W RECENT ELECTION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
(PART I)
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Recent Election in the Doninican Re...
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BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED THIRD CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
MAY 24, 1994
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
84-459 CC WASHINGTON : 1994
For sale by the U.S. Govcmmcnl PiiiUiiig OITicc-
Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, Washington, DC 20402
ISBN 0-16-046277-0
RECENT ELECTION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
(PART [)
Y 4.F 76/1: EL 2/2/PT. 1
Recent Election in the Doninican Re...
J:lii<ARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED THIRD CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
MAY 24, 1994
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
'•' -' " 1 F .'
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
84-459 CC WASHINGTON : 1994
For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office
Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, Washington, DC 20402
ISBN 0-16-046277-0
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana, Chairman
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York
WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin
OLYMPIA J. SNOWE, Maine
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
DA>J BURTON, Indiana
JAN MEYERS, Kansas
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DAVID A. LEVY, New York
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART, Florida
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
ROBERT G. TORRICELLl, New Jersey
HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
HARRY JOHNSTON, Florida
ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
Samoa
JAMES L. OBERSTAR, Minnesota
CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
ROBERT A. BORSKI, Pennsylvania
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT E. ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN. Ohio
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
MARIA CANTWELL, Washington
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
ERIC FINGERHUT, Ohio
PETER DEUTSCH, Florida
ALBERT RUSSELL WYNN, Maryland
DON EDWARDS, California
FRANK McCLOSKEY, Indiana
THOMAS C. SAWYER, Ohio
LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois
Michael H. Van Dusen, Chief of Staff
Richard J. GaRON, Minority Chief of Staff
Deborah HaUGER, Professional Staff Member
MilaGROS Martinez, Staff Associate
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
ROBERT G. TORRICELLl, New Jersey, Chairman
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
JAMES L. OBERSTAR, Minnesota ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
PETER DEUTSCH, Florida ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ALBERT RUSSELL WYNN, Maryland
Rob Henken, Staff Director
Dorothy Tai-T, Republican Professional Staff Member
Alan H. FLEISCHMANN, Professional Staff Member
Jane L. BaJJBER THERY, Professional Staff Member
(II)
CONTENTS
WITNESSES
Page
The Honorable Stephen J. Solarz, former Member of Congress, leader of
National Democratic Institute International Observer Delegation to the
Dominican Republic 4
Richard Soudriette, director, International Foundation for Electoral Systems .. 7
Rafael Marte, former president of the Federation of Dominican Associations
of New Jersey 11
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
Hon. Robert C. Torricelli, opening statement 31
Hon. Stephen J. Solarz 33
Richard Soudriette 39
Rafael Marte 42
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
A National Democratic Institute for International Affairs preliminary state-
ment entitled "NDI International Observer Delegation to the May 16 Do-
minican Republic Elections", submitted by Hon. Stephen J. Solarz 45
"NDI Latin American Programs", submitted by Hon. Stephen J. Solarz 52
Background Memo on the Dominican Republic Elections 75
Copies of documents used by the Central Electoral Board were submitted
as Exhibit A, Exhibit B, Exhibit C, Exhibit D, Exhibit E, and Exhibit
F 77
Letter submitted by Mr. Robert Winthrop Johnson II, lawyer, from Jose
del Carmen Ariza, Ambassador of the Dominican Republic 119
Special Delegation of the "Acuerdo de Santo Domingo" of the Partido
Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD) and the Partido Unidad Democratica
(UD), testimony 122
(HI)
RECENT ELECTION EST THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC (PART I)
TUESDAY, MAY 24, 1994
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2:50 p.m. in room
2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Robert G. Torricelli
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Torricelli. The subcommittee will please come to order.
Last Monday, voters in the Dominican Republic went to the polls
in an attempt to strengthen their 28-year-old democracy. By many
accounts the elections were an extraordinary success. Observers re-
ported record voter turnout in levels in excess of 90 percent. In-
deed, the turnout was so heavy that election officials worked dili-
gently to keep polls open an extra 3 hours to accommodate the ex-
traordinarily large numbers of voters.
There are, however, continuing allegations of irregularities.
When the vote count was stopped last Thursday with 223 of the
9523 precincts remaining, President Balaguer, the incumbent
President, was ahead of his closest challenger, Pena Gromez, by
only 1 percent, or some 29,590 votes.
Pena Gomez has claimed that many of the 200,000 eligible
Dominicans, many of whom are known to be supporters of the op-
position, were deprived of their right to vote through manipulation
of the voter list. The claim has received some support by other ob-
servers.
The question now is what if anything needs to be done to rectify
the situation. The Central Elections Board's announcement over
the weekend that it will conduct a recount is encouraging, but a
recount would be of little comfort to those who might have been de-
nied their chance to vote in the first instance.
Among the additional remedies that may be necessary is the pos-
sibility of new elections in some regions if indeed there were irreg-
ularities that are supported in fact.
We have asked three witnesses to appear before the subcommit-
tee today to share their views of the conduct of the election and to
offer their advice on what U.S. policy should be. Two of those wit-
nesses served as international observers in the Dominican Repub-
lic, our former colleague and leader of the National Democratic In-
stitute delegation, Steve Solarz, and the Director of the Inter-
national Foundation for Electoral Systems, Richard Soudriette. Mr.
(1)
Solarz will be accompanied by Patrick Merloe, Senior Associate for
Electoral Processes at NDI.
Our third witness, Rafael Marte, the former president of the Fed-
eration of the Dominican Associations of New Jersey. He will be
able to offer us a perspective from the Dominican community in the
United States.
Events in the Dominican Republic have taken on increased im-
portance in the United States because of the country's role in the
crisis in Haiti. This committee as well as the Clinton administra-
tion will continue to keep, obviously, a very close eye on this mat-
ter in the coming days.
And the United States must be careful not to take actions that
will threaten widespread civil unrest in the Dominican Republic.
We do not want to precipitously reach any iudgment as to what oc-
curred in the Dominican Republic or indeed what policies might be
pursued.
Indeed, it is also not our intention to involve ourselves in the in-
ternal affairs of a sovereign country, simply as people who have
great affection for the Dominican people, a great respect for their
democracy, to ensure that as friends that the process has credibil-
ity and a new democratic government in the Dominican Republic
has credibility, et cetera.
With that in mind I want to thank our witnesses for bein^ here
with us today for this inquiry into the unfolding situation in the
Dominican Republic, and to again caution that we do not prejudge
what policies may evolve. We are not here to doubt the Dominican
Government or to interfere in their internal affairs, simply to take
a look at unfolding events.
I would like to first welcome again Steven Solarz before this com-
mittee, our highly respected former colleague, to welcome him
back. This is his first chance to testify before this subcommittee
since leaving the committee, so it is a pleasure to have him as a
former colleague and as a friend.
Steve, you are welcome. Please — the committee looks forward to
hearing your remarks.
I would like first if I could, however, to ask Mr. Smith if he has
any comments he would like to share.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me join you in welcoming our very distinguished panel. This
is an especially great occasion to welcome Steve Solarz, one of our
most able and certainly one of our most articulate members of this
panel, and perhaps even the entire Congress. He is missed. And,
I say that as a Republican who at times did some battle with Mr.
Solarz, but very often found that his views and his persuasive abil-
ity could carry the day. And it is very, very good to have him back,
and to know that he is still out there pursuing the agenda and
doing so in a very, very honorable way.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Whose mother lives in my congressional dis-
trict, so I know all about Steve's activities.
Mr. Smith. So, in case you haven't heard it before, Steve, now
that you are not here on a day-to-day basis, I have always re-
spected you very, very much. When you said something your word
was your bond and you always did it in the most gentlemanly of
ways.
First of all, Mr. Chairman, the Presidential election that was
held on May 16 was marked by high voter turnout, but sadly, it
was marred by a list of irregularities in the electoral process and
alleged fraud.
The preliminary returns were showing incumbent President
Balaguer winning by a very narrow margin, as you pointed out,
over his closest challenger, Dr. Pena Gomez. As we all know, this
election may be contested in certain areas or there may be revoting
as the Central Election Board moves to grapple with these issues
in the coming weeks.
Some of the allegations, and I have read the observer reports, in-
clude citizens holding voter cards not being allowed to vote due to
irregularities in the official voter list. There was the allegation that
state resources may have been used for partisan campaign pur-
poses. There was the allegation that as many as 200,000 people
had not received their new identity cards and thus were unable to
participate in the election. And there is the allegation that large
numbers of voters who had their identity cards were not permitted
to vote because their names did not appear on the voter lists used
by officials at the polling places.
Mr. Chairman, this hearing was called together very quickly, and
I appreciate the willingness of our distinguished panel to respond
as they did, ever mindful of the fact, as the observers pointed out
in their statement, that they went to the Dominican Republic not
to "supervise the elections or to certify the integrity of the process,"
because "ultimately, it is the Dominican Republican people who
must judge the elections" for themselves.
Without further ado, I do look forward to the statements by our
panel.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Menendez.
Mr. Menendez. I just want to very briefly say I want to com-
mend you for holding this hearing so soon after these issues have
been raised, and more particularly commend you for the framework
in which you have described them.
It would be of concern in terms of an action in which we would
seek to prejudge and/or, in fact, interfere in the national sov-
ereignty of another country, particularly at a most precipitous time
in the history of Hispaniola with what is going on in its neighbor-
ing country of Haiti.
This is a crucial time for the Dominican Republic, not only in
terms of its own history, but also in terms of the history of the is-
land and where it goes from here.
I am concerned about the questions that have been raised, but
I am also concerned about understanding the underlying — persons
who raise them and underlying their concerns or are these partisan
issues raised by multiple sides. What is the truth and veracity of
some of these issues? What are the interests of some of those who
raise these issues? What are the irregularities claimed by multiple
parties? Is it true that, in fact, each party was represented at elec-
toral schools throughout the country and signed off on the votes as
taken on that day?
These and many other questions, I am sure, will be asked, and
hopefully answered today, Mr. Chairman. And we look forward to
hearing it because as one of the countries that has a record of de-
mocracy within the hemisphere we want to make sure that it is
preserved and enriched and that hopefully this hearing will con-
tribute to that.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Solarz, welcome. I think you have now been
adequately praised and welcomed from all perspectives, in a bipar-
tisan, thorough basis. It was my intention to first see you reappear
before the Asia Subcommittee, which is what, if you will permit
me, should have happened. It did not.
But we are very proud to have you here, knowing that this is the
beginning of a continuing service to the Congress in a new capac-
ity. Please proceed.
I want each of our witnesses to know that we have a window
here in votes that will probably last about an hour and 15 minutes,
and then there will be a series of them. So with the cooperation of
each of the witnesses, if you could keep your analyses as brief as
possible to allow time for questions, and then we would not be in-
terrupted by votes.
Steve.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE STEPHEN J. SOLARZ,
FORMER MEMBER OF CONGRESS, LEADER OF NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER DELE-
GATION TO THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
Mr. Solarz. Muchas gracias, El Jefe, para su introduccion.
Mr. ToRRiCELLi. De nada.
Mr. Solarz. I also want to thank Mr. Smith for his very kind
comments.
And I can tell Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen that based on her
observation she is probably now at least one vote ahead in her
campaign for reelection. I will report to my mother that you are
aware of her presence.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I hope that my formal
statement can be included in the record.
Mr. TORRICELLL Without objection, we will enter it in the record.
What I would also like the staff to do is take each of the formal
statements and have them distributed today to every member of
the committee with a cover letter, so people can see the analyses
as the situation is unfolding in the Dominican Republic.
Mr. Solarz. Let me make a few very brief preliminary observa-
tions and then get right to the heart of the matter that has re-
sulted in your decision to call this hearing, which I must say, Mr.
Chairman, I think speaks very well of you and the other members
of the subcommittee in the sense that you have moved expedi-
tiously to deal with a problem that could have profound con-
sequences for the future of democracy in the Caribbean and also for
some vital American interests in the hemisphere.
Our delegation, the delegation sent to the Dominican Republic by
the National Democratic Institute, consisted of 26 members from
10 countries around the world, including such Latin luminaries as
Virgilio Godoy, the Vice President of Nicaragua, and Fidel Chavez
Mena, who is known, I think, to many members of the subcommit-
tee as the former Foreign Minister and Presidential candidate of
the Christian Democratic Party in El Salvador,
I think that all of us were deeply moved by what we witnessed
on election day in the form of literally thousands and thousands of
Dominicans peacefully lined up and waiting to vote when the polls
opened at 6 in the morning, many of whom had arrived there in
order to be able to vote early, as early as 3 or 4 in the morning.
And I think that we all felt that above all else we had an obliga-
tion to keep faith with the millions of Dominicans who very much
wanted to participate in an honest election and to play a role in
the legitimate determination of the destiny of their own country.
During the course of election day our observers fanned out to, I
think it was 9 different regions around the country. We covered the
most heavily populated provinces, and then on the following day
spent several hours sharing the observations which each team had
accumulated during the course of election day itself.
And, in essence, Mr. Chairman, there were two main problems
which emerged on election day itself which were a source of very
great concern to the delegation, both of which had to do with the
general problem of disenfranchisement, by which we mean the phe-
nomena of thousands and thousands of Dominicans who came out
to vote on election day, who showed up at the polls with their iden-
tification cards, or so-called cedulas, whose names, by and large,
appear to have shown up in the list of voters that had previously
been distributed to the political parties whose observers were
present at each polling place but whose names for some strange
reason did not show up in the list of voters which had been given
to the election officials in each polling place, as a result of which
under Dominican election law these people were not entitled to
vote.
Early in the morning of May 16, when it became apparent to the
opposition that thousands and thousands of voters were being
disenfranchised in this fashion they submitted a joint appeal to the
Junta Centrale, the Central Election Board in the Dominican Re-
public, asking them to set aside the rule that prohibited anyone
from voting whose name was not on the official list in order to per-
mit individuals to vote if they had a valid identification card and
if their names appeared on at least two of the opposition party vot-
ing lists, which had been given to the opposition parties by the
Central Election Board itself.
By two in the afternoon, when we had not yet heard of any deci-
sion by the Central Election Board, the leaders of the OAS and
NDI delegations met with the president of the Junta Centrale. The
head of the IFES delegation, who was supposed to join us was de-
layed, I think because of traffic, but we took the liberty of speaking
in his name as well since we had discussed this among ourselves
in advance, and we urged the Central Election Board, in the inter-
est not only of justice but of an electoral process that would not
only be honest but be seen to be honest, to accede to this request
on the part of the opposition, pointing out that their proposal had
a built-in safeguard against fraud in the sense that no one would
be permitted to vote unless they not only had a cedula but their
names appeared on at least two of the opposition party lists.
The polls were scheduled to close at 6 p.m., and at approximately
6:12 p.m. the Junta Centrale announced that it was acceding to the
request of the opposition parties, and in order to accommodate
them the polls would be kept open for another 3 hours.
It will come as no great surprise to the subcommittee to find out
that this order was intermittently and ineffectually implemented.
It never reached many of the polling places. In others the local offi-
cials were unwilling to implement it because they had already
started to count the votes. In any case, thousands and thousands
of those who had been previously turned away had already gone
home or couldn't be found or weren't able to avail themselves of
this opportunity.
So our first concern with the problem of disenfranchisement had
to do with the magnitude of the disenfranchisement, and it was the
view of our observers that it was so substantial that even though
we could not scientifically quantify it there was a unanimous feel-
ing on the part of the delegation of observers representing the NDI
that it was entirely possible that it could have afiected the actual
outcome of the election itself.
And we came to this conclusion at a time when we didn't know
yet what the unofficial margin would be. But I have no hesitation
whatsoever in saying that if we had known at the time it would
be in the vicinity of 29,000 votes we would not have retreated one
iota from that conclusion.
Our second main concern, Mr. Chairman, insofar as the problem
of disenfranchisement was concerned had to do with the pattern of
disenfranchisement. Since it was the view of those of our observers
who witnessed this problem of disenfranchisement to begin with,
and I should say parenthetically that this did not happen all over
the country. In a number of the regions and provinces and munici-
palities, such as, for example, the National District in Santo Do-
mingo where I was an obse7*ver on election day it wasn't a serious
problem at all. But in approximately half a dozen of the provinces
or regions it was, according to our observers, a very serious prob-
lem, and it was their view that a substantial majority of those who
were disenfranchised, who were deprived of the right to vote even
though they showed up and they had the identification cards and
their names appeared on the lists of the opposition parties, a sub-
stantial majority of those people appeared to be supporters of the
opposition, and it was therefore the conclusion of our delegation
that while we could not absolutely preclude the possibility that the
pattern of the disenfranchisement was due to some kind of inex-
plicable human or mechanical error that there was real reason to
believe that the pattern of this disenfranchisement was indicative
of a deliberate effort to tamper with the electoral process. And we,
of course, called on the Junta Centrale to determine what the rea-
son for this was and to see what steps could be done to deal with
its consequences.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, and I am sure after my colleagues
finish their testimony you will have some questions and we can go
into this in more detail. Let me just share a few thoughts about
what we think might be done at this stage of the process.
In essence, what our delegation has recommended is that the op-
position, which is most concerned obviously, about what happened
on election day, attempt to pursue its grievances through the proc-
esses and procedures that have already been estabhshed for deal-
ing with this kind of situation.
And I am pleased to say that so far that is exactly what they are
doing. Mr. Pena Gomez, the leader of the opposition party that
came closest to winning the election, assured us that he would at-
tempt to resolve this through peaceful means and through the es-
tablished processes and procedures.
And we also very much hope that the Junta Centrale will re-
spond to the allegations of irregularities and fraud driven primarily
by considerations of justice rather than by considerations of par-
tisanship.
It is our view that it will be essential for the opposition to dem-
onstrate by evidence that the magnitude of the irregularities com-
bined with the pattern was of such a nature that it, in fact, could
have affected the outcome of the election. And that strongly sug-
gests the desirability, perhaps the necessity, of a conclusive dem-
onstration by the opposition that more than 29,000 individuals
were disenfranchised.
I think we have to keep in mind that in any election, and what
the president of the Junta Centrale himself referred to as the "lati-
tude of underdevelopment," there will be as there is in our country
an inevitable number of irregularities, and perhaps even a little bit
of chicanery.
To have a totally pristine election is simply not a realistic possi-
bility there or anywhere else. And it would be unrealistic simply
on the basis of a showing that there were some irregularities, or
even some chicanery, to call a new election. Because if that was the
criteria they would have to have one perpetual election in the Do-
minican Republic.
But if the opposition can demonstrate that substantially more
voters were disenfranchised than the margin by which the appar-
ent winner appears to have won, then they will be in a very strong
position to ask the Junta Central to take such steps as may be nec-
essary in order to effectuate the will of the Dominican people. And
I would be pleased in the question period to talk to you about what
some of those options might be.
So I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity.
I am pleased to see that you have been joined by another one of
my old and very good friends, Mr. Gejdenson, who I have been
reading about lately in the press, and as a result of which I am
now induced to provide some help to his efforts to remain here.
Mr. Gejdenson. Don't believe everything you read.
Mr. SOLARZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Solarz appears in the appendix.]
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Soudriette, welcome. Thank you very much
for offering your testimony today.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD SOUDRIETTE, DIRECTOR,
INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
Mr. Soudriette. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I would
like to thank you and the members of the committee for convening
this hearing.
I concur with the sentiments that all of you have expressed that
the Dominican Republic is a country that is intertwined with that
8
of the United States. I think it is important to recognize that basi-
cally after Santo Domingo the second largest Dominican city is
New York. So there is a very direct relationship between the Unit-
ed States and the Dominican Republic, and so what goes on there
has to concern the United States as well as all the other countries
in the hemisphere.
I am particularly interested in the Dominican Republic because
I had the honor of serving as Director of the Peace Corps in Santo
Domingo from 1983 to 1985, and during that time it was my pleas-
ure to have the opportunity to travel across the country, visiting
all of the provinces and really getting to know the Dominican peo-
ple, who are wonderful and famous for their hospitality.
Presently, I serve as a director of a nonprofit, nonpartisan foun-
dation called the International Foundation for Electoral Systems. It
was founded in 1987 under the leadership of the first Chairman of
the Board, F. Clifton White, for the purpose of providing assistance
and support to emerging democracies in the area of electoral sys-
tems. Additionally we also engage in monitoring of elections around
the world.
Since we were established we have participated in and worked
in over 70 countries around the world. Presently our Chairman of
the Board, Charles Manatt, is overseeing and is continuing to pro-
vide the kind of leadership for the Foundation to enable us to ac-
complish our mission.
With regard to the Dominican Republic, the Foundation, or IFES
as it is better known, was invited by the Junta Centrale Electorale
of the Dominican Republic to observe the recent elections on May
16. We were also invited to participate along with other groups
such as my colleagues from the National Democratic Institute, the
Organization of American States, and the Center for Electoral Pro-
motion and Assistance (CAPEL), based in San Jose, Costa Rica.
My purpose in appearing before you today is to share with you
the observations of the 20-member observer team that we fielded
during the recent elections. This team was headed by our chair-
man, Mr. Manatt, and it included some of the most prestigious
election, senior election officials from the hemisphere from coun-
tries such as Ecuador, El Salvador, from Canada, and we also had
a large contingent who participated from the Electoral Commission
in Puerto Rico. Additionally, we had civic education leaders, aca-
demics, and we had a number of constitutional lawyers who partici-
pated.
While in country we organized our team so that we were able to
observe in all of the provinces — in 12 of the provinces of the coun-
try. The focus of our mission was more on election administration
issues, and especially as they related to guaranteeing the trans-
parency of the vote.
I concur with the statements that were made by the members of
the committee, and also Congressman Solarz, with regard to the
impressive way the Dominicans turned out and demonstrated their
commitment to democracy. In fact, I would dare say that the Do-
minican Republic set an example that all other countries in the
world should follow in terms of encouraging the citizens to get out
and exercise their right to vote.
The turnout was historic in proportion. Approximately 1 milhon
more Dominicans voted in the 1994 elections than participated in
the last ones that were held in 1990. So it really does demonstrate
their deep commitment to democracy, and it also enhances the re-
sponsibility of all of the members of the international community
and especially the observer team with regard to providing whatever
support to encourage the democratic process.
Basically, the members of our team for the most part reported
that in the city of Santo Domingo there did not appear to be major
problems other than ones that are normally associated, mainly
logistical problems such as late opening of the polls and some prob-
lems with regard to large numbers, large lines and how people
were admitted to polling centers so that they didn't become over-
crowded.
There was a little bit of confusion also with regard to the place-
ment of some of the voting tables, and some citizens were confused
about exactly where they were supposed to vote. So these were the
kinds of problems that basically were encountered.
One word that I think should be offered is as an example of the
interest of the Dominican people. I know personally what I saw on
election day, and we began at 5:30 in the morning to witness the
preparation for the polls. The polls opened at 6. They were sup-
posed to have closed at 6 p.m. and in the end they actually wound
up officially closing at 9 p.m.
What we witnessed was a people who really found out what the
mechanics of the voting process were all about, and people came,
they showed up, they basically knew what to do, they knew what
the process was, and also I think word must also be mentioned
about the work of the Dominican poll workers.
This time, in comparison with 1990, the number of voting tables,
or mesas, was dramatically increased. In 1990 it was around 6,600.
This time it was almost 10,000 voting tables, and those officials
that worked at those tables spent long, hard hours and generally
seemed to do a fairly good job, on the basis of the reports of our
observer team.
With regard to the problems that have arisen and the discussion
with regard to irregularities that potentially can tarnish and lessen
the impact of the overwhelming will of the Dominican people in
terms of turning out at the polls, the biggest problem that our team
discovered was exactly the one that Congressman Solarz just men-
tioned.
Our teams early in the morning began to call in and report that
in certain cities, not in every city, but in certain cities — in fact, we
recorded a list of at least 10 cities around the country including
Santiago, which is the second largest city, that there were in-
stances of people who showed up to vote in good faith, they had
their voting card, but for some reason they did not appear on the
official lists that the officials were provided by the Junta Centrale
Electorale.
In many instances they did appear on the list that were provided
by the party poll workers, and this is a particular issue that our
organization is continuing to look at closely to determine why — how
this could happen. But apparently there was a problem in terms
of the configuration of the lists that the polling officials used at the
10
tables. Those were set up in alphabetical order. The list that was
given to the political parties, it was given to them Wednesday prior
to the elections, for some reason that list was configured on the
basis of the number of the identity card, or the cedula, and in
many instances our teams reported that somewhere in the neigh-
borhood of 8 to 10 people per table in many of these 10 cities re-
ported that they were not able to vote.
