood,  but  it  was  to 
cleanse  and  not  to  overwhelm.  We  are  passing — ^we  have,  as  a 
nation,  already  passed — to  a  higher  stand-point  in  morals  and 
religion,  the  principles  which  shall  yet  rule  the  world.  "The 
watchman  saith,  the  morning  cometh!"  Yes,  the  morning  breaks 
radiant  with  liberty  and  Union,  with  peace  and  brotherhood  and 
prosperity,  such  as  our  eyes  have  not  yet  beheld.  Take  home  to 
your  hearts  the  Word  of  God.  Be  cheered  by  its  promise,  be 
guided  by  its  instructions,  be  moved  by  its  warnings. 

The  watchman  saith,  the  morning  cometh;  and  also  the  night.      If  ye  will  inquire, 
inquire  ye.     Return,  come. 

Henry  P.  Thompson 

270 


HISTORY  AND  EVIDENCE 

OF  THE 

PASSAGE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

FROM 

HARRISBURG,  PA.  TO  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

ON  THE 
22d  AND  23d  OF  FEBRUARY,  1861 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Chicago,  Jan.  8,  1868. 

THE  question  of  the  passage  of  INIr.  Lincoln,  on  the  night  of 
the  22d  of  February,  1861,  from  Harrisburg,  Penn.,  to  the 
Capital  of  the  United  States,  is  one  of  marked  interest  in 
history,  and  one  upon  which  the  people  of  this  country,  and  the 
world,  ought  to  have  correct  information.  Hitherto  I  have  kept 
silent  upon  this  subject,  and  probably  might  have  continued  so 
much  longer,  but  that  historians  are  now  writing  up  the  important 
events  of  the  last  seven  years — a  period  the  most  exciting  in  the 
life-time  of  this  Nation — up  to  the  present  stage  of  its  existence, 
and  I  deem  it  proper  to  lay  the  following  brief  statement  before  the 
public  in  connection  with  this  event.  I  am  induced,  moreover,  to 
take  this  step  from  the  fact  of  the  publication,  in  the  second  volume 
of  Lossing's  History  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  of  a  letter  from 
John  A.  Kennedy,  Esq.,  Superintendent  of  the  Metropolitan  Police 
of  New  York  City,  dated  New  York,  August  13,  1867,  in  which 
Mr.  Kennedy  speaks  of  the  acts  of  himself  and  his  detective  force, 
in  discovering  the  plot  for  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln, 
on  his  passage  through  Baltimore,  en  route  to  Washington,  for  in- 
auguration as  President.  This  letter  has  had  so  wide  a  circulation 
in  the  press  of  the  United  States  that  it  will  be  unnecessary  for  me 
to  insert  the  whole  of  it  here.  I  merely  desire  to  call  attention  to 
the  following  words: 

"I  know  nothing  of  any  connection  of  Mr.  Pinkerton  with  the  matter." 

That  is  to  say,  Mr.  Kennedy  knew  nothing  of  my  connection 
with  the  passage  of  Mr.  Lincoln  from  Harrisburg,  via  Philadelphia, 
to  Washington,  on  the  22d  of  February,  1861.  In  this  respect  Mr. 
Kennedy  spoke  the  truth:  he  did  not  know  of  my  connection  with 
the  passage  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  nor  was  it  my  intention  that  he  should 

273 


20  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

know  of  it.  Secrecy  is  the  one  thing  most  necessary  to  the  success 
of  the  detective,  and  when  a  secret  is  to  be  kept,  the  fewer  who 
know  of  it  the  better.  It  was  unnecessary  for  Mr.  Kennedy  to 
know  of  my  connection  with  that  passage,  and  hence  he  was  not 
apprised  of  it.  I  am  aware  that  Mr.  Kennedy  is  a  loyal  man,  and 
has  done  much  service  for  the  Union  cause;  but  it  was  not  neces- 
sary that  every  Unionist  should  be  informed  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
about  to  make  an  important  movement.  Therefore  the  secret 
was  imparted  only  to  those  whom  it  was  necessary  should  know  it. 
With  this  preface,  my  statement  will  be  brief: 

About  the  middle  of  January,  1861,  I  was  in  Philadelphia, 
and  had  an  interview  on  other  matters  with  S.  M.  Felton,  Esq., 
at  that  time  president  of  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Balti- 
more Railroad,  in  which  Mr.  Felton  mentioned  that  he  had  suspi- 
cions that  the  Secessionists  of  Maryland  were  bound  to  injure  his 
road,  either  by  destroying  the  ferry-boat  which  carried  the  trains 
across  the  Susciuehanna  River  at  Havre  de  Grace,  or  by  the  de- 
struction of  the  railroad  bridges  over  the  Gunpowder  River  and 
other  streams.  Mr.  Felton  felt  very  desirous  to  protect  his  road 
from  injury  or  obstruction  by  the  "Secessionists,"  as  they  were  at 
that  time  called,  but  afterwards  more  familiarly  known  as  "Rebels," 
who  were  then  busily  engaged  in  plotting  the  treason  which  shortly 
afterwards  culminated  in  open  rebellion.  Mr.  Felton  well  knew 
that  the  Philadelphia,  W'ilmington  and  Baltimore  Railroad  was  the 
only  connecting  link  between  the  great  commercial  emporium  of 
the  United  States  and  the  capital  of  the  nation,  and  appreciated 
fully  the  necessity  of  keeping  that  link  unbroken.  He  desired  that 
I  would  consider  the  matter  fully,  and,  promising  to  do  so,  I  re- 
turned to  my  home  in  Chicago. 

On  the  27th  of  January,  1861, 1  wrote  to  Mr.  Felton  my  views 
upon  this  subject.  They  were  not  given  in  connection  with  se- 
cession, but  as  to  what  detective  ability  might  do  to  discover  the 

274 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  21 

plots  and  plans  of  those  who  might  be  contemplating  the  destruc- 
tion of  any  portion  of  this  great  and  important  link  between  New 
York  and  Washington. 

On  the  30th  of  January,  I  received  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Felton, 
requesting  me  to  come  to  Philadelphia,  and  take  with  me  such  of 
my  force  as  might  be  necessary,  with  a  view  to  commencing  the 
detective  operations  to  which  I  had  alluded  in  my  letter  to  him  of 
the  27th. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1861,  I  accordingly  left  Chicago  with 
such  of  my  detective  force,  male  and  female,  as  I  thought  adequate 
for  the  purpose  required.  We  duly  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  and 
after  consultation  with  Messrs.  Felton  and  Stearns,  of  the  Phila- 
delphia, Wilmington  and  Baltimore  Railroad,  I  repaired  with  my 
force  to  Baltimore  and  there  established  my  headquarters. 

While  engaged  in  the  investigations  spoken  of,  as  relating  to 
the  safety  of  the  P.  W.  &  B.  R.  R.  track,  myself  and  detectives 
accidently  accj[uired  the  knowledge  that  a  plot  was  in  existence  for 
the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  on  his  passage  through  Baltimore 
to  Washington,  to  be  inaugurated  as  President.  The  plot  was  well 
conceived,  and  would,  I  am  convinced,  have  been  effective  for  the 
purpose  designed.  This  information  was  acquired  by  me  while  in 
the  service  of  the  P.  W.  &  B.  R.  R.,  who  were  paying  me  for  my 
services;  and  although  I  felt  impelled  by  my  sense  of  duty  and  my 
long  friendship  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  (we  both  being  old  citizens  of  Illi- 
nois), to  impart  the  same  to  him,  yet  knowing  the  loyalty  of  Mr. 
Felton,  I  desired  his  acquiescence  in  doing  so.  I  accordingly  im- 
parted the  information  of  the  plot  to  Mr.  Stearns,  and  through  him 
to  Mr.  Felton,  and  received  from  both  those  gentlemen  the  author- 
ity to  impart  the  fact  to  Hon.  Norman  B.  Judd,  the  warm  and  in- 
timate personal  friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  accompanying  the 
President-elect  on  the  tour  from  Springfield  to  Washington. 

275 


22  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

Nothing  further,  I  beheve,  is  necessary  from  myself  on  this 
affair,  as  the  evidence  which  accompanies  this  statement  is  all  that 
is  necessary  to  show  how  far  I  speak  truthfully.  It  would  be 
egotistical  on  my  part  to  parade  before  the  public  my  acts.  I  hold 
proofs  in  addition  to  those  which  are  now  furnished  to  the  public, 
in  my  possession.  A  few  words  more,  and  those  only  in  relation 
to  one  who  is  now  dead,  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  who 
lies  in  unhallowed  soil 

"Unwept,  unhonored  and  unsung." 

I  allude  to  Timothy  Webster,  one  of  my  detective  force,  who 
accompanied  me  upon  this  eventful  occasion.  He  served  faith- 
fully as  a  detective  amongst  the  secessionists  of  Maryland,  and 
acquired  many  valuable  and  important  secrets.  He,  amongst  all 
of  the  force  who  went  with  me,  deserves  the  credit  of  saving  the 
life  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  even  more  than  I  do.  He  was  a  native  of 
Princeton,  New  Jersey,  a  life-long  Democrat,  but  he  felt  and  real- 
ized with  Jackson,  that  the  Union  must  and  should  be  preserved. 
He  continued  in  my  detective  service,  and  after  I  assumed  charge 
of  the  secret  service  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  Major- 
General  McClellan,  Mr.  Webster  was  most  of  the  time  within  the 
rebel  lines.  True,  he  was  called  a  spy,  and  martial  law  says  that  a 
spy,  when  convicted,  shall  die.  Still  spies  are  necessary  in  war, 
ever  have  been  and  ever  will  be.  Timothy  Webster  was  arrested 
in  Richmond,  and  upon  the  testimony  of  members  of  a  "secesh" 
family  in  Washington,  named  Levi,  for  whom  I  had  done  some  acts 
of  kindness,  he  was  convicted  as  a  spy,  and  executed  by  order  of 
Jefferson  Davis,  on  the  30th  of  April,  1862.  His  name  is  unknown 
to  fame;  but  few  were  truer  or  more  devoted  to  the  Union  cause 
than  was  Timothy  Webster. 

With  this  statement,  I  herewith  subjoin  the  following  letters, 
which  are  proof  of  my  participation  in  the  passage  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
from  Harrisburg,  via  Philadelphia,  to  Washington,  on  the  night  of 

276 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  23 

the  22d  of  February,  1861.  As  I  have  before  said,  it  was  unnec- 
essary that  Mr.  Kennedy  should  know  aught  of  the  movement 
that  was  going  on,  and  I  did  not  advise  him  of  it;  although  I  am 
informed  that  he  was  on  the  same  train  and  occupied  the  third 
berth  in  the  same  sleeping  car  from  that  where  Mr.  Lincoln  lay  on 
that  eventful  night  of  his  passage  to  Washington  from  Philadelphia. 

Allan  Pinkerton 


277 


MR.  LINCOLN'S  STATEMENT. 

Extract  from  Lossing  s  History  of  the  Civil  War — V .  I.  p.  278 


"Mr.  Judd,  a  warm  personal  friend  from  Chicago,  sent  for  me 
to  come  to  his  room  (at  the  Continental  Hotel,  Philadelphia),  Feb. 
21st.  I  went,  and  found  there  Mr.  Pinkerton,  a  skillful  police 
detective,  also  from  Chicago,  who  had  been  employed  for  some  days 
in  Baltimore,  watching  or  searching  for  suspicious  persons  there. 
Pinkerton  informed  me  that  a  plan  had  been  laid  for  my  assassina- 
tion, the  exact  time  when  I  expected  to  go  through  Baltimore  be- 
ing publicly  known.  He  was  well  informed  as  to  the  plan,  but  did 
not  know  that  the  conspirators  would  have  pluck  enough  to  exe- 
cute it.  He  urged  me  to  go  right  through  with  him  to  Washington 
that  night.  I  didn't  like  that.  I  had  made  engagements  to  visit 
Harrisburg,  and  go  from  there  to  Baltimore,  and  I  resolved  to  do  so. 
I  could  not  believe  that  there  was  a  plot  to  murder  me.  I  made 
arrangements,  however,  with  Mr.  Judd  for  my  return  to  Philadel- 
phia the  next  night,  if  I  should  be  convinced  that  there  was  danger 
in  going  through  Baltimore.  I  told  him  that  if  I  should  meet  at 
Harrisburg,  as  I  had  at  other  places,  a  delegation  to  go  with  me  to 
the  next  place,  (Baltimore,)  I  should  feel  safe  and  go  on.  When  I 
was  making  my  way  back  to  my  room,  through  crowds  of  people, 
I  met  Frederick  Seward.  We  went  together  to  my  room,  when 
he  told  me  that  he  had  been  sent,  at  the  instance  of  his  father  and 
General  Scott,  to  inform  me  that  their  detectives  in  Baltimore  had 
discovered  a  plot  there  to  assassinate  me.  They  knew  nothing  of 
Mr.  Pinkerton  s  movements.  I  now  believed  such  a  plot  to  be  in 
existence."  , 

278 


LETTERS. 

[Letter  of  S.  M.  Felton,  Esq.] 

Thurlow,  Dec.  31st,  1867. 
Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir:  In  answer  to  your  inquiries  as  to  your  agency  in 
ferreting  out  the  plot  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln,  on  his  first  journey 
to  Washington,  and  in  aiding  him  on  his  journey  to  the  Capital, 
prior  to  his  inauguration  in  1861,  I  have  to  say,  that  early  in  that 
year,  and  while  I  was  president  of  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington 
and  Baltimore  Railroad,  I  employed  you  as  a  detective  to  ascertain 
the  truth  or  falsity  of  certain  rumors  that  had  come  to  my  ear  as 
to  the  designs  of  the  secessionists  upon  our  road,  etc.  I  told  you 
only  a  part  of  the  rumors  that  I  had  heard,  only  sufficient  to  put 
you  on  the  track.  You  employed  a  force  of  some  eight  or  nine 
assistants,  and  among  other  things,  made  certain  to  my  mind  that 
there  was  a  thoroughly  matured  plot  to  assassinate  the  President- 
elect, on  his  journey  to  Washington.  After  which  I  met  you  at  a 
hotel  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  evening  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival 
there,  in  company  with  Mr.  Judd,  Mr.  Lincoln's  intimate  friend, 
when  the  whole  plot  was  made  known  to  him.  After  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  seen  by  you  and  Mr.  Judd,  and  made  accjuainted  with 
all  the  facts.  He  declined  to  go  to  Washington  in  our  sleeping  car 
that  night,  as  was  my  advice,  but  said  that  after  going  to  Harris- 
burg  the  next  day  he  would  put  himself  in  our  hands.  It  was  then 
arranged  that  he  should  be  brought  from  Harrisburg  to  Philadel- 
phia the  next  night  by  special  train,  and  then  go  to  Washington  by 
our  night  line  in  the  sleeping  car,  accompanied  by  yourself  and  one 
or  two  of  his  friends.  The  telegraph  lines  in  all  directions  were 
cut,  so  that  no  tidings  of  his  movements  could  be  sent  from  Harris- 
burg, and  all  was  carried  out  successfully. 

279 


26  LETTERS 

In  all  these  movements  you  were  the  only  detective  employed 
by  me,  and  the  only  one  who  was  conversant  with  Mr.  Lincoln's 
movements,  so  far  as  I  knew.  All  the  movements  of  the  train, 
in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  went  from  Philadelphia,  were  under  my 
directions,  and  no  other  detective  than  yourself  had  any  connec- 
tion with  them  in  any  way,  unless  it  might  have  been  as  an  or- 
dinary passenger. 

You  certainly  were  the  only  one  who  gave  me  any  informa- 
tion upon  the  subject,  or  who  had  anything  to  do  with  the  plan- 
ning of  the  journey,  or  who  had  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  a 
detective  officer,  and  quasi  guard. 

Mr.  George  Stearns,  then  roadmaster,  and  Mr.  William 
Stearns,  then  Superintendent,  went  with  you,  one  to  Baltimore, 
and  the  other  from  Baltimore  to  Washington. 

I  have  written  a  full  account  of  the  events  prior  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's first  journey,  of  the  journey  itself,  and  of  the  events  imme- 
diately subsequent  to  the  same,  for  Mr.  Lossing,  and  have  de- 
tailed therein  more  fully  the  part  you  had  in  them  all,  and  I  refer 
you  to  that  when  published  for  all  the  particulars. 

Yours  truly, 

S.  M.  FELTON. 


[Letter  of  Hon.  N.  B.  Judd.] 

Chicago,  III.,  Nov.  3d,  1867. 
Mr.  Allan  Pinkerton. 

Sir: — Yours  of  the  31st  ult.,  enclosing  a  letter  of  Mr.  Ken- 
nedy to  Mr.  Lossing,  relating  to  the  conspiracy  to  assassinate  Mr. 
Lincoln  on  his  passage  through  Baltimore  in  February,  1861,  and 
printed  in  the  second  volume  of  Mr.  Lossing's  "History  of  the  War," 
I  found  on  my  table  last  evening,  on  my  return  from  the  country. 

280 


LETTERS  27 

Notwithstanding  the  various  publications  in  the  papers,  purport- 
ing to  give  accounts  of  that  matter,  some  of  which  were  grossly  in- 
accurate, I  have  refrained  from  publishing  anything  in  relation 
thereto;  but  the  historian  is  making  a  permanent  record,  and  I 
cannot,  in  justice  to  you,  refuse  to  make  a  statement  of  the  facts, 
within  my  personal  knowledge. 

As  you  suggest,  I  was  one  of  the  party  who  accompanied  Mr. 
Lincoln  from  Springfield  to  Washington.  When  the  party  reached 
Cincinnati,  I  received  a  letter  from  you,  dated  at  Baltimore,  stat- 
ing that  there  was  a  plot  on  foot  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln  on  his 
passage  through  that  city,  and  that  you  would  communicate  further 
as  the  party  progressed  Eastward. 

Knowing  that  you  were  at  that  point,  with  your  detective 
force,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  Philadelphia  and  Balti- 
more Railroad  against  the  attempt  by  the  traitors  to  destroy  the 
same,  the  information  thus  sent  made  a  deep  impression  upon  me, 
but  to  avoid  causing  anxiety  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  any  of 
the  party,  I  kept  this  information  to  myself.  At  Buffalo  I  re- 
ceived a  second  brief  note  from  you  saying  that  the  evidence  was 
accumulating.  No  further  communication  on  that  subject  was 
received  until  we  arrived  in  the  city  of  New  York.  In  the  evening 
of  the  day  of  our  arrival  at  the  Astor  House,  a  servant  came  to  my 
room  and  informed  me  that  there  was  a  lady  in  No.  — ,  who  wished 
to  see  me.  Gen.  Pope  was  in  my  room  at  the  time.  I  followed  the 
servant  to  one  of  the  upper  rooms  of  the  hotel,  where,  upon  enter- 
ing, I  found  a  lady  seated  at  a  table  with  some  papers  before  her. 
She  arose  as  I  entered  and  said,  "Mr.  Judd,  I  presume,"  and  I  re- 
sponded, "Yes,  madam,"  and  she  handed  me  a  letter  from  you,  in- 
troducing her  as  Mrs.  Warne,  superintendent  of  the  female  de- 
tective department  of  your  police  force.  She  stated  that  you  did 
not  like  to  trust  the  mail  in  so  important  a  matter,  and  that  she 
had  been  sent  to  arrange  for  a  personal  interview  between  yourself 
and  me,  at  which  all  the  proofs  relating  to  the  conspiracy  could  be 

281 


28  LETTERS 

submitted  to  me.  It  was  accordingly  arranged  that  immediately 
after  the  arrival  of  the  party  in  Philadelphia  you  should  notify 
me  at  what  place  I  should  meet  you.  I  informed  her  that  I  should 
be  in  the  carriage  with  Mr.  Lincoln  from  the  depot  to  the  Conti- 
nental Hotel.  During  this  interview  with  Mrs.  Warne,  Col.  E.  S. 
Sanford,  president  of  the  American  Telegraph  Company,  called 
and  Mrs.  Warne  introduced  him  to  me.  He  showed  me  a  letter 
from  you  to  him,  relating  to  this  affair,  and  tendered  me  the  use 
of  his  lines  for  any  communication  I  might  have  to  make,  and  also 
his  personal  service  if  needed. 

At  Philadelphia,  while  riding  from  the  depot  to  the  hotel,  in 
the  carriage  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  a  file  of  policemen  being  on  each 
side  of  the  carriage,  I  saw  a  young  man  walking  on  the  outside  of 
the  line  of  policemen  who  was  evidently  trying  to  attract  my  at- 
tention. At  about  the  corner  of  Broad  and  Chestnut  sts.  the  young 
man  crowded  through  the  line  of  policemen,  nearly  upsetting  two 
of  them,  came  to  the  side  of  the  carriage  and  handed  me  a  piece 
of  paper  on  which  was  written,  "St.  Louis  Hotel,  ask  for  J.  H. 
Hutchinson."  I  afterwards  ascertained  that  this  messenger  was 
Mr.  Burns,  one  of  Col.  Sanford's  telegraphic  force. 

Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  carriage  at  the  Conti- 
nental I  went  to  the  St.  Louis  Hotel,  and  being  shown  up  to  Hutch- 
inson's room  I  found  you  and  Mr.  S.  M.  Felton,  President  of  the 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore  Railroad  Company,  to- 
gether awaiting  my  arrival.  An  hour  and  more  was  spent  in  ex- 
amining and  analyzing  the  proofs  upon  which  you  based  your  be- 
lief in  the  plot,  and  the  result  was  a  perfect  conviction,  on  the  part 
of  Mr.  Felton  and  myself,  that  the  plot  was  a  reality,  and  that  Mr. 
Lincoln's  safety  required  him  to  proceed  to  Washington  that  even- 
ing in  the  eleven  o'clock  train.  I  expressed  the  opinion  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  not  go  that  night,  but  I  proposed  that  you  should 
immediately  accompany  me  to  the  Continental  Hotel,  and  lay  the 
proofs  before  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  he  was  an  old  acquaintance  and 

282 


LETTERS  29 

friend  of  yours,  and  to  my  knowledge  had  occasion  before  this  time 
to  test  your  rehability  and  prudence.  On  proceeding  to  the  hotel 
we  found  the  people  assembled  in  such  masses  that  our  only  means 
of  entrance  was  through  the  rear  by  the  servants'  door.  We  went 
to  my  room,  which  was  on  the  same  floor  with  the  ladies'  parlor, 
and  sent  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  was  then  in  one  of  the  large  parlors, 
surrounded  by  ladies  and  gentlemen.  I  think  Mr.  Nicolay,  his 
private  secretary,  took  the  message  to  him.  Mr.  Lincoln  came 
to  my  room,  forcing  his  way  through  the  crowd,  and  all  the  proofs 
and  facts  were  laid  before  him  in  detail,  he  canvassing  them  and 
subjecting  you  to  a  thorough  cross-examination.  After  this  had 
been  done,  I  stated  to  him  the  conclusion  to  which  Mr.  Felton, 
yourself  and  myself  had  arrived.  "But,"  I  added,  "the  proofs 
that  have  now  been  laid  before  you  cannot  be  published" — as  it 
would  involve  the  lives  of  several  of  Mr.  Pinkerton's  force,  and  es- 
pecially that  of  poor  Tim  Webster,  who  was  then  serving  in  a  rebel 
cavalry  company,  under  drill  at  Ferryman's  in  Maryland.  I 
further  remarked  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  "If  you  follow  the  course  sug- 
gested— of  proceeding  to  Washington  to-night — you  will  necessar- 
ily be  subjected  to  the  scoffs  and  sneers  of  your  enemies,  and  the 
disapproval  of  your  friends,  who  cannot  be  made  to  believe  in  the 
existence  of  so  desperate  a  plot." 

