Full text of "Recollections of the Sioux massacre : an authentic history of the Yellow Medicine incident, of the fate of Marsh and his men, of the siege and battles of Fort Ridgely and of other important battles and experiences : together with an historical sketch of the Sibley Expedition of 1863"

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BANCROFT
LIBRARY'

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

ERRATA.

In 2nd line, page 24, read "Sergeant Prescott instead of Sargeant Trescott."

In 10th line, page 39, read -"tered into the service for active duty in the
south."

In 12th line, page 91, read "afforded, and the short distance of the protecting.

In 1st line, page 101, figure in parenthesis after 4th word should be 8 in-
stead of 3.

RECOLLECTIONS

OF THE

SIOUX MASSACRE

AN AUTHENTIC HISTORY

OF THE

Yellow Medicine Incident, of the Fate of Marsh

and his Men, of the Siege and Battles of

Fort Ridgely, and of Other Important

Battles and Experiences.

Together with a Historical Sketch of the

SIBLEY EXPEDITION OF 1863.

BY
OSCAR GARRETT WALL.

1909.

'St.

wig-

Printed at

" The Home Printery,"
Lake City, Minn.

By M. C. Russell, Prop'r.

BANCROFT
DEBAR*

MY EXCUSE.

AS rise the glorious achievements of man upon
the ruins of convulsed Nature, or upon the
landscape desolated by war, so out of that night of
blood that hung like a pall over the Minnesota fron-
tier in that fateful month of August, 1862, has grown
in all essentials except form of government, a
mighty empire.

Before the Sioux tragedy was enacted, the pioneer
had come, and on the borders founded his home in
a land of promise. Clustered about him were dear
ones who, in this land of freedom and health, shared
the joys and hopes that pervaded every breath in-
haled. Here was the opportunity for willing hands
and honest hearts— the one place where the shack-
les of poverty could never enslave those willing to
work. Gradually the " covered wagon " gave way
to the ** shack " as a temporary abiding place, and
the latter to the more comfortable yet modest home
of the settler.

Small fields gave forth bountiful harvests ; gard-
ens were rich with their treasures, or aglow with
fragrant flowers ; schools were being founded, and
churches organized, though widely scattered ; herds
were increasing from small beginnings, and for the
first time in life the dream of an independent home,
with its comforts and promises, was being realized.

But intrigue had secretly and systematically laid
the foundation of wrongs which should overthrow

these bright hopes ; which should rob these new
homes not only of all their possessions, but of life
itself, and leave blackened ruins, the skulls and
cross-bones of erstwhile happy homes, where, at in-
tervals over vast prairies, the new dwellings had
glistened in the golden sunlight. The grafter in
the Indian department, entrusted with power and
authority, was willing to imperil the whole frontier
for the sake of plundering the Indian, who was no
match for the conspirators acting as the servants
and servants7 servants of the government.

Thus the Indian was taught to look upon the
white race as his conniving, secret enemy, willing
to violate sacred pledges and solemn obligations,
and ready to take, under one pretense or another,
the lion's share of the sums pledged to him by the
government. In fact for these acts of bad faith and
the repeated disappointments resulting, the govern-
ment itself had come to be regarded by the red man
as unworthy of confidence. Worst of all, white peo-
ple indiscriminately had been brought under the
ban by the misdeeds of government employes and
avaricious traders, who had sown the wind that rip-
ened into the whirlwind with which the border was
swept without distinction.

But the savage tide was turned back by force of
arms, and was so broken and scattered in the cam-
paigns that followed, that confidence was for all time
restored along the frontier.

The " prairie schooner " set sail again, and a tide
of humanity followed in the wake of the soldiery,
until at length perfect civilization marked, not alone
the wilds of western Minnesota, but the vast plains

Ill

that now constitute the Dakotas as well ; and, what
a transformation to be witnessed in a single life-
time !

A member of Captain Marsh's company, stationed
at Fort Ridgely, at the time of the massacre in 1862,
and in the service in 1863, on the Sibley expedition
throughout what is now that portion of North Da-
kota east of the Missouri River, I witnessed, from
beginning to end, the stormy scenes attending the
outbreak and its suppression, and from contact and
observation became very familiar with the history
of the Sioux Massacre. But even these facts were
but a slight incentive to assume the arduous task
of preserving to Northwestern annals, many inci-
dents forever lost, unless passed to the pages of
history ere the final departure of the rapidly vanish-
ing participants in those scenes of nearly fifty years
ago ; for assuredly the waves of time must soon for-
ever close over the unspoken and unwritten of that
tragic period.

Though yet in my " teens," I kept faithfully each
day a diary of events, getting information when
necessary, from the highest sources of authority,
and no day was allowed to pass without the record
being preserved. No matter what my tasks, I would
keep my diary. I had no special future purpose in
this, and placed no value upon the book after being
mustered out of the army and reaching home, but
carelessly left it with other relics and memories of
a by-gone day, and in the changes that followed,
never saw it again for over twenty years, when, on
a visit to my mother, she presented it to me, hav-
ing carefully preserved it. I had supposed it lost,

and never regarded it as of enough value to merit
an inquiry as to what might have become of it. In
the light of the mature present, however, I find its
pages full of interest and an ample reward for my
painstaking.

In addition to this I had a messmate and intimate
companion during the campaign of 1863, John Mc-
Cole, who originally belonged to and was an officer
of the Renville Rangers, and whose acquaintance
I made during the siege of Fort Ridgely in 1862.
Only a few days before the outbreak he had enlist-
ed at Redwood, having up to that time for several
years been a clerk and an accountant in one of the
stores of the Agency. He knew personally and well
nearly every Indian on both the Upper and Lower
reservations, and spoke the Sioux language fluent-
ly. He knew intimately all the Indian scouts, over
sixty in number, on the Sibley expedition of 1863,
and through him I had several extended interviews
with the scouts, and particularly with Chaska, be-
tween whom and McCole there was a strong bond
of friendship. Chaska had throughout remained
loyal to the whites, even at the risk of his own life ;
yet he knew the history of the massacre from the
standpoint of the Indians, and was most interesting
in his narrations, and particularly interesting in ex-
plaining how lack of discipline caused Little Crow's
plans to miscarry immediately after the massacre
at the Agency, to the great advantage of Fort Ridge-
ly and the whites generally.

Forty-seven years having elapsed, and no one thus
far having cared to incur the expense and risks or
assume the labor necessary to publishing much of

interest thus far unwritten, and which is an import-
ant part of Northwestern history, and possessing
an accumulation of matter and information as stated
herein, I give to the public without apology or fur-
ther excuse, the succeeding pages, conscious that
among other things they contain the only detailed
historical account of the Sibley Expedition of 1863
ever published.

O. G. W.

RECOLLECTIONS

The Sioux Massacre of 1 862

Cause of the Outbreak.

HE impositions perpetrated on the Indi-
ans, if not by the government agents, at
least by their approval, were monu-
mental. The Indians, instead of being
put in possession of their own, and given
protection, were plundered on every
hand, and the gross injustice inflicted as inevitably
adjusted itself at the doors of the government offi-
cials as the detached leaf adjusts itself to the law
of gravitation.

A thousand lives having been blotted out by meth-
ods horrible to contemplate, and a vast area of beau-
tiful country having been made barren and deso-
late, friends sought to mitigate the sins of derelict
officers when the angry clouds of responsibility
gathered about their heads, and strove to break the
force of the awful consequences of their official sins,
by belittling troublesome truths and pointing alone
to the depravity of the savage race ; but that the

10 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Sioux massacre of 1862 was due to official chicanery
there is little doubt, and fortunate was the official
whose good name saved him blameless for acts open
to suspicion or criticism. To merely perpetuate
these facts, is not the object of their recital in this
book. My preference was to omit this chapter ; but,
to judge the Indian fairly, and by the standard we
ourselves would be judged, a hint at the great
wrongs done the Sioux, should live in the ages to
come, along with the history of their revengeful
deeds.

To go to the beginning of corruption and intrigue
in the Indian department, would be to penetrate the
dim and dusty mists of the musty past, which is no
part of the mission of this book. We need turn no
farther than to the treaty of Traverse des Sioux
(Saint Peter) of 1851, to have our eyes opened to
the methods in which the Sioux massacre had
its conception and in which, continued, it had its
birth.

The crimes committed against the red race, in
what assumed to be honorable treaties, and in the
carrying out of the terms of those treaties, would
not have been tolerated for a day by white men.
The whites would have put the treaty-makers and
treaty-breakers to flight or to death. With treaties
fairly obtained, and their terms honorably adminis-
tered, there would, it is reasonable to assume, have
been no Sioux massacre.

When the Traverse des Sioux treaty was consum-
mated it was supposed by the Indians they would
receive the purchase price of their lands, but to
their consternation the traders gathered like vul-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 1 1

tures and presented claims for goods sold to the In-
dians on credit for nearly $400,000, or a sum consid-
erably in excess of the amount the Sioux were to
receive, and the monstrous claims of the traders
were recognized by the Indian authorities. Added
to these were charges for removing the Indians
from the lands they had ceded by treaty to within
new boundaries.

Claims for depredations upon traders or settlers
by lawless Indians had been filed with the Indian
department, and on ex-parte evidence or none at all,
were allowed, and the amount ordered deducted
from the sum total of payments to be made, thus
robbing the law-abiding to make good for alleged
offenses committed by lawless Indians. The policy
was first to secure the signatures of the chiefs to a
sale of tribal lands, frequently by doubtful methods,
in payment for which hundreds of thousands of dol-
lars were provided from the United States treas-
ury; but the enormous sums of gold were swept
from the pay-table by questionable claims, and the
Indian found himself possessed of neither land nor
money.

The indignation of the Indians was such that vio-
lence to the officials of the government in attend-
ance, was imminent. Hon. Alexander Ramsey, as
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and a member of
the Treaty Commission, in attendance at the great
council of December, 1852, at Traverse des Sioux,
sought to discipline Red Iron, chief of the Sisse-
tons, because of his indignation at what he pro-
nounced high-handed methods on the part of repre-
sentatives of the government. Gov. Ramsey de-

12 RECOLLECTIONS OF

posed Red Iron from his chieftainship, and had him
arrested by the soldiery in attendance, and brought

before the commission in
irons, when the following
coloquy took place, Red
Iron being" commanded to
arise.

Gov. Ramsey, with a
sternness for which he was
noted, addressed the de-
posed chief as follows:
" What excuse have you for
not coming to the council
RED IRON. when I sent for you ?"

Red Iron, stately in stature and in the maturity
of middle age, nonchalantly met the issue without
a suspicion of embarrassment, amid the profound
silence his calm demeanor commanded, with not
even a scowl, fixing his eye sternly on his interlo-
cutor, he replied : " I started to come, but your
braves drove me back."

Governor Ramsey : " What excuse have you for
not coming the second time I sent for you?"

Red Iron : " No other excuse than I have given
you."

Governor Ramsey : "At the treaty I thought you
a good man, but since, you have acted badly, and
I am disposed to break you ; I do break you."

Red Iron, with emphasis : " You break me ! My
people made me a chief. My people love me ; I
will still be their chief. I have done nothing
wrong."

Governor Ramsey: "Red Iron, why did you get

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 13

your braves together, and march around here for
the purpose of intimidating other chiefs, and pre-
vent them coming: to the council ?"

Red Iron : " I did not get my braves together ;
they got together themselves to prevent boys going
to council to be made chiefs to sign papers, and to
prevent single chiefs going to council at night to be
bribed to sign papers for money we never received.
We have heard how the M'dewakantons were served
at Mendota— that by secret councils you got their
names on paper and then took their money. We
don't want to be served so. My braves want to come
to council in daytime, when the sun shines, and we
want no council in the dark. We want all our peo-
ple to counsel together, so that we can all know
what was done."

Governor Ramsey: uWhy did you attempt to
come to the council with your braves when I had
forbidden your braves coming to council ?n

Red Iron : " You invited the chiefs only, and
would not let the braves come too. This is not the
way we have been treated before ; this is not ac-
cording to our customs, for, among the Dakotas,
chiefs and braves go to council together. When
you first sent for us there were two or three chiefs
here, and we wanted to wait until the rest would
come, that we might all be in council together, and
know what was done, and so that we might all un-
derstand the papers, and know what we were sign-
ing. When roe signed the treaty the traders threw blankets
over our faces and darkened our eyes, and made us sign papers
we did not understand, and which were not explained or read to

14 RECOLLECTIONS OF

us. We want our Great Father at Washington to
know what has been done."

Governor Ramsey : " Your Great Father has sent
me to represent him. What I say he says. He
wants you to pay your old debts in accordance with
the papers you signed when the treaty was made
[the papers signed when the Indians were blind-
folded] , and to leave that money in my hands to pay
these debts. If you refuse to do that I will take the
money back."

Red Iron : " You take the money back. We sold
our land to you and you promised to pay us. If you
don't pay us I will be glad, for we will have our land
back if you don't give us the money. That paper
was not explained to us. We are told it gives about
$300,000 of our money to some of the traders. We
don't think we owe them so much. We want to pay
our debts. We want our Great Father to send three
good men here to tell us how much we do owe, and
whatever they say we will pay," and, turning to his
assembled people, " that is what these braves say.
Our chiefs and all our people say this." u Ho, ho,"
responded the chiefs and braves.

Governor Ramsey : "That can't be done. You

owe more than your money will pay, and I am ready

. now to pay your annuity, and no more, and when

you are ready to receive it the agent will pay you."

Red Iron : " We will receive our annuity, but we
will sign no papers for anything else. The snow is
on the ground, and we have been waiting a long
time to receive our money. We are poor. You have
plenty. Your fires are warm ; your tepees keep out
the cold. We have nothing to eat. We have been

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 15

waiting" a long time for our moneys. Our hunting
season is past. A great many of our people are sick
from being hungry. We may die because you won't
pay us. We may die, but if we do we will leave
our bones on the ground, that our Great Father may
see where his Dakota children died. We have sold
our hunting grounds and the graves of our fathers.
We have sold our own graves. We have no place
to bury our dead, and you will not pay us for our
lands."

Red Iron was removed under guard and locked
up, and the $300,000 treaty money was paid to the
traders. The Indians were wild with indignation,
and it was with difficulty they were restrained from
slaughtering the officials and the traders.

Thus the seeds of hatred were newly sown, and
offenses revived and set ablaze. Time rolled on.
The policy was perpetuated. The offenses of the
officials and the traders were made the offenses of
the whole white race. If the servants of the people
were the enemies of the red men, was it not evident
by this same token that the power that created
these officials, the white race, was an enemy? So
these simple people reasoned.

One of the claims allowed by these officials out
of the treaty fund at this council was that of $55,000
to Hugh Tyler, a man utterly unknown to the Indi-
ans, "for assisting to get the treaty measure through the Unit-
ed States Senate, and for necessary disbursements." Thous-
ands of dollars were thus absorbed, as history test-
ifies.

Referring to these crimes and the resulting mas-
sacre of 1862, the Right Reverend Bishop Whipple,

16 RECOLLECTIONS OF

a man of temperate language and a high authority,
spoke as follows after the Minnesota frontier had
been made desolate :

u There is not a man in America, who ever gave
an hour's calm reflection to the subject, who does
not know that our Indian system is an organized
system of robbery, and has been for years a dis-
grace to the nation. It has left savage men without
governmental control ; it has looked on unconcerned
at every crime against the laws of God and man ; it
has fostered savage life by wasting thousands of
dollars in the purchase of paint, beads, scalping-
knives and tomahawks ; it has fostered a system of
trade which robbed the thrifty and virtuous to pay
the debts of the indolent and vicious ; it has squan-
dered the funds for civilization and schools ; it has
connived at theft ; it has winked at murder, and at
last, after dragging the savage down to a brutishness
unknown to his fathers, it has brought a harvest of
blood to our own door."

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 17

Yellow Medicine.

In accordance with the terms of the treaty of
1851, the Indians concerned in that treaty assem-
bled at the Yellow Medicine Agency about the first
of July, 1862, to receive their annuities.

As a precautionary measure, in view of the thou-
sands of Indians to be assembled, fifty men of Co.
C, of the Fifth, stationed at Fort Ripley, were sent
forward by Captain Francis Hall as a reinforcement
to Co. B, which constituted the garrison at Fort
Ridgely. This detachment left Fort Ripley under
First Lieutenant T. J. Sheehan, June 19, 1862, march-
ing by way of Elk River, Henderson, etc., for want
of a good road more directly connecting in that day
the two forts. Lieutenant Sheehan's march covered
a distance of two hundred miles, his destination be-
ing reached on the evening of the ninth day, or
June 28th.

There were three companies of the Fifth station-
ed on the frontier— B at Fort Ridgely, C at Fort
Ripley, on the Mississippi River, and D at Fort Ab-
ercrombie, on the Red River of the North. The de-
tachment from Co. C, and a like number from Co.
B were dispatched on the 30th day of June, 1862, to
Yellow Medicine, where the payment was to be
made, leaving Fort Ridgely under command of Lieu-
tenant Sheehan as ranking officer, the command ar-
riving at the Upper, or Yellow Medicine Agency,
on the 2d day of July.

18 RECOLLECTIONS OF

All was expectancy among the thousands of Indi-
ans, and added to anticipation were the combined
elements for making1 the occasion a heyday most
enjoyable. The seasons had unfolded their wealth
of luxuries ; the redolent hills and plains, with their
wild flowers and carpet of native green, were little
less than enchanting, even to other than the " chil-
dren of Nature ;" the wooded glens of the beautiful
streams that near this spot unite their waters, were
suggestive of happiness ; Nature had solved the
baffling enigma that gave the world once more, with
its varied species, hues and forms, the tranquil
summertime.

Each day witnessed the influx of large bands of
Indians, until all had reached this modern Mecca.
The great gathering was a sight to behold, with its
confusion of strange humanity, wolf-eared dogs and
pot-bellied ponies, and its vast array of tepees that
sheltered the six thousand or more nomads.

Dreaming not of disappointment, happiness
reigned throughout the great throng. But a single
foreboding disturbed the spirits of these wanderers
of the plains, and that was, that the hated, grasping
traders would intervene to rob them of their annui-
ties. The trader, who always " stood in " with the
agents and other Indian officials, was the bogie of
the red man. As the anticipated day of payment
drew near, the Indian dread of his time-honored en-
emy increased, this dread finally manifesting itself
in a request that Lieutenants Sheehan and Gere,
the latter of Co. B, meet the chiefs and braves in
council. The lieutenants acceded to the request,
and entering the council circle, were regaled with

OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 19

Indian oratory and the formality common to such
councils. Confiding their misgivings to the young
officers, they besought their intervention at the
making of the payment. The speeches were all of
one purport, prefaced with a bit of self-agrandize-
ment, and then they impressively proceeded to re-
mind the officers that the traders were always al-
lowed to sit at the pay-table and take the money of
the Indians ; this the council implored the officers
to prevent, and the savages were manifestly disap-
pointed when told by the officers that the soldiers
were powerless to restrain the traders without au-
thority to do so from the Agent.

Days ripened into weeks, but the promised annu-
ities came not. The civil war was at white heat.
Gold was in great demand, and paper money fifty
per cent, below par. Indian . superintendents and
agents were not above temptation. There was a
fortune in the clever conversion of the gold provid-
ed, into paper, or more familiarly, greenbacks, and
it was said the gold was converted into currency
at a handsome profit. The treaty called for spe-
cie payment, and as the Indians knew nothing of
paper, it was pointed out they would scorn it with
disappointment and indignation. Re-conversion,
the story ran, was attended with much loss of time,
as well as financial sacrifice which the parties to
the transaction sought industriously but unsuccess-
fully to avoid, as gold was constantly seeking the
coffers of hoarders, while paper money was contin-
ually depreciating in value. That the fatal delay
in making the Indian payment was due to specula-
tion, was oft asserted, never denied and generally

20 RECOLLECTIONS OF

believed at the Fort and the Agencies. To this de-
lay, whatever may have been its cause, was the out-
break largely attributable.

Hunger hears excuses impatiently at best. Bro-
ken promises and hunger together, when an Indian
is the victim, will undo more confidence in a day
than many earnest missionaries could inspire in a
year. The assembled Indians were kept in waiting
for several weeks, during which time hunger be-
came widespread, and starvation actually threaten-
ed. In fact famine was only averted by the kill-
ing of dogs and ponies, and the digging of roots
with which to stay this hunger. Indian chil-
dren were actually reported to have starved to
death as a result of the dalliance in making the pay-
ment and issuing the provisions.

While authorities assign various reasons for the
Sioux massacre of 1862, no doubt had the gold pay-
ment been promptly made in good faith at the ap-
pointed time, the murdered settlers and the hapless
traders would have been spared to work out the or-
dinary problems of life undisturbed.

On the 14th of July a tour of inspection was made
of the monstrous Indian camp to ascertain if it was
true, as rumored, that a large number of Sioux were
present who were not entitled to annuities. The ru-
mor was well-founded, there being several hundred
Yanktonais and Cut-heads, who were merely hopeful
visitors. Such a gathering of Sioux has never since
taken place on Minnesota soil, and its like will never
be witnessed again. This city of the plains number-
ed seven hundred and seventy-nine lodges, and was
imposing both for its vastness and for the thousands

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 21

who made up the aggregate of its inhabitants.

The policy of dalliance went heedlessly on. The
Indians were known to be destitute. The surround-
ing country had been swept bare of nearly every
available living creature which would serve them
as food. There were provisions in abundance in
the Government warehouse, belonging to the Indi-
ans, but they were withheld to be delivered at the
time of payment. It would not do to go through
the farcical form of making the annual payment and
have the money swept from the pay-table by the
traders with no provisions on hand with which to
appease the wrath of the disappointed Indians ; so
these provisions must be held. It would be safe to
sweep the pay-table if only at the opportune moment
the hungry stomachs of the Indians could be flat-
tered with enough bacon and flour for a few meals.
Not to observe this precaution might be hazardous
to the hopes of men to whom longevity had its fas-
cinations.

On the 18th the Indians reported their condition
unendurable from lack of food. Starvation, they
said, was in their midst. Agent Galbraith thought
there was no occasion for alarm, but Lieutenant
Sheehan, reasoning from the temper of a hungry
man, sent to Fort Ridgely, fifty-two miles away, for
a second twelve-pound mountain howitzer.

Lieutenants Sheehan and Gere, conscious that
conditions existed that should be logically met, from
at least a humanitarian standpoint, advised the issu-
ing of provisions to the famishing people assembled
in such vast numbers. On the 21st of July Agent
Galbraith assured these officers he would arrange

22 RECOLLECTIONS OF

to count the Indians, issue the provisions and send
the assembled Sioux back to their hunting-grounds.
On the 26th of July the Indians were counted, more
than twelve hours being required in which to make
the enumeration. Even up to ten days after this
preparatory enumeration no provisions had been
issued. At last starvation forced a crisis. On the
morning of August 4th two Indian messengers en-
tered the little military camp and informed the sol-
diers the Indians were coming down to make a dem-
onstration ; that they would come armed, but they
wished the soldiers to understand there was no pre-
meditated hostility in this visit. A moment later
there came like the wind a thousand warriors, firing
their guns wildly and yelling like demons.* No or-
acle was needed to warn the little band of soldiers,
just one hundred strong, that a climax had at last
been reached, and that their lives were in peril.
The hundreds of horsemen were but little in ad-
vance of the fleet warriors on foot. They complete-
ly encircled the little military camp, and could have
crushed it at a single blow. The clicking of their
gun-locks showed they were ready, with pieces
cocked, should a soldier fire a shot. The starving
Indians had come, not to make war, but to forcibly
take what they had peaceably pleaded for in vain
for nearly two weeks— provisions, of which they
knew there was an abundant supply, belonging to
them. Mah-ka-tah, the chosen leader of the raid,
rushed to the warehouse and struck the door a ring-
ing blow with his tomahawk. Like clockwork the

* It was precisely two weeks from this very hour that the massacre began at
the Redwood Agency.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 23

soldiery was brought into line with a promptness
that even the Indians contemplated with a look of
envy. But the Indians themselves had acted with
a promptness and coolness in carrying1 out their de-
sign, as unexpected as it was daring. It became
apparent their demonstration was made with a view
of overawing the soldiers while a party of warriors
should break down the warehouse door and take
possession of the stores. They quickly effected an
entrance to the building and were removing flour.
Lieutenant Gere ordered his men to remove the tar-
paulin that sheltered the howitzers, and quickly
trained a gun on the warehouse door. If there is
anything for which an Indian shows a wholesome
respect, it is a cannon. Those who were removing
the sacks of flour were warned of their danger, and
glancing at the big gun, fell back to the right and
left in haste and confusion, leaving an opening down
through which Lieutenant Sheehan and Sergeant S.
A. Trescott marched with a squad of sixteen men.
Lieutenant Sheehan proceeded to the office of Agent
Galbraith for a conference. Trescott, a man of res-
olution and coolness (who, by the way, was killed at
the ferry just two weeks from this date, whither he
had gone with Captain Marsh on the ill-fated march
to the Lower Agency), cleared the warehouse of the
Indians. He and his men having accomplished this
task, stood defiantly at the entrance of the building.
Every fibre of manhood was now at its extremest
tension. The Indians were wrought to the highest
pitch of excitement and determination. A spark
would have exploded the savage wrath that had at
last reached the limit of suppression. The miracle

24 RECOLLECTIONS OF

is that the massacre that was deferred just two weeks
to a day was not here and now begun. Two of Sar-
geant Trescott's men were stationed at the ware-
house entrance, one on either side of the door, with
their guns crossed to bar entrance to the build-
ing. The ejected Indians hurled themselves back
at the entrance, and in an instant the gun of James
Foster, one of the guards, was covered from lock to
muzzle with the hands of the warriors who sought
to wrest the weapon from him. In this struggle the
gun was discharged, but fortunately without injury
to any one. All eyes were on this struggle, and it was
plain the discharge of the musket was accidental,
though the men, red and white, were writhing in an
encounter of desperation which threatened instant-
ly to involve every element present.

On the one hand were officers of courage, judg-
ment and coolness, with men at their command as
true in pluck and discipline as were ever lined up.
On the other hand were savages tortured with hun-
ger, and whose families were in distress, but who
were determined not to be the first to shed blood in
open conflict if avoidable, be it said to their credit.

Realizing the gravity of the situation and the dire
consequences of the step from which there could be
no recession, there was mutual relaxation in defer-
ence to reason at an instant when the taking of life
seemed inevitable.

The chiefs plead the necessities of their people,
and urged that the provisions stored in the ware-
house belonged to the Indians, and that they were
unjustly withheld from distribution at a time of
great suffering. The officers, now that a lull had

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 25

succeeded the white-heat of excitement, advised the
Indian Agent to make an issue of provisions. He
hesitated, explaining that he doubted the effect up-
on the Indians from a disciplinary point of view,
but realizing1 the moment was one of great danger
he acted upon the suggestion, but the issue was
wholly inadequate to the occasion, and the Indians
did not disperse until the military assumed a threat-
ening attitude by forming a line of battle for the
protection of the warehouse. There was now left
to the Indians but one of two alternatives — that of
beginning hostilities or withdrawing peaceably to
their camp. They chose the latter, but sullenly.

The Indians were displeased and angry, and held
a stormy council after their withdrawal to their
lodges. A widespread feeling of hostility prevailed,
and excitement was again in the ascendant, fiery
speeches calling forth the approving " Ho, ho," on
every hand. Delay, hunger and broken promises
had disarmed those chiefs who had preached the
virtues of patience and forbearance, and they re-
ceived scant courtesy in this turbulent conclave of
maddened warriors.

Among those who stood for peace and forbear-
ance was Standing Buffalo, chief of one of the Sis-
seton bands. The decision of the council favored
immediate hostilities, amid the wildest excitement,
the entire council being committed by the action of
the majority. Under the license of such a vote it
is a matter of wonder the massacre was not at this
time precipitated. That it was not was due to the
dogged persistence of Standing Buffalo and his
friends and supporters, whose course, though un-

26 RECOLLECTIONS OF

popular, had a restraining influence over chiefs and
warriors of the more conservative type, who, in
turn, after the decision of the council, were non-
concurrent, even if silent.

The council at an end, Standing: Buffalo repaired
to the military camp and reported that war had been
decided upon ; that he had opposed the result, but
having- participated in the deliberations of the coun-
cil, was bound by the decision. He warned the mil-
itary to be on the alert.

The troops were put in the best possible condi-
tion for defensive purposes, while the citizens at
the Agency, together with all available means of
defense took refuge in the Government warehouse.
There was a feeling of the greatest apprehension,
with good reason for it. As a result of this appre-
hensiveness Lieutenant Gere was dispatched to
Fort Ridgely on the 5th, to confer with Captain
Marsh. This young officer was at all times equal to
the demands made upon him. Means for convey-
ance were not of the best, but leaving Yellow Med-
icine at four o'clock in the afternoon, and passing
through the Redwood Agency at midnight, he
reached Fort Ridgely at three o'clock in the morn-
ing of August 6th, where he called Captain Marsh
from his slumbers, and acquainted him with the
dangerous condition of affairs at the Upper Agency.
After a brief conference Captain Marsh joined Lieu-
tenant Gere, and they set out at once for the Yellow
Medicine Agency, which they reached at 1:30 o'clock
in the afternoon of August 6th. After the arrival
of these officers, the hand of violence having been
stayed, a council of the Indians was secured by

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 27

Agent Galbraith and Captain Marsh, at which it was
agreed that the stock of annuities, consisting of
provisions and other stores, should be issued at
once ; that the Indians should repair, after receiv-
ing their allotments, to their homes or to the great
hunting-grounds to the westward, to be recalled
again on the arrival of their money. The issue be-
gan on the afternoon of August 7th, and continued
for two days thereafter, the Indians breaking camp
as rapidly as they could be reached in regular order,
so that by the time the last of the supplies were is-
sued, the great camp had disappeared.

Never was calamity more narrowly averted ; and
did not the success attending this adjustment lead
Captain Marsh into the very jaws of death ten days
later ?

Smarting under their hardships and the long suc-
cession of broken promises and disappointments,
the Indians spread away to repeople the vast plains,
but they were filled with wrath.

The military detachment withdrew from the
Agency on the llth of August, and arrived at
Fort Ridgely on the evening of the next day, and
nothing being heard of the Indian Superintendent
and the long-promised money, Captain Marsh is-
sued an order for the return of Lieutenant Sheehan
and detachment to their company headquarters at
Fort Ripley. Lieutenant Sheehan set out on his
march on the 17th, the very day upon which oc-
curred the massacre at Acton. He was unconscious
of this fact however, until a courier, dispatched af-
ter him by Captain Marsh on the 18th, overtook him
at dusk of that day as he had gone into camp be-

28 RECOLLECTIONS OF

tween New Auburn and Glencoe. He had made
forty-two miles in the two days' march from Fort
Ridgely, but immediately struck camp and retraced
his steps with great energy, marching all night and
covering the forty-two miles' distance by the early
forenoon of the next day, his continuous march from
the morning of the 18th until the morning of the
19th, being over sixty miles, without rest. The bat-
tle at the Redwood ferry had been fought, and Cap-
tain Marsh and a large number of his men had gone
down to death. Lieutenant Sheehan thus became
the ranking officer, and hence the commander of
Fort Ridgely.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 29

Beginning of the Outbreak.

From what frivolous acts matters of the gravest
consequence may flow, was well illustrated by the
folly which immediately precipitated the Sioux
massacre. Lack of mental breadth and the absence
of fundamental principles upon which to found
character, charitably interpose themselves as an ar-
gument of extenuation in behalf of the vagabond
savage. There was lurking in the Indian heart a
vengeful spirit. He had been wronged and he knew
it. He had been robbed by the traders through the
connivance of dishonest agents. He had this year
been called from his hunting-grounds to receive his
annuities, and after being kept in waiting until star-
vation invaded his lodges, was turned back to the
plains empty-handed and gaunt. Stung with bitter
disappointment he nursed his wrath sullenly. He
believed his people the victims of premeditated
fraud, and judged the whites as a race by those with
whom he had come in contact about the agencies.
Notwithstanding all this, the Sioux massacre might
have been avoided but for a senseless controversy
over the trivial matter of a few eggs. It was not
likely that up to this time the killing of a settler
had been resolved upon. There were vicious Indi-
ans who delighted at all times in doing lawless
things. They were always a source of trouble
among their own people, even on ordinary occa-
sions, just as there are " black sheep " in nearly ev-
ery white community, who are pestilential.

30 RECOLLECTIONS OF

A nest of eggs and the bad disposition of one of
these Indians proved to be the touch-and-go that
fired the whole Minnesota frontier, resulting" in a
thousand murders and horrors indescribable.

In the fall of 1861, while hunting along the Crow
River, near Forest City, Meeker county, Chief Mak-
pe-ya-we-tah, of one of the Lower Agency bands,
purchased a sleigh of George Whitcomb with which
to return to Redwood, having been caught in wint-
erish weather. The chief was unable to pay for the
sled, but left his wagon to secure the debt. On the
10th of August, 1862, with a party of twenty Indi-
ans, the chief started to Forest City, intending to
redeem his wagon and spend a season in deer-hunt-
ing. Nearing their destination, the chief and four
members of his band separated from the main body
and proceeded on to Whitcomb's, several miles
northeastward, the fifteen stopping, intending to en-
gage in hunting. Among the latter were some of
the most notorious malcontents of the Lower Agen-
cy. Some six miles from Acton a member of this
latter party found a hen's nest, and proposed to eat
the eggs. It was urged by a law-abiding Indian that
he had no right to do this ; that the eggs were those
of a white farmer, and should not be taken or de-
stroyed, as such an act might get them all into trou-
ble. The law-abiding Indian was accused of cow-
ardice, and with the accusation the finder of the
nest destroyed the eggs. The Indian of conscien-
tious scruples denounced this act as contemptible,
and as showing neither courage nor good sense.
His courage questioned, the malcontent drew up
his rifle and shot an ox, boasting of this as an act of

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 31

defiance confirming his courage, but the law-abiding
Indian remonstrated in stronger terms than ever,
and denounced the breaking of eggs and the shoot-
ing of oxen as very cowardly. By this time the
whole party was rent with dissension. Four of
the Indians stood up for the whites and good order,
while the other eleven became more contemptuous
as the quarrel progressed. Each party accused the
other of cowardice, the eleven claiming the four
feared the whites, while the four ridiculed the elev-
en for their acts. Violence among themselves
seemed imminent, when they finally separated, the
eleven saying they would show that they were
brave, for they proposed to kill a white man.

Singularly, after the quarrel and separation, the
four who stood for law and order were the first to
kill a white man and bring on the crisis. Not long
after the parting they heard the ring of the rifles of
the eleven some distance away in the settlements.
They felt sure this meant that the whites were be-
ing killed, and that now their valor would be forever
questioned unless they joined in the horrible work.
Two of the four still protested against violence, and
even yet all might have turned favorably except for
an unwise and ill-timed quarrel precipitated by a
white man, who was noted for bad temper and not
the best for good faith in his dealings with the In-
dians.

This man was Robinson Jones, at whose house
the four Indians called near the middle of the day
of Sunday, August 17th. The Indians here asked
for liquor, not an uncommon thing to do, but were
refused. Jones was a man of powerful physique,

32 RECOLLECTIONS OF

and was courageous and aggressive. He thought
he recognized in the quartet an Indian who had bor-
rowed a gun from him some months previously, that
had not been returned, and took the suspected de-
linquent hotly to task. The Indian positively de-
nied the accusation. A quarrel ensued and Jones,
in his violent way, drove the Indians from the house.
They went to the home of Howard Baker, eighty
rods away.

At Baker's house were a Mr. Webster and wife,
who had just arrived that day in their immigrant
wagon from Michigan, seeking a home on the Min-
nesota frontier. At Baker's the Indians asked for
water and tobacco, and were accommodated. They
drank, and filling a pipe sat down and smoked.
They were friendly and good-humored. Unfortu-
nately however, Jones and his wife came to the Ba-
ker home, Baker being a son of Mrs. Jones by a
former husband. Here Jones renewed his quarrel
with the Indian about the gun. The Indians finally
grew very angry, and Mrs. Baker, in her alarm,
asked Mrs. Jones if they had given the Indians
liquor. She replied that they had not, and that
44 they had no liquor for such black devils as these."
This added fuel to the flame, for the Indians appar-
ently understood the language, and the spirit in
which it was uttered. Here, without question, was
the shedding of blood first fully decided upon. The
Indians bantered the white men to shoot at a mark
with them, Jones replying with an oath that he was
not afraid to shoot 44with any damned redskin."
Having emptied their guns, the Indians reloaded,
but the whites, not believing the Indians dared to

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 33

commit an act of violence, or premeditated it, did
not reload their pieces. This was the opportunity
for which the Indians had made their play, and they
fired, Jones, his wife, Baker and Webster each re-
ceiving: a shot, the last three being: killed or mor-
tally wounded. Jones attempted to escape to the
cover of timber, but was felled by another shot. He
clung: to life tenaciously, and died in g:reat ag:ony,
having:, in his final struggle, filled his mouth with
handsful of earth, and dug: holes in the compact
ground with his boot-heels. The Indians could not
have inflicted, had they tried, greater suffering: upon
the man they intensely disliked, than he endured
until mercifully relieved by death. Mrs. Webster
was in their covered wag:on getting: some thing:s to
pass out to her husband when the Indians opened
fire, and was not soug:ht out or disturbed. Mrs.
Baker, shocked and unnerved at what had occurred,
stumbled and fell down cellar with a child in her
arms, both escaping: uninjured in the fall ; nor were
they molested by the Indians, who immediately re-
paired to the house of Jones, upon which they seem-
ed to center their vengeance, where they killed a
Miss Clara D. Wilson, a young: lady whose home
was in the Jones family.

Having: inaugurated the horrible Sioux massacre,
in the town of Acton, Meeker county, the four Indi-
ans hastened to a neighbor of the Jones family, a
Mr. Eckland, where they took two horses and fled,
mounted double, for the vicinity of the Redwood
Ag:ency. They reached their own camp, four
miles above Redwood, near daylight on Monday
morning:, August 18th. Rousing: their tribesmen

34 RECOLLECTIONS OF

and relating what had happened, all was consterna-
tion. A council was called, and it was immediately
foreseen that the four Indians must be turned over
to the white authorities, or the whole band of Rice
Creek Indians, to which the four belonged, be held
as accomplices in the crimes committed. There
was but little time in which to choose a course.
Many of the band were opposed to making war on
the whites. Only the previous evening in fact it
had been decided at a meeting to start on Monday
morning (this fatal Monday morning) for Fort
Ridgely to make a demand for their annuities, and
if unsuccessful, then to proceed on to St. Paul. In
view of this previous plan and of the aversion of
friends and relatives to surrender the four to be
dealt with for the murder of the whites at Acton, it
was decided to hasten down to the Lower Agency,
lay the matter of a decision before Little Crow and
other Agency Indians.

To portray the wild excitement and frenzied con-
dition of the Indian village in the early dawn of that
August morning is not a pen-possibility. Only on
the previous night, be it remembered, the wrongs
of the agents and traders had been rehearsed, and
the disappointments and the sufferings of the Indi-
ans dwelt upon. Longer patience had ceased to be
a virtue. Disappointment had been piled upon dis-
appointment until the limit of endurance had been
reached, and a final trip, first to the Fort, and then
to St. Paul if necessary, for redress, had been
planned for this very morning. In this acute con-
dition of mind the news of the outbreak at Acton
produced consternation, and discussion only in-

OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 35

flamed the excited minds of the warriors. While it
was decided ostensibly to hasten to Redwood for
consultation and advice, the war flame was fanned
at every turn. There were constant accessions to
the party as it wildly and excitedly rode to the
Agency, and each accession was fuel to the flame.
Every tepee and wicky-up along: the way contribu-
ted to the hellish legion that poured out naked, with
hair streaming to join the wild cavalcade and catch
and echo the war-cry. The hills of the Minnesota
rang with yells as through the blinding dust rushed
the ever-growing stream of frenzied warriors. Ex-
planations by the way were unnecessary. The war-
cry was sufficient, and it is not probable human
eyes ever witnessed a wilder scene than was this
flight of demons along the trail that resounded with
the throbbing footfalls of beasts inspired to their
utmost endeavors by their frenzied riders, who fast
and faster came as the murderous resolution of their
hearts spurred them madly on and blinded them to
all thought of right or reason. The earth trembled
as the thundering cavalcade pressed on in its wild
flight, the hideous war-cry echoing savagely along
the broad valley of the Minnesota, rousing Sioux
braves from their slumbers and thrilling their hearts
with emotions transforming them at once into mad-
dened demons. It was small wonder Little Crow
was swept from his poise by this frenzied horde
and hurried into the bloody torrent that bore him to
his ruin. But the blood of Acton had fired the
hearts of this crazed legion, that fell upon the Red-
wood Agency like a pitiless storm, awakening the
whole frontier in one horrifying shriek from its con-

36 RECOLLECTIONS OF

fiding stupor.

Little Crow lived in a brick house about two miles
above the Agency. He was still in bed when the
head of the column of warriors reached his place,
and was shocked to hear the familiar war-whoop
that roused him from his slumbers. He sat up with
his blanket about him and heard the startling story
of the spokesman of the party. Soon his house was
packed to the limit of its capacity, with scores un-
able to gain admission, and the excitement was in-
tense. The wild ride had dispelled every thought of
a peaceful solution of troubles real and fancied. Ev-
ery voice was for war, and the demand that the fa-
mous chieftain should lead the savage hosts was
unanimous and emphatic. Beads of perspiration
gathered upon the forehead of Little Crow, who no
doubt dreaded the ordeal, wisely understanding the
great hazard that attended a war upon the whites.
But he had lost popularity with his people of late
years, and now was offered an opportunity to rein-
state himself. There was, too, a dream of long-
cherished and far-reaching results. He yielded to
the demands of the frenzied and impatient horde,
and without breakfast joined in the plans for the
massacre of the traders and others at the Agency,
upon which the warriors had already fully determ-
ined, and hastened away at the head of the wild
horde like a flying demon.

EillflsIIIllifllS

lllilillfiimiiz

2S8SSS

RECOLLECTIONS OF

TWO VIEWS OF FORT RIDGELY, IN 1862.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 39

First News of the Outbreak at Redwood.

A garrison was never more tranquil than was that
of Fort Ridgely on the morning of August 18th.
Midsummer quietude was all-pervading. Lieuten-
ant Sheehan and his fifty men had just departed
homeward after a month and a half of service and
companionship with Company B. The Renville
Rangers, a party of some fifty ment who had spent
a day or so at the Fort, had just gone on their jour-
ney to Fort Snelling, where they were to be mus-
tered into these rvice for active duiy in the south.
Accompanying them were a number of members of
Company B.

The Indian payment incident at the Yellow Med-
icine Agency, which had furnished the only diver-
sion of the season, was apparently closed, and with
the absence of so many who had helped to infuse
animation into the routine duties of frontier garri-
son life, a Sabbath-like stillness had settled down
upon the post. There was nothing to suggest activ-
ity. There was nothing upon which to found the
hope that there was anything in store for Company
B but hum-drum garrison duty. The youthful offi-
cers and men who in the main made up the com-
pany, were impatient for an order to go south, and
could they have ordered their destiny in this mat-
ter by ballot, there would have been a unanimous
vote, with cheers and a throwing of caps in the air,
to move within an hour.

But this could not be, and with patience and for-

40 RECOLLECTIONS OF

titude the soldiers, whose companions had just left
them, and whose only diversion of the summer had
terminated with the Yellow Medicine event, relaxed
into enforced quietude, without the remotest sus-
picion that before night more than one-fourth of
their number would be called upon to meet death
in one of the fiercest and most merciless combats
recorded.

At about 10 o'clock in the forenoon, August 18,
1862, came, like the lightning's flash from a clear
sky, the startling news of the horrible massacre be-
gun three hours previously at the Redwood Agen-
cy. Down from the northwest, nearing the Fort,
was seen the approach of people in great haste. The
attention of the garrison was generally attracted to
the unusual spectacle, but without once suspecting
the cause of it. J. C. Dickinson was in the advance
and was the first to enter the Fort. He had scarce-
ly told in a few words of the uprising when a team
immediately following him entered under the lash,
with a load of refugees, among them a wounded
man, who had made his escape after being shot at
the Agency. That savage wrath had burst like a
flame was at first inconceivable, but the testimony
that the seal ping-knife had flashed from its sheath
to follow the deadly work of the gun was all too ev-
ident to be questioned. The soldiers gathered
around the refugees whose tales were told in shock-
ing, dramatic detail. Captain Marsh did not delib-
erate, but ordered the assembling of the company
at once. Charles M. Culver, the drummer boy, for
the first time sounded with meaning emphasis the
long-roll. Thrilled with the story of the massacre

THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

and the clamor of the drum, men were quickly in
line to receive orders. With a haste that seemed
imperative a detail of forty-six men was made at
once to proceed to the scene of carnage, under the
belief that the situation was yet controllable, and in
any event demanded the presence of soldiery at the
Agency. It was simply a matter of moments be-
tween the receipt of the news of the outbreak and
the departure of Captain Marsh and his detail for
the scene of the bloody work thirteen miles away.

These were the men to whose lot it fell to gfo on
this expedition :

Captain-
John S. Marsh

Interpreter —
Peter Quinn

Sergeants —
R. H. Findley
S. A. Trescott
J. F. Bishop

Corporals —
J. S. Besse
W. E. Winslow
T. D. Huntley
C. H. Hawley

Privates —
Charles Beecher
Charles R. Bell
W. H. Blodgett
John Brennan
Levi Carr
E. F. Cole

Privates (cont'd) —
W. B. Hutchinson
Chris Joerger
Durs Kanzig
James H. Kerr
Wenzel Kusda
Henry McAllister
John Me Go wan
James M. Munday
James Murray
Wenzel Norton
J. W. Parks
M. P. Parks
John Parsley
Thomas Parsley
H. A. Phillips
N. Pitcher
A. Rebenski
Ezekiel Rose
J. Serfling

42 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Marsh and his men (cont'd)
James Dunn H. A. Shepherd

J. W. Foster C. W. Smith

C. E. French N. Steward

A. Gardner S. Steward

J. Gardner W. A. Sutherland

J. A. Gehring O. Svendson

John Holmes S. VanBuren

At the command, " Forward," the men moved out
with elastic step, the very embodiment of splendid
soldiery. Teams were hastily hitched up, and car-
rying light supplies of ammunition and provision,
followed and soon overtook the command. Captain
Marsh and Interpreter Quinn were on mule-back,
and the men now climbed into the wagons that more
haste might be made in reaching the Agency.

