Recollections of President Lincoln and his administration

LINCOLN ROOM

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
LIBRARY

ABKAHAM LINCOLN.
(From the Statue by Augustus St. Gaudens.)

OF

PRESIDENT LINCOLN

AND

HIS ADMINISTRATION

BY

L. E. CHITTENDEN

HIS KEGISTEB OF THB TREASURY

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK AND LONDON

1904

Copyright, 1891, by HARPER & BROTHERS.
Ail righto rtterved.

1104-

THIS VOLUME
HAS GROWN OUT OF MY LOTS AND RESPECT FOB

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

AND KNOWING NO WAT IN WHICH I CAN BETTER ATTEST
THE SINCERITY OF ITS PURPOSE

1 Dedicate it

TO HIS SON

ROBERT T. LINCOLN

OF THE UXITID STATK8 TO TBS COURT OF ST. JUTES

85157

CONTENTS.

PAQB

I. PRELIMINARY AND EXPLANATORY.— ORIGIN OF THIS VOL-
UME.— ITS SCOPE AND PUBPOSE . 1

II. A GLIMPSE OF A NOTED CAMPAIGN. — THE STATE ELEC-
TIONS EARLY IN OCTOBER, I860, WHICH VIRTUALLY
SETTLED THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST 8

III. OFFICE - SEEKING BY AN INEXPERIENCED CANDIDATE. —

APPOINTMENT TO THE PEACE CONFERENCE.— SENATOR
FOOT, OF VERMONT. — His PREMONITIONS OF REBEL-
LION 17

IV. NOTES ON THE PEACE CONFERENCE. — THE PLANS OF

THE CONSPIRATORS. — ADAM QUROWSKI. — JAMES S.
WADSWORTH 28

V. AN OFFICIAL CALL UPON THE PRESIDENT. — IT UNITES

THE LOYAL MEMBERS OF THE CONFERENCE 32

VI. ANOTHER OFFICIAL CALL. — GENERAL SCOTT. — His LOY-
ALTY AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE DECLARATION
OF THE ELECTORAL VOTE •. . . 36

VII. THE 13TH OF FEBRUARY, 1861.— THE ELECTION OF PRES-
IDENT LINCOLN DECLARED.— FIRMNESS OF VICE-PRES-
IDENT BRECKINKIDGE. — ANGER OF THE SECESSIONISTS 40
VIII. ANOTHER INCIDENT OF FEBRUARY 13TH.— JUDGE SMAL-
LEY ON TREASON. — SEIZURE OF ARMS IN NEW YORK

CITY. — ACTION OF ITS MAYOR 47

IX. AN ALTERCATION IN THE PEACE CONFERENCE. — SENA-
TOR LOT M. MORRILL AND COMMODORE STOCKTON. — A

TEST OF NORTHERN COURAGE 50

X. THE CONSPIRACY OF ASSASSINATION.— ITS DETAILS. — MR.
LINCOLN CONSENTS TO FOLLOW THE ADVICE OF His
FKIENDS . 58

Vi CONTENTS.

MM

XI. How DID MB. LINCOLN "GET THROUGH BALTIMORE"? 65

XII. A SECOND PRESIDENTIAL RECEPTION. — MR. LINCOLN
CONVERSES WITH LEADING SOUTHERNERS. — His DUTY
TO THE CONSTITUTION 68

XIII. THE LAST WEEK OP PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINIS-

TRATION. . 79

XIV. THE INAUGURATION. — A MEMORABLE SCENE .... 84
XV. SOME NOTES UPON GENERAL SCOTT AND ROBERT E. LEE 93

XVI. THE NONES AND IDES OP MARCH.— THE NEW CAB-
INET 103

XVII. A NOVEL INDUCTION INTO OFFICE 109

XVIII. THE ISOLATION OP THE CAPITOL. — AN ALARMED VIR-
GINIAN 115

XIX. BALTIMORE BLOCKS THE WAT 120

XX. THE FIRST VOLUNTEER DEFENDERS OF THE CAPITOL.
— THE PLUG-UGLIES OF BALTIMORE. — THE SEVENTH
NEW YORK AND THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS REGI-
MENTS 125

XXI. THE "TRENT AFFAIR."— STATESMANSHIP OP MR. SEW-

ARD 132

XXII. THE ANTAGONISM OF THE REGULAR TO THE VOLUN-
TEER SERVICE. — THE INFLUENCE OF PRESIDENT LIN-
COLN 149

XXIII. THE COLORED PEOPLE. — THEIR INDUSTRY IN LEARN-

ING TO READ.— THEIR IMPLICIT CONFIDENCE IN PRES-
IDENT LINCOLN 158

XXIV. SECRETARY CAMERON.— His RESIGNATION.— GENERAL

FREMONT. — His TROUBLES IN THE DEPARTMENT OP
THE WEST. — SECRETARY ST ANTON. — His CHARACTER.
— THE DAVIS COMMISSION. — MR. O'NEILL'S REPORT
ON SECRETARY STANTON'S SERVICES 168

XXV. MAKING $10,000,000 OP U. S. BONDS UNDER PRESS-
URE. — THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONFEDERATE IRON-
CLAD SHIPS IN BRITISH SHIP- YARDS. — THE DEPART-
URE OF Two PREVENTED. — AN ENGLISHMAN OFFERS
A GREAT SERVICE TO OUR REPUBLIC. — His INCOG-
NITO . 194

CONTENTS.

XXVI. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CONNECTION WITH THE ORI-
GIN OF ARMORED VESSELS. — His FAITH IN IRON-
CLADS.— THE INFLUENCE OF ASSISTANT-SECRETARY
Fox. — His INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT ON
THE ?TH OF MARCH, 1862 212

XXVII. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CONFIDENCE IN ARMORED
VESSELS, CONTINUED. — THE "MONITOR" AND HER
BATTLE WITH THE "MERRIMAC" DESCRIBED BY
CAPTAIN WORDEN 222

XXVIII. JOSEPH HENRY AND ABRAHAM LINCOLN 235

XXIX. INTER ARMA, SCIENTIA. — THE POTOMAC NATURAL-
ISTS' CLUB 239

XXX. A NIGHT WITH THE POTOMAC NATURALISTS' CLUB.

— THE GIANT OCTOPUS 246

XXXI. HOSPITAL NOTES. — THE WOUNDED FROM THE WIL-
DERNESS.— CHARITIES OF THE COLORED POOR. —
SISTERS OF CHARITY. — ANAESTHETICS 251

XXXII. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE SLEEPING SENTINEL.
— ERRONEOUS VERSIONS OF THE STORY. — WILL-
IAM SCOTT, OF THE THIRD VERMONT, SENTENCED
TO DEATH FOR SLEEPING ON HIS POST. — HE is
PARDONED BY THE PRESIDENT. — His LAST MES-
SAGE TO THE PRESIDENT. — His DEATH AT THE
BATTLE OF LEE'S MILLS 265

XXXIII. TREASURY NOTES AND NOTES ON THE TREASURY . 284

XXXIV. NEW MONEYS OF LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. —

DEMAND NOTES. — " SEVEN-THIRTIES. " — POSTAGE
CURRENCY. — FRACTIONAL CURRENCY. — LEGAL-
TENDER NOTES, OR "GREENBACKS." — THEIR OBI-
GIN, GROWTH, AND VALUE 296

XXXV. GRANT AND MCCLELLAN 316

XXXVI. THE CONFEDERATES EXCHANGE A PARTY OF THEIR

PRISONERS OF WAR 323

XXXVII. PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S STORY OF DANIEL WEBSTER 830

XXXVIII. PRESIDENT LINCOLN THE UNAPPRECIATED FRIEND
OF THE SOUTH. — His OFFER OF COMPENSATED
EMANCIPATION. — HE MEETS A VERMONT CON-
TRACTOR.— THEIR IMPRESSIONS OF EACH OTHER. 835

viii CONTENTS.

MM

XXXIX. THE PROFESSIONAL DETECTIVE. — His EMPLOYMENT
BY THE UNITED STATES AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON
THE PEOPLE 341

XL. PUBLIC MISCONCEPTIONS OF THE VALUE OF SALARIED

OFFICERS. — GENERAL STANNARD 353

XLI. WAS GENERAL THOMAS LOYAL ? 360

XLII. THE IMPARTIAL JUDGMENT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
— THE RESIGNATION OF SECRETARY CHASE. — ITS
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES 366

XLIII. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST WASHINGTON IN 1864. ~THB

BATTLE OF MONOCACY 385

XLIV. GENERAL EARLY BEFORE WASHINGTON IN 1864. —

BATTLE OF FORT STEVENS 403

XLV. THE JUDGMENT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. — His COOL-
NESS IN TIMES OF EXCITEMENT. — His FAITH THAT
THE UNION CAUSE WOULD BE PROTECTED AGAINST
SERIOUS DISASTER. — FOUR OF HIS LETTERS NOW
FIRST PUBLISHED 428

XL VI. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. — A SKETCH OF SOME EVENTS IN

HIS LIFE 431

INDEX 455

RECOLLECTIONS OF

PRESIDENT LINCOLN

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

I.

PRELIMINARY AND EXPLANATORY.— ORIGIN OF THIS VOLUME.—
ITS SCOPE AND PURPOSE.

WHEN the notes were made which are now expanded
into a volume, I had no purpose beyond that of record-
ing, so far as I had time and opportunity, my personal
knowledge of current events, which might afterwards
possess some interest for my family and my immediate
personal friends. Neither then nor for a quarter of a
century afterwards had any thought of their publica-
tion occurred to me. As time passed, and many of these
events were imperfectly or inaccurately described in the
numerous current publications, corrections of them, which
I verbally made, appeared to possess an unexpected in-
terest to those who heard them. I have been told many
times, and by those whose judgments are entitled to re-
spect, that my version of these occurrences formed a part
of the history of Mr. Lincoln's administration, and that
their publication and preservation was in some sense a
duty.

Accordingly, and by way of experiment, I brushed
I

2 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the dust of more than a score of years from my note-
books, and acting as my own amanuensis, wrote out the
article entitled " Making United States Bonds under
Pressure," which was published in the number of Har-
per's Monthly Magazine for May, 1890. How that ar-
ticle was received the public knows. The correspond-
ence to which it gave rise was extensive enough to be-
come a burden. While the criticisms were generally
favorable, the complaint was many times repeated that
I ought to have given more details — that the article was
too much condensed — that I should have given more of
the conversations — what was said by the President and
Secretary Chase, etc. This complaint was unexpected
because I supposed that the more condensed it was, the
greater was the merit of the article. It was followed
by others which were not unfavorably received, and the
interest excited, with the possibly too partial judgment of
my friends, has resulted in the preparation of this volume.
Whatever other criticism may be made, it cannot be
said that the book has been thoughtlessly written.
Thoughts have rushed upon me like a flood — the diffi-
culty has been to avoid giving expression to them, and
to restrict my pen to the record of the events. The
reader will comprehend some of these reflections if he
will place himself in my position. He will appreciate
as he never did before, how quickly "one generation
passeth away and another generation cometh." There
were giants in those days. It has been a labor of love
for me to recall some of their mighty works. But
where are the giants now ? The great war cabinet, the
great soldier, and the President, greater than all com-
bined, have all passed away. The last of the three finan-
cial secretaries of President Lincoln, stricken while I am
writing, now lies upon what is feared will be his dying

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 3

couch. I am the last surviving officer of the Treasury,
above the grade of a clerk, connected with the issue of
securities during the war. General Spinner, the incor-
ruptible guardian of the gold of the nation, the last of
my official associates, has recently passed away. In his
letter to me, one of the last written by his hand, he says :
" In my 89th year an incurable disease has so affected my
vision that I can only write with great difficulty, and for
five weeks all my letters have been written by another
hand. I wish I could write you a long letter about old
times, but I cannot. So, good-bye, old friend, and may
God bless you!" His death sadly reminds me that if
there is any importance in having this history written
by one who had some part in it — some personal knowl-
edge of its details, I am almost the only civil officer of
that time upon whom the duty rests, and that I have but
little time left for the performance.

It was natural that the story of the military and
naval operations of the war should have been first writ-
ten. This work has been comprehensively performed.
It probably fills more volumes than the history of any
other four years since the invention of printing. They
represent both parties to the contest, and are usually
written by admirers of the heroes whose achievements
they record. They are interesting, but in many details
they are not history ; they are so far from it as to sug-
gest a doubt whether events can be accurately described
by their contemporaries. If, as I am sure he will, the
reader shall find statements herein directly opposed to
the assertions of the authors of some of these military
histories, I ask the same charity which I will concede to
others. Let the statements be judged by all the evidence,
intrinsic as well as external. If they will not stand that
test, they are not true and have no place in history.

4: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

When I took charge of a bureau in the Treasury, I
naturally wished to understand the theory of its con-
struction. "What were the functions of the several
bureaus? their relation to the secretary and to each
other? I wanted a history of the institution. Mr.
Hamilton was its reputed creator. What were his plans ?
his objects ? How did he propose to secure them ?

No such history existed. The memoirs of Mr. Ham-
ilton were silent upon the details of this the greatest
work of his life. The only printed book which gave
any promise of the information I wanted was a work
by " Eobert Mayo, M.D., Compiler of a New System of
Mythology," published in 1847. In these thin quartos,
buried in an indigestible mass of circulars, instructions
and decisions of secretaries, were a few details of the
functions of the different bureaus, and that was all.
Such knowledge as I acquired of the Treasury, and of
all the matters referred to in this volume, was derived
through my own personal experience in the operations
of the government and personal contact with its officers.
I am therefore solely responsible for the accuracy of
my statements, where I have not given the authority
upon which they are made.

I acquired, as I believe justly, a high opinion of the
Treasury system and of the importance of a rigid en-
forcement of its regulations. By its complete control
of the finances during the war it was a mighty power
for evil as well as for good. The fate of the nation
depended upon its competent management. Directed
by an able financier who could reinforce the military
and naval departments by the confidence born of a
strong national credit, ours was one of the strongest
governments on earth. In the hands of an incompetent
secretary, careless of the national credit, the future

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 5

promised was bankruptcy, defeat in the field, and a
divided union.

Important as it was in the suppression of the rebel-
lion, I do not intend to write the history of Secretary
Chase's financial policy, nor any financial or other his-
tory. This volume, like the notes of which it is an
extension, has no special object. It will meet all my
expectations if it records facts, does no injustice, and
gives credit to whomsoever credit is due.

I must protest in advance against any inference
against public men whom I hold in high esteem because
the truth of history requires me to mention acts of theirs
which their friends have always regretted. No man is
at all times entirely great. If he were, he would be a
hero to his valet. In the early part of the war, the
public judgment was very unreliable. Those were the
days when the people were shouting, "On to Kich-
mond!" and looking to Providence for a Moses or a
Napoleon. An unimportant victory was sufficient to
make them cry out, " Behold, he is a leader and a com-
mander to the people " — a single failure and they were
equally ready to crucify him. Later on they learned to
tolerate errors and excuse failures, and value public men
by the general balance of their services. Their judg-
ment was more matured and reliable when Secretary
Chase, after more than two years of labor, had estab-
lished the public credit, when Grant would fight it out
on that line if it took all summer, and Sherman was
leading an army through the enemy's country on a
march which commenced in November and ended with
the war in May.

The sectional divisions of the country must be consid-
ered by those who would comprehend the earlier events
of the war. The North believed that slavery was the

6 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

sum of all villainies — the South that it was the mother
of all virtues ; one that it degraded, the other that it
ennobled, the white race ; one that it changed men into
coarse, brutal tyrants, the other that deprivation of its
salutary influences had converted the North into the
home of a race of traders too cowardly to fight and
too inferior to govern. "With such extreme views, they
necessarily misjudged and misunderstood each other.

Sectional differences in our republic belong to the
past. By the war, slavery, its cause, has perished.
There is no longer any excuse for sectional divisions.
The ship of state, manned by a united crew, has turned
away from the dangers of the past, and is sailing oyer
tranquil seas towards the peaceful port of her manifest
destiny, the supremacy of the nations of the Western
Continent. The enterprise to secure that supremacy
will be furnished by her own sons, the wealth to main-
tain it will be gathered from her own mines and forests,
and the products of her own soil, and not from weaker
nations despoiled. The sections devastated by the war
have been the first to recover their strength. Manufac-
tures are pushing southward ; new towns and cities are
springing up, and everywhere the sun of prosperity is
shining over a reunited and reconstructed union.

Such political and industrial conditions must not be
ignored by those who write of the history of the war.
Such writers owe a duty to the future as well as to the
past. It is plainly a part of that duty not to revive old
controversies which the war has settled. No one can
be made better or happier by threshing over the straw
of old accusations, which only serve to awaken old ani-
mosities. There were events of the war, there are events
in all wars, which good men should regret, which should
as quickly as possible be blotted from the memory of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. f

man. It would be almost criminal to revive and per-
petuate them. I have sought to keep this duty and
these facts in mind while writing this book. On the
other hand, it is not to the advantage of either section
that facts should be suppressed or misinterpreted which
may hereafter be of service by way of warning or
instruction. I have corrected some misdescription in
accounts of battles. I have spoken plainly of the treat-
ment of Federal prisoners, and of those who I believe
were responsible for that crime against humanity. But
here and in every sentence I have sought to write in
the temper of mind which would have controlled the
martyr-President, who, especially in the closing days of
his noble life, was mindful that "the end of the com-
mandment is charity."

II.

A GLIMPSE OF A NOTED CAMPAIGN.— THE STATE ELECTIONS
EARLY IN OCTOBER, 1860, WHICH VIRTUALLY SETTLED THE
PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST.

VERMONT was the first state which held an election
after the nomination of Mr. Lincoln. The first Tues-
day in September had come, and the Kepublicans had
carried Vermont. If doubts had existed, they were
now dispelled. The Republicans were united; they
had made a strong pull and a pull all together, and when
they made a united effort they almost always carried
Vermont. Their majority being greater than the com-
bined vote of all their opponents, the state was consid-
ered safe for Lincoln at the presidential election in No-
vember.

As soon as the election was over I was invited by the
National Committee, then in continuous session, to come
to the Astor House, New York, for consultation. They
wanted to know something about our Vermont meth-
ods ; also what Vermont could do for other states where
the contest was more doubtful. At the committee rooms
I first met Judge William D. Kelley, then making his
first run for Congress in Philadelphia. He had not then
gained the name of " Pig-iron Kelley," nor the grateful
affection of his state and the country which he after-
wards earned by long, efficient, and most reputable ser-
vice in the popular branch of the national legislature.
We made short speeches at the same mass-meeting in
Jersey City. When the meeting was over he said to

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 9

me, " Tour style will just suit my district. Come over
to Philadelphia with me, and give us a taste of your
Green Mountain quality. You may return to New
York early on Monday."

I assented, with little thought of the danger of trust-
ing myself to the friendly contact of Philadelphia poli-
ticians. I went with Judge Kelley to what was then a
suburb of the city of brotherly love, Germantown by
name, where I made an out-door address to ten thousand
Wide-awakes and other Kepublicans. The newspapers
said the speech was " a cracker." I had never heard the
term before applied to any form of political or intellect-
ual work. It was evidently commendatory, and indi-
cated the partiality of the Philadelphians to what I
thought was rather a dry form of edible.

On the following morning Judge Kelley introduced
me to some of the campaign managers at the committee
rooms. I remember two of them, for their names be-
came afterwards pretty well known to the people of
this republic. There were Andrew G. Curtin and Col.
Alexander McClure. The first-named was running for
governor, and Col. McClure was running him. Both
greeted me with effusion. They could now tell me in per-
son what I should have learned later by letter. They had
decided that Col. Frank Blair and myself were a matched
pair of speakers for the country. They had, therefore,
appointed a series of meetings for us which would occu-
py nearly every afternoon and evening until the Friday
preceding the state election in October. They had tele-
graphed the notices to every town and city where the
meetings were to be held.

I objected that this was rather a cool proceeding ; that
Col. Blair and myself had never met ; that I had busi-
ness engagements at home ; that I protested on general

10 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

principles against an appropriation of my time for two
or three weeks without mentioning the subject to me.
They swept my objections away like cobwebs ; declared
that we " Yermonters did not know the first principles
of running a campaign ; that if they waited to arrange
all the details in advance, they would never get the speak-
ers they wanted ; that the only safe way was to make
the appointments and then capture the speakers ; that
in our case there had been no difficulty ; Col. Blair and
myself were both within easy reach, and they kn^w we
would never consent to disappoint fifty thousand Repub-
licans, disarrange the plans of the committee, and per-
haps endanger the election."

Resistance appeared to be unavailing. I surrendered,
telegraphed home some of the details of my capture, and
that I did not anticipate an early escape out of the hands
into which I had fallen. The next day two very lively
young Republicans took charge of Col. Blair and myself,
and carried us far into the dark regions of a Democratic
county. Where we travelled, what places we visited, I
never inquired. The image of that fortnight upon my
memory represents a continuous procession of committees
of eminent citizens, mass -meetings, torch -light proces-
sions, "Wide-awakes in uniform, shouting, singing political
songs, and hurrahing for the ticket. In the afternoons
Col. Blair and myself usually addressed the same mass-
meeting. As soon as one had concluded he was hurried
away to a distant town or city, to be in time for the even-
ing meeting. The other made his speech, and was rushed
off in the opposite direction. Some nights we were hun-
dreds of miles apart, at noon the next day together.
Such sleep as we got was on the cars. We were only
permitted to see Republican newspapers, which declared
that our converts were numerous, our missionary work

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. H

a pronounced success. "We never failed to make our
connections, and, as agreed, were returned to the Girard
House in Philadelphia, on Friday preceding the Mon-
day of the state election. We were a used-up pair of
campaigners. We had lost our voices ; could not speak
above a whisper, and in desperate need of the rest and
sleep to which we intended to appropriate the next forty-
eight hours.

But rest and sleep were not for us. Col. Blair was
hurried off somewhere, and I did not see him again until
the second year of the war. John T. Nixon, afterwards
a Federal judge in the southern district of New Jersey,
was lying in wait for me. He was running for Con-
gress ; was having a hard fight, and there were special
reasons why, he said, I must go into the southeast corner
of New Jersey to a great mass-meeting and barbecue,
where I had been advertised to speak. I pleaded exhaus-
tion, loss of voice, general dilapidation and worthless-
ness, in vain. I could " save the district," he said. " A
night's rest would set me all right. I must go and show
myself, if I had to be carried on a stretcher, or he would
be accused of intentionally deceiving and disappointing
five thousand people in a rural community. Promptly
at seven next morning he would come for me."

I was awakened out of a dream. It was early morn-
ing. From my window I saw that the street in front
of the hotel was filled by a crowd of Wide-awakes,
who were commencing the day by a service of music
and song, which they ended by a night procession in
the country, one hundred miles away. They were
to form my escort to the train for Southeastern New
Jersey.

Omitting the intervening details, let me say at once
that, attended by Mr. Nixon and a party of his friends,

12 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I reached the place of meeting shortly after midday.
There was no town or village, scarcely a collection of
houses. I do not know that the place had any name.
It was near water communication with Delaware Bay,
for during the afternoon four steamers arrived, bringing
as many thousand Wide-awakes from Philadelphia and
vicinity. Seats had been provided in a lovely grove,
and these were already occupied, apparently by the pop-
ulation of the locality en masse. Fathers and mothers
with their families, young persons of both sexes, to the
number of six or seven thousand — the most orderly, quiet,
cleanly rural population it has ever been my good-fortune
to see. They had come not to shout, but to listen. Their
good example reacted. Nobody could talk nonsense to
such an audience. The speeches were argumentative,
sensible, the best I had heard during the campaign.

The Wide-awakes attended, to close the exercises with
a torch-light procession. Coming from the city on ex-
cursion steamers, a political organization, to attend a
political meeting in the country, it may be anticipated
that, being well provided with poor whiskey, they turned
the meeting into a pandemonium, and, to use a phrase
not then invented, that they " painted the place red."
Nothing of the kind. There were oxen roasted entire,
refreshments in abundance, but no whiskey nor evidences
of whiskey. There was a grand political meeting, good,
sound, creditable speeches, an attentive, respectful audi-
ence, ending with one of the most beautiful torchlight
processions I ever witnessed ; music, songs, but not one
incident of rowdyism or disorder to mark or mar the
day or the occasion. At the very close, two pre-revolu-
tionary anvils performed duty as cannon, and made con-
siderable noise. The whole affair was a credit to the
orderly community which conducted it. Judge Nixon,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 13

referring to it during the next session of Congress, said
its object was to stir up the community. It was at first
feared that it had not produced the effect desired. But
on election day, when he carried the county by an un-
heard-of majority, it was decided that an earthquake,
reinforced by a cyclone, could not have done the work
so thoroughly as that quiet, well-ordered meeting.

It had been arranged that I should return to Philadel-
phia by one of the steamers. I took the one said to be
least crowded, but it turned out that there were at least
two Wide-awakes for every square foot of standing-
room it afforded. "We got under way ; ran out into the
bay ; also into a fog as thick as molasses, as dark as Ere-
bus, and as cold as the shady side of an iceberg. All
that long night, until two hours after daylight, we rolled
and wallowed in the waters of the bay. The fog was so
thick that it was unsafe to run by compass, or even to
start the boat ahead. There was not a bed or a blanket
on board. In my exhausted condition, with no place to
lie or even to sit down, I suffered dreadfully. Some of
the boys finally hunted up an old sail, wrapped it around
me, and laid me away on a cushioned seat in the pilot-
house. I slept through all the racket, until we reached
the dock at Camden, where I was taken to the residence
of a hospitable [Republican, had a bath and a bed, and
slept until election morning.

That was an exciting election day. It settled the
presidential contest. Ohio and Indiana, if I rightly re-
member, then held their state elections on the same
first Monday in October. I was admitted to the rooms
of the committee. At frequent intervals during the day
reports came from many sections that the election was
very quiet, men were keeping their promises, and all
seemed to be going well. But there were no results for

14: RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

comparison until evening, when the large hall was packed,
and the street in front completely blocked by an expect-
ant crowd, awaiting the announcement of victory or
defeat in the most important election since the Declara-
tion of Independence. It was arranged that the reports
from other states should come through state committees.
Those in Pennsylvania came through many sources.

The first figures were from Ohio. Names I have for-
gotten, nor are they material. Call this one Dover.
The operator read out, " Dover, Eepublican first time.
Seventy majority. Last year one hundred and ten Dem-
ocratic." Some one started a cheer; others shouted,
" Hush !" The next was from a Democratic county in
Pennsylvania. It announced a Democratic majority of,
say seventy. One who held the record of the last cor-
responding votes added instantly to the despatch, " A
Democratic loss of ninety votes." The silence was still
unbroken. Another Pennsylvania despatch : " C. beats
D. by eighty, and is elected." The reader of the record
adds, " A Republican gain of a member ; a Democratic
loss on the vote of nearly two hundred." A Republi-
can, with powerful voice, exclaimed, " That means that
Abraham Lincoln is the next President of the United
States, and Andrew Curtin the next Governor of Penn-
sylvania !" The roar of triumph that went up from that
crowd was enough to have started the roof from its fas-
tenings. It was caught up outside as the signal of vic-
tory, and the sound of human voices suppressed the sound
of cannon, which instantly commenced a salute of one
hundred guns. It might well have been impressive, for
it was Republican notice to the world that the people
had decreed, in the words of Washington, that " the
Union must be preserved !"

The announcement was accidental ; it was dangerously

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 15

premature. Prudent men were very anxious lest it might
be necessary to recall it. But the despatches came in
rapid succession — as fast as the operator could read
them — faster than the vote could be compared with that
of preceding years. Their tenor was constant Republi-
can gains, Democratic losses ! "When the returns upon
the state ticket began to come in, the average improved.
It was nearly ten o'clock, and not until we knew that
Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, and probably Illinois,
had gone Republican, that some remote little precinct,
far up the Alleghany Mountains, reported the first tri-
fling Democratic gain. There was a howl of derision,
when some one said, " I know that place. It's where
they are still voting for Jefferson and Burr."

As soon as it was known to a certainty that we had
carried these four states, I quietly elbowed my way
through the crowd to my hotel, with a thankful heart
for the victory. The mighty crowd was celebrating it
without the least evidence of rioting or disorder. There
was but little sleep that night ; all this noise and crowd
was directly underneath my window. But I was so
weary that a battery of artillery, engaged in target-prac-
tice in the next room, would not have kept me awake.
I was asleep within a minute after my head rested on
the pillow, and for ten hours nothing disturbed me. It
was eight o'clock next morning when a delegation from
the committee called, to ascertain what disposition I had
made of myself, and, as it happened, to give me iny first
lesson in " Practical Politics."

" How many city members of Congress do the Repub-
licans elect?" I asked. "When I left you last night
almost everything else was settled; but the Congres-
sional vote was the last counted, and no complete returns
were in from any district. Is Judge Kelley defeated?"

16 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" I should think not !" replied one of my visitors.
" We have swept the decks. We have elected four con-
gressmen from this city, sure. When I left the commit-
tee-rooms they were debating whether they should per-
mit the Democrats to count in the other. It hadn't been
decided."

" Counting in," I exclaimed — " what do you mean by
** counting in a member ?" " You poor, unsophisticated
Vermonter," he said, " you pretend you don't know what
* counting in ' means ! You must have played the count-
ing-out games of children ! This is the same thing, only
it works the other way."

Young men will better comprehend the progress back-
ward of politics within a little more than a fourth of a
century when I say that my guilelessness was not at all
assumed. I was born in a community in which the casting
of a ballot was regarded as a solemn and serious duty. In
my boyhood, election meetings were opened with prayer,
and until the vote was counted there was no act unbefit-
ting the church in which the elections were always held.
I had never heard of " counting out " or " counting in " a
candidate. The suggestion dawned upon me like a sug-
gestion of a crime. Such remarks make no impression
now. I have become too familiar with the practice, pro-
fessionally and otherwise. The person referred to after-
wards became a Democratic leader. I still occasionally
meet him, but never without recalling this observation
with a sensation which is neither creditable to him nor
agreeable to myself.

III.

OFFICE-SEEKING BY AN INEXPERIENCED CANDIDATE.— APPOINT-
MENT TO THE PEACE CONFERENCE.— SENATOR FOOT, OF VER-
MONT.—HIS PREMONITIONS OF REBELLION.

THE October elections decided the presidential contest.
Pennsylvania was the keystone. " As goes Pennsylva-
nia, so goes the Union !" was the slogan of all the politi-
cal clans. The praises which were the reward of my
services in Pennsylvania naturally increased my estimate
of the value of those services, so that when I returned to
my law office I looked about to see what office would
suitably reward me. I had been treading out corn for a
month — the Kepublicans would not muzzle the ox that
treadeth out the corn — the laborer was worthy of his re-
ward, and I did not doubt that I should be strongly sup-
ported as a candidate for any place in my own state for
which I might apply. The collectorship of the port
would, as I thought, just suit me — the salary was not
large — under two thousand dollars, but it was the largest
in the state in the gift of the President, and therefore
best worthy of my attention.

Mindful of the success of the traditional early bird, I
would take time by the forelock and secure the support
of my Republican friends before any other candidate
started in the race. I would not even wait for the elec-
tion. I would begin now. I prepared letters to leading
Republicans in all parts of the state. I am sure they
were models. I put the whole responsibility upon my
friends. Personally, I said, I was rather disinclined to
2

18 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

take the office — but my friends were so persistent — they
insisted that I ought to receive some substantial reward
— that my appointment would do credit to the state, to
myself, and the party. I had decided to take their ad-
vice. If the gentleman addressed agreed with them,
would he kindly furnish me with his written- recommen-
dation to the President for my appointment ?

The result was a trifle disappointing in two respects.
My friends, "all with one consent, began to make ex-
cuse." Every one had pledged himself months before
to some one else. Candidates were as numerous as the
counties. A few answered that they would stand by me
if I said so, although it would embarrass them to recede
from their pledges. The general tenor of the correspond-
ence might be poetically expressed in the solemn words,
" Too late ! Too late ! Ye cannot enter now."

October, November, December passed; Lincoln and
Hamlin were known to be elected. What power was it
that closed our eyes to current events and their conse-
quences ? The people of the South were infatuated — of
the North, blind ! blind ! Was it one of those mysterious
ways in which the Almighty works his sovereign will,
which led to the sealing up of Northern eyes ? Day after
day we saw the funds of the United States transferred to
Southern depositories ; cannon, small-arms, and military
supplies transferred to Southern arsenals ; Southern lead-
ers seizing upon and appropriating moneys which the
United States held in trust for wards of the nation.
South Carolina called a convention which passed an or-
dinance of secession, without one dissenting vote. Her
representatives and senators in Congress shook the dust
of Washington from their feet and left the capital, with
insult and contumely for the Union on their lips ; every
Southern state engaged openly in preparations for the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 19

destruction of the Union ; and while all this was going
on the people of the North went, one to his cattle, an-
other to his merchandise, and if they cast a glance at the
angry clouds gathering in the Southern sky, declared
that they might result in a sprinkle, but that we should
not have much of a shower after all ! To us the Union
was the ark of our covenant, men might rage and bluster
and threaten, but to touch it with unhallowed hands in-
volved a measure of depravity of which we believed no
American capable.

That fine old merchant, manufacturer, and patriot,
Erastus Fairbanks, was then Governor of Vermont. On
Saturday, the second day of February, late in the day, he
telegraphed me that he wished me to lay aside all busi-
ness, and leave Burlington that evening for Washington
— that I was appointed a member of a delegation — my
associates would meet me on the train— one of his aids
would bring us our commissions, with the few suggestions
he thought proper to make to us. I obeyed his injunction.
When the train reached Troy, there were on board of
it Gen. H. H. Baxter, ex-Governor Hall, Messrs. Un-
derwood, Harris, and myself. There, a letter from
the governor was handed us, stating that we were dele-
gates appointed to represent Vermont in a Peace Confer-
ence called by Governor Letcher, of Virginia, to be held
in Washington on the 4th of February, only two days
later. Governor Fairbanks bound us by no instructions,
made but one brief recommendation. It was that we
should consult with our delegation in Congress, and then
represent Vermont in the conference according to her
principles and her traditions, witholding nothing that
ought to be surrendered, submitting to nothing that was
wrong, unjust, or inconsistent with Republican principles.

We reached Washington on time ; other delegates

20 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

boarding the train as it passed through New York, New
Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. We went to Willard's,
then the principal hotel, owned by two young Yermont-
ers, who informed us that the city was crowded with
strangers, principally from the South.

With a brief delay to clear ourselves from the dust of
travel, we drove to the Capitol. Senator Foot was the
only member of the Yermont delegation we found there.
We knew him at home as a prudent, cautious, rather re-
tiring statesman, very conservative in his views, and
eminently cautious in his expressions, in short, a typical
Yermonter in whom all Yermonters had unlimited con-
fidence. He met us with his usual cordiality, but the first
mention of the Peace Conference appeared to enrage him.

" It is a fraud, a trick, a deception," he exclaimed, " a
device of traitors and conspirators again to cheat the
North and to gain time to ripen their conspiracy. I at
first hoped Governor Fairbanks would pay no attention
to it. I am now glad that he has sent delegates. At
home they do not believe we are living here in a nest
of traitors. You will be able to see and judge for your-
selves I"

Ex-Governor Hall, one of the most amiable of men, was
shocked by the senator's violence. " You do not mean,
senator," he said, " that we are on the eve of rebellion —
that there is danger ?"

" That is precisely what I do mean," he said ; " the plot
to seize the Capitol and prevent the inauguration of
Lincoln is already formed — they will prevent the count-
ing of the votes, if they dare. Their chief present diffi-
culty is want of time. That time you are to assist them
in gaining by useless debates in a misnamed Peace Con-
ference. But you have no need to take my word for it.
Keep your eyes open and judge for yourselves !"

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 21

" "We are here for consultation," continued Governor
Hall ; " we have decided to do nothing except upon con-
sultation and the advice of our delegation in Congress."

"I think you are wise in that," said the senator.
" There are no divided counsels in the delegation. We all
think alike, but possibly I express my opinions with the
least reserve."

As we were about to withdraw the senator observed :
"There is one subject in addition which I ought to
mention. I should speak plainly, possibly to your sur-
prise. The city is overrun with Southerners. A few of
them are gentlemen, but the large majority are roughs
and adventurers, who profess great contempt for what
they call the cowardice of Northern men. They are all
armed — they believe that Northern men will run rather
than fight — that they may be insulted with impunity.
They will probably insult you. I believe street fights
would be common if these fellows were not ruled with
an iron hand by their leaders, who do not want any
fighting until they are prepared. Northern men now
carry arms who never carried them before, and are pre-
pared to defend themselves. I think each individual
must determine such matters for himself. I have de-
cided that, so long as I represent Vermont as one of her
senators, I shall express my opinions touching her in-
terests upon all proper occasions in such language as I
deem consistent with the dignity and position of a sena-
tor. If assaulted or insulted for such expressions, I
shall undertake to defend the honor of Vermont. I do
not believe in fighting, nor in submitting to the charge
of cowardice. These men are traitors, conspirators,
rebels, leagued together for the destruction of the Union.
I do not hesitate to tell them so to their faces !"

"Senator!" exclaimed one of our number, astounded

22 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

at these expressions from one ordinarily so prudent and
self-controlled. " Do you advise us to prepare for street
fights ? to carry pistols ? If I had a loaded pistol in my
pocket I should feel as if I were preparing to commit a
burglary."

" I advise nothing," he responded, " I am merely put-
ting you upon your guard. You are Vermonters ; you
know how to defend your state and yourselves. After
you have been here a few days you will judge for your-
selves whether it will be wise for you to carry arms."

IV.

NOTES ON THE PEACE CONFERENCE.— THE PLANS OF THE CON-
SPIRATORS.—ADAM GUROWSKI.— JAMES S. WADSWORTH.

I DO not aspire to the dignity of a historian. I am not
writing a history of the Peace Conference. I may, how-
ever, venture to hope that the incidents I shall describe
may be of use to future historians. They concern the
very origin of the rebellion. The Peace Conference was
a prelude to the bloody drama which followed it, and its
record must be read and understood by those who would
comprehend in their chronological order the events
which ended all hope of a peaceful solution of the long-
pending controversy between freedom and slavery by
the opening gun against Fort Sumter.

Willard's great hotel, like a parasitic plant, had grad-
ually grown around and taken in an old "Washington
church, which was then called Willard's Hall. Here the
members of the Conference were notified to assemble.
They found that its self-appointed managers had attend-
ed to all the preliminary work. Without any effort to
ascertain who were commissioned as members, a tempo-
rary chairman and secretary were elected, and a Com-
mittee on Kules and Organization was appointed. An
uninstructed member then moved the admission of re-
porters for the press, a large number of whom were
then waiting at the door, directed, as the member said, to
make public the proceedings of the most important con-
ference which had been held since the adoption of the
Federal Constitution.

24: EECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Mr. James A. Seddon, of Virginia, who assumed the
duties of managing director of the Conference, objected.
He did not see that any good could possibly come of giv-
ing publicity to its proceedings. Wide differences of
opinion would be found to exist at the outset; these
were to be harmonized by mutual concessions and com-
promises. The interference and criticisms of the press,
he said, would destroy every hope of success. Members
would not have the courage to consent to necessary
compromises if they were subjected to the daily attacks
of the newspapers. If the Conference was to produce
any good results, it must transact its business behind
closed doors. The motion to admit the reporters, to use
the Southern phrase, " passed in the negative."

The programme arranged for tjie three following days
was followed without the slightest change. The Repub-
licans contented themselves by looking on, without any
interference with the harmony of the proceedings. Ex-
President John Tyler was made permanent president, a
series of rules was reported by the committee and
adopted ; a Committee on Credentials was then appoint-
ed and made an immediate report ; a Committee on
Resolutions, consisting of one member from each state
represented, to which all resolutions and propositions for
the adjustment of existing difficulties between states
were to be referred without debate, was appointed by
the president.

After some informal consultations among themselves,
the Republican members decided that the time had ar-
rived for them to take a more active part in the exer-
cises. One of them, after remarking that a record of the
resolutions introduced and disposed of should be pre-
served for future use, moved the appointment of a re-
cording secretary. Another insisting that every mem-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 25

ber should be accurately reported, and should be able to
show to his constituents what he had said as well as how
he had voted, moved the appointment of an official
stenographer, who should take notes of the debates and
hold them subject to the order of the Conference. Both
motions were promptly rejected.

I obtained the bad distinction of casting the first fire-
brand into the inflammable materials of the Conference.
I introduced a formal resolution for the appointment of
a stenographer, which was laid on the table. I then ob-
served that it was a part of my duty to make an accu-
rate report of all that transpired in the Conference to
the Executive of Yermont ; that I was no stenographer,
and did not crave the labor I was about to undertake ;
that, after the votes declining to make any record or to
preserve the materials from which a record might after-
wards be made, I intended openly to take notes and
make the best report of the debates and record of the
proceedings I could, and to make such use of them as I
thought proper.

Then there was trouble. The Southerners and their
Northern allies were furious. No member, they said,
had a right to disregard the vote of the Conference.
One demanded that the Committee on Rules should im-
mediately report a vote of censure ; another demanded
my expulsion, unless I would promise obedience. Mr.
Seddon called up an amendment he had offered to the
report of the Committee on Rules, prohibiting any com-
munication of the proceedings except by members to
the states they represented, and called for a vote upon it.

There was great confusion. A dozen Southerners, each
offering different remedies, were all trying to speak at
the same time. There was but one remark from a
Northern delegate — William Curtis Noyes, with a quiet

26 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

emphasis which cut like a finely tempered sabre, said
that there was a considerable body of delegates on that
floor who intended to secure the rights of every indi-
vidual delegate. President Tyler, whose discretion never
deserted him, saw that the time for his interference had
come. He sternly commanded and restored order. He
announced peremptorily that the proposed attempt to
control the individual conduct of an orderly member, and
to interfere with his communications to his constituents,
was unparliamentary and out of order. The amend-
ment of Mr. Seddon, by the rule already adopted, must
be referred to the Committee. Order was restored, the
storm passed, and the skies were clear again.

Among the singular people at that time collected in
Washington, perhaps the most extraordinary person was
Adam Gurowski. I came to know him intimately after-
wards, but neither myself nor any one else, so far as I
could ascertain, ever knew anything of his previous
history or of what country he was a native. He was a
fine scholar and writer, with an excellent command of
language ; a brilliant conversationalist in all the modern
European tongues. He claimed acquaintance with sev-
eral crowned heads and many of the statesmen of Eu-
rope, was perfectly familiar with diplomatic usages, a
gentleman in dress and carriage. "Without any very
definite knowledge, I formed the conclusion that he was
a Russian, who had been connected with the diplomatic
service, but compelled to leave Europe on account of
opinions which were somewhat erratic, if they were not
revolutionary and socialistic. He was unobtrusive, yet
he managed to form the acquaintance of everybody
of any note, and usually to secure their good opinion.
Diplomatists, cabinet officers, senators, and members of
the House — everybody was accessible to him and re-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 27

ceived him on a familiar footing. He was the firm
friend of the North, and entertained an inveterate hatred
of slavery and its influence. I mention him here, be-
cause I afterwards learned that his ability to obtain re-
liable information of important facts was phenomenal.
His conclusions were usually accurate, though probably
in great part the result of intuition. Within a week
after our arrival in Washington, we found ourselves con-
versing with Gurowski upon the footing of an acquaint-
ance, and I believe he had made himself known to
every Northern member of the Conference.

On the evening of the day of our first flurry in the
Conference, Gurowski called at the rooms where the
Northern members were accustomed to confer.

" Do I intrude ?" he asked. " I felt it my duty to call
at once and congratulate you. You are beginning to
experience the maternal cares of the ' mother of the
presidents,' ' even as a hen gathereth her chickens un-
der her wing,' etc. How do you Northern gentlemen
like the experience ?"

We denied his knowledge of what had been done in
the Conference. He related its action, the substance of
the speeches, the president's decision, with perfect ac-
curacy.

" You will make a mess of it between you," he said.
" These conspirators do not know how to conspire, and
you Republicans ! — I don't know how to take you. Are
you lambs to be eaten up unresistingly by the wolves of
secession ? Or are you fishes with blood so cold that it
cannot be stirred to action? Don't you know the de-
tails of the plot ? I can give them to you to the dotting
of every i and the crossing of every t — from the first
capital to the final period. If you knew them as I do,
you would not be wasting your time in Washington."

28 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I shall give Gurowski's version, not because I think it
should be accepted upon his evidence, but because it pre-
sents in a compact form a plan of which subsequent
events furnished strong confirmatory proof.

" Mr. Lincoln's election," he said, " decided the ques-
tion of secession. The leaders agreed that the electoral
vote should not be counted, that his election should not
be officially declared. General Cass was to be quarrelled
out of the Cabinet. Mr. Buchanan, naturally infirm of
purpose and weakened by age, could be controlled by
the remaining members, while as much as possible of
the national property was transferred into the Southern
states. South Carolina was to secede at once — other
states to follow as fast as possible— "Washington was to
be packed with fighting Southerners, and on the 13th of
February, during the count of the electoral vote, a riot
was to be started in the House, the Capitol and the de-
partments seized, and a new confederacy proclaimed
with Jefferson Davis as President ad interim.

" Floyd and Cobb had upset the entire plan by their
premature and criminal acts, which drove them from the
Cabinet, and brought in General Dix and Mr. Stanton.
General Cass had been driven out as they intended, but
in a brief spasm of resolution Mr. Buchanan had insisted
upon putting Judge Black in his place, and Judge Black
could not be trusted by the South. General Scott also
had made an unexpected difficulty. Old and rheumatic
as he was, he had declined to submit to temptation or
control; he had smelt the danger, collected such regu-
lars from the army as he could in Washington, and had
given the plotters notice that the first one that laid a
hand of force on the government should be shot down
without trial, mercy, or delay. When Congress convened
in December, the plot to prevent the count of the elec-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 29

toral vote was a failure. There had been too many
rogues and fools admitted into the counsels of the con-
spirators.

" Then a new conspiracy had to be formed. It was
agreed that Jefferson Davis should be its head and gen-
eral manager. Special work might be assigned by him
to individuals, but he alone should determine how far
others should be admitted to a knowledge of its details.
It dated from the day, or rather the night, of the 5th of
January, when Judah Benjamin, Slidell, Mallory, and
Mason met at the house of Mr. Davis in Washington.
It was then agreed that the electoral vote should be
counted and the result declared. All the senators and
representatives should remain in Congress, drawing their
pay, until their respective states had seceded. South
Carolina was already out of the Union. In the Gulf
states, secession should be hastened as much as possible.
Slidell and Mallory were to prepare a plan for the con-
federacy and to call a convention of the seceded states
to adopt it at Montgomery, Alabama, not later than the
middle of February. The Border states could not be
voted out of the Union in time, but they were nearest
"Washington, and could provide the men to seize the
government on the 4th of March, to which date the
rebellion was now postponed.

" Here," exclaimed Gurowski, " comes in the most dis-
reputable part of the conspiracy. The people of the
free states, their representatives in Congress, were to be
played with like children. They were to be entertained
by the hope of an arrangement, of some peaceful settle-
ment of the controversy, which, at the fall election,
passed irrevocably beyond the limits of peaceful settle-
ment. This part of the plot was committed to Mr.
Mason. Virginia, the home of Washington, the mother

30 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

of the presidents, should apparently intervene to save
the Union. Her legislature was in session ; her governor
should invite the states to send delegates to a conference
to be held in Washington, to agree upon terms of com-
promise and peace. The North would respond, the con-
ference would occupy the time until March 4th, and so
long as such a conference existed the North would
sleep on undisturbed, doing nothing in the way of prep-
aration until awakened by the sound of revolutionary
cannon on the morning appointed for Mr. Lincoln's in-
auguration.

" The rest you know," he continued. " Here you are
permitting yourselves to be used as the instruments of a
treasonable conspiracy, when you ought to be at home,
organizing and drilling your regiments, preparing to de-
fend the only government worth living under left upon
the face of the earth.

" Adieu, gentlemen," said the old man, politely taking
his leave ; " I have made my little speech. I have told
you plain truths, because I love this republic, how well
you will never know until you have passed through my
experiences, from which may the Almighty Father pro-
tect and preserve you."

There was present one of the noblest men ever pro-
duced by this or any country, who afterwards laid down
his life for the Union — he was the model of an Amer-
ican gentleman — James S. Wadsworth, of New York.

" I suppose that man is a crazy foreigner," said Mr.
Wadsworth, " but I do wish there were not so much
method nor quite so much intelligence in his madness.
If he is half right, our position here deserves the con-
tempt of the world. Yet we cannot deny that, with few
exceptions, the Northern press hailed the invitation of
Virginia to this Conference with favor and commen-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 31

dation. It urged the Northern states to accept it, to
send as delegates their most conservative and compro-
mising men. It gives me a chill to think how carefully
the state of New York has made up her delegation.
Subtract one member from it, and the South to-day
controls one half that delegation. I begin to think it is
time we held a caucus, and found how many members
we have upon whom we could absolutely rely."

There was swift assent to Mr. Wadsworth's sugges-
tion. Different members undertook to notify a caucus
to be held the following evening. Mr. Clay, of Ken-
tucky, George W. Summers, of Virginia, and other
Southern members came in, and there was no opportu-
nity for further consultation.

V.

AN OFFICIAL CALL UPON THE PRESIDENT. — IT UNITES THE
LOYAL MEMBERS OF THE CONFERENCE.

THERE was but little for the Conference to do until the
Committee had reported their propositions for the amend-
ment of the Constitution. President Tyler, on the 7th of
February, announced that an official call upon the Presi-
dent was a manifest duty of the Conference, that he
had made the necessary arrangements, and the President
would receive us immediately upon the adjournment.
This call was so clearly a part of the programme that
no objection was made to it. Preceded by the Vir-
ginia delegation, with President Tyler at its head, we
marched to the Executive Mansion with the solemnity
of a funeral procession.

It was to the Northern members a memorable call. It
would be more agreeable to omit any account of it, as I
should certainly do, were it not that the Executive was
a factor in the existing situation which cannot be com-
prehended unless the measure of his influence is under-
stood. We went to the White House, believing that the
President, the sworn defender of the Constitution, the
head of the army and the navy, held in his own hands
the power to command all the resources of the republic
for the crushing of secession and the suppression of
treason. We came away convinced that, so far as the
defence of the Union depended upon him, the barrier
against secession was so frail that a breath would blow
it away.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 33

"We found the venerable President advanced in years,
shaken in body, and uncertain in mind. He exhibited
every symptom of an old man worn out by worry. No
one doubted his personal fidelity to his country, but
every action, all his conversation with the delegates, in-
dicated that his mind was completely unsettled by appre-
hension and anxiety. He received every person presented
with effusion, with uncontrollable emotion. His thoughts
ran exclusively upon compromise and concession. It was
very painful to see him throw his arms around the neck
of one stranger after another, and, with streaming eyes,
beg of him to yield anything to save his country from
" bloody, fratricidal war." This appeared to be his favor-
ite phrase. He used it many, many times. He had not
one word of condemnation for disunion, secession, or
treason. He appeared to look upon the South as a
deeply injured party, to which the North owed apology
and promise of better conduct in future. It was natural
that the South should resent assaults upon her domestic
institutions, he said, and that she should demand, if not
indemnity for the past, at least security for the future.
That security the Conference could give. By consent-
ing to the amendments to the Constitution which the
South demanded, because they were indispensable to sat-
isfy the Southern people, the Conference could give peace
to a distracted country, and save the Union ! What a
noble object ! What a patriotic work ! How could we
stop to measure concessions which would produce such
grand results ?

His remarks were noticeable for what they did not,
as well as for what they did, comprise. They were so
nearly identical with those of the Secession delegates as
to suggest consultation. They did not contain the slight-
est reference to his successor or to his incoming adminis-
3

34 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tration. When a delegate suggested that, by the elec-
tion of Mr. Lincoln, the people had pronounced judgment
upon the important claims now made by the South, and
that the Conference had no power to reverse that judg-
ment, there was an immediate interference in the con-
versation by several of the Southern delegates, and a
diversion to other topics. Such a reference was evi-
dently inconsistent with the preconcerted harmony of
the visit.

" What do you think of it ?" said one Northern dele-
gate to another, after witnessing a number of repetitions
of the emotional conduct of the President as different
members were presented to him.

" These views are not original with President Buchan-
an," he said. " They are the doctrines of Sir Boyle
Roche, the inimitable maker of Irish bulls. He de-
clared emphatically that he would give up a part, and,
if necessary, the whole of the Constitution, to preserve the
remainder /"

This call upon the President produced an impression
very different from that anticipated by those who
brought it about. It was well known that disagree-
ments in the Cabinet had arisen. General Cass had been
compelled to resign. The position of Secretary Stanton
was not, at that time, known to us. The despatch of
General Dix to Hemphill Jones, "If any man hauls
down the American flag, shoot him on the spot !" had
sent a thrill through the North, showing that there was
one member of the Cabinet who was true to his country.
Now, it was plain to the delegates that a disorganized
and divided Cabinet, with its President thus broken in
mind and body, formed an Executive Department in no
condition to cope with the adroit, energetic agents of
secession. The dangers of the situation became appar-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 35

ent. Months of debate could not have united the North-
ern delegates together so firmly as the insensible influ-
ence of this formal call. Even before they left the White
House, many had decided that loyal men of all shades of
political opinion must now stand together in a firm pur-
pose to maintain the integrity of an unbroken Union,
and to resist all further aggressions of the slave power.
That evening a caucus was held, attended by nearly
every Republican delegate who had supported Mr. Lin-
coln. Mr. Chase was made its permanent chairman. A
resolution was adopted to the effect that no action
should be taken in the Conference which the Republi-
cans could delay, until it had been first considered in
the caucus. Since probably none but national ques-
tions would arise in the Conference, upon which there
would be only slight differences in Northern opinion, it
was decided that the co-operation of all loyal Democrats
should be cordially invited. From that time the Repub-
lican delegates acted as a compactly united body.

VI.

ANOTHER OFFICIAL CALL. — GENERAL SCOTT.— HIS LOYALTY
AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE DECLARATION OF THE ELEC-
TORAL VOTE.

THE 13th of February, the day appointed by law for
counting the electoral vote, was rapidly approaching.
The impression was almost universal that the count
would not be interrupted — that the project of seizing
the government by force was postponed to the 4th of
March, the day of inauguration. Still, there were many
indications, very troublesome to patriotic minds. The
influx of Southerners into Washington increased. Every
available room in the hotels, boarding or private houses,
was crowded with guests. They took full possession of
all the saloons and places where liquor was sold. One
of their favorite pastimes was to collect in front of the
liquor saloons and jostle or crowd the " white-livered,
black Republicans" and women into the street. The
Northern visitors to the capital were careful to avoid all
collision with them.

The air was filled with rumors. Few Northern men in
the city doubted that a conspiracy to seize the govern-
ment existed among the trusted leaders of secession;
that the force to execute it was organized, armed, and to
be furnished by the adjacent states of Maryland and
Virginia ; and that the brutal horde which at that time
infested the streets of Washington was a part of that
force. Whether any adequate preparations had been
made for the defence of the city against such a force, we

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 37

did not know. There was, consequently, a general feel-
ing of uneasiness ; and if a revolution had broken out at
any time, it would not have caused much surprise. I
should have mentioned that the argument for excluding
the public from the debates of the Conference which had
the most force with the Eepublicans was that the trait-
ors might seize upon any confusion or disorder that
should arise as an excuse for a riot, or an armed attack
upon the officers employed to enforce order, and thus
give the signal for open rebellion.

On the 8th of February, after a brief session of the
Conference, filled with this feeling of anxious uncertainty,
I determined, somewhat impulsively, to call upon Gen-
eral Scott, and learn whether any preparations had been
made to secure the undisturbed counting of the electoral
vote, and declaration of the result on the following
Wednesday, only five days later. His headquarters
were then in Winder's Building, opposite the old War
Department, which at that time was under the control
of Judge Holt, the loyal successor of the criminal Floyd.
I sent in my card with my address written upon it, and
without the least delay was shown by Colonel Townsend,
one of his aides, into the private room of the lieutenant-
general. The grand old man lay upon a sofa. He
raised his gigantic frame to a sitting posture. There
was infirmity in the movements of his body, but it
was forgotten the moment he spoke, for there was no
suspicion of weakness in his mind.

" A Chittenden of Vermont !" he said. " Why, that
was a good name when Ethan Allen took Ticonderoga !
I know the Vermonters — I have commanded them in
battle. Well, Yermont must be as true to-day as she
has always been. What can the commander of the
army do for Vermont ?"

38 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" Very little, at present," I answered. " I called to
pay you my personal respects. You may, however, do
me and some others a favor. In common with many
loyal men, I am anxious about the count of the electoral
vote on next "Wednesday. Many fear that the vote will
not be counted nor the result declared."

" Pray tell me why it will not be counted ?" he asked,
without any apparent effort, but with a voice which rang
like an order through a clear-toned trumpet. " There
have been threats on that subject," he continued, " but I
have heard nothing of them recently. I supposed I had
suppressed that infamy. Has it been resuscitated? I
have said that any man who attempted by force or un-
parliamentary disorder to obstruct or interfere with the
lawful count of the electoral vote for President and Vice-
President of the United States should be lashed to the
muzzle of a twelve-pounder and fired out of a window
of the Capitol. I would manure the hills of Arlington
with fragments of his body, were he a senator or chief
magistrate of my native state ! It is my duty to sup-
press insurrection — my duty /"

It had been upon my lips to ask him whether he had
any adequate force to stamp out a revolution in the
capital ; but it was awkward to do so. He spoke of his
duty as something inevitable ; its performance was not
to be doubted. Accordingly, I said :

" Permit me to express my gratitude, general. There
is relief, encouragement, satisfaction in your assurance.
The Vermont delegation will sleep more quietly to-night
when they hear it.''

" I will say further," he continued, " that I do not be-
lieve there is any immediate danger of revolution. That
there has been, I know. But the leaders of secession are
doubtful about the result. They are satisfied that some-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 39

body would get hurt. I have the assurance of the Yice-
President of the United States that he will announce the
election of the President and Vice-President, and that
no appeal to force will be attempted. His word is reli-
able. A few drunken ro wdies may risk and lose their
lives ; there will be nothing which deserves the name of
a revolution. But no promises relieve me from my duty.
"While I command the army there will be no revolution
in the city of "Washington !"

I made no secret of this interview with General Scott.
It soon became known that, although he was suffering
intensely from disease, he was always to be found at
his quarters, and that he was the most accessible public
man in Washington. His visitors were numerous. Every
loyal man left his presence with his hopes for the future
strengthened, his faith renewed, his confidence in the
General of the Army absolute, his principal regret be-
ing that such a tried and true patriot could not exert a
more powerful influence upon the administration. There
was an energy in the emphatic declarations of this loyal
veteran which compelled belief, even in the hearts of
traitors, that he understood his duty, and had accurately
estimated his own ability to insure its performance.

YIL

THE 13 TH OF FEBRUARY, 1861.— THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT
LINCOLN DECLARED.— FIRMNESS OF VICE-PRESIDENT BRECK-
INRIDGE.— ANGER OF THE SECESSIONISTS.

ALL governments have their crises. Our republic
never escaped one more alarming than that of February
13th, 1861. It was the day appointed for the seizure of
Washington. Preparations had been made ; armed bod-
ies of men had been enlisted and drilled, and many of
them had reported in the city pursuant to orders. When
the managers were compelled to postpone the rebellion,
these recruits declined to accept the necessity or to put
off the opening drama. They had assembled for a revo-
lution with its natural consequences — booty and plun-
der ; any delay was felt to be a personal injury to each
individual.

The sun rose in a cloudless sky on the morning of
Wednesday, February 13th, the day appointed by law
for counting the electoral vote and declaring the result.
Train after train from the South, the West, and the
North poured its volume of passengers into the streets
of an already overcrowded city. As early as eight
o'clock in the morning crowds began to climb the sides
of Capitol Hill, every individual intent on securing a
comfortable seat in the gallery of the hall in which the
two Houses of Congress were to meet in joint assembly.
They were doomed to disappointment. At every en-
trance to the building stood a guard of civil but inflex-
ible soldiers, sternly barring admission. Prayers, bribes,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 41

entreaties, oaths, objurgations, were alike unavailing.
No one could pass except senators and representatives,
and those who had the written ticket of admission
signed by the Speaker of the House or the Vice-Presi-
dent, the presiding officer of the Senate. Even mem-
bers could not pass in their friends. Consequently the
amount of profanity launched forth against the guards
would have completely annihilated them if words could
kill. The result was that, although solid humanity out-
side could have been measured by the acre, the inside
of the building was less crowded than usual, and there
was no difficulty in passing from room to room in all
parts of the Capitol.

The members of the Conference had been, by vote,
admitted to the floor of the House of Representatives.
My certificate of membership enabled me to pass the
guard without difficulty, and by the courtesy of a door-
keeper I secured a seat in the gallery, where my view
of the hall was unobstructed.

By twelve o'clock the galleries were comfortably
filled, and all the seats and standing-room in the hall
were occupied, except the seats reserved for members of
the two Houses. The Southerners were a vast major-
ity ; in fact, except the members, there were very few
persons present from the Northern states. To one who
knew nothing of the hot treason which was seething
beneath the quiet exterior of the spectators, the exer-
cises would have appeared to be tame and uninter-
esting.

Except the guards at the entrances, there were no sol-
diers visible. None were supposed to be present. A
friend who resided in the city recognized me and took
a seat by my side. Aware that he had organized a
selected body of loyal men into a regiment, of which he

42 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

was colonel, more than a month previously, I expressed
my surprise at his presence in citizen's dress, and said,
"I supposed you would be on duty to-day with your
regiment." He smilingly replied, " We are minute men,
you know ; that is, we enter a room as private citizens,
and come out of it a minute afterwards, a regiment,
armed with loaded repeating-rifles. Such a thing might
happen here to-day, if the necessity arose. My men
are within easy call, and their rifles are not far away.
Some men get excited on election day, and require con-
trol. However, I think this is to be a very quiet elec-
tion."

Two large connecting committee-rooms, on the north
side of the hall, were, as I had noticed, inaccessible to
all persons. This observation of the colonel explained
the reason why. The House was now called to order,
and my attention was directed to its proceedings. First,
a message was ordered to be sent by the House to the
Senate, informing senators that the House was in ses-
sion, awaiting their presence, so that in a joint assem-
bly the electoral votes for President and Yice-President
might be opened and counted.

There was a gathering of Southern members on the
floor below me, which a young member from Virginia
(whose name is omitted, because he is now, I have no
doubt, an earnest friend of the Union) was addressing
with much gesticulation. He was urging that then was
"the best time to give them some music, before the
Senate came in." At that moment the Senate of the
United States was announced, and, preceded by Yice-
President Breckinridge, the officers leading the way,
the senators entered. The members of the House arose
and remained standing, while the senators took their
seats in a semicircle arranged for them in front of the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 43

clerk's desk. The Vice-President was conducted to the
chair. Senator Trumbull, and Messrs. Washburn and
Phelps of the House, who had been appointed tellers,
were shown to seats at the clerk's desk. Absolute
silence prevailed throughout the hall.

Yice-President Breckinridge rose, and in tones no
louder than those of an ordinary conversation, but which
were heard in the most distant corner of the gallery,
announced that the two Houses were assembled, pur-
suant to the Constitution, in order that the electoral
votes might be counted for President and Yice-Presi-
dent, for the term commencing on the fourth day of
March, 1861. " It is my duty," he said, " to open the
certificates of election in the presence of the two Houses,
and I now proceed to the performance of that duty."

There is an unmeasured, latent energy in the per-
sonal presence of a strong man. If he could be remem-
bered only for his services on that day, Yice-President
Breckinridge would fill a high place in the gallery of
American statesmen, and merit the permanent gratitude
of the American people. He knew that the day was
one of peril to the republic — that he was presiding
over what appeared to be a joint meeting of two delib-
erative bodies, but which, beneath the surface, was a
caldron of inflammable materials, heated almost to the
point of explosion. But he had determined that the re-
sult of the count should be declared, and his purpose was
manifested in every word and gesture. Jupiter never
ruled a council on Olympus with a firmer hand. It was
gloved, but there was iron beneath the glove.

One member rose — " Except questions of order, no
motion can be entertained," said the presiding officer.
The member exclaimed that he wished to raise a point
of order. " Was the count of the electoral vote to pro-

44 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ceed under menace? Should members be required to
perform a constitutional duty before the janizaries of
Scott were withdrawn from the hall ?" " The point of
order is not sustained," was the decision which sup-
pressed the member, more by its emphasis than by its
words. The presiding officer opened the envelope con-
taining the electoral vote of Maine, handed it to Senator
Trumbull, who read out the long certificate. The vote of
Maine was announced for Lincoln and Hamlin. There
was a slight ripple of applause which was instantly sup-
pressed. Several other states followed, the reading of
each record occupying some minutes. Senator Douglas
suggested that the reading of the formal parts of the re-
maining certificates be omitted. There was no objection,
and the announcement and record of the votes proceeded
rapidly to the end. The only interruption was an ex-
pression of mingled contempt, respect, ridicule, and ven-
eration when the vote of South Carolina was declared.

In a silence absolutely profound, the Yice-President
arose from his seat, and, standing erect, possibly the
most dignified and imposing person in that presence,
declared :

" That Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, having received
a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is
duly elected President of the United States for the four
years beginning on the fourth day of March, 1861 ; and
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, having received a majority
of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected
Vice -President of the United States for the same term."

The work of the joint meeting was completed. The
Senate retired to its own chamber. The fuse was fired,
the outbreak attempted, but the hoped-for explosion did
not take place. Its object had failed ; the election of
Abraham Lincoln by the people of the United States

"AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 45

had been proclaimed to the world. A dozen angry,
disappointed men were on their feet before the door had
closed upon the last senator, clamoring for recognition
by the speaker. For a few minutes the tumult was so
great that it was impossible to restore order. The con-
centrated venom of the secessionists was ejected upon
the General of the Army. There were jeers for the
"rail-splitter," sharp and fierce shouts for "cheers for
Jeff. Davis," and "cheers for South Carolina." But
hard names and curses for " old Scott " broke out every-
where on the floor and in the gallery of the crowded hall.
The quiet spectators seemed in a moment turned to mad-
men. " Superannuated old dotard !" " Traitor to the
state of his birth !" " Coward !" " Free-state pimp !" and
any number of similar epithets were showered upon
him. Members called on the old traitor to remove his
" minions," his " janizaries," his " hirelings," his " blue-
coated slaves," from the Capitol. I glanced around me.
The seat next me was empty ; my military friend, and
the quiet gentlemen I had noticed near by, had van-
ished— where and for what purpose I knew only too
well. For a few moments I thought they would offi-
ciate in a revolution.

It was, however, " vox et prceterea nihiir The power
of the human lung is limited, and howling quickly ex-
hausts it. The speaker soon pounded the House back
to order, and the danger inside had passed. I went out
at the north front of the Capitol, and, entering the first
carriage I found, I ordered the colored driver to take
me to my hotel. He drove through the crowd on that
side without difficulty. It was orderly and undemon-
strative, for just beyond the Square was the old Capitol,
and along the street in front of it were two batteries of
artillery, quiet themselves, but none the less causes of

46 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the quiet around them. The avenue in the direction
of the Treasury was choked with a howling, angry mob.
We escaped through one of the cross streets to F Street,
and reached the rear entrance of Willard's Hotel.

The mob had possession of the avenue far into the
night. Reputable people kept in -doors, and left the
patriots who were so injured by the election of Mr.
Lincoln to consume bad whiskey and cheer for Jeff.
Davis undisturbed. There was much street-fighting,
many arrests by the police, but no revolution.

I believed at that time, and I have never since doubt-
ed, that the country was indebted for the peaceful count
of the electoral vote, the proclamation of the election
of Mr. Lincoln, and the suppression of an attempted
revolution on that day, to the joint influence of Major-
General Winfield Scott and Vice -President Breckin-
ridge. A perfect understanding existed between them.
General Scott knew that he could rely upon the prom-
ised assistance of the Vice-President, who had repeat-
edly declared that until the end of his term he should
perform the duties of his office, under the sanction of
his oath. Faithfully, without evasion or paltering with
his conscience, after the manner of Cobb and Floyd, he
kept his pledge. General Scott defined his purposes
upon all proper occasions, especially to the apologists
for secession, with emphasis, and if he was not misrep-
resented, sometimes with an approach to profanity.
When challenged by Wigfall, whether he would dare
to arrest a senator of the United States for an overt
act of treason, he was reported to have answered, " No !
I will blow him to h — 1 !" These two men, both South-
ern-born, on the 13th of February conducted the repub-
lic safely through one of the most imminent perils that
ever threatened its existence.

VIII.

ANOTHER INCIDENT OF FEBRUARY 13TH.— JUDGE SMALLEY ON
TREASON.— SEIZURE OF ARMS IN NEW YORK CITY.— ACTION
OF ITS MAYOR.

ANOTHER incident of the same 13th of February illus-
trates the rapidity with which the spirit of national
patriotism was overcoming the ties of party, and driv-
ing good men into their true relations to the coming
contest. Hon. David A. Smalley, of Vermont, had, in
the nominating convention, powerfully contributed to,
if he had not caused, the nomination of Mr. Buchanan.
He was chairman of the Democratic National Commit-
tee which conducted the successful campaign, and he
had been rewarded by Mr. Buchanan with the appoint-
ment of Judge of the Federal Court for the District of
Vermont. The appointment was political, and few sup-
posed that he would exhibit any sympathies of a higher
type than those for his party.

He proved a national disappointment, especially to
those who imagined that he would carry his politics
upon the bench, or that he would not interfere with
treasonable practices, because indulged in by Southern
Democrats.

Judge Smalley held the January term of the Federal
Court in the Southern District of New York. In his
charge to the grand jury he had defined in vigorous
terms the elements of the crime of treason, and the
duty of grand juries to make inquest and present every
guilty person. He was the first Federal judge who

48 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

mentioned the subject, and on that account and because
of its energetic language the charge attracted wide
attention, and one result of its influence was the seizure
by the police of New York City of a consignment of
arms to the state of Georgia, only a few days after the
charge was delivered. This seizure was denounced in
severe terms by Mayor Fernando Wood, in a corre-
spondence with Senator Toombs of Georgia, as an unjus-
tifiable and illegal interference with private property,
for which the city of New York ought not to be held
responsible, because the mayor, most unfortunately, had
no control over the police, or he would have summarily
punished such an outrage. This semi-proclamation of
the mayor of New York had given great comfort to our
Southern brethren in Washington, who regarded it as
a guarantee against further interference with such ship-
ments, and a sure indication that the commercial cities
of the North, particularly New York, warmly sympa-
thized with secession, and rejected the views of Judge
Smalley.

Nor was this conclusion of the active agents of seces-
sion so remarkable as it may appear to the present gen-
eration. Some weeks before Judge Smalley hurled his
judicial bolt against Northern traitors, South Carolina
had defined treason to consist in adhering to the enemies
of that commonwealth, and giving them aid and com-
fort ; a crime to be punished with death and an added
penalty, supposed to be especially severe where Chris-
tian observances were so universal, death without benefit
of clergy ! A leading newspaper in Alabama had an-
nounced that Mr. Lincoln's life would not be worth a
week's purchase after a single gun had been fired against
Fort Sumter. Mr. Benjamin had taken leave of the
Senate in what he called " a conciliatory speech," in

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 49

which he prophesied that the South could never be sub-
jugated, a prediction received by the packed galleries
with uproarious shouts of applause. When, after such
expressions, the mayor of New York declared that inter-
ference with the shipment of guns into the South, to be
used against the government, was a lawless interference
with private rights of property, it is not singular that
inexperienced traitors deemed it safe to continue their
treasonable commerce in contempt of Judge Smalley's
charge.

The announcement of the election of Mr. Lincoln was
not the only act of oppression which the 13th of Feb-
ruary imposed upon the persecuted agents of secession.
They had shipped another consignment from New York,
this time of fixed ammunition, on a steamer bound for
the port of Charleston, and the incorrigible police, not
having the fear of the mayor before their eyes, had
seized and carried it away. Instead of ordering the
ammunition to be released without notice and without
delay, Judge Smalley had returned the papers to the
lawyer who made the application, with an expression
of his regret that the police "had not also seized the
rascals who made the shipment." This seizure was the
subject of extended comment in Washington, and among
the secessionists the opinion was almost universal that
they could not remain in a Union where such tyranny
was tolerated.

IX.

AN ALTERCATION IN THE PEACE CONFERENCE.— SENATOR LOT
M. MORRILL AND COMMODORE STOCKTON.— A TEST OF NORTH-
ERN COURAGE.

THE Northern delegates so conducted themselves as to
secure the respect of the gentlemen from the South, and
were careful to avoid contact with the rougher classes.
In the good-natured discussions, which sometimes oc-
curred, of the relative fighting qualities of the represen-
tatives of the two sections, the Northerners generally
admitted (at all events they did not deny) that they were
not fighting men, and held with Falstaff that discretion
was the better part of valor. An incident occurred in
the Conference, however, which may be worth relating,
for it produced an impression that some Northern men,
notwithstanding their protestations, were not altogether
destitute of personal courage.

Two days after the peaceable election of Mr. Lincoln
had been proclaimed, and before the heated brains of
many Southern visitors to the capital were reduced to
their normal temperature, the Committee on [Resolutions
made a majority and minority report to the Conference.
That of the minority may be dismissed as unimportant ;
that of the majority recommended amendments to the
Federal Constitution, which should assert the right of
the owner to transport his slave through any state or
territory and into any state or territory south of lati-
tude 36° 30' ; the admission of new states north or south
of that parallel with or without slavery, as the people of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 51

the new state might determine ; that slavery in the Dis-
trict of Columbia should not be abolished without the
consent of Maryland ; and that, when these amendments
were adopted, they, with certain other articles of the
Constitution, should not be changed without the consent
of all the states.

These propositions were not prolix, but they were a
comprehensive abandonment of the vital principles upon
which the people had just passed final, decisive judgment
in the election of Mr. Lincoln. It may appear incredi-
ble, after the lapse of time, but it is the fact that many
delegates from the free states — four out of the nine from
the state, and one of them from the city of New York —
were ready and voted to accept these drastic measures,
solely to avoid a civil war, without any pledge that one
of the six states which had then seceded would return to
the Union. While the majority of the Committee claimed
that their report presented fair terms of compromise,
which all the states ought to accept as conditions of per-
petual union, Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, objected to them,
because they did not contain sufficient guarantees; in
fact, because they did not render the humiliation of the
free states sufficiently abject.

The general debate was opened by Mr. Seddon. He
was the most conspicuous and active member of his dele-
gation, which comprised several distinguished men. His
personal appearance was extraordinary. His frame was
fleshless as that of John Eandolph, and he was equally
with that statesman intense in his hatred of all forms of
Northern life — from the statesman of New England to
the sheep that fed upon her hillsides. The pallor of his
face, his narrow chest, sunken eyes, and attenuated frame
indicated the last stages of consumption. His voice,
husky at first, cleared with the excitement of debate, in

LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN

52 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

which he became eloquent. Notwithstanding his spec-
tral appearance, he survived to become Secretary of TVar
in the Confederacy. He was the most powerful debater
of the Conference, skilful, adroit, cunning, the soul of
the plot which the Conference was intended to execute.
His speech was an arraignment of the free states for
offences of which they were not guilty, a picture of the
moral beauties of the domestic institution, an attempted
demonstration of the equity of the demands of Virginia.
He had no word of condemnation for secession, of hope
for the return of South Carolina and the five other states
which by that time had seceded. He struck the key-note
of the debate for slavery, and many Southern speeches
followed in the same key. Instead of arguing in favor
of the report of the majority, the position of the speak-
ers appeared to be opposition to any compromise which
did not involve the complete humiliation of the North.

The effective answer to the speech of Mr. Seddon from
a Northern Kepublican came from Maine, a state repre-
sented in the Conference by her Congressional delega-
tion. It was made by Lot M. Morrill, one of her sena-
tors. His age was about sixty years, his figure rather
slight, his manner retiring, and his general appearance
somewhat effeminate. There was not a trace of the
bully in his composition, not the slightest suspicion of
aggressiveness in his character. On the contrary, he
would have been selected as almost the last man in the
Conference to become involved in a personal controversy
— as one naturally disposed to concession, who would
yield much for the sake of peace. He was never an abo-
litionist of the extreme type, but he was an early free-
soiler, and a good representative of his state in her
steadfast opposition to the extension of the territory
or the political influence of slavery. His quiet, peaceful

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 53

nature was deceptive to strangers ; for at the bottom lay
a stratum of resolution which would have carried him to
the stake before he would surrender a natural right or
abandon an important principle. His ideas were clear
and decided. He possessed great facility in expression
and a command of language which qualified him for the
discussion of great questions with a power and force sel-
dom excelled in any legislative body.

Commodore Stockton was one of the delegates from
New Jersey. Imperious and overbearing by nature, his
long service in the navy had accustomed him to com-
mand, and rendered him intolerant of opposition, or any
contradiction of the opinions which he entertained. His
age must have been above seventy years ; he stood six
feet high. His physique was powerful and his manner
authoritative. He was a Northern man with Southern
principles. He had a lofty admiration for the Southern
character, and entertained pro-slavery views of a more
pronounced type than those of the delegates from the
Border slave-states. He would have been selected as the
most fiery, Senator Morrill as the least combative, mem-
ber of the Conference.

Although the Kepublicans had abandoned all expecta-
tion of any beneficial results from the Conference, and
were not very attentive to the debate, Senator Morrill
had not been many minutes on his feet before he had a
large body of interested auditors. His voice, at first low
and quiet, gathered volume as he proceeded, until, as he
approached the real points in controversy, his lucid argu-
ments cut like a Damascus blade.

" You tell us," he said, " that our multiplied offences
are more than you can endure ; that our unfriendly criti-
cisms of slavery, our obstructions to the surrender of the
fugitive slaves, our opposition to the admission of Kan-

54 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

sas with a constitution which tolerates slavery, justify
extreme measures on your part; that, although some
have left the Union, the states here represented will con-
done our offences by one more compromise. But only
upon one condition: that we consent to write it into the
fundamental law that slavery is to be perpetual in the
republic, and that any territory with sufficient popula-
tion, wherever situated, shall, if its people so vote, come
into the Union as a slave state, and its status once fixed,
shall be forever unchangeable.

" I shall not now debate the issues of the past ; I look
to the future. I agree with you that the time has come
to settle for all future 'time the grave questions which
have disturbed our peace. You say that there is but one
way to settle them. That the North must accept what
you term another compromise, or the Union must perish.

" We have made compromises before, not one of which
was ever broken by the North, by every one of which
the South ultimately refused to abide. You proposed
the Missouri Compromise. You solemnly agreed that
all the states north of 36° 30' should be free. How you
kept the faith let Kansas answer ! You demanded the
Fugitive Slave Act as a condition of preserving the
Union. Your demand was conceded, and your slaves
have been returned to you by Northern hands from under
the shadow of Bunker Hill. Now you demand another
compromise which changes a free republic into slave
territory. You say the North must make the conces-
sion as the price of union. Must is a word which does
not promote a settlement founded upon compromise. If
we must, what then ? There is in your propositions of
amendment no pledge, no promise on the part of the
South. What does the South propose to do? If we
assent to the terms, will South Carolina — will the Gulf

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 55

states return to the Union? Or will the South repeat
her history? — do as she has always done before? — perform
her agreement as long as it will serve her interests, and
then violate — "

" Silence, sir !" shouted a voice from a gigantic form,
which rushed towards Senator Morrill with violent and
angry gesticulations. " We will not permit our South-
ern friends to be charged with bad faith, and with vio-
lating an agreement ! No black Kepublican shall — "

The sentence was never completed. In a moment, by
a common impulse, twenty or thirty ^Republicans were
on the floor, and had surrounded Senator Morrill like a
living wall. " Back to your seat, you bully !" exclaimed
a stalwart Vermonter, the equal of Commodore Stockton
in size and his superior in strength and activity. The
Southerners rushed to the assistance of their volunteer
defender. They could not check the impetus of his com-
pulsory retreat, until he was forced into his seat. For an
instant many believed an armed encounter was unavoid-
able. It was prevented by the prompt intervention of
President Tyler.

" Order !" he shouted. " Shame upon the delegate
who would dishonor this Conference by violence !" His
command was obeyed ; the danger passed as suddenly as
it had arisen.

None of the actors in this scene were proud of their
participation. Still, its influence was excellent. It would
have surprised no one if a gentleman of Senator Merrill's
delicate organization had exhibited some excitement or
discomposure under such an aggressive attack, supported
by an angry crowd which was restrained from bloodshed
only by the effective interference of one of their num-
ber. But the senator's face was not flushed, nor his cir-
culation apparently quickened by so much as one pulsa-

56 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tion. Without a tremor in his voice, as soon as order
was restored, he continued :

" As I was inquiring, Mr. President, is it the purpose
of the representatives of the slave-power to force this
compromise upon us, and then to violate it, as they have
violated all former compromises ? You are wasting your
time, gentlemen. Until some one, having authority, will
pledge the South, including the seceded states, to accept
your proposed amendments as a finality, and henceforth
to abide in the Union, the North will never consider the
subject of their acceptance ! Never! Never!"

Yery soon afterwards, possibly on the following even-
ing, in a mixed company of moderate Northern and
Southern men, this occurrence was adverted to. An able
and courteous Kentuckian, addressing an ex-governor of
a New England state, widely known and loved as one of
the purest and most amiable of men, observed :

"I do not understand why you New-Englanders so
persistently repudiate the possession of personal cour-
age. "We know in Kentucky that our citizens of New
England origin are destitute of fear. Senator Morrill
showed to-day that he had courage enough and to spare.
The men that hurried to his support were New England
men. Are you quite ingenuous ? Is this a time to incul-
cate a false estimate of Northern character? I prefer
that the South should understand what I know, that, in
the quality of personal courage, Northern men have no
superiors, certainly not in the South. Had the South
been more accurately informed on the subject, we should
not have drifted so near to revolution !"

" I think you misjudge us," replied Governor H .

" Northern men do not know whether they are men of
courage or not. How is one to know whether or not he
is a coward until he is put to the test ? The masses of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 57

Northern men go through life without any experience on
this subject. You would not have us assume a virtue
which we are not certain of possessing ?"

"I would have both sections form just estimates of
the character and qualities of each," said the Ken-
tuckian. " I do not regret the occurrence in the Confer-
ence. I am quite certain that it will lead to a better
judgment among our people of the Northern men."

This conversation took place many years ago. I have
never since heard from an intelligent Southerner any ex-
pression of doubt as to the courage of Northern men.
In the first year of the war, such rabid sheets as the
Baltimore Sun and the Charleston Mercury were accus-
tomed to use vile names, and to declare that a "flunkey,"
a " servile follower," was a local, an unadulterated Yan-
kee product; but the experiences of the first twelve
months of rebellion relegated such expressions to the era
of many other Southern errors.

X.

THE CONSPIRACY OF ASSASSINATION.— ITS DETAILS.— MR. LIN-
COLN CONSENTS TO FOLLOW THE ADVICE OF HIS FRIENDS.

THE 4th of March was approaching. Burners of in-
tended revolution multiplied ; evidences of a design to
seize Washington augmented daily, attended by dark
hints of some event which would paralyze the North and
enable the Secessionists to secure the Capitol without
loss of life. Gurowski openly said to the Republicans,
" Lincoln is to be assassinated — I know it. I tell you of
it in time for you to prevent it. I know that wagers at
heavy odds have been laid that he will never reach
Washington alive. Yet you do not believe what I tell
you ! It is not even an independent plot ; it is part of
the conspiracy of secession."

A small number of younger Republicans, then tem-
porarily in Washington, had undertaken to act as an in-
dependent committee of safety. They were in active
communication by wire with the principal Northern
cities. The investigation and exposure of rumors was a
part of their work.

On the afternoon of Sunday, February 17th, when we
knew that the President-elect was in Buffalo, a mes-
senger, duly authenticated, from reliable friends in Bal-
timore, came to Washington to tell us that they wished
to have two or three members of our organization re-
turn with the messenger to that city. Their purpose
in inviting us, the latter stated, would be explained on
our arrival. It was too important to be trusted to the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 59

mails or the telegraph, or even to be put upon paper.
He himself did not know what it was. He was directed
to say to us that our coming over that evening was
necessary to enable the Kepublican party of Baltimore
to sustain itself, and to be of any service in the coming
emergency.

