*B b3fi DEI
| 1 4 <l
WITH SKETCHES EXTRACTED FROM HISTORY OF
THE TIMES IX WHICH ITS SERVICES WERE
REQUIRED, FROM 1793 TO 1880.
Compiled and arranged, from the most authentic sources.
MAJOR J. DOUGLAS MERCER,
Late North Cork Rifles and 9th Battn. the King's Royal Rifle Corps.
PRINTED BY SEALY, BRYERS & WALKER,
94, 95 & 96 Middle Abbey Stbeet.
At the request of many of ray old brother officers, with whom
I served in the permanent embodiment of the North Cork
Rifles, during the war of the Indian Mutiny, (from 1857
to 1860), and at the subsequent annual trainings — up to
the year 1880 — I was induced to attempt something like
a Record of the North Cork Regiment. I little thought,
however, of the difficulty of the task I was about to
undertake, in the way of finding the necessary amount of
information. By the kindness of Sir Bernard Burke, C.B.,
Ulster King-at-Arms, I was permitted access to some old
books, &c, in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle. I gleaned
something also from the old newspapers in Trinity College,
and from various histories of the Rebellion of 1798, at the
Royal Dublin Society Institution, &c. I also gathered a good
deal of useful matter from old documents kindly forwarded by
the late Lieut. -Colon el Howe (a brother officer), from Captain
Hodder, Hoddersfield, Co. Cork, from R. U. P. Fitzgerald,
Esq., M.P., and others. By this aid I have been enabled to
produce a volume the contents of which, whatever may be
considered its demerits, can be relied upon as being perfectly
I have carefully avoided anything like vague or questionable
matter, that might tend only to the ridicule or discredit of the
regiment, or any member of it, and I may conclude by stating
that I feel much pride at having been honoured with the
charge of compiling a Record of the gallant old Regiment, in
connection with which I have spent many of the best years of
- J. D. MERCER, Majob.
17*/i May, 1S8G.
I. — MARCH, 1793
II. — JANUARY, '97
III. — IRISH REBELLION, '98
IV. — THE REBEL ARMY .
V. — BATTLE OF NEW ROSS, 5TH JUNE, '98
VI. — BATTLE OF ARKLOW, JUNE 10TH, '98
VII. — VINEGAR HILL, JUNE 21 ST, '98
VIII. — LANDING OF THE FRENCH
IX. — HUMBERT'S SURRENDER .
,, BATTLE OF ASS AYE AND LORD CATHCARTs
EXPEDITION TO HANOVER
X. — THE PENINSULAR WAR
XI.— WAR IN THE CRIMEA
XII. — THE INDIAN MUTINY
XIII. — MASSACRE BY THE SEPOYS
XIV.— NANA SAHIB'S TREACHERY
XV. — GALLANT ATTACK, AND ROUTE OF
XVI. — CAPTURE OF ONAO
XVII.— THE RELIEF OF LUCKNOW
XVIII.— OFFICERS OF THE REGIMENT, 1857
XIX.— VICISSITUDES OF THE REGIMENT
constituted from that of the present day, in almost
every particular, for, although they fought well, but
little could be said in favour of their drill or discipline.
The North Cork Regiment, as will be shown in this
volume, as a matter of record, did their duty well and
bravely, even when the odds were immensly dispro-
portioned against them ; and the officers — although, of
course, devoid of any military education — by their
coolness and presence of mind when face to face with
desperate responsibility, proved themselves worthy of
having their names handed down to future generations
as examples for gallantry and courage, as what act of
heroism in modern warfare can exceed that of the
gallant Captain Snowe at the Bridge of Enniscorthy,
as stated by Froude.* The North Cork " had suffered
severely, one detachment destroyed at Prosperous,
another at Oulart, and still at Enniscorthy they fought
splendidly/ ' and had retreated only before numbers
enormously superior, and an enemy whose policy was
to treat them as traitors to their country, and to refuse
all quarter to such of them as came within their savage
power ; but of this more hereafter.
The North Cork Regiment (No. 34) was raised by
Government levy, in the North Riding of the County
of Cork, in the months of April, May, and June, 1793,
and numbered 26 officers, 24 sergeants, 16 drummers,
12 fifers, and 446 rank and file, under the command
* Froude's " English in Ireland," Vol. III.
of Viscount Kingsborough, with John De Courcey,
twenty-sixth Baron Kingsale, as Lieutenant- Colonel.
The following is a list of the officers appointed at the
time, for which see Army List, January, 1794 : — .
Colonel Commandant — Yiscount Kingsborough.
Lt.- Colonel — Lord Kingsale.
Major — John JNewenham.
John Wallis. Richard Foote.
David Franks. Edward Heard.
Capt.- Lieut. — Honble. Wm. De Courcey.
Charles Yinters. John O'Hea.
Stephen O'Hea. William Johnston.
John Norcott. Michael Stewart.
David Williams. James Glover.
Michael Rourke Thomas Paye.
Isaac Silletto. Thomas H. Justice.
Charles Barry. John Roe.
Chaplain — Rev. T. Barry.
Adjutant — Honble. Wm. De Courcey.
Quartermaster — Charles Yinters.
Surgeon — Daniel Williams.
Armit, Burrough & Co., Agents.
Uniform red, Facings yellow.
The regiment after its embodiment was moved to
Limerick and broken up into detachments to various
parts of that county, in which it remained until the
beginning of the year 1796, when it was moved into
Kilkenny, and after a period of some nine months
there, it was sent to the County Kildare head
quarters, at INaas, with detachments throughout the
county. About this time the compulsory increase of
military power, under the provisions of the " Militia
Bill," increased the general feeling of discontent,
and the uneasiness was not abated by the rumour that
the French Government had undertaken to land an
army of 20,000 men to assist the Irish Revolutionists.
This rumour was well founded, for on the 21st of
December, the French Fleet, under "Morard de Galles,"
with thirty-four sail, entered Bantry Bay. But the
disasters which befel it are graphically described in the
Journal of the unfortunate Theobald Wolfe Tone, and
recorded by an eminent historian.* It runs thus : —
' ' The morning is now come — the gale continues, and
the fog so thick we cannot see a ship's length ahead ;
so here we lie in the utmost uncertainty and anxiety.
In all probability we are left without Admiral or
General. Certainly we have been persecuted by a
strange fatality from the very night of our departure
from Brest, to this hour. We have been now six davs
in Bantry Bay — within 500 yards of the shore, without
being able to effect a landing. We have been dispersed
four times in four days ; and at this moment, of forty-
three sail, of which the expedition consisted, we can
muster of all sizes, but fourteen. There only wants our
falling in with the English to complete our destruction.
" On the 27th the weather continued stormy — several
ships were obliged to cut and run — the fleet was reduced
to seven sail of the line, and one frigate ; the troops
to 4,200 men, and the artillery to two four-pounders.
As a last effort this miserable remnant of the expedi-
tion determined to seek the Shannon, which had been
named as the place of rendezvous. During the whole
gale which blew during the night of the 28th a sixth
separation occurred, and three seventy-fours and a
frigate parted company. On the 29th the Commodore
signalled the captains to steer for France, and the last
ship of our expedition intended to overthrow the
British Monarchy quitted the shores of Ireland without
having landed a single soldier, communicated with the
disaffected, or thrown a musket on the shore. On the
1st January the Indomitable, with her three consorts,
made Ushant and anchored the same evening in Brest
Harbour. The run back to France, contrary to general
expectation, had been fortunately uninterrupted from
the night they left the Raz passage until they entered
the Goulet on their return. Although the sea swarmed
with British cruisers, the French Fleet had never seen
a man of war."
The failure of the French attempt was of course very
depressing to the Irish Unionists, and the reports of
Irish agents tended little to encourage a fresh attempt,
the gasconade of some presenting a ridiculous contrast
to the gloomy anticipations of the remainder. The
spirit of the Revolutionists, however, was as untameable
as ever, and the capture of Lord Edward Fitzgerald
about this time in Thomas Street, Dublin, was an
additional incentive to stir up their fury. This occurred
on the night of the 18th of May, 1797, and now open
rebellion was threatened, and troops were being poured
into Dublin to protect the Capital. The North Cork
was about one of the first regiments ordered to Dublin,
and was quartered in George's Street Barracks, now
the establishment of Messrs. Pim, Brothers & Co.
The year 1797, it has been stated,* was one rather of
preparation than of incident, and the exertions of the
leaders of the conspiracy at that period were unceasing,
and the efforts of the Government equally so, and with
such effect that nearly all the principals were arrested,
for immediately after the capture of Lord Edward
Fitzgerald, the brothers John and Henry Sheares were
taken, tried and executed, from papers found in their
possession and the savage ferocity of intention indi-
cated therein, especially the proclamation (to give no
quarter) in the handwriting of John Sheares, about
to be issued to the rebel leaders throughout the
kingdom, showed that a terrible insurrection was
about to burst forth. The plots to sei2e upon the
metropolis, the Castle, Trinity College, &c, were all
fortunately discovered by the indefatigable Major
Sirr, in time to prevent any calamity of the kind.
1798, April. — Meanwhile the crisis rapidly hurried on,
and every day it was expected the explosion would take
place, and so on until the 23rd of May, a day that must
ever carry with it deplorable recollections, for before
another sun should rise the city was to undergo all the
horrors that attend upon Civil War. Evening came, but
no positive information had as yet reached the Castle,
when late in the day Lieutenant La Touche, of the
County Dublin Yeomanry Cavalry, sent word to apprise
the Lord Lieutenant that the insurrection had actually
broken out, and the rebels were collecting in great
numbers at Rathfarnham, and in the roads and fields
in the vicinity of Dublin. Immediately the garrison
drums beat to arms ; the " North Cork Militia " — 432
strong — formed in Stephen's Green ; and all the
approaches to the city were strongly guarded and
occupied by the Royalist troops. The capture of Dublin
was the grand and primary object at which the con-
spirators aimed, and a simultaneous movement on the
capital by the Kildare rebels was to have seconded the
efforts of the disaffected within the city.
The stoppage of the mail coaches was to be the signal
for a general rising. On the evening of the 23rd the
Belfast mail was burned at Santry ; the Limerick
stopped on the Curragh of Kildare, and both guard
and coachman murdered ; the Athlone coach was
destroyed at Lucan ; and the Cork mail at JNaas ; and a
number of petty affairs followed the instant outbreak of
the rebellion, all tinged in a lesser or greater degree
with the atrocity attendant upon Civil War.
The North Cork only mustered 432 men for the
defence of the city, and, as the garrison was almost
drained of regular troops, the safety of Dublin was
intrusted to the Militia and Yeomanry, which circum-
stance was not overlooked by the rebel leaders. In
barracks soldiers cannot be easily surprised, a few
moments being sufficient to place a regiment in order of
battle, but to collect stragglers dispersed and distant
from the alarm posts they have been instructed to
assemble at, is a work of time, and equally difficult and
precarious, as in an attempt to reach the post assigned,
individuals and isolated parties are readily intercepted
From the paucity of the number of troops in the
country at the period, it was the custom of the wise-
heads in command of His Majesty's forces to break up
regiments into small parties for detachment duty. One
fatal example of the evil attendant on such practice
occurred to a company of the North Cork. "It is diffi-
cult to decide, however, whether the stupidity of Swayne
or the treachery of Esmonde M is most to be condemned.
A man may trifle with himself individually, but for
him who turns right or left from the plain path which
duty points to, and compromises the safety of those
committed to his charge, there can be no extenuation.
For Swayne's folly there can be no apology ; his
pickets should have been doubled. A cart — a ladder
drawn across the street, would have marked suffi-
ciently where those who came to surrender arms might
approach with full security; a step beyond it, if the
challenge failed, the advanced sentry shot the intruder
dead, and the garrison was at once alarmed. " So much
for Swayne ;" his weakness was inexcusable. He died
its victim — ignobly certainly, but still by the weapon
of the foemen. Esmonde met the doom he merited* —
The following account from Mr. Froude's " English in
Ireland," page 359, vol. iii., is believed to be perfectly
■ inn iiiiii inn i iiiiii mi I ■■■■■■■ mill ■■■■■■r*."li
FROM "MAXWELL'S HISTORY," &c, &c.
Irish Rebellion, 1798.
"1798, 24th Mat/. — Captain Swayne was at Prosperous
in the County Kildare, with a detachment consisting of
sixty men of the North Cork Militia and twenty- three
of Wynn's Ancient Britons Dragoons. Among the
officers of the Clane Yeomanry — a party of which corps
was stationed at the village from whence it took its
name, about two miles from Prosperous — was a gentle-
man named Esmonde, who affected loyalty for the
better service of his country and her cause. He had
seduced the majority of his corps ; he was in accurate
correspondence with the insurgent leaders in the neigh-
bourhood. It was arranged that, on the preconcerted
signal — the non- arrival of the mail from Dublin on
the night of the 23rd — Naas, Clane, aud Prosperous
were to be attacked at the same moment. Esmonde
and the disaffected yeomen were to assist, and the
officers and the loyal part of the soldiers were to be
destroyed. Surprise was an essential part of the scheme.
At the latter place many of the soldiers were billetted
in private houses. If off their guard, they might be
found divided, and then could be easily dealt with.
Swayne had been directed to collect the arms of the
people at Prosperous. On Sunday, the 20th of Ma} r ,
he took his company of the North Cork to the Roman
Catholic Chapel. Father Higgins, the priest, addressed
his congregation on the duty of submission to the
authorities ; and Esmonde, who had ridden over from
Clane in the morning to support his brother officer,
spoke to them as a Catholic in the same tone. A number
of peasants, in apparent obedience, surrendered their
pikes. In the priest's presence they expressed regret
for having been betrayed into the conspiracy, and pro-
mised to have no more to do with it.
" To avoid recognition by his comrades, Esmonde
undertook to lead the attack at Prosperous, leaving his
own captain deserted, to be destroyed by others. On
the afternoon of the 23rd, when the hour was drawing:
near, he paid Swayne a visit, and dined with him at a
hotel in the town. Father Higgins was present, and
he and Esmonde told Captain Swayne that the people
were really penitent. Yery many of them wished to
give up their arms, but they dare not bring them in
the day for fear of being recognised by their con-
federates ; they would have brought them at night, and
have laid them down in the street, but they were afraid
of the sentinels. Swayne, credulous and good-natured,
suspected nothing. He ordered the sentinels, if they
saw men moving in the street after dark, to take no
notice of them. The mails left Dublin that night as
usual. They were all stopped on the roads by the
country people, according to instructions, and the call
to arms went out. At two in the morning, when sleep
was deepest, before the streaks of dawn had begun to
show, Esmonde, with his Clane yeomen, a multitude of
ruffians, armed chiefly with pikes, came into Prosperous.
The sentinels gave no alarm, and were killed; and
then, at once, before a note of warning had been raised,
the rebel band flung themselves, with a wild yell, upon
the barracks ; the door went down. Swayne's room
was on the ground floor ; they plunged in and stabbed
him as he was springing from his bed. The soldiers,
startled out of their sleep, snatched their muskets and
rushed out. The mob swung back into the street,
barricaded the doors to keep them secure, and then
flung fire into the cellars, which were filled with straw
and faggots. Beset on all sides, the miserable men
were driven from the lower rooms up the stairs ; as the
flames pursued them, they sprung out of the windows,
the mob below catching them as they fell on their
pikes, and, as each victim writhed upon the point,
received him with a fierce 'Hurrah!' The North
Cork were Irishmen and Catholics, but received no
mercy. All who were in the barracks were killed or
" The Ancient Britons — the remainder of poor
S wayne's force — were quartered in a private house ; they,
too, were hated equally, for they had made themselves
notorious in the disarming of Ulster. Eight of the
twenty-three leaped out of a back window and escaped
across the country in the darkness, the rest were killed,
their horses, arms, and uniforms taken by the rebels.