Mr.  Lincoln  replied  that  he  "appreciated  these  suggestions," 
but  that  he  "could  stand  anything  that  was  necessary."  Then 
rising  from  his  seat  he  said  "I  cannot  go  to-night.  I  have  promised 
to  raise  the  flag  over  Independence  Hall  to-morrow  morning,  and 
to  visit  the  Legislature  at  Harrisburg,  beyond  that  I  have  no  en- 
gagements. Any  plan  that  may  be  adopted  that  will  enable  me  to 
fulfil  these  two  promises  I  will  carry  out,  and  you  can  tell  me  what 
is  concluded  upon  to-morrow."  Mr.  Lincoln  then  left  the  room, 
without  any  apparent  agitation.  During  this  interview  Col. 
Ward  H.  Lamon  entered  the  room,  but  left  immediately.  A  few 
minutes  after,  Mr.  Henry  Sanford,  as  the  representative  of  Col. 


30  LETTERS 

E.  S.  Sanford,  president  of  the  American  Telegraph  Co.,  came  into 
the  room.  You  then  left  for  the  purpose  of  finding  Thomas  A. 
Scott,  Esq.,  Vice-president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad, 
and  also  to  notify  Mr.  Felton,  who  was  waiting  at  the  La  Pierre 
House,  of  your  report  of  the  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln. 

About  twelve  o'clock  you  returned,  bringing  with  you  Mr.  G. 
C.  Franciscus,  General  Manager  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central 
Railroad,  saying  that  you  were  not  able  to  find  Mr.  Scott,  who  was 
out  of  tow^n. 

A  full  discussion  of  the  entire  matter  was  had  between  us,  the 
party  consisting  of  Mr.  Franciscus,  Mr.  Sanford,  yourself  and  my- 
self. After  all  the  contingencies  that  could  be  imagined  had  been 
discussed  the  following  programme  was  adopted:  That  after  the 
reception  at  Harrisburg,  a  special  train  should  leave  the  latter 
place  at  six  p.  m.,  consisting  of  a  baggage  car  and  one  passenger 
car  to  convey  Mr.  Lincoln  and  one  companion  back  to  Philadel- 
phia; that  that  train  was  to  be  under  the  control  of  Mr.  Franciscus 
and  Mr.  Enoch  Lewis,  General  Superintendent ;  that  the  track  was 
to  be  cleared  of  everything  between  Harrisburg  and  Philadelphia 
from  half -past  five  until  after  the  passage  of  the  special  train ;  that 
Mr.  Felton  should  detain  the  eleven  o'clock  p.  m.  Baltimore  train 
until  the  arrival  of  the  special  train  from  Harrisburg;  that  Mrs. 
Warne  should  engage  berths  in  the  sleeping  car  bound  for  Balti- 
more; that  you  should  meet  Mr.  Lincoln  with  a  carriage  at  West 
Philadelphia,  on  the  arrival  of  the  special  train,  and  carry  him  to 
the  Baltimore  train;  that  Mr.  Sanford  was  to  make  it  perfectly 
certain  that  no  telegraphic  message  should  pass  over  the  wires  from 
six  o'clock  the  next  evening  until  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival  in  Wash- 
ington was  known;  that  Ward  H.  Lamon  should  accompany  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

Every  supposed  possible  contingency  was  discussed  and  re- 
discussed,   and  the  party  separated  at  half-past  four  that  morning 

284 


LETTERS  31 

to  carry  out  the  programme  agreed  upon.  At  six  that  morning 
Mr.  Lincohi  fulfilled  his  promise  by  raising  the  flag  over  Inde- 
pendence Hall,  and  I  have  always  believed  that  the  tinge  of  sad- 
ness which  pervaded  his  remarks  on  that  occasion,  and  the  refer- 
ence to  sacrificing  himself  for  his  country,  were  induced  by  the  in- 
cidents of  the  night  preceding. 

Later  in  the  morning — and  I  think  about  eight  o'clock — Mr. 
Lincoln  sent  for  me  to  come  to  his  room.  I  went  and  found  Mr. 
Frederick  W.  Seward  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  to  me 
that  Mr.  Seward  had  been  sent  from  Washington  by  his  father  to 
warn  him  of  danger  in  passing  through  Baltimore,  and  to  urge 
him  to  come  directly  to  Washington.  I  do  not  think  that  Mr. 
Seward  stated  to  me  the  facts  upon  which  his  father's  convictions 
were  founded,  but  the  knowledge  that  an  entirely  independent 
line  of  testimony  to  that  which  you  had  furnished  the  preceding 
night,  had  led  Gov.  Seward  to  the  same  conclusion,  that  there  was 
danger,  strengthened  my  own  convictions  of  the  propriety  of  the 
course  marked  out.  I  told  Mr.  Seward  that  he  could  say  to  his 
father  that  all  had  been  arranged,  and  that  so  far  as  human  fore- 
sight could  predict,  Mr.  Lincoln  would  be  in  Washington  at  six 
a.  m.  the  next  day;  that  he  understood  the  absolute  necessity  for 
secrecy  in  the  matter.  I  do  not  think  I  gave  him  any  of  the  de- 
tails, but  I  am  not  positive  on  that  point. 

After  the  train  left  Philadelphia  for  Harrisburg,  and  as  soon 
as  I  could  get  a  word  with  Mr.  Lincoln  alone,  I  told  him  the  pro- 
posed plan  of  operations,  and  that  I  felt  exceedingly  the  responsi- 
bility, as  no  member  of  the  party  had  been  informed  of  anything 
connected  with  the  matter,  and  that  it  was  due  to  the  gentlemen  of 
the  party  that  they  should  be  advised  with  and  consulted  in  so 
important  a  step.  It  is  proper  to  add  that  Col.  Lamon,  Mr. 
Nicolay  and  Col.  Ellsworth  knew  that  something  was  on  foot,  but 
very  judiciously  refrained  from  asking  questions.  To  the  above 
suggestion   Mr.   Lincoln   assented,    adding,    "I   reckon   they   will 

285 


32  LETTERS 

laugh  at  us,  Judd,  but  you  had  better  get  them  together."  It  was 
arranged  that  after  the  reception  at  the  State  House,  and  before 
dinner,  the  matter  should  be  fully  laid  before  the  following  gentle- 
men of  the  party:  Judge  David  Davis,  Col.  Sumner,  Major  David 
Hunter,  Capt.  John  Pope,  Ward  H.  Lamon  and  John  G.  Nicolay. 

The  meeting  thus  arranged  took  place  in  the  parlor  of  the 
hotel,  Mr.  Lincoln  being  present.  The  facts  were  laid  before 
them  by  me,  together  with  the  details  of  the  proposed  plan  of 
action.  There  was  a  diversity  of  opinion  and  some  warm  dis- 
cussion, and  I  was  subjected  to  a  very  rigid  cross-examination. 
Judge  Davis,  who  had  expressed  no  opinion  but  contented  him- 
self with  asking  rather  pointed  questions,  turned  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
who  had  been  listening  to  the  whole  discussion,  and  said:  "Well, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  what  is  your  judgment  upon  this  matter?"  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied:  "I  have  thought  over  this  matter  considerably 
since  I  went  over  the  ground  with  Pinkerton  last  night.  The  ap- 
pearance of  Mr.  Frederick  Seward,  with  warning  from  another 
source,  confirms  my  belief  in  Mr.  Pinkerton's  statement.  Unless 
there  are  some  other  reasons,  besides  fear  of  ridicule,  I  am  dis- 
posed to  carry  out  Judd's  plan."  Judge  Davis  then  said:  "That 
settles  the  matter,  gentlemen."  Col.  Sumner  said:  "So  be  it, 
gentlemen.  It  is  against  my  judgment,  but  I  have  undertaken  to 
go  to  Washington  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  I  shall  do  it."  I  tried  to 
convince  him  that  every  additional  person  added  to  the  risk,  but 
the  spirit  of  the  gallant  old  soldier  was  up,  and  debate  was  useless. 

The  party  separated  about  four  p.  m.,  the  others  to  go  to  the 
dinner  table,  and  myself  to  go  to  the  railroad  station  and  the 
telegraph  oflSce.  At  a  quarter  to  six  I  was  back  at  the  hotel,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  still  at  the  table.  In  a  few  moments  the  carriage 
drove  up  to  the  side  door  of  the  hotel.  Either  Mr.  Nicolay  or 
Mr.  Lamon  called  Mr.  Lincoln  from  the  table.  He  went  to  his 
room,  changed  his  dinner  dress  for  a  traveling  suit,  and  came 
down  with  a  soft  hat  sticking  in  his  pocket,  and  his  shawl  on  his 

2S6 


LETTERS  33 

arm.  As  the  party  passed  through  the  hall,  I  said  in  a  low  tone: 
"Lamon,  go  ahead.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Lincoln  is  in  the  carriage, 
drive  off.  The  crowd  must  not  be  allowed  to  identify  him."  Mr. 
Lamon  went  first  to  the  carriage.  Col.  Sumner  was  following  close 
after  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  put  my  hand  gently  on  his  shoulder.  He 
turned  round  to  see  what  was  wanted,  and  before  I  had  time  to  ex- 
plain the  carriage  was  off.  The  situation  was  a  little  awkward,  to 
use  no  stronger  terms,  for  a  few  moments.  I  said  to  the  Colonel: 
"When  we  get  to  Washington  Mr.  Lincoln  shall  determine  what 
apology  is  due  to  you."  Mr.  Franciscus  and  Mr.  Lewis,  in  charge 
of  that  special  train,  took  Mr.  Lincoln  and  jMr.  Lamon  safely  to 
West  Philadelphia,  and  at  that  station  you  met  them  with  a  car- 
riage and  took  them  to  the  Baltimore  train,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  im- 
mediately retired  to  his  berth  in  the  sleeping  car.  No  one  but  the 
persons  herein  named,  not  even  his  own  family,  knew  where  Mr. 
Lincoln  was,  until  the  next  morning's  telegraph  announced  that  he 
was  in  Washington.  To  get  away  from  questioning,  I  went  to  my 
room  about  nine  o'clock  and  staid  there  until  about  one,  when  a 
dispatch  reached  me  from  Philadelphia  saying  that  to  that  point 
all  was  right. 

Mr.  Kennedy  can  test  the  accuracy  of  these  facts,  as  to  whom 
credit  is  due  for  arranging  for  the  safety  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  by  refer- 
ence to  the  gentlemen  named  herein,  and  I  have  purposely  given 
these  in  detail  so  that  any  doubting  person  can  verify  or  contradict 
them. 

On  our  journey  to  Washington  I  had  seen  how  utterly  help- 
less the  party  were,  even  amongst  friends  and  with  a  loyal  police 
force,  as  Gen.  Hunter  had  his  shoulders  broken  in  Buffalo  in  the 
crowd  and  jam. 

The  same  spirit  that  slaughtered  the  Massachusetts  soldiers 
at  Baltimore;  that  laid  low,  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin,  that  great 
and  good  man  at  the  commencement  of  his  second  term,  had  pre- 

287 


34  LETTERS 

pared  to  do  that  deed  to  prevent  his  first  inauguration,  and  I 
know  that  the  first  warning  of  danger  that  Mr.  Lincoln  received 
came  from  you,  and  that  his  passage,  in  safety,  through  Baltimore, 
was  accomplished  in  the  manner  above  described. 

Respectfully  yours, 

N.  B.  JUDD 


[Letter  of  William  Stearns.] 

Philadelphia,  Penn.,  Dec.  4th,  1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,   Chicago,   111. 

Dear  Sir:  In  the  early  part  of  January,  1861,  I  had  a  con- 
versation with  Mr.  Felton  in  relation  to  our  road.  I  was,  at  that 
time.  Master  Machinist  of  the  road.  We  had  received  some  reports 
that  our  road  would  be  destroyed  by  Southern  secessionists,  and 
Washington  thus  cut  off  from  railroad  communication  with  the 
North.  In  conversation  with  Col.  Bingham,  Superintendent 
Adams  Express,  he  advised  Mr.  Felton  to  see  you  in  regard  to  the 
matter.  Mr.  Felton  wrote  to  you  upon  the  subject  with  a  view  to 
securing  your  services  and  those  of  your  force  that  might  be  deemed 
advisable,  in  ascertaining  if  the  secessionists  had  any  designs  upon 
our  road,  and  if  so,  what  they  were.  In  the  meantime  I  went  to 
Baltimore  on  several  different  occasions  and  still  heard  these  re- 
ports about  the  destruction  of  our  road.  In  the  meantime  you  ar- 
rived from  Chicago  with  part  of  your  force  which  was  stationed 
between  Baltimore  and  Havre  De  Grace.  I  learned  of  two  com- 
panies being  formed,  one  at  Perrymansville  and  one  at  Bel  Air; 
from  information  I  received,  I  was  satisfied  they  were  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  destroying  our  road.  Mr.  Felton  and  myself  met 
you  in  Baltimore  after  you  became  established  in  that  city  and  ar- 

288 


LETTERS  35 

ranged  for  a  cypher  to  be  used  between  us  in  the  transmission  of 
messages. 

On  the  night  of  Feb.  9th  I  sent  you  a  letter  as  follows:  "Yours 
of  the  6th  inst.  received.  I  am  informed  that  a  son  of  a  distin- 
guished citizen  of  Maryland  said  that  he  had  taken  an  oath  with 
others  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln  before  he  gets  to  Washington, 
and  they  may  attempt  to  do  it  while  he  is  passing  over  our  road. 
I  think  you  had  better  look  after  this  man  if  possible.  This  in- 
formation is  perfectly  reliable.  I  have  nothing  more  to  say  at  this 
time      I  shall  try  and  see  you  in  a  few  days." 

On  Feb.  17th,  1861,  I  sent  a  telegram  to  you  requesting  you 
to  meet  me  at  the  President  Street  Depot,  in  Baltimore,  at  4 .  30 
p.  m.  On  the  18tli  you  telegraphed  me  in  reply  that  you  had  so 
much  to  say  to  me  that  it  would  take  considerable  time,  and  ask- 
ing me  if  I  would  not  remain  over  night  in  Baltimore,  as  you  in- 
ferred from  my  dispatch  that  it  was  my  intention  to  arrive  on  the 
4.30  p.  m.  train,  and  leave  on  the  5.15  p.  m.  train.  On  the  18th 
of  February  I  sent  you  another  dispatch,  saying  that  if  we  did  not 
get  through  with  our  interview  I  would  remain  over. 

On  my  arrival  at  Baltimore  at  the  time  specified,  you  informed 
me  that  you  had  received  much  valuable  information,  and  had 
learned  that  my  information  was  correct  in  regard  to  the  plot  to 
assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln.  And  you  gave  me  what  information  you 
had  acquired  with  regard  to  the  plot.  I  felt  very  solicitous  for 
the  safety  of  Mr.  Lincoln;  but  there  was  a  delicacy  with  me  in 
relation  to  the  matter,  in  regard  to  the  action  to  be  taken,  inas- 
much as  the  programme  of  the  route  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  Washing- 
ton was  published  as  via  Northern  Central  Railroad,  from  Harris- 
burg  to  Baltimore,  and  that  road  was  considered,  to  some  extent, 
as  a  competing  road  to  our  road  from  North  to  South.  But  it  was 
finally  concluded  that  it  was  best  that  you  should  communicate  at 
once  wdth  Mr.  Judd,  a  personal  friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln's,  upon  this 
subject,  and  that  you  should  see  Mr.  Felton  on  the  21st,  in  Phila- 


36  LETTERS 

delphia.  You  accordingly  wrote  me  that  you  had  written  Mr.  Judd, 
informing  him  of  the  particulars  of  the  plot,  and  had  sent  it  to  him, 
in  New  York,  by  a  trusty  messenger. 

On  the  21st  of  February  you  met  Mr.  Felton  in  Philadelphia, 
and  he  informed  you  that  he  had  received  from  me  all  the  informa- 
tion you  had  given  me  while  in  Baltimore. 

On  the  22d  of  February  you  met  Mr.  Felton,  my  brother 
George,  Mr.  Kenney  and  myself  at  ]\lr.  Felton's  ofRce,  in  the  de- 
pot at  Philadelphia.  After  considerable  discussion  as  to  what 
course  to  pursue,  it  was  finally  determined  that  I  should  go  to 
Baltimore  and  make  arrangements  for  the  holding  of  the  train 
from  there  to  Washington,  should  that  be  necessary,  as  it  had  been 
determined  on  the  night  of  the  21st  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  he  would 
go  to  Harrisburg  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  and  return  to  Phila- 
delphia on  the  same  night,  and  take  our  night  train  from  there  to 
Baltimore  and  thence  to  Washington.  And  in  case  that  train 
should  be  delayed,  the  Washington  train  from  Baltimore  would  be 
kept  until  it  arrived,  and  my  brother  George  was  directed  to  tele- 
graph me  from  Wilmington  when  the  train  passed  there,  as  it  was 
deemed  unsafe  to  do  so  from  Philadelphia.  The  arrangement 
also  was  that  if  the  train  was  likely  to  arrive  in  Baltimore  on  time 
I  should  say  nothing  to  the  officers  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad  about  the  matter. 

On  the  night  of  the  22d  of  February,  1861,  Mr.  Kenney  and 
yourself  met  Mr.  Lincoln  at  the  West  Philadelphia  Depot,  and 
took  him  in  a  carriage  over  to  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and 
Baltimore  Railroad  Depot.  Mr.  Lincoln  took  a  berth  in  the 
sleeping  car,  and  at  eleven  p.  m.  the  train  left  the  depot  for  Wash- 
ington. I  met  you  in  our  depot  at  Baltimore,  went  into  the  sleep- 
ing car  and  whispered  in  your  ear  "all  is  right,"  which  seemed  to 
be  welcome  news  to  you — it  certainly  was  to  me.  Mr.  Lincoln 
arrived  in  Washington  without  even  the  officers  of  the  train  know- 
ing that  he  was  aboard. 

290 


LETTERS  37 

On  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Washington,  I  followed  him 
and  yourself  and  saw  you  safely  in  a  carriage  bound  for  Willard's 
Hotel. 

On  the  26th  of  February  I  met  you  at  the  President  Street 
Depot  in  Baltimore,  where  we  talked  over  what  had  transpired — 
the  disappointment  of  the  secessionists  and  the  failure  of  their 
plans  to  assassinate  the  President.  I  then  informed  you  that  Mr. 
Felton  desired  that  you  should  remain  in  Baltimore  or  Washing- 
ton, as  the  case  might  be,  until  after  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, and  that  you  should  keep  Mr.  Judd  informed  of  any  attempt 
that  might  be  made  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  day  of  his 
inauguration.  After  such  services  being  rendered  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  officers  of  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore 
Railroad  Company,  your  bill  was  paid  by  the  railroad  company. 

Yours  truly, 

WILLIAM  STEARNS. 


[Letter  of  H.  F.  Kenney,  Esq.] 

Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore  R.  R.  Co., 

Philadelphia,   Dec.   23d,   1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,  Chicago,  111. 

Dear  Sir: — ^The  pressure  of  my  office  duties  has  been  such  as 
to  place  it  out  of  my  power  to  reply  sooner  to  your  letter  of  13th 
inst.,  expressing  a  wish  for  a  more  detailed  statement  than  I  gave 
you  in  mine  of  the  10th  inst.,  respecting  the  journey  of  President 
Lincoln  from  this  city  to  W^ashington,  on  the  night  of  Feb.  22d, 
1861. 

You  and  I  met  for  the  first  time  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day 
in  the  office  of  Mr.  S.  M.  Felton,  the  president  of  this  company. 
Mr.  Felton  himself  and  Mr.  William  Stearns,  then  Master  Mechan- 

291 


38  LETTERS 

ic  of  this  road,  being  present.  These  conclusions  were  arrived 
at,  as  to  the  best  arrangements  that  could  be  made  for  getting 
President  Lincoln  to  Washington  in  such  a  way  as  to  defeat  the 
plans  which  were  believed  to  have  been  matured  for  the  assassina- 
tion, and  to  baffle  the  vigilance  with  which  his  movements  were 
watched  by  those  concerned  in  that  nefarious  project. 

The  arrangements  having  been  decided  upon,  I  proceeded  to 
carry  out  the  portion  of  them  assigned  to  myself.  In  so  doing 
I  gave  orders  to  the  conductor  (Mr.  John  Litzenberg)  of  the  10.50 
p.  m.  train  of  that  night,  not  to  start  his  train  until  he  had  in- 
structions to  do  so  from  myself  in  person.  By  way  of  precluding 
surmises  as  to  the  reason  for  this  order,  Mr.  Litzenberg  was  in- 
formed that  he  would  receive  from  my  own  hand  an  important 
parcel  which  President  Felton  desired  should  be  delivered  early 
in  the  morning  to  Mr.  E.  J.  Allen,  at  Willard's  Hotel,  in  Washing- 
ton. 

Then  at  a  later  hour  I  was  to  meet  you  at  depot  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Railroad  Company,  at  West  Philadelphia,  in  order  to 
bring  President  Lincoln  from  that  point  to  our  depot,  so  timing 
his  arrival  at  the  latter  place  as  to  secure,  as  far  as  possible,  against 
his  presence  there  being  noticed.  Accordingly,  I  proceeded  to 
the  West  Philadelphia  depot,  and  we  met  there  at  about  10  p.  m. 
We  had  to  wait  but  a  short  time  when  a  special  train  arrived  with 
but  one  passenger  car  attached,  from  which  President  Lincoln, 
with  Mr.  Ward  H.  Lamon  and  a  few  other  gentlemen,  officers  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company,  alighted.  Upon  their 
alighting,  I  had  the  honor  of  being  introduced  by  you  to  President 
Lincoln,  and  he,  with  Mr.  Lamon,  forthwith  got  into  the  carriage 
which  had  been  provided  by  you,  and  the  driver  of  which  was 
placed  by  you  under  my  directions  as  to  his  movements,  so  that 
these  might  be  regulated  with  a  view  of  reaching  our  depot  a  few 
minutes  after  the  regular  starting  time  of  our  train.  This  re- 
quired that  we  should  while  away  time;  for  the  train  from  Harris- 

292 


LETTERS  39 

burg  had  arrived  considerably  earlier  than  was  anticipated.  Ac- 
cordingly, after  you  had  taken  your  seat  in  the  carriage  with  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  and  Mr.  Lamon,  I  took  mine  alongside  of  the  driver, 
and  directing  him  first  down  Market  Street  as  far  as  Nineteenth, 
then  up  that  street  as  far  as  Vine  Street,  and  thence  to  Seventeenth 
Street,  requesting  him  to  proceed  down  that  street  slowly  as  if  on 
the  lookout  for  someone,  towards  our  depot.  Upon  reaching  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  the  depot,  the  carriage  was  turned  into 
the  nearest  cross  street  (Carpenter),  so  that  its  occupants  might 
alight  in  the  shadow  of  the  yard  fence  there.  The  President  and 
Mr.  Lamon  under  your  guidance  then  entered  the  depot  and  passed 
through  to  the  sleeping  car,  where  you  had  secured  berths  for  them. 
I  followed  at  a  short  distance,  and  delivering  to  the  conductor  the 
parcel  he  was  to  wait  for,  gave  orders  for  the  train  to  start.  It 
was  at  once  put  in  motion,  the  time  being  10.55  p.  m.,  five  minutes 
after  the  regular  time  for  starting. 