Fort Ridgely was now practically deserted, Lieu-
tenant T. P. Gere remaining in command of the post
with fewer than thirty men. The situation had sud-
denly become one of the keenest anxiety, and this
was increased by the constant accessions of refu-
gees, whose tales of horrible deeds gave evidence
of the rapid spread of the frightful work of carnage
started at the Agency in the morning, but now
sweeping over the adjacent settlements. Fugitives
who came in over the Agency road, and who had
met Captain Marsh and his men, pronounced the
expedition to the ferry one destined to end in the
greatest disaster. This was neither reassuring nor
comforting to the remnant of the company left in
command of the Fort, and was rendered less so be-
cause the convictions expressed were those of men
of keen discernment, who were well informed on

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 43

the deplorable situation. In fact these fugitives,
when meeting Captain Marsh, cautioned him of his
danger, and advised him, if he would not turn back,
at least not to enter the valley of the Minnesota
River, which he must do three miles from the
Agency if he persisted in reaching the ferry.

Before Captain Marsh had covered half the dis-
tance to the Agency his command had witnessed
buildings aflame and corpses by the wayside to
warn him of the danger that threatened him, and
the whole frontier as well. There was no time to
deliberate. To march into the jaws of death, as
seemed imminent, might make the fall of Fort
Ridgely a certainty, and thus expose the frontier
settlements to annihilation. On the other hand, if
a brave and almost superhuman effort could yet
stay the savage hand dripping with blood, incalcu-
lable loss of life could be prevented. Captain
Marsh knew his men. He had no doubt of their
splendid courage. The fleeing refugees warned
them that to enter the valley was almost certain
death, but all this was met with a stoical determin-
ation to do faithfully and bravely the duty pointed
out to them by their commander, who believed the
great good possible to be accomplished was worth
the hazard the undertaking involved.

While this march was being made on that quiet
summer day, hearts were beating anxiously at the
Fort. As the men passed out to the northwestward
in the forenoon, they were watched for a mile or so,
and disappeared, with a bon voyage, below the inter-
vening prairie-ridge, entering, as it proved, on the
threshold of eternity. Refugees came in in increas-

44 RECOLLECTIONS OF

numbers, and pointed to the distant columns of
smoke as those of burning homes. Some of these
people were wounded, and all were fatigued and
terror-stricken. There were increasing evidences
of the approach of the savage horde throughout the
western and northwestern settlements.

There were none so dull as not to realize that
the situation was profoundly critical. Marsh and
his little detail were well within the environment of
the savages. That they would stay the bloody hand,
or even extricate themselves from their perilous
predicament, became hourly more doubtful. There
was no reserve force to go to their assistance. The
Fort itself and all in it must fall if vigorously at-
tacked. This was self-evident. Its hope was not
in its ability to resist an onslought, but in the great
good fortune that should delay an attack until bet-
ter preparation should obtain.

When within six or seven miles of the Agency
Captain Marsh, seeing evidences of danger on ev-
ery hand, ordered his men to abandon the wagons
and resume their former order of march. The pace
of the men was quickened, and believing the Lower
Agency the center of disturbance, and that once
there cool and wise heads could be conferred with
and a stop put to the hellish work, the command
hurried with a zeal worthy of a better fate than
awaited the brave detachment. Reaching the top of
Faribault hill, three miles from the Agency, a view
of the Minnesota valley presented itself. Sicken-
ing scenes had been witnessed by the wayside, and
there was little else than desolation to be seen from
this hill-top. Only men of the rarest courage and

OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 45

of the most perfect discipline would have entered
that valley of death in the face of all that was
known.

At the Fort the horrible condition at the Agency
had now been fully detailed, striking terror to ev-
ery heart and sealing the doom of Marsh and his
men. Among the refugees who arrived in the af-
ternoon from the Agency was Rev. J. D. Hinman,
an Episcopal missionary, stationed at Redwood.
Having arisen early to start on a journey to Fari-
bault, he was out in the tranquil morning that gave
no suspicion that the curtain was about to rise on
one of the most appalling massacres, at his own
door, ever known to American history. He was
ready for his departure between six and seven
o'clock, when unusual signs for the hour among the
Indians attracted his attention. The Indians were
almost naked, and carried their guns. Their num-
bers increased, and people began to wonder at their
unusual appearance, which some interpreted to
mean that a raid was to be made on some Chippe-
wa band known to have invaded the neighborhood.
The Indians squatted nonchalantly on the steps of
the various buildings, their demeanor betraying no
sign of hostility.

Now a signal gun broke the silence in the upper
part of town. Even this was doubted to be a sign
of hostility until other shooting up the street and
the hasty fleeing of people towards the bluff over-
looking the river began to be alarming. White Dog
ran past Mr. Hinman at this juncture, and to an in-
quiring word replied that " awful work had been
started." He was no doubt himself taken by sur-

46 RECOLLECTIONS OF

prise, though later in the day his cunning and his
treachery played an important part in the betrayal
of Marsh. Little Crow also passed Mr. Hinman
about this time, but with a scowl declined to an-
swer an inquiry of the missionary, though they
knew each other well, and the chief, now sullen, had
always been polite and friendly. The firing had
now become a fusilade, and people were being shot
down on every hand. The traders were the first ob-
jects of hatred to fall, riddled with bullets. As the
bloody work progressed the savages grew wild and
furious, their hideous yells, the crash of their guns,
work of the torch, the shrieks of their helpless vic-
tims, begging vainly for mercy, creating a scene
horrifying in the extreme. Rev. Hinman fled be-
fore the spreading tide of death had reached him,
and gaining the river, fortunately found a skiff with
which he hastily crossed, making good his escape
to the Fort.

With this additional information from so high an
authority, what could the fate of Captain Marsh and
his detail be? Every heart-throb echoed this in-
quiry ; every glance betrayed the awful misgivings
that tongues hesitated to utter.

Night began to gather its unwelcome folds around
the distraught garrison. Refugees, principly wo-
men and children, had swarmed in with sickening
tales, to increase the burdens now illy proportioned
to the garrison's defenders. Lieutenant Gere, who
now commanded the Fort, though but twenty years
of age, had combined within him soldierly ability,
courage of the highest order, and discretion beyond
his years. His bearing was an inspiration, and he

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 47

possessed the perfect confidence of what remained
of Company B under his command. The gloom
of night had added its dangers to the situation,
with no tidings from the brave men who were
last reported as they were descending into the val-
ley near the Agency. The men under Lieutenant
Gere maintained a courage and loyalty equal to any
sacrifice. Whatever fate willed, they would reso-
lutely meet. Dispositions were made for the night
to guard as far as possible against a night surprise,
and with the few men widely dispersed, the garri-
son settled down to a death-like stillness, when
the first tidings came of the fate of Marsh and his
men. Privates James Dunn and William B. Hutch-
inson were the first to arrive with the story of the
frightful disaster at the ferry, they having been
dispatched by Sergeant John F. Bishop, who
was in command of the only known remnant of
Company B to escape the merciless slaughter at the
ferry. The little party were carrying a badly
wounded comrade, while Bishop himself was wound-
ed. Their progress being thus impeded, Bishop
dispatched Dunn and Hutchinson to apprise the
garrison of the disaster, himself and party reaching
the Fort at ten o'clock at night.

Now the thrilling story was told in detail. Marsh's
slender detachment descended into the Minnesota
valley at Faribault hill at about midday, and
marched across a bottom for three miles over a
road not unfavorable to a treacherous foe, grass of
a rank growth affording shelter on either hand.
When within a mile or so of the ferry the Captain
halted his men for a moment's needed rest. Resum-

48 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ing his march the men were moved in open order
by single file to minimize the danger from exposure,
and in this order continued to the ferry-house, situ-
ated on the east side of the road, ten or twelve rods
north of the ferry. Just two weeks previously to a
day most of these men were actors in the dramatic
incident at Yellow Medicine, when, on the 4th of
August, they were surrounded by nearly a thousand
armed warriors, when the Government warehouse
was attacked. Coolness and courage won the day
for these same soldiers on that occasion. May they
not now overmatch the red-handed savage and yet
bring order out of chaos ? There must have been
this lingering hope, though conditions were so
changed as to make the hope chimerical.

Along the river at the ferry were clumps of wil-
lows and other brush, together with a rank growth
of weeds and grass, with here and there a sandbar
deposited by the river in flood-time. Knowing the
stealthy nature of the Sioux, and that war. had been
inaugurated, the surroundings were such as any
American soldier, willing to meet his foe in the
open, would feel ill-at-ease in.

On the high bluff just across the river was the
Redwood Agency, the objective point of Captain
Marsh, and where he had hoped to meet prominent
Sioux chiefs, and through their co-operation restore
order. He apparently could not realize that the
Agency had been blotted out, and that every soul
who had made up its white citizenship lay prostrate
where he fell, shot to death and mutilated beyond
recognition. The slope leading from the river to
the brow of the Agency hill was studded with a

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 49

thick growth of brushy timber. The disemboweled
and acephalous body of the ferryman had already
been found, with the ferryboat on the north side of
the river, ready for the soldiers to enter upon, as
the Indians had no doubt carefully planned, divin-
ing that Marsh would seek to cross to the Agency
side. Indians there were in plenty, but they kept
themselves well concealed. A few warriors on
horseback revealed themselves indifferently on the
prairie south of the Agency, and at considerable
distance from the ferry, their evident purpose being
to attract attention from the forces masked in the
region of the ferry. Near the ferry landing on the
opposite or Agency side of the river, was a lone In-
dian, chosen for a conspicuous part in the tragedy
to be enacted when the plans of the cunning Indi-
ans were matured. This was recognized to be no
less a personage than White Dog, who himself was
clearly taken by surprise by the outbreak as his de-
meanor to Rev. Hinman revealed in the early morn-
ing. White Dog was a prominent Indian at the
Agency, having been president of the Indian Farm-
ers' Organization, and his selection as a man likely
to inspire confidence in Captain Marsh was neither
spontaneous nor accidental. Through Interpreter
Quinn Captain Marsh addressed White Dog, who,
in reply, suavely invited Marsh to cross, assuring
him that the Indians did not wish to fight the sol-
diers, and that if Marsh would cross to the Agency
a council would be called to meet and confer with
him. Two soldiers who went to the river's brink to
obtain water as this conversation was being carried
on, discovered in concealment on the opposite side,

50 RECOLLECTIONS OF

near White Dog, many Indians. However, Captain
Marsh ordered his men forward from the ferry-
house to the ferry-landingr, purposing to cross, his
men halting at a front along the river. Sergeant
Bishop having stepped to the water's edge for a
drink as the ferry ropes were being adjusted, saw
evidences in the roily condition of the water that
the Indians were crossing up-stream with a view to
a rear attack. This conviction expressed to Captain
Marsh, was intuitively grasped by White Dog, who
knew the moment was critical, and now doubted
that Marsh would enter upon the ferry. He there-
fore fired the signal gun, as was his part in the trag-
edy, to which Quinn, the white-haired interpreter,
sensing its meaning instantly, in his last breath,
cried, " Look out !" A deadly volley came from the
ambuscade on the opposite side of the river, killing
many a brave soldier who had had no opportunity
to defend himself. Quinn was among those to fall
at the first volley, riddled with no less than a dozen
bullets. The volley was high and mainly passed
over the heads of the soldiers. Marsh and Quinn
stood nearly side by side when the volley was fired,
but the Captain was unscathed, and instantly order-
ed his men to fall back to the ferry house. Now
came the awful realization of Bishop's prediction,
for with deafening yells there rose from ambush in
the rear, and within short range, a legion of naked,
frantic devils who poured a merciless volley into
the already staggered ranks of Marsh. The effect
was deadly. Now the men fought for their lives,
and to extricate themselves from their perilous pre-
dicament. The losses were already so great that

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 51

to attempt a stand would be simply to blindly chal-
lenge fate. [As stated by Chaska in 1863, when re-
ferring to this bloody incident, White Dog gave the
death-signal prematurely, for which he was bitterly
assailed by Little Crow and other prominent lead-
ers in the massacre. The signal was not to have
been given until the savage cordon had been so ex-
tended as to prevent the escape of a single man of
Marsh's command, in event the soldiers could not
be gotten upon the ferry and there annihilated.]

The Indians had secured possession of the ferry-
house by this time. The righting now was of the
most desperate character, being hand to hand or at
the range of a few paces. The soldiers made dead-
ly work in the ranks of the savages, who were no
match for the trained infantrymen in open combat ;
but realizing they could not withstand the already
overwhelming and constantly increasing numbers,
Marsh gave the order to gain at all hazards the
thicket along the river, of which the savages had
not yet secured possession. This was accom-
plished under a furious fire, fifteen out of the origi-
nal number, after fighting like demons, reaching the
sheltering copse. To reach the Fort over an un-
known country, pathless, and beset with a desper-
ate enemy, was the only hope of the brave comman-
der and his shattered force. The thicket was raked
with the guns of the savages, but the men were now
fighting from cover with a deliberateness of aim
that kept the enemy well at bay. Covering their
retreat carefully, the men fought their way down
through the brush until they apparently must soon
expose themselves to Indians seen out on the Fort

52 RECOLLECTIONS OF

road, who were believed to be moving" eastward to
intercept the re treat ing1 detachment. Captain Marsh
believed safety lay alone in crossing to the south
bank of the river, and led in an effort to accomplish
this end. This was at about 4 o'clock p. m. The
Minnesota River at this point was fifty yards or
more in width. Lifting his sword and revolver
above his head the Captain waded successfully two-
thirds of the way across. Getting: beyond his depth
he could no longer retain his weapons of defense,
and dropping them, attempted to swim. In this he
was unsuccessful, and called to his men for assist-
ance. Brennan, Dunn and VanBuren, all men of
heroic mould, hastened to the rescue of their com-
mander, but he was doomed by the treacherous wa-
ters, and though seized by Brennan's strong arm, as
he was sinking the second time, and brought to the
surface, and although the Captain grasped the
shoulder of the athletic hero daring all to save him,
the hold of the officer and that of the soldier were
broken in the struggle, and Captain Marsh disap-
peared beneath the merciless waters to rise no
more.

Now the command devolved upon Sergeant John
F. Bishop, than whom there was no better or braver
soldier. Beset with calamity, dogged with disas-
ter and wounded besides, with one of his men, pri-
vate Svendson, so seriously wounded that he must
be carried by his comrades, Bishop was put to a
test summoning all his tact, courage and endurance.
He at once decided to keep the north side of the
river, instead of crossing it as Captain Marsh had
designed, and this decision no doubt saved the lives

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 53

of Bishop and his fourteen men, as the Indians, be-
lieving the soldiers to have crossed the stream,
themselves crossed to ambush the men on the south
side. While the Indians were lying in concealment,
awaiting the approach of the would-be victims, the
little command, under cover of a favoring hill on
the south bank of the river, passed successfully to
safer and better protected ground down stream.
Stealthily, cautiously, vigilantly the wearied and
persecuted men pressed onward, not unmindful that
their enemy's plan of warfare always embraced the
deadly ambush.

Night was fast approaching. Whether its protec-
tion in an unknown and pathless country was pref-
erable to daylight and exposure, was difficult to de-
termine. With nothing to eat and bearing a wound-
ed soldier in need of surgical treatment, there could
be no thought of halting, not with the certainty that
Fort Ridgely could be but a few miles distant at
most. But did the Fort exist ? Had not the des-
perate enemy, flushed with success and drunk with
frenzy, pressed on tb overpower and annihilate
the well-nigh defenseless garrison ? Surely it was
within his power to accomplish this result.

When, after nightfall, Sergeant Bishop sent the
sturdy soldiers, Dunn and Hutchinson, forward,
there was ample reason to feel the Fort might have
fallen, though no cannonading had reverberated
through the valley to indicate an attack; still, known
conditions were such that a fierce and sudden at-
tack on the garrison might be successfully made in
a manner to preclude the use of artillery. Ser-
geant Bishop felt, as he was justified in doing, that

54 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Dunn and Hutchinson were men to be relied upon
to successfully learn and apprise him if the Fort
had fallen. But the two soldiers found the garrison
in the hands of Lieutenant Gere, and made a suc-
cessful entry, as did Bishop and the remainder of
his men an hour later, twelve hours from the time
of their departure under Captain Marsh in the fore-
noon.

The garrison was well prepared in mind from
what had filtered to it, for the news of the disaster ;
yet it was stunned to speechlessness when the list
of casualties was announced.

THE KILLED.

Captain John S. Marsh (drowned)

Interpreter Peter Quinn

Sergeant Russell H. Findley
Solon A. Trescott

Corporal Joseph S. Besse
Privates Charles R. Bell Edwin F. Cole

Charles E. French John Gardner
Jacob A. Gehring John Holmes
Christian Joerger Durs Kanzig
James H. Kerr Wenzel Kusda

Henry McAllister Wenzel Norton
John Parsley Moses P. Parks

John W. Parks Nathaniel Pitcher

Harrison A. Phillips Charles W. Smith
Henry. A. Shepherd Nathan Stewart

THE WOUNDED.
Sergeant John F.Bishop
Privates William H. Blodgett Ezekiel Rose
Win. A. Sutherland Ole Svendson

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 55

Early on the morning: of the 20th, William A.
Sutherland and William H. Blodgett arrived at the
Fort, after experiences and endurance almost un-
believable. These men were shot down in the en-
gagement at the ferry. Their escape, their suffer-
ings and their heroic struggle for life can scarcely
be matched in history. Sutherland was shot in the
breast, the ball passing through the right lung, and
out near the point of the right shoulder-blade, at
his back.

The wound rendered him unconscious for a time,
and while in this condition the Indians took from
him his gun, cartridge-belt and box, his cap, coat
and shoes, leaving him destitute of clothing, save
his shirt (saturated with blood from his wound), and
his trousers. The mystery is that he was not
scalped, but his escape was no doubt due to a dis-
tracted state among the savages who were rent with
dissension over the personal effects of their victims.
Sutherland fell near the river, where he lay for sev-
eral hours. Returning to consciousness, he found
himself crazed with pain and thirst. Lifting his
head cautiously, he looked about him, half stupe-
fied, yet curious to learn whether his comrades, who
were in action when he fell, had been annihilated.
While the savages had completed their hellish
work, they were still in the vicinity, and he could
hear their voices not far away, and the firing of
guns far and near warned him of the havoc being
wrought upon the settlements of the vicinity. He
determined to crawl to the river and slake his burn-
ing thirst, even though to do so should cost him his
life. He tested his strength in an effort to turn

56 RECOLLECTIONS OF

over, having1 fallen on his face when shot. He found
he could move his body, and down through the high
grass and weeds he dragged himself to the water's
edge, leaving a trail stained with blood to betray
him should an Indian cross his path. He was much
refreshed with copious draughts of water, and
crawled back into the weeds, where he meditated,
and wondered if escape was a physical possibility.
He reasoned that no attempt at escape should be
made before nightfall. Thirst compelled him to
make several visits to the river. Near his drinking
place was a skiff, lodged against the river's bank,
and partially filled with water. The waterlogged
boat suggested a possible means of escape, and he
resolved that if not discovered and slain before
dark he would make a superhuman effort to save his
life. At about ten o'clock at night, after all the
savages had joined in the hideous orgies of the
scalp-dance on the Agency side of the river, he felt
that now if ever he must carry out his resolution.
He crept cautiously to the water's edge, removed
as much water from the boat as possible with his
hands while the craft lay on its edge, and pushing
it into the stream, got in. There was no seat in the
boat, no oars, no paddle, and nothing with which to
bail out the water, of which there was a consider-
able quantity at the outset. He sat down in this in
the bottom of the boat, hatless and without clothing
to protect his shattered body from the penetrating
chill of night, with no nourishment of any kind.
Thus he began his solemn journey, dependent whol-
ly upon his boat and the current of the sluggish
river.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 57

As he drifted silently away under the southwest-
ern hills, the hideous din of the scalp-dance, con-
ducted but a matter of rods away from where he had
lain for hours, became less and less distinct, until
croaking frogfs or an occasional bittern alone broke
the silence of night. In this hapless plight, this
country boy of twenty summers, who had left all
the comforts of a happy home, tenanted with loved
ones, to enter the army and serve his country, be-
gan a voyage under conditions seeming to challenge
fate and which fiction, in all its reckless extrava-
gance, would scarce attempt a parallel.

All that night, all the next day, and all the fol-
lowing night until nearly dawn, this ghostly figure
drifted silently along, now backwards, now side-
wise and now for an hour or so whirled helplessly
in an eddy. The nights were gloomy and solemn,
but not more so than the light of day, that revealed
the pall of death on every hand. Sutherland was
seized with a delusion that haunted him against rea-
son, from the outset of his journey. He felt that he
was helplessly being carried in the wrong direction
— that he should go up stream instead of down, and
this fantasy gave him no end of trouble. He was
shot on Monday afternoon. He entered his boat
Monday night, and there remained until the break
of day Wednesday morning. He knew his progress
had been very slow, but he felt that if the boat had
carried him in the proper direction, he must be in
the vicinity of the Fort. At all events he found
that he must abandon the waterlogged boat, for he
had become so stiffened he could scarcely move.
Against his better judgement, the bewildering de-

58 RECOLLECTIONS OF

lusion that had been his pursuing nemesis, impell-
ed him to land, by paddling with his hands, on the
wrong side of the river, or on the side opposite the
Fort. Benumbed and weakened, but stimulated
with the hope that he would soon reach the garri-
son, he picked his way through a jungle of under-
brush, and out of the valley and up the wooded hills
until he reached the open prairie on the highlands.
He saw Indian cabins that were strange to him, but
no trace of the garrison or of any familiar object.
His heart sickened, and despair overwhelmed him,
and he sank to the earth. But his great will-power
triumphed, and he rose to his feet again. The sun
had now risen to flood the earth with its exhilarat-
ing light. Sutherland realized that he must return
to the shelter of the river valley, as he was in
great danger of being discovered; and as he
turned his face to the northeastward, to his amaze-
ment and joy he beheld Fort Ridgely in the favor-
ing light of the morning sun, on the hills beyond
the river, the colors flying at full-mast, assuring
him that without doubt the Fort had not fallen. He
now knew he had abandoned his boat not far above
the road crossing the river by a ferry, and leading
to the Fort. He set out to reach the river at the
ferry-crossing, but on his arrival at the stream a
new disappointment awaited him. The rope span-
ning the river had been cut and the ferry was gone.
There was but one alternative : he must swim the
river or perish in the attempt to do so. He lost no
time, but got down into the water, which was soon
beyond his depth, compelling him, while suffering
excruciating pain in the effort, to exert himself to

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 59

keep from sinking. By the assistance of the
current he landed on the opposite side, where,
having been carried several rods down stream, he
experienced great difficulty in pulling" himself up
the abrupt and brush-grown river bank. He ac-
complished all this, however, and walked a mile,
most of the way up-hill, and reached the Fort, a
gaunt, bent, blood-stained, half-naked specter, as if
risen from the dead to affright his surviving com-
rades. He arrived at the garrison between 8 and 9
o'clock of Wednesday morning, August 20th, and
an hour later the Indians came in swarms over the
road by which he had barely made his escape.

But Blodgett's escape was even more miraculous.
It would not be rash to say that it has no record-
ed parallel. He was shot through the abdomen, the
bullet penetrating the intestines. He lay conceal-
ed from 2 o'clock in the afternoon until between 9
and 10 o'clock at night, without aid, comfort, water,
nourishment or the knowledge that a soul of the
command beside himself had survived the battle.
For an hour after the engagement the savages were
busy all about him, scalping his fallen comrades,
whose cries for mercy he heard, as the cruel knife
was applied, or as the deadly war-club fell upon
their heads. The savages were once within ten
feet of him, but a distracting quarrel between the
Indians who were conducting a search a few feet
away, and which ended in a physical encounter for
the possession of a gun, diverting their attention
from his concealment, no doubt made his escape
possible. When the wild orgies of the savages were
at their height at nightfall on the Agency side of

60 RECOLLECTIONS OF

the river, and when he felt sure the Indian guards
had been tempted to the exciting" scenes in celebra-
tion of their awful deeds of blood, Blodgett arose,
and although in agony scarcely endurable, started
down stream along the river's bank, first having re-
freshed himself with a drink of water, to make the
Fort if possible. Man's endurance was never put to
a severer test. With no food since breakfast, without
water for hours and crazed with thirst, and the suf-
ferer from a wound almost invariably mortal — these
were the conditions under which this young soldier,
determined to reach his comrades, set out in dark-
ness, without path, guide or a knowledge of the
country, at times feeling that consuming pain would,
in spite of his endeavors, thwart his strong will.
After struggling along for a few hours, during which
he had made about three miles, he found he could
go no farther in the darkness through the vines and
brushwood which at every step seemed to be tear-
ing his wound open anew, and he lay down and
rested as best he could until morning, tortured un-
mercifully throughout the night by swarms of mos-
quitoes. When daylight came he carefully picked
his way, at all times keeping himself under cover
of the trees near the river, so as not to expose him-
self to the Indians, in which manner he advanced
about six miles before nightfall. After the dark-
ness came on he realized that he must abandon all
hope of saving himself, unless he could reach the
highway on the prairie uplands to the north of the
river, as his strength was too rapidly failing him to
stem the jungle of brush, brambles and tangled
grass. He therefore resolved to cross the bottom,

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 61

climb the hill, and gain the highway if possible,
though he would thus be much more liable to disov-
ery by the savages. Having pushed along over the
pathless ground in the darkness of night for an
hour, he reached the Fort road, and started slowly
on his way to the garrison. When he arrived at the
Three-Mile House (three miles from the Fort), he
entered it, and finding a match, lit it, and was in
the act of searching for something to eat or drink,
when he was startled by a man's voice on the out-
side, saying, " If there are any whites in there, let
them come out and go to the Fort, for I just passed
an Indian camp in the valley, only a short distance
away." Blodgett suspected this to be the ruse of
an unfriendly halfbreed, who was simply attempt-
ing to betray him into the hands of the savages ;
but he could lose nothing by making himself known,
and stepping out, called in the darkness to the un-
known spokesman, who proved to be John Fanska,
a German of New Ulm, who had gone to the Agen-
cy on business just before the massacre, who was
frightfully wounded by an arrow which had been
fired into his back during the outbreak at Redwood
on the 18th, and who had thrown a blanket over his
head and escaped to the timber near the river in
the excitement. The arrow-head had completely
buried itself in his back, and reaching shelter,
writhing in agony, he attempted to withdraw the
arrow, but only made matters worse by breaking
the shaft off where it was attached to the cruel
barb. But one thing could be worse than this tor-
ture, and that would be to fall into the hands of the
savages. This greater dread made the sufferings

62 RECOLLECTIONS OF

of the wounded man endurable, though the point of
the arrow-head had penetrated his right lung. Like
Blodgett, he had thus far eluded the Indians, and
was endeavoring to reach the garrison. Blodgett,
with his new-found companion, reached Ft. Ridgely
at 2 o'clock on the morning of Wednesday, August
20th, thirty-six hours after receiving his frightful
wound still undressed, and with nothing to eat since
breakfast of Monday morning, covering a distance
the way he came, of fully eighteen or twenty miles.*

Ezekiel Rose made his escape, wounded, from the
ferry disaster by night, and fearing the Fort had
fallen, made his way through the country to Hen-
derson.

In the terrible conflict at the ferry, the fighting
assuming an almost hand-to-hand stage, the ranks
of the soldiers became shattered, and when Cap-
tain Marsh gave the order to seek shelter in the
brush below the ferry road, a number of men were
so far detached to the northward from their com-
rades, and were so engaged in the fierce struggle,
with their ranks being decimated to the bounds of
extermination, that they fought their way out along
the road upon which they had entered the death-
trap, and their guns becoming too hot for service,
fell in the combat, or took to shelter individually,
wherever they could find it. Six, beside the two
wounded men, Blodgett and Sutherland, thus mirac-
ulously escaped with their lives, and returned to
the Fort under the cover of night. Those who es-

* Blodgett survived his frightful experience, and resides (1909) in San Jose,
California. Sutherland recovered and served with his company in the South
until the close of the Civil War.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 63

caped with Captain Marsh, and were taken into the
Fort by Sergeant Bishop, after the drowning1 of
Captain Marsh, were :

John F. Bishop William E. Winslow

Truman D. Huntley Charles H. Hawley
John Brennan Levi Carr

James Dunn William B. Hutchinson

John McGowan Antonie Rebenski

John Serfling Samuel Stewart

Ole Svendson Stephen VanBuren

James Murray.

Those who became detached and for lack of am-
munition or on account of the non-servicable con-
dition of their guns were forced to seek individual
shelter, and who thus escaped to the Fort in the
night, were :

James W. Foster Thomas Parsley

James M. Munday Ambrose Gardner
Charles Beecher* Ezekiel Rose

*Beecher did not reach the Fort until Wednesday forenoon, just in time for
the first day's fight. Rose escaped to Henderson.

[ NOTE — After the preparation of these manuscripts, learning that Blodgelt
was believed to be living, I instituted a search for him, covering a period of
nearly a year. Through the western pension agencies I persisted in my search,
and was finally rewarded through the San Francisco agency. Though I had
never met Blodgett since the close of the war, I wrote the account of his ex-
perience as in the foregoing as he related it to me at the time of its occurrence.
Locating him, I asked for a statement for this volume, and received from him
under date of January 4, 1908, the following account, hitherto unpublished. —

O. G. W.J

The company at once fell into line, and 46 men were detailed
to go with Captain Marsh to the scene of disturbance, each man taking forty
rounds of ammunition. * * I was one of the 46 men to go with Captain
Marsh. Starting out, we were soon overtaken on the march by four mule teams.

64 RECOLLECTIONS OF

As an illustrative incident, the experience of Jas.
W. Foster and Thomas Parsley, above, is related.
Foster's gun becoming: so hot a cartridge could no
longer be forced home with the steel rammer, and
finding himself quite alone, he dropped and crept to
the sheltering screen of a vine that grew over a
plum-tree. The ghastly work he had witnessed was
burned into his brain, and he was so utterly de-
fenseless, save the protection a clubbed-gun might
afford him for a brief moment, that he hailed with
delight the opportunity his concealment gave him
for an instant's reflection. He had no belief that
he would not be discovered and dispatched, but to
reveal himself was certain death. He therefore
coolly resolved to take the needed rest his shelter
.was affording him, allow his gun to become useful
again if possible, and sell his life dearly if he must.
The last man having apparently fallen, the savages
now nothing to fear, rushed in with their clubs, the
crunching blows of which Foster could plainly hear

We got into the wagons and were hurried along. When out about eight miles
from the Fort we came to a house that had been fired by the savages. Here
we saw a murdered man lying by the roadside. We saw several more dead
bodies as we passed along. About two miles from the ferry (at the Lower
Agency), before going down th« hill to the bottom land, we could see mount-
ed Indians pursuing parties on the other side of the river, and in many cases
they were overaken and slain. We descended to the river valley, which was
covered with a rank growth of grass and weeds. On the left were some small
thickets of wild plum and willow. On the right were some trees and stumps.
The river was a few rods from and nearly parallel with the road we were on.
As we approached the ferry the river made a sharp turn and ran nearly east for
a short distance. Just at the turn a small creek came in, and the point of land
between the creek and river was covered by a thick growth of willows. While
going through this part of the road, it was thought best by some to throw out
skirmishers to learn if there was likely to be any trouble; but Captain Marsh

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 65

on the heads of his helpless, pleading comrades.
The savage demons were plainly seen by Foster in
their fiendish contortions of exultation as they dis-
patched and mutilated the fallen men who had gone
down in the open. Back and forth the ground was
hunted over, but the running fight with Captain
Marsh and the remnant of men in the thicket below
the ferry road attracted many of the savages to that
scene, though the ground where Foster and others
had fought was guarded until darkness made it no
longer possible to observe the movements of the
savages. By 10 o'clock at night fires were burning
on the Agency hill across the river and it was plain
the awful work of the day was the occasion of great
joy in the camp of the savages. Night indeed was
made hideous by the frightful revels of this scalp-
dance, where the naked bodies of the savages, with
jerking cadence, crouched and swayed, and writhed
and leaped around the central fire, in the light of
which could be seen as they bore them aloft, the

thought the Indians would not dare to molest the soldiers, and that probably
the disturbance was caused by a few Indians who had by some means obtained
liquor. As we approached the ferry, which was on our side of the river at
the time, we saw an Indian dressed very gorgeously in feathers and war-paint.
He was standing on a log on the opposite side of the river. He at once be-
gan talking with Mr. Quinn, the Interpreter, telling him to have the soldiers come
over and smoke the pipe of peace. Mr. Quinn said to the Captain that the
Indian was a chief named White Dog, and did not belong there, and tlhat he
feared his band was also there, and that he feared the trouble was general. He
also advised the Captain not to venture on the boat. While this conversation
was going on, one of the men [John F. Bishop — O. G. W.J went down to the
river and dipped up water to pass to the men in ranks. The water was roily,
as though recently disturbed. He mentioned to the Captain that he thought the
Indians were crossing the river above, and that they would cut off our chance
of retreat. I was standing second from the right of the company, in the front

66 RECOLLECTIONS OF

bloody trophies of the awful slaughter, each fiend
in his turn seeking: to make more hideous the occa-
sion by hisses, howls, groans and yells than his fel-
lows had done. Foster reasoned that this scene
must have proven irresistible to the undisciplined
Indian sentinels about him, and that this was his
opportunity for escape. He arose with caution,
and in silence moved with measured step northeast-
erly. He had gone but a dozen paces through the
weeds and vines when he was startled by stepping
upon a human form. No sound came from the body
at his feet. Nothing could be heard in the deathly
stillness except the beating of his own heart. Bend-
ing low, and in a whisper, he asked : " Is this one
of the boys from the Fort ?" Feeling the body was
not that of a dead man, he again whispered : " If
this is one of the boys of Co. B, get up and let us
go to the Fort." No answer came, but as he stright-
ened up to proceed on his journey alone, the pros-
trate form moved, and there came from it in a low

rank, and on looking to the right saw several Indians moving on the point of
land between the creek and river. I at once told Orderly Sergeant Finley. At
that moment that terrible blood-curdling war-whoop of the Sioux, that no white
man has ever succeeded in imitating, was sounded. At the came time White
Dog discharged his gun and jumped back off the log. I felt a sharp pain in my
side and back, and began to sink down. I first thought one of the boys had
accidentally hit me with the butt of his gun. Then I heard a general discharge
of guns and a chorus of yells, and saw two or three other boys fall. I put my
hand to my side and found a bullet-hole through me. I then tried to get up,
but to do so was obliged to take my cartridge-belt off. While lying on the bank
of the river many balls struck near me and threw sand in my face. I at last suc-
ceeded in getting up. I started back along the road we had just come in over.
The grass seemed to be full of Indians as I ran back. I ran into the ferryman's
house. While in there the balls pattered through the house and the window.
The building was deserted, and I saw it would not do to stay there, so I ran

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 67

tone: " Is that you, Jim?" uYes," said Foster,
"and let us get out of here at once." The man whom
Foster thus came upon proved to be Thomas Pars-
ley, who, when his gun became useless, disarming:
him, fell, and like Foster, concealed himself and
thus escaped. Indian pickets had been posted with-
in a few yards of him until their whereabouts could
no longer be determined in the darkness of night,
but he feared to leave his concealment until a later
hour, and as many half-breeds were on the war-path
with the Indians, and as these were known to speak
English well, and not suspecting a member of his
company had survived, Parsley, though he believed
he recognized Foster, even in a whisper, hesitated
to disclose himself until assured in his own mind
by this incident that he was not the sole survivor of
Marsh's detachment.

In the midst of peace, repose and daydreams a
demon had awakened from his slumber, to pile
event upon event, tragedy upon tragedy, with start-
out and across the road to the barn. Here I found Comrade John Parks, ly-
ing badly wounded. I tried to help him up, but he could not stand. As I
could do him no good I ran on into the brush and tall grass. I saw three of
our boys standing with their backs to a tree, each facing a different direction,
and shooting as fast as they could load their guns. I ran toward them, intend-
ing to take the other quarter of the tree, thinking it possible that four of us
might be able to make a stand, but just as I reached the tree the last one of
them fell. I looked in the direction from which I thought the balls had come,
and saw an Indian in the act of reloading his gun. I took a quick aim and
fired, and had the satisfaction of seeing him fall. I then loaded my gun from
the ammunition of Corporal Joseph Besse, and once more started for the brush.
As I ran, Comrade Edwin F. Cole came into the path in front of me. I told
him to run faster. He said, " I cannot ; I am wounded." I asked him where,
and he held out his left hand, which appeared to be shattered. Lifting his left
hand turned him into a path to the left. I took the path to the right. Just

68 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ling: swiftness in the making of Northwestern his-
tory. The day's tragedies were appalling indeed,
and it is hoped that another such bloody page as that
written upon this date will never again stain the an-
nals of Minnesota.

The morning of August 19th dawned after a sleep-
less night at Fort Ridgely. Lieutenant Gere, grasp-
ing the wide scope of responsibility he had suc-
ceeded to as the ranking officer of the garrison, left
nothing to luck or chance from the outset. One of
the last official acts of Captain Marsh on the morn-
ing of the 18th, before starting for Redwood, was to
write an order for the return of Lieutenant Sheehan
and his fifty men who left on the 17th on their re-
turn to Fort Ripley, this order being placed in the
hands of Corporal James C. McLean, fitted by cour-
age, tact and endurance for such an assignment.

As the night of the 18th approached, with its rap-
idly-increasing number of refugees, and its harrow-
then I heard a racket in front. I dropped down and began crawling into the
grass. My feet were still in the path, when Ezekiel Rose, our fifer, ran over
my feet with two Indians in hot pursuit, but by some means Rose escaped. 1
then concluded to hide. I crawled under some wild morning-glory vines and
reached back and straightened up the grass. Just then I heard Comrade Cole
cry out as if in great pain, and heard two Indians laugh and call him a squaw.
He continued to beg, so I concluded they were torturing him in some way. At
first I thought to get up and try to help him. Then reason came to me, and I
knew I could not save him, even if I gave my life for him. While these
thoughts were running through my head, I heard the most sickening sound im-
aginable. It was a blow with a tomahawk, and poor Cole was no more. Had
I made a move in his defense it would have only added one more to that aw-
ful slaughter. The Indians then lit their pipes and sat down to smoke. I could
distinctly smell their " kinikanic." They could not have been more than ten or
twelve feet from me. They soon left, and all became quiet. * *

OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 69

ing tales from the settlements, and, finally, with the
first tidings of the frightful disaster to Captain
Marsh and his men, the garrison found itself in des-
perate straits. Lieutenant Gere dispatched a mes-
senger in the person of Private William J. Sturgis,
on the best horse at the post, with a message to the
commandant at Fort Snelling and to Governor Ram-
sey at St. Paul, apprising them of the massacre and
condition of affairs, and asking them to render
promptly such assistance as the dangerous state
demanded. Sturgis was also ordered to apprise
Lieutenant Culver and Indian Agent Galbraith, then
on their way to Fort Snelling with the Renville
Rangers and urge their hasty return to Fort Ridgely.

With savages spreading over the country, the
sending of messengers was attended with no little
risk to those who were assigned to this duty, but
Sturgis, like McLean, could be trusted to proceed
alertly and execute faithfully.

With his twenty-odd men, Lieutenant Gere must

The battle at the ferry began at about 1:30 o'clock p. m., and lasted about
20 minutes. There were 22 killed outright, and 5 were wounded who escaped
and reached Fort Ridgely between that time and 2 o'clock a. m. of the 20th.
* * * I lay concealed in the grass from near 2 o'clock p. m. until dark.
It was a very warm day (August 1 8th) and I suffered from thirst. I could hear
an Indian boy or squaw occasionally, not far away, and knew it was not safe
to show myself. When it grew dark I attempted to get up, but was so stiff
and sore it was all I could do to rise, and I was obliged to leave my gun in the
grass. I started toward a small lake to get a drink, but I was so sore and the
ground was so uneven I moved with great effort. My feet would catch in some
vine or root and cause me to stumble and almost fall, and every jar caused me
great pain. I was obliged to go very slow, and feel my way carefully. I at
last succeeded in reaching the lake. After quenching my thirst I concluded to
lie down and wait for daylight before attempting to go farther. The mosqui-
toes were very troublesome all night. At times I think I mus have lost my rea-

70 RECOLLECTIONS OF

make judicious dispositions. Nearly the entire ef-
fective force were posted as pickets, Gere person-
ally placing the men at dark, with full instructions
as to their duty. This was indeed a thin and slen-
der line for the defense of the garrison and the two
to three hundred refugees gathered in the buildings
of the Fort. The refugees realized this fact, and
were in a constant state of nervous tension, need-
ing but the sound of a gun to precipitate a panic,
as was illustrated during the night when one of the
outer pickets fired at some obscure object and ran
in, shouting " Indians !" The scene that followed
beggars description. The alarm was accepted as
the awful realization of the expected, for conditions
strengthened the feeling among these terror-strick-
en people that Nature's last penalty was to be in-
flicted, and, too, without any compensating qualifi-
cations, such as instant death, or death at the hands
of a civilized foe, even. These refugees were
massed in the wooden buildings, forming the east

son. I could not sleep much, and would rouse up and find myself talking to
Jack Fauver of our company, who drove the ambulance, but who of course was
miles away, if alive. I would thank him for coming after me, or ask him not
to go and leave me. Then again I would keep still and think I was hiding
from the Indians. Morning came at last, and as soon as it was light enough,
I once more got up by the aid of a tree and started for Fort Ridgely, which
was still twelve miles distant. I dared not go out into the open road, or show
myself in the open grass land, but kept in the brush. It was very slow, and
hard work to get along, so about the middle of the afternoon I ventured out
into the wild meadow, there havimg been no signs of Indians, and was getting
along better; but on looking around I saw four Indians. I was first attracted
to them by the tinkling of little bells on their ponies. They were on the road
on the hill, about a quarter of a mile away. They had just passed a thicket,
and come in sight of the open space I had entered. I dropped into the grass,
which was waist-high, and at once ran to the lake, which was only a few yards

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 71

and west sides of the square of the Fort. With a
view to their greater safety Lieutenant Gere had
ordered the removal of all these fugitives to the
long stone barracks building at the north side of
the square. The crouching, cringing, praying,
grief-stricken mass was cowed into inactivity by
the reign of terror that had swept the settlements
and put them to flight, but the firing of the shot
and the alarm accompanying it set the affrighted
mass into a pell-mell scramble for such security as
the stone building might afford. The value of dis-
cipline was never more forcibly illustrated than on
this occasion Among the fugitives were not a few
men, and many of these lost their heads in the mad
rush for the barracks, the windows of which they
crushed to facilitate ingress, while numerous great
double doors yawned to receive with ample facility
the entire motley throng. But they were terror-
stricken, and not the hindmost in the scurrying
bedlam that made night hideous. On the other

distant. I jumped in and swam along the bank until I found some overhang-
ing brush and vines. I crawled up under them and waited, for I was almost
sure they had seen me. After waiting some time and hearing nothing, I crawl-
ed up the bank, and this time I kept out of sight. Soon after I saw the Indians
going up the hill about two miles away. Several times during the day I went
into the river and bathed my wound, which had become very troublesome, as
I was obliged to stoop and bend my body in order to get through the brush. I
lay down once near noon and slept about an hour. At about 5 P. M. there
came up a thundershower, and it rained nearly an hour. It then turned colder,
and I was very uncomfortable, with cold, hunger and a bad wound. I found
a few bunches of wild grapes which I ate. At dusk that night I had covered
but four miles, and now I was obliged to climb a high, hard bluff. It was a
hard undertaking, and three times I lay down and said I could not make it, but
after lying a while I got cold, and then would say "well, if I do not try again
I will surely die here," so I sought another bush and pulled myself up once

72 RECOLLECTIONS OF

hand the soldiers were self-reliant and the per-
sonification of composure, taking their assignments
for a heroic defense of the garrison.

If Indians were responsible for the alarm, they
were merely a reconnoitering party, for no attack
was made on the Fort, and the pickets were again
posted, remaining without relief or sleep through-
out the night, as did all the effectives of the garri-
son, watchful and in readiness for instant action.
The night was one of constant vigil by the sol-
diers, and of supplication, moaning and ceaseless
wailing in the barracks where the refugees were
gathered, and daylight, whatever it might bring,
was welcomed. The great, glorious morning sun,
whose enveloping flood dispelled the gloom of
night, had a mollifying effect. The mental and
physical strain upon the soldiers, and the agonies
of the fugitives were unchanged, but the sunlight
of heaven, like a merciful anaesthetic, soothed the
weary and consoled the distressed.

more, and gained a few yards. 1 could not get up on my feet without the aid
of a bush, shrub, or something to take hold of, to pull myself up by my hands.
After a long and very discouraging effort I reached the top of the bluff. Here
I saw a house which had been recently fired, and was still burning brightly. I
stood by a tree for some time but could not see anyone moving, so concluded
there were no Indians near. I passed the burning house a little to the left, and
gained the road to the Fort. It must have been nearly nine o'clock, and I had
nearly eight miles to go. I was very hungry, as I had had nothing to eat since
breakfast on Monday morning, and it was now Tuesday night, but once in the
road, I was able to make better time. Once I heard the sound of hoofs
approaching me. I left the road a short distance and lay down in the grass.
As the objects came up over a slight knoll I could see against the sky they
were cattle. I waited until they passed, and returning to the road continued on
towards the Fort. Near midnight, and when about three miles from the Fort,
1 came to a house where we had often traded coffee and sugar for butter, eggs

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 73

To the mad revelry at the Redwood Agency on
the night of the 18th, in celebration of the horri-
ble deeds of blood of the day, may be attributed
the escape of Fort Ridgely from a night attack.
What of the 19th, now unfolding, to be engraven
with history ?

The merciless carnage at the Agency had fur-
nished a scene for the Indians never before dream-
ed of, and by the side of which their combats with
their hereditary foes, the Chippewas, were puerile
and vapid. Wild with the excitement born of riot
and bloodshed, the Indians were difficult of manage-
ment by their chiefs, as they ever are, chieftainship
never carrying with it the right or ability to dis-
cipline in matters of detail.