It was arranged that, with a single companion, I
should take a late train that evening which made a stop
at the Relay House, a few miles out of Baltimore. My
associate was a contractor, accustomed to deal with large
bodies of foreigners. I was an acquaintance and friend
of the Republican who sent the invitation, but my com-
panion and myself were alike strangers in Baltimore.
We took the train as arranged. It was boarded at the
Relay House by my Baltimore friend, who stared me in
the face, and then passed me without apparent recog-
nition. A few minutes after the train started, a stranger
half stumbled along the aisle of the dimly lighted car,
partially fell over me, but grasped my hand as he re-
covered himself and apologized for his awkwardness.
I felt that he left a paper in my hand. I went into
the dressing-room to read it. It contained these words :
"Be cautious. At the station follow a driver who
will be shouting ' Hotel Fountain,' instead of ' Fountain
Hotel.' Enter his carriage. He is reliable and has his
directions."

I destroyed the paper. "We followed its directions,
and were driven — where, I never knew. It was, however,
to a private residence. A gentleman waiting outside
showed us into the house, and the driver hurried away.
Our friend of the train came soon after, and we were
taken to an upper room where were half a dozen Repub-
licans, to whom we were presented. No time was
wasted. Mr. H , well known to me as a true Re-

60 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

publican, said: "We want you to help us save Balti-
more from disgrace, and President Lincoln from assassi-
nation. We find our work difficult. We are watched
and shadowed so that we cannot leave the city without
exciting suspicion. We have sent messengers to leading
Kepublicans in Washington, notifying them of the plot
against the President's life ; but they will not credit the
story, nor, so far as we can learn, take any action. We
also learn that Mr. Lincoln declares that he will pursue
his journey openly, if he loses his life in consequence.
Within ten minutes after the presidential train reaches
the Canton station it will be surrounded by a mob of
twenty thousand roughs and plug-uglies, from which he
will never escape alive. We have every detail of the
plot ; we know the men who have been hired to kill him ;
we could lay our hands upon them to-night. But what
are we to do if our friends will not believe our report ?"

" You call the plot a certainty. What proof have
you ? Direct proof, I mean ?"

"We will show you some of it. The sporting men
gave it away by betting at odds that Mr. Lincoln would
never reach Washington. Kecently they have modified
it by betting that he will not pass through Maryland
alive. Then a woman about to be abandoned by her
lover betrayed him to us — he had no scruples, and
promptly sold his associates in the plot."

"You cannot condemn reputable men upon such evi-
dence. He is an accomplice !"

" You should hear his story and its confirmations be-
fore you say that. Bring in the fellow !" he said to one
of the company.

Two men entered the room with the supposed as-
sassin. He looked the character. He represented a
genus of the human family seen in pictures of Italian

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 61

bandits. His square, bull-dog jaws, ferret-like eyes,
furtively looking out from holes under a low brow, cov-
ered with a coarse mat of black hair ; a dark face, every
line of which was hard, and an impudent swagger in his
carriage, sufficiently advertised him as a low, cowardly
villain. I shall not attempt to imitate his dialect, or the
shameless unconcern with which he described his bar-
gain to murder and his betrayal of his associates.

" A bad president," he said, " was coming in the cars
to free the negroes and drive all the foreigners out of
the country. The good Americans wanted him killed.
They had employed Ruscelli to do the job ; Kuscelli was
a barber who called himself Orsini since he escaped from
Italy, where he was in trouble for killing some men
who failed to pay their ransom. There were five who
were to put the president out of life, who were to have
each a hundred dollars, besides twenty dollars paid
when they made the promise. They were to follow
Euscelli into the car. Each was to strike the president
with a knife, to make sure. Then they were to go quick
away to sea. Yes, the two gold eagles which Mr.
H had were a part of his pay."

There were more details of the fellow's story. He
and his associates were the mere tools. Their employ-
ers were known — they were secessionists, pot-house
politicians of a low order, with some admixture of men
of a better class, some of them in the police. Our
friends had an agent who had joined the conspiracy and
attended all the meetings. Through him they had
learned that the murder had been several times in part
rehearsed to avoid mistakes.

At that time the cars were drawn through the city by
horses. At the end of a certain bridge the track was
to be suddenly torn up. When the President's car was

62 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

stopped at the obstruction the assassins were to follow
their leader into the rear of the car, pass rapidly through
it, each knifing the president, out at the forward door,
through the crowd to a rum shop, at the rear of which
lay a schooner, with a tug under steam, which would
immediately go down the bay with the schooner in tow.
Clearance papers would be provided for the port of Mo-
bile, to which the schooner would as speedily as possible
make her way. If he left the cars for a carriage, its
progress was to be blocked, and the President killed at
the same crossing. The whole work, it was found, from
arresting the car to the departure of the schooner, could
be done in five or six minutes. To add to the confu-
sion, bombs and hand-grenades, which exploded by con-
cussion, were to be thrown into the cars through the
windows.

The seven or eight gentlemen present were reliable
citizens of Baltimore. They had not believed at first
that the conspiracy comprised any but members of the
criminal class. Now they were satisfied that there were
leading Secessionists privy to the plot ; some of them in-
fluential politicians and citizens who had argued them-
selves into the belief that this was a patriotic work
which would prevent greater bloodshed and possible
war. They provided the money which had been used
with a free hand in purchasing the schooner and taking
measures to avoid detection. The disappearance of the
hired ruffian and the woman through whom the plot was
first discovered had made the conspirators watchful, and
some of them had not only withdrawn from the plot,
but had left the city. The others held nightly meetings,
and had no intention of giving up the project. Our
friends were now at a standstill, because Mr. Lincoln
persisted in passing through the city openly, on the day

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 63

appointed, and the leading Kepublicans of "Washington
would not accept the evidences of the conspiracy.

" Why,'' we asked, " do not the Kepublicans of Balti-
more arm, organize, and themselves protect the Presi-
dent in his journey through the city ?"

" Because," they replied, " the police, from superinten-
dent to patrolmen, would oppose us and protect the con-
spirators. The Plug-Uglies of Baltimore number thou-
sands, and have been notorious for years as the worst
fighting roughs in existence. If Mr. Lincoln's train
reaches the Canton station, it will, within five minutes,
be surrounded by a crowd of rowdies. If he takes a
carriage, the crowd will block it, and have ample time
to tear him to pieces. If driven to the car, as they in-
tend he shall be, he cannot pass the bridge. What
can we do, with the police, the roughs, and the Seces-
sionists against us ? It would require disciplined regi-
ments to control them. They will surround the car or
the carriage, they will swoop down upon it like vultures,
or swarm over it like monkeys. No, we have done all
that men can do; we have the names of the conspira-
tors ; we have agents who attend their meetings, who
contribute to their expenses. We know that they are
not all hired assassins. There are men among them who
believe they are serving their country. One of them is
an actor who recites passages from the tragedy of Julius
Caesar in their conclaves. They are abundantly supplied
with money. Where does it come from, if not from
men of substance? No, gentlemen, we have done every-
thing in our power ! If the government itself will not
interfere, and if, as he declares he will, Mr. Lincoln in-
sists on passing through Baltimore in open day, on the
train appointed, his murder is inevitable. We have in-
vited you here that you might convince yourselves, and

64 RECOLLECTIONS OK PRESIDENT LINCOLN

to ask you to help us to convince others. Have we
satisfied you ?"

" I am satisfied," said my companion, " and I believe
I can satisfy General Scott. But I should like first to
wring the neck of that miscreant in the other room, and
carry his head to Washington as a voucher of the plot !"

The consultation was prolonged until it was time for
an early morning train to Washington. In the gray of
the morning we drove to the house of Elihu B. Wash-
burn, called him from his bed, and in a few words
summed up our night's experience, with the statement
that we had come for his assistance in precautionary
measures.

He said that we might put aside our anxiety ; that he
knew positively that Mr. Lincoln had determined to fol-
low the advice of his friends, and would reach Wash-
ington without risk. It was deemed wise that none but
those who had charge of the President's journey should
know by what route or at what time he would pass
through Baltimore, but that he himself, Mr. Seward,
and General Scott had become satisfied that precautions
must be taken to protect his life, and they would be
effectual.

XI.

HOW DID MR. LINCOLN "GET THROUGH BALTIMORE"?

THE story of Mr. Lincoln's journey through Baltimore,
as recorded in history, requires some correction. Like
other sufferers by the hat of the period, he was pro-
vided with a knitted woollen cap for use in the cars,
particularly at night. This he wore on his night-trip to
Washington. The myth of the disguise and the Scotch
cap had " this extent, no more." There was no neces-
sity for disguise. Mr. Lincoln entered the sleeping-car
at Philadelphia, and slept until awakened within a few
miles of Washington.

The street-lights were not yet extinguished on the
early morning of the 23d of February, when Elihu B.
Washburn and Senator Seward stepped from a carriage
at the ladies' entrance of Willard's Hotel. A tall man,
with a striking face, followed them into the hall, the
swinging doors closed, and the future president and pre-
server of the republic was safely housed in its capital.
The pledge of Mr. Washburn had been kept, and Eepub-
licans could lay aside their anxiety.

There were a few Republicans whose faces shone as
they greeted each other, when they met at the opening
of the Conference that day. They were in the secret of
Mr. Lincoln's arrival. Members were not particular
about the position of their seats, and mine then hap-
pened to be between one occupied by Mr. Seddon and
that of Waldo P. Johnson, an impulsive Secessionist,
afterwards a Confederate general, who then, in part,

66 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

represented Missouri. The body-servant of whom Mr.
Seddon was then proprietor was a man scarcely darker
than himself, his equal in deportment, his superior in
figure and carriage. This chattel had made himself a
favorite by his civil and respectful manner, and by gen-
eral consent was the only person, not a member or offi-
cer, who had the entree to the sessions of the Conference.

As soon as the meeting was called to order, this ser-
vant approached his master and handed him a scrap of
paper, apparently torn from an envelope. Mr. Seddon
glanced at it, and passed it before me to Mr. Johnson,
so near to my face that, without closing my eyes, I could
not avoid reading it. The words written upon it were,
" Lincoln is in this hotel !"

The Missourian was startled as by a shock of electric-
ity. He must have forgotten himself completely, for he
instantly exclaimed, " How the devil did he get through
Baltimore?" With a look of utter contempt for the
indiscretion of the impulsive trans - Mississippian, the
Virginian growled, " What would prevent his passing
through Baltimore ?"

There was no reply, but the occurrence left the im-
pression on one mind that the preparations to receive
Mr. Lincoln in Baltimore were known to some who were
neither Italian assassins nor Baltimore Plug-Uglies. Mr.
Johnson was not the only delegate surprised by the an-
nouncement of Mr. Lincoln's presence in Washington.
As the news circulated in whispers through the hall,
members gathered in groups to discuss it, and were too
much absorbed to hear the repeated calls of the chair-
man to order. No event of the Conference, not even
the collision between Commodore Stockton and Senator
Morrill, produced so much excitement. The member
who was addressing the chair, after repeated attempts

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 67

to make himself heard above the din of voices, gave up
the effort and resumed his seat. It was not until some
one had moved an adjournment that the burden of prep-
aration weighing upon so many members, and the danger
of losing the opportunity of delivering their speeches,
combined to restore order and enable the Conference to
resume its business.

But the attempt to go on with the debate was una-
vailing. The fact of the arrival of the President-elect
was quickly known to every one. Members were not
in a condition of mind to make speeches or to listen to
them. There was a hurried consultation among the
Kepublicans, which resulted in a motion by Mr. Logan,
one of the delegates from Mr. Lincoln's state, that the
president of the Conference wait upon the President-
elect and inform him that the Conference would be
pleased to visit him in a body at such a time as would
suit his convenience. This motion was fiercely opposed.
Waste of precious time was the open ground of opposi-
tion. There were cries of " No ! no ! Yote it down !"
" Lay it on the table !" with exclamations, in an under-
tone, of " Kail-splitter !" " Ignoramus !" " Vulgar clown!"
etc. Again President Tyler interfered to prevent the
making of a disreputable record. He declared that " the
proposal was eminently proper ; that the office, and not
the individual, was to be considered ; that he hoped that
no Southern member would decline to treat the incom-
ing President with the same respect and attention already
extended to the present incumbent of that honorable and
exalted office." These appropriate observations sup-
pressed the opposition; the motion of Mr. Logan was
unanimously adopted, and the Conference, having re-
solved upon an evening session, adjourned.

XII.

A SECOND PRESIDENTIAL RECEPTION.— MR. LINCOLN CONVERSES
WITH LEADING SOUTHERNERS. — HIS DUTY TO THE CONSTI-
TUTION.

THE Republican members of the Conference were not
pleased with the manner in which the chairman per-
formed his duty. Instead of waiting upon the President-
elect in person, as directed by the vote, he announced at
the evening session that he had addressed him a note of
inquiry, in reply to which Mr. Lincoln said that he would
be happy to receive the members at nine o'clock that
evening, or at such other time as might suit their con-
venience. As Mr. Lincoln had taken no exception to
the manner of the invitation, and as President Tyler
could have pleaded the communication to Mr. Buchanan
as a precedent, they decided to raise no question about
what was, after all, but a mere matter of form.

I thought it might prove of advantage to Mr. Lincoln
to have some information in advance of the men who
would meet him that evening. I therefore called upon
him, with the intention of informing him who would
visit him out of respect, and who would come out of cu-
riosity, or only to jeer and ridicule. This, my first meet-
ing with him, was an event which would have been more
impressive had I then appreciated that he was the great-
est of Americans, whose life-labors would restore the
broken Union, and whose death would cement the foun-
dations of the republic.

As I entered his apartment, a tall, stooping figure,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 69

upon which his clothing hung loosely and ungracefully,
advanced to meet me. His kindly eyes looked out from
under a cavernous, projecting brow, with a curiously
mingled expression of sadness and humor. His limbs
were long, and at first sight ungainly. But in the cor-
dial grasp of his large hands, the cheery tones of his
pleasant voice, the heartiness of his welcome, in the air
and presence of the great-hearted man, there was an as-
cendency which caused me to forget my errand, and to
comprehend why it was that Abraham Lincoln won
from all classes and conditions of men a love that
" was wonderful, passing the love of women." " He was
pleased," he said, "to have an opportunity of meeting
so many representative men from different sections of
the Union ; the more unjust they were in their opinions
of himself, the more he desired to make their acquaint-
ance. He had been represented as an evil spirit, a gob-
lin, the implacable enemy of Southern men and women.
He did not set up for a beauty, but he was confident that,
upon a close acquaintance, they would not find him so
ugly nor so black as he had been painted. He hoped
every delegate from the slave states would be present,
especially those most prejudiced against himself. He
mentioned one or two whom he had known in Congress ;
also Mr. Rives and Judge Ruffin, as influential states-
men whom he particularly wished to know. I left him,
having said nothing I had intended to, with a conviction
that he would require no guardian. From that first
visit to the time when my more matured judgment and
intimate knowledge of the noble qualities of his mind
and heart led me to account him the greatest of Ameri-
cans, he never ceased to grow in my esteem.

The hour of nine arrived ; the Conference adjourned,
so that those who wished might attend Mr. Lincoln's

70 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

reception. Not, as when we called on President Bu-
chanan, were we formed in procession and marshalled
on our way, preceded by our presiding officer ; but in
straggling groups we made our way as best we might
to the drawing-room, in which the President-elect was
to be placed on exhibition, before what was, in the main,
a most unfriendly audience. No delegate from a slave
state had voted for him ; many entertained for him sen-
timents of positive hatred. I heard him discussed as a
curiosity by men as they would have spoken of a clown
with whose ignorant vulgarity they were to be amused.
They took him for an unlettered boor, with no fixed
principles, whose nomination was an accident, and his
election the victory of the ultra anti-slavery faction. A
small number of more conservative men from the slave,
and very nearly a majority of the delegates from the
free states, were inclined to respect his office, but regard-
ed its prospective incumbent as an extremist, with no
qualification for its duties. Some queried whether, like
old John Brown, he actually longed for an insurrection
of the slaves. Even the small minority of his political
supporters, who had resolved in their hearts that he
should be inaugurated, though stanch in his defence,
had not discovered his intellectual strength, and sus-
pected few of his sterling qualities.

An experienced politician would have prepared him-
self for such an occasion. In fact, his friends antici-
pated that Mr. Lincoln would conduct himself with ex-
treme reserve, and use great caution in the expression
of his opinions.

Mr. Lincoln had not made the slightest preparation.
He stood in the corner of one of the public drawing-
rooms of the hotel alone, unattended. Mr. Lamon, who
had accompanied him from his home, and who it was

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 71

understood he would appoint marshal of the district,
was not present until a later hour. No one had been
provided to introduce the delegates or give any direction
to the proceedings. I observed the omission as I en-
tered the room, and, there being no time to stand upon
ceremony, took a position, as if by arrangement, at Mr.
Lincoln's side, and presented each member of the Con-
ference by name. Their number was as large as that
present at President Buchanan's reception. A general
curiosity prevailed to witness the manner in which the
incoming President would conduct himself, and many
wished, by a closer observation of his appearance and
awkwardness, to nourish their contempt for the " rail-
splitter." Many " who came to scoff " did not find the
entertainment to their liking, if they did not " remain to
pray."

An experienced public man, who had travelled con-
stantly for ten consecutive days, making from one to
four addresses daily, who had just escaped a conspiracy
against his life, might have pleaded some excuse if, with-
in fifteen hours after his arrival, in his first public ap-
pearance, and before a contemptuously inimical audi-
ence, he had failed to seem entirely at his ease. But it
was soon discovered that the friends of Mr. Lincoln
might dismiss whatever anxiety they might have felt on
his account. He was able to take care of himself. The
manner in which he adjusted his conversation to repre-
sentatives of different sections and opinions was striking.
He could not have appeared more natural or unstudied
in his manner if he had been entertaining a company of
neighbors in his Western home.

Mr. Lincoln's reception of the delegates was of an en-
tirely informal character. There was no crowded ap-
proach, nor hurried disappearance ; no procession of the

72 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

members beyond where he stood. There was a point of
attraction — not of repulsion. As the guests were suc-
cessively and cordially received, they gathered round him
in a circle, which enlarged and widened, until it com-
prised most of the delegates. His tall figure and ani-
mated face towered above them, the most striking in a
group of noted Americans. His words arrested the at-
tention ; his wonderful vivacity surprised every specta-
tor. He spoke apparently without premeditation, with
a singular ease of manner and facility of expression. He
had some apt observation for each person ready the mo-
ment he heard his name. " You are a smaller man than
I supposed — I mean in person : every one is acquainted
with the greatness of your intellect. It is, indeed, pleas-
ant to meet one who has so honorably represented his
country in Congress and abroad." Such was his greet-
ing to William C. Rives, of Virginia, a most cultivated
and polished gentleman. " Your name is all the endorse-
ment you require," he said to James B. Clay. " From
my boyhood the name of Henry Clay has been an inspi-
ration to me." "You cannot be a disunionist, unless
your nature has changed since we met in Congress !" he
exclaimed as he recognized the strong face of Geo. W.
Summers, of Western Virginia. " Does liberty still thrive
in the mountains of Tennessee ?" he inquired as Mr. Zol-
licoffer's figure, almost as tall as his own, came into view.
After so many years, much that he said is forgotten, but
it is remembered that he had for every delegation, almost
for every man, some appropriate remark, which was forci-
ble, and apparently unstudied.

There was only one occurrence which threatened to
disturb the harmony and good humor of the reception.
In reply to a complimentary remark by Mr. Lincoln, Mr.
Rives had said that, although he had retired from public

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 73

life, he could not decline the request of the Governor of
Virginia that he should unite in this effort to save the
Union. " But," he continued, " the clouds that hang over
it are very dark. I have no longer the courage of my
younger days. I can do little — you can do much. Every-
thing now depends upon you."

" I cannot agree to that," replied Mr. Lincoln. " My
course is as plain as a turnpike road. It is marked out
by the Constitution. I am in no doubt which way to go.
Suppose now we all stop discussing and try the experi-
ment of obedience to the Constitution and the laws.
Don't you think it would work ?"

"Permit me to answer that suggestion," interposed
Mr. Summers. " Yes, it will work. If the Constitution
is your light, I will follow it with you, and the people of
the South will go with us."

" It is not of your professions we complain," sharply
struck in Mr. Seddon's sepulchral voice. " It is of your
sins of omission — of your failure to enforce the laws —
to suppress your John Browns and your Garrisons,
who preach insurrection and make war upon our prop-
erty !"

" I believe John Brown was hung and Mr. Garrison
imprisoned," dryly remarked Mr. Lincoln. " You cannot
justly charge the North with disobedience to statutes or
with failing to enforce them. You have made some
which were very offensive, but they have been enforced,
notwithstanding."

" You do not enforce the laws," persisted Mr. Seddon.
" You refuse to execute the statute for the return of
fugitive slaves. Your leading men openly declare that
they will not assist the marshals to capture or return
slaves."

" You are wrong in your facts again," said Mr. Lin-

74: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

coin. " Your slaves have been returned, yes, from the
shadow of Faneuil Hall in the heart of Boston. Our
people do not like the work, I know. They will do what
the law commands, but they will not volunteer to act as
tip-staves or bum-bailiffs. The instinct is natural to the
race. Is it not true of the South ? Would you join in
the pursuit of a fugitive slave if you could avoid it ? Is
such the work of gentlemen ?"

" Your press is incendiary !" said Mr. Seddon, chang-
ing his base. " It advocates servile insurrection, and ad-
vises our slaves to cut their masters' throats. You do
not suppress your newspapers. You encourage their
violence."

" I beg your pardon, Mr. Seddon," replied Mr. Lincoln.
" I intend no offence, but I will not suffer such a state-
ment to pass unchallenged, because it is not true. No
Northern newspaper, not the most ultra, has advocated
a slave insurrection or advised the slaves to cut their
masters' throats. A gentleman of your intelligence
should not make such assertions. We do maintain the
freedom of the press — we deem it necessary to a free
government. Are we peculiar in that respect ? Is not
the same doctrine held in the South ?"

It was reserved for the delegation from New York to
call out from Mr. Lincoln his first expression touching
the great controversy of the hour. He exchanged re-
marks with ex-Governor King, Judge James, William
Curtis Noyes, and Francis Granger. William E. Dodge
had stood, awaiting his turn. As soon as his opportunity
came, he raised his voice enough to be heard by all
present, and, addressing Mr. Lincoln, declared that the
whole country in great anxiety was awaiting his inaugu-
ral address, and then added : " It is for you, sir, to say
whether the whole nation shall be plunged into bank-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 75

ruptcy; whether the grass shall grow in the streets of
our commercial cities."

" Then I say it shall not," he answered, with a merry
twinkle of his eye. "If it depends upon me, the grass
will not grow anywhere except in the fields and the
meadows."

" Then you will yield to the just demands of the South.
You will leave her to control her own institutions. You
will admit slave states into the Union on the same con-
ditions as free states. You will not go to war on account
of slavery !"

A sad but stern expression swept over Mr. Lincoln's
face. " I do not know that I understand your meaning,
Mr. Dodge," he said, without raising his voice, " nor do
I know what my acts or my opinions may be in the
future, beyond this. If I shall ever come to the great
office of President of the United States, I shall take an
oath. I shall swear that I will faithfully execute the
office of President of the United States, of all the United
States, and that I will, to the best of my ability, preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
This is a great and solemn duty. With the support of
the people and the assistance of the Almighty I shall
undertake to perform it. I have full faith that I shall
perform it. It is not the Constitution as I would like to
have it, but as it is, that is to be defended. The Consti-
tution will not be preserved and defended until it is en-
forced and obeyed in every part of every one of the
United States. It must be so respected, obeyed, en-
forced, and defended, let the grass grow where it may."

Not a word or a whisper broke the silence while these
words of weighty import were slowly falling from his
lips. They were so comprehensive and unstudied, they
exhibited such inherent authority, that they seemed a

76 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

statement of a sovereign decree, rather than one of fact
which admitted of debate. Comment or criticism upon
them seemed out of order. Mr. Dodge attempted no re-
ply. The faces of the Republicans wore an expression
of surprised satisfaction. Some of the more ardent South-
erners silently left the room. They were unable to com-
prehend the situation. The ignorant countryman they
had come to ridicule threatened no crime but obedience
to the Constitution. This was not the entertainment to
which they were invited, and it was uninteresting. For
the more conservative Southern delegates, the statesmen,
Mr. Lincoln seemed to offer an attraction. They re-
mained until he finally retired.

A delegate from New Jersey asked Mr. Lincoln point-
edly if the North should not make further concessions
to avoid civil war? For example, consent that the peo-
ple of a territory should determine its right to authorize
slavery when admitted into the Union ?

"It will be time to consider that question when it
arises," he replied. "Now we have other questions
which we must decide. In a choice of evils, war may
not always be the worst. Still I would do all in my
power to avert it, except to neglect a Constitutional
duty. As to slaver}'', it must be content with what it
has. The voice of the civilized world is against it ; it is
opposed to its growth or extension. Freedom is the nat-
ural condition of the human race, in which the Almighty
intended men to live. Those who fight the purposes of
the Almighty will not succeed. They always have been,
they always will be, beaten."

A general conversation followed, in which Judges
Brockenbrough and Ruffin and Mr. Summers sought
to draw from him some more definite expression of his
views concerning the seceded states. "Without exhibit-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 77

ing the slightest desire to conceal his opinions, he gave
no further expression to them. His own duty, as defined
by the Constitution, seemed to engross his mind. The
Union must be maintained if the Constitution was to be
enforced as the supreme law of the land. If he became
President, all the executive powers of the government
would be used to enforce obedience to the supreme law.
Further than this, he had nothing to say.

After the reception several of the delegates com-
mented upon the remarks of the President-elect. Mr.
Kives expressed the change in his own opinions concern-
ing him with perfect candor. " He has been both mis-
judged and misunderstood by the Southern people," he
said. " They have looked upon him as an ignorant, self-
willed man, incapable of independent judgment, full of
prejudices, willing to be used as a tool by more able
men. This is all wrong. He will be the head of his ad-
ministration, and he will do his own thinking. He seems
to have studied the Constitution, to have adopted it as
his guide. I do not see that much fault can be found
with the views he has expressed this evening. He is
probably not so great a statesman as Mr. Madison, he
may not have the will-power of General Jackson. He
may combine the qualities of both. His will not be a
weak administration."

Judge Ruffin regarded his pronounced opinions against
concessions as a misfortune. The controversy had been
carried so far that great concessions must be made to
avoid actual conflict. Still, he could not find much
fault with Mr. Lincoln's opinions. They were evident-
ly founded upon the Constitution.

At the close of this interview Mr. Lincoln had not
been twenty-four hours in "Washington. That he had
created a profound impression, favorable to himself, was

78 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

undeniable. The Republican members of the Confer-
ence felt encouraged and strengthened by his presence.
The sympathizers with secession were correspondingly
discouraged and depressed.

XIII.

THE LAST WEEK OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION.

THE forces which change the current of public opinion
are often remote and difficult of discovery. One of the
most unexpected of these changes, occurring within my
experience, was synchronous with Mr. Lincoln's arrival
in Washington. Before that day the growth of disunion
had been vigorous. True, it had met with some checks,
principally caused by the indiscretion of those who
should have been, and in the future would be, excluded
from the higher councils of the leaders. These checks
had compelled the postponement of the seizure of the
capital. General Dix, Judge Holt, and Mr. Stanton
had been disturbing agencies in the cabinet, and General
Scott had made trouble by his contemptuous refusal to
listen to or temporize with secession. On the other
hand, six states were already out of the Union ; others
were ready to follow, a confederacy had been formed,
its president and general officers elected ; successive del-
egations had taken leave of Congress, declaring that the
South could never be subjugated; military supplies,
money, and other national property to a large value had
been transferred from the North into the seceded states ;
the national credit had been undermined. Newspapers
and influential leaders in Northern cities had declared
against the use of force to subjugate the South; the
Peace Conference had performed its allotted service,
secession in Maryland and Virginia was ripening, and

80 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Congress would soon adjourn, leaving a weakened gov-
ernment without means of defence or resistance. On
the whole the situation was satisfactory, the future prom-
ising, and the capture of the government on the 4th of
March assured. It could be accomplished without blood-
shed, if General Scott and "his janizaries" would not
interfere. The secessionists were confident, the friends
of the Union verging towards despondency.

A change in the situation came unexpectedly. It was
coextensive with the political horizon, it was written
upon the faces of the people of Washington and of the
strangers within her gates. It began on the morning
after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, and before evening it had
pervaded the community. Ten regiments of veterans,
coming to reinforce General Scott's handful of soldiers,
could not have more effectually annihilated the plot for
armed seizure of the capital on the morning of the day
of inauguration.

Nor was the arrival of Mr. Lincoln the only event
which occurred to darken the prospects of the disunion-
ists. They had counted upon the support of the North-
ern Democrats, and of the conservative element in the
Kepublican party. It was a common saying among
them that no regiment for the subjugation of the South
would be permitted to pass through the city of New
York. But now, the example of General Cass, the ring-
ing command of General Dix for the protection of the
flag, Mr. Stanton's bold declaration to the President that
the surrender of the forts and property in Charleston
Harbor was an indictable crime, and the far-reaching,
though more quiet, influence of that patriotic Kentuck-
ian, Judge Holt, began to call back responsive echoes
from the North and West. I cannot enumerate these,
but I must not omit to mention one of the first and most

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 81

powerful, the letter from that tried old Democrat, General
Wool. These statements proclaimed a united North :
Douglass Democrats, the numerical majority and all the
best elements of Democracy, together with Republicans
and men of no party, declared they would give short
shrift and swift execution to any who should raise the
hand of treason in the capital of the republic.

It was also quickly known that Mr. Lincoln would
call into his cabinet representative men like Senators
Seward, Chase, and Cameron, who would unite the
country if they did not constitute a united cabinet, and
that he would offer one or two places to true men from
the disloyal states. General Scott also was strengthen-
ing his defences. Several volunteer companies of the
most loyal young men in Washington had been organ-
ized, and had received their guns and ammunition. They
would be ready for service on a few moments' notice.
Another type of American now became common in the
streets of Washington. They were the young stalwart
Republicans from all sections of the North and West
who had been influential in the election of Mr. Lincoln,
and who had come to give their personal attention to
his inauguration. They became quite as numerous as
the visitors with slouched hats from the Border states,
and they had very promptly offered their services to
General Scott to act as guards, as soldiers, or as police-
men on the day of inauguration.

Whether the joint operation of these events was the
cause of the change, or whether the actual presence of
the President-elect produced it in whole or in part, the
fact of the change was beyond dispute. The precautions
were not relaxed, but the extreme solicitude, which had
previously influenced loyal men, had completely disap-
peared. Instead of the excitement anticipated, the last
6

82 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

days of the Peace Conference were positively dull. The
absence of David Dudley Field when the final vote
was recorded, of which an unfair advantage was taken
by some of his colleagues, and the decision of the pre-
siding officer that the vote of New York should be con-
trolled by the delegates present, and not cast as direct-
ed by the resolution adopted by a clear majority of all
the delegates from that state on the previous evening,
neutralized the vote of New York, and led to the adop-
tion of the amendments proposed by the majority of
the Conference Committee on Resolutions by the slender,
majority of one vote. Such a result carried no weight
with Congress or the country. The proposed amend-
ments were submitted to the Senate and to the House.
But it was during the last hours of the session, and
neither house would permit them to be brought before
it for action. They were offered in the Senate by way
of an amendment to the well-known Crittenden Res-
olutions, and rejected by a vote of twenty -eight to
seven. The Conference adjourned on the 27th of Feb-
ruary, having served the purpose of its originators and
done one good work for the country — that of uniting
the Republicans and many Democrats in the defence of
the Union.

From Monday, the 25th of February, to Monday, the
4th of March, a kind of paralysis appeared to have fallen
upon the disunionists. They did almost nothing to at-
tract public attention. The usual arrangements with
the outgoing administration were made for the inau-
guration. The city was crowded with visitors, so that
there was a large overflow to Georgetown and Balti-
more. The event which attracted the greatest measure
of public attention was an address by Senator Seward
to a body of his constituents who called upon him in

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

83

Washington, and the chief point of interest in this was
its omission to disclose any of the purposes of the in-
coming administration, of which it was understood that
he was to become the premier.

XIV.

THE INAUGURATION.— A MEMORABLE SCENE.

A BEIGHT sun rose over the city of Washington on
March 4th, the day appointed by law for the inaugura-
tion of President Lincoln. It was an orderly city ; a
stranger would not have suspected that any preparations
had been made to suppress insurrection, or that the ne-
cessity for such precautions existed. The leading seces-
sionists had taken their departure. Those who remained
belonged to the reckless, disorderly class, below the aver-
age respectability of the party they served. Since the
influx of Northern Eepublicans, these roughs had be-
come less demonstrative, so that it was safe for ladies
and gentlemen to make use of the streets and sidewalks.
Some experiments had been tried in insulting and jos-
tling the recent arrivals, which had resulted disagreeably
for the assailants, who were much depressed by another
postponement of the revolution. General Scott had sta-
tioned his small force of regulars and volunteers where
they were inconspicuous, but could be made serviceable
at very short notice. His dispositions had been so qui-
etly made that surprise was expressed because so little
had apparently been done by way of preparation.

At an early hour a dense multitude occupied both
sides of the avenue from the Executive Mansion to the
foot of Capitol Hill, where it divided, surrounding the
grounds and filling the open space and the square on
the east front of the Capitol, on the steps of which a

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 85

broad platform had been erected, whence the inaugural
address was to be delivered. At all the street crossings
platforms with seats had been built, all of which were
crowded. Every window overlooking the avenue was
filled with the bright costumes of ladies and children,
while many displayed the national colors. Cables had
been stretched on either side of the carriage-way which
was kept clear by a small force of policemen, without
apparent difficulty. No shops were open; business was
suspended, and the real, and not the pretended closing
of the liquor saloons by the order of General Scott,
essentially contributed to the order of the day.

The procession set out from the Executive Mansion.
President Buchanan there entered the carriage which,
drawn by four led horses, and preceded by the Marshal
of the District with his aids on horseback, moved out of
the grounds to the avenue. Here a selected company
of the sappers and miners of the regular army, com-
manded by Captain Duane of the Engineers, who had
sought and obtained the position of a guard of honor,
formed in a hollow square, with the carriage in its cen-
tre. No body of men of finer appearance and discipline,
or more trustworthy and loyal, ever guarded the great
Frederick or a Koman emperor. With the surrounded
carriage they moved down the avenue with the unity
and precision of a machine, followed by several compa-
nies of uniformed volunteers, the whole procession com-
prising not more than five hundred men. In front of
"Willard's Hotel a halt was made. Mr. Lincoln walked
out through the crowd which civilly opened a lane to
permit him to pass, and entered the carriage. The ven-
erable form, pallid face, and perfectly white hair of Mr.
Buchanan contrasted powerfully with the tall figure,
coal-black hair, and rugged features of Mr. Lincoln, and

86 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

suggested that the exhausted energies of the old were
to be followed by the vigorous strength of the new ad-
ministration.

The appearance of the President-elect was the signal
for a slight cheer of welcome and the waving of ban-
ners from the windows. It was time for me to leave
for the Capitol. As my carriage drove rapidly down
F Street, to a station where arrangements had been
made to pass invited guests through the crowd to the
platform, I heard the volume of cheers roll down the
avenue pari passu with the procession. I learned after-
wards that the tall form of Mr. Lincoln was exposed
during the whole distance, so that a shot from a con-
cealed assassin from any one of the thousand windows
would have ended his career. But not only was no as-
sault attempted, but, as I was assured by the marshal,
no word of discourtesy or insult was heard during the
progress of the procession through over a mile of the
crowded streets.

A memorable spectacle lay before our eyes, after we
had ascended the steps inside and come out upon the
platform. North and south from the ends of the great
Capitol building, the ground fell off, while on the east
were the vacant Capitol grounds, a broad square, each
side of which measured some five hundred yards, bound-
ed on the farther side by a street. All this space, includ-
ing the eastern portico, was filled by the multitude,
patiently awaiting the arrival of the President. The
people were quiet, orderly, silent. They had come to
see and hear. A few policemen were present, but the
only duties they performed appeared to be the directing
of persons holding tickets to their seats on the platform.
Not a soldier was visible. Far out on the street, in front
of the building afterwards well known as the " Old Cap-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 87

itol Prison," was a thin line of mounted men. Had I
not been informed beforehand, I should not have sus-
pected that these horsemen were the visible parts of
two batteries of horse artillery of the regular army,
ready for action should any occasion arise for their ser-
vices.

We were not long kept waiting. A passage had been
kept open from the columns of the eastern portico,
across the whole platform, to its front. From between
the two central columns first appeared the marshal with
a man of soldierly bearing by his side. The tall, bent
form with the intellectual face of the Chief Justice of
the United States followed, arm in arm with the Presi-
dent-elect. Senators, congressmen, officers of the army
and navy brought up the rear. But the crowd had no
eyes for them. All were fixed upon Mr. Lincoln. The
party advanced to the front of the platform, where a
small table had been placed for Mr. Lincoln's conven-
ience. Without seating himself, the silvery voice of
Senator Baker, of Oregon, rang out over the multitude
with these simple words, u Fellow-citizens, I introduce
to you Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of the
United States of America!"

A slight ripple of applause followed this introduction.
The commanding figure of Senator Baker receded into
the audience. When I next saw it, the soul had gone
out of it at Ball's Bluff. It lay, torn and disfigured by
a score of rebel bullets, in the east room of the White
House, covered by the flag in defence of which he gave
his life. With head uncovered, towering above the
eminent men by whom he was surrounded, Mr. Lincoln
advanced to the table and commenced the reading of
his address.

There were few persons in that uncounted throng who

88 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

expected to hear, or were in a frame of mind to appre-
ciate, the import of that address. It needed the light
of subsequent events for its comprehension. I count it
as one of the valued opportunities of my life, that, seated
only a few yards away from the speaker, I heard dis-
tinctly every word he uttered, watched the play of his
strong features, and noted the effect of his emphatic
sentences upon the persons around me. A flash of light
swept over the field as the faces of the multitude were
turned towards Mr. Lincoln, when the words " Fellow-
citizens of the United States" fell from his lips. Few
of those faces were turned away until his last words
had been spoken.

Mr. Lincoln's ordinary voice was pitched in a high
and not unmusical key. Without effort it was heard at
an unusual distance. Persons at the most distant mar-
gins of the audience said that every word he spoke was
distinctly audible to them. The silence was unbroken.
No speaker ever secured a more undivided attention, for
almost every hearer felt a personal interest in what he
was to say. His friends feared, those who were not his
friends hoped, that, forgetting the dignity of his posi-
tion, and the occasion, he would descend to the practices
of the story-teller, and fail to rise to the level of a states-
man. For he was popularly known as the " Bail-split-
ter;" was supposed to be uncouth in his manner, and
low, if not positively vulgar, in his moral nature. If
not restrained by personal fear, it was thought that he
might attack those who differed with him in opinion
with threats and denunciations.

But the great heart and kindly nature of the man
were apparent in his opening sentence, in the tone of his
voice, the expression of his face, in his whole manner
and bearing. The key-note of his address might have

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 89

been shown in a sentence. Distrustful of himself, and
relying upon the assistance of the Almighty, he should,
to the best of his ability, discharge the trust which his
office imposed, of supporting the Constitution, and main-
taining the Union of the states in its integrity, as it was
bequeathed to us by our fathers. But he required, he
desired, he besought, the cooperation of his fellow-citi-
zens in the execution of his trust. This same duty rested
alike upon himself and all his fellow-citizens. It was
the defence and preservation of their joint inheritance.
He was about to take an oath in their presence, before
Almighty God, to protect and defend the Constitution.
Would his fellow-citizens assist him to keep the oath,
and execute the trust it involved ? Whatever else might
happen, " the Union must be, should be preserved !"

His introduction had not been welcomed by a cheer,
his opening remarks elicited no response. The silence
was long-continued and became positively painful. But
the power of his earnest words began to show itself;
the sombre cloud which seemed to hang over the audi-
ence began to fade away when he said, " I hold that in
the contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitu-
tion, the Union of these states is perpetual!" — with the
words " I shall take care, as the Constitution itself ex-
pressly enjoins upon me, that the 'laws of the Union
shall be faithfully executed in all the states /' ': And
when, with uplifted eyes and solemn accents, he said,
" The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy,
and possess the property and places belonging to the
government," a great wave of enthusiasm rolled over
the audience, as the united voices of the immense mul-
titude ascended heavenward in a roar of assenting
applause.

From this time to the end of the address, Abraham

90 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Lincoln controlled the audience at his will. He had
gained the confidence of his hearers and secured their
respect and affection. ]STor did he abuse his power.
There was not a trace of menace, not a word of criti-
cism, not an unfriendly suggestion in the entire speech.
Who that heard them will ever forget the influence of
those affectionate sentences with which the address ter-
minated ? " I am loath to close. We are not enemies,
but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion
may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of
affection."

" The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every
battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and
hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the
chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they
will be, by the better angels of our nature !"

There was no hesitancy in the judgment which the
audience was prepared to pronounce upon this inaugural
address. From end to end of the Capitol, from the
farthest limits of East Capitol Square, from the distant
street where General Scott and his batteries were posted
as a corps of observation, and from every superficial
foot of the enclosed space, a burst of applause arose
which made loyal hearts beat more rapidly, and the
blood in loyal arteries leap joyously to their extremities.
Over and over again the cheer was repeated. Grave
senators and judges "joined in the rapturous cry,
and even the ranks of slavery could scarce forbear to
cheer !"

The Chief Justice of the United States now came for-
ward. His venerable appearance gave to what might
have been a mere matter of form great dignity and im-
pressive significance. He extended an open Bible, upon
which Mr. Lincoln laid his left hand, and, uplifting his

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 91

right arm, he slowly repeated after the Chief Justice
the words of the Constitution. " I do solemnly swear
that I will faithfully execute the office of President of
the United States, and will, to the best of my ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the
United States. So help me God!"

The ceremony ended. Those upon the broad platform
rose and remained standing as the President and his
party passed back into the building. The procession re-
formed in the same order as before and returned, leav-
ing at the White House, as President of the United
States, the private citizen it had escorted from the hotel.
"Within the hour another carriage, in which there was a
single occupant, was driven down the avenue to the only
railroad-station then in "Washington. It contained ex-
President Buchanan, returning as a private citizen to
his Pennsylvania home, bearing with him less credit for
loyal service to his country than he deserved. The
crowd rapidly melted away. The change was com-
pleted. "Without disorder or disturbance, with the dig-
nity befitting an act of such transcendent importance,
and, as events proved, upon the very threshold of civil
war, the will of the people expressed at the ballot-box
was executed, the old administration had surrendered
its great powers to the new, and Abraham Lincoln,
with the prestige of law and order in his favor, had
become the President of the Republic. To this de-
sirable result, General Dix and Mr. Stanton had each
powerfully contributed ; Judge Holt and others less con-
spicuously. Mr. Buchanan might justly have claimed
credit for patriotic intentions partly executed. It was
less his fault than his misfortune that the weakness of
declining years led him to repose confidence in those
who were false to their country and to himself. But

92 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

it was the united opinion of the closest observers that
the man to whose prudence, energy, and patriotism the
country was chiefly indebted for the peace of March
4th, 1861, was Winfield Scott, Lieutenant-General, Com-
manding the Army.

XV.

SOME NOTES UPON GENERAL SCOTT AND ROBERT E. LEE.

ACCIDENT, united with admiration for some of his ster-
ling qualities, at this time gave me opportunities of
acquaintance with General Scott and members of his
military family. Disregarding the chronology of events,
possibly this is as good a time as I shall have to bring
together and revise the impressions made upon me by
these interviews.

No man, not Mr. Lincoln himself, was at this time
more intensely hated by the secessionists than General
Scott. A Virginian by birth and education, he became a
citizen of South Carolina, and, while residing in Charles-
ton, left the law for the career of a soldier. He was a
favorite with Southern officers throughout his long ser-
vice in the army, and they confidently anticipated that
he would side with the South when the hour of separa-
tion came. He had been called from New York to Wash-
ington early in December. Even before the election,
correctly forecasting its results, he had urgently advised
President Buchanan to reinforce the Southern forts and
put them in a better condition for defence. Many times
after he came to Washington he had pressed similar
suggestions upon the Executive. He had become suspi-
cious of the Secretary of War, and on one noted occa-
sion had personally requested permission to send two
hundred and fifty men, with munitions of war and sup-
plies, to Fort Sumter without the knowledge of that

94 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

officer. His request was disregarded, and he then turned
his attention to the defence of "Washington and its secur-
ity during the inauguration. Although himself reticent
upon the subject, it was known to his friends that strong
influences, founded upon his attachment to his native
state, had been brought to bear to detach him from the
cause of the Union ; that appeals to his duty to Vir-
ginia, offers of high command, and arguments of influ-
ential Virginians had failed to shake his loyalty to his
flag. He was reported to have sternly informed one
Virginia senator that his friendship for that gentleman
would not survive a second suggestion of desertion.

Unable to obtain even the promise of his neutrality,
they abandoned all hope of influencing him, and set him
down as an enemy to be removed or destroyed. Then
there was a change! The intensity of secession wrath
and fury contrasted powerfully with the magnificent con-
tempt for both with which the veteran pursued his path
to duty. They exhausted the vocabulary for words
of invective, and threats of assassination became so nu-
merous that a mail which did not bring them was the
exception. I shall not soil my pages with the foul epi-
thets with which they made the city vocal.

One of their charges had some evidence in its support.
" He was untrue to the South," they said, " not because
he loved the Union, but because he hated Jefferson Davis.
They had been enemies for thirty years. The cause grew
out of General Scott's vanity, which had been wounded
by changes in his " General Regulations for the Army,"
for which he held Mr. Davis responsible while he was
connected with West Point. Mr. Davis, also, as chair-
man of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, had
felt bound to oppose, and had for several years succeeded
in postponing, the passage of the resolution which au-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 05

thorized the President to confer upon General Scott the
brevet rank of lieutenant-general. As a cabinet officer,
he had prevented any increase of pay under the resolu-
tion, until Congress interfered by a positive declaration
that it be allowed. " It was selfish interest and wounded
vanity," they said, "and not patriotism or fidelity to
the Stars and Stripes, that bound him to the decaying
cause of the Union."

I once heard the subject of his relations with Mr.
Davis, and this charge, mentioned in his presence. It
was on the 9th of February, the day following the elec-
tion of Mr. Davis to the Presidency of the Southern
Confederacy.

" I have no quarrel with Mr. Davis," said the veteran
chief ; " I must decline to discuss the statements to which
you refer. Possibly they may have some color of truth.
For more than thirty years he has been my persistent,
deadly enemy. Yet he never did me much harm. The
American people took excellent care that his plots against
me should not succeed. But I can give a better reason
why loyal men ought not to consort with him. He is
a false man — false by nature, habit, and choice. His
patriotism consists in promoting the interests of Jeffer-
son Davis and his pets. His pets are the men that he
can use. General Taylor should have been a good judge
of Mr. Davis, for he was his father-in-law, and had excel-
lent opportunities of estimating his value. He despised
him thoroughly."

"I am amazed," he continued, warming to his sub-
ject, "that any man of judgment should hope for the
success of any cause in which Jefferson Davis is a leader.
There is contamination in his touch. If secession was
the ' holiest cause that tongue or sword of mortal ever
lost or gained,' he would ruin it ! He will bear a great

96 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

amount of watching. My friends in Congress learned
that he had arranged for a veto of the resolution which
had passed both Houses, giving me the pay and allow-
ances of a lieutenant-general, according to their inten-
tion, of which his machinations had deprived me for
three years. Against his opposition, they then incor-
porated the resolution as an amendment into the Mili-
tary Appropriation Bill, which he could not afford to
veto. He was chairman of the Military Committee;
they had to appoint a committee of their own number
to watch the amendment from its adoption until it was
written into the engrossed bill to prevent its being lost !
He is not a cheap Judas. I do not think he would have
sold the Saviour for thirty shillings ; but for the succes-
sorship of Pontius Pilate, he would have betrayed Christ
and the apostles and the whole Christian Church !"

In his intercourse with Northern men, about the time
of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, General Scott expressed
his opinions without any apparent reserve. He had no
sympathy with the abolitionists ; his opinions were de-
cidedly pro-slavery. Long after others had abandoned
all hope of a peaceful settlement, he citing to the hope
that a great Union party might be formed on the basis
of the "Crittenden Resolutions," which would bring
back the seceded states, and prevent war. If war be-
came inevitable, he declared it would be long, bloody,
and expensive. The North would prevail, because it
was the stronger in numbers and resources; but it was
hopeless to attempt to subjugate the South with an
army of less than three hundred thousand men. The
assertion that the South was the superior of the North
in personal courage excited his contempt. He had led
men in battle from every state in the Union. There
was little difference in their fighting qualities. Why

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 97

should there be ? They were of the same race and ori-
gin. Even the immigrants were principally of the same
descent. If the Southern men had more dash, the North-
ern had better staying qualities.

He spoke of himself with equal freedom. " His day,"
he said, " had passed. Age and pain had exhausted him.
He had not for many months been able to walk without
assistance, or to move without pain. The general com-
manding an army must be able to lead as well as to
direct it. Successful generals, from Alexander to Napo-
leon, with few exceptions, had been young men. Desaix
and Hoche, the youngest marshals of Napoleon, had
been his most efficient generals."

Twice, in my presence, General Scott spoke in compli-
mentary terms of Colonel Robert E. Lee. One of these
occasions was previous to the day of the inauguration,
immediately after Colonel Lee arrived in Washington
from Texas, and about the first of March. He " knew
him thoroughly. He was an accomplished soldier, equal
to any position — to the command of the army." He
spoke of the opinions of Colonel Lee as from personal
knowledge. " He is loyal to the Union," he said, " from
principle as well as birth, and his education as a soldier."
He had very recent evidence that Colonel Lee was not
and never would be a secessionist.

The biographer of General Lee has very recently
made public the evidence which, I have no doubt, enabled
General Scott to speak so positively of the opinions at
that time held by Colonel Lee. He has published a
letter written by the latter from Texas' to his son in
Washington under date of January 23d, 1861, in which
secession is condemned in emphatic terms. He said:
" Secession is nothing but revolution. The framers of
our Constitution never would have exhausted so much

' 7.

98 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

labor, wisdom, and forbearance in its formation, and sur-
rounded it with so many guards and securities, if it was
intended to be broken by every member of the confed-
eracy at will. It is intended for perpetual union, as
expressed in the preamble, and for the establishment of
a government, not a compact, which can only be dis-
solved by revolution or the consent of all the people in
convention assembled. It is idle to talk of secession.
Anarchy would have been established, and not a govern-
ment, by Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, and
all the other patriots of the Revolution."

Within six weeks after the 4th of March, I had occa-
sion to recall these strong expressions by General Scott,
of his confidence in the loyalty of Colonel Lee. Instead
of waiting for the paymaster to make his rounds, the
officers of the army and navy, who resigned to take
service with the Confederacy, secured an arrangement
with their departments by which they were paid, to the
date of their resignations, by treasury-warrants. I be-
lieve it was General Spinner, the treasurer, who suggest-
ed that, as these gentlemen were going South, we should
pay them by drafts on the stolen assistant-treasuries in
the seceded states. As the warrants passed my office, I
marked them for such drafts when I had the necessary
information.

On one of the dark days which afterwards shrouded
the capital, when these officers were deserting their flag
and resigning their commissions by scores — being care-
ful to collect the last dollar of their pay — one of these
warrants, payable to a member of the family of Colonel
Lee, was brought to me for signature. It was on the
20th day of April, three days after the secession of Vir-
ginia. I marked it, " Pay by draft on Richmond," as
there was more government money there than in the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 99

treasury at Washington. Though we knew the rebels
had seized it, we thought it would serve for the payment
of rebel claims. My innocent note made trouble. Several
of the officer's friends called to assure me that I was do-
ing himself and his family great injustice; that they
were all loyal; that he resigned because he could not
fight his native state — but he would never fight against
the Union. Then it was that I heard the report that it
was not Colonel Lee who was to resign ; it was General
Scott, and Colonel Lee was to be his successor in the
command of the Union army. I was inflexible. I would
not change the order except upon the written pledge of
the officer not to enter the Confederate service. It is
unnecessary to add that the pledge was not given.

At the time I was being urged to pay this claim, the
resignation of Colonel Lee was in the hands of General
Scott. " It has cost me a struggle," he wrote, " to
separate from superiors and comrades who have been so
kind and considerate to me." Bat for the republic, to
the bounty of which he owed his education, his position,
and the greater part of his possessions, there was no
word of gratitude, obligation, or regret. " Save in de-
fence of my native state," he said, "I never desire
again to draw my sword." His intent and purpose did
not correspond to his desire.

Three days later, in the state house in Richmond, he
received from Governor Letcher the appointment of
"Commander of all the military and naval forces of
Virginia," as he declared, with an approving conscience,
there pledging himself to her service, and asserting that,
"except in her behalf, he would never again draw his
sword" On the 10th of May he accepted the command
of " all the forces of the Confederate States in Virginia."
Twice he led an invading army to meet disaster and de-

100 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

feat north of the Potomac ; and if the republic was not
destroyed and a slave-ocracy erected upon its ruins, it
was not because he failed to labor diligently to that end
from the date last named until rebellion was driven by
loyal hands to its unlamented grave.

No loyal American desires to abate or diminish by
one grain any credit gained by any participant in the
rebellion. He is content that the Confederacy should
rest quietly on the bloody field where it fell until it has
faded from the memory of man. It had no right nor
reason to be. It was a rebellion against the freest
government that ever existed. It was sown in con-
spiracy, nourished by patriotic blood, and perished from
exhaustion. The sooner it is forgotten, the better for those
who caused and upheld it, for the country, and mankind.

The defection of Colonel Lee has been treated by the
loyal North with exceptional charity. His conscientious-
ness in resigning his commission has not been questioned.
His admirers should have accepted the situation and not
have excited discussion by presenting his example as one
worthy of imitation by patriotic men. That discussion
inevitably raises the question, What would have happened
if Colonel Lee had followed the example of General Scott
and Major Geo. H. Thomas, and continued loyal to the
Union ?

For more than two centuries the Lees had been the
most influential family in Virginia. It was a Lee who
gave to Washington his deserved place — " First in war,
first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen."
By his marriage, Colonel Lee had united the wealth and
influence of the Washingtons and the Lees. He had
been made the ward of the republic ; he had been edu-
cated at its expense ; he had voluntarily enlisted in its
service. He had obtained his first, and every succeeding

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 101

commission, by pledging himself on his honor, " to bear
true faith and allegiance to the United States of Amer-
ica— to serve them honestly and faithfully against all
their enemies whatsoever, and to obey the orders of the
President of the United States, and the orders of the
officers appointed over him, according to the rules and
articles of war." If between the two oceans that wash
its remotest limits there was one man more firmly than
any other bound to the service of the republic by tra-
dition, training, associations, pecuniary considerations,
and the honor of a soldier, that man was Colonel Lee.

The final verdict of history must be that Colonel Lee
had no justification for his course. A skilful casuist may
sometimes break the force of an invincible argument by
some bold assertion which, although it may be true, has
no relevancy to the subject. The only plea of justifica-
tion made by himself at the time, or his eulogists since,
was that he "could not draw his sword against Vir-
ginia." To this plea I demur, for irrelevancy. There
was no issue with Virginia, no question pending of draw-
ing swords against her or in her defence. Colonel Lee
came to Washington on the 1st of March, opposed to
secession, as is shown by his letters. A president, whose
election was admitted to have been fair and by constitu-
tional methods, was shortly afterwards inaugurated, and
became the head of the government. He was pledged
to non-interference with slavery, bound by his oath to
maintain the Union. He had made no threat, proposed
no violent measures. Virginia was still a member of
the Federal Union. At her last election the Unionists
were a powerful majority. Had Colonel Lee remained
loyal, had he thrown the weight of his family, his name,
and his influence into the scale for the Union, had he
accepted the command of the Union armies, which he

102 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

says was tendered to Mm by the President's authority,
who shall say that the balance would not have been
turned — that he would not have saved the country from
war and Virginia from devastation ?

The ability of General Lee as a leader of armies was
very great. It was acquired in the service of the United
States. His character was elevated, and in many re-
spects worthy of imitation, for its foundations were laid
in the first military school of the republic. He was
not unduly elated by victory, nor depressed by defeat.
He was respected by his foes, admired by his intimates,
beloved by his soldiers. Next after his desire to win
victories was his purpose to mitigate the evils of war.
Only one unsoldierly act, and that was one of omission,
was ever mentioned to his discredit. It was that he did
not actively interfere to suppress the horrible treatment
of Union prisoners. Of that no man should be accused
except upon plenary proof. He was the pride of the
Confederacy, and the love which the Virginians bore
him surpassed their love for "Washington. Peace to his
ashes, and honor to his memory ! But it cannot be for-
gotten that his otherwise stainless life was defaced by
one gigantic error, which must not be suppressed lest
any man fall after the same example.

XYI.

THE NONES AND IDES OF MARCH.— THE NEW CABINET.

THE inaugural address called forth opinions as diverse
as the issues which disturbed the country. The Union-
ists in the South received it with favor. They said its
tone was pacific, and that no just complaint could be
made of the evident purpose of the author to preserve
the Union and to perform his constitutional duty of
enforcing the laws. The organs of the Douglas Democ-
racy declared that in its statesmanship it met the ex-
pectations of the country, and its effects would be salu-
tary. The Secessionists denounced it as sectional and
mischievous, and insisted that if the President meant
what he said, it was the knell and requiem of the Union,
and the death-blow of hope. The pronounced Republi-
cans were inclined to reserve their judgment. They did
not quite like his positive pledge not to interfere with
slavery ; but, on the other hand, with a strong tendency
to conciliate, it was decided in its condemnation of seces-
sion and in its purpose to preserve the Union. The fact
was that none of the parties appreciated the dignity and
power of the document, nor the ability and sound sense
of its author. Read by the light of subsequent events,
it proved to be one of the most able state papers of its
generation, and fully equal to the great demands of the
emergency.

The announcement of the names of the cabinet officers
for the moment diverted the public attention from other
subjects. They were obviously selected upon the novel,

104 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

and it was feared dangerous, principle of placing the
government in the hands of those members of the suc-
cessful party most in favor with the people, as shown
by their strength in the nominating convention. Upon
this principle Mr. Seward had no competitor for the De-
partment of State. Mr. Chase was selected for the
Treasury, Mr. Cameron for the War Department, and
Mr. Bates for the Attorney-Generalship. The President
desired that the slave-holding states should have a more
decided representative of their interests than Mr. Bates,
and places were offered to distinguished statesmen of Vir-
ginia and North Carolina. Upon their declination the
vacancies remaining were filled by Montgomery Blair,
of Maryland, who had considerable strength in the nom-
inating convention, Caleb B. Smith, a moderate Repub-
lican from Indiana, and Mr. Welles, of Connecticut, a
very conservative representative of New England.

In the construction of his cabinet Mr. Lincoln had ob-
viously determined to secure strength at the sacrifice of
unity. It was scarcely to be expected that the views of
Mr. Seward and Mr. Chase, or Mr. Cameron and Mr.
Bates, could be harmonized. On the other hand, the
Cabinet comprised some of the strongest men of the
party, who would administer their several departments,
each in his own way, perhaps, but with force and energy.
One question was settled by the announcement of their
names : there would be no more concessions to slavery !

My own awakening to the proximity of war occurred
on the evening of March 3d. I had been the secretary,
and Governor Chase the chairman, of the caucus of Re-
publican members of the Peace Conference. We oc-
cupied adjacent apartments at the Rugby ; we were
thrown together almost daily, and I had acquired a high
opinion of the abilities of the Ohio statesman. On the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 105

evening in question, he called at my rooms, and in his
peculiarly concise manner said : " I have consented to
accept the Treasury under Mr. Lincoln. I wish to have
you take one of its bureaus."

I thanked him, but said it was impossible for me to
accept the offer. I was dependent upon my profession,
I had a young family to educate, and I could not afford
to accept office upon so small a salary.

""We are living at a time when such considerations
have no weight," he said. " Within a few weeks men of
your age and health will have no choice. You will be
compelled to enter the service of the government. You
are worth more in the Treasury than you can be in the
field ; therefore it is your duty to go into the Treasury."

" Is it possible," I asked, " that you think we are on
the verge of war ? that we are to ha.ve bloodshed ?"

" There is no more doubt of it, in my opinion," he said,
" than there is of your existence. There is only one way
to avoid it. It is that suggested by General Scott, to
say to the seceded states, ' Wayward sisters, depart in
peace !' Would New England consent to that ?"

" No," I answered, " not to the diminution of the
Union by one square inch ! But I cannot take in the
possibility, the suggestion of war, with all its conse-
quences. I must think over what you tell me. I can-
not leave Vermont — it is the home of my fathers."

The words of Governor Chase were a shock as well as
a surprise to me. Except our brief experience in dis-
tant Mexico, the existing generation knew nothing of
war. We had all assumed that the good sense of Con-
gress would discover some way of avoiding war — of ar-
ranging the controversy without disunion or final sepa-
ration. This conviction of Mr. Chase confounded me.
But I persisted that family duties and professional busi-

106 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ness forbade my acceptance of any office except the col-
lectorship of my own district, for which I then informed
him I should be an applicant.

I returned to my Vermont home and my law office.
After the confirmation of the Cabinet, for nearly three
weeks there was a lull in the public excitement, and ne-
gotiations on the part of the seceded states were again
attempted. On the 22d of March I was summoned to
Washington. I met Governor Chase, who informed me
that he had appointed a collector for the district of Ver-
mont, and, as I thought, with very little consideration
for my claims. He again pressed me to accept an ap-
pointment in the Treasury, which I was again compelled
to decline. On my way home I passed the night at the
Astor House, in New York city, and at breakfast, on the
morning of March 26th, read in the newspapers the an-
nouncement of my confirmation as Register of the Treas-
ury, to which office I had been appointed on the day
before.

On reaching my home I found a letter from Secretary
Chase, asking me to accept the office of register, at
least for the time, and to return to Washington as soon
as I could make arrangements for an absence of a few
weeks from my business. I set about these arrange-
ments, and for nearly three weeks was actively occupied
with them.

On the 14th of April there was a whispered rumor,
which found speedy confirmation. The first gun of trea-
son had been fired against Fort Sumter. Next we heard
that Sumter had fallen. The first effect of this informa-
tion on the public mind was stupefying, as when a deadly
blow is struck across the temples. It was nearly two
days before the reaction began. Then it swept every-
thing before it. In a moment, in the twinkling of an

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 107

eye, as if at the call of a trumpet, the united voice of the
loyal North denounced the treason and invoked judg-
ment on the traitors. I have some notes of the begin-
ning of the uprising of a great people made at the time.
I will transcribe a few of them :

" Monday, April 15th, at 9 A.M., I left Burlington for
Washington. Yesterday the news of the surrender of Fort
Sumter to the rebels by Major Anderson swept through
New England. The indignation is indescribable. With
it came the answer of the President to the delegates
from Virginia, that he should not depart from the prin-
ciples of his inaugural address. Crowds were collected
at all the stations on the railroads, even at the small
country towns, thirsting for news. At Rutland we had
the Troy morning papers, with the proclamation for an
extra session of Congress on the 4th of July, and the
President's call for seventy-five thousand men for the re-
capture of the Southern forts and the defence of the
country. We had an hour at Troy. The crowds in-
creased in numbers and exultation. A mass-meeting is
called for to-night to arrange for enlistments. Leading
citizens say that there is only one party now — the party
of the Union. Gen. Wool heads the call. Passed
through great crowds at every station on the railroad,
and reached the Astor House at ten o'clock in the even-
ing. City Hall Square is packed with an orderly crowd,
which has made a demonstration against the New York
Herald, and compelled it to display the Union flag. No
expressions against the Union or the President are per-
mitted."

There was little sleep that night in the lower part of
the city. Cheers for President Lincoln and the Union,
and patriotic songs rang through the streets. A despatch
from Governor Fairbanks requested me to ascertain

108 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

when the First Regiment of Vermont Volunteers would
be accepted. I was unable to get any decent seat in the
train until the following evening, and the cars then were
crowded. I reached Washington at daybreak on Wednes-
day, April 17th. The enthusiasm pervaded Philadelphia,
but was not apparent in Baltimore, nor visible in Wash-
ington.

If the experiences of that journey could be adequately
represented on paper, they would serve as an instructive
lesson to all who in future may harbor the thought of
trifling with the Union, or showing any want of respect
to the national flag. Men may come and men may go,
but the love of Americans for the Stars and Stripes will
abide forever. Never before had the flag seemed to
me half so glorious. I left my home with no thought
but that of returning to it as soon as I had performed
any temporary service which I might be able to render
to the Secretary. When I reached Washington I was
willing to take any place in which I could render the
best service to my country.

XVII.

A NOVEL INDUCTION INTO OFFICE.

I HAP an invitation to breakfast with Secretary Chase
at the Rugby House. He had so many friends who
"waited on their office according to their order," and
who pursued him even to the breakfast-room, that he
only had time for a few words with me. " Your com-
mission," he said, " is in the hands of Mr. Harrington
(the First Assistant Secretary). 1 wish you. would get
it, take the oath, and assume possession of your office
this morning. Whatever may happen, I must have
some Republicans near me upon whom I can rely."

Mr. Harrington directed me to one of the district
judges, before whom I could take the oath of office. A
clerk, who he said was well known to the judge, ac-
companied to identify me. We found " His Honor " not
in a judicial temper, and evidently much tossed about
in his mind. " He transacted his business in court," he
said, "and not at his private residence." He declined
to recognize my attendant. He did not know " why he
should be annoyed by Republican office-seekers. He
should not inconvenience himself to accommodate them;
his court was held at the City Hall ; it opened at eleven
o'clock."

" I am here," I remarked, " at this early hour, at the
special request of the Secretary of the Treasury. I am
assured that you have often administered oaths upon
the identification of the clerk sent here with me. Being

HO RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

myself a lawyer, I can recognize an unsound excuse for
the non-performance of a judicial duty. I respectfully
ask you to administer the oath, or, in plain terms, and
not by inference, decline to do so."

He snatched the commission from my hand, mutter-
ing, in an undertone, something about " committal " and
" for disrespect," scrawled his name upon the paper, and
flung it at me in a contemptuous manner. " You have
certified to what is not true," I said. " If this manner
of administering an official oath suits you, I think your
certificate will answer my purpose."

It was, I think, his last judicial act. He " went South "
the next day, and I saw him no more. 1 refer to this
incident because it illustrates the sullen anger of the
Secessionists who at that time swarmed in the streets of
Washington.

My predecessor in office received me courteously, and
introduced me to the clerks and employes in the bureau.
He had prepared for the change, and delivered the office
to me in excellent working order. He soon after took
his departure, offering his services should I, at any time,
have occasion to need them.

My first discovery in office was that its atmosphere
was one which I could not breathe, and to which I could
never become accustomed. It was as fatal to personal
independence as carbonic-acid gas to animal life. The
clerks approached the presence of the head-officer as if
he were a superior being. I never could tolerate the
sight of a person who came up to me " washing his hands
with invisible soap in imperceptible water." The change
of a cringing, grovelling carriage in the presence of supe-
riors was my first official decision. It had been attend-
ed with petty tyranny over inferiors.

There were but slight indications that Washington,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

would take any part in the answer which I knew would
be returned from the North to the call of the President
for seventy-live thousand men. One or two volunteer
companies had tendered their services, and the War De-
partment had accepted them. But every one seemed
to be waiting to see what Virginia would do. If Vir-
ginia seceded, the prevailing opinion seemed to be that
the cause of the Union was hopeless. I did not like the
atmosphere nor the surroundings. My first day of offi-
cial life was neither cheerful nor satisfactory.

The first papers presented for my signature, on the
morning of April 18th, were certificates for the fraction
of the month's salary claimed by two clerks who had
resigned to take office under the Confederacy at Mont-
gomery, Alabama. My chief clerk said that my cer-
tificates were necessary to enable them to draw their
money.

"Why should they draw their money?" I asked.
" Does not a deserter always forfeit any pay otherwise
due him ?"

He did not know, he said. It had been the custom
in all the bureaus. My predecessor had always signed
the certificates. He supposed I would not wish to change
the practice.

I said the matter would require consideration. From
the effect produced by this observation, one would have
supposed desertion to be a virtue rather than an offence.
The story of the " outrage " flew on the wings of the wind.
The injured clerks demanded an interview. They were
filled with indignation. Had they not a right to resign ?
Could they do otherwise than follow the fortunes of their
states? The practice of paying up to the date of the
acceptance was universal. This refusal deprived them
of their earned wages, etc.

112 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I made an end of the subject by the remark that, mor-
ally, I could see no distinction between their cases and
that of a soldier who deserts his flag ; that I had neither
love nor respect for traitors or deserters, and that, with
my present views, I should not sign those nor any simi-
lar certificates without the special order of the secre-
tary.

I had scarcely disposed of these gentlemen before I
received a request to attend at the office of Assistant
Secretary Harrington, at two o'clock on the same day.
It was a meeting of the chiefs of the bureaus of the
Treasury. There were no absentees. Mr. Harrington
said that the secretary would like to have our views
concerning the defence of the Treasury, if an attack
should be made upon it. I think General Francis E.
Spinner, whom I then met for the first time, made the
first answer.

" I am for defending the Treasury," he said; "but first
I would put it into a condition to be defended. The
building needs cleaning out. I prefer to take my seces-
sion clear, unadulterated, from the outside. We should
know whom we can depend upon. The doubtful and
uncertain should be excluded from the building. I do
not wish to have men around me who require watching."

These views met with universal assent. In less time
than is required to write the account it was agreed that
the clerks and messengers of all the bureaus should be
called together at four o'clock, and the number of those
ascertained who would unite in the defence of the Treas-
ury.

" I will have my say !" said one, as the indications of
adjournment became pressing. " My military education
was neglected. It consisted in blowing the fife one day
at a June training. Why may we not have an officer

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 113

from the War Department to teach us at least the drill
of the awkward squad ?"

"Your question, I think, justifies me in giving you
information of one fact," said Mr. Harrington, address-
ing the meeting. " It was arranged that Captains Shi-
ras and Franklin, from the War Department, should or-
ganize the Treasury regiment, when the secretary de-
cided first to consult you. You will find the appearance
of the Treasury changed in the morning. There will be
no want of arms or instructors."

We returned to our offices. I can only speak of what
took place in my own.. To insure that all should be
notified, I called the clerks into my room, and gave the
notices in person. There was a flutter of excitement,
followed by several applications for leave of absence.
None were granted. At five o'clock each employe of
the office had the opportunity to sign the following pa-
per : " I will defend the Treasury, under the orders of
the officer in charge of it, against all its enemies, to the
best of my ability."

This was not a complicated pledge, but it was not re-
ceived with enthusiasm. In fact, it reminded me of the
reception of an invitation mentioned by St. Luke, for
"They all, with one consent, began to make excuse."
I do not know that any of them had bought a piece of
ground, or five yoke of oxen, or had married a wife, but
one had a sick wife, another was surrounded by Seces-
sionist neighbors, who would make his life a burden if
he openly joined any Union organization; there was a
perfect epidemic of heart and nervous diseases, and one
belonged to a family in which palpitation of the heart
was hereditary, and always brought on by any sudden
shock. I assured them that I sincerely regretted their
unfortunate situations, but I could not see that it was

114 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

important to the government whether it was deprived
of their services by cowardice or misfortune ; it was the
loss of the services in defence of the Treasury which was
material.

It remained for an old Southerner to put them to
shame. He had been in the office almost half a century ;
he belonged to an old Carolina family. He had been
appointed when very young, and was put in charge of
surrendered ship's registers, in the basement of the
Treasury, where scarcely any one ever had occasion to
go, and where he had been for so long a time that con-
nections with his family and friends had long since ceased
to exist. " I never fired a gun in my life," he said. " I
could not hit the side of a barn, and I have no doubt that
I am a coward. But as long as the star-spangled ban-
ner waves, I have something to live for. If I am too old
to be of any other use, I can at least act as a powder-
monkey, and my body will stop a Secession bullet with
the best of you." He seized the pen, and the name first
signed to the paper was that of fronds Lowndes.

His example was followed by all except two or three.
They were directed to report for further orders at nine
o'clock on the following morning.

On the six-o'clock train between five and six hundred
Pennsylvanians arrived, the first volunteers for the de-
fence of the capital. " There is a rumor that the Vir-
ginia Convention has passed the ordinance of secession !
All the cars and locomotives have been sent to Kichmond.
The government should have seized them ten days ago.
Commodore Paulding, from Norfolk, reports no disturb-
ance there, and that he has two ships in position to pro-
tect the government property. These reports are unsat-
isfactory. If Virginia has seceded, a long war seems to
me inevitable." Such was my note of that day.

XVIII.

THE ISOLATION OF THE CAPITOL.— AN ALARMED VIRGINIAN.

No account of the isolation of Washington has yet
been written. It began on Friday, April 19, and ended
on the Thursday following. It was unpredicted, and to
many as alarming as eclipses formerly were to super-
stitious peoples.

On Friday morning the Treasury seemed singularly
metamorphosed. Armed men guarded its entrances,
and excluded all but officers and employes. Stacks of
rifles and boxes of cartridges occupied the halls ; busy
men were fitting huge beams into the openings, and pil-
ing sand-bags into exposed places. Barricades, from
floor to ceiling, closed the way to the vaults, and the
sharp notes of the bugle rang out at intervals. Captains
Franklin and Shiras had opened an enlistment office, and
were forming the Treasury regiment, and recruits in
squads were already being drilled in all the unoccupied
spaces.

Applications to the register for leaves of absence
were numerous. The epidemic of nervous diseases was
on the increase. I granted them freely. I did not ex-
pect the applicants would return, and I was not disap-
pointed.

Colonel Lane, of Kansas, and Cassius M. Clay, of Ken-
tucky, each formed volunteer companies from strangers
temporarily in the city, which were accepted as guards
of the Executive Mansion. Squads of these companies
were under instruction, and were being drilled in the

116 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

vacant lots and broad streets in the vicinity of the White
House and the Treasury.

The first news received from the outside was that the
company of regulars at Harper's Ferry had sent as many
of the arms as they could place on the train to Wash-
ington, and had burned the remainder — about fourteen
thousand stands. The Virginians had organized a force
to capture the armory as soon as the ordinance of seces-
sion had been adopted by the Virginia Convention.

At noon another rumor convulsed the city. It was
said that the Seventh New York Regiment had been cut
to pieces by a mob in the streets of Baltimore. I knew
that regiment had not yet left New York. But some
regiment had been attacked, and it was assumed, in the
excitement, that a similar attack would be made upon
the few volunteers in Washington. Soon we heard that
the regiment had fought its way through Baltimore,
and was coming, with its dead and wounded, on a train
which would arrive about six o'clock that evening.

I went to the station to await the arrival of the train.
The crowd was large, and in no mood to listen to trea-
sonable observations. I heard one man remark that the
regiment was one of those sent by that d — d abolitionist,
Governor Andrew. The next moment he was sprawling
in the gutter. Not a word was spoken by his assailant.

The train arrived. The soldiers left the cars and
formed in two lines on the street. Then a procession of
men, with stretchers, came out of the station. On each
lay a wounded man. I counted seventeen. Their dead
they had left in Baltimore. The wounded were placed
in ambulances and sent to the Washington Infirmary.

Three or four persons in citizen's dress were engaged
in an excited conversation with a number of officers.
They were from Baltimore, and had come to arrest the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

soldier who had fired from the train and killed one Davis,
a Baltimore merchant. These officers claimed that they
could identify the soldier, and proposed to arrest him on
the spot. The colonel said that he would interpose no
objection, but he would not assist them in making the
arrest, because the man was cheering for Jeff. Davis
when he Avas shot. lie should leave the matter with his
men. The men, with few words, convinced the officers
that they could not arrest one man unless they were
prepared to arrest the entire regiment, whereupon they
abandoned the undertaking.

A Baltimore acquaintance described the march of the
last one hundred men through the streets as an act of
singular gallantry. They were cut off from the rest of
the regiment, and surrounded by the mob. Forming
into a square, with fixed bayonets, in double-quick time
they drove their way through a howling crowd of a
hundred times their number, and a shower of clubs,
stones, and shots, to the train, without firing a shot in
return.

The rumors flying over the city on Saturday were
numerous, contradictory, and kept every one who gave
them much attention in a flutter of excitement. The
steamers running to Aquia Creek were ordered to
Richmond, but were sent to the navy yard, and taken
possession of by the War Department. The Department
was closed at twelve o'clock, the keys, except of the
vaults, being left in the doors to enable the engineers
and two hundred regulars under their orders to com-
plete the defences of the building. Awkward squads,
belonging to the Department regiments, were being
drilled wherever there was a suitable place.

Sunday morning brought a heavy crop of new rumors,
but no mails or newspapers from the North. The mo-

118 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

notony of the day was broken by one incident, which was
both amusing and interesting. After church, I walked
down the avenue in the direction of the Capitol. The
sidewalks were crowded, and I was suddenly thrown
into the carriageway by a person who, with head bowed
down, was rushing madly forwards, apparently desirous
of avoiding observation. Believing that I recognized an
acquaintance, acting in a very strange manner, I over-
took him, and, with some difficulty, identified him. It
proved to be the author of the "Private Libraries of
New York" — a native of Virginia, recently domiciled
in New York city. He would not recognize me at first,
but on my insisting, he assumed a position of entreaty
and exclaimed, " Hush, hush ! I must not be known.
For God's sake, tell me how I can get across the river."
I thought he had gone crazy, but he proved to be only
excited. I invited him, and, after much persuasion, in-
duced him, to go to my rooms. But he insisted that he
was pursued — that his life was in danger, and he should
not be safe until he could reach Virginia. He was suf-
fering from hunger as well as terror. He was an edu-
cated gentleman, naturally of a nervous temperament,
who really believed the North had gone mad. From
his account of the departure of the Seventh New York,
and the preparations for the great meeting on Saturday,
I began to gain some idea of the great uprising. After
I had persuaded him to take some refreshment, which
somewhat quieted his nerves, I ascertained that he had
come by the way of Annapolis, and might be able to
give some reliable information concerning the New York
Seventh and the Massachusetts Eighth regiments, which
we had last heard from at Philadelphia on Saturday,
where they were taking steamers to come to Washing-
ton, either by way of Annapolis, or up the Potomac

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. H9

Kiver. He was uncommunicative, until I proposed that
if he would go with me to the Executive Mansion and
give the President all the information he had, I would
procure him a pass across the Potomac into Virginia.
He accepted the offer. I introduced him to the Presi-
dent, who, by a skilful cross-examination, extracted the
few facts in his possession.

New York, he said, was ablaze with excitement.
Nothing favorable to the South was permitted to be
published or spoken. All the Southerners had been
notified to leave the city within ten hours on pain of
death ; all their property had been seized, and several
had been hung to the lamp-posts. He saw the Seventh
Eegiment depart. The whole city was out to see them
off. They had left Philadelphia on Saturday with a
Massachusetts regiment on separate steamers, and had
not since been heard of. The bridges on the railroads
had been burned ; he saw some of them burning. He
was, or claimed to be, unable to tell by what route he
came. One prevailing idea filled his mind. The whole
North was already on the way to the invasion and de-
struction of the South ! They were coming down like
an avalanche. General B. F. Butler was to be the leader
of the invading army.

The information extorted from the doctor scarcely
paid for the trouble. He received his pass, however,
and disappeared, making rapid speed in the direction of
the Long Bridge across the Potomac Kiver.

XIX.

BALTIMORE BLOCKS THE WAY.

ON Saturday, April 20th, Washington was detached
from the loyal states. We had no mails from the North,
no communication by railroad or telegraph with Phila-
delphia, Harrisburgh, or places north or west of either
city. For news we had only rumor, which informed
us that bridges had been burned on all the railroads
running into Baltimore; that the steam ferry-boat at
Havre-de-Grace had been sunk, and that no regiments
on the way could reach the capital.

For outside information we were served with the
Baltimore Sun. That rebel sheet declared that " Yes-
terday the best blood of Maryland was spilled by North-
ern mercenaries." It demanded that " not another sol-
dier from the North shall desecrate the soil of Maryland."
It reported a public meeting of citizens of Baltimore,
one of whom, Carr by name, was " ready to shoulder his
musket for the defence of Southern homes," and who
demanded to be immediately informed, " whether the
minions of Lincoln should cross the soil of Maryland, to
subjugate our sisters of the South." And the citizens
answered by unanimous shouts, " No ! never !"

There has been so much written that is wrong touch-
ing the action of the officers and people of Maryland on
and after the 19th of April, that I feel justified in con-
tributing some definite facts to the literature of the sub-
ject. Maryland never seceded. Her governor, and the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 121

members of her Legislature were elected as Union men.
Baltimore was a Secessionist city. With the exception
of a small minority of true and daring Republicans, her
people were disunionists. When the call for seventy-
five thousand men was issued, for the general service of
the government, Governor Hicks had undertaken to say
that " no troops would be sent from Maryland unless it
may be for the defence of the national capital;" and
the mayor of Baltimore had joyously exclaimed "Amen !"
In fact, the governor, instead of boldly placing himself
on the side of the Union, had practically surrendered
his authority to the officials of Baltimore.

Accordingly, no preparations were made to protect
the Northern regiments, and the second one that passed
through Baltimore had to fight its way through a mob
of ten times its number of ruffians, who knew they had
the moral support of the authorities. The newspapers
said that only three soldiers were killed and eight wound-
ed, when more than twenty, with seriouS injuries, were
lying in the Washington Infirmary. The mayor of the
city forthwith despatched to the President a committee
" to explain the fearful condition of affairs," and to in-
form him that " the people are exasperated to the highest
degree by the passage of troops, and the citizens are
universally decided that no more troops should be or-
dered to come ;" also that " the authorities of the city
did their best to prevent a collision, and, but for their
efforts, a fearful slaughter would have occurred." Gov-
ernor Hicks fully concurred in all that was said by the
mayor in the above communication. " A public meet-
ing of citizens," continued the mayor, " has been called,
and the troops of the state and the city have been called
out to preserve the peace. They will be enough." The
governor, the mayor, and the police board telegraphed

122 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the president of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to
"send back the troops from Rhode Island and Massa-
chusetts to the borders of Maryland," and President
Garrett " most cordially approved the advice, and gave
the necessary order."

The mayor and his committees met the President and
General Scott on the 20th and 21st, and reported that
the President recognized the good faith of the city and
state authorities ; that his sole object in concentrating
troops was the defence of the capital ; that he protested
that none of the troops brought through Maryland were
intended for any purpose "aggressive as against the
Southern states," and that, while insisting that troops
were necessary for the defence of the capital, both the
President and General Scott agreed that they would
bring them around the city, and not irritate the people
by marching them through Baltimore. The report is
too long for insertion here, but in substance it repre-
sented the President as satisfied with the conduct of the
Baltimore authorities ; that he was conscious that the
" people of all classes were fully aroused, and that it was
impossible for any one to answer for the consequences
of the presence of Northern troops anywhere within the
borders of Maryland."

Had these statements been true, had the President and
General Scott been in the temper of mind here repre-
sented, Washington would have been in rebel hands
within forty-eight hours. There were many official acts
of President Lincoln which seem to have exerted a pow-
erful influence upon the fortunes of the republic, but there
was none more beneficial in its results, or which more
clearly shows his cool judgment, than his dealing with
the Secessionists of Baltimore at this time of universal
excitement, almost at the beginning of his official career.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 123

When he gave these gentlemen his answer, he knew
of some events of which they were ignorant. He knew
that his call for men had already been approved by the
loyal nation ; that more men than he had called for had
been tendered by a single state ; that there had been a
great uprising of the people which rendered the insolent
answers of some rebel governors pitiful by contrast ; that
every hamlet, as well as every city, from Maine to Ore-
gon, was alive with the work of preparation, and that
choice regiments from Massachusetts and New York, the
advance guard of the legions to follow, were already
within the waters of Maryland.

No ; Abraham Lincoln did not take that moment to
bargain with Secessionists. It is not impossible that these
gentlemen were deceived by his apparent unconcern. In
the account given by himself to Baltimore Republicans
of his interview with the mayor and his friends, he said
that he told them that he would do all in his power to
prevent bloodshed, and that the service, for which the
regiments were called, was expressed in the call itself.
It was " to repossess the forts, places, and property which
have been seized from the Union." He said that the
defence of the capital was first to be provided for, and
that the routes by which the regiments came were mat-
ters with which he had nothing to do. They concerned
General Scott and his subordinates. What he was anx-
ious about was to have the regiments get here. Vir-
ginia had now seceded ; it was reported that she would
close the Potomac River by her batteries. Maryland
bounded Washington on the north and west. These
regiments could not fly over her in a balloon or dig un-
der her by a tunnel. How were they to get here with-
out crossing Maryland ? Those who objected to the way
proposed must find some other !