These  are  the  particulars  so  far  as  my  agency  was  involved 
in  carrying  out  the  programme. 

Very  truly  yours, 

H.  F.  KENNEY, 

Superintendent. 

[Letter  of  G.  C.  Franciscus,  Esq.] 

Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company, 
Office  of  General  Agent,  3003  Market  St., 

West  Philadelphia,  November  5th,  1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,  Chicago,  111. 

Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  yours  of  the  31st  ult.,  I  submit  the 
following  statement: 

On  the  night  of  February  21st,   1861,  between   11   and  12 
o'clock,  you  called  at  my  office  at  West  Philadelphia  and  requested 


40  LETTERS 

me  to  accompany  you  to  the  Continental  Hotel.  On  my  way  there 
you  stated  that  a  plot  existed  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln,  while 
on  his  way  through  Baltimore,  and  you  desired  to  arrange  for  a 
special  train  to  bring  him  from  Harrisburg  to  Philadelphia,  on  the 
following  night,  Feb.  22d,  to  leave  the  former  place  about  dark, 
and  arrive  here  in  time  to  take  the  lip.  m.  train  for  Washington. 
I  i-eplied  that  it  could  be  done.  When  we  reached  the  hotel  you 
conducted  me  to  a  room  where  we  found  Mr.  Judd  and  several 
others.  The  details  of  the  proposed  trip  were  discussed  and  ar- 
ranged conditionally.  Mr.  Lincoln  not  having  fully  decided  to 
yield  to  the  wishes  of  his  friends,  reserved  his  final  decision  until 
morning. 

On  the  following  morning,  Feb.  22d,  after  we  had  left  West 
Philadelphia,  with  Mr.  Lincoln  and  party,  Mr.  Judd  said  to  me: 
"Mr.  Frederick  Seward  arrived  from  Washington,  bringing  a  note 
from  his  father  and  Gen.  Scott,  the  contents  of  which  have  decided 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  trip  will  be  made  as  arranged  by  Mr.  Pink- 
erton  last  night." 

Mr.  Enoch  Lewis  (our  General  Superintendent  at  that  time) 
being  on  the  train,  I  informed  him  of  the  arrangements  made  with 
you,  and  he  joined  me  in  perfecting  and  carrying  them  out. 

W^e  left  Harrisburg  between  5  and  6  p.  m.,  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  on  arrival  at  West  Philadelphia  found  you  waiting  with  a 
carriage  to  take  him  to  the  Baltimore  depot. 

In  regard  to  the  mode  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  leaving  the  hotel,  at 
Harrisburg,  I  will  state  that  I  called  at  Coverly's  with  a  carriage, 
at  the  hour  agreed  upon,  and  found  him  dining  with  a  large  com- 
pany, which  it  was  difficult  for  him  to  leave  without  attracting 
attention.  After  several  unsuccessful  attempts  he  finally  rose, 
took  Gov.  Curtin's  arm,  and  walked  out  the  front  hall  door,  across 
the  pavement  into  the  carriage,  dressed  just  as  he  left  the  table, 
with  the  single  exception  of  a  soft  wool  hat  that  he  drew  from  his 

294 


LETTERS  41 

coat  pocket  and  put  on;  he  had  neither  cloak,  overcoat  nor  shawl, 
but  as  we  approached  Philadelphia,  I  gave  him  my  overcoat,  which 
he  wore  until  he  was  seated  with  you  and  Mr.  Lamon  in  the  car- 
riage. 

Referring  to  your  last  question,  I  would  say  that  nothing 
unusual  occurred  on  the  trip  from  Harrisburg  to  Philadelphia. 

The  party  in  the  car  consisted  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Lamon, 
Mr.  Enoch  Lewis,  John  Pitcairn,  Jr.,  and  myself. 

Yours  respectfully, 

G.  C.  FRANCISCUS, 

General  Agent  Pennsylvania  Railroad. 

[Letter  of  Enoch  Lewis,  Esq.] 

Philadelphia,  Penn.,  November  7th,  1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,  Chicago,  III. 

Dear  Sir: — In  reply  to  your  favor  of  the  31st  ult.,  I  would 
say  that  on  the  21st  of  Feb.,  1861,  I  was  in  Philadelphia  in  the 
way  of  business  as  General  Superintendent  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad,  to  arrange  for  the  movement  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  then 
President-elect  of  the  United  States,  by  special  train  from  Phila- 
delphia to  Harrisburg,  on  the  22d  inst.;  it  being  understood  that 
he  was  to  proceed  on  the  23d  from  Harrisburg,  by  the  Northern 
Central  Railroad  to  Baltimore  and  thence  to  Washington.  On 
that  evening  (the  21st),  I  met  Mr.  Judd  in  Philadelphia  by  ap- 
pointment, in  company  with  Mr.  G.  C.  Franciscus,  Superintendent 
of  the  Philadelphia  Division,  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  and  was 
informed  by  him  that  in  consequence  of  the  apprehended  danger 
of  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  whilst  passing  through  Balti- 
more, it  was  desired  to  change  his  route  to  the  capital,  and  to 
bring  him  back  privately  from  Harrisburg  to  Philadelphia,  on 

295 


42  LETTERS 

the  evening  of  the  22d,  and  to  take  him  by  the  regular  night  train 
from  Philadelphia  to  Washington,  through  Baltimore.  I,  of 
course,  agreed  to  make  any  necessary  arrangements  so  far  as  our 
road  was  concerned.  On  the  22d  of  Feb.,  I  accompanied  Mr, 
Lincoln  in  the  special  train  from  Philadelphia  to  Harrisburg; 
arrangements  were  quietly  made  for  a  special  train,  ostensibly  to 
take  Division  Superintendent  and  myself  back  to  the  city;  it  was 
stationed  just  below  the  town  soon  after  dark,  where  I  awaited 
the  coming  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Early  in  the  evening  Mr.  Franciscus 
brought  Mr.  Lincoln,  accompanied  only  by  Ward  H.  Lamon,  to  it. 
We  started,  and  without  interruption  reached  Philadelphia  in 
time  for  the  night  train  to  Washington.  The  only  persons  on  the 
train  which  was  run  from  Harrisburg  to  Philadelphia,  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  22d,  besides  the  engineer  and  fireman,  were  Messrs. 
Lincoln  and  Ward  H.  Lamon,  G.  C.  Franciscus,  Division  Superin- 
tendent; John  Pitcairn,  Jr.,  in  charge  of  telegraph  instrument; 
T.  E.  Garrett,  General  Baggage  Agent,  and  myself.  When  the 
train  reached  West  Philadelphia  you  met  us  at  the  platform  and 
escorted  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Lamon  to  a  carriage  into  which  I 
saw  you  three  get,  and  drive  rapidly  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
Baltimore  Depot. 

I  saw  no  change  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  costume  except  that  during 
the  day  he  wore  a  silk  or  beaver  hat,  and  in  the  evening  one  of 
soft  felt. 

Respectfully, 

ENOCH  LEWIS, 
Formerly  Gen.  Supt.  Penn.  R.  R. 


296 


LETTERS  43 

[Letter  of  John  Pitcairn,  Jr.,  Esq.] 

Philadelphia,  and  Erie  Railroad 

Superintendent' s  Office,  Middle  Div., 

Renovo,  Penn.,  Nov.  23d,  1867. 
Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — ^Your  favor  of  the  9tli  inst.,  asking  me  for  a  state- 
ment in  regard  to  the  passage  of  Mr.  Lincohi  from  Harrisburg  to 
Philadelphia  on  the  night  of  the  22d  of  February,  1861,  is  at  hand. 
I  was  on  the  special  train  which  conveyed  the  Presidential  party 
from  Philadelphia  to  Harrisburg,  having  with  me  a  telegraphic 
instrument  in  order  to  connect  with  the  wires  should  an  accident 
occur  making  it  necessary. 

Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  train  at  Harrisburg,  Mr.  G.  C. 
Franciscus,  Superintendent,  directed  me  to  proceed  with  a  loco- 
motive and  passenger  car  to  a  road-crossing  at  the  lower  end  of 
Harrisburg,  and  there  to  await  his  coming. 

About  dusk  a  carriage  was  driven  up  and  Messrs.  G.  C.  Fran- 
ciscus, Enoch  Lewis,  W.  H.  Lamon  and  finally  Mr.  Lincoln  stepped 
out  and  entered  the  passenger  car,  the  signal  was  given  to  the 
engineer,  and  we  were  on  our  way  to  Philadelphia. 

The  lamps  of  the  car  were  not  lighted,  and  in  darkness  we 
went  swiftly  along  until  we  reached  Downingtown,  where  we 
stopped  for  water  for  the  locomotive. 

At  this  place  all  the  gentlemen  excepting  INIr.  Lincoln  got  out 
of  the  car  for  a  lunch.  A  cup  of  tea  and  a  roll  was  taken  to  him 
in  the  car. 

We  were  soon  again  on  our  way  to  Philadelphia,  where  we 
arrived  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock. 

A  carriage  was  found  waiting,  into  which  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Lamon  stepped,  and  were  driven  rapidly  off  without  attracting  the 

297 


44  LETTERS 

least  attention,  not  even  the  engineer  or  fireman  of  the  train  know- 
ing of  the  ilhistrious  passenger  they  had  conveyed  from  Harris- 
burg  to  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Lincoln  on  this  occasion  wore  a  light  felt  hat  and  had  a 
gentleman's  shawl  thrown  over  his  shoulders  when  he  stepped 
from  the  carriage  to  the  car  at  Harrisburg.  He  did  not,  however 
wear  the  shawl  in  stepping  out  of  the  car  at  Philadelphia. 

This  is  all  that  I  know  personally  in  regard  to  the  matter. 

I  afterwards  learned,  however,  from  Mr.  Franciscus  that 
you  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  the  Continental  Hotel 
the  evening  previous,  and  had  informed  him  of  the  probability  of 
his  assassination  in  Baltimore,  and  after  considerable  difficulty 
he  was  persuaded  to  go  to  Washington  incognito  in  the  manner 
stated. 

Yours  truly, 

JOHN  PITCAIRN,  JR. 


[Letter  of  Geo.  R.  Dunn,  Esq.] 

The  New  Jersey  Express  Company, 
Superintendent's  Office, 

Newark,  N.  J.,  November  7th,  1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,    Pinkerton's    National    Police    Agency, 

Chicago,  111. 

My  Dear  Sir: — ^Your  letter  of  the  31st  ult.,  covering  some 
printed  extracts  from  Lossing's  History,  did  not  reach  me  until 
the  evening  of  the  5th  inst.,  owing  to  my  absence  on  business. 

On  reading  your  letter  and  the  extracts,  I  was  somewhat 
surprised  to  see  that  others  were  trying  to  take  the  credit  of  Mr. 

298 


LETTERS  45 

Lincoln's  trip  from  Philadelphia  to  Washington,  when  it  does  not 
belong  to  them. 

My  recollection  of  the  facts  is  perfectly  plain,  and  as  facts 
seem  to  be  much  wanted  in  this  matter,  I  will  relate  them : 

I  distinctly  recollect  that  February  morning,  when  you  en- 
tered my  office,  Chestnut  Street,  near  Third,  Philadelphia,  about 
6.30,  and  said  you  desired  my  assistance,  immediately,  in  an  im- 
portant matter;  it  was  imperative  that  I  should  go  to  Baltimore 
in  the  8  a,  m.  train;  when  at  Baltimore  to  proceed  to  a  given  place 
and  meet  some  party  to  whom  I  was  directed  by  you.  After  see- 
ing this  party,  and  communicating  my  business,  I  was  to  telegraph 
you,  and  return  by  the  afternoon  train  to  Philadelphia,  and  com- 
municate with  Mrs.  Warne,  whom  I  knew  by  sight,  and  whom 
I  would  find  in  the  ladies'  room  at  the  Baltimore  Depot.  In  my 
conversation  with  Mrs.  Warne,  wdiom  I  met  according  to  agree- 
ment, she  told  me  that  you  desired  me  to  purchase  tickets  and 
sleeping  car  berths  for  an  invalid  friend,  you  and  herself,  and  to 
make  such  arrangements  for  getting  the  party  into  the  car  quietly, 
as  quiet  was  necessary  for  the  invalid — also  to  stay  until  you  arriv- 
ed. In  turning  the  matter  over  in  my  mind,  I  thought  the  best 
berths  under  the  circumstances  would  be  the  rear  ones,  so  I  got  the 
tickets  for  them  and  made  an  arrangement  with  the  person  in  charge 
of  the  sleeping  car  to  have  the  rear  door  opened  when  I  desired. 
This  person's  name  was  Knox.  At  first  he  declined,  but  on  ex- 
planation of  the  fact  that  it  was  for  the  accommodation  of  an  in- 
valid, who  would  arrive  late,  and  did  not  desire  to  be  carried 
through  the  narrow  passageway  of  the  crowded  car,  he  consented 
to  the  arrangement.  After  this  was  effected,  I  waited  on  Mrs, 
Warne,  in  the  ladies'  room,  told  her  what  I  had  done,  at  which  she 
expressed  her  satisfaction,  and  requested  to  be  shown  to  her  berth 
in  the  car,  which  was  done. 

I  then  took  my  position  on  the  platform,  and  waited  until 
yourself  and  party  arrived,  which  you  did,  about  five  minutes 

299 


46  LETTERS 

before  eleven.  That  party  consisted  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  yourself 
and  another,  whom  I  was  subsequently  informed  was  a  Mr.  La- 
mon.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  dressed  in  an  ordinary  sack  overcoat,  felt 
hat  (I  think  they  were  called  Kossuth  hats)  with  a  muffler  around 
his  throat,  and  carried  a  traveling  bag  in  his  hand.  So  soon  as 
the  party  was  on  the  train  the  cars  were  started.  I  think  the  rail- 
road officers  who  detained  that  train  for  the  special  purpose  could 
bear  testimony  as  to  whose  instigation  the  train  was  delayed,  and 
give  evidence  of  your  part  of  the  transaction. 

There  may  be  some  points  that  I  have  left  out,  but  the  facts 
of  this  letter  are  not  to  be  denied. 

Respectfully  yours, 

GEO.  R.  DUNN. 


[Letter  of  Gov.  Curtin.] 

Bellefonte,  December  8th,  1867. 

Sir: — ^You  ask  me  in  your  letter  of  the  11th  of  November 
last  to  "give  you  a  statement  of  what  transpired  between  your- 
self and  Mr.  Lincoln  upon  the  night  prior  to  his  leaving  Harris- 
burg,  and  as  to  whether  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  any  disguise  at  the 
time." 

Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  in  Harrisburg  about  noon  on  the  22d  of 
February,  1861,  and  as  previously  arranged,  I  met  him  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Jones  House,  on  the  corner  of  the  Market  Square 
of  the  city.  We  passed  upstairs  and  then  to  a  balcony,  where 
he  replied  to  some  words  of  welcome  which  I  addressed  to  him. 
He  was  then  taken  in  a  carriage  to  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, when  he  was  addressed  by  the  Speaker  and  made  a 
reply.  On  our  way  back  to  the  hotel  he  asked  me  to  dine  with 
him,  and  after  we  entered  the  house,  communicated  to  me  pri- 
vately the  fact  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  discovered  to  assassi- 

300 


LETTERS  47 

nate  him  in  Baltimore  on  his  way  through  that  city  the  next  day. 
I  remember  quite  well  that  Mr.  Lincoln  mentioned  your  name  in 
connection  with  information  he  received  on  the  way,  and  my 
impression  is  that  he  stated  he  met  you  in  Philadelphia  and  there 
received  the  information  from  you.  He  said  at  the  same  time 
that  definite  information  had  been  sent  to  him  from  Wm.  H. 
Seward  by  his  son  Frederick.  He  then  said  his  friends  were  anx- 
ious that  he  should  go  by  way  of  Philadelphia  as  privately  as  pos- 
sible, and  that  those  who  were  informed  of  the  conspiracy  were 
extremely  solicitous  that  he  would  not  expose  himself  to  the 
threatened  danger  in  Baltimore.  He  seemed  pained  and  sur- 
prised that  a  design  to  take  his  life  existed,  and  although  much 
concerned  for  his  personal  safety  as  well  as  for  the  peace  of  the 
country,  he  was  very  calm,  and  neither  in  his  conversation  or 
manner  exhibited  alarm  or  fear. 

When  he  had  determined  to  go  to  Washington  by  Philadel- 
phia, and  the  arrangements  were  made,  he  put  on  his  overcoat  and 
hat  (it  was  a  felt  hat  such  as  were  in  common  use  at  that  time) 
and  taking  my  arm  we  passed  through  the  hall  of  the  hotel  and 
downstairs  to  a  carriage  in  waiting  at  the  door.  We  drove  down 
the  street  and  by  the  house  in  which  I  lived  to  the  train.  The 
halls,  stairways  and  pavement  in  front  of  the  house  were  much 
crowded,  and  no  doubt  the  impression  prevailed  that  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  going  to  the  Executive  Mansion  with  me.  To  avoid 
inquiries  I  remained  in  the  house  when  repeated  calls  were  made 
by  persons  who  supposed  he  w^as  there.  It  was  regarded  as  emi- 
nently proper  that  it  should  not  be  generally  known  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  left  Harrisburg,  but  he  neither  assumed  nor  sug- 
gested any  disguise  of  any  kind. 

No  doubt  the  gentlemen  who  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln  were 
privy  to  all  the  arrangements  made  in  reference  to  his  journey. 
I  had  no  conversation  with  any  of  them  that  occurs  to  me  now 

301 


48  LETTERS 

on  the  subject.     He  gave  me  all  the  knowledge  I  had,  and  what 
was  done  was  discussed  before  it  occurred. 

You  thus  have  substantially  the  circumstances  attending  his 
visit  to  Harrisburg  and  his  departure  for  Washington  so  far  as 
I  had  any  connection  with  the  events. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

A.    G.    CURTIN. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq. 


[Letter  of  H.  E.  Thayer.] 

Philadelphia,  Nov.  3d,  1867. 

Allan  Pinkerton,  Esq.,  Principal  National  Police  Association, 
Chicago,  111. 

Dear  Sir: — \  am  in  receipt  of  yours  of  31st  ult.,  enclosing 
"Extracts  from  Lossing's  History  of  the  Civil  War,"  one  of  which 
is  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  John  A.  Kennedy,  General  Superintendent 
Metropolitan  Police,  New  York,  in  which  Mr.  Kennedy  claims 
for  himself  and  David  S.  Bookstaver,  of  the  Metropolitan  Police, 
the  honor  of  having  prevented  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
at  Baltimore  in  February,  1861.  In  your  letter  you  request  a 
statement  of  my  connection  in  the  matter,  and  what  I  know  of  it, 
viz. :  The  passage  of  Mr.  Lincoln  from  Harrisburg  to  Washington 
via  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  on  the  night  of  Feb.  22d,  1861. 

In  February,  1861,  I  was  manager  of  the  American  Tele- 
graph Office  in  this  city.  On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  February 
I  was  introduced  at  my  office  by  W.  P.  Westervelt,  Superintendent, 
to  Geo.  H.  Burns,  confidential  agent  of  E.  S.  Sanford,  Esq.,  presi- 
dent of  the  American  Telegraph  Company,  who  informed  me  that 
a  plot  had  been  discovered  in  Baltimore  to  assassinate  the  Presi- 

302 


LETTERS  49 

dent-elect  on  his  passage  through  that  city,  and  it  had  been  ar- 
ranged that  Mr.  Lincoln  should  go  through  from  Harrisburg  to 
Washington  privately  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  and  it  was  desired 
to  prevent  any  possibility  of  the  fact  of  the  President's  departure 
from  Harrisburg  being  telegraphed  from  Harrisburg  to  Baltimore; 
that  the  telegraph  wires  on  the  line  of  the  Northern  Central  Rail- 
road, from  Harrisburg  to  Baltimore,  should  be  cut,  so  as  to  prevent 
communication  from  passing  by  that  route,  and  asked  if  I  had  a 
trusty  man  to  do  the  work.  I  replied  that  I  had,  and  detailed 
Andrew  Wynne,  my  lineman,  for  the  service;  provided  him  with 
a  coil  of  copper  wire  and  gave  him  instructions  to  attach  a  ground 
wire  to  each  of  the  two  line  wires  at  the  back  of  a  pole,  and  if  pos- 
sible to  cut  the  line  wires  and  make  the  ground  connections  on  both 
sides  and  leaving  the  line  attached  to  the  pole  so  that  parties  who 
might  be  sent  out  to  hunt  the  difficulty  would  not  discover  the 
trouble  for  some  time,  at  least,  until  long  after  Mr.  Lincoln  should 
have  arrived  at  Washington. 

W.  P.  Westervelt  Esq.,  Superintendent,  was  to  accompany 
Mr.  Wynne  to  Harrisburg.  They  can  speak  for  themselves  as 
to  how  the  work  was  done.  Mr.  Wynne  reported  on  the  23d, 
having  successfully  accomplished  his  mission,  having  cut  and 
grounded  both  wires. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d,  I  also  promised  Mr.  Burns  that 
I  would  myself  be  on  duty  at  my  office,  during  the  night  and  until 
Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival  in  Washington,  to  see  that  no  despatches 
passed  over  the  wires  from  Harrisburg  to  Baltimore,  giving  in- 
formation, and  also  to  receive  and  deliver  to  the  St.  Louis  Hotel 
any  despatches  that  might  come  for  "J.  H.  Hutchinson."  I  was 
on  guard  on  that  eventful  night  all  night.  Early  in  the  evening 
a  despatch  came  from  Harrisburg  for  "J.  H.  Hutchinson,"  I  think, 
from  Burns,  announcing  the  departure.  No  despatches  came  from 
Harrisburg  to  Baltimore. 

303 


50  LETTERS 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  a  despatch  was  received, 
announcing  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Washington,  and  that 
he  was  met  at  the  depot  by  Hon,  W.  H.  Seward.  I  then  left  the 
operating  room  and  went  home. 

Mr.  Burns  afterwards  informed  me  that  Allan  Pinkerton  had 
saved  Mr.  Lincoln's  life,  and  subsequently  introduced  me  to  you 
as  Allan  Pinkerton,  alias  J.  H.  Hutchinson. 

This  is  the  substance  of  my  knowledge  of  the  matter.  I  have 
always  believed,  and,  in  fact,  know,  that  you  took  Mr.  Lincoln 
from  Philadelphia  to  Washington  on  that  eventful  night,  and 
to  you  is  due  the  honor  of  having  saved  the  life  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  the  country  its  President-elect. 

Yours  truly, 

H.  E.  THAYER. 


[Letter  of  Andrew  Wynne,  Esq.] 