There was such pleasure in torturing, mutilating
and murdering defenseless women and children,
and this horrible pastime was attended with such
.slight risk to the young warriors, that they pre-
ferred to follow it up, rather than engage in the

and milk. I went to the door and knocked, but no answer came. I then wen
to the back part of the house, got in through an open window and found some
matches. I lit one, and found everything in the house upsidedown and in con-
fusion. I then went into the pantry to get something to eat if possible, but
could find nothing but a piece of ham bone, with very little meat on it, but
what there was tasted good. I was in the house only a few minutes when
some one began pounding on the door. I dared not move or answer. Present-
ly a man came to the window and asked if any one was iu the house. I knew
by the voice that it was some German, so I answered. He said: "We had
better hurry on to the Fort, as the Indians are coming." I got out. As we
went along he told me he had been shot in the right shoulder with an arrow,
on the morning of the first day of the outbreak at the Agency. He had hidden
himself in a haymow. He had pulled the shaft of the arrow loose, but had
left the steel point imbedded in his flesh, and the point of it was penetrating his
lung, and he spat blood. His name was John Fanska, and his home was

74 RECOLLECTIONS OF

more serious tasks of meeting: armed men in battle.
Murder, plunder, rapine and outrage, were fea-
tures new to the young: savages, and, when Little
Crow undertook to bend their energies against
Fort Ridgely on the morning of the 19th dissension
resulted.

While in camp on the Sheyenne river on the
4th of July, 1863, on the Sibley expedition north-
ward, the writer, with John McCole as interpre-
ter, visited the camp of the scouts of the Sibley
command, and had a prolonged interview with
Chaska, an intelligent scout well known to Mc-
Cole, and who had rendered noble service in
saving the missionaries and other whites, the
previous year. Chaska only knew the story of the
savages as he learned it from them after the mas-
sacre, but related fluently and intelligently many
things that were matters of but reasonable conjec-
ture on the part of the garrison. Asked how it hap-
pened that Little Crow did not attack Fort Ridgely

in New Ulm. He was at the Agency on business when the Indians began the
slaughter. He was very weak, and we had to rest often. He could get up all
right, and would stand and let me pull myself up by taking hold of his clothes.
When we reached the picket post about half a mile out from the Fort, we were
challenged by one of the men on guard who happened to be one of those who
had escaped at the ferry on Monday. When 1 answered the challenge and gave
Kim my name, he said : " My God, it can't be, for I saw Blodgett fall a sec-
ond time." We were received, and taken immediately to the hospital, and al-
though it was 2 o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, August 20th, Dr. Al-
fred Muller was still up, and dressed our wounds, after first satisfying our hun-
ger, it having been forty hours since I had eaten. We were put to bed and 1
fell asleep very soon. I was awakened by the sound of musketry, and there-
fore must have slept until about 1 :30 in the afternoon. Now I heard those hid-
eous yells again, and Little Crow had attacked the garrison with his warriors.
* * * * When the firing began the Doctor, hospital steward and patient*

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 75

on the 19th of August, Chaska replied that such an
attack was Little Crow's plan, supported by nearly
all the older Indians, but his forces became so weak-
ened by dissension among the young men before he
reached the garrison that he finally was obliged to
give up the attack for that day, though he left the
Agency early on the morning of the 19th with a
force of over three hundred warriors, bound for the
Fort.*

If Little Crow had not previously repented his
hasty assumption of command, he now no doubt
felt that his consent of leadership was a thankless
task and a grave error. His plan of campaign was
first to wipe out the Redwood Agency, and then
forthwith to take Fort Ridgely at the time of its
greatest weakness. This would give the savages
freehand in all the settlements north of New Ulm

"The dissenting Indians spread over the settlements in the direction of New
Ulm, which afforded a rich field for rapine and murder, and late in the day
about one hundred made an attack on New Ulm.

made preparations to vacate the old log hospital back of the barracks, and go
over to the stone quarters. As the others were leaving, I asked the hospital
Stewart to help me dress, but he seemed to be in too much of a hurry to reach
a place of safety to help any one. I managed to get up and dress all but put-
ting on a hat, and started across the street. It was more difficult for me to
move after having lain down so long. I was obliged to go very slow. While
crossing the street or passageway between the log buildings and the barracks, the
bullets were Hying past, and several times I could feel the wind fan my cheeks.
When I reached the stone building I passed along the west end, and reached
the south or front side of the building. Here one of our boys helped me up
the steps, and said "I thought you would never get across that street." Several
of our men were wounded in this battle. * * * During the first 24 hours
I was in the Fort I was allowed to eat as the others did, but after that, and for
two weeks, my diet was rice-water — nothing more. Then I was allowed a
morsel of more solid food the quantity being gradually increased. The second

76 RECOLLECTIONS OF

and St. Peter, and the wily old chieftain felt deeply
no doubt the insubordination that frustrated his
plans. His judgment from the stand-point of the
savage, having1 commenced the bloody work, was
good, for had he attacked the Fort immediately
following the slaughter of Marsh's men at Redwood,
the Fort would inevitably have fallen, as the fewer
than thirty men in the garrison could not have
manned all the exposures, and with the fall of the
Fort Sheehan and his men, with limited sustenance
and ammunition, would, despite their valor, have
been annihilated. So also would the Renville
Rangers, on their way back from St. Peter, have
been blotted out. The obduracy of the young men
among Little Crow's command no doubt saved all
these remnants of soldiery and the lives of hun-
dreds of settlers who were given time to make
their way to places of safety, as Crow was averse
to penetrating the more thickly settled country in
the direction of St. Peter without first taking Fort
Ridgely. While he was subjugating the recalci-
trant warriors to his will, Sheehan reached the Fort
with his fifty men, and the Renville Rangers like-
wise came in safely, uniting elements of strength

morning after reaching the Fort, and while dressing my wound, the Doctor re-
moved some puss, and mixed with it were some grape seeds, and particles of
food escaped from the wound in the side for fourteen days. The wound in the
back, where the ball came out, was very painful, and had to be cauterized ev-
ery morning. When I was shot, the ball entered between the two lower ribs
on the left side, and passed out near the spinal column on the same side, mak-
ing a wound about six inches long. This was said to be the first case of its
kind on record, and Dr. Alfred Muller made a full report of the case, and it is
on file in the Surgeon-General's office at Washington, D. C.

W. H. BLODGETT, San Jose, Cal.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 77

that could have been destroyed in detail, had he
followed up with a prompt attack on the Fort.

The night following: the massacre at the Lower
Agency, August 18th, as related by Chaska, it was
determined in council, after the wild revelry and
dancing over the slaughter with which their hands
were still red, that Fort Ridgely should be attack-
ed the next morning, August 19th, Little Crow
mustering that evening over three hundred warriors
for the onslought. With no distracting conditions
prevailing, this programme would have succeeded,
but a disagreement on the way to the Fort on the
policy of so soon turning from the defenseless
settlements for so serious an undertaking as the
facing of armed men, led to a division of forces,
which reduced Little Crow's soldiery for the attack
to about one hundred and twenty-five men. Not-
withstanding this diminution, the great war chief
came to within a short distance of the Fort, on the
morning of Tuesday, August 19th, where, on a knoll
to the northwestward, in plain view, he held a coun-
cil of war. The council circle was plainly visible
from the garrison, and manifestly the deliberations
were of a serious nature. Through a telescope
which some one at the Fort fortunately possessed,
Little Crow was recognized as the chief orator of
the occasion, standing in the center of the council
circle. Others than Little Crow also addressed
the council, but the war chief, always conspicuous,
was the only Indian to be recognized.

Serious as was the moment for the little garrison,
there was something akin to amusement in the
antics of an Indian who frequently rode around the

78 RECOLLECTIONS OF

council circle on a spotted pony at break-neck
speed. What his spasmodic gyrations meant, no
one could divine, or has ever learned.

These were moments of great peril for Fort
Ridgely, whose fate hung by a thread. The garri-
son was on trial for its life in this council. A vote
to defer attack meant that Sheehan and his men
and Galbraith, Culver, McGrew and Gorman and
the Renville Rangers might reach us in safety ; a
vote to attack at once meant death to all.

We watched the deliberations of the Indians with
profound concern, knowing what an attack on the
depleted garrison would mean. One-third of our
company had been annihilated the previous day at
the ferry, while other members of it were on their
way to Fort Snelling with the Renville Rangers.
These facts made the deliberations of Little Crow
and his warriors of great importance to the garri-
son. Finally there were signs that the stormy coun-
cil was about to dissolve, and in a trice the savages
rose and dispersed from view. Our suspense was
even greater now than before. The holding of this
council under our eyes was a bold piece of busi-
ness, and the garrison had good reason to regard
it with the suspicion that while our attention was
visited upon the council a large force was stealthily
approaching the Fort under cover of ravines and
woods from the opposite direction. But the Indians
were having troubles we knew not of, as, naturally
it was supposable Little Crow had his entire force
well in hand.

He likewise, however, was ignorant of our condi-
tion. He had occasion to believe Sheehan and the

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 79

Renville Rangers were still at the Fort. His speech
in the council is said to have been substantially
as follows, eliminating: the gall poured upon the
heads of those who had failed him for the day :
4 'We know that for two months there have been
from one hundred and twenty-five to one hundred
and fifty men at the Fort (Marsh's company and
fifty men of Company C, called in June to attend
the Indian payment.) We know we killed half of
Marsh's company at the ferry yesterday. We count-
ed them at the river before shooting. We know
there must be over one hundred soldiers in the Fort.
We cannot take the Fort with the braves we have
today. We must take the Fort. Our warriors must
come tomorrow. We must get all our men together
and we must attack the Fort tomorrow noon". These
were, in substance, the conclusions of the council.
It would be difficult to impress upon the mind
of the reader the great importance to the frontier,
of the failure, at a critical stage of the massacre,
of Little Crow's warriors to obey and support united-
ly their chieftain. The blood of over three hun-
dred souls at the Fort would have added to the
sanguinary river that had already drenched the
Agency and the surrounding settlements, for bear
in mind Fort Ridgely was only a fort in name. There
were no protecting walls or breastworks, no tren-
ches, no stockade. Desperately as the garrison
might have defended itself, it would have inevit-
ably gone down to death in one brief struggle ;
Sheehan's men would have been ambushed in the
long, gloomy, wooded defile through which it must
pass to reach the Fort, if indeed spared to gain that

RECOLLECTIONS OF

point, and the Renville Rangers would have shared
a like fate, and in addition several hundred settlers
to the southeastward would have been added to the
long list whose lives had already gone out in un-
speakable agfony. It is not too much to say that the
insubordination of Little Crow's warriors, on Au-
gust 19th, saved the lives of a thousand people.

We have all experienced the souPs gratitude,
when depressed with the gloom of prolonged dark-
ness, at a rift in angry clouds, through which the
sun poured forth a flood of golden light, as if bear-
ing a joyous message from the land of eternal life,
but a thousand times intensified in comparison was
the thrill of joy that electrified every soul in the
garrison when Sheehan and his fifty men, just as
the Indians were dispersing from their council,
filed rapidly into the Fort at the end of an all-night
forced march of forty-two miles. These men had
been the guests and companions of Co. B for two
months, and had left us but forty-eight hours before
for Fort Ripley, receiving a soldier's good-bye and
a God speed from Captain Marsh and the noble
fellows who had, since their leaving only so short
a time before, been slaughtered in the battle of
Redwood ferry. The meeting of Sheehan and his
men and the little remnant of Co. B in the garrison
passes the bounds of description. There was no
time for demonstration, but fraternal emotion never
surpassed in heartiness and spirit the hail and wel-
come of this meeting, which, had Little Crow at-
tacked the Fort instead of holding a council, would
never have taken place.

Courier Sturgis, after an all-night ride over a

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 81

dreary road, reached St. Peter at dawn on the morn-
ing: of August 19th, with his message announcing
the dire straits of the Fort and the upper frontier.
Here he overtook Lieutenant Culver, Sergeant Mc-
Grew and five other men, all of Co. B, together
with Indian Agent Galbraith and James Gorman,
the latter in command of the Renville Rangers, all
on their way to Fort Snelling. St. Peter was stir-
red to its foundations with excitement when the
contents of the message of Lieutenant Gere and
the verbal report of Sturgis spread with almost
electric swiftness throughout the town, confirming
what up to this time had been a rumor, but one that
did not, in the public mind, portend a general up-
rising.

In this day no railroad had penetrated the valley
of the Minnesota river; nor was there any tele-
graphic communication between St. Paul and this
upper country.

Men were never more prompt in responding to a
call than were the brave fellows above named and
the Renville Rangers, the latter newly-recruited,
not even mustered into the service, and unarmed.
Under the inspiration of this call to duty, great
vigor attended every detail of preparation for the
return to the Fort. St. Peter was fired with excite-
ment and activity as never before, and rendered
promptly every requirement for the out-fitting of
the men. At 6 o'clock on the morning of .the 19th
the expedition set out, and without a break in the
rhythmic step, the noble fellows covered in a forc-
ed march the distance of forty miles by evening,
entering the Fort amid wild shouts of joy and wel-

82 RECOLLECTIONS OF

come, for at last the garrison considered itself on a
"war footing," not only equal to self-defense, but
strong enough to stay the bloody hand raised
against the Minnesota valley.

Before leaving St. Peter a sufficient number of
old Harper's Ferry muskets were secured to arm
the Renville Rangers, each man receiving a beggar-
ly three rounds of ammunition ; but what might have
been frightful disaster was prevented by the favor-
ing fortune that diverted the enemy from the Fort
road that day.

Thus, on the eve of battle, Fort Ridgely contain-
ed, at last, the following military strength :

COMPANY B, FIFTH MINNESOTA.
Norman K. Culver, First Lieutenant
Thomas P. Gere, Second Lieutenant

SERGEANTS.

James G. McGrew John F. Bishop

Arlington C. Ellis

CORPORALS.

David W. Atkins William Good

Charles H. Hawley Truman D. Huntley
Michael Pfremer William E. Winslow

Drummer—Charles M. Culver.

PRIVATES

George M. Annis John Brennan

Charles Beecher Levi Carr

Charles H. Baker William H. H. Chase

William H. Blodgett James Dunn
Christopher Boyer Caleb Elphee

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 83

(Company B, continued)

Andrew J. Fauver Antoine Rebenski

James W. Foster Heber Robinson

Columbia French Andrew Rufredge

Ambrose Gardner Lorin Scripture

Elias Hoyt John Serfling
William B. Hutchinson Ole Svendson

Levi W. Ives Allen Smith

John W. Lester Samuel Stewart

Isaac Lindsey Robert J. Spornitz

Henry Martin William A. Sutherland

Arthur McAllister Martin J. Tanner

John McGowan Jonathan Taylor

James C. McLean Joel A. Underwood

John L. Magill Stephen Van Buren

James Murray Eli Wait

Edward F. Nehrhood Oscar G. Wall

Thomas Parsley Andrew W. Williamson

William J. Perrington Martin H. Wilson
Henry F. Pray

In this list are all surviving members of Co. B
who were in the Fort at this time, including: those
who were so disabled as to be incapacitated for
duty, the total number of private Soldiers being
forty-six.

COMPANY C, FIFTH MINNESOTA.
Timothy J. Sheehan, First Lieutenant.

SERGEANTS.

John P. Hicks F. A. Blackmer

John C. Ross

RECOLLECTIONS OF

CORPORALS.

M. A. Chamberlain Wm. Young
Z. C. Butler Dennis Porter

PRIVATES

S. P. Beighley
E. D. Brooks
J. M. Brown
J. L. Bullock
Chas. E. Chapel
Zachariah Chute
L. H. Decker
Chas. Dills
Charles H. Dills
S. W. Dogan
L. A. Eggleston
Halvor Elefson
Martin Ellingson

C. J. Grandy
Mark M. Greer
J. P. Green

A. K. Grout
Andrew Gulbranson
Peter E. Harris
Philo Henry
James Honan

D. N. Hunt

L. C. Jones
N. I. Lowthian

A. J. Luther (w'd)
John Malachy
John McCall
Orlando McFall

F. M. McReynolds
J. H. Mead

J. B. Miller
Dennis Morean /
Peter Nisson
Andrew Peterson
J.M.Rice
Charles A. Rose

B. F. Ross
Edward Roth

C. O. Russell
Isaac Shortlidge
Josiah Weakly

G. H. Wiggins
J. M. Ybright
James Young

RENVILLE RANGERS.
James Gorman, First Lieutenant, commanding.

SERGEANTS.

Theophyle Richer John McCole

Warren Carey

THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

Louis Arner

Eurgel Amiot
Joseph Auge
George Bakerman
Rocque Berthiaume
Edward Bibeau
John Bourcier
Pierre Boyer
Samuel Brunelle
David Carpenter
John Campbell
Jaire Campbell
Antone Chose
George Dagenais
Frederic Denzer
Henry Denzer
Alexis Demerce
Francois Demerce
Carlton Dickinson
James Delaney
Louis Demeule
Joseph Fourtier
B. H. Goodell
In addition to the

CORPORALS.

Dieudonne Sylvester
Roufer Beurger
PRIVATES.

Richard L. Hoback
George A. LaBatte
Frederic Le Croix
Cyprian Le Claire
Joseph La Tour
Medard Laucier
Joseph Milard
Moses Mireau
Theophile Morin
Charles Mitchel
A. B. Murch
Joseph Osier
Henry Pflaume
Ernest Paul
Henry Pierce
Joseph Pereau
Thomas Quinn
Magloire Robidoux
Charles Robert
Joseph Robinette
Francois Stay
John Wagner
foregoing troops were: John

Jones, Ordnance Sergeant, U. S. A. ; Dr. Alfred
Muller, Post Surgeon, and Benjamin H. Randall,
Suttler.

The organized forces, now, in the Fort, including
the disabled, totalled one hundred and sixty officers
and enlisted men

86 RECOLLECTIONS OF

The Renville Rangers were recruited for service
in the civil war, but the Sioux Massacre diverted
their organization, and following the surrender
of the captives at Camp Release, the company,
after rendering three months of service for which
no adequate reward was or ever can be made, be-
came disintegrated, the men enlisting singly in
other bodies or returning to civil life.

Out of the agitated mass of refugees there came
to the surface some twenty-five men of sterling
worth, to whom the garrison, in its day of need,
was under unspeakable obligations, and whose valor
and general usefulness contributed in no slight de-
gree to the successful defense of the Fort. Among
these were a number of sturdy Germans from the
surrounding settlements. These, with the one hun-
dred and fifty-four officers and men enumerated
above, raised the Fort's defenders to about two
hundred men. There was no possibility of increas-
ing thisstrength. All the beleaguered garrison had
dared to hope for had now been vouchsafed to it.
If numbers were deficient, there must be the greater
dependence on valor and tact.

Stationed at the Fort was one lone representative
of the regular army, in the person of Sergeant John
Jones, whose official station was that of ordnance
sergeant of the post. His years had hardened him
to ripeness in the art of gunnery. He was over-
exacting as a drill-master, accepting nothing as
good enough that was not exactly right. During
the quiet months of Co. B at Fort Ridgely, artillery,
as well as infantry drill, was taken up, perhaps not
so much to increase the efficiency of the men as to

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 87

give them a respite from the manual-of-arms prac-
tice and infantry evolutions, in which they had be-
come very proficient. An unexpected emergency
had now risen in the Indian uprising to put at its
best the value of this artillery training under Jones,
for there was no lack of gunners when the artillery
of the post became a saving factor. Fortunately
for the occasion also, was the fact that J. C. Whipple,
who had successfully escaped to the Fort from the
Redwood Agency, was a trained artillerist, having
served in a battery during the Mexican war.

No one can write of the stirring events at Fort
Ridgely during the latter days of August, 1862,
without painfully regreting that the names of many
men who took refuge at the Fort during the mas-
sacre, became lost to history, for many of these
unknown men from unknown walks were lion-heart-
ed, and willing to step into the breach and hazard
their lives without a murmur, wherever duty called.
Among these I recall a Mr. De Camp, * whose
Sharp's carbine became familiar music to the de-
fenders of the Fort. Then there were the Riekes,
brave and brawny young fellows, and others, whose
names should never have been lost to history.

An eventful day closed when the shadows of
night on the 19th overwhelmed all in darkness.
The garrison had known no sleep— no rest for
thirty-six hours; but the strain was so great, the
events that had rapidly succeeded each other so
important, and the situation was so pregnant with
grave possibilities, that sleep had not suggested
Itself as a necessity.

*De Camp was later killed at the battle of Birch Coulie.

88 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Fort Ridgely Viciously Attacked.

Engagements of A ugust 20 and 22.
(Figures in parenthesis in following pages refer to plan of Fort on page 37.)

On the arrival of the detachment of Co. C, Tues-
day morning, First Lieutenant T. J. Sheehan of .that
company, by seniority of rank, became commander
of Fort Ridgfely. If nothing could be gained in
courage and efficiency in such a change, certainly
nothing was lost. Brave and resourceful, vigilant
and aggressive, the garrison, as results proved, was
ably commanded. Pickets were posted for the
night, and every precaution taken to guard against
a night attack, as such an event was among the
reasonable probabilities, but the long vigil was un-
disturbed, and the sun rose on the morning of the
20th in autumn splendor, with its message of good
cheer. No news came from the outside world, and
there was no possible means of communication.
An occasional refugee came in, the number of
these distressed people in the garrison now reach-
ing fully three hundred.

In the very nature of things the Fort could
not long escape attack. Its period of exemption
had already exceeded the* limit of expectation ;
but there was no occasion for disappointment
or even for any impatience. Scattering bands

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 89

of Indians disclosed themselves from time to time
during the morning and until midday, in the coun-
try immediately surrounding, indicating that the
savages were assembling in the shelter of the
wooded valleys that headed near the Fort on
three sides. Plainly there was a general converg-
ance of hostiles. Just when the attack would
be launched and just what its plan would be, were
conjectural matters, but Lieutenant Sheehan's pre-
paredness, to the limit of his little force, was for
any emergency, and wisely did he distribute his
men and resources.

The reader will find the birdseye plan of Fort
Ridgely and surroundings presented in this con-
nection, invaluable, in that it reveals at a glance
what can be but imperfectly expressed at best in
words. (See page 37.)

Having completed his plans and dispositions,
Little Crow, the wily chieftain and fearless warrior,
emerged from concealment at about 1 o'clock in
the afternoon, and rode out into the open beyond
the picket line to the westward of the Fort, and
likewise beyond musket range, yet near enough
to be recognized. No doubt, understanding the
importance of his capture, he believed a general
rush would be made to seize him, since he was un-
attended and unsupported. He feigned a desire for
a conference with the officers of the post, but de-
clined with sullen indifference the invitation of
Sergeant Bishop, sergeant of the guard at the time*
to come down to the picket line. The ruse was
shrewd, and the play of the foxy warrior dra-
matic, but Sheehan was not to be tricked by Indian

90 RECOLLECTIONS OF

cunning:. Seeing: his plan had failed, the mask was
thrown off, and the battle opened fiercely by the
savages under cover of the wooded ravine at the
northeast corner of the Fort, which extended from
Fort Creek to within a few rods of the wooden
buildings north of the barracks. Little Crow had
reasoned wisely when he planned to draw the at-
tention of the garrison from the point at which he
was to deliver his attack on the post, for he had
massed the main strength of his force at the near-
est point to the Fort, and in the onrush which was
a part of his attack, his warriors gained possession
of the outer log: building's of the garrison.

When the first shot was fired the clarion voice
of Lieutenant Sheehan rang out, in ever-memorable
tones : "Every man to his post !" The challenge
of the enemy was daringly met, and the savages
having disclosed their hand, dispositions were
quickly made that checked with a round turn the
dashing assault it was believed would prove irre-
sistible. Lieutenant Gere was ordered to stay the
attack with a detachment from Co. B, and posting a
howitzer under J. C. Whipple, which he supported
under a galling fire, opened with shrapnell at short
and deadly range. Sergeant McGrew, conspicuous
for bravery and tact throughout the siege, support-
ed by a detachment from Co. C, posted a howitzer
at the northwest corner of the garrison, and open-
ed vigorously on the enemy swarming from the
wooded shelter to the northward; but impatient to
reach the persistent force with which Gere and
Whipple were hotly contending, and which, under
shelter of the hill, was perilously near the Fort, he

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 91

ran his shotted gun into the open to the northwest
of the buildings, and with an enfilading fire swept
the slope to the grass-roots, calling forth a furious
volley from the concealed enemy, but driving from
the slope the desperate savages who were deter-
mined to force a breach in the defenses at the point
of original attack. Nor would the savages abandon
this point, though swept back by Whipple and Mc-
Grew and their supports, aided by a hot fire from
the windows of the long barracks building. This,
it had been well reasoned out, owing to the shelter
afforded, and the short distance the protecting
hill and its brushwood • covering from the Fort,
was the vulnerable spot that alone held out hope to
Little Crow's forces of from five to seven hundred
men. The savages persisted in their attack on
this point, but Whipple, with Gere's splendid de-
tachment, and McGrew and his resolute supports,
had, by dauntless courage and skillful tactics, be-
come masters of the key, driving the Indians from
the wooden buildings they had daringly gained, and
making the continued near approach of the savages
at this point too hazardous to be persisted in at
short range.

The attack had gradually extended itself well
around the garrison, seeking a point of vantage, but
the defense was alert, and presented an unyielding
front at every turn.

The hot musketry and cannonading were telling
seriously on the supply of ammunition at hand, and
it was found necessary during the fight to withdraw
men from the defenses to form a detail for the re-
moval of all ammunition in the exposed magazines

92 RECOLLECTIONS OF

(22) to the stone barracks (1). To thwart this
movement the savages must expose themselves to
the raking fire of McGrew's howitzer, that officer
having been ordered to cover the men engaged in
the toilsome task of carrying by hand the heavy
munitions a distance of two hundred yards, exposed
to the missiles of the savages, happily at long range.
The day was hot, and the men bending to their tasks
in the din of battle and as conspicuous targets,
found little opportunity to mop their dust-besmear-
ed and perspiring faces during the hour or more
required to complete the transfer of the precious
fixed ammunition to more available quarters.

His men unable to withstand the withering fire
that from the start had been poured into their ranks
at the north, Little Crow executed a move that
might have been successful with a larger force.
Sheltering conditions favored the concentration of
a large force of the enemy at the south and south-
west of the garrison. This move was executed
under the personal direction of Little Crow, who
sought by a bold stroke to so engage the forces of
Lieutenant Sheehan as to loosen his hold on the
northeast of the garrison, where the chieftain still
hoped to enter the Fort. The din of cannon and
musket, and the wild shouts of the desperate and
enraged savages, were incessant and at times deaf-
ening.

Sergeant Jones, supported by Lieutenants Culver
and Gorman and the Renville Rangers, was in
position at the southwest angle of the garrison, and
was exposed to the raking fire of the enemy. Jones
covered the ground over which the savages must

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 93

make their way to an entrance, with a six-pound
field-piece. Men were diverted as they could be
spared to the protection of the scene of anticipated
attack, and the fray was hot and furious, Jones'
piece working havoc in the ranks of the savages,
and holding the force in abeyance, while the Ren-
ville Rangers and other forces dealt effective vol-
leys among the naked demons, making their repeat-
ed efforts at a sally and onrush too hazardous for
Sioux courage.

The Indians had attacked the Fort with full con-
fidence in their ability to overpower and take it.
Little Crow, in a towering rage, urged that the
Fort must be taken. It was the door which closed
the Minnesota valley to his red-handed followers,
and it must be taken. Nagged, brow-beaten and ex-
horted, his warriors returned time and again to the
task set for them, eager for the flow of blood and
the spoils of victory awaiting their triumphant
breaking of the thin line of defense, but they could
not stem the storm of musketry and the rain of
shells that hurled them back, despite their frenzied
efforts to force a hand-to-hand struggle, in which
they felt sure of overpowering the Fort's defenders,
by their vast superiority of numbers.

By 4 o'clock in the afternoon it was evident they
had put forth their supremest effort, and had failed
to force a break at any point. Their disappoint-
ment and anger found vent in the most hideous
yells ever uttered by savages. They fought in dis-
order at all points, and then would concentrate with
an energy and ferocity entitling them to first place
among Indian warriors. And so the battle raged

94 RECOLLECTIONS OF

until nightfall, when the savages withdrew to the
depths of the dark valleys, full of vengeance, as
their defiant yells betokened, but worsted in the hot
game of war for the day.*

But what of the night? This was the serious
problem. The officers knew, and so did every sol-
dier in the garrison, that the foe was not vanquish-
ed, and that he would return again to the attack.

With all its exposure, the true American soldier
prefers to meet his enemy in the open, and in the
light of day, and in this case, with his greatly in-
ferior numerical strength, the fear of a night attack
produced a deeper feeling of dread than was gen-
erally acknowledged. But the enemy retired poor-
ly rewarded for his losses and his rough treatment
generally, and silence profound reigned where for
hours the din of battle had been almost deafening.

The silence and solitude of night witnessed no
change in the garrison, save that in killed and
wounded we had lost eleven good men. The men

*A few errors regarding this engagement persist in repeating themselves. First,
the engagement opened at not later than I p. m. of Wednesday, August 20th,
1862. Second, the garrison was in no sense surprised by the first or any other
attack. Even so eminent and accurate an authority as Judge Flandrau, in his last
and most interesting work, "The History of Minnesota and Tales of the
Frontier," page 148, repeats the error first given currency in Hurd't History of
the Sioux Massacre, to the effect that the engagement began at 3 p, m., and
that the garrison was taken completely by surprise, "the first knowledge of the
presence of Indians being the firing of a volley by the savages through an open-
ing between the building*." Pickets were posted well out from the garrison,
rendering a surprise impossible. The first shots in defense of the Fort were
fired from the picket line. The precautions of the garrison were such that there
could have been a surprise at no time, day or night, from the beginning to the
end of the siege, covering a period of nearly ten days. Third, there was no
attack at any time on the Fort during Thursday. August 21st.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 95

about the guns and the force that had manned the
windows of the barracks and other buildings and
openings, remained watchfully where they had
fought. The artillery strength of the garrison was
increased, Sergeant Bishop being placed in charge
of a twelve-pounder field-piece, efficiently manned,
for action. Every precaution having been taken by
the alert Sheehan, with vigilance everywhere im-
pressed, the men, weary and worn, settled down to
a sleepless night.

Undeservedly brief has history dealt with the
Renville Rangers, for no men during the massacre
were put to so rigid a test as they. The company
was very largely made up of French half-breeds,
who were born among, had lived with and were
related to, the very Indians who had risen to de-
populate and make desolate the Minnesota frontier.
With a single exception these men were loyal to
every trust reposed in them, and no braver soldiers
than they had proven themselves to be in the day's
battle, ever went into action. It was one of these
men, Joseph Osier, who fired the first shot from the
garrison at the opening of the engagement. Anoth-
er, Geo. Dagenais, brave and athletic, dashed into
the open and ran to one of the log buildings, of
which, during the engagement, the Indians had
taken possession, and firing through a crack be-
tween two logs, got his man, and running back to
the barracks amid a shower of bullets, leaped into
the building at an opening with the exultant : "I
kill him one, I kill him one."

Little Crow was born on the banks of the upper
Mississippi, and spent his childhood, and even early

96 RECOLLECTIONS OF

manhood, in the valley where Winona, Wabasha,
Red Wins and other Minnesota towns and cities
now flourish. For natural beauty the scenes of this
noted Indian's early life stand almost unrivaled.
The lofty, majestic hills, the beautiful valley itself,
and the great river of unsurpassed grandeur, had
become a part of the very being of this haughty
savage. Driven from the valley that civilization
might expand its borders, and knowing, too, that the
pristine beauty of the country (which was all to
him) had been marred and desecrated by the white
settler, still the heart of Little Crow never ceased
to yearn for the land of his childhood, and the hope
had ever lingered that some day, by some fortuitous
stroke, this land might yet be restored to those who
for ages held it by prowess and sacrifice. It was
the land where his wild, roving nature had known
all there was in youthful happiness — the land where
the ashes of his ancestors were scattered.

Prof. A. W. Williamson, for more than a quarter
of a century professor of mathematics of Augustana
college, Rock Island, 111., a member of Captain
Marsh's company (B) stationed at Fort Ridgely at
the time of the Sioux Massacre, who was a son of
the noted Sioux Missionary, Rev. Dr. Thomas
Williamson, and who was born at Lac qui Parle in
1836, and therefore thus knew from contact, per-
sonally, intimately, more of Indian history and
character than is given to many men to know, stat-
ed to the writer but recently that through Indian
sources he was advised at Fort Ridgely that agents
of the Southern Confederacy were at work among
the Sioux about the time of and immediately pre-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 97

ceding1 the outbreak, in an endeavor to impress up-
on the Indians the fact that the whole northern
country was hard pressed in the civil war ; that the
men had all been impressed into the military ser-
vice, leaving only a few soldiers to guard the fron-
tier; that this was the supreme time for an upris-
ing, and the driving of the whites back from the
land of the savages. Prof. Williamson, then a young
private of Co. B, thought the report of so little im-
portance that he did not recall that he ever dis-
cussed it with any one ; and while he never be-
lieved the rumor to have been well founded, its
source was such, and it was so consistent with pos-
sibilities, withal, that the story had never ceased to
impress him.

Whatever the truth, it is well known that Little
Crow believed that Fort Ridgely swept from his
path he would over-run and repossess the country to
the mouth of the Minnesota River, if not beyond.
What impressed him with this belief will never be
definitely known, but that he possessed it, is beyond
doubt. The dream of childhood days and of youth-
ful haunts, and the promise of some mysterious in-
fluence held out to the war-chief that somehow, some
day he would lead his people to the home of the
olden time, were influential factors in determining
his action when, roused from slumber on the morn-
ing of August 18th he sat upon his couch, his blan-
ket drawn about his shoulders, and heard the de-
mand of his people that he should lead them in a
war against the whites. Impelled alone by mental
agitation, great beads of perspiration gathered on
the forehead of Little Crow, and coursed down his

98 RECOLLECTIONS OF

face. He struggled with his decision, and relying
on the hope of far-reaching results, gave his con*
sent.

The die having been cast, the famous war-chief
was from the outset determined upon a full realiz-
ation of his hopes, not to be enjoyed with Fort
Ridgely in his path.

At midnight of the 20th a dreary rain set in, add-
ing not only gloom, but discomfort to the situation.
The resulting darkness was utterly impenetrable
for even the distance of a few feet, and amid these
conditions there came a wailing sound from out on
the prairie, startling in its possibilities, as some of
the pickets had smelled the burning of kin-nic-kinic
earlier in the night — a sure sign that Indians were
near. If words were uttered they were unintelligi-
ble to any one who heard them. The wail was re-
peated, and believing it the ruse of savages to at-
tract attention from a movement against the garri-
son, Lieutenant Sheehan ordered Sergeant McGrew
to fire a shot from his howitzer in the direction
from which the sound came, so aiming his piece as
to injure no distressed refugee, and yet to develop
if possible, the meaning of the cry. Still the sound
came as before. Sheehan now ordered a detach-
ment of soldiers to proceed to the spot whence
came the wailing, and the men soon found, groping
in the gloomy darkness, a frenzied woman, lost, ex-
hausted and crazed with grief and fear, and whose
harrowing story and frightful experiences were
sensational in the extreme.

No other incident disturbed the night. Lower-
ing skies marked the morning of the 21st, but the

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 99

day passed uneventfully. A large body of Indians
came within plain view of the Fort, and their pres-
ence was regarded ominously. They moved by
and entered the Minnesota valley a mile below the
Fort, however, and passed down, as was later known,
to attack New Ulm. Advantage was taken of the
lull on the 21st to construct a protecting barricade
for Jones, his gunners and supports.

ATTACK OF AUGUST 22.

Friday morning, August 22nd, after the fourth
night of sleepless vigil, the sun rose in splendor,
its welcome rays dispelling the gloom of cloud and
darkness, and cheering the souls of men who were
under a strain severely testing their endurance,
and who, though prone to cheerfulness, gave evi-
dence of the mental and physical wear to which
they were subjected, and from which lack of num-
bers forbade any relief. Except throughout the
hours of darkness, there were few intervals during
which the menacing presence of Indians, some-
where within the scope of vision, did not impress
all with the necessity of preparedness.

As the morning hours advanced, portentious signs
of attack mainfested themselves, for the savages
were clearly massing under cover of the surround-
ing wooded valleys. This movement went on
throughout the forenoon, and it was evident Little
Crow had vastly increased his numbers for this
attack.

Shortly after noon the hellish legion left its cover
and came quickly to its work, accompanying its
approach with yells, such as only those who have

100 RECOLLECTIONS OF

heard them can appreciate or understand. The
numbers were three times those of Wednesday's
attack, and the plan was clearly to intimidate by
boldness and fierceness of onslought from all sides,
with a hope of breaking the defenses at some vul-
nerable point, then to complete the work with
overwhelming: force. For a time it seemed the tide,
constantly augmented from the sheltering woods,
and ravines, must prove irresistible, but the ring-
ing blasts of Whipple's and McGrew's guns, and
their supports, as in the first day's fight, staggered
the savages, and swept them back in spite of their
numbers, the men, posted identically as before,
having made the defense of the ground with which
they had become thoroughly familiar, a matter of
scientific marksmanship.

Everywhere on the prairie were creeping savages
whose heads were wreathed in turbans of grass and
wild flowers of the prairie, the better to conceal
their movements in seeking vantage ground from
which to pour their terrible fire upon the garrison.
Not only bullets, but the primitive arrow came in
great numbers, and with furious impulse. With
the latter it was sought to fire the buildings of the
Fort, burning punk being affixed to arrow points
that were fired into many roofs, but the rains that
had discomfited the garrison now proved to have
been a blessing in disguise, for had the roofs been
thoroughly dry, a condition would have resulted
more dreadful than the bullets of the savages could
create.

Great pressure was brought to bear on the south-
southwest of the garrison. The long government

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 101

barn to the south (3) and the suttler store (20) to
the southwest, fell into the hands of the enemy from,
inability to extend a line for their protection. These
building's afforded shelter to the savages who were
to change their plan of battle by making a furious
attack, to be followed by an assault on the south-
west angle of the Fort. McGrew was ordered to
throw a shell into the suttler store for the purpose
of firing it, and in this was successful with his
second shot. The savages themselves about this
time fired the barn. In furtherance of Little Crow's
desperate attempt on the south-southwest of the
garrison, the persistent force at the north-northeast
which up to this time (about 4 o'clock p. m.,) wag-
ed an incessant fire, was largely withdrawn out
across the open country, to the north, to the head
of a wooded ravine (23) leading from a point half
a mile west of the northwest angle of the Fort, in
a southerly direction to the Minnesota river. Down
this wooded ravine hundreds of warriors passed to
join forces with those massing for a superhuman
effort upon the southwest angle (12), which, though
the savages must subject themselves to far greater
exposure here than at the northeast, was itself the
weak spot of the garrison for lack of needed shelter.
McGrew passing down to the position of Jones, at
the southwest angle, Jones being in charge of
the post ordnance, conferred with that officer with
regard to the movement of the savages on the west,
and asked permission to use the 24-pound field-piece
then in park, for the purpose of dropping a shell
into the wooded valley to the west, in the supposed
region of the savages. The result was far more

102 RECOLLECTIONS OF

fruitful of benefit than was anticipated. A second
shell fell into the camp of the savages where the
squaws, papooses, dogs and ponies were in hiding,
and at which place the deflecting savages had, in
their passage, congregated for a brief halt. The
detonations of the exploding shell were alone terri-
fying (as light ordnance was used in the short-range
engagement that had ensued for hours), but the de-
structive effects of the shell were also serious in
the extreme, and produced surprise and conster-
nation among the Indians. The experiment was re-
peated, with a sweeping range, to excellent advan-
tage. Undaunted however, and bent upon his one
determination to take the Fort, Little Crow concen-
trated his principal force at the southwest. Jones
and his support, the Renville Rangers, were under
a merciless fire from the savages, who had pressed
forward to so short a range as to literally perforate
every foot of exposure of the barricade and head-
quarters building (3), but this fire was heroically
returned, and with telling effect. The fusillade had
become general about the garrison again, as the
preliminary step to an assault at the southwest, and
when the musketry of the savages had reached a
furious stage, Little Crow ordered his men to club
their guns and rush in. This order the half-breeds
of the Renville Rangers plainly heard and communi-
cated to their officers. This was the most critical
moment the garrison had experienced. A charge
of the overwhelming numbers would have been ir-
resistible.

To stagger the enemy at this supreme juncture
was the only hope of the garrison. Jones had double-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 103

shotted his gun with canister, and bravely hazard-
ing his life in the act, dealt a withering blow to the
massed foe at short range, at the crucial moment,
mowing: a swath down through their ranks that sent
terror to their hearts as they were in the act of
leaping, like wild beasts to the charge. The Ren-
ville Rangers followed with a galling volley and a
challenge in the Sioux language, hurled defiantly :
4 'Come on ; we are ready for you !"

Bishop had used his gun to good effect at the
southeast, and the garrison now rose supremely to
the occasion and dealt its telling blows fast and
and furious. The savages hesitated, wavered and
recoiled, and though they fought on until night,
could not again be nerved to the point of charging.

But the garrison had reached its last desperate
extremity. It was on the brink of collapse through
exhaustion of its supply of ammunition for the small
arms of the men who had fought so gallantly. The
guns in use were all muzzle-loading. There was
powder available by opening spherical case shot,
and fortunately caps for exploding it, but there
were neither bullets nor lead of which to make
them. Human resource was put to its test. The
limited supply of small iron rods in the Government
blacksmith shop was resorted to, with which to
prolong the struggle until all possible means of re-
sistance should cease. These .rods of iron were
cut into slugs three-fourths of an inch in length,
and a corps of nimble-fingered workers under the
direction of Mrs. Dr. Muller set to manufacturing
cartridges. With these (and their whistling chal-
lenge was terrifying,) the fight was continued until,

104 RECOLLECTIONS OF

as night closed in, the savages withdrew, with a
howl of rage, but fairly vanquished.

But had the attack been prolonged, or had the
foe returned to renew it, the garrison must inevit-
ably have been lost.

No mind can justly conceive of, or pen faithfully
describe, the mental and physical strain endured
from this hour on by the garrison — a strain that
burned as by a living fire, its burden into every
soul. No sign of response had been made to the
call of the 18th for assistance from Fort Snelling
and St. Paul. The world without was dead to the
beleaguered Fort. Surrounded, menaced and har^
rassed by a desperate foe, all communication was
extinct beyond the picket-lines. The officers and
men had fought valiantly, and while their ranks
were being gradually depleted, they would still bid
haughty defiance to the hosts of the Dakota chief-
tain; but the exhaustion of their ammunition, ex-
cept for ordnance, had reduced them to the last
straits of desperation. Under cover of night they
could take the risk of fighting their way to safety
down the Minnesota valley, but they could not
abandon, neither could they take along, their burden
of three hundred helpless refugees. If these must
perish, then the soldiers must perish with them —
must be the first to fall before the club and the
knife, for the final struggle must be hand-to-hand.
This was the firm resolution of the gallant men who
had repelled heroically the savage foe whose hands
were reeking with blood, and who placed the taking
of Fort Ridgely above every other ambition.

The garrison could not know, unfortunately, that

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 105

Little Crow's retreat into the dark valley as the
sable mantle of night enveloped his vanquished
host, signalized his departure from the Fort forever.
Unfortunately it could not know this, I say. In-
stead of relaxing, vigil must now, if possible, be
greater than before, with the defense of the Fort
depending upon the cannon, the half-dozen rounds
of slug-iron cartridges per man, and the bayonet.

And so the strain, testing man's ability to retain
his reason, continued for still four and a half days
longer, or for a total of nine days.

At last, on the morning of August 27th, unherald-
ed, Col. Samuel McPhail and William R. Marshall
rode into the garrison at the head of one hundred
and seventy-five mounted citizen -soldiers, and the
long siege was raised, the reinforcements coming
from St. Peter under cover of night, and thus escap-
ing detection or attack. *

The defenders of the garrison, who had borne up
for days from sheer force of will, and who were
now relieved from the great and long-endured strain,
had not realized their utterly jaded condition until
their burdens were assumed by those who brought
relief, and they soon gave way to the restful stupor
that stole like a dream over their exhausted senses, t

* I have searched unavailingly (or the names of the men who raised the siege,
(or they are worthy o( perpetuation in these pages.

t Captain Gere, (a lieutenant during the siege, of Fort Ridgely) concluding an
account of the long siege, has said : "It was a battle on the part of the garri-
son to prevent a charge by the savages, which, had it been made, could hardly
have failed, as Little Crow seemed confident, to result in the destruction of the
garrison and the consequent horrible massacre of its 300 refugees. It is but
truth to add that no man in the garrison failed to do his duty, and that, worn

106 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Fort Ridgely Never Surprised By the Sioux.

Once for all, let it be forever known that Fort
Ridgely was never surprised by the Sioux. Many
writers, taking: their cue from some sensationally-
inclined word-painter of the early day, have pic-
tured Little Crow's dashing demons in the act of
taking the Fort unawares. To the credit of the
vigilance of the officers and men, there was never
a moment from the day of the beginning of the
Massacre at the Redwood Agency up to the end of
the exciting and perilous ten days* siege, when the
savages could have surprised Fort Ridgely. Pickets
were at all times posted and a close watch kept up-
on the movements of the enemy. Little Crow at
one time sought to draw the forces from the Fort
by a ruse shrewdly conceived, and in event of suc-
cess there would have been a possible surprise from
the opposite side of the garrison, but because of
vigilance and of the well-known treachery of the
Sioux, no opportunity for surprise was for a moment
given. The attacks upon the Fort were no doubt
intended by the Indians as surprises, insofar as they
could make them such from the sheltering woods
and ravines surrounding the Fort except on the nor-
thern exposure, but they were in no measure sur-
prises in the sense of taking the Fort unawares/

by fatigue and suspense, and exhausted by loss of sleep, to the end every man
was at his post, bravely meeting whatever danger confronted him. The con-
spicuous gallantry of the artillerists was the theme of general praise, and the
great value of their services was conceded by all, while the active and intelli-
gent support that rendered their work possible, is entitled to no less credit. *
While the withdrawal of the Indians on the 22nd terminated the fighting at Fort
Ridgely, the weary garrison could not be aware that such would be the case,
nor for a moment relax its vigilance ; hence the forces continued to occupy the
positions to which they had by this time become accustomed."

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 107

Daring Service of Messengers Sturgis and

McLain.