124 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

The Baltimore delegation admitted the difficulties.
They could not remove them, and did not come for that
purpose. They proposed to relieve themselves from the
responsibility for bloodshed. The Marylanders were a
proud and sensitive people ; the sight of these Northern
invaders was offensive to them. They would not permit
them to pass through Baltimore, probably not to enter
the state. They would rise as one man, and defend
their state from such an invasion !

The final answer of the President was that he regret-
ted such a conclusion, and that he would have to refer
them to General Scott. He supposed the War Depart-
ment, like all other departments, was much engaged just
then in preparing for the defence of the capital against
the disloyal persons, with whom the people of Maryland
were apparently in sympathy. But if the condition of
public opinion in Maryland was accurately represented
by the committee, he was quite certain that some means
would be found of informing the people of that state
that "" there was no piece of American soil too good to
be pressed by the foot of a loyal soldier on his march to
the defence of the capital of his country."

Such was President Lincoln's account of his interviews
with the mayor of Baltimore and his associates. It dif-
fers materially from the versions made public by them
immediately afterwards. It was accepted by the loyal
friends of the Union. It certainly had the probabilities
in its favor.

XX.

THE FIRST VOLUNTEER DEFENDERS OF THE CAPITAL.— THE
PLUG-UGLIES OF BALTIMORE.— THE SEVENTH NEW YORK
AND THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENTS. -

FORT SUMTER fell on Saturday. On Monday, April
15th, the President called for seventy-five thousand men.
On Thursday Pennsylvania sent her first regiment into
"Washington. On Friday, at noon, the Sixth Massachu-
setts was fighting its way through the Baltimore mob.
When it reached the capital, all the railroads through
Maryland were broken, and the state for all practical
purposes was under Rebel control

At the hour when the Sixth was fighting the Seces-
sionist rabble, the Eighth Massachusetts was speeding
southward to the defence of Washington on an express
train through New Jersey. A few hours later the Em-
pire State had sent her choicest regiment, the gallant
Seventh, one thousand strong, with like speed on the
same errand. At Philadelphia these regiments learned
that the railroad bridges had been burned, and that the
steam ferry-boat, Maryland, the only means of crossing
the Susquehanna, had been sunk. Ordinary men would
have gone into camp and awaited the opening of the rail-
road ; but General Butler pushed on to Havre-de-Grace,
where he found the Maryland still afloat, and, placing
his regiment on board, he started for Annapolis. Colonel
Lefferts chartered the first steamer he could find, the
Seventh boarded her in Philadelphia, and on Sunday
morning was on the ocean outside the capes of Dela-

RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ware. Turning into the capes of Virginia, he sailed up
the bay, and, hearing that the Potomac was commanded
by rebel batteries, turned northward, and at dawn on
Monday dropped anchor in the harbor of Annapolis.
The Maryland was already there ; but, in towing the old
Constitution out of danger of rebel seizure, by the treach-
ery of the pilot she had been run aground with the regi-
ment on board. After laboring in vain all day to get
her off, just at evening the regiments were landed, disre-
garding the protests of the mayor and citizens, that their
appearance would cause bloodshed, Colonel Lefferts ob-
serving that, if they were "let alone, they would dis-
turb nobody."

The railroad from Annapolis to Annapolis Junction,
with the main line from Baltimore to Washington, was
torn up, and many of the rails were carried away and sunk
in deep water. The locomotives had been dismantled, and
bodies of rebels were lurking about the vicinity ready to
attack the regiments if opportunity offered. Massachu-
setts soldiers reconstructed the engines, placed cannon
and men to serve them on a platform-car in front, the
baggage of the two regiments was loaded on cars in the
rear, and, with the train thus made up, they took up their
march, rebuilding the railroad as they advanced. Com-
panies were detailed to forage and cook, for they lived
on the country. Their progress was slow, but on Thurs-
day morning they reached Annapolis Junction. Learn-
ing that a party of twelve or fifteen thousand rebels
was preparing to attack them, the Massachusetts regi-
ment remained at the junction to meet them. The
Seventh New York took a train for Washington, where
they arrived at noon on Thursday, April 23d, a little
more than five days after their departure from New
York.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

As already mentioned, Baltimore had for some years
bred a new variety of the human species called the
" Plug-Ugly " — a hybrid of slavery and brutality, first
developed for political purposes. Its representatives
had no reason for existence, no visible means of support.
They were idle, vicious, muscular, sensual brutes, who
subsisted upon whiskey and crime. They were very bold
in the presence of the weak, and very cowardly in con-
tact with brave men. Their numbers had enormously
multiplied with the growth of secession. Washington
had caught the overflow, attracted by the hope of pos-
sible plunder when the rebellion should break out. Its
postponement had made them hungry and desperate.
Now that war was inevitable, they thought their time
had come. They had a rude sort of organization, which
enabled them to collect in great numbers at a given
point on short notice.

To the " Plug-Uglies" was assigned the congenial task
of burning the bridges, breaking up the railroads, and fall-
ing upon and destroying the new and inexperienced regi-
ments on their way to Washington. They professed
great contempt for the "counter-jumpers" and "kid-
gloved darlings " who constituted these regiments, and
regarded their destruction as a pleasant pastime.

As soon as they knew that communication was to be
attempted from Annapolis, they selected the junction of
the branch railroad with the main line as the best place at
which to fall upon the Yankees. It was central, their
friends could come by rail from Baltimore and Washing-
ton, and it was a good point at which to concentrate the
bands scattered over the state. They arranged to collect
there a force of fifteen thousand, and widely proclaimed
that Annapolis Junction was the selected field for the
destruction of the Northern invaders.

128 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

So successfully had they spread this proclamation that
a battle at the junction was regarded as inevitable. It
would have taken place if General Butler and Colonel
Lefferts with their regiments could have been persuaded
to wait a week or ten days longer. But they would not
wait. These regiments expected to fight — that was the
purpose of their coming. Many messengers had been
sent from Washington to inform them of the rebel prepa-
rations. One or two of them escaped capture, and
brought contradictory advices. Col. Landers, the last,
brought such an account of the anxiety of General Scott
for the safety of "Washington, that Colonel Lefferts
determined to push forward, though he expected to
meet with a loss of a portion of his men. Annapolis
Junction had been reached. The Massachusetts regi-
ment halted there to await the promised attack, and the
Seventh started for Washington without coming within
musket-shot of an armed rebel.

The Eighth Massachusetts, after waiting some hours
for the attack, came to the Capitol, and were comforta-
bly quartered under its dome before the Secessionists as
near as Baltimore could be convinced that they had
passed the junction. Farther South they refused to
credit the collapse of the plan so elaborately prepared
for a victory at Annapolis Junction. A Baltimore paper
of the 25th published the report, as coming from " three
or four different sources," " that the Seventh had been
cut to pieces at Annapolis." "It was probably true,
but it would be well to wait for further confirmation."

The papers of Charleston and other cities put no such
restraint upon their exultation. For some hours they gave
free rein to their wild delight. They announced in bold
head -lines, " Glorious news ! The crack regiment of
New York cut to pieces between Annapolis and Marl-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 129

boro ! Three times three cheers for the brave Mary-
landers !"

While the seceded states were giving this ludicrous
exhibition of their joy over a victory before the battle
was fought, I was an eye-witness of a different picture.
The Seventh New York was marching between two
mighty waves of cheers from the masses of loyal citi-
zens which filled the broad streets of the capital. The
regiment halted near the open space, west of the Na-
tional Hotel. That space contained the "Washington
contingent of the species described, which their sympa-
thizers supposed was at the junction. They had infested
the streets since the previous February, and were readily
recognized. For the first time I passed through them
without insult. They appeared depressed. Sorrow was
on their faces and blasphemy on their lips. As the
Seventh halted I stood on a corner and saw that vil-
lainous multitude melt away. It was their last appear-
ance, they were visible for the last time. That night
there was a flight into the Egypt of secession of a most
unholy family. The species became extinct in Washing-
ton, and everywhere north of the Potomac excessively
rare.

As a frost cuts down the noxious weeds which choke the
sprouting corn, so did the tread of these two regiments,
as they landed upon her shores, arrest and deaden the
rank growth of secession in Maryland. In one week
from the time of the President's call, they had formed
the front rank of the great column from the loyal states,
had burst their way through rebel obstructions, and
stood almost two thousand strong within the shadow
of the dome of the Capitol. It was afterwards said that
the President seemed pleased with their appearance;
that he was very cordial to them without distinction of

130 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

rank. Could they have seen him a day or two before,
when his countenance wore that peculiar expression, I
think the saddest ever shown upon the face of man,
they would have more perfectly comprehended his esti-
mate of the value of their services.

The citizens of Washington would have made these
soldiers their guests. They felt hurt because discipline
required the men to go into camp and sleep under can-
vas. There was not one instance in which a private of
either regiment was guilty of the slightest excess or in-
subordination. They were gentlemen always as well as
soldiers. They were overwhelmed with civilities and
comforts, which they divided with less-favored regiments.
A private of the Seventh lost his life by an accident. The
whole city mourned his loss, and hundreds sent expres-
sions of sympathy. Having been selected for the pro-
tection of the President and to lead the march into Vir-
ginia, the work of this regiment was accomplished. They
offered to re-enlist at the expiration of their term of ser-
vice, but were finally discharged with this statement, that
"it is the desire of the War Department, in relinquishing
the services of this gallant regiment, to make known the
satisfaction that is felt at the prompt and patriotic man-
ner in which it responded to the call for men to defend
this capital when it was believed to be in peril, and to
acknowledge the important service which it rendered
by appearing here in an hour of dark and trying ne-
cessity."

I knew many members of the Seventh personally, and
saw much of them during their thirty days' service.
I thought then, and I have never since changed the
opinion, that, in the succession of stirring events, the
public attention was so diverted that the regiment failed
to receive that full measure of appreciation which its

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

services deserved. The debt which the republic owes
for its gallant service was largely due to the cool judg-
ment and splendid, soldierly accomplishments of Marshal
Lefferts, its colonel and commander.

XXI.

THE "TRENT AFFAIR."— STATESMANSHIP OF MR. SEWARD.

IT has been stated already that no attempt would be
made to arrange these notes as a connected history or
in chronological order. There were weeks and some-
times months when great events were happening, but
when no time could be spared for any but official duties.
Occasionally it was possible to record memoranda of
some occurrence of special importance of which I hap-
pened to have knowledge. One of these was the " Trent
affair " as it was called, which, because it so clearly illus-
trates the influence and statesmanship of Secretary Sew-
ard, I thought worthy of particular notice, and which
may as well be presented in the present connection.

The " Trent affair" was an incident of the war which
furnished the only occasion within my recollection when
the judgment of a substantial majority of the people
was reversed by the publication of a single state paper.

Before the commencement of hostilities there were
good reasons for anticipating the friendship of Great
Britain for the loyal North. The relations of that power
to slavery alone would have furnished a basis for such a
hope, which was confirmed by the leading English jour-
nals. The London Times had declared that " the seces-
sion of states and the formation of a new confederacy are
events which this journal has always declared to be im-
possible ;" " that should the clamor of secession, by any
chance, be carried too far, and the threat, uttered in jest
or earnest, lead to bloodshed, . . . Mr. Lincoln will in

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 133

that case command a majority in Congress, and carry
with him the support of all those who, however tolerant
of slavery, will not acquiesce in its becoming the basis
of a hostile and illegal confederacy." The Saturday
Review had declared that " the dissolution of the Union,
so far from being hailed as a profitable transaction, will
be lamented in this country (England). ... It is a truth,
absolutely certain, that any policy will miscarry which
assumes that England can be coaxed or bribed into a
connivance at the extension of slavery." Less influen-
tial papers teemed with similar articles.

During the first six months of the war, there was an
extraordinary change in the sentiments of the English
people. The Times proclaimed that "there must be
two federations — on no other footing will peace ever be
made." " In our opinion, the forcible subjugation of the
South will prove a hopeless task." The Saturday Re-
view said that it was " the unanimous opinion of nine-
teen out of twenty educated Englishmen that a more
hopeless enterprise than the reconquest of the South by
the Federal government has never been projected by any
ancient or modern state." " The North is just as fool-
ish for trying to reconquer the South, as Xerxes was
when he led half the world against Athens, or as Na-
poleon was when he led Europe against Kussia." Mr.
Koebuck regarded "the attempt of the North in en-
deavoring to restore the Union by force as an immoral
proceeding, totally incapable of success." And even
Mr. Gladstone said that " Mr. Jefferson Davis has made
of the South a nation, and separation is as certain as any
event, yet future and contingent, can be."

With this change of opinion had arisen a popular de-
mand in Great Britain for the recognition of the South-
ern Confederacy by the great powers of Europe. It was

134 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

apparent that Great Britain was prepared for such rec-
ognition whenever France would join her, and that a
very small excuse would suffice to induce her to act in
the matter without further delay. There was one inci-
dent referred to by Mr. Bright in his celebrated speech
at Rochdale, which almost savored of contempt of the
North in the British Cabinet. Fully alive to the import-
ance of amicable relations with Great Britain, the United
States government had commissioned Mr. Charles Fran-
cis Adams, one of its first statesmen, as its represen-
tative at the Court of St. James. On the day of his
arrival in London, but without waiting for any com-
munication with him, the British Cabinet published a
proclamation, intended to prepare the way for a full rec-
ognition of the Confederacy, and which unmistakably
evinced the ultimate purpose in that respect of the Brit-
ish crown.

The defeat of Bull Run appeared to be hailed in Eng-
land with delight. It apparently determined the party
in power to settle the fate of the Union without further
postponement. From this time, until the final capture
of the army of General Lee in April, 1865, the possibil-
ity that the rebellion might be suppressed was scarcely
admitted in Great Britain. Mr. Bright, and perhaps
half a dozen others, were the only leading Englishmen
willing to speak a friendly word for the North, and
every act of our government was performed under the
impending danger of a recognition of the Confederacy,
a disregard of the blockade, and the actual intervention
of Great Britain in our attempt to suppress an insurrec-
tion upon our own territory.

On the 17th of November, 1861, the United States
steamer San Jacinto arrived at Fortress Monroe with
Messrs. Mason and Slidell prisoners on board. Captain

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 135

Wilkes, her commander, immediately reported to the
Navy Department that, learning that these parties had
been appointed on some diplomatic mission from the
Southern Confederacy to Great Britain and France, and
had run the blockade, reaching Havana from Charleston,
expecting to depart from the former place on the 7th of
the month in the English steamer Trent for St. Thomas,
on their way to England, he had intercepted the Trent,
in the Bahama Channel, on the 8th of November, about
two hundred and forty miles from Havana, brought her
to by firing a shell across her bows, and had forcibly
captured from her Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their
secretaries, and now held them on board his ship in
Hampton Koads. Detailed reports of all the officers
concerned in the capture, with the protest of the Con-
federate envoys, and Captain Wilkes's reply thereto, ac-
companied the account of the capture.

On the receipt of this report, Mr. Welles, the Secretary
of the Navy, congratulated Captain Wilkes, and stated
that his "conduct in seizing these public enemies was
marked by intelligence, ability, decision, and firmness,
and has the emphatic approval of this Department."
On the first day of the December Session of Congress,
the House of Eepresentatives passed a resolution, ten-
dering the thanks of Congress to Captain Wilkes for the
capture and arrest of Mason and Slidell.

As soon as the facts reached the State Department,
which was some time about the first of December, Secre-
tary Seward addressed a note to the American Minister
in London, which he was requested to read to Earl Kus-
sell, stating that the action of Captain Wilkes was with-
out a/ny instructions from his government, and that he
trusted that the British government would consider
the subject in a friendly temper. The first information,

136 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

therefore, received by Great Britain from our govern-
ment, after the capture, announced that it was made
without authority, and declared the willingness of the
United States to consider the questions which it in-
volved upon settled principles of international law.

The first communication from Earl Russell in relation
to the capture indicated a very different temper. It
was sent by a special messenger to Lord Lyons, who
was directed to inform Secretary Seward of its con-
tents. It declared that the act of Captain Wilkes was
an aifront to the British flag, and a violation of inter-
national law. It announced that " the liberation of the
four gentlemen named and their delivery to your lord-
ship, together with a suitable apology for the aggression,
alone would satisfy the British nation." With this de-
mand came information of the public excitement in
England upon the first reception of the news of the capt-
ure, and of the action of the British authorities, which
appeared to indicate their purpose to force the two coun-
tries into a war.

As soon as the telegram announcing the boarding of
the Trent by a Federal vessel of war was received in
Liverpool, a placard was posted on the Exchange an-
nouncing the "outrage on the British flag," and calling
a public meeting. This meeting was presided over by
Mr. James Spence, who, upon taking the chair, read a
resolution calling upon the government to assert the
dignity of the British flag by requiring prompt repara-
tion for this outrage. The resolution offered by Mr.
Spence was carried by a tremendous majority.

The English Cabinet took its cue from the Liverpool
meeting. Knowing that the capture was the unauthor-
ized act of Captain "Wilkes, and that precedents were
not wanting of similar acts committed by British offi-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 137

cers, and defended as lawful by the British government,
the first act of Earl Kussell was to despatch the per-
emptory demand referred to. It was afterwards known
that the demand was first framed in language so offen-
sive that our government would have been compelled to
reject it on that account, and that its terms were greatly
moderated by the intervention of the amiable husband
of the queen. The last note ever written by the prince
consort was the one suggesting a modification of the
peremptory character of the British demand, and ex-
pressing the hope that Captain Wilkes had acted with-
out instructions, or that, if he had instructions, that he
misapprehended them. An intimation from so high a
quarter could not be disregarded, and the despatch was
modified as Prince Albert suggested. His death oc-
curred only a few days later. For this noble act of
friendship he deserved the gratitude of all loyal Ameri-
cans.

Before the messenger intrusted with Earl Eussell's
letter had left her shores, the ports of the United King-
dom resounded with preparations for war. Steam trans-
ports were chartered, a large number of troops ordered
to Canada, the Guards were directed to prepare for im-
mediate, active service, all the saltpetre in the British
islands was seized, and every possible preparation made
to attack us with the whole naval and military force of
the empire the instant the demand of Earl Kussell was
refused. The press wrought itself up to fury. It in-
sisted that Captain Wilkes and Lieutenant Fairfax must
be reprimanded and dismissed from the United States
Navy ; the rebel envoys delivered up ; atonement must
be made for the shot and shell fired, without notice, at
a steamer conveying the royal mail, and in the words of
the Morning Chronicle, Congress " must sit down, like

138 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ancient Pistol, to eat the leek it had insultingly brand-
ished in British faces !"

At the same time, all the Confederate sympathizers
in the North were seized with a violent attack of pa-
triotic indignation. With one voice they declared that
the insult offered by England was mortal, and that even
the moderate measure of self-respect which the Lincoln
Cabinet was supposed to possess required the rejection
of the British demand in equally insulting terms. Many
newspapers of similar tendencies added fuel to the
flames. Clement L. Yallandigham, on the 20th of De-
cember, 1861, introduced in the House of Representa-
tives a resolution which recited the capture of the
envoys, who were conspirators, rebel enemies, and dan-
gerous men, for which Captain Wilkes had received the
approval of the Navy Department, and the thanks of
Congress, with mention of the request made to the Presi-
dent by the House of Representatives, that he should
confine Mason and Slidell in the cells of convicted felons,
until certain military officers of the United States should
be treated as prisoners of war, and then resolved that
it was the duty of the President firmly to maintain the
stand thus taken, approving and adopting the act of Cap-
tain Wilkes, in spite of any menace or demand of the
British government, and pledging to him the support of
the House in thus upholding the honor and vindicating
the course of the government and people of the United
States against a foreign power. This resolution was re-
ferred, without debate, ,to the Committee of Foreign
Affairs.

It must not be forgotten that over and over again Great
Britain had exercised the right which she now denied to
us. The London Times afterwards declared that "un-
welcome as the truth may be, it is nevertheless a truth,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 139

that we (Great Britain) have ourselves established a sys-
tem of international law which now tells against us."
The Saturday Review, a fierce Tory sheet, said that " it
must in fairness be admitted that the outrage was not so
glaringly in excess of belligerent rights as to be recog-
nized in its true character until after a careful study of
precedents and legal authorities." Professor Newman,
one of the highest of British authorities in international
law, stated that the liberties taken by English ships
against the Americans, in the war with Napoleon, were
as like the act of Captain Wilkes as two peas, in a moral
point of view, and that Great Britain would have to pull
the beam out of her own eye before instituting a search
after the mote in her neighbor's. In fact, the proof was
abundant that for the last one hundred years that power
had always exercised this right, especially against weaker
nations.

It is also undeniable that this demand of England
stirred to its depths the indignation of many patriotic
citizens of the loyal states. The United States had upon
its hands the most gigantic rebellion the world had ever
seen ; it had met with disasters in the field ; every re-
source was being employed in raising and equipping
another army ; the leaders of opinion in Great Britain
almost unanimously predicted defeat, and spoke of the
enterprise "to restore a defunct Union" as "altogether
hopeless." The demand of the English premier under
these circumstances must have been intended to deliver
us an insult which we could not resent, or, if we would
not endure the humiliation, which would drive our peo-
ple into a war, and so give Great Britain what she so
much desired, a pretext for joining hands with the South
and disrupting the Union. In either aspect, the act was
discreditable to a nation in which loyalty to the rules of

140 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

fair fighting has always been supposed to be as universal
as loyalty to its sovereign.

The two countries were saved from a war which could
have had none but evil consequences by the good sense
of President Lincoln and of two statesmen, their respec-
tive representatives — Lord Lyons and William H. Sew-
ard. Lord Lyons was a model Englishman. His sub-
stantial frame and broad shoulders furnished a suitable
support to a head well provided with solid sense. An
open face and clear blue eyes indicated the sincere and
generous character of the man, and his contempt for
falsehood and meanness. He would have been accepted
as an umpire by any contestant who relied upon justice
and merit alone. He had the traditional love of the
Anglo-Saxon for fair play. He thoroughly understood
the controversy between North and South, and knew
that upon its issue depended the supremacy in the re-
public of freedom or slavery. His sympathies were
heartily with the North ; but he was, at the same time,
a faithful representative of his own nation, and watch-
ful in the protection of her interests.

"We have no special information as to what passed be-
tween the English ambassador and Secretary Seward in
their private interviews. But comparing events with
the character of the men, we may pretty safely assume
that the reading of Earl Russell's pronunciamento did
not disturb the equanimity of either. Probably, after
knocking the ashes from his cigar, Lord Lyons observed,
"You will give up the men, Seward, of course! As
prisoners, they may be of consequence enough to cause
a war ; set free, they are no good to anybody. You did
not authorize their capture ; their surrender involves no
dishonor. Say yes, and you may deliver them up at
your own time, and in your own way."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

" Your lordship is perfectly right," Secretary Seward
probably said. "Your views are such as we had the
right to anticipate from your justice, and your knowl-
edge of the facts. We don't want these people. You
know, and I am surprised that it did not occur to Earl
Russell, that we could not retain them against his de-
mand, without repudiating the principles for which we
once went to war, and which we have maintained for
half a century. I think I take no risk in asking your
friendly co-operation. Our people will be excited by all
this unnecessary parade of preparation, and the impera-
tive tenor of Earl Russell's demand. We have mischief-
makers among us who will try to arouse opposition to
the surrender, especially if it is made the occasion of dis-
play in one of our larger ports, or to one of your large
vessels. Suppose you name some quiet harbor on the
coast of New England, into which you can safely send
a fourth -class vessel, as the place of delivery. I will
send the prisoners there; you can have them quietly
taken on board and sent on their way."

Possibly a smile spread over the face of the noble lord
as he appreciated the full import of the secretary's sug-
gestion. I had it from good authority, at the time, that
he declared his complete indifference as to the time and
place of surrender, and said that it was all the same to
him whether it was made in New York Bay, or in the
harbor of a fishing village on Cape Cod. In fact, it im-
pressed him as a duty to conform to the wishes of the
secretary in the matter of the surrender. The only
other point upon which the secretary insisted was that
the despatch of Earl Russell dealt with questions of such
grave international importance as to render a hasty an-
swer highly improper, and he might find it necessary to
take all the time consistent with diplomatic usages to

142 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

frame a suitable reply. This was also assented to ; the
representatives of the two countries had come to a per-
fect understanding, and they separated on the best of
terms. In fact, the answer of Mr. Seward was shown
to Lord Lyons within twenty-four hours, although it
was not made public until the 27th of December.

The general excitement increased with every hour's
delay. England seized upon the excuse for war. Her gov-
ernment spared no pains to proclaim its warlike purposes.
Tory and Liberal coalesced; Lord Derby was consulted
by the government, and hastened to its support. He
suggested to ship-owners to instruct the captains of out-
ward-bound ships to signal to any English vessels they
might meet that war was extremely probable, and the
underwriters approved the statesmanlike suggestion.
Discussion of the affair had been prevented in Congress,
but British threats and warlike preparations so clearly
showed a purpose to bully our government into submis-
sion that the North became a unit against the surrender
of the envoys. Had any greater delay intervened it would
probably have been resisted by force. The sun of De-
cember 26th set, and the night closed in over a danger-
ously angry people.

On the morning of December 27th the clouds had all
disappeared, and the political horizon to the eastward
was quiet and serene. Mr. Seward had poured upon the
angry waves of popular excitement the calming oil of
his answer to Earl Russell's demand, and straightway
the tempest was stilled. At considerable length, with
the impartiality of a judicial opinion, the secretary
summed up the facts of the capture as given by the
British premier, slightly modified by the report of Cap-
tain "Wilkes, and then set forth the demand, divested of
its imperative or disagreeable features. He then added

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 143

" some facts which doubtless were omitted by Earl Kus-
sell, with the very proper and becoming motive of allow-
ing them to be brought into the case on the part of the
United States," and concluded by saying that, accord-
ing to the law of nations, the capture in this case was
left unfinished or was abandoned — that while Great
Britain might waive the defect, if, on the contrary, she
insists upon it, the United States have no right to retain
the captured persons, the chief benefits of the capture,
by proving them contraband. On the contrary, the vol-
untary release of the Trent must be permitted to draw
after it all its legal consequences. Having thus shown,
as the secretary trusted he had done, " by a very simple
and natural statement of the facts, and an analysis of
the law applicable to them, that this government has
neither meditated, nor practised, nor approved, any de-
liberate wrong in the transaction to which they have
called its attention, it necessarily followed that what has
happened has been simply an inadvertency, consisting in
a departure by a naval officer, free from any wrongful
motive, from a rule uncertainly established, and prob-
ably by the several parties concerned either imperfectly
understood or entirely unknown. For this error the
British government has a right to expect the same rep-
aration that we, as an independent state, should expect
from Great Britain, or from any other friendly nation
in a similar case."

" Nor have I been tempted at all," he continued, " by
suggestions that cases might be found in history where
Great Britain refused to yield to other nations, and even
to ourselves, claims like that which is now before us.
Those cases occurred when Great Britain, as well as the
United States, was the home of generations which, with
all their peculiar interests and passions, have passed

144 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

away. She could in no other way so effectually dis-
avow any such injury, as we think she does by assum-
ing now as her own the ground upon which we then
stood. . . .

" The four persons in question are now held in military
custody at Fort "Warren, in the State of Massachusetts.
They will be cheerfully liberated. Your lordship will
please indicate a time and place for receiving them."

In a second despatch to Lord Lyons, dated on the same
30th of November, and received by Lord Lyons on the
18th of December, not intended to be read to Mr. Sew-
ard, the British ambassador had been directed thus:
" Should Mr. Seward ask for delay . . . you will consent
to a delay not exceeding seven days. If, at the end of
that time, no answer is given, or if any other answer is
given except that of compliance with the demands of
her majesty's government, your lordship is instructed
to leave Washington, with all the members of your lega-
tion, and to repair immediately to London." Lord Ly-
ons was also directed to communicate Mr. Seward's an-
swer to Yice-admiral Sir A. Milne, and to the governors
of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Jamaica, Ber-
muda, and such other of her majesty's possessions as
might be within his reach.

Mr. Seward's letter went to its mark with the force
and directness of a pointed projectile from one of Sir
William Armstrong's steel guns. A war with Great
Britain in defence of the act of Captain Wilkes would
have been a war resulting from the direct opposite of
the cause for which we waged against the same power
the war of 1812. It, therefore, logically followed that
the menaces, the elaborate preparations to strike us
when we could not return the blow, and the wrath and
anger of the British lion, all were founded upon a sud-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 145

den and complete abandonment, without notice, of the
principles of international law, for which Great Britain
had always contended, and to which we intended to re-
main loyal. Without comment or objection, Mr. Sew-
ard left to her whatever of honor or credit such conduct
might gain, but his recommendation to his own country
was the pursuit of its own policy without variableness or
shadow of turning.

Contemporaneously with Mr. Seward's letter, sugges-
tions were published which might have had the same
origin. Attention was called .to the fact that, to decline
the surrender of the prisoners, and so make them a casus
belli, would enable them to pose in the character of mar-
tyrs, and give them an importance which they could not
otherwise secure. But, if they were surrendered, they
would drop into obscurity as soon as their admirers dis-
covered that no profit was to be made from them, and
not be heard of again. This prediction was completely
verified.

From the publication of Mr. Seward's letter there was
no objection heard in the loyal states to its reasoning or
its conclusions. Citizens saw its wisdom; some of the
newspapers which had been most earnest against the
surrender of the envoys hastened to retract their error,
and range themselves on the side of the secretary and
the country. The Confederate sympathizers saw that
the current of opinion was too strong to be stemmed,
and stood dumb. The course of the English press was
as singular as before the demand. It would have been
scarcely decent not to show some satisfaction at the re-
moval of such threatening differences between the two
countries, and two or three of the leading journals
promptly recognized the statesmanship of Secretary
Seward and the value of the influence of Lord Lyons.

10

146 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

The London Times, the Saturday Review, and other
sheets hostile to the North, attributed the surrender of
the prisoners to American cowardice and fear. Their
success was not encouraging. They were noticed only
to be ridiculed, and very soon subsided into a mortified
silence, occasionally broken by grumbling denials of our
successes in the field. The feeling of sympathy with
the South and hostility to the North continued to exist
in many British minds, but it was more cautious in its
manifestations, and never again had such an opportu-
nity for development as it found in the case of the
Trent. Not many months afterwards France kindly
offered her mediation between the American belliger-
ents, but was promptly informed by Mr. Seward that
no war between belligerents, but only an armed insur-
rection, existed, which the United States was vigorously
and triumphantly putting down ; that we were obliged
to our ancient ally for her good intentions, but as for
her mediation, or that of any other power, we would
have none of it. After this the powers of Europe left
us to settle our own controversies in our own way.

It was found convenient for Lord Lyons to send a
small English steamer to the quiet harbor of Province-
town, on the Massachusetts coast, where our government
undertook to deliver the prisoners, previously confined
at Fort Warren, near Boston. The season and the cir-
cumstances subjected them to some inconveniences. Our
larger steamers were all on duty, and it was therefore
necessary to send the envoys from Fort Warren on board
a tug, not provided with passenger accommodations.
They were sent in charge of Mr. Webster, a subordinate
in the State Department. From him I learned that the
weather was unusually tempestuous, even for December ;
that, in fact, the trip was made in a furious northeast gale.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 147

The prisoners were not good sailors ; the tug rolled and
pitched fearfully, so that the unfortunate envoys were
extremely sea-sick all the way to the rendezvous. There
were times when he feared he would be unable to deliver
them, for they claimed vehemently that life, under such
disagreeable conditions, was undesirable. But, notwith-
standing the difficulties, they succeeded at last in mak-
ing the harbor; the prisoners were delivered into the
charge of the British ship, which they declared was no
better than the tug, and altogether unfit for diplomatic
service. This spirit of captiousness was annoying to the
officers of the ship, who maintained that a vessel which
served as the home of officers of the Royal Navy was
good enough for Confederate prisoners. Their voyage
across the Atlantic did not begin under favorable aus-
pices, but was finally accomplished, and thus closed this
much-talked-of incident in American history. As the
secretary had predicted, the mission of the envoys to the
great powers of Europe was a failure, and their proceed-
ings never afterwards disturbed our peace.

President Lincoln's views upon the "Trent affair"
were promptly expressed with his customary common-
sense and brevity. As soon as the capture was reported,
he said that " it did not look right for Captain WUkes
to stop the vessel of a friendly power on the high seas,
and take out of her, by force, passengers who went on
board in one neutral port to be carried to another. And
if it was, he did not understand whence Captain Wilkes
got the authority to turn his own quarter-deck into a
court of admiralty." With the people, it is not improb-
able that this plain, forcible view was as convincing as
the able legal argument of Mr. Seward.

After Mr. Seward's death, Mr. Gideon "Welles, Mr.
Lincoln's Secretary of the Navy, published several mag-

148 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

azine articles, afterwards collected in a volume, in which
he claimed that Mr. Seward at first opposed, and only
consented to the surrender of the prisoners when he was
overruled by the President and a majority of the Cabinet,
and consequently was entitled to no credit in the premises.
It is unpleasant to take issue with Mr. Welles, but the first
despatch to Mr. Adams, to which I have referred, shows
Mr. Seward's position ; and I know that his opinion was
unchanged from the first report of the capture to the
surrender.

XXII.

THE ANTAGONISM OF THE REGULAR TO THE VOLUNTEER SER-
VICE.—THE INFLUENCE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

THE events of the War of the Kebellion followed each
other in such rapid succession that there was no time for
contemporary examination of their relative importance.
Those who were then in the public service will remem-
ber how, before one occurrence could be dealt with, an-
other pressed upon their attention, so that any event
outside the line of their duties necessarily passed with-
out particular observation. As the general picture of
those terrible years recedes into the past, some of its
points, before unnoticed, rise into prominence. There
were several such incidents which attracted slight atten-
tion while the war was in progress, which, regarded from
a later standpoint, singularly illustrate the powerful in-
fluence for the maintenance of the Union, always exerted
by the strong, native common-sense of Abraham Lincoln.

The heads of bureaus and of divisions in the bureaus
seldom changed with the administration before the year
1864. In the spring of 1861 these positions in the War
and Navy Departments were filled by officers of those
services, usually more than sixty years of age. They
had had but little experience in war. Such as they had
was restricted to the war with Mexico, in which the
fighting was wholly on land and in another country, be-
sides a few local contests with the Indian tribes. There
had been no fighting in the navy since 1815. It was the
fact, however, that officers whose names were scarcely

150 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

known to the country were at the head of these bureaus
at the beginning of the War of the Rebellion, and con-
trolled the subjects of arms, munitions, equipment, cloth-
ing, medicine and surgery, hospitals, the construction of
vessels, steam-machinery, and engineering ; in short, the
administration of all the military and naval resources of
the nation. In these bureaus everything was provided
for by " regulations." An application made to the sec-
retary for the introduction of any new arm, invention, or
proposed improvement was by rule referred to the bu-
reau with which it was connected for a report. All the
traditions of these bureaus assumed that their respective
regulations were perfect, that all known sources of in-
formation respecting them were to be there found, and
that any change for the better was impossible. Add to
these traditions contempt for popular ideas as crude and
impracticable, and it is obvious that the accomplishment
of any change in the theory or practice of one of these
departments was a work to be accomplished, if at all,
only by great perseverance and patience.

At the commencement of the war, except a small num-
ber of Colt's revolvers for the cavalry, there was not a
breech-loading gun in the service. The old smooth-bore
musket of the Revolution, modified by a few changes
made in the armories of the United States, was the arm
of the infantry. When the first call for seventy-five
thousand men was made, it became necessary to pur-
chase guns for their use. A large number of muskets,
which Belgium had discarded for an improved weapon,
had been sent over to New York city, where they were
offered to the Government at a very low price — about
three dollars each. As these afforded an economical
means of arming the Volunteer Infantry at a small ex-
pense, they were promptly purchased, and issued to the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

regiments first mustered into service. Complaint of them
was general. Men who were accustomed to handle the
rifle declared that the least dangerous point of their
effective field was in front of their muzzles.

The First Vermont Kegiment was one of the earliest
regiments mustered into service after the call. It com-
prised several uniformed companies, drilled and disci-
plined, in which were to be found merchants, manufact-
urers— in short, the very best native Yermonters. Its
colonel (Phelps) had been educated at West Point ; after
long and gallant service in the regular army he had re-
signed, leaving a most creditable record. Governor Fair-
banks, who was aware that the personnel of the regiment
was well known to me, sent one of his aides to say that it
was rumored that the regiment was to be armed with
the Belgian muskets ; that Colonel Phelps was of opin-
ion that they were unfit for use ; that the government
had new Enfield rifles, then on shipboard in the harbor
of New York, of which the First Yermont would make
as good use as any other regiment ; that he respectfully
requested the delivery of one thousand of these rifles to
the regiment ; that if this request could not be complied
with, the state preferred to purchase good arms for the
regiment if the Secretary of War would authorize him
to do so. He added that immediate action was neces-
sary, as the regiment would arrive in New York city on
the following day.

Taking a personal interest in the regiment, and desir-
ing to promote the object of Governor Fairbanks, I im-
mediately laid the facts before Secretary Cameron, who
referred me to Colonel Thomas A. Scott, then the Assist-
ant Secretary of War. Colonel Scott said that I must
know that such a request was required by the regula-
tions to be made in writing to the secretary, who must

152 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

have a report upon it from the proper bureau, before he
could either grant or reject it, adding that an officer of
one department ought not to request an official of an-
other to violate its rules. I replied that I would have
taken the usual course if I had wished to have Governor
Fairbanks's request denied, as applications from civilians
invariably were, but that, as I wanted the rifles, I had ap-
plied to those who had the power and sometimes the wijJL
to grant such requests ; and that, moreover, I had no
time to waste in applications which we both knew would
be refused. Finding that I was rather persistent, Colonel
Scott finally said that the application must be made
to the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance, but if he re-
fused it I might return, and he would see what could be
done ! I told him that I would go through the formal-
ity if I must, but that I should certainly return within
half an hour.

I found the Chief of the Ordnance hedged in by more
successive guards than the Secretary of War. Disre-
garding their remonstrances, I went directly to the chief
official, apologizing that my own duties prevented me
from giving time to the usual formalities of his ap-
proach. I found an elderly gentleman, who would never
see seventy again, with very white hair and a very red
face. I replied to his inquiry, " What I wanted," in the
fewest possible words : " An order from the War De-
partment on the proper office in New York, to deliver
one thousand Enfield rifles to the governor for the use
of the First Vermont Regiment." The scarlet hue of
his face deepened into crimson, as he exclaimed : " Such
an application was never heard of ! Why was it not
made regularly through the Secretary of War ?" " Be-
cause there was no time," I was about to say, when he
fiercely continued : " It is too late. The guns for that

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 153

regiment have been issued and the orders signed. They
will not now be changed."

" I supposed the order had been issued," I said, " and
that it was to arm the regiment with the Belgian mus-
kets. It is that order which I wish to have changed. I
know that the Department has Enfield rifles ; the Yer-
monters want them. The emergency is pressing, and I
cannot waste any time in mere formalities. I have come
to you at the request of Colonel Scott, who, I under-
stood, was your superior officer. I assured him that my
application to this bureau would be unavailing ; but the
Vermonters must have the rifles. If I cannot get the
order for them here or elsewhere, I must go to the Pres-
ident."

The shock of the intimation that an order of his bu-
reau, once signed, could be recalled, or of the proposition
to ask the President to overrule it, appeared for a mo-
ment to arrest the action of his organs of speech, or I am
certain he would not have listened to so long a state-
ment. His face and hands turned to a dark purple, as
his words vainly struggled for expression. He bounded
from his chair and made a rush, which I thought was in-
tended for my person. But the impetus carried him by
me to a corner of the room, where stood a musket of the
old Springfield pattern, the stock of which was held to
the barrel by the well-known iron-bands. Except that
it had a percussion lock, it was the identical arm which
frightened the crows from the cornfields in my boyhood.
This gun he seized with both hands, raised it above his
head, and shook it furiously. He had gained command
of his voice now, for he roared, rather than exclaimed :
" These volunteers don't know what they want ! There
is the best arm that was ever put into the hands of a raw
volunteer ! "When he throws that away, as they gener-

154 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ally do, he does not throw away twenty-five dollars'
worth of government property !"

I remarked that the Vermonters had no use for guns
to be thrown away, and retired. Returning to Colonel
Scott, I related my experience, and obtained the order
for the rifles without further difficulty. The fact that
President Lincoln could be reached in this case was con-
trolling. But for that the First Yermont would have
carried Belgian muskets through their nine months'
campaign.

I had taken note of the excited bureau-chief's remark,
that "the First Yermont had already got its orders."
This might mean that they had been ordered to some
disagreeable post, when I knew that they preferred ac-
tive service. I therefore, before leaving the department,
determined to call on General Scott, and see whether I
could not influence the destination of the regiment. I
obtained access to him without any delay. The gallant
old hero of Lundy's Lane at once recognized the name
of Colonel Phelps, and said : " Write to Colonel Phelps
that I have not forgotten him ; your request in behalf
of his regiment shall be attended to." As I was taking
my leave Colonel Townsend requested me to wait a few
moments in his office. He was one of the aides of the
Commander of the Army. His consultation with Gen-
eral Scott occupied but a few moments. He then came
to me in his own room, and said : " I cannot inform you
where the regiment of Colonel Phelps will be sent. He
will receive his orders to-morrow in New York, and he
will be quite satisfied with them." The regiment was
ordered to Fortress Monroe, the post which Colonel
Phelps would himself have selected.

In this instance the accessibility of the President and
the use of his name sufficed to overcome the hard-shelled

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 155

formalities of the War Office. In other instances that
Department resisted every influence but the active inter-
vention of Mr. Lincoln's common-sense. The next expe-
rience in attempting to introduce a change was with the
bureau of the Surgeon-General of the Army.

If seventy-five thousand volunteers were suddenly
called into active service in the swamps and marshes of
the South, subject to the diseases incidental to constant
exposure in a new climate, together with the casualties
of battle, it was obvious to everybody except the Sur-
geon-General that the ordinary resources at his com-
mand would be wholly inadequate to preserve their
health or secure their comfort. The recent experiences
of European nations in war, which had availed them-
selves to the fullest extent of the assistance of private
organizations to supplement the deficiencies of a better
service than our own, had demonstrated the great value
of such organizations, if any proof had been needed. As
if by a common impulse, the charitable and benevolent
of all the loyal states contributed large sums of money,
and organized that magnificent charity, now well-known
in history by its excellent work in saving lives, the Sani-
tary Commission. Dr. Bellows, of New York, accompa-
nied by equally eminent citizens from other large cities,
proceeded to Washington, and tendered their organiza-
tion, with its abundant resources and supplies already
accumulated, to the War Department for the use of the
army. In the regular course of such human events their
offer was referred to the bureau of the Surgeon-General
of the Army. To their surprise and confusion, their offer
was rejected with undisguised contempt. They were
told, in substance, that they were interfering with mat-
ters which did not concern them, about which they knew
nothing ; that the Department was able to perform its

156 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

own duties, and wanted none of their assistance. In
short, they were, figuratively, turned out of the office
and told to go home and attend to their own affairs, for
their volunteered assistance was an annoyance, the repe-
tition of which would not be tolerated.

The indignant mortification of these eminent citizens
may be imagined. They had previously supposed them-
selves engaged in an honorable public service — they were
told now that they were impertinent intermeddlers with
matters beyond their sphere. Upon one conclusion they
were agreed : they would shake the dust of the War
Office from their feet, go home, and supply their com-
forts directly to the soldiers, without the endorsement
or intervention of the fossils of that department.

They were about to depart from the capital, when
some happy thought or fortunate suggestion turned
their minds to Abraham Lincoln. They called upon him
and related their experience. He " sent for" the Surgeon-
General. A request for his immediate attendance at the
Executive Mansion was one which even that exalted of-
ficial did not think it prudent to decline. " These gen-
tlemen tell me," said the President, "that they have
raised a large amount of money, and organized a parent
and many subordinate societies throughout the loyal
states to provide the soldier with comforts, with mate-
rials to preserve his health, to shelter him, to cure his
wounds and diseases, which the regulations of the "War
Department do not permit your office to supply — that
they offer to do all this without cost to the government
or any interference with the action of your department
or the good order and discipline of the army, and that
you have declined this offer. With my limited informa-
tion I should suppose that this government would wish
to avail itself of every such offer that was made. I wish

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 157

to have you tell me why you have rejected the proposals
of these gentlemen ?"

Had the President realized the cruelty of confronting
an old bureau officer of the War Department, encrusted
with all the traditions of " how-not-to-do-it," suddenly
and without previous opportunity to frame an excuse,
with the hard, inflexible sense of such a question, he
would have been more merciful. The officer was con-
founded. He could only mumble some indefinite ob-
jections to outside interference with the management of
the War Office, and claim that the Department could
take care of its own sick and wounded — in short, his at-
tempts at excuse were failures. " If that is all you can
say," remarked the President, " I think you will have to
accept the offer, and co-operate to the extent of your
ability with these gentlemen in securing its benefits to
the army." Bureaucracy struggled against common-
sense no longer. The Sanitary Commission was the
greatest, the most active charity of the war. Tens of
thousands of saved lives, of naked men clothed, of
wounded men sheltered and made comfortable, had good
reason to bless the name of Abraham Lincoln, whose
common-sense secured for them the benefits of such an
invaluable organization.

XXIII.

THE COLORED PEOPLE.— THEIR INDUSTRY IN LEARNING TO
READ.— THEIR IMPLICIT CONFIDENCE IN PRESIDENT LIN-
COLN.

I HAD some opportunities, particularly during the first
few months of my residence in Washington, of observ-
ing the influence upon the colored race of their pros-
pective emancipation, which were very interesting at
the time. I transcribe from my journals some of the
notes which I thought were worthy of preservation.

In the first month of my official life, an old resident
and former official of the city, Ex-Mayor Wallach, called
to ask me to appoint a colored man as a laborer in the
register's office. He was a slave, whose master was a
Virginia Secessionist ; he was out of employment, and in
absolute want. Mr. Wallach recommended him highly,
saying that, besides making himself useful in the office,
he was perfectly competent to assist, if any one wished
to entertain dinner or other company, by taking charge
of the entire affair — making provision for, cooking,
and serving a dinner to the satisfaction of the most
exacting. Besides, he was thoroughly honest, for the
ex-mayor and his friends had employed and trusted him
for many years. In view of so high a recommendation,
I promised to give him a trial. His name, Mr. Wallach
said, was Walker Lewis.

The next morning Lewis called upon me. He was
about forty years of age, and, except for his color,
had few of the characteristics of the negro. He was

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 159

erect, rather slim, with a face and lips which would not
have discredited any white man. He was neatly dressed,
and in manner and conversation a gentleman. I addressed
a few inquiries to him, and by degrees drew from him
the history of his life. From boyhood his master had
hired him out as a servant at hotels and watering-places.
He had been for many seasons at the White Sulphur
Springs and Old Point Comfort, and during the sessions
of Congress he had been employed by one of the Wash-
ington hotels patronized by Southerners. He had been
married once, when quite young, but his family had
become separated, and he never expected to see them
again. Asked if his master allowed him to have any
part of his wages, he replied no, that he had to pay
to him not only his wages, but all the gratuities which
gentlemen gave him. He was acquainted with many
leading Southern statesmen, and had served some of
them. He had been steward for President Tyler and
several others. When I asked him what his last em-
ployment had been, he answered, without the slight-
est hesitation, that he had been the steward of Major

H 's gambling-house, until the war broke out, when,

all the gentlemen having gone South, business was dull,
and the house had been closed. He was, therefore, out
of employment, had no money, and, if I would give him
a place, he would serve me very faithfully.

" But, Lewis," I said, " if I secure you a place in the
Treasury, your work would be carrying money, bonds,
and securities, in large amounts, from one room or office
to another. Do you think it would be safe to put a man
in such a position whose last employment was in a gam-
bling-house ?"

An expression passed over his face that touched me.
It was pitiful. His voice trembled, and his eyes filled

160 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

with tears as he said, " I wish you would only try me,
master ! 1 never gambled ; I never drink liquor ; I don't
think I am any worse for working in a gambling-house.
If I had had any choice about it, it might have been dif-
ferent. But I never had any choice of employment in
my life. I have had to go where my master hired me
out, and do what I was told to do. Seems a little hard,
master, that I can't have one trial !"

" It is hard, Lewis !" I said, " and you shall have one
trial. Come here to-morrow, and your name shall be
placed on the roll. But the first time you go wrong
you will probably go to prison ; and you must drop that
word 'master,' which you have used so many times.
Every man in this bureau who does his duty and obeys
the rules is his own master, and will have no other."

" But, master," he exclaimed, " I can't help it. I kind
of forget myself. I was never spoken to so before. No!
no white man ever treated me like you do. I should
like to call you master. Seems like I must do some-
thing to show you how grateful I am."

Lewis's name was borne on the pay-roll of the register's
office for many years after I left it ; until, indeed, his hair
was white, and he had accumulated a modest competence.
He married, and became in time one of the leading citi-
zens of his race in Washington. When I left the Treasury
I was of the opinion that, in the three or four past years,
Lewis had handled more money and securities than any
other person in that department or outside of it. He
was a model of industry, gratitude, and integrity. I
never could break him of the use of the word " master."

Long after his appointment I noticed that, whenever
I met Lewis in one of the halls of the Treasury, he would
invariably cross over to the other side, and pass me as
far away as possible. This was so often repeated that I

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 161

saw it was intentional, and I insisted upon an explana-
tion. I said thai his conduct indicated that he was afraid
of me.

" Oh, no, master," he exclaimed, " I am not afraid of
you, the best friend I ever had ! I will tell you about
it. If I lost one of these bundles, or anybody got one
away from me, I would be ruined ; you would think I
was dishonest. When I first began to carry money, I
said to myself, ' Now, if I never let anybody get within
ten feet of me when I am carrying a Treasury bundle,
I will be sure that nobody gets that bundle.' So I just
made a little rule, only for myself, you see, and it is this :
'Walker, when you have a Treasury bundle in your
hands, never let anybody, not your best friend, not the
register, come within ten feet of you, until you have put
that bundle where it belongs !' "

It would have been to the profit of many treasuries
if other messengers had adopted the Walker Lewis rule.

There was, at the corner of Eleventh and K Streets, a
colored church, the oldest, I believe, in Washington. I
passed it every day on my way to the Treasury, and fre-
quently attended its meetings. At first, minister and
members were reserved in my presence, and I saw little
which might not have taken place in the churches of
Drs. Gurley and Sunderland. But on one occasion it was
my fortune to listen to a plain discussion of my charac-
ter and relations to the colored race, which ended in an
expression of confidence, and a conclusion that, since I had
recommended colored men to office, and was the friend
of Massa Linkum, there was no reason why I should not
be admitted to their most secret councils. Afterwards
their services were conducted without any apparent no-
tice of my presence.

Meetings were held in this church almost every even-
11

162 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ing. Once or twice a week discussions were held of
public questions in which the colored people were inter-
ested. The debates were usually opened by the pastor,
but participated in by members of the church of both
sexes. When it is remembered that the pastor was a
slave, who worked for his master six days in the week,
and that the members, with few exceptions, were born
in slavery, and had no knowledge of freedom save the
hope of it in the future, through the influence of " Massa
Linkum," my readers will not wonder at the interest I
felt in these debates, nor at my surprise at the manner
in which they were conducted.

I was once invited to act as umpire, or judge, at one
of these discussions. The question was, " What makes
the white man the superior of the colored man ?" I ex-
cused myself on the ground that I was interested in the
question, and could not trust my own impartiality. But
I did not fail to attend the meeting at which the subject
was to be discussed.

The principal remarks were made by the minister.
The report is deprived of much of its interest, and all of
its genuine pathos, by my inability to give the dialect
of the speakers. I shall only attempt to show by a few
extracts the good sense which was a prominent feature
of the discussion, the accuracy with which these peo-
ple, whom we called ignorant, appreciated the situation,
and the intelligence with which they set about preparing
themselves for the coming change in their condition.

The white man, the pastor said, was their superior.
This must be so, or he would not have been able to keep
them for generations in slavery, and he would not now
be able to live upon their labor. " He makes the world
believe that we are a careless, thriftless race ; that, like
the grasshopper, we will not lay up anything for the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 163

future, and would starve when winter comes, if he did
not take care of us. We know this is not true. How
many men can I count in this congregation who are sup-
porting the families of their white masters with the wages
of their labor, besides taking care of their own wives and
children ? I am doing it, for one, and I do not know of
any income which my master has had for a long time
except the earnings of his slaves. If we support our-
selves and our masters while we are slaves, we can surely
take care of ourselves when we are free.

"Brethren, the great God has been very kind and
merciful to us and our generation. Just like as he saved
Moses from the crocodiles, and raised him up to lead his
people out of the land of Egypt and out of the house of
bondage ; just like as he saved the dear Lord from the
butchers of old wicked Herod, and bred him up to give
every sinful black or white man or woman one chance
to repent and escape out of the hands of old Satan, so
he has now raised up Massa Linkum, and preserved his
life, so that he might give us freedom. If we don't do
our part towards getting ready for freedom, we don't
deserve to be set free. One thing that we must do in
getting ready is, to show the world that we can take
care of ourselves, and that the superiority of the white
man is not given him by the Almighty, and that he
cannot hold it, if we do our duty.

" For the power and control of the white man over us
comes from his education. He can make books and
newspapers, and he can use them for his advantage.
He can read history, and profit by it ; he can carry on
trade, make bargains, and use us to build houses and
railroads, because he is educated, and can read and write
and make figures. We cannot do all that he does, be-
cause we cannot read and write. What can he do with

164: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

his arms and hands that we cannot do ? And, if we had
his education, why could we not do all these other things
as well as he ? Brethren, this is not a question. A ques-
tion has two sides to it — this has got only one. You
know that an ignorant white man is a poorer creature
than an ignorant colored man. A poor white in the
South is lower down than any slave. Who supports the
rum-shops in this city ? Is it the ignorant whites or the
ignorant colored men? Yet these white men go every
week from the grog-shops to the penitentiary, claiming
how much better they are than the ' niggers,' with whom
they are too respectable to associate !

" Oh, my dear brethren, I have only just now learned
to read. Until we heard that Massa Liukum was elect-
ed I never had a spelling-book or learned my letters. I
was sixty-five years old before I knew the difference be-
tween A and B. I thank the Lord that now I can read
the news ; that I can read the Bible. I am learning ev-
ery day. Every hour that I can save from my work I
give to my Reader, Geography, and Arithmetic. I want
to see every colored man and woman, and every colored
child, with a spelling-book or a primer or some other
book always in their hands. Pretty soon now we shall
have our freedom. I don't know just when, but the
Lord and Massa Linkum knows, and they will tell us in
their own good time. Freedom will come before we are
ready. Let us get ready as fast as we can. Getting
ready means learning to read and write, and make fig-
ures. When we all learn to do these things — when we
educate ourselves and our children, we shall be the equals
of any white race on the face of the earth ; we shall be-
come a credit to our race, to the country, and to that
great and good man who has been raised up by the Lord
to give us freedom. The Bible is all full of directions to

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 165

get wisdom, to get education. It tells how one poor
man saved a city when a great king, with a mighty
army, tried to take it, because he had wisdom."

Suddenly the old man dropped upon his knees, and,
raising his clasped hands in the most unstudied attitude
of supplication, exclaimed, " Oh, Lord, teach my people !
teach my people !" I never heard a more earnest and
touching prayer. Every person in the crowded church
was kneeling, and spontaneously their musical voices,
pitched to the same key, swelled a mighty refrain —
" Hear him, good Lord ! hear him 1" A single voice
sang, " Praise God !" and with an effect almost inde-
scribable the old doxology rang through the church
from floor to roof-tree. I came away while the influ-
ence of the scene was upon me, humbled and abashed
by the lesson which the old colored preacher had taught
me of the injustice of my race, and deeply impressed by
the earnest simplicity of this effort of a simple-minded
man to prepare his people for emancipation.

At this period observing men could not have failed to
notice that many colored men had become students of
the spelling-book and primer. Porters at the hotels were
poring over the well-thumbed pages whenever they had
a moment of spare time. One of the laborers in my
office, an old, white-haired man, had arranged to per-
form his service with promptness, and then to be called
whenever he should be wanted. His mysterious disap-
pearances led me to make inquiry, and, through a clerk,
I soon discovered the old man's occupation during the
intervals of work. The files-room of the register was
in the basement of the Treasury. In a recess, formed
by a window at the farther end of the room, was a space
large enough to seat four persons. It was a corner sel-
dom visited, and far away from the hall or passage.

166 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Here four colored employes of the Treasury had im-
provised a school-room. Not one of them was under
sixty-five years of age ; the man employed in the Regis-
ter's Office must have been fully threescore and ten.
They had arranged narrow seats facing each other, and
at the time of my entrance their teacher, a colored boy
of about ten years, was hearing their lessons. My old
laborer, through an enormous pair of horn spectacles,
was reading out his lesson in words of three letters.
He attacked his task with great earnestness, shaking his
white, woolly head as he came to a hard place in it, but
finally spelled out, without assistance, " The-dog-can-run."
His teacher praised his improvement, and said he should
soon put him in words of four letters. His old, wrinkled
face beamed with delight as he asked, " Do you t'ink I
can manage 'em, sonny? Dey're drefful hard!" The
teacher assured him that he could, and that before very
long he would be able to read the newspaper, which ap-
peared to be the universal desideratum.

The colored people frequently had the latest and fresh-
est news. How they got it I never ascertained. When
armies were fighting, they used to assemble in parties
of a dozen or twenty, when one would read aloud to
the others all the news from the morning journals.
They had other sources of information of which we
knew nothing. Several times my colored messengers
brought me intelligence in advance of the press. It
had been decided to issue the Emancipation Proclama-
tion before the battle of Antietam. I was first informed
of its intended postponement by one of these messen-
gers, who said that the President would not issue it un-
til we had gained a victory ; that, if issued at that time,
it might be regarded as a desperate act, resorted to be-
cause we despaired of success in the field. His inf orma-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 167

tion was perfectly accurate. To my inquiry whether
the delay would not prove a disappointment to the ne-
gro race, he made the answer which was so frequently
repeated, and which illustrated their absolute confidence
in the President, " Why, no, sir ! Of course Massa Lin-
kum knows best !"

XXIY.

SECRETARY CAMERON.— HIS RESIGNATION.— GENERAL FREMONT.
—HIS TROUBLES IN THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST.— SECRE-
TARY STANTON.— HIS CHARACTER.— THE DAVIS COMMISSION.
—MR. O'NEILL'S REPORT ON SECRETARY STANTON'S SERVICES.

THE circumstances which led to the resignation of the
"War Department by Secretary Cameron, and the selec-
tion of Mr. Stanton as his successor, have never been
fairly presented to the public. They form a complicated
chapter of our war history ; they are numerous and de-
serve greater space than I can afford to give them. I
have long felt that the general estimate entertained by
the American people of the character and services of Mr.
Stanton was much less favorable than it should be. Some
of the facts within my knowledge may tend to a more
correct appreciation of the great War Secretary, and to
remove public misapprehensions, which but for his strong
peculiarities Mr. Stanton would have himself rendered
impossible.

In December, 1861, our republic was passing through
a very trying period of its existence. There had been
no successes in the field to compensate for the disaster
of Bull Run. The country was putting forth a mighty
effort to raise and organize an army, under a young and
untried general ; the Confederates, united and defiant,
had suppressed every expression of loyalty in the revolt-
ed states, and their sympathizers in the North were hold-
ing conventions and resolving that the war was a fail-
ure. Just at this time Great Britain had found in the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 169

"Trent affair" an excuse to deal us a blow which we
had not the strength to return, and the Treasury, taxed
to its utmost capacity, and struggling under its burdens,
had reached a point where it must be relieved from the
demands with which it was flooded from the " Depart-
ment of the West," or publicly confess its inability to
carry them.

Secretary Cameron, as the result of his own experi-
ence, had decided that the "War Department required
the services of a more energetic secretary. No friend of
the Union doubted the loyalty or the patriotism of this
eminent Pennsylvanian. His long connection with, and
administration of, large corporations gave him most ex-
cellent business qualifications for the War Office. Then,
•as now, the Pennsylvania Railroad Company was gen-
erally accepted as a model for the business management
of a great institution. Colonel Thomas A. Scott was
credited with originating its business system. He was
then in the prime of life, and, with his corps of lieuten-
ants in the railroad service, followed his old chief into
the War Department. So far as its business manage-
ment was concerned, this Department was supposed to
be better equipped than any other in the government.
And so it was. The quick perception and energy of
Colonel Scott, in which his aides participated, rapidly re-
vealed the time-sanctified obstructions, and so cleared
away the dead-wood of the office that it was brought
to the highest state of efficiency.

But Colonel Scott encountered one obstruction which
he could not overcome. It was the contempt of the offi-
cers of the regular army for the appointments from civil
life. At that time every head of a bureau in the War
Office was an officer of the regular army, with a very
limited experience in the field. They sincerely believed

170 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

that all good things came out of "West Point, and that four
years there, followed by twenty-five years of theoretical
service in the army, were the indispensable qualifications
of a bureau officer. These men never openly opposed
efforts at improvement. They were always apparently
ready to correct abuses, avoid procrastination, and co-
operate in making the Department a model of business
efficiency.

But, somehow, it always happened that when it was
proposed to carry a new rule into practice, and cut off
some venerable excrescence, it could not be done. No
one openly objected — the difficulties arose spontane-
ously. If the change was pressed, objections multiplied,
and the endeavor was sure to encounter the opposition
of every employe, reinforced by whatever outside influ-
ence he could control. That the existing system was
perfection itself was the principal article of faith of the
bureau clerk. The result commonly was, that the en-
thusiasm for reform waned, as objections multiplied, and,
after continuing the contest for a few weeks without ac-
complishing any good result, the advocate for improve-
ment gave it up, and the bureau settled down into its
former quiet inefficiency, much to the comfort of the
official in command and his subordinates. It is true
that public indignation eventually interfered, but how
many lives were lost, what an aggregate of suffering
and waste of money were entailed, by the hostility of
the regular service to anything proposed by civilians
cannot readily be estimated.

The custom of the heads of some military depart-
ments to make contracts without regard to the ability
of the Treasury to meet their payments more than once
brought the Treasury to the verge of bankruptcy. A
very brief experience satisfied Colonel Scott of the im-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 171

minence of this danger, and the total lack of necessi-
ty for the same. He proposed a change, which would
still have left to such commander a limited discretion,
but would have restricted his powers within safe lim-
its. He met with the united resistance of the whole
Department. It was declared an insult to military
officers to subject them to such rules. Had these
bureau officers seconded the wise proposals of Colonel
Scott an enormous waste of money would have been
avoided and the necessity for a change of secretaries
would not have arisen. Finding that all his efforts
at reform only served to excite opposition, and as his
wish to assist his old chief had been his only reason for
coming into the Department, Colonel Scott left it, and
returned to his railroad, whither all his lieutenants fol-
lowed him.

In June, 1861, General Fremont, just returned from
abroad, was appointed to the command of the " Depart-
ment of the West," with his headquarters at St. Louis.
Missouri had been saved to the Union by the vigorous
loyalty of her citizens. There was, therefore, some ex-
cuse for giving to General Fremont powers in addition
to those usually vested in the head of a military depart-
ment. He was authorized to purchase or construct ves-
sels for use upon the Western rivers ; in effect to create
a navy.

During April and May there had been much looseness
in the allowance of claims upon the national Treasury
from St. Louis and its vicinity; the War Department
had assumed some claims created by citizens without
previous authority. The apology for this gross irregu-
larity, if any such apology existed, was that the govern-
ment property could not be otherwise protected. The
consequences were not slow in making their appearance.

172 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

» Men are apt to be liberal with the money of others, and
the loyal citizens of Missouri were much like other men.
As soon as the precedent was established, these claims
increased to a frightful aggregate, which led to the crea-
tion of the Department of the West, and an order, that
thereafter all the moneys of the United States must be
disbursed by the regularly appointed officers of the gov-
ernment.

This order produced no diminution in the claims. To
every remonstrance General Fremont replied that the

; claims originated before his appointment, and that he
was not responsible for them. During the summer and
autumn they reached an amount which it was difficult
for the Treasury to meet, and some disposition must be
made of them, or their continued payment be openly re-
fused. Suspicions of their honesty began to arise. For
example, an account for army blankets of a well-known
description had been allowed, and a warrant drawn for
its payment. The register caused the list to be copied,
without the prices, and submitted to two "Washington
dealers, who were requested to name the prices at which
they would furnish five or ten pairs of like blankets to
the Treasury. Both named the same price, which was
only 32 per cent, of that paid at St. Louis. The facts
were communicated immediately to Secretary Chase.
The subject was considered in Cabinet meeting, where
it was determined that payment of all claims against
the Military Department of the West which originated
prior to the appointment of General Fremont should be
suspended until they were examined by a commission
which should report the facts, with its opinion upon
the amount equitably due. The order first applied
only to " unsettled claims," but before its labors finally
terminated the commission's jurisdiction was extended

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 173

to claims which had been approved by the accounting
officers.

Towards the end of October the President appointed
David Davis, of Illinois, Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, and
Hugh Campbell, of Missouri, members of this commis-
sion. These gentlemen were eminently fitted for the
stern duties they were required to perform. They were
just men, who would as readily reduce to its true value
the claim of the most influential citizen as of the most
insignificant person.

Before this commission was appointed, General Fre-
mont had involved himself in complications which seri-
ously interfered with his efficiency. He had issued a
proclamation manumitting the slaves of rebels, which
President Lincoln found it necessary to modify. A man
of great amiability of character, he had too great con-
fidence in the statements of others, and thus was easily
influenced by designing men. His personal integrity
was unquestioned, but his amiable weaknesses were so
well known that the President had been unwilling to
place him in command of such an important depart-
ment, and had only been induced to do so by the per-
sistence of the general's influential relatives and friends.
His appointment was the signal for the gathering at St.
Louis of the clans of the speculative, the unprincipled,
and the dishonest. These men applauded him in the
newspapers and extolled him to his face. They lost no
opportunity of assuring him that he was the greatest
military leader, the most distinguished statesman of his
generation ; in short, that the finger of destiny pointed
to him as the coming President, the inevitable successor
of Mr. Lincoln. There are few men, and General Fre-
mont was not of the number, who do not like to be
praised. The interested persons referred to were ex-

RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tremely vigilant. They took almost entire possession of
the general, and made it very difficult for others to ap-
proach him, or to get his attention to the most urgent
public business. A profitable contract was the one thing
needful, the single reward which every one of these per-
sons was seeking. The demands upon the Treasury in-
dicated that few of them sought it in vain.

The criticisms upon the conduct of General Fremont
culminated in charges against him, preferred by General
Frank Blair. Although the confidence of loyal citizens
in his fidelity to the Union remained unshaken, Presi-
dent Lincoln determined that the good of the service re-
quired his removal from his command. The order to
that effect reached him at Springfield, Missouri, on the
2d of November. His conduct upon that occasion should
always be remembered to his credit. He was in hourly
expectation of a Confederate attack. His body-guard,
which was devoted to him, was excited and indignant.
But instead of sulking in his tent, he continued his prep-
arations to meet the enemy, and spent the night in watch-
ful inspection of the defences, ready to lead the army if
the anticipated attack should be made. His brief ad-
dress to his men, written during that night, is a model of
its kind. It contains no trace of sullenness. It urges
the army principally to make him proud of them by
continuing to his successor the cordial support which
had so much encouraged him. His single regret was
that he could not have the honor of leading them to the
victory they were about to win, but he should claim the
right to share in the joy of their triumph, and to be al-
ways remembered by his companions in arms. He will
be a cold-hearted American, who in after-times shall
read that letter and fail to recognize the fervent patriot-
ism of its distinguished author.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 175

The first experiences of the commission in the investi-
gation of these claims in St. Louis produced discoveries
which led to the enlargement of its jurisdiction to all
the claims in the Department, whatever their date or
origin, which had not passed the accounting officers of
the Treasury. But this increase of its powers was
among the least important results of the commission.
By the end of the year the amount of these claims al-
lowed by the accounting officers became so large as to
again threaten the solvency of the Treasury. By their
allowance they became a part of the admitted national
debt. What Avas to be done with them? There were
many anxious Cabinet consultations for the purpose of
devising some means of refusing payment of these
claims, without subjecting the Treasury justly to the
charge of repudiation. There was but one way discov-
ered in which it could be done. Possibly there was but
one man in the nation who had the moral courage to do
it. The way was for the Secretary of "War to undertake
the personal examination of the facts in each case, and
to refuse to send any claim to the Treasury for payment
until he had become satisfied of its justice and equity.
In this way the aggregate daily demands upon the Treas-
ury might be kept within its ability to pay.

At this time another subject was demanding the
greatest possible efficiency in the administration of the
War Office. Treasonable utterances in the loyal states
from newspapers and individuals were becoming bold
and frequent. The fact that such newspapers were
allowed freely to continue their objectionable publica-
tions was certainly one form of giving aid and comfort
to the enemy, and made it difficult to call, with success,
upon the country for volunteers, money, and materials.
The voice of loyalty to the Union was suppressed in the

176 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Confederate States on pain of death. To permit the ad-
vocacy of Secession principles in the loyal states was to
place them at an insufferable disadvantage.

The Habeas Corpus Act had not yet been passed, and
the measures for the suppression of open disloyalty must
necessarily originate in the War Department. The ex-
cellent judgment of Mr. Cameron determined that he
was not the secretary who could enforce such measures
with the greatest success. He was conservative, delib-
erate, strongly averse to going beyond the bounds of
lawful authority. If the writ of Habeas Corpus was to
be suspended, certain Northern newspapers suppressed,
and Northern men of disloyal tendencies imprisoned by
military authority, the exigency demanded at the head
of the War Department a bold, fearless man, prompt to
assume responsibility in doubtful cases.

The immediate cause, however, of the secretary's res-
ignation was the decision of the Cabinet to decline pay-
ment of claims from the Department of the West which
arose out of contracts lawfully made and for which the
government was liable according to established rules of
law, and especially such as had been allowed by the ac-
counting officers. He had no doubt that, in fact, the
claims were grossly exaggerated, but the method pro-
posed for dealing with them he regarded as undignified,
or, as he expressed it, too much like pretending to pay
specie by counting out dimes and half-dimes when bills
were presented for redemption. Such a proceeding, he
did not think, would be successful under a secretary en-
tertaining his views, and he therefore tendered his res-
ignation, which was accepted on the 14th of January,
1862.

I think I was in a position to know that Mr. Cameron
retained the full confidence of the President and of his

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 177

associates in the Cabinet, notwithstanding some criti-
cisms made at the time by his enemies upon his official
conduct. These criticisms produced considerable im-
pression. One act of his led to the passage by the pop-
ular branch of Congress of a resolution of censure, some
months subsequent to his resignation. The charge was
that he had intrusted Mr. Alexander Gumming with the
custody of large amounts of the public money, and au-
thority to purchase military supplies, without taking any
security. But the President was too just a man to per-
mit an act to be exclusively imputed to Mr. Cameron
for which himself and the whole Cabinet were responsi-
ble. He promptly answered the resolution by a message,
in which he stated that on the 20th of April, 1861, after
the fall of Sumter, and while the capital was in a state
of siege, he authorized Governor Morgan and Alexander
Gumming to make all necessary arrangements for the
transportation of troops and munitions of war, and gen-
erally to assist the officers of the army in its movements,
until communications should be re-established ; and di-
rected the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, with-
out security, two millions of dollars to John A. Dix,
George Opdyke, and Eichard M. Blatchford, of New
York, to be used in meeting requisitions for the public
defence. Every dollar of the money had been accounted
for, and Mr. Cameron was no more responsible than him-
self and the other members of the Cabinet for whatever
fault had been committed in the premises. This vigor-
ous language ended all further criticism, and no more
attacks were made upon the late secretary. So long as
the President lived he entertained the kindliest feeling
for Mr. Cameron, and gave him a large measure of his
confidence.

Edwin M. Stanton belonged to a class of men whose
12

178 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

public acts seem to invite misinterpretation. There was
no man in a conspicuous position during the war whose
objects were more universally misunderstood or whose
motives were more harshly criticised. These results,
equally unjust to himself and unfortunate for the coun-
try, were more his fault than his misfortune. They
were induced by his own carelessness of speech and
contempt for public opinion ; they might have been at
any time corrected. He had been so long accustomed
to uncharitable criticism that it had ceased to annoy him
or even to attract his attention.

In the year 1861, Mr. Stanton was in the very prime
of his intellectual and physical life. He was about five
feet eight inches in height, his figure being slightly in-
clined to corpulence. His face was dark, and the lower
portion of it was completely covered with a long, heavy,
dark beard. His eyes were small, dark, and piercing.
His movements were quick. Vigorous alertness was
indicated by every change of his countenance and
movement of his body. His mind was as active as his
person. It was original and mechanical rather than
philosophic or thoughtful. Its type was indicated by
his success at the bar, where he had attained an enviable
reputation as an advocate in patent cases, with but little
celebrity in the investigation or discussion of abstract
principles. His perceptions were too quick to be always
accurate ; his ideas seemed to burst forth from his brain
like a torrent from a mountain-side, with a force of cur-
rent which swept along with it obstructions of every
description. He impressed those who knew him best
with a sense of his own personal courage, the existence
of which was denied by his numerous enemies. What-
ever he may have been in the presence of danger to his
person, his whole official life was a witness to his com-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 179

plete insensibility to the opinions of others upon his ac-
tions. These qualities constituted a character eminently
aggressive ; a man capable of lofty purposes, which, once
formed, were to be pursued to failure or success. He
was, or at least appeared to be, insensible to all influ-
ences outside of his own construction of the law. He
had the capacity of so shutting in his own consciousness
that he was as impervious to external influences as if he
had been made of metal or stone.

The circumstances under which Mr. Stanton had en-
tered the Cabinet of the last administration were as try-
ing to himself as his services there were invaluable to
the country. The crimes of Floyd, the machinations
of Cobb and his associates, had driven that loyal old
Democratic soldier, General Cass, from the chair of
state. Cobb had resigned ; Floyd and Thompson were
still there, with the new Secretary of State, whose opin-
ion, as Attorney-General, " that Congress had no power
to make war upon a state," still dominated the Cabinet.
Stanton was tendered the office of Attorney-General, as
the successor of General Black, whose political faith he
was supposed to have embraced. He had decided to de-
cline the appointment. There was nothing of reputa-
tion to be gained in the office during the fraction of the
term which remained ; there was but one loyal member
left, and he was a Kentuckian. Mr. Stanton went to
the Executive Mansion to thank the President and ex-
plain his declination. He saw and appreciated that the
only defence of the Union against Secession for the mo-
ment was the wavering President who had called him
to his aid. The picture changed his determination. In-
stead of declining, he then and there accepted the ap-
pointment.

The circumstances of the first Cabinet meeting he at-

180 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tended should be recalled by those who care to deal
justly with the reputation of Mr. Stanton. In addition
to those already mentioned, they were reported to be as
follows : The meeting occurred on an unfortunate day
for Secession. It was the 8th of January, the anniversary
of the battle of New Orleans. Floyd had made the
refusal of the President to withdraw the troops from
Charleston Harbor the pretext for tendering his resig-
nation, which had not been accepted. Cobb, after deal-
ing a deadly blow at the national credit, had been suc-
ceeded by a man of no positive opinions from a Border
state. The only member present known to be true to
the Union was Judge Holt. All the other members were
in sympathy with Secession, or, like the President, were
struggling to maintain a neutral position, when neutral-
ity was little better than treason.

" Should Major Anderson be reinforced or withdrawn
from Fort Sumter ?" was then the burning question. The
discussion was fierce and long, and almost wholly on the
Secession side. It ended by a motion made by Secretary
Thompson that Major Anderson be commanded to retire
and abandon Fort Sumter. The only voice raised against
it was the single one of Judge Holt. Floyd, Thompson,
Thomas were openly, Judge Black and the President
secretly inclined in its favor.

The occasion demanded a man of courage, and he was
there. It was the first Cabinet experience of Mr. Stanton.
The proprieties of the occasion, the traditions of Cabinet
action, and his own inclinations combined to secure his
silence. But he was not the man to become an accom-
plice in crime. It is a public misfortune that the words
of burning denunciation which constituted the first re-
marks of Secretary Stanton in a Cabinet meeting were
not recorded at the time ; that, to recall them, we are

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 181

constrained to rely upon the memory of Judge Holt, the
only other loyal member among traitors in intention,
to whom the whip of his stinging scorn was applied.
From him we learn that the words were, in substance,
these :

" Mr. President : At your solicitation I have consented
to become, for a very brief time, your constitutional
adviser in matters of law. It is an office I did not seek,
but while I hold it I shall perform its duties. The mo-
tion of your Secretary of the Interior presents my first
official duty. That motion is, that you surrender the
soldiers and abandon the property of the United States
to its enemies. When that motion passes, its author, its
supporters, every member of your Cabinet present, and
yourself, if you and they do not oppose it, will have com-
mitted a crime as high as that of treason !"

Had a bomb exploded, the party would not have been
more astounded. Such words had never been heard in
that presence. Thompson and Floyd, their voices para-
lyzed with anger, vented their wrath in threatening gest-
ures. Judge Holt moved around the end of the table to
Stanton's side. Menaces were not replied to in kind by
him, but, if contempt could have burned, his look would
have scorched the traitors. Thompson first controlled
his voice into intelligible speech. "Who," he almost
screamed, "will dare to arrest me for treason? And
what army officer will assist him in his Black Kepublican
work ? There are two hundred men in my own depart-
ment who will protect me if I call on them !"

" If the officer appointed by law calls for assistance
to arrest you or any other traitor, I will render it, for
one," replied Mr. Stanton, " and one of the oldest and
bravest of our generals has publicly declared that, if
Fort Sumter is surrendered, he will, within twenty days,

182 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

lead two hundred thousand men to take vengeance on
all the betrayers of the Union!"

The meeting dispersed while the President was wait-
ing for mutual concessions. Within a few hours the
frauds of Floyd became public, and compelled the ac-
ceptance of his resignation. Thomas also made way in
the Treasury for General Dix, who, within the month,
had written an order which will carry his name to the
last page of the latest history of patriotism, and enough
of stamina was infused into the enervated administra-
tion to carry it through its expiring hours without any
very humiliating concessions to disunion.

With the undeniably strong and valuable qualities
which controlled the mind of Mr. Stanton were mingled
others which were injurious to his reputation and a det-
riment to his usefulness. His judgment of other men
was as partial as that of Secretary Chase. But while
the latter did not resist the influence of personal ad-
miration and praises of himself, Mr. Stanton was ex-
tremely suspicious of anything like personal commenda-
tion. Probably no man ever repeated the attempt to
praise him. The first almost certainly produced either
a shaft of satire or a glance of contempt. Other great
faults were mixed with his great powers. He acquired
permanent prejudices against others without an effort
and often without a cause, and, once imbibed, they be-
came indelible. His temperament was censorious and
rather gloomy. He was parsimonious of his commenda-
tions of others, but not sparing in his criticisms. Men of
his very peculiar nature are constantly making enemies,
who are retained without effort, while they make but few
friends, and those are not to be retained without watchful
attention.

Cant, pretence, and hypocrisy were the Parcae which

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 133

never passed the door of Mr. Stanton's favor. He could
not endure the breath of either. It irritated him to hear
any one speak of his own patriotism, or his sacrifices.
Such men, he maintained, were necessarily hypocrites,
and it must be admitted that herein his estimate was
seldom at fault. There was one sin for which, before the
bar of his judgment, there was neither excuse, pardon,
nor remission : it was fraud or peculation in the public
service. In the catalogue of crimes, as he would have
arranged it, these were more iniquitous than openly
bearing arms against the government.

This was no hasty or superficial conclusion of his
mind — it was reached by a process of logical reasoning.
To him the republic was like a woman whom we pro-
fessed to love, assailed on every side by some of the
children she had borne and nourished ; herself defenceless,
with her life depending upon the loyalty of those who
were still faithful. "While these, by thousands, were
shedding their blood and laying down their lives to save
hers, there were a few clothed in her uniform and sworn
to defend her flag who were treacherous enough to make
profit of her necessities by selling the arms, the food, the
clothing of their sick, wounded, and dying brothers. In
such a stress and strain there could be no abstraction
from the national resources by unjust profit or by fraud,
which did not in some way diminish the arms, supplies,
the clothing or comforts of our soldiers in the field. A
defrauding contractor was a greater criminal than an
open, willing rebel. And there was one superlative type
of unmitigated rascal, and that was a man who, wearing
the uniform or invested with the authority of the United
States, could use his rank, his office, or his position for
his own secret, unlawful, personal gain !

An actual occurrence will illustrate both the careless-

184 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ness of expression in which Secretary Stanton indulged,
and the intensity of his feeling towards men of this class.
At a reception one evening he was engaged in conversa-
tion with an officer when a person passed them. Turning
the subject, he suddenly exclaimed :

" Do you know that person?" at the same time indi-
cating the individual who had passed, who still stood
within hearing but for the sound of conversation.

" Know him ? Certainly. He is Mr. , chief of

the bureau in your own Department. Why do you

ask?"

" Because he is a pretender, a humbug, and a fraud,"
said Mr. Stanton. " Did you ever in all your life see the
head of a human being which so closely resembled that
of a cod-fish ?"

" He is not responsible for his head or his face. But
why do you say he is a fraud ? The newspapers call him
a reformer, and give him credit for great efficiency."

" I deny your conclusions," he replied. " A man of
fifty is responsible for his face ! Yes, I know he is
courting the newspapers : that proves him a humbug and
presumptively a fraud."

A few months later the official in question was found
guilty by a court-martial of peculation and fraud in the
management of his bureau, and dishonorably expelled
from the service.

Mr. Stanton's unpopularity, if the term is permissible,
was due to his own neglect and carelessness. It was
owing to his negligence that he never cared to give any
one a favorable impression of himself — it was his fault
that his dislikes were caused by slight circumstances,
and often inexplicable. When he made an unpleasant
remark about another it was seldom forgotten, for he
could put more caustic bitterness into a brief sentence of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 185

personal criticism than Carlyle, or any known master of
the vocabulary of denunciation. But, perhaps, enough
has been said to indicate the qualities which led to his
selection by President Lincoln as the successor in the
War Office of Secretary Cameron.

Men of Mr. Stanton's temperament could not be the
favorites of President Lincoln. There were also reasons
of a personal character which would have barred his en-
trance into the Cabinet, if Mr. Lincoln had been an ordi-
nary man. They were known to each other before the
war. Both had been counsel for the same party in an
action in which, by professional courtesy, Mr. Lincoln
was entitled to make the argument, unless he voluntarily
waived his right. It was an action in which he took a
deep interest professionally, and for which he had made
thorough preparation, and was, consequently, certain to
have made a better argument than his associate. But
Mr. Stanton, without consulting his colleague, in a domi-
neering manner not uncommon with him in similar
cases, although he was the younger man, coolly assumed
control and crowded Mr. Lincoln out of his own case.
The latter felt deeply hurt at the slight, which was the
more remarkable since it is the only recorded instance
in which he seems ever to have claimed in his own favor
any question of precedence. No lawyer would have ex-
pected Mr. Lincoln to overlook such a gross discourtesy,
or to take its author into confidence, without the most
ample apology.

But when did any personal consideration weigh a
feather in the mind of President Lincoln if the public
safety was in question? Oblivion of himself on such
occasions was the indisputable demonstration of his
moral greatness. He who, two years later, could say
of one who, without excuse, had added to the heavy

186 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

burden of his cares, " If I have the opportunity I will
make him chief justice," and kept the promise, now
recognizing in Mr. Stanton the qualities which the War
Office required, invited him into his Cabinet as cordially
as if they had been old friends. From that time, through
dark and evil days, through nights of solicitude and fear-
ful responsibility, they together carried the burden of
war, until, and largely owing to their joint labors, the
rebellion was crushed and the republic saved.

In the dark night of another day of evil the most
sorrowful heart by the bedside of the murdered Presi-
dent throbbed in the bosom of his Secretary of War, and
his voice it was which spoke his grandest eulogy in the
words, " There lies the most perfect ruler of men the
world has ever seen !"