We immediately made contact with our colleagues. And again I
want to say a special word of thanks to Congressman Solarz and
all the folks from the National Democratic Institute as well as the
people from the Organization of American States. We all felt that
it was very important that we collaborate very closely, and so it be-
came evident that the only solution to this particular problem was
to allow people who had a card to vote if their name appeared on
at least two of the party lists. This was a solution that was not
only one apparent to the international observers, but I think it
should be mentioned, again to the credit of some of the Dominican
officials in the local election offices, they decided that was the best
solution and they took that decision and implemented that decision
before the official announcement was made by the Junta Centrale
Electorale from Santo Domingo.
Nevertheless, although that did happen in the city of Santiago at
approximately 4 o'clock in the afternoon, unfortunately, by the time
the Junta received visits not only by the international visitors — ob-
servers, but also a delegation from the church, who has been very
active in promoting the Pact of Civility that they got all of the par-
ties to sign, and they also went to the Junta and urged them to
revise the procedure and allow people to vote if they had a valid
cedula and they were on at least two party lists.
That decision was finally made. Unfortunately, it was made so
late in the day that the actual announcement of it did not take
place until 10 minutes after 6, which did tend to create some confu-
sion.
Nevertheless, based on our debriefing session, our observers in
the field who witnessed this particular problem said that those in-
dividuals who were still waiting to vote greeted the announcement
with great enthusiasm. In the city of Porto Plata there were ap-
proximately 500 people that were waiting in line, and they burst
into applause when this announcement was made by Junta
Centrale Electorale.
It also did have a calming effect. There was concern that there
might be civil unrest in several cities. And in fact, several of our
observers called and asked us to get in contact with the Junta
Centrale to make sure that the message got out that people could
still vote. So, obviously, when that announcement and that decision
was made it did have a positive effect.
There was also another problem with regard to the situation that
was brought to our attention of approximately 20 individuals that
we were made aware of who had cedulas but who the number of
the cedula did not correspond to the number of the cedula and the
name of the person in the system, in the computer system at the
Junta Centrale Electorale. We have not been able to determine how
widespread that particular problem is.
11
As I mentioned, there were about 20 cases of that that were
brought to our attention. That is also something that we are look-
ing into and hope to be able to determine how widespread that
was.
Bottom line with regard to the election is, as you are aware, it
is extremely close. I just spoke with representatives from the Orga-
nization of American States in Santo Domingo, at noon, who advise
me that negotiation have been underway all morning long, being
conducted by Monsignor Agripino Nunez, who is the person who
headed this Pact of Civility between the parties, and the recogni-
tion is that in spite of all the problems in terms of trying to get
an adequate resolution of this, of the problems related to the elec-
tion, that it is very important, as you all have so rightly mentioned,
that the ultimate solution to this has to be taken by the
Dominicans themselves.
There have been a number of steps that are being taken. Tomor-
row a recount will begin of all of the actas, which are the tally
sheets from all of the tables, and the proposal has been to do this
on a hand by hand basis, and that is something that is going to
take some time.
But also it should be pointed out that is not an unusual proce-
dure. That is actually provided for in the electoral law, to do this
recounting. But it has taken on increased, added importance be-
cause of the events surrounding the election.
The other question is they are also looking into trying to study
the situation with regard to the lists, and the specific cases that
have been brought not only to our attention, but also to the church,
related to those individuals who had a card but who were not on
the official lists. And there were discussions underway today with
the Junta Centrale Electorale to go in and really look at those to
determine how widespread the problem was and potentially how
many persons could have been disenfranchised.
So, to sum up, I just would like to say that it is a shame that
the election in the Dominican Republic has been clouded with
charges of possible fraud and irregularities, but I think the most
important thing is that at this time that we are very careful in
making any judgments or pronouncements, that we carefully exam-
ine all the evidence before any final decisions and judgments are
made, and above all keeping in mind the important issue of sov-
ereignty, it is important that we all recognize that ultimately the
solution to these problems must rest in the hands of the Dominican
people.
Thank you.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Thank you very much.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Marte, the perspective of the Dominican
community in the United States is obviously important to us, and
your feelings and what it is you have gathered from people in the
community is something we would very much like to hear. So we
welcome you to the committee.
STATEMENT OF RAFAEL MARTE, FORMER PRESmENT OF THE
FEDERATION OF DOMINICAN ASSOCIATIONS OF NEW JERSEY
Mr. Marte. Thank you, Mr. Congressman.
12
First of all, I would like to thank you for giving me the oppor-
tunity of coming here today before the committee and to express
the concern of the Dominican community living in the United
States.
My name is Rafael Marte, for the record. I reside in North Ar-
lington, New Jersey. And I have been living in the United States
for 20 years, which means I left my country when I was 14 years
old. However, my concern for what take place there is like if I
would have left yesterday. This feeling is taking place among the
Dominicans living throughout the United States.
The only way that we could really show physically how concerned
the Dominicans are in the United States is if we look at the long
distance carriers and check their phone bills, and we realize that
the phone calls made from the date of the election to the present
time is really outrageous.
Let it be for the record that the information that I have gath-
ered, talking to people, making phone calls to the Dominican Re-
public, might coincide with some of the information already testi-
fied before the committee.
On May 16, the people of the Dominican Republic held their
ninth consecutive national election since the establishment of the
democratic system following the downfall of the dictatorship of
Rafael Leonidas Trujillo. This past election, however, demonstrated
once again how fragile the democratic electoral system is.
Numerous reports, which have already been mentioned here,
have been alleged that the Central Electoral Board, controlled by
the ruling party, has engaged in illegal acts that violated the basic
principles of free, fair and democratic elections.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Mr. Chairman, if I could interrupt? I just get
the feeling that Mr. Marte is giving the impression that he rep-
resents the Dominicans living in the United States. It says rep-
resenting New Jersey Dominican community.
I just worry about folks who purport to be representing an entire
community with a certain political slant. You, perhaps, are rep-
resenting an organization or you perhaps are representing yourself.
Mr. Marte. Well, I am sorry. It was my mistake not to men-
tion
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. But I am not sure that with a statement
like
Mr. Marte [continuing]. That I am the former President-
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen [continuing]. The ruling party has engaged in
illegal acts that violated the basic, I am not sure that we can really
truly say that Mr. Marte, as nice an individual as he is, represents
the New Jersey Dominican community. I know that he does not
represent the south Florida Dominican community.
Perhaps he represents the entire Dominican community in New
Jersey. The three of you might be better able to state whether he
does or does not. But let's say what does he represent.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Being from New Jersey, we afford him certain
liberties.
Your point, however, is well-taken, and it should be clear to any
of those who would listen today that we recognize that in a very
large and varied community there are indeed many voices.
13
The committee was contacted by representatives, indeed, of sev-
eral political parties in the Dominican Republic who sought to be
here today. It was my belief that in respect to the processes of the
Dominican Grovernment and the sovereignty of the country this
should not become a forum for Dominican political parties.
I did, however, think that it made sense that we hear something
of the voices of the Dominican community. As you have noted, they
are varied voices.
In going forward therefore, Mr. Marte, let me simply express the
hope that we can strike a balance. That some impressions of the
community are shared, as best you can, not simply on behalf of
your own views, but the larger community, recognizing that it is
not our interest here today in causing problems for the Dominican
Government or prejudging the situation, but simply in this forum
to assure that there is some voice of the community heard.
I recognize that gives you a delicate and a balanced assignment,
but please do it the best that you can.
And Ms. Ros-Lehtinen's comments are, of course, noted in the
record.
Ms. Ros-Lp]HTrNEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Because I believe
that having just quickly read part of the statement, and I am look-
ing forward to listening to the rest of it, I am not sure that this
is what we would call balanced, in your phrase, at all.
But I abhor electoral fraud. I am certainly not justifying them.
However, I do believe that sometimes there is a certain partisan
edge attached to such allegations.
Mr. Marte. OK. Perhaps it was my mistake not to say that this
is only allegations, and based on those allegations, that is where
the concern of the Dominicans residing outside of the Dominican
Republic might be as well
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Some Dominicans.
Mr. Marte. Right. OK. Some of these irregularities have been
mentioned before by the two witnesses. I will not mention exactly.
However, I feel that based on the information provided so far, some
of the problems that have been very clear. In the sense of the re-
port, information gathered by the press and people involved in
what is taking place in the Dominican Republic, we could see that
in some of the provinces, for example, mentioned before in my re-
port, that in the province of La Altagracia the number of registered
voters were only 49,554. However, there were allegations that
58,427 people voted. This means that the number of voters ex-
ceeded the number of registered voters.
One of the allegations mentioned in this report is that racial dis-
crimination played an important factor in the election there. In the
province of San Pedro de Macoris, where most of the Dominican
baseball players come from, darker skinned Dominicans were rou-
tinely denied the right to vote alleging that they were Haitians.
If we take into consideration all these irregularities, and given
the unofficial result that the incumbent President has a narrow
margin of less than 1 percent, we can easily observe that if we cor-
rect these multiple irregularities the result of the election of May
16 will have a different result.
I would say that I am here speaking on behalf of the Dominicans
who reside throughout the United States, mostly in the North-
14
east — to make that correction — and I am afraid that if we do not
clear — if we do not have free and fair elections in the Dominican
Republic and respect the will of the Dominican people, the living
conditions in the Caribbean country could continue to worsen, lead-
ing to, perhaps, a number of unwilling refugees into Puerto Rico,
which could become a bridge to come into the United States seek-
ing for a better life.
It is, perhaps — our concern is that if we call for a recount, which
is already going to be done tomorrow, and also mention that if the
tally sheets, as Mr. Soudriette mentioned before, of all voting sta-
tions, now it is very important that the doubt in the Dominican
residents can be eliminated by really observing a recounting of the
ballots in the presence of international observers.
The main concern why we are here today is just to give democ-
racy a chance and have a government, whoever it will be, whether
Mr. Balaguer or Dr. Pena Gomez, to have an opportunity to govern
the country without any doubt as to who was the winner of the
election.
I feel very strongly that if we have a recount of the vote with
strict supervision all those doubts can be eliminated from the Do-
minican people.
I really would like to thank every one of you for the interest that
you have shown in resolving this matter peacefully. It is my under-
standing that — at first I didn't mention that there was no affili-
ation to any particular party involved, whether the opposition or
the ruling party. However, the Dominican community in New Jer-
sey and in the metropolitan area is very concerned as to what is
taking place in the Dominican Republic. I feel very strongly that
if we let the process work the result can be beneficial to all
Dominicans living there and here as well.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Marte appears in the appendix.]
Mr. TORRICELLI. Thank you, Mr. Marte.
I want members of the community to know that, in fact, this
hearing was put together on several days' notice because of the un-
folding situation. But indeed, if there is a reason in the future to
revisit the issue, we will ensure that all members of the Dominican
community in the United States representing different perspectives
get an opportunity to participate.
Thank you very much for your testimony.
Much now rests in the credibility of the Central Election Board,
how it is they look at the results and what 'it is they prescribe.
From your contact with that Board, I would appreciate your view
and your confidence in their capacity to deal with the problem,
their objectivity and the degree to which they are representative,
since we are now so dependent upon them in these next few days.
Mr. Solarz.
Mr. Solarz. That is a very good question, Mr. Chairman, and
one which I asked myself when I was in Santo Domingo. In the im-
mediate aftermath of the election when it had already become clear
that there were widespread irregularities and that the opposition
was almost certain to conclude that the election had been stolen,
I asked one of the leading diplomats in the country and one of the
leading figures in the church whether they thought it would be pos-
sible for the opposition to get justice from the Junta Centrale
15
Electorale, because I told them that I would personally find it very
difficult to urge someone to utilize a process and procedure if I felt
there was no hope that justice would be done, assuming they had
a case that would justify in one form or another an action that
might change the results of the election. And I was told by both
of these gentlemen that in their view it was not inconceivable that
justice could be done.
As you may know, there are five members of the Junta Centrale
Electorale, three of whom are associated with the government, two
of whom are associated with the opposition. Four years ago, as I
understand it, all the members of the Junta Centrale came from
the government.
But there was a feeling on the part of people who are somewhat
more familiar with the personalities involved than I am that it was
possible. That if the opposition can conclusively demonstrate that
the magnitude and character of the disenfranchisement was such
that it probably exceeded the margin by which Mr. Balaguer had
won, that some kind of appropriate remedial action might be taken.
And on that basis, I felt entirely comfortable in urging Mr. Pena
and his followers to utilize the established procedures because
Mr. TORRICELLI. But is that in fact the burden that has to be
met? You know, in an election that is decided by 29,000 votes you
could almost conclude that the margin of victory could be produced
by a series of late buses.
Is the burden not instead — goes to the intent of whether indeed
mistakes that occurred — polls that opened late, inefficiencies, reg-
istration cards that were not excepted — there must be a pattern
and a clear intention of disenfranchisement, not simply that the
numbers are sufficient to make a difference.
Mr. SoLARZ. Well, my guess is you want to take both into ac-
count. Let's take one hypothetical example. Supposing it was deter-
mined that the number of people who were deprived of the right
to vote numbered 10,000. And let's further hypothesize that it was
determined that these people where deliberately deprived of the
right to vote as the result of some kind of partisan manipulation.
And let's further determine — hypothesize that you concluded that
every one of the 10,000 would have voted for Mr. Pena. Under
those circumstances I might insist or ask that those who were re-
sponsible for this manipulation be held accountable and brought to
justice if it violated Dominican law.
But insofar as the election itself is concerned, if that is the most
that could be shown I would not be uncomfortable with a conclu-
sion from the Junta Centrale that that by itself would not have af-
fected the outcome of the election.
Furthermore, you can't assume, even if more than 29,000 were
deprived of the right to vote, that every one of them would have
voted for Mr. Pena. Some probably would have voted for Mr. Bosch.
Possibly some of them would have voted for Mr. Balaguer as well.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Now, on the issue of the independence and
credibility of indeed the Central Election Board there may be a
tendency of all of us to withhold judgment on their operations until
we see the outcome of their decision. I think what matters is that
before we know what they prescribe, whether from your contacts
16
with them you are convinced of their impartiahty, their objectivity,
and their capability.
Mr. SoLARZ. I wish I could tell you that I am convinced of their
impartiality and objectivity. I simply cannot on the basis of my
dealings with them, which by and large were not by any means un-
pleasant, which were cooperative. Some of them, I thought, were
highly professional. But I cannot tell you that I am absolutely con-
fident of their impartiality.
What I can tell you is that I am confident that there is a suffi-
cient possibility that justice will be done that I think it would be
wise on Mr. Pena's part and the part of his followers to proceed on
the assumption that the Junta Electorale, or at least a majority of
its members, will act fairly and impartially.
And if it turns out that they don't, if an overwhelming case is
made for some remedial action and the Junta Centrale operating
clearly on the basis of purely partisan considerations rejects it,
then I think they will have to consider other alternatives.
But it would be a mistake, Mr. Chairman, at this point to con-
clude that there is no hope whatsoever of justice and therefore they
shouldn't bother to participate in what could turn out to be a cha-
rade.
Mr. ToRRiCELLi. Mr. Soudriette. Or Mr. Marte.
Mr, Soudriette. Mr. Chairman, just as a point of order, to follow
up on what Congressman Solarz has said, in 1990 the Junta
Centrale Electorale had three members and they were all three
from the governing party, the Reformista Party. The present make-
up of the Board is five members, as he mentioned, three from the
governing party, one from the Party de Revoluccionaria
Dominicano, which was Pena Gomez, and one as the Parte de
Liberale Dominicano.
Mr. ToRRiCELLi. And are they appointed by the party or do they
just happen to be members of the party.
Mr. Soudriette. No, they — each party was designated to
have
Mr. TORRICELLI. So it is their own choice.
Mr. Soudriette. Their own choice; yes.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Marte, what is your analysis of the oper-
ations of the Board?
Mr. Marte. OK. I feel personally that if the Board really give the
opportunity to international observers to watch the process of
counting all the doubts that right now have been implanted in the
Dominican people, because you are talking about both candidates
right now which are heading the elections. Joaquin Balaguer and
Pena Gomez both have over 1 million votes cast already, and count-
ed.
So, if we leave the process the way it is and just proclaim either
one as the winner there will be so many doubts in so many people,
and by really — clearly the process will leave the Dominican people
with the certainty.
Mr. TORRICELLL Mr. Soudriette, do we know in fact whether
international observers will be part of the recount process as they
were with the original observer missions?
Mr. Soudriette. All I know is that one of the members of our
team has been specifically asked to return.
17
Mr. TORRICELLI. To return.
Mr. SouDRiETTE. And he is the gentleman that basically served
as the computer adviser to all three of our observer teams.
Mr. ToRRiCELLi. See, this issue of the popular press carrying a
number of 200,000 people that may have been disenfranchised. Is
there anyone who would speak to, in fact, whether you think that
number has credibility?
Mr. SOLARZ. I will comment on that, Mr. Chairman. And let me
just say in response to Mr. Marte's observation that while I think
the Junta Centrale is to be commended for its relatively prompt
willingness to agree to a recount on an acta-by-acta basis, clearly
in the presence of watchers from the opposition parties, hopefully
with the presence of international observers, that this is not really
the main problem.
There may well have been some mistakes in counting. I know
there are some allegations of fraud in the counting. But the main
problem, as we understand it, has to do not so much with how the
votes were counted but how they were cast, or more importantly,
how they weren't cast. ;.
And I do not believe that a recount by itself no matter how fair
it may be is going to satisfy the concerns of the Dominican people
who are primarily concerned by the magnitude of the disenfran-
chisement, and that is the issue that will have to be addressed.
And let me say there is a way to do that. And as of this hearing
my impression is that the Junta Centrale has not yet agreed upon
a procedure for doing it. But the easiest way to do it would be to
take the official voter lists that were held by the officials on elec-
tion day to determine who is eligible to vote.
And as I understand it, those official lists were returned together
with the ballots to the municipal juntas, so presumably they are
available for each and every one of the almost 10,000 polling places
around the country.
To take those lists and systematically compare them on a polling
place-by-polling place basis with the lists of voters that had been
given to the political parties. And by doing that one will be able
to establish a universe of individuals whose names do not appear
on the official list but whose names do appear on the list that had
been given to the political parties.
Mr. TORRICELLI. For the purpose of looking for a pattern or in-
tention?
Mr. SoLARZ. Well, that would go a long way toward determining
the magnitude of the disenfranchisement.
Mr. TORRICELLI. I think that is exactly the point. If out of 3 mil-
lion people who have voted, an extraordinary 90 percent participa-
tion, if 200,000 did not get the opportunity to vote and they appear
to have randomly been the victims of different problems in dif-
ferent communities, that is one thing.
If indeed we are finding that in selected towns where the opposi-
tion had particular strength for rather transparent reasons they
were rejected at the polls, then we are talking about a problem of
a different magnitude.
Mr. SOLARZ. I agree with that, Mr. Chairman. Let me also say
I think you have to look at both magnitude and pattern. In other
words, if you had 200,000 people that were randomly
18
disenfranchised and you have a margin of victory of 29,000, I think
you have got a prettv good case for a new election or a supple-
mentary election in which those people can vote. The closer you get
to the 29,000 figure with the magnitude of the disenfranchisement,
the more important the pattern becomes. And if you combine both
substantial magnitude and a clear pattern of disenfranchise-
ment
Mr. TORRICELLI. Well, isn't it likely the 29,000 number is going
to get reached?
Mr. SOLARZ. Well, at this point it is impossible to say. But I can
tell you what our very rough estimate was, and I want to empha-
size here that this is not a scientifically precise estimate. There is
no way it would stand up in a court of law. But we obviously felt
the need to calculate, if only for ourselves, some rough measure of
the magnitude of the disenfranchisement, and the figures we came
up with — and I would be happy, if you would like, to go into the
methodology, but the figures we came up with were a low, I be-
lieve, of around 47,000 and a high of around 77,000. And as I say,
it could very easily have been more, and it could very easily have
been less.
Mr. TORRICELLI. You have no opinion on the question of whether
or not you at least anecdotally saw a geographic pattern to them?
Mr. SOLARZ. Oh, there clearly was a pattern in the sense that the
disenfranchisement seemed to be largely confined to roughly 6
provinces around the country. As Mr. Soudriette and I both pointed
out, it was not a problem in the National District in Santo Do-
mingo out of which a third of the vote comes. In a number of other
provinces there were not serious problems.
But in six of them there appears to have been widespread dis-
enfranchisement. And in the others there was some but it was
very, very limited.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Well, first, let me thank you for your testimony.
I want to yield to Mr. Smith.
In concluding, for my own part let me simply say first, question-
ing the credibility of any national election of a sovereign country
is a serious affair. It is not to be done so lightly.
There is a considerable burden of proof on establishing a pattern,
and indeed a level of abuse, that would constitute a substantive dif-
ference in the election.
It is possible that that burden could be met in this case. But I
would hope that we would all approach this cautiously and indeed
await all the available evidence.
We should be mindful of the fact, living in a country where the
President of the United States was chosen by probably 25 percent
of the eligible voters who constituted his majority, that no matter
which of the two leading candidates won in the Dominican Repub-
lic, they were probably the choice of larger than 40 percent of the
eligible voters.
The elections in themselves are an extraordinary accomplishment
because of the number of people who were enfranchised. That does
not excuse if there was a pattern to violate people's basic rights,
but it should give all of us pause in passing some judgment.
Finally, I say with some hesitation but indeed out of necessity,
there are going to be some who are going to find an obvious accom-
19
modation of Dominican and American interests in the coming days,
if the burden is met and these elections are questioned. That is, the
United States is at the moment very dependent upon the Govern-
ment of the Dominican Republic in enforcing the expanded embar-
go on Haiti.
The Dominican Government has enormous influence over wheth-
er or not the policies of this administration succeed with regard to
Haiti. The passing of judgment on these elections and the fulfill-
ment of certain requests from the Dominican Government with re-
gard to Haiti could make for a rather transparent accommodation.
Nothing could further undermine the interest of the U.S. Grovern-
ment. The democracy of the Dominican Republic is just as impor-
tant as the democracy of Haiti.
I know the Clinton administration would never countenance such
an arrangement. It should not be offered. It should not be dis-
cussed. It should not even be considered.
Each nation's democracy is critical for its own people, and I know
the people in the administration and, I trust, the Government of
the Dominican Republic will also be cautious that there be no such
suggestion that one policy accommodate the other.
Thank you, gentlemen.
Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I thank
the panel for their fine answers to the questions as well as for their
testimony.
Steve— Congressman Solarz, in looking at the NDI report it
makes the point that more than 200,000 cedulas were not distrib-
uted by election day, and also that large numbers of perspective
voters with identity cards were turned away because their names
did not appear on the official list.
What was the source — because it does say reportedly — of that
200,000 figure? Because that coupled with that second assertion
would seem to suggest a threshold far in excess of the 29,000.
Mr. Solarz. To much can be made, Mr. Smith, of the 200,000 fig-
ure in the sense that much of that was attributable to people who
simply didn't bother to pick up their identity cards.
In other words, we have many people throughout our country —
I know they certainly existed in my old district of blessed memory,
they probably even exist in yours — who are perfectly eligible to reg-
ister to vote but they never bother to show up.
And in the Dominican Republic there were a certain number of
people, and maybe because they were real, maybe because they
were out of the country, maybe because they had become cynical
or alienated, maybe because they were apathetic, maybe for the
same reasons that a lot of people in our country don't bother to reg-
ister, didn't go to get their cedulas.
So, it wasn't because they were prevented from doing so in many
instances, but because for whatever the reason they chose not to
do so.
Personally, I was far more concerned by the fact that there were
many people who had gotten their cedulas who did go to the polls
to vote but who were unable to vote because their names were not
on the official voter list, where they presumably should have been.
20
Now, let me tell you this. The Saturday night before the election
we met with one of the officials of the Junta Centrale and we said
what are your main concerns, and at that time there had been a
lot of talk about the existence of an alternative computer. This was
a myth which had achieved the level of an excepted fact, and there
was going to be some extraordinary sophisticated computer manip-
ulation whereby votes would be falsely tallied on the backup com-
puter and then somehow plugged into the real computer, and that
would override the real results.
But I think we pretty much satisfied ourselves through a secu-
rity check by a computer expert brought in by IFES that that was
not going to happen.
But this fellow from the Junta Centrale told us that his main
concern was that lots of people might show up on election day with
cedulas, I.D. cards, but whose names wouldn't be in the official list.
And he said, but so far none of the political parties have expressed
any concern about that.
The reason I think they had not expressed any concern was that
at the time the main concern, other than this backup computer,
was that fraudulent or forged cedulas would be given out and that
people would show up to vote with fake I.D. cards, and it was felt
that the additional requirement that your name be on the official
voter list was a prudent check against the more likely form of
fraud.