In all that has ever been written of Fort Ridge-
ly's part in the Sioux Massacre, no account has
heretofore been published of the wild ride of the
man who bore the dispatches from Lieutenant
Thomas P. Gere, commandant at Fort Ridgely on
August 18, 1862, to Governor Alexander Ramsey at
St. Paul, announcing: the outbreak of the Sioux at
the Redwood Agency, the disaster to Marsh and his
detachment the afternoon of that day at Redwood
ferry, and the terrible deeds already being: com-
mitted in the surrounding settlements. At the close
of the civil war William J. Sturgis, the young soldier
who made the ride for the life of the frontier, dis-
appeared into the sea of civil life to work out the
problems the future held for each soldier whose
calling had been happily changed at Appomattox.
Sturgis' famous ride was a mere incident in that
day of great deeds and great achievements, and
was scarcely thought of, and he finally drifted to
the region of the Rocky Mountains, where he rare-
ly if ever met a comrade of his immediate service
in the army. He was not given to writing for the
press, and having taken up farming, lived a com-
paratively retired life. When the writer assumed
the labor of gathering the scattered fragments of
history that should be preserved to Minnesota an-

108 RECOLLECTIONS OF

nals, he searched widely for each surviving member
of the original Company B of the Fifth Regiment,
then only a dozen or so in number. This work
covered a period of two years before the last man
was found. Locating Sturgis, he was importuned
for the story of his ride, but while he said the inci-
dents of it were as fresh in his mind as at the time
of his flight in the blackness of that August night,
still he would have to await a period of leisure in
which to take the matter up. Sturgis was now
seventy-two years old, and as time was so rapidly
depleting our ranks, and as much had already been
lost by no effort having been made to preserve many
incidents of value, a compliance with the request
from Sturgis was insisted upon, and on the 4th day
of January, 1908, he wrote a personal letter in which
he told to me his story, and while he was in his
accustomed health at this time, death called him a
month later.

Greater stress of circumstances rarely falls to
human lot than hovered over Fort Ridgely on the
night of August 18. As darkness set in at the close
of that day, Lieutenant Gere, a boy of twenty years,
found himself charged with the gravest of respon-
sibilities. He had but twenty-four effective men,
all told. Capt. Marsh had depleted the garrison
when he marched out in the forenoon with the forty-
six men, destined to the Redwood Ferry. Helpless
refugees had poured into the Fort all day, many
mangled and bleeding, others half-naked and dis-
tracted with fear and grief, while it was known the
work of carnage was rapidly spreading in the sur-
rounding settlements. Great hopes were buttress-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 109

ed upon Marsh's safe and speedy return with his
precious detachment. Darkness brought increased
anxiety. Except in the quarters where the refugees
were housed, a death-like stillness reigned through-
out the garrison,— waiting, waiting in suspense.
The crickets, on that summer night, were the only
cheerful companions of the pickets, posted by Lieu-
tenant Gere in person to make assurance of proper
dispositions doubly sure. The gathering pall of
night had overwhelmed the anxious, expectant gar-
rison, when an alarm came from the southwestern
angle of the sparsely guarded picket line, and now
came the staggering news that Marsh was dead,
and that Interpreter Quinn and half the noble de-
tachment of forty-six men had been ambushed and
killed at the Redwood Ferry. Privates William B.
Hutchinson and James Dunn, who were of the de-
tachment and who, with Sergeant Bishop and eleven
others under him, had escaped with their lives, and
were on there way to the Fort, were sent ahead by
Bishop when within a few miles of the post to ap-
prise the garrison of the disaster, Bishop's progress
being impeded by the fact that his men were oblig-
ed to carry a badly wounded comrade, Ole Svendson.
The news was horrifying, and the bloody work
had but just commenced. Unmoved by the terrible
blow that came with the news of the day's disaster,
or by the perilous predicament in which he found
himself and those under him in pitiable numbers,
the boy officer wrote dispatches to Governor Alex-
ander Ramsey at St. Paul, the commandant at Fort
Snelling, and incidentally to Lieutenant Culver, ac-
companied by Indian Agent Galbraith, Lieutenant

110 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Gorman and Sergeant McGrew, then at St. Peter,
apprising: all of the predicament, and calling for
assistance.

Private William J. Sturgis was asked to impress for
his use the best horse in the garrison, and to bear
away these dispatches in all haste, with St. Paul
as his destination. Responding like a true soldier,
Sturgis received his dispatches, swung into the
saddle, and plunged away in the darkness at a wild
pace. Down through the dark valley, and out on
the highlands beyond Fort Creek, and away he sped.
His horse was one driven into the Fort during the
day attached to the St. Peter stage (the stage that
brought the 71,000 in gold to the Fort.) The animal
was thus familiar with the road, and headed home-
ward, but twelve miles of flight had completely ex-
hausted him.

Overtaking a peddler flying for his life, Sturgis dis-
mounted and joined him, the peddler having a good
team. The tidings from the Fort put new fear into
the soul of the tradesman, and his efforts were re-
doubled. The peddler was making for Henderson,
while owing to dispatches that must be delivered
at that place, Sturgis must reach St. Peter on his
journey. The men separated after an exciting ride
of ten miles, each going his way. Sturgis remem-
bered that there was a settler's house at this point,
where our company, on its march to Fort Ridgely
several months previously, had halted to rest and
lunch. He was thus enabled to easily find the house,
and pounding upon the door soon brought forth from
his bed a dazed settler, for the disturbance was at
the dead of night. Sturgis assured the settler of

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. Ill

the frightful conditions above, and demanded
he be taken to St. Peter with all possible haste.
The thoroughly aroused and frightened man re-
sponded with energy, and soon the dispatch-bearer
was being hurried pelliiiell over roads' none too good
at best, and none too visible at night.

On, on, did the messenger urge the speeding of
horses, restive under his grave responsibility that
had to do with human life. Too well, knew he, that
the breaking dawn would prove the signal to the
crazed Sioux for extended scenes of carnage. Too
well knew he, that unsuspecting settlers were dream-
ing, in ignorance of the butchery that would mark
their homes ere the drowse of slumber had releas-
ed them. Every fibre of his body was tense. -Every
faculty of his nature was alert.

Aurora's first delicate shades were faintly gather-
ing along the eastern horizon as Sturgis entered St.
Peter, at a few minutes past 3 o'clock on the morn-
ing of Tuesday, August' 19.

Unbelievable rumors had preceded him, and while
they were traceable to no authentic source, they
had been sufficiently sensational to keep St. Peter
awake and in a state of frenzy all night. Among
prominent citizens of the place, Sturgis found Lieut.
Culver, Sergeant McGfew, Lieut. Gorman and Major
Galbraith up and anxiously awaiting tidings from
the north. Recognizing the young dispatch-bearer,
and knowing that his presence among them was of
the gravest importance, he was quickly surrounded
by an eager-faced, impatient throng. Sturgis gave
St. Peter at this moment its first awful news of the
Massacre. Despite the vague rumors that had fil-

112 RECOLLECTIONS OF

tered through from above, the town for the moment
was stricken speechless by the frightful story and
the impending dangers at which it hinted.

But the messenger's thoughts were upon the fur-
ther discharge of his important duty, and he at once
set about obtaining transportation for the continu-
ance of his flight. Pandemonium now reigned in
St. Peter, and he had the greatest difficulty in se-
curing a horse. Personal safety was the thought
uppermost in the minds of the inhabitants, and in
the "to arms, to arms" tumult Sturgis was helpless.
He sought Sheriff R. W. Tomlinson, appealed to
him in the name of necessity, and not in vain, for
the sheriff quickly hitched up his own team, and
taking Sturgis aboard, drove to Le Sueur, making
the twelve miles in just one hour. At Le Sueur,
Sturgis obtained a livery horse, which he rode with
all possible speed to Shakopee. The exhausted
animal was here discarded, and another obtained
which bore him to the Ferry, a well known crossing
of the Minnesota River in that day. The last horse
obtained was a poor one, and at the Ferry was com-
pletely winded. Here, however, Sturgis found two
men just leaving with a team for St. Paul. His
horse having failed him, this was his only oppor-
tunity of proceeding. He stated his case and asked
to be taken aboard. The men flatly refused to ac-
cede to him. He repeated his request in the nature
of a demand, with the threat that he would take the
team if further refused or delayed. He thus be-
came an unwelcomed passenger. Recognizing the
justice of his intrusion however, the men soon yield-
ed friendship to him, and exerted themselves in his

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 113

behalf.

Arriving at Fort Snelling on the journey to St.
Paul at 3 o'clock on the afternoon of Tuesday, after
a ride of eighteen hours from Fort Ridgely, and one
testing the metal of Sturgis, the dispatch bearer pro-
ceeded hastily to post headquarters, where, fortu-
nately, in addition to the commandant, he found Gov-
ernor Ramsey and Adjutant General Malmros in
consultation with the military authorities regarding:
operations in the south and the rendezvous of re-
cruits being assembled at Snelling. Sturgis de-
livered his dispatches with little ceremony. For
the instant the governor and the commandant were
stunned with the shocking intelligence of the mas-
sacre conveyed to them from Lieutenant Gere.
They compared and reread the dispatches to make
sure they had not interpreted more appalling dis-
aster from them than they really contained. The
visible shock gave way quickly to a determination
to act, and by 6 o'clock of that evening a part of the
Sixth Minnesota Vol. Infantry had embarked on a
steamboat, bound up the Minnesota River, then re-
gularly navigated. Sturgis accompanied the de-
tachment as far as Shakopee, where he had left a
horse. At the supper table in a Shakopee hotel he
made the acquaintance of two men who had friends
on the frontier, for whom they had the greatest con-
cern. These men had horses, and it was agreed
that the two should mount after supper and proceed
toward the front. They rode to Henderson, where
they found much excitement. They resolved to
form a company of mounted men, and proceed to
Fort Ridgely with all possible haste. They spent

114 RECOLLECTIONS OF

the night in perfecting1 their plans, and by morning
had forty, resolute men enlisted for a forward move-
ment. Ex-Indian Agent Joseph R. Brown was at
Henderson, and dissuaded many of the volunteers
at the last moment from venturing upon what he re-
garded as an impracticable undertaking. A num-
ber withdrew from the organization under his influ-
ence. This discouraged others, and but six men
finally remained true to the original determination—
Sturgis, his two acquaintances from Shakopee and
three determined Henderson men, Sturgis feeling
the greatest concern for his comrades at Fort Ridge-
ly. They proceeded, but out on the fort road, four
or five miles from Henderson, the six resolute men
met a half-breed just coming in from the Yellow
Medicine country. He assured the horsemen they
could never reach Fort Ri4gely alive, and gave a
graphic account of the horrible deeds he had wit-
nessed for fifty miles, giving the latest information
from the scenes of the massacre. Reluctantly the
men returned to Henderson, and Sturgis proceeded
back to acquaint Gen. Sibley, in command of the
reinforcements, with the information he had gained
from the half-breed. Much to the disappointment
of Sturgis, who had ridden without rest or sleep in
the discharge of his duties to hasten the progress
of assistance, he had to ride back to Belle Plaine,
so slowly had the movement of troops dragged.
Finding Gen. Sibley at the hotel in Belle Plaine,
Sturgis acquainted him with all he had the morn-
ing of that day learned from the upper country.
General Sibley asked Sturgis if he could, without
rest, bear some dispatches to Gov. Ramsey, at St.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 115

Paul, and was assured by the efficient dispatch-bear-
er he would do his best. This was at nightfall of
Wednesday. Sturgis found difficulty in getting
transportation for his new task, but was finally given
an order by Gen. Sibley to take the sheriff's horse,
that officer being then in town. The night was very
dark and the roads strange, but Sturgis reached
Shakopee at 4 o'clock on Thursday morning, Aug-
ust 21. Boats ran regularly as far up as Shakopee,
and the boat for St. Paul would leave at 6 that morn-
ing. Leaving orders to be called promptly at 5:30,
Sturgis threw himself upon a couch and had his first
continuous hour-and-a-half of sleep since the pre-
vious Sunday night. He was called in time to eat
his breakfast and catch the boat. He reached the
governor's office at the state capitol in St. Paul at
about 10 a. m., of that day. Delivering this, his sec-
ond dispatch, the Governor asked in an impatient
tone as to the progress made by the troops, and rose
from his seat and paced the floor when told Gen.
Sibley was still at Belle Plaine the previous even-
ing, where he had been since the evening of the
first day out. There were no telephones in that
day, and, asking Sturgis to remain in his office, the
Governor sent a messenger out after William R;
Marshall, who came promptly. There was an ani-
mated discussion of the situation, in which Gover-
nor Ramsey expressed himself with much emphasis.
Marshall seemed to fit the occasion uniquely, and
the seeds were sown here that matured in his mili-
tary advancement later. It was the request of Gov-
ernor Ramsey that Mr. Marshall go to the front as
his, the Governor's representative, and placing in

116 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Sturgis' hands dispatches for Gen. Sibley, Marshall
and himself were shortly away for the front, arriv-
ing: at Shakopee at night. They drove thence to
Belle Plaine, over a rough and muddy road, in in-
tense darkness, arriving" at Gen. Sibley's headquar-
ters early in the morning of Friday, August 22.
Sturgis delivered his dispatches to Gen. Sibley,
and left Sibley and Marshall in consultation.

The sequel of their conference was not long to be
waited for. Marshall joined Sturgis, and they sat
down at the breakfast table in a Belle Plaine hotel,
and as they ate, the blare of trumpets was heard,
and before they had finished, the advance guard
was in motion, moving briskly through the prin-
cipal street of the town. Marshall and Sturgis re-
mained together until they arrived at St. Peter.
Here Sturgis, for the first time since the night of
Sunday, August 17, or nearly a week previously, re-
moved his clothing and slept in a bed. He remain-
ed with the troops, and was with the first detach-
ment to reach Fort Ridgely on the morning of Wed-
nesday, August 27, where the beleaguered garrison,
famished and worn, embattled and oppressed by a
foe in whose heart mercy was an unknown element,
received its long hoped for relief. Ten days of
fighting, vigil and suffering had reduced the garri-
son to a pitiable condition, and to be among the
first to raise the siege was a matter of great satis-
faction to the dispatch-bearer and to have partici-
pated in the joyous greetings of the besieged garri-
son and the men who had ridden all night to relieve
our sufferings, a celebration no one has ever at-
tempted to describe, was the privilege of a lifetime,

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 117

and reward enough for all the hardships Sturgis
had endured.

No less notable than the wild flight of Sturgis,
was that of Corporal James C. McLain, the mes-
senger who was sent on a no less perilous ride in
pursuit of Lieutenant Sheehan, who left Fort Ridge-
ly the previous day (Sunday) with his detachment
of fifty men of Co. C, and who was long miles away
on his return march to Fort Ripley, on the upper
Mississippi. Bravely and dramatically McLain
dashed away to perform one of the most gallant
feats in the history of the massacre, but no account
of the incidents of his long ride through a country
overrun by the Sioux was ever preserved, and as
he was years ago "gathered to his fathers," no ac-
count is now obtainable of the incidents of his val-
orous deeds. The order detailing McLain for this
service was one of the last official acts of Capt.
Marsh before leaving Fort Ridgely on his fated
mission to the Redwood Ferry on the morning of
August 18. McLain's ride was by daylight, giving
him some advantages, and yet increasing the
dangers that beset him. He overtook Lieutenant
Sheehan after a ride of forty-two miles, near Glen-
coe, and immediately started on the return to Fort
Ridgely with Sheehan's detachment, marching all
night and making his eighty-four mile journey with-
out a moments rest.

118 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Noble Men and Women Among the Refugees.

While the refugees who came into the Fort from
the surrounding: settlements consisted mainly of
women and children, not a few men were among
their number, and among these men, as among the
women, were those of true Spartan courage, and to
their noble endeavors Minnesota owes a debt of
everlasting gratitude. There were those who were
cowed into a state of submissiveness that rendered
them an impediment rather than a benefit to the
distressed garrison. But the few of whom this may
be written had been mentally dazed by the fright-
ful experiences through which they had passed be-
fore escaping the blood-stained hands of the Sioux.
Their peaceful and happy homes, in an hour of un-
expected danger, had been fallen upon by savages
who were merciless, and who found their greatest
pleasure in their deeds of extremest cruelty. It is
needless to depict what many of these refugees had
witnessed and experienced ; and the wonder is not
so much that they lost their virility and combative-
ness, as that they retained their reason. But there
were noble specimens of manhood among the ref-
ugees, whose dogged courage and endurance con-
tributed much to the successful defense of Fort
Ridgely, these men, during the hours of conflict,
without special or separate organization, seeking
the point where their services as individuals seem-
ed most required, there to resist heroically and to

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 119

share the dangers of a noble defense. Many of
these people or their descendants still live in the
immediate vicinity of the old fort, and have proven
their worth for sturdiness in civil life as they de-
monstrated it in the perilous days of the Sioux
Massacre. The names of these people, men and
women, will grow brighter as time advances and
the world the better appreciates their heroic deeds
for the State and humanity.

The artist's plate in the camera receives the
beautiful image, imprinted upon it by the heavens'
radiant gleam or the lightning's flash, but the image
itself appears not until time shall have changed the
conditions. So it is with the character and services
of the refugees who helped to save Fort Ridgely,
and for whom reverence increases as the years roll
by ; and while this book, in its treatment of the
early stages of the Massacre, has dealt largely
with the achievements of companies B and C of the
Fifth Minnesota and of the Renville Rangers, the
splendid services of Sergeant John Jones of the
regular army, and of gunner John C. Whipple, it is
not unmindful of the glorious part the refugees had
in the triumphant defense of the key to the Minne-
sota frontier, in an ordeal whose tests will never be
fully told.

It is regretable as a matter of history that the
names of all who sought the protection of Fort
Ridgely during the Sioux Massacre, were not pre-
served, but the making of such a record was of little
moment at a time when the lives of all at the garri-
son hung tremblingly in the balance. To stay the
savage tide that surged determinedly for the over-

120

RECOLLECTIONS OF

throw of Fort Ridgely, was a task of the gravest
moment. Every hour was one of danger and ex-
pectancy. Every moment increased the tax laid
upon human endurance. Those known to have
reached the Fort, and who nobly participated in its
defense, are the following :

William Anderson
Robert Baker (killed)
Werner Boesch
Louis Brisbois
William Butler
Clement Cardinal
M. A. Dailey
J. W. DeCamp
Frank Diepolder
Henry Diepolder
Alfred Dufrene
J. C. Fenske (w'd)
Jo. J. Frazer
T. J. Galbraith
E. A. C. Hatch
Patrick Heffron
George P. Hicks
Reran Horan
John Hose
Joseph Koehler
Louis La Croix
James B. Magner
John Magner
Pierre Martelle
Oliver Martelle
John Meyer
John Nairn

Dennis O'Shea
Joseph Overbaugh
B. F. Pratt
J. C. Ramsey

B. H. Randall
John Rcsoft
Adam Rieke
George Rieke
Heinrich Rieke (died)
Victor Rieke

Louis Robert
Louis Sharon
Chris Schlumberger
Gustav Stafford
Joshua Sweet
Louis Thiele
Nikolas Thinnes
Onesime Vannasse
A. J. Van Voorhes
John Walter
J. C. Whipple

C. G. Wykoff
Xavier Zolner

WOMEN.
Anna Boesch
Kenney Bradford
Elizabeth M. Dunn

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 121

Margaret King Hern Mrs. E. Pereau

Mary A. Heffron Wilhelmina Randall

Eliza Muller Valencia J. Reynolds

Juliette McAllister Mary Rieke

Mary D. Overbaugh Mrs. R. Schmahl

Agnes Overbaugh Mrs. Spencer

Julia Peterson Julia Sweet

Mrs. E. Picard Emily J. West

122 RECOLLECTIONS OF

New Ulm.

The siege raised, our first news came of what had
transpired about us, particularly at our nearest
neighboring town, New Ulm, seventeen miles be-
low. We had surmised an attack on New Ulm.
We had witnessed during the siege, on different
days, a movement of savages around the north and
south of us, like the drift of a mighty river, floating
as spectral figures over the great prairies for long
intervals. Where could they be concentrating, ex-
cept at New Ulm? But beyond this there was noth-
ing upon which to base a suspicion.

Now it was learned that Little CrowTs forces who
had held their council under the eyes of the Fort
on the morning after the outbreak at the Agency,
had fallen upon defenseless New Ulm on the after-
noon of that day, August 19th, producing conster-
nation, as the town was utterly unorganized and
wholly unprepared for such a visitation. Fortunate-
ly Lieutenant Gere's message forwarded through
Courier Sturgis, reached St. Peter before daylight
of the 19th, requesting the immediate return of the
Renville Rangers and confirming the gravest sus-
picions of a general Sioux uprising. Judge Charles
E. Flandrau, one of Minnesota's ablest and best of
the distinguished men who came into the Territory
from 1845 to 1850, lived about a mile out of St. Peter.
He was not only able and resourceful mentally, but
had practical knowledge of Indian character. Learn-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 123

of the uprising1, he set out without a moment's
delay to organize for relief and defense. Gather-
ing a company about him, he started to intercept
the enemy and give him battle as a check to his
progress while defenses were being more extensive-
ly organized. When his command left St. Peter
there was no fixed destination, but both Fort Ridge-
ly and New Ulm were undoubtedly hard pressed,
and to one or the other of these points it was ex-
pected the command would go. Fortunately, New
Ulm being the nearer, that point was made, Judge
Flandrau and his men reaching the town while it
was defending itself at great disadvantage from an
attack by the Indians, who were not strong in num-
bers in this attack, but who were numerous enough
to threaten the taking of the town, a number of
citizens having been killed and several houses fired
by the savages.

Judge Flandrau had never received military train-
ing, but by the saving grace of good sound sense,
he was admirably equipped for the great work that
awaited him at New Ulm. An able lawyer, a keen
student of human nature, a good organizer, and a
man of dauntless courage, he met every demand of
the emergency. Several companies of hastily or-
ganized citizen-soldiery centered at New Ulm on
the urgent call sent out by Judge Flandrau, who
plainly said the town could only be saved by ac-
cessions from the country south and east. These
organizations were headed by men well suited to
the work before them, who ably seconded Judge
Flandrau in putting the distressed town on a de-
fensive footing. Little Crow's desperate attack on

124 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Fort Ridgely, on the 22nd was most fortunate for
New Ulm, as an indispensable day was grained by
Flandrau, his lieutenants, and the inhabitants of
the town to prepare for what must inevitably come—
a second attack by the Indians. The day also en-
abled Flandrau to send parties into the surround-
ing1 settlements, who gathered up scores of people
whose lives were momentarily in danger, and who,
had they been left in the settlements, would have
fallen an easy prey on the following day, to the
hundreds of marauding savages who raided the en-
tire surrounding country. The inhabitants of New
Ulm were almost exclusively Germans, who, char-
acteristic of their race, were a quiet, industrious,
peace-loving people, and the unheralded catastrophe
that had burst upon them so suddenly, had over-
whelmed them with dismay. But every possible
defensive precaution had been taken during the
22nd, so that on the following day the town was pre-
pared to offer strong resistance to the furious at-
tack of the savages, which began between the hours
of 9 and 10 of the forenoon of Saturday, August 23rd.
The defensive force under Judge Flandrau number-
ed about three hundred effective men, neither well
nor uniformly armed, however. The non-combatants
of the town numbered from 1200 to 1500 people,
principally women and children of the village and
of the country immediately surrounding. The at-
tack of the savages was furious, and made with the
confident belief that success was to reward their
efforts. The signs of the morning portending a
fight, Judge Flandrau moved his forces well out,
quite encircling the town. Speaking of the open-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 125

ing-, Judge Flandrau has said:* "At nearly 10
o'clock in the morning the body of Indians began
to move toward us, first slowly, and then with con-
siderable rapidity. Their advance upon the slop-
ing prairie in the bright sunlight was a very fine
spectacle, and to such inexperienced soldiers as
we all were, intensely exciting. When within about
one and a half miles of us the mass began to expand
like a fan, and increase in the velocity of its ap-
proach, and continued this movement until within
about double rifle-shot, when it had covered our en-
tire front. Then the savages uttered a terrific yell
and came down upon us like the wind. I awaited
the first discharge with great anxiety, as it seemed
to me to yield was certain destruction. The yell
unsettled the men a little, and just as the rifles be-
gun to crack they fell back along the whole line."
The most unfortunate part of this movement was,
that in falling back from the open field, buildings
were passed in the outskirts of town, of which the
Indians were quick to take possession, and from the
cover of which they became doubly troublesome
and effective. Realizing the danger rapidly threat-
ening, Judge Flandrau and a number of brave fel-
lows now charged up the hill, down which the forces
had fallen back, and the movement was taken up

* Judge Flandrau modestly places the number of Indians in the attack at 650,
basing his information on reports from unfriendly half-breeds subsequent to the
engagements. This would mean two to one of Fiandrau's force. A force of
four to one would hardly have given Judge Flandrau and his brave men a harder
fight than was the second battle of New Ulm, lasting nine or ten hours ; and
this is a safer criterion by which to judge of the number* of the enemy than
would be the solicited estimates of half-breeds who were in the fight with the
savages. An Indian invariably belies his strength and his casualties.

126 RECOLLECTIONS OF

with a shout that effectually checked the progress
the Indians were making:.

From this on the men fought aggressively and
confidently, and the contest raged hotly for several
hours, with varying advantages. The Indians at
length encircled the entire town, and pressed every
advantage with great vigor. Their position on the
bluff was a commanding one, and this they held
persistently. Getting a footing in the lower part
of town, the Indians began the firing of buildings
at the foot of the main street of the village. This
threatened to be the utter undoing of the noble de-
fenders of New Ulm. This offensive movement was
one the defenders could not stay or stem. The
wind proved an evil element in addition, as it blew
so as to drive the smoke and flames up the main
street. Under cover of the smoke the savages push-
ed their way up the street, and in combatting them
the forces of Flandrau exposed themselves to a hot
fire from the enemy on the bluff. The defenders
now fought inch by inch and foot by foot to gain
ground that would enable them to check the pro-
gress of the conflagration, and in this, by indomit-
able perseverance and hard fighting, succeeded.

After the conflict had raged for hours the defen-
ders became hardened to battle, and grew to be in
every way better soldiers. They had learned the
tactics of the savages, and had become inured to
their demonic yells, which at first were terrifying.
Not only were the lives of hundreds of helpless
women, children and aged and infirm, in the hands
of these valiant men, but far-reaching consequences
to the whole border were involved in the contest,

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 127

and as the conflict lengthened, the defenders more
and more forced the fighting, until at length, with
nightfall, the savages withdrew, defeated, for they
had failed of their purpose.

This battle was one of the most important events
in the history of Minnesota, and will ever hold a
distinctive place among the early— day frontier
tragedies of the state ; and New Ulm's distinction
is unique, in that it is shared by no other Minnesota
town.

After dark a new and less extended defensive
line was formed and barricaded, and all buildings
outside of this line, some forty in number, were
burned. Thus the town, for the first time, was in
good condition to resist attack, and the wisdom of
this precautionary measure was apparent when the
savages renewed the attack the following morning,
only to abandon it definitely by noon.

Pestilence threatening, and ammunition and pro-
visions becoming well exhausted, it was resolved
to abandon New Ulm, and on Monday, August 25th,
the venture of successfully reaching Mankato was
made. In addition to the women and children, were
eighty wounded men. To remove these a train of
153 wagons was made up, and the procession, which
Judge Flandrau has described as the "most heart-
rending ever witnessed in America," set out on its
sad and perilous mission, reaching its destination
in safety. Though for a time abandoned, New Ulm
was not again the scene of conflict or important
molestation. The moral effect of a strong force
of troops moving up the Minnesota valley to the
scenes of the massacre, though the troops were not

128 RECOLLECTIONS OF

yet within striking distance of the enemy, exerted
a salutary influence over the Indians, who had been
roughly handled at Fort Ridgely and New Ulm,
and who were beginning to sorrowfully abandon the
hope of re-entering the Mississippi valley.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 129

Birch Goulie.

On Thursday morning:, Augfust 28th, Col. H. H.
Sibley entered Fort Ridgely at the head of a column
of about 1200 men. These with Col. McPhail's men
already at the Fort, and accessions that followed
rapidly, made up an army sufficiently large to war-
rant offensive operations, though the equipment of
these troops was grossly, inefficient.

Preliminary to other operations, a detachment
was sent out on Sunday, August 31st, with the Lower
Agency as the .objective point. This was still, as
of old, the rendezvous of the Indians. Mainly, the
expedition had for its purpose the interment of the
men who fell at the ferry and the Agency, and of
others, and to discover, if possible, the body of
Captain Marsh. The detachment for this purpose
was composed of Co. A, Sixth Minnesota Volunteer
Infantry, Captain Hiram P. Grant, and the Cullen
Guards, mounted, Captain Joseph Anderson. The
detachment was under the general command and
guidance of Major Joseph R. Brown, a noted Indian
trader and frontiersman, and embraced about one
hundred and fifty men, exclusive of seventeen team-
sters, who had charge of as many wagons contain"
ing equipage. In burying the scores of corpses
that had been exposed for ten days in a summer's
sun, the little expedition put in a day of trying ex-
periences by. the time of reaching; the Redwood

130 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ferry, and went into camp at night, (having: seen
no sigfn of Indians) in the Minnesota bottoms, just
east of the Agency. Monday morning, September
1st, Captain Anderson crossed the Minnesota, and
after burying: the dead at the Agfency, proceeded
up the west side of the river, while Captain Grant
scouted about the country to the eastward, the two
detachments rejoining: each other at nigrht at Birch
Coulie, a location than which there could have been
nothing: more unfortunate from a military stand-
point. The site had Major Brown's approval, and
there being: confidence in his judgment, he having:
lived for years among: the Sioux, and knowing: every
rod of ground of the surrounding: country, the men
bivouacked, knowing: they were in the enemy's
country, but little suspecting: the frightful catas-
trophe that awaited them.

The location of the camp, as stated, was unfavor-
able in the extreme, being: in a depression where
in event of an attack the men would be at the mercy
of the enemy.

Company B of the Fifth, which for months had
occupied Fort Ridg:ely, now that so larg:e a body of
troops had arrived, left the quarters and went into
camp in tents northwest of the garrison. The writer
remembers well, while lying: on the ground about
dayligfht on the morning: of September 1st, of hear-
ing: the rattle of musketry. This was heard and com-
mented on by many, and indicated plainly that
Captains Grant and Anderson were hotly eng:ag:ed
by the enemy. It was not supposed the firing: could
be fifteen miles away, as it really was, Mother Earth
being: a better telephone than she was g:iven credit

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 131

for. A relief column was at once organized to go
to the assistance of the Grant- Anderson detach-
ment. This consisted of Col. Samuel McPhail, with
fifty horsemen. Major Robert McLarren with one
hundred infantrymen, and Captain Mark Hendrix
with a mountain howitzer and the necessary gunners
to man it. The whereabouts of Grant and Anderson
could only be surmised, as no word had come from
them since the day of their departure, but they
could be located within reasonable bounds ; so the
relief column need not, and did not, go far astray.
The movements of the relief column in fact had
been detected by the savages, and a strong force
of Little Crow's warriors was thrown against the
McPhail-McLarren forces, to prevent their reaching
Birch Coulie, which the Indians knew must soon
fall into their hands if relief could be prevented.
The relief detachment having a howitzer made ex-
cellent use of it in many ways besides pouring shot
into the ranks of the Indians who had thrown them-
selves across the path of the soldiers. The sound
of the cannon gave heart to the desperately oppress-
ed force at Birch Coulie, three miles distant, struck
terror to the hosts of Little Crow, and admonished
Col. Sibley that a hot fight was in progress.

Lieutenant Sheehan, the hero of Fort Ridgely,
had accompanied the relief column, and as the com-
mander of the expedition found the savage hosts
too strong to make farther progress possible, dis-
patched Sheehan with a request to Col. Sibley for
reinforcements. Sheehan, of all men in the relief
expedition, was best fitted by tact, courage and ex-
perience for the hazardous mission, and while his

132 . RECOLLECTIONS OF

horse was twice wounded by the savages, made the
ride successfully.

Col. Sibley, in response, at once put his entire
force on the march, leaving Fort Ridgely at sun-
down on Tuesday evening, September 2nd. He
reinforced the relief column in the night, his own
cannon, in charge of Sergeant Jones, and that of
Captain Hendrix, being used for signal purposes
in uniting the two bodies. The exact location of
the Grant-Anderson force not being known, and the
night being very dark, Col. Sibley awaited daylight
where he found McPhail and McLarren, moving
his entire force forward at dawn. A march of three
miles led to the horrifying death-trap that passed
into history as Birch Coulie, a place that furnished
one of the bloodiest pages of the Sioux Massacre,
as well as one of the grandest exhibitions of cour-
age and endurance, under the most adverse con-
ditions, ever recorded.

At dawn onTuesday morning, September 2nd, the
camp of Captains Grant and Anderson was surpris*
ed and fiercely attacked at short range under cover
of the brush and hills surrounding. The effect upr
on the little command was appalling. The rain of
bullets dealt consternation and death to the unpro-
tected camp, throwing officers and men into the
wildest confusion. The storm increased as the
savages warmed up to their work, and emboldened,
forced their way to newer and nearer points of van-
tage, their yells and shouts and the beating of
torn - toms adding to the terrifying din, ami4
which many men and horses went to earth. It
seemed that not a living creature could long survive

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 133

the almost blinding" cross-fire to which the men
were subjected. Horses, frightfully wounded, gave
painful expression to their agonies. There were
ninety of these noble beasts in the little camp, and
nearly all were down, dead or groaning in death
agonies, within thirty minutes after the firing of the
first shot by the savages. One-fourth of the men
had already fallen, dead or wounded, and yet the
fire grew hotter.

The panorama surrounding the men was such as
to daze their senses. The belching guns of the sav-
ages formed an encircling line of fire, while the
exultant Indians, their writhing bodies swaying
and leaping, made tame in comparison the "Inferno"
of Dante. The men must return the fire to prevent
a charge, which would have swept the little rem-
nant of soldiery from existence in a twinkling.

If they would withstand the awful storm of bullets,
they must dig, for without trenches there was no
protection, and they JiY/dig, using the three spades
and one shovel available, and their swords, bayo-
nets, pocket-knives and fingers, even. But hours
passed before fairly adequate protection was se-
cured, many a man's pit proving to be his grave.
All day long the pitiless rain of shot fell upon the
helpless men from all sides, imprisoning them in
their little trenches from which they bravely fought
beneath a scorching sun without food or drink or
relief or the ability in any known way to communi-
cate a knowledge of their distress beyond the cordon
of savages, that, like the coils of a serpent, held
them in its deadly folds.

On and on, hour by hour, the battle raged, until

134 RECOLLECTIONS OF

darkness relaxed in a degree only, the savage grasp.
The roar of the howitzer of Captain Hendrix had
been heard for hours, but its sounds had become a
mystery rather than a hope.

Night came none too soon, for the ammunition
with which to resist longer was practically exhaust-
ed. The long vigil, surrounded by the dead and
the moaning, helpless wounded, whose entreaties
were almost beyond human endurance, ended at
dawn when Col. Sibley and his men rode into the
slaughter-pen as the savages fell back among the
protecting hills and valleys of the Minnesota.

The scenes that met the gaze of the relieving
column can only be truly known to those who wit-
nessed them, for language, in its process of evolu-
tion, has not as yet arrived at a stage in its de-
velopment for the faithful portrayal of the uncanny
spectacle that Col. Sibley looked upon in dumb
amazement when he entered the camp. Judge J. J.
Egan, then a boy, a volunteer for the service and
the occasion, says, in writing of the events in
which he participated from first to last at Birch
Coulie : "The scene presented in our camp was a
sickening one. Twenty-three men, black and dis-
colored by the sun's rays, lay stark and dead in a
small space; forty-five others, severely wounded,
and groaning and crying for water ; the carcasses
of ninety dead horses lying about, and a stench in-
tolerable emanating from the whole ground." The
tents of the camp were literally cut to pieces, while
the wagons, riddled and splintered, told of the aw-
ful ordeal through which the survivors had passed.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 135

Wood Lake and Camp Release.

Following1 Birch Coulie came a period of inactivity
at the Fort, painful to the restless men who felt
that valuable time was being: wasted; but while
Col. Sibley would never have gained fame as a
dashing: Indian campaigner, it is due to say that at
this time he was poorly equipped for an aggressive
movement. His men were good, but his equipment
was poor in the extreme, and his means of trans-
portation no better. Having as far as possible over-
come these defects, just one month from the day
of the outbreak, or on September 18th, the march
was taken up for an offensive campaign, the entire
force moving down to and across the Minnesota
River by ferry, a mile from Fort Ridgely. The
command proceeded with great caution up the west
side of the Minnesota, camping below the Redwood
Agency on the afternoon of the second day. The
fifth day out, the 22nd of September, Wood Lake
was reached, a shallow body of water about two
miles from the Yellow Medicine Agency. The
following morning, there being no signs of a for-
ward movement, a party of the Third Minnesota
started with teams on a foraging expedition, and
had proceeded nearly a mile in the direction of
Yellow Medicine when they were fiercely attacked
by a large force of Indians. Major A. E. Welch,
commanding the Third, hastened with his remnant
of a regiment, about 270 men in all, to the rescue of

136 RECOLLECTIONS OF

the foraging party, and became hotly engaged. The
fighting Renville Rangers could not keep out, and
were soon in the midst of the conflict. But all this
was unauthorized, and instead of supporting Welch,
he was ordered to fall back to camp. He persisted
in dealing a hot fire into the ranks of the enemy,
and instead of retreating, sent word back to Col.
Sibley that he could hold his ground, and asked to
be reinforced. Col. Sibley then sent a peremptory
order to fall back to camp. Welch, reluctantly
yielding under orders, was hotly pressed by the
exultant savages, and sustained serious loss in the
retrograde movement, himself receiving a broken
leg. In this enforced retreat, made amid bitter
curses on the part of the soldiers, it was necessary
to cross a small creek, which flowed through a
narrow, deep ravine. Taking advantage of this
confusing hindrance, the Indians poured in a merci-
less fire, and it was here Welch received his serious
wound, and that many of his men were killed or
wounded, but the men, assisted by the Renville
Rangers, were able to save their wounded from
falling into the hands of the savages.

At last the Sixth and Seventh Minnesota men,
chafing under restraint while their comrades were
suffering unjustly, as they believed, were put into
action, with their fighting spirit at fever heat.
Lieutenant Colonel William R. Marshall, with his
five companies of the Seventh, joined the Third and
Renville Rangers in a gallant charge that sent the
enemy flying. The Sixth and the Artillery render-
ed effective assistance at various points, once the
order was given, and all combined, gallantly passed

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 137

the battle of Wood Lake over to history with victory
complete.

The march from Wood Lake was resumed on the
25th, a day having been ipent at the scene of the
battle to bury the dead and study the movements
of the enemy. On Friday, September 26th, the
command reached the Indian camp nearly opposite
the point at which the Chippewa enters the Minne-
sota River. The friendly Indians had secured pos-
session of the white captives taken by Little Crow
during the massacre, the warrior chief now finding:
his time taken up with the serious matter of self-
preservation. Immediately prior to this date stormy
times had characterized the life of the savages. A
powerful and vicious element, steeped in crime and
dripping with innocent blood, was determined the
captives, about 250 in number, should be massacred.
Another strong element, though in the minority,
bravely stood between the fiends incarnate and the
helpless women and children who lived in mortal
fear of annihilation. They had suffered agonies in-
describable and indignities revolting and unspeak-
able, by the side of which death would have been
merciful. The sound of cannon at Wood Lake, to
them as sweet as aeolian strains, told of the
near approach of their deliverers, and gave them
a new interest in life ; but they jrealized their
increased dangers, now mingled with the first gleam
of hope, and their suspense and mental anguish told
frightfully on their endurance. Crushed in pride and
spirit, exposed to the chill of rains and autumn winds,
and compelled to live on food revolting to decent
stomachs, there were no longer brave spirits among

138 RECOLLECTIONS OF

these unhappy people to encourage the weak, and
the nearer deliverance came the greater became
the danger that the whole captive mass would be
butchered. The red-handed assassins among the
Indians were determined this should be done. The
brave men among them, the "friendly Indians,"
who would hazard their own existence in the final
struggle to save the captives/were favored by the
anxiety of those who had blotted out a thousand
lives, to escape to places of personal safety. This
was indeed a strong factor in saving from annihi-
lation the helpless captives. The wish of the red-
handed element was to accomplish the terrible exe-
cution of these people with gun and club, and then
hastily escape into the great solitude to the north-
westward, then known only to adventurous explor-
ers. They were thwarted only by the courageous
Paul (ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ne) who had the moral support
of Standing Buffalo and other influential leaders,
and who would have fought desperately had the
final issue been forced.

Another point never historically developed, was
the masterful skill by which, without internecine
violence, the friendly Indians became the dcfaclo
possessors of the captives. This was not done
openly or boastfully, but artfully and covertly, and
while this might not save the lives of the captives,
it would place them where they would not be the
first to die. The loyal Indians interposed them-
selves by a concerted movement between the cap -
tives and their would-be assassins.

All plans matured, and the main body of Indians
who had instigated and prosecuted the war on the

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 139

whites, having pushed northward for personal safety,
Col. Sibley rode into and took possession of the In-
dian camps and the captives, who were overwhelmed
and prostrated when the hour of their deliverance
finally came. That the power of their captors and
tormentors had been broken, and that the forbidding
incubus under which they had lived such wretched
lives, had been swept away, was too much for their
dulled comprehension, and they bowed down and
wept, and then lifted their faces in thanksgiving to
God, and as they rose and marched away into new
life the actors in the theatre of war for the nonce
disappeared from the stage.

140 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Attack on Fort Abercrombie.

Like Ridgely, Abercrombie was a fort in name
only. The post consisted of three buildings— bar-
racks, officers' quarters and comissary. When the
news of the outbreak reached this distant frontier
post, steps were taken to hastily put the garrison
in a defensible condition by the construction of
earthworks and other barricades. Abercrombie,
situated on the west bank of the Red River, in what
is now Richland County, North Dakota, did not
learn of the outbreak until the 20th of August. The
post was garrisoned by Co. D, Capt. John Vander-
Horck, Fifth Minnesota Volunteer Infantry. The
center of attraction of the Indians was on the more
southern frontier and during the period of quiet at
Abercrombie Capt. Vander Horck put his post in
the best possible condition for resisting the enemy,
and wisely he planned, for the Indians desperately
attacked the Fort at 5 o'clock of the morning of
September 3rd, which attack they continued until
about noon, but they were repulsed by the gallant
men of Co. D, and retired after sustaining severe
loss in numbers. The garrison was now confronted
by several serious problems. Capt. Vander Horck,
while on a round of the picket line before daylight
of the morning of attack, was shot and seriously
wounded by a guard who had seen Indians in the
vicinity of his post, and who mistook the Captain
for a foe. First Lieutenant Cariveau was ill, and

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 141

while Second Lieutenant Groetch had commanded
with ability, it was discovered when this first en-
gagement was over that but 350 rounds of ammu-
nition for the old Harper's Ferry muskets, with
which the men were armed, remained. By mistake,
cartridges had been supplied to the post of a calibre
not suited to the guns of the men. A force was at
once organized to manufacture cartridges, the
bullets for which were obtained by opening canister
intended for the howitzers, of which there was an
abundant supply. Sufficient ammunition was thus
made for the infantry without seriously depleting
the supply of the artillery.

On the morning of September 6th, just at the
break of day, the Indians launched a furious attack
upon the Fort with greatly increased numbers, the
attack lasting ten hours, during which time the
fighting was at times hot and furious, but aided by
the howitzers, which were splendidly manned, the
garrison bad defiance to the enemy and drove him
from the field with heavy loss. Though reinforce-
ments did not arrive until September 23rd, over a
month from the beginning of the outbreak, the Fort
was not again attacked in force, though the garrison
was practically in a state of siege for weeks. Co.
D lost five men, one killed and four wounded, in
the two engagements.

The defense of Fort Abercrombie was heroically
sustained. The mental and physical strain endur-
ed, severely taxed the officers and men, but they
proved equal to every demand and every expect-
ation.

142 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Escape of the Missionaries.

On the night of Friday, Aug. 22nd, after a hard
day's fight with the savages, and while the enemy
was yet reasonably supposed to occupy in large
numbers the woods surrounding Fort Ridgely on
three sides, Andrew Hunter, son-in-lawof Rev. Dr.
Thomas Williamson, the well-known Sioux mis-
sionary, crawled on his hands and knees into the
Fort to ascertain conditions and the advisability of
attempting to pilot a party of forty souls into the
garrison. He told in an undertone the startling
story of the escape of the missionaries and their
families from above the Yellow Medicine Agency, —
an escape thrilling and miraculous, made while the
whole country was lying at the feet of the murder-
ous Sioux. The missionary party had reached a
point not far distant from the Fort on the afternoon
of August 22nd, and plainly heard the storm of
battle that raged for hours between the garrison
and the hosts of Little Crow, and as silence succeed-
ed the din of battle at dark the most intense anxiety
was felt by the missionaries, as to what the result of
the fierce engagement had been. Had the Fort
fallen, and was the reigning silence the silence of
death and desolation? Thus queried all, and thus
thought Andrew Hunter as he crept up to and into
the garrison. The Fort still survived, but it was
so reduced in ammunition and supplies as to make
it no longer a safe place of refuge. The hearts of

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 143

the mission band scarcely beat in the hour of anx-
iety during which Hunter had stealthily, his life in
his hand, crept to the Fort. Hunter was advised
that it would be wiser for the missionaries to con-
tinue their flight, dangerous as it was, rather than
to enter the Fort in its exhausted condition, for it
must fall for want of ammunition, if the battle were
renewed, as was not improbable.

Thus came to Fort Ridgely the first news receiv-
ed of the whereabouts and fortunes of the mission-
aries, the families and associates of the Rev. Dr.
Williamson and the Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, whose
mission homes were at Hazlewood, five or six miles
northwest of the remote Yellow Medicine Agency.
Great anxiety was felt for these well-known people,
some of whom had been in missionary work among
the Sioux of the Minnesota Valley since 1835, but
no one had dared to hope they had escaped death
at the hands of the savages, but one noble Indian,
Chaska, had stood loyally by them ; and with pecu-
liar instinct had guided them, even through a
country swarming with savages, by probably the
only routes that would have made their escape
possible.