On the 14th of January, 1862, Mr. Stanton was in-
vited into the Cabinet and accepted his nomination as
Secretary of War. He was expected to diminish the
demands of the Department of the West upon the Treas-
ury, but it was not supposed that he would wholly arrest
them. There were numerous monthly requisitions from
the War Department upon the Treasury, authorized by
statutes, which it was necessary to provide for, in order
to carry on the regular operations of the government.
For almost a fortnight none of these were made. The
delay became so embarrassing to the daily operations of
the government that the Secretary of the Treasury re-
quested one of his bureau chiefs to call upon Secretary
Stanton and ascertain the reason for the delay. This
officer solicited an interview, and the Secretary of War
named six o'clock P.M. on January 28th as a convenient
time. Two hours after the close of business on January
28th this officer found Secretary Stantoij literally buried

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 187

in accumulated heaps of requisitions on the Treasury,
each paper of which was an account, upon which some
one was, by the judgment of the "War Office, lawfully
entitled to a Treasury warrant for its payment. There
were, literally, cords of these requisitions. The piles sur-
rounded the Secretary's desk, and were higher than his
person when he stood erect. He was carefully examin-
ing each account with its vouchers. The result of his
day's work lay by his side, possibly a dozen requisitions
approved, and five times as many reserved for further
investigation. The Treasury officer asked him whether
he was discharging the functions of an " auditor" of these
claims.

" I am discharging a duty imposed by statute," he re-
plied. " No further payments will be made by the Treas-
ury on the requisitions of this Department until I know
that they ought to be made !"

" You are undertaking an impossibility," said the rep-
resentative of the Treasury. " You will stop the wheels
of government. No five men can do what you are un-
dertaking !"

" I am not responsible for that," said the Secretary. "I
am responsible for aiding the payment of fraudulent
claims. You yourself have put me upon inquiry. You
arrested a warrant for the payment of $26 each for
muskets, previously offered to this Department for less
than $4 each, and the offer was declined. Such claims
are scandalous as well as fraudulent. I intend to arrest
them!"

He would not be moved from this position. He would
not approve the formal requisitions, which were unques-
tionably just, out of their regular order. He would do
nothing but take up each account in its order, and either
approve or reject it, as the facts seemed to warrant. To

188 RECOLLECTIONS OF PKESIDENT LINCOLN

every argument or statement of the evil consequences
that must follow from this practical suspension of the
payment of war claims, his answer was that the statute
and not the secretary was responsible.

In a few days the Department of the "West was in an
uproar — there was a rebellion within the loyal states.
Every Western man, of any influence, hurried to Wash-
ington. The War Office was in a state of siege — the
Secretary was waylaid in the streets, at his residence,
even in his bed. No combination so powerful had been
made since the fall of Sumter as that which now beset
the White House and all the departments to induce Sec-
retary Stanton to change his policy, and permit these
claims to be presented to the Treasury for payment.
Every conceivable means, influence, effort, and endeavor,
every imaginable prediction of calamity, mischance, and
disaster, even denunciations, menaces, and threats were
brought to bear to persuade or to drive him to remove
the obstruction, and permit the current of public money
into the Department of the West to resume its flow.

But all in vain. The Washington Monument was not
more insensible to the breath of a summer wind than
was Secretary Stanton to all these supposed influences.
He labored diligently, through the night-watches as well
as in the daytime. Possibly a tenth of the average num-
ber of requisitions were made daily by his Department
upon the Treasury; but when the average was once
established, it never increased, nor had the Treasury
any difficulty in meeting the moderate aggregate of his
demands.

Many weeks of this delay did not elapse before the
claimants began to implore for some measure of relief.
Was no compromise possible ? Was there no way of ob-
taining payment of such portion of these demands as

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

was clearly just ? Secretary Stanton had one uniform
reply. The Court of Claims was open. It was the tri-
bunal provided by law for claimants not satisfied with
the proceedings of the Department. At length, when
all other resources had failed, the claimants in the De-
partment of the West voluntarily offered to submit their
claims to the Davis Commission, if the Treasury would
pay such amounts as that commission found was equita-
bly due. To this Mr. Stanton would assent, provided
the claimants would accept the amount so found justly
due in full payment, but not otherwise. After a vain
effort to move him from this position, the claimants con-
sented, and the whole accumulated mass of unpaid war
claims in the Department of the West was sent to the
commission for investigation. They were so numerous
that it was more convenient to measure them by the
cubic foot than otherwise.

The commission dealt with them justly, and with all
practicable despatch. It was readily proved that, as a
rule, claimants and contractors had been permitted to fix
their own prices. Blankets, tents, provisions, and nu-
merous other articles had been accepted at four and six
times the ordinary retail prices, and the account certified
as just. Many of the claims were allowed at twenty and
thirty per cent, of the amounts claimed, and the final re-
sult was that the amount of all the claims allowed by the
commission was about one half the aggregate allowed by
the accounting officers. As fast as the claims were liqui-
dated they were paid by the Treasury. The claimants
accepted payment of these reduced amounts under pro-
test and, as they claimed, upon compulsion. Suits to re-
cover the amounts reduced were brought in the Court of
Claims, and that court rendered judgment in favor of the
claimants ; but, upon appeal, the Supreme Court of the

190

United States reversed these judgments, on the ground
that the acceptance of the amounts allowed by the Com-
mission operated in law to discharge the entire claim.

The official reputation of Mr. Stanton was essentially
established by these early acts of his public career. They
were fiercely denounced at the time as unjust and arbi-
trary. As he never defended his acts — as no one was
interested to justify them — his reputation has necessarily
suffered. Now that the supposed sense of personal in-
jury has passed away, a more just judgment of these
acts may be formed. It should be remembered that the
Treasury could not have paid these claims. The scale of
prices they introduced would have bankrupted the na-
tion during any six months of the war. The claims were
fraudulently excessive. The equity of the Commission
was never challenged — it would not have reduced the
claims one half without good reason. The net result,
then, of this conduct of the Secretary of War was to
save the Treasury from bankruptcy, the country from
the payment of unjust claims to a very large amount,
and from the introduction of a ruinous standard of
prices, and to administer a stinging rebuke to the pre-
tended patriots who were robbing the Treasury while
vaunting their loyalty.

It was the common opinion that the nature of Mr.
Stanton was pitiless, that he was insensible to all ap-
peals for mercy, or for the relief of human suffering or
sorrow. This opinion has outlived him, and still dark-
ens his memory. There are individuals who have under-
taken to write history who have recorded dark hints
that the torments of a conscience, awakened too late to
undo the miseries he had inflicted, actually drove him
to end his own life. "While these persons have earned

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 191

nothing but contempt for their prurient vagaries, it is
time that this injustice should be corrected.

I will call a single witness to the accuracy of this im-
perfect sketch of the character of Mr. Stanton. Charles
O'Neill, of Philadelphia, entered Congress before the
war, and his term of useful service is not yet ended.
No man knew Mr. Stanton better than Mr. O'Neill.
As chairman of a committee which reported a bill for
the erection of a monument to Mr. Stanton, Mr. O'Neill's
committee made the following record :

" To the intense patriotism and great personal force
manifested by Mr. Stanton in 1860-61 was due his ap-
pointment as Secretary of War, Jan. 20, 1862. He was
thus made chief of staff of President Lincoln, who was
by virtue of his office the commander-in-chief of the
military forces of the United States ; and, although that
great magistrate never abdicated his authority, the world
knows that the confidence he reposed in Mr. Stanton
made the latter mainly responsible for the placing of
armies in the field and for the selection of the generals
who finally led them to victory.

" From the day of his entrance into the War Office
the change in the conduct of affairs was most marked.
His organizing power was felt at once in every bureau
of the Department. To the raising of men and the sup-
plying of them with the munitions of war, clothing, sub-
sistence, medicines, and transportation, he gave his great
capacity for organization, his restless energy, and his
wonderful powers of endurance. He was a prodigy for
work.

" He had a resolute will to do what his judgment told
him was necessary, and struck out new paths when the
old ones led only to pitfalls, and the moral courage to
pursue the course thus marked out.

192 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" His faith in the national cause was never shaken,
and he had the magnetism which enabled him to com-
municate it to those with whom he came in contact.

"Laggards and absentees from the army, contract
brokers, and purveyors of contraband news were made
to feel his righteous anger. Called upon to perform
labors which would have exhausted a dozen men, taking
but little sleep, and his nerves constantly wrought up to
the highest tension, it would have been strange if he had
not often been abrupt and impatient while engaged in
the rapid despatching of business, and especially with
people who insisted upon consuming time which could
not properly be given them.

"The leaders of Congress had the most unbounded
confidence in his wisdom as well as in his integrity, and
treated him as one of themselves. The committee which
had to deal with questions connected with the war gave
great weight to his recommendations. The vast levies
of troops and the enormous appropriations for their
movement and support were in the main measured by
him under advice of the generals of the army.

"When Congress had given the authority asked, he
directed the marshalling of the great resources of the
country thus made available. From his executive mind
came the organization of the work by which two mill-
ions and a half of soldiers were enlisted to fight the
battles of the Union. He was the impersonation of
honesty, and, after controlling the expenditure of
$3,000,000,000, he died poor as he had lived.

" President Lincoln had in him an absolute trust.
"WTien the chief-justiceship was vacant, and the good
Bishop Simpson was urging Stanton for the place, Mr.
Lincoln replied that he would gladly place him there if
he would find him another such Secretary of War.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

193

" When the nation made General Grant President, he
appointed Mr. Stanton to a place on the Supreme Bench.
He received his commission, but disease prevented him
from entering upon the duties of the office. The mighty
strain of the war upon him impaired his constitution and
caused his death. He was a martyr as well as a hero.

" To perpetuate by enduring monuments the memory
of the great few who are thus raised up in great crises
for the salvation of a nation is a duty and a privilege,
sanctioned by custom and demanded by the natural feel-
ings of grateful patriotism."

XXV.

MAKING $10,000,000 OF UNITED STATES BONDS UNDER PRESS-
URE.—THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONFEDERATE IRON -CLAD
SHIPS IN BRITISH SHIP- YARDS.— THE DEPARTURE OF TWO
PREVENTED. — AN ENGLISHMAN OFFERS A GREAT SERVICE
TO OUR REPUBLIC.— HIS INCOGNITO.

TEN millions are " a good many " things of any kind.
They seemed to be more than a good many to the offi-
cer who had to sign coupon-bonds to that amount in de-
nominations of $1000 and less, within the time and under
the pressure of the circumstances about to be described.
Except upon this single occasion, it is questionable wheth-
er so large an amount of coupon securities, of the same
issue, of our government were ever brought together.

Communication between the United States and Great
Britain was much more irregular and required longer
time in 1862 than in 1891. Now, on regular sailing'
days, twice every week, as many as ten large steam-
ships leave New York for English ports on a single
tide. Telegraphic communication between Washington
and London is almost as frequent as between New York
and Philadelphia, and it is not interrupted unless four
cable-lines are simultaneously broken. Then there were
fewer lines of steamships, and during the war the sail-
ing-days of some of them were irregular ; only one cable
had been laid across the Atlantic, and that was not in
working order. Special messengers carried all the im-
portant despatches between our country and Great Brit-
ain ; there was time for a revolution to break out and

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 195

be suppressed on the Continent before we heard of its
existence. It was such a messenger who brought the
first news to America of the furious rage of our trans-
atlantic cousins excited by the capture by Captain Wilkes
of those Confederate (almost) protomartyrs Mason and
SlideU.

About eleven o'clock on a well -remembered Friday
morning, in 1862, the Eegister of the Treasury was re-
quested to go to the Executive Mansion immediately,
without a moment's delay. He obeyed the summons,
and found there Secretaries Chase and Seward, in anx-
ious consultation with the President. They wished to
know what was the shortest time within which $10,000,000
in coupon " five-twenties " could be prepared, signed, and
issued. They were informed that the correct answer to
that inquiry would depend upon the denominations al-
ready printed ; that if a sufficient number of the largest
denomination, of $1000, were on hand, they might be
issued within four or five days; if the denominations
were smaller, longer time would be required ; that the
number printed could be ascertained by sending to the
Register's Office, for there was a report from the custodi-
an of unissued bonds made every day. Both Mr. Chase
and Mr. Seward said that so much time could not be
given ; that these bonds must be regularly issued, and
placed on board a steamer which was to leave New York
for Liverpool at twelve o'clock on the following Monday,
if this could possibly be done; that the register could
command all the resources of the government, if neces-
sary, but he must see that the bonds were on board the
steamer at the hour named. There was one condition
— the bonds must be regularly and lawfully issued, with
nothing on their face to indicate that the issue was not
made in the regular course of business.

196 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

By the act of Congress which authorized the issue of
these bonds it was declared that they should be signed by
the register. The construction given to the act in the de-
partment was that the register must sign them in person,
and that he could not delegate his authority. Any number
of clerks could be employed in their preparation and entry,
but the point of difficulty was whether the register could
sign them within the time. There were seventy hours be-
tween the time of the discussion and the hour when the
securities must be on board the special train that would
carry them to the steamer. The time was long enough.
Ten thousand signatures and a greater number could be
made in seventy hours, with proper seasons of rest and
sleep. But could the physical strength of one man hold
out to the end of such a dreary, monotonous work with-
out sleep or rest ? The question was one of physical en-
durance, only to be determined by a trial. But a few
moments could be spared for discussion. It was speed-
ily settled that the register would set about the task at
once ; that he would sign until his strength gave out.
He would then resign his office ; the President would
appoint another register, who would complete the issue.
This would lead to complications, and was otherwise
objectionable ; but the faith of the government was in-
volved ; the emergency justified extreme measures.

The immediate occasion of this sudden determination
to issue these securities was a despatch just received by
Mr. Seward, by special messenger, from Mr. Charles
Francis Adams, our minister to the court of St. James.
As already intimated, the cable was not in working
order, and no suggestion of the facts had been made to
the State Department previous to the arrival of the mes-
senger. Its importance was obvious to the two secreta-
ries, but will not be understood by the reader without

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 197

an explanation covering a considerable period of time
and events which are now for the first time made public.

Mr. Adams had for several weeks been aware, and
had communicated the fact to his government, that the
Messrs. Laird, extensive ship-builders, were building at
their yards in Birkenhead, near Liverpool, two armored
vessels for the Confederate government. They were to
be furnished with powerful engines, and capable of great
speed. When completed, they were to proceed to a small,
unfrequented British island in the West Indies, where
they were to be delivered to the agents of the Confed-
eracy. They were then to receive their armament, pre-
viously sent thither, take their crews on board, and then
set forth on their piratical cruises, after the example of
the Alabama. After sweeping our remaining commerce
from the seas, by burning and sinking every merchant-
ship bearing our flag, they were to come upon our own
coast, scatter our blockading fleet, and open all the South-
ern ports to British commerce, which would no longer
be required to take the great risk of breaking the block-
ade. This feat was to be accomplished by vessels which
had never entered a Confederate port, nor, indeed, any
harbor which was not covered by the British or some
other flag which protected the iron-clads against pursuit
or capture by vessels of the United States navy.

Greater danger than these vessels never threatened
the safety of the Union. In tonnage, armament, and
speed they were intended to be superior to the Kearsarge
and every vessel of our navy. Their armor was supposed
to render them invulnerable. If the blockade was not
maintained, an immediate recognition of the belligerent
character of the rebels by Great Britain was anticipated.
Even if that did not take place, all the cotton gathered
in Confederate ports would be released and find a prof-

198 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

itable market ; while the old wooden vessels, now prin-
cipally constituting the blockading fleet, would not resist
one of these iron-clad vessels long enough for a second
broadside.

The impending danger was fully appreciated by Mr.
Adams. With his accustomed energy, notwithstanding
the secrecy in which all the Confederate movements in
Great Britain were shrouded, he had collected and laid be-
fore the English authorities clear proofs of the rebel own-
ership and intended unlawful purpose of these vessels.
He had even procured copies of the contracts under which
the Messrs. Laird were building them, and had ascertained
the fact that payments on their account had been made
from proceeds of cotton owned by the Confederacy. He
had represented that the evidence furnished by him, ver-
ified by the oaths of credible witnesses, was sufficient
not only to justify their seizure, but to secure their con-
demnation in the courts, and he had insisted, with a force
apparently unanswerable, that it was the duty of Great
Britain to prevent the vessels from leaving the Mersey,
and setting forth upon their piratical career.

But, unfortunately, the sympathies of the party in
power in England were not with the Union cause. It
suited the view of the law-officers of the crown not to
interfere, and to excuse their inaction by raising objec-
tions to the legal sufficiency of the evidence. The situ-
ation was perfectly comprehended by the President and
his Cabinet, but remonstrance appeared to be unavailing,
and the departure of the vessels was expected at an
early day.

Hopeless as the task appeared to be, neither Mr. Ad-
ams nor his active agents relaxed their efforts for a mo-
ment. Their recent investigations had been prosecuted
with such energy that the minister had finally been able

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 199

to furnish the British premier with the sworn affidavits
of some of the officers and men actually enlisted in Liv-
erpool and other English cities for service on these ves-
sels ; that the advance payments to these men had been
made by Confederate agents ; that the ships were to leave
the Mersey at an early appointed date for an island near
Bermuda ; that their guns and ammunition had already
been sent thither. Mr. Adams had also secured the
names of several of the ship's officers, with copies of
their commissions, bearing the signature of President
Davis and the seal of the Confederacy.

The last instalment of affidavits forwarded by our
minister proved to be more than the crown lawyers
could digest. They covered every defect named in their
former objections ; they could not be answered even by
a special demurrer. They were reinforced by the caus-
tic pen of Mr. Adams, whose argument so clearly point-
ed out the duty of the English government in the prem-
ises that it would obviously be regarded as conclusive by
every one but these lawyers, who possessed the exclusive
power to move the slow authorities of the customs to
action. The crown lawyers finally decided that the de-
mand of Mr. Adams must be complied with, and that an
order must issue, prohibiting the departure of these ves-
sels from the Mersey, until the charges of the American
minister had been judicially investigated.

There were, however, some incidents attending this
most important decision which prevented its communi-
cation from giving to Mr. Adams a satisfaction wholly
unalloyed. The decision had been withheld until the
vessels were on the very eve of departure. The order
must be immediately served, and possession taken by
the customs authorities, or the vessels would escape.
The crown lawyers, properly enough, observed that the

200 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

affidavits furnished by Mr. Adams were ex parte — the
witnesses had not been cross-examined. If Mr. Adams
should fail to prove his charges by evidence which would
satisfy the judicial mind, and the vessels be released, the
damages caused by arresting them might be very heavy.
It was a settled rule of procedure in the courts in such
cases to secure the payment of such damages beyond
any peradventure. The restraining order would, there-
fore, be issued, but it would not be enforced against the
vessels until these damages had been secured by a de-
posit of £1,000,000 sterling in gold coin.

The situation was well known to be critical. Within
three days the vessels were to sail for their destination ;
if necessary, they might sail forthwith. The cable was
useless — broken or disabled — and Mr. Adams could not
communicate with his own government. Without such
communication he had no authority to bind his govern-
ment as an indemnitor, or to repay the money if he could
borrow it. Even if he had the fullest authority, where
was the patriotic Briton who would furnish a million
pounds on the spur of the moment to a government which
was believed by the party in power in Great Britain to
be in articulo mortis f Unless, therefore, the crown
lawyers supposed our minister to have anticipated their
decision by providing himself with this money, they
must have known that this condition could not be com-
plied with, and that they might just as well have de-
clined to interfere. If they had intended that these
ships should not be prevented from making their intend-
ed crusade against our commerce and our cause, no bet-
ter arrangement could possibly have been devised. It
is not to be denied that suspicions existed that such was
their purpose.

But the unexpected sometimes happens. The event

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 201

which prevented these floating engines of destruction
from entering upon their intended work was as unan-
ticipated as a miracle. It constituted, possibly, the most
signal service ever rendered by a citizen of one country
to the government of another. It was all the more no-
ble because it was intended to be anonymous. The em-
inently unselfish man who performed it made a positive
condition that it should not be made public ; that not
so much as his name should be disclosed, except to the
officers of our government, whose co-operation was re-
quired, in order to transact the business in a proper man-
ner and upon correct principles. So earnest was his in-
junction of secrecy that his identity will not even now
be disclosed, although he has long since gone to his re-
ward.

Within the hour after the crown lawyers' decision,
with its conditions, had been made known to Mr. Adams,
and when he had given up all hope of arresting these
vessels, a quiet gentleman called upon him and asked if
he might be favored with the opportunity of making
the deposit of coin required by the order ? He observed
" that it had occurred to him that, if the United States
had that amount to its credit in London, some question
of authority might arise, or Mr. Adams might otherwise
be embarrassed in complying with the condition, espe-
cially as communication with his government might
involve delay ; so that the shortest way to avoid all diffi-
culty would be for him to deposite the coin, which he
was quite prepared to do."

Had a messenger descended from the skies in a chariot
of fire, with $5,000,000 in gold in his hands, and offered
to leave it at the embassy without any security, Mr.
Adams could not have been more profoundly surprised.
He had accepted the condition as fatal to his efforts;

202 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

he had concluded that nothing short of a miracle could
prevent the departure of the vessels ; and here, if not a
miracle, was something much like one. He made no
secret of the pleasure with which he accepted the mu-
nificent offer, provided some method of securing the
liberal Englishman could be found. The latter seemed
indisposed to make any suggestions on the subject. " It
might be proper," he said, " that some obligation should
be entered into, showing that the American government
recognized the deposit as made on its account ; beyond
that he should leave the matter wholly in the hands of
Mr. Adams."

The existing premium on gold was then about sixty
per cent, in the United States. It would have been
largely increased by the departure of these iron-clads.
The "five-twenties" or "sixes" of 1861, as they were
popularly called, were then being issued, and were the
only securities upon "long time" then authorized by
Congress. The best arrangement that occurred to Mr.
Adams, and which he then proposed, was that $10,000,000,
or £2,000,000, in these bonds, to be held as collateral se-
curity for the loan of <£!, 000,000 in gold, should be de-
livered to the lender, to be returned when the loan was
paid, or the order itself was discharged and the coin re-
turned to the depositor. The proposition of Mr. Adams
was satisfactory to the gentleman, but he said that to
prevent the disclosure of his name the deposit should be
made in coupon and not in registered bonds. The cou-
pons were payable to bearer; the registered were re-
quired to be inscribed on the books of the Treasury in
the owner's name. Mr. Adams then volunteered the as-
surance that these bonds, to the amount of $10,000,000,
should be transmitted to London by the first steamer
which left New York after his despatch concerning the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 203

transaction was received in the State Department at
"Washington.

It was this assurance of Mr. Adams which the Presi-
dent and both of the secretaries desired should be made
good. They regarded the faith of the government as
pledged for its performance, and that faith they pro-
posed should not be violated.

All the details of this transaction were not then dis-
closed. They reached the government in private, con-
fidential despatches from Mr. Adams, some of them long
afterwards. The despatch in question was understood
to be confidential ; certainly that part of it which re-
lated to the deposit and security proposed. It was
necessarily brief, for in order to reach the steamer the
special messenger had to leave London within a very
few hours after the proposition of the deposit was made.
There was enough in it to show that an inestimable
service had been rendered to the country by some one
to whom Mr. Adams had pledged the faith of the nation
for the transmission of these bonds by the next steamer
which left New York. There was no dissent from the
conclusion that the pledge of Mr. Adams, if it were in
the power of the government, must be performed.

The transmission of the securities of the United States
to London, in large amounts, would be a very different
problem now, after the subsequent experience of the
Treasury in such transactions. Now, the blank bonds
would be taken on board an ocean steamer in the cus-
tody of officers authorized to prepare, sign, and issue
them, and the entire labor could be performed on the
voyage. In 1862, the Treasury had had no such experi-
ence, and in the brief time spared for consultation there
was no way of meeting the emergency suggested, ex-
cept the regular process of filling up, signing, and seal-

204: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ing the bonds within the Treasury, entering them upon
the proper books, and delivering them as perfected ob-
ligations of the United States.

No time was wasted in discussion. It was suggested
as a precautionary measure that a request to delay the
sailing of the steamer should be made, and the consulta-
tion ended. It may as well be mentioned here that the
effort to secure delay was unsuccessful. It could not be
complied with except with the consent of the officers of
the company in Liverpool, and they could not be reached
by cable. The steamer would sail at twelve o'clock on
Monday.

It was next ascertained that only $7,500,000 in coupon
bonds of the denomination of $1000 had been printed.
The remaining $2,500,000 must be made up from de-
nominations of $500. This involved an increase of two
thousand five hundred, making an aggregate of twelve
thousand five hundred bonds to be signed between twelve
o'clock on Friday and four o'clock A.M. on Monday.

The theory of the statute which required a bond to be
signed by the head of the bureau from which it issued
originally was that the signature was some safeguard
against forgery, was an evidence of authenticity, and a
check against unauthorized issues. In issues of so large
amounts as were made during the war, it was found to
have a trifling if any value. But the labor imposed was
continuous and severe ; in the present instance it became
dangerous to health and life ; for there is no muscular
exertion more severe, certainly none so inexpressibly
dreary, as that of writing one's own name hour after
hour, day after day, over and over again. Such, how-
ever, was the law ; it was necessary to the legality of
the issue that all the requirements of the law should be
complied with. It will be seen in this instance at what

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 205

cost obedience to this provision of the statute was se-
cured.

When the bond issues of the Treasury required an
average of two or three thousand signatures daily, every
means of doing the work rapidly was necessarily em-
ployed. The signature itself was changed. If each in-
itial letter had been written separately, in the ordinary
way, the day was not long enough to finish the task.
The whole name was then written at a single movement,
without raising the pen from the paper, or once arrest-
ing its motion. The bonds were laid before the officer
in piles ; the instant the pen was raised at the end of the
name, an experienced messenger removed the bond, leav-
ing another exposed for signature. In this way it was
possible to write ten signatures in a minute. If any one
is inclined to doubt the rapidity or the exertion involved
in doing this, he is advised to try the experiment.

In the present instance the register knew from ex-
perience that serious work was before him, which would
affect his health, and might endanger his life. He en-
deavored to set about it with judgment and discretion.
He called in an experienced army surgeon, informed him
that he intended to continue to sign his name for just as
many consecutive hours as his strength would permit ;
that he was desired to remain in constant attendance,
administering such food and stimulants as would secure
endurance for the longest possible time. The necessary
supplies were procured, the arrangements perfected, and
the register was ready to begin his work at twelve
o'clock on Friday.

The first seven hours passed without any unusual
sensations. He had signed for that length of time so
frequently that it had become a custom to which the
muscles had adapted themselves, so that they worked

206 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

uncomplainingly. In these first seven hours three thou-
sand seven hundred signatures were made. But within
the first half of the eighth hour there were evidences of
great muscular discontent, which soon threatened to
break out into open rebellion. As the time slowly wore
on, in the forenoon of Saturday, every muscle on the
right side connected with the movement of the hand
and arm became inflamed, and the pain was almost be-
yond endurance. It was necessary to continue the work,
for if it should be suspended for any considerable length
of time the inflammation might become so great that
control over the motion of the arm and its further use
would become impossible. In the slight pauses which
were made, rubbing, the application of hot water, and
other remedies were resorted to, in order to alleviate
the pain and reduce the inflammation. They were com-
paratively ineffectual, and the hours dragged on without
bringing much relief.

During the course of Saturday afternoon the acute-
ness of the pain sensibly diminished. The muscles, find-
ing that resistance was unavailing, had to give up the
contest. A series of sensations followed which, though
less difficult to endure, were still more alarming. A
feeling of numbness commenced in the hand, and slowly
crept up the arm to the shoulder, producing an effect as
if the hand and arm were dead. With this came a dis-
tortion of the fingers, so that the pen, instead of being
held in the usual manner, was placed between the first
finger and the thumb. It might have been expected
that this condition of the muscles would have changed
the form of the signature. It did not to any great ex-
tent. The constant repetition of the same movements
seemed to result in their continuance, independently of
the will. The signature was still a fair one.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 207

It is unnecessary to describe all the details of the de-
vices and means resorted to to prevent sleep and to con-
tinue the work. Changes of position, violent exercise,
going out into the open air and walking rapidly for ten
minutes, concentrated extracts, prepared food, stimulants
more in kind and number than can now be recalled —
every imaginable means was employed during the night
of Saturday. Notwithstanding their use with a liberal
hand, it became evident that weakness was gradually
asserting itself, and that the time was approaching when
the work must cease from pure exhaustion. The surgeon
decided that within two or three hours at the latest the
strength would give out, and that the time had come
when the officer should resign, and another register be
appointed.

It is quite probable that the long-continued exertion
had to some extent influenced the mind of the register,
and that his objections to the change proposed were
more imaginary than real. The names of two registers
appearing on the same issue of bonds was an apparent
irregularity which might require explanations and in-
volve delay. Calling on the President to appoint an-
other register on Sunday was, to say the least, an im-
propriety which would excite public comment, even if
the act itself were legal, of which some doubt was enter-
tained. It was four o'clock on Sunday morning ; only
a few more than two thousand signatures would com-
plete the labor. The register determined he would
finish the task, although the surgeon earnestly advised
him that it would involve a considerable danger to his
fife.

I have not had at any time since a very accurate
memory of the events of that Sunday morning. That I
could not remain in the same position for more than a

208 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

few moments, that the bonds were carried from desk to
table and from place to place to enable me to make ten
signatures at a time, that my fingers and hand were
twisted and drawn out of their natural shape — these
and other facts are faintly remembered. The memory
is more distinct that at about twelve o'clock, noon, the
last bond was reached and signed, and the work was
finished, the last hundred bonds requiring more time
than the first thousand. One fact I have special cause
to remember. This abuse of muscular energy eventu-
ally caused my resignation from the Treasury, and cost
me several years of physical pain.

After the bonds were signed I suffered more than at
any other time during the process. My nervous system
was so thoroughly shattered that during the night of
Sunday sleep was impossible. On Monday night, after
three full days and nights during which I had not lost
consciousness for a moment, I fell asleep from pure ex-
haustion. My subsequent experience can only be in-
teresting to myself; certainly not to the general reader.

The bonds reached the steamer in time, and the
promise of our minister was faithfully kept. But in
the meantime Mr. Adams had given notice to the au-
thorities of his readiness to make the deposit, and then
some disposition of the matter was made, which avoided
the necessity of making it. "What this disposition was,
I do not know ; but it was understood at the time, by
Secretary Chase, to have been made without the knowl-
edge or privity of our minister. From the published
statements at the time it appeared that no effort to de-
liver the vessels was made after the objections of the
government were made known. In fact the iron-clads
were shortly after sold to one of the Eastern powers, and
their field of operations was the Mediterranean instead

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 209

of the American coasts. The ability of Mr. Adams to
comply with the condition and furnish the security was
accepted as the end of the controversy. It is known
that a few months later $6,000,000 of the $10,000,000
of the bonds issued were returned to the Treasury in the
original packages, with the seals of the Treasury un-
broken. The remaining $4,000,000 were afterwards
sold for the benefit of the Treasury.

Many years elapsed before the register atoned for
this violation of natural laws, which never fail to punish
those who break them. "While he remained in office
there was no day in which he was not reminded by a
sharp rheumatic twinge of the events of that Sunday
morning. After he had left the Treasury there were
five long years in which he could never promise that he
could perform any professional labor at any fixed date
in the future.

The issue of these bonds afforded an opportunity for
some measurements, showing the great bulk of paper
used in the whole issue of $513,000,000. I did not leave
the Treasury that Sunday morning until I had seen these
measurements made. The denominations of the coupon
"five -twenties" were "fifties," "one hundreds," "five
hundreds," and " one thousands." Of the registered the
denominations were the same, with the addition of " five
thousands " and " ten thousands." Only a small fraction
of the issue was registered, and the certificates used were
ordinarily " one thousand " and under. The twelve thou-
sand five hundred bonds, representing $10,000,000 of the
present issue, were a reasonably accurate average of the
whole issue. These $10,000,000 were made into pack-
ages of $1,000,000 each, of the same length and breadth
of the bonds themselves, one bond being laid, without
folding, upon another. Each package was covered with
14

210 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

one thickness of wrapping-paper, and then bound as close
ly as possible with strong cord, rendering each package
as thin as it could be made. The ten packages were
then laid in a single pile, one above the other. They
measured six feet four inches in height. From these
data each one can compute for himself the height of the
pile of paper used in an issue of $513,000,000.

Since the publication of the foregoing facts in Harper's
Magazine for May, 1890, I have been solicited by many
correspondents to give the name of the gentleman who
offered to perform such a signal service to our country.
It must be obvious that nothing could give me greater
pleasure than to publish his name, and to secure for him
the enduring gratitude of the American people. I have,
however, a special reason for my present determination
not to disclose it, nor to permit myself to speculate upon
the consequences of the disclosure. When we were in-
formed that the emergency had passed, it became neces-
sary to make a change in the entries of this large
amount upon the books of the register. This was found
to be a difficult matter, unless a plain statement of the
issue, to the gentleman in question, and its purpose, was
made with its subsequent cancellation. This course I
proposed to Secretary Chase. He was decided in his
opinion that the value of the service would not have
been enhanced if an actual deposit of the money had
been required, and that, as the gentleman himself had
imposed the obligation, he was the only authority who
could possibly release it. "While I regarded his conclu-
sion as incontrovertible, I did suggest that our first duty
was the official one, to our own obligation to conceal
nothing, and to make our official records strictly conform
to the fact.

" We should have thought of that at the time," said

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 211

the secretary. "We might have declined his offer,
coupled as it was with the obligation to conceal his
name. But I do not remember that we considered that
question. Do you ?"

" No," I said. " Nothing was discussed in my pres-
ence except the possibility of compliance with his con-
ditions, to the letter."

" Then, I think, we must continue to keep his secret,
whatever the consequences may be, until he releases
us from the obligation," was the final conclusion of the
secretary.

I am, I believe, the only survivor of those to whom
this gentleman's name was known. I have hitherto de-
clined to discuss the question of his name or its dis-
closure. I depart from my practice far enough to say
that I do not believe he was interested in the price of
cotton, or that he was moved in the slightest degree by
pecuniary motives, in making his offer. More than this,
at present, I do not think I have the moral right to say.
If I should at any time hereafter see my way clear to a
different conclusion, I shall leave his name to be com-
municated to the Secretary of the Treasury, who will
determine for himself the propriety of its disclosure.

XXYI.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CONNECTION WITH THE ORIGIN OF AR-
MORED VESSELS.— HIS FAITH IN IRON-CLADS.— THE INFLU-
ENCE OF ASSISTANT-SECRETARY FOX.— HIS INTERVIEW WITH
THE PRESIDENT ON THE 7TH OF MARCH, 1862.

So many of the facts involved in the origin of armored
or iron-clad vessels are in controversy, that it is a delicate
matter now to meddle with the subject. But President
Lincoln was a factor in this, as he was in all the great
improvements made in the naval and military service
during his administration. To understand how far he
promoted the introduction of iron-clad vessels, it is nec-
essary to give some facts as they were understood and
acted upon by the President and others at the time, with-
out much regard to their bearing upon other interests or
questions.

Suggestions of the necessity of armored vessels for
harbor defence were strongly pressed by Major Robert
Anderson, very soon after he arrived in Washington from
Fort Sumter. He reported that one of the Confederate
batteries in Charleston harbor was covered with bars of
railroad iron, in such a way that the guns of the fort
made no impression upon it. Having learned from ex-
perience that a battery so protected was impregnable,
and there being no reason why like armor could not be
applied to a floating as well as to a land battery, Major
Anderson argued that the Confederates would almost
certainly undertake the construction of iron-clad ves-
sels, and if we were not provided with similar vessels

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 213

to resist them, they would take and hold possession of
our navigable rivers and harbors, and so inflict an irre-
mediable injury on our seaport cities and their commerce.
The action of the Confederate Congress in May, in ap-
pointing a commission to adopt plans for raising the
Merrimac, then sunk in Norfolk harbor, and her con-
version into an armored vessel, added force to the views
of Major Anderson, and produced a strong impression
upon Mr. "Welles, our Secretary of the Navy, and one at
least of his most competent subordinates. Gustavus Y.
Fox was one of the President's favorites. He had ac-
quired Mr. Lincoln's confidence by his intelligent views
relating to the proposed reinforcement of Fort Sumter,
immediately after the inauguration, and had accepted
the office of Assistant Secretary of the Navy at his spe-
cial request. He was an experienced retired naval offi-
cer, he possessed attractive personal qualities, his judg-
ment was conservative, and he was always a welcome
guest at the Executive Mansion. I was so fortunate as
to have secured his friendship, and I have made several
visits to the President in his company. On one of these
visits, in May, I heard the President ask Mr. Fox his
opinion of armored vessels, and of Major Anderson's
suggestion. Mr. Fox replied, in substance, that the sub-
ject was under active consideration in the Navy Depart-
ment, but that it was novel ; it was very important, and
though generally impressed with the practicability of
such vessels, he was not yet prepared to commit him-
self to any fixed opinion. The President, somewhat ear-
nestly, observed that " we must not let the rebels get
ahead of us in such an important matter," and asked
what Mr. Fox regarded as the principal difficulty in the
way of their use. Mr. Fox replied that naval officers
doubted their stability, and feared that an armor heavy

214 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

enough to make them effective, would sink them as soon
as they were launched. " But is not that a sum in arith-
metic ?" quickly asked the President. " On our Western
rivers we can figure just how many tons will sink a flat-
boat. Can't your clerks do the same for an armored
vessel?"

" I suppose they can," replied Mr. Fox. " But there
are other difficulties. With such a weight, a single shot,
piercing the armor, would sink the vessel so quickly that
no one could escape."

" Now, as the very object of the armor is to get some-
thing that the best projectile cannot pierce, that objec-
tion does not appear to be sound," said the President.

Mr. Fox again observed that the subject was under
active examination, and he hoped soon to be able to con-
sider it intelligently, and the conversation turned upon
other matters.

When we left the White House, Mr. Fox observed
that the President appeared to be deeply interested in
the subject of iron-clads ; that it was most important,
but it was new, and would encounter all the prejudices
of the naval service. But its importance was such that
its investigation would be pressed as fast as possible, with
a view of at least trying the experiment.

Within a few days there was a rumor that the Bureau
of Construction in the Navy Department, through the
influence of Mr. Fox, was engaged upon plans for an
iron-clad vessel. As soon as Congress met, on the 4th
of July, a bill was introduced which authorized the Sec-
retary of the Navy to appoint a Board of Construction
of three naval officers, to whom the plans for an iron-
clad vessel were to be submitted, and, if the board ap-
proved them, the secretary was authorized to contract
for its construction.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 215

It was a matter of common knowledge that Cornelius
S. Bushnell, of Connecticut, a friend of the secretary's,
was the promoter of the bill, and that through his act-
ive labors the bill passed Congress and became a law in
the early days of August. The board was immediately
appointed. It consisted of Commodore Paulding, Admi-
ral Smith, and Captain Davis. The board approved the
plans ; the contract was given to Mr. Bushnell for the
first iron-clad built on the "Western Continent. She was
to be built at Mystic, Connecticut, and to be completed
as speedily as possible. She was to be called the Galena,
and as many workmen as could find room were at work
upon her hull before the ink of the signatures to the con-
tract was fairly dry.

In the autumn there was a great newspaper outcry
over the Galena. The Department, the contractor, ev-
erybody concerned, was charged with peculation and
fraud. It was asserted that the Galena would do every-
thing a good ship ought not, and nothing that such a
vessel ought to do ; that she had no stability, that she
would not stand up, that she would not answer her rud-
der, that she would not resist even grape-shot, that she
would sink like a bar of lead the moment she was launched.
The President and Secretary Fox were the only officers
of the government who would speak a good word for
the Galena. Even the contractor was despondent, and
almost lost faith in the vessel.

It was at this time that the name of Captain Ericsson
was first heard in connection with an iron-clad vessel.
The rumor was that he had pronounced in favor of the
Galenas plans, her stability, and her ability to resist a
six-pound shot, etc., and had furnished contractor Bush-
nell with plans for a vessel which would resist the im-
pact of any projectile which could be thrown by any

216 RECOLLECTIONS. OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

gun then invented. It was called a floating battery.
Mr. Bushnell had presented these plans to the Board of
Construction, and the board had rejected them. He had
then carried them to the President, whose decision upon
them was expressed in a very pointed story, many times
since repeated, but almost invariably with the point
omitted. What the President said, after the plans were
exhibited and explained to him, was, "As the darkey
said, in putting on his boot, into which some one had
put a Canada thistle, ' I guess dar's something in it.' "

There is no doubt that, after Captain Ericsson's plans
had been submitted to the Board of Construction, and
the captain had been induced to visit Washington and
explain them, that the President became the warm ad-
vocate of the construction of his proposed battery, as it
was then called. Captain Fox was the adviser upon
whom he principally relied. There were several ses-
sions of the Board of Construction ; Captain Davis, who
had strongly opposed the project, finally gave way, mak-
ing the board unanimous, and the contract was awarded
to Mr. Bushnell, and Messrs. Corning, Winslow, & Gris-
wold, his associates. It is only just to Mr. Bushnell to
say that, in all the preliminary work of clearing away the
obstructions, securing the co-operation of the President,
and overcoming the objections of the board, he alone
was known, and that when the contract was awarded
it was understood in Washington to have been secured
through the labor and energy of Mr. Bushnell. The
contract required the greatest practicable expedition in
completing the vessel, and the contractors pushed the
work with great energy. The Monitor, with her en-
gines on board, was launched on the 30th of January,
and, to the great disappointment of those who had op-
posed the experiment, instead of sinking, as they had

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 217

predicted, she drew less water by some inches than Cap-
tain Ericsson had calculated.

Her battery was put on board, and she was fitted for
sea with the greatest possible expedition. Captain Fox
had daily reliable reports from Norfolk. The Merrimac
was also rapidly approaching completion, and when she
was reported to be ready for use the Monitor was still
in the waters of New York harbor. It was not until
the 27th of February that she put to sea, in an unfin-
ished state, without having made the usual trips, for some
unknown destination.

Early on Friday morning, March 7th, Secretary Fox
invited me to accompany him in a call he was about to
make, by appointment, upon President Lincoln. Captain
Fox was an officer of infinite coolness and self-command.
He did not exhibit the slightest evidence of emotion or
apprehension while unfolding to me a story which gave
me great uneasiness during the next three days. No
one else was present at our interview with the President,
and I cannot now undertake to give the precise words
used, but the substance of the conversation I shall prob-
ably never forget. It was obvious that the President
had received a recent communication from Captain Fox,
and had been informed of the object of his visit. The
latter observed that, from his latest information, which
he believed was reliable, he did not expect that the Mer-
rimac would make her appearance before Sunday, the
9th of March. She might, however, come out at any
time, for her engines appeared to be working well at the
dock, and, so far as his agent could discover, her armor
was completed, and the work still going on was not con-
nected with her motive-power or with her batteries. He
said that he intended to leave the city immediately, for
he wanted to be there when she made her attack. He

218 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

asked the President whether he had any further sugges-
tions or instructions, and received a negative reply. Af-
ter some general conversation, in which the President
said but few words, Captain Fox, quite in his ordinary
tone, observed that he supposed that the President was
prepared for very disastrous results from the expected
encounter. "No," said Mr. Lincoln; "why should I
be ? We have three of our most effective war-vessels in
Hampton Roads, and any number of small craft that
will hang on to the stern of the Merrimac like small
dogs on the haunches of a bear. They may not be able
to tear her down, but they will interfere with the com-
fort of her voyage. Her trial-trip will not be a pleasure-
trip, I am certain."

" I think you do not take into account all the possi-
bilities of the Merrimac" said Captain Fox. " True, she
may break down, she may accomplish nothing, she may
not be shot-proof, but she will be commanded by a skilled
naval officer. The engineers who have had charge of
her construction are as competent as any in their pro-
fession. If they risk her in action, you may be sure she
will do good work."

" Suppose she does. Have we not three good ships
against her ?"

" But if she proves invulnerable ?" persisted the cap-
tain. " Suppose our heaviest shot and shell rebound
from her armor as harmless as rubber balls? Suppose
she strikes our ships, one after the other, with her ram,
and opens a hole in them as large as a barn-door or a
turnpike gate ? Suppose they are powerless to resist her,
and she sinks them all in a half -hour ?"

"You are looking for great disasters, captain," said
the President, with a smile. " We have had a big share
of bad luck already, but I dp not believe the future

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 219

has any such misfortunes in store for us as you antici-
pate."

" I anticipate nothing which may not happen from
the coming encounter," said Captain Fox, "nor have
I mentioned the worst possibilities. If the Merrimac
proves invulnerable, if she meets the expectations of her
officers, although she may not be able to go outside the
capes, she can do an immense damage without going to
sea. If she sinks our ships, who is to prevent her drop-
ping her anchor in the Potomac, where that steamer lies,"
pointing to a steamer at anchor below the long bridge,
" and throwing her hundred-pound shells into this room,
or battering down the walls of the Capitol ?"

"The Almighty, captain," answered the President,
decidedly, but without the least affectation. " I expect
set-backs, defeats ; we have had them, and shall have
them. They are common to all wars. But I have not
the slightest fear of any result which shall fatally impair
our military and naval strength, or give other powers
any right to interfere in our quarrel. The destruction
of the Capitol would do both. I do not fear it, for this
is God's fight, and he will win it in his own good time.
He will take care that our enemies do not push us too
far."

" I do most sincerely hope you are right, Mr. Presi-
dent," said Captain Fox, " but it is my duty, as one of
your officers, to use to the best advantage my own judg-
ment as well as the materials which the country places
in our hands. The iron-clad is a new element in naval
warfare. We know neither its power nor its effective-
ness. It is prudent to fear what we do not understand.
It is perfectly natural for naval officers to distrust the
iron-clad. Frankly, we cannot even guess what the
Merrimac will do."

220 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" Speaking of iron-clads, you do not seem to take our
little Monitor into the account," said the President.
"I believe in the Monitor, and her commander. If
Captain Worden does not give a good account of the
Monitor and of himself, I shall have made a mistake in
following my judgment for the first time since I have
been here, captain. I have not made a mistake in fol-
lowing my clear judgment of men since this war began.
I followed that judgment when I gave Worden the com-
mand of the Monitor. I would make the appointment
over again to-day. The Monitor should be in Hampton
Koads now. She left New York eight days ago."

" It is not prudent to place any reliance on the Moni-
tor" responded the captain; " she is an experiment, wholly
untried. She may be already at the bottom of the ocean.
She may be at anchor somewhere, disabled. We know
nothing about her. She may not have stood heavy
weather at all, and we have had strong gales since she
sailed. She is very liable to break down ; she went to
sea without one thorough trial-trip, when she should
have had several. We ought not to be disappointed if
she does not reach the mouth of the James. If she ar-
rives, she may break down with the firing of her first
gun, or be sunk or disabled by the first gun from the
enemy. The clear dictate of prudence is to place no
reliance on her, and if she proves of service, give the
credit to our good fortune."

" No, no, captain," said the President, with more em-
phasis than he had previously used ; " I respect your
judgment, as you have good reason to know, but this
time you are all wrong. The Monitor was one of my
inspirations ; I believed in her firmly when that ener-
getic contractor first showed me Ericsson's plans. Cap-
tain Ericsson's plain but rather enthusiastic demonstra-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 221

tion made my conversion permanent. It was called a
floating battery then ; I called it a raft. I caught some
of the inventor's enthusiasm, and it has been growing
upon me. I thought then, and I am confident now, it
is just what we want. I am sure that the Monitor is
still afloat, and that she will yet give a good account of
herself. Sometimes I think she may be the veritable
sling with a stone that shall yet smite the Merrimao
Philistine in the forehead."

There was more of the conversation, but I do not
know that it would further illustrate the attitude or the
confidence of the President. We took our leave, and
walked to the west entrance of the Treasury slowly
and in silence. At the door the assistant secretary said,
" Is not our Lincoln the truest man, an example of the
most genuine manhood, you have ever seen — of whom
you have ever read ? How sincere he is ! He seems to
have imparted some of his faith to me. I have avoided
reliance upon the Monitor. Perhaps she may yet prove
the good angel who will take us out of the Slough of
Despond."

"We separated ; I to the labors of forty-eight slow and
anxious hours, he to witness the battle which changed
all the conditions of naval warfare.

XXYIL

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CONFIDENCE IN ARMORED VESSELS CON-
TINUED.—THE MONITOR AND HER BATTLE WITH THE HER-
RIM AC DESCRIBED BY CAPTAIN WORDEN.

SATURDAY, March 8th, was a day of calamities. The
news came over the wires that the Merrimac had come
out of Norfolk, attended by a numerous body-guard of
smaller vessels, and at one o'clock was leisurely entering
upon her brief career of destruction. Within two hours
we knew that projectiles from our heaviest guns had re-
alized the apprehensions of Captain Fox, by rebounding
from her uninjured side like rubber balls ; that she had
sent the fine sloop-of-war, the Cumberland, to the bot-
tom of the James Eiver ; that she had torn the frigate
Congress in pieces with her shot and shell, and left her
a grounded wreck on the shore ; that two brave ships'
companies had been immolated to the demon of rebel-
lion, and that the iron-clad destroyer, satisfied with her
labors for that afternoon, had retired into the harbor of
Norfolk, leaving our third and most valuable frigate,
the Minnesota, aground and ready for the next morning's
sacrifice. There had been no former day of such disas-
ter. As I left the Treasury I involuntarily walked in
the direction of the War Department, where I supposed
the President would be found. At the door I met him
returning to the Executive Mansion.

He was as cheerful as he had been on the morning of
the previous day. The battle was over for the day, he
said, and the Merrimac had gone into port, probably to

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

repair some temporary damages. Nothing had been
heard from Captain Fox or the Monitor. He regretted
deeply the loss of so many brave men ; our first lesson
in the value of iron-clads for fighting purposes had been
costly, but the Almighty ruled, and it would all come
right somehow. I remember most distinctly, for it made
a deep impression at the time, that he said that we should
probably find that the Merrimac was at the end of her
destructive mission, and would not sink another vessel.

Aware that it would be useless to expect sleep that
night, and anxious for news from Captain Fox, I returned
late in the evening to the Navy Department. It was
nearly midnight before his despatch came. It was in
cipher, and, being translated, informed us that he reached
Newport News about nine o'clock, and went immediately
on board the Minnesota. Every one on the vessel was
demoralized. She had been stripped; it had been de-
cided to burn her, and in a few moments more the torch
would have been applied. Captain Fox's arrival had saved
the vessel. His inquiry whether it would not be wiser
to wait until it was seen whether the Merrimac came out
of Norfolk again before setting on fire the finest ship in
the navy, and destroying property to the value of a mill-
ion and a half of dollars, recalled the officers to their
senses, and the conclusion to defer the application of the
torch was speedily reached. I remained at the Depart-
ment until after two o'clock, when, receiving no news
from the Monitor nor any further despatches from Cap-
tain Fox, all left the Naval Office for their respective
homes.

The next Sunday forenoon was as gloomy as any that
"Washington had experienced since the beginning of the
war. There was no excitement, but all seemed to be
overwhelmed with despondency and vague apprehen-

224 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

sion. I went to Dr. Gurley's church, where his audience
was made still more uncomfortable by a very gloomy
sermon. After service I called upon Secretary Chase.
He had no news, and could give me no comfort. Since
the President seemed to be the only officer of the gov-
ernment who could see any hope in the future, I went
to the War Office, where he was usually to be found
when any serious fighting was going on. There I found
him with quite a large party, including two members of
his Cabinet.

It was evident, from the general excitement, that news
had been received from the James River. As I entered
the room some one was saying, " Would it not be for-
tunate if the Monitor should sink her?" "It would be
nothing more than I have expected," calmly observed
President Lincoln. "If she does not, something else
will. Many providential things are happening in this
war, and this may be one of them. The loss of two good
ships is an expensive lesson, but it will teach us all the
value of iron-clads. I have not believed at any time
during the last twenty-four hours that the Merrimac
would go right on destroying right and left without any
obstruction. Since we knew that the Monitor had got
there, I have felt that she was the vessel we wanted." I
then learned that the Monitor had arrived at Fortress
Monroe on Saturday evening ; without waiting for any
preparation, she had steamed up to Newport News,
and laid herself alongside the grounded Minnesota. The
Merrimao had made her appearance shortly after day-
light ; Captain Worden had promptly advanced to make
her acquaintance, and had ever since been sticking to her
closer than a brother. It was also reported that the two
fighters had ever since been pounding each other terrific-
ally, and that the Monitor as yet showed no signs of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 225

weakness. Time passes quickly in such an excitement.
Very soon came a message that evoked cheers from
everybody. Its substance was that the Merrimac had
withdrawn, and was again steaming for Norfolk. Even
this news, which stirred the enthusiasm of every one
else, so that all burst into a long - continued volley of
applause, did not seem to elate the President. " I am
glad the Monitor has done herself credit for Worden's
sake — for all our sakes," was all he said. He then
walked slowly to the White House.

When Captain Fox returned, his graphic account of the
battle was given to the press, and seemed to settle the
policy of the country in relation to armored vessels. He
gave the highest credit to Captain Worden and his second
in command, Lieutenant Green. The fearlessness with
which they advanced the Monitor to the attack, the persist-
ence with which she clung to her enemy during all that
long forenoon, turning away from her in a circuit only just
large enough to give time to load her guns, he said was a
grand exhibition of judgment, courage, and seamanship,
beautifully responded to by the vessel in the ease with
which she answered her helm, and the even, regular
movement of her power. He had ordered the Monitor
to Washington for repairs, he said, and convenience of
inspection, for henceforth the energies of the Navy De-
partment would be largely devoted to the building and
equipment of monitors.

Some weeks later we were the witnesses of a dramatic
scene at the Navy Yard, on board the Monitor. The
vessel came to Washington unchanged, in the same con-
dition as when she discharged her parting shot at the
Merrimac. There she lay until her heroic commander
had so far recovered from his injuries as to be able to re-
join his vessel. All leaves of absence had been revoked,
15

226 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the absentees had returned, and were ready to welcome
their captain. The President, Captain Fox, and a limited
number of Captain Worden's personal friends had been in-
vited to his informal reception. Lieutenant Green received
the President and the guests. He was a boy in years,
not too young to volunteer, however, when volunteers
were scarce, and to fight the Merrimac during the last
half of the battle, after the captain was disabled. Then,
when the success and safety of the Monitor were both
proved, an officer was promoted over his head, on the
ground that he was too young to bear so great a re-
sponsibility. This was a most unjust act, for which the
Navy Department was never forgiven by the American
people.

The President and the other guests stood on the deck,
near the turret. The men were formed in lines, with
their officers a little in advance, when Captain "Worden
ascended the gangway. The heavy guns in the Navy
Yard began firing the customary salute when he stepped
upon the deck. One side of his face was permanently
blackened by the powder shot into it from the muzzle of
a cannon carrying a shell of one hundred pounds' weight,
discharged less than twenty yards away. The President
advanced to welcome him, introduced him to the few
strangers present, the officers and men passed in review
and were dismissed. Then there was a scene worth wit-
nessing. The old tars swarmed around their loved cap-
tain, they grasped his hand, crowded to touch him,
thanked God for his recovery and return, and invoked
blessings upon his head in the name of all the saints in
the calendar. He called them by their names, had a
pleasant word for each of them, and for a few moments
we looked upon an exhibition of a species of affection that
could only have been the product of a common danger.

AtfD HIS ADMlNlSTKATIOtf. 227

When order was restored, the President gave a brief
sketch of Captain Worden's career. Commodore Paul-
ding had been the first, Captain Worden the second offi-
cer of the navy, he said, to give an unqualified opinion
in favor of armored vessels. Their opinions had been
influential with him and with the Board of Construc-
tion. Captain Worden had volunteered to take the
command of the Monitor, at the risk of his life and
reputation, before her keel was laid. He had watched
her construction, and his energy had made it possible to
send her to sea in time to arrest the destructive opera-
tions of the Merrimac. What he had done with a new
crew, and a vessel of novel construction, we all knew.
He, the President, cordially acknowledged his indebted-
ness to Captain Worden, and he hoped the whole country
would unite in the feeling of obligation. The debt was
a heavy one, and would not be repudiated when its nat-
ure was understood. The details of the first battle be-
tween iron-clads would interest every one. At the request
of Captain Fox, Captain Worden had consented to give
an account of his voyage from New York to Hampton
Koads, and of what had afterwards happened there on
board the Monitor.

In an easy conversational manner, without any effort
at display, Captain Worden told the story, of which the
following is the substance :

" I suppose," he began, " that every one knows that
we left New York Harbor in some haste. We had in-
formation that the Merrimac was nearly completed, and
if we were to fight her on her first appearance, we must
be on the ground. The Monitor had been hurried from
the laying of her keel. Her engines were new, and her
machinery did not move smoothly. Never was a vessel
launched that so much needed trial trips, some of them

228 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

to sea, to test her machinery, and get her crew accus-
tomed to their novel duties. We went to sea practically
without them. No part of the vessel was finished ; there
was one omission that was serious, and came very near
causing her failure and the loss of many lives. In heavy
weather it was intended that her hatches and all her
openings should be closed and battened down. In that
case all the men would be below, and would have to
depend upon artificial ventilation. Our machinery for
that purpose proved wholly inadequate.

" We were in a heavy gale of wind as soon as we
passed Sandy Hook. The vessel behaved splendidly.
The seas rolled over her, and we found her the most
comfortable vessel we had ever seen, except for the ven-
tilation, which gave us more trouble than I have time to
tell you about. We had to run into port and anchor on
account of the weather, and, as you know, it was two
o'clock in the morning of Sunday before we were along-
side the Minnesota. Captain Yan Brunt gave us an ac-
count of Saturday's experience. He was very glad to
make our acquaintance, and notified us that we must be
prepared to receive the Merrimac at daylight. We had
had a very hard trip down the coast, and officers and
men were weary and sleepy. But when informed that
our fight would probably open at daylight, and that the
Monitor must be put in order, every man went to his
post with a cheer. That night there was no sleep on
board the Monitor.

" In the gray of the early morning we saw a vessel
approaching, which our friends on the Minnesota said
was the Merrimac. Our fastenings were cast off, our
machinery started, and we moved out to meet her half-
way. We had come a long way to fight her, and did not
intend to lose our opportunity.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 229

" Before showing you over the vessel, let me say that
there were three possible points of weakness in the
Monitor, two of which might have been guarded against
in her construction, if there had been more time to per-
fect her plans. One of them was in the turret, which,
as you see, is constructed of eight plates of inch iron — on
the side of the ports, nine — set on end so as to break
joints, and firmly bolted together, making a hollow cyl-
inder eight inches thick. It rests on a metal ring on a
vertical shaft, which is revolved by power from the boil-
ers. If a projectile struck the turret at an acute angle,
it was expected to glance off without doing damage.
But what would happen if it was fired in a straight
line to the centre of the turret, which in that case would
receive the whole force of the blow? It might break
off the bolt-heads on the interior, which, flying across,
would kill the men at the guns ; it might disarrange
the revolving mechanism, and then we would be wholly
disabled.

" I laid the Monitor close alongside the Merrimac, and
gave her a shot. She returned our compliment by a
shell, weighing one hundred and fifty pounds, fired when
we were close together, which struck the turret so square-
ly that it received the whole force. Here you see the
scar, two and a half inches deep in the wrought iron, a
perfect mould of the shell. If anything could test the
turret, it was that shot. It did not start a rivet-head or
a nut ! It stunned the two men who were nearest where
the ball struck, and that was all. I touched the lever —
the turret revolved as smoothly as before. The turret
had stood the test ; I could mark that point of weakness
off my list forever.

" You notice that the deck is joined to the side of the
hull by a right angle, at what sailors call the ' plank-

230 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

shear.' If a projectile struck that angle, what would
happen ? It would not be deflected ; its whole force
would be expended there. It might open a seain in
the hull below the water-line, or pierce the wooden hull,
and sink us. Here was our second point of weak-
ness.

" I had decided how I would fight her in advance. I
would keep the Monitor moving in a circle, just large
enough to give time for loading the guns. At the point
where the circle impinged upon the Merrimac our guns
should be fired, and loaded while we were moving
around the circuit. Evidently the Merrimac would re-
turn the compliment every time. At our second ex-
change of shots, she returning six or eight to our two,
another of her large shells struck our ' plank-shear ' at
its angle, and tore up one of the deck-plates, as you see.
The shell had struck what I believed to be the weakest
point in the Monitor. We had already learned that the
Merrimac swarmed with sharp-shooters, for their bullets
were constantly spattering against our turret and our
deck. If a man showed himself on deck he would draw
their fire. But I did not much consider the sharp-shoot-
ers. It was my duty to investigate the effects of that
shot. I ordered one of the pendulums to be hauled
aside, and, crawling out of the port, walked to the side,
laid down upon my chest, and examined it thoroughly.
The hull was uninjured, except for a few splinters in the
wood. I walked back and crawled into the turret — the
bullets were falling on the iron deck all about me as
thick as hail-stones in a storm. None struck me, I sup-
pose because the vessel was moving, and at the angle
lying on the deck, my body made a small mark difficult
to hit. We gave them two more guns, and then I told
the men what was true, that the Merrimac could not

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 231

sink us if we let her pound us for a month. The men
cheered ; the knowledge put new life into all.

"We had more exchanges, and then the Merrimac
tried new tactics. She endeavored to ram us, to run us
down. Once she struck us about amidships with her
iron ram. Here you see its mark. It gave us a shock,
pushed us around, and that was all the harm. But the
movement placed our sides together. I gave her two
guns, which I think lodged in her side, for, from my look-
out crack, I could not see that either shot rebounded.
Ours being the smaller vessel, and more easily handled,
I had no difficulty in avoiding her ram. I ran around
her several times, planting our shot in what seemed to
be the most vulnerable places. In this way, reserving
my fire until I got the range and the mark, I planted
two more shots almost in the very spot I had hit when
she tried to ram us. Those shots must have been effect-
ive, for they were followed by a shower of bars of iron.

" The third weak spot was our pilot-house. You see
that it is built a little more than three feet above the
deck, of bars of iron, ten by twelve inches square, built
up like a log-house, bolted with very large bolts at the
corners where the bars interlock. The pilot stands upon
a platform below, his head and shoulders in the pilot-
house. The upper tier of bars is separated from the sec-
ond by an open space of an inch, through which the
pilot may look out at every point of the compass. The
pilot-house, as you see, is a four-square mass of iron, pro-
vided with no means of deflecting a ball. I expected
trouble from it, and I was not disappointed. Until my
accident happened, as we approached the enemy I stood in
the pilot-house and gave the signals. Lieutenant Greene
fired the guns, and Engineer Stimers, here, revolved the
turret.

232 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" I was below the deck when the corner of the pilot-
house was first struck by a shot or a shell. It either
burst or was broken, and no harm was done. A short
time after I had given the signal, and with my eye close
against the lookout crack, was watching the effect of
our shot, when something happened to me ; — my part in
the fight was ended. Lieutenant Green, who fought the
Merrimac until she had no longer stomach for fighting,
will tell you the rest of the story."

Can it be possible that this beardless boy fought one
of the historic battles of the world? was the thought
of every one, as the modest, diffident young Green was
half pushed forward into the circle. "I cannot add
much to the captain's story," he began. " He had cut
out the work for us, and we had only to follow his pat-
tern. I kept the Monitor either moving around the cir-
cle or around the enemy, and endeavored to place our
shots as near her amidships as possible, where Captain
Worden believed he had already broken through her
armor. We knew that she could not sink us, and I
thought I would keep right on pounding her as long as
she would stand it. There is really nothing new to be
added to Captain Worden's account. "We could strike her
wherever we chose ; weary as they must have been, our
men were full of enthusiasm, and I do not think we
wasted a shot. Once we ran out of the circle for a mo-
ment to adjust a piece of machinery, and I learn that
some of our friends feared that we were drawing out of
the fight. The Merrimac took the opportunity to start
for Norfolk. As soon as our machinery was adjusted
we followed her, and got near enough to give her a part-
ing shot. But I was not familiar with the locality ; there
might be torpedoes planted in the channel, and I did not
wish to take any risk of losing our vessel, so I came back

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 233

to the company of our friends. But except that we were,
all of us, tired and hungry when we came back to the
Minnesota at half-past twelve P. M., the Monitor was just
as well prepared to fight as she was at eight o'clock in
the morning when she fired her first gun."

We were then shown the injury to the pilot-house.
The mark of the ball was plain upon the two upper bars,
the principal impact being upon the lower of the two.
This huge bar was broken in the middle, but held firmly
at either end. The further it was pressed in, the stronger
was the resistance on the exterior. On the inside the
fracture in the bar was half an inch wide. Captain Wor-
den's eye was very near to the lookout crack, so that
when the gun was discharged the shock of the ball
knocked him senseless, while the mass of flame filled
one side of his face with coarse grains of powder. He
remained insensible for some hours.

" Have you heard what Captain "Worden's first inquiry
was when he recovered his senses after the general shock
to his system ?" asked Captain Fox of the President.

" I think I have," replied Mr. Lincoln, " but it is worth
relating to these gentlemen."

" His question was," said Captain Fox, " * Have I saved
the Minnesota f '

"Yes, and whipped the Merrimac /" some one an-
swered.

" Then," said Captain Worden, " I don't care what be-
comes of me."

Captain Worden apologized for his inability to provide
for the President and his guests the usual refreshments
of a vessel of the navy. The haste of departure from
her port had led to the omission of everything that did
not improve the fighting qualities of his vessel.

" Some uncharitable people say that old Bourbon is an

234: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

indispensable element in the fighting qualities of some
of our generals in the field," smilingly responded the
President. " But, captain, after the account that we
have heard to-day, no one will say that any Dutch cour-
age is needed on board the Monitor"

" It never has been, sir," modestly observed the cap-
tain.

" Mr. President," said Captain Fox, " not much of the
history to which we have listened is new to me. I saw
this battle from eight o'clock until midday. There was
one marvel in it which has not been mentioned — the
splendid handling of the Monitor throughout the battle.
The first bold advance of this diminutive vessel against
a giant like the Merrimac was superlatively grand. She
seemed inspired by Nelson's order at Trafalgar : ' He
will make no mistake who lays his vessel alongside the
enemy.' One would have thought the Monitor a living
thing. No man was visible. You saw her moving around
that circle, delivering her fire invariably at the point of
contact, and heard the crash of the missile against her
enemy's armor above the thunder of her guns, on the
bank where we stood. It was indescribably grand !"

"Now," he continued, "standing here on the deck of
this battle-scarred vessel, the first genuine iron-clad — the
victor in the first fight of iron-clads — let me make a con-
fession, and perform an act of simple justice. I never
fully believed in armored vessels until I saw this battle.
I know all the facts which united to give us the Monitor.
I withhold no credit from Captain Ericsson, her invent-
or, but I know that the country is principally indebted
for the construction of this vessel to President Lincoln,
and for the success of her trial to Captain "Worden, her
commander."

XXVIII.

JOSEPH HENRY AND ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

IN the spring of 1862, I had an opportunity of com-
paring and contrasting two striking characters ; one, a
philosopher, trained in the schools, matured by a life of
study and original investigation which would have made
him the equal of Plato and Aristotle had he been their
contemporary ; the other, the product of Nature, with
his strong common-sense developed by the experiences
of human life under hard and trying conditions.

Professor Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution, called at the office of the register on business
connected with the Light-House Board, of which he was
the official head. He would have taken high rank in
any circle of learned men, from the Stoics to the scien-
tists of his own time. He was an eminent physicist be-
fore he was called to his present position. His original
investigations, especially in light and electricity, were of
great value, and but for his inborn modesty would have
credited him with the invention of the art of telegraphy.
After he was placed in charge of Smithson's great trust,
he devoted himself to its care and development, and to
the advancement of the interests of the republic whose
servant he had become. "With what fidelity he pre-
served the principal of that trust, and with its interest
built up an institution for scientific work on a scale of
magnitude of which Smithson never dreamed, is known
to his country and the world. The value to the republic
of his researches into the science of illumination had al-

236 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ready been very great and was increasing with every
passing year. To these good works, add an unassuming
modesty, complete unselfishness, and an unvarying pur-
pose to make every one the better and happier for his
acquaintance, and it becomes apparent that Joseph
Henry was a great man with a very beautiful character.

" Do you often see the President ?" asked Dr. Henry,
when his business was completed.

"Occasionally," I answered. "He sometimes visits
this office, as I presume he does many others. He is
always welcome here, but his visits are by no means as
frequent as I would make them if I could."

"I have only recently come to know the President,
except from a passing introduction," he said. " I have
lately met him five or six times. He is producing a
powerful impression upon me, more powerful than any
one I can now recall. It increases with every interview.
I think it my duty to take philosophic views of men and
things, but the President upsets me. If I did not resist
the inclination, I might even fall in love with him."

It was my opportunity to lure him on. Any views of
his about President Lincoln could not fail to be of in-
terest. "Yes?" I said. "Possibly you do not dijffer
from the rest of us. I know of nobody in this depart-
ment who knows the President who fails to respect and
admire him. What do you find in him so attractive ?"

" I have not yet arranged my thoughts about him in
a form to warrant their expression," he replied. " But
I can say so much as this : President Lincoln impresses
me as a man whose honesty of purpose is transparent,
who has no mental reservations, who may be said to
wear his heart upon his sleeve. He has been called
coarse. In my interviews with him he converses with
apparent freedom, and without a trace of coarseness. He

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 237

has been called ignorant. He has shown a comprehen-
sive grasp of every subject on which he has conversed
with me. His views of the present situation are some-
what novel, but seem to me unanswerable. He has read
many books and remembers their contents better than
I do. He is associated with men who I know are
great. He impresses me as their equal, if not their su-
perior. I desired to induce him to understand, and look
favorably upon, a change which I wish to make in the
policy of the Light-House Board in a matter requiring
some scientific knowledge. He professed his ignorance,
or, rather, he ridiculed his knowledge of it, and yet he
discussed it as intelligently — "

" The President !" here interrupted a messenger, open-
ing the door to admit President Lincoln.

" You have interrupted an interesting commentary,"
I began, laughingly, as I rose to welcome him.

"Do not! You will not say another word!" ex-
claimed the doctor, blushing like a school-girl. " You
will mortify me excessively if you do." I saw that he
took the matter seriously, and hastened to change the
conversation.

These two great Americans seated themselves side by
side. They had a long conversation. I took no part in
the conversation, and shall not attempt to recall it. It
began with the subject of the destruction by the Con-
federates of all the lights, buoys, and signal stations
along their coast ; their purpose in such acts, and how
our own vessels could best dispense with these aids to
navigation. It diverged to the subject of illuminating
oils of different kinds. I inferred that the professor was
experimenting with lard oils, with a view to their intro-
duction on account of the saving of expense in their use.
I could not discover that the President was at a loss for

238 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

a moment, and that he conversed in any particular less
intelligently than the professor. The latter looked at
his watch, apologized for keeping Mr. Lincoln so long,
and with the air of having done something very repre-
hensible, abruptly took his leave.

"Do you often see Professor Henry?" inquired the
President, as soon as the door had closed.

I smiled, for it was the identical question which the
professor had asked me about the President.

" My visits to the Smithsonian, to Dr. Henry, and his
able lieutenant, Professor Baird, are the chief recrea-
tions of my life," I said. " These men are missionaries
to excite scientific research and promote scientific knowl-
edge. The country has no more faithful servants, though
it may have to wait another century to appreciate the
value of their labors."

"I had an impression," said Mr. Lincoln, "that the
Smithsonian was printing a great amount of useless in-
formation. Professor Henry has convinced me of my
error. It must be a grand school if it produces such
thinkers as he is. He is one of the pleasantest men I
have ever met; so unassuming, simple, and sincere. I
wish we had a few thousand more such men !"

It was not strange that these two great men were at-
tracted towards each other. In their natural qualities
of sterling honesty, simplicity, and unselfishness, they
were much alike. It was in their acquisitions that they
differed, and these did not constitute the foundations of
their characters.

XXIX.

INTER ARMA, SCIENTIA.— THE POTOMAC NATURALISTS' CLUB.

THE Smithsonian recalls almost the only recreation
which we permitted ourselves to enjoy. After the first
Bull Run, there was no time when some of our friends
were not suffering from wounds or sickness, in the hos-
pitals or in our own households. Yictories were infre-
quent ; there was a strange incongruity between so much
suffering and pleasure of any description.

In the early autumn of 1861, Professor Baird sug-
gested that we should resist the general tendency to de-
pression, by occasional meetings of the resident natural-
ists of Washington. Out of this suggestion grew the
Potomac Club, with its fortnightly meetings at the
homes of members, and its memories are still fresh and
delightful after thirty years. Time has dealt hardly
with its members : only three or four of them survive.
I cannot forego this opportunity for a brief notice of
some of the most conspicuous, to whom we were in-
debted for many pleasant hours, in what would other-
wise have been a dark and depressing period of Wash-
ington life.

First, and by our unanimous opinion, facile princeps,
was Spencer F. Baird, Assistant Secretary of the Smith-
sonian Institute, our president. A greater number of
talents were delivered to him than to any other member,
but he was at all times ready to be reckoned with con-
cerning them. The science of the world was his witness
how fruitful he had made them. From boyhood he was

240 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the friend of every living creature. At the age of forty-
five he had written and published a description of the
form, habits, and specific characters of every known
American mammal, bird, fish, reptile, and many of the
mollusks and insects. He had taught his countrymen
the useful lesson that a bountiful Creator had given
these creatures life for some good purpose. He had
brought together that gigantic collection in the Smith-
sonian, and distributed specimens by the hundred thou-
sand to the museums of the world. He had trained a
multitude of useful workers in science all over the coun-
try, who, but for him, would have been ignorant of its
uses and its pleasures. He had created the Fish Com-
mission, with an army of unpaid assistants, now by pre-
cept and now by example, restoring to our coasts and
inland waters the great fish families almost extermi-
nated by the reckless improvidence of man. With the
resources of Smithson's legacy at his command, he was
as poor as when he left his Pennsylvania home. He
had certainly buried none of his talents in the earth ; I
think he had done more scientific work than any natur-
alist who had preceded him. It was not strange that
Professor Baird and Professor Henry had labored so
long and so cordially together, for the former was just
as delightful as, and possibly more genial than, his superior
officer. The Baird evenings of our club, when we met
at his residence, were the most memorable in its history.
I open the pages of a dilapidated photograph-album
of the period. Who is this, shod with moccasins, clad
in furs, with knitted pointed cap, a blanket over his
shoulders, and a dog whip with its trailing lash in his
right hand ? It is Robert Kennicott, just returned from
his three years' exploration of the great marshes of the
Yucon, the Arctic coasts reached by the Coppermine

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 241

Kiver, and the regions round about Fort Mackenzie.
He has brought back with him from their breeding-
grounds, before unknown, the eggs of the canvas-back
and red-head duck, and of many other birds new to sci-
ence. He has increased the collection in the museum
by many new specimens, and added many new facts to
scientific lore. He insists that at Fort Churchill, where
he acquired celebrity as a great medicine man, human
beings hibernate as truly as the plantigrades. During
his three years' absence he was cut off from home as
effectually as if he had been in another planet.

Kennicott was born on an Illinois prairie. How en-
ergetic and black-eyed and queer he was ! The play-
mates of his childhood belonged to the Crotalus family.
No rattlesnake, he said, had any venom for him. He
collected them in a bag, and handled them as if they
were eels. None ever struck or attempted to strike at
him. He was a favorite student of Professor Baird, and
the very life of our social meetings. His early death
was a loss to science and a personal grief to all who
knew him.

William Simpson was another of our members — one
of the most promising young naturalists of his time. He
had labored diligently in the field. Chicago, charmed
by his enthusiasm, had made him her pet. The citizens
built a fine edifice for his collection, put him in charge
of it with a liberal salary, and it was growing marvel-
lously, when in an hour the fire-fiend touched it with the
finger of annihilation. He had inherited tubercular dis-
ease, against which he had fought with the courage of a
soldier. But this collection was the treasure of his heart,
the jewel of his eye. When he lost it he withered and
died, and science lost a votary and a martyr.

Count Pourtalis was another interesting member of
16

242 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the club. He belonged to the French nobility. He dif-
fered in opinion with his family, and they cut him off
because he insisted upon marrying the portionless girl
whom he loved, and devoting himself to the study of the
physical sciences. He wedded his love, both came to the
United States, and he presented himself, with an empty
purse and a heart devoted to science, to his massive-
brained countryman, Agassiz. Through him the count
obtained a position in the Coast Survey. There he
proved a most useful worker, was promoted according
to his merit, and was then living modestly and happily
with his wife and boys in Washington. A few years
later, the noble Pourtalis family were glad enough to
invite him to return with his wife and children, and a
national reputation as a scientist, to his paternal halls.

The subject is very tempting, but must not be further
pursued in detail. Yet I cannot wholly pass over Baron
Osten-Sacken, of the Kussian Legation. The Diptera,
or Cuvier's twelfth order of insects, was his forte. Very
learned he was too, and, if I am not mistaken, his mono-
graph on the Diptera, a large quarto, was printed by
the Smithsonian as one of its contributions to science.
He was a genial, kind-hearted, unassuming student of
nature. The club had not a more popular member ; but
owing to his diminutive size, he acquired a name which
clung to him ever afterwards.

" Pray, what are the Diptera ?" asked a member, whose
studies had not been entomological, of another member,
when Osten-Sacken was mentioned.

" Diptera ? "Well, I suppose a Culex belongs to the
Diptera"

" What is a Culex, then ?" pursued his questioner.

"A Culex f" was the reply. "A Culex is an insect
with a double pair of wings, abounding in moist locali-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

ties, which, thirsting for human gore, invades the habita-
tions of man with an irritating buzzing sound, pierces the
cuticle with his lancet-shaped proboscis, and discharges
into the wound a poisonous fluid."

"Confound the man! He means a mosquito!" ex-
claimed an irreverent auditor. " Osten-Sacken would
naturally write about the species. Don't you see the
family resemblance ?"

This was sufficient to fasten an undeserved nick-name
upon the good-natured little entomologist.

I can only mention the names of others. Jillson and
Peale, from the Art Departments ; Shaeffer, the Libra-
rian of the Patent Office. Peale was the brother of Kem-
brandt Peale, the artist, with many of his accomplish-
ments ; Shaeffer was one of the most learned of Germans.
Then there was Hay den, who led an exploring -party
every spring beyond the one hundredth meridian, and
returned in the autumn laden with fossils and other
specimens, to worry Congress into granting his appro-
priation for the coming year. He must have understood
the business, for he never failed. Another of our mem-
bers was A. B. Meek, the most conscientious geologist
who ever described a fossil, whose mind was as clean
and pure as that of an infant, whom we all loved and
honored, but who was so intensely mortified by his deaf-
ness that he could be drawn but seldom to our meetings.
Theodore Gill was our ichthyologist. He was charged
with creating more new species than ever scientific en-
thusiast was responsible for before. S. M. Clarke, then
of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in the Treas-
ury, whose microscope, with its collection of lenses, was
our envy, and who was an accomplished manipulator of
the instrument, and Schott, the mathematician of the
Coast Survey, eminent in his work, and the owner of a

244 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

breed of Pomeranian dogs of pure blood, close the list of
our regular members.

Among our occasional visitors was Cope, who had not
then commenced his warfare upon Marsh, and Dr. New-
berry, who has since done such magnificent work for the
spread of scientific instruction, and who was then not
only a director, but a hard worker of the Sanitary Com-
mission. Those were sessions of great interest, when,
just returning from some field of bloody conflict, he told
us of the lives and the pain and suffering saved by the
judicious administration of that, the noblest of all the
charities of the war. O. C. Marsh was always a welcome
guest, able to contribute his full share to the science or
pleasure of the evening.

It is fit that this notice of the members and visitors
of our club should close with the name of Professor
Agassiz. Three nights he was with us. Those were
evenings when we wanted to omit refreshments, because
they interrupted Agassiz, so eager were we to listen to
the words of this giant of science. His facility of ex-
pression would have been considered remarkable in his
native tongue — in English, a foreign language to him, it
was marvellous. He was as willing to converse as we
were to listen. And how perfectly unassuming he was !
He pretended to nothing that he did not know. I had
long desired to ascertain his views on one subject. One
evening I had my opportunity. " Professor Agassiz," I
said, " you have studied the Ice Period more exhaustive-
ly than any other physicist. Tell us what it was that
changed the temperature so as to permit the ice-sheet to
cover so large a part of our continent."

He answered, without the slightest hesitation : " I do
not believe that the science of to-day can give a satisfac-
tory answer to that question, simply because we know

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 245

of no conditions which could vaporize as large a quantity
of water as was necessary to form the ice-sheet. Its an-
swer may be found in the great Kocky and Sierra Ne-
vada ranges, or in the basin between, but it has not yet
been discovered."

I have addressed this inquiry to many other physicists.
They have almost invariably attempted some unsatisfac-
tory reply. Professor Agassiz was great enough to say
that he did not know.

XXX.

A NIGHT WITH THE POTOMAC NATURALISTS' CLUB.— THE GIANT

OCTOPUS.

THE slogan " On to Richmond !" was no longer heard in
our land. Its latest notes had receded into silence over the
field of Bull Run. The dispirited men who, in broken
ranks, straggled into Washington, had heard enough of
it. They would be contented now to wait for discipline
and preparation before that or any other note of inex-
perience was raised again.

Now it was that the anaconda was taken as the pop-
ular model for the coming campaign. With a firm at-
tachment to Washington as its base, it was to encircle
the whole Confederate army, and when the time for
muscular tension came, not a single soldier of the enemy
was to escape from the deadly constriction of its folds.
The anaconda contrivance appeared to be safe, simple,
and very popular.

At one of our club-meetings a member incidentally
referred to the anaconda model suggested by our young
and popular military chieftain. It was criticised as an
unfortunate suggestion. These boas were a sluggish,
cowardly race, said the member. They lurked in foul
recesses ; they struck from behind. It was essential to
capture that the quarry should be standing quiet at the
moment of attack. The rebels were a restless race, con-
tinually moving about, and could not be counted on to
stand still long enough for the process of constriction,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 247

The rattlesnake was a better model. He was a fighter
ab ovo. He gave notice before he struck, and rather pre-
ferred to hit his enemy in the face.

" "Why would not the giant octopus answer for a mil-
itary model?" said another member. "He has claims
that are not to be overlooked — that is, if his existence is
not wholly fabulous."

" I believe in the giant octopus," said Count Pourtalis.
" I have had occasion recently to investigate his history,
and there is very satisfactory evidence of his existence.
I cannot discuss him as a military model, but as an ex-
isting species he is a fact which I am prepared to prove."

The count was the expert of the Coast Survey in deep-
sea soundings. His reputation as an investigator was
established. He readily acceded to the universal demand
of the members, that he should give them the latest facts
about, as well as the natural history of, the giant octopus.

" Gentlemen," he began, " I think I shall be able to
show you that the cuttle-fish is not to be ridiculed. He
belongs to the squid family, and has a lot of names. He
is called a cephalopod, an octopus, a loligo, a teuthis, as
well as a cuttle-fish and a squid. He cuts an important
figure in the early literature of natural science. In the
' Historiae Naturalis,' of Dr. Johannes Jonstonus, pub-
lished, in two huge folios, at Amsterdam, in 1657, you
will find him figured in five gigantic forms. The learned
doctor has collected all that the naturalists have written
on the subject from Aristotle and Elian, Plutarch and
Hippocrates, to the writers of his own time. Pliny de-
scribes one captured at Carteia, the dried remains of
which weighed seven hundred pounds. Its arms were
thirty feet long, with suckers as big as an urn. All the
writers agree on its enormous size and its destructive-
ness to man. But it is in the Arctic seas that it is largest

248 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

and most ferocious. Olaus Magnus figures one in the
act of taking a sailor from the deck of a vessel. Mont-
fort represented one pulling a three-masted ship under
the waves. It remained for the pious old Bishop Pon-
toppidan, as recently as the last half of the seventeenth
century, to describe it as ' the largest of all living creat-
ures.' ' He never shows his whole body out of the wa-
ter, but shows a portion about an English mile and a half
in circumference.' ' If this creature's arms were to lay
hold of the largest man-of-war, he would drag it down
to the bottom.' 'When he sinks, he creates a whirl-
pool which draws everything down with it.' Perhaps,"
continued the count, " this is enough to show you that
the old naturalists thought him an animal of some mag-
nitude." To which the club readily assented.

" Then," he resumed, " we will take some more recent
evidence. In a late number of the Comptes Rendus of
the French Academy is an account of a battle between
the crew of a French man-of-war and a huge loligo,
which occurred in the Indian Ocean less than two years
ago. This battle is authenticated by the oaths of the
officers. It continued for more than four hours. The
squid escaped, for their harpoons and hooks drew out of
its soft body. But they cut off some of its arms, over
thirty feet in length, exclusive of the paddle, which
measured ten feet more. Travellers in Japan report
paintings of the squid, tearing fishermen from their
boats, and on the coast of Newfoundland huge masses
of one which had been killed were found, with the ten-
tacles attached, over forty feet in length. Upon this
evidence, I am a believer in the existence of the giant
cuttle-fish."