" Retribution was, however, close at hand. At Clane
there were no barracks; the troops were billetted about
the place in twos and threes, and were thus more
dangerously exposed than at Prosperous. The attack,
however had been delaj^edtill dawn. Captain Griffiths,
who was in command of a party of the Armagh
Militia and a corps of local yeomanry, felt for some
reason uneasy and sleepless. Looking from his window
he saw files of armed 'men coming in alon^
the roads. He gave the alarm in time to enable
the Armagh to dress and snatch their muskets.
The street was full as they came out, but the men fought
their way towards one another, formed into line, and
charged. Having failed in their surprise, the rebels
showed their usual inability to encounter disciplined
men. Though fifty to one, they turned and ran out of
the town. Outside they were joined by parties coming
up from Prosperous. Cheered by the news their friends
brought, they formed again, and returned to the attack.
They were received with a steady fire, which they were
unable to face. Falling fast they wavered and broke.
Esmonde had carried with him all the yeomanry but
seventeen — these few charged and completed the route,
and the wretches, masquerading as Ancient Britons
were every one cut down. It was now six o'clock, p.m.
Details had come in of the frightful disaster at
Prosperous. Pursuit with so small a force was impos-
sible. Griffiths recalled his men, and reviewed his
losses, and, unable to account for the shortness of
numbers in the yeomanry, ordered them to parade.
Those who had been concerned in the night's work had
come back expecting to find as complete a sweep of
their comrades as they had made themselves of Swayne
and the " North Cork." Finding the day gone against
them, they either dispersed or stole into their quarters
unperceived. Esmonde especially contrived to reach
his room to wash, dress, and powder himself, as a dog
would do after a midnight orgie among sheep, and pre-
sented himself in his place in the ranks as if he had
never been absent from quarters.
"There was no time for inquiry. A messenger
galloped up at the moment with the news that Lord
Gosport was at Naas, and required instant help. The
men swallowed a hasty breakfast. Griffiths was in the
saddle ready to start, when a note was slipped into his
hand telling him that Esmonde had led the rebels at
Prosperous. He thrust it into his pocket, and said
nothing till he reached Naas, when the treacherous
officer was placed in arrest, sent to Dublin, tried by
Court Martial, and was promptly hanged. At Naas it
was found that the attack had failed as at Clane, but
not until after a sharper struggle. Gosport, more
fortunate than Swayne or Griffiths, had received notice
to be prepared on the evening preceding. The alarm
was sounded at half past two in the morning. The
rebel columns were entering on four sides. They forced
their way into the gaol, where they were received with
grape from some field pieces, and with a heavy musketry
fire. They bore three volleys before they gave way.
Thirty of them were found dead in the streets, and as
many more in the fields and lanes outside the town.
The troops in turn had suffered severely. The rebels
had fought with dangerous courage, and their evidently
enormous numbers created just and serious misgivings,
for, in fact, they were everywhere, and all day long the
smoke of burning homesteads was seen rising from
every point of the horizon."
The Rebel Army.
On the 27th of May, by mid-day, the rebel army,
numbering 5,000, encamped on the Hill of Oulart,
under the command of Father John Murphy, of Boola-
vogue. He was the son of a peasant at Ferns in the
same county (Wexford) ; he had been educated for
the priesthood at Seville ; had settled in his own
country, a few miles from his birthplace, and had there
remained waiting for the Salvation of Israel, and had
grown into a big, coarse, powerful man of forty, when
his country called upon him for his services. It is to
be hoped that his action was unpremeditated, for he
had recently taken an oath of allegiance, and made
solemn protests of loyalty to the King and Constitution.
The news that the people were out had been brought
early in the day into Wexford. All the morning
messengers were coming in bringing accounts of the
murdering and burning, and praying for help to those
who were left exposed. The garrison in the town was
scanty, but Lieutenant- Colonel Foote was despatched
after breakfast with a hundred and ten men of his
regiment (the North Cork), and thirty or forty mounted
yeomanry of Lehunt's, a force considered amply suffi-
cient to subdue any resistance which they were likely
to meet with, and supposing that he had to deal only
with a contemptible mob, Lt. Colonel Foote had flung
himself on a body of men fifty times his number, mad
with the excitement of a religious war, and armed with
a weapon which, in determined hands, was gradually
discovered to be a formidable one.
Father John, seeing that he was to be attacked, had
divided his force with extemporized generalship.
Finding the rebels stand better than they expected,
the troops recoiled to re-form. When they found that
they were surrounded, and their retreat cut off, most of
the yeomen deserted their comrades, and the North
Cork were cut down almost to a man. There were no
wounded in those battles ; every one who fell was
despatched. The colonel only — with a sergeant and
three privates — made their way back to Wexford.
Major Lombard, Captain DeCourcy, and four other
officers had been killed, namely, Lieutenants Williams,
Ware, and Barry, and Ensign Keogh.
The effect of Foot's defeat was frightful. The widows
and children of the North Cork men, who had fallen at
Oulart, rushed about the streets of Wexford, wringing
their hands and shrieking, in the most wretched state.
Fierce, gJoomy knots of men gathered about the quays
whilst the Protestant ladies and clergy took refuge in
the ships in the harbour, offering high prices for a
passage to Wales. The panic spread through the
country. The Protestant families crowded on all sides
into the nearest towns ; while Father John, reposing
for the night on his field of glory, sent out his scouts,
calling on all the peasants to shoulder their pikes and
join him onthefollowingmorning. On the Slaney, twelve
miles above Wexford, stands the town of Enniscorthv.
The river is crossed here by a bridge — the town itself
stands on the west side. This station — as commanding
the passage between the two divisions of the country —
was important enough to have retained a tolerable
garrison composed of eighty men of the " North Cork,"
so many of whose comrades had lately fallen at Oulart
and Prosperous, a hundred and sixty yeomen belonging
to Enniscorthy itself, and sixty more from Ferns and
the adjoining baronies. Captain Snowe, of the North
Cork, was in command. Captain Drury, a local officer
of yeomanry, who commanded under him — had seen
service in the American war. Father John's perform-
ances had sent every Protestant in the neighbourhood,
who had escaped his pikemen, into Enniscorthy for
shelter. Several hundred — the greater part of them
women, children, and old men — had crowded into the
town on Sunday, where, if their property was destroyed,
they believed their lives would be safe. But Father
John, after his victory over Foote, aspired to be the
liberator of his country. He required possession of
Enniscorthy Bridge, that he might open his way to
New Boss and Kilkenny. Oulart was but five miles
distant, and Snowe was not long in learning that he
must prepare to be attacked in the morniug. He hud
the yeomen's families to protect as well as the fugitives
from the country. Under these hard circumstances he
made the best dispositions in his power. He arrested
the most dangerous of the inhabitants, and locked them
up in the gaol and market- house. The North Cork
were posted on the bridge, on the direct road from
Oulart ; the yeomen were placed at the back, where
the road entered from the west. In this position they
lay under arms through the Whit- Sunday night.
Father John was early astir on the morning of Whit-
Sunday. His call had been well answered ; the news
of his first triumph had rung a peal through every
parish. Among those who had come in to him before
day-break were a few score of duck- shooters, from the
marshes — experienced shots, armed with their fowling-
pieces. He had secured the muskets and pouches of
the dead soldiers, and he found himself with eight
hundred men, possessed of firearms of one kind or
another, besides 5,000 pikemen. It was a hot, bril-
liant morning. Father John was a born general ;
he threw out skirmishers on either side of him,
who availed themselves of the natural cover and
pressed on from bank to bank. According to the ancient
Irish custom, he drove along the road in front of
him a herd of wild cattle, goaded into madness, who
rushed into the yeomen's lines ; the duck-shooters fired
steadily. Captain Drury said that in all his American
experience he had never seen guns better handled. The
soldiers were raw hands, caught up but a few weeks
before, and scarcely better disciplined than the rebels.
Outnumbered twenty to one, with the cattle plunging
upon them, and losing men fast, the yeomen sent to
Captain Snowe for assistance, but he had by this time
his own hands full at the river, and was in need of much
help himself. The troops gave way, but very slowly
fighting, inch by inch, desperately. Still numbers toltl.
As the rebels advanced they set fire to the houses on
each side of the street, and the battle went on under an
arch of flame ; the inhabitants seeing the soldiers retir-
ing, fired upon them from the windows, and the streets
were filled with the dead and dying, five rebels falling
for each yeoman. Themselves under shelter, they sent
their volleys with destructive effect into the exposed
mass of men who were struggling within ten paces of
their guns, and Father John seeing he could make no
further progress, and was throwing away lives unneces-
sarily, fell back to the fields outside, and prepared to
try again at nightfall.
Meanwhile Captain Snowe, with his company of the
North Cork, had held his ground gallantly, though with
less difficulty than the yeomen, as his men had been
better protected by situation. Foiled at the bridge,
where they fell in scores, the rebels had twice attempted
to force a passage above and below it, but were driven
back at both points, and by two o'clock the town was
cleared, and Enniscorthy was still in possession of the
But in what condition was it left ? Half the town was
burning ; five hundred rebels lay about the streets
dead and dying ; the prisons were filled with desperate
men, whom there was no force to guard ; the Catholic
inhabitants were furious ; of the scanty garrison a third
had been killed, besides the wounded ; and an unknown
number of Protestant gentlemen and tradesmen who
had given their services had fallen also. Outside was
the fast increasing insurgent army, savage for revenge ;
within were several hundred unfortunate beings —
families of tradesmen and farmers, households of gentry
and clergy — all now on a common level of misery. The
garrison might maintain themselves in the gaol, but
those forlorn people, when the rebels broke in again,
must inevitably be sacrificed. To prevent a scene
which would have rivalled the worst infamies of 1641,
Snowe decided on evacuating the town, and escorting
his charge to Wexford. It was a frightful alternative.
The distance was but twelve miles, and the weather was
dry and warm ; but there were no carriages, no horses,
save the few belonging to the mounted yeomanry, and
these, though cheerfully surrendered, were altogether
There were wounded men to be transported, and
delicate ladies, and little children, too young to walk f
too old for their mothers to carry them, and the infirm
and aged, and the sick and impotent, yet to leave them
behind was to leave them to certain death. Late in the
afternoon the miserable march began. The insurgents
rushed in as the troops filed out. Women unable to
reach the bridge waded the river to escape with their
babies on their backs. The march was rapid. Two
miles below, on the Wexford road, they passed a wood,
known as the wood of St. John, or Ringwood, and
many poor creatures, struggling painfully on, were
tempted to fling themselves down among the brush-
wood, hoping to lie concealed there till morning. The
rest of stronger limb, or stouter spirit, pushed on, and,
soon after nightfall, found a brief respite from their
sufferings within Wexford gates.
Father John's object now was Wexford City, and on
the night of the 26th May he encamped within four
miles of it, at a place called Three Rocks. On Whit
Tuesday 200 men of the Donegal Militia, under com-
mand of Colonel Maxwell, arrived to strengthen the
garrison, which was quite inadequate to cope with the
overwhelming force at Three Rocks. Half of the small
garrison had been killed at Oulart, and in less than
forty hours after that disaster Enniscorthy had been
captured. The North Cork had suffered severely ; one
detachment of the regiment had been destroyed at
Prosperous, another at Oulart. At Enniscorthy they
fought splendidly, and had retreated only before
numbers enormously superior. All the Irish Mililii
had to do with an enemy whose policy was to treat
them as traitors to their country, and to refuse all
quarter to such of them as came within their savage
The fate of the city depended upon General Fawcett,
who commanded at Duncannon. He started from thence
with two regiments ; the 13th Regiment of the line and
the Meath Militia — two companies of the Meath were
sent on in advance with some artillerymen and a couple
of guns, but the General loitered on the way, and the
detachment of the Meath, in fact the entire party, were
surprised by an ambuscade and killed to a man, and the
A few of the artillerymen were kept alive to serve
them. One single officer alone survived to carry the
tale to Maxwell. Notwithstanding this disaster Wex-
ford might have been saved had Fawcett possessed
conduct or courage ; but the evil spirit of Abercrombie
had unnerved too many of the English generals.
Fawcett, who had reached Taghmon in the morning*
at once turned back and retreated on Duncannon*
Maxwell pushed out from the town hoping to meet him
on the road.
He arrived at Three Rocks only to find Father John
too strongly posted for his small force to dislodge. The
mounted yeomanry were unsteady and fled. His
infantry were driven back with loss ; and he was
obliged to retreat precipitately.
Wexford, too, like Enniscorthy, had now become
untenable. The bulk of the inhabitants were at heart
with the rebels, and were kept quiet only by fear. If
Father John advanced they would certainly rise and
Fawcett had deserted the garrison, and Maxwell him-
self had been beaten in a skirmish, which proved that
Father John was too strong for him. The enemy wi s
without, and traitors were within.
At midnight on the 30th May, Maxwell marched out
of Wexford, thirty-six hours after he had entered it,
and retreated by the sea road, which was still open to
Duncannon. His soldiers were charged with having
been guilty of some outrages on the way — burning
houses and flogging men. It may have been so ; dis_
cipline is rarely sustained in the wreck of a beaten
army ; and the road lay through the Barony of Forth*
which had supplied Father John with the duck-shooters^
from whose long guns the North Cork had suffered so
severely at Enniscorthy. Maxwell himself says that he
reached Duncannon without interruption, which seems
unaccountable as the spirit of the rebels was savage in
consequence of the beating they had received at Ennis-
Father John meanwhile had his eyes on larger
objects. Wexford was now secured, but a local rising
could not hope for permanent success. If the insurrec-
tion was to triumph, it must spread ; it must envelope
Nothing had really been done till Dublin especially
had been wrested from the invader.
The people were everywhere prepared to rise, and
the rebel army had only to show itself to be swollen by
the local levies, the object being the deliverance of
Dublin ; the number of armed men who could be relied
upon was practically unlimited. The rebel army was
ordered to move up the Slaney from Enniscorthy, take
Newtownbarry, sweep the loyalists out of the north of
the county, and then, advancing through Carlow into
Kildare, threaten Dublin on the west.
Battle of New Ross, 5th June, 1798.
The town of New Ross stands on the slope of the river
Barrow, which rises on the Wexford bank of the river.
It was then surrounded by a wall which had once resisted
Cromwell, there were four gates, two at the bottom of
the town, by the water side, through which the high road
passed from Dublin to Waterford, and two above. When
it was known that New Ross was in danger, General
Johnstone had been sent to take charge of it with some
English artillery, a squadron of dragoons, a Scotch
Fencible regiment, the Antrim, the North Cork, the
Meath, and the County Dublin regiments, the latter
under the command of Colonel Luke Gardiner, Yiscount
The rebels on their side had commenced by making
a camp, six miles off, at Carrickbyrne Hill, from which
they plundered the adjoining baronies. Having taken
many Protestants, they availed themselves for their
safe keeping of Scullabogue, a place belonging to a
Captain King, at the hill foot. They turned the barn
into a prison and quartered the guard in the dwelling-
house. After being thus occupied for a week they
pushed forward and arrived at Corbet Hill, overhang-
ing the valley of the Barrow. The troops were under
arms all the night of June 5th. They were paraded at
two in the morning, and as day began to break, the
peculiar Irish cry was heard rising in gathering waves
of sound, in the direction of the camp ; nearer and
clearer it came through the morning air. The rebels
came on slowly and in enormous numbers — not less
than thirty thousand ; they marched in order, by
parishes and by baronies, the Dublin regiment under
Mountjoy. The North Cork, the Antrim, and the
dragoons, were drawn up outside " Three Bullet Gate "
on open ground. The rebel masses bore down the hill
When about a musket shot off they halted. Priests
were seen moving up and down the lines in their vest-
ments and carrying crucifixes. Mass was said at the
head of every column, the men kneeling with marked
devotion. For the moment General Johnstone thought
that they were hesitating, but he was swiftly undeceived.