It then turned out that the real problem was, as this fellow had
anticipated, it would come in the form of people who did have cards
but whose names wasn't on the list. Now, at that point I was trying
to figure out how would it be possible for someone who got an I.D.
card, the information for which was punched out by the computer,
not to have their name on the computer-generated official voter
list.
And I do not exaggerate when I tell you that in the space of a
half an hour I must have asked this question a dozen different
times trying to get at it from a variety of different angles, and I
don't know whether it was a failure of communication, whether it
was the inadequacy of the translation, whether it was due to an
inability or perhaps even an unwillingness to explain how this
could have happened, but I finally, you know, threw up my hands
in frustration because I couldn't get a lucid answer or explanation.
And to this day I don't understand how it could have happened.
You know, I could have understood if 10 or 20 or 50 or even
200,000 people showed up to vote, their names aren't on the list,
and it turns out they are randomly distributed across the political
spectrum. You know, mistakes happen.
But what is very difficult to understand is the fact that the great
majority of those who showed up to vote with their cards who were
denied the right to vote appeared to have been supporters of the
opposition. And that is why we concluded that there was a real
possibility, not necessarily a certainty but a real possibility, that
there was a deliberate effort to tamper with the electoral process.
By whom? We did not know. How? We couldn't exactly be sure.
But certainly something which deserved serious investigation.
Mr. Smith. Let me ask this of anyone on the panel who would
like to answer it.
21
According to the standard used by the Central Election Board,
and assuming a voter is properly registered in an area, would that
be sufficient proof, if it turns out they didn't vote, to suggest that
perhaps they were disenfranchised? Or, would an affidavit or some
kind of statement have to be made in order to indicate that they
intended or tried to vote but were barred?
As we all know, people do register but then sometimes for what-
ever reasons, personal or otherwise, they do not vote. That could
even happen in large areas where there is, for some reason, a lack
of motivation.
What kind of additional check or balance will be employed, do
you think, by the Junta Centrale to ensure that these people genu-
inely were disenfranchised?
Mr. Soudriette.
Mr. Soudriette. Well, as you mention, the use of staining ink
is one that is — it is a practice that is widely used in countries all
around the world basically as a check to ensure that people have
only voted once.
In the particular case in the Dominican Republic, I personally
was able to observe a case of a person who was vehemently arguing
that he should be allowed to vote, and was pointing his finger at
the president of the voting table, and I happened to look at his fin-
ger and it was about as pink as it could get, because that was the
color of the staining ink. So obviously they were well taken in their
concerns about allowing that person to be able to vote, and so they
didn't allow him too. That was one of the checks.
On the other hand, the situation with regard to staining ink is
something that as is the case with all kinds of systems that there
is always somebody that is going to try to test the system. But that
was one of the measures that was used.
Mr. Smith. How do you go back now and figure out if people
were actually disenfranchised, though?
Mr. SoLARZ. Well, I think there is a way to do it. My own view,
Mr. Smith, is that if someone has a cedula which is unpunched, be-
cause if you voted the election officials were supposed to punch a
little hole in your I.D. card where it says 1994, and then there is
another space for 1998.
If you have a cedula that hasn't been punched, if your name is
not in the official party list but it is in the — the official list of vot-
ers but is in the list given to the parties, I would consider it a re-
buttable presumption that that individual intended to vote.
And, if someone can show that they were in the hospital at the
time, they weren't in the country at the time, I would say that the
presumption has been overcome.
Furthermore, there is another test you can apply. Let's assume
a comparison of the list of the official voters to the list given to the
parties demonstrates there are 50,000 people who were on the
party list but not on the official list. You had roughly an 85 percent
turnout. I don't think it would be illegitimate to assume that of this
universe of 50,000 that had been so identified 85 percent would
have voted. I don't think you can assume 100 percent would have
voted. Then on the basis of evidence that can be submitted — affida-
vits and testimony — the Junta Centrale can reach some conclusions
about what the pattern of that vote might have been.
22
So I think there are ways of getting at this which will enable a
reasonable judgment to be made both about the magnitude of the
disenfranchisement and the pattern, and then looking at both of
those together I think it will probably be fairly clear to most people
what iustice requires.
Ana let us hope under those circumstances that the junta does
what is just. And, indeed, what is just under those circumstances
may well be to ratify the preliminary results. But if justice seems
to suggest that the results were or likely could have been distorted
by this problem, then one would hope they would come to some
other conclusions.
And in making that decision one very hopeful aspect of the situa-
tion is the work of the Civility Commission to which Mr. Soudriette
has referred, which I gather is intimately involved in the process,
which has the participation of representatives of the leading politi-
cal parties, and which is working closely with the Junta Centrale.
I am sure they will be encouraging both the opposition and the
Junta Centrale to get to the bottom of this whole affair and to
make a decision in the best interest of the country based not on
what is best for one party or another but what the cause of justice
itself requires.
Mr. Marte. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Yes, Mr. Marte.
Mr. Marte. I would like to make an explanation. The main con-
cern is also the doubt that the Junta Centrale Electorale created
in the people. The voting lists provided by the Junta Centrale to
the parties were different from the final list that the officials were
using at the time of the election.
Let me make an example. If a voter goes to vote and his name
is not on the list, however the name was listed on the previous list
given to the delegates of other candidates, the person was not al-
lowed to vote because his name was not there.
There are allegations also that were mentioned that many names
were included on the official list and not notified to the opposition
parties. That created doubts, by the voters, as to what was taking
place. One of the concerns that the Junta Centrale Electorale had
created some people. This is why all these allegations have been
taking place.
And if we give the opportunity to the Junta Centrale Electorale
to explain and to allow — maybe the discrepancy is not enough, as
Mr. Solarz mentioned, to make a difference in thp result of the
election. But most important is to clarify all Ihose doubts so every-
body could be peacefully, I would say, you know, resolved.
Mr. Smith. Just so I am clear on one point. Would the onus to
demonstrate the appearance of fraud rest exclusively with the op-
position, or does the Junta Centrale ha"-^ *^" ability to independ-
ently suggest that they themselves fe ^ there is sufficient evidence
to go forward, perhaps with new balloting i.. certain areas?
Mr. Solarz. Well, I think as a practical matter the onus does fall
on the opposition here to challenge the results, and it is the obliga-
tion of the Junta Centrale to consider their complaints.
Let me say that so far, as I understand it, the Junta Centrale
has not yet agreed to a procedure which would make it possible to
compare the official list of voters to the list of voters given to the
23
parties, which would be the single most effective and expeditious
way of determining the universe of those who were presumptivelv
disenfranchised, and I very much hope that they will agree to sucn
a procedure.
I would have to say that if they didn't it would raise the most
profound questions about the integrity of the process and the deter-
mination on the part of the Junta to clarify the single biggest cloud
hanging over the honesty of the election itself.
So, I am hopeful that a procedure will be worked out here, and
that will go a long way toward, you know, helping to clear the air
one way or the other about whether the results do in fact reflect
the will of the Dominican people or whether they have been dis-
torted.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Soudriette.
Mr. Soudriette. I might add also that in addition to the opposi-
tion parties also the participation by this Commission of Civility,
and specifically Monsignor Agripino Nunez, who is the rector of the
Catholic University in Santo Domingo, is playing a very important
role. And just this morning — well, at noon, I spoke with the offi-
cials at the OAS and they indicated to me that there had been
meetings that had been going on all morning long between this
Commission and the members of the Junta. So I think that there
is good reason to believe at least they are making an effort also
witn regard to trying to resolve this particular issue related to the
list.
Mr. Smith. One final very brief question. During the campaign
it was reported in the Washington Post that Dr. Pena said, or
promised, that the four corners of the country would bum if he
were cheated out of victory. Are you confident there are sufficient
safeguards now in the process tnat he can be assured that this
kind of tragic scenario won't unfold?
Mr. SOLARZ. I wasn't present when this statement was allegedly
made, if it was made. I know it was reported in the press.
What I can tell you is that I had several conversations with Mr.
Pena Gomez, and I came away from those conversations absolutely
convinced that he was determined to work through the established
procedures and to discourage those in his country who might be in-
clined to go to the streets and to take matters into their own
hands. And I had the impression that was also the view of his vice
Presidential candidate.
I was very pleased to receive those assurances. As you might
imagine, our delegation encouraged him to act on that basis.
You know, some concerns, Mr. Smith, I must tell you had been
expressed by some people in the country about the impact of our
findings, and there was even some thought that perhaps in the in-
terest of tranquility that we should refrain from sharing our obser-
vation with the Dominican people and the international commu-
nity. I am pleased that in spite of our preliminary report that the
situation has remained calm.
I would like to believe that to some extent our willingness to re-
port what we observed may have encouraged Mr. Pena Gomez and
his followers to act through the existing procedures in a peaceful
fashion by giving them the feeling that their anxieties and their
concerns were shared by the international community.
24
In any case, questions have been raised since then in the Domin-
ican Republic about the impartiahty of our delegation. Mr. Mar-
tinez, I think, asked the question pregnant with implications at the
beginning of the hearing when he asked what are the interests of
those who make these allegations. Very good question.
I can only speak for our delegation, and I tell you with absolute
and total sincerity we had one motivation and one motivation only,
and that was to be faithful to our mandate — to tell it like we saw
it, and to observe this process independently, objectively and hon-
estly, and then to share whatever conclusions we reached with the
Dominican people and the international community.
I mean I have to say that if Ken Wallach, the president of NDI,
when he invited me to lead this delegation had said to me, "Listen,
Solarz, if you and your fellow observers fmd that it is an honest
election, by all means report it. If you fmd that there has been a
little bit of fraud but the margin of victory is so great that the
fraud didn't affect the outcome, by all means report that as well,
even including the fraud. That is OK. But if you should fmd that
the magnitude of the irregularities and the possible existence of
fraud may have actually affected the outcome of the election itself,
not necessarily that it did but that it might have, under those cir-
cumstances in the interest of tranquility, we want you to keep your
mouth shut and say nothing," I would have said, "Mr. Wallach,
thank you very much, but get someone else to participate in this
charade because I am not there to play games."
And I think that to the extent that the spread of democracy
around the world, even in the latitudes of underdevelopment, is one
of the most encouraging phenomena of the last several years. It
rests on the faith of people in these countries that change can be
brought about through peaceful means through democratic elec-
tions, and their faith in that process depends to some extent on the
phenomena of these observer delegations coming from countries all
over the world to monitor the electoral process in their nations.
If they believe that the observers will refrain from reporting
fraud when they think it may exist, their faith in the integrity of
the observer missions will diminish and their willingness to partici-
pate in these elections will decline as well.
So, I think we were faithful to our mandate. Doesn't mean we
were right. Maybe we were wrong. But we called it the way we saw
it.
Mr. SOUDRIETTK. I just want to also add, having lived in the Do-
minican Republic in 1984 when there were massive food riots that
took place all across the country, and as Director of the Peace
Corps — my responsibility was to make sure that all of our volun-
teers were safe — I recognize that the poten<^^nl of violence is one
that is real and it is one that I think everybody has to keep in the
back of their mind.
On the other side of it, I would totally concur with the state-
ments of Congressman Solarz. Mr. Manatt and myself both met
with Pena Gomez. He expressed exactly the same point of view;
that it was his opinion that he had to work through the process
and that he was going to do everything in his power to encourage
his followers to do the same.
25
And I think in spite of the tension, and there is a tension in
Santo Domingo, people have been a Httle bit reluctant to go out at
night. But on the positive side there also has been restraint. And
I think that all the Dominican people are to be commended for the
fact that I think thev are all trying to work through a peaceful res-
olution of the difficulties.
Mr. SOLARZ. Mr. Smith, let me just offer you one final observa-
tion, since you referred to a statement that was allegedly made by
Mr. Pena Gomez about the country burning. Mr. Pena Gomez was
also accused during the course of the campaign of participating in
voodoo ceremonies.
Mr. Smith. That was by his opponent, right?
Mr. Soiv\RZ. Yes. I can only tell you that the only voodoo I ob-
served in the Dominican Republic was on election day.
I have no indication as to the veracity of the accusations against
him or to the allegations by him.
Mr. Smith. Nor do I, other than press reports which is why I
wanted to raise it. And the hope would be, and I know this would
be fully backed by every Member of Congress, that the respect for
all those participating in those elections would be greatly enhanced
if everyone acted with restraint. No one wants to see any violence
or killings or anything of that sort.
Mr. Soudriette.
Mr. SouDRiKTTK. I just wanted to add for the record that we met
with Pena Gomez as we did with all of the other political parties
and major candidates.
Mr. Smith. Thank you. That is my last question. I yield back.
Mr. Menendkz. [presiding] Mr. Solarz, let me just very — first of
all, it is Menendez not Martinez. And secondly, I regret that my
pregnant question caused you to feel that you had to answer it. If
you know as I know representing many Dominicans in my congres-
sional district, you will have as many views on the subject and as
many interests raised — as a matter of fact, the chairman was com-
menting to me when he asked me to finish off the rest of the hear-
ing that we have as many people angry at us who didn't get to par-
ticipate today to say their views of what they believe is the appro-
priate set of circumstances. So that is what I meant.
Secondly, the fact of the matter is, however, that I think it is fair
to say that I received an enormous number of phone calls when
this hearing was put together, and as the chairman said, it was
just a very short period of time in which it was put together.
But I think, just for the record, it is fair to say since Dominican
politics is more volatile than our own here certainly in this country
that, in fact, it is fair to say that no one here on the panel has par-
ticipated, other than observing, of course, so that we can assuage
all of the audience here, as well as others, as it may be reported,
has participated in any political activity or fund-raising activity or
election politics?
Is that fair to say? And this way we can cleanse the proceedings
so that we cannot have to listen to all the speculation afterwards.
Mr. Soi^RZ. It is certainly the case with me
Mr. Menendez. I have no doubt of that.
Mr. SoLARZ [continuing]. Mr. Menendez. But let me also add one
other thing.
26
I gather since my departure from the Dominican RepubHc there
has been some allegations that I am on the payroll of President
Aristide and have received monthly retainers or reimbursements
from him, I think of $10,000 or $15,000 or some such sum. Let me
just say for the record that I never received a cent from President
Aristide or anyone associated with him or his government, or any
government in Haiti, in my life, and have no intention of soliciting
such sums in the future.
Mr. Marte. And I would like to let it be for the record that I
have not participated in any campaigning for neither party in-
volved in the election in the Dominican Republic.
Mr. Menendez. So now that we have cleansed — and, Mr.
Soudriette I assume is the same, right?
Mr. Soudriette. Yes.
Mr. Menendez. So now we have cleansed the record that no one
has done any fund-raising or political activities all those phone
calls that I got can be answered.
Let me ask you this. Does the Junta Centrale Electorale have the
ability to identify party affiliation? Do they have party affiliation
in the Dominican Republic as we know it here where you are affili-
ated to the Democratic or Republican Party or otherwise?
Mr. SoLARZ. I don't believe they have lists of registered voters
the way we have here, but the way our observers made that identi-
fication on election day was by the statements the disenfranchisees
made of themselves. They self-identified themselves as supporters
of Mr. Bosch's party or Mr. Pena Gomez's party. In some instances
I gather there were people who identified themselves as supporters
of the government.
But my impression is the only credible way to do that is to ask
the people themselves.
Mr. Menendez. When you say supporters of the government, I
assume you mean the supporters of Mr. Balaguer's party.
Mr. SoiJVRZ. Yes.
Mr. Menendez. With reference to — but there is no party affili-
ation other than the statements of individuals saying to whoever
is the election person at that table challenging or being the official
for that party saying I am part of your party and I am not allowed
to vote. Is that basically
Mr. SoLARZ. That is right. The list didn't indicate party pref-
erence.
Mr. Menendez. Let me ask you this. Is this new? Is this elec-
tion— is this a new computer system that was used for this elec-
tion? Is this an old system? Has this been used in the past? Is
there issues of that involved here as well?
Mr. Soudriette. This is a totally new system, and, in fact, in
some ways the Dominican Republic has tried to achieve in a very,
very short period of time something that a number of other coun-
tries around the hemisphere are looking at, which is mainly the
unification of the Civil Register, which is the record, of birth certifi-
cates, and previously the cedula, or the identity card, was issued
on the basis of those records. In addition to the cedula, they also
maintained a separate voters list, and there was a separate voter
I.D. card.
27
The Dominican Congress, in 1992, mandated that there would be
a unification of the two systems, so they would wind up producing
a combination cedula/voter I.D. card that would be one document
that could serve a variety of purposes. And from a cost effective-
ness standpoint, it makes a lot of sense because it is very, very ex-
pensive to go through this process — approximately $5 per card. So
the cost effectiveness of unifying makes sense.
They went through a process last year that began in February
where people were told, and basically by announcements on tele-
vision, radio and newspaper, both by the Junta, but also by the po-
litical parties, telling people that on a specified day in February
they were to go to the voting table where they had traditionally
voted in order to check the list and to make sure that the informa-
tion on them was correct. If it wasn't, they had to fill out a form.
For example, if they weren't carried on the Civil Register or
there was some information that was incorrect, they had to fill out
a new form.
All of these forms were all gathered and in — I believe it was in
June they purchased a new computer system, IBM system, and
they processed all these forms, and it was basically upon the basis
of tnat that they began
Mr. Menendez. June of this year?
Mr. SouDRiETTE. June of last year.
Mr. Menendez. Oh, June of last year.
Mr. SOUDRIETTE. 1993.
Mr. Menendez. June of this year, we haven't hit there yet.
Mr. SouDRiETTE. The forms were gathered in February but it
wasn't until I think May or June that they actually had the equip-
ment installed and they started processing the information.
Then beginning in September they organized a series of activities
that were set up region by region to basically have people come in,
make sure that the information was correct, then their picture
would be taken and they would be issued a — well, the information
would all be prepared on a blank. They checked that information
and then they had to come back in order to finish their photo and
pick up their completed I.D. card.
This is a process that began in September of 1993 and it lasted
all the way up until — well, the giving out of cards, because you had
to go back and pick — you had to physically pick up your card, and
that lasted all the way up until Saturday, May 14.
Mr. Menendez. So it is a very elaborate system, it sounds like.
Was the system ahead of them in terms of their ability to deal with
it, or were they in sync?
Sometimes we end up with technology and the use of it and it
is ahead of us and it sometimes cause us problems, although it is
meant to be in fulfillment of the greater sanctity of the election
process. I am wondering if that is part of the issue here as well.
Mr. SOUDRIETTE. In all honesty, it was a very ambitious under-
taking.
Mr. Menendez. Could it have been too ambitious in the context
of the time of this election?
Mr. Soudriette. Considering the timeframe, it was extremely
ambitious, and I think your point is well-taken that that obviously
could have been a factor.
28
Mr. Menendez. Well, that leads to my next question. Here we
have final voting in most States, we have final voting lists which
are the lists we use on election day, but there is a period of time
given to us prior to that election.
You refer — all the witnesses, the Congressman, and yourselves
refer to a list that was given to political parties prior to the election
and then a list that was used on election day in which supposedly
there is a question of — major issue of names on the party list not
being on the election day list.
Is that correct? Is my understanding of that
Mr. SoUDREETTE. Yes.
Mr. Menendez. Now, under Dominican law, which is the list
that is valid, the election day list or the list that was issued to the
parties?
Mr. SouDRiETTE. According to electoral law, the list that was
used at the voting table
Mr. Menendez. On election day.
Mr. SoUDRlETTE [continuing]. On election day, was the list that
should have been used.
Mr. Menendez. So, in that respect, we have what we call pe-
remptory challenges here where we get people who get blacklisted
because they haven't voted in x period of time, they have moved or
what not. Is that the process in which peoples' names from the
party list versus the voting list on election day is the issue, or what
is it?
Mr. SoLARZ. No one knows why the names that are on the party
list could not be found on the official list. There are lots of theories
and one can join in the speculation. But at this point nobody knows
for a fact what accounted for it.
Mr. Menendez. In your written testimony. Congressman Solarz,
you said that 3 of the 107 municipalities nullified the elections in
their localities. Could that not have been, if, in fact, this was as
widespread as is purported by some, the actions taken by those
electoral tables in all of those municipalities or in any electoral
table where they felt, in fact, that was the case?
My understanding is that they signed, that all parties signed and
then sent this to the Junta Centrale. If that is the case, and three
did choose, according to your statement on page 3, to nullify it, why
did others not seek to nullify it, having that power?
Mr. SoLARZ. It is a good question, and unless one interviewed the
officials for the other municipalities one would not know for sure.
I think this action was considered quite extraordinary, and others,
I gather, were not inclined to take it.
I think the real issue, Mr. Menendez, if I may say so, is what
action, if any, will the Junta Centrale take if a demonstration can
be made that because of the magnitude and the pattern of the dis-
enfranchisement something needs to be done.
And obviously, this will be a Dominican decision to make in a
Dominican context. But there are, obviously, a number of possibili-
ties. One would be to order a new election throughout the whole
country. Another would be to order a new election in those prov-
inces or municipalities where the problem of disenfranchisement
was most egregious. A third possibility might be to have a supple-
29
mentary election in which only those who were disenfranchised the
first time would be able to vote in this supplementary election.
And if, in fact, the official voter lists are still available, and if the
party lists are still available, it would at least be technically pos-
sible to establish a procedure for a supplementary election in which
only those who were deprived the first time would be entitled to
vote a second time.
But whether that option was chosen or some other option I
haven't mentioned was chosen would be obviously up to the Junta
Centrale. One would hope, however, that if the conclusion is that
the outcome of the election could very easily have been influenced
by the magnitude of the irregularities, and perhaps even illegal-
ities, that some action will be taken to give the Dominican people
to work their will under circumstances where the conclusion can be
accepted by the great majority of the people.
Mr. Menendez. Yes, Mr. Soudriette.
Mr. Soudriette. I did want to mention that during the course
of the day there were several local juntas that did take the deci-
sions to respond and resolve this particular problem of people not
being on the official list. In the city of Santiago, which is the sec-
ond largest city in the Dominican Republic, at 4 o'clock in the after-
noon, the local — the municipal junta there, they made the decision
to go ahead and respect and allow people to vote if they had the
cedula but if their names appeared on at least two of the party
lists.
And I understand that that also did happen in some other local-
ities, but I am not sure exactly which ones at this point. But
Santiago is a pretty significant factor in this given the size.
Mr. Menendez. Let me just ask this one final question, just for
information. My understanding is the election was extended by
agreement of the parties to 3 hours, and I read somewhere else 2
hours. They extended it 3 hours. And during those 3 hours do we
know how many more people voted?
Mr. SoLARZ. We don't for a fact. But we do know based on the
reports of our observers that the implementation of this directive
was intermittent and largely ineffectual. And the conclusion we
reached was that the great bulk of those who had been
disenfranchised earlier in the day did not end up voting during the
extended hours either because they had already gone home or they
couldn't be found or the local polling place refused to permit them
or for some related logistical reason, although there were some who
did take advantage of this opportunity and vote during the ex-
tended period.
Mr. Menendez. One last question, which doesn't go to the heart
of the issue, but for our colleagues who, hopefully, will be reading
this transcript. My understanding is that, for example, the NDI is
there as part of U.S. appropriations for democratic initiatives or
partly subsidized by that. Maybe not this particular instance, but
generally speaking. And democracy funding has been dropped in
the 1995 foreign assistance appropriations legislation that is now
pending before the House.
As persons who are concerned about observations and to be able
to testify firsthand as you have today, do you think that that is
good policy?
84-459 0-94-2
30
Mr. SOLARZ. I think it would be truly unfortunate if the re-
quested levels of funding for the democracy programs were signifi-
cantly reduced. If anything, we should be spending more rather
than less.
The work of observer delegations in the Dominican Republic I
think were essential in creating a climate in which people felt that
there were real opportunities for peaceful change through a demo-
cratic political process.
I think the larger national interest of our country would be poor-
ly served by the decline in the number of democracies around the
world. Indeed, together with the collapse of the Soviet Union and
the end of the cold war, the single most encouraging international
development of the last several years has been the extent to which
democracy has swept across the Western Hemisphere, significant
parts of Africa, key countries in Asia, and certainly Eastern Europe
and parts of the former Soviet Union, and we have a vital national
interest in sustaining and supporting that development.
My impression, Mr. Menendez — and I apologize for mispronounc-
ing your name the first time around. My impression is that we
ought to be doing even more than we are doing, and the amounts
that are being requested are a pittance in comparison to what we
are spending on defense and other international programs.
So, if what happened in the Dominican Republic is any example,
I think it indicates that the money that is being spent is being well
spent and is serving important American interests and values.
Mr. SOUDRIETTE. I think I would concur totally with what Con-
gressman Solarz has said, and would add that if the United States
as the leading democracy sends a message that we are curtailing
our support for democracy initiatives, that sends a message, well
the work is done and we don't need to worry about it any more.