The count having concluded, Professor Baird took up
the discussion. " Suppose, now, that, in the words of Mrs.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 249

Partington, we ' cease to refrain from odorous compari-
sons/ and look the octopus squarely in the face. His
eyes are like saucers, but as he is not provided with eye-
lids, he carries them under his arms. He is well fixed
in the matter of arms, having anywhere from eight to
twenty, which, for convenience in feeding, are arranged
in a circle around his mouth, which is directly on top
of his head. His jaws are horny and triangular, and
work up and down like the knife of a guillotine. Hav-
ing such a supply of arms, he dispenses with legs alto-
gether, and walks on his head, tail upwards. Along
these tentacles, forty or fifty feet in length, are arranged
rows of cup-shaped suckers. When they grasp their
prey, a single muscular contraction creates a vacuum in
these suckers, and every cup is made as fast as a limpet
to a rock, so that it is easier to tear off than to detach
the arm. They have a fair brain, in a well-protected
skull, a fine sense of hearing, and they handle their arms
with the quickness of a monkey. They move sideways
by means of their arms, or backwards by squirting the
water in advance. They are provided with supplies of
paint in cells under the skin, and by pressing these cells
they can paint themselves in other colors. Like an army
correspondent, they always carry their ink-bag, and,
whenever they wish to retire from the public or any
other view, a gentle pressure upon the ink-bag surrounds
them with a black curtain which no vision can penetrate,
and they can then make their retreat invisible to an en-
emy. Obviously such invisibility would be of great ad-
vantage to a retreating army."

The subject was then open for general discussion,
which was continued on a scientific basis, but in a sim-
ilar temper. We decided that the squid was a fact, if
not a factor, and that he was well arranged for a preda-

250 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tory life at the expense of the enemy. After a sarcastic
notice of this discussion by the press nothing more was
heard of the anaconda as a model for our army.

To these notes I may add an incident in my own
experience. Years after the close of the war, I was
one day walking along the Pacific coast of the Mexi-
can territory of Lower California, near Magdalena Bay.
The tide was low, and in a cavity of the rock I saw
what I supposed to be a star -fish or a holothurian,
and carelessly thrust the long staff I was using as a
walking-stick into it. Like a flash the tentacles of the
animal grasped it, reaching nearly to my hand. My
companion, an intelligent Ecuadorian, well acquainted
with that coast, shrieked to me to let the creature alone.
I pulled it out, as it adhered to the staff, and found it
to be a squid, weighing thirty or forty pounds. I had
to kill the animal before he would leave the staff. My
companion then gave me the following account, as of a
fact which occurred within his own knowledge. The
Chinese from San Francisco were accustomed to visit
that coast to collect a bivalve mollusk, which they dried
and used for food. One day a man belonging to one of
their schooners disappeared, and was not to be found,
lie was finally discovered adhering, apparently, to the
face of a perpendicular rock, two or three fathoms above
the surface of the water. He was quite dead, in the
grasp of a squid, which was already feasting on his body.
The squid occupied a cavity in the rock, and had seized
the Chinaman in his tentacles, drawn him to the mouth
of his den, and there crushed him. That animal was
supposed to weigh about four hundred pounds.

XXXI.

HOSPITAL NOTES.— THE WOUNDED FROM THE WILDERNESS-
CHARITIES OF THE COLORED POOR.— SISTERS OF CHARITY.—
ANAESTHETICS.

WAS the whole of Grant's army being sent back
wounded to Washington ? It appeared so, in those early
days of May, 1864. Ample hospitals had been provided
for the wounded and disabled from a great battle. Many
swift steamers were constantly plying between Aquia
Creek and Washington. Mattresses spread side by side
covered the decks and the cabin floor, on each of which,
at the beginning of the voyage, lay a wounded man. As
they neared its end, and came to the Sixth Street Land-
ing, some of these were vacant. Their tenants lay in the
bow of the steamer ; their faces were covered, and they
were very still. Attendants moved gently among them,
for they were asleep. Many in that short voyage had
fallen into the sleep that knows no waking.

At the landing the survivors were placed by careful
hands in ambulances, which took their places in a pro-
cession constantly moving on one line out to the hospi-
tals on the hills back of the city, and then returning by
another route to the Sixth Street Landing. This pro-
cession of laden ambulances was more than three miles
long, and the vehicles ran quite near each other ; the re-
turn route was somewhat longer.

For three days and as many nights the procession had
been moving up and down its course, never ceasing its
progress, save when the breaking of a carriage caused a

252 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

temporary delay. "Was it never to stop ? "Was the en-
tire army to be returned in this disabled condition?

The silent patience with which these soldiers endured
their sufferings was most impressive. "Wounded as many
were unto death, tortured by the agony of thirst which
always follows the loss of blood in gun-shot wounds,
some with limbs amputated on the field, and the severed
stumps still undressed, scarcely a sigh or a groan escaped
their parched lips. It was discovered by those who
lived along the route that water, or any liquid which
would quench thirst, was the most grateful relief that
could be afforded them. The colored people were the
first to make the discovery. They built little stands by
the roadside, and from these, little darkies, with vessels
of every form and dimension, trotted along by the ambu-
lances, and served out the contents to the suffering men.
Soon tables were set out before many of the dwellings, and
coffee, tea, and light eatables were given to all soldiers
who would accept them. Almost every residence became
a house of refreshments, managed by patriotic women.
The gratitude which some could express only by a look
was the only compensation demanded.

After midnight on May 10th, there suddenly gathered
over the city one of those heavy rain clouds not uncom-
mon in that locality. This cloud appeared to embrace
the earth, the darkness was complete ; its density was
almost palpable to the sense of feeling. "When the con-
densation began, the rain fell in torrents, like water from
a cascade, bringing with it thunder, and lightning in
flashes so frequent as to seem almost continuous. All
objects were sharply illuminated and brought into bold
relief. The thunder came in crashes rather than in re-
verberations.

The procession of the ambulances could not move in

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 253

that storm and darkness, and had come to a halt. Look-
ing down Eleventh from M Street to Pennsylvania Ave-
nue, one could see by the lightning flashes for a distance
of half a mile. There was presented a singular and un-
usual spectacle. Around every vehicle was a fringe of
white objects, projecting outward. They were of irreg-
ular forms and sizes, and it puzzled the observer to know
what they were. They proved to be the limbs and por-
tions of the bodies of the wounded — their legs, arms,
shoulders, faces, heads, necks, every part which it was
possible to expose to the falling shower of rain. It was
a weird and curious picture, another of the myriad forms
in which are exhibited the pains and miseries of war.

The war had its full complement of miseries ; its scenes
of suffering were very numerous, and painful beyond de-
scription. On the other hand, it developed some of the
finer qualities of our humanity in a remarkable degree,
from unexpected sources. There were occasions when
everybody, the poor equally with the rich, seemed to be
moved by a common impulse to works of benevolence
and charity. This statement is especially true of the
colored race, of which some proofs will be elsewhere
given.

Bull Eun, the first great battle of the war, had proved
the miserable inadequacy of the hospital accommodations
of the army. The churches, all the public buildings which
could possibly be vacated, were filled with sick and
wounded men. Citizens received their wounded friends
into their own homes ; tents were pitched upon the va-
cant squares, and yet there were hundreds who, for a
day or two, lay upon the streets, exposed to the sun, the
rain, the heat, the insects, and all the inconveniences of
an unsheltered situation. Even when a great enlarge-
ment of hospital accommodations was undertaken, so

254 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

little attention was paid to sanitary conditions that the
hospitals were built wherever there was a vacant square.
One of the largest was located near the Smithsonian In-
stitution, along the border of the old canal, which, re-
ceiving the surface drainage of half the city, in the heat
of summer became eventually little less than a noisome
cesspool. It seems incredible that such negligence
should have been permitted. The inevitable result, as
any one could have foreseen, was that this hospital be-
came the slaughter-house of the soldier. Death from
blood-poisoning became so certain that the simplest in-
cised wounds, and even scratches, were fatal, if the suf-
ferer was sent to that hospital.

Experience and the newspapers soon brought about a
reform. The Sanitary Commission made its voice heard
and its influence felt. Instead of erecting hospitals in
the heart of the city, the authorities began to locate them
upon the hills surrounding it, where there was pure air
and abundant room for the tents, which were more
healthy than enclosed structures. Upon these hills were
the forts which defended the capital. By the autumn
of 1864 there was a succession of hospitals in a circle
just outside the city limits, with large accommodations,
and a greater number of tenants than were comprised
in all these forts and their outworks.

Our Sunday afternoons were generally devoted to
visiting these hospitals. The occasions were infrequent
when there were not sufferers from the green hills
of Yermont in some of them, to whom the sight of a
friendly face seemed to be the best of medicines. The
grateful looks of these wounded boys always well repaid
the trouble of a visit. We often found the poor fellows
craving, or rather intensely suffering, for the want of
something which the service did not furnish, but which a

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 255

few cents and a friendly hand could supply. The gift of
diamonds and sapphires would not have elicited the grat-
itude I have seen drawn out by the contents of a hand-
basket. We saw much suffering in these visits, but we also
saw much that illustrated the better side of human nature.

On one occasion I was visiting a Yermont cavalry-
man, who lay in a large hospital near Columbia College,
on the continuation of Fourteenth Street. He had a
splendid record for bravery in the field, and now in the
hospital he was fighting death with equal courage and
fortitude. He was in a ward filled with the wounded
from a battle in the valley some weeks before. Only
those whose wounds were particularly severe had been
brought there, and at the time of my visit most of those
who remained had been there some three or four weeks,
slowly recovering from what seemed to me terrible in-
juries.

I was writing at the dictation of the Vermonter a let-
ter to his wife, when, from my camp-stool at his bedside,
I saw a colored woman enter the ward. She was old,
decrepit, and poorly clad, so lame that she could scarcely
walk, but managed to hobble along by the aid of a staff.
Except a basket, covered by a clean white cloth, which
hung upon her arm, everything about her indicated ex-
treme poverty.

The entrance of this unattractive person produced a
commotion. A dozen men, my cavalry-man included,
shouted their welcome, and even the faces of those too
weak to raise their heads from their pillow were lighted
up with joy. " Here's mammy !" " Come here first,
mammy!" "Don't forget me, mammy!" — these and
similar expressions came from all parts of the ward. I
have seen the wife of a President enter a ward without
exciting any such expressions of interest.

256 KECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" Yes ! ole mammy's heah, chilluns, jes' as I tole you.
She's got two apiece for ebery one of ye ! I had to
borry some from a fren'. It's been offul dry, an' de new
vines ha'n't come on like as I 'spected. But dey 's doin'
well now. Nex' Sunday I 'spect I'll have three apiece,
an' a big one for doctor. Now you all jes' be quiet ; I
won't f orgit one of ye !"

She hobbled up to a bed. It was vacant. "Why,
where 's Mass' Frank ? " she exclaimed, with unmistaka-
ble surprise. " Why don't you tell me ? Where's Mass'
Frank, I say?"

" Poor Frank has gone home, mammy ! He got his
discharge yesterday," said one who lay near by, in a voice
which trembled a little in spite of himself.

" I was afeerd on't ! I was afeerd on't. He tole me
he was goin' away !" And the poor old creature sobbed
as if she had a heart as tender as one of whiter skin.
" Poor Mass' Frank ! I reckon he's better now. He read
me his mammy's letter. Poor mammy ! She's done got
a heap o' trouble. She lose her boy. Poor mammy!
Poor Mass' Frank ! He was a brave one ! His hurt was
offul ! Seemed like you could jes' see his heart in dat
great red hole !"

She dried her tears, took up her basket, and went from
cot to cot, making her distribution of its contents. The
weakest of the wounded boys put out his thin hand
eagerly, as if what she gave was very precious. The
very last was my cavalryman, who was just as eager as
the rest. And then I saw that she had been distribut-
ing small cucumbers pickled in vinegar !

" Dat's all to-day, my chilluns ! Nex' Lord's-day I'll
be here, shore! De weather's done been good, and I
'spect I'll have more an' bigger uns. Yes, I'll come,
shore!"

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 257

" Bring your basket here, mammy," said one, " I have
something that the boys want to put into it, which you
must not look at nor open until you get home. Will
you promise ?"

" No, Mass' George I You can't fool ole mammy dat
way. I can't make dat promise. I know yo' tricks.
Dat's money, dat is. Mass' George, I'm ole, an' all broke
up wid rheumatiz, workin' in de rice-field. I've got jes'
one boy left. He takes good care o' his ole mammy.
All de rest is sold — all gone Souf to de cane-fields or de
cotton-fields ! I 'spect I shall never see 'em again. But,
Mass' George" (here a joyful light flashed over her
wrinkled face), " I'se free now, bress de Lord an' Mass'
Linkum ! I reckon all I'se good for is to raise pickles
for de boys. But I can't sell 'em for money ! No, no !"

She shook her head in the most decided manner and
went out of the ward, followed by shouts of " Good-bye,
mammy !" " God bless you !" " Come again !"

The cavalryman informed me, and the statement has
since been confirmed by surgeons, that there was noth-
ing so much craved by the wounded, especially those
who had lost much blood, as sharp, pickled cucumbers.
He had seen the time when his longing for them was
intolerable, when he would have given a month's pay
for even one small pickle. I have no idea why more of
them were not provided, when such complete provision
was made for all hospital supplies. My informant said
that one of the highest ladies in the land had visited
that ward, and asked what the boys most wanted. The
answer was, pickled cucumbers. She immediately told
them that she would supply that want, and would order
a whole barrel of the coveted delicacies from a whole-
sale grocery-house. The pickles never came, and the
boys were cruelly disappointed. The lady probably f or-
17

258 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

got her promise, or found it inconvenient to keep it.
" Old mammy isn't much on promises," said the cavalry-
man, " but she always fetches the pickles !"

Of all the forms of charity and benevolence seen in
the crowded wards of the hospitals, those of some Cath-
olic sisters were among the most efficient. I never knew
whence they came, or what was the name of their order.
They wore the ordinary plain black dress of some wors-
ted stuff, but not the white band about the forehead. One
instance illustrates the value of these volunteer nurses.
In one of the ward? was a gigantic soldier, severely
wounded in the head. He had suddenly become deliri-
ous, and was raging up and down the ward, furious
against those who had robbed him, of what I could
not make out. He cast off the attendants who attempt-
ed to seize him as if they had been children. The surgeon
was called in, and with several officers was consulting1

7 O

how they should seize and bind him, when a small figure
in black entered the room. With a shout of joyous
recognition the soldier rushed to his cot, and drew the
blanket over him, as if ashamed of his half-dressed ap-
pearance. The sister seated herself at his bedside, and
placed her white hand upon the soldier's heated brow.
His chest was heaving with excitement, but the sight of
her face had restored his reason. " I must have dreamed
it," he said, " but it was so real ! I thought they had
taken you away, and said I should never see you again.
Oh, I could have killed them all !"

"You must sleep now," she said, very gently. "I
shall stay if you are good, and you have been so ex-
cited—"

" Yes," he murmured, " I will sleep. I will do any-
thing for you if they will not take you away. I could
not bear that, you know."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION*. 259

He closed his eyes, holding one of her hands clasped
in both of his, and, while we were looking on, slept as
peacefully as a child.

Late in that terrible battle summer, when Grant was
forcing his resistless march towards Richmond, the hos-
pitals were not only overcrowded, but for a time there
was no proper separation of the wounded from those
sick from other causes. In a single ward were men with
freshly amputated limbs, and gunshot wounds of every
kind, and men burning with many fevers. Erysipelas
was silently sapping the vital forces of one, consumption
undermining the lungs of another, an angry cutaneous
disease absorbing the surface moisture of a third — all
stretched upon cots so close together that there was
scarcely room to pass between them. What seemed
especially horrible to me were the surgical operations
carried on in the wards, because the operating-rooms
were so constantly in use. For these suffering men, in
addition to their own ills, to see one of their number
stretched upon a table, where the surgeon's knife severed
the living muscle and the resisting bone, with a display
of all the suggestive machinery of the surgeon's profes-
sion, seemed too much for weak humanity to endure.

These scenes, altogether the most painful I have ever
witnessed, have nevertheless in my memory a beautiful
side. More lovely than anything I have ever seen in
art, so long devoted to illustrations of love, mercy, and
charity, are the pictures that remain of those modest
sisters going on their errands of mercy among the suf-
fering and the dying. Gentle and womanly, yet with
the courage of soldiers leading a forlorn hope, to sustain
them in contact with such horrors. As they went from
cot to cot, distributing the medicines prescribed, or ad-
ministering the cooling, strengthening draughts as di-

260 RECOLLECTIONS Otf PRESIDENT LINCOLN

rected, they were veritable angels of mercy. Their
words were suited to every sufferer. One they incited
and encouraged, another they calmed and soothed.
With every soldier they conversed about his home, his
wife, his children, all the loved ones he was soon to see
again if he was obedient and patient. How many times
have I seen them exorcise pain by their presence or
their words ! How often has the hot forehead of the
soldier grown cool as one of these sisters bathed it !
How often has he been refreshed, encouraged, and tig*
sisted along the road to convalescence, when he would
otherwise have fallen by the way, by the home memo-
ries with which these unpaid nurses filled his heart !

" Are there any means by which I can overcome the
unpleasant sensations which I always feel on my visits
to your hospital-wards ?" I asked of an experienced sur-
geon. " It is a duty to make them, as long as I can be
of any use to the boys, but I am made sick every time.
I have a feeling of nausea which continues for hours."

" It is the effect of your imagination," he responded.
"You are unused to wounds. You exaggerate their
symptoms. These men do not suffer as you imagine ; if
they did, we should relieve them. Wounded men en-
dure great suffering on the field, and on their way to
the hospital, but very little after they come under our
hands. They suffer more from thirst than any other
cause. Loss of blood makes the whole machinery of life
dry and thirsty. After they reach the hospital, relief is
speedy."

" Yes, it must be," I said, ironically. " Belief by be-
ing hacked and cut and sawn in sections must be pain-
less!"

"You should see an operation," said the surgeon
" It would cure your nausea, and correct some of your

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION 261

erroneous ideas. I am perfectly serious. I am to do
rather a difficult piece of work now, as soon as the op-
erating-room is put in order. Come and see it, and judge
for yourself."

" I know it will irritate every nerve in my body, like
a shock of electricity! But it would be cowardly to
decline. Surely, if the poor soldier can endure it, I
ought to be able to stand the sight of it. Yes, I will
come," I said.

I was shown into a small room adjoining the ward,
with windows opening on two sides, through which the
green fields and peach orchards, laden with young fruit,
were visible. The room had just been scoured, and was
fresh and odorless. On one side of the apartment were
washing conveniences with a stream of running water.
A plain, heavy table stood in the centre, covered by a
rubber cloth which extended nearly to the floor on its
four sides. The only suspicious objects visible were
several large mahogany boxes, standing upon shelves in
one corner, but these were closed. If the removal of
the cover had disclosed a proper table, the room might
have been as well suited to billiards as to surgical opera-
tions.

Four strong men now brought in a stretcher, on which
was a bed with white linen sheets, containing a wounded
soldier. The stretcher was laid upon the table. An at-
tendant quickly applied a sponge, which he pressed to
the mouth of the patient. I detected the odor of ether,
and in less time than it has taken to write the account
the soldier lay quietly unconscious and passive. His
clothing, the bed, and everything under him was then
quickly removed, so that his naked chest was in contact
with the rubber covering. His torso was as splendidly
muscular as that of a gladiator. He was a Dane, appa-

262 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

rently about twenty-five years of age, a blond, with blue
eyes, fair hair, and a transparent skin, under which the
strong muscles of his chest and right arm were plain-
ly visible. The upper portion of his left arm and the
entire left shoulder were of a deep purple color, angry
and dark by contrast. Marching with his regiment
through a rocky dell, far down the valley, below Luray,
he had been shot by a bushwhacker ambushed in the
rocks above him. A minie bullet had crashed through
his shoulder at the joint, shattering the humerus to the
elbow. He was far away from any hospital. Lying on
the straw in an army wagon, he had been carted over
the stony roads more than sixty miles to Harper's Ferry,
where he had been placed with other wounded in a box
freight-car on the railroad, and so had reached Wash-
ington and been carried to the hospital. It was now
several days since he received his wound. The shoulder
and arm were swollen, an angry circle of dark purple
surrounding the opening where the ball had entered. It
was a terrible wound, rendered fatal, to all appearance,
by the long fatigue, neglect, and exposure.

The surgeon, with a small-bladed knife, laid open the
arm from the shoulder to the elbow-joint, and began to
separate the muscle from the shattered bone. Piece
after piece of bone was taken out until the entire length,
in six fragments, lay upon the table. The muscle was
then turned out like the finger of a glove, exposing the
shoulder-joint, also badly fractured. The pieces were
removed, and the projecting points cut off. The whole
mass of muscle was then cleansed from blood, washed
with some lotion of an antiseptic nature, and the entire
cut, from elbow to shoulder, carefully stitched together.
The remains of the arm were then laid along the side of
the chest, and firmly fastened to it with bandages. The

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 263

operation occupied nearly an hour. All the bones and
blood were removed, the table again washed, and clean
linen placed upon the soldier. He was laid between the
clean white sheets, the ether was taken away, and he
was restored to consciousness.

During all this horrible operation the patient ap-
peared to be living in a pleasant dream of the farm in
Iowa, where he had made his home. He was driving
his oxen at the plough, reproving the awkwardness of
his farm hands, playing with his children, and consult-
ing with his wife about their schools, and other domes-
tic matters. He talked and laughed and sang. He had
been mercifully spared all pain and suffering, so that
when he recovered consciousness it was a considerable
time before he could be convinced that he had been sub-
jected to any surgical operation.

He was removed to his cot. I gave him my address,
and asked him to write to me if he wanted anything
which the hospital could not provide. We subsequently
furnished him with a few delicacies ; new cases engrossed
our attention, and the Dane was forgotten.

Four or five months later, a stout, rugged man, in the
uniform of a soldier, called at my office in the Treasury.
I did not recognize him, though his face impressed me

as one that I had seen somewhere. " I am B , from

the 4th Iowa, to whom your lady was so kind in the hos-
pital," he said. " I have just got my discharge, and am
on my way home." Upon my inquiry whether his arm
was at all useful to him, he took hold of a large scuttle
filled with coal, and carried it across the room. He made
a fair signature with a pen, and showed that he could
make good use of his arm, except that he could not raise
it above the level of his shoulder. I have since heard of
him as a respected farmer in easy circumstances in Iowa.

264 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

The pain and suffering spared to the soldier by the
intelligent use of anaesthetics during the war was beyond
measure. Although the history belongs to the profes-
sion of those who used them, I saw so much of their
blessed influence that I could not forbear giving this
testimony to their value.

XXXII.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE SLEEPING SENTINEL.— ERRONE-
OUS VERSIONS OF THE STORY.— WILLIAM SCOTT, A MEMBER
OF THE THIRD VERMONT, SENTENCED TO DEATH FOR SLEEP-
ING ON HIS POST.— HE IS PARDONED BY THE PRESIDENT.—
HIS LAST MESSAGE TO THE PRESIDENT.— HIS DEATH AT THE
BATTLE OF LEE'S MILLS.

THE story of the President and the sleeping senti-
nel has been so many times sung in song and described
in story that its repetition may seem like the relation
of a thrice-told tale. The substantial facts are common
to all its versions. A soldier named Scott, condemned
to be shot for the crime of sleeping on his post, was
pardoned by President Lincoln, only to be killed after-
wards at the battle of Lee's Mills, on the Peninsula.
The incidental facts are varied according to the taste,
the fancy, or the imagination of the writer of each ver-
sion. The number of persons who claim to have pro-
cured the intervention of the President to save the life
of the soldier nearly equals that of the different ver-
sions. As these persons worked independently of each
other, and one did not know what another had done, it
is not improbable that several of them are entitled to
some measure of credit, of which I should be most un-
willing to deprive them.

The truth is always and everywhere attractive. The
child loves, and never outgrows its love, for a real true
story. The story of this young soldier, as it was pre-
sented to me, so touchingly reveals some of the kindlier

266 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

qualities of the President's character that it seldom fails
to charm those to whom it is related. I shall give its
facts as I understood them, and I think I can guarantee
their general accuracy.

On a dark September morning, in 1861, when I reached
my office, I found waiting there a party of soldiers, none
of whom I personally knew. They were greatly excited,
all speaking at the same time, and consequently unintel-
ligible. One of them wore the bars of a captain. I said
to them, pleasantly, "Boys, I cannot understand you.
Pray, let your captain say what you want, and what I
can do for you." They complied, and the captain put
me in possession of the following facts :

They belonged to the Third Vermont Eegiment, raised,
with the exception of one company, on the eastern slope
of the Green Mountains, and mustered into service while
the battle of Bull Run was progressing. They were im-
mediately sent to "Washington, and since their arrival,
during the last days of July, had been stationed at the
Chain Bridge, some three miles above Georgetown.
Company K, to which most of them belonged, was
largely made up of farmer-boys, many of them still in
their minority.

The sterile flanks of the mountains of Yermont have,
to some extent, been abandoned for the more fertile re-
gions of the West, and are now open to immigration
from the more barren soils of Scandinavia and the Alps.
Fifty years ago these Vermont mountains reared men
who have since left their impress upon the enterprise of
the world. The hard conditions of life in these moun-
tains then required the most unbroken regularity in the
continuous struggle for existence. To rise and retire
with the sun, working through all the hours of daylight,
sleeping through all the hours of night, was the univer-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 267

sal rule. Such industry, practised from childhood, united
to a thrift and economy no longer known in the republic,
enabled the Vermonter to pay his taxes and train up his
family in obedience to the laws of God and his country.
Nowhere under the sun were charity, benevolence, mu-
tual help, and similar virtues more finely developed or
universally practised than among these hard-handed,
kind-hearted mountaineers.

The story which I extracted from the " boys " was, in
substance, this : William Scott, one of these mountain-
boys, just of age, had enlisted in Company K. Accus-
tomed to his regular sound and healthy sleep, not yet
inured to the life of the camp, he had volunteered to
take the place of a sick comrade who had been detailed
for picket duty, and had passed the night as a sentinel
on guard. The next day he was himself detailed for
the same duty, and undertook its performance. But he
found it impossible to keep awake for two nights in suc-
cession, and had been found by the relief sound asleep
on his post. For this offence he had been tried by a
court-martial, found guilty, and sentenced to be shot
within twenty-four hours after his trial, and on the sec-
ond morning after his offence was committed.

Scott's comrades had set about saving him in a char-
acteristic way. They had called a meeting, appointed
a committee, with power to use all the resources of the
regiment in his behalf. Strangers in Washington, the
committee had resolved to call on me for advice, because
I was a Vermonter, and they had already marched from
the camp to my office since daylight that morning.

The captain took all the blame from Scott upon himself.
Scott's mother opposed his enlistment on the ground of
his inexperience, and had only consented on the captain's
promise to look after him as if he were his own son. This

268 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

he had wholly failed to do. He must have been asleep
or stupid himself, he said, when he paid no attention to
the boy's statement that he had fallen asleep during the
day, and feared he could not keep awake the second
night on picket. Instead of sending some one, or going
himself in Scott's place, as he should, he had let him go
to his death. He alone was guilty — " if any one ought
to be shot, I am the fellow, and everybody at home
would have the right to say so." " There must be some
way to save him, judge !" (They all called me judge.)
" He is as good a boy as there is in the army, and he ain't
to blame. You will help us, now, won't you ?" he said,
almost with tears.

The other members of the committee had a definite,
if not a practicable, plan. They insisted that Scott had
not been tried, and gave this account of the proceeding.
He was asked what he had to say to the charge, and
said he would tell them just how it all happened. He
had never been up all night that he remembered. He
was " all beat out " by the night before, and knew he
should have a hard fight to keep awake ; he thought of
hiring one of the boys to go in his place, but they might
think he was afraid to do his duty, and he decided to
" chance it." Twice he went to sleep and woke himself
while he was marching, and then — he could not tell any-
thing about it — all he knew was that he was sound asleep
when the guard came. It was very wrong, he knew.
He wanted to be a good soldier, and do all his duty.
What else did he enlist for? They could shoot him,
and perhaps they ought to, but he could not have tried
harder ; and if he was in the same place again, he could
no more help going to sleep than he could fly.

One must have been made of sterner stuff than I was
not to be touched by the earnest manner with which

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 269

these men offered to devote even their farms to the aid
of their comrade. The captain and the others had no
need of words to express their emotions. I saw that
the situation was surrounded by difficulties of which
they knew nothing. They had subscribed a sum of
money to pay counsel, and offered to pledge their credit
to any amount necessary to secure him a fair trial.

" Put up your money," I said. " It will be long after
this when one of my name takes money for helping a
Yermont soldier. I know facts which touch this case
of which you know nothing. I fear that nothing effect-
ual can be done for your comrade. The courts and law-
yers can do nothing. I fear that we can do no more ;
but we can try."

I must digress here to say that the Chain Bridge across
the Potomac was one of the positions upon which the
safety of "Washington depended. The Confederates had
fortified the approach to it on the Virginia side, and the
Federals on the hills of Maryland opposite. Here, for
months, the opposing forces had confronted each other.
There had been no fighting ; the men, and even the offi-
cers, had gradually contracted an intimacy, and, having
nothing better to do, had swapped stories and other prop-
erty until they had come to live upon the footing of
good neighbors rather than mortal enemies. This rela-
tion was equally inconsistent with the safety of Wash-
ington and the stern discipline of war. Its discovery
had excited alarm, and immediate measures were taken
to break it up. General W. F. Smith, better known as
" Baldy " Smith, had been appointed colonel of the Third
Vermont Kegiment, placed in command of the post, and
undertook to correct the irregularity.

General Smith, a Vermonter by birth, a "West-Pointer
by education, was a soldier from spur to crown. Possi-

2TO RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

bly he had natural sympathies, but they were so subor-
dinated to the demands of his profession that they might
as well not have existed. He regarded a soldier as so
much valuable material, to be used with economy, like
powder and lead, to the best advantage. The soldier
was not worth much to him until his individuality was
suppressed and converted into the unit of an army. He
must be taught obedience ; discipline must never be re-
laxed. In the demoralization which existed at the Chain
Bridge, in his opinion, the occasional execution of a sol-
dier would tend to enforce discipline, and in the end
promote economy of life. He had issued orders de-
claring the penalty of death for military offences,
among others that of a sentinel sleeping upon his post.
His orders were made to be obeyed. Scott was, appa-
rently, their first victim. It went without saying that
any appeal in his behalf to General Smith would lead
to nothing but loss of time.

The more I reflected upon what I was to do, the more
hopeless the case appeared. Thought was useless. I
must act upon impulse, or I should not act at all.

" Come," I said, " there is only one man on earth who
can save your comrade. Fortunately, he is the best man
on the continent. We will go to President Lincoln."

I went swiftly out of the Treasury over to the "White
House, and up the stairway to the little office where the
President was writing. The boys followed in a proces-
sion. I did not give the thought time to get any hold
on me that I, an officer of the government, was commit-
ting an impropriety in thus rushing a matter upon the
President's attention. The President was the first to
speak.

"What is this?" he asked. "An expedition to kid-
nap somebody, or to get another brigadier appointed, or

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 271

for a furlough to go home to vote? I cannot do it,
gentlemen. Brigadiers are thicker than drum-majors,
and I couldn't get a furlough for myself if I asked it
from the War Department."

There was hope in the tone in which he spoke. I
went straight to my point. "Mr. President," I said,
"these men want nothing for themselves. They are
Green Mountain boys of the Third Vermont, who have
come to stay as long as you need good soldiers. They
don't want promotion until they earn it. But they do
want something that you alone can give them — the life
of a comrade."

" What has he done ?" asked the President. " You
Vermonters are not a bad lot, generally. Has he com-
mitted murder or mutiny, or what other felony ?"

" Tell him," I whispered to the captain.

" I cannot ! I cannot ! I should stammer like a fool !
You can do it better !"

" Captain," I said, pushing him forward, " Scott's life
depends on you. You must tell the President the story.
I only know it from hearsay."

He commenced like the man by the Sea of Galilee,
who had an impediment in his speech ; but very soon
the string of his tongue was loosened, and he spoke
plain. He began to word-paint a picture with the hand
of a master. As the words burst from his lips they
stirred my own blood. He gave a graphic account of
the whole story, and ended by saying, " He is as brave
a boy as there is in your army, sir. Scott is no coward.
Our mountains breed no cowards. They are the homes
of thirty thousand men who voted for Abraham Lincoln.
They will not be able to see that the best thing to be
done with William Scott will be to shoot him like a trai-
tor and bury him like a dog ! Oh, Mr. Lincoln, can you ?"

272 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" No, I can't !" exclaimed the President. It was one
of the moments when his countenance became such a
remarkable study. It had become very earnest as the
captain rose with his subject ; then it took on that mel-
ancholy expression which, later in his life, became so in-
finitely touching. I thought I could detect a mist in
the deep cavities of his eyes. Then, in a flash, there
was a total change. He smiled, and finally broke into
a hearty laugh, as he asked me,

" Do your Green Mountain boys fight as well as they
talk ? If they do, I don't wonder at the legends about
Ethan Allen." Then his face softened as he said, " But
what can I do? What do you expect me to do? As
you know, I have not much influence with the depart-
ments ?"

" I have not thought the matter out," I said. " I feel
a deep interest in saving young Scott's life. I think I
knew the boy's father. It is useless to apply to Gen-
eral Smith. An application to Secretary Stanton would
only be referred to General Smith. The only thing to
be done was to apply to you. It seems to me that, if
you would sign an order suspending Scott's execution
until his friends can have his case examined, I might
carry it to the War Department, and so insure the de-
livery of the order to General Smith to-day, through the
regular channels of the War Office."

" No ! I do not think that course would be safe. You
do not know these officers of the regular army. They
are a law unto themselves. They sincerely think that
it is good policy occasionally to shoot a soldier. I can
see it, where a soldier deserts or commits a crime, but I
cannot in such a case as Scott's. They say that I am
always interfering with the discipline of the army, and
being cruel to the soldiers. Well, I can't help it, so I

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 273

shall have to go right on doing wrong. I do not think
an honest, brave soldier, conscious of no crime but sleep-
ing when he was weary, ought to be shot or hung. The
country has better uses for him."

" Captain," continued the President, " your boy shall
not be shot — that is, not to-morrow, nor until I know
more about his case." To me he said, " I will have to
attend to this matter myself. I have for some time in-
tended to go up to the Chain Bridge. I will do so to-
day. I shall then know that there is no mistake in sus-
pending the execution."

I remarked that he was undertaking a burden which
we had no right to impose ; that it was asking too much
of the President in behalf of a private soldier.

" Scott's life is as valuable to him as that of any per-
son in the land," he said. " You remember the remark
of a Scotchman about the head of a nobleman who was
decapitated. ' It was a small matter of a head, but it
was valuable to him, poor fellow, for it was the only one
he had.'"

I saw that remonstrance was vain. I suppressed the
rising gratitude of the soldiers, and we took our leave.
Two members of " the committee " remained to watch
events in the city, while the others returned to carry the
news of their success to Scott and to the camp. Later
in the day the two members reported that the President
had started in the direction of the camp ; that their work
here was ended, and they proposed to return to their
quarters.

Within a day or two the newspapers reported that a
soldier, sentenced to be shot for sleeping on his post, had
been pardoned by the President and returned to his reg-
iment. Other duties pressed me, and it was December
before I heard anything further from Scott. Then an-
18

274 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

other elderly soldier of the same company, whose health
had failed, and who was arranging for his own discharge,
called upon me, and I made inquiry about Scott. The
soldier gave an enthusiastic account of him. He was in
splendid health, was very athletic, popular with every-
body, and had the reputation of being the best all-around
soldier in the company, if not in the regiment. His mate
was the elderly soldier who had visited me with the party
in September, who would be able to tell me all about
him. To him I sent a message, asking him to see me
when he was next in the city. His name was Ellis or
Evans.

Not long afterwards he called at my office, and, as his
leave permitted, I kept him overnight at my house, and
gathered from him the following facts about Scott. He
said that, as we supposed, the President went to the
camp, had a long conversation with Scott, at the end of
which he was sent back to his company a free man. The
President had given him a paper, which he preserved
very carefully, which was supposed to be his discharge
from the sentence. A regular order for his pardon had
been read in the presence of the regiment, signed by
General McClellan, but every one knew that his life had
been saved by the President.

From that day Scott was the most industrious man in
the company. He was always at work, generally help-
ing some other soldier. His arms and his dress were
neat and cleanly ; he took charge of policing the com-
pany's quarters ; was never absent at roll-call, unless he
was sent away, and always on hand if there was any
work to be done. He was very strong, and practised
feats of strength until he could pick up a man lying on
the ground and carry him away on his shoulders. He
was of great use in the hospital, and in all the serious

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 275

cases sought employment as a nurse, because it trained
him in night -work and keeping awake at night. He
soon attracted attention. He was offered promotion,
which, for some reason, he declined.

It was a long time before he would speak of his inter-
view with Mr. Lincoln. One night, when he had re-
ceived a long letter from home, Scott opened his heart,
and told Evans the story.

Scott said : " The President was the kindest man I had
ever seen ; I knew him at once, by a Lincoln medal I
had long worn. I was scared at first, for I had never
before talked with a great man. But Mr. Lincoln was
so easy with me, so gentle, that I soon forgot my fright.
He asked me all about the people at home, the neigh-
bors, the farm, and where I went to school, and who
my schoolmates were. Then he asked me about mother,
and how she looked, and I was glad I could take her
photograph from my bosom and show it to him. He
said how thankful I ought to be that my mother still
lived, and how, if he was in my place, he would try to
make her a proud mother, and never cause her a sorrow
or a tear. I cannot remember it all, but every word was
so kind.

"He had said nothing yet about that dreadful next
morning. I thought it must be that he was so kind-
hearted that he didn't like to speak of it. But why did
he say so much about my mother, and my not causing
her a sorrow or a tear when I knew that I must die the
next morning ? But I supposed that was something that
would have to go unexplained, and so I determined to
brace up, and tell him that I did not feel a bit guilty,
and ask him wouldn't he fix it so that the firing-party
would not be from our regiment ! That was going to
be the hardest of all — to die by the hands of my com-

276 BECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

rades. Just as I was going to ask him this favor, he
stood up, and he says to me, ' My boy, stand up here
and look me in the face.' I did as he bade me. ' My
boy,' he said, ' you are not going to be shot to-morrow.
I believe you when you tell me that you could not keep
awake. I am going to trust you, and send you back to
your regiment. But I have been put to a good deal of
trouble on your account. I have had to come up here
from Washington when I have got a great deal to do ;
and what I want to know is, how you are going to pay
my bill ?' There was a big lump in my throat ; I could
scarcely speak. I had expected to die, you see, and had
kind of got used to thinking that way. To have it all
changed in a minute ! But I got it crowded down, and
managed to say, I am grateful, Mr. Lincoln ! I hope I
am as grateful as ever a man can be to you for saving
my life. But it comes upon me sudden and unexpected
like. I didn't lay out for it at all. But there is some
way to pay you, and I will find it after a little. There
is the bounty in the savings-bank. I guess we could bor-
row some money on the mortgage of the farm. There
was my pay was something, and if he would wait until
pay-day I was sure the boys would help, so I thought
we could make it up, if it wasn't more than five or six
hundred dollars. ' But it is a great deal more than that,'
he said. Then I said I didn't just see how, but I was
sure I would find some way — if I lived.

" Then Mr. Lincoln put his hands on my shoulders and
looked into my face as if he was sorry, and said, ' My
boy, my bill is a very large one. Your friends cannot
pay it, nor your bounty, nor the farm, nor all your com-
rades ! There is only one man in all the world who can
pay it, and his name is William Scott ! If from this day
William Scott does his duty, so that, if I was there when

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 277

he comes to die, he can look me in the face as he does
now, and say, I have kept my promise, and I have done
my duty as a soldier, then my debt will be paid. Will
you make that promise and try to keep it ?'

" I said I would make the promise, and, with God's
help, I would keep it. I could not say any more. I
wanted to tell him how hard I would try to do all he
wanted ; but the words would not come, so I had to let
it all go unsaid. He went away, out of my sight for-
ever. I know I shall never see him again ; but may
God forget me if I ever forget his kind words or my
promise."

This was the end of the story of Evans, who got his
discharge, and went home at the close of the year. I
heard from Scott occasionally afterwards. He was gain-
ing a wonderful reputation as an athlete. He was the
strongest man in the regiment. The regiment was en-
gaged in two or three reconnoissances in force, in which
he performed the most exposed service with singular
bravery. If any man was in trouble, Scott was his good
Samaritan ; if any soldier was sick, Scott was his nurse.
He was ready to volunteer for any extra service or labor
—he had done some difficult and useful scouting. He
still refused promotion, saying that he had done nothing
worthy of it. The final result was that he was the gen-
eral favorite of all his comrades, the most popular man
in the regiment, and modest, unassuming, and unspoiled
by his success.

The next scene in this drama opens on the Peninsula,
between the York and the James rivers, in March, 1862.
The sluggish Warwick River runs from its source, near
Yorktown, across the Peninsula to its discharge. It
formed at that time a line of defence, which had been
fortified by General Magruder, and was held by him with

278 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

a force of some twelve thousand Confederates. York-
town was an important position to the Confederates.

On the 15th of April the division of General Smith
was ordered to stop the enemy's work on the entrench-
ments at Lee's Mills, the strongest position on the War-
wick River. His force consisted of the Vermont brigade
of five regiments, and three batteries of artillery. After
a lively skirmish, which occupied the greater part of the
forenoon, this order was executed, and should have ended
the movement.

But about noon General McClellan with his staff, in-
cluding the French princes, came upon the scene, and
ordered General Smith to assault and capture the rebel
works on the opposite bank. Some discretion was given
to General Smith, who was directed not to bring on a
general engagement, but to withdraw his men if he
found the defence too strong to be overcome. This dis-
cretion cost many lives when the moment came for its
exercise.

General Smith disposed his forces for the assault,
which was made by Companies D, E, F, and K of the
Third Vermont Regiment, covered by the artillery, with
the Vermont brigade in reserve. About four o'clock in
the afternoon the charge was ordered. Unclasping their
belts, and holding their guns and cartridge-boxes above
their heads, the Vermonters dashed into and across the
stream at Dam Number One, the strongest position in the
Confederate line, and cleared out the rifle-pits. But the
earthworks were held by an overwhelming force of reb-
els, and proved impregnable. After a dashing attack
upon them the Vermonters were repulsed, and were or-
dered to retire across the river. They retreated under a
heavy fire, leaving nearly half their number dead or
wounded in the river and on the opposite shore.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 2Y9

Every member of these four companies was a brave
man. But all the eye-witnesses agreed that among
those who in this, their first hard battle, faced death
without blenching, there was none braver or more effi-
cient than William Scott, of Company K, debtor for his
own life to President Lincoln. He was almost the first
to reach the south bank of the river, the first in the rifle-
pits, and the last to retreat. He recrossed the river with
a wounded officer on his back — he carried him to a place
of safety, and returned to assist his comrades, who did
not agree on the number of wounded men saved by him
from drowning or capture, but all agreed that he had
carried the last wounded man from the south bank, and
was nearly across the stream, when the fire of the rebels
was concentrated upon him ; he staggered with his liv-
ing burden to the shore and fell.

An account of the closing scene in the life of William
Scott was given me by a wounded comrade, as he lay
upon his cot in a hospital tent, near Columbia College, in
Washington, after the retreat of the army from the
Peninsula. " He was shot all to pieces," said private H.
" We carried him back, out of the line of fire, and laid
him on the grass to die. His body was shot through and
through, and the blood was pouring from his many
wounds. But his strength was great, and such a power-
ful man was hard to kill. The surgeons checked the
flow of blood — they said he had rallied from the shock ;
we laid him on a cot in a hospital tent, and the boys
crowded around him, until the doctors said they must
leave if he was to have any chance at all. We all knew
he must die. We dropped on to the ground wherever
we could, and fell into a broken slumber — wounded and
well side by side. Just at daylight the word was passed
that Scott wanted to see us afl. We went into his tent

280 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

and stood around his cot. His face was bright and his
voice cheerful. ' Boys,' he said, ' I shall never see another
battle. I supposed this would be my last. I haven't
much to say. You all know what you can tell them at
home about me. I have tried to do the right thing ! I
am almost certain you will all say that? Then while his
strength was failing, his life ebbing away, and we looked
to see his voice sink into a whisper, his face lighted up and
his voice came out natural and clear as he said : ' If any
of you ever have the chance, I wish you would tell Presi-
dent Lincoln that I have never forgotten the kind words he
said to me at the Chain Bridge — that I have tried to be
a good soldier and true to the flag — that I should have
paid my whole debt to him if I had lived ; and that now,
when I know that I am dying, I think of his kind face
and thank him again, because he gave me the chance to
fall like a soldier in battle, and not like a coward by the
hands of my comrades.'

" His face, as he uttered these words, was that of a
happy man. Not a groan or an expression of pain, not a
word of complaint or regret came from his lips. ' Good-
bye, boys,' he said, cheerily. Then he closed his own
eyes, crossed his hands on his breast, and — and — that
was all. His face was at rest, and we all said it was
beautiful. Strong men stood around his bed ; they had
seen their comrades fall, and had been very near to death
themselves : such men are accustomed to control their
feelings ; but now they wept like children. One only
spoke, as if to himself, * Thank God, I know now how a
brave man dies.'

" Scott would have been satisfied to rest in the same
grave with his comrades," the wounded soldier con-
tinued. " But we wanted to know where he lay. There
was a small grove of cherry-trees just in the rear of the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 281

camp, with a noble oak in its centre. At the foot of this
oak we dug his grave. There we laid him, with his
empty rifle and accoutrements by his side. Deep into
the oak we cut the initials, "W. S., and under it the
words, 'A brave soldier.' Our chaplain said a short
prayer. We fired a volley over his grave. Will you
carry his last message to the President ?" I answered,
" Yes."

Some days passed before I again met the President.
When I saw him I asked if he remembered William
Scott ?

" Of Company K, Third Vermont Volunteers ?" he
answered. "Certainly I do. He was the boy that
Baldy Smith wanted to shoot at the Chain Bridge.
What about WiUiam Scott ?"

" He is dead. He was killed on the Peninsula," I an-
swered. " I have a message from him for you, which I
have promised one of his comrades to deliver."

A look of tenderness swept over his face as he ex-
claimed, " Poor boy ! Poor boy ! And so he is dead. And
he sent me a message ! Well, I think I will not have it
now. I will come and see you."

He kept his promise. Before many days he made one
of his welcome visits to my office. He said he had come
to hear Scott's message. I gave it as nearly as possible in
Scott's own words. Mr. Lincoln had perfect control of
his own countenance : when he chose, he could make it a
blank ; when he did not care to control it, his was the most
readable of speaking human faces. He drew out from
me all I knew about Scott and about the people among
whom he lived. When I spoke of the intensity of their
sympathies, especially in sorrow and trouble, as a charac-
teristic trait of mountaineers, he interrupted me and
said, " It is equally common on the prairies. It is the

282 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

privilege of the poor. I know all about it from experi-
ence, and I hope I have my full share of it. Yes, I can
sympathize with sorrow."

" Mr. President," 1 said, " I have never ceased to re-
proach myself for thrusting Scott's case so unceremo-
niously before you — for causing you to take so much
trouble for a private soldier. But I gave way to an im-
pulse— I could not endure the thought that Scott should
be shot. He was a fellow- Yermonter — and I knew there
was no other way to save his life."

" I advise you always to yield to such impulses, " he
said. " You did me as great a favor as the boy. It was
a new experience for me — a study that was interest-
ing, though I have had more to do with people of his
class than any other. Did you know that Scott and I
had a long visit ? I was much interested in the boy. I
am truly sorry that he is dead, for he was a good boy —
too good a boy to be shot for obeying nature. I am glad
I interfered."

"Mr. Lincoln, I wish your treatment of this matter
could be written into history."

" Tut ! Tut !" he broke in ; " none of that. By the
way, do you remember what Jeanie Deans said to Queen
Caroline when the Duke of Argyle procured her an op-
portunity to beg for her sister's life ?"

" I remember the incident well, but not the language."

" I remember both. This is the paragraph in point :
' It is not when we sleep soft and wake merrily ourselves
that we think on other people's sufferings. Our hearts
are waxed light within us then, and we are for righting
our ain wrangs and fighting our ain battles. But when
the hour of trouble comes to the mind or to the body—
and when the hour of death comes, that comes to high
and low — oh, then it isna what we hae dune for our-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 283

sells, but what we hae dune for others, that we think on
maist pleasantly. And the thoughts that ye hae inter-
vened to spare the puir thing's life will be sweeter in that
hour, come when it may, than if a word of your mouth
could hang the whole Porteous mob at the tail of ae
tow."

XXXIII.

TREASURY NOTES AND NOTES ON THE TREASURY.

No nation has a better Treasury system than the United
States. When its regulations are enforced, it practically
guarantees the government against loss by error or fraud.
It involves the division of the department into bureaus,
each directly responsible to the secretary, having little
connection with each other, and at least three of which
must approve a claim before it can be paid, each thus
acting as a check upon the other. It recognizes the fact
that the subordinates in a bureau, subject to removal by
its chief, will obey the orders of that chief, although they
may involve a violation of law, so that checks within a
bureau are unreliable. But if the payment of a claim
requires an examination by three persons in as many
bureaus, and the approval of the heads of each, a con-
spiracy to defraud becomes difficult and practically im-
possible. Frauds upon the Treasury proper have been
extremely rare. The Assistant Treasuries are abnormal
growths, not subject to these checks, and frauds upon
them, involving large losses, have consequently been per-
petrated. The manufacture and issue of the postal and
fractional currency was another excrescence permitted
to attach itself to the system, and the account of that
issue cannot be verified. It was the only issue of the war
about which there existed any doubt. The account may
be correct, but it is possible that some millions of dol-
lars of that currency more than the amount shown by the
books of the Treasurer were put in circulation. It might

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 285

have been done without detection, for the white paper
was turned into money, ready for issue by a single de-
partment, under a single head, without supervision or the
co-operation of any other department or person.

Originally adapted to an expenditure of $25,000,000
per annum, the Treasury system had the capacity of in-
definite expansion without impairing its security. In
March, 1861, it regulated an expenditure averaging
about $8,000,000 per month. Within sixty days it in-
creased to more than $2,000,000 per day, and ultimately
to more than $1,000,000,000 per annum. Yet the sys-
tem required no change except an increase of clerical
force. Thus it happened that during four years of war
more than $3,000,000,000 was received and covered into
the Treasury, and an equal value of securities issued and
delivered to those who were entitled to receive them,
without the loss of one dollar by error or fraud. This
statement rests upon absolute demonstration, and not
upon evidence alone. The amount is as far as infinity
beyond ordinary human comprehension. The statement
and the system which verifies it are wonders of finance
in a country convulsed by civil war.

The Treasury was the creation of Alexander Hamil-
ton. It will live as long as the nation exists, and every
one who comprehends it will accept it as a monument of
the financial ability of its author. It may be criticised
by those who do not understand it as an institution of
red tape, but no experienced Treasury officer ever ad-
vised the removal of one of its checks, or the relaxation
of one of its stringent provisions.

There were three frauds attempted during the secre-
taryship of Mr. Chase. Two of them came as near
success as the Treasury system would permit, and per-
haps their frustration must in some degree be attrib-

286 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

uted to the merits of the system, united with good
fortune.

Among the inheritances from the administration of
Mr. Buchanan was an application for the reissue of a lot
of coupon bonds alleged to have been destroyed. The
claimants proved the facts as clearly as human testimony
could — that these bonds, each with six coupons attached,
were deposited in a locked mail-bag in Frankfort, trans-
ported to Liverpool, and there delivered into the hands
of an agent of the post-office on board a steamship which
was wrecked by collision, and went, with all its mails,
and all but two or three of those on board, to the bot-
tom of the sea. The completeness of the evidence was
itself a source of suspicion, and, much to the chagrin of
the claimants, Secretary Chase affirmed the decision of a
bureau officer, that the duplicates should not be issued
except by the direction of Congress. On the application
of the claimants at the next session, Congress passed an
act directing the issue of the duplicates. The claim was
again presented with the act, and the duplicates were
demanded. The same bureau officer again represented
his suspicions to the secretary, and, with the sanction of
the latter, the present regulation was adopted, interpos-
ing a delay of twelve months after proof of the claim
before the actual issue. This rule was vehemently aa-
sailed by the claimants through the press; they even
charged the officer with intentionally nullifying the au-
thority of Congress.

At this time the coupons of bonds redeemed were in
packages in the Kegister's file-room. There was little
need of their examination, and no attempt had been
made to arrange them in consecutive order. Books were
now made with one page appropriated to each bond, and
a space for each coupon, while a force of clerks was de-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 287

tailed to place each redeemed coupon in its appropriate
space.

At the expiration of the year the claimants came for
their duplicates. They were assured that they would
now be issued unless some satisfactory reason could be
shown for further delay. The books were sent for, and
in their proper spaces were found all the coupons which
had been proved to have sunk to the bottom of the sea !
A few months later the bonds themselves were presented
for redemption, and, no adverse claims being made, they
were paid.

What was the explanation of this mystery ? I do not
know. The pressure of official duties, and the anxieties
of war which occupied us so incessantly, prevented any
further investigation, and the inquiry will probably never
be answered.

The next fraud wjhich I recall was a success as far as
the department was concerned. The loss of the money
was prevented by an accident.

The course of proceeding for the collection of a claim
for army supplies was usually this : The contractor made
his collections through his banker. His monthly account
was made up in conformity with all the rules of the War
Office, and transmitted to that office with a letter of di-
rections where the draft should be sent. The War Office
approved the claim if correct, and transmitted the ac-
count, the letter, and the action of the War Department
to the Secretary of the Treasury, by whom it was sent to
the proper auditor, whose duty it was to audit the claim.
If he decided that the claim was a proper one, it was sent
to the comptroller, who revised the action of the auditor,
and, if correct, approved it, sending the account with the
accompanying documents to the secretary, who issued
the warrant for its payment. This warrant was counter-

288 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

signed by the comptroller, and entered on the books of
the Register; the treasurer then drew his draft upon
one of the depositories for its payment, and the draft
was sent by mail, according to the original letter of in-
struction, which constituted one of the file papers. The
file was then sent to the Register's file-room, and there
remained. It comprised all the papers, showing a com-
plete history of the transaction.

On the occasion in question the cashier of one of the
Washington banks came to the office of the Register
with a draft just issued for more than $80,000, payable
to a well-known Massachusetts contractor, and regularly
endorsed. It had been presented by the head porter of
Willard's Hotel, a reliable man, who said that the payee
was ill and unable to leave his room. He had therefore
requested him to collect the draft in notes, if possible, of
$1000 each. "Without any apparent reason the cashier
said his suspicions were excited, and he went with the
porter to the hotel to see the payee, and be sure that the
transaction was all right. But the sick gentleman had
disappeared. He had probably watched the porter, and,
finding that there was delay in the payment, had vanished.

The file was sent for, and the letter found, directing
that the draft be sent to the contractor at Willard's
Hotel. He was communicated with by telegraph, and
said that the letter was a forgery. He had given the
same directions in this case as in his former collections.

This fraud was consummated by an outsider with the
assistance of a clerk in the Treasury. No outsider could
have obtained access to the files in order to remove the
true letter and substitute the forgery. Such a fraud
could not be prevented by any system. Fortunately the
suspicions or the prudence of the cashier prevented any
loss.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 289

In another instance the fraud was successful, but its
fruits were wholly recovered and returned to the Treas-
ury. It had some interesting features. One of the most
difficult subjects which engaged our attention was the
complete destruction of the Treasury notes withdrawn
from circulation, or so worn or mutilated that they were
unfit to be reissued. The bulk of these issues was very
great. The first so withdrawn were called the " demand
notes." They were issued under a special act, and, being
receivable for duties, bore a premium nearly equal to
gold. There were sixty million dollars of them in small
denominations, and their issue involved the use of many
cords of paper. After the financial system authorized
by the act of February 25, 1862, had been instituted, this
issue was redeemed, and the notes corded up in the treas-
urer's vaults. The pf oblem was to count these notes, de-
stroy them beyond the possibility of a reissue, and give
the treasurer credit for them without any opportunity for
reissue or fraud.

After much deliberation the following plan was de-
vised: The notes were separated into denominations,
and made into packages uniform in amount, and each
package was cut into halves, lengthwise. The upper
halves were delivered to the superintendent of a force of
counters in the office of the treasurer ; the lower halves
to the head of a like force in the office of the register.
These two forces had no communication with each other.
Each counted their respective packages, and made a rec-
ord of each one. The records were compared in another
office, and, if they agreed, the count was supposed to be
correct. The counted packages were then delivered to a
committee of citizens, and by them placed in a furnace
in the basement of the Treasury, which had been heated
to a white heat ; the door was locked, and the combus-
19

290 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

tion watched by the committee through openings, until
they were entirely consumed. The committee then veri-
fied the facts by affidavit, upon which a warrant was is-
sued to the treasurer to credit his account with the notes
so destroyed. Receipts were given whenever the pack-
ages changed hands. The process was expensive, com-
plex, and supposed to be reliable.

The burning of a cord or less of notes daily was a sub-
ject of general curiosity. Applications to witness it be-
came so frequent that an iron railing was built around
the furnace, within which no one was admitted except
the committee of citizens. A colored messenger one day
applied for a permit for his boy of ten years to see the
process. On the following day the messenger told me that
his boy had asked him a singular question : " Whether it
was right for Mr. Cornwell, when throwing the packages
into the furnace, to drop one of them in the side pocket
of his overcoat ?"

Cornwell was a clerk in the bureau of General Spin-
ner, the treasurer, whose duty it was to see the pack-
ages cut in halves by the machine, and deliver them to
the chiefs of the two divisions of counters. He had no
right to touch them afterwards. His assisting in the
work of the citizens' committee was an impertinent inter-
ference with their duties which destroyed the value of the
system, and was probably tolerated because of his official
connection with the work of the treasurer's bureau, where
he was a trusted clerk, I believe of the third class.

The messenger was directed to go to his home and
bring his son to the register's office. He proved to be a
modest, intelligent lad, and greatly alarmed at the con-
sequences of his question. " He was not certain," he
said, " that he saw anything. But Mr. Cornwell worked
very hard, and threw more packages into the furnace

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 291

than all the other gentlemen. He wore an overcoat with
a side pocket having a large opening, and once, as he
was quickly passing his hand with the package from the
basket toward the furnace door, he thought he saw one
package drop into the large open pocket. He was not
certain of this, however, and might be mistaken."

The boy was sent home in charge of his father, who
was told to keep him indoors, and not permit him to
communicate with or see any other person. Without
attempting to ascertain how any use could be made of
these packages of half-notes, I directed the heads of the
counting divisions not to permit any of their counters to
leave the room, but to send for me when their day's work
was finished. About four o'clock the accounts of the
day were made up, and the aggregates appeared to agree.
I then directed the counters in the two divisions to bring
their packages together into one room, and place each
package of upper with the corresponding package of
lower halves. If there was no irregularity, as the day's
work commenced with packages of entire bills, a package
of lower should be found for every package of upper
halves. But when the last two packages were reached,
to the amazement and alarm of every counter, they
would not match at all. Every counter knew that some-
thing was wrong, and each was in terror lest he or she
should be the one suspected. Some of the young women
were in tears, and one or two gave indications of hyster-
ics. They were dismissed with the assurance that no
suspicion rested upon them, and that they would have
no trouble if they kept the facts to themselves for the
next twenty-four hours.

The next morning Cornwell was called into the private
room of the register and shown to a chair directly in
front of that officer, who, without noticing him, went on

292 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

with his regular work. Cornwell soon became nervous,
and in an excited manner asked what was wanted of him.
I replied that I had an impression that there was some-
thing which he ought to disclose to me, and that I wanted
him to consider thoroughly, without interruption. He in-
sisted that he must return to his duties. I said that I had
had him excused for the day, in order that he might as-
sist me in the investigation of an irregularity. He soon
became excited, and as he appeared to be summoning
his fortitude to meet an emergency, I suddenly said to
him,

"Cornwell, you have been stealing, and your thefts
have been detected !"

I should fail if I attempted to describe the effect of
these few words. His emotion was pitiable. A deathly
pallor covered his face, and he seemed to be trying to
swallow something which he could not. As commonly
happens, Satan deserted his victim, and his first words
were a fatal confession. After a supreme effort at self-
control he said :

" How did you find it out ?"

" That is of no importance," I said. " What I want
of you is to tell me how much you have taken, and where
it is."

He made no effort or struggle, but gave up at once.
He took from his pocket a small blank-book, in which
he had entered, from day to day, in regular order, the
amount of his stealings. The following had been his
method of procedure : He received from the treasurer
daily, for example, $100,000, in ten packages of $10,000
each, and became accountable for them. After seeing
the whole bills divided in the machine, it was his duty
to deliver and take a receipt for an equal number of pack-
ages of upper halves from one division and of lower

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 293

halves from the other division of the counters, so that
the same number of packages of divided bills should be
sent to the counting divisions which he had received in
entire bills from the treasurer. Having abstracted a
package of upper halves at one time and of lower halves
at another while the bills, after having been counted,
were being thrown into the furnace, he could then take
a package of whole bills from those he received from the
treasurer, and by substituting the packages of stolen
halves for them in the delivery to the counters, his ac-
count would appear to be correct. He would deliver to
the counters just as many divided packages as he had re-
ceived whole ones. But the two stolen packages would
not fit or match together, as had been shown in the in-
vestigation of the preceding day.

I called a carriage; he entered it with me, and we
drove to his house in Georgetown. On one of the upper
floors he unlocked a small room, in which there was a
new safe with a combination lock. This he also opened,
took from it and delivered to me one package of $100,000
in coupon 5-20 bonds, into which he had converted a por-
tion of his booty through a firm of brokers in New York ;
$50,000 in whole demand notes ; and packages of halves
representing $20,000 more, making in the aggregate
$170,000. Except a difference of a few dollars, caused
by converting the demand notes at a premium into
bonds, this aggregate agreed with the account of his
abstractions, entered from day to day as they were made,
upon his account-book. He strenuously insisted that this
amount comprised every dollar of his thefts, and we never
had the slightest reason to doubt his statement.

He was indicted, and, upon his own confession, sen-
tenced to ten years in the penitentiary, where I lost
sight of him, and have no knowledge of his subsequent

294 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

career. He maintained to the last that he never intended
to wrong the United States. These notes, he said, had
been issued at par, the government having received 100
cents for each dollar of them. If they were redeemed
at the same rate, the government was no loser. They
happened to be worth a premium of sixty per cent. ; he
thought he had as good a right to make that premium
as the government. He had always intended to restore
the par of these notes to the Treasury. To that end he
had converted enough of them to purchase $100,000 in
coupon bonds, which he intended to place to the credit
of the Treasury conscience fund. His appropriation of
the sixty per cent, premium, he insisted, was no crime,
and he thought it was not even prohibited by the Treas-
ury regulations. It is scarcely necessary to say that this
reasoning neither satisfied the Treasury officers nor did
it save him from the penitentiary.

No loss to the Treasury could possibly have occurred
in two of the instances above mentioned.

After the close of the war there were many members of
Congress and others who did not believe it possible that
so large an amount of money as $3,000,000,000 could
possibly have been received into the Treasury, securities
issued for it, and placed in the hands of the large num-
ber of persons entitled to them, without error or fraud,
or any loss to the government. It was even suspected
that the officers connected with the issue of these securi-
ties must in some manner have profited thereby. Accord-
ingly one of the first acts of each of the two or three
succeeding Congresses was to raise a special committee
to investigate the Treasury. The Treasury officers well
knew that no fraud or irregularity could have occurred
without immediate detection in the Treasury. They
therefore regarded the proceedings of the committees

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 295

with quiet unconcern. In the early days of the investi-
gation cases were found which were supposed to involve
the integrity of some of these officers, and they were
notified that their immediate appearance before the com-
mittee was necessary to their reputations. They did not
appear, however, and in every case the committee found
the explanation. These investigations were, as they
should have been, thorough and exhaustive. But neither
committee discovered any error, fraud, or loss to the gov-
ernment in the department of the Treasury proper. No
credit belongs to or was ever claimed by the officers of
the Treasury for this result ; but it should at least be re-
garded as most satisfactory evidence of the perfection of
the Treasury system.

XXXIV.

NEW MONEYS OF LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION.— DEMAND NOTES.
—SEVEN-THIRTIES.— POSTAGE CURRENCY.— FRACTIONAL CUR-
RENCY.— LEGAL-TENDER NOTES, OR " GREENBACKS."— THEIR
ORIGIN, GROWTH, AND VALUE.

THE generation which elected President Lincoln had
known only two kinds of money — the notes of the state
banks and the coins authorized by Congress. There
were many varieties of the state bank-notes, variable in
appearance as in value. The policy of Secretary Chase
destroyed the circulation of the state bank-notes, and
substituted for them the notes of the national banks,
under which the holder was absolutely secured against
loss. The necessities of war created several new kinds of
paper money, and in some cases invented new names for
them, such as " demand notes," " seven-thirties," " post-
age currency," " fractional currency," and finally " legal
tenders," popularly known as " greenbacks."

The " Treasury notes," authorized by statutes in force
on the 4th of March, 1861, did not circulate as money.
They bore interest at the rate of six per cent., were pay-
able one year after date, and issued in denominations of
not less than fifty dollars. Before the extra session of
Congress on July 4, 1861, the secretary had contrived
to sell six and a half million dollars in these notes at par
by offering with them a like amount in bonds on twenty
years' time at six per cent, interest, at rates varying from
85 to 92 per cent, of their par value. These amounts
relieved the wants of the Treasury in a very slight de-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 297

gree, and made no impression upon the circulation of
the country.

As the 4th of July approached it became apparent
that some provision for the pay of the army and navy
and other pressing demands must be made without wait-
ing for the negotiation of a loan. The secretary accord-
ingly recommended in his first report, and Congress by
the act of July 17th authorized, the immediate issue of
Treasury notes to the amount of fifty, afterwards in-
creased to sixty million dollars, in denominations of not
less than ten dollars, payable on demand without inter-
est. On the 5th of August a supplemental act was passed,
authorizing the issue in denominations as low as five dol-
lars, and making these notes receivable for public dues.
They were required to be signed by the treasurer and
the register, or by some persons authorized by the sec-
retary to sign for each of said officers.

As soon as the plates could be engraved and the notes
printed, a force of clerks was detailed to sign them, and
their issue commenced. They were receivable for du-
ties, and therefore almost equivalent in value to gold ;
they were used in payment of the army and the navy,
and of other pressing obligations; they relieved the
wants of the secretary for October and November as
fully as the same amount in coin; and they added so
much to the circulating money of the country. They
were of the same size, and in appearance closely resem-
bled bank-notes.

The passage of the legal-tender act of February 25,
1862, which required the payment of duties in coin, in
order to provide the gold for the payment of the inter-
est upon the funded debt, made it necessary to redeem
and cancel the notes so issued, because as long as they
were outstanding they would take the place of an equal

298 KECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

amount in gold. This act provided for their immediate
redemption and cancellation. The issue began in Oc-
tober; their redemption commenced in the following
March ; after which they were not reissued, but can-
celled and destroyed as fast as they flowed into the
Treasury. The whole amount authorized, $60,000,000,
was issued, and after twenty - eight years, on the
31st of May, 1890, there were still outstanding, unre-
deemed, of these notes, $56,445.00, or about one tenth
of one per cent, of the issue. These notes acquired the
name of, and have always been known as, the " demand
notes."

An incident occurred during the brief period of their
circulation which, for a few hours, occasioned no little
anxiety in the offices of the treasurer and the register.
A small package of these notes, less than $100 in value,
which were apparently unsigned, was presented for re-
demption. They were not of consecutive numbers, but
from several different sheets. If any were issued un-
signed, it indicated an irregularity, and possibly a loss,
the amount of which could not be ascertained. I was
not willing to concede the fact without further investi-
gation. The two names of the clerks who were deputed
to sign for the treasurer and register were the only
words written on the face of Ihe notes. Upon examin-
ing them with a powerful glass, I could trace on the sur-
face the whole signatures, although every particle of the
ink had disappeared. Fortunately, the person who pre-
sented them for payment was known. He was sent for,
and proved to be a soldier who had received the notes
from the paymaster. I asked him whether he had sub-
mitted them to any manipulation. He replied that he
had carried them in a money-belt upon his person through
a campaign through the swamps of Carolina. They had

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 299

been saturated with perspiration, with rain, fogs, and
other moisture many times, and this usage had obliter-
ated the signatures. This discovery did more than re-
lieve our anxiety. It effectually disposed of the claim
that the written signature was any check against fraud
or forgery, so that when the legal-tender notes were un-
der consideration it was decided that all the signatures
should be engraved.

The same act of July, 1861, authorized the issue of
Treasury notes bearing interest at the rate of seven and
three tenths per cent, per annum, payable three years
from their date. The rate of interest, equal to one cent
on $50 for every day, would, it was hoped, from its con-
venience of computation, give these notes some circula-
tion as currency. This hope was not realized, and these
notes belong to the investment rather than the currency
issues of the Treasury. They were known by the name
of " seven-thirties " from their rate of interest.

The suspension of specie payment by the banks in
December, 1861, caused a disappearance of the gold and
silver coins from circulation with marvellous celerity.
They seemed to vanish in a day ; probably into the pri-
vate hoards of the people, since the specie of the banks
failed to show any considerable increase. War existed,
no one could predict the future, the thrift and caution
of the people led them to lay something aside which
could not lose its purchasing power. They hastened to
lay hold of these coins, and secrete them where they
could be found when other means of subsistence failed.

The scarcity of these coins produced great inconven-
ience in business. It became almost impossible to make
change in the ordinary purchases from dealers and mer-
chants. Shinplasters began to make their appearance
to supply the deficiency. In the rebellious states these

300 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

were not only issued by individuals and private corpora-
tions, but by states, counties, cities, towns, and all other
municipal corporations. A collection of these rebel shin-
plasters, upon all kinds of paper, from white writing to
broAvn wrapping, would now be an interesting memento
of the war, but in a pecuniary sense absolutely worth-
less.

The credit of devising a lawful and adequate remedy
for this inconvenience belongs to General Francis E. Spin-
ner, Treasurer of the United States. He found it impos-
sible to facilitate, as he desired to do, the payment of the
soldiers and sailors, and to conduct the business of the
Treasury with the small coins at his command. He
therefore arranged with the Post-office Department to
redeem in unused stamps such postage-stamps as might
be used for currency. In a short time his department
manufactured and introduced a new issue. All the de-
nominations were of uniform size. A piece of paper,
with one stamp pasted on it, was five cents ; one with
two stamps, ten cents ; five stamps, twenty-five cents ;
and ten stamps, fifty cents. In this way, at the cost of
a little labor, a considerable amount of small change was
manufactured. This currency became so popular that,
instead of using stamps, plates were engraved for each
denomination, in imitation of the manufactured notes,
the impressions from which had the same legal qualities
and were used for the same purposes. These impressions
were called the "postage currency." They were after-
wards authorized by the act of July 17, 1862, which di-
rected the secretary to furnish to the assistant treasu-
rers " the postage and other stamps of the United States,
to be exchanged by them on application for United States
notes." These stamps were receivable in payment of all
dues to the United States of less than five dollars, and

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 3Q1

could be exchanged for United States notes when pre-
sented in sums of not less than five dollars. The same
act put an end to the further issue of shinplasters, by
making the issue or circulation, by private persons or
corporations, of notes or tokens for less than one dollar,
punishable by fine and imprisonment.

Although it did not come under my notice at the time,
it appears from articles by Mr. C. Gregory, in the Phi-
latelic Journal, in the year 1888, that there was prepared,
and there have been recently submitted to me, specimens
of an ingenious device for utilizing postage stamps as
currency. It was invented by Mr. J. Gault, of New York
city, and was patented in August, 1862. It consisted in
encasing the stamp, with a thin sheet of mica covering its
face, in a sheet of copper, neatly turned over its edges, and
the mica cover, in the form of a circular plaque, having
the dimensions of the ordinary twenty-five-cent piece. To
hold the stamp more firmly in place, side-pieces of cop-
per were added, which were turned over a small portion
of the face in such a manner as not to interfere with its
legibility, the denomination being plainly visible. The
stamp thus encased could be carried in the pocket, and
had all the conveniences, and almost the durability, of
a copper coin. Trading and business firms were quick
to appreciate its advantages. By stamping their busi-
ness card, or any other legend of the firm, in the copper
which covered the reverse of the stamp, it was made to
serve as an advertisement. Its value as an advertise-
ment was sufficient to pay the considerable expense of
encasing the stamp.

But for the act of March 3, 1863, which prohibited
the use of these and all similar devices, the encased stamp
must have had a considerable circulation. According
to Mr. Gregory, Mr. Gault received so many orders for

302 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

them that he could not supply the demand, although his
shop was in operation night and day. He encased the
eight denominations, from one cent to ninety cents each.
It is of some interest, as showing the actual demands of
commerce for fractional coins, to know that more of the
one-cent value were ordered than of all the others ; the
three cent came next ; those of five cents and ten cents
taking third and fourth places. Thirty cents was the
highest denomination ordered, and these only by one
firm. A very small number of the denomination of
ninety cents were made, and sold as specimens, which
are now extremely rare.

These stamps were ordered by firms in the retail dry-
goods, grocery, jewellery, and other trades, insurance
companies, owners of hotels, wine-stores, restaurants, and
proprietary articles, more in number being required for
the latter than for all the other trades combined. They
were ordered by one firm of private bankers located in
Montreal. They appear to have been circulated in New
York, Boston, Philadelphia, Detroit, Chicago, Cincinnati,
and several smaller Northern cities.

It is also of interest that the limited use of this device
should be known and preserved. I therefore describe
the specimen now before me, for which I am indebted to
Mr. Charles Gregory. It is the form in which, I think,
stamps will be used as currency, if the restrictive act
should be repealed and the necessity hereafter arise.
The stamp is the blue one-cent stamp of the time, with
the engraved head of Franklin, over which are the words
" U. S. Postage," under it the words " One Cent." Over
the face is a thin sheet of colorless mica, so transparent
that its presence is not apparent to the eye. The cop-
per covering, or frame, covers the reverse, the circular
periphery, a space a sixty-fourth of an inch wide, around

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 303

the face, with two oval side-pieces extending a fourth of
an inch towards the centre. Stamped in the reverse of
the copper frame is the advertisement of a proprietary
article, and under that the words " Pat. Aug. 12, 1862.
J. Gault."

The convenience of the postage currency was great,
and the amount called for increased to an extent which
became troublesome to the Post-office Department, and
the secretary decided to take it into the Treasury, where
it legitimately belonged. Accordingly an act was passed
which suspended its further issue, and substituted in its
place currency of another description.

The act of March 3, 1863, authorized the Secretary of
the Treasury to issue " fractional notes," in such form as
he deemed expedient, in lieu of postage and revenue
stamps and of the fractional notes commonly called
postage currency, and to provide for the engraving,
preparation, and issue thereof in the Treasury Depart-
ment building. Such notes were exchangeable for Treas-
ury notes in sums of not less than three dollars, were re-
ceivable for postage and revenue stamps and in payment
of any dues to the United States less than five dollars,
and were redeemable at the Treasury under regulations to
be established by the secretary. The amount of the issue,
including postage and revenue stamps issued as currency,
was limited to $50,000,000.

No currency issue of the government has ever accom-
plished so much public convenience in proportion to its
amount as the fractional currency. Its use was uninter-
rupted until May 16, 1866, when the coining of five-cent
pieces of copper and nickel was authorized, the further
issue of fractional notes of a less denomination than ten
cents was prohibited, and the five-cent notes outstanding
were directed to be redeemed and cancelled. The act of

304 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the 14th of January, 1875, authorized the coinage of sil-
ver coins of the value of ten, twenty-five, and fifty cents,
to be issued in redemption of the fractional currency
until the whole of it was redeemed. The whole amount
issued, including the reissues in the place of worn and
mutilated notes, has reached the enormous aggregate of
$368,724,079.45. In other words, the amount author-
ized of $50,000,000 has been reissued more than seven
times. The act of June 21, 1879, provided for the re-
demption of the fractional currency then outstanding
with any money in the Treasury, and for its destruc-
tion. Under this act there was carried into the state-
ment of the public debt, as fractional currency lost or
destroyed, $8,375,934. This amount has proved far be-
low the actual loss or destruction. On the 31st of May,
1890, after making this deduction, the amount still out-
standing was $6,912,010.97. Of this amount it is safe
to assume that seventy per cent., or $4,838,407, has been
so far lost that it will not be presented for redemption.
There is thus shown a clear profit to the United States
on the issue of the fractional currency of more than
$13,000,000, or more than twenty-six per cent, of the
$50,000,000 to which the issue at any one time was lim-
ited.

"Why has this large proportion failed to be returned
for redemption ? The answer is necessarily speculative.
Collectors of stamps and other memorabilia of the epoch
have absorbed some of it. But it has happened, in the
experience of many, that each has become possessed of
a fractional note so worn or mutilated that it was de-
clined by the person to whom he offered it. The name
of the person from whom he received it was forgotten,
the amount was too small to pay for the trouble of
sending it to Washington for redemption; he laid it

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 305

aside in some corner of his pocket-book, where it re-
mained to be further worn, until, tired of seeing it, he
at length threw it away. Such has been my own expe-
rience. It has been multiplied by that of others, possi-
bly in instances numerous enough to account for the
loss.

If the public convenience were alone in question, there
would be a reissue of the fractional currency. It was,
and would still be, universally preferred to small silver
coins. So long as it could be had in a cleanly condition,
institutions were willing to incur expense to obtain it,
especially for their lady customers. If the silver, instead
of being coined, could be deposited in some out-of-the-way
place in bars too heavy for asportation, and the cost of
coinage applied to the cost of issuing fractional currency,
the public would be better accommodated, and the silver
bars could rest undisturbed until some convulsion should
subvert all existing financial conditions.

There was much complaint at the time, and the repu-
tation of the secretary suffered, from his persistence in
allowing the engraving, printing, and complete manu-
facture of the white paper into the money of the frac-
tional currency, ready for issue, to be done in the Bureau
of Engraving and Printing without any oversight or su-
pervision. The bureau itself had grown from nothing
to very large proportions, as an annex or convenience to
the office of the secretary. It was subject to none of the
checks which the Treasury system imposed upon other
bureaus, and an unauthorized issue of currency was quite
possible, which might never be detected if it were not
greater than the percentage of notes not returned for
redemption. There was so much criticism of the secre-
tary's action that he appointed a commission, which re-
ported the danger, and earnestly recommended that the
20

306 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

bureau should be brought under the general Treasury
regulations. But no change was made by Secretary
Chase. His view of the matter was, that naked steal-
ing could not be prevented by checks ; that confidence
must be reposed in somebody; and it was safer to
trust one man than a great number. One of the first
acts of his successor, Mr. Fessenden, was to comply with
the recommendations of the commission. Since that
time checks have been added which now make the bu-
reau safe, and render any fraud as nearly impossible as
it can be under human management.

Justice to all at any time concerned in the manage-
ment of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing requires
the statement that neither investigation, lapse of time,
nor the subsequent redemption of its issues has produced
any evidence whatever of fraud or wrong in that bureau
down to the close of the war. On the contrary, the very
large amount now outstanding indicates that there has
been no unauthorized issue. Such, I am glad to know,
is the opinion of experienced officers still remaining in
the department.

There is an act of Congress which prohibits the en-
graving upon any of the Treasury issues of any portrait
the original of which is living. It originated in the fact
that the head of the Bureau of Engraving, in 1864, placed
his own portrait upon the plate of the five-cent note.
It was a presumptuous act, so fiercely denounced by the
press that only a single issue from the plate was made.
To prevent its repetition, the act was afterwards passed.
This five-cent note is much sought after by collectors,
and is much the scarcest of the Treasury issues during
the war.

The fight of legal tender had been won, and won on
the ground stated by Thaddeus Stevens in the opening

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 307

sentence of his speech : " This bill is a measure of neces-
sity, not of choice." The act had been passed and ap-
proved. We could issue $150,000,000 in currency at
once, $60,000,000 would pay the demand notes, leaving
$90,000,000 to pay our soldiers and carry on the war
for some months to come.

"We had also gained our first military success. Grant
had captured forts Henry and Donelson, and was push-
ing for Nashville. The clouds seemed to be breaking
away, and the future to look more hopeful.

I was therefore surprised when one afternoon, late in
February, 1862, President Lincoln entered the register's
room with as sad a look as I ever saw upon his careworn
face. He dropped wearily into a seat he had previously
chosen, and after a short silence exclaimed :

" What have you to say about this legal-tender act ?
Here is a committee of great financiers from the great
cities who say that, by approving this act, I have wrecked
the country. They know all about it — or they are mis-
taken."

" You have done nothing of the kind," I said. " The
time for argument has passed. Legal tender is inevita-
ble. The gentlemen you mention have made it a neces-
sity. The people would take our notes without the
legal -tender clause. The banks and the copperheads
will not. We cannot risk the country in their hands.
You have followed your own good judgment in signing
the act. The people will sustain you and Secretary Chase
and Congress."

" I do not see that I am exclusively responsible," he
continued. " I say to these gentlemen, ' Go to Secretary
Chase; he is managing the finances.' They persist,
and have argued me almost blind. I am worse off than
Saint Paul. He was in a strait betwixt two. I am in

308 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

a strait betwixt twenty, and they are bankers and
financiers."

"You are right in signing the act," I said; "that
point has passed debate."

"Now that is just where my mind is troubled," he
continued. " We owe a lot of money which we cannot
pay ; we have got to run in debt still deeper. Our cred-
itors think we are honest, and will pay in the future.
They will take our notes, but they want small notes
which they can use among themselves. So far I see no
objection, but I do not like to say to a creditor you
shall accept in payment of your debt something that
was not money when it was contracted. That doesn't
seem honest, and I do not believe the Constitution sanc-
tions dishonesty."

"No more do I," I replied. "I do not claim that
legal tender can be upheld as an abstract right under
the Constitution. But self-preservation is a right higher
than the Constitution. "We are warranted in making
any sacrifice of property or political right to save the
Union. Gold and silver are beyond our reach ; our sol-
diers must be paid and fed and clothed. We can issue
Treasury notes, and circulate them as currency. It is
right and honest that we should give them the quality
of legal tender, provided we return to specie as soon as
the necessity has passed. I have watched the debates
in Congress. I have read the opinion of your attorney-
general. There are those who hint and suggest that
legal tender is provided for in the Constitution. I have
read no speech in which that right is broadly asserted.
I believe it safer to defend our position on the ground
of necessity."

"I understand that is Chase's ground, though he
does not put it so strongly. We shall see. We will

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 3Q9

wait to hear from the country districts, from the peo-
ple."

He again relapsed into silence, which I did not inter-
rupt. Then he said, " When the old monks had tired
themselves out in fighting the devil, did they not have
places to which they retired for rest, which were called
retreats ?"

" They did," I answered ; " though I understand they
were for spiritual rather than bodily recuperation."

" I think of making this office one of my retreats" he
said. "It is so quiet and restful here. Do you never
get discouraged ?"

" I shall be delighted to have you," I said, ignoring
his question. " I only wish I could say of it, as Father
Prout sang of the Groves of Blarney,

" ' There's gravel- walks there for speculation,
And conversation in sweet solitude.' "

" Tell me more of that ballad," he exclaimed, cheer-
ily. " I like its jingle. What an Irish conceit that is —
' conversation in sweet solitude.'' "

" I fear I cannot. I must send you the book. I only
remember,

" ' There's statues gracing this noble place in,

All heathen goddesses so fair,
Bold Neptune, Plutarch, and Nicodaymus,
A-standing naked in the open air.' "

" I must have that book to-night," he said. " A good
Irish bull is medicine for the blues."

He left the office actually to the sound of his own
musical laugh. He sent for the book — a copy of Crof-
ton Croker's " Popular Songs of Ireland." It is before
me now ; priceless almost, when I remember that it once
gave Abraham Lincoln some pleasure, some respite from
his cares.

310 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I have several reasons for this prelude to a sketch of
the greenback. It suggests what every American ought
to know — that it was resorted to in a very dark period
of the war ; that it was accepted by the President on
his faith in the financial policy of Secretary Chase, who
advocated it not as a constitutional right per se, but as a
right, like the proclamation of freedom to the slaves,
founded upon military necessity. The story may possi-
bly be regarded as trivial, but it tends to show with
what intense earnestness the President bore his grave
responsibilities, and that he seized upon an amusing
story or volume because it diverted him for the mo-
ment, and strengthened rather than weakened his ca-
pacity for his graver duties. I think it tends also to
illustrate the simple honesty of his mind. Had Mr.
Lincoln been preserved to the republic, I do not believe
that the question of legal tender would have been car-
ried into the Supreme Court of the United States. The
weight of his influence, never so powerful as on the day
of his death, would have been thrown in favor of com-
mencing the retirement of the legal-tender notes at the
close of the war, and the return to a specie basis at the
earliest date consistent with prudence and discretion.