Early in the evening of Monday, August 18th,
Chaska and an Indian companion, Tankanxaceye,
learning of the bloody work at the Lower Agency,
hastened to the home of Dr. Williamson, warn-
ed him the lives of all the whites at the mission, as
elsewhere, were in peril, and advised preparations
for flight. Paul and Simon, also full-blood Indians,
likewise acquainted Rev. Riggs of the conditions
below as they had just learned them, urged

144 RECOLLECTIONS OF

flight for safety, and assisted in piloting: the families
of Rig:g:s, Jonas Pettijohn, D. W. Moore and H. D.
Cunningham to an island in the Minnesota River
some distance away, where they remained until the
following: evening:. During: this time Chaska and
his Indian companion had conducted Dr. William-
son and family, and the family of his son-in-law,
Andrew Hunter, to a place of safety and conceal-
ment farther down the river. Having: accumulated
the families at the sawmill, through the kindly
efforts of the Renvilles, half-breeds, the Rig;g:s party
set out on the north and east side of the Minnesota
River on one of the most perilous journeys ever
undertaken by man. To encounter Indians was
death. To traverse their country and avoid them
seemed impossible. Dr. Williamson was slow to
believe the Indians had risen, en masse, for the slaug:h-
ter of the whites, and lingered in the region of his
mission-home hesitatingly ; but the warning^ of
Chaska were so urgent that discretion admonished
the ag:ed missionary to seek safety for himself and
friends without further delay, and well did he reach
this conclusion. The only available conveyance
was an ox-cart. This was put to the best possible
use, Chaska and Lorenzo concealing: the occupants
of the Cart beneath robes and quilts, and starting:
on the perilous journey to Fort Ridg:ely, nearly
sixty miles distant. The Rig:g;s party was over-
taken the following: day. Now, with the accession
of three Germans who had escaped from the raided
settlements through which the refugees must pass,
the number of souls under the guidance and pro-
tection of the faithful friendly Indians numbered

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 145

forty.

The trail of the missionaries had been taken up
by the murderous Indians, but fortunately a severe
thunderstorm intervened, and the torrents of rain
obliterated the trail ; it was given up, and the
savages went into the defenseless settlements, to
ply the work of destruction.

The movements of the missionaries were unavoid-
ably slow, and attended with momentary danger.
Dead bodies everywhere and charred ruins or burn-
ing homes made manifest the peril of the helpless
refugees, but their Indian guides were ever on the
alert, watchful as eagles, and quick to detect the
slightest signs of danger. Nor were they less alert
in the matter of choosing: the safer side of any
dilemma. There was little rest for man or beast,
and little upon which to subsist. So, day and night
they trudged along, much of the time through coarse
grass that lacerated their flesh, or jungles that hin-
dered their progress.

Failing to enter the Fort, the weary and worn
party made its way heavy hearted still many miles
distant, finally reaching Henderson, Sibley county.

It was with feelings of deep regret at the Fort
that these people were advised to continue their
journey, beset with the greatest of dangers, but the
garrison was in such peril that this was thought the
wiser course to pursue.

146

RECOLLECTIONS OF

CUT-NOSE

An Incident Preceding the Outbreak.

A few days before the out-
break a large party of Indi-
ans came to the Fort, Cut-
Nose among: the number.
The object of this visit can
best be surmised by what
followed. No outbreak had
been planned in advance,
though an uprising: had been
premeditated as the one
course left open for redress-
ing: the wrongs the Indians
had suffered. The visit of these Indians, as it was
not uncommon, excited no suspicion on this occa-
sion until the evening: of the second day. The
party, embracing: fifty to one hundred people, had
been unobtrusive and good-natured, but in the even-
ing before they were to take their departure they or-
ganized a war-dance west of the garrison thirty or
forty rods, during which they worked themselves in-
to a frenzied state. The writer was among a party of
soldier spectators who sat on a pile of rails near the
outer edge of the dancing circle. War-clubs and
seal ping-knives were in the hands of many of the
dancers, and were flourished with unusual defiance.
In passing the rail-pile on which the soldiers were
seated, one particularly offensive savage made a

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 147

pass as if to grab the scalp-lock of a spectator, then
flourished his wicked knife as if in the act of cutting"
a throat or lifting a scalp. The spectators, all sol-
diers of the garrison, were utterly unarmed. At this
juncture Cut-Nose interposed himself between the
circle and the pile of rails, and proposed the sale of
his pipe to one of the soldiers, and while the deal
was being consummated a general hegira of blue-
coats was started in the direction of the garrison,
so that the purchaser of the Cut-Nose pipe with
surprise found himself deserted by his unarmed
companions, but lost no time in imitating the dis-
cretion said to be the better part of valor.

The threatening demonstrations had by this time
roused the whole post to the extent of causing the
leveling of several pieces of artillery, full-shotted,
upon the frenzied warriors. The wiser heads among
the red men knew this was not the time and place
for hostilities, and they were told through Interpre-
ter Quinn their conduct was becoming displeasing,
and likely to get them into trouble. They learned
the guns were trained on them, and ceased their war-
dance with a suddenness betokening acumen not al-
ways ascribed to the savage.

While the unusual conduct of the Indians in their
dance was the talk of the garrison during the even-
ing, no one believed it had serious portent, but
rather thought it merely the result of excitement
and indiscretion on the part of vagabond individuals.
In less than a week after that time the whole fron-
tier was strewn with death and distructior^ and
these same warriors who had visited us, possibly
on a tour of inspection, were among the forces that

148 RECOLLECTIONS OF

desperately attempted to take the Fort ; and the
hideous-faced Cut-Nose, whose name was derived
from his having lost the outer part of his right
nostril in a fight with Other Day in past years, dis-
tinguished himself in the massacre for some of the
most fiendish deeds conceivable, and for which he
paid the death penalty by hanging after the out-
break.*

I recall that among the number on the above visit
was old Betz, a squaw everywhere renowned for her
great age, which was said to be at the time of their
visit, 120 years. No trader's or pioneer's memory
could recall when Betz was not old. She was not
very tall of stature, but was quite fleshy. Her at-
tire was not catchy, and her hair, in appearance,
had not been combed for years. Betz was a child
of the simple life. She lived close to nature, and

*Much was made of this incident by those sensationally inclined, and in a
history published in 1863, dealing largely with the Sioux Massacre and the
causes leading up to it, it was stated on the authority of a mysterious somebody,
a Frenchman, whose name could not be used, that this visit was a part of a
preconceived plan to precipitate a general massacre of the. whites by taking the
Fort at this time. Interrogated as to this visit and its significance a year follow-
ing the massacre, Chaska, Paul and other Indians who were conversant with
matters pertaining to the massacre, expressed positiveness that there was no plan
hatched in the "Soldier's Lodge," an Indian organization, for an uprising, of
which this visit was • part. The incident at Fort Ridgely was without any
special significance, the indiscretion of the band being due to discontent rather
than to premeditated design upon the Fort, and as for th« demonstration at Yel-
low Medicine on the 4th of August, it was the natural result of hunger and dis-
appointment, as was well understood by the officers and men of our regiment
who were at Yellow Medicine at the time to attend the payment, and who
realizing the seriousness of the situation and the sufferings to which the Indians
were subjected, urged upon Agent Galbraith the importance of issuing at least
food enough to prevent starvation, but without avail until the hungry savages, in
their desperate straits, forced a crisis.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 149

was an economist. She knew that opulence only
came to those who were willing: to practice economy.
She had a hectoring suspicion that there were things
in the swill-barrel outside the barracks kitchen that
ought to be stimulating pancreatic activity, and not
infrequently did she penetrate the mysteries of that
receptacle to her elbows, in quest of specimens of
vegetable matter or of discarded samples of the
baker's handicraft, bearing them away in her short
skirt, which she deftly gathered into the form of a
basket for the purpose, and flinging a cold potato
at the head of the blue-jacket who essayed to eye her
pastime curiously, emphasizing her effort with the
one word Betz never got too old to hiss forth in scorn-
ful accents: "Se-chee!" (bad.) This venerable
dame had never cultivated the art of "growing old
gracefully," and was always cross and irritable,
much to her disadvantage among the soldiers, who,
though respecting her years, and always kindly dis-
posed toward her, could not resist annoying her on
her occasional visits to the Fort.

150 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Incidents of the Siege.

Mark M. Greer, Co. C, was the first man killed in
the Fort, a bullet from the enemy's first volley caus-
ing1 his instant death, August 20th.

William Good, corporal of Co. B, was the first
man wounded in the first day's fight. A bullet struck
him squarely in the center of the forehead, pene-
trating the skull. Good was supposed to have been
instantly killed, and while he later gave signs of
life, this manifestation was accepted as merely an
evidence of the great vitality he was known to pos-
sess. The bullet could not be removed, but under
surgical skill not less remarkable than his vitality,
he recovered to live for several years, a greater
mental than physical sufferer, however.

Among1 the severely wounded, Robert J. Spornitz,
Co. B, was an early victim in the first day's battle,
a shot entering one check and passing out at the
other, tearing: away the roof of his mouth. He, like
Good, survived for many years.

Andrew Rufredge, Co. B, one of Lieutenant Gere's
men at the northeast angle, and a supporter of
Whipple's gun, was, like Spornitz, the victim of a
frightful wound in the first day's engagement, the
ball in the case of Rufredge cutting the lower jaw
off well back towards the ears.

One of the most pathetic incidents of the siege
occurred in connection with the wounding of Ruf-
redge. One of the Rieke boys, a mere youth of six-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 151

teen or seventeen years, was assisting in carrying
and passing ammunition for the Whipple cannon.
While turned away from the gun in his work, Ruf-
redge had received his wound, and had fallen upon
his back, his lower jaw dropping1 upon his neck and
breast. When the young German turned to pass
to the gunners the ammunition he held, Rufredge
lay at his feet, and the horrible spectacle so shock-
ed and appalled the boy that he fell, and a few mo-
ments later died in his sister's arms,while Rufredge,
under masterful surgical skill, survived.

Sergeant Frank A. Blackmer, Co. C, received
what was supposed to be a mortal wound, but cling-
ing tenaciously to life, recovered.*

One of the Renville Rangers, a three-quarters
blood Indian, deserted to the enemy in the night,
first succeeding in plugging the parked cannon with
rags, to render them ineffective for quick service.
The Renville Rangers, who were brave and loyal
men, felt keenly the disgrace brought upon them
by this traitor to the cause they were upholding.

When the siege was finally raised, the great mass
of refugees for the first time fully realized their
utterly destitute, helpless and bereft condition.
The fear that had terrorized their hearts was remov-
ed. The protecting arm that had shielded them
during the days and nights of danger at the Fort
could not follow them into the world; without homes
to welcome them or friends to comfort them, they
must turn away in utter destitution. Desperate as
had been their condition, the crisis was not reach-
ed until now. The conditions were so exacting

*In later yean he became a prominent physician at Albert Lea, Minnesota.

152 RECOLLECTIONS OF

when these unfortunate people came into the FortT
and during the siegre, that no attempt could be made
at keeping: a record of their names, and when relief
came, it was to a garrison so exhausted that this
task was quite impossible. The mass of humanity
finally became assimilated by the world at large,
leaving no trace of individuality in history.

On the 18th, the day of the massacre at Redwood,
the long-looked for funds for the Indian payment
reached the Fort. The fatal delay had only that
morning borne its bitter fruit. The sum, $71,000,
was in gold coin, and was in charge of C. G. Wykoff,
clerk of the superintendent of Indian affairs, J. C.
Ramsey, and E. A. C. Hatch. The funds were kept
under strong guard until after the siege was raised.
Had Little Crow known this treasure was in the
garrison, he might, in view of the fact that he had
already killed the hated traders, who always sat at
the pay-table, have persisted in attempts to take
the Fort, which he could have done in the desperate
straits to which the garrison was reduced.

Not only in the exhaustion of its supply of ammu-
nition, was the garrison on the verge of collapse at
the time of the last attack, but a really more se-
rious crisis had been reached if possible, in the
complete exhaustion of the water supply. On the
day of the outbreak, August 18th, all available
barrels, tanks, tubs and other vessels, were filled
by hauling water from the spring, the accustomed
source, half a mile distant from the Fort, to meet a
possible emergency. The supply had been con-
sumed to the dregs, and a replenishment was only
attempted when the unendurable necessities of the

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 153

garrison, with its refugee mass, compelled it, and
the obtaining of water was only accomplished
finally at great hazard and under trying hardships.

About Losses.

The story of the Sioux Massacre of 1862, cruel
and revolting, has never been fully told, and never
will be. What was essentially descriptive of the
appalling tragedy enacted along the Minnesota fron-
tier, was given in brief narratives from individual
view-points at the time of occurrence, and were
reasonably accurate and faithful in narration, but
limited in scope, especially as to the extent and
consequences of the tragedy. One chronicler who
went well into details, and practically the only one
who attempted to write a"history," converts tragedy
into farce-comedy when he sums up the results of
the defenders of the frontier by stating seriously
that the total number of Indians killed by troops
and settlers during the massacre, from August 18th,
exclusive of the battle of Wood Lake, was just
twenty-one. His enumeration of the savages slain
is as follows : "At the battle of Redwood Ferry, 1 ;
New Ulm, 5 ; Fort Ridgely, 2 ; Big Woods at or
near Forest City, 1 ; Birch Coulie ; 2 ; at Battle of
Acton, with Strout, 1 ; Hutchinson, 1 ; Spirit Lake,
1 ; at Shetek, by Duly, 1 ; near Omahaw, 1 ; Aber-
crombie, 4 ; between Fort Ridgely and New Ulm,
half-breed, 1. Total 21." Serio-comically the his-
torian assures his readers of the accuracy of his
figures for two reasons ; first, by asking the Indians

154 RECOLLECTIONS OF

to give him the number of their losses, and second-
ly, by verifying their report by hunting: for dead In-
dians several days after the battles were fought.

The historian however rendered too much valu-
able service in compiling historical information to
be taken seriously to task for his faulty conclusion
in the matter of Indian losses, which no doubt ex-
ceeded his figures more than ten to one. During
the two days' battle at Fort Ridgely a ton of ammu-
nition was fired. At times the enemy was closely
massed at short range. One double-shotted charge
from Jones' gun at the southwest angle of the garri-
son on the afternoon of the second day's fight, when
the Indians had moved up in close order, under
Little Crow's command to club their guns and rush
in, mowed down seventeen Indians, most of the m
killed. This was but one shot out of scores made
under conditions rendering it impossible that the
enemy could have escaped without great loss. In
fact had not the fire of the garrison been deadly at
every point of concentration of the foe, nothing
would have prevented a charge, the one thing Little
Crow realized would give him the prize he so earn-
estly coveted — Fort Ridgely. So ineffective a fire
as the historian suggests would have merited the
contempt of the savages, and the garrison would
have been blotted out in short order. On the after-
noon of August 27th, the post having finally been
relieved on the morning of that day, of its great
strain and long vigil, John McCole, of the Renville
Rangers, and the writer, entered the river valley
from a quarter to a half mile southwest of the garri-
son, where we found a small abandoned cellar or

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 155

"dug-out," in which were seven dead warriors,
partially concealed by earth that had been dug from
the overhanging embankment to cover them.
Two other decomposing bodies were found in the
underbrush near the cellar. It is the custom of In-
dians to completely bear their dead from the field
of battle, and entirely beyond discovery, if not over-
tasked with the burden, or too hard pressed by their
enemy. The nine bodies above noted were probably
about one-tenth of the Indians killed during the
siege of Fort Ridgely, and the casualties sustained
by Indians in other engagements were proportionate-
ly large.

The battle at the Redwood Ferry was desperate
and at very short range. In fact it was almost
hand-to-hand, and the few men who fought their
way out of the ambuscade did so over the dead
bodies of many of their foe. To say that but one
Indian was killed in this engagement is to ridicule
the brave fellows who cut their way through the
savage cordon in the most desperate battle of the
massacre.

156 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Talks of Cruelty as Told by Refugees.

When we touch the subject of Indian cruelty, as
practiced on the helpless victims along: the Minne-
sota frontier during1 the Massacre of 1862, we enter
upon a phase of the horrible uprising1 that rouses
every feeling of resentment of which human nature
is capable. How even savages in this age could
perpetrate or approve such fiendish deeds as were
committed, passes understanding. Even infants
were tortured in a manner that would put to blush
and shame the imps of the infernal regions. The
stories told by the refugees from the settlements,
who straggled into Fort Ridgely the first two or
three days of the Massacre, no one has ever attempt-
ed to literally repeat. Chapters have been written
on the Massacre at the Agency and the ferry, and up-
on the attacks on Fort Ridgely and New Ulm, but
no writer has ever given to the world an account of
the awful scenes through which most of these ref-
ugees passed ; and perhaps it is best that it is so.
Wounded, persecuted, hunted, they were half crazed,
their agonies of heart and body uncontrollable,
while yet their tales of horror would dismay even
the stoutest-hearted listener. Some had by apparent
miracle wrested themselves from the very jaws of
death when the overpowering hand was raised to
deal the fatal stroke, as was the case of one woman
whose husband, after felled to rise no more, shot her
assailant with the gun held in his death-clutch, per-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 157

ishing: himself, but momentarily dumbfounding:
their assailants, during: which the wife escaped,
first into a cornfield near the house, and then by
concealing: herself in a clump of hig:h weeds a few
rods distant, where she was compelled to hear the
heartrending- cries of the man who had defended
her to the last, and who, for his act in dispatching:
her assailant, was being: tortured by every conceiv-
able device to make his death one of prolonged
agony. When the shrieking: and moaning: of the
helpless victim would die away, the cruel knife
would be applied to ag:ain awaken the dying: man
into new suffering:, until finally silence told the tale
of death. The screams and shrieks of her two
children, as if the heart of the poor woman had not
suffered its full measure of torture, rang: piercingly
in the ears of the crouching:, cringing: mother, who
could scarcely keep her hiding:, thougft she knew
that death by unspeakable means would be the only
result of her attempt to rescue those being: fiendish-
ly tortured and mutilated and finally murdered. To
have been permitted to die a death worthy of a g:reat
cause, would have been tenfold more acceptable to
this poor, wretched woman, than to save her own
life while those near and dear to her were being:
cruelly put to death, but instinct admonished her
of the worse than death she would suffer for reveal-
ing: herself, without being: able to render assistance.
Death having: stilled the cries of the unfortunate
victims who had fallen into the hands of the fiends,
the house was plundered and the torch applied, and
having: apparently satiated their thirst for blood,
the savages, loaded with plunder, took the only

158 RECOLLECTIONS OF

family horse from the stable and made off, without
farther search for the wife and mother, who had
escaped with her clothing: half torn from her body.
Distracted with gfrief and racked with fear, she lay
in hiding: until after sundown, when, with faltering:
step, first wildly scanning: the surroundings in fear
of a concealed savag:e, she ventured to the ruins of
their smoulding: home, where she found the bodies
of her children, frightfully disfigured, and that of
her husband, he having: been scalped and otherwise
mutilated almost beyond recognition, and his body
partially charred.

Before the darkness closed about her, destitute,
homeless and friendless, she turned her face to-
ward the only known place of refug:e, Fort Ridg:e-
ly, which she reached on the morning of Aug:ust 21st,
more naked than clad, and frenzied with the mental
and physical strain which had wellnig:h unhinged
her reason.

And so the historian mig:ht recount the tales of
horror of one-half of the three hundred refugees who
had made their way from the raided settlements to
the Fort, for such a mass of quivering: humanity ;
such a collection of maimed, suffering: people ; such
a gathering: of odds and ends of blasted and oblit-
erated homes and of half-crazed victims of the most
diabolical crimes ever devised, was rarely ever be-
fore brought into one collection. The terror with
which their souls were stricken had written its tale
of horror on every face. The refugees had many
of them come from remote settlements, over a track-
less country, often without shoes to protect their
bleeding: feet, or raiment to hide their nakedness,

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 159

every step of the way taken with fear and tremb-
ling, without sleep, rest or sustenance, and persecut-
ed by the hideous scenes witnessed in the ravishing ,
slaying and maiming of dear ones of the home circle.
It is best, I repeat, that the shocking details of the
sufferings of these refugees were never handed
down to history.

What befell their friends and what they narrow-
ly escaped may readily be inferred from a few ran-
dom instances of cruelty common to the Massacre
along the entire frontier devastated.

Below Yellow Medicine a few miles, on the east
side of tbe Minnesota River, twenty-seven dead
bodies were found in one group, the only living
creature being a babe that had escaped the toma-
hawk to finally die of starvation at its dead mother's
breast. In a building near the scene of this ghast-
ly spectacle were found by Antoine Freniere, Gov-
ernment interpreter, seven small children, who were
later burned alive by the Indians, together with the
house the helpless little creatures occupied.
Freniere was compelled to fly for his life, and could
do nothing for the children.

August 20th a party of Indians visited the home
of a farmer named Anderson, with whom they were
acquainted, and whose family had often befriended
them, in what is now Kandiyohi (then Monongalia)
county. They asked for favors which were grant-
ed them, and without a sign of their evil purposes,
while they were being waited upon, shot down the
defenseless man who, without suspecting harm,
was good-naturedly serving them. They had, among
other things, asked for potatoes, and Anderson had

160 RECOLLECTIONS OF

sent his boy to dig them, and while the boy engag-
ed in the task they shot him dead, almost at the in-
stant his father was murdered. Mrs. Anderson ran
into the cellar with a small child, and having been
unobserved, escaped, the Indians having failed to
burn the house. A daughter, Julia, fourteen years
of age, seized a sister of ten years, and succeeded
in hiding in the weeds near the house. These were
prizes for which the Indians made diligent search,
and whom they finally discovered. The girls were
borne away on a pony, but night coming on they
were taken but a short distance, where the savages
camped. The girls passed a horrible night. The
Indians, next morning* discovered their ponies had
stampeded, and in the excitement incident, hurried
in pursuit of them. The girls made their escape,
and although hunted excitedly, succeeded in elud-
ing their captors. After two days and nights of ex-
cruciating hardships they reaphed Forest City, hav-
ing covered a distance of some thirty miles. They
emerged from the brush into a road in the neighbor-
hood of their home in their flight, where they stum-
bled upon the bodies of two neighbors— Backlund
and Lorentson. The heads of both these men had
been chopped off. Lorentson's scalp had been rer
moved, and the skin, with the ears attached, had
been torn from his face. The heads of the two men
were set up side by side, with their hats on. , Back-
lund evidently used snuff, for his snuff-box was
placed near his face, while his severed right hand,
lying by the side of his head, held between the
thumb and finger, placed there derisively, a pinch
of snuff.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 161

The gratification of lustful passions led to some
of the most fiendish abuses and cruelties ever re-
corded, and while the world should know the truth
as a part of the history of this awful Massacre,
crimes and cruelties of this nature are too forbid-
ding1 to pass to the pages of a book.

Dr. Humphrey, the Government physician at the
Lower Agency, a man who had done much for
the Indians, was overtaken when endeavoring to
make his escape from Redwood to the Fort with
his family, and was slain, as were his wife and two
children, a third child, a boy, escaping by having
been sent to a spring in a concealed spot for drink-
ing water, he having heard the shooting a few yards
away in time to hide. Dr. Humphrey was shocking-
ly mutilated, his head being severed from his body.
Emerging from his concealment when all was quiet,
the boy who went to the spring, cautiously return-
ed to where he had left the family, only to find his
father dead and the bodies of his mother and little
brother and sister burned in the house at which
they had stopped to rest and get a drink, that of
Mayner, on the fort road.

From a murdered family near New Ulm, one little
fellow, supposed to have been killed, had revived
and was rescued. The bodies of all the family had
been frightfully mutilated, and the ball of one of
the eyes of the little boy who survived, had been
dug out with a knife, and lay suspended upon his
cheek, in a state of putrefaction.

Near New Ulm Wak-pa-doo-ta went to a house
and looking through a window, saw a sick woman
lying on a bed. He fired through the window and

162 RECOLLECTIONS OF

wounded her. At this an old man was seen to make
his way up stairs. Fearing the old man was after
a gun, and too cowardly to take any chances, the
Indians fired the house and burned the occupants
to death.

Mauley, the Redwood ferryman, was a mark of
special vengeance, no doubt because of the fact of
his having sacrificed every personal opportunity of
escape to save those whom the Indians had hoped
would be unable to pass the river barrier; but
Mauley stood at his post until the last to reach the
ferry in advance of the savages had been transfer-
red to the side of possible safety. Highly incensed
that he should have saved so many from their bloody
clutches, he was shot down at his post, and before
life was extinct he was disemboweled, and his
hands, feet and head were cut off and thrust within
his bleeding body.

The Lake Shetek settlement, in Murray county,
was attacked by Lean Bear, who first attained
prominence at the council of Traverse des Sioux
in 1852. Sleepy Eye and White Lodge joined him
with their bands. The crimes and cruelties per-
petrated in this settlement were shocking in the ex-
treme, with but one compensating result — the death
of Lean Bear— who fell at the hands of a settler,
William J. Duly. The wife and two children of
Duly were taken captives, as were a Mrs. Wight
and child, and a daughter of a Mr. Everett. The
prisoners were carried to the Missouri River, the
tortuous journey covering a distance of seven or
eight hundred miles. The children were mostly
murdered in cold blood in the presence of the power-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 163

less mothers.

And so might this chapter of horrors be lengthen-
ed into a hundred pages, with sickening details yet
untold ; but more than enough has already been re-
corded, except for the fact that the future has a
right to know the price paid by the advance-guard
of civilization for the heritage to be enjoyed by un-
ending generations.

164 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Execution of Thirty-Eight Indians.

After the surrender at Camp Release a commis-
sion was appointed by Gen. H. H. Sibley, who had
command of the forces on the Minnesota frontier,
for the trial of Indians implicated in the Massacre.
The original commission was composed as follows :
Colonel William Crooks, of the Sixth Minnesota In-
fantry Volunteers, Colonel William R. Marshall, of
the Seventh, Captain Hiram P. Grant, Co. A. and
Capt. Hiram S. Bailey, Co. C, both of the Sixth,
and Lieutenant R. C. Olin, Co. B, third Minnesota.
Of this commission Col. Crooks was president, and
Lieutenant Olin judge advocate. The commission
held its first session at Camp Release on the 30th
of September, and its last one at Fort Snelling Nov-
ember 5th, 1862, sessions having been held at va-
rious other points mean time. This commission
tried 425 Indians and half-breeds on the charge of
murderous participation in the Massacre, and of
these 321 were convicted, 303 being sentenced to
death, while the remainder were sentenced to pay
lighter penalties. The East set up the cry that
these people were prisoners of war, and that it
would be a crime against the nation to permit of
this wholesale execution. As a result an investi-
gation was made by the general government out of
which grew an order from President Lincoln that
thirty-nine of the condemned Indians be hanged on
the 26th day of December, 1862, at Mankato, and

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 165

that the remainder of the condemned savages be
held to await further orders. After thirty-nine of
the most guilty had been selected, one was pardon-
ed by President Lincoln, and the thirty-eight were
executed as ordered, one large scaffold sufficing for
the entire number.

Not an Indian was self-convicted. All swore
positively to child-like innocence, and affected
amazement that they had been accused. One negro,
Godfrey, who lived among the Sioux, was among
those executed. His pica of innocence availed him
nothing, as he, like Cut Nose, was known to have
committed some of the most monstrous crimes ever
charged up to the account of a fiend.

The final death sentence was promulgated on the
6th of December, just twenty days prior to the date
of execution.

Passing from crime to punishment, the scenes
that followed the sentence were without a parallel
in our national history.

The condemned in the main accepted their fate
philosophically. They were treated with humane
consideration by the officials in whose charge they
were, pending the final act. They were privileged
to select their spiritual advisers according to their
individual preferences, and each made his choice.
The condemned received much comfort from the
Christian influences thus brought about them. As
the day for the execution drew near the condemn-
ed were permitted to receive friends from among
their fellow-prisoners who had escaped the death
sentence. Through these, farewells were sent to
family friends, and many little keepsakes were com-

166 RECOLLECTIONS OF

mitted to the hands of those present to accompany
the parting messages.

The condemned were never too deeply distressed
to enjoy their pipes, and for the fatal scene upon
the scaffold arranged their hair and painted their
faces with painstaking effort. At the appointed
moment the condemned arose from a sitting or re-
clining posture and walked with steady step to the
death-trap, apparently glad the suspense was to be
ended. There was no lagging. Every wretch was
self-supporting and active, all chanting the death
song. William J. Duly, of Lake Shetek, whose
family had been murdered by the savages, and from
whom he escaped after a desperate encounter in
which he killed Lean Bear, was privileged to spring
the trap that sent the thirty-eight murderers into
eternity at one stroke.

Thousands of people witnessed the execution.
The bodies were cut down after death was pronounc-
ed, and carted to a sand-bar in the Minnesota river,
where they were buried in one trench. After a
term of imprisonment, the convicted savages who
had escaped the hangman's noose, were placed up-
on the reservation assigned to their people beyond
the borders of Minnesota.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

167

Dr. Alfred Muller.

The great service
rendered by Post
Surgeon Dr. Alfred
Muller during the
siege of Fort Ridge-
ly, has never been
understood or pub-
licly accredited. Dr
Muller was a native
of Switzerland, and
had acquired his
professional knowl-
edge in the land of
his nativity. The
outbreak filled the
post hospital with
DR. ALFRED MULLER. many frightfully
wounded men. Blodgett was shot through the ab-
domen, the intestines being penetrated ; Sutherland
was shot through the right lung, the ball passing
entirely through his body ; Good was shot squarely
in the forehead, the bullet crashing irrecoverably
into his skull ; Spornitz was shot through the head ;
Rufredge had his lower jaw entirely severed on
both sides ; Blackmer was shot in the head, and
many wounded were brought in from the Agency
and the settlements, in addition to others wounded
at the Fort. The record made in these cases is un-

168 RECOLLECTIONS OF

surpassed, even in the world-famed Japanese army
hospital service. Not a man, no matter how seri-
ously wounded or mutilated, lost his life after reach-
ing: the care of Dr. Muller, nor was an arm or leg
amputated. In piling up work for Surgeon Muller,
events followed each other swiftly under the rain
of fire of the savages, but the perception of Muller
was unerring, his execution rapid and thorough, and
his devotion tireless. His surgical record is ex-
celled by that of no other, in or out of the army.
A few years after the close of the civil war, his
estimable wife having died, Dr. Muller left his New
Ulm home, in which he had located after his ser-
vice, for his native land, where he died, at Berne.
He came out of the unique Mountain Republic of
Europe like a ray of light in a period of darkness,
and having performed his mission, returned to pay
the debt of Nature. Minnesota owes much to his
memory.*

*Dr. Muller was born at Berne, Switzerland, in December, 1825, graduating
from the medical department of the University of Berne in 1851, immigrating to
America a year later. Coming to Minnesota in 1856, he located at Still watrr,
where he practiced his profession until 1861, when he was appointed Post
Surgeon of Fort Ridgely, where he remained until 1867, when he removed to
New Ulm, having retired from army service.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 169

A Woman in Battle.

The storm of battle is likely to strike terror to the
heart of the true, normally-poised woman. Even
strong: men, whose profession is war, are often terror-
stricken with the first shock of battle. The ordeal
in this case was more than one of warfare. The
surroundings were inconceivably trying1. The hun-
dreds of refugees added much to the nerve-racking
trials of the hour. Almost without exception they
were from homes made desolate by the gun, toma-
hawk and torch. The father, usually the object of
first attack while endeavoring to defend his family,
rarely made his escape, but under cover of his re-
sistance occasionally some member would fly unob-
served in the awful encounter to a place of conceal-
ment. If the home was not wholly taken by sur-
prise, it would frequently happen that by conceal-
ment, several members of a family would escape ;
and of such remnants as these was the body of the
refugees at the Fort made up. They came, often
over long stretches of trackless prairie, being guid-
ed mainly by a general knowledge of the location of
the Fort, making their way with the greatest caution.
Whether by day or under cover of darkness, every
step was taken with fear and trembling. Reaching
the Fort at length, famished with hunger and thirst,
and distracted with grief and sleepless vigil, they
were just so much additional fuel to the flame of
pandemonium that reigned at the post— a condition

170 RECOLLECTIONS OF

in itself sufficient to unnerve any but the bravest
and most resolute man. There was no assuaging:
the grief of these people, some half bereft of their
reason, others sick and others wounded. Human
conception is inadequate to grasp the mental and
physical torture to which they had been subjected.
They had witnessed scenes no pen can describe,
and had suffered sorrows that break the heart ; and
added to all this in the Fort was the startling reali-
zation that to be defeated when attacked meant
that the little garrison would become a veritable
slaughter pen.

Amid scenes and conditions of this character
within, and the din of battle without, accentuated
by hideous yells, increasing in fury as the conflict
grew fiercer, Mrs. Alfred Muller, wife of Post Sur-
geon Dr. Alfred Muller, was a notable figure. Mrs.
Muller was in the prime of womanhood, and was
well known to all the little garrison, where, with
her husband, she had her home. In the days when
danger was unsuspected, and military life at the
post was of the commonplace kind, Mrs. Muller fill-
ed her wifely sphere with becoming womanliness.
She was a native of Switzerland, and a good type
of her race. She was retiring rather than other-
wise, but always at ease in her manner. In person-
al appearance she was of medium build, cheerful of
disposition and comely in looks. When war was
precipitated with all its horrors she at once mani-
fested a personality never to be forgotten, and for
which she deserves to live forever in the love and
esteem of the Northwest.

When the test of battle came there was no shrink-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 171

ing. No despairing thought revealed itself in her
modest face. If fate had decreed the garrison must
fall, she did not shrink from bearing her part brave-
ly. Not many rifle shots had spoken in startling
tones when Mrs. Muller had occupation at her hus-
band's side. She helped to stanch the flow of blood
and to bind ghastly wounds. She spoke words of
comfort and cheer to the suffering, and her kind
heart prompted many acts of gentleness unusual in
the activity of battle. Wherever she was her
demeanor was reassuring, and whatever she did her
adaptability was an inspiration. "What can I do,"
was not a question with her, but rather u What can
I not do ?"

After the engagement of August 22nd had con-
tinued for hours, it was found the supply of musket
ammunition was exhausted. The depletion of the
two days of fighting had precipitated a crisis. This
necessitated the organization of a corps of workers
for the manufacture of such ammunition as could
be extemporized. Of this work Mrs. Muller took
charge, and through her gifted versatility she soon
became an expert cartridge maker, and taught
many other hands, now enlisted from among the
useful women refugees, the art of dextrously turn-
ing out ammunition, for which there was the most
pressing need.

I was detailed late in the day of August 22nd to
obtain a supply of this newly-made ammunition,
and found Mrs. Muller and her workers busily en-
gaged in a little room on the first floor of the bar-
racks. The face of this truly heroic woman was
intensely impressive to the glancing eye. There

172 RECOLLECTIONS OF

was a constant crash of musketry and the resound-
ing: of artillery all about the little garrison, the din
being: almost deafening:. Amid this her mental poise
was perfect, her hand steady, her eye alert, her
voice g:entle, and her face composed and natural.
And so this inestimable woman, from day to day
during: the sieg:e, g:ave evidence of the most sterling:
qualities. Without price or the thought of reward
she did well her part in the defense of Fort Ridg:e-

ly.

It is said regretfully that she did not long: survive
the restoration of peace where the warlike tempests
had rag:ed that developed her g:reat worth to the
Northwest, and particularly to Minnesota, and it is
fitting: that she sleeps in the Fort Ridgfely cemetery,
where the State of Minnesota has equally fittingly
erected a monument to her memory.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 173

The Grand Old Ferryman.

One of the noblest characters developed by the
deluge of blood that made crimson the Minnesota
frontier, was the ferryman, Mauley, at the cross-
ing: of the Minnesota River at the Redwood Agency.
Self-preservation is the first law of nature, but
there are times when some men become more than
human, and rise superior to this selfish law. Mauley,
the plodding, unlettered, unobtrusive old ferryman
was such a man. History is adorned with no grander
spectacle than was exhibited in this humble, un-
polished frontiersman, and of all heroes who won
renown in that conflict, his memory should have
been the first to be recognized and honored, as his
was the first great service rendered when the trag-
edy that came like a fiery bolt from a clear sky,
overwhelmed the Agency in the early morning of
August 18th.

Plain old Frenchman! He was but a grain of
dust in the world of affairs. Men who regarded
themselves as of superior mould, hardly had a word
for him as they passed, his calling was so humble,
his life so simple and his horizon so limited. But
sterling manhood abounded within his noble breast,
and when the terrible calamity befell the Agency,
he proved a hero without a peer. As was remark-
ed of him, "This humble man whom nobody cared
for, suddenly seemed to care for everybody but
himself." Those who escaped the gun and warclub
at the Agency, sought safety in flight by way of the

174 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ferry, where all found the sturdy old Frenchman at
his post. He could have saved his own life with
ease and certainty, having: had ample time and
warning", but he thought only of those who were in
peril, and to the music of splashing lines and creak-
ing pulleys he kept his boat plying back and forth
until the overwhelming wave of savages reached
the river bank. He had just saved the last to come
or at least had transferred across the sullen barrier,
the last to reach the stream, when, in a towering
rage for having snatched so many from the clutches
of the swarming demons, he was shot down with
fiendish glee.

Here was a man who deliberately gave his life
that others might live,— the most noble sacrifice a
mortal ever made, and France, the land that gave
him birth, may well be proud of such sons ; and
may his memory ever be cherished and perpetuated
in his adopted country as that of the hero of heroes
in the fiery ordeal that tried men's souls at Red-
wood, for there does not exist in history a nobler
instance of intrepidity or greatness of soul than
this man exhibited. The rage of the savages knew
no bounds when they discovered this faithful ferry-
man had robbed them of many a victim, and they
avenged themselves upon him with exultant shouts
arid fiendish cruelty, disemboweling him before life
was extinct, and then cutting' off his head, hands
and feet and stuffing them into the bleeding trunk.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 175

John McCole.

It was my good fortune in point of satisfaction to
have made the acquaintance of John McCole during:
the siege of Fort Ridgely, then second sergeant of
the Renville Rangers, and a good soldier. Follow-
ing the Massacre, the Renville Rangers having
merged themselves into other organizations, we
served a year together as bedfellows and messmates.
This service, during 1863, was in the Indian country
and in Indian campaigns. McCole had for some years
been a clerk and an accountant in one of the stores
at the Redwood Agency, and had, only a few days
before the outbreak, enlisted in the Renville Ran-
gers, with a view to going south, and thus escaped
the terrible fate of his former employers and asso-
ciates who were massacred on the morning of Aug.
18th. McCole, long since gathered to the realms
of the great majority, was of unusual intellectual
burnish, and of a fortunate, gentle disposition, mak-
ing him a favorite with all who knew him. His pro-
tracted service in the stpre of one of the leading
traders had given him a wide acquaintance among
the Indians, whose language he spoke with great
fluency. On the Sibley Expedition of 1863 were
seventy-five Sioux scouts, whom McCole knew fa-
miliarly, and with whom, at intervals, I was afford-
ed through him an unusual opportunity to gather
information regarding the massacre from a source
not always available. These scouts were selected

176 RECOLLECTIONS OF

from the Indians who had proven themselves loyal
to the whites during: the massacre the previous year,
but who had mingled more or less with their former
friends and relatives after the surrender at Camp
Release, were drawn into the maelstrom by
Little Crow, to the extent of being: participants,
even if not voluntary ones, of the massacre, and
thus the scouts had a double knowledge of what
occurred during the outbreak. The trouble at the
Upper Agency, August 4th, 1862, when a massacre
was narrowly averted, was told of with much earn-
estness, as were the sufferings and disappointments
leading: up to that event. Many deeds of cruelty
were related, with a shrug: and with manifest dis-
approval ; but of these there was the least dis-
position to talk, information being: vouchsafed when
asked for as applying: to particular persons, as, for
instance, to the old ferryman of the Lower Agency,
the traders and residents of the Agency, etc. One
of the features of the massacre discussed without
reserve, was Little Crow's failure to take Fort
Ridgely when he had first planned to do so — the
day following the massacre at the Agency and the
ferry. This failure was explained with the facial
earnestness and artful gesticulations peculiar to
Indian character,— traits that increase the force of
language by half.

Only those who have vainly tried, know how diffi-
cult it is to extract information from an Indian ; but
McCole had the faculty of unlocking the secret
springs of reticence of the red men, and securing a
voluble flow of language when he chose to do so.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 177

Standing Buffalo.

One of the great injus-
tices of the Sioux Massacre
was sustained by Standing
Buffalo. (Tatanka Nazin,)
whom Captain McGrew,
forty years after the out-
break, referred to as "the
noblest red man of all."
Standing Buffalo was the
chief of a band of Sissetons
whose village was on the
STANDING BUFFALO, shores of Big Stone Lake,
and was a self-reliant, level-headed man, whose
friendship for the whites had breadth and depth.
As the disappointment of the Indians increased,
and their unrest became more manifest, Standing
Buffalo, who dissented from proposed radical
measures, was chided for his fealty to the whites ;
yet his sturdy character made him a factor of
strength among the Indians, who had great respect
for him.

The trying ordeal through which the Indians
passed at the Yellow Medicine Agency, while as-
sembled to receive their annuities, elsewhere fully
treated, produced widespread and justifiable dis-
content, and having grown desperate, a council of
chiefs and warriors was called from among the six
thousand savages in camp at Yellow Medicine, in
August, 1862. This council was an extremely

178 RECOLLECTIONS OF

stormy one, and any man would have been very
brave who would have dared to stand within the
council circle and plead for moderation. Standing
Buffalo stood in the breach as the foremost advo-
cate of peace and patience. He did not believe in
all white men, nor had he lost faith in all. He be-
lieved the white people in the main were friendly
to the Indians, and wished to see justice done them.
Other speakers were in favor of violent retaliation
for the wrongs inflicted on their race, and doubted
that the white people were any of them honest or
friendly, since the people chose their officers, and
these officers were too often dishonest. Six weeks
of indefensible dalliance on the part of represen-
tatives of the Government had made the contention
of Standing Buffalo unpopular, and his predicament
not in all respects enviable. The council finally
terminated with a vote in favor of resorting to arms
as a means of righting wrongs inflicted upon the
thousands who had been kept in camp for weeks,
and who were finally at the point of starvation.
This vote committed all the chiefs, without regard
to their personal views or preferences. The final
decision of the council spread throughout the camp
with great rapidity, awakening intense excitement.
Standing Buffalo, realizing that trouble was im-
minent, went at once to the headquarters of the
troops near the warehouse where the stores
were locked up, and under guard of the soldiers,
and related what had taken place in the council of
chiefs. He stated he had bitterly opposed the
course adopted, but that he was out-voted ; but in
the final decision was tacitly bound -by the council's

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 179

action ; but he said he had come to warn the soldiers
to be prepared and on the alert.

Here was the Alexander Stephens of the Sioux
nation. His judgment and sympathies impelled
him to stand with the whites, and he had been reso-
lute to the end of the council, but having: taken
part in the deliberations, he was, under the customs
of his people, committed to abide by the result of
the council. Nevertheless, there was no law or
custom that could restrain him from at once warn-
ing: the soldiers of their dangler.

This was characteristic of Standing Buffalo, and
the same spirit animated him throughout the mas-
sacre. When, after the massacre, the Indians were
making northward, pressed by the army, a demand
was made upon Little Crow by General Sibley for
the surrender of all the prisoners held by him. This
demand produced great agitation, and the wonder
is, that during the excitement and fierce contention
that resulted, the prisoners were not all slain. A
great council was held to determine what should
be done— whether the prisoners should be mas-
sacred or surrendered unconditionally. Standing
Buffalo, whose people, so far as he was able to con-
trol them at least, had kept out of the Massacre,
was in this council, and urged the delivery of the
white prisoners unharmed, and he took occasion in
his speech to upbraid, in no uncertain terms, the
Lower Indians, as those were termed south of the
Yellow Medicine River, for bringing on the mas-
sacre, saying in this speech in part : *' I am * young
man, but I have always felt friendly to the whites,
because they were kind to my father. You have

180 RECOLLECTIONS OF

brought me into great danger without my knowing
of it beforehand (the massacre.) By killing the
whites is just as if you had waited for me in ambush
and had shot me down. You Lower Indians feel
very bad because we have all got into trouble, but
I feel worse, because I know that neither I nor my
people have killed any of the whites, but that yet
we have to suffer for the guilty."

But Standing Buffalo, notwithstanding his manli-
ness and friendship for the white race, was ever
kept in the false light of an enemy. The Sibley Ex-
pedition of 1863 made its long, toilsome incursion
into the Devil's Lake and Missouri River regions,
to either secure the surrender of all the Sioux east
of the Missouri, or drive them by force of arms
across that stream. On the 24th of July, 1863, as
related fully in another chapter, the Sibley army
overhauled a large body of Indians, who must have
known a day or two in advance of the approach of
the expedition, but who were evidently influenced
not to fly the country, by a conviction that it would
be best to peaceably surrender and throw them-
selves upon the mercy of the authorities. But this
plan, if such it was, was thwarted by a cowardly sav-
age who shot Surgeon Weiser in the back, killing him
instantly when he had ridden among the Indians un-
attended and unsupported. There was no sign of
approval of this cold-blooded and treacherous deed,
on the part of the savages, but it had so provoked
the wrath of the soldiers that hostilities were open-
ed at once, without an opportunity for explanations
or redress. Standing Buffalo's band was supposed,
though not positively known, to have been a part of

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 181

this large group, but it is safe to say the offender
neither belonged to nor was excused by this chief's
people.

Here was Standing Buffalo probably again made
the victim of bad company and untoward circum-
stances, and placed in a position where, for self-
preservation and the existence of his family and
his people, he was forced to fight those whom he
had never broken faith with, and whom he had al-
ways befriended and defended in angry councils.
That he was not made the prince of outlaws by ad-
verse conditions, is a matter of wonder ; but he was
not, as no unprovoked cruelty has ever been charg-
ed to the name of Standing Buffalo, who, though
never justly appreciated at his worth, was never-
theless much of a man among men, Indian that he
was.