Philadelphia,  Nov.  3d,  1867. 
A.  Pinkerton,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  note  of  Oct.  31st  received,  and  in  reply  have 
to  state  that  I  am  the  person  who  cut  the  wires  between  Harris- 
burg  and  Baltimore,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  report  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  departure  on  that  occasion.  The  facts  of  the  case 
are  as  follows: 

On  the  morning  of  February  22d,  1861,  I  was  employed  in  the 
office  of  the  American  Telegraph  Company,  Philadelphia,  and 
received  orders  from  H.  E.  Thayer  Manager,  to  hold  myself  in 
readiness  for  important  duty  in  the  course  of  an  hour.  Before 
that  time  had  expired,  Mr.  Thayer  asked  me  if  I  had  any  ob- 
jections to  fix  the  wires  of  another  company  so  as  to  prevent  any 
communications  passing  over  them.     I  answered  I  would  not  in 

304 


LETTERS  51 

some  cases.  Mr.  Thayer  then  stated  that  the  hfe  of  President 
Lincoln  was  in  great  danger,  and  that  he  (Mr.  Thayer)  wanted 
some  good  man  he  could  depend  upon  to  cut  the  wires  between 
Harrisburg  and  Baltimore.  I  replied,  under  that  circumstance 
I  would.  He  then  gave  me  orders  to  proceed  to  Harrisburg  in 
the  next  train  in  company  with  W.  P.  Westervelt,  Superintendent. 
We  proceeded  to  Harrisburg  with  necessary  tools,  fine  copper  wire, 
etc.  Arriving  in  Harrisburg,  we  met  Capt.  Burns.  We  three 
then  proceeded  to  the  office  of  the  telegraph  company,  and  I 
traced  the  wires  through  the  city  and  found  the  wires  that  were 
necessary  to  cut.  Capt.  Burns,  W.  P.  Westervelt  and  myself 
walked  south  of  the  city  about  two  miles.  I  then  climbed  the 
pole  and  put  fine  copper  ground  wire  on  wires  between  Harris- 
burg and  Baltimore,  which  prevented  all  communication  passing 
over  them.  I  then  returned  to  telegraph  office  in  Harrisburg 
and  asked  the  operator  there  to  send  a  message  for  me  to  Balti- 
more— ^when  the  operator  stated  he  could  not,  as  all  communica- 
tion with  Baltimore  was  cut  ofl^.  I  reported  the  fact  to  Capt. 
Burns  and  W.  P.  Westervelt.  They  thanked  me,  and  requested 
me  to  stay  in  Harrisburg  that  night  and  return  to  Philadelphia 
next  morning,  which  I  did.  When  I  returned  I  met  Mr.  Thaj^er. 
He  told  me  he  had  been  on  duty  all  night  so  as  to  prevent  any  com- 
munication passing  over  the  wires  of  the  American  Company. 
I  received  his  thanks  for  the  part  which  I  had  taken. 

The  foregoing  is  a  truthful  statement  of  what  passed. 

Yours  respectfully, 

ANDREW  WYNNE. 


305 


CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION 

OF  THE 
ONE  HUNDREDTH  ANNIVERSARY 

OF  THE  BIRTH  OF 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

AMERICAN  ACADEMY  OF  MUSIC 
PHILADELPHIA,  FEBRUARY  12,  1909 


MILITARY  ORDER  OF  THE  LOYAL  LEGION 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

COMMANDERY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


'I  AM  NOT  BOUND  TO  WIN 
But  I  AM  BOUND  TO  BE  TRUE." 

— Abraham  Lincoln 


PHILADELPHIA,  1909 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

SEEN  FROM  THE  FIELD 

By  Brevet  Major-General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain 

Commander  of  First  Division  Fifth  Corps  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Awarded  the  "Medal  of  Honor"  under  the  resolution  of  Congress  "for  daring  heroism, 
and  great  tenacity  in  holding  his  position  on  the  Little  Round  Top,  and  carrying  the  advance 
position  on  the  Great  Round  Top,  at  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg,  Pa.,  July  2,  1863." 


309 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

GREAT  crises  in  human  affairs  call  out  the  great  in  men. 
They  call  for  great  men.  This  greatness  is  of  quality  rather 
than  quantity.  It  is  not  intensified  selfhood,  nor  multiplied 
possessions.  It  implies  extraordinary  powers  to  cope  with  diffi- 
cult situations;  but  it  implies  still  more,  high  purpose — the  intent 
to  turn  these  powers  to  the  service  of  man.  Its  essence  is  of  mag- 
nanimity. Some  have  indeed  thought  it  great  to  seize  occasion 
in  troubled  times  to  aggrandize  themselves.  And  something 
slavish  in  the  lower  instincts  of  human  nature  seems  to  grant  their 
claim.  Kings  and  conquerors  have  been  named  "great"  because 
of  the  magnificence  of  the  servitude  they  have  been  able  to  com- 
mand, or  the  vastness  of  their  conquests,  or  even  of  the  ruin  they 
have  wrought. 

But  true  greatness  is  not  in  nor  of  the  single  self;  it  is  of 
that  larger  personality,  that  shared  and  sharing  life  with  others, 
in  which,  each  giving  of  his  best  for  their  betterment,  we  are 
greater  than  ourselves;  and  self -surrender  for  the  sake  of  that 
great  belonging,  is  the  true  nobility. 

The  heroes  of  history  are  not  self-seekers;  they  are  saviors. 
They  give  of  their  strength  to  the  weak,  the  wronged,  the  im- 
perilled. Suffering  and  sacrifice  they  take  on  themselves.  Sum- 
moned by  troubles,  they  have  brought  more  than  peace;  they 
have  brought  better  standing  and  understanding  for  human  as- 
pirations. Their  mastery  is  for  truth  and  right;  that  is  for  man. 
Hence  they  are  reverenced  and  beloved  through  the  ages.  If 
we  mourn  the  passing  of  the  heroic  age,  all  the  more  conspicuous 
and  honored  is  heroic  example,  still  vouchsafed  to  ours. 

There  are  crises  yet,  when  powers  and  susceptibilities  of 
good  fevered  with  blind  unrest  and  trembling  for  embodiment 

311 


58  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

seem  turned  to  mutual  destruction.  Happy  then  the  hour  when 
comes  the  strong  spirit,  master  because  holding  self  to  a  higher 
obedience,  the  impress  of  whose  character  is  command.  He 
comes  to  mould  these  elemental  forces  not  to  his  own  will,  but 
to  their  place  in  the  appointed  order  of  the  ongoing  world.  For 
lack  of  such  men  the  march  of  human  right  has  so  many  times 
been  halted — hence  the  dire  waste  of  noble  endeavor;  grandeur 
of  martj^rdoms  uplifted  in  vain;  high  moments  of  possibility  lost 
to   mankind. 

There  came  upon  our  country,  in  our  day,  a  crisis,  a  momen- 
tous peril,  a  maddened  strife  such  as  no  description  can  portray 
nor  simile  shadow  forth;  volcanic  eruption,  earthquake,  up- 
whelming  seas  of  human  force  involving  in  their  sweep  agonies 
and  destruction  such  as  the  catastrophes  of  Italy  never  wrought; 
not  merely  the  measurable  material  loss,  but  the  immeasurable 
spiritual  cost;  the  maddened  attempt  to  rend  asunder  this  or- 
dained Union,  this  People  of  the  United  States  of  America,  a 
government  by  divine  right  if  anything  on  earth  can  be  so.  The 
shock  was  deep  and  vast.  It  was  the  convulsion  of  a  historic  and 
commissioned  people.  It  was  the  dissolution  of  covenants  that 
had  held  diverse  rights  and  powers  in  poise;  collision  of  forces 
correlated  to  secure  unity  and  order, — now  set  loose  against  each 
other,  working  destruction.  It  was  more  than  the  conflict  of  laws, 
clash  of  interests,  disharmony  of  ideas  and  principles.  It  was 
the  sundering  of  being;  war  of  self  against  self;  of  sphere  against 
sphere  in  the  concentric  order  of  this  great  composite  national 
life  of  ours. 

For  us  the  aggregate  human  wisdom  had  been  found  wanting. 
Conventions,  Congresses  and  compromises  had  failed;  the  heights 
of  argument,  sentiment  and  eloquence  had  been  scaled  in  vain; 
the  mighty  bond  of  historic  memories,  patriotism  and  Christian 
fellowship  had  been  dissolved  in  that  ferment.     Had  a  committee 

312 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  59 

of  wisest  men  been  chosen, — expert  doctors  of  law,  medicine  and 
divinity, — nay  the  twelve  Apostles  themselves  been  summoned  to 
determine  what  combination  of  qualities  must  mark  the  man  who 
could  mount  above  this  storm,  make  his  voice  heard  amidst  these 
jarring  elements,  and  command  the  "law  of  the  mind"  to  prevail 
over  the  "law  in  the  members,"  they  could  not  have  completed 
their  inventory,  nor  have  found  the  man  of  such  composition. 

It  was  a  Divine  Providence  which  brought  forth  the  man,  to 
execute  the  divine  decree,  in  a  crisis  of  human  history. 

It  was  a  strange  presentment  and  personality, — this  deliverer, 
this  servant  and  master,  this  follower  and  leader  of  the  law; — 
strange,  and  not  readily  accepted  of  men.  Out  of  the  unknown, 
and  by  ways  that  even  he  knew  not,  came  to  this  place  of  power 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

He  came  mysteriously  chosen ;  not  by  the  custom  of  hereditary 
descent,  not  by  the  concurrence  of  his  peers,  but  by  the  instinc- 
tive voice  of  a  predestined  people.  Called  because  he  was  chosen; 
chosen,  because  he  was  already  choice.  The  voice  came  to  him 
as  to  the  deliverer  of  old:  ^'Be  strong,  and  of  a  good  courage,  for 
thou  must  go  with  this  people  unto  the  land  which  the  Lord  hath  sworn 
to  their  fathers  to  give  them.     And  thou  shalt  cause  them  to  inherit 

itr 

This  one  man  called  to  the  task.  Millions  of  them  could  not 
meet  it.  He  could.  The  order  to  be  strong  and  of  a  good  cour- 
age came  to  him  because  he  was  that  already.  There  was  that 
in  him  which  this  order  appealed  to  and  rested  on.  A  weak  man 
could  not  even  receive  it. 

So  this  deliverer  of  ours.  Courtly  manners  and  culture  of  the 
schools  he  did  not  bring.  But  moulded  and  seasoned  strength, 
calm  courage,  robust  sense,  he  brought;  and  a  heart  to  humanize 
it  all.     His  inherent  and  potential  greatness  was  his  power  of 

313 


60  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

reason  and  sense  of  right,  and  a  magnanimity  which  regarded 
the  large  and  long  interests  of  man  more  than  the  near  and  small 
of  self.  Strength  and  courage  are  much  the  same;  in  essence, 
in  action,  and  in  passion, — the  ability  to  bear.  These  qualities 
were  of  the  whole  man;  — mind,  heart  and  will.  Intellect  keen 
yet  broad;  able  in  both  insight  and  comprehension;  taking  in 
at  once  the  details  of  a  situation,  and  also  its  unity  and  larger 
relations.  He  knew  men  in  their  common  aspects,  and  he  knew 
man  in  his  potential  excellence.  Courage  of  will  was  his:  power 
to  face  dangers  without  and  within;  to  resist  the  pressure  of  force 
or  of  false  suggestion;  standing  to  his  conviction;  firm  against 
minor  persuasions;  silencing  temptation.  Courage  of  the  heart; 
power  to  resolve,  and  to  endure;  to  suffer  and  to  wait.  His  pa- 
tience was  pathetic. 

Courage  of  faith;  belief  in  the  empowering  force  of  his  obli- 
gation. Wise  to  adjust  policies  to  necessity,  he  kept  sight  of 
his  ideal.  Amidst  mockeries  of  truth,  he  was  "obedient  unto 
the  heavenly  vision."  Through  the  maze  of  false  beacons  and 
bewildering  beckonings,  he  steered  by  the  star.  Above  the  recall- 
ing bugles  of  disaster  and  defeat  he  heard  the  voice  of  his  conse- 
cration, and  held  it  pledge  and  prophecy.  These  qualities,  co- 
ordinated and  commanded  by  wise  judgment,  and  sustained  by 
a  peculiar  buoyancy  of  temperament,  constituted  a  personality 
remarkable,  if  not  solitary,  among  the  great  men  of  our  time. 

Before  this  assembly  of  the  Loyal  Legion  it  is  natural  to  con- 
sider Abraham  Lincoln  as  he  was  presented  to  our  observation 
and  experience  in  the  military  sphere;  not  as  Chief  Executive 
in  the  common  phrase  of  ordinary  times,  but  as  representative 
of  the  nation  before  the  world,  and  clothed  with  its  power.  That 
is,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United 
States,  in  an  insurrection  so  vast  as  to  involve  nations  over  the 
seas.  A  secondary  title  might  be:  The  Revelation  of  the  War 
Powers  of  the  President. 

314 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  61 

The  situation  Lincoln  confronted  was  without  parallel;  in 
magnitude,  in  complexity,  in  consequence.  The  immediate  and 
pressing  object  was  manifest.  To  overcome  the  embattled  hostile 
forces;  to  quell  the  rebellion;  to  restore  the  honor  and  authority 
of  the  American  Union;  to  preserve  the  existence  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States. 

But  this  involved  much  more.  There  are  no  single  lines  in 
human  affairs.  Cross-currents  of  interest,  sentiment  and  passion 
confused  the  motives,  embarrassed  the  movements,  and  clouded 
the  issues,  of  this  new  declaration  that  this  people  should  be  one 
and  free. 

Much  had  to  be  met  that  force  could  not  manage;  much  that 
sharpest  insight  and  outlook  could  not  foresee.  Not  only  the 
direct  event  of  battle  was  involved,  but  the  collateral  effects  and 
continuing  consequences;  the  far-reaching  interests  of  a  great 
people  yet  to  be;  the  interests  of  related  nations,  and  of  humanity 
itself. 

Little  experienced  in  administrative  functions  and  unfamiliar 
with  the  art  of  war,  he  had  to  take  the  chief  responsibility  in 
both.  He  had  much  to  learn,  and  was  willing  to  learn  it.  But 
not  in  haste.  In  some  matters  he  came  slowly  to  the  execution 
of  his  conviction,  as  possibly  to  the  conviction  itself.  But  his 
judgments  were  based  on  what  was  sincere  in  his  nature,  and  large 
in  motive.  That  he  took  no  counsel  from  fear  is  manifest.  Evad- 
ing the  assassins  hired  to  waylay  his  path  to  the  place  of  duty,  and 
the  no  less  infamous  plots  to  prevent  the  counting  of  the  electoral 
vote  and  the  announcement  of  his  election,  he  stood  up  and  faced 
the  menacing,  cleaving  masses  in  the  beleaguered  capital. 

He  chose  his  cabinet  of  official  advisers  in  a  novel  way,  and  one 
might  think,  hazardous;  but  it  showed  the  breadth  of  his  patriot- 
ism and  the  courage  of  his  independence.  Instead  of  seeking 
those  of  like  thinking  with  himself  or  likely  to  make  a  unity  among 

315 


62  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

themselves  on  public  questions,  he  called  men  who  were  rival 
candidates  or  popular  in  their  respective  localities;  even  offering 
places  to  distinguished  statesmen  in  Virginia  and  North  Carolina. 
And  Seward,  Chase,  Cameron,  Welles,  Bates,  Blair  and  Smith, 
and  afterwards  Stanton, — what  measure  of  agreement  with  him 
or  each  other,  on  any  point  of  public  policy,  could  be  expected 
from  a  council  like  this!  Most  of  these  men,  no  doubt,  at  first 
thought  slightingly  of  him.  But  he  converted  or  over-awed  them 
all.     He  went  straight  on. 

He  found  more  trouble  in  the  military  sphere.  The  popular, 
or  political  principle  of  appointment  would  not  work  so  well  here. 
It  took  some  time  and  trial  to  rectify  this,  and  make  practical 
tests  of  ability  the  basis.  It  was  unfortunate  that  it  took  so  long 
to  secure  a  nominal  military  chief,  who  had  the  soldierly  brain 
and  eye  and  hand  to  command  the  confidence  of  his  subordinates 
as  well  as  of  his  superiors. 

But  even  among  his  generals  in  the  field  there  was  a  lack  of 
harmony  and  a  redundance  of  personality.  He  had  to  overrule 
this.  He  was  their  responsible  commander.  He  made  himself 
their  practical  adviser.  This  latter  function  some  of  them  under- 
took to  make  reciprocal.  They  did  not  gain  much  by  it.  His 
sharp  rejoinders,  winged  with  wit  and  feathered  with  humor — as 
apposite  as  unexpected, — stirred  the  smiles  of  all  but  the  im- 
mediate recipients.  But  they  commanded  the  sober  respect  of 
all,  as  uncommon  lessons  of  good  common  sense, — which  is  also 
and  always  good  tactics. 

We  behold  him  solitary  in  the  arena;  surrounded  by  various 
antagonists  and  unsympathising  spectators.  He  had  to  deal  with 
Cabinet,  Congress,  committees,  diplomatists,  cranks,  wiseacres, 
as  well  as  the  embattled  enemy  on  land  and  sea. 

Sorely  tried  by  long  delays  in  the  field,  he  was  vexed  by  the 
incessant  clamor  of  the  excited  and  unthinking,  and  of  influential 

316 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  63 

persons  and  papers  that  beset  him  with  the  demand  to  free  the 
slaves,  and  the  reckless  cry,  "On  to  Richmond,"  which  may  have 
forced  campaigns  of  disaster.  Perils  from  lurking  traitors  in  the 
capital,  pesterings  of  open  or  secret  enemies  and  rash  and  weak 
advisers,  augmented  the  difficulties  of  the  momentous  contention. 
All  the  while,  with  heart-crushing  things  to  bear,  which  he  would 
not  openly  notice, — nor  let  us,  now!  We  cannot  but  wonder  how 
he  ever  lived  through,  to  crown  his  work  with  a  death  so  tragic, 
an  ascension  so  transfiguring. 

But  he  was  appointed  for  great  ends;  and  this  was  his  guaranty 
of  life! 

Let  us  note  more  particularly  some  of  the  difficulties  which 
environed  the  President,  growing  out  of  the  magnitude  and  exterior 
complications  of  this  great  rebellion. 

xA-t  first  we  looked  upon  the  rebellion  as  a  domestic  insurrection, 
to  be  dealt  with  by  the  provisions  and  processes  of  municipal 
law.  But  facts  forced  us  from  that  theory.  Laws,  no  less  than 
tactics,  change  with  magnitudes.  As  the  range  and  force  of  the 
rebellion  grew,  and  conditions  became  more  complex,  the  Presi- 
dent had  to  enlarge  his  policy,  and  the  grounds  of  its  justification. 

One  of  the  first  warlike  acts  of  the  Confederate  States  was  to 
send  forth  armed  cruisers,  commissioned  by  "Letters  of  Marque" 
to  prey  upon  our  merchant-ships  and  commerce  on  the  seas. 
We  could  not  treat  these  cruisers  as  a  domestic  insurrectionary 
force,  because  they  were  operating  on  the  "high  seas," — the 
road  of  the  nations;  nor  could  we  treat  them  as  pirates,  and 
apply  to  their  captured  crews  the  summary  process  of  a  short 
rope  at  the  yard-arm,  because  they  were  only  "domestic  enemies," 
and  did  not  come  under  the  "pirate"  definition  of  international 
law,  as  "enemies  of  mankind."  So  we  had  to  submit  to  their  en- 
joying certain  privileges  recognized  by  the  law  of  nations,  and  ad- 
mit their  captured  crews  to  exchange  as  prisoners  of  war. 

317 


64  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

Nor  could  we  treat  the  armed  forces  of  the  rebelHon  as  a 
"mob,"  because  they  were  in  such  force  and  form  that  they  had 
to  be  treated  under  the  laws  of  war, — presumed  to  be  part  of  the 
law  of  nations.  Yet  we  could  not  recognize  the  Confederacy  as 
a  nation,  and  a  proper  party  to  such  agreement  or  practice. 

Moreover,  the  President  had  instituted  a  blockade  of  South- 
ern ports,  a  measure  better  known  to  international  than  to  domestic 
law.  So  it  came  about  that  the  very  magnitude  of  the  rebellion, 
and  its  extent  on  land  and  sea,  compelled  us,  both  on  grounds 
of  public  law  and  on  grounds  of  humanity,  to  extend  to  our  for- 
midable antagonists  some  degree  of  the  regulations  known  as 
"belligerent  rights."  But  belligerents  are  presumed,  in  law  at 
least,  to  be  aliens  to  each  other;  not  fellow-citizens.  Hence 
great  perplexity  for  the  President. 

But  the  situation  now  affected  other  nations.  Here  opens  a 
painful  chapter  of  that  sad  experience.  And  I  have  to  ask  your 
attention  for  a  moment  to  difficulties  outside  the  domestic  sphere, 
which  from  the  very  first  to  the  very  last,  were  among  the  most 
trying  of  the  President's  experiences.  He  was  confronted  by  an 
exterior  circle  of  hostile  intent  and  action  in  the  strange  unfriend- 
liness of  nations — ^perhaps  I  should  say  governments  of  nations, — 
historically  and  racially  nearest  to  us,  and  professing  principles 
and  sentiments  deeply  accordant  with  our  own. 

The  governments  of  England  and  France  did  not  wait  for  a 
distinct  good  understanding  upon  international  relations.  They 
took  the  earliest  possible  occasion  to  declare  their  neutrality, 
and  to  put  the  insurgents  on  the  full  footing  of  lawful  belligerents. 
They  even  denominated  them  as  "States,"  thus  ignoring  their 
character  as  insurgents.  This  was  the  more  trying  because  early 
in  the  discussion  of  the  situation,  our  Government  had  distinctly 
declared  to  the  British  Government  that  "No  proposition  would 
be  considered  which  did  not  regard  this  as  a  domestic  insurrection, 
with  which  foreign  nations  had  no  concern." 

318 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  65 

This  recognition  by  England  and  France,  followed  by  other 
governments,  gave  the  Confederate  cruisers  wide  privileges  on 
the  "high  seas"  and  in  foreign  ports,  and  a  certain  prestige  to  the 
Confederate  claim  before  the  world, 

Then  came  the  severe  trial  for  the  President  when  Captain 
Wilkes  of  our  navy  took  from  an  English  steamer  on  the  high 
seas  Messieurs  Mason  and  Slidell, — diplomatic  agents  of  the  Con- 
federacy for  France  and  England, — and  conveyed  them  to  Boston 
in  custody;  our  Secretary  of  the  Navy  officially  congratulating 
Wilkes,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  voting  him  the  thanks 
of  Congress;  the  British  Government  in  a  rage;  Lord  Russell  in 
imperious  tones  demanding  an  apology,  the  instant  delivery  of 
Mason  and  Slidell,  and  the  dismissal  of  Wilkes  from  our  service; 
forthwith  embarking  troops  for  Canada,  and  gathering  vast  mu- 
nitions of  war;  engaging  the  whole  power  of  the  Empire  to  enforce 
his  demand  if  it  was  not  instantly  obeyed.  The  wisdom  and  moral 
strength  with  which  the  President  met  this  most  difficult  situation, 
— ^yielding  in  a  manner  appeasing  England  and  not  humiliating  to 
our  country, — is  of  highest  example. 

Then  during  all  the  years  of  the  war,  England  permitted  the 
building  and  equipping  within  her  jurisdiction  and  territory 
of  ships  intended  as  Confederate  cruisers,  and  for  the  known  pur- 
pose of  warring  upon  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  This 
went  on  in  disregard  of  every  protest,  until  the  end  of  the  war, 
when  we  were  in  a  position  to  ask  England  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion of  damages;  and  a  Board  of  Arbitration  awarded  as  a  min- 
imum, fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  Had  the  decision  been  other- 
wise, and  England  sustained,  we  probably  could  have  borne  it. 
But  England,  in  case  of  a  rebellion  in  some  of  her  dependencies, 
would  have  been  astonished  at  the  fleets  of  rebel  cruisers  investi- 
gating her  commerce  on  all  seas. 