A "greenback" is a statement engraved and printed
in the similitude of a bank-note that " the United States
will pay to the bearer - - dollars." It bears on its face
the engraved signatures of the register and treasurer
of the United States ; a memorandum that it is' issued
under the act of March 3, 1863 ; and that it is a legal
tender for - - dollars. A fac-simile of the Treasury
seal is printed upon it in red ink and by a separate im-
pression. In an open space on the back is a statement
that " this note is a legal tender at its face value for all
debts, public or private, except duties on imports and

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

interest on the public debt," with a note of the punish-
ment denounced against its counterfeiting or alteration.
Originally it bore a certificate of its right to be convert-
ed into bonds of the United States, bearing interest at
the rate of six per cent, per annum. This right was
withdrawn by the act of March 3, 1863, as to all notes
not presented for exchange before the 1st day of July in
that year.

The greenback, then, is the naked promise of the
United States to pay the bearer a certain number of
dollars, unsecured except by the national credit, without
date or time of payment, which, for all ordinary purposes,
is money, equal to the gold ?nd silver coins authorized by
law.

The alteration and counterfeiting of bank-notes, crimes
almost unknown to the present generation, were common
when the state-bank issues existed. The bank-note com-
panies owned a patented green ink, which they claimed
was a protection against photography, that it was diffi-
cult to erase, the composition of which was a secret un-
known to the criminal classes. Secretary Chase decided
that the backs of the legal-tender notes should be print-
ed with this patented green ink, giving to such notes
literally green backs. The soldiers, quick to seize upon
an appropriate name, on the first visit of the paymaster
with these notes, gave them the name of " greenbacks."
This name was universally adopted, and became as per-
manent as the notes themselves.

The authority for the issue of greenbacks was con-
ferred by three acts of Congress, passed respectively
on February 25 and July 11, 1862, and March 3, 1863.
The first act authorized the issue of $150,000,000 ; but
$60,000,000 of these were to be in lieu of the $60,000,000
of demand notes authorized by the act of July 17", 1861.

312 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Each, of the other acts authorized the issue of $150,000,-
000, making the whole amount authorized $450,000,000.

The largest amount of greenbacks outstanding at one
time was on the 3d of February, 1864, less than one year
after the passage of the last act. The aggregate then
reached was $449,479,222, or within a little more than
half a million dollars of the full amount authorized.

The act of June 30, 1865, restricted the amounts of
greenbacks issued and to be issued to $400,000,000, and
" such additional sum, not exceeding $50,000,000, as may
be temporarily required for the redemption of temporary
loan" (sic). The aggregate in circulation on the 31st of
August, 1865, which may be taken as the close of the
war, was $432,553,912, and on the 1st day of January,
1866, $425,839,313.

This large amount, however, was not an addition of so
much money to the circulation of the country. Had it
been, the inflation of prices and the activity of specula-
tion would have been greater. The net increase of the
circulating money at any time during the war would re-
quire a computation more complicated than is suited to
this sketch. It may be mentioned, however, that the
circulation of the state banks, estimated in the loyal
states at $150,000,000, had been withdrawn, and that
issued to national banks was not large enough to take
its place. The difference between these two amounts,
with the whole amount of coin, had disappeared. The
outstanding fractional currency must be added to the
greenbacks, and the loss of state bank circulation and
coin deducted, in order to ascertain the net increase. It
affected values, no doubt, but probably not so much, as
the value of greenbacks was diminished by depriving
them of the right of exchange into interest - bearing
bonds under the act of March, 1863.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 313

At the close of the war there was a worthy successor
of Secretary Chase at the head of the Treasury. Re-
publics are fortunate which in periods of financial diffi-
culty are able to secure the services of such men as Sal-
mon P. Chase and Hugh McCulloch. "We had, by the
bullet of the assassin, lost the potential personality of
Abraham Lincoln. His secretary, McCulloch, in the
true spirit of the legal-tender legislation, as soon as the
necessity had passed, turned his energies towards a re-
turn to a sound specie basis, and to the retirement of the
greenbacks as the first and proper step towards that de-
sirable goal. The national debt had then reached the
gigantic amount of more than $2,800,000,000. To form
an accurate judgment of the progress of which the re-
public was capable when it was relieved of the incubus
of slavery and permitted to expand under the influences
of peace ; to preserve the national credit ; to provide for
and pay the debt due to the soldiers and sailors who had
crushed the rebellion ; and promptly, without delay, to
lay out and enter upon the shortest safe road to specie
payment, required not only a man able to comprehend
the financial situation, but who had the boldness and
courage to act upon his convictions. They have an ex-
pression on the Pacific coast which conveys a world of
meaning. They say of a man who has shown great abili-
ties wherever he has been placed that he is a " scopy "
man. Secretary McCulloch was evidently a "scopy"
man. In his first report to Congress after the close of
the war, on the 4th of December, 1865, he declared in
plain terms that the legal-tender acts were war measures
passed in a great emergency, that they should be regard-
ed only as temporary, that they ought not to remain in
force a day longer than would be necessary to enable the
people to prepare for a return to the gold standard, and

314 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

that the work of retiring the greenbacks which had been
issued should be commenced without delay, and carefully
and persistently continued until all were retired. Such
words were powerful because of their sense and justice.
By the act of April 12, 1866, Congress authorized the
secretary to commence the withdrawal of the green-
backs from circulation, to retire $10,000,000 within six
months from the passage of the act, and thereafter to
continue the process at the rate of $4,000,000 per month.
The unanimity with which the secretary's policy was
supported was shown by the vote in the House of Rep-
resentatives on the passage of this act. There were 144
votes in the affirmative, and only 6 in the opposition.

Secretary McCulloch immediately instituted the proc-
ess of retirement, and conducted it with quiet and em-
inent discretion. By the end of the year 1866 he had
reduced the greenbacks outstanding from $425,000,000
to $380,000,000, and was proceeding quietly to continue
the process at the rate of $4,000,000 per month.

But suddenly there was a change in the political at-
mosphere. A multitude of impecunious patriots, scat-
tered over the North and West, discovered that they
were being oppressed and afflicted beyond endurance by
the contraction of the currency. They made the coun-
try resound with their meanings of distress. The specu-
lators of the " bull " party joined in the cry. Together
they organized a political party called the Greenback
Party. It attracted the same class of recruits that went
down to David in the cave of Adullam. Every one that
was in distress and every one that was in debt and every
one that was discontented joined the party, and began
to cry out with a loud voice against contraction, against
the dreadful tyranny of Secretary McCulloch. Then it
was that the republic wanted Abraham IJncoln. Had

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 315

he been alive to support his secretary, there would have
been no such weak yielding to noisy clamor as then oc-
curred. That tower and stronghold no longer existed.
The secretary continued his work until he had reduced
the volume of the greenbacks to $356,000,000, when, on
the 4th of February, 1868, Congress suspended further
reduction. The amount in circulation has since been
subjected to some variation, in 1875 rising as high as
$382,000,000, and in 1879 being reduced below $347,000,-
000. But it is accurate enough for all practical purposes
to say that since the suspension in 1868, a term of more
than twenty-two years of profound peace, the amount of
legal-tender notes in circulation has been $356,000,000.

If the republic shall again be involved in war there
are many facts in the history of the currency issues here
briefly described which will be useful to its financial
minister. Secretary Chase had no experience of the
past for his guide. The Continental currency of the
Revolution was made a legal tender by state laws only.
His judgment devised, Congress authorized, and the peo-
ple loyally accepted the novelties in currency to which
this chapter refers. In his financial policy he had the
confidence and the support of President Lincoln. His
policy was criticised ; in one or two respects it may have
been erroneous. But he was a statesman and a great
financier. He was stationed at the weakest point in the
national defences, where defeat or retreat would have
been ruin. He preserved the credit of the republic ; he
was supported by a patriotic people ; and by his admin-
istration of the Treasury he fairly earned the gratitude
of posterity.

XXXY.

GRANT AND McCLELLAN.

ONE morning, in the summer of 1862, there was a pro-
cession in the streets of "Washington. It passed along
Fifteenth Street in front of the Treasury, down the
avenue, turned to the right, and, moving over the long
bridge across the Potomac, disappeared among the hills
of Yirginia. It was led by four bay horses ; they were
fine animals, matched and spirited. Their harnesses and
trappings were new and glossy, but plain, and furnished
with dark trimmings. They were driven by a colored
man in blue livery. On the seat with him was another
man of color, wearing a similar livery. The horses were
harnessed to a four-wheeled vehicle called a box- wagon ;
i. e., a wagon the body of which was an oblong box
about six feet wide and high, and eight or nine feet in
length. The running-gear and box were painted a dark-
brown color, and varnished so that they shone in the rays
of the morning sun. Twenty-four other wagons fol-
lowed, each a duplicate of the first. Each had its col-
ored driver and attendant in uniform, and each was
drawn by four matched, spirited bay horses. On the
sides of each box, in large gold letters, was the inscription
in three lines :

"Baggage.

Headquarters

Army of the Potomac."

These one hundred matched horses, fifty attendants,
and twenty-five wagons constituted the train provided

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

to transport the baggage of General George B. McClel-
lan, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Potomac,
and his staff. It was said at the time that this army
was perfect in its organization. This train for use at
headquarters was the only part of it I, personally, saw.
If the army was as well provided for as its general, this
statement was incontrovertible.

I remember another morning in Washington. It was
in the early days of spring, and I was living at Willard's.
The outlook was discouraging, and occurrences in the
Treasury had been very depressing to friends of the
Union. I had risen early, had left my room before
dawn, and, seated by a window which overlooked the
avenue, in the main office, I began to read the morning
paper. The passengers from the Western trains had not
yet arrived. The gas-lights were turned down, and that
potentate, the hotel-clerk, who had not yet put on his
daily air of omnipotence, was peacefully sleeping in his
cushioned arm-chair. Two omnibuses were driven to
the entrance on Fourteenth Street, with the railroad
passengers from the West. The crowd made the usual
rush for the register; the clerk condescended to open
his eyes and assign them rooms on the upper floor (there
was no elevator), as though he felt an acute pleasure in
compelling them to make the ascent, and for a few mo-
ments there was bustle and confusion. It was soon
over ; the clerk resumed his arm-chair, closed his eyes,
and his weary soul appeared to be at rest.

There were two passengers who did not appear to be
in such frantic haste. One was a sunburned man of
middle age, who wore an army hat and a linen duster,
below which, where a small section of his trousers were
visible, I caught a glimpse of the narrow stripe of the
army uniform. He held the younger traveller, a lad

318 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

of ten years, by the hand, and carried a small leather
bag.

As they modestly approached the counter, the tem-
porary lord of that part of creation, without deigning to
rise from his chair, gave the register a practised whirl,
so that the open page was presented to the elder travel-
ler, observing as he did so, " I suppose you will want a
room together."

He named a room with a high number, gave the usual
call "Front!" while the guest proceeded to write his
name without making any observation. The clerk re-
moved the pen from behind his ear ; gave another whirl
to the register, and was about to enter the number of
the room, when — he was suddenly transfixed as with a
bolt of lightning ! His imperial majesty became a ser-
vile menial, thoroughly awake, and ready to grovel be-
fore the stranger. He bowed, scraped, twisted, wriggled.
" He begged a thousand pardons ; the traveller's arrival
had been expected — parlor A, on the shady side of the
house, the very best apartment in the hotel, had been
prepared for his reception — it was on the first floor, only
one flight of stairs ! Might he be allowed to relieve him
of his travelling convenience?" and the lordly creature
actually disappeared up the stairway, like Judas, carry-
ing the bag.

My curiosity was excited to ascertain who it was that
had wrought such a sudden transformation. I walked
to the counter, and there read the last entry on the reg-
ister. It was " U. S. Grant and son, Galena, 111."

It was the name of the General of the Western Army,
who, after the capture of Vicksburg and the other mighty
victories in the division of the Mississippi, had been called
to the capital, to receive his commission of lieutenant-
general, and to become commander - in - chief of all the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 319

armies of the republic. He was on his first visit to
Washington, for what purpose I did not then know ; but
I have ever since been glad that I witnessed the simple
and unostentatious manner in which the commander of
two hundred thousand men indicated his arrival at the
capital.

I depart from my purpose of writing only conversa-
tions with the President when I was present, to mention
an interview between General Grant and the President,
which preceded the advance of the Army of the Potomac
in the spring of 1864. The account was given to me on
the day, or day but one, after the conversation took place,
by a senator of the United States, who was present at
the interview, and whose veracity is beyond question.

The senator was with the President when General
Grant was announced. After a few observations upon
general subjects, he said that as that was his last day in
Washington for the time, he was unwilling to leave the
city until he had thanked the President for his compli-
ance with every wish he had expressed. He said the
President had given him all that he had asked for, and
consequently if the campaign should not prove a suc-
cessful one, its failure could not be charged to any neg-
lect or omission of President Lincoln's. He added that
he was satisfied with the army, its discipline, and its
officers, and that he did not believe a better army was
ever organized.

The President was pleased by the general's remarks,
and cordially thanked him for his thoughtfulness in
making his parting call.

" I have thought much," he said, " about this army.
I always do think much about every army, particularly
when it is about to open a campaign. I look upon this
campaign as of great importance, and hope it may prove

320 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

decisive. I have, therefore, tried to think of all the
wants of this army, and, as far as it is in my power, to
cause them to be provided for. I can only act through
others, with some of whom, it is charged, I have not
much influence. It pleases me to know that in this in-
stance my directions appear to have been carried out."

" Now, there is one subject," continued the President,
" which I ought to mention to you. Heretofore we have
always had to provide a large amount of transportation
on the river, in connection with the advance of this
army — enough in the event of defeat to transfer the
whole army to the north bank of the Potomac. This
time I have heard nothing said about transportation.
Have you provided it ? and have you a suflicient num-
ber of vessels ?"

"I think so," answered the general. "We have a
good many vessels — more, I think, than will be needed
if the army is compelled to cross the river. I do not
intend any reflection upon the past3" he continued,
" either upon the army or its generals, but I have an
impression that the Army of the Potomac has never
been fought up to its capacity — until its military effect-
iveness was exhausted. This time it will be ; and if it
is defeated, its numbers will be so reduced that it will
not need a large amount of transportation."

The senator declared that it was quite impossible to
describe the quiet firmness and resolute determination
with which these sentences were uttered. The President
congratulated the general upon his firmness of purpose,
and said that it promised as great victories in the East
as had been gained in the West.

"The country should be cautioned," said General
Grant, " against hoping for great successes. The loyal
and the rebel armies, East and West, are made up of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 321

men of the same races. They have had about the same
experience in war. Neither can justly claim any great
superiority over the other in endurance, courage, or dis-
cipline. One may be more skilfully handled than the
other; accidents have sometimes won victories and
caused defeats. But where two such armies meet on
common ground, about equal in numbers, and equally
well handled, I do not know why any better result
should be expected from one than from the other. In
the coming campaign, in one respect, the rebels have the
advantage. We shall be in their territory, with which
they are perfectly familiar, and we shall be upon strange
ground. Their arms are equal to ours, they claim su-
perior discipline and greater endurance. "While I hope
and expect to defeat them, I do not know why this war
should not end as wars generally do, by the exhaustion
of the strength and resources of the weaker party."

I cannot tell how this conversation may impress
others. At the time, it gave me entirely new views of
the character of General Grant, and greater confidence
in his ability as a military leader. Its influence was the
same upon the limited circle to which it was communi-
cated after its occurrence. Had he not touched the very
point and centre of the subject ? Was it not true that
Lee and the rebels would fight, as Montcalm and the
French did, until the resources of the country were com-
pletely exhausted ? If so, it was almost idle to hope for
a great and conclusive victory. The chances of such a
result were not as good as they were at Gettysburg and
Antietam, where the rebel army was in peril of destruc-
tion until it had reached the south bank of the Potomac.
In this campaign General Lee's army would not be ex-
posed to any such risk or danger. When, a few days
later, battle was joined in the Wilderness, and so many

322 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

of the vessels on the river began to be employed in
transporting the wounded to Washington ; when for a
week there were no despatches from General Grant ;
when only one fact seemed assured — that instead of re-
tiring, as it always had before, the army was all the
time advancing, it was a great comfort to loyal men
to recall this conversation, and to feel that General
Grant had measured the work in advance, and was en-
gaged in its performance with the resolute purpose in-
dicated by the interview. His despatch to the Secretary
of War, of the llth of May, in the light of that conver-
sation, seemed to be the fulfilment of prophecy — "We
have now ended the sixth day of very heavy fighting.
The result to this time is much in our favor. Our losses
have been heavy as well as those of the enemy. I think
the loss of the enemy must be greater. ... I propose
to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer."

XXXVI.

THE CONFEDERATES EXCHANGE A PARTY OF THEIR PRISON-
ERS OF WAR.

I AM about to describe a visit to a hospital, which
many will say might better have been omitted. All who
make any public reference to such scenes are charged
with intensifying and perpetuating sectional differences
which ought to have ended with the war, and which
must be buried out of memory if we are to have a coun-
try thoroughly reunited. But does not the truth of his-
tory require that some account be preserved of those
melancholy events which are facts as essential to a cor-
rect record of the war as its less repulsive features I

On the evening of the 3d of May, 1864, the President
said to me, " Can you leave your office for to-morrow, and
go over to Annapolis?"

" Certainly," I replied, " with the permission of Secre-
tary Chase."

"I will obtain that permission," said the President,
" or, if there is any difficulty, I will inform you so that
you may return immediately. A party of about four
hundred officers and men out of rebel prisons arrived
there yesterday. Their condition will be investigated
by Congress ; but that will take time. An intelligent
lady, whom you know, has given me such an account of
their sad state that I should like to know the truth at
once from one who will neither exaggerate nor suppress
any of the facts. Will you go and see them and bring
me back your report ?"

324 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I promised to do so. He seemed unwilling to state
what had been the report of the lady he had mentioned,
for he appeared to think that her sympathies might
have influenced her judgment. Still, he seemed much
disturbed, and some expressions fell from him which in-
dicated that his own sympathies had been thoroughly
aroused. I remarked that this lady had a clear head,
sound judgment, and much experience in the hospitals,
and that it was very improbable that she should be de-
ceived or overcome by any sentiment. " I know it," he
said. " I know of few men who are more reliable. Yet she
was so completely overwhelmed that she had great diffi-
culty in telling her story. There must be some mistake
about it ! It is too horrible ! too horrible ! Yet Stanton
had the same story, and believes every word of it."

I went to Annapolis that evening, and saw in the hos-
pitals a memorable spectacle of all that remained of a party
of over three hundred enlisted men. They were men no
longer — they were skeletons ! With few exceptions they
were Americans, representing almost every one of the
loyal states. Their minds had gone with their strength.
It was almost impossible to get an intelligent answer to
a question from one of them. I asked one his name.
With a vacant, wandering expression in his eyes he an-
swered, "I guess it is Mason!" The rags in which
they had arrived three days before had been taken from
their bodies and burned. The hair had been shaved
from their heads, and kind hands were washing the
grime from the spaces between their festering sores.
Many had only stumps where their fingers and toes had
been frozen off. All that could converse told the same
story. They had been robbed of their blankets, clothes,
and money, and then left on Belle Isle in the winter
storms to starve and die. Their destruction was well-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 325

nigh completed. Eight died on the voyage. The sur-
geons were of opinion that at least thirty-three per cent,
of them had no chance of life, and that the recovery of
others would be slow and painful.

I will not distress myself nor the reader by a further
description. Those who doubt the facts may consult Re-
port 67 of the first session of the Thirty -eighth Congress.
It is the report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct
of the War, written by Mr. Gooch, of Massachusetts,
a clear-headed, conservative man. Portraits of the pa-
tients, the testimony given by them, and scores of other
reliable witnesses, seem to point to the correctness of
the conclusion drawn by that committee, that exposure
and starvation, and the inhuman practices so indicated,
" were the result of a determination by the rebel author-
ities to reduce our soldiers in their power to such a
condition that those who survive shall never recover
so as to be able to render any effectual service in the
field."

The horrors of Andersonville and Salisbury came
later. They were farther away, and the proof is not so
overwhelming. The proportion chargeable to Wirz and
"Winder, and that for which the Confederate authorities
were responsible, may not in this world be known. The
conduct of these wretches, repeatedly denounced to their
superiors by the more humane officers of the Confeder-
acy, upon official examination, is probably not to be
charged to any direct orders from the rebel authorities.
In the case of the poor victims at Annapolis, there is
less excuse. They were robbed and frozen and starved
in the city of Richmond, in the capital of the Confed-
eracy, under the very windows of the Executive Man-
sion, under the eye of Jefferson Davis and the rebel
congress. Scarcity of food, fuel, and clothing never ex-

326 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

isted in Richmond ; they were abundant at the collapse
of the Confederacy almost a year later. It is difficult to
find excuse or apology for the treatment of the prison-
ers at Belle Isle, and I doubt if such will ever be at-
tempted.

The evidence need not be strained in order to extend
the responsibility for these atrocities to others than the
notoriously guilty. His admirers claim that no part of
it rests upon General Lee, and as we have no record that
any word or remonstrance or objection ever came from
him, it is to be fervently hoped that he was ignorant of
the whole damning story.

It was a Boston woman of wealth and culture who
went with me from cot to cot during the visit of that
evening. In the preceding forty-eight hours every com-
fort which her wealth and energy could procure had been
provided for these poor sufferers with a bountiful hand.
Even their dull minds seemed to recognize in her the
instrument of a kind Providence, and I could not de-
termine whether their tears of gratitude or hers of pity
were the more abundant. I did not see them at their
worst, but even at the time of my visit the scene trans-
cended description. It sickened me ; and the recollec-
tion of its sad and tragic features served to keep sleep
from my eyes during the greater part of the ensuing
night.

At early dawn I hurried back to the hospital to con-
vince myself that my imagination had exaggerated the
horrors of my previous visit. But no such result ensued.
Attendants were removing those who during the night
watches had forgotten their pains and should remember
their miseries no more. Death had harvested seventeen
victims.

I returned to Washington by the earliest train. It

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 327

was scarcely seven o'clock when I reached the Executive
Mansion. I was not kept waiting.

" Well 2" said the President, as he entered the well-
known room, with a world of interrogation in his face.

"Mr. President," I responded, "all the way from
Annapolis I have been studying the formula for an an-
swer to your question. It is useless ! You would like to
know what I have seen ? I cannot tell you. Imagine,
if you can, a body of stalwart, strong men, such as you
may see in any of our camps, robbed of their money,
blankets, overcoats, boots and clothing, covered with
rags, driven like foxes into holes on an island, exposed
there to frost and cold until their frozen extremities
drop from their bleeding stumps ; fed upon husks, such
as the swine in the parable would have rejected, until,
by exhaustion, their manhood is crushed out, their
minds destroyed, and their bodies, foul with filth and
disease, are brought to the very borders of the grave,
which will close upon more than half of them, and you
may get some faint conception of what may be seen at
Annapolis. But it will be very faint. The picture can-
not be comprehended even when it is seen !"

" Can such things be possible ?" he exclaimed, " and
you are the fourth who has given me the same account !
I cannot believe it ! There must be some explanation
for it. The Kichmond people are Americans — of the
same race as ourselves. It is incredible !"

" No, no !" I exclaimed, " I saw these poor unfortu-
nates last evening. I went again this morning to find
something which would relieve the horror of the first
impression. I did not find it. I have conversed with
men who know that they are dying, and that they have
been brought to the very edge of their open graves by
neglect. They all tell the same story, and but one con-

328 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

elusion is possible. A frightful weight of responsibility
and guilt rests upon the authorities at Richmond for
these crimes against humanity !"

"I feel all your sympathy," he said; "nothing has
occurred in the war which causes me to suffer like this.
I know it seems impossible to account for the treatment of
these poor fellows, except on the theory that somebody
is guilty. But the world will be slow to believe that the
Confederate authorities intend to destroy their prisoners
by starvation. We should be slow to believe it our-
selves. It must be that they have some claim of excuse !
Why, the Indians torture their prisoners, but I never
heard that they froze them or starved them !"

"It seems to me," I said, "that a parallel to these
cruelties would be hard to find even in the conduct of
the Spaniards towards the Indians of Central and South
America, which Las Casas so graphically sets before us."

" And yet we may not know all the facts, the whole
inside history. They may have excuses of which we
know nothing," said the President.

" Make the case your own," I persisted. " Washing-
ton is larger than Richmond ; your duties are quite as
absorbing as those of Mr. Jefferson Davis. Could Con-
federate prisoners of war be dying by hundreds of ex-
posure and starvation on an island in the Potomac, be-
tween this city and Alexandria, and you not know it ?
Why, the newsboys in the streets would publish it, and
the authorities could not remain ignorant of it if they
were deaf and dumb."

" Well, well !" he said, " you have the best of the ar-
gument, I admit. But do me a favor. Retain your opin-
ions, if you must, but say nothing about them at present,
until we are compelled to make the charge, until there is no
alternative, and the world is forced to think as we do."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 329

" I will do as you request," I responded, " but we can-
not control our judgments. It is plain where the re-
sponsibility of these enormities should rest, and condem-
nation of those who permitted them must follow from
any right-minded and humane person."

The President's face wore that sad expression which
I have so often referred to, as he said, " Let us hope for
the best ! We shall have enough to answer for if we
survive this war. Let us hope, at least, that the crime
of murdering prisoners by exposure and starvation may
not be fastened on any of our people."

XXXVII.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S STORY OF DANIEL WEBSTER.

THE story of Daniel "Webster's school-days, as related
by Mr. Lincoln, was imperfectly given by Mr. B. F.
Carpenter, the artist, in his anecdotes and reminiscences
appended to Eaymond's " Life and Public Services of
Abraham Lincoln," published soon after his assassina-
tion. The value of the story as an interesting illustra-
tion of certain qualities in the President's character
depends, in a great degree, upon the circumstances under
which it was told. These are in part omitted, and in
part misdescribed, in the published account. The fol-
lowing is a correct version, as I can affirm from personal
knowledge :

The colored people, from the hour of his inauguration,
regarded Mr. Lincoln as the promised saviour of their
race. Their faith in his wisdom and power was un-
bounded. It was most fully expressed in their churches
and religious services by a singular combination of rev-
erence and trust. They had no doubt whatever of his
ability to set them free, and that he would do so when-
ever it was to their advantage that the blessing of free-
dom should be bestowed. They were content to wait
until that time arrived. Their duty, as impressed by
their ministers, was to prepare themselves for the great
impending change in their condition, by learning to read
and write, and by leading good and honest lives. When-
ever Mr. Lincoln's name was mentioned, or when they

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 331

saw him or heard him speak, they exhibited much the
same reverence as we may imagine was shown by sin-
cere believers at the sight of the Saviour of men.

In May, 1862, there was a Sunday-school celebration
of the colored children of Washington. The bright
contrasts of striking colors of which the race is so fond,
with their genius for display, enabled the parents to
dress and arrange their children in a procession of a
memorable character at a small expense. The young,
black, merry faces, the simple dresses of white with a
red shawl or sash worn over them with native grace, the
girls carrying bouquets of crimson roses, and the boys
waving colored banners, arranged in a procession, with
their teachers and parents walking solemnly by their side,
all occupied in a vain effort to suppress their enthusiasm,
was a pleasant picture to behold. The procession was
a long one, and must have comprised most of the colored
children in the city. It was the season of flowers, and
the large bunches carried by the girls lent an added
brightness to the scene.

The route of the procession brought it in front of the
Executive Mansion about ten o'clock on a bright May
morning. President Lincoln stood at one of the win-
dows on the second floor, and the procession passed
within a few yards, so that every child in it had a full
view of his person. At the head of the column were
forty or fifty colored ministers and teachers, who set an
excellent example of sober dignity to their young fol-
lowers. Their injunctions of silence to the children
were emphatic and often repeated.

But it would have been no more difficult to suppress
so many explosions of powder with the match applied
than to quell the involuntary outburst of enthusiasm
which came from every child in that long procession as

332 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

he or she recognized the well-known face and figure of
Abraham Lincoln. It would be useless to attempt to
repeat their exclamations. From the boys there were
shouts of enthusiastic delight ; from the girls a more
suppressed form of reverential wonder. Boys and girls
alike wanted the fact to be known that they had seen
the President. " I seen him !" " I seen him my own
self!" " Dat's Massa Linkum !" "Look at him! Look
at him !" " Oh, don't he look just the same as the Lord !"
Every boy would swing his flag, and shout his hurrahs
as he came near the President, and each was frantic with
]oy when, as often happened, he appeared to notice him.
The girls, not so demonstrative, clasped their hands and
blessed " Massa Linkum " in every imaginable form of
expression. Scores of them tossed their bunches of roses
into the Mansion, so that the floor was carpeted with
them.

For a full hour the President stood at the window,
giving the last child as good an opportunity to see him
as the first. There is not much of the pathetic in the
account, but there was something very touching in this
universal reverence for Abraham Lincoln. It did not
fail to affect every spectator, the President, apparently,
most of all. His sad, melancholy face could not have
been more expressive if he had felt a sense of personal
responsibility for every human being in that numerous
crowd. The scene was so touching that there were some
eyes which were not entirely dry, and I thought, at the
time, that the President's were among the number.

When the procession had passed, and the last of the
innumerable " God bless him's" had died away, without
breaking the silence which he had maintained for an
hour, Mr. Lincoln turned from the window and walked
slowly back towards the well-known little room in which

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 333

he had received so many visitors, followed by those who
had with him witnessed the exhibition. When the
President entered the room, his face wore that look of
melancholy so habitual to it ; so different from that of
any other human being.

Suddenly he stopped and turned about. In an instant
the whole aspect of the man had changed ; the melan-
choly look had disappeared, and his sad eyes sparkled
with humor. Without addressing any one in particular,
he exclaimed :

" Did you ever hear the story of Daniel Webster and
the school-master?"

No one answered. " Well," he said, " this is the
story: Daniel was a very careless, some called him a
dirty boy. His teacher had many times reproved him
for not washing his hands. He had coaxed and scolded
him, but it was useless ; Daniel would come to school
with dirty hands. Out of all patience with him, one
day he called Daniel to his desk, made him hold up his
hands in the presence of the whole school, and solemnly
warned him that if he ever came to school again with
his hands in that condition he would give him a fer-
ruling which he would long remember.

" Daniel promised better behavior, and for two or three
days there was great improvement in his appearance.
His hands looked as if they were washed daily. But
the reformation was not permanent. In a few days his
hands were as dirty as ever. The teacher's sharp eyes
detected them, and, as soon as school had opened for
the day, with a stern voice he said, ' Daniel, come
here !' the guilty culprit knew what was coming. His
palms began to tingle in anticipation. He stealthily
brought the palm of his right hand into contact with
his tongue, and, as he walked slowly towards the mas-

334 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ter's desk, rubbed the same upon his pantaloons, in the
effort to remove some of the dirt. ( Hold out your hand,
sir !' said the master. Daniel extended his right hand
palm upward. ' Do you call that a clean hand ?' de-
manded the teacher. ' Not very, sir,' modestly replied
the offender. ' I should think not very /' said the
master. ' I promised you a f erruling ; but if you will
show a dirtier hand in this school-room, I will let you
off for this time.' ' There it is, sir !' exclaimed Daniel,
quickly extending his left hand, which had not under-
gone the summary cleansing of the right."

Mr. Lincoln seldom laughed at his own stories, but
usually left his auditors, for whose benefit they were
told, to enjoy them. But the quickness with which the
school-boy had seized upon the weak point in the mas-
ter's offer seemed to touch his keen sense of humor, and
at the conclusion of the story he laughed as heartily as
any one present. The story was a good one, but what
there had been in the procession just witnessed to bring
it to the President's mind was difficult to discover.

XXXYIII.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN THE UNAPPRECIATED FRIEND OF THE
SOUTH.— HIS OFFER OF COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION.— HE
MEETS A VERMONT CONTRACTOR.— THEIR IMPRESSIONS OF
EACH OTHER.

To those who were in almost daily intercourse with
President Lincoln, who knew his inmost thoughts, it was
surprising that the slaveholders could not see that he
wanted to be their friend. When the war was fairly be-
gun, I believe he gave up all thought that slavery could be
saved. I know that he began to formulate plans to se-
cure to the slaveholders payment for their slaves, and if
the Border states had come to his assistance there was a
time when they could have secured it. As early as Sep-
tember, 1861, 1 heard him discuss the subject frequently.
He spoke of the poverty and distress which emancipation
would bring upon the slaveholders. He hoped that Con-
gress would propose some plan of co-operation with the
Border states in abolishing slavery. Immediately after
our first military successes in the winter of 1862, and
early in March, he sent a special message to Congress,
proposing a joint resolution offering such co-operation,
and that Congress should offer at least partial payment.
In July he transmitted a bill to Congress, which provided
that bonds of the United States at a fixed rate per head,
according to the census of 1860, should be issued to any
state that abolished slavery.

This liberal proposal received considerable support at
the North. Mr. Greely advocated it in the Tribune, and

336 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the leading Republican papers followed his lead. Mr.
Lincoln personally invited his friends to interest them-
selves in the subject.

But the proposition met with no support in the Border
states, where it ought to have been received with enthu-
siasm, and in the seceded states it was ridiculed. The
London Times scoffed at it, and in all England only the
Daily News gave it a cold support. Mr. Lincoln quite
took its failure to heart, and declared that it still re-
mained true that, whom the gods wished to destroy they
first made mad. He became discouraged almost to the
point of abandoning the project, when a suggestion was
made which attracted some attention, and promised to
acquire some strength in the Border states. The propo-
sition was not only to pay for the slaves, but to remove
them bodily to some territory which should be wholly
given up to them, and where they should try the experi-
ment of self-government.

Unfortunately the source of this suggestion gave it little
political strength. The fact that Mr. Lincoln consented
to entertain and consider it at all showed how far he
was willing to go for the protection of the slave owners,
and how unwilling he was to give up all hope of success.
The proposition seemed to his friends absurd and impos-
sible. If it were not, it was hopeless ; for no Northern
state would consent to pay for the slave property, incur
the expense of removing it, and also become responsible
for its future management. The author of the scheme
was ex-Senator Pomeroy, and its promoters were specu-
lators rather than statesmen.

It was very close to the new year of 1863 that the
suggestion was tentatively given to the newspapers, in
the form of a rumor that parties were ready to under-
take the removal of the slaves to "Western Texas. It at-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 337

tracted but little attention, and it became evident that
some other impulse must be given to it if it was to suc-
ceed.

During one of his welcome visits to my office, the
President appeared to be buried in thought over some
subject of great interest. After long reflection he ab-
ruptly exclaimed that he wanted to ask me a ques-
tion.

" Do you know any energetic contractor ?" he inquired.
" One who would be willing to take a large contract,
attended with some risk ?"

" I know New England contractors," I replied, " who
would not be frightened by the magnitude or risk of any
contract. The element of prospective profit is the only
one which would interest them. If there was a fair
prospect of profit, they would not hesitate to contract
to suppress the rebellion within ninety days !"

" There will be profit and reputation in the contract I
may propose," he said. " It is to remove the whole col-
ored race of the slave states into Texas. If you have
any acquaintance who would take that contract, I would
like to see him."

"I know a man who would take that contract and
perform it. I would be willing to put him into commu-
nication with you, so that you might form your own
opinion about him. He is so connected with my family
that I would not endorse him further than to say that
he has energy enough to remove a nation."

By the President's direction I requested John Brad-
ley, a well-known Yermonter, then temporarily in New
York, to come to Washington. He was at my office
when the Treasury opened, the morning after I sent the
telegram. I declined to give him any hint of the pur-
pose of his invitation, but took him directly to the Pres-
22

338 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ident. When I presented him, I said : " Here, Mr. Pres-
ident, is the contractor whom I named to you yester-
day. Please understand that if I endorse him it must
be ' without recourse.' You must take him upon your
own judgment, if at all. His plans are too comprehen-
sive for me to make good if he should fail."

I left them together. Two hours later Mr. Bradley
returned to the Register's Office, overflowing with admi-
ration for the President and enthusiasm for his proposed
work. "The proposition is," he said, "to remove the whole
colored race into Texas, there to establish a republic of
their own. The subject has political bearings, of which
I am no judge, and upon which the President has not
yet made up his mind. But I have shown him that it is
practicable. I will undertake to remove them all within
a year."

" What do you think of the President ?" I asked.

" I think he is the greatest man of the century !" he
answered. " He has the intellect of Webster and the
hard common-sense of Silas Wright. I can understand
now his power over other men. He is thoroughly honest
and unselfish. He has sound judgment; he can com-
mand all my resources for anything he wishes to do. He
is greater than Washington, and the world will eventu-
ally so decide."

" But is not this project for the deportation of the ne-
groes rather impracticable ? Is it not an act of rashness
to favor it ?"

" He has not decided to favor it. It is the project of
Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, and a few others. The
President has it under examination. I do not under-
stand the political questions involved in it, and I think it
is very doubtful whether President Lincoln approves it.
But if he does, it will be a success, and I shall do all in

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 339

my power to favor it. Mr. Lincoln is great, because he
is honest. The people must follow such a leader ! They
cannot do otherwise. I cannot do otherwise. If he de-
cides upon this wholesale transfer of the colored race,
they will be in Texas within a year. I would like to take
the contract for their removal. All the assistance I want
is the approval of President Lincoln."

"What is your opinion of Mr. Bradley?" I asked the
President at my next opportunity.

" He is equal to any enterprise, even the removal of a
race from one continent to another," the President an-
swered. " He poured a flood of information over the
entire subject. He had built a railroad through the state
of Texas ; he knew all about the soil, the climate, all the
conditions which control the problem. He was a verita-
ble mine of information. He was even ready to take the
contract for the deportation of the negroes at so much a
head. But he also had powerful reasons against the
project. If it is undertaken, he will have a hand in it.
Have you many such men in Vermont? "Why would
they not make great soldiers ? A dozen such men com-
bined ought to control the resources of the state."

"There is one defect in Mr. Bradley's character," I
said. " He will carry any enterprise through its diffi-
culties, but when these are overcome, the project ceases
to have any attraction for him."

" I, think I understand you. As they say in the hay-
field, he requires a good man to 'rake after him.' I
asked him if he had had any military experience. He
said that he had not, but that he could learn military
science in two months. On my word, I believe he could."

"If such men were in command, there would be a
movement at the front," he continued. " I can find men
enough who can rake after ; but the men with long arms

340 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

and broad shoulders, who swing a scythe in long sweeps,
cutting a smooth swath ten feet wide, are much more
difficult to find."

The project for the removal of the colored race was
soon after abandoned. I doubt whether it was ever
seriously entertained by the President. The plan was
favorably considered by others, and his rejection of it
serves to illustrate the practical judgment by which the
President decided every question presented for his con-
sideration.

XXXIX.

THE PROFESSIONAL DETECTIVE.— HIS EMPLOYMENT BY THE
UNITED STATES AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE PEOPLE.

WAR is a crime against humanity. Criminals who
transgress laws made by man sometimes escape the
penalty; those who break the laws ordained of God,
never. Whether nation or individual, their punishment
is inevitable.

After the War of the Rebellion was over, and the great
wrong of slavery had been expiated in blood, there were
those who hoped that the nation might be restored to
the soundness of ante-bellum days, and escape the de-
moralizing results which have followed all wars from
that one waged in heaven by the first rebel against his
omnipotent Master. It was a thrice -vain hope. We
who lived before the war are able to compare the tone
of legislation, the purity of the judiciary, the integrity
of public officers, and the conscience which regulated
the intercourse of men in those peaceful days, with the
insane speculations, the monopolies, the thirst for office
and the greed of riches of the present day, and require
no other proofs of the extent of the national demoraliza-
tion. It is not an agreeable picture. More closely than
anything in history, it tends toward the condition of
the empire when Rome, by her conquests, had accumu-
lated, in the Eternal City, the corruptions as well as the
riches of the world.

Much of this degradation of the public morals was
the inevitable result of war. It arose from causes prob-

342 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ably beyond human control, under the wisest of govern-
ments. Upon these causes it is useless to enter. But
there were others which might have been prevented or
suppressed. Their evils were anticipated and discussed ;
there was opportunity to employ or reject them. I will
give a short sketch of one of them, and some of the in-
cidents of its operation.

Secretary Chase was opposed upon principle to any
system of direct taxation which required a force of
revenue officers for its collection. His chief objection
was, that it would create an inquisition into the private
affairs of the people to which they were unused, and
which could not fail to become disagreeable and offen-
sive. To the cases cited of Great Britain and other
powers, where a large revenue was collected under such
a system, he replied that the revenue was obtained from
but few articles or sources ; that this kind of taxation
had been so long in use that its evils had been re-
formed; the people had become accustomed to it and
its burdens were light. Whereas here, the whole sub-
ject was novel, and the tax would necessarily be laid
upon a much larger number of articles.

But Secretary Chase had constantly before him one
controlling fact, to which the general public gave but
little attention. The Treasury was the weakest point
in the national defences and the constant source of im-
pending peril. The national credit was as necessary to
a restoration of the Union as oxygen to life. If that
became bankrupt, a divided union and a confederacy
founded upon negro slavery were as inevitable as death.

The battle of Bull Run, however, settled several open
questions. One of them was, that every practicable
means of supplying the Treasury with money must be
employed without longer delay. Customs duties must

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 34.3

be increased to an extent which made illicit importa-
tions immensely profitable, and all manufactured prod-
ucts, the professions, and the incomes of the people must
be taxed to an extent before uncontemplated. An in-
ternal revenue system, reaching into every village and
hamlet of the loyal states, had become an immediate
necessity.

The secretary invited suggestions from a number of
gentlemen for the structure of the Internal Revenue
Statutes. These suggestions arranged themselves in two
classes. One class proceeded upon the assumption that
men were naturally dishonest, and that they would re-
gard a fraud upon the United States as an evidence of
shrewdness rather than a crime, as a credit rather than
a stigma. The other insisted that the nation was now
experiencing a grand and most creditable development
of patriotism, which led it to regard the payment of
necessary taxes as a duty, and which would no more
tolerate frauds upon the Treasury than it would any
other form of treason.

The first of these classes consequently proposed an in-
ternal revenue system which should enforce the collec-
tion of taxes by heavy fines, penalties, and forfeitures,
which should be divided with informers and spies. As
these informers would require instruction in their labors,
in order to become experts, they proposed a bureau of
detectives in the Treasury, presided over by a chief, with
such a number of subordinates as should be found neces-
sary, all to be salaried officers of the United States.

The general plan of the second class proposed con-
siderable rewards for prompt returns and payments, in
deductions from the amount of the tax. Their prin-
cipal reliance, however, was upon the honesty of a pa-
triotic people, who, if properly encouraged by the Treas-

344 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ury, would constitute a great army of unpaid agents for
the collection of the taxes, besides paying their own,
since no man who bore his own share of the burdens of
war would permit his neighbor to escape from the same
burdens by fraud or dishonesty. This plan wholly dis-
pensed with detectives and paid informers.

I took a somewhat active part in the discussion of the
subject, and, at the request of the secretary, prepared a
written argument, in which it was claimed that the em-
ployment of an army of detectives was inconsistent with
the dignity of the government, and would exert a cor-
rupting influence upon the people. I also stated that in
my experience as a lawyer I could not remember that I
had ever met with a professional detective who could be
trusted ; that the reason was probably to be found in
the fact that a man who used deception and falsehood
as the tools of his trade became incapable of distinguish-
ing them from truth, so that he would use either, as at
the moment seemed most expedient. Such a man's mind
was not likely to be controlled by conscience, nor were
perfect candor and sincerity towards an employer to be
expected from one whose ordinary line of action in the
pursuit of a criminal must necessarily involve a constant
exercise of the opposite qualities. It was also stated that
the people, knowing that such agents were employed by
the Treasury, would infer that honesty and integrity
were no longer appreciated, and would lose all interest
in the honest execution of the laws, concluding that, as
they got no credit for fair payment of their taxes, they
might just as well evade them whenever they could.
The results would necessarily be a general demoraliza-
tion of the public service and a thorough corruption of
the public mind.

The advice of the class first mentioned finally pre-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 345

vailed. After long hesitation the secretary decided upon
the employment of detectives, and the first internal rev-
enue act of 1862 was framed upon the theory that the
taxpayers were the natural enemies of the government,
who would avail themselves of every opportunity to de-
fraud it, and evade the payment of their taxes. The
laws for the collection of duties upon imports were
amended so as to conform to the same theory. Heavy
penalties were imposed by the internal revenue and the
tariff laws, which were to be enforced by the official
power of the United States, but the penalties, when col-
lected, were to be divided between the government and
the informers. Statutes were enacted which gave to
irresponsible detectives powers of visitation and inquisi-
tion into the business of the citizen which were intolera-
ble enough to have provoked a revolution if the country
had not been already involved in war.

The Detective Bureau was established as one of the
regular bureaus, not under the control of the commis-
sioner of internal revenue, or the commissioner of the
customs, as it should have been, if permitted to exist,
but as an annex to the office of the secretary. One L.
C. Baker, who had acquired some notoriety as a detec-
tive, was appointed its chief. By some means, never
clearly understood, his jurisdiction was extended to the
army, and he exercised his authority in all the depart-
ments and throughout the United States.

Baker wore the uniform, and probably had authority
to assume the rank, of a colonel in the army. He took
into his service, from all parts of the country, men who
claimed to have any aptitude for detective work, with-
out recommendation, investigation, or any inquiry, be-
yond his own inspection, which he claimed immediately
disclosed to him the character and abilities of the ap-

346 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

plicant. How large his regiment ultimately grew is
uncertain, but at one time he asserted that it exceeded
two thousand men.

With this force at his command, protected against
interference from the judicial authorities, Baker became
a law unto himself. He instituted a veritable Keign of
Terror. He dealt with every accused person in the
same manner; with a reputable citizen as with a de-
serter or petty thief. He did not require the formality
of a written charge ; it was quite sufficient for any per-
son to suggest to Baker that a citizen might be doing
something that was against law. He was immediately
arrested, handcuffed, and brought to Baker's office, at
that time in the basement of the Treasury. There he
was subjected to a brow-beating examination, in which
Baker was said to rival in impudence some heads of
the criminal bar. This examination was repeated as
often as he chose. Men were kept in his rooms for
weeks, without warrant, affidavit, or other semblance
of authority. If the accused took any measures for his
own protection, he was hurried into the Old Capitol
Prison, where he was beyond the reach of the civil
authorities. Baker's subordinates in other cities emu-
lated and often surpassed the example of their chief.
Powers such as they exercised were never similarly con-
ferred by law under any government claiming to be
enlightened.

Corruption spread like a contagious disease, wherever
the operations of these detectives extended. It soon
became known that impunity for frauds against the
government could be procured for money. Men who,
but for the detective system, would never have thought
of such enterprises, went into the regular business of
illicit distilling, bounty -jumping, smuggling, defraud-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 34.7

ing the customs, and other similar practices. Honest
manufacturers and dealers, who paid their taxes, were
pursued without mercy for the most technical breaches
of the law, and were quickly driven out of business.
The dishonest rapidly accumulated wealth, which they
could well afford to share with their protectors. Good
citizens became discouraged, and ceased to take any in-
terest in the administration of justice, or the suppression
of fraud. The worst predictions of the opponents of
the detective system were speedily verified.

The methods of Chief Baker were shown by actual oc-
currences, one of which I will relate. It became evident
that certain contractors were receiving preferences in
the payment of their claims, in violation of an impera-
tive rule of the department. Evidence of repeated in-
fractions of this rule was produced. Brokers in New
York would, for a commission, not only undertake to
secure payment of claims by certain dates, but would
inform claimants, in advance, of the date on which they
would receive their money. This favoritism could only
be accomplished in one of two ways ; either by changing
the order of issuing the warrants for the payment of
settled claims, or by changing the warrants on their way
through the Treasury. If the first was the case, the
fraud was in the secretary's office ; if the second, it was
probably in the office of the register. I was satisfied
that the warrant clerk in the office of the secretary was
the guilty party, but he had the secretary's confidence,
and regarded his position as impregnable.

Baker undertook the investigation of this fraud with
great enthusiasm. He announced that he should report
to me twice every day ; that my suspicions had fallen
upon the right person, but that he was operating with
another clerk, and that the two were criminals of such

348 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

experience and skill that nothing short of the machinery
of his office would suffice for their detection. His re-
ports were made with great detail, and finally announced
that the guilty parties had become alarmed, and were
on the point of taking flight with their plunder. The
secretary, however, would not authorize their arrest, un-
less I would certify that &prima facie case against them
was made out.

I declined to make this certificate. Baker's next re-
port was, that the two clerks had become so suspicious
that they did not speak to each other, nor correspond
through the post-office ; that each sent his letters to a
hollow tree in Georgetown, where they were deposited ;
that he had already opened and read two of their let-
ters and replaced them, and that, very soon, he expected
to have proof of their criminality under their own hands.

One day, while I was reading one of his rambling re-
ports, Baker, on the opposite side of the table, was print-
ing words with a pen on a loose sheet of paper, and had
nearly covered a half-sheet with his own name, and other
words, in imitation of printed capitals. This sheet he
left on the table, and I, without any purpose in my
mind, swept it into a drawer. Shortly afterwards, he
came to inform me that the suspected persons were
about to attempt a flight to Havana, and that one of
them had written to the other, fixing upon the train
by which they were to abscond, and asking for an an-
swer, which answer he expected every moment to re-
ceive from one of his men who was on the watch at the
hollow tree.

"While he was giving me this account, he was called
out of the office in an excited manner by one of his men.
He soon returned, and, with an air of mystery, threw a
letter on the table, observing that, " If we could see the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 34.9

inside of that, I would probably be willing to consent
to the arrest, for we should have the scoundrels, sure !"

My eye had caught the direction. I took up the let-
ter and began deliberately to open it.

" Hold ! hold !" he exclaimed. " Don't you know
that it is a felony to open a letter addressed to another
without his authority ?"

" I think I will take the risk," I said. I opened and
read from it a long farrago about steamers from Cuba,
the register's suspicions, Baker's unrelenting pursuit and
watchfulness, the writer's danger, etc.

" Are you not willing to give the order for their ar-
rest upon that evidence ?" he asked.

I smoothed the letter upon the table, and laid by its
side his own scribbled sheet, taken from my drawer,
and asked somewhat sternly,

" Colonel Baker, do you not think both these docu-
ments were written by the same hand ?"

Perfectly unabashed, without a blush, the fellow
smiled as he looked me in the face and said,

" That game didn't work, did it ? It was a good one,
but the best plans will sometimes fail. If I could have
got your consent to an arrest, I would have had their
confessions before morning. We must now try another
plan."

" No," I said. " I suspected you were a fraud, and
now I know it ! You are of the same pattern with al-
most every detective I ever knew. You were willing
to involve me in your scheme of deceit, in order to get
an opportunity of frightening these men into confession.
You may have the poor excuse of having practised false-
hood so long that you have forgotten how to be honest.
However that may be, I shall end all communication
with you by reporting you to the secretary.

350 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I knew he was armed, but I was very sure that he
was a coward, and would not resent a kick, if I chose
to administer it. He took no offence whatever.

" I always did like a frank man," he observed. " I
think we now understand each other, and shall get along
admirably. You will like me when you know me better."

I satisfied him that the conversation could not be pro-
tracted. But from this time forward he always insisted
that we were the best of friends. An accident soon af-
terwards led to the exposure of the guilty clerk.

I never did understand under what authority Baker
exercised his unendurable tyranny. He never hesitated
to arrest men of good position, put them in irons, and
keep them imprisoned for weeks. He seemed to control
the Old Capitol Prison, and one of his deputies was its
keeper. He always lived at the first hotels, had an
abundance of money, and I am sure did more to disgust
good citizens and bring the government into disrepute
than the strongest opponents of the system had ever
predicted. He opened an office in the Astor House in
New York, formed a partnership with a notorious per-
son called " The. Allen," who enlisted twelve hundred
vagrants and tramps, promising them an opportunity
to desert. Instead of being permitted to desert, the re-
cruits were hurried to the front. They Avere worth-
less as soldiers, having been enlisted by deception, and
the whole scheme was a detestable fraud. This was
Baker's method of breaking up " bounty -jumping," and
may be taken as an average illustration of his practices.
He managed to appropriate the credit due to a party of
cavalrymen in the pursuit and capture of the assassins
of the President, and maintained his rank and office to
the end of the war.

It is probably too late now to dispense with the de-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 351

tective system. The system itself created a class of
criminals who now require its continuance. Training
and attention have developed a better class of officers
for the secret service of the Treasury. Here and there
a few men of ability have taken up the detection of
crime as a science, and among them the Pinkertons, and
Inspector Byrnes, of New York city, may be recognized
as useful officers of great ability. But they are con-
spicuous exceptions to a very general rule, and do not
affect the estimate of conservative men with old ideas
of integrity and principle in regard to the system as a
whole. Such men will not approve the use of such
means, although the multitude may cry out, "Let us
do evil, that good may come !"

The guilty clerk whom Baker was pursuing was not
long in exposing his methods. His New York asso-
ciates now openly offered their facilities for securing
prompt payment of claims, for a commission, to con-
tractors. The suspected clerk set up his carriage, be-
came a patron of coryphees of the ballet, and indulged
in other luxuries quite inconsistent with his salary of
$1600 per year. I carried the next warrant, marked
" special," that was presented for signature to the secre-
tary. As I suspected, he knew nothing about it. In
as few words as possible I pointed out the circumstances,
and the secretary instantly sent for the warrant clerk.
It was too late. He must have seen me enter the secre-
tary's office with the warrant in my hand — he had taken
the alarm and fled. He was not arrested. For such a
piece of work as the arrest of a real criminal Baker was
worthless. The practice, however, was broken up.

Some years afterwards, in my office in New York, I
was told that a person wished to see me who bore every

352 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

appearance of a " tramp." In the outer office I found
a poor palsied, ragged creature, having every mark of
poverty and destitution. He extended his hand in a
furtive manner, then withdrew it, and in a broken voice
said, " You don't remember me. I am II , once war-
rant clerk in the Treasury. I was discharged from the
hospital yesterday. I have eaten nothing since. I am
weak and hungry. Will you not lend me two shillings
to get a breakfast ?" It was the man who once kept his
carriage, and was the confidential clerk of the Secretary
of the Treasury. " How much money will take you to
your home and your friends ?" I asked. " I have no
home and no friends," he said, despairingly. I relieved
his necessities ; he went from my office and I saw him
no more.

XL.

PUBLIC MISCONCEPTIONS OF THE VALUE OF SALARIED OF-
FICES.—GENERAL STANNARD.

IP civil offices were estimated at their actual instead
of their imaginary value, those who dispense them would
not be troubled by the pertinacity of the office-seeker.
Civil officers of the United States of all grades, with few
exceptions, are underpaid. The amount and character
of the service required, given to almost any of the pur-
suits of private life, would be much better rewarded.
Why, then, do so many good citizens enter this mad race
for office at every opportunity ? It is a race in which
scores are beaten and endure the shame and mortifica-
tion of defeat where one succeeds ; in which the winner
is in the end the loser, and deserves commiseration rather
than congratulations for his success.

There is a certain glamour over public office which is
extremely deceptive. This is particularly the case with
offices which have to do with the receipt and disburse-
ment of money. Many times I have pointed out to ap-
plicants for these offices the inadequacy of their salaries,
and the impossibility of increasing their income in any
honest way. They see, but will not be convinced. They
are certain that handling so much money must be profit-
able. If they can once get the place, they are sure that
they can find a way to make it lucrative.

From the days when Hamilton was the Secretary of
the Treasury to the present time, the ingenuity of finan-
cial officers and members of Congress has been taxed to
23

354 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

render impossible the very results for which the office-
seeker is hoping. They have so surrounded official life
with checks, guards, and penalties that it may now be
stated as an axiom that, except by stealing, there is no
way known among men of making an office profitable
beyond its appointed salary.

Errors in judgment in this respect have been the ruin
of many worthy men. The subject is important. An
actual occurrence, which fell under my own observation,
will serve as an illustration.

The War of the Kebellion created or developed many
brave and brilliant soldiers. None of them had a better
record than Major-General George J. Stannard. On the
15th of April, 1861, he was the superintendent of an iron
foundry in St. Albans, Vermont, and an officer of a com-
pany of uniformed militia in that town. He entered the
service as a colonel, and was rapidly promoted through
all the grades to the rank of a major-general. He never
failed in his duty, and seldom omitted to distinguish
himself in battle. He was several times wounded, and
finally lost an arm. He appeared to be destitute of
fear, and was at once the pride and admiration of his
men. An account of the battle of Gettysburg will never
be read which does not contain a conspicuous notice of
General Stannard. It was his brigade which held the
front line on the left centre of the Union forces, on
which General Lee, for more than two hours, concen-
trated the fire of 140 pieces of artillery, and against
which the famous charge of Pickett's division was di-
rected. It was his inspiration that caught the instant
when that mad rush of a charging army was defeated
to order out upon its flank two regiments which, at the
distance of a pistol-shot, poured their deadly volleys into
the mass of Confederates, which so demoralized them that

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 355

they never halted until three or four thousand of them
passed to the rear as prisoners of war. It was conceded
by military critics to have been one of the most brilliant
military acts of the war — to have been almost without a
parallel in its history. In the final campaign he com-
manded a division of the Eighteenth Corps, which capt-
ured and held Fort Harrison, and it was in defending
it against an attempt made by ten brigades to recapture
it that he lost his arm.

When General Grant was elected President, General
Stannard became a candidate for the office of collector
of the district of Vermont. He asked me to sign his
recommendations. I declined, on the ground that I es-
teemed him too highly to promote his ruin. I argued
with him, I pointed him to the statute which limited the
annual pay of the office to $2500. I showed him that it
might not amount to half that sum, and that none but a
close business man, who would rigidly obey the law, and
touch no dollar of the government money, could take
the office without peril to himself and to the friends
who became his sureties. I failed to make the slightest
impression upon him. Somebody had told him that a
former incumbent had cleared annually $10,000 from the
office; that what had been done could be done. He
went away offended, and for some months treated me as
his personal enemy.

He obtained the appointment. His intimate friends
became his sureties, and for something like a year he
was a most popular collector. To the rigid rules of the
Treasury he paid not much attention. As the receipts
of the office flowed in, they were deposited in the Treas-
ury, or in the pocket of the collector, as happened at the
time to be most convenient. Money was abundant with
him, and, with the open hand of a soldier, when he had

356 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

a dollar he gave half of it to any friend who had none.
In short, he administered the office under a code of rules
of his own invention. Everybody was delighted. He
was the friend of everybody, and he naturally had a
larger circle of friends than any of his predecessors in
the office.

Very gentle is the first letter of the first auditor to a
collector when his quarterly accounts show a balance
on the wrong side. The error is attributed to accident,
to inadvertence, of course. The collector is referred to
certain rules, which he will observe in future ; one of
these is that every dollar received be deposited in the
Treasury. But under its most courteous concluding
words the collector will discover, upon close examina-
tion, a most positive direction to deposit the balance im-
mediately !

Woe to the collector if, instead of acting upon the
hint, he lays the letter aside to be attended to at some
more convenient season, until perhaps some friend pays
his loan, or money flows in from some other quarter.
He may have a short grace of a few days at first, but
never afterwards. These letters require attention. No
doubt there is a " First Auditor's Complete Letter Writ-
er," with progressive examples, each sharper and more
pointed than the last, to enforce upon the delinquent the
conviction that he is the servant of a department which
has rules that must be obeyed and enforced. These re-
minders become so frequent that the sight of an official
envelope gives him a chill. Then for a few days the
correspondence ceases. The officer flatters himself that
his case has been laid aside, and he breathes more freely.

Some morning (they always appear early in the day)
a stranger enters the office of the collector, and delivers
to him another official envelope. It contains his sus-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 357

pension from office, and an order to turn over to the
bearer the entire contents of the office, the duties of
which will be discharged by Special Agent Roe or Doe,
pending an investigation. From that day the growth
of the delinquent's troubles begins, and proceeds beyond
anything he ever imagined. With the sharpness of an
expert the agent finds every dollar of the money of the
United States, and follows it to its illegitimate disposal.
Higher and higher mounts the balance, until it reaches
a sum which the officer might as well undertake to dis-
charge the national debt as to pay. The climax of mis-
ery is reached when the agent points the collector to
the statute which declares the misappropriation of each
of these dollars a felony, punishable by imprisonment at
hard labor. All this happened to General Stannard in
an incredibly short space of time. He was really guilty
of no crime but negligence. He had not squandered the
money among evil companions, nor in riotous living, nor
in the payment of his own debts. In fact, he could not
tell why or whither the money had gone. But it had
taken to itself wings, it had departed, it was not where
it should have been, in the Treasury, and he was a de-
faulter, a ruined bankrupt, a disgraced man. It was
even doubtful whether his sureties could make up the
loss. Some of them were certainly ruined. His reputa-
tion as a citizen was gone forever, and even his hard-
earned fame as a soldier was stained and tarnished.

Those who visited the Ladies' Gallery of the House of
Representatives in Washington during the Forty-first
and Forty-second Congresses may have noticed, seated
at the door, a silent, sad-faced man who had lost an arm.
He was attentive to his duties, very courteous to every
visitor. But he did not often speak to any one, and a
smile seldom dispelled the sadness of his face. There

358 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

he remained until he died. No one asked for his place
or sought his removal. Even the fiercest of the appli-
cants for office appeared to concede his right to retain
this one until he surrendered it of his own will.

When I first recognized him there, it was a long time
before I could break through his reserve and engage him
in conversation. At last it gave way. " If I had fol-
lowed your advice," he said, "I might have remained
poor, but I should at least have preserved my own self-
respect, and the respect of my friends and bondsmen.
I must have been insane when I treated you as my
enemy !"

There is no reason for giving further details. This
poor, discouraged, ruined man, a doorkeeper in one of
the legislative branches of the republic, was all that re-
mained of a gallant general of division, who had led
armies over the walls of forts, against thrice their num-
ber, to victory. He it was who many times had wrested
triumph out of the iron jaws of defeat. It was his flash-
ing eye which had faced the rush of an army as it hurled
itself upon the Union forces ; and, seizing the critical
moment, it was his hand that delivered the decisive blow
in the greatest battle of the century, his genius that won
the victory which restored a divided union and made ours
the greatest republic of the world.

I hope, and I believe it is true, that under the opera-
tion of the civil-service system, the rush after clerical
positions under the government has been checked, if not
wholly arrested. Thousands, who might have been ac-
tive and useful citizens in private life, have condemned
themselves to lives of anxiety and misery by their suc-
cess in securing one of these positions. A man is buried
in them. His duties become routine, he is soon inca-
pable of doing anything better ; in an incredibly short

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 359

time he has lost all connection with the world, he is in
peril of removal with every change of administration,
and as he has forgotten how to do anything else, re-
moval is his ruin. No men better deserve the atten-
tion of philanthropists than the clerks in the government
service.

In the few salaried offices not subject to the civil-ser-
vice system, the situation is no better. These necessa-
rily change with the administration. The term of service
is so brief, the demands upon the incumbent are so numer-
ous, that no active man can afford to accept one of them,
unless for a brief honor he is willing to pay a large price.
It will be a fortunate day for the country when the civil-
service system is extended to all the government offices,
except the Cabinet and those immediately connected with
Congress.

While a few have managed to keep their heads above
water, how many of my contemporaries have gone down
beneath the waves of government service ! Some, sent
to Washington as members of Congress, have degenerat-
ed into claim agents, and thence into the depths of politi-
cal pauperism. Some, appointed to small offices, have
bartered their independence for insignificant salaries,
and have become the hacks of either party which will
give them employment. Others, losing their offices, have
sunk into poverty, a few, alas ! into crime. I am unable
to recall an instance where one of my friends, having be-
come dependent on a small office for a livelihood, proved
afterwards of any considerable value to his country or
mankind.

XLI.

WAS GENERAL THOMAS LOYAL?

GENERAL GEORGE H. THOMAS is dead. Since his death,
and that of nearly all his witnesses, it has been alleged
that he was disloyal. Some Southern historical society
claims to have discovered proofs that he at first decided
to cast his lot with his own people ; in other words, to
follow the example of other officers of Southern origin.

Colonel Henry Stone, of the Army of the Cumberland,
has recently, in a vigorous article, published in the New
York Tribune of June 7th, 1890, given this unfounded
statement its quietus. General Thomas was slow to an-
ger, but if anything would cause him, " in complete steel,"
to revisit "the glimpses of the moon," and blast the
slanderer with a look, it would be such a charge as this
against his memory.

I am able to contribute one or two facts on this sub-
ject. Even before the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, Gen-
eral Scott was very anxious about the safety of the pub-
lic property of large value in Texas, which was under
the control of General Twiggs. The Second U. S.
Cavalry, of which Thomas was major, was stationed
there, and it was upon information communicated by
him that General Scott insisted upon the transfer of
General Twiggs to another post. But Twiggs was a
favorite of President Buchanan. General Scott's wishes
were disregarded, and on the 23d of February Twiggs
delivered himself, as many regular soldiers as he could

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 361

control, and public property valued at one million two
hundred and nine thousand five hundred dollars, to the
state of Texas. After the horse was stolen the stable
was locked. On the first day of March, Secretary Holt
issued an order dismissing Twiggs from the army " for
his treachery to the flag of his country."

Early in April the men who declined to be surrendered
by Twiggs began to arrive in New York. Thomas,
though on sick leave, received and disposed of them, and
from that time was one of the most active and reliable
assistants of General Scott. April 21st was a lively day
in Washington. Lee sent to General Scott a notice of
his resignation. The Baltimore committee were in Wash-
ington, protesting that no more Northern regiments
should be permitted to pass through Maryland. They
brought information that the authorities of Maryland
had ordered the railroad bridges to be burned and all
the railroads broken up. General Scott undertook to
restore and maintain railroad communication with the
North. He did not hesitate for a moment. He ordered
a detachment, which he could scarcely afford to spare
from the few regulars in the city, to disperse the Plug-
Uglies who were threatening the destruction of the
railroad between Baltimore and Harrisburg, and Major
Thomas was the officer selected by him to command the
detachment.

All this occurred on Sunday. There were loyal men
from Baltimore in active communication with the Presi-
dent, and it was at their suggestion that the force was
ordered to protect the Northern railroad. They objected
to intrusting so important a matter to Major Thomas,
and insisted upon the appointment of Colonel Mansfield.
The President referred them to General Scott.

"Why do you object to Major Thomas? What do you

362 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

know to the prejudice of Major Thomas ?" demanded the
old chieftain.

They had nothing against Major Thomas, except that
he was a Virginian. All the Virginians were resigning ;
even Colonel Lee had gone over to the rebels. They
feared that Major Thomas would follow his example.

" I am more fortunate than you are. I know Major
Thomas ; he is incapable of disloyalty. I would intrust
him with what is to me the most precious thing on earth
—my country's flag ! I know that some Virginians have
deserted it. But there are Virginians whom I am not
afraid to trust, for I also am a Virginian !" said the old
hero, proudly.

I never heard the loyalty of General Thomas ques-
tioned after this endorsement. He was understood
to be a worker, one of the most efficient organizers of
his time. He was more quiet and unassuming than
Colonel Mansfield, but equally reliable and true. He had
a peculiar mental organization. He was cautious and
deliberate; he would not fight until he was prepared.
His military career was an unbroken success. From Mill
Springs, before the capture of Fort Henry, to the crush-
ing defeat which he administered to Hood before Nash-
ville, I do not remember that he lost a battle. His
tenacity was unyielding. " You must hold Chattanoo-
ga !" General Grant had telegraphed to him, when Long-
street held him at bay. " We will hold the town until
we starve !" was his reply. And his animals did starve,
and his men came very near doing likewise before his
communications could be opened. But he gave no sign
of surrender. In all his campaigns he never moved fast
enough to satisfy Grant. When the " March to the Sea"
was decided upon, Grant and Sherman were both of the
opinion that Hood would move northward to recover

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 363

Tennessee and Kentucky. They left him to the care of
Thomas, intending to reinforce his small army, so as to
enable him to cope with Hood and all the rebel force
north of Atlanta. It was a perilous movement on the
part of Sherman. If Hood was not arrested before he
took Nashville, the result might be fatal. Sherman must
have had great confidence in Thomas, since the success
of the whole campaign would depend upon the result of
a single battle, which Thomas was to win against a vet-
eran army larger than his own.

Sherman left Atlanta on the 15th of November.
Thomas abandoned all the intervening positions, and
Hood apparently forced him back, step by step, into the
defences of Nashville, which he reached on the 3d of
December.

Hood attacked Scofield at Franklin, but was compelled
to draw off after an indecisive battle. Thomas sent no
reinforcements to Scofield, rightly judging that the lat-
ter would be able to hold his own, and also because he
preferred to choose his own ground for the decisive
struggle.

General Grant misunderstood the deliberation of Gen-
eral Thomas's policy, and, from the day Sherman left
Atlanta, pressed him to attack the enemy. As Thomas
made no answer, but continued to retire, Grant became
more emphatic, and finally, when the former was appar-
ently forced back to Nashville, the orders to attack be-
came peremptory. As Thomas gave no sign in reply,
Grant became anxious, and, being satisfied that further
delay would be fatal, directed Logan to relieve Thomas,
and take the command of his army. His solicitude in-
creasing, he left his camp before Richmond and started
for Nashville. He reached Washington on the day when

)gan arrived at Cincinnati.

364 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I give these facts upon the authority of Captain Fox,
whose relations with the President were at that time of
the most intimate character. He related the incident
immediately after its occurrence, as a strong proof of
the accuracy of the President's judgment, and as show-
ing how confidently he relied upon it in dealing with
men. He said that General Grant informed the Presi-
dent of his anxiety about General Thomas, and of his
purpose to relieve him and place General Logan in his
command. The President suggested that, as General
Thomas was one of the most cautious and prudent of
the generals, whether it might not be that his judgment
on the ground was better than that of others who were
five hundred miles away ; and that it might be better to
wait for more evidence that it was erroneous before re-
moving him. General Grant observed that that might
be, if the consequences of his defeat would not be so se-
rious— that he was a very competent officer, but habit-
ually slow, and this time he had been slower than ever.
" But has he not always 'got there' in time?" said the
President. " Some generals have been in such haste that
they have had to move in the wrong direction." How-
ever, the President declined to interfere or to influence
the judgment of General Grant any further than to say,
that " General Thomas acquired my confidence in April,
1861, and he has ever since retained it."

Fortunately, General Grant remained in "Washington
until the evening train for the West. Before he left, de-
spatches were received from General Thomas, stating
that he was ready, and proposed to attack Hood the next
morning. General Grant decided to wait for results.

Possibly the finest trait in the character of General
Grant was the freedom with which he admitted his own
errors, and especially his misjudgment of others. His

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 365

despatches to Thomas implied censure, and had culmi-
nated in an order relieving him from his command. We
may now leave General Grant himself to describe the
sequel.

In his Memoirs, Grant says, in substance, that he had
directed Logan not to take the command if he found
Thomas ready to fight — that Thomas did fight and " was
successful from the start ; and that he assailed the ene-
my in their intrenchments, and, after a desperate resist-
ance, they fled in disorder, abandoning everything. In
order to use his entire strength, Thomas had dismounted
his cavalry, and fought them as infantry. This fact and
some accidents prevented his effective pursuit of Hood.
But the morale of the latter's army was destroyed, its
fighting strength annihilated, so that it was rendered in-
capable of inflicting further injury to the Union cause."

The battle of Nashville crushed the Confederacy in
the West, and made Sherman's " march to the sea " mem-
orable in the annals of military science. The result was
foreseen by Thomas, who pursued his plans with a de-
liberation which nothing could disturb, from the time he
parted company with Sherman until, having collected
and marshalled his forces for the final act, he dealt his
annihilating blow to the rebellion before Nashville. Such
a general could not fail to gain the complete confidence
of his men. Well might General Grant send him from
Washington his congratulations on " the splendid success
of to-day." We who watched his career from that anx-
ious Sunday in April, 1861, to its culmination before
Nashville in December, 1864, should at least defend his
memory, and see to it that, while we live, no spot or
blemish shall stain the record of this modest, great
soldier.

XLIL

THE IMPARTIAL JUDGMENT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.— THE RES-
IGNATION OF SECRETARY CHASE.— ITS CAUSES AND CONSE-
QUENCES.

THE endeavor now to write anything novel about
President Lincoln is like gleaning in an exhausted field.
While he has been gradually rising to the position he
now holds in the world's esteem, it is not strange that
those who had any acquaintance with him should each
wish to contribute his mite to the aggregate of material
concerning a man of such distinguished abilities. No
American, possibly no public man anywhere, has had so
many biographers ; no biographers have ever written
with a more imperfect knowledge of their subject than
some of the authors of the so-called lives of Lincoln.
Some of these writers have private griefs to ventilate,
and, not courageous enough to oppose the general opin-
ion of his sterling worth, have descended in a shame-
faced way to make public assumed defects in his char-
acter ; and others, claiming to be his old associates and
friends, have hinted at scandals connected with his ori-
gin and early life which had no foundation, and which
would never have been heard of but for their officious-
ness. Their poor excuse is a desire to exhibit Mr. Lin-
coln as he was, and not as the world would have him to
be. There have been in the lives of all great men oc-
currences upon which friendship lays the seal of silence,
and it would have been more to the credit of these
writers if they had emulated the dignified silence with
which Mr. Lincoln treated unfortunate circumstances

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 367

which he could neither prevent nor control. Examples
of both these classes will be found in any collection of
the lives of Mr. Lincoln, and conspicuously in one col-
lection claimed to have been written by the " distin-
guished men of his time."

One consequence of the caccethes scribendi about Mr.
Lincoln is that all the events of his life, the incidents of
his professional career, the apt stories attributed to him,
many of which he never heard, have been rewritten so
many times, with such variations as the peculiar views
of the writer at the moment suggested, that the points
of some of the best have been lost and others so muti-
lated that they are no longer recognizable. The resig-
nation of the Treasury by Mr. Chase in June, 1864, has
not escaped the general mutilation. It was an impor-
tant event ; its incidents throw a flood of light over the
characters of both the principals. As it has been some-
times described, it is a quarrel between two politicians,
of little consequence to them, of none to anybody else.
Some of the accounts begin with the nomination of
Governor Tod, and omit the important events by which
it was preceded. Except that of Messrs. Nicolay and Hay,
all the accounts that I have seen attribute the resignation
to Mr. Chase's desire for the Kepublican nomination for
the Presidency in 1864, when, in fact, he had given up
all hope of it for 1864, more than six months previously.

This aftermath of Lincoln material seems to increase
as the living witnesses disappear. Soon its inventors will
be able to exclaim, with a distinguished fabricator of his-
tory, " "Who is there to dispute what I say ?" What, then,
is the earnest student to do ? How is he to distinguish
between the false and the true — the wheat of fact and
the chaff of fiction ? There can be but one answer to the
inquiry. He will do it just as the works of great mas-

368 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ters have always been distinguished from their counter-
feits. There is a flavor about a genuine Lincoln sen-
tence or story which is unmistakable — as different as
possible from those of any other man. As the connois-
seur in art identifies a Rembrandt or a Diirer at a glance,
as the teller in the Federal Treasury casts out the de-
fective coin by a touch, so will the earnest student be-
come an expert in Lincolniana, in the sentences he has
written, in all the events of his life. A single glance at
a new fact or story will decide whether it has the ring
of the true metal or the leaden sound of the counter-
feit. By such experts must future lives and anecdotes
be judged; to their judgment I submit the following
version of one of the most important and striking events
of his public career.

One of these old friends and associates declares that
Mr. Lincoln had no faith. If Paul understood the sub-
ject, and faith is " the substance of things hoped for, the
evidence of things not seen," then no man ever had a
faith more perfect and sincere than Mr. Lincoln. Once,
during a half-soliloquy in the Eegister's Office, while
the register and his messenger were engaged in their
work, and, as he liked them to be, paying no attention
to him, he broke into a magnificent outburst — a word-
painting of what the South would be when the war
was over, slavery destroyed, and she had had an oppor-
tunity to develop her resources under the benignant in-
fluence of peace. Twenty years and more afterwards
this scene flashed upon my memory with the vividness
of an electric light as I recognized the word-picture of
Mr. Lincoln in the following words of welcome by an
eloquent Southerner to a Northern delegation : " You
are standing," he said, " at this moment in the gateway
that leads to the South. The wealth that is there, no

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 369

longer hidden from human eyes, flashes in your very
faces. You can smell the roses of a new hope that fill
the air. You can hear the heart-beats of progress that
come as upon the wings of heaven. You can reach forth
your hands and almost clutch the gold that the sun rains
down with his beams, as he takes his daily journey be-
tween the coal-mine and the cotton-field ; the highlands
of wood and iron, of marble and granite; the lowlands
of tobacco, of sugar and rice, of corn and kine, of wine,
milk, and honey." Such was the picture of the South
presented to the eye of Mr. Lincoln's faith, and very
similar were the words in which that picture was repre-
sented.

I have written the following account largely from
personal knowledge, from what I myself saw and heard.
The principal incidents were written in my journal
about the time they occurred. It has been the regret
of my subsequent life that I did not at the time know
how great a man Mr. Lincoln was ; that I did not at the
time write out and preserve an account of many other
things said and done by him. This occurrence was an
exception. I felt at the time that Mr. Lincoln was re-
vealing himself to me in a new and elevated character,
and I undertook to record the words in which that rev-
elation was made.

The resignation by Secretary Chase of his position as
the chief financial officer of the United States closed his
prospects as a Presidental candidate with the Republi-
can, and did not improve them with the Democratic
party. It was an act which was calculated to embarrass
the President, for which there was no good excuse. He
inferred from past events that his resignation would not
be accepted ; he hoped that it would demonstrate to the
country that he had become a necessity of the financial

370 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

situation, and thereby secure to him its more perfect
control.

A question of forgery had arisen in the Assistant Treas-
ury in New York. The auditor who signed checks for
the payment of money pronounced two checks returned
to him as paid, amounting to nearly $10,000, to be for-
geries. The responsibility for the money lay between
Mr. Cisco and the auditor. If the checks were genuine,
the auditor — if they were forged, Mr. Cisco, must bear
the loss.

Mr. Cisco claimed to know that the checks bore the
genuine signature of the auditor. He so testified in an
examination which took place before a commissioner of
the United States. He declined to admit a possibility
that he could be mistaken. His experience, he said, en-
abled him to identify a genuine, or detect a forged sig-
nature with unerring certainty. No one could imitate
his signature so as to cause him to hesitate. He was as
certain that the disputed signatures were genuine as
though he had seen them written.

Friends of the auditor, who were confident of his in-
tegrity, finding that the mind of Mr. Cisco was closed to
all the presumptions arising from the long service and
the unblemished character of the accused, availed them-
selves of the assistance of experts and of photography.
An expert wrote an imitation of the assistant treas-
urer's name, which that officer testified was his own
genuine signature. He was as certain of it as he was
of the genuineness of the disputed checks! The evi-
dence of the expert who wrote the imitation, and an
enlarged photograph of the signatures to the checks,
made their traced, painted, false, and spurious character
so apparent that the auditor was at once exonerated,
notwithstanding the positive evidence of his chief. The

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 3Y1

result so intensely mortified him that he promptly re-
signed his office of assistant treasurer, declaring that
nothing should induce him to withdraw his resigna-
tion.

Secretary Chase was fond of those who recognized his
eminence, and were ready to serve him as their acknowl-
edged superior. Those especially who were watchful of
his convenience and of opportunities to contribute to his
personal comforts secured a strong position in his es-
teem. Maunsel B. Field, an attache in the office of the
assistant treasurer of New York, was conspicuously a
person of this class. From the first visit of the secre-
tary to New York after he took office, Mr. Field had at-
tached himself to his personal service. His devotion to
that service was perfect ; so that afterwards, as the vis-
its of the secretary increased in frequency, Mr. Field at-
tended to his social engagements, and became the
authorized agent for communication with him. Mr.
Field was a person of polished manners, who had the
entree into society. He was also a writer for the news-
papers and a Democrat, without much position or fol-
lowing in his party. His service was so attentive that
the secretary came to regard him as a kind of personal
society representative. The office of Third Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury was created for him. He was
appointed to it, and removed to Washington, where he
was afterwards employed in a confidential relation near
the secretary's person. There were facts, of which it
is impossible that the secretary long remained ignorant,
which, though not reflecting upon his personal integrity,
it was represented necessarily disqualified him for any
position of trust or pecuniary responsibilty. From time
to time he absented himself from the Treasury, some-
times for weeks together. No one seemed to know

372 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

whither he retired, or to have any knowledge of the
cause of his absence.

Mr. Cisco had filled his important office of assistant
treasurer with great fidelity to the country and credit
to himself. The fact that he was a member of the
Democratic party, most earnest in his co-operation with
the administration in all its measures for the suppression
of the rebellion, had enabled him to contribute to the
success of Mr. Chase's financial measures more power-
fully, probably, than any Kepublican could have done in
the same position, while his personal influence upon
members of his own party had been strong, and always
exerted to promote the cause of the Union. Yery strong
Eepublican influences were therefore brought forward
to induce Mr. Cisco to reconsider his resignation, but he
had apparently determined to return to private life, and
peremptorily insisted upon its acceptance.

Always having great responsibility from the amount
of public treasure intrusted to his care, the assistant
treasurer at New York was at that time the most im-
portant civil officer in the republic, next after the
members of the cabinet. The bank presidents of New
York city, Boston, and Philadelphia then represented
the money of the nation, and, acting together, as they
usually did, they could promote the early success of or
delay and obstruct the financial measures of the govern-
ment. That they had always hitherto supported the
secretary, and co-operated in the execution of his plans,
had been largely due to the influence of Mr. Cisco.
There had been occasions when these bank officers had
attempted to defeat some of these plans, or, at least, to
limit their success. But the strength of the secretary
was re-enforced by the persistent influence of Mr. Cisco,
always discreetly but constantly operating, so that when

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 373

Mr. Chase met these gentlemen in the assistant treas-
urer's office, as he so frequently did, his personal mag-
netism usually brought them to his support. It was,
therefore, most desirable that Mr. Cisco's succcessor
should, so far as practicable, possess his qualities, sustain
his relations to the banks, and continue to exercise his
good judgment. Such a man was not readily found.
Ex-Governor Morgan, then a senator from New York,
a financier of wide experience, and intimately acquaint-
ed with all the conditions which controlled financial
movements in that city, took an active interest in the
New York appointments. He was one of the most in-
fluential Republicans in Congress, who was upon every
ground entitled to be consulted in regard to this ap-
pointment. He suggested Mr. John A. Stewart, the
president of the oldest and wealthiest trust company in
the city, an able financier of ripe experience, a pure and
patriotic man, as Mr. Cisco's successor. Secretary Chase
approved it, and the suggestion met with universal favor.
But Mr. Stewart would not accept the appointment.
He was unwilling to sacrifice his permanent position for
one the tenure of which was uncertain, and this consid-
eration was found to be controlling with other eminent
financial men possessed of similar qualifications.

While it was generally understood that the Republi-
can congressmen of New York were looking for a suit-
able successor to Mr. Cisco, they were amazed by the
discovery that Secretary Chase had sent the name of
Maunsel B. Field to the President for appointment to
that responsible office. The fact became public through
Mr. Field himself, who disclosed it to Republicans to
whom he applied for recommendations. It produced
something like an explosion of indignant opposition.

It seemed impossible to account for this nomination

374 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

upon the ordinary motives which control human action.
It was one which Secretary Chase should have known
was unwise to be made. The nominee had not one of the
qualities which had made Mr. Cisco strong, or which
had led to the selection of Mr. Stewart. He had no
financial or political standing, and his natural abilities
were of a literary rather than an executive character.
It was not surprising, therefore, that Senator Morgan
and other Republicans hurried to the President and
indignantly protested against Mr. Field's nomination.
They did not measure their words. They claimed that
such an appointment would be an insult to the Union
men of New York ; that it would injure the party and
disgrace the administration ; and, finally, they offered to
procure a written protest against the nomination, to be
signed by every Republican senator and member of the
House in the present Congress.