It was now a little after three o'clock, daylight being
scarcely yet fully established, when the battle began.
They rose from their knees, the lines opened, and
between them came herds of wild cattle rushing on
amidst shouts and yells which burst from the enormous
multitude, the rebels pricking them forward with their
pikes. A fourth part of the rebel army had fire arms,
but their main strength was in the pikemen, who
formed in column behind the cattle, and charged with
the fierceness of resolution for which the English and
Scotch officers present were quite unprepared. They
rushed upon the Dublin regiment, which was in some
confusion, and drove it back through the gate ; Mount-
joy fell and was carried off into the insurgent lines.
The dragoons charged, but without effect, and recoiled
with loss. A gun was taken, and the rebel pikemen
poured into the town after the retreating troops.
According to their usual tactics they immediately fired
the houses. Cannon had been placed in the long,
straight street, which leads from the market place to the
" Bullet Gate," and poured round shot and grape into
their dense masses. Multitudes fell. An entire
column was annihilated — not a man escaped out of it.
Brave as they were, so terrible a reception startled
them. They fell back for a while, and the troops had
time to rally and reform. But soon the rebels came on
again through smoke and flame, their courage and
their overwhelming numbers compensating for want
of discipline and inferiority in arms. Nor was the
pike, in the hands of a strong, bold man, a weapon to
be lightly regarded. With a shaft twelve or fifteen
feet in length, a long taper point, with a hook some-
times attached which would drag a horseman from his
saddle, it was an overmatch under some conditions for
the bayonet. Johnstone's advantage was in his heavy
guns. The rebels had no artillerymen, and such
cannon as they captured they were unable to use. But
the daring of the Irish on that day defied even artillery.
A spectator from a window close to the spot from
whence a gun was strewing the streets with piles of
dead, saw a man rush straight upon it, and thrust his
hat into the smoking muzzle, crying, " Come on boys ;
her mouth is stopped ! " In another second he was
blown to atoms. Careless in their desperate fanaticism,
the Irish then showed in rebellion the contempt of
danger which, as soldiers in the army of their sove-
reign, they never failed to show. Four guns were
taken. They forced the troops backwards and down-
wards to the river — part into the market-place, where,
as at Enniscorthy, the stone buildings became a
fortress into which they could neither burn nor pene-
rate ; part down over the bridge and into Kilkenny.
At one time the rebels seemed to have won the
day, and they would have won it, could their leaders
have restrained them in victory. But they turned
uncontrollably to plunder — incendiarism and whiskey,
discipline resumed its superiority. Behind the river
the broken troops had reformed. Johnstone led them
back to the charge, and the rebels now scattered were
driven back in turn at the bayonet's point. The guns
were recovered and again began to work havoc in the
disordered crowds. The carnage was now dreadful.
No quarter had been given by the rebels at the begin-
ning of the engagement — none was allowed them at the
end of it. They were driven out through the gate at
which they had entered ; they attempted a stand within
the lines where they first appeared in the morning-
Johnstone stormed them and broke them. There Lord
Mountjoy's body was found mangled and butchered in
the most horrid manner, far from the place where he had
fallen. Mountjoy was the Luke Gardiner of '82 who
had wrung from the Protestant Parliament the first
concessions to the Catholics. And this was his reward.
The sight of their commander, thus brutally mutilated,
drove the militia into fury ; they had generally behaved
excellently in action, but when the fighting was over
they could be no longer restrained. The carnage was
now shocking. The troops were exasperated and could
not be stopped. The scene became too hideous to be
described. The battle had raged for eleven hours ; it
began at four in the morning and lasted until three in
the afternoon, when it was at last over. Musgrave, in
his " History of the Bebellion" (vol. ii., c. 16), placed
the numbers of the rebels who were killed in the fight
and after it at 2,600.
The North Cork in this action lost in killed and
wounded nearly 200 officers and men.
It will be remembered that the rebels when encamped
at Carrickbyrne had seized many of the Protestants of the
neighbourhood and had shut them up in Captain King's
house at Scullabogue. One hundred and eighty-four of
them, chiefly old men, women, and children, who had
been taken because they were too helpless to escape,
were confined in a barn thirty-four feet long and fifteen
wide. Amongst those were the wives and children of
the hated " North Cork " men who had fallen into the
When the first check occurred, June 5, '98, in the
streets of New Ross, a party of the insurgents, who were
cowards as well as savages, turned their backs and ran.
Before nine in the morning they came panting to the
door of Scullabogue declaring that the day was lost,
and that they had brought orders for the prisoners to
be put to death, as they might otherwise be dangerous
— the miserable beings who had been pent up there
through a summer's afternoon and must have been
in a condition in which death would be a relief to most
of them. In the barn thev were at that moment
crushed so close together that their bodies supported
each other, and they could neither sit nor lie down.
The doors were barred on the outside, and the rebels
with their pikes thrust blazing faggots into the
thatch. The majority must have been instantly
suffocated. Those who were near the walls sought
chinks aud cracks for air, but were driven back by
pike-points thrust into the openings. One little child
crawled under the door and was escaping, when a rebel
ran a pike into it as a peasant does a pitchfork into a
cornsheaf and tossed it back into the flames. A woman
who came four days later to look for the remains of her
husband and son, found the ruins of the barn full of
blackened bodies all in a standing posture, an un-
intended confirmation of the received estimate of the
number of those who perished there. D
Battle of Arklow, June 10th, 1798.
The check at New Ross had, for the present, saved
Waterford and Kilkenny. Colonel L'Estrange had
blocked the road into Kildare, but Arklow was un-
garrisoned ; and at all hazards it was necessary to open
the passage to Arklow. General Needham reached the
town on the 6th of June with the Cavan Militia. He
gathered up as many men as he could find, and armed
a few additional volunteers and yeomen, but with all
his efforts the force in Arklow remained inferior to that
which had so hardly defended New E-oss, while Father
John's rebel division was far superior, and had he come
on to Arklow at once, he could easily have overwhelmed
Needham ; happily he had lingered on the road burning
Protestant houses, and at midnight, between the 8th
and 9th of June, three hundred men belonging to the
Durham Fencibles arrived under Colonel Skerritt. The
Durham was the most distinguished regiment in Ireland.
When it was called on for service in Wexford, the rebels
were so conscious of its value that they placed 7,000
men in ambush to destroy it, but Skerritt brought his
men safely through, and with the addition of the
Durham, General Needham's force was raised to 1,600
men ; of these 120 were the survivors of Sir Watkin
Wynn's Ancient Britons, the rest consisted of 800 Irish
Militia, 300 Arklow Yeomanry, 100 Scotch Regulars
and the Durham Regiment.
Arklow stands at the mouth of the Avoca river, which
runs down out of the Wicklow Hills, and then falls into
the sea at Arklow. The river is crossed by a bridge
over which passed the only available road for a large
body of men from Wexford into Wicklow, and over this
bridge lay Father John's way if he meant to reach
Needham's position was simple. Skerritt and the
Durhams, with a party of the Antrim Militia, under
Colonel O'Hara, and three six-pounder guns, held the
town of Gorey. A barricade of carts had been placed
in the street, and the men had been thrown out on
either side of it. Sheltered among the hedges and
cabins, two companies of the " North Cork," with
another gun, covered the back of the town, and a
squadron of dragoons was across the bridge out of shot
range on the Wicklow side of the river to be used as
occasion might serve. The fight began on the sea side ;
the right column of the rebels came plunging along the
sands ; the green banners waving ; the priests with
pistols and crucifixes ; the Irish cry rising and falling
in fitful cadences like the swell of an iEolian harp.
They had no cattle with them, and, as at Ross, with
their first rush they drove the soldiers back. They fired
a row of fisherman's cabins at the end of the street. A
piquet of Ancient Britons had to gallop through the
flames in retreating, and, unable to reach the bridge,
had to swim their horses through the river. The road
turns at a right angle as it reaches the town, and, as
the rebels rounded the corner, they were received with
a fire which staggered them and drove them back.
They formed again and again, they fought their way
desperately to the bridge foot — recoiled, and again
advanced, but could never pass that point. On their
last retreat the dragoons were let loose upon them, and
cut them down as they scattered among the sand hills.
The attack on the Gorev road was more successful, and
the fighting more severe. Father Michael Murphy and
his brother priests here distinguished themselves.
Political lay conspirators in Ireland have been magnifi-
cent on the platform, but have uniformly been found
wanting in the field. The courage of their opinions was
the Catholic peasantry, and their natural chiefs the
clergy. The battery behind the barricade completely
swept the road. Twice the priests led on their followers
through musket shot, round shot and grape, to the
very muzzles of the guns, the priests coming so close
that they shot the gunners at their posts with their
pistols. Twice they failed — the second time with such
desperate loss that they wavered and sought shelter among
the walls. Father Michael seized a standard with a
blazoned cross upon it, and, " Liberty or Death." Con-
spicuous on horseback, he rode out, and dragged from
his pocket a handful of balls, which he swore he had
caught as they reached him. " Come on, boys," he
cried, " the heretic bullets can never hurt you. You
are fighting for your God and Mother Church." A
third time they charged, with a contempt of death that
was really admirable. They seemed determined to
take the guns, when a round shot, against which even
Father Michael's spells could not avail, caught him and
his horse, and hurled them into ruin. Sullenly and
slowly the rebels then drew back, leaving the ground
covered with their dead. Even yet they might have
tried once more, but it grew dark, and night, rather
than defeat, ended an engagement more desperate than
even the battle of New Boss had been.
General Needham reported that he had held his
ground. He could say no more, and he added that he
expected to be attacked again with thrice the number of
assailants* on the following morning.
* Needham's letter to General Lake, June 10. Musgrave's " History
of Irish Rebellion, '98."
A letter from Lord Castlereagh to Mr. "Wickham of this date
(June 12th, '98) states that the Cabinet had roused themselves at
last. The mail on the evening of the 11th brought word that the
4 ' Guards" were on their way, and that other regiments were preparing
to follow. The number of the insurgents is immense, so great as to
make it prudent to assemble a very considerable force before an
attempt is made to penetrate this difficult and enclosed country. The
conduct of the Militia and Yeomanry has exceeded our most sanguine
expectations. A very few of the Yeomanry have been corrupted,
but in no instance have the Militia failed to show the most determined
Vinegar Hill, June 21st, '98.
At three o'clock on the morning of June 2 1st, accord-
ing to General Lake's dispositions, Vinegar Hill was
stormed, and the columns closed in on the Irish camp.
The divisions of Generals Dundas and Loftus came
down the east bank of the Slaney, and spread over a
front of almost over a mile, and as they approached the
hill, formed round it, and General Johnstone came up
simultaneously from Ballymakessy. The rebel army,
1,600 strong, was drawn up on the open ground on the
brow. General Lake with Dundas attacked on the east
side, Sir James Duff with part of General Loftus'
division, on the north-west. On three sides they forced
their way simultaneously up the slope. The rebels held
their ground for an hour and a half with moderate firm-
ness. Lake's horse was killed under him early in the
action. Father Clinch of Enniscorthy, an enormous
man on a tall white horse, specially distinguished him-
self. But successive defeats had cooled the courage
which had been so eminent at Arklow and New Ross.
There was no longer the contempt of death which will
make even the least disciplined enemy formidable.
Lord Koden singled out Father Clinch and killed him.
The rebels were afraid of being surrounded ; and seeing
the southern side of the hill still open, they fled down
it, and escaped through Needham's Gap to Wexford
from the scene of their brief and wild supremacy. The
army rested for the day on the ground, burying the
dead and examining, with ever- gathering indignation,
the traces of the butcheries which had been perpetrated
there. The rebels with their surviving generals, Father
John, once invincible, now twice beaten, and savage in
his despair ; John Hay, Edward Fitzgerald, and Father
Kerne, streamed away down the east side of the Slaney.
Some crossed the river at Carrick Ferry, three miles
above Wexford ; some went on to the bridge and rushed
mad and furious into the town, threatening vengeance
on every Protestant still in their hands. It would have
gone hard with the prisoners there ; but on the other
side General Moore was coming on from Taghmon. Two
hours at most would bring him to the gates. Bishop
Caulfield and his priests were energetic enough now to
prevent a renewal of the murders. If Moore came up
when such work was goiDg forward, the town might pay
for it as it paid before. They turned out into the
streets, exhorting, praying, threatening, imploring the
armed insurgents to leave the town while there was
time, and to give no fresh provocation to the soldiers.
The cause, they said, was plainly lost for the present. Lord
Kingsborough, commanding the North Cork Militia,
had promised that life and property should be respected
if no more blood was shed. For the sake of Ireland,
for the sake of their holy religion, for the sake of all
they held dear on earth or heaven, they besought the
rebels to spare the city the risk of being stormed and
sacked by the bloody Orangemen. Their prayers
prevailed, and in prevailing left them with the less
excuse for their apathy on the preceding day. Towards
sunset part of the rebels filed back over the bridge out
of the town. Dixon, their leader, and his wife, on
horseback, threw themselves in their way, praying them
to stay at least till they had dispatched the remaining
prisoners. They were borne away in the crowd, the
women screaming, " We shall conquer yet ; my
* Saviour ' tells me we must conquer." These wretches
went north to Gorey, where they committed a frightful
massacre on the unfortunate Protestant inhabitants
who, imagining themselves safe in the rear of the army,
had returned to their homes. Thence breaking into
smaller parties, they made for the Wicklow mountains.
The rest— the remainder mainly of the army which
had fought at Yinegar Hill — rallying under the inde-
fatigable Father John, slipped away behind General
Moore who had halted two miles from the town, and
made their way over the Barrow into Kilkenny, carry-
ing havoc and destruction along with them. Moore,
in the twilight, entered Wexford after the insurgents had
all left it. The scene was described as most affecting.
The windows were crowded with women who had been
expecting massacre, The prisoners in the gaol heard
in the noise of the approaching troops the summons as
they supposed, to death upon the bridge. When the
door was thrown open they saw the king's uniform and
knew that they were saved. The insurgents, who
escaped with Father John over the Barrow, after ravag-
ing part of Kilkenny and finding the peasants contrary
to their expectations, disinclined to join them, doubled
back into Wexford and thence into the Wicklow Moun-
tains, where, divided into roving gangs of murderous
banditti, they protraeted through the summer the bloody
and miserable struggle.
24:th June, 1798.— -The North Cork, numbering
100 men,* and a party of yeomanry of about the same
strength under command of General Dunn, defended
the town of Athy, and pursued the rebels during the
night ; and although unable to come up with the
flying enemy, they were driven into the grasp of Major
Mathews, who had marched from Maryborough in the
Queen's County, to co-operate with Sir Charles Asgill,
his force comprising 400 of his own regiment, the
Queen's Co. Militia, Royal Downshire, the Maryborough
Infantry, under Captain Gore, and the Ballyfin Cavalry,
under Captain Poole. The rebels were observed in
great numbers on the heights above Doonane, but as it
was now evening, the troops rested in the town of
Timahoe for the night, but determined to bring the
rebels into action the next morning. Sir Charles Asgill
recalled the troops to Maryborough ; but acting on his
* Maxwell's Historv,
own responsibility and with great judgment, Major
Mathews held his ground, and urged Sir Charles to make
a joint attack with him next morning, and while he
assailed them from Doonane the Major would make his
attack by Timahoe ; but Sir Charles thought his troops
were too much fatigued to do so.