At  best  France  and  England  were  reluctant  and  perfunctory 
observers  of  neutrality,  and  anything  but   cordial    well-wishers. 

319 


66  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

All  the  while  they  were  eager  for  a  pretence  of  reason  to  recognize 
the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States. 

It  was  believed  by  us  all  in  the  army  marching  to  the  unknown 
field  predestined  to  be  immortal  Gettysburg,  that  upon  the  issue 
of  this  battle  hung  the  fate  of  the  nation;  that  should  Lee's  army 
gain  a  decided  advantage  here,  these  two  governments  would 
seize  the  moment  to  declare  the  independent  sovereignty  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  accord  such  recognition  and  support  as 
would  bring  the  end  of  our  great  endeavor.  You  may  well  be- 
lieve that  this  conviction  had  part  in  the  superhuman  march- 
ing and  fighting  which  made  that  a  field  of  deathless  glory.  It 
gave  us  new  devotion.  It  seemed  to  lift  the  whole  scene  and 
scale  of  the  contention  to  a  higher  plane.  We  were  fighting 
not  only  forces  in  the  field,  but  with  spiritual  foes  in  high  places, 
with  "the  princes  of  the  powers  of  the  air." 

A  serious  flank-movement,  which  gave  the  President  much 
anxiety,  was  the  occupation  of  Mexico  by  the  French  Emperor. 
After  various  vexing  schemes,  he  chose  the  darkest  hour  for  that 
Republic  and  ours,  to  send  a  French  army  to  force  a  monarchy, 
with  an  Austrian  arch-duke  as  Emperor,  on  the  people  of  Mexico. 
Besides  the  direct  effect  on  us,  this  scheme  of  planting  a  hostile 
monarchial  power  on  our  southern  border  had  an  ulterior  motive, 
— to  gain  a  vantage  ground  from  which,  by  some  turn  of  tangled 
affairs,  to  recover  a  hold  on  the  old  Louisiana  tract,  and  the  control 
of  the  lower  Mississippi.  In  his  eagerness  Louis  Napoleon  over- 
reached himself.  His  formal  proposal  to  the  Confederates  to  cede 
to  him,  in  the  name  of  France,  the  great  State  of  Texas,  angered 
them  and  lost  him  the  game.  But  he  kept  his  army  in  Mexico, 
fighting  its  people,  with  Maximilian  as  nominal  head,  or  catapult, 
and  under  the  increasing  remonstrance  of  our  far-sighted  President. 

Some  of  us  remember,  at  the  disbandment  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  being  retained  in  the  service  and  assigned  to  a  mys- 

320 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  67 

terioiis  Provisional  Corps  of  veterans;  the  intent  and  mission  of 
which,  we  were  confidentially  informed,  was  to  go  down  with 
Sheridan  to  assist  Louis  Napoleon  to  get  his  French  army  out  of 
Mexico.  A  personal  reconnoissance  of  Sheridan  in  Mexico,  and 
the  virile  diplomacy  of  Seward,  deprived  us  of  that  outing.  The 
French  army  with  its  monarchy  vanished  from  the  shores  of 
Mexico,  leaving  a  stain  on  the  pride  of  France  and  a  fearful  fate 
for  Maximilian  and  poor  Carlotta. 

Contemplate  for  a  moment,  what  would  have  been  the  situ- 
ation, if  in  any  event  Louis  Napoleon  had  got  his  foothold  in 
Louisiana  under  color  of  title;  and  what  the  task  might  have 
been  for  either  the  North  or  the  South,  or  both  together,  to  recover 
that  holding  and  the  control  of  the  mighty  Mississippi,  sea-road 
for  the  commerce  of  half  our  Atlantic  slope! 

Let  us  now  take  a  closer  view,  and  consider  the  great  em- 
barrassments of  the  President  in  treating  a  domestic  insurrec- 
tion under  the  laws  of  war;  when  compelled  to  use  the  military 
forces  of  the  nation,  not  in  aid  of  the  civil  authority,  and  under 
its  regulation,  as  in  common  cases,  but  to  replace  and  super- 
sede  it. 

In  spirit  war  and  law  are  opposed:  the  end  of  one  is  the 
beginning  of  the  other.  Still,  upon  occasion,  they  are  made  re- 
ciprocally supporting.  War  is  brought  to  support  law,  and  law 
is  applied  to  regulate  war.  An  armed  rebellion  is  war,  and  all  its 
consequences  are  involved.  We  did  not  realize  this  at  first.  Mil- 
itary force  in  time  of  war  stands  on  a  very  different  basis  from  that 
when  it  is  called  to  the  aid  of  the  civil  authority.  The  strict  lim- 
itations in  the  latter  case  are  much  relaxed;  indeed  quite  re- 
placed. Military  law  regulates  the  conduct  of  armies,  and  is 
prescribed  by  the  civil  authority.  Martial  law  is  something 
beyond  this;  it  is  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  commander,  and  oper- 
ates upon  civilians  and  citizens.     This  justifies  itself  by  "neces- 

321 


68  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

sity,"  which,  it  is  said,  "knows  no  law."  So  things  have  to  be 
done  which  in  time  of  peace  are  illegal;  yet  are  justified  by  the  in- 
herent law  of  sovereignty, — the  law  of  life. 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the  consequences  in- 
volved in  the  operation  of  belligerent  rights.  By  the  law  of 
nations  strictly  speaking  provinces  or  communities  in  revolt  have 
no  rights.  Concessions  to  such  are  not  made  on  their  account, 
but  from  considerations  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  dominant 
state,  or  of  humanity. 

Some  of  the  privileges  granted  to  recognized  belligerents 
are  well  known;  such  as  flags  and  passages  of  truce  for  occasions 
of  need  or  mercy;  exchange  of  prisoners;  immunity  of  hospitals 
and  perhaps  of  homes.  But  on  the  other  hand,  and  for  the  larger 
range,  there  are  corresponding  liabilities  involved  in  these  "rights," 
and  of  a  most  serious  nature.  They  follow  the  right  to  capture, 
confiscate  and  destroy  enemy's  property;  to  arrest,  capture  and 
imprison  persons  of  the  enemy;  to  employ  and  emancipate  slaves 
of  the  enemy;  to  suspend  or  reduce  civil  and  political  rights  of  a 
community  brought  under  the  jurisdiction  of  arms,  leaving  them 
only  the  rights  of  a  conquered  territory  under  the  laws  of  war. 

This  would  seem  to  be  enough  to  task  the  best  ability  and  con- 
science in  any  case.  But  in  a  case  of  intensified  and  enlarged 
domestic  insurrection,  where  the  insurgents  are  claiming  independ- 
ent sovereign  capacity,  denied  and  resisted  by  the  parent  people, 
which  on  the  other  hand  regards  them  as  rightly  and  in  fact  part 
of  itself, — ^how  to  concede  belligerent  rights  and  yet  avoid  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  competency  of  the  antagonist  to  be  a  party  to  the 
agreement,  is  a  task  for  tact  and  wisdom  of  no  common  order. 
And  the  necessity  of  applying  the  laws  of  war  to  fellow  citizens 
must  bring  grievous  problems  to  the  head  and  heart. 

Practical  questions  also  were  forced  upon  the  President,  be" 
yond  the  sphere  of  ordinary  peace  or  war,  for  the  determination  o* 

322 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  69 

which  there  was  no  precedent,  nor  certain  warrant.  Questions 
of  statesmanship,  of  pohtical  ethics,  and  constitutional  inter- 
pretation, such  as  kept  our  Congress  and  Supreme  Court  busy 
for  years  afterwards,  had  to  be  acted  on  practically  and  promptly 
by  him. 

He  took  to  himself  no  credit  for  anything.  After  years  of 
the  struggle  and  many  dark  and  discouraging  aspects  of  the  is- 
sue, just  before  the  yet  darker  depths  of  the  terrible  campaign  of 
'64,  he  writes  this  self -abasing  sentence:  "I  claim  not  to  have 
controlled  events;  but  confess  that  events  have  controlled  me." 
We  can  judge  better  about  that,  perhaps,  than  he  could,  envel- 
oped in  the  mesh  of  circumstance.  We  know  how  disturbed 
were  the  polarities  of  compelling  forces,  and  how  firm  the  guid- 
ance, how  consummate  the  mastery.  To  our  eyes  he  sat  high 
above  the  tumult,  watching  events,  meeting  them,  turning  them 
to  serve  the  great  purpose.  So  far  and  so  far  only,  d  d  events 
control  him. 

He  felt  himself  upborne  by  the  power  of  his  obligation,  as 
charged  with  a  duty  like  that  of  the  Roman  consul:  "to  see  to 
it  that  the  Republic  suffered  no  detriment."  The  rule  of  such 
emergency  is  that, — also  Roman — which  constitutions  involve 
but  do  not  enunciate,  warrantable  only  in  the  last  extremity: 
"Sa'us  populi,  suprema  lex  esto.''  The  salvation  of  the  people  is 
supreme  law! 

Take  the  instance  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  I 
remember  well  that  many  high  officers  of  our  army  disapproved 
this  in  heart  and  mind,  if  they  dared  not  in  speech.  They  thought 
the  President  had  no  right  to  proclaim  this  intention  nor  power 
to  carry  it  into  effect.  But  they  had  not  deeply  enough  studied 
the  implications  of  the  constitution  of  their  country,  or  those  of 
the  laws  of  war.  They  had  to  take  a  post-graduate  course  in 
their  own  profession.     Indeed,  upon  political  matters  the  habitual 

323 


70  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

thought  of  US  all  was  related  to  a  condition  of  domestic  peace, 
and  did  not  contemplate  war  at  the  center  of  life. 

So  our  Congress,  just  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion, 
in  the  hope  to  avoid  war  and  to  save  the  Union,  had  unanimously 
passed  a  resolution  that  "neither  the  Federal  government  nor  the 
free  States  had  any  right  to  legislate  upon  or  interfere  with  slavery 
in  any  of  the  slave-holding  States  of  the  Union."  This  seems 
more  like  an  utterance  under  duress,  than  a  deliberate  interpre- 
tation of  the  Constitution.  They  did  not  foresee  the  construction 
as  well  as  the  destruction  involved  in  war. 

Even  ior  the  President  there  was  a  progressive  revelation. 
At  his  inauguration  he  had  publicly  affirmed  that  he  had  no 
intention,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  interfering  with  the  institution 
of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed.  "I  believe  I  have  not 
the  right  ,and  I  am  sure  I  have  not  the  desire,"  he  adds.  He  was 
then  viewing  the  matter  under  the  precedents  of  peaceful  times. 
The  deep  reach  of  his  constitutional  powers  in  time  of  supreme 
peril  of  the  country  had  not  been  brought  to  light  as  it  was  under 
the  tremendous  tests  of  a  vast  and  devastating  war.  It  came  to 
him  but  slowly.  He  seemed  reluctant  to  avail  himself  of  it.  Later 
we  find  him  saying  in  effect:  "My  purpose  is  to  save  this  Union. 
I  will  save  it  without  slavery,  if  I  can;  with  slavery,  if  I  must." 

When  in  the  course  of  events  the  war-powers  of  the  President 
emerged,  they  appeared  with  a  content  and  extent  not  dreamed 
oi'  before.  He  took  them  to  a  high  tribunal.  He  almost  made  a 
covenant  with  God  that  if  the  terrible  blow^  threatening  the  life 
of  the  country  was  broken  at  Antietam,  he  would  emancipate  the 
slaves  in  the  territory  of  the  rebellion.  The  thought  was  not  new. 
The  laws  of  war  gave  to  commanders  in  the  field  the  right  to  break 
down  all  the  forces  supporting  the  enemy ;  and  two  of  his  generals* 
had  declared  the  freedom  of  the  slaves  within  their  military  juris- 

*Fremont  and  Hunter. 

324 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  71 

diction.  He  promptly  rebuked  them  and  countermanded  their 
proclamations.  This  was  not  work  for  a  subordinate.  So  grave, 
so  deep-reaching,  so  far-reaching,  were  its  necessary  effects,  he  re- 
served the  prerogative  for  the  chief  commander  and  the  last  resort. 

This  was  not  because  of  immaturity  of  purpose,  nor  fear  to  act; 
but  because  he  chose  to  wait  until  the  terrible  sufferings  and  cost 
of  war  made  this  measure  seem  a  mitigation,  and  the  right  and 
necessity  of  it  so  clear  that  the  country  and  the  world  must  ac- 
quiesce. He  did  this,  not  because  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the 
war,  but  because  it  was  a  muniment  of  ivar  waged  against  the  life 
of  the  people.  He  set  the  appointed  time  and  conditions  when, 
within  the  territory  of  the  rebellion,  the  slaves  should  be  freed. 
The  time  came, — and  the  proclamation,  deep  with  thought  as  with 
consequence.     This,    the    conclusion: 

"And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice,  warranted  by  the  Consti- 
tution, upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the 
gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God!" 

Observe  the  grounds  of  this :  Justice,  the  eternal  law  of  right- 
eousness; political  right,  warrant  of  the  constitution;  military 
necessity,  for  the  salvation  of  the  people;  the  approving  judg- 
ment of  man;  the  confirmation  of  God.  This  justification  of  the 
act  was  the  revelation  of  the  man.  Without  precedent  of  auth- 
ority, or  parallel  in  history,  but  as  it  were,  ''sub  specie  eternt' — 
in  the  aspect  of  the  infinite,  he  spoke  freedom  to  the  slave!  That 
voice  was  of  the  ever-coming  "Word"  that  works  God's  will  in  His 
World! 

Lo!  this  the  outcome  of  belligerent  rights,  and  the  wilful  appeal 
to  the  arbitrament  of  arms!  Astounding  annunciation  of  the 
powers  of  the  President  for  the  people's  defence;  and  the  dis- 
covery that  not  only  military  law,  but  also  the  absolute  authority 
and  summary  processes  of  martial  law,  are  part  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, part  of  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  Had  the  leaders  in  the 
arrogant  pretension  of  self-sufliciency  and  the  frenzied  rush  to  war 

385 


72  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

understood  the  reach  of  this,  they  would  have  hesitated  to  commit 
their  cause  to  the  wager  of  battle.  And  any  future  plotter  against 
the  nation's  integrity  and  truth  may  well  pause  before  waking  that 
slumbering  lion  at  the  gates  of  her  life! 

It  was,  indeed,  a  "domestic  problem"  which  Lincoln  had  be- 
fore him, — a  wide  one,  and  a  far  one — to  save  his  country.  We 
think  it  was  worth  saving.     The  world  thinks  so,  too. 

An  outcome  of  Lincoln's  heart  and  mind  was  the  projection 
into  military  law  of  a  deep  and  w^ide  humanity.  We  well  knew 
his  sympathy  and  tenderness  towards  the  young  soldier  and  the 
all-surrendering  mother.  He  often  superseded  the  death  sentence 
for  sleeping  on  post,  pronounced  upon  the  new-coming  youth  un- 
seasoned by  discipline  and  the  habit  of  hardship. 

All  the  lessons  drawn  from  that  stern  experience  of  his,  are 
embodied  in  the  famous  General  Order  Number  100,  published  to 
the  army  in  1863. 

It  was  a  reconstruction,  a  regeneration,  of  the  rules  of  war. 
The  necessity  of  stern  justice  and  rigorous  discipline  recognized; 
but  all  tempered  by  great-hearted  recognition  of  the  manhood 
of  man!  The  notable  thing  about  this  is,  that  it  has  been  adopted, 
word  for  word,  by  nation  after  nation,  and  is  to-day  part  of  the 
international  law  of  the  civilized  world. 

And  the  power  of  this  nation's  influence  in  the  world  to-day, 
— the  reason  why  her  intervention  sets  free  an  oppressed  people, 
her  word  speaks  peace  to  embattled  nations  and  her  wish  pre- 
vents the  dismemberment  of  empires, — is  not  so  much  in  the 
might  of  her  fleets  and  armies,  splendid  as  these  are,  but  because 
of  her  character,  the  confidence  of  the  nations  in  her  justice,  and 
truth,  and  honor!  Look  at  her!  Her  mission  is  peace  and  light 
and  liberty!     Her  flag  speaks  hope  to  man! 

Who  can  tell  what  part  in  all  this  is  Abraham  Lincoln! 

326 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  73 

I  would  speak  now  of  him  as  he  was  seen  and  known  more 
intimately  by  the  army  in  the  field.  We  had  often  opportunity 
to  see  him, — for  some  occasions,  too  often.  Sometimes  he  came 
for  conference  with  commanders  amidst  actual  conditions,  where 
he  could  see  for  himself,  and  not  through  casual  or  official  reports. 
Sometimes,  from  conferences  with  Cabinet,  or  Congressmen,  or 
ministers  of  other  powers,  holding  suggestions  of  deep  import. 

But  always  after  a  great  battle,  and  especially  disaster,  we 
were  sure  to  see  him,  slow-riding  through  camp,  with  outward 
or  inward-searching  eyes, — questioning  and  answering  heart. 
His  figure  was  striking;  stature  and  bearing  uncommon  and 
commanding.  The  slight  stoop  of  the  shoulders,  an  attitude 
of  habitual  in-wrapped  thought,  not  of  weakness  of  any  sort. 
His  features,  strong;  if  homely,  then  because  standing  for  rugged 
truth.  In  his  deep,  over-shadowed  eyes,  a  look  as  from  the  inner- 
most of  things.  Over  all  this  would  come  at  times  a  play,  or 
pathos,  of  expression  in  which  his  deeper  personality  outshone. 
His  voice  was  rich ;  its  modulations  musical ;  his  words  most  fitting. 

I  have  scarcely  seen  picture  or  sculpture  which  does  him 
justice.  The  swarm  of  caricaturists,  with  their  various  motives 
and  instructions  have  given  a  very  wrong  impression  of  him — 
unfortunately  too  lasting.  There  was  something  of  him — and 
the  greatest  and  most  characteristic  — which  refused  to  be  imaged 
in  earthly  form. 

In  his  action  there  was  a  gravity  and  moderation  which  the 
trivial  might  misinterpret  as  awkwardness,  but  which  came  from 
the  dignity  of  reserved  power.  Those  who  thought  to  smile  when 
that  figure, — mounting,  with  the  tall  hat,  to  near  seven  feet — 
was  to  be  set  on  a  spirited  horse  for  a  ceremonial  excursion,  were 
turned  to  admiration  at  the  easy  mastery  he  showed;  and  the  young- 
staff  game  of  testing  civilians  by  touching  up  the  horses  to  head- 
long speed  returning  over  a  course  they  had  mischievously  laid, 

327 


74  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

with  sudden  crossings  of  old  rifle-pit  and  ditch,  proved  a  boomerang 
for  them,  when  he  would  come  out  the  only  rider  square  in  his 
saddle,  with  head  level  and  rightly  crowned. 

In  familiar  intercourse  he  was  courteous  and  kindly.  He 
seemed  to  find  rest  in  giving  way  to  a  strain  of  humor  that  was 
in  him.  On  a  moot  question,  his  good  story,  sharp  with  apt 
analogy,  was  likely  to  close  the  discussion, — sometimes  at  the 
expense  of  a  venturesome  proposer.  There  was  a  roll  of  mischief 
in  his  eye,  which  eased  the  situation. 

We  were  glad  to  see  that  facility  of  counterpoise  in  him; 
for  we  knew  too  deeply  well,  the  burden  that  was  even  then  press- 
ing on  his  spirit,  and  our  laughter  was  light  and  brief. 

But  always  he  wished  to  see  the  army  together.  This  had 
a  being,  a  place,  a  power,  beyond  the  aggregate  of  its  individual 
units.  A  review  was  therefore  held,  in  completeness  and  most 
careful  order.  Slowly  he  rode  along  front  and  rear  of  the  opened 
ranks,  that  he  might  see  all  sides  of  things  as  they  were.  Every 
horse  was  scanned:  that  is  one  way  to  know  the  master.  We 
could  see  the  deep  sadness  in  his  face,  and  feel  the  burden  on  his 
heart,  thinking  of  his  great  commission  to  save  this  people,  and 
knowing  that  he  could  do  this  no  otherwise  than  as  he  had  been 
doing, — by  and  through  the  manliness  of  these  men, — the  valor, 
the  steadfastness,  the  loyalty,  the  devotion,  the  sufferings  and 
thousand  deaths,  of  those  into  whose  eyes  his  were  looking.  How 
he  shrunk  from  the  costly  sacrifice  we  could  see;  and  we  took 
him  into  our  hearts  with  answering  sympathy,  and  gave  him  our 
pity  in  return. 

There  came  a  day  of  offering,  not  of  his  appointing.  His  day 
came;  and  a  shroud  of  darkness  fell  on  us.  The  surrender  was 
over;  the  all-commanding  cause  triumphant.  Lee's  army  had 
ceased  to  be.  That  solid  phalanx  we  had  faced  through  years 
of  mortal   struggle,   had   vanished   as  into   air.     The   arms   that 

328 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  75 

had  poured  storms  of  death  upon  us  had  been  laid  at  our  feet. 
The  flags  that  had  marked  the  path  of  that  manly  valor  which 
gave  them  a  glory  beyond  their  creed,  had  been  furled  forever. 
The  men  who  in  the  inscrutable  workings  of  the  human  will  had 
struck  against  the  flag  that  stood  for  their  own  best  good,  were 
returning  to  restore  their  homes  and  citizenship  in  a  regenerated 
country. 

We  were  two  days  out  from  Appomattox, — a  strange  vacancy 
before  our  eyes;  a  silent  joy  in  our  hearts.  Suddenly  a  foam- 
flecked,  mud-splashed  rider  hands  a  telegram.  No  darkest  hour 
of  the  dismal  years  ever  brought  such  message.  "The  President 
assassinated!  Deep  plots  at  the  Capital!"  How  dare  to  let  the 
men  know  of  this?  Who  could  restrain  the  indignation,  the 
agony,  the  frenzy  of  revenge?  Whether  they  would  turn  to  the 
destruction  of  every  remnant  and  token  of  the  rebellion  around 
them,  or  rush  to  the  rescue  of  Washington  and  vengeance  upon 
the  whole  brood  of  assassins,  was  the  alternative  question.  We 
marched  and  bivouacked  with  a  double  guard  on  our  troops,  and 
with  guarded  words. 

Two  days  after  came  from  the  War  Department  the  order 
to  halt  the  march  and  hold  all  still,  while  the  funeral  farewell 
was  passing  at  the  Capital.  Then  why  not  for  us  a  funeral? 
For  the  shadow  of  him  was  to  pass  before  us  that  day,  and  we 
would  review  him! 

The  veterans  of  terrible  campaigns,  the  flushed  faces  from 
Appomattox,  the  burning  hearts  turned  homewards,  mighty 
memories  and  quenchless  love  held  innermost; — these  were  gath- 
ered and  formed  in  great  open  square, — the  battered  flags  brought 
to  the  front  of  each  regiment;  the  bright  arms  stacked  in  line 
behind  them;  sword-hilts  wreathed  in  crape;  chief  officers  of  the 
Corps  on  a  platform  of  army-chests  at  the  open  face  of  the  square, 
— their  storied  flags  draped  and  clustered  in  significant  escutcheon. 