On June 5, 1871, Standing Buffalo met a tragic
death. His life long friendship for the whites, even
under adverse conditions, made him an object of
derision among the lawless element of his race. It
was near the Milk River Agency, in Montana, that
Standing Buffalo was solicited by the Yanktons to
join them in a raid on the Gros Ventres and Upper
Assiniboines. Standing Buffalo urged that he had
no occasion to join in such an attack ; and further,
that the whites would be displeased with such a
wanton raid. This fired the Yanktons, who accused
Standing Buffalo of a regard for the whites that
made him unworthy of the respect of his own blood
and bone, and unworthy of his chieftainship. Tired
of a life of perplexing conditions whose improve-
ment, ever, circumstances seemed to forbid, Stand-

182 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ing Buffalo silently resolved to end all. He an-
nounced his willingness at last to join the Yanktons
and lead his warriors against their enemies ; but
his silent resolution was not one of conquest. He
announced to his family that he would go on the
war-path. He then made disposition of his horses
and other personal effects, giving, with great delib-
eration, all his earthly possessions to his relatives
and friends. He counseled his brother and his son,
and all his people, to keep faith with the whites,
saying he was going into battle, and that he would
never return. With a small party of his warriors
he went forth and met the Gros Ventres and Assini-
boines in large numbers. It was on an open plain,
and Standing Buffalo led a wild charge into the
midst of the superior forces, striking harmlessly
with his "coo-stick," but never firing a shot. He
fell from his horse in the midst of the enemy, his
body pierced with upwards of thirty bullets.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

183

Little Crow.

Little Crow, in
many respects, was
the most remark-
able man the Sioux
nation ever devel-
oped. He was not
merely an Indian
chieftain of the
hereditary type — a
king by divine fiat,
but was a man of pe-
culiar intellectual
force. In fact, en-
dowed with educa-
tion and purgfed of
cruel instincts, he
would have taken rank among: able men. Civili-
zation was no enigma to him. He was a student
of human-nature, and of all his race was the most
masterful in diplomacy with the agents of the Gov-
ernment. He was erratic and overbearing:, and
was not especially loved by his people, who regard-
ed him as a tyrant. He did not sway them by rev-
erence or admiration, but by his indomitable will-
power. This dominated him, and through it he
dominated them. Faithful and self-sacrificing mis-
sionaries who came into Minnesota early in the
past century, developed some very excellent char-

LITTLE CROW.

184 RECOLLECTIONS OF

acters among the Sioux, who were tribesmen of
Little Crow, and who had grown up with him from
childhood. These and many of the sub-chiefs would
gladly have curtailed Little Crow's influence and
authority, but the latter was far and away ahead of
all his race, through craft and intellectual force,
when it came to dealing with the Government and
its representatives, and he thus always held the
whiphand ; this collateral to his will-power making
his authority supreme. Something of his nature
may be judged and some of the reasons why his
people had a dread of him may be appreciated when
it is stated that he had fought with his brothers in
earlier life, and had murdered two of them. In his
violent encounters both of his arms were broken,
and Indian surgery had not so reduced the fractures
as to prevent deformity in the appearance of his
arms when these members were exposed to view.
It was this known fact that in part led to the iden-
tification of Little Crow after he was fortunately
and almost miraculously killed by a farmer near
Hutchinson, Minnesota.

Little Crow was a skilled warrior and a man of
unquestioned courage. He had been impressed
with civilization, and had adopted many customs
of the whites ; yet these were all put off in a twink-
ling when bloody hands were raised against the de-
fenseless settlers.

Whatever Little Crow engaged in he excelled in.
Indians are born gamblers. Gambling is the pas-
time of Indian life. Men, women and children, with-
out exception, with one device or another, are inr
vetcrate gamblers. All are skilled gamblers, but

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 185

Little Crow was an adept in the art. Card-playing,
in fact, was a science with him. He knew the rules
of all games, exacted an observance of them of all
who sat in a game with him, would forecast the
hands of his adversaries with unerring judgment,
checkmate every device for his undoing, play with
the greatest skill where his hands were the poorest,
and quit— when his opponents had nothing more to
put up.

After the Indians had received their annuities
from the Government, professional gamblers would
flock in like buzzards at a feast, but Little Crow al-
most invariably pauperized them. Three of these
professional gamblers, who went to the Redwood
Agency in the early summer of 1862, taking money
enough along with them to "start them in business,"
engaged in poker with Little Crow. They wore
diamonds and fine raiment, and hired a liveryman
at a good round sum to carry them from St. Peter
to the Agency, a distance of nearly sixty miles.
Two or three days later they reached Fort Ridgely
on foot, on their way back to civilization, destitute
and dusty, but full of wisdom. They asked the act-
ing post commissary, A. W. Williamson, to inter-
cede in obtaining for them a ration of bread and
coffee, telling him frankly what had happened.
Williamson detested gambling, but sympathised
with the hungry. He asked the men if they met
Little Crow on their trip, and they readily admit-
ted he was the author of their sorrows. Williamson,
from his infancy, had known Little Crow, and made
the fact known with a smile, at which the travelers
accorded the wily chieftain the distinction of being

186 RECOLLECTIONS OF

by all odds and in all respects the shrewdest gamb-
ler they had ever met.

Not only was the noted chieftain a man of su-
perior mental mould, but he was physically su-
perior as well. A remembered feature of his de-
velopment was, that his front teeth, above and be-
low, were double.

Whatever may be truthfully written of Little
Crow's vices and sins in general, it is to his honor
that he protested with his warriors against the kill-
ing of women and children as wrong and cowardly ;
but his cut-throat followers were none the less cruel
and merciless.

Little Crow met a tragic death as related in the
succeeding chapter.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 187

The Man who Killed Little Crow.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE TRAGEDY.

Of no other man who achieved notoriety during
the period of the Sioux Massacre, is there so little
known or has there been so little, written as of
Nathan Lampson, the aged farmer who, in company
with his son, Chauncey, killed Little Crow. Feel^
ing: that, for the sake of history, something should
be recorded of the man who was the principal actor
in the culminating tragedy of the Indian war, I
spent two years by correspondence and inquiry in
an earnest endeavor, after over forty-five years had
elapsed, to obtain a brief historical sketch of Nathan
Lampson, and had about given up in despair when
I located a daughter, Mrs. Francis B. Ide, of Belling-
ham, Washington, from whom and her husband I
obtained a brief sketch of the life of her father,
whose portrait appears in this book, and who was
the hero of the berry patch near Hutchinson, Minne-
sota, on the evening of July 3, 1863. In an inter-
view I found both Mr. and Mrs. Ide, former resi-
dents of Minnesota, very familiar with the scenes
where the tragedy was enacted, with the story in
detail of the killing of the Sioux chief, and with
the personal history of the victors in that conflict,
and in possession of a photograph of the principal
actor.

From them I learned that Nathan Lampson was
born near Bennington, Vermont, September 6, 1800.

188 RECOLLECTIONS OF

At the age of twenty-one he went to Brattleboro,
Vermont. From there he went to the State of New
York, where he married Hannah Bugfbee, who, with
all their children with a single exception, died after
a few years. He later married Roxana Chambers,
and removed to Michigan. Seven children were
the result of the second marriage. After the death
of the second wife Mr. Lampson married a Mrs.
Bigelow, and shortly after removed to McLeod
County, Minnesota, settling six miles north of
Hutchinson. Mr. Lampson had always followed
the occupation of a farmer, and while he had lived
a retiring life, he was a devoted lover of his country,
and a strong Union man, and gave to the Union
army during the Civil War, his sons Nathan, Mar-
shall, James, Chauncey, J. B., his step-son, Albert,
and his sons-in-law. John French, Francis B. Ide
and John Adams, his family thus contributing nine
soldiers to the Union cause.

While for safety the Lampson family, like scores
of others, lived within the Hutchinson stockade
during the spring and summer of 1863, the father,
Nathan, and son, Chauncey, spent most of their
time looking after the farm, six miles north of town,
though to do so they risked their lives. Provisions
were scarce, and in the latter part of the afternoon
of Friday, July 3, 1863, the father and son started
out with the hope of being able to kill a deer. Hav-
ing tramped to within an hour of sunset, they struck
the Greenleaf and Waterville road, which they fol-
lowed a short distance when they espied two In-
dians in a wooded clump near by, picking wild rasp-
berries. Lampson and son had old-fashioned muzzle-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 189

loading rifles, and the stock of the gun of the father
was broken and tied up with twine, but the barrel
was serviceable, and both Lampsons were good
marksmen. Half a dozen steps from where the
Lampsons saw the Indians, grew a popple tree,
about which was entwined a. drooping grapevine,
under the cover of which Nathan Lampson, level-
ing his gun on the larger Indian, who stood with
his side toward him, fired, his bullet passing into
the body of Little Crow just above the hips. The
Indians were taken by surprise, and although Little
Crow went down, he regained his feet, and both
himself and son sent a volly of buckshot after
Nathan Lampson, who had dropped upon his knees,
and not knowing how many Indians there might be
in the party, was attempting to make his way out
of the berry patch. One buckshot plowed through
the surface flesh of his shoulder. Though mortally
wounded, Little Crow made his way to the road,
and seeing Chauncey, leveled his gun upon him,
but Chauncey was equal to the emergency, and
both he and Little Crow fired at the same instant,
the bullet from Chauncey's gun killing the famous
Sioux chief. Chauncey had a close call, but escap-
ed without a mark. Nathan Lampson had the
powder-horn, and as Chauncey supposed his father
had been killed when the three shots were fired,
and as he himself had no powder with which to re-
load his gun, he set out for the farm home, which
he reached completely exhausted, a condition due
to ill health, the presumption that his father had
been killed, to the belief that many Indians made
up the war party, and to the highly exciting experr

190 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ence he had just passed through. He prostrated
himself upon the bed, and had lain there but a few
moments when there came a rap at the door. He
believed the Indians had followed him, but he was
exhausted, and his gun was empty. Resigned to
his fate he responded, "Come in," and to his great
relief a hunter entered, who prepared supper while
Chauncey rested. Having been refreshed and re-
cuperated, Chauncey and the hunter set out for
Hutchinson, which they reached in safety.

Nathan Lampson supposing his son had been kill-
ed by the Indians, went directly from the scene of
the tragedy to Hutchinson, reaching the stockade
late in the night, as he did not expose himself until
the darkness surrounded his movements with safety.
There to his great surprise and joy he learned of
Chauncey's escape ; and the father, who for hours
had been mourned as dead, was welcomed by his
family as one returned from the grave.

On the morning of July 4th a team was sent out,
and the body of the dead Indian was taken to Hutch-
inson, where it was later recognized as that of the
great war chief, Little Crow.

Nathan Lampson died at Wilmot, South Dakota,
in November, 1896, over 96 years of age, and his
son Chauncey died in Minnesota in February, 1865.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 191

Death of Chaska.

In my diary, under date of August 3, 1863, I find
the following notation : "Hearts were saddened this
morning by the report that one of our faithful scouts,
Chaska, a full-blood Sioux, but an ever-true friend
of the whites, and one who was largely instrument-
al in saving the missionaries during the massacre,
was taken suddenly ill after reaching camp last
evening, and died during the night."

This event was a mere incident in the army life
of that day. Officers and men of the ranks had
fallen on those wild, desolate plains during our
operations, to sleep the sleep of death in a land in
which no mark of civilization had ever been raised,
and we were compelled to desert their lifeless forms
in their loneliness, to follow the stern mandates of
war. When Chaska was seized with the illness that
terminated his life, we had just completed our
second day's march, August 2, 1863, on our return
from the Missouri river, from a point opposite where
Fort Lincoln was in later years founded. At no
time on all the expedition were the spirits of the
soldiers in so high a state of effervescence as now.
After long and weary marching, fighting, scouting, —
after days, weeks and months of suffering from the
merciless sun of midsummer on scorching, treeless
plains, famishing for water and worn with fatigue,
our faces were at last turned homeward, or at least
toward civilization, and the influence of the fact

192 RECOLLECTIONS OF

upon the spirits of the men, is indescribable, and
particularly was this true of the morning we filed
out of our Missouri river camp ; and none were more
highly elated over the hopeful prospects than were
the sixty Sioux scouts. I saw the scouts that morn-
ing as they mounted their horses to take the ad-
vance, and having met and frequently talked with
Chaska on the expedition, I could not help noticing
the broad smile on his stoical face, as he lithely
sprang into his saddle, recognizing us with a nod,
a smile and the usual "Ho!" The scouts were full
of the infectious joy that swept over the vast camp,
and gave expression to their feelings in a low, In-
dian chant as they rode away, beating time with
their moccasined heels against the bellies of their
horses. Chaska had left a wife and children in the
valley of the Minnesota river, and his thoughts
were of them, but the fates had unsuspectingly de-
creed that he should see and welcome the rising
sun of but one more day. My diary states that our
first day's march from the Missouri covered a dis-
tance of eighteen miles, and that the second day's
march covered fifteen miles. So, if the old trail,
made by our expedition, is still traceable, the clay
of Chaska, who saved the missionaries during the
massacre, may be found near it, thirty-three miles
east of the Missouri river, and no Indian more truly
deserved a monument than he.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 193

Gallant Sons of Fillmore-Freeborn Counties.

CREDIT NEVER HERETOFORE HISTORICALLY GIVEN.

As the processes of time the more deeply etch
the story of the famous defense of Fort Ridgely, the
salient facts will become the more prominent, the
non-essentials dissolving" and the essentials stand-
ing forth in relief. To students of history who pur-
sue their investigations, the query will naturally
propound itself : Whence came the men who bore
the brunt of the fiery ordeal whose crucial forces
were converged about the isolated military post,
now merely a memory ? In the analyzation will be
found sons of foreign lands—men born under the
the proud standards of kings and emperors, Eng-
land, France, Germany, Norway and Sweden, con-
tributing stalwart defenders to the Fort. Many
brave civilians took refuge at the Fort at the begin-
ning of the outbreak, and rendered valiant service,
but the burden of responsibility and brunt of battle
fell upon the soldiers.

Fillmore county, peopled by a brave and hardy
class of pioneers, who had come into Minnesota
Territory and founded the first settlements within
less than a decade previous to the Civil War, had
the honor, and one of which its appreciation will
grow as the years roll on, of contributing from her
noble sons the principal force of soldiers for the de-
fense of Fort Ridgely and incidentally to the Min-
nesota frontier in the incipiency of the outbreak.

194 RECOLLECTIONS OF

Company B of the Fifth Minnesota was almost ex-
clusively a Fillmore County body in its original
personnel, and no other company raised in the State
of Minnesota during: the Civil War, contributed so
many lives in battle on the sacrificial altar of war
as did this Fillmore County company of men and
boys. No company of even the famous First Min-
nesota, that was in blood from Bull Run to Gettys-
burg:, sustained so heavy a loss in killed in action
during: its years of service as did Company B of the
Fifth, and when Minnesota shall have grown g:ray
in history, Fillmore County's name, earned at the
sacrifice of lives in the defense of Fort Ridg:ely and
the Minnesota frontier, will still live brilliantly and
imperishably. Than those of Company B who sank
to earth in the Aug:ust tragedies along: the Minne-
sota River in 1862, no braver or better men ever
lived, and no grander tribute was ever paid a state
or nation than that conferred by Fillmore County in
the contribution of these heroic men. While all
parts of Fillmore County contributed to the mem-
bership of Company B, the enlistments at Chatfield,
so far as any single locality was concerned, pre-
dominated, with Preston second in the number of
men furnished.

Next to Fillmore, Freeborn County stands envia-
bly in the lime-lig:ht of history, for Lieutenant Shee-
han's fifty men of Company C of the Fifth Minne-
sota, earned a glorious name for themselves and
their county in their heroic part in the defense of
Fort Ridg:ely. In nothing: were these men second
to those of Company B, except in numbers and op-
portunity. Fortunately they were on the march to

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 195

Fort Ripley when the massacre began, else they
would no doubt have been sacrificed at Redwood
Ferry, for surely they would have been taken to
that disastrous field had they been at Fort Ridgely
when the outbreak occurred, instead of having start-
ed homeward the day before. History records few
more glorious deeds than that performed by these
Company C men when they made a forced march
by night of forty-two miles to relieve the distress-
ed garrison of Fort Ridgely, after having marched
all the previous day on their homeward journey.
Lieutenant Sheehan, in all his career, never did
an act that redounded more to his honor than did
this memorable feat of twenty-four hours of con-
tinual marching^ but this accomplishment was mere-
ly an index to the character of the men as soldiers,
who covered the name of Freeborn County with
everlasting glory, by their deeds of heroism, where-
ever duty called.

The Renville Rangers, under Lieutenant James
Gorman, were new recruits, enlisted at the Red-
wood Indian Agency less than a week before the
outbreak. The men were seasoned, hardy frontiers-
men. They were brave and athletic. Their en-
vironment had familiarized them with Indian char-
acter, and had made them past-masters in the art
of alertness. They had not enlisted to fight Indians,
but their services in the defense of Fort Ridgely
can never be overestimated. They knew the tricks
of war at which the Sioux were adepts. They knew
the Sioux language, which they overheard and re-
peated to the garrison. They were brave, daring
and efficient men. They were organized and under
good leadership.

196 RECOLLECTIONS OF

These three military organizations, about one
hundred and fifty strong:, received and repelled the
shock of battle, kept tireless vigil, inspired the
weak, consoled the bereaved, and by the aid of
brave souls from among: the refugees, saved Fort
Ridgfely and hundreds of lives in and out of the
gfarrison, dependent upon the valor of these men.

Miraculous Escape of the Reynolds Family.

The ordinary imagination is hardly elastic enougfh
to grasp the condition of the surprised and panic-
stricken settlers, when without warning, they were
swooped down upon by the cruel, redhanded Sioux,
who took extreme delight in their tantalizing, tor-
menting methods, to be followed by death itself.

Usually there was but one thing to do, and that
was for the hapless, helpless settlers to fly for their
lives. In these attempts hundreds were shot down
as they ran, but occasionally a poor mortal would
drop unobserved in the high weeds and grass, or in
a patch of corn, and escape by hiding. In the ex-
citement of clubbing, scalping and mutilating the
fallen victims, and in plundering the buildings, and
finally in the burning of them, some members of a
family or party would be lost track of, and would
make their way under cover of night, to some place
of safety, usually to the Fort, if not detected on the
way and murdered. Frequently these escaping
wretches would walk into the very jaws of death,
and often, when not entrapped, were beset on every
hand by dangers that were terrifying.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 197

Joseph B. Reynolds and wife, Valencia Reynolds,
were in the employ of the Government as instruc-
tors at a school back some ten miles from the Red-
wood Agency, where there were no other whites
employed or residing. On the morning of August
18th, Francis Patoile and a companion of Yellow
Medicine drove up to the Reynolds home and asked
if they could have breakfast. Mrs. Reynolds repli-
ed affirmatively, and as the meal was about ready
she had the men sit down to the table. While they
were eating Antonia La Blaugh, a half blood who
resided with a neighboring half-breed, John Moore,
came to the house and asked to see Mr. Reynolds,
to whom he stated that Moore had sent him to warn
him of the outbreak at the Agency that morning.
Mr. Reynolds sent La Blaugh after Moore, and as
he departed, the news was broken to the men at
breakfast, and Mr. Patoile asked to take the family
to New Ulm, he having a team with him, while Mr.
and Mrs. Reynolds had but a one-horse rig. In the
Reynolds family were three girls, Mary Schwandt,
Mattie Williams and Mary Anderson. These Mr.
Patoile took into his wagon, together with a Mr.
Davis and the companion who accompanied him
from Yellow Medicine. Moore came hastily, and
warned the people to fly for their lives in the direc-
tion of New Ulm, and pointed out the way least
likely to be beset with Indians. Mr. and Mrs. Rey-
nolds climbed into their buggy, but before they
were out of the house a party of squaws had reach-
ed, entered and begun to plunder it.

Now began a wild chase for life. The parties be-
came separated after a short distance from the

198 RECOLLECTIONS OF

house, and were not together again. Mr. and Mrs.
Reynolds drove to within sight of the Redwood
Agency, meeting a half-breed by the way whom
they questioned as to the extent and seriousness of
the outbreak. They were informed that matters
could not well be worse, from reports received from
the Indians themselves. They now met Shakopee,
near whose village their home was, and asked him
the meaning of the direful rumors. He said little
to them, but told them to keep back on the open
prairie. Indians were seen hastening toward the
Agency, giving new color to the shocking stories
that had spread like wildfire over the surrounding
country. They dropped back to the southwestward
so as to conceal themselves behind a ridge as much
as possible. When at the nearest point to the
Agency behind this ridge Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds
abandoned their horse and buggy long enough to
creep to the top of the ridge and peer over it, only
to discover that a party of Indians were but a short
distance away, gathering up cattle. They could
see that the doors of the buildings at the Agency
were all open, and that the Indians were very nu-
merous and in great confusion. They now felt con-
fident the rumors of a general massacre at the
Agency were too true, and returning to their buggy
hastily set out for New Ulm, as to reach the Fort
they must cross the Minnesota River, which was
not fordable. They took the open prairie instead
of following the road, and saw many Indians to
their left, hastening to the Agency. They at length
overtook the Government carpenter of the Agency,
who with his family was hastening in a flight for

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 199

life. His wagon was overloaded with his family
and neighbors, so Mr. Reynolds took two of the
carpenter's children in his rig:. This was at a point
very nearly opposite Fort Ridgely. They met two
parties of Indians, and Mr. Reynolds attempted to
enter into conversation with one of them, but could
elicit no word of response. They also met two
parties of squaws, one of which tried to persuade
the fugitives to return to the Agency. Getting
down to the settlement below the reservation, a
large party of Indians was discovered on the side
towards the River. This party was about a hun-
dred rods away, and on foot. There were mounted
Indians nearer, on either hand, and a naked Indian
but a few rods to the front of the fugitives, who
now felt that their doom was sealed. Reynolds
called to the naked Indian, trusting for some friend-
ly response, but the savage lifted his gun and snap-
ped both barrels at Reynolds and his wife, without
the piece being discharged. In despair Mrs. Rey-
nolds turned her head, when she saw an Indian
riding swiftly toward them. He called to them to
turn back, and excitedly motioned to them to hurry.
This Indian got between the Reynolds rig and the
Indian on foot who was trying to recharge his gun
to get a shot at the fugitives. Now dangers thick-
ened. The Indian who came to befriend and help
the fugitives rode a white horse, so that he was
easily distinguished from all others. He kept all
pursuers at bay, and the race was a wild one, with
little hope of escape. After a two-mile ride Rey-
nolds and wife ran into a large party of squaws,
accompanied by one man. That they would here

200 RECOLLECTIONS OF

be detained if not killed, they had little doubt,
Reynolds, as he passed the Indian in the party of
squaws, asked him if he intended to kill them, and
he said "No; go on," and offered no resistance.
Reynolds and his wife now turned to the Minne-
sota River, and being: opposite Fort Ridgfely decided
that their only hope, since they were still pursued,
was to reach that place of refugfe. Their horse be-
ing jaded unto exhaustion, they drove to the river
at its nearest point, and hastily unhitching, Mr.
Reynolds swam the stream with the horse, it hav-
ing been agreed that Mrs. Reynolds should conceal
herself and the two Nairn children and await the
return of Reynolds, who was to go to the Fort and
obtain assistance and a boat if possible, with which
to make a safe crossing. The Indians followed the
trail to the river, but evidently concluded the
Reynolds party had escaped safely to the opposite
side of the stream or had been drowned. Mrs.
Reynolds wore moccasins, and shrewdly had the
two children precede her, and she then covered
their tracks with her own, toeing-in squaw fashion,
along the soft earth of the river bottom. Owing to
this forethought on her part the pursuing Indians
did not follow her trail, and she went into hiding
and remained in concealment until a party from
the Fort arrived, and calling to her to come to the
water, she was taken over and herself and the two
children safely conveyed to the Fort, more than a
mile away, and thus saved. Mrs. Reynolds was a
very capable woman, and rendered great assistance,
once at the Fort, in caring for the wounded, making
cartridges, etc.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 201

The other party that left the Reynolds home with
Francis Patoile met a sad fate in their flight after
being separated from Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds on
the 18th. The Patoile party, after many, frightful
experiences, reached a point about eight miles
above New Ulm, when they ran into a large party
of Indians from which there was, from the first,
little hope of escape. These Indians had been
raiding the settlements, and with wagons loaded
with plunder and their hands reeking with blood,
were journeying toward the Redwood Agency.
They had someplace obtained liquor, and many of
them were under its influence. They surrounded
the Patoile team and shot its owner, Francis Patoile,
who fell out of the wagon, dead. The other occu-
pants of the wagon jumped out and ran for a neigh-
boring slough. All the men, however, were shot
down before reaching the high grass of the marsh,
and Mary Anderson, one of the girls, received a
bullet which brought her to earth, the missile pene-
trating her abdomen. She was picked up however,
and carried and put in a wagon, when the other two
girls, Mattie Williams and Mary Schwandt, were
followed into the slough and captured and borne
away in the wagons. They all reached the Agency
at night, and went into camp near Little Crow's
house, where they were kept for several days, sub-
jected to nameless treatment. With a knife Mary
Anderson cut the bullet from her body, after Wau-
couta, an Indian who had tried to assist her, had
failed to extract the missile. Poor Mary Anderson
died from her wound and from exposure, but her girl
companions remained with her to the last, and did

202 RECOLLECTIONS OF

all their kind hearts and generous hands could
suggest to the last. She lay in a tepee, on the
ground, and as it rained hard all night, death claim-
ed her during the silent hours, while the little cloth-
ing she had on was saturated and her body cold and
wet from the flooded earth, and thus her spirit left
her. Joseph Campbell, a half-breed, directed a
party of Indians who wrapped the form of Mary in
a piece of canvas and buried it near where she died.
Mattie Williams and Mary Schwandt remained in
captivity, the victims of fiendish outrages, until
rescued at Camp Release. These girls were told
by the Indians that Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds were
killed while trying to escape on the 18th, and it was
believed among the Indians that this was true, as
escape seemed impossible.

Mary Schwandt was released from her cruel cap-
tivity at the surrender of Camp Release, but only
to learn that her father, mother, two brothers and
her only sister had been murdered at their home on
Beaver Creek at the beginning of the outbreak.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 203

The Remarkable Experience of a Remarkable
Woman.

How FAMILIES WERE WIPED OUT.

As far above Fort Ridgely as twenty-seven miles
was a new, vigorous settlement, an extension of
that known as the Beaver Creek settlement. All
along this region the country was most promising,—
the soil rich and responsive to cultivation, the
natural pastures luxuriant, the water excellent and
the region in all respects attractive. Hardly a day
passed, up to the very hour of the massacre, that
a new family was not added to this promising, happy
community. Fort Ridgely was known well to this
and all other surrounding settlements. While none
dreamed of the hostility of Indians, still all appre-
ciated they had cast their lot in an Indian country,
or at least adjacent to an Indian reservation, and
this fact made the military post seem a place of
friendly refuge in case of any threatened danger,
and it thus became associated with every-day life,
and its location was well in mind as a result of pru-
dent thought, though comparatively few of the
settlers had ever visited the Fort.

The settlements at and above Beaver Creek were
so earnestly devoted to home-making that little note
was taken of matters not immediately associated
with patient industry, and hence the outbreak
caught the people unawares, with no time for or-
ganization or preparation when once the gleaming
knife of the savage was unsheathed.

204 RECOLLECTIONS OF

On Monday, August 18th, August Fross and
Eckmel Groundman, of the settlement above Beaver
Creek, started to the Redwood Agency, ignorant of
the awful tragedy that had been enacted in the early
part of that day at that point. When within a few
miles of the Agency these men were startled to
find the lifeless forms of a women and her two chil-
dren by the roadside, every indication pointing to
the fact that a foul murder had been committed,
and there were signs that Indians had committed
the horrible deed. The men were so aroused that
they resolved to report the discovery to the
neighbors in the vicinity, and to their amaze-
ment they found that at the homes of the sev-
eral settlers which they visited, were stark in death,
entire families. There could no longer be a particle
of doubt as to the meaning of all this. The first
house they visited was that of a Mr. Buss. Here
they found the husband, wife and three children
cruelly murdered. The next house was that of a
settler named Monweiler, and here the family was
slain. Hurrying to the home of John Rusby, they
found the entire family, consisting of husband, wife
and three children, dead, the latters, with their
skulls split open. The men, filled with horror, now
realized the danger that not only threatened their
own lives and those of their defenseless families,
but also of the entire settlement. They returned
homeward in great haste, and informed the settlers
of the impending danger. Hastily word was pass-
ed from house to house, with a view to assembling
all who could be reached, for flight. The place
selected for assembling the neighborhood was the
home of Paul Kitzman.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 205

What followed here could not be better told than
in the language of Mrs. Justina Kreiger, sister of
Paul Kitzman, who related the facts to the Sioux
Commission, appointed after the Massacre. Mrs.
Kreiger said : "It was about 8 o'clock p. m., of Mon-
day, August 18, 1862, when we all determined to flee
to Ft. Ridgely. One of the neighbors, Mr. Schwandt,
(Father of Mary Schwandt referred to in the pre-
ceding chapter) had not been informed of the raid
and our intended flight, and on this account a delay
took place to enable messengers to reach and in-
form him. When the messengers arrired at the
house they found Mr. Schwandt's oxen standing
at the door eating flour. Feathers were seen lying
around the yard, and the house seemed to have been
plundered. John Waltz, son-in-law of Mr. Schwandt,
was lying in the door, dead, shot through with three
balls, causing, no doubt, instant death. It was now
dark, and no other dead bodies were then discover-
ed. The house had the smell of fire, as though
something had been burning and had gone out. The
daughter of Mr. Schwandt, encienfe, was cut open, as
was learned afterward, the child taken alive from
its mother, and nailed to a tree. The son of Mr.
Schwandt, aged thirteen years, who had been beaten
by the Indians until dead as was supposed, was
present, and saw the entire tragedy.

He saw the child taken alive from the body of his
sister, Mrs. Waltz, and nailed to a tree in the yard.
It struggled some time after the nails were driven
through it ! This occurred in the forenoon of the
18th. Mr. Schwandt was on the house, shingling,
and was there shot, and rolled off, falling to the

206 RECOLLECTIONS OF

ground, dead. The mother of this boy was taken
a few yards from the house, into newly-plowed
ground, and her head severed from her body. Mr.
Fross, a laborer, was lying dead near Mrs. Schwandt.
The boy remained in his retreat until after dark,
when he came over to a settlement three or four
miles distant, and stopped at a Mr. Suche's house,
on the prairie. Here he found about thirty dead
bodies, and a living child, two or three years old,
near its mother, wounded and unable to walk. He
took the child and traveled with it toward Fort
Ridgely. After carrying his burden three or four
miles, and being exhausted, he placed it in a house,
promising to come after it the next day. He did
this to get rid of the child, so that he might possibly
make his own escape. The child was afterward
found, a prisoner, at Camp Release, and brought to
Fort Ridgely, and there died from the effects of
wounds and the hardships endured among the In-
dians. The lad, August Schwandt, arrived at the
Fort, nearly thirty miles from his home, after travel-
ing four nights and lying by of days. The messen-
gers returning from the Schwandt home, thirteen
families, with eleven teams, now started, and mov-
ed forward as fast as possible toward Fort Ridgely.
We first made toward the Chippewa River, on the
prairie, for safety. We journeyed until 2 or 3 o'clock
of Tuesday morning, the 19th, and then inclined
our course toward Beaver Creek, heading toward
the Fort. In this direction we went until the sun
was some two hours high, and found we had made
about fourteen miles. Eight Indians, on horseback-
some naked and some with blankets on, all armed

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 207

with guns— now came up with us. In our train were
eleven men, armed with such guns as they had in
the neighborhood. Our teams, including the wagons
and oxen, were so arranged as to afford the best
protection. The men, at first, determined to fight
the Indians, but, as they came within about one
hundred yards, and our men were about to fire upon
them, the Indians put down their guns and made
signs not to fire, pretending that they were friendly
Indians ; and sad to relate, our men, believing them
to be friends, did not fire. One Indian, with whom
all were acquainted, who had frequently been at
my brother's house, and spoke good English, came
up to us. Paul Kitzman, my brother, stepped out
from behind the wagons, and shook hands with this
savage. The Indian kissed my brother, and show-
ed great friendship. Judas-like he betrayed us with
a kiss ! This Indian inquired after our concerns,
and where the teams were going. Paul Kitzman
replied that * We are in a flight to the Fort, as all
the people in the neighborhood had been killed by
the Indians'. The Indian answered that 'the Sioux
did not kill anybody ', that 'the people had been
murdered by the Chippewas '; and that 'they were
now on their way after the Chippewas, to kill them ;'
and wished our folks to return, as the Chippewas
were down near Beaver Creek, or toward the Fort,
and that we would probably be killed if we went on.
At the same time this pretendedly good Indian
placed his hand on Kitzman's shoulder, saying,
'You are a good man ; it is too bad to kill you '.
Our folks were still determined to go on, and would
not yet consent to return. This Indian then went

208 RECOLLECTIONS OF

around and shook hands with all of us, and said he
would not hurt us, and that he was going to save
us from harm. Paul Kitzman had great confidence
in this man. He had frequently hunted with him,
and thought him a good Indian.

Seeing now his advantage over us, he beckoned
to the others to come up. When they came they
were exceedingly friendly, shaking hands with the
men and women, and telling the women to quiet the
children, who were frightened at the sight of the
savages. All of us were now fully assured that
they were really friendly.

Seeing their success, the Indians put up their
guns into cases kept for that purpose, and the whites
put up their guns in the wagons. All now joined
in a friendly meal of bread and milk, and our folks,,
each of them, gave them some money ; and as they
had given such conclusive evidence of friendship,
a return was agreed upon. All the teams were
turned around, and we began to retrace our steps,
the Indians traveling in company with us for some
five or six miles. Our men now asked the Indians
if they could unyoke the oxen and let them feed.
The Indians made no objection and seemed pleased
with the idea. Our pretended friends now wished
something to eat. We gave them some bread and
butter and watermelon. They retired about a
quarter of a mile, and ate their meal alone.

After dinner they motioned us to go on. Paul
Kitzman, going toward them, was again requested
to go on, the Indians saying they would follow di-
rectly. And again assuring us they would not leave
us, but would protect us from the Chippewas, and

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 209

see us safe to our homes, we moved on. The In-
dians coming up, some took position alongside of
the train, the others in front and rear. This new
manner caused some suspicion, and the whites talk-
ed to each other in German, and thought it was best
to fire on the Indians ; but all the guns were in the
wagons, and no one dared to touch them, lest the
motion should be recognized by the savages as a
commencement of hostilities. Notwithstanding the
difficulty, all the men, at one time, except Paul
Kitzman, were determined to fire upon the treacher-
ous foe. He persuaded them not to do it, as he had
all confidence in them. 4Besides,| our guns are in
the wagons, and each Indian has his in his hand,
ready to fire in an instant, and every white man
would be killed at the first shot, before a gun could
be got out of the wagons. *

We had now, by various stages, arrived at the
place where Fross and Groundman had discovered
the dead bodies on the afternoon of Monday, the
18th. Our hitherto friendly Indians now showed
signs of anger, became impudent and frantic, and
drew in line of battle behind our train, all having
double-barrelled guns except one. Our enemy
could make fifteen shots at one round, without re-
loading. They now came up and demanded our
money. Our fears, in regard to their real and ulti-
mate intentions, became a certainty in the minds
of every one of our party. One savage came forward
and received the money ; the others all remained
drawn up in battle-line. I had a pocket-book, and
my husband came to me for the money. I gave
him five dollars and kept the rest. He told me at

210 RECOLLECTIONS OF

this time he was going: to be killed, and gave me a
pocket-knife by which to remember him. After the
Indians had received all the money, they started
off to the settlements where the white people had
been killed.

We still went on with our train towards our homes,
and within a mile and a half of our house we found
two men dead, who had been recently killed. These
men were not recognized by any of our folks, but
had evidently been killed by the same Indians. We
now all concluded our race was about ended. We
were to die by these fiends. The men took the guns
out of the wagons, and concluded if they could
reach a house, they could protect themselves pretty
well ; but while going forward toward our house,
thirteen or fourteen Indians came up behind us,
when within one hundred yards of the house. The
Indians immediately surrounded us and fired, all
the men but three falling at the first fire. It was
done so quickly I could not see whether our men
fired at all ; yet I believe some of them did. No
Indians however, were killed by our party. Mr.
Fross, a Mr. Gotlieb Zable, and my husband, were
yet alive.

The Indians then asked the woman if they would
go along with them, promising to save all that
would go, and threatening all who refused with in-
stant death. Some were willing to go, others re-
fused. I told them I chose to die with my husband
and my children. My husband urged me to go with
them, telling me they would probably not kill me,
and that I could perhaps get away in a short time.
I still refused, preferring to die with him and the

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 211

children. One of the women, who had started off
with the Indians, turned around, hallooed to me to
come with them, and, taking a few steps to ward me,
was shot dead. At the same time two of the men
left alive and six of the women were killed, leaving,
of all the men, only my husband alive. Some of
the children were also killed at this last fire. A
number of children yet remained around the wagons ;
these the savages beat with the butts of their guns
until they supposed all were dead. Some soon
after rose up from the ground, with the blood stream-
ing down their faces, when they were beaten again
and killed. This was the most horrible scene I had
yet witnessed.

I stood yet in the wagon, refusing to get out and
go with the murderers, my own husband, meanwhile,
begging me to go, as he saw they were about to kill
him. He stood by the wagon, watching an Indian
at his right, ready to shoot, while another was quite
behind him, with his gun aimed at him. I saw them
both shoot at the same time. Both shots took effect
in the body of my husband, and one of the balls
passed through his body and struck my dress below
the knee. My husband fell between the oxen, and
seemed not quite dead, when a third ball was shot
into his head, and a fourth into his shoulder, which
probably entered his heart.

Now I determined to jump out of the wagon and
die beside my husband ; but as I was standing up
to jump, I was shot, seventeen buckshot, as was
afterward ascertained, entering my body. I then
fell back into the wagon-box. I had eight children
in the wagon-bed, and one in a shawl. All these
were either my own children or else my step-

212 RECOLLECTIONS OF

children. What had now become of the children
in the wagon I did not know, and what was the fate
of the baby I could only surmise.

All that I then knew was the fact that I was seized
by an Indian and very roughly dragged from the
wagon, and that the wagon was drawn over my
body and ankles. I suppose the Indians then left
me for a time, how long I do not know, as I was for
a time almost if not quite insensible. When I was
shot the sun was still shining, but when I came to
it was dark. My baby, as my children afterward
told me, was, when they found it, lying about five
yards from me, crying. One of my step-children,
a girl thirteen years of age, took the baby and ran
off. The Indians took two with them. These were
the two next to the youngest. One of them, a boy
four years old, taken first by the Indians, had got
out of the wagon, or in some other way, made his
escape, and came back to the dead body of his
father. He took his father by the hand, saying to
him, 4papa, papa, don't sleep so long ! * Two of the
Indians afterward came back, and one of them,
getting off his horse, took the child from the side
of his father and handed it to the other on horse-
back, who rode off with it. This child was after-
ward recovered at Camp Release. The other one
I never heard of. Two of the boys ran away on the
first attack, and reached the woods, some eighty
rods distant. One climbed a tree; the younger,
aged seven, remaining below. This eldest boy,
aged eight, witnessed the massacre of all who were
killed at this place. He remained in the tree until
I was killed, as he supposed. He then came down

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 213

and told his brother what he had seen, and that
their mother was dead. While they were crying
over the loss of their parents, August Gest, a son
of a neighbor, cautioned them to keep still, as the
Indians might hear them, and come and kill them
too.

Here these boys remained for three days hiding
as well as they could from the savages, who were
passing and repassing. The boys went to neigh-
boring houses and turned out cattle and horses, and
whatever live stock was shut up in stables, sheds
or pens, and in this way occasionally found some-
thing to eat. On Wednesday morning, the 20th,
they saw our house on fire. On the third night
after the massacre, they concluded to go to the Fort,
twenty-seven miles distant, in reaching which they
spent eight days and nights, traveling only at night,
and hiding by day in the grass. They all reached
the Fort in safety, but had some very narrow escapes.
They often saw Indians, but were not themselves
discovered.

At one time these children, hungry and lonely,
found a friendly cow, on whose rich milk they made
a delicious meal. Another time on their journey,
while lying hid in the prairie grass, they discover-
ed a team coming on a road near by. It carried,
most likely, some white family to the Fort. They
were almost ready to jump up and shout for joy at
the sight ; and now, when about to run toward the
team, what an awful shock these little children were
doomedto experience ! Behold, a company of paint-
ed savages arose from a clump of grass close by
them, who ran and captured the team, and, turning

214 RECOLLECTIONS OF

it the other way, drove off, the screams of a woman
in the wagon rending the air as long as her cries
could be heard in the distance ! Thus disappoint-
ed they hid closer than ever in the grass until night,
and again took up their weary march to the Fort.
They knew not how many dangers unseen they had
escaped. They saw on the route many dead bodies
of men, women, children and animals. In one place
seven dead Indians were all placed in a row. This
was near Beaver Creek, as they supposed. There
were also many white people dead at the latter
place.

I must now turn back a moment, to trace the fate
of my baby. My step-daughter, aged thirteen, as
soon as the Indians had left the field, started off
for the woods. In passing where I lay, and suppos-
ing me dead, and finding the baby near, crying, she
hastily took it up, and bore it off the field of death
in her arms. The other girl, my own child six
years old, arose out of the grass, and two of the
other children that had been beaten over the head
and left for dead, now recovered and went off to-
ward the woods, and soon rejoined eacli other there.
These last two were also my step-children. I was
still lying on the field.

The three largest of the children who went to the
woods returned to the place of massacre, leaving
the boy in charge of the six-year-old girl. As they
came to the field they found seven children and
one woman, (referred to in a previous chapter as
found by Freniere,) evincing some signs of life,
and who had to some extent recovered. These
children were a son of Paul Kitzman, aged two and

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 215

a half years ; two sons of August Horning:, one and
three years old ; a son and daughter of Mr. Ground-
man, the daughter aged four and the son one year,
the girl having her hand shot off ; two sons of Mr.
Tille, one and two years old, and a son of Mr. Urban,
aged thirteen. All these were covered with blood,
had been beaten by the butt of the gun and hacked
by the tomahawk, except the girl, whose hand had
been severed by a gun-shot. The woman found was
Anna Zable. She had received two wounds— a cut
in the shoulder and a stab in the side. These were
all taken to the house of my husband by these three
girls. It was now on the evening of Wednesday,
August 20th. They remained in the house all night,
doing all that could be done for each other. This
was a terrible place ! — a hospital of invalid children,
with no one older than thirteen years to give di-
rections for the dressing of wounds, nursing the
infant children, and giving food to the hungry, in a
house that had already been plundered of every-
thing of value.

The children cried piteously for their mothers,
who were dead, or in a bondage worse than death.
The poor child with its hand off moaned and sigh-
ed, saying to its suffering fellows : * Mother would
always take care of me when I was hurt, but now
she will not come to me.' Poor child ! her mother
was already among the dead.

When daylight dawned, Mrs. Zable, thinking it
unsafe to remain in this place, awoke the eldest
girls and on consultation, concluded to leave the
young children and go into the woods, or into the
prairie. The girl of thirteen, and principal de-

216 RECOLLECTIONS OF

pendence of the little company, awoke my two step-
children, and the one six years old who had taken
charge of the baby in the woods the day previously,
and August Urban, aged thirteen. These, taking
with them the baby, quietly left the house, and
went to the place of the massacre to look after me,
as they knew I had been left on the field the pre-
vious day. As this little company were looking
over the field, they saw a savage, as they supposed,
coming on horseback, who turned out, fortunately,
to be Ant oine Freniere, the interpreter, who was
riding for life to save if possible his own family.
These children and Mrs. Zable, after seeing
Freniere, went about eighty rods from the field of
the late massacre, and hid in the grass near a small
creek. They were here but a very short time , when
the savages from the river, with the ox-teams pre-
viously taken from the party now dead, came to the
field, and stripping off the clothing from men and
women, went toward the houses. They were soon
seen at our house, gathering plunder ; and when
this was completed, they set fire to the house, and
with its destruction perished the seven children
left there a short time before ! To this awful scene
the escaping party were eye-witnesses! The In-
dians departed while the house was in flames, and
the children came to Mrs. Tille's house near the
woods, and being very hungry, diligently hunted
the house over, and found flour and butter, and
there cooked their dinner. Here, too, they fed the
baby. They remained in the woods around the
houses of the settlement for three days. The third
day they sa\v a body of Indians go to the house of

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 217

August Pros, plunder it of all valuables, and carry
them away in a wagon. The baby had been left at
Mr. Tille's house, asleep on the bed, where the
party had last taken dinner.

The little girls and Mrs. Zable, being frightened
by the sight of these Indians, hid themselves in the
woods until dark. They then started for the Fort,
and soon passed by our house, yet smouldering.
They also passed the field of death, resting by day
and traveling by night. In this way they journey-
ed eleven days.

The incidents of this wonderful journey would be
worthy of a long description. They saw many dead
bodies, both of white people and Indians. Indians,
in small parties, were frequently seen prowling
over the prairie and in the timber. The food of the
children was principally corn, eaten raw, as they
had no means of making a fire. They found a camp
kettle, which they used in carrying water a part of
the time. They left the baby at the house of Mr.
Tille, and no further tidings has ever been heard
of it.

Our escaping party, when in sight of the Fort,
did not know the place. They feared it was an In-
dian camp. Before this, one had come near being
left for dead. The child six years old, on the last
day of their travel, had fallen down from exhaustion
and hunger, and Mrs. Zable advised the eldest girl
to leave her and go on, but the other children scream-
ed and cried so piteously at the very idea, that the
advice was not heeded. The little sufferer, too,
showed signs of life. They all halted, and the ad-
vanced ones came back, and being near a creek the

218 RECOLLECTIONS OF

child was taken to it, and was soon revived by the
free use of water on its head. Here they remained
for some time, and, finding: the rind of a melon in
the road, gave it to the fainting child, and by rest
and the tender care of the other children, it was
again able to journey on with the others.

They had ascended the hill, near the Fort, and
there sat down to deliberate what to do. Whether
what they saw was an Indian encampment, or Fort
Ridgely, they could not readily determine. The
children believed the discovery to be Fort Ridgely,
but Mrs. Zable thought it a camp of savages. Fi-
nally the children declared they saw the troops
plainly. This turned out to be true, as the troops
soon came toward them, having discovered this
little company on the prairie. The five children
were soon in the wagon brought for their rescue,
but the doubting Mrs. Zable, supposing the Indians
coming, made off from the rescuers as fast as she
could. The troops soon caught her, and all were
brought into the Fort. They were a forlorn-looking
company— some wounded by hatchet-cuts, others
beaten by the butts of guns, and others still bleed-
ing from wounds made by gun-shots, and all nearly
famished by hunger and thirst, and scantily cover-
ed by a few rags yet hanging to their otherwise
naked persons.