The rebels, however, retreated to Goresbridge, in the
County of Kilkenny, and Major Mathews marched at
midnight to intercept them, and at daybreak they were
discovered halted on Kilcomney Hill. The attack was
begun by the Downshire Battalion guns opening fire, and
the rebels fell back ; while endeavouring to reform they
were attacked by Asgill's troops in the rear. They
broke, fled, and were cut down almost without any
resistance, the pursuit being continued for two hours
with fatal effect. This was a crushing blow to the
Southern insurrection. All was lost — baggage, arms,
provisions, and ammunition — all had fallen into the
hands of the loyal troops.
Father John Murphy, the Rebel Commander-in-
Chief, who fled from the field of battle, was taken at
an alehouse in the town of Goresbridge by three yeo-
men, one of them named McCabe, and after a savage
resistance was finally overpowered and brought a
prisoner to Tullow, the head-quarters of Sir James Duff.
He was brought before that General who was seated,
surrounded by his Aides-de-Camp, Colonels Foster and
Eden, the Earl of Roden, and Captain McClintock.
His conduct even in their presence was most brutal,
and tie was taken from the room in a state of demoniacal
rage and fury ; and in a few hours afterwards he was
hanged in the Market-place, his head fixed on the
Market-house and his body burned. He was a man
about 45 years old ; light complexioned, bald-pated,
and about 5 feet 9 inches high, powerfully made, uniting
strength and agility. He was exceedingly irascible,
and when in a passion had the aspect of a tiger. His
vestments, his pix, his oil-stock, and a small crucifix
were found in his pocket.*
Gordon, " the historian/' states that the body of
Father Murphy was cut open, the heart taken out and
roasted, and the fat melted and used by some of the
Ancient Britons' yeomanry cavalry for greasing their
Landing of the French.
On the ever- memorable 22nd August, 1798, three
large vessels, flying English colours, entered Killala
Bay. They were at first mistaken for English ships
of war, but shortly the inhabitants of the town were
undeceived by the landing of three hundred French
soldiers within a mile of it, who, under command of
General Humbert, at once pushed on, and after driving
out the garrison, which consisted of about fifty yeomen,
who offered but a feeble resistance, occupied the town,
and requisitioned everything they wanted — especially
the horses. This force was but the advance guard, and
the remainder, about twelve hundred, disembarked
during the day. They were mostly of the Army of
Italy, who had recently fought under Buonaparte in
that country. They were eagerly joined by the Irish
rebels, and 5,000 stand of arms were distributed
amongst them, but as a general rule they preferred the
pike to the French fusils. Humbert, the leader of the
expedition, was a good officer, apparently master of his
art ; a bold dashing fellow, of handsome exterior, and
in the full vigour of life. Many of the British generals
had yet to learn a good deal of the art of war, and
Humbert gave them a practical lesson on the 27th of
August, 1798, at Castlebar, in the county of Mayo ; for
whilst in false confidence that the invaders must
advance by the high road from Ballina, he suddenly
wheeled to the right, crossed the mountains, and
appeared in close column crowning the ridge. He
covered the advance of his Grenadiers by a body of the
rebels in French uniforms to draw awav from his own
troops the fire of the artillery, which had to a great
measure checked the rapidity of his advance. He
made himself well acquainted with the country between
him and the British, and knew every point of cover for
his brave soldiery — the hardy veterans of many a well-
fought field of Italy and the Rhine. Humbert com-
menced deploying rapidly from the centre, with open
files, until he formed line most in rank entire — nearlv
parallel with the front of the Royal position.
The fatal mistake of this disgraceful day was made
here ; for instead of holding their ground quietly, and
allowing the enemy to close, the British opened a
useless fire at a distance which rendered it perfectly
ineffective. The French at once saw the want of
judgment, and rushing forward en tirailleur, they
seized some hedges in front of the Royal line, ex-
tended rapidly, gradually outflanking it ; and now
a disgraceful scene ensued. The line exhibited general
unsteadiness, and notwithstanding the excellent artillery
practice, the supporting infantry gave way, leaving the
guns exposed to a rush from the enemy ; and, as
might be expected, the guns were captured, and the
troops made of! pele mele towards the town, pursued
by the French cavalr} T , by whom numbers of them
were slaughtered. Although no attempt was made to
follow them further than the town of Castlebar, a panic
seemed to possess the troops, who retreated so quickly
as to reach the town of Tuam — thirty miles from the
scene of action — on the night of the same day. This
occurrence, no doubt, gave rise to the ridiculous state-
ment in Lever's " Charles O'Malley," " that the North
Cork ran away fifteen miles further than the enemy
followed them." But according to Maxwell, in his
" History of the Irish Rebellion of 1798," an officer of
the Carabineers, 6th Dragoon Guards, with sixty of his
men, after some refreshment in Tuam, retired still
further towards Athlone, and arrived there at one
o'clock on Tuesday, the 29th, having covered a
distance of 63 miles — the distance between Castlebar
and Athlone — in 27 hours. Beside that of the Cara-
bineers, of which no return has been made, the
Royalist loss in this disgraceful affair, it has been
stated, was 53 killed, 34 wounded, and 279 missing.
Among the prisoners and missing were 2 majors,
3 captains, 6 lieutenants, 3 ensigns, 2 officers of
the staff, 10 sergeants, and 2 drummers. Of the
privates missing the greater part belonged to the
Longford and Kilkenny Militia, who afterwards
deserted to the enemy. The Boyal troops were
commanded by Generals Lord Lake, Taylor, and
Hutcheson, and were greatly superior in number to
the French, but Humbert's estimate of the British com-
manding officers will give a key to the secret of their
defeat. " I met," he said " many generals in Ireland,
but the only ' general ' I met, after all, was Colonel
Humbert evacuated Castlebar on the 3rd of Septem-
ber, 1798, accompanied on the march by a mob of
rebels, who deserted him every hour by twenties. His
object now appeared to be the occupation of the town of
Sligo, within five miles of which lies the town of
Collooney, where Colonel Vereker and his regiment —
the City of Limerick Militia — a corps of yeomanry
and two curricle guns — a force not exceeding 300 men
— gallantly engaged the French. The result was, how-
ever, what might have been expected. Vereker's right
flank was turned, and he was obliged to retreat across
the river, after keeping up a sharp and spirited action
for upwards of an hour.
To the British Commander the action was most
creditable, and, although he was obliged to retreat with-
out his guns, he inflicted a severe and discouraging loss
upon the enemy.
Four days had passed since the French and their
auxiliaries had abandoned Castlebar, and during that
time they had been continually harrassed, and so closely
* Maxwell's Hist.
were those gallant fellows pressed that a fusilade was
almost incessant between their rere guard and the
advance of the Royalists. General Lake was very strong
in cavalry, which enabled him to hang closely on their
rere, from which it was not possible to shake him off,
and so vigorously were the valiant Frenchmen pushed
that their leader was obliged to halt the head of his
column and receive an attack from the advancing
8th September, 1798. — -While forming the leading
division, the rere guard, under General Sazarin, were
overtaken within half a mile of Ballinamuck, and
that officer who commanded, en second, at once sur-
rendered, and, by so doing, exercised a sound discretion,
and prevented a useless expenditure of human blood.
The sacrifice most painful to a soldier's feeling would
never have been made by him until every hope was
over, and, indeed, there was no alternative, as Lord
Cornwallis's army — 30,000 strong — had almost sur-
rounded them, and Lord Lake had advanced so rapidly
in pursuit as to arrive at Ballinamuck in time to co-
operate with Cornwallis in compelling the surrender of
Humbert's gallant little army.
" The following circumstances," says Musgrave,
" attended the surrender of the French army at Ballina-
muck — Hompesche's dragoons and Lord Eoden's fox-
hunters, yeomanry, were the cavalry that hung upon
Humbert's rear on the retreat from Castlebar, and were
the troops to whom the French first showed signs of
willingness to surrender, and accordingly after sound of
trumpet, which was answered by the French, Lord
Roden and General Crawford then came up to the 1st
and 2nd Brigade of the French army, who surrendered
to about 300 cavalry, under his lordship and General
Crawford. After this they advanced with about 20
dragoons and took possession of three French guns.
Shortly afterwards Humbert rallied his Grenadiers,
consisting of about 400 men, the only part of the army,
except the Chasseurs, that had not surrendered, who
surrounded Lord Roden and his 20 dragoons. They
were given in charge to the hussars while they were
their prisoners, which lasted about half an hour. The
French officers loaded the United Irishmen, their
allies, with execrations for having deceived and dis-
appointed them by inviting them to undertake a fruitless
expedition. They also declared that the people of
Ireland were the most treacherous and cowardly they
had ever met.
From the commencement of Humbert's movement
towards the North until his surrender, not an hour
passed without the vengeance of the Royalists falling on
the deluded wretches who still continued rather to
embarrass than assist the French army while retreating.
Every straggler that was overtaken was cut down by
the Hompeschers and Foxhunters who formed the
advance of the Royal Army, and when the urvaders
laid down their arms at Ballin amuck, if blood could
have atoned for treason, it was fearfully exacted, for the
sword and the halter were used with unsparing hands.
During the pursuit of Humbert, the rebels preserved
not even the semblance of order, but straggled as they
pleased, it was not unusual to find them sleeping in
dozens in the fields, some from fatigue, some from
drunkenness. "No questions were asked. The coup
de sabre while on the march ; the arm of the next
tree, when halted, ended all inquiry. At Ballinamuck
voe victis was pronounced ;* no quarter was given,
and, to use Musgrave's words, dreadful havoc was made
among the unfortunate wretches who were excluded
from mercy, and cut down by the hundred.
The force of the rebels accompanying the French
army is said to have consisted of 1,500 men at the time
of this surrender, and the troops of General Humbert
were found, when prisoners, to consist of 748 privates
and 96 officers, a loss of 288 being sustained since their
first landing at Killala.
The only troops actually engaged at Ballinamuck
were the Light Battalion and the Armagh Militia. A
French standard fell into the hands of the light
company of the Armagh, and is still kept with the
regimental colours in Gosford Castle.
* Musgrave's History.
27 th October 1798. — After the surrender of the French
army immediate steps were taken by the Irish adminis-
tration for sending the French prisoners of war back
to their own country, and just before^ and for the last
time, that an invading force of French Republicans
appeared on the western shores of Ireland, and the
same frigates from which Humbert and his gallant
followers had debarked on the evening of the 22nd of
August, once more entered Killala Bay, on the 27th of
October, 1798, with, as was reported, 2,000 men on
board. When they sailed from Brest intelligence had
not been received by the French Directory of Humbert's
surrender, and this force had been dispatched to assist
and to co-operate with him on the north-east coast of
Ireland ; but their anchors had scarcely reached the
bottom, when several British vessels appeared in the offing
and obliged them to stand out to sea without holding any
communication with the shore, and then managed to
escape by superior sailing, and after that failure the
French Executive seem to consider any future attempts
on Ireland as hopeless, and virtually the Irish Rebellion
of 1798 was at an end. Some small affairs did occur
in the north of the kingdom occasionally afterwards,
but were immediately suppressed by the now over-
whelming force at the disposal of the authorities in the
country. This fact, together with the dread of falling
into the hands of the King's troops or any others in
authority, stamped out any idea of further armed
resistance to law and order at the time ; and it must be
said that terrible acts of hurried justice were daily
witnessed even in the metropolis ; the lamp irons, or
the scaffolding on the bridges, were turned into
temporary gallows ; corporal punishment, and even
torturous measures, used — sometimes from vague
suspicion, at others from private enmity alone. A few
of the instances may be stated as follows, and to the
shame of the North Cork Regiment be it said that
their introduction of the " pitch cap " torture was
about one of the worst ; it was used in the county of
Wexford on any person having his hair cut short,
called a " croppy," as the soldiers designated the United
Irishmen, and on being pointed out by some loyal
neighbour was immediately seized, brought into a guard
house where caps either of coarse linen or strong brown
paper besmeared inside with pitch were always kept
ready for use. The unfortunate victim had one of
these, well heated, compressed upon his head, and when
judged of a proper degree of coolness, so that it could
not be easily pulled off, the sufferer was turned out
amid the horrid acclamations of the merciless tor-
In the centre of the capital a heart-rending spectacle
was presented of a human being rushing from the
infernal depot of torture, besmeared with a burning
preparation of turpentine and pitch, plunging in his
distraction into the Liffey, and terminating at once his
suffering and his life.
The indiscriminating punishment inflicted on the
Wexford leaders, without exception, has been heavily
condemned. That men like Harvey, Keogh, Colclough,
and Grogan were radically infected with republican
principles cannot be questioned, but like hundreds
of theoretic politicians of that day, it is more than
probable that their treasonable intents would have been
confined to the dinner table, and not displayed in the
field, for men jested at the dinner table, after the ladies
retired, then just as they do now, unconscious that the
sword was suspended over them by a hair, and never
dreamed that within a few brief months a boon com-
panion, sitting at the same board, might, like Hamlet,
apostrophize the only remnant of their mortality that
was left : " That skull had a tongue in it, and could
speak and sing once. How the knave jowls it to the
ground as if it were Cain's jawbone that did the first
The North Cork Regiment had seen a good deal of
* See -"Lives of the United Irishmen," chapter ix.
actual hard fighting for the past twelve months ; had
fought well in three general actions, viz. : — New Ross,
Arklow, and Vinegar Hill. At Arklow Lord Kings-
borough, afterwards Earl of Kingston, the commanding
officer, was taken prisoner by the rebels, and kept as a
hostage, but was afterwards liberated and sent to General
Moore. During his absence, however, the regiment
lacked nothing in the way of being well commanded,
as Lord Kingsale most ably filled his place. The
recruiting of the corps was, as may be supposed, a
matter of some difficulty, but the losses were quickly
made good and the full strength of the regiment well
kept up, and since the outbreak of the rebellion six
companies had been added, raised, as at the embodi-
ment of 1793, by Government levy, and the number
now stood at 1,100 men. Notwithstanding the havoc
made in the ranks at the three battles last stated,
besides the affairs at Prosperous, Oulart, Enniscorthy,
&c, no regiment in the service of King George had
given and received more hard knocks during '98 than
the " North Cork;" but fighting, like everything
else, must have its limit, and after the defeat of the
French fleet, under Commodore Bompart, off Lough
Swilly, by Sir J. B. Warren, Bart., on the 12th of
October, public confidence became much restored, and
although a large force was necessarily kept up in the
country, the " North Cork " regiment was not again
called upon to meet an enemy m the field, but had the
usual routine of garrison duty to perform throughout
the kingdom, and early in the year 1799 the regiment
moved into the County of Meath, head-quarters at
Trim, under the command of Colonel R. N. Fitzgerald,
who had been appointed to the chief command of the
corps since the previous month of November, just
after the resignation of Lord Kingsborough, with
Lieut.-Colonel W. H. M. Hodder, as second in com-
mand, since the retirement of Lord Kingsale, commis-
sion dated 15th January, 1799. The regiment was
then qua rtered in various parts of the North of Ireland
for some two years, and afterwards sent into the county
of Kilkenny, where the good conduct and the general
appearance of the corps elicited much approbation,
as the following extract from Brigade orders amply
shows : —
"Kilkenny, 5th October, 1803.
" Brigadier- General Sir Charles Green desires to ex-
press his great satisfaction at the soldierlike and hand-
some appearance of the North Cork Regiment under
arms this day. The progress they have made in their
field discipline was also strongly marked by the correct
manner in which they performed their different evolu-
tions, and upon the whole the Brigadier- General has
so much reason to be pleased with the North Cork
Regiment that he requests Lieut.-Colonel Hodder, the
commanding officer, Major Atkin, and the rest of the
officers, may accept of his best thanks for the zeal and
attention they have shown in the discharge of their
different duties, and he further assures them that in
the event of facing an enemy, he shall think himself
fortunate in having so good a corps under his com-
" Signed by order,
" J. B. Campbell, Brigade Major.