The fact is that, yes, there has been a wave of democracy that
has spread around the world, but the difficult part is institutional-
izing it and making sure that it takes root. So I think that the sup-
port that the Congress and the United States has given to democ-
racy initiatives has played a very important part and has really
served as a leader for many other countries and many other multi-
lateral institutions like the U.N. and the European Community.
So I would discourage any effort to diminish this. And thank you
for all of your support for democracy programs.
Mr. Menendez. Well, I want to thank all of the panelists on be-
half of the chairman and the committee for your testimony today.
It certainly was insightful for us to hear.
I know that the chairman expressed his concern to me to relate
to the audience at large that we will be continuing watching the
developments that happen with a keen eye, interested in that cer-
tainly democracy is preserved and that, in fact, people in terms of
their democratic rights to vote are preserved as well, and we look
forward to pursuing this in the days ahead.
And with that this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:39 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
OPENING STATEMENT
CHAIRMAN ROBERT G. TORRICELLI
HEARING ON DOMINICAN REPUBLIC ELECTION
MAY 24, 1994
Last Monday, voters in the Dominican Republic went to the
polls in an attempt to strengthen their 28-year-old democracy.
By many counts, the elections were a success. Observers reported
record voter turnout levels of near 90%. Indeed, the turnout was
so heavy that election officials worked diligently to keep polls
open an extra three hours to accommodate the large number of
voters.
However, these elections have also been marred by allegations
of irregularities and fraud. When the vote count was stopped last
Thursday with 223 of 9,528 precincts remaining, President Joaquin
Balaguer, the 87-year-old incumbent, was ahead of his closest
challenger, Jose Francisco Pena Gomez, by only 1 percent, or 29,590
votes. Pena Gomez has claimed that as many as 200,000 eligible
Dominicans, many of whom are known to be supporters of the
opposition, were deprived of their right to vote through
manipulation of the voter lists. That claim has been echoed by
some international observers.
The question now is what, if anything, needs to be done to
rectify this situation. The Central Elections Board's announcement
over the weekend that it will conduct a recount is encouraging, but
a recount may not matter if 200,000 citizens were improperly denied
the right to vote. Among the additional remedies that may be
necessary are new elections in regions where irregularities were
most frequent.
We have asked three witnesses to appear before the
Subcommittee today to share their views of the conduct of the
election and to offer their advice on what the response of the
United States, and the international community, should be.
Two of those witnesses served as international observers in
the Dominican Republic: our former colleague and leader of the
National Democratic Institute delegation, Steve Solarz; and the
director of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems,
Richard Soudriette. Mr. Solarz will be accompanied by Mr. Patrick
Merloe, Senior Associate for Electoral Processes for NDI.
Our third witness is Mr. Rafael Marte, the former President of
the Federation of the Dominican Associations of New Jersey. He
will be able to offer us the perspective of the Dominican community
in the United States.
(31)
32
Events in the Dominican Republic have taken on increased
importance in the United States because of that country's role in
the crisis in Haiti. While the Dominican Republic's enforcement of
international sanctions against the Haitian military and the
conduct of its elections are not directly related, there will
clearly be an effort by some in this country to link the two.
Indeed, the Reverend Jesse Jackson has already suggested extending
the Haitian embargo to the Dominican Republic if the border is not
sealed and the elections are not deemed free and fair.
This committee, as well as the Clinton Administration, will
continue to keep a very close watch on the outcome of this matter.
The United States must be careful not to take actions that will
threaten widespread civil unrest in the Dominican Republic, but we
also have an interest in answering questions that remain about the
conduct of the elections.
I am eager to hear from our witnesses about their experiences
during the election and their thoughts on how we might arrive at a
fair conclusion.
33
STATEMENT BY STEPHEN J. SOLARZ
BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS
OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
MAY 24, 1994
Mr. Chairman, I am Stephen J. Solarz, a former member of the House of Representatives
from the 13th District of New York from 1974-1992 and a former member of the House
Western Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee. I first would like to thank you for this opportunity
to address the Subcommittee and to see many of my friends and former colleagues on this
occasion.
I am here today to speak on behalf of a 26-member international observer delegation that
I led to the May 16 elections in the Dominican Republic. The delegation was organized by the
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), which, as you know, has
developed an international reputation for objectivity and professionalism in organizing such
delegations. Patrick Merloe, NDI's Senior Associate for Elections Processes, is seated next to
me. Mr. Merloe also was a member of the delegation and will be happy to answer any
questions you may care to ask.
Our delegation included elected officials, elections experts and regional specialists from
Europe, the Middle East, Central America, North America and South America. Dr. Virgilio
Godoy, Vice President of the Republic of Nicaragua, and Dr. Fidel Chavez Mena, President of
the Christian Democratic Party and former Foreign Minister of El Salvador, were among the
delegation's members. A list of the members of the delegation and a copy of our Preliminary
Statement of May 18, 1994 are submitted for the record.
The primary purposes of the delegation were to demonstrate the international
community's continued support for the democratic process in the Dominican Republic and to
provide the international community with an objective assessment of the May 16 elections. We
also sought to learn from the Dominican people about the nature of the electoral process and its
implications for the further development of the Dominican Republic's democratic institutions.
This was NDI's second international observer delegation to the Dominican Republic.
NDI observed the 1990 polling as part of a joint delegation with the Carter Center of Emory
University. That delegation was led by former President Jimmy Carter.
For the 1994 electoral process, NDI sent a five-member international delegation to the
Dominican Republic from April 19-23 to assess the pre-election environment and preparations
for the elections. In addition, there has been a continuous NDI staff presence in the country
since May 2, which is now following up upon the delegation's activities. NDI also has worked
in close communication with other international observer delegations that monitored the May 16
elections.
34
The delegation's mandate included the examination of three distinct aspects of the election
process: the campaign; election-day proceedings; and the tabulation of results. It is important
to note that the tabulation of results and the resolution of electoral complaints have yet to be
completed. NDI will continue to monitor developments and will issue a detailed report at a later
date.
The delegation arrived in the Dominican Republic on Thursday, May 12. During our
stay we met with government and election officials, leaders of the major political parties,
representatives of the Catholic Church and Pontifical Catholic University, journalists and others
involved in the electoral process in Santo Domingo and in nine other regions around the country.
On election day, members of the delegation visited polling stations and municipal electoral
boards in rural and urban areas throughout the nation and also monitored activities at the Central
Electoral Board (JCE).
The regions observed by the delegation included: Barahona; Comendador; Puerto Plata;
La Romana; San Francisco de Macoris; San Juan; San Pedro de Macoris; Santiago; La Vega;
and the Santo Domingo area. These regions and the routes chosen by the delegation's teams
were coordinated with the observer delegations sponsored by the Organization of American
States (OAS) and the International Foundation for electoral Systems (IFES).
I must stress that the delegation was deeply impressed by the enthusiasm of the
Dominican people in seeking to vote on election day. Thousands of prospective voters lined up
beginning hours before the 6:00 a.m. scheduled opening of the polls. Large numbers of voters
turned out and endured long waits in the voting process.
The delegation also noted a number of positive developments in the Dominican electoral
process following the 1990 elections. These developments are noted in our Preliminary
Statement of May 18. In addition, the contesting political parties were able to communicate with
the electorate through the news media, rallies and other avenues leading up to the May 16
elections.
A Pact of Civility was signed by most of the major presidential candidates and formally
witnessed by a commission of prominent Dominican leaders (the Civility Commission), in which
the candidates promised to respect the official electoral results and restrain from declaring
victory prematurely. Monsignor Agripino Nunez and the Civility Commission have been
continually engaged in the election process and are even now addressing issues that have been
raised following the elections.
Notwithstanding these and other positive developments noted in the delegation's
Preliminary Statement of May 18, a number of features of the electoral process were marred by
serious problems and irregularities, which caused deep concern for the delegation. Among the
most serious of those delineated in the Preliminary Statement of May 18 were the following.
35
1) The delegation noted with regret the serious incidents of violence that resulted in a
number of deaths during the election campaign.
2) There were numerous reports of difficulties in voters obtaining their new identity cards
(cedulas) and in correcting mistakes in the cards which they received. Reportedly, this resulted
in more than 200,000 cedulas not being distributed by election day. This problem could have
prevented a significant number of prospective voters from exercising their franchise. A number
of Dominican actors expressed concern with regard to measures taken to protect the remaining
cedulas from potential misuse.
3) There were problems at polling sites (mesas electorales) in adding the results entered
onto tally-sheets (actas), which created problems with entering mesa-by-mesa tabulations into
computers at the Municipal Electoral Boards (JMEs). This created delays in consolidating
national results and raised questions about the effectiveness of the JCE's computerized tabulation
process.
4) The delegation also registered its serious concern over the large number of prospective
voters who came to the polls with their new identity cards (cedulas) but who were turned away
without being permitted to vote because their names did not appear on the official lists of voters
used by election officers at the polling places. The Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRD) and
the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) claim that the names of most of these disenfranchised
individuals were registered on the list provided to the parties by the JCE at an earlier date.
These two parties further claim that a disproportionate number of those disenfranchised
individuals identified themselves to party delegates at the affected mesas as PRD or PLD
supporters.
Under JCE regulations, previously agreed to by the parties, such persons could not vote.
The JCE recognized this problem of disenfranchisement on election day. In response to a
request by the opposition parties lodged in the late morning of election day, and following
expressions of support by all the international delegations and by the Civility Commission, the
JCE issued a resolution that extended the close of voting from 6:(X) to 9:00 p.m. and permitted
the affected individuals to cast tendered ballots (votos observados). This action was close to the
parties' request, which called for extending voting hours and allowing affected persons to cast
regular ballots.
The JCE's resolution was released to the country approximately ten minutes after the
polls closed, which substantially negated its impact. Members of the delegation observed that
a large number of mesas apparently did not receive notice of the JCE's resolution until well after
it was issued. By the time official notice arrived, some of these mesas had started the vote count
and refused to permit the affected individuals to vote.
In three of the 107 municipalities, these circumstances led the Municipal Electoral Boards
(JMEs) to nullify the elections in their localities. These municipalities included Banica,
Comendador and El Llano, all in the provence of Elias Piiia. The Municipal Electoral Board
36
of Comendador stated in its resolution annulling elections in its jurisdiction that the voter registry
of the political parties and the registry used by the electoral officials "contained different entries"
and that the percentage of people who did not have the opportunity to exercise the right to vote
was "highly significant." The representatives of all political parties, including the ruling party,
signed this resolution along with the president of the Municipal Electoral Board (JME).
The delegation itself observed sufficient a number of instances of disenfranchisement to
cause serious concern. This problem was particularly evident to our observer teams in areas in
and around Barahona, Comendador, La Vega, Puerto Plata, San Francisco de Macoris and
Santiago. Moreover, the number of the disenfranchisement cases which members of the
delegation noted appeared largely to affect opposition parties. Members of the delegation
observed this phenomenon by witnessing instances: where disenfranchised voters approached
opposition party agents at the mesas and announced their intention of voting for such parties;
and where opposition party agents showed lists of disenfranchised party supporters to observers
and party agents from the ruling party and/or mesa election officials agreed that the numbers of
disenfranchised persons and their distribution among the parties on these lists were accurate.
The delegation did not rule out the possibility that the disenfranchisement took place due
to clerical or human error. The delegation noted that the pattern of the disenfranchisement,
however, suggests the real possibility that a deliberate effort was made to tamper with the
electoral process.
It remains impossible at this time to specify the exact number of individuals who were
deprived of the opportunity to vote because of these circumstances. Nor is it possible to
quantify how many of those persons would have voted for a particular candidate. It also is not
possible to determine at this time that the number of votes affected by these circumstances and
other irregularities will exceed the margin by which the elections are won, once the official
results are determined. The delegation concluded that nevertheless, the disenfranchisement,
given its magnitude and distribution, could have affected the outcome of this close electoral
contest.
Given these circumstances, the delegation urged the appropriate Dominican authorities
to investigate the nature and extent of this problem in order to establish (a) why so many
individuals obtained cedulas but were not on the official voter lists, (b) who may be responsible
for the phenomenon, and (c) what steps are necessary to correct this situation. The delegation
recognized that the Civility Commission was working to establish a mechanism to remedy this
situation.
NDI is aware that the responsibilities of the delegation did not end with the issuance of
a preliminary statement. At the same time NDI recognizes that the appropriate Dominican
authorities must exercise their responsibilities to resolve electoral problems. NDI has maintained
close cooperation with the other international delegations in the post-election period. IFES also
was active in the immediate post-election period. The OAS deserves particular praise for their
ongoing activities following the elections.
37
NDI has maintained communication with the JCE and the Civility Commission to leam
of steps being taken in the post-election period and to offer any appropriate assistance. NDI has
requested that all political parties supply it with documentation to substantiate their electoral
complaints. NDI representatives continue to meet with political parties and to follow
complaints. In addition, vote-count information from a number of polling places (mesas)
collected by the delegation was compared by a delegation computer expert to the count for those
mesas recorded in the JCE's central computer. Also, slightly over half of mesa counts in the
JCE's computer were reviewed to determine whether they contained more votes than registered
voters. This analysis did not reveal any significant anomalies; however, these were not
comprehensive nor scientifically drawn samples.
The Civility Commission continues to work actively in the post-election period. It
requested that the tally-sheets (actas) be reviewed and that a re-tabulation be undertaken to
correct any inconsistencies in the JCE's tabulation process; at the same time, the Commission
called for a careful investigation of irregularities in the election process.
The JCE announced on May 20 that a winner has not yet been declared in the election.
This action may provide an opportunity to investigate and take appropriate steps to rectify
problems. The JCE further has agreed that beginning Wednesday, May 25: 1) a review of the
actas from all mesas will be conducted to verify that they correspond to those given on election
day to the political parties and to correct mathematical errors in the actas; 2) a re-tabulation of
the vote counts from the actas will be conducted to verify the accuracy of the computerized
tabulation process; and 3) a comparison will be conducted of the official voter registry provided
to each mesa and the lists provided to the political parties to determine discrepancies.
These are welcome actions. Moreover, throughout the post-election events to date, the
political parties have consistently exerted efforts to settle their electoral disputes by peaceful
means. They should be encouraged to continue to do so. As the delegation stressed, it is
important for the Dominicans to resolve all electoral issues and problems that have arisen. The
international community should provide encouragement for a positive resolution and should
support steps toward this end.
The JCE has the responsibility to promptly and impartially investigate election
complaints. At the same time, parties have the responsibility to adequately document complaints
and to pursue their grievances by peaceful means. In calling for remedial actions, such as for
new elecuons, parties must demonstrate that irregularities could have affected the results of the
elections.
It is critical that both Dominican and international attention remain focused on the May
16 elections to determine whether actions agreed to are completed. I am reminded of events
following the 1990 polling in the Dominican Republic, when former President Jimmy Carter and
NDI jointly observed that contest. Following those disputed elections. President Carter and the
observer delegation recommended a series of steps to resolve disputes before the vote counting
was to be finalized. This process was agreed to by the JCE and the political parties. Shortly
38
after the observers departed the country, however, the dispute resolution process was halted and
the vote count was completed.
There are some in the Dominican Republic who are now attempting to discredit the
integrity of the NDI delegation and other international observer groups, as well as challenging
the impartiality of individual observers. This campaign is being waged in newspapers and on
television and radio. However, by any objective standard, this effort represents a smokescreen,
deflecting attention from real problems associated with the electoral process and from positive
actions being taken to resolve these problems.
Mr. Chairman, in conclusion, may I say that I am proud of the role played by NfDI's
delegation, which operated in keeping with the Institute's experience in monitoring more than
25 elections over the past eight years. Our delegation fulfilled its responsibility by reporting in
a careful and objective manner on the electoral processes surrounding the May 16 elections in
the Dominican Republic. Our Preliminary Statement of May 18 is the product of more than nine
hours of debriefing sessions, the conclusion of which was the unanimous adoption of the
Preliminary Statement.
In discharging our responsibilities, we worked in close cooperation with other
international observer delegations from the OAS and IFES. As the statements of these
delegations demonstrate, it is remarkable that so many observers reached similar conclusions.
Thank you very much. 1 will be pleased to answer any questions.
39
^ InterrurticruH Foundation for electoral Systems
I ;0I 13^'- S'^l^en- K ■.VirnPDfLCOr'WASHiNGTON. DC :''nO5'i202i 828-8SC7t=,-.X (202) 452-0SC4
EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERED
PREPARED STATEMENT OF RICHARD W. SOUDRIETTE, DIRECTOR
INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS
COMMTTTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MAY 24, 1994
RPrPNT ELECTIONS IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
I would like to thank Congressman Torricelli and the Subcommittee on Western
Hemisphere Affairs for inviting me to appear before this committee to discuss a critical topic
with profound impact on the development of democracy in our hemisphere, the recent elections
in the Dominican Republic held on May 16, 1994, This topic is especially meaningful to me
because I had the honor to serve as Country Director for the Peace Corps in the Dominican
Republic from 1983 to 1985. During that period, I had the opportunity to travel to every
province of the country and get to know the wonderful people of the DR.
Presently, I serve as the Director of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems
(IFES), a private, non-profit, and non-partisan election research and assistance organization.
Since it was founded in 1987, IFES has provided technical assistance in the field of election
administration in more than 70 countries around the world,
IFES was invited by the Junta Central Electoral (ICE- Central Electoral Board) of the
Dominican Republic to observe the recent elections on May 16, 1994, We did so in
collaboration with our other colleagues from the Organization of American States, the National
Democratic Institute for International Affairs, and the Center for Electoral Assistance and
Promotion (CAPEL) in San Jos6, Costa Rica,
My purpose in participating in today's hearing is to share with you the observations of
the IFES Election Observer Mission to the DR. The IFES team consisted of observers from
nine countries and included senior election officials, leaders of civic education organizations,
academics and constitutional lawyers and observed in twelve provinces of the country. The
IFES mission focused attention on electoral administration issues and the transparency of the
electoral process.
40
On May 16, 1994, the IFES mission was profoundly impressed by the Dominican
people's support of the electoral process. The massive participation of the voters represents both
an important example for other countries to follow and a significant step forward. The total
turnout was historic in proportions, with more than 86% of the registered voters participating.
One million more Dominicans participated in 1994 than in the last elections in 1990. The high
turnout stands as testimony of the commitment of the Dominican people to democracy.
The members of the IFES delegation reported that in Santo Domingo, with the largest
concentration of voters, aside from normal logistical problems such as tables opening late, there
were no major problems on election day. IFES observers were extremely impressed with the
fact that voters generally were aware of the mechanics of the voting process.
Additionally, in other areas of the country, IFES teams reported that in comparison with
previous elections, there were improvements regarding distribution of election materials and
training of the poll workers. Virtually all of the 10,000 voting tables or mesas had all of the
necessary equipment and supplies such as ballots. This was a dramatic improvement over
previous elections in the Dominican Republic when supplies were still being distributed on the
day of the election. Observers also noted several other positive changes in relation to the 1990
elections such as the introduction of a unified identity card/voting card, replacement of the
multiple-use ballot with a new three-ballot system, and the expansion of voting tables or mesas
from 6,663 to almost 10,000.
The most serious problem discovered by IFES team members observing outside of Santo
Domingo involved significant numbers of potential voters who arrived at their polling place with
what observers reported appeared to be valid identity cards (c6dulas), but who were not
permiued to vote because their names did not appear appear on the official list used by polling
officials at each vodng table. Nevertheless, the names of many of these potential voters did
appear on the lists provided to the representatives of political parties at each voting table. IFES
observers witnessed these problems in a number of specific localities in Barahona, Galvan, El
Seybo, Puerto Plata, San Francisco, Moca, San Juan de la Maguana, Vallejuelo, Santiago, and
Montecristi. We are presently trying to determine how widespread this problem was and if there
was any particular pattern to those individuals left off of the lists,
In reponse to this problem, IFES, along with the other international observer teams and
the Dominicaji church leaders, urged the JCE to revise its procedures and allow individuals to
vote if liiey had a valid identity card and if their names appeared on at least two of the lists of
the political parties at each voting table. The JCE approved this change, and they also agreed
to extend the voting hours from 6:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m. This decision by the JCE was well-
received by the voters but was impossible to implement in various locations because the ballot
boxes had already begun to be opened for counting and the surplus ballots had been annulled.
41
IFES is preparing a detailed report on the international observation of the May 16, 1994
elections. The report will include close examination of this problem with the voter lists as well
as any other problems related to the recent election, LFES will offer observations and
recommendations for the institutional strengthening of the Dominican electoral system.
At the present time, the election is extremely close, with Dr. Joaqutn Balaguer of the
Reformist Party slightly ahead of Dr. Pena G6mez of the Revolutionary Dominican Party. The
counting of the tables was stopped with approximately 250 tables still to be counted. Tomorrow
the JCE will begin the process of recounting the results of all of 10,000 tables. Additionally,
they are in the process of delicate negotiations with the Commission of Resolution which was
created as a result of the Pact of Civility that all of the political parties agreed to as a means of
settling differences.
Presently, Monsignor Agrippino Nufiez is working through this commission to achieve
a favorable result that will result in respecting the wishes of the Dominican people at the ballot
box. It is extremely important that we all recognize that while international observers working
through the OAS can lend support, the ultimate resolution of the current situation involving the
elections must rest in the hands of the Dominicans.
42
PREPARED STATEMENT OF RATAEL MARTE
Representing New Jersey Dominican Community
Before
Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, DC
On May 16th, the people of the Dominican Republic held their
9th consecutive national election since the establishment of the
democratic system following the downfall of the dictatorship of
Rafael Leonidas Trujillo.
This past election, however, demonstrated once again the
fragility of the Dominican electoral system. Numerous reports have
been alleged that the Central Electoral Board, controlled by the
ruling party, has engaged in illegal acts that violated the basic
principles of free, fair, and democratic elections.
The Dominican Republic today is in a state of political crisis
which could subsume the nation into major chaos. The international
observers, among which are the Organization of American States and
the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs,
concluded that there were many irregularities which violated the
democratic right to vote of thousands of Dominican citizens.
Among these irregularities already detected and documented I
will mention several of them this afternoon.
1) Tens of thousands of voters were excluded from the
official list prepared by the Dominican Republic Central Election
Board.
2) Tens of thousands were not permitted to vote after the
Central Election Board reluctantly accepted the recommendations of
both the parties and the international observers to extend the
voting period for three more hours.
3) The voting list provided by the Central Electoral Board to
the parties were different from the final official list prepared by
the Central Electoral Board for controlling the election, despite
the numerous claims make before the elections by the opposition
parties to get final official lists.
4) Many names were irregularly included in the official final
list without notifying the political parties. As a result
thousands of irregular voters showed up at the voting stations and
were permitted to cast their votes despite the protest of the
delegates of the opposition parties.
43
5) Dislocation of names and their identification number were
also a major factor in preventing citizens from voting.
6) Many persons illegally received two or more identification
voting cards.
7) The municipal Electoral Board of Comendador, Bani, El
Llano of the province of Elias Pina, voided the elections after
discovering that the list of voters mainly included members of the
official party — The Partido Reformista Social Cristiano. The
official act voiding the elections was signed even by the official
representatives of the Partido Reformista Social Cristiano.
8) In many provinces such as San Cristobal, Monte Plata, La
Altagracia, Espaillat, among others the number of voters exceeded
the number of registered voters. For example, in the province of
La Altagracia the number of registered voters is 49,554, however
58,427 people voted. This means that the number of registered
voters was exceeded by 20,850.
9) Racial discrimination played a very important role in the
election.
In the province of San Pedro de Macoris where most of
Dominican Baseball players come from, dark skinned Dominicans were
routinely denied the right to vote alleging that they were
Haitians.
If we take into consideration all these irregularities and
given the unofficial results that give the incumbent President
Jocquin Balaguer, a narrow margin of 27,355, which represents a
lead of less than one percent over his major opponent Jose Pena
Gomez. We can easily observe that the correction of these multiple
irregularities could change the final results of the May 18
election.
I am here speaking on behalf of thousands of Dominicans who
reside throughout the United States, mostly in the northeast.
I am afraid that if we so not have free and fair elections in
the Dominican Republic and the will of the Dominican people is not
respected, living conditions in this Caribbean Country will
continue to worsen, leading to another flotilla of refugees into
Puerto Rico, which is used as a bridge to come to the United States
in search of a better life.
If the actual conditions prevail we might have an illegal
government. Today I come in front of you to ask that a fact-
finding mission led by U.S. Representatives and members of
Presidents Clinton's Administration, travel immediately to the
Dominican Republic to demand from the Dominican Central Electoral
Board the following:
44
a) A recount of the ballots cast in the past election.
b) The auditing of the tally sheet of all voting stations.
c) Examination of all computer transactions and programs used
to count the votes to determine the validity of the vote
counting.
d) Distribution of the voting list used by the Dominican
Republic Central Electoral Board must be given to
international observers and to all party delegates.