As for myself, I remained on the field of the
massacre, and in the place where I fell when I was
shot, until about midnight of Tuesday, August 19th.
All this time or nearly so, unconscious of passing
events I did not even hear the boy cry. All that
part of the narrative covered by this period of time

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 219

I relate upon the testimony of my children, who re-
ported the same to me. At this time of night I
arose from the field of the dead, with a feeble abil-
ity to move at all. I soon heard the tread of savage
men, speaking in the Sioux language. They came
near, and proved to be two savages only. These
two went over the field, examining the dead bodies,
to rob them of what yet remained upon them. They
soon came to me, kicked me, then felt my pulse,
first on the right hand, then on the left, and, to be
sure, felt for the pulsation of the heart. I remain-
ed silent, holding my breath. They probably sup-
posed me dead. They conversed in Sioux for a
moment. I shut my eyes, and awaited what else
was to befall me with a shudder. The next moment
a sharp-pointed knife was felt at my throat, then,
passing downward, to the lower portion of the abdo-
men, cutting not only the clothing entirely from my
body, but actually penetrating the flesh, making but
a slight wound on the chest, but, at the pit of the
stomach, entering the body to the intestines ! My
arms were then taken separately out of the clothing.
I was seized rudely by the hair, and hurled head-
long to the ground, entirely naked, How long I
was unconscious I cannot imagine, yet I think it
was not a great while. When I came to I beheld
one of the most horrible sights I had ever seen, in
the person of myself ! I saw, also, these two savages
about eight rods off ; a light from the north, prob-
ably the aurora, enabling me to see objects at some
distance. At the same time I discovered my own
condition, I saw one of these inhuman savages
seize poor Wilhelmina Kitzman, who was my niece,
and yet alive, hold her up by the foot, her head
downward, her clothes falling over her head ; while

220 RECOLLECTIONS OF

holding: her there by one hand, in the other he grasp-
ed a knife, with which he hastily cut the flesh around
one of the legs, close to the body, and then, by
twisting and wrenching, broke the ligaments and
bone, until the limb was entirely severed from the
body, the child screaming frantically, 4 O, God, O,
God. ' When the limb was off, the child, thus muti-
lated, was thrown down on the ground, stripped of
her clothing, and left to die ! The other children of
Paul Kitzman were then taken along with the In-
dians, crying most piteously. I now lay down, and
for some hours knew nothing more.

Hearing nothing now, I tried to get up, and labor-
ed a long time to do so. I finally succeeded in
getting up on my left side and left arm, my right
side being dead and useless. I now discovered, too,
my clothing was all off. I tried to find some dead
person, to get clothing to cover me. I could not
get any, for when I found a dead person with clothes
yet on, I saw Indian ponies close by, and fearing
Indians were near, I made no further attempt. I
then crawled off toward my own house, to hunt
something to put on me, and, when near the house,
I discovered something dark, close by, which turn-
ed out to be my own clothes, which had been torn
from me. I bound them around me as well as I
could, and, not daring to enter the house, which
was not yet burned, I turned my course toward Fort
Ridgely. It was yet night, but was light, from the
aurora perhaps ; at least I saw no moon.

I made first to a creek, some five hundred yards
from the house, and washed the blood from my
person, bathed my wounds and drank some water.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 221

This night I made six miles, according: to my es-
timate. I here came to a settlement in the timber,
on some creek that put into the Minnesota River.
I did not know the name of the settlement. It was
now near daylight. Here I remained, weak, sick,
wounded and faint from loss of blood, for three long
days, drinking water, and this was my only nourish-
ment all this time. At the end of these three days
I heard Indians around, and being afraid of still
other injuries, made my way to the left, through
the prairie, and thought to find the Chippewa In-
dians, but I found none. I saw plenty of Sioux In-
dians.

I think it was Saturday, the 23rd of August, I lay
down and thought I should die of hunger. I then
took to eating grass, and drank water from the
sloughs. In this way I traveled at night, and lay
by during the day. On Sunday night I came to a
creek and found many dead persons. I turned over
one of these to see whether he was a white man or
an Indian, but he smelled so badly I turned him
down again without ascertaining. He had on a
white shirt and dark pants, and I suppose he was
a white man. I saw great quantities of bedding,
furniture and books scattered and torn in pieces, at
a creek far out on the prairie. It was not Beaver
Creek. The same night I crossed this creek. The
water was up to my armpits, and the cane grass tall
and thick. Here again I saw more dead persons.
One woman was lying on her back, and a child near
by, pulled asunder by the legs. I then traveled
around on the prairie, saw no roads, had nothing to
eat. and no water for three days.

222 RECOLLECTIONS OF

During: my wanderings, early in the morning:, I
gathered the dew from the grass in my hand, and
drank it ; and when my clothes became wet with
dew, I sucked the water from them. This gave me
great relief from the burning thirst I experienced.
Finally, at the end of these three days of terrible
suffering, I came to a road. This road I followed,
and in a low place found some standing water in
puddles in the mud, and tried to get it in my clothes,
but the water was too shallow. I then got down
and sucked up and eagerly drank the water from
the mud. My tongue and lips were now cracked
open from thirst. After this I went on and found
two dead bodies on the road, and, a few steps farther,
a number of men, women and children, all dead !
On the thirteenth day I came to Bearer Creek, and,
for the first time found out for certain where I was.
Here I discovered a house in a field, went to it, and
saw that everything had been destroyed. The dog
was alive, and seemed to be barking at some one,
but showed friendship for me. Being afraid that
savages were around, I went again into the woods.
After staying there for a short time a shot was fired,
and then I heard some person calling, I thought in
German. I did not answer the call as I did not
think it was for me. But, after alf was still I went
on, and passed Beaver Creek, went up the hill, and
then saw an Indian, with a gun pointed at some ob-
ject. He soon went off in an opposite direction
without discovering me. Fearing others were about,
I went to the woods, and being wearied, lay down
and slept. I do not know how long I slept, but
when I awoke it was about noon.

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 223

I was again lost, and did not know where to go.
I wandered about in the woods, hunting for my
way, and finally, as the evening star appeared, I
found my direction, taking an eastern course until
1 came to a creek again. I now saw I must be near
the Minnesota River. I went into a house near by,
took a piece of buffalo-robe, went to the river bot-
tom and lay down to rest. Here I found wild plums,
and ate some of them. This night it rained long
and hard. On the next morning I found that I was
too weak and tired to travel, and so remained all
that day and all the next night, wishing that the
savages might come and put an end to my sufferings.
It rained all this day.

Here I felt sure I must die, and that I should
never leave this place alive. The cold sweat was
on my forehead. With great effort I raised up to
take one more look around me, and to my surprise
I saw two persons with guns, but could not tell
whether they were white men or Indians. I rejoiced
however, because I thought they would put an end
to my sufferings. But, as they came near I saw
they had bayonets, and knew they were white sol-
diers, and made signs for them to come to me. The
soldiers, fearing some trick, seemed afraid to come
near me. After making sundry examinations they
finally came up. One of my neighbors, Lewis Daily,
first advanced, and seeing I was a white woman,
called to his partner, who also came. They soon
brought me some water, and gave me a drink, and
wet my head, washed my face and carried me to a
house near by. Here they proposed to leave me
until the other troops came up, but yielding to my

224 RECOLLECTIONS OF

earnest entreaty they carried me along until the
other portion of the soldiers arrived. One of them
went into a house and found a dress, and put it on
me, the clothes I had on being all torn to pieces.
Dr. Daniels came along directly, examined my
wounds, and gave me some water and wine, made
a requisition for a wagon, fixed up a. bed and had
me placed upon it. Now the train followed along
the river bottom some distance, then took to the
open prairie. Here we found a woman cut into four
pieces, and two children by her, cut in pieces also.
They buried these bodies, and passed down from
Henderson's house in the direction of the Fort. All
the soldiers seemed to take great care of me. The
doctor dressed my wounds, and did all that could
be done for me. The wagon I was in soon came in-
to company with the burial party who were going
into camp at Birch Coulie.

The savages attacked this burial party oh the
same night after I was rescued by the soldiers, or
rather on the following morning, Tuesday, Sep-
tember 2nd. In that disastrous affair (the battle of
Birch Coulie) it was thought proper to overturn all
the wagons, as a means of better security against
the murderous fire of the Indians. When they came
to the wagon in which I lay, some one said, 'do not
overturn that wagon, for it contains a sick woman,'
and they passed by. This was the only wagon left
standing. Behind the wagons and dead horses, kill-
ed by the Indians, our men lay on the ground and
fought the savages with a determination seldom If
ever equaled. It was victory or death. I was in a
good position to see and hear all that went on dur-

THE SIOUX MASSACRE. 225

ing the battle. I was, too, in a most exposed position.
The wagon was a fine mark. Standing up as it did
above everything: else on the open prairie, it afford-
ed the best possible target for savage marksmen.
The wagon was literally shot to pieces. Some of
the spokes were shot off. The cover was complete-
ly riddled with ball-holes. The cup in which I at-
tempted to take my medicine during the fight, was
knocked away from my mouth by a passing rifle ball.
I did not attempt to reclaim it. The smell of gun-
powder almost took my breath away. Some five
slight wounds was all the damage I sustained in
this awful battle. I saw it all, from the commence-
ment to the close. Sleep was impossible, and my
hearing was wonderfully acute. The battle lasted
all the day Tuesday, and all the night following,
until about midnight, when the firing ceased for a
while on both sides. Whether the weary white men
or the savage Indians slept, I do not know, but I
could not sleep. About daylight on Wednesday,
September 3rd, the firing commenced again on both
sides. Some time in the forenoon I heard our sol-
diers crying aloud for joy. The shout went up :
* Reinforcements coming.'

When the Indians left to go toward the reinforce-
ments, the doctor and an officer came to look after
me, supposing I could not have escaped so murder-
ous afire. They seemed perfectly astonished at
finding me alive, and unhurt, except by the slight
marks made by some five balls merely drawing
blood from the skin. How I escaped must ever re-
main a mystery to myself and others. The blanket
given me by a soldier, and in which I was wrapped

226 RECOLLECTIONS OF

up in the wagon during the battle of Birch Coulie,
was found, on examination, to have received over
two hundred bullet-holes during the fight, and yet
I was not hit except as stated. Who can imagine
such an escape ? Yet, I did escape, and am now
(June, 1873,) alive to tell the story.

When the troops had buried their dead we return-
ed to Fort Ridgely. Here I was placed under charge
of Dr. Muller, surgeon of the post. I hardly knew
whether I was in the hospital or at the doctor's
home, but I shall never forget the kind care taken
of me by Mrs. Dr. Muller. The doctor extracted
some nine buckshot from my shoulders, and the
other eight are yet there, as they could not be taken
out. My various wounds did not trouble me much,
and were soon all healed.

At the Fort I found four of my children,— all ex-
cept one, children of my first husband. Two of my
own boys, eight and nine years old, who had escap-
ed with the thirteen-year-old August Urban, had
reached the Fort and been sent to St. Paul. At the
Fort I also found the five girls who came in with
Mrs. Zable. Three of these were my first husband's
children, and one of them my own by my first hus-
band. My children had all been taken to my mother's,
in Wisconsin, where I hastened, after a few days
at the Fort, to find them. I later recovered the
child that had been taken prisoner by the Indians,
which was delivered to Col. Sibley at Camp Re-
lease."

The heroine of this most remarkable experience
was a native of Posen, Prussia, born July 13, 1835,
and was the youngest daughter of Andrew Kitzman,

THE SIOUX MASSACRE 227

who, with his family of fourteen children, immigrat-
ed to America and located near Green Lake, Mar-
quette County, Wisconsin, in territorial days. Mrs.
Kreiger and husband, with a large family of children,
had taken up their new home in the beautiful Minne-
sota valley less than ninety days preceding the
Sioux Massacre. History knows no more thrilling
experience than that of this remarkable woman and
her family friends on the Minnesota border.

Lieut. T. J. SHEEHAN, Commander of Lieut. T. P. GERE, Who Commanded
Fort Ridgely During Siege. at Fort Ridgely Aug. 18, 1862.

Sergeant JAMES G. McGREW, Sergeant JOHN F. BISHOP.

Officers Who were Prominent in the Defense of
Fort Ridgely.

Pictures were taken during Civil War, shortly after the Sioux Massacre.

Private WILLIAM J. STURGIS,

Who bore the first dispatch to Gov. Ramsey, announcing the massacre. Photo
taken 43 years after close of Civil War. See page 107.

W. H. BLODGETT,

Taken just before the outbreak. See foot-note, page 63.

NATHAN LAMPSON.

The man who, with his son Chauncey, killed
Little Crow. See page 187.

ONLY LIVING MEMBERS OF COMPANY B, FIFTH MINNESO-
TA, WHO DEFENDED FORT RIDGELY.— 1, Christopher Boyer; 2, O.
G. Wall: 3, Lieut. T. P. Gere; 4, E. F. Nehrhood ; 5, M. H. Wilson; 6, C.
M. Culver. On these two pages (4 and 5) are shown the only known living
members of Company B, Fifth Minnesota Infantry Volunteers, who were defend-
ers of Fort Ridgely during the Sioux Massacre. Of the 1 2 survivors the six on this
page were of the party of Lieut. T. P. Gere, who commanded Fort Ridgely Au-
gust 18, 1862. (Pictures shown in groups are numbered from left to right.)

SURVIVORS OF COMPANY B WHO WERE AT REDWOOD
FERRY AUG. 18, 1862.— 1, Sergeant John F. Bishop; 2, W. H. Blodgett;
3, Levi Carr ; 4, W. B. Hutchinson ; 5, Ole Svendson ; 6, Stephen Van Buren.

The six survivors shown above were with Capt. Marsh at the Redwood Ferry,
August 18, 1862, when 24 out of 47 of Marsh's men were killed. After the death
of Marsh, a remnant of his detachment was conducted skilfully under great diffi-
culties to Fort Ridgely by that efficient officer and always capable soldier, Sergeant
John F. Bishop, of above group.

FORT RIDGELY MONUMENT.

BIRCH COULIE and GOOD^INDIAN Monuments at Morton, Minnestoa.

"OLD BETZ."

A frequent visitor of Fort Ridgely up to time of outbreak. Was said to be
120 years old. See page 148.

Sibley Expedition of 1 863.

During the fall of 1862 and
winter of 1863 an army was
collected at the various posts
and temporary stockades of
the state, preparatory to a
strong movement into the ene-
my's country northwestward
in the early summer of 1863.
Only a few of the guilty In-
dians had been apprehended
and punished in the autumn
of 1862, hundreds of them
having escaped to the plains
lying between the Red River
and the Missouri, with the up-
per boundary of their range extending to the Devils Lake
country.

The Sioux Reservation, at the time of the outbreak,
extended from a point not far below Fort Ridgely, but
on the opposite, or south and west side of the Minnesota
River, to the head of Big Stone or Eah-ton-ka lake. This
reservation was ten miles in width, and about one hundred
and fifty miles in length, and was divided by the Yellow
Medicine River, flowing into the Minnesota. That por-
tion below the Yellow Medicine was known as the Lower
Reservation, whose "capital" was the Redwood Agency,
and was occupied by the M'daywakanton and Wakpakuta
Indians, and that above the Yellow Medicine as the Up-

238

SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

MAP SHOWING ROUTE OF THE SIBLEY EXPEDITION OF
1863, AS ADJUSTED TO THE DAKOTAS OF TO-
DAY, THE EXPEDITION PASSING PRIN-
CIPALLY OVER WHAT IS NOW
NORTH DAKOTA.

per Reservation, with headquarters at the Yellow Medi-
cine Agency, occupied by the Sissetons and Wahpaytons.
It was the lower Indians who precipitated the outbreak,
and though many of the upper Indians were involved,
there were, however, many who were kept out of it
through the influence of Standing Buffalo and other

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 239

northern chiefs. Driven from the scenes of their awful
depredations, the lower Indians retreated into the land
of the Sissetons and Wahpaytons, much to the displeas-
ure of the latter, and particularly to that portion of the
latter who had refused to stain their hands with the blood
of the whites.

A civilized Indian, and one who did great service for
the whites, when to do it imperiled his own life, gave it
as his opinion that a very large number of the upper
Indians resisted the temptations and entreaties of their
lower brethren to join in the uprising. Some of the up-
per chiefs and many of the old and better disposed war-
riors were outspoken against the massacre, and these
men, though unpopular with the less sturdy element,
exerted a strong influence during the outbreak and later
in the delivery to the authorities of the white captives.

It has always been regretable that all the northern In-
dians were put upon practically the same basis by the
Government in the prosecution of the campaigns of
1863-4. The decades that have since flown permit of a
rational analysis of that bloody chapter in Minnesota his-
tory known as the Sioux Massacre. The whole Dakota
race was under distrust. The Indians who were true at
heart,, and who against strong pressure from the domi-
nant element, opposed the heartless massacre, were In-
dians, and in the inflamed condition of the public mind
fine distinctions were not drawn. The better element of
Indians felt this indiscriminate censure, save in a very
few notable instances. The lawless had brought the entire
race under the ban. The few loyal and faithful who were
under the public eye received full credit for their good
deeds, but not so those who were entirely beyond the
horizon of the seat of carnage. The great mass whose
hands were stained with innocent blood, and whose
monstrous crimes had gone on lightning wings to appall
humanity in the remotest limits of the globe, spread to the
plains of the Northwest like a loathsome pestilence, after
their defeat, to overwhelm with disgrace and contamina-
tion the bands who had stood aloof. Those whose souls

240 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

were the deepest dyed in crime pushed northward to near
the British border, where they spent a winter of hard-
ships (1862-3) that gave them ample opportunity to
reflect upon the ways of the transgressor ; but they
dropped southward in the spring and merged themselves
into all other elements of their race indiscriminately, so
all were hunted alike and all put upon the same basis in
whatever punishment was administered.

The campaign of 1863 was organized by Gen. John
Pope, the plan being to completely subdue the Sioux
hordes. Two expeditions were designed to execute the
plans of the Department Commander, one under Gen. H.
H. Sibley, organized in Minnesota, and the other under
the command of Gen. Alfred Sully, the latter organized
and outfitted at Sioux City, Iowa.

In the spring of 1863 the troops in Minnesota were
shifted about from post to post to inure the men to hard-
ships and exposure. The conditions were indeed trying,
and may well be illustrated by the experience of one
company of cavalry, as a sample of what all endured
through this shifting process.

Hardships of Frontier Military Service— Hauling
Wagons by Man-power.

On April 8, 1863, Co. F of the First Minnesota Cavalry
(Mounted Rangers) left Fort Snelling for Sauk Center
to relieve a company ordered elsewhere. The weather
was cold, the ground still full of frost, and lingering
snow-drifts were visible. The sky was obscured by dull
clouds throughout the 8th, the first day out, while a pene-
trating north wind blew a gale. This the men faced.
At night, instead of turning into the dry bunks to which
all had been accustomed for months, the soldiers lay upon
frozen ground with one rubber and one woolen blanket
beneath them, and a blanket over them, a tent sheltering
them from the night wind. The next day's march was
under partially clear skies, but in weather full of chill.
The wind had sufficiently abated by night to make it
possible to extract comfort from a camp fire, but sleep-

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 241

ing with comfort was quite out of the question. In the
latter part of the night a tempest sprang up from the
northeast. Breakfast was prepared in a blinding snow-
storm and howling wind. There was no shelter for the
fires, and nothing of which to make a successful shelter.
Coffee could not be brought to the boiling point, and
was "good" only in the degree of warmth to which it
had attained. A pelting storm continued throughout the
day's march, rain and snow alternating at intervals.
There was not a dry thread in the company, and the
men were benumbed with cold. St. Cloud, then an un-
pretentious village, was reached late in the afternoon, and
the village of St. Joseph at night. Capt. Joseph R.
Daniels requested the citizens of the latter place to open
their houses to the men, but they absolutely refused to
do so. The people were utterly dead to sympathy or
feeling. In fact, there appeared a general anti-Union
spirit, heightened by the presence of soldiers. The re-
quest being met with a negative on all sides, Capt. Daniels
ordered his men to take possession of all the barns in
the village, if needs be turning out everything they con-
tained. The people heard the order with a sullen scowl,
and started for their stables in several instances to pre-
vent the execution of the order; but they were swept
aside by the wet and shivering men, who only needed a
tip of authority from their commander, for a refusal of
a reasonable request for their comfort under the cir-
cumstances had angered the men to the limit of endur-
ance. The same all-day storm still raged at night, mak-
ing it impossible to start or maintain fires. The men,
drenched to the skin and benumbed, took care of their
horses, and in the darkness that had gathered climbed
into the haymows to lunch off the cold rations fished
from their haversacks.

The skies were more auspicious on the morning of
the fourth day, April 11, but the roads were bad in the
extreme. The company, however, reached its destina-
tion and found warm and dry quarters awaiting it with-
in the Sauk Center stockade. Later it was ordered to

242 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

Fort Ridgely over roads incomparably bad, by the way
of Forest City, Hutchinson, etc. Much of this region,
owing to heavy spring rains and lack of drainage and
bridges, was a mere bog, in which mule-teams were ut-
terly useless, and cavalry horses, even without their
mounts, were gotten through with difficulty. The won-
derful efficiency of man-power was well illustrated on
this trip. When the soft spot to be crossed was more
than two or three rods wide, the teams were unhitched
and the animals separately gotten across in the most con-
venient way possible. A long line was attached to a
wagon and sixty to eighty men would bend to the task
of pulling it through. At times the sloughs to be crossed
were twenty to forty rods in width. Across these one
heavily-loaded wagon was taken at a time, mired now
and then to the hubs. The long line made it possible,
however, for some of the men to be at all times on fairly
decent footing, and human intelligence made it possible
to take advantage of every favoring foothold. The load
men will thus move over otherwise impassable roads is
scarcely believable: but the days devoted to this sort
of service told heavily, for not only was the service itself
arduous, but the men were in mud and water to their
hips for hours at a time, for usually the sloughs were
only separated by narrow ridges. Add to this march-
ing, scouting and guard duty, and the reader has a basis
for forming an idea what frontier military service con-
sisted of.

Assembling an Army for the Sibley Expedition.

Early in June the process of assembling an army in
the valley of the Minnesota, three or four miles above
the mouth of the Redwood River, began. This place
of rendezvous was designated Camp Pope, in honor of
the major general commanding the department. From
all the military posts of the state, including the many
frontier villages where stockades had been erected, every
available man was drawn, leaving only a force sufficient
for garrison and patrol duty. The army thus assembled

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 243

consisted of the following organizations: The Sixth
Minnesota under Col. William Crooks; nine companies
of the Seventh Minnesota under Lieutenant Colonel Will-
iam R. Marshall; eight companies of the Tenth Minne-
sota under Col. James H. Baker ; one company of Pio-
neers under Capt. Jonathan Chase ; nine companies of the
First Minnesota Cavalry, or Mounted Rangers, under
Col. Samuel McPhail ; eight pieces of artillery with one
hundred and forty-eight men under Capt. John Jones;
seventy-five Indian scouts under Maj. Joseph R. Brown,
George McLeoud and Major Dooley, in all 4,075 men.
There was a train of 225 six-mule teams, as there was
no point in the wild country to be penetrated during the
all-summer campaign at which supplies could be re-
plenished.

Camp Pope— Personnel of the Army.

Of this expedition Gen. H. H. Sibley was placed in
command, with the following staff: Assistant Adjutant
General, R. C. Olin; Brigade Commissary, William H.
Forbes; Assistant Commissary and Ordnance Officer,
Atchison; Commissary Clerk, Spencer; Quartermaster,
Corning; Assistant Quartermaster, Kimball; Aides-de-
Camp, Lieutenants Pope, F. J. H. Beever, A. St. Claire,
Flandrau and Hawthorn; Chaplain, Rev. S. R. Riggs.

The campaign to be entered upon would unavoidably
be an arduous one, and men were selected very largely
for their general fitness for the duties to be performed
and the hardships to be encountered. Many of the
men had for months done duty along the border that
constantly brought under their observation the blackened
ruins of homes destroyed the previous autumn, as a part
of the work of the massacre, and were anxious to pene-
trate the enemy's country beyond these grim reminders
of crimes and wickedness never to be atoned for. The
ruined and abandoned fields of the settlers, the bloated,
blackened and mutilated corpses of men, women and
children, the deserted farms along a frontier of two
or three hundred miles in length, with their crops rotting

244 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

where they had grown, were scenes that clung to the
minds of all who had witnessed them the previous fall,
like a repulsive nightmare.

Camp Pope was in the heart of the country occupiecf
by those who had blighted with gun and torch as fair
a land as the sun had ever kissed. Charred ruins were
visible from its site, awful tragedies had been enacted
within hearing of the spot, their agonies still echoing
from fresh graves. There was, in fact, something
sepulchral about this whole valley region, and the men
longed for new fields of operation.

June 16, 1863, A Memorable Day— How Small
Pox Restored Quiet

On the morning of June 16, 1863, the "Sibley Expedi-
tion," as it was widely known, started on its long mis-
sion. On the previous night, after the heat of the day
had .subsided, a detachment of infantry moved out on
the highlands to the westward to take the advance the
following morning. The night of the 15th was ideal.
The gentle zephyrs were laden with the incense of wild
flowers. Overhead the sky was serene and star-bedecked.
The earth, warmed into new life, had sent into banish-
ment many of the perplexities incident to military life
in the open. The day had been warm, and along the
southwestern horizon lightning flashes danced fitfully in
a distant embankment of clouds, whose outlines were
distinctly revealed by the quivering, shimmering electrical
gymnastics, reflected by the glistening armor of the in-
fantry detachment that filed up the western slopes of the
valley in the dusk of evening to assume its place for
the morrow. Those who witnessed the beautiful spec-
tacle have probably never forgotten it. Under benign
conditions the camp was unusually merry on the night
of the 15th, only, however, to receive a shock that pro-
duced a profound sensation. The surgeons had discov-
ered a well defined case of smallpox, and the news of the
discovery swept over the vast camp like wildfire. Men
had expected to be shot at — had enlisted, in fact, with the

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 245

full understanding that they would be called upon to
pose as targets for an unscrupulous and careless enemy,
but both the parties of the first and second parts had
utterly forgotten to mention smallpox in the original
contract, and the omission led to serious reflection and
eloquent silence. Fortunately the disease did not spread.

General Sibley's Habits of Early Rising— Our First
Day's March— The Mules and the Blues.

Gen. Sibley was a man of pronounced habits, and not
the least among these habits was that of early rising.
The rose tints of early dawn were never an unfamiliar
sight to his men. The blare of trumpets woke the echoes
of the Minnesota valley at 3 o'clock on that beautiful
morning of June 16, 1863. At 4 o'clock one of the
grandest military pageants ever witnessed in Minnesota,
before or since, filed out with the precision of clock-
work, and wending its way for a time among the mam-
moth granite boulders of the valley, gradually ascended
the hills to the westward. The head of the column had
reached a distance of nearly six miles on its journey ere
the rear guard could move. Four thousand men do not
constitute a very large army, but here were all the trap-
pings and equipments of war, and not caparisoned for
review, for there was not a soul in the desolate valley to
witness the spectacle except the soldiers themselves. The
artillery, ambulances and wagon train covered a distance
of nearly four miles. A part of the column, and one
the soldiers regarded with jealous interest, was George A.
Brackett's large herd of beef cattle, taken along under
contract to supply the army during the months it should
campaign in the northwestern wilds.

We had now entered upon one of the most interesting
phases of human experience. Savage hordes had made
their last supreme effort to stay the advance of civiliza-
tion. Minnesota was but partially peopled, and Dakota
Territory (now North and South Dakota) was utterly un-
inhabited by the white race, save a settlement at Yank-
ton; and one might journey, as our command did in 1863,

246 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

for weeks and even months in the vast territory now
covered with flourishing cities and thousands of rural
houses without, beyond our own numbers, once seeing
the face of a white man.

A hot June day tested the mettle of the infantry the
first day out, and jaded the animals not a little. The
.weather was dry and the process of evaporation active,
and as a result the column was enveloped in a cloud of
dust, with no favoring wind to bear it away. While the
long summer's campaign was one of unremitting hard-
ships, this was perhaps the most trying day the expedi-
tion as a whole experienced during the season, and man
and beast welcomed the opportunity to go into camp in
the late afternoon, where a bountiful supply of excellent
water and an abundance of good forage for the animals
were found. A great white city sprang up on a beautiful
plain ere the purple had succeeded, the gold in the west,
the vast camp covering more than a square mile in ex-
tent.

Many grim ruins, the scenes of blasted hopes, cruelty
and death, were witnessed during the day's march. Out-
side of the expedition itself not a sign of life was visible.
The hardy pioneers east of the Minnesota had perished
during the massacre, while on the Reservation side the
picture of desolation could not have been more complete
had the whole region been transformed into a desert.
Where a building had graced the wild wastes on the
reservation, a deserted, blackened ruin, mute and for-
bidding, remained to tell of the hatred that had attached
to every mark of civilization. The whites had everywhere
been slain, and the murderers had gone, leaving desola-
tion in their wake. Many men in the command had lost
friends and relatives during the massacre, and they con-
templated the prevalent signs morosely.

But the spell was broken at supper time, for then
it was that several hundred mules, scattered throughout
the vast camp, apparently discovered for the first time
their strange environment, and the tale of the discovery
was wafted back and forth until even the grave Gen. Sib-

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 247

ley for an instant lost his grip on a facial composure al-
ways suited to the sanctuary on solemn occasions. The
incident was not without its value, for it cut off all re-
treat to moodiness.

Camp on the Battlefield of Wood Lake.

Five o'clock on the morning of June 17th found the
head of the column in motion, although the rear guard
did not move for three hours later. Nature was at its
best. The fresh green that carpeted hill and dale had
reached the prime of luxuriance. The bending blades of
grass sparkled with their jewels of dew, while every-
where were new-born roses that, but for ourselves, were
"born to blush unseen." A short march of eleven miles
sufficed for the day, Gen. Sibley selecting the Wood Lake
battle ground as the location of our camp. It took little
stretch of the imagination to repeople with savages and
soldiers the plains about, and Col. Marshall of the Sev-
enth Minnesota pointed out the place of the charge and
graphically described the action itself, which won the
day at Wood Lake on the 23rd of the previous Septem-
ber, and where he received his baptism of fire as a soldier.

The Desolate Yellow Medicine Agency—Camp at
Hazelwood.

On the morning of the 18th, after an hour's march,
we reached the Yellow Medicine Agency, dismal and for-
lorn. The buildings that had been spared were aban-
doned to the elements. The windows had been smashed
and the doors burst open, while unsightly weeds grew
where active feet had borne proud and ambitious souls
in better days. Nothing could disturb the reverie of the
men who rode or walked over this historic spot that
beautiful June morning, for here were the final seeds
sown the previous year out of which grew the discontent
that ripened into the massacre. Here it was the six
thousand Sioux were assembled in July, 1862, and kept
in waiting for weeks for their annuities, until starvation
invaded their lodges. The march was short again today,

248 SIBLEY EXPEDITION,

the expedition going into camp at "Hazlewood," the
home and mission of Rev. Dr. Thomas Williamson, five
miles northwest of the Yellow Medicine Agency. Here
the general remained in camp during the 19th. To those
with an inquiring turn of mind this was a spot absorb-
ingly interesting. Dr. Williamson had come into the
wilds of Minnesota before the majority of the men on
this expedition were born — had come years before the
founding even of a territorial form government, and out
of his faithful labors had come, for an hour of calamity,
such characters as Other Day, Chaska, Paul, etc. The
mission buildings were wrecked and desolate. Doors
had broken from their hinges in the wind, windows had
succumbed to gun and arrow practice, the premises were
grown up to weeds, the garden fences were broken down,
and general dilapidation ruled where order had reigned.
This had been a social and spiritual oasis in a desert of
savage life, but alas for the decrees of Fate, it had gone
the ways of Tadmor, stricken to earth by those who
owed it most. Rev. Dr. Williamson and his co-worker,
Rev. Dr. S. R. Riggs, together with their families and
friends, escaped with their lives by what seemed little
less than a miracle.

Camp Release — A Cold June Day.

An early hour of June 20th found the expedition in
motion, still traversing historic ground, passing Camp
Release among other points of interest. We indulged in
an uncomfortable experience today. The sky was ob-
scured by cold, leaden clouds, with a cold north wind
blowing stiffly. The men, and particularly the cavalry
and artillery, suffered from _the benumbing cold, and all
gladly sought the shelter of tents or the comforts of
sheltered camp-fires after a march of fourteen miles.
Fuel and water were plentiful here, and we remained
in camp over the 21st, during which time the scouts
thoroughly reconnoitred the surrounding country to make
sure there were no Indians in these their old-time haunts
to drop back after our passage to disturb the settlements

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 249

to the southward.

The Beautiful Lac qui Parle.

The 22nd we crossed the Lacqui Parle River, a stream
that, from time immemorial, had been almost sacred to
the hearts of the red race. Its brilliant waters and its
stretches of woodland appealed tauntingly to Gen. Sibley
to raise his portable city here, but the distance, after
the previous day's rest, was not sufficiently great, and
we pushed on to the "Big Mound" (now "Big Tom"),
at which we camped for the day. This is a beautiful
spot and is distinguished from all others in the region for
its widely-seen promontory

A Beautiful Country— Big Stone Lake.

The 24th we traversed a beautiful country, camping
in the evening on the highlands west of Big Stone Lake.
We found a scarcity of good water on today's march, but
the country was charmingly attractive. Our camp-ground
this eve (Camp Marshall, in honor of Lieut. Col. William
R. Marshall) is one which Little Crow's hosts had occu-
pied the previous fall, a fact discovered by the finding
of many pits in which the Indians had cached their cum-
bersome plunder from the settlements that had been
raided during the massacre. In these we found great
quantities of dishes, tinware, harness, chains, straps, pails
and an occasional piece of furniture, and not a little corn,
the latter being well preserved and useful. Teamsters
found numerous "prizes" among the hidden harnesses,
many of which were of excellent quality. The dishes
were badly broken, due to lack of knowledge in their
packing and handling, yet they seemed valuable in the
estimation of the savages.

Celebrating a Birthday— First Buffalo Hunt.

We were in the saddle at 4 o'clock on the morning of
June 25th. The weather was propitious, buffalo were
sighted off to the westward towards the coteau, and
there was a troublesome spirit of adventure constantly

250 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

preaching treason to discipline. Our battalion was on the
flank. I communicated to a good-hearted and companion-
able officer riding near me that this was my nineteenth
birthday, and that I would like to celebrate it on a buffalo
hunt. I was agreeably surprised when he arranged that
three of us should drop out, one at a time at intervals,
and join each other when half a mile or so from the
command and ride out at least in plain view of the first
herd of buffalo we had discovered, several miles away.
Following a ravine leading in the proper direction, we
galloped away until sufficiently distant from the expedi-
tion, when we rode out on the highlands to get our bear-
ings. We could plainly discover three horsemen nearer
the herd than ourselves, and quickened our pace, cautious
lest we fall into the hands of an enemy, however. The
other trio proved to consist of cavalrymen on nearer ap-
proach, and separating a huge bull from the herd we
secured jointly, after many shots and much wild excite-
ment, meeting every adventurous requirement, a prize
worthy of all effort. The three cavalrymen fortunately
proved to be members of our own company, who had
fallen victims to the infection that tempted men on the
left flank that day. We filled our haversacks with choice
cuts from the loins of the noble beast and hastened to
join the command, now many miles away, but the loca-
tion of which we could fix to a certainty by the great
white cloud of dust that rose from and hung over the
command like the token that guided the children of
Israel. We had ridden but a few miles when the cloud
ceased to exist — notice that camp had been established.
We must now ride to the trail and follow it in. For-
tunately one of the officers of our party possessed the
countersign, and we were thus enabled to pass the lines
on arriving at camp. Every man in our company had a
ration of buffalo steak that evening, with enough on hanct
with which to cautiously bribe any powerful superior
whose influence might be desired in case of trouble.

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 251

Finding of Human Skeletons.

This camp was near an old trading post. Here were
found the bleaching skeletons of six men who had been
killed by the Indians the previous year. Gen. Sibley
caused the skeletons to be collected and buried. Nothing
whatever could be found whereby the identity of these
men could be determined. It is known, however, that of
the few men at this place Henry Manderfeldt, George
Loth, John Schmerch and two Frenchmen were killed
here on the morning of Thursday, August 21st, 1862.
This was at or near the Myrick store. An Indian came
and warned the men very early in the morning of their
danger, and told them to fly for their lives, but they had
heard nothing of the massacre below and paid little re-
gard to what the Indian had counselled them to do.
Only a brief space of time elapsed when a party of In-
dians were on the trading post in force. They opened
on the helpless men and only two succeeded in escaping
by plunging into the timber near at hand. One of these,
Hilliar Manderfeldt, was pursued a short distance and
killed, while the other, Anton Manderfeldt, made his
way to the settlements after twelve days of almost un-
paralleled hardships.

This was Camp Jennison, named in honor of Lieut.
Col. S. P. Jennison of the Tenth Minnesota. On scaffolds
supported by four crotches were many Indian dead found
here, the Sioux method of "burial." These scaffolds were
eight to ten feet high, the whole structure made of poles,
and on top of each, wrapped in a blanket, lay a dead In-
dian, awaiting his or her turn to disappear into and
become a part of the elements. Not infrequently tfie
boughs of trees were used to support the dead, and par-
ticularly the bodies of children, along the border of the
lake. Big Stone Lake .proved to be an attraction worthy
of the compliments on every hand bestowed upon it,
stretching away for a distance, from end to end, of thirty-
six miles.

252 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

Camp Between Lakes Big Stone and Traverse.

Breaking camp at 4 on the morning of the 26th,
amid the usual blare of bugles, we were soon in motion
on our journey northward. We were now entering a
region that had suffered from prolonged drought. The
earth was hot and parched, water scarce on the march,
grass short and dry and the dust well nigh suffocating.
In the early afternoon we camped between Lakes Big
Stone and Traverse, on the site of the B'rowns Valley of
today. This became Camp McLaren, after Major Robert
N. McLaren of the Sixth Minnesota. This beautiful
spot was lavishily endowed with gifts suited to the com-
forts of an army. Despite the drought that had parched
the highlands, the growth of red-top between the lakes
was luxuriant, while there was an abundance of good
water everywhere. There was, to all, something unique
about this camp. We were between two lakes, the waters
of which flow- in exactly opposite directions — those of
Lake Traverse into the Red River of the North, and
thence on into Hudson Bay, while those of Big Stone flow
into the Minnesota on their way to the Gulf of Mexico.
Traverse in that day was fed by numerous great springs
in the lake bed, as was readily discovered by the men
who bathed and swam in its waters. We remained in
this camp the 27th, 28th and 29th, during which time the
cavalry thoroughly scouted the surrounding country. In-
dians had occupied the region during the winter and
early spring, but had pushed off towards Devils Lake.

Adieu With Regrets to Camp McLaren — Buffalo
"Chips" for Fuel.

Regretfully did we turn our backs on Camp McLaren
on the morning of June 30th and set out northwesterly
on our journey, the Indian guides leading the way into
an unknown country. We now entered upon a bound-
less, treeless plain. The earth was dry and compact,
great cracks an inch or two in width and a foot or more
in depth scarring the surface of the ground and running

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 253

uninterruptedly for rods. About the scattering shallow
lakes there was a fairly good growth of coarse grass, but
on the higher ground the grass was short and lifeless
though "cured," so as to be relishable to the animals.
Grasshoppers were numerous, and in some places during
the marches of the summer had well nigh robbed our
animals of their needed forage. Finding good grazing,
conditions considered, the expedition went into camp after
a march of sixteen miles. Here for the first time we
became wholly dependent for fuel on "buffalo chips/' the
excrement of the "cattle of the plains" that in that day
roamed the prairies in countless thousands. Without
these chips no expedition could have been maintained on
the plains of Dakota. This fuel, in the form of thin
discs, eight to ten inches in diameter, and scattered over
the parched earth, was as dry and combustible as tinder.
When it is stated that on a single camping ground enough
buffalo chips could be gathered to cook the food of four
thousand men for three meals or more, some idea may
be had of the innumerable animals that made up the
herds of buffalo that possessed the country in that day.
The infantrymen used their bayonets and the cavalrymen
their sabres in gathering this indispensable fuel, which
served the expedition exclusively for months.

No camp was now established that was not thoroughly
fortified with breastworks made of prairie sod. Hence-
forth every camp was thus protected, the first duty after
terminating a day's march being the selection of details
for work on the trenches and breastworks, the latter of
which were about two feet high. Gen. Sibley never
worried about what the enemy might do, but rather pre-
pared himself well beforehand, and let the enemy do the
worrying.

July 1st we marched eighteen miles, the 2nd sixteen,
the 3rd sixteen and the 4th eighteen miles, going into
camp at 1 o'clock P. M. after a march of nine hours
under trying- conditions, in the big bend of the Cheyenne
River, on the south side of that stream, a few miles
southeast of what of this day is the flourishing town of

254 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

Lisbon, North Dakota. Gen. Sibley here established
Camp Hayes, so named after Major Orrin T. Hayes of
the cavalry.

July Fourth on the Cheyenne River.

This was indeed a strange Fourth of July. No man
in the command had ever before seen one like it. No
mark of civilization had ever been raised in this country.
No surveys had been made. No white men had disturbed
the solitude into which we had entered. Herds of buffalo
were visible in almost any direction. Aside from these
nothing was seen but arched skies and boundless plains.
And the "best girl" and red lemonade, the "prominent
citizens in carriages and on foot," the brass band, the
shady grove, the "car of liberty," the orator, the reader
of the Declaration of Independence — how painfully ab-
sent, and how eloquently silent ! The best girl was prob-
ably the most missed of all, for during all the months of
that campaign no member of the expedition ever saw the
face of a white woman, nor could a letter or any other
sort of message reach us.

Late in the day in celebration of the occasion McCole
and myself visited the camp of the Indian scouts, and
learned many things regarding the massacre of the previ-
ous year from the Indian point of view. The Indian
narrator, once he bends to his work unrestrained by sur-
roundings, is intensely interesting. My comrade and
interpreter was intimately acquainted with many of the
scouts, and knew the art of obtaining a voluble flow
from the fountains usually concealed beneath a look of
stoicism. A story once launched, its trend may easily be
followed by carefully regarding the smiles, frowns, the
intensity of gesture and the modulations of tone of the
narrator, for an intelligent Indian is not an artful, but
a natural raconteur. Some of the more interesting in-
formation obtained at this interview is made use of in
an earlier part of this book. One of the narratives, full
of animation, fiery flashes of the eye and graceful move-
ments of the hand, accompanied with intensity of expres-

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 255

sion, related to a battle fought on the ground partially
occupied by our camp. We were principally in the val-
ley, while the engagement was largely fought on the
table-land in the southeastern part of our camping ground.

Story of an Ancient Battle— The Indian As a
Raconteur.

The story was that while a large band of Cheyennes were
camped on the spot where our tents were pitched, a war-
party of Pottawattomie hunters who had invaded the
country attacked the Cheyennes. The battle was graphic-
ally portrayed from beginning to end. The Pottawat-
tomies came down on the Cheyennes like the wind, taking
the camp by surprise and producing a reign of consterna-
tion and terror; but the Cheyennes flew to arms and
checked the bloody work of their enemy. The Pottawat-
tomies were driven to the table-land, and the party there
practically exterminated in a fierce battle that lasted a
whole afternoon. Asked how long since this battle was
fought, Chaska counted back twenty-one years, which
would make the year of the engagement 1842.

We remained in this camp from the 4th until the llth
day of July, awaiting the arrival of a detachment from
Fort Abercrombie. The entire surrounding country was
explored by the scouts and the cavalry, under various
officers detailed for the purpose, and during these ex-
plorations many a choice buffalo and antelope steak found
its way into camp, although hunting was among the
things tabooed, theoretically, as dangerous both to hunt-
ers and military discipline.

Gymnastic Weather— Heat, Cold and Chill.

On the 9th a hot wind swept up from the south and
the earth being hot and dry the conditions were almost
suffocating. Tents were like ovens, and as there was no
other shelter and as the midsummer sun was torrid all
suffered in the extreme. The following day the wind
shifted to the northeast and brought down a volume of
smoke from burning pine forests many leagues away in

256 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

northern Minnesota, no doubt, that was almost insuffer-
able. Tents were invisible at a distance of fifty yards.
Then the weather had still another stunt in store for us,
for on the morning of July llth the wind was squarely
from the north and uncomfortably cold. The smoke was
less dense than on the 10th, but the cold was penetrating
and drove all but the infantry into overcoats, for we took
up the line of march again this morning, much to the
gratification of all, since forage and fuel were becoming
scarce at Camp Hayes, with no compensating attractions.
Reveille was sounded at 2 o'clock this morning and the
command was in motion at 3. At the end of eighteen
miles Gen. Sibley established Camp Wharton, where we
remained during the 12th.

At 3 o'clock on the morning of July 13th the expedition
was again in motion, traversing a beautiful country and
establishing camp after a march of twenty miles.

Beautiful Country — Taunt of the Mirage — The
Balm of Air-Castles.