" Edward Heard, Capt. and Adjutant,
" North Cork Begt."
Battle of Assaye, and Lord Cathcart's Expedition
November, 1803. — The North Cork Regiment was
next quartered in the King's County, head-quarters at
Banagher, with detachments at various towns in the
county. Just at this time the British Government was
actively engaged with the affairs of India ; the battle
of Assaye had been fought — one of the first of the
glorious victories of "Wellington — then Major- General
Wellesley, where, on the 23rd September, 1803, he
defeated Scindiah, the Marhatta Chief, having an army
of 50,000 men, with a force of only 8,000. The
military operations in India required every soldier
that England could spare from the year 1803 to 1806,
when the campaign in that country was happily brought
to a close by the negotiations of Lord Lake. The Irish
Militia contributed largely to the number of men
required to fill the place of those who fell during that
war, and the North Cork volunteered numerously.
The British Government, about this time, having
determined to effect a diversion on the Continent, an
expedition was prepared and placed under the com-
mand of Lord Cathcart ; but the disastrous consequences
which resulted from the defeat of the combined armies
of Austria and Prussia, at Austerlitz, by the French
under the Great Emperor Napoleon, on the 2nd of
December, 1805, rendered it advisable to abandon the
attempt, and accordingly the expedition returned from
Hanover, immediately after that great event.
THE PENINSULAR WAR.
MAXWELL'S " LIFE OF WELLINGTON."
The Peninsular War.
The peace of Europe was at this period in a very
unstable condition. Napoleon Buonaparte,* "the
wonder of an age/' had raised a mighty empire on
the ruins of a republic ; his power, his glory, were at
their zenith ; the movements of his armies were but a
march to victory ; half Europe was at his feet, and
thrones and kings rose and fell at his dictation — with
one solitary exception — all cowered before the magic
of his name, and while her political horizon became
every hour more heavily overcast, Great Britain main-
tained, with inflexible resolution, the attitude she had
from the first assumed; and though every banner
beside her own veiled its glories before the victorious
eagles of the Corsican, the leopards of England were
seen waving proudly —
" Far as the breeze could bear, or billows foam."
The outbreak of the war between England and
France by the battle of Rolica, August 17th, 1808, and
* Maxwell's " Life of Wellington."
the almost certain long continuance of hostilities in Spain
and the Peninsula, caused great anxiety to the British
Government, and an immense strain was put upon the
military resources of the country. The Irish Militia
responded cheerfully to the call for volunteers to the
regiments of the line, and during the six years which
occupied the attention of the world by the " Peninsular
War/' the North Cork Regiment contributed as many
as 510 officers and men to swell the ranks of Welling-
ton's victorious army ; and well may this " great
General " have said " that some of his best soldiers
were raw recruits from the Irish Militia."*
The great events which occurred on the Continent,
and the glorious achievements of the British arms in
Spain, Portugal, and France, up to the capitulation of
Paris, and the abdication of Napoleon at Fontainebleau,
in March, 1814, are mere matters of history. And the
decisive victory over the French at Waterloo in the
following year by the combined armies of Great Britain
and Prussia brought peace to Europe —
" The grave of France — the field of Waterloo."
After the battle of Waterloo, June 18th, 1815, the
standing army of Britain was much reduced, and many
regiments of militia were disembodied ; but the North
Cork Regiment was suffered to remain in its integral
state until the following year, when the corps was dis-
embodied on the 1st of April, 1816.
The following is a list of the officers of the regiment
when disembodied 1st April, 1816 : —
Rank and Names.
Colonel — W. H. M. Hodder, died.
Lieut.-Colonel — W. H. M. Hodder, remained in com-
Lieut.-Colonel — Sir John Fitzgerald, supernumerary ;
resigned 24th July, 1815.
Majors — Norman dniacke.
„ John Roe, supernumerary; resigned
24th July, 1815.
Captains — Edward Hoare.
Lieuts — John Boy ce.
„ Richard Hickson.
„ John Wallis.
Lieuts — Wm. Collis.
Ensigns — Edward Heard
„ Richard Lane.
„ — Roberts.
„ James Atkins.
„ Henry Collins.
„ David Hodson.
Paymaster — Henry Atkins.
Adjutant — Captain Edward Heard.
Quarter-Master — Edward Ring.
Surgeon — Chermside.
Assist. -Surgeon — Lloyd.
OUTBREAK OF WAR
FALL OF SEBASTOPOL.
War in the Crimea.
After an interval of " thirty-nine years " the peace
of Europe was again disturbed. The Czar Nicholas of
Russia moved, it is said, by prophecies, which assigned
to the dominion of the Turks in Europe a period of 400
years from the taking of Constantinople in 1453,
thought the time was come for seizing, after he had in
vain proposed to divide with England, the inheritance
of the " Sick Man," as he called the Sublime Porte. He
marched his armies into the principalities of Moldavia
and Wallachia, and his Black Sea fleet issuing suddenly
from Sebastopol, destroyed the Turkish Navy at Sinope.
In the following spring, England and France declared
war in defence of Turkey, and sent expeditions to the
Baltic and the Euxine to adduce u the last reason of
The noble defence of the line of the Danube by the
Turks under Omar Pasha " left the allied armies
available for an attempt to destroy the fortress of Se-
bastopol (or Sevastopol) —which means ' The City of the
Emperor or Czar, Se^o-aros being the Greek equivalent
for the Latin Augustus '* whence Russia dominated
the Euxine and menaced Constantinople."
The allied armies landed on the western coast of
the Crimea — the ancient Taurica Chersonesus — and
gained a complete victory at the Alma over the Russians
under Prince Mentschikoff, on the 20th of September,
1854 ; and they might have followed the routed army
into Sabastopol had they known the weakness of its
defenders. Instead of this they marched round the
city and prepared to attack it from the south. The
respite was improved by the resolution of Prince Gort-
schakoff and the genius of Todleben, and the grand
attack of the allies by land and sea was repulsed, Oct.
17th. The siege that followed was signalized by the
rash but splendid charge of our Light Cavalry Brigade
under Lord Cardigan on the Russian guns at the Battle
of Balaklava, October 25th, and by the stern,
triumphant resistance of the British infantry to the
attack of the Russians at Inkerman before daybreak on
November 5th ; but the terrible sufferings of the
English army during the winter brought much discredit
on our military organization. On January 10th the
Anglo-French alliance was joined by the King of
Sardinia, whose troops, under General La Marmora,
" bore the chief part of the victorv of the Tchernava '
(August 16th, 1855). A successful assault was made
on the defences by the allies on the 8th of September,
and on the following: night Prince Gortschakoff
withdrew in good order to the fort on the north
side of the harbour, and the allied army entered
The Czar Nicholas at the age of 59 had succumbed
to disappointment and to the cold of which he boasted
as his ally, March 2nd, 1855 ; and his son, Alexander,
was not able to continue the contest after the fall of
Sebastopol ; and on the 16th January, 1856, Russia
accepted the basis of a peace which was signed at Paris,
March 30th, 1856.
By the Act of June 30th, 1852, for the re-organization
of the militia, the entire construction of the force was
materially altered, and by the subsequent Act of August,
1854, the numbers and the uniforms of the regiments
underwent a complete change. To the North Cork
" was given the number 116, and their uniform changed
to that of Rifles."
January, 1855. — List of Officers.
Colonel — Wm. H. M. Hodder, late 88th Foot.
Lieut-Col. — Wm. St. Leger Alcock Stawell, late Capt.
Major — Robert Atkins, late Capt. 60th Foot.
Captains — Robert Aldworth, late Capt. 94th Foot.
,, Richard Lane Warren, late Lt. 35th Foot.
John Robert Stawell, late Lt. 38th Foot.
Fredric J. Rawlins, late Lt. 5th Foot.
Captains — Ed. Braddell, late Capt. 70th Foot.
St. Leger Barry, late Capt. 65th Foot.
Spencer Geo. Walsh, lateLt. Rl. Marines.
Poole Gabbett, late Lt. 31st Foot.
J. Martin, late Capt. Rifle Brigade.
Lieuts. — Charles Lyster.
,, Dominick Sarsfield.
„ Fred. J. Blackburne.
,, Robert Pern 7 .
,, John E. F. Alymer.
„ Cornelius O'Callaghan.
„ Chas. F. Knolles.
,, John Foote.
Ensigns. — Miles O'Reilly.
,, Herbert Coghlan.
,, Richard G. Creagh.
„ James Geo. Anderson.
William L. Howe.
Richard W. Stokes.
Adjutant — Fred. M. Callaghan.
Paymaster — Nil.
Surgeon — James F. Uniacke, M.l).
Assist.-Surg. — Francis L'Estrange.
The embodiment of the militia to meet the emergency
caused by the outbreak of the war in the Crimea was
partial, not general, but the " North Cork w was one of
the first regiments of the Irish militia selected for
service, and, after a repose of 38 years, it was re-
embodied, by voluntary enrolment, at Buttevant, in the
county of Cork, on the 18th of December, 1854, under
the chief command of Colonel Wm. Henry Moore
Hodder, commission dated 1st March, 1831, formerly
of the 88th Regiment (Connaught Bangers), with
which gallant corps he served in the Peninsular War,
and was present at the Battles of Talavera, Busaco, and
Fuentes d'Onor, affairs of Foz d'Arouce and Sabugal,
and the lines of Torres Vedras (medal and three
This veteran was son of the officer who was second
in command of the " North Cork " after the retirement
of Lord Kinsale in 17JJ9.
The regiment remained at Buttevant until the 2nd
of June, 1855, during which short period the corps
made great progress in its drill and discipline, under
the untiring efforts of the indefatigable adjutant,
Captain Frederick Marcus Callaghan, appointed 3rd
November, 1854, formerly of the 60th Eoyal Rifles.
From Buttevant the regiment moved to Limerick, from
whence it got the route, on the 24th of July, for the
Curragh Camp. On the 6th of December it was again
moved, and arrived at the Camp, Aldershot, on the 9th
December, 1855. Here it lay until the 9th April,
1856, when the corps was sent to Weymouth, with
•Hart's "Army List" (October, 1856),
detachment at Portland, and on the 16th of June, 1856
to Fermoy, where it arrived on the 21st June, and was
disembodied in that garrison on the 29th August,
1856. The number of volunteers given to the regular
array during embodiment was 271.
EXTRACTS FROM HISTORY
WAR OF THE INDIAN MUTINY.
MABSHMAN'S "LIFE OF HAVELOCK."
The Indian Mutiny.
January, 1857. — The year 1857, destined to be one of
unexampled atrocities, dawned tranquilly on the rulers
of India, and the empire was supposed to be in a state
of the most profound repose. Suddenly, from a cause
apparently insignificant, the spark was applied to the
mine on which we had been slumbering, and in a few
months India was in a blaze.
It had been determined to improve the efficiency of
the native army by the introduction of the Enfield rifle,
the cartridges of which required to be lubricated.
They were made up for the rifles in the laboratory at
Dumdum. On the 22nd of January Captain Wright
informed Major Boutein, commanding the depot of
musketry at that station, that a very unpleasant feeling
existed among the Sepoys, who had been sent there for
instruction regarding the grease used in preparing the
cartridges. It appears that a mechanic attached to the
magazine asked a Sepoy, of the 2nd Grenadiers, for
water from his lotuh, or brass water pot ; the Sepoy
refused it, on the ground that he did not know to what
caste he belonged, when the mechanic immediately
retorted, " You yourself will soon have no caste left,
for you will be required to bite cartridges smeared with
the fat of pigs and cows." However indifferent a
Hindoo may be on the subject of his religious belief,
he is frantic on any question of " caste/ ' and the man
who would not hesitate to lampoon his gods for a con-
sideration would regard the attempt to touch his lips
with a piece of beef as an inexpiable offence. It was
then discovered for the first time that a report had been
disseminated through the native army that it was the
design of Government to destroy the caste of the Sepoys
by constraining them to bite off the end of greased
General Hearsay, commanding the Presidency divi-
sion, fully estimating the gravity of the crisis, lost not
an hour in addressing the Deputy Adjutant- General of
the Army on the subject, and, with a view of eradicating
this impression from the minds of the Sepoys, proposed
that the ingredients necessary for the preparation of
the musket cartridge should be procured from the
bazaar, and the Sepoys allowed to make it up them-
selves. The Deputy Adjutant- General allowed three
days to pass, and then forwarded it to the Military
Secretary to the Government, who replied, on the 27th,
that the Governor-General in Council sanctioned the
proposal, and that it might be carried into effect, not
only at Dumdum, but also at the stations of Umbala
and Sealkote in the north-west.
It was now, however, too late to remedy the mis-
chief. By means of that active correspondence which
was maintained with each other by men of the same
caste and family in the various regiments, the alarm had
already spread throughout the army, and it was
universally believed that the greased cartridges were
intended to destroy their caste, with a view of com-
pelling them to embrace Christianity.
General Hearsay held a Court of Enquiry at Barrack-
pore to ascertain the cause of this universal disaffection,
and he informed the Government that although the men
expressed themselves to be perfectly satisfied, the con-
viction that grease was used in the composition of the
cartridges was now so deeply rooted in their minds
that it would be both idle and unwise to attempt to
remove it. The spirit of mistrust and disaffection had,
in fact, reached that point at which every effort to
correct it by explanation would only tend to confirm it,
with the additional evil of being regarded as an index
On the 10th of February the Sepoys at Barrackpore
held a meeting on the parade ground at night to
concert a general rising, when they proposed to
murder all the Europeans, plunder the station, and
proceed where they liked. General Hearsay again
addressed the supreme Government in Calcutta in
urgent terms, and affirmed that they had been dwell-
ing at Barrackpore on a mine ready for explosion.
He pointed out the extreme danger arising from the
presence of four or five disaffected native regiments so
close to the metropolis and quoted Sir Chas. Metcalf's
memorable remark, " That we should wake some morn-
ing and find India lost to the Crown of England."
l§th February f 1857. — On the 19th of February the
Mutiny burst forth at Berhampore. The 19th Regi-
ment broke out into open revolt, seized their muskets,
and rushed with loud yells on the parade ground.
Colonel Mitchell, who commanded the regiment, had
not a single European in the cantonment, but with the
aid of two guns and 160 irregular horse who, from the
circumstance of their enlistment and organization, were,
in the early stages of the Mutiny, better affected
towards the Government than the line, managed to
smother the flame without bloodshed.
Her Majesty's 84th Regiment was ordered up from
Rangoon, and on its arrival at Calcutta, the 19th Regi-
ment was directed to proceed from Berhampore to
Barrackpore. All the regiments at Barrackpore were,
however, tainted with disaffection ; but the 34th took
the lead in the revolt, and on Sunday, 29th of March, a
Sepoy named Mungul Punday, infuriated with intoxi-
cating drugs, rushed to the parade ground and called
on his comrades to come forward in defence of their
religion. The European sergeant-major of the regi-
ment advanced to seize him, while the quarter guard
witnessed the scene without moving. The adjutant of
the regiment then came to the rescue, but the Panday
shot his horse, and then came a hand-to-hand conflict
with both European officers.
The Sepoys of the regiment, instead of supporting
their officers, attacked them from behind, and they
must have fallen victims to this murderous assault had
not General Hearsay rescued them by his personal
resolution and gallantry.
On the arrival of the 19th at Barrackpore, the
Queen's 84th, a wing of the 53rd, two batteries of
artillery, and the Governor-General's body guard, were
assembled on parade.
General Hearsay, in obedience to the order of the
Governor- General, then read the public order, which
had been passed on the occasion. It stated that the
native officers and men of the regiment had been
guilty of open and defiant mutiny, and that the
punishment decreed by the Supreme Government was
that they should be discharged from the service, be
deprived of their arms, receive their arrears of pay, and
be required to quit the cantonment. It, moreover,
directed that this sentence — so utterly inadequate to
the offence — should be read at the head of every regi-
ment in India.