To conclude, if the election irregularities are not corrected
satisfactorily, new national elections should be held under strict
supervision of international observers.
I want to thank you for the special interest that you have
demonstrated in helping us to solve this serious crisis.
45
. NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE
'-■ FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
lifth HiK)r \-\~ Ma«achuM-tt5 Avenue, N W Washington. DC 2(K)36 (202) <28-^l«)
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
May 18, 1994
NDI INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER DELEGATION
TO THE MAY 16 DOMINICAN REPUBLIC ELECTIONS
This is the preliminary statement of a 26-member international delegation that
observed the May 16 elections in the Dominican Republic. The delegation, organized by the
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), includes parliamentarians,
political pany leaders, regional specialists and election experts from 10 countries in Europe,
the Middle East, Central America, North America and South America.
This and other observer delegations have been welcomed by the Central Electoral
Board (JCE), the government, major political parties, and the Dominican people. Our
delegauon came as observers. We did not seek to supervise the elections or certify the
integnty of the process. Ultimately, it is the Dominican people who must judge the
elecuons.
The primai7 purposes of the delegation are to demonstrate the international
community's continued support for the democratic process in the Dominican Republic and to
provide the international community with an objective assessment of the May 16 elections.
We also are here to learn from the Dominican people about the nature of the electoral
process and its implications for the further development of the Dominican Republic's
democratic institutions.
This is NDI's second international observer delegation to the Dominican Republic.
NDI observed the 1990 polling as pari of a joint delegation with the Carter Center of Emory
University. For the 1994 electoral process, NDI sent a 5-member international delegation to
the Dominican Republic from April 19-23 to assess the pre-election environment and
preparations for the elections. In addition, there has been an NDI staff presence here since
May 2 in preparation for the delegation's activities.
NDI is in close communication with other international observer delegations that are
moniionng the May 16 elections. In addition, members of the delegation will remain in the
Dominican Republic to observe post election-day developments, which will be important to
informing the international community about the evolving character of the Dominican
electoral process.
The delegation's mandate included the examination of three distinct aspects of the
elecuon process: the campaign; election-day proceedings; and the tabulation of results to
date. TTiis statement is a preliminary assessment of these issues. We note that the tabulation
46
of results and the resolution of any electoral complaints have yet to be completed. NDI will
continue to monitor developments and will issue a more detailed report at a later date.
The delegation arrived in the Dominican Republic on Thursday, May 12. During our
stay we met with government and election officials, leaders of the major political parties,
representatives of the Catholic Church and Pontifical Catholic University, journalists and
others involved in the electoral process in Santo Domingo and in nine other regions around
the country. On election day, members of the delegation visited polling stations and
municipal electoral boards in rural and urban areas throughout the nation.
The delegation noted that following enactment of new legislation in 1992, the JCE
took significant steps to modify election processes. The JCE was expanded from three to
five members, £uid a new JCE was incorporated from all of the three principal parties
represented in the National Congress. A new unified identity card, including a photograph,
was introduced to replace the old two-identity card system. The multiple use ballot was
replaced with a three-ballot system. The number of polling places (mesas) was increased
from 6,663 to 9,528. The vote counting and tabulation processes were modified to enter
results into computers at the Municipal Electoral Boards (JMEs) rather than all data being
entered at the JCE as was done in 1990. Also, technical assistance was provided to the JCE
over the last year by the Organization of American States (OAS) and by the International
Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES).
The contesting political parties were able to communicate with the electorate through
the news media, rallies and other avenues leading up to the election. The press also enjoyed
freedom in political reporting. Additionally, in April the parties were provided with copies
of the voter registry. In a Pact of Civility signed by most of the major presidential
candidates and formally witnessed by a commission of prominent Dominican leaders, these
candidates promised to respect the official electoral results and restrain from declaring
victory prematurely. We are aware that Monsignor Agripino Nuriez and the Commission
have been continually engaged in the process and are even now addressing issues that have
been raised.
The delegation was deeply impressed by the enthusiasm of the Dominican people in
seeking to vote on election day. Thousands of prospective voters lined up beginning hours
before the 6:00 a.m. scheduled opening of the polls. Large numbers of voters turned out and
endured long waits in the voting process.
While the performance of polling officials was uneven, the delegation noted many
examples where election officials worked diligently and for long hours to discharge their
responsibilities. Those election officials at the polling stations (mesas) who arrived on time,
kept their polls open for the extra hours of voting from 6:00 to 9:00 p.m. and who did their
best to protect the right to vote of all those who sought to cast ballots deserve praise.
47
Political party delegates from the major parlies were present at polling places
throughout the country. Party delegates received signed copies of the official tally sheets
after counting was completed at the mesas and were generally allowed to scrutinize the
tabulation processes at the JMEs and at the JCE. In addition, international observers
generally were welcomed by election officials, party delegates and prospective voters.
Notwithstanding these positive developments, a number of features of the electoral
process were marred by serious problems and irregularities, which cause deep concern for
the delegation. Among them are the following.
1) The delegation notes with regret the serious incidents of violence that resulted in a
number of deaths during the election campaign.
2) The delegation received allegations from credible sources of the use of state
resources for partisan campaign purposes.
3) The delegation also noted significant problems and irregularities in the electoral
process. There were numerous reports of difficulties in voters obtaining their new identity
cards (cedulas) and in correcting mistakes in the cards which they received. Reportedly, this
resulted in more than 200,000 cedulas not being distributed by election day. This problem
could have prevented a significant number of prospective voters from exercising their
franchise. A number of Dominican actors expressed concern with regard to measures taken
to protect the remaining cedulas from potential misuse.
4) Many mesas opened quite late, which resulted in long lines, confusion and
frustration for prospective voters.
5) There were problems in adding the results entered onto tally-sheets (actas), which
created problems with entering mesa-by-mesa tabulations into computers at the JMEs. This
created delays m consolidating national results, which could raise questions about the
effectiveness of the JCE's computerized tabulation process. In addition, there was occasional
ineffectiveness of the indelible ink, as well as occasional minor problems with missing
matenals.
6) Control of all broadcast media is concentrated in the JCE during the election. All
news is blocked at this time, including foreign cable news programs. The delegation notes
that It may be appropnate to restnct reports of election results or of public opinion polls
concerning the election until voting has concluded; however, blocking all broadcast news
programs may contribute to the perception of a lack of transparency in the election process.
7) The delegation also wishes to register its serious concern over the large number of
prospective voters who came to the polls with their new identity cards (cedulas) but who
were turned away without being permitted to vote because their names did not appear on the
official lists of voters used by election officers at the polling places. The Dominican
48
Revolutionary Party (PRD) and the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) claim that the names
of most of these disenfranchised individuals were registered on the list provided to the parties
by the JCE at an earlier date. These two parties further claim that a disproportionate number
of those disenfranchised individuals identified themselves to party delegates at the affected
mesas as PRD or PLD supporters.
Under JCE regulations, previously agreed to by the parties, such persons could not
vote. The JCE recognized the problem of disenfranchisement. In response to a request by
the opposition parties, and following expressions of support by all the international
delegations and by the commission established by the Pact of Civility, the JCE issued a
resolution that extended the close of voting from 6:00 to 9:00 p.m. and permitted the
affected individuals to cast tendered ballots (votos observados).
The resolution was released to the country approximately ten minutes after the polls
closed, which substantially negated its impact. Members of the delegation observed that a
large number of mesas apparently did not receive notice of the JCE's resolution until well
after it was issued. By the time official notice arrived, some of these mesas had started the
vote count and refused to permit the affected individuals to vote. In three of the 107
municipalities, these circumstances led the Municipal Electoral Juntas (JMEs) to nullify the
elections in their localities.
The delegation observed sufficient number of instances of disenfranchisement to cause
serious concern. Moreover, a disproportionate number of the disenfranchisement cases
which members of the delegation noted appeared to affect opposition parties.
The delegation does not rule out the possibility that the disenfranchisement took place
due to clerical or human error. The pattern of the disenfranchisement, however, suggests the
real possibility that a deliberate effort was made to tamper with the electoral process.
It is impossible to specify at this time the exact number of individuals who were
deprived of the opportunity to vote because of these circumstances. Nor is it possible to
quanufy how many of those persons would have voted for a particular candidate. It also is
not possible to determine at this time that the number of votes affected by these
circumstances and other irregularities will exceed the margin by which the elections are won,
once the official results are determined. Nevertheless, the disenfranchisement, given its
magnitude and distribution, could affect the outcome of the elections.
Given these circumstances, the delegation urges the appropriate Dominican authorities
to investigate the nature and extent of this problem in order to establish (a) why so many
individuals obtained cedulas but were not on the official voter lists, (b) who may be
responsible for the phenomenon, and (c) what steps are necessary to correct this situation.
The delegation recognizes that the Commission established by the Church under the Pact of
Civility is working to establish a mechanism to remedy this situation.
49
The delegation wishes to emphasize that throughout the pre-election and election day
period, we have maintained contact with a variety of actors involved in the electoral process.
These actors have been invited to provide the delegation with evidence of fraud, manipulation
or wide-spread irregularities that could affect the outcome of the elections. The delegation
praises the political parties' efforts to settle their electoral disputes by peaceful means in this
post-electoral period, and urges that they continue to do so. We believe it is important for
Dominicans to resolve all issues and problems that have arisen, and that non-Dominicans
should only participate in this process where invited.
Members of the delegation will remain in the Dominican Republic to monitor post-
election developments, and NDI will release a more detailed report at a later date.
50
^ NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE
«w^i))i FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
hifihH.H>r ri'Missachusciu Avenue. NW WashinRton, D C 200% C202) }28-^156
NDI INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER DELEGATION
NATIONAL ELECTIONS
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
May 12-18, 1994
Stephen J. Solarz
Former Member of Congress
UNITED STATES
Virgilio Godoy
Vice President
NICARAGUA
Richard Bosweil
University of California
Hastings College of Law
UNITED STATES
Santiago Canton
NDI Senior Program Officer
UNITED STATES
Mark Hall
Hunneman Real Estate Corporation
UNITED STATES
Johnathan Hartlyn
Dept. of Political Science
University of North Carolina
UNITED STATES
Fidel Chavez Mena
Christian Democratic Party
EL SALVADOR
Abdul Karim Kabariti
Member of Parliament
JORDAN
Aracciv Conde de Paiz
Former Vice Presidential Candidate
(.LATE.MALA
Ricardo Lesme
Center for Democratic Studies
PARAGUAY
Judith Cooper
Former \ice-Chair
Democratic Party, New Mexico
LTsITED STATES
Andrew Crawley
Institute lor European-
Latm American Relations
FLROPEAN UNION
Seruio (iarcia-Rodriguez
Hclkr Khrman White McAuliffe
LMTF.D STATES
Elisa Martinez-Tamyo
Inter-American Dialogue
UNITED STATES
Thomas O. Melia
NDI Senior Associate
UNITED STATES
Patrick Merloe
NDI Senior Associate, Election Processes
UNITED STATES
Christopher Mitchell
Center for Latin American Studies
New York University
UNITED STATES
51
Lawrence Noble Martamaria Villaveces
General Councel Attorney
Federal Election Commission COLUMBIA
LTMITED STATES
Cristina Zuccardi
Hussein Abdullah Rbaya House of Representatives
Commission on Elections ARGENTINA
PALESTINLVN LIBERATION
ORGANIZATION
Maureen Taft-Morales
Congressional Research Service
UNITED STATES
NDI STAFF
Katie Kelsch
Program Officer
Mary Hill
Logistics Manager
Darren Nance
Program Assistant
Kendra Langlie
Logistics Assistant
52
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE
FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
l.hhHoor l"l" \1i^^2^.nuscIl^ Avenue N \X' vi ishinulon D C :0()-((> .J02M28-<H6 ■ fclcx il(Xj(M'i(X>8 NDIIA
NDI Latin America Programs
53
NDI Latin America Programs
Table of Contents
Chronology of NDI Programs in Latin America
Summary of Model NDI Programs
Chile
Nicaragua
Paraguay
1993 Latm Amenca Programs
Argentma
Women in Politics
Electoral Reform
Bolivia
Haiti
Mexico
Nicaragua
Panama
Paraguay
Proposed Program Activities for 1994
ARGENTINA
54
Chronology of NDI Programs in Latin America
August 1985
Apnl 1987
December 1988
Apnl 1989
July 1989
August 1993
November 1993
Sent a delegation to participate in a seminar on legislative reform in
Buenos Aires.
Convened an international seminar on constitutional reform in Buenos
Aires, which included political leaders and constitutional experts from
Europe, Latin America and the United States.
Sponsored a program held in the Dominican Republic on civil-military
relations in Argentina.
Invited Argentine political and military leaders to Washington to meet
with leading U.S. experts on defense policy.
Organized an international seminar held in Montevideo, Uruguay, on
civil-military relations that endeavored to promote healthier civil-military
relations in Argentina.
Provided technical assistance to political parties during a seminar on
electoral reform in Buenos Aires.
Held a seminar on women in politics for aspiring female political leaders
in Buenos Aires.
BOLIVIA
February 1991 Sponsored a seminar on electoral processes for Bolivian political leaders.
Apnl 1992 Held a semmar on legislative reform in La Paz.
February 1993 Conducted a seminar on political party legislation for Bolivian legislators.
BRAZIL
55
February 1986
September 1987
September 1988
Invited a group of Brazilian legislators to the U.S. to meet with state and
federal officials to discuss the role of the legislature in the budget process.
Sponsored a conference in Brasilia on constitutional reform and the budget
process.
Invited senior staff members from the Brazilian Senate to the United States
to observe and discuss the role of legislative support staff.
CHILE
Mav 1985
May 1986
September 1987-
October 1988
October 1988
November 1989
November 1991
Held a conference in Washington D.C. on democracy in Latin America
that brought together the leaders of Chile's fragmented democratic
opposition parties and helped foster the development of the National
Accord, a framework for the peaceful restoration of democracy in Chile.
Organized a conference in Caracas on the transition to democracy in Chile
that helped the democratic opposition reaffirm its common purpose.
Provided technical assistance and financial support to the free election
movement to register voters for the national plebiscite and promote the
"no" vote.
Sent a 55-member international observer delegation to the presidential
plebiscite. Former Governor Bruce Babbitt, former Special Envoy to
NATO countries Peter Dailey and former Presidents of Spain and
Colombia Adolfo Suarez and Misael Pastrana, respectively, led the
delegation.
Sponsored an international observer delegation to the national elections.
Organized an international group of municipal experts to assist Chilean
congressional efforts to strengthen local government structures.
COSTA RICA
56
June 1988
Conducted a conference in San Jose for Latin American political leaders
to discuss Costa Rica's success in maintaining a vibrant democracy. This
was the third such conference, following Israel and Botswana, in a series
of studies on successful democracies in regions of crisis.
CUBA
June 1991
Organized an international conference in Caracas that enabled Cuban
democratic groups in exile to acquire practical information on democratic
transitions elsewhere.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
May 1990
May 1994
Sponsored an international observer delegation, led by former President
Jimmy Carter, to the presidential election.
Organized an international observer delegation, led by former U.S.
Congressman Stephen Solarz, to the presidential and legislative elections.
EL S^iLVADOR
1988 Organized a survey mission to San Salvador to assess the legal and
administrative framework for the 1989 presidential election.
November 1991 Participated in a mission to assess Salvadoran civic organizations.
March 1994 Began local governance program in El Salvador by sending a survey team
to assess formal and informal mechanisms for citizen participation in
municipal government.
GUATEMALA
57
1990
Sent pre-election mission to assess the election environment.
November 1990 Sent an international observer delegation, led by former Governor Bruce
Babbitt, to monitor the national elections.
GUYANA
1992
Provided the Electoral Assistance Bureau (EAB), a nonpartisan Guyanese
civic organization, with financial and technical assistance in preparation
for the October national election. The EAB trained party pollwatchers
and assisted the international observer delegation led by former President
Jimmv Carter.
March 1994 Began program to provide the EAB with technical and financial assistance
in preparation for the 1994 municipal elections.
HAITI
August 1986 Sponsored the first in a series of political party building workshops held
in Puerto Rico for Haiti's 17 major political parties.
December 1986
Sent a survey mission to assess the electoral framework and provide
technical assistance.
March 1987 Organized an international observer delegation to the referendum on
Haiti's new constitution.
June 1987
Conducted a second political party building workshop.
November 1987 Sent an international observer delegation to the national elections, which
were aborted due to military-sponsored violence.
July-Sept. 1990
Conducted two sets of pre-election assessment missions along with pany
development workshops with democratic parties.
58
December 1990
Sponsored an international observer delegation, led by former President
Jimmy Carter, to the Haiti's first free elections.
October 1993 Sent a survey mission for a civil-military relations and parliamentary party
building programs proposed in early 1991.
April 1994 Sponsored a delegation of five Haitian parliamentarians to observe the
NDI seminar on "Civil-Military Relations: A Comparative Vision" in
Managua, Nicaragua.
MEXICO
August 1991 Provided the Council for Democracy with technical and financial
assistance to organize an independent vote tabulation of the Mexico city
municipal elections.
April 1992 Provided financial assistance to the Council for Democracy to conduct a
seminar on electoral reform in Mexico City. Also sponsored the
participation of international experts in the forum.
June 1992
Organized programs providing technical assistance to civic organizations
to mount an independent vote tabulation of gubernatorial elections in the
state of Chihuahua and conduct a seminar on election observation.
September 1992
Continued work with the Council for Democracy in conducting an
independent vote tabulation of the gubernatorial and mayoral elections in
the state of Sinaloa.
December 1992
Collaborated with Mexican civic organizations to conduct studies related
to the elections in Tamaulipas. Studies focussed on media coverage,
registration lists, training of election observers and the election results.
November 1993
March 1994
Provided financial assistance to the Council for Democracy to panicipate
in a domestic election observation effort and an independent vote
tabulation of the gubernatorial and municipal elections in Yucatan.
Conducted a joint seminar with the Mexican Federal Electoral Institute
(IFE) on democratization and the electoral process. Sponsored
participation of four international experts on election processes from the
Philippines, Paraguay, Portugal and the United States.
NICARAGUA
59
Apnl 1994 Sponsored a national training seminar on election observation. More than
120 civic leaders from throughout Mexico participated in the event.
July 1987
1988
July 1989
1990
December 1992
March 1993
August 1993
February 1994
Apnl 1994
Sponsored the participation of international experts to a conference on
political party building held in Madrid for Nicaragua's principal
opposition parties.
Sent international experts to Managua to begin consultations on political
party building.
Organized a workshop on political party building for opposition parties in
anticipation of the 1990 national elections.
Helped administer congressionally appropriated assistance supporting the
election process in Nicaragua. The program included a national voter
education and pollwatching effort.
Conducted a series of consultations on civil-military relations in
Nicaragua.
Began a two-year program on civil-military relations in Nicaragua with a
forum in Mzmagua.
Conducted the second in a series of forums on civil-military relations.
Conducted consultations will Nicaraguan political and military leaders in
preparation for an upcoming seminar and development of a working group
on specific topics relating to civil-military relations.
Conducted joint civil-mililary relations seminar with the National
Assembly. The seminar was the third in a series of forums to promote
civilian oversight of security affairs and to familiarize Nicaraguans with
the nonpolitical role of the armed forces in a democracy.
PASAMA
Mav 1989
Sponsored an international observer delegation, led by former President
Jimmv Carter, to the national election.
60
March, May, Sent three separate groups of international experts to Panama to
September, 1990 discuss the conversion of the military into a civilian controlled police
force.
May 1993 Organized the t"irst of two seminars designed to aid political party
development.
August 1993 Concluded second part of political party development program with
seminars held in Panama City and in the interior.
PAKAGUAY
1988
September 1988
May 1989
1990
May 1991
October 1992
May 1993
Provided the Asuncion-based Center for Democratic Studies (CED) with
fmancial and technical assistance to conduct civic education programs
Sponsored the travel of five CED youth leaders to observe the
implementation of a civic education program in Chile.
Organized an international observer delegation for the national elections.
Continued ongoing program of technical and financial support to the CED
to conduct Civic-Education programs.
Sponsored an international observer delegation to Paraguay's first
municipal elections.
Continued assistance to the CED by co-sponsoring a program on
municipal governance.
Sent an international observer delegation to the national elections and
provided SAKA - a consortium of nongovernmental organizations - with
technical and material support to conduct an independent vote-count.
URUGUAY
June 1987
Helped conduct a national public opinion poll in cooperation with the two
leading political parties.
61
Summary of Model NDI Programs
in Latin America
Chile
When NDI began work in Chile in 1985 it faced the difficult conditions of the Pinochet
regime. Although Chilean opposition shunned any collaboration with the government, NDI
helped the opposition to participate in the process leading up to the 1988 plebiscite on the future
of Chile 's political system.
NDI 's Chile programs highlight the value of sharing other countries ' experiences in
democratic transitions. In 1987, NDI sent four Chileans to observe the elections in the
Philippines as part of an international obser\'er delegation. Tlie Chileans returned to their
country with experience in electoral processes that was instrumental to their own 1988 plebiscite.
Equally important to Chileans was the support and expertise of the international community that
NDI brought to the democratic transition process.
NDI began working with Chileans in 1985 when it sponsored a conference in Washington
D.C. on "Democracy in South America." Leaders of the previously fragmented democratic
opposition to Chile's military regime were brought together with other Latin American leaders
to discuss democratic development and consolidation in the region. According to Chilean
participants, the conference played an important role in the development of the National Accord,
a framework for the peaceful restoration of democracy in Chile signed by leaders of the major
political parties.
In May 1986, at a time when anti-government violence threatened to undermine the
accord, NDI, in cooperation with Venezuela's leading political parties, sponsored an
international conference in Caracas on the transition to democracy in Chile. Chilean opposition
leaders were joined by international political party leaders. The conference provided a unique
opportunity for representatives of new democracies to share their experiences on the transition
process with their Chilean counterparts. More important, the conference allowed the Chilean
opposition parties to reaffirm their common purpose.
Many of the signatories to the National Accord were also part of the Movement for Free
Elections (MFE), which launched a voter registration drive in preparation for the 1988
presidential plebiscite to determine if the Pinochet regime would be extended another eight years.
NDI sent a team of experts to Chile in July and August 1987 to survey the election law and
voter registration procedures and analyze the organizational capabilities and needs of the MFE.
In November 1987, NDI co-sponsored a three day seminar that assisted the MFE with
its national voter registration drive. The seminar was attended by 300 national, provincial and
local campaign leaders. The seminar helped increase the level of cohesiveness among the
84-459 0-94-3
62
opposition free election movement and developed strategies for a nationwide voter registration
campaign.
During 1988, NDI sustained its efforts in Chile through a series of technical assistance
programs, grants for research, civic education and election monitoring; the Institute administered
the bulk of a special $1 million U.S. Congressional appropriation in preparation for the October
5 presidential plebiscite. The funds were used to acquire computers for independent vote
counting operations, to commission a national public opinion survey and to produce the literature
and advertisements necessary to compete with the government media campaign.
NDI's three-year democratization programs in Chile culminated in an international
observer mission to the October plebiscite. The 55-member observer mission was led by Bruce
Babbitt, former governor and U.S. presidential candidate, Peter Dailey, former U.S.
Ambassador to Ireland, Adolfo Suarez, former president of Spain, and Misael Pastrana, former
president of Colombia. The international delegation's findings were published by NDI in an
detailed report that was distributed widely throughout Latin America and the United States.
Nicaragua
NDI 's civil-military relations program in Nicaragua has highlighted the Institute 's abiliry
to bring together opposing sides to reach agreement on highly contentious issues. Central to the
success of this process has been NDI's credibility as an impartial, non-partisan organization.
Since Nicaragua's democratically elected administration came to power in 1990, one of
the most difficult tasks for the new government has been the establishment of civilian control over
the armed forces. Nicaragua's armed forces have traditionally been controlled by the political
panv in power. NDI is helping to build consensus among various sectors on the new,
nonpartisan role of the military in a democratic sociery. NDI programs have also been
important in developing a new cadre of civilian experts on civil-military issues.
Based on recommendations made by representatives of the Nicaraguan government,
political parties and the army, NDI has developed a three-year program to promote civilian
oversight of secunty affairs and familiarize the Nicaraguan military with the nonpolitical role
of the armed forces in a democratic society. The program stresses the important distinction
between internal security and national defense, supremacy of civilian authorities (both executive
and legislative) over the armed forces, and the training of civilian political leaders on security
issues.