76  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF 

The  commander  of  the  Division  presiding, — the  senior  chaplain 
called  beside  him.  The  boom  of  the  great  minute-guns  beats 
against  our  hearts ;  the  deep  tones  echoing  their  story  of  the  years. 
Catching  the  last  note  of  the  cannon-boom,  strikes  in  the  soulful 
German  band,  with  that  wondrous  "Russian  Hymn"  whose  music 
we  knew  so  well: 

"God  the  All-terrible;  Thou  who  ordainest 
Thunder  Thy  clarion,  and  lightning  Thy  sword!" 

that  overmastering  flood  of  whelming  chords,  with  the  breath- 
stilling  chromatic  cadences,  as  if  to  prepare  us  for  whatever  life 
or  death  could  bring. 

A  few  words  from  the  commander,  and  the  warm  Irish  heart 
of  the  chaplain  wings  its  eloquence  through  the  hearts  of  that 
deep-experienced,  stern,  loving,  remembering,  impressionable 
assembly.  Well  that  the  commander  was  there,  to  check  the 
flaming  orator!  Men  could  not  bear  it.  You  could  not,  were 
I  able  to  repeat  it  here.  His  text  was  thrilling:  '  And  she,  being 
instructed  of  her  mother,  said:  'Give  me  here  the  head  of  John 
the  Baptist  in  a  charger'!"  Then  the  application.  Lincoln 
struck  down  because  so  high  in  innocence,  in  integrity,  in  truth, 
in  loyalty,  in  fidelity  to  the  people.  Then  the  love  he  bore  to 
them  and  they  to  him;  that  communion  of  sorrows,  that  brother- 
hood of  suffering,  that  made  them  one  with  him  in  soul.  Then 
the  dastard  hand  that  had  struck  him  down  in  the  midst  of  acts 
of  mercy,  and  words  of  great-hearted  charity  and  good  will.  The 
spirit  of  hate  that  struck  at  his  life,  was  the  spirit  that  struck  at 
the  life  of  the  people. 

'  And  will  you  endure  this  sacrilege,"  he  cried.  "Will  you  not 
rather  sweep  such  a  spirit  out  of  the  land  forever,  and  cast  it,  root 
and  branch,  into  everlasting  burning?"  Men's  faces  flushed  and 
paled.  Their  muscles  trembled.  I  saw  them  grasp  as  for  their 
stacked  muskets, — instinctively,  from  habit,  not  knowing  what 

330 


THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  77 

else,  or  what,  to  do.  The  speaker  stopped.  He  stood  trans- 
fixed. I  seized  his  arm.  "Father  Egan,  you  must  not  stop. 
Turn  this  excitement  to  some  good!"  "I  will,"  he  whispers! 
Then  lifting,  his  arm  full  height,  he  brought  it  down  with  a  tre- 
mendous sweep,  as  if  to  gather  in  the  whole  quivering  circle  be- 
fore him,  and  went  on.  "But  better  so!  Better  to  die  glorious, 
than  to  live  infamous!  Better  to  be  buried  beneath  a  nation's 
tears,  than  to  walk  the  earth  guilty  of  a  nation's  blood!  Better, — 
thousand-fold,  forever  better,  Lincoln  dead,  than  Davis  living!'^ 

Then  admonished  of  the  passion  he  was  again  arousing,  he 
passed  to  an  exhortation  that  rose  into  a  prayer;  then  to  a  paean 
of  victory;  and  with  an  oath  of  new  consecration  to  the  undying 
cause  of  freedom  and  right,  he  gave  us  back  to  ourselves,  better 
soldiers,  and  better  men. 

That  was  our  apotheosis  of  Lincoln.  He  passed  up  through 
the  dark  gate  we  knew  so  well.  And  now  when  the  eyes  that 
were  wont  to  see  him  in  earthly  limitations,  behold  him  high 
amidst  the  deathless  ranks  marshalled  on  the  other  shore,  he 
stands  in  unfolded  grandeur.  Solitary  on  earth;  mightily  com- 
panioned, there! 

He  stands,  too,  upon  the  earth: 

"As  some  tall  cliff  that  lifts  its  awful  form. 
Swells  from  the  vale,  and  midway  leaves  the  storm; 

Though  round  its  breast  the  rolling  clouds  are  spread. 
Eternal  sunshine  settles  on  its  head!" 

His  magnanimity  has  touched  the  answering  heart  of  the 
chivalrous  South.     To  day,  all  do  him  reverence. 

There  he  stands, — like  the  Christ  of  the  Andes — ^reconciler 
of  the  divided! 

And  more  than  this.  A  true  fame  grows.  Contemporary 
antagonisms  fall  away.     Prejudice  and  misconception  are  effaced 

331 


78  CEREMONIES  IN  COMMEMORATION  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

by  better  knowledge.  The  pure  purpose  is  revealed  under  broader 
lights.  The  unforeseen,  far-reaching  good  effects  are  more  and 
more  acknowledged.  The  horizon  widens;  the  image  lifts.  Land 
after  land,  year  after  year;  nay, — century  upon  century,  recognize 
the  benefactor  as  they  come  to  realize  the  benefaction. 

So,  more  and  more  for  the  country's  well-being,  will  sound  the 
symphony  of  that  deep-themed  second  Inaugural,  majestic  as 
the  second  giving  of  the  law;  and  that  Gettysburg  speech,  from 
his  open  heart,  glorious  with  devotion,  sublime  w^th  prophecy. 
Beyond  the  facts  which  history  can  record, — the  deliverance  and 
vindication  of  a  people  in  peril  of  its  honor  and  its  life,  and  the 
revelation  of  the  stored-up  powers  vouchsafed  to  him  who  is 
charged  with  the  salvation  of  his  country, — there  will  be  for  this 
man  an  ever  unfolding  record. 

More  and  more  the  consecrating  oath  of  that  great  purpose: 
"With  malice  towards  none;  with  charity  for  all;  following  the 
right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,''  will  be  the  watch-word  of  the 
world.  Coming  time  will  carry  forward  this  great  example  of 
the  consecration  of  power,  self-commanding,  and  so  all-command- 
ing, for  the  well-being  of  the  people,  and  the  worth  of  man  as 
man.  This  example,  lifted  up  before  the  nations,  support  and 
signal  of  the  immortal  endeavor, — the  human  return  to  God! 

So  we  look  forward,  and  not  backward,  for  the  place  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln! 

Joshua  L.  Chamberlain. 


332 


LINCOLN 

POEM 

Read  by  the  Author,  Mr.  Hermann  Hagedorn,  at  the 
Loyal  Legion  Meeting. 


LINCOLN 

Let  silence  sink  upon  the  hills  and  vales! 

Over  the  towns  where  smoke  and  clangor  tell 
Their  glad  and  sorrowfully  noble  tales 

Of  women  bent  with  care,  of  men  who  labor  well, 
Let  silence  sink  and  peace  and  rest  from  toil. 

Oh,  vast  machines,  be  still!     Oh,  hurrying  men. 
Eddying  like  chaff  upon  the  frothy  moil 

Of  seething  waters,  rest!     In  tower  and  den, 
High  in  the  heavens,  deep  in  the  cavernous  ground, 
There  where  men's  hearts  like  pulsing  engines  bound 
Let  silence  lull  with  loving  hands  the  sound. 

Silence — ah,  through  the  silence,  clear  and  strong, 
Surging  like  wind-driven  breakers  sweeps  a  song! 
Out  of  the  North,  loud  from  storm-beaten  strings, 
Out  of  the  East,  with  strife-born  ardor  loud, 
Out  of  the  West,  youthful  and  glad  and  proud. 

The  cry  of  honor,  honor,  honor,  rings. 
And  clear,  with  trembling  mouth 
Sipping  in  dreams  the  bitter  cup,  the  South 

Magnanimous  unfeigned  tribute  brings. 

Oh,  prosperous  millions,  hush  your  grateful  cries! 

The  sanctity  of  things  not  of  this  earth 
Broods  on  this  place — 
Wide  things  and  essences  that  have  their  birth 

In  the  unwalled,  unmeasured  homes  of  space; 

Spirits  of  men  that  went  and  left  no  trace — 

Only  their  labor  to  attest  their  worth 
In  the  world's  tear-dim,  unforgetting  eyes : 

335 


82  POEM 

Spirits  of  heroes!  Hark! 
Through  the  shadow-mists,  the  dark, 
Hear  the  tramp,  tramp,  tramp,  of  marchers  living,  who  were  cold 
and  stark! 
Hear  the  bugle,  hear  the  fife! 
How  they  scorn  the  grave! 
Oh,  on  earth  is  love  and  life 

For  the  noble,  for  the  brave. 
And  it's  tread,  tread,  tread! 
From  the  camp-fires  of  the  dead. 
Oh,  they're  marching,  they  are  marching  with  their  Captain  at 
their  head! 
Greet  them  who  have  gone  before! 
Spread  with  rose  and  bay  the  floor — 
They  have  come,  oh,  they  have  come,  back  once  more! 
Give  for  the  soldier  the  cheer. 
For  the  messmate  the  welcoming  call 
But  for  him,  the  noblest  of  all. 
Silence  and  reverence  here. 
Oh,  patient  eyes,  oh,  bleeding,  mangled  heart 
Oh,  hero  whose  wide  soul,  defying  chains. 
Swept  at  each  army's  head, 
Swept  to  the  charge  and  bled. 
Gathering  in  one  too  sorrow-laden  heart 
All  woes,  all  pains: 

The  anguish  of  the  trusted  hope  that  wanes. 
The  soldier's  wound,  the  lonely  mourner's  smart 
He  knew,  the  noisy  horror  of  the  fight. 
From  dawn  to  dusk  and  through  the  hideous  night. 
He  heard  the  hiss  of  bullets,  the  shrill  scream 

Of  the  wide-arching  shell, 
Scattering  at  Gettysburg  or  by  Potomac's  stream, 
Like  summer  showers,  the  pattering  rain  of  death. 
With  every  breath, 

336 


POEM  83 

He  tasted  battle  and  in  every  dream, 

Trailing  like  mists  from  gaping  walls  of  hell, 
He  heard  the  thud  of  heroes  as  they  fell. 
Oh,  man  of  many  sorrows,  'twas  your  blood 

That  flowed  at  Chiekamauga,  at  Bull  Run,    . 
Vicksburg,  Antietam  and  the  gory  wood 
And  Wilderness  of  ravenous  Deaths  that  stood 
Round  Richmond  like  a  ghostly  garrison: 
Your  blood  for  those  who  won. 

For  those  who  lost,  your  tears! 
For  you  the  strife,  the  fears. 
For  us,  the  sun! 
For  you  the  lashing  winds  and  the  beating  rain  in  your  eyes 
For  us  the  ascending  stars  and  the  wide,  unbounded  skies. 

Oh,  man  of  storms!     Patient  and  kingly  soul! 

Oh,  wise  physician  of  a  wasted  land! 

A  nation  felt  upon  its  heart  your  hand. 
And  lo,  your  hand  hath  made  the  shattered,  whole. 
With  iron  clasp  your  hand  hath  held  the  wheel 
Of  the  lurching  ship,  on  tempest  waves  no  keel 

Hath  ever  sailed. 

A  grim  smile  held  your  lips  while  strong  men  quailed. 

You  strove  alone  with  chaos  and  prevailed; 
You  felt  the  grinding  shock  and  did  not  reel. 
And,  ah,  your  hand  that  cut  the  battle's  path 
Wide  with  the  devastating  plague  of  wrath, 

Your  bleeding  hand,  gentle  with  pity  yet, 

Did  not  forget 
To  bless,  to  succor  and  to  heal. 

Great  brother  to  the  lofty  and  the  low. 

Our  tears,  our  tears  give  tribute!     A  dark  throng, 
With  fetters  of  hereditary  wrong 

Chained,  serf-like,  in  the  choking  dust  of  woe, 

337 


84  POEM 

Lifts  up  its  arms  to  you,  lifts  up  its  cries! 
Oh,  you,  who  knew  all  anguish,  in  whose  eyes. 

Pity,  with  tear-stained  face. 
Kept  her  long  vigil  o'er  the  severed  lands 

For  friend  and  foe,  for  race  and  race; 
You,  to  whom  all  w^ere  brothers,  by  the  strands 

Of  spirit,  of  divinity, 

Bound  not  to  color,  church  or  sod. 
Only  to  man,  only  to  God; 
You,  to  whom  all  beneath  the  sun 

Moved  to  one  hope,  one  destiny — 

Lover  of  liberty,  oh,  make  us  free! 
Lover  of  union.  Master,  make  us  one! 

Master  of  men  and  of  your  own  great  heart, 

We  stand  to  reverence,  we  cannot  praise. 

About  our  upward-straining  orbs,  the  haze 
Of  earthly  things,  the  strife,  the  mart, 

Rises  and  dims  the  far-jQung  gaze. 

We  cannot  praise! 
We  are  too  much  of  earth,  our  teeming  minds. 
Made  master  of  the  beaten  seas  and  of  the  conquered  winds, 

Master  of  mists  and  the  subservient  air. 
Too  sure,  too  earthly  wise. 
Have  mocked  the  soul  within  that  asks  a  nobler  prize. 

And  hushed  her  prayer. 
We  know  the  earth,  we  know  the  starry  skies. 
And  many  gods  and  strange  philosophies; 

But  you,  because  you  opened  like  a  gate 

Your  soul  to  God,  and  knew  not  pride  nor  hate, 
Only  the  Voice  of  voices  whispering  low — 
You,  oh  my  Master,  you  we  cannot  know. 

338 


POEM  85 

Oh,  splendid  crystal,  in  whose  depths  the  hght 

Of  God  refracted  healed  the  hearts  of  men, 
Teach  us  your  power! 
For  all  your  labor  is  a  withered  flower 

Thirsting  for  sunbeams  in  a  murky  den, 
Unless  a  voice  shatters  as  once  the  night, 

Crying,  Emancipation!  yet  again. 
For  we  are  slaves  to  petty,  temporal  things. 

Whipped  with  the  cords  of  prejudice,  and  bound 
Each  to  his  race,  his  creeds,  his  kings, 

Each  to  his  plot  of  sterile  ground, 

His  narrow-margined  daily  round. 
Man  is  at  war  with  man  and  race  with  race. 
We  gaze  into  the  brother's  face 

And  never  see  the  crouching,  hungry  pain. 

Only  the  clanking  of  the  slavish  chain 
We  hear,  that  holds  us  to  our  place. 

Oh,  to  be  free,  oh,  to  be  one! 
Shoulder  to  shoulder  to  strive  and  to  dare! 
What  matter  the  race  if  the  labor  be  done, 
What  matter  the  color  if  God  be  there? 
Forward,  together,  onward  to  the  goall 
Oh,  mighty  Chief,  who  in  your  own  great  soul, 
Hung  with  the  fetters  of  a  lowly  birth, 
The  kinship  of  the  visionless,  the  obstinate  touch  of  earth. 
Broke  from  the  tethering  slavery,  and  stood 
Unbound,  translucent,  glorious  before  God — 
Be  with  us,  Master!     These  unseeing  eyes  ^ 

Waken  to  light,  our  erring,  groping  hands 

Unfetter  for  a  world's  great  needs! 
Till,  like  Creation's  dawning,  golden  through  the  lands 

339 


86 


POEM 


Leaping,  and  up  th'  unlit,  unconquered  skies. 
Surging  with  myriad  steeds, 

There  shall  arise 

Out  of  the  maze  of  clashing  destinies. 
Out  of  the  servitude  of  race  and  blood. 
One  flag,  one  law,  one  hope,  one  brotherhood. 


340 


SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 
CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

George   R.  Snowden 


MILITARY  ORDER  OF  THE  LOYAL  LEGION 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

COMMANDERY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


MEMORIAL    MEETING 

PHILADELPHIA 

FEBRUARY  11,   1914 


SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER 
OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

WHEN  one  comes  to  consider  the  life  and  character  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  he  feels  like  the  traveler  who  sees  a 
lofty  mountain  rising  from  the  plain  before  him.  Cliffs 
and  promontories  that  nearby  confuse  the  eye,  bewilder  the  sense, 
and  hide  from  view  the  awe-inspiring  bulk  beyond,  farther  off 
blend  themselves  with  imposing  outline,  into  one  sj^mmetrical 
form.  Lost  in  admiration  he  beholds  the  massive  shape  slowly 
lifting  itself  upward  from  its  base  until  the  top  in  solitary  grandeur 
cleaves  the  sky.  Too  great  to  climb  to  survey  the  vast  expanse 
from  its  lonely  summit,  he  must  be  content  with  prospects  here  and 
there  that  please,  with  views  of  dale  and  glen  that  excite  the  fancy, 
of  forests  that  frown  in  their  impenetrable  depths. 

In  the  lapse  of  nigh  half  a  century  since  the  ruthless  hand  of 
a  cowardly  assassin  smote  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  place  of  power, 
the  angry  passions  of  men  have  become  cool,  the  law  has  resumed 
its  sway,  order  everywhere  prevails,  a  broken  country  has  been 
restored  to  former  limits,  upheavals  like  great  tides  that  shook  it 
from  end  to  end  have  subsided  into  the  tranquility  of  a  summer 
lake.  It  is  as  if  the  Divine  Voice  had  said  to  the  turbulent  ele- 
ments, as  once  it  spoke  to  the  troubled  waters,  "Peace,  be  still." 

Many  books  have  been  written  of  Lincoln,  a  library  of  itself, 
and  this  generation  knows  him  better  and  holds  him  higher  than 
the  one  that  lived  with  him.  But  legend  is  already  weaving  a 
web  of  fable  about  him  as  it  has  woven  about  great  men  in  all  the 

—GEORGE  RANDOLPH  SNOWDEN 

First  Sergeant  142d  Pennsylvania  Infantry  August  30,  1862;  discharged  for  promotion 
September  1,  1862. 

First  Lieutentant  142d  Pennsylvania  Infantry  September  1,  1862;  Captain  November 
16,  1863;  honorably  discharged  April  7,  1864. 

343 


90  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

ages.  Nothing  new  may  now  be  told  of  one  who  saw  Hfe  in  its 
most  contrasted  forms,  from  poverty  and  ignorance  and  obscurity 
to  knowledge,  fame  and  power,  but  in  the  time  allotted  a  glance 
may  be  cast  on  some  features  that  marked  him  a  commanding 
figure  in  the  history  of  the  country.  Familiar  incidents  of  his  life 
may  be  briefly  recalled  to  illustrate  remarkable  traits  in  that  ex- 
traordinary man. 

The  stock  from  which  Lincoln  came,  no  doubt  English  in  ori- 
gin, was  nourished  in  the  mountains  of  Berks.  There  Daniel 
Boone  was  born;  from  that  section  of  the  State  emigrated  many 
of  the  hardy  pioneers  who  settled  the  Southwest  and  the  West. 
Not  far  off  Old  Paxtang  Church,  above  Harrisburg,  was  a  hive 
from  which  swarmed  bold  men  who,  advancing  through  the  Cum- 
berland up  the  Shenandoah  Valle}^  explored  forests,  climbed 
mountains,  fought  and  pushed  back  the  red  man,  planted  civiliza- 
tion in  the  wilderness,  founded  Commonwealths.  In  the  grave- 
yard of  that  Church,  of  which  Colonel  John  Elder,  soldier,  states- 
man, and  divine,  was  pastor,  lie  buried  more  veterans  of  the  Revo- 
lution, it  is  believed,  than  in  any  other  spot  in  the  whole  country. 

Lincoln's  ancestors  were  men  of  respectability  and  character, 
some  of  them  bearing  the  same  name  now  honored  the  world  over, 
having  attained  prominence  in  the  county.  His  grandfather 
was  killed  by  the  Indians.  His  father  was  shiftless  and  gifted  with 
no  more  thrift  than  the  proverbial  rolling  stone.  They  lived  in  a 
log  cabin  of  a  single  room,  without  door  or  window,  and  not 
until  the  coming  of  the  step-mother  from  Kentucky,  was  the  floor 
other  than  the  bare  ground.  She  was  a  remarkable  woman,  with 
energy  and  intelligence,  and  encouraged  young  Abraham  in  earnest 
efforts  to  educate  himself.  He  was  ever  after  grateful  for  her  help 
and  sympathy,  and  held  her  in  tender  recollection.  They  lived  in  the 
direst  poverty;  a  little  corn  from  the  stumpy  field,  and  the  un- 
certain returns  from  rifle  and  trap,  supplied  their  only  food.  Under 
age  he  was  hired  out  by  his  father  and  earned  by  chopping  wood 

344 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  91 

and  other  hard  work  six  dollars  a  month.  But  he  had  the  strength 
and  skill  to  sink  his  axe  deeper  in  the  log  than  any  man  in  the 
neighborhood  could  do.  He  was  so  poor  that  he  contracted  to 
* 'split  four  hundred  rails  for  every  yard  of  brown  jean  dyed  with 
white  walnut  bark  that  would  be  necessary  to  make  him  a  pair  of 
trousers." 

But  with  all  this  grinding  poverty  there  was  an  insatiable 
thirst  to  learn;  the  divine  spark  of  genius  must  not  perish  for  lack 
of  nourishment.  The  aggregate  of  all  his  schooling,  such  as  it 
was,  did  not  amount  to  a  single  year.  A  school-master  told  him 
where  he  could  buy  or  borrow  "Kirkham's  Grammar,"  that  some 
here  will  recall,  and  the  future  writer  of  the  purest  and  clearest 
English  walked  six  miles  there  and  back  to  obtain  it. 

His  reading  was  scant,  for  books  were  few  and  precious  on  that 
Western  frontier.  How  small  the  list!  The  Bible,  Pilgrim's 
Progress,  Robinson  Crusoe,  iEsop's  Fables,  Weems'  Washington, 
probably  but  not  certainly,  Shakespeare  and  Burns.  But  he 
read  them  again  and  again  until  the  very  words  and  ideas  became 
part  of  his  being,  ready  for  use  at  every  call,  especially  the  Bible. 

With  the  help  of  his  good  friend  the  teacher,  he  studied  the 
art  of  surveying,  and  like  Washington,  was  for  a  while  a  land  sur- 
veyor. Like  Grant  he  kept  a  country  store,  and  met  with  no  bet- 
ter fortune.  The  qualities  needful  to  keep  a  country  store  must 
not  be  underrated;  two  men,  afterwards  President,  tried  it  and 
failed.  The  sum  of  debts  he  contracted,  a  few  hundred  dollars, 
was  so  large  in  his  estimation  that  he  humorously  called  it  "the 
national  debt."  His  surveying  instruments  were  sold  at  official 
sale,  but  saved  to  him  by  the  help  of  generous  friends.  It  was 
years  before  he  became  free  of  debt,  and  he  applied  part  of  his 
salary  as  member  of  Congress  to  pay  off  the  last  dollar.  The 
Black  Hawk  War  broke  out;  he  enlisted  in  a  company  of  volun- 
teers and,  now  become  of  some  standing  with  his  neighbors,  was 

345 


92  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

elected  captain.  Their  time  expired,  he  entered  as  private  a  troop 
of  mounted  scouts;  his  horse  was  stolen,  he  was  never  fortunate 
in  gathering  worldly  chattels,  and  in  good  humor  he  trudged  his 
way  home  afoot.  Long  after,  in  a  sketch  of  his  life  prepared  by 
himself  in  1859  for  the  coming  campaign  for  nomination  as  Presi- 
dent, he  refers  to  this  incident  in  terms  that  must  touch  a  chord  of 
sympathy  in  many  a  breast  here  tonight:  "Then  came  the  Black 
Hawk  War  and  I  was  elected  a  captain  of  volunteers,  which  gave 
me  more  pleasure  than  any  I  have  had  since" — more  pleasure  than 
from  his  seat  in  Congress,  his  triumphs  on  "the  stump"  or  at  the 
bar. 