Five weeks were then allowed to pass without any
decision on the conduct of the 34th Regiment. During
this period of inaction the spirit of insubordination was
rising to maturity throughout the Bengal Army.
On the 9th of May all the disposable troops, Euro-
pean and native, were assembled at Barrackpore, to
witness the punishment of the mutinous 34th. Four
hundred of the most culpable in that corps were called
on the parade ; their crime, which was described as the
most heinous a soldier could be guilty of, was then
circumstantially detailed, after which they were paid
up their arrears and discharged from the public service
and ordered to be conveyed to Chinsurah, to which
place their families and baggage were to be sent after
Thus, on the spot where 33 years before the mutinous
47th had expiated their crime under showers of grape
and the sabres of the cavalry, the 19th and 34th,
guilty of a more atrocious revolt, were requited by
discharge from the service, accompanied by the receipt
of all their arrears to the uttermost farthing. The
conduct of the Government in 1824 nipped mutiny in
the bud, while the conduct of the authorities in 1857
rendered a revolt throughout the army under the
existing state of feeling inevitable.
8th Mai/, 1857. — On the 8th of May cartridges were
served out to the 3rd Cavalry at Meerut ; they refused
to accept them, though it was distinctly explained that
they had not been smeared with grease. In fact, the
army was now ripe for mutiny.
On the 9th May, 85 of the recusants were tried by
Court-Martial, and sentenced to imprisonment with
hard labour from terms varying from 5 to 10 years.
All the troops, European and native, were drawn up on
parade, and the delinquents were stripped of their
uniform and ironed. They were then marched off to
jail, uttering imprecations on the Government.
There were at the time two native infantry regiments
at that station, and one of cavalry, and two European
corps, with two troops of European horse artillery and
a field battery. The European troops could easily have
exterminated the native force, but unhappily the station
was under the command of a worn out and imbecile
septuagenarian, General Hewitt, whose name has ob-
tained a most unenviable notoriety in Indian history.
Massacre by teie Sepoys.
On the llth May, as the bells were ringing for
Church Service, incendiary fires became visible in
various directions. The incensed troopers of the 3rd
Cavalry rushed to the jail, where no European guard
had been stationed, and knocked off the irons of their
companions and likewise liberated all the prisoners.
Simultaneously with the forcing of the jail, the two
infantry regiments assembled tumultuously on their
parade, seized their arms, and shot Colonel Finnis, and
other of their officers who were endeavouring to appease
them. The Sepoys and the convicts joined by the mob,
now rushed into the houses of the Europeans, and in-
discriminately massacred all they could seize, without
regard to sex or age, aggravating murder by outrages
still more revolting. After they had plundered or
destroyed the property they set fire to the bungalows,
and the cantonment was soon in a blaze. When the
destruction was complete, and every European man,
woman, and child had been mercilessly butchered, they
prepared to leave Meerut and take the road to Delhi,
distant about 40 miles. It was at this stage of the
catastrophe that the European troops were first brought
into action, but it was now too late. The dragoons and
the riflemen overtook and shot down a few of the
hindermost of the mutineers. Handled with the most
ordinary skill, the European troops at the station might
have effectively prevented the march of the mutineers
to Delhi, but they were under the command of
General Hewitt, and they were to proceed to Delhi,
without a blow.
On their arrival they found no difficulty in persuad-
ing the two regiments stationed there to unite with
them, and enact the same scenes they had perpetrated
at x\feerut. Every European found in the city was put
to death under circumstances of unexampled barbarity.
There was not a single company of British troops to
<^uard the arsenal, the second in magnitude and
importance in the Bengal Presidency, and after a brief
defence by a feeble handful of Europeans who hastened
to its protection, it fell into the hands of the insurgents,
with its almost inexhaustible stores and munitions of
The pensioned King of Delhi was drawn from his
obscurity and proclaimed Emperor of India, and within
t month after the outbreak at Meerut the British
authority had become extinct throughout the north-
From Meerut to Allahabad, among a population of
0,000,000, and throughout a territory many hundred
miles in extent, there did not exist the vestige of a
Government, which, on the 1st of January, was con-
sidered unassailable, with the exception of the fort of
Agra and the closely beleaguered entrenchment at
On the right bank of the Ganges, and about 120
miles from Allahabad, lay the military cantonment at
Cawnpore, one of the most important stations in the
Bengal Presidency, the connecting link between
Allahabad, Agra, and Delhi. It had never hitherto
been left without a European regiment, and was often
protected by two. In June, 1857, however, there were
only 200 European soldiers and 10 guns. It was
under the command of Major-General Sir Hugh
Wheeler, a soldier of great Indian experience, in whom
Government reposed high and well-merited confidence.
About the middle of May, perceiving a growing spirit
of disaffection between the four native regiments under
his command, he had taken the precaution of throwing
up an entrenchment as a place of resort in case of
extremity ; but so great was his confidence in the
loyalty of the troops, in whose ranks his life had been
passed and his honours gained, that he regarded this
entrenchment rather for its moral effect than a refuge
for safety in danger, the possibility of which his faith
in the native soldier prevented him from entertaining.
The work was, therefore, never rendered actually
defensible, nor was it provided with water and supplies.
His position, in a military point of view, was moreover
embarrassed by the women and children of the 32nd
foot, quartered at Lucknow, the ladies of the station,
and other female fugitives of the surrounding districts.
On the night of the 6th of June, the native regi-
ments broke into open mutiny, burnt down the lines,
and plundered the treasury of £170,000. Glutted with
this boot}', they proposed to march to Delhi, but they
were persuaded by Nana Sahib to take service under his
standard and complete the extermination of the
Nana Sahib's Treachery.
Nana Sahib, whose name will ever be conspicuous in
the annals of crime as the personification of perfidy and
cruelty, was the adopted son of Bagee Row, the Peishwa
or head of the ancient Mahratta Confederacy.
In the year 1818, while at peace with the British
Government, the Peishwa had endeavoured by an act
of the basest treachery to destroy Mr. Mountstuart
Elphinstone, the Resident at his Court, but the assault
was gallantly repelled, and he was obliged to fly from
his capital at Poonah, and was hunted through the
country for several months by Sir John Malcolm. His
power was finally crushed at the battle of Kirkee ; but
just at the period when he was brought to bay and must
have surrendered at discretion, he was admitted to
terms, and by an act of reckless prodigality endowed
with an annuity of £90,000 ; this provision he lived to
enjoy 32 years, and after having received from the
British Government a sum of two millions and a half
sterling, died at Bithoor, about sixteen miles above
Cawnpore, which had been assigned as the place of his
residence. Of these accumulations he bequeathed a
large portion to his adopted sod Nana Sahib, 'who had
the assurance to demand the continuance of the pension.
It was, as a matter of course, refused, and from that
time he conceived the most bitter hostility to the
When the spirit of disaffection first appeared among
the native troops at Cawupore, the Nana manifested
the most friendly disposition towards Sir Hugh
Wheeler, and at his request afforded every assistance
for the safety of the Treasur} r , which remained for
several days under the protection of 600 of his men and
two guns. But no sooner had the Sepoys at Cawnpore
broken into open mutiny and obtained the ascendancy,
than he threw off the mask and took the lead of the
The indiscriminate destruction of the European and
native Christians under every form of barbarity who
had not taken refuge in the intrenchments to which
Sir Hugh Wheeler had retired, now became the pastime
of this fiend in human shape. A hundred and twenty-
six fugitive English ladies and gentlemen and children
had happily escaped from the insurgents at Futtyghur,
and were proceeding down the river to Allahabad, when
the boats were descried by the Nana's followers at
Bithoor and brought to, and the whole party was
The revolted Sepoys swelled by the recruits enlisted
by Nana Sahib, and aided by the large resources of
the Cawnpore magazine, which Sir Hugh Wheeler had
attempted to blow up but failed, now closed round the
intrenchment. The sufferings of the ill- sheltered in-
mates from the combined effect of exposure, privation
and ceaseless watching night and day under arms, and
of the concentrated fire incessantly poured upon them
from a powerful artillery, present perhaps the most
dismal page in the history of British India.
On the day on which General Havelock received in
Calcutta his appointment to the command of the column
for the relief of Cawnpore the garrison was driven,
after a defence, the record of which is imperishable, to
entertain thoughts of a capitulation — -not for their own
sakes, but for that of the helpless women and children.
Four days afterwards this band of Englishmen,
bright in their valour, and of Englishwomen, still
brighter in their fortitude, by an act of the most
atrocious perfidy, had ceased to exist.
Of the 870 persons who had survived the cannonade
for more than three weeks, 330 were women and
children. When reduced to the last extremity, Nana
Sahib sent a messenger to Sir Hugh Wheeler, offering
the garrison a safe conduct to Allahabad, with per-
mission to take their baggage, arms, and ammunition
with them, on condition that they would capitulate.
Sir Hugh most reluctantly accepted the overture, but
only because it held out a hope of saving the heroic
women and the tender children from a lingering death.
The Nana took an oath by the water of the Ganges —
h e most sacred that a Hindoo and a Brahmin can
utter — to be faithful to his engagement. Boats were
provided by him, and the women and children were
conveyed to them in vehicles, in some cases with every
expression of sympathy and solicitude for their welfare.
Every heart now beat high with the certainty of
their deliverance ; but no sooner had the whole party
been seated in the boats than three signal guns were
fired, and a destructive fire was opened on the helpless
fugitives from cannon planted on the shore and hitherto
concealed along the bank, as well as from the pieces of
Sana's soldiers. The shrieks of the women and the
cries of the children were drowned by the rattle of
musketry and the roar of the guns, and the yells of the
hounds now let loose on them. The massacre was a
preconcerted perfidy. It has since become evident by
the discovery of the document, that an order had been
sent to the Commandant of the mutinous 17th Native
Infantry and some irregulary cavalry, then on the
Oude bank, to fire on any of the fugitives who might
attempt to land. The whole party was treacherously
butchered, with the exception of 210 women and
children, who were taken back to the town, and
reserved for future destruction. This atrocity was
perpetrated on the 27th of June. On the 7th July
General Sir Henry Havelock marched out of Allahabad
with a relieving column of about 1,000 bayonets from
four European regiments — the 64th, the 78th High-
landers, the 84th Foot, and the Madras Fusiliers, 130
Sikhs, some volunteer cavalry, and six guns. This
small force encountered the enemy at Futtepore on the
12th of July ; their number was estimated at 3,500,
with 12 guns, and in four hours that gallant officer
defeated them, captured 11 guns, and scattered the
enemy's whole force to the winds, without the loss of
a single British soldier.
On the 16th of July Havelock's force was in front of
Cawnpore. It was reported in camp that the 210
women and children who had survived the massacre on
the 27th of June were still alive, and the animating
hope of rescuiug them banished every sense of fatigue
from our brave fellows who had marched so many
miles under a broiling sun and with but scanty sup-
The Nana had come out in person with a body of
5,000 men and eight guns, to play his last stake for
power. The position he had chosen was a most
formidable one : his left covered by the Ganges, a mile
distant, and by the high ground sloping towards it, was
defended by four 24 pounders. The road to the canton-
ment of Cawnpore divided his left from the centre,
which was posted in a low hamlet ; here a 24 pounder,
howitzer and a horse 6 pounder were planted and en-
trenched. The great trunk road ran between his centre
and his right, which was behind a village encompassed
with mangoe groves, surrounded by a mud wall, and
defended by two 9 pounders. The railroad embankment
lay to the right of it. The two roads met about 800
yards in front of the enemy's position, which extended
over a mile and a quarter in the form of a crescent, the
centre more retired than the flanks.
The Nana calculated that our force would necessarily
come up the grand trunk road to this point of conver-
gence, and all his artillery was laid and pointed to sweep
it, the range having been carefully measured and marked
His infantry was massed in support of the guns to
defend the strong position, and the mutinous 2nd
Cavalry was placed in rere of the enemy's left. It was
evident that any attempt to carry this position by a
coup de main would entail a most serious loss of life, for
the artillery of the enemy equalled our own in number,
and outweighted in calibre, and they enjoyed the im-
mense advantage of an entrenched cover. The General,
therefore, determined to turn their position. The
Volunteer Cavalry was directed to bring in some of the
neighbouring villagers, who were minutely and separa-
tely questioned as to the nature of the ground on both
the enemy's flanks, and the bye roads leading to their
camp. From a careful collation of these reports, it
appeared that the ground lying between the enemy's
left and the river was more elevated, while that on their
right was low and swampy, and moreover, commanded
by the railway embankment, the General therefore
resolved to select their left flank for his attack.
Gallant Attack, and Route of the Enemy.
Having determined on his course of operation, com-
manding officers of detachments were summoned. The
General, standing in the midst of them, rapidly traced a
rough diagram of the projected movements in the dust
with the point of his scabbard, and in a few brief words
explained his intentions. After this he satisfied himself
with questions, that his plan was clearly comprehended
by the officers. With a commander so bold, and yet so
perspicuous in his orders, the troops marched as to
A column of sub- divisions was now formed in front,
one wing of the Madras Fusiliers heading it, the other
covering the left flank in skirmishing order ; then came
m succession with the guns at intervals, the 78th High-
landers, the 64th, the 84th and the Sikhs. The
Volunteer Cavalry advanced in front of the infant^
with orders, when the column reached the point of
divergence, to continue its march deliberately along the
road to attract the attention of the enemy and lead to
the belief that our troops were moving onward in the
teeth of their guns. For three miles the column moved
steadily on the road, and then wheeled to the right,
while the Volunteer Cavalry drew the fire of the
enemy's guns on themselves. The infantry marched
for a thousand yards under the shelter of the groves and
unseen by the enemy; but a gap in the trees at length
betrayed the movement, and the enemy opened fire with
every gun that could bear on the flank of the 78th and
64th, inflicting some loss. Not a shot was fired in
return ; the column advanced silently and compactly as
on parade, and the stillness was only broken by the
bursting shells of the enemy, and the imprecations of the
bullock drivers, as they urged their cattle to the utmost
The rear of our column having cleared the groves,
the companies wheeled at a bound into line. The force
at once advanced in direct echellon of battalions from
the right, the 78th, the leading battalion, being
supported by four guns on each flank, and by the
whole of the Madras Fusiliers in skirmishing order.
Our artillery at once opened fire, pushing forward as
rapidly as the broken nature of the ground would
By this master-stroke the fire of the enemy's centre
and right was neutralized as they could not use their
guns without endangering their left. Three guns of
the enemy were stoutly posted behind a lofty hamlet
well entrenched. The honour of capturing them was
given to the 78th Highlanders. They were led by
Colonel Hamilton, and followed him with surpassing
steadiness and gallantry under a heavy fire — need it be
added that the enemy fled and the guns captured.
One effort more remained to be made, as arduous as
any of the struggles of the day. The enemy appeared
to be in full retreat to Cawnpore, followed by our
exhausted troops, when a reserve 24-pounder planted
on the road, and aided by two smaller guns, reopened
fire on our advancing line, as the Nana had deter-
mined here to make his final stand for the possession of
Cawnpore, from which fresh troops had poured forth to
his assistance. The greatest animation pervaded the
enemy's ranks — the din of their drums, the shouts of
their cavalry, and the booming of their guns were
sufficient to affect the minds of the troops, lying down
as they were, to afford time for our own guns, which
were a mile in the rere, to come up. This temporary
pause in our advance emboldened the enemy. General
Havelock's horse had been shot, but he speedily mounted
a hack, and, coming into that rain of fire, in a clear
and firm tone issued the order to rise for a last advance.