Since 1992, NDI has conducted extensive consultations with Nicaraguan civilian and
military leaders, released a detailed report on civil-military relations in Nicaragua and organized
three groundbreaking public forums in Managua with international civil-military experts and
representatives of the Nicaraguan government, armed forces and nongovernmental organizations.
63
NDI's civil-military experts have provided information on how other countries have strengthened
civil-military relations and developed mechanisms and institutions to promote civilian control of
the armed forces. Following the 1993 program. President Chamorro announced several
important measures to enhance civilian oversight of the armed forces. Some of these initiatives
were based on recommendations made in the NDI report and during the August seminar. In an
Army Day speech, President Chamorro also noted NDI's work and gave public support for
continued NDI assistance in the area of civil-military relations.
Nicaraguan participants in the program have included: Antonio Lacayo, chief of staff
to President Violeu Chamorro; Gen. Humberto Ortega, commander of the armed forces; Luis
Humberto Guzman, president of the National Assembly; Sergio Ramirez, leader of the
Sandinistas in the National Assembly; Andres Robles, president of the Defense Commission in
the National Assembly; and Francisco Mayorga, director of the Civilista Movement and former
president of the Central Bank of Nicaragua. As Nicaraguan participants have noted, such
meetings have been unprecedented. For the first time in Nicaraguan history, political and
military leaders with highly divergent views discussed civil-military issues at the same public
forum.
NDI began the program in 1992 by sending a group of international experts to Nicaragua
to meet with Nicaraguan political and military leaders. NDI experts provided a wide range of
information on hov,' other countries have developed mechanisms, institutions and practices to
promote civilian control of the armed forces consistent with legitimate national security
concerns. Based on the findings of the meetings, the international delegation wrote a report that
was presented at a public forum in Managua in March 1993.
At the meeting, Gen. Ortega made several groundbreaking comments in response to the
NDI report. The general said he would be willing to change the name of the army, an important
symbolic gesture in improving civil-military relations in Nicaragua. Ortega also said that his
departure would be in accordance with whatever new military law the National Assembly passed.
He had never before been flexible regarding his departure. Finally, the general stated that he
favored institutionalizing the Ministry of Defense, which has never existed except on paper.
In August 1993 NDI conducted a two-day seminar that brought together representatives
of all the relevant sectors to address the role of the armed forces. The seminar was attended by
more than 100 representatives of the government. National Assembly, nongovernmental
organizations, armed forces, political parties, former Contra forces, the media and foreign
diplomatic corps. The program was able to broaden its base of participation from the previous
forum by including not only high-level officials, but medium-level military officers and civilians
of a range of stature. Program proceedings were broadcast on national television and radio.
After two days of discussions, several points of consensus were reached: 1)
communication should be improved between civilian and military officials through similar
seminar/workshop type activities; 2) greater civilian control over the military should be
guaranteed; 3) professionalization of the armed forces should continue to occur under adequate
64
civilian control; 4) assimilation of military officers into civilian life should be ensured; 5) an
adequate military budget should be established to cover the costs of the armed forces; and 6)
basic defense regulations which dictate the function and organization of the armed forces should
be discussed openly by all of society.
Most recently, in Apnl 1994, NDI conducted a joint civil-military seminar with the
National Assembly of Nicaragua. More than 250 people from various sectors of Nicaraguan
society attended panels and workshops on topics such as the function of a ministry of defense,
the role of the legislature in defense issues and channels of communication between the armed
forces and the civilian government. Participants in the two-day event included representatives
of the national assembly, political parties, diplomatic community, armed forces and
nongovernmental organizations. A delegation of five Haitian parliamentarians sponsored by NDI
also attended the sessions as observers.
Panicipants agreed that a ministry of defense should be established and that all sectors
should continue to strengthen channels of communication, among other conclusions. In his
closing remarks. General Joaquin Cuadra, second-in-command of the armed forces, requested
that NDI continue to organize programs to foster the development of consensus-based solutions
to civil-military issues.
NDI brought a distinguished group intemationzd experts to participate in the April 1994
seminar: retired Gen. Guilherme Belchior Vieira, former director of the Superior Military
Institute of Portugal; retired Col. Julio Busquets, former vice president of the Defense
Commission of the Spanish Parliament; Horacio Jaunarena, vice president of the Defense
Commission of the Argentine Chamber of Deputies and former defense minister of Argentina;
retired Maj. Gen. Bernard Loeffke, former president of the InterAmerican Defense Board;
Patncio Rojas, former defense minister of Chile; and Jose Manuel Ugarte. advisor to the
Argentine Congress on defense and security issues.
Nicaraguan participants in the April seminar included: Luis Humberto Guzman, president
of the National Assembly; Antonio Lacayo, minister of the presidency; Gen. Humberto Ortega,
commander of the armed forces; Andres Robles Perez, president of the Defense Commission
of the National Assembly; Tomas Delaney, vice minister of the presidency; and General Joaquin
Cuadra Lacayo, second-in-command of the armed forces.
Media coverage of the event was extensive. Front page articles appeared in all major
Nicaraguan newspapers and many television and radio stations broadcast reports about the
proceedings.
Following the seminar, the NDI international delegation had intensive consultations with
the representatives of the sectors of Nicaraguan society most involved with the civil-military
debate: Gen. Ortega and Maj. Gen. Cuadra; Virgilio Godoy, vice president of Nicaragua;
Antonio Lacavo; Luis Humberto Guzman; and the Defense Commission of the National
65
Assembly. The Nicaraguans consulted were supportive of the program and expressed their
desire to participate in and organize activities more frequently.
Based on requests from the Nicaraguans, NDI is helping to organize an informal working
group composed of leaders from key sectors of Nicaraguan society. The group will develop
recommendations for monthly roundlables on specific civil-military topics and other potential
NDI events.
Paraguay
NDI programs in Paraguay demonstrate how NDI can help in every stage of a democratic
transition process. NDI began work in Paraguay in 1988 during the Stroessner regime.
Initially, NDI focussed on helping local civic groups to organize in anticipation of a democratic
transition. NDI programs, along with an international observer delegation to Paraguay's first
open elections in 1989, were instrumental in helping to bring about democratic reform in
Paraguay 's political system.
Under the new democratic government, NDI continued to support local civic
organizations working to strengthen and consolidate Paraguayan democracy. NDI developed
programs according to the changing needs of Paraguayan civic organizations. Wlien the new
constitution created municipalities, NDI responded with local governance training and support.
Both flexibility in response to local needs and long-term support have been vital aspects of NDI 's
Paraguay programs.
NDI has been working actively in Paraguay since 1988. An NDI survey mission visited
Paraguay at the time of the February 1988 presidential elections to explore the possibilities of
democratic development programs. Civic leaders asked the Institute to help establish a
nonpanisan organization that would promote civic education and political development.
In August, 1988, the Asuncion based Center for Democratic Studies (CED) was
established with NDI support to assist political leaders and parties advocating democratic reform.
The CED board included leaders of the most important opposition parties, as well as democratic
opponents of Stroessner within his ruling Colorado Party.
NDI has provided ongoing technical and financial support for CED activities. This
support has helped the Center develop the organizational capacity to train pollwatchers. carry
out mass media campaigns to encourage voter registration and participation, conduct public
opinion sur\-eys, design and implement an independent vote count and conduct a wide range of
civic education programs.
For the May 1, 1989 presidential elections, NDI organized a 19-member international
delegation led by Canadian Senator B.A. Graham, Chilean political leader Eduardo Frei and
84-459 0-94-4
66
U.S. Representative Bruce Morrison. The May elections occurred a mere three months after
the Stroessner regime was deposed. Further, the elections took place in a country that lacked
a democratic tradition and that had suffered severe repression during the Stroessner era. NDI
published a 68-page report outlining the delegation's findings.
In 1990, NDI provided CED with a grant that enabled the Center to conduct nearly 200
seminars and 13 panel debates designed to increase public understanding of and participation in
the May 1991 municipal elections. CED also trained poUwatchers for the elections. These
elections provided the first opportunity for Paraguayans to elect leaders at the municipal level.
A 16- member international delegation organized by NDI to observe the municipal
elections concluded that despite serious administrative flaws, the holding of the country's first
local elections represented an important step in consolidating Paraguay's fledgling democracy.
A 98 page report, published by NDI, outlines the delegations findings and activities.
Throughout the remainder of 1991 and 1992, NDI continued to provide CED with
financial and technical assistance in organizing a variety of civic education and governance
programs. In October 1992, NDI and CED conducted a municipal governance program in
Asuncion. NDI sponsored the participation of two international experts in local government
who advised municipal officials. Following these meetings, NDI and CED, in coordination with
the Asuncion city council, sponsored a broader seminar for city council members from five large
municipalities near the capital.
In May 1993, NDI undertook a comprehensive observation effort for the national
elections in Paraguay. Support for a local group to conduct an independent vote count
spearheaded the program. Pursuant to a grant provided by NDI, a consortium of
nongovernmental organizations, named SAKA, conducted the count. SAKA released its election
results within hours after the polls closed. In addition, NDI facilitated the visit of two
international experts to assist political parties in identifying and rectifying problems with voter
registration lists. In conjunction with the Council for Freely Elected Heads of Government, NDI
fielded a 35-member international delegation led by President Jimmy Carter to observe polling
sites throughout the country.
67
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI)
1993 Latin America Programs
The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs '(NDI) programs in Latin
America during 1993 extended throui^iiout the hemisphere and involved every area of democratic
development in which the Institute is engaged. In Paraguay, NDI continued a series of seminars
on local government, and organized an international election observer delegation led by former
President Jimmy Carter. In Nicaragua, an historic forum brought together senior military and
political leaders to discuss civil-military relations and the new role of the armed forces. In
Panama, NDI began a program to strengthen the country's political parties at the local and
national levels. In Bolivia NDI completed a program on political parry legislation. In
Argentina, NDI conducted two programs to promote consensus among the major political parties
on issues of women 's participation in politics and electoral reform.
Argentina
Women in Politics
In November, NDI conducted a seminar on women in politics in Argentina. The
program was organized in cooperation with the Argentine Women's Equality Foundation and the
Lola Mora Association. The seminar focused on developing strategies to increase women's
panicipation in politics.
The program provided an opportunity for women throughout the country and from across
the political spectrum to exchange ideas and experiences on running for office and participating
in political parties. Approximately 100 women from 18 of Argentina's 24 provinces attended
the seminar. Participants included women from urban and rural areas who are political activists
and organizers, civic leaders, newly elected office holders and future candidates.
Representatives from Uruguay, Peru and Brazil also participated in the seminar.
Seminar participants, pleased with the seminar, requested NDI' s assistance in organizing
similar events throughout the country that could focus on leadership training and strategies for
women's involvement in politics. In response to this request, NDI submitted a proposal to assist
the Argentine Foundation for Women's Equality in conducting a seminar for newly-elected
congresswomen, incumbent women legislators and elected women officials at the provincial level
in Argentina. The seminar will endeavor to enhance the lawmaking and leadership capacities
of the participants. An international delegation of women political leaders will share their
personal experiences relating to legislative processes and leadership roles.
68
Electoral Reform
In August, NDI conducted a three-day workshop on electoral reform in Argentina. The
workshop was organized in cooperation with two Argentine foundations representative of the
major political parties: The Andean Foundation and the National Studies Center. The purpose
of the workshop was to build a consensus among the major political parties on electoral reform.
A paper analyzing previous electoral reform legislation was distributed in advance and served
as the basis for discussion during the workshop. The paper was also published by an Argentine
legal newspaper, and distributed among its subscribers.
NDI invited four international participants to participate as panelists during the plenary
sessions. The international team comprised a specialist in campaign finance law and formerly
a lawyer at the Federal Electoral Commission, a Bolivian political analyst currently in charge
of re-wnting the Bolivian Constitution, a Uruguayan historian and expert in Latin American
politics, and a Spanish political scientist and sociologist with expertise in Latin American
electoral systems.
Topics for the plenary sessions and workshops included: consequences of different
electoral processes; govemability; rules of conduct of political systems; the leading profile
emerging from each system; and representation and political legitimacy. During the workshops,
the participants agreed on 12 specific consensus points, such as primary elections should be held
on one single day to help ensure greater citizen participation; mechanisms should be established
to guarantee transparency and control over internal elections; and an independent organism to
control the transparency of the electoral processes should be established. Approximately 200
people attended the program and media coverage was extensive.
Bolivia
In conjunction with the National Electoral Court of Bolivia, NDI conducted in February
a conference on political party legislation. Participants included members of the National
Electoral Court, representatives of the nine major political parties in Bolivia, members of
congress, political analysts and journalists. The international faculty consisted of a constitutional
lawver from Spain; a specialist in campaign financing from the United States; and a political
party organizer from Argentina.
Panicipants addressed three issues relating to political party legislation: campaign
financing, constitutional recognition of political parties and party democratization. The
conference consisted of presentations by the international participants, commentary from a
Bolivian analyst and general discussion. Participants also formed small groups to discuss and
record points of agreement, which later served as the basis for a detailed publication that was
published and distributed throughout Bolivia.
69
EL Salvador
NDI received an AID grant in September to conduct a local governance program in EI
Salvador. An NDI team including international experts will travel to El Salvador in the spring
of 1994 to identify the municipalities in which to conduct the program. The program will focus
on technical and practical training of elected officials to increase the efficiency and effectiveness
of Salvadoran municipalities. NDI will commence the program after the elections anticipated
for March 1994 when newly elected officials are expected to assume office.
Haiti
During the first week of October, NDI conducted a survey mission to Port-au-Prince to
evaluate the feasibility of carrying out programs in civil-military relations and political party
building in parliament. Both programs were authorized under a 1991 AID cooperative
agreement, but had been suspended between October 1991 and August 1993 as part of
international sanctions imposed on Haiti following the coup against President Jean Bertrand
Anstide.
The NDI delegation included State Senator Judy Ayotte Paradis (Maine), Uruguayan
civil-military expert Carina Perelli, and NDI staff members. The team met with Haitian
government ministers, members of parliament, political parties leaders, civic and religious
leaders, the High Command and other military officers. The NDI delegation also meet with
members of the diplomatic and international community responsible for implementing the July
3 Governors Island accord, by which President Aristide was to return to Haiti on October 30.
All sectors encouraged NDI to conduct a program to facilitate dialogue between the
civilians and military. More specifically, a program that would overcome long-standing
suspicions and differences was urged by Prime Minister Malval.
NDI had hoped to begin its two-year civil-military program in early November.
However, the disruption in the Governors Island process and general political turmoil have
reduced prospects for democracy work in Haiti in the immediate future. Nonetheless, in order
to prepare to resume its work once the current political impasse ends, NDI is currently preparing
a year-long workplan to present to AID. The plan outlines program activities in civil-military
relations and political party development.
Mexico
In November, NDI worked with Mexican civic organizations in Merida, Mexico,
providing them with technical and financial support to conduct an election observation and quick-
count program for the Yucatan gubernatorial and municipal elections.
Upon the request of various civic groups, NDI will support efforts to conduct a
nationwide quick-count during the August 1994 presidential election. NDI will work in
70
conjunction with the Council for Democracy, a leading Mexican civic organization, to hold a
senes of fora throughout Mexico for local civic leaders and organizations to provide training and
experience in implementing successful election monitoring projects.
NDI received an invitation from the Federal Electorzil Institute (IFE) to conduct a joint
seminar in March 1994 to address issues relating to the electoral process and local election
monitor training. NDI has discussed with IFE the possibility of organizing additional seminars
before the August 1994 Mexican Presidential elections.
Nicaragua
NDI has developed a three-year program in Nicaragua to assist political and civic leaders,
as well as representatives of the armed forces, to build an adequate system of civilian control
over the military. During 1993, NDI conducted a forum in March and a seminar in August that
brought together representatives of all relevant sectors to address the role of the armed forces
in a democratic society. Participants in the programs included: Antonio Lacayo, minister of the
presidency; Humberto Ortega, commander of the armed forces; Luis Humberto Guzman, leader
of the United National Opposition (UNO) coalition in the National Assembly; Sergio Ramirez,
leader of the Sandinistas in the National Assembly; and Francisco Mayorga, director of the
Civilista Movement. They were joined by more than 200 representatives of the government.
National Assembly, nongovernmental organizations, armed forces, political parties, former
Contra forces, the media and foreign diplomatic corps. The proceedings were broadcast on
national television and radio.
As the participants noted, such meetings were unprecedented. The forum was important
for a number of reasons. For the first time in Nicaraguan history, political and military leaders
with highly divergent views discussed civil-military issues at the same public forum. Ortega,
who attended the March forum, made several comments that he had never made before in
response to the NDI report. The general said he would be willing to change the name of the
army, an important symbolic gesture in improving civil-military relations in Nicaragua. Ortega
also said that his depanure would be in accordance with whatever new military law the National
Assembly passed. He had never before been flexible regarding his departure. Finally, he came
out in favor of institutionalizing the Ministry of Defense, which has never existed except on
paper.
The August seminar was also a step forward in Nicaraguan civil-military relations.
Followmg several days of intense panel discussions and workshop sessions, civilians and military
officials who had never previously met to discuss such issues reached consensus on a number
of pomts: 1) communication should be improved between civilian and military officials through
similar semmar/workshop-type forums; 2) greater civilian control over the military should be
guaranteed; 3) professionalization of the armed forces should continue to occur under adequate
civilian control; 4) assimilation of military officers into civilian life should be ensured; 5) an
adequate military budget should be established to cover the costs of the armed forces; 6) basic
defense regulations that dictate the function and organization of the armed forces should be
71
discussed openly; 7) the name of the military, currently called the Sandinista Army, should be
changed; and 8) a civilian-led Defense Ministry should be created.
In her September 2, Army Day speech, President Violeta Chamorro pointed to NDI's
work in Nicaragua and gave her support for continued assistance in the area of civil-military
relations. Chamorro announced government plans to enhance civilian oversight of the armed
forces. Some of these initiatives had been recommended in NDI's report, Civil-Military
Relations in Nicaragua, which was written after a series of consultations in Managua in
November 1992.
Panama
NDI conducted two programs in 1993 to aid the development of political parties in
Panama. The programs grew out of information gathered during NDI's March assessment
mission to Panama and focus-group research conducted later in the spring. The focus-group
fmdings underscored growing public apathy toward political parties.
In May, NDI organized a two-day seminar in Panama City on political party building.
More than 100 party leaders and activists representing 18 political parties attended the event.
Experts on political organization from the United States, Argentina and Chile gave presentations
and led workshops on fund-raising, grassroots organization, party platforms and message
development. The Panamanian participants stressed the importance of continuing to organize
similar programs.
Most recently, NDI conducted a program in August which was designed to help
strengthen the parties' organizational capabilities at the national and local levels, improve
communication between party structures, and enhance the ability of parties to function in a more
responsive way to the concerns of the citizenry. Political party experts from other Latin
Amencan countries and the U.S. led a series of seminars for national party leaders in Panama
City as well as for regional and local party leaders in four cities outside of the capital.
The international trainers shared their experiences with political party organization,
including building coalitions, managing intra-party relations, establishing goals and strategies,
communicating policies, administering resources, mobilizing grassroots support, and identifying
strategies to promote accountability.
Paraguay
In January, NDI responded to constitutional reforms by conducting a local governance
program that assisted local officials in clarifying their responsibilities according to the new
constitution.
In May, NDI organized an international election observer delegation to the national
elections in Paraguay. The delegation, sponsored jointly by NDI and the Council of Freely
I
I
72
Elected Heads of Government and led by former President Jimmy Carter, represented the
culmination of a two-month program in support of Paraguay's election process. The potential
for a close election and rumors of fraud or military intervention had prompted political leaders
in Paraguay to request NDI assistance.
The NDI/Council delegation, comprised of 31 observers from 15 countries arrived in
Asuncion, Paraguay, during the week of the elections and met with government officials,
political and civic leaders, candidates, military officials and members of the Central Electoral
Board. The day before the elections, a majority of the delegation deployed to the intenor. On
election day, observers visited more than 300 polling sites throughout the country.
The May elections resulted in the creation of 17 new local departmental governments that
are intended to provide greater regional representation and autonomy. In response to this change
NDI conducted a local governance program. The purpose of the program is to assist
Paraguayans in clarifying the responsibilities of this new level of government and determining
the relanonship between each level. Furthermore, the program helped to developed channels
of communication among municipalities, departments and the central government.
73
Proposed Program Activities for 1994
Latin America In order to respond to needs of Latin American political parties, NDI
Regional has proposed a multi-faceted party development program that will
Program involve leaders of maior political parties and representatives of citizen
advocacy groups throughout Latm America. Program participants will
develop a comprehensive document outlining strategies to strengthen and
modernize political parties in Latin America. The document will be
drawn from discussion and strategic initiatives developed dunng a regional
political party workshop tentatively scheduled for September 1994.
Argentina
NDI plans to assist the Argentine Foundation for Women's Equality in
conducting a seminar for newly-elected congresswomen, incumbent
women legislators and elected women officials at the provincial level in
Argentma. The seminar will endeavor to enhance the lawmaking and
leadership capacities of the participants.
Dominican
Republic
NDI is sending an international observer delegation to monitor the
May 1994 national elections.
El Salvador Following the March 1994 local elections, NDI will conduct a local
governance program to enhance the capabilities of newly elected municipal
officials.
Guvana
NDI IS providing the Electoral Assistance Bureau (EAB), a nonpartisan
Guyanese civic organization, with financial and technical assistance to
conduct a multi-faceted program in preparation for the upcoming
municipal elections. The program will assist the EAB in conducting voter
education, training domestic observers and verifying registration lists.
Mexico
In March 1994 NDI conducted a joint seminar with the Mexican Federal
Electoral Institute (IFE) that addressed issues related to democratization
and the electoral process. In accordance with the Mexican electoral code.
IFE will conduct educational programs on electoral procedures and
organize training seminars for domestic poUwatchers. NDI and IFE
discussed the possibility of NDI providing technical assistance for these
programs.
In addition. NDI is supporting the efforts of the Civic Alliance-
Obser\ation 1994, an umbrella organization comprised of seven Mexican
independent civic groups, in implementing a comprehensive domestic
election observation of the August 19>-: national elections in Mexico.
Specitlcally, NDI is providing technical and financial assistance to the
74
Alliance in developing the framework and building support for a
nationwide parallel vote tabulation. As part of this program, NDI will
collaborate with the Alliance to organize regional observer training
seminars throughout Mexico.
Nicaragua Based on requests received from program participants in the April 1994
civil-military relations seminar, NDI is helping to organize an informal
working group on civil-military issues composed of leaders from key
sectors of Nicaraguan society. The group will develop recommendations
for monthly roundtables on specific civil-military topics and other potential
NDI programs.
75
BACKGROUND MEMO
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC ELECTIONS
The Dominican Republic held elections on Monday, May 16. Although President
Joaquin Balaguer, the 87 year-old blind politician who has held office for 20 of the last 28
years, has declared victory, others have asserted wide-spread election fraud. With 92
percent of the vote counted, Balaguer had won 42.6 percent and his opponent, Francisco
Pena Gomez, 41.1 percent, a difference of only about 38,000 among the more than 2.7
million votes cast. Fifty-seven year old Pena is of Haitian decent and was accused by
Balaguer of planning to let Haitians take over the country.
Although Balaguer has declared himself the "virtual winner," he has not officially
announced the election results. This is in deference to a "civility pact" agreed to before
the elections, under which the candidates would avoid extreme negative campaigning and
wait for and abide by official results from the Central Election Board. The Central Election
Board is a five member board comprised of representatives of the four political parties
and a former official of the Ministry of Justice.
Several election observers, including former US representative Stephen Solarz, who
lead a team from the National Democratic Institute (NDI), have questioned the electoral
process. The election was observed by at least six delegations, including the
Organization of American States (OAS), the International Foundation for Electoral Systems
(IFES), and a Costa Rican group. All the groups agree that there were election
irregularities. The NDI election critique is the strongest. In response to the criticism that
some opposition voters did not find their names on the voting lists, the polling stations
stayed open for an additional two hours. Voters were then allowed to vote with a valid
identification card, even if they were not on the voter lists. However, observers noted that
the announcement of the extended polling station hours and the new policy on the voter
lists may not have been received by opposition voters.
On May 19, Pena formally applied to the election board for a recount under
international monitoring. The election board has begun the recount, but has not yet
announced the results. During the last election. President Balaguer was accused of
drawing out the vote count until the opposition to his claimed victory evaporated. The
recount of this election involves comparing the official results given to election observers
at each polling station with the official tally sheets. The Organization of American States
(OAS) delegation in the Dominican Republic is observing this process as is a delegation
from the Catholic Church. Both the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the
International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) teams have left the country.