Was  this  short  turn  of  military  duty  to  prove  of  value  thirty 
years  after  .f*  A  wise  man  tells  us  there  is  no  experience  that  will 
not  later  prove  to  be  of  advantage.  Gibbon  found  his  service 
with  the  militia  and  his  study  of  military  affairs  of  great  use  in  his 
"Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  in  comprehending  cam- 
paigns and  describing  the  movements  of  armies.  Many  officers 
who  later  rose  to  distinction  took  their  first  lessons  with  the  Three 
Months'  Men,  and  the  Mexican  War  proved  to  be  a  splendid  school 
for  the  highest  on  both  sides  in  the  Civil  War. 

As  was  the  custom  in  those  early  times  Lincoln  nominated 
himself  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature  and  was  defeated — the 
only  time  in  his  life  by  the  people — but  with  a  handsome  vote,  in 
which  many  Democrats  joined,  for  although  a  Whig  he  admired 
the  character  of  Andrew  Jackson.  His  election  the  next  year  de- 
cided the  question  whether  he  should  be  a  lawyer  or  a  blacksmith. 
It  was  far  from  an  unworthy  doubt,  for  the  blacksmith,  especially 
in  the  country,  has  a  manly,  respectable  trade.  His  deliberation 
shows  belief  in  the  dignity  of  labor,  in  the  manliness  of  toil.  Vul- 
can, Tubal  Cain,  all  the  workers  in  iron,  have  ever  been  held  in 
high  repute.  Poets  have  sung,  warriors  extolled  their  strength 
and  skill.  The  shield  of  Achilles,  wrought  by  the  grimy  artisan 
of  Olympus,  will  never  rust. 

346 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  93 

The  question  is  interesting  whether  had  he  decided  for  the 
anvil  and  the  forge,  instead  of  for  the  forum,  he  would  ever  have 
attained  great  distinction.  It  is  altogether  likely  that  he  would 
have,  for  instances  are  frequent  where  men  of  occupation  equally 
humble,  with  far  less  talent,  have  reached  places  of  honor  and 
power.  Andrew  Johnson  rose  to  the  Presidency  from  a  tailor's 
bench,  and  Henry  Wilson  from  the  shoemaker's,  to  be  senator  and 
Vice-President.  Genius  and  force  of  character  spurred  on  by  am- 
bition, are  able  to  overcome  great  odds. 

Elected  four  times  in  succession  to  the  legislature,  he  devoted 
much  time  and  energy  to  a  series  of  projects  for  state  internal  m- 
provements,  a  favorite  doctrine  of  the  Whig  party;  but  they  proved 
to  be  failures  and  afterwards  he  expressed  regret  for  the  part  he 
had  taken  in  them.  There  he  seems  to  have  made  his  first  public 
at  least  official,  attack  on  slavery.  He  had  seen  some  of  its  evils 
on  his  voyage  on  a  raft  to  New  Orleans,  from  which  he  came  back 
all  the  way  on  foot.  If  it  be  true,  as  claimed  by  some,  but  doubted 
by  others  it  seems  on  better  grounds,  that  he  said  "if  he  ever  got  a 
chance  to  strike  that  institution  he  would  strike  it  hard,"  it  is  cer- 
tain that  he  never  lost  occasion  to  give  it  an  effective  blow.  Against 
certain  resolutions  he  signed  with  others,  if  he  did  not  write,  a  pro- 
test which  set  forth  "that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded  on 
both  injustice  and  bad  policy,  but  that  the  promulgation  of  aboli- 
tion doctrines  tends  rather  to  increase  than  abate  its  evils." 

Elected  to  Congress  in  1846  over  Peter  Cartwright,  the  noted 
evangelist,  he  took  little  active  part  in  the  proceedings,  but  when 
he  spoke  received  marked  attention.  The  late  Chief  Justice 
Thompson,  then  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee,  who  sat 
next  to  Andrew  Johnson,  used  to  say  that  Lincoln  wore  a  long  linen 
duster,  and  when  he  addressed  the  House  drew  the  members  about 
him  in  crowds  to  hear  his  amusing  stories  abounding  in  wit  and 
humor.  Opposed  to  the  Mexican  War,  founded  as  he  believed,  on 
injustice  with  covert  desire  to  extend  slave  territory,  but  holding 

347 


94  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

that  politics  ought  to  stop  at  the  frontier,  he  voted  to  supply  all 
the  men  and  means  the  Administration  asked.  Notwithstanding 
his  gallant  services  in  that  war,  Grant  in  his  "Memoirs"  expresses 
nearly  the  same  views.  The  Whigs,  generally,  were  opposed  to 
the  war,  but  they  were  shrewd  politicians,  and  Lincoln  himself 
a  delegate  to  the  Convention,  chose  as  their  candidate  for  President 
Zachary  Taylor,  the  hero  of  Buena  Vista,  and  elected  him  over 
Lewis  Cass,  who  had  served  with  credit  in  the  late  war  with  Great 
Britain. 

While  in  Congress  he  introduced  a  bill  to  prohibit  the  slave 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia;  the  bringing  of  the  slaves  into 
the  District  except  by  government  officials  who  were  citizens  of 
slave  states;  selling  slaves  to  be  taken  away  from  the  District; 
fugitive  slaves  to  be  returned  to  the  owner;  compensation  to  owners 
in  case  of  loss,  finally,  the  measure  to  be  submitted  to  popular  vote 
in  the  District.  But,  as  was  to  be  expected,  the  bill  failed  to  be- 
come a  law.  This  was  some  years  before  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
was  enacted,  which  dates  from  1850.  He  said  in  1858:  "I  do  not 
now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  in  favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,"  but  declared  that  it  ought  to  be  freed  "from 
some  of  the  objections  that  appertain  to  it  without  lessening  its 
efiiciency." 

From  some  understanding  amongst  rival  candidates  at  the 
time  of  his  nomination  he  did  not  seek  re-election,  but  consented 
in  case  of  difficulty  in  agreeing  on  a  successor  to  stand  for  a  second 
term.  Another  was  chosen  but  beaten  at  the  polls.  Shortly  after- 
ward there  was  a  contest  for  the  appointment  of  General  Land 
Commissioner;  Lincoln  supported  a  friend  for  the  place,  but  was 
unsuccessful  in  his  efforts.  He  now  became  a  candidate  himself. 
It  is  common  to  regard  this  as  a  crisis  in  his  career.  Had  he  ob- 
tained the  position,  what  would  have  been  his  future  .f*  We  are 
told  he  might  have  become  a  mere  bureau  officer,  absorbed  in 
routine  administrative  duties,  have  neglected  his  profession,  lost 

348 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  95 

if  not  his  interest,  his  influence  in  politics.  But  Thomas  A.  Hend- 
ricks, after  holding  the  place,  was  elected  governor,  senator  and 
Vice-President,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  Lincoln  also 
would  have  overcome  its  benumbing  influence.  Grant  sought  in 
vain  an  appointment  on  the  staff.  Had  he  secured  it  would  he 
have  been  present  at  another's  or  his  own  Appomattox?  But  for 
his  mother,  Washington  would  have  been  a  midshipman  on  a  Brit- 
ish ship.  Can  we  imagine  him  a  British  admiral  in  our  Revolu- 
tion.'^ Interesting  as  may  be  these  speculations  to  amuse  the 
fancy  they  are  vain ;  for,  as  we  believe  with  the  poet : 

There's  a  divinity  that  shapes  our  ends. 
Rough-hew  them  how  we  will. 

Hamlet  V,  II. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  now  devoting  himself  more  closely  to  the  prac- 
tice of  his  profession.  No  time  to  become  a  profoundly  learned 
lawyer,  he  grasped  with  broad  comprehension  the  eternal  princi- 
ples of  right  and  justice.  He  was  distinguished  for  the  clearness 
with  which  he  presented  the  facts  of  his  cause,  and  the  law  bearing 
upon  them,  after  which  he  had  little  to  do  but  to  impress  them  in  a 
clear  and  convincing  way  upon  the  court  and  the  jury.  As  a  pub- 
lic speaker  his  fame  was  growing,  and  he  was  called  to  distant  parts 
to  address  political  assemblies.  He  was  thus  making  friends, 
gaining  popularity  and  convincing  the  people  of  his  high  character 
and  great  ability.  A  remarkable  contest  was  coming  on  in  which 
all  these  qualities  would  be  put  to  the  severest  test. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  a  favorite  leader  of  the  Democratic 
party,  an  orator  of  distinguished  force  and  eloquence.  His  term 
as  senator  was  about  to  expire,  and  he  was  a  candidate  for  re- 
election. A  joint  debate  was  arranged  between  him  and  Lincoln, 
the  choice  of  the  Republicans,  which  proved  to  be  a  battle  of  in- 
tellectual and  forensic  giants,  and  attracted  the  close  attention  of 
the  entire  country.  Douglas'  war  cry  was  Popular  Sovereignty,  a 
term  applied  to  the  right  of  an  incoming  state  to  pass  on  the  ques- 

349 


96  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

tion  of  slavery;  the  Missouri  Compromise,  largely  owing  to  his 
exertions,  having  been  repealed.  It  was  a  phrase  apt  to  flatter 
the  pride  and  patriotism  of  the  people.  Is  not  ours  a  popular 
government?  Do  not  the  people  rule?  Ought  not  the  inhabitants 
of  a  territory  to  have  the  right  to  choose  all  their  local  institutions, 
including  slavery?  Douglas  was  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
and  fearing  to  offend  the  South  dared  not,  if  he  would,  attack 
slavery;  as  he  probably  did  not  believe  in  the  justice  of  it,  he 
could  defend  it  only  as  an  institution  of  the  states  that  chose  to 
maintain  it,  and  as  recognized  in  the  Constitution.  In  view  of 
the  natural  antipathy  of  freemen  to  servitude  Lincoln  had  a  tacti- 
cal advantage,  for  he  hated  slavery  and  had  no  hesitation,  lost  no 
opportunity  to  express  his  mind. 

Hence,  the  morality  of  slavery,  its  right  to  exist  at  all,  became 
the  chief,  the  absorbing  issue.  As  his  text  Lincoln  chose  with 
sagacity  the  passage  from  the  Scriptures:  A  house  divided  against 
itself  can  not  stand.  He  spoke  with  clearness  and  force:  "I  be- 
lieve this  government  can  not  endure  half  slave  and  half  free;" 
that  the  slavery  question  could  "never  be  successfully  comprom- 
ised." He  believed  the  negro  "entitled  to  all  the  natural  rights 
enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  right  to  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  as  much  entitled  to  these  as 
the  white  man."  But  "I  am  not  in  favor  of  making  voters  or  jurors 
of  negroes,  nor  of  qualifying  them  to  hold  office,  nor  to  intermarry 
with  white  people."  Afterwards  he  somewhat  modified  this  op- 
inion: The  privilege  to  vote  might  be  wisely  conferred  upon  "the 
very  intelligent  and  especially  upon  those  who  have  fought  gallant- 
ly in  our  ranks  "  He  regarded  slavery  as  "a  moral,  a  social,  a 
political  evil."  But  at  Peoria  with  a  profound  sense  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  wisely  dealing  with  it,  and  the  awful  consequences  of  mis- 
take he  declared:  "If  all  earthly  power  were  given  me,  I  should  not 
know  what  to  do  with  the  existing  institution." 

3J0 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  97 

Thus  Douglas  believed  that  slaves  might  be  brought  in  and 
slavery  adopted  in  a  territory  by  the  vote  of  the  people  of  the  ter- 
ritory, while  Lincoln  was  opposed  to  its  extension  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, holding  that  Congress  had  the  right  and  ought  to  pro- 
hibit the  introduction  of  them. 

Momentous  results  depended  on  this  historic  contest,  more 
famous  now  than  any  ever  waged  in  the  country's  history;  even 
the  celebrated  debate  between  Webster  and  Hayne  fades  by  com- 
parison into  obscurity.  Douglas  gained  the  seat  in  the  Senate, 
but,  probably,  lost  the  Presidency;  Lincoln  lost  the  senatorship, 
but  reached  the  Presidential  chair. 

The  tremendous  impression  Lincoln's  speeches  made  upon  his 
party  and  the  country  rendered  probable  if  not  certa  n  his  nom- 
ination for  President.  But  it  was  not  to  be  had  without  a  struggle. 
Wise  and  shrewd  politicians  were  against  him;  statesmen,  like 
Seward,  of  high  order  and  long  experience,  were  formidable  an- 
tagonists. But  the  discussion  with  Douglas  had  done  its  work. 
From  the  convention  at  Chicago  in  May  of  1860  he  came  out,  but 
after  a  fierce  and  bitter  contest,  the  Republican  candidate.  The 
Democratic  party  was  divided,  chiefly  over  the  slavery  question, 
and  after  a  campaign  remarkable  for  earnestness  and  enthus- 
iasm, Lincoln  was  elected.  "The  Rail-splitter"  won,  where  "the 
Path-finder"  lost. 

When  he  was  sworn  into  office  Douglas  stood  at  his  side,  in 
fact  held  his  hat  while  he  spoke,  in  hearty  support  then  and  later 
as  long  as  life  lasted.  The  antagonist  of  old  but  now  the  friend 
heard  with  sympathy  and  approval  these  touching  and  memorable 
words:  "I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends. 
We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it 
must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  mem- 
ory, stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every 
living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell 

351 


98  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will 
be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

The  South  heard  but  heeded  not.  State  after  state  had  gone 
on  seceding,  as  they  claimed,  from  the  Union;  a  Confederacy  had 
been  set  up  at  Montgomery  with  Jefferson  Davis  as  president,  and 
armies  created  to  achieve  by  force  their  independence.  All  appeals 
to  reconsider  their  hasty  acts  fell  upon  unwilling  ears.  The  North 
in  general  did  not  really  believe  they  meant  war,  and  it  was  not 
until  they  fired  on  Fort  Sumter  that  the  sleeping  lion  was  roused. 
Then  occurred  an  uprising  of  an  indignant  people  that  astonished 
the  world. 

Mr.  Lincoln  chose  for  his  Cabinet  his  chief  opponents  at 
Chicago:  Seward,  Chase,  Cameron,  and  others.  Some  were  well- 
known  to  the  country,  some  had  yet  to  make  their  mark. 

Many  thought  that  Seward  would  prove  the  master  mind  to 
overshadow  his  fellows,  perhaps  the  President  himself.  In  a 
speech  on  the  admission  of  California  he  had  said:  "There  is  a 
higher  law  than  the  constitution,"  and  at  Rochester  in  1858:  "It 
is  an  irrepressible  conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring  forces, 
and  it  means  that  the  United  States  must  and  will,  sooner  or  later, 
become  either  entirely  a  slave-holding  nation,  or  entirely  a  free 
labor  nation."  These  views,  very  advanced  for  the  time,  held  by 
many  to  be  very  radical,  appealed  with  force  of  conviction  to  a 
large  part  of  his  countrymen;  in  consequence  he  had  a  strong  and 
influentia  party  at  his  back.  He  was  a  very  able  lawyer,  had 
been  governor  of  the  state  of  New  York,  and  long  a  leading  senator. 
The  force  of  Lincoln's  character  was  soon  made  evident.  He  draft- 
ed himself  the  first  circular  to  the  foreign  powers  on  the  state  of 
our  affairs  at  home  and  abroad,  a  document  of  extraordinary  merit, 
and  directed  his  secretary  of  state  to  put  it  in  the  usual  diplomatic 
form  for  transmissal  to  our  ministers  abroad.  Seward  presented 
a  scheme  to  the  cabinet  whereby  one  member  should  be  charged 

352 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  99 

with  management  and  direction  of  all  our  affairs,  "to  devolve  the 
energetic  prosecution  of  the  war  on  some  member  of  the  cabinet," 
in  other  words  practically  a  dictatorship.  "While  he  was  not 
seeking  it,  he  would  not  decline  it."  The  President  quietly  in- 
timated they  could  get  on  well  enough  without  a  dictator,  that  he 
would  save  the  need  of  one,  and  ignored  the  scheme.  He  retained 
the  vast  powers  of  the  Presidency  in  his  own  hands,  unciuestioned 
to  the  end.  For  his  great  services  to  the  country  in  our  foreign 
affairs  in  a  most  difficult  time  Mr.  Seward's  memory  is  held  in 
grateful  recollection. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  chief  object  was  to  make  the  contest  with  the 
South  a  war  for  the  Union  only.  In  his  inaugural  he  declared: 
"The  Union  is  unbroken,"  that  "no  state,  upon  its  mere  motion, 
could  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union;  resolves  and  ordinances  to 
that  effect  are  legally  void."  To  him  the  abolition  of  siavery  was 
an  incident,  not  the  purpose  held  in  view.  Before  inauguration 
he  wrote  to  Seward,  he  did  "not  wish  to  meddle  with  slavery  as  it 
now  existed."  Had  he  entertained  and  made  known  such  intention 
it  is  doubtful  if  so  many  who  cheerfully  rallied  to  restore  the  Union 
would  have  come  to  his  support.  He  declared  "the  abolition  of 
slavery  was  not  worth  300,000  lives,  but  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  was."  To  Horace  Greeley,  19th  August,  1862,  in  answer 
to  his  self -inspired,  self-constructed  "Prayer  of  20,000,000  of 
People"  he  wrote:  "My  paramount  object  is  to  save  the  Union 
and  not  to  save  or  destroy  slavery.  If  I  could  save  the  Union 
without  freeing  any  slave,  I  would  do  it.  And  if  I  could  save  it 
by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would  do  it.  And  if  I  could  save  it  by 
freeing  some,  and  leaving  others  alone,  I  would  do  that."  Further: 
"My  enemies  pretend  that  I  am  now  carrying  on  the  war  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  abolition.  So  long  as  I  am  President,  it  shall  be 
carried  on  for  the  sole  purpose  of  restoring  the  Union." 

From  the  very  first  Greeley  was  constantly  giving  him  trouble. 
In  the  editorial  columns  of  the  Tribune  it  was  declared  that  "if  the 

353 


100  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

Cotton  States  shall  decide  that  they  can  do  better  out  of  the  Union 
than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting  them  go  in  peace;"  and  on  the  23rd 
February,  1861,  that  "if  the  Cotton  States  choose  to  form  an  in- 
dependent nation,  they  have  a  clear  moral  right  to  do  so."  Glad- 
stone improved  but  little  on  these  plain  words  when  he  said  "Jeffer- 
son Davis  has  created  a  nation."  Secession  was  in  the  air.  Fer- 
nando Wood  proposed  that  New  York  should  become  a  free  in- 
dependent city,  and  Daniel  E.  Sickles,  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, threatened  that  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States  should 
be  followed  by  that  of  New  York  City. 

Abolitionists  other  than  Greeley  treated  Mr.  Lincoln  con- 
temptuously. Wendell  Phillips  asked:  "Who  is  this  truckster  in 
politics .f*  Who  is  this  county  court  advocate?"  He  had  the 
audacity  to  publish  an  article  entitled  "Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Slave 
hound  of  Illinois."  He  regarded  the  Administration  "as  a  civil 
and  military  failure."  His  re-election  "I  shall  consider  the  end 
of  the  Union,  and  its  reconstruction  on  terms  worse  than  disun- 
ion." Fremont,  too,  who  had  been  relieved  as  Hunter  was,  for 
freeing  the  slaves  in  his  department  on  his  own  motion,  had  his 
fling:  "The  Administration  is  politically,  militarily  and  financially 
a  failure." 

The  Democrats,  in  open  opposition  to  his  policy,  objected  to 
any  other  than  voluntary  emancipation  by  the  people  of  the  South 
themselves.  Stanton  broke  out  in  opprobrious  terms  unfit  to  re- 
peat. The  Abolitionists  were  furious  that  he  did  not  at  once  free 
the  negroes.  Many  leading  Republicans,  still  within  the  limits  of 
the  party,  denounced  him,  as  we  shall  see  further  on,  both  officially 
and  personally.  But  this  extraordinary  man,  beset  with  the  clamor 
of  his  enemies,  pushed  his  way  forward  like  a  great  ship  in  mid- 
ocean,  regardless  of  storm  and  tempest,  true  to  the  masterful  hand 
that  holds  the  wheel.  He  had  his  own  plan  that  he  would  unfold 
in  due  time. 

354 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  101 

He  was  preparing  to  free  the  slaves  as  commander-in-chief,  as 
a  war  measure  to  bring  victory  to  our  armies  in  the  field.  To  a 
delegation  of  clergymen  from  Chicago  in  September,  1862,  he  an- 
swered: "I  view  this  matter  (proclamation  of  emancipation)  as  a 
practical  war  measure,  to  be  decidfed  on  according  to  the  advant- 
ages or  disadvantages  it  may  offer  to  the  suppression  of  the  rebell- 
ion." He  had  no  doubt  of  his  right  under  the  Constitution  to  issue 
it.  In  a  letter  to  a  mass  meeting  held  at  Springfield  he  wrote  26th 
August,  1863:  "I  think  the  Constitution  invests  its  commander- 
in-chief  with  all  the  law  of  war.  The  most  that  can  be  said,  if  so 
much,  is,  that  slaves  are  property.  Is  there,  has  there  ever  been, 
any  question  that  by  the  law  of  war.  property,  both  of  enemies 
and  friends,  may  be  taken  wdien  needed?" 

x\t  last  on  the  1st  January,  1863,  he  issued  the  proclamation: 
'By  virtue  of  his  power  as  commander-in-chief  in  time  of  actual 
armed  rebellion  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for  sup- 
pressing the  rebellion,"  the  President  ordered  (note  the  military 
term)  ordered  that  "all  persons  held  as  slaves  in  certain  states  and 
parts  of  states  (designated)  should  be  thence  forward  free.  ' 

The  proclamation  freed  the  slaves  within  the  limits  held  by 
the  Union  armies,  but  no  farther.  Those  blacks  were  free,  but 
slavery  cou'd  be  restored  by  the  states  when  they  resumed  their 
places  in  the  Union.  To  abolish  it  for  all  time  was  now  the  para- 
mount purpose.  In  June,  1864,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  the  abolition  of 
slavery  was  "a  fitting  and  necessary  condition  to  the  final  success 
of  the  Union  cause."  But  how  should  it  be  done?  He  himself  as 
a  civil  measure  had  always  favored  emancipation  with  compensa- 
tion to  owners,  and  colonization.  Congress,  in  accord  with  the 
views  set  forth  in  his  message  of  16th  March,  1862,  passed  a  reso- 
lution that  "the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  w^ith  any  state 
which  might  adopt  a  gradual  emancipation  of  slavery,"  and  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  the  President  $600,000  for  an  experiment  in  col- 

855 


102  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

onization.  As  late  as  February,  1865,  he  worked  out  a  scheme 
whereby  "Congress  should  empower  him  to  distribute  a  suflScient 
sum  of  money  between  the  slave  states  in  due  proportion  to  their 
respective  slave  populations  (to  be  divided  amongst  the  owners) 
on  condition  that  all  resistance  to  the  national  authority  should 
be  abandoned  and  cease  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  April  next." 
On  submitting  it  to  his  cabinet  it  was  "unanimously  disapproved." 
He  doubted  the  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  re- 
constructed states.  "I  conceive  that  I  may  in  an  emergency  do 
things  on  militar}^  grounds  which  cannot  be  done  constitutionally 
by  Congress."  He  favored  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
which  he  did  not  live  to  see  adopted.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment 
was  submitted  to  the  states  by  resolution  of  Congress  passed  on  the 
1st  February,  1865,  and  proclaimed  a  part  of  the  fundamental 
law  on  the  18th  December  following.  It  provides  that:  "Neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  punishment  for  crime, 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within 
the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction."  Thus 
finally  passed  away  the  "peculiar  institution,"  the  subject  of  agi- 
tation for  the  previous  fifty  years,  and  the  blot  was  forever  wiped 
off  the  map.  The  "cornerstone"  of  the  Confederacy,  according  to 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  that  "slavery  is  the  negro's  natural  and 
moral  condition,"  crumbled  to  pieces.  It  may  be  left  to  moralists 
and  economists  to  quarrel  over  the  question,  happily  now  merely 
academic,  whether  if  left  to  itself  it  would  have  died  of  itself. 
Even  in  imperial  Rome  pagan  lawyers  declared  slavery  to  be  against 
natural  light. 