The 64th was the leading regiment of the echellon,
and as it advanced the gun swept its ranks, and from
thirty to forty fell before the corps reached the
The enemy lost all heart, and after a hurried fire of
musketry gave way in total route. Four of our guns
came up and completed their discomfiture by a heavy
Such was the battle of Cawnpore, in which 1,000
British troops and 300 Sikhs, fighting under a deadly
sun, with the aid of only 18 horse, against a superior
artillery and numerous cavalry, drove from a position
skilfully selected and strongly entrenched, a body of
5,000 native troops, trained and disciplined by our own
The troops bivouacked on the night of the 16th of
July, on the bare ground, without food or tents ; no
fire was lighted, and a dead silence prevaded the line.
The baggage had been left at Maharajpore, and as it
would have been imprudent to move it during the
night in the presence of the enemy's superior cavalry,
it did not come up till morning.
Early on the morning of the 17th of July 1857,
General Havelock's force entered Cawnpore, but un-
happily too late to prevent the dreadful massacre of
the helpless women and innocent children, and as some
of the troops advanced to the Sevada plain, east of
Cawnpore — Wheeler's encampment — and the building
where those unfortunates had been confined were
entered, and the troops were struck with horror at
the sight which met their eyes.
The pavement was swimming in blood, and frag-
ments of ladies' and children's dresses were floating
upon it. The apartments were found empty and
silent, but there also the blood lay deep on the floor,
covered with bonnets, collars, combs, and children's
frocks and frills; the walls were dotted with the
marks of bullets, and on the wooden pillars were deep
sword cuts, from which hung tresses of hair, but
neither the sword cuts or the dents of the bullets were
sufficiently high above the floor to indicate that the
weapons had been aimed at men defending their lives ;
they appeared, rather, to have been levelled at crouching
women and children begging for mercy. The soldiers
proceeded in their search, when, in crossing the court-
yard, they perceived human limbs bristling from a well,
and found it choked up with the bodies of the victims,
which appeared to have been thrown in promiscuously,
the dead with the wounded, till it was full to the
It is related that the Highlanders, on coming to
a body which had been barbarously exposed, and
which was supposed to be that of Sir Hugh Wheeler's
daughter, cut off the tresses, and reserving a portion to
be sent to their own families, sat down and counted the
remainder, and swore that for every hair one of the
rebels should die.
It was ascertained on further inquiry that the Nana,
actuated by feelings of revenge for the defeat of his
army, resolved to wreak his vengeance on the helpless
women and children in his power. The Cawnpore
rebels were equally anxious to remove out of the way
all who could identify the perpetrators of previous
atrocities, and it was determined to put the defenceless
prisoners to death.
The men of the Nana's guard were sent down, and
they massacred in cold blood, 212 unresisting worn, n
In the annals of human guilt there is no blacker
page than that in which her perfidious murders of
Cawnpore are inscribed. A century will scarcely suffice
to restore that Confidence in the native character which
the atrocities committed during the mutiny at various
stations, more especially at Cawnpore, have so com-
On the 20th of July General Neill arrived at Cawn-
pore from Allahabad with a reinforcement, whom
Havelock left with a force of about 500 men, and an
entrenched camp, as a provision for the defence of the
town. This precaution was considered as a necessity,
as at a distance of about 70 miles, the Nawaub of
Futtypore, after having murdered all the Europeans
men, women and children within his reach, had
raised the standard of revolt, and assembled under it
two regiments of native infantry, some of the revolted
Oude troops, and a rabble of armed followers.
Capture of Onao.
Before the mutiny Futtyghur was the great military
workshop of the north-west provinces, with large
establishments for the supply of gun carriages, cloth-
ing, &c.j and from these stores the Nawaub was enabled
to furnish himself with munitions of war of every
description. Nana Sahib, moreover, was across the
Ganges at Futtehpore Chourasse, where he was endea-
vouring to reassemble his scattered troops.
Though he was not likely again to try conclusions
with Havelock in the field, he might take advantage of
his absence and try to regain possession of Cawnpore,
And the whole district teemed with a hostile and martial
The wise and gallant Havelock having taken all
necessary precautions against the town again falling
into the hands of the insurgents, was impatient to
hasten to the relief of Lucknow. The enterprise on
which the General now entered was one of no common
difficulty, and but for the great object before him, that
of rescuing the beleaguered garrison from destruction,
must have appeared rash even to presumption.
On the 28th of July the whole of Havelock's force,
amounting to about 1,500 men and 10 guns, assembled
at Mungulwar, and on the 29th advanced to Onao, a
•distance of about three miles, where the enemy, having
ftaken up a strong position, disputed the way, and our
attack became unavoidable. The place was vigorously
•defended, but the village was set fire to by our troops.
Pinally the guns were captured, and the enemy de-
feated, with a loss computed at 300 men.
After pursuing the enemy for some distance the
troops halted for three hours and partook of a meal.
The bugle then sounded again, the men fell into their
places, and marched for a distance of six miles to
Busseerutgunge, a walled-in town, intersected by the
high road to Lucknow. The main gate at the entrance
•of the town was defended by an earth- work, a trench,
and four guns. It was a formidable position, and it
became manifest to the General that an attempt to
assail it in front, unsupported by a flank movement,
would entail serious loss of life, lie, therefore, directed
the G4th Regiment to march round the town on the
left, and interpose itself between the farther gate and
the causeway. The 78th Highlanders and the Madras
Fusiliers endeavoured to storm the gateway, but the
•enemy's guns sending repeated and heavy discharges
into their ranks they were ordered to lie down, while
our cannon plied the defence, with energy. The
enemy's fire now appeared to slacken, and the two corps,
having received orders to rise, sprang to their feet, und
with a shout which, struck terror to the rebels, cleared
the trench, and rushed in at the gate. The enemy
bewildered at the impetuosity of the charge, and the
flank movement of the 64th became utterly disheartened,
abandoned their guns, and fled in confusion through
the town and over the causeway, hotly pursued b} r the
With the exception of three hours given to rest and
refreshment, the troops had now been incessantly
marching and fighting from sunrise to sunset. The
night was now closing in, and the General did not deem
it prudent to allow them to proceed in pursuit of the
enemy beyond the causeway, and the weary soldiers
were bivouacked for the night close to the town.
The opposition that the General had encountered in
these, his first operations in Oude, was likely to increase
as he penetrated into the province. He had learned
that the insurgents had been strengthened by the revolt
of three native regiments at Dinapore, and the hostile
force in his rere thus assumed a more formidable
appearance. It was, moreover, reported that a third of
his gun ammunition had been expended in the attack
at Onao and Busseerutgunge, and the army had as yet
progressed only one-third of its way to Lucknow.
Eighty men had been killed and wounded in the two
actions of the previous day, and as many disabled by
fatigue, exposure, and the ravages of cholera. These
invalids required the whole of the sick carriage of the
force. There was not an unoccupied doolie in the
<amp. This was by far the most serious difficulty
which presented itself to the mind of the General. It
was impossible for him to advance without conveyance
for the wounded, unless it was intended to abandon
them to destruction on the road.
Under the influence of these considerations, General
Havelock felt it his duty to retire to his impregnable
position at Mungulwar, send back his sick and wounded
to Cawnpore, and augment his force by all the rein-
forcements he could obtain before he again advanced to
Lucknow. This decision was fortified by the assurance
he had received, that the besieged garrison at the
Residency was for the present sufficiently supplied with
provisions, and that the pressure cf the siege would be
in some measure relaxed by the diversion of a large
bodv of the rebels to watch his movements.
On his return to Mungulwar he wrote to General
Neill, that though everywhere successful, he urgently
required another battery and a thousand British bay-
onets, before he could do anything for the real advantage
of Lucknow, and urged him to push forward every
available soldier and gun, as it was his intention to
advance to Lucknow immediately on their arrival.
But he was destined to bitter disappointment. He
was informed by Sir Patrick Grant that be could expect
no reinforcements for weeks, on account of the mutiny
at Dinapore, by which 3,000 troops, well armed and
disciplined, had been added to the insurgent army, and
the European troops which were on their way to re-
inforce him, and enable him to advance to Lucknow,.
were detained to protect the districts and towns menaced
by this new brood of rebels. Instead, therefore, of re-
ceiving an accession of two regiments, with which he
might have relieved the Residency, the whole of the
additional force he was able to obtain from Cawnporo
did not exceed 257 men, a number barely sufficient
to fill up the casualities created by the sword and
On the 3rd of August the General received half of
Captain Olipert's batter} r , consisting of three horsed
9-pounders and likewise two 24-pounders.
Although the General's column was no stronger
with these reinforcements than when he started for
Lucknow the first time, he determined to make another
effort to reach it ; and he felt that if the Residency was.
to be relieved at all, the attempt must be made by the
troops then under his command.
The General calculated that he had three strong
positions to force before he could reach the City of
Lucknow, and that his losses would probably fall little
short of 300, thus only leaving him 700 British
bayonets for the attack on that city, with its encircling
canal, its entrenched and barricaded streets, its loop-
holed houses, temples, and palaces, defended by a war-
like population and an army of soldiers disciplined to*
perfection by our own officers. Every village was
opposed to us, and the landholders — of which class
many of those who had fallen in the action of the
morning consisted — bad universally risen against us,
and had collected bands of two and three hundred
partisans to oppose our progress. The Gwalior con-
tingent, moreover, had now mutinied in a bod}-. It
was a compact little army in itself, with horse, foot,
and twenty-four field guns, thoroughly organised and
equipped ; and the native subalterns, owing to the
paucity of European officers, took a more active share
of the government of the different corps, and were con-
sequently more efficient. It was, therefore, a more
formidable enemy than any mere assemblage of single
regiments of the line. It was now said to be approach-
ing Culpee, on the Ganges, within fifty miles of Cawn-
pore. The Dinapore mutineers were likewise reported
to be advancing westward, to join the standard of
The General had been warned to expect no reinforce-
ments for two months; and to crown his difficulties
the cholera had broken out in his camp with increased
virulence. His men were dying around him ; and
while he was deliberating on his course the survivors
employed the brief halting time in digging graves for
their comrades who had fallen victims to it during the
day. Thus, surrounded by difficulties, and assailed by
an irresistible enemy within his camp, the mind of the
General was a prey to conflicting anxieties ; and after
carefully weighing all the considerations the General
came to the painful conclusion that it was his paramount
duty to abandon the attempt to relieve Lucknow until
he was adequately reinforced.
But lie did not act without conferring with the
officers of his Staff, upon whose judgment he set great
value. He called them together and inquired their
views, and they unanimously concurred with him in the
opinion that to advance upon Lucknow under present
circumstances would be a gainless sacrifice of the lives
of men who had so heroically maintained the honour
of the British Army.
It was therefore determined to retire to Mungulwar,
although the little army was burning with impatience
to advance to Lucknow.
The Relief of Luckxow.
When intelligence of the death of General Anson
reached London, the vacant post of Commander-in-
Chief of the Indian Army was at once offered to Sir
Colin Campbell, who embarked for Calcutta at twenty -
four hours' notice, and arrived there on the 13th August,
1857, and immediately placed himself in communication
with Ilavelock, whose effective European strength did
not now exceed 6£5 bayonets. This was the whole
number left out of 1,700 who had joined his column —
the sword and disease had destroyed or disabled the rest ;
but he was assured by the gratifying intelligence that
Sir Colin had embarked on board a steamer to the head
quarters, and about seven companies of the 90th Regi-
ment, also a considerable portion of the 5th Fusiliers
and a battalion of Madras Infantry, and six 6-poundei>-
Having thus obtained the assurance of prompt rein-
forcements, he offered his cordial thanks to Sir Colin for
the succour which was promised, and hoped that it wu
only the advanced guard of a stronger force, which was
most urgently needed, lie wanted a company of artil-
lery to work his heavy guns, and cavalry to improve his
Sir James ^Outram arrived at Cawnpore with rein-
forcements on the 15th of September. The force now
about to make the third attempt to relieve Lucknow
consisted of Havelock's veterans — fearfully reduced in
number — a detachment of 200 or 300 men who had
come up with Colonel Stisted, and the reinforcements
brought by Sir James Outram, constituting in all a
force of 2,500 men. With this gallant little army, under
command of General Havelock, the relief of Lucknow
On the evening of the 25th of September, 1857, the
troops were drawn up at the hour of 8 o'clock in front
of the Alumbagh, and formed for the advance. A small
table was placed in the open field on which a map of
the City of Lucknow was spread, and, as the two
Generals and their Staff bent over it tracing the route,
a nine pound shot from the enemy's battery, coming
straight to the table, fortunately struck the ground at
a distance of about four yards, and rising, bounded over
their heads, leaving them uninjured.
Between 8 and 9 o'clock the welcome order to
"Advance" was given. Sir James Outram took the
command of the 1st and leading brigade, with all the
artillery, heavy and light. The 2nd under Havelock
followed in support.
The Highlanders and Sikhs, with Outram and Have-
lock at their head, pushed on to the Residency through
an incessant storm of shot. The loopholed houses on
either side poured forth a stream of fire as they ad-
vanced ; every roof sent down a shower of missiles on
them ; deep trenches had been cut across the road to
detain them under the fire of the adjacent buildings ;
at every angle they encountered a fearful volley. At
length they forced their way to the gates of the Resi-
dency, and entered in the dark and in triumph. Then
came three cheers for the leaders and the joy of the
The scene within the Residency has been eloquently
described by a Staff officer thus : — " Once fairly seen all
our doubts and fears regarding them were ended, and
then the garrison's pent up feelings of anxiety and sus-
pense burst forth in a succession of deafening cheer*
from every pit, trench, and battery, from behind the-
sand bags piled on shattered houses, from every post
still held by a few gallant spirits rose cheer on cheer,
even from the hospital many of the wounded crawled
forth to join in that glad shout of welcome to those who
had so bravely come to their assistance. It was a moment
never to be forgotten. The delight of the ever gallant
Highlanders, who had fought 12 battles to enjoy that
moment of ecstacy, and in the last four days had lost a
third of their number, seemed to know no bounds ; and
as the General and Sir James Outram had entered Dr.
Frazer's house, the ladies in the garrison and their
children crowded with intense excitement into the porch
to see their deliverers. The Highlanders rushed for-
ward — the rough bearded warriors — and shook tlu>
ladies by the hand with loud and repeated gratulatiom
They took the children up in their arms, fondly caressing
them, passing them from one to another in turn. Then
when the first burst of enthusiasm was over, thev
mournfully turned to speak among themselves of the
heavy losses they had sustained, and to inquire the
names of numerous comrades who had fallen in the
General Havelock has been blamed by some for
bringing with him four heavy guns, which were con-
sidered as embarrassing to his small force, but he always
held a strong opinion on the question of heavy artillery,
based on the manifest difficulties which the want of it
had entailed on "Napoleon at Acre," on "Wellington
■at Burgos," and on " Lake at Bhurtpore."
It is impossible to over-estimate the value of the
hervices rendered by the gallant Sir Henry Havelock
and the army of heroes which he commanded at that
most critical period of the mutinies — the months of
•July and August.
In braving the inclemency of the season they
achieved what it was till then believed no Englishman,
or other European, could do ; and in putting to flight,
with small numbers, the masses of troops opposed to
them, supported by so powerful an artillery, teaching
all British soldiers to despise the foe, and thereafter,
whatever the disparity of numbers, they always ad-
vanced to assured victory. Long, therefore, will the
recollection of the name of Havelock and of the 78th
Highlanders, the 1st Madras Fusiliers, and the 64th
and 84th regiments be cherished by all who lor mod
part of the garrison of Lucknow.
After the capture of the Residency by Havelock and
Outram, with their brave followers, Sir Colin Campbell
pushed forward at the head of 5,000 men, and now the
final relief was accomplished with an army of 6,000
British bayonets and a powerful artillery, commanded
by such leaders as Campbell, Outram, Havelock, Inglis,
and others. Lucknow was ours (and there was now no
power able to cope with such a force), so that the whole
of the insurgent province and the capital of Oude lay
at the mercy of the victorous British Army.