From the time the opposition to him was made public,
the nomination of Mr. Field became impossible. The
natural course obviously was for the President to as-
sume that Secretary Chase had suggested him in igno-
rance of the objections now urged against him ; to re-
quest the secretary to withdraw Mr. Field and make an-
other nomination. But there had already been friction
between the President and the secretary on the subject
of nominations ; the latter insisting that as he was held
responsible for the administration of the Treasury, he
should hold the unrestricted power of appointment and
removal. The President conceded his claim, but main-
tained that it should be reasonably exercised, and that
he should not be requested to make an appointment to
an office in a state the whole congressional delegation
of which opposed it, which would prove injurious to the
party, or which was contrary to the traditions of the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 375

administration. In other instances the secretary had
shown himself unwilling to admit even these restric-
tions, and in the case of one appointment made against
the wishes of the Republicans of a state, and rejected
by the Senate, he threatened to resign his office unless
the President renominated the rejected candidate a
second time. Although the difficulty in the case re-
ferred to was compromised, the President anticipated
that Secretary Chase would insist upon Mr. Field's ap-
pointment, notwithstanding all the objections — an opin-
ion in which he was confirmed by the fact that the
secretary neither called upon nor communicated with
him after some of the New York Republicans had re-
monstrated against the nomination to Mr. Chase in
person.

After twenty-four hours' delay the President, waiving
all ceremony, sent a polite note to the Treasury asking
his Secretary to oblige him by sending him the nomina-
tion of some one who was not objectionable to the sen-
ators from New York. Instead of withdrawing Mr.
Field's name, Secretary Chase replied by note, asking for
an interview. When two parties are seated actually in
sight of, and begin to write formal notes to each other,
they are neither very likely nor very desirous to agree.
The President declined the interview, on the ground
that the difference between them did not lie within the
range of a conversation. In the meantime the inge-
nuity of Mr. Field himself devised a way out of the diffi-
culty. Finding that he would lose the appointment, he
brought certain Democratic influences to bear to induce
Mr. Cisco temporarily to withdraw his resignation, so
that he (Field) might take a place in the New York
office, nominally under Mr. Cisco, but really to prepare
the way for his own appointment after the adjournment

376 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

of Congress, and when the defeat of Mr. Lincoln should
have been indicated by the early fall elections. Mr.
Cisco unexpectedly complied, and the subject of conten-
tion was for the moment apparently removed.

Secretary Chase had many subordinates who regarded
it as their duty to magnify his office and exalt his name.
He was firmly of opinion that no one but himself could
maintain the national credit ; these subordinates assured
him that such was the prevailing opinion, and it had be-
come an article of faith in the department. He had no
doubt whatever that the President had embraced it.
He believed that his offer of resignation would create a
general public demand that he should continue at the
head of the Treasury, and upon a recent occasion the
President had confirmed his belief in that respect by
urgently requesting him to change his purpose to re-
sign. Although there was no adequate occasion for it,
he thought the present an excellent opportunity to re-
peat both the resignation and his former experience.
He, therefore, again tendered his resignation, accompany-
ing it with an intimation that the failure to nominate
Mr. Field had rendered his position one of embarrass-
ment, difficulty, and painful responsibility.

The resignation was written and forwarded on the
29th of June. It was not unexpected to President Lin-
coln, and he dealt with it with wise deliberation. Dur-
ing the day he requested me to call at the White House
at the close of business. I found him undisturbed, and
apparently in a happy frame of mind.

" I have sent for you," he said, " to ask you a ques-
tion. How long can the Treasury be 'run' under an
acting appointment ? Whom can I appoint who will not
take the opportunity to run the engine off the track, or
do any other damage ?"

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 377

I was too much troubled and surprised to answer him
directly. " Mr. President," I exclaimed, " you will not
let so small a matter as this New York appointment
separate yourself and Governor Chase ? Do not, I beg
of you ! Tell me where the trouble lies, and let me see
if I cannot arrange it."

" No ; it is past arrangement," he said. " I feel re-
lieved since I have settled the question. I would not
restore what they call the status quo if I could."

"But," I continued, "think of the country, of the
Treasury, of the consequences ! I do not for a moment
excuse the secretary. His nomination of Field was most
unaccountable to me. But Secretary Chase, with all his
faults, is a great financier. His administration of the
Treasury has been a financial wonder. Who can fill his
place ? There is not a man in the Union who can do it.
If the national credit goes under, the Union goes with
it. I repeat it — Secretary Chase is to-day a national
necessity."

" How mistaken you are !" he quietly observed. " Yet
it is not strange ; I used to have similar notions. No !
If we should all be turned out to-morrow, and could
come back here in a week, we should find our places
filled by a lot of fellows doing just as well as we did,
nnd in many instances better. As the Irishman said,
• In this country one man is as good as another ; and, for
the matter of that, very often a great deal better.' No ;
this government does not depend upon, the life of any man,"
he said, impressively. " But you have not answered my
question. There" — pointing to the table — "is Chase's
resignation. I shall write its acceptance as soon as you
have told me how much time I can take to hunt up an-
other secretary."

" The Treasury can be run under an acting appointment

378 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

two or three days," I answered. " It ought not to be
run for a day. There is an unwritten law of the depart-
ment that an acting secretary should do nothing but cur-
rent business. No one whom you would be likely to
appoint would consciously violate it."

" Whom shall I appoint acting secretary ?" he asked.
" I have thought it would be scarcely proper to name
one of the assistant secretaries after their chief is out."

" If you ask my opinion," I replied, " I should advise
the appointment of the first assistant. I fear the effect
of this resignation upon the country, and it would be
unwise to increase its evils by departing from the usual
course. An intimation from you that nothing but cur-
rent business should be transacted will certainly be re-
spected."

«' That seems sensible ; I thank you for the sugges-
tion," he said. " But I shall have to put on my think-
ing-cap at once, and find a successor to Chase."

" "Where is the man ?" I exclaimed. " Mr. President,
this is worse than another Bull Kun defeat. Pray, let
me go to Secretary Chase and see if I cannot induce
him to withdraw his resignation. Its acceptance now
might cause a financial panic."

I shall carry the memory of his next words as long as
I live. Every time I think of them Mr. Lincoln will
seem to grow greater as a man — to be the greatest Amer-
ican who ever lived. Consider the circumstances. The
country was in the fiercest throes of civil war ; the Pres-
ident was weighted with the heaviest responsibilities;
his Secretary of the Treasury was tendering his resigna-
tion when there was no good excuse for the act, mani-
festly to embarrass him and to increase his difficulties.
Then weigh these words :

" I will tell you," he said, leaning back in his chair,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 379

and carelessly throwing one of his long legs over the
other, " how it is with Chase. It is the easiest thing in
the world for a man to fall into a bad habit. Chase has
fallen into two bad habits. One is that to which I have
often referred. He thinks he has become indispensable
to the country ; that his intimate friends know it, and
he cannot comprehend why the country does not under-
stand it. He also thinks he ought to be President ; he
has no doubt whatever about that. It is inconceivable
to him why people have not found it out; why they
don't, as one man, rise up and say so. He is, as
you say, an able financier ; as you think, without say-
ing so, he is a great statesman, and, at the bottom, a
patriot. Ordinarily he discharges a public trust, the
duties of a public office, with great ability — with greater
ability than any man I know. Mind, I say ordinarily,
for these bad habits seem to have spoiled him. They
have made him irritable, uncomfortable, so that he is
never perfectly happy unless he is thoroughly miserable,
and able to make everybody else just as uncomfortable
as he is himself. He knows that the nomination of
Field would displease the Unionists of New York, would
delight our enemies, and injure our friends. He knows
that I could not make it without seriously offending the
strongest supporters of the government in New York,
and that the nomination would not strengthen him any-
where or with anybody. Yet he resigns because I will
not make it. He is either determined to annoy me, or
that I shall pat him on the shoulder and coax him to
stay. I don't think I ought to do it. I will not do it.
I will take him at his word."

Here he made a long pause. His mobile face wore a
speaking expression, and indicated that he was thinking
earnestly; but, with perfect coolness, he continued : "And

380 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

yet there is not a man in the Union who would make as
good a chief justice as Chase." There was another pause ;
his plain, homely face was illuminated as he added," And,
if I have the opportunity, I will make him Chief Justice
of the United States."

I thought at the time, and I have never since changed
the opinion, that a man who could form such a just esti-
mate and avow such a purpose in relation to another
who had just performed a gratuitous act of personal an-
noyance intended to add to his responsibilities — already
the greatest which any American had ever undertaken
— who seemed wholly incapable of any thought of pun-
ishment or even reproof, must move upon a higher plane
and be influenced by loftier motives than any man I had
before met with. In the entire interview there was not
an indication of passion or prejudice ; there was a com-
plete elimination of himself from the situation. There
was nothing but the impartiality of a just judge, the dis-
interestedness of a patriot, the stoicism of a philosopher.
I was silenced, and about to take my leave, when he said :

"Well, then, I understand I can take three days of
grace. In that time I shall find somebody who will
fit the notch and satisfy the nation. Perhaps I shall find
him to-night. My best thoughts always come in the
night. As soon as I find him, you shall know. I must
first write my acceptance of Chase's resignation."

On the following day, June 30th, the President sent
the nomination of ex-Governor Tod, of Ohio, as Secre-
tary of the Treasury to the Senate for confirmation.
There is no occasion now to inquire after his motives.
Undoubtedly, his first thought was of an Ohio man, his
opinion being settled that it was better not to select a
secretary from any of the Atlantic states. The nomina-
tion was not well received, and it was a relief to his

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 381

friends when, during the evening, Mr. Tod, by telegraph,
peremptorily declined it.

Before sunrise the next day I was again sent for. I
rode to the White House in the dawning light of an early
summer morning, and found the President in his waist-
coat, trousers, and slippers. He had evidently just left
his bed, and had not taken time to dress himself. As I
entered the familiar room, he said, in a cheerful, satisfied
voice :

" I have sent for you to let you know that we have
got a Secretary of the Treasury. If your sleep has been
disturbed, you have time for a morning nap. You will
like to meet him when the department opens."

" I am, indeed, glad to hear it," I said. " But who
ishe«"

" Oh, you will like the appointment, so will the coun-
try, so will everybody. It is the best appointment pos-
sible. Strange that I should have had any doubt about
it. What have you to say to Mr. Fessenden ?"

" He would be an eminently proper appointment," I
answered. " The chairman of the Senate Committee on
Finance ; perfectly familiar with all our financial legis-
lation, a strong, able man, and a true friend of the Union.
He is also next in the direct line of promotion. But he
will not accept. His health is frail, and his present po-
sition suits him. There is not one chance in a thousand
of his acceptance."

" He will accept ; have no fear on that account. I
have just notified him of his appointment, and I expect
him every moment."

At this moment the door suddenly opened, and Mr.
Fessenden almost burst into the room, without being
announced. His thin face was colorless ; there was in-
tense excitement in his voice and movements.

382 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" I cannot ! I will not ! I should be a dead man in a
week. I am a sick man now. I cannot accept this ap-
pointment, for which I have no qualifications. You,
Mr. President, ought not to ask me to do it. Pray re-
lieve me by saying that you will withdraw it. I repeat,
I cannot and will not accept it."

The President rose from his chair, approached Mr.
Fessenden, and threw his arm around his neck. It may
seem ludicrous, but, as I saw that long and apparently
unstiffened limb winding like a cable about the small
neck of the senator from Maine, I wondered how many
times the arm would encircle it. His voice was serious
and emphatic, but without any assumption of solemnity,
as he said :

"Fessenden, since I have occupied this plape, ev-
ery appointment I have made upon my own judgment
has proved to be a good one. I do not say the best that
could have been made, but good enough to answer the
purpose. All the mistakes I have made have been in
cases where I have permitted my own judgment to be
overruled by that of others. Last night I saw my way
clear to appoint you Secretary of the Treasury. I do
not think you have any right to tell me you will not
accept the place. I believe that the suppression of the
rebellion has been decreed by a higher power than any
represented by us, and that the Almighty is using his
own means to that end. You are one of them. It is as
much your duty to accept as it is mine to appoint. Your
nomination is now on the way from the State Depart-
ment, and in a few minutes it will be here. It will be
in the Senate at noon, you will be immediately and unan-
imously confirmed, and by one o'clock to-day you must
be signing warrants in the Treasury."

Mr. Fessenden was intellectually a strong man, one of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 383

the last men to surrender his own judgment to the will
of another, but he made no effort to resist the Presi-
dent's appeal. He cast his eyes upon the floor, and mur-
mured, " Well, perhaps I ought to think about it," and
turned to leave the room.

" No," said the President, " this matter is settled here
and now. I am told that it is very necessary that a sec-
retary should act to-day. You must enter upon your
duties to-day. I will assure you that, if a change be-
comes desirable hereafter, I will be ready and willing to
make it. But, unless I misunderstand the temper of the
public, your appointment will be so satisfactory that we
shall have no occasion to deal with any question of
change for some time to come."

At this point the conversation terminated, and all the
persons present separated. The result is well known.
Mr. Fessenden's appointment was entirely satisfactory,
and the affairs of the Treasury went on so smoothly that
no change in the financial policy of Secretary Chase was
attempted; and from this time until the resignation of
Mr. Fessenden there was no further friction between the
Treasury Department and the Executive.

Chief Justice Taney died in the following October.
The friends of Secretary Chase immediately put forth
the strongest effort possible to secure for him an appoint-
ment to the vacancy. They were assured that no such
effort was necessary ; that he would receive the appoint-
ment without asking for it. They would not, and could
not, accept the assurance. They said that Mr. Chase
had made some very harsh observations about Mr. Lin-
coln, which must have come to his knowledge ; that
nothing would induce him to overlook those remarks,
unless there was practically a united demand from all
the leaders of the Kepublican party for the appointment.

384: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I am sincerely grateful that I had at that time so true
an appreciation of Mr. Lincoln's character that I knew
that such remarks would make no impression whatever
upon his mind. I was confirmed in my opinion by the
information I received of the experience of the friend of
another candidate who attempted to improve his chances
by repeating to the President some of these remarks of
his former secretary. The President at first replied that
the secretary was probably justified in his observations,
but when the advocate pressed the point more earnestly,
he received a reproof from the President which perma-
nently suppressed further effort in that direction.

The appointment was made in November, as speedily
as was appropriate after the vacancy occurred. The only
direction of the President I ever consciously violated was
when, after the appointment, I had the satisfaction of
informing the chief justice that his appointment had
been decided upon on the 30th of the previous June,
after which the President had never contemplated any
other. Not many days afterwards I was shown a copy
of a letter to the President, written by Mr. Chase, in
which he expressed his gratitude for the appointment,
which, he said, he desired more than any other. Thus
was the entente cordiale restored between these two em-
inent Americans, never again to be broken or interrupt-
ed. Among the sorrowing hearts around the dying bed
of the republic's greatest President, there was none more
affectionate than that of his chief justice and his first
Secretary of the Treasury.

XLIII.

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST WASHINGTON IN 1864.— THE BATTLE
OF MONOCACY.

THE demonstration against the city of "Washington by
a Confederate army under General Early in July, 1864,
was one of the important events of the war. It has
originated so many issues of fact that the search for its
true history has become obstructed by serious difficul-
ties. There were reasons at the time why the Federal
authorities did not wish to magnify the danger with
which it threatened the capital, and after the retreat
of his army General Early seems to have been in-
fluenced by motives acting in the same direction. Since
the close of the war, the event has caused an extended
discussion. On one side, the tendency has been to treat
the fights on the Monocacy and before "Washington as
lively skirmishes rather than real battles, while General
Early has persistently denied that the capture of "Wash-
ington formed any part of the plan of his campaign.

I was in the Treasury of the United States and had a
lively interest in the movements of General Early. I saw
as much as any civilian of the movements of our own forces.
I witnessed the fighting in front of Fort Stevens, and I
know whether the terror and consternation existed which
General Early supposes his so-called feint to have created.
I think I am able to give pertinent evidence upon sev-
eral issues which the Confederates have raised.

In June, 1864, all the available troops in the vicinity
of "Washington had been sent to General Grant, who
25

386 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

was pressing Richmond by the slow and sure processes
of a siege. A mixed collection of home-guards, conva-
lescents, and department employes, with a very small
number of veterans, was left in the defences of Wash-
ington and Baltimore, which was intended to hold them
until reinforced from the Army of the Potomac, in case
either city should be threatened by a Confederate army.
At Point Lookout, below the capital, on the Maryland
bank of the river, was a camp of about twenty thousand
rebel prisoners, all veterans made vigorous by rest and
Federal rations, who were much wanted by General
Lee to recruit his army.

The signal service between the Confederates within
the city of "Washington and their friends outside the
defences was perfect. Flags by day, lights and rock-
ets by night, kept General Lee fully advised of every-
thing important for him to know. He was as thor-
oughly informed of the defences of Washington, and
the number and effectiveness of the forces by which they
were garrisoned, as General Grant or any officer of the
Federal army. Grant having undertaken a regular siege
of Richmond which would occupy much time, General
Lee represented to President Davis "the great benefit
that might be drawn from the release of these (rebel)
prisoners," and his ability to "devote to this purpose
the whole of the Maryland troops." "I think I can
maintain our lines against General Grant," he had writ-
ten, " but I am at a loss where to find a proper leader."
" Of those connected with this army, I think Colonel
Bradley Johnson the most suitable." Colonel Johnson
was a native of Maryland, perfectly familiar with the
country between the lines of the Baltimore and Ohio,
and Northern railroads, with Point Lookout, and in fact
with the entire topography of Maryland.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 387

It was supposed at the time that General Lee, having
a full knowledge of the details of the situation, devised
from his point of view an effective campaign, and that
he determined to send a third of his army, under Gen-
eral Early, down the Shenandoah Yalley by forced
marches, across the Potomac, into Maryland. There a
division of cavalry, under Colonel Bradley T. Johnson,
would press on to Point Lookout and release the pris-
oners, guarded by a few colored soldiers, destroying the
Baltimore and Ohio and the Northern railroads on his
way. Early with his army would swoop down upon
and capture Washington before any troops from the
Army of the Potomac could reach it. He would clothe
and arm the prisoners from his captured plunder, and
with his army thus raised to over forty thousand veter-
ans inside the defences, he could compel Grant to raise
the siege of Richmond, and would be able to hold Wash-
ington against the whole Army of the Potomac.

We also supposed that this campaign only failed of
success by a narrow margin. It was thought that of
his three corps of infantry, General Lee sent the second,
or Stonewall Jackson's veterans, with forty field-guns,
a large body of cavalry, and Breckinridge's division of
infantry, in all not less than twenty-five thousand men,
under General Early, on the mission. That the latter,
moving down the valley without resistance or delay,
crossed the Potomac into Maryland, and on the Tth of
July was within forty-five miles of Washington ; that
up to this point all went well with the Confederate
army. We believed that Early then sent Bradley T.
Johnson, from his left wing, on the mission to Point
Lookout ; but the stubborn resistance of General Lew.
Wallace, and less than six thousand men at the Monoc-
acy River, cost General Early a loss of over two thou-

388 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

sand men, and, what was of infinitely greater consequence
to him, the loss of two days, the 8th and 9th of July,
after which, abandoning his wounded on the morning
of the 10th, he moved to Kockville, where he halted
within a few miles of the defences of Washington. But
instead of assaulting them on the morning of the llth,
he postponed the attack until daylight of the 12th,
when, finding the veterans of the Sixth Corps in the
trenches, he abandoned the campaign, recalled Johnson on
his way to Point Lookout, and lost no time in withdraw-
ing his invading army to the south side of the Potomac.
It was not until some years after the close of the
war that the Confederate leaders undertook to correct
what had been up to that time the general conclusion
of students of our war history. In 1877, General Long,
Early's chief of artillery, and later the biographer of
General Lee, published his account of Early's campaign,
from which we learn that the capture of Washington
and the release of the prisoners at Point Lookout were
not its objectives. " Its object was simply a diversion
in favor of General Lee's operations about Kichmond,"
and " General Early was too prudent and sagacious to
attempt an enterprise with a force of eight thousand
men which, if successful, would be of temporary bene-
fit." The account also informs us that, " after spread-
ing dismay for miles in every direction, . . . Early
proceeded to within cannon-shot of Washington, re-
mained in observation long enough to give his move-
ment full time to produce its greatest effect, and then
withdrew in the face of a large army and recrossed the
Potomac," thus ending " a campaign remarkable for
having accomplished more in proportion to the force
employed, and for having given less public satisfaction,
than any other campaign of the war."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 339

Sixteen years after the war, General Early made pub-
lic his "version of the facts" of this campaign. His
article of fifteen printed octavo pages does not once
mention the prisoners at Point Lookout, and is largely
devoted to an effort to show that his army was so very
small, and the Union force opposed to him so very large,
that, using his words, " an attempt to capture Washing-
ton at any time after my arrival was simply prepos-
terous. If I had been able to reach Washington sooner,
Grant would have sent troops to its rescue sooner, and
hence there was never any prospect of my capturing
that city. It was not General Lee's orders or expecta-
tion that I should take Washington. His order was
that I should threaten the city, and when I suggested
to him the probability of my being able to capture it,
he said that it would be impossible."

There are several other statements in General Early's
article which we shall hereafter compare with undis-
puted facts, and leave others to form their own conclu-
sions. Enough has been quoted from it to present the
principal issue. Was the real object of this campaign
the release of the Confederate prisoners and the capture
of Washington, or was it merely a scare, a diversion in
favor of General Lee, restricted both in plan and execu-
tion to a mere threat against the capital ?

The strongest witness against the General Early of
1881 is General Early in 1864.

On the 14th of July, only two days after his retreat
from the defences of Washington, General Early, at
Leesburg, made his first report to General Lee. It was
before any question had arisen, when all the facts were
fresh in his mind. In it, after giving his reasons for
retreating, he says: "He (Johnson) was on his way
to Point Lookout, when my determination to retire made

390 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

his recall necessary. . . . I am sorry I did not succeed
in capturing Washington and releasing our prisoners at
Point Lookout, but the latter was impracticable after I
determined to retire from Washington." After this
statement, it seems a waste of words for General Early
to deny that the capture of Washington and the release
of the prisoners were seriously intended, and that they
were the substantial objects of the campaign.

The importance of a battle is determined by its ulti-
mate consequences rather than its immediate results. If
that fought on the Monocacy did delay General Early,
so as to save the capital from his assault and probable
capture, it was one of the decisive battles of the world,
and, with the events which immediately followed it, de-
serves a more complete account than it has hitherto re-
ceived. In his " Personal Memoirs," referring to Early's
retreat, General Grant says : " There is no telling how
much this result was contributed to by General Lew.
Wallace's leading what might well be considered almost
a forlorn hope. If Early had been but one day earlier,
he might have entered the capital before the arrival of
the reinforcements I had sent. Whether the delay caused
by the battle amounted to a day or not, General Wal-
lace contributed on this occasion, by the defeat of the
troops under him, a greater benefit to the cause than
often falls to the lot of a commander of an equal force
to render by means of a victory."

It is singular that the numerical strength of General
Early's army has never been given. General Early must
know what it was. He argues at great length to show
that it was very small ; why does he not give the fig-
ures ? It was an army of veterans, trained by Stonewall
Jackson ; it was opposed by raw and undisciplined forces,
with the single exception of the Sixth Corps. In such a

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 391

case numbers are a secondary consideration. General
Geary joined Sherman in Tennessee leading a division
12,000 strong. On the " march to the sea" its numbers
were only 3300, and yet in General Geary's opinion the
effective strength of his division was never greater than
when it marched into the city of Savannah. As the Con-
federate leaders, in speaking of the strength of Early's
army, deal only in the most general statements, and we
are never to know from them what it was, we are com-
pelled to rely upon estimates and secondary evidence.
Where numbers are given on all occasions previous to
1864, the Second Corps was the largest of the three com-
prising the Army of Northern Virginia. With its high
reputation there is no reason for supposing that its
strength was relatively reduced. In addition to the Sec-
ond Corps, General Early had Breckinridge's division of
infantry, forty pieces of artillery, and a body of cavalry
large enough to serve the purposes of his army, after he
had detached Johnson with a force deemed sufficient to
release the prisoners at Point Lookout.

The information received from General Sigel by Gen-
eral Wallace was that Early was advancing with an
army of 30,000 men. After fighting him the whole day
of the 9th, in part for the purpose of developing his
force, General Wallace was of opinion that it numbered
over 18,000, exclusive of Breckinridge's infantry and
the entire force of artillery and cavalry. Medical In-
spector Johnson, who was within the Confederate lines
at Monocacy during the 9th and 10th of July, reported
that they estimated their strength at 25,000, exclusive
of a cavalry force of 5000 to 6000. Until the Confeder-
ate officers, who know, give the details of their own
forces, no injustice will be done by placing the strength
of this invading army at 25,000 men.

392 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

The Monocacy is a crooked river, which runs in a
southerly direction into the Potomac. About three miles
west of it is the city of Frederick, and three or four
miles farther west is a range of hills extending from the
Potomac in a northerly direction, called the Catoctin
Mountains. The Washington Pike crossed the river by
a wooden bridge, and the Baltimore Pike by what was
called the " stone bridge." The railroad crossed within
a quarter of a mile of the lower of these two bridges,
which were about two and a half miles from each other.

As soon as Wallace learned that a Confederate army
had entered Maryland, and that its cavalry was approach-
ing Frederick, he removed his little force so as to delay
the Confederate advance. He knew that every hour of
such delay was an hour gained for reinforcements to
reach Washington from the Army of the Potomac. Ac-
cordingly, on the 5th of July, he pushed his 2600 men
out of Baltimore by railroad to the east bank of the
Monocacy, hoping to hold the bridges against any at-
tack of cavalry.

On the 5th of July, General Grant had sent the Third
Division of the Sixth Corps, under General Kicketts, to
reinforce General Wallace at Baltimore. When this di-
vision reached the place of embarkation, on the James,
Quartermaster General Pitkin, as a favor to his friend
and fellow- Yermonter, Colonel Henry, of the Tenth Ver-
mont, gave his detachment, which also comprised the
One Hundred and Sixth New York, the fastest steamer,
a favor which also secured to the two regiments severe
service and hard fighting. The detachment reached Bal-
timore in advance of the rest of the division, and hurried
on board a train of freight cars, which arrived at Fred-
erick at daybreak on the morning of the 8th.

General Wallace informed Colonel Henry that the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 393

Confederate signal officers were watching from the Ca-
toctin hills, behind which Early was gathering his forces
for an advance, and that his object being delay, he de-
sired to make a show of as strong a force as possible.
Colonel Henry, therefore, advanced beyond Frederick to
the foot of the mountain, where he marched and counter-
marched from hill to hill, threw up mock breastworks,
withdrew his men under cover, and marched them to
other positions, showing his regiment in different places
until his men, who were not in the secret, thought he
must have become insane. About six o'clock General
Wallace was informed that a heavy body of infantry was
moving in a direction to obtain control of the Washing-
ton Pike and endanger his lines of retreat. He accord-
ingly withdrew from Frederick to the line of the Monoc-
acy Kiver. Before the Tenth Vermont could be withdrawn
the Confederate cavalry had possession of the pike be-
tween Frederick and the river, only three miles distant,
and Colonel Henry was compelled to make a long cir-
cuit until he reached the stone bridge, and then march
down the river to the wooden bridge, where he was or-
dered to report. This march of twelve miles in the
night so delayed him that it was daybreak before he
reached his position.

The second detachment of the Sixth Corps had, in the
meantime, arrived. The cowardly desertion of the rail-
road agent and the telegraph operator left the rest of
the division at Monrovia, eight miles away, where orders
could not reach them, and they were thus prevented from
participating in the battle.

At early dawn General Wallace made his dispositions
for battle. His right formed an extended line, two miles
long, from the railroad bridge to the stone bridge, and was
placed under the command of General Tyler. Colonel

394 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Brown, with his command of ten companies from the
One Hundred and Forty-ninth and One Hundred and
Fifty-ninth Ohio, and the company of mounted infantry
under Captain Lieb, was posted at the stone bridge,
with orders to hold it ; for upon the holding of that
bridge depended the security of the right flank and the
line of retreat to Baltimore. The remaining portions
of General Wallace's original force were posted along
the river above the railroad.

On the left, where the principal attack would proba-
bly be made, were placed the 3350 veterans under Gen-
eral Kicketts, in a line which reached from the railroad
to a point below the wooden bridge. The end of the
line was held by the Tenth Vermont, under Colonel
Henry, and next to it was its companion regiment on
many bloody fields, the One Hundred and Sixth New
York, under Colonel Seward. Colonel Clendenin's cav-
alry were still farther down the river to watch the
ford.

A line of skirmishers, seventy-five men of the Tenth
Vermont, under Captain Davis, and two hundred men of
the Potomac Home Brigade, under Captain Brown, ex-
tended in a semicircle on the west side of the river, be-
low the wooden to a point above the railroad bridge. It
should have been under the command of a lieutenant-
colonel, whose name is not mentioned by Vermonters,
because on that day he kept away from his command.
Captain Brown and his men were wholly inexperienced ;
he surrendered the command to Captain Davis, whose
men held the centre of the line where it crossed a hill,
from which the field on the left was in full view.

The battle opened early. At half-past eight a body
of Confederates came down the pike, directly upon the
Federal skirmish line. Captain Davis and his men

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 395

opened upon them as soon as they came within range,
and the enemy were handsomely repulsed.

The Confederates now brought up their artillery, and
firing and sharp skirmishing began all along the line.
About half-past ten the first charge of the enemy was
made. A body of Confederates moved around the left
flank of the Northern army, forded the river, and ad-
vanced up the eastern bank, appearing from the woods
in line of battle. General Eicketts was compelled to
change front to the left, with his right resting on the
river, thus bringing his line under an enfilading fire from
the enemy's artillery. Although he formed his whole
force into a single line, that of the enemy was so long
that it overlapped it. Every man on the left was thus
put into the fight, not one being held in reserve.

The enemy's first line was met with a heavy fire from
the Tenth Yermont and the One Hundred and Sixth
New York. Several times the line was broken, and
their colors fell. The efforts of the Confederates to
rally and re-form their line were ineffectual, and they
were compelled to retreat into the woods, defeated.
Within an hour the enemy advanced his second line,
stronger and more numerous than the first, and with
the steady step and firm bearing of veterans. But they
could not move the veterans of the Sixth Corps. Par-
tially protected by the Thomas house and the cut through
which the road passed, they poured a fire into the Con-
federate line which nothing human could withstand. For
a half-hour the line held its position until the ground
was covered with the fallen, and then again retreated.

General Wallace and his staff witnessed the battle
from a hill in the rear of the line opposite the railroad.
He knew that he was blocking the way of an army which
must push him aside at any cost, and that the next ad-

396 RECOLLECTION'S OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

vance would be in force large enough to be irresistible.
But he was there to stay, to obstruct the Confederate
advance as long as he possibly could, and the conduct of
Ricketts's veterans showed him that all that could be
done by three thousand men they would do. His order
to retire was not given.

There was now the hour or two of sharp skirmishing
and artillery fire which usually precedes a charge. Gen-
eral Gordon, with his entire division, had crossed at the
ford, and moved up the river, bringing with him the
shattered remains of the defeated brigades. About three
o'clock they again began to emerge from the woods.
First came a heavy line of skirmishers, followed by a
first, and shortly by a second, line of battle. For a full
hour the fight went on, over one of the bloodiest fields
of the war. The Confederate loss was by far the heav-
ier, for they were on the open field, while the Sixth Corps
veterans were in part protected. As the first and sec-
ond were successively repulsed after stoutly maintaining
the fierce contest, the third and heaviest Confederate
line came out of the woods down the hill behind which
they made their formation.

General Wallace saw that it was time to go. He gave
the order to retire on the Baltimore Pike, and the greater
portion of his left wing slowly obeyed the command.
But the Tenth Yermont and One Hundred and Sixth
New York, on the extreme left of the line, were shut off
from Wallace's view by an intervening hill, and the order
did not reach them. Several men were sent to them
with orders, but were all shot down by the fire which
swept the entire distance to be crossed. The regiments
were out of ammunition, except as they borrowed it from
the boxes of the fallen, and there was no ammunition
train from which they could be supplied. But they

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 397

stood their ground, fighting and checking the advance
of the enemy, until their fire slackened, and the advanc-
ing line had almost encircled them.

At last a mounted orderly dashed over the hill in their
rear, galloped within speaking distance of Colonel Henry,
and shouted, " General Wallace says, ' For God's sake,
bring your regiment out, if you can, to the Baltimore
Pike.' " It was a difficult order to obey. In their rear
was a high board fence, at the foot of a steep hill cov-
ered by a corn-field. On all the other sides were lines
of advancing Confederates. The Yermonters scale the
fence and ascend the hill, swept by screaming shells and
showers of bullets. Near the top the color-sergeant gives
out, and declares that he can go no farther. Strong arms
seize both sergeant and colors, and bear them onward.
The Confederates, yelling to the Vermonters to halt and
surrender, follow them half-way up the ascent, but they
cannot stand the pace, and give up the pursuit. Colonel
Henry re-forms the remnant of his regiment, safe for the
time, outside the line of fire. Their comrades of the
One Hundred and Sixth New York, placed in the line
on their right, pass around the hill through a tempest
of missiles hurled upon them from three sides, and those
who do not fall escape to the rear, where for the time
we leave them, and turn to the right of the Federal line.

When the order to retreat is given, the stone bridge
on the Baltimore Pike becomes all-important, for its loss
is the loss of Wallace's line of retreat. A large body of
Confederates are charging down the Pike from the west,
to hurl themselves against Colonel Brown and his ten
Ohio companies. General Tyler, without waiting for or-
ders, gathers up a few men along the river, and rushes
to Brown's support. The Confederates halt and recoil
before the hot and heavy fire. General Wallace gallops

398 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

up, and shouts to Colonel Brown, through the roar of
musketry, that the bridge " must be held until his last
regiment has cleared the country road by which the
army is retreating, and has passed down the Pike tow-
ards Newmarket and Baltimore." Brown and Tyler,
with their men, keep the bridge until five o'clock, when
the rear of the last retiring regiment is well on its way
down the Pike to Newmarket. By this time the Con-
federates have surrounded them. By the ordinary rules
of fighting, they are captured. But the men keep their
ranks, and, with Colonel Brown, fight their way through
the encircling line. Then Tyler and his staff dash into
the woods and escape.

The army has now all retreated, except the skirmish-
line on the west bank of the river. These skirmishers
have had a lively day. Their line of retreat was by the
wooden bridge, but this was burned about half -past ten,
and, before it was fired, such of Captain Brown's men
as were on the left crossed to the east bank. During
the long day of fighting, nearly all of Captain Brown's
command on the right of the line quietly passed over
the railroad bridge without waiting for orders, leaving
a few of their comrades with Captain Brown and Cap-
tain Davis, with his seventy -five Vermonters, to hold
the Pike and do the fighting. Captain Davis, in the
centre of his line, occupies the crest of a hill, from which
he sees all the fighting on Ricketts's left. During the
skirmish which precedes the last attack, he sends a sol-
dier to his lieutenant -colonel, who should be present for
orders. The soldier finds him far in the rear, and returns
with the inspiring message that that officer " supposed
Captain Davis got off before the bridge was burned."

Earlier in the day an incident has happened here which
had a share in the safety of the capital. When General

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 399

Ricketts changed front on the left, to meet the first Con-
federate charge, he opened a gap in the line of defence
opposite the railroad bridge. Wallace has no force which
he can send to fill it. About eleven o'clock General "Wal-
lace, from the hill on which he overlooks the field, dis-
covers a body of Confederates stealing down the river
under cover of the bushes towards the railroad bridge.
It is a very exciting time. He has no men to despatch
to the bridge — in a few minutes a stream of the enemy
will be pouring over the bridge through the gap, which
will cut his line in the middle, and inevitably cause his
defeat. The Confederates are perfectly concealed from
the skirmish-line, and are within a hundred yards of the
bridge. They are about to make the rush, when a vol-
ley of musketry seems to rise out of the ground, and is
poured into their very faces. Many of them fall, others
reel and hesitate ; another volley is fired into them ; they
turn and rush to the rear. Davis has had his eye on
the bridge, for he may have occasion to use it. He has
anticipated this movement, and sent a small detachment
from his little force to lie concealed in the bushes and
watch it. They have watched it to a purpose.

Late in the afternoon the position of Captain Davis
becomes (to use his own expression) "peculiar." He
has seen the colors of his own regiment borne up the
hill and over it to the rear, followed by the regiment
and a crowd of pursuing Confederates. As far as he can
see, the entire Federal line has retired. He was ordered
to hold the position where he was placed ; it is not the
custom of his men to change position without orders.
But the enemy is pouring down the railroad, and in a
few moments will sweep him into the river. No man of
his seventy-five will move without an order. The mo-
ment has come when he has no alternative. He gives

400 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the order, his men form, and march on the double-quick
to the railroad bridge, which has no floor, and across
which they step from tie to tie. The pursuing Confed-
erates press after with shouts of " Halt and surrender !"
They pour their volleys into the backs of the Yermont-
ers from a distance of fifty yards. The dead and wound-
ed fall into the water forty feet below, one of the latter
to survive the battle and the war. The Confederates over-
take, and actually seize and capture four or five of the
little company. The survivors reach the eastern bank
and rush into the bushes. But they keep together, and
follow the retreating army, leaving more than a third of
their number upon the bloody field. Davis, who is a
man of slight physique, has used up all his strength, and
is marched to the bivouac of his regiment, sound asleep,
between two stronger soldiers.

Twelve miles from the field all the detachments of
the army have come together. They wheel into a con-
venient field and encamp for the night. Wallace lies
down upon Henry's blanket, and before both fall asleep
finds time to tell him that he is " as cool and brave a
man as ever stood on a battle-field."

There were no prisoners in this battle except such as
were captured by the actual laying on of Confederate
hands. But "Wallace left fully one third of his entire
force on the field, and the thirty-three hundred and fifty
veterans lost sixteen hundred of their number. Early
reported a Confederate loss of only six or seven hundred.
But there is strong circumstantial evidence that it was
much heavier. In all the fighting the Union veterans
were protected by natural defences, while the attacking
Confederates had to advance for seven hundred yards
over the open field. More than four hundred, so se-
verely wounded that Early could not move, but left

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 401

them behind in Frederick, indicate a greater loss ; and
a Virginian, with whom Early made his headquarters
at Leesburgh, declared that the Confederate general told
him that his loss exceeded three thousand.

Perhaps no Southern leader could better judge of the
severity of a battle from personal experience than Gen-
eral Gordon. In his report, made within two weeks after
the battle, he said : " I desire to state a fact of which I
was an eye-witness, and which, for its rare occurrence
and the evidence it affords of the sanguinary character
of this struggle, I consider worthy of official mention.
One portion of the enemy's second (?) line extended along
a branch, from which he was driven, leaving many dead
and wounded in the water and upon the banks. This
position was in turn occupied by a portion of Evans's
brigade in the attack upon the enemy's third (?) line. So
profuse was the flow of blood from the killed and wound-
ed of both these forces that it reddened the stream for
more than one hundred yards below"

Although General Early had a heavy force of cavalry,
he made no attempt to pursue the retreating army of
General Wallace. His objective point was Washington.
The fighting had occupied the day. In his report from
Leesburgh, he wrote that he was " compelled to leave
about four hundred wounded men in Frederick because
they could not be transported." He had no lack of trans-
portation at this time, for he had captured horses and
wagons enough to supply his army. He left these four
hundred because they were too severely wounded to en-
dure transportation, and took with him such as could
bear the journey. There was no force now to obstruct
his march. The Washington Pike was open — a good
road through a country teeming with abundance. He
compelled the small city of Frederick, under threat of
26

402 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

the torch, to pay him two hundred thousand dollars in
good " Northern Federal money," and " brought off over
one thousand horses." " On the morning of the 10th
[we use General Early's words], I moved towards Wash-
ington, taking the route by Rockville, and then turning
to the left, to get on the Seventh Street Pike. The day
was very hot, and the roads exceedingly dusty, but we
marched thirty miles," which must have brought him,
on the night of Sunday, the 10th of July, within sight
of the defences of the capital. " On the morning of the
llth we continued the march, but the day was so exces-
sively hot, even at a very early hour in the morning, and
the dust so dense, that many of the men fell by the way,
and it became necessary to slacken our pace ; neverthe-
less, when we reached the right of the enemy's fortifica-
tions, the men were almost completely exhausted, and
not in condition to make the attack. Skirmishers were
thrown out, and moved up to the vicinity of the fortifi-
cations." Here we leave him saying, " I determined at
first to make an assault" — to observe that there were
good grounds for the general conclusion from his forced
marches, hot haste, and other indications, that General
Early was not engaged in a mere theatrical display, but
that he did seriously intend to attack Washington, and
that the men who barred his advance for forty -eight
hours performed a signal service, and earned the en-
during gratitude of their countrymen, although they
fought a losing battle on the Monocacy.

XLIY.

EARLY BEFORE WASHINGTON IN 1864.— BATTLE OF FOET
STEVENS.

DURING Saturday and Sunday, July 9th and 10th, the
Confederate sympathizers in Washington were anxiously
listening for the sound of Early's guns. They knew his
purpose, his strength, and the weakness of the city, of
which he was expected to take possession without much
resistance. The War Office certainly had all the infor-
mation that Wallace could give them. It was a part of
that information that about 25,000 veteran Confederate
soldiers had passed the Monocacy on the pike leading
to Washington, that they were marching rapidly in the
direction of, and on Saturday evening were within thirty-
five miles of, the capital. Of all this the loyal citizens
knew nothing. The week closed on Saturday without
their imagining that the city was in any danger, or that
any thought for their personal safety was necessary.
The story of Early's further movements will be given as
its Washington aspect was presented.

It is true that for some days the summer atmosphere
had been full of rumors of Confederate invasion. Every
few hours a newspaper " extra " was announced. One
had certain information that the Confederates had en-
tered Maryland in force — that Washington and Balti-
more were to be cut off from the North and captured —
that the capital would be attacked within twelve hours.
The next issue declared the rumor to be an idle scare,
and that the only Confederates north of the Potomac

404: RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

were a few cavalrymen on a raid. It was the general
opinion that the authorities would not expose the city
to any danger, and that any considerable portion of the
army of Northern Virginia would not be detached and
sent on an expedition northward without the knowledge
of General Grant. If he knew that such an expedition
had been undertaken, he could certainly have sent a force
to protect the capital against it. It was the third year of
the war. In 1861 such reports wTould have disturbed us.
Now, citizens had become in a measure rumor-proof,
and went about their business as coolly as if there had
not been a Confederate within a week's march of the
city.

I had closed my house, and my family were living with
me at Willard's for a few days before sending them to
New England to pass the season of oppressive heat.
On the morning of Monday, the llth of July, we were
taking a late breakfast. The morning papers had ac-
counts of a skirmish, two days before, on the Monocacy,
above Baltimore. They all agreed that it was only a
skirmish, with no very important consequences. But
the details appeared to indicate that several thousand
men had been engaged, and that General Wallace had
been severely handled.

Three army officers breakfasted with us ; two of them
were on their way to the front. They ridiculed the sug-
gestion that any considerable force had been detached
from Lee's army and sent northward without the knowl-
edge of General Grant. If he knew it, he had acted ac-
cordingly. The rebels had quite enough to do in the
vicinity of Richmond. Washington, they said, was in
no more danger than Boston. I was inclined to the
same opinion. So much had been said about the im-
portance of protecting Washington, so many veteran

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION". 4Q5

regiments had been detained there when they were
needed in the field, that it seemed impossible that the
city should now be exposed to danger.

The third officer was the brigadier in command of the
Invalid Corps, who had taken but little part in the con-
versation, and expressed no opinion. As we were about
to separate, he observed to me that he was going to visit
the outposts, that the morning was pleasant, and if I had
nothing better to do, perhaps I would like to join his
party. If so, he would have a horse ready for me at his
quarters on Fifteenth Street opposite the Treasury at
ten o'clock, at which hour he intended to start. I cor-
dially accepted his invitation, and reported at his quar-
ters at the appointed time.

The first part of this excursion was delightful.
Mounted on spirited animals, preceded by a small es-
cort of cavalry, we took the road towards Georgetown.
The air was fresh and cool, the roses and flowering
plants loaded the reviving breeze with their perfume,
and the birds were singing in the trees which shaded
the broad avenue, which was as quiet as I had ever seen
it on the Sabbath. Bright-eyed children at play, ladies
taking their morning walk, and all the other indications
of summer life in the city, suggested thoughts of rest-
ful peace, which for the moment divested the mind of
all remembrance of the miseries and anxieties of war.

We rode over the venerable pavements of George-
town to its outskirts, now ascending a slight hill, now
going down into a wooded valley, bathing our horses
feet in the clear brooks which we forded. We passed
through Tenallytown and out a short distance on the
road beyond. On the summit of the highest ridge there-
abouts we were halted by a picket-guard of a dozen
men. The necessary words and salutes passed, the offi-

406 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

cer in command appeared and entered into conversation
with our brigadier. To the latter's question whether
this was the last picket, the officer gave an affirmative
reply.

Sweeping the northern horizon, my eyes rested on the
broad cleared hillside across the valley. It appeared to
be the camp of an army. There were army- wagons,
pieces of artillery, caissons, unharnessed horses, tethered
near by, a few shelter tents, and all the paraphernalia
of a camp in which the men were at rest. I could not
clearly make out any of the flags. Very little calcula-
tion was necessary to show that the men numbered some
thousands.

" Whose corps is that, general ?" I asked, pointing in
the direction of the camp.

" "We think it is Early's, but do not certainly know.
It may be Breckinridge's," he answered.

"Great heavens!" I exclaimed. "Do you mean to
say that those are Confederates !"

" There is no possible doubt of that," he replied. " If
you doubt it, you can satisfy yourself by riding down to
their picket at the bottom of the valley. I am not sure
that you will be permitted to return. I am going to
show you another and a larger camp, if we can get with-
in sight of the Blair mansion at Silver Springs."

" Thanks," I said, " I am not at all curious. General,
I must ask you to excuse me for leaving you so uncere-
moniously. It has just occurred to me that I have a
most important engagement at Willard's at this hour.
I must keep it. I do not care to take a look at Silver
Springs. Yonder view satisfies me, fully."

" I thought it would," he observed. " I saw that you
did not comprehend the situation, and therefore invited
you to ride out here and judge for yourself. I would

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 4Q7

like to have you make the circuit on the north side of
the city. But that will take time, and I shall very prob-
ably find some of the roads obstructed. I can guess
your appointment at Willard's. This may yet be a good
day to send your family north — if they can get there ?
Yesterday would have been better."

" They would have gone three days ago if I had had
any suspicion of that," I said, indicating the Confederate
camp. " But tell me, what is your estimate of the Con-
federate force now before the city ?"

" For some reason the War Office does not care to
have that subject discussed. At daylight this morning
I had reports from three independent sources. They
agree substantially that Early has Ewell's old corps
entire, and a part of another, numbering over 20,000
infantry, and forty guns, with about 6000 cavalry.
The infantry and guns were counted by a scout before
they left Maryland Heights. "Wallace developed their
force at Monocacy. He estimated it at over 20,000, be-
sides the cavalry. One squadron under Bradley T. John-
son has gone around Baltimore to strike the railroads
on the north. McCausland's and Rosser's cavalry are
roaming over the country between this city and Baltimore.
They can take the railroad any time they choose."

" Then the city is in great danger!" I said. "What
good can come of concealing it ?"

" There is but one way that it can be saved," he re-
sponded. " Grant must have sent men by steamer. The
only question is whether they will arrive in time. I
supposed Early would have attacked this morning. He
is at Silver Springs now. We think he must have had
a hard battle with Wallace day before yesterday, and is
giving his men a rest. He will certainly attack to-night
or to-morrow morning."

408 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

It was time for me to leave ; I stood not on the order
of my going. I did not draw rein until I reached the
Treasury, whence I returned the tired horse to its quar-
ters by a messenger.

The report at the close of business on Saturday lay on
my office table. A glance at it showed me that every
note and bond in the office had been sent to its destina-
tion by the mail of Saturday evening. I closed the door
of my room again and started to leave the building. On
my way out I called at the treasurer's office, which a
man was just entering with a package of empty canvas
mail-sacks. I found General Spinner, the treasurer, Mr.
Tuttle, his cashier, and three or four of his principal
clerks, engaged in filling mail sacks with Treasury notes
and other securities. All were working with great ear-
nestness and expedition.

"You are busy, general!" I observed. "I have just
seen what convinces me that you are not wasting your
time, that you are engaged in a work of necessity."

" I have not time to be angry !" he exclaimed. " Did
the authorities give you any notice of our danger?"

"None whatever," I answered. "I have only this
moment discovered it for myself."

" Nor did they to me. I have a small steamboat — no
matter where. I can take any bonds or money you may
have. I think it better to move in light-marching or-
der, and to carry nothing but money or securities — if
we decide to move !"

" Thank you, I have nothing of that description. I
shall try and move my household by rail. I shall stay
myself, and take whatever comes."

At the hotel our effects were literally dumped into our
trunks by my direction, and my family prepared for in-
stant movement. At the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 4Q9

station, I learned that a train, just arrived, reported the
road uninterrupted. Another train would leave for
Philadelphia within an hour. "Within less than two
hours from my first view of the Confederate force we
were all, together with two friends to whom I oifered
the opportunity, speeding northward at the rate of forty
miles an hour. At Baltimore I left the rest of the party,
having first written a despatch in cipher, which they
were to send me if they reached Philadelphia. In due
time I received it at the Fountain Hotel and knew they
were out of harm's way.

This was the last train that passed over the railroad
northward until the burned bridges were rebuilt after
Early's retreat. The next train that left Washington
was looted by Harry Gilmor's detachment of Johnson's
cavalry. He had been a conductor on the railroad, and
knew where to strike it. Upon this train were General
Franklin, General D. W. C. Clarke, Executive Secretary
of the Senate, with his family, and other prominent per-
sons. Their trunks were rifled, and everything of value
taken or destroyed. General Franklin adroitly escaped
from the Confederates the same day of his capture.

During that evening I learned more about the fight
on the Monocacy. There were wounded men at the
station, and among them I found some Vermonters.
They said that their regiment (the Tenth Vermont) had
had some heavy fighting — had been compelled to re-
treat by sheer force of numbers, and was then at the
Relay House, on the road to "Washington. They could
form no idea of the enemy's force except that it was
very large, and as they were not pursued and the princi-
pal fight was in defence of the pike to Washington, they
inferred that the Confederates were on the road to that
city.

410 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

I called upon some acquaintances and spent the even-
ing in walking about the city. I saw no evidences of
" dismay or consternation." No one was fleeing north-
ward. The train on which my family went received no
rush of passengers, as would have been quite natural.
But I did see many evidences of preparation and stern
determination to fight and defend the city. The street
windows of stores and dwellings were barred and being
made secure. It was reported that General "Wallace had
returned to the city, that he was organizing and arm-
ing the volunteers for its defence, Who were presenting
themselves in great numbers.

Towards midnight I went to the Fountain Hotel, but
not to sleep. The danger to the capital of the nation
was too imminent ; and at dawn I arose, went to the
crowded station, and took the first train for "Washing-
ton. I was the only passenger. At the way stations
and road crossings the mounted Confederates were
numerous, but as we were running into the city, which
they regarded as already virtually in their hands, we
were not molested.

At the depot in "Washington a surprise awaited me.
From the direction of the intersection of Pennsylvania
Avenue and Seventh Street came the sound of enthu-
siastic cheering. I should not have been more surprised
by an outburst of cheers from a funeral procession.

"What does this cheering mean?" I asked of the first
colored cab driver I encountered.

" I reckon it's Gen'l Sedgwick's ole army, massa !" he
replied. " Dey'se goin' out to hab a little talk with
Gen'l Early dis mo'nin'. I reckon Gen'l Early can't
wait for 'em. He's done gone souf, I reckon."

I made my way to Seventh Street and partially
through the crowd. There was no mistake. Those

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

sturdy veterans were marching with furled banners, to
the beat of a single drum at the head of each regiment.
Standing on the top of my carriage, I not only recog-
nized the cross of the Sixth Corps, but also the faces of
a lot of Vermonters. It was gratifying to see the citi-
zens rushing into the ranks, as they rested on their arms,
with baskets of eatables, buckets of water, and a hearty
welcome to their deliverers. A Yermonter assured me
that a large portion of the Sixth Corps was already at the
front, and a part of the Nineteenth Corps, just returned
from New Orleans, was to follow them. They marched
with swinging stride out on Seventh Street, and with a
lighter heart I made my way to the Treasury.

The arrival of the Sixth Corps removed our anxiety
for the safety of the capital. Even the Confederates
regarded these redoubtable veterans as invincible. Still,
I hoped that Early would not retire without a battle,
which, if possible, I intended to see. Directing the clerks
in my office to make everything snug, I gave them the
rest of the day for a vacation, and ordered my horses
and light wagon to be at the Treasury promptly at one
o'clock. I sent to Secretary Stanton for a pass to the
front, which he accorded me, with, however, an earnest
warning not to use it, as a heavy battle now seemed
imminent on the north side of the city.

As I hope to give not only the first, but an accurate
account of the battle of Fort Stevens, a sketch of the
topography of the locality seems necessary. The ex-
tensions of Seventh Street and Fourteenth Street united
in a single highway about three miles north of the city
limits, which, after crossing two ranges of hills, extended
still northward, passing the residence of the elder Blair
at Silver Springs. On the crest of the first of these
ranges, about one hundred yards west of the road, was

412 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Fort Stevens, with Fort Reno about the same distance
east of the highway. There were other forts in close
proximity. Beyond these forts the road descended into
a valley, where, about a third of a mile from the forts,
were farm-houses with their outbuildings, around which
the land was under cultivation. Passing these, the road
ascended the opposite slope for a half-mile or more, and
then crossed the second range of hills. This slope for
about a mile on either side of the highway had been
cleared, but was now covered with a thick growth of
bushes. Farther on the right and left of the road the
hillside and valley were broken by wooded ravines. The
two forts had just been connected by a trench, the earth
from which had been thrown up on the outside into a
breastwork, which crossed and effectually obstructed the
highway.

I invited Edward Jordan, Solicitor of the Treasury,
and H. C. Fahnestock, of the banking-house of Jay Cooke
& Co., to drive out to the front with me. The road
was crowded with soldiers. They had passed scores
of rum-shops, but not a man was intoxicated, and they
made way for us to pass, with some good-natured badi-
nage about " home-guards," and going into battle with
a " pair of horses and a Concord wagon." On the last
rise to the forts, the road was unobstructed, and the
horses carried our light wagon up to the trench at a
lively pace. The trench was well filled with men of the
Sixth Corps, most of them lying down and taking mat-
ters very coolly. A tall, angular captain came out as
we approached, slowly walked around and surveyed
my team, then placing one foot on the hub of the
fore wheel of the wagon, in the broadest Yankee dialect
observed,

" Got a good pair of hosses there, judge. Them's

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 413

Morgan bosses. You don't often see 'era gray. They
are most always bay."

" I do think they are a pretty good team," I said,
pleased with his commendation.

" Naow, I wouldn't wonder if them hosses might be
wuth a couple of hundred apiece — that is, if they was
sound and kind, and hadn't no tricks about 'em."

" They cost more than that — I consider them worth
three or four times the sum you name," I said.

" No ? Yew don't say so !" he exclaimed. " "Wall ! I
don't know but they be. Hosses — that is, good hosses —
well-matched and good steppers, is hard to git." He
seemed to be pondering the subject, again walked around
them, looked them over, and continued with the same
deliberation :

"Judge, if I owned a good pair of gray Morgan
hosses, sound and kind and good steppers, wuth, say,
twelve or fifteen hundred dollars, I wouldn't let 'em
stand right there, not very long ! Because a hoss was
shot plumb dead right there not a half-hour ago."

To turn the team around and move from that exposed
elevation was the work of a moment. I had not the
slightest idea that we were under fire. The captain
had been so entertaining that I had not looked over the
earthwork. Now, looking down into the valley, though
not a rebel was visible, I saw from the bushes and behind
the logs frequent little jets of white smoke spurt out in
a vicious manner ; and in spite of the opposing wind I
could now hear the crack of rifles, and the buzzing
sound over our heads, dying away in the distance, I
knew was the ping of minie bullets. The captain fol-
lowed us. He called a colored man out of the ditch,
told him to take my team to a place he indicated, and
look after them until I returned, and he, possibly, might

414 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

earn a quarter. Upon my expressing some surprise, he
said:

" Oh, I know them hosses, judge. You bought 'em
of William Drew, at the Burlington Fair ! And I know
you too, judge. I've heerd you in the old Court House
in Middlebury, lots of times. Don't you remember the
* Cornwall Finish ' Merino Case ? I was on that jury.
I am - — , of Starksboro'. That darkey is all right.
He has froze to me. He'll take good care of the team."

" But you may be called into action !" I said.

" No such luck as that !" he replied. " Early is pull-
ing foot for Virginia. These fellows are his rear guard.
He didn't count on meeting the Old Sixth. He found
we had come, and soon after he left. I wish Wright
would let us go in. We'd get a sight of his coat-tails,
if we didn't overhaul him."

I recognized the captain as an Addison County farmer.
My friends left me here, and it was hours before I saw
them again. The darkey drove my wagon into a ravine
in the rear of a building used as a hospital, and I re-
turned to the ditch. I was crawling up to look over the
earthwork, when the captain called me down. " That
won't do !" he said. " There's too much lead up there !
You'd better watch the boys, and do as they do."

He took me to a place where a large stick of square
timber lay on top of the earth- work, raised a little above
it, thus leaving a space through which the whole region
beyond was visible. " You'll be safe there, if you don't
forget and raise your head too high," he said ; then left
me and returned to his company.

I lay there and watched the movements of the Con-
federates for half an hour. They were all under cover,
and nothing could be seen of them but the smoke from
their guns. In the early morning, when they had in-

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 415

tended to storm the forts, they had occupied the oppo-
site hill, and had filled the clusters of buildings of which
I have spoken. There had been a sharp-shooter behind
every stump and log and boulder, up to within a hun-
dred yards of our lines. From all these places they
were firing at every man exposed on our side. The
captain said that before the Sixth Corps came their fire
had been effective, and the loss on our side heavy.

I was interested in watching our own men. Only a
few of them were firing, and after each shot they
dropped back into the ditch to reload their rifles. One
of them had a target-rifle which would weigh thirty
pounds, and a field-glass. How he contrived to bring
such a piece of heavy artillery into action, I do not know.
He was as deliberate as if firing at a mark. After one
discharge he continued looking through his glass for a
long time. He then dropped back into the ditch and
quietly remarked, " I winged him that time !" He pointed
to a fallen tree, behind which, he said, a particularly
dexterous sharp-shooter had been firing all the morning,
killing two men and wounding others. He had borrowed
the target-rifle to stop him, and thought he had done it,
" for he didn't show up any more !"

Leaving the ditch, my pass carried me into the fort,
where, to my surprise, I found the President, Secretary
Stanton, and other civilians. A young colonel of artil-
lery, who appeared to be the officer of the day, was in
great distress because the President would expose him-
self, and paid little attention to his warnings. He was
satisfied the Confederates had recognized him, for they
were firing at him very hotly, and a soldier near him
had just fallen with a broken thigh. He asked my ad-
vice, for he said the President was in great danger.

"What would you do with me under like circum-
stances ?" I asked.

416 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

" I would civilly ask you to take a position where you
were not exposed."

" And if I refused to obey ?"

" I would send a sergeant and a file of men, and make
you obey."

" Then treat the President just as you would me or
any civilian."

" I dare not. He is my superior officer ; I have taken
an oath to obey his orders."

"He has given you no orders. Follow my advice,
and you will not regret it."

" I will," he said. " I may as well die for one thing
as another. If he were shot, I should hold myself re-
sponsible."

He walked to where the President was looking over
the parapet. " Mr. President," he said, " you are stand-
ing within range of five hundred rebel rifles. Please
come down to a safer place. If you do not, it will be
my duty to call a file of men, and make you."

" And you would do quite right, my boy !" said the
President, coming down at once. " You are in command
of this fort. I should be the last man to set an example
of disobedience !"

He was shown to a place where the view was less
extended, but where there was almost no exposure.

It was three o'clock. General D. D. Bidwell's brig-
ade of five veteran regiments now marched through Fort
Stevens out upon the open space in front, where they
were extended into two lines, threw out skirmishers, and
then all lay flat upon the ground. The Confederate fire
was so hot that in the little time required for this ma-
noeuvre one third of the men of this brigade were
killed or wounded. I had supposed that a battle-
field was filled with the shrieks and groans of the

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 417

wounded and the dying. There was nothing of the
kind, scarcely a spasmodic action, and in the majority
of cases those who had been struck by the enemy's
balls seemed rather to be lying quietly down. These
veterans, under this heavy fire, went about their work
as coolly as though on parade.

There was a flag raised, and thirty guns from four
forts opened fire at the same instant. Six guns from
Fort Stevens simultaneously hurled their shells against
the clusters of buildings in the valley. "We heard the
shells strike, and saw them explode, throwing up a mass
of dust and lime. A body of Sixth Corps men came out
from the rear of the fort and poured their fire at short
range into the crowd of rebels that rushed from the
buildings like bees from a hive, across the open space
to the bushes. In less time than is required to write
the fact, there was a winrow of fallen men heaped en-
tirely across this space. Now thick and fast the shells
dropped into the bushes on the hillside. Hurrying
crowds of Confederates rushed from either side into
the highway and packed it full. Into these living
masses the artillerymen now directed their galling fire.
They had just returned into a fort which they had pre-
viously garrisoned for a year, and knew the range of
every tree and object. One could follow the course of
the shells by their burning fuses. They rose in long,
graceful curves, screaming like demons of the pit, then
descending with like curves into the crowds of running
men, they appeared to explode as they touched the
ground. The men swayed outward with the explosion,
but many fell, and did not rise again. After the retreat
of the last Confederates, the bodies lay so near each
other that they almost touched. It was beautiful artil-
lery work, but its results were horrible.
27

418 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

The shelling ceased. Instantly, the brigade lying
on the ground was up and away. Over fences and
other obstructions, dashing through the bushes, here
and there halting a moment to re-form their broken
lines, they went over the hillside, clearing away every
Confederate, until they reached the summit of the ridge,
where were buildings in which many of the enemy were
captured. They then halted and formed in line of bat-
tle at right angles to the highway.

Every Confederate not captured, killed, or wounded,
had now retreated over the hill, out of our view. I sup-
posed the battle was over, when one of the officers stand-
ing near me exclaimed, "There they come!" and a
squadron of cavalry, appearing over the crest of the hill,
charged upon what seemed to be our doomed line of
battle. They were dashing onward to the sound of the
famous rebel yell. It looked as though that rushing
mass of men and horses would brush away that thinned
line of men like the dew. But now the jets of smoke
darted from them in rapid succession, and riderless horses
dashed out from the cavalry. Slower and slower still
became its advance, more frequent were the jets of smoke
from the line of infantry, until the horsemen came to
an actual halt, seemed to quiver for a moment, then
wheeled and disappeared over the hill to be seen no
more. Again had a charge of cavalry been resisted and
defeated by infantry in line of battle, and the last armed
rebel who was ever to look upon the figure of liberty
on the dome of the Capitol had disappeared forever.

The fighting was over, but the experiences of the day
were not yet ended. I went back to my horses, found
them well cared for, and then went on to the field of bat-
tle. Men with stretchers were already carrying off the
wounded and collecting the dead. A few yards beyond

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 419

our works I met two men. One, tall and powerful,
was leaning heavily upon the other, a boy who was car-
rying the guns of both. The former asked me if I knew
where the field-hospital was? After directing him to
it I inquired where he was hurt. He replied by open-
ing his shirt and exposing the path of a minie-bullet
directly through his chest. I took his name, and after-
wards traced him, found that he recovered, and was,
when last heard from, a healthy man. His surgeon
said that the wound was received during the exhalation
of the air from his lungs. Had the ball entered the
lungs during inhalation, the wound must have been fatal.

The buildings in the valley, which had been fired by
the shells, burned very slowly, and were only now fully
aflame. On all the floors, on the roofs, in the yards,
within reach of the heat, were many bodies of the dead
or dying, who could not move, and had been left behind
by their comrades. The odor of burning flesh filled the
air ; it was a sickening spectacle !

Near a large fallen tree lay one in the uniform of an
officer. His sword was by his side, but his hand grasped
a rifle. What could have sent an officer here to act as
a sharp-shooter ? I placed my hand on his chest to de-
tect any sign of life. It encountered a metallic sub-
stance. I opened his clothing, and took from beneath
it a shield of boiler-iron, moulded to fit the anterior por-
tion of his body, and fastened at the back by straps and
buckles. Trusting to this protection, he had gone out
that morning gunning for Yankees. In the language of
a quaint epitaph in Vernon, Vt., upon one who died from
vaccination,

" The means employed his life to save,
Hurried him headlong to the grave I"

Directly over his heart, through the shield and through

420 RECOLLECTIONS OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN

his body, was a hole large enough to permit the escape
of a score of human lives.

I had not forgotten the sharp-shooter "winged" by
the target-rifle. There, behind the log, he lay, on his
back, his open eyes gazing upwards, with a peaceful ex-
pression on his rugged face. In the middle of his fore-
head was the small wound which had ended his career.
A single crimson line led from it, along his face, to where
the blood dropped upon the ground. A minie-rifle, dis-
charged, was grasped in his right hand ; a box, with a
single remaining cartridge, was fast to his side. The
rifle and cartridge-box were of English make, and the
only things about him which did not indicate extreme
destitution. His feet, wrapped in rags, had coarse shoes
upon them, so worn and full of holes that they were only
held together by many pieces of thick twine. Ragged
trousers, a jacket, and a shirt of what used to be called
" tow-cloth," a straw hat, which had lost a large portion
of both crown and rim, completed his attire. His hair
was a mat of dust and grime ; his face and body were
thickly coated with dust and dirt, which gave him the
color of the red Virginia clay.

A haversack hung from his shoulder. Its contents
were a jack-knife, a plug of twisted tobacco, a tin cup,
and about two quarts of coarsely cracked corn, with,
perhaps, an ounce of salt, tied in a rag. My notes, made
the next day, say that this corn had been ground upon
the cob, making the provender which the Western farmer
feeds to his cattle. This was a complete inventory of the
belongings of one Confederate soldier.

How long he had been defending Richmond I do not
know. But it was apparent that he, with Early 's army,
during the past six weeks had entered the valley at
Staunton, and had marched more than three hundred

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 421

miles, ready to fight every day, until now, when in the
front, he was acting as a sharp-shooter before Washing-
ton. He was evidently from the poorest class of South-
ern whites. I detached his haversack and its contents
from his body and carried them away.

I noticed many of the Confederate dead who were
clothed in blue, and had it not been for the hats, which
were of many shapes and sizes, they would have closely
resembled our own men. Where the brigade had formed
which afterwards charged the Confederates and drove
them over the hill, there were many Federal dead. It
was subsequently reported that our loss here exceeded
two hundred and fifty. The time could not have been
longer than ten minutes before they were all lying flat
on the ground.

It was after nightfall when we started to return to
the city. The soldiers on their way to the front, having
been notified that the fight was ended, had bivouacked
in the fields, and left the road clear, so that we made
rapid progress. On our left, a single heavy gun from a
fort at intervals sent a shell, with a screaming rush, in
the direction of the retreating Confederates, like some
wild animal growling his anger at the escape of his
prey. It was the last gun of the attack upon "Washing-
ton. We carried the news of the retreat of the Confed-
erates to the city, and that night its inhabitants slept
soundly, free from alarm or anxiety.

In order to show the disparity between his own and
the Union forces on the 12th of July, General Early has
made a singular combination of figures. It is said that
figures never lie, but sometimes they come closer to a
false impression than the Confederate general did to the
capture of Washington. Although such was not the
fact, let it be assumed, as he claims, that within the cir-

422 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

cle of the defences of the capital there were about 20,000
men — quartermasters ; laborers, who had never had a
gun in their hands; district militia, of doubtful alle-
giance ; department clerks, and soldiers only half cured
of their wounds. No one then familiar with the state
of affairs in Washiagton will doubt that the condition
and forces of the defences were accurately known to
General Lee. It was upon that knowledge that Early's
campaign was projected and executed; that he came
before the city ; that he had disposed his forces ; that
he had ordered the assault at dawn on Tuesday morn-
ing. We must believe this, for General Early so wrote
down the facts only two days afterwards. Of what
avail, then, to take the census of males in the city?
General Early intended to strike the capital before
Grant could reinforce it, and to that end he had made
a march of almost incredible swiftness and severity.
When he ordered the assault, he believed he had reached
Washington with its situation unchanged, and so had
accomplished his object. Such facts cannot be refuted.
They establish the ultimate fact by circumstantial proof,
which is declared by the common law to be more satis-
factory than the positive evidence of witnesses, who may
be mistaken, while circumstances are always consistent
with each other. It must therefore be accepted as a fact
of history that the capture of Washington and the re-
lease of the Confederate prisoners at Point Lookout were
the objectives of Early's campaign.

Nor is the exact hour of his arrival before Washington
any more important. At Frederick he was only thirty-
five miles from the capital. In his report of July 14th
he says, " On the morning of the 10th, I moved towards
Washington, taking the route via Rockville, and then
turning to the left to get on the Seventh Street Pike.

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 423

The day was very hot, and the roads exceedingly dusty,
but we marched thirty miles." He passed the night of
the 10th within five miles of Washington. Presump-
tively, he could have attacked next morning, when a
considerable portion of his force was at Silver Spring
and above Georgetown, within two miles of the defences.
His own statement of the positions of his force on the
llth is very indefinite. The first detachment of the Sixth
Corps did not reach the defences until after four in the
afternoon. Had he made the attack on the morning of
the llth, he would have found the city in the condition
supposed by General Lee when the campaign was pro-
jected. The Confederate army would have met with
no resistance except from raw and undisciplined forces,
which, in the opinion of General Grant, and it was sup-
posed of General Lee also, would have been altogether
inadequate to its defence. Its capture and possession for
a day would have been disastrous to the cause of the
Union. Early would have seized the money in the
Treasury, the archives of the departments, the immense
supplies of clothing, arms, and ammunition in store ; he
would have compelled General Grant to raise the siege
of Richmond ; he would have destroyed uncounted mill-
ions in value of property, and he would have had the
same opportunity to retreat of which he availed himself
next day.

But with his veterans behind the defences, he would
have had no occasion to retreat. The released prisoners
at Point Lookout in two days would have added 20,000
to the strength of his army. The Confederates of Mary-
land would have swarmed to his assistance, and he could
certainly have held the capital long enough to give Great
Britain the excuse she so much desired, to recognize the
Confederacy and break the blockade. After the danger

424 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

had passed, when its magnitude became apparent, there
was but one opinion among the friends of the Union.
It was that we had escaped a loss of prestige and prop-
erty, compared with which previous disasters would have
been trifling, and probably a blow fatally destructive to
the Union cause.

And there is another record which will be held in
honor so long as and wherever courage is held to be a
virtue among men. It is the page which is filled with
the story of Monocacy, where the streams ran blood, in-
experienced men fought like veterans, and veterans like
the legionaries of Caesar. When the children of the re-
public are asked what it was that brought Early 's cam-
paign to naught and saved the capital, let them be taught
to answer, " General Wallace and his command at the
battle of Monocacy, and the arrival of the Sixth Corps
within the defences of the capital."

As promised, I proceed to compare other statements
of General Early with facts which no one has ever ques-
tioned. Possibly they may have a bearing upon the
credibility of other statements of his which are contro-
verted. In his report of July 14th, after stating that he
had " moved his force up to the vicinity of the fortifica-
tions" (of the capital), he says : " Late in the afternoon
of the 12th, the enemy advanced in line of battle against
my skirmishers (of Rode's division), and the latter being
reinforced, repulsed the enemy three times"

No other account of the proceedings of that day makes
any mention of any repulse of Federal troops, nor of any
advance by them " in line of battle." In his article pub-
lished long after the war, General Early referred to this
advance as an affair which occurred late in the after-
noon of the 12th, between some troops sent out from the
works and " a portion of the troops in my front line."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 425

General Long has omitted all mention of such an event.
The account which I have given of the fighting before
the works on that afternoon could be confirmed by two
thousand witnesses. The only line of battle that after-
noon was formed by Bidwell's brigade, after they had
charged over the valley and up to the crest of the hill,
opposite the fort, and driven every Confederate over the
hill and out of sight of "Washington. And this brigade
was not repulsed ; on the contrary, it went up the hill at
a speed scarcely outstripped by the pursued Confederates.
On the top of the hill these veterans did form in line of
battle, and were charged upon by the Confederate cavalry.
But it was the cavalry, and not the Union force, which
was repulsed and retreated. If the subject were open to
argument, it might be asked for what possible purpose
a force, attacked when it was behind breastworks, went
out to form a line of battle in front of them ! No, this
is a statement that cannot possibly be true.

General Early frankly confesses that some of his men
who were captured before Washington " did some very
tall talking about my (his) strength and purposes." He
says that he himself told a "sympathizer" that he
" would not mind so small a force as 20,000 in the earth-
works of Washington." Such observations are so very
difficult to explain, that we may leave them with the
comment that they do not increase our confidence in the
evidence of the witness who made them.

Both General Early and General Long have asserted
frequently, and with great apparent satisfaction, that the
Confederate advance " threw the authorities, civil and
military, at the Federal capital, as well as the whole pop-
ulation of Washington, into a wild state of alarm and
consternation." Similar statements have been so fre-
quently made that they have been countenanced by some

426 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

Union writers since the war, who have no personal knowl-
edge on the subject. General Early even claims that the
universal " wild dismay " so upset the Northern judg-
ment as to disqualify it from forming any reliable con-
clusions, and that it led to the most exaggerated esti-
mates of the Confederate forces.

These statements are destitute of the least shadow of
foundation, for a reason which is conclusive. The Union
men in "Washington had not the slightest knowledge of
the existence of the danger. No confidence was placed
in the press, which as often contradicted as it asserted the
fact of Early's advance, and all its statements were upon
rumor. It may be assumed that those who had the cus-
tody of the money and securities would have been in-
formed as early as others, but until the Sixth Corps was
in sight of the capital on Monday, neither the treasurer
nor the register had any knowledge on the subject. Had
I supposed there was even danger of possible delay on
the railroads, I should have sent away my family, who
were staying with me at a hotel. When they finally
left the city on Monday, I offered to a party of acquaint-
ances the opportunity of going by the same train, and
told them what I had seen above Georgetown. But they
were so confident that only cavalry raiders were around
the city that they declined, and consequently Major Gil-
mor relieved them of their luggage at the Gunpowder
River the next morning.

There was indignation in "Washington when the facts
were known, but there was no scare and no fear. And
the indignation was directed against our own authori-
ties, and not against the Confederates, the former being
charged with the defence of the city. It was claimed
that they should not have permitted its exposure to any
danger. Even now, when we learn from the Memoirs

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 427

of General Lee that, within four hours after the de-
spatch of the Sixth Corps by General Grant to the de-
fence of Washington, a courier was on his way from
General Lee to General Early with a letter giving its
numbers and destination, we may consider it somewhat
remarkable that one third of Lee's army could have been
detached on the 13th of June, and marched over two
hundred miles into Maryland, and no knowledge of the
movement have reached Grant until the 5th of July,
when he sent the first reinforcement of a part of the
Sixth Corps to Baltimore.

The effect produced by the mere presence of this corps
was a grand tribute to the reputation of its soldiers. No
one asked what its numbers were. They had come, and
the capital was saved. The friends of the Union at once
assumed that the city must have been in danger, or Gen-
eral Grant would not have sent the Sixth Corps to its
defence. The inhabitants resumed their ordinary avoca-
tions : one went to his field, another to his merchandise,
with perfect confidence that the Sixth Corps would take
care of Washington ; and from his instant and precipitate
retreat the belief was universal that General Early was
of the same opinion.

XLV.

THE JUDGMENT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.— HIS COOLNESS IN
TIMES OF EXCITEMENT. — HIS FAITH THAT THE UNION
CAUSE WOULD BE PROTECTED AGAINST SERIOUS DISAS-
TER—FOUR OF HIS LETTERS NOW FIRST PUBLISHED.

THOSE who were with the President upon the three
occasions when the capital was supposed to be in danger
of capture know that in neither of them did he exhibit
any evidence of excitement or apprehension. The loss
of the capital he regarded as a disaster that would prob-
ably be fatal, because it would give Great Britain a pre-
text for intervening in our affairs, of which she would
certainly avail herself. For that reason he did not be-
lieve it would happen. He made no parade of his faith,
but upon proper occasions he spoke of our ultimate suc-
cess as one of the designs of the Almighty, and that he
would protect the country against any disaster from
which it could not recover. He kept General McClellan
in command in the campaign which ended at Antietam,
because, as he said, he clearly saw that that was the
surest way to insure the defeat of General Lee. The
despatch which first announced the victory at Gettys-
burgh did not produce in him the slightest emotion. He
read it, passed it to a civil officer, and directed him to read
it to those who stood around him, with the quiet observa-
tion, " It is no more than I expected." The following
letters will show the state of his mind during Early's
invasion, and I submit them without further comment.

On the 10th of July, at 9.20 A.M., after he had received

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 429

General Wallace's telegraphic report, which stated his
defeat, and his losses much heavier than they proved
afterwards to be, for he then supposed that the Tenth
Vermont and the One Hundred and Sixth New York
were captured, the President wrote to ex-Governor
Swann, at Baltimore, as follows :

"Yours of last night is received. I have not a single soldier who
is not disposed of by the military for the best protection of all. By
latest accounts the enemy is moving on Washington. They cannot
fly to either place. Let us be vigilant, but keep cool. I hope neither
Baltimore nor Washington will be sacked. A. LINCOLN."

At two o'clock P.M. on the same 10th of July he wrote
to General Grant, at City Point, as follows :

" Your despatch to General Halleck, referring to what I may think
in the present emergency, is shown me. General Halleck says we
have absolutely no force here fit to go to the field. He thinks that
with the hundred-day men and invalids we have here we can defend
Washington, and scarcely Baltimore. Besides these, there are about

eight thousand, not very reliable, under at Harper's Perry,

with Hunter approaching that point very slowly, with what number
I suppose you know better than I.

" Wallace with some odds and ends, and part of what came up
with Ricketts, was so badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy that
what is left can attempt no more than to defend Baltimore. What
we shall get in from Pennsylvania and New York will scarcely be
worth counting, I fear.

" Now what I think is, that you should provide to retain your hold
where you are, certainly, and bring the rest with you personally, and
make a vigorous effort to destroy the enemy's force in this vicinity.
I think there is really a fair chance to do this if the movement is
prompt. This is what I think upon your suggestion, and is not an
order. A. LINCOLN."

There are some important interlineations in this letter.
Speaking of Halleck's opinion, he first wrote that the
hundred-day men and the invalids " may possibly but
not certainly defend Washington," and then erased these

4:30 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

words and interlined, " can defend Washington." As the
letter was finally sent it expressed his opinion that both
cities could be defended with their then present forces,
and that Early's array could be captured by a prompt
movement of General Grant. It contained no expression
of fear.

The President's next letter is dated July llth, and is
to General Grant :

" Yours of 10.30 yesterday is received, and very satisfactory. The
enemy will learn of Wright's arrival, and then the difficulty will be
to unite Wright and Hunter, south of the enemy, before he will re-
cross the Potomac. Some firing between Rockville and here now.

"A. LINCOLN."

General "Wright with the advance of the Sixth Corps
began to arrive in the afternoon of the llth, and the
last detachment went to the front on the morning of the
12th. President Lincoln was in Fort Stevens at two
o'clock P.M., and remained there until the fighting was
over. At 11.30 A.M. of the 12th he wrote to General
Grant :

" Vague rumors have been reaching us for two or three days that
Longstreet's corps is also on its way to this vicinity. Look out for
its absence from your front. A. LINCOLN."

These letters show that while the situation was per-
fectly comprehended by the President, it did not disturb
the serenity of his mind nor excite his apprehension.
Neither on this occasion nor upon either of the Con-
federate campaigns north of the Potomac, did he have
the slightest fear of the capture of "Washington.

CHAPTEE XLVI.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.— A SKETCH OF SOME EVENTS IN HIS

LIFE.

I CANNOT conclude this volume of disconnected
sketches more appropriately than by a brief account of
some events which exerted a powerful influence upon
Mr. Lincoln's character, and indirectly upon the fortunes
of the republic. I shall attempt no connected biography,
but confine myself strictly to an account of the events
to which I have referred.

On the 12th day of February, 1809, were born two
men who each exerted a more powerful and permanent
influence upon mankind than any of their contempora-
ries. The name of one was Charles Robert Darwin.
He came of an old English family, renowned for its con-
tributions to physical science, which was able to give to
its young representative all the advantages of wealth
and position. From the university, young Darwin went
as naturalist on board the British ship Beagle, engaged
in explorations in the Southern Ocean. Returning from
this voyage in the year 1845, he published the scientific
results of his labors, in a large illustrated volume, and
also that charming book, " The Voyage of a Naturalist,"
so well known to students of physical science. Then
for many years he was engaged in his private investiga-
tions, and cut no figure in scientific literature. But in
the year 1858 (and synonymously with the "divided-
house" speech of Mr. Lincoln) he convulsed the world
of science by the publication of his " Origin of Species."

432 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

For this publication Mr. Darwin was denounced by the
whole Christian world. He was called a heretic, a pagan,
a scoffer at the Bible, a knave or a fool, who had invented
a theory which led straight to atheism.

But Mr. Darwin lived to see his theory adopted by
the leading Christian thinkers of his time, as not irrecon-
cilable with the Bible, and when he died, " by the will
of the intelligence of the nation," he was buried in West-
minster Abbey, "the fitting resting-place," said Dean
Stanley, " and the monument of the heroes of England."

On the same 12th day of February, 1809, in one of the
new settlements of Kentucky, Abraham Lincoln was
born. With none of the advantages of wealth, educa-
tion, and position, which assisted the eminent English-
man, the young Kentuckian rose to greater eminence,
and exerted a more powerful influence upon his country
and his race, than his English contemporary. The object
of this sketch will be fully accomplished if it shall direct
the student of American history to the events and pro-
cesses by which such an extraordinary result was at-
tained.

Mr. Lincoln once wrote his own biography in these
words :

" Born, February 12th, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky.

" Education defective.

" Profession, a lawyer.

" Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk War.

" Postmaster at a very small office ; four times a member of the
Illinois legislature, and was a member of the lower House of Con-
gress."

If he had not survived the year 1857, he would not
have required a more extended biography. It is a singu-
lar but impressive fact that all the events which have
given him such an honorable place in American history

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 433

were comprised within the last seven years of his life.
In his youth and early manhood there was nothing very
different from the common experiences of young men
of poor parents and his position in life. He had served
through four sessions of the state legislature of Illinois,
without any taint upon his reputation — he had an aver-
age position as a member of Congress in his second term ;
he may have ranked as the leading lawyer of his county,
and, what is perhaps more to his credit, he had acquired
among those who knew him most thoroughly, the name
of " Honest Abraham Lincoln." But he had done noth-
ing to distinguish himself above many of his contempo-
raries, or to give his name a place in history. Had his
life ended before the new year of 1858, he would have
left to his children a fair reputation as a lawyer, a good
name as a citizen, a small estate, and the credit of no re-
markable achievement.

x>ut in that year, when he was already past middle
life, he suddenly appeared above the political horizon,
and so strikingly challenged the public attention that
he was taken out of private life, and, without any inter-
vening step, placed in the presidential chair. This was
an extraordinary occurrence. It had not happened be-
fore, to a really able man, since the adoption of the Con-
stitution. There must exist a reason for it in some act
of his own or with which he was prominently associated.
An act which produced such a result should assist us in
the interpretation of his character, and ought to be dis-
covered without great difficulty. The inquiry for it in-
volves some recapitulation.

It appears from the story of Mr. Lincoln's youth that
his early education comprised less than a year of very
ordinary school instruction, and that the only books ac-
cessible to him were the Bible, "The Pilgrim's Prog-
28

434 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ress," " Burns's Poems," and Weems's " Life of "Washing-
ton." His study of these books was very thorough, for
they were in large part committed to memory. The
mental exercise involved taught him how to think.
During his public life, all his great ideas, his sentences
that will outlive the spoken language, have been wrought
out of his own brain with few or no adventitious aids.
Thus, his first inaugural address is said by those who
know to have been composed with no assistance but the
Federal Constitution and one of Henry Clay's speeches.
But his entire public life testifies how thoroughly he
had learned the power of thought, a lesson which few
men completely master. Judged by their relations,
some of his most matured mental conclusions must be
referred to those years of quiet home life which inter-
vened between his retirement from Congress, in 1849,
and his nomination to the Senate of the United States
in the summer of 1858.

The decade which ended in the year last named cov-
ered the aggressive campaign of slavery. The original
slave states had been content to abide by the Missouri
compromise line, and made no attempt to carry their
domestic institution beyond it. But their representa-
tives in Congress, aided by Northern votes, secured the
passage of the act for the return of fugitive slaves ; and
encouraged by that act, and their short-lived victory in
the Kansas controversy, they broadly claimed the right
to carry their slave property into free territory. The
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in
the case of Dred Scott, very nearly confirmed their claim,
and well-nigh broke down the last geographical barrier
between freedom and slavery.