Lincoln's  nomination  and  election  to  a  second  term  were  not 
effected  without  much  commotion  in  the  political  world.  The 
Democratic  convention  at  Chicago,  vmder  the  lead  of  Vallandig- 
ham  and  other  extremists,  put  a  plank  in  the  platform  declaring 
that  "after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the  ex- 
periment of  war,"  a  convention  ought  to  be  called  of  all  the  states 

356 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  103 

or  other  peaceable  means  taken  to  restore  peace  "on  the  basis  of  a 
federal  union  of  the  states,"  which  General  McCiellan,  their  can- 
didate, repudiated.  The  radical  Republicans  nominated  Fremont 
in  May,  but  he  withdrew  in  September.  Chase,  whom  Lincoln 
had  taken  into  his  cabinet,  and  after  his  resignation  appointed 
Chief  Justice,  hoped  to  be  the  nominee,  but  when  the  Ohio  legis- 
lature declared  for  Lincoln,  also  withdrew.  An  effort  to  nominate 
Grant  he  brushed  abruptly  aside. 

The  Democratic  party  took  a  more  dignified  stand  than  the 
so-called  Reactionaries.  They  charged  that  the  Constitution  had 
been  violated  and  many  of  them  in  so  awful  a  cont  ngency  would 
have  preferred  a  divided  country  with  the  Constitution  intact  to  a 
united  country  with  the  Constitution  prostrate.  While  the  reac- 
tionaries seemed  to  be  moved  by  personal  spite,  quarrels  over  pat- 
ronage, above  all,  by  an  intense  desire  to  make  the  President  ac- 
cept their  views  and  move  more  rapidly  than  he  was  disposed. 
Enemies  of  Mr.  Lincoln  within  his  own  party  were  constantly  at- 
tacking him.  Mr.  Julian  made  a  serious  mistake  in  saying  "that 
of  the  more  earnest  and  thorough-going  Republicans  in  both  houses 
of  Congress  probably  not  one  in  ten  favored  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Lincoln."  Thaddeus  Stevens  declared  in  the  House  that  Arnold, 
of  Illinois,  was  the  only  member  who  was  a  political  friend  of  the 
President,  and  "the  story  goes  that  Lincoln  himself  sadly  admitted 
the  truth  of  it."  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  proclaimed  that  his  re- 
election was  practically  impossible.  Winter  Davis  and  B.  F.  Wade 
published  an  address  in  the  N.  Y.  Tribune,  "To  the  Supporters  of 
the  Government,"  in  which  they  charged  encroachment  of  the 
Executive  on  the  authority  of  Congress,  "even  impugning  the 
honesty  of  his  purpose  in  words  of  direct  personal  insult." 

Meanwhile  the  war  was  going  on  successfully  to  its  inevitable 
conclusion  and  all  opposition  was  vain.  The  majority  of  the 
people  thought  with  Lincoln,  that  it  was  no  time  to  swap  horses 
when  crossing  the  stream. 

357 


104  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

On  taking  the  oath  a  second  time  he  spoke  these  words,  which 
touch  the  heart  because  they  came  from  his:  "With  mahce  toward 
none;  with  charity  for  all;  with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives 
us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in;  to 
bind  up  the  nation's  wounds;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne 
the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and  orphans — to  do  ail  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and 
with  all  nations." 

Of  the  history  of  the  war  much  might  be,  but  little  need  here 
be  said,  for  it  is  too  familiar  to  the  older,  perhaps  to  the  younger 
Companions,  now  to  rehearse.  As  the  last  of  the  chief  command- 
ers he  selected  Grant,  who  led  the  armies  to  final  victory  at  Appo- 
mattox. When  Grant  took  command  he  stipulated  that  he  was 
to  be  absolutely  free  from  all  interference,  especially  on  the  part  of 
Stanton.  Lincoln  was  most  generous  in  his  confidence  and  in  his 
support.  He  wrote;  "The  particulars  of  your  plan  I  neither  know 
nor  seek  to  know."  Grant  replied  in  like  spirit:  "Should  my  suc- 
cess be  less  than  I  desire  and  expect,  the  least  I  can  say,  the  fault 
is  not  with  you."  Lincoln  lived  to  see  the  Union  armies  victor- 
ious at  Appomattox,  and  Lee  with  the  brave  but  exhausted  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia  give  up  the  struggle.  Then,  the  Union  safe, 
the  light  went  out;  a  great  soul  passed  on  to  its  Maker. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  true  product  of  our  institutions.  In 
no  other  country  could  his  career  have  been  possible;  only  a  re- 
public based  on  a  democracy  could  have  produced  him.  He  had 
ambition  to  rise,  but  it  was  not  "vaulting,"  nor  was  it  "that  sin" 
whereby  "fell  the  angels."  In  an  address  to  the  people  in  his  first 
canvass  for  the  legislature  he  described  it:  "Every  man  is  said 
to  have  his  peculiar  ambition.  Whether  it  be  true  or  not,  I  can 
say  for  one  that  I  have  no  other  so  great  as  that  of  being  truly  es- 
teemed by  my  fellow-men,  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of  their 
esteem."  Such  principles  were  in  accord  with  fair  desire  to  reach 
place  and  power,  where  he  could  carry  them  into  effect.     He  be- 

358 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  105 

lieved  in  the  truths  of  the  Declaration  he  so  often  proclaimed:  All 
men  are  born  free  and  equal.  His  character  appealed  to  the  sym- 
pathy and  affections  of  the  people.  He  was  "Honest  Abe,"  be- 
cause while  in  business,  of  his  own  notion  he  trudged  miles  to 
refund  an  accidental  overcharge;  because  he  took  trouble  to  make 
up  for  a  careless  underweight;  because  he  paid  off  his  "national 
debt,"  with  interest,  every  cent.  He  never  cared  for  money  or 
tried  to  accumulate  it.  To  Chase,  wishing  to  introduce  a  dele- 
gation of  bankers  who  had  come  to  Washington  to  discuss  the 
financial  situation,  he  exclaimed,  "Money!  I  don't  know  any- 
thing about  money!  I  never  had  enough  of  my  own  to  fret  me, 
and  I  have  no  opinion  about  it  any  way." 

In  the  usual  sense  he  was  not  a  politician.  Without  his  ear 
to  the  ground  no  man  ever  knew  better  the  heart  of  the  plain  peo- 
ple: he  was  one  of  them  himself.  He  said,  "God  loves  the  plain 
people,  he  made  so  many  of  them."  He  had  their  virtues,  honesty, 
truth,  courage,  none  of  their  faults.  A  model  of  the  domestic 
virtues,  he  had  the  family  relations  that  make  the  bone  and  sinew 
of  the  land.  No  scandal,  public  or  private,  was  ever  fastened  up- 
on him,  none  was  even  so  much  as  hinted.  Not  strictly  a  religious 
man,  he  believed  in  the  Christian's  God  whom  he  so  often  invoked, 
and  lived  in  accord  with  the  morals  of  Christian  life.  He  had 
the  confidence,  affection,  respect  of  every  man  that  knew  him,  of 
every  man  that  once  had  seen  him.  How  it  stirred  the  heart, 
roused  the  spirit  of  patriotism  in  the  young  soldier's  breast,  in  the 
breasts  of  many  of  you,  to  behold  that  dignified  figure  in  the  dress 
they  wore  at  home,  a  citizen  in  black  as  the  head  of  the  army  on 
review,  the  country's  institutions  personified!  Of  undoubted  per- 
sonal courage  he  stood  under  fire,  perhaps  without  due  heed,  but 
eager  to  witness  Early's  repulse  at  Fort  Stevens,  our  soldiers  and 
theirs  in  actual  battle.  Like  Aristotle's  magnanimous  man,  vir- 
tuous, conversant  with  great  and  extraordinary  honors,  his  gait 
was  slow,  his  tone  of  voice  grave,  his  pronunciation  firm.  (Ethics, 
lib.  IV.) 

859 


106  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

As  a  statesman  he  holds  place  in  the  highest  rank.  It  is  amaz- 
ing to  consider  how  one  with  no  previous  experience  could  conduct 
the  government  with  success  to  the  end  of  a  war  that  convulsed  a 
continent,  that  disturbed  the  whole  world.  Yet  as  he  wrote  in  his 
message  in  December,  1864,  the  population  had  actually  increased 
during  the  preceding  four  years,  and  material  resources  were  more 
complete  and  abundant  than  ever.  Peculiarly  delicate  and  diffi- 
cult were  our  relations  with  foreign  powers.  There  was  impend- 
ing danger  of  intervention  by  Great  Britain  and  France.  The 
French  were  in  Mexico  with  hopes  to  stay;  the  English,  sending 
forth  armed  ships  in  the  name  of  neutrality  to  destroy  our  com- 
merce; the  Canadians,  giving  shelter  to  enemies  and  spies  too  mean 
to  bear  arms,  a  refuge  to  carry  on  their  nefarious  designs.  Our 
only  friend  was  Russia,  to  prove  that  friendship  by  sending  a  fleet 
at  a  critical  time  to  ward  off  interference.  It  is  said  the  English 
people  were  in  sympathy  with  the  Union  cause;  so  they  were  in 
the  same  way  in  our  Revolution.  Their  hostile  temper  was  shown 
in  swift  anger  at  the  taking  of  Mason  and  Slidell  by  Captain 
Wilkes  off  the  Trent.  Although  the  gallant  officer  received  thanks 
of  Congress  and  the  applause  of  the  country  it  was  a  mistake,  and 
to  avert  war  had  to  be  undone.  But  there  were  plenty  of  pre- 
cedents in  English  history  to  justify  it;  some  of  them  led  to  the 
War  of  1812.  As  late  as  the  Spanish  War  the  British  Ambassador 
guided  other  foreign  ministers  to  the  White  House  with  intent  to 
overawe  and  intimidate  the  President.  Their  actions  and  purposes 
in  Mexico  now  are  left  to  the  future  to  unfold. 

It  took  a  skilful  pilot  to  steer  through  these  difficult  channels; 
the  least  swerve  from  the  course  was  sure  to  bring  collision  with  a 
sunken  rock.  Foreign  affairs  were  ably  handled  by  the  secretary 
of  state,  but  supreme  direction  was  in  the  hands  of  the  President. 
Vigorous  and  emphatic  protests  were  made  to  the  British  that  led, 
through  our  having  the  most  formidable  fleet  afloat,  to  the  Ala- 
bama Treaty;  to  the  evacuation  of  Mexico  when  Sheridan  with 

360 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  107 

50,000  veterans,  some  of  you  among  them,  moved  to  the  frontier. 
Men  have  tried  in  vain  to  tell  the  debt  of  gratitude  the  country 
owes  to  the  wisdom,  firmness,  foresight,  patriotism  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

It  has  been  told  of  him  that  he  stands  apart  in  striking  solitude. 
He  had  no  confidants  about  him  to  warp  and  deceive  his  judg- 
ment, to  boast  afterward  of  their  perfidy.  His  ear  was  ever  open 
to  advice  of  friends,  even  to  hear  the  abuse  of  enemies,  but  he  acted 
of  his  own  will,  unswerved  by  influence  or  threats,  without  fear 
but  with  due  heed  for  results.  He  was  chief  magistrate.  Im- 
perious Stanton  more  than  once  was  reminded  by  him,  gently  but 
firmly,  that  one  was  Secretary,  the  other  President. 

Lincoln  was  fond  of  company,  even  of  the  plainest;  no  old 
friend  too  humble  to  entertain,  to  talk  with  of  the  past,  to  recall 
events  of  their  early  life.  As  a  young  man  he  was  subject  to  spells 
of  depression,  and  perhaps  never  entirely  recovered  from  the  ef- 
fects of  them.  They  showed,  as  many  of  you  have  seen,  in  his 
countenance  when  not  lighted  up  by  a  kindly  smile.  Was  his  sad- 
ness due  to  an  overwhelming  sense  of  responsibility?  for  we  know 
that  responsibility  sobers.  The  late  Chief  Justice  Thompson, 
who  knew  him  well,  and  had  seen  Alexander  of  Russia,  the  liberator 
of  serfs,  afterward  also  assassinated,  used  to  say  they  had  the  sad- 
dest faces  he  ever  saw  on  men.  Were  the  shadows  of  impending 
doom  upon  them.'^  Lincoln  often  spoke  of  doing  his  duty  at  the 
risk  of  his  life.  At  the  State  House  he  closed  his  speech  with  this 
remarkable  statement  some  of  you  may  have  heard:  "But  I  have 
said  nothing  but  what  I  am  willing  to  live  by,  and,  if  it  be  the 
pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  to  die  by."  At  another  time  he  felt 
that  he  had  no  moral  right  to  shrink  from  his  duty,  nor  even  to 
count  the  chances  of  his  own  life  in  what  might  follow.  He  had 
rather  die,  as  he  said,  than  restore  to  slavery  the  blacks  he  had 
set  free. 

361 


108  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

In  his  book,  De  Trobriand,  of  the  regular  army,  relates  that 
he  could  tell  from  the  countenances  of  his  men  who  were  to  fall  in 
the  coming  battle.  Was  it  that  "far-away  look"  some  physicians 
skilled  to  "minister  to  a  mind  diseased"  have  known  and  described? 
Was  it  with  Lincoln,  the  impress  of  the  conscious  soul  upon  the 
body  it  was  about  to  leave? 

A  most  genial,  kindly  man,  he  seldom  said  of  another  any- 
thing severe,  but  when  pushed  too  far  he  knew  how  to  strike 
back.  He  had  "a  giant's  strength,"  but  thought  it  "tyrannous 
to  use  it  like  a  giant."  One  Forquer  had  been  berating  him  as  a 
young  man  who  must  be  "taken  down."  Forquer  had  built  for 
himself  the  finest  house  in  Springfield,  and  put  on  it  the  first  light- 
ning-rod ever  seen  in  the  neighborhood.  Lincoln  declared  from 
"the  stump:"  "I  would  rather  die  now  than,  like  the  gentleman, 
live  to  see  the  day  when  I  should  have  to  erect  a  lightning-rod  to 
protect  a  guilty  conscience  from  an  offended  God!" 

His  fund  of  anecdotes  was  inexhaustible,  but  manj^  attributed 
to  him  are  of  doubtful  source.  He  told  them  to  relieve  his  feelings 
or  as  a  happy,  amusing  illustration,  even  in  the  gravest  affairs. 
In  his  biographical  sketch  alluded  to  he  did  not  refrain  from  using 
the  homeliest  illustrations.  "If  any  personal  description  is  thought 
desirable,  it  may  be  said  I  am,  in  height,  six  feet  four  inches, 
nearly;  lean  in  flesh,  weighing  on  an  average  one  hundred  and 
eighty  pounds;  dark  complexion,  with  coarse  black  hair,  and  gray 
eyes.  No  other  marks  and  brands  recollected."  He  was  fond  of 
metaphor  drawn  from  life  on  the  farm.  When  he  allowed  Greeley 
to  go  to  Niagara  Falls,  on  a  vain  errand  as  he  knew,  to  confer  with 
self-styled  Confederate  Commissioners,  with  mind  probably  on  an 
unruly  steer  tied  with  a  long  halter,  he  gave  him,  as  he  declared, 
rope  enough  to  hang  him.  When  Hooker,  after  Chancellorsville, 
proposed  to  cross  the  Rappahannock  and  attack  Lee's  rear  corps 
at  Fredericksburg,  he  wrote  him:  "In  one  word,  I  would  not  take 

■     362 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  109 

any  risk  of  being  entangled  upon  the  river  like  an  ox  jumped  half 
over  a  fence  and  liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  front  and  rear,  without  a 
fair  chance  to  gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other."  At  the  famous 
conference  at  Hampton  Roads  in  January,  1865,  he  persisted  that 
he  could  not  enter  into  any  agreement  with  "parties  in  arms  against 
the  government."  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  cited  precedents  "of  this 
character  between  Charles  I.  of  England  and  the  people  in  arms 
against  him."  Lincoln  replied:  "I  do  not  profess  to  be  posted  in 
history.  On  all  such  matters  I  will  turn  you  over  to  Seward.  All 
I  distinctly  recollect  about  the  case  of  Charles  I.  is,  that  he  lost 
his  head!" 

The  flight  and  pursuit  of  Jefferson  Davis  was  an  exciting  epi- 
sode. Asked  if  he  was  willing  to  let  him  escape,  Lincoln  said  it 
reminded  him  of  a  circuit  rider  who  late  at  night,  tired  and  wet, 
sought  rest  and  refreshment  for  himself  and  horse  at  a  settler's 
cabin.  The  farmer  asked,  "Parson,  will  you  take  a  drink .f^"  He 
replied,  "Oh  my  no,  I  never  drink."  "Well  then,  will  you  have  a 
lemonade.^*"  "Yes,"  he  would  have  that.  "Shall  I  put  a  stick  in 
it?"  "Well  now,"  hesitating,  "if  you  can  put  it  in  sort  of  unbe- 
knownst like."  If  the  late  president  of  the  confederacy  could  es- 
cape "unbeknownst  like,"  so  much  the  better  for  the  country. 
The  result,  as  usual,  proved  Lincoln's  wisdom.  For  the  capture 
greatly  embarrassed  the  government  and  showed  that  a  man  can- 
not be  convicted  in  the  district  where  the  treason  was  committed, 
if  the  whole  community  be  involved,  because,  although  Davis  was 
indicted  and  arraigned,  they  dared  not  try  him  in  the  face  of  cer- 
tain acquittal,  unless  they  packed  the  jury,  a  crime  almost  equal 
to  treason  itself. 

Lincoln's  speeches  on  the  rostrum  and  before  the  jury  were 
full  of  anecdotes  like  these,  to  amuse  the  fancy  or  please  the  crowd. 
But  his  oratory  and  his  writings  have  a  far  higher  merit.  They 
are  in  the  choicest  form  of  English  composition.     His  letter  to  a 

363 


110  SOME  PHASES  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 

poor  mother  who  he  heard  had  lost  five  sons  in  the  war,  still  hangs 
on  the  walls  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford,  as  an  example  of  pure 
and  perfect  English.  Recently  the  Chancellor  of  Oxford,  asked  to 
say  who  was  the  greatest  English  orator,  replied,  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  the  greatest  in  the  English  language.  His  speech  at  Gettys- 
burg as  a  model  of  funereal  oratory  took  the  place  of  Pericles'  over 
the  dead  of  Marathon,  for  two  thousand  years  held  up  as  the 
greatest  of  its  kind.  In  a  few  moments  he  gained  there  more  last- 
ing fame  than  Meade  who  fought  the  battle.  Again  in  the  contest 
for  fame  between  letters  and  arms,  carried  on  since  Alexander  at 
the  tomb  of  Achilles  longed  for  another  Homer,  letters  won.  How 
full  of  tender  and  noble  thoughts  must  have  been  the  soul  that  on 
the  spur  of  the  moment,  as  it  were,  could  utter  forth  a  master-piece 
to  last  as  long  as  time!  Well  may  they  place  that  immortal  speech 
on  the  stately  monument  that  stands  in  honor  of  the  soldiers  of 
Pennsylvania  on  the  field  where  it  was  spoken,  but  men  will  read 
it  when  the  marks  in  bronze  that  set  it  forth  are  worn  away  from 
storm  and  rust.  Glorious  field!  illustrious  for  heroic  deeds  of  arms, 
for  oratory's  highest  flight;  greater  than  Marathon,  for  here  men 
who  met  as  foes  now  gather  as  friends,  citizens  of  a  common 
country. 

With  all  his  extraordinary  faculties  he  had  none  of  the  eccen- 
tricities of  genius.  His  patience  under  most  exasperating  circum- 
stances was  without  limit;  when  tried  almost  beyond  human 
endurance  he  replied  without  passion,  without  complaint,  only  to 
correct  mistake.  He  was  misunderstood  by  his  enemies,  not  fully 
appreciated  by  his  friends.  But  the  harsh  things  said  of  him  in 
his  life-time,  all  too  short,  are  now  forgotten  in  universal  reverence 
for  his  memory.  Of  a  heart  too  tender  willingly  to  sign  a  death 
warrant,  he  approved  a  bill,  on  conviction  of  its  necessity,  to  au- 
thorize generals  in  the  field  to  execute  spies  and  deserters.  The 
quality  of  his  mercy  was  not  strained ;  he  was  the  very  personifica- 
tion of  that  charity  that  suffereth  long  and  is  kind.     But  he  was 

364 


CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  111 

always  the  man,  primus  inter  pares,  first  amongst  his  peers.  That 
one  of  his  kindly  nature  should  perish  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin 
passes  all  understanding. 

Abraham  Lincoln  in  character,  ability,  and  achievement  ranks 
with  the  great  men  of  his  time,  with  the  great  men  of  all  time. 
In  contemplating  him  we  believe  with  Cicero,  in  every  great  man 
is  some  whiff  of  the  divine  breath.^  While  men  of  genius  have 
some  qualities,  opinions,  and  fortunes  in  common,  in  others  they 
widely  differ. ^  With  Hamilton,  Lincoln  believed  in  a  strong  gov- 
ernment; with  Jefferson,  in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people.  Athens,  weary  of  Aristides  "the  Just,"  banished  him; 
America  honored  "Honest  Abe"  living,  reveres  him  dead.  Cato, 
held  for  just  and  fearless,  to  save  their  keep  sold  his  slaves  in  their 
old  age;  Lincoln,  to  hold  fast  the  integrity  of  his  country,  made 
free  men  of  a  million  slaves. 

From  the  story  of  this  noble  life  we  draw  the  lesson  that  duty 
must  be  done,  "as  God  gives  us  to  see"  our  duty,  at  all  risks,  and 
that  as  Providence  raised  up  him  to  face  disunion  and  a  civil  war, 
so  will  He  raise  up  another,  not  a  Lincoln  perhaps,  but  one,  like 
him,  when  the  time  shall  come,  with  stout  heart  and  bold  front, 
with  wisdom  and  virtue,  with  unbounded  love  for  his  country,  to 
meet  all  dangers  that  may  threaten  the  republic. 


FINIS 


1  Nemo  vir  magnus  sine  aliquo  afflatu  divino  unquam  fuit. 

2  Utenim  in  corporibus  magnae  dissimilitudines  sunt  (alios  videmus  velocitate  ad  cursum, 
alios  viribus  ad  luetandum  valere,  itemque  in  formis  aliis  dignitatem  inesse,  aliis  venustatem), 
sic  in  animis  existent  maj  jres  etiam  varietates.     Erat  in  L.  Crasso,  &e.     De  OfSciios,  I,  30,  107. 

365 


H.ZOO<^.o8't.o9SSI