Officers of the Regiment, 1857.
After the suppression of the Mutiny in India, of
course the standing army at home and abroad was
gradually reduced and the Militia of the United King-
William Henry Moore Hodder, late Lieut. 88th Foot.
William St. Leger Alcock Stawell, late Capt. 23rd Foot.
Robert Aldworth, late Captain 94th Foot.
Frederick J. Rawlins, late Lieut, oth Foot.
Edward Braddell, late Capt. 70th Foot.
Dominick R. Sarstield.
Crewe C. Townsend.
Robt. D. Perry.
Chas. Fredk. Knolles.
Eyre Massy Shaw
William Lambert Howe.
Francis B. Kell.
Ohas. Dudley Gabbett.
Hy. A. St. Clair Keogh.
Richd. Reynell Aylmer.
Henry Chas. Mansergh.
Philip Sydney Dudley.
Thos. Richard Gabbett.
John Francis Belli*.
Augustus Stanley Clarke.
James F. W. Cronin.
Frederick M. Callaghan, late Lieut. GOth Royal Rifles.
Quartermaster — Foster Hewison, late Rifle Brigade.
Surr/eon — James F. Uniacke, M.D.
Assistant Surgeon — Francis Ffolliott, M.D.
Paymaster — Richard G. Creagh.
The North. Cork Rifle Regiment was selected for
embodiment during the war of the Indian Mutiny,
and assembled at Mallow in the County of Cork on the
15th September, 1857, under the command of Colonel
Hodder, and on the 24th of same month marched to
Fermoy, where it remained until the 17th November
following, when it was ordered to England, and sailed
from Queenstown to Portsmouth for the Camp at Shorn -
cliffe, where it arrived on the 2nd of December, 1857
The regiment remained there attached to the Brigade of
Major-General Lord West until the 14th of June, 1858,
when " the route " arrived for Sheerness, where it was
engaged on dockyard and garrison duty with the
Royal Artillery until the middle of the following
October. An unfortunate fracas occurred here be-
tween the seamen, the marines, the townspeople, and
some men of the regiment. The row originated
in one of the low public-houses in the worst part
of Bluetown, a not over-salubrious portion of the place ;
the few men of the corps first attacked were presently
joined by a number of others, when the affair threat-
ened to assume serious proportions. The officer in
command of the place, Major-General Sir Richard
England, R.A., then gave orders to send out strong
pickets of the Royal Artillery and the Rifles to quell
the disturbance and arrest the ringleaders, which, after
a good deal of difficulty, was accomplished. A Court
of Enquiry, however, was convened, and an officer from
the War Office Staff was sent b} T the Duke of Cambridge
from the Horse Guards to inquire into the matter.
This resulted in the exoneration of the Rifles, as the
following letter specifies : —
" Horse Guards, 29th October, 1858.
"Sir, — The General Commanding-in-Chief having
had under his consideration the proceedings of the
"Court of Enquiry, held to investigate the circumstances
attending the disturbance between certain men of the
North Cork Rifles under your command, and the sea-
men, marines, and inhabitants of Sheerness, by which
His Royal Highness was compelled, in order to restore
-and maintain the tranquillity of the town, to remove
the regiment to Aldershot.
u I have it in command to acquaint you, that His*
Royal Highness collects, from evidence, that the militia
cannot be considered as the original aggressors in these
riots, which have acquired so unpleasant a notoriety.
" The General Commanding-in-Chief directs me to
make this communication to you, as the result of the
Court of Enquiry in question has fully confirmed the
report made by the Staff-Officer, who was sent down
personally to communicate with the Admiral and the
Commandant of the garrison, both of whom spoke in
the highest terms of the conduct of the North Cork
Rifles, and to whom the Superintendent of Police stated,
that ever since the arrival of the regiment in June
last, up to this unfortunate quarrel, not a man of the
corps had been in custody of the Civil power for any
" His Royal Highness commands me add, that he
has every confidence in the North Cork Rifles con-
tinuing to maintain the high character they have
hitherto held during the whole of their embodied
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your obedient Servant,
"Gd. Wethbrall, A.G
" Colonel W. H. M. Hodder,
" Commanding North Cork Rifles,"
North Camp, Aldershot."
At an early hour on the morning of 15th of June,
1858, the regiment paraded and the roll called. Not a
man was absent, and the corps embarked in silence and
in perfect order from the Government Gun Wharf in
two war steamers for Strood Station, North Kent Rail-
way, from whence it was conveyed to the North Camp,
Aldershot, and was attached to the Brigade of Major-
General Lord William Paulette, where it took its part
in the usual routine of camp duty, divisional and
brigade field days, &c, marching out, and encampment
at Woolmer Forest, where a model camp was pitched,
and the troops remained under canvas for three days.
The regiment whilst at Aldershot won golden opinions
— even from the voice of Royalt}', as it marched past —
and on more than one occasion Her Majesty the Queen
* was pleased to state her approval of the manner in
which the North Cork ' behaved under arms ' at her
reviews." The following letter is a matter of record : —
"North Camp, Aldershot,
" October loth, 1859.
44 My Dear Colonel,
11 As I suppose you have resumed the command of
the North Cork Rifles, I think it is due to you and the
regiment to express my entire approbation of their
conduct during the time they have been under my
command. No regiment in my brigade have had fewer
Courts Martial, no regiment has behaved better, and no
regiment has given me less trouble, and it was with
regret I parted with them.
" They quitted this command in the most creditable
manner, not leaving a man behind.
" I beg to wish you all every prosperity.
" And believe me,
" Very truly yours,
" W. Paulette, Major-General,
" Commanding 1st Brigade.
4i Colonel W. H. M. Hodder,
" North Cork Rifles,
'* Ayr Barracks, N.B.
The distance from the North Camp, Aldershot, to
Woolmer Forest is over 15 miles, which was accom-
plished by the troops in about five hours, under a
broiling sun, a dusty road, and in heavy marching
order, yet not a man of the North Cork fell out, although
the leading battalion, and immediately following the
Field Artillery and the Cavalry ; then came the 11th
Regiment, the 19th, the 36th, the 1st King's Own
Stafford, and some others, whilst in front were the
E Company Royal Engineers, a battery of Artillery r
the 2nd Life Guards (two squadrons), the 10th Hussars,
the 5th Dragoon Guards, and a troop of the Military
Train. The Camp at Aldershot in those days was a very
enjoyable quarter, and although a little expensive, and
with numberless field days and plenty of work, yet
from its proximity to London, and other advantages,.
the place was much enjoyed by the officers of the
regiment. But by far the most delightful of the
quarters occupied by the North Cork during this
embodiment was the Camp at Shorncliffe, standing as it
does at an elevation of about 100 feet above the sea,
with the beautiful little town of Sandgate at foot, and
with Folkestone and Dover — always gay — close by,
and with the North Foreland, Calais, &c, in the dis-
The point of Dungeness where there is, or was, a
fort, the town of Hythe, the School of Musketry, and
the well-known shingle sea beach, for ball practice are
in the vicinity. The situation is delightful, and is
esteemed one of the most healthful quarters in Great
The North Cork Rifles left the Camp, Aldershot, for
service in Scotland, on the 7th October, 1859, having
been within a few days of one year doing duty there.
The entire regiment left the North Camp Station at an
early hour in the morning, about four o'clock, and
early as it was, it was played to the railway by the
bands of the 36th Regiment and the 1st King's Own
Stafford. It was accompanied by many of the officers
and men of other regiments in the brigade, especially
by Colonel Smith and officers of 10 th Royal Hussars,
who kindly wished " God speed and all prosperity " to
the jolly "old North Cork."
The regiment was detained at sea a couple of days
longer than it should have been by a dense fog, but it
arrived safely, however, at Leith Pier, near Edinburgh,
on the morning of the 14th October, 1859, was divided
into detachments, one (head-quarter), with band, &c,
to Ayr, remainder to the town of Hamilton, near Glas-
Both detachments reached their destination the same
* " Ayr, wham ne'er a toon surpasses,
For honest men and bonnie lasses."
Ayr is celebrated as the birthplace of Robert Burns,
Avhose house, and the crib or nook in which he was born
is still in existence. There is also close by a monu-
ment erected to his memory, surrounded by ornamental
grounds, with a small museum containing relics "of
the poet" and his " Highland Mary." In the immediate
locality are to be seen Auld Alloway Kirk, the four
walls of which are now only remaining, surrounded by
a churchyard and the auld Brig of Doon, where
* " Meg brought off her master hale,
But left behind her ain grey tail,"
At these quarters the North Cork Rifles experienced
a sad loss by the death of their gallant old chief, Colonel
Hodder. Whilst dismounting from the horse he had
been riding at the head of the regiment that morning,
he fell backwards on his head in the barrack-yard,
never recovered consciousness, and died on the 20th of
November, 1859. The corpse was followed to the rail-
way station at Ayr by the whole regiment, from
whence it was conveyed to Ireland for interment at
Carrigaline, County Cork.
The town of Hamilton is rather prettily situated,
with good barrack accommodation, and close by the
seat of the Duke of Hamilton, with a large circular-
shaped building of cut stone, known as the Mausoleum,
in front of the dwelling-house, where the bones of all
the members of that ancient family, for generations,
have been laid.
In the immediate vicinity is Both well Brig, cele-
* Burns' "Tarn O'Shanter."
brated as the scene of a battle between the
Covenanters, under John Balfour of Burley, and
Royal Troops, under the gallant Graharae of Claver-
house, Viscount Dundee, described in Sir Walter
Scott's "Old Mortality." From the bridge can be
seen the old Castle of Tullytudlem, where dwelt Lady
Margaret Bellenden, a by no means unimportant
character, described in the novel by the same Immortal
Upon the death of Colonel Moore Hodder the
command of the North Cork Rifles devolved upon
Lt.- Colonel W. Alcock Stawell, an officer who had
served with the 24th and 47th Regiments, and lastly
with the 23rd Fusiliers, in various parts of the world,
including Gibraltar, North America and the West
Indies, from the year 1826 to 1848, when he retired
from the regular army and became Lieut. -Colonel
and second in command of the North Cork Rifles in
The regiment during its stay in Scotland received
the utmost kindness and hospitality, and by its good
•conduct and smart appearance earned the best wishes
and universal approbation of the Scottish people. The
•officers in return entertained the elite of the country in
the same hospitable manner, and the fine band of the
regiment — under Mr. Miller, the Bandmaster — was
The "route" for Ireland arrived on the 16th of
February, and the Regiment sailed for Queenstown,
and was disembodied at Mallow, co. Cork, on the 28th
The number of volunteers from the North Cork
Rifles during the "War of the Indian Mutiny was 317,
many of whom fought and bled in the Royal Artillery
and the 64th and 84th Regiments with Havelock's
Vicissitudes of the Regiment.
The North Cork Rifles assembled at Mallow for their
first annual training and exercise, after the disembodi-
ment of the corps on the 21st May, 1862.
On the 25th of May, 1863, Mallow ;
On the 25th of May, 1864, Mallow ; and
On the 22nd of May, 1865, Mallow.
The Government for the following six years did not
embody the Irish Militia for the usual 27 days' train-
ing. On the 22nd of May, 1871, however, the North
Cork assembled at Mallow. During the training, this
year, his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, Earl Spencer,
visited the town, and honoured the officers with his
presence at their mess dinner. In the year 1872 the
regiment was not embodied on account of an epidemic
of fever in the South of Ireland, and the North Cork
Rifles did not again meet for training until the
21st July, 1873, when they assembled at Fermoy,
from whence they proceeded to the Curragh Camp, for
the Autumn manoeuvres, on the 8th August following.
Here a most unpleasant quarrel took place between the
regiment and the men of the Queen's Co. Rifles, who
were injudiciously quartered in the next line3 to the
North Cork. A fight ensued, sticks and stones were
freely used on both sides ; the Queen's County were
driven into their quarters and huts for shelter, which
were furiously assailed by North Cork. Both parties
rushed to obtain their arras, when a strong force of the
27th (Inniskilling) Regiment, under Colonel Freer, in-
terposed, and after some time the riot was quelled. Both
regiments were disarmed, however, and by order of the
•General Officer commanding, separated and placed under
canvas at the opposite ends of the Camp — the Queen's
Co. Regiment was located at a well-known spot called
" Donnelly's Hollow," near the Kilcullen road, and the
North Cork at a part bearing the name of " French
Furze,' : ' near the town of Kildare. An investigation
was held in the Quarter- Master General's offices, where
the officers belonging to both regiments were assembled,
and the Lieutenant-General, Sir Thomas Steele, in-
formed them that he regretted the unfortunate occur-
rence which, for sake of the maintenance of good order,
had obliged him to separate the regiments as he had
done. The whole affair, however, might have been
avoided had the two regiments not been placed to-
gether and a little judgment employed, so as to
prevent the rivalry, which in reality was the origin
of the row between the two battalions.
The North Cork returned to Fermoy on the 22nd of
August, 1873, and was disembodied a few da} T s after-
wards in the new barracks there. The regiment was
commanded by Lieut. -Colon el Robert Aldworth, who-
succeeded Colonel Alcock Stawell in command after
that officer's retirement in 1873. He served with the
94th Regiment from December, 1830, to May, 1844,.
in the Mediterranean, India, and Ceylon.
The regiment was not called out for training in the
year 1874. It was embodied again for training at
Fermoy on the 23rd August, 1875. On the 8th of
May, 1876, the North Cork Rifles assembled at Fermoy,
and proceeded to Horsham, for mobilization with the
2nd Army Corps, in the troopship "Himalaya," on the
12th of July, rid Queenstown to Portsmouth.
His Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commanding
in Chief inspected the regiment at Horsham on the
18th July, 1876, after which it proceeded by rail to
Guilford on the evening of the 19th July, 1876, and
marched via the " Hog's Back " to Aldershot.
The regiment marched past before His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales and H.R.IL the Duke
of Cambridge, in the Long Valley, on the 22nd July,
and on the 25th proceeded to Farnboro' Station, took
rail to Portsmouth, and re-embarked in Her Majesty's
troopships " Himalaya " and " Assistance/' for convey-
ance to Mallow, via Queenstown, and w r as disembodied
on the 29th of July, 1876.
The regiment assembled for training at Mallow on the
2nd July, 1877, and was dismissed on the 28th July,
1877. For the three following years the regiment went
through the annual period for training and exercise at
the barracks, Buttevant — namely, on the 2nd July,
1878 ; on the 21st July, 1879, and on the 3rd May,
Under the Array Bill of 1881 the name North Cork
Rifles was abolished, and the regiment became the
9th Battalion of the King's Royal Rifle Corps.
The present gallant Chief of the Battalion, Colonel
R. W. Aldworth, entered the army as 2nd Lieutenant
in the 60th Royal Rifles (2nd Battalion), and accom-
panied them to North America, where he served from
1845 to 1847, and again there with the 7th Royal
Fusiliers, from 1848 to 1850. He served in the
Eastern Campaign of 1854, including the Battles of
Alma and Inkerman, Siege of Sebastopol, and Sortie of
26th of October (medal and clasps).
After the Crimean War he went to India, in June,
1857, in command of the 1st Battalion 7th (Royal
Fusiliers), and landed at Kurrachee in November the
same year. He remained in India during the entire of
the Mutiny, until 1861, when he returned to England.
On the 20th of May. 1863, he obtained the rank of
Colonel, shortly afterwards retired from the regular
army, subsequently accepted the rank of Major in the
Tipperary Militia, and finally became Lieut.- Colonel
North Cork Rifles on the 29th of October, 1873.
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