The friends of human freedom had never asserted any
right to legislate touching slavery in the slave states or

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 435

south of the compromise line. Within those limits slav-
ery was conceded to be a continuing evil, entrenched
in the Constitution. The most ultra-abolitionists had
restricted their labors to the attempted abolition of sla-
very in the District of Columbia and its exclusion from
the territories. No public man had proposed to attack
slavery within its consecrated limits. Had the advo-
cates of the institution abided by the line to which they
had for a good consideration agreed, there is no reason
to believe that it would have ever been disturbed except
by themselves. But they would not abide by it. They
charged the North with an agitation for which they
alone were responsible. They made every success the
pretext for some new aggression, until the halls of Con-
gress became the theatre of a conflict which was re-
newed with every session with increasing intensity.

In the quiet of private life Mr. Lincoln was a thought-
ful observer of this controversy. He had taken note of
the aggressions of the slave power, and he reached the
conclusion that they would continue until they became
intolerable. In the Kansas outrages they had almost
reached that point, and when the point was passed he
believed that the fate of slavery would be determined.
He hated slavery, because it was oppressive and cruel —
he loved freedom, because it was the natural right of all
men, ordained by the Almighty. Freedom had been
fighting a losing battle, but it would triumph in God's
own good time. He saw where his own party had erred,
and he worked out in his own mind the lines upon which
the next battle — the fight for freedom, could be won.

Mr. Lincoln's mind was not secretive, but it was his
habit not to disclose the problems upon which it was en-
gaged until all his own doubts were removed and his
conclusions settled. This peculiar quality now received

436 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

a marked illustration. On the 17th of June, 1858, the
Kepublicans of Illinois, at their state convention, in
Springfield, nominated him as their candidate for the
Senate of the United States. He anticipated the nom-
ination, and had written out his speech upon its accept-
ance. This speech seems to have been the most effective
of his life, and as momentous as was ever delivered in
this republic. Its theme was the insatiable demands of
the slave power. Upon the incontestable authority of
the Saviour of men, that " if a house be divided against
itself that house cannot stand," he avowed his own faith
in these words : " I believe this government cannot per-
manently endure, half slave and half free."

It is now more than a quarter of a century since Mr.
Lincoln himself gave an unpretending account of the oc-
casion and circumstances of this speech. He spoke of it
as an example of the thoroughness of his own convic-
tions. It wrought upon his hearers a conviction equally
thorough, that for the first time it put the issue between
freedom and slavery upon its true ground. We know
now that it made Mr. Lincoln President and drove the
bolt of death straight to the life of human slavery.

The announcement of this bold prediction almost pro-
duced a convulsion among the Republicans. It came
upon them like a burst of thunder from a cloudless sky.
His friends were shocked — his party leaders were ap-
palled. They declared that it destroyed his chances of
an election ; that unless he retracted or modified it, his
defeat was inevitable. The issue, as he proposed it, they
said, involved the destruction of slavery or the govern-
ment. It was a declaration of open war. "I cannot
change the fact, nor can I escape the conclusions of my
own judgment," said Mr. Lincoln. " The statement is a
truth confirmed by all human experience. It has been

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 437

true for more than six thousand years — it is still indis-
putably true. I cannot retract it without resorting to
subterfuge, and that I will not do. I would rather be
defeated, with this expression held up and discussed be-
fore the people, than to exclude it from my speech and
be victorious." And so the message went forth. It was
the result of his calm deliberation — by it he would stand
or fall!

Judge Douglas was already his opposing candidate.
He seized upon what he believed to be his opportunity
to destroy Mr. Lincoln. In his reply to the prediction,
he assumed an air of lofty superiority — and scornfully
declared that Mr. Lincoln's speech had been " prepared
for the occasion." " I admit the charge," said Mr. Lin-
coln. " I have not a fine education like Judge Douglas,
and I cannot discourse on dialectics as he can, but I can
be honest with the people, and tell them what I believe."
Then he challenged Judge Douglas to a public discus-
sion ; the challenge was accepted ; the debate followed,
which is now historical. Instead of destroying the Re-
publican party, it drew to it a majority of the voters of
Illinois, and left its candidate, although defeated by the
legislature, the most conspicuous of its leaders.

The influence of this debate has not yet passed away.
Men still remember and refer, as an epoch in their lives,
to the first discussion of the new issue by these two can-
didates, in the city of Chicago, on the 9th and 10th of
July, 1858. Mr. Lincoln was an auditor when Judge
Douglas, on the 9th, delivered a speech of such power
that his admirers believed it unanswerable. But on the
following evening Mr. Lincoln made an answer, in which
he established a national reputation as an orator, and the
" little giant of the West " found his peer as a logician
and his master in eloquence.

438 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

What was it which drew such crowds of plain men to
every one of the seven meetings for this debate ? Neither
speaker indulged in oratorio flights or descended to the
common level of the hustings. Mr. Lincoln even dis-
dained his ordinary anecdote and humor. Both sought
to address the sound reason of their auditors by fair
argument alone. Yet the public interest in the debate
increased as it proceeded, and was never greater than on
the evening when it closed. Mr. Douglas had not been
an ultra pro-slavery man — he had opposed his own party
in the trick by which it sought to force the Lecompton
Constitution upon the people of Kansas ; he now took
very high ground. He claimed that he was the cham-
pion of constitutional rights. He declared that he would
maintain and enforce these rights for all the people, and
when these rights were recognized he said he " did not
care whether slavery was voted up or voted down."

In his reply Mr. Lincoln spurned all half-way meas-
ures and men. Was slavery right? If it was, then
Judge Douglas ought to be sustained. If it was wrong,
then Judge Douglas and his party had no claim to the
support of good men. But slavery was not right. Sla-
very was degrading — it was cruel, brutal — it was unjust
and wicked. Therefore it was wrong, and Judge Doug-
las and his party ought to care, and ought to vote, to
put it down. Freedom was the opposite of slavery. It
was noble, just, godlike — and it was right. It was the
gift of the Almighty to all men. He would see that
his children were not robbed of their birthright. Free-
dom was truth, it " was mighty, and would prevail !"

To this plain issue of the wrong or right of slavery
Lincoln held his adversary with an inflexible hand.
Douglas plied him with questions — he answered them
fully, always coming back to the wrong of slavery. He

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 439

put questions in return, which his opponent answered
evasively, and then strove to retreat under cover of the
evasion. Lincoln was the victor in every encounter.
Finally, he drove his adversary into the corner, where
there was no escape, and where he extorted from him
the admission that his party was committed to the doc-
trine that slavery was right. Then, with the earnestness
of Paul, he demanded, What true man would uphold
slavery and wrong against freedom and the right and
justice ?

The great contest was half won when it was to be
fought to its termination in the light of day on its real
issue. Slavery had declared the war. It was not in its
nature to recede or to lay down its arms until it was
victorious or defeated. It was Lincoln who had forced
the fighting to its true issue, and he, therefore, became
the natural leader of the party of freedom.

In the new departure of the " divided-house " speech,
and in his powerful demonstration of the inexcusable
wrong of slavery, lay the secret of Mr. Lincoln's power.
He was at once in great demand as a political speaker.
In the Ohio campaign of 1859— in the Cooper Institute
in New York — in Connecticut, New Hampshire, Khode
Island, and in Kansas — everywhere he went, he drew
large audiences. His style of speaking was changed.
He no longer told witty stories; his speeches were so
solidly argumentative that a few said they were dry,
and the same critics decided that their length made them
tiresome. But the great audiences heard them delight-
ed, and complained only of their brevity. No theme
had ever made so many permanent converts to his party
faith as his, touching the wrong of slavery — no speaker
had laid it bare with the strong sense of Abraham Lin-
coln.

440 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

As the day appointed for the national nominating
convention for the presidency approached, the name of
Mr. Lincoln was mentioned as one of the candidates of
the great West. But he was not regarded as a strong
candidate in comparison with Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase,
Mr. Cameron, or Judge Bates, of Missouri. The Kepub-
lican party was under a great obligation to Mr. Seward.
His ability was conceded ; his long and brilliant services
deserved recognition. It was supposed by his friends
that he would poll the largest vote on the first, and be
nominated on the second ballot. But the convention
witnessed a demonstration in favor of Mr. Lincoln which
left no doubt of the place he had secured in the hearts of
the people. At the right moment the enthusiasm for
him was lighted, and it ran over the convention like a
prairie fire. It not only gave him the nomination, but
it secured a solid, hearty union of all the members in his
support.

The presidential canvass of the year 1860 was unique
in our political experience. It required none of the acces-
sories of the " log-cabin " campaign of " Tippecanoe and
Tyler too." The pseudonym of " Kailsplitter " was the
gift of his enemies. The name of Abraham Lincoln was
an inspiration. Enthusiasm for his election pervaded
the country like an electric influence. It was every-
where the same. In the crowded city or at the country
cross-roads ; up in the mountain hamlets, or out on the
Western prairies ; among the fishermen of the Atlantic,
and the miners of the Pacific coast, the political orator
was heard with quiet consideration until he spoke the
name of Lincoln. At that name, cheers such as never
welcomed king or conqueror supplied his peroration.
That was the only campaign in which every voter who
deliberated voted for the same candidate, in which every

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 441

highest estimate for the successful candidate was ex-
ceeded by the counted vote.

From his nomination to his election Mr. Lincoln calm-
ly awaited events. He came and went among his neigh-
bors, received delegations and dismissed them delighted,
but ignorant of his intentions. He seemed to be less
interested in the result than his supporters — he received
the news of his election without exultation. He had
promised no rewards, made no pledges, and was free to
follow whither his judgment pointed the way.

From October, when his election was assured, until
the end of February, the mind of Mr. Lincoln was de-
voted to his coming work. He laid it out with the care
of an architect planning a building. He studied the situ-
ation. He determined the general policy of his admin-
istration with the greatest care. He prepared his in-
augural address — he decided upon the tenor of his
speeches to be made on his journey to Washington — he
well considered the temper of mind in which he should
first meet the supporters of slavery. Nothing was left
to accident which he could possibly foresee.

His first public address was his farewell to his Spring-
field friends on his departure for the capital. That ad-
dress was the microcosm of his future. It was an
avowal of his own undoubting faith in, and purpose
to be guided by, the wisdom of the Almighty. That
faith and purpose he repeated upon every proper occa-
sion as long as he lived. In conformity with it, in all
the addresses he made upon his journey, there was no
threat, no harsh word, nothing but kindness for the whole
people. To the friends of the South he extended the
hand of affection. His inaugural address was full of
peace, kindness, and good will. On one point only he
was inflexible. He would perform his duty, enforce

442 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

obedience to the laws, and keep his oath to support the
Constitution.

The advent of the war was no surprise to him. He
knew that slavery was so woven into the national life
that it could not be wrenched out of it without violence
and blood — as he said afterwards, that " every drop of
blood drawn by the lash must be repaid by another
drawn by the sword." But in all the pressure of public
duty and excitement of warlike preparation his mind
was engaged upon measures, not to punish, but to pro-
tect those who had brought war upon the country as
the consequence of their own reckless acts. Slavery,
which had taken the sword, must perish by the sword —
it was the cause of the war, and war would only cease
with its destruction. Yet he advocated payment by the
nation of the full value of the slaves, and would even
have removed the slaves into a far country at the na-
tional expense. It was not until his kindly proposals
had been rejected by those whom they would have re-
lieved, with curses, that he ceased to make them, and
the patience of the loyal North had been twice ex-
hausted when he issued the decree of emancipation.

He came to his great office inexperienced in govern-
ment— no modern ruler was ever surrounded by so many
difficulties. Yet he brought the nation through them
all into the harbor of permanent peace ; and, looking
back over his term, it is very difficult to say where he
took a wrong course or committed an error. Finally,
when he was strongest in the love of a loyal people, had
won the friendship of his former enemies, and had gained
the respect of mankind, he sealed his faithful service
with his blood, and was slain by an insane assassin.

Nor was the intellectual growth of Mr. Lincoln any
less remarkable. "We have seen that his education

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 443

scarcely deserved the name. His course of reading
was restricted to a few good books, but his thoroughness
of study more than compensated for their lack of num-
bers, if any such existed ; for he has written many para-
graphs which, in force, elegance, and beauty, are not
surpassed in our language. Except Shakespeare, no
writer of English has produced so many that will out-
live the spoken tongue. His farewell to his Spring-
field neighbors — the closing paragraph of his first, and
the last third of his second inaugural address — the last
sentence of his message to the third session of the Thirty-
seventh Congress — his Gettysburg speech of Nov. 19,
1863, are examples from his pen which will not suffer
by comparison with anything written by Addison or
Irving, Daniel Webster, or that scholarly master of Eng-
lish composition, George P. Marsh. And where in our
language is a finer antithesis than this, thrown off,
calamo currente, in the middle of a letter in answer to
strictures on the conduct of the war? — "When peace
with victory comes, there will be some black men who
will remember that with silent tongue, and clenched
teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they
have helped on mankind to this great consummation ;
while I fear there will be some white ones unable to for-
get that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they
have striven to hinder and prevent it." A collection of
his public addresses and letters, commencing with his
farewell to Springfield in February, 1861, and ending
with the last made by him on April 11, 1865, will be
read hereafter with an interest as absorbing as any vol-
ume in the literature of the rebellion.

Some of his written compositions may be classed as
literary curiosities. In August, 1862, Mr. Horace Greeley
had written to him an impatient and dictatorial letter,

444 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

charging him with culpable delay in the emancipation
of the slaves, and their employment in suppressing the
rebellion. Mr. Lincoln knew the force of short words
and crisp sentences — he never used those of many syl-
lables or pretentious sound. His answer was all the
more effective in that it took no note of Mr. Greeley's
temper — while its conclusive statements were embodied
in four hundred and thirteen words, of which three hun-
dred and two, or more than seventy-four per cent., were
words of a single syllable.

In the campaign of 1864, the friends of General Mc-
Clellan, in Tennessee, presented to him a protest against
the oath of loyalty prescribed by Governor Johnson, to be
taken by the voters. It was an adroit political attempt
to connect the President with a subject over which he
had no, authority, which he detected at first sight. They
wanted an answer. " I expect to let the friends of George
B. McClellan manage their side of this contest in their
own way, and I will manage my side of it in my way,"
he said. They were not satisfied, and wanted an answer
in writing. A few days later he sent them his written
reply. It occupied one and a half printed octavo pages ;
in fifteen paragraphs, none of them more than three
lines. But every paragraph was an answer which struck
the protest like a rock from a catapult.

He never hesitated to sacrifice euphony to strength.
" This finishes the job" he said, when Illinois had voted,
making the number of states requisite to ratify the amend-
ment of the Constitution abolishing slavery. Cuthbert
Bullitt and other citizens of Louisiana had written to
him, protesting against the severity with which the war
was waged. " Would you prosecute the war with elder-
stalk squirts charged with rose-water, if you were in my
position ?" he demanded, and there was no reply. In his

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 445

message to the extra session of Congress of July 4, 1861,
he wrote of Southern political leaders, that, " with re-
bellion thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the
public mind of their section for more than thirty years."
Mr. Defrees, the public printer, advised the omission of
the compound word, on the ground that it was not dig-
nified. " Let it stand !" said the President; " I was not
attempting to be dignified, but plain. There is not a
voter in the Union who will not know what sugar-coated
means."

His heart was as tender as ever beat in a human
breast. Those who saw him standing by the cofiins of
young Ellsworth and the eloquent Baker knew how he
loved his friends — how he sorrowed over their loss. In
his companionship with his boys, and particularly with
the younger, there was a most touching picture of pa-
rental affection; in his emotion when he lost them, a grief
too sacred to be further exposed. " He could not deny
a pardon or a respite to a soldier condemned to die for
a crime which did not involve depravity, if he were to
try," said an old army officer. He shrank from the con-
firmation of a sentence of death in such a case, as if it
were a murder by his hand. " They say that I destroy
all discipline and am cruel to the army, when I will not
let them shoot a soldier now and then," he said. " But
I cannot see it. If God wanted me to see it, he would
let me know it, and until he does, I shall go on pardon-
ing and being cruel to the end." An old friend called
by appointment, and found him with a pile of records of
courts-martial before him, for approval. " Go away,
Swett!" he exclaimed, with intense impatience — "to-
morrow is butchering day, anji I will not be interrupted
until I have found excuses for saving the lives of these
poor fellows !" Many pages might be filled with au-

446 RECOLLECTIONS Ofr PRESIDENT LINCOLN

thentic illustrations of his tenderness and mercy, for
they were prominent in his official life. Three times I
assisted in procuring their exercise, each to the saving
of a soldier, and each time he shared, our own delight
over our success, though he knew not how his face shone
when he felt that he had spared a human life.

In the presidential campaign of 1864 there were sul-
len whisperings that Mr. Lincoln had no religious opin-
ions nor any interest in churches or Christian institu-
tions. They faded away with other libels, never to be
renewed until after his death. One of his biographers,
who calls himself the " friend and partner for twenty
years" of the deceased President, has since published
what he calls a history of his life, in which he revives
the worst of these rumors, with additions which, if true,
would destroy much of the world's respect for Mr. Lin-
coln. He asserts that his " friend and partner " was " an
infidel verging towards atheism." Others have dissem-
inated these charges in lectures and fugitive sketches
so industriously that they have produced upon strangers
some impression of their truth. The excuse alleged is,
their desire to present Mr. Lincoln to the world "just as
he was." Their real purpose is to present him just as
they would have him to be, as much as possible like
themselves.

It is a trait of the infidel to parade his unbelief before
the public, and he thinks something gained to himself
when he can show that others are equally deficient in
moral qualities. But these writers have attempted too
much. Their principal charge of infidelity, tinged with
atheism, is so completely at variance with all our knowl-
edge of his opinions that its origin must be attributed to
malice or to a defective mental constitution.

His sincerity and candor were conspicuous qualities of

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

Mr. Lincoln's mind. Deception was a vice in which he
had neither experience nor skill. All who were admit-
ted to his intimacy will agree that he was incapable of
professing opinions which he did not entertain. When
we find him at the moment of leaving his home for
Washington, surrounded by his neighbors of a quarter
of a century, taking Washington for his exemplar, whose
success he ascribed "to the aid of that Divine Provi-
dence upon which he at all times relied," and publicly
declaring that he, himself, " placed his whole trust in the
same Almighty Being, and the prayers of Christian men
and women ;" when, not once or twice, but on all prop-
er, and more than a score of subsequent occasions, he
avowed his faith in an Omnipotent Ruler, who will judge
the world in righteousness — in the Bible as the inspired
record of his history and his law; when with equal
constancy he thanked Almighty God for, and declared
his interest in, Christian institutions and influences as the
appointed means for his effective service, we may as-
sert that we know that he was neither an atheist nor
an infidel, but, on the contrary, a sincere believer in the
fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith. In fact,
he believed so confidently that the Almighty was mak-
ing use of the war, of himself, and other instrumentalities
in working out some great design for the benefit of hu-
manity, and his belief that he himself was directed by
the same Omniscient Power was expressed with such
frankness and frequency, that it attracted attention, and
was criticised by some as verging towards superstition.
His public life was a continuous service of God and his
fellow-man, controlled and guided by the golden rule,
in which there was no hiatus of unbelief or incredulity.
Here I might well stop, and submit that these charges
do not deserve any further consideration. But I know

448 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

how false they are, and I may be excused if I record
one of my sources of knowledge.

The emphatic statement made by the President to
Mr. Fessenden, that he was called to the Treasury by
a Power higher than human authority, I have already
mentioned. His calm serenity at times when others
were so anxious, his confidence that his own judgment
was directed by the Almighty, so impressed me that,
when I next had the opportunity, at some risk of giving
offence, I ventured to ask him directly how far he be-
lieved the Almighty actually directed our national
affairs. There was a considerable pause before he
spoke, and when he did speak, what he said was more in
the nature of a monologue than an answer to my in-
quiry :

"That the Almighty does make use of human agencies,
and directly intervenes in human affairs, is," he said,
"one of the plainest statements of the Bible. I have
had so many evidences of his direction, so many in-
stances when I have been controlled by some other
power than my own will, that I cannot doubt that this
power comes from above. I frequently see my way
clear to a decision when I am conscious that I have no
sufficient facts upon which to found it. But I cannot re-
call one instance in which I have followed my own judg-
ment, founded upon such a decision, where the results
were unsatisfactory ; whereas, in almost every instance
where I have yielded to the views of others, I have had
occasion to regret it. I am satisfied that when the Al-
mighty wants me to do or not to do a particular thing,
he finds a way of letting me know it. I am confident
that it is his design to restore the Union. He will do
it in his own good time. We should obey and not op-
pose his will."

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 449

"You speak with such confidence," I said, "that I
would like to know how your knowledge that God acts
directly upon human affairs compares in certainty with
your knowledge of a fact apparent to the senses — for
example, the fact that we are at this moment here in
this room."

" One is as certain as the other," he answered, " al-
though the conclusions are reached by different proc-
esses. I know by my senses that the movements of the
world are those of an infinitely powerful machine, which
runs for ages without a variation. A man who can put
two ideas together knows that such a machine requires
an infinitely powerful maker and governor : man's nature
is such that he cannot take in the machine and keep out
the maker. This maker is God — infinite in wisdom as
well as in power. Would we be any more certain if we
saw him ?"

" I am not controverting your position," I said. " Your
confidence interests me beyond expression. I wish I
knew how to acquire it. Even now, must it not all de-
pend on our faith in the Bible ?"

" No. There is the element of personal experience,"
he said. " If it did, the character of the Bible is easily
established, at least to my satisfaction. We have to be-
lieve many things which we do not comprehend. The
Bible is the only one that claims to be God's Book —
to comprise his law — his history. It contains an im-
mense amount of evidence of its own authenticity. It
describes a governor omnipotent enough to operate this
great machine, and declares that he made it. It states
other facts which we do not fully comprehend, but
which we cannot account for. What shall we do with
them?

" Now let us treat the Bible fairly. If we had a wit-
29

450 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

ness on the stand whose general story we knew was
true, we would believe him when he asserted facts of
which we had no other evidence. We ought to treat the
Bible with equal fairness. I decided a long time ago
that it was less difficult to believe that the Bible was what
it claimed to be than to disbelieve it. It is a good book
for us to obey — it contains the ten commandments, the
golden rule, and many other rules which ought to be
followed. No man was ever the worse for living ac-
cording to the directions of the Bible."

" If your views are correct, the Almighty is on our
side, and we ought to win without so many losses — "

He promptly interrupted me and said, " "We have no
right to criticise or complain. He is on our side, and so
is the Bible, and so are churches and Christian societies
and organizations — all of them, so far as I know, al-
most without an exception. It makes me stronger and
more confident to know that all the Christians in the
loyal states are praying for our success, that all their
influences are working to the same end. Thousands of
them are fighting for us, and no one will say that an
officer or a private is less brave because he is a praying
soldier. At first, when we had such long spells of bad
luck, I used to lose heart sometimes. Now I seem to
know that Providence has protected and will protect us
against any fatal defeat. All we have to do is to trust
the Almighty and keep right on obeying his orders and
executing his will."

I could not press inquiry further. I knew that Mr.
Lincoln was no hypocrite. There was an air of such
sincerity in his manner of speaking, and especially in
his references to the Almighty, that no one could have
doubted his faith unless the doubter believed him dis-
honest. It scarcely needed his repeated statements that

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 451

" whatever shall appear to be God's will, that I will do,"
his special gratitude to God for victories, or his numer-
ous expressions of his firm faith that God willed our
final triumph, to convince the American people that he
was not and could not be an atheist or an infidel.

He has written of the Bible, that "this great Book
of God is the best gift which God has ever given to
man," and that " all things desirable for man to know
are contained in it." His singular familiarity with its
contents is even stronger evidence of the high place it
held in his judgment. His second inaugural address
shows how sensibly he appreciated the force and beauty
of its passages, and constitutes an admirable application
of its truths, only possible as the result of familiar use
and thorough study.

Further comment cannot be necessary. Abraham
Lincoln accepted the Bible as the inspired word of God
— he believed and faithfully endeavored to live according
to the fundamental principles and doctrines of the Chris-
tian faith. To doubt either proposition is to be untrue
to his memory, a disloyalty of which no American
should be guilty.

There are a few persons whose perverted minds ex-
perience a satisfaction in imputing to Mr. Lincoln a love
for coarse, erotic stories and a habit of repeating them,
which, if he had, would indicate a vulgar stratum in his
mental structure. If these persons were conscious of
the contempt with which those who really knew him
listen to their statements that they have heard Mr. Lin-
coln relate these stories, they would never repeat them.
No occupant of the Executive chair knew better the ex-
altation of his office or how to maintain its dignity. If
he had been inclined to such practices, this knowledge

452 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

would have effectually restrained him from their indul-
gence. But there is not a shadow of truth in these im-
putations. Major Hay and Mr. Nicolay, his secretaries,
were members of his household during a large portion
of his official term — Mr. Carpenter, the artist, lived in
the White House during six months — Professor Henry
sought every opportunity to be with him, and these four
witnesses, who saw him in his unconstrained private life,
agree that neither of them heard from Mr. Lincoln's lips
any sentence or word which might not have been re-
peated in the presence of ladies. The subject is one
upon which I can and must give evidence. It was a
great pleasure to me to listen to him, and I have several
times sought to excite his propensity for anecdote with
success. In my own office, where no one but a mes-
senger was present, he was under no restraint. Yet I
never heard him relate a story or utter a sentence which I
could not have repeated to my wife and daughters. The
story of young "Webster and the schoolmaster, related
elsewhere, was the least refined ever told in my presence.
What may have been his habit, in this respect, before
his election, and his coming to Washington, is unimpor-
tant. It is of his public life of which I am speaking.
A vulgar story in the mouth of the President of the
United States would have been offensive — to none more
so than to Mr. Lincoln. It is time that the statements
in question should cease. They originate in the prurient
imaginations of their authors. The friends of Abraham
Lincoln, who revere his memory, should protect his repu-
tation. They should resent such imputations in a man-
ner which will impress his calumniators if it does not re-
form them.

I am asked, and more frequently as time moves on,

AND HIS ADMINISTRATION. 453

which is the best biography of Abraham Lincoln?
Where is the most reliable account of his life and ser-
vices to be found ? I am able to answer these inquiries
without hesitation. In my opinion, the noble work of
Messrs. Nicolay and Hay must always be the standard
life of Lincoln. Their opportunities for observation and
the collection of authentic facts were exceptionally good
— their labors have been diligent and faithful. Their
volumes constitute a great storehouse of facts well ar-
ranged and digested. It would be faint praise to say
that their history is a work of rare merit.

For those who deem the work of these authors too
comprehensive, and wish to know what can be com-
prised in a single volume, his life by Mr. Arnold will
have no competitor. Mr. Arnold was Mr. Lincoln's asso-
ciate at the bar, and his friend of many years. The two
friends were unlike each other, and yet I think Mr. Ar-
nold possessed many of the qualities which made Mr.
Lincoln so attractive. His book was a labor of love, and
is everywhere worthy of its subject and its author. Al-
though Mr. Arnold did not survive to witness its publi-
cation, and it lacks the final polish of his hand, it is one
of the most reliable of American biographies.

My pen lingers over this paragraph, the last I may
ever write about a good man whom I honored, respected,
loved. I do not hope to make it worthy of its theme —
or to employ it to better advantage than to commend
the history of Abraham Lincoln to the careful study of
all my countrymen. He came to his great office inex-
perienced and almost unknown — his responsibilities were
heavier, his difficulties greater than were ever encoun-
tered by the head of any civil government — he was the
object of the unrelenting hostility of his enemies, of the
fiercest criticism of many of his former friends.

454 RECOLLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

His final triumph was not long delayed. An hour
came of universal victory, when the nation was swelling
with a mighty joy over peace restored to a reunited
nation. It was the last hour of his noble life. In the
very climax of his career, when his mind was filled with
sympathy for the vanquished and with plans for their
relief, when those who had borne arms against him had
been overcome by his noble generosity, when he had
not a personal enemy in all the republic, he was stricken
down. It is an honor and a consolation to his country-
men, South as well as North, that he fell by the hand of
a crazed assassin.

I venture the hope that what I have written in this
volume will tend to suppress the aspersions of a very
small number of writers upon Mr. Lincoln, and increase
the interest of his countrymen in the study of his life
and character. The time has not yet come to measure
his services, or to compare him with other public men.
We must leave that duty to those who come after us,
when Abraham Lincoln shall have ceased to grow in the
world's esteem, and we, who saw his face and heard his
voice, and felt the warm grasp of his kindly hand, have
passed away. For the present, we may say of him as
his biographer wrote of Cicero, that, " though violent, his
death was not untimely," for, like another noble man and
martyr, he was ready to be offered, he had fought a
good fight, he had finished his course, and he had kept
the faith. Until we shall follow him where he shall re-
ceive his crown, let our hearts be his shrine, and our
prayer without ceasing be, " Lord, keep his memory
green !"

INDEX.

Adams, Charles Francis, American
minister in London, his efforts to
prevent sailing of Confederate iron-
clads, 198 ; bis confidential de-
spatches, 199; his agreement to
indemnify the liberal Englishman,
202 ; prevents the sailing of the
iron-clads ; value of the service,
210,211.

Anderson, Major Robert, favors ar-
mored vessels, from experience
with armored battery at siege of
Fort Sumter, 212.

Armored vessels : Messrs. Laird con-
tract to build two for the Con-
federates, 197 ; their destination
and intended use, 198 ; how their
delivery was prevented by noble
act of an Englishman, 198-211;
they are sold to Eastern powers,
208, 209 ; iron-clads first suggested
by Major Anderson after fall of
Sumter, 213; their use opposed by
naval officers, 214.

Assassination conspiracy : Republi-
cans refuse to believe in its exist-
ence ; two members of Conference
secretly visit Baltimore, February
17th, 58 ; Baltimore Republicans
give details of the plot, 60; cool
statements of an Italian, who had
betrayed his associates, 61 ; con-
spiracy at first believed to be con-
fined to the criminal classes ; meet-
ings of its members ; who provided
the money ? an actor connected
with it, 60-63 ; police in sympathy
with the plot, 63 ; the schooner and
tug purchased, 61-63 ; Mr. Lincoln
declines to pass through Baltimore
except in open day, 63 ; the facts
communicated to E. B. Washburn,
who replied that Mr. Lincoln had

finally put himself in the hands of
his friends, who would insure his
safety, 64.

Baird, Professor Spencer F., secretary
of the Smithsonian, 238 ; suggests
the Potomac Club, 239 ; his energy
and scientific work, 240 ; discusses
the octopus, 249.

Baker, L. C., made chief of the detec-
tive service, 345 ; his lawless pro-
ceedings, 346 ; one of his illustra-
tive methods, 347-349 ; his method
of dealing with " bounty- jumpers,"
350.

Baltimore city: obstructs passage
of Northern forces ; public meet-
ings to prevent passage of troops,
120 ; authorities favor secession,
121; the " Plug-Uglies," 125-130.

Bates, Edward, nominated for attor-
ney-general, 104.

Baxter, General H. H., with ex-Gov.
Hiland Hall, Levi Underwood, B. D.
Harris, and the author, delegates
from Vermont to Peace Conference,
19.

Bellows, Rev. Dr. H. W., principal or-
ganizer of the Sanitary Commission ;
tenders its services to the Surgeon-
General, who rejects them, 155; his
indignation ; fortunate results of his
appeal to the President, 156, 157.

Belgian muskets condemned, pur-
chased by War Department at a low
cost to arm the first volunteers, 150.

Benjamin, Judah P., a Secession leader,
meets other leaders at house of
Davis, Jan. 5, where final plans were
agreed upon, 29.

Bidwell, General D. D., charge of his
brigade at battle of Fort Stevens,
416.

456

INDEX.

Black, Judge, transferred from at-
torney-general to State Department
on resignation of General Cass, 28 ;
his opinion that Congress had no
power to make war upon a state,
179.

Blair, Montgomery, nominated post-
master-general, 104.

Blair, Colonel Frank, his services in
the Lincoln campaign of 1860,9;
prefers charges against General
Fremont, 174.

Blatchford, R. M., with General Dix
and George Opdyke, authorized to
expend $2,000,000 for public de-
fence in April, 1861, 177.

Bonds of the United States : how
$10,000,000 were issued, 194 ; ne-
cessity for their issue in seventy
hours, 195, 196 ; Mr. C. F. Adams's
agreement to deposit them as se-
curity for the noble act of an Eng-
lishman, 201 ; severe labor of their
issue within the time required, 204 ;
success of the undertaking, 208 ;
statistics of the magnitude of Treas-
ury issues, 209 ; more than half of
this issue returned to the Treasury
in original packages, 209.

Bradley, John, a Vermont contractor,
offers to remove the colored race
to Texas, 337 ; his opinion of the
President, 338.

Breckinridge, Vice - President, prom-
ises co-operation with General Scott
to secure count of electoral vote and
declaration of President Lincoln's
election, 38 ; his dignity and firm-
ness, 43 ; declares the election of
Lincoln and Hamlin, 44 ; his fidel-
ity until the end of his official term,
46 ; his division forms part of Gen-
eral Early's army, in the campaign
against Washington, in July, 1864,
391.

Breech-loading guns: none in use at
commencement of the war, except
Colt's revolvers for the cavalry,
150.

Bright, John, one of the few friends
of the United States in Great Brit-
ain, 134.

Buchanan, President: determination
of Secessionists to drive out loyal
men and control his Cabinet, 28;

receives the Peace Conference, 32;
his intense anxiety ; urges mem-
bers to make great concessions to
the South, 33 ; does not refer to in-
coming administration, 34 ; his re-
turn to private life, with less credit
than he deserved, 91.

Bushnell, Cornelius S., presses passage
of bill authorizing iron-clads, and
builds the Galena, 215 ; shows Cap-
tain Ericsson's plans to the Presi-
dent, 215; the President favors and
the Board of Construction consents
to their adoption, 216; secures the
contract for the Monitor, which is
built principally through his energy,
with Messrs. Winslow, Corning, and
Griswold his associates in the con-
tract, 216; energy of her construc-
tion, 217.

Butler, Benjamin F., Colonel of the
Eighth Massachusetts Regiment ;
on steam - ferry Maryland, from
Havre-de-Grace to Annapolis, 125;
saves the Constitution by towing
her out of Annapolis; awaits a
rebel attack at Annapolis Junction,
126-128.

Cabinet officers : principle of their
selection by President Lincoln, 104.

Call for men: first call for 75,000,
April 15, 107.

Campbell, Hugh, appointed on com-
mission in Department of the West,
173.

Cameron, Senator Simon, announced
as a prospective member of Mr.
Lincoln's Cabinet, 81 ; nominated
as Secretary of War, 104 ; applied
to for rifles for First Vermont, 151 ;
his resignation as Secretary of War,
168; success as a manager of cor-
porations, 169; reasons for his res-
ignation; retains the confidence of
the President, 176; House of Rep-
resentatives censure him by resolu-
tion ; his prompt vindication by the
President, 177.

Campaign, political, of 1860: aglimpse
of, 8 ; Vermont first pronounces for
Lincoln, in September, 8 ; speech-
making in Pennsylvania with Col-
onel Blair, 11 ; the "Wide-awakes,"
a meeting in Southeastern New Jer-

INDEX.

457

sey, 12; excitement over the election
returns from Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Indiana, and other states, 13 ; elec-
tion of Mr. Lincoln practically de-
cided in October, 14 ; Republican
gains; election of Judge Kelley;
counting in a candidate, 15, 16.

Cass, General, to be forced out of Bu-
chanan's Cabinet by Secessionists,
29-34.

Chase, Salmon P., 6 ; selected by Mr.
Lincoln for Secretary of the Treas-
ury; approves the Republican cau-
cus of members of Peace Confer-
ence, 104; his opinion that civil
war was inevitable ; appoints a col-
lector of customs for Vermont; of-
fers the author a bureau in the
Treasury, 105; wishes to have loyal
men about him, 109 ; orders the
Treasury to be defended, 112; chair-
man of Republican caucus of mem-
bers of Conference, 35 ; announced
as a prospective member of Mr.
Lincoln's Cabinet, 81 ; directs issue
of $10,000,000 in coupon bonds to
comply with a pledge of Minister
Adams, 195; decides that the secret
of the English friend of the United
States must not be disclosed except
by his authority, 210; frauds under
his administration and their detec-
tion, 285 ; opposed to internal-rev-
enue system until compelled to
adopt it, 342 ; decides in favor of
employing detectives in the internal-
revenue and customs service, 344 ;
evil consequences of his decision,
346 ; his resignation as Secretary
of the Treasury ; its inadequate
causes; his nomination of M. B.
Field, 370 et seq.; Mr. Lincoln's just
estimate of him, 377 et seq. ; Mr.
Lincoln makes him chief justice,
383 ; his gratitude and subsequent
affection for President Lincoln, 384.

Cisco, John J., resigns as assistant
treasurer of New York, 370; his
fidelity and value, 372 ; withdraws
his resignation, 376.

Clarke, General D. W. C., Executive
Clerk of the Senate, captured, with
his family, and robbed by Harry
Gilmor, on the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad, July 12, 1864, 409.

Clay, Cassius M., forms a company for
defence of the White House, 116.

Clay, James B., member of Conference
from Kentucky, 31 ; his cordial re-
ception by Mr. Lincoln, who ei-
pfesses his admiration for Henry
Clay, 72.

Cobb, Secretary Howell: premature
acts of, and those of Secretary
Floyd, postpone proposed seizure
of Washington, 28 ; assists in driv-
ing General Cass from the Cabinet,
and destroys the public credit, 179.

Colored race, the : their strong desire
to learn to read ; a colored preacher,
161 ; his discussion of the superior-
ity of the white race and confidence
in the President, 162-165; four
gray-haired colored scholars taught
by a boy, 166 ; sources of early
news of the colored people, 167;
procession of their children from
Sunday - school reviewed by the
President, 331 ; enthusiasm of the
colored children for him, 332.

Congress: extra session called for
July 4, 1861, 107; passes the act
for Board of Construction, and au»
thorizes armored vessels, 214.

dimming, Alexander, with Governor
Morgan, authorized to transport
troops and provide for public de-
fence, in April, 1861 ; defended by
the President, 177.

Curtin, Andrew G., Republican candi-
date for Governor of Pennsylvania
in 1861 ; his canvass and election,
9-14.

Darwin, Professor Charles, born on
the same day with Mr. Lincoln;
their advantages and personal in-
fluence compared, 431 et seq.

Davis, Captain,with Admiral Smith and
Commodore Paulding, formed the
Board of Construction, and approved
armored vessels for the navy, 216.

Davis, captain of Tenth Vermont,
holds the skirmish line at Monoc-
acy all day with seventy-five men,
394 et seq. ; defeats attempt of
Confederates to cross the railroad
bridge and break Wallace's line,
398 et seq. ; narrow escape and cour-
age of his men, 399.

458

INDEX.

Davis, David: his appointment on
commission in the Department of
the West, 173.

Davis, Jefferson, to be president of
Confederacy to seize the gdvern-
ment, Feb. 13th, 28 ; head of new
plot to seize Washington, March
4th ; meeting at his house, Jan. 6th,
29 ; his long enmity to General
Scott, 94-96; opposes conferring
upon General Scott the rank and
pay of lieutenant-general, 96 ; opin-
ion of General Taylor, his father-in-
law, of Mr. Davis, 95 ; commissions
officers of armored vessels to be
built in England, 199.

"Demand notes," their redemption
and destruction, 289 ; their origin
and issue, 297 ; extraction of writ-
ten signatures upon, 298.

Department of the West: excessive
claims upon the Treasury in ; their
disposition, 175; Secretary Stanton
refuses to approve them, 187; ef-
forts to influence him to allow
them, 188 ; how they were paid,
189; claimants accept payment of
allowance by commission, and then
bring suit, 189 ; they fail to recover,
190.

Detectives, professional : arguments
for and against their use in the
Treasury, 342-344 ; Secretary Chase
decides to employ them, 344 ; evil
consequences of their employment,
346 ; necessity of continuing their
use, 347-351.

Dix, General John A., brought into
the Cabinet by misdeeds of Secre-
tary Cobb, 28 ; his despatch to
Hemphill Jones, 34 ; his influence
in the Cabinet, 79, 80 ; on the quiet
of the inauguration, 91 ; with George
Opdyke and R. M. Blatchford author-
ized to expend $2,000,000 for arms
and supplies, in April, 1861, 177.

Dodge, William E., member of the
Conference from New York, presses
Mr. Lincoln to yield to the demands
of the South, and not go to war on
account of slavery, and so prevent
the grass from growing in the
streets of Northern cities, 74 ; Mr.
Lincoln's expressive reply, 76 ; its
influence upon the audience, 76.

Douglas Democrats praise the inaugu-
ral, 103.

Douglas, Stephen A., moves omission
of formal parts of certificates dur-
ing count of electoral vote, 44 ; his
debate with Mr. Lincoln hi 1858,
437 et seq.

Early, General Jubal A., denies his in-
tention to attack Washington in
1864, 385; his supposed force and
intentions, 387 et seq. ; his denial
that he intended to attack Wash-
ington, and his report of July 14th,
1864, 388 et seq.; declines to give
his numerical force, 390 et seq. ;
presses for Washington after the
battle of Monocacy, 401 et seq. ; is
before Washington with his army
on the morning of July llth, 405
etseq.; his retreat, 408 etseq.; leaves
four hundred of his wounded at
Frederick, 400 et seq. ; confesses a
loss of three thousand at the Monoc-
acy, 401 ; before Washington, 403 ;
he does not give the strength of his
force, 421 ; denies that he expected
to capture Washington; his state-
ments about the battle in front of
Fort Stevens, 424 ; the statements
of himself and his men, 426 ; his
statements that " dismay and con-
sternation prevailed in Washing-
ton," 426 et seq.

English citizen, an : his great service
to our government; offers to pro-
vide £1,000,000 sterling as security
for an order to arrest Confederate
iron-clads; his secret; obligation to
keep it, 194-210.

Ericsson, Captain John, approves plans
of the Galena, and furnishes C. S.
Bushnell with plans for an invulner-
able armored vessel, 215 ; his plans
rejected by Board of Construction ;
visits Washington ; the President
favors his floating-battery, and the
board reverses its decision, 216;
Monitor built on his plans, and her
draught less than lie calculated,
217 ; Captain Fox calls him the in-
ventor of the Monitor, 234.

Fairbanks, Governor Erastus, appoints
delegates to Peace Conference, 19 ;

INDEX.

459

offers First Vermont Regiment,
April 15tb, 107; applies for Enfield
rifles for First Vermont Regiment,
and offers to purchase their guns
in preference to arming them with
Belgian muskets, 151.

Fessenden, Senator, is appointed Sec-
retary of the Treasury, 381 ; de-
clines the appointment, but yields
to the influence of President Lin-
coln, 382 et seq.

Field, David Dudley, member of Con-
ference from New York ; final vote
of New York on resolutions of the
Conference by unfair advantage
taken of his absence, 82.

Field, Maunsel B. : his relations to
Secretary Chase ; is made Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury, 371 ; is
named to President Lincoln by Sec-
retary Chase for assistant treasurer
of New York ; opposition to his
nomination, 373 et seq.

Floyd, Secretary J. B. : his disloyalty
in President Buchanan's Cabinet;
leaves the Cabinet charged with
crime, 180.

Foot, Senator, of Vermont : esteem of
Vermonters for him ; he regards
the Conference as a trick ; his bold
denunciations of Secessionists, 20 ;
suggests to delegates to arm and
defend themselves, 21.

Fox, Gustavus V., a favorite of Pres-
ident Lincoln ; Assistant Secretary
of the Navy ; his impressions about
armored vessels, 213 ; favors build-
ing the Galena, 215, and the Mon-
itor, 216; watches progress of the
Merrimac and predicts her success,
217; warns the President that she
may prove effective, 218; despatch
from, after first battle with the Mer-
rimac, 223 ; his praise of Captain
Worden for his handling of the
Monitor ; attributes the Monitor to
President Lincoln, 234.

Fractional currency : its origin and
utility, 303 ; large amounts issued
and redeemed ; profit of the United
States upon, 304 ; wholly made in
one Treasury bureau, 305.

Franklin, Captain W. B., appointed to
organize and drill the Treasury reg-
iment, 113; captured by Gilmor's

cavalry, July 12th, 1864; his escape
on the day of bis capture, 409.

Frederick, city of, compelled by Gen-
eral Early to pay $200,000 in Fed-
eral money, 401.

Fremont, General, appointed to com-
mand the Department of the West ;
his extraordinary powers, 171 ; his
want of business ability, 172 ; he
manumits slaves of rebel owners,
and the President reverses his order,
173; his susceptibility to praise;
gives contracts to all; General
Blair's charges against him, 174;
his removal by the President, and
his loyal action thereupon, 174.

Galena, the, first armored vessel, built
at Mystic, Conn. ; doubts of her suc-
cess; her plans approved by Cap-
tain Ericsson; public outcry against
her; the President and Captain
Fox her friends, 215.

Gault, J., invents encased postage
stamp ; extent of its use as curren-
cy, 301-303.

Gooch, Hon. D. W., of Massachusetts :
his report to 38th Congress on con-
dition of exchanged Union prison-
ers at Annapolis, 325 ; says the
prisoners were intentionally starved
by the rebel authorities, 325.

Grant, General U. S. : simplicity of his
first visit to Washington, 317; his
call on the President before ad-
vance of the Army of the Potomac,
819; his views of the Union and
Confederate armies, 321 ; his cele-
brated telegram of May llth, 1864,
322; decides to remove General
Thomas from command of the army
operating against Hood, 363 ; waits,
and Thomas defeats Hood, 864;
finally does Thomas justice in his
" Personal Memoirs," 365 ; his esti-
mate of the battle on the Monoc-
acy, 390; sends part of Sixth Corps
to Wallace in Baltimore, 392; in-
tended to reinforce Washington if
attacked, 407.

Great Britain favorable to the North
at beginning of the war, 132; be-
comes hostile — reasons therefor,
1 83 ; contemptuous treatment of
the American minister, 134; de-

460

INDEX.

mands surrender of Mason and Sli-
dell, and prepares for war, 137 ; re-
pudiates her former claims, 139 ;
attributes the surrender to coward-
ice, 146; unfriendliness of crown
officers to the United States, 198;
demands security in £1,000,000 for
preventing departure of iron-clads,
199; waives the demand on notice
that Mr. Adams would give the se-
curity, 208.

" Greenback :" army name for legal-
tender notes; its origin, 311. See
Legal-tender.

Greene, Lieutenant, fired the guns dur-
ing first part of the battle with the
Merrimac, 231 ; his youth and mod-
esty ; takes command of the Mon-
itor when Captain Worden was
disabled, 226 ; his modest account
of the last part of the fight, 232.

Gregory, C., describes encased postage-
stamp in Philatelic Journal, 301.

Griswold, John A., Corning, & Wins-
low, co-contractors with C. S. Bush-
nell to build the Monitor, 216.

Gurowski, Adam : his sources of in-
formation of events ; his origin un-
known, 26 ; his address to Northern
members ; details alleged conspiracy
to seize the government, 26-30;
urges members to go home and or-
ganize regiments, 27 ; declares that
Lincoln's election determined the
South on war, 29 ; seizure of Wash-
ington on February 13th prevented
by indiscretions of Cobb and Floyd,
28 ; postponement of seizure to
March 4th ; new conspiracy confined
to leaders ; to be managed by Jef-
ferson Davis, 30 ; Peace Conference
a part of the plot, 30 ; declares his
personal knowledge of the plot to
assassinate Mr. Lincoln, 58.

Hall, Hiland, ex-Governor of Vermont,
delegate to Peace Conference, 19;
surprised by conversation with Sen-
ator Foot, 20; shocked at sugges-
tion of carrying arms, 22 ; his reply
to a Kentuckian on the subject of
the courage of New England men,
66.

Hamilton, Alexander : his creation of
the Treasury system of the United

States, 4 ; no account of the Treas-
ury to be found in his writings or
elsewhere in print, 4, 5 ; his checks
against frauds, 285.

Harrington, George, First Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury, 109 ; in-
vites heads of bureaus to meeting
for defence of the Treasury, 112;
announces that Captains Shiras and
Franklin will drill the Treasury reg-
iment, 113.

Henry, Colonel William W., commands
Tenth Vermont, which is sent, under
General Ricketts, to reinforce Gen-
eral Wallace at Baltimore, 392 et
seq. ; gets fastest steamboat, reaches
Baltimore, hurries to the front, where
he arrives on July 8th, 392 ; deceives
the Confederates, and reaches the
Monocacy on morning of July 9th,
393; receives General Wallace's
order to retreat, 397 ; brings off his
regiment, 397; General Wallace's
opinion of him, 400 ; his regiment
at the Relay House, 409.

Henry, Dr. Joseph, secretary of the
Smithsonian Institution ; his char-
acter ; his esteem for President Lin-
coln, 285 ; his conversation with the
President, 237.

Herald, New York, compelled by the
people to display the "Stars and
Stripes," 107.

Hicks, Governor of Maryland, elected
as a Union candidate ; opposes pas-
sage of regiments through Balti-
more, 121 ; his interview with the
President, April 20th, 1861, 122;
the President's answer to him, 123.

Histories of the war, their inaccuracies,
3.

Holt, Judge, of Kentucky, a loyal mem-
ber of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet; his
influence, 79, 80 ; assists in the or-
der of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration,
91 ; appointed on commission in
Department of the West; his jus-
tice and equity, 173 ; his fidelity
and loyalty in President Buchanan's
Cabinet, 181.

Hospital notes: the wounded from
the Wilderness; their sufferings
and exposure, 251 ; charities of the
colored people ; " mammy " and her
pickles, 255; the Catholic sisters.

INDEX.

461

258; anaesthetics and their merci-
ful effects, 261 ; the wounded Dane,
263.

Inauguration of President Lincoln,
March 4th ; a bright day, the city
orderly, soldiers not visible, 84 ; pro-
cession starts from Executive Man-
sion, with President Buchanan in
an open carriage; takes up Mr.
Lincoln at Willard's, and moves
through a great multitude of spec-
tators to the Capitol, 85, 86 ; strong
contrast of the two presidents, 86 ;
Senator Baker introduces Mr. Lin-
coln, 87 ; his voice distinctly heard ;
its opening received in silence ; his
declaration that the laws should be
executed in all the states excites
great applause, 89; beauty of his
peroration ; impressive dignity of
his oath to defend the Constitution,
90, 9 1 ; return to the Executive Man-
sion without disorder or disturb-
ance ; departure of ex - President
Buchanan to private life; the un-
disturbed dignity of the impressive
ceremony due to the influence of
Mr. Buchanan, Secretaries Dix, Holt,
and Stanton, and General Scott, 91,
92.

Johnson, Colonel Bradley T., selected
by General Lee to command expe-
dition to release Confederate pris-
oners at Point Lookout, 386 ; com-
mands division of cavalry in Early's
campaign in July, 1864, 387; moves
against railroads and for Point
Lookout, 389; is recalled by Gen-
eral Early, 390.

Johnson, Waldo P., member of the
Conference, afterwards a Confed-
erate brigadier, wants to know how
Mr. Lincoln got through Baltimore ;
Mr. Seddon's reply, 66.

Kelley, William D. : first meeting with
him at the Astor House, in Septem-
ber, 1861, 8 ; his first canvass and
election to Congress, 8-15, 16.

Laird, Messrs., ship-builders, contract
with Confederates to build two iron-
clad vessels at Birkenhead, 197;

how their departure was prevented
by Minister Adams, 198-203.

Laraon, Ward H., Mr. Lincoln's friend
and prospective Marshal of the Dis-
trict, not present when he received
the Conference ; a member supplies
his place, 71.

Lane, Colonel, of Kansas, forms a com-
pany to defend the White House, in
April, 1861, 115.

Lee, General Robert E., a colonel in
1861 ; arrived in Washington from
Texas about March 1st; General
Scott's high estimate of, 97 ; con*
drums secession in a letter to his
son, January 23d, 1861, in very
strong terms, 98 ; rumor early in
April that General Scott would re-
sign and Colonel Lee be appointed
to command, 99 ; resignation of
members of his family ; resigns his
own commission, April 20th, 99 ;
his only reason that he did not de-
sire to draw his sword against Vir-
ginia; was this reason adequate?
100; influence of his family; its
probable effect if exerted in behalf
of the Union, 101 ; his splendid
genius, military abilities, high char-
acter, and otherwise stainless life
admitted, but his claimed justifica-
tion for taking up arms against his
country and his flag denied, 99-102;
he is informed of all events in Wash-
ington, 386 ; plans the movement
against Washington in 1864, 387;
statements of Colonel Long, his
biographer, 888.

Lefferts, Marshal, colonel of the Sev-
enth New York Regiment, 125, 128,
131.

Legal -tender notes: their origin a
necessity, 306 ; President Lincoln's
opinions of their legality, 807 ; de-
scription of, 310; amounts issued
and outstanding, 311; amount re-
duced by Secretary McCulloch, 318 ;
Congress prohibits further reduc-
tion, 814 ; opinion of Secretary
Chase on their constitutionality,
315 ; portraits of living men upon,
prohibited, 306.

Lewis, Walker, a colored man ; his
experiences as a slave ; his appoint-
ment as a messenger; his fidelity,

462

INDEX.

159; rules for his own observation,
161 ; bis industry and success, 160.
Lincoln, Abraham : decease of his
financial officers, 2 ; his charity, 7 ;
the campaign of 1 860, 8 ; his elec-
tion assured in October, 14 ; elec-
toral vote counted, and declared
elected, 40 ; his peaceable election,
and its announcement secured by
General Scott and Vice-President
Breckinridge, 46 ; threats against
his life by Southern newspapers,
48 ; conspiracy for his assassina-
tion in Baltimore in February, 58 ;
consents to follow advice of his
friends on his journey through Bal-
timore, 64 ; arrival in Washington,
and his alleged disguise, 65 ; disap-
pointment caused by his arrival to
Southerners, 66 ; contempt of Seces-
sionists for his supposed coarseness
and vulgarity, 67 ; receives mem-
bers of Peace Conference on the
evening of his arrival, 68; desires
acquaintance with Southern mem-
bers, 69 ; his frankness with them,
71 ; his reception of Mr. Rives,
James B. Clay, George W. Sum-
mers, and others, 72 ; his answers
to Mr. Seddon, 74 ; to William E.
Dodge, 75 ; his determination to
enforce the provisions of the Con-
stitution, 73 ; declines to discuss
the slavery question, 76; opinions
of Mr. Rives, Judge Ruffin, and oth-
er Southerners of Mr. Lincoln, 77 ;
influence of his arrival in Washing-
ton in checking growth of secession,
80; his procession to the Capitol
on March 4th ; his introduction to
the audience by Senator Baker, of
Oregon, 87; his opening address
received in silence, 88 ; effect of his
announcement that he would use
the National powers to recover the
forts and property of the nation,
89 ; subsequent enthusiasm of the
audience; his oath to support the
Constitution, 90 ; his return to the
Executive Mansion, 91 ; hated by
the Secessionists, 93 ; his novel se-
lection of his Cabinet officers, 104 ;
his first call for seventy-five thou-
sand men on the fall of Fort Sum-
ter, 106 ; popular enthusiasm for

him, 107; his interview with Dr.
Wynne, 118; the governor of Mary-
laud and mayor of Baltimore solicit
an order that no more Northern
regiments be permitted to pass
through Maryland, 122 ; his answer
to them, 123; his reception of the
New York Seventh and Eighth
Massachusetts regiments, 129; his
prompt decision that Mason and
Slidell, captured on the British
steamer Trent, must, be surren-
dered ; his reasons therefor, 147 ;
his influence in overcoming preju-
dices of the War and Navy depart-
ments against the volunteer service,
149 et seq. ; orders the surgeon-
general to co-operate with the San-
itary Commission, 155 ; confidence
of the colored people in him as
their chosen emancipator, 163 ; ap-
points Davis Commission on claims
in the Department of the West, and
removes General Fremont, 173 ; his
confidence in Secretary Cameron,
176; overlooks Mr. Stanton's dis-
courtesy and appoints him Secre-
tary of War, 185 ; his attachment
to Secretary Stanton, 186 ; his reply
to resolution censuring Mr. Came-
ron, 177 ; his trust in Secretary
Stanton, 192; consultation with him
about issuing bonds on pledge of
Minister Adams, 195; early opin-
ions in favor of armored vessels,
213; favors construction of the
Galena, 215 ; approves Captain
Ericsson's plans for the Monitor,
216; his confidence that the Mer-
rimac would not prove irresistible,
and his faith in the favor of the
Almighty, 219 ; his confidence in
Captain Worden and the Monitor,
220 ; his cheerfulness over news of
the Merrimac's first victories, 222;
receives news of the battle between
the Monitor and the Merrimac, 224 ;
not elated by the Monitor's victory,
225; hears Captain Worden de-
scribe the fight on the deck of the
Monitor, 227; Captain Fox attrib-
utes the adoption of armored ves-
sels to President Lincoln, 234 ; his
interviews with, and high opinion
of, Professor Henry, 236 ; the par-

INDEX.

463

don of the sleeping sentinel, 265 ;
Scott's death at Lee's Mills ; his
message to the President, 280 ; his
opinions of the constitutionality of
legal -tender notes, 307, 310; his
love for ballad poetry, 309 ; his in-
terest in returned prisoners at An-
napolis, 323; 'his sympathy for them,
327 ; unwilling to believe they were
intentionally starved by the rebels,
328 ; his review of the colored chil-
dren, 332 ; his story of Daniel Web-
ster and the school -master, 333;
favors paying for slaves, 335; his
interview with a Vermont contrac-
tor, who would remove the slaves
to Texas, 337; advises General
Grant not to relieve General Thomas
and give his command to General
Logan before the battle of Nash-
ville, 364 ; his faith, 368 ; he accepts
Mr. Chase's resignation ; his just
estimate of Secretary Chase ; he ap-
points him chief justice, 371 et seq. ;
his opinion that the republic did
not depend on the life of any one
man, 377; nominates Mr. Fessenden
as Secretary of the Treasury, who
declines and finally accepts the ap-
pointment, 381 ; his influence upon
Mr. Fessenden, 382 ; witnesses bat-
tle at Fort Stevens, 416 ; his calm-
ness in times of excitement, and
confidence that Washington would
not be captured, 428 ; letters of, to
Governor Swann and General Grant
now first published,429,430; sketch
of some events in his life, 436 et
seq. ; writes his own biography, 432 ;
his power of thought, 434; origin
and powerful influence of his "di-
vided-house" speech, 435 etseq.;
his debate with Senator Douglas
and Chicago speech of July 10th,
1858, 436 ; his nomination and elec-
tion, 440 et seq.; his faith in the
Bible, 447 et seq.; the best histories
of his life, 453.

Logan, General John A., ordered by
General Grant to supersede Thomas
in command of the army against
Hood ; waits at Cincinnati until
Thomas defeats Hood, when the
order is rescinded, 863 et seq.

Logan, Stephen T., member from Illi-

nois, moves that the members of
the Conference call in a body on
the President-elect ; motion carried
by the influence of President Tyler,
67.

London Times, the, opposes secession
before the commencement of the
war, 132 ; favors secession and dis-
union, 1 33 ; statement of practice
of Great Britain in cases like that
of the Trent, 138 ; attributes sur-
render of Mason and Slidell to
American cowardice, 146.

Long, General : his account of Early's
campaign against Washington, 388.

Lowndes, Francis, a clerk in the Reg-
ister's office, seventy-five years old,
the first to sign a pledge to defend
the Treasury, 1 14.

Lyons, Lord, British minister, friendly
to the North ; his person and char-
acter, 140 ; his interview with Sec-
retary Seward, 141 ; indifferent when
Mason and Slidell are surrendered,
141 ; sends a steamer to Province-
town, 146.

Maryland : Governor Hicks and au-
thorities oppose passage of troops ;
public meetings in, 120, 121.

Mason and Slidell, captured on British
steamer Trent by Captain Wilkes,
of the San Jacinto, 134 ; their de-
livery demanded by Great Britain,
137 ; Mr. Seward agrees to surren-
der them, 140; they are sent from
Fort Warren to Proviucetown, Cape
Cod, and delivered to a British
steamer, 146 ; their mission a fail-
ure, 147; their complaints of accom-
modations, 147.

Mason, J. M., and John Slidell, Seces-
sion leaders, present at meeting at
Davis's house, January 5th, 29 ;
Mason to arrange for Peace Con-
ference ; Slidell and Mallory to call
convention at Montgomery, 29.

Massachusetts Sixth Regiment fights
its way through Baltimore ; its dead
and wounded, 116; its gallantry,
117.

McClellan, General George B. : bag-
gage train for his headquarters de-
scribed, 317.

McClure, Colonel Alexander, conducts

464

INDEX.

the Republican campaign in Penn-
sylvania in 1860, 9; his efficiency,
9-18.

Merrimac, the : Confederate Congress
plans her conversion into an ar-
mored vessel in May, 213; Captain
Fox reports her completion and pre-
dicts her success, 217; sinks the
Congress and the Cumberland, 222 ;
her fight with the Monitor reported,
224 ; described by Captain Worden,
228.

Jffrmesota,i\ie, runs aground in Hamp-
ton Roads when the Merrimac first
came out of Norfolk, 222 ; it is de-
cided to burn her, and she is stripped
for that purpose ; timely arrival of
Captain Fox saves her, 223 ; the
Monitor arrives and is laid along-
side, 224.

Monitor •, the: Captain Ericsson's plans
for, favored by the President, 216 ;
contract for, awarded; energy of
her contractors, 216; sent to sea
before she was completed, 217 ; the
President's confidence in her before
the battle, 220 ; Captain Fox tele-
graphs her arrival at Newport News,
223; his account of the battle on
his return to Washington, 225 ; she
comes to Washington, 225 ; Captain
Worden describes her fight with the
Merrimac, standing on her deck,
227 ; her success, 234.

Monocaey, the battle of: its impor-
tance underrated by Union author-
ities and by General Early, 385 ; bat-
tle of, described, 391 et seq.; its
incidents, importance, and results,
891 et seq. ; General Grant's opin-
ion of its importance, 390 ; General
Gordon's opinion of its sanguinary
character, 401; Tenth Vermont Reg-
iment, its account of, 409 ; its place
in history; it saved Washington
from capture, 424.

Morning Chronicle, the, declares that
Congress must " eat the leek bran-
dished in British faces," 137.

Mori-ill, Lot M. : his altercation with
Commodore Stockton in the Con-
ference; his character; his coolness
under excitement, 52-55 ; impresses
Southern members with a better
opinion of Northern courage, 56.

New York city: excitement in, over
the fall of Fort Sumter, 106.

New York Seventh Regiment reported
cut to pieces in Baltimore, 116.

Nixon, John T., appointed judge of
the Federal Circuit Court in New
Jersey, 8; his election to Congress
in October, 1861 ; his canvass, 12,
13.

Noyes, William Curtis, states deter-
mination to protect rights of mem-
bers of Conference, 25.

Office-seeking, its discouragements, 18;
it has no possible profits ; its evils
and dangers, 353 et seq.; its influ-
ence upon men of ability, 359.

O'Neill, Charles, his report on a monu-
ment to Secretary Stanton, 191.

Opdyke, George, with General Dix
and R. M. Blatchford, authorized to
expend $2,000,000 for public de-
fence in April, 1861 ; accounts for
whole amount, 177.

Paulding, Commodore, reports govern-
ment property at Norfolk safely
protected on the 18th of April, 114;
chairman of Board of Construction,
favors construction of iron -clad
vessels, 215.

Peace Conference, the : delegates from
Vermont, appointed to, 19 ; meets
at Willard's Hall, 23 ; a device to
keep the North quiet, 29 ; members
witness count of electoral vote, 41 ;
altercation between Senator Morrill
and Commodore Stockton ; its sup-
pression by President Tyler, 52-56;
Mr. Seddon's opening speech, 51 ;
change of Southern opinions of
courage of Northern men, 56 ; re-
port of Committee on Resolutions a
complete surrender by the North to
slavery, 50-56 ; influence on mem-
bers of Mr. Lincoln's arrival in
Washington, 66; motion that the
Conference call on Mr. Lincoln op-
posed by the Secessionists; Pres-
ident Tyler declares it eminently
proper; it passes, and the president
is to ascertain when Mr. Lincoln
will receive the Conference, 67;
adjourns February 27th ; its res-
olutions adopted by a majority of

INDEX.

one state, secured by refusing to
accept the vote of New York, as
agreed by a majority of its dele-
gates, by the unfair ruling of Pres-
ident Tyler, 81 ; its resolutions not
considered in Congress, except by
way of amendment to those of Mr.
Crittenden ; its results, except to
unite the Republicans and loyal
Democrats, nil, 82.

Pennsylvania : six hundred men, the
first troops under the call, arrive in
Washington, April 18th, 114.

Phelps, J. W., colonel First Vermont,
declines discarded Belgian muskets
and wants Enfield rifles for his reg-
iment, 161 ; his recognition by Gen-
eral Scott, who sends his regiment
where active service was expected,
154.

Pitkin, Parley P., Grant's quarter-
master on the James, favors Col-
onel Henry with fastest steamer for
Baltimore, 392.

"Plug-Uglies," the, of Baltimore:
their character ; their connection
with the plot to assassinate Presi-
dent Lincoln, 63 ; attack on the
Sixth Massachusetts in Baltimore,
125; burn the bridges and destroy
the railroads, 127 ; prepare to at-
tack the Northern forces at Annap-
olis Junction, 128; their final de-
parture from Washington, 129.

Postage-stamps : first used as currency
by General Spinner, treasurer, 300;
are encased in copper and used as
coins, 301 ; extent of their use,
301.

Potomac Naturalists' Club, the: its
origin, meetings, and membership,
239, 246 ; Robert Kennicott, Will-
iam Simpson.CountPourtalis, Baron
Osten - Sacken, Theodore Gill, Dr.
Newberry, Agassiz, and other mem-
bers and guests, 240-245; discus-
sion of the giant octopus, 246-250.

Prisoners, Confederate: General Lee
proposes to President Davis to send
Colonel Bradley T. Johnson to re-
lease twenty thousand at Point
Lookout, 386; General Early's re-
port concerning, 389.

Prisoners, Union: exchanged at An-
napolis, 323; their horrible treat-

ment and desperate condition, 326 ;
its effect upon their minds, 327;
sympathy of the President and a
lady of Boston for them, 324, 328.
Public men, to be estimated by final
results, and not by single errors, 5.

Register's office : cringing address of
employes corrected, 110; in excel-
lent working order in April, 1861,
111 ; issues $10,000,000 in coupon
bonds between Friday and Monday,
195; necessity for it and how it
was done, 203-211; severe conse-
quences to the register, 205, 210 ;
process of signing and issuing bonds,
205 ; entries of the $10,000,000 on
the register's books, 211.

Register of the Treasury : proposes to
pay balances to resigning army offi-
cers by checks on Richmond, 98 ;
excitement resulting therefrom, 99 ;
takes the oath of office, 109; de-
clines to pay deserters from the
Treasury for fractions of the month,
111; invites his clerks to promise
to defend the Treasury; their ex-
cuses, 113.

Regular service, war and naval : an-
tipathy of, to volunteers ; heads of
bureaus old men, 149 ; Chief of
Bureau of Ordnance, his anger at
a proposal to change his order, 162;
declares the old Springfield musket
best for volunteers, 163; his rea-
sons, 154; regular officers oppose
the Sanitary Commission, 155 ; re-
quired by the President to give rea-
sons, 156; overruled by the Presi-
dent, 157.

Republican members of Peace Con-
ference : decide to take action, 24 ;
alarmed and united by call on Pres-
ident Buchanan, 34 ; resolve to invite
loyal Democrats to a caucus, then
subsequently form union, 35.

Ricketts, General, sent by General
Grant with Third Division of Sixth
Corps to defence of Baltimore in
July, 1864, 392 ; his defence of the
left at the battle of Monocacy, 394.

Rives, William C. : Mr. Lincoln desires
to meet him, 69 ; his high character
and courtly bearing ; Mr. Lincoln's
cordial reception, 72 ; the cou versa-

466

INDEX.

tion between them, 73 ; Mr. Rives
a close observer of the conduct and
conversation of Mr. Lincoln, 75; his
declaration that Mr. Lincoln had
been misjudged by the South, that
he would be the head of his admin-
istration, and that much fault could
not be found with the opinions he
had expressed, 77.

Ratlin, Judge Thomas, of North Caro-
lina, a member of the Conference
whom Mr. Lincoln wished to meet,
69; his conversation with Mr. Lin-
coln, 76 ; regrets Mr. Lincoln's pro-
nounced opinions against slavery,
but otherwise could not find much
fault with his views, 76, 77.

Sanitary Commission tendered to Sur-
geon-General, and rejected, 155;
just indignation of its officers, who
appeal to the President, 156; Sur-
geon-General called to account, and
ordered to accept and co-operate
with Commission, 156; inestimable
value of the Sanitary Commission
to the soldiers, 157.

Saturday Review, the : opposes seces-
sion before the war ; declares con-
quest of the South a hopeless task,
133 ; charges the North with cow-
ardice, 146.

Scott, Colonel Thomas A., Assistant
Secretary of War, requires applica-
tion for rifles of First Vermont to
be made to Bureau of Ordnance,
151 ; but on refusal of that bureau
overrules it, 154 ; reasons for his
selection as Assistant Secretary,169 ;
his efforts to reform the manage-
ment of the War Office, 170 ; his ill
success ; reasons for his return to
private life, 171.

Scott, General Winfield : opposes and
breaks up first conspiracy to seize
Washington ; collects regulars there
in January, 28 ; facility of access
to him in February; his opinion
of Vermonters, 37 ; his declaration
that the electoral vote should be
counted, and that there should be
no revolution in Washington, 38 ;
Vice-President Breckinridge prom-
ises to co-operate with him, 39; his
numerous visitors, 39 ; his precau-

tions on February 13th, 41 ; excited
anger of Secessionists, 43 ; peace-
able declaration of Mr. Lincoln's
election due to him and to Mr.
Breckinridge, 46 ; his reply to Wig-
fall, 46 ; refuses to temporize with
secession, 79; secures a dignified
and orderly inauguration, 92 ; hated
by Secessionists; urges President
Buchanan to reinforce Southern
forts in December ; proposes to
send two hundred and fifty men,
with supplies, to Fort Sumter with-
out informing Secretary Floyd, 93 ;
his stern reply to a senator who
urged his desertion ; enmity of Jef-
ferson Davis, 94 ; its origin ; his
severe expressions against Davis,
95 ; declares that no cause can
prosper of which Davis is a leader,
95; opposed to the Abolitionists;
hopes of a great Union party on the
basis of the Crittenden Resolutions ;
declares that the North was the
stronger in resources, the equal of
the South in courage, but could not
subjugate the South with less than
three hundred thousand men, 96 ;
declared in favor of young generals
— that he was too old and worn-out
for the command ; his high estimate
of Colonel Robert E. Lee — that be
was, and would remain, loyal to the
Union — that he was equal to the
command of the army, 97 ; grounds
of his faith in Colonel Lee, 98 ; di-
rects that Northern regiments must
pass through Baltimore, 119-121,
122; orders First Vermont Regi-
ment to Fortress Monroe, 151.

Scott, William, a private of Company
K, Third Vermont, condemned to be
shot for sleeping on his post, 271 ;
interest of his comrades, 272 ; par-
doned by the President, 276 ; his
death at Lee's Mills and message
to the President, 280, 282.

Secession : blindness of the North to
its progress ; transfer of money and
supplies to the South ; South Caro-
lina first secedes, 18; leaders as-
sume control of Peace Conference,
appoint its officers, and exclude the
press, 23, 24 ; refuse to have a re-
cording secretary, 25 ; oppose any

INDEX.

467

record of proceedings, 25 ; conven-
tion to form confederacy to be held
at Montgomery, Ala., by February
14th, 29 ; rumors of revolution be-
fore counting of electoral vote, 36 ;
Washington crowded with disorder-
ly Secessionists, 36 ; leaders hope
for a disturbance during count of
electoral vote, 42 ; their angry de-
nunciations of General Scott for his
preventive measures, 43 - 46 ; de-
pressing influence upon Southern
members of Peace Conference of Mr.
Lincoln's opinions at his reception,
77 ; ripens during the last week but
one of the old administration ; six
states secede, 79 ; growth of, in the
Border states, 80 ; suddenly checked
by Mr. Lincoln's arrival, 80; effect
of influx of young Republicans to
see their President inaugurated, 81 ;
they fill Washington and overflow
to neighboring cities; a paralysis
for the time falls upon secession,
82 ; it condemns inaugural address
as fatal to the Union, 103 ; opens fire
upon Fort Sumter, April 14th, 106 ;
an angry Washington judge, 109 ;
he leaves for the South, 109 ; clerks
in register's office infected with,
111; Secessionists threaten Har-
per's Ferry in April, 116; prema-
ture rejoicings over destruction of
New York Seventh and Eighth Mas-
sachusetts regiments, 128.

Seddon, James A., Southern manager
of Peace Conference, 24; opposes
making proceedings public, 26 ;
leader of Southern members ; his
opinions, ability, and resemblance
to John Randolph, 51, 52; his ser-
vant gives him a note of Mr. Lin-
coln's arrival, which he hands to
Johnson, of Missouri ; his contempt
for the unguarded inquiry of that
gentleman, 66 ; his charges against
the North, and Mr. Lincoln's digni-
fied answers at the reception of the
Conference, 73.

" Seven - thirty " notes: their issue;
they did not circulate as currency,
298.

Seward, William H., with Mr. Wash-
burn, takes charge of Mr. Lincoln's
journey through Baltimore, and es-

corts him safely to his hotel, 65 ;
announced as a prospective member
of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, 81 ; his
speech to a body of his constituents
which disclosed noneof Mr. Lincoln's
purposes, 83 ; selected by President
Lincoln for State Department, 104 ;
his negotiations with Lord Lyons
for surrender of Mason and Slidell,
140; his masterly reply -to Lord
Russell, 142 ; approved by the Amer-
ican people, 145 ; consultationjpith
the President and Secretary Cnase
on the necessity of keeping the faith
of Minister Adams to a noble Eng-
lishman, 195.

Shiras, Captain, appointed to organize
and drill the Treasury regiment,
113.

Sigel, General F., informs General Wal-
lace of General Early's advance, with
thirty thousand men, past Maryland
Heights, 391.

Silver coins, fractional : their sudden
disappearance from circulation, 299 ;
necessity of a substitute for them,
300.

Sixth Corps : Third Division, under
General Ricketts, sent to reinforce
General Wallace at Baltimore, 392 ;
its position on the Monocacy, 394 ;
its bravery and desperate fighting
there, 396 ; its heavy losses there,
400 ; the remaining divisions reach
Washington, July llth and 12th,
410; its part in the battle of Fort
Stevens, 416; Early's sudden re-
treat upon its arrival, 427.

Smalley, Judge D. A., of Vermont, de-
fines the crime of treason in his
charge to a grand jury in New York,
47 ; declines to interfere with seiz-
ure of arms about to be shipped to
Charleston, 49.

Smith, Admiral, member of Board of
Construction with Commodore Pauld-
ing and Captain Davis,215; approves
construction of the Monitor, 216.

Smith, Caleb B., nominated Secretary
of the Interior, 104.

Spinner, General Francis E. : his fidel-
ity as a Treasury officer ; his suffer-
ing from disease, borne heroically ;
his death, 3 ; suggests payments to
resigning officers by drafts on South-

468

INDEX.

era assistant-treasuries, 98 ; prefers
to take his secession from the out-
side of the Treasury ; proposes vig-
orous defence of the Treasury, 112;
Cornwell, a clerk in his office, ab-
stracts " demand notes ;" his de-
tection and punishment, 290-295;
uses postage - stamps in place of
small coins, 300 ; collects money
and-securities of the Treasury, and
prepares for leaving Washington
when it was threatened by General
Early in 1864,408.

Stannard, General George J. : his brill-
iant record in the war, 354 ; he is
appointed collector of the district
of Vermont, 355 ; he is ruined by
it, with some of his sureties, 357 ;
he becomes a door-keeper in the
gallery of the House of Representa-
tives, 357.

Stanton, Secretary Edwin M. : enters
President Buchanan's Cabinet, 28 ;
his influence there, 79 ; declares
that the surrender of the forts in
Charleston harbor would be crim-
inal, 80 ; promotes the quiet of the
inauguration, 91 ; public opinion of
him less favorable than it should
be, 168 ; his character and quali-
ties, 178 ; his physical and mental
vigor in 1861, 178; his first act in
President Buchanan's Cabinet ; de-
clares surrender of Fort Sumter a
crime, 181 ; his hatred of cant and
hypocrisy, and of speculative pa-
triots, 183 ; his strong prejudices
and caustic criticism, 185; his love
for, and eulogy of, President Lin-
coln, 186 ; his appointment as Sec-
retary of War, 187 ; his refusal to
sanction improper claims ; his firm-
ness, 188 ; his patriotic character,
190; report of Charles O'Neill's
committee to House of Representa-
tives on appropriation for a monu-
ment to Mr. Stanton, 192; present
at battle of Fort Stevens, 415.

Stars and Stripes: enthusiasm for,
April 1 5th, 105 ; love for it abides
forever, 108; affection for, of an old
Carolinian, 114.

Stevens, Fort, location of, 411 ; battle
of July 12th, 1864, 412 el seq.

Stewart, John A., is proposed by Sen-

ator Morgan as assistant-treasurer
of New York ; he declines the ap-
pointment, 373.

Stimers, Alban C., chief -engineer of
the Monitor, managed the turret dur-
ing the fight with the Merrimac, 231.

Stockton, Commodore: his character;
his interruption of Senator Merrill
in the Conference ; vigorous action
of a Northern delegate, 53-56.

Summers, George W., member of Con-
ference from Virginia, 31 ; his cor-
dial reception by Mr. Lincoln, 71 ;
his approval of Mr. Lincoln's state-
ment that he would obey and en-
force the Constitution and the laws,
73.

Sumter, Fort, fall of ; its effect on the
North, April 14th, 106.

Taney, Chief Justice, death of, Octo-
ber, 1864, 384.

Thomas, George H. : his loyalty ques-
tioned and defended, 360 ; he assists
General Scott in April, 1861, and
protects the railroads to Washing-
ton, 361 ; he " will hold Chatta-
nooga until we starve," 362 ; moves
against Hood ; his slowness ; Gen-
eral Grant proposes to remove him
and give his command to Logan;
he waits under the President's ad-
vice; Thomas fights and defeats
Hoods army; Grant's justice to
him, 362 et seq. ; his unflinching
loyalty, 365.

Tod, ex-Governor, of Ohio, nominated
for Secretary of the Treasury, and
declines, 380.

Treasury notes, did not circulate as
money, 296.

Treasury of the United States the
creation of Mr. Hamilton ; no writ-
ten history of; its expansiveness,
285 ; three frauds upon, and their
detection, 287-294 ; frauds upon by
the warrant clerk of the secretary,
347-351 ; the end of the dishonest
clerk, 352.

" Trent affair," history of, 132 ; fortu-
nate conclusion of, 146 ; Great
Britain's action upon it, 169.

Trumbull, Senator Lyman, a teller dur-
ing count of electoral vote in Feb-
ruary, 1861, 43.

INDEX.

469

Tyler, ex -President John, president
of Peace Conference, 24 ; enforces
rights of Northern members, 26 ;
suppresses an altercation and re-
stores order in the excited Confer-
ence, 55 ; instead of calling on Mr.
Lincoln, sends a note of inquiry
when he would receive the Confer-
ence— Mr. Lincoln's prompt reply,
68.

Tyler, General, commands right wing
at the Monocacy, 393 ; goes to the
assistance of Colonel Brown at the
bridge; assists in holding it until
Wallace's army has passed ; is then
surrounded by Confederates, but es-
capes, 897 et seq.

Yallandigham, Clement L., introduces
resolution in House of Representa-
tives opposing surrender of Mason
and Slidell, 138.

Van Brunt, Captain, commands the
Minnesota when attacked by the
Merrimac, 224; his joy at the ar-
rival of the Monitor; informs Cap-
tain Wordeu that the Merrimac will
probably attack at daylight, 228.

Vermont regiments : First Regiment,
Colonel Phelps, tendered to the
President, April 16th, 107; objects
to Belgian discarded muskets, 151 ;
applies for Enfield rifles, 152; how
it got them, 153 ; its colonel com-
mended by General Scott, who or-
ders regiment to Fortress Monroe,
154.

Vermont Tenth Regiment holds the
left of Union line in the battle of
the Monocacy ; its desperate fight-
ing, 394 et seq.

Virginia : invites a Peace Conference
of the states on the 4th of Febru-
ary, 19; her delegates assume its
control, 24; Gurowski's opinion of
the mother of Presidents, 27; to
provide forces to seize the Capitol,
36 ; one of her members proposes
" to have some music " before count
of electoral vote, 42; influence of
Lee family in, 101 ; rumors that
Virginia has seceded, April 18th,
114; threatens Harper's Ferry, 116.

Volunteers: antagonism of regular
service to, 149-167, 169-171.

Wadsworth, James S., a leading Re-
publican, 30; his criticism on Gu-
rowski's speech, 31.

Wallace, General Lew.: General Grant's
opinion of the battle of the Monoc-
acy, 390; prepares to check the
Confederate advance, 391 ; is rein-
forced by Ricketts with a part of
the Sixth Corps, 392 ; forms his
line of battle on the Monocacy, 393
et seq. ; fights the battle, 394 et seq. ;
orders retreat, 896 ; his opinion of
Colonel Henry, of the Tenth Ver-
mont, 400; his resistance on the
Monocacy saves Washington from
capture, 390 et seq.; with the Sixth
Corps saves Washington from cap-
ture, 424.

Wallach, ex-Mayor, introduces Walker
Lewis, a colored man, to the regis-
ter, 158.

Washburn, Elihu B., a teller during
count of electoral vote in February,
1861, 43; with Mr. Seward takes
charge of Mr. Lincoln's journey
through Baltimore to the Capitol,
64; they attend him to Willard's
Hotel on the early morning of Feb-
ruary 23d, 65.

Washington city: isolated from the
loyal states in April, 1861, 115;
rumors of rebel attacks, 117; dis-
appearance of the " Plug-Uglies,"
129; its condition and defences
well known to General Lee in 1864,
386 ; Early's campaign against, in
1864, 387 et seq.; not supposed by
its citizens to be in danger, 404;
saved from capture by the battle of
the Monocacy and ar ri val of the Sixth
Corps, 424 ; no dismay or consterna-
tion there on account of General
Early, 426.

Webster, Daniel : President Lincoln's
story of his boyhood, 333.

Welles, Gideon, nominated Secretary
of the Navy, 104; congratulates
Captain Wilkes on the capture of
Mason and Slidell, 135; his report
to Congress on the capture, 186;
his claim that he favored and Sec-
retary Seward first opposed the sur-
render, 147 ; this claim unfounded,
148 ; an early friend of armored
vessels, 213.

470

INDEX.

Wilkes, Captain : his capture of Mason
and Slidell on the Trent, 1 34 ; se-
cures the thanks of the House of
Representatives, 135; his capture
without instructions, 136 ; Lord Rus-
sell demands his dismissal from the
navy, 137.

Winslow, Corning, & Griswold, joint-
contractors with C. S. Bushnell to
build the Monitor, 216.

Wood, Fernando, mayor of New York :
his distress over the charge of Judge
Smalley; his apology to Senator
Toombs for not interfering with the
police for want of power, 48, 49.

Wool, General John E., heads the call
in Troy to promote enlistments, April
15th, 107.

Worden, Captain John S. : President
Lincoln appoints him to command
the Monitor, 220; the President's
confidence in him, 221 ; his prompt
attack on the Merrimac, 224 ; his
high praise from Captain Fox, 225 ;

boards the Monitor at Washington
Navy-yard ; his wounds ; affection
of his men, 226 ; the first naval
officer to volunteer for the Mon-
itor ; his energy hastens her com-
pletion, 228 ; his description of the
fight with the Merrimac; points
out where the Monitor was weak,
227-231; his first inquiry when,
after his injury, he recovered con-
sciousness, 233 ; Captain Fox as-
cribes the victory of the ^Monitor to
Captain Worden, 234.
Wynne, Dr. James : his escape from
New York ; his exaggerated reports
of the loyalty of the North, and
danger to persons and property of
Southerners ; escapes across the
Potomac, 118.

Zollicoffer, F. K., a member of the
Conference from Tennessee ; cor-
dially received by Mr. Lincoln,
72.

THE END.