In a three-hour news conference on May 20, dozens of Pena Gomez's precinct
workers asserted that thousands of voters were excluded from polling lists and that
soldiers forced some of his supporters from the polls.
76
Dominican history is replete with election controversies. In 1965, the Dominican
Republic shed the last regime installed by military coup and, while governed by an interim
civilian regime, held elections which were supervised by an Organization of American
States (OAS) peace-keeping force. Joaquin Baiaguer won this election although the
opposition questioned the results, in an act of protest over potential election fraud, the
opposition parties declined to participate in the 1970 and 1974 elections, in which
Baiaguer was reelected with wide margins. In 1978, Antonio Guzman, candidate of the
opposition Dominican Revolutionary Party, was declared the winner, but only after a
strong protest from the Carter Administration over the suspension of the vote count. In
1986, challenges of the results and accusations against members of the electoral tribunal
delayed the announcement of Balaguer's victory until nearly two months after election
day. Baiaguer was elected President again in 1990, once more amid accusations of
election fraud.
This year's election was the most closely observed in the nation's history. US
concerns are three: (1) that fraudulent elections are contrary to support for democracy
and free and fair elections in the region; (2) that controversy over the elections might
undermine efforts to enforce the embargo on neighboring Haiti; and (3) that, if the election
recount does not go smoothly, that there may be violent protests.
The US Government could strongly back the recommendations of the election
observers, even if these include holding new elections. To implement our embargo
policy, we could further pressure President Baiaguer to live up to his commitment under
the UN mandate to keep embargoed goods from crossing the border into Haiti. To help
keep the peace in the Dominican Republic, we could strongly support the official process
of responding to allegations of fraud and push for an early resolution of the election
problems.
Baiaguer has indicated that he would be willing to discuss tightening the embargo
while casting doubts that his opponent will support the US policy. Pena Gomez has
made vague statements but taken no strong position on the embargo. He is politically
in the same camp as Haitian President Bertrand Aristide, and so may be willing to take
steps to return him to power.
US economic influence in the Dominican Republic is significant. Most agricultural
and light manufactured products are exported to the US. US citizens visit the island as
tourists. Dominicans living in the US send over $800 million back to their home country
each year. US foreign assistance to the nation is about $40 million per year.
77
|7x^/^"^^^
LISTAJO DE CIUDADANOS QUE FUERON EXCLUIDOS DEL LISTADO OFICIAL DE
VOTANTES EN LA SECCION CANOA DEL MUNICIPIO DE VICENTE NOBLE EN LA
PROVING LA DE BARAHONA.
N OMBRES
MESA NUM.
CEDULA ELECTORAL
01 Felipe Dotal 15
Oi; Baldemiro Espinosa 13
05 Juan Antonio Ramirez 15
Qi*- victor Cuevas M« 15
05 Cabral Moreta 15
06 Juana Espejo Dotel 1^4-
07 Gaudencia Dotel Roa 15
08 Hilario de la Paz 14
09 Luca Evangelista 14
10 Carrasco Hector Julio 15
11 Fio Manuel Perez 15
12 Gonaalez Tnrmrr Fernando 14
13 Dotel Duarte 15
14 Yan Profeta Danilo 20
15 Octavio Luis Yoset 20
16 Cecilia Batennis Alandres 20
17 Profeta Feliz Andres 20
18 Osbaldo Dotel Martes 15
19 ^eliz de Leon Oranger 14
20 Jose Antonio Vargas de los S
21 Ricardo Vargas de los Santos
22 De Leon Matos E. 13
25 Pedro Cuevas Mateo 14
24 De Leon Perez Martina 15
25 Abel Luis Tigason Yose 20
25 Yan Nicolas Francisco 20
27 Espejo Labur mnnnre l^otel A. 13
23 -"ieuereo Labur Fausto 20
29 "ustodio Luisa Emilia 20
10 :'.i(^eL Silverio ''^lorian 20
Jl Jciri Silberio Florian 20*
■~ Ir.c ^rnacion !1ontero Marte Ma. 14
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78
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6.- JUJ^ cueva m-oriak
7.- HiEirBEHino riEr-.A
b:-. ^u.^*-* nsDH^A pei'a
9.- unZSinLA TxEDA UE liOSASTOS
ft^^roH^TIGiJELA R/vTOS HRiA
ll.-ALIDA HESA
12.-niCHJELIHA GUETA9 filiiiRlAIT
CEDUIJV
076-0011786-0
076-0011792-8
o7&-ooiiei2-^
076-0015556-7
076-O0SB7»3-C
076-0053531-0
07S-CO7wlPO5-5
076-Ol>15C07-2
076-0011005-0
07&-O001797-7
076-5O!t'v
S55-2283
i.- MARIDELLA CUEVA VALUEZ
2.- rJVRGARITA VARGAG VARQAG
5.- CRISTOBAL HATEO DE OLEO
'i.- ROBERTO E5CAHI0
5.- CUOLO PEivE^^ PEREZ
6.- niFOCINA EfiUAHIO
7.- NET VARO'VS VARGAS
3.- TERJ-IA PEREZ
9.- LUCAS ESCAHIO
10.- MORJENIO E3CANI0
11.- NIC1URIZ PEREZ VALDE/>
12.- OCTAVIO JIMEjEZ
075-0011826-
076-001185'^-
076-0005504-
076-001551^
076-001585^-
076-0005479-
076-0015566-
076-OOliev;-
076-000 54SO-
076-0015557-
076-00055^-
076-0005^99-
075-0015^15-
92
PERSOf-'AT, CEDUT.AnAn 5>J LA nCOA SLEOTORAL HUM. 01? T QUE HO APARECEH
Kn El. nJsGJr>T'iO UK Vl^fAHTL'
2,- VJ-':'-'n no M/v;;rTNt;7 K.(
5.- Yi ',!•:. \ ::''PTi:!i::. m.
5.- ang'.:j, :iapj.a nor; ii-o ^
b. - /i.'/n •.-:.jj.\ir
a.- yy/.r--. mc:;7K;:"' g. '
9.- y.r.'''\7:]yv.t. m-'.-ui:'
CEJ3ULA
07&-C0155'56-
07G-C01.?r"?0.^-
07G-C01223^;-
07b-Ci!jl?.lttO-
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07b-.'Ui22?9-
07C.-LiCa27''-5-
ajw
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93
yMBQUk CEDULADA S KH LA nSiJA KLECTOIUR jnm.0002 QUE FDHOIORA El? TA«
ruro r ho APASEcai ss el hegibtro cs voTAnrii.
^(.NlBRc^t Y Ai>j:LLIDpfi
L.* rtAHIA JVKq\}lU KliCAHrtAOlOH V.
2.- lUIUiiS IlO/Afi FZtIA
5.- CLAJlIRiy PfiRE2 nEaA
5.SJAmJI-X AHTOmO OAHARIO
6.- (lEIRTOBALIRA HETES WEQA
7.- FAOTIMA HZTF.r, VAflQAH
8.- SAJfTA CATALmA RODHIQITEZ
Q.- FURGARITA H. DZ 108 8AHT08 H.
lO.-ULTniA E'CAPIO DE LA PAZ
ll.-ELIORGIFA OAHUJEHO RCTES
12.-?03is FIGUoHEO HATEO
JA52-7ft
076-0011549-2
070-0001507-5
c^s-ooi 5292-7
07ti-0001 371-3
076-0001452-1
076-001^72-5
076-0001478-0
076-0001 509-B
076-0011541-9
076-0011^2^0-8
076-OCC1105-'J
rWTV
94
TOTAKTES DE Lk HK3A mm.G0^9 QUE ffO EBTAH EH L06 L1UTAD08
Eonpm:". i apelmdos
1.- mHIYE HATEO PEKA
2.- LUCIA CHEVAG IffiDlBA
5e- DOnHflB BEHA
4.- nifil^ lUTOS
5.- LIS ED DECERA MDIIJA
6.- UI0GE2JLV. PEHA PENA
7.- EHHni^iUE riATOS EOSARIO
076-
gSDOTiA
076-OOl5^5>-7
076-0015654-3
07&-ociy>A9-3
07C>-0012iW)-5
07«>-0012427-0
076-0013917-9
076-0015917-5
TOTAJfr^'. DE LA raSA fiUH. 0020 QUE HO EST All EH L03 LI3TAD0S.
nonoRj-: ■■ t isklliuos cedula
L.* TOVANIfYS CUEYA3 GAHTAHA
2,- 3DJAHA CUEYA^J 3..I!TA11A
5.- rURTIKA CUEVAS nSUDLZ
TCTR'JEHSI AL3EHT0 HSSA KODRI-iUUSS
076-0015657-1
076-0013656-5
076-0013799-1
076-O012t-95-2
TOTAimi: DE LA HESA EUIt. 002? .iDE KO BaiAK EM LOo LI3TAD0S.
nOMDRv-- T ^LPELLIUGG
OEUIiLA
L.a miLIO nUTUEL UIAZ CUEYAS
2.- JOGK 8UEK0 LUI3
5.-
rxjT-/
076-001572^9
076-001 572i;
95
55.- IiAlilA Tor
yt.- JULIO PAT SEGURA
55,- JLLTAGRACIA MONTEKO ANDERSON
56,- QMSLlhOA TE^Hhl FHANSUA
57.- riLOMENA MICHELL (JAHCIA
5lR.- itlia^ de roc exh«oo
59,- dulfina feliz luis
^,- AJXTA (TUIT/A':' ABRAUAi:
61.- AKn^IA HONTK-40 CU'/.'V.^'-:
62.- LUZ KARIA ALCA-i'-ftRA *';ii:H0
63.- LUZ riAHIA yiur.'.Z
6A,- nARTHA FELTZ-
G5.- ARi^UlMi:;UES iri'J'^'cd." .TIN"';'.':
bs.« ROSA nom-EKo li.ai'O
076-00] 2^18-9
076-0012373-6
076-OOli! 562-9
076-0012'? 15-5
07&-001255'>-5
070-00 JL >«*H>- L
076-00695^! -i
076-001 32^;a-&
076-00.1.3567-7
076-0015570-1
076-001; 'JJ 4-0
076-0012516-5
076-CC06^;7S»0
076-001236.?-
nLSA ELECTORAL Sm\.l7» COi-iTIKUACION.
27,- RWEEJi PEREZ FELIZ
20.- CiRNELA FE.-xEZ
076-0012251-*
076-00122^'l-«:'
niv'.A ELliCTOi.AL KU:i.0;'9 DS GUAUARATE,
NcnarvL'-'. y Ai':i:i.i.ri)03
l.-iu\FAEL i-E:(EZ
<,- LEDl Li'B'^Ofi PJ:'<)W
CEDJJLA
076-COlClO:/ -4
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p. K-V
96
3^ Feliz Espinal Miguelina 14
35 Castillo Antonia 13
36 Amador Espejo Ysabel 13
37 Olinda Amparo •'^spinosa 14
38 Gomez Paquita 14
39 Mendez Biembenido 20A
40 Amador Espejo Hirdelices 13
41 Figuereo -^lanca Rosa 13
42 Gerardo Monero Harcello 14
43 GaraballoCorniel Tomasina I3
44 De la Paz Hilario 14
45 De Leon Dotal de Reyes Laura 15
46 Lavicita Lidia 20
47 Cueva Matos Manuela 15
48 Cuevas Matos Juana 15
49 Familia Nova Victoria 13
50 liaria Vargas Finales Matos 13
51 Clemente Alfonso Cabral Mo 13
52 Irene Dotel D'Marte 13
53 Reinoso Martinez Juan Luis 20
54 Amador Espejo Odalis 20
55 Al;agracia Yan Profeta 20
55 Gloria Lovi Mercedes 20
57 Hirene Marte Dotel de •'^spinosal3
58 Luis Dabi Yoset 20
59 Bardeniro ^onzalez Espinosa 14
60 Reyes Brito Iris Mandalis 20
51 Reyes Polanco Julio Alexis 20
079-004514-2
079-0004092-9
079-0004063-0
079-000
079-0004543-1
079-0006264-0
079-0004061-4
079-000452S-5
079-0004541-5
079-0004086-1
079-0004469-9
079-0004115-8
O79-OOO7O6I-I
079-0004100-0
079-0004099-4
079-000159-6
079-0004356-9
079-0004085-3
079-0004136-4
079-0007079-
079-0006850-8
079-0007905
079-0007064
079-0004136
079-0007307
O79-OOO99OJ-9
079-0007245-0
079-0007254-2
97
JUNTA CENTRAL ELECTORAL
NUM. 31-94.
RZSOLUCION
^X-ff i S'/T S
PRIMERO; Disponer que aquellos ciudadanos
cuya cSdula de identidad y electoral debidamente expedida in-
dique que deben votar en la mesa electoral que aparece en el
reverso de 3U carfie, pero cuyo nombre no figure en la lista
de electores de dicha mesa, podrin votar an la,raisma agre-
gindose su nombre y datos a la lista de votantes^^ siguiendose
la regla del voto obszervado.
SEGUNDO: Disponer que las votaciones sean
prorrogadas hasta las nueve horas de la noche del d£a de hoy,
para los ciudadanos que no lo hayan podido hacer ^z tal causa.
TERCERO: Mandar que la presente Resolucifin
sea pubiicada de conformidad con la Ley.
DADA en Santo Domingo, Distrito Nacional,
RepQblica Dominicana, a los dieciseis (16) dias del mes de
mayo del af.o raiol novecientos novei)rfta y e^raijo-TtTB 9 4 )
<^^ ^R. MANUEL R. GARCIA LJZ*I?5q*^ x
-^^ I Presidente ^^^^^^"""^ M^M^
BERRIDO,
Clfly'^BLES LI
Miembro
OPEZ
AMAHEE DIAZ CASTILLC
Secretario
84-459 0-94-5
98
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106
DIRECCION NAaONAL DE INFORMACION ELECTORAL Provinci.: 2 2
v^ //e
ctain- nst.
Zii\iikXiii
Aj«lljdM
Asaaj OLivARES
A3SBJ OJEZAOA
A3a?J R03RIGUHZ
Aaaaj BooacJEZ
ASaiU R03ARO
A3SEU SANTOS DE PORTES
ACCSTA ACCSTA
ACC3TA PEGUESO
ACOSTA RODRIGUEZ
AOAWES G0N'ZA:.EZ
ALBA LOPEZ
ALEJO SALCECO
ALMANZAR TEJADA
ALMO^^•E
ALMONTE DE LA CRUZ
ALMONTE DE LA CR'JZ
ALMONTE FERNANDEZ
ALMONTE FERNANDEZ
A.M0N~WAR7',N£2
ALVONTc MARTINEZ
ALVA=EZ
ARNAUD URENA
EAEZ GONZALEZ
5AEZ GONZALEZ
EAEZ RAMIREZ
5ALDERA J :>l CASTILLO
EALDERA JIMENEZ DEH
EALOERA OUEZADA
SALDERAOUEZADA
BALrriSTA RUIZ DE VERAS
EEATO CA3RERA
EEATO PORTE
5EAT0 OUEZADA DE TEJADA
iETANDEDE J0R3E
3ID0
ElDO CASTILLO
EI00CE3ALLOS
5!D0CE?EDA
SRiTOMONEGRO
f CA5RAL H DE DE JES'JS
:a3RERA CONTnERAS
CA3RERA S'JAREZ
CA3RERA VARGAS
CA5RERA VARGAS
CABRERA VARGAS
CA5RERA VARGAS
CASRERA VARGAS
CACE=iS FERNANDEZ
CAWJVCrlO MEDINA
CAPB.LAN OJRAN
CAPELLAN JOAOJIN
CARDENAS RIVAS
CARDENAS RIVAS
CASTILLO
CASTILLO ARNAUD •
CASTILLO 3ALDERA
CASTILLO DIAZ CE HERNANDEZ
CASTILLO DURAN
CASTILLO FERNANDEZ
CASTILLO HERRERA
CASTILLO MEJLA
CASTILLO MEJLA
CASTLLO PICHARDO
CASTILLO OUIROZ
CASTILLO OUIROZ
CASTiaO ROSARiO
CASTILLO SANCHEZ
CASTILLO SIRI
CASTILLO TEJADA
CASTILLO TEJADA DE SANCHEZ
CEPEDA CACERE3 DE GUZMAN
CEPEDA OUEZADA
CEPEDA SIRI
COLON DURAN
COLON LIRIANO
COMPRESS DE TEJADA
COMPRES BENCCSME
CRUZ
CRUZ
CRUZ FERNANDEZ
CUESTO OUEZADA
CUETO PEREZ
:E JESUS FERN AN'DEZ
:E.'ES.S FERNANDEZ
:e^E5usmoya
NomhTOT
JORIAS
OFH.IA ALTAGRACIA
ramona EsraA
ENRIQUE ANTONIO
SLVIO
LUZ MARIA
ILDA MJkRlA
MILAGROS
SANTA ZORAIDA
GERTRUDIS DEL CARMEN
JOSE FRANCISCO
KARINA ALTAGRACIA
jACccjawE Da carmen
GUSTAVO RAFAEL
ALTAGRACIA
ARGENTINA EDUVIGIS
FRANCISCO ANTONIO
EDUVIGIS
VINICKD ERACLO
HUANDA Oa CARMEN
WILSON LIZARDI
ALTAGRACIA VERDMCA
HERIBERTA MARIA
ALEXANDER ALBERTO
HIPOLITO ANTONIO
GLENNY
MARIA ASUNCION
TOMASINA VICTORIA
GisaA altagrac:a
IDALIZA ES=ERANZA
MARIA OLGA
JOSE DARIO
ALTAGRACIA EDUVI3ES
MARIA EVaiA
YOLANDA ANTOMA
RAMONA ALTAGRACIA
SATURNINO
RAMON ANTONIO
ALTAGRACIA I MERCEDES
RAMON aiGIO
FACUNDA aENA
ABRAHAM
JUAN JOSE
CARLOS JOSE HIPOLITO
aOR ANGa
FRANaSCOLEONa
JULIO CESAR
YURISAN ALTAGRACIA
MARGARTA ALTAGRACIA
JOSE ALEJANDRO
MARIO AL3ERT0
GFEGORD
ESTE5AN MARINO
GERAROO
PEDRO
OALGENIS JOSEFINA
DULCE MARIA
MARIA GUARINA
BELK IS MARIA
OUBIAN BlENVENIDO
GLBERTO ANTONIO
EUCUDES LEONARDO
MANUa RAMON
OANILO ANTONIO
JUAN PABLO
MARINA YANIRYS
LEXGER RAFAa
VIRGILO ANTONIO
DAMARIS JOCaVNE
MARIO REM3ERT0
ANA LUCIA
IDALIA DOLORES
JOSE OSIRIS
MaSA JOSEaSA
DIONICIA ANTON lA
ANGa LUIS
JACINTA ANA ROSA
VALENTINA
DISNAiOA
WILLLAN DE JESUS
LOURDES XIOMARA
MARGARuA MARIA
LEON aELTERIO
CLAIDI MERCEDES
FaiX ANTONIO
FEUX
Cii. Anienof
Meti No: 0003
Dir»coon
LAALIASIUCIA T
LA ALTAGRACIA
JUAN VENTURA
LUZ ESTREUA DE
SANCHEZ 34
SABANA ANGOSTA
JUANA SALTITOPA
LUZ ESTRELLA
TOROCENIZO W
JUANA SALTITOPA
AHTTJRO ROJAS
LUZ ESTaU DE
SANCHEZ 77
JUANA SALTITOPA
TOROCENIZO
CHITO CEPEDA I
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
JUAN VENTURA
JUAN VENTURA :
PROLONGACION
CaON
LUZ ESTREUA
LUZ ESTRaLA DE
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
HERMANAS MIRA5AL
DUARTE
TOMAS D:S'_A I
JUANA SALTITOPA
TOMAS DIS'J^ 5
AVENIDA DUARTE
LA DUARTE «
CHAGO JIMENEZ
DUARTE
LA AROMAS
RAFAa OUEZADA :
PEPE HERRERA 15
DUARTE
PEPE HERRERA
PEFE HERRERA 2;
PEPE HERRERA
PEPE HERRERA
PEPE HERRERA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
003(31 051
OM376 051
01CBB5 055
000000 000
011200 051
006032 051
000041 051
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012942 055
015972 055
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003026 051
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010974 051
004572 051
019667 055
011411 051
009445 051
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008193 055
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001954 051
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017425 047
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006233 064
027074 047
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009232 051
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0101S7 064
SANCHEZ
58
caoN .
CALLS 3 012
JUANA SALTITOPA
TOROCENIZO
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
DUARTE
SANCHEZ
TOROCENKO
16
M
PEDRO RXUE
SANCHEZ
Toao
caoN
SANCHEZ N. 104 C
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
aiGENIO JIMENEZ
SAN RAFAEL
DUARTE PARTE ATRA5
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
PEDRO ROJAS
DUARTE
MSIA 7
COLON
SABANA ANGOSTA
MELLA
JUANA SALTITOPA
HERMANAS MIRABAl
107
DIRECCIONMACIONALDEINFORKWCION ELECTORAL Provincia: 22
Vci6 CedjUA^J"!