One of the attractions of the day has been the ever-
recurring, ever-vanishing mirage, which has lured us on,
day after day, with its beautiful setting just a few miles
farther ahead — a beautiful apparition that justifies the
assertion that there is something commendable in air
castles. Day after day on the treeless plains, when the
vertical rays of a summer sun revived memories of cooling
shades and refreshing waters, the mirage would assert
itself on the horizon and grow from a tiny first view to a
vast landscape. Were we deluded by this apparition yes-
terday ? Yes ; but the one now before us is so realistic
that we know those beautiful groves and that vast, placid
lake are real, and that we shall camp tonight amid scenes
such as we have dreamed of since the days of home life
and civilization. But like the end of the rainbow, the
taunting landscape was not real, or it would fade away
gradually, hour by hour, leaving the impression, despite
the pranks of past delusions, that we had descended into
a depressed area, and that presently we would mount

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 257

the opposite rim to find ourselves in full view of an ideal
camping ground. But today's lakes and groves were
no more real than were yesterday's. A day would then
pass with no taunting apparition — just the dull monotony
of boundless plain and bending sky. Then gradually
would come into view again visions of woodland and
waters that kept men, wearied and worn with travel and
hardships, in almost childish good humor, so true to
nature would this beautiful picture rear itself within easy
range of our vision. Even the wary, who had been so
often deluded, feeling there must be, somewhere, grove-
girt lakes, were caught time and again with the convic-
tion that at last we beheld the real thing — wood-girt
waters. The mirage will ever remain vigorous in the
memory of the men who gazed upon and discussed it day
after day, for it was always profuse in its promises, and
not infrequently was the basis of a wager, involving a
month's pay, and no less frequently it happened, on ac-
count of some rare new feature, more promising than
ever, that the most skeptical were the loosers. Today we
witnessed the most unusual and remarkable of all mirage
freaks. Whatever else the mirage spreads before its on-
lookers on the plains, the grove and lake feature is never
wanting. In this instance, beyond the lake, which itself
was apparently distinct, was plainly visible a moving
animal mass, raised quite above the horizon of the mirage.
Apparently the mass was crossing a point of high ground,
with the figures seemingly inverted. The mass came
within the scope of vision out of nothing definable, and
disappeared toward the westward at a vanishing point
apparently above and beyond the mirage proper, but it
was a part of the phenomenon, and made, for its variety
and its mysterious transition, a profound impression upon
the many who witnessed it and speculated upon its cause,
which was most generally believed to be traceable to the
fact that a herd of buffalo were crossing a point of land
embraced within the zone of the mirage. And so I repeat,
air castles are not without benefits sufficient to justify
their existence. These, at least, while they made promises

258 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

they never redeemed, made many a man forget his pains
for a day.

The weather has become normal again, and we enter
camp at midday, located between three small lakes, all of
which afford excellent water, much to the enjoyment of
man and beast, as poor water is the rule, all being im-
pregnated with alkali. We saw numerous herds of buf-
falo today, and, as an every-day occurrence, many bands
of antelope.

In the Saddle at 2 in the Morning — Tolac Lake —
Beautiful Camp Ground.

"July 14th. Pretty early in the morning, but the bugles
ring out brilliantly at 2 o'clock, the disturbance starting
at Gen. Sibley's headquarters. The aim of the com-
mander is to be well on our journey before the heat of
a midsummer day becomes oppressive, and then to enter
camp about midday. We make eighteen miles today and
establish Camp Weiser, in honor of Dr. Weiser, surgeon
of the Mounted Rangers."

July 15th we made seventeen miles, camping on a
beautiful lake in the shape of a horseshoe, with the open-
ing to the westward. The land within the almost com-
plete circle was sufficiently extensive to accommodate the
entire command by compactly forming the camp. This
lake was on the east side of the Cheyenne River and
could not have been far from the site of Valley City.
Tolac was the name by which the lake was known to
the expedition. No maps to be found show its existence,
and it has no doubt long since disappeared as a result of
the cultivation of the country in which it was located, as
its waters were shallow, though apparently permanent,
for the season of our visit to it had already most severely
tested its endurance. The waters of Tolac were so im-
pregnated with alkali that they were almost unendurable
to man or beast, despite the beauty of the lake.

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 259

Killing an Elk Within the Lines — Founding Camp
Atchison.

The command was out at 2 on the morning of the 16th,
and made good progress over the pathless plains, the
early morning being delightfully cool and refreshing. At
about 9 o'clock in the forenoon the flankers on the west,
who were riding along the banks of the Cheyenne, started
an elk out of a clump of brush. The frightened beast
turned from the flankers, who were near it, and ran
towards the main column of the expedition. Half a dozen
flankers charged in pursuit. When the animal was dis-
covered, bearing down on the solid lines of infantry, dis-
cipline was severely tested, but not disgraced. Lieutenant
Ara Barton of Co. F, Mounted Rangers, who had a dis-
tinguished part in later years as the sheriff of Rice county
in capturing most of the James-Younger bandits who es-
caped from Northfield, executed a flank movement on the
charging elk and with a well-directed shot brought it to
earth.

We crossed the Cheyenne River today about fifteen
miles north of where Valley City is located, going into
camp after a march of eighteen miles. On the 17th we
made eighteen miles ; on the 18th seventeen miles, found-
ing Camp Atchison, the most northerly point reached by
the expedition as a body. From this point scouting parties
were sent to Devils Lake and elsewhere to the north-
ward. From 7 to 11 o'clock today a drenching rain
poured down, but the march was uninterrupted and the
innovation rather enjoyed in fact, for it was most wel-
come, and especially as the sun came out later to dry
the clothing and blankets of the men.

Cowardly Deed of Lieut. Field— Furor in Camp.

Lieutenant Albert R. Field of Co. G, Mounted Rangers,
created a sensation in the newly-established camp by
shooting a private soldier. The act was cowardly and
malicious, and produced a furor of indignation through-
out the command, which was only allayed by the assur-

260 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

ance that Field should be dealt with promptly. The man
was not seriously wounded, but that he was not killed
was due more to poor markmanship than to good dis-
position.

Camp Atchison was named in honor of Ordnance Offi-
cer Atchison of the expedition, as was also the beautiful
little lake on whose shores the camp was established.
The location of this camp can be more definitely deter-
mined on the map of today than any other (save pos-
sibly Camp Hayes, at the first crossing of the Cheyenne)
east of the James River. Gen. John C. Fremont had
once visited this region on a tour of exploration and
had named a beautiful little lake in honor of his wife,
Jessie, and Camp Atchison was established on a lake two
to four miles southwest of Lake Jessie. This would make
its location in township 147, range 60.

General Sibley's Busy Day— A Dash for the
Missouri.

The 19the of July was Gen. Sibley's busy day. He had
resolved to make Atchison a permanent camp, to the end
that a vigorous campaign might be prosecuted in the
direction of the Missouri River. The Indian scouts were
satisfied the main body of. Sioux were on the plains west
of the James. These scouts had extended their observa-
tions well into the Devils Lake country, and had learned
enough through their keen Indian discernment to fore-
cast the movements and location of the body of which
Gen. Sibley was in search.

The General called the commanders of his subdivisions
together and upon their information selected 2,056 men
for a forced march westerly, the expedition to consist
of 1,436 infantry, 520 cavalry and 100 artillery and pio-
neers, with a sufficient number of the best teams to carry
necessary ammunition and twenty-five days' rations.
This left the post of Camp Atchison with about an equal
number of men and at least two-thirds of the cumber-
some train of wagons. All disabled men and animals
were left in camp, which was fortified with breastworks

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 261

and made thoroughly defensible. The men slated to re-
main at the new post were not pleased with the idea of
being marooned thus, isolated from civilization by hun-
dreds of miles of distance, in a treeless country entirely
cut off from communication with the world. Those
selected for the forced march were to enjoy no privileges
not accorded their comrades, except that they were to be
favored with activity — a life always preferred by soldiers.

A Visit from Chippewa Buffalo Hunters — Pointers
They Gave Us — Reaching the James River —
Indian Signs.

Gen. Sibley had littk use for the sluggard. He be-
lieved every man should so time his habits as to be at
his best for any duty at an early hour in the morning.
He placed great value on the early part of the day for
any mental or physical duty devolving on a man. There
were other reasons why, on this expedition, excessively
early rising was practiced, but they were simply in har-
mony with the habits of this sturdy and generally beloved
man; so there was no surprise when reveille broke ovei
the plains at 2 o'clock on the morning of July 20th. A
southwesterly course was taken up promptly at 3, and
by noon a distance of twenty miles had been covered over
the trackless country, when camp was established. At
evening a large party of Chippewa half-breeds, said to
be three hundred in number, came into camp, producing
something of a sensation for a time. Father Andre, a
Catholic priest, was the spokesman of the party. When
it was learned the visitors were of the Chippewa nation
the soldiers viewed the innovation with a different,
though not an indifferent, interest. The party was com-
posed of a lot of hardy, swarthy, robust buffalo hunters,
all mounted and well armed. There was a generous
sprinkling of full-bloods among them, but the former pre-
dominated. They were very friendly, and were especially
so since, like ourselves, they were in the enemy's country.
They gave Gen. Sibley much valuable information, among

262 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

other things stating that 4,000 to 5,000 Sioux were in
camp some miles west of the James River, where they,
too, were buffalo hunting. After a march of eight miles
on the 21st we went into camp on the James River, the
location affording a good camping ground, and the Gen-
eral desiring to "feel" the country to the westward with
scouting parties, but no Indians were discovered,

At the usual early hour on the morning of the 22nd
we were again in motion. The scouts discovered Indian
signs today. The country is somewhat rough and rolling,
but we nevertheless covered twenty miles before going
into camp.

In the saddle at 3 on the morning of the 23rd, we
made good progress, though traversing a hil'y and some-
what difficult country for hasty military operations. At
2 P. M. we went into camp after a march of twenty
miles. The Indian scouts manifest a feeling that we are
in the immediate country of the enemy, though no In-
dians were seen during the day. Night finds our camp
well intrenched and well picketed.

Finding the Sioux— Battle of Big Mound— Death of
Dr. Weiser— Escape of George A. Brackett-
All Day and All Night in the Saddle— Indian
Holds Up Stars and Stripes — Running Figh t of
Fifteen Miles.

The command moved out of camp at 3 o'clock sharp
on the morning of July 24th. About noon, having cov-
ered twenty miles or more, the command came upon a
large body of Indians. The train was at once corralled
and steps taken to intrench the camp.

Suddenly, from the right flank, we discovered great
bodies of Indians gathering in groups on what Gen.
Sibley named Big Mound, which, however, when we were
on top of it proved to be an extensive hill, quite bluff-like
on the north and west, with a considerable table-land on
the summit, sweeping to the south and southeast.

The spot was one of the most charming we had thus

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 263

far found in Dakota Territory. The beautiful grove that
skirted the mound did not dissolve from view on our
approach, as the taunting mirage had done so many times
previously, but remained real and substantial. Trees we
were unaccustomed to see, and to find on this vast, bound-
less plain like a jewel, this handsome setting, with a back-
ground of lakes, challenged the admiration of every lover
of nature, even if we were not permitted to enjoy it in
peace. Here, at this beauty spot, 5,000 Indians had their
homes in the midst of great buffalo haunts.

Standing Buffalo's band constituted a part of this
nomadic group, and no doubt there would have been a
peaceful surrender of the Indians without the firing of a
shot but for the act of a treacherous red in whose mental
construction there had been no provision made for dis-
cretion. The Indians swarmed in great numbers on the
hilltop to the eastward as the expedition approached on
the plain below along the western base of the mound.
Dr. J. S. Weiser, surgeon of the Mounted Rangers, and
whose home was at Shakopee in the Minnesota valley,
rode up the hill beyond the lines of the expedition, where
he met and mingled with the Indians, shaking hands with
many he had known in his home town, of which they
had in early days been frequenters. Here a cowardly
Indian stepped behind Dr. Weiser and shot him in the
back at short* range, killing him instantly. The whole
proceeding was witnessed by the entire army on the
plain, as if it had been purposely staged for the occasion.
The puff of blue smoke and Dr. Weiser's fall, stricken
with death, was the signal for attack, and the Indians
were put upon the defensive instantly, with a feeling of
revenge so intent that even a flag of truce would have
received scant courtesy for a time, though as an evi-
dence that the shooting was not generally approved of,
Dr. Weiser's body was protected from mutilation.

But this was a declaration of war admitting of no ex-
planations, had explanations been offered. The cavalry
was ordered to the scene posthaste, and for its availability
was quickly engaged under Col. McPhail, though the

264 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

whole body of troops was moved actively, save the Tenth
under Col. Baker, to whose lot it fell to protect the in-
trenched camp should it be attacked. The Sixth under
Col. Crooks and Lieut. Col. Averill, the Seventh under
Lieut. Col. Marshall and the cavalry under Col. McPhail
moved up the hill in a battle-front of over a mile in
length, while the artillery under Capt. Jones and Lieu-
tenant Whipple took positions to facilitate the movement
of the troops up the slope. The engagement opened air
along the line, and from the plain below was said to be
imposing and dramatic — such as would appear a seven-
day wonder to the peaceful and enlightened North Dakota
of this age.

The Indians made a determined stand, realizing the
advantage of their position, but the troops pressed them
back steadily until the brow of the hill was gained, where
the real crux came. The warriors numbered fully fifteen
hundred, and their entire strength was summoned to stay
the troops ere they gained the summit, knowing that once
the hill was lost there was no longer hope of holding the
expedition in check. While all the forces had not now
gained the uplands, a sufficient number had done so to
determine the battle, which had raged for two hours,
in favor of Gen. Sibley.

The Indians fell back in great haste, crossing a plateau
of a mile in extent and making a stand at the brow of the
hill breaking to the southwestward. Once on the sum-
mit, Col. McPhail sensed the situation and seeing it was
the purpose of the Indians to take shelter below the crest
of the southwestern slope, ordered Lieutenant Barton of
Co. F of the cavalry to charge the savages at the ex-
treme left, and Captain Horace Austin, Co. B, to similarly
charge a body taking shelter farther to the right. The
cavalry bounded off at full speed with sabres ablaze and
the parched earth resounding like thunder beneath the
hoofs of the flying column. The Indians quaked as the
columns approached them, holding their fire, however,
and delivering a furious volley before disappearing over
the hill, down which they were found scampering in great

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 265

confusion. The slope was too steep for the charging
columns, but the men delivered a fire that brought down
a number of the fleeing savages. At the sound of the
bugle these two companies galloped to the position taken
by Col. McPhail to the right. Inactivity now pervaded
the whole field for some unknown reason, but because of
orders it was asserted, while immediately below us, half
a mile away, at the foot of the long hill, the Indians, men,
women, children, dogs, ponies and all personal effects,
were compressed within narrow limits between two lakes
in a state of panic, bent on escape. A column thrown
around the westernmost of the two lakes would have com-
pletely checkmated this, resulting in the capture of the
entire camp. The cavalry, occupying the most advanced
position, and the only one in view of the retreating foe,
were held very unwilling spectators while this move-
ment was going on. Officers and men were almost un-
controllable as it became apparent the enemy was suc-
cessfully eluding the grasp of the soldiery, but Col. Mc-
Phail, brave and aggressive, counselled obedience. While
thus lined up a furious thunderstorm broke over us,
heaven and earth resounding with the echoing thunder.
A blinding flash of lightning that made every horse
crouch knocked Col. McPhail's sword from his hand and
killed Private John Murphy and his horse, of Capt.
Austin's company (B1), on our immediate right. An
orderly at this moment rode up and delivered a message
which Col. McPhail eagerly glanced at. The bugle
sounded the charge, and the two companies bounded
away, A and L quickly joining. Now began a spec-
tacular movement without a rival even in fiction. The
Indians had successfully escaped beyond their confine-
ment between the lakes and were a mile on their way
in the open, headed southwesterly. The progress of the
cavalry was impeded at the restricting point between the
lakes, but the force was quickly formed into fours and
lost little time in making the passage, reassuming again
a line of battle and sweeping over the plains in pursuit
of the fleeing savages.

266 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

A supporting column, consisting of the Seventh and a
portion of the Tenth, and a section of artillery under
Lieutenant Whipple, was sent forward promptly, but to
overtake and keep up with the cavalry and the flying
enemy was a physical impossibility. The Indians, seeing
they could not escape, put their entire fighting force at
the rear to protect their retreat, and a running battle,
covering a distance of fifteen miles, was fought at close
range. No such spectacle was ever witnessed before in
Indian warfare, the cavalry pressing hard to force a
stand and the Indians fighting stubbornly to prevent it,
and keep up the movement towards the Missouri. Sev-
eral companies of cavalry (H, J and D) that had fought
in the earlier engagement dismounted and were thus hin-
dered in the chase, came up and joined in the running
fight, though companies A, B, F and L had maintained,
single-handedly, the running battle for ten miles before
the reinforcements reached the scene of hostilities.

Two incidents of this running battle were shocking and
should never have occurred even in the heat and passion
of an engagement, though these cavalrymen had wit-
nessed the unprovoked murder of their surgeon earlier
in the day. One of these incidents was the appearance
from the ranks of the enemy of a stalwart, muscular In-
dian, who had wrapped about him a beautiful American
flag. He so displayed this that it could not be mistaken,
evidently intending to meet and deliver himself up to
his pursuers, possibly with a message asking for terms
of surrender; but he became the target for a hundred
shots, and realizing as the column neared him that he
must fall he began to shoot, bent upon selling his life
dearly if he must. Though hit many times, with the
national emblem still about his shoulders, he loaded and
fired his gun with great dexterity. His weapon was a
double-barreled shotgun. His mouth was filled with
buckshot. He poured the powder into the muzzle of his
piece for his last shot and without wadding spat a charge
of bullets into the gun, apparently getting but one cap
on. Raising his weapon, he swept it along, covering half

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 267

a dozen men of the company before he was able to dis-
charge it, finally exploding the cap and burying the
charge of buckshot in an overcoat rolled up on the pom-
mel of the saddle of Private Ezra W. Green. The charge
was fired at so short a range, not exceeding ten feet, that
the bullets did not scatter, but buried themselves deeply
in the rolled coat, thus saving the life of Green. The
stalwart Indian now clubbed his gun, and with a desperate
blow very nearly unhorsed Private Andrias Carlson, rid-
ing next to Green. The Indian had now more than a
dozen bullet wounds in his body and still fought des-
perately, and was only finally finished by Private Archi-
bald McNee, at Carlson's left, who rode out of the ranks
and killed the savage.*

The other incident was that in which an old gray-haired
warrior gave emphasis to the law of the survival of the
fittest. His years, probably four score in number, had
made him a noncombattant. He had kept up with his
people until his frail body had failed him, then dropping
back helplessly through the lines he kept up his feeble
trot, but to all appearances exhausted. He was as de-
fenseless in the matter of arms as he was in the matter
of age. A soldier rode out of the ranks of Co. B with
drawn sabre. The old man heard his approach and glanc-
ing up and realizing his fate pulled his blanket up over
his head and trudged on until the cavalryman brought
his sword down with such a blow as only stalwart youth
can deliver across the back of the old man's neck, which
must have well nigh beheaded him.*

Many warriors fell in the running fight, and their
comrades were too hotly pursued to bear them from the
field. These were ridden over by the cavalry and most
of them scalped by those of the soldiers who had a pen-
chant for bloody trophies.

*A11 this occurred immediately in front of the set of
fours in which I rode.

*These incidents were abhorrent to me, and have al-
ways seemed inhuman, if not criminal.

268 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

The remarkable fight was continued into the night, and
until the darkness was so intense the enemy on either
side only knew the location of his adversary by the flash
of the guns of pursued and pursuer. At about 10 o'clock
at night Lieutenant Beever of General Sibley's staff,
guided by the sound of the running engagement, brought
a verbal message from the commanding general order-
ing the return of all the forces to Big Mound. This or-
der was displeasing to the officers and men, but was
obeyed.f Five miles back we found the infantry ancf
artillery, sensibly bivouacked. They fell in and were able
with their hour of rest to keep pace with our reeling,
jaded horses. But the night was densely cloudy and
intensely dark, and with nothing whatever to guide us in
this strange country we lost our way, running into annoy-
ing obstacles now and then to impede our progress and
divert us into greater confusion of mind. The artillery
was brought into use and several shots fired, but no
response came. Our wanderings were continued until
daylight, when, at about 4 o'clock, we got a response
from a shot fired at that time by Lieut. Whipple. Thus
guided, we reached camp at 7 o'clock in the morning.
Rarely are soldiers put to a severer test than that en-
dured by these men. The cavalrymen had been con-
stantly in the saddle for twenty-eight hours and a con-
siderable portion of that time actively engaged in con-
flict, with nothing to eat and without water since in the
forenoon of the previous day. The infantry had fared
but little better, except that, so much, in the nature of
things, was not expected from that arm of the service.
The horses were in a pitiable condition, having been
ridden excessively hard without food, drink or rest. Get-
ting in, they were watered and picketed out. The camp
had been broken and everything packed for the march

fit was insisted by Gen. Sibley this order was in>
properly delivered by Lieut. Beever. "Bivouac where
night overtakes you if you can hold your ground; return
to camp if you cannot," is said to have been the order.

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 269

when we entered it, so the exhausted men fell upon their
faces on the plain, without waiting to prepare food, and
with nothing to shelter them slept in the broiling sun
until late in the day. The chief bugler sounded the as-
sembly, which was caught and repeated, rousing the men
from their stupor to again take up the march. Making
a distance of five miles, the command went into camp
for the night, and here it was that many a soldier ate his
first meal and drank his first cup of coffee in forty hours.
Here the remains of Eh% Weiser and Private John Murphy
were buried with military honors. Our day's rest and our
square meal in the evening had fitted us for picket duty
for the night, which was made anything but pleasant by
a drizzling rain and a northeast wind full of chill.*

Battle of Dead Buffalo Lake.

July 26th we moved out of camp at an early hour, fol-
lowing the trail over which the cavalry had fought the
enemy on the 24th. As we reached Dead Buffalo Lake
at 2 P. M. the Indians revealed themselves across the

*On the morning of the 24th Lieutenant Ambrose Free-
man of Co. D, cavalry, and George A. Brackett, beef con-
tractor, dropped out of the lines for a buffalo hunt, not
an uncommon thing for officers and men to do, though
forbidden. They were five miles or more from the com-
mand, to the left and rear, on the day the Indians were
encountered, but were cut off by savages while the Big
Mound engagement was in progress, and Lieut. Free-
man killed. Brackett had a most sensational experience,
escaping and returning eastward on foot, his horse having
been taken at the time Freeman was killed, reaching Camp
Atchison after five days of wandering, more dead than
alive and the hero of experiences and" triumphs unparal-
leled. It was supposed that both men had been slain by
the savages until meeting a party of Chippewa hunters
within a day's march of Camp Atchison on our return.
The Chippewas had visited Camp Atchison and told of
Brackett's safe arrival there.

270 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

path of the expedition, well in advance. They were at
long range and Lieut. Whipple's battery was turned upon
them. They were observant rather than belligerent for
a time, plotting deviltry as was suspected by those familiar
with their tricks. Their purpose was later revealed when
from the cover of a hill on the right a mounted force
swept down like a hurricane on the hundreds of grazing
horses and mules that had by this time been picketed
out. The game was a bold one and would have proved
a great triumph had it succeeded, but the mere presence
of the enemy was enough to warn commanders of their
danger. This bold dash led to a hot fight between the
savages on one side and the Indian scouts and the cavalry
on the other. The Indians, as a counter move, attacked
the left and front, but the Sixth Minnesota handled them
roughly, with the assistance of the artillery. The battle
lasted two hours, during which the Indians were worsted
at every point of the field. The camp was well intrenched
and strongly picketed for the night, but was undisturbed
by the savages, and on the following day the command
after a hard march of twenty miles over a rolling coun-
try, man and beast suffering greatly for want of water,
reached Stony Lake. While on this expedition extremely
early rising was the rule, early retirement was no less
the practice. Camp was necessarily established with ref-
erence to grass and water, but these conditions were
usually found at from 11 A. M. to 2. P. M.

Battle of Stony Lake — Spectacular Scene.

Stony Lake was a very small body of alkali water
situated in camp, but immediately south of our line of
march.

The morning of July 28th was one of exceptional
beauty. At the usual early hour the command taking up
its line of march from the lake, surrounding the train as
was customary, was slowly wending its way up a long
slope in a westerly course with the rear guard just ready
to move, when, as if by magic, the plain swarmed with
savages. The atmosphere was tinted with smoke, as on

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 271

an autumn morning, giving the flood of sunlight now en-
veloping the earth, a ruddiness that added spirit to one
of the most picturesque military encounters ever wit-
nessed. The Indians were naked, except as to the cus-
tomary breechclout, and were all mounted. Their num-
bers had been largely augmented from along the Missouri,
Sitting Bull being among the new accessions, and here
for the first time "measuring swords" with the white race.
Fully two thousand warriors were in this spectacular en-
gagement, dramatic beyond description. As if springing
spontaneously out of the earth, these scurrying, painted
demons, hair streaming and bending forward as if to
accelerate the speed of their flying ponies, completely en-
veloped Gen. Srbley's little army, with yells calculated to
make the soldiers "sit up and take notice." The Mis-
souri was but thirty miles distant, and the expedition must
be held in check until the families and personal effects of
the Indians could be successfully transferred to the west-
ern shores of that river. Hence this was a battle of des-
peration on the part of the savages, who fought with a
bravery admired even by their enemies. The engage-
ment opened around the entire great circle, the object
evidently being to find a vulnerable point into which it
was plainly intended to pour a stream of savages at any
sacrifice, but Gen. Sibley's forces were well disposed and
fought gallantly, every soldier being engaged.

The ruddy sunlight gave the naked demons, in their
desperate assaults, a weird appearance, smacking of ro-
mance rather than of real human endeavor, and the only
hardship of which any man could complain was that of
being required to perform duty while so tragic ancf
graphic an exhibition was spread along the slope ancf
over the plains in the depths of that wild, boundless soli-
tude.

Mingled with hideous yells were the rattle of musketry
and the roar of cannon, amid which, with bounding dashes
here and there, the savages endeavored to break our lines,
but these brave endeavors only resulted in increased losses
to the enemy, and after more than two hours of fierce

272 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

fighting the Indians disappeared as mysteriously as they
had swooped down upon us, leaving many dead on the
field, but rescuing by acts of admirable daring most of
their wounded, whom they bore away on their ponies.
Lines were now reformed for the march, and the expedi-
tion covered a distance of over twenty-two miles over a
difficult country before establishing camp. After the close
of the morning engagement not an Indian was seen dur-
ing the day's march.

Great Quantities of Dried Buffalo Meat— Robes

Galore.

When the expedition reached Big Mound, where the
first engagement was fought, the Indians were in camp
near the foot of the southwestern exposure of the
"mound." When the battle was precipitated, and the
Indians finally forced to retreat, this camp was hastily
broken and movables packed for flight. As the running
fight warmed up, the flying Indians began to sacrifice one
impediment, then another, until the path of the fleeing
savages was easily traced thence to the Missouri River,
the greater quantities being sacrificed in the first forty
or fifty miles of the eighty-mile flight. The Indians had
spent the summer up to the time Gen. Sibley overhauled
them in buffalo hunting. They had already obtained
and dried their winter's supply of buffalo meat, and had
accumulated and tanned great quantities of fine robes.
These products were surplusage on such an occasion as
this, and as they impeded the progress of the retreating
savages were sacrificed by degrees as necessity compelled,
so that the ground was strewn for miles with the dried
meat and valuable robes. The soldiers gathered great
quantities of the dried but unsalted buffalo meat, which
they carried in their haversacks for lunch on the march,
not questioning its preparation by hands never washed
except by accident. The dried meat was very nutritious,
and, salted, highly palatable. Of the hundreds of robes
many choice ones were gathered, but being cumbersome
the soldiers, like the Indians, were obliged, sooner or

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 273

later, to discard them. In packing for the flight, even
the dogs had been loaded to the limit of their carrying
capacity. One poor canine, late in the afternoon of our
running fight of the 24th, fell out of the race with his
enormous load, which contained, among other things, a
heavy ax, lashed to his body. A soldier kindly cut the
thongs with which his load was bound up and fastened
to him, allowing him to escape and join his friends.

The Indians had thrown away their entire stock of pro-
visions in their panic, and the last day or so of their flight
were compelled to subsist on "bread root," which grew
abundantly on the hills and which had been dug in great
quantities, as the freshly-made holes, with some pointed
instrument, attested.

Breaking camp early on the morning of the 29th, the
command took up the pursuit. A numerous body of
mounted Indians suddenly appeared on the right, left and
front, but as suddenly disappeared without offering battle,
and without leading the expedition a wild chase, as they
had hoped to do, and were not seen again. The Sioux
are skilled in the art of concealing their movements, even
in a comparatively open country.

Entering the Missouri Valley— Striking the Missouri
— Death of Lieut. Beaver.

As we descended into the valley of the Missouri at
about 9 in the forenoon we could see the massed savages
climbing the hills on the opposite side of the river, they
having reached and successfully crossed that great stream
during the night and early morning by the aid of rafts
of hasty and rude construction, and even by plunging
frantically into the turbid river and swimming for life.
Those who witnessed the scurrying mass as it ascended
the hills beyond the river, a few miles distant, will never
forget the spectacle. The slanting rays of the forenoon
sun were reflected from hundreds of mirrors hung as in-
dispensable personal trappings to the bodies of these
strange, wild people, producing an effect of the occasion's
own peculiar exclusiveness.

274 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

At about 11 o'clock in the forenoon the expedition
reached the Missouri River at the mouth of Apple Creek,
about four miles below the present city of Bismarck.
Above the mouth of Apple Creek a mile or so is the point
at which the Indians had made their crossing of the Mis-
souri. The river bottom on the east side was here quite
heavily timbered, and the Sixth Minnesota, under Col.
Crooks, was ordered to explore the woods and place of
crossing. Numerous warriors were concealed in the tim-
ber, and spirited skirmishing resulted from their presence,
during which Lieut. Beever* of Gen. Sibley's staff entered
the woods .with an order to Col. Crooks, which he de-
livered, but the Lieutenant was ambushed and killed on
his return. His body was not found until the following
day, when it was discovered where it had fallen, pierced
with bullets and arrows. He wore his hair cropped closely
or was slightly bald, and his murderers removed the skin
from the lower part of his face, bearing the trimmed
beard, instead of taking his scalp. His body was interred
in a lonely grave within the camp-ground, hundreds of
miles from civilization, as was that of Private Nicholas
Miller of Co. K of the Sixth, who was also killed in the
woods.

Col. Crooks found about one hundred wagons the In-
dians had abandoned in their hasty crossing during the
night, together with camp equipage, all of which he col-
lected and burned. On the night of the 29th the Indians
attacked our camp, but retired after firing a volley or two,
and very properly, for the night was beautiful — such as
would have set the heart of Tom Moore atune with its
summer breath, full moon and floating clouds — too beau-
tiful for this incivility.

Here ended the campaign of the Sibley Expedition

*Lieutenant Beever was an Englishman who had se-
cured a position on Gen. Sibley's staff at his own request,
and on the recommendation of influential friends who
knew him, and was not, it was said, a naturalized citizen
an(| not an American soldier.

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 275

of 1863. With barely rations enough left to make the
return to Camp Atchison, and with animals in a state of
collapse, further pursuit of the savages was out of the
question. It had been arranged before leaving Camp
Pope that Gen. Alfred Sully should meet Gen. Sibley on
the Missouri, if possible, he to proceed from Sioux City,
Iowa, at least a part of the way by river transports, with
an army similar to that commanded by Sibley ; but noth-
ing could be learned of Gen. Sully, he, as was later
known, having been detained at many points by low
water. Rockets and the battery were used on the nights
of July 30th and 31st in the hope that by this signalling
communication might be established with the Sully ex-
pedition, but no response came.

On the Ground Where Bismarck Stands.

On the 30th and 31st the cavalry and scouts recon-
noitered the country up the Missouri, riding over the
ground where Bismarck is located, but in a day when
that city was not so much as a figment in the mind of
any dreamer.

The Indians had been severely punished, while their
property loss had reduced them to a state of destitution,
and not the least of their losses was the exhaustion very
largely of their supply of ammunition, for upon this they
must depend principally for their subsistence.

Inkpaduta Not a Leader — Lean Bear Dead.

It has been said recently by a writer that Inkpoduta
was the "Napoleon" who led the savages from the open-
ing of the battle at Big Mound until the passage of the
Missouri, and that Lean Bear was one of his lieuten-
ants. Inkpaduta was never more than a horse-thief and
cut-throat, dreaded and despised by the Sioux in gen-
eral, who were never known to give him any following,
except from among the outlaws and oucasts whom the
Indians in general could not tolerate with patience. As
for Lean Bear, he had been dead nearly a year when
the battle of Big Mound was fought, having been killed

276 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

August 20, 1862, by a settler named Duly, at Lake She-
tek, Minnesota. It was one of Inkpaduta's outlaws who
shot and killed Dr. Weiser, and brought upon the Indians
the hardships, suffering and losses they sustained from
that hour on, making Inkpaduta more despised than ever
before, for without any doubt it was the purpose of the
Indians as a body to surrender peaceably to Gen. Sibley
and trust to his clemency. They knew of his presence
in the immediate country they occupied, but did not even
move their families, meeting the approach of the general
when within cannon shot of their great camp, not as war-
riors, but as spectators, and sending him word by the
Indian scouts they wished to hold a council with him,
which would no doubt have taken place but for the treach-
erous act of a follower of Inkpaduta.

Turning Homeward— Great Joy in Camp.

I find in my diary, under date of August 1st, 1863,
this entry: "All is joy this morning, for we turn our
faces once more toward civilization. At no time has there
been such rejoicing before, and the boys manifest their
pleasure in everything they do, and at every turn. Never
again will the hills of the Missouri echo the strains of
'Home, Sweet Home' with all the emphasis, feeling
and meaning they are wafted over the valley this morn-
ing. And how sad the thought so many have been de-
prived by death from sharing this jubilee and the fond
hopes that have inspired it. It is now forty-seven days
since we saw a mark of civilization, and with our well-
nigh exhausted animals we can hardly hope to make civ-
ilization in less than another forty-seven days. Not once
have we seen the face of a woman during the long sum-
mer's campaign, and it is the hope of greeting again,
some day, the kind-faced mother, sister or sweetheart that
has made so joyful the hearts of the soldier boys today."

We left camp on the Missouri this morning, our com-
pany, with another, acting as rear guard, thus lingering
until the command had taken up the march. But for the

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 277

lonely graves we were leaving the farewell would not have
been a sad one.

Death of Chaska— A Really Noble Indian.

We made twenty-two miles on the first day of our
return march, and fifteen on the second day. On the
evening of the second day, that of August 2nd, Chaska,
one of the valued Sioux scouts and a good man was
taken violently ill and died. He had left a family in Min-
nesota which he had fondly, and that we had turned back,
reasonably hoped to see again.

Crystal Springs— Name Given by Gen. Sibley — Back
at Camp Atchison— Capture of Little Crow's
Son.

At our camp ground on the 3rd we found springs of
delicious water — the best we had been permitted to enjoy
since leaving Camp Pope. The Missouri River was not
accessible to us, and the water of Apple Creek was the
personification of moisture and alkali. There were no
empty canteens when we left this camp on the morning
of the 4th. We reached Big Mound on the 4th. On the
6th we met a party of Chippewa half-breeds, who had
been at Camp Atchison, and who informed us George A.
Brackett, after a heroic struggle, had reached that camp
on the 29th of July. This was occasion for general re-
joicing, for there was little hope that Brackett had es-
caped death.

We got out of the coteau at 10 o'clock on the fore-
noon of the 7th, to our great relief, as henceforth we
should traverse a comparatively level country. On Au-
gust 10th we marched into Camp Atchison, and were
given a soldiers' welcome by our comrades, who served
to us a royal supper of baked beans, fried hardtack and
coffee, with cream from the milk of human kindness in
it. This was a royal supper from the fact that we had
been kept too busy to practice cookery in so high a style
of the art. The men were impatient for the story of

278 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

our adventures, swapping their stock of information,
which consisted of that of the capture of Little Crow's
son by them in our absence, for the tales of an adventur-
ous campaign. To us the news of the capture of the
young Indian was equal in interest to any single event
we could recount, for through the boy was gathered the
first knowledge we had of the killing of his distinguished
father by Lampson. The boy was hunted up and curi-
ously scanned. He was a youth of sixteen, wan and
slender, and gave his name as Wa-Wi-Nap-a, which he
pronounced very musically. His father had wearied of
fighting the whites, and with a small party of Indians,
fifteen men and one squaw in all, had walked all the way
from the Devils Lake country to the Minnesota frontier,
his father's mission being principally to steal horses, of
which he was in great need. The boy had accompanied
his father to assist in carrying his "pack." Little Crow
and his* son were separated from the other members of
the party. They were five or six miles north of Hutchin-
son, Minnesota, on the evening of July 3rd, and were
picking berries, unconscious of the presence of white men.
Nathan Lampson and son Chauncey as was later
learned were passing the spot, and discovered the In-
dians. Both Lampsons were armed, as were all who ex-
posed themselves on the frontier after the massacre. Lit-
tle Crow and son were in comparatively open ground,
while the Lampsons were less exposed. The latter were
in doubt as to the best course to pursue, not knowing how
many Indians constituted the party, but the senior Lamp-
son resolved to creep forward to a tree, and from its
shelter kill, if possible, the older of the two Indians.

Camp Atchison Abandoned— Homeward Bound.

On the morning of August 12th, 1863, Camp Atchison
passed out of existence, the entire command taking up its
long march to civilization. Here came a parting of the
ways, too, for those who had so long been associated with
each other, Gen. Sibley returning with the main body of
the expedition by our former trail as far as the big bend of

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 279

the Cheyenne, thence to Abercrombie and on to Fort
Snelling, while Col. McPhail, with companies B, E, F, I,
and M of the cavalry, was ordered to the southward,
west of the Cheyenne. This lilliputian offshoot was given
one piece of artillery and a scant supply of provisions, and
worst of all, Col. McPhail, knowing the great anxiety of
the men to again reach civilization, informed his officers
and men, when camp was established at the end of the
first day's march, that his orders were to make an expe-
dition into the Snake River country, and that he felt he
had been unfairly shunted for such a perilous undertak-
ing with so small a force. The Colonel betrayed no sign
of the fact, but he must have suffered in his endeavors
to suppress his pent-up feelings when he discovered what
a hit he had made, for the outburst of the wrath of the
disappointed men pretty nearly set the prairie afire. He
cautioned moderation and obedience. He expressed ear-
nest indignation himself, but the personal feelings of a
soldier was as nothing, he said, when an order to perform
a duty had once been given. He then repaired to his
tent.

The men were furious. Where was Snake River — east
or west of the Missouri? No one could tell, and for-
tunately for the Colonel, no map of this region had ever
been made. Twenty-eight hours of fighting was nothing
as compared with this outrage, for it was supposed the
season's campaigning was over, and there was to be a re-
turn to civilized life ; and now this infamous Snake River
expedition had been sprung, with five companies and a
wheelbarrow load of provisions. The old earthen bed
upon which the men had slept all summer was unusually
hard that night, but the boys became resigned to their
fate.

Timely Capture of Cattle— Old Council Ground-
On Quarter Rations— Capt. Allen Kills Buffalo
Where Redwood Falls Now Stands.

On the 14th we discovered and captured six head of

280 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

cattle, of which we made excellent use. They were
probably from Brackett's herd, though this fact could not
be established. A buffalo was killed on the 15th, just
as we were establishing camp about three miles west of
the Cheyenne River. On the night of the 16th we camped
where in 1853 was held a monster Sioux council, attend-
ed by all the Dakotas east of the Missouri, and by many
from beyond that stream. Our Indian guide could tell
us little of the council, except that it had some reference
to the treaty of 1851, with which the Missouri River In-
dians were dissatisfied. On the 17th we camped on the
spot on the Cheyenne where Fort Ransom was after-
wards founded. On the 20th, after completing our
march, four buffalo passed along the outer edge of our
camp. A party of men mounted their horses and gave
chase, killing two of the fine animals, and returning to
camp loaded with choice steaks. On the 22nd we struck
our old trail amid great rejoicing. The Snake River
hoax now positively revealed itself, and for the first time
really had a funny aspect. The 23rd we had our first
wood fire since leaving the Missouri, bidding finai adieu
to buffalo chips. The 24th we camped near Big Stone
Lake, and were put on half rations. Fortunately a party
from Capt. Austin's company killed a buffalo just before
going into camp. A team was sent out and brought in
the entire carcass. The 25th we camped on the Wheat-
stone River. The event of the 26th was that of being
put on quarter rations. A diary notation suggests that
"this beats Snake River." At the crossing of the Lacqui
Parle River, on the 28th, we found a great abundance of
wild plums, the first fruit in any form we had been priv-
ileged to enjoy for months. The last important event
before terminating our return march occurred on the 31st,
when Capt. Dwight W. Allen, of Co. I, killed a buffalo
near the site of the present little city of Redwood Falls.
The country had been deserted for a year, and the ex-
cellent pastures of the region had tempted the "cattle of
the plains" to repossess themselves of it once more. Our
camp was on the Redwood River on the night of the 31st.

SIBLEY EXPEDITION. 281

Capt. Allen and a companion brought in what steak they
could carry, and a team was sent out to bring in the re-
mainder of the animal, which, to the hungry men, was like
a shower of manna. Passing the abandoned Redwood
Agency on the morning of September 1st, we arrived at
Fort Ridgely before noon of that day.

Behold the Transformation—The End.

Behold the transformation that followed restlessly in
the wake of this campaign — the evolution of an empire
from a wilderness in the life-time of hundreds of those
who assisted in the onerous tasks of wresting from the
idle and indolent savage, as fair a land as the sun ever
kissed, or the breath of summer ever caressed, moulded
now into the magnificent commonwealth of North Da-
kota, with its cities and its towns, its schools and its
churches^ its net-work of railroads, its thousands of rural
homes, many of them in all respects modern, its vast herds
that have displaced the buffalo and the antelope, and its
golden fields — a great state in a word, subdued, beautified,
glorified, and made rich from the fertility of its own
matchless soil. What a privilege to have witnessed such
a transformation, inconceivable in any but our own won-
derful country, for such a transition one could not wit-
ness on the Continent of Europe were he permitted to
live a thousand years.

Blessed is the memory when we ranged with free hand
in the work of reclamation, amid scenes forever vanished,
or now obscured by the stage-settings of civilization.

There was ever an inspiration in the vast, rolling
plains — a spirit of freedom never to be purged from the
blood when once taken into it. Oceans and mountains
challenge our admiration, and no less do great treeless
expanses of boundless green, that roll away like the
bounding billows of an emerald sea, to kiss the bending
skies of our horizon. So far as the works of man were
concerned, all was desolation. Buffalo and antelope scur-

282 SIBLEY EXPEDITION.

ried over the great, wild pastures in herds and bands in-
numerable, while the Indian, in all his pride and glory,
roamed as the undisputed master of the great region that
to man was merely a solitude of limitless possibilities.

INDEX

My Excuse 1

Sioux Massacre — Cause of the Outbreak 9

Yellow Medicine Incident 17

Beginning of the Outbreak — Desperate Work at Redwood Ferry 29

Miraculous Escape of Blodgett, Sutherland and Others 55

Determined to Attack Fort Ridgely 77

Courier Sturgis Breaks the News to St. Peter, 80

First Attack on Fort Ridgely 88

Second Attack on Fort Ridgely 99

Fort Ridgely Never Surprised by Sioux 106

Daring Service of Messengers Sturgis and McLain 107

Noble Men and Women Among the Refugees 118

New Ulm 122

Birch Coulie 129

Wood Lake and Camp Release 135

Attack on Fort Abercrombie 140

Escape of Missionaries 142

An Incident Preceding the Outbreak 146

Incidents of the Siege of Fort Ridgely 1 50

About Losses 153

Talks of Cruelty as told by Refugee* 156

Execution of Thirty-Eight Indians 164

Dr. Alfred Muller 167

A Woman in Battle 169

The Grand Old Ferryman 1 73

John McCole 175

Standing Buffalo 177

Little Crow 183

The Man Who Killed Little Crow 187

Death of Chaska 191

Gallant Sons of Fillmore and Freeborn Counties 1 93

Miraculous Escape of the Reynolds Family 1%

ii INDEX.

Remarkable Experiences of a Remarkable Woman 203

Sibley Expedition of 1863.

Assembling an Army for the Sibley Expedition 242

Hardships of Frontier Military Service — Hauling Wagons by Man-power. . 240

Camp Pope — Personnel of the Army 243

Jime 16, 1853, A Memorable Day— How Small Pox Restored Quiet. . 244
General Sibley 's Habits of Early Rising— Our First Day's March— The

Mules and the Bluet 245

Camp on the Battlefield of Wood Lake 247

The Desolate Yellow Medicine Agency — Camp at Hazelwood 247

Camp Release— A Cold June Day 248

The Beautiful Lac qui Parle 249

A Beautiful Country— Big Stone Lake 249

Celebrating a Birthday — First Buffalo Hunt 249

Finding of Human Skeletons 25 1

Camp Between Lakes Big Stone and Traverse 252

Adieu With Regrets to Camp McLaren— Buffalo "Chips" for Fuel 252

July Fourth on the Cheyenne River 254

Story of an Ancient Battle — The Indian as a Reconteur 255

Gymnastic Weather— Heat, Cold and Chill 255

Beautiful Country — Taunt of the Mirage — The Balm of Air-Castles 256

In the Saddle at 2 in the Morning— Tolac Lake— Beautiful Camp Ground . . 258

Killing an Elk Within the Lines — Founding Camp Atchison 259

Cowardly Deed of Lieut. Field— Furor in Camp 259

General Sibley's Busy Day— A Dash for the Missouri 260

A Visit from Chippewa Buffalo Hunters — Pointers They Gave Us —

Reaching the James River — Indian Signs 261

Finding the Sioux— Battle of Big Mound— Death of Dr. Weiser— Escape
of George A. Brackett— All Day and AH Night in the Saddle-
Indian Holds Up Stars and Stripes — Running Fight of Fifteen Miles 262

Battle of Dead Buffalo Lake 269

Battle of Stony Lake— Spectacular Scene 270

Great Quantities of Dried Buffalo Meat— Robes Galore 272

Entering the Missouri Valley — Striking the Missouri — Death of Lieut.

Beaver. 273

On the Grouud Where Bismarck Stands 275

Turning Homeward — Great Joy in Camp 276

Death of Chaska, a Really Noble Indian 277

INDEX. iii

Inkpaduta Not a Leader— Lean Bear Dead 275

Crystal Springs — Name Given by Gen. Sibley — Back at Camp Atchison —

Capture of Little Crow's Son 277

Camp Atchison Abandoned — Homeward Bound 278

Timely Capture of Cattle — Old Council Ground — On Quarter Rations —

Capt. Allen Kills Buffalo Where Redwood Falls Now Stands 279

Behold the Transformation- — The End. 281

Illustrations.

Red Iron 12

Plan of Fort Ridgely 37

Two Views of Fort Ridgely 38

Cut Nose 146

Dr. Alfred Muller 167

Standing Buffalo 1 77

Little Crow 183

Gen. H. H, Sibley 237

Officers who distinguished themselves in the defense of Fort Ridgely, and
other prominent characters, on pages following page 227 — properly indicated.

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Full text of "Recollections of the Sioux massacre : an authentic history of the Yellow Medicine incident, of the fate of Marsh and his men, of the siege and battles of Fort Ridgely and of other important battles and experiences : together with an historical sketch of the Sibley Expedition of 1863"

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