Municipio: 051
=1
b:
Cil 0331C39 S
C51 03010*0 3
C51 03010*1 1
C51 00010<2 9
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:;i :;:i:s6 6
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:;i C3:i055 2
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D= LA cauz
DELACajZARNAUD
DELACSUZA^SAJO
OE u cajz DuaAN
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NOEMIALTAGRACIA
ANGELA FaiClA
JUANA PAULA
RAFAEL
ROBERTO RAFAa
ROSA EMILIA
JUAN SAUTISTA
ANDREINA MERCEDES
LOURDES RAFAELA
FaiX
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TViaWARAMONA
YAN'ET MERCEDES
SANDY YOVANY DE JESUS
FRANCIS ANTONIO
DS'.ETRiA
MARIA YSASa
WANUa AUGUSTO
AFRANIO DE JESUS
JOSE Da CARMEN
LUIS JOSE
OAUARI Da CARMEN
LIOIA MARIA
YOCASTA Da CARMEN
MARIA ESTHER
JOSEFINA ALTAGRACIA
SANDRA ALTAGRACIA
EUDOCIA
oacE DORsa
FRANCIS ESCO.ASnCA M
CATULO ALEJANDRO
RAMONA ALTAGRACIA
MERCEDES ANTONIA
GERTRUDYS ANTONIO
MARIA Da CARMEN
Fe MARIA
CaESTlNA
CLARIZA ANTONIA
RAFAa ANTONIO
ANTONIO DE JESUS
JOSEMIGua
MLEN 10 ANTONIO
JOSE ANTONIO
FRANCISCO ANTONIO
MIGUa
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NORVIALIS
ROSaO ANTONIO
FRANCISCO JAVIER
HECTOR MANua EMIUO
MANUa B'ENVENIOO
PEDRO JOSE
YOMARIS ALTAGRACIA
AIDA MERCEDES AGUSTINA
ALTAGRAQA MERCEDES
ANA
C*d Amtnor
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009429 OSt
006161 051
011164 051
009718 051
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007613 C.55
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008059 051
006808 051
005829 051
005955 051
012C54 046
009007 051
027006 005
0076S6 051
026341 C55
031213 055
009567 051
006476 051
004623 047
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021860 068
011055 051
006694 051
011733 C51
01112B 051
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009022 055
003951 059
011123 051
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001840 051
004553 C51
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00719D 051
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040200 047
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012349 051
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006960 051
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011164 064
011718 051
004170 051
005010 051
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009868 051
025003 047
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009300 051
Meti No: 0003
Dnzea\
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OUARTE
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DUARTE
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J'JLIO ESCOTO
J-JLOESCOTO
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TOMAS DISLA
33
84
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67
37
17
16
68
D'JARTE
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CHAG0JW3JEZ
JUANA SAlTITOPA
MAGUEY 90
JUANA SALTTTOFA
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CHAGO JA'ENEZ
JJLIO ESCOTO
ARTURO ROJAS
D'JARTE
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SANCHEZ
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CaON 2
C-ITO CEPEDA
CHITO CE=EDA
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CHTOC_E;JpA
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JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITCPA
TORO CEMZO. VILLA
V1LLATA=A 6
SANRAJAa
DUARTE
DUARTE
DUARTE
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DUARTE
JUANA SAITITC'A
JUANA SA.TrTC?A
DJAPTE 70
SAN RA=Aa
DUARTE
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DUARTE 123
DUARTE
T030 CENZO 2B
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SA5AKA ANG03TA
SA5ANA ANG03TA
JUANA SALTITC'A
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RAFAa D'JEZACA
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CH-OCE=EDA 19
LA DUARTE
SANCHEZ
CHAGO JIViNEZ
SANCHEZ 80
SANCHEZ
JUANA SALTITOPA
MAGUEY 80
PE?E HERRERA 10
CHAGO JIMENEZ
MARIA TRINIDAD
TORO CENZO
waiA 4
MELLA 4
SAN RA=AEL
SANCHEZ 46
TOMAS ::3LA
no
OIRECClONNACIONALDEINFOaSWCION ELECTORAL Provincit: 22
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FRANKLIN RHADAMES
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LUZ CaESTE
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CARLOS RAFAa
RAMON EMLIO
JUAN JOSE DEL CARMEN
GUllERMO ADAMES
ViaOR LEONARDO
HIGINIA ESPERANZA
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JORGE DE JE3JS
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NORIS ALTA3RACIA
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ANA LUCLA
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RAMONA
FRANCISCO FERNANDO
YAIRIS ALTA3RACIA
ANA RAMONA
aiZABET MARTINA
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ANA MARTINA
JCANNI ALTA3RACIA
JUAN E'lFANlO
AURaiA
MARIA DE LA
RAFAa AN'TONIO
ROSANCa ALTAGRACIA
RAMONA ES=ERANZA RAFAEIA
FBANCISCA MERCEDES
ANTON O
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ALEXI XIOMARA
ULIAN MERCEDES
LUZ SERNAOINA Da CARMEN
VINICIO ANTONIO
ROSA YRIS
YINA MARIA
ROSA JOSEFINA
GREGORIO BERNARDO
ANYOLINA oa CARMEN
LUZ MERCEDES
ANA YNaSA
AGRIPINA
MARCOS ANTONIO
AURELIANO
MANUa ANTONIO
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DAMARIS ALTAGRACIA
RAMON MAURICIO
ANA MARIA
ASIA MERCEDES
ANA VICTORIA
LUZaDA ALTAGRACIA
MARIA GREGORIA
REYES
JOSE ALTAGRACIA
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ANA ARIDIA
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002*31 051
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030879 054
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Mtu No: 0003
Drecobn ^^^^^^^^^
PEPE HERRcRA
DUARTE
PEPE HERNANDEZ
DUARTE 13
DUARTE
PEPEHEnRERA 29
PEPE HERRERA
COLON
PEPE HERRERA
CaON £5
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
HERMANAS MIRA3AL
LUZ ESTRELLA
SABANA ANGOSTA
CAON ABO
PEPE HERRERA
TOMAS D'SA 9
DUARTE 69
DUARTE
DUARTE
DUARTE 101
TOROCENZO
TOMAS DISLA
MARIA TRINIDAD
TABLON . Vn.U TAPIA
MARIA TRINIDAD
SANCHEZ
DUARTE 89
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
ARTURO ROJAS
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ 69
CHAGOJIM.a'EZ
CHAGOJW.EN EZ
MAGUEY 33
DUARTE 7
DUARTE
TOMAS D:3LA
DUARTE 65
DUARTE
SANCHEZ 34
RANCHITO
JULO ESCOTO 01
JULIO ESCOTO
TOaOCENlZO
CHAGO JIMENEZ
CHAGO JIMENEZ 23
SAN RAFAa 16-A
DUARTE
a COCO
CHAGO JIMENEZ 2
SANCHEZ
SAN RAFAa
DUARTE
CHAGO JIMENEZ
PEDRO ROOJE
DUARTE
ARTURO ROJAS
AHTURO ROJA 9
MELiA
SANCHEZ 51
JULIO ESCOTO
BJGENIOJMENEZ
DUARTE
JULIO ESCOTO
JUANA SALTITOPA
JULO ESXTO
CHAGO JIMENEZ
PEPE HERRERA
104
Ill
DIRECCIONNAClONALDElNFOat/AClON ELECTORAL Provinci.: 22 Huniclpio: 051
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C51
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351
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TAVHSAS hE^NANOa
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TEJADA DE LA ^21K
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ALCIBIADES
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MILDRED ALTAGRACIA M
CARMEN LUISA
DEYANIRA ALTAGRACIA
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GENRI ANTONIO
ANSELMO DE JESUS
ANA MERCEDES
ALEJANDRA JCSErlNA
JESUS RAFAEL
LUIS ARTURODE JESUS
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CARLOS RAFAEL
CARMEN R WMACULADA
DAMARIS ANTOMA
JOSE LUIS
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AIDA MARIA
DANTE RAFAEL
LUIS MANUEL
PATRIA DE JESUS
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MARIA ROSA
MERCEDES REINA
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NORMA ANTONIA
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MARIA ALTAGRACIA DE JS
MBICEOES
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FRANCISCA
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M*M No: 0003
Dffvocion
PcrcncrvncrlA 8
JUANA SALirrOPA
COLON 22
SANCHEZ 28
DUARTE
JUANA SALirrOPA
LOS BUEN PANES
DUARTE 55-A
ESTRELLA QUEZADA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALirrOPA
LUZ ESTREUA
JUANA SALTITOPA
DUARTE
RAFAEL QUEZADA
JULD ESCOTO 10
JUANA SALTITOPA
PEPE HERRERA
DUARTE 61
DUARTE
SAN RAFAa
DUARTE
DUARTE 50
SAN RAFAa
SANCHEZ
MAGUEY
LUZ ESTRaLA DE
SANCHEZ
SANCHEZ
MARIA TRINIDAD
AVENIDA DUARTE
SANCHEZ
LUZ ESTRaLA DE
RAFAEL OJEZADA
LAGINA
MARIA TRINIDAD
CHAGO JIMENEZ 20
CHAGOJIMiNEZ
DUARTE
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
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JUANA SALTITOPA
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JUANA SALTITOPA
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JUANA SALTITOPA
JUANA SALTITOPA
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PEPE HERRERA
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~^)^rtt
>\\ REPUBLICA DOMINICANA
WICIALIA DEL ESTADO CIVIL
/
EXTRACTO DE ACTA DE SBSION No. 4
En la Cludad y Munlclplo da Binlca, Prorlncia El£a«'Pina, Repfibllci
Oominlcana, a los 16 dias del mas da Mayo dal aflo 1994, alendo las 10s32
horas de la noche; reunldos en 8esi6n permanente los "aefloresi JosS Terre
ro Marte, preflldente de esta Junta Municipal Electoral; Toribio Bautista
de la Rosa, ler. Vocal y Benjamin da la Rosa 2do. Vocal, an presencia de
los senoresi Ram6n Antonio RlTera Carvajal dalegado del P.R.D. , Carlos -
Manuel Berihyete delegado del P«R.I., y Constantino Alc£ntara Pfirea dele.
gado del P.L.D. asistidos por el infrascrito Secretario Arcadlo Jljn6ne«-
Guzmin, El presldante declar6 abierta la Sefli6n y pidi6 que se diera lee.
tura a la oonrocatoria a lo que se procedi6 de ininediato y en la que se
comprueba que todos los miembros y delegados fueron convocados y que el
propdsito de la sesi6n es rcbibir y conocer los resultados de las mesas-
electorales de esta Junta Municipal Electoral. Luego se le dio lectura a
una comunicacl6n suscrita por el delegado del Partido Reformists Soeial-
Cristiano, fechada a 16 de Mayo 94, en la que trata sobre el artlculo 73
de la Ley Electoral No. 5884, en la que respects a las-alianzas o coali-
ci6n. Luego el delegado del P.L.D. solicit6 que se le diera lectura a 1
artlculo 155 da la Ley Electoral, erl base a lo qiie sbllcita la anulaci6n
total de las elecaiones a nivek municipal, en ras6n de' los listados sumi.
nistrados por la Junta Central Electoral a los partldos, tienen una gran
difereneia con el llstado Oficial qua tienen las mesas electorales, a 1
delegado del P.R.D. dijo que se una a la solloitud de anulaci6n qua hace
el delegado del P.L.D. porque entiende qua es un fraude en contra de los
partidos de oposici6n, destaesndo qua an donde eb Partido Reformista So-
cial Cristiano consideraba que tenia menos posibilidad da ganar, el dis-
locamiento era mayor; el delegado del P.R.Z. tambi6n se 8olidaris6 con
la sollcltud de anuXaci6n hecha por el seftor Constantino Alcintara PSres
delegado del P.L.D. El presidente procedi6 a someter a la consider aei6n-
da los dem&s mlembros de este Organismo Electoral, la sollcltud de anula.
cl6n, obteniendo la aprobaci6n de los dos vooalas, no obstanta haber ma-
niffestado el presidente, que el esti en contra de la anulael6n. (Hacemos
constar que el delegado del PRSC. Ileg6 a la sasidn a las lli30 P.M.}.-
Conaidcrando que las alecoiones a nival municipal fueroA anuladas, los-
miembros de ista acordaron recibirlas urnas sin conocer los-resulAados
de las meaas electorales. No habieodo m&s nada que ttatar,'el presiden-
te propuso la clausura la cual fue accp^ada por los dem&s mlembros.
FIRMADpsJ
"b&l'.'gauo
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-.31 PRD.
T0RIBICr®«]tr3T/C DE LA R.
ler,-yj Vocal
CONSTAl rxt.'O j^lXAT'l'fRR.--. Pi,
;CAD7o jijSfeT -M
BENJAMIN DE LA
2do. Vocalr
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S^ cretcri .^ dc
. a JuHtf
CARLO:. M, uEHIHUETir
Delegr.do del PRI.
ctorsl ,-
116
SlOiOO LAS S.3S P.M. OS LA TAJtOB CM EL KUNZCXPZO DS SL LLANO, PROVZN.
CIA OS EXXA8 PISA, RTPUBLZCA OGMINICANA, PRENTE A UNA SITVACZON 0£ LA
PASA CHAROSCIOA OCBZOO A CUB HO HABXAN POOIOO VOTAR, NO OeSTANTE CSTAR
ZNSEJTTAOAS CN LAS RELACI0NS8 ENTRCOAOAS A LOS PART2D0S POLXTZCOS Y TC-
NCR SU5 CCOULAS CCStRSSPONOZCNTSS Y LUCOO HO APARECErR D< LOS LXS7A009
CZ LA5 HCSAS DE VCTACIONCS, CCM7AND0 CON LA PRESENCIA DE LOS CBSERVA^
0OR£3 INTSRHACIOMCS SEAORCSi SYLVAZN MARCEL DEL PARTXOO SOdALZSTA DK
rRA>«:iA Y MARIO ENRIQUB SANTAMARZA HERRERA- INZCZATZVA PRZVAOA DS OJA
TC7VUJK, LOS MI£>reROS REUNIDOS DS CMERaENCZA Y EM PRESElfCZA TAHBZEN DB
LOS OCLCOAOOS DE LOS PARTZOOS POLZTICOS, rRENTE A LA CALAMZtTOSA SZTUA
CION GDC POOZA OENERAR EN DESORACZAS LAMEIfTABLES, SN CCNSECUENCZA Y
POR LAS RAZ0NE5 EXPUESTAS ANXtRZORMEfTTE, 0BCZOZMO8 SUSPENDER LAS VOTA-
CI0Nr:3k CCnQ^A H£D;I0A'| DE SOLUCZON AL OR/Wf-PROBLCMA.
r>7n y/PL
TtO^CRO ROA PERGZ.
Prosldenl
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fJO^ACL FORTUNA NIHA
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!7i7Tcb757RF13j5W"EAU?TsTX
Portldo PRZ
PBORO ROLASCO TERRERO
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RAMIREZ C.
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Marld NINA MEDINA
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16 zr. V.\XO DE 1994.-
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RESOLUCION Mo. 1/94,-
CONSIKANOot Qua lax >Ei«ccion«8''acn«ril«s rp.aaren r£S)adasrpar«(dl 116 •de'>-'<
Boyo d«i •noall noT««iantos Mowfrttaiyseuatro.CMSMH,
CONSXDERARDOi .Qua ilTltdlado i^l Iprocaso-sOfixlial da \vdtBil£6ni ma (comprova
ron dlf arent«a 'arttras '41 IClbro da Votantas ^y ..Al >ii>iatado caUBli;i1JLAtradO ~—
a Joi "difarantas.'Pjrtldost •" \ ■ ., . ". ^^
CON^IDBRAKDOt jQue ral :porsanta)a 'da Cedulacl6n .^ue ;no :han rPodijip tejecc^r
su dececho :Al voto rha .sldo altamanta iSigaLflca.tlvO.
CONSXOETiRANDO: Qua -as Obligatorio da la ^unta 'MunlillpaI.»^l«ctoral rpemi,
tit^lisrejarcer al suf ragio :a laa iparsonaa-ragUtamaftta, an ilas a*npadz»n«<B
BkLOftto da Votantai
VXSTQt -el Art. 155, Ordlnariat ^ptlrraro ida IlaiLey 'Slaotox-al .Vigente c«n :1a
Rapdbllca Oorainicana.
La Junta Municipal Electoral raunldo an '8«4i:6n iExtraorflinaxJLat
- -RESUEVEl
-UNICQ] lOoclarart^coiao al afacto daolarasos anuladaa laa v&iacQ4'OnttS(<la «^V
la totaiidad-da las/masaa .que-.coDpon«n<fll munlcipio de ComandAdor, i'9ro->
.Vincia Ellas PlfiayR.D.
' 'f \.' .f -" '- .
^STE;N0II>Ol Qua ;los Delsgadoa (PqIIUcos ^icreditado antia ila o^unta fNun.li.qlpfl.l'^
E:iectoral .SefVsrss Anselmo Tapi:a Rasa, iiOelagadoy dal :PaQ.<;ldo lAa^snils^ta
Social Xriatiano, P.R.5.C., /Antonio Onrcia iI,orsnzo Oa.ift)3ado (del ,Paci^do
de la lLit;>araai6n Oominicana r^^V^* CutlMcto i^J.lf a ^^lor :Ael.eguado ,.dei vfer
cido R«valualonario Dominicano, rP.R*^, ,y (layr>al(lo Aquino Qu^Rflt^, K>* !«>»•
Uci tado f ormalmente, .a .Aata -.Ti;lbunal LBla<;.tQr«|l ila .AfiHlaei^p idc la vVotOe-
cionefl .encal dia»i»oy .16 de.na^cde ASS4.
ATENalDOl Qua ifll
qua rse Su8pan<
pu^A-acnp &«*<r
po3i6n.-^^ '
AKn;»2S/A^
- ■ Pi-fl/^i.
irtido 'RQtQflrmiflta ^SioQJkll <<;r:^tl>anq(P>f^«S..C.<), ,j3iiai>taji
■ i^ldn tpor ,al i4}^oP4QQ9ntac}e ,da jSlactpiTfta ,.<iub (Qp j-
Deq, -P.r,.
y»INO.CUEZ.\DA
/
119
Law Offices
OF
Robert Winthrop Johnson II
1050 Potomac Street. N.W.
Washington. D.C. 20007
(202) 337-6817
Telefax (202) 337-3462
May 24, 1994
Hon. Robert G. Torricelli
Chairman
Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Room H1-A705
O'Neill House Office Building
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515-6135
Re: Election in the Dominican Republic
Dear Congressman Torricelli:
Enclosed is a letter from Jose del Carmen Ariza, Ambassador
of the Dominican Republic. Ambassador Ariza is still in the
Dominican Republic, but he requests that this letter be read into
the record at this afternoon's hearing.
Sincerely,
\S oV«-Jb-o > j (jVn.-*^J^
Robert W. Johnson II
Washington Counsel
Enclosure
120
EMBAJAOA OE LA REPUBLICA OOMINICANA
WASHINGTON
f^ay 23, 1994
Congressman Robert G. Torricelll
Chairman
Subcommittie on Western Hemisphere Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Room H1-A705 CNelll HOB
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515-6135
Re: "Election In the Dominican Republic"
Dear Chairman Torrlcelll:
It has come to our attention that the Subcommittee has scheduled
a hearing for Tuesday, May 24, to discuss the results of the may
16 elections In the Dominican Republic and, In particular, to
receive testimony from certain of the International observers.
As you know, the election turnout was huge and reached
unprecedented records, the balloting was very close and, because
of this fact, has attracted the attention of newspapers In the
United States, as evidenced by recent editorials In "The
Washington Post" and "The New York Times" which alleged
Irregularities In the electoral process.
The Government of the Dominican Republic believes that any such
criticisms are premature and are certainly based on Incomplete
Information because the election is not over. The Independent
Election Board (Junta Central Electoral) has not yet finished
counting all the votes that were cast on May 16, and It will
begin a thorough review and recount on Wednesday with
participation of the Election Board Officials, political parties
reoresentatives and observation by duly acredited international
observers, to make sure that the results are fair and accurate.
This process is expected to take aproximately a week to complete,
since the Electoral Board will review the reports from each of
the country's 9,528 precincts (mesas), as well as recounting all
the votes cast --about 3.15 million. Under the Dominican
Constitution, the Electoral Board is totally Independent, and no
results are official until the Election Board announces its
findings and certifies the vote count.
.../
121
For this rtason, U appears that it would ba more constructive
for the Subcommittee to delay holding any hearing on the
Dominican election until the Election Board has completed its
recount and announced the officials results. Then the
Subcommittee
report.
would have the benefit of the Electoral Board's
I look forward to meeting with you when I return to Washington to
discuss this and any other matters that may be of concern to you
and other Members on the Subcommittee.
Sincerely yours,
del Carmen Ari;
Ambassador
mcp
122
ACUERDO DE SANTO DOMINGO iX^*^' ^ « « h ecu
PAKITDO REVOLUCIONARIO DOMINICANO (PRD) / , v
PAKTIDO UNIDAD DEMOCRATICA (UD) ( .pfX^ihci^
Washington, O.C.
May 24, 1994
The Honorable Robert G. Torricelli
Chairman, House Foreign Affairs Committee
Western Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee
705 OHOB
Honorable Rep. Torricelli:
It is with the utmost seriousness and concern that we are
presenting this testimony before this subcommittee with the
intention of informing all its members about the attempt at
fraudulently depriving the Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD)
and its allies under the Acuerdo de Santo Domingo of our victory
in the national elections held in the Dominican Republic on May
16, 1994.
Various groups of neutral international observers have all
witnessed and reported numerous irregularities and violations of
the electoral law in detriment of the candidates of the Acuerdo de
Santo Domingo.
Observers from the National Democratic Institute (NDI) , the
Organization of Americem States (CAS), the Institute for Electoral
Systems (IFES), and the Comisi6n de Asesoramiento para Politicas
Electorales en Latinoamerica (CAPEL) have already issued their
preliminary statements in which they point out the occurrence of
those irregularities.
In order to reinforce those statements, we want to provide you
with a list of the most importemt irregularities which have been
committed by the official ruling party in complicity with members
and employees of the Central Electoral Board of the dominican
Republic (JCE) .
At this very moment we are gathering overwhelming documentary
evidence from all over the country to substantiate our claim that
123
the official ruling Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PRSC) is
trying to steal the elections from the PRD and its allies.
Please take note of the following irregularities that have been
committed (all of which will be demostrated with the evidence we
are gathering now) :
1 . - Tens of thousands of voters were excluded from the
official voting lists prepared by the Junta Central
Electoral. (see exhibit A)
As a result of this exclusion, these individuals could not vote at
the voting stations (mesas electorales) where they were registered
and should have voted, and were deprived of exercising their
democratic right to chose.
Were are now collecting the affidavits containing thousands of
names of individuals who could not vote due to this exclusion from
the voter lists.
2.- Tens of thousands of voters were not permitted to vote
after the Central Electoral Board (Junta Central
Electoral) reluctantly accepted the recommendation of both
the parties and the international observers to extend the
voting period for threE more hours to offer an opportunity
to the disenfranchised voters. (see Exhibit B)
As you may already know, the Junta Central Electoral purposedly
delayed the publication of this decision so that it be broadcast
well after the closing period of the polls.
Many voting stations (mesas electorales) never received on time
the notification of the three-hour extension for voting. Many were
forcefully closed by armed gangs of the Reformista Party, and many
others were closed by army patrols which responded to instructions
of local and regional Reformista leaders. As a result, tens of
thousands of citizens were left without being able to exercise
their voting right.
3.- The voting lists provided by the Junta Central
Electoral (JCE) to the political parties were different
from the fiNal official list (padron electoral) prepared
by the JCE for controllign tthe elections, despite the
numerous claims made before the elections by the
opposition parties that the final list be delivered
simulataneously to all parties to verify the consistency
of the voters rolls. (see Exhibit C)
According to regulations prepared by the JCE, only that final list
(padron electoral) could be used to authorise a person to exercise
his or her right to vote.
Tens of thousands of citizens could not vote because their names
124
were not included in the official final lists (padrones
electorales) , despite the fact that they were duly registered and
appeared in the list provided by the JCE to the political parties
before the elections.
4.- Many names were irregularly included in the official final
list (padron electoral) without notifying the political parties.
As a result, thousands of irregular voters showed up at the voting
stations and were permitted to cast their votes despite the
protest of the delegates of the opposition parties, (see Exhibit
D) .
We are also gathering additional evidence regarding this issue,
and will provide it to your at a later date. We are providing you
now with a sample of the aforementioned affected lists so that you
can see how the citizens' enumeration lists were altered by the
Junta Central Electoral.
5.- Dislocation of names and/or voter's ID numbers was
also an important irregularity which prevented many
citizens from voting. Many persons who expected to vote in one
loations were not listed in their registered voting stations
(mesas electorales), but in others located many miles away.
6.- Inclusion of names of persons without the right to
vote was another serious irregularity. Minors and members of
the military wre provided with ID voting cards which belonged to
other people, or were issued regular ID cards to allow them to
vote .
One simple case to illustrate this situation: In voting station
N« 207 located at the Colegio San Judas Tadeo, in Santo Domingo,
an army lieutenant named Teodoro Moreta Herrera, who works as a
military escort to President Joaquin Balaguer, candidate of the
Reformista Party, was detected while attempting to vote at 8:30
AM. He was allowed to vote, although his vote was marlced as
"observed" and included in a special envelope of observed votes.
This case can be easily retrieved as evidence.
7.- More difficult to detect were the electronic
irregularities, but our technicians have been able to
fiGure out how the Junta Central Electoral tampered the
computer programs at the Juntas Municipales and the four
Sub-Juntas in Santo Domingo so as to bring about
mAthematical results which were entirely different from
the ones that would have resulted from an honest counting.
According to our technicians, the persons who prepared the
computer programs in FoxBase (a databae management systems
software used by the Junta Municipales and the Sub-Juntas to
process the data) , introduced an instruction in the program which
allowed the Junta Central Electoral to automatically deduct votes
from those stations won by the PRD and its allies, and to
125
automatically add votes to the official ruling Partido Reformista.
A comparison of the bulletins issued by the Central Electoral
Board with the the data in the computer diskettes officially given
by the Board to the political parties has shown a discrepancy of
107,009 votes for the Partido de la Liberacion Dominicana (PLD) ,
336,215 votes for the Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PRSC) ,
and 335,071 for the Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD) .
We are now demanding that the program used to count votes at the
Juntas Municipales and the Sub-Juntas of Santo Domingo be given to
all political parties and international observers so that this
issue can be thouroughly investigated.
8 . - In several important municipalities the falsification
of electoral results took the form of deleting some voting
stations and adding some others which did not exist. In
those places the official ruling party is shown as winning
on inexisting voting stations. For example:
* In the municipality of Higuey there were only 132 voting
stations listed, and Junta Central Electoral is showing results
for 176 voting stations. In this case ony 49,554 persons were
elegible to vote, but the ficticious turn out, according to the
Central Electoral Board, was 58,427 persons. As a result, the
Official ruling Partido Reformista "won" the elections with 27,
460, against the PRD ' s 18,713. (se Exhibit E) Other similar cases
have already been documented in the provinces of San Cristobal,
Duarte,and Monte Plata.
9.- Anoher irregularity: in several municipalities the
number of voters exceeded the number of registered voters.
San Cristobal, and Bayaguana are two relevant cases. In San
Cristobal the number of registered voters was 91,320, while the
actual votes counted were 91,645 for a difference of 325
additional irregular votes. In Bayaguana the numer of registered
voters was 15,629 while the votes counted were 15,800 for a
difference of 171 irregular aditional votes.
10.- A final case of the serious irregularities that marred the
elections were the municipalities of Comendador, Banica and El
Llano, near the Haitian border in the province of Elias Pifia, .
There, the electoral authorities of the Junta Municipal Electoral
discovered that the list of voters mainly included members of the
official ruling Partido Reformista, and proceeded to cancel the
elections, (see Exhibit F)
This statement is respectfully presented to the House Subcommittee
of Western Hemisphere Affairs by the special delegation of the
Acuerdo de Santo Domingo sent by the Partido Revolucionario
Dominicano and the Partido Unidad Democratica.
o
84-459 0-94 (132)
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 9999 05903 780 2
ISBN 0-16-046277-0
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